BOOK
I.
The
Rise
and
Progress
of
Physick
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
,
to
the
time
of
the
Trojan
War
inclusive
.
CHAP.
I.
The
Reasons
that
first
put
Men
upon
the
Search
after
Medicine
,
and
their
earliest
proceedings
therein
.
COULD
the
Bodies
of
Men
,
and
other
Animals
,
persist
always
in
their
natural
state
without
any
alteration
,
and
every
Part
;
whereof
they
are
compos'd
,
do
its
duty
,
we
should
enjoy
a
perpetual
course
of
that
,
which
we
call
Health
,
or
Life
.
But
this
admirable
piece
of
Workman-ship
,
like
all
the
rest
,
is
submitted
at
length
to
Dissolution
:
Not
a
moment
pa●●es
,
which
makes
not
some
change
,
sensible
or
insensible
.
The
Springs
which
move
our
Bodies
are
fram'd
of
Matter
so
tender
,
and
so
susceptible
of
all
Foreign
impressions
,
that
no
long
time
is
requir'd
to
wear
em
out
,
and
being
extreamly
subtil
and
●ine
,
must
needs
be
very
brittle
,
and
therefore
frequently
out
of
order
:
nor
can
it
possibly
last
long
in
comparison
with
more
solid
Bodies
,
and
consequently
Death
,
which
finally
dissolves
us
;
and
the
Distempers
,
which
lead
to
it
,
are
unavoidable
.
Nor
are
we
to
be
surpriz●d
at
Dying
,
since
we
have
more
reasonable
cause
of
wonder
,
that
Diseases
come
not
oftner
,
and
Death
sooner
;
which
were
inevitable
,
if
among
the
numberless
Springs
,
that
actuate
our
Machine
,
some
were
not
less
necessary
,
others
less
nice
.
Some
,
like
the
main
Spring
of
a
Watch
,
give
the
motion
,
and
set
all
the
rest
a
going
:
Others
,
less
essential
,
may
receive
great
damages
,
and
stand
still
,
without
stopping
the
motion
of
the
whole
.
The
Errors
we
commit
in
the
use
of
those
things
,
that
are
necessary
for
the
maintenance
of
this
Engine
,
as
Meat
,
Drink
,
Exercise
,
and
Rest
,
&c.
(
which
are
those
,
that
usually
produce
the
greatest
alterations
in
the
principal
Parts
)
nor
even
the
violent
impulses
of
other
Bodies
,
tend
not
always
to
its
entire
destruction
;
nay
,
often
scarce
cause
a
sensible
disorder
.
But
,
if
it
so
falls
out
,
such
is
the
wonderful
contrivance
of
this
Machine
,
that
it
can
frequently
shake
off
,
unassisted
,
the
Clogs
that
impede
its
motion
,
and
recover
its
former
state
(
or
very
near
it
)
;
for
,
we
must
confess
,
that
these
frequent
shocks
wear
,
and
destroy
the
Springs
by
insensible
degrees
.
But
,
when
this
disorder
rises
so
high
,
that
it
cannot
be
surmounted
by
all
the
force
of
the
Machine
in
its
ordinary
course
,
that
there
is
a
necessity
of
Foreign
Aid
;
as
there
are
about
it
some
Bodies
hurtful
to
,
and
entirely
destructive
of
it
,
so
there
are
others
helpful
,
and
beneficial
in
its
extremest
need
.
The
Beasts
,
under
the
direction
of
their
Senses
only
,
know
how
to
refrain
,
and
guard
themselves
from
those
;
and
to
take
the
benefit
of
these
.
I
shall
not
here
take
into
consideration
,
what
is
commonly
reported
of
the
Instinct
of
Brutes
;
of
that
hereafter
.
'T
is
sufficient
to
take
notice
,
that
Men
,
who
have
Reason
,
have
not
fail'd
to
make
use
of
it
on
these
occasions
.
The
kindness
they
have
for
their
own
Bodies
has
taught
'em
,
ever
since
the
beginning
of
the
World
,
to
distinguish
carefully
between
what
was
useful
for
the
preservation
of
Life
and
Health
,
and
what
was
destructive
of
'em
.
They
used
their
utmost
endeavour
to
avoid
the
latter
,
but
finding
all
their
caution
insufficient
,
and
that
it
was
not
always
in
their
power
to
avoid
the
Causes
of
Diseases
,
their
refuge
was
to
observe
nicely
the
conduct
of
those
that
were
fallen
sick
.
Finding
therefore
,
that
,
in
their
opinion
,
such
or
such
an
Error
had
hasten'd
the
death
of
some
,
and
such
and
such
Conduct
the
recovery
of
others
,
and
that
then
they
made
use
of
things
,
not
used
in
time
of
health
,
to
which
they
attributed
their
recovery
,
they
,
for
the
future
,
avoided
what
they
thought
hurtful
to
the
former
,
and
try●d
upon
other
persons
in
like
cases
;
those
things
,
which
they
thought
so
beneficial
to
the
latter
,
and
being
confirm'd
by
repeated
Successes
,
continued
the
use
of
'em
.
CHAP.
II.
Whether
Med'cine
came
immediately
from
God
:
And
how
the
first
Remedies
were
found
out
.
WE
have
seen
,
what
first
induc'd
Men
to
have
recourse
to
Med'cine
,
and
what
in
general
their
management
must
needs
have
been
on
that
occasion
.
If
it
be
ask'd
,
Who
taught
Men
to
have
recourse
in
their
Sickness
to
things
of
which
in
Health
they
made
no
use
?
Most
believe
,
that
Men
owe
their
first
knowledge
of
this
kind
to
Divine
Inspiration
,
immediately
,
and
by
way
of
Revelation
,
or
Instruction
.
The
Jewish
,
and
many
Christian
Doctors
,
have
inferr●d
from
Genesis
,
where
t
is
said
,
That
God
caus●d
all
the
Creatures
to
pass
before
Adam
,
that
he
might
give
em
Names
:
That
he
,
at
the
same
time
,
receiv'd
a
perfect
knowledge
of
all
their
qualities
,
and
of
the
rest
of
the
Creation
;
and
consequently
,
that
he
was
not
ignorant
of
their
Medical
Vertues
.
Many
yet
are
of
another
opinion
:
Of
this
first
Man
we
shall
say
somewhat
more
,
when
we
treat
of
the
Inventors
of
Medicine
.
A
second
Argument
to
prove
the
coelestial
Origine
of
this
Art
,
is
drawn
from
those
passages
of
Ecclesiasticus
;
[
](A49892-e12110-b)*
*
Cap.
38.
Verse
1
,
2
,
&c.
where
he
says
,
That
God
created
the
Physician
,
and
the
Physick
,
and
that
he
hath
given
Science
to
Men
,
and
that
't
is
he
that
healeth
Man
,
&c.
All
the
ancient
Pagans
held
their
Gods
to
be
the
Authors
of
Med●cine
.
The
Art
of
Physick
(
says
[
](A49892-e12170-b)(a)
(a)
Deorum
immortalium
inve●ti●n●
consecrata
est
Ars
Medica
.
Q●●●
Tusc.
3.
CICERO
)
is
Sacred
to
the
Invention
of
the
Immortal
Gods
;
that
is
to
say
,
This
Art
was
look'd
on
as
Sacred
,
because
invented
by
the
Gods
.
The
Author
of
a
Piece
among
the
Works
of
Galen
,
Entituled
,
The
Physician
,
or
the
Introduction
,
tells
us
,
That
the
Greeks
ascrib●d
the
invention
of
Arts
to
the
Sons
of
the
Gods
,
or
others
of
their
nearest
Kindred
,
who
were
instructed
〈◊〉
HIPPOCRATES
makes
God
the
Inven●●r
:
[
](A49892-e12250-b)(b)
(b)
De
prise
.
Med.
They
(
says
he
)
who
first
found
the
way
of
curing
Distempers
,
thought
it
an
Art
that
deserv'd
to
be
as●●●●d
to
the
Gods
[
](A49892-e12280-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Artic.
of
Dem●c●i●us
,
l.
2.
;
which
(
adds
he
)
is
the
receiv●d
Opinion
.
[
](A49892-e12340-b)(d)
(d)
D●●
primum
inventores
suos
assig●avi●
Medicina
,
c●●●que
dicavit
.
Plin.
lib.
29.
cap.
1.
They
who
were
not
precisely
of
this
mind
,
yet
rank'd
at
least
among
their
Gods
the
Men
that
invented
Arts
,
especially
Physick
;
either
out
of
admiration
of
the
Introducers
of
things
so
useful
to
Society
,
or
as
a
publick
acknowledgment
of
the
benefits
they
had
receiv'd
.
[
](A49892-e12350-b)(e)
(e)
See
the
Articles
of
H●●●es
,
Osyris
,
Isis
and
Esculapius
.
We
shall
bring
Authorities
and
Instances
,
in
confirmation
of
what
we
have
now
said
,
which
will
shew
in
what
manner
the
Heathens
believ'd
their
Gods
imparted
their
Aid
to
the
relief
of
Men's
Maladies
,
and
the
light
requir●d
for
the
practice
of
Physick
.
The
necessity
of
this
Art
once
suppos'd
,
Reason
,
and
Chance
,
might
present
Men
with
the
first
Remedies
they
made
use
of
:
Tho'
the
most
ancient
Instances
we
meet
with
,
of
the
manner
of
discovering
the
Vertues
of
any
Plants
,
render
us
indebted
to
Chance
alone
.
There
is
a
Fable
,
that
[
](A49892-e12420-b)(f)
(f)
H●●im
lib
〈…〉
do●
.
lib.
3.
GLAUCUS
Son
of
MINOS
King
of
CRETE
,
as
he
was
pla●ing
,
tumbled
into
a
Vessel
of
Honey
,
and
abundance
of
time
was
spent
in
vain
search
after
him
.
At
length
one
POLYIDUS
,
a
Di●i●●r
,
was
sent
for
from
ARGOS
,
who
disco●●●●d
where
he
was
.
MINOS
finding
him
such
a
notable
Fellow
,
presently
concluded
that
he
cou●d
restore
him
to
life
too
,
and
to
compel
●i●
to
it
,
caus●d
him
to
be
enclos●d
in
the
same
Tomb.
The
Conjurer
thus
put
to
his
trumps
with
the
Ca●●●ss
,
spied
a
Serpent
making
towards
him
,
which
h●●●●w
.
Presently
after
came
another
Serpent
,
who
●●●ing
the
other
dead
immediately
scamper●d
,
and
return●d
with
a
certain
Herb
,
with
which
he
co●●●r●d
the
whole
Body
of
the
dead
Serpent
,
and
brought
him
presently
to
life
.
POLYIDUS
took
the
hint
,
and
made
the
same
experiment
upon
GLAUCUS
,
with
the
same
success
;
thereupon
he
call●d
to
so●●
,
that
p●ss●d
by
,
who
carried
the
news
to
the
King
,
who
presently
set
him
at
liberty
.
A
les●
incredible
Fable
than
this
,
is
that
of
MELAMPVS
and
the
Daughters
of
PRAETVS
.
Melampus
w●●
a
Shepherd
,
who
observing
that
his
Goats
purg●d
as
often
as
they
eat
HELLEBORE
,
bethought
himself
to
m●●e
them
●at
of
it
,
and
give
their
Milk
to
the
aforesaid
Ladies
,
who
through
a
Malady
,
of
which
the
Physicians
give
divers
examples
,
thought
themselves
turn●d
into
Cows
,
which
the
Fable
attributes
to
the
wrath
of
Bacchus
,
or
Juno
,
whom
they
pretended
to
surpass
in
beauty
;
however
,
the
Shepherd's
experiment
succeeded
,
and
the
Ladies
fancies
were
eas'd
.
MELAMPUS
was
Country-man
to
POLYIDVS
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
of
both
hereafter
.
If
it
be
ask'd
,
Who
raught
Polyidus
●s
Serpent
,
or
Melampus's
Goats
,
the
use
of
those
Herbs
:
Those
,
that
believe
,
that
God
first
taught
Men
Physick
,
wou●d
answer
,
That
God
has
the
same
care
of
Brutes
,
and
has
given
'em
Instinct
in
lieu
of
Reason
;
of
which
they
are
destitute
.
But
if
this
Instinct
be
real
,
it
shou'd
be
something
superior
to
Reason
,
since
it
reveals
to
Brutes
directly
those
things
,
which
the
other
does
not
discover
to
Men
,
till
after
abundance
of
turnings
and
windings
.
[
](A49892-e12640-b)(g)
(g)
See
the
Article
of
Podalirius
.
We
shall
have
occasion
hereafter
to
speak
of
Medicines
discover'd
by
Chance
,
and
what
Brutes
have
contributed
thereto
,
when
we
speak
of
Bleeding
.
It
may
be
objected
,
That
I
have
attributed
to
Chance
the
discovery
of
certain
Remedies
,
upon
the
Authority
of
Fables
.
Most
Fables
of
this
kind
are
founded
upon
true
Histories
,
and
I
see
no
reason
why
this
of
Melampus
may
not
be
one
of
them
;
but
there
is
no
need
either
of
Fable
,
or
History
,
to
establish
what
has
been
said
of
Chance
.
Every
one
is
convinc●d
,
by
the
experience
of
himself
,
and
others
,
that
we
suffer
,
or
are
benefited
daily
,
in
point
of
health
,
by
using
certain
aliments
,
or
taking
certain
things
without
consideration
,
which
we
do
not
ordinarily
use
.
If
we
must
allow
that
Chance
has
made
known
to
us
several
Poisons
,
we
must
not
deny
,
that
the
same
Chance
has
made
us
acquainted
with
variety
of
salutary
things
;
upon
the
proof
of
which
,
I
shall
not
insist
any
longer
.
Not
that
Reasoning
has
contributed
less
to
the
discovery
of
Remedies
than
Chance
;
we
must
reason
even
upon
what
Chance
presents
us
with
,
before
we
can
make
a
right
use
of
it
.
But
this
is
not
the
only
service
,
that
Reasoning
does
us
;
if
Chance
alone
has
shewn
us
the
vertue
of
some
Medicaments
,
Reason
alone
guided
the
first
Physicians
to
the
knowledge
of
divers
others
,
without
the
interposition
of
Chance
:
They
need
but
compare
the
Distempers
one
with
another
,
and
examine
the
nature
of
the
Medicines
in
use
,
to
find
that
way
abundance
of
others
before
unknown
.
We
shall
give
some
Examples
of
this
Method
of
making
discoveries
,
when
we
come
to
examine
the
practice
of
the
Cnidian
Physicians
,
who
are
the
most
ancient
we
know
.
But
how
much
soever
of
this
nature
we
owe
to
Chance
,
or
Reasoning
,
it
excludes
not
the
concurrence
of
Providence
.
For
it
will
be
always
true
,
That
Physick
is
the
Gift
of
God
,
in
the
sense
,
that
we
derive
all
our
other
blessings
from
the
same
source
.
CHAP.
III.
How
Physick
was
practis'd
among
the
most
ancient
People
;
and
how
,
what
is
said
of
the
beginning
,
or
invention
of
Physick
,
is
to
be
understood
.
AT
first
,
in
all
probability
,
every
body
prescrib'd
Physick
,
and
t
was
a
long
time
before
it
became
a
distinct
Profession
.
Whoever
had
gain●d
any
experience
upon
himself
,
or
others
,
repeated
it
upon
the
like
occasion
,
and
communicated
to
his
Friends
and
Neighbours
.
Herodotus
tells
us
,
That
the
Babylonians
continued
that
practice
,
even
to
his
time
.
[
](A49892-e12790-b)(a)
(a)
H●rod●t
.
lib.
6.
The
Babylonians
,
says
he
,
carry
their
Sick
into
the
Market
,
(
for
they
have
no
Physicians
)
that
all
who
pass
by
,
and
have
ever
had
,
or
seen
the
like
Distemper
,
may
give
their
Advice
,
and
encourage
'em
to
try
,
what
themselves
,
or
others
,
have
us●●
with
success
in
the
like
case
.
The
same
Author
adds
,
That
they
suffer'd
no
body
to
pass
,
till
he
had
inform'd
himself
of
the
Sick
Man's
case
.
[
](A49892-e12830-b)(a)
(a)
lib.
16
,
&c.
Sirabo
says
the
same
,
not
only
of
the
Babylonians
,
but
of
the
Aegyptians
,
and
Portugueses
likewise
.
The
PORTUGUESES
(
says
he
)
according
to
the
ancient
Custom
of
the
Aegyptians
,
bring
their
Sick
into
the
Streets
,
and
Highways
,
that
all
Comers
,
who
have
had
the
same
Malady
,
may
give
em
their
Advice
.
If
we
consider
the
Antiquity
of
the
Babylonians
,
or
Assyrians
,
and
Aegyptians
,
who
were
the
first
People
of
whom
we
have
any
Memoirs
,
their
practice
may
be
quoted
as
an
instance
of
the
eldest
Method
of
treating
the
Sick
.
The
simplicity
of
this
Method
,
seems
at
least
to
be
a
proof
of
its
Antiquity
,
as
't
is
the
most
natural
beginning
.
But
as
every
one
is
not
able
to
form
a
just
Experience
,
yet
all
indifferently
clubb●d
theirs
to
the
publick
Stock
;
they
became
thereby
so
numerous
,
that
the
care
of
distinguishing
and
selecting
,
must
necessarily
devolve
upon
some
particular
Person
▪
whose
whole
and
sole
business
,
and
employment
,
it
became
.
In
our
enquiry
into
the
birth
,
and
beginning
of
Physick
,
we
must
distinguish
between
Physick
in
[
](A49892-e12970-b)(b)
(b)
Illud
satis
●●t
admo●cre
,
omnia
qu●●●is
consummarit
à
Natura
initia
duxisse
:
a●t
t●llatar
Medicina
,
qu●●x
observatione
●●lubrium
atque
〈◊〉
cont●ario●●●n
,
reperta
〈◊〉
;
atque
ut
〈◊〉
ousdam
●●●●et
,
tota
●●●stat
experimentis
,
Namque
&
vuinus
deligavit
aliquis
,
an●●quam
haec
Ars
esset
,
&
sebrem
quiete
&
abstinentiâ
,
non
quia
rationem
videbat
,
sed
quia
●●●aletudo
ipsa
coe●erat
▪
Quintilian
.
lib.
2.
cap.
8.
the
Natural
State
,
as
we
suppose
it
to
have
been
among
the
first
Men
,
and
as
it
was
among
the
Babylonians
,
and
Physick
after
it
became
an
Art
.
The
first
is
as
●id
as
Mankind
,
and
has
been
in
use
in
all
times
,
and
all
Nations
;
that
we
may
say
w●●h
P●●●●
,
That
if
some
Nations
have
made
shift
without
Physicians
,
yet
none
ever
did
without
Physick
.
All
the
difficulty
lies
in
assigning
the
time
,
when
the
latter
commenc'd
;
that
is
,
when
they
had
gather'd
a
sufficient
collection
of
Observations
,
whereon
to
sound
Rules
to
know
,
and
distinguish
Diseases
by
;
and
Precepts
for
the
choice
,
and
administration
of
Remedies
,
and
for
the
regulation
of
Living
,
&c.
Whether
these
Rules
were
true
,
or
false
,
the
Precepts
just
,
or
unreasonable
,
is
not
the
question
:
For
if
it
be
ask'd
,
when
this
Art
was
brought
to
perfection
?
the
true
and
ready
answer
is
,
That
t
is
yet
a
great
way
short
of
that
.
The
question
here
is
,
When
those
Rules
and
Precepts
were
first
laid
down
,
by
which
Physick
became
an
Art
?
When
we
read
in
history
,
or
Fable
,
that
[
](A49892-e13040-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
Chap●er
of
Esculapius
.
the
Invention
of
Physick
is
ascrib'd
to
this
or
that
particular
person
,
we
are
not
to
imagine
him
the
first
that
ever
gave
a
Med'cine
;
what
has
been
observ'd
concerning
Natural
Physick
refutes
that
conceit
.
'T
is
more
probable
,
that
those
,
to
whom
the
Ancients
gave
the
honour
of
the
Invention
of
this
A●●
,
were
Men
that
apply'd
themselves
more
pe●●●●●ly
to
it
,
and
distinguish'd
themselves
by
it
;
whether
they
were
really
the
first
that
engag●d
in
it
,
or
that
excelling
in
their
Art
,
their
greater
lustre
●●scur'd
the
dim
Lights
of
those
that
preceded
'em
in
it
,
and
seem●d
to
have
made
some
progress
in
the
establishment
of
that
Art
,
of
which
these
compleated
the
System
;
or
that
,
examining
more
narrowly
the
Subject
of
it
,
that
is
,
the
Body
,
and
enquiring
more
●●●ely
into
the
Causes
of
Distempers
,
and
of
the
E●●ects
of
Remedies
,
they
first
began
to
give
the
Reasons
of
the
Precepts
of
their
Art
.
Experience
alone
was
sufficient
for
the
Inventors
of
the
first
〈◊〉
,
they
had
no
need
of
more
refin'd
reasoning
,
than
common
sense
furnish'd
every
Man
with
.
The
second
were
oblig'd
to
carry
their
speculations
a
little
farther
,
grounding
still
upon
Experience
only
.
The
third
were
oblig'd
not
only
to
Reason
,
but
to
join
the
study
of
Natural
Philosophy
to
that
of
Physick
.
CHAP.
IV.
That
Prometheus
,
by
some
reputed
the
first
Inventor
of
Physick
,
is
a
feign'd
Person
.
The
first
Man
the
first
Physician
.
OF
all
those
that
were
accounted
the
Inventors
of
Physick
by
the
Ancients
,
Prometheus
only
seems
to
have
been
an
Inventor
of
the
first
sort
.
Aeschylus
introduces
him
speaking
thus
of
himself
:
You
wou'd
be
surpriz●d
,
if
I
shou●d
tell
you
all
the
Artisices
and
Subtilties
that
I
have
invented
.
This
is
the
principal
:
If
any
one
fell
sick
,
and
there
was
no
relief
for
him
,
nothing
that
he
cou●d
eat
,
nothing
that
he
cou●d
drink
,
nothing
to
anoint
him
with
,
he
must
perish
for
want
of
Remedies
,
before
I
taught
Men
the
use
of
sweetning
Med'cines
,
with
which
they
might
cure
all
Discases
.
He
had
said
before
,
That
he
stole
Fire
from
Heaven
,
which
is
the
infuser
of
all
Arts
,
that
he
might
communicate
●em
to
Men
;
That
he
had
made
them
Vnderstanding
,
and
Wise
;
That
he
had
taught
'em
to
build
Housek
,
that
they
mi●ht
dwell
no
longer
in
Caves
,
as
they
had
done
before
;
To
distinguish
the
Seasons
;
and
observe
the
rising
and
setting
of
the
Stars
;
To
compose
Letters
,
and
form
Words
;
To
yoak
Beasts
,
and
six
'em
to
the
Chariot
;
To
break
Horses
;
To
build
Ships
,
and
make
Sails
.
He
adds
,
That
he
taught
'em
to
Divine
;
to
explain
Dreams
and
Oracles
;
to
foretel
things
by
the
flying
of
Birds
,
and
the
entrails
of
Beasts
,
and
by
the
Signs
that
appear
in
Heaven
;
to
dig
out
of
the
Earth
,
Brass
,
Iron
,
Silver
and
Gold
:
In
short
,
that
all
Arts
came
from
Prometheus
.
PROMETHEVS
has
been
taken
for
the
same
with
MAGOG
,
from
whom
the
Scythians
derive
themselves
.
But
't
is
easie
to
shew
,
that
the
Prometheus
of
Aeschylus
,
and
the
other
Poets
,
is
only
an
Emblem
,
or
a
Prosopopeia
of
the
Wit
and
Industry
of
Man
,
or
of
his
Prudence
,
which
assisted
him
to
discover
all
that
was
useful
for
Life
and
Society
.
I
shall
persue
this
Subject
no
farther
.
I
shall
only
take
notice
,
that
if
any
one
wou'd
know
who
was
the
first
Physician
,
or
Patient
,
he
shall
find
'em
both
in
the
person
of
the
first
Man
:
The
same
Law
that
subjected
him
to
Death
,
submitting
him
likewise
to
Diseases
,
at
least
to
divers
infirmities
inseparable
from
humane
Nature
,
there
is
no
doubt
to
be
made
,
but
that
he
did
all
he
cou'd
to
secure
himself
against
,
or
free
himself
from
'em
.
Sacred
Writ
assures
us
,
that
he
liv●d
long
enough
to
have
gather'd
abundance
of
Experience
;
but
as
the
manner
of
living
then
was
simple
and
uniform
,
(
such
at
least
we
usually
suppose
it
)
and
the
constitution
of
those
primitive
Men
so
robust
and
hearty
,
that
Distempers
might
be
very
rare
,
so
that
't
is
not
likely
he
shou'd
have
had
opportunity
to
carry
Physick
to
any
great
heighth
,
or
reduce
it
to
an
Art
.
But
since
the
Scripture
is
silent
in
the
point
,
I
shall
proceed
to
what
Pagan
Antiquity
has
handed
down
to
us
.
CHAP.
V.
HERMES
,
or
MERCURY
,
or
THOTH
the
Inventor
of
Physick
,
by
some
confounded
with
MOSES
.
THE
most
ancient
of
those
that
have
had
the
honour
of
the
Invention
in
the
second
sense
,
(
that
is
,
to
have
reduc'd
it
to
an
Art
)
is
HERMES
,
or
MERCVRY
,
Surnam'd
TRISME
▪
GASTVS
,
suppos'd
to
be
the
same
with
[
](A49892-e13360-b)(a)
(a)
Borrich
.
de
ortu
,
&
progressu
Chymiae
,
P.
63.
CANAAN
Son
of
CHAM
,
as
some
learned
Men
think
.
Tho'
their
conjecture
were
so
far
ill
grounded
,
that
HERMES
and
CANAAN
should
appear
to
have
been
different
persons
,
yet
they
liv'd
at
least
at
the
same
time
,
and
HERMES
must
have
been
the
elder
.
One
of
the
ablest
[
](A49892-e13420-b)(b)
(b)
Monsieur
Eochart
in
his
Phaleg
.
Criticks
of
this
Age
has
prov●d
,
that
CHRONOS
,
or
SATVRN
,
was
the
same
with
NOAH
.
Sancbhoniathon
informs
us
,
that
HERMES
,
THOTH
,
or
TAAVTVS
,
(
as
the
Phaenicians
and
Aegyptians
call
him
)
was
one
of
the
Counsellors
of
SATVRN
.
Diodorus
Siculus
says
,
that
HERMES
was
Secretary
to
OSYRIS
and
ISIS
,
the
most
ancient
King
and
Queen
of
Aegypt
,
who
both
cal●d
themselves
[
](A49892-e13570-b)(c)
(c)
Bibliotheque
univ
.
&
Histor.
de
Monsieur
le
Clerc
.
Tom.
3.
Children
,
or
Grand-children
of
CHRONOS
.
Sancbhoniathon
make
;
HERMES
a
Phaenician
,
and
Son
of
Misor
,
who
liv●d
also
about
the
time
we
are
speaking
of
.
[
](A49892-e13630-b)(d)
(d)
De
naturâ
Deor.
●ice●o
will
have
it
,
that
there
were
five
Men
wh●●●●●e
the
Name
of
MERCVRY
.
The
fir●●
〈…〉
●e
,
was
Son
of
CAELUS
and
DIES
;
〈◊〉
●●●●toing
not
so
cleanly
befel
upon
the
sigh●
of
PROSERPINE
.
The
second
,
who
was
Son
of
VALENS
and
PHORONIS
,
has
hie
abode
under
ground
,
and
is
the
same
with
TROPH●●●US
.
The
third
was
Son
of
JUPITER
and
MAIA
,
by
whom
of
PENELOPE
PAN
was
begotten
▪
The
fourth
,
whom
the
Aegyptians
make
a
scruple
of
●aming
,
had
NILUS
for
his
Father
.
The
fifth
,
whom
the
Pheneates
keep
,
and
who
sl●w
ARGUS
fled
into
Aegypt
for
it
,
where
he
taught
●em
the
use
of
Letters
,
and
gave
em
Laws
.
The
Aegyptians
,
says
Cicero
,
call
him
THOTH
,
and
name
the
first
Month
from
him
.
If
Cicero
had
consulted
the
Tradition
of
the
Aegyptians
,
rather
than
that
of
the
Greeks
,
[
](A49892-e13870-b)(e)
(e)
Atque
haec
quidem
ex
vetere
Gr●●●●●
s●●â
〈◊〉
sun
.
D●
〈◊〉
D●●r
.
from
whence
he
owns
himself
to
have
drawn
all
that
he
says
on
this
〈…〉
●●●m'd
have
made
THOTH
the
eldest
of
the
MERCVRIES
,
or
he
wou'd
have
made
the
first
,
〈◊〉
he
calls
the
Son
of
CAELVS
,
to
have
brought
the
knowledge
of
Letters
,
and
Laws
,
from
Aegypt
into
Greece
,
since
if
MERCVRY
came
to
Aegypt
from
the
Country
of
ARGVS
,
which
was
Greece
,
it
wou●d
follow
,
That
the
Aegyptians
had
learn'd
of
the
Greeks
,
what
on
the
contrary
the
Greeks
learn'd
of
the
Aegyptians
,
as
their
own
Authors
confess
in
a
thousand
places
.
This
way
MERCVRY
,
or
THOTH
,
will
〈◊〉
●e
the
Son
of
CHAM
;
for
CAELVS
is
JVPITER
,
and
JVPITER
the
same
with
CHAM
,
or
HAMMON
,
as
the
Greeks
call'd
him
.
[
](A49892-e14110-b)(a)
(a)
Praeparat
.
Evangel
lib.
9.
We
find
in
Eusebius
a
Quotation
of
Artabanus
,
that
says
,
That
MOSES
having
taught
the
Aegyptians
to
build
Ships
,
and
Machines
for
raising
of
great
Stones
for
〈…〉
;
to
make
Aquaeducts
,
and
Pumps
to
d●●●
Water
;
and
divers
Instruments
of
War
:
And
especially
,
having
invented
Philosophy
,
drew
the
love
of
the
people
so
to
him
,
that
the
Priests
paid
him
Honours
ca●al
to
those
they
paid
to
their
Gods
.
He
adds
,
That
the
same
Priests
gave
him
the
Name
of
HERMES
,
because
he
understood
the
explication
of
their
Mystical
Writings
.
That
which
made
him
believe
that
MOSES
and
HERMES
were
the
same
person
,
is
,
that
some
Greek
Authors
have
written
that
MOSES
was
contemporary
to
Inachus
,
the
Father
of
Io
,
who
by
some
has
been
confounded
with
Isis
,
to
whom
HERMES
was
Counsellor
,
Artabanus
finding
so
luckily
to
his
purpose
these
two
great
Men
,
MOSES
and
HERMES
living
together
,
of
the
two
made
one
,
for
the
greater
honour
of
the
former
.
But
,
if
HERMES
were
the
Inventor
of
Physick
among
the
Aegyptians
,
as
we
shall
see
by
and
by
,
he
must
have
liv'd
a
long
time
before
MOSES
:
For
MOSES
himself
tells
us
,
That
there
were
Physicians
in
Aegypt
four
hundred
Years
before
his
time
,
in
the
days
of
Joseph
,
[
](A49892-e14390-b)(b)
(b)
Praecipit
Joseph
ministris
suis
Medicis
ut
conditent
Patrem
.
whose
Corps
was
Embalm'd
by
the
Physicians
,
according
to
the
sacred
Text.
But
beside
,
that
Eusebius
himself
acknowledges
,
that
Inachus
was
some
Ages
older
than
MOSES
.
The
Scripture
it self
overthrows
the
position
of
Artabanus
,
where
't
is
said
,
[
](A49892-e14460-b)(b)
(b)
Act.
Apost.
lib
7.
that
MOSES
understood
all
the
Wisdom
,
and
all
the
Learning
of
the
Aegyptians
;
which
shews
,
that
he
learn'd
of
them
,
not
they
of
him
.
[
](A49892-e14500-b)(c)
(c)
De
Vit
Mos.
Philo
the
Jew
,
enumerating
the
Sciences
,
that
MOSES
had
learn'd
of
the
Aegyptians
,
mentions
only
Arithmetick
,
Geometry
,
Poetry
,
Musick
,
and
their
Symbolical
Philosophy
,
which
was
written
in
Hieropliphick
Characters
.
And
he
adds
,
That
the
Greeks
taught
MOSES
the
rest
of
the
Liberal
Arts
;
that
he
fetch'd
from
the
Assyrians
those
who
taught
him
their
Learning
,
and
from
the
Chaldeans
,
of
whom
he
learn'd
the
[
](A49892-e14640-b)(*)
(*)
Astronomy
.
Science
of
the
Stars
.
[
](A49892-e14660-b)(d)
(d)
Stromat
.
lib.
1.
But
Clemens
Alexandrinus
says
expresly
,
That
MOSES
was
Instructed
in
Physick
by
the
Aegyptians
.
Now
tho
the
Error
of
Artabanus
be
very
manifest
,
and
this
therefore
not
the
proper
place
to
pursue
the
Discourse
of
MOSES
any
further
,
yet
that
we
may
not
be
oblig●d
again
to
resume
it
,
I
shall
only
hint
in
a
few
words
,
that
probably
this
Prophet
was
skill'd
in
Physick
.
We
have
had
the
testimony
of
Clemens
Alexandrinus
to
the
point
,
and
we
shall
see
in
the
sequel
,
that
the
great
Men
of
Aegypt
applied
themselves
to
this
Study
,
and
that
MOSES
might
have
learn'd
it
there
.
The
Chymists
[
](A49892-e14770-b)(*)
(*)
Experience
convinces
us
that
this
can't
be
true
in
fact
under
a
miracle
;
and
it
can't
be
any
proof
of
his
Skill
in
Physick
,
since
he
must
be
supernaturally
inform'd
,
if
he
foreknew
the
effects
of
a
supernatural
production
.
pretend
,
that
his
reducing
to
Ashes
,
or
Calcining
the
Golden
Calf
,
and
scattering
the
ashes
in
the
Water
,
and
giving
the
Israelites
of
it
to
drink
,
is
a
sufficient
proof
that
he
perfectly
understood
their
Art
.
This
instance
does
indeed
,
directly
conclude
him
very
expert
in
Metallicks
,
if
we
suppose
no
Miracle
in
the
case
;
but
we
shall
,
in
the
second
Part
of
this
History
,
shew
that
this
is
no
proof
of
his
having
been
a
Physician
,
the
difference
according
to
us
being
very
great
between
Metallick
,
and
Med'cinal
Chymistry
.
To
return
to
THOTH
,
or
the
MERCVRY
of
the
Aegyptians
,
't
is
certain
that
the
Aegyptians
,
and
all
the
Heathens
after
'em
,
believ'd
him
the
Inventor
of
all
Arts
,
Sciences
,
[
](A49892-e14880-b)(a)
(a)
Diodorus
Siculus
,
lib.
1.
Jul.
Cas.
de
Bell.
G●ll.
lib.
6.
Iamblich
.
de
M●st
Aegypt
.
as
the
Authors
here
cited
testifie
,
of
whom
the
[
](A49892-e14890-b)(b)
(b)
G●den
.
Orat.
suas
.
ad
A●●i
.
Ma●tian
.
Capell
de
Art.
Gramma●
.
lib.
3
Clem.
●●x
.
Strom.
lib.
6.
latter
attribute
to
him
the
Invention
of
Physick
in
particular
.
And
therefore
't
was
undoubtedly
,
that
the
Ancients
usually
represented
Mercury
accompany●d
by
the
Goddess
Hygicia
,
that
is
,
Health
,
which
he
brought
to
Men
by
this
Art
.
We
read
in
[
](A49892-e14940-b)(c)
(c)
Antiq.
Juda●●
.
lib.
1.
c.
3.
Josephus
,
that
the
Sons
of
Seth
understanding
from
Adam
,
that
the
World
was
to
perish
by
Water
,
and
by
Fire
,
to
preserve
their
discoveries
in
Astrology
,
contriv●d
to
build
two
Pillars
,
one
of
Brick
,
and
the
other
of
Stone
,
on
which
they
Engrav'd
all
that
they
knew
considerable
in
that
Science
,
thinking
,
that
if
the
Brick
were
destroy'd
by
the
Deluge
,
the
Stone
wou'd
remain
.
Josephus
adds
,
that
the
Pillar
of
Brick
remain'd
in
Syria
in
his
time
.
Mercury
took
the
same
measures
to
transmit
to
Posterity
the
Monuments
of
his
Knowledge
.
[
](A49892-e15070-b)(d)
(d)
Chronic.
lib.
1.
Eusebius
makes
mention
,
u●on
on
the
credit
of
Manetho
,
an
Aegyptian
Priest
,
of
certain
Pillars
on
which
THOTH
,
or
the
first
MERCVRY
,
had
written
many
things
in
Hierogliphicks
;
adding
,
that
AGATHODEMON
,
or
the
second
MERCVRY
,
Father
of
Tat
,
transcrib'd
'em
in
Greek
after
the
Deluge
,
and
compos'd
of
em
Books
in
the
Sacred
Characters
,
which
were
kept
in
the
most
secret
places
of
the
Temples
of
Aegypt
.
Thus
far
Manetho
.
To
examine
whether
this
second
Mercury
be
different
from
Cicero's
or
not
,
is
not
to
our
present
purpose
.
Iamblichus
says
also
,
[
](A49892-e15220-b)(c)
(c)
De
Myster.
Aegypt
.
lib.
1.
That
there
were
Columns
in
Aegypt
,
fill'd
with
Writings
containing
the
Doctrines
of
Mercury
.
The
same
Author
remarks
elsewhere
,
That
Pythagoras
and
Plato
receiv'd
abundance
of
light
from
what
they
read
in
Aegypt
upon
the
Pillars
of
Mercury
.
[
](A49892-e15290-b)(a)
(a)
Plato
in
Timao
,
&
Critia
.
Galen
.
contra
Jalian
.
lib.
1.
PLATO
himself
,
in
two
places
,
speaks
of
Pillars
upon
which
the
Aegyptians
,
and
other
ancient
People
,
writ
their
Laws
,
the
History
of
their
Times
,
and
the
most
remarkable
things
invented
by
'em
.
What
we
shall
say
in
the
following
Article
of
the
Pillar
of
Isis
,
will
be
a
confirmation
.
Whether
all
that
has
been
related
of
these
Columns
,
and
the
Extracts
made
from
'em
,
so
much
boasted
of
by
the
Aegyptian
Priests
,
were
true
or
nor
,
the
Fame
of
em
suffic'd
to
bring
forth
aburdance
of
Writings
,
or
Books
,
which
pass●d
for
Copies
of
these
Extracts
,
and
were
taken
for
the
legitimate
Works
of
MERCVRY
.
Iamblichus
reckons
[
](A49892-e15360-b)(b)
(b)
Th●
the
Books
of
the
Ancients
were
very
short
,
yet
the
number
here
is
manifestly
very
much
amplified
.
Some
have
reduc'd
these
Books
to
so
many
lines
,
or
short
paragraphs
.
6525
of
these
Books
.
Of
some
of
these
,
there
remains
no
more
than
the
Title
;
others
have
been
preserv'd
entire
.
There
are
yet
some
Manuscripts
to
be
found
in
curious
Libraries
,
which
treat
of
Chymistry
;
of
which
we
shall
have
occasion
to
take
further
notice
,
as
likewise
of
the
famous
Table
of
Emerauld
of
Hermes
,
in
the
Second
Part
of
this
History
;
in
which
we
shall
prove
,
That
if
HERMES
were
the
Inventor
of
Chymistry
,
't
was
not
of
Medical
Chymistry
.
Among
the
Books
of
Mercury
,
of
which
the
Ancients
make
mention
,
and
which
relate
to
Physick
,
there
were
some
already
suspected
,
even
in
the
time
of
Galen
.
[
](A49892-e15470-b)(c)
(c)
De
simplic
.
Medicam
.
facult.
lib.
6.
in
principio
.
Such
was
that
,
which
he
says
was
attributed
to
the
Aegyptian
Mercury
,
which
contain'd
the
Thirty
six
Herbs
of
the
Horoscopes
.
These
,
he
says
,
were
meer
trifles
only
,
that
amus'd
the
Reader
to
the
loss
of
his
time
.
We
have
spoken
before
of
the
Hicrogliphical
Books
of
MERCVRY
,
which
the
Aegyptians
kept
with
so
much
care
in
their
Temples
.
It
was
undoubtedly
one
of
these
Books
,
which
Diodorus
calls
,
in
the
singular
number
,
the
Sacred-Book
,
without
naming
the
Author
,
by
which
all
the
Physicians
of
Aegypt
were
oblig'd
to
regulate
their
practice
.
So
that
observing
the
precepts
of
that
Book
,
they
were
justified
,
tho'
the
Patient
died
;
but
if
they
deviated
from
'em
never
so
little
,
his
death
was
imputed
to
'em
,
and
they
punish●d
as
Murtherers
.
Clemens
Alexandrinus
goes
farther
,
[
](A49892-e15570-b)(a)
(a)
Stromat
.
lib.
6.
There
are
,
says
he
,
which
are
most
considerable
,
two
and
forty
Books
of
HERMES
;
thirty
six
of
which
contain
the
Aegyptian
Philosophy
,
which
they
oblig'd
their
SACRIFICERS
,
or
PRIESTS
and
PROPHETS
,
to
read
.
The
other
six
they
caus'd
their
[
](A49892-e15650-b)(b)
(b)
A
sort
of
Priests
▪
so
call●d
from
their
wearing
l●ng
Cl●aks
;
or
because
they
carried
upon
certain
occasi●ns
the
B●d
of
Venus
.
These
Pastophori
were
th●●●
that
practis'd
Physick
in
Aegypt
.
PASTOPHORI
to
learn
,
as
belonging
to
Physick
.
The
first
of
these
,
continues
he
,
treats
of
the
STRUCTURE
of
the
Body
;
the
second
of
DISEASES
;
the
third
of
the
INSTRUMENTS
requird
;
the
fourth
of
MEDICAMENTS
;
the
fifth
of
the
DISEASES
of
the
EYES
;
the
sixth
of
WOMENS
DISEASES
.
If
these
Books
were
really
MERCVRY●s
,
we
can't
deny
him
to
have
reduc●d
Physick
to
in
Art
.
He
began
with
the
Structure
of
the
Body
,
or
Anatomy
,
supposing
it
most
natural
to
begin
with
the
knowledge
of
the
subject
upon
which
we
are
to
be
employ'd
.
After
this
he
describ'd
the
maladies
or
changes
which
●●sal
this
Body
.
The
third
and
fourth
Books
〈◊〉
of
the
Instruments
,
and
Medicaments
ne●●●sary
for
cure
;
that
is
,
of
Surgery
,
and
Pharmacy
.
After
these
he
proceeded
to
the
Eye
in
particular
,
whose
diseases
are
very
numerous
,
●●d
require
a
peculiar
care
.
Hence
he
treats
●●trately
of
those
Distempers
of
Women
,
that
are
distinct
from
those
of
Men
,
and
require
a
different
cure
.
Nothing
cou'd
be
more
exact
;
[
](A49892-e15890-b)(c)
(c)
See
Conringius
de
Medicin
.
Herm
cap
3.
but
there
is
great
reason
to
suspect
,
that
these
Books
were
written
many
Ages
after
HERMES
,
at
a
time
when
Physick
had
made
great
advances
;
●nd
there
is
no
doubt
to
be
made
,
but
that
the
Aegyptian
Priests
father●d
upon
their
HERMES
some
spurious
piece
of
their
own
,
or
of
〈◊〉
able
Physician
.
If
the
matter
did
not
speak
for
it self
,
the
aforecited
Iamblichus
starts
the
suspicion
,
by
telling
us
,
That
the
Aegyptian
Writers
being
perswaded
,
that
Mercury
was
the
Inventor
of
all
things
,
usually
gave
him
the
honour
of
their
own
Productions
,
or
did
themselves
the
grace
to
put
his
Name
to
their
Books
At
this
time
no
track
,
or
foot-step
,
remaining
of
those
Books
,
of
which
Clemens
Alexandrinus
makes
mention
;
we
know
no
more
of
the
pretended
Physick
of
HERMES
,
than
the
generals
already
given
.
If
some
other
Books
ascrib●d
to
him
,
which
have
remain'd
to
our
days
,
were
genuine
,
we
might
clearly
from
them
infer
,
that
the
Physick
of
HERMES
was
in
great
measure
grounded
on
Astrology
and
Magick
.
[
](A49892-e16050-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
passage
corrected
by
Selden
(
de
diis
Syris
syntagm
.
1.
)
Ita
humanitas
semper
memor
humanae
naturae
&
originis
suae
,
in
illâ
divinitatis
imitatione
perseverat
,
ut
sicut
pater
,
ac
dominus
,
ut
sui
similes
esseut
,
Deos
secit
aeternos
,
ita
humanitas
Deos
s●os
ex
sui
vultus
similitudine
sig
raret
.
Asclep
.
Statuas
dicis
ô
Trismegiste
?
Trismegist
.
statuas
ô
Asclepividesue
qa
tenus
tu
ipse
diffidas
?
Statuas
a●imatas
,
sensu
,
&
Spiritu
ple●●s
,
●●●taque
facientes
,
&
talia
;
Statuas
futurorum
prae●●●as
,
ea
quae
●or●è
omnis
vates
ignoret
in
multis
&
var●is
praedicentes
imbeci●l
tates
hominibus
facientes
,
easque
curantes
tristitiam
laet●tiamque
prom●ritis
,
&c.
There
is
a
passage
,
which
justifies
our
assertion
in
the
Book
call'd
Asclepius
,
which
was
anciently
taken
for
one
of
HERMES's
,
of
which
the
Latin
Version
now
extant
among
us
is
imputed
to
Apuleius
.
This
passage
mentions
certain
Statues
,
that
gave
,
and
cur'd
Diseases
,
and
told
things
to
come
;
and
did
divers
other
prodigious
things
.
The
Book
of
the
thirty
six
sacred
Herbs
of
the
Horos●●pes
,
cited
by
Galen
as
before
,
however
supposititious
,
is
at
least
a
proof
that
it
was
the
common
opinion
,
that
MERCVRY
did
not
confine
himself
to
Physick
,
otherwise
they
wou'd
never
have
father'd
such
Books
upon
him
.
The
Title
of
this
Book
agrees
very
well
with
what
Origen
writes
,
[
](A49892-e16190-b)(b)
(b)
Contra
Cels
.
lib.
8.
That
the
Aegyptians
say
there
are
thirty
six
Damons
,
or
Gods
of
the
Air
,
which
divide
the
Body
of
man
among
'em
into
so
many
parts
:
And
adds
,
That
the
Aegyptians
had
in
their
Language
names
for
all
these
Daemons
,
and
that
invoking
any
of
'em
,
according
to
the
part
affected
,
they
were
cur'd
.
There
are
some
other
[
](A49892-e16250-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Liber
.
Books
which
bear
the
name
of
MERCVRY
,
which
prove
likewise
,
that
Astrology
made
a
great
part
of
his
Physick
.
The
Ancients
were
so
strongly
possess●d
,
that
Magick
,
and
Astrology
,
made
a
part
of
Physick
,
that
some
wou'd
place
Zoroaster
,
an
ancient
King
of
Bactria
,
who
is
generally
taken
to
be
contemporary
to
Ninus
King
of
Assyria
,
or
who
,
according
to
Berosus
,
was
the
same
with
Cham
the
Son
of
Noah
,
among
the
Physicians
,
because
he
had
the
reputation
of
having
been
a
very
great
Magician
,
or
the
Inventor
of
Magick
.
To
conclude
,
't
is
probable
Mercury
might
make
use
of
some
ordinary
,
or
natural
Medicines
,
but
Antiquity
scarce
affords
us
any
proof
of
it
.
The
Herb
[
](A49892-e16380-b)(b)
(b)
Vid.
Ho●
.
Odyss.
MOLY
,
that
MERCVRY
gave
to
Vlysses
,
as
of
force
against
the
charms
of
Circe
,
is
in
the
number
of
superstitious
Remedies
,
but
that
which
bears
his
Name
,
[
](A49892-e16430-b)(c)
(c)
Mercurialis
,
or
Mercury
.
and
which
is
in
common
use
,
seems
to
have
been
employ'd
by
its
Inventor
,
as
now
it
is
.
To
the
Mercurialis
we
may
add
Coral
,
of
which
they
say
MERCVRY
taught
the
use
against
the
bitings
of
Serpents
,
which
was
to
drink
it
in
pure
Wine
.
The
Author
of
the
Hymn
to
MERCVRY
,
which
is
father'd
upon
Orpheus
,
who
reports
this
of
Coral
,
speaks
of
MERCVRY's
Grot
,
where
all
sorts
of
good
things
were
hidden
,
where
no
diseases
came
,
where
remedy
was
to
be
had
for
the
bitings
of
Serpents
,
for
Lunaticks
and
Lepers
.
So
far
Orpheus
,
but
he
does
not
tell
the
means
MERCVRY
us'd
on
these
occasions
.
I
find
nothing
more
particular
concerning
the
Physick
of
HERMES
,
than
that
the
ancient
Aegyptians
deriv'd
from
him
in
general
,
all
that
belong●d
to
that
Profession
.
[
](A49892-e16640-b)(d)
(d)
Po●iti●
or
.
lib.
2.
cap.
15.
Aristotle
speaks
of
an
ancient
Law
among
the
Aegyptians
,
by
which
the
Physicians
were
forbidden
to
move
the
humours
,
(
that
is
to
purge
)
before
the
fourth
day
,
which
if
they
did
,
t
was
at
their
own
peril
,
and
risque
.
This
agrees
with
what
was
said
before
of
the
sacred
Books
by
which
Physicians
were
oblig'd
to
regulate
their
practice
,
and
perhaps
this
Law
might
be
contain'd
in
that
Book
ascrib●d
to
MERCVRY
.
Diodorus
takes
notice
,
that
the
Aegyptian
Physick
consisted
mainly
of
Abstinence
,
Clysters
,
and
Vomitories
,
but
we
have
no
proof
,
that
this
practice
was
establish'd
by
HERMES
.
We
have
nothing
more
on
this
subject
,
but
that
after
his
death
he
was
worshipp'd
as
a
God
;
a
practice
that
grew
very
frequent
afterwards
,
as
may
be
seen
in
the
following
Articles
.
CHAP.
VI.
OSYRIS
,
or
APIS
,
or
SERAPIS
,
and
ISIS
,
other
Inventors
of
Physick
.
[
](A49892-e16820-b)(a)
(a)
Diodor.
hb.
1.
There
were
anciently
to
be
seen
in
the
City
of
N●sa
,
which
some
place
in
Arabia
,
others
in
Aegypt
,
the
following
Inscriptions
upon
two
Pillars
in
Mystick
Characters
.
The
first
says
●hus
:
My
Father
is
CHRONOS
the
youngest
of
the
Gods
.
I
am
King
OSYRIS
,
who
have
extended
my
Conquests
over
the
whole
Earth
,
from
the
uninhabitable
parts
of
the
INDIES
to
those
under
the
BEAR
,
to
the
sources
of
the
DANUBE
,
and
thence
to
the
OCEAN
.
I
am
the
eldest
Son
of
CHRONOS
,
and
have
brought
him
a
fair
,
and
noble
Race
:
I
am
Father
of
the
Day
;
there
is
no
place
in
the
World
where
I
have
not
been
,
and
I
have
fill'd
the
Vniverse
with
my
good
Deeds
.
The
second
was
in
these
words
:
I
am
ISYS
,
Queen
of
all
this
Country
,
who
have
been
instructed
by
THOUT
.
No
one
can
unbind
,
〈◊〉
I
bind
.
I
am
the
eldest
Daughter
of
CHRONOS
,
the
youngest
of
the
Gods
;
I
am
Wi●e
,
and
S●●●er
to
King
OSYRIS
.
I
am
the
first
that
t●●gh●
M●●
Agriculture
;
I
am
Mother
to
King
HORUS
.
'T
is
I
that
blaze
in
the
Dog-Star
.
I
bui●●
the
City
of
Buba●tus
.
Adieu
,
adieu
,
〈◊〉
,
where
I
was
bred
.
From
these
t●●
Ins●●●●ions
we
may
infer
,
first
,
That
OSYRIS
and
ISIS
,
who
have
been
taken
for
the
most
ancient
King
,
and
Queen
of
Aegypt
,
were
contemporary
to
HERMES
,
or
THOVT
.
If
the
conjecture
advanc'd
in
the
Article
precedent
were
well
grounded
,
they
wou'd
be
of
the
same
Family
too
.
Others
aver
that
THOVT
was
Couns●ll●●
or
Secretary
to
this
King
and
Queen
,
without
taking
notice
of
any
relation
between
'em
.
We
are
told
in
the
second
place
,
by
the
Inscription
of
Osyris
,
That
he
had
fill'd
the
World
with
his
benefits
.
The
same
Auth●r
,
that
recites
the
Inscriptions
,
tells
us
in
the
same
Book
,
That
the
Aegyptian
Priests
affirm
HERMES
to
be
the
Inventor
of
ARTS
and
SCIENCES
in
general
,
and
that
the
Kings
(
meaning
the
King
OSYRIS
,
and
Queen
ISIS
)
had
invented
those
which
were
necessary
to
Life
.
Of
these
Arts
,
none
is
so
useful
as
Agriculture
;
of
which
ISIS
boasts
her self
to
be
Inventress
.
The
same
invention
is
ascrib'd
to
OSYRIS
;
nor
is
it
the
only
▪
one
they
share
in
common
betwixt
'em
.
They
are
likewise
said
to
have
invented
Physick
,
First
t
is
said
of
OSYRIS
,
because
't
is
said
of
APIS
,
who
appears
to
have
been
the
same
[
](A49892-e17260-b)(a)
(a)
Plutarch
.
de
I●●d
.
&
O●y●id
.
Person
.
APIS
,
says
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
a
Native
of
Aegypt
,
invented
Physick
.
Cyril
who
was
of
the
same
City
with
Clemens
,
says
likewise
,
That
APIS
an
Aegyptian
,
one
of
the
most
considerable
of
those
that
serv'd
in
their
Temples
,
and
who
understood
natural
Philosophy
,
was
the
first
that
invented
the
ART
of
PHYSICK
,
and
practic'd
it
with
greater
success
than
any
that
preceded
him
,
teaching
it
afterwards
to
ESCULAPIUS
.
By
this
APIS
,
shou'd
not
be
the
same
with
OSYRIS
,
who
was
King
of
Aegypt
,
whereas
the
other
was
but
a
Priest
;
but
we
may
either
suppose
Cyril
to
be
mistaken
,
or
that
APIS
was
King
and
Priest
at
the
same
time
.
Be
it
as
't
will
,
Plutarch
assures
us
,
That
APIS
and
OSYRIS
,
according
to
the
Tradition
of
the
Aegyptians
themselves
,
were
but
two
different
Names
for
the
same
person
;
which
Strabo
confirms
,
as
does
also
[
](A49892-e17480-b)(a)
(a)
De
curâ
affect
.
gentil
.
Theodoret.
The
same
Author
wou'd
have
it
likewise
,
that
SERAPIS
was
a
third
name
for
OSYRIS
.
[
](A49892-e17530-b)(b)
(b)
Tacit.
Hist.
lib.
4.
Some
ancient
Authors
maintain
Serapis
to
have
been
the
same
with
ESCVLAPIVS
.
[
](A49892-e17560-b)(c)
(c)
De
Idolatr
.
lib.
1.
cap.
19.
Vossius
fancies
that
the
Aegyptians
gave
that
name
to
Joseph
,
to
whom
they
paid
Divine
Honours
,
in
acknowledgment
of
the
benefits
their
Country
receiv'd
from
him
;
but
if
SERAPIS
be
the
same
with
OSYRIS
,
he
must
be
abundance
older
.
We
shall
speak
of
the
Temple
of
Serapis
,
in
the
Article
of
Esculapius
.
As
for
ISIS
,
Diodorus
tells
us
,
That
the
Aegyptians
affirm
,
that
ISIS
invented
divers
medicaments
,
and
that
she
was
very
expert
in
Physick
:
For
which
,
say
they
,
being
already
rais'd
to
be
a
Goddess
,
she
still
takes
care
of
the
health
of
Men.
Hence
it
is
,
that
they
,
who
implore
her
succour
,
find
themselves
immediately
reliev'd
.
They
say
,
That
the
reputation
of
ISIS
is
not
founded
upon
vain
Fables
,
like
those
of
the
Greeks
,
but
upon
evidence
of
Fact
.
That
't
is
supported
by
the
testimony
of
almost
all
the
Vniverse
,
who
honour
this
Goddess
for
the
succour
they
find
from
her
in
Physick
.
ISIS
,
say
they
,
reveals
Medicines
to
the
sick
by
Dreams
in
their
sleep
,
which
never
miss
their
effect
;
so
that
instances
are
daily
seen
of
those
,
that
recover
their
health
,
even
after
the
Physicians
have
given
'em
absolutely
over
.
This
testimony
of
Diodorus
is
back'd
by
divers
others
.
But
whatever
ISIS
did
in
Physick
,
we
hear
of
no
Books
written
by
her
as
by
HERMES
.
We
have
nothing
remaining
of
her
,
except
[
](A49892-e17780-b)(a)
(a)
Kerher
.
Oedip.
Aegypt
.
Borrich
.
de
or●
&
progres
.
Chim
.
ISIS's
Table
,
a
piece
very
curious
,
and
(
as
they
say
)
very
ancient
,
written
in
Aegyptian
Characters
,
and
charg'd
with
Hieroglyphicks
;
that
is
,
with
mystical
Figures
,
or
Emblems
,
which
is
in
the
Closet
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
of
which
we
shall
take
further
notice
when
we
treat
of
the
Table
of
HERMES
,
before-mention'd
.
There
were
in
Galen's
time
certain
Medicines
,
that
bore
the
name
of
Isis
,
which
seem
rather
impos'd
upon
em●●
raise
their
value
,
than
drawn
from
her
invention
.
OSYRIS
and
ISIS
being
dead
,
they
w●●e
number'd
among
the
Gods
,
as
well
as
MERCVRY
.
If
it
be
ask●d
,
Why
the
Ancients
made
Gods
of
those
that
were
mortal
,
and
subjected
to
the
same
conditions
with
the
rest
of
Mankind
?
Cicero
[
](A49892-e17920-b)(b)
(b)
De
Nat.
deor
.
lib.
2.
answers
,
That
't
was
an
establish'd
custom
in
the
World
to
deifie
those
persons
,
that
did
any
considerable
services
to
Mankind
,
as
did
HERCULES
,
CASTOR
and
POLLUX
,
ESCULAPIUS
,
BACCHUS
,
&c.
All
these
,
whom
Cicero
here
mentions
,
are
much
later
than
OSYRIS
and
ISIS
,
who
are
the
first
that
had
this
honour
done
'em
.
We
are
inform'd
at
least
,
by
Sancthoniathon
,
[
](A49892-e18000-b)(c)
(c)
Eu●●b
.
praepar
.
Evang.
That
the
Phaenicians
and
Aegyptians
were
the
first
,
that
held
,
as
great
Gods
,
the
Inventors
of
things
necessary
to
Life
,
and
those
that
were
thought
to
have
done
any
mighty
service
to
Mankind
;
and
from
them
,
says
he
,
this
custom
has
been
receiv●d
by
all
the
rest
.
Clemens
Alexandrinus
says
likewise
,
That
the
same
practice
was
in
use
among
the
Chaldeans
,
and
the
Inhabitants
of
Arabia
the
Happy
,
of
Palestine
,
and
of
Persia
,
and
all
the
Barbarians
in
general
.
CHAP.
VII
.
HORUS
,
APOLLO
,
or
PAEON
,
another
Inventor
of
Physick
.
THE
Invention
of
Physick
has
been
given
likewise
to
Horus
,
or
Apollo
,
Son
of
Isis
.
This
Goddess
,
according
to
Diodorus
,
finding
in
the
water
her
Son
Horus
,
who
was
slain
by
Titans
,
not
only
restor'd
him
to
life
,
but
made
him
immortal
also
.
He
adds
,
That
the
name
of
Horus
has
been
reader'd
Apollo
,
and
that
he
was
believ'd
to
have
learn'd
the
Arts
of
Physick
,
and
Divination
,
of
his
Mother
Isis
,
and
that
he
was
very
useful
to
Men
by
his
Oracles
,
and
by
his
Remedies
.
By
what
is
past
,
Horus
appears
not
to
be
the
Inventor
of
Physick
,
having
been
taught
it
by
his
Mother
;
but
if
he
be
the
same
with
Apollo
,
the
sequel
will
prove
him
to
have
had
the
credit
of
inventing
this
Art
himself
.
Ci●●●
,
who
as
we
have
seen
multiply'd
the
Mercu●ies
,
will
have
it
,
that
there
were
[
](A49892-e18340-b)(a)
(a)
De
Nat.
d●or
.
lib.
3.
four
Apollo's
,
amongst
which
Horus
seems
not
to
be
included
,
unless
we
make
him
the
same
whom
he
ca●●s
the
fi●st
of
all
the
Apollo's
,
Son
of
Vulcan
,
and
Patron
of
Athens
.
If
Mercury
and
Vulcan
,
(
who
according
to
Cicero
were
both
Sons
of
Cal●s
)
were
●●●●ntan
and
Misraim
,
Grandsons
of
No●●h
,
[
](A49892-e18470-b)(b)
(b)
De
or●
.
&
●rogr
.
Chi●●
.
as
B●rrichius
fancies
;
and
if
Osyris
and
Is●●
liv●d
about
that
time
,
Horus
their
Son
might
be
con●emp●●●ry
to
the
Son
of
Vulcan
.
And
if
,
with
the
Author
of
the
universal
Biblio●heq●e
,
we
sub●●●●te
Osyris
to
Mercury
,
the
Apollo
of
D●odorus
,
and
Cicero
,
will
be
,
if
not
the
same
person
,
yet
Brothers
Children
at
least
.
If
there
were
really
any
one
of
that
name
,
that
signaliz●●
himself
by
his
Physick
,
it
must
be
the
Son
of
Isis
,
tho'
he
were
not
the
Apollo
,
whom
Ovid
[
](A49892-e18620-b)(a)
(a)
Inventum
Medicina
meum
est
Opi●erque
per
Orbe●●
Dicor
&
●●●●um
subj●ct●
potentia
nobi●
.
Metamorph
.
lib.
1.
introduces
laying
claim
to
the
Invention
of
Physick
,
and
the
Vertues
of
Plants
.
We
may
pass
the
same
censure
upon
the
Apollo
of
Ovid
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Poets
,
as
upon
the
Prometheus
of
Aeschylus
,
that
he
is
a
feign●d
person
,
by
whom
the
Sun
was
sign●●●ed
.
To
this
Star
they
ascrib'd
the
rise
of
Physick
,
or
rather
a
power
of
Life
and
Death
over
Men
,
to
cause
Pestilences
,
and
to
disperse
em
;
for
the
Sun
,
or
its
hea●
,
were
esteem●d
the
principle
of
Generation
,
and
Corruption
in
all
things
,
upon
whose
peculiar
influence
upon
Animal
Bodies
,
and
those
that
surround
'em
,
Health
and
Diseases
did
immediately
depend
.
Hyginus
refines
very
much
upon
this
,
when
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e18720-b)(b)
(b)
Fab.
lib
1.
That
Apollo
was
the
first
Oculist
,
alluding
to
the
light
of
the
Sun
,
and
the
appellation
given
him
by
the
Poets
,
the
Eye
of
the
World
.
For
the
same
reason
he
is
said
to
be
the
God
of
Divination
,
because
Light
,
or
the
Day
,
discovers
what
was
hidden
in
the
Night
.
By
this
he
became
more
famous
than
the
others
,
and
his
Temples
were
more
frequented
by
those
,
that
came
to
know
their
Fortunes
,
than
to
cure
their
Distempers
.
Others
have
thought
,
that
the
Art
of
Divination
was
join●d
to
Physick
,
upon
the
account
of
the
Prognosticks
of
Physicians
,
[
](A49892-e18820-b)*
*
This
conjecture
seems
very
natural
,
but
I
doubt
the
Art
of
Divination
will
appear
to
have
been
separated
from
Physick
before
the
latter
arriv'd
at
any
great
skill
in
the
Pr●gnosticks
,
of
which
we
find
●ot●ing
before
Hippocrates
,
but
what
the
Coacae
Praenotiones
c●ntain
,
which
seem
to
be
the
collective
Body
of
the
knowledge
of
his
Predecessors
〈◊〉
that
●ind
.
I
rather
think
,
that
the
Priests
,
who
were
the
first
Pr●●es●
〈…〉
introduc●d
Divination
first
into
Physick
,
that
they
might
supply
their
〈◊〉
in
the
latter
by
the
imaginary
●●●s
of
th●
f●rme●
,
and
support
their
credit
jointly
by
both
,
which
they
cou'd
not
by
either
apart
.
by
which
they
frequently
foretel
,
what
shall
befal
the
Patient
in
the
course
of
his
distemper
;
which
is
,
what
procures
the
greatest
veneration
for
the
Profe●●ion
.
It
shou'd
seem
by
the
Etymology
of
the
word
Apollo
,
which
comes
from
a
[
](A49892-e18860-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
etymology
seems
better
grounded
than
that
which
deduces
it
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
expel
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
quasi
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Greek
word
signifying
to
destroy
,
that
the
sick
address'd
themselves
to
him
,
as
much
out
of
fear
of
mischief
,
as
hope
of
benefit
;
as
they
rais'd
Altars
to
the
Fever
.
Homer
,
where
he
once
calls
Apollo
Saviour
of
the
People
,
says
a
hundred
times
,
that
he
wounds
and
smites
afar
off
.
He
was
Surnam'd
likewise
Alexicacos
,
the
Chaser
of
Evil
,
but
we
find
not
that
name
in
Homer
.
He
was
call'd
likewise
[
](A49892-e19000-b)(d)
(d)
Others
fetch
this
word
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
cease
,
to
put
a
stop
,
or
appease
;
because
appeas'd
Diseases
.
Paeon
,
from
a
Verb
,
which
signifies
according
to
some
to
heal
,
but
vulgarly
to
strike
.
[
](A49892-e19050-b)(e)
(e)
Iliad
.
Eustathius
takes
notice
that
Homer's
PAEON
,
the
Physician
of
the
Gods
,
was
Apollo
himself
.
It
was
a
common
practice
to
give
Apollo
the
Surname
of
Paean
;
Io
Paean
was
the
burthen
of
all
the
Hymns
sung
in
his
praise
.
Servius
[
](A49892-e19130-b)(f)
(f)
In
Eneid
.
12.
observes
that
Paean
was
a
Dorick
word
,
in
which
Dialect
it
usual
is
to
turn
o
into
a
,
Paean
for
Paeon
.
The
Scholiast
upon
Nicander
is
of
another
mind
;
Paeon
,
[
](A49892-e19230-b)(g)
(g)
Schol.
in
Nicand
.
Theriac
.
says
he
,
is
Esculapius
.
There
is
a
passage
likewise
in
the
Plutus
of
Aristophanes
,
where
the
Surname
of
[
](A49892-e19270-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Finding
favour
with
Esculapius
Paeon
,
or
Esculapius
the
Physician
,
as
some
translate
it
.
This
●p●thete
might
at
first
belong
properly
to
Apollo
,
but
it
has
been
bestow'd
upon
his
Son
Esculapius
likewise
,
and
after
him
upon
all
famous
Physicians
▪
whom
they
had
a
mind
to
do
honour
to
.
In
this
sense
perhaps
it
is
,
that
Homer
says
,
that
Physicians
are
of
the
race
of
Paeon
.
Hence
come
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
medicabilis
,
curable
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
hand
of
a
Physician
.
And
Servius
in
the
place
before
cited
says
,
upon
these
words
of
Virgil
,
Paeonium
in
Morem
,
That
Paeonius
signifies
Medicinalis
,
or
belonging
to
a
Physician
.
Paeon
is
given
to
Esculapius
.
[
](A49892-e19450-b)(i)
(i)
Parere
del
S.
Leonardo
di
Capoa
intorno
la
Medicina
.
A
Learned
Italian
,
who
writ
some
years
since
in
refutation
of
the
Scholiast
upon
Nicander
,
alledges
,
That
Esculapius
was
not
yet
Deify●d
in
the
days
of
Homer
;
but
we
shall
see
in
the
sequel
,
that
his
Apotheosis
was
pass'd
long
before
.
We
might
support
the
Scholiast
by
the
authority
of
Virgil
,
who
attributes
the
raising
to
life
Hippolitus
to
the
power
of
the
Herbs
of
Paeon
,
thereby
plainly
intending
Esculapius
,
whom
he
presently
after
calls
the
Son
of
Phoebus
.
Artemidorus
likewise
confounds
Esculapius
with
Paeon
:
[
](A49892-e19590-b)(k)
(k)
De
Somo
.
interpr●●
.
●ib.
2.
cap.
42.
If
you
dream
,
says
he
,
that
Esculapius
removes
,
or
comes
to
any
place
,
or
into
any
House
,
't
is
a
sign
of
the
Plague
,
or
other
distemper
;
for
't
is
on
these
occasions
Men
have
need
of
this
God
.
But
if
the
sick
dream
so
,
't
is
a
sign
of
recovery
;
for
,
adds
he
,
this
God
is
call'd
[
](A49892-e19640-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
PAEON
.
So
far
Artemidorus
;
but
,
here
,
it
may
be
answer'd
,
that
by
Paeon
is
meant
no
more
than
Physician
.
Lucian
,
on
the
other
hand
,
distinguishes
formally
between
these
two
;
for
he
introduces
Hercules
threatning
Esculapius
to
maul
him
so
,
that
[
](A49892-e19730-b)(m)
(m)
●●alogues
of
the
Gods
.
Paeon
himself
shou'd
not
be
able
to
cure
him
.
These
different
Authorities
shew
us
,
that
the
Ancients
were
divided
upon
the
matter
.
At
last
,
if
Homer's
PAEON
,
who
was
Physician
to
the
Gods
,
was
any
other
than
Apollo
,
or
Esculapius
,
he
not
having
inform'd
us
what
Family
he
was
of
,
we
need
perplex
our selves
about
the
matter
no
farther
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
ARABUS
another
Inventor
of
Physick
.
OF
ARABVS
I
find
nothing
but
these
words
in
Pliny
:
[
](A49892-e19850-b)(a)
(a)
Lib
7.
cap.
18.
The
Aegyptians
will
have
it
,
that
Physick
was
invented
among
them
;
others
attribute
the
Invention
to
ARABUS
,
the
Son
of
Babylone
and
Apollo
.
CHAP.
IX
.
ESCULAPIUS
the
most
famous
,
or
most
generally
known
of
the
Inventors
of
Physick
;
or
of
those
that
brought
the
Art
to
some
degree
of
Perfection
.
Wherein
of
CHIRON
the
CENTAUR
,
and
the
HEROES
his
Pupils
;
as
also
of
MELAMPUS
,
and
POLYIDUS
.
THE
Aegyptians
,
who
attribute
the
invention
of
Med'cine
to
Hermes
,
account
Esculapius
his
Pupil
.
The
aforecited
Book
,
intituled
Asclepius
,
which
is
the
same
name
with
Esculapius
,
introduces
H●rmes
and
Esculapius
talking
together
,
like
Master
and
Scholar
.
And
Julius
Maternus
Firmicus
says
,
upon
the
tradition
of
the
Aegyptians
,
[
](A49892-e20080-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
3.
cap.
1.
de
●●●siri
&
Nic●pso
.
That
the
God
Mercury
communicated
the
sec●ets
of
Astrology
,
and
Mathematicks
,
to
Esculapius
and
Anubis
;
from
whence
we
may
infer
,
that
he
did
not
hide
from
the
former
his
Skill
in
Physick
,
which
was
his
principal
Study
.
T
is
the
more
probable
,
that
Esculapius
was
instructed
by
Mercury
,
in
that
he
was
his
Kinsman
.
[
](A49892-e20150-b)(b)
(b)
Sancthoniathon
.
1.
ap.
Philon.
1.
Syd●c
,
or
Sadoc
,
Brother
of
Misor
Father
of
H●rmes
,
having
first
had
seven
Sons
call'd
D●●scures
,
Cabires
,
or
Corybantes
,
had
an
eighth
,
which
was
Esculapius
,
whose
Mother
was
one
of
the
seven
Sister
Titans
Daughters
to
Saturn
by
his
Wife
Astarte
.
The
Author
from
whom
what
is
here
said
is
drawn
,
adds
,
That
the
Cabires
had
Children
,
who
found
out
wholsome
Herbs
,
and
remedies
for
the
bitings
of
venemous
Beasts
,
and
that
they
made
use
of
Enchantments
.
This
was
the
Tradition
of
the
Aegyptians
and
Phaenicians
concerning
Esculapius
,
who
,
according
to
them
,
must
have
been
of
the
same
Age
and
Family
with
the
rest
of
the
Inventors
of
Physick
;
of
whom
we
have
spoken
already
.
Clemens
Alexandrinus
alone
,
after
having
told
us
,
that
Esculapius
was
of
Memphis
,
and
that
he
improv'd
Physick
,
which
Apis
invented
,
seems
to
make
him
later
;
for
he
says
in
another
place
,
that
he
was
Deify'd
a
little
before
the
Trojan
War
;
by
which
he
seems
to
have
confounded
Esculapius
the
Aegyptian
,
with
Esculapius
the
Greek
;
of
whom
hereafter
.
But
the
Greeks
make
him
not
quite
so
old
,
as
we
shall
see
.
Cicero
after
them
says
,
that
there
were
three
Esculapius
's
;
the
first
,
whom
the
Arcadians
worship
,
was
the
Son
of
Apollo
.
He
invented
the
Probe
,
to
probe
wounds
with
,
and
taught
the
use
of
Bandage
.
The
second
,
was
Son
of
the
second
MERCURY
,
Thunder-struck
by
Jupiter
,
and
bury'd
at
the
Cynosures
.
[
](A49892-e20550-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
Chapter
of
Podal●rius
.
The
thi●d
,
who
was
Son
of
Arsippus
and
Arsinoe
,
invented
Purga●●●n
and
Tooth-drawing
If
the
first
Esculapius
of
Cicero
be
the
same
of
Pausanias
,
and
Pindar
speak
,
who
was
Son
of
Apollo
and
Coronis
,
he
cannot
be
ve●y
ancient
,
having
been
educated
by
the
Centaur
CHIRON
,
who
lived
but
just
before
the
Trojan
War
,
and
having
had
two
Sons
present
at
that
Siege
.
All
these
Esculapius's
may
,
in
my
opinion
,
be
reduc'd
to
[
](A49892-e20720-b)(b)
(b)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Wife
and
Daughters
of
Esculapius
.
one
,
so
that
it
there
ever
were
any
Esculapius
,
't
is
probable
he
was
a
Phaenician
,
or
an
Aegyptian
;
but
he
has
been
multiplied
,
as
most
of
the
rest
before
him
,
by
the
slight
of
the
Greeks
,
with
whom
t
was
custe
mary
to
adopt
Aegyptian
Fables
,
that
they
might
honour
their
own
Country
with
the
production
of
any
extraordinary
Persons
.
Hence
't
is
that
their
Esculapius
is
so
recent
,
their
Annals
not
reaching
much
higher
than
the
War
of
Troy
.
Yet
this
way
shou'd
there
be
but
two
Esculapius's
,
one
Aegyptian
,
and
one
Greek
;
but
the
same
motive
,
that
prevailed
upon
the
Country
in
general
,
to
naturalize
this
Physician
,
induc'd
several
Provinces
,
and
Cities
,
to
put
in
their
particular
claim
,
each
setting
up
a
Title
apart
,
exclusive
of
all
the
rest
.
The
Greeks
have
been
so
unsuccessful
in
their
attempts
,
to
find
an
etymology
for
the
name
in
their
Tongue
,
that
t
is
alone
a
sufficient
proof
,
that
the
word
is
not
originally
Greek
.
The
Reader
may
,
in
the
[
](A49892-e20870-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
ab
a
privativo
,
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Siccari
,
quod
impediret
quo
nitous
●omines
siccarentur
,
vel
more●●●tur
.
Or
,
according
to
the
Etymologicum
magnum
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Or
,
according
to
Tzetzes
,
because
he
cur'd
Ascles
Tyrant
of
Epidaurus
,
their
names
were
compounded
;
and
he
,
instead
●f
being
call'd
simply
Hepius
,
or
Apius
,
as
before
,
was
nam'd
Asclepius
.
Margin
,
see
both
theirs
,
and
some
etymologies
drawn
from
the
[
](A49892-e20990-b)(b)
(b)
Bochart
derives
Asclepius
(
whence
the
Latin
Esculapius
)
from
the
Phaenician
,
Is
Calabi
,
viz.
Caninus
,
upon
the
score
of
keeping
Dogs
in
his
Temples
;
of
which
,
the
reasons
hereafter
.
Others
derive
it
from
Ez
,
and
Keleb
,
of
which
the
latter
signifies
a
Dog
,
the
other
a
Goat
,
because
of
a
tradition
,
that
he
was
suckled
by
a
Goat
,
and
guarded
by
a
Dog
;
of
which
more
anon
.
Junius
,
Father-in-Law
to
Vossius
,
derives
Asclepius
from
Ascalaphus
,
which
signifies
to
change
;
Vossius
de
Philosophiâ
.
But
in
the
same
Tongue
we
find
the
words
,
Is
Calaphot
,
A
Man
of
the
Knife
,
which
etymology
appears
the
more
just
,
in
that
it
expresses
perfectly
his
Profession
;
his
principal
Talent
being
Surgery
,
as
shall
be
shewn
.
Phaenician
Language
,
and
judge
for
himself
.
I
shall
here
repeat
,
that
't
is
probable
there
was
but
one
Esculapius
,
and
he
a
Phaenician
;
or
which
is
tantamount
,
that
if
there
was
a
Greek
of
the
same
name
and
reputation
,
that
he
borrow'd
both
of
the
former
.
The
Esculapius
of
the
Cyrenians
,
was
likewise
unquestionably
the
same
with
the
Phaenician
;
but
of
him
,
a
word
or
two
hereafter
.
However
it
be
,
Antiquity
having
left
us
nothing
of
the
first
,
but
the
little
we
have
cited
,
we
must
stick
to
the
account
the
Greeks
give
of
theirs
.
Of
him
by
and
by
,
but
first
a
word
or
two
concerning
Chiron
the
Centaur
,
who
was
his
Master
.
CHAP.
X.
The
Centaur
CHIRON
,
and
the
HEROES
his
Pupils
in
Physick
.
THE
Centaur
CHIRON
was
[
](A49892-e21320-b)(a)
(a)
Pindar
.
Pyth.
Od.
6.
Hygin
.
Fab.
cap.
138.
Apollo●
.
Rhod.
Argonaut
.
lib.
2.
&c.
Son
of
Saturn
and
Philira
;
and
the
Fable
tells
us
,
that
the
reason
,
why
he
was
half
Man
,
half
Horse
,
(
which
the
Poets
call
a
Centaur
)
was
,
that
Saturn
,
while
he
was
with
Philira
,
apprehending
a
surprize
from
his
Wife
Rhea
,
turn'd
himself
immediately
into
a
Horse
for
a
disguise
.
Others
say
,
that
Chiron
was
feign'd
to
be
half
Man
half
Beast
,
because
he
understood
Physick
for
both
kinds
;
and
Suidas
says
,
that
he
wrote
a
Book
call'd
[
](A49892-e21420-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Horse-Med●cine
.
Perhaps
the
Fable
has
made
a
Centaur
of
him
,
because
he
was
of
Thessaly
,
the
Country
of
those
fictitious
Monsters
;
for
Thessaly
being
the
place
where
they
first
began
to
back
Horses
,
those
that
first
,
at
a
distance
,
saw
a
Man
on
Horseback
,
made
but
one
body
of
'em
.
[
](A49892-e21480-b)(c)
(c)
German
.
Caesar
.
in
Arat.
Phaenom
.
Some
tell
us
simply
,
that
Chiron
invented
Physick
,
without
specifying
any
kind
.
[
](A49892-e21510-b)(d)
(d)
Galen
.
Introduct.
Plin.
lib.
7.
cap.
46.
Others
say
,
that
he
first
found
Herbs
,
and
Medicaments
for
the
cure
of
Diseases
,
and
particularly
Wounds
and
Ulcers
.
[
](A49892-e21540-b)(e)
(e)
Plutarch
.
Sympos
.
lib.
3.
qu.
1.
The
Magnesians
,
his
Country-men
,
offer
to
him
,
for
this
reason
,
the
first
fruits
of
Herbs
,
or
Plants
;
and
say
,
that
he
was
the
first
that
wrote
of
Physick
.
From
him
,
't
is
said
,
that
Centaury
,
a
Plant
well
known
,
took
its
name
,
as
did
also
some
others
.
They
add
,
that
Diana
taught
him
the
vertues
of
some
other
Simples
.
Others
,
after
all
,
make
him
the
[
](A49892-e21610-b)(f)
(f)
Hygin
.
cap
27.
Inventor
of
Manual
Operation
only
.
This
conceit
is
founded
upon
the
etymology
of
his
Name
,
which
is
plainly
deriv●d
from
a
Greek
word
,
which
signifies
[
](A49892-e21630-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
from
whence
Chirurgery
,
which
signifies
working
with
the
Hand
.
a
Hand
,
and
from
which
the
name
Chirurgery
is
likewise
deriv'd
.
Surgery
,
or
Physick
,
was
not
the
only
Science
,
of
which
Chiron
was
Master
;
he
understood
likewise
Philosophy
,
Astronomy
,
Musick
,
Hunting
,
War
,
and
other
Arts.
His
habitation
was
in
a
Cave
of
Mount
Pelion
,
whither
all
the
great
Men
of
his
Time
resorted
for
his
instructions
in
these
Arts
and
Sciences
.
The
Heroes
,
whom
he
educated
,
were
Hercules
,
Theseus
,
Aristeas
,
Telamon
,
Teucer
,
Jason
,
Peleus
,
Achilles
,
Patroclus
,
Palamedes
,
and
Esculapius
.
He
taught
Hercules
not
only
the
Art
of
War
and
Astronomy
,
but
Physick
also
;
in
which
,
according
to
Plutarch
,
this
Hero
excell'd
.
Some
interpret
the
passage
of
Euripides
,
which
says
,
That
Hercules
hearing
that
Alceste
was
to
die
for
her
Husband
Admetus
,
fought
Death
,
and
rescu'd
her
from
him
by
force
;
after
this
manner
.
[
](A49892-e21870-b)(a)
(a)
Muret.
Var.
Lection
.
Alcestis
being
so
ill
,
that
her
recovery
was
despair'd
of
,
Hercules
,
by
his
Med'cines
,
restor●d
her
to
health
.
T
is
said
,
that
he
bore
the
Surname
of
[
](A49892-e21900-b)(*)
(*)
Expeller
of
Evil.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
well
as
Apollo
,
and
for
the
same
reason
,
that
is
,
because
he
expell●d
Diseases
.
But
't
is
more
probable
he
was
so
call●d
,
because
he
clear●d
the
World
of
divers
Monsters
,
according
to
the
Fable
.
'T
is
argued
likewise
,
that
Hercules
understood
Physick
,
from
the
several
Medicinal
Plants
,
that
bears
his
name
.
Theophrastus
,
Dioscorides
,
and
other
ancient
Botanists
,
speak
of
a
sort
of
Poppy
,
call'd
Hercules
●s
Poppy
.
There
was
also
another
Plant
call'd
Heracleum
.
The
Nymphaea
was
likewise
call●d
Heraclea
,
according
to
Pliny
;
who
says
,
that
it
sprung
upon
the
Tomb
of
a
Nymph
,
who
died
of
Jealousie
upon
the
account
of
Hercules
,
who
had
an
Intrigue
with
another
.
There
is
also
a
sort
of
Panax
,
and
some
other
Plants
,
nam'd
from
Hercules
.
Yet
to
me
it
seems
probable
,
that
these
names
were
given
since
his
time
,
to
denote
the
extraordinary
force
of
these
Plants
,
which
they
compar'd
to
the
strength
of
Hercule●
For
a
like
reason
the
Epilepsie
,
or
Falling-Sickness
,
was
call'd
the
Herculean
Distemper
,
not
that
he
was
ever
troubled
with
it
,
or
knew
how
to
cure
it
,
[
](A49892-e22120-b)(*)
(*)
Or
rather
because
the
strength
of
Hercules
is
not
sufficient
to
bear
up
under
it
.
but
because
a
power
equal
to
that
of
Hercules
is
requir'd
to
subdue
so
difficult
a
Malady
.
[
](A49892-e22150-b)(a)
(a)
Epistol.
Abderit
.
ad
Hippocrat
.
Justin
.
lib.
13.
Schol.
〈◊〉
Apollon
Rhod.
Argonaut
.
lib.
2.
This
Hero
had
a
Daughter
call●d
Hepione
,
who
understood
Physick
likewise
.
We
shall
see
by
and
by
another
Hepione
,
Wife
to
Esculapius
.
Aristaeus
King
of
Arcadia
,
and
Son
of
Apollo
and
Cyrene
,
was
by
his
Father
committed
to
the
care
of
Chiron
the
Centaur
,
who
taught
him
Med●cine
and
Divination
.
He
is
said
first
to
have
taught
Men
to
make
Oyl
,
and
[
](A49892-e22290-b)(*)
(*)
Arist●●●
is
said
to
have
been
the
first
that
kept
Bees
,
and
to
have
produced
●em
after
a
strange
manner
.
Virg.
Georg.
4.
Honey
,
and
Cheese-curds
,
and
divers
other
things
useful
to
Society
.
To
him
is
ascrib'd
the
discovery
of
the
virtues
of
Silphium
or
Laserpitium
,
whose
Gum
,
or
Juice
,
inspissated
,
was
very
much
in
use
among
the
Ancients
;
but
[
](A49892-e22350-b)(†)
(†)
Some
conclude
it
to
be
that
kind
of
Ferula
,
which
yields
Asafoetida
,
and
which
by
most
modern
Bonatists
is
call●d
Laserpitium
.
at
present
,
we
either
have
it
not
,
or
don't
certainly
know
it
,
as
the
sequel
will
shew
.
Theseus
had
his
education
in
the
same
School
,
and
Theophrastus
mentions
a
Plant
that
bore
his
name
;
whence
some
infer
,
that
he
found
out
the
vertue
of
it
,
which
was
to
loosen
the
Belly
.
Telamon
,
and
his
Son
Teucer
,
come
in
with
these
for
an
equal
share
of
the
knowledge
of
Physick
.
Philostratus
vouches
for
the
Father
.
And
the
[
](A49892-e22470-b)(*)
(*)
Germander
.
Teucrium
,
a
Plant
which
bears
his
name
,
and
is
very
well
known
,
is
also
,
according
to
the
common
tradition
,
an
argument
that
he
was
the
first
discoverer
of
it
.
Jason
had
likewise
the
reputation
of
a
great
Physician
,
[
](A49892-e22510-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
medeor
,
to
to
heal
,
or
cure
.
of
which
the
etymology
of
his
Name
remains
as
a
proof
.
Peleus
also
was
admitted
to
the
same
honour
,
as
well
as
his
Son
Achilles
.
The
latter
carried
with
him
,
to
the
Siege
of
Troy
,
a
Lance
given
him
by
the
Centaur
,
which
had
the
virtue
of
healing
the
wounds
it
made
,
which
Telephus
experienc●d
to
his
relief
.
[
](A49892-e22600-b)(b)
(b)
Lib.
25.
cap
5.
Some
,
says
Pliny
,
pretend
,
that
Achilles
cur●d
TELEPHUS
with
the
Herb
Achillea
,
which
is
a
sort
of
a
Yarrow
,
or
Milfoil
.
Others
say
,
That
he
found
out
[
](A49892-e22680-b)*
*
Some
have
(
perhaps
with
equal
reason
)
fancied
Achilles
the
Inventor
of
Weapon
Salve
,
or
that
he
was
possess'd
of
the
secret
,
wherein
,
according
to
them
,
consisted
the
virtue
,
suppos'd
to
have
been
in
his
Spear
,
of
curing
the
wounds
it
made
.
Vert
de
Gris
,
which
is
of
great
use
in
Salves
,
and
for
that
reason
,
say
they
,
Achilles
is
painted
scraping
the
Verdigrise
,
which
is
the
rust
of
Copper
,
from
the
point
of
his
Spear
,
and
dropping
it
into
Telephus
's
wound
.
Homer
tells
us
,
that
Eurypylus
being
wounded
,
requested
Patroclus
,
the
friend
of
Achilles
,
[
](A49892-e22800-b)(c)
(c)
Iliad.
2.
subs
.
fin
.
to
communicate
to
him
some
of
those
excellent
Remedies
he
had
learn'd
of
his
Hero
[
](A49892-e22810-b)(*)
(*)
Patroclus
having
been
Companion
,
and
fellow
Pupil
to
Achilles
under
Chiron
,
might
reasonably
have
been
thought
not
to
have
needed
his
Instructions
.
the
Disciple
of
Chiron
,
the
justest
of
all
the
Centaurs
.
To
the
authority
of
Homer
we
may
join
that
of
several
other
Poets
,
[
](A49892-e22880-b)(d)
(d)
Vindicianus
,
Sid●n
.
Apolhnari
.
Claudian
.
in
Pan.
de
3.
con●ul
.
Honor.
item
ad
Hadrianum
.
who
all
agree
that
Achilles
learn'd
Med'cine
of
the
Centaur
Chiron
.
Whether
Patroclus
understood
Physick
or
not
,
and
especially
Surgery
,
after
what
has
been
said
,
is
scarce
a
question
;
for
Eurypylus
,
in
the
afore-cited
place
,
desires
him
to
make
an
Incision
into
his
Thigh
,
and
draw
out
the
head
of
the
Arrow
,
with
which
he
was
wounded
,
and
to
wash
the
wound
with
water
,
and
apply
something
to
asswage
the
pain
.
[
](A49892-e22950-b)(a)
(a)
Philostrat
:
in
Heroicis
.
Palamedes
,
by
the
instructions
of
Chiron
,
was
no
less
a
proficient
in
Med'cine
than
the
rest
;
for
by
his
advice
,
the
Plague
,
that
ravag'd
all
the
Cities
of
the
Hellespont
,
and
even
Troy
it self
,
was
stopp'd
from
coming
into
the
Graecian
Camp
,
which
lay
before
the
Town
in
a
very
unhealthy
place
.
His
method
was
to
oblige
'em
to
a
spare
Diet
,
and
much
Exercise
.
This
is
what
is
reported
of
these
Heroes
,
as
to
Physick
.
I
meet
with
no
particular
cures
of
Chiron's
making
,
except
that
of
Phaenix
[
](A49892-e23040-b)(b)
(b)
Apollodor
.
lib.
3.
the
Son
of
Amintor
,
to
whom
he
restor'd
his
sight
,
after
his
Father
,
in
a
fit
of
Jealousie
,
had
put
his
Eyes
out
.
Galen
says
,
that
the
Greeks
call'd
malignant
Vlcers
,
which
were
in
a
manner
incurable
,
Chironian
,
because
Chiron
only
cou'd
cure
'em
;
tho
it
seems
more
reasonable
to
think
they
were
so
call'd
for
a
quite
contrary
reason
,
that
is
,
that
Ulcers
of
that
nature
were
despair'd
of
by
that
incomparable
Surgeon
.
[
](A49892-e23120-b)*
*
Vide
Ovid.
Metam
.
lib.
2.
Posse
mori
cupies
tum
,
cum
cruciabere
dirae
Sangu●ne●
Serpentis
per
sancia
memora
recepto
,
&c.
The
Fable
informs
us
,
That
Hercules
having
unawares
wounded
Chiron
with
an
Arrow
dipt
in
the
blood
of
the
Lernean
Hydra
,
the
pain
was
so
insupportable
,
that
the
Centaur's
greatest
trouble
was
,
that
being
immortal
he
cou'd
not
die
Whereupon
Hercules
,
to
make
him
all
the
amends
he
cou'd
,
unbound
Prometheus
,
who
consented
to
become
immortal
in
the
room
of
Chiron
,
who
died
according
to
his
desire
,
and
was
translated
to
a
place
among
the
Stars
.
This
Centaur
had
two
Daughters
;
one
of
which
made
her self
famous
by
her
predictions
,
and
skill
in
Physick
:
Her
name
was
Hippo.
The
other
was
call'd
[
](A49892-e23220-b)(c)
(c)
—
V●cavit
Ocyroen
.
non
haec
artes
contenta
paternas
Edidicisse
fuit
,
&c.
Ovid.
ibid.
Ocyroe
,
of
whom
Ovid
testifies
that
she
understood
her
Father
Arts.
CHAP.
XI
.
MELAMPUS
and
POLYIDUS
:
Wherein
is
the
first
example
of
Purgation
,
and
of
a
Mineral
Remedy
taken
inwardly
.
THEY
were
both
of
Argos
.
The
first
was
Son
of
Amithaon
,
and
Aglais
,
or
of
Idomenca
Daughter
of
Abas
.
He
is
one
of
the
most
ancient
Poets
known
,
of
whom
Homer
himself
makes
mention
.
He
wrote
several
thousand
Verses
u●on
the
Lamentations
of
Ceres
,
for
the
Rape
of
her
Daughter
,
upon
the
Mysteries
of
that
Goddess
,
and
other
subjects
.
He
understood
also
the
Art
of
Divination
,
and
of
Physick
,
two
Arts
in
those
days
inseparable
.
There
are
yet
some
Books
remaining
under
his
name
,
which
teach
to
tell
Fortunes
by
Palpitations
,
by
Moles
,
and
other
Natural
Marks
on
the
Body
,
which
Books
are
manifestly
spurious
.
We
have
already
taken
notice
of
the
means
Melampus
used
to
cure
the
Daughters
of
Praetus
,
that
had
lost
her
Wits
;
which
was
to
purge
'em
with
Hellebore
,
or
with
he
Misk
of
his
Goats
,
which
had
eaten
it
.
Hence
perhaps
it
was
,
that
he
had
a
[
](A49892-e23480-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Se●v●us
in
3
Georg
:
Surname
given
him
,
which
seems
to
hint
,
that
he
was
the
first
that
used
purging
Med'cines
;
for
't
is
certainly
the
oldest
instance
we
have
of
the
use
of
[
](A49892-e23510-b)(b)
(b)
See
the
Chapter
of
●odalirius
.
Purgation
.
But
't
is
more
probable
,
that
he
was
so
nam'd
,
because
he
was
the
first
introducer
of
the
pretended
methods
of
Purgation
;
that
is
,
by
washing
,
and
pu●ifying
those
,
that
lay
under
any
distemper
e●●●er
of
Mind
,
or
Body
,
or
that
were
foul
with
Crimes
;
which
was
not
done
by
Medical
Purgation
,
but
by
superstitious
Rites
,
such
as
pronouncing
certain
Verses
,
or
Words
,
over
the
Party
,
or
to
apply
to
'em
,
or
give
'em
Herbs
gather'd
at
times
,
and
after
a
manner
superstitious
,
or
to
wash
'em
in
Baths
to
that
purpose
.
Mela●●pus
us'd
all
th●se
means
to
the
Daughters
of
Praecus
.
He
not
only
gave
'em
Hellebore
,
but
he
us'd
also
[
](A49892-e23630-b)(a)
(a)
The
wor●
Charm
comes
from
the
Latin
C●●●●●
,
which
s●●●
〈◊〉
●●●ong
,
Verse
,
w●●ther
〈…〉
●●●try
.
Verses
,
or
Charms
,
and
after
caus'd
'em
to
bath
in
a
certain
Fountain
in
Arc●●●a
,
call'd
the
[
](A49892-e23670-b)*
*
C●●●
to
qui●●●
〈◊〉
de
f●●●e
●●ârit
,
V●●●●ag●●
.
—
Ami●ha●●e
nat●●●●●aeridas
atton●●as
postcu●●n
per
carmen
&
herb
is
Eripuit
fur●is
;
purgamina
m●n●●●
in
●as
Mi●●t
aq●as
:
odjumque
meri
permanfit
in
undis
.
Ovid.
Me●am
.
lib
15.
Cliterian
Fountain
,
where
they
finish'd
their
purification
.
The
l●able
tells
us
,
That
from
that
time
whoever
tasted
that
Water
,
contracted
an
aversion
to
Wine
.
[
](A49892-e23690-b)(b)
(b)
Apollodor
.
lib.
2.
If
this
cure
was
extraordinary
,
the
reward
was
no
less
considerable
;
for
he
agreed
with
the
Father
of
the
Princesses
,
that
he
should
give
hi●
one
third
of
his
Kingdom
,
another
third
to
his
Brother
Bias
,
and
to
each
of
'em
one
of
th●
Princesses
to
Wife
.
Another
cure
we
find
reported
of
Melampus
●o
less
memorable
than
the
former
.
[
](A49892-e23730-b)(c)
(c)
Idem
,
lib.
1.
Iphiclus
Son
of
Philacus
,
being
unable
to
get
Children
,
Melampus
was
desir●d
●o
find
him
a
remedy
for
his
impotence
;
which
he
did
thus
.
He
sacrific'd
two
Bulls
,
and
cutting
the
en●●●●●
to
pieces
,
he
drew
the
Birds
together
,
i●●●●der
to
an
Augury
.
Amongst
the
rest
came
a
●ul●ure
,
by
whom
he
was
inform'd
,
[
](A49892-e23790-b)(d)
(d)
M●lampas
as
an
●u●us
,
under●●ood
the
Language
of
Birds
.
tha●
●hylacus
,
formerly
sacrificing
some
Rams
,
left
the
Knife
,
with
which
he
had
cut
their
Throats
,
all
bloudy
near
his
Son
,
who
,
being
very
young
,
was
frighted
at
it
,
and
ran
,
and
stuck
it
into
a
consecrated
Chesnur-Tree
,
whose
Bark
afterwards
cover'd
it
.
The
●ulture
added
,
That
if
Ip●●clus
fetch'd
that
Knife
,
and
scraping
off
the
Rust
,
drank
it
in
Wine
for
ten
days
together
,
he
shou'd
soon
be
lusty
and
get
Children
.
This
counsel
Melampus
gave
the
young
Prince
,
who
obey●d
〈…〉
●●●cess
.
This
is
the
first
instance
of
a
Mineral
Medicine
taken
inwardly
.
We
shall
see
in
the
second
Part
of
this
History
,
what
advantages
[
](A49892-e23880-b)*
*
The
rust
of
Iron
being
a
natural
production
,
can't
be
urg'd
as
an
instance
of
Chymical
Med'cine
,
whatsoever
similitude
the
Chymists
may
pretend
it
to
bear
to
their
artificial
Crocus
Martis
.
the
Chymical
Physicians
may
draw
from
it
.
I
can't
tell
whether
this
Med'cine
have
any
such
essicacy
,
as
is
here
ascrib'd
to
it
;
but
Dioscorides
employ'd
it
to
a
purpose
directly
contrary
.
[
](A49892-e23920-b)(a)
(a)
Dioscor
.
lib.
5.
The
rust
of
Iron
(
says
he
)
hinders
Women
from
conceiving
.
But
what
is
most
remarkable
,
is
that
Iphiclus
himself
took
it
,
and
not
his
Wife
.
[
](A49892-e23970-b)*
*
Virgil
makes
him
contemporary
with
Chiron
,
who
liv'd
till
the
time
of
the
Trojan
War
,
or
very
near
.
—
cessere
magistri
,
Phyllyrides
Chiron
,
Amy
thaoniusque
Melampus
,
Georg.
3.
de
Peste
.
Melampus
liv'd
two
hundred
years
before
the
Siege
of
Troy
.
After
his
death
he
was
look'd
upon
as
a
God
,
Temples
were
built
in
honour
of
him
,
and
sacrifice
offer'd
to
him
in
several
places
of
Greece
.
We
have
nothing
to
add
to
what
was
said
in
the
beginning
of
this
History
concerning
Polyidus
,
than
that
Melampus
was
his
Great
Uncle
,
if
at
least
he
be
the
same
of
whom
Pausanias
[
](A49892-e24080-b)(b)
(b)
Pausan
.
lib.
1.
makes
mention
.
What
induces
us
to
believe
him
to
be
so
,
is
that
he
says
that
Polyidus
was
sent
for
from
Megara
,
to
[
](A49892-e24110-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Lustrare
,
to
wash
with
Lustral
Water
.
A
Water
something
like
the
Holy-Water
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
of
our
Times
,
but
us'd
with
more
ceremony
.
purisie
a
Man
that
had
committed
Murder
,
which
was
the
business
of
the
Diviners
;
of
which
sort
Polyidus
was
.
CHAP.
XII
.
The
History
of
ESCULAPIUS
continued
:
Wherein
by
the
way
of
CADMUS
and
BACCHUS
,
by
some
reputed
the
Inventors
of
Physick
.
THE
shifting
the
Country
of
Esculapius
,
brings
us
at
one
step
some
Ages
forwarder
in
the
History
of
Physick
.
But
tho'
the
Greeks
had
not
purloyn'd
him
from
his
Country
,
as
we
have
shewn
,
yet
shou'd
we
have
been
oblig'd
to
leap
from
Aegypt
,
or
Phaenicia
into
Greece
,
and
leave
untouch'd
this
great
interval
,
for
want
of
Memoirs
of
the
state
of
Physick
in
those
Countries
during
that
time
.
[
](A49892-e24320-b)(a)
(a)
Or
the
Author
of
the
B●ok
,
intituled
,
The
Physician
,
which
passes
among
his
W●rks
,
but
is
suppos●d
t●
be
written
by
another
Physician
nam'd
Herodotus
.
Galen
,
supposing
that
Esculapius
,
that
is
,
Esculapius
of
Greece
,
was
the
first
that
brought
Physick
to
perfection
,
will
have
it
,
that
all
those
,
that
preceded
him
in
it
,
had
no
more
than
a
bare
Empirical
knowledge
of
the
virtues
of
some
Herbs
,
which
they
had
experienc'd
upon
some
occasions
.
He
was
indeed
forc'd
to
confess
,
that
,
before
that
,
other
Med●cines
,
besides
Herbs
,
were
in
use
in
Aegypt
,
as
Homer
witnesseth
;
and
that
their
custom
of
opening
their
dead
,
in
order
to
embalm
'em
,
must
needs
have
taught
'em
divers
things
of
use
to
Surgery
in
particular
,
but
thinks
all
their
knowledge
owing
to
Experience
alone
,
without
Reasoning
;
whereas
,
according
to
him
Esculapius
compleated
Med●cine
,
whose
Physick
he
calls
Divine
,
supposing
him
to
derive
it
from
his
Father
the
God
Apollo
.
We
shall
see
by
and
by
,
that
Es
;
culapius
himself
did
not
know
much
more
than
those
Galen
speaks
of
,
who
,
in
probability
,
are
not
much
wrong●d
by
him
.
But
,
whatever
th●●●●owledge
were
,
since
Antiquity
has
left
us
nothing
of
it
,
let
us
see
what
it
has
deliver'd
concerning
Esculapius
.
He
was
(
as
has
been
said
)
Son
of
Apollo
and
Coronis
;
of
his
●irth
Pausanias
gives
this
account
.
[
](A49892-e24550-b)(b)
(b)
In
Laconic
.
〈◊〉
●●us
,
being
great
by
Apollo
,
going
with
her
F●●●●
Pelopo●csus
,
was
deliver●d
of
a
Son
up
〈◊〉
Mountain
in
the
Territories
of
Epi●au●us
,
where
she
left
him
.
A
Goat-herd
in
the
neighborhood
,
missing
his
Dog
,
and
one
of
his
milch
Goats
,
●pon
search
found
'em
both
with
the
Child
,
the
Goat
giving
him
the
Breast
,
and
the
Dog
standing
Centry
.
He
observing
,
besides
this
,
that
the
Child
was
surrounded
with
coelescial
Fire
,
conceiv'd
a
great
veneration
for
him
.
Others
say
,
that
he
was
the
Son
of
Arsinoe
,
Daughter
of
Leucippus
.
[
](A49892-e24620-b)*
*
With
Pindar
ag●●●s
Ovid
in
the
main
,
ex
cept
that
this
latter
ma●es
Coronis
to
ha●●
been
of
●●●ssa
,
and
her
Lover
of
the
same
Country
,
and
she
slain
by
Apollo's
●●n
hand
:
Pulehior
in
t●●â
quam
Larissaea
C●rouis
non
fuit
Aemonià
,
&c.
Or.
Metam
.
lib.
2.
[
](A49892-e24700-b)(c)
(c)
Pythio●
.
Od.
3.
Pindar
gives
another
account
of
the
matter
.
Coronis
(
says
he
)
being
great
with
Child
,
yet
being
lavish
of
her
favours
to
Ischys
,
a
young
Arcadian
,
Apollo
was
so
provok'd
,
that
he
sent
the
Goddess
Diana
,
his
Sister
,
to
Laceria
,
a
City
in
Thessaly
,
where
Coronis
dwelt
,
to
excite
the
Plague
,
whereof
she
died
.
But
as
she
was
laid
upon
the
Pile
,
the
God
,
remembeing
the
burden
of
her
Womb
,
came
,
and
snatch●d
the
Child
out
of
the
flames
,
and
carried
him
to
Chiron
the
Centaur
to
be
brought
up
.
He
is
by
some
reported
to
have
been
born
at
[
](A49892-e24810-b)*
*
Or
Tricca
,
thence
call●d
Tricca●●s
.
Trica
,
a
City
of
the
same
Province
.
[
](A49892-e24850-b)(d)
(d)
●e
fals
relig.
lib.
1.
cap.
10.
Lactantius
says
,
That
his
Parents
were
uncertain
,
that
he
was
expos'd
immediately
after
his
birth
,
and
found
by
Hunters
nurs'd
by
a
Bitch
,
that
he
was
sent
by
the
Hunters
to
Chiron
,
who
taught
him
Physick
.
He
adds
,
That
he
was
a
Messenian
,
but
had
his
abode
at
Epidaurus
.
Others
say
,
That
Apollo
himself
taught
him
his
Art
.
Be
it
as
it
may
,
he
was
so
good
a
proficient
,
that
he
cur'd
,
as
Pindar
says
,
all
that
applied
themselves
to
him
,
of
all
sorts
of
Vlcers
,
Wounds
,
Fevers
,
and
Pains
,
by
[
](A49892-e24950-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
soft
Incantations
,
by
sweetning
Potions
,
by
Incisions
,
or
Remedies
externally
applied
.
By
Incantation
here
may
be
understood
the
power
of
Musick
,
which
in
many
cases
affords
great
relief
.
Apollo
,
the
Father
of
Esculapius
,
being
God
of
Musick
,
and
Chiron
,
his
Tutor
,
no
less
a
Musician
than
a
Physician
,
he
cou'd
not
but
be
a
great
Master
of
both
Arts.
There
is
a
passage
in
Galen
,
which
may
serve
as
a
Comment
upon
this
of
Pindar
.
[
](A49892-e25090-b)(f)
(f)
De
sanitat
.
tuend
.
lib.
1
cap.
8.
.
I
have
cur'd
(
says
he
)
several
persons
,
whose
passions
of
mind
have
render'd
their
Bodies
diseas'd
,
by
calming
the
disorderly
motions
,
and
reducing
their
minds
to
their
natural
state
of
composure
.
If
authority
were
requir●d
to
establish
this
method
,
I
cou'd
cite
a
very
considerable
one
,
which
is
that
of
Esculapius
the
God
of
my
Country
,
who
us●d
to
relieve
those
,
whose
violent
agitations
of
mind
rais'd
an
intemperate
heat
in
their
Bodies
,
with
Songs
,
Farces
,
and
Musick
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
CHARMS
,
and
the
manner
how
they
were
introduc'd
into
Physick
.
ESCULAPIUS
us'd
'em
,
as
did
all
the
rest
of
the
Ancients
.
THat
this
way
of
curing
Diseases
is
very
ancient
,
is
past
doubt
,
and
that
it
was
in
use
at
this
time
we
have
the
testimony
of
[
](A49892-e25200-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Odyss.
19.
Homer
,
who
tells
us
,
That
they
stopp'd
the
bleeding
of
Ulysses
,
by
means
of
Incantations
or
Charms
.
Esculapius
join'd
this
superstitious
method
of
treating
the
Sick
,
to
that
was
usually
practic'd
,
which
,
according
to
Pindar
,
consisted
of
Potions
,
external
Remedies
,
and
manual
Operations
.
'T
is
very
probable
,
that
at
first
they
had
recourse
to
these
three
ways
only
,
as
the
most
simple
,
and
natural
.
But
finding
them
frequently
ineffectual
,
they
betook
themselves
to
superstitious
Means
,
perhaps
out
of
a
consideration
[
](A49892-e25340-b)*
*
It
is
more
probable
,
that
they
were
first
introduc'd
by
their
Priests
,
who
were
the
first
practicers
of
Physick
among
the
Ancients
,
and
who
being
in
other
matters
us'd
to
practice
upon
the
credulity
of
the
people
,
made
use
of
the
same
artifice
to
maintain
their
reputation
for
Physick
,
a
branch
of
their
craft
,
that
procur'd
'em
not
the
least
veneration
.
Accordingly
we
find
abundance
of
supposititious
Books
,
of
this
kind
,
father'd
by
'em
upon
their
Gods
;
a
cheat
not
impracticable
to
'em
,
considering
the
manner
of
transmitting
all
knowledge
of
this
kind
among
the
ancient
Aegyptians
.
,
that
if
they
did
no
good
,
they
did
at
least
no
harm
.
And
tho'
they
might
be
(
as
many
now
think
'em
)
vain
,
and
ridiculous
,
yet
't
was
sufficient
to
establish
the
use
of
'em
,
that
several
fancied
themselves
reliev'd
by
'em
.
And
as
the
Imagination
is
not
only
contagious
,
but
also
very
powerful
in
subjects
where
t
is
strong
and
lively
,
things
in
themselves
of
no
force
or
effect
,
might
,
by
the
mediation
of
Fancy
,
produce
very
sensible
effects
,
which
those
that
saw
'em
,
expected
from
'em
again
,
indifferently
,
upon
all
occasions
.
[
](A49892-e25380-b)*
*
The
seeming
efficacy
of
'em
,
in
cases
determining
of
themselves
by
a
natural
Crisis
,
might
contribute
more
than
all
the
rest
:
For
,
in
matters
of
Superstition
among
the
ignorant
,
one
shadow
of
success
prevails
against
a
hundred
manifest
contradictions
,
and
encourages
'em
against
every
days
experience
,
as
our
Astrologers
ca●
witness
.
Besides
,
this
sort
of
Remedies
being
neither
nauseous
,
nor
painful
,
they
were
submitted
to
with
less
reluctance
;
but
if
all
these
reasons
were
insufficient
to
establish
the
credit
of
Superstitious
Med●cines
,
the
power
Religion
has
over
the
minds
of
Men
,
which
is
very
great
,
was
abusively
employ●d
to
that
purpose
,
and
finish'd
their
submission
to
em
.
These
are
the
arguments
of
those
,
that
reject
all
charms
as
trifles
;
but
the
more
numerous
are
those
,
that
believe
the
fact
not
impossible
,
tho'
the
manner
be
inconceiveable
:
They
bring
the
Holy
Scripture
to
back
their
opinion
.
From
thence
at
least
they
gather
,
that
there
were
Enchanters
in
the
time
of
Moses
,
and
of
the
Apostles
.
It
is
said
likewise
in
[
](A49892-e25450-b)(b)
(b)
Vid
Hierozoicon
.
Bochart
.
lib.
3.
cap.
6.
Psalm
58.
That
the
Adder
stoppeth
her
ears
,
and
refuseth
to
hear
the
voice
of
the
Charmer
.
And
the
Prophet
Jeremy
threatens
the
Jews
with
the
coming
of
certain
Serpents
,
upon
whom
Enchantments
shou'd
have
no
power
.
I
shall
not
enlarge
upon
this
subject
,
tho'
I
thought
my self
oblig●d
to
take
notice
of
it
in
my
way
.
However
it
were
,
Charms
,
or
Enchantments
,
made
their
way
so
well
in
Physick
,
that
they
have
been
practic'd
in
all
Nations
of
the
World
,
time
out
of
mind
.
Nor
is
it
among
the
simple
,
and
illiterate
only
,
that
they
have
gained
ground
,
for
the
wisest
have
paid
no
less
deference
to
'em
,
as
shall
be
shewn
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Of
AMULETS
,
and
other
sorts
of
CHARMS
.
DIseases
were
sometimes
charm'd
by
simple
Words
,
or
Magick
Sentences
,
or
Verses
pronounc'd
in
the
Ear
of
the
Patient
,
or
at
a
distance
,
with
an
intention
of
curing
;
which
was
accompany'd
with
certain
gestures
,
or
motions
of
the
Body
.
[
](A49892-e25640-b)*
*
Of
these
there
are
man●
yet
in
request
w●th
many
pe●●●●
;
one
I
met
with
in
an
old
〈◊〉
is
mu●h
cried
up
by
those
that
deal
in
'em
the
words
and
form
are
these
.
Inscribas
chartae
quod
s●rib
t●r
Abracadabra
.
abracadabra
abracadabr
abracadab
abracada
abracad
abraca
abrac
abra
abr
ab
a
Some
reverse
this
way
of
writing
.
Sometimes
they
wrote
these
Sentences
upon
certain
things
,
and
hung
'em
about
the
Body
of
the
Patient
.
These
are
what
the
Latins
call'd
Amulets
,
Amuleta
,
from
the
Verb
amovere
,
to
take
away
,
or
remove
.
They
call'd
'em
also
Proebia
,
or
Proebra
,
from
prohibere
,
to
forbid
,
or
keep
off
.
The
G●●ek
in
the
same
sense
call'd
'em
Apotropeaa
,
Phylacteria
,
Amynteria
,
Alexiteria
,
Alexipharmaca
,
because
they
believ'd
that
these
things
did
not
only
preserve
,
and
defend
'em
against
all
Incantations
,
or
Charms
,
(
to
which
they
ascrib'd
as
much
power
to
cause
Diseases
,
as
the
Counter-Charms
had
to
cure
'em
)
but
that
they
also
reliev'd
'em
from
Maladies
arising
from
natural
Causes
.
The
matter
of
these
Amulets
was
taken
from
Stones
,
Metals
,
Simples
,
Animals
,
and
in
general
from
any
thing
in
the
World
.
They
engrav'd
upon
Stones
,
or
Metals
,
either
Characters
,
Figures
,
or
Words
,
which
often
signified
nothing
,
or
were
unintelligible
to
those
that
wrote
'em
,
and
those
that
made
use
of
'em
.
They
wrote
likewise
these
words
upon
Paper
,
or
other
matter
whatsoever
.
Or
if
they
neither
wrote
,
nor
mark'd
any
thing
upon
matter
proper
for
Amulets
,
they
us'd
abundance
of
superstitious
ceremonies
in
their
preparation
and
application
;
not
to
take
notice
of
the
pains
they
were
at
to
watch
a
favourable
disposition
of
the
Stars
.
The
Arabians
nam'd
this
last
sort
of
Amulets
,
which
deriv'd
their
virtue
chiefly
from
the
influence
of
the
Stars
,
Talismans
,
that
is
,
Images
.
These
Amulets
were
of
all
forms
,
and
fasten'd
to
all
parts
of
the
Body
;
whence
they
were
call'd
also
Periapta
and
Periammata
,
from
a
Verb
,
which
signifies
to
put
round
about
any
thing
.
Some
resembled
a
piece
of
Money
,
with
a
hole
punch'd
in
'em
,
to
hang
by
a
[
](A49892-e25910-b)*
*
Of
this
sort
was
the
Gold
given
by
our
Kings
,
and
the
Kings
of
France
,
to
those
whom
they
touch'd
for
Scrophulous
Cases
,
vulgarly
call'd
from
thence
the
King
's
Evil.
string
about
the
Neck
.
Others
were
made
into
Rings
for
the
Finger
,
Bracelets
for
the
Arm
,
Collars
for
the
Neck
,
Crowns
for
the
Head
,
&c.
[
](A49892-e26000-b)*
*
Of
this
sort
are
the
Blood-stone
,
the
Snake-stone
,
the
Eagle-stone
,
Moss
of
〈◊〉
dead
Man's
Skull
,
Peony-Root
,
&c.
to
which
mighty
vertues
are
assign'd
by
some
.
Vide
Boyle
of
Specifick
Med'cines
,
Philosphical
Transact
.
&c.
Some
Amulets
there
were
,
in
which
neither
Charms
,
nor
Superstition
,
had
any
share
;
tho'
no
body
cou'd
account
for
the
effects
attributed
to
'em
.
This
sort
of
Amulets
is
yet
approv'd
by
divers
Physicians
,
tho'
others
give
no
credit
to
'em
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
again
of
these
,
and
the
rest
,
in
the
sequel
of
this
Work
.
As
for
the
Charms
ESCVLAPIVS
us'd
,
I
can't
see
why
they
shou'd
be
charg'd
as
matter
of
blame
upon
him
,
in
an
Age
of
the
grossest
Idolatry
and
Ignorance
,
which
are
yet
so
much
in
use
with
divers
Christians
,
who
ought
to
have
an
abhorrence
for
such
Remedies
,
or
at
least
more
wit
than
to
conside
in
such
fooleries
.
Whether
it
were
in
imitation
of
Esculapius
I
can't
tell
,
that
his
Country-men
,
the
Thessalians
,
have
been
so
addicted
to
Incantations
,
that
they
were
peculiarly
remarkable
for
it
;
witness
Apuleius
his
golden
Ass
,
and
abundance
of
other
ancient
Authors
,
who
speak
of
Thessaly
as
the
Country
of
Sorcerers
.
CHAP.
XV.
ESCULAPIUS
embrac'd
also
the
solid
Physick
,
He
is
reputed
the
Author
of
CLINICK
Med'cine
:
Wondrous
Cures
reported
of
him
,
as
raising
of
the
Dead
.
CHarms
were
not
the
only
Physick
of
ESCVLAPIVS
;
what
has
been
said
,
shews
that
he
did
not
neglect
the
more
substantial
part
of
his
Art
.
We
shall
see
in
the
sequel
,
whether
he
brought
Physick
to
the
heighth
of
perfection
,
that
some
pretend
,
or
not
.
Galen
,
in
the
place
afore-cited
,
where
he
says
,
That
Esculapius
cur'd
Diseases
by
Musick
,
&c.
adds
,
That
he
order'd
some
to
ride
on
Horseback
,
others
to
exercise
in
Armour
;
that
he
prescrib'd
to
'em
their
several
motions
,
and
manner
of
arming
.
By
this
he
shou'd
also
be
Author
of
the
Gymnastick
Medicine
;
of
which
hereafter
.
He
had
likewise
the
reputation
of
inventing
[
](A49892-e26240-b)(a)
(a)
Hygin
.
Fab.
Clinick
Med'cine
,
so
call'd
from
a
Greek
word
signifying
a
[
](A49892-e26260-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
hence
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
an
Epithet
common
both
to
the
Physician
and
Patient
,
signifying
as
well
him
that
is
confin'd
to
his
Bed
,
as
him
that
visits
him
there
.
For
a
third
signification
,
see
Chap.
of
the
Slaves
Physicians
.
Bed
,
to
shew
that
he
was
the
first
that
visited
the
sick
in
their
Beds
;
which
supposes
,
that
the
Physicians
before
him
did
not
visit
their
Patients
at
their
Houses
.
This
is
confirm'd
by
the
practice
of
the
Babylonians
,
who
carried
their
sick
to
the
Cross-ways
for
the
advice
of
those
that
pass'd
by
.
Chiron
,
perhaps
,
expected
to
be
consulted
at
home
.
As
for
the
Physicians
of
less
note
,
't
is
probable
they
kept
the
Fairs
and
Markets
to
sell
their
Med'cines
,
as
our
Mountebanks
do
now
,
without
troubling
themselves
to
repeat
their
visits
,
and
observe
the
changes
that
happen'd
to
their
Patients
,
as
they
do
now
.
This
custom
introduc'd
by
Esculapius
,
became
afterwards
a
mark
of
distinction
between
his
Imitators
,
who
were
call'd
Clinicks
,
and
the
Empiricks
,
or
Market-Hunters
.
His
method
succeeded
so
well
for
himself
,
that
no
Physick
was
talk●d
of
but
that
of
Esculapius
.
Castor
and
Pollux
took
him
along
with
'em
,
in
the
famous
Expedition
of
the
Argonauts
,
where
some
surprizing
cures
,
done
upon
Men
given
over
for
dead
,
got
him
the
reputation
of
raising
Men
actually
from
the
Dead
.
[
](A49892-e26410-b)(a)
(a)
Pindar
:
Pyth.
Od.
3
:
Virgil.
Aenead.
3.
The
Fable
adds
,
that
,
upon
a
complaint
of
Pluto
,
that
,
if
he
were
suffer●d
to
go
on
,
no
body
wou'd
die
,
and
Hell
wou'd
become
a
Desart
,
Jupiter
slew
him
with
Thunder
,
and
with
him
Hippolitus
,
the
Son
of
Theseus
,
whom
he
had
restor'd
to
Life
;
and
,
at
the
request
of
his
Father
Apollo
,
translated
him
to
a
place
among
the
Stars
,
under
the
name
of
[
](A49892-e26470-b)*
*
Anguitenens
,
by
some
taken
for
Hercules
,
by
others
for
Esculapius
.
Vide
Cir.
de
nat.
deor
.
lib.
2.
Ophiucus
,
a
Constellation
above
Scorpio
.
Pindar
says
,
That
Esculapius
was
prevailed
upon
to
raise
Hippolitus
,
by
the
promise
of
a
great
Sum
of
Money
;
which
gave
occasion
to
[
](A49892-e26560-b)(b)
(b)
Clem.
Alexandr
.
some
to
tax
him
with
Covetousness
:
But
Suidas
refutes
that
scandal
,
and
says
,
That
he
wou'd
have
done
as
much
for
Pauson
,
or
Irus
,
or
the
veriest
Beggar
of
'em
all
;
and
't
is
but
reasonable
,
that
the
Rich
shou'd
make
up
the
deficiencies
of
the
Poor
.
For
,
if
at
present
we
don't
grudge
the
Physician
his
Fees
,
even
tho'
he
kills
his
Patient
,
I
can't
see
why
Esculapius
shou'd
raise
Men
from
the
Dead
gratis
.
[
](A49892-e26630-b)(c)
(c)
Polyanthus
Cyrenaeus
de
origine
As●lepiadum
.
Voss
.
de
Hist.
Grae●
.
Another
Author
says
,
That
Esculapius
was
Thunder-struck
for
curing
the
Daughters
of
Praetus
,
a
Cure
already
ascrib'd
to
Melampus
,
and
not
for
restoring
Hippolitus
.
But
if
we
believe
the
Fable
,
not
only
Hippolitus
receiv'd
that
favour
from
him
,
but
Capaneus
,
Lycurgus
,
Eriphilus
,
Tyndarus
,
Hymenaeus
,
and
even
Glaucus
the
Son
of
Minos
,
of
whom
before
with
Polyidus
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
Farther
Authorities
to
prove
that
all
the
Physick
of
ESCULAPIUS
was
within
a
very
little
reducible
to
Surgery
.
PLATO's
sense
of
his
Physick
.
WE
have
heard
the
Fabulous
account
of
Esculapius
;
but
Celsus
and
Suidas
talk
more
naturally
of
him
.
If
we
may
credit
the
latter
,
Esculapius
did
not
put
Jupiter
to
the
expence
of
Thunder
,
[
](A49892-e26840-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
dying
of
a
Peripneumony
;
Human
Physick
,
of
which
he
was
the
Inventor
,
failing
him
at
his
need
.
Celsus
likewise
tells
us
,
That
Esculapius
came
by
his
mighty
Fame
much
cheaper
than
is
reported
.
[
](A49892-e26880-b)*
*
Hae●
n●squam
quidem
non
est
.
St.
quidem
impertissimae
gentes
herbas
,
allaque
prompta
in
auxilium
valnerum
morborumque
noverunt
,
&c.
C●ls
.
Prasat
.
There
is
no
place
,
says
he
in
his
Preface
,
without
Physick
,
for
the
most
unciviliz●d
Nations
have
the
use
of
Herbs
,
and
other
familiar
Remedies
,
for
Wounds
and
Diseases
.
The
Greeks
,
indeed
,
improv'd
it
farther
than
any
other
Nation
,
yet
,
even
they
,
not
from
the
first
Original
,
but
a
few
Ages
ago
;
for
Esculapius
is
the
most
ancient
Author
upon
Record
amongst
'em
:
Who
,
because
he
refin'd
this
Science
a
little
,
which
was
before
rude
,
and
amongst
the
Vulgar
,
was
promoted
to
be
a
God
.
His
two
Sons
,
Podalirius
and
Machaon
,
follow'd
Agamemnon
to
the
War
of
Troy
,
where
they
were
very
serviceable
to
their
fellow
Soldiers
;
yet
Homer
does
not
mention
any
service
they
did
in
the
Plague
,
or
any
other
distempers
,
only
that
they
cur'd
wounds
by
Incision
,
and
Medicaments
.
From
whence
't
is
plain
,
that
they
pretended
to
this
part
of
Physick
only
,
and
that
this
is
the
ancientest
.
[
](A49892-e27000-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
29.
cap.
1.
Pliny
agrees
with
him
;
Physick
,
says
he
,
has
rais'd
its
Credit
upon
a
Lye
,
feigning
that
Esculapius
was
kill'd
by
Thunder
,
for
restoring
Life
to
the
Son
of
Tindarus
,
and
others
,
which
made
a
mighty
noise
about
the
Time
of
the
Trojan
War
;
since
which
we
have
been
better
inform●d
in
the
Historical
Truth
of
Fact
,
for
all
his
skill
lay
in
the
cure
of
wounds
.
We
may
urge
likewise
,
that
if
Esculapius
,
or
his
Sons
,
had
been
Physicians
,
they
wou'd
have
known
how
to
Diet
their
Sick
better
,
a
principal
part
of
a
Physicians
skill
:
[
](A49892-e27090-b)*
*
Athenaeus
uses
this
instance
as
an
argument
of
the
temperance
of
Homer's
Heroes
,
which
begat
so
good
a
Constitution
,
that
tho●
wounded
they
might
drink
Wine
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
pernicious
in
inslamations
,
thick
,
and
very
nourishing
;
and
this
Nestor
,
the
wisest
of
the
Greeks
,
advises
Machaon
,
the
skilsullest
in
these
Matters
,
to
do
every
day
,
so
long
as
he
shou'd
be
laid
up
.
From
hence
Athenaus
infers
,
that
't
was
not
the
practice
of
the
great
Men
of
Times
to
drink
Wine
,
but
upon
extraordinary
occasions
.
But
whether●
this
Advice
was
suitable
to
the
Wisdom
of
Nestor
,
or
the
Skill
of
Machaon
,
I
leavs
the
learned
Reader
to
judge
.
Vid.
Athenaeum
,
lib.
1.
p.
10.
They
wou●d
not
have
given
Eurypylus
,
when
wounded
,
Broth
made
with
Wine
,
Meal
and
Cheese
ground
in
it
;
nor
wou'd
Machaon
himself
,
with
a
wound
in
his
shoulder
,
have
drank
Wine
,
which
Physicians
hold
to
be
hurtful
to
wounds
.
The
answer
Plato
made
to
this
objection
,
gives
so
particular
an
Idea
of
the
Physick
of
Esculapius
and
his
Sons
,
that
I
can't
forbear
citing
it
at
length
.
[
](A49892-e27270-b)(b)
(b)
De
Repub.
Lib
3.
This
discourse
is
atridg'd
by
Maximus
Tyrius
,
Serm.
29.
'T
is
absurd
,
says
he
,
that
Men
shou'd
want
Physicians
,
not
only
for
Wounds
and
Diseases
,
arising
from
an
ill
disposition
of
the
Air
,
and
the
uncertainty
of
Weather
,
but
from
those
too
that
spring
from
Sloth
and
Luxury
,
which
,
silling
em
with
Water
and
Wind
,
as
if
their
Bodies
were
Lakes
,
or
Sinks
,
have
oblig●d
the
Successors
of
Esculapius
to
invent
new
names
of
Flatus
,
and
Defluxions
,
or
Catarrhs
,
never
heard
of
before
.
What
makes
me
conjecture
at
least
,
that
these
Distempers
were
unknown
in
Esculapius's
time
,
is
,
That
his
Sons
,
at
the
Siege
of
Troy
,
did
not
forbid
the
Potion
,
that
a
Woman
gave
to
Eurypylus
,
when
he
was
wounded
,
made
of
Cheese
ground
,
and
Meal
sleep'd
in
Wine
of
[
](A49892-e27400-b)*
*
Homer
calls
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
The
great
variety
of
ancient
conjectures
about
the
derivation
of
the
name
,
shews
the
uncertainty
of
em
;
which
,
whoever
is
curious
to
know
,
may
consult
the
Scholia
of
D●●vious
upon
the
11th
Book
of
the
Ilias
,
and
Athenaeus
,
p.
30.
N●●
is
it
less
uncertain
,
what
sort
of
Wine
it
was
.
Athenaeus
gives
us
two
descriptions
of
it
directl●
contrary
one
to
a●●ther
.
For
the
first
,
see
the
so
e●●ing
Note
,
the
other
we
find
pag.
30.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Here
the
Pramnian
Wine
is
neither
thick
〈◊〉
sweet
,
but
a
rough
,
hard
,
strong
Wine
.
The
testimony
of
Aristophanes
,
which
he
immediately
subjoyns
,
is
to
the
same
purpose
,
that
the
Athenians
neither
loved
harsh
grating
Poets
nor
crabbed
Pramnian
Wine
,
that
cortracted
their
Brows
,
and
their
Anus
.
The
Reader
may
compare
this
passage
with
that
in
the
note
immediately
foregoing
and
as
he
pleases
take
or
rejest
either
.
Pramos
;
which
are
things
that
increase
Phlegm
.
You
will
say
,
doubtless
,
that
the
draught
was
ridiculous
,
and
not
at
all
proper
for
a
wounded
Man
;
but
you
must
know
,
that
the
Physicians
that
succeeded
Esculapius
,
knew
nothing
of
the
Physick
,
now
in
use
,
before
Herodicus
;
who
is
,
as
it
were
,
the
[
](A49892-e27590-b)†
†
So
the
Author
translates
it
,
whose
words
I
thought
it
best
to
stick
to
,
not
having
at
present
an
opportunity
of
consulting
the
Original
.
PAEDAGOGUE
of
DISEASES
.
He
being
Master
of
the
Academy
,
where
the
Youth
exercis●d
,
and
finding
himself
a
Valetudinarian
,
contriv●d
to
make
Gymnastick
;
that
is
,
the
Art
of
Exercising
the
Body
:
a
branch
of
Physick
,
which
brought
both
upon
himself
,
and
those
that
came
after
him
,
a
great
deal
of
trouble
.
How
so
,
you
'll
say
?
Why
he
brought
himself
to
a
lingring
death
;
for
observing
too
carefully
a
distemper
in
it self
mortal
,
which
of
consequence
he
cou'd
not
cure
,
he
gave
himself
so
entirely
to
enquire
after
a
remedy
,
that
quitting
all
other
affairs
,
't
was
the
business
of
his
Life
to
torture
his
own
Carcass
;
so
that
,
tho'
the
least
deviation
from
his
constant
method
of
living
,
were
a
disease
to
him
,
he
arriv'd
not
at
Health
,
but
at
Old
Age
,
which
we
call●d
the
PAEDAGOGUE
,
or
if
you
please
,
the
GOVERNESS
,
or
NURSE
of
DISEASES
,
not
of
the
DISEAS●D
.
Oh!
noble
Fruit
of
his
Art
,
yet
such
as
the
Man
deserv●d
,
that
did
not
know
,
that
't
was
not
out
'
of
Ignorance
,
or
for
want
of
Experience
,
that
Esculapius
forbore
to
teach
his
Scholars
so
painful
a
method
,
but
because
he
was
of
opinion
,
That
in
all
Cities
,
and
well
regulated
Societies
,
where
every
Man
has
his
task
assign'd
him
,
no
Man
can
,
or
ought
to
have
leisure
to
be
a
Valetudinarian
all
his
Life
,
and
bestow
his
whole
care
upon
his
Carcass
.
To
be
convinc'd
of
the
Justice
of
Esculapius's
proceedings
,
we
need
only
to
reflect
upon
the
different
conduct
of
Labouring
Men
,
and
Gentlemen
,
in
such
cases
.
If
a
Mason
,
or
a
Carpenter
,
falls
sick
,
he
desires
his
Physician
to
expedite
his
Cure
by
VOMIT
,
or
PURGE
,
or
Manual
Operation
,
either
by
Incision
,
or
Cautery
.
If
he
orders
him
a
long
course
of
Physick
,
he
tells
him
,
That
he
has
no
leisure
to
be
sick
,
that
he
can't
afford
to
protract
a
Life
of
misery
,
and
languish
perpetually
idle
under
the
protection
of
Physick
.
He
dismisses
his
Physician
,
and
returning
to
his
usual
course
of
Life
,
falls
to
work
,
and
recovers
his
health
;
or
,
if
the
Disease
proves
too
mighty
for
him
,
he
dies
,
and
is
rid
at
once
of
Life
,
and
the
troubles
of
the
World
.
[
](A49892-e27810-b)*
*
I
find
our
Masons
,
and
Carpenters
,
and
all
other
Artificers
,
of
another
mind
,
as
fond
of
Life
upon
any
terms
,
and
as
willing
to
be
idle
as
e'er
a
Gentleman
of
'em
all
,
and
I
doubt
they
're
so
all
the
World
over
,
whatever
they
might
be
in
Plato's
Common-wealth
.
This
no
doubt
is
the
true
use
,
that
all
Mechanicks
ought
to
make
of
Physick
,
to
whom
Work
is
so
necessary
,
that
when
they
can
follow
it
no
longer
,
Death
is
a
favour
.
But
it
may
be
objected
,
that
with
the
Rich
,
that
live
upon
their
Rents
,
the
case
alters
,
for
they
can't
be
reduc'd
to
that
hard
choice
of
Working
or
Dying
.
But
consider
,
that
whatsoever
a
Man's
Condition
,
or
Profession
be
,
the
Publick
Good
requires
,
that
he
shou'd
not
be
idle
,
but
that
every
one
shou'd
be
industrious
in
his
station
;
which
cant
be
while
he
is
wholly
taken
up
about
himself
,
and
his
solicitude
for
his
health
makes
him
fancy
himself
continually
sick
.
Thus
this
new
Physick
is
not
only
injurious
to
all
the
Individuals
,
but
also
to
the
Community
in
general
.
T
was
upon
conviction
of
these
Truths
,
that
Esculapius
limited
his
Instructions
to
the
use
of
a
sound
Constitution
,
and
good
Education
,
and
was
contented
to
teach
the
Method
of
curing
Diseases
arising
from
external
Causes
,
only
by
a
few
Remedies
taken
,
or
Incision
made
,
without
changing
their
[
](A49892-e27860-b)*
*
Planto
in
this
place
seems
to
contradict
Hoginus
before
cited
,
who
makes
Esculapius
the
Inventor
of
Clinick
Med'cine
.
For
if
he
was
the
first
that
confin'd
the
Sick
to
their
Beds
he
was
very
far
from
not
altering
their
course
of
Living
,
and
permitting
'em
to
follow
their
ordinary
occasions
.
But
if
what
Plato
ass●ms
were
in
Fact
the
practice
of
Esculasias
I
shou'd
,
in
spite
of
his
Apology
,
suspect
a
less
honourable
reason
for
it
.
usual
manner
of
living
,
or
diverting
them
from
their
business
.
As
for
Valetudinarians
,
whose
decay
is
inward
,
he
wou'd
not
undertake
'em
,
nor
attempt
to
prolong
their
Lives
,
for
fear
,
being
enfeebled
,
and
exhausted
they
shou'd
beget
Children
as
infirm
as
themselves
,
neither
thinking
it
for
the
good
of
the
Valetudinarians
themselves
,
nor
of
the
Societies
of
which
they
were
Members
,
that
Men
shou●d
continue
in
the
World
,
who
cou●d
not
live
as
others
did
.
The
Sons
of
Esculapius
cleans'd
from
the
bloud
the
wounds
of
Menelaus
,
wounded
by
Pandarus
,
and
applied
asswaging
Ointments
,
but
they
did
not
caution
either
him
,
or
Eurypylus
,
against
eating
or
drinking
of
any
kind
,
as
thinking
their
Med'cines
sufficient
to
cure
the
wounds
of
Men
of
good
habit
of
Body
,
and
that
were
temperate
,
tho'
they
did
drink
Wine
.
As
for
Men
,
that
were
unhealthy
,
either
naturally
,
or
through
intemperance
,
they
thought
it
not
expedient
,
either
for
themselves
,
or
others
,
that
they
shou'd
live
,
and
that
Physick
was
not
made
for
'em
,
and
that
t
was
not
their
duty
to
cure
'em
,
tho'
they
were
as
rich
as
Midas
.
There
is
a
great
Analogy
between
this
way
of
treating
the
Sick
,
and
the
management
of
new
born
Children
among
the
Lacedemonians
,
who
us'd
to
plunge
'em
over
Head
and
Ears
in
Wine
,
tho'
they
knew
it
caus'd
those
,
that
were
of
tender
constitutions
,
to
die
of
Fits
.
They
thought
their
pains
ill
bostow●d
,
upon
any
but
hardy
,
robust
Children
,
the
rest
,
in
their
opinion
,
were
not
worth
the
rearing
.
Upon
the
same
account
,
a
sort
of
Robbers
call'd
Bohemians
,
bath
their
Children
as
soon
as
born
in
the
next
Spring
,
to
try
,
and
season
'em
for
the
fatigue
of
their
way
of
living
.
[
](A49892-e28030-b)*
*
Durum
a
sti●●●●●●us
natos●●
slumina
primum
Deferimus
sa
voque
golu
duramus
&
undis
.
Aemid
.
lib.
●
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Galen
.
lib.
1.
de
●●●ndâ
Sa●●tate
.
This
was
the
general
Custom
of
the
ancient
Celtae
,
that
liv'd
near
the
Rhine
;
They
laid
the
Child
,
as
soon
was
born
,
upon
a
sort
of
Shield
(
super
scutum
)
and
put
it
afloat
upon
the
Rhine
;
if
it
swam
,
the●
receiv'd
it
as
legitimate
,
otherwise
they
suffer'd
it
to
perish
as
spurious
.
Hence
Nazianzen
,
in
an
elegant
Greek
Epigram
says
,
They
essay
〈◊〉
the
Rhine
whether
their
Children
were
adulterate
,
or
not
,
as
they
do
Gold
by
the
Copper
.
This
Custom
abundance
of
Authors
take
notice
of
,
as
Arist●●●
.
Polit.
lib.
7.
cap.
17.
Claudian
.
2
Ruffin
.
Nonnus
Dionys.
l.
23.
Julian
.
Caes
.
Epist.
ad
Max.
&c.
Whether
this
were
a
true
test
,
their
Women
best
cou'd
tell
,
who
had
better
proof
,
and
no
doubt
laugh'd
at
the
superstition
of
their
Hasbands
.
But
Calen
gives
us
likewise
another
reason
,
which
was
at
first
to
season
them
for
the
Hardships
they
were
after
to
endure
,
as
they
harden
Iron
by
plunging
it
red
hot
into
cold
Water
;
but
he
questions
whether
the
Roman
Bodtes
wou'd
bear
such
usage
.
The
like
Custom
is
reported
of
several
Nations
in
Africa
to
this
day
.
How
this
practice
may
agree
with
hot
Regions
I
dare
not
undtake
to
●●termine
,
but
I
am
confident
't
wou'd
be
no
test
of
the
strength
of
their
●●nstitutions
here
,
where
for
many
reasons
I
am
apt
to
think
,
the
l●s●iest
Children
wou'd
be
the
most
likely
to
perish
by
the
experiment
,
when
many
more
infirm
might
escape
.
Virgil
says
the
same
of
the
ancient
Latins
.
At
this
rate
the
good
Esculapius
was
no
extraordinary
Physician
for
Ladies
,
or
Hypochondriacks
;
but
't
is
no
Treason
to
doubt
the
Authority
of
Plato
's
report
.
In
all
appearance
Esculapius
and
his
Sons
knew
no
better
;
and
the
sequel
will
shew
,
that
at
that
time
Diaetetick
Med'cine
was
absolutely
unknown
.
[
](A49892-e28290-b)†
†
With
us
,
the
Country
people
in
most
p●●●to
,
that
are
r●●note
from
Cities
and
great
Traeus
,
give
their
Sick
over
,
when
they
refuse
to
eat
Beef
,
Bacon
,
&c.
Those
Ancients
were
,
in
that
respect
,
about
the
level
of
the
Country
people
with
us
now
,
who
are
yet
so
much
strangers
to
a
sick
Diet
,
that
if
a
Fever
,
or
other
distemper
,
gives
'em
an
entire
disgust
to
their
usual
Food
,
they
eat
nothing
at
all
.
Galen
,
or
Herodotus
the
Physician
,
had
much
reason
to
tell
us
,
that
the
Physick
of
Esculapius
was
perfect
,
entirely
consummate
,
and
divine
,
for
the
Art
had
made
but
very
slender
advances
in
his
time
;
and
his
own
,
and
his
Sons
skill
in
it
,
were
but
very
rude
,
as
[
](A49892-e28370-b)*
*
Qui
,
quoniam
adhuc
rudem
&
vulgarem
hanc
scientiam
paulò
subtiliùs
excoluit
,
in
deorum
●umerum
est
receptus
.
Hujas
deinde
duo
filii
Podal●r
us
,
&
Machaon
,
&c.
Cels
.
Praefat.
pag.
1.
Celsus
takes
notice
.
Their
skill
,
says
this
Author
,
and
with
him
Pliny
,
seems
not
to
have
exceeded
the
limits
of
Surgery
,
as
the
etymology
of
the
names
[
](A49892-e28420-b)(a)
(a)
See
Chap.
the
9th
and
10th
.
Chiron
and
Esculapius
seem
to
insinuate
.
The
principal
cure
perform'd
by
the
latter
,
and
which
gave
him
the
reputation
of
raising
Men
from
the
dead
,
was
evidently
Chirurgical
,
being
that
of
Hyppolitus
,
who
was
torn
,
or
broken
to
pieces
by
Horses
;
and
we
read
not
of
any
other
,
in
which
he
used
internal
Remedies
.
These
reasons
,
indeed
,
are
not
alone
sufficient
to
exclude
Esculapius
,
and
his
Sons
,
from
the
number
of
Physicians
,
since
they
might
have
extended
their
practice
farther
than
we
know
.
The
argument
drawn
from
Homer's
silence
of
their
other
cures
,
is
no
necessary
proof
that
they
cur●d
nothing
but
wounds
;
the
gravity
of
Epick
Poetry
wou●d
not
suffer
him
to
represent
his
Heroes
pining
with
the
Cholick
,
or
languishing
under
a
Diarrhaea
.
[
](A49892-e28530-b)(*)
(*)
Celsus
in
the
passage
above
cited
,
lays
to
great
stress
upon
the
silence
of
Homer
,
which
in
my
opinion
is
of
〈◊〉
weight
in
this
case
.
For
besides
the
reasons
here
produc'd
by
the
Author
against
it
,
it
may
be
observ'd
,
that
the
Plague
he
mentions
,
was
the
grand
Machine
,
upon
which
the
whole
Fable
of
the
Iliad
moves
;
Agamemnon
had
taken
away
the
Daughter
of
Chryses
,
Apollo's
Priest
.
Apollo
resents
the
affront
,
and
in
revenge
j●ne's
a
Plague
among
the
Greeks
;
Chaleas
their
Augur
finds
out
the
cause
of
it
,
and
advises
a
Sacrifice
to
the
God
,
and
Restitution
,
with
a
present
to
the
Priest
.
Achilles
insists
violently
to
have
this
Advice
put
in
●●●cation
;
Agamemnon
complies
,
and
in
return
seizes
upon
Achilles's
Mist●●●
.
Thence
arises
a
quarrel
between
them
two
,
which
,
with
the
consequences
of
it
,
is
the
main
design
of
the
Iliad
.
Now
if
Podalirius
,
and
Macha●n
,
●●u'd
have
●ur'd
this
Plague
,
there
had
been
no
need
of
supplicating
Apollo
,
and
consequently
no
occasion
of
quarrel
betwixt
the
two
Generals
,
which
had
destroy●d
the
whole
Fable
.
This
may
serve
as
a
caution
not
to
ground
〈◊〉
much
in
matters
natural
,
or
historical
,
upon
the
Authority
of
the
Po●t●
,
much
less
upon
their
silence
;
the
want
of
which
caution
has
led
〈◊〉
great
a
Man
as
Celsus
(
I
can't
say
positively
into
an
errour
,
but
)
manifestly
into
false
reas●ning
.
Nor
is
it
a
wonder
,
that
Homer
takes
no
notice
of
any
service
done
by
Podalirius
and
Machaon
,
to
the
Pestilentials
of
the
Graecian
Camp
;
for
it
may
be
inferr'd
,
from
what
he
says
upon
that
subject
,
that
those
Ancients
thought
the
cure
of
that
distemper
much
above
the
power
of
humane
skill
,
and
expected
no
relief
,
but
what
came
immediately
from
their
Gods
,
whose
wrath
they
esteem●d
the
only
cause
of
it
.
But
if
we
must
not
deny
Esculapius
,
and
his
Sons
,
to
have
been
Physicians
,
because
we
find
no
instances
of
their
undertaking
inward
Maladies
,
yet
we
ought
therefore
certainly
not
to
vouch
'em
as
such
,
without
sufficient
evidence
.
The
testimony
of
Galen
,
that
he
cur'd
Diseases
by
Musick
,
and
Exercise
on
foot
,
and
Horseback
,
&c.
may
justly
be
suspected
;
for
he
,
being
of
a
[
](A49892-e28780-b)(c)
(c)
Pergamus
,
where
he
was
worshipp'd
,
and
had
,
a
Temple
no
less
famous
than
that
at
Epidaurus
.
Lucian
says
that
he
had
a
Shop
,
and
practis'd
Physick
there
.
Vid.
Lucian
Iearomenip
.
City
consecrated
to
Esculapius
,
was
oblig'd
to
speak
advantageously
of
the
God
of
his
Country
,
as
himself
calls
him
.
The
authority
of
Pindar
,
already
cited
,
and
of
other
Poets
,
who
mention
him
,
is
insufficient
,
exaggerations
being
inseparable
from
Poetry
.
The
almost
universal
consent
of
Antiquity
,
that
acknowledge●d
him
,
as
the
Inventor
of
Physick
in
general
,
and
sacrifie●d
to
him
as
a
God
,
that
presided
over
the
health
of
Men
,
is
of
much
greater
weight
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
The
common
Opinion
,
which
makes
ESCULAPIUS
the
Author
of
Physick
in
general
,
reconcil●d
to
that
which
allows
him
the
knowledge
of
Surgery
only
.
The
Antiquity
,
and
Necessity
of
this
part
of
Physick
is
shewn
,
and
how
far
ESCULAPIUS
might
carry
it
,
is
examin'd
.
TO
reconcile
the
general
Opinion
to
that
of
Celsus
,
we
must
suppose
,
that
in
the
time
of
Chiron
and
Esculapius
,
Surgery
was
the
part
of
Physick
most
in
request
,
or
look'd
upon
as
most
necessary
;
the
other
,
perhaps
,
being
exercis●d
indifferently
by
all
sorts
of
persons
,
or
not
seeming
to
be
of
equal
service
:
Not
that
Mens
Bodies
were
at
that
time
differently
made
from
ours
now
,
or
they
exempt
from
inward
distempers
,
altho'
suppos'd
to
be
more
robust
,
and
less
subject
to
'em
,
than
we
are
;
but
when
they
were
surpriz'd
(
for
instance
)
by
a
Fever
,
or
a
Pleurisie
,
they
waited
with
patience
the
motions
of
Nature
:
If
they
took
any
thing
,
't
was
some
[
](A49892-e28990-b)(*)
(*)
Such
as
we
call
Kitchin
Physick
.
familiar
Medicine
,
which
their
own
,
or
their
Neighbour●s
experience
,
who
made
no
profession
of
Medicine
,
furnish'd
'em
with
.
These
means
often
succeeded
;
but
tho'
this
easie
,
common
method
,
might
be
of
use
in
disorders
of
the
humours
,
't
was
plain
,
it
cou'd
be
of
no
service
to
a
broken
Arm
,
or
Shoulder
slipp'd
,
cases
of
this
nature
requiring
a
particular
experience
,
and
dexterity
of
hand
,
which
were
not
to
be
acquir●d
under
long
Practice
:
there
was
a
necessity
,
that
some
shou'd
apply
themselves
more
particularly
to
it
,
to
succeed
the
better
in
it
;
and
thence
,
by
way
of
Excellence
,
they
were
call'd
Physicians
,
because
they
cur'd
Maladies
,
which
others
cou'd
not
.
They
might
,
perhaps
,
cure
some
inward
Diseases
,
but
the
fairest
prospect
of
their
Art
lay
not
on
that
side
.
T
was
,
undoubtedly
,
for
the
preceding
reason
,
that
Celsus
esteem●d
Surgery
to
be
the
most
ancient
part
of
Physick
;
they
cou'd
,
in
some
measure
,
dispence
with
the
other
branch
,
but
this
must
needs
come
into
play
almost
as
soon
as
there
were
Men
;
for
if
the
strength
of
Constitution
,
and
the
simple
and
uniform
manner
of
living
,
among
the
primitive
Men
,
render●d
em
less
obnoxious
to
diseases
,
they
became
not
thereby
invulnerable
,
nor
excus'd
from
the
accidents
of
breaking
a
Leg
,
or
an
Arm.
If
therefore
the
strength
of
Nature
was
no
protection
from
these
misfortunes
,
they
must
of
necessity
have
recourse
to
other
assistance
.
Those
therefore
,
that
signaliz●d
themselves
by
their
address
on
these
occasions
,
became
very
considerable
,
and
were
very
much
respected
among
Men
for
the
visible
need
they
had
of
●em
;
which
caus'd
[
](A49892-e29050-b)(*)
(*)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Iliad
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hower
to
say
,
A
Physician
was
worth
more
than
abundance
of
other
Men.
Add
to
the
certain
need
Men
had
of
Surgery
,
the
manifest
relief
they
found
by
it
,
and
the●e
will
no
scruple
remain
,
why
this
part
of
Physick
shou'd
establish
it self
in
the
World
earlier
than
the
rest
.
[
](A49892-e29120-b)(b)
(b)
Estque
ejus
effectus
inter
omnes
Medicinae
partes
evidentissimus
.
Siquidem
in
morbis
cum
multum
fortuna
conferat
,
ead●mque
saepe
sa●utaria
,
saepe
vana
sint
;
potest
dubitali
secunda
vale●udo
medicinae
,
an
corporis
beneficio
contigerit
.
In
his
quoque
in
quibus
medicamentis
maximè
utimur
,
quamvis
pro●ectus
evidentior
est
,
tumen
sanitatem
&
per
haec
frustr●
quaeri
,
&
sine
his
reddi
saepe
manifestum
est
.
Sicut
in
oculis
q●●que
deprehend●
p●●est
;
qui
a
medicis
●●ù
vexati
,
sine
hi●
interd●m
sa●●s
.
unt
.
At
in
〈◊〉
pa●●e
,
quae
manu
●urat
,
eviden●
est
,
●●●●em
profecrum
,
●t
aliquid
ali
ahis
adjuvetur
,
hine
tamen
plurinum
trahere
,
Cels
pr●sat
lib
7.
The
effects
of
it
(
viz.
Surgery
)
are
the
most
evident
of
any
in
Physick
(
says
Celsus
)
.
In
discases
Fortune
bears
great
sway
;
and
the
same
things
are
sometimes
beneficial
,
sometimes
ineffectual
;
so
that
't
is
doubtful
,
whether
the
cure
be
owing
to
the
goodness
of
the
Remedy
,
or
the
Constitution
even
where
Medicines
are
most
necessary
;
tho'
their
use
be
somewhat
more
evident
,
they
frequently
fail
of
restoring
health
,
which
is
often
recover'd
without
'em
.
As
sore
Eyes
,
after
they
've
been
long
tormented
in
vain
by
Physicians
,
sometimes
do
well
when
given
over
.
But
in
cures
by
Manual
Operation
,
tho'
other
things
may
be
of
some
help
,
yet
the
main
success
is
owing
to
that
.
Thus
far
Celsus
.
[
](A49892-e29220-b)(*)
(*)
The
immediate
terror
,
and
anxiety
,
that
wounds
and
fractures
produc'd
,
either
thro'
great
profusions
of
Blood
,
or
agonies
of
Pain
,
procur'd
a
great
veneration
for
those
that
afforded
any
comfort
or
relief
.
Whereas
the
advance
of
Diseases
being
less
sensible
,
having
seldom
any
thing
of
terror
in
their
approach
,
't
is
probable
that
most
of
'em
were
little
heeded
,
till
they
were
ready
to
determine
by
a
natural
Crisis
,
or
were
so
radicated
,
that
't
was
past
the
power
of
Physick
,
especially
in
its
infancy
,
to
relieve
'em
.
As
for
those
acute
distempers
,
that
were
of
swifter
execution
,
such
as
Pestilentials
,
they
were
generally
mortal
;
by
which
means
,
Physick
made
but
very
slow
advances
,
till
after
some
Ages
spent
in
collecting
of
Observations
,
it
came
to
the
heighth
of
reputation
under
Hippocrates
.
Such
visible
relief
cou'd
not
but
make
an
impression
upon
the
most
stupid
people
;
an
advantage
the
rest
of
Physick
had
not
.
Some
have
thought
it
a
trifle
,
that
they
might
absolutely
dispence
with
the
want
of
:
Others
that
cou'd
not
think
so
meanly
of
it
,
yet
thought
they
need
not
be
so
solicitous
about
it
,
every
one
being
Physician
enough
for
himself
;
at
most
,
that
't
was
sufficient
to
consult
his
Neighbour
.
We
see
the
Peasants
,
to
this
day
,
those
especially
that
live
remote
from
great
Towns
,
arrive
at
a
considerable
age
,
without
once
making
use
of
a
Physician
.
[
](A49892-e29240-b)†
†
With
us
the
Country
People
,
in
all
acute
Cases
,
and
even
in
Chronical
ones
too
,
when
they
are
so
far
gone
that
the
symptoms
begin
to
grow
urgent
,
and
the
danger
appears
,
have
recourse
to
some
charitable
Lady
,
or
skilful
old
Woman
,
that
dispences
Cordials
,
and
other
Med'cines
,
from
a
Receipt-Book
,
or
to
some
confident
Water-casting
Quack
,
of
which
there
are
swarms
every
where
.
So
far
are
they
from
slighting
inward
Diseases
,
that
they
catch
at
any
the
most
delusive
shadow
of
assistance
.
If
they
don't
consult
real
Physicians
,
't
is
because
of
the
difficulty
or
charge
,
the
Patient
being
generally
weak
before
he
desires
it
,
and
unable
to
attend
,
or
send
for
a
Physician
;
and
those
whom
they
depute
for
that
purpose
being
usually
persons
interested
in
the
experce
,
content
themselves
with
the
cheapest
,
and
easiest
means
of
shewing
their
care
,
satisfying
themselves
with
a
seeming
,
or
superficial
discharge
of
their
daty
.
The
same
shifts
are
made
in
cases
of
Surgery
.
But
if
any
accident
happens
that
requires
the
assistance
of
a
Surgeon
,
he
is
presently
sent
for
.
The
Greeks
at
that
time
were
much
upon
the
same
foot
;
the
Surgeon
was
all
the
Physician
they
had
.
T
is
further
probable
,
that
the
Surgery
of
Esculapius
,
and
his
Son
,
was
not
arriv●d
at
the
perfection
't
is
now
at
,
nor
that
Hippocrates
brought
it
to
,
the
use
of
Incisions
and
Cauteries
not
having
been
then
so
common
as
it
has
since
been
.
These
ancient
Masters
cou●d
Set
broken
Bones
,
and
reduce
Joints
dislocated
;
and
if
they
had
wounds
under
their
care
,
contented
themselves
barely
to
make
the
Incisions
necessary
to
draw
out
an
Arrow
,
or
Dart
,
from
the
part
wounded
,
without
extending
that
operation
to
the
purposes
for
which
't
is
now
in
use
.
Much
less
did
they
use
the
Cautery
,
or
Application
of
Fire
,
as
since
;
using
only
,
on
those
occasions
,
a
few
[
](A49892-e29350-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ham.
●
.
specisick
Herbs
,
[
](A49892-e29380-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Id.
or
asswaging
Remedies
.
This
was
the
occasion
that
Chiron
was
reputed
the
Inventor
of
the
use
of
Herbs
in
Surgery
.
The
reception
that
the
Romans
gave
their
first
Physician
,
that
is
,
their
first
Surgeon
,
that
came
among
em
,
confirms
this
conjecture
.
The
method
he
us●d
,
which
was
that
then
in
practice
in
Greece
,
where
it
was
at
that
time
pretty
well
improv'd
,
appear'd
to
them
so
cruel
and
barbarous
,
that
they
look●d
upon
him
as
the
common
Executioner
.
'T
is
not
probable
that
they
were
wholly
without
Surgery
before
the
arrival
of
that
stranger
,
their
continual
Wars
made
that
Art
absolutely
necessary
to
'em
;
but
being
used
to
a
milder
method
,
such
as
we
suppose
Esculapius's
to
have
been
.
the●
cou●d
not
but
think
the
new
Surgery
extreamly
harsh
.
I
doubt
not
but
it
appears
strange
thus
to
degrade
Esculapius
,
and
his
Sons
;
and
't
is
hard
to
believe
,
that
Men
that
knew
,
according
to
our
supposition
,
little
more
than
any
ordinary
Bone-setter
,
or
Country
Surgeon
,
shou'd
carry
the
honour
of
being
the
Inventors
of
Physick
.
But
our
surprize
will
cease
,
when
we
consider
that
Surgery
,
being
one
of
the
principal
parts
of
Physick
,
and
Esculapius
and
his
Sons
practising
at
a
time
,
when
there
were
no
Physicians
,
but
Surgeons
,
or
who
were
also
Surgeons
,
and
were
more
consider'd
upon
that
score
,
they
might
naturally
enough
pass
for
Inventors
of
an
Art
in
general
,
of
which
they
practic'd
the
part
most
in
request
in
their
time
.
In
the
second
place
we
must
take
notice
,
that
tho'
Esculapius
was
more
celebrated
for
his
Surgery
than
Physick
,
yet
it
does
not
follow
from
thence
,
that
he
concern●d
himself
not
at
all
with
the
latter
.
'T
is
likely
,
as
we
have
said
,
that
he
undertook
inward
Maladies
as
well
as
outward
,
and
that
he
practic'd
all
parts
of
Physick
,
as
did
all
that
follow'd
him
,
to
Hippocrates
,
and
long
after
him
.
This
,
in
my
opinion
,
is
the
most
reasonable
explication
of
these
passages
of
Celsus
and
Pliny
,
and
fittest
to
reconcile
their
opinion
with
that
which
is
vulgarly
receiv'd
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Supposing
there
were
two
ESCULAPIUS's
,
one
an
Aegyptian
,
the
other
a
Greek
,
we
may
thence
infer
,
that
the
former
had
more
knowledge
than
the
latter
,
or
that
they
both
were
severally
the
Inventors
of
Physick
,
each
in
his
own
Country
:
Wherein
the
manner
,
how
this
Art
was
transmitted
from
one
Nation
to
another
,
is
occasionally
examin'd
.
MEntion
having
been
made
of
another
Esculapius
,
an
Aegyptian
,
and
the
Inventor
of
Physick
,
any
one
might
suppose
him
more
skilful
than
the
Greek
,
and
that
he
was
Master
of
his
profession
in
its
utmost
latitude
.
These
two
Esculapius's
may
reasonably
be
reduc'd
to
one
;
but
if
there
must
needs
be
two
,
an
Aegyptian
and
a
Greek
,
't
is
possible
that
one
might
have
a
more
extended
knowledge
than
the
other
;
but
finding
no
certain
information
thereof
,
we
leave
the
Reader
to
determine
for
himself
.
As
to
the
latter
,
Surgery
appears
to
have
been
his
chief
talent
.
Upon
this
a
question
may
arise
;
Whether
if
there
were
two
Esculapius's
,
each
were
the
Inventor
of
Physick
in
his
own
Country
?
To
which
it
may
be
answer'd
,
That
we
see
nothing
to
the
contrary
,
but
that
each
might
pass
for
such
among
his
Country
Men.
[
](A49892-e29720-b)(a)
(a)
Pluta●ch
.
Sympos
.
lib.
3.
quaest.
1.
The
Magnesians
affirm
,
that
Chiron
was
the
first
that
wrote
of
Physick
.
The
Tyrians
maintain
the
same
of
their
King
Cadmus
,
to
whom
they
offer'd
first-fruits
of
Plants
,
out
of
a
perswasion
that
he
first
taught
the
use
of
●em
in
Diseases
.
Bacchus
King
of
Assyria
,
Lybia
,
and
India
,
was
by
those
people
honour'd
as
the
Author
of
Med●cine
;
whether
it
were
because
he
discover●d
the
virtues
of
the
Ivy
,
or
because
he
taught
the
use
of
Wine
,
which
has
caus'd
him
to
be
taken
for
Noah
,
they
can't
all
be
in
the
right
,
all
that
we
can
from
thence
infer
is
,
that
Chiron
,
Cadmus
and
Bacchus
,
were
severally
the
first
that
introduc'd
the
practice
into
their
own
Countries
:
the
same
might
be
the
case
not
only
of
the
two
Esculapius's
,
but
of
divers
others
in
distant
parts
of
the
World
,
whether
at
the
same
,
or
different
times
.
It
may
be
further
question●d
;
Whether
these
Inventors
,
or
reputed
Inventors
of
Physick
,
have
not
borr●w'd
one
from
another
?
Every
one
,
perhaps
,
might
at
first
make
his
own
Experiments
and
Discoveries
at
home
,
without
Foreign
assistance
,
by
which
they
were
bounded
,
while
unacquainted
with
Commerce
;
but
beginning
,
one
after
another
,
to
shake
off
their
primitive
Barbarity
,
and
Traffick
being
insensibly
establish●d
among
'em
,
their
discoveries
were
at
the
same
time
exchang'd
,
every
one
being
desirous
to
imitate
,
or
introduce
into
his
own
Country
,
what
he
found
useful
abroad
.
Thus
Physick
came
to
be
establish●d
and
perfected
every
where
,
as
fast
as
they
cou'd
unite
,
to
their
own
,
those
Lights
which
were
reflected
from
abroad
.
But
,
tho'
the
knowledge
of
these
first
beginners
,
in
every
place
,
were
but
very
mean
,
compar'd
with
that
of
those
that
came
after
'em
,
yet
,
because
they
laid
the
foundations
,
and
were
the
most
perfect
of
their
Times
,
they
were
honour'd
,
as
if
no
possible
improvements
were
to
be
made
upon
them
.
This
,
in
my
mind
,
is
the
just
Idea
of
these
reputed
Inventors
of
Physick
.
But
there
is
yet
this
difference
between
the
first
Esculapius
,
and
the
rest
whom
the
Greeks
mention
,
That
if
he
be
as
old
as
is
pretended
,
he
will
appear
not
only
to
have
laid
the
first
grounds
of
this
Art
in
his
own
Country
,
as
all
the
rest
in
theirs
,
but
to
be
the
ancientest
of
all
.
What
we
have
just
now
said
starts
yet
another
question
:
Who
were
the
first
People
that
cultivated
Physick
?
There
's
no
question
,
but
the
Aegyptians
,
or
Phaenicians
,
were
the
first
,
who
are
likewise
the
most
ancient
People
known
.
Aegypt
has
been
call'd
,
the
Mother
of
Arts
;
and
the
Greeks
themselves
acknowledge
,
that
they
borrow'd
their
Religion
,
and
almost
all
the
Sciences
,
and
curious
Arts.
Phaenicia
furnish●d
'em
with
the
use
of
Letters
;
so
that
the
Greeks
,
in
a
manner
,
held
of
these
People
all
that
was
nice
among
'em
,
which
they
receiv'd
pretty
late
too
;
as
did
the
Romans
after
them
,
who
tarry'd
a
long
time
e'er
they
introduc'd
into
their
State
,
what
they
in
their
turn
deriv'd
from
the
Greeks
of
this
sort
of
knowledge
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
PODALIRIUS
and
MACHAON
,
Esculapius's
two
Sons
,
famous
Physicians
,
or
Surgeons
;
their
Wives
and
Families
.
[
](A49892-e30070-b)(a)
(a)
See
Eustath
.
in
Il●ad
.
4.
SOme
Ancients
have
believ'd
,
that
the
latter
was
only
a
Surgeon
,
but
that
the
former
was
a
Physician
.
What
has
been
said
before
of
their
Father
,
may
determine
that
point
.
That
Machaon
was
the
eldest
,
may
be
inferr'd
from
what
Q.
Calaber
makes
Podalirius
say
upon
the
occasion
of
his
death
;
That
his
dear
Brother
had
brought
him
up
like
a
Son
,
after
their
Father
was
taken
into
Heaven
,
and
that
he
had
taught
him
to
cure
Diseases
.
[
](A49892-e30150-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tho'
Homer
always
names
Podalirius
first
,
when
he
mentions
both
Brothers
together
,
't
is
only
for
the
convenience
of
his
Metre
.
Machaon
seems
to
have
been
esteem'd
,
and
preferr'd
before
his
Brother
,
by
the
great
Men
of
the
Army
.
He
dress●d
Menalaus
,
wounded
by
Pandarus
,
wiping
first
the
blood
from
the
wound
,
and
not
sucking
it
with
his
lips
,
[
](A49892-e30230-b)*
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
Portus
in
his
Latin
Version
of
the
Iliad
●enders
,
Sa●●gut●●c
exucto
,
Iliad
.
as
a
certain
learned
Man
,
mis-led
by
the
nearest
signification
of
the
word
,
that
Homer
uses
,
has
written
.
And
after
having
cleans'd
the
wound
,
he
applied
some
softning
Remedies
,
as
his
Father
did
.
[
](A49892-e30290-b)†
†
Tarda
Philocte●ae
●sanavit
cu●ra
Machaon
.
Prop.
lib.
2.
This
,
and
V●●gd●'s
T●stimony
,
that
he
was
in
laded
in
the
Wooden
Horse
,
are
dire●●ly
r●pagnant
to
Pausanias
,
and
Q.
Ca●●●er
,
who
say
that
Machaon
was
slain
before
the
Wa●l●
of
Troy
,
by
E●rypylus
,
in
single
●hat
.
For
the
stratagem
of
the
Wooden
Horse
decided
the
fate
of
Troy
,
and
this
cure
was
made
in
his
return
.
Vide
infra
.
Machaon
likewise
it
was
,
that
cur'd
Philoctetes
of
a
lameness
,
contracted
by
letting
an
Arrow
,
dipt
in
the
Gall
of
the
Lerncan
Hydra
,
a
Legacy
of
Hereules
at
his
death
,
fall
upon
his
foot
.
By
this
cure
Machaon
shou'd
have
been
a
more
expert
Surgeon
than
Chiron
the
Centaur
,
who
cou'd
not
cure
himself
of
a
wound
by
the
same
[
](A49892-e30460-b)‖
‖
Chap.
1●
.
weapon
.
As
for
the
rest
,
both
the
Brothers
were
as
well
Soldiers
as
Physicians
;
and
Machaon
seems
to
have
been
very
brave
.
Homer
tells
us
of
a
wound
he
receiv'd
in
the
shoulder
,
in
a
sally
of
the
Trojans
.
He
was
likewise
one
of
those
that
were
enclos'd
in
the
Wooden
Horse
,
that
famous
Machine
by
which
the
Greeks
took
Troy
.
He
lost
his
life
in
single
[
](A49892-e30540-b)(c)
(c)
Hygin
.
Fa●
.
lib.
1.
cap.
81
,
1●8
,
113.
Duel
with
Nireus
,
or
,
as
[
](A49892-e30560-b)(d)
(d)
Pausan
.
Lacoa
.
Q.
Calaber
.
lib.
6.
&
7.
some
others
will
have
it
,
with
Eurypylus
Son
of
Telephus
,
during
the
Siege
of
Troy
.
Both
the
Brothers
are
reckon'd
among
the
Gallants
of
Helen
.
[
](A49892-e30620-b)(e)
(e)
Pausan
.
in
Messeniacis
,
St●●b
.
lib.
8.
Anticlea
Wife
to
Machaon
,
was
Daughter
to
Diocles
King
of
Messenia
:
By
her
he
had
two
Sons
,
Nicomachus
and
Gorgasus
,
who
resided
at
Pherae
,
and
possess'd
the
Kingdom
of
their
Grandfather
,
till
the
Heraclians
,
at
their
return
from
Troy
,
made
themselves
Masters
of
Messenia
,
and
the
rest
of
Pelopernesus
;
from
whence
they
drove
both
them
,
and
others
.
Pausanias
mentions
some
other
Sons
of
Machaon
,
as
Sphyrus
,
Alexanor
,
and
Polemoer●tes
.
Whether
[
](A49892-e30780-b)*
*
This
doubt
is
easily
resolv'd
,
●or
his
Wise'●
Inheritance
was
Messenia
in
Peloponuesus
,
and
his
Subjects
,
or
Soldiers
,
were
Thessalians
,
a●
Homer
witnesses
,
of
Trica
,
by
some
said
to
be
the
place
both
of
his
Fathers
and
his
Birth
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Iliad
.
Δ
Machaon
were
a
King
in
his
own
Right
,
or
in
Right
of
his
Wife
only
,
is
uncertain
;
but
Homer
,
in
two
or
three
several
places
,
calls
him
[
](A49892-e30880-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Iliad
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pastor
of
the
People
,
which
is
the
Title
he
gives
Agamemnon
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Kings
.
Pausanias
adds
,
That
he
was
buried
in
Messenia
,
whither
Nestor
had
caus'd
his
Bones
to
be
convey'd
from
before
Troy
.
Podalirius
,
in
his
return
from
Troy
,
was
cast
upon
the
Coast
of
Caria
by
a
storm
,
where
he
was
entertain'd
by
a
Shepherd
;
who
understanding
that
he
was
a
Physician
,
brought
him
to
King
Damathaeus
,
whose
Daughter
had
got
a
fall
from
a
House-top
.
Her
he
cur'd
by
letting
her
blood
in
both
arms
,
which
so
affected
the
King
,
that
he
gave
her
him
for
a
〈◊〉
and
with
her
the
[
](A49892-e31030-b)†
†
Not
the
Achaian
Peninsula
,
call'd
Pelopou●●sus
,
lying
between
the
Aegaean
and
Ponian
Seas
,
mention'd
before
as
the
Dower
of
〈◊〉
Brothers
Wife
,
but
the
Thracian
,
between
the
Propontis
and
the
Eu●ing
Se●●
.
Chersonese
,
where
he
buil●
two
Cities
,
Syrna
so
nam'd
from
his
Wife
Syrna
,
and
Bybassus
from
the
Shepherd
,
that
receiv'd
him
after
his
Wreck
.
He
had
,
among
other
Children
,
a
Son
call'd
Hippolochus
,
from
whom
Hippocrates
deriv'd
himself
;
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
.
CHAP.
XX.
The
first
instance
of
PHLEBOTOMY
;
Reflections
upon
the
Antiquity
and
Invention
of
that
Remedy
,
and
of
PURGATION
;
And
,
upon
the
opinion
,
that
Brutes
taught
Men
the
first
use
of
divers
Med'cines
.
THis
is
what
is
related
of
the
Sons
of
Esculapius
:
The
latter
having
given
us
the
first
instance
of
Blood-letting
,
it
may
deserve
our
further
consideration
.
Stephanus
Byzantinus
,
from
whom
we
have
taken
this
relation
,
not
telling
us
where
he
had
it
,
and
being
the
only
Evidence
,
the
fact
is
yet
very
questionable
.
[
](A49892-e31300-b)(a)
(a)
Parere
del
S.
Lionardo
di
Capo●
intorno
la
Mcdicina
.
A
modern
Author
,
before
cited
,
thinks
the
silence
of
Homer
a
sufficient
argument
to
prove
that
it
was
not
known
in
his
days
;
and
that
,
if
he
had
been
acquainted
with
a
Remedy
of
that
nature
,
he
wou'd
sooner
have
taken
notice
of
it
,
than
of
a
hundred
other
trifles
with
which
he
stuffs
his
Poem
.
But
to
this
we
may
answer
,
That
Homer
not
writing
of
Physick
,
his
silence
is
no
argument
on
either
side
in
this
case
.
If
it
be
objected
,
that
he
has
spoken
largely
of
Moly
,
and
Nepenthe
,
it
may
be
alledg'd
that
the
Laws
of
Epick
,
and
Sublime
Poetry
,
allow
it
.
The
[
](A49892-e31370-b)*
*
Tho
there
be
a
Plart
still
known
by
the
name
of
●omer's
Moly
,
yet
it
may
be
look'd
upon
as
a
Poctical
Being
,
rais'd
only
to
serve
the
Poet's
turn
,
as
an
under
Machine
in
the
corduct
of
h●●●oem
,
no
such
qualities
appearing
,
in
reality
,
in
the
Plant
that
bears
the
name
.
Vide
Odyff
.
K.
Moly
being
a
sort
of
Counter-charm
to
Incantations
,
was
as
natural
an
Instrument
of
this
sort
of
Poetry
,
as
Enchantments
themselves
.
As
for
the
[
](A49892-e31420-b)†
†
The
same
sentence
may
without
temerity
be
pr●nouned
upon
Nepeuthe
.
T
is
rather
a
Machine
than
a
Med●cine
,
and
as
such
only
ought
to
be
consider'd
by
those
that
criticize
upon
this
passqge
of
Homer
.
Th●se
that
sancy
it
to
have
been
Opium
must
have
very
powerful
imaginations
to
sind
the
Analogy
between
'em
.
Homer's
was
manifestly
a
Med●cine
for
the
mind
,
that
was
to
comfort
,
and
raise
the
Spiri●s
of
Yelemachus
,
who
was
dejected
and
desponding
,
upon
the
account
of
his
Father's
absence
,
and
his
Mother's
troubles
.
From
one
of
the
Epithets
,
which
Homer
bestows
upon
it
,
the
Proper
name
signifying
its
chief
property
is
form●d
.
Vid.
Ody●ss●●
.
Nepenthe
,
tho'
it
were
only
Opium
,
as
some
conjecture
,
as
t
is
a
Drug
of
wonderful
efficacy
,
Homer
might
very
well
give
it
a
place
,
without
derogating
from
the
dignity
of
his
Poem
;
but
,
when
he
spoke
of
the
Remedies
that
Podalirius
and
Machaon
us'd
,
in
case
of
wounds
,
he
contented
himself
with
the
general
name
of
Lenitive
Med'cines
,
without
specifying
'em
.
If
this
Author's
Reasoning
wou'd
hold
good
,
we
might
as
lawfully
infer
,
that
Purging
was
not
us'd
in
Homer's
time
,
because
he
takes
no
notice
of
it
;
which
,
in
my
opinion
,
is
too
improbable
to
be
maintain'd
.
A
Second
objection
against
the
antiquity
of
Blood-letting
may
be
rais'd
upon
the
authority
of
Cicero
,
who
,
when
he
reports
the
inventions
of
the
first
and
third
Esculapius
,
takes
no
notice
of
it
.
Yet
this
hinders
not
,
but
that
it
might
be
the
invention
of
the
second
Esculapius
,
of
whom
Tully
says
nothing
,
but
that
he
was
brother
to
the
second
Mercury
,
and
slain
by
thunder
.
What
Diodorus
,
and
Herodotus
report
of
the
Physick
of
the
Egyptians
,
seems
to
prove
that
it
was
not
practic'd
by
them
;
their
prescriptions
being
confin'd
within
the
compass
of
Diet
,
Clysters
,
Purges
,
and
Vomits
.
If
Bloud-letting
had
been
known
to
'em
,
't
was
a
remedy
too
considerable
to
have
been
forgotten
.
But
it
may
be
answer●d
,
that
these
Authors
speak
only
of
the
ordinary
niethods
,
that
were
practic'd
every
day
;
as
if
we
should
say
,
the
[
](A49892-e31710-b)*
*
The
Author
see
us
to
be
very
much
a
stranger
to
the
practice
of
the
English
Ph●sicians
,
who
prescribe
Bleeding
,
as
fr●quently
perhaps
as
most
in
the
world
,
tho
not
so
indiffer●ntly
in
all
cases
as
in
Spain
,
&c.
English
use
Vomits
very
much
,
the
Germans
,
Sudorifies
;
which
is
no
argument
that
they
do
not
sometimes
let
Bloud
,
tho
in
truth
they
do
it
but
very
seldom
,
especially
the
latter
;
and
't
is
probable
,
Egypt
being
a
Country
much
hotter
than
Greece
,
that
they
let
Bloud
much
more
rarely
.
Of
the
time
when
Bloud-letting
was
introduc'd
we
have
nothing
certain
,
nor
of
those
that
first
used
it
.
Hippocrates
,
who
is
the
antientest
Author
we
have
,
and
the
first
that
has
mention'd
Bleeding
,
convinces
us
that
't
was
not
a
new
Remedy
in
his
time
,
nor
of
late
invention
.
For
tho
he
brings
no
formal
arguments
to
the
contrary
,
yet
we
may
naturally
infer
so
much
;
since
in
his
time
they
open'd
all
the
veins
they
do
now
,
those
of
the
Arms
,
the
Feet
,
the
Forhead
,
the
Nose
,
the
Tongue
,
&c.
They
us●d
likewise
Cupping
with
Scarification
,
and
were
grown
bold
enough
to
open
the
Arteries
both
by
Instruments
and
Fire
.
To
arrive
at
all
these
different
ways
of
letting
Bloud
,
does
necessarily
,
in
my
opinion
,
requiro
a
long
experience
in
that
practice
,
it
being
impossible
to
advance
so
far
at
the
first
step
,
either
in
hardiness
,
or
ability
.
As
for
Purgatives
,
Cicero
,
as
we
have
seen
,
ascribes
the
invention
of
'em
to
the
third
Esculapius
;
but
supposing
that
,
as
well
as
what
Stephanus
Byzantinus
reports
of
Podalirius's
letting
Bloud
,
to
be
a
Fiction
,
there
are
yet
convincing
proofs
enough
of
their
antiquity
behind
.
Herodotus
the
oldest
Greek
Historian
,
and
after
him
Diodorus
,
reports
that
't
was
usual
with
the
Aegyptians
to
give
a
Med'cine
,
that
both
purg'd
and
vomited
.
This
is
imagin●d
to
be
a
fort
of
[
](A49892-e32050-b)*
*
The
Author
ought
either
to
have
nam'd
some
other
Author
of
these
conjectures
,
or
to
have
laid
down
his
own
reasons
for
'em
▪
since
neither
of
the
Simples
named
by
him
,
nor
any
sort
of
Beer
in
common
use
has
the
qualities
of
the
Egyptian
Med'cine
.
There
is
an
herb
in
frequent
use
in
many
parts
of
England
,
with
the
skilful
old
women
in
the
Country
,
that
has
both
,
that
is
,
the
L●urcola
,
or
Spurge
L●w●●l
,
which
will
(
according
to
a
vulgar
errour
among
'em
)
work
ei●●er
●pwards
,
or
downwards
,
as
the
Leaves
,
which
the●
use
,
are
shipp'd
from
the
Stalk
;
but
in
truth
will
do
either
or
both
,
a●●●rding
to
the
st●er●th
of
the
dose
,
and
the
Patients
cons●●tation
.
Tho'
I
think
we
n●●d
not
be
at
much
pains
in
guessing
at
it
,
since
almost
all
the
Purging
Med●●●nes
most
autiently
us'd
had
both
faculties
,
(
viz.
)
of
moving
to
Stool
,
and
V●mit
,
such
were
Hellebore
,
Elaterium
,
Spurge
,
&c.
This
M●d'cine
wa●●●ll●d
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whence
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
purge
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Purgation
.
Rhadish
,
or
an
Herb
resembling
Seleri
,
or
a
composition
like
a
sort
of
Beer
.
The
Antiquity
of
Purging
may
likewise
be
further
supported
by
the
reasons
already
alledg'd
in
favour
of
Bloud-letting
;
that
is
,
by
the
variety
of
Purgatives
already
in
use
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
as
Hellebore
,
Elaterium
,
Peplium
,
Coloquintida
,
Scammony
,
and
divers
others
.
It
is
not
probable
that
all
these
Med●cines
were
discover'd
at
a
time
.
As
for
Elaterium
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
it
was
known
long
before
,
having
been
in
use
among
the
Cnidian
Physitians
,
who
preceeded
Hippocrates
.
There
is
yet
less
reason
to
doubt
the
antiquity
of
Hellebore
,
if
the
history
of
Melampus
be
not
fabulous
.
But
waving
all
these
proofs
,
I
can't
help
believing
Purgation
to
be
very
ancient
,
for
a
reason
founded
upon
the
necessary
consequence
of
an
experience
,
which
must
needs
be
almost
as
old
as
Mankind
.
[
](A49892-e32290-b)*
*
If
the
prin●tive
mann●r
of
living
were
such
,
as
in
the
beginning
of
this
Book
,
our
Auth●r
,
and
with
him
m●●●
learned
men
suppose
it
to
have
been
;
the
simplicity
of
Men's
diet
,
which
consisted
chiefly
,
if
not
altogether
of
Herbs
and
F●uit
,
sh●●'d
rather
have
expos'd
'em
to
Diarrhaea's
,
than
Costiveness
;
and
the
Symptoms
that
generally
accompany
the
former
,
which
are
Gripes
,
and
Fai●n●●●
,
being
more
immediate
,
and
terrible
,
than
those
of
the
lat●er
,
the
obser●ation
of
their
own
Bodies
shou'd
rather
have
discourag●d
the
use
of
Purgers
,
had
they
known
'em
,
than
promoted
an
e●qutry
after
'em
.
'T
is
probable
,
th●●
the
Medical
use
of
Pargers
was
not
known
,
till
af●●●
a
series
of
obs●●●●tions
had
introduc'd
a
regular
diet
,
and
taught
'em
in
some
m●asure
to
●●●per
it
to
their
occasions
.
Then
perhaps
in
obstinate
and
dangero●s
〈◊〉
,
they
●●●ght
venture
farther
by
degrees
.
But
when
that
happen'd
is
next
to
●●up
●●ible
to
determine
.
As
for
the
St●ries
of
Brutes
,
they
may
all
,
as
〈…〉
of
Melampus
as
the
rest
,
be
rejected
as
Fables
.
Neither
Hellebore
,
〈…〉
other
Parging
●●●t
,
that
we
know
of
,
being
so
savoury
,
as
to
〈◊〉
Brutes
to
eat
.
In
these
latter
ages
at
least
,
they
will
starve
rather
than
be
s●rc'd
to
it
.
For
t
is
impossible
they
shou●d
have
been
long
without
observing
the
mischief
of
being
costive
,
and
the
relief
of
evacuation
either
by
Stool
,
or
Vomit
when
the
Stomach
was
oppress'd
.
This
probably
must
make
'em
inquisitive
after
means
to
provoke
Evacuations
,
when
they
were
suppress'd
,
or
when
they
found
themselves
overcharg'd
.
Or
,
perhaps
,
some
body
having
without
design
eaten
some
herb
,
that
purg●d
him
,
and
finding
himself
better
dispos'd
,
and
more
healthy
after
it
,
made
his
use
of
this
casual
experiment
,
and
afterwards
repeated
it
upon
himself
,
or
others
,
that
he
thought
had
occasion
;
or
,
after
all
,
some
body
observing
,
that
some
diseases
went
off
with
Diarrhaeas
,
endeavour'd
to
imitate
,
and
assist
Nature
by
such
means
,
as
chance
had
taught
'em
,
to
loosen
the
Belly
.
Some
such
reason
as
this
apparently
started
the
first
hint
of
Bloud-letting
.
For
the
first
men
observing
that
loss
of
Blood
often
gave
a
check
to
violent
distempers
;
or
that
large
Hemorrhages
at
the
Nose
reliev'd
pains
in
the
Head
;
and
that
Women
were
out
of
order
,
when
they
wanted
those
evacuations
,
attempted
by
Art
to
open
a
way
for
that
Bloud
which
cou'd
not
make
any
for
itself
.
But
tho
some
evacuations
of
Bloud
be
frequently
necessary
,
and
of
benefit
in
distempers
,
it
does
not
fellow
,
that
men
shou'd
as
readily
venture
to
imitate
Nature
in
this
case
,
as
in
that
of
Purging
.
This
latter
voiding
only
excrements
by
the
natural
way
;
whereas
,
Bleeding
takes
away
a
liquor
,
that
appears
so
necessary
to
the
support
of
life
,
that
we
scarce
part
from
it
without
some
horror
,
and
that
too
is
let
out
by
an
unusual
way
;
besides
,
that
Purgers
were
found
out
by
chance
,
and
taken
into
the
bodies
of
the
first
men
as
their
Food
,
which
can●t
be
said
for
Blood-Letting
.
'T
is
certain
therefore
,
that
Purging
is
much
more
naturally
indicated
,
than
Blood
Letting
,
and
that
more
reasoning
was
requisite
to
induce
Men
to
open
a
Vein
than
to
give
a
Purge
,
and
for
that
reason
I
believe
Purgation
to
be
the
eldest
.
Pliny
,
I
know
,
tells
us
,
that
we
are
oblig'd
to
the
Hippopotamus
,
or
Sea-horse
,
who
,
being
by
over-feeding
grown
too
fat
,
and
heavy
,
pricks
a
certain
Vein
in
his
Leg
,
upon
the
most
pointed
thorn
he
can
find
,
and
when
he
has
drawn
Bloud
enough
,
stops
the
wound
with
Mud
:
whence
Men
had
a
precedent
for
Bloud-letting
.
We
may
tack
this
relation
to
another
the
same
Author
gives
us
in
his
next
Chapter
,
that
the
Ibis
taught
Men
the
use
of
Clysters
,
by
putting
his
bill
full
of
Sea-Water
into
his
Fundament
.
Not
but
that
Brutes
might
possibly
teach
men
the
use
of
divers
Remedies
.
But
't
was
in
them
as
well
as
men
,
an
accidental
experiment
.
So
[
](A49892-e32620-b)(b)
(b)
Vide
Chap.
11.
Mclampus's
Goats
having
eaten
Hellebore
more
by
chance
,
than
by
(
what
we
call
)
Instinct
,
and
their
Master
taking
notice
of
it
,
help'd
him
to
the
discovery
of
a
great
Medcine
.
[
](A49892-e32680-b)*
*
A
more
plausible
story
than
any
of
these
Virgil
tells
us
of
his
Goats
,
Aencid
.
xii
.
Dictamnum
genetrix
Cretea
carpit
ab
Idâ
,
Puberibus
caulem
Solus
,
&
Flore
comantem
Pu●pu●eo
,
non
illa
seres
incognita
ca●ris
Gramina
,
cum
stigo
volucres
haesere
sagitt●e
.
Whether
this
story
be
more
admirable
for
the
Sagacity
ascrib'd
to
those
Brutes
,
or
the
power
of
the
Herbs
,
I
leave
those
to
dispute
who
have
more
leisure
,
but
it
has
a
great
many
Naturalist●●or
Vouchers
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
They
say
that
the
Goats
in
Crete
,
when
they
are
struck
with
an
Arrow
,
eat
Dittany
,
and
the
Arrow
immediate●●●●ops
from
'em
.
Arist●●
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Id.
Hist.
anim
.
lib.
9.
Elian.
Hist.
Var.
l
〈…〉
D●os●or
.
l.
3.
c.
37.
Val.
Max.
l.
1.
c.
8.
Plutarch
.
de
Solert
.
Ani●●●
〈…〉
Gryl●o
.
Cic
de
Divin
.
3.
Issdor
.
&c.
Notwithstanding
〈…〉
great
names
,
the
Reader
is
left
to
believe
as
he
pleases
of
the
●ct
.
The
same
may
be
said
of
what
some
[
](A49892-e32760-b)(c)
(c)
Galen
.
Introduct.
Authors
report
that
the
way
of
Couching
Cataracts
,
was
learnt
by
observing
that
Goats
,
that
were
troubled
with
'em
,
recover●d
their
sight
by
having
prickt
their
Eyes
with
rushes
,
or
thorns
,
as
they
brush'd
thro'
the
Woods
.
If
this
be
not
as
very
a
Fable
,
as
those
of
the
Hippopotamus
,
or
Ibis
,
't
is
at
most
but
a
lucky
accident
,
of
which
good
use
has
been
made
.
Perhaps
likewise
,
even
without
the
aid
of
chance
,
the
first
Men
might
designedly
try
upon
Brutes
the
effects
of
Simples
unknown
,
before
they
ventur'd
on
'em
themselves
.
This
way
too
Brutes
might
teach
the
use
of
'em
,
but
not
in
the
Sense
of
the
Naturalists
.
No
body
ventures
to
say
,
that
●●utes
taught
men
the
use
of
poisons
,
drawn
from
the
Bowels
of
the
Earth
,
of
which
nevertheless
there
are
but
too
many
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
Epione
,
Wife
to
ESCULAPIUS
;
Hygiaea
,
Aegle
,
Panacaea
,
and
Jaso
his
Daughter
.
THe
Etymology
of
these
names
shews
'em
to
be
meer
creatures
of
a
wanton
[
](A49892-e32880-b)(a)
(a)
Pausan
.
in
Achaic
.
Fancy
,
and
a
continuation
only
of
the
Sun's
being
the
Author
of
Physick
,
under
the
name
of
Apollo
.
Esculapius
is
also
taken
for
the
Air.
Hygiaea
,
that
is
Health
,
is
call'd
his
Daughter
,
because
our
health
depends
chiefly
upon
the
Air.
Aegle
,
Light
,
or
Sunshine
,
signifies
that
Air
illuminated
and
purified
by
the
Sun
is
the
best
.
Jaso
,
and
Panacaea
,
which
signify
Healing
,
and
an
universal
Remedy
,
insinuate
to
us
,
that
a
good
air
cures
all
distempers
.
These
four
Sisters
are
feign'd
to
be
daughters
of
the
Air
,
to
shew
that
we
are
beholding
to
the
Air
for
Health
,
and
all
the
blessings
we
are
to
hope
from
Med●cine
;
this
Air
is
suppos'd
to
be
Son
of
the
Sun
,
because
to
dispose
it
for
the
advantage
of
Health
it
must
be
,
as
it
were
,
animated
by
that
Star
,
from
which
it
receives
all
its
good
qualities
.
To
carry
on
the
Allegory
,
Esculapius's
Wife
is
named
[
](A49892-e33050-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
lenifying
.
Hepione
,
as
if
she
shar'd
with
her
Husband
the
faculty
of
asswaging
Pain
.
This
sham
Esculapius
,
and
his
Fantastick
Family
confirm
,
what
we
advanc'd
before
,
that
there
never
was
any
Esculapius
of
Greece
.
As
for
Podalirius
,
and
Machaon
,
who
might
perhaps
be
Men
really
present
at
the
Siege
of
Troy
in
quality
of
Physitians
or
Surgeons
,
[
](A49892-e33170-b)*
*
The
Poet
probably
in
this
consulted
the
dignity
of
his
Poem
,
as
he
did
in
those
Epithets
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
he
in
divers
places
bestows
upon
Machaon
.
Not
perhaps
that
he
was
a
King
,
as
out
Author
from
this
latter
appellation
argues
.
But
in
that
he
seems
to
me
to
infer
too
much
,
Homer
not
restraining
it
to
Kings
only
.
For
he
gives
Alexander
and
others
the
same
title
,
tho
they
were
not
crown'd
Heads
.
the
Poet
,
I
suppose
,
made
'em
Sons
of
Esculapius
for
the
greaten
grace
of
the
matter
,
as
he
says
that
Physitians
in
general
are
of
the
race
of
Paeon
,
Physitian
to
the
Gods
;
of
whom
before
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
The
History
of
ESCULAPIUS
continued
.
Wherein
,
what
is
ascrib'd
to
him
in
Physick
by
the
Antients
after
his
being
deified
,
is
set
forth
.
WE
have
seen
,
what
has
been
said
of
Esculapius
consider●d
as
a
Man
.
To
preserve
the
Chronological
order
,
we
shou'd
suspend
the
relation
of
what
concerns
him
in
Physick
after
his
deification
,
till
the
time
in
which
it
happened
.
But
to
avoid
digressions
,
we
choose
to
finish
at
once
his
History
,
Man
or
God
.
Among
those
,
says
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
who
were
heretofore
in
Egypt
,
and
who
were
but
Men
,
tho
the
superstition
of
the
People
has
made
Gods
of
'em
,
were
Hermes
of
Thebes
,
and
Esculapius
of
Memphis
.
This
Author
,
who
here
makes
Esculapius
an
Egyptian
,
and
joyns
him
with
Hermes
,
who
liv'd
in
the
time
of
Noah
,
seems
to
make
him
much
later
,
when
he
says
,
that
he
was
deified
but
fifty
three
years
before
the
Siege
of
Troy
,
and
makes
him
contempory
to
Hercules
,
and
companion
to
Castor
and
Pollux
in
their
Voyage
.
We
have
already
taken
notice
that
he
did
apparently
confound
the
Egyptian
Esculapius
,
with
the
Grecian
.
Perhaps
in
this
latter
passage
he
has
follow'd
the
Greeks
,
who
believ●d
their
Esculapius
no
older
.
[
](A49892-e33510-b)(a)
(a)
In
Corinthiar
.
Pausanias
asserts
of
Esculapius
,
that
from
the
very
first
he
was
none
of
those
,
whose
reputation
grew
by
degrees
;
and
endeavours
to
prove
his
assertion
by
an
expression
in
the
Ilias
,
that
calls
[
](A49892-e33550-b)*
*
Pausani●s
wrests
this
authority
of
Homer
to
a
sense
,
that
in
probability
the
Poet
never
dreamt
of
.
For
Man
,
or
Mortal
is
a
common
Epithet
in
Homer
,
even
where
there
is
no
suspicion
of
any
intended
destincton
of
this
nature
.
[
](A49892-e33590-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Iliad
Δ
Machaon
a
Mortal
,
the
Son
of
Esculapius
,
which
with
him
is
all
one
with
a
Man
Son
of
a
God
.
CHAP.
XXIII
.
Of
the
Temples
built
to
ESCULAPIUS
.
In
particular
of
that
at
Epidaurus
;
and
of
the
several
different
representations
of
Esculapius
.
ESculapius
being
thus
immortaliz'd
,
Temples
were
built
in
divers
places
,
and
vows
made
,
and
Sacrifice
offered
to
him
,
as
the
God
of
Health
[
](A49892-e33720-b)(a)
(a)
Pausan
.
in
Messen.
&
Corinthiac
.
They
erected
likewise
Temples
to
his
Sons
,
and
Grandsons
.
Among
all
that
were
built
in
honour
of
Esculapius
,
that
of
Epidaurus
was
the
most
considerable
.
This
City
was
consecrated
to
him
,
either
because
he
was
born
there
,
or
because
he
had
his
abode
there
.
In
this
Temple
,
which
was
five
miles
from
the
City
,
was
his
statue
of
Gold
and
Ivory
,
made
by
the
famous
Carver
Thrasymedes
.
It
was
of
an
extraordinary
size
,
and
represented
the
God
sitting
upon
a
Throne
with
a
Staff
in
one
hand
,
and
leaning
with
the
other
upon
the
head
of
a
Dragon
,
with
a
Dog
at
his
feet
.
[
](A49892-e33770-b)(b)
(b)
Albrieus
de
deor
.
imaginibus
.
Esculapius
was
otherwise
represented
with
a
[
](A49892-e33790-b)*
*
He
was
sometimes
represented
as
a
Child
by
an
Image
,
of
the
heighth
of
a
Cubit
.
Vide
Pausan
.
Arcad●●a
.
page
5●8
.
[
](A49892-e33810-b)(c)
(c)
He
was
sometimes
represented
with
a
beard
.
long
beard
,
habited
like
a
Physician
,
sitting
with
a
box
of
Ointment
,
and
the
necessary
Instruments
of
his
profession
in
his
lap
.
In
his
right
hand
he
held
his
beard
,
in
his
left
a
Staff
with
a
Serpent
twin'd
about
it
,
to
signifie
,
according
to
the
explication
of
[
](A49892-e33830-b)(d)
(d)
De
natura
d●orum
.
Phornutius
,
that
the
sick
for
their
cure
,
must
renew
their
Bodies
and
slip
their
Skins
,
as
the
Serpent
does
his
.
The
Serpent
,
being
likewise
the
Emblem
of
Attention
,
signified
that
Physicians
ought
to
be
very
attentive
to
what
befel
their
patients
.
The
Staff
signified
,
that
those
who
recover●d
of
any
distemper
,
have
need
of
much
management
,
and
good
support
to
prevent
a
relapse
.
Others
say
,
that
Esculapius's
Staff
was
full
of
knots
,
to
shew
the
difficulties
in
the
study
and
practice
of
Physick
.
Festus
,
from
whom
this
last
remark
is
borrow'd
,
adds
,
that
this
God
wore
a
wreath
of
Laurel
,
because
this
plant
is
of
use
in
divers
remedies
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
How
ESCULAPIUS
is
represented
in
some
Medals
.
Of
the
figure
of
the
Telesphorus
,
which
is
join'd
in
some
of
'em
THere
are
yet
some
Medals
of
Esculapius
remaining
,
[
](A49892-e33970-b)*
*
The
curious
M●
Ch●lton
sh●w'd
●e
an
Abinus
,
which
bore
on
the
reverse
an
Esculapius
standing
●are
from
the
Waste
upwards
,
holding
a
Staff
in
his
hand
,
with
a
Serpent
twin'd
about
it
.
The
Inscription
was
Albin
:
CAES.
R
C.
O
S
I
I.
on
which
he
is
stampt
at
full
length
,
with
the
Pallium
after
the
Greek
fashion
,
which
exposes
the
body
naked
to
the
view
from
the
Girdle
upwards
,
leaning
upon
a
Staff
.
In
others
he
has
a
Cock
at
his
feet
,
to
insinuate
that
a
Physician
ought
to
be
vigilant
.
In
some
others
we
find
an
Owlet
,
to
shew
that
a
Physician
ought
to
be
as
clear-fighted
,
and
ready
in
the
Night
as
the
Day
for
the
service
of
their
Patients
.
In
several
Medals
Esculapius
is
accompany'd
by
a
small
figure
,
representing
a
young
Boy
cover'd
with
a
Cowl
.
Monsieur
Spon
will
have
this
to
be
an
emblem
of
Sickness
,
the
object
of
Medicine
,
because
,
among
the
Antients
,
the
Sick
only
wore
the
Robe
,
and
Bonnet
,
whereas
those
that
were
in
health
went
bareheaded
.
This
Boy
,
or
little
Man
,
was
call'd
Telesphorus
.
Monsieur
Patin
mentions
a
Medal
coin'd
in
honour
of
the
Emperour
Adrian
,
which
bore
on
one
side
an
Esculapius
with
his
daughter
Hygiaea
;
on
the
reverse
a
Telesphorus
,
with
this
Inscription
round
it
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Near
the
Telesphorus
were
these
two
letters
OB.
This
learned
Antiquary
and
Physician
explains
these
words
thus
;
Pergamenorum
sub
Cephalione
,
adding
in
an
Italick
Character
,
Telesphorus
.
He
tells
us
,
after
Pausanias
,
that
Telesphorus
was
a
Deity
of
the
Pergamenians
,
so
nam'd
by
the
command
of
the
Oracle
;
and
that
some
translate
this
word
[
](A49892-e34270-b)*
*
Possess'd
.
Daemoniac
,
or
[
](A49892-e34280-b)*
*
One
that
speaks
in
the
Belly
.
Ventiloquus
.
This
application
induces
me
to
think
,
that
Telesphorus
and
Ob
signified
the
same
thing
,
finding
elsewhere
that
this
latter
word
is
likewise
render'd
by
that
of
Demoniac
,
or
Ventriloquous
Spirit
.
So
Selden
;
[
](A49892-e34350-b)(a)
(a)
De
Diis
Syris
Syntagmat
.
2.
The
word
Ob
is
usually
translated
by
that
of
Python
,
or
Magician
.
But
Ob
was
a
Spirit
,
or
Demon
,
that
seem'd
to
speak
from
within
;
sometimes
from
the
Head
,
and
sometimes
from
the
Armpit
;
but
in
a
tone
,
whether
of
a
Daemoniac
,
or
of
a
dead
man
,
so
low
,
that
it
seem'd
to
come
from
some
deep
cavity
in
the
Earth
;
so
that
whoever
consulted
it
,
oftentimes
heard
it
not
,
but
made
what
construction
he
pleas'd
.
Selden
adds
immediately
;
see
the
History
of
Samuel
,
whose
Figure
was
rais'd
to
Saul
by
a
Woman
,
from
whose
Pudenda
Ob
spoke
,
or
was
thought
to
speak
.
The
Scripture
in
the
28th
Chapter
of
the
1st
book
of
Samuel
calls
this
Pythonissa
,
or
as
the
seventy
translate
this
Ventriloqua
,
a
Woman
that
had
Ob
;
whence
Saul
makes
this
request
to
her
;
Divine
to
me
,
I
pray
thee
by
Ob
,
which
the
lxx
render
;
[
](A49892-e34550-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Prophesie
to
me
by
the
Ventriloquus
.
Ob
therefore
was
a
Ventriloquous
Spirit
.
This
conjecture
seem'd
to
me
well
grounded
.
But
Monsieur
Patin
,
has
done
me
the
favour
to
inform
me
that
instead
of
OB
,
we
shou'd
read
T
O
B
,
this
being
more
frequent
upon
Medals
.
He
is
likewise
of
opinion
,
that
the
two
first
Letters
T
O
shou'd
be
disjoyn'd
from
the
B
,
and
read
T
O
B
,
as
two
words
,
which
signify
according
to
him
a
second
time
.
This
second
time
is
,
says
he
,
capable
of
variety
of
interpretation
,
either
from
the
City
where
the
Medal
was
coin'd
,
or
from
the
Praetor
or
Pontifex
under
whom
it
was
coin'd
.
He
further
observes
this
word
,
where
the
Telesphorus
had
nothing
to
no.
If
Monsieur
Patin
be
not
mistaken
,
especially
in
this
last
particular
,
my
conjecture
is
entirely
overthrown
;
for
my
part
I
readily
submit
to
his
authority
in
a
matter
,
whereof
he
is
so
great
a
Master
.
Pausanias
observes
that
what
the
Pergamenians
call'd
Telesporus
,
was
call'd
Acesius
at
Epidaurus
,
and
Evamerion
in
Messenia
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
ESCULAPIUS
appear'd
sometimes
in
the
form
of
a
Serpent
.
His
Voyage
to
Rome
,
to
put
a
stop
to
the
Plague
:
Of
the
Temple
built
for
him
in
the
Isle
of
Tyber
.
Some
particulars
concerning
the
Temple
,
and
the
place
where
it
was
erected
.
THe
Serpent
was
so
dear
to
Esculapius
,
that
his
usual
appearance
was
under
that
Shape
.
In
that
he
came
to
free
Rome
from
the
Plague
,
in
its
three
hundred
and
fiftieth
year
.
The
Romans
,
says
Aurelius
Victor
,
sent
ten
Deputies
to
Epidaurus
by
the
advice
of
the
Oracle
,
to
bring
the
God
Esculapius
to
Rome
.
The
chief
of
them
was
Q.
Ogulnius
;
these
Deputies
being
arriv'd
there
,
and
admiring
the
extraordinary
size
of
the
Statue
,
saw
coming
out
of
the
Throne
,
on
which
he
sat
,
a
Serpent
,
that
struck
into
'em
an
awe
rather
of
veneration
,
then
terrour
,
and
traversing
the
City
,
thro'
crouds
of
Spectators
that
were
amaz'd
at
the
Prodigy
,
went
on
board
the
Romans
Vessel
to
the
Cabbin
of
Ogulnius
.
The
Deputies
,
transported
with
joy
of
the
Gods
Company
,
arrived
happily
at
Antium
,
where
they
abode
some
time
,
the
roughness
of
the
Seas
not
permitting
'em
to
pursue
their
Voyage
.
During
this
stay
the
Serpent
convey'd
himself
into
a
Neighbouring
Temple
dedicated
to
Esculapius
,
and
came
aboard
again
some
days
afterwards
,
and
they
continued
their
course
up
the
Tyber
.
Till
arriv'd
at
this
Isle
in
the
River
he
leap'd
ashore
.
In
that
place
a
Temple
was
erected
to
him
,
and
the
Plague
immediately
ceas'd
.
Festus
Fancies
,
that
the
Temple
of
Esculapius
was
built
in
the
middle
of
the
water
,
to
signify
the
custom
of
Physicians
,
who
cure
their
Patients
by
obliging
'em
to
drink
water
.
[
](A49892-e34950-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
29.
cap.
1.
Pliny
pretends
that
this
Temple
was
erected
in
the
Isle
of
Tyber
to
avoid
receiving
him
into
their
Walls
,
so
great
was
their
aversion
to
the
Art
,
over
which
he
presided
.
But
't
is
not
probable
they
wou'd
use
a
God
so
scurvily
,
whose
presence
they
had
so
earnestly
desired
,
and
who
had
taken
the
pains
to
come
so
far
to
their
relief
.
[
](A49892-e34980-b)(b)
(b)
Quaest.
Rom.
94.
Plutarch
seems
to
have
hit
the
true
reason
of
this
conduct
of
the
Romans
,
who
built
him
a
Temple
,
without
their
City
,
in
imitation
of
that
at
Epidaurus
,
which
was
five
miles
out
of
the
City
.
He
adds
,
that
this
reason
,
why
these
Temples
were
plac'd
in
the
Country
,
was
,
that
the
Sick
,
who
resorted
to
'em
,
as
a
sort
of
Hospitals
,
[
](A49892-e35020-b)*
*
Or
perhaps
the
Romans
might
fear
to
be
frequently
visited
with
infectious
diseases
,
from
the
great
resort
of
the
sick
to
such
a
Temple
,
and
therefore
erected
it
at
a
distance
,
for
the
same
reason
that
we
build
Pesthouses
at
a
distance
from
great
Towns
.
Or
perhaps
the
Priests
,
who
were
yet
but
Novices
at
Rome
,
might
fear
too
near
an
inspection
into
their
juggling
in
that
great
City
,
and
therefore
chose
a
place
where
none
cou'd
have
admittance
but
those
that
came
prepossess'd
in
favour
of
the
cheat
.
might
enjoy
the
benefit
of
the
open
Air.
If
AVRELIVS
VICTOR's
account
been't
a
fiction
,
we
may
conclude
that
the
Serpents
of
Epidaurus
,
which
were
easily
tam'd
,
were
train'd
to
this
sort
of
juggling
[
](A49892-e35080-b)(c)
(c)
Pausan
.
in
Corinthiac
.
.
[
](A49892-e35090-b)*
*
Qui
sont
de
couleur
brune
,
says
our
Author
,
but
Pausanias
his
words
are
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
seems
to
intimate
that
they
were
of
a
brighter
yellow
,
than
any
other
Serpents
,
pag.
136.
All
Dragons
,
or
Serpents
,
says
Pausanias
are
consecrated
to
Esculapius
,
but
especially
a
brown
sort
,
which
were
very
tame
,
and
found
only
in
the
Territories
of
Epidaurus
[
](A49892-e35180-b)*
*
Lucian
affirms
expressly
that
these
Serpents
are
found
in
Pella
in
Macedonia
,
and
that
the
Impostor
Alexander
furnisht
himself
with
one
there
.
He
further
adds
,
that
they
wou'd
kiss
the
Women
,
suck
their
Breasts
,
&c.
which
familiarity
(
says
he
)
gave
occasion
to
the
story
of
Olympias
,
Mother
of
Alexander
the
Great
.
[
](A49892-e35260-b)(d)
(d)
Vide
Lucian
.
Pseudomant
.
.
It
was
one
of
these
Serpents
.
which
Alexander
the
famous
Impostor
made
use
of
,
which
he
pretended
to
be
[
](A49892-e35280-b)*
*
Our
Author
here
has
made
a
mistake
,
for
the
Impostor
did
not
pretend
the
Serpent
,
but
himself
to
be
the
Son
of
Podalirius
,
and
the
Serpent
Esculapius
.
the
Son
of
Podalirius
.
CHAP.
XXV
.
Of
the
Worship
of
ESCULAPIUS
,
which
was
every
where
the
same
,
except
at
Cyrene
.
THe
Rites
observ'd
at
Epidaurus
,
were
follow'd
by
all
the
Cities
of
Greece
,
where
his
Temples
were
.
Pausanias
pretends
,
that
even
the
Esculapius
of
(a)
Cyrene
,
was
borrow'd
from
thence
,
tho'
he
acknowledges
this
difference
in
their
Worship
,
that
these
sacrific'd
Goats
to
him
,
which
they
did
not
at
Epidaurus
.
But
this
Author
being
a
Greek
may
be
suspected
of
partiality
to
his
own
Country
,
which
't
is
easy
upon
other
occasions
to
convict
him
of
.
'T
is
'T
is
more
likely
that
Cyrene
,
being
a
City
of
Lybia
near
Egypt
,
receiv'd
from
thence
,
the
knowledge
and
worship
of
Esculapius
,
before
spoken
of
.
It
is
not
probable
,
that
the
Cyrenians
,
if
they
had
borrow'd
their
Rites
from
Epidaurus
,
wou●d
have
vary'd
'em
so
far
,
as
to
sacrifice
an
animal
so
different
from
that
us'd
in
Greece
;
which
according
to
Festus
was
a
Pullet
,
or
a
Cock
according
to
Plato
,
whose
reason
for
it
deserves
our
notice
.
The
Antients
,
says
he
,
offer●d
to
ESCULAPIUS
the
Physician
,
son
of
Phaebus
,
a
Cock
,
which
proclaims
the
approach
of
day
,
and
of
the
Sun
,
thereby
acknowledging
themselves
oblig'd
for
the
day
,
or
light
of
Life
,
to
the
Divine
Bounty
,
which
cures
us
of
all
evils
.
Before
we
leave
the
Temple
of
Epidaurus
,
we
must
observe
,
that
there
were
in
it
several
Pillars
,
whereon
were
engrav'd
the
names
of
those
that
were
cur'd
by
the
Gods
,
the
names
of
their
distempers
,
and
the
method
of
cure
,
all
in
the
Dorick
Dialect
.
Pausanias
says
,
that
six
of
these
Pillars
or
Columns
,
were
remaining
in
his
time
;
that
there
was
one
old
Pillar
remote
from
the
rest
,
on
which
was
an
Inscription
that
Hippolytus
offer'd
to
Esculapius
twenty
horses
in
acknowledgement
for
having
been
restor'd
to
Life
by
him
.
CHAP.
XXVI
.
Of
the
ESCULAPIUS
of
Pergamus
.
PAusanias
observes
,
that
one
Archias
having
been
cur'd
of
some
distemper
at
Epidaurus
,
transported
the
Religion
to
Pergamus
.
This
was
the
occasion
of
building
a
Temple
to
this
God
there
;
and
not
because
he
had
a
Shop
there
,
as
some
learned
Men
,
thro
misapprehension
of
a
Passage
in
Lucian
,
have
believ'd
.
This
witty
Droll
introduces
Jupiter
complaining
that
his
Altars
were
deserted
,
since
Apollo
set
up
his
Oracle
at
Delphi
,
and
Esculapius
opened
Shop
at
Pergamus
;
by
which
Shop
he
meant
his
Temple
,
whither
People
repair●d
for
Medicines
,
as
to
a
common
Apothecaries
Shop
.
One
proof
that
this
Temple
was
grown
more
famous
than
the
former
,
is
that
Lucian
in
the
aforecited
passage
mentions
this
only
,
tho'
the
other
were
remaining
in
his
time
,
as
we
may
infer
from
Pausanias
,
who
was
contemporary
to
him
,
or
liv'd
after
him
,
and
speaks
of
the
Temple
of
Epidaurus
as
having
seen
it
,
adding
that
one
Antoninus
had
built
a
House
near
it
,
to
lodge
Women
in
labour
,
and
dying
Men
,
because
no
one
was
suffer●d
to
be
delivered
,
or
to
dye
within
the
Verge
of
the
Temple
.
The
Esculapius
of
Asia
Minor
seems
to
have
been
the
most
dexterous
at
culling
his
Customers
;
for
the
Emperor
Caracalla
took
a
journey
to
Pergamus
,
to
consult
him
upon
a
distemper
;
and
we
find
abundance
of
Medals
of
the
Families
of
Antoninus
and
Aurelius
,
on
which
Esculapius
is
impress'd
,
all
coin'd
at
Pergamus
.
Perhaps
the
Priests
at
Pergamus
had
more
address
,
than
those
at
Epidaurus
,
which
as
we
shall
see
,
was
of
great
use
to
inveigle
the
Multitude
.
CHAP.
XXVII
.
Of
ESCULAPIUS
of
Cos.
THere
was
likewise
a
famous
Temple
of
Esculapius
in
the
Isle
of
Cos
,
which
was
burnt
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
after
he
had
transcrib'd
the
remedies
written
on
the
Tables
,
which
those
that
receiv●d
their
cures
,
us'd
to
hang
up
in
the
Temple
as
a
publick
acknowledgment
,
and
for
the
service
of
others
in
the
same
case
after
'em
.
Strabo
speaks
thus
of
the
Temple
.
There
is
in
the
Suburbs
of
the
City
of
Cos
,
a
celebrated
Temple
of
Esculapius
enrich●d
with
a
great
number
of
presents
and
offerings
,
among
the
rest
an
Antigonus
of
Apelles
's
hand
,
a
Venus
rising
out
of
the
Sea
,
consecrated
in
our
days
to
Julius
Caesar
by
Augustus
,
who
dedicated
to
his
Father
the
Foundress
of
his
Family
;
It
is
reported
that
for
this
Picture
a
hundred
talents
were
abated
of
the
annual
Tribute
paid
by
those
of
Cos.
'T
is
said
likewise
that
Hippocrates
practis'd
Physick
upon
what
he
learnt
from
those
consecrated
Tables
.
Hippocrates
,
adds
he
,
was
one
of
the
most
illustrious
Persons
of
that
City
,
as
was
also
another
Physician
nam'd
Simos
or
Simus
.
[
](A49892-e36240-b)*
*
Our
Author
forgets
that
Pausanias
,
of
whom
he
makes
so
much
use
on
this
occasion
,
mentions
that
the
Messenians
,
who
contended
for
his
Birth
,
had
in
his
Temple
many
great
curiosities
,
as
the
Statues
of
the
Muses
,
of
Apollo
,
of
Hercules
,
and
of
Esculapius
and
his
children
;
and
particucularly
a
sort
of
Family
Piece
of
Painting
,
wherein
was
his
Moth●r
Arsinoe
,
(
according
to
the
pretences
of
the
Messenians
)
himself
,
and
his
two
Sons
,
Machaon
and
Podalirius
,
drawn
by
Omphalion
.
And
at
Aegium
a
Statue
was
made
by
Damophon
,
whose
workmanship
Pausanias
every
where
sets
a
great
value
upon
.
There
were
in
other
places
abundance
of
other
things
very
remarkable
,
which
wheever
has
the
curiosity
,
may
consult
Pausanius
for
.
Nothing
is
said
of
the
rest
of
the
Temples
of
Esculapius
,
scatter'd
in
great
number
up
and
down
the
world
,
especially
in
Greece
.
CHAP.
XXVIII
.
Four
Oracles
,
or
Prescriptions
of
ESCULAPIUS
given
to
sick
men
,
engrav'd
upon
a
Marble
Table
,
found
at
Rome
.
IT
were
to
be
wish'd
,
that
the
Antient
had
taken
the
pains
to
collect
all
that
was
written
upon
those
Tables
,
or
Pillars
.
Perhaps
they
might
have
done
it
,
but
their
works
su●s
viv'd
not
till
our
times
.
Chance
has
preserv'd
us
one
of
these
Tables
found
in
the
Isle
of
Tyber
by
Rome
,
where
was
the
Temple
of
Esculapius
.
This
Table
is
of
Marble
,
and
now
to
be
seen
in
the
Palace
of
Mapheo
,
on
which
is
this
inscription
in
Greek
.
The
God
,
at
this
time
,
gave
the
following
Oracle
to
one
Caius
,
who
was
blind
;
That
he
shou'd
come
to
the
sacred
altar
,
and
having
kneel'd
shou'd
go
from
the
right
side
to
the
left
,
and
lay
his
five
singers
upon
the
altar
,
and
put
that
hand
upon
his
eyes
.
Which
being
done
he
saw
very
clearly
,
all
the
People
being
present
,
and
expressing
their
joy
,
that
so
great
miracles
were
done
under
our
Emperor
Antoninus
.
Lucius
,
having
a
Pleurisie
,
and
being
given
over
by
every
body
,
receiv'd
from
the
God
this
Oracle
.
That
he
shou●d
come
,
and
take
the
ashes
off
his
altar
,
and
mixing
em
with
Wine
,
apply
'em
to
his
side
.
Which
done
he
was
cur'd
,
and
return'd
thanks
to
the
God
,
and
the
People
congratulated
him
upon
his
happy
recovery
.
Julian
vomiting
bloud
,
and
his
recovery
being
by
every
one
despair'd
of
,
the
God
by
his
Oracle
gave
him
this
answer
;
That
he
should
come
,
and
take
the
Pine-apples
upon
his
Altar
,
and
eat
of
'em
three
days
with
Honey
,
Which
having
perform'd
,
he
was
well
,
and
came
to
return
his
thanks
to
the
God
in
the
presence
of
all
the
people
.
The
God
gave
this
Oracle
to
a
blind
Souldier
,
nam'd
Valerius
Aper
;
That
he
shou'd
mingle
the
bloud
of
a
white
Cock
with
Honey
,
and
make
a
Collyrium
,
which
he
shou'd
put
upon
his
eyes
three
days
together
.
After
which
he
saw
,
and
came
publickly
to
return
his
thanks
.
The
first
of
these
remedies
is
purely
superstitious
,
the
rest
are
natural
,
and
not
very
unlike
those
in
ordinary
use
with
the
Physicians
,
except
the
seasoning
of
superstition
,
which
to
this
day
makes
Med'cines
seem
more
effectual
to
the
greatest
part
of
the
World
.
In
probability
the
Priests
of
Esculapius
did
not
deal
much
in
cures
of
the
first
sort
;
except
when
they
had
a
mind
to
impose
upon
the
people
by
some
Counterfeit
,
prepar'd
to
cheat
'em
with
a
sham
disease
.
But
when
they
had
to
do
with
men
,
that
came
to
consult
their
God
upon
cases
that
were
curable
,
it
was
for
their
credit
to
order
means
that
acted
naturally
,
which
they
might
learn
by
the
[
](A49892-e36710-b)*
*
If
Hippocrates
became
so
famous
by
transcribing
what
was
inscrib'd
upon
the
Tables
hung
up
in
the
Temple
at
Cos
(
as
some
will
have
it
)
what
hinders
but
that
the
Priests
themselves
,
who
had
much
greater
advantages
of
that
kind
,
shou'd
be
so
too
.
Besides
,
't
is
probable
that
they
neglected
no
means
of
enabling
themselves
to
do
all
that
was
possible
,
who
pretended
to
so
much
more
.
Study
and
Practice
of
Physick
,
or
receive
by
tradition
from
their
Predecessors
;
without
any
such
occasion
for
the
Devil's
assistance
[
](A49892-e36750-b)(a)
(a)
Observations
sur
les
fievres
.
,
as
the
late
Monsieur
Spon
fancies
they
had
.
Those
that
fancy
that
all
the
Heathen
Oracles
were
nothing
but
meer
tricks
,
and
roguery
of
their
Priests
,
will
be
in
no
pain
upon
this
subject
.
It
seems
to
have
been
very
easie
for
these
Priests
,
to
make
the
sick
believe
as
they
listed
.
And
whereas
these
wretches
were
usually
lodg'd
for
some
days
together
,
and
their
imaginations
being
entirely
possest
with
the
reports
of
the
Counsels
,
and
Cures
of
Esculapius
,
they
did
not
fail
to
dream
at
night
,
of
what
their
minds
were
so
absolutely
taken
up
with
all
the
day
,
and
to
take
their
dreams
for
the
immediate
inspiration
of
the
God
.
It
was
not
impossible
,
but
that
,
following
his
pretended
advice
,
[
](A49892-e36800-b)*
*
As
sanciful
men
are
naturally
most
suporstitious
,
so
I
doubt
not
but
the
greatest
and
best
part
of
Escalapius's
Customers
were
of
that
number
,
whose
distempers
being
altogether
imaginary
,
't
was
no
hard
matter
to
fit
'em
with
a
cure
as
chime●ical
.
For
even
yet
the
number
of
those
,
that
labour
under
painful
conceits
,
and
are
daily
reliev'd
by
the
application
of
superstitious
,
insignificant
remedies
,
in
which
they
have
a
strong
faith
,
is
very
great
.
Of
these
I
knew
one
,
a
person
otherwise
of
very
good
sense
,
that
was
cur'd
,
as
he
thought
,
of
the
Sciatica
,
by
wearing
about
his
neck
a
piece
of
blank
Paper
,
in
which
he
was
told
there
was
a
powerful
charm
written
,
but
was
forbidden
to
break
the
Seal
;
which
his
curi●sity
tempting
him
to
do
,
after
his
sancy
had
had
three
weeks
respite
,
immediately
upon
the
disappointment
he
relaps'd
into
the
old
complaint
.
But
among
the
Heathens
,
whose
Credulity
was
back'd
and
encourag'd
by
their
Religion
,
't
was
no
wonder
to
meet
with
shouls
of
easie
Gulls
,
that
crouded
to
be
cheated
.
Not
to
mention
that
many
of
these
Cures
were
effected
by
confederacy
,
where
the
God
,
or
his
Priest
,
and
the
Patient
had
a
right
understanding
beforehand
;
like
some
m●dern
Miracle-mongers
.
As
to
the
cure
of
real
distempers
by
sancy
,
I
shall
suspend
my
opinion
,
till
I
am
satisfied
of
the
truth
of
the
fact
,
which
yet
I
declare
I
am
not
.
the
force
of
Imagination
,
and
the
confidence
they
plac'd
in
the
Oracle
,
contributed
very
much
to
their
cure
,
when
it
was
naturally
possible
.
They
were
so
obedient
,
and
so
exact
in
the
execution
of
the
orders
they
receiv'd
,
whether
by
dream
,
or
otherwise
,
that
some
have
forborn
to
drink
for
fifteen
days
together
,
being
so
enjoyn●d
,
Galen
,
who
makes
this
observation
,
complains
,
that
his
Patients
were
not
by
far
so
observant
of
his
directions
.
There
is
no
doubt
,
but
this
Spirit
of
Bigottry
that
reign'd
among
those
that
had
recourse
to
Esculapius
,
contributed
very
much
to
his
establishment
,
how
little
vertue
soev●r
his
remedies
,
or
rather
those
of
his
Priests
had
.
Suidas
mentions
a
prescription
of
Esculapius
of
Athens
,
which
is
very
odd
.
An
Athenian
nam'd
Plutarch
and
one
Domninus
a
Syrian
Philosopher
,
contemporary
to
Proclus
,
both
consulted
him
upon
different
case
,
and
were
both
ordered
to
eat
Pork
.
The
first
wou'd
not
comply
,
but
in
raillery
asking
the
God
,
what
he
wou'd
have
prescrib●d
to
a
Jew
in
his
case
,
oblig●d
him
to
prescribe
something
else●
Domninus
,
who
,
as
the
Story
tells
us
,
was
really
a
Jew
,
notwithstanding
the
Law
of
his
Nation
against
the
eating
of
Swines-flesh
,
conform●d
to
the
direction
,
and
found
himself
so
well
after
it
,
that
he
eat
it
all
the
rest
of
his
Life
.
And
found
himself
the
worse
for
a
single
days
abstinence
from
it
.
His
disease
was
a
Spitting
of
Blood
.
This
remedy
appears
extraordinary
,
but
we
shall
see
in
the
sequel
some
Prescriptions
of
the
same
sort
in
the
same
case
by
Physicians
.
Galen
tells
us
also
of
some
particular
cures
of
his
Esculapius
.
[
](A49892-e37040-b)(b)
(b)
De
subfigurat
.
Empir●c
.
De
simp.
Medicam
.
facult.
lib.
A
certain
rich
man
,
having
been
brought
by
a
dream
,
from
the
middle
of
Thrace
to
Pergamus
,
he
was
advis'd
by
Esculapius
to
take
a
Med'cine
,
whereof
Vipers
were
an
ingredient
,
and
to
rub
his
Body
externally
with
it
▪
Shortly
after
this
Man
becoming
Leprous
,
his
disease
turning
to
a
Leprosy
,
he
was
perfectly
cur'd
by
the
use
of
the
Med'cine
,
the
God
had
taught
him
.
This
man
perhaps
had
the
Leprosy
,
before
he
came
to
Pergamus
;
but
it
being
a
disease
no
one
cares
to
publish
,
he
chose
rather
to
put
it
upon
the
God
,
as
sent
by
him
,
that
he
might
signalize
himself
by
the
cure
.
We
may
see
by
this
sample
,
that
the
Priests
of
Pergamus
were
not
unskill'd
in
Physick
,
this
being
a
Med'cine
much
esteem'd
by
the
Physicians
in
all
ages
in
cases
of
this
Nature
.
But
't
is
something
surprizing
,
that
Esculapius
,
who
was
so
fond
of
Serpents
,
that
he
often
took
their
Shape
,
shou'd
order
'em
to
be
kill'd
to
make
Med●cines
;
unless
we
suppose
,
that
Vipers
are
very
different
from
the
Snakes
of
Epidaurus
,
which
were
harmless
,
and
were
peculiarly
sacred
to
him
.
These
cunning
Priests
undertook
no
one
,
that
wou●d
not
be
exactly
regular
,
as
well
in
their
Diet
,
as
Physick
,
witness
the
[
](A49892-e37220-b)(c)
(c)
Philostrat
.
Vita
.
Apollon.
Tyanaet
.
young
Assyrian
,
who
in
a
Dropsy
,
wou●d
eat
and
drink
to
excess
.
He
supplicated
and
consulted
the
God
,
yet
cou'd
not
get
so
much
as
a
Dream
.
At
length
,
being
very
much
incens'd
against
Esculapius
,
he
fell
asleep
and
dreamt
,
that
he
sent
him
to
Apollonius
Tyanaeus
.
Being
come
to
this
Prophet
,
or
Cheat
,
he
complain'd
grievously
of
Esculapius
to
him
,
who
answer'd
that
the
God
gave
Health
to
those
only
that
were
desirous
of
it
,
and
not
to
those
,
that
liv'd
like
him
,
as
if
their
disease
were
a
Pleasure
.
Galen
says
likewise
,
that
one
[
](A49892-e37310-b)(d)
(d)
De
different
.
Morbor
.
Nicomachus
of
Smyrna
,
being
grown
so
big
,
that
he
cou'd
not
stir
,
was
cur●d
by
Esculapius
,
but
he
tells
neither
time
,
nor
manner
.
Hither
we
may
bring
the
Miracle
,
which
,
as
Tacitus
relates
,
was
done
in
the
temple
of
Serapis
at
Alexandria
;
Serapis
and
Esculapius
being
according
to
him
the
same
.
[
](A49892-e37400-b)(c)
(c)
Histor.
l.
4.
Vespasian
being
at
Alexandria
,
a
man
by
the
direction
of
Serapis
threw
himself
at
his
feet
,
and
begg'd
that
he
wou'd
anoint
his
cheeks
and
round
his
●yes
with
his
Spittle
.
Another
that
had
lost
the
use
of
his
hand
,
begg'd
by
the
same
direction
that
he
wou●d
set
his
foot
upon
his
hand
.
Vespasian
at
first
laught
at
'em
as
banters
;
but
being
unwilling
to
be
taken
for
a
credulous
man
,
yet
betwixt
the
importunity
of
some
,
and
the
slattery
of
others
,
he
began
to
entertain
some
hopes
that
the
thing
might
succeed
;
and
remitted
'em
both
to
the
examination
of
Physicians
,
who
sinding
that
the
one
had
not
absolutely
lost
his
sight
,
and
that
the
other
's
all
was
but
a
simple
dislocation
,
which
might
be
reduc●d
,
made
their
report
,
adding
that
perhaps
the
Gods
had
taken
this
matter
into
their
care
,
as
they
had
done
the
Prince
himself
,
who
was
chosen
by
their
means
;
that
if
the
matter
succeeded
,
the
glory
wou'd
be
Caesar
's
,
and
the
scorn
woud
fall
upon
the
wretches
themselves
if
it
miscarried
.
Hereupon
Vespasian
set
a
good
face
upon
the
matter
,
●ncouraging
the
spectators
to
put
in
execution
the
orders
of
Serapis
.
Whereupon
the
lame
man
recover'd
the
use
of
his
hand
,
and
the
blind
man
his
sight
:
Those
(
says
Tacitus
)
that
were
assistant
at
both
these
events
,
affirm
yet
the
truth
of
'em
,
[
](A49892-e37490-b)*
*
The
man
that
has
once
solemnly
vouch'd
a
lye
,
upon
whatever
motive
he
does
it
,
tho
that
showd
cease
,
is
oblig'd
afterwards
to
maintain
it
for
his
own
honour
,
if
he
has
any
;
and
if
he
has
not
,
he
is
not
an
Evidence
to
be
regarded
.
when
a
lye
is
no
longer
of
service
to
'em
.
The
Reader
is
at
liberty
to
to
make
what
reflections
hereupon
he
pleases
.
We
shall
only
take
notice
in
the
close
of
this
Article
,
that
tho
the
Multitude
were
grosly
bigotted
to
this
Superstition
,
yet
there
wanted
not
those
among
the
Pagans
that
saw
thro
the
cheat
,
and
knew
it
to
be
an
artifice
by
which
the
Priests
subsisted
.
This
apparently
was
the
sense
of
Philemon
in
Philostratus
,
who
dreaming
,
that
Esculapius
told
him
,
that
he
must
forbear
drinking
water
if
he
wou'd
be
cur'd
of
the
Gout
,
cried
out
as
he
wak'd
,
as
if
he
had
spoke
to
the
God
,
and
what
wou'd
you
have
prescrib'd
if
you
had
had
an
Ox
in
cure
.
We
need
but
observe
how
Aristophanes
ridicules
these
Priests
,
and
even
their
God
himself
.
In
his
first
Comedy
he
introduces
a
Servant
saying
;
The
Priest
of
Esculapius
ha●ing
put
out
the
lights
,
bid
us
all
go
to
sleep
,
saying
,
that
if
a●y
one
heard
a
rustling
,
that
he
should
not
stir
,
for
't
was
a
sign
of
the
approach
of
the
God
;
so
we
all
laid
our selves
quietly
down
.
I
,
for
my
part
,
says
the
Slave
,
cou●d
not
sleep
a
with
for
the
smell
of
a
Mess
of
Soup
,
which
an
old
Fellow
had
near
me
,
and
which
assaulted
my
Nose
most
furiously
.
Being
therefore
very
des●rous
to
remove
the
offence
,
I
listed
my
head
softly
up
,
and
perceiv'd
the
Priest
clearing
the
Sacred
Table
of
the
Cakes
and
Figs
,
and
making
the
tour
about
the
several
Altars
,
to
see
that
nothing
was
left
,
and
stuffing
whatever
he
found
into
a
Wallet
,
I
fancy'd
it
a
very
pious
action
,
and
began
in
imitation
to
draw
towards
the
Soup-dish
.
Then
he
,
to
whom
the
Slave
made
the
relation
,
asking
,
if
,
being
about
such
an
action
,
he
was
not
afraid
of
the
God
?
He
Answers
,
that
he
was
really
in
some
fear
,
but
it
was
,
lest
he
shou'd
get
at
the
dish
before
him
;
for
says
he
,
I
found
already
by
the
Priest
what
game
he
'd
be
at
.
Presently
after
he
salutes
Esculapius
by
a
very
[
](A49892-e37670-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Merdivorus
.
homely
name
.
But
it
will
perhaps
be
objected
,
that
Aristophanes
was
an
Atheist
;
as
well
as
he
whom
Cicero
makes
to
say
,
that
the
sick
were
more
beholding
to
Hippocrates
,
than
Esculapius
.
In
the
same
rank
they
wou'd
put
the
[
](A49892-e37740-b)(g)
(g)
Dionysius
,
Tyrant
of
Syracuse
.
[
](A49892-e37760-b)(*)
(*)
He
robb'd
the
same
God
of
a
golden
Table
at
Syracuse
,
drinking
first
to
him
the
Poculum
boni
Daemonis
;
then
ordering
the
Table
to
be
taken
away
,
jesting
upon
the
ancient
custom
of
removing
the
Table
.
Prince
that
cut
off
Esculapius
of
Epidaurus
his
golden
beard
,
saying
,
that
't
was
an
absurd
thing
,
that
the
Son
shou●d
have
such
a
long
beard
,
and
the
Father
,
(
viz.
)
Apollo
,
(
who
was
always
represented
as
a
young
man
)
shou'd
have
none
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
Japis
,
Linus
,
Orpheus
,
Musaeus
,
and
Homer
,
Inventors
of
Physick
,
or
some
of
the
ancientest
Physicians
.
THis
may
suffice
on
this
subject
.
Let
us
now
return
to
the
time
wherein
Esculapius
liv'd
,
and
see
what
pass'd
then
,
or
presently
after
in
relation
to
Physick
.
We
have
already
spoken
of
the
Heroes
his
contemporaries
,
the
disciples
of
Chiron
,
as
likewise
of
his
Sons
.
The
next
we
meet
with
after
them
,
is
Japis
,
whom
Virgil
introduces
dressing
Eneas
●s
wounds
,
and
says
of
him
,
that
being
very
much
belov'd
by
Apollo
,
he
offer'd
to
teach
him
Augury
to
play
on
the
Harp
,
and
to
draw
the
Bow
well
;
[
](A49892-e37960-b)*
*
Scire
potestates
herbarum
,
u●umque
medzudi
Maluit
,
&
mutas
agitare
ingl●●us
artes
.
Aeneid
.
lib.
xii
.
Notwithstanding
the
several
conjectures
advanc'd
by
the
Commentators
,
this
passage
seems
yet
sufficiently
obseure
.
De
la
Cerda
thinks
the
words
Mutas
artes
to
be
directly
meant
of
the
sect
of
Physicians
that
distinguish
themselves
by
the
name
of
Empericks
,
who
putting
themselves
only
upon
Fact
and
Experience
,
had
no
o●casion
to
talk
in
their
Profession
;
and
that
Japix
is
call●d
inglorious
,
because
those
of
that
Sect
,
rejecting
all
reasoning
in
their
art
,
became
scandalously
ig●want
of
Letters
,
or
because
the
Physicians
at
Rome
in
Virgil's
time
were
generally
Slaves
.
But
neither
of
these
conjectures
can
be
good
.
First
,
because
the
Sect
of
the
Empericks
had
no
being
till
several
ages
after
the
time
of
Japix
.
Secondly
,
because
in
the
time
of
Japix
,
who
by
Virgil
●s
accoun●
of
him
,
must
have
been
co●vous
at
least
to
the
Sons
of
Esculapms
,
Physick
was
no
contemptible
or
inglorieus
art
,
sence
it
procur'd
to
it
,
Professors
while
living
the
highest
veneration
,
and
after
death
divine
honours
.
See
the
preceeding
part
of
this
History
.
What
our
Author
here
advances
seems
better
grounded
,
but
the
sune
objection
lies
against
that
likewise
,
it
not
bei●g
an
a●t
of
s●ell
same
or
reputation
,
since
it
made
those
that
had
any
skill
in
it
to
pass
for
somewhat
above
humane
condition
.
I
suppose
this
word
mutas
to
be
oppos'd
to
Citharam
the
Harp
which
Apollo
gave
him
,
by
which
the
Poet
not
only
meant
Musick
,
but
Poetry
also
,
for
which
it
is
frequently
put
;
and
that
by
the
word
inglorius
he
means
no
more
than
unambitious
;
as
one
that
for
the
practice
of
Physick
neglected
those
other
Gifts
,
which
the
Poet
,
as
such
,
was
oblig'd
to
prefer
before
it
.
For
this
reason
he
calls
Physick
Ars
Muta
,
in
opposition
to
Poetry
and
Masick
,
which
were
properly
Vocales
.
but
that
he
rather
chose
to
be
able
to
prolong
his
dying
Father's
Life
,
to
learn
the
vertues
of
herbs
,
and
to
cure
distempers
.
(
which
Virgil
calls
a
mute
Art
)
tho
less
glorious
for
him
.
The
Commentators
upon
him
have
been
very
much
perplext
to
know
,
why
he
calls
Physick
so
.
Had
Physick
been
in
the
time
of
Eneas
,
or
even
of
Virgil
,
upon
the
foot
it
now
is
,
it
had
been
a
very
improper
Epithet
.
But
we
may
see
by
the
method
Esculapius
,
and
his
Sons
took
,
that
they
left
their
cures
to
speak
for
'em
.
In
Virgil
●s
time
the
case
was
alter●d
,
and
they
reason'd
too
much
.
I
suppose
the
word
mutas
to
relate
rather
to
inglorius
;
and
that
Virgil
wou'd
thereby
insinuate
,
that
Physick
was
an
Art
that
made
no
great
noise
in
the
world
,
and
brought
its
Professor's
no
great
glory
;
especially
compar'd
with
Musick
,
and
those
other
Arts
,
that
qualified
'em
for
entring
the
Lists
,
and
being
crown'd
in
their
Publick
Games
,
which
was
the
highest
honour
they
cou'd
antiently
aspire
to
.
The
same
may
be
said
of
Augury
,
which
rais'd
those
that
profess'd
it
to
a
great
heighth
.
We
find
nothing
more
concerning
Japis
.
Linus
,
one
of
the
antientest
Poets
known
,
having
written
of
Fruits
and
Trees
,
is
likewise
rankt
among
the
Physicians
.
He
is
pretended
by
some
to
have
taught
Orpheus
,
and
to
have
been
no
less
a
Musician
than
he
.
[
](A49892-e38340-b)*
*
Why
our
Author
postpones
Linus
and
Orpherus
to
Japis
I
can't
imagine
,
since
they
were
,
according
to
all
accounts
,
contemporaries
to
Hercules
and
Aristaeus
,
and
flourish'd
100
years
before
the
War
of
Troy
.
Pausan
.
lib.
9.
Tzetzes
Hist.
399.
Chil.
xii
.
Virg.
Georg.
lib.
4.
Orpheus
is
so
well
known
,
that
we
shall
not
amuse
our selves
with
the
Fables
concerning
him
.
The
Greeks
believ'd
him
to
have
been
of
Thrace
,
and
give
him
a
character
very
like
that
of
Hermes
Trismegistus
,
that
is
,
for
an
universal
Man
.
What
is
reported
of
his
Musick
is
well
known
.
But
what
is
more
material
to
our
History
,
is
,
that
they
look'd
upon
him
,
not
only
as
[
](A49892-e38470-b)(b)
(b)
Pausan
Baeot.
a
Physician
,
but
as
the
Inventor
of
Physick
,
as
one
that
first
found
the
means
of
appeasing
the
anger
of
the
Gods
,
and
the
manner
of
expiating
crimes
.
There
are
yet
some
pieces
of
Poetry
which
bear
his
name
,
out
of
which
we
have
already
cited
some
[
](A49892-e38530-b)(c)
(c)
See
the
Chapter
of
Mercury
.
passages
relating
to
the
vertues
of
certain
Simples
,
and
the
cure
of
certain
Distempers
.
But
these
pieces
have
been
a
long
time
esteem'd
spurious
,
tho
they
be
very
antient
;
for
they
were
ascrib'd
to
him
even
in
the
time
of
Cicero
,
who
says
one
Cercops
was
the
Authour
.
Pliny
observes
,
[
](A49892-e38580-b)(d)
(d)
Primus
ommum
,
guos
memoria
novit
,
Orpheus
,
●uriosius
de
herbis
aliqua
predidit
.
lib.
25.
Cap.
2.
that
Orpheus
first
wrote
of
Plants
any
thing
curious
,
or
something
too
curious
.
For
the
Latin
word
signifies
either
.
This
may
be
construed
of
the
exactness
of
Orpheus's
work
upon
that
subject
.
But
Pliny
elsewhere
shews
that
by
curiosity
he
there
meant
vanity
,
or
superstition
,
to
which
the
Genius
of
the
Antient
Times
was
extreamly
inclin●d
;
and
we
are
inform'd
by
[
](A49892-e38680-b)(e)
(e)
Pausan
.
Eliac
.
another
,
that
Orpheus
pass'd
for
a
great
Magician
.
[
](A49892-e38720-b)(f)
(f)
D●
Antidot
.
lib.
2.
c.
7.
Galen
likewise
mentions
an
Or●heus
,
to
whom
he
gives
the
surname
of
Theologus
,
who
wrote
of
the
manner
of
compounding
divers
Poisons
.
This
surname
seems
to
point
out
the
Orpheus
,
whose
History
we
are
upon
,
whether
these
Books
were
truly
his
,
or
,
which
is
more
likely
,
father'd
falsly
upon
him
.
[
](A49892-e38790-b)*
*
Pausanias
,
amongst
●ther
inventions
,
ascribes
the
invention
of
Remedies
for
Diseases
,
and
of
certain
Rites
of
Worship
to
him
.
But
't
is
probable
these
Romedies
were
a●
other
than
Charms
,
or
superstitious
Lustrations
,
and
not
such
as
acted
by
natural
means
;
he
being
as
has
been
observ'd
reputed
a
Magician
by
the
Antients
,
and
amongst
the
rest
by
Pausanias
.
Vide
Baeotic
.
Others
have
written
that
Orpheus
was
an
[
](A49892-e38830-b)(g)
(g)
Pausan
E●●ac
.
posterior
.
Egyptian
,
and
in
all
appearance
he
was
older
than
the
Greeks
imagin
.
Musaeus
,
another
antient
Poet
,
is
suppos'd
to
have
been
his
Scholar
.
[
](A49892-e38880-b)(h)
(h)
Ranaz
act.
iv
.
seen
.
ii
.
Aristophanes
ascribes
to
him
the
teaching
men
remedies
for
distempers
.
Pliny
joyns
him
with
Orpheus
for
the
knowledge
of
Plants
,
but
makes
him
the
later
Writer
.
But
Pausanias
maintains
,
that
those
pieces
which
are
imputed
to
Musaeus
,
are
the
works
of
one
Onomacritus
.
Homer
having
the
reputation
of
having
laid
down
rules
in
all
the
principal
Arts
,
and
in
all
the
Sciences
,
cou'd
not
fail
of
being
dubb'd
a
Physician
.
First
,
he
was
thought
to
understand
Surgery
,
because
he
specifies
the
chief
particulars
of
the
method
of
dressing
Wounds
,
as
drawing
out
the
heads
of
Arrows
,
or
Darts
lodg'd
in
the
Flesh
by
means
of
Incision
,
to
stop
the
bleeding
,
to
wash
and
cleanse
the
Wound
,
and
to
apply
Powders
,
or
Med●cines
,
that
case
pain
.
He
was
suppos'd
likewise
to
be
skill'd
in
Anatomy
,
because
he
spake
of
most
parts
of
the
Body
.
So
he
is
complemented
with
the
knowledge
of
Plants
,
for
the
mention
of
Moly
,
which
serv'd
against
enchantments
,
of
the
leaves
of
[
](A49892-e39010-b)*
*
Homer
often
mentions
the
manner
of
dressing
and
curing
Wounds
,
but
seldom
the
means
,
yet
we
may
guess
by
his
Potions
of
Pramnian
Wine
,
Goats
Milk
,
Cheese
,
Barley-meal
,
&c.
at
his
skill
in
Physick
,
the
absurdity
of
which
composition
,
especially
in
the
case
wherein
't
is
prescrib●d
,
has
already
been
objected
to
Machaon
.
As
for
the
Moly
and
Nepenthe
,
they
being
Fabulous
Med●cines
,
are
not
to
be
insisted
upon
.
The
mention
of
the
Leaves
of
Savin
seem
indeed
to
give
some
Countenance
to
their
Opinion
,
who
hold
,
that
he
understood
Physick
.
But
even
in
the
use
of
that
he
is
mistaken
;
for
Savin
will
not
cause
Sterility
,
tho
it
too
often
procures
abortion
.
As
for
the
Plague's
ceasing
upon
the
ninth
day
,
I
suppose
it
rather
to
have
relation
to
the
Magical
Whimsies
of
those
times
than
any
natural
Observation
or
suppos'd
.
Savin
,
which
cause
Barrenness
,
and
some
others
.
We
have
already
taken
notice
of
his
knowledge
of
Nepenthe
,
of
which
,
a
word
or
two
in
the
following
Chapter
.
They
make
him
descant
upon
divers
Medical
Maxims
,
as
when
he
observes
that
the
plague
ceased
upon
the
Ninth
day
,
they
suppose
an
allusion
to
the
opinion
of
those
Physicians
that
hold
that
diseases
terminate
naturally
upon
odd
days
.
He
gives
likewise
directions
for
health
,
or
for
the
cure
of
certain
diseases
,
as
when
he
introduces
Thetis
advising
her
Son
Achilles
to
visit
the
Women
,
to
draw
him
out
of
his
Melancholy
.
CHAP.
XXX
.
Diana
,
Latona
,
Pallas
,
Cybele
,
Angitia
,
Medea
,
Circe
,
Polydamna
,
Agameda
,
or
Perimeda
,
Helena
,
and
Oenone
.
Goddesses
,
or
Heroines
that
contributed
to
the
invention
of
Physick
;
or
were
at
least
of
the
number
of
those
,
who
had
the
earliest
knowledge
of
that
Art
.
THe
Women
likewise
put
in
for
a
share
in
the
honour
of
inventing
Physick
,
or
some
particular
Med'cines
at
least
.
Diana
appears
at
their
head
,
and
claims
the
invention
of
some
Herbs
,
of
which
number
Artemisia
,
which
[
](A49892-e39250-b)(a)
(a)
Artemis
.
bears
her
name
makes
one
;
and
some
add
[
](A49892-e39260-b)(b)
(b)
Apule●
.
Cell
.
de
V●●b
.
Herb.
cap
13.
that
she
taught
Chiron
the
Centaur
the
use
of
it
;
tho
others
attribute
the
discovery
of
this
plant
to
Artemisia
Queen
of
Caria
,
of
whom
more
hereafter
.
It
is
likewise
inferr'd
,
that
Diana
understood
Physick
,
from
Homer's
introducing
her
dressing
the
wounds
of
Encas
;
besides
't
was
natural
for
her
to
know
something
of
an
Art
,
whereof
Apollo
her
Brother
was
so
great
a
Master
,
Latona
her
Mother
is
allow'd
some
skill
likewise
for
the
same
reason
;
and
Homer
joyns
her
with
Diana
in
the
cure
of
Eneas
.
Pallas
,
likewise
is
honour'd
with
the
discovery
of
some
Plants
,
one
of
which
is
Parthenium
or
Feverfew
,
an
herb
of
great
use
to
Virgins
,
as
Pallas
was
.
Ovid
[
](A49892-e39470-b)(c)
(c)
Fastor
.
lib.
3.
advises
the
Physitians
to
sacrifice
her
,
that
she
may
favour
'em
with
her
assistance
;
and
there
was
at
Athens
a
statue
of
Pallas
with
the
surname
of
[
](A49892-e39500-b)(d)
(d)
Health
.
Hygiaea
,
erected
by
the
order
of
[
](A49892-e39520-b)(e)
(e)
Plutarch
.
in
vitâ
Pericl
.
Pericles
,
to
whom
she
reveal'd
the
afore-mentioned
herb
in
a
dream
,
as
a
remedy
for
one
of
his
Slaves
,
who
had
got
a
Fall
from
the
top
of
a
Temple
.
She
was
likewise
surnam'd
[
](A49892-e39540-b)(f)
(f)
Preserver
,
Saviour
.
Sotera
.
[
](A49892-e39570-b)(g)
(g)
Diodor.
sic
.
lib.
4.
Cybele
,
Mother
of
the
Gods
,
had
likewise
the
reputation
of
Teaching
remedies
for
the
Diseases
of
little
Children
.
Angitia
Daughter
of
Aeta
,
King
of
Colchis
,
[
](A49892-e39640-b)(h)
(h)
Sil.
Ital.
l
8.
was
the
first
that
discover'd
Poisonous
Plants
,
or
Poisons
drawn
from
Plants
.
Of
her
the
Marsi
,
a
People
of
Italy
learnt
to
charm
Serpents
.
She
was
otherwise
called
Angerona
.
We
sind
at
least
an
old
[
](A49892-e39710-b)(i)
(i)
Reines
.
Inscript
.
138.
Class.
1.
In
scription
,
wherein
this
name
is
joyn'd
to
Angitia
,
without
any
point
intermediate
.
[
](A49892-e39730-b)(k)
(k)
Mac●ob
.
lib.
1.
Cap.
10.
Some
think
she
was
call●d
Angerona
,
because
the
Romans
,
being
epidemically
afflicted
with
the
Angina
,
or
Quinsy
,
were
delivered
by
means
of
vows
made
to
her
.
Verrius
Flaccus
gives
a
different
reason
for
it
.
Some
make
Angitia
Daughter
of
the
the
Sun
,
and
the
same
with
Medea
;
who
according
to
others
was
her
Sister
.
This
latter
liv'd
in
the
time
of
the
Heroes
Chiron's
Pupils
,
and
her
adventures
are
pretty
well
known
.
[
](A49892-e39830-b)(l)
(l)
Pala
phat
.
Fab.
lib.
1.
What
she
did
was
so
surprizing
,
that
all
the
World
believed
her
to
be
an
Enchantress
.
'T
was
said
of
her
,
that
she
made
old
Folks
young
again
.
The
ground
of
which
was
this
,
that
she
had
a
secret
,
that
dyed
white
hair
black
.
She
was
the
first
that
advis'd
the
use
of
hot
Baths
,
to
make
the
Body
supple
,
and
to
cure
divers
distempers
;
which
gave
occasion
to
the
People
,
who
saw
the
preparation
of
Caldrons
,
Water
,
and
Fuel
,
and
could
not
guess
at
the
use
of
'em
,
to
report
,
that
she
boil'd
Men.
Old
Pelias
,
notwithstanding
his
great
Age
,
making
tryal
of
this
new
Method
,
and
losing
his
Life
by
the
experiment
,
confirm'd
the
Fable
.
[
](A49892-e39880-b)(m)
(m)
Diogen
apad
Stob●um
.
There
are
yet
others
who
agree
,
that
Medea
was
no
Sorceress
,
but
they
give
another
account
of
the
matter
,
they
say
,
that
she
made
the
most
tender
,
effeminate
bodies
lusty
and
vigorous
,
by
teaching
em
the
use
of
certain
exercises
,
which
made
those
that
saw
the
change
say
,
that
she
boiled
their
Flesh
to
make
'em
young
.
Diodorus
tells
us
further
,
that
she
cur'd
by
means
of
herbs
the
wounds
of
Jason
,
Laertes
,
Atalanta
,
and
the
Thespiades
.
Circe
,
a
third
Sister
of
Medea
,
and
Angitia
,
is
no
less
famous
.
Her
skill
in
herbs
got
her
likewise
the
reputation
of
an
Enchantress
,
as
well
as
Medea
.
Diodorus
tells
us
,
that
Circe
knew
abundance
of
Plants
good
against
Poison
,
She
gave
her
name
to
that
,
which
is
called
[
](A49892-e40030-b)*
*
E●chante●s
Night
Shade
.
Circaea
.
[
](A49892-e40050-b)(n)
(n)
Aulus
Gel●us
lib.
10.
Cap.
2.
〈◊〉
Cap.
8.
some
Authors
say
,
that
she
had
a
Son
call●d
Marsus
,
from
whom
the
Marsi
were
descended
.
Whatever
she
were
the
[
](A49892-e40080-b)(o)
(o)
Ci●ero
de
Mat.
Deor.
lib.
3.
Circae
ans
lookt
upon
her
as
their
Patroness
,
and
paid
a
religious
worship
to
her
.
Those
,
that
would
be
more
particularly
informed
,
why
Circe
was
reputed
a
Magician
by
the
Greeks
,
and
that
part
of
Latium
,
where
she
settled
for
the
Country
of
Poisons
,
and
Enchantments
,
may
consult
Monsieur
Bochart's
Phaleg
.
Polydamna
,
Wife
to
Thon
,
an
Egyptian
,
is
also
of
the
number
of
those
that
understood
Physick
,
having
had
skill
in
the
use
of
divers
remedies
of
the
product
of
her
own
Country
,
as
Homer
observes
.
We
shall
speak
of
some
of
'em
under
the
head
of
Helen
,
who
follows
by
and
by
.
The
same
Poet
certifies
for
Agameda
Wife
of
Mulius
,
that
she
knew
allike
Med●cines
,
that
the
●●eth
yielded
,
[
](A49892-e40260-b)(p)
(p)
Propert.
lib.
2.
Ele●
.
2.
〈◊〉
.
in
T●●●
.
she
was
also
call'd
Perimeda
,
[
](A49892-e40280-b)(q)
(q)
Tiraquel
.
de
Nobil
.
some
think
her
the
same
person
,
that
Homer
calls
in
another
place
Hecameda
,
that
washt
Machaon's
wounds
with
warm
Water
.
Helen
,
the
beauteous
Greek
,
so
famous
in
Story
,
no
less
deserves
a
place
here
for
her
knowledge
of
the
Med'cine
,
which
Homer
calls
Nepenthe
,
which
she
had
of
Polydamna
.
This
Med'cine
as
the
Etymology
of
the
[
](A49892-e40380-b)(r)
(r)
From
the
Particle
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
dolor
.
name
shews
,
was
so
admirable
,
that
it
eas●d
all
Griefs
,
and
all
Anger
,
and
caus'd
'em
to
forget
all
misfortunes
.
A
man
cou'd
not
weep
,
says
the
Poet
,
the
day
that
he
tasted
it
,
tho
he
had
lost
his
Father
,
or
Mother
,
or
the
dearest
Friend
in
the
World
The
properties
of
Nepenthe
agree
very
well
with
those
of
Opium
;
the
only
difficulty
is
,
that
Helen
mixt
it
with
the
Wine
,
she
gave
Menelaus's
Guests
to
make
'em
more
gay
,
and
not
to
stupify
'em
.
To
this
we
may
answer
,
that
Opium
has
either
of
those
effects
,
on
those
,
that
are
very
much
used
to
it
;
and
what
is
observable
is
this
,
that
wonderful
Drug
comes
from
the
same
Country
from
whence
Helen
had
her
Nepenthe
,
that
is
Egypt
.
Oenone
,
Rival
to
the
precedent
,
was
no
less
skilful
then
she
.
[
](A49892-e40550-b)(s)
(s)
Ipse
ratus
dignam
medicas
mihi
tra●dit
artes
,
Admisitque
meas
ad
sua
dona
manus
.
Quaecunque
herba
patens
ad
opem
radixque
medendi
Vtilis
in
toto
nascitur
orbe
,
mea
est
.
M●
miser
am
quod
amor
non
est
medicabilis
herbis
.
Destituor
,
prudens
artis
,
ab
arte
meâ
.
Epist.
ad
Parid.
(s)
Apollo
,
says
she
,
himself
taught
me
Physick
,
and
I
know
all
the
medical
Roots
,
and
Herbs
in
the
World
.
We
have
already
taken
notice
of
some
other
Women
,
as
the
Daughters
of
Hercules
and
Chiron
,
the
Wife
,
and
Daughters
of
Esculapius
,
who
were
of
this
number
likewise
;
and
we
shall
have
occasion
to
mention
more
hereafter
.
CHAP.
XXXI
.
Athotis
,
Thosothrus
,
Jachen
,
and
Solomon
.
Antient
Kings
and
Priests
,
that
practis'd
Physick
.
BEfore
we
examine
the
Progress
of
this
Art
,
after
the
Siege
of
Troy
,
to
which
the
Grecian
Esculapius
brings
us
,
and
with
which
we
close
the
first
Epocha
of
this
history
;
we
are
oblig'd
to
re-ascend
a
little
,
and
return
into
Egypt
,
the
Country
of
the
first
Esculapius
.
[
](A49892-e40810-b)*
*
Scaliger
.
Can●
Isagog
.
p.
222
We
find
there
one
Athotis
,
,
second
King
of
the
first
Dynasty
of
the
Thinites
,
who
,
according
to
Manetho
,
was
very
skilful
in
Physick
,
and
wrote
himself
some
treatises
of
Anatomy
The
same
Author
joins
with
him
one
Thosothrus
,
a
King
of
the
third
Dynasty
,
no
less
expert
.
[
](A49892-e40880-b)(t)
(t)
Galen
.
Inroduct
.
seu
Medic
.
The
custom
of
embalming
their
dead
in
use
among
the
Egyptians
,
gave
'em
more
convenience
of
learning
Anatomy
,
than
the
Greeks
had
,
who
not
daring
to
touch
dead
Bodies
,
cou●d
only
inform
themselves
by
dissecting
of
Brutes
,
or
when
chance
presented
to
em
unhappy
wretches
,
whose
wounds
were
large
enough
to
discover
their
Bowels
.
These
Kings
undoubtedly
imitated
their
Predecessor
[
](A49892-e40930-b)(u)
(u)
See
the
Chapt.
of
Osiris
.
Osiris
,
who
is
said
to
have
invented
.
[
](A49892-e40960-b)(w)
(w)
Vide
Strabon
.
In
this
Country
,
the
great
Men
were
so
far
from
thinking
this
Art
any
diminution
to
their
honour
,
that
they
engross'd
it
wholly
to
themselves
,
forbididing
under
great
penalties
any
of
the
People
to
presume
to
meddle
therein
,
under
their
Kings
,
Priests
,
and
Grandees
,
to
whom
it
was
permitted
.
[
](A49892-e40970-b)(x)
(x)
Hist●
animal
.
lib.
2.
c.
18
Elian
says
the
same
of
the
antient
Greece
,
that
none
but
Princes
practis'd
Physick
,
meaning
unquestionably
the
Princes
,
and
Heroes
before-mention'd
.
Jachen
,
was
undoubtedly
of
no
less
quality
.
He
was
,
says
Suidas
,
a
favourite
of
the
Gods
,
and
very
useful
to
Society
,
who
lived
in
the
time
of
Senyes
King
of
Egypt
,
and
who
wrote
very
well
of
remedies
drawn
from
Amulets
,
and
Charms
.
Jachen
,
adds
he
,
was
very
dextrous
at
curing
diseases
,
and
cou'd
stop
the
course
of
the
Plagne
,
and
temper
the
sultry
heat
of
the
Dog-star
;
for
this
a
magnificent
Tomb
was
rais'd
to
him
,
whither
the
Priests
repaired
in
all
Epidemical
Distempers
,
and
after
the
usual
Sacrifices
,
took
Fire
from
his
Altar
,
with
which
they
kindled
Piles
prepared
in
several
parts
of
the
City
,
and
thereby
purg'd
the
Air
of
the
Infection
,
and
stopt
the
progress
of
the
distemper
.
When
this
King
,
and
Physician
liv'd
is
uncertain
,
but
they
were
apparently
very
antient
.
In
imitation
of
the
Kings
of
Egypt
,
their
Neighbours
the
Kings
of
Judea
apply●d
themselves
sometimes
to
the
study
of
Philosophy
and
Medcine
;
witness
their
great
King
Solomon
,
of
whom
the
Scripture
says
;
that
he
wrote
five
thousand
Canticles
,
and
pronounced
three
thousand
Proverbs
;
that
he
knew
from
the
Cedar
of
Libanus
to
the
Hyssop
that
grows
upon
the
Wall
,
and
that
he
wrote
of
Ins●cts
,
of
Fishes
,
of
Birds
,
and
all
other
animals
.
[
](A49892-e41210-b)(y)
(y)
Lib.
8.
c.
2.
Josephus
enlarging
upon
this
,
says
,
that
God
endued
this
Prince
with
such
understanding
and
wisdom
,
that
no
other
thro
all
antiquity
was
comparable
to
him
,
that
he
surpass'd
abundantly
the
greatest
,
and
most
celebrated
Egyptians
.
He
composed
,
adds
he
,
five
thousand
Books
of
Songs
and
Verses
,
and
three
thousand
of
Parables
;
he
wrote
of
natural
history
from
the
Hyssop
to
the
Cedar
,
and
continued
it
thro
all
animals
,
as
well
Birds
,
as
Fishes
,
and
those
that
live
upon
the
Earth
.
For
God
had
given
him
a
perfect
knowledge
of
their
Natures
,
which
he
exercised
in
making
Med●cines
for
the
benefit
of
Men
,
among
which
were
some
,
that
had
the
vertue
of
casting
out
Devils
,
so
effectually
that
they
dar'd
not
to
return
.
This
way
of
casting
'em
out
,
is
yet
much
in
use
with
our
Nation
,
and
I
have
seen
one
Eleazar
,
a
Jew
,
in
presence
of
the
Emperor
Vespasian
,
his
Sons
,
Captains
,
and
Souldiers
,
dispossess
divers
.
He
hung
at
the
nose
of
the
Man
possessed
a
Ring
in
which
was
set
a
Root
,
which
Solomon
us●d
to
that
purpose
,
which
as
soon
as
the
Devil
smelt
,
he
threw
the
Daemoniack
to
the
ground
,
and
quitted
him
.
He
repeated
afterwards
certain
words
,
which
Solomon
left
written
,
and
in
his
name
forbad
him
to
return
.
But
to
show
the
effect
of
his
charm
more
evidently
,
he
filled
a
Pitcher
of
Water
,
and
commanded
the
Devil
to
throw
it
down
,
to
demonstrate
by
that
Sign
,
that
he
had
quit●ed
the
possessed
,
which
the
Devil
obeyed
.
I
tho●ght
my self
oblig●d
,
says
the
Author
,
to
make
this
relation
,
that
no
one
might
doubt
the
extraordinary
knowledge
,
which
God
of
his
special
Grace
gave
to
Solomon
.
[
](A49892-e41410-b)(z)
(z)
Vide
lib.
zeron
.
Hamor
▪
The
Rabbies
say
,
that
Ezechias
suppress●d
those
Books
of
Solomon
,
because
abundance
put
more
trust
in
the
power
of
the
Herbs
,
than
of
God
.
[
](A49892-e41450-b)*
*
Trithemius
mentions
besides
this
three
〈◊〉
Books
of
Ma●i●k
Liber
Lamene
.
-
2.
Penta●ulor●
.
libe●
-
3.
De
O●●i●us
Spirit●um
Albertus
m●●n●s
five
m●re
.
-
1
Liber
Alme●●l
.
-
2.
Liber
nov●m
●●uni
ruin
.
-
3.
De
nov●m
Candariis
.
-
4.
De
tribus
figuri●
Spirituum
.
-
5.
De
Sigissis
ad
Dae
noni●c●●
,
and
se●●●al
others
,
which
〈◊〉
all
d●●●●edly
〈…〉
.
The
Book
call●d
Clavicula
Solomonis
,
which
is
said
to
be
an
imaginary
Book
,
yet
is
much
sought
after
by
those
,
that
are
inquisitive
after
Magick
,
supposes
him
to
have
written
upon
that
subject
.
Sufficient
Apology
,
has
been
made
for
him
;
but
this
passage
of
Josephus
,
shews
that
the
Jews
were
strongly
possessed
with
the
opinion
,
that
Solomon
used
Superstitions
remedies
in
the
cure
of
diseases
,
as
the
reciting
certain
words
,
and
applying
a
Ring
,
which
was
a
sort
of
Amulet
,
as
we
have
before
taken
notice
.
It
may
perhaps
be
urg●d
,
that
t
is
not
impossible
,
that
God
shou'd
have
communicated
this
knowledge
to
Solomon
;
but
we
find
no
examples
of
of
any
such
cures
in
Holy
Writ
,
and
the
words
which
the
Prophets
and
Apostles
pronounc'd
on
the
like
occasions
,
were
only
to
signify
their
Commission
,
and
Power
received
from
God
to
cure
all
diseases
,
as
In
the
name
of
God
,
or
of
Jesus
Christ
be
thou
healed
.
If
they
employ'd
any
matter
,
or
made
any
application
,
it
was
of
things
common
,
and
well
known
without
any
manner
of
ceremony
,
that
might
savour
of
superstition
,
like
the
application
of
the
Ring
,
and
Root
,
before
spoken
of
.
If
Solomon
did
really
stuff
his
Books
with
such
remedies
,
he
had
'em
not
from
Revelation
,
as
Josephus
wou'd
insinuate
,
but
from
the
correspondence
he
held
with
the
learned
Men
of
Egypt
.
This
Prince
liv'd
about
a
hundred
and
seventy
years
after
the
Siege
of
Troy
.
I
had
forgot
another
argument
of
Solomon's
knowledge
of
Physick
,
or
at
least
of
the
constitution
of
a
human
Body
,
which
is
drawn
from
the
following
words
of
the
12th
Chapter
of
Ecclesiastes
.
Remember
now
thy
Creator
in
the
days
of
thy
youth
,
while
the
evil
days
come
not
,
nor
thy
years
draw
nigh
,
when
thou
shalt
say
,
I
have
no
pleasure
in
them
.
While
the
Sun
or
the
Light
or
the
Stars
be
not
darkned
,
nor
the
Clouds
return
after
the
Rain
.
In
the
day
when
the
keepers
of
the
House
shall
tremble
,
and
the
strong
men
shall
bow
themselves
,
and
the
grinders
cease
because
they
are
few
,
and
those
that
look
out
of
the
Windows
be
dark'ned
;
and
the
doors
shall
be
shut
in
the
Streets
,
when
the
sound
of
the
grinding
is
low
,
and
he
shall
rise
up
at
the
voice
of
the
Bird
,
and
all
the
Daughters
of
Musick
shall
be
brought
low
.
Also
when
they
shall
be
afraid
of
that
which
is
high
,
and
fears
shall
be
in
the
way
,
and
the
Almond
Tree
shall
flourish
,
and
the
Grashopper
shall
be
a
burthen
,
and
desire
shall
fail
,
because
man
goeth
to
his
long
home
,
and
the
mourners
go
about
the
Streets
;
or
ever
the
Silver
cord
be
loosed
,
or
the
Golden
Bowl
be
broken
,
or
the
Pitcher
be
broken
at
the
Fountain
,
or
the
Wheel
broken
at
the
Cistern
.
Then
shall
the
dust
return
to
the
earth
as
it
was
:
and
the
Spirit
shall
return
unto
God
,
who
gave
it
.
'T
is
easy
to
find
that
this
is
a
description
of
old
age
,
managed
after
the
oriental
manner
,
and
of
the
several
inconveniences
that
attend
it
,
till
they
at
last
are
terminated
by
Death
,
or
the
dissolution
of
the
humane
Body
.
The
Sun
,
the
Light
,
the
Moon
,
and
the
Stars
,
denote
the
Wit
,
the
Judgment
,
the
Memory
,
and
the
other
faculties
of
the
Soul
which
daily
decay
in
old
men
.
The
Clouds
and
the
Rain
are
Catharr
●s
and
Defluxions
,
familiar
to
this
Age.
The
Keeper●s
of
the
House
,
and
the
Strong
men
are
the
Sences
,
the
Muscles
,
and
the
Tendons
.
The
Grinders
signify
the
Teeth
.
Those
that
look
out
of
the
Windows
are
the
Eyes
.
The
Doors
shut
in
the
Streets
and
the
sound
of
grinding
become
low
,
signify
the
mouth
which
opens
with
pain
to
speak
,
and
the
necessity
of
eating
slowly
and
without
noise
.
The
voice
of
the
Bird
denotes
the
morning
,
which
is
the
time
when
old
men
get
up
,
because
they
cannot
sleep
.
The
Daughters
of
Musick
that
are
brought
low
,
signify
that
men
leave
off
Singing
at
that
age
,
and
have
no
●relish
of
Arts
or
Sciences
.
The
fear
and
trembling
of
ancient
persons
,
and
their
difficulty
of
going
,
is
represented
by
what
follows
immediately
after
.
The
flourishing
Almond
tree
is
white
hair
.
The
Grashopper
being
a
burthen
is
the
body
,
which
from
a
light
and
slender
one
,
as
it
was
before
,
is
become
gross
and
heavy
.
To
conclude
,
the
long
home
is
the
grave
,
and
those
that
go
about
the
streets
are
the
mourning
men
or
women
that
made
a
trade
of
waiting
upon
burials
.
The
rest
of
the
Emblem
or
Enigm
is
more
difficult
to
explain
.
To
succeed
in
such
an
attempt
,
a
man
ought
to
have
the
very
same
Idea
of
the
parts
of
the
body
,
as
Solomon
had
.
This
is
certain
,
that
the
sacred
Author
designed
under
these
hidden
terms
to
show
the
dissolution
of
our
principal
organs
,
and
this
is
all
we
can
pretend
to
know
.
As
for
what
has
been
written
of
the
Silver
cord
,
which
some
interpret
to
be
the
Arteries
,
or
the
Spinal
Marrow
;
of
the
golden
Bowl
,
which
some
take
to
be
the
the
membranes
of
the
Brain
,
the
Liver
,
or
the
Heart
;
of
the
Pitcher
,
which
signifies
the
Skull
,
and
the
Wheel
that
denotes
the
Lungs
;
all
this
,
I
say
,
is
but
a
bare
conjecture
that
has
no
solid
foundation
.
Perhaps
there
may
be
something
in
the
writings
of
the
Rabbies
,
that
may
help
to
interpret
this
passage
.
But
if
there
is
,
I
know
nothing
of
it
,
and
leave
is
to
others
to
find
it
out
that
understand
them
.
To
these
curious
Gentlemen
I
likewise
leave
every
thing
else
relating
to
Physick
which
it
to
be
found
in
the
Books
of
the
Jewish
writers
.
The
informations
we
receive
from
this
quarter
are
but
very
inconsiderable
,
if
all
the
rest
be
of
a
piece
,
with
the
ridiculous
Fable
of
the
bone
,
call'd
Luz
,
which
according
to
them
is
found
in
the
Back-bone
,
which
is
the
Root
,
and
as
it
were
the
Basis
of
the
whole
frame
of
the
human
Body
;
so
that
the
Heart
,
the
Liver
,
the
Brains
,
and
the
Genitals
derive
their
original
from
this
miraculous
bone
,
which
has
this
virtue
or
priviledge
besides
that
it
cannot
be
burnt
,
nor
grownd
,
nor
broke
to
pieces
,
but
continues
still
the
same
,
being
as
it
were
the
bud
of
the
Resurrection
from
which
the
whole
Body
of
the
animal
shall
shoot
again
,
as
Plants
from
their
Seeds
.
Rilanus
,
from
whom
I
have
borrow'd
this
passage
,
adds
,
that
the
Rabbies
reckon'd
two
hundred
forty
eight
bones
,
and
three
hundred
sixty
five
veins
or
ligaments
in
a
man's
body
.
Those
that
understand
Anatomy
will
langh
at
this
,
but
as
little
skill
as
these
Doctors
show
in
this
Science
,
't
is
probable
that
they
were
not
much
better
verst
in
it
,
in
the
time
of
Solomon
,
or
those
Aegyptian
Kings
,
whom
we
mention
in
the
beginning
of
this
Chapter
.
Their
Superstition
was
no
less
then
,
than
when
the
Rabbies
flourish●d
,
who
plam'd
an
infinite
number
of
Fables
upon
the
world
,
as
the
account
we
have
given
of
the
Physick
of
these
ancient
times
suf●●ciently
testi●ies
,
THE
HISTORY
OF
Physick
.
PART
I.
BOOK
II.
By
Mr.
BROWN
.
CHAP
I.
Of
what
happen'd
to
this
Art
from
the
time
of
the
Trojan
War
,
to
that
of
Peloponnesus
.
WE
have
hitherto
set
down
almost
every
thing
,
that
the
earliest
times
of
antiquity
furnish
us
with
,
relating
to
Physick
.
If
the
Reader
is
surpiz'd
to
see
the
account
so
uncertain
and
mixt
with
Fables
,
to
the
time
of
the
Trojan
War
,
he
will
have
more
reason
to
be
so
,
when
he
is
inform'd
that
even
after
this
period
,
if
we
may
believe
Pliny
,
[
](A49892-e42580-b)(a)
(a)
Sequentia
ejus
,
(
Medicina
a
Trojanis
temporibus
)
mirum
dictu
,
in
nocte
dentissimâ
latuere
,
usque
and
Peloponucsiacum
bellum
.
Tunc
eam
in
lucem
revocavit
Hippocrates
.
lib.
19.
Cap.
1.
Physick
lay
buried
in
a
most
profound
darkness
,
till
the
Peloponnesian
War
broke
out
,
when
Hippocrates
as
it
were
reviv'd
it
,
and
brought
it
to
light
.
'T
is
at
least
the
space
of
seven
hundred
years
,
from
the
first
of
these
Wars
down
to
the
second
.
Celsus
does
not
descend
altogether
so
low
as
Pliny
;
but
we
want
only
about
fourscore
years
,
which
distance
of
time
there
is
between
Pythagoras
and
Hippocrates
,
the
first
having
liv'd
in
the
lxth
Olympiad
,
and
the
second
in
the
lxxxth
.
Behold
now
after
what
manner
he
speaks
of
the
latter
.
[
](A49892-e42690-b)(b)
(b)
Cels
.
Praefat.
After
those
whom
I
have
mentioned
(
that
is
to
say
,
the
Sons
of
Aesculapius
)
there
was
no
person
of
reputation
that
practis'd
Physick
,
till
such
time
as
men
began
to
apply
themselves
more
earnestly
to
the
study
of
learning
,
which
being
as
prejudicial
to
the
body
,
as
it
is
serviceable
to
the
mind
,
it
so
fell
out
,
that
those
who
pursu'd
it
with
the
greatest
application
,
having
destroy'd
their
health
with
the
perpetual
Meditations
,
and
Watchings
,
had
more
occasion
for
Physick
than
other
Men.
For
this
reason
the
science
of
healing
Maladies
was
at
first
consider'd
as
a
branch
of
Philosophy
,
so
that
we
may
justly
affirm
that
Physick
and
Philosophy
were
born
together
.
This
is
the
true
cause
why
we
find
several
of
the
ancient
Philosophers
very
well
skill'd
in
Physick
,
among
whom
we
may
reckon
Pythagoras
,
Empedocles
,
and
Democritus
,
as
the
most
considerable
.
What
this
Author
says
here
,
viz.
that
Physick
and
Philosophy
began
together
,
is
only
pursuant
to
what
he
had
advanc'd
before
,
and
we
have
already
observ'd
,
that
all
the
Physick
of
the
Sons
of
Esculapius
and
of
their
contemporaries
,
wholly
consisted
in
healing
of
wounds
.
If
we
must
assign
a
reason
for
this
great
Vacuum
which
these
Authors
remark
to
have
happen'd
here
in
the
History
of
Physick
,
we
may
say
that
the
knowledge
of
those
that
practic●d
it
during
this
interval
,
being
shut
up
within
the
narrow
bounds
of
Empiricism
,
men
were
content
with
knowing
a
few
Remedies
,
which
experience
had
shown
to
be
proper
for
certain
Diseases
,
without
reasoning
either
upon
the
cause
of
the
illness
,
or
the
operation
of
the
remedies
,
so
that
these
remedies
being
handed
down
from
Father
to
Son
,
and
never
going
out
of
the
Family
,
there
was
no
necessity
to
write
upon
this
subject
.
This
being
supposed
,
we
are
not
to
wonder
that
since
these
Physicians
did
not
make
themselves
known
by
their
writings
,
which
is
one
of
the
surest
ways
of
preserving
our
memories
,
their
names
are
buried
in
oblivion
.
Another
reason
,
no
less
forcible
than
the
former
,
is
this
,
that
those
who
succeeded
Aesculapius
and
his
Son
,
how
great
soever
their
skill
and
experience
might
be
,
lived
in
a
fabulous
age
,
and
having
no
opportunity
to
assist
at
so
celebrated
a
Siege
as
that
of
Troy
,
they
wanted
a
Homer
to
immortalize
their
names
.
Vixere
fortes
ante
Agamemnona
Multi
,
&c.
One
might
however
have
expected
that
the
Historians
wou'd
have
done
what
we
cou'd
not
hope
from
the
Poets
,
but
the
History
of
these
times
is
generally
so
confus'd
and
defective
,
that
the
Physicians
are
not
the
only
persons
that
have
reason
to
complain
of
it
.
We
don't
certainly
know
when
Homer
liv'd
,
but
much
less
the
place
where
he
was
born
.
Therefore
tho
we
shou'd
allow
with
Celsus
,
that
during
this
space
of
time
,
there
was
no
Physicians
of
any
note
,
whose
memory
is
preserv'd
down
to
us
,
we
ought
not
to
impute
it
to
them
,
but
to
the
Age
wherein
they
lived
,
and
it
does
not
follow
that
Med●cine
was
not
cultivated
before
his
time
,
whom
he
supposes
to
be
the
restorer
of
it
.
Isidore
of
Sevil
more
clearly
discusses
this
question
.
Apollo
passes
among
the
Greeks
,
says
he
,
for
the
author
and
inventor
of
Physick
.
His
Son
Aesculapius
improv'd
this
Art
,
or
at
least
had
the
reputation
of
doing
it
,
but
being
kill'd
by
a
Thunderbolt
,
't
is
said
that
ever
since
that
Physick
was
forbidden
,
and
that
the
art
perish'd
at
the
same
moment
with
its
Author
;
having
been
conceal'd
or
bury'd
for
almost
500
years
,
till
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
King
of
Persia
,
when
Hippocrates
the
Son
of
Asclepius
of
the
Isle
of
Co
,
discover'd
it
again
to
the
world
.
If
we
were
to
believe
the
account
this
Author
gives
us
,
the
reason
of
the
interruption
of
Physick
is
evident
enough
.
After
Esculapius's
death
,
no
mention
was
made
of
this
Art
till
the
time
of
Hippocrates
;
but
in
all
appearance
he
was
but
ill
inform'd
of
what
happen'd
during
that
period
he
sets
down
,
as
he
was
of
the
true
name
of
the
Father
of
Hippocrates
,
whom
he
calls
Asclepius
by
a
gross
mistake
,
imagining
,
I
suppose
,
that
he
was
call●d
Asclepiades
,
by
the
same
Analogy
that
Homer
calls
Achilles
Peleiades
,
because
Hippocrates
was
the
Son
of
Asclepius
,
just
as
Achilles
was
of
Peleus
:
Whereas
in
truth
,
the
name
of
Asclepiades
belong'd
in
common
to
all
the
posterity
of
Esculapius
,
whom
the
Greeks
call
Asclepius
.
What
Isidore
adds
immediately
after
,
about
the
three
Sects
of
Physick
,
is
argument
enough
that
he
had
taken
no
great
pains
to
inform
himself
sufficiently
in
this
matter
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
the
Asclepiadae
,
and
the
Schools
which
they
erected
.
THe
descendants
of
Aesculapius
,
who
are
call●d
Asclepiadae
,
have
been
believed
to
preserve
this
Art
in
their
family
without
interruption
.
We
should
be
able
to
say
something
more
particularly
to
this
point
,
if
the
writings
of
Eratosthenes
,
Pherecides
,
Apollodorus
,
Arius
of
Tarsus
,
and
Polyanthus
of
Cyrene
were
now
extant
,
who
took
care
to
compose
the
history
of
these
Successors
of
Esculapius
.
But
altho
the
Works
of
these
Authors
are
lost
,
yet
the
names
of
some
of
the
Asclepiadae
are
still
preserv●d
,
as
appears
by
the
list
of
the
predecessors
of
Hippocrates
,
who
call●d
himself
the
seventeenth
in
order
of
descent
from
Esculapius
.
[
](A49892-e43340-b)(a)
(a)
Epist.
Paeti
ad
Artaxerxem
.
The
Genealogy
of
this
Physician
is
still
remaining
in
the
following
manner
.
Hippocrates
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
hereafter
,
was
the
Son
of
Heraclides
,
who
was
the
Son
of
another
Hippocrates
,
the
Son
of
Gnosidicus
;
the
Son
of
Nebrus
;
the
Son
of
Sostratus
the
third
;
the
Son
of
Theodore
the
second
;
the
Son
of
Crisamis
the
second
;
the
Son
of
Lostratus
the
second
;
the
Son
of
Theodore
the
first
;
the
Son
of
Crisamis
the
first
Son
of
Cleomitides
;
the
Son
of
Dardanus
;
the
Son
of
Sostratus
the
first
;
the
Son
of
Hippolochus
;
the
Son
of
Podalirius
;
the
Son
of
Esculapius
.
Stephanus
Byzantinus
bestows
two
Sons
more
upon
Gnosidicus
,
besides
him
already
mention'd
;
the
first
of
these
two
was
call'd
Aenius
,
and
the
second
Podalirius
.
It
may
be
said
,
perhaps
,
that
this
Genealogy
is
fabulous
;
but
supposing
some
mistake
or
interpolation
in
this
succession
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
't
is
at
least
certain
that
there
were
several
branches
of
the
Family
of
Esculapius
,
besides
that
from
which
Hippocrates
was
descended
,
which
latter
was
distinguish'd
by
the
surname
of
Asclepiadae
Nebrides
,
which
was
given
it
for
the
sake
of
one
Nebrus
,
who
was
very
famous
for
his
great
skill
in
Physick
,
and
to
whom
the
Priestess
of
Apollo
gave
a
very
advantageous
character
,
according
to
the
Author's
observation
,
whom
we
cited
last
.
We
shall
take
occasion
to
say
something
hereafte●
of
Gnosidicus
,
Heraclides
,
and
the
other
Hippocrates
,
in
the
following
Book
.
As
for
those
that
came
before
them
,
we
ingenuously
own
that
we
know
nothing
of
them
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
several
branches
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
and
the
three
different
Schools
which
they
erected
.
AS
we
have
already
observ'd
,
there
were
other
branches
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
that
were
dispersed
in
several
places
.
[
](A49892-e43700-b)(a)
(a)
Galen
.
merhod
.
med.
lib.
1.
We
find
mention
of
three
celebrated
Schools
erected
by
them
;
the
first
was
that
of
Rhodes
,
which
happen'd
to
fail
first
by
the
failing
of
this
branch
of
the
Successors
of
Esculapius
,
which
seems
to
have
fallen
out
a
long
while
before
Hippocrates
,
since
he
does
not
speak
of
it
,
as
he
does
of
that
of
Cnidus
,
which
was
the
third
,
and
that
of
Co
the
second
.
These
two
last
flourished
at
the
same
time
as
as
the
School
of
Italy
,
wherein
were
those
Philosopher-Physicians
of
whom
Celsus
speaks
,
altho
the
Grecian
Schools
were
more
ancient
.
These
three
Schools
,
that
were
the
only
ones
that
made
any
figure
,
by
a
Spirit
of
Emulation
perpetually
contended
among
themselves
,
who
shou●d
make
the
greatest
progress
in
Physick
.
However
,
Galen
assigns
the
first
place
to
that
of
Co
,
since
it
produc'd
the
greatest
number
of
excellent
disciples
;
that
of
Cnidus
held
the
second
rank
,
and
that
of
Italy
the
third
.
Herodotus
also
makes
mention
of
a
School
of
Physicians
that
was
in
Cyrene
,
where
,
as
we
have
taken
notice
already
,
there
was
a
Temple
of
Esculapius
,
whose
worship
was
different
from
that
of
the
Grecians
.
From
whence
it
may
be
conjectur'd
,
that
there
were
likewise
Asclepiadae
of
another
sort
.
The
same
[
](A49892-e43900-b)(a)
(a)
lib.
3.
Historian
mentions
likewise
another
School
of
Physick
,
that
was
at
Crotona
,
the
Country
of
Democedes
a
famous
Physician
,
contemporary
with
Pythagoras
,
which
Physician
,
as
Herodotus
informs
us
,
being
ejected
out
of
his
City
,
by
the
severity
of
his
Father
Calliphon
,
came
first
to
Aegina
,
and
afterwards
to
Athens
,
where
he
liv'd
in
great
repute
.
From
thence
he
went
to
Samos
,
where
he
had
an
opportunity
to
heal
Polycrates
,
the
King
of
that
Island
of
a
troublesom
distemper
,
which
was
worth
him
two
talents
of
Gold
.
Some
time
after
this
,
being
taken
prisoner
by
the
Persians
,
he
conceal●d
his
profession
,
but
upon
a
discovery
was
oblig'd
to
undertake
the
cure
of
Darius
who
had
dislocated
his
Foot
,
and
of
his
Q●●tossa
,
who
had
a
Cancer
i●
her
Breast
This
Historian
adds
,
that
Democedes
succeeding
in
these
two
cures
,
obtain'd
so
great
a
reputa-with
the
King
,
that
he
made
him
dine
at
his
own
Table
;
however
he
cou'd
not
be
induc'd
to
take
up
his
abode
there
,
for
finding
an
opportunity
to
return
to
Greece
,
under
the
disguise
of
a
Spy
,
he
perform'd
it
accordingly
,
despising
all
the
Honours
that
were
shown
him
in
Persia
,
and
putting
a
trick
upon
those
that
had
given
him
this
Commission
.
After
this
he
mar●ied
,
and
took
to
Wife
a
Daughter
of
the
famous
Milo
his
Countryman
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
the
School
of
Cnidus
in
particular
.
WE
know
no
other
particulars
of
the
Physick
of
Democedes
,
nor
of
that
of
Crotona
.
Neither
have
we
better
Memoirs
of
the
School
of
Rhodes
.
As
for
that
of
Cnidus
,
we
may
judge
of
the
method
of
was
followed
there
by
some
fragments
still
extant
in
Hippocrates
.
[
](A49892-e44170-b)(a)
(a)
De
ratione
virtuus
in
acutis
lib.
1.
Those
,
says
this
Author
,
who
compiled
the
Cnidian
Sentences
or
Observations
,
have
exactly
observ'd
all
the
Symptoms
of
every
distemper
,
and
how
some
of
them
took
them
:
in
a
word
,
all
that
any
person
,
who
knows
nothing
of
Physick
,
wou●d
write
after
he
had
inform'd
himself
by
the
Sick
of
all
that
they
had
suffer'd
.
But
,
continues
he
,
they
have
forgot
the
greatest
part
of
those
things
which
a
Physician
ought
to
know
without
hearing
the
relation
of
the
sick
party
.
The
same
Author
has
likewise
observ'd
,
that
the
Cnidians
used
very
few
Medicaments
,
and
that
Elaterium
,
(
which
is
a
Purgative
made
of
the
juice
of
a
wild
Cucumber
)
Milk
and
Whey
,
were
in
a
manner
all
the
Med'cines
they
used
.
We
may
inferr
from
what
Hippocrates
h●s
said
in
this
place
,
first
that
these
Physicians
contented
themselves
to
make
an
exact
ennumeration
or
description
of
the
accidents
that
attend
a
distemper
,
without
reasoning
upon
the
causes
,
and
tying
themselves
to
the
prognostics
.
In
the
second
place
we
may
gather
that
they
us'd
but
a
very
small
number
of
remedies
,
which
themselves
,
and
their
predecessors
had
try'd
.
These
two
remarks
are
enough
to
let
us
see
,
that
the
Cnidians
were
purely
Empirics
,
or
at
least
that
their
chief
perfection
was
not
that
of
exact
reasoning
.
They
departed
the
farthest
from
this
method
,
when
they
ventur'd
to
compare
diseases
,
or
remedies
together
,
which
by
them
was
call●d
Analogism
.
The
Cnidians
,
says
Galen
,
us'd
to
cure
those
that
had
an
abscess
in
their
lungs
,
after
this
manner
.
Having
observ'd
that
a
Cough
threw
up
all
that
lay
upon
the
lungs
,
they
drew
out
the
tongues
of
those
that
were
troubl'd
with
the
above
mention'd
distemper
,
and
endeavour'd
to
pour
some
drops
of
water
down
the
aspera
arteria
,
on
purpose
to
raise
a
violent
Cough
by
these
means
,
which
wou'd
make
them
discharge
all
the
purulent
matter
in
their
Chest
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
Physicians
of
Cos.
Reflexions
upon
their
Physick
,
and
that
of
the
Cnidians
.
AS
for
what
relates
to
the
Physitians
of
Cos
,
we
may
likewise
assert
,
that
if
the
Coan
prenotions
,
that
are
to
be
found
among
the
works
of
Hippocrates
,
are
nothing
but
a
collection
of
the
Practitioners
of
Cos
,
as
several
persons
have
believ'd
,
that
they
were
none
of
the
nicest
reasoners
,
nay
,
we
may
say
,
that
they
did
not
take
the
least
care
to
give
an
account
of
their
Prognostics
.
From
what
has
been
said
it
will
appear
,
that
it
is
not
altogether
true
that
Pliny
and
Celsus
have
advanc'd
,
viz.
that
we
meet
with
nothing
of
the
history
of
Physick
in
so
long
an
interval
,
but
much
less
that
Physick
and
Philosophy
began
together
,
as
the
latter
asserts
,
unless
he
is
to
be
understood
about
Rational
Physick
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
that
which
is
peculiarly
employ'd
in
finding
out
the
hidden
causes
of
diseases
,
and
assigning
reasons
for
the
operation
of
remedies
;
for
't
is
certain
,
that
this
latter
cou●d
not
begin
but
with
the
study
of
Learning
and
the
Sciences
.
It
will
be
objected
to
me
without
question
,
that
I
have
here
forgotten
to
speak
of
a
thing
,
for
which
the
Asclepiadae
deserv'd
most
reputation
,
and
which
overthrows
all
that
I
have
said
about
their
manner
of
practice
,
which
I
maintain'd
to
be
almost
wholly
empirical
,
viz.
of
their
passing
in
the
World
for
great
Anatomists
.
'T
is
certain
that
Galen
is
of
this
opinion
.
At
that
time
,
says
he
,
that
Physick
,
was
wholly
confin'd
within
the
family
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
the
Fathers
taught
their
Children
Anatomy
,
and
accustom'd
them
from
their
infancy
to
dissect
Animals
,
so
that
this
being
handed
down
from
Father
to
Son
,
it
was
needless
to
set
down
in
writing
,
how
every
thing
was
done
,
since
it
was
full
as
impossible
for
them
to
forget
this
,
as
the
Alphabet
which
they
learnt
at
the
same
time
.
Several
other
passages
we
meet
in
this
Author
,
by
which
we
may
see
,
that
he
really
believ'd
that
the
Asclepiadae
were
perfectly
well
skill'd
in
Anatomy
.
But
we
may
confront
the
authority
of
this
Physician
with
that
of
the
ancient
Commentator
upon
Plato
,
who
expressly
says
that
the
Philosopher
Alcmaeon
,
of
whom
we
shall
have
occasion
to
talk
in
the
following
Chapter
was
the
first
that
dissected
any
Animal
;
which
destroys
all
that
Galen
has
advanc'd
about
the
Asclepiadae
,
at
least
those
of
them
that
preceeded
Alcmaeon
,
with
whom
alone
we
are
concern'd
,
here
for
as
for
those
that
follow'd
him
,
they
were
either
contemporaries
with
Hippocrates
,
or
else
came
after
him
.
Tho
we
were
destitute
of
the
testimony
of
this
Author
,
yet
by
the
little
progress
,
that
was
made
in
Anatony
even
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
himself
,
it
seems
at
least
probable
,
that
men
had
examin'd
the
bodies
of
Animals
but
very
superficially
,
which
is
remote
enough
from
what
Galen
asserts
,
that
Anatomy
was
in
its
perfection
in
the
time
of
the
Asclepiadae
.
And
as
for
what
he
adds
about
a
certain
interval
,
which
he
pretends
to
have
been
between
the
most
antient
Asclepiadae
and
Hippocrates
,
during
which
he
wou'd
needs
perswade
us
that
Anatomy
was
neglected
,
the
Reader
will
find
in
the
Chapter
of
Erasistratus
,
what
judgment
he
is
to
pass
upon
that
matter
.
I
wou'd
not
be
suppos'd
to
affirm
,
that
the
Asclepiadae
had
no
manner
of
knowledge
of
the
parts
of
bodies
.
It
wou'd
be
a
great
absurdity
to
maintain
it
,
for
without
this
knowledge
they
cou'd
neither
practice
Physick
in
general
,
nor
Chirurgery
in
particular
.
Without
doubt
they
knew
very
well
,
as
for
instance
,
the
Bones
,
their
Scituation
,
Figure
,
Articulation
,
and
all
that
depends
upon
them
;
for
otherwise
they
cou'd
not
have
set
them
when
they
were
broken
or
dislocated
.
Neither
cou'd
they
be
ignorant
of
the
Scituation
of
the
most
considerable
Vessels
.
It
is
likewise
necessary
,
that
they
shou●d
understand
where
the
Veins
and
Arteries
lye
,
because
they
open'd
and
burnt
them
continually
;
for
we
have
already
observ'd
in
the
Chapter
of
Podalirius
,
that
these
operations
were
very
common
even
in
the
first
age
of
Physick
.
Besides
,
it
was
highly
requisite
,
that
they
shou'd
very
well
know
the
places
where
the
profoundest
Vessels
meet
,
to
avoid
the
loss
of
blood
,
when
they
made
any
incisions
,
or
when
they
cut
off
any
of
the
members
.
In
short
,
they
were
oblig'd
to
know
several
places
,
where
there
were
Tendons
and
Ligaments
,
and
some
considerable
Nerves
;
altho
they
confounded
these
three
different
parts
,
and
knew
very
little
of
the
last
,
as
we
shall
show
hereafter
.
Besides
this
,
they
knew
something
in
general
of
the
chief
Intestins
,
as
the
Stomach
,
the
Guts
,
the
Liver
,
the
Spleen
,
the
Kidneys
,
the
Bladder
,
the
Matrix
,
the
Diaphragm
,
the
Heart
,
the
Lungs
,
the
Brain
;
as
well
as
the
most
sensible
humours
,
such
as
the
Blood
,
Cholar
,
Melancholy
,
Flegm
,
the
Serosities
,
or
Waters
,
and
all
the
different
sort
of
excrements
that
proceed
from
several
parts
of
our
body
.
It
appears
at
first
Sight
,
that
the
Asclepiadae
,
cou'd
not
know
all
this
without
being
Anatomists
,
or
at
least
without
having
dissected
Animals
;
but
't
is
easy
to
demonstrate
,
that
they
might
attain
to
the
knowledge
of
these
things
without
it
.
The
first
and
most
familiar
instruction
they
had
came
from
their
Butchers
,
and
their
Sacrifices
,
and
as
for
what
relates
to
to
a
human
body
in
particular
,
they
were
glad
of
any
opportunity
to
instruct
themselves
,
when
they
found
any
bones
in
the
Fields
,
that
were
stript
of
the
Flesh
either
by
Beasts
,
or
the
length
of
time
,
that
these
bodies
had
been
expos'd
to
the
air
,
or
when
they
found
in
some
by
places
the
carcass
of
some
unfortunate
Traveller
,
that
had
been
murder'd
by
Robbers
,
or
the
bodies
of
Soldiers
,
that
died
of
the
great
wounds
of
they
receiv●d
in
Battel
.
They
consider'd
them
without
giving
themselves
the
trouble
to
make
any
other
Preparation
,
besides
what
they
found
ready
made
to
their
hands
,
and
took
no
notice
of
that
scruple
,
which
forbad
them
to
touch
any
dead
body
which
they
found
by
accident
.
This
was
so
great
a
scruple
among
the
Ancients
,
that
it
appears
from
a
passage
in
Aristotle
,
which
we
shall
cite
hereafter
,
that
in
his
time
there
was
no
dissection
of
human
bodies
.
Now
this
Philosopher
liv'd
above
fourscore
years
after
Hippocrates
.
T
is
true
indeed
,
that
the
Egyptians
,
as
we
have
already
taken
notice
,
having
been
accustomed
of
old
to
embalm
dead
bodies
,
were
furnish●d
by
this
means
with
an
opportunity
to
know
the
true
disposition
of
some
parts
of
the
body
,
which
they
must
needs
lay
open
,
when
they
separated
them
from
others
to
preserve
the
rest
;
and
it
might
so
happen
,
that
the
Asclepiadae
reapt
some
advantage
by
these
discoveries
of
the
Egyptians
,
but
as
the
chief
intention
of
the
latter
was
the
preserving
of
Bodies
,
so
they
scarce
proceeded
much
farther
,
than
it
was
necessary
for
them
to
go
on
with
their
design
.
I
have
thus
recounted
the
several
means
by
which
these
ancient
Physicians
discover'd
the
structure
of
bodies
after
the
Death
of
the
animal
;
but
the
best
School
they
had
,
and
indeed
that
which
instructed
them
better
than
any
of
the
rest
,
was
the
Practice
of
their
Professio●
,
which
daily
gave
them
an
opportunity
,
to
see
in
living
bodies
what
they
were
not
able
to
discover
in
the
dead
,
when
they
dress●d
Wounds
,
Vlcers
,
Tumours
,
Fractures
,
Dislocations
,
and
perform'd
other
Chyrurgical
operations
.
And
as
Physick
was
preserv'd
in
the
Family
of
the
Asclepiadae
for
several
Ages
,
where
it
pass●d
from
Father
to
Son
,
so
the
traditions
and
observations
of
their
Fathers
and
Ancestors
supply'd
the
want
of
experience
in
each
particular
man
.
This
last
opportunity
joyn'd
with
the
former
,
has
made
several
Physicians
,
who
liv●d
a
long
while
after
them
,
and
of
whom
we
shall
make
mention
hereafter
,
to
call
it
an
easie
and
natural
,
tho
a
long
way
,
to
gain
the
knowledge
of
the
humane
Body
:
maintaining
,
that
this
way
alone
was
sufficient
for
practice
.
We
shall
find
in
the
Fifth
Book
,
what
were
the
reasons
that
induc'd
them
to
this
,
as
likewise
what
other
Physicians
had
to
say
upon
this
occasion
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
those
Physicians
that
were
Philosophers
,
and
first
of
Pythagoras
,
and
Xamolxis
his
Slave
.
HItherto
,
as
we
have
observ'd
,
it
does
not
appear
that
Reason
had
been
very
much
consulted
in
Physick
,
the
whole
knowledge
of
which
Art
seems
to
have
totally
consisted
in
discerning
and
knowing
Diseases
rather
by
their
signs
than
by
their
causes
,
and
using
a
few
simple
Medicaments
,
that
were
almost
all
taken
from
Herbs
,
or
the
practice
of
some
magical
or
superstitious
Remedies
.
The
Philosophers
were
the
first
that
interloping
in
this
Art
,
at
the
same
time
introduc'd
the
fashion
of
reasoning
into
it
These
Gentlemen
added
to
it
that
part
which
is
call'd
Physiology
,
and
considers
a
humane
body
,
which
is
the
subject
of
Physick
,
such
as
it
is
in
its
natural
state
,
and
endeavours
to
assign
reasons
for
its
functions
and
operations
,
in
examining
the
parts
thereof
,
and
all
that
belongs
to
it
,
by
Anatomy
,
and
the
principles
of
Physick
.
Not
that
it
appears
by
any
of
their
writings
,
or
by
the
Titles
of
their
Books
that
they
had
ever
been
what
we
call
Practitioners
.
Empedocles
,
of
whom
we
shall
talk
hereafter
,
is
the
only
man
among
them
who
is
reported
to
have
perform'd
a
cure
.
All
the
rest
appear
to
have
devoted
themselves
rather
to
the
Theory
than
Practice
of
Physick
.
Pythagoras
,
who
liv'd
about
the
lx
Olympiad
,
and
founded
the
Italick
School
,
is
the
most
ancient
we
know
of
those
that
began
to
take
this
Art
into
their
consideration
.
This
Pihlosopher
neglected
no
means
nor
opportunity
to
render
his
knowledge
universal
.
With
this
design
he
travell'd
into
Egypt
,
which
was
the
Country
of
Arts
and
Sciences
,
and
learnt
all
their
curiosities
.
'T
is
very
probable
he
borrow'd
all
the
knowledge
he
had
in
Physick
from
thence
,
of
which
we
have
nothing
remaining
but
a
few
small
fragments
,
which
however
sufficiently
discover
a
Spirit
of
superstition
so
remarkable
in
the
preceeding
Physicians
,
as
we
have
already
observ'd
,
that
which
relates
to
Physiology
being
very
inconsiderable
.
[
](A49892-e45320-b)(a)
(a)
Diogen
.
Laert.
Hist.
Philos.
Galen
.
He
believ'd
that
at
the
time
of
Conception
,
a
certain
substance
descended
from
the
Brain
,
which
contain'd
a
warm
vapour
,
from
whence
the
Soul
and
all
the
Senses
derived
their
original
,
while
the
Flesh
,
the
Nerves
,
or
Tendons
,
the
Bones
,
the
Hair
,
and
all
the
Body
in
general
,
was
made
of
the
Blood
,
and
other
Humours
that
meet
in
the
Matrix
.
He
added
,
that
the
Body
of
the
Infant
was
formed
,
and
became
solid
in
forty
days
;
but
that
eleven
,
or
nine
,
or
more
generally
,
ten
months
according
to
the
rules
of
harmony
,
were
requisite
to
make
him
intirely
compleat
;
that
all
that
happen'd
to
him
during
the
whole
course
of
his
life
,
was
then
regulated
,
and
that
he
carry'd
it
along
with
him
in
a
Series
or
Chain
,
proportion'd
to
the
Laws
of
the
same
harmony
above-mention'd
,
every
thing
falling
out
afterwards
necessarily
in
its
own
time
.
At
the
end
of
this
Chapter
we
shall
examine
what
he
meant
by
this
.
He
likewise
asserted
,
that
the
Veins
,
the
Arteries
,
the
Nerves
,
are
the
cords
of
the
Soul
.
According
to
him
the
Soul
spreads
itself
from
the
Heart
to
the
Brain
,
and
that
part
of
it
which
is
in
the
Heart
,
is
the
same
from
whence
the
passions
proceed
,
whereas
Reason
and
the
Understanding
reside
in
the
Brain
.
This
opinion
,
which
belongs
in
common
to
him
and
the
sacred
Writers
,
perhaps
came
first
from
the
Caldeans
,
with
whom
he
had
convers'd
.
As
for
the
causes
of
Distempers
,
he
had
learnt
without
question
all
that
was
believ'd
concerning
them
in
the
same
School
,
and
in
that
of
the
Magicians
,
whom
he
had
likewise
consulted
.
The
Air
,
said
he
,
is
all
fill'd
with
Souls
,
or
Demons
and
Heroes
,
that
send
dreams
,
and
signs
,
and
diseases
to
men
,
and
even
to
beasts
,
and
't
is
for
these
Demons
or
Spirits
for
whom
[
](A49892-e45390-b)(b)
(b)
Se●
the
Chapt.
of
Melam●as
and
Polyidus
.
lustrations
and
expiations
are
perform'd
;
and
in
short
,
all
that
the
Southsayers
and
men
of
the
like
profession
do
upon
these
occasions
.
From
the
same
place
he
has
borrow'd
all
that
he
has
written
concerning
the
Magical
virtues
of
Plants
,
of
which
he
compos'd
a
Book
,
which
some
ascribe
to
a
Physician
,
whose
name
was
Cleemporus
.
As
for
what
regards
their
natural
qualities
,
Pliny
only
informs
us
that
Pythagoras
had
a
particular
esteem
for
Cabbage
.
We
shall
see
hereafter
that
he
was
not
the
only
man
among
the
Ancients
that
set
a
value
upon
this
Herb
,
and
looked
upon
it
as
a
good
remedy
in
case
of
several
distempers
.
There
are
still
remaining
some
precepts
which
he
gave
,
relating
to
a
man's
managing
of
himself
to
preserve
his
health
.
He
said
,
that
a
man
ought
to
accustom
himself
to
the
most
simple
diet
,
and
that
which
may
be
had
in
all
places
.
●or
this
reason
he
wou'd
eat
no
flesh
,
and
liv'd
only
upon
Herbs
and
Water
.
He
likewise
prohibited
the
eating
of
Beans
,
either
because
they
make
the
blood
gross
,
or
for
some
other
mysterious
reasons
mention●d
by
the
Ancients
.
Living
after
this
manner
,
it
was
an
easie
matter
for
him
to
follow
the
advice
which
he
gave
,
viz.
not
to
have
any
thing
to
do
with
women
,
but
when
we
have
a
mind
to
become
weak
.
Lastly
,
it
was
a
saying
of
his
,
that
a
man
ought
never
to
be
immoderate
in
any
thing
that
relates
either
to
business
or
nourishment
.
He
makes
health
to
consist
in
a
sort
of
harmony
,
but
does
not
descend
into
the
particulars
of
it
.
He
said
the
same
thing
of
virtue
,
of
all
that
is
Good
in
whatsoever
respect
,
and
of
God
himself
,
so
by
this
harmony
he
meant
the
relation
or
just
proportion
,
which
all
parts
ought
to
have
together
,
or
the
natural
order
of
all
things
.
But
what
has
been
said
already
of
this
same
harmony
which
Pythagoras
observ'd
in
order
of
things
that
happen
to
every
individual
man
in
his
life
time
,
makes
it
credible
that
there
was
some
greater
mystery
conceal●d
within
.
This
mystery
,
perhaps
,
might
be
much
of
the
same
nature
with
that
which
this
Philosopher
found
out
in
numbers
,
each
of
which
,
according
to
him
,
have
somewhat
remarkable
in
them
,
some
of
them
being
a
great
deal
more
perfect
than
others
.
The
odd
numbers
,
for
instance
,
were
more
considerable
,
and
had
more
force
in
them
than
the
even
numbers
;
the
first
representing
the
Male
,
and
the
second
the
Female
.
But
the
number
of
seven
was
the
most
perfect
of
all
.
The
Reader
may
find
in
[
](A49892-e45640-b)(c)
(c)
●ib
.
Cap.
6.
Macrobius
,
and
[
](A49892-e45660-b)(d)
(d)
〈…〉
Aulus
Gellius
,
wherein
this
perfection
consists
.
To
this
opinion
chiefly
is
owing
the
Doctrine
of
Climacteric
years
,
the
discovery
whereof
is
attributed
to
the
Caldeans
,
from
whom
Pythagoras
perhaps
borrow●d
them
.
Each
seventh
year
of
a
man's
life
is
call'd
by
this
name
,
and
't
is
the
receiv●d
opinion
that
at
this
time
a
man
runs
the
greatest
risque
in
relation
to
his
life
,
or
health
,
or
what
they
call
the
goods
of
fortune
,
by
reason
of
the
alterations
and
changes
that
happen
at
these
years
.
[
](A49892-e45730-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
3
C.
4.
Upon
the
same
opinion
,
according
to
Celsus
,
is
founded
the
belief
of
some
Physicians
about
the
force
of
the
seventh
number
in
diseases
,
and
the
difference
they
made
between
odd
and
even
days
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
.
Those
that
have
said
that
Pythagoras
left
nothing
behind
him
in
writing
,
and
that
all
we
know
of
his
opinions
is
only
taken
out
of
the
Books
of
his
disciples
,
may
perhaps
deny
that
this
Philosopher
maintain'd
such
assertions
.
[
](A49892-e45780-b)(f)
(f)
De
dieb
decretor
.
lib
3.
cap.
8.
&c.
Galen
,
who
is
of
opinion
for
other
reasons
than
those
that
are
drawn
from
the
force
of
numbers
consider'd
in
themselves
,
that
a
due
regard
ought
to
be
had
of
the
numerus
Septenarius
,
and
even
,
and
odd
days
,
seems
to
question
whether
Pythagoras
held
that
opinion
.
'T
is
so
easy
,
says
he
,
to
discover
the
absurdity
and
vanity
of
what
is
pretended
concerning
the
virtue
of
numbers
,
that
it
is
strange
how
Pythagoras
,
so
discreet
and
wise
a
man
,
cou●d
attribute
so
much
power
to
numbers
.
This
Philosopher
had
time
to
examine
them
,
and
to
admire
the
result
of
their
combinations
,
since
History
reports
him
to
have
been
well
vers'd
in
Arithmetick
and
Geometry
,
but
these
Sciences
ought
rather
to
have
given
him
an
aversion
for
such
wretched
trifles
.
Zamolxis
,
whom
the
Getae
ador'd
as
a
God
,
is
generally
said
to
have
been
a
Slave
of
Pythagoras
,
altho
others
suppose
him
to
have
been
much
more
antient
.
He
passes
for
one
that
had
great
skill
in
Physick
,
but
all
the
particulars
we
know
of
him
,
are
that
he
us'd
to
say
,
that
a
man
cou'd
not
heal
the
eyes
without
healing
the
head
,
nor
the
head
without
the
rest
of
the
body
,
nor
the
body
without
the
soul
,
and
he
pretended
the
that
Greek
Philosophers
being
ignorant
of
this
Maxim
,
for
that
very
reason
fail'd
in
the
cure
of
most
diseases
.
The
remedy
that
he
us'd
to
heal
or
cure
the
Soul
,
was
that
of
Enchantments
,
not
such
as
Esculapius
us'd
,
if
we
may
take
Plato's
word
for
it
.
The
Enchantments
which
Xamolxis
meant
,
says
this
Philosopher
,
were
nothing
else
but
virtuous
discourses
and
conversations
,
which
,
as
he
adds
,
produce
wisdom
in
the
Soul
,
and
that
being
once
acquir'd
,
't
is
an
easy
matter
to
procure
health
to
the
head
and
to
the
rest
of
the
body
.
But
by
what
some
[
](A49892-e45990-b)(g)
(g)
Herodotus
and
Strabo
.
others
have
written
concerning
the
means
which
Xamolxi●
us'd
to
make
himself
pass
for
a
God
,
we
may
find
,
that
he
was
capable
of
using
Enchantments
,
even
in
the
proper
and
common
sense
.
CHAP
VII
.
Empedocles
,
Alcmaeon
,
Epicharmus
,
and
Eudoxus
,
the
Disciples
or
Followers
of
Pythagoras
.
Empedocles
was
one
of
the
most
celebrated
disciples
of
Pythagoras
.
T
is
believ'd
that
like
his
Master
,
he
joyn'd
Magic
to
Physick
:
or
that
his
Physick
was
Magical
.
But
in
some
places
he
lets
us
see
that
sometimes
at
least
he
applies
himself
to
natural
agents
,
where
he
tells
us
,
that
the
Pestilence
and
Famine
that
ravag'd
Sicily
his
native
Country
so
often
,
are
occasion'd
by
a
South
wind
,
which
finding
a
passage
through
certain
holes
in
the
mountains
,
made
great
destruction
in
the
plains
:
So
he
advis'd
them
to
stop
up
these
holes
,
after
which
the
Country
was
free
from
these
two
cruel
persecutors
.
He
gave
another
testimony
of
his
great
knowledge
,
in
remedying
the
stench
of
a
river
that
infected
the
air
in
a
certain
Province
,
which
he
brought
about
by
digging
Canals
,
by
which
he
brought
two
other
rivers
into
the
bed
of
the
first
.
If
this
Philosopher
got
so
much
reputation
by
these
Contrivances
,
he
was
no
less
famou●
for
the
extraordinary
cures
he
perform'd
.
Diogenes
Laertius
tells
us
,
that
he
was
particularly
admir'd
for
healing
a
woman
,
who
was
look'd
upon
to
be
dead
,
finding
it
was
occasion●d
by
a
suffocation
of
the
Vterus
.
He
nam'd
this
malady
from
a
Greek
word
,
which
signifies
without
respiration
.
He
pretended
that
one
might
live
in
such
a
condition
the
space
of
thirty
days
.
He
gave
out
that
he
had
infallible
remedies
for
all
sorts
of
diseases
,
and
for
old
age
,
nay
that
he
was
able
to
raise
the
dead
.
He
had
a
very
singular
opinion
about
the
manner
of
the
formation
of
Animals
.
[
](A49892-e46190-b)(a)
(a)
Galen
.
de
Semin
.
lib
2.
Cap.
3.
He
believ●d
that
some
parts
of
their
bodies
were
contain'd
in
the
seed
of
the
male
,
and
others
in
that
of
the
female
,
and
that
the
Venereal
appetite
in
both
Sexes
proceeds
from
this
desire
that
the
disunited
and
separated
parts
have
to
be
rejoyn●d
.
As
for
[
](A49892-e46210-b)(b)
(b)
Id
de
Hist.
Philosoph
.
Respiration
,
he
suppos'd
it
to
be
perform'd
after
this
manner
.
As
soon
as
the
humidity
,
which
at
the
beginning
of
the
formation
of
the
Foetus
was
very
plentiful
,
begins
to
lessen
,
the
air
succeeds
it
,
insinuates
it self
through
the
pores
,
after
which
the
natural
heat
endeavouring
to
get
loose
,
it
casts
the
air
without
,
and
when
the
heat
re-enters
,
the
air
follows
it
again
.
The
first
,
continues
he
,
is
call'd
inspiration
,
and
the
second
expiration
.
The
Foetus
or
Infant
in
the
mothers
womb
,
according
to
him
,
has
the
use
of
respiration
.
Hearing
is
perform●d
by
the
means
of
the
air
,
that
strikes
the
interiour
part
of
the
ear
,
which
winding
in
the
form
of
a
Cockle-shell
,
and
being
joynd
to
the
highest
part
of
the
body
like
a
little
Bell
,
discerns
all
the
impulsions
of
the
air
that
enter
into
it
.
The
Fl●s●●
is
compo●●d
of
an
equal
proportion
of
each
of
the
four
Elements
;
the
Nerves
of
fire
,
earth
,
and
two
parts
of
water
;
the
Nails
are
made
of
Nerves
condens'd
by
the
contact
of
the
air
.
The
Bones
seem
to
be
compos●d
of
equal
parts
of
water
and
earth
,
but
for
all
this
they
were
made
of
the
four
Elements
,
among
which
the
water
and
earth
were
predominant
.
Sweat
and
Tears
proceed
from
the
thinner
particles
of
blood
The
Seeds
of
Plants
are
as
it
were
their
Eggs
,
which
fall
from
them
when
they
are
ripe
.
Empedocles
writ
concerning
Phy●i●●●m
Verse
,
and
compos●d
six
thousand
,
〈◊〉
upon
th●●
argument
.
He
had
so
great
an
esteem
for
this
art
,
that
he
pretended
that
Physicians
(
to
whom
he
joyn'd
Southsayers
and
Poets
)
had
much
the
preheminence
before
other
men
,
and
came
near
the
immortal
Gods
.
He
had
a
disciple
call●d
Pausanias
,
who
was
likewise
a
Physician
.
Empedocles
was
born
at
Agrigentum
,
a
City
of
Sicily
,
and
according
to
Diogenes
Laertius
,
flourish'd
about
the
84th
Olympiad
.
Suidas
pretends
that
he
follow'd
the
profession
of
a
Sophist
at
Athens
.
His
death
was
extraordinary
.
Some
say
,
that
being
desirous
to
examine
the
fire
of
Aetna
with
too
much
curiosity
,
he
came
so
near
that
he
was
consumed
by
them
.
Others
have
affirm'd
that
this
was
an
effect
of
his
vanity
,
and
that
he
was
ambitious
of
dying
thus
,
that
disappearing
all
of
a
sudden
,
he
might
be
taken
for
a
God
.
Alemaeon
,
another
disciple
of
Pythagoras
,
was
of
Crotona
;
he
particularly
apply'd
himself
to
the
study
of
Physick
.
His
name
deserves
to
be
preserv'd
to
all
posterity
,
if
what
a
[
](A49892-e46550-b)(c)
(c)
Chalcid●●
in
Platou●s
●imaum
.
Commentator
upon
Plato
tells
of
him
be
true
,
viz.
that
he
was
the
first
that
anatomiz'd
Animals
,
to
instruct
himself
in
the
several
parts
of
their
bodies
.
The
Reader
will
be
surpriz'd
that
it
was
so
long
before
Anatomy
was
introduc●d
into
Physick
,
and
will
hardly
conceive
how
they
came
to
bestow
the
name
of
Physicians
,
or
even
of
Chyrurgeons
,
upon
men
that
under
stood
nothing
of
it
.
But
this
wonder
will
vanish
,
when
he
considers
that
I
have
already
said
upon
this
subject
in
the
Chapt
of
the
Asclepiadae
.
As
Alcmaeon's
Writings
have
had
the
ill
fate
to
be
destroy'd
by
time
,
we
know
but
little
of
his
Anatomy
,
but
what
we
find
in
Galen
,
which
indeed
more
properly
belongs
to
Physiology
.
He
suppos'd
that
the
Hearing
was
perform'd
by
the
ear
,
being
hollow
within
,
as
we
find
all
hollow
places
refound
when
the
voice
penetrates
them
.
As
for
Smelling
,
he
pretended
that
the
Soul
,
whose
chief
seat
,
according
to
him
,
was
in
the
brain
,
receiv'd
all
odours
by
attracting
them
in
respiration
.
He
imagin'd
that
the
Tongue
distinguish'd
tastes
by
its
humidity
,
by
its
moderate
heat
,
and
its
softness
.
The
Seed
,
according
to
him
,
was
a
particle
of
the
brain
.
The
Foetus
was
nourish'd
in
the
womb
by
drawing
nourishment
on
all
sides
of
its
Body
,
which
is
like
a
Spunge
.
Health
,
according
to
its
Hypothesis
,
depends
upon
the
equal
mixture
of
heat
,
dryness
,
cold
,
and
moisture
,
nay
,
even
of
sweet
and
bitter
,
and
other
things
.
On
the
other
hand
,
diseases
arise
when
one
of
these
predominates
over
the
rest
,
and
by
that
means
destroys
their
union
and
society
.
Epicharmus
of
the
Isle
of
Cos
,
was
likewise
a
hearer
of
Pythagoras
.
He
writ
of
natural
Philosophy
and
Physick
,
and
is
frequently
quoted
by
Pliny
,
when
he
describes
the
virtues
of
any
simple
.
[
](A49892-e46750-b)(d)
(d)
Tiraquell
.
de
Nobilitate
cap.
31.
'T
is
reported
,
that
his
Writings
are
still
to
be
seen
in
the
Vatican
Library
.
Eudoxus
receiv'd
his
instruction
from
Archytas
,
a
famous
Pythagorean
.
He
liv'd
somewhat
later
than
the
above-mention'd
.
[
](A49892-e46810-b)(e)
(e)
See
the
Chapt.
of
Chrysippus
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
of
him
hereafter
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
Heraclitus
,
Democritus
,
and
some
other
Physicians
that
were
Philosophers
.
THe
Pythagorean
Philosophers
were
not
the
only
persons
that
concern'd
themselves
with
Physick
.
Heraclitus
the
Ephesian
(
who
liv'd
in
the
69th
Olympiad
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
the
same
time
with
Pythagoras
,
and
had
a
Philosophy
peculiar
to
himself
)
applied
himself
likewise
to
the
study
of
Physick
.
History
informs
us
,
that
this
Philosopher
,
pushed
on
by
his
morose
austere
humour
,
which
occasion'd
the
report
that
he
always
wept
,
retiring
into
a
solitary
place
to
avoid
the
conversation
of
mankind
,
and
living
only
upon
water
and
herbs
,
fell
into
a
Dropsy
.
This
obblig'd
him
,
to
repair
to
inhabited
places
to
find
better
conveniences
of
being
cur●d
;
not
that
he
did
it
to
have
the
advice
of
the
Physicians
,
for
instead
of
following
their
direction
,
he
was
in
hopes
to
expose
their
ignorance
to
the
world
,
by
making
them
witnesses
of
the
cure
which
he
expected
to
work
upon
himself
.
He
once
demanded
of
them
in
obscure
terms
,
as
his
manner
,
[
](A49892-e46960-b)(a)
(a)
Diogenes
Laeat
.
if
of
rainy
weather
they
cou'd
make
dry
,
which
not
being
understood
by
the
Physicians
,
he
dismiss'd
them
,
and
shut
himself
up
in
a
Stable
,
where
he
cover'd
all
his
body
with
dung
,
hoping
by
that
means
,
to
consume
or
drain
the
superfluous
moisture
that
was
in
his
entrails
,
but
he
did
not
succeed
in
his
design
,
for
he
died
of
this
disease
soon
after
.
Heraclitus
●s
aim
in
putting
this
question
to
the
Physicians
,
was
to
instruct
them
that
they
ought
to
endeavour
to
cure
distempers
as
God
cures
those
of
the
great
bodies
that
compose
the
world
,
by
balancing
their
inequalities
,
and
setting
contraries
in
opposition
one
to
another
.
For
,
said
he
,
all
things
go
in
our
bodies
after
the
same
rate
as
they
do
in
the
world
;
Urine
is
form'd
in
the
bladder
like
rain
in
the
second
region
of
the
air
,
and
as
the
rain
proceeds
from
Vapours
that
arise
from
the
earth
,
and
being
condens'd
produce
clouds
,
so
urine
is
produc●d
from
exhalations
arising
from
the
aliments
that
find
their
passage
into
the
bladder
.
Others
relate
,
that
Heraclitus
put
this
question
to
the
Physicians
,
whether
it
were
possible
to
press
the
bowels
of
any
one
so
as
to
get
out
all
the
water
that
was
contain'd
in
them
,
which
the
Physitians
affirming
to
be
impossible
,
he
expos'd
,
himself
naked
to
the
Sun
,
and
afterwards
manag'd
himself
in
the
Stable
,
as
is
related
above
;
the
consequence
of
which
was
,
that
he
was
devour'd
by
Dogs
as
he
lay
in
the
dung
,
being
so
weak
,
that
he
was
not
able
to
help
himself
.
In
short
,
others
have
deliver'd
this
story
otherwise
,
and
affirm
that
Heraclitus
was
cur'd
of
this
swelling
,
and
dy'd
long
after
this
of
another
distemper
.
The
most
remarkable
opinion
he
held
,
I
mean
that
relates
to
Philosophy
,
was
this
,
that
Fire
was
the
beginning
of
all
things
,
that
every
thing
came
from
Fire
,
and
that
every
thing
is
done
by
Fire
.
We
shall
have
occasion
hereafter
to
make
some
reflections
upon
this
opinion
.
He
is
reported
to
be
the
author
of
this
Sentence
,
[
](A49892-e47070-b)(b)
(b)
Vide
At●e●●um
.
that
there
were
no
such
blockheads
and
fools
in
the
world
as
Grammarians
,
except
Physicians
.
Democritus
was
born
in
the
77th
Olympiad
.
He
applied
himself
to
Physick
,
as
he
did
to
all
other
Sciences
,
and
was
so
desirous
to
become
learn'd
,
that
he
spent
all
his
patrimony
in
travelling
to
see
the
most
celebrated
and
famous
men
abroad
.
He
had
been
in
Egypt
,
Persia
,
Babylon
,
and
the
Indies
,
where
he
convers'd
with
Philosophers
,
Geometricians
,
Physicians
,
Priests
,
Magicians
,
and
Gymnosophists
.
Diogenes
Laertius
has
given
us
the
Titles
of
several
Books
written
by
Demceritus
concerning
Philosophy
in
general
,
and
Geometry
.
He
likewise
compos'd
some
about
Physick
in
particular
;
the
first
is
intitul'd
Of
the
nature
of
man
,
or
of
the
Flesh
,
which
in
all
probability
is
the
same
that
we
find
under
the
same
title
,
among
the
works
of
Hippocrates
.
He
writ
another
Treatise
about
Plagues
,
which
is
cited
by
Aul'
Gellius
under
this
title
Of
the
plague
and
pestilential
diseases
.
A
third
treated
of
Prognostics
,
a
fourth
of
Diet
,
or
the
method
of
regulating
nourishment
;
a
fifth
of
the
Causes
of
distempers
,
and
of
things
that
were
proper
or
contrary
to
the
body
,
by
considering
the
time
.
In
some
other
Books
he
endeavour'd
to
find
out
the
causes
of
Seeds
,
of
Trees
,
of
Fruits
,
and
of
Animals
.
There
is
,
in
short
,
another
which
is
intituled
[
](A49892-e47300-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Se●
the
Chapter
of
Theophratius
,
lib.
4.
about
the
Stone
,
that
is
to
say
,
according
to
the
Chymists
about
the
Philosophers
Stone
.
Some
Greek
Books
that
treat
of
Chymistry
are
still
remaining
,
which
carry
his
name
,
and
are
many-scripts
in
the
Library
of
the
Louvre
But
learn'd
men
look
upon
them
to
be
spurious
,
as
we
shall
see
more
largely
hereafter
.
Pliny
likewise
cites
in
abundance
of
places
Democritus
●s
Books
concerning
Plants
,
in
which
he
seems
to
have
principally
consider●d
their
Magical
or
Supernatural
Virtues
.
Democritus
,
says
this
Author
,
who
was
more
devoted
to
the
Magicians
than
any
one
since
Pythagoras
,
relates
more
incredible
and
monstrous
Stories
,
than
even
he
did
.
The
Reader
may
consult
the
17th
Chapter
of
the
24th
Book
of
Pliny
,
to
see
more
of
this
.
Among
other
things
we
may
find
there
a
remedy
or
composition
to
have
fine
Children
.
This
composition
is
made
of
Pine-apples
bruis●d
with
honey
,
myrrh
,
saffron
,
and
palm-tree
wine
,
adding
to
this
a
drug
,
or
simple
,
call'd
by
him
Theombrotion
,
and
milk
.
According
to
this
Author●s
direction
a
man
must
drink
of
this
immediately
before
he
goes
to
his
Wife
,
and
she
likewise
must
drink
of
it
as
soon
as
she
is
derivered
,
and
all
the
while
she
suckles
her
Child
.
Pliny
speaks
in
the
same
place
of
an
herb
,
which
Democritus
call'd
by
a
Greek
name
,
that
signifies
[
](A49892-e47570-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
bashful
,
and
contracts
its
leaves
when
a
man
touches
it
.
Throphrastus
likewise
makes
mention
of
this
plant
,
which
is
the
same
with
what
we
now
call
the
sensitive
plant
,
which
is
very
well
well
known
.
If
there
was
no
more
superstition
or
Magick
in
the
other
places
of
Democritus
than
there
is
in
this
,
Pliny
wrong'd
him
when
he
accus●d
him
of
it
.
But
t
is
evident
from
what
this
Author
adds
,
that
the
Books
of
Democritus
were
full
of
these
trifles
,
and
Tatian
a
Christian
Rhetorician
,
and
disciple
of
Justin
Martyr
,
has
likewise
observ'd
,
that
Democritus
writ
nothing
but
fabulous
stuff
.
[
](A49892-e47680-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
11.
cap.
3.
Columella
cites
two
Books
of
Democritus
,
one
of
which
was
intitul'd
of
Agriculture
,
and
the
other
of
things
that
have
an
Antipathy
to
one
another
.
One
may
judge
of
the
contents
of
this
latter
Book
by
the
following
citation
.
Democritus
,
says
Columella
,
affirms
that
Caterpillars
and
other
insects
that
destroy
the
greens
in
gardens
,
d●e
immediately
if
a
woman
that
has
her
menses
walks
two
or
three
●●●ns
over
the
bods
,
with
her
f●●t
ba●●
,
and
●air
disheveled
.
But
it
must
be
observ'd
that
the
same
Columella
[
](A49892-e47750-b)(f)
(f)
〈…〉
.
elsewhere
tells
us
,
that
the
Books
,
that
in
his
time
were
attributed
to
Democritus
,
were
written
by
one
Dolus
or
Bolus
Mendesius
,
an
Egyptian
,
and
who
perhaps
is
the
same
with
him
whom
[
](A49892-e47800-b)(g)
(g)
Lib
●
c.
7.
Galen
calls
Horus
Mendesius
.
[
](A49892-e47830-b)(h)
(h)
〈…〉
.
Celius
Aurelianus
makes
mention
of
two
other
Books
,
that
went
under
Democritus's
name
,
but
he
look'd
upon
them
to
be
spurious
.
One
treated
of
Convulsive
diseases
,
and
the
other
of
the
Elephantiasis
.
In
the
former
of
these
Books
we
meet
with
a
remedy
against
madness
,
which
consisted
in
a
decoction
〈◊〉
Origarum
,
that
was
to
be
drunk
out
of
a
round
●up
fashion●d
like
a
Bowl
.
In
the
second
he
advises
to
bleed
those
that
are
infected
with
an
Elephantiasis
,
and
give
them
of
a
certain
herb
,
which
he
does
not
name
.
We
shall
conceive
a
more
advantageous
Idea
of
Democritus
,
by
what
remains
to
be
told
of
him
.
The
same
thing
in
a
manner
happen'd
to
this
Philosopher
,
which
befel
Heraclitus
.
He
retir'd
like
him
to
a
solitary
place
,
that
he
might
be
more
at
liberty
,
but
there
was
this
remarkable
difference
between
them
,
that
whereas
the
former
wept
continually
at
the
follies
of
mankind
,
the
other
laught
incessantly
.
[
](A49892-e47940-b)(i)
(i)
See
the
Letters
at
the
end
of
Hippocrates's
works
.
This
strange
behaviour
made
his
Countrymen
of
Abdera
take
him
for
a
fool
,
so
they
sent
to
Hippocrates
,
desiring
him
to
come
and
cure
him
.
This
Physician
arriving
there
,
found
him
employ●d
in
dissecting
of
Animals
,
and
enquiring
the
reason
of
it
,
he
told
him
,
't
was
to
discover
the
effect
of
folly
,
which
he
lookt
upon
to
be
the
cause
of
the
bile
.
By
this
Hippocrates
discover'd
that
the
world
was
exceedingly
mistaken
in
their
opinion
of
him
,
and
after
a
long
conversation
,
wherein
among
other
things
Democritus
told
him
,
that
the
madness
and
folly
of
Mankind
was
the
cause
of
his
perpetual
laughter
;
he
took
his
leave
of
them
very
well
satisfy●d
,
and
assur'd
the
people
,
that
this
Philosopher
was
so
far
from
being
a
fool
,
that
on
the
other
hand
he
was
the
wisest
of
men
.
[
](A49892-e48020-b)(k)
(k)
Diogen
.
●aert
.
'T
is
likewise
reported
,
that
in
the
presence
of
the
same
Hippocrates
,
Democritus
was
able
to
distinguish
the
Milk
they
brought
to
him
,
telling
them
it
was
of
a
black
She-goat
,
which
never
had
but
one
Kid
,
and
that
by
only
looking
upon
a
certain
woman
,
he
knew
that
she
had
been
deflower'd
the
night
before
.
After
this
interview
,
these
two
great
men
entertain'd
a
very
high
esteem
for
each
other
,
and
kept
a
mutual
correspondence
.
[
](A49892-e48050-b)(l)
(l)
Var.
Hist.
lib.
4.
cap.
20.
Aellan
observes
that
Hippocrates
writ
all
his
Books
in
the
Ionic
Language
for
the
sake
of
Democritus
,
altho
that
famous
Physician
was
a
Native
of
the
Isle
of
Co
,
where
the
Doric
Dialect
was
in
request
.
If
this
were
true
,
a
man
might
gather
that
Democritus
was
born
at
Miletus
,
as
Lacrtius
tells
us
,
and
not
at
Abdera
,
since
the
first
of
these
Cities
is
in
Ionia
,
but
the
other
in
Thrace
.
However
,
[
](A49892-e48190-b)(m)
(m)
Tune
qu●que
inat●●iam
rijus
inven●t
ad
●mnes
●●curjus
h●nunum
,
cujus
prudentia
menstrat
.
Sammo●
posse
viros
,
&
magna
exempla
daturos
.
V●●v●●●m
●n
pa●zia
,
crass●que
sub
aere
nasci
.
●id●●●●
curas
,
ne●
n●n
&
g●adia
vulg●
,
Int●●●●n
&
lacrimas
cum
fortunae
ipse
min●●●
.
Man●●et
la●ueum
,
mediumque
ostenderet
unguem
.
Sat.
X.
Juvenal
was
of
opinion
that
he
belong'd
rather
to
Abdera
than
Milctus
,
and
from
his
Birth
in
so
stupid
and
brutal
a
Country
,
makes
this
reflexion
,
that
great
men
may
be
born
under
the
grossest
air
.
If
we
may
believe
Petronius
,
Democritus
drew
juices
from
all
manner
of
herbs
,
and
spent
most
of
his
Life
in
making
experiments
upon
Stones
and
Plants
,
but
perhaps
these
experiments
consider'd
the
several
natural
curiosities
more
,
or
at
least
as
much
as
the
practice
of
Physick
.
What
we
find
in
Seneca
,
that
Democritus
had
found
out
the
secret
to
soften
Ivory
,
and
to
make
Emeralds
of
boil'd
Flint
stones
,
and
whoever
considers
that
they
had
the
trick
in
former
ages
,
to
make
a
past
for
the
counterfeiting
precious
Stones
,
is
a
su●●●cient
proof
of
what
I
have
already
asserted
,
or
of
the
use
that
Democritus
made
of
his
discoveries
.
He
likewise
believ'd
that
we
were
so
far
from
having
any
signs
,
by
which
we
cou'd
form
a
certain
judgment
that
a
man
wou'd
shortly
dye
,
that
we
wanted
indications
sure
enough
for
a
Physician
to
rely
upon
that
a
man
was
dead
.
Celsus
who
cites
this
passage
,
calls
Democritus
,
Vir
jure
magni
nominis
,
a
person
that
had
deserv'dly
a
great
reputation
.
This
Philosopher
died
when
he
was
above
a
hundred
years
old
.
[
](A49892-e48430-b)(n)
(n)
Di●g●●
La●●●
'T
is
reported
of
him
that
being
weary
of
his
Life
he
daily
retrench'd
some
part
of
the
food
,
but
his
Sister
desiring
him
not
to
dye
,
till
a
festival
which
drew
nigh
was
over
,
that
she
might
not
lose
the
pleasure
of
being
at
'em
,
he
commanded
some
hot
bread
to
be
brought
to
him
,
and
liv'd
several
days
with
only
smelling
to
it
.
[
](A49892-e48440-b)(o)
(o)
Athenaeus
lib.
2.
cap.
7.
Others
say
it
was
the
smell
of
Honey
which
produc'd
this
effect
.
It
has
been
likewise
affirm'd
that
he
made
himself
blind
,
that
he
might
be
less
distracted
in
his
meditations
.
Tertullian
pretends
the
reason
of
this
was
,
because
he
cou'd
not
behold
the
Sex
without
emotion
.
But
't
is
much
more
probable
that
he
became
blind
by
accident
,
or
by
old
Age.
But
after
whatsoever
manner
it
happen●d
,
[
](A49892-e48460-b)(p)
(p)
Quest.
Puse
.
5.
Cicero
observes
that
this
Philosopher
easily
comforted
himself
for
the
loss
of
his
sight
,
that
if
he
was
not
able
to
distinguish
black
from
white
,
yet
he
cou●d
perfectly
well
discern
good
from
bad
,
justice
from
injustice
,
&c.
judging
himself
to
be
happy
,
tho
depriv'd
of
the
pleasure
which
the
variety
of
colours
affords
.
CHAP.
IX
.
An
explicati●n
of
some
of
the
Philosophical
opinions
of
Democritus
,
which
seem
not
to
have
been
rightly
explain'd
.
THis
is
not
a
proper
place
to
treat
of
the
opinions
of
Democritus
,
as
they
have
a
respect
to
Philosophy
.
But
I
cannot
forbear
to
explain
a
passage
of
Diogenes
Laertius
,
and
another
of
H●sychius
Milefius
upon
this
subject
,
which
may
give
the
Reader
some
difficulty
.
Democritus
,
according
to
the
latter
of
these
authors
,
suppos'd
that
Atomes
and
a
Vacuum
were
the
principle
of
all
things
,
and
that
all
the
rest
depended
upon
opinion
or
judgment
.
To
understand
his
meaning
aright
,
't
will
be
necessary
to
cite
this
passage
,
as
it
is
in
the
original
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Latin
Interpreter
has
thus
translated
;
rerum
primordia
atomos
&
inane
esse
censuit
,
caetera
omnia
ex
opinione
statui
posse
dixit
.
We
meet
with
the
same
words
in
Diogenes
Laertius
,
with
this
difference
,
that
he
adds
to
the
end
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
not
in
the
former
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
they
are
thus
Translated
,
Caetera
omnia
legitimum
esse
opinari
,
which
either
signifies
just
nothing
,
or
at
best
must
be
thus
understood
,
as
if
the
Author
when
he
said
that
a
man
was
at
liberty
to
believe
what
he
pleas'd
of
the
rest
,
we
ought
to
understand
it
of
what
immediately
follows
,
that
there
are
an
infinite
number
of
worlds
,
&c.
DEMOCRITVS
The
learned
[
](A49892-e48730-b)(c)
(c)
Gassend
.
lib.
10
Diogen
.
Laert.
tit
.
Unde
qualitates
rerum
concretart
.
Gassendus
had
carefully
examin'd
this
passage
of
Democritus
,
and
thus
explains
it
:
Democritus
was
of
opinion
that
all
the
several
qualities
we
find
in
things
,
such
as
colour
,
heat
,
&c.
only
existed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
lege
,
dependant
upon
a
certain
law
;
not
that
they
depend
upon
any
institution
of
men
,
as
the
Interpreters
understand
the
place
;
but
this
Philosopher
employs
upon
this
occasion
a
word
proper
to
his
own
Country
or
Province
,
and
at
the
same
time
makes
use
of
a
Metaphor
;
to
shew
,
that
as
the
justice
or
injustice
,
the
honesty
or
dishonesty
,
the
merit
or
infamy
of
humane
actions
depends
upon
what
the
Laws
have
establish'd
,
so
likewise
that
whiteness
or
blackness
,
sweetness
or
bitterness
,
&c.
in
natural
things
,
depended
upon
the
disposition
or
different
situation
of
Atoms
.
This
learned
man
was
much
in
the
right
,
when
he
observ'd
that
Democritus
had
made
use
of
a
word
that
was
particular
to
his
own
Country
,
but
he
is
mistaken
in
what
he
says
afterwards
.
To
conclude
,
I
have
not
remark'd
that
some
Philosophers
of
a
more
modern
date
than
Gassendus
,
and
who
come
very
near
the
opinion
of
Democritus
,
have
ascrib'd
the
honout
of
it
to
him
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
some
Physicians
who
were
contemporaries
of
the
preceeding
Philosophers
,
and
first
of
Acron
,
reputed
to
be
the
chief
of
the
Empirics
.
THere
was
a
famous
Physician
contemporary
with
Empedocles
,
whose
name
was
Acron
,
born
likewise
at
Agrigentum
as
well
as
that
Philosopher
.
[
](A49892-e48930-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
29.
Cap.
1●
Acron
,
says
Pliny
,
was
author
of
a
Sect
in
Physick
which
was
call●d
the
Empiric
sect
,
a
name
form'd
from
a
Greek
word
which
signifies
experience
,
because
this
Sect
rejected
reasonings
upon
things
,
and
kept
wholly
to
experience
.
This
Author
adds
,
that
Acron
had
been
recommended
by
Empedocles
the
Physician
,
who
had
a
great
repute
among
the
people
.
Casaubon
was
of
opinion
that
when
Pliny
writ
this
Passage
,
he
thought
of
Acron's
Epitaph
compos●d
by
Empedocles
,
and
mention'd
by
Laertius
,
[
](A49892-e49080-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Acron
of
Agrigentum
the
most
eminent
of
Physicians
,
the
Son
of
an
eminent
Father
lyes
interr'd
in
this
craggy
rock
,
in
the
most
eminent
place
of
his
eminent
Country
.
But
t
is
evident
from
the
Cacaphony
which
the
Letter
r
makes
in
the
Greek
,
where
't
is
to
be
found
in
every
word
,
that
it
is
nothing
but
raillery
,
as
[
](A49892-e49160-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Suidas
has
well
observ'd
.
Empedocles
perhaps
compos'd
this
Epitaph
,
with
a
design
to
ridicule
the
vanity
of
the
man
,
who
,
by
a
dull
allusion
to
his
own
name
,
call'd
himself
[
](A49892-e49200-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
most
excellent
of
Physicians
.
To
confirm
this
opinion
,
Diogenes
Laertius
informs
us
a
little
before
,
that
this
Philosopher
hindred
Acron
from
obtaining
a
certain
place
,
which
he
wou'd
have
begg●d
to
build
his
own
Tomb
in
[
](A49892-e49240-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
because
he
is
,
said
he
,
a
Physician
of
the
first
rank
;
and
that
Empedocles
having
made
a
discourse
about
equality
,
perhaps
to
prove
that
all
men
were
equal
,
turn'd
himself
towards
Acron
and
asked
him
what
Epitaph
wou'd
you
have
engrav'd
upon
your
Tomb
!
what
think
you
of
this
Acron
of
Agrigentum
,
&c.
This
raillery
perhaps
was
occasion'd
by
the
jealousy
of
this
Philosopher
,
who
was
concern'd
to
see
Acron
consider'd
as
the
chief
man
of
that
Art
to
which
he
pretended
himself
,
upon
which
I
have
a
reflection
to
make
of
some
importance
to
the
history
of
Physick
,
which
is
,
that
the
ambition
of
Acron
,
or
the
good
opinion
he
had
of
himself
,
intirely
destroys
the
above-mention'd
Hypothesis
of
Celsus
,
concerning
the
birth
or
beginning
of
Physick
;
for
if
this
art
owed
its
original
to
Philosophy
,
and
there
was
no
knowledge
of
it
before
the
Philosophers
,
it
is
not
probable
that
Acron
,
who
came
after
them
,
or
at
least
after
Phythagoras
,
should
be
so
bold
,
as
to
pretend
to
the
first
place
among
the
Physicians
to
their
prejudice
.
'T
is
certain
that
there
were
Physicians
before
Philosophers
,
but
their
Physick
,
as
we
have
observ'd
,
was
wholy
empirical
like
that
of
Acron
.
'T
is
not
improbable
,
that
the
reason
why
this
Physician
passed
for
the
chief
of
the
empiric
sect
,
was
because
he
attempted
to
maintain
that
ancient
way
of
practising
Physick
,
against
that
which
the
Philosophers
his
contemporaries
affected
to
introduce
.
The
above-cited
Passage
of
Pliny
seems
to
favour
this
conjecture
,
but
't
is
probable
that
author
was
mistaken
.
That
empiric
Sect
,
which
Pliny
speaks
of
,
did
not
begin
till
long
after
Acron
;
't
is
agreed
that
he
was
an
Empiric
also
,
but
after
the
manner
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
and
all
the
other
Physicians
that
preceeded
him
;
that
is
to
say
,
his
Physick
wholly
turn'd
upon
Experience
,
without
much
reasoning
;
but
for
all
that
he
was
not
of
the
Empiric
Sect
,
for
the
first
Physicians
could
not
properly
be
call'd
Sectaries
,
if
we
may
be
allow'd
to
use
this
term
upon
this
occasion
.
We
shall
consider
below
what
this
Sect
was
,
and
who
were
the
founders
of
it
.
I
can●t
tell
whether
Suidas
was
not
likewise
mistaken
,
or
did
not
confound
Acron
the
Empiric
with
another
,
where
he
says
that
Acron
exercis●d
the
profession
of
a
Sophist
at
Athens
,
as
well
as
Empedocles
.
'T
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
that
he
speaks
of
the
former
,
because
he
joyns
him
with
Empedocles
,
and
adds
that
Acron
writ
in
the
Doric
Dialect
(
which
was
spoken
in
Sicily
)
a
Book
intitul'd
,
Tke
Art
of
Physick
,
and
another
which
treated
of
the
manner
of
living
in
Health
.
If
our
Acron
was
a
Sophist
,
he
did
not
confound
this
profession
with
that
of
a
Physician
,
otherwise
he
had
not
passed
for
an
Empiric
.
We
find
in
Plutarch
that
Acron
was
in
Athens
in
the
time
of
a
great
Plague
,
which
happen●d
at
the
beginning
of
the
Peloponnesian
war
,
and
he
ascribes
to
him
the
advice
of
the
lighting
of
great
fires
in
all
the
Streets
,
with
an
intent
to
purify
the
air
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
Herodicus
,
the
Inventor
of
Gymnastick
Physick
.
De
iis
qui
lero
a
Numine
corripiuntur
.
WE
shall
conclude
this
Book
with
the
history
of
Herodicus
,
of
whom
we
had
occasion
to
speak
,
when
we
deliver●d
Plato
●s
opinion
of
Esculapius's
Physick
.
He
was
born
at
Selymbra
a
City
of
Thrace
,
as
[
](A49892-e49860-b)(b)
(b)
This
word
u●deriv●d
from
a
Greek
Verb
,
signifying
to
exercise
.
Plutarch
affirms
,
or
rather
at
Lentini
in
Sicily
,
and
was
brother
to
the
famous
Rhetorician
and
Philosopher
Gorgias
He
liv●d
in
the
time
of
the
latter
Philosophers
abovemention●d
.
He
was
a
Physician
,
and
Master
of
an
Academy
besides
,
where
the
youth
came
to
exercise
themselves
,
which
gave
him
an
opportunity
to
introduce
Gymnastic
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
art
of
exercising
the
body
into
Physick
,
having
himself
by
the
help
of
exercise
,
if
not
wholly
cured
,
yet
stopt
the
farther
progress
of
a
Ptisick
,
under
which
he
labour'd
;
so
that
this
troublesom
disease
did
not
hinder
him
from
arriving
to
a
very
advanc'd
age
.
Galen
seems
to
make
Esculapius
the
author
of
Gymnastic
,
as
well
as
the
other
branches
of
Physick
,
where
he
says
that
Esculapius
order'd
some
to
ride
on
Horseback
,
and
to
exercise
themselves
in
their
arms
,
and
that
he
show'd
them
the
several
sorts
of
motions
they
were
to
express
,
and
after
what
manner
they
were
to
be
arm'd
.
Medea
likewise
,
as
we
have
already
observ'd
,
practised
something
of
this
nature
,
but
altho
we
shou'd
grant
that
they
already
knew
the
great
advantages
of
exercise
,
and
prescrib'd
certain
rules
upon
this
head
,
yet
't
is
probable
that
Herodicus
went
much
farther
,
and
that
he
was
the
first
man
that
improv'd
it
into
an
art
,
which
he
call●d
the
Art
of
Gymnastic
Physick
,
or
the
art
of
exercising
one self
for
his
Health
.
Long
before
the
time
of
Herodicus
several
sorts
of
exercises
were
used
in
their
publick
sports
,
that
were
celebrated
in
many
places
of
Greece
with
solemnity
.
The
institutors
of
these
Games
propos'd
hereby
to
divert
the
people
,
and
to
make
mens
bodies
more
active
,
vigorous
,
and
fit
for
war
,
as
also
to
obtain
the
favour
of
their
God
,
in
the
honour
of
whom
they
were
kept
.
The
end
of
those
that
were
personally
engag'd
in
these
sports
,
was
to
carry
off
the
rewards
that
were
allotted
to
the
Conquerors
.
The
same
thing
was
practised
in
their
Academies
,
which
they
called
Gymnasia
and
Palaestrae
,
i.
e.
places
proper
for
one
to
exercise
himself
in
.
We
cannot
precisely
tell
the
time
when
these
sorts
of
Academies
were
first
begun
to
be
erected
;
what
we
know
for
certain
is
,
that
the
Greeks
were
always
looked
upon
to
be
the
first
inventors
of
them
.
The
Reader
may
consult
Hieron
Mercurialis
,
for
his
farther
satisfaction
upon
this
subject
.
Herodicus
who
was
Master
of
one
of
these
Academies
,
having
observ'd
,
that
the
young
People
that
were
under
his
conduct
,
and
learnt
their
exercises
,
were
very
healthful
for
the
most
part
,
imputed
this
immediately
to
the
continual
use
of
them
,
and
afterwards
carrying
this
first
reflection
farther
,
which
was
natural
enough
,
he
came
to
be
of
the
opinion
,
that
mighty
advantages
might
be
drawn
from
exercise
,
if
instead
of
the
above
mention'd
ends
,
the
principal
aim
a
man
proposed
to
himself
by
it
,
was
the
acquiring
or
preserving
of
his
health
;
so
that
he
need
have
recourse
to
no
other
Physick
than
this
.
Having
foreseen
that
Gymnastic
might
be
divided
into
three
sorts
;
[
](A49892-e50190-b)(c)
(c)
The
military
Gymnastick
was
that
which
the
youth
practic'd
to
harden
,
instruct
,
and
f●t
themselves
for
the
Art
Military
.
The
Athletick
lookt
upon
as
vitious
,
because
thereby
they
propos'd
no
other
end
but
to
win
the
prize
a●
the
Publick
Games
,
without
making
themselves
serviceable
any
other
way
to
the
Publick
;
and
took
care
only
of
their
Bodies
,
totally
neglecting
their
Minds
.
Quod
corpora
in
faginâ
,
ani●●●n
marie
&
veterno
erant
;
says
Seneca
.
the
Military
,
the
Athletick
,
and
the
Medicinal
;
he
left
the
two
first
to
apply
himself
to
the
latter
,
and
prescribe
rules
to
be
observ'd
in
it
,
according
to
the
difference
of
persons
,
Temperaments
,
Ages
,
Climates
,
Seasons
,
Distempers
,
&c.
setting
down
exactly
the
diet
,
the
sorts
of
habits
,
and
the
particular
exercises
that
wou'd
best
suit
with
them
according
to
the
respective
circumstances
above-mention●d
.
I
don't
know
whether
he
succeeded
so
happily
in
this
project
,
as
the
experiment
made
upon
himself
,
of
which
History
makes
mention
,
wou'd
induce
us
to
believe
.
Hippocrates
,
who
had
been
his
Disciple
,
does
not
give
him
an
advantageous
character
upon
this
account
,
where
he
says
,
that
Herodicus
kill'd
several
that
were
ill
of
Fevers
,
with
too
much
walking
,
and
wrestling
,
and
fomentations
;
nothing
being
so
prejudicial
to
persons
in
such
cases
,
as
hunger
,
wrestling
,
running
,
rubbing
,
&c.
Herodicus
,
(
adds
Hippocrates
)
pretending
to
overcome
the
fatigue
occasion'd
by
sickness
with
another
fatigue
,
drew
upon
his
Patients
sometimes
inflamations
,
sometimes
pains
on
their
side
,
&c.
and
made
them
pale
,
livid
,
and
wholly
out
of
order
.
However
this
censure
of
Hippocrates
did
not
hinder
him
from
making
use
of
some
Gymnastick
on
some
occasions
,
altho
he
did
not
look
upon
it
to
be
good
in
the
cases
above-mention'd
,
and
most
of
the
Physicians
that
came
after
Herodicus
took
so
great
a
fancy
to
this
sort
of
Physick
,
that
they
have
always
consider'd
it
as
an
essential
part
of
their
profession
.
We
have
lost
the
writings
which
Diocles
,
Praxagoras
,
Philotimus
,
Erasistratus
,
Herophilus
,
Asclepiades
,
Theon
,
Diotimus
,
and
several
others
compos'd
upon
that
subject
;
but
by
the
fragments
that
are
still
remaining
in
Galen
,
or
other
Authors
that
have
cited
them
,
we
may
easily
know
in
what
esteem
Gymnastick
was
among
the
Antients
.
The
Physicians
were
not
the
only
persons
that
recommended
it
.
The
generality
of
men
were
so
fully
convinc'd
of
the
great
advantages
,
and
also
the
pleasure
that
accompany'd
it
,
that
abundance
of
people
spent
the
greatest
part
of
their
lives
in
places
appointed
on
purpose
to
exercise
in
,
that
were
afterwards
erected
in
all
the
Cities
of
Greece
.
'T
is
true
,
these
Buildings
that
went
under
the
name
of
Gymnasia
,
,
were
not
solely
apply'd
to
Gymnastick
Physick
,
for
at
the
same
time
they
were
put
to
several
other
uses
.
They
contain●d
several
Apartments
for
several
purposes
,
large
Squares
,
and
great
Portico's
,
or
cover●d
Allies
of
a
vast
length
,
fit
for
to
walk
or
run
in
.
There
was
a
particular
place
for
the
Philosophers
,
the
Rhetoricians
,
and
men
of
Learning
,
where
they
assembled
and
disputed
.
Thus
the
Academy
and
Lyceum
,
two
places
of
exercise
in
Athens
became
famous
,
one
of
them
being
chosen
by
Plato
,
and
the
other
by
Aristotle
,
to
teach
Philosophy
in
.
This
separate
place
for
the
Philosophers
was
call'd
Exedra
,
which
in
Greek
signifies
a
Seat
,
because
there
are
benches
in
it
for
this
purpose
.
There
were
other
Apartments
set
aside
for
the
young
men
,
that
came
to
exercise
themselves
under
Masters
call'd
Gymnastae
,
who
had
some
Servants
under
them
that
were
call'd
Paedotribae
.
The
Wrestlers
likewise
met
there
.
The
exercises
perform'd
were
chiefly
playing
at
quoits
,
throwing
the
dart
,
or
certain
heavy
machines
that
were
call'd
balteres
,
shooting
out
of
a
bow
,
playing
at
ball
,
wrestling
,
cuffing
,
leaping
,
dancing
,
running
,
riding
,
&c.
Part
of
these
exercises
were
also
practic'd
indifferently
by
all
sorts
of
persons
for
their
health
,
but
the
Apartments
that
were
more
peculiarly
applied
to
this
last
use
,
were
the
bathing
rooms
,
those
where
they
were
undress'd
,
or
where
they
order'd
themselves
to
be
rubb●d
,
anointed
,
&c.
Every
one
used
these
exercises
as
he
thought
convenient
.
Some
went
no
farther
than
one
,
while
others
applied
themselves
successively
to
more
.
Men
of
learning
began
with
hearing
the
Philosophers
,
and
other
Virtuosi
;
after
this
they
play'd
at
Ball
,
or
employ'd
themselves
in
any
other
exercise
,
and
at
last
went
to
the
Bath
.
One
may
wonder
,
and
reasonably
enough
,
how
Plato
comes
to
inveigh
so
furiously
against
Gymnastic
,
and
the
inventor
of
it
.
Nothing
appears
to
be
more
natural
than
this
sort
of
Physick
,
which
every
man
of
good
sense
ought
to
prefer
to
the
use
of
Medicaments
,
that
are
infinitely
more
troublesom
and
dangerous
.
But
we
must
know
that
when
this
Philosopher
declaim'd
so
powerfully
against
Gymnastic
,
he
had
his
head
full
of
the
Idea●s
of
his
Republick
,
wherein
laying
it
down
for
a
rule
,
that
every
man
shou●d
contribute
to
the
publick
Good
,
he
look'd
upon
those
that
minded
nothing
but
their
health
,
to
be
a
sort
of
unprofitable
persons
that
were
only
good
to
themselves
.
And
altho
he
has
recommended
exercise
in
general
,
yet
he
blam●d
Gymnastic
,
consider●d
as
an
Art
,
and
particularly
as
it
comprehended
the
Dietetic
,
or
that
part
of
Physick
which
regulates
our
food
,
because
it
was
too
long
and
tedious
a
course
,
and
those
persons
,
that
wou'd
exactly
follow
the
rules
of
it
,
were
obliged
to
live
in
too
confined
and
strict
a
manner
,
and
indeed
to
practise
a
sort
of
continual
Physick
,
which
almost
wholly
turn'd
them
aside
from
those
occupations
for
which
they
were
design'd
.
Plato
has
another
observation
about
Herodicus
or
his
Maxims
as
they
relate
to
Gymnastic
,
which
is
very
particular
.
He
tells
us
then
,
that
this
Ph●sician
advised
some
[
](A49892-e50770-b)(d)
(d)
Plat.
Phaed.
in
princip.
to
walk
from
Athens
to
Megara
,
which
is
twenty
five
miles
,
and
as
soon
as
they
had
touched
the
Walls
of
that
City
,
to
come
back
the
same
way
,
without
stopping
a
moment
.
In
all
appearance
this
is
a
calumny
upon
him
,
and
perhaps
such
stories
as
these
were
told
at
Athens
to
ridicule
the
Physicians
that
follow●d
the
rules
of
Gymnastic
.
The
Romans
did
not
begin
to
build
those
places
of
exercise
,
till
long
after
the
Greeks
,
but
when
they
once
took
a
fancy
for
them
,
they
infinitely
surpass'd
them
both
in
the
number
and
magnificence
of
these
buildings
,
as
we
may
judge
by
the
noble
ruines
that
are
yet
remaining
.
Nay
,
they
doted
upon
them
at
Rome
to
such
a
degree
,
that
according
to
[
](A49892-e50880-b)(e)
(e)
Vix
C●is
〈…〉
2.
Varro's
remark
,
tho
almost
every
man
had
one
to
himself
,
yet
they
were
scarce
content
.
Those
that
wou●d
be
throughly
instructed
in
all
that
rela●es
to
Medicinal
Gymnastic
,
may
consult
the
learn●d
Mercurialis
,
who
has
gone
to
the
bottom
of
this
subject
.
Besides
,
the
Reader
will
find
in
the
continuation
of
this
History
,
several
things
relating
to
this
occasion
,
and
also
concerning
Herodicus
,
by
which
he
will
more
plainly
and
fully
discover
the
use
of
Gymnastic
in
ancient
Physick
.
CHAP
XII
.
Reflexions
upon
what
has
been
said
before
.
THis
is
the
summ
of
what
we
cou'd
meet
with
most
considerable
,
in
that
interval
which
may
be
call'd
the
first
age
of
Physick
.
We
have
in
a
manner
fetch'd
all
our
materials
from
Greece
,
for
want
of
monuments
to
instruct
us
what
past
in
other
Nations
;
and
for
the
future
we
shall
more
seldom
leave
that
Country
,
since
the
Greeks
cultivated
Physick
as
well
as
they
did
the
other
arts
,
with
more
care
and
application
in
the
succeeding
times
,
and
indeed
communicated
them
to
almost
all
the
world
besides
.
One
would
be
apt
to
imagine
,
at
first
sight
,
that
all
we
can
find
of
the
progress
of
Physick
in
the
first
and
second
period
of
time
,
which
we
have
ran
over
,
is
very
inconsiderable
.
Every
thing
in
this
compass
appears
either
fabulous
,
or
uncertain
,
and
at
least
excremely
confus'd
,
and
the
discoveries
that
were
made
in
it
are
but
few
in
number
,
and
very
superficial
,
if
compar'd
to
those
that
have
been
made
since
.
Nevertheless
,
if
Physick
rather
consists
in
effects
than
in
discourses
,
and
if
the
invention
of
remedies
is
of
greater
importance
than
all
the
reasonings
that
can
be
made
upon
diseases
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
,
we
shall
be
satisfy'd
that
these
first
Physicians
knew
almost
every
thing
that
was
essential
to
Physick
,
or
at
least
passes
for
such
now
in
most
parts
of
Europe●●
and
that
they
us'd
in
a
manner
all
the
fundamental
remedies
,
and
those
that
are
most
depended
upon
.
All
Physicians
,
if
we
except
a
f●w
out
of
the
number
,
look
upon
bleeding
and
purging
to
be
most
universal
remedies
:
Now
't
is
certain
,
by
the
proofs
that
we
have
brought
,
that
they
were
used
in
the
above-mentioned
times
.
Neither
were
they
defective
in
other
the
most
ordinary
practices
of
Physick
.
They
knew
how
to
make
use
of
Milk
,
Whey
,
and
Baths
,
that
are
to
this
day
the
principal
arms
of
the
Physicians
,
against
the
most
stubborn
and
obstinate
diseases
.
Neither
were
they
unacquainted
with
the
[
](A49892-e51090-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
head
of
Hippocrates
.
Poppy
,
and
even
with
[
](A49892-e51120-b)(b)
(b)
See
the
Chapt.
of
Helen
and
Polydamna
.
Opium
,
that
great
and
universal
anodyne
.
In
short
,
't
is
very
probable
that
they
were
masters
of
several
[
](A49892-e51170-b)(c)
(c)
Vid.
lib.
5
Specisics
,
and
perhaps
more
than
we
have
,
since
the
principal
bent
of
their
studies
carried
them
that
way
.
This
was
it
,
without
dispute
,
which
occasion'd
[
](A49892-e51200-b)(d)
(d)
De
Priscâ
Med.
Hippocrates
to
say
,
that
the
whole
circle
of
Physick
has
been
establish'd
long
ago
,
and
that
the
world
had
found
out
the
way
to
make
abundance
of
discoveries
,
which
wou●d
serve
to
make
new
ones
,
provided
that
the
party
who
went
upon
the
search
was
fit
for
such
an
undertaking
,
and
being
acquainted
with
all
that
was
already
discover'd
,
wou'd
follow
the
same
track
,
The
man
,
continues
he
,
who
rejecting
this
counsel
,
takes
another
road
,
and
pretends
to
have
discover'd
some
new
track
,
not
only
imposes
upon
himself
,
but
the
rest
of
the
world
.
This
old
way
was
that
of
observation
and
experiments
;
from
which
the
following
ages
deviated
too
much
.
But
I
foresee
that
the
stiff
asserters
of
the
Antiquity
of
Chymistry
,
will
not
fail
to
object
that
I
have
forgotten
that
,
which
in
their
opinion
;
does
the
greatest
honour
to
ancient
Physick
,
viz.
the
knowledge
of
that
Art
.
If
I
had
been
of
their
opinion
,
I
had
found
an
opportunity
to
have
defended
it
,
when
I
was
upon
the
History
of
Hermes
Trismegistus
,
whom
they
pretend
to
be
the
Inventor
of
Alchymy
.
But
for
me
,
I
ingenuously
own
,
that
my
eyes
are
not
quick-sighted
enough
to
discover
the
least
footsteps
of
this
Art
in
these
ancient
times
.
I
shall
endeavour
to
answer
the
arguments
of
those
that
maintain
the
contrary
in
the
second
part
of
this
work
.
But
that
they
may
not
be
prepossess'd
against
me
,
before
they
have
heard
what
I
have
to
say
for
my self
,
I
must
tell
them
before
hand
,
that
we
ought
carefully
to
distinguish
between
Alchymy
,
which
pretends
to
the
melioration
or
transmutation
of
Metals
,
or
the
way
of
making
Gold
and
Silver
out
of
any
other
matter
,
and
Chymistry
,
which
proposes
for
its
only
end
,
the
preparation
of
medicaments
,
and
the
preserving
of
health
.
The
former
perhaps
is
of
great
antiquity
,
the
love
of
riches
being
as
old
as
the
world
,
and
in
all
appearance
men
try●d
all
manners
of
ways
to
get
money
ever
since
the
beginning
.
But
we
shall
satisfy
the
Reader
that
the
latter
was
invented
but
a
few
years
ago
.
HIPPOCRATES
.
THE
HISTORY
OF
Physick
.
PART
I.
BOOK
III.
CHAP
I.
How
far
Hippocrates
carry'd
this
Art
.
WE
have
already
seen
that
Physick
,
which
at
first
was
practis'd
either
by
all
sorts
of
persons
indifferently
,
or
by
some
particular
men
,
who
made
it
their
sole
profession
,
fell
at
last
into
the
hands
of
the
Philosophers
about
the
lx
Olympiad
,
whether
because
they
had
more
occasion
for
the
assistance
of
this
Art
for
the
reasons
alledg'd
by
[
](A49892-e51460-b)(a)
(a)
〈…〉
Celsus
,
or
because
professing
to
study
nature
,
they
believ'd
that
a
knowledge
of
the
humane
Body
,
which
〈…〉
most
admirable
of
all
her
works
,
was
absolutely
necessary
to
such
a
design
.
But
Philosophy
and
Physick
happening
to
be
much
enlarged
and
cultivated
afterwards
,
for
the
space
of
about
80
years
,
men
were
forced
to
separate
these
two
professions
,
since
either
of
them
was
enough
to
employ
a
man's
time
entirely
.
[
](A49892-e51490-b)(b)
(b)
Demo●riti
autem
(
ut
quidam
crediderunt
)
discipulus
Hippocr●es
Cous
,
primus
quidem
ex
omnibus
memoriâ
dig
nis
,
ab
studio
sapientiae
disciplinam
hanc
(
medicinam
)
separavit
,
Vi●
&
arte
&
facundia
infignis
Cels
.
Praefat.
lib.
1.
Hippocrates
was
the
first
that
undertook
to
make
this
separation
.
He
had
not
strictly
addicted
himself
to
that
sort
of
Physick
,
that
was
hereditary
in
his
Family
,
but
made
as
great
advances
into
Philosophy
,
as
any
man
of
his
age
,
but
believing
that
the
speculations
of
this
latter
Science
were
not
so
useful
to
Society
,
as
the
practice
of
the
former
,
he
retain'd
so
much
Philosophy
as
wou'd
enable
him
to
reason
justly
in
Physick
,
which
he
made
his
principal
,
or
rather
his
only
study
.
Soranus
pretends
that
Hippocrates
was
born
in
the
Isle
of
Co
,
in
the
first
year
of
the
80th
Olympiad
,
but
others
make
him
older
,
as
we
see
below
.
His
Fathers
name
was
Heraclides
,
his
Mothers
Phaenarete
or
Praxithea
.
We
have
already
seen
,
when
we
had
occasion
to
speak
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
that
on
his
Fathers
side
he
pretended
to
be
the
17th
in
order
of
descent
from
Esculapius
;
nor
was
he
less
noble
by
the
mothers
side
,
as
being
the
19th
descendant
from
Hercules
.
He
was
not
content
with
learning
Physick
under
his
Father
;
he
had
Herodicus
above-mention'd
for
his
Master
in
that
faculty
.
He
was
likewise
the
disciple
of
Gorgias
the
Sophist
,
Brother
to
that
Physician
,
and
according
to
some
,
of
Democritus
the
Philosopher
,
as
we
gather
from
the
above-cited
passage
of
Celsus
.
But
if
he
learnt
any
thing
of
this
latter
t
was
in
all
probability
,
by
the
conversations
chiefly
which
he
had
with
him
,
when
he
was
intreated
by
the
Abderites
to
come
and
cure
this
Philosopher
.
It
is
likewise
credible
,
that
he
was
a
follower
of
Heraclitus
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
.
If
Hippocrates
was
not
looked
upon
to
be
the
first
inventor
,
yet
all
antiquity
gives
him
this
honour
at
least
,
of
being
the
first
that
re-established
it
after
Esculapius
and
his
Sons
.
It
may
also
be
affirm●d
,
that
by
the
great
reputation
he
acquir'd
he
has
effac'd
the
glory
of
all
that
preceeded
him
,
except
the
God
of
Physick
himself
;
so
that
in
the
History
of
Physick
,
we
cannot
conveniently
stop
any where
between
the
God
and
him
,
or
make
any
considerable
Epoch
,
but
in
passing
all
at
once
from
one
to
the
other
,
altho
there
was
above
seven
hundred
years
difference
between
them
.
Pliny
makes
Hippocrates
the
author
of
Clinic
Physick
,
which
we
have
ascrib'd
to
Esculapius
,
for
't
is
not
probable
,
that
it
was
so
long
before
the
custom
began
of
visiting
the
Sick
in
their
bed
;
but
what
distinguishes
this
Physician
so
eminently
from
those
that
came
before
,
is
,
that
according
to
the
observation
of
the
same
author
[
](A49892-e51780-b)(b)
(b)
Primus
Hippocrates
medendi
praecepta
clarissimè
tradidit
.
lib.
26.
cap.
2
:
he
is
the
first
that
clearly
laid
down
the
precepts
of
Physick
,
reaping
great
advantage
from
the
knowledge
of
the
age
he
liv'd
in
,
and
making
Philosophy
servicable
to
Physick
,
and
Physick
to
Philosophy
.
[
](A49892-e51800-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
de
decenti
habitu
.
We
ought
to
joyn
,
says
the
same
Author
,
Philosophy
with
Physick
,
and
Physick
with
Philosophy
,
for
a
Physician
that
is
a
Philosopher
is
equal
to
a
God
.
Upon
this
account
the
[
](A49892-e51840-b)(d)
(d)
The
Greeks
called
'em
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Reason
,
or
Ratiocination
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Opinion
or
doctrine
.
The
Emp●i
al
Ph●sician●
〈◊〉
claim
to
him
likewise
.
Dogmatick
,
or
Reasoning
Physicians
,
call'd
so
in
opposition
to
the
Empirics
,
have
unanimously
own'd
him
for
their
head
,
as
being
the
first
that
assisted
reason
with
experience
in
the
practice
of
Physick
.
The
Philosophers
mention'd
by
us
in
the
preceeding
Book
,
were
well
enough
vers'd
in
the
art
of
reasoning
,
but
wanted
experience
or
practice
.
Hippocrates
is
the
first
person
who
possess'd
both
one
and
the
other
.
This
may
seem
to
contradict
what
I
have
already
advanc'd
upon
the
credit
of
Celsus
,
viz.
that
Hippocrates
separated
Physick
from
Philosophy
.
For
a
Salvo
to
this
seeming
contradiction
,
we
need
only
suppose
,
that
Hippocrates
,
who
was
descended
of
a
Family
,
where
he
as
it
were
suck'd
in
Physick
with
his
Milk
,
finding
this
Art
in
the
hands
of
Philosophers
,
who
had
lately
engross'd
it
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Asclepiadae
,
thought
there
was
no
better
way
to
support
the
declining
honour
of
his
house
,
than
by
using
his
utmost
efforts
,
besides
the
knowledge
deriv'd
to
him
by
tradition
,
to
acquire
all
that
learning
which
gave
these
new
Physicians
so
great
a
reputation
in
the
world
.
But
after
he
had
made
himself
Master
of
it
,
he
openly
declar'd
,
that
altho
the
lights
of
Philosophy
were
very
serviceable
to
give
a
man
a
just
Idea
of
things
,
and
to
conduct
methodically
and
in
the
right
way
such
as
design'd
to
carry
arts
to
perfection
;
yet
however
that
Philosophy
was
not
sufficient
of
itself
to
perfect
a
man
for
all
professions
,
if
he
did
not
descend
to
the
particulars
,
which
did
not
belong
to
its
jurisdiction
;
that
Philosophy
had
nature
in
general
for
its
object
,
but
that
Physick
in
a
special
manner
applies
itself
to
nature
as
it
had
a
relation
to
man
,
whom
she
consider'd
under
the
different
circumstances
of
health
and
sickness
;
that
it
did
not
follow
that
a
man
must
be
a
Physician
because
he
was
a
Philosopher
,
unless
he
had
study'd
humane
body
in
particular
,
and
instructed
himself
in
the
several
changes
that
befall
it
,
and
in
the
proper
methods
to
preserve
or
restore
;
that
since
't
is
impossible
to
acquire
this
knowledge
without
long
experience
,
he
ought
to
employ
his
whole
time
this
way
,
and
quit
the
general
name
of
a
Philosopher
for
that
of
a
Physician
,
tho
this
oblig'd
him
by
no
means
to
forbear
Philosophizing
in
his
profession
.
And
this
is
what
Hippocrates
meant
by
joyning
Philosophy
with
Physick
,
and
Physick
with
Philosophy
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
the
Philosophy
of
Hippocrates
.
IF
we
may
believe
[
](A49892-e52110-b)(a)
(a)
De
Nat
▪
Facult.
lib.
1.8
2.
De
deecret
.
Hipp.
5.
Meth●d
.
med.
lib.
●e
Element
9.
Galen
,
Hippocrates
no
less
deserved
the
first
place
among
the
Philosophers
,
than
the
Physicians
.
He
likewise
affirms
that
Plato
has
rejected
none
of
Hippocrates's
opinions
,
that
the
writings
of
Aristotle
are
only
a
Comment
upon
the
Physiology
of
the
latter
,
and
that
Aristotle
is
nothing
but
the
interpreter
of
Hippocrates
and
Plato
,
from
whom
he
borrow'd
his
Doctrine
of
the
first
qualities
,
●ot
,
cold
,
dry
,
and
moist
.
T
is
true
,
Hippocrates
seems
in
some
places
to
declare
for
the
four
Elements
,
air
,
water
,
fire
,
and
earth
.
This
at
least
must
be
acknowledg'd
that
in
his
Book
of
the
nature
of
man
,
he
opposes
those
Philosophers
who
only
maintain
one
.
But
he
establishes
another
system
in
his
first
Book
of
Diet
,
where
he
makes
mention
of
no
more
than
two
principles
,
fire
and
water
,
one
of
which
gives
motion
to
all
things
,
and
the
other
nourishment
and
encrease
.
These
contradictions
,
with
some
others
that
we
shall
take
notice
of
hereafter
,
proceed
from
the
many
interpolations
in
the
works
of
Hippocrates
.
The
passage
we
cited
last
,
is
one
of
those
,
which
anciently
were
suppos'd
to
belong
to
another
Author
.
What
is
more
certain
,
and
of
greater
importance
to
the
business
in
hand
,
Hippocrates
makes
it
appear
in
most
of
his
Writings
,
that
he
acknowledges
a
general
principle
,
which
he
called
nature
,
to
which
he
ascrib'd
a
mighty
power
.
Nature
is
of
it self
sufficient
to
every
animal
,
and
that
in
all
respects
.
She
performs
every
thing
that
is
necessary
to
them
,
without
needing
the
〈◊〉
instruction
from
any
one
how
to
do
it
.
Upon
this
foot
,
as
if
nature
had
been
a
principle
indued
with
knowledge
,
he
gives
her
the
title
of
just
,
he
ascribes
a
[
](A49892-e52380-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
For
Power
,
Faculty
,
or
Virtue
.
It
is
sometimes
employ'd
to
signify
the
heighth
of
'em
.
virtue
,
or
virtues
to
her
that
are
as
it
were
her
Servants
.
[
](A49892-e52400-b)(d)
(d)
Lib.
de
alimento
.
There
is
,
says
he
,
one
only
faculty
,
and
there
are
more
than
one
.
'T
is
by
these
faculties
,
that
all
operations
are
perform'd
in
the
bodies
of
animals
.
They
distribute
the
blood
▪
the
spirits
,
and
heat
thro
all
parts
,
which
by
this
means
receive
life
and
sensation
.
He
affirms
elsewhere
,
that
it
is
this
faculty
which
gives
nourishment
,
preservation
and
growth
to
all
things
.
The
manner
wherein
nature
acts
,
or
its
most
sensible
administration
by
the
means
of
the
faculties
,
according
to
him
consists
on
one
side
in
attracting
what
is
good
and
agreeable
to
each
species
,
and
in
retaining
,
preparing
,
or
changing
it
,
and
on
the
other
side
in
rejecting
whatever
is
superfluous
or
hurtful
,
after
she
has
separated
it
from
the
good
.
The
Physick
of
Hippocrates
generally
turns
upon
this
hinge
,
as
also
upon
that
inclination
,
which
,
as
he
supposes
,
every
thing
has
to
be
joyn●d
with
what
agrees
with
it
,
and
to
remove
from
all
that
is
contrary
to
it self
supposing
first
an
affinity
between
the
several
parts
of
the
body
,
which
is
the
reason
that
they
sympathize
reciprocally
in
the
ills
they
suffer
,
as
they
share
the
good
that
arrives
to
them
in
common
;
according
to
the
great
Maxim
which
he
establishes
[
](A49892-e52530-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
every
thing
concurs
,
consents
,
and
conspires
together
in
the
body
,
with
relation
to
the
animal
O
Economy
,
as
we
shall
find
more
particularly
in
the
following
Chapter
.
Thus
I
have
shown
what
it
is
that
Hippocrates
calls
nature
.
He
no
otherwise
describes
this
principle
of
so
many
surprizing
operations
,
unless
it
be
that
he
seems
to
compare
it
to
a
certain
heat
whereof
he
speaks
after
this
manner
.
[
](A49892-e52590-b)(f)
(f)
De
Car●●bus
.
What
we
call
heat
or
hot
,
seems
to
me
to
have
something
of
immortal
in
it
,
that
understands
all
,
that
sees
and
knows
as
well
what
is
present
,
as
what
is
to
come
.
At
least
we
find
a
great
resemblance
between
the
effects
which
he
ascribes
to
that
heat
,
of
which
more
hereafter
,
and
those
which
he
attributes
to
nature
.
As
for
the
rest
,
altho
Hippocrates
acknowledges
in
some
places
,
fire
,
water
,
air
,
and
earth
,
or
fire
and
water
in
particular
,
to
be
the
first
elements
of
the
bodies
,
yet
he
seems
in
others
to
admit
three
different
principles
,
the
solid
,
the
liquid
,
or
the
humid
;
and
the
Spirits
,
which
he
explains
otherwise
[
](A49892-e52750-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Equidem
lib.
vi
sect
.
viii
.
by
the
container
,
the
contained
,
and
that
which
gives
motion
.
But
as
he
particularly
made
use
of
these
principles
to
explain
all
the
accidents
of
humane
body
,
we
shall
forbear
to
give
his
meaning
of
them
,
till
we
come
to
that
Chapter
.
In
one
of
Hippocrates's
Books
,
which
is
entituled
,
of
Flesh
,
[
](A49892-e52810-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
latter
is
more
natural
,
and
answers
the
subject
of
the
Book
better
.
according
to
others
of
principles
,
we
find
something
very
singular
concerning
the
formation
of
the
universal
world
,
and
of
Animals
in
particular
.
He
at
first
supposes
that
the
production
of
man
,
or
his
being
,
that
he
has
a
Soul
,
that
he
is
in
health
or
that
he
is
sick
,
all
his
good
and
ill
fortune
in
the
world
,
that
he
is
born
or
dies
to
proceed
from
things
[
](A49892-e52840-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
elevated
and
above
us
,
or
the
coelestial
bodies
.
By
this
we
may
understand
the
Stars
,
the
influences
of
which
,
according
to
this
Author
,
have
no
small
power
over
humane
bodies
.
But
he
explains
himself
,
when
he
ascribes
all
the
above-mention'd
things
to
that
immortal
heat
,
of
which
above
,
that
is
generally
suppos'd
to
be
the
same
thing
with
what
he
calls
nature
in
other
places
.
The
greatest
part
of
the
heat
,
continues
he
,
that
I
have
describ'd
,
having
gain●d
the
highest
place
,
at
the
time
of
the
Chaos
,
form'd
that
which
the
ancients
call'd
the
Aether
,
another
part
of
this
heat
,
or
the
greatest
part
of
the
heat
which
remain'd
,
continuing
in
the
lowest
space
,
which
is
call'd
Earth
,
there
was
a
meeting
of
Cold
and
Dry
there
,
and
a
great
disposition
to
motion
.
A
third
part
keeping
the
middle
space
between
the
Aether
and
the
Earth
,
made
what
we
call
the
Air
,
which
is
likewise
somewhat
hot
.
At
last
,
a
fourth
part
,
that
lay
nearest
to
the
Earth
,
and
was
the
thickest
and
most
humid
of
all
,
form'd
what
we
call
water
.
All
these
things
having
been
jumbled
together
by
a
circular
motion
,
at
the
time
of
the
above-mention'd
Chaos
,
that
portion
of
heat
which
continu'd
in
the
earth
,
being
dispers'd
into
several
places
,
and
divided
into
several
parts
,
in
one
place
more
,
and
less
in
another
,
the
earth
was
dried
up
by
this
means
,
and
form'd
as
it
were
[
](A49892-e53030-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
membranes
or
tunicles
,
in
which
the
matter
growing
hot
,
as
it
were
by
a
sort
of
fermentation
,
that
which
was
most
oyly
and
least
moist
,
was
quickly
burnt
,
and
so
form'd
the
Bones
,
but
that
which
was
more
viscid
,
and
in
some
measure
cold
,
not
being
combustible
,
form'd
the
Nerves
,
or
rather
the
Tendons
and
Ligaments
which
are
hard
and
solid
.
As
for
the
Veins
,
they
were
form'd
of
the
coldest
and
most
viscid
parts
,
the
more
glutionous
parts
being
dry'd
by
the
heat
,
and
from
thence
came
the
Membranes
and
Skins
,
of
which
they
are
compos'd
.
The
cold
particles
which
had
nothing
in
them
oleous
or
viscid
,
being
dissolv'd
,
produc'd
the
humour
or
liquor
which
these
Membranes
inclose
.
The
Bladder
with
its
contents
were
form'd
after
the
same
manner
,
as
were
also
all
the
other
cavities
.
In
those
parts
,
continues
Hippocrates
,
where
the
glutinous
exceeds
the
fat
,
the
Membranes
are
made
,
and
in
those
where
the
fat
is
stronger
than
the
glutinous
,
Bones
are
produc'd
.
The
Brain
●●ing
the
[
](A49892-e53080-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Capital
City
.
seat
or
proper
place
of
cold
and
glutinous
,
which
the
heat
cou'd
neither
dissolve
not
burn
,
t
is
first
of
all
formed
of
the
membranes
in
its
supers●●e
,
and
afterwards
of
bones
,
by
the
means
of
a
small
portion
of
fat
,
which
the
heat
had
roasted
,
the
marrow
of
the
back-bone
is
made
after
the
same
manner
,
being
cold
and
glutinous
like
the
brain
,
and
consequently
very
different
from
the
marrow
of
the
bones
,
which
being
only
fat
is
not
cover'd
with
any
membranes
.
The
heart
having
likewise
a
great
deal
of
glutinous
matter
in
it
,
became
ha●d
and
glutinous
flesh
,
inclos'd
in
a
membrane
,
and
hollow
.
The
Lungs
being
near
the
heart
are
thus
formed
.
The
heart
by
its
own
heat
presently
dries
up
the
most
viscid
part
of
the
moisture
,
makes
a
sort
of
scumm
full
of
Pipes
and
Channels
,
being
likewise
filled
with
divers
little
veins
.
The
Liver
is
made
of
a
great
quantity
of
moist
and
hot
,
that
has
nothing
fat
or
viscid
in
it
,
so
that
the
cold
being
too
strong
for
the
hot
,
the
humid
is
coagulated
or
thicken'd
.
Upon
the
same
foot
Hippocrates
reasons
about
the
production
of
the
Spleen
,
the
Reins
,
and
some
other
parts
.
What
we
have
already
cited
may
serve
to
give
a
Specimen
of
his
manner
of
Philosophizing
.
Upon
which
I
make
this
reflection
,
that
this
System
of
Hippocrates
seems
to
be
not
very
different
from
that
of
Heraclitus
;
the
heat
by
which
the
former
supposes
all
things
to
have
been
produced
,
being
very
near
the
same
thing
with
fire
,
which
according
to
the
latter
was
the
origine
or
principle
of
all
Bodies
,
as
we
have
observed
above
in
the
Chapter
of
that
Philosopher
.
Several
passages
may
be
taken
out
of
the
first
Book
of
Diet
to
confirm
what
we
have
advanc'd
.
In
a
word
,
says
he
in
one
place
of
this
Book
the
Fire
has
dispos●d
all
things
in
the
body
in
imitation
of
the
Vniverse
,
&c.
But
while
we
are
upon
the
Philosophy
of
Hippocrates
,
lest
the
Alchymists
shou'd
take
it
ill
at
our
hands
,
we
must
by
no
means
omit
this
passage
in
the
first
Book
above-mention'd
,
viz.
that
those
that
work
in
Gold
,
beat
it
,
wash
it
,
and
melt
it
by
a
gentle
Fire
,
because
a
violent
fire
is
not
proper
for
such
a
business
.
'T
is
pretended
that
Hippocrates
here
,
had
an
Eye
on
the
mystery
of
the
Philosophers
Stone
,
of
which
we
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
in
the
second
part
of
this
History
.
And
this
may
suffice
for
his
Philosophy
.
Let
us
now
descend
from
the
general
principles
of
bodies
,
to
the
particular
principles
of
the
human
body
,
and
leaving
all
Philosophical
reflections
,
let
us
see
what
observations
we
can
find
in
Anatomy
there
,
for
those
properly
belong
to
the
History
of
Physick
.
Those
that
are
minded
to
see
more
particularly
how
far
Hippocrates
carried
his
Philosophy
,
may
consult
the
Books
de
Flatibus
,
de
natura
hominis
,
the
first
de
natura
pueri
,
de
dieta
,
and
some
others
.
But
the
Reader
ought
to
be
inform'd
,
that
the
above-mention'd
treatises
are
suspected
to
be
spurious
,
and
not
to
belong
to
him
.
His
opinion
concerning
the
seat
of
the
Soul
is
to
be
found
in
the
following
Chapter
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
.
'T
Is
a
difficult
matter
to
give
a
just
extract
of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
,
for
three
things
hinder
us
from
knowing
so
much
of
this
subject
as
it
is
necessary
we
shou'd
.
In
the
first
place
we
find
several
contradictions
in
the
writings
of
Hippocrates
,
or
rather
in
those
that
are
ascrib'd
to
him
.
Secondly
,
tho
we
shou'd
heap
together
all
that
he
says
of
each
part
,
't
would
be
an
imperfect
account
,
and
not
very
coherent
,
Lastly
,
tho
so
many
faults
had
not
crept
into
the
Text
as
there
have
,
or
there
were
less
disagreement
in
the
original
MSS.
yet
his
stile
is
so
concise
,
and
there
are
some
places
in
him
so
obscure
,
as
being
frequently
expressed
in
terms
peculiar
to
himself
,
that
are
not
to
be
found
elsewhere
,
that
't
is
extreamly
difficult
for
one
to
understand
him
aright
,
tho
he
is
never
so
great
a
master
of
the
Greek
Language
.
For
this
reason
we
should
very
much
regret
the
loss
of
one
of
Galen's
Books
,
intituled
,
The
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
,
if
we
had
not
just
reason
to
suspect
this
Author
of
partiality
,
when
he
engages
for
the
interests
of
this
antient
Physician
,
sufficient
proofs
whereof
we
shall
see
below
that
purely
belong
to
Anatomy
.
The
helps
that
a
man
might
expect
to
find
upon
this
occasion
from
the
modern
Commentators
,
is
but
inconsiderable
.
If
any
light
is
to
be
had
from
them
,
we
ought
rather
to
trust
the
antient
interpreters
than
those
of
our
Age
:
because
it
is
to
be
feared
,
that
the
latter
,
full
of
their
new
discoveries
,
imagine
they
see
them
every
where
,
like
those
that
can
discover
in
Homer
the
most
hidden
mysteries
of
all
Arts
and
Sciences
;
or
those
quick-sighted
Genelemen
,
that
can
find
the
Philosophers
Stone
,
in
all
Books
whatever
,
let
the
matter
they
treat
of
be
what
it
will
.
That
we
may
not
be
charg'd
with
being
guilty
of
this
prepossession
,
which
we
have
condemn'd
our selves
,
we
will
faithfully
set
down
all
that
we
cou'd
find
relating
to
this
argument
in
the
works
of
Hippocrates
,
and
take
particular
care
not
to
omit
the
least
thing
about
which
the
Anatomists
of
the
following
ages
have
had
different
opinions
,
or
pretended
to
make
any
discovery
,
that
so
we
may
give
every
man
his
due
,
and
rob
none
of
the
praise
that
really
belongs
to
them
.
I
will
not
pretend
to
confine
my self
to
a
certain
order
,
but
indifferently
set
down
every
thing
as
it
comes
to
hand
,
and
refer
the
Reader
,
that
expects
a
continu'd
description
,
or
a
greater
insight
into
the
nature
,
connexion
,
situation
of
the
parts
of
the
body
,
to
a
full
treatise
of
Anatomy
,
which
he
will
find
in
the
Chapter
of
Galen
.
[
](A49892-e53470-b)(a)
(a)
De
locis
in
homine
.
The
nature
of
the
Body
,
(
says
Hippocrates
)
is
the
principle
or
foundation
on
which
all
the
reasoning
of
Physick
is
built
.
One
wou'd
be
apt
to
infer
from
hence
,
that
he
had
a
mind
to
recommend
Anatomy
as
one
of
the
principal
means
by
which
we
may
discover
the
nature
of
the
body
.
What
helps
to
confirm
this
conjecture
,
we
find
that
immediately
after
he
teaches
what
is
the
situation
,
composition
,
and
use
of
the
several
parts
.
'T
is
undeniable
,
that
Hippocrates
wou'd
have
us
study
the
nature
of
the
body
,
but
we
may
discover
by
some
other
places
,
that
he
thought
we
cou'd
arrive
to
the
knowledge
of
it
no
way
so
well
,
as
in
the
practice
of
Physick
,
for
he
laughs
at
those
who
fancy'd
themselves
to
be
great
Physicians
,
because
they
knew
something
in
Anatomy
.
[
](A49892-e53510-b)(b)
(b)
De
Prisc
.
med●cin
.
Some
Physiciansiand
Philosophers
,
says
he
,
pretend
that
a
man
can't
understand
the
art
of
Physick
,
unless
he
knows
what
man
is
,
what
is
his
first
formation
,
and
after
what
manner
his
Body
is
made
.
But
for
my
part
I
am
of
opinion
that
all
that
has
been
said
or
written
about
nature
by
these
people
belongs
more
to
the
art
of
Painting
than
it
does
to
Physick
,
and
am
perswaded
that
a
man
can't
know
nature
clearly
,
but
by
the
means
of
Physick
,
as
those
that
are
well
skill'd
in
that
art
,
will
soon
perceive
.
Here
he
seems
to
address
himself
to
the
Philosophers
that
preceeded
him
,
and
to
these
of
his
own
time
,
who
,
as
we
have
observ'd
,
had
thrust
themselves
into
this
profession
,
and
were
the
first
that
began
to
instruct
themselves
in
Anatomy
.
It
has
been
remarked
above
that
the
Asclepiadae
,
the
Predecessors
of
Hippocrates
,
had
other
helps
of
knowing
the
humane
body
besides
Anatomy
.
As
for
Hippocrates
,
't
is
probable
that
he
did
not
neglect
this
latter
way
,
as
being
related
to
Philosophy
,
which
he
had
carefully
studied
.
There
wou'd
not
be
the
least
pretence
to
doubt
of
this
,
if
the
little
Book
or
fragment
attributed
to
him
and
intituled
little
Book
or
fragment
attributed
to
him
and
intituled
Anatomy
,
was
really
of
his
writing
,
but
this
is
not
certain
,
since
Erotiam
who
has
given
us
a
Catalogue
of
Hippocrates's
Books
,
makes
no
mention
of
it
.
Be
it
as
it
will
,
we
shall
see
anon
how
far
he
advanc'd
in
this
Science
,
either
by
Anatomy
,
or
any
other
method
which
we
have
touch'd
upon
in
the
Chapter
of
Asclepiadae
.
Hippocrates
owns
in
one
place
that
the
[
](A49892-e53640-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
de
Aliment
.
Veins
come
from
the
Liver
,
which
is
the
origine
and
fountain
of
them
,
as
the
Heart
is
of
the
Arteries
.
In
another
place
he
maintains
that
the
Veins
and
Arteries
proceed
equally
from
the
Heart
.
[
](A49892-e53650-b)(d)
(d)
Lib.
de
Carnibus
.
There
are
two
hollow
Veins
that
come
from
the
Heart
,
one
of
which
is
call'd
the
Artery
,
and
the
other
the
Vena
Cava
.
At
that
time
all
the
Blood
Vessels
were
indifferently
call'd
Veins
,
and
the
word
Artery
properly
signify'd
the
[
](A49892-e53710-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
aspera
arteria
,
or
the
Wind-pipe
.
Nay
,
Hippocrates
gives
the
name
of
Veins
to
the
Ureters
,
and
seems
to
bestow
the
same
appellation
upon
the
Nerves
,
as
we
shall
take
notice
below
;
besides
there
are
but
few
places
where
he
formally
distinguishes
the
Arteries
from
the
Veins
,
and
where
he
calls
them
Arteries
,
which
may
render
the
credit
of
those
books
,
or
at
least
of
those
passages
suspicious
,
where
this
distinction
is
to
be
found
.
The
Artery
,
adds
he
,
immediately
after
,
contains
more
heat
than
the
Vena
Cava
,
and
is
the
receptacle
of
the
Spirits
.
There
are
other
Veins
in
the
Body
besides
these
two
.
As
for
that
which
is
reported
to
be
the
largest
of
all
,
and
next
to
the
heart
,
it
runs
thro
the
Belly
and
the
Diaphragm
,
and
dividing
itself
into
two
streams
,
visits
either
Kidney
towards
the
Loins
.
Above
the
heart
this
Vein
divides
to
the
right
and
to
the
left
,
and
ascending
to
the
head
,
distributes
itself
to
either
Temple
.
We
may
,
continues
he
,
joyn
the
other
Veins
to
this
that
are
also
very
large
,
but
to
speak
all
in
a
word
,
all
the
Veins
that
are
dispers'd
thro
the
whole
Body
,
come
from
the
Vena
Cava
,
and
the
Artery
.
Here
are
already
two
opinions
concerning
the
Origin
of
the
Veins
and
Arteries
:
There
is
a
third
likewise
to
be
found
in
two
several
passages
in
Hippocrates
,
whether
in
respect
of
the
Origin
of
the
Veins
,
or
in
respect
of
your
distribution
.
[
](A49892-e53830-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
Ossium
naturâ
&
de
Natur.
humanâ
.
The
largest
veins
of
the
Body
,
are
,
says
he
,
dispos'd
after
this
manner
.
There
are
in
all
four
pair
;
the
first
pair
come
out
behind
the
head
,
and
descending
down
the
back
part
of
the
neek
,
on
each
side
of
the
spine
,
come
to
the
Hips
and
Thighs
,
pass
on
thro
the
Legs
to
the
outside
of
each
Foot
.
For
this
reason
,
in
all
pains
of
the
Back
and
Hips
,
bleeding
in
the
veins
of
the
Hams
and
external
Ancles
,
are
of
great
relief
;
the
second
pair
coming
likewise
from
the
Head
,
run
behind
the
Ears
down
the
Neck
;
they
are
call●d
the
Jugulars
,
and
run
within
the
Spine
down
the
Loins
,
where
they
divide
on
either
side
towards
the
Testicles
and
Thighs
,
and
the
inside
of
the
Hams
,
from
thence
through
the
inward
Ancles
to
the
inside
of
the
foot
.
For
this
cause
,
in
all
pains
of
the
Testicles
and
Loins
,
bleeding
in
the
veins
of
the
Hams
and
internal
Ancles
is
very
serviceable
.
The
third
pair
come
out
of
the
Temples
,
and
run
along
the
Neck
towards
the
Shoulders
and
Lungs
,
from
thence
one
turning
from
the
right
a
little
towards
the
left
,
runs
under
the
Breast
,
to
the
Spleen
and
Kidneys
,
the
other
likewise
turning
from
the
left
to
the
right
,
runs
under
the
Breast
to
the
Liver
and
Kidney
.
And
these
two
branches
terminate
in
the
Rectum
.
The
fourth
part
coming
out
of
the
fore
part
of
the
Head
and
Eyes
,
run
under
the
Lungs
and
the
Clavicles
,
and
from
thence
thro
the
upper
part
of
the
Arm
,
pass
over
the
bending
of
the
Elbow
,
to
the
back
of
the
Hands
and
Fingers
,
and
thence
they
return
again
thro
the
palm
of
the
Hand
,
on
the
inside
of
the
Elbow
,
and
under
the
Arm
to
the
Arm-pits
,
and
upon
the
surface
of
the
side
,
one
to
the
Spleen
and
the
other
to
the
Liver
.
At
length
both
branches
running
over
the
Belly
,
terminate
in
the
privities
.
To
salve
the
contradiction
between
these
two
last
passages
,
it
may
be
urg'd
that
the
Book
of
the
nature
of
the
Bones
,
from
whence
this
latter
is
drawn
,
is
not
Hippocrates's
,
but
Polybius
,
his
Son-in-Law's
.
Neither
Galen
nor
Erotian
take
notice
of
this
Book
among
the
works
of
Hippocrates
.
They
have
not
so
much
as
taken
notice
of
the
name
,
tho
they
seem
to
have
explain'd
certain
words
found
in
it
.
There
is
a
passage
of
[
](A49892-e53940-b)(b)
(b)
De
Generat
.
Anim.
lib.
3.
cap.
3.
Aristotle
,
wherein
this
Philosopher
speaking
of
the
Origin
and
destribution
of
the
Veins
,
and
relating
the
several
sentiments
of
the
Physicians
thereupon
,
cites
these
very
words
of
this
Book
of
the
nature
of
the
Bones
,
which
we
have
translated
,
and
cites
them
as
Polybius's
.
This
proof
were
sufficient
,
but
it
removes
not
all
the
difficulty
;
for
we
read
the
very
same
words
in
the
Book
of
Human
Nature
,
which
Galen
maintains
strongly
to
be
Hippocrates's
,
pretending
to
prove
it
by
the
Authority
of
[
](A49892-e54020-b)(c)
(c)
Platon
.
Phaedr
.
Plato
,
who
,
as
he
says
,
has
quoted
a
passage
out
of
it
,
tho
others
have
ascrib'd
this
Book
to
Democritus
.
Nevertheless
Galen
himself
[
](A49892-e54060-b)(d)
(d)
De
Hippocrat
.
&
Platon
.
decre●
.
l.
6.
c.
3.
But
Pelops
.
Galen's
Master
,
was
of
another
mind
,
maintaining
,
that
Hippocrates
held
,
as
himself
also
did
,
that
the
Veins
and
Arteries
,
as
well
as
Nerves
,
had
their
Origine
from
the
Brain
.
denies
this
later
opinion
touching
the
origin
and
destribution
of
the
Veins
,
to
be
Hippocrates's
,
or
even
Polybius's
;
but
affirms
that
it
must
have
been
foysted
surreptitiously
into
the
Text.
But
this
is
not
probable
,
for
we
find
the
same
opinion
in
the
Book
de
locis
in
Homine
.
There
is
another
difficulty
relating
to
the
Book
of
the
flesh
or
of
the
principles
,
from
whence
was
taken
what
we
said
in
the
first
place
,
that
the
Veins
and
Arteries
came
out
of
the
Heart
.
Aristotle
in
the
afore-cited
passage
,
after
having
remarked
that
almost
all
the
Physicians
consented
with
Polybius
to
bring
the
veins
from
the
Head
,
concludes
they
were
all
in
an
error
,
not
knowing
that
they
came
from
the
Heart
,
and
not
from
the
Head
.
If
Hippocrates
be
the
Author
of
that
Book
of
the
Flesh
,
wherein
this
opinion
of
Aristotle
is
plainly
laid
down
,
how
is
it
likely
this
Philosopher
should
not
know
it
?
Why
should
he
not
as
well
have
read
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
,
as
those
of
Polybius
?
From
hence
we
may
infer
,
that
this
Book
is
no
more
Hippocrates's
,
than
that
of
the
Nature
of
the
Bones
:
Perhaps
Aristotle
chose
rather
in
this
place
to
cite
Polybius
or
Synnesis
of
Cyprus
,
and
Diogenes
Apolloniates
,
Physicians
of
small
reputation
in
comparison
of
Hippocrates
,
than
to
cite
Hippocrates
himself
,
whose
Name
we
sind
but
in
[
](A49892-e54330-b)(e)
(e)
Polit●c
.
li.
7.
cap.
4.
one
place
of
his
Works
,
and
there
mentioned
only
en
passant
;
perhaps
,
I
say
,
he
has
omitted
to
quote
him
out
of
malice
or
envy
.
Plato
shew'd
more
honour
,
having
made
honorable
mention
of
him
in
several
places
.
Perhaps
the
Book
in
question
was
not
Hippocrates's
,
for
neither
do
we
find
the
Title
of
it
in
the
List
that
Erotian
gives
of
his
Works
.
Of
the
description
of
the
HEART
.
Amongst
the
Anatomical
Books
ascrib'd
to
Hippocrates
,
there
is
none
written
with
more
exactness
than
that
of
the
Heart
,
which
being
very
short
,
we
give
you
here
the
entire
Translation
of
it
.
The
Heart
,
says
the
Author
of
this
Book
,
is
of
a
Pyramidal
figure
,
its
colour
is
a
deep
red
.
It
is
encompassed
on
all
sides
with
a
clos'd
Membrane
,
in
which
is
a
small
quantity
of
moisture
like
Urine
;
so
that
the
Heart
is
as
it
were
in
a
sort
of
Bladder
.
It
was
form'd
after
this
manner
,
in
a
Case
,
for
its
better
defence
.
Of
the
Liquor
,
there
is
but
just
as
much
as
is
necessary
for
the
refreshment
of
the
Heart
,
and
to
preserve
it
from
being
over-heated
.
It
distils
from
the
Heart
,
which
draws
to
it
part
of
the
moisture
,
which
the
Lungs
reserve
from
the
Drink
.
For
when
any
one
drinks
most
of
it
falls
into
the
Stomach
,
the
OEsophagus
[
](A49892-e54490-b)(a)
(a)
The
Gullet
.
being
as
it
were
a
Tunnel
which
receives
what
we
swallow
whether
Liquid
or
Solid
.
But
the
[
](A49892-e54500-b)(b)
(b)
The
upper-part
of
the
Wind-pipe
.
Pharynx
draws
a
little
of
the
Liquor
into
its
cleft
,
the
Epiglottis
,
which
is
as
it
were
the
lid
of
the
Pharynx
,
hindering
the
greatest
part
of
it
from
falling
into
it
.
As
a
proof
of
this
,
if
we
make
any
Animal
whatsoever
,
especially
a
Hog
,
drink
Water
tinged
with
blue
or
red
,
and
cut
his
throat
while
he
is
drinking
,
we
shall
find
this
water
charged
with
the
Tincture
.
But
every
one
is
not
fit
to
make
this
experiment
.
We
are
not
to
make
any
difficulty
of
believing
that
part
of
the
drink
slips
into
the
Aspera
Arteria
.
But
it
may
be
ask'd
how
comes
it
then
to
pass
,
that
in
drinking
too
swift
,
the
Water
getting
into
the
cleft
of
the
Pharynx
,
raises
a
violent
Cough
.
It
is
because
the
quantity
of
the
Water
being
too
great
,
opposes
directly
the
return
of
the
Air
from
the
Lungs
in
expiration
.
Whereas
when
a
little
slips
in
at
the
clift
,
slipping
gently
down
the
sides
of
the
Aspera
Artiria
,
it
hinders
not
the
Air
from
Rising
.
But
on
the
contrary
facilitates
the
passage
by
moistening
the
[
](A49892-e54570-b)(c)
(c)
Wind-pipe
.
Aspera
Arteria
.
The
Heart
draws
the
moisture
from
the
Lungs
at
the
time
of
inspiration
,
and
after
the
Air
hath
serv●d
the
use
of
the
Heart
,
it
returns
by
the
way
it
came
.
But
the
Heart
sucks
up
a
part
of
the
moisture
which
passes
into
its
Bag
,
letting
the
rest
return
with
the
Air.
This
Air
being
return'd
as
far
as
the
Pallate
.
[
](A49892-e54610-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
escapes
thro
a
double
passage
,
and
it
is
necessary
that
it
shou'd
go
out
and
the
moisture
also
,
they
being
of
no
use
to
the
nourishment
of
the
Body
.
How
can
Wind
and
Crude
water
serve
for
the
nourishment
to
a
man
,
not
but
that
one
and
t'other
have
their
use
,
for
they
serve
to
fortifie
the
Heart
against
the
Evil
it
is
naturally
afflicted
with
,
that
is
excessive
heat
.
The
Heart
is
a
very
strong
Muscle
,
not
for
its
Tendons
,
but
for
the
hardness
and
compactness
of
the
Flesh
.
It
has
two
distinct
Ventricles
in
one
inclosure
,
[
](A49892-e54680-b)(e)
(e)
E.
v
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
one
on
one
side
,
and
t'other
on
t'other
,
which
are
not
like
to
one
another
;
the
one
is
on
the
right-side
,
at
the
mouth
of
the
great
Vein
,
and
the
other
on
the
left
,
and
they
take
up
almost
the
whole
Heart
.
The
cavity
of
the
first
is
greater
than
that
of
the
latter
,
and
is
more
soft
,
but
it
extends
not
quite
to
the
point
of
the
Heart
,
the
extremity
of
which
is
solid
,
it
appears
as
if
it
were
sewed
or
fixed
to
the
Heart
.
The
Left
Ventricle
is
situated
directly
under
the
Left
Nipple
,
to
which
it
answers
in
a
right
Line
,
and
where
its
pulsation
or
beating
may
be
felt
.
Its
sides
are
thick
,
and
it
has
a
cavity
like
that
of
a
[
](A49892-e54720-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Mortar
,
which
answers
to
the
Lungs
,
which
moderate
by
their
nearness
the
excessive
heat
of
this
Ventricle
;
for
the
Lungs
are
naturally
cold
,
and
receive
a
further
refreshment
by
the
inspiration
of
the
Air.
Both
these
Ventricles
are
rough
,
and
as
it
were
coroded
within
,
especially
the
Left
.
[
](A49892-e54750-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
natural
fire
or
heat
which
is
born
with
us
,
has
not
its
Seat
in
the
Right
,
and
it
is
something
wonderous
that
the
Left
,
which
receives
from
the
Lungs
an
Air
,
which
is
not
temper'd
or
mix'd
,
shou'd
be
the
most
rugged
;
it
was
likewise
made
thicker
than
the
other
,
for
the
better
preservation
of
the
aforesaid
heat
.
The
Orifices
of
these
Ventricles
are
not
visible
,
till
the
Ears
of
the
heart
be
first
open'd
or
cut
off
,
and
its
head
or
basis
:
When
they
are
cut
off
,
we
find
two
Orifices
in
either
Ventricle
,
but
the
Vena
Cava
which
comes
out
of
one
of
them
,
is
not
seen
after
it
is
cut
.
These
are
the
Fountains
of
Human
Nature
,
and
from
hence
flow
those
Springs
that
serve
the
whole
body
.
These
are
the
streams
that
give
life
to
Man
,
and
when
they
dry
up
he
dies
.
At
the
Exit
of
these
Veins
(
the
Vena
Cava
,
and
great
Artery
)
and
all
round
the
mouth
of
these
Ventricles
,
there
are
certain
soft
and
hollow
bodies
called
the
Ears
of
the
heart
;
they
have
not
,
however
,
any
perforations
like
the
Ears
,
nor
do
they
serve
to
hear
sounds
,
but
they
are
the
Instruments
by
which
Nature
draws
the
Air
,
and
shew
themselves
the
Work
of
an
Ingenious
Workman
,
who
considering
the
Heart
ought
to
be
very
[
](A49892-e54840-b)(h)
(h)
The
Author
says
this
place
is
very
obscure
,
that
he
has
translated
it
as
well
as
he
cou'd
;
that
if
he
has
not
succeeded
extraordinarily
in
it
,
that
he
has
for
his
comfort
the
company
of
the
rest
of
the
Interpreters
in
his
misfortune
.
solid
,
as
being
form'd
of
blood
coagulated
or
thickned
at
the
mouth
of
the
veins
,
and
that
it
ought
to
have
likewise
the
faculty
of
drawing
,
has
fix'd
Bellows
to
it
as
Smiths
do
to
their
Forges
,
that
it
might
draw
the
Air
by
this
means
.
In
confirmation
of
this
,
we
see
the
Heart
in
one
part
continually
agitating
it self
,
and
the
Ears
in
particular
to
dilate
and
subside
in
their
turns
.
I
am
likewise
of
opinion
,
[
](A49892-e54870-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
small
veins
draw
the
Air
in
the
Left
Ventricle
,
and
the
Artery
in
the
Right
.
I
say
likewise
,
that
that
which
is
soft
,
is
most
proper
to
draw
and
to
be
inflated
,
and
that
it
was
necessary
that
[
](A49892-e54890-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
which
the
Author
supposes
the
right
Ventricle
of
the
Heart
to
be
meant
.
[
](A49892-e54910-b)*
*
But
I
rather
think
,
that
the
Auricles
were
still
intended
,
as
by
comparing
them
with
the
precedent
and
subsequent
expressions
will
appear
.
what
was
fix'd
to
the
Heart
shou'd
be
refreshed
,
since
it
partakes
of
the
heat
;
but
the
Engine
which
draws
the
Air
ought
not
to
be
so
large
,
lest
it
shou'd
overcome
the
heat
.
I
ought
likewise
,
says
Hippocrates
,
to
describe
the
hidden
Membranes
of
the
Heart
,
[
](A49892-e54950-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
which
are
an
admirable
Work
;
some
are
spread
within
the
ventricles
of
the
Heart
like
Spiders
Webs
,
they
close
the
Orifices
of
the
ventricles
of
the
Heart
,
and
send
their
threads
into
the
substance
of
the
Heart
.
They
seem
to
me
to
be
[
](A49892-e54980-b)(m)
(m)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Nerves
.
the
Nerves
or
the
Tendons
of
this
Entrail
,
and
the
Origin
or
Place
from
whence
they
spring
[
](A49892-e54990-b)(n)
(n)
T●●
Aorta
signifies
the
great
Artery
only
in
all
the
succeeding
Anatomists
,
h●●
Hippocrates
,
under
that
name
,
comprehends
the
Vena
Arteriosa
also
.
the
Aortae
.
These
Membranes
are
disposed
by
pairs
;
for
to
every
Orifice
,
Nature
has
fram'd
three
,
which
are
round
above
in
the
form
of
a
Semi-circle
.
Those
that
know
these
Membranes
,
wonder
how
they
can
shut
the
Aortae
.
And
if
any
one
[
](A49892-e55030-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
words
Foesius
translates
thus
:
Siquis
veteris
instituti
probè
gnarus
,
mortui
animalis
corde
exempto
,
hanc
quidem
demat
,
illam
vero
reclinet
,
neque
aqua
in
cor
penetrare
,
nec
;
Flatus
emitti
poterit
.
And
Cornarius
,
much
after
the
same
manner
.
Siquis
veteris
,
eximendi
cor
mortui
,
moris
goarus
,
aliam
auferat
aliam
reclinet
,
neque
aqua
,
&c.
Why
these
Translators
render
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
that
of
Mos
,
or
Institutum
,
which
it
does
not
signifie
,
is
a
mystery
to
me
;
it
ought
to
be
translared
Ordo
,
with
relation
to
the
Membranes
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
according
to
Erotian
,
is
an
Attick
Word
,
signis●ing
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
Order
.
I
explain
als●
the
Word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Ancient
,
by
the
term
Natural
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Ordo
vetus
,
seu
naturalis
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
says
Erotian
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
auferat
,
I
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
firmet
,
which
I
suppose
to
be
the
true
reading
,
but
that
the
former
crept
into
its
place
through
the
error
of
the
Copists
,
misled
by
affinity
of
the
sound
of
those
two
Words
.
who
understands
the
ancient
Order
(
or
the
natural
Order
and
Disposition
of
this
Membrane
)
takes
out
one
rank
(
or
keeps
one
rank
stretch'd
)
and
closes
the
other
,
neither
water
nor
wind
can
get
into
the
Heart
.
These
Membranes
are
disposed
with
more
Art
,
or
more
Exactness
,
on
the
Left-side
than
the
Right
.
The
reason
of
this
is
,
because
the
Soul
of
Man
,
or
the
Reasonable
Soul
,
which
is
above
the
other
Soul
,
has
its
Seat
in
the
Left
ventricle
of
the
Heart
.
This
Soul
has
not
its
nourishment
from
the
Meat
which
comes
from
the
Belly
,
but
from
a
pure
luminous
Matter
separated
from
the
Blood
.
This
Matter
which
serves
for
Aliment
to
the
Soul
,
is
abundantly
furnished
from
the
neighbouring
Receptacle
of
the
Blood
,
and
casts
its
Rays
round
,
as
the
Natural
nourishment
,
which
comes
from
the
Intestines
and
Belly
,
is
distributed
into
all
parts
;
and
for
fear
,
lest
that
which
is
contained
in
the
Artery
,
shou'd
hinder
the
course
of
the
nourishment
of
the
Soul
,
and
give
a
check
to
its
motion
,
the
Orifice
of
this
Artery
is
closed
as
aforesaid
,
for
the
great
Artery
is
nourished
from
the
belly
and
intestines
,
and
not
by
this
first
or
principal
nourishment
.
But
the
great
Artery
is
not
nourished
by
the
blood
,
which
we
see
,
as
is
manifest
by
opening
the
left
ventricle
of
any
Animal
,
for
we
find
it
quite
empty
,
or
find
nothing
in
it
but
serous
humour
,
or
a
little
Bile
,
and
the
aforesaid
Membranes
,
but
the
Artery
is
never
without
blood
,
nor
the
right
ventricle
.
This
Vessel
therefore
gave
occasion
to
the
making
of
those
Membranes
for
the
passage
out
of
the
right
ventricle
,
is
likewise
furnished
with
Membranes
,
but
the
blood
moves
upon
that
side
but
feebly
.
This
way
is
open
on
the
side
,
to
carry
the
blood
thither
for
its
nourishment
,
but
it
is
shut
towards
the
heart
;
so
that
way
is
left
for
the
air
to
pass
insensibly
from
the
lungs
to
the
heart
,
not
in
great
quantities
,
for
the
heat
which
in
this
part
is
but
feeble
,
wou'd
be
over-power'd
by
the
cold
,
the
blood
not
being
naturally
warm
,
no
more
than
water
which
receives
its
heat
from
elsewhere
,
tho
most
believe
it
's
hot
in
its
own
nature
.
This
Book
of
the
Heart
will
give
us
the
greatest
Idea
of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
and
his
exactness
,
but
it
is
one
of
those
that
is
not
acknowledg●d
,
either
by
Erotian
or
Galen
.
What
the
Author
says
in
the
beginning
of
this
Book
,
of
the
passage
of
one
part
of
the
drink
into
the
Lungs
,
being
a
very
ancient
Opinion
,
and
maintained
by
Plato
,
who
must
have
it
from
the
Physicians
that
preceded
him
,
of
which
Hippocrates
was
most
considerable
;
we
might
infer
,
that
the
Book
in
which
this
Opinion
is
maintained
is
his
:
but
those
who
forged
this
Book
,
might
on
purpose
insert
this
opinion
to
warrant
its
antiquity
.
We
shall
see
hereafter
further
proofs
that
it
is
spurious
,
in
the
Chapters
of
Aristotle
and
Erasistratus
.
This
opinion
is
repeated
in
the
Book
of
the
Nature
of
the
Bones
.
It
is
indeed
amply
refuted
in
the
fourth
book
of
Diseases
,
but
most
Authors
agree
this
later
book
not
to
be
Hippocrates's
.
We
shall
find
something
more
of
importance
in
the
Chapters
of
the
Fibres
.
We
have
seen
already
three
different
Opinions
taken
from
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
,
concerning
the
Origin
of
the
Veins
;
there
is
yet
a
fourth
,
and
what
is
more
particular
.
This
later
opinion
is
to
be
found
in
the
same
book
with
the
third
;
I
mean
the
book
of
the
Nature
of
the
Bones
,
in
which
the
Veins
are
derived
from
the
Head
.
The
passage
is
this
:
The
veins
which
are
spread
thro'
the
body
,
and
which
give
it
[
](A49892-e55490-b)(p)
(p)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Nerves
.
the
spirit
,
the
flux
and
the
motion
,
are
all
branches
of
one
Vein
;
whence
it
draws
its
Origin
,
or
it
terminates
,
I
know
not
,
but
supposing
a
Circle
a
beginning
is
not
to
be
found
.
Something
like
this
is
what
we
read
in
[
](A49892-e55520-b)(q)
(q)
De
locis
in
hom.
sub
initia
.
another
place
.
There
is
no
origin
or
beginning
in
the
body
,
but
the
parts
are
equally
both
beginning
and
end
,
for
in
a
Circle
there
is
no
beginning
.
There
are
some
other
passages
parallel
to
these
.
[
](A49892-e55540-b)(r)
(r)
Lib.
de
Al●men
.
The
nourishment
comes
from
the
inward
parts
to
the
hair
,
nails
,
and
outward
superficies
.
It
goes
likewise
from
the
external
parts
and
superficies
,
to
the
internal
.
All
agree
,
consent
and
conspire
together
in
the
body
.
And
a
little
after
:
[
](A49892-e55560-b)(s)
(s)
Ibid.
The
great
Principle
reaches
to
the
extremities
,
and
the
extremities
to
the
great
Principle
.
[
](A49892-e55580-b)(t)
(t)
Ibid.
The
Milk
and
the
Blood
come
from
the
superfluity
of
the
nourishment
,
or
are
the
remainder
of
the
nourishment
of
the
body
.
[
](A49892-e55600-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
same
word
is
to
be
found
in
the
first
book
of
Diet.
We
find
there
likewise
these
following
words
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
turn
about
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
gyration
,
or
turning
round
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
terms
used
by
Hippocrates
,
to
signifie
the
Mechanism
of
our
bodies
,
by
an
allusion
to
the
methods
used
by
Artificers
of
all
sorts
in
their
Shops
.
The
Circulations
go
a
great
way
in
relation
to
the
Faetus
,
and
to
the
nourishment
;
after
the
nourishment
is
perform'd
,
what
remains
returns
and
turns
to
Milk
,
and
becomes
nourishment
to
the
Mother
,
and
afterwards
to
the
Faetus
.
And
again
,
the
same
way
which
leads
upwards
,
leads
also
downwards
;
or
,
there
is
but
one
way
which
goes
both
upwards
and
downwards
.
[
](A49892-e55690-b)(w)
(w)
De
Loc.
in
Hom.
All
the
Veins
communicate
,
and
run
one
into
another
;
for
some
are
joyn'd
immediately
together
,
others
communicate
by
small
veins
,
which
run
from
the
Trunk
of
one
to
another
,
and
which
serve
to
nourish
the
flesh
.
[
](A49892-e55720-b)(x)
(x)
De
Natur.
hom.
There
are
a
great
number
of
different
veins
which
come
from
[
](A49892-e55740-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
So
read
all
the
MSS.
says
Foesius
.
Yet
Galen
reads
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
the
Vena
Cava
.
the
Ventricle
or
Belly
,
by
which
the
nourishment
is
conveyed
into
all
the
parts
of
the
body
.
The
same
nourishment
passes
also
from
the
great
veins
,
as
well
internal
as
external
,
to
the
belly
,
and
the
rest
of
the
body
.
These
veins
supply
one
another
reciprocally
with
nourishment
,
those
without
to
those
within
,
and
those
within
to
those
without
.
[
](A49892-e55830-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Epidem
.
lib
6.
sect.
6.
The
flesh
draws
from
the
belly
,
and
likewise
from
without
;
and
our
senses
discover
to
us
,
that
all
the
body
is
transpirable
,
from
within
to
without
,
and
from
without
to
within
.
Hippocrates
speaks
in
another
place
of
the
[
](A49892-e55860-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
De
Diet.
acut
.
See
the
whole
passage
at
length
in
the
Chapter
of
Blood
letting
.
rest
of
the
blood
and
spirits
in
the
Vessels
,
which
supposes
a
precedent
motion
.
We
have
both
related
and
render'd
as
exactly
as
possible
,
the
foregoing
passages
concerning
the
motion
of
the
blood
,
spirits
,
and
nourishments
in
the
body
,
because
they
seem
to
point
at
the
most
considerable
Anatomical
discoveries
of
our
Age.
Hippocrates
did
unquestionably
acknowledge
a
sort
of
circulation
of
the
blood
and
humours
:
the
aforecited
passages
are
in
express
words
.
He
uses
also
in
another
place
,
a
term
by
which
the
Greeks
used
to
signifie
[
](A49892-e55920-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
lib.
de
humor
.
in
prin.
the
reflux
of
the
Sea
,
to
express
the
return
of
the
humours
from
the
skin
to
the
centre
of
the
body
.
It
is
necessary
here
,
to
avoid
a
fallacy
,
in
giving
to
Hippocrates
the
honour
of
a
discovery
reserved
to
our
Age
,
to
make
the
following
Remarks
.
It
is
apparent
that
this
ancient
Physician
held
this
flux
and
reflux
,
or
this
circulation
,
to
be
made
thro'
the
same
Vessels
which
carry'd
and
brought
back
indifferently
from
the
Centre
to
the
Circumference
,
and
from
the
Circumference
to
the
Centre
again
.
As
for
what
escaped
the
known
Vessels
,
it
pass'd
according
to
him
[
](A49892-e55980-b)(c)
(c)
De
morb
.
lib.
4.
thro
insensible
channels
,
and
ways
undiscoverable
,
which
yet
were
open
as
long
as
the
Animal
liv'd
,
according
to
the
principles
laid
down
by
him
and
related
by
us
,
that
all
consents
,
conspires
and
agrees
together
in
the
body
,
or
that
all
is
transpirable
from
within
to
without
,
and
from
without
to
within
.
If
these
Principles
served
his
turn
in
this
case
,
the
attraction
spoken
of
before
,
and
the
faculties
subservient
to
Nature
,
brought
him
off
easily
for
the
rest
;
that
is
,
that
the
motions
of
the
blood
and
humours
were
usually
determined
by
necessity
and
attraction
.
[
](A49892-e56080-b)(d)
(d)
De
Nat.
●uer
.
The
blood
,
says
he
,
which
by
the
order
of
nature
descends
but
once
a
month
to
the
Womb
,
flows
thither
every
day
while
the
[
](A49892-e56110-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Seed
or
Faetus
therein
contained
,
draws
what
is
necessary
for
it
,
according
to
its
strength
,
and
has
its
respiration
greater
or
less
.
at
first
,
the
respiration
of
the
Faetus
being
very
small
,
little
blood
comes
from
the
Womb
;
but
as
by
this
respiration
increases
the
Faetus
draws
more
blood
.
and
it
descends
in
greater
quantities
into
the
Womb.
Nor
does
the
Faetus
only
draw
,
but
all
the
parts
likewise
.
[
](A49892-e56160-b)(f)
(f)
De
Morb.
lib.
4.
The
Ventricle
or
Stomach
,
says
Hipporates
elsewhere
,
is
a
fountain
which
furnishes
all
the
body
when
it
is
full
;
but
when
it
is
empty
,
it
draws
in
its
turn
from
the
body
which
exhausted
it
.
The
Heart
,
the
Spleen
,
the
Liver
,
and
the
Head
,
are
the
fountains
which
supply
the
other
parts
,
and
in
their
turns
draw
from
them
.
There
are
in
Hippocrates
a
hundred
passages
like
these
,
some
of
which
we
shall
take
notice
of
in
the
sequel
.
The
Office
of
Nature
,
or
the
Faculties
,
is
,
according
to
him
,
to
regulate
the
attraction
,
and
provide
for
all
the
necessities
of
the
Animal
;
Nature
,
as
we
have
observed
,
or
its
Faculties
,
nourish
,
and
make
every
thing
to
grow
and
increase
.
We
shall
add
but
a
word
or
two
more
upon
the
subject
of
the
motion
of
the
blood
in
the
Veins
and
Arteries
,
by
which
we
may
judge
of
the
Idea
Hippocratet
has
had
of
it
.
There
are
,
says
he
,
[
](A49892-e56260-b)(g)
(g)
De
loc.
in
Hom.
This
Book
is
by
universal
consent
agreed
to
be
genuine
.
two
other
[
](A49892-e56290-b)(h)
(h)
By
this
name
Hippocrates
understands
as
well
the
Arteries
as
Veins
.
veins
which
beat
continually
;
these
veins
are
the
only
ones
in
the
body
that
contain
no
blood
,
for
the
blood
turns
from
'em
.
Now
that
which
turns
away
,
or
returns
,
is
a
contrary
motion
to
that
which
comes
forward
on
that
side
;
so
that
the
first
retiring
,
or
withdrawing
from
these
veins
,
and
that
which
comes
from
above
,
endeavouring
to
descend
,
they
do
not
agree
,
but
push
one
another
by
turns
,
and
mix
and
circulate
one
with
another
,
which
produces
the
pulsation
or
beating
of
these
veins
.
We
say
nothing
at
present
of
the
extraordinary
motions
of
the
blood
and
humours
;
we
reserve
them
for
the
next
Chapter
.
I
know
that
some
of
the
greatest
[
](A49892-e56330-b)(i)
(i)
Riolan
.
and
several
others
.
Anatomists
and
Physicians
of
the
Age
,
Men
very
learned
in
the
Languages
,
and
all
sorts
of
Literature
,
have
done
,
and
yet
do
believe
,
that
the
aforecited
passages
go
abundance
further
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
examine
their
Opinion
in
the
Second
Part
of
this
History
.
Of
the
BRAIN
.
[
](A49892-e56390-b)(k)
(k)
Lib.
de
Gland
.
Galen
supposes
this
Book
to
be
spurious
.
The
Brain
is
reckoned
by
Hippocrates
among
the
Glands
,
because
it
appeared
to
him
of
the
same
nature
,
being
white
,
fryalble
and
spungy
as
they
were
.
And
he
believed
,
that
the
Brain
sucked
up
the
superfluous
humours
of
the
body
like
the
other
Glands
,
which
being
all
of
a
spungy
nature
,
imbibe
,
says
he
,
moisture
easily
.
But
there
is
this
further
of
the
Brain
;
That
the
Head
being
hollow
and
round
,
draws
incessantly
,
like
a
sort
of
Cupping-glass
,
the
moisture
from
the
rest
of
the
body
,
which
rises
in
the
form
of
a
vapour
;
after
which
,
it
being
over-charged
,
it
sends
it
down
to
the
lower
parts
,
especially
the
Glands
,
from
whence
come
Defluxions
and
Catarrhs
.
Hippocrates
in
some
other
places
,
makes
the
Brain
[
](A49892-e56510-b)(l)
(l)
Lib.
de
Morb.
sacro
.
the
Seat
of
Wisdom
and
Vnderstanding
,
altho'
,
as
we
have
seen
before
,
he
lodges
the
[
](A49892-e56530-b)(m)
(m)
Lib.
de
Corde
.
Soul
,
which
is
the
same
thing
with
the
[
](A49892-e56550-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Vnderstanding
in
the
Left
Ventricle
of
the
Heart
.
Hippocrates
takes
notice
elsewhere
,
that
the
Brain
was
[
](A49892-e56590-b)(o)
(o)
De
loc.
in
hom.
cloathed
with
two
Membranes
,
the
one
thick
and
the
other
thin
.
We
shall
have
further
occasion
to
speak
of
the
Brain
and
its
Membranes
,
when
we
speak
of
the
Senses
and
their
Organs
.
Of
the
NERVES
.
If
Hippocrates's
Anatomy
of
the
Brain
be
very
scanty
,
he
has
yet
less
of
the
Nerves
.
To
understand
rightly
the
following
Remarks
,
we
must
take
notice
that
the
Greek
Anatomists
that
came
after
Hippocrates
,
distinguished
three
sorts
of
parts
which
were
before
confounded
;
the
Nerves
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
are
the
passages
of
the
Animal
Spirits
,
which
communicates
sense
and
motion
to
all
the
parts
of
the
Body
,
the
Tendons
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
come
from
the
Muscles
,
and
serve
to
contract
or
extend
the
Members
and
the
Ligaments
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
serve
peculiarly
to
strengthen
the
Articulations
of
the
Bones
.
Hippocrates
has
given
the
first
of
these
names
indifferently
to
all
the
three
parts
;
so
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Nerve
,
did
as
well
and
as
often
signifie
in
him
a
Tendon
and
a
Ligament
.
He
seems
sometimes
to
mean
by
it
a
Nerve
,
tho'
,
according
to
Galen
,
Hippocrates
uses
generally
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
that
signification
.
There
is
a
passage
in
the
pre-notions
of
Cos
,
where
he
speaks
of
[
](A49892-e56760-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
internal
Nerves
and
slender
Nerves
,
by
which
may
be
understood
the
Nerves
properly
so
call'd
.
There
is
likewise
another
passage
,
wherein
those
names
seem
to
be
given
to
the
true
Nerves
.
[
](A49892-e56810-b)(b)
(b)
Lib.
de
Oss
.
Nat.
The
Rise
or
Origin
of
these
Nerves
,
says
Hippocrates
,
is
from
the
back
part
of
the
Head
,
continuing
along
the
Spine
of
the
Back
to
the
Ischium
;
whence
come
the
Nerves
which
go
to
the
Privities
,
to
the
Thighs
,
the
Legs
,
the
Feet
,
and
the
Hands
,
and
distribute
themselves
even
to
the
Arms
,
one
part
going
into
the
Flesh
,
the
other
along
the
Bone
,
[
](A49892-e56840-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Perone
to
the
Thumb
,
while
it
traverses
the
flesh
to
the
rest
of
the
Fingers
.
It
goes
also
to
the
Blades
of
the
Shoulders
,
to
the
Breast
,
and
to
the
Belly
,
through
the
Bones
,
and
through
the
Ligaments
.
There
come
also
others
from
the
Privities
,
which
taking
their
course
by
the
Anus
,
tend
toward
the
cavity
of
the
Hips
,
proceeding
afterwards
part
upon
the
upper
part
of
the
Thigh
,
and
part
under
the
Knees
;
they
continue
to
the
Tendon
and
Bone
of
the
Heel
,
to
the
Feet
,
and
some
to
the
Perone
,
and
some
others
to
the
Reins
.
Hippocrates
seems
here
to
speak
of
real
Nerves
,
yet
when
he
comes
in
the
same
Book
,
to
assign
the
use
of
the
Nerves
,
which
he
designs
by
the
same
name
,
he
confounds
them
with
the
Tendons
.
The
Nerves
,
says
he
,
serve
to
bend
,
to
contract
,
and
extend
the
Members
.
In
this
later
place
,
the
word
[
](A49892-e56940-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Nerve
may
perhaps
signifie
a
Tendon
,
whereas
in
the
former
it
signifies
a
Nerve
.
But
if
Hippocrates
knew
the
Nerves
,
he
seems
to
have
been
a
stranger
to
their
use
,
for
in
the
same
passage
he
gives
there
the
proper
Office
to
the
veins
.
By
the
whole
passage
we
may
see
what
he
thought
of
the
uses
of
some
other
parts
:
The
Bones
,
says
he
;
give
the
form
to
the
Body
,
and
support
it
.
The
Nerves
bind
,
contract
and
extend
the
Members
.
The
flesh
and
the
skin
unite
all
the
parts
together
.
The
veins
which
are
spread
thro'
the
whole
body
carry
[
](A49892-e57020-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
Spirit
,
the
flood
or
facility
of
flowing
,
and
the
motion
.
By
these
veins
which
carry
the
Spirit
,
&c.
we
are
to
understand
the
Arteries
,
by
what
has
been
before
observ'd
of
the
Office
Hippocrates
allots
them
.
There
is
yet
another
passage
in
the
fourth
Book
of
Diet
,
where
he
speaks
of
the
passage
of
the
spirits
through
the
veins
and
through
the
blood
;
and
observes
,
that
't
is
their
natural
way
.
Convulsions
,
the
Palsie
,
sudden
Speechlesness
and
Vertigoes
,
are
there
taken
notice
of
as
effects
of
the
interception
of
the
spirits
in
the
veins
;
and
the
Apoplexy
seems
to
be
intended
by
the
name
of
[
](A49892-e57140-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Interception
of
the
veins
.
See
anon
the
passage
at
length
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Blood-letting
.
As
for
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
as
we
have
said
generally
signify'd
a
Nerve
,
we
must
examine
the
principal
passages
wherein
it
is
found
,
that
we
may
give
the
truer
judgment
of
it
.
The
following
are
the
most
considerable
passages
.
We
shall
first
propose
one
,
wherein
Hippocrates
,
after
having
laid
down
some
of
the
Symptoms
that
accompany
a
dislocation
of
the
Thigh
bone
forward
,
adds
,
[
](A49892-e57210-b)(g)
(g)
Lib.
de
Artic.
That
in
such
a
dislocation
they
feel
abundance
of
pain
,
and
that
there
is
a
suppression
of
Vrine
,
because
the
head
of
that
bone
presses
upon
very
considerable
Nerves
,
so
that
it
causes
a
Tumour
in
the
Groin
.
Galen
,
upon
this
passage
says
,
[
](A49892-e57230-b)(h)
(h)
In
Lib.
de
Artic.
Comment.
3.
That
by
these
considerable
Nerves
Hippocrates
meant
the
Nerves
which
go
along
with
the
Vein
and
Artery
thro'
the
Groin
,
which
are
call
d
[
](A49892-e57260-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
considerable
,
or
of
great
power
,
because
they
are
near
the
spinal
Marrow
,
and
come
out
at
the
same
place
with
those
that
go
to
the
bladder
.
Hence
it
is
,
that
the
head
of
the
Thigh-bone
being
displaced
this
way
,
the
bladder
it self
suffers
,
and
such
an
inflamation
arises
,
that
no
Vrine
can
pass
.
It
sometimes
also
happens
as
Galen
says
,
That
the
Vrine
is
stopp●d
with
the
greatness
of
the
inflamation
,
which
reaches
to
the
neck
of
the
bladder
and
the
sphincter
Muscle
,
and
stops
by
that
means
the
passage
.
If
the
suppression
of
Urine
spoken
of
,
arises
from
the
compression
of
the
Nerves
design'd
by
Galen
,
we
should
rather
attribute
this
symptom
to
a
Stupifaction
,
or
a
sort
of
Palsie
of
the
bladder
,
than
to
an
inflamation
of
it
,
an
inflamation
being
not
so
natural
a
consequence
of
the
compression
of
the
Nerves
as
numbness
;
but
Hippocrates
himself
seems
to
acknowledge
,
that
this
inflamation
is
the
effect
of
the
pain
preceding
,
and
this
makes
me
suspect
,
that
by
these
Nerves
he
meant
no
more
than
the
Fibrous
and
Tendinous
parts
of
the
Muscles
of
the
bladder
,
or
near
it
.
We
find
in
the
same
Book
another
passage
,
wherein
Hippocrates
seems
to
design
the
Nerves
by
the
name
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
If
you
would
,
says
he
,
cauterize
or
burn
the
skin
under
the
Arm-pits
,
you
must
take
care
of
going
too
forward
,
or
taking
too
much
,
for
fear
of
hurting
some
considerable
Nerves
,
which
are
near
the
Glands
of
that
part
.
Galen
wou'd
have
it
,
that
Hippocrates
here
points
at
the
Nerves
that
come
from
the
spinal
Marrow
to
the
Arms
;
and
,
indeed
,
it
seems
as
if
he
cou'd
mean
nothing
else
.
Nevertheless
,
what
Hippocrates
adds
presently
after
,
perswades
me
that
he
designs
nothing
but
the
Tendons
of
the
Muscles
which
draw
the
Arm
downwards
.
You
must
know
,
says
he
,
that
when
you
have
lifted
up
the
Arm
very
high
,
you
cannot
lay
hold
on
the
skin
of
the
Arm-pit
,
at
least
not
so
as
to
extend
it
;
the
Arm
being
lifted
up
,
the
skin
which
was
under
the
Arm-pit
disappears
,
or
can't
be
pinch'd
:
And
you
must
further
take
care
of
the
Nerves
,
which
in
this
posture
advance
,
and
are
extended
very
much
,
which
must
in
no
manner
be
hurt
.
He
uses
also
in
this
place
the
same
name
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
same
Book
likewise
furnishes
us
with
a
third
passage
,
wherein
we
meet
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
repeated
several
times
it
is
in
speaking
of
the
Articulations
of
the
Vertebrae
;
but
all
that
he
says
there
,
seems
better
explicable
of
the
Ligaments
than
of
the
Nerves
properly
so
call'd
.
We
find
likewise
in
another
[
](A49892-e57540-b)(k)
(k)
De
Morb.
vulgar
.
lib.
2.
sect.
4.
Book
of
Hippocrates
the
following
passage
:
There
are
two
Nerves
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
come
from
the
Brain
,
which
passing
behind
the
great
Vertebrae
,
draw
sidewards
from
above
towards
the
Gullet
or
Oesophagus
,
and
touching
the
Artery
on
both
sides
,
join
again
as
if
there
were
but
one
,
and
terminate
where
the
Vertebrae
and
the
Diaphragma
take
their
Origin
,
or
are
join'd
.
Some
have
supposed
that
these
Nerves
parting
in
this
place
,
tended
towards
the
Liver
and
towards
the
Spleen
.
There
is
another
Nerve
which
proceeds
from
each
side
the
Vertebrae
along
the
Spine
,
and
passing
obliquely
over
the
Vertebrae
,
disperses
it self
into
the
sides
.
And
these
Nerves
,
as
well
as
the
Veins
,
(
of
which
I
spoke
before
)
seem
to
traverse
the
Diaphragm
,
and
terminate
in
the
Mesentery
:
These
Nerves
re-joining
again
at
the
place
where
the
Diaphragm
takes
its
Origin
,
and
passing
through
the
middle
below
the
Artery
return
to
the
Vertebrae
,
and
at
last
lose
themselves
in
the
Os
Sacrum
.
It
is
impossible
to
translate
this
passage
well
by
reason
of
its
obscurity
;
it
is
taken
from
a
fragment
of
Anatomy
in
the
Book
before
cited
,
which
appears
to
be
out
of
its
place
,
having
no
coherence
with
any
thing
,
either
antecedent
or
consequent
,
yet
Galen
has
commented
upon
this
Book
of
Hippocrates
,
[
](A49892-e57620-b)(l)
(l)
Comment
,
in
lib.
de
arti●
.
for
he
relates
some
of
the
first
words
of
the
passage
we
have
translated
,
which
proves
that
the
fragment
from
whence
it
was
taken
,
was
inserted
even
in
his
time
in
the
place
where
we
now
find
it
.
Galen
contents
himself
to
insinuate
in
two
words
,
that
this
passage
treats
of
real
Nerves
,
without
giving
himself
the
trouble
to
explain
it
entire
;
and
perceiving
that
this
passage
was
little
for
the
honour
of
Hippocrates
,
he
goes
about
to
excuse
him
,
saying
,
What
he
writ
was
only
for
a
[
](A49892-e57660-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Memorandum
for
himself
,
and
not
to
treat
exactly
to
the
bottom
of
this
matter
.
And
to
give
the
more
credit
to
it
,
he
adds
,
That
the
first
and
third
Books
of
his
Epidemicks
were
the
only
Books
which
Hippocrates
finished
,
or
that
he
wrote
with
any
design
of
publishing
.
The
passage
here
meant
being
taken
out
of
the
second
,
which
,
according
to
Galen
,
was
but
a
sort
of
Meddly
which
the
Author
had
not
digested
;
this
may
be
so
,
but
he
ought
to
have
shewn
that
Hippocrates
had
elsewhere
spoken
better
,
or
more
clearer
,
on
this
head
.
It
is
to
no
purpose
to
perplex
our selves
to
find
in
an
Author
what
he
has
not
;
if
we
shou'd
allow
that
this
ancient
Physician
,
and
the
Asclepiades
his
predecessors
,
knew
or
had
seen
some
considerable
Trunk
of
Nerves
,
as
it
was
hard
if
the
practice
of
Chirurgery
gave
them
no
occasion
,
they
appear
not
to
have
distinguish'd
them
well
from
Tendons
or
Ligaments
,
nor
to
have
known
the
true
use
of
them
.
[
](A49892-e57760-b)(n)
(n)
See
the
Chapter
of
Blood-letting
.
The
forecited
passage
,
in
which
Hippocrates
assigns
to
the
Veins
and
Arteries
the
Office
of
the
Nerves
,
is
a
convincing
proof
of
his
Ignorance
on
that
subject
;
but
there
cannot
be
a
better
proof
than
we
find
in
the
Writings
of
this
Physician
,
and
the
manner
of
his
reasoning
with
[
](A49892-e57780-b)(o)
(o)
Vid.
lib.
●
.
Alcmaeon
,
and
other
Philosophers
of
his
time
,
about
Hearing
,
Smelling
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Senses
;
therein
we
do
not
see
that
either
one
o●t
other
so
much
as
suspected
the
share
the
Nerves
have
in
Sensation
.
Of
the
Organs
of
SENSE
.
We
have
seen
before
Alcmaeon's
Opinion
:
The
following
descriptions
of
the
Organs
of
Sense
are
taken
from
Hippocrates
.
[
](A49892-e57900-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
Carn
.
The
Ears
,
sa's
he
,
have
a
hole
which
butts
upon
a
bone
as
hard
and
dry
as
a
stone
,
to
which
is
join'd
a
Fistulous
cavity
,
or
a
sort
of
passage
oblique
and
narrow
,
at
the
entry
of
which
there
is
a
Membrane
extreamly
fine
and
dry
,
whose
driness
,
as
well
as
that
of
the
bone
,
produces
the
sound
,
the
Air
being
reflected
by
this
bone
and
by
this
membrane
.
After
which
,
without
mentioning
the
Nerves
,
he
endeavours
to
prove
that
whatever
is
dry
sounds
most
.
In
another
place
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e57930-b)(b)
(b)
De
Loc.
in
Hom.
That
the
cavities
which
are
about
the
Ears
are
made
only
for
the
better
hearing
of
noises
and
sounds
.
And
he
adds
,
That
whatever
comes
to
the
Brain
by
the
Membrane
(
which
encompasses
it
)
is
distinctly
heard
,
that
for
that
reason
there
is
but
one
passage
which
pierces
in
this
place
to
the
Membrane
which
is
spread
over
the
Brain
.
As
for
the
Smelling
he
says
,
The
brain
being
moist
,
has
the
faculty
of
scenting
or
smelling
,
by
drawing
in
the
odour
of
dry
things
with
the
air
,
which
runs
a-thwart
[
](A49892-e57990-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Lib.
de
Carnib
.
4.
certain
dry
bodies
.
The
Brain
,
adds
he
,
reaches
even
into
the
cavity
of
the
Nose
;
in
this
place
there
is
no
bone
between
them
,
but
only
a
soft
cartilage
like
a
Spunge
,
which
can
neither
be
call'd
bone
nor
flesh
.
He
describes
the
Eye
after
this
manner
:
There
are
,
says
he
,
some
small
veins
extreamly
slender
,
which
go
[
](A49892-e58050-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
into
the
sight
or
eye
.
Lib.
de
loc.
in
hom.
into
the
eye
thro'
the
Membrane
which
incloses
the
Brain
.
These
veins
nourish
the
sight
of
the
eye
with
a
Liquor
extreamly
pure
,
which
comes
from
the
brain
,
in
which
the
Images
of
things
appear
to
the
eyes
;
the
same
veins
,
if
they
dry
up
,
extinguish
the
sight
.
There
are
also
three
Membranes
which
encompass
the
eye
,
of
which
the
first
is
the
thickest
,
the
second
is
thinner
,
the
third
is
extreamly
fine
,
which
preserves
the
liquor
or
humour
of
the
eye
.
The
first
being
hurt
,
the
eye
is
out
of
order
:
The
second
being
broken
,
puts
it
in
great
danger
,
that
it
puffs
outward
like
a
bladder
:
But
the
third
,
which
preserves
the
humour
,
is
that
whose
breaking
is
of
worst
consequence
.
What
follows
we
find
in
another
[
](A49892-e58090-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
de
Carn
.
Book
.
We
see
for
this
reason
,
or
after
this
manner
,
vision
is
made
.
There
is
a
vein
which
runs
from
the
Membrane
of
the
Brain
,
which
passing
thro'
the
bone
,
enters
into
each
eye
.
By
these
two
veins
,
the
most
subtil
part
of
the
viscid
humour
of
the
brain
distils
as
it
were
thro'
a
Streiner
,
and
forms
round
about
it
a
Membrane
like
to
that
which
is
transparent
in
the
eye
,
which
is
exposed
to
the
air
and
winds
,
which
is
form'd
much
after
the
same
manner
that
other
Membranes
are
;
but
there
are
several
Membranes
about
the
eye
,
which
are
like
to
that
which
is
transparent
within
.
In
this
transparent
,
the
light
and
luminous
bodies
are
[
](A49892-e58130-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
reflected
,
and
by
this
reflection
vision
is
made
.
Vision
is
not
made
by
what
is
not
Diaphanous
,
and
does
not
reflect
.
The
rest
of
the
white
about
the
eye
is
a
sort
of
flesh
,
and
what
we
call
the
sight
appears
black
because
it
is
deep
.
The
Tunicles
which
are
about
it
are
black
for
the
same
reason
.
We
call
,
says
he
,
a
Membrane
or
Tunicle
,
that
which
is
like
a
skin
,
which
is
no
way
black
of
it self
,
but
white
and
transparent
.
As
for
the
moisture
which
is
in
the
eyes
,
it
is
something
viscid
,
for
we
have
sometimes
seen
,
after
the
breaking
of
the
eye
,
that
there
came
out
a
thick
humour
,
which
is
liquid
while
it
is
warm
,
but
solid
as
Incense
when
it
is
cold
.
Those
that
think
that
Hippocrates
knew
as
much
as
we
do
now
,
may
say
that
he
called
the
Optick
Nerves
veins
.
'T
is
true
this
name
signifies
variety
of
things
in
this
Author
,
for
he
gave
it
not
only
to
the
Arteries
,
but
likewise
to
the
Vessels
which
contained
no
blood
,
such
as
the
Ureters
,
because
they
are
round
,
long
,
hollow
and
white
,
like
veins
.
He
does
indeed
sometimes
distinguish
certain
veins
by
the
Epithet
of
[
](A49892-e58190-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
veins
that
hold
blood
,
but
't
is
not
in
opposition
to
the
Nerves
,
but
to
certain
Vessels
which
he
calls
[
](A49892-e58220-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
lib
de
Ossium
Nat.
veins
that
are
very
slender
,
and
contain
but
little
blood
.
He
talks
also
of
a
Nerve
full
of
blood
,
which
according
to
Erotian
shou'd
be
a
vein
,
tho'
others
understand
by
it
the
Panniculus
Carnosus
.
A
learned
Interpreter
of
Hippocrates
pretends
that
he
gave
to
some
veins
the
Epithet
of
hollow
,
to
distinguish
them
from
veins
that
were
[
](A49892-e58290-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
vid.
Foesii
O●comom
.
Hipp●c
.
invoce
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
solid
;
but
I
find
not
this
later
word
in
Hippocrates
,
tho
the
hollow
veins
there
cited
might
be
meant
of
the
veins
and
arteries
in
general
,
which
are
both
hollow
Vessels
.
The
same
Interpreter
says
elsewhere
[
](A49892-e58350-b)(k)
(k)
Id.
in
voce
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
Hippocrates
in
one
place
,
comprehends
under
the
name
of
Veins
,
Nerves
,
Tendons
and
Ligaments
,
which
he
appears
not
to
me
to
prove
.
Rusus
Ephesius
tells
us
,
That
the
most
ancient
Greeks
call
the
Arteries
Nerves
;
if
it
be
true
that
Hippocrates
called
the
Optick
Nerves
veins
,
he
ought
to
have
said
that
the
Ancients
reciprocally
called
the
Nerves
by
the
names
of
Arteries
and
Veins
.
All
that
we
can
gather
from
all
this
is
,
that
the
inaccurateness
of
Hippocrates
,
and
other
Authors
of
those
Times
,
in
distinguishing
different
Vessels
by
different
names
,
shews
that
they
had
but
a
very
superficial
knowledge
of
them
.
Perhaps
the
word
[
](A49892-e58490-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Vein
was
a
term
as
general
amongst
them
as
[
](A49892-e58520-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
of
Vessel
amongst
the
Anatomists
since
,
which
signifies
indifferently
a
Vein
,
Artery
or
Nerve
,
or
even
the
Vreters
,
or
any
other
parts
that
serve
for
the
conveyance
of
Liquors
or
Spirits
.
If
it
were
so
,
the
Ancients
run
no
risque
when
they
call
all
the
Vessels
veins
without
distinction
.
Of
the
FIBRES
.
Before
we
quit
the
Nerves
,
we
must
examine
the
Greek
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whose
plural
makes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
which
it
is
pretended
that
Hippocrates
signify'd
equally
a
Fibre
and
a
Nerve
.
Some
says
Erotian
will
have
this
word
to
signifie
a
Nerve
,
others
explain
it
only
of
the
Fibres
,
whereof
the
Nerves
are
composed
.
The
Greek
Authors
that
have
written
of
Plants
,
have
call'd
by
this
name
the
Nerves
or
Strings
which
appear
on
the
back
of
Leaves
,
and
the
strings
at
the
end
of
Roots
.
The
Anatomists
have
given
the
same
name
to
the
small
strings
which
are
in
the
flesh
,
and
other
parts
;
and
the
Latins
have
translated
it
Fibrae
.
Hippocrates
has
undeniably
used
the
word
in
that
sense
;
as
when
he
observes
,
that
the
Spleen
is
full
of
strings
or
fibres
.
He
takes
notice
also
of
the
Fibres
in
the
blood
;
but
it
is
pretended
likewise
,
that
he
signified
the
Nerves
by
it
.
To
prove
it
,
a
passage
is
cited
,
where
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e58790-b)(a)
(a)
De
Ossi●m
Natur.
That
the
heart
has
Nerves
or
Fibres
which
come
from
all
the
Body
.
He
uses
there
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
we
find
no
where
else
;
but
Foesius
reads
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
latter
word
may
as
well
be
rendred
Fibre
as
Nerve
;
that
which
inclines
us
to
the
later
signification
,
is
what
he
adds
as
a
proof
,
That
the
Seat
of
Thought
is
rather
about
the
Thorax
than
any
other
place
of
the
body
,
because
this
agrees
with
the
opinion
of
those
who
bring
the
Nerves
from
the
Heart
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
:
But
,
perhaps
,
neither
the
common
reading
,
nor
that
of
Foesius
,
are
true
.
And
we
ought
to
read
with
Cornarius
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
habenas
,
the
Reins
changing
one
letter
it
alters
not
the
pronunciation
.
This
Author
translates
this
passage
thus
.
The
Heart
is
situated
as
in
the
Streights
of
a
passage
,
that
it
may
hold
the
Reins
for
the
guidance
of
the
whole
Body
.
For
this
reason
Thought
has
its
Seat
about
the
Thorax
or
Breast
,
rather
than
any
other
part
.
The
changes
of
colour
also
are
produced
by
the
opening
and
shutting
of
the
veins
by
the
Heart
;
when
it
opens
them
it
looks
fresh
and
lively
,
when
it
shuts
them
we
become
pale
and
wan
.
Of
the
MUSCLES
.
There
is
little
more
to
be
found
in
Hippocrates
concerning
their
Muscles
than
their
name
.
The
following
passage
is
the
first
that
takes
notice
of
them
,
[
](A49892-e58960-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
Arte.
The
parts
whose
flesh
is
turn'd
round
,
which
is
what
we
call
a
[
](A49892-e58980-b)(b)
(b)
Mūs
.
Muscle
,
have
all
a
belly
or
a
cavity
.
[
](A49892-e58990-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
For
all
that
is
not
composed
of
parts
of
a
different
nature
,
whether
it
be
covered
with
a
Membrane
,
or
whether
the
flesh
covers
it
,
all
that
is
hollow
,
and
while
it
is
well
,
it
is
full
of
spirit
,
but
when
it
is
diseased
it
is
fill●d
with
a
sort
of
water
,
or
corrupted
blood
.
The
Arms
have
flesh
of
this
sort
,
the
Thighs
and
the
Legs
the
same
,
as
well
as
the
most
meagre
and
fleshless
parts
.
We
find
in
another
place
the
word
[
](A49892-e59020-b)(d)
(d)
De
Off.
Nat.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
can
be
nothing
but
an
Adjective
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
understood
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Musculi
adductores
,
or
adstrictores
:
The
Muscles
which
serve
to
draw
back
or
gather
together
.
He
speaks
there
of
the
Anus
.
I
know
not
whether
there
be
any
other
particular
wherein
the
action
of
the
Muscle
is
touch'd
.
As
for
the
names
,
the
succeeding
Anatomists
distinguish'd
the
Muscles
;
he
has
spoken
in
one
place
of
the
Muscle
call'd
[
](A49892-e59110-b)(e)
(e)
Lib
de
Artic.
Psoas
.
Of
the
Oesophagus
;
of
the
Stomach
or
Ventricle
;
and
of
the
Guts
.
[
](A49892-e59200-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
Anatom
.
The
Oesophagus
,
according
to
Hippocrates
,
is
a
Tunnel
which
reaches
from
the
Tongue
to
the
Stomach
,
which
is
the
place
where
the
Meat
it
putrified
,
or
is
concocted
.
We
find
both
these
expressions
in
Hippocrates
:
He
calls
the
Stomach
,
in
the
passage
we
have
cited
,
the
putrifying
Belly
,
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
)
[
](A49892-e59250-b)(b)
(b)
Lib.
de
Aliment
.
He
uses
elsewhere
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
which
begins
to
putrifie
,
speaking
of
the
nourishment
or
food
in
the
stomach
.
But
we
find
much
oftner
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Coction
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
Concoct
.
This
digestion
,
according
to
him
,
is
made
by
the
heat
of
the
Stomach
,
which
he
calls
a
part
all
Nervous
,
which
joins
to
the
Liver
on
the
Concave-side
.
We
must
further
take
notice
,
that
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
signifie
the
same
thing
in
our
Author
.
The
latter
signifies
often
in
Hippocrates
the
Orifice
,
or
mouth
of
any
Vessel
or
part
whatsoever
,
as
of
the
Bladder
,
of
Gall
,
the
Matrix
,
&c.
[
](A49892-e59390-b)(c)
(c)
Lib.
de
Anatom
.
Hippocrates
seems
not
to
distinguish
more
than
two
Guts
,
one
which
is
straight
,
about
the
length
of
a
dozen
Cubits
,
being
afterwards
full
of
folds
;
some
,
says
he
,
call
it
Colon.
And
he
observes
in
another
place
,
[
](A49892-e59430-b)(d)
(d)
De
Morb.
Epidem
.
This
Gut
in
a
Man
is
like
that
of
a
Dog
,
but
that
in
a
Man
it
is
bigger
.
This
Gut
is
suspended
by
,
or
fasten'd
to
a
part
which
he
calls
Mesocolon
,
that
is
the
middle
of
the
Colon
,
and
that
part
it self
is
fasten'd
to
the
Nerves
which
come
from
the
spine
of
the
back
,
and
pass
under
the
belly
.
The
second
named
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
is
furnished
with
abundance
of
flesh
all
round
,
and
ends
in
the
Anus
.
Elsewhere
he
says
,
This
latter
Gut
is
Porous
,
and
adds
some
particulars
concerning
the
Intestines
,
which
shall
be
remembred
when
we
come
to
the
Reins
.
Of
the
LIVER
.
Hippocrates
says
of
the
Liver
,
that
it
abounds
more
with
blood
than
the
rest
of
the
Bowels
,
and
that
there
are
in
it
two
eminencies
which
they
call
Ports
.
He
says
further
,
That
the
Liver
has
five
Lobes
,
or
is
divided
into
five
Parts
.
We
have
seen
before
,
that
he
has
made
in
another
place
the
Origin
of
the
Veins
.
He
observes
that
several
Bronchiae
pass
from
the
Heart
to
the
Liver
;
and
with
these
Bronchiae
,
the
great
vein
by
which
the
whole
body
is
nourished
.
He
elsewhere
calls
this
vein
[
](A49892-e59580-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
Liver-vein
;
he
assigns
to
the
Liver
the
Office
of
separating
the
Bile
,
which
it
does
by
the
means
of
its
veins
,
which
draw
whatever
is
Bilious
,
or
proper
to
make
Bile
in
the
Aliment
.
Of
the
SPLEEN
.
The
Spleen
beginning
from
the
last
of
the
short
Ribs
on
the
Left-side
,
stretches
its
self
out
like
the
print
of
a
Man●s
foot
;
it
receives
one
vein
that
divides
it self
into
an
infinite
number
of
strings
like
the
threads
of
a
Spiders
web
,
which
are
full
of
blood
,
and
diffused
through
its
whole
substance
.
It
is
fasten'd
,
or
hangs
to
the
Omentum
,
which
it
furnishes
with
blood
by
divers
small
veins
.
Hippocrates
says
in
one
place
,
that
the
Spleen
is
[
](A49892-e59690-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fibrous
.
He
says
also
,
that
it
is
soft
and
spungy
,
and
by
that
means
draws
from
the
Ventricle
which
it
is
near
to
,
part
of
the
moisture
which
comes
from
the
drink
,
the
rest
being
afterwards
suck●d
up
by
the
Bladder
of
Urine
.
Of
the
LUNGS
.
The
Lungs
have
,
according
to
Hippocrates
,
five
Lobes
like
the
Liver
;
they
are
cavernous
,
rare
,
and
pierced
with
divers
holes
like
Spunges
.
[
](A49892-e59780-b)(a)
(a)
De
prise
.
Med.
For
this
reason
it
draws
from
the
neighbouring
parts
the
moistures
they
contain
.
Of
the
Membrane
which
separates
the
Belly
from
the
Breast
.
The
name
which
Hippocrates
gives
to
this
Membrane
,
which
separates
the
Belly
from
the
Breast
,
is
the
same
by
which
the
Greeks
signify'd
[
](A49892-e59850-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
Mind
or
Vnderstanding
.
The
most
ancient
Physicians
called
it
so
,
out
of
a
perswasion
that
it
was
the
Seat
of
the
Understanding
,
making
it
to
divide
the
function
attributed
,
as
we
have
seen
before
,
to
the
Heart
,
which
is
near
it
.
Not
that
this
was
the
generally
received
opinion
;
it
was
believed
false
,
even
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
.
If
the
book
of
the
Falling
Sickness
be
his
,
the
Author
of
this
book
expresses
himself
thus
:
The
Part
which
is
called
Phrenes
,
is
falsly
so
call●d
and
at
random
.
This
name
is
grounded
upon
an
(b)
opinion
,
and
not
upon
any
thing
real
;
for
I
sce
not
how
this
part
contributes
to
Prudence
or
Understanding
.
All
that
it
does
is
,
that
when
any
one
is
surprized
with
any
great
and
sudden
joy
or
grief
,
it
beats
,
and
causes
thereby
a
sort
of
uneasiness
or
pain
;
for
it
is
sine
,
and
more
strongly
upon
the
stretch
than
any
other
part
of
the
body
,
having
no
belly
or
cavity
to
receive
what
is
good
or
what
is
bad
,
but
being
alike
encumbred
with
one
or
t'other
.
This
part
,
says
he
,
perceives
,
or
has
sense
,
but
it
is
not
the
Seat
of
Wisdom
no
more
than
the
Heart
;
wherefore
the
name
of
this
is
as
improper
as
that
of
the
Ears
of
the
Heart
,
which
have
no
hearing
.
In
another
place
Hippocrates
says
of
this
Membrane
,
That
it
has
its
Origin
near
the
Back-bone
behind
the
Liver
;
and
in
one
,
that
it
is
nervous
and
strong
.
He
says
yet
in
another
place
,
That
this
Membrane
causes
madness
and
folly
when
the
blood
stagnates
there
,
or
moves
too
slowly
.
Of
the
Reins
,
the
Ureters
,
and
Bladder
of
Urine
.
Our
Author
speaking
of
[
](A49892-e60100-b)(a)
(a)
De
Off.
Nat.
the
Reins
,
numbers
them
amongst
the
Glands
,
or
at
least
he
seems
to
think
that
they
have
Glands
,
and
those
more
gross
than
the
rest
of
the
body
;
but
it
seems
more
probable
that
he
meant
the
Glands
near
them
,
whatever
they
were
,
than
those
of
this
part
.
He
had
said
a
little
before
to
the
same
purpose
:
That
the
Intestines
had
the
biggest
of
all
,
which
drew
the
moisture
therein
contained
.
He
believed
,
That
the
Reins
drew
likewise
the
moisture
from
the
nearest
Glands
,
and
sent
it
to
the
Bladder
▪
He
supposed
in
another
place
,
That
this
moisture
came
from
the
drink
;
and
that
the
Reins
,
by
a
faculty
peculiar
to
themselves
,
having
suck'd
a
part
from
the
veins
near
which
they
are
situated
,
it
filtred
,
or
run
through
the
substance
of
●em
like
water
,
and
descended
into
the
bladder
by
the
veins
which
lead
thither
,
while
the
rest
of
the
drink
soak'd
immediately
thro'
the
Intestines
into
the
same
bladder
,
the
Intestines
or
Intestine
,
being
very
spungy
and
porous
in
the
part
contiguous
to
it
.
Of
the
Organs
,
and
manner
of
Generation
.
We
find
in
Hippocrates
,
the
names
of
the
principal
parts
distinguishing
the
b●xes
,
but
he
says
nothing
of
their
structure
.
He
has
this
only
concerning
the
Vesiculae
Seminales
,
That
there
are
on
either
side
the
Bladder
,
little
bodies
like
●oney
combs
,
in
which
the
seed
is
contained
.
He
believed
that
it
came
from
all
parts
of
the
body
,
but
particularly
from
the
Head
,
descending
by
the
veins
behind
the
Ears
down
the
spinal
Marrow
,
and
into
the
Reins
.
As
for
the
manner
of
Conception
,
and
the
formation
of
the
Faetus
in
the
Womb
,
he
pretends
that
the
Seed
both
of
the
Male
and
Female
being
mingled
in
the
Womb
,
grow
thick
and
hot
,
or
spirituous
;
after
which
,
the
Spirit
contained
in
their
Centre
expandy
it self
,
and
draws
a
part
of
the
Air
which
the
Mother
breathes
;
by
means
of
which
mixture
,
these
two
Seeds
in
receiving
refreshment
,
are
nourished
or
inflated
,
till
it
forms
about
it self
a
small
Pellicule
,
which
afterwards
contains
others
under
it
,
which
are
all
fix'd
together
.
At
this
time
the
blood
of
the
Mother
flowing
into
the
Womb
,
and
fixing
there
,
produces
a
sort
of
flesh
;
from
the
middle
of
which
shoots
the
Navel
,
which
is
a
Pipe
hanging
down
from
these
Pellicules
,
by
which
the
Faetus
breathes
,
is
nourish'd
and
increases
.
That
the
Faetus
is
nourished
by
the
Navel
,
is
repeated
[
](A49892-e60340-b)(a)
(a)
De
Nat.
Puer
.
in
more
than
one
place
,
yet
notwithstanding
this
,
Hippocrates
elsewhere
affirms
,
[
](A49892-e60360-b)(b)
(b)
De
Carnib
.
That
it
is
nourished
by
sucking
at
the
Mouth
,
that
otherwise
it
cou'd
not
have
excrements
when
it
came
into
the
World
in
its
Guts
,
and
would
not
so
readily
suck
at
the
Breast
if
it
had
not
before
done
something
like
it
.
Hippocrates
continuing
to
speak
of
the
formation
of
the
Child
,
says
,
That
the
flesh
before
spoken
of
being
form'd
,
the
blood
of
the
Mother
,
which
is
drawn
every
day
in
greater
quantity
into
the
Womb
,
by
this
flesh
which
breathes
,
causes
the
Pellicules
to
swell
,
and
that
it
causes
foldings
in
the
outward
ones
,
which
filling
themselves
with
this
blood
,
produce
what
is
call'd
the
Chorion
.
Afterwards
as
the
flesh
grows
,
the
spirit
distinguishes
or
disentangles
the
parts
,
every
one
going
towards
its
like
,
the
thick
to
the
thick
,
the
clearer
or
thin
to
the
thin
,
the
moist
to
the
moist
,
every
thing
repairing
to
its
proper
place
,
or
to
the
quarters
of
those
of
the
same
nature
,
from
whence
they
had
their
Origin
;
so
that
what
comes
from
the
thick
remains
thick
,
and
the
moist
,
and
the
rest
accordingly
,
the
heat
after
all
bringing
the
bones
to
the
hardness
they
are
of
.
After
this
,
the
extremities
of
the
body
shoot
outward
like
the
branches
of
a
Tree
;
the
Parts
,
as
well
internal
as
external
,
are
better
distinguished
,
the
Head
erects
it self
above
the
Shoulders
,
the
Arms
separate
themselves
from
the
Sides
,
and
the
Legs
spread
themselves
out
;
the
Nerves
or
Ligaments
go
to
the
Joints
,
the
Mouth
opens
,
the
Nose
and
Ears
shoot
out
of
the
Head
and
are
perfected
,
the
Eyes
are
fill●d
with
a
pure
humour
,
and
the
distinctions
of
Sex
appear
;
the
Entrails
are
distinguished
and
ranged
,
the
Infant
begins
to
breathe
by
the
Mouth
and
by
the
Nose
,
the
Belly
is
fill'd
with
Spirit
or
Air
,
as
are
the
Guts
also
,
and
the
Air
comes
to
them
likewise
by
the
Navel
.
At
length
the
Guts
and
Belly
open
so
,
that
a
passage
is
made
to
the
Anus
,
and
another
from
the
Bladder
outwards
.
Hippocrates
,
or
the
Author
of
this
Book
,
having
reasoned
thus
of
the
formation
of
the
body
of
a
Child
,
shews
that
Plants
are
produced
after
the
same
manner
,
and
explains
their
growth
from
Seeds
by
the
same
principles
.
He
hints
likewise
,
that
Birds
in
the
Egg
have
the
same
formation
,
but
inlarges
not
much
thereupon
.
The
yolk
of
the
Egg
is
,
according
to
him
,
the
matter
of
which
they
are
produc'd
,
and
the
white
their
nourishment
.
From
all
which
he
concludes
,
That
Nature
is
the
same
,
and
acts
after
a
uniform
manner
,
in
the
generation
of
Men
and
Plants
,
and
whatsoever
springs
from
the
earth
;
in
which
,
his
opinion
is
the
same
with
that
of
[
](A49892-e60460-b)(c)
(c)
See
the
Chapter
of
Empedocles
.
Empedocles
.
What
Hippocrates
says
of
the
manner
of
his
discovery
,
that
the
mixture
of
the
Seeds
in
the
Womb
is
soon
cover'd
with
a
skin
,
is
pretty
remarkable
:
He
had
opportunity
to
inform
himself
therein
,
by
means
of
the
advice
he
gave
a
Musicianess
Slave
,
who
being
gone
six
days
,
to
the
great
prejudice
of
her
Voice
,
and
her
Masters
profit
,
to
leap
several
times
upon
the
ground
;
which
she
having
done
,
the
Seed
came
away
with
noise
.
It
was
like
,
says
he
,
to
a
raw
Egg
without
a
shell
,
the
liquor
of
which
was
very
transparent
.
He
saw
there
very
fine
white
Fibres
upon
the
Membrane
,
which
contained
this
liquor
,
which
being
mix'd
with
a
thick
blackish
red
Matter
,
which
made
the
whole
Membrane
appear
red
,
there
was
in
the
middle
of
this
Membrane
something
very
fine
,
which
he
took
for
the
Navel
,
and
it
was
about
the
beginning
of
the
place
of
the
Origin
of
the
Membrane
.
The
Author
continuing
to
examine
what
happens
to
the
Embryo
in
the
Womb
,
from
the
time
that
its
body
is
form'd
,
to
the
time
of
its
birth
,
says
,
That
the
body
of
a
Female
has
all
its
Parts
distinct
,
at
the
end
of
forty
days
at
farthest
,
and
the
Male
at
thirty
.
For
which
he
gives
this
reason
,
That
the
Seed
which
produces
a
Female
is
more
feeble
and
moist
than
that
which
produces
a
Male.
He
gives
also
another
reason
drawn
from
the
time
of
Womens
evacuations
after
Labour
,
which
for
brevity
sake
we
shall
omit
here
.
He
adds
,
for
the
difference
of
Sexes
,
That
Males
are
begotten
when
the
Seed
of
both
Male
and
Female
is
vigorous
;
and
Females
,
when
their
Seed
is
weaker
or
moister
,
and
has
less
heat
.
He
observes
,
That
the
Males
come
from
the
right
side
of
the
Womb
,
which
is
stronger
and
hotter
,
and
the
Females
from
the
left
.
The
Body
of
the
Infant
being
thus
rough
drawn
,
grows
continually
,
drawing
to
it self
the
most
Oily
part
of
the
blood
of
the
Mother
,
which
makes
its
bones
become
more
hard
,
the
fingers
part
,
and
nails
come
upon
their
ends
,
hair
upon
their
heads
,
and
other
parts
of
their
bodies
.
After
three
months
the
Male
begins
to
stir
,
and
the
Female
generally
after
four
;
tho'
there
may
be
sometimes
some
variation
.
The
Infant
being
come
to
its
just
growth
and
bulk
,
and
not
finding
any
longer
sufficient
nourishment
from
the
Mother
,
begins
to
stir
violently
,
and
breaks
the
Membranes
in
which
it
was
wrapp'd
,
and
so
procures
its
exclusion
,
which
happens
usually
in
the
tenth
month
.
Being
born
,
it
's
nourished
with
the
Milk
of
its
Mother
,
or
a
Nurse
.
The
matter
of
which
this
Milk
is
composed
,
is
the
most
fat
and
oily
part
of
the
Aliment
,
after
this
manner
.
The
Womb
,
as
it
grows
big
,
presses
the
Omentum
and
Belly
,
and
by
that
compression
obliges
'em
to
discharge
their
fat
,
which
is
presently
suckt
into
their
Breasts
;
the
veins
of
which
dilate
themselves
afterwards
more
and
more
,
by
the
sucking
of
the
Infants
.
This
,
according
to
our
Author
,
is
the
manner
of
the
formation
,
and
increase
of
Infants
in
the
Womb
,
and
of
their
coming
into
the
World
;
which
is
to
be
understood
of
ordinary
cases
,
which
exclude
not
the
extraordinary
ones
,
whereof
in
some
Books
written
for
that
purpose
,
Hippocrates
gives
a
particular
Account
.
Of
the
seventh
and
eighth
Months
Birth
.
There
are
two
Books
,
one
Intituled
,
The
seventh
Months
Birth
;
and
the
other
,
The
eighth
Months
Birth
.
The
first
of
these
Children
may
live
,
and
arrive
at
a
good
Age
,
but
not
the
second
;
which
,
according
to
our
Author
,
must
necessarily
die
in
its
entrance
into
the
World
,
or
presently
after
.
The
reason
that
he
gives
of
this
difference
is
,
That
seven
months
after
conception
the
Child
in
the
Womb
being
perfectly
form'd
,
and
already
pretty
strong
,
altho'
it
has
some
time
to
grow
,
moves
very
vigorously
,
which
causes
the
Membranes
,
in
which
it
is
involv'd
,
to
stretch
a
little
,
as
we
see
the
Ears
of
Corn
open
some
time
before
the
Grain
is
ripe
.
It
happens
sometimes
that
this
distention
being
greater
than
the
Membranes
can
bear
,
they
break
and
the
birth
must
follow
.
This
Birth
being
too
early
,
most
of
them
that
are
born
at
that
time
die
immediately
.
But
as
we
have
observed
,
the
Infant
having
at
that
time
his
body
compleatly
form'd
,
some
however
escape
with
due
care
.
As
for
those
that
remain
longer
in
the
Womb
,
after
the
relaxation
of
the
Membranes
,
Hippocrates
supposes
that
the
strong
efforts
they
have
made
,
renders
them
weak
and
sick
for
forty
days
;
so
that
if
they
are
born
in
that
time
,
the
fresh
efforts
which
they
are
oblig'd
to
make
to
force
their
way
into
the
World
,
quite
ruins
their
strength
,
and
certainly
kills
them
,
whereas
those
that
out-stay
the
term
,
especially
those
that
have
forty
days
more
to
recover
in
,
being
born
in
full
strength
,
easily
survive
.
These
two
forty
days
are
the
last
of
seven
,
which
Hippocrates
supposes
to
pass
between
the
time
of
the
conception
and
the
birth
of
Children
,
who
come
according
to
the
ordinary
course
of
Nature
.
He
supposes
at
least
,
that
if
the
Child
does
not
stay
the
full
seven
times
forty
days
,
which
carries
the
time
of
birth
ten
days
over
nine
months
,
reckoning
as
he
does
thirty
days
to
a
month
,
it
ought
at
least
to
be
enter'd
into
the
last
forty
days
;
as
those
are
that
are
born
between
the
beginning
and
end
of
the
ninth
month
.
He
thought
likewise
that
it
was
sufficient
for
Children
,
that
came
in
the
seventh
month
,
that
they
were
enter'd
into
the
seventh
.
For
which
reason
,
he
puts
those
that
are
born
at
the
end
of
one
hundred
and
eighty
two
days
,
and
a
small
part
of
a
day
,
in
the
number
of
those
Children
that
comes
at
seven
months
compleat
,
tho'
this
number
of
days
,
after
his
way
of
reckoning
,
makes
but
six
months
and
two
days
,
and
wants
eighteen
days
to
compleat
the
fifth
forty
.
That
which
perswaded
Hippocrates
that
Children
born
at
seven
months
were
more
likely
to
live
than
those
born
at
eight
;
and
that
seven
times
forty
days
were
required
between
conception
and
a
mature
birth
,
was
,
That
he
supposed
the
number
seven
to
be
the
most
perfect
of
all
numbers
,
and
to
have
a
mighty
influence
not
only
in
the
formation
and
birth
of
Children
,
but
even
over
the
life
,
death
,
and
distempers
of
Men
;
according
to
which
he
says
in
one
place
,
[
](A49892-e60770-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
Carn
.
That
the
Age
or
Life
of
Man
is
of
seven
days
,
or
is
govern'd
by
the
number
seven
;
that
all
that
befals
him
,
or
all
that
respects
the
Oeconomy
of
his
body
,
is
regulated
by
the
number
seven
by
Septenary
periods
.
In
which
he
follow●d
the
opinion
of
Pythagoras
,
acknowledging
with
him
certain
Laws
[
](A49892-e60800-b)(b)
(b)
De
partu
septimes
&
Epidem
.
lib.
2.
sect.
6.
of
Harmony
,
by
which
the
whole
Universe
is
govern'd
,
which
consists
in
the
conjunction
or
union
of
certain
Numbers
,
of
which
seven
is
the
most
powerful
.
But
whatever
was
Hippocrates's
reason
for
assigning
these
positive
times
of
birth
,
't
is
very
remarkable
that
the
whole
World
has
submitted
to
his
Decision
,
and
his
Authority
alone
has
been
the
Rule
and
Standard
to
all
the
[
](A49892-e60830-b)(c)
(c)
Septimo
mense
nasci
perfectum
partum
receptum
est
propter
autoritatem
doctissimi
viri
Hippocratis
.
Paulus
lib.
7.
§
de
statu
hominum
.
He
is
cited
upon
the
same
account
by
divers
other
Lawyers
.
Lawyers
and
Emperors
of
Rome
in
their
Laws
upon
this
subject
.
We
shall
close
the
Account
of
his
Anatomy
with
this
digression
,
taking
notice
only
,
that
there
are
in
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
many
things
concerning
the
Bones
,
their
number
,
figure
and
contexture
;
and
that
it
is
the
part
of
Anatomy
in
which
he
is
of
all
the
most
exact
,
as
being
the
most
necessary
to
the
practice
of
Surgery
,
particularly
that
which
relates
to
Fractures
and
Dislocations
,
which
he
understood
excellently
well
,
as
we
shall
shew
in
proper
place
:
However
,
we
thought
not
fit
to
take
further
notice
of
it
here
,
because
't
is
a
part
of
Anatomy
least
disputed
in
after-times
,
and
because
we
shall
give
a
compleat
System
of
Anatomy
,
wherein
the
Osteology
will
be
comprized
in
the
Chapter
of
Galen
.
This
is
what
we
wou'd
observe
of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
:
We
shall
find
something
relating
to
it
in
the
next
Chapter
,
and
after
in
that
of
Erasistratus
.
Of
the
Causes
of
Health
,
and
of
Diseases
;
their
subject
and
principal
differences
.
Hippocrates
,
as
we
have
shewn
,
laid
down
three
Principles
,
the
Solid
,
the
Liquid
,
and
the
Spirits
,
which
he
sometimes
explains
[
](A49892-e61010-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
by
that
which
contains
,
and
that
which
is
contain'd
,
and
that
which
gives
the
motion
.
He
seems
to
lay
down
these
Principles
only
to
Animal
Bodies
,
and
that
he
designed
by
'em
the
three
principal
substances
whereof
they
are
compos'd
.
By
that
which
contains
,
we
may
understand
the
solid
Parts
,
as
the
Bones
,
the
Nerves
,
or
the
Tendons
and
Ligaments
,
the
Cartilages
,
the
Membranes
,
the
Fibres
,
and
other
like
Parts
.
By
that
which
is
contained
,
Hippocrates
particularly
meant
four
sorts
of
Humours
,
or
liquid
Matter
,
[
](A49892-e61200-b)(b)
(b)
De
Nat.
hom.
found
in
the
body
:
The
Blood
,
the
Pituita
or
Flegm
,
the
yellow
Bile
,
and
the
melancholy
or
black
Bile
,
of
which
we
may
make
two
sorts
of
different
humours
,
as
we
shall
see
by
and
by
.
By
that
which
gives
the
movement
,
he
design'd
what
is
otherwise
call'd
Spirit
,
which
according
to
him
is
a
substance
like
Air
,
from
whence
it
is
drawn
,
and
is
diffus'd
thro'
the
whole
body
.
Hippocrates
says
,
That
the
blood
is
naturally
hot
and
moist
,
of
colour
red
,
and
sweet
to
the
taste
:
The
Flegm
is
cold
and
moist
,
white
,
viscid
and
saltish
;
the
Bile
yellow
,
dry
,
viscid
and
bitter
,
and
drawn
from
the
fat
part
of
the
blood
or
aliments
;
the
melancholy
,
black
,
cold
and
dry
,
very
viscid
,
windy
,
and
very
fermentative
.
The
Body
of
Man
is
composed
of
four
Substances
;
[
](A49892-e61470-b)(c)
(c)
De
nat.
hom.
on
these
depend
health
and
sickness
.
Men
are
well
when
these
humours
are
in
their
natural
state
,
or
while
they
balance
one
another
in
quality
,
quantity
and
mixture
.
On
the
contrary
,
they
are
sick
when
the
quantity
of
any
of
these
is
less
or
greater
than
it
ought
to
be
,
or
when
it
is
discharg'd
from
the
rest
upon
any
particular
part
of
the
body
,
and
especially
when
they
are
not
mix'd
together
as
they
ought
to
be
.
We
must
define
health
and
sickness
from
what
we
have
said
of
'em
:
Hippocrate●
himself
has
given
no
express
definition
,
except
of
sickness
,
in
one
place
,
which
he
calls
[
](A49892-e61540-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
de
Flatib
.
all
that
incommodes
Man
;
but
this
is
too
general
.
He
thought
that
the
blood
,
in
good
condition
,
nourished
;
and
that
it
was
the
fountain
of
the
vital
heat
;
that
it
caus'd
a
fresh
colour
and
good
health
.
That
the
yellow
Bile
preserv'd
the
body
in
its
natural
state
,
hindering
the
small
Vessels
,
and
secret
Passages
,
from
being
stopp'd
,
and
keeping
open
the
Drain
of
the
Excrements
.
He
thought
it
actuated
the
Senses
,
and
help'd
to
the
concoction
of
the
Aliment
.
The
black
Bile
was
a
sort
of
Ground
,
which
serv'd
as
a
support
and
foundation
for
other
humours
.
The
Flegm
serv●d
to
supple
and
facilitate
the
motion
of
the
Nerves
,
Membranes
,
Cartilages
,
Joints
and
Tongue
,
and
other
Parts
.
Besides
the
four
first
qualities
which
Hippocrates
attributed
to
the
Humours
,
as
moisture
,
driness
,
heat
and
cold
,
it
is
apparent
that
he
believed
they
had
,
or
might
have
abundance
of
others
,
which
all
had
their
use
,
and
were
never
hurtful
but
when
one
prevailed
over
the
rest
,
or
was
separated
from
them
.
Take
his
own
words
:
[
](A49892-e61760-b)(e)
(e)
De
pris●
.
Med.
&
lib.
2.
in
the
Chapter
of
Alcmaeon
.
The
Ancients
,
says
he
,
did
not
believe
that
the
dry
,
the
cold
,
the
hot
,
or
the
moist
,
nor
any
other
like
quality
,
incommoded
a
Man
,
but
that
whatever
exceeded
,
or
prevailed
,
of
any
of
these
qualities
,
and
which
Nature
cou'd
not
overcome
,
was
that
which
incommoded
the
Man
,
and
that
which
they
endeavoured
to
take
away
or
correct
;
so
of
the
sweet
,
the
most
sweet
was
the
strongest
,
as
of
the
bitter
or
sowre
,
that
which
was
most
bitter
and
most
sowre
;
in
short
,
the
highest
degree
of
every
thing
.
These
are
,
says
Hippocrates
,
the
latest
discoveries
of
the
Ancients
in
the
body
of
Man
,
and
which
were
hurtful
.
There
are
really
in
our
bodies
,
bitter
,
sweet
,
sowre
,
salt
,
rough
,
and
insipid
,
and
abundance
of
others
which
have
different
faculties
,
according
to
their
quantity
or
quality
.
These
different
qualities
are
insensible
,
and
do
not
hurt
so
long
as
they
are
in
due
mixture
;
but
if
these
humours
separate
,
and
lodge
apart
,
then
their
qualities
become
at
once
both
sensible
and
inconvenient
.
From
what
Hippocrates
has
here
said
we
may
gather
,
that
he
did
not
suppose
the
Matters
we
have
spoken
of
to
act
only
by
what
the
Philosophers
call●d
first
qualities
;
so
far
from
that
,
that
he
says
a
little
after
,
That
't
is
not
the
hot
that
is
of
any
mighty
power
,
but
the
sowre
,
the
insipid
,
&c.
whether
within
a
Man
,
or
without
a
Man
,
whether
in
regard
of
what
he
cats
,
or
what
he
drinks
,
or
what
he
applies
outwardly
,
in
what
manner
soever
,
concluding
that
of
all
the
faculties
,
there
are
none
less
active
than
heat
and
cold
.
What
we
have
said
of
the
separation
of
the
humours
from
one
another
,
relate
to
what
Hippocrates
says
in
divers
places
,
that
the
humours
move
.
This
motion
,
which
is
the
cause
of
several
distempers
,
expresses
sometimes
by
a
term
,
it
signifies
[
](A49892-e61960-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
impe●●
〈◊〉
,
●●●dine
incenli
.
a
Fury
,
like
that
of
some
Animals
that
grow
Lustful
at
certain
times
.
There
are
other
passages
by
which
Hippocrates
seems
to
impute
Diseases
,
[
](A49892-e62020-b)(g)
(g)
Lib.
de
affect●
nib
.
&
lib
〈◊〉
de
Morb.
to
two
of
these
humours
only
,
the
Bile
and
Pituita
,
as
they
offer'd
either
in
quantity
or
quality
,
or
place
.
But
as
he
speaks
elsewhere
of
two
sorts
of
Bile
,
these
two
humours
may
be
split
into
three
,
and
with
the
blood
make
four
.
[
](A49892-e62060-b)(h)
(h)
Lib.
4.
de
Morb.
In
some
other
passages
he
adds
a
fifth
,
which
is
Water
,
of
which
he
supposes
the
Spleen
to
be
the
Spring
,
as
the
Liver
and
the
Brain
are
of
the
Blood
,
the
Bile
and
the
Pituita
.
Some
of
his
Commentators
make
this
Water
the
same
with
the
Melancholy
,
to
which
Hippocrates
seems
to
substitute
it
.
I
cannot
see
how
to
reconcile
their
opinion
with
the
Idea
he
had
of
that
humour
;
he
look'd
upon
't
,
as
we
have
said
before
,
as
a
sort
of
Lee
of
the
rest
of
the
humours
,
which
will
by
no
means
agree
with
water
.
Nor
are
they
nearer
their
point
for
making
two
sorts
of
Melancholy
,
one
of
which
we
have
been
speaking
,
and
another
which
ought
rather
to
be
call'd
black
Bile
,
which
is
only
the
yellow
Bile
turn'd
black
,
as
he
supposed
,
by
being
over-heated
and
burnt
,
this
having
nothing
in
common
with
water
.
The
only
support
of
the
opinion
in
question
,
is
,
that
he
says
in
the
same
passage
,
that
this
water
is
the
heaviest
of
all
the
humours
:
I
see
no
reason
why
we
shou'd
not
object
that
this
is
another
System
,
[
](A49892-e62180-b)(i)
(i)
It
is
ascrib'd
to
Polyblus
his
Son-i●-●aw
.
See
Book
4.
Ch.
1.
since
it
has
been
always
suspected
that
Hippocrates
was
not
the
Author
of
that
Book
.
This
water
might
be
something
like
what
Hippocrates
elsewhere
calls
Ichor
,
by
which
he
meant
any
sort
of
clear
,
thin
Liquor
,
form'd
in
the
body
of
a
Man
,
whether
sound
or
unsound
.
So
he
calls
by
this
name
what
runs
from
a
malignant
Vlcer
,
and
speaks
in
several
places
of
sharp
and
bilious
Ichors
,
and
burning
Ichors
.
[
](A49892-e62290-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
We
find
yet
a
third
System
of
the
Causes
of
Diseases
in
another
book
,
Intituled
,
Of
Winds
or
Spirits
,
which
is
mix●d
with
the
Works
of
Hippocrates
,
but
most
suppose
it
not
to
be
his
.
The
Author
of
this
book
uses
sometimes
the
word
Wind
,
sometimes
Spirit
,
with
this
difference
,
That
the
latter
signifies
the
Spirits
or
Air
,
and
Wind
inclosed
in
the
body
,
but
the
former
the
Wind
without
;
from
whence
nevertheless
,
he
derives
that
within
by
means
of
the
Air
drawn
by
respiration
,
and
the
Air
contain'd
in
the
Food
we
take
.
This
book
upon
reading
,
seems
to
be
one
of
the
most
rational
and
coherent
of
all
Hippocrates's
Works
.
He
looks
upon
the
Air
and
the
Spirits
to
be
the
true
Causes
of
health
and
of
diseases
,
even
in
preference
to
the
humours
,
which
here
are
only
collateral
Causes
,
as
the
Spirits
mix
with
'em
.
But
this
later
opinion
may
be
reconcil'd
with
that
which
we
have
before
allow'd
to
be
Hippocrates's
,
concerning
the
effects
of
the
humours
;
only
alledging
,
that
all
that
has
been
attributed
to
them
,
in
relation
to
health
or
sickness
,
supposes
an
impulse
of
the
Spirits
as
the
first
movers
,
and
that
therefore
Hippocrates
nam'd
them
,
as
we
have
said
before
,
that
which
gives
the
motion
.
There
is
,
according
to
Hippocrates
,
as
great
a
variety
of
external
Causes
of
health
and
diseases
,
as
there
is
of
things
without
the
body
of
Man
which
may
act
upon
him
,
as
there
is
of
diversity
in
his
Conduct
,
and
of
accidents
in
the
course
of
his
Life
.
From
this
Hypothesis
,
it
is
plain
that
Health
and
Sickness
in
general
depend
upon
the
following
Causes
:
On
the
Air
which
surrounds
us
,
what
we
eat
and
drink
,
sleep
,
watching
,
exercise
;
what
goes
out
of
our
bodies
,
and
what
is
kept
in
,
and
upon
the
Passions
.
In
this
number
likewise
,
are
rank'd
those
foreign
bodies
which
occur
,
and
are
sometimes
useful
,
yet
may
often
dissolve
,
cut
or
break
the
union
of
the
Parts
of
ours
.
Poisons
and
venemous
Animals
are
likewise
reckon'd
among
these
later
Causes
.
We
shall
not
engage
any
further
in
the
Causes
of
Distempers
in
particular
,
that
wou'd
lead
us
too
far
out
of
our
way
:
And
we
may
the
more
easily
be
dispens'd
with
,
because
we
shall
have
occasion
to
take
notice
of
all
that
is
proper
here
in
the
Article
of
Galen
,
whose
System
is
more
clear
and
methodical
than
that
of
Hippocrates
,
whose
Principles
he
follows
in
almost
every
thing
.
We
shall
take
notice
only
of
two
things
;
first
,
the
Relation
that
Hippocrates
finds
between
some
of
the
external
and
internal
Causes
.
For
example
,
he
compares
the
four
Humours
with
the
four
Ages
of
Man
,
with
the
four
Seasons
of
the
Year
,
and
with
the
Climates
:
Infancy
,
the
Spring
and
temperate
Countries
,
ought
,
according
to
him
,
to
produce
blood
,
and
by
consequence
more
sanguine
Distempers
than
Bilious
,
Pituitous
,
or
Melancholick
.
Youth
,
Summer
,
and
hot
and
dry
Countries
,
produce
Bile
,
and
all
the
maladies
which
spring
from
it
.
Middle
Age
,
Autumn
,
and
Places
of
a
heavy
unequal
Air
,
cause
Melancholy
and
melancholick
distempers
.
Old
Age
,
Winter
,
and
cold
moist
Countries
produce
Flegm
and
flegmatick
Distempers
.
He
carefully
examines
what
sorts
of
Food
produce
blood
,
●ile
,
&c.
It
treats
also
the
effects
of
sleeps
,
watchings
,
exercise
and
rest
,
and
other
external
Causes
afore-mentioned
,
and
all
the
benefit
or
mischief
we
may
receive
from
them
.
In
the
second
place
,
we
shall
take
notice
,
that
of
all
the
Causes
Hippocrates
makes
mention
of
,
the
two
most
general
are
Diet
and
Air
,
which
he
examines
with
all
the
care
possible
.
First
,
he
has
composed
several
books
upon
the
subject
of
Diet
only
;
he
has
taken
exact
care
to
distinguish
what
is
good
and
what
is
bad
,
for
the
condition
the
Person
is
in
.
And
he
was
so
much
the
more
obliged
to
it
,
because
his
method
of
Practice
turn'd
almost
wholly
upon
it
;
that
is
to
say
,
upon
the
choice
of
a
certain
Diet
,
whether
in
respect
of
[
](A49892-e62970-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
de
Alimento
.
quality
or
[
](A49892-e62990-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
de
Alimento
.
quantity
,
or
time
,
and
the
proper
seasons
of
giving
it
,
as
we
shall
see
anon
.
He
consider'd
also
the
Air
very
much
,
and
all
that
depended
on
it
.
We
have
seen
in
the
Lump
what
he
thought
of
the
four
Seasons
,
and
several
Climates
.
He
examined
likewise
what
Winds
ordinarily
blew
,
or
extraordinarily
:
The
irregularity
of
the
Seasons
,
and
even
the
rising
and
setting
of
[
](A49892-e63040-b)(n)
(n)
Lib.
de
D●●t
.
lib.
de
acre
,
&c.
lib.
de
humor
.
lib.
4.
de
Morb.
Aphorism
.
1.
lib.
3.
Stars
,
or
the
time
of
certain
Constellations
;
as
of
the
Dog-Star
,
the
North-Bear
,
and
the
Pleiades
;
as
also
the
time
of
the
Solstices
,
and
of
the
Equinoxes
,
these
days
in
his
opinion
producing
great
alterations
in
distempers
,
of
which
he
has
not
explain'd
the
manner
.
From
hence
may
be
inferr'd
,
that
Hippocrates
look'd
upon
the
knowledge
of
Astronomy
as
necessary
to
a
Physician
,
and
that
he
believed
that
the
Stars
had
some
influence
over
our
Bodies
.
With
this
agrees
,
what
he
elsewhere
says
of
the
things
of
[
](A49892-e63150-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Heaven
,
which
he
numbers
amongst
the
Causes
of
distempers
,
and
with
what
we
have
taken
notice
of
before
,
page
the
9th
,
That
according
to
Hippocrates
,
our
health
,
our
life
,
our
death
,
and
all
that
respects
our
being
,
depends
upon
things
raised
above
us
.
And
it
seems
likely
,
that
he
meant
something
like
this
,
when
he
talked
of
something
[
](A49892-e63180-b)(p)
(p)
Prognost
.
lib
de
Nat.
Mul●ebr
.
lib.
de
Morb.
Sact.
Divine
in
the
Causes
of
distempers
.
Some
of
his
ancient
Commentators
believed
,
that
when
he
spoke
after
this
manner
,
he
alluded
to
what
was
upon
these
occasions
said
by
[
](A49892-e63200-b)(q)
(q)
What
Galen
means
by
saving
,
That
those
that
ascribe
the
Diseases
to
the
Gods
,
cite
the
Authority
of
those
that
wrote
,
what
they
call
Histories
,
is
hard
to
be
unde●stood
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
Poets
,
especially
Homer
,
who
attributes
to
the
wrath
of
the
Gods
the
Diseases
that
befal
Men.
But
Galen
is
not
of
their
mind
,
and
he
has
reason
to
give
them
this
reprimand
,
[
](A49892-e63250-b)(r)
(r)
In
lib.
Progn
.
com
.
1.
That
they
that
Comment
upon
,
or
Interpret
an
Author
,
ought
not
to
say
whatever
themselves
think
true
,
or
what
they
think
the
Author
ought
to
have
believed
,
but
what
is
really
his
opinion
,
whether
true
or
false
.
Galen
maintains
,
That
Hippocrates
no
where
attributes
to
the
Gods
the
Cause
of
Distempers
;
and
he
proves
that
Hippocrates
was
not
of
that
opinion
:
first
,
for
the
reason
he
gives
of
some
Symptoms
of
a
particular
distemper
,
which
he
describes
,
and
of
the
name
he
gave
that
distemper
.
He
call'd
those
which
were
seized
by
it
,
by
a
name
which
signifies
[
](A49892-e63310-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
lib.
deratione
vict.
in
acut
.
stricken
,
undoubtedly
from
the
vulgar
opinion
,
that
those
that
were
taken
with
it
were
in
some
manner
struck
by
some
[
](A49892-e63350-b)(t)
(t)
This
must
be
the
consequence
of
Galen's
reasoning
,
which
otherwise
is
worth
nothing
.
Deity
as
it
were
by
Thunder
.
But
Hippocrates
expresly
takes
notice
,
that
the
Ancients
gave
it
this
name
,
because
those
that
died
of
it
,
had
,
after
their
death
,
their
sides
livid
and
mortify'd
,
as
if
they
had
received
blows
.
He
proves
it
in
the
second
place
,
from
one
of
the
Books
of
Hippocrates
,
inscrib'd
De
Morbo
Sacro
;
that
is
,
of
the
Falling-Sickness
,
wherein
the
Author
endeavours
to
root
out
the
vulgar
prejudice
that
the
Gods
sent
certain
Distempers
among
Men.
These
Arguments
of
Galen
may
be
supported
by
what
Hippocrates
says
[
](A49892-e63480-b)(u)
(u)
Lib.
de
aere
aquâ
,
&
locis
.
elsewhere
of
a
distemper
peculiar
to
the
Scythians
,
which
pass'd
for
Divine
;
of
which
we
shall
speak
hereafter
.
To
return
to
the
signification
of
what
Hippocrates
call'd
Divine
in
Diseases
,
Galen
concludes
that
he
meant
no
more
than
the
Constitution
of
the
Atmosphere
,
which
is
equivocal
,
because
the
Air
may
be
disposed
in
so
particular
a
manner
,
that
we
may
acknowledge
something
in
it
Supernatural
.
This
Sense
,
follow'd
by
some
of
the
Modern
[
](A49892-e63540-b)(w)
(w)
Gor●haeus
,
Fernel
.
Commentators
,
who
think
that
the
Divine
of
Hippocrates
depended
upon
the
qualities
of
the
Air
;
but
upon
such
qualities
as
they
call'd
occult
or
hidden
,
because
they
had
no
relation
with
the
ordinary
,
or
those
which
were
call'd
first
,
that
is
,
hot
and
cold
,
dry
and
moist
,
nor
with
any
other
known
quality
.
Yet
this
is
not
the
meaning
of
Galen
in
this
place
,
nor
of
Hippocrates
himself
,
who
seems
to
express
himself
in
favour
of
the
former
opinion
,
when
he
says
in
the
Book
cited
last
save
one
,
That
the
Disease
call'd
Sacred
rises
from
the
same
causes
that
other
distempers
do
;
that
is
,
from
the
things
which
go
and
come
,
or
which
are
subject
to
change
,
such
as
the
Sun
,
the
Cold
,
the
Winds
,
which
suffer
perpetual
vicissitudes
.
Now
tho'
these
things
,
says
he
,
be
Divine
,
we
are
not
to
imagine
this
disease
any
more
Divine
than
the
rest
,
but
all
diseases
ought
to
be
look'd
upon
as
Humane
and
Divine
at
once
.
It
may
perhaps
be
objected
,
That
it
is
doubtful
who
is
the
Author
of
this
Book
,
but
if
we
observe
the
constant
Custom
of
Hippocrates
to
take
exact
notice
of
the
Seasons
,
in
which
,
or
after
which
,
the
Diseases
that
he
would
describe
appear'd
,
we
shall
see
,
that
whatever
distemper
he
speaks
of
,
even
the
Plague
it self
,
he
mentions
nothing
but
the
ordinary
changes
of
the
Air
,
as
hot
or
cold
,
or
moist
or
dry
.
For
example
;
That
a
rainy
Spring
was
preceded
by
a
moist
Winter
,
or
followed
by
a
scorching
Summer
,
that
such
and
such
Winds
blew
,
&c.
without
saying
one
single
word
of
the
particular
and
hidden
qualities
of
the
Air
,
which
are
supposed
to
produce
extraordinary
distempers
.
'T
is
true
there
are
some
passages
in
his
Writings
,
on
which
they
pretend
to
found
the
occult
qualities
aforesaid
,
which
Galen
admitted
as
well
as
the
Modern
Authors
before
cited
We
find
there
,
first
,
the
very
word
[
](A49892-e63790-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
lib.
de
Aliment
.
hidden
Cause
.
Galen
affirms
,
that
when
Hippocrates
speaks
of
Epidemical
Distempers
,
which
he
says
come
from
the
Air
,
or
that
which
we
breathe
,
which
is
charged
with
[
](A49892-e63860-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
Galen
renders
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
an
unwholsome
vapour
,
or
a
vapour
proper
to
breed
Diseases
,
that
this
unwholsome
vapour
did
not
act
according
to
the
ordinary
qualities
,
but
by
an
occult
property
absolutely
inexplicable
.
Yet
I
don't
see
that
Hippocrates
has
explain'd
himself
concerning
the
nature
of
this
Vapour
,
nor
the
influence
of
the
Stars
,
or
their
manner
of
acting
upon
inferior
Bodies
,
tho'
he
supposes
their
action
.
This
vapour
seems
what
he
in
another
passage
calls
[
](A49892-e63940-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
inquinamenta
,
lib.
de
Flat
.
Impurities
or
Infections
of
the
Air
;
but
he
says
not
wherein
this
infection
●onsists
.
We
shall
close
what
relates
to
the
Causes
of
Distempers
with
this
Remark
,
That
in
the
same
place
where
Hippocrates
derives
all
Epidemical
distempers
from
the
Air
,
he
endeavours
to
prove
that
they
do
not
come
from
the
Aliments
like
ordinary
distempers
;
where
we
see
,
that
according
to
him
,
the
Air
is
the
most
general
Cause
of
all
Diseases
.
The
Humours
and
Spirits
being
,
as
we
have
seen
,
the
Causes
of
Health
and
Sickness
,
the
solid
or
containing
Parts
,
which
are
the
third
sort
of
substance
in
the
composition
of
Animal
Bodies
,
must
be
the
subject
of
them
,
because
they
are
sound
or
unsound
,
according
to
the
good
or
ill
disposition
which
the
humours
and
spirits
produce
in
them
,
and
as
the
impressions
made
upon
them
by
foreign
bodies
,
and
those
things
that
are
without
them
,
are
beneficial
〈◊〉
mischievous
.
This
consequence
may
be
justly
drawn
from
several
passages
of
Hippocrates
,
such
as
the
two
following
:
[
](A49892-e64060-b)(a)
(a)
De
Nat.
hum
.
When
,
says
he
,
any
of
the
humours
is
separated
from
the
rest
,
and
lodges
apart
,
the
place
from
whence
it
came
must
be
out
of
order
,
and
likewise
that
where
it
is
lodged
in
too
great
quantity
,
suffers
sickness
and
pain
.
The
second
passage
is
this
:
[
](A49892-e64090-b)(b)
(b)
Ibid.
That
the
Diseases
which
come
from
any
part
of
the
body
,
that
is
considerable
,
are
the
most
dangerous
;
for
,
says
he
,
if
the
disease
[
](A49892-e64120-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
must
rest
,
that
is
to
say
,
l●dge
in
the
place
where
it
began
,
when
a
Part
that
is
of
great
importance
suffers
,
the
whole
body
must
suffer
.
We
find
no
Train
,
nothing
prosecuted
far
,
concerning
the
difference
of
Distempers
,
in
Hippocrates
;
all
that
we
can
gather
is
,
That
the
different
Causes
of
which
we
have
spoken
,
and
the
different
Parts
of
the
Body
,
produce
as
great
a
variety
of
Distempers
;
according
to
this
passage
,
[
](A49892-e64160-b)(d)
(d)
Lib.
de
Aliment
.
the
differences
of
Diseases
arise
from
the
following
things
:
From
the
nourishment
,
the
heat
,
the
blood
,
the
flegm
,
the
bile
,
and
all
the
humours
.
As
likewise
from
the
flesh
,
the
fat
,
the
veins
,
the
arteries
,
the
nerves
,
the
muscles
,
the
membranes
,
the
bones
,
the
brain
,
the
spinal
marrow
,
the
mouth
,
the
tongue
,
the
throat
,
the
stomach
,
the
intestines
,
the
diaphragm
,
the
belly
,
the
liver
,
the
spleen
,
the
reins
,
the
bladder
,
the
womb
,
and
the
skin
.
Some
of
these
distempers
Hippocrates
held
to
be
the
mortal
,
others
dangerous
,
the
rest
easily
curable
,
according
to
the
Cause
from
whence
they
sprung
,
and
the
Parts
upon
which
they
fell
.
He
distinguishes
likewise
Diseases
in
several
places
,
from
the
time
of
their
duration
,
into
[
](A49892-e64510-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
acute
,
or
short
,
and
[
](A49892-e64550-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
chronical
,
or
long
;
this
likewise
is
referr'd
to
the
different
Causes
before-mentioned
,
acute
Diseases
being
caught
by
the
bile
and
the
blood
,
in
the
flower
of
Mans
age
,
or
in
Spring
time
,
and
Summer
.
The
Chronical
,
on
the
contrary
,
are
produc'd
by
the
flegm
,
or
the
melancholy
,
in
old
Age
,
and
in
the
Winter
.
Of
these
distempers
,
some
are
more
acute
than
others
;
the
like
of
the
Chronical
.
We
shall
see
in
the
sequel
the
duration
of
one
as
well
as
t'other
.
Hippocrates
distinguishes
distempers
likewise
by
the
particular
Places
where
they
are
prevailed
,
whether
ordinary
or
extraordinary
.
The
first
,
that
is
those
that
are
frequent
and
familiar
to
certain
Places
,
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e64770-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Endemick
Diseases
;
and
the
latter
,
which
ravag'd
extraordinarily
,
sometimes
in
one
place
,
sometimes
in
another
,
with
which
at
certain
times
numbers
were
seized
at
once
,
he
call'd
Epidemick
,
that
is
Popular
Diseases
,
as
the
Plague
,
the
most
terrible
of
all
.
He
made
likewise
a
third
,
oppos'd
to
the
former
,
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e64830-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
straggling
distempers
,
including
all
the
different
sorts
of
distempers
which
invade
at
any
one
season
;
in
a
word
,
those
distempers
,
some
of
one
sort
,
and
some
of
another
.
He
distinguish'd
those
which
were
born
with
us
,
or
were
[
](A49892-e64870-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
hereditary
,
from
those
that
were
contracted
afterwards
.
He
made
a
difference
likewise
,
betwixt
those
of
[
](A49892-e64910-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
a
kindly
nature
,
and
those
of
a
malignant
;
the
first
of
those
,
which
are
easily
cured
and
frequently
;
the
second
,
those
which
give
the
Physicians
a
great
deal
of
trouble
,
and
are
seldom
overcome
by
all
their
care
.
Of
the
remarkable
Changes
that
happen
in
Diseases
,
particularly
of
the
Crises
;
and
Critical
days
.
Hippocrates
made
four
Stages
in
Distempers
;
the
[
](A49892-e65010-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
beginning
of
the
Disease
,
its
augmentation
,
its
state
or
heighth
,
and
its
declination
.
These
last
are
Diseases
that
end
happily
,
for
in
others
Death
supplies
the
place
of
the
declination
.
In
the
third
Stage
,
therefore
the
change
is
most
considerable
,
for
it
determines
the
fate
of
the
sick
Person
,
which
is
usually
,
or
oftenest
done
,
by
means
of
a
Crisis
.
Hippocrates
call'd
Crisis
,
that
is
,
Judgment
,
any
sudden
mutation
in
sickness
,
whether
for
the
better
or
the
worse
,
whether
health
or
death
immediately
succeed
.
This
change
,
according
to
him
,
is
made
by
Nature
,
at
that
time
Absolving
or
Condemning
a
Patient
.
To
apprehend
his
meaning
aright
,
we
must
recollect
his
Idea
of
Nature
,
which
he
represents
as
the
Directress
of
the
whole
Animal
Oeconomy
.
If
therefore
Diseases
be
only
a
disturbance
of
this
Oeconomy
,
as
we
may
conclude
from
what
he
has
said
before
of
their
Causes
,
Nature
and
Diseases
,
must
be
at
eternal
opposition
;
but
as
in
the
conflict
,
or
difference
betwixt
'em
,
Nature
is
,
as
it
were
,
both
Judge
and
Party
,
she
ought
generally
to
have
the
better
,
for
this
reason
the
word
Crisis
is
taken
for
a
favourable
Judgment
,
which
terminates
happily
the
diseases
.
Nature's
way
of
acting
in
such
cases
to
destroy
her
enemy
,
is
to
reduce
those
humours
,
whose
discord
occasions
that
of
the
whole
body
,
to
their
usual
state
,
whether
in
relation
to
their
quantity
or
quality
,
mixture
,
motion
,
the
places
they
are
possess'd
of
,
or
any
other
manner
,
by
which
they
become
offensive
.
Amongst
the
means
which
Nature
imploys
to
this
end
,
Hippocrates
insists
more
particularly
upon
what
he
calls
[
](A49892-e65250-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
De
rat
.
vict.
in
acut
.
Concoction
of
the
humours
.
This
is
her
first
aim
:
By
means
of
this
Coction
she
makes
her self
Mistress
,
and
brings
us
things
to
a
good
Crisis
.
The
humours
being
brought
to
this
pass
,
whatever
is
superfluous
and
hurtful
empties
it self
presently
,
or
at
least
,
it
is
very
easie
to
evacuate
them
by
such
means
,
as
we
shall
speak
of
when
we
speak
of
the
Cure
of
distempers
,
or
of
the
assistance
which
the
Physicians
give
to
Nature
upon
these
occasions
,
what
is
superfluous
being
evacuated
,
which
is
done
either
by
Bleeding
,
by
Stool
,
by
Vomit
,
by
Sweat
,
by
Vrine
,
by
Tumors
or
Abscesses
,
by
Scabs
,
[
](A49892-e65390-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pimples
,
Spots
,
and
other
things
;
Nature
easily
reduces
the
rest
to
the
condition
they
were
in
before
the
accession
of
the
disease
.
But
we
must
take
notice
,
that
these
Evacuations
are
not
look'd
upon
as
the
effects
of
a
true
Crisis
,
unless
it
be
in
Considerable
quantity
,
small
discharges
not
being
sufficient
to
make
a
Crisis
.
On
the
contrary
,
they
are
a
sign
that
Nature
is
depress'd
by
the
load
of
humours
,
and
that
she
lets
them
go
thro'
weakness
and
continual
irritation
.
What
comes
forth
thus
is
crude
,
because
the
distemper
is
yet
too
strong
;
while
things
remain
so
,
none
but
a
bad
or
imperfect
Crisis
is
to
be
expected
,
which
signifies
that
the
distemper
triumphs
,
or
at
least
is
of
equal
strength
with
Nature
,
which
is
attended
by
death
,
or
a
prolongation
of
the
disease
,
during
which
Nature
often
has
leisure
to
attempt
a
new
Crisis
,
more
happy
than
the
former
,
after
having
made
fresh
efforts
to
advance
the
concoction
of
the
humours
.
We
shall
speak
of
the
signs
of
Concoction
or
Crudity
,
and
some
other
marks
of
the
Crisis
,
in
the
following
Chapter
.
What
is
chiefly
to
be
observ'd
here
,
is
,
That
concoction
cannot
be
made
but
in
a
certain
term
,
as
every
fruit
has
a
limited
time
to
ripen
;
for
he
compares
the
humours
,
which
Nature
has
digested
,
to
Fruits
come
to
maturity
.
The
time
requir'd
for
this
depends
upon
the
differences
of
distempers
,
touch'd
on
in
the
preceding
Chapter
.
In
those
which
Hippocrates
calls
very
acute
,
the
Digestion
or
Crisis
happens
the
fourth
day
;
and
those
which
are
only
acute
upon
the
seventh
or
the
eleventh
,
[
](A49892-e65580-b)(c)
(c)
Aphor.
23.
Sect.
2.
or
the
fourteenth
,
which
is
the
longest
term
that
Hippocrates
allows
in
distempers
that
are
really
acute
,
tho'
in
some
places
he
seems
to
stretch
to
[
](A49892-e65610-b)(d)
(d)
Lib.
de
Crisib
.
the
twentieth
and
one
and
twentieth
days
;
nay
,
even
to
[
](A49892-e65640-b)(e)
(e)
De
dieb
.
cri●ie
.
the
fortieth
and
sixtieth
days
.
All
diseases
that
exceed
this
latter
term
are
counted
Chronical
;
and
whereas
in
those
that
exceed
fourteen
,
or
at
most
twenty
days
,
every
[
](A49892-e65710-b)(f)
(f)
To
made
this
Account
come
right
,
the
fourth
day
must
be
counted
twice
in
the
midd●e
of
e●ry
sennight
,
and
twice
also
at
the
beginning
of
the
third
.
We
shall
see
the
progression
of
these
numbers
as
they
lie
in
Hippocrates
.
fourth
day
is
a
Critical
day
,
or
at
least
a
Remarkable
day
,
by
which
they
may
judge
whether
the
Crisis
,
upon
the
following
fourth
day
,
will
be
favourable
or
not
In
those
which
come
from
twenty
to
forty
,
he
reckons
only
the
sevenths
;
and
those
that
exceed
forty
,
he
begins
to
reckon
by
twenties
,
as
appears
by
the
progression
following
,
which
contain
the
days
particularly
mark'd
by
Hippocrates
,
the
first
of
which
is
the
fourth
,
from
thence
he
goes
to
the
seventh
,
the
eleventh
,
the
fourteenth
,
the
seventeenth
,
the
twentieth
,
the
seven
and
twentieth
,
the
thirty
fourth
,
the
fortieth
,
the
sixtieth
,
the
eightieth
,
the
hundredth
,
the
hundred
and
twentieth
;
beyond
which
,
the
number
of
days
has
no
power
over
the
Crises
,
which
are
referr●d
to
the
general
changes
of
the
Seasons
,
some
determining
about
the
Equinoxes
,
others
about
the
Solstices
,
others
about
the
rising
or
setting
of
certain
Stars
or
Constellations
;
or
if
numbers
have
yet
any
place
,
they
reckon
by
Months
,
or
whole
Years
.
So
Hippocrates
will
have
it
,
that
certain
diseases
in
Children
are
[
](A49892-e66000-b)(g)
(g)
Aphorism
.
28.
Sect.
3.
judged
in
the
seventh
month
after
their
Birth
;
others
in
their
seventh
,
or
even
their
fourteenth
year
.
I
have
yet
one
Observation
to
make
concerning
the
twentieth
and
one
and
twentieth
days
,
that
both
of
them
are
equally
set
down
as
Critical
days
in
different
places
[
](A49892-e66060-b)(h)
(h)
Lib.
de
Cris
.
de
di●b
.
Crit.
Apho.
36.
Sect.
&c.
of
the
Works
of
Hippocrates
.
The
reason
which
he
gives
in
one
of
these
places
,
why
he
prefers
the
former
of
these
days
before
the
latter
,
which
would
make
up
their
Account
the
three
Septenaries
compleat
,
is
because
that
the
days
of
sickness
ought
not
to
●e
reckoned
intire
,
[
](A49892-e66100-b)(i)
(i)
Lib.
de
partu
Septimest
.
the
years
and
months
being
not
composed
of
intire
days
.
Nevertheless
,
this
reason
does
not
hinder
him
from
putting
down
the
one
and
twentieth
day
for
the
true
Critical
day
,
as
almost
all
the
other
odd
days
,
to
which
he
appears
so
strangely
affected
in
the
case
of
Crises
,
that
he
says
,
in
one
of
his
Aphorisms
,
That
the
sweats
that
come
upon
the
3d
,
the
5th
,
the
7th
,
the
9th
,
the
11th
,
the
14th
,
the
17th
,
the
21th
,
the
27th
,
the
31th
,
or
34th
days
,
are
beneficial
;
but
those
that
come
upon
other
days
,
signifie
that
the
sick
shall
be
brought
very
low
,
that
his
disease
shall
be
very
tedious
,
and
he
subject
to
relapses
.
He
says
further
expresly
,
in
another
Aphorism
,
[
](A49892-e66240-b)(k)
(k)
Aphorism
.
61.
Sect.
4.
That
the
Fever
which
leaves
the
Sick
upon
any
but
an
odd
day
,
is
usually
apt
to
relapse
.
Galen
explaining
this
passage
,
pretends
that
we
ought
to
read
a
critical
day
instead
of
an
odd
day
;
but
he
gives
himself
a
needless
trouble
,
the
same
thing
occurring
in
divers
places
,
as
in
the
second
Book
of
his
Epidemicks
,
where
there
is
a
passage
parallel
to
the
afore-cited
,
and
another
which
says
,
That
those
that
die
,
die
of
necessity
upon
an
odd
day
,
if
the
distemper
be
long
upon
an
odd
Month
or
Year
.
More
of
this
subject
may
be
found
in
his
fourth
Book
De
Morbis
,
where
what
has
been
said
of
odd
days
is
look'd
upon
as
the
received
Opinion
of
all
the
World
;
so
that
tho'
it
should
be
objected
that
this
Book
is
not
Hippocrates
●s
,
but
his
Son-in-Law
Polibius's
,
the
proof
will
yet
remain
in
full
strength
,
for
this
Author
does
not
lay
this
down
as
his
opinion
only
,
but
as
a
notion
generally
establish'd
.
Galen
was
obliged
to
declare
against
odd
days
,
for
the
same
reasons
he
rejects
the
dignity
of
the
number
seven
,
and
other
numbers
,
which
by
the
Pythagoreans
were
esteemed
to
have
a
certain
virtue
in
themselves
,
as
being
more
perfect
than
the
rest
;
and
altho'
he
allows
that
the
Crisis
falls
out
upon
the
seventh
days
,
yet
he
does
not
impute
this
effect
to
the
power
of
the
number
,
but
to
the
Moon
,
which
governs
the
Weeks
which
consists
of
seven
da●s
,
whether
Hippocrates
thought
of
the
Moon
's
influence
upon
this
occasion
,
but
he
talks
in
one
of
his
Books
before-cited
;
[
](A49892-e66440-b)(l)
(l)
D●
partu
Septimest
.
of
a
harmony
resulting
from
the
union
of
certain
numbers
more
entire
and
certain
than
the
rest
,
it
shews
plainly
that
he
meant
in
the
sense
of
Pythagoras
,
which
Celsus
takes
notice
of
when
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e66480-b)(m)
(m)
Verum
in
his
quidem
antiquos
,
●u●c
celebre●
admodum
Pyth●go●ici
numeri
fefellerunt
,
lib
3.
cap.
4.
That
the
Pythagorean
numbers
,
which
were
very
much
in
vogue
at
that
time
;
that
is
,
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
mislead
the
ancient
Physicians
into
Error
.
But
whatever
was
Hippocrates's
opinion
of
the
power
of
his
odd
,
and
other
Critical
days
,
he
confesses
that
it
falls
out
otherwise
sometimes
;
and
he
gives
an
instance
of
a
salutary
Crisis
coming
upon
the
sixth
day
,
and
the
like
upon
the
fifteenth
,
but
these
are
very
rare
instances
,
and
therefore
don●t
overthrow
the
General
Rule
.
Before
we
quit
this
head
,
we
must
take
notice
,
that
besides
the
changes
which
determine
the
fate
of
the
Patient
,
Hippocrates
speaks
often
of
another
sort
of
a
change
,
which
is
when
the
disease
,
instead
of
terminating
,
changes
[
](A49892-e66570-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
Species
,
as
when
a
Pleurisie
turns
to
an
inflamation
of
the
Lungs
,
a
Vertigo
to
an
Epilepsie
,
a
Tertian
Fever
to
a
Quartane
,
or
a
continual
,
&c.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
other
accidents
or
symptoms
that
accompany
Diseases
,
and
those
that
happen
before
or
after
them
.
Of
the
signs
by
which
Hippocrates
distinguish●d
one
from
the
other
,
and
knew
beforehand
what
wou'd
be
the
success
,
or
future
event
.
THE
vast
esteem
Hippocrates
gain'd
is
chiefly
owing
to
his
great
Industry
,
in
strictly
observing
the
most
minute
circumstances
of
Diseases
,
and
his
exact
care
in
nicely
describing
every
thing
that
happen●d
before
,
and
every
accident
that
appear●d
at
the
same
time
with
them
;
as
also
what
gave
ease
,
and
what
increas'd
the
malady
,
which
is
what
we
call
the
method
of
writing
the
History
of
a
disease
.
By
these
means
,
he
not
only
understood
how
to
distinguish
one
disease
from
another
,
by
the
signs
which
properly
belong'd
to
each
,
but
by
comparing
the
same
sort
of
distemper
,
which
happen'd
to
several
persons
,
and
the
accidents
which
usually
appear●d
before
and
after
,
he
cou●d
easily
foretel
a
disease
before
it
came
,
and
afterwards
give
a
right
judgment
of
the
success
and
event
of
it
.
He
seems
also
in
[
](A49892-e66840-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
1.
d●
diaeta
,
sub
princip.
a
certain
place
,
as
if
he
would
insinuate
that
he
is
the
greatest
Physician
that
can
put
this
in
practice
,
or
can
teach
a
method
how
to
tell
the
Patient
beforehand
,
what
shall
happen
to
him
in
the
course
of
his
distemper
,
which
is
what
we
call
giving
the
Prognosticks
of
a
disease
.
T
was
by
this
way
of
prognosticating
that
he
came
to
be
so
much
admir'd
by
all
the
Ancients
,
who
,
without
doubt
,
were
throughly
convinc'd
of
that
Maxim
,
which
he
owes
to
himself
,
viz.
[
](A49892-e66870-b)(b)
(b)
Lib.
praenotion
.
in
princip.
That
that
Physician
,
who
upon
the
appearance
of
some
certain
signs
in
a
disease
,
can
tell
his
Patient
what
he
has
hitherto
suffered
,
and
what
will
happen
to
him
every
day
;
and
after
having
received
information
from
him
,
he
not
only
speaks
further
of
those
things
he
omitted
before
,
but
also
lays
down
beforehand
what
will
come
to
pass
,
't
is
he
shall
have
the
reputation
of
knowing
perfectly
the
condition
of
the
Patient
,
and
make
him
entirely
resign
himself
to
his
management
.
And
as
it
is
not
always
in
the
power
of
the
Physician
to
save
the
Lives
of
the
sick
,
for
that
reason
Prognosticks
will
be
serviceable
in
some
measure
to
secure
him
from
reproach
.
Hippocrates
understood
so
well
the
Doctrine
of
Sign●
,
that
it
may
very
well
be
said
to
be
his
Master-piece
;
and
Celsus
makes
this
remark
,
[
](A49892-e66930-b)(c)
(c)
B●●●nsio●●●
〈◊〉
:
Medi●i
,
quamvis
in
curatio●ibus
mu●●●nt
,
ta●●en
●●●c
Hipp●c●at●m
optime
p●●●agisse
●a●e●ur
,
Lib.
2.
praf●●
.
That
the
Physicians
that
liv'd
after
him
,
tho'
they
found
out
several
new
things
,
relating
to
the
management
of
diseases
,
yet
they
were
oblig●d
to
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
for
what
they
knew
of
Signs
.
You
find
a
vast
number
of
these
Signs
almost
every
where
in
his
Writings
,
but
they
are
particularly
collected
in
his
Book
of
Aphorisms
,
and
three
other
Books
,
that
treat
of
nothing
but
that
subject
alone
;
the
Prenotions
or
Prognosticks
,
the
Predictions
,
and
the
Coacae
Praenotiones
.
Galen
,
because
they
were
very
faulty
,
wou'd
not
allow
the
two
last
to
be
of
Hippocrates's
writing
,
He
adds
further
,
That
what
is
valuable
in
them
is
taken
out
of
the
two
first
,
and
from
the
Books
of
Epidemical
Diseases
;
notwithstanding
,
many
Learned
Men
,
both
Ancient
and
Modern
,
have
writ
Commentaries
upon
them
,
and
had
'em
in
great
esteem
.
To
be
able
to
make
a
tolerable
guess
from
a
Prognostick
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
be
capable
to
tell
beforehand
,
that
,
from
the
appearance
of
such
and
such
a
thing
,
this
or
that
shall
necessarily
follow
,
the
observation
ought
to
be
made
from
its
seldom
or
never-failing
;
one
Experience
alone
,
or
even
2
or
3
being
not
sufficient
to
give
an
Authority
;
which
cannot
be
said
of
all
the
Prognosticks
of
Hippocrates
in
general
.
As
to
some
of
them
,
one
wou'd
rather
judge
they
were
Remarks
made
in
particular
cases
,
by
those
that
exactly
observ'd
what
happen●d
to
every
Patient
,
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
of
his
distemper
;
and
who
,
by
comparing
what
they
saw
first
with
what
followed
after
,
thence
concluded
good
or
ill
success
.
This
is
what
Galen
hints
at
,
when
he
tells
you
,
that
one
part
of
these
Prognosticks
were
abstracted
from
the
Books
of
Epidemical
Diseases
.
He
adds
,
That
if
any
one
design●d
to
make
himself
Master
of
the
Art
of
Prognosticating
the
success
of
Diseases
,
he
thought
that
the
best
means
to
succeed
wou●d
be
to
look
into
the
Histories
of
them
,
delivered
to
us
by
the
most
learned
of
the
Faculty
,
and
from
thence
draw
conclusions
suitable
to
his
intent
.
This
method
in
effect
wou●d
prove
very
good
;
but
to
avoid
the
danger
of
being
mistaken
,
t
wou'd
be
necessary
to
collect
an
infinite
number
of
Observations
on
all
distempers
,
of
what
nature
soever
they
are
,
to
be
able
to
find
out
amongst
them
a
sufficient
number
of
cases
exactly
alike
in
every
sort
of
disease
,
so
that
he
might
speak
for
certain
,
that
in
such
a
disease
,
when
such
a
sign
,
or
rather
such
and
such
signs
appear
,
the
Patient
shall
die
;
and
on
the
contrary
,
when
he
sees
other
signs
,
the
Patient
shall
escape
.
For
example
,
if
of
twenty
Patients
that
in
continual
Fevers
have
bled
several
drops
of
blood
at
the
Nose
,
or
that
have
but
gently
sweated
in
the
head
or
breast
,
fifteen
or
eighteen
of
them
die
;
and
if
of
twenty
that
have
bled
in
abundance
,
and
have
also
sweat
all
over
the
body
,
as
many
of
them
have
escap'd
as
of
the
others
died
,
one
may
generally
infer
that
the
first
accident
is
of
fatal
consequence
,
and
the
second
a
good
Prognostick
.
But
it
does
not
at
all
appear
,
that
those
that
have
collected
these
Prognosticks
,
and
particularly
the
Prenotions
of
Cos
,
have
always
taken
care
to
have
as
many
examples
of
every
case
as
they
propose
wou'd
be
necessary
to
put
a
confidence
in
.
The
life
of
Man
is
too
short
for
that
,
it●s
what
Hippocrates
himself
has
confess●d
,
as
you
'll
see
further
in
what
follows
.
The
advantage
which
this
ancient
Physician
gain'd
to
himself
in
this
point
,
is
,
That
he
cou'd
supply
the
defect
of
his
own
experience
in
the
service
and
assistance
he
might
receive
from
that
of
his
Predecessors
the
Sons
of
Aesculapius
,
supposing
them
to
be
Men
of
capacity
sufficient
for
experiences
,
which
to
produce
as
they
ought
to
be
,
Hippocrates
has
also
own'd
to
be
very
difficult
.
He
was
so
throughly
convinc'd
of
it
,
that
he
made
no
difficulty
to
acknowledge
,
that
one
might
easily
be
deceiv'd
,
particularly
in
what
relates
to
Prognosticks
.
Predictions
,
says
he
,
in
cases
of
acute
diseases
,
are
uncertain
,
and
no
one
can
justly
tell
whether
the
Patient
will
live
or
die
.
In
the
following
account
you
'll
see
further
proofs
of
the
modesty
and
sincerity
of
this
Author
.
'T
was
not
only
from
the
composition
of
Man
that
Hippocrates
drew
signs
,
to
know
and
foresee
diseases
and
the
consequences
of
'em
.
The
natural
functions
,
the
actions
and
manners
of
every
particular
person
,
their
behaviour
,
their
constant
way
of
living
;
in
a
word
,
all
the
circumstances
that
have
any
relation
to
the
customs
and
habits
of
Men
,
and
what
happens
whether
before
,
or
at
the
same
time
,
with
the
distemper
,
by
our
own
fault
,
or
the
indiscretion
of
others
,
by
the
internal
disposition
of
our
body
,
or
as
it
is
in
relation
to
things
external
which
influence
it
;
all
this
,
I
say
,
furnish'd
this
Father
of
Physick
with
signs
,
by
which
he
judg●d
of
the
state
of
body
they
were
in
,
in
relation
to
distempers
present
or
to
come
.
The
first
thing
Hippocrates
consider'd
,
particularly
when
he
was
concern'd
in
an
acute
disease
,
was
the
looks
of
the
Patient
.
T
is
a
good
sign
with
him
for
a
Patient
to
have
the
visage
of
one
in
health
,
and
the
same
which
the
Patient
himself
had
when-he
was
well
;
as
it
varied
from
this
,
so
much
greater
the
danger
was
apprehended
to
be
.
This
is
the
description
which
Hippocrates
gives
of
the
looks
of
a
dying
Man
:
When
a
Patient
,
says
he
,
has
his
Nose
sharp
,
his
Eyes
sunk
,
his
Temples
hollow
,
his
Ears
cold
and
contracted
,
the
skin
of
his
Forehead
tense
and
dry
,
and
the
colour
of
his
Face
tending
to
a
pale
green
,
or
Lead
colour
,
one
may
give
out
for
certain
that
Death
is
very
near
at
hand
;
unless
,
as
he
adds
further
,
the
strength
of
the
Patient
has
been
exhausted
all
at
once
by
long
watchings
,
or
by
a
looseness
,
or
being
a
long
time
without
eating
The
Physicians
have
call'd
it
the
Hippocratick
Face
,
to
denote
that
they
have
taken
this
observation
from
Hippocrates
.
The
lips
hanging
relax●d
and
cold
,
are
likewise
look●d
upon
by
this
Author
as
a
confirmation
of
the
foregoing
Prognostick
.
He
also
took
several
of
his
signs
from
the
disposition
of
the
Eyes
in
particular
.
When
a
Patient
can't
bear
the
light
,
when
he
sheds
tears
involuntarily
,
when
in
sleeping
some
part
of
the
white
of
the
eyes
is
seen
,
unless
he
usually
sleeps
after
that
manner
,
or
has
a
looseness
upon
him
,
this
sign
,
as
well
as
the
precedent
ones
,
prognosticate
ill
.
The●e
is
deaden'd
(
as
it
were
with
a
mist
spread
over
them
,
their
brightness
lost
)
likewise
presage
death
,
or
is
a
sign
of
great
weakness
.
The
eyes
sparkling
,
fix'd
and
fierce
,
denotes
the
Patient
to
be
delirious
,
and
that
he
is
already
,
or
soon
will
be
seiz●d
with
a
Phrensie
▪
When
a
Patient
sees
[
](A49892-e67300-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
any
thing
red
,
and
like
sparks
of
fire
and
lightning
pass
before
his
eyes
,
you
may
expect
an
Hemorrhage
;
and
this
often
happens
before
those
Crisis●s
which
are
to
be
by
a
loss
of
blood
.
The
posture
in
Bed
shews
also
the
condition
of
the
Patient
.
If
you
find
him
lying
on
one
side
;
his
Body
,
Neck
,
Legs
and
Arms
a
little
contracted
,
which
is
the
posture
of
a
Man
in
health
,
it
is
a
good
sign
.
On
the
contrary
,
if
he
lies
on
his
back
,
his
arms
stretch●d
out
,
and
his
legs
hanging
down
,
it●s
a
sign
of
great
weakness
,
and
particularly
when
the
Patient
slides
,
or
lets
himself
fall
down
towards
the
feet
,
which
denotes
the
heaviness
of
his
body
,
and
approaching
death
.
When
he
lies
on
his
belly
,
unless
it
be
customary
to
him
,
't
is
an
indication
of
his
being
delirious
,
or
that
he
is
grip'd
.
When
a
Patient
in
a
burning
Fever
is
continually
[
](A49892-e67350-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
feeling
about
with
his
hands
and
fingers
,
and
moves
them
up
before
his
face
or
eyes
,
as
if
he
was
going
to
take
away
something
that
pass'd
before
them
;
or
on
his
Bed
and
Covering
,
as
if
he
was
picking
or
searching
for
little
Straws
,
or
taking
away
some
filth
,
or
drawing
out
little
flocks
of
Wooll
,
all
this
is
a
sign
that
he
is
delirious
,
and
will
die
.
Amongst
the
other
signs
of
a
present
or
approaching
delirium
,
he
adds
also
this
:
When
a
Patient
that
naturally
speaks
little
,
begins
to
talk
more
than
he
us●d
to
do
;
or
when
one
that
talks
much
becomes
silent
,
this
change
is
to
be
reckon'd
a
sort
of
delirium
,
or
is
a
sign
that
the
Patient
will
soon
fall
into
one
.
The
frequent
trembling
or
leaping
up
of
the
Tendons
of
the
Wrist
,
presage
likewise
a
delirium
.
As
to
the
different
sorts
of
them
,
Hippocrates
is
much
more
afraid
of
those
that
run
upon
doleful
,
or
dismal
subjects
,
than
those
that
ramble
upon
matter
of
diversion
,
accompanied
with
gaity
and
pleasant
humour
.
When
the
Patient
breathes
fast
,
and
is
oppress'd
,
it
's
a
sign
that
he
is
in
pain
,
and
that
the
Parts
above
the
Diaphragme
are
inflam'd
.
Breathing
long
,
or
when
the
Patient
is
a
great
while
in
taking
breath
,
shews
him
to
be
delirious
;
but
easie
and
natural
respiration
is
always
a
very
good
Prognostick
in
acute
Diseases
.
It
appear'd
that
Hippocrates
depended
much
on
respiration
in
matter
of
signs
,
by
the
care
he
took
in
several
places
to
describe
the
different
manner
of
a
Patient
's
breathing
,
respiration
oppress'd
,
rare
,
great
,
little
,
that
which
is
great
or
long
outward
;
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
time
of
expiration
;
that
which
is
little
or
short
within
,
that
is
,
when
you
draw
in
your
breath
;
that
which
is
as
it
were
doubled
,
&c.
Continual
watchings
in
the
same
diseases
are
a
sign
either
of
present
pain
,
or
a
delirium
near
at
hand
.
All
Excrements
,
of
what
nature
soever
,
that
are
separated
from
the
body
of
Man
,
furnish'd
also
Hippocrates
with
signs
,
from
which
he
drew
many
consequences
.
He
made
no
difficulty
at
all
in
examining
into
the
Urine
,
the
Stools
,
the
Wind
,
the
Sweat
,
the
Hawkings
and
Spittings
,
the
Mucus
of
the
Nose
,
the
Tears
,
the
filth
of
the
Ears
,
the
purulent
Matter
of
Ulcers
,
&c.
as
materials
from
whence
he
drew
signs
,
that
gave
him
the
greatest
certainty
in
relation
to
the
quality
of
the
humours
.
But
for
all
that
,
we
must
not
believe
what
a
Modern
[
](A49892-e67490-b)(a)
(a)
Cae●ius
R●●●●
,
in
.
in
antiq●●ection
.
Author
says
of
Hippocrates
,
That
he
was
so
hot
in
seeking
all
occasions
of
improving
himself
in
the
knowledge
of
his
Profession
,
that
he
was
not
asham●d
to
taste
even
of
the
very
Excrements
.
If
any
one
writ
this
of
him
before
this
Author
,
perhaps
't
was
only
in
raillery
,
who
to
put
the
ridicule
on
this
famous
Physician
,
applied
to
him
the
Epithet
which
Aristophanes
gives
to
Aesculapius
,
which
we
have
mentioned
in
the
first
Book
;
it
's
what
the
Author
we
have
quoted
seems
to
acknowledge
himself
,
when
he
adds
further
,
That
others
attribute
the
same
to
Aesculapius
.
It
must
be
own'd
Hippocrates
inquir'd
into
all
these
things
,
according
to
their
several
qualities
;
that
is
to
say
,
to
their
colour
,
smell
and
consistence
,
in
relation
to
the
Heterogeneous
Matter
,
or
what
he
found
out
of
the
common
course
of
nature
,
according
to
its
heat
,
coldness
acrimony
,
&c
as
well
as
in
regard
to
its
quantity
;
to
the
Parts
from
whence
it
issued
,
the
time
of
its
continuance
,
the
manner
,
and
other
circumstances
of
its
issuing
out
.
No
one
can
deny
but
that
there
were
some
of
the
things
they
have
mentioned
,
which
he
judg'd
of
by
the
taste
,
they
had
;
not
that
the
judgment
was
made
from
his
own
,
but
the
taste
of
the
Patient
.
For
example
,
He
drew
some
certain
signs
from
the
[
](A49892-e67570-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
de
humoribus
.
Spittle
being
salt
or
sweet
,
and
from
sweat
,
or
from
tears
,
or
the
excrements
of
the
Nose
,
which
had
a
saltness
or
sharpness
.
There
is
only
the
experiment
of
the
wax
of
the
Ears
,
which
according
to
him
is
[
](A49892-e67580-b)(b)
(b)
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
sect.
5.
sweet
in
dying
Persons
,
or
those
that
will
die
of
such
a
distemper
,
and
bitter
in
those
that
will
live
.
I
say
there
's
only
this
experiment
,
which
seems
to
be
out
of
the
power
of
the
Patient
to
make
;
but
there
's
no
reason
why
the
Physician
shou'd
not
,
if
he
thinks
convenient
,
have
it
done
by
those
that
attend
the
sick
,
or
by
persons
that
are
every
day
employ'd
in
the
most
vile
Offices
.
There
's
another
passage
where
Hippocrates
,
speaking
of
the
Excrements
of
the
Belly
,
says
,
That
in
some
certain
cases
they
are
[
](A49892-e67610-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Coac
.
Praenot
.
vers.
641.
saltish
.
There
's
also
another
place
,
where
he
makes
mention
of
a
sort
of
a
Fever
which
he
calls
a
salt
Fever
,
on
which
Galen
makes
this
remark
:
That
altho
saltness
commonly
shews
it self
by
the
taste
,
and
not
by
the
touch
,
yet
we
ought
to
explain
what
Hippocrates
says
here
,
in
relation
to
touching
and
feeling
;
that
it
is
not
meant
of
the
Patients
,
but
of
the
Physicians
,
who
in
feeling
his
Pulse
perceives
something
rough
or
poignant
,
as
if
he
touch'd
salt
flesh
,
or
that
had
been
laid
in
Brine
.
I
believe
that
one
may
,
in
effect
,
judge
of
a
certain
sort
of
saltness
by
the
touch
,
and
that
that
of
the
Excrements
,
which
is
mention'd
in
the
first
passage
that
was
quoted
,
may
be
known
by
the
manner
of
their
pricking
the
Anus
at
their
coming
out
;
but
in
this
case
't
is
the
Patient
,
and
not
the
Physician
that
can
judge
of
it
.
Amongst
all
the
Excrements
,
the
Urine
and
Stools
,
were
what
furnish'd
Hippocrates
with
most
of
the
signs
,
which
serv'd
for
almost
all
distempers
.
I
give
you
here
the
chiefest
of
his
Observations
concerning
Urine
.
The
Patient's
Urine
is
,
in
his
opinion
,
best
,
when
the
sediment
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
thick
part
,
or
that
which
falls
to
the
bottom
,
is
white
,
soft
to
the
touch
,
and
of
an
equal
consistence
.
If
it
continues
so
during
the
course
of
the
distemper
,
and
till
the
time
of
the
[
](A49892-e67680-b)(d)
(d)
See
the
precedent
Article
.
Crisis
,
the
Patient
is
in
no
danger
,
and
will
soon
be
well
.
This
is
what
Hippocrates
call'd
concocted
Urine
,
or
what
denotes
the
concoction
of
the
humours
.
And
he
observ'd
,
that
this
concoction
of
Urine
seldom
appear'd
thoroughly
so
but
in
the
days
of
the
Crisis
,
which
happily
put
an
end
to
the
distemper
.
[
](A49892-e67700-b)(e)
(e)
Lib.
de
Crisibus
.
We
ought
,
said
Hippocrates
,
to
compare
the
Urine
with
the
purulent
Matter
that
issues
from
Ulcers
.
As
the
Pus
,
which
is
white
,
and
of
the
same
quality
with
the
sediment
of
Urine
,
we
are
now
speaking
of
,
is
a
sign
that
the
Ulcer
is
on
the
point
of
closing
,
or
being
heal'd
up
;
whereas
that
which
is
[
](A49892-e67740-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
See
before
in
the
Chapter
of
the
Causes
of
distempers
.
clear
,
and
of
another
colour
besides
white
,
and
of
an
ill
smell
,
is
a
sign
that
the
Ulcer
is
[
](A49892-e67760-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
virulent
,
and
by
consequence
difficult
to
be
cured
.
So
the
Urines
,
which
are
like
this
we
have
describ'd
,
are
only
those
which
may
be
nam'd
good
,
all
the●est
are
ill
,
and
differ
from
one
another
only
in
the
degree
of
more
or
less
.
The
first
never
appear
but
when
Nature
has
overcome
the
Disease
,
and
are
a
sign
of
the
concoction
of
humours
,
without
which
you
can't
hope
for
a
certain
cure
,
as
we
have
observ●d
in
the
precedent
Article
.
On
the
contrary
,
the
last
are
made
as
long
as
the
crudity
remains
,
and
the
humours
continue
unconcocted
.
Amongst
the
Urines
of
this
last
sort
,
the
best
are
reddish
,
with
a
sediment
that
is
soft
and
of
an
equal
consistence
;
which
denote
that
the
disease
will
be
somewhat
tedious
,
but
without
danger
.
The
worst
are
those
which
are
very
red
,
that
are
made
at
the
same
time
clear
,
and
without
sediment
,
or
that
are
muddy
and
troubled
in
the
making
.
In
Urine
there
's
oftentimes
a
sort
of
a
[
](A49892-e67780-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
cloud
that
's
hanging
in
the
Vessel
where
't
is
received
,
the
higher
it
rises
,
or
the
farther
distant
it
is
from
the
bottom
,
or
different
from
the
colour
we
have
describ'd
,
when
we
spoke
of
sediments
,
the
more
there
is
of
crudity
.
That
which
is
white
,
and
clear
as
water
,
is
also
a
sign
of
great
crudity
,
and
sometimes
of
Bile
being
carried
to
the
Brain
.
Th●●
which
is
yellow
,
or
of
a
sandy
colour
,
denotes
aboundance
of
Bile
.
That
that
's
black
is
the
worst
,
especially
if
it
has
an
ill
smell
,
and
is
either
altogether
muddy
,
or
altogether
clear
.
That
whose
sediment
is
like
to
large
ground
Wheat
,
or
to
little
flakes
or
scales
spread
one
upon
another
,
or
to
Bran
,
presages
but
ill
,
especially
the
last
.
The
Fat
or
Oil
that
swims
sometimes
upon
Urine
,
and
appears
in
a
form
something
like
a
Spiders
web
,
is
a
sign
of
a
consumption
of
the
flesh
and
solid
parts
.
The
making
of
a
great
quantity
of
Urine
is
a
sign
of
a
Crisis
,
and
sometimes
the
quality
of
it
shews
particularly
how
the
Bladder
stands
affected
.
In
fine
,
we
ought
to
observe
that
Hippocrates
compared
the
disposition
of
the
Tongue
with
that
of
Urine
:
That
is
to
say
,
when
the
Tongue
was
yellow
,
and
charg●d
with
choler
,
the
Urine
of
course
must
be
of
the
same
colour
.
And
on
the
contrary
,
when
it
was
red
and
moist
,
the
Urine
was
accordingly
of
its
natural
colour
.
The
Excrements
by
Stool
that
are
soft
,
yellowish
,
of
some
consistence
,
and
not
of
an
extraordinary
ill
smell
,
that
answers
to
the
quantity
of
what
s
taken
inwardly
,
and
that
are
voided
at
the
usual
hours
,
are
the
best
sort
of
all
.
They
ought
also
to
be
of
a
thicker
consistence
,
when
the
distemper
is
near
the
Crisis
,
and
it
ought
to
be
taken
for
a
good
prognostick
,
when
some
Worms
round
and
long
are
evacuated
at
the
same
time
with
'em
.
But
tho'
the
Matter
excreted
be
thin
and
liquid
,
yet
notwithstanding
it
may
give
some
comfortable
hopes
,
provided
it
makes
not
too
much
noise
in
coming
out
,
and
the
evacuation
be
not
in
a
small
quantity
,
nor
too
often
,
nor
in
so
great
abundance
,
nor
so
often
,
that
the
Patient
is
faint
with
it
.
All
Matter
that
's
watry
,
white
,
of
a
pale
green
,
or
red
,
or
frothy
and
viscous
,
is
bad
.
That
that
's
black
,
like
grease
,
and
that
that
's
livid
like
the
colour
of
Verd-de-gris
,
are
the
most
pernicious
.
That
that
's
pure
black
,
and
is
nothing
else
but
a
discharge
of
Choler
adust
,
or
black
Bile
,
always
prognosticates
very
ill
,
this
humour
,
from
what
part
soever
it
comes
,
never
appearing
,
but
it
shews
at
the
same
time
the
ill
disposition
of
the
Intestines
.
The
Matter
that
's
of
several
different
colours
,
denotes
the
length
of
a
distemper
,
and
at
the
same
time
that
it
may
be
of
dangerous
consequence
.
Hippocrates
places
in
the
same
Class
the
Matter
that
is
bilious
,
or
yellow
,
and
mix'd
with
blood
,
or
green
and
black
,
or
like
the
dregs
or
scrapings
of
the
Guts
.
The
Stools
that
consisted
of
pure
Bile
,
or
of
all
Phlegm
,
he
also
look'd
upon
as
bad
.
Matter
cast
up
by
Vomiting
ought
to
be
mix'd
with
choler
and
phlegm
;
where
you
see
but
one
of
these
humours
alone
,
't
is
worse
.
That
that
's
black
,
livid
,
green
,
or
of
the
colour
of
a
Leek
,
is
of
dismal
consequence
.
That
that
smells
very
ill
is
so
likewise
;
and
if
at
the
same
time
it
be
livid
,
death
is
not
far
off
.
The
vomiting
of
blood
is
very
often
mortal
.
The
spittings
that
give
ease
in
diseases
of
the
Lungs
,
and
in
Pleurisies
,
are
those
that
come
up
readily
,
and
without
difficulty
;
and
't
is
good
,
if
they
are
mix'd
at
the
first
beginning
with
a
great
deal
of
yellow
;
but
if
they
appear
of
the
same
colour
,
or
are
red
,
a
great
while
after
the
beginning
of
the
distemper
,
and
are
salt
and
acrimonious
,
and
cause
violent
Coughings
,
they
are
not
good
.
Spittings
purely
yellow
are
bad
;
and
those
that
are
white
,
viscous
and
frothy
,
give
no
ease
.
Whiteness
is
a
tolerable
good
sign
of
concoction
in
regard
to
Spittings
,
but
they
ought
not
at
all
to
be
viscous
,
nor
too
thick
,
nor
too
clear
.
One
may
make
the
same
judgment
of
the
Excrements
of
the
Nose
,
according
to
their
concoction
and
crudity
:
Spittings
that
are
black
,
green
,
or
red
,
are
of
very
sad
consequence
.
In
inflamations
of
the
Lungs
,
those
that
are
mix'd
with
choler
and
blood
presage
well
,
if
they
appear
at
the
beginning
,
but
are
bad
if
they
arise
not
till
about
the
seventh
day
.
But
the
worst
of
all
the
signs
in
these
distempers
,
is
,
when
there
is
no
expectoration
at
all
,
and
the
too
great
quantity
of
Matter
that
is
ready
to
be
discharg'd
this
way
,
makes
a
rattling
in
the
throat
or
breast
.
After
spitting
blood
,
next
follows
the
discharge
of
purulent
Matter
,
which
is
the
cause
of
a
Consumption
,
and
at
the
end
death
.
A
kind
good
sweat
,
is
that
which
arises
in
the
day
of
the
Crisis
,
and
is
discharg'd
in
abundance
all
over
the
body
,
and
at
the
same
time
from
all
the
parts
of
the
body
,
and
carries
off
the
Fever
.
A
cold
sweat
is
bad
,
especially
in
acute
Fevers
,
for
in
others
it●s
only
a
sign
of
long
continuance
.
When
the
Patient
sweats
no
where
but
in
the
head
and
neck
,
it
's
a
sign
the
disease
will
be
long
and
dangerous
.
A
gentle
sweat
or
moistness
of
some
Part
;
for
example
,
of
the
head
or
breast
,
gives
no
relief
,
but
denotes
the
seat
of
the
distemper
,
or
the
weakness
of
the
part
.
Hippocrates
call●d
this
sort
of
sweat
Ephidrosis
.
As
long
as
there
is
a
collection
of
purulent
Matter
in
some
part
of
the
body
,
the
Patient
is
in
pain
,
and
the
Fever
abates
not
,
but
when
the
Pus
is
concocted
,
both
Pain
and
Fever
goes
off
.
The
qualities
of
good
and
bad
purulent
Matter
you
have
seen
describ'd
before
,
when
we
spoke
of
those
that
related
to
Urine
.
The
[
](A49892-e67970-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
That
is
to
say
,
the
Parts
under
the
short-ribs
.
These
Parts
are
chiefly
the
Liver
,
the
Spleen
,
the
Stomach
,
the
Gut
call●d
Duodenum
,
and
part
of
the
Colon.
Hypochondria
,
or
the
Abdomen
in
general
,
ought
always
to
be
soft
and
even
,
as
well
on
the
right
side
as
the
left
.
When
there
is
any
hardness
or
unevenness
in
those
Parts
,
or
heat
or
swelling
,
or
when
one
cannot
endure
to
have
it
touch'd
,
it●s
a
sign
the
Intestines
are
indispos'd
.
Hippocrates
also
inquir'd
into
the
state
of
the
Pulse
,
or
the
beating
of
the
Arteries
.
He
is
,
according
to
Galen's
observation
,
the
first
of
all
Physicians
we
have
knowledge
of
,
that
made
use
of
the
word
[
](A49892-e68060-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Gal.
de
differ
.
&
gener
.
puls
.
Pulse
in
the
sense
it
's
now
commonly
taken
;
that
is
to
say
,
for
the
natural
and
ordinary
beating
of
the
Arteries
.
For
you
must
know
,
that
the
most
ancient
Physicians
,
and
Hippocrates
himself
,
for
a
great
while
,
understood
by
this
word
the
extraordinary
pulsation
,
or
the
violent
beating
that
's
felt
in
a
Part
inflam'd
,
without
putting
your
●●ngers
there
to
feel
it
too
.
But
the
same
Galen
that
gives
this
account
of
Hippocrates
,
fails
not
to
observe
in
another
place
,
that
the
business
of
the
Pulse
is
the
only
thing
in
all
Physick
that
this
Physician
has
so
slightly
touch'd
upon
.
Some
Greek
[
](A49892-e68120-b)(a)
(a)
Theophil
.
Protospathar
.
lib.
de
Urin.
&
Puls
.
Authors
more
modern
than
Galen
,
have
also
made
the
same
remark
;
nevertheless
,
one
may
collect
from
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
,
several
Instructions
upon
this
subject
.
As
when
he
says
,
That
in
[
](A49892-e68150-b)(b)
(b)
Epidem
.
lib.
4.
Fevers
very
acute
,
the
pulse
is
very
fast
and
very
great
;
and
when
he
makes
mention
in
the
same
place
of
trembling
pulses
,
and
those
that
beat
slowly
;
and
when
he
observes
,
in
speaking
of
the
white
flowings
of
Women
,
that
the
pulse
that
strikes
the
fingers
faintly
,
and
in
a
languishing
manner
,
is
a
sign
of
approaching
death
.
He
remarks
also
in
the
Coacae
praenotiones
,
that
Lethargick
persons
have
their
Pulse
languid
and
slow
.
He
says
also
in
another
place
,
[
](A49892-e68180-b)(c)
(c)
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
That
he
whose
vein
,
that
is
to
say
,
Artery
of
the
Elbow
beats
,
is
just
going
to
run
mad
;
or
else
,
that
the
person
is
in
a
very
great
passion
of
anger
.
These
Quotations
make
it
appear
,
that
Hippocrates
was
not
wholly
ignorant
of
the
signs
taken
from
pulses
.
But
it
must
be
own●d
,
if
he
has
given
us
some
Instructions
on
this
subject
,
that
it
did
not
appear
that
he
made
any
use
of
them
himself
,
or
reduc'd
them
to
practise
.
We
find
little
or
nothing
of
it
in
his
Books
of
Epidemical
Diseases
,
except
the
two
passages
we
have
quoted
,
tho'
these
Books
are
a
sort
of
a
Journal
,
where
he
mentions
a
great
number
of
Histories
of
Diseases
that
he
has
manag●d
.
It
's
surprising
,
that
in
other
respects
he
shou'd
be
so
exact
in
his
Observations
,
even
to
the
most
minute
signs
and
circumstances
of
a
disease
,
yet
say
nothing
of
the
pulse
of
the
Patients
.
How
cou'd
one
judge
that
he
knew
,
whether
they
had
a
Fever
or
not
?
Or
that
he
distinguish'd
the
different
degrees
of
it
,
when
he
spoke
nothing
of
the
pulse
?
It
's
probable
he
did
not
depend
much
on
this
sign
;
I
'll
tell
you
what
I
think
furnish'd
him
with
the
knowledge
of
the
pulse
.
Perhaps
the
different
degrees
of
heat
or
cold
,
which
the
Patients
endured
in
their
Fevers
,
the
greater
or
less
want
of
rest
,
and
particularly
their
manner
of
breathing
,
which
he
commonly
observed
with
care
,
was
what
he
thought
of
greater
importance
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
or
at
least
what
inform'd
him
whether
they
had
a
Fever
or
not
,
and
whether
this
Fever
requir'd
consideration
,
or
was
of
little
consequence
.
We
might
add
a
great
many
remarks
to
the
precedent
ones
,
if
one
wou●d
exhaust
all
the
matter
relating
to
signs
Those
we
have
touch'd
upon
,
have
relation
chiefly
to
Prognosticks
.
We●ll
speak
of
others
,
that
serve
to
distinguish
and
give
us
knowledge
of
distempers
,
when
we
make
an
enquiry
into
each
particular
.
If
Hippocrates
hit
right
in
his
Prognosticks
,
't
was
the
effect
of
his
judgment
,
his
exactness
,
and
the
particular
attendance
he
gave
in
every
case
that
presented
it self
,
which
was
the
occasion
of
what●s
justly
said
in
Galen
,
That
[
](A49892-e68260-b)(a)
(a)
Dedifficult
respir
.
lib.
2.
Hippocrates
of
all
Physicians
was
the
most
diligent
and
industrious
.
Application
to
observe
every
thing
that
happen'd
to
a
Patient
,
seem●d
to
be
so
proper
to
his
Character
,
that
you
never
see
,
so
great
a
Philosopher
as
he
was
,
that
he
was
near
so
much
taken
up
with
reasoning
on
the
accidents
of
Diseases
,
as
in
faithfully
reporting
them
.
He
was
content
to
observe
well
what
these
accidents
were
,
to
distinguish
Diseases
by
them
,
and
to
judge
of
the
event
of
those
that
he
had
actually
in
hand
,
by
comparing
them
with
the
like
which
he
had
had
before
in
his
management
;
and
he
did
not
commonly
give
himself
the
trouble
,
to
give
a
reason
why
such
a
thing
happening
such
other
wou'd
necessarily
follow
.
The
Empiricks
,
which
were
a
Sect
of
Physicians
that
arose
after
him
,
and
of
whom
we
shall
speak
in
the
following
discourse
,
for
this
reason
disputed
with
the
Dogmatical
or
Reasoning
Physicians
,
maintaining
they
had
the
advantage
to
have
this
Father
of
Physick
on
their
side
,
pretending
that
his
method
was
not
different
from
that
of
his
Predecessors
the
Asclepiades
,
which
was
also
the
same
these
Empiricks
followed
,
and
looking
upon
Hippocrates
as
one
of
the
Authors
of
their
side
.
Galen
had
some
reason
to
exclaim
against
them
in
this
point
,
and
there
is
no
doubt
but
that
Hippocrates
reason'd
,
and
also
sometimes
philosophis'd
in
his
profession
,
as
you
have
seen
before
.
But
the
Empiricks
had
not
been
altogether
in
the
wrong
,
if
they
had
plainly
said
that
Hippocrate's
Philosophy
was
none
of
the
best
,
and
that
they
preferr'd
the
descriptions
all
naked
as
they
are
,
which
he
gives
of
Diseases
and
their
Accidents
,
and
his
Instructions
or
Remarks
on
the
manner
of
managing
them
to
all
the
Reasonings
they
can
find
any where
in
his
Works
,
on
the
Causes
of
the
same
distempers
.
It
's
certain
at
least
,
that
't
is
chiefly
on
this
account
,
I
wou'd
say
,
on
that
which
the
Empiricks
look'd
upon
as
the
most
advantageous
,
that
Hippocrates
has
recommended
Physick
to
posterity
,
and
gain'd
admiration
even
from
those
,
that
otherwise
did
not
consent
with
him
to
his
principles
,
as
we
have
already
observ'd
,
and
as
you●ll
afterwards
see
.
We
may
also
add
,
That
the
Books
of
Hippocrates
,
that
consist
most
of
Reasoning
,
or
that
contain
most
Philosophy
,
are
those
which
are
attributed
to
other
Authors
;
as
the
Book
of
the
Nature
of
Man
;
that
of
the
Nature
of
an
Infant
;
that
of
Winds
;
the
first
of
Diet
;
and
some
others
.
As
to
what
remains
,
we
ought
to
make
this
Remark
,
That
the
Skill
of
Hippocrates
,
and
of
all
the
Physicians
that
came
after
him
,
and
that
imitated
him
in
relation
to
Prognosticks
,
made
the
people
,
that
knew
not
how
far
their
knowledge
cou'd
extend
in
this
matter
,
look
upon
them
as
Prophets
,
and
require
of
them
things
that
were
above
their
power
.
Some
of
them
were
glad
to
amuse
the
Vulgar
,
and
keep
them
in
this
opinion
,
for
the
profit
they
hop'd
to
gain
from
it
,
saying
,
Since
the
People
are
willing
to
be
deceiv'd
,
so
let
them
be
.
That
that
puts
several
of
our
Physicians
now
upon
the
pursuit
of
this
uncharitable
and
dishonorable
Maxim
,
is
their
observation
,
That
in
effect
the
World
will
be
deceiv'd
;
and
that
they
often
see
Physicians
,
that
thinking
themselves
other
ways
qualified
enough
to
satisfie
reasonable
Patients
,
will
not
become
Conjurers
and
Mountebanks
,
are
those
that
have
the
least
business
,
or
that
quit
it
:
And
what
do
they
quit
it
for
?
To
insinuate
themselves
amongst
a
wretched
sort
of
People
,
that
sometimes
can
neither
write
nor
read
;
and
that
some
may
come
seeking
for
them
a
great
way
off
,
to
know
of
them
,
upon
the
sight
of
a
glass
of
Urine
,
what
distemper
they
discover
,
which
if
the
Patient
was
present
they
cou'd
know
nothing
at
all
of
.
When
I
talk
here
of
the
People
,
I
wou'd
not
have
it
meant
simply
what
they
call
the
Mob
or
Dregs
of
the
People
;
the
Vulgar
,
or
People
,
which
I
mean
;
meet
equally
in
all
conditions
,
and
always
makes
the
greatest
number
in
all
Societies
.
It
happens
also
,
I
know
not
how
,
that
some
Men
,
that
in
other
things
have
good
Sense
and
Knowledge
,
and
are
very
skilful
in
other
matters
,
seem
to
be
wholly
depriv'd
of
their
Understanding
and
Judgment
,
when
it
acts
concerning
these
pretended
Prophets
,
from
whom
they
receive
as
great
impressions
as
the
meanest
of
the
people
.
To
return
to
Hippocrates
;
it
's
a
thing
very
remarkable
,
and
that
which
adds
very
much
to
his
Merit
and
Reputation
,
that
having
liv'd
in
an
Age
when
Physick
was
,
as
you
have
seen
,
altogether
Superstitious
,
yet
suffer'd
not
himself
to
be
carried
down
the
Torrent
with
the
rest
;
so
that
neither
his
Reasonings
,
or
his
Observations
,
nor
his
Remedies
,
have
the
least
mixture
of
this
weakness
,
so
common
in
those
Times
,
and
yet
common
still
even
amongst
some
Physicians
.
We
don't
see
that
his
Prognosticks
had
any
other
foundation
than
from
the
pure
nature
of
things
.
It●s
true
,
in
his
Book
of
Dreams
,
he
talks
of
some
Sacrifices
or
Ceremonies
which
ought
to
be
perform'd
to
some
certain
Deities
,
according
to
the
nature
of
the
Dreams
we
dreamt
.
But
these
were
only
Duties
,
which
Religion
necessarily
engag'd
Men
to
.
His
good
sense
appear'd
in
another
place
,
particularly
when
in
the
same
Book
he
solves
Dreams
,
by
what
has
been
said
or
done
in
the
day
time
;
from
whence
he
draws
consequences
to
judge
of
the
condition
of
the
body
,
according
as
't
is
charg'd
with
Choler
,
Phlegm
,
Blood
,
&c.
which
he
brings
in
as
the
Causes
on
which
depends
the
difference
of
Dreams
,
and
the
circumstances
that
accompany
them
.
We
'll
speak
one
word
more
of
the
aversion
he
had
to
superstition
,
in
what
related
to
Remedies
,
and
the
cure
of
Diseases
,
when
we
come
to
the
Chapter
of
Purgation
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
sorts
of
Diseases
that
Hippocrates
knew
,
gave
names
to
,
or
describ'd
.
THE
particular
Diseases
,
which
are
mentioned
in
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
,
may
be
reduc●d
to
five
different
Classes
.
The
first
is
of
distempers
,
whose
names
have
been
never
chang'd
,
and
that
have
been
known
ever
since
to
the
Greek
Physicians
,
by
the
same
names
and
signs
as
they
were
distinguish'd
by
this
ancient
Physician
.
This
first
Class
is
the
most
considerable
,
and
contains
alone
a
much
greater
number
of
distempers
,
than
the
four
following
put
all
together
.
The
second
includes
those
which
have
not
preserved
their
names
,
altho'
they
have
been
known
and
distinguish'd
by
the
accidents
which
Hippocrates
attributed
to
them
.
I
put
in
the
third
Class
some
distempers
which
he
gave
no
name
to
,
but
only
a
simple
description
of
.
And
in
the
fourth
,
those
,
that
tho'
they
are
nam'd
and
describ'd
exactly
in
the
Works
that
are
allow'd
to
be
his
,
yet
notwithstanding
have
not
been
known
since
that
time
,
either
by
their
names
,
which
were
grown
out
of
use
,
or
by
the
description
the
Author
gives
of
them
.
The
fifth
and
last
Class
,
is
of
those
that
have
names
which
were
no
longer
known
,
and
that
at
the
same
time
there
were
no
descriptions
of
;
so
that
we
can
speak
almost
nothing
of
them
but
by
conjecture
.
CHAP.
VI.
A
Catalogue
of
the
Diseases
of
the
first
Class
,
or
of
those
whose
Greek
Names
are
preserv'd
,
and
have
always
continued
very
near
the
same
.
WE
'll
rank
every
one
of
these
Diseases
in
an
Alphabetical
order
,
according
to
their
English
Names
,
which
are
partly
deriv'd
from
the
Greek
,
which
we
'll
put
at
the
bottom
of
the
page
.
-
A
[
](A49892-e68710-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
ABscesse
or
Aposthume
.
[
](A49892-e68750-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Alphus
,
a
cutaneous
distemper
[
](A49892-e68780-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Alopecy
,
a
disease
of
the
head
,
when
the
hair
falls
off
,
or
is
thin
in
several
places
.
[
](A49892-e68810-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
These
are
the
common
names
to
the
part
and
its
diseases
.
Almonds
,
diseases
of
this
part
,
inflamation
,
suppuration
,
ulceration
.
[
](A49892-e68840-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Anus
,
the
falling
down
,
relaxation
,
or
invertion
of
it
.
Vid.
Hemorrhoids
,
inflamation
of
the
Anus
.
[
](A49892-e68890-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ancyle
or
Ancylosis
,
a
contraction
of
the
Joints
.
[
](A49892-e68930-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Aphony
,
loss
of
voice
.
[
](A49892-e68960-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Apthae
,
Ulcers
of
the
mouth
.
[
](A49892-e68990-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Those
that
were
taken
with
this
disease
were
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
to
say
struck
,
v
Thunder
struck
and
Pleurisie
.
Hippocrates
also
confounds
sometimes
Apoplexy
with
Palsie
,
where
he
gives
the
first
of
these
Names
to
both
Discases
.
Apoplexy
,
a
sudden
privation
of
sense
and
motion
.
Appetite
,
loss
of
Appetite
;
v.
Loathing
.
Appetite
deprav●d
of
those
that
eat
earth
and
stones
,
v
Colour
,
and
the
distemper
of
Women
with
Child
.
[
](A49892-e69100-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Afterbirth
retain'd
.
[
](A49892-e69130-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Asthma
,
a
sort
of
difficulty
of
breathing
;
v.
Dispnea
.
[
](A49892-e69170-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
last
word
signifies
the
action
of
miscarrying
.
Abortion
.
[
](A49892-e69190-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Weasels
Arms.
'T
is
the
name
that
Hippocrates
gives
to
those
that
have
such
arms
.
Arms
shorter
,
and
of
a
less
proportion
than
they
ought
to
be
.
-
B
[
](A49892-e69230-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
last
word
signifies
also
Bunch
back'd
.
BOunch-back'd
.
[
](A49892-e69260-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Branchus
,
a
sort
of
a
defluxion
,
hoarseness
.
[
](A49892-e69290-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
a
common
name
to
the
Glands
of
the
Groin
,
and
their
Diseases
.
Buboes
,
swellings
of
the
Glands
in
general
,
and
particularly
those
of
the
Groin
.
Brain
inflam'd
,
v.
Inflamation
.
Brain
gangren'd
,
v.
Sphacclus
.
Brain
mov'd
,
v.
commotion
.
Brain
dropsical
,
v.
Dropsie
.
[
](A49892-e69360-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Blood-shot
of
the
Eyes
.
[
](A49892-e69380-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
dry
Blood-shot
.
[
](A49892-e69400-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Baldness
.
[
](A49892-e69420-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
corpulent
.
The
body
torpid
or
languid
.
[
](A49892-e69440-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Blood
,
vomiting
of
blood
;
great
loss
of
blood
by
Stool
in
a
burning
Fever
.
Loss
of
blood
,
v.
Haemorrhage
.
[
](A49892-e69470-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
barren
Women
.
Barrenness
,
v.
Womb.
(
k
)
The
Bladder
clos'd
or
stopp'd
,
v.
Vrine
.
Tubercule
of
the
Bladder
,
v.
Tubercule
.
Stone
of
the
Bladder
,
v.
Stone
.
-
C
[
](A49892-e69540-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
CAchexy
:
An
ill
habit
of
the
fleshy
parts
of
the
body
,
caus'd
by
the
corruption
and
aboundance
of
humours
.
[
](A49892-e69570-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cancer
,
a
sort
of
a
Tumour
.
[
](A49892-e69590-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
An
outward
Cancer
.
[
](A49892-e69610-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
An
inward
Cancer
.
[
](A49892-e69630-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
An
hereditary
Cancer
,
or
that
's
born
with
one
.
Cancer
of
the
Throat
,
of
the
Breast
,
of
the
Womb
,
and
of
other
parts
;
a
Cancerous
Ulcer
.
[
](A49892-e69650-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cardialgy
,
pain
of
the
Stomach
,
Heart
burning
.
[
](A49892-e69680-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Carie.
[
](A49892-e69710-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Carus
,
a
sort
of
a
dead
sleep
,
and
out
of
which
there
's
no
raising
the
Patient
.
[
](A49892-e69740-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cataphora
,
another
sort
of
extraordinary
dead
sleep
.
[
](A49892-e69770-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Catarrh
,
or
defluxion
upon
some
part
,
v.
Rheum
.
[
](A49892-e69810-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
salt
Catarrh
,
nitrous
,
acrid
,
and
hot
.
[
](A49892-e69830-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Catarrhs
that
kill
suddenly
.
[
](A49892-e69860-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Catochus
,
A
Disease
,
in
which
the
Patient
continues
inflexible
,
with
his
eyes
open
,
without
knowledge
or
motion
.
[
](A49892-e69900-b)(nn)
(nn)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Carbuncle
,
a
sort
of
Tumour
.
Causus
,
v.
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e69950-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cholera
,
a
sudden
discharge
of
humours
upward
and
downward
.
[
](A49892-e69980-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
wet
Cholera
;
a
dry
Cholera
.
Chordapsus
,
v.
Ileus
.
[
](A49892-e70030-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Coma
,
a
sort
of
a
dead
deep
sleep
.
[
](A49892-e70070-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Coma
watching
,
a
sort
of
dead
sleep
,
or
sleeping
with
one's
eyes
open
.
[
](A49892-e70110-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Contusion
or
Bruis
.
[
](A49892-e70140-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Convulsions
,
involuntary
contractions
of
the
Muscles
.
[
](A49892-e70170-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Coryza
,
a
sort
of
Catarrh
,
a
heaviness
of
the
head
,
with
a
Rheum
.
[
](A49892-e70210-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
An
ill
colour
,
paleness
or
greenness
of
look
,
in
persons
that
have
a
deprav'd
appetite
,
and
eat
earth
or
stone
.
[
](A49892-e70230-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
Rupture
.
The
chapping
of
the
Tongue
or
Lips
.
[
](A49892-e70250-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Commotion
or
Concussion
of
the
Brain
.
[
](A49892-e70270-b)(yy)
(yy)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cold
in
the
extreme
,
which
is
felt
in
certain
Fevers
,
and
can
scarce
be
taken
off
.
[
](A49892-e70290-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Chilblains
.
[
](A49892-e70310-b)(zz)
(zz)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cough
.
-
D.
[
](A49892-e70340-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
DElirium
.
[
](A49892-e70370-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Diarrhaea
,
Looseness
.
[
](A49892-e70400-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dysentery
,
violent
pains
in
the
Bowels
,
accompanied
often
with
a
flux
of
blood
.
[
](A49892-e70430-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dispnaea
,
difficulty
of
breathing
in
general
.
[
](A49892-e70460-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Disury
,
a
difficulty
of
making
Water
,
with
pains
.
v.
Strangury
,
and
Urine
suppress●d
.
[
](A49892-e70490-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Distortions
,
v.
Luxations
.
[
](A49892-e70520-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
water
.
Dropsies
of
many
sorts
;
general
and
particular
.
[
](A49892-e70550-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
that
is
to
say
,
that
comes
under
or
between
the
fleshy
parts
.
Dropsie
call●d
Hyposarcidios
.
[
](A49892-e70580-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dropsie
call●d
Leucophlegmatia
.
[
](A49892-e70610-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dropsie
caus'd
by
Wind.
[
](A49892-e70630-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dropsie
dry
.
[
](A49892-e70650-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Dropsie
of
the
Lungs
.
(
mm
)
Dropsie
of
the
Breast
,
caus'd
by
the
breaking
of
the
Pustules
rising
on
the
Lungs
:
Dropsie
of
the
Eesticules
,
of
the
Womb
,
of
the
Head
.
[
](A49892-e70700-b)(n)
(n)
Vid.
lib.
2.
de
morb
.
&
lib.
de
internis
aff●c●●●nib
.
Disease
,
call'd
Sacred
;
the
Disease
of
Hercules
;
the
great
Disease
:
Falling-sickness
,
v.
Epilepsie
.
The
dry
Disease
,
the
belching
Disease
,
the
Disease
of
the
hollow
veins
,
the
Disease
of
the
Hypochondra
,
the
putrifying
Disease
,
the
gross
Disease
,
the
Disease
of
the
Scythians
,
the
black
and
blue
Disease
,
the
black
Disease
,
the
Disease
call'd
Cura
,
the
Phaenician
Disease
:
See
the
Diseases
of
the
following
Classes
.
The
Disease
of
Virgins
,
v.
Virgins
.
Diseases
of
Women
with
Child
,
that
have
their
Appetitites
deprav'd
,
v.
Appetite
.
[
](A49892-e70820-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Deafness
,
v.
Ear
,
hearing
.
-
E.
[
](A49892-e70860-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
EMphrosthotonos
;
a
sort
of
Convulsion
,
where
the
Body
is
forc'd
to
bend
forward
.
[
](A49892-e70890-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
name
is
given
to
all
sorts
of
Imposthumes
by
Hippocrates
,
who
in
other
places
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
purulent
Lungs
,
means
sometimes
this
distemper
,
or
another
that
comes
very
near
it
,
and
calls
those
that
are
subject
to
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Empyema
;
a
collection
of
purulent
Matter
in
the
Thorax
.
Ephelides
,
v.
Spots
.
[
](A49892-e70960-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Epilepsie
;
Falling-sickness
,
Passio
Sacra
,
Morbus
Comitialis
,
the
Disease
of
Hercules
,
&c.
[
](A49892-e71000-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epilepsie
of
Infants
.
[
](A49892-e71020-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epinyctides
,
a
sort
of
Pustules
.
[
](A49892-e71050-b)(f)
(f)
Hippocrates
means
those
that
have
this
impotence
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Erection
hinder'd
,
or
want
of
Erection
.
[
](A49892-e71080-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Erysipelas
,
a
sort
of
Tumour
,
St.
Anthony's
Fire
;
Erysip
▪
of
all
the
Parts
of
the
Body
,
of
the
Face
,
of
the
Lungs
,
of
the
Womb
:
Erysipelas
,
with
Ulcers
malignant
,
with
corruption
,
and
falling
of
the
hair
.
See
this
underneath
,
in
the
Diseases
of
the
third
Class
.
[
](A49892-e71150-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Exanthemata
,
o●●●●sings
on
the
skin
,
the
different
sorts
are
these
:
Exanth
.
accompanied
with
an
itching
and
heat
,
as
if
●hey
were
on
fire
Exanth
.
or
little
spots
round
and
red
.
Exanth
.
like
spots
that
remain
after
the
stinging
of
Gnats
.
Exanth
.
which
resemble
the
wheals
left
after
whipping
.
Exanth
.
where
the
skin
appears
as
if
it
was
torn
.
[
](A49892-e71230-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Extasie
,
a
Trance
,
being
ravish'd
,
or
forgetting
ones
self
.
[
](A49892-e71260-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Extasie
with
Melancholy
.
[
](A49892-e71280-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Extension
violent
of
the
Fibres
,
v.
Distortion
.
[
](A49892-e71310-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ears
,
swellings
behind
the
ears
,
v.
Parotides
.
[
](A49892-e71340-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ears
moist
in
little
Children
.
[
](A49892-e71360-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pains
in
the
Ear.
[
](A49892-e71380-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Noise
and
singing
in
the
Ears
.
[
](A49892-e71400-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Push
or
Pimple
on
the
Eye-lid
.
[
](A49892-e71420-b)(qq)
(qq)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eye-lids
sore
,
scabby
.
[
](A49892-e71440-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eye-lids
beset
inside
and
outside
with
Excrescences
of
flesh
,
in
the
form
of
Figs
or
Warts
.
Tubercle
,
or
a
little
swelling
of
the
Eye-lids
,
v.
Wart
.
[
](A49892-e71480-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Inversion
of
the
Eye-lids
.
[
](A49892-e71500-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eye-lids
when
the
hair
is
turn●d
inward
.
[
](A49892-e71520-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eye-lids
joyn'd
or
clung
together
.
[
](A49892-e71540-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eyes
a-cross
,
as
your
Squint-ey'd
persons
have
.
[
](A49892-e71560-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Clouds
or
Mists
appearing
before
the
eyes
.
Speck
and
Scars
,
some
white
,
some
of
other
colours
,
that
hinder
sight
,
v.
Pupil
.
[
](A49892-e71590-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cataract
in
the
eye
.
[
](A49892-e71610-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ulcer
of
the
eye
.
[
](A49892-e71630-b)(zz)
(zz)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Eye
burst
,
v.
Pupil
.
Eyes
inflam●d
,
v.
Opthalmy
.
Eyes
clung
together
,
v.
Eye-lids
.
-
F.
[
](A49892-e71690-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
FLesh
superfluous
,
or
Excrescence
of
the
flesh
,
v.
Pudenda
:
Falling
away
of
the
flesh
,
v.
Erysi●elas
.
[
](A49892-e71730-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Face
awry
,
without
any
other
illness
.
[
](A49892-e71750-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fire
,
v.
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e71780-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Wild-sire
,
a
sort
of
Tetter
or
Ring-worm
.
[
](A49892-e71800-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e71820-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
Intermittent
.
[
](A49892-e71840-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
continual
.
[
](A49892-e71860-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
Quotidian
.
[
](A49892-e71880-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
Tertian
.
[
](A49892-e71900-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hemitritus
,
or
Tertian
and
half
.
[
](A49892-e71930-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
Quartan
.
[
](A49892-e71950-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Fever
of
five
,
of
seven
,
of
nine
days
each
.
[
](A49892-e71970-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
of
a
day
.
[
](A49892-e72000-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
of
a
night
.
[
](A49892-e72020-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
burning
,
otherwise
call'd
Causus
.
[
](A49892-e72050-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F
burning
,
call'd
fire
.
[
](A49892-e72070-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
kind
.
[
](A49892-e72090-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
malignant
.
[
](A49892-e72110-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
that
has
exacerbations
.
[
](A49892-e72130-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
burning
.
[
](A49892-e72150-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
cold
.
[
](A49892-e72170-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
Lipy●y
;
or
the
outward
Parts
cold
,
while
the
inwards
are
burning
.
[
](A49892-e72200-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
F.
moist
[
](A49892-e72220-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
dry
.
[
](A49892-e72240-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
salt
.
[
](A49892-e72260-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
windy
.
[
](A49892-e72280-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
red
.
[
](A49892-e72300-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
livid
.
[
](A49892-e72320-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
pale
.
[
](A49892-e72340-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
restless
.
[
](A49892-e72360-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
inconstant
.
[
](A49892-e72380-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
long
and
slow
.
[
](A49892-e72400-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
little
continual
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e72420-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
errant
.
[
](A49892-e72440-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
acute
.
[
](A49892-e72460-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
terrible
to
the
sight
.
[
](A49892-e72480-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
whose
heat
is
soft
or
rough
to
the
hand
.
[
](A49892-e72500-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
killing
.
[
](A49892-e72520-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
soft
or
gentle
.
[
](A49892-e72540-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
accompanied
with
the
Hickup
.
[
](A49892-e72560-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
where
the
light
is
dim
.
[
](A49892-e72580-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
laborious
or
tiresome
.
[
](A49892-e72600-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
moderate
in
its
heat
.
[
](A49892-e72620-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
irregular
.
[
](A49892-e72640-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
vertiginous
.
[
](A49892-e72660-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
that
has
the
appearance
of
a
Tertian
.
[
](A49892-e72680-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
viscous
.
[
](A49892-e72700-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fever
caus●d
by
pure
Bile
.
[
](A49892-e72720-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
F.
of
the
Winter
.
[
](A49892-e72740-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fistula
a
sort
of
Vlcer
.
(b)
Fistula
in
Ano
,
v.
Tubercule
.
[
](A49892-e72780-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
The
first
is
also
meant
sometimes
in
Hippocrates
for
the
Months
.
Flux
or
loss
of
blood
of
Women
that
continues
much
longer
than
their
Months
,
and
whose
colour
is
sometimes
red
,
now
and
then
white
,
sometimes
yellowish
,
&c.
See
a
little
further
in
the
cure
of
the
Diseases
of
Women
,
v.
Months
.
[
](A49892-e72830-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fluxion
,
v.
Catarrh
,
Rheum
,
Branchus
,
Corysa
.
[
](A49892-e72860-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
You
find
also
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
answers
to
the
English
word
stupid
,
and
signifies
foolish
,
senseless
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Folly
,
Thunder-struck
,
a
distemper
where
one
is
depriv'd
of
all
sense
on
a
sudden
as
if
struck
with
Lightning
,
v.
Apoplexy
.
Another
disease
,
where
they
have
after
death
their
sides
black
and
blue
,
as
if
they
were
murder'd
,
or
bruis'd
with
Lightning
,
v.
Pleurisie
.
[
](A49892-e72920-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fractures
of
the
bones
.
[
](A49892-e72940-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Frica
Rigour
,
shaking
with
the
cold
.
[
](A49892-e72960-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
Fellon
or
Bile
:
Flowings
of
Women
,
v.
Flux
.
[
](A49892-e72990-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fear
in
sleeping
,
the
distemper
of
little
Children
.
-
G.
[
](A49892-e73020-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
COntinual
Gaping
.
[
](A49892-e73040-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gripes
.
[
](A49892-e73060-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
that
is
to
say
,
black
and
dry
corruption
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
corruption
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gangrene
.
[
](A49892-e73100-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gums
;
the
itching
of
the
Gums
of
Infants
.
[
](A49892-e73120-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gums
full
of
round
Carbuncles
,
or
little
black
and
blue
swellings
.
[
](A49892-e73140-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Black
Gums
;
Impostumation
of
the
Gums
.
Glands
,
v.
Bubo's
,
scrophulous
humours
.
[
](A49892-e73170-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Glaucosis
or
Glaucoma
,
distemper
of
the
eye
.
[
](A49892-e73210-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gongronae
swellings
,
a
disease
of
the
Neck
.
[
](A49892-e73240-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gout
.
[
](A49892-e73260-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gout
,
with
hard
stony
Matter
in
the
Joints
,
v.
Tubercules
.
(
l
)
Gravel
,
v.
Stone
,
Kidnies
.
(
m
)
Gut
,
the
great
Gut
inflamed
.
The
falling
down
of
the
great
Gut
,
v.
Anus
.
Gripes
,
v.
Dysentery
.
-
H.
[
](A49892-e73350-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
HOarsness
,
v.
Branchus
.
[
](A49892-e73380-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hunger
.
[
](A49892-e73400-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hemorrhage
;
loss
of
blood
in
general
.
[
](A49892-e73430-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hemorrhoids
;
swellings
of
the
Anus
.
Hemorrhoids
,
with
the
falling
down
of
the
Anus
,
v.
Anus
.
[
](A49892-e73490-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Herpes
,
swellings
ulcerated
that
run
farther
and
farther
.
[
](A49892-e73520-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hickup
.
[
](A49892-e73550-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hypochondra
;
(
't
is
the
name
which
Hippocrates
gives
to
the
Parts
that
are
immediately
under
the
short
Ribs
)
swoln
,
tense
,
with
rumblings
,
&c.
These
are
the
different
dispositions
of
the
Parts
,
and
the
Accidents
or
Signs
that
precede
or
follow
certain
Diseases
;
the
disease
of
the
Hypochondra
,
v.
in
the
distempers
of
the
second
Class
.
[
](A49892-e73610-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hypoglossis
;
a
swelling
under
the
Tongue
.
[
](A49892-e73630-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hearing
;
hardness
of
hearing
,
v.
Deafness
.
[
](A49892-e73660-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hair
;
the
disease
when
the
hair
falls
off
from
all
Parts
of
the
Body
,
v.
Alopecy
,
baldness
.
[
](A49892-e73690-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
't
is
the
name
of
those
that
have
their
heads
of
this
shape
.
Head
sharp
like
a
Sugar-Loaf
.
[
](A49892-e73700-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pain
in
the
head
.
[
](A49892-e73720-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Heaviness
of
the
head
.
[
](A49892-e73740-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Pain
of
the
head
,
with
purulent
Matter
running
from
the
Nose
.
(
p
)
Pain
of
the
head
,
caus'd
by
water
inclos'd
in
the
Brain
,
or
within
the
Skull
,
v.
Dropsie
.
-
I.
[
](A49892-e73790-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
ITch
.
[
](A49892-e73810-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Jaundice
,
or
Icterus
,
a
Disease
of
the
skin
;
the
yellow
or
pale
Jaundice
arising
from
the
Liver
;
black
Jaundice
from
the
Spleen
;
other
sorts
of
this
disease
,
v.
Ileus
.
[
](A49892-e73850-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
further
on
in
the
Article
of
Diocles.
Ileus
,
a
distemper
of
the
Guts
,
one
within
the
other
,
that
the
Excrements
can't
pass
.
[
](A49892-e73900-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ileus
accompanied
with
the
Jaundice
.
[
](A49892-e73930-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ileus
bloody
.
[
](A49892-e73960-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Inflamation
;
such
a
disposition
of
Parts
,
that
you
feel
an
extraordinary
heat
and
burning
,
whether
there
be
a
swelling
or
not
.
Inflamation
of
the
Lungs
,
v.
Peripneumony
.
[
](A49892-e74000-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epidem
lib.
5.
sect.
7.
Jaw
mortified
,
fallen
after
a
pain
in
the
Teeth
;
and
after
having
had
Excrescences
of
flesh
upon
it
.
-
K.
[
](A49892-e74050-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
KIngs
Evil
;
distemper
of
the
Glands
.
(
b
)
Kidnies
,
Reins
,
v.
Nephritis
.
-
L.
[
](A49892-e74100-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
HArd
Labour
,
v.
Purgations
and
After-birth
.
[
](A49892-e74140-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
prorrhetic
.
lib.
2.
Lameness
,
settled
Lameness
.
[
](A49892-e74180-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
Those
that
had
this
distemper
were
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
name
common
to
all
those
that
had
their
Livers
indisposed
.
Liver
,
inflamation
and
pain
in
the
Liver
;
Liver
inflated
hard
,
and
Impostumated
.
[
](A49892-e74210-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Leprosie
,
a
distemper
of
the
skin
.
[
](A49892-e74230-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lethargy
,
a
sort
of
sleepiness
,
with
a
Fever
,
and
memory
failing
:
A
sort
of
Lethargy
where
the
Lungs
are
affected
.
[
](A49892-e74250-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Leuca
,
a
distemper
of
the
skin
,
that
becomes
white
in
some
places
.
Lips
,
Ulcers
of
the
Lips
,
v.
Apthae
.
Lichon
.
v.
Tetter
.
[
](A49892-e74300-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lientery
,
a
disease
when
you
void
by
Excrement
your
Food
the
same
you
took
it
in
,
or
but
a
little
chang'd
.
[
](A49892-e74330-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Loins
,
pain
in
the
Back
or
Loins
.
[
](A49892-e74350-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Luxations
or
distortions
.
Lungs
inflam'd
,
v.
Peripneumony
.
[
](A49892-e74380-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lobes
of
the
Lungs
convuls'd
.
Dropsie
of
the
Lungs
,
v.
Dropsie
.
Little
swellings
or
knobs
of
the
Lungs
,
v.
Wart
.
Swellings
of
the
veins
in
the
Lungs
,
v.
Varix
.
-
M.
[
](A49892-e74440-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
MOuth
;
the
ill
smell
of
the
mouth
.
[
](A49892-e74460-b)(aa)
(aa)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Wry
mouths
,
Ulcers
of
the
mouth
,
v.
Apthae
.
[
](A49892-e74490-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Madness
,
v.
Folly
.
[
](A49892-e74520-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Raving
madness
.
[
](A49892-e74540-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Melancholy
,
or
melancholy
distempers
.
[
](A49892-e74560-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Months
in
too
great
a
quantity
.
[
](A49892-e74580-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Months
in
too
small
a
quantity
.
[
](A49892-e74600-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Months
without
colour
.
[
](A49892-e74620-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Months
without
mixture
[
](A49892-e74640-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Months
stopp'd
.
[
](A49892-e74660-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Months
purulent
,
like
pieces
of
Membrances
,
or
Spiders
Web
,
consisting
of
phlegm
,
matter
,
black
,
grumous
,
acrid
,
bilious
,
salt
,
&c.
Months
that
ascend
towards
the
breasts
,
&c.
v
Flux
and
Purgations
.
[
](A49892-e74700-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Mola
,
a
lump
of
flesh
growing
in
the
Womb.
-
N.
[
](A49892-e74740-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
they
are
so
nam'd
that
have
their
necks
awry
.
NEck
awry
.
[
](A49892-e74760-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Nauseating
of
Victuals
common
to
Women
with
Child
,
and
accompanied
with
an
inclination
to
vomit
.
[
](A49892-e74780-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Nephritis
;
a
disease
of
the
Kidnies
,
accompanied
with
pains
,
suppression
of
Urine
,
and
other
symptoms
,
v.
Stone
.
Nose
,
more
than
ordinary
moistness
of
the
Nose
;
a
sort
of
defluxion
,
v.
Coryza
.
[
](A49892-e74830-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Navil
inflam'd
,
ulcerated
,
and
open
from
the
birth
.
[
](A49892-e74850-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
't
is
so
they
are
call'd
by
Hippocrates
,
that
have
this
distemper
,
which
he
gives
no
name
to
as
such
.
Nyctalopy
,
a
distemper
of
those
that
see
better
in
the
night
than
in
the
day
.
-
O.
[
](A49892-e74900-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
OIdema
;
swellings
and
tumors
in
general
,
v.
Tumor
.
Omentum
,
or
the
Caul
;
the
falling
down
of
it
into
the
Groin
,
v.
Tumor
.
[
](A49892-e74950-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Opthalmy
,
or
inflarnation
of
the
eyes
,
moist
and
dry
[
](A49892-e74970-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Opisthotonos
,
a
sort
of
Convulsion
,
where
the
body
bends
backward
.
[
](A49892-e75000-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Orthopny
,
a
sort
of
difficulty
of
breathing
,
that
the
Patient
can●t
lie
down
in
his
Bed
,
v.
Dispnea
,
Asthma
.
-
P.
[
](A49892-e75050-b)(a)
(a)
We
find
this
case
at
the
beginning
of
the
fourth
and
sixth
Poo●
of
the
●p
demie●s
.
PAlate
;
Imposthumations
and
Ulcers
corroding
the
Palate
.
The
falling
or
separation
of
the
bone
of
the
Palate
and
the
Teeth
,
from
whence
follows
the
sinking
of
the
Nose
.
[
](A49892-e75060-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Palpitation
of
the
Heart
;
Palpitation
of
the
flesh
in
all
parts
of
the
body
;
Palpitation
between
the
Navel
and
the
Cartilage
,
that●s
towards
the
stomach
.
[
](A49892-e75080-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
this
name
in
common
in
Hippocrates
both
to
Apoplexy
and
Palsie
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
some
part
of
the
body
that
's
become
Paralyti●n
,
or
that
has
lost
its
sense
and
motion
You
find
there
also
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
relax
in
speaking
of
the
Parts
that
are
Paralytick
.
become
they
are
re●ax●d
and
loose
,
without
s●ren
th●●●●up●●rt
th●●
.
T
is
from
this
Verb
that
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
●●der●v'd
Palsie
,
but
I
do
not
find
it
in
Hippocrates
.
He
means
in
another
place
by
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
a
species
of
this
distemper
.
Palsie
,
a
privation
of
sense
and
motion
,
universal
and
particular
[
](A49892-e75160-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Paronychia
or
Panaris
,
a
Whitlow
,
or
sore
under
the
nails
that
's
very
painful
.
[
](A49892-e75200-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
he
speaks
also
of
a
distemper
of
little
Children
,
that
he
calls
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
seems
to
be
the
same
;
and
he
explains
this
word
in
another
place
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
swellings
that
rise
behind
the
Ears
as
the
Satyrs
have
;
or
rather
,
which
makes
'em
resemble
Satyrs
,
which
are
painted
with
ears
standing
up
,
●s
those
have
that
are
troubled
with
swellings
behind
'em
.
He
also
calls
the
same
swellings
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
the
Satyrs
were
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
the
Ionians
.
You
'll
see
in
another
place
another
signification
of
the
word
Satyriasmus
.
Parotides
,
swellings
of
the
Glands
behind
the
Ears
.
[
](A49892-e75290-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pudenda
,
excrescence
of
flesh
at
the
entrance
of
the
secret
parts
of
Women
,
the
rotting
and
falling
off
of
the
hairs
of
those
parts
,
v.
Eresypelas
.
[
](A49892-e75330-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Peripneumony
,
inflamation
of
the
Lungs
.
[
](A49892-e75360-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Perirrhaea
,
a
great
discharge
of
humours
,
particularly
by
Urine
.
[
](A49892-e75390-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Plague
and
Pestilential
distempers
.
Phagedaena
,
v
Ulcer
.
White
phlegm
,
v.
Leucophlegmaty
.
Phlegmon
,
v.
Inflamation
.
[
](A49892-e75430-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Phlyctenae
,
a
sort
of
pimples
and
risings
on
the
skin
,
like
those
that
come
after
a
burn
.
[
](A49892-e75460-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
This
word
comes
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
the
name
the
Ancients
gave
to
the
Diaphragm
,
and
signifies
also
the
Soul
or
Mind
,
because
they
believ'd
the
Soul
had
its
seat
in
the
Diaphragm
.
Phrenesis
,
an
acute
Fever
,
with
a
strong
delirium
.
[
](A49892-e75500-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
consume
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
melt
.
Phthisis
,
a
disease
when
the
body
consumes
away
[
](A49892-e75550-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Phthisis
of
the
back
.
[
](A49892-e75580-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Phthisis
nephritick
,
or
that
comes
from
the
Reins
.
[
](A49892-e75610-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Phthisis
from
the
Hips
.
[
](A49892-e75640-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Phthisis
,
from
the
general
habit
of
body
;
that
is
,
from
the
flesh
.
[
](A49892-e75670-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Prickings
all
over
the
body
,
and
in
particular
at
the
end
of
the
tongue
.
[
](A49892-e75690-b)(rr)
(rr)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pityriasis
,
a
disease
when
the
hairs
fall
off
,
and
Scurf
or
Scales
rise
on
the
skin
of
the
head
.
Pleurisie
,
a
pain
in
the
side
,
with
a
continual
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e75730-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pleurisie
moist
,
when
the
Patient
expectorates
.
[
](A49892-e75750-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pleurisie
dry
,
when
he
does
not
spit
at
all
.
[
](A49892-e75770-b)(w)
(w)
For
this
reason
,
those
that
were
in
this
oondition
were
call●d
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
to
say
struck
,
as
well
as
those
that
fell
into
an
Apoplexy
.
See
before
Apoplexy
.
Pleurisie
,
in
which
after
death
the
sides
are
black
and
blue
,
like
those
that
have
been
struck
with
Thunder
.
[
](A49892-e75800-b)(ww)
(ww)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pollutions
Nocturnal
,
v.
Seed
.
[
](A49892-e75830-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Polypus
,
an
excrescence
of
the
flesh
in
the
Nose
.
[
](A49892-e75860-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Well
describe
it
more
particularly
in
the
diseases
of
the
third
Class
.
Putrefaction
of
the
flesh
of
the
Pudenda
.
Putrefaction
,
v.
Gangrene
.
[
](A49892-e75900-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
Pupil
of
the
eye
spoil●d
.
[
](A49892-e75920-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
Glaucoma
.
The
Pupil
of
the
eye
whitish
,
of
a
silver
colour
,
of
the
colour
of
Sea-water
,
of
a
Sky-colour
.
[
](A49892-e75940-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
Pupil
out
of
its
place
.
[
](A49892-e75960-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
Pupil
appearing
less
or
greater
,
and
angular
.
[
](A49892-e75980-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
standing
out
of
the
Pupil
,
when
the
eyes
burst
.
[
](A49892-e76000-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
Scar
on
the
Pupil
.
[
](A49892-e76020-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ulcer
of
the
Pupil
,
v.
Sight
and
Eyes
.
Pulsation
of
the
Hypochondra
,
v.
Palpitation
.
[
](A49892-e76060-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Purgations
,
that
follow
the
suppression
of
the
Lochia
Purgations
,
[
](A49892-e76090-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
or
the
matter
of
them
ascending
even
to
the
Lungs
and
Head
,
and
issuing
out
of
the
Nose
and
Mouth
,
&c.
Pustules
,
pimples
or
risings
on
the
skin
of
several
sorts
,
v.
Exanthemata
,
Terminthi
,
Epinyctides
.
[
](A49892-e76130-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pustules
arising
from
sweat
that
's
acrimonious
,
with
a
corroding
salt
that
ulcerates
the
skin
.
-
Q.
[
](A49892-e76160-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
these
are
two
different
sorts
.
QUinsie
,
a
distemper
of
the
Throat
.
[
](A49892-e76200-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Quinsie
,
extending
it self
,
or
throwing
it self
on
the
Lungs
.
Quinsie
,
following
an
inward
luxation
of
the
vertebrae
of
the
Neck
,
and
which
ends
in
a
Palsie
.
-
R.
[
](A49892-e76230-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
RIsings
on
the
skin
,
or
pimples
,
v.
Exanthemata
.
[
](A49892-e76260-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Restlesness
of
Patients
impossiblity
to
continue
in
one
place
.
[
](A49892-e76280-b)(c)
(c)
v.
Dispnaea
.
Respiration
hinder'd
,
v.
Dispnaea
,
Orthopnaea
;
Asthma
,
Rheum
,
v.
Defluxion
.
[
](A49892-e76310-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
We
know
not
precisely
what
Hippocrates
meant
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
seems
't
is
that
part
of
the
back
which
is
just
against
the
Diaphragm
,
which
we
said
was
what
we
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Rupture
of
the
breast
or
back
.
[
](A49892-e76360-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
from
thence
comes
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
'T
is
so
Hippocrates
calls
those
that
have
any
Vessel
broke
in
their
body
,
or
any
Imposthume
that
's
open
,
v.
Chapping
.
Rupture
,
or
breaking
of
some
Vessel
or
Imposthume
within
the
body
.
-
S.
[
](A49892-e76420-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tuttering
,
v.
Tongue-ty'd
.
Stone
,
or
the
[
](A49892-e76450-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Stone
in
the
Kid●●ies
and
Bladder
.
[
](A49892-e76470-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spitting
blood
;
Skull
when
its
bones
separate
one
from
another
,
v.
Sphacelus
.
[
](A49892-e76500-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Swooning
,
Swelling
,
v.
Oidema
[
](A49892-e76530-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Stupefaction
.
[
](A49892-e76550-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spine
of
the
back
bent
inwardly
.
[
](A49892-e76570-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spine
of
the
back
that
goes
awry
,
or
that
bends
to
right
or
left
.
[
](A49892-e76590-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Sudden
surprize
or
stupefaction
.
[
](A49892-e76610-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Scab
,
skin
[
](A49892-e76630-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
rising
up
in
Scales
.
[
](A49892-e76650-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Snoring
.
[
](A49892-e76670-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spleen
,
inflamation
of
the
Spleen
.
[
](A49892-e76690-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spleen
swoln
.
[
](A49892-e76710-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
great
Spleen
,
Sporting
,
v.
Snoring
.
[
](A49892-e76740-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Frequent
Salivation
,
Sa●●ri●smus
,
v.
Parotides
.
[
](A49892-e76770-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Sciatick
,
Scrotum
,
v.
Tumors
.
[
](A49892-e76800-b)(r)
(r)
To
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Seed
,
involuntary
flux
of
Seed
,
v
▪
Pollutions
.
Deep
sleep
,
v.
Carus
,
Catochus
,
Coma
,
Lethargy
Sphacelus
,
a
sort
of
Gangrene
,
v
▪
Gangrene
.
[
](A49892-e76850-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Strangury
,
Urine
coming
out
drop
by
drop
with
pain
,
v.
Dysury
.
Suffocation
of
the
Womb
,
v.
Womb.
[
](A49892-e76890-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Superfetation
.
[
](A49892-e76910-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spots
on
the
Legs
by
being
too
near
the
fire
.
[
](A49892-e76930-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Spots
on
the
face
by
being
too
much
in
the
Sun
White
specks
in
the
eyes
,
v.
Eyes
.
[
](A49892-e76960-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Stones
big
or
swoln
.
Varices
,
and
other
swellings
of
the
Stones
,
v.
Tumors
.
[
](A49892-e76990-b)(y)
(y)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Sight
,
dimness
of
sight
;
the
sight
of
those
that
see
better
in
the
night
than
in
the
day
,
v.
Nyc●alopy
.
[
](A49892-e77020-b)(z)
(z)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Loss
of
sight
,
blindness
,
v.
Pupil
,
Eye-lids
,
Eyes
.
-
T.
[
](A49892-e77060-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
TEtters
.
[
](A49892-e77080-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Teeth
;
pains
in
the
Teeth
.
[
](A49892-e77100-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Teeth
benumm'd
.
[
](A49892-e77120-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Grinding
of
the
Teeth
.
[
](A49892-e77140-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Teeth
gnash'd
one
against
the
other
.
Rotten
Teeth
,
v.
Sphacelus
.
The
falling
out
of
the
Teeth
,
falling
down
of
the
Jaw
,
and
of
the
Palate
,
v.
Jaws
,
Palate
.
[
](A49892-e77180-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tongue-ty'd
,
that
causes
an
hesitation
in
speaking
.
[
](A49892-e77200-b)(g)
(g)
Those
that
have
this
imperfection
are
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Too
great
a
volubility
of
the
Tongue
,
that
occasions
stammering
.
[
](A49892-e77220-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tenesmus
,
or
pain
in
going
to
Stool
.
[
](A49892-e77250-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Terminthi
,
a
sort
of
Pustules
.
[
](A49892-e77280-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tetanus
,
a
sort
of
Convulsion
,
where
all
the
Muscles
are
extended
,
and
the
Body
straight
.
[
](A49892-e77310-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Trembling
.
[
](A49892-e77330-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tubercules
,
or
little
swellings
of
divers
sorts
.
Tubercule
behind
the
Ears
,
v.
Parotides
.
Tubercule
on
the
Gums
,
v.
Gums
.
[
](A49892-e77370-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tubercule
crude
in
the
Lungs
.
[
](A49892-e77390-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tuberc
about
the
Bladder
.
[
](A49892-e77410-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tuberc
.
in
the
Vrethra
.
[
](A49892-e77440-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tubercules
,
or
little
hard
swellings
rising
in
the
face
.
[
](A49892-e77460-b)(qq)
(qq)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tuberc
.
hard
and
stony
of
the
joints
of
gouty
persons
,
and
that
oftentimes
come
on
the
Tongue
.
[
](A49892-e77480-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tuberc
.
hard
about
the
Anus
,
whence
follows
an
Abscesse
,
and
at
last
a
Fistula
,
or
a
fistulous
Ulcer
that
perforates
the
Gut
.
[
](A49892-e77520-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tumors
and
swellings
in
general
,
v.
Oidema
.
[
](A49892-e77550-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hard
Tumors
[
](A49892-e77570-b)(u)
(u)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Scrophulous
Tumors
,
v.
Kings-Evil
.
[
](A49892-e77600-b)(w)
(w)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
'T
is
the
general
name
thut
Hippocrates
gives
th●s
.
Tumors
,
and
mentions
the
several
species
of
them
,
which
.
we
have
taken
notice
of
.
Tumors
of
the
Groin
,
of
the
Scrotum
,
of
the
Testicules
caus'd
by
the
falling
down
of
the
Omentum
,
or
the
Intestines
;
or
by
the
Varices
of
the
Testicules
;
or
by
water
collected
in
the
Scrotum
.
[
](A49892-e77660-b)(x)
(x)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Typhomany
,
v.
the
distempers
of
the
fifth
Class
.
Typhus
,
v.
those
of
the
fourth
.
-
U.
[
](A49892-e77720-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
UVula
relax'd
.
[
](A49892-e77740-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Uvula
contracted
.
[
](A49892-e77760-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Uvula
as
it
were
dissolved
or
corrupted
.
[
](A49892-e77780-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Varices
;
veins
swoln
,
or
very
much
dilated
:
Varix
of
the
Lungs
.
[
](A49892-e77800-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Veins
obstructed
,
that
hinder
the
motion
of
the
blood
.
[
](A49892-e77820-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Veins
throwing
out
blood
upon
the
brain
,
v.
in
the
following
Classes
.
[
](A49892-e77850-b)(g)
(g)
This
disease
is
describ●d
by
Hippocrates
,
but
he
gave
it
no
particular
name
.
Virgins
,
the
Diseases
of
Virgins
.
[
](A49892-e77870-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ulcers
.
[
](A49892-e77890-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Erotian
.
Ulcers
of
the
head
,
with
a
running
humour
like
honey
.
[
](A49892-e77910-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
those
which
he
calls
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
eat
and
corrode
;
there
are
several
sorts
of
'em
.
Ulcers
malignant
and
corroding
.
[
](A49892-e77940-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fistulous
Ulcers
,
v.
Fistula
.
[
](A49892-e77970-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Scrophulous
Ulcers
,
v.
Kings
Evil
and
Tumours
.
[
](A49892-e78000-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Urine
stopp'd
;
difficulty
of
making
water
:
Urine
coming
out
drop
by
drop
,
v.
Dysury
,
Strangury
-
W.
[
](A49892-e78040-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
it●s
a
common
name
to
all
distempers
of
the
Womb
,
but
it
signifies
also
in
particular
the
suffocation
of
the
Womb.
WOmb
;
several
distempers
of
it
.
[
](A49892-e78060-b)(aa)
(aa)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
It
s
being
out
of
its
proper
place
.
[
](A49892-e78080-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
falling
down
of
the
Womb.
[
](A49892-e78100-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Suffocation
of
the
Womb
and
Mother
.
The
swelling
of
the
Womb
,
caus'd
by
water
or
wind
,
v.
Dropsie
.
Excrescence
of
flesh
growing
at
the
entrance
of
the
outward
neck
of
the
Womb
,
v.
Pudenda
;
swelling
and
hardness
of
the
orifice
of
the
Womb.
The
closing
of
it
,
causing
barrenness
or
suppression
of
the
Months
.
The
folding
or
twisting
of
the
orifice
.
The
orifice
too
much
open
.
Womb
putrify'd
,
inflam●d
,
full
of
phlegm
,
ulcerated
,
cancerated
,
&c.
v.
further
on
the
cure
of
the
Diseases
of
Women
.
[
](A49892-e78150-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
Wart
,
Tubercule
,
or
little
swelling
on
the
Eye-lids
.
[
](A49892-e78170-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Wounds
.
[
](A49892-e78190-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Warts
.
[
](A49892-e78210-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Worms
.
[
](A49892-e78230-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Worms
round
and
long
.
[
](A49892-e78250-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Large
and
smooth
.
[
](A49892-e78270-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Worms
call'd
Ascarides
,
which
are
about
the
Anus
,
and
sometimes
in
the
Pudenda
of
Women
.
[
](A49892-e78320-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Vertigo
.
[
](A49892-e78340-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Vertigo
,
with
a
mist
over
the
eyes
.
You
see
what
are
the
Diseases
of
the
first
Class
,
which
we
leave
at
the
present
,
with
a
design
to
give
the
definition
,
or
the
more
exact
description
of
them
,
and
to
observe
some
other
circumstances
relating
to
their
Nature
,
Signs
and
Causes
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Galen
.
CHAP.
VII
.
The
distempers
of
the
second
Class
,
or
that
have
not
preserv'd
the
names
which
Hippocrates
gives
them
,
tho'
they
have
been
known
by
the
accidents
or
symptoms
that
he
ascrib●d
to
them
.
THis
is
the
description
that
Hippocrates
gives
of
a
disease
he
calls
[
](A49892-e78440-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
drying
or
dry
disease
:
These
,
says
he
,
that
are
seiz'd
with
it
,
can
neither
be
without
eating
,
nor
can
their
stomachs
bear
or
digest
what
they
have
eaten
.
When
they
don't
eat
,
their
Guts
rumble
and
make
a
noise
,
and
they
feel
a
pain
in
the
orifice
of
their
stomach
;
they
vomit
sometimes
one
sort
of
humour
,
sometimes
another
.
They
throw
up
Bile
,
Spittle
,
Phlegm
,
and
acrid
Matter
;
and
after
they
have
vomited
,
they
think
themselves
a
little
better
.
But
when
they
have
taken
any
nourishment
,
they
are
troubled
with
belchings
,
their
face
looks
red
,
and
they
burn
like
fire
.
They
think
they
have
a
great
occasion
to
go
to
Scool
,
and
when
they
come
there
,
oftentimes
nothing
but
wind
comes
from
them
.
They
have
pains
in
their
head
,
and
feel
prickings
all
over
their
body
,
sometimes
in
one
part
,
sometimes
in
another
,
as
if
they
were
prick●d
with
Needles
.
Their
L●gs
are
heavy
and
feeble
,
they
consume
away
,
and
grow
weak
by
little
and
little
.
He
adds
further
,
This
distemper
is
of
long
continuance
,
and
does
not
leave
the
Patient
till
hes
old
,
supposing
he
does
not
die
before
that
time
.
This
description
agrees
pretty
well
with
a
disease
which
is
call●d
in
the
following
discourse
the
Disease
of
the
Hypochondra
:
That
which
Hippocrates
calls
the
Belching
Disease
;
that
is
to
say
,
where
they
belch
frequently
,
is
a
species
or
branch
of
the
same
,
as
well
as
the
black
distemper
he
speaks
of
a
little
after
.
As
to
the
disease
which
he
names
[
](A49892-e78540-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Care
a
grievous
disease
.
Care
,
that
according
to
his
report
is
very
dismal
,
you
may
place
it
under
the
melancholy
distempers
,
of
which
Hippocrates
himself
speaks
in
another
place
,
and
which
we
have
put
amongst
those
of
the
precedent
Class
.
In
this
distemper
,
says
he
,
you
feel
something
like
a
thorn
pricking
your
entrails
.
Those
that
are
taken
with
it
are
extreamly
restless
and
unquiet
,
they
avoid
the
light
and
company
,
they
are
pleas'd
with
darkness
,
and
are
afraid
of
every
thing
;
the
Membrane
that
parts
the
Abdomen
from
the
Breast
swells
out
.
When
you
touch
them
they
fell
pain
,
and
are
very
much
afraid
of
being
hurt
;
they
dream
horrid
dreams
,
and
think
they
see
of
a
sudden
frightful
Objects
,
or
dead
Bodies
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
The
Diseases
of
the
third
Class
,
which
are
those
which
Hippocrates
gave
no
name
to
,
but
which
we
mây
,
or
think
we
may
,
know
by
the
description
he
gives
of
them
.
HIppocrates
speaking
of
the
accidents
that
happen
to
those
that
have
a
large
Spleen
,
says
,
That
their
[
](A49892-e78680-b)(a)
(a)
Prorrhetic
.
lib.
2.
gums
are
corrupted
,
and
their
breath
smells
ill
He
adds
,
That
if
they
have
not
some
Hemorrhage
,
and
the
mouth
does
not
smell
ill
,
they
are
troubled
with
Vlcers
and
Cicatrice's
,
or
black
spots
on
their
Legs
.
Some
pretend
't
is
the
distemper
which
Pliny
speaks
of
,
and
is
at
this
time
very
common
amongst
the
Northern
People
.
Hippocrates
in
another
place
giving
an
exact
relation
of
several
accidents
that
accompanied
a
distemper
that
was
become
Epidemick
,
and
of
which
he
observes
more
died
than
lived
after
it
,
says
,
That
the
accidents
or
symptoms
were
reduc'd
to
these
,
[
](A49892-e78750-b)(b)
(b)
Epidem
.
lib.
3.
sect.
3.
Erysipelas's
or
malignant
Tetters
,
sore
Throat
with
hoarsness
,
a
burning
Fever
with
a
delirium
,
corroding
Vlcers
in
the
mouth
,
swellings
on
the
Pudenda
,
inflamations
of
the
Eyes
,
Carbuncles
,
disorders
in
the
Bowels
,
great
loss
of
Appetite
,
troubled
Vrine
,
and
in
large
quantities
,
sometimes
doziness
,
and
at
another
time
watchings
,
no
entire
or
perfect
ceasing
of
these
disorders
so
as
for
the
better
,
or
to
be
term●d
a
happy
conclusion
of
them
,
but
a
change
that
produced
Dropsies
and
Consumptions
.
After
having
begun
in
this
manner
,
he
adds
,
That
in
several
of
these
Patients
,
the
very
small
Vlcers
degenerated
into
Tetters
,
or
Erysipelas's
,
which
spread
themselves
in
all
Parts
of
the
body
,
and
came
particularly
about
the
head
to
Men
of
sixty
years
of
age
,
upon
the
least
neglect
of
their
distemper
.
At
the
same
time
,
says
he
,
further
,
That
they
actually
applied
remedies
,
of
a
sudden
there
arose
Inflamations
and
Tetters
,
which
spread
themselves
all
about
.
When
these
Tetters
came
to
suppuration
,
you
might
see
flesh
and
Tendons
fall
off
from
several
,
and
their
bones
come
away
from
them
;
and
that
which
runs
from
these
Vlcers
,
was
not
like
to
purulent
Matter
,
but
was
a
particular
sort
of
corruption
of
several
colours
,
and
in
great
aboundance
.
Those
also
that
happen●d
to
have
the
same
about
the
Head
,
lost
their
hair
from
the
Part
;
as
also
from
the
Chin
,
the
bones
were
seen
altogether
waked
,
and
some
of
them
dropt
off
.
These
symptoms
were
sometimes
with
a
Fever
,
sometimes
without
,
and
commonly
they
were
in
greater
fear
than
danger
,
at
least
those
,
when
in
the
distemper
,
the
Matter
came
to
a
good
digestion
and
suppuration
,
for
they
most
of
them
,
escap'd
.
But
those
whose
Erysipelas
,
or
Inflamation
,
did
not
suppurate
,
almost
all
of
them
died
,
in
whatever
Part
the
Erysipelas
came
,
the
same
thing
happen'd
.
From
one
a
whole
Arm
wou●d
fall
off
;
that
is
to
say
,
it
wou'd
iutirely
loose
all
the
flesh
that
cover'd
it
.
With
another
,
the
sides
,
or
any
part
of
the
body
,
before
or
behind
,
were
expos●d
to
the
same
danger
.
And
it
sometimes
happen●d
,
that
the
whole
Hip
,
Leg
or
Foot
,
were
left
altogether
naked
,
without
any
flesh
;
but
those
whose
Abdomen
,
or
Privy
Parts
,
were
touch'd
with
it
,
suffer●d
more
than
all
the
rest
.
I
have
drawn
at
length
the
description
of
this
distemper
,
that
we
may
compare
it
with
that
of
some
others
,
which
we
shall
speak
of
in
the
sequel
of
this
History
,
and
which
have
been
look●d
upon
by
the
greatest
part
of
Physicians
as
new
,
and
not
known
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
nor
a
long
time
after
him
,
altho'
they
are
found
accompanied
with
symptoms
which
have
a
relation
with
some
of
those
we
have
touch●d
upon
.
You
'll
find
also
other
examples
of
diseases
,
which
have
been
thought
new
in
regard
to
those
that
are
found
describ'd
in
Hippocrates
,
or
which
they
pretend
had
their
beginning
at
a
certain
time
.
'T
is
what
we●ll
inquire
into
as
opportunity
shall
offer
it self
;
and
't
was
chiefly
in
regard
to
this
,
that
I
thought
my self
oblig'd
at
least
to
give
an
account
of
the
Names
of
the
diseases
this
ancient
Physician
had
knowledge
of
;
that
,
as
we
have
already
said
,
we
might
compare
his
descriptions
with
those
that
follow
.
We
may
put
in
this
Class
the
distemper
peculiar
to
the
Scythians
,
which
Herodotus
makes
mention
of
,
and
attributes
to
the
anger
of
Venus
Vrania
,
whose
Temple
was
pillaged
by
them
.
This
is
what
Hippocrates
has
writ
of
it
:
Many
,
says
he
,
among
the
Scythians
become
Eunuchs
,
do
every
thing
that
Women
are
accustom'd
to
do
,
and
talk
or
discourse
as
if
they
were
so
;
from
whence
they
are
call'd
Effeminate
.
The
Inhabitants
of
the
Country
,
that
impute
the
Cause
of
this
distemper
to
God
,
or
the
Deity
,
have
a
great
veneration
for
those
that
are
seiz●d
with
it
,
and
in
a
manner
worship
them
,
for
fear
the
same
thing
shou●d
happen
to
themselves
.
For
my
part
,
continues
Hippocrates
,
I
believe
truly
,
that
these
sorts
of
distempers
are
Divine
as
well
as
others
,
and
that
there
's
no
distemper
more
Divine
or
Humane
one
than
another
,
but
that
they
are
all
Divine
;
that
every
one
has
its
particular
nature
,
and
that
there
is
never
a
one
where
Nature
has
not
its
part
.
I
'll
tell
you
then
from
whence
I
think
this
malady
comes
.
The
Scythians
are
subject
to
certain
Rheumatisms
on
the
Joints
,
which
are
very
stubborn
,
and
continue
a
long
time
;
which
happens
to
them
,
because
they
are
continually
on
Horseback
,
and
their
Legs
hanging
down
.
When
this
distemper
has
had
its
period
they
become
Lame
,
by
reason
of
the
contraction
of
their
Thighs
,
and
the
manner
of
their
management
is
this
.
At
the
beginning
of
this
distemper
,
they
open
the
veins
behind
the
Ears
,
and
being
weaken●d
and
dispirited
by
the
loss
of
a
great
quantity
of
blood
they
fall
asleep
;
and
some
of
them
,
when
they
awake
,
find
themselves
well
.
In
my
opinion
,
they
ruine
themselves
by
this
manner
of
management
,
for
those
that
have
their
veins
behind
their
Ears
open●d
,
become
uncapable
of
generation
;
and
that
's
their
misfortune
.
When
they
come
to
their
Wives
and
find
they
are
not
fit
for
enjoyment
,
they
are
not
immediately
much
concern●d
,
but
when
they
find
they
continue
impotent
,
then
they
imagine
they
have
offended
the
God
,
or
the
Divinity
to
whom
they
ascribe
the
cause
of
their
disgrace
.
After
which
they
take
the
habit
of
a
Woman
,
and
publickly
declare
they
are
no
longer
Men
;
they
converse
with
the
Women
,
and
appear
in
all
respects
as
such
.
We
must
observe
,
that
there
are
none
but
the
richest
of
the
Scythians
,
or
those
of
the
greatest
quality
,
that
are
subject
to
this
disease
,
and
that
the
poor
are
never
seiz'd
with
it
;
without
doubt
,
the
reason
of
it
is
,
because
the
first
are
almost
always
on
Horseback
,
and
the
latter
but
seldom
.
If
this
disease
was
more
divine
than
others
,
it
ought
not
to
attack
the
wealthiest
,
and
the
greatest
Men
only
,
but
be
equally
common
to
all
.
It
shou'd
rather
happen
,
that
the
poor
People
shou'd
be
more
expos'd
than
the
rich
,
especially
if
the
Gods
take
pleasure
that
Men
shou'd
admire
and
adore
them
,
and
for
that
reason
bestow
their
benefits
on
them
.
For
the
rich
offer
Sacrifices
and
Oblations
to
'em
,
serve
'em
,
and
erect
Statues
oftner
than
the
poor
,
because
they
have
wherewithal
to
do
it
;
whereas
the
other
have
not
,
and
instead
of
adoration
oftentimes
curse
the
Gods
,
that
they
have
not
given
them
Plenty
and
Riches
.
So
that
it
wou●d
be
more
agreeable
to
reason
,
that
the
poor
and
needy
shou●d
be
punish'd
with
this
disease
,
for
their
wickedness
,
rather
than
the
rich
.
This
distemper
then
is
truly
Divine
,
as
I
said
at
first
,
but
all
others
are
so
too
,
and
come
naturally
at
the
same
time
to
all
People
.
The
opinion
of
Hippocrates
,
concerning
the
distinction
that
the
Gods
ought
to
make
between
the
Rich
and
the
Poor
,
in
relation
to
Sacrifices
,
might
give
an
occasion
to
some
to
accuse
him
of
taking
too
great
a
liberty
in
Matters
of
Religion
;
but
they
might
as
well
,
and
with
the
same
reason
,
blame
Homer
,
when
in
several
places
he
introduces
Jupiter
laying
aside
all
business
,
to
go
and
take
part
of
a
Collation
;
that
is
to
say
,
to
sup
up
the
smoak
of
a
Sacrifice
of
the
Ethiopians
,
with
all
the
Train
of
Gods
after
him
.
It
appears
also
,
by
what
Hippocrates
says
relating
to
the
cause
of
this
distemper
,
that
he
was
not
at
all
superstitious
,
as
we
have
observ'd
before
,
and
his
thoughts
on
this
subject
are
very
well
worthy
of
the
Age
in
which
Socrates
liv'd
,
with
whom
he
was
almost
contemporary
.
It
seems
probable
to
others
,
that
this
distemper
of
the
Scythians
fell
upon
the
Rich
oftner
than
the
Poor
,
by
the
same
reason
that
we
see
every
day
,
that
Persons
of
Estates
are
more
subject
to
the
Hypochondriack
Affection
,
than
those
of
meaner
Fortunes
,
which
you●ll
easily
find
to
be
true
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Diseases
of
the
fourth
Class
,
that
have
not
been
known
to
the
Physicians
that
liv'd
since
Hippocrates
.
neither
by
the
description
he
has
given
of
them
,
nor
by
the
names
he
gives
them
,
which
have
not
been
in
use
since
.
AMongst
the
distempers
of
this
Class
,
which
are
not
many
in
number
,
no
more
than
those
of
the
two
precedent
ones
,
the
most
remarkable
are
these
two
;
the
[
](A49892-e79100-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Typhus
,
and
[
](A49892-e79130-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
thick
or
gross
disease
:
these
are
the
names
which
Hippocrates
gives
them
.
Some
of
his
Commentators
were
of
opinion
,
that
the
first
of
these
was
a
sort
of
a
burning
Fever
,
which
caus'd
a
delirium
with
stupefaction
.
You
'll
see
by
the
description
whether
they
have
hit
right
.
According
to
our
Author
,
there
are
five
sorts
of
Typhus's
:
The
first
is
really
a
continual
Fever
,
that
takes
away
all
the
strength
of
the
Patient
,
accompanied
with
pains
in
the
belly
,
and
a
heat
or
inflamation
in
the
eyes
,
that
he
cannot
look
steady
upon
any
thing
;
besides
,
not
being
able
to
answer
to
any
that
's
ask'd
him
,
by
reason
of
the
great
pain
he
lies
under
,
unless
when
he
is
just
dying
,
then
he
talks
,
and
looks
stern
and
bold
.
The
second
sort
begins
with
a
Tertian
or
Quartan
Ague
,
and
after
that
come
pains
in
the
head
.
The
Patient
spits
in
abundance
,
and
throws
up
some
Worms
by
the
Mouth
;
his
eyes
are
painful
to
him
,
his
visage
looks
pale
,
he
has
a
tumour
or
soft
swelling
in
his
feet
,
and
sometimes
all
over
the
body
;
sometime
his
breast
and
back
pain
him
,
his
belly
rumbles
and
makes
a
noise
,
his
eyes
look
fierce
,
he
hauks
and
spits
much
,
and
his
spittle
sticks
to
his
Throat
,
that
makes
his
voice
squeak
.
The
third
sort
distinguishes
it self
from
the
rest
,
by
the
mighty
quick
sharp
pains
in
the
joints
,
and
sometimes
all
over
the
body
.
The
blood
corrupted
by
the
Bile
stops
,
and
is
coagulated
about
the
Hips
;
and
the
Bile
detain●d
in
the
joints
growing
hard
like
a
gravel
stone
,
the
Patient
becomes
lame
.
The
fourth
sort
is
known
by
the
great
tenseness
,
rising
up
,
and
heat
of
the
belly
;
after
which
follows
a
Looseness
,
which
sometimes
leads
the
way
to
a
Dropsie
,
and
is
also
accompanied
sometimes
with
a
Fever
.
The
fifth
and
last
has
for
its
signs
,
a
paleness
and
transparency
of
the
whole
body
,
like
that
of
a
bladder
full
of
water
,
yet
without
any
swelling
;
on
the
contrary
,
the
body
is
extenuated
,
dry
and
feeble
,
especially
towards
the
neck-bones
and
the
face
;
the
eyes
are
very
much
sunk
in
,
and
the
body
also
is
sometimes
black
.
The
Patient
seldom
winks
with
his
eyes
,
he
feels
about
with
his
hands
upon
the
Covering
of
the
Bed
,
as
if
he
wou●d
pick
Wooll
or
Straws
.
He
finds
himself
more
charg'd
and
fuller
after
eating
,
than
when
he
was
well
;
he
loves
the
smell
of
a
Lamp
put
out
;
he
has
oftentimes
pullutions
when
he
sleeps
,
and
the
same
thing
happens
to
him
when
awake
.
So
much
for
the
Typhus
;
the
thick
or
gross
disease
is
no
less
particular
,
and
there
is
more
than
one
sort
of
it
.
The
first
is
caus'd
by
phlegm
and
choler
,
which
discharge
themselves
in
the
Abdomen
and
inflate
it
,
and
are
evacuated
up
and
down
like
a
Torrent
.
The
Patient
is
taken
with
a
shivering
and
fever
;
the
pain
passes
from
the
Abdomen
to
the
Head
,
and
when
it
descends
to
the
entrails
it
causes
a
Suffocation
.
Sometimes
the
Patient
vomits
sowre
phlegm
,
and
sometimes
salt
;
after
vomiting
he
has
a
bitterness
in
his
mouth
,
red
heats
appear
on
his
side
,
and
he
stoops
in
the
back
;
he
cannot
endure
to
be
touch●d
in
any
part
;
and
the
pain
that
he
feels
is
so
violent
,
that
there
's
a
sort
of
palpitation
or
pulse
in
the
flesh
;
his
Testicules
are
contracted
,
the
heat
and
pain
is
continued
at
the
same
time
,
even
to
the
Anus
and
Bladder
.
He
makes
thick
water
,
like
that
of
those
that
are
dropsical
;
the
hair
falls
off
from
his
head
,
his
feet
are
always
cold
.
At
last
the
pain
fixes
particularly
on
the
sides
,
back
,
and
nape
of
the
Neck
;
and
it
seems
to
the
Patient
,
as
if
something
creep'd
,
or
run
all
about
his
skin
.
Sometimes
there
's
a
remission
of
the
distemper
,
other
times
there
's
nothing
at
all
of
it
.
The
skin
of
the
head
becomes
red
and
thick
.
This
distemper
continues
six
years
,
sometimes
ten
.
Towards
the
end
the
Patient
sweats
in
abundance
,
and
the
sweat
is
of
a
very
ill
smell
.
He
has
oftentimes
pollutions
in
his
sleep
,
and
the
seed
he
ejects
is
bloody
,
and
of
a
livid
colour
.
It
seems
at
first
as
if
he
was
describing
the
Cholera
Morbus
,
or
some
sort
of
Cholick
,
but
that
which
comes
after
has
no
great
relation
to
that
.
The
second
sort
of
the
thick
distempers
,
is
caus'd
by
bile
alone
,
that
discharges
it self
on
the
Liver
and
Head
.
The
Liver
swells
up
and
presses
upon
the
Diaphragm
.
The
Head
,
and
particularly
the
Temples
,
are
immediately
seiz'd
with
pain
.
The
Patient
is
not
right
in
his
understanding
,
and
sometimes
he
sees
but
very
little
;
an
Ague
and
Fever
succeed
after
the
foregoing
symptoms
.
This
comes
at
the
beginning
of
the
disease
,
and
then
you
have
by
times
great
remissions
,
at
other
times
but
small
ones
.
The
longer
the
malady
continues
,
the
pain
grows
greater
,
the
Pupils
of
the
eyes
are
dilated
,
and
the
Patient
sees
not
a
jot
;
that
tho'
you
put
your
finger
before
his
eyes
he
perceives
nothing
,
and
does
not
so
much
as
wink
.
But
if
he
has
some
little
sight
remaining
,
he
's
continually
pulling
out
with
his
fingers
the
little
flocks
of
Wooll
from
the
Covering
,
thinking
they
are
lice
or
nastiness
.
But
when
the
Liver
extends
it self
further
towards
the
Diaphragm
,
the
Patient
raves
,
and
fancies
he
has
before
his
eyes
all
sorts
of
creeping
things
,
or
wild
Beasts
,
or
arm'd
Men
;
he
wou'd
fight
with
them
all
,
and
talks
and
acts
as
if
he
was
in
an
engagement
.
If
you
don't
give
him
liberty
he
threatens
,
and
if
you
let
him
go
he
falls
down
.
He
has
always
his
feet
cold
;
if
he
sleeps
't
is
with
continual
tossing
;
he
's
scar'd
with
frightful
dreams
,
and
when
he
awakes
relates
all
he
has
done
or
seen
.
At
other
times
,
he
lies
a
whole
day
and
night
without
speaking
a
word
,
breathing
with
a
great
deal
of
difficulty
.
He
is
delirious
by
intervals
;
he
comes
to
himself
,
answers
to
all
questions
that
are
ask'd
him
,
understands
every
thing
that
is
read
to
him
,
but
a
little
while
after
relapses
to
his
former
condition
.
This
disease
,
says
our
Author
further
,
falls
chiefly
on
Travellers
,
or
those
that
passing
through
uninhabited
places
,
have
been
frightned
with
the
sight
of
some
Spectre
or
other
.
The
third
sort
is
occasioned
by
phlegm
,
which
appears
by
the
circumstances
the
Patient
is
in
,
who
has
a
taste
as
if
he
had
eaten
Radishes
.
This
distemper
,
or
the
pain
that
accompanies
it
,
begins
in
the
Legs
,
from
whence
it
rises
to
the
belly
,
and
diffusing
it self
in
the
Intestines
,
makes
a
great
noise
there
;
after
which
the
Patient
vomits
up
sowre
putrid
phlegm
,
but
this
evacuation
gives
him
no
ease
;
on
the
contrary
,
he
falls
into
a
delirium
,
and
feels
a
pain
so
troublesome
and
uneasie
in
his
bowels
,
and
by
times
a
pain
in
his
head
so
violent
and
fix●d
,
that
he
has
neither
his
Understanding
nor
his
Sight
,
but
very
confusedly
;
he
sweats
plentifully
,
and
his
sweat
smells
ill
,
but
it
gives
him
ease
.
The
colour
of
the
Patient
is
the
same
as
in
a
Jaundice
;
and
this
distemper
is
not
so
mortal
oftentimes
as
the
precedent
one
.
The
fourth
sort
takes
its
rise
from
[
](A49892-e79430-b)(a)
(a)
You
'll
see
in
the
Catalogue
of
the
common
dist●mpers
at
the
end
of
this
Chapter
,
what
Hippocrates
understood
by
white
phlegm
.
white
phlegm
,
and
comes
after
Fevers
that
have
continued
a
long
time
.
This
distemper
begins
with
a
swelling
in
the
face
,
it
tends
afterwards
to
the
Abdomen
,
which
swells
also
.
The
Patient
has
a
pain
upon
him
like
that
after
hard
Exercise
,
and
his
belly
feels
sore
,
as
if
it
was
press'd
with
a
great
burthen
:
The
feet
swell
also
.
If
Rain
falls
on
the
ground
,
he
can't
bear
the
smell
of
it
;
and
if
by
chance
he
's
expos'd
to
the
Rain
,
and
smells
this
smell
of
the
ground
,
he
immediately
falls
.
This
distemper
has
some
intermissions
,
but
lasts
longer
than
the
precedent
one
;
its
continuance
is
for
six
years
.
We
don't
find
that
our
Modern
Practisers
,
nor
even
those
amongst
the
Ancients
,
that
came
after
Hippocrates
,
have
describ'd
any
particular
distemper
attended
with
so
many
accidents
or
symptoms
all
at
once
;
and
we
must
confess
,
those
we
are
come
to
specifie
are
so
many
in
number
,
that
one
would
think
it
impossible
for
all
to
happen
in
one
and
the
same
disease
.
And
that
that
's
yet
more
particular
in
it
is
,
that
Hippocrates
,
or
the
Author
of
the
Book
we
have
quoted
,
makes
four
or
five
sorts
of
each
of
these
distempers
,
which
appear
so
different
one
from
the
other
,
that
we
cannot
apprehend
why
they
are
rank'd
under
the
same
general
name
.
'T
is
that
is
the
reason
that
the
Physicians
of
After-Ages
,
that
easily
knew
a
Dropsie
,
for
example
,
a
Consumption
,
a
Pleurisie
,
by
the
Characters
which
Hippocrates
gave
of
each
,
yet
knew
nothing
of
the
two
diseases
in
question
.
We
may
infer
from
thence
,
either
that
the
Typhus
,
and
thick
disease
,
are
no
longer
in
being
,
and
that
no
body
now
is
affected
with
them
,
or
that
no
body
at
all
ever
was
,
and
that
they
are
feign'd
distempers
,
and
only
describ'd
to
please
a
humour
or
fancy
.
We
ought
not
to
rest
satisfied
with
the
first
conjecture
,
tho'
't
is
not
impossible
that
some
diseases
may
cease
to
be
,
as
well
as
they
pretend
new
ones
arise
:
This
question
shall
be
treated
of
hereafter
.
There
's
rather
a
probability
,
that
those
that
describ'd
this
distemper
did
it
to
deceive
us
.
You
shall
see
after
what
manner
one
may
presume
the
thing
came
to
pas●
.
First
,
We
must
know
that
the
[
](A49892-e79560-b)(a)
(a)
Prosper
Ma●●a●●●
,
a
Roman
●hysici●●
,
that
writ
a
Comm●nta●y
on
Hipp●crates
,
about
the
beginning
of
this
Age
,
is
almost
the
only
person
of
another
opinion
.
greatest
part
of
the
Authors
,
as
well
Ancient
as
Modern
,
do
agree
,
That
the
Book
wherein
these
diseases
are
describ'd
is
not
of
Hippocrates's
writing
,
but
belongs
to
some
of
the
Works
of
the
Cnidien
Physicians
,
who
are
mentioned
in
the
foregoing
Book
.
That
which
confirms
this
opinion
,
is
what
Galen
particularly
remarks
,
viz.
That
these
Physicians
reckon'd
up
four
sorts
of
Jaundices
,
three
sorts
of
Consumptions
,
different
from
those
that
are
specified
in
the
Catalogue
of
the
diseases
of
the
first
Class
,
and
that
they
multiplied
after
the
same
manner
the
sorts
of
several
other
distempers
,
without
reason
or
necessity
.
T
is
then
in
the
same
Book
that
we
find
all
these
distinctions
,
which
is
an
argument
that
it
was
after
their
usual
manner
of
writing
.
Hippocrates
was
so
far
from
using
the
same
way
,
that
he
[
](A49892-e79650-b)(b)
(b)
De
diaetâ
in
ac●tis
,
lib.
4.
himself
has
blam'd
'em
for
making
too
nice
a
distinction
of
Diseases
,
as
if
a
distemper
ought
always
to
be
call'd
by
a
different
name
,
because
it
differs
from
another
in
a
little
trivial
thing
,
when
't
is
the
same
as
to
the
Essentials
or
Charactaristicks
,
by
which
the
genus
and
species
of
them
are
really
distinguish'd
.
'T
is
the
same
mistake
that
Galen
found
fault
with
the
Empiricks
for
,
who
for
want
of
method
,
had
a
greater
regard
to
the
symptoms
or
accidents
,
of
which
there
might
be
an
infinite
variety
,
than
to
the
distemper
it self
;
whence
it
came
that
they
multiplied
diseases
ad
insinitum
.
The
same
defect
in
method
,
which
was
the
cause
that
the
Cnidiens
made
distinctions
when
there
was
no
necessity
for
it
,
produc'd
that
disorder
and
confusion
you
find
in
the
description
of
the
Typhus
and
thick
Disease
.
In
one
word
,
the
fault
of
these
Physicians
lay
in
this
,
That
they
joyn'd
the
symptoms
of
many
diseases
to
one
alone
,
not
distinguishing
those
that
were
proper
to
certain
particular
distempers
,
and
inseparable
from
them
,
from
those
which
are
common
to
many
.
Lastly
,
It
may
be
that
the
fault
was
in
the
Copiers
,
and
that
these
ancient
Pieces
having
pass'd
through
an
infinite
number
of
hands
,
have
been
confusedly
mix'd
with
observations
different
from
them
,
without
the
Authors
having
any
share
in
the
disorder
.
We
may
add
to
these
distempers
,
that
that
's
call'd
the
great
distemper
of
the
hollow
veins
,
and
that
that
's
nam'd
the
vomiting
of
the
veins
on
the
Brain
;
these
names
which
were
ill
imposed
,
or
that
did
depend
on
the
particular
Idea
which
these
ancient
Physicians
had
of
the
Body
,
having
been
neither
better
retain'd
,
nor
known
,
than
those
mentioned
before
.
CHAP.
X.
Distempers
of
the
fifth
Class
,
or
which
have
names
that
are
no
longer
known
,
and
at
the
same
time
have
no
description
given
of
them
,
which
is
the
reason
we
can
speak
nothing
of
them
but
by
conjecture
.
HIppocrates
makes
mention
of
a
distemper
,
which
he
calls
the
[
](A49892-e79820-b)(a)
(a)
Pro●●●●tic
.
lib.
2
sub●s●nem
.
Pthinick
Discase
.
The
likeness
between
the
words
Pthinick
and
Pthisick
,
has
given
occasion
to
some
Interpreters
to
believe
that
he
treated
of
a
Consumption
in
this
place
:
But
the
more
Learned
agree
,
that
there
's
a
fault
in
the
Greek
Text
,
and
that
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
we
ought
to
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
The
Phaenician
Disease
.
Their
opinion
is
founded
upon
this
,
viz.
That
they
find
this
last
word
in
the
Commentators
of
Hippocrates
,
who
add
,
That
he
understood
by
it
a
distemper
common
in
Phaenicia
,
and
in
other
Eastern
Countries
,
which
seems
to
be
nothing
else
but
an
Elephantiasis
.
That
which
confirms
this
Explanation
is
,
That
Hippocrates
treats
in
the
same
place
of
distempers
,
that
have
a
near
relation
to
it
;
such
are
the
Leprosie
,
Tetters
,
and
the
distemper
call●d
Leuce
.
I
'll
only
make
this
remark
,
viz.
That
Galen
,
who
is
the
Author
of
a
Commentary
,
might
be
deceiv'd
in
this
,
only
because
he
thinks
that
the
distemper
of
Phaenicia
is
precisely
the
same
that
's
call●d
Elephantiasis
,
whereas
it
may
be
it
had
only
a
bare
relation
to
it
;
and
that
by
this
distemper
of
Phaenicia
,
Hippocrates
had
understood
the
[
](A49892-e80010-b)(b)
(b)
See
the
Commentary
〈◊〉
Mr.
Le
Clere
on
Leviticus
.
Leprosie
of
the
Jews
,
that
was
a
sort
of
a
Leuce
,
that
might
have
some
symptom
common
with
an
Elephantiasis
,
without
being
the
same
.
The
Commentaries
of
Hippocrates
,
which
we
'll
speak
of
hereafter
,
furnish'd
us
with
other
examples
of
distempers
,
which
we
can
have
no
knowledge
of
further
than
by
conjecture
,
because
their
names
are
no
longer
in
use
,
and
besides
there●s
no
description
given
of
them
.
Such
is
the
disease
which
Hippocrates
calls
[
](A49892-e80100-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Epidem
.
lib.
1.
Tangae
,
which
is
thought
to
be
a
sort
of
a
Tumor
.
Such
is
also
that
that
's
call'd
[
](A49892-e80130-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Epidem
.
lib.
7.
Hippouris
,
whereby
't
is
guess'd
that
he
means
a
certain
defluxion
,
which
throws
it self
on
the
genital
Parts
of
those
that
ride
too
often
,
or
sit
too
long
on
Horseback
,
and
is
obstinate
,
and
continues
a
long
time
,
or
a
weakness
,
or
some
indisposition
of
the
same
Parts
,
arising
from
the
same
Cause
.
And
that
which
he
calls
[
](A49892-e80160-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
ibid.
Anemie
,
that
's
thought
to
be
a
swelling
of
the
veins
,
caus'd
by
windy
blood
,
which
puts
them
in
danger
of
being
broke
.
You
may
put
in
the
same
rank
the
[
](A49892-e80190-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Epi●em
.
lib.
4.
Typhomany
,
which
thought
to
be
a
swelling
is
taken
for
a
disease
that
's
part
Lethargy
and
part
Phrensie
,
and
that
that
's
call'd
[
](A49892-e80220-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
Sect
3.
See
above
in
the
distempers
of
the
first
Class
,
at
the
word
Parotides
.
Pherea
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
the
means
to
preserve
Health
.
AFter
having
seen
in
what
Health
and
Sickness
consists
,
what
the
subject
of
them
is
,
and
what
are
the
causes
and
differences
;
in
the
next
place
,
we
ought
to
speak
a
word
or
two
of
the
Advice
that
Hippocrates
gave
to
those
that
were
in
health
;
after
which
,
we
'll
inquire
into
the
means
he
made
use
of
to
cure
those
that
were
sick
.
One
of
his
principal
Maxims
was
this
:
[
](A49892-e80330-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
ect
4.
Aphor.
20.
That
to
preserve
health
,
we
ought
not
to
overcharge
our selves
with
too
much
Eating
,
nor
neglect
the
use
of
Exercise
,
nor
avoid
Labour
.
He
said
in
the
second
place
,
That
we
ought
by
no
means
to
accustom
our selves
to
too
nice
and
exact
a
method
of
Living
,
because
,
said
he
further
,
those
that
have
once
begun
to
act
by
this
Rule
,
if
they
vary
the
least
from
it
,
find
themselves
very
ill
,
which
does
not
happen
to
those
that
take
a
little
more
liberty
,
and
live
somewhat
more
irregularly
.
Notwithstanding
this
,
he
does
not
neglect
to
make
a
diligent
enquiry
into
what
those
that
were
in
health
made
use
of
for
nourishment
in
those
times
.
Upon
which
,
I
can't
forbear
making
this
observation
,
That
in
those
days
they
were
not
so
delicate
by
much
,
as
we
are
now
,
which
appears
by
the
care
Hippocrates
takes
to
tell
what
is
the
quality
of
the
flesh
of
a
Dog
,
of
a
Fox
,
of
an
Horse
,
of
an
Ass
,
which
he
wou'd
not
have
done
,
if
at
that
time
they
had
not
been
us●d
for
Eatables
,
at
least
by
the
common
People
.
We
will
not
relate
here
what
Hippocrates
has
writ
concerning
other
sorts
of
Provisions
,
it
's
sufficient
to
know
that
he
examines
all
those
that
are
now
in
use
.
For
example
;
Sallads
,
Milk
,
Whey
,
Cheese
,
Flesh
as
well
of
Birds
as
of
four
footed
Beasts
;
fresh
and
salt
Fish
,
Eggs
,
and
all
manner
of
Pulse
,
and
the
different
sorts
of
Grain
we
feed
on
,
as
well
as
the
different
sorts
of
Bread
that
are
made
of
it
.
He
also
speaks
very
often
of
a
sort
of
liquid
Food
or
Broth
made
of
Barley-Meal
,
or
some
other
Grain
,
which
they
steep'd
for
some
time
,
and
boil'd
with
water
;
but
as
this
has
a
regard
more
particularly
to
the
manner
of
Dieting
the
Sick
,
we
'll
speak
a
little
more
of
it
in
the
following
Chapter
.
Hippocrates
is
full
as
nice
on
the
subject
of
Drink
;
he
takes
a
great
deal
of
pains
to
distinguish
the
good
waters
from
those
that
are
bad
.
The
best
,
in
his
opinion
,
ought
to
be
clear
,
light
,
without
smell
or
taste
,
and
taken
out
of
Fountains
that
turn
towards
the
East
.
The
salt
waters
,
and
those
that
he
calls
hard
,
that
is
in
my
opinion
heavy
,
or
that
overcharge
the
stomach
,
and
those
that
rise
out
of
Fenny
ground
,
are
the
worst
of
all
;
as
also
those
that
come
from
melted
Snow
.
But
tho'
Hippocrates
makes
all
these
distinctions
,
yet
he
advises
those
that
are
in
health
to
drink
of
the
first
water
that
comes
in
their
way
,
which
agrees
with
the
Advice
he
gave
before
,
not
to
be
too
exact
in
the
manner
of
living
.
He
speaks
also
,
but
't
is
but
two
words
,
of
Alom
Waters
,
or
that
partake
of
the
nature
of
Alom
,
and
of
those
that
are
hot
,
without
enlarging
further
on
their
qualities
or
use
;
we
only
perceive
by
it
,
that
he
had
a
knowledge
of
Mineral
Waters
.
As
to
what
relates
to
Wine
,
he
advises
in
some
places
to
mix
it
with
an
equal
quantity
of
water
;
and
Galen
observes
,
that
Hippocrates
regulates
by
that
the
just
proportion
we
ought
to
keep
in
this
mixture
:
So
that
,
says
he
,
the
Wine
by
its
power
might
drive
out
what
's
hurtful
to
the
body
,
and
the
water
serve
to
temper
the
acrimony
of
the
humours
.
But
my
thoughts
are
,
that
he
does
not
treat
in
those
places
but
of
particular
cases
,
that
are
there
stated
;
and
perhaps
it
was
from
the
vast
quantity
of
Wine
they
drank
in
those
times
,
where
they
almost
never
drank
it
pure
.
You
may
see
also
,
that
Hippocrates
regulating
the
quantity
of
the
Wine
which
ought
to
be
drank
according
to
the
different
Seasons
of
the
Year
,
says
,
That
in
the
Summer
time
you
ought
to
mix
a
great
deal
of
Water
with
the
Wine
,
in
the
Spring
and
Autumn
a
little
less
quantity
,
and
in
the
Winter
[
](A49892-e80490-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
that
is
to
say
,
Wine
more
pure
,
or
less
mix'd
,
which
is
opposite
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Wine
very
much
mix'd
.
less
than
in
any
other
time
,
which
supposes
that
in
all
times
you
ought
to
drink
a
mixture
.
Besides
,
he
gives
a
distinct
account
of
several
sorts
of
Wines
then
in
use
,
exactly
describing
their
qualities
.
Exercise
,
which
Hippocrates
advises
to
those
that
are
in
health
,
as
well
as
to
those
that
are
infirm
,
ought
to
be
used
according
to
the
Rules
,
and
with
the
Precautions
he
has
set
forth
,
which
are
the
same
we
touch'd
upon
en
passant
in
the
foregoing
Book
,
upon
the
occasion
concerning
Herodicus
,
who
we
said
was
the
Author
of
the
Gymnastick
,
or
the
Art
of
Exercising
,
for
health
.
On
which
we
must
observe
,
that
Hippocrates
himself
,
in
the
three
Books
intituled
,
Of
Diet
,
and
in
the
Book
of
Dreams
,
which
is
the
sequel
of
the
precedent
ones
,
pretends
that
't
is
to
him
the
obligation
's
due
for
the
same
thing
;
that
is
,
for
the
invention
of
the
Art
of
Exercise
,
which
compleats
Diet
;
but
these
Books
have
been
look●d
upon
ever
since
,
from
the
time
of
Galen
,
to
be
of
anothers
writing
,
and
were
then
attributed
,
according
to
the
said
Galen's
remark
,
to
Eurypheus
,
Phaon
,
Philistion
,
Ariston
,
or
to
some
other
Physician
,
that
liv●d
just
about
the
same
time
that
Hippocrates
did
.
If
I
durst
give
my
opinion
with
the
rest
,
I
shou'd
say
that
the
Books
in
question
might
be
of
Herodicus's
writing
,
who
has
pass'd
by
the
consent
of
all
the
Ancients
for
the
Inventor
of
the
Gymnastick
.
However
it
is
,
the
Advices
of
the
Author
of
these
Books
,
in
relation
to
the
Art
we
are
going
to
speak
of
,
depend
upon
the
different
times
one
ought
to
take
to
walk
in
,
and
on
the
condition
the
person
ought
to
be
in
before
he
does
it
;
whether
it
ought
to
be
fasting
,
or
after
eating
somewhat
,
in
the
morning
or
evening
,
in
the
Air
,
the
Sun-shine
,
or
Shade
;
whether
he
ought
to
be
naked
or
cloath'd
;
when
he
ought
to
walk
slowly
,
and
when
't
is
necessary
to
run
;
all
this
in
respect
to
different
ages
and
temperaments
,
and
with
the
design
of
bringing
the
body
down
,
of
dissipating
humours
,
or
of
gaining
some
other
advantage
from
it
.
Wrestling
,
tho'
it
be
a
violent
Exercise
,
was
numbred
with
the
rest
.
There
's
also
mention
made
in
the
same
place
,
of
a
Play
of
the
hands
and
fingers
,
which
was
thought
good
for
health
,
and
call'd
Chironomie
;
and
of
an
Exercise
,
which
was
perform'd
round
a
sort
of
a
Ball
hung
up
,
which
they
call'd
Corycus
,
which
they
struck
forward
with
all
the
strength
☞
they
had
with
their
hands
.
You
may
consult
the
above-mentioned
Mercurialis
,
that
searches
to
the
bottom
of
these
things
.
And
as
you
have
seen
in
the
Chapter
concerning
Herodicus
,
that
Baths
were
included
in
the
Gymnastick
,
as
well
as
the
custom
of
rubbing
and
anointing
ones
self
,
you●ll
find
several
directions
in
this
Author
upon
all
this
.
But
Galen
observes
,
in
relation
to
Baths
.
that
they
were
not
●et
common
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
himself
,
which
he
gathers
from
a
passage
of
this
ancient
Physician
;
where
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e80760-b)(a)
(a)
De
Diaeta
in
acutis
.
That
there
are
few
Houses
,
where
you
find
things
necessary
for
a
convenient
Bath
.
You
'll
see
in
the
next
Chapter
,
what
Hippocrates
thought
of
Baths
,
and
the
benefits
that
might
be
expected
from
them
.
As
to
what
remains
,
seeing
health
does
not
depend
solely
on
the
good
use
,
and
regular
management
of
Diet
,
nor
on
Exercise
or
Ease
;
and
that
besides
,
't
is
of
importance
to
be
regular
in
other
things
we
have
mentioned
before
,
when
we
treated
of
the
Causes
of
Health
,
such
are
sleep
,
and
watchings
,
the
air
,
and
other
bodies
which
are
about
us
;
that
which
ought
to
be
separated
from
our
Bodies
,
or
retain'd
there
;
and
lastly
,
the
Passions
.
I
say
,
the
preservation
of
our
Health
depending
on
all
these
Causes
,
Hippocrates
has
not
fail●d
to
give
us
Rules
for
all
.
To
begin
with
those
things
which
ought
to
be
separated
from
our
Bodies
,
or
there
retain'd
,
he
wou'd
have
us
take
great
care
not
to
load
our selves
with
Excrements
,
or
keep
them
in
too
long
;
and
besides
,
the
Exercise
we
are
speaking
of
,
which
carries
of
one
part
of
em
,
and
which
he
prescrib'd
chiefly
on
this
account
,
he
wou'd
have
us
excite
or
rouze
up
Nature
when
it
flagg'd
,
and
endeavour'd
not
to
expel
the
rest
,
or
take
off
those
impediments
which
resisted
its
efforts
.
'T
was
for
that
principally
he
made
use
of
Meats
proper
to
loosen
the
body
;
and
when
those
means
were
not
sufficient
,
he
wou'd
have
us
have
recourse
to
Clysters
and
Suppositories
.
The
composition
of
Clysters
for
persons
that
were
thin
and
emaciated
,
consisted
of
Milk
,
and
oily
unctuous
substances
,
which
they
mix●d
with
a
decoction
of
Chick
Pease
;
but
for
those
that
were
Plethorick
,
they
only
made
use
of
Salt
or
Sea-water
.
You
'll
see
in
the
Chapter
of
Purgatives
,
which
you
'll
come
to
presently
,
other
compositions
of
Clysters
,
and
other
particular
circumstances
relating
to
this
remedy
;
we
shall
also
speak
there
concerning
Suppositories
,
and
the
manner
of
preparing
them
.
Hippocrates
also
advis'd
Vomitives
as
a
great
preservative
against
distempers
,
which
he
caus'd
to
be
taken
once
or
twice
a
Month
,
during
the
Winter
and
Spring-time
.
The
most
simple
of
them
were
made
of
a
decoction
of
Hyssop
,
with
an
addition
of
a
little
Vinegar
and
Salt
.
He
made
those
that
were
of
a
strong
and
vigorous
Constitution
,
take
this
Liquor
fasting
,
whereas
those
that
were
thin
and
weakly
took
it
after
Supper
.
But
as
Vomits
are
remedies
which
are
used
also
in
distempers
,
we●ll
speak
of
them
likewise
at
the
same
time
we
do
of
Purgatives
.
Coition
is
wholesome
in
Hippocrates
opinion
,
provided
you
consult
your
strength
,
and
do
not
pursue
it
to
an
excess
,
which
he
always
finds
fault
with
upon
all
accounts
,
and
wou●d
have
it
also
avoided
in
relation
to
sleep
and
watching
.
You
find
also
in
his
Writings
,
several
remarks
concerning
good
or
bad
.
Air
;
and
he
makes
it
appear
,
that
the
good
or
bad
disposition
of
it
does
not
depend
solely
on
the
difference
of
the
Climate
,
but
on
the
situation
of
every
Place
in
particular
,
which
,
in
regard
to
this
,
he
carefully
examines
into
,
not
to
insinuate
,
that
you
ought
to
be
too
scrupulous
on
this
point
,
or
to
oblige
any
one
to
quit
his
Native
Country
,
or
the
place
where
one's
fix'd
,
to
seek
a
better
,
which
would
disturb
Society
,
but
to
let
the
Physicians
know
what
sorts
of
distempers
are
apt
to
reign
in
one
place
more
than
another
,
that
they
may
endeavour
to
prevent
them
,
or
make
it
their
study
to
get
a
proper
remedy
;
and
from
the
effects
of
the
different
situation
of
Places
,
compare
things
in
relation
to
Health
and
Sickness
.
Lastly
,
Hippocrates
knew
the
good
and
bad
effects
of
the
Passions
,
and
wou'd
have
us
,
in
regard
to
them
,
use
a
great
deal
of
moderation
.
CHAP.
XII
.
The
Practice
of
Hippocrates
,
or
his
manner
of
managing
distempers
.
General
Maxims
on
which
this
practice
is
founded
.
IF
we
reflect
on
what
was
said
before
of
the
power
which
Hippocrates
attributed
to
Nature
,
in
relation
to
the
Animal
OEconomy
,
and
to
Distempers
,
in
particular
,
of
which
Nature
,
according
to
him
,
is
the
Arbiter
and
Judge
,
determining
them
in
a
certain
limited
time
,
and
by
regular
movements
,
as
we
remark'd
when
we
spoke
of
Crises's
,
we
'll
immediately
infer
,
that
this
opinion
must
carry
him
so
far
,
as
to
be
contented
,
for
the
most
part
,
in
being
a
Spectator
of
what
the
strength
of
Nature
performs
,
without
doing
any
thing
on
his
side
on
this
occasion
.
We
shall
also
be
confirm●d
in
this
opinion
,
if
we
consult
the
Books
,
intituled
,
Of
Epidemical
Distempers
,
which
are
,
as
it
were
,
Journals
of
the
Practice
of
Hippocrates
;
for
you
'll
find
from
thence
,
that
this
ancient
Physician
does
very
often
nothing
more
than
describe
the
symptoms
of
a
distemper
,
and
what
has
happen●d
to
the
Patient
day
after
day
,
even
to
his
death
or
recovery
,
without
speaking
of
any
remedy
.
'T
is
not
nevertheless
absolutely
true
,
that
he
never
did
it
,
as
you●ll
see
by
the
sequel
,
but
we
must
agree
that
he
did
it
but
very
little
,
in
respect
of
what
has
been
practis'd
in
the
succeeding
Ages
.
We
'll
see
presently
what
these
remedies
are
,
after
we
have
given
an
abridgment
of
the
principal
Maxims
on
which
they
are
founded
.
Hippocrates
said
in
the
first
place
,
That
Contraries
or
Opposites
are
the
Remedies
of
their
Opposites
.
That
is
,
supposing
that
some
certain
things
were
oppos'd
one
to
the
other
,
we
ought
to
use
them
one
against
the
other
.
He
explains
this
Maxim
in
the
Aphorism
,
where
he
says
,
That
evacuation
cures
those
distempers
which
come
from
repletion
,
and
repletion
those
that
are
caus'd
by
evacuation
.
So
heat
destroys
cold
,
and
cold
heat
,
&c.
Secondly
he
said
,
That
Physick
is
an
addition
of
what
's
wanting
,
and
a
substraction
or
retrenchment
of
what
's
superfluous
;
an
Axiom
which
you
also
find
explain●d
by
this
,
That
there
are
some
juices
or
humours
,
which
in
particular
cases
ought
to
be
evacuated
or
drove
out
of
the
body
,
or
be
dry'd
up
;
and
some
others
that
you
ought
to
restore
to
the
body
,
or
cause
to
be
produc●d
there
again
.
As
to
the
method
you
shou'd
take
in
it
,
for
addition
or
retrenchment
,
he
gives
this
general
caution
,
That
you
ought
to
take
care
how
you
evacuate
or
fill
up
all
at
once
,
or
too
quick
,
or
too
much
;
and
that
't
is
equally
dangerous
to
heat
or
cool
again
on
a
sudden
;
or
rather
,
you
ought
not
to
do
it
,
every
thing
that
runs
to
an
excess
being
an
enemy
to
Nature
.
Hippocrates
allow'd
in
the
fourth
place
,
That
we
ought
sometimes
to
dilate
,
and
sometimes
to
lock
up
;
to
dilate
or
open
the
[
](A49892-e81090-b)(aa)
(aa)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
passages
by
which
the
humours
are
voided
naturally
,
when
they
are
not
sufficiently
open'd
,
or
when
they
are
clos'd
;
and
,
on
the
contrary
,
to
lock
up
or
streighten
the
passages
that
are
relax'd
,
when
the
juices
that
pass
there
ought
not
to
do
it
,
or
when
there
passes
too
much
of
them
.
He
adds
,
That
we
ought
sometimes
to
smooth
,
and
sometimes
to
make
rough
to
the
touch
;
sometimes
harden
,
and
sometimes
soften
again
;
sometimes
to
make
more
fine
or
supple
;
sometimes
to
thicken
;
sometimes
to
excite
or
rouze
up
;
and
at
other
times
,
to
stupify
or
take
away
the
sence
,
all
in
relation
to
the
solid
Parts
of
the
Body
,
or
to
the
Humours
.
He
gives
this
fifth
Lesson
,
That
we
ought
to
have
regard
to
the
course
the
humours
take
,
from
whence
they
come
,
and
whether
they
go
;
and
in
consequence
of
that
,
when
they
go
where
they
ought
not
,
that
we
make
them
take
a
[
](A49892-e81160-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Derivare
.
turn
about
,
or
carry
them
another
way
,
almost
like
turning
the
course
of
a
River
.
Or
upon
other
occasions
,
that
we
endeavour
,
if
possible
,
to
[
](A49892-e81190-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Revellere
.
recal
,
or
make
the
same
humours
return
back
again
,
drawing
upward
those
which
tend
downward
,
and
downward
those
which
tend
upward
.
He
remarks
also
,
That
we
ought
to
carry
off
,
by
convenient
ways
,
that
that
's
necessary
to
be
carried
off
,
and
not
let
the
humours
,
once
evacuated
,
enter
into
the
Vessels
again
.
He
gives
also
this
following
Instruction
;
That
when
we
do
any
thing
according
to
Reason
,
tho'
the
success
be
not
answerable
,
we
ought
not
easily
,
or
too
hastily
,
alter
the
manner
of
acting
,
as
long
as
the
Reasons
we
had
for
't
are
yet
good
.
But
seeing
this
Maxim
might
sometimes
deceive
,
here
's
another
of
them
that
serves
for
a
corrective
or
limitation
.
We
ought
,
says
our
Author
,
to
mind
with
a
great
deal
of
attention
,
what
[
](A49892-e81280-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
gives
ease
,
and
what
creates
pain
;
what
's
easily
supported
,
and
what
cannot
be
indured
.
The
Lesson
that
follows
is
one
of
the
most
important
;
[
](A49892-e81320-b)(b)
(b)
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
We
ought
not
,
said
he
,
to
do
any
thing
rashly
:
We
ought
to
pause
,
or
wait
,
without
doing
any
thing
;
this
way
if
you
do
the
Patient
no
good
,
at
least
you
'll
do
him
no
hurt
.
In
extream
illness
,
we
ought
,
in
his
opinion
,
to
use
Remedies
of
the
same
nature
;
that
which
Medicines
cure
not
,
the
Sword
does
;
what
the
Sword
does
not
,
the
Fire
cures
;
but
what
the
Fire
cannot
cure
,
ought
to
be
look'd
upon
as
incurable
.
Lastly
,
He
cautions
us
not
to
undertake
desperate
Diseases
,
which
are
beyond
the
power
of
Physick
.
These
are
the
principal
and
most
general
Maxims
of
the
Practice
of
Hippocrates
,
all
which
suppose
this
Principle
which
he
has
laid
down
at
the
beginning
,
That
Nature
it self
cures
Diseases
.
We
shall
see
more
of
the
particulars
in
the
following
Chapters
,
as
we
examine
the
Remedies
he
made
use
of
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
the
Remedies
which
Hippocrates
made
use
of
;
and
first
of
all
of
Diet
,
and
of
a
regular
method
of
Living
.
DIET
was
the
first
,
the
principal
,
and
oftentimes
the
only
Remedy
,
that
Hippocrates
made
use
of
,
to
satisfie
the
greatest
part
of
the
intentions
we
have
touch'd
upon
:
By
these
means
he
oppos'd
moist
to
dry
,
hot
to
cold
;
he
added
or
supply'd
what
was
deficient
,
and
took
off
from
what
was
superfluous
,
&c.
and
that
that
was
to
him
the
most
considerable
point
he
supported
Nature
,
and
assisted
it
to
overcome
the
cause
of
the
Malady
;
and
,
in
a
word
,
put
it
in
a
condition
to
do
of
it self
what
was
necessary
for
the
cure
of
Distempers
.
The
Diet
of
the
Sick
is
a
Remedy
that
is
so
much
Hippocrates's
own
,
that
he
was
as
desirous
to
pass
for
the
Author
of
it
,
as
of
that
of
Persons
in
health
,
which
we
have
treated
of
before
.
And
the
better
to
make
it
appear
that
it
is
a
new
remedy
,
he
says
expresly
,
That
the
Ancients
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Physicians
that
were
before
him
,
had
writ
almost
nothing
concerning
the
Diet
of
the
Sick
,
having
omitted
this
point
,
tho'
it
was
one
of
the
most
essential
parts
of
the
Art
.
The
method
we
have
seen
Aesculapius
and
his
Sons
make
use
of
,
in
their
management
of
the
Sick
,
in
relation
to
that
,
is
a
proof
that
Hippocrates
spoke
truth
:
To
his
testimony
we
may
join
that
of
Plato's
,
who
endeavours
even
to
justifie
,
in
this
respect
,
the
conduct
of
these
first
Physicians
,
as
we
remark'd
in
the
same
place
.
So
that
what
Pliny
has
said
,
that
Hippocrates
was
the
Inventor
of
the
[
](A49892-e81560-b)(a)
(a)
See
above
in
the
beginning
of
the
Chapter
concerning
Hippocrates
.
Clinick
Physick
,
may
be
made
appear
,
or
said
with
a
more
just
Title
,
of
Diaetetick
Physick
,
the
name
which
was
given
to
the
most
noble
part
of
all
the
Art
,
after
the
division
of
it
some
Ages
after
,
as
you
'll
see
in
its
place
;
which
shews
how
much
they
depended
,
in
those
ancient
Times
,
on
the
benefit
which
Patients
receiv'd
from
a
good
conduct
,
in
relation
to
eating
and
drinking
.
In
Chronical
distempers
,
Hippocrates
Dieted
his
Patients
one
way
,
and
in
Acute
another
.
In
these
last
,
which
are
those
that
require
more
particularly
an
exactness
in
relation
to
Diet
,
he
preferr'd
liquid
food
to
that
that
was
solid
,
especially
in
Fevers
;
for
that
he
made
use
of
a
sort
of
Broths
made
of
Barly
that
was
cleansed
to
which
he
gave
the
name
of
[
](A49892-e81620-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
signifies
to
bray
or
take
off
the
busk
.
Ptisane
,
wch
was
a
common
name
as
well
to
these
Broths
,
as
to
the
flower
of
the
Grain
,
of
which
they
were
made
.
See
after
what
manner
the
Ancients
prepar'd
a
Ptisane
:
They
first
steep'd
the
Barley
in
Water
till
it
was
plump'd
up
,
and
afterwards
they
dry'd
it
in
the
Sun
,
and
beat
it
to
take
off
the
husk
.
After
that
they
ground
it
,
and
then
having
let
the
flower
boil
a
long
time
in
the
Water
,
they
put
it
out
into
the
Sun
,
and
when
it
was
dry
they
press'd
it
close
.
'T
is
properly
this
flower
,
so
prepar'd
,
that
's
call'd
Ptisane
.
They
did
almost
the
same
thing
with
Wheat
,
Rice
,
Lentils
,
and
other
Grain
,
but
they
gave
these
Ptisanes
the
same
name
with
the
Grain
,
Ptisane
of
Lentils
,
Rice
,
&c.
whereas
the
Ptisane
of
Barley
was
call'd
simply
Ptisane
for
the
excellency
of
it
.
When
they
had
a
mind
to
use
it
,
they
boiled
one
part
of
it
in
ten
or
fifteen
parts
of
Water
;
and
when
it
began
to
plump
in
boiling
,
they
added
a
drop
of
Vinegar
,
and
ever
so
small
a
quantity
of
Anise
,
or
Leek
,
to
keep
it
from
clogging
,
and
filling
the
stomach
with
wind
.
Hippocrates
prescribes
this
Broth
for
Women
that
have
pains
in
their
Belly
,
after
being
brought
to
Bed
.
Boil
some
of
this
Ptisane
,
says
he
,
with
some
Leek
,
and
the
fat
of
a
Goat
,
and
give
it
to
the
Woman
in
Bed
.
You
won't
find
this
Ragou
very
odd
,
if
you
reflect
on
what
he
has
said
before
of
the
manner
of
Living
at
that
time
.
He
preferr'd
the
Ptisane
to
all
other
food
in
Fevers
,
because
it
soften'd
and
moisten'd
much
,
besides
that
it
was
of
easie
digestion
.
If
he
was
concern'd
in
a
continual
Fever
,
he
wou'd
have
the
Patient
begin
with
a
Ptisane
of
an
indifferent
thick
consistence
,
and
go
on
by
little
and
little
,
in
lessening
the
quantity
of
Barley-flower
,
according
as
the
days
drew
nearer
,
when
the
distemper
was
to
be
at
its
highest
pitch
;
so
that
then
he
did
not
feed
the
Patient
,
but
with
what
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e81760-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
this
time
also
they
made
use
of
for
nourishment
,
Broths
made
of
a
sort
of
grain
,
or
flower
made
into
little
grains
,
which
they
call'd
in
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
that
is
to
say
Grain
,
and
in
Latin
Alica
.
You
'll
see
more
particularl
what
it
was
in
the
Chapter
of
Galen
,
or
in
that
of
Dioscorides
.
the
juice
of
the
Ptisane
;
that
is
,
the
Ptisane
strain'd
,
where
there
was
but
very
little
of
the
flower
remaining
,
to
the
end
that
Nature
being
discharg'd
in
part
,
from
the
care
of
digesting
the
Aliments
,
it
might
the
more
easily
hold
out
to
the
end
,
and
overcome
the
distemper
,
or
the
cause
of
it
.
As
to
what
belongs
to
the
quantity
of
Aliment
,
and
the
time
of
giving
it
,
he
caus'd
the
Ptisane
to
be
taken
twice
a
day
by
Patients
that
in
their
health
us'd
to
eat
two
Meals
a
day
,
not
thinking
it
convenient
that
those
that
were
sick
,
should
eat
oftner
than
when
they
were
well
.
He
also
durst
not
allow
eating
twice
a
day
to
those
that
fed
but
once
when
in
health
,
but
was
willing
they
might
come
to
't
by
little
and
little
.
In
the
Fit
of
a
Fever
he
gave
nothing
at
all
;
and
in
all
distempers
where
there
are
exacerbations
,
he
forbid
nourishment
whilst
they
continued
.
He
let
Children
eat
more
;
and
those
that
were
become
Men
,
or
Old
,
less
,
giving
nevertheless
a
great
deal
of
allowance
to
the
Custom
of
every
particular
person
,
or
to
that
of
the
Country
.
And
tho'
he
was
of
the
opinion
that
too
much
ought
not
to
be
allow'd
to
the
sick
,
for
fear
of
nourishing
their
distemper
,
yet
we
must
observe
,
that
he
was
not
of
the
judgment
of
some
of
the
Physicians
of
his
time
,
who
prescrib'd
them
long
Abstinence
,
especially
at
the
beginning
of
a
Fever
.
The
reason
he
produc'd
for
't
was
,
they
weaken'd
the
Patients
extreamly
the
first
days
of
the
distemper
,
which
oblig'd
them
afterwards
to
give
them
more
nourishment
in
the
height
of
their
illness
;
which
was
the
time
,
in
his
judgment
,
when
they
ought
to
give
the
least
.
He
blam'd
the
Physicians
for
using
them
after
this
manner
,
[
](A49892-e81860-b)(a)
(a)
He
call'd
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
He
also
describ'd
too
great
abstinence
by
the
terms
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
hunger
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
kill
,
to
strangle
.
That
they
dry'd
up
their
Patients
like
Herrings
,
before
there
was
any
occasion
for
't
,
and
destroy'd
them
for
want
of
nourishment
.
Besides
,
in
acute
distempers
,
and
particularly
Fevers
,
Hippocrates
made
choice
of
nourishment
that
was
refreshing
and
moistening
;
and
he
propos'd
,
amongst
others
,
Spinach
,
Gourd
,
Orage
,
Melon
and
Dock
.
He
gave
this
sort
of
nourishment
to
those
that
were
in
condition
to
eat
,
or
cou'd
take
something
more
than
a
Ptisane
.
The
ordinary
drink
that
he
most
commonly
gave
to
his
Patients
,
was
made
of
[
](A49892-e81970-b)(b)
(b)
They
call'd
this
drink
in
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
in
Latin
Mulsa
.
eight
parts
Water
and
one
Honey
.
In
some
certain
distempers
they
added
a
little
[
](A49892-e82000-b)(c)
(c)
When
there
was
some
Vinegar
in
it
they
call'd
it
Oxymel
.
Vinegar
.
They
had
also
another
sort
of
drink
,
like
that
we
spoke
of
before
,
which
one
of
the
Sons
of
Aesculapius
drank
when
he
was
wounded
.
[
](A49892-e82030-b)(d)
(d)
They
call'd
this
drink
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
mixture
.
This
drink
was
more
or
less
mix'd
,
and
differently
made
up
,
according
as
the
distempers
were
.
You
find
one
[
](A49892-e82050-b)(e)
(e)
Hippoc.
lib
de
Intern
.
affect
lonibus
.
prescription
of
it
design'd
for
a
consumptive
Person
;
the
ingredients
consist
of
Rue
,
Anise
,
Selery
,
Coriander
,
juice
of
Pomegranate
,
the
roughest
red
Wine
,
Water
,
flower
of
Wheat
and
Barley
,
with
old
Cheese
made
of
Goats
Milk
.
Hippocrates
did
not
approve
of
giving
nothing
but
Water
to
the
Sick
;
and
tho'
he
prescrib'd
them
oftentimes
the
drinks
we
are
now
speaking
of
,
for
all
that
he
did
not
entirely
forbid
[
](A49892-e82080-b)(f)
(f)
See
further
on
in
the
cure
of
Diseases
,
upon
occasion
of
the
Pleurisie
.
Wine
even
in
acute
Distempers
and
Fevers
,
provided
they
were
not
delirious
,
nor
had
pains
in
the
head
.
The
quantity
of
water
he
wou'd
have
them
put
in
't
in
health
,
made
him
judge
that
it
wou●d
not
be
hurtful
to
those
that
were
sick
,
if
taken
after
the
same
manner
.
Besides
,
he
took
care
to
distinguish
the
Wines
proper
in
these
cases
,
preferring
to
all
other
sorts
White-Wine
,
that
's
clear
,
that
has
a
great
deal
of
water
in
it
,
and
has
neither
sweetness
nor
flavour
.
This
is
the
Diet
that
was
used
in
acute
distempers
.
As
to
that
in
Chronical
Diseases
,
you
'll
see
how
it
differ'd
from
the
first
by
the
examples
we
shall
bring
of
the
cures
of
them
.
We
'll
only
remark
before-hand
,
that
Milk
and
Whey
were
very
much
made
use
of
on
this
account
,
whether
in
lieu
of
nourishment
,
or
that
Hippocrates
look'd
upon
them
as
Medicines
.
We
have
seen
before
,
that
Baths
and
Exercise
were
part
of
the
Diet
of
Persons
in
health
,
it
was
also
of
those
that
were
sick
.
There
were
many
Diseases
which
Hippocrates
judged
the
Bath
necessary
for
the
cure
of
;
and
he
shews
all
the
conditions
requisite
to
receive
advantage
from
it
,
amongst
which
these
are
the
principal
:
That
the
Patient
that
bathes
keep
himself
still
and
quiet
in
his
place
,
without
speaking
,
and
let
those
be
doing
that
bath
him
,
either
by
throwing
water
over
the
head
,
or
by
wiping
him
dry
;
and
that
they
keep
for
this
last
purpose
Sponges
,
instead
of
the
Instrument
which
the
Ancients
called
Strigil
,
which
serv'd
to
rub
off
from
the
skin
the
dirt
and
nastiness
which
the
Oils
or
Unguents
they
anointed
themselves
with
left
upon
it
.
That
they
take
care
before-hand
not
to
catch
cold
.
That
they
do
not
bath
themselves
immediately
after
eating
or
drinking
;
and
that
they
abstain
also
from
eating
and
drinking
immediately
after
they
come
out
of
the
Bath
.
That
regard
ought
to
be
had
,
whether
the
Patient
has
accustomed
himself
to
bath
in
his
health
,
and
whether
it
did
him
good
or
hurt
.
Lastly
,
That
they
abstain
from
bathing
,
when
the
body
is
too
open
or
too
costive
,
or
if
they
have
not
discharg'd
before
,
or
are
too
weak
;
if
they
have
inclinations
to
Vomit
,
or
a
great
loss
of
Appetite
,
or
that
they
bleed
at
Nose
.
The
advantage
you
receive
from
the
Bath
,
and
the
good
it
does
,
according
to
Hippocrates
,
consists
in
moistening
and
refreshing
,
in
taking
away
weariness
,
in
making
the
skin
soft
,
and
the
joints
pliant
;
in
provoking
Urine
,
and
in
making
the
Nostrils
moist
,
and
other
Pipes
open
.
He
goes
as
far
as
two
Baths
a
day
in
his
allowance
,
to
those
that
are
accustom'd
to
't
in
their
health
.
We
'll
speak
afterwards
of
a
sort
of
particular
Bath
,
or
half
Bath
,
in
the
Chapter
concerning
external
Remedies
.
As
to
the
Exercise
of
the
Sick
,
Hippocrates
approv'd
of
it
very
much
in
Chronical
distempers
,
as
you
'll
see
by
some
examples
of
Cures
which
we
'll
speak
of
hereafter
;
tho'
he
thought
it
not
convenient
in
acute
distempers
,
and
openly
blam'd
his
Master
Herodicus
,
who
fatigu'd
even
those
that
were
in
Fevers
with
violent
Exercises
,
as
we
have
observ●d
in
the
precedent
Book
.
'T
is
not
that
he
thought
a
Patient
ought
always
to
lie
a
Bed
,
he
did
not
at
all
commend
laziness
or
the
faint
heart
of
those
that
could
not
leave
their
Bed
;
or
rather
wou'd
not
,
tho'
they
were
able
.
[
](A49892-e82180-b)(g)
(g)
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
We
ought
,
says
he
,
sometimes
to
push
the
timorous
out
of
Bed
,
and
rouze
up
the
lazy
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Of
Purgation
;
under
which
are
comprehended
all
the
ways
of
emptying
,
or
discharging
the
Bowels
and
Stomach
.
WHEN
Hippocrates
saw
that
Diet
was
not
sufficient
to
ease
Nature
of
the
burthen
of
humours
,
that
were
too
abundant
,
or
corrupted
,
he
made
use
of
other
means
to
evacuate
them
,
and
to
satisfie
one
of
the
intentions
we
have
touch'd
upon
before
,
which
is
to
diminish
,
or
to
take
away
what
is
superfluous
.
These
ways
were
first
of
all
[
](A49892-e82280-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
purge
,
to
cleanse
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
that
si●●ifies
also
to
purge
,
to
eva●uate
.
He
makes
use
of
the
wo●d
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Medicin●
.
You
'll
see
further
in
the
Chapter
of
Herophilus
,
and
in
that
of
Asclepiades
,
the
reason
wherefore
the
word
Medicine
signified
a
purging
Medicine
,
and
other
significations
of
the
same
word
.
Purgation
,
which
comprehends
all
the
contrivances
that
are
us●d
to
discharge
the
Stomach
and
Bowels
.
Tho
this
word
signifies
also
in
particular
,
the
evacuation
of
the
Excrements
of
the
Belly
,
and
other
humours
,
that
come
from
all
parts
of
the
Body
,
which
is
made
by
Stool
,
after
having
taken
some
Medicine
by
the
Mouth
;
on
which
we
must
not
forget
to
remark
,
after
what
manner
Hippocrates
conceiv'd
this
Medicine
to
operate
.
He
imagin'd
,
that
a
purgative
Medicine
,
after
it
was
in
the
body
,
first
evacuated
the
humour
that
agreed
most
with
its
nature
;
after
which
,
it
attracted
and
purg'd
the
other
also
.
[
](A49892-e82400-b)(b)
(b)
De
nat.
hom.
Just
after
the
same
manner
,
said
he
,
as
every
Plant
attracts
from
the
earth
first
of
all
the
juice
that
is
agreeable
to
its
nature
,
and
afterwards
juices
that
are
different
,
so
a
Medicine
that
ought
to
purge
the
Bile
,
first
attracts
the
Bile
;
but
if
it
be
too
strong
,
or
its
operation
continues
too
long
,
when
it
finds
no
more
Bile
,
it
then
purges
Phlegm
,
and
after
Phlegm
the
black
Bile
,
and
last
of
all
the
Blood
.
This
opinion
agrees
with
what
has
been
said
in
the
Chapter
of
the
Philosophy
of
Hippocrates
concerning
Attraction
;
by
means
of
which
,
this
Physician
wou'd
have
most
things
perform'd
that
relate
to
the
Animal
OEconomy
.
The
purgatives
which
they
us●d
in
his
time
,
had
most
of
them
their
purging
and
vomiting
quality
from
the
salts
in
them
;
or
if
they
had
not
always
the
latter
effect
,
at
least
they
purg●d
almost
every
body
violently
.
These
Medicines
are
white
and
black
Hellebore
;
the
first
of
which
,
is
one
of
the
most
violent
Vomits
that
can
be
given
.
The
Cnidien
Berries
,
which
are
nothing
else
but
the
Seeds
of
Thymelaea
;
Cneorum
,
which
is
also
a
Medicine
taken
from
Thymelaea
or
Chamelaea
.
Peplium
,
which
is
a
sort
of
a
Milk
Thistle
,
or
Tithymallus
,
as
well
as
Peplus
.
Thapsia
,
the
juice
of
Hippophaes
,
a
sort
of
Rhamnus
.
Elaterium
,
which
is
also
the
juice
of
a
wild
Cucumber
.
The
Flowers
of
Brass
.
Coloquintida
,
Scammony
;
the
Magnesian
Stone
,
which
is
a
sort
of
Load-stone
.
Hippocrates
speaks
also
of
Cnicus
,
which
is
taken
for
Carthamus
;
and
of
a
sort
of
Poppy
,
which
he
calls
[
](A49892-e82630-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
3.
de
morbis
.
See
further
in
the
Chapter
of
Remedies
that
cause
sleep
.
white
Poppy
,
and
puts
it
in
the
rank
of
Purgatives
.
But
we
ought
to
take
care
,
not
to
confound
it
with
the
white
Poppy
now
daily
us●d
.
As
these
Purgatives
were
for
the
most
part
very
brisk
,
this
ancient
Physician
accordingly
was
mighty
cautions
when
he
had
a
mind
to
use
them
;
he
did
not
prescribe
'em
in
the
Dog-Days
;
he
never
purg●d
Women
with
Child
,
and
seldom
Children
and
old
People
.
The
principal
or
most
frequent
use
he
then
made
of
Purgatives
was
in
Chronical
Distempers
;
in
acute
ones
he
was
much
more
wary
in
this
respect
.
Of
all
the
Patients
in
Fevers
,
or
others
in
acute
Distempers
,
which
he
gives
the
History
of
in
his
Books
,
intituled
,
Of
Epidemical
Distempers
,
which
we
said
were
as
it
were
Journals
of
his
Practice
,
there
are
very
few
of
them
in
which
he
says
he
has
given
Purgative
Medicines
.
He
also
takes
notice
expresly
in
the
same
Books
,
[
](A49892-e82720-b)(b)
(b)
Vide
historiam
Scomphi
pleuritici
,
Epidem
.
lib.
5
:
in
princip.
historiam
Scamandri
&
alias
sequentes
.
that
these
Medicines
having
been
given
in
certain
cases
in
the
Diseases
which
he
was
treating
of
,
had
produc'd
very
bad
effects
.
One
wou'd
think
we
might
conclude
from
thence
,
that
Hippocrates
absolutely
rejected
the
use
of
Purgatives
in
these
distempers
,
but
it●s
plain
from
other
places
that
he
was
not
of
this
opinion
.
He
actually
gave
Purgatives
in
Acute
Diseases
as
well
as
Chronical
,
but
not
fo
often
,
as
we
have
already
remark'd
.
He
was
of
opinion
,
for
example
,
[
](A49892-e82760-b)(c)
(c)
De
ratione
victus
in
acutis
.
that
purging
was
good
in
a
Pleurisie
,
when
the
pain
was
below
the
Diaphragm
,
giving
in
this
case
black
Hellebore
,
or
some
Peplium
mix'd
with
the
juice
of
Laserpitium
,
which
was
our
Assa
faetida
,
as
you
'll
see
in
the
Chapter
of
Dioscorides
.
He
declares
besides
,
in
several
places
,
that
you
may
give
Purgatives
in
acute
distempers
,
setting
forth
the
precautions
requisite
for
it
,
as
you
'll
see
by
what
follows
.
The
principal
Rule
Hippocrates
gives
relating
to
Purgation
is
this
:
That
you
ought
only
to
purge
off
the
humours
that
are
concocted
,
and
not
those
that
are
yet
crude
,
taking
particular
care
not
to
do
it
at
the
beginning
of
the
distemper
,
lest
the
humours
should
be
stirr'd
up
,
or
very
much
[
](A49892-e82850-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
nisi
turgeant
.
We
do
not
well
know
what
he
means
by
turgere
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
a
term
that
expresses
properly
the
motions
of
Animals
.
The
greatest
part
of
the
Commentators
are
of
opinion
,
that
his
meaning
was
to
describe
a
sudden
motion
of
the
humours
,
which
swell
up
and
endeavour
to
discharge
themselves
of
some
side
,
or
throw
themselves
on
some
part
.
Aphor.
22.
Sect.
1.
disturb'd
,
which
happens
pretty
often
.
The
understanding
of
this
Axiom
depends
on
what
has
been
said
before
of
the
concoction
of
humours
in
the
Chapter
of
Crisis's
.
By
the
beginning
of
a
distemper
,
Hippocrates
meant
all
the
time
that
pass'd
from
the
first
day
to
the
fourth
compleat
.
He
was
not
the
first
that
made
remark
,
that
it
wou'd
be
of
ill
consequence
to
stir
the
humours
,
or
purge
before
that
time
;
we
have
seen
,
in
the
first
Book
of
this
History
,
that
the
Aegyptian
Physicians
had
already
made
this
observation
,
Hippocrates
might
have
learn●d
it
from
Democritus
,
who
had
continued
a
long
time
in
that
Country
,
or
he
might
have
travell'd
there
himself
,
supposing
that
the
Asclepiades
,
his
Predecessors
,
had
not
also
made
this
discovery
themselves
.
There
is
another
Aphorism
,
which
appears
diametrically
opposite
to
the
precedent
one
;
't
is
that
,
where
t
is
said
,
That
in
the
beginning
of
distempers
we
ought
to
stir
the
humours
:
that
is
to
say
,
to
purge
what
we
think
we
ought
to
be
stirr'd
.
This
Aphorism
has
given
a
great
deal
of
trouble
to
the
Physicians
of
the
succeeding
Ages
,
who
have
endeavour'd
to
reconcile
it
with
the
first
.
Galen
has
got
off
from
the
matter
on
this
occasion
,
by
explaining
the
word
to
stir
up
,
to
signifie
using
all
the
Remedies
that
are
necessary
for
the
ease
of
the
Patient
;
amongst
which
,
he
reckons
particularly
bleeding
and
purging
.
So
that
the
stirring
up
,
which
Hippocrates
advises
in
this
Aphorism
,
in
his
opinion
is
perform'd
by
the
first
of
these
Remedies
,
rather
than
by
the
last
;
that
is
to
say
,
Purgation
might
be
admitted
sometimes
at
the
beginning
of
distempers
,
but
very
rarely
.
But
a
third
Aphorism
,
which
explains
that
which
we
are
going
to
quote
,
appears
contrary
to
the
sense
of
Galen
,
't
is
the
twenty-fourth
of
the
first
Section
,
which
says
,
That
we
ought
seldom
to
purge
in
acute
distempers
,
and
do
it
in
the
beginning
,
after
having
carefully
examin'd
if
the
case
requires
it
.
Galen
salves
the
apparent
contradiction
between
this
Aphorism
and
the
first
,
by
saying
that
it
is
in
distempers
that
continue
a
long
time
,
that
we
ought
always
to
wait
the
concoction
before
we
purge
,
but
that
in
acute
ones
we
may
do
it
at
the
beginning
when
the
humours
are
turgid
.
And
he
adds
,
that
the
case
being
rare
,
it
's
what
obliges
Hippocrates
to
caution
,
that
you
examine
well
into
all
things
on
this
occasion
,
before
you
use
this
Medicine
.
It
actually
appears
,
that
Hippocrates
purg'd
sometimes
at
the
beginning
of
acute
distempers
;
and
besides
the
Aphorism
we
have
just
now
read
,
he
says
in
another
place
in
express
terms
,
That
we
ought
to
purge
at
that
time
in
Fevers
,
when
the
Vrine
of
the
Patient
is
troubled
,
but
we
ought
to
abstain
from
it
if
it
be
clear
.
Nevertheless
,
we
must
agree
,
that
he
did
it
rarely
as
matters
went
.
That
which
has
been
said
at
the
beginning
,
that
amongst
a
great
number
of
persons
sick
of
these
distempers
,
which
he
speaks
of
in
the
Books
we
have
quoted
,
he
finds
but
very
few
of
them
to
whom
he
has
given
Purgatives
,
is
at
least
a
proof
of
it
.
Besides
,
he
gives
this
important
Advertisement
,
which
has
some
relation
with
the
first
Aphorism
,
[
](A49892-e83110-b)(a)
(a)
De
ratione
victus
in
acut
.
That
those
that
endeavour
to
take
off
inflamations
in
a
part
by
purging
Remedies
,
draw
nothing
from
the
Part
where
the
inflamation
is
,
by
reason
of
the
great
tenseness
of
it
,
and
because
the
distemper
is
yet
crude
;
on
the
contrary
it
dissolves
,
or
corrupts
that
that
remain'd
found
in
the
Part
,
and
that
held
out
against
the
distemper
.
We
must
also
observe
,
that
Hippocrates
,
[
](A49892-e83140-b)(b)
(b)
Aphor.
9.
Sect.
2.
before
he
Purg'd
any
one
,
wou'd
have
them
make
their
body
or
their
humours
fluid
;
that
is
,
that
they
wou'd
dilute
them
sufficiently
,
to
the
end
they
might
be
more
easily
evacuated
.
Lastly
,
he
said
,
That
we
ought
to
give
to
the
Cholerick
,
or
in
cholerick
distempers
,
Medicines
to
purge
choler
;
in
Phlegmatick
,
those
that
purge
phlegm
;
in
Melancholick
,
those
that
purge
melancholy
,
or
black
choler
;
and
in
the
Dropsie
in
particular
,
those
that
purge
the
Waters
.
He
added
,
That
we
knew
if
a
Purgative
had
drawn
from
the
body
what
was
fit
to
be
evacuated
,
according
as
we
found
our selves
well
or
ill
upon
it
.
If
we
found
our selves
well
,
't
was
a
sign
the
Medicine
had
effectually
expell'd
the
humour
that
offended
.
On
the
contrary
,
if
we
were
ill
,
Hippocrates
pretended
,
whatever
quantity
of
humours
were
come
away
,
that
the
humour
that
was
the
cause
of
the
illness
was
not
,
not
judging
of
the
goodness
or
badness
of
a
Purge
by
the
quantity
of
Matters
that
were
voided
by
it
,
but
by
their
quality
,
and
the
effect
that
follow●d
after
it
.
[
](A49892-e83210-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
vomit
;
from
whence
comes
the
word
Emetick
,
which
signifies
vomitive
.
Vomiting
is
also
a
manner
of
Purgation
,
which
operates
upwards
,
and
draws
up
also
further
than
from
the
stomach
,
if
it
be
a
little
strong
.
We
have
seen
before
what
were
the
Vomitives
Hippocrates
prescrib●d
by
way
of
precaution
to
persons
in
health
.
In
regard
to
the
sick
,
he
advis'd
them
sometimes
the
like
,
when
his
intention
was
only
to
cleanse
the
stomach
.
But
when
he
had
a
mind
to
recal
the
humours
from
the
most
hidden
recesses
of
the
body
,
he
made
use
of
brisker
Remedies
;
and
white
Hellebore
,
which
we
plac'd
amongst
the
Purgatives
,
was
one
of
those
he
us'd
oftenest
for
this
effect
.
Particularly
,
he
made
the
Melancholy
and
[
](A49892-e83280-b)(b)
(b)
De
Diaeta
liber
primus
.
Mad
folks
take
it
;
and
it
is
from
the
great
use
all
the
Ancients
made
of
this
Remedy
in
the
like
cases
,
that
't
is
become
a
Proverb
,
To
have
need
of
Hellebore
:
as
much
as
to
say
,
To
have
lost
ones
senses
.
He
gave
it
also
in
defluxions
,
which
come
according
to
him
from
the
Brain
,
and
throw
themselves
on
the
Nostrils
or
Ears
,
or
that
fill
the
Mouth
with
Spittle
,
or
that
cause
stubborn
pains
in
the
Head
,
or
a
weariness
,
and
an
extraordinary
heaviness
,
or
a
weakness
of
the
knees
,
or
a
swelling
all
over
the
body
.
He
gave
it
also
to
[
](A49892-e83320-b)(c)
(c)
De
morb
:
lib.
1.
&
de
intern
.
affect
.
consumptive
persons
in
Broth
made
of
Lentils
,
to
those
that
were
ill
of
the
Dropsie
call'd
Leucophlegmatia
,
and
in
other
chronical
distempers
;
but
we
do
not
find
that
he
made
use
of
it
in
acute
distempers
,
unless
in
the
[
](A49892-e83340-b)(d)
(d)
Epidem
.
lib.
5.
Cholera
Morbus
,
where
he
says
he
has
us'd
it
with
benefit
,
tho'
in
this
distemper
they
had
vomited
but
too
much
already
,
but
in
this
case
vomiting
was
cur'd
by
a
vomit
.
Some
took
this
Medicine
fasting
,
but
most
took
it
after
Supper
,
after
the
same
manner
we
said
was
practis'd
in
regard
to
vomits
,
that
were
order'd
to
be
taken
by
way
of
precaution
.
The
reason
why
he
gave
this
Medicine
most
commonly
after
eating
,
was
,
That
in
mixing
with
the
victuals
,
it
might
loose
a
little
of
its
acrimony
,
and
operate
with
less
violence
on
the
Membranes
of
the
stomach
.
He
gave
also
sometimes
of
a
Plant
call'd
Sesamoides
,
with
the
same
intention
to
cause
vomiting
;
and
sometimes
he
mix'd
it
with
Hellebore
.
Lastly
,
We
ought
to
observe
,
that
he
gave
in
some
certain
cases
Hellebore
,
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e83390-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
soft
or
sweet
,
which
had
some
relation
to
the
quality
of
this
Remedy
,
or
to
the
quantity
that
he
gave
of
it
,
which
might
be
less
on
this
last
occasion
.
When
Hippocrates
had
a
mind
simply
to
keep
the
body
open
,
or
make
an
evacuation
of
the
Excrements
contain'd
in
the
Intestines
,
without
drawing
from
too
far
,
he
made
use
of
Simples
chiefly
to
produce
this
effect
;
for
example
,
of
the
Herb
Mercury
,
or
of
Cabbage
,
the
juice
and
decoction
of
which
he
order'd
to
be
drank
.
He
us'd
Whey
for
the
same
effect
,
and
also
Cows
or
Asses
Milk
,
adding
a
little
salt
to
it
,
and
letting
it
boil
sometimes
.
Or
if
he
gave
Asses
Milk
alone
,
he
caus'd
so
great
a
quantity
of
it
to
be
taken
,
that
it
must
of
necessity
loosen
the
body
.
He
prescribes
[
](A49892-e83450-b)(b)
(b)
De
ration
.
victus
in
acutis
.
in
one
place
even
sixteen
hemines
of
it
,
and
every
hemine
contain'd
nine
Italian
Ounces
of
liquor
.
I
know
not
whether
there
be
a
fault
in
this
passage
or
not
;
we
find
in
the
seventh
Book
of
Epidemical
Distempers
,
an
example
of
a
young
Man
,
to
whom
he
gave
nine
hemines
in
two
days
,
which
is
much
less
.
We
might
also
say
,
that
the
time
necessary
to
take
this
quantity
of
Milk
in
,
being
not
specified
in
the
first
passage
,
nothing
hinders
but
that
we
understand
,
that
it
ought
to
be
taken
in
more
than
a
days
time
.
As
to
what
remains
,
I
know
not
whether
,
when
Hippocrates
makes
mention
of
certain
Demi-purgatives
,
or
of
a
manner
of
[
](A49892-e83520-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Subpurgare
,
lib.
de
vict.
ratione
in
acutis
dum
de
pleuritide
.
purging
,
that
's
in
the
middle
between
Clysters
and
Purgatives
,
properly
so
call'd
.
I
know
not
,
say
I
,
whether
he
means
the
juice
of
Mercury
,
of
Cabbage
,
and
other
Remedies
,
we
have
been
speaking
of
,
or
whether
he
had
other
Medicines
.
Or
lastly
,
Whether
his
ordinary
Purgatives
,
taken
in
a
less
Dose
,
wou'd
not
produce
this
effect
.
He
made
use
also
of
[
](A49892-e83570-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Suppositories
and
[
](A49892-e83590-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
de
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
cleanse
.
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
whence
is
deriv'd
that
of
Clyster
,
signifies
in
Hippocrates
the
Instrument
with
which
they
gave
the
Clyster
.
Clysters
,
with
the
same
intention
to
loosen
the
body
.
Suppositories
were
compounded
of
Honey
,
the
juice
of
Herb
Mercury
,
of
Salt
of
Nitre
,
of
Powder
of
Coloquintida
,
and
other
sharp
ingredients
,
to
irritate
the
Anus
,
which
they
put
into
a
round
form
like
a
Ball
,
or
round
and
long
,
of
the
shape
and
length
of
a
finger
.
You
have
already
seen
before
,
what
were
the
Clysters
which
Hippocrates
prescrib'd
to
persons
in
health
;
those
which
he
made
up
for
the
sick
were
sometimes
of
the
same
composition
.
At
other
times
he
took
the
decoction
of
Blits
,
or
other
Simples
,
in
which
he
dissolv'd
some
Nitre
and
Honey
,
and
diluted
it
with
Oil
,
or
some
other
ingredients
,
according
as
he
had
a
mind
to
attract
,
to
wash
,
irritate
or
soften
;
or
according
to
the
distempers
he
had
to
engage
withal
.
The
quantity
of
the
liquor
came
to
about
four
hemines
,
that
is
thirty
six
Italian
Ounces
;
which
seems
to
make
it
plain
,
and
that
he
did
not
order
it
to
be
taken
all
at
once
,
but
at
several
times
.
CHAP.
XV.
Of
the
Purgation
of
the
Head
,
and
that
of
the
Lungs
in
particular
.
HIppocrates
also
propos'd
to
himself
sometimes
to
[
](A49892-e83770-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
purge
the
Head
alone
.
He
put
in
practice
this
Remedy
,
after
he
had
purg'd
the
rest
of
the
body
,
in
an
Apoplexy
,
in
inveterate
pains
of
the
Head
,
in
a
certain
sort
of
Jaundice
;
in
a
Consumption
,
and
in
the
greatest
part
of
Chronical
Distempers
.
For
that
he
made
use
of
juices
of
several
Plants
;
as
for
example
,
the
juice
of
Selery
,
to
which
he
added
sometimes
Aromatick
Drugs
,
making
them
snuff
up
this
mixture
into
their
Nostrils
.
He
used
also
Powders
compounded
of
Myrrh
,
the
flowers
of
Brass
,
and
white
Hellebore
,
which
he
also
made
them
put
up
into
the
Nose
to
make
them
sneeze
,
and
to
draw
the
Phlegm
from
the
Brain
thro'
this
part
.
He
also
made
use
of
,
for
this
effect
,
an
Instrument
or
a
Drogue
,
which
he
calls
Tetragonon
;
that
is
to
say
,
that
that
has
four
Angles
,
but
we
know
not
what
he
understood
by
it
.
They
did
not
know
it
even
in
the
time
of
Galen
,
who
guestes
it
to
be
[
](A49892-e83820-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
Commentaries
on
Hippocrates
in
Galen
.
Antimony
,
or
certain
tables
or
flakes
that
you
find
in
Antimony
.
He
undertook
also
to
purge
or
cleanse
the
Lungs
,
or
the
Breast
in
particular
,
in
the
distemper
call'd
Empyema
.
On
this
intent
,
he
commanded
the
Patient
to
draw
in
his
Tongue
as
much
as
he
was
able
,
and
when
that
was
done
,
he
endeavoured
to
put
into
the
hollow
of
the
Lungs
a
Liquor
that
irritated
the
part
,
which
raising
a
violent
cough
,
forc●d
the
Lungs
to
discharge
the
purulent
Matter
which
was
contain'd
in
them
.
The
materials
that
he
us'd
for
it
were
of
different
sorts
;
sometimes
he
took
the
Root
of
Arum
,
which
he
order'd
to
be
boil'd
with
a
grain
of
Salt
,
in
a
sufficient
quantity
of
Water
and
Oil
,
dissolving
a
little
Honey
in
it
.
At
other
times
,
when
he
intended
to
purge
more
strongly
,
he
took
the
flower
of
Copper
and
Hellebore
:
after
that
he
shook
the
Patient
violently
by
the
shoulders
,
the
better
to
loosen
the
Pus
.
This
Remedy
,
which
is
found
in
[
](A49892-e83890-b)(b)
(b)
De
morbis
lib.
2
&
de
internis
affectionibus
.
two
places
of
the
Works
of
Hippocrates
,
is
attributed
by
Galen
to
the
Cnidien
Physicians
,
which
we
have
spoke
of
in
the
precedent
Book
.
The
Physicians
of
the
succeeding
Ages
have
practis'd
it
no
more
,
whether
they
had
no
Patients
that
wou'd
suffer
it
,
or
whether
they
thought
it
of
no
benefit
,
which
is
most
probable
.
These
ancient
Physicians
invented
this
Remedy
to
raise
a
cough
upon
what
they
observed
,
that
it
was
the
only
means
by
which
the
Pus
cou'd
be
naturally
evacuated
from
the
Breast
,
and
be
as
it
were
pump'd
out
of
the
Lungs
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
Whether
Hippocrates
made
use
of
Purgations
or
Superstitious
Purifications
,
which
we
spoke
of
above
.
WE
have
seen
in
the
first
Book
of
our
History
,
that
Melampus
and
Polyides
us'd
certain
Purgations
or
Expiations
,
which
had
regard
to
Crimes
as
well
as
Distempers
.
It
seems
Hippocrates
also
approv'd
of
this
practice
,
when
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e84020-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
de
decenti
habitu
.
That
a
Physician
ought
to
have
knowledge
of
the
Purgatives
or
Purifications
beneficial
to
life
.
[
](A49892-e84050-b)(b)
(b)
A
Modern
Translator
of
Hippocrates
.
Cornarius
has
understood
it
this
way
;
and
,
in
effect
,
we
cannot
explain
this
passage
or
word
otherwise
,
for
he
does
not
treat
here
of
the
Purgations
that
we
spoke
of
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
:
And
the
other
Interpreters
or
Commentators
on
Hippocrates
,
that
have
taken
it
in
this
latter
sense
,
are
mistaken
.
But
we
may
say
,
That
seeing
he
meets
with
variations
in
the
Original
[
](A49892-e84100-b)(c)
(c)
Some
Manuscripts
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
singular
,
which
intirely
alters
the
sence
,
and
that
signifies
nothing
if
you
don't
refer
it
to
the
follewing
word
,
which
is
also
very
obscure
.
Manuscripts
,
in
relation
to
the
word
in
question
,
and
that
all
this
passage
,
there
being
compris'd
in
it
,
that
which
immediately
follows
,
is
but
obscure
,
perhaps
Hippocrates
meant
to
speak
quite
another
thing
.
[
](A49892-e84130-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
freedom
from
Superstition
,
which
is
one
of
the
qualities
he
requires
in
a
Physician
,
in
the
same
place
where
he
makes
a
parallel
betwixt
a
Philosopher
and
one
of
this
Profession
,
appears
contrary
to
it
.
For
how
indeed
does
the
necessity
which
he
wou'd
impose
on
a
Physician
to
understand
purifications
,
which
consisted
of
some
superstitious
ceremonies
,
agree
with
the
freedom
from
every
thing
that
is
superstitious
.
It
's
true
,
that
another
translator
of
Hippocrates's
reads
this
last
word
otherwise
,
and
takes
it
[
](A49892-e84160-b)(e)
(e)
Calvus
translates
as
if
●e
had
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
contrary
sense
.
But
the
inclining
to
superstition
,
or
a
superstitious
fear
of
the
Gods
,
is
not
that
which
they
have
accus'd
the
Philosophers
of
no
more
than
the
Physicians
,
between
whom
,
they
say
,
Hippocrates
endeavours
to
make
a
comparison
in
this
passage
.
We
have
nothing
to
do
besides
but
to
read
the
Book
intitled
of
the
Sacred
Distemper
,
to
see
how
Hippocrates
openly
laughs
at
all
the
ridiculous
ceremonies
they
practis'd
in
his
time
to
cure
this
distemper
,
and
in
particular
the
expiations
and
purifications
they
perform'd
on
this
occasion
.
We
will
not
relate
any
thing
he
has
said
above
,
to
avoid
being
tedious
:
we
'll
only
remark
,
that
he
puts
those
that
meddled
with
expiations
,
Magicians
,
Mountebanks
,
and
impudent
Boasters
,
that
promise
more
than
they
mean
,
and
have
nothing
to
perform
.
We●ll
remark
,
I
say
,
that
he
puts
all
these
sorts
of
fellows
in
the
same
rank
,
ending
a
long
discourse
,
which
he
makes
on
this
subject
,
with
these
words
,
more
worthy
of
a
Christian
,
than
a
Pagan
,
as
he
was
.
It
is
,
says
he
,
the
Deity
that
purifies
us
,
and
washes
us
from
our
greatest
sins
,
and
from
our
most
enormous
crimes
.
It
is
the
Divinity
which
protects
us
,
and
it
is
only
in
the
Temples
,
which
are
the
habitations
of
the
Gods
,
that
we
ought
to
seek
to
purisie
ourselves
of
what●s
unclean
.
I
know
this
Book
to
be
suppos'd
to
belong
to
some
other
Author
:
But
however
it
be
,
that
Hippocrates
used
only
remedies
purely
natural
,
and
never
proposed
any
superstitious
ones
,
is
an
Argument
he
was
never
for
them
.
We
may
see
further
how
he
elsewhere
[
](A49892-e84270-b)(f)
(f)
Lib.
de
his
quae
ad
virginem
spectaut
.
rallies
the
women
of
his
time
that
were
troubled
with
the
Mother
,
for
offering
to
Diana
rich
Garments
.
He
does
not
stick
to
say
,
that
the
Priests
who
advis'd
these
poor
women
thus
,
abused
them
wretchedly
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
Of
Blood-letting
,
and
of
the
Application
of
Cupping-Glasses
.
BLood-letting
was
another
method
of
evacuating
or
taking
away
the
superfluity
of
what
was
in
the
Vessels
and
parts
,
which
Hippocrates
us'd
.
Another
aim
he
had
in
it
was
to
divert
or
recall
the
course
of
the
Blood
,
which
was
going
where
it
ought
not
to
be
.
A
third
end
of
bleeding
was
to
procure
a
free
motion
of
the
Blood
and
Spirits
,
as
we
may
gather
from
the
following
passage
.
[
](A49892-e84390-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
He
says
elsewhere
in
the
same
sense
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
the
Bladder
slopt
.
When
any
one
becomes
speechless
of
a
sudden
,
Hippocrates
says
it
is
caus'd
by
the
shutting
of
the
Veins
,
especially
when
it
happens
to
a
person
otherwise
in
good
health
,
without
any
outward
violence
.
In
this
case
the
inward
vein
of
the
right
Arm
must
be
open'd
,
and
more
or
less
blood
taken
away
,
according
to
the
age
and
constitution
of
the
Patient
.
Those
that
lose
their
Speech
thus
,
have
great
flushings
in
the
face
,
their
Eyes
are
stiff
,
their
Arms
are
distended
,
their
Teeth
gnash
,
they
have
palpitations
of
the
Arteries
,
they
cannot
open
their
Jaws
,
the
Extremities
are
cold
,
[
](A49892-e84440-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Interceptiones
Spirituum
in
venis
.
and
the
Spirits
are
intercepted
in
the
Veins
.
If
pain
ensues
,
it
is
by
the
accession
of
the
black
Bile
and
sharp
humours
.
For
the
Internal
parts
being
vellicated
or
irritated
by
these
humours
,
suffer
very
much
,
and
the
Veins
being
also
irritated
and
dried
,
distend
themselves
extraordinarily
,
and
are
inflam'd
,
and
draw
all
that
can
flow
to
them
,
so
that
the
Blood
corrupting
,
and
the
Spirits
not
being
able
to
pass
through
the
Blood
[
](A49892-e84470-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
their
natural
passages
.
by
their
ordinary
passages
,
the
parts
grow
cold
,
by
reason
of
this
Stagnation
of
the
Spirits
.
Hence
comes
giddiness
,
loss
of
speech
,
and
convulsions
.
If
this
disorder
reaches
to
the
Heart
,
the
Liver
,
or
to
[
](A49892-e84500-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
It
ought
to
be
observ'd
that
he
makes
no
mention
here
of
the
brain
,
nor
of
the
nerves
.
the
great
Veins
.
From
hence
come
also
Epilepsies
,
and
Palsies
,
if
the
defluxions
fall
upon
the
parties
nam'd
,
and
that
they
dry
up
,
because
the
Spirits
are
deny'd
a
passage
thro
them
.
In
this
case
,
after
Fomentation
a
Vein
must
be
open'd
,
while
the
Spirits
and
Humours
are
yet
[
](A49892-e84570-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
suspended
or
unsettled
.
Hippocrates
had
also
a
fourth
intention
in
bleeding
,
which
was
for
refreshment
.
So
in
the
[
](A49892-e84630-b)(f)
(f)
De
morb
.
lib.
3.
Th●s
is
one
●f
these
Books
that
are
attributed
to
Polybius
.
Iliac
passion
he
orders
bleeding
in
the
Arm
,
and
in
the
Head
;
to
the
end
,
says
he
,
that
the
superiour
Venter
(
or
the
Breast
)
may
cease
to
be
over-heated
.
The
particular
intentions
which
Hippocrates
might
further
have
in
the
use
of
this
remedy
will
appear
in
the
examination
of
the
particular
cases
wherein
he
thought
it
necessary
.
We
shall
see
at
the
same
time
the
caution
he
us'd
in
these
occasions
,
what
Veins
he
open'd
,
what
quantity
of
Blood
he
took
,
and
circumstances
relating
to
bleeding
.
We
must
here
take
notice
,
that
his
conduct
was
much
the
same
in
Bleeding
as
Purging
,
in
respect
of
time
and
persons
.
We
ought
,
says
he
,
to
let
blood
in
acute
diseases
,
when
they
are
violent
,
and
if
the
party
be
lusty
,
and
in
the
flower
of
his
Age.
Hence
it
follows
,
first
,
that
he
let
blood
neither
infants
nor
old
persons
;
and
I
was
surpriz'd
at
a
consequence
which
[
](A49892-e84760-b)(g)
(g)
Callimedontis
puero
propter
in●erculum
ad
collum
,
secta
Vena
.
Epidem
.
lib.
5.
&
7.
Nota
,
sars
Riolanus
,
puero
detractum
sanguinem
.
Now
in
the
Greek
it
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
filio
Callimedontis
,
and
not
puero
,
as
Cornarius
has
translated
it
,
which
led
Riolanus
into
this
mistake
,
who
did
not
take
the
pains
to
consult
the
Greek
Text
,
which
he
understood
perfectly
well
,
and
which
would
have
shown
him
that
this
Son
of
Callimedon
might
be
in
the
flower
of
his
age
,
or
at
least
above
that
of
an
Infant
.
De
Circul
.
Sang.
cap.
3.
Riolanus
draws
from
one
passage
of
our
Author
,
or
by
which
he
pretends
to
prove
that
he
sometimes
took
blood
from
Children
,
because
in
the
passage
cited
,
the
persons
Age
who
is
spoken
of
is
not
determined
.
Hippocrates
elsewhere
insinuates
,
that
we
ought
to
have
regard
to
the
time
,
both
in
respect
of
the
disease
,
and
of
the
season
when
we
let
blood
.
He
adds
in
the
passage
first
cited
,
by
way
of
explication
of
what
he
means
by
distempers
both
acute
and
violent
[
](A49892-e84950-b)(i)
(i)
De
rati●ne
victu●●n
a●●●
.
:
That
blood
ought
to
be
let
in
great
pains
,
and
particularly
in
inflamations
.
Amongst
which
he
reckons
those
which
fall
upon
the
principal
Viscera
,
as
the
Liver
,
the
Lungs
,
and
the
Spleen
;
as
likewise
the
Quinzy
and
the
Pleurisie
,
if
the
pain
be
above
the
Diaphragm
.
In
these
cases
he
would
have
them
bleed
till
they
faint
,
especially
if
the
pain
be
very
acute
,
rather
he
advises
that
the
Vein
should
not
be
closed
till
the
colour
of
the
Blood
alters
,
that
from
livid
it
turns
red
,
or
from
red
livid
.
In
the
Quinzy
he
blooded
in
both
Arms
at
a
time
.
Difficulty
of
breathing
is
also
reckon'd
among
the
distempers
that
require
bleeding
;
Hippocrates
mentions
also
another
sort
of
inflamation
of
the
Lungs
,
which
he
calls
a
swelling
or
Tumours
of
the
Lungs
arising
from
heat
,
in
which
case
he
advises
to
bleed
in
all
parts
of
the
body
,
and
directs
particularly
to
the
Arms
,
the
Tongue
,
and
the
Nostrils
.
To
make
bleeding
the
more
useful
in
all
pains
,
he
directed
[
](A49892-e85130-b)(k)
(k)
Epidemic
.
lib.
6.
sect.
6.
to
the
Vein
nearest
the
part
afflicted
;
and
he
gives
particular
direction
in
a
Pleurisie
[
](A49892-e85160-b)(l)
(l)
Lib.
de
ratim
.
victus
in
acutis
.
to
open
the
inward
Vein
of
the
Arm
on
that
side
on
which
the
pain
is
.
For
the
same
reason
,
in
pains
of
the
Head
he
open'd
the
Veins
of
the
Nose
and
of
the
Forehead
.
Upon
the
same
account
he
blooded
an
Idumaean
Slave
in
the
Foot
,
for
a
great
pain
in
the
Hips
and
Leg
,
which
put
her
into
convulsions
,
contracted
after
Lying
in
.
When
the
plain
was
not
urgent
,
and
bleeding
was
advised
for
prevention
,
he
directed
[
](A49892-e85280-b)(m)
(m)
De
natura
hominis
.
to
the
parts
farthest
off
,
with
intention
insensibly
to
divert
the
blood
from
the
seat
of
pain
.
The
highest
Burning
Fevers
,
which
shew
neither
signs
of
inflamation
nor
pain
,
are
not
rank'd
by
Hippocrates
among
the
acute
distempers
that
requir●d
bleeding
.
On
the
contrary
,
he
maintains
,
that
a
Fever
it self
is
in
some
cases
a
reason
against
bleeding
.
[
](A49892-e85350-b)(n)
(n)
Epidem
.
lib
2.
sect
6.
If
any
one
,
says
he
,
has
an
Vlcer
in
the
Head
he
must
bleed
,
unless
he
has
a
Fever
.
[
](A49892-e85380-b)(o)
(o)
Ibidem
.
He
says
farther
,
Those
that
lose
their
speech
of
a
sudden
must
be
blooded
,
unless
they
have
a
Fever
.
Perhaps
he
was
afraid
of
bleeding
in
Fevers
,
because
he
supposes
,
as
it
appears
by
some
passages
,
that
Fevers
were
produc'd
by
the
Bile
and
the
Pituita
,
which
grew
hot
,
and
afterwards
heated
the
whole
body
,
which
is
,
says
he
,
what
we
call
a
Fever
,
and
which
in
his
opinion
could
not
be
evacuated
by
bleeding
.
He
looks
elsewhere
upon
the
presence
or
abundance
of
Bile
as
an
objection
against
bleeding
.
And
he
orders
,
[
](A49892-e85430-b)(p)
(p)
Epidemic
.
lib
6.
sect.
3.
to
forbear
bleeding
even
in
spitting
of
blood
,
tho
in
a
Pleurisie
if
there
be
Bile
,
that
is
,
I
suppose
,
in
a
Bilious
Pleurisie
,
which
is
not
accompany'd
with
violent
pain
.
To
this
we
must
add
,
that
Hippocrates
distinguisht
very
much
between
a
Fever
which
followed
no
other
distemper
,
but
was
itself
the
original
Malady
,
and
a
Fever
which
came
upon
inflamation
.
In
these
times
,
as
Galen
observes
,
the
first
sort
only
were
properly
call'd
Fevers
,
the
other
took
their
names
from
the
parts
affected
,
as
Pleurisie
,
Peripneumonie
,
Hepatitis
,
Nephritis
,
&c.
which
names
signifie
that
the
Pleura
,
the
Lungs
,
the
Liver
,
and
the
Kidneys
are
diseas'd
,
but
do
not
intimate
the
Fever
which
accompanies
their
disease
.
In
this
later
sort
of
Fever
,
Hippocrates
constantly
ordered
bleeding
,
but
not
in
the
former
.
We
are
not
therefore
to
be
surprized
,
if
in
all
his
Book
of
epidemical
distempers
we
find
but
few
directions
for
bleeding
in
the
acute
distempers
,
and
particularly
in
the
great
number
of
continual
and
burning
Fevers
there
treated
of
.
In
the
first
and
third
Book
,
which
are
the
most
finished
of
all
,
we
find
but
one
single
instance
,
and
that
in
a
Pleurisie
,
in
which
two
he
staid
till
the
eigthth
day
of
the
distemper
.
Galen
accounts
otherwise
for
his
Conduct
in
this
case
,
[
](A49892-e85620-b)(q)
(q)
In
lib.
2.
Epidemic
.
3.
Comm.
1.
Hippocrates
having
said
nothing
of
bleeding
,
not
only
in
the
case
of
Pythion
,
but
likewise
of
several
other
Patients
who
seem'd
according
to
his
own
principles
to
want
bleeding
,
as
far
as
we
can
judge
of
them
by
his
writings
;
We
must
necessarily
conclude
,
either
that
he
did
not
bleed
them
at
all
,
or
that
he
omitted
the
mention
of
it
in
the
History
which
he
gives
of
their
Cases
.
Now
it
is
not
likely
that
he
omitted
bleeding
when
the
case
required
it
,
this
great
man
being
so
fond
of
that
Remedy
,
as
appears
by
those
Works
of
his
,
which
are
acknowledged
by
all
the
World
to
be
Genuine
,
such
as
the
Aphorisms
,
the
method
of
Diet
in
acute
distempers
,
and
that
we
have
now
in
hand
,
where
he
says
thus
;
I
open'd
a
Vein
in
the
Arm
upon
the
eighth
day
,
and
let
out
abundance
of
blood
,
as
was
necessary
:
If
he
blooded
upon
the
eighth
day
in
the
case
here
mentioned
,
we
have
still
more
reason
to
believe
he
did
it
in
the
preceeding
.
On
the
other
side
,
it
is
not
probable
that
he
should
forget
to
mention
it
,
in
a
case
wherein
it
was
his
ordinary
practice
,
especially
when
he
puts
down
Remedies
of
much
less
importance
,
not
omitting
so
much
as
a
Suppositor
.
Since
therefore
,
says
Galen
,
there
lies
some
difficulty
upon
either
of
these
opinions
,
we
ought
to
determin
for
that
which
has
least
.
This
being
supposed
,
I
am
of
opinion
that
it
was
used
to
several
of
these
Patients
,
but
that
the
mention
of
it
was
omitted
in
the
History
of
their
cases
,
as
a
thing
suppos'd
of
course
.
And
I
rather
subscribe
to
this
Opinion
,
because
Hippocrates
himself
takes
express
notice
of
bleeding
on
the
eighth
day
,
which
I
imagin
he
peculiarly
remark'd
,
because
it
was
a
thing
against
the
usual
practice
,
supposing
the
mention
of
bleeding
the
preceeding
days
,
as
being
the
common
methods
.
Most
of
the
modern
Commentators
upon
Hippocrates
are
of
Galen's
opinion
:
But
to
this
it
may
be
answer'd
,
that
Hippocrates
being
very
exact
,
as
Galen
himself
acknowledges
,
even
in
the
relation
of
the
most
Minute
Medicines
he
us'd
,
such
as
Suppositors
;
't
is
hard
to
think
in
this
case
he
would
omit
the
most
considerable
.
To
this
we
may
add
,
that
Galen
himself
maintains
elsewhere
,
that
Erasistratus
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
hereafter
,
never
blooded
any
body
,
only
for
this
reason
,
that
in
ennumerating
the
Medicines
he
made
use
of
in
several
occasions
,
he
makes
no
mention
of
bleeding
.
If
this
Argument
will
hold
against
Erasistratus
,
it
will
against
Hippocrates
.
Besides
,
it
was
altogether
of
as
great
importance
,
that
we
should
be
inform'd
of
the
Remedies
,
as
of
the
Process
of
the
distempers
.
The
symptoms
which
arise
,
depending
as
much
upon
the
practice
of
the
Physician
himself
,
as
upon
the
nature
of
the
distemper
.
In
all
probability
where
Hippocrates
omits
the
mention
of
bleeding
in
any
case
,
he
did
not
use
it
,
nor
is
this
so
much
against
his
principles
,
as
Galen
would
insinuate
.
On
the
contrary
,
he
follows
him
therein
precisely
,
as
appears
by
what
has
been
said
already
.
If
Hippocrates
had
blooded
his
Patients
plentifully
in
Fevers
in
the
beginning
of
their
illness
,
as
Galen
pretends
,
he
would
not
perhaps
have
had
the
opportunity
of
seeing
so
many
Fevers
terminate
by
Crisis
,
that
is
,
by
natural
Evacuation
,
which
come
of
themselves
in
certain
days
.
This
Ancient
Physician
laid
so
much
weight
upon
the
assistance
of
Nature
and
the
method
of
Diet
,
which
was
his
favourite
Medicine
,
that
he
thought
if
they
took
care
to
diet
the
Patients
before-mention'd
according
to
rule
,
they
might
leave
the
rest
to
nature
.
These
are
his
true
principles
,
from
which
he
never
deviates
,
so
that
his
pieces
of
e●idemical
diseases
,
seem
to
have
been
compos'd
only
with
an
intention
to
leave
to
posterity
,
an
exact
model
of
management
in
pursuance
of
these
principles
.
To
return
to
the
Rules
that
Hippocrates
prescribes
for
bleeding
,
[
](A49892-e85920-b)(r)
(r)
Galen
Comment●on
Aphor.
6.
lib
6.
't
is
observable
in
all
diseases
which
have
their
seat
above
the
Liver
,
he
bleeds
in
the
Arm
,
or
some
of
the
upper
parts
of
the
Body
,
but
for
those
that
were
below
it
,
he
open'd
the
Veins
below
,
as
of
the
Foot
,
the
Ankle
,
or
the
Ham.
[
](A49892-e85990-b)(s)
(s)
De
ratione
victûs
in
●cu●●s
sub
●in●m
.
If
the
Belly
was
too
Laxative
,
and
bleeding
was
thought
necessary
,
Hippocrates
ordered
the
Looseness
to
be
stopt
before
bleeding
.
Almost
all
these
instances
hitherto
regard
scarce
any
thing
but
acute
distempers
.
We
find
several
concerning
chronical
diseases
.
A
young
man
complaining
of
a
great
pain
of
his
Belly
,
with
a
great
rumbling
while
he
was
fasting
,
which
ceased
after
eating
:
This
pain
and
noise
continuing
his
meat
did
him
no
good
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
he
daily
wasted
,
and
grew
lean
.
Several
Medicines
,
as
well
Purgers
as
Vomiters
were
in
vain
given
him
.
At
length
it
was
resolv'd
to
bleed
him
by
intervals
first
in
one
Arm
and
then
t'other
,
[
](A49892-e86080-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
till
he
was
without
blood
.
Epidemic
.
lib.
5.
sub
Principio
.
till
he
had
scarce
any
blood
left
,
which
perfectly
cur'd
him
.
Hippocrates
let
blood
also
in
the
Dropsie
,
and
even
in
a
Tympany
;
in
both
these
cases
he
prescribes
bleeding
in
the
Arm
[
](A49892-e86170-b)(u)
(u)
De
affection●●
.
.
In
a
disease
arising
from
an
over-grown
Spleen
,
which
is
attended
by
diverse
other
symptoms
,
he
proposes
bleeding
several
times
repeated
at
a
Vein
of
the
Arm
which
he
calls
the
Splenatick
Vein
.
We
shall
speak
more
of
this
Vein
hereafter
.
He
proposes
in
another
place
[
](A49892-e86220-b)(w)
(w)
De
Morbis
lib.
2.
bleeding
under
the
Tongue
in
a
sort
of
Jaundice
.
This
perhaps
was
an
Empirical
Medicine
grounded
only
upon
experience
,
for
the
use
of
which
he
could
give
no
good
reason
;
and
what
confirms
me
in
this
opinion
,
is
,
that
the
Book
wherein
this
remedy
is
mentioned
is
supposed
to
have
been
written
by
the
Cnidian
Physicians
,
who
,
as
we
have
said
before
,
were
Empiricks
.
Or
perhaps
it
might
be
grounded
upon
some
reason
which
is
lost
to
us
,
because
we
have
not
the
same
Idea
of
the
disposition
of
the
Veins
,
and
their
sympathy
with
the
several
parts
of
the
body
,
that
the
Antients
had
.
What
Hippocrates
advances
elsewhere
,
that
if
we
burn
in
any
one
the
Veins
or
Arteries
of
the
Temples
,
he
can
never
procreate
after
,
seems
to
be
founded
upon
no
better
reason
.
We
have
as
much
reason
to
ask
what
particular
communication
there
is
between
the
Veins
of
the
Temples
,
and
the
Organs
of
Generation
,
as
between
the
Liver
and
the
Spleen
,
which
are
the
parts
affected
in
the
Jaundice
,
and
the
Veins
of
the
Tongue
.
This
difficulty
would
lye
as
heavy
upon
us
as
the
other
,
if
Hippocrates
himself
his
not
inform
us
[
](A49892-e86290-b)(x)
(x)
See
for
this
the
Chapter
of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
,
that
the
Seed
which
comes
from
all
parts
of
the
body
,
and
particularly
from
the
Head
,
passes
or
descends
by
the
Veins
of
the
Temples
,
or
behind
the
Ears
;
so
that
when
one
burns
those
Veins
,
one
intercepts
the
passage
of
the
Seed
.
[
](A49892-e86330-b)(y)
(y)
See
the
list
of
diseases
known
to
Hippocrates
.
This
opening
of
the
Veins
behind
the
Ears
was
,
as
we
have
shew'd
before
,
a
familiar
practice
among
the
Scythians
,
by
which
they
cur●d
themselves
of
a
certain
sort
of
a
Sciatica
.
There
is
no
doubt
,
but
that
bleeding
,
as
well
as
purging
,
which
are
two
Medicines
whose
effects
are
not
easily
to
be
accounted
for
,
must
in
many
cases
be
Empirical
remedies
.
It
was
sufficient
for
Hippocrates
and
the
rest
of
the
ancient
Physicians
,
to
know
that
they
were
serviceable
in
certain
cases
,
to
induce
them
to
the
use
of
them
in
those
cases
,
tho
ignorant
of
the
reasons
of
their
operations
.
We
see
by
what
has
been
said
concerning
bleeding
,
that
there
were
some
occasions
,
in
which
he
did
not
only
bleed
once
in
the
course
of
a
distemper
,
but
that
he
did
it
very
largely
,
continuing
it
sometimes
even
to
swooning
.
Sometimes
he
blooded
in
both
Arms
at
a
time
,
in
others
he
did
it
several
times
,
and
in
several
parts
of
the
body
,
but
he
does
not
put
down
the
quantity
took
at
a
time
.
The
Veins
which
he
open'd
were
those
of
the
Arm
,
[
](A49892-e86400-b)(z)
(z)
By
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
hand
,
the
Greeks
often
understood
all
the
arm
;
so
that
when
they
only
meant
the
hand
they
said
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
extremity
of
the
hand
,
or
of
the
arm
.
Hippocrates
makes
particular
mention
of
two
veins
of
the
arm
,
or
of
the
hand
,
one
of
which
he
calls
Hepatitis
,
and
the
other
Splenitis
,
supposing
that
the
first
came
from
the
Liver
,
and
the
other
from
the
Spleen
.
the
Hands
,
the
Ankles
on
both
sides
,
the
Hams
,
the
Forehead
,
behind
the
Head
,
the
Tongue
,
the
Nose
,
behind
the
Ears
,
under
the
Breasts
,
and
those
of
the
Arms
;
not
reckoning
those
he
burnt
,
and
the
Arteries
he
opened
,
of
which
we
shall
speak
under
the
head
of
his
Surgery
.
Hippocrates
likewise
used
Cupping-vessels
,
with
intent
to
recall
and
withdraw
the
humours
which
fell
upon
any
part
.
He
contented
himself
sometimes
with
the
bare
attraction
made
by
the
Cupping-vessels
,
sometimes
he
scarified
also
,
that
is
to
say
,
he
slasht
or
prickt
diverse
holes
on
the
place
where
the
Cupping-vessel
had
been
.
We
shall
see
more
at
large
in
the
[
](A49892-e86720-b)(a)
(a)
See
below
in
the
Chapter
of
Celsus
.
sequel
the
several
sorts
of
Cupping-vessels
in
use
amongst
the
Antients
,
and
the
manner
of
applying
of
them
.
We
shall
speak
likewise
of
their
Cauteries
,
in
the
Surgery
of
Hippocrates
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Of
Diuretick
and
Sudorifick
Remedies
.
WHen
bleeding
and
purging
,
which
were
the
principal
and
most
general
means
which
Hippocrates
us'd
to
take
off
a
Plethora
of
the
Blood
or
humours
,
were
insufficient
,
he
had
recourse
to
Diureticks
and
Sudorificks
.
Which
he
insinuates
in
this
passage
,
wherein
nevertheless
he
makes
mention
of
bleeding
.
[
](A49892-e86870-b)(a)
(a)
De
ratione
victûs
in
morbis
acutis
p.
m
403.
All
diseases
,
says
he
,
are
determined
or
cured
by
evacuations
by
the
mouth
,
by
stool
,
by
urine
,
or
some
other
such
way
,
but
sweating
is
common
to
all
,
that
is
,
takes
off
all
alike
.
[
](A49892-e86920-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
urine●
Diuretick
Medicines
were
of
different
sorts
,
according
to
the
disposition
of
persons
;
sometimes
Baths
,
and
sometimes
Sweet
Wine
,
provoke
urine
;
sometimes
the
nourishment
which
we
take
contributes
to
it
:
and
amongst
those
Herbs
which
are
commonly
eaten
,
Hippocrates
recommends
Garlick
,
Leeks
,
Onions
,
Cucumbers
,
Melons
,
Gourds
,
Fennel
,
and
all
the
biting
things
which
have
a
brisksmell
.
With
these
he
numbers
Honey
,
mixt
with
Water
or
Vinegar
,
and
all
Salt
Meats
.
But
when
he
would
drive
it
more
forcibly
,
he
took
four
Cantharides
,
and
taking
off
their
Wings
and
their
Feet
,
gave
them
in
Wine
and
Honey
.
He
gave
these
several
Medicines
in
variety
of
Cronical
distempers
after
Purging
,
when
he
thought
that
[
](A49892-e87070-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Causes
of
D●seases
.
the
Blood
was
over-charg'd
with
a
sort
of
moisture
,
which
he
calls
Ichor
,
or
in
suppressions
of
urine
;
and
when
it
was
made
in
less
quantity
than
it
ought
.
Hippocrates
used
also
sudorifick
or
sweating
Medicines
.
There
are
also
some
cases
wherein
he
would
force
sweat
[
](A49892-e87150-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Satius
urinam
&
sudorem
provocare
.
De
morb
.
mulier
.
1.
as
well
as
urine
,
but
he
does
not
tell
what
is
to
be
taken
for
that
purpose
.
He
says
in
another
place
,
[
](A49892-e87180-b)(e)
(e)
De
Morb.
Epidemic
.
lib.
6.
sect.
2.
that
good
care
ought
to
be
taken
when
sweat
is
provoked
,
both
how
and
when
,
but
he
tells
not
the
means
.
There
is
only
a
single
passage
that
I
know
of
,
wherein
he
mentions
[
](A49892-e87210-b)(f)
(f)
Ibid.
lib.
2.
sect.
6.
Vid.
&
Aphorism
.
42.
l.
7.
sweating
,
by
powring
upon
the
Head
a
great
quantity
of
hot
Water
till
the
Feet
sweat
,
that
is
,
till
the
sweat
diffuses
itself
over
the
whole
Body
,
running
from
the
Head
to
the
Foot
.
After
which
he
would
have
them
eat
boyld
Meat
and
drink
thereupon
pure
Wine
,
and
being
well
covered
with
cloaths
,
lay
themselves
to
rest
.
What
he
adds
immediately
after
,
that
they
should
eat
two
or
three
heads
of
Daffodills
,
does
not
seem
to
me
at
all
to
relate
to
the
provoking
of
sweat
,
Daffodills
being
reckoned
by
Dioscorides
among
the
Vomitories
.
Hippocrates
perhaps
puts
the
Patient
to
his
choice
,
whether
to
sweat
or
vomit
.
Perhaps
the
Narcissus
of
Hippocrates
was
not
known
afterwards
by
the
same
name
,
which
has
been
the
fortune
of
several
other
Simples
whose
names
have
been
changed
.
I
do
not
find
any
other
sudorifick
Medicines
taken
at
the
mouth
in
Hippocrates
.
The
Disease
for
which
he
proposes
the
aforesaid
Remedies
is
a
Fever
,
which
is
not
,
according
to
him
,
produced
either
by
the
Bile
or
the
Pituita
,
but
from
meer
Lassitude
,
or
some
other
like
cause
.
By
this
we
see
that
Hippocrates
did
not
approve
of
Sweating
in
any
other
Fever
than
here
pointed
at
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
Of
the
Simple
Mediicines
which
change
the
disposition
of
the
body
and
humours
,
as
to
their
sensible
qualities
,
without
making
any
sensible
Evacuation
.
[
](A49892-e87440-b)(a)
(a)
De
affect
.
p.
m
515
,
This
Book
has
been
attributed
to
Polybius
.
Vpon
this
see
what
is
remarked
of
refreshing
remedies
,
below
in
the
Chapter
of
acute
Diseases
.
THese
Medicines
,
says
Hippocrates
,
which
Purge
neither
Bile
nor
Flegm
,
that
is
to
say
,
which
are
not
at
all
purgative
,
act
by
cooling
,
or
heating
,
by
drying
,
or
moistning
,
or
by
[
](A49892-e87500-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
first
signifies
to
close
,
to
thicken
;
the
second
to
resolve
,
to
dissipate
.
closing
and
thickning
,
resolving
and
dissipating
.
To
these
remedies
he
joins
those
which
procure
sleep
;
but
he
does
not
say
what
are
those
remedies
which
cool
and
moisten
;
and
't
is
probable
,
that
what
he
calls
Medicine
in
this
place
,
serv'd
likewise
for
Food
:
Which
he
seems
to
insinuate
a
little
after
,
when
he
says
,
that
the
Meat
and
Drink
which
men
use
in
their
health
,
ought
to
serve
them
when
they
are
sick
,
choosing
or
preparing
them
according
to
the
present
occasion
,
of
cooling
or
moistning
,
drying
or
heating
.
As
this
relates
to
the
Diet
of
the
sick
,
we
may
consult
what
has
been
before
said
upon
that
Head
.
Hippocrates
used
those
Medicines
which
thickned
,
or
resolved
and
dissipated
,
as
well
externally
as
internally
,
as
well
to
draw
the
matter
of
an
Abscess
to
the
Head
,
as
to
resolve
and
dissipate
a
Tumour
,
or
to
thicken
a
sharp
and
thin
Humour
,
or
to
attenuate
or
subtilize
thick
viscid
uses
.
Of
these
more
under
the
Chapter
of
his
Pharmacy
.
CHAP.
XX.
Of
Hipnotic
or
Sleep-procuring
Medicines
.
HIppocrates
speaking
in
the
aforesaid
passage
of
Remedies
[
](A49892-e87700-b)(a)
(a)
We
have
observed
in
the
preceding
Chap.
that
the
Book
from
whence
this
passage
is
taken
,
has
been
ascribed
to
Polybius
,
who
,
as
we
shall
see
below
,
was
a
greater
reasoner
than
Hippocrates
.
which
procure
sleep
,
says
they
produce
this
effect
,
[
](A49892-e87750-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
by
calming
or
giving
rest
to
the
blood
,
neither
does
he
tell
us
what
these
Medicines
are
.
He
speaks
in
several
other
places
of
a
Plant
which
he
calls
[
](A49892-e87780-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Mecon
,
which
is
the
name
the
Greeks
call
the
Poppy
by
.
But
't
is
remarkable
that
he
generally
attributes
to
this
Plant
a
purgative
quality
;
which
makes
it
plain
,
that
he
did
not
mean
the
Poppy
by
it
.
[
](A49892-e87840-b)(d)
(d)
De
Simplic
.
Medicater
.
facultat
.
lib.
2.
Galen
tells
us
that
some
took
the
Peplus
which
we
have
ranked
before
amongst
the
Purgatives
,
and
Spatling
Poppy
for
the
same
Plant
;
and
in
his
Glosses
upon
Hippocrates
he
says
,
that
Meconium
and
Peplus
signified
frequently
the
same
thing
in
him
.
I
suppose
we
ought
to
read
Mecon
,
and
not
Meconium
,
Pliny
taking
notice
that
the
Tithymale
which
is
the
same
with
the
Peplus
,
was
otherwise
call'd
Mecon
,
or
at
least
Galen
ought
to
have
said
that
the
Meconium
was
the
Juice
of
the
Peplus
,
and
not
the
Peplus
itself
.
We
find
notwithstanding
in
Hippocrates
,
some
passages
in
which
these
two
words
Mecon
and
Meconium
are
taken
in
the
same
sense
,
in
which
the
Greeks
of
the
following
Ages
constantly
used
them
,
that
is
,
the
first
signified
Poppy
,
and
the
latter
the
Juice
of
it
;
which
shews
that
in
Hippocrates's
time
,
two
very
different
things
were
called
by
the
same
name
;
the
Peplus
which
is
a
purging
Tithymale
,
and
the
Poppy
which
is
Astringent
and
Somniferous
.
He
speaks
likewise
of
a
third
sort
of
Meconium
drawn
from
the
Excrements
,
which
name
has
been
since
given
to
the
Excrements
first
voided
by
a
Child
newly
born
.
In
the
second
Book
of
Womens
distempers
,
he
proposes
[
](A49892-e88140-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
juice
,
is
formed
that
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
Opium
in
Latin
.
We
may
find
in
Dioscorides
the
difference
between
Opium
,
and
Meconium
.
the
Juice
of
Poppy
for
a
distemper
of
the
Matrix
,
and
as
a
proof
that
he
meant
the
Juice
of
Poppy
,
which
causes
sleep
,
he
calls
it
within
a
few
lines
after
the
[
](A49892-e88240-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hipnotic
Meconium
,
to
distinguish
it
from
the
other
.
From
hence
it
is
apparent
that
he
knew
the
virtue
of
the
Poppy
,
but
it
is
observable
that
he
us'd
it
very
seldom
;
and
I
do
not
find
that
he
proposes
this
Remedy
in
the
cases
to
which
it
has
been
since
apply'd
,
that
is
,
in
wakings
,
and
especially
in
pains
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
say
more
of
this
Remedy
,
[
](A49892-e88280-b)(g)
(g)
See
below
in
the
Chapt.
of
Heraclides
Tarentum
.
in
the
sequel
,
and
of
the
use
the
Ancients
made
,
and
the
doubts
they
had
of
it
.
There
is
another
passage
in
Hippocrates
,
wherein
he
mentions
the
white
and
black
Poppy
[
](A49892-e88340-b)(h)
(h)
De
vict.
rat
.
lib
2.
in
these
words
.
The
Poppy
says
he
,
is
Astringent
,
the
black
more
than
the
white
,
yet
the
white
is
so
likewise
,
[
](A49892-e88380-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
but
it
nourishes
and
is
of
great
force
.
Dioscorides
and
Galen
inform
us
,
that
the
Ancients
put
Poppy-seeds
in
their
Cakes
,
which
they
made
of
Meal
and
Honey
,
and
sometime
even
into
their
Bread
,
as
it
is
not
likely
they
did
it
for
nourishment
.
Perhaps
there
may
be
some
fault
in
the
Text
of
Hippocrates
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
Of
the
Specifick
Remedies
of
the
several
distempers
,
whose
operations
are
not
accounted
for
.
THe
Medicines
hitherto
spoke
of
act
after
a
sensible
manner
,
and
it
was
by
their
means
that
Hippocrates
answered
the
general
intentions
which
he
proposed
in
the
cure
of
diseases
.
There
were
other
Medicines
which
he
made
use
of
for
no
other
reason
but
the
known
success
of
them
in
several
particular
cases
.
His
own
experience
,
and
that
of
his
predecessors
,
was
sufficient
to
establish
the
use
of
them
,
tho
he
could
not
rationally
account
for
their
effects
.
We
shall
give
some
instances
of
these
remedies
in
the
account
of
Hippocrates's
method
of
curing
some
particular
diseases
.
But
we
must
not
forget
here
that
these
remedies
were
chiefly
such
as
he
inherited
from
his
predecessors
the
Asclepiades
,
who
being
Empiricks
,
did
not
much
trouble
themselves
how
their
Medicines
operated
,
so
the
Patients
were
cured
.
Tho
Hippocrates
relied
very
much
upon
the
former
sort
of
Medicines
,
yet
he
did
not
neglect
these
,
for
almost
all
the
Physicians
after
him
continued
the
use
of
both
sorts
in
their
practice
,
the
one
supplying
the
defects
of
the
other
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
Of
the
Remedies
apply'd
externally
to
diverse
parts
of
the
Body
.
Of
Compound
Medicines
in
general
,
and
of
the
Pharmacy
of
Hippocrates
.
AMongst
the
Remedies
externally
apply'd
,
[
](A49892-e88580-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
signifies
Fire
;
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
warm
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
heat
.
This
last
word
seems
common
to
Fomentations
,
Cataplasms
,
and
all
exterior
applications
of
Oils
,
and
Unguents
,
which
are
used
as
lentfiers
.
In
Latin
Fomentum
from
Fovere
.
Fomentations
were
the
chief
.
These
were
a
peculiar
sort
of
Bath
which
Hippocrates
used
very
often
,
and
which
was
made
several
ways
.
The
first
was
that
,
wherein
the
Patient
[
](A49892-e88730-b)(b)
(b)
This
sort
of
Fomentation
was
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
sit
within
.
Lib.
de
Superfatat
.
de
ratione
victùs
in
acutis
,
de
morb
.
3.
sat
in
a
Vessel
,
in
a
decoction
of
Herbs
or
Simples
,
appropriate
to
his
Malady
,
so
that
the
part
agrieved
was
soaked
in
the
decoction
.
This
was
chiefly
us'd
in
distempers
of
the
Womb
,
of
the
Arms
,
the
Bladder
,
the
Reins
,
and
generally
all
the
parts
below
the
Diaphragm
.
This
Remedy
might
be
referr'd
to
the
Chapter
of
Baths
,
of
which
it
is
a
kind
.
The
second
way
of
Fomenting
,
was
to
take
warm
Water
,
and
put
it
into
a
Skin
or
Bladder
,
or
even
into
a
Copper
or
Earthen
Vessel
,
and
to
apply
it
to
the
part
affected
;
as
for
example
,
upon
the
side
in
a
Pleurisie
.
They
use
likewise
a
large
Sponge
,
which
they
dipt
in
the
water
or
other
hot
Liquor
,
and
squeezed
out
part
of
the
water
before
they
apply●d
it
.
The
same
use
they
made
of
Barley
,
or
Vetches
,
or
Bran
;
which
was
boyl'd
in
some
proper
liquor
,
and
apply●d
in
a
linnen
bag
.
These
Fomentations
were
call'd
moist
Fomentations
.
He
us'd
also
dry
ones
made
of
Salt
or
Millet
,
made
very
hot
,
and
applied
in
bags
upon
the
part
.
The
last
sort
of
Fomentations
was
by
way
of
Vapour
,
which
steam'd
from
some
hot
Liquor
.
We
find
an
instance
of
this
sort
of
Fomentations
in
the
first
Book
of
Womens
distempers
.
He
cast
at
several
times
bits
of
red
hot
Iron
into
urine
,
and
covering
the
Patient
close
upwards
,
caused
her
to
receive
the
steam
below
.
His
design
in
these
Fomentations
,
was
to
warm
the
part
,
to
resolve
or
dissipate
,
and
draw
out
the
peccant
matter
,
if
any
where
,
to
mollifie
and
asswage
pain
,
to
open
the
passages
or
even
to
shut
them
,
according
as
the
Fomentations
were
Emollient
or
Astringent
.
[
](A49892-e89010-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fumigations
were
likewise
very
much
used
by
Hippocrates
for
the
following
intentions
.
[
](A49892-e89040-b)(d)
(d)
De
Morb.
lib.
3.
In
the
Quinzy
he
burnt
Hysop
,
with
Sulphur
and
Pitch
,
and
caused
the
Smoke
to
be
drawn
into
the
Throat
thro
a
Tunnel
,
which
brought
away
abundance
of
Flegm
thro
the
Mouth
,
and
thro
the
Nose
,
or
else
he
took
to
the
same
purpose
,
[
](A49892-e89090-b)(e)
(e)
De
morb
.
lib.
1.
Nitre
,
Marjerom
,
and
Cress-seeds
,
which
he
boyl'd
in
Water
,
Vinegar
and
Oyl
,
and
while
it
was
on
the
Fire
,
caus'd
the
steam
to
be
drawn
in
by
a
Pipe
.
We
find
,
particularly
in
Hippocrates
,
a
great
number
of
Fumigants
for
the
distempers
of
Women
,
to
provoke
their
Menses
,
and
to
check
them
,
to
help
conception
,
and
to
ease
pains
in
the
Matrix
,
and
the
suffocation
of
it
.
He
us'd
on
these
occasions
,
such
Aromaticks
as
were
then
known
,
as
Cinnamon
,
Cassia
,
Myrrh
,
and
several
Odoriferous
Plants
,
as
likewise
some
Minerals
,
such
as
Niter
,
Sulphur
,
and
Pitch
,
and
caus●d
them
to
receive
the
vapours
into
the
Matrix
,
by
means
of
a
Tunnel
.
[
](A49892-e89190-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Gargles
,
which
are
likewise
a
sort
of
Fomentations
for
the
Mouth
and
Throat
,
were
also
known
to
Hippocrates
.
He
used
in
the
Quinzy
,
a
Gargle
made
of
Marjerom
,
Savory
,
Selery
,
Mint
and
Nitre
,
boyl'd
with
Water
and
a
little
Vinegar
.
When
this
was
strained
,
they
added
Honey
to
it
,
and
wash'd
their
Mouths
frequently
with
it
.
They
made
likewise
very
great
use
of
[
](A49892-e89300-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
These
three
words
Hippocrates
uses
to
signify
all
that
is
proper
to
anoint
.
Oyls
and
Oyntments
,
in
order
to
mollifie
and
to
abate
pain
,
to
ripen
Boils
,
to
resolve
Tumours
,
to
refresh
after
weariness
,
to
make
the
body
supple
,
and
divers
others
particular
intentions
.
We
shall
〈◊〉
occasion
to
speak
further
of
Oyntments
and
Liquid
Perfumes
hereafter
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Prodicus
,
one
of
Hippocrates's
Scholars
.
Hippocrates
us'd
sometimes
Oyl
of
Olives
neat
,
sometimes
he
infused
some
Simple
into
it
,
as
the
leaves
of
Myrtle
or
Roses
;
this
latter
Oyl
was
in
great
request
amongst
the
Ancients
.
There
were
other
sorts
of
Oyls
more
compounded
.
Hippocrates
speaks
of
an
Oyl
or
Unguent
call●d
[
](A49892-e89450-b)(h)
(h)
See
Dioscorides
.
Susinum
,
which
was
made
of
the
Flowers
of
the
Iris
,
of
some
Aromaticks
,
of
an
Ointment
of
Narcissus
made
with
the
Flowers
of
Narcissus
,
and
Aromaticks
infused
in
Oyl
.
But
the
most
considerable
or
the
most
compound
Oyntment
that
he
mentions
,
is
that
which
he
calls
Netopum
,
which
he
prepar'd
particularly
for
Women
.
Hesychius
tells
us
,
that
it
was
an
Oyntment
consisting
of
a
great
number
of
Ingredients
.
Hippocrates
speaks
likewise
of
an
Oyl
or
Oyntment
of
Aegypt
,
which
was
compounded
as
it
is
elsewhere
,
of
abundance
of
Aromaticks
,
which
seems
to
be
the
same
with
the
Netopum
,
or
as
Dioscorides
calls
it
,
Metopium
.
As
for
another
Oyl
,
which
was
called
the
white
Oyl
of
Aegypt
,
Galen
says
[
](A49892-e89590-b)(i)
(i)
De
simpl
.
Medicam
.
facu●●●b
.
lib
2.
in
one
place
,
that
it
was
only
very
fine
Oyl
of
Olives
;
[
](A49892-e89600-b)(k)
(k)
In
glossis
Hippocratis
.
but
in
another
place
he
tells
us
,
that
it
was
the
same
Oyl
or
Oyntment
that
was
otherwise
call'd
Mendesium
.
Hippocrates
us'd
also
a
sort
of
Oyntment
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e89640-b)(l)
(l)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ceratum
,
which
consisted
chiefly
of
Oyl
and
Wax
,
which
gave
name
to
the
Medicine
.
The
Composition
of
one
Ceratum
,
which
he
recommends
for
the
softning
of
a
Tumour
,
and
cleansing
of
a
Wound
,
was
this
.
Take
the
quantity
of
a
Nut
of
the
Marrow
or
Fat
of
a
Sheep
,
of
Mastick
or
Turpentine
the
quantity
of
a
Bean
,
and
as
much
Wax
,
melt
these
over
a
Fire
with
Oyl
of
Roses
,
for
a
Ceratum
.
Sometimes
he
added
mixed
Pitch
and
Wax
,
and
putting
a
quantum
sufficit
of
Oyl
,
made
a
composition
of
greater
consistence
than
the
former
,
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e89740-b)(m)
(m)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ceropissus
.
[
](A49892-e89780-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Cataplasms
were
a
sort
of
Medicament
of
less
consistence
than
the
two
former
.
They
consisted
of
Powders
or
Herbs
steep'd
or
boyl●d
in
water
,
or
some
other
liquor
,
to
which
they
sometimes
put
Oyl
.
In
the
Quinzy
,
Hippocrates
orders
a
Cataplasm
made
of
Barly-meal
boil●d
in
Wine
and
Oyl
.
Cataplasms
were
used
with
intention
of
softning
,
lenifying
,
or
resolving
Tumours
,
or
ripning
of
the
Abscesses
like
the
Cerata
;
they
had
also
cooling
Cataplasms
made
of
the
Leaves
of
Beets
or
Olive
,
Fig
or
Oak
Leaves
boil'd
in
Water
.
Hippocrates
us'd
also
a
sort
of
Medicines
called
a
[
](A49892-e89910-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
De
morb
.
muli●r
.
lib.
3.
Collyrium
.
It
was
compounded
of
Powders
,
to
which
was
added
a
small
quantity
of
some
Oyntment
or
Juice
of
a
Plant
,
to
make
a
solid
dry
Mass
,
the
form
of
which
was
round
and
long
,
which
was
kept
for
use
.
Another
Composition
not
much
different
from
the
other
,
but
in
the
form
,
the
Ingredients
being
much
of
the
same
nature
,
was
a
sort
of
[
](A49892-e89950-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
〈…〉
which
〈…〉
,
becau●e
〈…〉
and
〈◊〉
li●e
a
〈◊〉
cake
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
〈…〉
weight
of
a
D●am
.
D●
morb
.
〈◊〉
●ib
●
.
Lozange
,
of
the
bigness
of
a
small
piece
of
Money
,
which
was
used
to
be
burnt
upon
Coals
for
a
perfume
,
and
to
be
powdered
for
other
uses
,
as
we
shall
see
more
particularly
hereafter
.
We
find
likewise
in
Hippocrates
●s
Descriptions
for
Powders
,
for
several
uses
to
take
off
Fungous
flesh
,
and
to
blow
into
the
Eyes
in
Opthalmies
,
&c.
These
are
almost
all
the
Medicines
used
externally
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
take
notice
of
a
certain
Composition
of
this
nature
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Womens
distempers
.
As
for
the
Compound
Medicines
taken
inwardly
,
they
were
either
Liquid
or
Solid
.
[
](A49892-e90070-b)(q)
(q)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Those
which
were
in
a
Liquid
form
,
were
prepared
either
by
decoction
,
or
infusion
in
a
proper
Liquor
,
which
,
when
strain'd
,
was
kept
for
use
,
or
by
macerating
certain
Powders
in
such
Liquors
,
and
so
taking
them
together
,
or
by
mixing
divers
Liquors
together
.
[
](A49892-e90100-b)(r)
(r)
See
the
Ch.
of
●he
Diet
of
the
Sick
.
We
have
given
before
the
preparation
of
a
Potion
,
call'd
Cyceon
,
and
some
others
.
The
Medicines
in
[
](A49892-e90120-b)(s)
(s)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
swallow
something
that
is
solid
.
Solid
form
,
consisted
of
Juices
,
inspissated
,
of
Gums
,
Rosins
or
Powder
made
up
with
them
,
or
with
Honey
,
or
something
proper
to
give
the
necessary
consistence
to
the
Medicine
.
These
were
made
up
in
a
form
and
quantity
fit
to
be
swallow'd
with
ease
.
Amongst
the
solid
Medicines
may
be
ranked
that
which
is
delivered
in
the
first
Book
of
Womens
distempers
,
under
the
Title
of
[
](A49892-e90180-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
Vatican
Copies
read
it
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
several
ingredients
.
the
Salt
Medicine
.
There
was
a
third
sort
of
Medicine
,
which
was
betwixt
Liquid
and
Solid
,
which
was
a
sort
of
Lambitive
,
which
they
were
forced
to
keep
some
time
to
dissolve
in
the
Mouth
,
that
they
might
swallow
it
leisurely
.
This
Remedy
was
used
to
take
off
the
Acrimony
of
those
Humours
which
falls
sometimes
upon
this
part
,
which
provoke
Coughing
,
and
other
inconveniencies
.
Honey
was
the
Basis
of
it
,
as
we
shall
see
in
some
descriptions
to
come
,
in
the
relation
of
some
instances
of
distempers
,
cur'd
by
Hippocrates's
method
.
By
all
this
we
may
see
what
sort
of
Compound
Medicines
Hippocrates
used
.
If
the
Book
De
Affectionibus
be
his
,
we
may
infer
from
thence
,
that
he
wrote
particularly
upon
this
subject
.
The
Author
in
that
Book
quoting
others
which
treat
of
Medicaments
only
.
These
Books
bore
the
title
of
Pharmaca
;
and
Pharmacitis
,
says
our
Author
,
ut
Scriptum
est
in
Pharmacis
,
that
is
,
in
Libris
De
Pharmacis
Agentibus
.
The
word
Pharmacitis
is
an
Adjective
,
to
which
the
Substantive
Liber
,
which
is
understood
,
must
be
joyned
.
Pharmacitis
Liber
,
the
Book
of
Medicines
.
But
this
Book
has
been
ascrib'd
to
Polybius
,
Son-in-law
to
Hippocrates
;
and
it
is
remarkable
that
these
Books
,
or
this
Book
of
Medicaments
,
is
cited
no
where
else
by
Hippocrates
.
Galen
observes
,
that
those
sort
of
Books
were
very
rare
in
those
days
,
because
the
Ancient
Physicians
used
to
give
a
Receipt
of
the
Medicines
they
used
,
with
the
History
of
the
distemper
they
used
them
for
.
Another
thing
which
is
worth
our
Observation
is
,
that
the
compound
Medicines
of
Hippocrates
were
but
very
few
,
and
consisted
of
very
few
Simples
,
four
or
five
at
most
.
We
find
indeed
in
Actuarius
the
description
of
a
very
compounded
Antidote
,
which
he
calls
Hippocrates's
Antidote
,
for
which
he
says
,
the
Athenians
presented
him
with
a
Crown
.
But
this
is
plainly
a
fiction
,
and
one
of
the
specious
Titles
the
Greeks
used
to
give
to
their
Medicines
,
to
promote
the
sale
,
of
which
we
shall
see
more
examples
hereafter
.
Here
we
must
take
notice
,
that
Hippocrates
understood
Pharmacy
,
or
the
Art
of
Compounding
or
Preparing
Medicines
.
[
](A49892-e90550-b)(w)
(w)
Lib.
de
Theriaca
ad
Pison
.
This
Galen
endeavours
to
prove
from
a
passage
of
the
second
Book
of
the
Epidemicks
,
where
he
introduces
Hippocrates
speaking
after
this
manner
.
[
](A49892-e90580-b)(x)
(x)
This
passage
is
very
obscure
,
as
we
find
it
in
Hippocrates
;
and
Galen
,
or
the
Author
of
the
Book
cited
by
us
,
give●
it
us
very
different
from
what
it
is
in
our
Originaly
.
We
know
the
nature
of
Medicines
,
whereof
so
many
different
things
are
compounded
,
for
all
are
not
compounded
alike
,
but
some
after
one
manner
,
and
others
after
another
.
Some
simples
ought
to
be
boyl●d
quick
,
others
slowly
▪
They
are
likewise
differently
prepared
.
Some
are
dry'd
,
some
are
stampt
,
some
are
boiled
,
&c.
The
last
observation
we
shall
make
upon
the
Pharmacy
of
Hippocrates
is
,
that
he
not
only
understood
the
preparation
of
Medicines
,
but
that
he
prepar'd
them
himself
,
or
in
his
own
House
by
his
Servants
,
after
his
own
directions
This
was
the
practice
of
the
Physicians
of
those
times
,
when
neither
Pharmacy
nor
Surgery
were
become
particular
professions
.
CHAP.
XXIII
.
A
List
of
the
Simples
us'd
by
Hippocrates
,
A
-
AGnus
Castus
.
-
Alica
.
-
Alom
,
Alom
of
Egypt
,
Scissil
Al●m
.
-
Burnt
Alom
.
-
Almonds
.
-
Amomum
.
*
-
Anagallis
.
-
Anagyris
.
-
Alkanet
.
*
-
Ammoniac
.
Gum.
-
Aneth
.
-
Anise
.
-
Anthemus
,
or
Anthemis
.
-
Asparagus
.
-
After-birth
humane
.
-
Asphodil
.
-
Atriplex
.
*
-
Amber
-
Ass
its
D●ng
.
-
Ash-tree
,
-
Apples
.
B
-
Brass
,
and
its
Rust
,
Filings
,
Scales
,
and
Calx
.
-
Birthwort
.
-
Baccharis
.
*
-
Butter
.
-
Blites
.
-
Bulbus
albus
.
-
Bulbus
parvus
growing
among
the
Corn.
-
Bembylium
,
a
sort
of
Melissa
.
Erot.
-
Bryony
.
-
Buprestis
,
the
name
both
of
a
Plant
,
and
an
Animal
.
-
Beetles
.
-
Beans
.
-
Basil
.
-
Barley
.
Achilles's
Barley
.
-
Bramble
.
-
Bulls
Gall
,
Liver
,
and
Vrine
.
C
-
CLivers
,
Goosegrass
.
-
Cachrys
.
-
Calamint
.
-
Calamus
aromaticus
.
-
Cantharides
.
*
-
Capers
.
-
Cardamomes
.
-
Casia
.
-
Castor
.
-
Cedar
,
and
its
Rosin
.
-
Centaury
.
-
Chalcitis
-
Chamaeleon
.
-
Chondrus
.
-
Coleworts
.
-
Chrethmus
.
-
Chrysocolla
.
-
Chrysitis
.
-
Cinnamon
.
-
Cneorum
.
-
Cnidia
Grana
.
-
Cnicus
.
-
Colocynthis
.
-
Cucumbers
Garden
and
wild
.
-
Conyza
.
-
Coriander
.
-
Crateogonon
.
-
Cresses
.
-
Cumine
,
vulgar
,
and
Ethiopian
.
-
Cyclamen
.
-
Cyperus
.
-
Cypress
.
-
Cytisus
.
-
Cravfish
.
-
Cheese
.
-
Clary
.
-
Carrots
-
Cinquefoil
.
-
Cuttle-fish
,
its
Bones
,
and
Eggs.
-
Chalk
D
-
DOg.
-
Daphnoides
.
-
Daucus
.
-
Dittany
.
-
Dittany
of
Crete
.
-
Dracontium
-
Dracuncunculus
.
-
Docks
.
E
-
EBony
.
-
Elaterium
.
-
Epipetrum
.
-
Erviolum
.
-
Ervum
.
-
Erysinum
.
-
Evanthemum
-
Eggs.
-
Elder
.
F
-
FRankincense
.
-
Frankincense
granulated
.
-
Flower
,
or
Meal
of
several
sorts
of
Grain
,
fine
and
course
.
-
Fenugreek
.
-
Fennel
.
-
Ferula
.
-
Fig-tree
,
Garden
and
wild
,
its
Leaves
,
Wood
and
Fruit
,
&c.
-
Frogs
.
-
Feverfew
.
-
Fox
Dung
.
G
-
GArlick
.
-
Goose
Grass
.
Clivers
.
-
Goat
,
the
Milk
,
Dung
,
Excrements
of
the
Skin
,
Fat
,
and
Horns
.
-
Gourds
.
-
Gall
of
Oxen
,
Swine
,
Sea
Scorpion
,
&c.
-
Galba
num.
-
Galls
Nuts
-
Glans
Egyptia
.
-
Grapes
,
and
the
mass
of
'em
after
pressing
.
H
-
HEmlock
.
-
Horns
of
Oxen
,
Goats
,
and
Deer
,
rasp'd
,
and
burnt
.
-
Hellebore
,
white
and
black
.
-
Heath
.
-
Herb
Charien
.
-
Hedgehog
.
-
Sea
Hedgehog
.
-
Hippomarathrum
.
-
Hippophae
.
-
Holoconitis
.
-
Hyssop
vulgar
,
and
Cilician
.
-
Hare's
Wool
.
-
Hemp.
-
Honey
.
-
Honey
of
Cedar
.
I
-
JUncus
odoratus
-
Iris.
-
Isatis
or
Wood.
-
Ivie
.
L
-
LOadstone
.
-
Lettice
.
-
Lagopyrus
.
-
Laserpitium
.
-
Laurel
.
-
Lentills
.
-
Lentiscus
.
-
Lees
of
Wine
-
Lees
of
Wine
burnt
-
Lotus
.
-
Lupines
.
-
Lapis
-
Cyanaeus
-
Magnesius
.
-
Leeks
.
M
-
MArsh
Mallow
-
Mugwort
.
-
Mushromes
.
-
Milk
,
Asses
,
Cows
,
Mares
,
Bitches
.
-
Mastick
Tree
.
-
Mastick
-
Malicorium
.
-
Mandrake
.
-
Mallow
.
-
Meconitis
.
-
(
a
)
Meconium
purgans
.
-
Meconium
somniferum
.
-
Meconium
,
an
excrement
.
-
Melanthium
.
-
Melilot
.
-
Mint
.
-
Mercury
the
Herb.
-
Mulberries
.
-
Millet
.
-
Minium
.
-
Misy
.
-
Modus
,
a
root
.
-
Molybdaena
.
-
Moss
.
-
Mustard
.
-
Mules
Dung
.
-
Myrica
.
-
Myrrh
.
-
Myrrha
Stacte
.
-
Myrtle
.
-
Myrtidanum
.
N
-
NArcissus
.
-
Nardus
.
-
Nitre
.
-
Nitre
red
.
-
Nuts
Thasian
.
-
Nettle
.
-
Navelwort
.
O
-
ONions
.
-
Orache
.
-
Oats
.
-
Oak
.
-
Oyl
.
-
Oenanthe
.
-
Oesype
.
-
Olive
,
Wood
,
Leaves
,
Gall
,
Fruit
,
Stones
,
and
Oyl
.
-
Origanum
.
-
Orobus
.
-
Orpiment
.
-
Orpine
.
P
-
PImpernel
-
Parsley
Bastard
.
-
Pomegranate
.
-
Pepper
.
-
Panax
.
-
(
b
)
Poppy
.
-
Peplium
.
-
Peplus
.
-
Pompions
.
-
Parsley
.
-
Parsley
curled
.
-
Pencedanum
.
-
Poplar
.
-
Phaseolus
.
-
Philistium
.
-
Pine
,
and
its
Kernel
.
-
Peony
.
-
Pears
.
-
Pease
,
and
dry
.
-
Purslan
.
-
Pitch
.
-
Prassium
.
-
Pseudodictamnus
.
-
Pennyroyal
.
Q
-
QUick
Lime
.
R
-
RAisins
-
Rhadish
.
-
Ranunculus
.
-
Root
white
.
-
Resine
.
-
Rhamus
.
-
Rhus
.
-
Ricinus
.
-
Rocket
.
-
Rose
.
-
Rosemary
.
-
Rubia
.
-
Rue
.
S
-
SOthernwood
.
-
Silver
,
and
its
Flower
.
-
Spices
of
all
sorts
.
-
Stag
its
horns
,
&c.
-
Services
,
or
Sorb
Apples
.
-
Sea
water
.
-
Succory
yellow
-
Sheeps
Fat
,
Marrow
,
and
Dung
-
Saffron
.
-
Sagapenum
.
-
Sandarach
,
Gum.
-
Savoury
.
-
Savin
.
-
Sage
.
-
S●●mmony
.
-
Squills
.
-
Scolopendrium
-
Salt
.
-
Sa●●●f
Thebes
.
-
Seseri
-
Sesamum
.
-
Sesamoides
.
-
Spodium
.
-
Sulphur
.
-
Stavesacre
.
-
Staebe
.
-
Struthium
.
-
Stybis
.
-
Styrax
.
-
Soot
.
-
Sea
Calfs
Lungs
.
-
Spelt
.
T
-
THorn
white
.
-
Thorn
Egyptian
.
-
Turnep
.
-
Turpentine
.
-
Teda
-
Terra
Aegyptiaca
.
-
Terra
nigra
Samia
.
-
Thapsia
.
-
Thlapsi
.
-
Time
.
-
Thymbra
.
-
Tithymalus
.
-
Tithymalis
.
-
Torpedo
.
-
Tortoise
.
-
Tragus
.
-
Tribulus
.
-
Trefoil
.
-
Trigonum
.
V
-
VIper
.
-
Verbascum
.
-
Verdegrise
.
-
Verjus
.
-
Vine
,
it
's
Wood
,
Leaves
,
and
Tendrels
.
-
Vinegar
.
-
Violets
-
white
.
-
blue
.
-
Urine
.
W
-
WOrmwood
-
Wax
,
white
Wax
-
Wheat
.
-
Whey
.
-
Worms
.
-
Wine
,
of
several
sorts
.
X
-
XAnthium
.
Z
-
ZEa
.
These
are
the
names
that
occur
in
Hippocrates
,
except
perhaps
a
very
few
,
which
may
have
escap'd
our
notice
.
The
Greek
,
like
most
other
Languages
,
having
suffered
great
alteration
,
and
the
names
of
diverse
Plants
being
chang'd
,
it
became
within
2
or
3
Ages
different
to
determin
what
Plants
Hippocrates
design'd
by
some
of
'em
;
but
the
number
of
'em
is
so
small
that
the
loss
is
not
very
considerable
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
Some
instances
of
particular
Cures
of
some
Diseases
,
both
Acute
and
Chronical
.
WE
shall
find
here
,
besides
the
practice
of
the
general
rules
before
laid
down
,
several
particular
Medicines
of
which
no
mention
has
been
made
.
We
have
already
seen
Hippocrates's
distinction
between
Fevers
that
were
not
symptomatical
,
but
were
of
themselves
the
original
distemper
,
and
those
which
attended
inflamations
.
We
have
observ'd
,
that
in
the
first
sort
of
Fevers
Diet
was
the
only
Medicine
,
he
not
thinking
it
necessary
neither
to
bleed
or
purge
,
or
do
any
thing
more
than
nurse
them
after
the
manner
below
laid
down
.
We
have
seen
likewise
the
use
he
made
of
bleeding
and
purging
in
inflamations
,
such
as
the
Pleurisie
and
Peripneumonie
,
and
his
cautions
in
the
use
of
them
.
In
the
first
of
these
distempers
he
attempted
to
abate
the
pain
of
the
side
,
or
to
dissipate
the
peccant
matter
,
by
applying
Fomentations
upon
the
part
.
In
the
case
of
the
man
that
was
not
blooded
till
the
eighth
day
of
his
Pleurisie
,
he
takes
express
notice
that
the
Fomentations
had
not
at
all
abated
the
pain
,
which
supposes
him
to
have
begun
with
them
.
Fomentations
were
,
and
have
been
a
long
time
,
almost
an
universal
Remedy
,
and
the
use
of
Oyls
,
Oyntments
,
Cataplasms
,
and
other
external
Medicines
was
near
as
common
,
as
the
sequel
will
shew
.
Hippocrates
did
not
only
apply
these
Medicines
to
the
part
affected
in
the
Pleurisie
,
whose
seat
is
in
the
side
:
[
](A49892-e95100-b)(a)
(a)
De
dlaeta
in
acutis
.
He
caused
almost
all
the
body
,
and
particularly
the
Loins
and
Thighs
to
be
anointed
.
Of
those
remedies
which
he
gave
inwardly
in
this
distemper
,
he
appears
to
have
relied
most
upon
those
which
promoted
[
](A49892-e95110-b)(b)
(b)
De
locis
in
hom
spitting
.
He
proposes
also
the
following
remedy
.
[
](A49892-e95120-b)(c)
(c)
Diaeta
acutis
.
Take
,
says
he
,
Sothernwood
,
Pepper
,
and
black
Hellebore
,
boyl
them
in
Vinegar
and
Honey
,
and
give
it
in
the
beginning
of
the
distemper
,
if
the
pain
be
urgent
.
He
prescribes
in
the
same
case
,
as
also
in
inflamations
of
the
Liver
,
and
pains
about
the
Diaphragm
,
Panax
boyl'd
in
the
same
Liquor
;
and
intimates
that
these
Medicines
serve
to
loosen
the
Belly
,
and
so
provoke
urine
;
so
that
black
Hellebore
ordered
in
the
first
prescription
,
must
not
be
taken
for
a
true
purgative
,
because
it
would
have
been
against
his
principles
,
but
for
a
Medicine
that
only
loosens
the
Belly
gently
,
and
was
about
the
strength
of
a
Clyster
.
In
another
place
he
allows
urine
[
](A49892-e95160-b)(d)
(d)
See
the
Chapter
of
Diet.
to
his
Pleuriticks
,
so
it
be
not
a
strong
Wine
,
and
it
be
well
diluted
.
He
allows
it
likewise
in
a
sort
of
inflamation
of
the
Lungs
and
in
a
Lethargy
,
which
makes
me
the
less
surprized
at
his
ordering
Pepper
in
a
Pleurisy
;
and
which
is
an
argument
that
the
intention
of
cooling
,
or
the
fear
of
heating
,
were
not
the
strongest
considerations
upon
which
Hippocrates
acted
in
the
cure
of
acute
distempers
;
although
he
recommends
elsewhere
to
Pleuriticks
,
a
drink
made
of
Water
and
Vinegar
,
into
which
he
sometimes
put
a
little
Honey
,
with
an
intention
to
moisten
and
expectorate
.
Perhaps
this
Pepper
Medicine
was
one
of
the
empirical
Remedies
before
spoken
of
,
the
experience
whereof
he
had
without
the
reason
.
In
a
Peripneumonie
,
or
inflamation
of
the
Lungs
,
his
practice
was
much
the
same
,
as
in
a
Pleurisie
.
We
have
seen
before
that
he
let
blood
frequently
.
We
shall
only
take
notice
here
,
that
he
endeavoured
to
clear
the
Lungs
by
Medicines
,
that
attenuated
or
incided
viscid
matter
,
and
help'd
expectoration
.
He
particularly
for
this
purpose
,
directs
an
[
](A49892-e95260-b)(e)
(e)
See
the
preceeding
Chapter
.
Electuary
composed
of
Pine-apples
,
Galbanum
,
and
Attick
Honey
.
We
have
seen
that
he
ordered
bleeding
for
those
that
suddenly
lost
their
Speech
,
or
who
had
any
sumptoms
of
an
Apoplexy
,
Palsy
,
or
Convulsions
,
and
other
distempers
of
the
like
nature
.
After
this
he
orders
vomiting
,
and
a
purge
of
a
great
quantity
[
](A49892-e95340-b)(f)
(f)
To
the
quantity
of
a
dozen
,
and
sometimes
of
sixteen
heminae
.
See
the
Chapter
of
Purgers
.
of
Asses
Milk
.
But
this
latter
Remedy
seems
rather
design'd
for
those
that
were
recovered
of
these
distempers
,
or
had
overcome
the
first
fit
.
The
Fomentations
likewise
must
have
been
used
in
the
beginning
.
For
Convulsions
in
particular
he
gave
Pepper
,
and
black
Hellebore
in
Chicken
Broth.
He
made
them
sneeze
,
bath
,
foment
and
anoint
continually
.
[
](A49892-e95440-b)(g)
(g)
De
locis
in
homine
.
In
another
place
he
orders
a
fire
to
be
made
on
both
sides
the
patients
bed
,
and
gave
him
Mandiake
Root
in
a
small
quantity
,
and
applied
Bags
very
hot
to
the
Tendons
behind
,
without
specifying
what
Tendons
he
means
.
In
a
Quinzy
he
opened
the
Veins
of
the
Arm
,
and
under
the
Tongue
and
Breasts
.
He
gave
Lambitives
and
Gargles
,
which
they
were
to
use
hot
,
and
used
Fumigations
as
we
have
taken
notice
already
.
He
advises
shaving
the
Head
,
and
to
lay
a
Plaister
to
it
,
as
likewise
the
Neck
,
which
was
also
to
be
fomented
and
covered
with
Wool
.
lib.
3.
(
h
)
In
great
peril
of
suffocation
he
pierced
the
Wind-pipe
,
and
put
a
Reed
or
Pipe
into
it
.
When
the
disease
began
to
abate
,
he
purged
with
Elaterium
,
to
prevent
a
relapse
.
He
began
the
cure
of
an
Ileos
by
Vomiting
also
;
tho
in
this
distemper
they
vomit
of
themselves
too
much
,
as
we
have
observed
that
he
did
in
a
Cholera
,
[
](A49892-e95620-b)(i)
(i)
See
the
Chap.
of
Vomitives
.
which
is
likewise
a
disease
whose
chief
symptom
is
vomiting
.
Afterwards
he
let
blood
from
the
Veins
of
the
Arm
and
of
the
Head
,
and
cool'd
all
the
Diaphragm
,
not
the
Heart
excepted
;
and
warm'd
all
those
below
[
](A49892-e95630-b)(k)
(k)
See
the
Chapter
of
outward
Remedies
.
,
by
placing
the
patient
in
a
vessel
of
warm
water
,
and
afterward
anointing
him
continually
with
Oyls
,
or
applying
Cataplasms
as
hot
as
might
be
endured
.
He
used
also
upon
these
occasions
Suppositors
eight
inches
long
,
made
with
Honey
only
,
and
rubb'd
at
the
end
with
Bulls
Gall.
This
Suppositor
having
drawn
away
the
nearest
excrements
,
he
gave
a
Clyster
.
But
if
the
Suppository
had
no
effect
,
he
thrust
up
the
Anus
the
snowt
of
a
pair
of
Bellows
,
and
having
blown
up
the
Belly
and
Intestines
,
he
drew
the
Bellows
and
gave
the
Clyster
.
He
gives
a
caution
that
this
Clyster
be
made
of
things
which
do
not
heat
very
much
,
but
such
as
dissolve
the
excrements
:
and
after
it
is
taken
,
he
orders
the
Anus
to
be
stopt
with
a
Sponge
,
and
the
Patient
be
put
into
warm
water
,
and
keep
the
Clyster
as
long
as
possible
.
He
begins
his
Cronical
distempers
with
the
Exsiccating
disease
describ'd
before
,
and
taken
notice
of
as
a
kind
of
a
Hypochondriacal
affection
.
For
the
cure
of
this
evil
,
Hippocrates
proposed
first
walking
and
exercise
;
and
in
case
of
weakness
,
to
make
use
of
some
carriage
,
and
to
make
short
Journeys
.
He
adds
,
that
they
ought
to
take
vomits
and
purges
frequently
,
to
use
cold
Bathing
in
Summer
and
to
anoint
in
Autumn
and
Winter
,
with
Oyls
;
to
drink
Asses
Milk
or
Whey
,
to
abstain
from
meats
,
either
sweet
or
oyly
,
and
to
use
cooling
things
,
and
such
as
keep
the
Belly
loose
,
and
to
take
Clysters
.
He
mentions
[
](A49892-e95850-b)(k)
(k)
Epidem
l.
5.
sub
p●in●
.
See
the
Chapter
of
ble●ding
.
the
case
of
a
young
man
,
something
like
the
distemper
we
are
speaking
of
,
that
was
cured
by
repeated
Bleeding
.
His
Pthysical
patients
he
first
purg'd
with
pretty
violent
purges
,
such
as
the
Berries
of
Thymelaea
or
Spurge
.
After
which
he
gave
them
Asses
Milk
or
Cows
Milk
,
mixt
with
a
third
part
of
Water
and
Honey
,
and
afterwards
all
sorts
of
Milk
,
whether
Cows
,
Asses
,
Goats
,
or
Mares
,
either
pure
,
or
mingled
as
before
,
to
which
he
added
a
little
Salt
,
when
he
had
a
mind
to
make
it
purgative
.
[
](A49892-e95900-b)(l)
(l)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Chirurgery
of
Hippocrates
.
He
burnt
them
likewise
in
the
Back
,
and
the
Breast
in
several
places
,
and
kept
the
Ulcers
open
for
some
time
.
At
last
he
had
recourse
to
purging
the
head
,
[
](A49892-e95930-b)(m)
(m)
See
the
Chapter
of
Purgatives
.
the
manner
of
which
has
been
given
before
.
He
dieted
them
in
this
distemper
sometimes
with
Goats
flesh
,
and
sometimes
with
Swines
,
which
was
the
advice
of
Esculapius
,
in
the
same
case
as
we
have
seen
before
.
He
ordered
likewise
to
those
that
could
not
easily
expectorate
the
matter
with
which
their
Lungs
were
stuft
,
to
eat
very
fat
salt
Meats
,
in
order
to
discharge
the
purulent
matter
,
and
cleanse
the
Lungs
.
He
allow●d
them
the
use
of
Wine
in
small
quantities
,
so
it
were
not
black
and
rough
,
but
such
as
that
which
was
an
ingredient
of
the
[
](A49892-e95980-b)(n)
(n)
See
the
Chapter
of
Diet
.
Cyceon
before
mentioned
,
which
was
a
potion
he
ordered
in
this
case
.
He
advised
,
in
short
,
moderate
exercising
,
and
particularly
walking
.
In
an
Empyema
,
which
is
a
Disease
akin
to
the
Pthysis
,
caused
by
a
Collection
of
purulent
matter
between
the
Lungs
and
the
Pleura
,
which
often
comes
upon
Pleurisies
,
He
proposes
[
](A49892-e96040-b)(o)
(o)
See
the
Chapter
of
Cnidian
Physicians
,
lib.
2.
and
in
the
same
Book
the
Chapter
of
Purging
.
purging
of
the
Breast
,
of
which
before
.
He
has
yet
another
cure
by
means
of
Surgery
,
of
which
hereafter
.
He
cured
pains
in
the
Head
by
first
washing
or
fomenting
it
a
long
time
with
warm
water
,
and
afterwards
causing
sneezing
,
by
that
means
drawing
away
the
Pituita
,
which
he
called
purging
the
Head
.
He
forbad
Wine
,
and
recommended
moistning
.
If
these
were
insufficient
,
he
open'd
the
veins
of
the
Nose
and
of
the
Fore-head
,
and
if
still
the
distemper
continued
obstinate
,
he
made
[
](A49892-e96150-b)(p)
(p)
See
the
Chapter
of
Chirurgery
below
.
incisions
upon
the
head
,
or
[
](A49892-e96170-b)(q)
(q)
De
locis
in
homine
.
cauterized
the
veins
in
several
parts
of
it
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
.
He
cured
the
Intumescence
,
or
the
over-growth
of
the
Spleen
,
which
comes
upon
Fevers
,
by
giving
Hydragogues
,
and
a
Diet
proper
to
diminish
or
purge
flegm
.
If
this
were
not
sufficient
,
he
order'd
burning
in
several
places
about
the
Navel
,
to
draw
out
the
water
that
way
.
[
](A49892-e96240-b)(r)
(r)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
See
the
Oonomy
of
Foesius
upon
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
What
that
Author
says
there
is
better
than
his
translation
of
this
passage
.
In
another
distemper
of
the
Spleen
he
advises
to
cleave
Wood
,
and
to
use
abundance
of
Exercise
.
Amongst
the
diet
he
orders
in
this
case
Dogs
flesh
.
For
the
Dropsie
he
prescrib'd
first
a
dyet
which
tended
wholly
to
dry
the
body
,
and
to
discharge
the
superfluous
humours
.
(
s
)
To
this
end
,
he
orders
them
to
walk
,
and
use
as
much
exercise
as
possible
,
to
do
laborious
work
,
sweat
much
,
and
sleep
upon
it
.
As
for
their
dyet
,
he
advised
them
to
eat
things
dry
and
sharp
,
[
](A49892-e96340-b)(t)
(t)
De
ratione
victus
in
acutis
,
&
Epidem
.
lib.
5.
v.
69.
which
is
the
way
to
make
much
water
;
and
to
be
strong
,
that
they
should
eat
Toste
steept
in
Black
Wine
,
and
Oyl
and
Swines
flesh
boyl'd
in
Vinegar
,
drinking
otherwise
but
very
little
,
and
then
of
thin
small
White
wine
at
first
;
but
when
the
distemper
grew
upon
them
,
strong
black
Wine
.
If
it
happens
,
says
he
,
that
the
Patient
has
a
difficulty
of
breathing
,
in
case
it
be
Summer
time
,
or
he
in
the
flower
of
his
Age
and
lusty
,
he
ought
to
be
blooded
in
the
Arm.
In
the
place
where
Hippocrates
gives
these
directions
,
he
seems
to
confound
the
cure
of
the
Dropsie
call'd
Hyposarcidios
,
with
that
species
that
is
occasion'd
by
,
or
accompany'd
with
Wind
,
which
are
the
two
kinds
of
this
distemper
mention'd
in
this
place
.
There
are
,
says
he
,
two
sorts
of
Dropsies
,
one
call'd
Hyposarcidios
,
which
is
not
to
be
avoided
when
it
is
coming
,
the
other
which
is
with
wind
,
which
is
not
to
be
cured
but
by
great
luck
,
[
](A49892-e96420-b)(t)
(t)
See
the
list
of
Diseases
known
.
to
Hippocrates
above
.
which
requires
abundance
of
exercise
,
hard
labour
,
and
fomentations
,
and
that
they
live
very
temperately
and
sparingly
,
that
they
eat
things
dry
and
sharp
,
&c.
as
before
.
I
suppose
the
cure
of
the
first
sort
of
the
Dropsie
to
commence
at
these
last
words
,
that
what
he
said
before
in
short
of
exercise
,
fomentations
and
temperance
,
respects
the
latter
,
at
least
,
if
the
same
method
is
designed
for
both
.
Besides
these
Remedies
,
Hippocrates
proposes
in
other
places
Purgers
that
carry
off
Water
and
Flegm
,
and
not
Bile
.
And
again
,
[
](A49892-e96530-b)(u)
(u)
De
intern
.
affect
.
This
Book
is
ascribed
to
Cnidian
Physicians
.
he
elsewhere
distinguishes
a
Dropsie
proceeding
from
the
Liver
,
from
that
which
arises
from
the
Spleen
.
He
orders
in
the
former
of
these
distempers
,
a
Medicine
composed
with
Marjerom
boiled
in
Wine
,
and
Laserpitium
to
the
quantity
of
a
Tare
.
This
potion
was
succeeded
by
Goats
Milk
,
of
which
four
Heminae
were
to
be
taken
with
a
third
of
Water
and
Honey
.
He
ordered
abstinence
from
solid
nourishment
for
the
first
ten
days
,
in
which
time
he
discovered
whether
the
Diseases
were
mortal
or
not
,
and
during
that
time
a
Ptisan
boil'd
with
Honey
,
and
strained
,
and
to
drink
a
sort
of
White
Wine
which
he
specifies
,
and
was
not
very
strong
.
The
ten
days
over
,
he
allowed
them
to
eat
a
Cock
roasted
,
which
they
were
to
eat
hot
,
and
[
](A49892-e96620-b)(w)
(w)
See
thereupon
the
Chapter
of
Diet.
Puppies
,
and
a
certain
sort
of
Fish
which
he
named
,
with
the
aforesaid
Wine
,
but
when
the
Water
began
to
come
to
the
Belly
,
he
came
to
the
Remedies
before-mentioned
,
to
the
black
rough
Wine
,
to
exercise
,
&c.
For
the
Dropsie
which
came
from
the
Spleen
,
he
gave
at
first
Hellebore
in
order
to
vomit
,
and
afterwards
he
purged
with
(x)
Cneorum
,
Juice
of
Hippophae
,
or
Cnidian
Grains
,
after
which
came
Asses
Milk
to
the
quantity
of
eight
Heminae
,
sweetned
with
a
little
Honey
.
If
these
Remedies
failed
,
he
had
recourse
to
Surgery
,
as
we
shall
see
anon
.
[
](A49892-e96710-b)(y)
(y)
De
morb
.
lib.
2.
For
the
Cure
of
a
Quartan
Ague
,
Hippocrates
began
with
purging
downward
,
which
was
succeeded
with
purging
the
head
,
after
which
he
purged
once
again
as
before
.
And
if
the
Ague
continued
,
he
let
slip
the
time
of
two
Fits
,
and
then
bathed
them
in
warm
water
,
and
at
coming
out
of
the
Bath
gave
him
of
the
seeds
of
[
](A49892-e96730-b)(z)
(z)
I
suppose
there
may
be
some
mistake
in
the
D●se
of
these
Medicaments
.
Henbane
and
Mandrake
,
the
quantity
of
a
grain
of
Millet
each
,
Lasserpitium
and
Trefoil
,
each
the
quantity
of
three
Beans
,
all
infus'd
in
pure
Wine
.
If
the
parts
were
otherwise
lusty
and
healthful
,
and
if
a
Fever
came
upon
being
over
tired
with
a
Journey
,
and
afterwards
turned
to
a
Quartan
Ague
,
he
began
with
Fomentations
,
and
afterwards
gave
a
mixture
of
Garlick
and
Honey
and
Lentile
Broth
,
in
which
was
Honey
and
Vinegar
.
When
the
sick
man
had
taken
this
Mess
,
he
made
him
vomit
;
and
after
having
bathed
in
a
hot
Bath
,
as
soon
as
he
was
cool
,
he
drank
Ciceon
with
water
,
and
in
the
evening
was
permitted
to
eat
light
victuals
as
much
as
he
could
.
In
the
following
Fit
he
bathed
hot
;
and
after
being
cover'd
with
abundance
of
Cloaths
forc'd
sweat
,
and
drank
a
potion
made
with
the
Roots
of
white
Hellebore
of
the
length
of
three
fingers
,
a
Dragm
of
Trefoil
,
Juice
of
Laserpitium
the
weight
of
two
Beans
,
with
pure
Wine
;
and
if
he
had
an
inclination
to
vomit
he
vomited
,
if
not
,
a
vomit
was
given
after
purging
the
Head
.
At
other
times
he
should
use
a
light
sharp
Diet
,
and
if
the
Fit
took
him
fasting
,
the
vomiting
Medicine
was
omitted
.
In
a
Diarrhaea
and
Dysentery
,
with
gripes
and
swelling
of
the
Feet
,
Hippocrates
observes
,
that
Meal
boil'd
in
Milk
,
that
is
,
Milk-Porridge
,
was
more
serviceable
than
Goats
Whey
,
which
he
made
use
of
before
.
He
adds
,
that
another
person
sick
of
the
same
distemper
,
did
well
upon
eating
boiled
Asses
Milk
.
He
had
before
observ'd
,
[
](A49892-e96920-b)(yy)
(yy)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
We
may
see
in
this
instance
,
which
is
in
the
beginning
of
the
above
mentioned
Book
,
several
other
ways
of
using
milk
.
that
Whey
and
Milk
,
in
which
red
hot
Flints
had
been
quenched
,
had
relieved
a
person
in
the
same
case
,
by
which
we
may
see
that
Hippocrates
made
use
of
any
thing
but
Milk
to
these
distempers
.
In
another
place
he
proposes
for
the
same
distemper
Beans
boil'd
with
Rubia
Tinctorum
,
in
fat
Broth.
There
is
yet
another
very
peculiar
Remedy
for
a
Dysentery
,
in
the
Chapter
of
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
.
CHAP
XXIV
.
Of
Womens
Distempers
.
THe
body
of
Women
being
made
otherwise
than
that
of
Men
,
as
likewise
its
peculiar
distempers
;
these
depend
chiefly
upon
the
Matrix
,
and
are
very
numerous
,
as
we
may
see
by
the
list
before
given
.
Hippocrates
has
attributed
a
great
number
of
these
to
the
displacing
of
the
part
aforesaid
,
which
he
supposes
might
not
only
be
relax'd
,
and
hang
out
,
but
that
it
might
likewise
be
retracted
as
far
as
the
Liver
or
Heart
,
and
even
to
the
Head
,
or
turn
Its
Orifice
to
the
right
or
left
,
or
backwards
or
forwards
.
Of
all
these
motions
,
that
according
to
Hippocrates
,
which
was
accompanied
with
the
most
dismal
symptoms
,
was
the
retraction
of
it
,
whereby
it
ascended
and
press'd
the
Liver
,
the
Head
,
and
the
upper
parts
;
this
producing
in
Women
a
sudden
change
of
Colour
,
grating
of
the
Teeth
,
and
other
symptoms
like
Epileptick
,
a
difficulty
of
breathing
even
to
absolute
suffocation
,
a
privation
of
sense
,
and
an
universal
cold
,
like
death
.
To
remedy
this
,
Hippocrates
order'd
the
upper
part
of
Belly
to
be
swathed
,
pressing
the
Matrix
gently
downwards
,
and
forcing
open
their
Mouths
,
poured
down
the
richest
Wine
,
and
after
they
were
come
to
themselves
,
gave
them
a
purge
,
and
after
that
Asses
Milk
.
If
the
disease
was
obstinate
,
after
having
reduced
the
Matrix
to
its
place
,
he
gave
them
a
decoction
,
in
which
was
Castor
,
Conyza
,
Rue
,
Cummin
of
Ethiopia
,
Rhadish-Seeds
,
Sulphur
and
Myrrh
.
He
burnt
under
their
Noses
likewise
stinking
things
,
such
as
Wooll
,
Pitch
,
Castor
,
Brimstone
,
Leather
,
Horns
,
and
Feathers
,
and
the
snuff
of
a
Lamp
just
extinguish'd
,
with
intention
to
fetch
them
to
themselves
,
to
make
them
sweat
,
and
to
restore
the
Matrix
.
In
the
mean
time
he
anointed
below
with
sweet
Oyls
,
and
Liquid
Perfumes
,
such
as
that
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e97100-b)(a)
(a)
See
the
Chapter
of
exterior
Reme
.
dies
.
Netopum
.
He
likewise
used
divers
other
Remedies
both
internal
and
external
,
amongst
which
we
must
not
forget
the
Pessaries
.
These
were
a
sort
of
Suppositors
to
thrust
up
the
Neck
of
the
Matrix
;
[
](A49892-e97140-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
they
were
made
of
Wool
or
Lint
,
mixt
with
divers
other
things
,
Oyl
,
Wax
,
Powder
,
&c.
it
was
made
round
and
like
a
finger
.
In
the
disease
before
mentioned
,
Hippocrates
made
Pessaries
made
with
Castor
,
Myrrh
,
Peucedànum
,
Pitch
,
Melanthium
,
and
sometimes
even
[
](A49892-e97190-b)(c)
(c)
A
sort
of
a
Fly
resembling
Cantharides
.
There
was
likewise
an
Herb
of
this
name
.
the
Bruprestis
,
and
Cantharides
,
mixing
all
these
with
Oyntments
and
Wool
.
It
is
observable
,
that
the
use
of
Pessaries
was
very
common
among
the
Ancients
,
and
that
it
was
almost
the
universal
Medicine
in
Womens
cases
.
They
us'd
it
almost
for
all
intentions
,
to
relax
,
to
lenifie
,
to
draw
,
to
irritate
,
to
cleanse
,
and
dry
the
Matrix
,
&c.
using
sometimes
Oyls
and
Fat
,
sometimes
the
juice
of
Herbs
,
sometimes
things
very
irritative
,
as
Nitre
,
Scammony
,
Tithimale
,
Garlick
,
Cummin
,
Cantharides
,
and
the
like
,
and
sometimes
restringents
,
as
the
Rind
and
Flower
of
Pomgranates
,
Sumach
,
and
sometime
Aromaticks
,
and
Plants
of
sweet
Smell
.
Nor
was
it
in
the
suffocation
of
the
Matrix
only
that
these
Pessaries
were
in
use
,
but
in
all
other
distempers
of
that
part
.
They
were
imploy'd
to
provoke
or
check
the
Menses
,
against
Relaxations
,
superfluity
of
Humours
,
Ulcerations
,
and
Inflamations
,
the
Dropsie
,
Fluor
Albus
and
Sterility
;
they
procur'd
Abortions
and
brought
away
dead
Children
,
and
the
Secundines
,
and
promoted
the
purgations
of
Women
after
Labour
,
&c.
Hippocrates
used
yet
other
Medicines
in
the
cure
of
the
aforesaid
distempers
.
We
shall
examine
his
method
of
treating
two
opposite
distempers
,
the
suppression
of
the
Menses
,
and
the
too
great
quantity
or
too
frequent
returns
of
them
.
The
first
of
these
he
cur'd
[
](A49892-e97420-b)(d)
(d)
De
mo●b
.
mul●er
lib.
1.
&
de
natura
mulieb●i
.
by
purgers
and
vomits
.
And
after
the
use
of
sharp
Pessaries
,
Perfumes
,
Fomentations
,
and
hot
Baths
twice
a
day
,
he
gave
inwardly
several
Medicines
which
experience
had
taught
him
to
be
very
powerfully
moving
that
way
.
He
us'd
sometimes
upon
this
occasion
Cr●thmus
or
Sampier
boil'd
in
Wine
,
made
of
the
Tree
call'd
Taeda
,
the
Herb
Mercury
and
Chiches
.
But
if
these
Remedies
were
too
weak
,
he
prepar'd
a
drink
,
in
which
were
five
Cantharides
without
heads
,
wings
,
or
feet
;
Water-caltrops
,
Anthemus
,
Smallage-seeds
,
and
fifteen
dry'd
eggs
infus'd
in
sweet
Wine
.
To
the
same
intention
he
gave
likewise
the
leaves
and
flowers
of
Ranunculus
,
infus'd
in
the
same
Wine
,
Dittany
of
Crete
,
Hogs
Fenel
,
Panax
,
Peonis
Roots
,
Seeds
of
white
Violets
,
the
Juice
of
Colworts
of
Laserpitium
to
the
quantity
of
a
Verch
,
and
Cress-seeds
,
these
two
latter
infus'd
in
Wine
or
Bitch's
Milk
.
Hippocrates
used
likewise
divers
other
Simples
not
mention'd
here
.
In
an
immoderate
Flux
,
he
charges
to
abstain
from
[
](A49892-e97630-b)(e)
(e)
Lib.
de
lo●●
〈◊〉
h●min●
.
Bathing
,
and
any
thing
that
may
heat
,
from
all
Diuretick
Medicines
or
Laxative
,
and
to
make
the
Bed
highest
at
the
feet
,
and
to
use
restringent
Pessaries
.
[
](A49892-e97640-b)(f)
(f)
De
morb
.
mul.
lib.
2.
He
order'd
the
Belly
and
lower
parts
to
be
fomented
with
a
Sponge
,
or
Cloths
dipt
in
cold
Water
,
or
to
drink
a
composition
of
Parsly-seeds
dried
at
the
fire
,
and
sifted
,
and
the
seed
of
Hedge
Mustard
prepar'd
the
same
way
;
Peplium
or
Poppy-seeds
,
sifted
with
course
Flower
;
Nettle-seeds
,
Moss
of
the
Wild
,
Olive
,
Gauls
,
Rue
,
Marjorum
,
Pennyroyal
,
Barly-meal
,
Wheat-flower
,
Goats
Milk
,
Cheese
,
all
made
into
a
kind
of
[
](A49892-e97700-b)(g)
(g)
See
the
Chap.
of
Diet
Ciceon
.
Besides
these
Remedies
which
Hippocrates
used
in
the
beginning
of
the
distemper
,
he
apply'd
likewise
under
the
Breasts
a
large
[
](A49892-e97730-b)(h)
(h)
Aphorism
.
50.
Sect.
5.
Cupping
Vessel
;
but
when
the
Flux
of
blood
began
to
diminish
and
stop
intirely
,
he
us'd
the
following
Remedies
.
He
gave
purges
and
vomits
,
and
us'd
lenifying
and
restringent
Fomentations
below
,
which
was
succeeded
by
a
Cataplasm
made
of
the
Meal
of
Spelt
,
with
the
Bran
of
Wild
Figs
and
Olive
Leaves
.
After
this
he
came
to
Cows
Milk
,
either
raw
or
boiled
,
according
to
the
condition
of
the
Patient
.
Further
he
recommends
the
seeds
of
Erisimum
,
parch'd
and
drank
with
Wine
,
Perfume
consisting
of
Vinegar
,
Sulphur
,
Spelt
,
Myrrh
,
[
](A49892-e97800-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
last
in
my
opinion
was
the
name
of
some
Plant.
and
the
fruit
of
the
Serpent
.
These
latter
Remedies
relate
to
a
particular
sort
of
bleeding
,
which
he
says
come
from
the
places
below
the
[
](A49892-e97830-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
word
signifies
several
things
in
Hippocrates
,
and
t
is
not
always
cas●e
to
guess
what
he
means
by
it
.
See
the
word
●ungs
in
the
List
of
Diseases
.
Articulations
.
In
another
place
he
reckons
hemlock
among
those
inward
Medicines
:
Take
says
he
,
as
much
hemlock
as
you
can
with
three
fingers
,
and
drink
it
with
water
.
We
shall
make
some
reflections
upon
these
Medicines
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Heraclides
of
Tarentum
.
Those
fluxes
of
blood
,
which
were
accompanied
with
an
ill
smell
,
sharpness
,
pain
,
and
other
symptoms
,
were
cured
much
after
the
same
manner
.
He
gave
white
Hellebore
,
and
afterwards
some
other
purge
,
and
then
used
the
same
astringents
and
lenifiers
as
before
.
We
must
not
here
forget
,
besides
the
Fomentations
,
he
recommends
the
use
of
Clysters
or
Injections
for
the
Matrix
,
in
case
of
Ulcers
and
some
other
disorders
of
that
part
;
these
consisting
of
the
same
ingredients
with
the
Cataplasms
,
Fomentations
,
and
Pessaries
.
He
used
also
in
this
cure
Asses
Milk
,
advising
also
by
way
of
Diet
,
Herbs
that
were
not
biting
,
clammy
Fish
boyl'd
with
Onions
and
Corriander-seeds
,
in
sweet
oyly
pickle
,
Swines
Flesh
,
Lamb
or
Mutton
,
rather
boyl'd
than
roasted
,
to
drink
small
White
Wine
with
a
little
Honey
,
not
to
use
too
much
nor
too
hot
bathing
.
The
Matrix
at
length
being
sufficiently
moistned
,
and
the
Acrimony
of
the
humours
taken
off
,
he
forbad
bleeding
absolutely
,
and
clos'd
all
with
a
course
of
restringent
Medicines
,
such
as
before-mentioned
.
CHAP.
XXV
.
Of
the
Chyrurgery
of
Hippocrates
.
[
](A49892-e98030-b)(a)
(a)
See
m●re
of
this
in
the
general
M●xims
of
the
practice
of
Hippocrates
.
WHere
Medicines
failed
,
he
had
recourse
to
the
Knife
,
and
where
the
Knife
was
unserviceable
,
he
sought
Remedies
from
Fire
.
Hippocrates
had
from
Chyrurgery
these
two
last
Remedies
,
or
the
manner
of
using
them
,
and
several
other
ways
of
relieving
men
against
their
distempers
.
He
practised
Pharmacy
by
Chyrurgery
.
The
same
person
in
those
days
exercised
all
parts
of
Physick
in
general
;
and
he
that
advised
a
Medicine
,
or
an
Operation
,
prepar'd
and
perform'd
them
himself
,
or
at
least
caus'd
them
to
be
prepar'd
or
perform'd
by
his
Servants
,
that
work'd
immediately
under
his
eye
and
direction
.
This
Galen
takes
notice
of
,
and
it
is
apparent
from
the
bare
reading
the
works
of
Hippocrates
.
In
the
Oath
which
he
exacts
of
his
Scholars
,
he
obliges
them
not
to
Cut
for
the
Stone
,
but
to
leave
that
operation
to
those
who
made
a
particular
profession
of
it
;
which
supposes
that
the
exercise
of
all
other
branches
of
Surgery
was
allow'd
of
.
One
of
his
Books
likewise
treating
only
of
things
relating
to
Surgery
,
is
call'd
the
[
](A49892-e98130-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
See
below
,
towards
the
end
of
the
first
Book
of
the
second
part
.
Physicians
repository
,
and
not
the
Surgeons
,
which
ought
to
have
been
the
Title
,
if
Surgery
in
those
days
had
been
a
distinct
Art
from
that
of
Physick
.
But
instead
of
that
,
[
](A49892-e98160-b)(c)
(c)
We
often
find
in
Hippocrates
the
following
words
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
somewhat
resemble
that
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
don't
exactly
signify
the
same
thing
;
the
first
of
which
words
are
used
by
our
Author
to
signify
the
action
or
manner
of
operating
,
whereas
the
latter
▪
altho
as
we
have
observ'd
before
in
the
Chapter
of
Chiron
,
it
signifies
in
strictness
operation
of
the
hand
,
yet
has
been
given
to
the
art
itself
,
which
teaches
the
manner
of
operating
,
and
not
to
the
action
or
operation
itself
.
Surgery
had
not
so
much
as
a
particular
name
,
or
at
least
was
not
known
by
that
name
,
nor
is
it
to
be
found
any
where
in
the
Works
of
Hippocrates
,
nor
did
begin
to
be
in
use
,
till
the
time
of
the
division
of
Physick
,
of
which
we
shall
speak
hereafter
.
But
names
altering
not
the
nature
of
things
,
however
the
Art
which
teaches
to
cure
distempers
by
Manual
Operations
,
was
call'd
,
Hippocrates
unquestionably
was
Master
of
it
,
and
it
made
up
a
great
part
of
his
practice
in
general
.
We
have
seen
before
that
he
burnt
or
cauterized
the
Breast
and
Back
of
Pthisical
men
,
and
those
whose
Spleen
was
over-grown
.
The
Instruments
he
made
use
of
for
this
end
,
were
sometimes
[
](A49892-e98400-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
i.
e.
an
Instrument
proper
to
burn
.
red
hot
Irons
,
sometimes
Spindles
of
Box
,
steept
in
boyl'd
Oyl
,
sometimes
a
sort
of
Mushrooms
,
which
be
burnt
upon
the
part
,
and
sometimes
what
he
call'd
Linum
Crudum
.
He
made
great
use
of
all
those
ways
of
burning
in
all
fixed
pains
settled
in
a
particular
part
.
As
for
instance
,
in
the
Gout
or
Sciatica
he
burnt
the
Toes
,
Fingers
,
and
Hips
,
with
Linum
Crudum
.
A
famous
[
](A49892-e98500-b)(e)
(e)
Doctor
Sydenham
.
English
Physician
not
long
since
dead
,
compar'd
this
way
of
cauterizing
to
that
of
the
Indians
,
with
a
sort
of
Moss
call'd
Moxa
,
but
he
was
mistaken
in
it
.
He
was
led
into
this
errour
by
the
ordinary
interpreters
of
Hippocrates
,
who
by
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Linum
Crudum
understand
Flax
,
whereas
the
Greek
word
signifies
,
Cloth
made
of
Flax
,
which
has
never
been
whitened
.
The
learned
[
](A49892-e98610-b)(f)
(f)
See
the
sixth
Book
of
the
Varia
Lectiones
of
Mercurialis
,
Ch.
2
Athenaeus
lib.
9.
Eustathius
in
Odyss.
lib.
5.
Hesychius
,
Phavorinus
,
and
other
Lexicographers
.
Mercurialis
,
who
was
was
no
stranger
to
this
latter
signification
,
did
nevertheless
believe
that
in
this
place
by
burning
with
Linum
Crudum
,
Hippocrates
meant
with
Stupes
or
sine
Flax
;
but
't
is
more
probable
that
the
Ancient
way
of
cauterizing
with
Linum
Crudum
,
or
rather
with
new
flaxen
Cloth
was
the
same
with
that
in
practice
at
present
in
Aegypt
.
[
](A49892-e98730-b)(g)
(g)
De
Medicin
.
Aegypt
.
lib.
3.
cap.
12.
The
Egyptians
,
says
Prosper
Alpinus
,
Rolled
a
little
Cotton
in
a
piece
of
Linnen
in
the
form
of
a
Pyramid
,
and
setting
fire
to
the
Cone
of
the
Pyramid
,
apply'd
the
bases
upon
the
place
to
be
cauterized
.
In
this
operation
it
is
not
the
fire
only
which
burns
the
Caustic
Oyl
,
which
distils
along
the
Linnen
,
contributes
very
much
to
it
.
Cauterizing
was
so
familiar
an
operation
to
Hippocrates
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
Chronical
distemper
wherein
he
does
not
propose
it
.
In
the
approach
of
a
Dropsie
he
cauterized
the
Belly
in
eight
places
about
the
Liver
.
In
pains
also
of
the
Head
he
apply'd
eight
Cauteries
upon
that
,
two
about
the
Ears
,
two
behind
the
Head
,
two
in
the
Neck
,
and
two
near
the
corners
of
the
Eyes
.
When
Cauteries
were
ineffectual
,
he
made
an
incision
all
round
the
Forehead
in
form
of
a
Crown
,
keeping
the
Lips
of
the
wound
open
and
supported
by
putting
Lint
between
them
,
to
give
a
vent
to
the
blood
and
humours
.
The
same
incisions
he
practised
in
Rheums
which
fall
upon
the
Eyes
,
and
used
them
as
well
in
the
back
as
the
head
.
Those
that
consider
the
violence
and
obstinacy
of
these
sorts
of
distempers
,
especially
they
that
are
subject
to
them
ought
not
to
wonder
if
he
has
gone
about
to
cure
them
by
means
as
rigorous
and
severe
;
nor
is
it
to
be
wondered
at
,
that
abundance
of
these
distempers
are
reckoned
now
almost
incurable
,
the
aversion
or
horror
for
Remedies
of
that
nature
,
being
so
much
greater
than
it
formerly
was
,
when
they
were
not
acquainted
with
these
gentle
methods
of
Physicks
in
use
now
adays
.
They
made
so
little
scruple
of
cauterizing
or
burning
any
part
,
that
it
was
done
even
where
there
was
no
distemper
.
The
Scythian
Nomades
caused
themselves
to
be
burnt
in
the
Shoulders
,
the
Arms
,
the
Breast
,
the
Thighs
,
and
the
Loins
,
to
render
their
Bodies
and
Joints
more
lusty
and
strong
,
and
to
consume
the
superfluous
moisture
of
the
Flesh
,
which
made
them
less
able
,
as
they
supposed
,
to
draw
their
Bows
,
and
to
dart
their
Javelins
.
They
burnt
also
the
Arteries
of
the
Temples
,
and
behind
the
Ears
,
to
prevent
a
[
](A49892-e98830-b)(h)
(h)
See
above
in
the
Disease●
of
the
third
Class
.
defluxion
upon
their
Hips
,
usual
amongst
them
from
too
much
Riding
.
To
these
Scythians
we
may
add
the
Sarmatians
,
whose
Women
,
according
to
[
](A49892-e98860-b)(i)
(i)
Lib.
de
Acre
aquis
,
&
locis
.
Hippocrates
,
ride
on
Horseback
,
use
the
Bow
and
Javeling
,
while
they
are
Maids
go
to
War
,
and
are
not
permitted
to
marry
,
till
they
have
slain
three
Enemies
,
and
sacrificed
to
their
Divinity
,
according
to
the
custom
of
their
Country
;
after
they
are
marry'd
,
they
are
exempted
from
War
,
except
upon
urgent
occasions
.
Their
right
Breast
is
burnt
in
their
infancy
,
with
a
red
hot
Iron
,
to
hinder
it
from
growing
,
and
to
transfer
the
strength
entire
to
the
Shoulder
and
Arm
of
the
same
side
.
For
this
reason
they
were
call'd
Amazons
,
that
is
to
say
,
without
Breasts
.
Their
History
,
whether
true
or
false
,
is
to
be
found
more
at
large
in
Justin
,
Strabo
,
and
others
.
Hippocrates
used
also
in
a
pain
of
the
head
,
arising
according
to
him
from
a
Water
in
the
Brain
,
or
between
the
Skull
and
the
Brain
,
a
Remedy
yet
more
formidable
than
the
former
.
He
open'd
the
Skull
sometimes
with
an
instrument
that
carried
away
a
piece
of
the
Bone
,
which
was
call'd
[
](A49892-e98950-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
An
instrument
for
boring
.
Trepanning
,
from
the
Greek
name
of
the
Instrument
.
This
operation
was
chiefly
invented
for
fractures
of
the
Skull
,
to
draw
out
by
the
hole
small
pointed
ragged
pieces
of
Bones
,
which
in
these
cases
pricked
the
membranes
of
the
Brain
,
or
to
evacuate
extravasated
blood
,
or
purulent
matter
,
which
caused
several
little
symptoms
,
or
to
raise
the
Skull
when
it
was
depressed
.
If
Hippocrates
used
these
sort
of
Remedies
for
pains
of
the
Head
,
or
defluxions
upon
the
Eyes
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
he
made
use
of
Surgery
in
Diseases
of
more
danger
.
He
boldly
open'd
the
Breasts
of
those
that
were
troubled
with
an
[
](A49892-e99030-b)(l)
(l)
See
above
in
the
Cure
of
Chronical
Diseases
.
Empyema
,
when
the
gentlest
Remedies
proved
insufficient
.
Fifteen
days
after
he
suppos'd
the
Pus
to
be
form'd
or
extravasated
in
the
Breast
of
those
that
had
a
Pleurisie
or
Peripneumony
,
he
put
them
into
a
warm
Bath
,
and
setting
them
upon
a
Stool
,
shook
their
Shoulders
,
and
laying
his
Ear
to
their
Breast
,
listned
if
he
heard
any
noise
,
and
on
each
side
.
This
noise
according
to
him
was
of
least
danger
when
on
the
Left
side
,
and
the
incision
made
there
with
more
safety
.
if
the
thickness
of
the
Flesh
,
and
the
quantity
of
the
Pus
,
hinderd
him
from
hearing
the
noise
,
he
chose
that
side
on
which
the
inflamation
and
pain
had
been
greatest
:
he
made
his
incision
rather
behind
than
before
,
and
as
low
as
he
could
:
and
having
first
open'd
the
skin
between
two
Ribs
with
a
large
Razor
,
and
afterwards
taking
one
more
narrow
and
pointed
,
he
wrapt
a
Rag
or
something
about
it
,
so
that
nothing
appear'd
but
the
point
,
so
that
it
appear'd
only
about
the
length
of
the
Thumb-nail
,
and
thrust
it
into
that
depth
.
The
Pus
being
by
this
means
drawn
away
in
sufficient
quantity
,
he
stopt
the
Wound
with
a
Tent
of
Linnen
fastned
to
a
string
,
and
for
ten
days
together
drew
every
day
some
Pus
.
The
Pus
being
almost
all
drawn
out
,
he
syringed
the
Wound
with
Wine
and
Oyl
,
and
let
it
out
about
a
dozen
hours
after
.
When
the
Pus
began
to
be
clear
like
Water
,
and
a
little
thick
,
he
put
into
the
Wound
a
Tin
Pipe
,
and
as
the
humour
spent
itself
,
he
lessen'd
the
Pipe
,
and
suffer'd
the
Wound
by
degrees
to
heal
up
.
The
same
operation
he
us●d
[
](A49892-e99060-b)(m)
(m)
Lib.
d●
affectionibus
in
a
Dropsie
in
the
Belly
,
making
the
incision
near
the
Navel
or
behind
near
the
Hips
,
and
drawing
off
the
Water
contain'd
;
but
he
takes
express
notice
that
but
very
few
are
cured
this
way
.
In
another
place
he
gives
this
caution
,
that
this
operation
ought
to
be
us'd
betimes
,
before
the
distemper
got
too
much
ground
,
and
that
care
ought
to
be
taken
not
to
draw
away
all
the
Water
at
once
,
because
those
that
lose
all
the
Pus
or
Water
at
a
time
,
infallibly
dye
.
[
](A49892-e99140-b)(n)
(n)
Lib.
de
〈◊〉
affec●
In
a
Dropsie
of
the
Breast
,
after
having
prepar'd
the
Patient
as
in
an
Empyema
,
he
lay●d
bare
the
third
Rib
,
counting
from
the
last
;
and
having
bor'd
it
with
a
sort
of
Tropanum
,
he
drew
off
a
small
quantity
of
Water
,
and
stopt
the
Wound
with
a
Tent
of
Linum
Crudum
,
and
having
laid
a
soft
Sponge
upon
it
,
he
swathed
the
part
,
for
fear
the
Tent
should
tumble
out
.
For
twelve
days
together
he
continu'd
to
draw
,
after
that
he
drew
as
long
as
it
would
run
,
endeavouring
likewise
to
dry
the
Breasts
by
Medicines
,
and
a
particular
method
of
Diet.
In
inflamations
of
the
Thighs
,
Legs
,
and
Scrotum
,
he
orders
boldly
to
[
](A49892-e99200-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
scarrisie
the
parts
,
or
to
prick
them
in
several
places
[
](A49892-e99230-b)(p)
(p)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
with
a
sharp
Lancet
.
Hippocrates
upon
several
occasions
used
the
boldest
and
most
difficult
operations
of
Surgery
.
He
open'd
the
Back
to
discharge
an
abscess
of
the
Kidneys
;
he
drew
dead
Children
out
of
the
Womb
,
with
hooks
,
or
a
hook
to
which
he
gave
the
name
of
a
Claw
,
beeause
it
was
like
the
Pounce
of
a
Bird
of
Prey
.
He
drew
'em
out
piecemeals
when
he
could
do
no
otherwise
.
But
he
gave
particular
proof
of
his
address
,
in
the
cure
of
a
distemper
which
he
call'd
Trichosis
,
which
is
,
when
the
hair
of
the
[
](A49892-e99310-b)(q)
(q)
De
victratione
in
acutis
.
This
place
seems
to
me
somewhat
hard
to
be
understood
.
I
have
endeavoured
to
translate
it
word
for
word
.
We
shall
see
below
the
different
ways
of
performing
this
operation
.
Eye-lids
turn
inwards
,
which
cause
prickings
,
with
intollerable
pain
.
He
took
a
Needle
and
Thread
which
he
past
through
the
upper
and
most
distended
part
of
the
Eye-lids
downwards
;
he
past
another
below
the
place
where
the
first
was
,
afterwards
sowing
and
tying
these
two
Threads
together
till
the
Hairs
fell
out
.
They
cut
for
the
Stone
likewise
in
this
time
,
but
Hippocrates
seems
not
to
meddle
with
it
himself
,
that
practice
being
already
become
a
separate
business
,
as
it
appears
by
the
Oath
he
gives
his
Disciples
,
that
they
should
not
cut
for
the
Stone
,
but
leave
it
to
those
whose
particular
profession
it
was
.
Hippocrates
practised
all
other
parts
of
Surgery
.
He
reduc'd
broken
or
dislocated
Bones
very
well
;
[
](A49892-e99400-b)(r)
(r)
The
Book
intituled
,
The
Physicians
Shop
,
that
of
Articulartions
,
and
that
of
Fractures
.
and
the
instruction
contain'd
in
his
Books
upon
that
subject
,
are
followed
to
this
day
,
as
well
as
what
regards
the
knowledge
and
distinctions
of
the
different
sorts
of
fractures
and
dislocations
,
as
in
what
relates
to
the
proper
Remedies
for
them
.
We
shall
not
here
particularize
his
rules
upon
this
subject
,
whether
concerning
the
extension
which
ought
to
be
made
before
the
reduction
of
the
Bone
to
its
place
,
or
concerning
the
Instruments
necessary
to
that
purpose
,
or
concerning
the
manner
of
bandage
and
scituation
of
the
parts
after
Reduction
.
Nor
shall
we
lay
down
all
that
he
relates
concerning
the
cure
of
Wounds
and
Vlcers
,
how
to
stop
the
blood
by
Astringents
,
Ligature
,
or
Cauterizing
of
the
largest
Vessels
,
to
unite
the
Lips
of
a
Wound
by
Sature
,
or
otherwise
,
and
to
consolidate
it
;
how
to
deterge
or
cleanse
an
Vlcer
,
to
dry
it
,
or
to
cause
the
Flesh
to
grow
,
and
at
last
to
Cicatrize
it
.
We
shall
refer
this
to
the
Chapter
of
Celsus
,
who
has
given
us
a
compleat
system
of
Surgery
,
taken
in
great
measure
out
of
Hippocrates
,
of
which
we
shall
give
an
extract
.
We
shall
only
take
notice
,
that
the
Powders
,
Olys
,
and
Oyntments
which
Hippocrates
used
in
Surgery
,
were
not
drawn
from
Herbs
only
,
as
we
suppos'd
them
to
have
been
in
the
time
of
Chiron
,
Esculapius
or
his
Sons
.
We
find
already
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
several
sorts
of
Minerals
in
use
,
as
Nitre
,
Ailom
,
Verdigriese
,
Flower
of
Brass
,
burnt
Copper
,
Lead
,
Spodium
,
Chalcitis
,
and
others
of
the
like
nature
.
Besides
the
great
variety
of
useful
Maxims
which
Hippocrates
delivers
in
Surgery
,
we
find
in
his
works
some
particular
cases
very
instructive
to
a
Surgeon
,
to
caution
him
not
to
slight
the
minutest
Wounds
.
To
this
end
he
relates
[
](A49892-e99770-b)(s)
(s)
Epidem
.
lib.
7.
several
instances
of
persons
that
died
of
very
slight
Wounds
in
the
Forehead
,
the
Bone
of
which
was
a
little
laid
bare
;
in
some
others
a
simple
Wound
of
the
Finger
or
Foot
has
caused
Convulsions
,
and
been
mortal
to
some
;
a
bruise
of
the
Finger
,
and
to
others
a
blow
of
the
Hand
upon
the
fore
part
of
the
Head
given
in
play
,
has
proved
fatal
.
[
](A49892-e99790-b)(t)
(t)
Ibid
lib
1.
Others
after
violent
pain
in
the
great
Toe
,
and
a
few
black
spots
coming
suddenly
upon
a
Tumour
of
the
Heel
,
have
died
in
two
days
.
CHAP.
XXVI
.
Opinions
and
Maxims
of
Hippocrates
,
concerning
Physick
,
and
Physicians
in
general
.
[
](A49892-e99850-b)(a)
(a)
De
prisca
medicina
.
ALL
Physick
has
been
long
since
establish'd
,
and
the
method
and
way
of
discovering
,
as
they
have
already
done
,
several
excellent
things
which
assist
to
discover
several
others
,
if
the
Inquirer
be
fitted
for
it
;
and
being
acquainted
with
the
former
discoveries
,
follows
the
old
tract
:
he
that
rejects
all
that
has
been
done
before
,
and
takes
another
road
in
his
Enquiries
,
boasts
of
finding
out
of
new
things
,
but
deceives
himself
and
others
with
him
.
[
](A49892-e99870-b)(b)
(b)
Lex
.
Physick
is
the
noblest
of
all
Arts
,
but
the
ignorance
of
those
that
practice
it
,
and
those
that
judge
rashly
of
it
,
make
it
the
least
respected
.
What
is
further
mischievous
to
Physicians
,
is
,
that
't
is
the
only
Art
,
that
there
is
no
other
punishment
allotted
for
those
that
abuse
it
by
evil
practice
,
than
shame
or
dishonor
,
of
which
such
sort
of
men
are
insensible
.
They
are
a
sort
of
Players
that
represent
the
persons
that
they
are
not
;
for
there
are
abundance
of
Physicians
by
profession
,
but
few
in
reality
,
whose
works
justify
their
pretences
.
[
](A49892-e99890-b)(c)
(c)
De
prisca
Medicina
.
Physick
,
like
other
Arts
,
has
its
good
and
bad
Workmen
.
[
](A49892-e99900-b)(d)
(d)
Aphorism
.
1.
lib.
1.
The
Art
is
of
great
extent
,
life
short
,
opportunity
●lippery
,
experience
falacious
,
and
judgment
difficult
.
It
is
not
enough
that
the
Physician
does
his
duty
,
the
Patient
and
those
about
him
must
do
theirs
,
and
things
about
him
must
be
in
convenient
order
.
[
](A49892-e99920-b)(e)
(e)
Lex
.
To
arrive
at
any
considerable
degree
of
knowledge
in
Physick
,
the
following
conditions
are
nec●ssarily
requir'd
.
First
a
natural
aptness
.
means
of
instruction
,
study
and
application
from
the
Youth
,
a
docil
and
sagacious
wit
,
diligence
,
and
long
observation
.
[
](A49892-e99940-b)(f)
(f)
Praeceptiones
.
A
Physician
ought
not
to
be
ashamed
to
inform
himself
,
tho
by
the
meanest
people
,
of
Remedies
confirm'd
by
experience
.
By
this
means
,
in
my
opinion
,
the
Art
of
Physick
grew
up
by
degrees
,
that
is
by
amassing
and
collecting
observations
of
the
several
particular
cases
one
by
one
,
which
being
all
put
together
,
make
one
entire
body
.
[
](A49892-e99960-b)(g)
(g)
De
arte
.
Some
make
it
their
business
to
decry
others
,
without
gaining
any
other
advantages
themselves
,
and
shewing
a
vain
Ostentation
of
their
Learning
.
In
my
opinion
there
is
more
wit
in
inventing
and
finding
out
things
useful
,
which
is
Physick
,
and
in
perfecting
what
is
not
yet
so
,
than
to
lay
our selves
out
in
disingenous
discourses
,
to
destroy
amongst
the
ignorant
and
unexperienced
,
those
things
that
have
been
deliver'd
by
men
of
ability
,
and
established
by
experience
.
[
](A49892-e99990-b)(h)
(h)
Ibidem
.
Those
that
attack
Physick
upon
pretence
,
that
many
dye
under
the
hands
of
the
Physicians
,
have
generally
as
much
reason
to
blame
the
Conduct
of
the
Patient
as
of
the
Physician
.
As
if
the
latter
could
not
but
order
amiss
,
and
the
former
could
never
be
irregular
,
which
is
but
too
frequent
.
But
why
should
not
they
rather
impute
the
death
of
the
Patient
to
the
incurableness
of
his
distemper
,
than
the
unskilfulness
of
the
Physician
that
had
the
care
of
him
.
[
](A49892-e100010-b)(i)
(i)
De
●●ise●
medi●ina
.
Not
that
Physicians
never
are
in
fault
;
those
that
are
least
so
,
ought
to
be
least
esteemed
so
,
but
it
is
hard
to
find
one
so
judicious
as
is
requisit
.
[
](A49892-e100030-b)(k)
(k)
Epidem
.
lib.
6.
The
ablest
Physicians
sometimes
are
deceived
by
cases
like
one
another
.
[
](A49892-e100050-b)(l)
(l)
Lib
de
flatibus
.
Obscure
and
doubtful
distempers
are
judg●d
more
by
conjecture
than
Art
,
tho
in
this
case
those
that
have
experience
are
preferrable
to
those
that
have
not
.
[
](A49892-e100070-b)(m)
(m)
De
victus
ratione
in
acutis
.
One
Physician
often
approves
what
another
does
not
.
This
exposes
their
Art
to
the
calumny
of
the
people
,
who
therefore
imagining
it
to
be
altogether
vain
,
compare
it
to
that
of
the
Augurs
,
of
whom
one
says
of
the
same
Bird
,
that
if
it
appears
on
the
Left
side
it
is
a
good
omen
,
if
on
the
Right
a
bad
one
,
and
others
the
quite
contrary
.
[
](A49892-e100100-b)(n)
(n)
Praeceptiones
.
We
ought
never
to
warrant
the
success
of
a
Medicine
,
for
the
minutest
circumstances
cause
the
distemper
to
vary
,
and
make
'em
sometimes
more
tedious
and
dangerous
than
we
expected
.
[
](A49892-e100120-b)(o)
(o)
Lib
de
arte
The
end
of
Physick
is
absolutely
to
cure
Diseases
,
or
at
least
to
abate
their
violence
;
but
those
that
are
desperate
,
ought
never
to
be
undertaken
,
that
is
,
where
the
distemper
is
of
it self
incurable
,
or
become
so
by
the
total
destruction
of
the
Organs
;
for
Physick
reaches
not
so
far
.
[
](A49892-e100140-b)(p)
(p)
Lib.
de
decenti
habitu
.
A
Physician
ought
to
visit
his
Patients
frequently
,
and
to
be
very
attentive
to
every
thing
.
[
](A49892-e100160-b)(q)
(q)
Lib
de
medico
.
'T
is
requisit
for
the
credit
of
a
Physician
,
that
he
should
have
a
healthy
look
,
and
a
good
complexion
;
for
men
are
apt
to
suspect
,
that
he
that
has
not
his
own
health
,
can
scarce
be
instrumental
to
procure
it
to
another
in
the
same
case
.
[
](A49892-e100180-b)(r)
(r)
Ibid
&
de
decent
habitu
.
A
Physician
ought
to
be
decent
in
his
habit
,
grave
in
his
manners
,
moderate
in
all
his
actions
,
chast
and
modest
in
the
conversation
he
is
oblig●d
to
have
with
Women
;
no
loiterer
,
ready
to
answer
every
body
with
candour
;
sober
,
patient
,
ready
to
do
his
duty
without
disturbing
himself
.
[
](A49892-e100200-b)(s)
(s)
●●●●ceptiones
.
'T
is
no
dishonour
to
a
Physician
,
when
he
is
in
doubt
about
the
method
of
treating
his
Patient
in
any
case
,
to
call
in
other
Physicians
,
and
to
consult
with
them
,
what
is
to
be
done
to
the
benefit
of
the
Patient
.
[
](A49892-e100220-b)(t)
(t)
Ibidem
.
In
point
of
Fees
,
a
Physician
ought
to
be
honest
,
and
good
natur'd
,
and
to
have
a
regard
to
the
ability
of
the
Patient
.
On
some
occasions
he
ought
neither
to
ask
nor
expect
a
Fee
,
especially
if
the
Patient
be
a
poor
man
,
or
a
stranger
,
whom
he
is
obliged
to
relieve
.
There
are
other
occasions
wherein
the
Physician
may
agree
with
his
Patient
before
hand
for
his
reward
,
that
the
Patient
may
with
more
confidence
commit
himself
to
his
care
,
and
be
assur●d
that
he
will
not
desert
him
.
[
](A49892-e100250-b)(v)
(v)
D●prisca
medicina
.
Those
that
thought
Physick
an
invention
,
that
deserv'd
to
be
attributed
to
the
Gods
,
have
not
only
followed
the
common
opinion
,
but
in
my
mind
right
reason
also
.
This
is
what
Hippocrates
says
of
Physick
in
general
.
From
whence
we
may
draw
two
inferences
of
importance
to
our
History
.
First
,
That
there
were
a
great
number
of
Physicians
in
his
time
,
although
but
few
good
ones
.
Secondly
,
That
the
use
of
Consultations
was
also
then
establish'd
.
And
lastly
,
That
Physick
was
even
then
expos●d
to
detraction
and
calumny
,
as
well
as
since
.
CHAP.
XXVII
.
Of
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
.
COncerning
the
Writings
of
this
Ancient
Physician
,
there
are
three
things
chiefly
to
be
observ'd
.
First
,
The
esteem
they
have
always
met
with
.
Secondly
,
The
distinction
between
those
Writings
which
are
legitimate
,
and
those
that
are
supposititious
.
Thirdly
,
His
Language
and
Stile
.
In
the
first
place
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
have
been
always
had
in
particular
veneration
.
Galen
says
,
that
what
Hippocrates
has
deliver'd
has
always
been
esteemed
as
the
word
of
a
God
,
and
assures
us
,
that
if
what
he
writ
be
a
little
obscure
thro
his
brevity
,
or
if
he
seems
in
certain
places
to
have
omitted
some
little
things
,
he
has
nevertheless
written
nothing
which
was
not
very
much
to
the
purpose
.
The
Works
of
Hippocrates
,
says
Suidas
,
are
very
well
known
to
all
that
study
Physick
;
we
have
such
a
respect
for
them
,
that
they
think
what
he
has
said
,
to
come
out
of
a
Divine
Mouth
,
and
not
a
Human.
A
plain
mark
of
the
esteem
that
all
Ages
have
had
for
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
is
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
Author
who
has
had
so
many
Commentators
.
Amongst
the
most
Ancient
of
them
,
Galen
speaks
of
one
Asclepiades
,
Rufus
Ephesius
,
Sabinus
,
Metrodorus
,
Satyrus
,
Heraclides
,
Tarentinus
,
Heraclides
Erythraeus
,
and
one
Zeuxis
,
to
whom
we
may
add
Galen
himself
,
and
Celsus
,
who
have
often
translated
him
word
for
word
.
We
shall
mention
another
party
of
these
Authors
in
the
sequel
.
He
has
had
undoubtedly
several
others
among
the
Ancients
,
without
reckoning
those
that
explain'd
his
obscure
words
,
as
we
shall
see
by
and
by
And
the
number
of
the
Moderns
is
greater
,
as
we
shall
shew
in
its
proper
place
.
To
come
to
the
distinction
of
the
true
Writings
of
Hippocrates
from
the
spurious
,
we
shall
begin
with
a
List
given
by
Erotian
.
This
Author
,
who
liv'd
under
Nero
,
distinguishing
the
Books
of
Hippocrates
,
or
those
which
past
for
such
in
his
time
,
according
to
the
subject
of
which
they
treated
,
ennumerates
the
following
.
The
Books
,
says
he
,
which
relates
to
the
Doctrine
of
signs
,
are
the
Book
called
the
Prognostick
,
two
Books
of
Predictions
,
(
which
two
latter
are
not
Hippocrates
's
,
as
we
shall
shew
hereafter
,
)
and
the
Book
of
the
Humours
.
The
Books
which
relate
to
Physick
,
and
which
are
the
most
rational
,
are
the
Book
of
the
winds
,
of
the
Nature
of
Man
,
of
the
Epilepsie
,
of
the
Nature
of
Children
,
of
times
and
seasons
.
The
Books
concerning
the
manner
of
treating
distempers
,
are
the
Book
of
fractures
,
of
the
articulations
,
of
ulcers
,
of
wounds
,
and
darts
of
wounds
,
of
the
head
,
of
the
Physicians
repository
,
that
called
Mochlicus
of
the
Emeroides
and
Fistula's
,
of
diet
,
two
of
diseases
,
of
Ptisan
,
of
the
laces
or
parts
in
man
,
two
Books
of
Womens
distempers
,
one
of
barren
Women
,
one
of
Nourishment
,
and
one
of
Waters
.
The
Aphorisms
and
six
Books
of
Epidemick
diseases
,
treat
of
mixt
matters
.
Those
which
follow
concern
the
Art
in
general
;
the
Book
entituled
the
Oath
,
that
called
the
Law
,
and
that
of
the
Ancient
Physick
.
As
for
his
Ambassadors
Speech
and
the
Speech
at
the
Altar
,
they
serve
only
to
prove
the
kindness
of
Hippocrates
to
his
Country
,
but
concern
not
Physick
at
all
.
Galen
speaks
of
one
Artemidorus
Capito
,
and
one
Dioscorides
,
both
of
Alexandria
,
who
collected
and
published
the
works
of
Hippocrates
together
.
He
adds
,
that
this
Edition
had
the
approbation
of
the
Emperor
Adrian
,
under
whom
they
liv●d
,
and
who
had
a
great
affection
for
Physick
.
However
,
Gal●z
taxes
them
with
taking
too
much
liberty
,
and
changing
several
words
of
the
Text
,
which
they
did
not
understand
.
We
don't
certainly
know
whether
the
Catalogue
of
the
Books
of
Hippocrates
,
publish'd
by
these
Authors
,
were
greater
than
that
which
Erotian
gives
us
,
but
t
is
probable
it
was
,
since
Galen
,
who
follow'd
them
very
near
,
mentions
several
Books
of
Hippocrates's
,
or
that
past
for
his
,
whose
names
are
not
met
with
in
Erotian
●s
Catalogue
.
T●ese
Books
are
,
that
of
Affections
and
other
of
internal
Affections
,
and
two
others
of
Diseases
Besides
those
mentioned
by
Erotian
.
Galen
speaks
also
of
an
Addition
to
the
Book
call'd
Mochlicus
,
which
is
the
Book
we
now
have
of
the
nature
of
the
Bones
.
He
saw
likewise
the
Title
of
the
Book
of
the
Glands
,
which
past
for
Hippocrates's
,
though
Galen
thought
it
spurious
.
He
acknowledg'd
likewise
the
Book
,
entituled
,
Tht
Seven
Months
Birth
,
the
following
,
which
is
,
of
the
Eighth
Months
Birth
,
being
but
a
part
of
the
former
.
Galen
seems
also
to
speak
of
several
Books
of
Diet
,
whereas
Erotian
quotes
but
one
.
And
although
that
he
believed
not
that
the
prenotions
of
Cos
were
Hippocrates's
,
't
is
apparent
that
they
pass'd
commonly
for
such
in
his
time
,
and
that
the
seventh
Book
of
Epidemick
diseases
,
was
likewise
generally
received
,
tho
Galen
lookt
upon
't
as
manifestly
spurious
.
Suidas
,
the
latest
Greek
Author
,
speaks
this
of
the
books
of
Hippocrates
,
at
the
end
of
the
passage
before
cited
.
The
first
,
says
he
,
of
the
books
of
Hippocrates
contains
the
Oath
,
the
second
his
Predictions
,
the
third
the
Aphorisms
,
a
work
above
human
capacity
.
The
fourth
contains
that
admirable
collection
which
goes
by
the
name
of
Hexecontabiblos
,
that
is
to
say
,
consisting
of
sixty
Books
,
which
contain
all
the
rest
that
relates
to
Physick
and
Philosophy
.
We
have
yet
remaining
as
many
as
Suidas
reckons
,
those
whose
Titles
are
found
neither
in
Erotian
,
nor
that
I
know
of
in
Galen
,
are
the
following
.
The
Book
of
the
Nature
of
a
Woman
,
of
what
relates
to
Virgins
,
of
the
Seed
,
of
the
flesh
,
of
Superfaetation
,
of
the
time
of
Childrens
breeding
of
teeth
,
of
the
Heart
,
of
the
Sight
,
of
the
Eye
,
of
Anatomy
,
of
the
manner
of
drawing
dead
Children
out
of
the
womb
,
of
the
Physician
,
of
decent
habit
,
and
of
Precepts
.
We
find
at
the
end
of
the
Collection
of
Hippocrates's
works
certain
pieces
under
the
name
of
[
](A49892-e101250-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
strange
pieces
.
These
consist
of
Letters
,
supposed
to
have
been
sent
or
received
by
Hippocrates
,
or
written
upon
his
account
,
of
an
Act
of
the
Senate
of
the
Athenians
in
his
favour
;
two
discourses
mentioned
by
Erotian
by
the
name
of
the
Speech
of
the
Embassy
,
or
Deputation
,
and
of
the
Speech
before
the
Altar
,
of
which
the
first
is
attributed
to
Thessalus
,
the
Son
of
Hippocrates
,
the
sccond
to
Hippocrates
himself
;
of
his
Life
and
Genealogy
written
by
Soranus
,
of
a
little
book
of
Purgers
,
and
another
of
the
manner
of
giving
Hellebore
.
We
shall
not
trouble
the
Reader
with
all
the
Criticks
have
said
concerning
the
distinction
of
the
true
Writings
of
Hippocrates
from
the
counterfeit
,
or
supposititious
.
We
shall
only
take
notice
that
several
were
already
suspected
in
the
time
of
Galen
,
and
Erotian
himself
,
amongst
those
which
they
give
us
the
list
of
.
Some
of
these
Books
have
been
ascribed
to
the
Sons
of
Hippocrates
;
others
to
his
Son-in-Law
,
or
to
his
Grandsons
,
or
to
his
Disciples
,
or
to
his
Predecessors
,
as
the
book
of
Articulations
,
and
of
Fractures
,
which
some
have
thought
to
have
been
writ
by
his
Grandfather
,
who
was
of
the
same
name
,
tho
others
have
maintained
that
this
first
Hippocrates
wrote
nothing
.
They
have
likewise
ascrib'd
them
to
other
Physicians
,
who
lived
either
before
,
or
at
the
same
time
with
him
,
and
to
the
Philosophers
,
as
Democritus
,
who
is
suppos'd
to
be
Author
of
the
book
of
the
nature
of
man
.
Galen
,
with
abundance
of
reason
,
imputes
this
fathering
of
Books
and
Titles
,
so
frequent
among
the
Antients
,
to
the
Covetousness
of
the
first
Copyers
,
and
he
tells
us
that
the
considerable
summs
,
which
the
Kings
Attalus
and
Ptolomy
,
who
vied
who
should
have
the
finest
Library
,
gave
to
those
that
brought
them
the
writings
of
great
men
,
gave
occasion
to
this
falsifying
of
Names
and
Authors
,
and
to
the
confusion
we
find
in
the
disposition
of
antient
works
.
As
we
have
said
we
shall
not
amuse
ourselves
with
the
judgment
of
the
Criticks
.
Those
that
have
a
mind
may
consult
Mercurialis
,
who
has
written
particularly
upon
that
subject
.
It
will
be
of
use
however
to
take
notice
that
to
those
suppositions
which
we
have
spoken
of
must
be
attributed
the
contradictions
found
in
some
of
the
opinions
of
Hippocrates
,
some
being
directly
opposite
to
others
.
In
the
second
place
we
observe
that
[
](A49892-e101650-b)(b)
(b)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
signs
of
Diseases
.
these
books
of
Hippocrates
which
are
of
the
best
reasoning
are
the
most
suspected
.
We
must
further
take
notice
,
that
those
pieces
before
call'd
Strange
,
which
are
annexed
to
the
works
of
Hippocrates
,
are
most
part
of
them
,
and
perhaps
all
of
them
spurious
,
as
we
shall
shew
more
particularly
in
the
following
Chapter
.
As
for
the
Style
and
Language
of
Hippocrates
,
which
is
the
third
thing
to
be
examin'd
,
we
must
not
wonder
that
Capito
and
Dioscorides
did
not
always
understand
Hippocrates
,
tho
they
were
native
Greeks
.
Erotian
,
who
liv'd
under
Nero
,
had
composed
a
Glossary
,
that
is
,
a
Dictionary
of
the
Obscure
and
Obsolete
words
us'd
by
him
,
or
●at
least
of
those
which
had
not
been
of
a
long
time
in
use
in
the
Greek
tongue
.
By
this
Glossary
,
which
is
yet
extant
,
we
are
informed
that
several
Authors
had
employ'd
themselves
upon
the
same
subject
before
him
,
amongst
which
he
names
the
following
Xenocritus
,
a
Grammarian
,
who
he
says
was
the
first
that
wrote
upon
that
subject
:
Callimachus
,
disciple
of
Herophilus
;
Bacchius
;
Philinus
an
Empirick
;
Apollonius
Cittiaeus
;
Apollonius
Ophis
;
Dioscorides
Phocas
,
or
rather
Phacas
;
Glaucius
another
Empirick
;
Lysimachus
of
Cos
;
Euphorion
;
Aristarchus
(
this
was
in
all
probability
the
famous
Grammarian
)
Aristocles
;
Aristopeas
;
Antigonus
and
Dydymus
;
both
of
Alexandria
,
the
later
also
a
Grammarian
;
Epicles
▪
Lycus
Neapolitanus
;
Strato
;
and
Mnestheus
.
To
these
we
ought
also
to
add
Galen
,
whose
Glossary
is
yet
remaining
.
We
have
[
](A49892-e101970-b)(c)
(c)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
at
the
beginning
.
already
observed
that
the
Style
of
Hippocrates
is
very
concise
,
which
makes
it
frequently
difficult
to
understand
him
.
To
this
may
be
added
,
that
't
is
otherwise
very
grave
,
and
Erotian
observes
[
](A49892-e102040-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
,
that
the
Phrase
of
Hippocrates
is
the
same
with
Homer
●s
.
His
language
seems
to
be
properly
Ionique
;
and
Aelian
pretends
,
as
we
have
seen
[
](A49892-e102120-b)(e)
(e)
See
Book
the
Chapter
of
Democritus
.
before
,
that
Hippocrates
us'd
this
Dialect
,
in
Favour
of
Democritus
;
whereas
being
himself
of
Cos
,
his
Dialect
should
have
been
the
Dorick
.
But
Galen
observes
[
](A49892-e102200-b)(f)
(f)
In
lib.
Hippocrat
.
de
fractur
.
Comment.
1.
,
that
the
language
of
Hippocrates
inclines
somewhat
towards
the
Attick
;
and
he
adds
that
some
have
said
that
he
writ
in
old
Attick
.
Be
it
how
it
will
,
it
appears
that
there
was
a
considerable
change
in
the
Greek
Tongue
,
during
the
space
of
four
hundred
years
,
which
might
have
elapsed
between
Hippocrates
and
the
first
that
wrote
a
Gloss
upon
him
,
by
the
difficulty
these
Authors
met
with
,
altho
they
were
Greeks
as
well
as
himself
,
to
understand
what
he
meant
by
such
and
such
a
word
.
We
have
already
seen
an
example
of
this
kind
in
the
word
[
](A49892-e102280-b)(g)
(g)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
purging
of
the
Brain
.
Tetragonon
,
which
some
took
for
a
drug
,
others
for
an
instrument
,
proper
to
purge
the
Head
.
For
other
words
of
this
nature
,
Erotian
and
Galen
may
be
consulted
But
it
is
further
remarkable
,
that
besides
the
obscurity
which
comes
from
the
difficulty
of
the
words
in
Hippocrates
,
there
is
another
which
comes
from
the
faults
crept
into
,
and
the
different
reading
found
in
the
Original
Manuscripts
of
this
Author
,
in
which
the
works
of
Hippocrates
shared
the
common
fate
of
all
the
antient
pieces
that
past
through
abundance
of
hands
.
We
shall
bring
only
one
instance
of
the
Variation
before
spoken
of
,
and
we
shall
find
one
word
which
is
not
explain'd
in
any
of
the
Glossaries
,
nor
by
any
of
the
Lexicographers
,
or
Dictionary
writers
.
We
read
in
the
second
book
of
his
Epidemick
Diseases
,
towards
the
end
,
the
following
words
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Fabius
Calvus
,
a
Physician
of
Ravenna
,
who
first
translated
Hippocrates
into
Latin
,
from
a
Greek
Manuscript
of
the
Vatican
,
by
the
order
of
Clement
the
seventh
,
translates
this
passage
as
if
he
had
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
meretrix
,
a
Whore
,
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
scortatio
,
fornication
;
and
taking
the
following
word
for
the
name
of
a
woman
,
he
translates
the
whole
passage
thus
,
Meretrix
Achromos
Dysenteriae
Medela
,
as
if
there
had
been
in
Hippocrates's
time
a
Courtezan
named
Achromos
,
that
cured
the
Dysentery
.
Cornarius
and
Foesius
,
more
Modern
interpreters
of
Hippocrates
,
Translate
the
same
passage
thus
,
Scortatio
impudens
vel
turpis
Dysenteriae
Medela
.
[
](A49892-e102600-b)(h)
(h)
Tetrabibl
.
Serm.
3.
Cap.
8.
Aetius
and
[
](A49892-e102620-b)(i)
(i)
Lib.
1.
c.
35.
Paulus
Aegineta
affirm
,
that
Coition
sometimes
cures
old
Diarrhaea's
,
and
perhaps
they
allude
to
this
passage
.
Supposing
then
we
ought
to
read
with
Cornarius
and
Foesius
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
perhaps
we
ought
,
the
difficulty
will
rest
only
upon
the
word
[
](A49892-e102680-b)(k)
(k)
We
might
,
if
it
were
wor●●
the
while
,
derive
it
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
usque
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
humerus
,
or
if
we
write
it
with
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
not
with
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
summus
elatus
,
sublimis
;
as
if
Hippocrates
meant
Scortationem
,
quâ
&
ipsi
humeri
sublimes
fiunt
,
id
est
,
quae
ad
ex
-
,
tremum
usque
ut
cu●n
Satyrico
loquamur
,
anhelatur
;
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
proprium
sit
verburn
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
vei
sine
aspiratione
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
summis
humeris
luctet
,
ait
idem
Hipprocrates
,
de
aliâ
luctâ
loquens
.
Lib.
de
intern
.
affect
.
Edit.
Foes
p.
549.
dum
de
lienis
morbo
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
,
as
we
said
before
,
is
not
be
found
in
the
Dictionaries
.
Those
that
take
what
Hippocrates
here
says
for
his
advice
,
do
him
wrong
,
't
is
a
simple
note
of
fact
which
happen'd
to
some
person
in
that
case
.
CHAP.
XXVIII
.
Of
the
Letters
of
Hippocrates
,
and
other
pieces
annext
to
his
works
,
wherein
are
divers
circumstances
touching
his
Life
and
death
,
and
the
chief
occasions
he
had
to
shew
himself
in
the
exercise
of
his
profession
.
AFter
having
spoken
of
the
Writings
of
Hippocrates
in
general
,
we
ought
to
examin
those
pieces
which
are
tackt
to
them
,
and
which
,
as
we
have
said
,
appear
under
the
title
of
Aliens
.
We
have
already
seen
wherein
they
have
consisted
,
and
shall
begin
with
the
two
discourses
mention'd
by
Erotian
,
as
being
the
most
Ancient
.
That
which
Hippocrates
spoke
at
the
Altar
of
Minerva
,
is
address'd
to
the
Communities
and
Cities
of
Thessaly
,
to
whom
he
complains
,
that
the
Athenians
had
a
design
to
reduce
the
Isle
of
Cos
to
their
subjection
,
and
prays
their
succour
in
that
pressing
danger
.
His
discourse
is
very
short
.
That
of
Thessalus
on
the
other
side
is
very
long
.
It
is
address'd
to
the
Athenians
,
and
puts
them
in
mind
of
the
services
they
had
receiv'd
from
the
Predecessors
of
Hippocrates
for
a
long
time
,
and
likewise
from
Hippocrates
himself
,
and
from
his
Family
.
The
obligation
which
the
Athenians
are
suppos●d
to
have
had
to
these
later
,
were
first
,
that
the
Father
refus'd
to
go
to
the
Illyrians
and
Paeons
,
who
had
desired
him
and
offer'd
him
great
summs
to
come
and
free
them
from
the
Plague
,
which
Ravaged
their
Countries
;
and
having
foreseen
by
the
Course
of
Winds
,
that
this
disease
would
reach
Greece
,
he
sent
his
Sons
,
his
Son-in-law
,
and
his
Scholars
thro
all
the
Provinces
,
to
give
them
necessary
instructions
to
prevent
taking
the
infection
and
went
himself
into
Thessaly
,
and
a
little
time
after
to
Athens
,
where
he
did
them
great
service
,
which
the
Athenians
so
far
acknowledged
,
that
they
presented
Hippocrates
with
a
Crown
of
Gold
,
and
initiated
him
and
his
Son
,
who
speaks
in
the
Mysteries
of
Ceres
and
Proserpine
.
He
remonstrates
to
the
Athenians
,
that
they
were
further
obliged
to
Hippocrates
,
and
to
Thessalus
himself
,
in
that
this
latter
by
the
command
of
his
Father
,
followed
the
Fleet
of
Alcibiades
into
Sicily
,
in
quality
of
Physician
,
making
all
necessary
preparations
for
the
Voyage
at
his
own
charges
,
and
refusing
the
Salary
that
was
offered
him
.
These
are
the
Principal
Articles
by
which
Thessalus
endeavours
to
make
the
Athenians
sensible
how
much
they
were
oblig'd
to
his
Family
.
We
shall
examin
only
that
of
the
Plague
,
which
Hippocrates
foresaw
coming
upon
Greece
,
in
which
there
is
this
difficulty
.
First
,
the
time
is
not
fix'd
,
and
we
find
nothing
in
other
Authors
concerning
any
Plague
coming
from
the
side
of
Illyria
.
Aetius
indeed
takes
notice
that
Hippocrates
being
at
Athens
at
the
time
of
a
Plague
,
advised
them
to
light
great
Fires
in
the
Streets
to
purifie
the
Air
,
and
make
it
more
dry
.
Galen
also
reports
the
same
of
Hippocrates
upon
the
like
occasions
,
saying
,
that
he
ordered
great
Fires
to
be
made
in
divers
parts
of
every
City
in
Greece
,
in
which
they
were
to
cast
Flowers
,
Herbs
and
Drugs
of
sweet
scent
.
But
herein
there
is
this
Essential
difference
,
that
he
brings
the
Plague
which
he
speaks
of
from
Ethiopia
,
indicating
thereby
the
great
Plague
so
well
described
by
Thucidides
,
which
he
says
precisely
came
from
the
same
part
.
But
Ethiopia
is
directly
opposite
to
Illyria
,
one
being
on
the
South
of
Greece
,
and
the
other
on
the
North.
It
may
perhaps
be
alledged
,
that
there
might
be
a
mistake
in
the
place
from
whence
the
Plague
came
,
the
thing
yet
being
the
same
in
fact
.
But
if
we
will
have
this
Harangue
of
Thessalus
to
speak
of
the
great
Plague
of
Athens
,
two
great
difficulties
will
arise
upon
it
.
The
first
is
,
that
the
Author
last
cited
,
who
deserves
to
be
credited
,
takes
notice
that
the
Plague
was
so
furious
,
especially
at
Athens
,
that
there
was
no
great
reason
to
brag
of
the
Assistance
of
Physick
.
On
the
contrary
,
he
assures
us
,
that
the
Physicians
themselves
were
puzzled
,
and
they
died
indifferently
with
a
Physician
or
without
,
that
the
Physicians
themselves
died
faster
than
others
,
as
conversing
more
with
the
Sick
In
this
case
I
do
not
see
what
honour
Hippocrates
should
gain
.
The
second
difficulty
is
that
,
if
Hippocrates
were
at
Athens
at
that
time
he
must
be
born
long
before
the
Eightieth
Olympiad
,
which
is
the
time
of
his
Birth
according
to
Soranus
,
by
which
account
he
must
be
but
thirty
year
old
,
in
the
second
year
of
the
Peloponessian
War
,
and
of
the
Eighty
seventh
Olympiad
the
time
of
that
Plague
,
and
consequently
he
could
not
have
Sons
old
enough
to
practice
Physicks
,
and
a
Daughter
married
to
a
Physician
his
Scholar
.
To
come
nearer
to
the
matter
,
we
must
follow
the
account
of
Eusebius
,
who
says
that
Hippocrates
flourished
in
the
eighty
sixth
Olympiad
;
or
of
Aulus
Gellius
,
who
ranks
him
with
Sophocles
,
Euripides
,
and
Democritus
;
who
,
according
to
him
,
were
a
little
older
than
Socrates
.
All
Authors
agree
,
that
Socrates
was
born
about
the
end
of
the
seventy
seventh
Olympiad
.
Democritus
was
but
a
year
older
,
but
Euripides
was
born
the
seventy
fifth
Olympiad
,
and
Sophocles
the
seventy
third
Olympiad
.
We
ought
therefore
to
make
Hippocrates
at
least
as
old
as
the
Tragick
Poet
,
that
what
is
said
of
him
concerning
the
Plague
of
Athens
may
be
true
;
for
by
this
account
he
would
be
fifty
years
old
,
and
consequently
it
was
not
impossible
for
him
to
have
Sons
that
practised
Physick
.
But
it
is
more
likely
,
that
what
Aetius
and
Galen
,
or
the
Author
of
the
book
concerning
the
Theriaca
,
which
is
amongst
his
Works
,
deliver
,
is
false
;
and
that
they
impute
to
Hippocrates
,
what
[
](A49892-e103740-b)(a)
(a)
See
above
Book
.
2.
p.
225.
Plutarch
,
with
more
appearance
of
truth
,
ascribes
to
Acron
,
who
lived
long
before
Hippocrates
If
there
were
any
other
Plague
which
came
from
the
side
of
Illyria
,
we
know
nothing
of
it
.
However
it
were
,
the
Decree
of
the
Senate
of
Athens
,
another
piece
of
the
same
nature
of
the
former
,
but
more
recent
,
speaks
of
a
Plague
which
came
into
Greece
,
out
of
the
Barbarous
Countries
,
wherein
Hippocrates
and
his
Scholars
did
very
great
service
;
and
it
is
added
therein
,
that
the
King
of
Persia
sending
for
him
into
his
Dominions
,
which
were
infected
with
the
same
disease
,
and
promising
to
load
him
with
Honours
and
Riches
;
he
despised
his
offers
,
and
refused
to
go
,
looking
upon
him
as
Barbarian
and
an
enemy
to
Greece
,
whereupon
the
Athenians
in
recompence
of
the
useful
advice
he
had
given
them
,
and
of
his
Affection
for
Greece
in
general
,
honoured
him
with
an
initiation
in
the
grand
Mysteries
as
they
had
done
Hercules
before
,
gave
him
a
Crown
weighing
a
thousand
peices
of
gold
,
the
freedome
of
Athens
,
and
the
right
of
being
maintained
all
his
life
at
the
publick
expence
in
the
Prytaneum
,
granting
further
to
all
the
youth
of
the
Isle
of
Cos
the
liberty
of
coming
to
Athens
,
and
being
brought
up
and
instructed
with
the
youth
of
that
City
.
This
was
the
purport
of
the
decree
of
the
Senate
of
Athens
.
What
relates
to
the
measures
taken
to
invite
Hippocrates
into
Persia
,
is
supposed
by
the
testimony
of
divers
letters
,
which
are
pretended
to
be
written
upon
that
subject
by
the
Ministers
of
Artaxerxes
King
of
Persia
,
to
inform
him
of
the
great
reputation
of
Hippocrates
,
and
to
advise
him
to
send
for
him
,
and
by
Artaxerxes
himself
,
in
pursuance
of
this
counsel
,
or
by
Hippocrates
,
who
answers
haughtily
to
all
the
promises
that
are
made
him
,
that
he
has
in
his
own
Countrey
whereupon
to
live
,
that
he
was
not
allowed
to
possess
the
riches
and
grandeur
of
the
Persians
,
nor
to
cure
Barbarians
that
were
enemies
to
Greece
.
There
are
also
other
letters
expressing
Artaxerxes
his
resentments
of
Hippocrates's
conduct
,
and
terrible
menaces
to
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Isle
of
Cos
,
in
case
they
refused
to
send
Hippocrates
to
him
to
be
chastized
;
and
the
answer
of
those
generous
Islanders
,
who
were
not
at
all
frighted
at
them
,
protested
they
would
not
deliver
up
their
Citizen
whatever
might
happen
.
What
makes
the
credit
of
these
letters
still
more
to
be
suspected
is
,
that
Thessalus
when
in
his
speech
he
upbraids
the
Athenians
with
the
obligations
the
Greeks
had
to
his
father
,
would
undoubtedly
not
have
failed
to
have
turn'd
these
letters
to
his
honour
,
if
there
had
been
any
truth
in
them
.
But
allowing
some
shew
of
truth
to
those
pieces
which
we
have
here
examin'd
,
we
must
not
pass
the
same
judgment
upon
the
other
letters
,
supposed
to
be
written
or
received
by
Hippocrates
or
others
upon
his
account
.
They
are
certainly
the
work
of
some
half-learned
Greek
,
composed
out
of
wantonness
,
or
out
of
design
to
get
money
.
Some
of
these
,
to
whom
Hippocrates
writ
were
Philopaemen
,
Dionysius
of
Halicarnassus
,
Cratevas
,
Damagetas
,
King
Demetrius
,
and
King
Perdiccas
,
without
reckoning
Democritus
and
Phessalus
the
son
of
Hippocrates
.
As
for
Philopaemen
,
't
would
be
hard
to
think
that
he
meant
the
famous
General
of
Achaia
,
because
he
was
not
born
till
about
a
hundred
years
after
the
death
of
Hippocrates
.
Much
less
can
we
think
that
the
Dionysius
he
has
spoken
of
,
was
the
famous
Historian
of
Halicarnassus
,
who
liv'd
under
Augustus
.
But
to
what
King
Demetrius
could
Hippocrates
write
,
since
in
his
time
there
was
none
such
in
the
world
.
The
first
of
the
name
being
Demetrius
Poliorcetes
the
son
of
Antigonus
,
one
of
the
successors
of
Alexander
,
whom
Hippocrates
could
no
more
have
seen
,
than
the
former
.
The
same
may
be
said
of
Cratevas
,
who
liv'd
at
the
soonest
but
in
the
age
of
Mithridates
,
and
Pompey
,
as
we
shall
see
hereafter
.
The
Author
of
these
letters
having
heard
of
a
famous
Botanist
of
that
name
,
or
having
seen
his
works
,
thought
he
might
very
well
make
Hippocrates
write
to
him
without
informing
himself
whether
he
or
Demetrius
,
or
the
rest
aforegoing
,
lived
in
his
time
or
no.
We
find
another
ridiculous
Anachronism
at
the
head
of
Marcellus
Empiricus
his
book
,
supposed
to
be
directed
to
Maecaenas
by
the
same
Hippocrates
.
But
though
we
had
not
these
convincing
proofs
of
the
spuriousness
of
these
letters
,
we
need
only
read
them
to
be
satisfied
they
were
not
Hippocrates's
.
And
I
think
a
learned
modern
Physician
too
modest
when
he
says
,
[
](A49892-e104450-b)(b)
(b)
Vix
divino
sine
dignas
Epistolas
.
Rhodius
in
Scribon
.
larg
.
that
they
scarce
deserve
to
pass
for
the
productions
of
the
(e)
divine
old
man
.
We
may
very
boldly
pronounce
them
scandalously
unworthy
.
For
example
,
what
could
be
more
impertinent
than
the
order
that
Hippocrates
gives
to
Cratevas
,
to
gather
him
all
the
herbs
he
could
find
,
without
specifying
any
one
,
(
c
)
This
Title
was
commonly
given
to
Hippocrates
,
as
we
shall
see
below
.
to
send
them
to
him
,
because
he
is
sent
for
to
take
care
of
Democritus
.
Add
to
this
the
Sentence
which
he
subjoyns
,
that
it
were
to
be
wished
that
Cratevas
could
as
easily
pluck
up
the
bitter
roots
of
covetonsness
of
money
or
avarice
,
so
that
they
should
never
shoot
up
again
,
as
he
could
pluck
up
the
roots
of
the
herbs
he
desired
of
him
.
Had
Hippocrates
been
as
great
a
babbler
in
his
medical
writings
as
he
is
in
these
letters
,
we
should
have
had
no
occasion
to
complain
of
his
brevity
.
The
letter
directed
to
Dionysius
is
yet
more
merry
than
t'other
.
He
desires
him
to
come
to
his
house
while
he
should
be
with
Democritus
.
(
For
all
the
letters
run
upon
this
voyage
,
of
which
it
seems
he
was
to
inform
the
whole
world
before
hand
)
and
to
have
an
eye
over
the
conduct
of
his
wife
,
[
](A49892-e104600-b)*
*
That
sh●
play
no
pranks
in
his
absence
.
she
has
been
very
well
brought
up
,
by
her
father
,
says
he
,
but
the
Sex
is
frail
,
and
had
need
be
kept
within
their
duties
,
in
which
a
friend
may
succeed
better
than
relations
,
&c.
We
'll
content
our selves
with
these
two
samples
,
by
which
the
reader
may
judg
,
how
they
agree
with
the
gravity
of
Hippocrates
.
As
to
the
letters
which
Democritus
and
Hippocrates
wrote
one
to
another
,
there
are
two
of
the
former
;
in
one
he
speaks
of
the
voyage
that
Hippocrates
made
to
see
him
,
and
to
give
him
Hellebore
,
having
been
call'd
to
that
purpose
by
Democritus
his
fellow
Citizens
,
who
took
him
for
a
mad
man
,
because
he
liv'd
in
a
solitary
place
and
laughed
,
and
did
not
mind
those
that
came
to
see
him
.
You
found
me
,
says
Democritus
,
writing
of
the
order
of
the
World
,
of
the
disposition
of
the
Poles
,
and
the
course
of
the
stars
,
and
you
judg'd
thereby
,
that
those
that
sent
for
you
were
fools
,
and
not
I.
Thereupon
Democritus
delivers
in
two
words
his
opinion
in
Philosophy
,
concerning
the
Images
or
Species
diffused
thro'
the
air
,
of
which
his
books
as
he
says
makes
mention
.
He
tells
Hippocrates
afterwards
,
that
a
Physician
ought
not
to
judg
of
his
Patient
by
the
aspect
only
,
for
in
that
case
he
(
Democritus
)
should
have
run
the
risque
of
passing
for
a
mad
man
in
his
judgment
.
He
concludes
with
telling
Hippocrates
that
he
had
sent
him
back
the
book
which
this
Physician
had
written
concerning
madness
,
which
book
is
immediately
annexed
after
this
letter
.
It
consists
but
of
one
page
,
which
is
nothing
but
a
repetition
of
some
lines
of
Hippocrates's
book
of
the
falling
sickness
,
which
is
likewise
cited
in
this
.
The
second
letter
,
or
the
second
book
of
Democritus
address'd
to
Hippocrates
,
is
intituled
of
the
nature
of
man
,
which
is
the
title
of
a
book
written
by
Hippocrates
,
which
has
been
ascrib'd
to
Democritus
,
as
we
have
already
observed
.
This
book
or
letter
is
very
near
twice
as
long
as
the
former
.
It
contains
an
enumeration
of
the
principal
parts
of
the
body
,
and
the
offices
they
perform
.
There
is
nothing
in
it
that
deserves
our
observation
,
except
what
he
says
of
the
Spleen
,
that
it
sleeps
,
and
is
good
for
nothing
,
which
opinion
we
shall
see
confirm●d
[
](A49892-e104870-b)(d)
(d)
See
the
Chapter
of
Aristotle
and
that
of
Eratistratus
.
hereafter
.
There
is
but
one
letter
of
Hippocrates
to
Democritus
now
extant
,
which
is
much
shorter
than
the
two
abovementioned
.
In
the
beginning
of
it
he
tells
him
,
that
if
the
Physicians
at
any
time
succeeded
in
this
art
,
the
people
ascribed
it
to
the
Gods
,
but
if
they
miscarried
,
they
used
to
lay
the
blame
upon
them
.
I
have
,
says
Hippocrates
,
got
more
scandal
than
honour
by
my
practice
,
and
tho'
I
am
advanced
in
years
,
yet
I
have
not
attained
to
perfection
in
this
art
,
and
even
Aesculapius
himself
,
the
inventer
of
it
,
never
carried
it
so
far
.
After
this
he
takes
occasion
briefly
to
mention
his
journey
to
Democritus
,
testifies
for
him
that
he
is
far
from
being
mad
,
and
desires
him
to
write
to
him
often
,
and
to
send
him
the
books
he
had
composed
.
The
letters
of
Hippocrates
to
Damagetus
give
a
more
particular
account
of
his
conversation
with
Democritus
,
when
he
went
to
cure
him
,
one
of
them
is
very
long
,
in
it
he
gives
Damagetus
an
account
of
his
voyage
,
and
all
that
happen'd
to
him
till
his
return
.
We
have
already
seen
in
the
preceeding
book
the
occasion
of
this
journey
,
and
the
success
of
it
.
I
shall
say
no
more
of
it
for
fear
of
being
thought
too
prolix
;
only
give
me
leave
to
remark
that
these
letters
have
nothing
of
the
stile
of
Hippocrates
.
It
may
be
easily
imagined
that
the
pretended
madness
of
Democritus
,
and
the
journey
with
Hippocrates
undertook
with
a
design
to
cure
him
,
afforded
matter
enough
to
make
a
sort
of
a
Romance
.
To
conclude
,
I
don't
know
who
this
Damagetus
was
.
The
letter
to
King
Perdiccas
is
of
the
same
stamp
with
the
rest
,
that
is
to
say
,
equally
spurious
.
We
there
find
,
as
well
as
in
that
which
is
address'd
to
King
Demetrius
,
some
Anatomical
observations
,
and
some
maxims
relating
to
Physick
,
which
however
don't
deserve
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
except
a
few
that
are
drawn
out
of
the
writings
of
Hippocrates
.
The
small
book
of
Purgatives
contains
some
necessary
precautions
to
be
observed
in
the
taking
of
them
.
It
seems
more
probable
that
it
is
a
collection
of
precepts
given
by
Hippocrates
upon
this
subject
,
than
a
genuine
work
of
that
ancient
Physician
.
The
life
of
Hippocrates
written
by
Soranus
,
contains
besides
what
has
been
said
in
the
beginning
of
this
book
,
an
account
of
his
countrey
,
his
extraction
,
the
time
of
his
birth
,
his
studies
,
and
his
masters
:
in
short
,
an
abridgment
of
the
most
remarkable
things
that
happen'd
to
him
in
the
course
of
his
profession
,
till
his
death
.
Hippocrates
,
says
Soranus
,
having
lost
his
father
and
mother
,
quitted
his
own
countrey
,
and
fixed
in
Thessaly
.
[
](A49892-e105200-b)(e)
(e)
We
shall
hereafter
speak
of
this
Physician
.
Andreas
in
his
book
of
the
Original
of
Physick
,
maliciously
reports
,
that
the
reason
of
it
was
,
because
he
had
set
the
Library
at
Cnidus
on
fire
.
Others
write
,
that
the
occasion
of
this
journey
was
to
learn
the
practice
of
other
places
,
and
to
furnish
himself
with
an
opportunity
of
understanding
his
profession
better
,
by
the
different
cases
that
daily
came
before
him
.
But
Soranus
of
Cos
pretends
that
Hippocrates
was
influenc'd
by
a
dream
to
make
his
abode
in
Thessaly
.
He
made
himself
,
continu'd
this
Author
,
to
be
admir'd
by
all
Greece
through
which
he
travell'd
and
practis'd
Physick
.
One
day
amongst
the
rest
being
call'd
,
conjointly
with
Euriphon
another
Physician
,
but
older
than
himself
,
to
a
consultation
about
Perdiccas
son
to
Alexander
King
of
Macedonia
,
whom
they
gave
out
to
be
sick
of
a
hectick
feaver
,
he
soon
found
out
that
this
Prince's
mind
was
more
indisposed
than
his
body
,
and
as
he
carefully
watched
all
his
actions
,
observing
that
he
chang'd
colour
at
the
sight
of
Phila
,
Mistress
to
the
King
his
father
,
he
judged
that
he
was
in
love
with
her
,
and
found
the
means
to
cure
him
,
by
letting
this
fair
one
know
the
dangerous
effects
of
her
beauty
.
He
was
also
desired
by
the
people
of
Abdera
to
come
and
cure
Democritus
of
his
madness
,
and
to
free
their
City
from
the
plague
.
After
this
Soranus
informs
us
,
how
he
refused
to
come
to
the
Illyrians
,
and
even
to
the
Court
of
Artaxerxes
,
where
this
latter
sickness
raged
;
how
he
hindred
the
war
which
the
Athenians
were
going
to
make
upon
the
Inhabitants
of
Cos
,
by
calling
the
Thessalians
to
their
relief
,
and
what
honours
he
received
from
the
Athenians
themselves
,
the
Thessalians
,
and
all
the
Country
of
Greece
.
He
likewise
testifies
that
Hippocrates
instructed
his
disciples
in
his
art
,
without
concealing
any
thing
from
them
,
and
that
he
obliged
them
to
take
a
certain
[
](A49892-e105470-b)(f)
(f)
We
shall
speak
of
this
Oath
in
the
following
Chapter
.
Oath
.
Hippocrates
,
as
we
said
in
Soranus
,
died
at
Larissa
,
a
City
of
Thessaly
,
at
the
same
time
with
Democritus
,
being
fourscore
and
ten
years
old
,
or
fourscore
and
five
,
or
a
hundred
and
four
,
or
according
to
others
,
a
hundred
and
nine
.
He
was
buried
between
Gyrton
and
Larissa
,
and
his
sepulchre
is
shown
to
this
very
day
,
where
a
swarm
of
bees
has
fixed
for
a
long
time
,
the
honey
whereof
Nurses
come
to
fetch
to
cure
their
children
of
the
Thrush
.
He
is
drawn
in
several
pictures
,
having
his
head
covered
with
a
bonnet
,
like
that
of
Vlysses
,
which
is
a
mark
of
nobility
,
or
else
with
his
cloak
,
for
which
some
assign
this
reason
,
that
it
was
to
hide
his
bald
head
,
others
that
his
head
was
tender
,
or
else
to
show
that
this
part
,
which
is
the
seat
of
the
soul
,
ought
to
be
well
guarded
,
or
to
show
that
Hippocrates
loved
travelling
(
for
it
was
only
upon
this
occasion
and
in
that
of
war
,
or
in
case
of
sickness
,
that
the
ancients
had
their
heads
covered
)
or
to
signifie
the
obscurity
of
his
writing
,
or
to
instruct
us
that
even
in
time
of
health
,
we
ought
to
avoid
whatever
may
hurt
us
.
In
short
,
others
believe
that
the
reason
why
he
threw
his
cloak
about
his
head
,
was
that
it
might
not
hinder
him
in
his
business
.
There
are
great
disputes
about
his
genuine
works
,
for
Authors
differ
about
them
,
and
indeed
it
is
a
hard
matter
to
say
any
thing
certain
of
them
upon
several
accounts
.
First
there
is
a
great
deal
of
difficulty
in
the
words
he
uses
.
Secondly
in
his
Phrase
or
sense
,
for
that
is
a
thing
that
changes
,
and
we
write
after
another
manner
when
we
are
young
,
from
what
we
do
in
our
old
age
.
Soranus
concludes
with
saying
that
Hippocrates
did
not
love
money
,
that
his
behaviour
was
grave
and
courteous
,
that
he
had
a
particular
affection
for
the
Greeks
,
of
which
he
gave
evident
proofs
in
freeing
whole
Cities
from
the
plague
,
for
which
services
he
had
all
the
respect
imaginable
shown
him
.
He
adds
,
that
Hippocrates
left
two
Sons
,
Thessalus
and
Draco
,
who
were
likewise
very
famous
in
the
same
profession
,
and
a
great
number
of
disciples
.
CHAP
XXIX
.
Some
other
particulars
about
the
travels
of
Hippocrates
,
his
personal
qualities
,
the
commendations
bestow'd
upon
him
,
and
what
has
been
said
against
him
.
WE
have
already
seen
that
Hippocrates
quitted
the
place
of
his
nativity
,
to
reside
in
Thessaly
.
The
Author
of
his
life
affirms
,
that
he
visited
most
parts
of
Greece
,
and
followed
his
profession
where
e●re
he
came
.
It
appears
by
his
writings
that
his
chief
abode
was
in
Thessaly
and
in
Thrace
,
and
we
find
that
almost
all
the
observations
he
has
left
us
in
his
Books
of
Epidemical
distempers
,
were
made
in
these
two
Provinces
,
the
principal
Cities
whereof
he
names
,
as
Larissa
,
Cranon
,
Aenus
,
Oeniades
Pherae
,
Elis
,
Perinthus
,
Thasus
,
Abdera
,
Olynthus
.
[
](A49892-e105780-b)(a)
(a)
In
Libr.
Hippocr
.
de
articul
.
Comment.
Galen
remarks
likewise
that
he
had
been
often
at
Smyrna
,
but
tells
us
it
was
a
different
City
from
that
in
Asia
minor
,
that
carries
the
same
name
,
[
](A49892-e105820-b)(b)
(b)
Variae
Lectiones
Lib.
2.
Cap.
18.
Mercurialis
was
of
the
opinion
that
he
travelled
into
Scythia
,
Lybia
,
and
Delos
,
(
by
which
Hippocrates
means
,
according
to
Erotian
,
the
three
parts
of
the
world
known
in
his
time
,
the
first
being
taken
for
Europe
,
the
second
for
Afric
,
and
the
third
for
Asia
)
because
he
speaks
of
these
Countries
in
two
places
of
his
works
;
but
this
conclusion
is
not
justly
drawn
.
Hippocrates
had
occasion
without
doubt
to
see
several
Cities
whereof
he
makes
mention
,
being
sent
for
thither
to
visit
the
sick
,
as
we
have
observed
already
of
the
people
of
Abdera
,
who
desired
him
to
come
and
cure
Democritus
their
Citizen
.
These
Cities
for
the
most
part
were
but
very
small
,
properly
speaking
they
were
but
so
many
Towns
,
so
that
one
of
them
was
not
sufficient
to
maintain
a
Physician
.
[
](A49892-e105960-b)(c)
(c)
In
libr.
de
articul
.
C●mment
.
Galen
seems
to
insinuate
this
when
speaking
of
a
certain
case
in
Chirurgery
which
Hippocrates
had
not
described
or
never
seen
,
but
which
he
tells
us
himself
had
seen
five
times
,
once
in
Asia
,
and
four
times
in
Rome
,
he
acknowledgeth
that
perhaps
he
might
never
have
met
with
such
opportunities
if
he
had
not
lived
in
great
Cities
,
such
as
Rome
,
one
quarter
of
which
alone
contains
more
inhabitants
than
the
greatest
of
those
cities
,
which
Hippocrates
had
ever
seen
.
In
all
probability
Hippocrates
alludes
to
this
necessity
that
the
Physicians
of
his
time
lay
under
to
travel
up
and
down
,
either
for
maintainance
,
or
to
find
occasions
to
exercise
their
art
,
when
he
tells
us
in
the
little
Book
,
intituled
Law
,
of
which
we
have
already
made
mention
,
that
a
[
](A49892-e106070-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Physitian
who
will
acquire
all
the
qualities
that
he
reckons
,
or
be
in
such
a
condition
as
he
describes
,
must
go
from
City
to
City
and
support
the
reputation
of
his
profession
by
his
works
as
well
as
his
words
.
To
come
now
to
the
Elogiums
which
antiquity
bestow'd
upon
him
in
a
superlative
manner
,
he
has
not
only
passed
by
almost
universal
consent
for
the
Prince
of
Physicians
,
but
his
opinions
were
respected
as
Oracles
,
and
we
have
already
observed
what
a
particular
esteem
they
paid
to
his
writings
.
He
has
shared
with
Plato
the
title
of
Divine
,
nay
,
he
has
this
advantage
over
that
Philosopher
that
he
was
call'd
the
divine
old
man
,
by
way
of
excellence
,
and
without
naming
his
name
,
whereas
they
used
to
say
the
Divine
Plato
.
But
lest
it
should
be
thought
that
Physicians
were
the
only
persons
that
had
him
in
such
veneration
,
Seneca
calls
him
the
greatest
of
Physicians
,
and
the
Author
of
Physick
.
Pliny
likewise
terms
him
the
Father
of
all
physick
,
and
what
makes
more
for
the
honour
of
Hippocrates
,
his
authority
alone
suffices
,
in
the
[
](A49892-e106220-b)(e)
(e)
As
we
have
already
shown
.
Law
,
to
decide
several
difficult
,
and
important
questions
.
Macrobius
goes
farther
than
the
rest
,
where
he
says
that
Hippocrates
could
neither
deceive
another
,
nor
be
deceived
himself
.
But
we
must
here
remark
,
that
this
celebrated
Physitian
was
far
from
having
any
such
good
opinion
of
himself
;
he
makes
no
scruple
to
own
his
faults
.
He
openly
said
that
[
](A49892-e106260-b)(f)
(f)
See
the
general
Maxims
of
Hippocrates
.
a
man
ought
to
understand
Physick
so
well
,
as
to
make
as
few
mistakes
as
possible
;
concluding
,
that
in
this
profession
he
is
most
to
be
be
commended
,
who
commits
the
fewest
errours
;
which
supposes
that
no
man
is
exempt
from
them
.
Celsus
and
Plutarch
observe
that
Hippocrates
has
somewhere
own'd
,
that
he
was
once
mistaken
in
probing
a
wound
in
the
head
thro'
the
sutures
of
the
scull
,
which
had
made
him
believe
that
the
bone
was
broke
.
And
[
](A49892-e106320-b)(g)
(g)
Nam
&
Hippocrates
clarus
arte
medicinae
videtur
honestissime
fecisse
,
qui
quosdam
errores
suos
,
ne
posteri
errarent
,
confessus
est
.
Quintilian
commends
him
upon
the
score
of
this
very
same
ingenuity
.
Neither
do
we
find
that
he
was
afraid
to
cite
examples
of
such
patients
as
dyed
under
his
hand
:
Of
two
and
forty
sick
men
,
whose
distempers
he
describes
in
the
first
and
third
Book
of
Epidem
.
Diseases
,
only
seventeen
escaped
,
all
the
rest
dyed
.
For
this
reason
we
may
believe
him
when
he
tells
us
(
in
the
second
book
of
the
abovemention'd
Treatise
)
as
he
takes
occasion
to
speak
of
a
certain
sort
of
Quinsie
that
was
accompany'd
with
ill
symptoms
,
that
all
the
persons
he
ever
saw
sick
of
it
,
recovered
again
.
If
they
had
dyed
,
continues
he
,
I
should
have
certainly
told
it
.
We
may
discover
by
this
the
character
of
an
honest
man
,
and
indeed
it
is
visible
in
all
the
maxims
which
we
have
already
cited
,
as
likewise
in
those
comprehended
in
the
Oath
,
[
](A49892-e106390-b)(h)
(h)
See
in
the
following
Book
the
Chapter
of
the
Disciples
of
Hippocrates
.
which
he
demanded
of
Disciples
,
the
substance
whereof
is
as
follows
,
that
a
Physician
is
obliged
to
honour
the
person
who
teaches
him
this
art
as
his
own
natural
father
,
to
let
him
participate
of
all
that
lyes
in
his
power
in
relation
to
the
necessaries
of
life
,
to
respect
his
children
,
or
his
posterity
like
his
own
brothers
,
and
to
teach
them
Physick
in
his
turn
if
they
have
a
design
that
way
,
without
asking
any
gratuity
,
to
communicate
to
them
all
that
he
knows
in
the
same
faculty
,
as
well
as
to
his
own
children
,
and
to
all
such
as
will
bind
themselves
by
this
Oath
,
but
not
to
others
;
to
order
his
patients
such
a
[
](A49892-e106420-b)(l)
(l)
This
comprehends
all
that
a
Physician
is
to
do
for
his
patient
.
See
the
Chapter
of
Diet.
regimen
as
he
shall
judg
most
convenient
for
them
,
and
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
hinder
them
from
any
thing
that
may
hurt
them
,
never
to
give
poyson
to
any
one
,
or
advise
others
to
do
it
;
not
to
give
women
remedies
to
procure
abortions
,
but
to
follow
his
profession
like
an
honest
man
;
not
to
cut
any
one
for
the
Stone
in
the
bladder
,
but
leave
the
operation
to
those
that
make
it
their
profession
;
that
whatever
house
he
comes
into
,
he
shall
only
do
it
with
a
design
to
cure
the
sick
,
and
behave
himself
so
that
they
shall
not
have
any
matter
of
suspicion
against
him
,
or
be
able
to
accuse
him
of
doing
the
least
injury
to
any
one
whatever
,
particularly
of
having
abused
any
wife
or
woman
,
or
young
man
,
whether
free
or
slave
:
in
short
,
that
he
will
take
care
to
keep
secret
,
and
to
conceal
whatever
he
sees
or
hears
while
he
is
concern'd
,
or
otherwise
when
he
shall
judg
that
it
is
a
thing
which
ought
to
be
published
.
The
conclusion
is
,
that
he
wishes
all
manner
of
prosperity
to
him
in
this
practice
,
if
he
kee●s
his
Oath
religiously
,
and
quite
the
contrary
if
he
is
perjur'd
.
The
person
that
takes
this
Oath
swears
by
[
](A49892-e106450-b)(k)
(k)
See
for
this
Lib.
1.
Apollo
the
Physician
by
Aesculapius
,
by
Hygia
,
by
Panacaea
,
and
by
all
the
other
Gods
and
Goddesses
.
Hippocrates
has
been
reproached
with
violating
this
oath
himself
,
as
to
that
which
relates
to
the
procuring
of
abortions
.
We
have
spoken
of
this
case
already
,
but
the
book
from
whence
this
story
is
borrowed
is
said
to
have
been
written
by
Polybus
.
I
don't
know
how
to
excuse
this
fact
any
other
way
.
This
is
not
the
only
accusation
that
has
been
urg'd
against
Hippocrates
.
Some
have
charged
him
,
with
setting
the
Library
at
Cnidus
on
fire
.
It
has
been
likewise
pretended
,
to
decry
his
reputation
,
that
he
[
](A49892-e106580-b)(l)
(l)
Plin.
Lib.
29.
Cap.
1.
See
Book
1.
above
.
prescribed
no
remedies
but
such
as
he
copied
out
of
Esculapius's
Temple
in
the
Isle
of
Cos
,
making
them
pass
for
his
own
;
which
he
was
the
easier
able
to
do
,
since
the
Temple
was
burnt
down
soon
after
he
had
committed
this
piece
of
Plagiarism
.
'T
is
true
indeed
that
Hippocrates
orders
those
that
are
troubled
with
a
Peripneumony
,
to
take
[
](A49892-e106670-b)(m)
(m)
See
the
Chapter
of
the
Cure
of
Diseases
in
the
third
Book
.
Pine
Apples
and
Honey
,
which
is
the
very
same
remedy
that
Esculapius
prescribes
in
this
case
,
as
we
have
seen
already
.
'T
is
likewise
certain
that
Hippocrates
advised
ptysical
people
to
eat
fat
and
salted
meats
,
as
Esculapius
counsels
them
to
eat
Bacon
.
But
after
all
,
if
Hippocrates
was
lineally
descended
from
this
God
,
he
might
easily
enough
come
to
the
knowledg
of
these
remedies
,
either
by
tradition
from
his
Ancestors
the
Asclepiadae
,
who
were
all
Physicians
,
without
being
obliged
to
copy
them
in
the
Temples
of
Aesculapius
.
Among
the
things
that
have
been
said
against
Hippocrates
,
we
don't
comprehend
what
the
Physicians
of
following
ages
have
urged
to
confute
his
opinions
,
or
to
destroy
the
credit
of
his
method
.
All
which
we
shall
examine
,
as
occasion
presents
it self
.
CHAP.
XXX
.
Of
Phaeon
,
Euryphon
,
Philistion
,
Ariston
,
Pythocles
,
Philetas
,
Acumenus
,
Aegimius
,
Physicians
contemporary
with
Hippocrates
.
'T
is
not
to
be
question'd
but
that
there
were
several
Physicians
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
.
The
number
of
Physicians
,
or
at
least
of
those
that
bore
that
name
,
was
always
great
.
Hippocrates
has
observ'd
it
himself
,
where
he
says
that
there
were
several
Physicians
by
name
,
but
few
that
were
so
in
reality
,
But
we
scarce
know
any
of
either
sort
that
lived
at
the
same
time
with
Hippocrates
,
his
reputation
having
wholly
effaced
theirs
.
Galen
mentions
four
Physicians
,
who
he
says
lived
partly
before
Hippocrates
,
and
partly
at
the
same
time
.
Their
names
are
Phaon
or
Phaeon
,
Euryphon
,
Philistion
,
and
Ariston
.
I
don't
know
who
the
first
was
.
As
for
Euriphon
of
Cnidus
,
he
must
needs
be
older
than
Hippocrates
,
since
he
passes
for
the
Author
of
the
Cnidian
Sentences
,
that
are
cited
by
Hipocrates
.
However
Soranus
makes
both
of
them
meet
at
a
consultation
in
Perdiccas's
Pallace
,
as
we
have
already
shown
.
As
for
Philistion
he
might
very
well
pass
for
the
contemporary
of
Hippocrates
,
since
he
was
the
master
of
Eudoxus
,
the
Cnidian
,
who
flourished
in
the
CIII
.
Olympiad
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
hereafter
.
This
Physician
,
I
mean
Philistion
.
was
of
Locri
,
or
as
some
say
,
born
in
Sicily
.
I
know
nothing
of
his
opinions
,
but
that
he
believed
with
Hippocrates
,
[
](A49892-e107140-b)(a)
(a)
Aut
Gellius
lib.
17.
Cap.
11.
that
there
was
a
passage
for
part
of
what
we
drink
thro'
the
lungs
.
Neither
do
I
know
who
was
the
brother
of
Philistion
,
whom
,
[
](A49892-e107160-b)(b)
(b)
Tardar
.
pass.
lib.
2.
Cap.
1.
Caelius
Aurelianus
cites
,
without
naming
him
otherwise
.
Philistion
has
likewise
written
a
treatise
of
Cookery
,
as
Athenaeus
has
observed
,
and
as
we
shall
have
occasion
to
show
in
the
Chapter
of
Diocles
in
the
following
Book
.
Ariston
has
passed
for
the
Author
of
Hippocrates's
Book
of
Diet.
Diogenes
Laertius
speaks
of
six
men
that
have
bore
this
name
,
without
reckoning
the
father
of
Plato
,
but
says
nothing
that
one
of
them
was
a
Physician
.
In
the
seventh
Book
of
Epidemical
Diseases
there
is
mention
just
made
of
one
Pythocles
,
of
whom
it
is
reported
that
he
gave
his
Patients
water
,
or
milk
mingled
with
a
great
deal
of
water
.
To
these
we
may
joyn
the
[
](A49892-e107290-b)(c)
(c)
See
the
Phaedrus
of
Plato
and
Xenophon
of
the
sayings
and
deeds
of
Socrates
.
Physician
Acumenus
,
a
friend
of
Socrates
,
of
whom
Plato
and
Xenophon
talk
very
advantageously
.
All
that
these
Authors
report
of
his
opinions
,
is
that
he
looked
upon
a
walk
in
the
open
air
to
be
much
better
[
](A49892-e107370-b)(d)
(d)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
We
have
translated
these
words
after
the
sense
of
Mercurialis
,
which
seems
to
be
just
.
than
in
Portico's
and
other
covered
places
.
There
remains
an
ancient
Physician
named
Aegimius
of
Velia
,
or
Elis
;
who
according
to
Galen
,
was
the
first
that
writ
about
the
Pulse
,
altho'
the
title
of
his
Book
was
about
[
](A49892-e107470-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Cal.
de
differ
.
Puls
.
lib.
4.
Palpitation
,
because
at
that
time
Pulse
and
Palpitation
signified
the
same
thing
,
as
we
may
gather
from
some
passages
in
Hippocrates
,
where
the
latter
of
these
words
signifies
exactly
the
same
with
the
former
.
If
this
Aegimius
was
not
cotemporary
with
the
abovementioned
,
he
lived
at
farthest
in
the
time
of
Diocles
or
Praxagoras
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
in
the
following
Book
.
THE
HISTORY
OF
Physick
.
PART
I.
BOOK
IV.
Of
what
happen'd
relating
to
this
Art
from
the
death
of
Hippocrates
to
Chrysippus
exclusively
.
CHAP.
I.
Thessalus
and
Draco
,
the
Sons
of
Hippocrates
,
Polybus
his
Son
in
law
;
some
others
of
his
descendants
,
and
some
persons
of
the
same
name
with
Hippocrates
.
HIppocrates
left
two
sons
,
Thessalus
and
Draco
,
who
followed
the
profession
of
their
Father
,
and
a
daughter
that
was
married
to
one
Polybus
,
who
was
likewise
a
Physician
.
His
two
sons
had
each
of
them
one
,
to
whom
they
gave
the
name
of
their
father
,
and
this
name
was
in
such
esteem
in
the
family
,
that
there
were
no
less
then
[
](A49892-e107750-b)(a)
(a)
Suidas
.
See
the
Chapter
of
Praxagoras
below
.
seven
one
after
another
who
bore
it
,
who
were
all
Physicians
.
Hippocrates's
eldest
son
was
of
greatest
reputation
.
He
spent
the
greatest
part
of
his
life
[
](A49892-e107800-b)(b)
(b)
Galen
in
lib.
Hippocr
.
de
nat.
hum
.
Comm.
1.
in
the
Court
of
Archelaus
,
King
of
Macedonia
.
To
him
,
as
likewise
to
his
brother
and
even
to
their
children
were
attributed
some
of
the
Books
found
in
the
Collection
of
Hippocrates
'
,
even
before
the
time
of
Galen
who
calls
Thessalus
an
Admirable
man
.
[
](A49892-e107880-b)(c)
(c)
Galen
ibid
Polybus
also
rose
to
great
reputation
,
and
continued
to
teach
the
scholars
of
his
father-in-law
.
There
are
yet
some
books
remaining
under
his
name
,
one
of
which
treats
of
the
means
of
preserving
health
,
others
of
diseases
,
and
one
of
the
nature
of
the
seed
,
which
agrees
almost
in
every
thing
with
Hippocrates
.
'T
is
very
probable
that
these
books
likewise
are
suppositious
.
Those
which
were
found
amongst
the
works
of
Hippocrates
,
and
which
were
anciently
ascribed
to
Polybus
,
do
him
more
honour
,
being
,
as
we
have
observed
before
,
of
all
the
books
father'd
upon
Hippocrates
,
those
wherein
the
reasoning
is
most
exact
and
most
coherent
.
From
one
of
these
books
,
entituled
of
the
nature
of
the
Foetus
,
is
drawn
the
greatest
part
of
what
we
have
before
laid
down
concerning
the
manner
of
conception
,
or
of
the
formation
of
the
Foetus
in
the
Womb.
We
find
likewise
in
the
fourth
book
of
Diseases
,
which
has
been
laid
with
almost
universal
consent
to
the
same
Polybus
,
a
very
Ingenious
System
of
the
causes
of
Diseases
,
drawn
from
the
four
humours
,
established
by
the
Author
,
which
are
[
](A49892-e108040-b)(d)
(d)
See
upon
this
Book
3.
the
Pituita
,
the
Blood
,
the
Bile
,
and
the
Water
.
Galen
testifies
for
Polybus
,
that
he
never
deserted
the
opinions
of
Hippocrates
,
nor
made
any
alteration
of
him
any
more
than
Thessalus
;
but
this
seems
not
probable
especially
of
the
former
if
the
book
we
have
cited
be
truly
Polybus's
,
we
see
already
in
it
some
difference
in
the
System
,
and
we
find
further
that
the
opinion
concerning
the
passage
of
part
of
the
drink
into
the
Trachaea
Arteria
,
which
is
,
as
we
have
observed
,
maintained
in
more
than
one
place
of
Hippocrates's
works
,
is
vigorously
opposed
.
We
must
not
confound
the
sons
of
our
Hippocrates
with
those
of
whom
[
](A49892-e108200-b)(e)
(e)
Aristoph
.
in
Nubibus
〈◊〉
Galen
quod
●nimi
mores
sequantur
temper
.
cor
p.
Cap.
4.
Ath●naeu●
l.
3.
Aristophanes
,
Galen
and
Athenaeus
speak
so
brutish
and
lewd
,
that
they
gave
occasion
to
the
people
of
Athens
to
call
all
persons
of
that
infamous
Character
the
sons
of
Hippocrates
.
These
were
the
sons
of
one
Hippocrates
an
Athenian
,
who
was
himself
esteemed
a
man
of
no
worth
.
There
is
yet
another
Hippocrates
among
the
Greek
Authors
who
wrote
of
Veterinary
,
or
the
Physick
of
Beasts
,
which
are
collected
into
one
Volume
,
or
rather
the
Collectors
have
made
bold
with
the
name
of
the
great
Hippocrates
,
and
have
father'd
works
upon
him
in
which
he
had
no
concern
.
CHAP.
II.
Prodicus
Dexippus
and
Appollonius
disciples
of
Hippocrates
.
Ctesias
his
Kinsman
.
HIppocrates
was
not
contented
to
teach
Physick
only
to
those
of
his
own
family
.
As
he
practised
Physick
[
](A49892-e108420-b)(a)
(a)
Galen
affirms
this
,
and
it
may
be
gathered
out
of
the
Maxims
of
Hippocrates
that
have
bee●
cited
.
out
of
a
principle
of
humanity
,
and
not
purely
for
profit
or
glory
,
he
imparted
his
knowledg
to
strangers
,
being
the
first
of
the
Asclepiades
that
did
it
,
so
that
Physick
,
which
was
before
confin'd
within
the
limits
of
one
Family
,
was
afterwards
communicated
to
all
the
world
,
and
might
be
learn'd
by
any
that
would
apply
themselves
to
it
.
We
have
seen
already
the
Oath
he
exacted
of
his
Scholars
.
One
of
the
most
considerable
of
these
was
one
Prodicus
of
Selymbra
,
[
](A49892-e108480-b)(b)
(b)
Plin.
l.
29
C.
1.
who
is
said
to
have
invented
the
use
of
unguents
in
Physick
,
to
have
first
anointed
the
body
with
those
compositions
,
for
preservation
of
health
and
for
the
cure
of
distempers
.
This
Medicine
became
so
common
among
the
Antients
that
they
proceeded
even
to
the
abuse
of
it
,
especially
after
they
had
introduc'd
Liquid
perfumes
or
sweet-scented
Oyls
,
of
which
Virgil
makes
this
complaint
.
[
](A49892-e108550-b)(c)
(c)
Casia
was
a
sort
of
Sp●e
infused
in
Oyl
of
Olives
to
persume
it
.
Et
Casia
liquidi
corrumpiturnsus
Olivi
.
These
being
used
as
well
for
pleasure
as
necessity
,
and
lewd
women
and
effeminate
men
making
the
greatest
consumption
of
them
,
this
abuse
grew
so
scandalous
that
sober
persons
were
afraid
to
use
them
,
lest
they
should
be
taken
to
use
them
to
the
same
purpose
that
they
did
.
For
this
reason
't
was
that
the
Philosopher
Aristippus
who
found
these
sweet
Oyls
serviceable
to
him
,
made
such
imprecations
against
those
Debauchees
that
brought
a
scandal
upon
the
use
of
perfumes
.
But
Pliny
seems
to
confound
this
disciple
of
Hippocrates
with
his
master
.
The
Unguentarie
medicine
being
a
branch
of
the
Gymnastick
it
is
without
doubt
the
invention
of
[
](A49892-e108640-b)(d)
(d)
See
Book
the
2
Herodicus
,
and
not
of
Prodicus
.
The
little
difference
there
is
between
these
two
names
,
and
especially
between
the
H
and
the
〈◊〉
which
are
the
two
first
letters
occasion'd
of
being
put
often
one
for
the
other
,
and
in
the
Manuscript
copies
of
Hippocrates
the
former
is
sometime
called
Prodicus
sometimes
Herodicus
[
](A49892-e108710-b)(e)
(e)
Comment.
lib.
6.
Ep
dem
Galen
following
the
first
reading
,
mentions
two
Physicians
named
Prodicus
,
of
which
one
was
of
Lentini
,
the
other
of
Selymbra
,
but
he
does
not
determine
,
of
which
he
speaks
in
the
place
he
comments
upon
,
referring
the
reader
to
another
place
,
where
he
says
he
has
explain●d
himself
.
The
first
seems
very
probable
to
have
been
Hippocrates's
master
,
the
other
his
scholar
.
As
for
their
names
,
Plato
and
Plutarch
always
call'd
the
first
Herodicus
;
for
the
better
distinction
,
we
may
continue
that
name
to
him
,
and
call
the
latter
Prodicus
.
We
have
seen
what
Herodicus
could
do
,
Prodicus
composed
several
works
which
are
cited
by
Galen
,
but
he
seems
to
set
no
great
value
upon
them
.
He
accuses
him
for
not
following
the
method
of
his
master
,
nor
of
the
rest
of
the
ancient
Physicians
;
but
of
amusing
himself
to
quibble
upon
words
or
names
,
which
is
never
the
sign
of
a
man
of
ability
in
any
profession
whatsoever
.
Galen
gives
an
instance
of
this
false
niceness
of
Prodicus
upon
the
word
Phlegm
,
which
is
a
Greek
word
,
and
which
the
Latins
have
render'd
by
that
of
Pituita
.
All
the
ancient
Physicians
understood
by
it
a
cold
thick
humour
,
but
Prodicus
only
would
have
the
Phlegm
to
be
hot
;
grounding
upon
the
Etymologie
of
the
word
Phlegm
,
which
is
derived
from
another
Greek
word
which
signifies
[
](A49892-e108920-b)(f)
(f)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Gal.
de
Hippoc
.
&
Platen
.
decret.
lib.
8.
cap.
6
,
&
de
natural
.
facul
.
lib.
2.
cap.
9.
to
burn
,
giving
the
name
of
[
](A49892-e108940-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
snot
to
the
first
sorts
of
humour
,
which
as
we
have
said
before
,
was
otherwise
call'd
Pituita
.
Dexippus
or
Dixippus
,
another
disciple
of
Hippocrates
was
a
Coan
as
well
as
himself
.
Suidas
tells
us
that
he
wrote
a
book
of
Physick
in
general
,
and
two
other
of
Prognosticks
.
The
same
Author
adds
that
Dexippus
being
sent
for
to
Heccatomnus
King
of
Caria
,
to
cure
his
sons
Mausolus
and
Pixodarus
,
who
had
each
of
them
a
desperate
disease
,
which
he
refus●d
,
but
upon
condition
that
Heccatomnus
should
cease
to
make
war
upon
the
Carians
;
whereupon
Vossius
observes
[
](A49892-e109100-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Voss
.
de
Philosoph
.
that
we
ought
to
read
the
Coans
instead
of
the
Carians
,
it
being
more
likely
that
Dexippus
should
endeavour
to
ease
his
own
Countrey
from
a
War
;
to
which
we
may
add
,
that
it
is
not
likely
that
the
King
made
war
upon
his
own
subjects
.
Aulus
Gellius
tells
us
,
that
Dexippus
or
Dioxippus
,
as
he
calls
him
,
was
also
for
the
[
](A49892-e109210-b)(i)
(i)
See
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
,
and
the
Paragraph
of
Philistion
in
the
Chapter
foregoing
.
immediate
passage
of
the
drink
into
the
lungs
.
We
know
nothing
of
his
method
of
practice
,
except
that
both
he
and
Appollonius
,
who
is
the
third
of
Hippocrates's
scholars
within
our
knowledge
have
both
been
censur'd
for
giving
their
Patients
too
much
to
eat
,
and
letting
them
perish
with
thirst
.
Erasistratus
said
banteringly
of
them
,
that
they
made
twelve
doses
of
the
sixth
part
of
a
Cotyla
of
water
,
which
they
put
into
so
many
little
waxen
cups
,
and
gave
their
Patients
one
or
two
at
most
in
the
heighth
of
a
burning
feaver
.
The
Cotyla
was
a
measure
that
held
about
nine
ounces
.
Galen
says
,
that
this
was
a
piece
of
malice
in
Erasistratus
,
who
did
it
with
a
design
thro'
the
scholars
to
scandalize
the
master
.
We
have
nothing
further
concerning
Appollonius
.
Ctesias
a
Cnidian
Physician
came
immediately
after
the
former
,
being
cotemporary
to
Xenophon
.
We
are
inform'd
by
[
](A49892-e109370-b)(k)
(k)
Lib.
de
Artic.
comment
.
3.
Galen
that
he
was
of
the
family
of
the
Asclepiades
,
and
Kinsman
to
Hippocrates
.
The
same
Galen
takes
notice
that
Ctesias
corrected
Hippocrates
for
teaching
the
way
of
reducing
a
dislocated
Thigh-bone
,
pretending
that
this
reduction
was
to
no
purpose
,
for
the
head
of
the
bone
being
once
out
of
its
cavity
,
it
could
never
be
kept
in
after
,
what
care
soever
were
taken
;
but
that
it
would
slip
out
again
.
We
know
nothing
more
concerning
Ctesias
his
Physick
,
except
that
being
taken
prisoner
in
the
battle
,
wherein
in
Cyrus
the
younger
was
beaten
by
his
brother
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
,
he
cured
a
wound
which
the
latter
had
received
in
the
fight
.
After
which
he
practis'd
Physick
seventeen
years
in
Persia
,
and
became
as
famous
a
Historian
as
Physician
,
by
writing
the
History
of
Assyria
and
Persia
,
taken
from
the
Archives
of
those
Countries
.
CHAP.
III.
Opinions
of
Plato
concerning
Physick
.
AT
this
time
also
Plato
liv'd
,
being
born
in
the
eighty
eighth
Olympiad
.
This
Philosopher
following
the
steps
of
Pythagoras
and
Democritus
,
and
the
other
Philosopher
Physicians
,
of
whom
we
have
spoken
,
wrote
as
they
did
,
of
several
things
relating
to
the
Theory
of
Medicine
,
particularly
of
the
Oeconomy
of
a
humane
body
,
and
the
principles
whereof
it
consists
.
The
Pythagoreans
,
says
[
](A49892-e109610-b)(a)
(a)
Var.
Hist.
lib.
9.
cap.
22
Elian
,
applyed
themselves
very
much
to
Physick
,
Plato
also
was
very
much
addicted
to
it
,
as
well
as
Aristotle
and
several
other
Philosophers
.
We
shall
take
notice
here
,
of
what
is
most
considerable
upon
that
subject
in
the
writings
of
Plato
,
as
far
as
we
understand
him
,
which
is
not
always
very
easie
to
do
.
We
shall
be
a
little
the
more
large
herein
,
because
we
meet
with
divers
things
which
relate
to
several
modern
opinions
,
and
others
which
serve
to
iliustrate
those
of
Hippocrates
.
Plato
having
supposed
two
universal
principles
of
all
things
,
[
](A49892-e109690-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
God
and
Matter
,
the
first
form
which
he
supposed
Matter
to
take
,
was
Triangular
,
and
that
from
these
Triangles
the
four
sensible
Elements
were
afterwards
produced
,
the
Fire
,
Air
,
Water
,
and
Earth
;
of
which
all
bodies
seem'd
to
him
to
be
compounded
.
As
for
the
humane
body
,
he
thought
that
its
first
formation
commenc'd
from
the
spinal
marrow
,
which
marrow
was
afterward
covered
with
a
bone
,
and
these
bones
with
flesh
.
In
consequence
of
this
,
he
held
that
the
links
which
joyned
or
fastened
the
soul
to
the
body
were
in
that
marrow
,
which
he
call'd
the
seat
of
the
mortal
soul
.
The
reasonable
soul
he
lodged
in
the
brain
,
which
he
said
was
a
continuation
of
that
marrow
,
and
look'd
upon
it
as
a
soil
purposely
prepar'd
to
receive
the
divine
seed
.
As
for
that
part
of
the
soul
upon
which
depend
Generosity
,
Valour
and
Anger
,
he
plac'd
it
near
the
head
,
between
the
diaphragme
and
the
neck
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
breast
;
or
in
the
heart
,
in
which
he
followed
Pythagoras
.
He
held
that
the
lungs
encompassed
the
heart
to
refresh
it
,
and
to
calm
the
violent
motions
of
the
soul
which
was
lodged
there
,
as
well
by
the
refreshment
which
it
received
from
the
Air
in
respiration
,
as
from
the
liquor
which
we
drink
,
which
he
supposed
to
fall
in
part
into
the
lungs
;
[
](A49892-e109730-b)(c)
(c)
Gell.
llb.
17.
cap.
11.
Macrob.
lib.
17
,
cap.
15.
which
made
one
of
the
Ancients
say
,
that
Plato
gave
posterity
occasion
to
laugh
,
by
meddling
with
that
which
was
not
his
business
.
But
he
that
said
this
did
not
consider
that
Hippocrates
and
other
Physicians
before
spoken
of
,
were
themselves
of
this
opinion
,
and
that
Plato
apparently
spoke
only
after
them
.
This
Philosopher
imagined
also
another
part
or
sort
of
soul
,
which
desired
not
only
meat
and
drink
,
and
all
that
was
necessary
for
the
body
,
but
which
was
the
Principle
of
all
appetites
or
desire
in
general
.
This
soul
was
posted
between
the
Diaphragm
and
the
Navel
,
it
was
quartered
in
the
lowest
part
,
and
farthest
from
the
head
,
that
it
might
not
by
its
agitations
and
commotions
,
disturb
the
reasonable
soul
,
which
is
the
best
part
of
us
,
in
its
meditations
and
thoughts
for
the
common
good
.
These
troubles
or
disturbances
of
the
inferiour
soul
,
were
excited
by
Phantasms
or
Images
presented
to
it
by
the
liver
,
the
liver
having
been
polish●d
and
made
shining
,
that
it
might
reflect
the
Images
which
were
communicated
to
it
,
to
produce
trouble
,
tranquility
or
pleasure
in
the
inferiour
soul
,
according
as
the
liver
is
it self
troubled
by
the
bitterness
of
the
Bile
,
or
sedate
and
calm
thro'
the
predomination
of
sweet
Juices
opposed
to
the
Bile
.
Besides
what
we
have
already
said
of
the
heart
and
of
the
soul
lodged
there
,
Plato
held
this
further
concerning
it
.
The
heart
,
says
he
,
which
is
at
the
same
time
[
](A49892-e109800-b)(d)
(d)
Vi●●
Pag.
the
source
of
the
veins
and
of
the
bloud
,
which
[
](A49892-e109810-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
See
pag.
whirls
rapidly
in
all
parts
of
the
body
,
is
set
[
](A49892-e109830-b)(f)
(f)
See
pag
,
as
a
Centinel
or
Serjeant
,
that
when
the
Choler
is
inflamed
at
the
command
of
the
Reason
,
upon
the
account
of
some
injustice
committed
either
without
or
within
,
by
the
desire
or
passions
,
presently
all
that
is
sensibly
in
the
body
,
disposes
it self
by
opening
all
its
pores
to
hear
its
menaces
,
and
obey
its
commands
.
The
opinion
of
this
Philosopher
concerning
the
manner
of
respiration
is
no
less
peculiar
.
He
believed
that
there
was
no
vacuum
in
the
world
,
but
that
the
Air
which
escaped
out
of
the
Lungs
and
Mouth
,
in
respiration
meeting
that
which
surrounds
the
body
without
,
pushes
it
so
,
that
it
forces
it
to
enter
thro'
the
pores
of
the
skin
and
flesh
,
and
to
insinuate
it self
into
the
most
remote
parts
of
the
body
,
till
it
fills
the
place
which
the
other
left
,
after
which
making
the
same
way
out
again
by
the
Pores
,
it
forces
that
without
to
enter
by
the
mouth
into
the
lungs
in
inspiration
.
We
see
by
this
that
Plato
confounded
transpiration
with
respiration
,
pretending
that
both
one
and
t'other
were
performed
together
,
as
it
were
by
two
semicircles
.
As
for
the
flesh
,
he
thought
it
compounded
of
water
,
fire
and
earth
,
and
a
certain
sort
of
sharp
leaven
,
biting
and
salt
.
These
are
some
of
Plato's
thoughts
of
a
humane
body
in
its
natural
state
.
As
for
the
causes
of
its
destruction
,
which
are
diseases
,
old
age
and
death
,
he
supposed
in
the
first
place
that
the
bodies
which
are
about
ours
,
disolv'd
and
melt
it
continually
,
after
which
every
substance
which
gets
loose
or
exhales
,
returns
to
the
principle
from
whence
it
was
drawn
;
he
supposes
in
the
second
place
that
the
blood
which
is
,
according
to
him
,
a
fluid
matter
form'd
of
the
Aliments
by
a
peculiar
artifice
of
nature
,
which
cuts
and
reduces
them
into
small
pieces
,
by
means
of
[
](A49892-e109920-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
fire
,
which
rises
in
our
stomach
after
the
air
or
breath
.
He
supposed
that
this
blood
,
whose
redness
was
an
evident
token
of
the
impression
of
this
fire
,
served
to
nourish
the
flesh
and
generally
the
whole
body
,
and
to
fill
up
the
vacant
spaces
of
it
,
as
it
were
by
a
sort
of
watering
,
or
general
inundation
.
This
being
supposed
,
he
maintained
that
while
we
were
young
,
this
bloud
abounding
in
all
parts
,
not
only
supply'd
what
was
dissipated
or
diminished
of
the
flesh
,
which
as
was
said
was
perpetual
;
but
after
having
fill'd
up
what
was
wanting
,
it
furnish'd
matter
of
increase
to
the
mass
of
the
body
,
from
hence
it
is
,
that
in
our
youth
we
grow
and
become
larger
,
but
when
we
are
advanced
in
years
,
more
of
the
substance
of
our
body
is
spent
,
than
the
bloud
can
supply
or
restore
,
therefore
we
diminish
by
degrees
.
Those
principles
also
of
which
our
bodies
consists
,
which
Plato
calls
Triangles
,
which
in
our
youth
were
stronger
than
those
of
which
the
Aliments
were
compounded
,
reducing
them
easily
to
a
substance
like
themselves
,
become
disunited
and
relaxed
,
by
having
so
long
endured
the
shock
of
other
triangles
,
this
causes
old
age
,
which
is
followed
by
death
,
especially
where
the
triangles
,
whereof
the
spinal
marrow
consists
,
are
dissolv'd
and
disunited
,
so
that
the
bands
by
which
the
soul
was
fasten'd
to
it
,
are
intirely
broken
,
and
let
it
loose
.
As
for
diseases
which
attack
us
in
all
ages
,
and
precipitate
the
usual
time
of
death
,
he
suppos'd
that
our
bodies
being
composed
of
the
four
Elements
before
named
,
the
disorders
of
these
Elements
were
the
chief
causes
of
them
.
These
disorders
consisted
in
the
excess
or
deficiency
of
any
of
these
Elements
,
when
they
did
not
preserve
the
proportion
of
their
first
mixture
,
or
when
they
changed
place
,
leaving
their
own
place
for
another
.
To
explain
himself
more
particularly
,
he
adds
,
that
the
fire
exceeding
,
produced
continual
and
burning
fevers
,
that
if
the
air
over-ballanced
,
it
produced
quotidian
intermitting
Fevers
.
If
the
Water
,
Tertian
Fevers
,
and
if
Earth
Quartanes
.
The
Earth
being
the
heaviest
of
all
the
Elements
,
must
have
quadruple
the
time
to
move
it self
in
that
the
fire
has
and
the
rest
of
the
Elements
in
proportion
.
Plato
did
not
confine
himself
to
these
generals
only
,
but
proceeded
to
the
particular
explication
of
the
changes
that
befall
our
bodies
in
relation
to
the
bloud
and
humours
which
are
the
immediate
causes
of
distempers
.
While
the
bloud
,
says
he
,
maintains
its
natural
state
,
it
serves
to
nourish
the
body
and
to
preserve
health
.
But
when
the
flesh
begins
to
corrupt
or
to
melt
,
and
dissolve
the
humour
which
comes
from
it
,
entring
into
the
veins
,
carries
this
corruption
along
with
it
,
and
changing
the
bloud
in
several
manners
,
turns
it
from
red
to
yellow
;
and
bitter
,
or
sower
or
salt
;
so
that
that
which
was
pure
Bloud
,
becomes
part
Bile
and
Phlegm
or
Serosities
.
What
we
call
Bile
,
says
Plato
,
is
particularly
produced
from
the
dissolution
of
the
old
flesh
,
it
is
an
humour
that
assumes
divers
forms
,
and
is
very
changeable
both
as
to
colour
and
taste
,
but
it
is
chiefly
distinguished
into
two
sorts
,
the
yellow
Bile
which
is
bitter
,
and
the
black
Bile
which
is
sowre
and
pricking
.
As
for
the
Phlegm
and
Serosities
,
or
Water
,
Plato
seems
to
confound
them
,
or
to
make
but
one
sort
of
humour
of
them
.
The
Phlegm
according
to
him
,
is
produced
from
the
new
flesh
,
and
the
serosities
or
waters
,
which
are
designed
by
the
particular
names
of
sweat
or
tears
,
are
only
the
phlegm
melted
or
dissolved
.
In
another
place
he
seems
to
confound
the
phlegm
and
serosities
with
the
Bile
,
when
he
says
,
that
what
we
call
sowre
phlegm
,
is
the
same
thing
with
the
serosity
of
the
black
Bile
But
in
the
explication
of
the
effects
of
these
humours
,
he
restrains
himself
to
the
two
principal
,
which
are
[
](A49892-e110040-b)(h)
(h)
See
Pag.
the
Bile
and
the
Phlegm
,
and
he
acknowledges
that
these
two
juices
by
their
mixture
with
the
blood
are
the
causes
of
all
distempers
.
When
the
Bile
evaporates
outwards
,
or
discharges
it self
upon
the
skin
,
it
causes
divers
sorts
of
humours
,
attended
with
inflamations
,
which
the
Greeks
call'd
[
](A49892-e110070-b)(i)
(i)
See
Pag.
Phlegmons
,
but
when
it
is
confin'd
within
,
it
produces
all
sorts
of
[
](A49892-e110090-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
burning
diseases
.
The
Bile
is
especially
hurtful
when
it
is
mixed
with
the
blood
,
it
breaks
the
orders
of
the
Fibres
which
are
according
to
him
small
threads
scatterd
thro'
the
blood
,
that
it
might
be
neither
too
clear
nor
too
thick
,
to
the
end
that
on
the
one
side
it
should
not
evaporate
,
and
on
the
other
,
might
always
move
easily
in
the
veins
.
This
Bile
continuing
its
havock
,
after
having
broken
the
fibres
of
the
blood
,
pierces
to
the
spinal
marrow
,
and
destroys
the
links
of
the
soul
before
spoken
of
,
unless
the
body
,
that
is
to
say
,
all
the
flesh
,
melting
or
dissolving
,
breaks
its
force
.
When
this
happens
,
the
Bile
being
overcome
,
and
obliged
to
depart
the
body
,
throws
it self
thro'
the
veins
upon
the
lower
belly
and
the
stomach
,
from
whence
it
is
discharged
by
stool
and
vomiting
,
like
those
that
flie
out
of
a
Town
in
an
uproar
,
and
cause
in
their
passage
Diarrhaea's
and
Dysenteries
,
and
other
discharges
,
which
prove
often
healthful
.
The
sweet
or
insipid
phlegm
occasions
Tumours
,
and
some
impurities
of
the
skin
,
and
when
it
mixes
with
some
little
bladders
of
the
Air
,
it
is
then
call'd
[
](A49892-e110140-b)(l)
(l)
A
sort
of
Dropsie
in
Hippocrates
.
See
Pag.
white
Phlegm
.
If
this
Phlegm
mixes
with
the
black
Bile
,
and
penetrates
into
the
receptacles
of
the
brain
,
it
causes
the
Epilepsie
or
Falling-sickness
.
The
sowre
or
salt
Phlegm
is
the
cause
of
all
diseases
,
comprehended
under
the
name
of
Catarrhs
or
Rheums
,
and
brings
disorder
and
pain
upon
what
part
soever
it
falls
.
We
must
here
take
notice
of
the
Idea
which
Plato
had
of
the
Matrix
or
its
properties
,
and
some
of
its
diseases
.
[
](A49892-e110230-b)(m)
(m)
See
Pag.
the
Matrix
,
says
he
,
is
an
Animal
,
which
longs
impatiently
to
conceive
,
and
if
it
be
long
disappointed
of
bearing
Fruit
,
is
is
enraged
,
and
runs
up
and
down
the
whole
Body
,
and
stopping
the
passages
of
their
Air
,
it
takes
away
respiration
,
and
causes
great
uneasiness
,
and
an
Anfinite
number
of
Diseases
.
These
were
the
sentiments
of
Plato
upon
the
causes
of
diseases
,
upon
all
which
we
shall
not
trouble
our selves
to
make
reflections
.
We
shall
confine
our selves
only
to
what
he
says
concerning
the
Acidity
and
saltness
of
the
humours
,
it
being
of
importance
to
our
History
to
take
notice
of
it
,
because
of
the
several
Systems
that
have
been
since
built
upon
that
foundation
.
Hippocrates
had
before
spoken
of
the
sowre
and
the
salt
,
but
he
has
mention'd
them
only
upon
the
account
of
their
effect
,
without
shewing
their
Original
,
which
Plato
seems
to
have
discover'd
,
and
therein
to
have
made
an
improvement
upon
him
.
We
may
observe
first
,
that
the
Philosopher
speaks
of
an
Acidity
and
saltness
which
is
n●turally
in
the
body
in
a
slate
of
health
.
Such
is
the
sowrness
and
sweetness
of
the
flesh
,
which
he
says
,
consists
of
Water
,
Fire
and
Earth
,
and
besides
that
a
sowre
salt
leaven
,
as
has
been
already
observed
.
He
does
not
say
from
whence
this
leaven
comes
,
but
by
his
manner
of
expressing
himself
it
seems
not
to
be
drawn
from
the
common
Elements
,
but
to
be
something
different
from
the
Water
,
Fire
and
Earth
,
which
have
their
share
apart
in
the
formation
of
the
flesh
.
In
the
second
place
,
Plato
held
a
saltness
and
sowrness
,
which
were
praeternatural
,
which
are
in
the
humours
which
cause
diseases
.
He
seems
further
to
deduce
the
sowre
and
salt
from
the
same
source
,
with
the
natural
sowre
and
salt
,
that
is
from
the
flesh
,
which
corrupting
and
dissolving
,
according
to
him
,
infect
the
blood
,
and
turn
it
into
Bile
,
and
into
Phlegm
.
But
this
latter
sowre
and
salt
are
something
different
from
the
former
,
tho'
they
come
from
the
flesh
,
for
this
is
an
effect
of
their
corruption
,
the
other
is
the
principle
of
the
preservation
.
But
Plato
not
explaining
himself
any
further
thereupon
,
neither
shall
we
enlarge
.
He
adds
a
third
sort
of
sowrness
,
which
is
that
of
the
black
Bile
,
which
of
bitter
,
becomes
sowre
,
when
the
bitterness
which
is
natural
to
it
is
alternated
,
and
subtilized
to
a
certain
degree
.
It
may
be
urged
that
the
Greek
word
which
we
have
translated
[
](A49892-e110360-b)(n)
(n)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
sowre
,
might
as
well
signifie
pointed
or
sharp
,
as
sowre
;
both
in
this
latter
passage
,
and
in
all
those
before
cited
.
The
Greeks
having
only
one
word
,
to
express
both
meanings
;
but
't
is
plain
from
the
opposition
in
which
Plato
put
this
word
to
[
](A49892-e110400-b)(o)
(o)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
bitter
,
that
the
former
ought
to
be
translated
sowre
,
and
not
pointed
,
which
is
not
so
naturally
opposed
to
bitter
,
as
sowre
is
.
Plato
speaks
elsewhere
of
sowrness
,
and
holds
that
it
has
its
Origine
from
things
sharp
and
pointed
,
which
have
been
subtilized
or
attenuated
by
corruption
,
and
reckons
it
the
occasion
of
Fermentations
and
Ebullitions
,
which
arise
when
the
gross
and
terrestrial
humours
begin
to
move
,
and
to
swell
or
rise
up
.
It
is
observable
that
Plato
to
these
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
which
are
Adjectives
,
joyns
the
same
Substantive
that
Hippocrates
did
,
which
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
according
to
the
sense
of
Hippocrates
,
may
be
translated
by
the
words
force
,
power
,
faculty
or
virtue
,
as
well
as
by
the
words
savour
or
taste
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Sapor
Acidus
,
sowre
taste
,
as
Serranus
translates
it
;
as
for
the
rest
,
Plato
thought
as
Hippocrates
did
,
that
diseases
had
their
fixed
periods
for
duration
.
As
the
time
of
the
life
of
every
Animal
is
regulated
by
its
lot
when
it
comes
into
the
world
,
this
time
can
néither
be
hastened
nor
delayed
,
but
by
an
effect
of
the
passions
;
which
come
likewise
themselves
by
a
sort
of
necessity
.
So
likewise
diseases
must
of
necessity
have
their
course
,
and
we
ought
rather
to
seek
to
temper
them
,
and
stop
their
progress
,
by
means
of
[
](A49892-e110600-b)(p)
(p)
See
the
m●thod
of
Hippocrates
in
acute
diseases
.
prudent
diet
and
exercise
,
than
by
medicines
,
especially
those
which
purge
,
which
ought
never
to
be
used
but
in
cases
of
extremity
,
otherwise
of
a
small
evil
you
make
a
great
one
,
and
of
a
single
one
many
.
By
this
we
may
see
,
that
Plato
did
not
deviate
much
from
the
principles
of
Hippocrates
,
and
as
he
lived
at
the
same
time
with
him
,
or
very
near
it
,
being
born
in
the
eighty
eighth
Olympiad
,
't
is
reasonable
to
believe
,
that
he
took
many
things
out
of
his
writings
,
having
testified
as
he
did
,
abundance
of
esteem
of
him
.
We
may
see
by
what
has
been
said
before
[
](A49892-e110680-b)(q)
(q)
See
the
general
maxims
of
Hippocrates
.
the
sentiments
of
Plato
concerning
the
Gymnastick
Medicine
.
We
find
in
Galen
the
description
of
some
medicines
which
bear
Plato's
name
,
as
if
he
had
been
the
inventor
of
them
,
but
they
were
manifestly
some
other
Plato's
,
or
rather
the
name
of
this
Philosopher
was
put
upon
them
,
to
give
them
the
more
credit
.
We
shall
close
with
Plato's
sense
of
the
qualities
to
be
required
in
a
Physician
.
There
ought
to
be
,
says
he
,
in
every
great
City
good
Physicians
,
who
besides
the
study
required
to
learn
their
profession
,
have
liv'd
in
their
youth
,
amongst
multitude
of
sick
people
,
and
have
themselves
run
thro
all
sorts
of
distempers
,
being
naturally
infirm
or
Valetudinarians
.
This
maxim
is
directly
opposite
to
that
of
Hippocrates
who
requires
that
a
Physician
should
be
of
a
very
healthy
constitution
.
Some
have
observed
that
Plato
designedly
chose
the
Academy
,
which
was
the
unhealthiest
place
of
all
Athens
,
to
reside
in
with
his
scholars
,
only
because
it
was
unhealthy
,
out
of
a
perswasion
that
the
infirmity
of
the
body
,
render'd
the
mind
more
vigorous
.
But
we
must
beg
leave
to
doubt
,
whether
this
was
his
Motive
or
not
.
CHAP.
IV.
Nicomachus
,
Aristotle
's
Father
.
ARistotle's
Father
,
whose
name
was
Nicomachus
,
liv'd
about
the
same
time
with
Plato
.
He
was
of
Stagyre
in
Macedonia
,
and
Physician
to
King
Amyntas
,
Father
of
Philip.
He
was
of
the
Asclepiades
as
well
as
Hippocrates
,
and
pretended
to
be
descended
from
a
Son
of
Machaon
,
of
whom
we
have
spoken
before
,
who
bore
the
same
name
with
himself
.
This
Physician
wrote
according
to
Suidas
,
six
books
of
Physick
,
and
one
of
Natural
Philosophy
,
but
we
have
nothing
of
them
remaining
.
CHAP.
V.
Aristotle
.
WE
should
speak
here
of
some
Physicians
,
who
liv'd
before
this
Philosopher
,
and
were
cotemporaries
to
his
father
,
but
after
having
seen
what
Plato
,
who
was
his
master
,
contributed
to
the
advancement
of
Physick
,
we
thought
it
convenient
immediately
to
subjoyn
what
his
scholar
further
added
.
Aristotle
wrote
two
books
Entituled
[
](A49892-e111040-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Diogen
.
Lacrt.
in
●it
.
Aristot
.
of
Physick
,
but
there
are
none
of
them
remainning
;
nor
those
the
Title
of
which
was
[
](A49892-e111060-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
A.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
of
Anatomy
:
Diogenes
Laertius
ascribes
to
him
another
book
,
the
title
of
which
was
[
](A49892-e111110-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
of
the
Stone
;
this
book
is
translated
into
Latin
,
in
the
Theatrum
Ch●micum
with
another
,
which
treats
of
the
perfect
Magistery
;
that
is
to
say
,
of
the
Philosophers
Stone
,
but
both
these
books
are
evidently
suposititious
.
If
Aristotle
had
ever
writ
any
book
,
under
the
title
mentioned
by
Diogenes
Lacrtius
,
supposing
that
we
ought
to
understand
by
the
Stone
,
the
Philosopher's
Stone
,
this
book
would
unquestionably
have
made
more
noise
,
amongst
the
Ancients
,
whereas
we
find
neither
tract
nor
footstep
,
in
all
the
Authors
extant
,
that
wrote
during
the
space
of
five
hundred
years
,
which
were
elaps'd
between
the
Author
of
this
pretended
book
,
and
him
that
quotes
it
.
It
is
not
impossible
,
but
that
in
the
time
of
the
later
,
the
book
in
question
was
attributed
to
Aristotle
,
but
it
is
more
probable
,
that
there
is
some
fault
in
the
Text.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
more
of
this
,
in
the
Chapter
of
Theophrastus
which
comes
next
.
But
it
was
not
after
this
manner
that
Aristotle
imployed
himself
in
Physick
,
't
was
in
writing
these
other
books
which
we
first
mentioned
But
since
these
books
are
lost
,
we
shou'd
be
obliged
to
conclude
here
,
what
concerns
the
Physick
of
this
Philosopher
,
if
his
History
of
Animals
,
and
of
their
parts
and
Generation
were
not
happily
preserved
,
wherein
we
find
many
curious
things
,
relating
to
the
History
of
Animals
in
general
,
and
of
their
Anatomy
in
particular
.
[
](A49892-e111240-b)(d)
(d)
Plin.
lib.
8.16
.
Athen.
lib.
9.
cap.
23
&
lib.
8.
cap.
11.
Alexander
the
Great
,
whose
master
he
was
,
being
inquisitive
into
the
nature
and
different
properties
of
Animals
,
obliged
him
to
this
task
,
and
furnished
him
for
it
,
with
the
summ
of
eight
hundred
Talents
,
which
amount
to
almost
a
million
of
Gold
,
besides
several
thousand
men
,
in
the
several
parts
of
Asia
and
Greece
,
who
had
Orders
to
obey
him
,
and
to
inform
him
of
all
that
hunting
and
fishing
had
taught
them
,
and
to
keep
on
purpose
all
sorts
of
Animals
,
to
discover
what
was
peculiar
to
them
.
With
these
helps
,
a
perfect
work
upon
this
Subject
might
have
been
expected
.
Nevertheless
the
Antients
themselves
took
notice
,
that
he
advanced
many
a
thing
contrary
to
fact
.
He
may
upon
this
account
be
excused
,
by
saying
that
he
took
them
upon
Credit
from
others
,
not
having
been
able
to
act
or
view
every
thing
himself
.
But
supposing
he
were
in
some
things
obliged
to
trust
to
relations
.
As
for
Example
,
for
certain
Properties
of
Animals
which
only
chance
could
discover
,
there
are
others
,
in
which
he
ought
to
have
made
his
enquiries
himself
,
or
at
least
to
have
been
present
,
and
directed
those
that
were
his
Operators
.
Of
this
nature
are
those
things
which
relate
to
Anatomy
,
what
opinion
can
we
have
of
his
exactness
in
this
particular
,
when
we
hear
him
affirm
,
that
all
Animals
have
flexible
necks
,
composed
of
Vertebrae
,
except
Wolves
and
Lyons
,
in
which
tho
neck
consists
of
but
one
bone
,
and
that
the
bones
of
Lyons
have
no
matrow
against
all
experience
.
(
e
)
For
his
other
Errours
in
the
Anatomy
of
a
Lyon
and
Eagle
and
a
Crocodile
,
those
that
are
curious
may
consult
the
learned
Borrichius
.
Those
that
publisht
the
dissection
of
a
Lyon
at
Paris
,
in
the
Academy
of
Sciences
some
years
ago
,
have
taken
care
to
show
,
the
Errours
of
this
Philosopher
,
in
the
Anatomy
of
that
Beast
.
All
that
they
observe
,
may
in
fact
be
true
,
except
one
passage
,
in
which
they
seem
to
make
Aristotle
say
,
what
he
never
thought
of
.
We
find
these
words
in
one
of
his
books
(
f
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
the
Latin
Interpreter
renders
thus
,
videtur
Leo
Animalium
omnium
perfectissimum
Animal
,
in
assumendo
maris
formam
.
These
Gentlemen
explain
these
words
,
as
if
Aristotle
had
meant
that
the
Lyon
has
,
by
way
of
Excellence
,
and
beyond
all
other
Animals
,
the
visible
and
apparent
marks
of
the
perfection
of
his
Sex
.
These
are
their
own
words
,
and
they
urge
as
a
proof
,
that
the
Philosopher
was
mistaken
that
the
Vrethra
of
a
Lyon
,
that
is
the
channel
of
the
Virga
,
does
not
appear
outward
above
three
inches
and
a
half
.
Their
conclusion
had
been
just
,
if
Aristotle
had
meant
as
they
think
,
and
Borrichius
with
them
that
the
Lyon
of
all
male
Animals
,
had
the
parts
which
distinguish'd
the
Sex
most
large
and
apparent
.
But
this
in
my
opinion
,
was
farthest
from
his
thoughts
,
for
I
suppose
he
meant
no
more
,
than
that
the
Lyon
,
is
of
all
male
Animals
,
the
easiest
to
be
distinguish'd
from
his
Female
,
by
his
Masculine
Air
,
or
that
distinguishes
himself
from
all
other
Males
,
by
a
fierce
and
truly
Masculine
Air
,
which
is
peculiar
to
him
.
I
translate
the
Greek
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
the
French
word
Air
,
which
might
be
rendred
Species
in
Latin
,
which
answers
exactly
to
the
Greek
,
the
Etymologie
being
the
same
:
The
dissections
that
Aristotle
made
,
of
several
different
sorts
of
Animals
,
Quadrupeds
,
Birds
,
Fishes
and
Insects
,
had
taught
him
divers
things
concerning
the
use
of
the
parts
of
each
of
these
Kinds
.
We
shall
not
go
about
to
examine
here
,
what
he
delivers
of
the
difference
of
their
parts
and
uses
,
because
that
would
lead
us
too
far
from
our
Subject
.
We
shall
only
touch
here
in
a
few
words
,
upon
what
relates
to
the
structure
and
use
of
parts
,
common
to
all
perfect
Animals
,
such
as
Men
,
and
all
Quadrupeds
.
Aristotle
esteem'd
the
heart
,
to
be
the
Origen
and
Source
of
the
veins
and
blood
.
The
blood
,
says
he
,
goes
from
the
heart
into
the
veins
,
[
](A49892-e111610-b)(g)
(g)
De
Part.
An.
lib.
3.
cap.
4.
Those
that
find
the
Circulation
of
the
Blood
in
Aristotle
,
will
have
some
difficulty
to
get
over
this
Passage
.
but
it
comes
not
from
any
part
into
the
heart
.
He
says
that
there
come
two
veins
out
of
the
heart
,
one
from
the
right
side
,
which
is
the
largest
,
and
the
other
from
the
left
side
,
which
is
the
least
,
which
he
calls
the
Aorta
,
(
where
by
the
by
)
we
may
take
notice
,
that
this
Philosopher
[
](A49892-e111650-b)(h)
(h)
Hist.
Anim.
lib.
3.
cap.
5.
as
Galen
says
,
is
the
first
that
gave
that
name
to
the
great
Artery
,
which
proves
that
the
book
(
i
)
of
the
Heart
,
wherein
this
name
is
found
,
is
not
Hippocrates's
.
Aristotle
thought
that
these
two
veins
,
distributed
the
blood
to
all
parts
of
the
body
.
He
says
elsewhere
,
that
there
were
in
the
heart
three
Cavities
,
which
he
calls
ventricles
.
Of
these
three
ventricles
,
that
in
the
middle
,
of
whose
scituation
he
gives
no
other
account
,
is
the
common
principle
of
the
other
two
,
altho'
it
be
the
least
;
the
blood
which
it
contains
is
also
the
most
temperate
and
pure
.
The
blood
of
the
right
,
ventricle
is
the
hottest
,
and
that
of
the
left
the
coldest
.
This
latter
ventricle
being
the
biggest
of
the
three
.
These
three
ventricles
,
says
he
,
communicate
with
the
lungs
,
by
vessels
different
from
the
two
great
veins
,
which
disperse
themselves
thro
the
whole
substance
of
the
Lungs
.
He
made
not
only
the
veins
of
the
vessels
,
which
contain
blood
to
come
out
of
the
heart
;
but
he
would
have
the
Nerves
also
to
take
their
Origine
from
thence
;
for
which
opinion
this
was
his
ground
,
[
](A49892-e111710-b)(k)
(k)
Hist.
An.
lib.
3.
cap.
5.
The
biggest
Ventricle
of
the
Heart
,
says
he
,
contains
small
Nerves
,
and
it
is
a
true
Nerve
in
its
extremities
,
having
no
Cavity
,
and
being
stretched
after
the
manner
of
Nerves
in
the
place
where
it
terminates
,
towards
the
Articulation
of
the
bones
.
He
says
also
in
another
place
,
[
](A49892-e111720-b)(l)
(l)
De
part
.
Anim.
lib.
3
,
cap.
4.
that
there
are
abundance
of
Nerves
in
the
heart
,
which
are
of
great
use
,
because
the
motions
come
from
thence
,
which
are
made
by
contracting
and
extending
.
By
this
latter
passage
he
seems
to
design
the
Tendons
,
which
serve
to
dilate
and
contract
the
heart
,
and
if
we
have
observed
before
that
Hippocrates
confounded
the
Nerves
with
the
Tendons
and
Ligaments
,
Aristotle
does
not
appear
to
have
distinguished
them
any
better
,
nor
to
have
known
the
use
of
the
true
Nerves
.
In
another
place
he
affirms
,
[
](A49892-e111770-b)(m)
(m)
H●st
.
Animal
.
lib.
3.
cap.
5.
that
the
Nerves
are
not
continuous
,
but
scatter'd
here
and
there
,
about
the
places
of
the
Articulations
,
by
which
it
is
visible
,
he
meant
the
Tendons
.
If
he
had
known
the
use
of
the
Nerves
,
he
would
not
have
said
,
[
](A49892-e111780-b)(n)
(n)
De
part
.
Animal
.
lib.
2.
cap.
10.
that
none
but
the
parts
which
had
blood
,
could
feel
or
had
sensation
;
nor
would
he
have
maintained
[
](A49892-e111790-b)(o)
(o)
De
part
.
Anim.
lib.
2.
cap.
1.
that
the
flesh
is
the
proper
Organ
of
sensation
;
as
for
motion
,
if
he
attributes
it
to
the
Nerves
,
or
says
't
is
made
immediately
by
the
Nerves
,
't
is
easie
to
see
,
that
the
Nerves
there
meant
,
were
either
the
Tendons
or
Ligaments
.
As
for
the
common
principle
of
motion
and
sensation
,
Aristotle
places
it
in
the
Heart
,
which
he
looks
upon
also
as
the
principle
of
the
nourishment
of
all
the
parts
of
the
body
,
by
the
means
of
the
blood
which
it
sends
to
them
,
as
the
Focus
,
which
contains
the
natural
fire
,
upon
which
depends
life
;
as
the
place
where
the
passions
have
their
birth
,
and
where
all
the
sensations
terminate
.
In
a
word
,
as
the
true
seat
of
the
Soul
,
and
that
not
because
the
Nerves
have
their
Origine
from
thence
as
some
imagine
,
but
because
it
is
the
reservatory
of
the
blood
and
spirits
.
He
formally
maintains
[
](A49892-e111830-b)(p)
(p)
l●b
.
de
Spiritu
.
that
the
spirits
cannot
be
contained
in
the
Nerves
.
But
if
Aristotle
attributes
such
noble
uses
to
the
heart
,
the
brain
was
in
his
opinion
but
a
heap
of
Water
and
Earth
,
without
blood
and
without
sense
.
The
office
of
this
Cold
Lump
was
,
says
he
,
to
refresh
and
moderate
the
heat
of
the
heart
.
But
besides
that
,
he
gives
elsewhere
this
Office
to
the
Lungs
,
he
does
not
account
for
the
manner
how
the
brain
should
be
capable
of
discharging
it
.
And
altho'
the
brain
be
plac'd
immediately
upon
the
spinal
marrow
,
and
fix'd
to
it
,
yet
he
pretended
that
the
substance
of
that
marrow
was-quite
different
from
that
of
the
brain
,
being
a
sort
of
blood
prepar'd
for
the
nourishment
of
the
bones
,
and
consequently
hot
,
whereas
the
other
was
cold
.
He
made
otherwise
so
little
of
the
brain
,
that
if
he
did
not
absolutely
reckon
it
amongst
the
excrements
,
he
thought
it
ought
not
to
be
ranked
amongst
the
parts
of
the
body
,
which
had
any
continuity
or
union
with
the
rest
,
that
he
look'd
on
't
as
a
substance
of
a
peculiar
nature
,
and
different
from
all
the
rest
of
the
body
.
As
for
the
rest
of
the
Viscera
,
as
the
Liver
,
the
Spleen
,
and
the
Kidneys
,
he
thought
that
their
first
and
chief
usage
was
to
support
the
veins
,
which
would
be
pendulous
but
for
them
,
and
to
strengthen
them
in
their
place
.
Besides
this
first
use
,
he
assigned
them
some
others
.
The
Liver
helped
to
the
digestion
of
the
meat
in
the
stomach
and
the
guts
,
by
the
warmth
which
it
imparted
to
those
parts
;
of
which
we
shall
speak
more
particularly
in
the
Sequel
.
The
Liver
was
not
of
such
universal
use
,
and
is
,
according
to
him
,
but
accidentally
necessary
to
collect
and
concoct
the
Vapours
which
rise
from
the
Belly
;
hence
it
is
,
that
Animals
,
in
whom
these
vapours
take
another
course
,
have
but
a
very
small
Spleen
,
as
Birds
,
and
Fishes
,
whose
feathers
and
scales
are
form'd
and
nourish'd
out
of
this
moisture
.
And
these
Animals
for
the
same
reason
,
says
he
,
have
neither
kidneys
nor
bladder
.
[
](A49892-e111890-b)(q)
(q)
De
part
.
Anim●l
〈◊〉
3
●ap.
7.
The
Kidneys
also
,
according
to
him
,
are
onl●
for
conveniency
;
their
office
is
to
imbibe
part
of
the
excrement
which
goes
to
the
bladder
in
Animals
,
in
whom
this
Excrement
is
in
too
great
abundance
,
in
order
to
ease
the
bladder
.
He
adds
a
little
after
,
[
](A49892-e111900-b)(r)
(r)
〈…〉
9.
that
the
humours
filtre
,
or
run
thro'
the
substance
of
the
reins
,
in
which
he
seems
to
touch
upon
the
use
afterwards
found
for
these
parts
,
but
he
speaks
of
it
very
obscurely
.
[
](A49892-e111920-b)(s)
(s)
Hist.
Anim.
●b
.
3.
cap.
1.
The
Testicles
also
are
parts
,
made
by
nature
for
conveniency
,
and
not
of
absolute
necessity
.
He
says
,
that
there
are
two
venous
channels
that
come
from
the
Aorta
into
the
Testicles
,
and
two
others
which
come
from
the
Kidneys
,
that
these
two
latter
contain
blood
,
but
the
former
none
;
that
there
comes
out
of
the
head
of
each
Testicle
another
channel
,
bigger
and
more
nervous
,
which
bending
backwards
,
and
growing
less
,
re-ascends
towards
the
former
,
being
contained
in
the
same
Membrane
,
which
proceed
to
the
root
of
the
Virga
.
He
adds
,
that
this
last
Channel
contains
no
blood
,
but
a
white
liquor
,
and
terminating
at
the
Virga
,
or
neck
of
the
bladder
,
it
meets
there
with
an
opening
,
which
goes
towards
the
Virga
,
round
about
which
there
is
a
sort
of
[
](A49892-e111970-b)(t)
(t)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
husk
or
bark
.
This
supposed
,
he
says
that
when
the
Testicles
of
any
Animal
are
cut
off
,
all
these
channels
spoken
of
shrink
up
,
and
that
't
is
upon
this
retraction
that
those
that
are
castrated
cannot
procreate
;
as
a
proof
of
this
,
he
instances
in
a
Cow
,
which
being
leaped
by
a
●ull
after
he
was
guelded
,
before
these
channels
of
the
seed
were
retracted
,
proved
with
Calf
.
In
another
place
,
he
explains
himself
more
at
large
concerning
the
use
of
the
Testicles
,
saying
,
[
](A49892-e112000-b)(v)
(v)
Hist.
An.
lib.
1.
cap.
4.
That
they
are
no
part
of
the
channels
or
receptacles
of
the
Seed
,
and
have
no
communication
with
them
,
but
serve
only
as
a
weight
to
draw
them
downwards
,
and
to
retard
the
motion
of
the
Seed
,
as
Weavers
fasten
Stones
to
their
Tackle
.
And
as
a
proof
of
the
uselesness
of
the
Testicles
,
for
the
principal
intention
,
he
brings
the
example
of
Fishes
and
Serpents
,
who
wanted
,
as
he
thought
,
those
parts
,
yet
did
engender
.
[
](A49892-e112020-b)(x)
(x)
〈…〉
lib.
〈◊〉
cap.
20.
He
held
,
that
the
conception
was
made
by
the
mixture
of
the
Seed
of
a
Man
,
with
the
menstrual
blood
of
a
Woman
in
the
Matrix
,
allowing
no
share
to
the
Seed
of
the
Woman
,
which
according
to
him
was
only
an
excrement
of
the
Matrix
,
which
some
emitted
,
others
not
,
yet
were
not
for
that
less
fruitful
,
or
less
sensible
of
the
Pleasure
of
Coition
,
this
Pleasure
arising
from
a
titillation
caused
by
the
afflux
of
the
Spirits
into
the
parts
of
Generation
.
As
for
the
place
and
manner
of
digesting
the
food
,
Aristotle
says
,
That
the
Aliment
is
first
prepared
in
the
mouth
of
Animals
,
whose
food
requires
to
be
wet
or
mash'd
;
but
we
are
not
to
think
that
any
sort
of
concoction
is
perform'd
there
,
the
meat
is
only
reduced
into
small
parts
,
so
that
it
may
be
more
easily
digested
and
penetrated
after
't
is
descended
into
the
superior
and
inferior
Ventricle
▪
which
are
both
destin●d
to
this
Office
,
that
is
,
to
digest
the
Aliments
:
And
as
the
Mouth
is
the
opening
by
which
the
nourishment
enters
unprepared
,
and
the
Oesophagus
is
the
Tunnel
by
which
it
descends
into
the
upper
venter
or
the
ventricle
,
there
is
need
of
more
openings
to
carry
the
nourishment
to
all
the
parts
of
the
body
,
from
the
belly
and
intestines
,
as
out
of
a
Cystern
;
and
these
openings
or
pipes
are
the
veins
of
the
Mesentery
.
As
Plants
,
says
the
Philosopher
,
draw
their
nourishment
by
their
Roots
,
which
are
dispersed
in
the
Earth
,
so
Animals
draw
theirs
by
these
veins
,
which
are
as
so
many
Roots
,
to
draw
from
the
Belly
and
Intestines
the
juice
therein
contained
,
these
parts
being
to
Animals
as
the
Earth
is
to
Plants
.
He
says
also
,
That
these
veins
are
branches
of
the
great
veins
,
and
of
the
Aorta
which
go
to
the
intestines
.
As
for
the
Omentum
,
Aristotle
thought
that
it
assisted
in
conjunction
with
the
Liver
to
the
concoction
of
the
Meat
,
warming
the
parts
to
which
it
is
contiguous
with
its
Fat
which
is
hot
.
In
explication
of
what
has
been
already
said
,
he
held
farther
,
that
the
Coction
of
the
Aliments
was
performed
partly
in
the
superior
Venter
,
and
partly
in
the
inferiour
,
that
the
mass
of
the
Aliments
being
yet
too
fresh
,
and
not
being
sufficiently
concocted
,
while
it
is
in
the
superior
Venter
,
that
is
,
the
Stomach
,
and
being
depriv'd
of
all
its
Juice
,
and
all
that
is
useful
in
it
,
so
that
nothing
remains
but
thick
excrement
,
when
it
comes
at
the
bottom
of
the
inferiour
Venter
,
there
must
necessarily
be
some
space
between
these
two
,
in
which
the
nourishment
is
changed
,
and
is
neither
crude
nor
excrement
.
This
space
,
says
he
,
is
the
thin
Gut
called
Jejunum
,
which
is
immediately
joyned
to
the
superior
Venter
,
and
by
consequence
lies
between
that
Venter
,
wherein
the
Aliments
were
in
part
crude
,
and
the
bottom
of
the
inferiour
Venter
which
contained
nothing
but
excrement
.
These
are
the
places
,
according
to
Aristotle
,
wherein
digestion
is
performed
.
This
digestion
was
,
according
to
him
,
a
sort
of
Elixation
,
that
is
,
he
thought
,
that
the
Aliments
were
prepared
in
the
body
,
much
after
the
manner
that
meat
is
boyled
in
a
Pot
,
by
means
of
the
heat
of
the
Neighbouring
parts
,
the
chief
of
which
were
,
as
we
have
observed
,
the
Liver
and
the
Cawle
.
We
may
see
by
this
Gut
which
he
calls
Jejunum
,
and
the
distinction
,
that
he
makes
elsewhere
between
the
Colon
,
the
Caecum
and
the
Rectum
,
that
the
Guts
were
somewhat
better
distinguished
than
in
the
time
of
Hippocrates
,
who
seems
to
have
acknowledged
but
two
,
the
Colon
and
the
Rectum
,
as
we
have
already
taken
notice
.
The
use
of
the
Lungs
and
manner
of
respiration
,
according
to
Aristotle
were
these
.
The
Heart
being
inflated
by
too
much
heat
,
obliged
the
Lungs
and
Breast
to
swell
and
move
,
and
by
consequence
to
receive
in
the
Air
,
which
insinuating
itself
into
the
heart
,
refreshed
it
in
its
entrance
,
and
returning
carried
off
the
thick
hot
vapours
exhaling
from
it
,
and
serv'd
at
the
same
time
to
form
the
voice
,
the
Air
being
necessarily
obliged
to
enter
into
the
Lungs
as
they
rise
for
fear
of
a
void
,
which
is
a
thing
nature
abhors
.
[
](A49892-e112230-b)(y)
(y)
Hist.
Anim.
lib.
1.
cap.
21.
Of
the
structure
of
the
Ear
Aristotle
has
not
delivered
much
.
He
observes
only
,
that
't
is
turned
within
in
the
form
of
a
Shell
which
terminates
at
a
bone
,
which
,
says
he
,
is
like
to
the
Ear
,
and
whither
the
sound
comes
,
as
the
last
vessel
which
receives
it
.
There
is
no
passage
from
thence
to
the
Brain
,
but
there
is
one
goes
to
the
Pallat
,
and
a
vein
which
descends
from
the
Brain
to
that
place
,
that
is
,
to
the
Bone
of
the
Ear.
[
](A49892-e112250-b)(z)
(z)
De
Anima
b.
2.
cap.
8.
He
says
elsewhere
,
that
hearing
is
produced
by
means
of
the
External
Air
which
moves
the
internal
Air
,
or
the
Air
inclosed
in
the
Ear
;
and
he
adds
,
that
if
the
Membrane
of
the
Ear
be
indisposed
,
we
cannot
hear
,
for
the
same
reason
,
we
cannot
see
when
the
Tunicle
of
the
Eye
is
in
the
same
Condition
.
[
](A49892-e112270-b)(a)
(a)
De
generat
aninial
lib.
2.
cap.
6.
The
Nose
is
divided
into
two
Channels
by
a
Cartilage
.
It
has
two
veins
,
which
are
joined
to
the
Brain
,
but
they
come
from
the
Heart
,
these
go
into
the
Channel
,
which
is
the
Organ
of
smelling
,
as
it
receives
the
External
Air
,
and
all
that
is
diffused
thro
it
.
The
Flesh
,
as
we
have
observed
already
,
is
the
Organ
of
Feeling
.
The
Tongue
of
Tasting
,
being
soft
and
spongy
,
and
of
a
Nature
approaching
to
that
of
the
Flesh
.
[
](A49892-e112300-b)(b)
(b)
Hist.
An.
lib.
1.
cap.
11.
The
Eye
reaches
into
the
Brain
,
and
is
situated
on
either
side
under
a
little
vein
.
[
](A49892-e112310-b)(c)
(c)
Ib.
cap.
9.
The
humour
which
is
in
the
Eye
which
causes
vision
,
is
what
we
call
the
sight
.
[
](A49892-e112320-b)(d)
(d)
De
Gen.
An.
lib.
2.
cap.
6.
The
Eye
of
all
the
Organs
of
sensation
has
this
peculiarity
,
that
it
is
moist
and
cold
,
or
that
it
contains
a
humour
that
is
moist
and
cold
,
which
is
not
there
at
first
,
or
which
is
not
at
first
in
its
perfection
,
but
is
separated
or
distill'd
from
the
purest
part
of
the
moisture
of
the
Brain
,
by
the
Channel
that
goes
to
the
Membrane
of
the
Brain
.
'T
is
very
plain
from
what
has
been
said
,
that
Aristotle
allow'd
the
Nerves
no
part
in
the
production
of
sensation
.
Nor
indeed
could
he
acknowledge
the
Nerves
or
their
office
,
retaining
the
Idea
which
he
had
of
the
Brain
.
The
Diaphragme
,
which
he
calls
Diazoma
,
or
the
Membrane
which
separates
the
lower
Belly
from
the
Breast
,
has
,
according
to
Aristotle
,
no
other
business
than
to
divide
these
two
Cavities
,
that
the
upper
,
which
is
the
Seat
of
the
Soul
,
may
not
be
infected
by
the
vapours
which
rise
from
the
lower
.
This
is
the
sum
of
what
we
could
collect
from
the
writings
of
this
Philosopher
concerning
Anatomy
.
And
we
may
observe
,
that
both
he
and
Plato
call'd
indifferently
by
the
name
of
Veins
the
Veins
properly
so
call'd
,
and
the
Arteries
;
that
they
did
not
give
the
name
of
Artery
to
any
thing
but
the
Wind-pipe
;
which
they
call'd
[
](A49892-e112390-b)(e)
(e)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
rough
,
or
unequal
in
opposition
to
the
Arteries
properly
so
called
,
and
by
the
Antients
named
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
laeves
Arterlae
smooth
Arteries
Aspera
Arteria
from
whence
we
may
infer
,
that
when
we
find
in
[
](A49892-e112440-b)(f)
(f)
See
the
next
Vol.
lib.
1.
cap.
of
Erasistratus
.
Hippocrates
the
word
Artery
in
the
sense
of
the
Moderns
,
that
this
word
has
been
foisted
in
,
or
that
the
Books
in
which
't
is
found
are
not
Genuine
.
The
only
place
that
I
know
of
,
wherein
Aristotle
seems
to
give
the
name
of
Arteries
,
to
the
Arteries
properly
so
called
is
in
his
Book
of
the
Spirit
,
wherein
he
says
that
the
Skin
is
compos'd
of
a
Vein
,
an
Artery
,
and
a
Nerve
,
Of
a
Vein
,
says
he
,
because
the
Skin
yields
Blood
when
't
is
prick'd
:
Of
a
Nerve
,
because
it
can
extend
it self
:
Of
an
Artery
,
because
't
is
transpirable
.
Aristotle
seems
here
to
have
designed
the
real
and
true
Arteries
,
and
to
allot
to
them
only
Spirit
,
according
to
the
opinion
of
Praxagoras
and
Erasistratus
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
hereafter
;
which
opinion
perhaps
they
borrowed
of
him
.
Perhaps
also
this
Book
was
none
of
Aristotle's
.
We
must
make
one
observation
more
concerning
the
Anatomy
of
Aristotle
,
which
is
,
that
he
never
dissected
any
thing
but
Brutes
,
and
that
in
his
time
they
durst
not
Anatomize
a
Humane
body
.
Which
he
insinuates
himself
in
these
words
[
](A49892-e112560-b)(g)
(g)
Hist.
An.
lib.
1.
cap.
16.
,
The
inward
parts
of
mens
bodies
are
unknown
,
for
we
have
nothing
certain
thereupon
,
but
we
must
judge
of
them
by
the
resemblance
which
we
suppose
them
to
have
to
the
parts
of
other
Animals
,
which
answer
to
each
of
them
.
I
am
surpriz'd
[
](A49892-e112580-b)(h)
(h)
Anthropograph
.
lib.
1.
cap.
4.
that
Riolan
should
maintain
the
contrary
,
and
more
that
he
should
endeavour
to
prove
it
from
passages
of
Aristotle
,
which
are
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
but
he
is
not
the
only
one
,
whose
Prejudice
and
Bigotry
for
the
Antients
,
has
caused
to
make
such
false
steps
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
say
something
more
upon
this
subject
in
the
first
Book
of
the
next
Volume
.
Aristotle
wrote
also
some
Books
of
Plants
,
of
which
there
are
some
yet
remaining
,
but
he
treats
of
them
rather
as
a
Philosopher
than
a
Physician
.
He
was
born
in
the
ninety
ninth
Olympiad
,
and
he
dyed
the
3d
year
of
the
hundred
and
fourteenth
Olympiad
,
aged
by
this
account
about
sixty
three
.
He
was
the
Son
of
a
Physician
,
and
of
the
family
of
the
Asclepiades
.
He
belonged
also
to
Physick
another
way
,
which
is
not
much
for
his
honour
.
[
](A49892-e112640-b)(i)
(i)
Diogenes
Laertius
,
&
Hesychius
Milesius
in
vita
Epicuri
.
Epicurus
reproaches
him
with
having
spent
his
patrimony
while
he
was
young
in
debauchery
,
and
that
after
he
had
been
some
time
a
Souldier
,
he
betook
himself
to
selling
[
](A49892-e112660-b)(k)
(k)
We
shall
consider
in
the
sequel
the
meaning
of
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
used
by
Diogenes
Laertius
on
this
occasion
.
of
Antidotes
about
the
Markets
,
till
Plato's
School
being
open'd
,
he
applied
himself
to
the
study
of
Philosophy
under
him
.
CHAP.
VI.
Theophrastus
.
THeophrastus
,
who
succeeded
Aristotle
,
took
upon
him
the
management
of
his
School
,
and
after
his
death
did
something
likewise
towards
Physick
.
The
most
considerable
of
his
works
which
remain
to
our
times
are
his
Books
of
Plants
.
But
as
Plants
may
be
consider'd
either
as
a
part
of
Agriculture
,
of
Natural
History
,
or
of
Physick
;
Theophrastus
,
as
well
as
Aristotle
,
seems
to
consider
them
chiefly
as
a
Naturalist
,
and
seems
rather
to
have
examined
their
Growth
and
Termination
,
and
the
parts
whereof
they
are
composed
,
than
their
Medicinal
properties
,
altho
sometimes
en
passant
he
touches
upon
them
too
.
But
he
having
describ'd
several
,
we
shall
be
oblig●d
to
take
farther
notice
of
him
upon
this
account
with
Dioscorides
.
There
are
yet
some
small
pieces
of
his
remaining
,
concerning
the
Vertigo
,
Swooning
,
Sweat
,
and
the
Palsie
,
of
which
he
treats
rather
as
a
Philosopher
than
a
Physician
;
that
is
,
he
is
inquisitive
after
the
Causes
of
these
Distempers
only
,
without
speaking
of
any
Remedies
.
He
says
,
that
Vertigo●s
come
when
some
strange
spirit
or
superfluous
moisture
goes
into
the
Head
,
or
as
he
expresses
it
,
about
the
Head
,
whether
this
comes
from
any
sort
of
Food
,
as
from
Wine
,
or
from
any
other
humour
,
or
from
turning
the
Head
round
.
For
,
adds
he
,
the
place
about
the
Brain
,
or
the
Brain
(
an
usual
manner
of
expression
among
the
Greeks
)
is
naturally
moist
,
and
when
any
foreign
Spirit
gets
in
,
it
does
violence
after
it
is
got
in
,
and
forces
the
natural
moisture
into
the
veins
,
causing
it
to
turn
round
,
so
that
this
Spirit
has
the
same
effect
,
as
if
any
body
turn'd
the
Head
round
,
it
being
indifferent
whether
it
be
done
inwardly
or
outwardly
.
The
Palsie
arises
from
a
chilness
,
or
privation
and
want
of
Spirits
or
Spirit
.
For
,
says
he
,
the
Spirit
is
the
cause
of
heat
and
motion
,
so
that
if
it
becomes
motionless
,
the
blood
or
moisture
necessarily
grow
chill
.
And
for
this
reason
we
find
the
Feet
be
numm'd
,
and
sometimes
the
upper
parts
,
when
they
are
pressed
by
a
Chair
,
or
any
other
way
,
this
compression
stopping
or
interrupting
the
Spirit
,
that
it
cannot
move
as
usual
,
causes
the
Blood
to
grow
cold
.
By
what
has
been
said
,
we
may
see
that
this
Philosopher
suspected
the
Nerves
on
these
occasions
,
no
more
than
Hippocrates
did
,
and
was
no
better
acquainted
with
their
use
than
his
Master
Aristotle
.
We
have
also
a
Book
of
Theophrastus
of
Stones
,
wherein
he
treats
of
several
sorts
of
Stones
,
as
well
Genuine
as
others
,
of
their
nature
,
the
manner
of
their
formation
,
and
the
places
where
they
are
found
,
&c.
And
as
we
may
see
by
the
Catalogue
of
his
Writings
,
he
gave
to
some
of
them
the
same
Titles
that
Aristotle
had
done
before
to
his
;
perhaps
the
singular
number
was
substituted
for
the
plural
,
in
the
Title
of
the
Book
of
Aristotle
of
the
Stone
,
of
which
before
.
CHAP.
II.
Heraclides
of
Pontus
.
ALmost
at
the
same
time
there
liv'd
another
Philosopher
,
who
engag'd
in
Physic
.
This
was
Heraclides
of
Pontus
,
who
studied
partly
under
Speusippus
the
Scholar
of
Plato
,
and
partly
under
Aristotle
.
This
Heraclides
writ
a
Book
of
the
cause
of
Diseases
,
and
another
entituled
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
What
he
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
without
respiration
,
was
a
disease
,
in
which
sometimes
,
as
our
Author
affirms
,
men
lay
thirty
days
without
breathing
,
as
if
they
were
dead
,
yet
the
body
did
not
corrupt
.
We
have
seen
before
that
Empedocles
cured
a
woman
of
this
distemper
,
which
is
a
sort
of
suffocation
of
the
Matrix
.
Diogenes
Laertius
reckons
fourteen
famous
men
of
the
name
of
Heraclides
,
of
which
two
were
Physicians
,
and
not
counting
him
of
whom
we
are
speaking
.
The
first
,
who
was
the
eighth
of
the
fourteen
,
was
Scholar
to
Hicesius
a
Physician
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
hereafter
;
the
second
was
a
famous
Empirick
of
Tarentum
,
whose
History
we
shall
likewise
give
.
To
all
these
Heraclides
,
we
may
add
Hippocrates
Father
,
and
Heraclides
Erithreus
,
of
whom
also
hereafter
.
CHAP
VIII
.
Diocles.
'T
Is
time
,
to
quit
the
Philosophers
,
and
return
a
little
back
to
re-assume
the
Physicians
.
The
first
of
this
Profession
after
Hippocrates
and
his
Family
,
that
made
any
noise
in
the
world
,
was
Diocles
Carystius
,
whom
the
Athenians
for
that
reason
called
the
[
](A49892-e113170-b)(a)
(a)
Theodor.
Priscians
.
Second
Hippocrates
.
[
](A49892-e113190-b)(b)
(b)
Plin.
lib.
20.
cap.
20.
Celf.
Praefat.
All
the
Antients
agree
,
that
he
came
presently
after
the
Father
of
Physick
,
whom
he
succeeded
very
near
both
in
time
and
reputation
.
He
's
suppos'd
to
be
Author
of
a
Letter
yet
extant
,
Addressed
to
Antigonus
,
King
of
Asia
,
which
shews
,
that
Diocles
lived
in
his
time
,
and
not
in
the
time
[
](A49892-e113230-b)(c)
(c)
Tiraquell
.
de
Nobil
.
cap.
21.
and
after
him
Wolfgangus
Justus
in
his
Chronologia
Medicorum
.
Who
also
holds
,
that
he
lived
both
under
Darius
the
Son
of
Hystaspes
,
and
under
Antigonus
,
tho
between
those
two
Princes
there
passed
two
entire
Centuries
.
of
Darius
Son
of
Hystaspes
,
as
two
modern
Authors
have
written
.
But
the
Chronological
Errors
which
we
have
detected
upon
the
occasion
of
the
pretended
Letters
of
Hippocrates
,
shew
that
we
are
not
to
rely
much
upon
proofs
of
this
nature
,
this
Letter
of
Diocles
being
no
less
to
be
suspected
than
the
others
.
Those
that
place
Diocles
in
the
time
of
Darius
,
Son
of
Hystaspes
are
manifestly
in
an
errour
.
Others
have
gone
on
the
other
side
too
low
,
if
I
be
not
mistaken
.
But
however
it
be
,
we
find
in
this
Letter
rules
for
preservation
of
health
,
which
consist
in
foreseeing
Diseases
by
certain
signs
,
and
preventing
them
by
certain
Remedies
.
The
Body
is
there
divided
into
four
parts
,
the
Head
,
the
Breast
,
the
Belly
,
and
the
Bladder
;
and
there
are
Medicines
there
prescrib'd
to
preserve
these
parts
,
from
their
usual
Distempers
.
He
prescribed
Gargarisms
to
purge
the
Head
and
Frictions
.
For
the
Breast
he
advises
vomiting
after
Meals
,
and
Fasting
.
He
ordered
the
Belly
to
be
kept
open
,
not
by
Medicine
,
but
by
proper
Diet
,
such
as
Blites
,
Mercury
,
Garlick
boyled
,
the
Herb
Patience
,
Colwort
Broth
,
confections
with
Honey
.
For
the
distempers
of
the
Bladder
he
appointed
some
Diuretick
Medicines
,
such
as
the
Roots
of
Selery
and
Fennel
boyl'd
in
Wine
,
with
the
water
of
the
Decoction
of
Daucus
Smyrnium
,
of
Elder
or
Chiches
.
Diocles
wrote
several
Books
of
Physick
which
are
lost
.
Amongst
the
rest
was
one
of
Diseases
,
their
Causes
and
Cure
,
a
fragment
of
which
is
cited
by
[
](A49892-e113410-b)(d)
(d)
De
Locis
affect
.
lib.
3.
c.
7.
Galen
,
concerning
the
Disease
called
the
Melancholick
or
Flatulent
Disease
,
wherein
Diocles
speaks
thus
.
There
is
a
Disease
,
whose
seat
is
about
the
Stomach
,
which
some
call
Melancholy
,
others
Flatus
,
or
Wind
,
in
which
,
after
eating
things
hard
of
digestion
,
men
spit
abundance
of
very
clear
Spittle
;
their
Belches
are
sowre
,
with
Wind
and
heat
in
the
Hippocondria
,
with
a
rumbling
motion
,
not
at
first
,
but
sometime
after
,
and
often
violent
pain
in
the
Stomach
,
which
extend
in
some
even
to
the
back
.
After
the
Meat
is
perfectly
digested
all
ceases
and
returns
again
after
eating
.
The
same
symptoms
sometimes
take
a
man
fasting
,
and
sometimes
after
Meals
,
and
force
him
to
throw
his
victuals
undigested
up
again
,
and
sometimes
bitter
hot
phlegm
,
or
so
sowre
as
to
set
their
Teeth
an
edge
.
These
distempers
for
the
most
part
come
in
youth
;
but
come
when
they
will
,
they
hold
a
long
time
.
We
may
suppose
they
that
are
troubled
with
it
,
have
too
much
heat
in
the
veins
which
receive
the
nourishment
from
the
Stomach
,
and
that
the
Blood
which
they
contain
is
thereby
thickned
.
For
it
is
plain
that
those
veins
are
obstructed
or
stopt
,
from
this
sensible
proof
that
the
nourishment
is
not
distributed
thro
the
body
,
but
remains
crude
upon
the
stomach
,
instead
of
passing
into
the
Channels
which
ought
to
recieve
it
,
and
going
the
greatest
part
of
it
into
the
lower
Belly
,
it
is
thrown
up
the
next
day
by
vomit
.
Another
proof
that
the
heat
is
greater
than
naturally
it
ought
,
is
not
only
the
heat
which
the
parties
feel
,
but
the
immediate
relief
they
find
by
taking
cold
things
.
Diocles
adds
,
that
some
hold
that
in
these
distempers
the
orifice
of
the
Stomach
,
which
is
joined
to
the
Guts
,
is
in
flamed
,
and
that
this
inflamation
causes
the
obstruction
,
and
hinders
the
aliments
from
descending
in
due
time
into
the
Guts
,
and
that
by
their
stop
the
inflation
of
the
Stomach
,
the
heat
,
and
other
symptoms
before
mention'd
are
occasioned
.
Diocles
had
a
peculiar
opinion
of
Fevers
.
We
must
judge
,
says
he
,
of
things
which
we
cannot
see
,
by
those
which
we
can
see
;
we
observe
that
external
inflamations
,
abscesses
and
wounds
are
attended
by
Fevers
,
therefore
when
a
Fever
takes
any
body
,
though
we
cannot
externally
discover
any
abscess
,
wound
,
or
inflamation
,
we
must
however
believe
that
there
is
some
such
thing
within
the
body
.
His
practice
was
much
the
same
with
that
of
Hippocrates
.
He
blooded
and
purged
after
the
same
manner
,
and
upon
the
same
occasions
.
His
particular
method
in
every
distemper
may
be
seen
in
[
](A49892-e113490-b)(e)
(e)
Acuti
Pass.
l.
3
c.
17.
Caelius
Aurelianus
.
The
same
Author
reports
,
that
Diocles
caused
all
those
that
were
troubled
with
the
Iliack
passion
to
swallow
a
Leaden
Bullet
,
a
Medicine
of
which
I
find
no
mention
in
Hippocrates
,
and
which
might
perhaps
be
of
Diocles's
own
invention
.
He
distinguished
between
the
Ileus
and
Chordapsus
,
which
two
names
Hippocrates
seemed
to
give
to
the
same
distemper
.
Diocles
signified
by
the
former
of
these
names
a
distemper
of
the
intestina
tenuia
,
and
by
the
latter
of
the
intestina
crassa
.
He
practised
also
Surgery
,
and
invented
an
instrument
to
draw
out
the
head
of
a
Dart
when
it
was
left
in
the
wound
;
which
was
called
by
his
name
in
Celsus
his
time
.
He
invented
also
the
manner
of
[
](A49892-e113620-b)(f)
(f)
Galen
de
Fa●ci●s
.
Bandage
for
the
head
,
which
went
also
by
his
name
.
Galen
observes
,
that
this
Physician
was
the
first
that
wrote
of
Anatomical
Administration
,
that
is
,
of
the
manner
and
order
of
dissection
,
for
the
better
displaying
the
parts
of
the
body
.
He
gave
at
the
same
time
this
account
for
the
Silence
of
those
that
preceded
him
,
and
of
the
motives
that
induced
him
to
write
upon
that
subject
.
[
](A49892-e113650-b)(g)
(g)
De
Adminis●
.
Anatom
.
lib.
2.
Before
Diocles
,
says
Galen
,
Physick
being
almost
entirely
limited
to
the
family
of
the
Asclepiades
,
the
Fathers
taught
their
Sons
Anatomy
,
and
bred
them
from
their
infancy
to
the
dissection
of
Animals
.
So
that
it
going
from
Father
to
Son
by
way
of
Manual
Tradition
,
it
was
needless
to
write
of
the
manner
,
because
it
was
as
impossible
they
should
forget
it
as
their
Alphabet
,
which
they
learnt
almost
at
the
same
time
.
But
the
Art
of
Physick
spreading
beyond
this
family
,
by
means
of
the
Scholars
of
Hippocrates
,
Diocles
wrote
upon
this
subject
in
favour
of
those
whose
Fathers
were
not
Physicians
.
Thus
far
Galen
of
Diocles
,
who
nevertheless
by
Galen's
own
report
had
made
no
great
progress
in
Anatomy
.
He
satisfied
himself
with
what
his
predecessors
had
done
,
who
were
no
great
Anatomists
,
as
we
have
already
observ'd
.
Galen
testifies
likewise
for
Diocles
,
that
he
practiced
Physick
out
of
a
principle
of
Humanity
,
as
Hippocrates
had
done
,
and
not
for
Pront
or
Glory
,
which
were
motives
upon
which
other
Physicians
acted
.
He
speaks
of
him
elsewhere
as
a
great
man
in
his
Art
,
and
affirms
,
that
he
was
master
of
it
in
every
part
.
Athenaeus
mentions
a
piece
of
Diocles
which
treated
of
Poysons
,
and
another
which
teaches
[
](A49892-e113810-b)(h)
(h)
This
Book
was
entitled
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
manner
of
dressing
victuals
.
Athenaeus
tells
us
of
several
other
antient
Physicians
that
wrote
upon
this
latter
subject
,
and
mentions
amongst
others
Philistion
,
whom
we
have
spoken
of
before
,
Erasistratus
,
Philotimus
,
Glaucus
,
and
Dionisius
.
Their
design
in
probability
was
not
so
much
to
please
the
taste
as
to
render
the
food
more
wholesom
.
Nevertheless
Plato
complains
[
](A49892-e113880-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
the
Art
of
Cookery
was
crept
into
Physick
under
pretence
of
dressing
for
health
,
whereas
it
had
the
quite
contrary
effect
,
and
he
asserts
,
that
this
Art
is
just
of
as
much
use
in
Physick
,
as
[
](A49892-e113900-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
Art
of
washing
and
perfuming
is
to
the
Gymnastick
,
of
which
we
have
already
spoken
.
He
calls
the
art
of
Cookery
and
the
art
Washing
and
Beautifying
,
the
flatterers
of
Physick
and
Gymnastick
.
Diocles
wrote
likewise
the
distempers
of
Women
.
He
compos'd
also
a
Book
,
entitled
of
the
weeks
,
wherein
he
treated
undoubtedly
of
the
critical
days
after
the
manner
of
Hippocrates
.
There
was
also
another
Diocles
of
Chalcedon
,
who
is
cited
by
[
](A49892-e113970-b)(l)
(l)
Medicament
.
local
.
l.
7.
c.
4.
Galen
,
but
I
know
not
when
he
lived
.
CHAP
IX
.
Praxagoras
.
PRaxagoras
came
a
little
after
Diocles
,
living
at
the
latest
about
the
time
of
Aristotle
.
His
Fathers
name
was
[
](A49892-e114050-b)(a)
(a)
De
dissectiones
●ulv
.
cap
ult
Nicarchius
.
(
b
)
He
was
at
the
Isle
of
Cos
as
well
as
Hippocrates
,
and
of
the
same
Family
,
that
is
,
of
the
Asclepiades
,
with
this
peculiarity
,
[
](A49892-e114100-b)()
()
Method
.
Med.
lib.
1.
that
he
was
the
last
,
the
Family
being
extinct
in
him
.
This
is
the
observation
of
Galen
,
with
which
Suidas
does
by
no
means
agree
,
who
says
,
there
were
seven
descendants
from
Hippocrates
,
all
Physicians
,
who
successively
bore
his
name
,
but
I
am
rather
apt
to
credit
Galen
.
Praxagoras
is
reckon'd
the
third
after
Hippocrates
,
who
worthily
maintain'd
the
honour
of
rational
Physick
.
Galen
speaks
honourably
of
him
,
as
a
man
that
understood
his
business
excellently
well
.
He
left
several
Books
which
are
lost
.
Galen
cites
some
of
them
,
as
that
of
the
use
of
abstinence
,
those
of
the
ordinary
and
extraordinary
symptoms
of
Diseases
,
another
entituled
,
of
natural
things
,
or
things
which
naturally
happen
,
and
another
of
Medicaments
.
He
past
in
his
time
for
a
great
Anatomist
,
but
all
that
he
wrote
upon
that
subject
being
lost
,
we
know
nothing
of
his
Sentiments
,
except
that
he
believed
with
Aristotle
,
that
the
Nerves
come
from
the
Heart
.
He
added
[
](A49892-e114220-b)(d)
(d)
Galen
.
de
decret.
Hippocrat
.
&
●laton
.
that
the
Arteries
turn
to
Nerves
as
their
cavities
grow
straight
towards
the
extremities
.
He
held
with
this
Philosopher
,
that
the
brain
was
of
little
use
,
and
look'd
upon
it
as
only
an
appendix
to
the
spinal
Marrow
.
He
maintain'd
also
that
the
[
](A49892-e114230-b)(e)
(e)
De
dignosee●d
.
Puls
.
l.
4.
cap.
2.
Arteries
contain'd
no
Liquor
,
an
opinion
which
we
shall
see
driven
farther
by
Erasistratus
.
From
hence
we
may
conclude
,
that
Praxagoras
was
the
first
Author
that
distinguish'd
the
arteries
properly
so
call'd
from
the
veins
.
The
Physicians
of
the
preceding
ages
having
indifferently
call'd
both
veins
and
arteries
by
the
name
of
veins
.
Praxagoras
was
the
first
that
distinguish'd
with
more
exactness
than
before
the
humours
or
juices
of
the
body
.
[
](A49892-e114280-b)(f)
(f)
See
the
Anatomy
of
Hippocrates
and
Aristotle
.
Rufus
Ephesius
reports
,
that
he
said
of
these
juices
,
that
one
was
sweet
,
another
[
](A49892-e114320-b)(g)
(g)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
equally
mix'd
or
temperate
,
[
](A49892-e114340-b)(h)
(h)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
another
resemosed
Glass
,
which
was
a
sort
of
flegin
very
penetrant
,
another
sower
,
another
nitrous
,
another
of
the
colour
of
a
Leek
,
another
salt
,
another
bitter
,
another
like
the
yolk
of
an
Egg.
He
added
besides
these
two
other
sorts
of
Juices
,
one
which
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e114360-b)(i)
(i)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Raking
,
that
is
,
which
produced
a
sense
in
the
part
,
as
if
it
were
scrap'd
with
a
Knife
or
some
such
Instrument
,
the
other
he
call'd
[
](A49892-e114380-b)(k)
(k)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
These
names
,
as
well
as
those
taken
from
the
colour
of
a
Leek
and
the
Yo●k
of
an
Egg
are
really
new
.
But
those
of
sowre
;
bitter
,
nitrous
,
&c.
were
applied
by
Hippocrates
,
to
the
same
things
before
.
fix'd
.
[
](A49892-e114450-b)(l)
(l)
Introduct
cap●
9.
Most
diseases
according
to
him
depended
upon
these
dispositions
of
the
humours
,
and
it
was
his
opinion
,
that
it
was
in
vain
to
look
any
where
else
,
than
into
the
humours
for
the
causes
of
health
or
sickness
.
[
](A49892-e114460-b)(m)
(m)
De
sacultat
.
Nat.
l.
2.
c.
9
Galen
limits
the
number
of
humours
,
which
Praxagoras
distinguished
to
ten
,
without
reckoning
the
blood
which
makes
eleven
,
but
he
does
not
specify
what
they
were
.
There
are
divers
specimens
of
the
practice
of
Praxagoras
in
Caelius
Aurelianus
.
Amongst
other
things
we
find
that
he
was
very
much
for
[
](A49892-e114520-b)(n)
(n)
Ca●●s
Au●●lian
●out
.
l.
3.
cap.
17.
vomits
.
He
gave
them
even
in
the
Quinsey
and
in
Convulsions
,
the
same
he
did
also
in
the
Iliack
Passion
,
as
well
as
Hippocrates
,
but
he
urg'd
them
further
,
continuing
them
until
the
Excrements
came
up
at
the
mouth
,
which
is
a
symptom
that
comes
in
the
extremity
of
this
distemper
,
without
giving
a
vomit
.
He
seem'd
to
be
a
very
bold
practitioner
;
for
in
this
distemper
,
if
the
Remedies
did
not
operate
,
he
ordered
an
incision
to
be
made
into
the
Belly
,
and
even
into
the
Gut
itself
,
and
the
Excrements
to
be
drawn
out
,
and
the
wound
to
be
sewed
up
again
.
This
example
,
and
those
before
cited
,
shews
that
from
the
beginning
of
Physick
,
they
tried
all
means
they
could
think
of
to
answer
their
ends
,
how
dangerous
soever
.
As
for
the
rest
,
[
](A49892-e114540-b)(o)
(o)
R
fus
●phesius
.
Praxagoras
followed
pretty
close
the
practice
of
Hippocrates
.
He
believ●d
the
Fevers
began
in
the
Vena
Cava
,
or
that
the
seat
of
the
Fever
was
in
the
Trunk
of
the
Great
Vein
,
between
the
Liver
and
the
Kidneys
.
He
had
several
Scholars
,
the
most
considerable
of
whom
were
Herophilus
,
Philotimus
,
and
Plistonicus
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
in
the
following
Book
.
CHAP
X.
Petron.
WE
must
here
take
notice
of
one
Petron
or
Petronas
,
who
liv'd
,
as
Celsus
says
,
before
Erasistratus
,
and
Herophilus
,
and
presently
after
Hippocrates
.
Galen
[
](A49892-e114690-b)(a)
(a)
Comm●n
in
lib.
1.
〈◊〉
poc
.
de
vict
●ration●
in
●c●tis
.
after
having
spoken
of
those
who
macerate
their
Patients
by
too
long
abstinence
,
blames
this
Petron
for
t'other
extream
,
that
is
,
for
feeding
them
too
much
.
But
Celsus
before-cited
,
tells
us
something
of
his
Method
,
which
is
very
singular
.
[
](A49892-e114720-b)(b)
(b)
Celsus
l.
3
cap.
9.
Petron
,
says
he
,
covered
Men
in
Fevers
with
abundance
of
Cloaths
,
that
he
might
make
em
very
hot
,
and
very
thirsty
.
And
when
the
Fever
began
to
abate
a
little
,
gave
them
cold
water
to
drink
;
and
if
he
moved
Sweat
,
he
thought
he
had
freed
the
Patient
,
if
not
,
he
gave
them
more
cold
water
,
and
forced
them
to
Vomit
.
If
either
way
the
Fever
was
taken
off
,
he
gave
them
Roast
Pork
and
Wine
.
If
it
were
not
taken
off
,
he
gave
them
Water
,
in
which
Salt
was
boil'd
,
that
they
might
cleanse
their
Stomachs
by
Vomit
;
and
herein
consisted
his
whole
Practice
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Menecrates
and
Critobulus
.
MEnecrates
was
of
Syracuse
,
and
lived
in
the
time
of
Philip
King
of
Macedonia
,
Father
to
Alexander
the
Great
:
He
had
so
good
an
opinion
of
his
profession
,
that
he
thought
he
might
recall
the
times
,
in
which
Physicians
past
for
Gods
.
He
relished
extreamly
well
[
](A49892-e114830-b)(a)
(a)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
A
Man
equal
to
a
God
.
An
Epithete
which
he
be
stows
likewise
upon
some
other
of
his
Heroes
.
the
Epithete
,
with
which
Homer
compliments
Machaon
.
He
caused
himself
to
be
called
Jupiter
,
but
Philip
mortified
him
very
much
.
This
Prince
having
received
a
Letter
from
Menecrates
which
began
thus
.
[
](A49892-e114920-b)(b)
(b)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
To
be
joyful
or
prosperous
.
Menecrates
Jupiter
wishes
all
Prosperity
to
King
Philip
,
made
him
this
answer
;
Philip
[
](A49892-e114950-b)(c)
(c)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
to
be
in
health
These
were
all
common
salutations
in
the
Superscriptions
of
Letters
.
But
this
latter
was
used
equivocally
on
this
occasion
.
wishes
health
to
Menecrates
;
signifying
thereby
that
he
was
brain-sick
,
and
that
he
might
not
doubt
of
it
,
Philip
adds
,
that
he
advised
him
to
go
to
Anticyra
,
an
Island
famous
for
producing
Hellebore
,
used
in
the
cure
of
Mad
Folks
,
as
we
have
already
observed
.
Plutarch
reports
the
same
of
King
Agesilaus
.
Philip
put
also
another
signal
affront
upon
Menecrates
.
Having
invited
him
to
a
very
magnificent
Treat
,
he
caused
a
Table
to
be
provided
for
him
apart
upon
a
raised
Platform
,
with
a
Pot
of
Incense
upon
it
,
and
gave
order
,
that
while
the
rest
of
his
Guests
were
plentifully
treated
at
another
Table
,
(e)
Var.
Hist.
lib.
12.
c.
5.
they
shou'd
feed
him
with
smoak
.
[
](A49892-e115070-b)(d)
(d)
P.
469.
Elian
says
,
that
Menecrates
was
at
first
very
proud
of
the
Honour
that
was
done
him
,
till
hunger
began
to
press
him
.
[
](A49892-e115110-b)(f)
(f)
Deipnosophist
.
lib.
7.
c.
10.
Athenaeus
tells
us
several
other
Circumstances
altogether
as
pleasant
of
his
Conduct
.
Menecrates
(
says
this
Author
)
used
to
make
all
those
that
he
cured
of
the
Epilepsy
enter
into
an
obligation
in
Writing
,
that
they
would
obey
and
follow
him
for
the
time
to
come
,
as
Servants
do
their
Master
.
Athenaeus
adds
,
that
one
Nicostratus
of
Argos
being
freed
from
this
Distemper
by
Menccrates
,
followed
him
by
the
name
and
in
the
habit
of
Hercules
.
Another
called
Nicagoras
followed
him
in
the
habit
of
Mercury
,
Equipt
with
the
Wings
and
Caduceus
of
that
God
.
One
Astycreon
was
the
3
d
of
his
Train
,
with
the
name
and
equipage
of
Apollo
,
a
fourth
was
rigg'd
out
like
Esculapius
.
Menecrates
himself
had
on
a
purple
Robe
,
with
a
Crown
of
Gold
on
his
head
,
and
a
Scepter
in
his
hand
,
with
the
Buskins
of
the
Gods
.
With
this
Train
of
Gods
he
took
a
progress
through
the
Cities
of
Greece
.
He
wrote
to
King
Philip
in
these
Terms
,
You
reign
over
Macedonia
,
and
can
when
you
please
destroy
those
that
are
in
health
,
but
I
can
restore
health
and
preserve
it
to
those
that
have
it
,
if
they
be
obedient
to
me
,
and
can
secure
them
to
old
Age.
Your
Macedonians
are
your
Guards
and
Followers
,
those
that
outlive
Distempers
are
mine
,
for
I
Jupiter
give
Life
.
The
History
of
this
Physician
will
serve
to
divert
the
Reader
,
if
it
be
of
no
other
use
.
There
was
likewise
another
Menecrates
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
of
in
his
turn
,
that
we
may
not
confound
him
with
the
former
,
[
](A49892-e115350-b)(g)
(g)
De
Philosophia
cap.
11.
as
Vossius
has
done
.
There
was
at
the
same
time
another
Physician
of
more
prudence
than
Menecrates
,
he
was
called
Critobulus
.
[
](A49892-e115400-b)(h)
(h)
Plin.
lib.
7.
cap.
37.
He
succeeded
so
happily
in
drawing
the
Arrow
out
of
the
Eye
of
King
Philip
,
and
in
the
management
of
the
Cure
,
that
it
occasioned
no
deformity
to
his
Face
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
Philip
,
Glaucias
,
Alexippus
,
Pausasanias
,
Alexais
,
and
Androcydas
.
AMong
the
Physicians
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
was
one
Philip
,
an
Acarnanian
,
in
whom
he
reposed
so
much
confidence
,
that
he
took
before
his
Face
a
Medicine
which
he
had
brought
him
,
before
his
Physician
could
read
a
Letter
,
which
Alexander
put
into
his
hands
,
at
the
same
time
,
by
which
he
receiv'd
advice
,
that
Philip
would
poyson
him
This
may
very
well
be
the
same
Philip
,
who
is
by
[
](A49892-e115520-b)(a)
(a)
Lib.
3.
cap.
21.
Celsus
called
an
Epirot
,
Acarnania
being
a
part
of
Epirus
.
This
latter
Philip
,
says
this
Author
,
being
at
the
Court
of
King
Antigonus
,
and
having
promised
to
cure
one
of
his
Courtlers
of
a
Dropsie
of
the
mildest
kind
,
had
not
the
success
he
expected
,
through
the
irregularity
of
his
Patient
,
who
,
instead
of
abstaining
from
meat
and
drink
,
as
he
was
ordered
,
eat
the
very
Cataplasms
that
were
applied
to
him
,
and
drank
his
own
Water
.
'T
is
not
impossible
,
but
that
the
same
Philip
,
who
was
Physician
to
Alexander
,
might
be
so
also
to
Antigonus
his
Successor
in
Asia
.
This
Physician
followed
in
some
measure
the
method
of
Hippocrates
,
who
ordered
his
Patients
to
eat
and
drink
very
little
in
a
Dropsie
.
The
Author
of
this
History
adds
,
that
another
famous
Physician
,
who
was
Scholar
to
Chrisippus
,
had
before
prognosticated
,
that
the
Patient
would
not
be
cured
;
and
being
told
,
that
Philip
promised
to
cure
him
,
made
answer
,
that
Philip
considered
only
the
Disease
,
but
he
the
humour
of
the
Patient
.
This
Physician
in
all
probability
could
be
none
but
Erasistratus
,
of
whom
we
shall
speak
in
the
following
book
.
Gla●cias
,
another
Physician
of
Alexander
,
was
more
unhappy
than
the
former
.
For
Alexander
imputing
to
him
the
Death
of
his
favourite
Hephaestion
,
who
was
his
Patient
in
his
last
Sickness
,
caused
him
to
be
crucified
.
Plutarch
speaks
of
two
more
Physicians
to
Alexander
,
or
great
men
of
his
Court
,
whereof
one
was
called
Alexippus
and
the
other
Pausanias
,
saying
that
the
first
having
cured
Peucestas
of
a
Disease
,
Alexander
wrote
him
a
Letter
of
thanks
,
and
the
latter
intending
to
give
Hellebore
to
Craterus
,
he
wrote
to
him
also
partly
to
testifie
his
concern
for
Craterus
his
Illness
,
and
partly
to
exhort
the
Physician
,
to
proceed
with
all
the
caution
necessary
,
to
make
his
Medicine
effectual
.
Pliny
mentions
a
Physician
named
Androcydas
,
who
wrote
to
Alexander
in
these
Term●
,
When
you
drink
Wine
,
remember
that
you
drink
the
Blood
of
the
Earth
;
he
adds
,
that
as
Hemlock
is
poyson
to
a
man
,
so
Wine
is
poyson
to
Hemlock
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Syennesis
,
Diogenes
,
Clidemus
,
Thrasias
,
and
Alexias
.
TO
the
preceeding
Physician
we
may
add
,
those
that
are
cited
by
Aristotle
and
Theophrastus
,
and
are
not
reckoned
among
the
Antient
Physicians
;
as
one
(a)
Syennesis
of
Cyprus
,
and
one
Diogenes
Apolloniates
of
whom
the
former
makes
mention
,
reporting
some
fragments
of
their
writing
,
by
which
it
appears
that
they
believed
with
Polybus
,
that
the
Veins
have
their
Origine
from
the
Head
.
One
Clidemus
of
Plataea
,
cited
by
the
latter
,
and
one
Thrasias
of
Montine
,
who
bragg'd
that
he
had
a
Drug
of
such
a
property
,
that
it
would
kill
without
pain
.
The
same
Thrasias
used
to
say
,
that
the
same
thing
would
purge
one
man
and
not
another
,
which
he
proved
by
the
example
of
a
Shepherd
that
eat
a
handful
of
Hellebore
without
being
moved
by
it
.
To
this
Shepherd
,
he
added
one
of
his
own
Scholars
,
who
was
also
a
famous
Physician
,
one
Eudemus
a
seller
of
Medicines
,
and
another
Eudemus
of
Chio
,
who
were
all
unmoved
by
Hellebore
.