CHAP.
I.
Of
the
Design
of
Mr.
Baxter's
Church
History
,
and
his
Notion
of
Primitive
congregational
Episcopacy
.
THERE
is
nothing
so
fatal
to
Christian
Religion
,
as
our
unhappy
Dissentions
about
it
,
especially
such
as
divide
the
Church
into
Parties
,
abhorring
each
others
Communion
:
for
besides
that
,
the
very
Disagreement
between
men
of
the
same
Profession
,
brings
the
whole
Doctrine
under
suspition
of
Falshood
or
Uncertainty
;
the
Method
that
the
Parties
contending
,
commonly
make
use
of
to
set
up
themselves
,
by
the
Disparagement
and
Reproach
of
the
contrary
side
,
serves
to
bring
them
and
their
Religion
into
the
lowest
Contempt
:
and
the
Result
of
all
is
,
that
the
common
Enemy
is
made
Judge
between
them
,
who
fairly
sums
up
the
Evidence
,
and
passes
Sentence
upon
all
sides
,
according
to
their
mutual
Accusation
.
This
sad
Truth
is
but
too
much
confirmed
,
by
the
experience
of
our
times
,
wherein
there
are
few
so
happily
removed
from
the
noise
of
profane
Conversation
,
as
not
frequently
to
hear
the
scurrilous
Blasphemies
of
the
Atheist
,
under
pretence
of
running
down
the
several
Factions
in
Religion
;
't
is
this
gives
them
Shelter
and
Protection
,
and
while
they
pretend
to
expose
this
or
that
Party
,
they
have
the
Opportunity
,
with
little
change
of
Company
,
to
mock
all
Religion
by
parcels
,
and
that
with
the
great
good
likeing
and
approbation
of
Christians
themselves
.
This
is
no
such
News
,
but
that
most
men
seem
to
be
sensible
of
it
,
and
bewail
the
thriving
of
Prophaneness
,
by
the
Countenance
that
it
receives
from
our
Differences
;
yet
for
all
this
,
how
few
abate
any
thing
of
their
Fierceness
?
How
few
will
be
so
moderate
as
to
sacrifice
even
the
most
disingenious
Arts
of
Contention
,
Calumny
,
and
Railing
,
to
the
Safety
and
Honour
of
our
common
Faith
.
I
wish
Mr.
B.
had
had
this
Consideration
before
him
when
he
set
upon
the
writing
of
his
Church
History
of
Bishops
,
and
their
Councils
abridged
,
he
has
indeed
sufficiently
abridg'd
all
the
good
Services
that
Bishops
and
Councils
have
done
to
the
Church
,
but
their
Miscarriages
he
has
enlarg'd
upon
to
purpose
,
and
sometimes
,
by
a
foul
Juggle
,
conveyed
the
best
of
their
Actions
into
the
Catalogue
of
their
Crimes
,
and
their
greatest
Services
for
Religion
,
prove
a
considerable
part
of
their
Endictment
.
I
must
confess
,
I
never
saw
any
thing
that
in
my
Judgment
reflected
with
more
dishonour
upon
Religion
,
than
this
strange
account
that
he
has
given
of
the
progress
of
it
,
and
the
frightful
Representation
that
he
has
made
of
the
Church
in
all
Ages
;
Heathens
have
been
civil
and
modest
in
their
Character
of
us
,
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
though
he
be
something
sharp
upon
Damasus
,
Bishop
of
Rome
,
yet
speaks
honourably
of
the
generality
of
Christian
Bishops
;
Zosimus
does
not
mention
Chrysostom
with
any
disrespct
,
But
this
perhaps
will
be
thought
not
to
concern
the
Church
,
but
the
Bishops
only
,
who
are
charged
with
these
Misdemeanours
,
and
dishonour'd
by
this
Representation
.
He
must
have
a
strange
notion
of
the
Church
,
that
can
think
it
unconcerned
in
the
dishonour
of
those
by
whom
it
is
governed
:
for
if
one
should
write
a
Book
,
and
call
it
the
History
of
the
English
Nation
,
which
should
only
represent
the
Vices
of
our
Kings
,
the
Contentions
and
Disagreements
of
our
Parliaments
,
the
Weakness
and
Corruption
of
our
Ministers
of
State
and
Justice
,
and
represent
all
persons
that
were
eminent
enough
to
hold
any
place
in
Story
,
under
mean
and
infamous
Characters
;
he
must
needs
have
a
very
metaphysical
Moderation
,
,
that
could
think
the
honour
of
the
Nation
unconcerned
,
and
that
it
was
no
Reflection
upon
the
English
name
.
God
forbid
I
should
charge
the
Design
of
the
Author
with
any
disservice
to
Religion
;
but
well-meaning
men
do
sometimes
pursue
their
Resentments
too
far
,
and
so
they
can
be
revenged
of
their
Enemies
,
pursue
them
into
the
Church
,
and
set
upon
them
in
the
Sanctuary
,
not
considering
how
much
it
is
violated
and
profaned
by
the
Action
.
But
Mr.
B.
is
not
insensible
of
the
evil
use
that
may
be
made
of
this
book
,
and
therefore
endeavours
to
prevent
it
by
wholsome
Caution
,
and
frequently
in
his
History
starting
like
a
man
affrighted
to
see
that
which
he
though
to
have
been
a
Rod
turn'd
into
a
Serpent
,
streight
applies
what
Remedies
he
can
against
the
Poyson
:
he
does
in
the
first
place
warm
the
Reader
,
that
he
do
not
abuse
this
into
Diabolisme
.
But
alas
it
is
a
poor
Relief
,
to
forbid
an
Enemy
to
make
use
of
those
Weapons
you
have
put
into
his
hands
,
to
leave
the
Honour
of
our
Religion
at
his
Mercy
,
and
then
to
desire
him
to
be
generous
,
not
to
make
use
of
his
Advantage
.
However
,
if
the
Scorner
should
prove
perverse
and
take
no
Warning
,
Mr.
B.
proceeds
to
confute
his
reasoning
,
and
his
Inference
,
by
saying
that
this
scandalous
account
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Councils
,
concludes
nothing
to
the
discredit
of
Church
or
Religion
;
for
there
were
many
good
men
that
were
not
Bishops
but
Presbyters
,
Monks
,
or
Lay-men
;
nay
,
But
I
must
take
leave
to
pursue
this
point
upon
another
Supposition
than
he
does
,
for
he
takes
all
his
History
to
be
a
true
and
just
representation
of
things
,
and
upon
that
supposal
,
makes
his
Vindication
of
the
Church
;
which
I
hope
is
a
mistake
in
him
,
and
will
endeavour
to
shew
,
is
very
far
from
being
true
;
nay
on
the
contrary
,
it
is
the
most
injurious
Character
and
the
most
unsuitable
to
the
persons
it
is
fastned
upon
,
that
can
be
imagined
:
this
I
take
the
great
Confidence
to
do
,
because
I
am
persuaded
,
Mr.
B.
would
be
very
glad
this
dishonourable
Character
,
even
of
Bishops
,
should
be
found
a
Mistake
,
rather
than
it
should
be
true
,
to
the
Disparagement
of
the
Christian
Name
.
It
is
true
,
that
in
the
Western
Church
,
the
generality
of
the
Clergy
,
as
well
as
Laity
,
were
so
grievously
corrupted
;
as
well
in
Doctrine
as
Discipline
,
in
some
of
the
Ages
that
were
more
removed
from
our
Saviour
,
that
we
must
make
use
of
God's
Vindication
of
the
Church
of
Israel
to
Elijah
,
to
excuse
it
from
a
total
Defection
;
but
for
the
first
four
or
five
hundred
years
(
thanks
be
to
God
)
there
is
no
need
of
that
refuge
:
for
the
generality
of
the
Christians
of
those
times
,
and
the
Bishops
more
eminently
,
were
men
of
that
Holiness
and
Integrity
,
as
reconciled
the
most
obstinate
Prejudices
against
their
Religion
:
men
of
so
exact
and
punctual
a
Justice
,
of
so
frank
and
unstinted
a
Charity
,
of
so
severe
a
Temperance
,
of
so
grave
and
weigh'd
Conversation
,
that
their
Memory
does
still
command
an
universal
Veneration
,
and
their
Examples
remain
a
reproach
to
the
degeneracy
of
after
Ages
.
What
sort
of
men
did
the
World
know
,
that
were
greater
Undervaluers
of
it
?
Upon
whom
did
the
Temptations
of
Wealth
,
or
Honour
,
or
Pleasure
,
prevail
less
?
What
Society
of
men
was
ever
united
by
so
powerful
Bands
of
Friendship
and
Affection
?
No
Religion
had
ever
so
constant
and
faithful
Adherers
,
whom
no
Danger
,
no
Loss
,
no
Death
could
fright
from
the
Acknowledgment
of
the
Truth
,
which
is
after
Godliness
,
in
hope
of
eternal
Life
.
And
all
this
owing
next
to
the
Grace
of
God
,
and
the
Precepts
of
so
holy
a
Religion
,
to
the
Guidance
and
Example
of
the
Bishops
.
It
was
by
their
Ministry
,
that
Churches
were
multiplyed
,
and
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
enlarged
:
by
their
Care
,
that
they
were
preserved
in
Peace
and
Unanimity
.
These
were
the
great
Champions
for
Religion
,
that
maintainld
the
Purity
of
the
Faith
against
Paul
of
Samosata
,
Arrius
,
Eunomius
,
Photinus
,
Macedonius
,
Pelagius
,
Nestorius
,
Eutyches
,
and
innumerable
other
pestilent
Hereticks
,
and
Overthrowers
of
the
Foundation
of
our
Religion
.
But
with
all
this
,
they
were
men
,
subject
to
the
same
Passions
and
Mistakes
with
us
,
and
if
some
among
them
were
evil
men
,
and
the
best
of
them
had
his
Failings
,
it
is
not
to
be
wondered
at
,
much
less
to
be
aggravated
,
to
the
Disparagement
of
the
Order
.
They
were
generally
,
men
of
severe
Lives
,
and
that
naturally
sharpens
the
Temper
,
and
renders
it
more
rigid
and
uncomplying
;
they
had
an
extraordinary
Zeal
for
Religion
,
and
that
oftentimes
made
them
take
Alarme
,
when
it
was
not
in
any
extream
danger
;
and
if
their
Knowledge
and
Discretion
were
not
always
proportionable
to
their
Zeal
,
surely
among
Christians
it
might
be
allowed
to
the
Frailty
of
Humane
Nature
,
and
the
Sincerity
of
a
good
meaning
;
If
they
differ'd
sometimes
among
themselves
,
and
were
warmer
than
is
fit
in
their
Disputes
;
consider
that
the
Apostles
themselves
had
their
Misunderstandings
,
and
their
Contentions
;
sometimes
Peter
was
to
be
blamed
,
and
Barnabas
was
carried
away
.
The
Churches
founded
by
the
Apostles
,
were
immediately
divided
about
Opinions
,
which
were
presently
determined
in
Council
;
and
yet
we
do
not
find
that
the
Controversie
was
at
an
end
.
Should
any
one
therefore
so
abridge
the
History
of
the
Apostles
,
as
to
represent
nothing
of
them
,
but
their
unhappy
Contention
,
and
leave
them
under
the
odious
Characters
of
Disturbers
of
the
World
,
and
Dividers
of
the
Church
?
would
it
not
justly
pass
for
a
Libel
against
Christianity
?
It
were
disingenious
and
base
,
even
in
an
Enemy
,
in
a
Christian
I
know
not
how
to
call
it
.
Having
paid
this
duty
to
the
honour
of
Religion
by
a
general
Vindication
of
it
from
such
Consequences
as
might
be
drawn
from
this
Church
History
against
the
Intention
of
the
Author
,
I
come
now
to
his
design
,
which
is
laid
down
,
page
27.
To
shew
the
Ignorant
so
much
of
the
matter
of
Fact
,
as
may
tell
them
who
have
been
the
Cause
of
all
Church-Corruption
,
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
Seditions
,
&c.
And
whether
such
Diocesan
,
Prelacies
and
Grandure
,
be
the
Cure
,
or
ever
was
.
]
But
surely
,
this
is
not
the
way
of
cureing
Church-divisions
thus
to
exasperate
.
These
Reproaches
cannot
serve
to
heal
,
but
to
fret
and
inflame
the
Wound
;
I
have
some
hopes
that
I
shall
be
able
to
shew
the
Reader
so
much
of
the
matter
of
Fact
too
,
as
may
let
him
see
how
much
he
has
been
imposed
on
by
this
History
,
and
that
all
Corruptions
and
Schisms
,
are
very
injuriously
,
and
against
all
Truth
of
History
,
charg'd
upon
the
Bishops
.
Yet
suppose
the
Charge
be
true
,
is
it
such
a
Wonder
,
that
men
of
great
Talents
and
great
Authority
do
sometimes
abuse
them
,
and
by
that
means
become
the
Cause
of
Church-Corruptions
?
Private
men
though
neither
better
nor
wiser
than
the
Bishops
,
have
not
the
Opportunity
of
doing
so
much
either
Good
or
Hurt
,
and
their
Mistakes
or
Vices
do
not
draw
after
them
so
great
Consequences
.
This
Accusation
though
it
may
serve
to
render
Bishops
odious
,
is
yet
of
use
to
prove
their
Authority
,
and
their
ancient
possession
of
the
right
of
governing
the
Church
;
like
his
who
would
prove
,
that
they
have
troubled
the
World
ever
since
the
Apostles
time
.
If
the
abuse
of
this
Power
be
sufficient
reason
to
take
it
away
,
or
to
render
it
odious
,
what
will
become
of
preaching
,
and
writing
Books
?
What
will
become
of
Scripture
and
Conscience
?
Let
him
still
exclaim
,
the
Bishops
have
been
the
Authors
of
all
Corruption
and
Schism
,
were
they
not
Christians
and
Men
as
well
as
Bishops
?
and
if
a
Heathen
or
a
Jew
should
not
lay
such
a
Stress
upon
the
name
of
Bishop
,
but
put
that
of
a
Christian
in
it's
place
,
and
then
make
a
great
Outery
,
wicked
Christians
!
turbulent
Christians
!
would
not
this
reasoning
hold
as
well
as
Mr.
B's
?
or
if
some
of
the
graver
Beasts
should
recover
the
Conversation
they
had
in
Aesop's
days
,
and
talk
judicially
,
might
not
they
bray
aloud
,
Horrible
men
!
Abominable
men
!
that
will
never
agree
or
understand
one
another
,
and
then
conclude
with
the
Ass
in
the
Satyr
.
Ma
foy
non
plus
que
nous
l'home
n'est
qu'une
bête
.
Be
the
Bishops
,
whose
History
Mr.
B.
writes
,
as
bad
as
he
will
have
them
,
how
will
this
concern
the
rest
of
that
order
,
unless
they
will
follow
their
Examples
,
and
own
their
Corruptions
:
Machiavel
was
of
Opinion
,
that
the
greatest
part
of
men
were
Rogues
and
Knaves
,
but
what
is
that
to
You
and
I
?
let
every
man
bear
his
own
Burden
.
But
Mr.
B.
is
resolved
to
cut
off
this
Retreat
,
and
to
level
his
Charge
,
not
so
much
against
the
Persons
as
the
office
of
Bishops
,
and
to
this
effect
,
he
explains
himself
,
p.
22.
There
is
an
Episcopacy
whose
very
Constitution
is
a
Crime
;
and
there
is
another
that
seems
to
me
,
a
thing
convenient
,
lawful
,
and
indifferent
,
and
there
is
a
sort
which
I
cannot
deny
to
be
of
divine
Right
.
]
Here
we
have
three
sorts
of
Bishops
,
and
this
is
pretty
reasonable
and
compendious
,
but
in
another
Book
which
he
refers
to
in
this
,
he
gives
no
less
than
twelve
;
That
Episcopacy
which
I
take
in
it self
to
be
a
Crime
,
is
such
as
is
afore-mentioned
,
which
in
it's
very
Constitution
,
overthrows
the
Office
,
Church
and
Discipline
,
which
Christ
,
by
himself
and
his
Spirit
in
his
Apostles
,
instituted
:
]
this
is
criminal
indeed
and
a
thousand
Pities
it
should
stand
one
Moment
.
But
where
shall
we
find
this
Abomination
?
it
is
not
far
of
,
if
his
Judgment
may
be
taken
;
for
,
Such
says
he
,
I
take
to
be
that
Diocesan
kind
,
which
has
only
one
Bishop
over
many
Score
or
Hundred
fixt
parochial
Assemblies
.
Is
this
then
their
Crime
,
that
they
have
many
fixt
parochial
Assemblies
under
their
Government
?
Had
not
the
Apostles
?
Had
not
the
Evangelists
so
too
?
And
was
that
Constitution
criminal
?
Had
not
the
Bishops
of
St.
Jerom's
Notion
several
fixt
Assemblies
?
That
Father
did
indeed
maintain
that
the
poor
Bishop
of
Eugubium
was
as
much
a
Bishop
,
as
he
of
Rome
;
but
he
little
thought
that
he
was
more
so
,
or
that
the
Extent
of
the
Roman
Diocess
had
chang'd
the
very
Species
of
it's
Church
Government
:
But
let
St.
Jerom
think
as
he
pleases
,
Mr.
B.
is
of
another
Opinion
,
and
now
let
us
consider
his
Reasons
.
By
this
means
(
says
he
)
parochial
Assemblies
are
made
by
them
(
the
Bishops
)
no
Churches
,
as
having
no
ruling
Pastors
,
that
have
the
Power
of
judging
,
who
to
baptize
or
admit
to
Communion
or
Refuse
,
but
only
of
Chappels
,
having
Preaching
Curates
.
]
But
must
every
Parish
be
an
independent
Church
,
and
exercise
all
Authority
and
Jurisdiction
within
it's
self
?
May
not
several
Parishes
associate
under
the
Discipline
of
the
same
Bishop
,
but
that
they
must
be
unchurch'd
?
If
it
be
no
Church
that
has
no
Bishop
,
what
will
become
of
all
Presbyterian
Churches
,
that
are
subject
to
Classes
?
do
not
they
unchurch
Parishes
as
well
as
Bishops
?
But
they
are
made
no
Churches
for
want
of
governing
Pastors
;
this
is
a
great
Mistake
,
every
Parish
with
us
has
a
governing
Pastor
,
but
it
is
in
Subordination
to
the
Bishop
,
and
with
Exception
to
some
Acts
that
concern
the
general
Union
of
all
the
Parishes
associated
.
Is
he
no
Governour
,
because
he
is
not
Independent
?
Is
he
no
Officer
that
is
subordinate
?
At
this
rate
,
every
Constable
should
be
a
King
,
and
every
Captain
a
General
.
But
our
Pastors
Mr.
B.
says
,
have
not
the
Power
of
judging
whom
to
Baptize
,
]
this
is
a
Calumny
that
has
not
the
least
Shadow
of
Truth
,
and
the
contrary
is
notorious
:
That
they
have
no
power
to
admit
to
Communion
or
Refuse
,
is
not
true
;
they
have
Power
to
admit
any
one
that
is
not
excommunicated
,
or
naturally
incapable
;
and
they
may
likewise
refuse
the
Communion
to
such
as
they
judge
notoriously
unfit
,
but
must
afterwards
approve
their
reasons
to
the
Bishop
.
Several
have
used
their
Liberty
and
Discretion
in
this
point
,
without
Offence
;
however
,
it
is
but
fit
,
that
since
the
peace
of
the
Church
does
greatly
depend
upon
the
right
Application
of
Church-censures
,
there
should
be
a
Restraint
laid
upon
ordinary
Ministers
in
this
particular
;
yet
there
is
no
Church-censure
can
have
any
effect
,
without
the
Consent
of
the
Minister
of
that
Parish
where
he
lives
,
against
whom
it
is
directed
:
The
Ministers
Refusal
indeed
may
expose
him
to
great
Inconveniences
,
and
it
is
but
just
,
when
his
Refusal
is
only
the
effect
of
Opposition
,
yet
he
has
time
and
opportunity
to
produce
his
Reasons
;
and
why
should
he
despair
in
a
just
Canse
of
convincing
his
Ordinary
?
However
,
though
the
Power
of
Church-censures
be
not
allowed
Parish
Presbyters
under
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
it
is
no
Diminution
of
the
right
;
for
neither
under
the
Apostles
,
nor
the
Primitive
Bishops
,
did
they
ever
exercise
it
as
principals
or
independent
.
2.
Mr.
B's
second
Reason
against
Diocesan
Episcopacy
is
,
That
all
the
first
Order
of
Bishops
in
single
Churches
is
depos'd
;
as
if
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
should
have
put
down
a
thousand
Bishops
,
about
him
,
and
made
himself
the
sole
Bishop
of
the
Churches
.
]
This
reason
goes
upon
the
same
Supposition
with
the
other
,
that
every
single
Congregation
had
a
Bishop
,
the
proof
of
which
we
will
examine
in
due
place
.
The
Bishops
of
great
Cities
had
several
Parishes
or
Congregations
under
them
in
the
first
times
,
which
never
had
any
other
Bishops
but
themselves
;
and
it
was
not
this
but
the
contrary
,
that
was
the
fault
of
great
Bishops
and
Metropolitans
of
old
:
for
instead
of
deposing
little
Bishops
,
they
multiply'd
them
to
strengthen
their
Party
in
Councils
,
3.
His
third
Reason
is
,
That
the
Office
of
Presbyters
is
changed
to
Semi-presbyters
,
]
What
then
is
the
Office
of
a
Presbyter
?
Is
it
not
to
preach
,
and
to
be
the
mouth
of
the
Congregation
in
publick
Worship
?
to
administer
the
Sacraments
?
to
exhort
?
to
admonish
,
to
absolve
the
penitent
,
to
visit
the
sick
?
This
all
Presbyters
in
the
Church
of
England
have
full
liberty
to
do
;
and
I
wish
all
would
take
care
to
execute
their
Function
,
as
fully
as
it
is
permitted
them
.
4.
Discipline
is
made
impossible
,
as
it
is
for
one
General
without
inferiour
Captains
,
to
rule
an
Army
.
]
But
are
there
not
subordinate
Officers
in
the
Church
,
as
well
as
in
the
Camp
?
How
then
is
Discipline
impossible
?
If
the
General
reserve
to
himself
certain
Acts
of
Jurisdiction
,
does
he
by
that
means
supersede
the
Commissions
of
all
inferiour
Commanders
?
Mr.
B.
is
much
upon
the
point
of
Discipline's
being
impossible
under
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
because
one
man
,
he
thinks
,
cannot
govern
so
many
Parishes
.
Admit
in
all
things
he
may
not
,
nor
is
it
necessary
he
should
,
but
in
such
Acts
of
Government
that
are
reserved
to
him
,
it
is
possible
enough
,
and
has
been
practised
from
the
days
of
the
Apostles
,
to
this
present
time
.
This
Point
you
may
find
excellently
discuss'd
by
Mr.
Dodwel
,
in
his
second
Letter
to
Mr.
B.
which
Mr.
B.
confutes
briefly
,
(
Cb.
Hist.
2.
part
)
by
telling
the
Reader
,
that
if
he
will
believe
those
reasons
,
he
has
no
hopes
of
him
;
a
short
way
of
confuting
,
and
one
would
wonder
,
that
he
that
makes
use
of
it
should
write
so
many
and
great
Books
of
Controversie
.
Yet
this
I
must
add
,
that
if
it
be
impossible
now
,
't
is
fit
to
let
the
World
know
who
has
made
it
so
;
the
Dissenters
themselves
have
first
weakned
the
Authority
,
and
obstructed
the
Execution
of
Discipline
;
and
when
the
subordinate
Officers
agitated
,
caballed
against
their
Superiour
Commanders
,
it
is
not
wonder
if
Government
be
made
impracticable
.
However
,
the
Accusation
sounds
ill
from
those
men
,
by
whose
Mutiny
and
seditious
Practises
,
things
have
been
brought
to
that
evil
Pass
.
Mr.
B.
pursues
his
point
further
,
Much
more
does
it
become
then
unlawful
,
when
first
deposing
all
Presbyters
from
Government
by
the
Keys
of
Discipline
they
put
the
same
Keys
,
even
the
Power
of
decretive
Excommunication
and
Absolution
into
the
hands
of
Laymen
called
Chancellors
,
and
set
up
Courts
liker
to
the
Civil
than
Ecclesiastical
.
]
It
is
a
Question
I
cannot
easily
resolve
,
whether
it
be
the
King
or
the
Bishop
that
governs
by
the
Chancellor
,
but
whoever
governs
by
them
,
they
neither
have
no
nought
to
have
the
Power
of
Decisive
Excommunication
,
or
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
but
act
only
as
Assistants
,
and
judges
of
matter
of
Fact
,
and
apply
the
Canons
,
which
determine
what
Offences
are
to
be
punish'd
with
Excommunication
;
if
they
do
any
more
,
I
neither
undertake
the
Defence
,
nor
will
I
suppose
those
that
employ
them
,
own
their
Actions
any
farther
.
However
,
the
Presbyterians
fall
under
the
same
Censure
with
our
Diocesans
,
for
their
Elders
do
directly
excommunicate
,
and
yet
are
lay-men
.
It
would
be
much
to
the
Advantage
as
well
as
the
Reputation
of
our
Dissenters
,
if
they
would
first
agree
,
and
correct
those
Abuses
among
themselves
,
which
they
so
sharply
exclaim
against
in
our
Church
.
2.
When
they
oblige
the
Magistrate
to
execute
their
Decrees
by
the
Sword
,
be
they
just
or
unjust
,
and
to
lay
men
in
Goals
,
and
ruine
them
,
because
they
are
excommunicated
by
Bishops
,
Chancellors
,
&c.
This
is
the
Law
of
the
State
,
and
not
of
the
Church
,
and
therefore
is
not
to
be
charged
upon
Diocesan
Episcopacy
;
besides
,
now
there
are
few
that
have
reason
to
complain
of
this
,
there
are
those
Evasions
found
that
render
that
Law
insignificant
;
but
the
Threatning
Princes
and
Magistrates
with
Excommunications
,
if
not
Depositions
,
if
they
do
communicate
with
those
whom
the
Bishops
have
excommunicated
,
belongs
not
at
all
to
our
Diocesan
Episcopacy
:
let
the
Papists
,
who
hold
this
Dostrine
,
or
the
rigid
Scotch
Presbyterians
,
who
seem
to
have
outdone
the
Popes
in
their
Claim
of
Authority
over
Sovereign
Princes
,
answer
it
if
they
can
.
3.
Or
when
they
arrogate
the
Power
of
the
Sword
to
themselves
,
as
Socrates
says
Cyril
did
.
Mr.
B.
has
declared
himself
,
The
next
Paragraph
I
am
loth
to
meddle
with
,
it
is
little
else
but
Biitterness
and
Railing
,
and
this
I
have
neither
Skill
nor
Inclination
to
answer
;
yet
because
it
is
set
down
as
the
highest
Aggravation
of
Diocesan
Tyranny
,
I
must
say
something
to
it
,
lest
I
should
be
thought
to
be
ashamed
of
the
Cause
,
and
to
desert
it
.
It
becomes
much
worse
,
Mr.
B.
)
by
tyrannical
Abuse
,
when
being
unable
and
unwilling
to
exercise
true
Discipline
(
and
so
many
hundred
Parishes
)
they
have
multitude
of
Atheists
,
Infidels
,
gross
Ignorants
,
and
wicked
Livers
in
Church
Communion
;
yea
compel
all
in
their
Parishes
to
communicate
,
upon
pain
of
Imprisonment
and
Ruine
,
and
turn
their
Censures
cruelly
against
godly
persons
,
that
dare
not
obey
them
in
all
their
Formalities
,
Ceremonies
,
and
Impositions
,
for
fear
of
sinning
against
God
.
I
am
afraid
,
there
are
too
many
wicked
men
in
all
Communions
,
and
the
Communion
,
or
as
they
call
it
,
the
Religion
of
the
State
,
will
have
the
most
,
for
Reasons
I
need
not
mention
:
but
it
is
oftentimes
a
hard
thing
to
know
them
,
and
until
they
are
discovered
it
can
be
no
Reproach
to
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
that
they
are
in
outward
Communion
,
but
all
sorts
of
People
,
and
these
with
the
rest
,
are
forced
into
our
Communion
.
]
They
are
indeed
obliged
to
come
to
Church
,
and
to
receive
the
Sacrament
three
times
in
the
year
;
but
all
this
is
upon
the
Supposition
of
their
being
Christians
:
if
they
declare
to
the
contrary
,
they
are
immediately
exempted
from
all
Church-Jurisdiction
;
and
for
the
Civil
,
let
them
deal
with
it
as
well
as
they
can
.
It
is
the
duty
of
every
Christian
to
come
to
Church
and
receive
the
Sacrament
,
and
because
all
that
have
been
baptised
and
have
not
renounced
the
Faith
,
are
presum'd
to
be
Christians
;
it
is
doubtless
,
lawful
to
quicken
them
to
that
which
is
their
Duty
by
Penalties
upon
the
neglect
of
it
.
As
for
the
Atheists
and
Infidels
declared
,
if
they
are
admitted
to
Communion
,
it
is
an
unexcusable
fault
of
Discipline
,
yet
such
as
is
to
be
charged
on
the
Minister
of
the
Parish
that
receives
them
,
rather
than
the
Bishop
;
and
for
the
being
of
any
such
men
amongst
us
,
that
is
not
so
much
to
be
imputed
to
the
defect
of
present
Discipline
,
as
to
the
licentiousness
of
the
late
unhappy
times
,
and
the
Offence
that
was
given
to
light
and
unsteady
minds
,
by
such
pretended
Saints
as
made
Religion
their
Warrant
for
all
their
barbarous
Villanies
they
committed
.
But
wicked
Livers
(
he
adds
)
are
forced
into
Church-Communion
by
the
Bishops
.
]
gross
Ignorants
are
admitted
to
the
Communion
,
can
be
charged
upon
no
other
than
the
Minister
of
that
place
,
whose
Duty
it
is
,
to
instruct
them
in
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
,
and
the
Bishops
are
so
far
from
obstructing
the
Exercise
of
this
Duty
,
that
there
is
hardly
any
thing
which
they
press
with
greater
Earnesiness
.
As
to
those
godly
persons
who
dare
not
obey
the
Orders
of
Bishops
,
in
point
of
Church-Communion
,
and
cannot
bring
their
Conscience
to
comply
with
Ceremonies
and
Formalities
.
]
Whether
it
be
their
Fault
or
Misfortune
,
I
pity
them
heartily
;
but
I
believe
this
ought
not
to
be
charg'd
upon
the
Constitution
of
our
Episcopacy
:
for
if
the
King
and
the
great
Senate
of
the
Nation
,
after
Experience
of
former
Troubles
,
should
think
fit
to
impose
this
as
a
Test
upon
such
as
they
thought
the
Government
not
secure
of
:
what
is
all
this
to
Diocesan
Episcopacy
?
The
next
Paragraph
concludes
the
Arraignment
of
Diocesan
Bishops
,
Now
least
you
should
take
Mr.
B.
for
an
Enemy
to
Bishops
,
for
one
sort
he
rejects
he
receives
two
,
the
first
,
such
as
St.
Jerom
says
Was
brought
into
the
Church
for
a
Remedy
against
Schism
;
the
Bishop
of
this
Constitution
was
it
preside
over
Presbyters
,
and
without
him
nothing
of
Moment
was
to
be
done
in
the
Church
.
Mr.
B.
makes
use
of
them
to
serve
his
own
Turn
)
that
a
Presbyter
was
not
to
preach
in
the
Presence
of
the
Bishop
,
what
then
?
Shall
they
only
read
the
Offices
of
the
Church
?
This
is
to
fall
into
worse
than
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
to
make
Presbyters
,
not
Preaching
,
but
,
what
sounds
much
meaner
,
reading
Curates
only
to
the
Bishops
.
There
is
another
sort
of
Bishops
that
he
dares
not
deny
to
be
of
divine
Institution
,
And
they
are
such
as
succeed
the
Apostles
in
the
ordinary
part
of
Church-Government
,
while
some
senior
Pastors
have
the
supervising
Care
of
many
Churches
,
(
as
the
Visitors
had
in
Scotland
,
)
and
are
so
far
Episcopi
Episcoporum
,
and
Arch-bishops
,
having
no
constraining
Power
of
the
Sword
,
but
a
Power
to
admonish
and
instruct
the
Pastors
,
and
to
regulate
Ordinations
,
Synods
,
and
all
great
and
common
Circumstances
that
belong
to
Churches
;
for
if
one
Form
of
Government
in
which
some
Pastors
had
such
extensive
Work
and
Power
(
as
Timothy
,
Titus
,
and
Evangelists
as
well
us
Apostles
had
)
we
must
not
change
it
without
Proof
,
that
Christ
himself
would
have
it
changed
.
Let
us
compare
this
with
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
see
whether
for
all
this
mincing
of
the
matter
,
they
will
not
amount
to
the
same
thing
:
this
supervising
of
many
Churches
,
does
it
not
sound
like
having
many
Parishes
under
them
?
And
if
this
be
impossible
for
a
Diocesan
,
how
comes
it
to
be
otherwise
in
an
Evangelist
,
or
an
Apostle
?
Nay
,
how
comes
it
to
be
allowed
in
a
Scotch
Visitor
or
Super-intendent
?
The
regulating
Ordinations
is
no
other
in
Scripture-Phrase
,
than
to
appoint
and
ordain
Elders
in
every
Church
,
and
in
every
City
;
the
Diocesan
Bishops
desire
no
more
in
that
point
,
than
to
have
such
a
Regulation
,
and
that
it
should
not
be
accounted
an
Ordination
that
is
done
without
,
or
in
Opposition
to
them
.
The
Evangelists
might
sometimes
ordain
Elders
by
their
own
single
hands
,
without
the
Assistance
of
any
Presbyter
,
sometimes
together
with
the
Presbytery
;
our
Diocesan
Bishops
never
ordain
any
to
that
Order
,
without
the
Assistance
of
their
Presbyters
;
the
Evangelists
and
Apostles
had
the
Direction
of
Church-censures
,
Those
that
are
now
call'd
Bishops
,
says
he
,
were
,
in
the
Beginning
,
called
Apostles
,
and
the
name
of
Bishop
and
Presbyter
were
then
of
the
same
Signification
;
but
in
Process
of
time
,
the
Title
of
Apostle
was
appropriated
to
those
who
were
Apostles
indeed
;
that
is
,
to
the
12.
And
the
name
of
Bishops
was
taken
up
by
those
that
were
before
called
Apostles
.
most
compendious
Distinction
,
to
be
without
Difference
.
But
it
must
not
be
dissembled
,
that
there
are
some
things
in
which
they
seem
to
disagree
,
especially-these
two
;
first
,
That
the
Evangelists
or
Apostles
were
unfixt
,
but
Bishops
are
determined
to
a
certain
Diocess
.
Secondly
,
That
the
Apostles
and
Evangelists
had
Bishops
under
their
Jurisdiction
,
which
Bishops
do
not
pretend
to
.
As
to
this
Unsetledness
of
the
Apostles
,
there
are
some
that
look
upon
travelling
to
be
so
essential
to
their
Office
,
that
their
Commission
is
in
danger
to
expire
,
if
they
should
reside
any
considerable
time
in
any
certain
place
.
Clemens
Alex.
speaking
of
St.
John
,
tells
us
he
went
about
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
some
places
he
appointed
Bishops
where
they
were
wanting
,
and
none
but
Apostolick
men
could
do
it
;
and
in
some
places
he
himself
govern'd
the
Church
entirely
,
i.
e.
as
their
Bishop
,
and
probably
,
appointed
another
when
he
left
them
,
to
succeed
in
the
Charge
.
Vales
did
not
see
the
Import
of
this
Phrase
,
but
rendred
it
,
Partim
ut
ecclesias
integras
disponeret
&
formaret
.
The
last
is
a
Comment
that
destroys
the
Sence
of
Clement
,
who
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
could
not
understand
the
setting
of
a
Church
,
under
it's
Officers
which
his
former
seems
to
imply
,
but
the
ordering
and
governing
of
it
by
himself
,
in
Opposition
to
his
setting
up
of
Bishops
in
other
places
;
and
though
he
had
some
Authority
there
by
way
of
supervising
the
Bishops
,
yet
he
did
not
take
the
Care
of
the
whole
,
which
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Now
in
whatsoever
City
they
lived
,
besides
the
general
Care
of
all
the
Churches
,
they
lookt
upon
that
as
their
peculiar
Charge
,
and
govern'd
not
as
ordinary
Presbyters
,
but
by
Apostolick
Authority
:
as
a
Metropolitan
;
who
although
he
has
the
supervising
of
all
the
Diocesses
within
his
Province
,
yet
may
have
his
proper
Diocess
which
he
governs
,
as
a
particular
Bishop
.
And
the
Office
of
an
Apostle
does
not
essentially
consist
in
the
governing
of
more
Churches
than
one
,
else
St.
Paul
would
never
have
vindicated
his
Apostleship
from
the
particular
Right
he
had
over
the
Corinthians
,
If
I
be
not
an
Apostle
to
others
,
yet
doubtless
I
am
to
you
,
for
the
Seal
of
my
Apostleship
are
ye
in
the
Lord
.
So
that
though
he
had
had
no
more
Churches
to
govern
,
yet
his
Apostolick
Authority
might
have
been
still
exercised
over
that
particular
one
of
Corinth
.
The
Provinces
of
the
Evangelists
were
not
yet
so
large
as
those
of
the
Apostles
,
for
these
were
either
sent
to
such
Cities
or
Parts
,
whither
the
Apostles
themselves
could
not
go
,
or
left
where
they
could
not
stay
:
The
Church
of
Ephesus
was
the
Diocese
of
Timothy
,
from
whence
although
the
greater
Occasions
of
other
Churches
might
call
him
away
,
and
require
his
Assistance
,
yet
his
Authority
was
not
Temporal
,
nor
would
it
have
expired
,
if
he
had
resided
a
longer
while
at
Ephesus
;
so
that
these
Apostolick
men
were
not
so
because
they
were
unfixt
,
but
because
they
had
that
Eminence
of
Authority
,
which
they
might
exercise
in
one
or
more
Churches
,
according
as
their
Necessities
did
require
,
or
as
the
Spirit
signified
:
and
that
they
did
not
settle
in
one
place
is
to
be
ascribed
to
the
Condition
of
their
Times
,
and
not
to
the
nature
of
their
Office
:
for
the
Harvest
was
now
great
,
and
such
Labourers
as
these
were
but
few
,
and
therefore
their
Presence
was
required
in
several
Places
.
And
as
this
Unsetledness
is
not
essential
to
Apostolick
Authority
,
no
more
is
it
essential
to
Episcopacy
to
be
determined
to
a
certain
Church
.
Every
Bishop
is
Bishop
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
that
his
Authority
is
confined
to
a
certain
district
,
is
only
the
positive
Law
of
the
Church
,
that
forbids
one
Bishop
any
Exercise
of
his
Office
within
the
Diocess
of
another
;
and
St.
Paul
seems
to
have
given
them
the
occasion
,
who
would
not
build
upon
another
mans
Foundation
.
However
,
in
any
case
of
Necessity
,
this
Positure
Law
is
superseeded
,
and
a
Bishop
may
act
in
any
place
,
by
virtue
of
a
general
Power
he
has
received
in
his
Ordination
:
so
that
this
first
Exception
of
the
Apostles
and
the
Evangelists
being
unfixt
,
and
Bishops
determined
to
a
particular
Church
,
can
make
no
essential
Difference
.
As
to
the
Visitors
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
they
make
evidently
against
Mr.
B's
Notion
of
an
essential
Difference
between
Bishops
and
Evangelists
;
for
first
of
all
,
the
Residence
was
fixt
to
certain
Cities
,
and
their
Jurisdiction
confin'd
within
certain
Provinces
,
as
the
Superintendent
of
the
Country
of
Orkney
was
to
keep
his
Residence
in
the
Town
of
Keirkwall
,
Their
Office
was
to
try
the
Life
,
Diligence
,
and
Behaviour
of
the
Ministers
,
the
Order
of
their
Churches
,
and
the
Manners
of
the
People
,
how
the
Poor
were
provided
,
and
how
the
Youth
were
instructed
,
they
must
admonish
where
Admonition
needed
,
and
dress
all
things
that
by
good
Counsel
they
were
able
to
compose
;
finally
,
they
must
take
note
of
all
hainous
Crimes
,
that
the
same
may
be
corrected
by
the
Censures
of
the
Church
.
So
far
of
their
Constitution
as
we
find
it
in
Mr.
Knox's
first
Project
of
Church-polity
,
The
Superintendents
held
their
Office
during
Life
,
and
their
Power
was
Episcopal
,
for
they
did
elect
and
ordain
Ministers
,
they
presided
in
Synods
,
and
directed
all
Church
Censures
,
neither
was
any
Excommunication
pronounced
without
their
Warrant
.
And
now
let
the
Reader
judge
how
the
Constitution
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
becomes
a
Crime
,
and
yet
these
Visitors
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
conformable
to
divine
Institution
.
As
to
the
second
Exception
,
that
the
Apostles
and
Evangelists
were
Episcopi
Episcoporum
,
and
had
Bishops
under
their
Jurisdiction
,
which
our
Diocesans
,
who
are
the
Bishops
but
of
particular
Churches
,
do
not
pretend
to
;
This
makes
no
Difference
,
at
leastwise
no
essential
one
,
for
the
same
person
may
have
the
Charge
of
a
particular
Church
or
Diocess
,
and
yet
have
the
supervising
Power
over
several
others
.
But
in
this
point
Mr.
B.
does
but
equivocate
and
impose
upon
his
Reader
;
for
by
his
Episcopus
gregis
he
means
only
a
Presbyter
,
and
a
particular
Bishop
may
have
Jurisdiction
over
such
,
without
any
Injury
or
Prejudice
done
to
the
Office
,
which
from
it's
first
Institution
has
been
under
the
Direction
of
a
superiour
Apostolical
Power
:
if
therefore
these
Presbyters
do
retain
all
that
Power
which
essentially
belongs
to
them
under
a
Diocesan
Bishop
,
how
are
they
degraded
?
In
short
,
either
this
Order
of
Congregational
Episcopacy
is
different
from
Presbytery
,
or
the
same
with
it
;
if
the
same
,
how
is
it
abrogated
by
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
since
Presbyters
are
still
in
the
full
Possession
and
Exercise
of
their
Office
.
If
they
are
distinct
how
then
comes
Mr.
B.
to
confound
them
as
he
does
,
§
16.
where
he
says
,
That
the
Apostles
themselves
set
more
than
one
of
these
Elders
or
Bishops
in
every
Church
.
So
then
those
Apostolick
men
,
as
Bishops
of
the
particular
Churches
wherin
as
they
resided
,
had
Authority
over
Presbyters
within
the
Extent
of
their
Diocess
,
and
a
general
Supervising
Care
of
several
other
Churches
,
and
so
they
were
Episcopi
Episcoporum
:
in
the
first
,
they
are
succeeded
by
Diocesan
Bishops
,
in
the
latter
,
by
Metropolitans
,
which
yet
were
never
lookt
upon
as
two
orders
essentially
distinct
.
But
after
all
this
we
shall
never
come
to
a
right
Understanding
of
Mr.
B's
Episcopacy
,
unless
we
take
along
with
it
,
his
Notion
of
a
particular
Church
,
which
he
sets
down
,
p.
6.
§
19.
There
is
great
Evidence
of
History
,
that
a
particular
Church
of
the
Apostles
setling
was
essentially
only
[
a
Company
of
Christians
,
Pastors
,
and
People
,
associated
for
personal
holy
Communion
,
and
mutual
help
in
holy
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
Conversation
,
and
Order
]
therefore
it
never
consisted
of
so
few
or
so
many
,
or
so
distant
as
to
be
uncapable
of
such
personal
Help
and
Communion
,
but
was
ever
distinguished
as
from
accidental
Meetings
,
so
from
the
Communion
of
many
Churches
or
distant
Christians
,
which
was
held
but
by
Delegates
,
Synods
,
of
Pastors
or
Letters
,
and
not
by
personal
Help
in
Presence
.
Not
that
all
these
must
needs
always
meet
in
the
same
place
,
but
that
usually
they
did
so
,
or
at
due
times
at
least
,
and
were
no
more
,
nor
more
distant
than
could
so
meet
,
sometimes
Persecution
hindred
them
,
sometimes
the
Room
might
be
too
small
,
even
independent
Churches
among
us
sometimes
meet
in
diverse
Places
,
and
one
Parish
has
diverse
Chappels
for
the
aged
and
weak
that
are
unfit
for
Travel
.
Every
one
of
these
Churches
then
had
one
Bishop
,
and
was
,
in
his
Opinion
,
all
the
Diocess
of
apostolical
and
ancient
Bishops
.
If
in
any
City
or
Town
the
number
of
Christians
should
exceed
what
might
meet
in
one
Congregation
,
that
then
they
were
to
imitate
the
Commonwealth
of
Bees
,
who
when
they
grow
too
numerous
for
one
hive
,
send
out
new
Colonies
,
commanded
by
their
own
Officers
;
so
when
Christians
grew
too
many
for
personal
Communion
in
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
they
must
resolve
themselves
into
several
Churches
,
and
have
as
many
independent
Bishops
,
as
they
have
Congregations
.
But
this
model
of
a
Church
I
am
afraid
is
like
to
please
no
Party
:
for
the
Dissenters
are
of
Opinion
we
have
too
many
Bishops
already
,
but
this
Project
would
make
more
Bishops
in
this
one
City
,
than
are
now
in
the
three
Kingdoms
.
Mr.
B.
has
elsewhere
endeavoured
to
take
away
this
Prejudice
,
Lewis
Moulin
,
The
Episcopal
men
are
content
with
the
present
Form
,
and
do
not
desire
the
Bishops
should
be
multiplyed
;
at
least
,
not
according
to
this
Project
:
for
this
,
in
their
Judgment
,
would
lie
heavier
than
the
Burden
of
Issachar
,
So
that
I
cannot
see
what
party
or
principles
this
would
suit
,
besides
the
Authors
own
,
nor
since
he
is
so
subject
to
Change
,
is
it
likely
to
please
him
long
:
However
,
if
it
be
the
Primitive
Platform
,
it
is
Reason
,
that
all
Churches
notwithstanding
their
Prejudices
,
should
conform
to
it
,
and
therefore
it
is
not
equal
it
should
be
rejected
,
though
all
the
World
were
against
it
,
before
that
great
Evidence
of
History
,
which
he
alledges
in
Favour
of
it
,
is
consider'd
.
For
this
Evidence
he
refers
us
to
another
Book
of
his
,
R.
Cromwel
.
p.
87.
Grotius
his
Opinion
he
rejects
himself
.
p
6.
Edict
.
Vossii
.
Disp.
p.
88.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
§
22.
where
the
Proofs
are
set
down
at
large
;
the
first
Authority
he
mentions
there
after
the
Scriptures
,
is
that
of
Clemens
Romanus
,
who
mentions
only
Presbyters
and
Deacons
;
but
this
is
besides
the
present
Question
.
As
for
the
Pseudo
Clement
which
Mr.
Thorndike
mentions
,
and
is
alledg'd
by
Mr.
B.
though
it
may
be
to
the
Purpose
,
yet
't
is
of
no
Authority
.
The
next
and
the
plainest
as
he
confesses
,
is
Ignatius
,
out
of
whom
he
cites
several
Passages
,
the
first
out
of
his
Epistle
ad
Smyrn
.
Vbi
itaque
apparet
Episcopus
,
illic
multitudo
sit
;
quemadmodum
utique
ubi
est
Christus
Jesus
illic
Catholica
Ecclesia
,
as
in
B.
Vshers
old
Translation
,
with
which
Vossius's
Greek
Copy
does
agree
,
from
whence
Mr.
B.
urges
,
That
this
Plebs
or
Multitudo
is
the
Church
which
he
ruleth
,
and
not
only
one
Congregation
among
many
that
are
under
him
:
for
this
does
without
distinction
bind
all
the
people
one
as
well
as
another
,
to
be
where
the
Bishop
is
or
appeareth
,
viz.
in
the
publick
Assembly
for
Communion
in
Worship
:
It
is
plain
therefore
there
,
that
there
were
not
then
many
such
Assemblies
under
him
;
otherwise
,
all
save
one
,
must
have
necessarily
disobey'd
this
Command
.
]
To
which
I
answer
,
first
,
That
Antiochus
cites
this
Passage
,
quite
differently
and
more
at
large
,
than
it
is
in
the
Text
,
and
to
this
Effect
,
§
Wherever
the
Bishop
appears
,
there
let
the
Multitude
be
,
as
wheresoever
the
name
of
Christ
is
call'd
,
there
let
a
Church
be
assembled
;
it
is
not
permitted
the
Flocks
of
young
Lambs
to
go
whithersoever
they
please
,
but
whither
the
Sheepherds
lead
them
;
those
that
remain
out
of
the
Flock
,
the
wild
Beasts
destroy
,
and
devour
all
that
which
goes
astray
:
which
Words
do
not
at
all
imply
,
whether
there
were
one
or
more
Congregations
under
that
Bishop
,
and
their
design
is
to
prove
that
Christians
ought
not
to
assemble
themselves
where
they
please
,
without
the
Leave
of
,
or
in
Opposition
to
their
Bishop
:
this
appears
plainly
from
the
Context
to
which
Mr.
B.
does
refer
us
,
these
are
the
Words
that
immediately
precede
the
Passage
alledg'd
,
Nullus
sine
Egiscopo
aliquid
operetur
eorum
quae
conveniunt
in
Ecclesiam
,
The
next
Proof
is
out
of
Ignatius's
Epist.
to
the
Philadelphians
,
where
he
exhorts
them
to
come
all
to
the
same
Eucharist
,
and
these
are
his
Motives
,
Vna
enim
Caro
Domini
nostri
Jesu
Christi
,
&
unus
Calix
in
Vnionem
Sanguinis
ipsius
,
unum
altare
&
unus
Episcopus
cum
Presbyterio
&
Diaconis
conservis
meis
.
Florentine
Greek
Copy
.
The
Passage
,
as
Mr.
B.
cites
it
,
is
in
this
Epistle
interpolated
,
but
making
more
for
his
purpose
,
he
preferr'd
it
to
the
Genuine
Reading
,
where
there
is
no
mention
of
unus
Panis
,
unus
Calix
,
toti
Ecclesiae
,
but
that
which
he
lays
his
greatest
stress
upon
is
,
Vnum
Altare
,
unus
Episcopus
,
and
this
all
Copies
do
agree
in
;
from
whence
he
concludes
,
Here
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
particular
Church
,
which
in
those
dayes
was
govern'd
by
a
Bishop
,
Presbyters
and
Deacons
,
was
but
one
Congregation
,
for
every
such
Church
had
but
one
Altar
.
This
Observation
of
one
Altar
in
one
Episcopal
Church
,
he
confirms
by
Mr.
Mede
,
who
propounds
it
with
great
Modesty
,
and
onely
as
a
Conjecture
,
and
M.
B.
has
added
nothing
to
his
Reason
,
more
than
his
own
Confidence
.
If
he
had
but
taken
leisure
to
consider
,
and
not
have
run
away
with
that
onely
which
seems
to
make
for
his
purpose
,
he
might
have
found
enough
in
those
very
Passages
cited
by
Mr.
Mede
,
to
have
undeceived
him
.
The
Matter
in
short
is
thus
;
The
Principal
Church
,
or
Meeting-place
,
in
every
City
,
belong'd
to
the
Bishop
,
where
his
Chair
was
set
up
,
with
a
Bench
of
Presbyters
on
every
side
,
circling
the
Communion
Table
;
this
whole
place
was
called
Altare
,
Sacrarium
,
and
within
the
Jurisdiction
of
a
single
Bishop
;
it
is
probable
there
was
no
more
than
one
:
the
Bishop
with
his
Presbyters
and
Deacons
represented
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
although
it
might
be
divided
into
several
Congregations
,
and
every
Congregation
might
have
a
Communion
Table
;
so
that
one
Bishop
,
one
Altar
,
signifies
indeed
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
as
being
the
place
of
its
common
Councel
and
solemn
Tribunal
,
and
to
set
up
an
Altar
is
not
to
have
two
Communion
Tables
in
a
City
,
but
to
have
distinct
Governments
,
But
that
one
Altar
for
every
Church
so
frequently
mention'd
by
Ignatius
,
does
not
signifie
every
Communion-table
,
but
that
eminent
one
together
with
the
Bishops
Chair
,
and
the
bench
of
the
Presbyters
,
appears
from
diverse
Passages
in
his
Epistles
.
In
that
to
the
Magnesians
he
alledges
to
this
Ecclesiastical
Consistory
about
the
Altar
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
That
well-platted
Crown
of
our
Presbyters
,
alledging
to
the
Figure
in
which
they
sate
;
and
then
follows
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Counsel
of
the
Altar
or
Sacrifices
.
And
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Ephesians
,
he
speaks
to
this
Effect
,
Unless
a
man
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
within
the
verge
of
the
Altar
,
he
is
no
partaker
of
the
bread
of
God
,
and
this
Phrase
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
he
explains
in
his
Epistle
ad
Trallenses
,
he
that
is
within
the
Altar
is
clean
,
wherefore
he
obeys
the
Bishops
and
the
Presbyters
;
he
that
is
without
,
is
such
a
one
that
does
any
thing
without
the
Bishop
and
the
Presbyters
:
so
that
Obedience
to
the
Bishop
or
Presbyter
,
is
an
Explication
of
that
Phrase
of
being
within
the
Altar
:
and
this
might
consist
with
the
Division
of
the
Church
into
several
distinct
Congregations
.
But
St.
Cyprian
in
his
fifty
fifth
Epist.
makes
this
yet
clearer
,
where
speaking
of
the
Insolence
of
such
as
having
sacrificed
to
Idols
,
thrust
themselves
into
Church-Communion
,
without
doing
any
Pennance
,
he
breaks
out
at
last
into
this
passionate
Aggravation
:
what
then
remains
,
but
that
the
Church
should
yield
to
the
Capital
,
and
that
the
Priests
withdrawing
themselves
,
and
taking
away
the
Altar
of
our
Lord
,
Images
,
and
Idol-Gods
,
together
with
their
Altars
,
should
succeed
and
take
Possession
of
the
place
,
proper
to
the
sacred
and
venerable
bench
of
our
Clergy
?
the
bench
of
the
Clergy
then
belongs
to
the
Altar
,
that
is
,
the
Communion-table
of
the
Principal
and
Episcopal
Church
,
to
which
all
other
Congregations
did
belong
,
in
as
much
,
as
the
Presbyters
they
joyn'd
with
,
appertain'd
to
that
Altar
,
and
so
there
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
yet
several
Assemblies
under
his
Direction
and
within
the
Communion
of
that
Altar
.
This
Usage
of
one
Altar
and
several
Communion-tables
depending
upon
it
,
continu'd
a
long
while
after
in
the
Church
:
Innocent
I.
in
his
Letter
to
Decentius
,
mentions
the
sending
of
the
consecrated
Symbols
from
the
Episcopal
Church
Altar
,
to
the
depending
Parishes
upon
solemn
times
;
and
long
after
that
,
all
the
Parishes
of
a
Diocese
paid
Homage
to
the
Episcopal
Church
by
sending
some
of
their
principal
Members
to
communicate
there
,
upon
Solemn
Festivals
,
as
appears
by
several
Canons
that
are
cited
and
examined
more
particularly
hereafter
:
and
here
in
England
there
have
been
Footsteps
of
the
same
Custom
till
of
late
in
Comparison
,
though
from
the
first
beginning
of
the
Gospel
we
have
not
the
least
hint
of
Congregational
Episcopacy
in
this
place
.
The
next
thing
he
alledges
is
a
passage
out
of
Justin
Martyr
,
Just.
Martyr
Ap.
2.
p.
97.
Ed.
Paris
,
98.99
.
where
he
describes
the
manner
of
the
Christian
Assemblies
in
his
time
,
where
the
Eucharist
is
said
to
be
celebrated
by
the
Bishop
,
and
that
on
Sunday
all
the
Christians
that
liv'd
either
in
Cities
or
in
the
Country
,
came
together
,
prayed
with
,
and
received
the
Sacraments
at
the
hand
of
the
Bishop
,
and
those
that
were
absent
,
had
it
sent
to
them
by
the
Hand
of
the
Deacons
:
but
what
shall
we
conclude
from
hence
?
That
all
that
came
together
could
come
to
one
place
,
or
because
the
Congregation
of
the
Bishop
as
being
the
most
eminent
,
is
here
only
described
,
must
we
conclude
that
there
was
no
more
than
one
in
any
City
?
This
account
is
only
General
and
serves
only
to
shew
what
they
did
,
when
they
came
together
,
(
and
the
Principal
Assembly
,
was
surely
the
most
proper
instance
)
and
not
in
how
many
places
they
might
be
Assembled
.
The
Story
of
Gregory
Thaumaturgus
makes
the
next
Proof
,
who
being
made
against
his
will
Bishop
of
Ne-Caesarea
found
but
seventeen
Christians
in
the
whole
City
:
this
was
indeed
a
small
Congregation
and
hardly
numerous
enough
to
make
a
Church
;
but
if
Mr.
B.
had
been
so
ingenious
,
Gregory
Nysser
to
be
infinite
.
The
Testimony
of
Tertullian
,
Apolog.
chap.
39.
is
as
little
to
his
purpose
;
his
words
are
these
,
Where
a
Body
compacted
,
by
the
Knowledge
of
the
same
Religion
,
the
Vnity
of
Discipline
,
and
the
League
of
Hope
,
do
come
together
into
one
Congregation
,
and
not
in
caeum
&
Congregationem
.
to
offer
up
Prayers
to
God
,
we
meet
for
the
hearing
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
we
feed
our
Faith
with
those
holy
words
,
we
raise
up
our
hope
,
we
fix
our
Confidence
〈◊〉
confirm
Discipline
by
the
inculcating
of
〈◊〉
●ours
Precepts
;
there
are
likewise
there
Exhortations
,
as
being
done
in
the
presence
of
God
,
that
is
lookt
upon
as
an
Anticipation
of
future
Judgment
,
if
any
one
has
so
offended
as
to
be
banish'd
from
the
Communion
of
Prayer
and
the
Assembly
,
and
of
all
holy
Commerce
;
most
approv'd
Elders
do
preside
.
Now
let
the
Reader
judge
,
whether
Mr.
B.
has
Reason
to
be
so
confident
of
this
Passage
,
as
to
say
,
If
I
be
able
to
understand
Tertullian
,
it
is
here
plain
,
that
each
Church
consisted
of
one
Congregation
;
and
yet
out
of
the
words
,
there
can
be
nothing
brought
to
favour
it
,
unless
it
be
this
,
that
Christians
used
in
those
days
to
assemble
for
Prayer
,
and
reading
of
the
Scriptures
,
but
whether
one
or
more
such
Assemblies
were
under
the
Discipline
of
the
Bishop
and
Presbytery
,
is
not
signified
in
the
least
.
That
Elders
are
said
to
preside
,
does
not
at
all
prejudice
the
Right
of
the
Bishop
,
for
either
those
are
Bishops
that
are
said
to
preside
,
and
so
every
particular
Church
will
have
many
;
which
if
it
be
not
against
Mr
,
B's
Notion
of
Episcopacy
,
is
confessedly
against
the
practice
of
the
Church
,
in
those
times
when
one
Church
had
no
more
than
one
Bishop
:
if
they
were
Presbyters
,
then
't
is
probable
,
there
was
more
than
one
Congregation
.
But
it
appears
by
what
follows
,
that
these
Presidents
were
all
the
Officers
of
the
Church
,
where
they
are
distinguish'd
from
the
people
,
and
said
to
live
out
of
the
common
Stock
,
and
the
Deacons
as
well
as
Priests
,
did
assist
at
the
Sacrament
,
and
the
Bread
and
Wine
was
distributed
by
their
hands
,
a●●
shall
endeavour
to
prove
in
due
place
;
〈◊〉
cites
out
of
the
same
Author
,
De
Corona
Militis
,
to
put
his
meaning
out
of
all
doubt
,
concludes
nothing
less
than
what
he
would
have
him
to
say
;
his
words
are
to
this
effect
,
That
we
must
receive
the
Eucharist
at
all
times
,
but
from
no
other
hand
but
those
that
preside
.
That
those
were
not
Bishops
,
appears
from
the
next
passage
which
he
cites
out
of
the
same
place
,
Seniores
Presidentes
,
and
that
Presbyters
might
baptize
as
well
as
Bishops
;
but
that
is
not
the
thing
in
Question
,
nor
does
this
Passage
suppose
every
baptism
performed
by
the
Bishop
;
but
the
Renunciation
of
the
Devil
,
&c.
which
was
preparatory
to
it
,
to
have
been
made
in
his
presence
,
he
might
have
a
very
large
Diocess
,
and
be
at
Leisure
for
this
,
especially
when
we
consider
,
that
the
generality
of
Christians
in
those
times
had
such
an
awe
of
that
Sacrament
and
the
strict
Obligation
it
lay
upon
them
of
more
than
ordinary
Sanctity
,
that
they
deferr'd
it
till
the
last
,
and
were
baptized
on
their
Death-bed
,
and
that
not
by
the
Bishop
,
but
by
any
other
Presbyter
or
Deacon
:
nor
can
we
find
in
all
the
History
of
the
times
we
now
speak
of
,
that
Children
had
any
part
in
the
solemn
and
publick
Baptism
,
but
they
might
be
privately
baptized
in
case
of
Necessity
,
and
eminent
danger
of
Death
,
without
the
assistance
of
the
Bishop
.
And
long
after
these
times
,
we
find
in
the
largest
Dioceses
where
a
great
many
Congregations
are
affirmed
to
be
under
the
same
Bishop
,
The
next
thing
he
makes
use
of
to
confirm
his
Conception
of
Congregational
Church
,
is
the
Consent
of
the
people
,
plebis
quae
tunc
adfuit
Suffragio
.
Cypr.
l.
4.
c.
2.
I
shall
not
forget
to
answer
this
Argument
more
particularly
hereafter
,
when
we
shall
meet
with
it
confirmed
by
any
Canon
of
Councils
,
or
other
passages
in
his
History
.
Basil
.
Ep.
194.
ad
Pleb
.
Nicop
.
As
for
Nynius's
History
of
St.
Patrick
and
the
three
hundred
and
sixty
five
Bishops
,
which
he
planted
in
Ireland
,
I
suppose
't
was
invented
by
some
learned
Monk
,
to
fill
up
the
Irish
Calender
,
and
to
leave
no
day
in
the
year
so
forlorn
,
but
that
the
name
of
one
of
these
Bishops
could
vindicate
it
from
Prophaneness
.
That
which
follows
of
Scotlands
having
no
Bishops
before
Palladius
,
Henricus
Major
,
and
Johannes
Fordorius
were
unquestionable
,
for
there
is
no
account
of
setled
Churches
or
Discipline
,
but
only
that
some
good
men
out
of
their
Zeal
for
Religion
,
did
endeavour
to
propagate
it
among
the
Scots
,
and
that
these
were
not
Bishops
.
But
Buchanan
stretches
this
point
higher
than
it
will
bear
,
and
will
have
it
,
that
the
Churches
of
Scotland
were
governed
by
Presbyters
and
Monks
,
the
first
time
;
I
believe
in
Story
we
meet
with
Monks
amongst
the
Orders
of
Church-Government
:
but
I
believe
that
the
Story
it self
may
be
easily
disproved
,
and
we
may
expect
shortly
a
fuller
account
of
this
and
other
things
,
relating
to
the
ancient
British
Church
,
by
the
hand
of
one
of
the
greatest
Masters
of
Antiquity
in
this
Nation
.
The
last
part
of
Mr.
B's
Evidence
has
some
of
the
Canons
of
ancient
Councils
,
but
I
must
needs
say
,
he
does
not
cite
with
that
accuracy
,
that
one
would
expect
from
a
person
that
advances
so
singular
a
notion
;
The
first
is
the
fourteenth
of
the
Council
of
Adge
,
de
Presbyteris
parochianis
rei
Ecclesiae
distrahentibus
;
&
cap.
2.
vass
.
3.
There
is
express
Difference
made
where
a
Presbyter
is
allow'd
to
preach
,
Non
solum
in
Civitatibus
sed
in
omnibus
Parochiis
.
To
these
he
adds
the
thirty
eighth
Canon
of
the
same
Council
,
Cives
qui
superiorum
solemnitatum
,
id
est
,
Paschae
&
Natalis
Domini
,
vel
Pentecostes
festivalibus
cum
Episcopis
interesse
neglexerint
,
quum
in
Civitatibus
communionis
,
vel
Benedictionis
accipiendae
causa
positos
se
nosse
debeant
,
triennio
communione
priventur
Ecclesiae
.
It
is
not
to
be
denyed
,
but
it
was
the
ancient
Custom
for
all
the
Parishes
or
places
depending
upon
any
Episcopal
Church
on
certain
times
to
repair
to
it
,
not
so
much
for
personal
Communion
,
as
for
Homage
:
but
we
are
not
therefore
to
conceive
,
that
every
Soul
under
a
Bishops
Charge
,
was
to
appear
before
him
on
those
solemn
times
,
but
only
the
most
considerable
persons
of
every
Division
,
and
this
Canon
means
no
more
.
Sirmond
could
never
find
any
more
than
47
Canons
of
this
Council
,
the
rest
were
taken
out
of
Conc.
Epaonense
,
from
whence
the
true
Reading
of
this
Canon
is
to
be
sought
for
:
there
is
Cives
superiorum
natalium
(
not
solennitatum
)
and
so
it
is
corrected
in
the
best
Edition
of
the
Council
of
Agde
,
and
Communionis
is
left
out
:
which
restoring
of
this
Canon
overthrows
all
the
use
that
M.
B.
would
make
of
it
,
since
all
are
neither
obliged
to
be
present
,
nor
to
personal
Communion
,
but
what
Cives
superiorum
Natalium
signifies
,
we
must
learn
from
other
Councils
of
this
Age
:
in
the
14
chap.
of
the
Councel
of
Arvern
.
we
have
it
thus
explained
,
that
together
with
all
the
Presbyters
and
Deacons
of
a
Diocese
,
Quicunque
sunt
etiam
Cives
natu
majores
pari
modo
in
Vrbibus
ad
Pontifices
suos
in
praedictis
Civitatibus
veniant
.
And
the
third
Canon
of
the
fourth
Council
of
Orleans
,
obliges
onely
the
Principal
Citizens
to
assist
the
Bishops
on
these
Solemn
Times
,
Quisquis
de
prioribus
Civibus
Pascha
extra
Civitatem
tencre
voluerit
,
sciat
sibi
à
cuncta
Synodo
esse
prohibitum
,
which
is
no
other
than
if
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Court
of
Aldermen
,
the
Liveries
,
and
most
considerable
Citizens
were
obliged
on
certain
High
Festivals
to
come
to
Church
to
St.
Pauls
.
The
next
of
the
Canons
he
produces
are
either
to
the
same
effect
with
what
he
has
already
alledged
,
or
not
directly
to
his
purpose
,
so
that
I
believe
upon
a
Review
he
will
judge
as
well
as
I
that
there
is
no
necessity
of
a
Reply
.
Mr.
B.
has
heretofore
excepted
,
the
Churches
of
Rome
and
Alexandria
,
It
is
not
likely
,
that
for
two
hundred
years
,
Rome
it self
had
near
so
great
a
number
of
Christians
as
one
of
these
Parishes
.
Suppose
they
had
not
,
the
Question
is
not
whether
the
Church
of
Rome
was
more
numerous
than
that
of
St.
Martins
,
but
whether
they
could
meet
in
one
Congregation
:
for
suppose
they
were
but
half
,
or
a
quarter
so
big
,
if
they
could
not
meet
in
one
place
to
hear
the
Word
and
receive
the
Sacraments
,
but
must
resolve
into
several
Assemblies
for
to
do
it
,
it
is
no
matter
what
proportion
they
held
to
our
London
Parishes
.
But
what
Evidence
is
there
out
of
History
,
that
the
Church
of
Rome
made
but
one
Congregation
for
two
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
is
it
that
the
People
are
said
to
consent
to
the
Election
of
the
Bishops
,
or
to
concur
in
several
Ecclesiastical
Acts
?
But
how
shall
we
be
assured
,
that
every
Believer
was
obliged
to
be
present
,
or
that
Matters
were
carried
by
Vote
;
and
not
by
general
and
confused
Approbation
?
Besides
,
though
all
that
had
the
right
of
Electing
Church
Officers
might
possibly
meet
in
one
place
,
yet
they
were
not
the
fifth
part
of
the
number
that
had
right
to
Congregation
and
Personal
Communion
;
for
Women
and
Children
,
and
Servants
must
be
supposed
to
be
excluded
,
together
with
the
Poor
,
and
the
more
inconsiderable
Persons
:
or
if
this
practice
of
approving
the
Election
of
Church-Officers
be
any
Argument
for
a
Churches
being
no
more
than
a
single
Congregation
,
it
will
follow
,
that
Rome
had
but
one
Congregation
for
many
hundred
years
after
,
for
the
People
were
very
long
in
possession
of
that
right
,
after
the
whole
City
was
become
Christian
,
and
surely
then
they
were
too
numerous
for
one
Congregation
.
Anton.
de
Dom.
l.
4.
c.
11.
makes
a
long
deduction
of
the
Election
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
and
proves
that
they
were
chosen
by
the
People
,
until
Innocent
the
Second
,
for
1100
years
,
and
that
he
was
the
first
that
alter'd
the
ancient
way
of
Election
;
Now
if
any
one
can
believe
,
that
for
eleven
Centuries
there
was
but
one
Congregation
in
Rome
,
much
good
may
it
do
him
.
As
for
the
Peoples
Right
to
chuse
,
which
Mr.
B.
does
so
much
insist
upon
,
and
seems
to
give
the
People
Encouragement
to
revolt
from
those
Bishops
,
which
they
never
chose
.
I
shall
give
a
more
particular
Account
of
it
towards
the
latter
end
of
this
Treatise
.
Mr.
B.
makes
a
Computation
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
in
the
time
of
Cornelius
,
and
finds
it
to
fall
much
short
of
one
of
our
great
Parishes
;
for
when
Novatian
divided
that
Church
,
it
had
but
forty
six
Priests
,
seven
Deacons
,
and
as
many
Sub-deacons
,
forty
two
Acoluti
,
Exorcists
,
Readers
,
and
Porters
fifty
two
,
Widows
and
Poor
that
were
disabled
,
and
lived
upon
the
Charity
of
the
Church
,
fifteen
hundred
:
upon
which
we
compute
thus
,
Suppose
the
Poor
the
tenth
part
of
the
whole
Church
,
(
as
St.
Chrysostom
calculated
the
number
of
the
Church
of
Antioch
)
the
Product
then
would
be
fifteen
thousand
,
and
not
ten
thousand
five
hundred
,
as
Mr.
B.
reckons
,
or
the
Printer
mistakes
,
and
even
thus
,
would
they
be
too
many
for
one
Congregation
.
We
cannot
imagine
any
five
Churches
of
such
as
the
Christians
might
be
supposed
then
to
have
,
In
the
next
place
let
us
consider
the
number
of
the
Priests
,
what
use
can
there
be
of
forty
six
in
one
Congregation
?
For
they
were
neither
to
preach
nor
administer
the
Sacraments
in
the
Presence
of
the
Bishop
;
for
the
first
Mr.
B.
urged
it
elsewhere
to
prove
no
more
than
one
Congregation
belong'd
to
one
Bishop
,
and
I
hope
he
will
not
be
so
disingenious
as
to
cast
it
off
as
soon
as
he
has
serv'd
his
turn
of
it
.
For
the
Administration
of
the
Sacraments
,
Justin
Martyr
is
very
clear
in
his
Description
,
that
the
Bishop
consecrated
and
gave
it
the
Deacons
to
be
distributed
among
the
Congregation
:
But
Mr.
B.
does
endeavour
to
remove
this
Objection
,
Nazianzen
,
as
a
credible
Witness
shortly
after
,
complaining
of
the
Excess
in
this
part
,
that
the
Church
Rulers
were
almost
more
than
the
Subjects
:
but
how
shortly
after
?
would
you
have
judg'd
this
to
have
been
spoke
?
No
longer
than
about
a
hundred
and
fifty
years
,
and
after
one
of
the
greatest
Revolutions
that
happen'd
in
the
Church
in
Cornelius's
time
:
the
Christians
as
Mr.
B.
remarks
,
were
not
of
the
greatest
and
richest
,
and
therefore
it
is
not
likely
that
the
publick
Charge
should
be
multiplyed
without
Necessity
,
and
forty
six
Presbyters
be
appointed
for
one
Congregation
.
But
in
Nazianzen's
time
the
Church
was
in
a
prosperous
and
flourishing
Condition
,
the
Governours
were
now
become
Christians
,
and
great
Priviledges
and
Wealth
were
added
to
the
Clergy
,
which
made
it
then
so
desireable
a
thing
.
But
in
Cornelius's
time
the
greatest
Dignity
was
Martyrdom
,
and
the
Clergy
was
particularly
aim'd
at
by
the
Heathen
Persecutors
,
their
Portion
was
Labour
and
Danger
,
they
were
to
come
and
assist
the
Brethren
in
the
Prison
and
at
the
Stake
;
and
the
Office
was
so
unpleasant
,
that
Novatian
(
the
Author
of
that
Sect
which
Mr.
B.
speaks
so
favourably
of
)
desired
to
be
eased
of
the
Burden
,
But
the
Church
of
Rome
had
long
before
outgrown
the
Stature
of
a
Congregation
,
for
Euaristus
,
the
sixth
from
St.
Peter
,
is
said
to
have
divided
Rome
into
Titles
or
Parishes
,
the
multitude
being
grown
too
numerous
for
one
Assembly
;
Pseudo
Damasus
be
not
to
be
depended
upon
,
we
have
the
two
Epistles
of
Pius
to
confirm
it
:
in
the
first
we
have
mention
of
Euprepia
,
that
had
given
to
the
Poor
,
Titulum
Domus
suae
ubi
nunc
cum
Pauperibus
nostris
commorantes
missas
agimus
.
Several
learned
men
do
except
against
the
Word
Missa
as
not
being
yet
in
use
in
the
Church
,
Pseudo
Isidocus
he
endeavours
to
prove
them
suppositious
,
tho
they
are
not
in
Isidorus's
Collection
,
yet
in
his
Apology
for
St.
Jerom's
Opinion
concerning
Bishops
,
he
vouchsafes
to
make
use
of
one
of
them
,
to
prove
that
Bishop
and
Presbyter
signified
the
same
thing
in
Pius's
days
;
't
is
a
sad
case
,
that
the
Ancients
shall
have
no
farther
Credit
with
us
,
than
they
serve
our
Turn
:
when
they
speak
what
men
will
not
have
them
,
then
they
are
false
and
Impostours
,
let
them
give
the
same
men
but
some
little
Countenance
,
and
then
they
are
true
men
again
.
The
great
Liberality
of
the
Church
of
Rome
is
no
small
Argument
of
its
Greatness
,
for
,
besides
the
maintenance
of
their
own
Clergy
and
Poor
,
they
were
able
to
relieve
most
other
Churches
,
practice
from
the
beginning
to
oblige
all
the
Brethren
,
by
all
manner
of
kindness
,
and
to
send
to
a
great
many
Churches
that
were
establisht
in
every
City
,
the
Necessaries
of
Life
,
relieving
the
Necessity
of
those
that
were
in
want
,
and
sending
necessary
relief
to
those
who
were
condemned
to
the
Mines
.
This
was
the
ancient
Liberality
of
the
Roman
Church
,
and
Soter
is
said
,
not
only
to
have
continued
,
but
improv'd
it
.
Now
,
if
according
to
Mr.
B's
Notion
of
those
Times
,
not
many
Rich
,
not
many
Noble
were
call'd
,
the
number
of
Believers
must
be
by
so
much
the
Greater
,
All
the
Provinces
of
Syria
,
together
with
Arabia
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
you
relieve
every
one
:
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
there
Emphatical
,
and
implies
an
admiration
of
,
as
it
were
,
the
All-sufficiency
of
the
Roman
Church
,
how
it
should
be
able
to
supply
the
wants
of
so
many
Churches
,
and
to
furnish
so
Expensive
a
Charity
.
Under
the
Reign
of
Commodus
,
the
Church
is
said
to
have
enjoyed
peaceable
and
happy
Times
,
and
to
have
thriv'd
so
well
,
that
the
whole
World
in
a
manner
was
reduc'd
;
the
words
of
Eusebius
express
a
wonderful
increase
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
that
every
Soul
in
a
manner
,
of
every
sort
,
came
over
to
the
Christian
Religion
;
and
at
Rome
particularly
the
increase
was
so
great
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
that
abundance
of
considerable
Persons
for
their
Nobility
and
Wealth
,
came
over
,
with
their
whole
Families
and
Relations
,
Euseb.
l.
15.
c.
21.
Certain
it
is
,
that
the
number
of
Christians
at
Rome
was
proportionably
greater
than
in
any
part
of
the
Empire
,
for
thither
they
fled
for
Refuge
in
times
of
Persecution
,
and
shelter'd
themselves
in
a
crowd
;
and
if
Tertullian's
account
of
the
state
of
the
Christians
in
his
time
,
makes
it
very
probable
that
they
made
the
better
half
of
the
Roman
Empire
;
if
he
boasts
of
multitudes
,
and
say
that
they
had
possessed
themselves
of
the
City
and
Countrey
,
and
every
place
was
full
of
them
but
the
Temples
,
if
they
did
in
a
manner
besiege
the
Heathen
in
every
part
,
and
were
more
beneficial
to
the
Publick
,
by
the
consumption
of
all
sorts
of
Commodities
,
and
made
Use
of
more
Frankincense
in
One
Street
,
than
the
Heathen
did
in
any
one
Temple
;
it
is
evident
that
they
were
the
major
part
every
where
,
but
in
Rome
more
eminently
so
.
See
this
urg'd
farther
by
Mr.
Dodwel
,
in
his
Letter
to
Mr.
B.
Towards
the
middle
of
the
Third
Century
,
they
received
a
considerable
Increase
from
the
Countenance
of
Alexander
Severus
,
the
greatest
part
of
whose
Family
(
and
that
alone
would
make
a
good
Congregation
)
were
Christians
,
Euseb.
l.
6.
c.
21.28
.
and
this
Favourer
of
Christianity
reigned
thirteen
years
.
Towards
the
latter
end
of
that
Age
,
their
condition
was
most
flourishing
,
and
all
the
World
,
in
a
manner
,
had
receiv'd
the
Faith
;
let
us
observe
in
what
glorious
Expressions
Eusebius
represents
the
Church
before
the
Persecution
of
Dioclesian
,
can
describe
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
their
full
and
innumerable
Assemblies
,
and
the
multitude
of
their
Meetings
in
every
City
:
So
that
by
this
time
,
not
onely
in
Rome
,
but
almost
in
every
City
,
the
Christians
had
several
Congregations
.
Valesius
,
tho
he
corrects
the
old
Translator
,
yet
it
seems
did
not
fully
comprehend
the
meaning
of
this
place
,
nor
see
the
Elegancy
of
Eusebius's
Gradation
;
for
first
,
he
represents
the
many
thousands
that
came
together
to
make
a
Congregation
,
then
the
number
of
such
Assemblies
,
that
there
were
several
of
them
,
and
at
last
mentions
the
Places
that
receiv'd
them
,
that
there
was
no
Church
,
no
Chappel
,
no
Oratory
,
but
was
full
in
those
dayes
.
About
this
time
,
or
not
long
after
,
Rome
had
above
forty
Churches
,
which
we
must
not
imagine
to
be
built
all
at
the
same
time
,
but
by
degrees
,
according
as
the
number
of
Believers
did
require
,
and
in
all
probability
,
there
must
be
more
than
one
or
two
,
even
in
the
first
and
second
Century
.
And
now
I
have
mention'd
this
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
clear
that
Passage
of
Optatus
about
these
forty
Churches
,
Bonifacius
Ballitanus
sate
before
him
;
and
he
,
where
Victor
Garbiensis
,
who
was
the
first
Donatist
Bishop
in
Rome
,
and
there
the
Succession
ends
,
he
having
none
to
succeed
to
,
Filius
sine
Patre
,
Tyro
sine
Principe
,
Hospes
sine
Hospitio
,
Pastor
sine
Grege
,
Episcopus
sine
Populo
,
non
enim
Populus
aut
Grex
appellandi
fuerant
pauci
qui
intra
quadraginta
&
quod
excurrit
basilicas
locum
ubi
colligerent
non
haberent
.
It
is
plain
then
,
that
Optatus
does
not
speak
of
the
state
of
Rome
as
it
was
in
his
own
time
,
but
of
Victor
Garbiensis
,
the
first
Donatist
Bishop
;
when
this
was
,
is
not
easie
to
fix
.
There
is
no
greater
Argument
for
a
great
number
of
Congregations
under
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
than
what
Mr.
B.
observes
of
their
Churches
before
Dioclesian's
time
,
that
they
were
but
like
our
Tabernacles
,
as
to
the
capaciousness
,
When
the
Diocess
of
Rome
is
reduced
within
the
narrow
Bounds
of
a
single
Congregation
,
what
other
Church
can
pretend
to
more
?
And
if
the
Imperial
City
need
not
be
excepted
,
Alexandria
cannot
hope
for
Exemption
,
therefore
he
proceeds
to
shew
that
Alexandria
the
greatest
and
most
populous
City
in
the
World
,
next
to
Rome
,
had
no
more
Christians
than
could
meet
together
in
one
Congregation
;
and
of
this
he
offers
a
bold
Proof
,
that
it
was
so
in
the
time
of
Athanasius
,
Athan.
T.
1.
p.
531.
Ch.
Hist.
9.
whose
words
he
cites
,
where
he
excuses
himself
for
having
celebrated
Easter
in
the
great
Church
of
Alexandria
,
and
drawn
together
such
a
multitude
as
gave
great
occasion
of
Jealousie
to
the
Emperour
;
but
his
Plea
is
,
that
the
other
Churches
were
so
narrow
,
that
they
would
have
been
in
danger
of
suffering
by
the
crowd
:
and
as
if
this
Church
would
have
held
all
the
People
,
he
adds
,
that
it
was
better
for
the
whole
Multitude
to
meet
in
the
Great
Church
,
and
to
have
the
concurrence
of
the
people
with
one
Voice
,
&c.
This
Church
was
newly
built
by
Constantius
,
and
we
may
suppose
it
very
large
,
though
not
yet
so
great
as
to
be
able
to
contain
all
the
Believers
in
Alexandria
;
nor
does
Mr.
B.
desire
it
should
,
but
only
the
Generality
:
He
adds
to
this
of
Athanasius
,
The
City
of
Alexandria
,
says
Strabo
,
is
like
a
Souldiers
Cloak
&c.
and
by
Computation
,
about
ten
Miles
in
Compass
;
a
third
or
forth
part
of
this
was
taken
up
with
publick
Buildings
,
Temples
,
and
Royal
Palaces
;
thus
is
two
Miles
and
a
half
,
or
three
and
a
quarter
taken
up
.
]
I
will
not
say
,
this
learned
Friend
has
impos'd
on
Mr.
B.
but
there
is
a
very
great
Mistake
betwixt
them
;
suppose
Temples
and
Royal
Palaces
should
take
up
such
a
part
of
the
City
,
must
there
therefore
be
no
Inhabitants
in
those
Palaces
,
or
no
Christians
amongst
those
Inhabitants
?
But
he
believes
this
to
be
that
Region
call'd
Bruchium
,
which
Epiphanius
speaks
of
in
his
time
as
destitute
.
What
?
all
the
publick
Buildings
of
the
Town
in
one
Region
,
and
that
an
outer
Skirt
too
?
as
it
is
described
by
the
Greek
Martyrology
in
Hilarion
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
in
the
Life
of
Apollonius
Discolus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
Epiphanius
says
,
was
destitute
of
Inhabitants
in
his
time
,
and
not
unlikely
,
and
perhaps
,
destitute
of
publick
Buildings
too
;
for
it
was
destroyed
after
an
obstinate
Siege
in
the
reign
of
Aurelian
,
as
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
or
of
Claudius
,
A
great
part
of
the
City
was
assign'd
to
the
Jews
,
so
Strabo
indefinitely
,
as
Josephus
quotes
him
;
others
tell
us
more
punctually
,
that
their
Share
was
two
of
the
five
Divisions
(
Ush
.
Annals
p.
859.
)
though
many
of
them
had
their
Habitations
in
the
other
Divisions
,
yet
they
had
two
fifth
parts
entire
to
themselves
(
which
he
might
have
found
as
punctually
in
Strabo
,
as
in
Bishop
Vsher
)
and
this
(
continues
he
)
is
I
suppose
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
Josephus
says
,
the
Successors
of
Alexander
set
apart
for
them
;
thus
we
see
how
six
or
seven
Miles
of
the
ten
are
disposed
of
.
]
And
by
the
same
rule
he
might
have
disposed
of
all
at
once
,
and
concluded
out
of
Strabo's
Division
of
the
Town
,
that
there
was
not
one
Christian
it
it
:
For
Strabo
liv'd
in
Augustus
his
time
,
when
it
was
a
hard
matter
to
find
a
Christian
in
Alexandria
,
unless
we
will
take
in
Justin
Martyr's
old
Christians
,
such
as
Socrates
,
i.e.
all
virtuous
good
men
;
and
then
I
am
afraid
,
they
would
be
too
few
to
make
a
Congregation
.
The
number
of
these
Jews
was
much
lessened
within
a
little
while
after
Strabo
,
by
an
Insurrection
of
the
Alexandrians
against
them
;
the
Civil
Wars
afterwards
under
Trajan
and
his
Successor
had
almost
extirpated
them
;
and
yet
even
at
this
time
,
Alexandria
was
as
populous
as
ever
,
and
frequented
by
almost
all
the
Nations
of
the
Earth
,
as
Dion
Chrysostomus
represents
the
flourishing
State
of
it
in
his
time
:
but
no
matter
what
number
of
Jews
or
Heathens
it
had
in
Strabo's
days
,
the
Question
is
,
whether
many
of
both
were
not
converted
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
that
very
early
.
There
remains
now
but
three
or
four
miles
to
be
disposed
of
between
the
Heathens
and
the
Christians
,
What
he
adds
about
Alexander
and
Meletius
I
wonder
it
could
escape
him
,
Now
because
Mr.
B.
has
endeavour'd
to
represent
the
Church
of
Alexandria
so
inconsiderable
,
even
after
Constantine's
days
,
it
will
not
be
impertinent
to
give
the
Reader
a
View
of
that
Churches
Greatness
,
even
from
the
first
Foundation
of
it
.
In
St.
Mark's
time
,
Alexandria
had
several
Churches
,
Euseb.
l.
2.
c.
16
Niceph.
l.
2.
c.
15.
Euseb.
l.
2.
c.
24.
though
but
one
Bishop
,
for
that
same
Evangelist
is
said
to
have
preacht
the
Gospel
there
first
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
to
have
founded
several
Churches
or
Congregations
there
;
In
Adrian's
time
,
those
that
worship
Serapis
are
Christians
;
and
there
are
that
call
themselves
the
Bishops
of
the
Christians
,
that
devote
themselves
to
Serapis
;
all
these
,
it
seems
,
were
Christians
by
inclination
,
though
sometimes
they
were
forc'd
by
the
Egyptians
to
worship
their
Gods
;
for
he
that
has
the
least
tincture
of
Christianity
,
can
have
no
great
Devotion
for
Serapis
:
—
and
the
Patriarch
himself
,
when
he
comes
into
Egypt
,
is
forc'd
by
some
to
worship
Serapis
,
by
others
,
to
worship
Christ
.
It
is
not
material
to
our
purpose
,
whether
this
Patriarch
were
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
as
Casaubon
and
Salmasius
will
have
him
,
or
rather
the
chief
Governour
of
the
Jews
,
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
Claudius
,
The
great
Catechists
of
Alexandria
,
as
Panteus
,
Clemens
,
Origen
,
and
Heracles
,
did
not
a
little
advance
the
growth
of
Christian
Religion
in
that
place
,
and
Origen's
School
particularly
was
so
frequented
,
one
Company
coming
still
after
another
,
from
Morning
till
Night
,
that
he
had
hardly
time
to
take
breath
,
and
was
forc'd
to
take
Heraclas
into
his
Assistance
,
to
instruct
the
more
ignorant
sort
.
Dionysius
,
who
gives
an
account
of
Valerian's
Persecution
in
Egypt
,
represents
the
Christians
,
as
well
of
Alexandria
as
of
other
Cities
,
extraordinary
numerous
;
the
concourse
of
them
to
him
when
he
was
banish'd
to
Chebron
,
was
so
great
,
that
he
was
forc'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
afterwards
,
when
he
was
removed
from
thence
to
Coluthio
,
Under
the
Persecution
of
Dioclesian
,
what
numbers
of
Christians
might
be
at
Alexandria
,
may
be
judged
by
the
multitude
of
Martyrs
that
suffer'd
at
Thebes
:
Eusebius
was
an
Eye-witness
of
what
he
relates
concerning
them
;
he
saw
great
multitudes
suffer
together
,
some
dayes
ten
,
some
twenty
,
some
sixty
,
and
sometimes
an
hundred
,
and
this
continued
not
for
a
few
dayes
onely
,
or
a
short
space
of
time
,
but
for
several
years
.
The
division
of
Alexandria
between
several
Presbyters
,
as
it
were
into
so
many
Parishes
,
although
it
be
not
mention'd
before
Arrius's
time
,
Vales
.
Annot
.
in
S●zom
.
l.
11.
c.
15.
not
that
of
Rome
;
and
Valesius
infers
from
the
same
Passage
of
Pope
Innocent's
Epistle
to
Decentius
,
which
Petavius
brings
to
prove
the
contrary
,
that
although
there
were
several
Titles
or
Churches
in
Rome
then
,
and
had
been
long
before
,
yet
none
of
them
was
as
yet
appropriated
to
any
Presbyter
,
but
they
were
served
in
common
,
as
greater
Cities
in
Holland
and
some
other
Reformed
Countries
,
that
have
several
Churches
and
Ministers
,
who
preach
in
them
all
by
their
turns
.
Lastly
,
and
to
conclude
this
account
of
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
it
is
evident
out
of
Athanasius
,
how
the
Bishop
of
that
City
had
from
the
Beginning
several
fix'd
Congregations
under
him
;
Athan.
T.
1.
p.
802.
particularly
those
of
Mareotes
,
who
,
though
they
must
be
suppos'd
to
receive
the
Faith
almost
as
early
as
Alexandria
,
yet
never
had
a
Bishop
before
Ischyrias
,
(
if
he
were
to
be
reckon'd
one
.
)
[
Mareotes
,
says
Athanasius
,
is
a
Countrey
belonging
to
Alexandria
,
wherein
there
never
was
a
Bishop
,
not
so
much
as
a
Chorepiscopus
,
but
all
the
Churches
of
that
place
were
subject
to
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
.
And
now
let
the
Reader
judge
,
whether
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
had
more
Congregations
than
one
under
him
,
or
no
more
than
could
conveniently
meet
in
one
place
.
I
have
hitherto
examin'd
Mr.
B's
Evidence
of
History
for
his
Congregational
Churches
:
let
us
now
see
whether
there
be
not
as
good
Evidence
to
the
contrary
.
The
growth
of
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
was
so
sudden
,
and
so
great
,
as
to
exceed
the
measure
of
one
or
two
Congregations
.
St.
Peter's
first
Sermon
brought
over
three
thousand
,
another
five
thousand
;
Multitudes
both
of
Men
and
Women
were
added
to
the
Church
,
and
the
number
of
the
Disciples
multiplyed
in
Jerusalem
greatly
;
and
a
great
number
of
the
Priests
were
obedient
to
the
Faith
,
Act.
6.7
.
Now
let
us
seriously
consider
,
whether
all
these
Converts
could
meet
together
in
one
place
,
for
personal
Communion
,
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
or
whether
they
could
find
a
room
spacious
enough
to
meet
in
all
together
;
we
find
but
two
sorts
of
places
they
met
in
,
the
Temple
,
and
from
House
to
House
;
the
Temple
cannot
be
supposed
the
ordinary
place
of
their
Assembly
,
since
the
generality
of
the
Priests
and
People
did
oppose
them
;
and
though
the
Apostles
preacht
there
,
it
was
no
otherwise
than
they
did
in
the
Synagogues
acd
Market-places
,
and
other
places
of
concourse
,
to
gain
new
Proselytes
,
and
not
to
instruct
those
they
had
converted
:
when
they
preacht
from
House
to
House
,
the
fifth
or
tenth
part
of
them
can
hardly
be
supposed
to
have
convenience
for
personal
Communion
:
and
it
is
certain
,
they
did
break
Bread
no
otherwise
than
from
House
to
House
,
from
whence
it
is
plain
,
that
it
was
not
possible
for
them
all
to
hold
personal
Communion
in
the
principal
part
of
Christian
Worship
,
i.
c.
the
holy
Eucharist
,
which
is
made
by
Mr.
B.
as
necessary
to
the
Individuation
of
a
Church
as
Communion
in
Doctrine
.
The
Presbyterians
prest
this
Instance
very
unmercifully
upon
those
of
the
congregational
way
,
who
made
use
of
all
Shifts
,
and
most
of
them
very
poor
ones
.
To
elude
the
force
of
the
Argument
,
sometimes
they
turn
the
Temple
into
a
Church
,
another
while
they
send
the
greatest
part
of
them
home
to
the
country
,
and
whatsoever
other
means
they
could
find
to
diminish
their
number
,
they
laid
hold
of
them
;
and
this
way
not
succeeding
in
their
own
Opinion
,
they
found
a
Secret
in
the
Ayr
,
But
Mr.
B.
tells
us
one
thing
more
which
a
Friend
told
him
,
which
I
wonder
as
much
,
he
should
believe
,
as
that
he
be
satisfied
with
another
Friend's
Computation
of
the
Christians
in
Alexandria
in
Strabo's
time
:
't
is
in
short
this
,
That
,
he
,
though
his
Voice
was
none
of
the
lowdest
,
yet
he
preacht
to
a
Congregation
judg'd
to
be
about
ten
thousand
men
,
At
last
,
to
make
sure
work
,
he
concludes
that
though
Jerusalem
might
have
many
Assemblies
and
yet
but
one
Church
,
But
Mr.
B.
says
,
the
Office
of
a
Bishop
supposes
him
to
have
no
more
than
one
Congregation
,
since
he
must
hold
personal
Communion
with
all
,
in
Preaching
,
and
Administration
of
the
Sacraments
,
visiting
the
Sick
,
relieving
the
Poor
,
and
the
like
:
but
must
all
these
Acts
be
performed
by
himself
in
Person
?
Must
he
have
no
Assistance
?
Is
nothing
to
be
done
within
his
Congregation
,
without
his
Presence
?
May
not
he
do
all
this
occasionally
,
as
the
Apostles
and
Evangelists
did
,
However
,
the
generality
of
Bishops
(
you
say
)
for
a
long
while
after
the
Apostles
,
had
but
one
Congregation
to
govern
;
what
then
?
If
all
the
Believers
in
and
about
a
City
,
would
hardly
make
a
Congregation
,
that
is
,
to
be
ascribed
to
the
Condition
of
those
times
,
and
not
to
be
reckon'd
essential
to
the
Office
:
all
things
have
their
Beginning
,
but
are
not
confin'd
to
the
Measures
of
their
Infancy
;
and
if
the
Beginnings
of
the
Church
were
but
small
,
even
the
greatest
Cities
,
it
cannot
be
a
prejudice
to
the
Governour
of
it
,
if
the
number
of
Believers
should
increase
,
since
they
are
appointed
in
Clemens
Opinion
,
for
the
Government
not
only
of
those
that
have
already
,
The
Practice
of
the
universal
Church
,
is
evidently
on
our
side
,
for
who
has
ever
heard
of
two
Bishops
in
one
City
,
though
it
were
never
so
great
,
unless
in
time
of
Schism
:
and
it
is
strange
,
when
the
number
of
Believers
did
encrease
beyond
all
Possibility
of
personal
Communion
,
that
none
should
ever
discern
the
necessity
of
dividing
into
several
Churches
,
and
learn
this
Wisdom
from
the
Example
of
Bees
;
But
the
Bishops
of
Rome
and
Alexandria
by
their
Affectation
of
Empire
,
became
evil
Examples
to
others
by
their
first
Corruption
of
Church
Discipline
.
It
is
strange
then
,
that
among
all
the
Quarrels
of
the
Bishops
,
and
in
all
their
Accusations
of
one
another
,
that
this
Crime
of
so
high
a
Nature
,
should
never
be
objected
,
that
no
good
man
could
never
complain
of
this
Corruption
,
that
there
should
never
be
laid
to
their
Charge
this
usurping
of
Authority
over
whole
Cities
and
multitudes
of
Congregations
.
But
supposing
this
an
Usurpation
in
the
Bishops
of
Rome
and
Alexandria
,
how
is
it
credible
,
that
all
the
great
Cities
in
the
World
should
be
carryed
away
with
their
Example
?
that
there
should
be
not
one
honest
Bishop
left
,
that
understood
the
nature
of
his
Office
,
or
the
just
bounds
of
his
Diocess
?
Or
suppose
the
Bishops
so
far
prejudiced
with
self-Interest
as
to
have
neglected
a
Duty
that
redounded
so
much
to
the
Diminution
of
their
Power
,
yet
were
the
People
who
in
those
times
had
some
part
in
their
Election
,
ignorant
of
this
great
Secret
,
would
not
they
right
themselves
,
and
not
have
suffer'd
their
several
Congreations
to
become
Chappelries
,
&c.
Dependencies
upon
the
Bishops
Church
?
Would
not
they
have
govern'd
themselves
,
rather
than
become
,
as
it
were
,
a
Province
to
the
Bishop
;
or
if
the
People
were
ignorant
of
this
,
was
there
no
Priest
that
was
ambitious
enough
to
be
Bishop
,
that
could
inform
them
of
their
Right
,
in
Expectation
that
they
would
be
grateful
to
the
Discoverer
of
their
Priviledges
.
And
lastly
,
was
there
no
Schismatick
learned
enough
to
justifie
his
setting
up
of
an
Altar
against
an
Altar
,
by
this
Argument
,
that
there
were
more
Believers
than
could
hold
personal
Communion
with
the
Bishops
Altar
;
that
there
was
work
enough
for
more
Bishops
than
one
,
and
that
in
populous
Cities
there
ought
to
be
several
Churches
:
yet
they
were
all
so
dull
,
as
never
to
think
of
this
way
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
every
one
pretended
,
that
there
ought
to
be
but
one
Bishop
in
a
City
,
and
that
himself
had
the
Right
,
and
the
other
was
the
Usurper
.
In
short
,
since
the
Nature
of
the
Church
requires
,
that
it
should
swarm
,
when
Believers
grew
too
numerous
for
one
Assembly
,
and
send
out
new
Colonies
under
Independant-officers
,
Is
it
not
very
strange
,
that
it
should
so
far
forget
it's
Nature
,
as
never
to
have
done
this
,
and
to
leave
not
one
poor
instance
,
upon
whose
Authority
,
the
Independency
of
Congregations
might
relye
?
It
is
upon
this
,
that
the
present
Question
turns
,
and
not
whether
Bishops
at
first
had
but
single
Congregations
;
for
if
there
were
no
more
Believers
within
,
or
belonging
to
the
City
,
they
could
have
no
more
;
but
after
they
were
multiplyed
into
several
Congregations
,
still
they
had
but
one
Bishop
:
and
Mr.
B.
does
not
as
much
as
pretend
to
any
Evidence
of
History
to
the
contrary
,
unless
it
be
,
when
the
Church
was
divided
by
Schism
.
I
thought
my self
obliged
to
consider
Mr.
B's
Notion
of
a
Church
and
Episcopacy
,
as
it
lyes
scatter'd
in
his
first
Chapter
,
and
explain'd
more
at
large
in
his
first
Disputation
of
Church
Government
;
partly
because
he
insists
so
much
upon
it
,
and
bends
the
whole
course
of
his
History
to
favour
it
as
much
as
is
possible
;
partly
,
because
he
makes
it
a
plea
to
justifie
his
Railings
against
Bishops
and
Councils
,
as
if
those
he
dishonoured
in
this
History
,
had
departed
from
the
ancient
use
of
Church
Government
and
Discipline
;
and
their
Usurpation
had
drawn
after
it
all
those
evil
Consequences
and
Calamities
,
which
he
relates
throughout
this
Book
.
It
is
time
now
to
enter
upon
his
History
,
and
to
examine
how
truly
and
how
fairly
he
has
represented
the
Actions
of
Bishops
and
Councils
,
I
shall
go
along
with
him
as
far
as
the
end
of
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
,
and
endeavour
to
vindicate
the
Reputation
of
the
four
first
general
Councils
,
which
our
Church
receives
,
from
those
injurious
Representations
which
Mr.
B.
has
made
of
them
in
his
History
.
In
the
next
place
,
I
shall
endeavour
to
shew
how
little
Truth
there
is
in
that
general
Accusation
which
this
History
is
intended
to
make
out
,
that
Bishops
have
been
the
Authors
of
all
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
and
Corruptions
:
Thirdly
,
that
the
way
to
remedy
this
,
is
not
by
multiplying
Bishops
,
and
that
this
Expedient
is
so
far
from
being
the
Cure
of
Church
Divisions
,
that
nothing
has
contributed
more
to
widen
the
Breach
,
and
to
render
Peace
and
Concord
impossible
within
any
considerable
Compass
.
Fourthly
,
That
though
Bishops
and
Councils
have
been
guilty
of
great
Miscarriages
,
they
ought
not
to
be
imputed
to
the
Order
,
but
the
Men
;
and
if
Bishops
brought
in
several
Corruptions
as
well
in
Doctrine
as
Discipline
after
the
four
general
Councils
;
Bishops
have
likewise
reformed
the
Church
from
them
,
and
have
maintained
,
and
do
still
maintain
and
justifie
their
Reformation
.
Lastly
,
that
latter
models
of
Church-Governments
without
Bishops
have
been
subject
to
all
the
Miscarriages
that
are
charg'd
upon
the
Bishops
,
and
have
not
been
able
to
prevent
or
remedy
the
Mischiefs
of
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
and
that
the
Independent
model
is
of
all
other
,
the
most
unlikely
to
remedy
these
Mischiefs
,
and
is
justly
charg'd
by
the
Presbyterians
to
have
given
the
occasion
to
all
those
Confusions
in
Religion
,
those
monstrous
Doctrines
and
endless
Separations
,
under
which
we
still
labour
,
and
almost
despair
to
see
a
Remedy
for
them
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Heresies
and
the
first
Councils
.
THE
design
of
general
Councils
being
chiefly
to
preserve
the
Unity
of
the
Faith
,
'T
is
this
that
Mr.
B.
finds
so
much
fault
with
,
and
ascribes
all
the
mischiefs
that
have
befallen
the
Church
,
to
an
ignorant
zeal
against
Heresie
:
There
is
no
doubt
but
this
has
been
the
occasion
of
great
Calamities
,
the
greatest
Hereticks
persecuting
the
Truth
under
the
name
of
Heresie
:
Mr.
B.
gives
such
an
account
of
those
Controversies
that
exercised
the
four
first
General
Councils
,
as
seems
in
great
measure
to
excuse
those
Heresies
which
were
condemn'd
by
them
,
and
to
blame
their
condemnation
,
calling
the
Bishops
,
in
derision
,
Hereticators
and
Damners
,
because
they
pronounced
Arrius
,
Macedonius
,
Nestorius
,
&c.
Hereticks
,
men
of
dangerous
Principles
,
and
not
to
be
tolerated
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
;
yet
,
for
all
this
,
I
belive
Mr.
B's
own
Rule
will
absolve
them
;
for
,
in
his
Book
called
,
The
true
and
only
way
of
Concord
,
&
seq
.
he
makes
a
Catalogue
of
such
Errours
,
which
men
ought
to
be
restrain'd
from
preaching
and
propagating
:
now
all
those
Errours
condemn'd
by
the
four
first
General
Councils
,
are
laid
down
there
,
not
only
in
the
Sense
,
but
in
the
very
Terms
they
were
condemn'd
in
;
these
Doctrines
are
by
him
own'd
to
be
dangerous
,
and
by
no
means
to
be
suffered
to
be
preach'd
.
But
what
if
men
grow
incorrigible
,
and
will
preach
them
,
notwithstanding
these
Prohibitions
and
Restraints
?
his
Resolution
is
very
moderate
,
that
every
one
should
not
be
ejected
or
silenced
,
that
holdeth
or
preacheth
any
one
such
Errour
what
then
?
must
he
be
suffer'd
to
propagate
the
Infections
,
and
to
teach
these
Opinions
that
are
so
confessedly
dangerous
?
nor
that
neither
;
for
there
follows
such
an
Exception
in
this
Toleration
,
as
wholly
overthrows
it
;
for
those
are
to
be
cast
out
,
who
,
consideratis
considerandis
,
are
found
to
do
more
harm
than
good
:
Now
,
what
if
the
Orthodox
Bishops
did
find
that
,
consideratis
considerandis
,
those
Hereticks
they
condemned
,
did
more
hurt
than
good
,
that
they
destroy'd
with
one
hand
much
more
than
they
edified
with
the
other
;
and
that
the
propagating
of
one
of
these
dangerous
Doctrines
was
not
compensated
by
all
the
other
Truths
that
they
preach'd
;
there
is
no
variety
of
wholsom
food
can
countervail
the
Mischiefs
of
one
envenom'd
bit
;
and
that
Physician
is
not
to
be
trusted
that
puts
in
any
one
dangerous
Ingredient
,
though
the
rest
of
the
Composition
were
very
innocent
,
and
this
was
the
Rule
they
went
by
;
the
Hereticks
in
their
Opinions
were
dangerous
men
,
they
were
obstinate
in
their
Opinions
,
industrious
in
propagating
them
,
and
were
mostly
upon
the
vindication
of
these
controverted
Doctrines
:
it
was
therefore
necessary
,
since
they
did
more
hurt
than
good
,
that
they
should
be
cast
out
of
the
Church
.
Nor
is
he
less
displeas'd
with
the
Form
than
the
Matter
of
this
Condemnation
,
and
therefore
he
gives
the
Bishops
the
Titles
of
Hereticating
,
Cursing
,
Damning
Bishops
;
but
what
Antichristian
words
are
these
,
that
can
move
a
moderate
,
healing-man
to
so
great
Indignation
?
Anathema
esto
,
is
the
usual
form
of
condemnation
in
Councils
,
which
he
so
frequently
calls
Cursing
and
Damning
,
the
word
is
St.
Paul's
,
If
any
one
love
not
the
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
let
him
be
Anathema-maran-atha
;
and
he
had
borrowed
it
from
the
Jews
,
which
signifies
no
more
than
the
separation
of
any
thing
from
common
Use
;
and
is
used
sometimes
in
a
good
,
sometimes
in
a
bad
sense
.
In
the
first
,
he
denotes
any
thing
consecrated
or
devoted
to
God
;
in
the
latter
,
any
thing
which
we
abhorr
,
and
separate
our selves
from
for
fear
of
Pollution
;
so
that
the
addition
of
it
to
those
Errours
which
they
condemn
is
dangerous
:
As
for
Instance
;
If
any
man
shall
say
,
that
there
was
a
time
when
Christ
was
not
,
let
him
be
Anathema
,
imports
no
more
,
than
that
we
declare
our
abhorrence
of
such
Doctrines
,
and
will
have
nothing
common
with
those
that
profess
them
;
but
Mr.
B.
I
know
not
out
of
what
Dictionary
,
translates
it
,
God
damn
you
,
and
calls
it
the
Religion
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Councils
;
Nay
,
though
this
did
imply
so
much
,
they
may
plead
the
Example
of
St.
Paul
even
in
that
case
,
since
they
do
no
more
than
apply
his
general
Sentence
,
which
he
repeats
more
than
once
,
If
any
man
preach
any
other
Gospel
unto
you
than
that
ye
have
received
,
let
him
be
accursed
.
And
,
that
you
may
not
think
that
this
other
Gospel
does
directly
overthrow
that
which
he
had
preach'd
,
and
teach
men
to
deny
and
renounce
our
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
;
we
must
understand
,
that
all
this
relates
to
the
Legal
Observances
,
which
some
would
introduce
into
the
Churches
of
Galatia
,
and
their
compliance
with
those
Teachers
,
is
by
the
same
Apostle
called
,
a
turning
away
unto
another
Gospel
;
and
the
preaching
of
those
men
,
the
Perverting
of
the
Gospel
:
and
so
warm
is
the
same
Apostle
against
those
Disturbers
of
the
Church
,
that
he
wishes
that
they
were
even
cut
off
which
troubled
them
:
This
was
the
Design
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Councils
;
to
this
end
they
directed
their
Anathema's
,
and
if
they
have
not
always
met
with
the
Success
that
were
to
be
wish'd
,
we
must
not
judge
uncharitably
,
and
undervalue
or
deride
their
Endeavours
.
And
now
let
us
consider
their
Acts
,
and
see
what
it
is
that
they
have
done
.
The
first
Councils
,
about
the
time
of
the
Observation
of
Easter
,
he
passes
over
with
only
mentioning
,
for
there
is
little
of
them
remaining
.
Pope
Victor
was
doubtless
to
be
blam'd
for
endangering
the
Peace
of
the
whole
Church
,
Eusebius
.
Valesius
is
of
opinion
,
and
it
seems
the
most
probable
,
that
this
proceeded
no
farther
than
Letters
of
Accusation
,
Carthage
,
Labese
,
under
Agrippinus
,
and
that
of
Arabia
under
Origen
,
he
does
but
just
mention
;
that
of
Rome
,
Cypr.
Ep.
31.
That
nothing
should
be
changed
before
the
Election
of
their
next
Bishop
,
as
appears
by
their
Letter
to
the
Clergy
of
Carthage
;
the
Bishops
that
were
here
present
,
were
such
as
came
to
assist
and
advise
the
Roman
Clergy
in
a
time
of
so
great
danger
,
and
not
to
determine
any
thing
authoritatively
in
Council
,
much
less
to
be
presided
and
govern'd
by
the
Roman
Presbyters
.
After
this
,
says
he
,
there
was
another
Council
in
Carthage
,
two
in
Rome
,
and
one
in
Carthage
about
the
same
Controversie
.
These
he
passes
over
very
lightly
,
and
the
Schism
that
was
the
occasion
of
some
of
them
,
because
it
was
impossible
to
charge
it
upon
any
Bishop
:
Cyprian
behaved
himself
like
a
prudent
good
man
,
and
an
indulgent
Father
,
and
yet
all
this
could
not
prevent
Schism
and
Conventicles
;
Faelicissimus
,
Priest
of
Carthage
,
makes
the
first
breach
,
whom
Mr.
B.
mistakes
for
Felicissimus
the
Deacon
,
Cyprian
.
Novatus
,
an
African
Presbyter
,
improved
this
difference
;
and
not
content
to
disturb
his
own
Church
,
went
to
Rome
,
and
kindled
Discord
and
Dissention
there
.
Baronius
would
have
this
Novatus
to
be
a
Bishop
,
because
he
is
said
by
Cyprian
to
have
ordained
Felicissimus
a
Deacon
;
but
it
is
plain
,
as
well
out
of
Cyprian
,
as
the
Chronicle
of
Eusebius
,
that
he
was
but
Priest
.
Novatus
Presbyter
Cypriani
,
Romam
veniens
,
non
〈◊〉
Presbyterio
excitari
tantum
,
sed
&
Communicatione
prohiberi
:
and
as
for
the
Ordination
o●
Felicissimus
,
Cyprian
in
the
same
Epistle
shew●
it
to
have
been
done
against
all
Rule
and
Order
,
because
,
he
says
,
that
he
did
it
,
nec
p●mittente
me
nec
sciente
,
but
,
sua
factione
&
ambitione
:
which
plainly
shews
,
that
Novat●●
was
Cyprian's
Presbyter
,
and
ought
not
to
have
ordained
a
Deacon
,
unless
it
were
in
Conjunction
with
him
,
or
by
his
Permission●
whereas
,
if
he
had
been
a
Bishop
,
his
right
to
the
ordaining
of
Deacons
would
have
been
unquestionable
.
This
was
the
Author
of
that
Schism
Mr.
B.
favours
so
much
throughout
his
whole
History
,
and
claims
Kindred
with
them
,
as
the
Puritans
and
Nonconformists
of
those
Times
;
yet
having
known
what
manner
of
man
he
had
been
,
he
might
have
been
ashamed
of
such
a
Progenitor
,
who
,
if
Cyprian
be
to
be
believed
,
was
always
restless
,
arrogant
,
proud
,
perfidious
,
a
Flatterer
,
and
an
Incendiary
,
that
carried
a
tempest
with
him
wheresoever
he
went
,
and
was
a
sworn
Enemy
to
Peace
and
Settlement
;
he
robb'd
the
Orphans
,
cheated
the
Widows
,
purloin'd
the
Treasures
of
the
Church
,
he
suffer'd
his
Father
to
starve
,
and
would
not
as
much
as
bury
him
when
dead
;
he
kick'd
his
Wife
,
being
great
with
Child
,
and
caused
sudden
Abortion
:
and
this
was
the
great
Saint
and
Puritan
,
that
could
find
no
Church
,
no
Bishop
holy
enough
for
his
Communion
;
this
was
the
severe
Judge
,
that
would
not
admit
Repentance
,
and
represented
God
cruel
and
implacable
,
as
himself
;
for
it
was
really
his
Opinion
,
as
I
shall
shew
in
due
place
,
that
there
was
no
pardon
for
the
lapsed
,
no
,
not
with
God
;
and
that
Mr.
B.
mistakes
,
when
he
affirms
this
Rigour
to
extend
no
farther
than
to
refuse
an
outward
Reconciliation
with
the
Church
.
The
next
is
another
Council
of
Carthage
,
There
is
a
mistake
§
29.
where
he
make
;
Eus
bius
to
speak
that
in
his
own
Person
,
Dionysius
Alexandrinus
,
That
he
does
not
condemn
the
rebaptizing
of
Hereticks
,
which
was
a
Tradition
of
so
great
Antiquity
.
The
Councils
of
Antioch
that
condemn'd
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
are
in
effect
acquitted
by
Mr.
B.
when
he
acknowledges
him
,
that
was
rejected
by
those
Councils
,
a
gross
Heretick
.
That
infamous
meeting
of
Traditors
at
Cyrta
,
Opatus
Milev
.
reproaches
his
Donatist
Adversary
with
these
Progenitors
;
amongst
these
was
Donatus
Masculitanus
,
Victor
.
Rusicciadiensis
,
Marinus
ab
aquis
Tibilitanis
,
Donatus
Calumensis
,
and
the
Murtherer
,
Purpurius
Limatensis
,
the
great
Promoters
of
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
and
,
as
it
were
,
the
Apostles
of
that
Sect
;
yet
these
men
,
tho
they
were
confessed
Traditors
,
became
of
so
tender
Consciences
soon
after
,
as
to
abhor
Communion
with
Cecilianus
,
because
he
was
ordained
by
Felix
,
whom
they
suspected
of
the
same
Crime
,
that
they
had
pardoned
one
another
.
The
Church
is
so
unconcerned
with
the
crimes
of
these
men
,
that
they
are
in
some
measure
her
Vindication
,
they
went
out
from
us
,
because
they
were
not
of
us
,
and
they
left
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
because
their
crimes
made
them
despair
of
enjoying
it
.
The
next
Council
he
mentions
,
whether
this
be
true
or
forg'd
is
too
hard
a
Controversie
:
Just
as
hard
as
that
concerning
St.
Vrsula
and
her
eleven
thousand
Virgins
,
or
the
travelling
Chappel
of
Loretto
,
or
the
History
of
the
seven
Champions
.
The
Council
of
Illiberis
follows
next
,
that
has
many
very
good
Canons
,
and
some
have
need
of
a
favourable
Interpretation
;
it
is
very
severe
in
some
cases
,
denying
Communion
even
at
the
hour
of
Death
;
but
this
is
not
the
thing
which
was
condemn'd
in
the
Novatians
,
as
we
shall
shew
hereafter
.
The
Council
of
Carthage
follow'd
,
that
began
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
the
doleful
Tragedy
of
the
Donatists
began
by
Bishops
,
divided
about
the
Carthage
Bishop
.
Tho
it
cannot
be
denyed
,
but
that
Bishops
had
a
hand
in
carrying
on
this
Schism
,
The
Donatists
,
says
Mr.
B.
were
so
call'd
from
Donatus
,
a
very
good
Bishop
of
Carthage
heretofore
,
and
not
from
Donatus
,
à
Casis
nigris
.
'T
is
true
,
the
former
gave
them
the
name
,
but
I
wonder
where
Mr.
B.
finds
that
he
was
so
good
a
Bishop
,
[
(a)
](A50343-e30530-b)
(a)
De
script
.
Eccles.
in
Donat.
St.
Jerom
makes
him
an
Arrian
;
[
(b)
](A50343-e30560-b)
(b)
Optat.
lib.
3.
contra
Parmen.
Optatus
represents
him
as
the
most
arrogant
,
proud
man
,
that
ever
was
,
that
he
exacted
such
a
Submission
,
even
from
Bishops
,
as
to
make
them
worship
him
with
no
less
Regard
than
God
himself
,
that
he
suffer'd
men
to
swear
by
his
name
:
[
(c)
](A50343-e30600-b)
(c)
Aust.
in
Joh.
tract.
3.
prop.
Friem
.
St.
Austin
makes
him
an
Impostor
,
that
he
made
his
party
believe
,
that
when
he
pray'd
,
God
answer'd
him
from
Heaven
;
and
the
civil
Magistrate
found
him
no
less
turbulent
than
the
Church
,
his
contumelious
Language
to
the
Emperours
and
their
Lieutenants
,
shewing
sufficiently
what
Spirit
he
was
of
.
Lastly
,
He
mistakes
the
time
of
this
Council
,
with
Binnius
and
Baroneus
,
placing
it
in
the
year
of
Christ
,
306.
But
Optatus
making
this
Election
of
Cecilianus
subsequent
of
the
Toleration
granted
the
African
Churches
by
Maxentius
,
who
had
not
reduced
Africa
,
An.
308.
Another
Council
was
held
at
Carthage
,
where
no
less
than
two
hundred
and
seventy
Donatist-Bishops
,
For
the
number
of
Bishops
in
this
Council
we
have
only
the
Authority
of
Tychonius
,
Vales
.
de
Schism
.
Donat.
c.
3.
Schismatick
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
and
immediate
Successor
of
Majorinus
.
St.
Jerom
,
in
his
Chronicle
,
sets
his
Promotion
in
the
year
331.
Donatus
agnoscitur
à
quo
per
Africam
Donatiani
;
And
it
cannot
be
well
imagin'd
,
that
Schism
should
spread
so
suddenly
,
as
in
the
very
beginning
of
it
,
to
have
two
hundred
and
seventy
Bishops
of
their
Party
;
especially
,
considering
that
Constantine
the
Great
used
all
his
Endeavours
to
suppress
them
.
It
is
observable
,
that
before
this
time
we
do
not
meet
any
very
numerous
Councils
,
either
in
Africk
or
any
where
else
;
the
greatest
falling
much
short
of
a
hundred
;
which
shews
,
that
Bishops
were
not
yet
so
much
multiplied
,
and
that
their
Bishopricks
were
of
a
larger
Extent
;
but
these
Schismaticks
having
divided
the
Church
,
made
Bishops
in
every
Village
to
strengthen
their
Party
,
and
to
out-number
the
Orthodox
;
besides
that
,
they
had
set
up
an
Altar
,
Mr.
B.
complains
,
upon
this
Occasion
,
That
some
Popish
Persons
liken
the
Separatists
among
us
to
the
Donatists
;
who
those
Popish
Persons
are
,
I
will
not
pretend
to
ghess
;
However
,
this
I
am
sure
,
that
the
word
Heresie
of
old
was
never
worse
abus'd
,
than
that
of
Popery
is
now
;
for
whomsoever
men
have
a
mind
to
render
odious
to
the
People
,
it
is
sufficient
to
call
him
Popish
,
and
then
he
is
baited
under
that
infamous
name
,
as
the
Christians
anciently
were
in
the
Skins
of
Beasts
:
But
if
a
man
had
a
mind
to
make
odious
Comparisons
,
Mr.
B's
Defence
of
our
Separatists
from
the
Imputation
of
being
like
the
Donatists
,
would
render
them
but
little
Service
.
For
his
first
Exception
of
our
Separatists
having
no
Bishops
,
which
the
Donatists
had
,
makes
them
differ
not
only
from
that
Sect
,
but
from
all
the
Sects
and
Churches
in
the
World●
till
the
last
Age
:
and
his
second
Exception
of
their
being
the
lesser
number
,
signifies
as
little
;
for
so
were
the
Donatists
at
first
,
and
so
may
they
long
continue
;
or
rather
may
the
name
of
Separation
cease
,
and
all
return
into
one
Flock
;
under
one
Shepherd
.
But
the
Donatists
divided
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
appointed
Bishops
against
Bishops
,
and
Altar
against
Altar
,
pretended
to
a
greater
Purity
than
the
Orthodox
,
and
boasted
,
that
their
Church
had
all
Wheat
and
no
Tares
;
were
great
Calumniators
of
Bishops
,
and
the
honest
Clergy
that
took
their
part
,
they
gave
great
Jealousie
to
the
Civil
Government
,
and
spoke
Disrespectfully
of
Princes
:
I
will
not
say
,
that
any
of
our
Separatists
do
resemble
them
in
any
of
this
.
The
succeeding
Councils
of
Ancyra
,
Neocaesarea
,
and
two
of
Alexandria
,
escaped
with
pretty
good
Quarter
;
the
Acts
of
some
not
displeasing
him
,
and
of
others
being
lost
.
The
next
is
that
of
Laodicea
,
requires
,
That
those
that
are
to
be
baptized
,
and
not
already
baptized
,
(
as
Mr.
B.
translates
)
should
learn
the
Creed
,
and
repeat
it
to
the
Bishop
or
Presbyters
,
on
the
Friday
of
the
last
Week
,
i.
e.
of
the
Lent
,
or
any
other
,
next
preceeding
the
day
of
solemn
Baptism
.
By
this
,
saith
Mr.
B.
You
may
conjecture
how
large
a
Bishoprick
then
was
.
They
might
be
as
large
as
ours
for
all
this
:
For
though
the
Bishop
may
not
hear
them
all
himself
,
upon
the
same
day
yet
the
Presbyters
of
his
Diocess
may
,
and
the
Canon
is
satisfied
with
that
:
And
Canon
56
forbids
the
Presbyters
to
go
into
the
Church
before
the
Bishop
,
but
with
him
:
and
Mr.
B's
Inference
from
hence
,
is
,
That
every
Church
had
a
Bishop
,
though
some
Chappels
afar
off
,
had
but
Presbyters
only
.
But
I
cannot
see
what
Service
this
Remark
does
him
;
for
't
is
confessed
,
that
no
Bishop
had
but
one
Cathedral
,
and
that
is
the
Church
meant
here
in
the
Canon
;
for
it
is
added
,
Nec
sedere
in
Tribunalibus
,
which
were
put
up
only
in
the
Episcopal
Church
;
but
that
there
were
other
Parish
Churches
supplied
by
Presbyters
,
and
those
far
from
the
Cathedral
,
is
acknowledged
by
Mr.
B.
I
will
not
contend
with
him
about
their
Title
,
whether
they
were
Churches
or
Chappels
;
it
is
sufficient
to
disprove
his
Notion
,
that
they
were
several
Congregations
.
Canon
57.
It
is
order'd
that
Bishops
should
not
be
ordain'd
in
Villages
and
Hamlets
:
The
Canon
does
not
distinguish
between
the
small
and
great
,
putting
Villages
indefinitely
,
but
instead
of
Bishops
they
were
to
have
Visitors
,
i.
e.
qui
circum
eant
,
that
should
go
about
,
and
visit
them
:
That
great
Roman
Council
,
of
two
hundred
seventy
five
Bishops
,
It
is
uncertain
,
says
Mr.
B.
whether
it
was
before
or
after
the
Nicene
Council
:
for
my
part
,
I
believe
it
was
neither
before
nor
after
,
but
just
the
same
time
with
the
other
great
Roman
Council
,
that
follows
next
to
it
,
of
284
Bishops
,
which
is
said
to
be
held
after
that
,
was
baptized
by
Sylvester
:
A
hundred
and
twenty
nine
Bishops
came
to
this
latter
from
the
City
of
Rome
,
and
not
far
from
it
:
How
big
were
Bishopricks
then
says
Mr.
B.
?
But
had
there
been
no
more
Bishops
in
Italy
than
were
in
this
Council
,
they
would
not
have
exceeded
the
number
of
Christians
in
Alexandria
,
when
Strabo
described
it
.
After
this
he
finds
fault
with
several
things
in
this
imaginary
Synod
;
first
,
Because
men
are
curs'd
for
being
ignorant
of
the
time
of
the
Moon
;
and
then
he
congratulates
the
Makers
and
Improvers
of
the
English
Liturgy
,
(
he
should
have
said
the
Almanack-makers
)
that
they
did
not
live
in
those
severe
times
:
For
alas
!
one
year
they
mistook
the
time
of
Easter
,
and
this
is
one
of
the
things
for
which
two
thousand
Ministers
are
silenc'd
,
for
not
declaring
Assent
,
Consent
,
and
Approbation
of
,
yea
,
and
the
use
of
it
,
and
so
to
keep
Easter
at
a
wrong
time
.
The
silenc'd
Ministers
have
little
Reason
to
thank
him
;
or
any
body
else
,
that
gives
this
reason
of
their
Separation
;
nor
do
I
believe
they
would
be
thought
such
strict
Observers
of
Times
and
Festivals
;
and
it
is
strange
,
this
should
trouble
their
Consciences
,
who
care
no
more
for
Easter
than
they
do
for
Christmas
,
but
only
that
it
falls
upon
a
Sunday
;
and
if
the
old
observance
of
Easter
in
this
Country
,
upon
the
fourteenth
day
of
the
Moon
,
had
continued
,
we
must
have
expected
to
have
had
as
many
Arguments
against
the
Feast
of
the
Resurrection
,
as
we
have
had
against
that
of
the
Nativity
.
After
this
,
he
quarrels
with
several
other
Canons
of
this
Council
,
and
at
last
ends
in
these
Exclamations
,
O
brave
Pope
and
Clergy
!
O
patient
Council
!
that
subscribed
to
one
man
,
and
pretended
to
no
Judgment
.
O
humble
Constantine
!
that
subscribed
to
all
this
,
and
said
nothing
,
and
a
Womans
Subscription
perfecteth
all
;
and
O
credulous
Reader
that
believeth
this
!
Why
then
does
he
speak
so
modestly
,
that
the
Fiction
is
but
uncertain
?
Why
does
he
make
Advantage
of
the
number
of
these
imaginary
Bishops
?
Why
does
he
find
Fault
,
and
aggravate
,
and
exclame
;
if
after
all
,
this
is
but
a
dream
,
and
his
Reader
a
Fool
to
believe
it
?
Before
I
close
this
Chapter
,
I
must
give
an
account
of
Mr.
B's
Favourite
Sect
,
the
Novatians
,
whom
he
speaks
so
favourably
of
,
as
often
as
he
has
occasion
to
mention
them
.
The
Original
of
their
Schism
he
slubbers
over
,
p.
35.
after
this
manner
;
And
Novatus
,
and
Novatian
,
as
't
is
said
,
being
against
their
taking
(
i.
e.
the
laps'd
)
into
Communion
at
all
,
the
Councils
excommunicated
them
all
as
Schismaticks
.
One
would
imagine
by
this
account
,
that
Novatus
and
Novatian
had
been
thrust
out
of
the
Church
,
and
that
their
Schism
was
an
Effect
of
their
Excommunication
;
but
the
contrary
is
notorious
,
first
departed
from
the
Vnity
of
the
Church
,
and
drawn
away
several
Brethren
from
the
Communion
of
their
Bishop
;
and
the
Reason
of
all
this
was
,
his
Consciousness
of
those
horrid
Crimes
he
had
committed
,
which
he
foresaw
would
unavoidably
bring
the
Censures
of
the
Church
upon
him
,
as
soon
as
ever
the
Persecution
was
over
.
This
was
the
tender
Conscience
of
the
Author
of
the
ancient
Sect
of
the
Puritans
;
he
made
every
one
that
received
,
when
the
Bread
was
in
his
hand
,
to
swear
to
him
by
the
Body
and
Blood
of
our
Saviour
,
that
they
would
never
forsake
him
,
or
return
to
their
former
Bishop
.
These
were
the
men
,
these
were
the
means
by
which
the
Schism
of
the
Novatians
was
begun
and
carried
on
;
a
Schism
no
less
execrable
in
the
Conduct
of
it
,
than
infamous
in
its
Authors
,
and
,
which
is
yet
worse
than
all
this
,
most
blasphemous
in
its
Doctrines
.
Mr.
B.
is
too
favourable
in
his
representation
of
the
Novatian
Doctrine
;
for
,
in
the
place
above-cited
,
he
makes
these
two
Observations
in
favour
of
them
.
First
,
that
Novatus
did
not
deny
the
laps'd
pardon
of
Sin
with
God
,
but
only
Church-Communion
.
Secondly
,
That
he
did
not
deny
this
to
other
great
Sinners
repenting
,
but
only
to
those
that
laps'd
to
Idolatry
,
or
denying
Christ
;
but
the
Novatians
long
after
extended
it
to
other
heinous
Crimes
,
as
upon
suppos'd
parity
of
Reason
.
As
to
the
first
,
It
must
be
confess'd
,
that
Socrates
is
an
Historian
of
good
credit
,
and
,
it
seems
,
well
acquainted
with
the
History
and
Doctrine
of
the
Novatians
,
who
probably
in
his
time
might
have
grown
more
moderate
in
their
Opinion
concerning
Remission
of
Sin
;
but
nothing
can
be
more
evident
,
than
that
the
Authours
of
that
Schism
denied
not
only
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
but
God's
Pardon
,
to
those
who
had
sinned
after
Baptism
;
for
this
,
all
the
Writers
of
that
time
,
who
must
be
suppos'd
to
understand
their
Tenets
,
do
unanimously
affirm
.
Dionysius
Alexandrinus
,
who
lived
the
same
time
with
Novatian
,
and
writ
to
him
to
advise
him
to
return
,
and
be
reconcil'd
to
the
Church
,
and
lay
down
that
Honour
of
a
Bishop
,
which
he
pretended
was
forc'd
upon
him
;
this
ancient
Writer
gives
us
this
account
of
their
Doctrine
:
I
justly
abhor
,
because
he
has
divided
the
Church
,
and
drawn
aside
several
Brethren
into
Impiety
and
Blasphemy
,
and
brought
in
a
most
wicked
Doctrine
concerning
God
,
representing
our
most
merciful
Saviour
as
cruel
and
void
of
pity
:
Besides
this
,
be
evacuates
holy
Baptism
,
and
overthrows
the
Faith
that
was
before
him
:
And
lastly
,
He
banishes
the
Holy
Ghost
irrevocably
from
those
in
whom
there
is
great
reason
to
hope
that
either
it
Remains
still
,
or
may
return
to
them
again
.
So
far
Dionysius
.
He
that
denies
me
before
men
,
him
will
I
deny
before
my
Father
which
is
in
Heaven
:
and
consequently
,
they
denied
them
Communion
,
because
they
believed
Christ
would
finally
reject
them
.
This
the
same
Father
uses
great
diligence
to
explain
,
and
confutes
their
Inference
from
it
by
the
Example
of
St.
Peter
,
who
deny'd
his
Master
,
and
yet
was
received
into
Grace
.
He
does
acknowledge
indeed
frequently
,
that
Novatus
did
exhort
those
to
Repentance
he
refused
to
receive
;
but
then
he
urges
,
that
nothing
can
be
more
impertinent
,
than
to
press
men
to
repent
,
and
yet
to
take
away
from
them
all
hopes
of
Pardon
;
and
therefore
,
he
notes
this
as
a
pernicious
Effect
of
their
Doctrine
,
That
it
frighted
men
out
of
their
Religion
,
and
made
them
turn
Heathen
,
upon
despair
of
Mercy
,
and
cast
away
all
thoughts
of
Repentance
,
since
it
would
not
avail
them
to
Salvation
.
Eusebius
,
a
Presbyter
of
the
Roman
Church
,
puff'd
up
with
Insolence
and
Pride
against
the
laps'd
,
as
if
there
remain'd
to
them
no
hopes
of
Salvation
,
although
they
should
perform
all
things
that
are
requisite
to
a
sincere
Conversion
,
became
Author
of
that
Sect
,
who
arrogantly
assume
the
name
of
Puritans
.
These
Witnesses
are
so
express
and
full
,
that
Socrates
takes
off
nothing
of
the
force
of
their
Testimony
;
for
he
says
only
this
,
That
they
remitted
Sinners
to
God
,
who
was
only
able
to
forgive
them
,
but
they
never
give
the
least
hope
that
he
will
do
so
,
or
that
any
Salvation
is
to
be
attain'd
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Church
;
so
that
this
is
to
be
lookt
upon
rather
a
Shift
,
or
a
put
off
,
to
divert
Envy
and
Clamour
,
than
to
give
any
Comfort
or
Encouragement
to
the
penitent
.
As
to
M.
B's
2d
Observation
,
That
the
Authors
of
this
Heresie
did
not
deny
Pardon
to
other
great
Sinners
,
but
only
to
those
that
laps'd
to
Idolatry
,
or
denying
Christ
;
and
that
it
was
their
Followers
long
after
,
that
extended
it
to
other
hainous
Crimes
:
Socrates
expressly
confutes
it
,
in
the
place
above
cited
;
where
,
speaking
of
Novatian's
Letters
to
several
Churches
upon
the
occasion
of
his
Schism
,
adds
,
That
several
were
offended
at
the
Severity
of
that
Rule
,
that
admitted
none
to
Communion
who
had
sinn'd
mortally
after
Baptism
.
The
word
there
indeed
,
is
Sinn'd
unto
Death
,
but
that
he
did
not
understand
that
particular
one
of
Apostacy
by
it
,
appears
by
what
follows
in
the
same
Chapter
;
That
some
took
part
with
Novatian
,
others
with
Cornelius
,
according
to
their
several
Inclinations
and
Course
of
Life
;
the
looser
and
more
licentious
sort
,
favouring
the
most
indulgent
Discipline
,
the
other
of
more
austere
Lives
,
inclining
most
to
the
Novatian
Severity
;
which
implies
,
that
all
Sins
in
the
Opinion
of
these
Schismaticks
were
equally
irremissable
:
And
a
little
before
,
in
the
same
Chapter
,
Novatian
confesses
as
much
,
where
he
remits
the
forgiving
not
only
of
this
Sin
of
Apostacy
,
but
all
Sins
in
general
to
God
alone
;
which
is
fuller
confirm'd
by
St.
Ambrose
,
Now
let
us
see
whether
the
Council
of
Eliberis
d●es
favour
this
Doctrine
,
and
whether
Mr.
B.
had
any
reason
to
admire
how
that
Council
should
be
received
as
Orthodox
,
and
yet
the
Novatians
be
accounted
Hereticks
.
We
do
not
find
that
this
Sect
was
much
more
mortified
than
it's
Neighbours
,
unless
it
were
in
Phrygia
,
where
Socrates
saith
,
The
People
were
naturally
averse
to
Pleasures
.
But
at
Constantinople
,
their
Bishop
Sisinnius
was
so
gay
and
luxurious
,
as
to
give
Offence
to
the
Orthodox
Party
:
and
Saint
Ambrose
objects
the
same
thing
to
the
whole
Sect.
Lastly
,
they
were
no
less
Enemies
to
Peace
,
than
they
were
to
Truth
,
though
Mr.
B.
commends
their
Moderation
in
one
Instance
;
for
the
Catholicks
in
time
of
common
Persecution
,
frequented
their
Churches
,
and
would
have
made
up
the
old
Breach
,
Steph.
Keuchelius
writ
a
Book
of
the
Novatian
Heresie
(
so
he
makes
it
)
Strasburg
1651.
Quarto
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
Council
of
Nice
,
and
some
that
followed
it
.
THE
great
Council
of
Nice
gives
Title
to
Mr.
B's
third
Chapter
;
Mr.
B.
adds
,
That
Eusebius
Nicomed
.
and
Arrius
were
brought
but
to
counterfeit
Repentance
,
which
satisfied
Constantine
,
though
not
Athanasius
;
who
,
refusing
to
receive
Arrius
into
Communion
upon
Constantine's
Request
,
caused
much
Calamity
afterwards
.
This
is
an
oblique
Accusation
of
that
great
Champion
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
seems
to
charge
him
with
all
the
Calamities
which
that
unhappy
Controversie
brought
upon
the
Church
:
but
how
justly
,
we
will
refer
to
Mr.
B's
own
Words
,
who
calls
Arrius's
Recantation
,
A
counterfeit
Repentance
,
and
Consent
to
the
Nicene
Faith
.
If
Athanasius
saw
through
this
Dissimulation
,
why
is
he
yet
blamed
for
not
admitting
him
into
the
Church
,
before
he
had
sincerely
corrected
that
Fault
for
which
he
was
justly
cast
out
?
In
the
next
place
,
The
short
of
it
is
this
,
Peter
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
and
Meletus
Bishop
of
Lycopolis
,
being
Fellow-prisoners
for
the
same
Faith
,
disagreed
unhappily
about
the
old
Question
,
Whether
those
that
denyed
the
Faith
in
time
of
Persecution
,
were
to
be
receiv'd
upon
their
Repentance
?
Just
as
if
the
Nonconformists
at
this
time
,
saith
Mr.
B.
should
seek
,
by
the
favour
of
the
Papists
,
to
be
deliver'd
from
the
silencing
and
destroying
Prelates
,
upon
Condition
of
common
Liberty
;
the
cases
are
not
much
unlike
.
I
do
not
desire
to
improve
this
Comparison
to
the
Reproach
of
the
Non-conformists
,
as
he
endeavours
to
render
Bishops
odious
,
under
the
Name
of
Tyrants
;
yet
I
wish
they
would
seriously
consider
,
what
Support
their
Separation
has
been
to
that
Faction
,
they
above
all
men
exclame
against
.
They
have
made
the
Breach
,
and
the
Enemy
has
lodg'd
,
and
fortified
himself
in
it
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
the
common
danger
that
threatens
all
,
still
choose
to
pursue
their
little
Scruples
and
great
Animosities
,
to
the
evident
hazard
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
rather
than
to
close
with
the
Church
,
and
to
make
up
the
Breaches
of
our
City
,
which
will
be
impregnable
,
when
it
is
at
Unity
in
it self
.
But
to
return
to
our
Story
of
the
Meletians
.
Mr.
B.
confesses
,
page
48.
That
Baronius
and
Petavius
say
that
Epiphanius
is
deceived
in
all
this
History
,
and
makes
the
case
of
the
Meletians
,
better
than
it
was
,
and
that
some
Meletian
Knave
beguil'd
him
.
He
answers
,
1.
They
give
us
no
Proof
of
any
such
Knaves
beguiling
him
at
all
.
2.
That
he
who
was
so
apt
to
overdoe
,
in
suspecting
and
aggravating
Heresies
(
as
in
Origen
and
Chrysostom
's
Case
)
was
not
likely
to
make
the
case
here
so
much
better
than
it
was
.
3.
And
how
much
nearer
was
Epiphanius
in
Time
and
Place
,
than
Baronius
and
Petavius
?
And
how
easie
was
it
then
for
him
to
have
true
Notice
of
such
publick
things
?
4.
And
if
they
make
Epiphanius
so
fallacious
in
such
a
Story
as
this
,
so
near
him
,
what
a
shake
does
it
give
to
the
Credit
of
his
copious
History
of
the
many
other
Heresies
,
which
he
had
less
opportunity
to
know
,
and
consequently
,
to
the
Credit
of
much
of
Church-History
?
Mr.
B.
has
an
easie
way
of
confuting
mens
Opinions
,
without
confuting
their
Reasons
:
If
he
had
but
mention'd
any
of
their
Arguments
,
he
might
have
spar'd
the
Labour
of
his
own
.
As
to
his
first
Reason
against
them
,
they
do
not
stand
much
upon
it
,
whether
a
Meletian
Knave
beguil'd
Epiphanius
or
no
,
they
prove
him
to
be
deceiv'd
,
and
it
is
likelier
he
should
be
deceived
by
a
Meletian
Knave
,
than
any
Body
else
.
As
to
the
second
;
No
body
can
think
he
design'd
to
excuse
the
Meletians
,
by
that
Story
which
he
laid
down
as
he
found
it
.
As
to
the
third
,
it
would
have
some
weight
,
if
Baronius
and
Petavius
contradicted
this
out
of
their
own
Heads
,
without
any
Authority
ancienter
than
Epiphanius
.
Is
not
Athanasius
as
credible
a
Witness
,
who
lived
in
those
times
,
and
was
concern'd
in
some
of
those
Actions
that
are
related
by
Epiphanius
;
his
Relation
contradicts
this
.
Who
then
is
to
be
believ'd
,
Epiphanius
,
who
writ
a
long
time
after
,
Peter
,
says
he
,
was
made
Bishop
with
us
before
,
and
suffer'd
Martyrdom
under
the
Persecution
of
Dioclesian
;
he
depos'd
,
in
a
Synod
of
Bishops
,
Meletius
an
Aegyptian
Bishop
,
convict
of
many
Crimes
,
and
in
particular
,
that
he
had
sacrificed
to
Idols
;
he
neither
appeal'd
to
any
other
Synod
,
nor
took
care
to
purge
himself
before
Peter's
Successors
in
Alexandria
,
but
made
a
Schism
;
so
that
his
Followers
now
instead
of
Christians
,
are
called
Meletians
;
then
he
began
to
asperse
and
calumniate
the
Bishops
,
and
Peter
in
the
first
place
,
then
his
Successor
Achillas
,
and
after
him
Alexander
,
and
that
with
great
cunning
,
borrowing
the
Instance
of
Absalon
,
to
render
the
Fact
of
his
Deposition
more
invidious
,
and
to
revenge
himself
by
calumniating
the
innocent
.
What
shall
we
now
believe
?
That
Meletius
who
was
convict
of
sacrificing
to
Idols
himself
,
should
be
so
severe
against
others
that
had
fallen
into
the
same
Sin
?
or
how
should
he
be
imprison'd
for
his
Religion
that
had
sacrificed
to
Idols
?
This
,
and
the
Story
of
that
dividing
Mantle
,
can
no
more
agree
,
than
Peter
and
Meletius
could
in
the
Prison
,
according
to
Epiphanius
his
Relation
.
Socrates
and
Sozomen
have
the
same
Story
with
Athanasius
,
and
not
one
word
of
this
Partition
Mantle
.
In
short
,
is
Peter
himself
to
be
believed
against
Epiphanius
?
He
is
represented
there
as
one
too
indulgent
to
Sinners
,
but
his
Canons
are
the
severest
of
any
that
I
have
seen
,
and
are
down-right
Novatianism
in
Mr.
B's
Opinion
:
He
appoints
very
long
Penance
,
for
Sins
not
very
hainous
;
and
for
those
that
fall
away
under
Persecution
,
Mr.
B.
but
that
he
will
still
believe
those
holy
Martyrs
,
as
unmortified
in
Prison
,
as
the
Priests
and
Jesuits
heretofore
were
at
Wisbich
,
let
him
enjoy
his
Fancy
,
and
contempt
of
ancient
Bishops
,
and
be
bound
to
believe
all
the
Stories
in
Epiphanius
.
Mr.
B.
confesses
,
that
Epiphanius
seems
not
to
be
very
accurate
in
his
Disputes
nor
his
Narratives
;
why
then
does
he
maintain
him
here
against
the
Authority
of
Athanasius
,
and
all
Sense
and
Reason
?
He
does
acknowledge
some
Passages
in
this
History
to
be
mistaken
;
as
that
the
Meletians
joyned
with
the
Arrians
before
the
Death
of
Alexander
;
and
in
his
Instance
of
the
time
of
Arrius's
death
,
placing
it
before
the
Councel
of
Nice
.
Besides
these
,
there
are
other
Mistakes
no
less
gross
,
which
Mr.
B.
swallows
down
as
true
History
;
as
first
,
that
Constantine
the
Great
banish'd
Athanasius
into
Italy
,
where
he
remain'd
twelve
or
fourteen
years
,
till
after
the
Death
of
Constantine
.
If
Athanasius
himself
be
to
be
believ'd
,
or
Socrates
out
of
him
,
Constantine
banish'd
him
into
Gallia
,
and
Treves
was
the
place
where
he
abode
;
nor
is
there
any
Likelihood
that
he
saw
Italy
during
his
first
Banishment
.
But
the
account
of
the
time
of
it
,
Mr.
B.
strangely
confounds
Gregory
and
George
,
the
Arrian
Bishops
of
Alexandria
;
for
page
47
he
tells
us
,
That
when
Constans
had
compell'd
his
Brother
Constantius
to
restore
him
(
Athanasius
)
he
was
again
banish'd
;
For
George
,
that
had
been
made
Bishop
by
the
Arrians
(
and
by
Constantius
)
was
kill'd
by
the
Heathen
People
in
Julian's
time
,
and
his
Corps
burnt
,
and
the
ashes
scatter'd
into
the
Wind
,
which
increased
the
suspition
of
Tyranny
against
Athanasius
.
I
hope
George's
murther
in
Julian's
time
,
did
not
bring
Athanasius
into
suspition
of
Tyranny
under
Constantius
.
But
pag.
62.
Sect.
45.
this
George
is
call'd
Gregory
;
Gregory
the
Bishop
,
being
,
as
is
aforesaid
,
murther'd
by
the
Heathen
,
and
burnt
to
ashes
.
]
We
no where
read
,
that
this
Gregory
was
either
murder'd
or
burn't
,
but
that
he
was
turn'd
out
of
the
See
of
Alexandria
,
because
he
was
odious
to
all
,
and
to
the
Arrians
themselves
,
and
that
George
,
Page
48.
§
.
4.
He
gives
an
account
of
the
Heresie
of
Arrius
,
and
,
I
think
,
heartily
condemns
him
,
if
these
words
be
his
own
,
He
that
denies
the
Deity
of
Christ
,
denies
his
Essence
,
and
he
that
denies
his
Essence
,
denies
Christ
,
and
is
no
Christian
.
Yet
he
excuses
this
Doctrine
in
comparison
of
Socinianism
,
and
that
very
justly
.
At
last
,
after
a
short
sum
of
the
Arrian
Doctrine
,
he
concludes
,
this
was
the
dangerous
Heresie
of
Arrius
.
I
must
confess
,
he
is
so
much
given
to
Figures
,
that
I
can't
tell
whether
he
be
in
earnest
here
,
or
speaks
only
Ironically
;
but
,
sure
I
am
,
that
what
he
sayes
in
the
next
Paragraph
,
is
very
much
to
the
disadvantage
of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Trinity
:
And
,
to
say
truth
,
Petavius
has
done
it
no
great
kindness
by
his
Defence
of
it
.
'T
is
true
,
that
some
of
the
Fathers
,
before
the
Nicene
Council
,
seem'd
to
speak
sometimes
in
favour
of
that
Doctrine
,
which
was
afterwards
taken
up
by
the
Arrians
;
but
that
they
did
cadem
sentire
,
is
more
than
ought
to
be
granted
.
Before
some
Controversies
have
been
started
,
men
have
spoke
less
warily
,
whom
,
afterwards
,
Disputation
has
brought
to
be
more
Cautious
in
their
Expressions
.
it
is
enough
to
believe
those
Fathers
to
be
saved
,
though
we
may
not
believe
them
to
be
without
Errour
.
Though
that
Errour
,
by
his
confession
,
is
very
dangerous
,
as
implying
a
denial
of
Christ
;
yet
,
he
adds
,
that
God
is
merciful
,
and
requires
not
knowledge
of
all
alike
.
Socr.
l.
5.
c.
10.
&
Sozom.
l.
7.
c.
12.
took
all
the
Ecclesiastical
Writers
before
their
time
to
be
of
their
Opinion
;
and
Sisinnius
,
the
Novatian
Reader
,
afterwards
Bishop
,
is
said
to
have
confounded
all
the
Arrian
Disputants
,
by
putting
the
matter
to
this
issue
,
Whether
they
would
stand
to
the
Judgment
of
the
Ancient
Fathers
,
in
the
Interpretation
of
such
places
of
Scripture
as
were
controverted
between
them
.
Eusebius
,
no
Enemy
to
the
Arrians
,
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
has
it
,
Having
done
with
the
Nicene
Council
,
That
the
World
may
percieve
what
Spirit
the
hereticating
Prelates
were
then
of
,
and
how
some
,
called
Hereticks
,
were
made
such
,
or
defamed
as
such
,
and
who
they
were
that
did
divide
the
Churches
,
and
break
their
Peace
;
The
Author
of
this
Sect
was
Audius
,
a
man
severe
in
his
Life
,
and
sound
in
his
Principles
,
but
one
that
took
great
Liberty
of
Speech
,
and
reproved
sharply
,
whatsoever
he
found
amiss
,
though
it
were
in
the
Bishops
;
they
,
in
Revenge
,
persecuted
him
,
and
turn'd
him
out
of
the
Church
.
He
is
made
Bishop
of
his
own
Sect
,
and
so
exasperated
,
as
to
abhor
all
Communion
with
the
Bishops
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
If
all
things
were
as
Epiphanius
represents
them
,
Audius
had
very
hard
Measure
:
but
it
seems
,
from
Epiphanius
his
own
account
,
that
there
was
not
wanting
just
occasion
against
him
;
for
he
held
,
that
God
had
Humane
Shape
;
a
Doctrine
,
if
obstinately
maintain'd
(
and
such
bold
men
are
not
easily
reclaim'd
)
altogether
intolerable
:
But
I
am
afraid
Epiphanius
had
this
Story
from
as
bad
hands
as
that
of
the
Meletians
;
for
,
this
Schism
happening
in
a
remote
part
of
the
World
,
and
being
scatter'd
afterwards
into
several
Parts
,
it
is
likely
,
that
some
Audian
might
impose
upon
him
;
That
God
was
not
the
Author
of
Fire
and
Darkness
,
that
they
exercised
Usury
,
that
they
cohabited
with
Women
,
without
Marriage
,
that
they
were
great
Hypocrites
,
of
a
proud
,
Pharisaical
Spirit
,
that
cried
,
Touch
me
not
,
for
I
am
holier
than
thou
.
If
Audius
were
like
his
Followers
,
I
know
nothing
so
like
him
and
them
,
as
Labady
and
his
Disciples
:
Page
52.
Section
14.
we
have
several
shrewd
Remarks
upon
some
Canons
of
the
Council
of
Nice
;
As
first
,
That
no
Patriarchs
are
named
there
;
Secondly
,
That
they
nullifie
the
Ordination
of
scandalous
and
uncapable
men
.
Can.
9.10
.
Which
will
justifie
Pope
Nicholas
,
forbidding
any
to
take
the
Mass
of
a
fornicating
Priest
.
This
fornicating
Priest
of
Pope
Nicholas
,
is
no
other
than
a
married
one
;
and
whatsoever
will
justifie
that
Prohibition
,
cannot
but
condemn
Mr.
B.
who
is
himself
married
.
As
for
deposing
scandalous
Ministers
,
there
is
none
but
wishes
it
,
but
not
in
the
manner
he
seems
to
insinuate
by
the
Sentence
of
the
people
,
but
by
their
lawful
Superiors
,
which
these
two
Canons
do
suppose
.
3.
That
Rural
Bishops
were
then
in
Vse
,
and
allowed
by
the
Council
.
Can.
8.
And
what
can
he
infer
from
hence
?
Not
surely
,
That
every
Country
Parish
had
a
Bishop
,
but
that
,
such
Cities
as
had
larger
Territories
belonging
to
them
,
had
Ecclesiastical
Visitors
under
the
City-Bishop
,
which
were
called
Chorepiscopi
;
That
no
Bishop
was
to
remove
from
one
Church
to
another
:
yet
some
other
Councils
allow
this
Translation
,
and
Gelasius
understands
it
only
of
such
,
as
out
of
Covetousness
or
Ambition
,
and
by
indirect
means
,
shall
endeavour
to
translate
themselves
;
and
the
Practice
of
the
Church
was
never
very
conformable
to
this
Canon
,
the
most
eminent
Bishops
in
the
World
,
Si
p●pulo
placebit
,
is
a
Condition
of
every
Bishops
Election
:
Newer
Translations
render
this
Concurrence
of
the
People
,
Cum
consensu
Pepuli
,
Populo
consersum
praevente
;
which
implies
little
more
,
than
that
the
Bishop
ought
to
be
such
,
as
the
People
should
have
nothing
material
to
object
against
;
and
not
,
that
they
were
to
please
themselves
,
and
to
indulge
their
Fancies
in
the
Election
of
their
Bishops
,
for
that
did
belong
to
the
Clergy
,
The
fifth
Arabick
Canon
,
in
case
of
Discord
among
the
People
,
who
shall
be
their
Bishop
or
Priest
,
refers
it
to
the
People
,
to
consider
which
is
most
blameless
;
and
no
Bishop
or
Priest
must
be
taken
into
anothers
place
,
if
the
former
was
blameless
;
so
that
if
Pastors
be
wrongfully
cast
out
,
the
People
must
not
forsake
them
,
nor
receive
the
obtruded
.
Nothing
can
be
more
disingenuous
than
this
Dealing
:
The
design
of
that
Canon
is
,
that
there
should
be
but
one
Bishop
in
every
City
;
but
if
the
People
disagree
,
and
one
party
stand
up
for
one
,
and
another
for
another
,
Those
ordained
by
Meletius
,
were
to
be
received
into
the
Ministry
where
others
dyed
,
if
by
the
Suffrage
of
the
People
,
they
were
judged
fit
;
and
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
design'd
them
.
Whither
this
tends
,
is
not
hard
to
conjecture
,
but
it
would
spoil
the
Drift
,
if
one
should
observe
maliciously
,
First
,
That
these
Meletians
were
Episcopally
ordain'd
.
Secondly
,
That
they
were
receiv'd
into
the
Ministry
,
upon
the
Supposal
of
their
Submission
to
the
Canons
and
Orders
of
the
Church
.
Thirdly
,
That
in
that
same
place
,
Sozomen
declares
in
the
Name
of
the
Council
,
that
it
is
not
lawful
for
the
People
to
elect
whom
they
please
.
Page
53.
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
and
Athanasius
,
Arrius
,
the
Author
of
that
Heresie
was
dead
before
the
Council
of
Jerusalem
;
and
it
is
observable
,
that
Athanasius
,
in
his
account
of
that
Council
,
every
where
expresses
himself
thus
,
Socrat.
&
Sozom.
The
next
,
of
any
Note
,
is
the
Council
of
Antioch
,
of
near
a
hundred
Bishops
,
(
of
which
,
thirty
six
were
Arrians
)
the
most
Orthodox
,
and
the
holy
James
of
Nisybis
,
one
,
yet
they
depos'd
Athanasius
,
and
the
Arrians
(
it
's
like
by
the
Emperour's
Favour
)
carry'd
it
:
Thus
far
Mr.
B.
Many
have
wonder'd
,
how
the
major
part
of
this
Council
,
being
Orthodox
,
Athanasius
should
be
condemn'd
by
it
;
Mr.
B.
who
does
not
seem
much
to
favour
him
,
because
he
was
not
kind
to
the
Nonconformist
Meletians
,
insinuates
a
base
complyance
of
these
Orthodox
Bishops
,
with
the
Emperours
Inclination
;
a
moderate
man
,
and
always
for
the
most
charitable
Construction
.
However
,
Pope
Julius's
Letter
is
express
,
that
he
was
condemn'd
but
by
thirty
six
Bishops
,
whether
they
were
Arrians
or
no
,
he
does
not
say
:
Athanasius
reckons
ninety
,
Hilary
ninety
seven
,
Sozomon
ninety
nine
;
and
be
they
never
so
many
,
it
seems
,
the
lesser
number
carry'd
it
;
and
if
the
Emperour
made
that
a
Law
,
the
Orthodox
Dissenters
ought
to
be
absolved
.
Certain
it
is
,
that
this
Council
lay
under
the
Imputation
of
Arrianisin
,
for
when
it
was
objected
to
Chrysostom
,
that
he
resum'd
his
Place
,
after
that
he
had
been
ejected
,
without
the
Authority
of
a
Synod
to
restore
him
,
which
the
Canons
of
this
Council
did
require
;
his
Defence
was
,
that
this
was
not
a
Canon
of
the
Church
,
but
of
the
Arrians
.
Sozomen
makes
them
all
Arrians
.
The
Faction
of
Eusebius
,
(
saith
he
)
with
several
others
that
favour'd
that
Opinion
,
in
all
,
ninety
seven
Bishops
,
assembled
at
Antioch
,
from
several
places
,
under
Colour
of
consecrating
a
Church
;
but
indeed
,
as
the
Event
prov'd
,
to
abrogate
the
Decrees
of
the
Nicene
Council
:
Athanasius
rejects
them
,
as
sworn
Enemies
to
him
and
the
Faith
,
so
that
there
is
no
likely-hood
that
the
majority
was
Orthodox
,
since
Constantius
and
Eusebius
had
the
contriving
of
this
Synod
,
and
by
it's
means
,
the
Ruine
of
Athanasius
.
But
how
came
this
Opinion
of
thirty
six
only
,
being
Arrians
,
and
yet
carrying
the
Cause
?
Some
say
,
that
they
acted
secretly
,
and
did
not
admit
the
Orthodox
to
vote
with
them
;
for
so
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
past
at
Tyre
;
or
that
they
might
be
impos'd
upon
by
their
specious
Pretence
of
disowning
Arrius
;
but
because
there
is
no
account
of
any
Difference
between
the
Arrians
and
Orthodox
in
this
case
,
no
Protestation
enter'd
,
(
nay
,
if
any
such
thing
had
been
,
it
cannot
be
imagin'd
,
but
that
Sozomen
must
have
mention'd
it
,
where
he
speaks
of
the
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
,
absenting
himself
on
purpose
,
lest
he
should
be
drawn
in
a
second
time
,
to
subscribe
to
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
,
)
we
must
conclude
.
That
these
were
all
of
a
Party
,
and
pack'd
together
upon
that
design
.
And
perhaps
,
the
reading
of
thirty
six
in
Julius's
Epistle
,
may
be
a
mistake
of
Transcribers
,
it
being
easie
to
mistake
the
Greek
figure
of
90
for
30
,
unless
we
shall
judge
the
contrary
to
be
the
true
Reading
;
for
the
two
ancient
Latin
Translations
of
Dionysius
Exiguus
,
and
Isidorus
Mercator
,
conclude
,
consenserunt
&
subscripserunt
30
Episcopi
,
and
the
Greek
Synodical
Epistle
wants
but
one
of
just
thirty
Subscriptions
.
Sozomen
mentions
another
Synod
at
Antioch
,
of
just
thirty
Bishops
,
and
confounds
the
Acts
of
it
with
those
of
this
first
;
but
whether
it
be
his
mistake
,
or
the
old
Translators
,
that
might
confound
the
second
with
the
first
,
I
am
not
able
to
determine
,
and
the
matter
is
too
confus'd
to
be
extricated
here
.
Though
the
Authority
of
this
Council
was
not
great
,
yet
it
seems
the
Canons
of
it
were
so
wisely
suited
to
the
condition
of
a
distracted
Church
,
and
to
the
depressing
of
Schism
,
that
they
were
adopted
afterwards
by
General
Councils
.
Mr.
B.
mentions
several
,
that
are
most
of
them
levell'd
against
Dissenters
,
and
yet
they
are
such
,
as
the
Dissenters
themselves
,
that
own
any
Discipline
,
cannot
find
fault
with
,
and
when
they
are
in
any
Power
,
find
necessary
to
observe
.
The
fifth
forbids
any
Priest
or
Deacons
to
gather
Churches
or
Assemblies
against
the
Bishop's
will
;
and
if
any
did
,
and
did
not
desist
upon
admonition
,
he
was
to
be
deposed
;
and
if
he
went
on
,
to
be
opprest
by
the
exteriour
Power
,
as
seditious
.
The
word
opprest
,
it
seems
,
is
Emphatical
;
and
has
indeed
an
old
Version
to
favour
it
;
but
what
may
be
Oppression
,
in
his
sense
,
with
the
Council
was
Legal
Punishment
;
and
the
Greek
word
it
uses
signifies
not
so
much
the
Penalty
,
as
the
End
for
which
it
was
to
be
inflicted
,
the
reduction
of
Schismaticks
.
[
this
is
their
strength
.
]
There
are
many
as
intelligent
men
as
Mr.
B.
that
are
of
Opinion
,
that
these
[
they
]
have
strength
of
Reason
and
Argument
on
their
side
,
as
well
as
of
Power
;
but
there
are
those
that
have
a
strength
that
is
invincible
by
any
Reason
,
and
that
is
Perverseness
:
and
that
is
the
only
strength
of
some
that
I
will
not
name
.
After
this
,
he
spares
his
Gall
,
for
about
a
dozen
times
,
though
not
without
one
small
sally
,
till
he
meets
with
the
Council
of
Sardica
,
which
clear'd
Athanasius
,
Austin
and
many
others
,
says
he
,
August
.
Ep.
163.
ad
Eleus
.
Where
he
rejects
it
,
because
Athanasius
and
Julius
were
condemned
by
it
.
reject
this
Council
.
Surely
,
not
because
it
clear'd
these
men
;
for
all
the
Orthodox
World
look
upon
their
Cause
and
that
of
Religion
,
as
so
nearly
joyn'd
,
that
they
could
not
desert
the
one
,
without
betraying
the
other
:
Besides
,
St.
Austin
does
not
reject
this
Council
,
for
he
had
never
seen
the
Acts
of
it
,
but
that
of
Philippo-polis
,
as
appears
by
his
Exceptions
against
it
,
that
it
was
carried
on
by
the
Arrians
.
I
marvel
that
Mr.
B.
speaking
of
the
Arrian
Synod
at
Philippo-polis
,
Scandalous
Ministers
,
or
the
lying
wonders
of
the
anni
mirabiles
,
ought
to
stagger
any
man
in
his
Opinion
of
the
Conformists
of
the
Church
of
England
.
In
the
next
Paragraph
,
Violent
Reformers
,
taking
from
the
Rich
,
what
,
they
thought
,
they
had
wrong'd
any
of
,
and
righting
the
injured
,
and
unjustly
doing
Justice
.
We
need
not
despair
,
after
this
excusing
of
the
most
barbarous
and
desperate
Villains
that
ever
defamed
Christianity
,
by
assuming
the
Title
;
but
that
Mr.
B.
in
a
great
fit
of
Charity
and
Moderation
,
may
another
time
give
us
an
Apology
for
John
of
Leyden
,
or
of
Venner
,
and
his
desperado
Saints
.
The
rest
of
the
Councils
,
to
the
end
of
this
Chapter
,
must
be
confess'd
not
to
be
much
to
the
Honour
of
the
Church
;
yet
the
evil
Effects
and
Consequences
of
them
,
are
rather
to
be
charged
upon
the
Arrian
Emperour
than
the
Bishops
.
This
was
the
time
of
the
Arrian
Inquisition
,
and
this
was
the
miserable
choice
,
to
subscribe
,
or
to
suffer
Imprisonment
,
and
scourging
,
and
Banishment
,
and
Sequestration
;
and
many
good
men
preserved
Faith
and
a
good
Conscience
,
against
all
this
Violence
and
Compulsion
,
many
fell
in
the
day
of
Tryal
,
and
subscribed
against
their
own
Judgment
;
yet
such
are
rather
to
be
pitied
than
insulted
on
,
considering
we
have
all
the
same
common
Infirmities
,
and
without
extraordinary
Assistance
,
are
not
sufficient
to
encounter
all
the
Terrours
that
a
resolved
Enemy
can
make
use
of
to
affright
us
;
and
in
this
case
,
it
is
evident
,
that
it
was
neither
the
Bishop
,
nor
the
Christian
,
but
the
Man
,
and
the
infirmity
of
Humane
Nature
,
was
to
be
charged
with
these
Compliances
.
The
account
which
Hillary
gives
of
those
times
is
very
sad
,
but
yet
,
such
as
shews
,
rather
the
Calamity
than
the
fault
of
the
Bishops
,
every
one
,
as
in
time
of
an
irresistable
Conflagration
,
using
his
best
,
though
ineffectual
Endeavour
,
to
quench
the
Flames
.
This
made
every
one
a
Projector
,
and
devise
new
Forms
of
Creeds
,
in
hopes
at
last
,
that
some
one
or
other
,
might
be
receiv'd
by
all
the
differing
Parties
.
It
is
an
easie
thing
to
mock
at
the
Dissentions
or
Differences
of
the
Church
,
but
it
is
not
an
easie
matter
to
heal
them
;
and
Reconcilers
themselves
are
at
last
engaged
in
the
Dispute
they
would
put
an
end
to
.
If
Mr.
B.
despises
their
Unskilfulness
,
that
they
did
not
understand
,
either
the
Cure
of
Church-Divisions
,
or
the
true
and
only
Terms
of
Christian
Concord
,
it
was
their
Unhappiness
,
not
to
have
so
discerning
a
Spirit
as
his
;
and
yet
,
for
all
his
Projects
and
Methods
,
we
do
not
find
any
great
Success
of
his
Undertakings
;
for
neither
is
he
himself
free
from
Contentions
,
and
those
very
bitter
,
in
which
he
is
,
and
has
been
engaged
,
against
almost
all
sorts
and
Sects
of
me●●
;
and
some
have
judg'd
him
so
much
a
Stranger
to
Peace
,
as
to
need
a
Moderator
to
stand
between
the
Contradictions
of
his
own
Books
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
the
Council
of
Constantinople
.
IT
was
a
malicious
Suggestion
of
the
Devil
against
Job
,
when
he
had
nothing
to
lay
to
his
Charge
,
to
call
his
Integrity
in
Question
,
Does
Job
serve
God
for
nought
?
And
Mr.
B.
though
he
elsewhere
abhors
Diabolisme
,
yet
here
,
condescends
to
the
odious
Arts
of
the
Accuser
of
the
Brethren
,
and
endeavours
to
disparage
the
Faith
and
Orthodoxness
of
the
Bishops
of
the
West
,
by
insinuating
,
that
it
was
but
their
Compliance
with
good
Emperours
:
The
Bishops
(
says
he
)
much
follow'd
the
Emperours
Will
:
and
if
the
Faith
of
Constantine
Senior
and
Junior
,
Constans
,
Valentinian
,
had
not
fail'd
,
the
General
Councils
at
Milan
and
Ariminum
,
tell
us
how
failing
the
Bishops
Faith
was
like
to
be
.
What
can
there
be
more
unchristian
,
than
this
Suggestion
?
Why
could
not
the
Bishops
Faith
be
as
sincere
and
constant
as
the
Emperours
?
Nay
,
that
these
Emperours
did
continue
Orthodox
,
must
be
in
great
Measure
ascrib'd
to
the
Diligence
of
the
Bishops
,
that
had
any
Influence
upon
them
.
But
it
seems
,
the
Emperours
drew
Councils
on
their
part
,
what
side
soever
they
took
;
And
what
wonder
,
since
they
could
call
whom
they
pleas'd
,
and
pack
their
Councils
,
disable
those
that
were
not
for
their
Turn
,
turn
honest
men
out
of
their
Bishopricks
,
with
a
high
hand
,
and
put
into
their
places
,
such
as
were
fittest
for
their
purpose
.
By
the
same
means
,
England
became
Presbyterian
,
as
the
World
became
Arrian
,
and
yet
I
hope
Mr.
B.
will
not
charge
the
Bishops
with
too
much
Compliance
in
that
Particular
:
Nay
,
That
eighty
were
burn'd
by
Valens
in
one
Ship
,
and
in
all
the
East
,
he
Depos'd
,
Abus'd
,
Murder'd
many
that
would
not
forsake
the
Nicene
Creed
;
and
then
descends
to
more
Particulars
of
the
Arrian
Persecution
.
And
now
the
Reader
may
cease
to
wonder
,
if
he
find
numerous
Councils
in
so
short
a
time
,
contradicting
one
the
other
;
since
good
Bishops
are
banish'd
,
depos'd
,
or
murder'd
,
and
Hereticks
forc'd
upon
their
Churches
.
Of
this
,
tho
we
have
not
the
Particulars
of
the
numbers
turn'd
out
in
the
East
,
yet
we
may
imagine
it
,
Though
Mr.
B.
makes
them
660.
by
comparing
the
Arrian
Visitation
of
Africk
,
where
there
were
but
four
hundred
sixty
six
Bishops
in
all
,
and
I
believe
the
Schismaticks
come
into
the
number
,
who
might
abhor
Arrianism
,
no
less
than
the
Catholicks
;
and
then
Churches
must
be
of
greater
Extent
even
in
Africk
than
Mr.
B.
fancies
them
:
all
these
were
call'd
before
King
Hunnericus
,
to
give
an
account
of
their
Faith
,
of
whom
but
eighty
eight
fell
away
,
and
three
hundred
seventy
eight
persever'd
:
It
seems
,
the
majority
of
Bishops
was
not
then
so
complying
,
as
they
are
injuriously
represented
in
this
History
.
St.
Basil
,
in
the
Descriptions
he
makes
of
the
lamentable
Estate
of
the
Eastern
Churches
,
does
not
complain
of
the
Temporizing
,
and
Compliance
of
the
Bishops
,
but
of
the
hard
measure
they
receiv'd
,
and
how
they
were
generally
turn'd
out
by
the
Arrians
.
Thus
that
excellent
Bishop
complains
to
his
Brethren
of
the
West
,
The
Shepherds
are
driven
away
,
that
the
Flocks
might
be
dissipated
.
And
a
little
farther
,
There
is
no
Criminal
condemn'd
without
some
Evidence
,
but
Orthodox
Bishops
are
punish'd
without
any
proof
at
all
;
some
of
them
never
saw
their
Accusers
,
and
were
never
brought
to
any
Bar
,
nor
were
ever
indicted
of
any
Misdemeanour
;
but
secretly
,
in
the
Stilness
of
the
Night
,
were
hurried
away
into
Banishment
,
and
dy'd
with
the
Hardships
of
the
Wilderness
;
and
though
we
should
be
silent
,
yet
the
World
cannot
be
ignorant
of
the
Banishment
of
the
Priests
and
Deacons
,
and
of
the
Havock
that
is
made
of
the
whole
Clergy
.
And
in
another
Place
.
Among
all
the
Dioceses
of
the
Bishops
those
that
are
the
most
eminent
Assertors
of
the
Faith
,
are
driven
out
of
their
Country
,
by
Calumnies
and
false
Accusations
,
and
others
brought
in
who
lead
Captive
the
Souls
of
the
ignorant
.
And
if
you
would
know
what
persons
they
were
that
made
up
the
Arrian
Councils
,
the
same
Author
tells
you
,
they
were
such
as
they
put
into
the
places
of
those
good
men
that
were
turn'd
out
;
Men
that
would
not
fail
to
serve
them
,
And
now
judge
,
whether
it
was
the
Compliance
of
the
Bishops
,
or
the
Violence
of
the
Hereticks
,
that
made
so
great
and
sudden
Change
in
the
Church
,
and
in
the
Doctrines
of
Councils
.
In
reckoning
up
the
principal
things
done
in
the
Council
of
Constantinople
,
Gregory
Naz.
to
be
one
against
all
History
,
and
against
himself
in
the
next
page
,
where
he
says
,
That
Gregory
,
seeing
the
Resolutions
,
and
offended
with
the
furious
Carriage
of
the
Bishops
in
the
Council
,
resigneth
to
the
Emperour
,
and
departeth
:
Let
them
be
resolv'd
upon
casting
him
out
as
much
as
they
will
,
yet
it
was
not
done
,
only
they
put
another
into
his
place
,
which
was
made
vacant
by
his
voluntary
Resignation
.
Upon
this
account
he
represents
this
Council
in
a
most
odious
manner
,
The
Courtiers
,
whether
true
to
the
Emperour
,
I
know
not
,
but
for
the
most
part
,
perfidious
to
God
.
This
is
in
the
Close
of
his
Speech
in
the
Council
,
among
those
passionate
Valedictions
;
but
Mr.
B.
joyns
with
it
,
his
sharp
Reproof
of
the
Bishops
,
page
524.
where
we
may
observe
his
wonted
Candour
;
for
Nazianz.
speaking
of
the
Factions
of
the
Bishops
,
under
these
Metaphors
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Mr.
B.
thought
fit
to
render
it
,
Raging
like
furious
Horses
in
Battel
,
and
leaves
out
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Almost
;
to
make
the
Satyr
more
full
,
writes
,
and
like
Madmen
,
casting
Dust
into
the
Air.
And
,
as
he
thought
fit
to
leave
out
in
one
place
,
so
he
adds
in
another
,
to
the
Words
and
Sense
of
Nazianzen
;
therefore
he
professes
,
That
it
is
unseemly
for
him
to
joyn
with
them
in
their
Councils
,
as
it
were
,
to
leave
his
Studies
and
Quietness
,
to
go
play
with
the
Lads
in
the
Streets
.
To
joyn
with
them
in
their
Councils
,
is
an
addition
of
Mr.
B.
the
words
of
Gregory
are
these
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
like
manner
,
it
would
not
become
me
,
(
who
know
better
things
than
the
multitude
)
whilst
others
bustle
in
a
Crowd
,
to
choose
rather
to
be
one
of
them
,
than
to
enjoy
my
Liberty
with
Obscurity
.
There
is
nothing
reflects
upon
this
Council
,
before
which
this
Oration
was
spoken
,
but
only
representing
the
great
Trouble
that
would
attend
the
Office
of
a
Bishop
,
and
especially
,
the
Bishop
of
the
Imperial
City
,
that
he
might
obtain
the
Request
he
had
made
before
,
and
which
all
this
lamentable
Description
of
the
Church
is
design'd
to
recommend
;
he
desires
to
be
dismiss'd
,
Give
me
(
says
he
)
The
Reward
of
my
Labour
;
What
?
Not
such
as
some
envious
men
may
think
,
but
such
as
I
may
safely
ask
;
give
me
Rest
and
Ease
from
my
long
Labours
,
have
Compassion
on
my
gray
Hairs
,
have
some
Respect
to
a
Stranger
,
and
put
another
into
my
place
,
who
may
be
vex'd
and
disturb'd
in
my
Stead
;
such
as
hath
clean
hands
,
and
an
eloquent
Tongue
;
such
as
is
able
to
gratifie
you
in
all
things
,
and
may
be
sufficient
to
joyn
with
you
in
an
effectual
Care
for
the
Church
:
But
as
for
me
,
you
see
how
I
am
wasted
with
Time
,
and
Labour
,
and
Sickness
—
The
Verses
cited
out
of
Gregory
,
C.
P.
and
his
chief
design
in
it
,
That
he
spake
all
this
and
a
great
deal
more
of
this
Council
of
C.
P.
one
of
the
four
which
is
equall'd
to
the
four
Evangelists
.
He
does
indeed
in
several
places
find
fault
with
this
Council
,
but
is
far
from
making
such
a
Riot
as
this
;
and
,
it
seems
,
he
had
a
great
many
Friends
in
it
,
as
appears
by
their
Dissention
concerning
him
,
which
he
put
an
end
to
,
by
a
voluntary
Resignation
of
his
Place
:
and
it
is
evident
from
his
own
Account
,
that
the
Council
had
not
agreed
upon
his
Deposition
till
after
his
Resignation
;
But
it
seems
,
Gregory
did
resent
the
Injury
,
and
did
not
bear
the
Deprivation
of
his
Bishoprick
,
with
the
same
Generosity
he
propos'd
,
which
made
him
a
little
more
sharp
than
was
decent
,
in
his
Representation
of
the
Bishops
;
but
from
hence
to
conclude
against
the
Bishops
,
as
the
Disturbers
of
all
the
World
,
would
argue
as
little
Judgment
as
it
would
Charity
;
for
Orators
draw
something
bigger
than
the
Life
,
and
Satyrists
love
to
aggravate
.
The
Age
,
though
wicked
enough
,
may
not
be
as
wicked
as
a
zealous
Preacher
might
represent
it
;
all
men
are
Lyars
,
says
David
in
his
Haste
;
and
St.
Paul
,
when
he
was
neglected
by
his
own
Friends
,
concluded
generally
,
All
seek
their
own
,
and
not
the
things
that
are
Christ's
;
and
what
wonder
,
if
this
holy
man
,
sharpen'd
with
Discontent
,
should
exclame
,
with
somewhat
too
great
a
Passion
,
against
the
Administration
of
the
Church
,
which
he
had
been
forc'd
to
quit
.
His
Censure
of
Councils
,
that
he
knew
none
of
them
have
any
happy
End
,
was
not
the
fault
of
the
Expedient
for
ending
of
Differences
,
but
of
the
men
,
and
particularly
,
of
the
Hereticks
,
that
were
uppermost
most
part
of
his
time
,
for
he
does
frequently
profess
a
great
Veneration
for
the
Council
of
Nice
,
and
was
one
of
the
greatest
Champions
for
it
in
his
time
.
The
Case
of
Meletius
and
Paulinus
,
Socr.
l.
5.
c.
10.15
.
popular
Presbyter
,
after
Meletius
his
Death
,
is
elected
Bishop
,
in
opposition
to
Meletius
,
which
was
the
occasion
of
much
Trouble
in
the
Church
.
The
Expedient
so
extraordinary
,
shew'd
the
Moderation
that
was
us'd
to
end
the
first
Schism
:
but
Flavianus
can
have
no
excuse
,
who
,
against
the
Canons
,
and
the
Interest
and
Peace
of
the
Church
,
and
against
his
own
Oath
,
set
up
himself
against
his
lawful
Bishop
.
Mr.
B's
Observation
is
,
That
even
good
Bishops
cannot
agree
,
nor
escape
the
Imputation
of
Heresie
;
which
refers
to
Lucifer
Calaritanus
.
It
is
much
to
be
lamented
,
that
good
men
cannot
rightly
understand
one
another
,
but
so
it
has
ever
been
,
and
the
Apostles
themselves
had
misunderstandings
;
but
this
is
no
more
incident
to
Bishops
,
than
to
any
other
good
men
:
it
is
the
effect
of
Humane
Frailty
,
from
which
,
no
Dignity
,
no
Title
,
can
ever
free
us
.
The
History
of
the
Priscillianists
is
related
by
Mr.
B.
with
his
usual
Ingenuity
;
c.
70.
These
Priscillianists
joyn'd
the
monstrous
Opinions
and
Practices
of
the
Gnosticks
and
Manichees
into
one
Heresie
;
and
,
besides
their
blasphemous
Conceits
concerning
this
World's
being
created
by
the
Devil
,
and
our
Saviour's
descending
gradually
through
the
several
Spheres
of
Heaven
,
they
were
monstrous
in
their
lewdness
,
and
promiscuous
Fornications
,
men
of
no
Faith
,
whose
Principle
was
this
,
Jura
,
perjura
,
Secretum
prodere
noli
:
These
men
,
after
they
had
been
condemn'd
by
some
Councils
,
(
and
very
justly
,
I
hope
)
got
,
by
the
means
of
some
Mercenary
Courtiers
,
l.
2.
prope
fin
.
the
Emperour's
Protection
,
and
his
Order
to
be
restor'd
after
they
had
been
banish'd
.
Ithacius
,
and
some
other
Bishops
,
the
most
zealous
Opposers
of
this
Sect
,
applied
themselves
to
Maximus
the
Tyrant
,
desiring
him
to
suppress
these
Hereticks
by
the
Sword
.
In
short
,
Priscillian
,
and
several
others
,
after
they
had
been
condemn'd
by
the
Council
of
Bourdeaux
,
were
put
to
death
at
Treves
,
by
Maximus
his
Order
;
and
,
how
justly
,
let
the
Reader
judge
,
by
this
Relation
of
Sulpitius
Severus
;
Luce
indignissimi
,
yet
all
good
men
were
offended
that
Bishops
should
procure
their
death
,
and
concern
themselves
in
Bloud
:
Whereupon
,
Theognostus
excommunicates
Ithacius
in
a
Council
at
Treves
,
as
Baronius
tells
us
,
St.
Martin
,
B.
renounced
the
Communion
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Synods
.
]
One
would
imagine
,
that
now
Martin
the
Saint
were
become
Martin
Marr-Prelate
,
and
turn'd
Presbyterian
;
but
no
such
matter
,
he
renounc'd
only
the
Communion
of
Ithacius
his
Party
,
and
that
others
did
as
well
as
he
.
Theognostus
,
Ambrose
,
Studius
,
and
several
others
,
scrupled
Communion
with
these
men
polluted
with
Blood
:
how
justly
,
I
will
not
pretend
to
determine
,
but
Mr.
B.
cannot
complain
,
if
he
calls
to
mind
how
often
he
reproaches
and
derides
the
Tenderness
of
the
Bishops
,
that
are
content
to
enjoyn
Penance
upon
great
Malefactors
,
that
had
taken
Sanctuary
in
the
Church
:
There
he
pleads
with
Idacius
,
that
it
is
pity
they
should
live
,
and
that
the
Gallows
should
be
deprived
of
its
due
:
However
,
forgetting
himself
,
he
makes
this
a
Plea
for
Separation
[
and
which
shews
a
Divine
justification
for
Separation
from
the
Bishops
and
Synods
of
such
a
way
;
yea
,
though
of
the
same
Religion
with
us
,
and
not
so
corrupt
as
the
Reformation
found
the
Roman
Papacy
and
Clergy
:
]
This
Divine
Justification
is
the
Angel's
Reproof
of
Martin
for
having
communicated
with
the
Ithacians
once
,
But
this
Instance
could
become
no
man
worse
than
Mr.
B.
who
,
in
a
Letter
to
Dr.
Hill
,
confesses
himself
to
have
been
a
man
of
Blood
,
and
therefore
despairs
of
the
honour
of
ever
being
instrumental
in
the
Peace
of
the
Church
.
If
St.
Martin
was
so
far
in
the
right
,
why
does
not
M.
B.
imitate
him
?
why
does
he
not
renounce
Communion
with
those
bloody
men
that
instigated
the
Long
Parliament
and
People
to
rebell
,
that
pressed
the
King's
death
,
and
defended
it
when
it
was
done
?
why
does
he
not
renounce
these
,
especially
,
since
they
never
gave
the
least
sign
of
Repentance
?
These
were
the
men
that
applied
themselves
to
the
Maximi
of
this
Nation
,
to
persecute
,
not
Priscillianists
,
but
a
great
many
Worthy
,
Honest
Men
:
And
I
need
not
call
to
Mr.
B's
remembrance
,
who
were
the
sordid
Compliers
with
these
Usurpers
,
who
compar'd
Cromwel
to
David
,
R.
Cromwel
.
and
his
wise
Son
to
Solomon
:
but
this
has
transported
me
a
little
too
far
;
and
,
to
say
truth
,
who
can
forbear
,
where
men
have
the
confidence
to
suggest
those
things
against
others
,
that
they
stand
most
notoriously
guilty
of
themselves
?
The
next
thing
,
worth
Reflection
,
is
,
his
Remark
upon
the
Council
of
Capua
:
This
Council
(
sayes
he
)
had
more
wit
than
many
others
,
and
order'd
,
that
both
Congregations
,
Flavian
's
and
Evagriu
's
,
being
all
good
Christians
,
should
live
in
loving
Communion
:
O
that
others
had
been
as
wise
,
in
not
believing
the
Prelates
that
perswaded
the
World
,
that
it
is
so
pernicious
a
thing
for
two
Churches
and
Bishops
to
be
in
one
City
,
as
Peter
and
Paul
are
said
to
be
at
Rome
.
]
Whatever
Wit
this
Council
had
,
it
seems
Mr.
B.
shews
little
,
in
mistaking
it
so
grossly
:
for
the
Council
of
Capua
never
order'd
that
the
two
opposite
Bishops
and
Congregations
at
Antioch
,
should
joyn
in
loving
Communion
;
but
only
that
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
that
had
divided
themselves
upon
that
occasion
,
some
taking
part
with
Flavianus
,
others
with
Evagrius
,
should
be
received
into
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
if
they
were
Orthodox
in
the
Faith
:
so
that
if
the
Schism
at
Antioch
could
not
be
compos'd
,
the
Mischief
should
not
go
any
further
,
or
divide
the
Catholick
Church
;
But
this
Council
condemn'd
a
new
Heresie
(
Hereticating
was
in
fashion
)
viz.
of
one
Bishop
Bonosus
,
to
have
continu'd
a
Virgin
to
her
death
.
Here
Mr.
B.
makes
himself
pleasant
with
his
own
Dream
;
for
,
surely
,
no
man
,
with
his
Eyes
open
,
ever
saw
this
Condemnation
of
Bonosus
by
the
Council
of
Capua
;
which
determines
only
,
that
the
neighbouring
Bishops
should
judge
between
him
(
Bonosus
)
and
his
Accusers
:
Next
(
sayes
our
Author
)
we
have
a
strange
thing
,
a
Heresie
raised
by
one
that
was
no
Bishop
:
but
the
best
is
,
it
was
but
a
lit-Heresie
;
that
of
Jovinian
.
]
But
how
!
is
it
so
strange
a
thing
that
a
Heresie
should
be
raised
by
one
that
is
no
Bishop
?
or
did
he
not
turn
Heretick
because
he
was
not
made
one
?
Cerinthus
,
Ebion
,
Marcion
,
Valentinus
,
Artemon
,
Arrius
,
&c.
were
they
Bishops
?
I
suppose
it
will
be
a
hard
matter
to
find
any
Bishops
to
have
been
the
Authors
of
any
Heresie
,
for
a
long
while
after
Christ
;
and
even
those
that
gave
names
to
Heresies
,
were
not
the
first
that
gave
them
being
,
as
we
shall
shew
more
particularly
hereafter
.
It
is
strange
(
sayes
Mr.
B.
)
that
Binnius
vouchsafes
next
,
to
add
out
of
Socrates
(
when
he
hereticates
him
also
)
a
Council
of
the
Novatians
.
]
And
why
should
it
be
so
strange
,
since
Binnius
sets
down
a
great
many
more
Councils
that
were
Heretical
in
his
opinion
?
But
,
let
Mr.
B.
enjoy
his
wonder
,
when
he
is
in
the
fit
,
he
must
give
others
leave
to
wonder
a
little
too
,
at
the
Transports
of
a
man
that
pretends
so
much
to
moderation
[
that
would
say
,
as
loud
as
I
can
speak
,
if
all
the
proud
,
ambitious
,
hereticating
part
of
the
Bishops
had
been
of
this
mind
;
O
,
what
Sin
,
what
Scandal
,
and
what
Shame
,
what
Cruelties
,
Confusions
,
and
Miseries
had
the
Christian
World
escap'd
!
]
And
what
is
all
this
about
?
The
leaving
Easter
indifferent
;
i.
e.
Whether
it
be
to
be
observ'd
with
the
Jews
,
or
the
Christian
Church
?
And
yet
Mr.
B.
in
this
very
Paragraph
,
finds
fault
with
silencing
of
Ministers
that
would
not
keep
it
at
the
wrong
time
.
If
all
times
be
indifferent
to
observe
it
in
,
what
time
is
wrong
?
and
who
changes
the
nature
of
things
indifferent
,
the
Bishops
,
or
those
that
make
a
Conscience
of
Observing
it
upon
a
mistaken
time
?
He
is
very
much
here
in
the
Commendation
of
the
Novatians
,
as
if
none
had
ever
observ'd
this
Moderation
but
these
Schismaticks
.
Did
not
Irenaeus
,
and
many
other
good
Bishops
,
shew
the
same
moderation
before
Novatian
was
born
?
But
these
Hereticks
,
than
whom
there
never
was
a
more
proud
,
Pharisaical
sort
of
men
,
must
have
the
Honour
of
it
,
when
it
was
their
necessity
that
put
them
upon
this
Indulgence
one
towards
another
:
and
,
that
you
may
understand
how
peaceably
they
behav'd
themselves
in
this
present
case
,
take
this
short
account
of
it
out
of
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
who
,
if
they
were
not
Novatians
(
as
most
Learned
men
,
both
Protestants
and
Papists
,
are
of
Opinion
)
were
too
great
Favourers
of
that
Sect
,
as
all
complain
of
them
.
The
Novatians
,
Eastern
Novatians
,
but
that
the
contrary
Usage
prevail'd
almost
every
where
in
a
short
time
.
Sabbatius
,
a
Convert
Jew
,
ordain'd
Priest
by
Marcianus
,
the
Novatian
Bishop
of
C.
P.
began
to
favour
the
Jewish
time
of
observing
Easter
,
established
in
the
Council
of
Pazus
;
and
for
this
,
and
the
pretence
of
greater
Purity
,
began
to
separate
from
the
Church
;
He
is
call'd
upon
to
shew
the
Reasons
of
his
Separation
,
and
declares
his
greatest
Grievance
is
about
Easter
.
The
Novatian
Bishops
,
perceiving
this
was
but
a
Pretence
,
and
that
his
real
Disease
was
the
desire
of
being
a
Bishop
,
were
resolv'd
to
take
away
this
Excuse
,
and
leave
it
indifferent
for
every
one
to
observe
Easter
when
he
thought
fit
.
And
what
was
the
Issue
?
He
seem'd
to
be
satisfied
for
some
time
,
till
he
found
he
had
some
Followers
,
and
an
Opportunity
to
set
up
a
Congregation
for
himself
;
and
then
,
notwithstanding
his
Compliance
,
turn'd
Schismatick
:
so
little
good
does
Concession
do
with
men
that
are
set
upon
Separation
.
So
that
though
you
should
take
away
all
Rule
and
all
Order
,
yet
there
is
a
sort
of
men
,
that
a
Wantonness
of
Spirit
has
made
restless
,
that
would
never
be
satisfied
;
the
Disease
is
fed
by
Concession
,
and
then
it
is
most
violent
,
when
they
know
not
what
they
would
have
.
A
great
Council
(
says
our
Historian
)
was
call'd
at
Hippo
,
I
am
content
he
should
like
any
Councils
or
Bishops
,
but
I
am
afraid
,
this
good
Opinion
will
not
continue
long
;
for
the
Reason
of
his
good
Liking
is
a
great
Mistake
,
that
they
were
Bishops
according
to
his
own
Model
,
Whose
Dioceses
were
no
bigger
than
our
Parishes
.
But
surely
this
cannot
be
;
for
all
Africa
,
from
Tangier
to
Aegypt
,
had
but
four
hundred
sixty
six
Bishopricks
,
-
1.
Proconsularis
.
54.
-
2.
Numidia
.
125.
-
3.
Provincia
Bizac.
107.
-
Sees
without
Bishops
.
006.
-
4.
Maurit
.
Caesar
.
120.
-
without
Bishops
.
006.
-
5.
Maurit
Sitifens
.
044.
-
6.
Tripolis
.
005.
-
7.
Sardinia
.
008.
There
is
some
Difference
between
the
Sum
in
gross
,
and
the
Particulars
,
which
will
not
agree
,
though
you
should
deduct
the
twelve
vacant
Sees
,
for
then
the
Particulars
will
not
come
up
to
the
Sum
of
four
hundred
sixty
six
:
And
now
judge
,
whether
the
African
Bishopricks
were
not
bigger
than
our
Parishes
,
by
comparing
the
vast
Extent
of
Africk
,
with
our
England
,
which
is
not
near
so
big
as
some
of
those
Provinces
:
and
yet
the
Bishopricks
of
Africk
were
multiply'd
thus
occasionally
,
as
we
shall
shew
hereafter
,
and
cannot
prescribe
to
other
Countreys
:
Nor
could
the
Churches
of
Africk
,
notwithstanding
the
Multitude
of
their
Bishops
,
and
Narrowness
of
their
Dioceses
,
keep
themselves
in
Peace
any
more
than
their
Neighbours
,
but
were
divided
as
soon
as
any
,
and
their
Divisions
were
as
long
and
irremediable
as
their
Neighbours
;
And
indeed
,
Schism
came
over
from
hence
into
the
other
parts
of
the
World
with
Novatus
,
and
who
taught
the
Roman
Presbyters
first
,
to
set
up
against
their
Bishops
.
In
short
,
there
was
no
where
a
greater
Breach
,
nor
more
extravagant
Schismaticks
,
who
oppos'd
themselves
,
not
only
against
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
,
but
the
Civil
Government
too
.
Now
,
lest
this
may
put
our
Author
out
of
Conceit
with
the
Bishops
and
Councils
of
Africk
,
as
well
as
the
rest
;
I
must
put
him
in
mind
of
his
own
Remark
,
That
good
men
will
do
well
,
whether
they
be
Bishops
or
not
,
whether
they
have
large
or
small
Dioceses
,
and
a
very
good
man
in
a
very
great
Diocess
,
will
do
an
extraordinary
deal
of
good
.
A
Donatist
Council
at
Bagai
,
How
great
a
number
the
Donatists
were
,
and
upon
what
Pretence
,
as
over-voting
them
)
they
call'd
others
Hereticks
and
Schismaticks
.
Very
unjustly
no
doubt
,
for
they
were
Hereticks
and
Schismaticks
themselves
still
,
notwithstanding
their
Increase
;
Multitude
may
render
a
Sect
formidable
,
but
it
is
but
a
poor
Argument
of
Right
.
2.
How
small
Bishopricks
then
were
,
the
number
tells
us
;
not
so
small
as
our
Parishes
,
though
the
Donatists
did
use
all
means
in
the
World
to
multiply
them
,
and
to
strengthen
their
Party
.
The
Council
of
Turin
order'd
,
Another
Carthage
Council
,
call'd
the
second
,
which
Binnius
saith
,
was
the
last
,
is
plac'd
next
;
and
so
our
Author
takes
it
.
This
Mistake
Binnius
takes
from
Baronius
,
exulat
à
MS.
optimae
notae
.
The
Canons
that
Mr.
B.
instances
from
hence
,
in
favour
of
his
Congregational
Church
,
will
not
comply
with
his
Design
;
That
the
Bishops
only
,
had
the
Power
of
making
Crisme
,
and
all
the
Priests
were
to
receive
it
from
him
,
that
the
Bishop
alone
,
was
to
reconcile
Penitents
publickly
;
this
may
consist
with
a
great
many
Congregations
,
and
the
Canon
,
The
fifth
Canon
is
disingeniously
cited
by
Mr.
B.
thus
,
When
Christians
were
multiply'd
,
they
that
desir'd
a
Bishop
in
a
place
that
had
none
before
,
might
have
one
;
but
he
leaves
out
the
Consent
of
the
Bishop
,
out
of
whose
Diocess
that
other
is
taken
,
which
is
made
absolutely
necessary
.
Dioeceses
quae
nunquam
Episcopos
habucrunt
,
non
habeant
,
&
illa
Dioecesis
quae
aliquando
habuit
habeat
proprium
,
&
si
accedente
tempore
,
crescente
fide
,
Dei
populus
multiplicatus
desideraverit
proprium
habere
rectorem
,
ejus
videlicet
voluntate
in
cujus
potestate
est
Dioecesis
constituta
habeat
Episcopum
.
Which
is
confirm'd
by
the
third
Council
of
Carthage
,
where
it
is
added
,
Propter
malos
eorum
cogitatus
&
pravè
concinnata
Concilia
hoc
dico
,
non
debere
rectorem
accipere
eam
plebem
quae
in
Dioecesi
semper
subjacuit
,
This
is
made
yet
more
difficult
by
other
Canons
,
that
require
,
that
no
People
that
have
before
had
Bishops
,
should
have
any
,
but
by
the
Approbation
of
a
full
Provincial
Council
,
with
the
Consent
of
the
Primate
,
and
the
Bishop
of
the
Diocese
.
He
mentions
several
other
Council
of
Carthage
,
some
whereof
,
That
the
Bishop's
Cottage
should
not
be
far
from
the
Church
;
the
Word
is
,
Hospitiolum
,
not
quite
so
poor
as
a
Cottage
;
for
it
was
to
be
the
Refuge
of
the
Poor
,
and
the
Inn
of
Strangers
,
and
a
place
fit
for
Hospitality
;
but
it
is
not
hard
to
guess
,
why
this
is
particularly
noted
in
the
Margin
for
,
it
may
be
,
that
he
may
have
a
great
Passion
to
have
this
Canon
executed
.
Envy
is
a
Passion
,
may
slay
the
silly
one
,
but
it
is
much
more
comfortable
,
to
be
the
Object
of
his
Envy
than
Contempt
.
There
are
others
that
order
the
Bishops
,
to
regard
the
Presbyters
as
his
Brethren
,
and
they
are
much
to
blame
,
that
do
not
;
but
there
are
others
innumerable
,
that
command
the
Presbyters
to
observe
their
Bishops
as
their
Governours
,
as
their
Fathers
,
as
the
Vicegerents
of
Christ
.
52.
is
something
odd
,
and
shews
the
Poverty
of
the
African
Church
,
that
a
Clerk
,
or
Clergy-man
,
how
learned
soever
in
God's
Word
,
must
get
his
Living
by
a
Trade
;
this
is
contrary
to
the
usage
of
all
other
Churches
,
even
in
their
lowest
times
,
and
to
the
third
Council
of
Carthage
,
Item
placuit
ut
Episcopi
&
Presbyteri
,
&
Diaconi
,
vel
Clerici
non
sint
conductores
neque
procuratores
,
neque
ullo
turpi
vel
in
honesto
negotio
victum
quaerant
,
quia
respicere
debeant
scriptum
esse
,
nemo
militans
.
Deo
implicat
se
negotiis
saecularibus
.
This
same
Canon
in
some
ancient
Books
,
runs
thus
,
Ut
Episcopi
,
Presbyteri
,
&
Diacones
,
non
sint
conductores
,
aut
Procuratores
privatorum
neque
ullo
negotio
tali
victum
quaerant
quo
eos
peregrinari
vel
ab
Ecclesiasticis
officiis
avocari
necesse
sit
.
And
,
that
we
may
not
judge
that
this
Canon
only
forbids
them
dishonest
ways
of
Living
,
which
might
be
understood
by
Turpe
&
inhonestum
,
the
Greek
Translation
does
explain
it
thus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
any
way
that
is
mean
or
dishonourable
:
but
of
this
,
more
than
enough
.
The
Story
of
Theophilus
,
downright
Knave
,
or
credible
,
nay
,
most
credible
Socrates
and
others
,
gross
Lyars
:
downright
Knaves
.
I
must
crave
the
Reader
's
patience
,
whilst
I
endeavour
to
relieve
the
Memory
of
this
Great
man
,
from
the
Imputation
of
Knavery
,
which
Socrates
,
and
Sozomen
,
Palladius
,
and
some
others
fasten
upon
it
;
and
with
them
Mr.
B.
who
sets
up
their
Evidence
and
Authority
.
Sozomen
having
written
this
Story
most
particularly
,
I
will
Translate
those
two
Chapters
out
of
him
that
contain
the
Accusation
of
Theophilus
;
and
add
out
of
Socrates
what
the
other
has
omitted
.
The
Story
is
thus
.
At
that
time
there
was
a
Question
disputed
in
Egypt
,
Soz.
l.
8.11
.
which
had
been
started
not
long
before
,
Whether
God
ought
to
be
conceived
under
a
Humane
shape
?
Most
of
the
Monks
,
understanding
those
Places
of
Scripture
,
which
ascribe
to
God
Eyes
,
and
Face
,
and
Hands
,
grosly
and
literally
,
fancy'd
him
as
a
man
;
others
,
who
could
penetrate
farther
into
the
meaning
of
those
figurative
Expressions
,
were
of
the
contrary
Opinion
,
and
judg'd
the
other
Party
to
speak
blasphemously
,
and
unworthy
of
God
.
Theophilus
taught
publickly
in
the
Church
,
that
this
Opinion
of
the
Anthropomorphites
,
ought
by
no
means
to
be
embrac'd
;
and
,
in
his
Paschal
Epistle
,
which
he
writ
,
as
his
Custom
was
,
every
year
,
he
declar'd
,
That
God
ought
to
be
conceiv'd
Incorporeal
,
and
void
of
Humane
shape
.
The
Egyptian
Monks
understanding
this
,
came
to
Alexandria
,
and
,
having
got
together
,
made
an
uproar
,
and
would
have
murder'd
the
Bishop
:
He
comes
out
to
them
,
and
endeavours
to
appease
the
Tumult
,
by
saying
,
I
see
you
as
the
Face
of
God
:
This
saying
did
a
little
asswage
the
Tumult
,
and
the
Monks
,
having
abated
something
of
their
rage
,
reply'd
,
If
thou
think'st
as
thou
speakest
,
condemn
Origen's
Books
,
that
teach
men
to
think
otherwise
of
God
.
This
,
reply'd
Theophilus
,
I
intended
to
do
long
ago
,
and
most
willingly
comply
with
you
in
;
for
I
dislike
Origen's
Opinions
no
less
than
you
.
And
,
having
thus
cajol'd
those
Monks
,
he
appeas'd
the
Tumult
.
There
is
no
downright
Knavery
in
all
this
;
for
those
words
,
I
see
you
as
the
Face
of
God
,
are
the
words
of
Jacob
to
his
Brother
Esau
;
and
his
condemning
of
Origen
,
though
not
for
that
which
these
giddy-headed
Monks
fancy'd
,
was
nevertheless
very
just
;
here
was
no
Lye
,
though
there
was
a
Deceit
;
and
the
Danger
he
was
in
,
the
Examples
of
Holy
men
in
Scripture
,
and
Ecclesiastical
History
,
will
Justifie
or
Excuse
him
.
And
now
let
us
pursue
the
rest
of
the
Story
.
This
Controversie
would
likely
have
been
at
an
end
,
Ammonius
,
dioscorus
,
Eusebius
and
Eutychius
,
who
were
sirnam'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
long
,
or
tall
.
These
were
Brothers
,
and
very
eminent
among
the
Monks
of
Scetis
,
as
we
have
shew'd
before
.
These
,
of
all
the
Monks
of
Egypt
,
were
the
greatest
Favourites
of
Theophilus
,
who
entertain'd
them
frequently
at
his
House
,
with
great
kindness
and
Familiarity
.
Dioscorus
he
made
Bishop
of
Hermenopolis
;
but
the
ground
of
his
Quarrel
with
them
,
was
his
hatred
of
Isidorus
,
whom
,
heretofore
,
he
had
endeavoured
to
have
made
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
after
the
death
of
Nectarius
.
So
far
Sozomen
.
Socrates
differs
something
in
the
relation
of
this
matter
from
Sozomen
,
though
,
as
to
the
greatest
part
,
one
has
copy'd
out
of
the
other
,
yet
so
as
to
leave
it
a
very
hard
Question
,
to
determine
which
is
the
Original
,
and
which
the
Copy
.
Socrates
sayes
nothing
of
Isidor's
being
the
occasion
of
this
Quarrel
,
Isidor
Pelusiota
confirms
Sozomen
,
Now
,
if
we
examine
these
Relations
impartially
,
we
may
observe
several
things
that
are
very
improbable
,
almost
impossible
,
to
conceive
.
All
these
men
that
are
said
to
be
persecuted
unjustly
by
Theophilus
,
were
such
as
he
had
an
Extraordinary
kindness
for
;
and
therefore
it
is
not
very
likely
,
without
special
Provocation
,
he
should
ever
endeavour
to
ruine
those
he
took
so
much
pains
to
set
up
:
And
,
1.
As
to
the
Story
of
Isidore
,
it
is
altogether
improbable
;
for
this
was
the
man
he
opposed
to
Chrysostom
,
as
Competitor
for
the
Bishoprick
of
C.
P.
This
was
he
that
was
intrusted
with
the
great
Secret
,
upon
which
his
Life
and
Dignity
did
depend
;
he
that
had
receiv'd
double
Orders
and
Letters
to
present
him
that
should
overcome
,
whether
Theodosius
or
Maximus
;
And
,
is
it
likely
,
he
should
fall
out
with
this
man
so
desperately
about
a
punctilio
of
reconciling
a
Heretick
Woman
?
or
witnessing
that
himself
must
know
not
to
be
truth
?
Is
it
likely
a
Person
so
Eminent
in
Place
and
Reputation
,
of
an
extraordinary
Fortune
too
,
should
suborn
two
the
most
considerable
men
in
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
to
forswear
themselves
in
favour
of
his
Sister
?
Surely
,
he
must
know
them
too
well
,
after
so
long
an
acquaintance
and
experience
,
to
hazard
his
Reputation
upon
so
unlikely
a
Project
,
He
must
know
them
to
be
very
Evil
men
,
before
he
would
attempt
them
in
that
nature
;
nor
is
it
very
likely
,
that
Isidore
,
considering
his
Obligations
to
Theophilus
,
should
have
refus'd
him
any
Money
to
carry
on
and
support
his
Magnificence
in
Publick
Buildings
.
However
,
suppose
all
this
true
,
they
must
be
only
private
Reasons
,
such
as
Theophilus
kept
secret
to
himself
;
but
he
must
find
some
other
plausible
Pretence
to
justifie
his
Excommunication
of
these
persons
that
were
so
considerable
in
their
Place
,
and
Reputation
in
the
World
:
He
could
not
be
so
brutish
,
as
to
excommunicate
a
man
,
because
he
would
not
forswear
himself
,
or
rob
the
Poor
to
serve
him
.
There
must
be
something
for
a
Colour
,
and
that
these
Impartial
,
Credible
Historians
,
did
both
forget
;
for
I
suppose
,
the
Monks
from
whom
they
had
this
Relation
,
did
not
care
much
to
insist
upon
that
point
,
which
would
make
a
man
suspect
,
that
Theophilus
his
Cause
might
be
something
justifiable
;
and
surely
,
it
was
very
plausible
,
when
all
the
World
in
a
manner
,
did
approve
it
.
Thus
every
Malefactor
will
give
out
,
that
he
is
persecuted
out
of
Envy
and
Malice
,
and
such
a
one
they
had
disobliged
in
this
manner
,
and
another
became
their
Enemy
upon
another
Account
,
but
not
a
word
of
the
Crimes
laid
to
their
Charge
,
or
of
the
Evidence
against
them
.
No
poor
men
,
though
they
talk'd
Sedition
or
Treason
,
blasphem'd
God
or
the
King
,
and
the
Fact
be
notorious
,
yet
they
fall
innocent
Victims
to
the
Malice
or
Covetousness
of
their
Judges
.
Sozomen
unawares
discovers
the
Secret
,
I
have
heard
,
says
he
,
from
a
credible
Person
,
who
was
acquainted
with
these
Monks
.
The
Relation
shews
sufficiently
,
he
was
of
the
Party
,
and
that
he
had
it
from
them
;
and
if
a
Monk
cannot
tell
his
Story
sufficiently
to
his
own
Advantage
,
and
to
the
Prejudice
of
his
Enemy
,
let
him
be
irregular
;
and
to
say
Truth
,
without
this
Intimation
one
might
taste
something
of
a
Monkish
Invention
and
Spirit
,
the
whole
Story
is
so
marvelously
gross
.
Besides
that
,
Socrates
and
Sozomen
are
not
so
credible
in
this
Particular
,
because
they
every
where
espouse
the
Cause
of
the
Novatians
,
to
whom
Theophilus
was
no
great
Friend
:
reason
enough
to
incur
a
very
odious
Character
in
their
History
,
as
many
other
good
men
have
done
upon
the
same
account
.
But
other
Historians
,
and
more
credible
than
Socrates
or
Sozomen
,
discover
sufficiently
the
Vanity
of
this
Fiction
:
Posthumianus
was
in
Alexandria
immediately
after
these
things
happen'd
;
and
let
us
hear
what
account
he
gives
of
this
Affair
.
After
seven
days
,
This
person
it
seems
,
was
no
Favourer
of
Theophilus
,
and
yet
there
is
nothing
he
finds
fault
with
,
but
the
too
great
Rigour
,
and
the
taking
of
the
Governour
to
supply
the
defect
of
Church-Discipline
:
yet
it
seems
,
there
was
absolute
Necessity
for
it
,
for
these
Monks
had
mutiny'd
,
and
rais'd
a
Sedition
,
and
then
surely
,
it
is
time
for
the
Magistrate
to
look
about
him
.
2.
The
same
Historian
represents
this
not
as
any
sudden
surprizing
Oppression
of
the
Origenists
;
for
he
mentions
several
Synods
that
had
been
assembled
for
this
purpose
.
3.
He
does
not
make
this
the
Effect
of
any
particular
Quarrel
between
the
Monks
and
Theophilus
,
but
makes
the
Controversie
to
be
between
the
Monks
and
the
Bishops
;
and
which
of
them
had
most
right
to
govern
the
Church
,
and
appoint
what
Books
were
,
or
were
not
fit
to
be
read
?
But
to
return
to
our
Author
,
he
tells
us
farther
,
The
Bishop
of
that
place
entertain'd
him
very
courteously
,
and
beyond
what
he
could
have
expected
;
he
made
him
a
kind
Invitation
,
that
he
would
stay
,
and
live
with
him
,
but
that
he
refus'd
,
thinking
it
not
fit
to
stay
in
a
place
,
ubi
fraterna
Cladis
tam
recens
fervebat
invidia
.
Then
he
adds
,
That
though
the
Monks
ought
likely
to
have
obey'd
the
Bishops
,
yet
,
on
the
other
side
,
they
ought
not
to
have
us'd
so
great
a
Rigor
.
Here
is
not
a
word
of
Theophilus
his
Crimes
,
which
he
would
not
have
dissembled
,
having
so
fair
an
Occasion
to
mention
to
mention
them
,
and
they
would
have
been
very
proper
Reasons
for
his
Refusal
to
stay
at
Alexandria
,
and
would
have
very
much
aggravated
the
Envy
of
persecuting
those
Monks
:
to
be
read
sometimes
for
his
great
Learning
,
as
Tertullian
,
Novatus
,
Arnobius
,
Apollinaris
,
but
with
Caution
,
that
we
choose
the
Good
,
and
avoid
the
Evil
:
But
if
these
Passionate
Friends
and
Enemies
of
Origen
will
be
in
the
Extream
,
and
will
either
reject
the
whole
as
Faustinus
,
or
receive
and
approve
the
whole
,
and
admit
no
mean
;
his
Determination
is
,
Libentius
piam
rusticitatem
,
quam
doctam
blasphemiam
Eligam
;
which
shews
the
Controversie
between
the
Orthodox
and
the
Origenists
,
and
serves
likewise
to
vindicate
St.
Hierom
from
the
Imputation
of
having
prevaricated
in
this
case
,
And
whereas
Theophilus
is
represented
so
odiously
by
credible
Socrates
,
and
the
Character
is
believ'd
by
credulous
Mr.
B.
it
will
not
be
amiss
,
to
see
what
other
as
credible
men
as
any
of
his
Enemies
say
of
him
,
whether
in
general
,
or
with
Relation
to
the
Condemnation
of
the
Origenists
:
St.
Hierom
blames
him
for
his
too
great
Moderation
in
this
Particular
,
Super
Nefaria
haeresi
quod
multam
patientiam
geris
,
&
putas
Ecclesiae
visceribus
incubantes
tuâ
posse
corrigi
lenitate
multis
sanctis
displicet
,
ne
dum
paucorum
paenitentiam
praestolaris
nutrias
audaciam
perditorum
,
&
factio
robustior
fiat
.
This
does
by
no
means
agree
with
Mr.
B's
Authors
,
who
intimate
,
as
if
he
had
circumvented
and
surpriz'd
them
:
And
in
another
place
,
Dolebamus
te
nimium
esse
patientem
;
and
in
another
Letter
,
he
charges
the
Origenists
with
calumniating
Theophilus
and
others
,
E●
.
ad
Cyril
.
ap.
Cyril
.
7.5
.
p.
20.
and
such
Atticus
a
moderate
good
man
,
in
the
Account
of
Socrates
,
describes
him
to
be
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
I
knew
your
Predecessor
Theophilus
,
a
man
equal
to
the
Apostles
in
time
of
Confusion
,
prefer
Peace
to
a
punctilious
Exactness
.
But
that
which
render'd
the
Cause
of
the
Origenists
most
invidious
,
was
the
involving
of
Chrysostom
in
the
same
Quarrel
;
for
he
receiv'd
these
banish'd
Monks
,
when
they
came
to
Constantinople
,
perhaps
,
not
so
much
out
of
Compassion
to
them
,
as
out
of
Purpose
to
thwart
Theophilus
,
whose
opposition
to
his
Election
he
could
not
have
forgot
.
Theophilus
resents
it
too
much
,
and
stirs
up
Epiphanius
to
go
and
dislodge
those
Fugitives
,
which
occasion'd
great
Disorder
:
At
last
,
Chrysostom
being
in
disgrace
at
Court
for
having
reflected
upon
the
Empress
in
some
of
his
Sermons
,
she
is
resolv'd
to
take
the
opportunity
of
his
Quarrel
with
Theophilus
,
and
other
Bishops
,
to
revenge
her self
;
a
Synod
is
call'd
,
and
Chrysostom
is
depos'd
,
and
afterwards
banish'd
:
Thus
those
troublesom
Monks
,
like
many
other
Sycophants
,
shifted
the
Quarrel
,
and
engaged
good
men
in
it
:
and
so
they
were
sure
to
be
reveng'd
of
their
Enemies
one
way
or
other
;
if
they
were
worsted
,
then
they
triumphed
,
if
they
overcame
,
the
Victory
must
make
them
odious
.
I
do
not
intend
to
excuse
Theophilus
in
this
Particular
,
he
did
certainly
prosecute
his
Resentment
too
far
,
but
he
was
not
the
only
man
,
Epiphanius
a
person
of
great
Holiness
,
Hierom
,
and
several
other
persons
,
renoun'd
for
their
Piety
,
were
concern'd
in
the
persecution
of
this
great
man
,
as
well
as
he
:
and
so
it
is
that
the
best
men
have
their
Resentments
and
Piques
,
as
well
as
others
;
and
to
say
the
Truth
,
this
is
their
Weakness
,
for
that
Severity
which
gives
men
generally
a
Reputation
of
Holiness
,
tho
it
mortifie
some
irregular
heats
,
yet
is
apt
to
dispose
men
to
Peevishness
;
and
what
kills
some
Weeds
,
becomes
a
Nourishment
to
others
.
I
have
dwelt
so
long
upon
this
,
not
onely
to
vindicate
Theophilus
,
but
to
shew
(
once
for
all
)
the
manner
of
our
Author's
dealing
with
his
Reader
in
his
Church-History
.
Any
scandalous
Story
,
though
it
be
as
false
and
improbable
as
any
in
the
Anni
mirabiles
,
or
White
's
Centuries
of
Scandalous
Ministers
,
any
Fiction
,
that
reflects
with
disgrace
upon
Bishops
and
Councils
,
is
set
down
for
Authentick
,
no
matter
who
delivers
it
,
whether
Friend
or
Foe
;
and
there
it
stands
,
without
adding
the
least
hint
that
as
Credible
Historians
do
contradict
,
or
confute
the
Calumny
.
He
mentions
a
scrap
of
an
African
Council
,
Justice
was
taken
for
wickedness
,
(
sayes
our
Author
.
)
No
such
thing
;
they
might
themselves
deliver
the
Offender
,
if
they
judg'd
him
unworthy
of
Mercy
;
all
they
desir'd
was
,
that
they
should
not
be
forc'd
away
,
or
else
their
Sanctuary
was
no
more
so
.
It
is
a
hard
thing
to
please
a
man
that
has
such
contrary
Humours
.
He
is
offended
with
the
Bishops
,
for
procuring
Justice
upon
Priscillian
and
his
Complices
,
and
calls
them
Bloudy
Bishops
,
and
not
to
be
communicated
with
;
now
he
is
angry
with
them
for
being
too
merciful
,
and
reckoning
Justice
a
Crime
,
which
they
never
did
,
but
desir'd
only
,
their
Sanctuaries
might
not
be
forc'd
,
upon
any
pretence
,
for
that
would
utterly
destroy
the
merciful
Design
of
those
Priviledges
that
were
granted
some
Places
devoted
to
Religion
;
which
was
,
to
give
Criminals
time
and
opportunity
to
repent
of
their
wickedness
.
In
the
Fragments
of
the
Councils
of
Toledo
,
there
is
a
Canon
,
Parish
Churches
,
and
those
made
at
the
Altars
.
Our
Author
mistook
the
meaning
of
this
Canon
,
which
is
thus
;
Quae
ad
Parochianas
Elclesias
offeruntur
,
in
terris
,
vineis
,
mancipiis
,
peculiis
,
&c.
that
is
,
Whatsoever
is
given
to
Parish
Churches
,
whether
in
Land
,
Vineyards
,
&c.
that
the
Bishop
is
to
have
the
disposal
of
it
all
;
but
what
is
given
to
the
Altars
,
that
is
,
to
the
Episcopal
Church
,
he
has
but
his
Thirds
:
Yet
all
this
notwithstanding
,
Parish
Churches
had
Communion
Tables
,
and
,
where-ever
there
were
Congregations
,
there
was
the
Administration
of
the
Lord's
Supper
:
Nay
,
before
this
time
,
Altars
were
become
much
more
frequent
than
our
Author
would
have
believ'd
;
erecting
of
Altars
in
the
High-ways
,
and
in
the
Fields
to
the
memory
of
Martyrs
,
yet
the
Exception
shews
how
numerous
they
might
lawfully
be
;
nisi
aut
ibi
corpus
,
aut
aliquae
certae
reliquiae
sunt
,
aut
origo
alicujus
habitationis
,
vel
possessionis
vel
passionis
fidelissima
origine
traditur
.
We
have
a
strange
occasional
Remark
of
our
Author
,
That
Pope
Innocent
,
one
of
the
best
and
wisest
Popes
,
excommunicated
Theophilus
,
Arcadius
,
and
the
Empress
]
yet
did
this
pass
without
contradiction
.
I
perceive
any
thing
passes
with
him
for
History
;
for
this
Epistle
of
Innocent
,
that
mentions
the
Excommunication
of
the
Persecutors
of
St.
Chrisostom
,
after
Chrysostom's
death
,
is
all
forg'd
,
which
Labbee
does
as
good
as
confess
;
for
,
over
against
the
place
where
the
Pope
threatens
Eudoxia
with
Punishment
in
this
life
as
well
as
that
to
come
,
he
notes
in
the
Margin
,
that
Eudoxia
died
before
Chrysostom
:
Which
is
a
sufficient
proof
of
the
Forgery
;
for
Eudoxia
died
in
the
year
404.
Oct.
6.
and
Chrysostom
in
407.
Nov.
14.
Therefore
Mr.
B.
might
well
have
spar'd
this
Note
,
and
his
Author
,
Binnius
,
might
have
spar'd
that
wise
Remark
,
That
the
Pope
was
a
true
Prophet
,
because
the
Empress
dy'd
soon
after
.
Among
the
Decrees
of
Boniface
,
so
that
,
as
Mr.
B.
sayes
,
a
Bishop
had
the
priviledge
of
a
had
Physician
,
he
might
murder
and
not
be
hang'd
,
&c.
This
Decree
is
,
I
believe
,
hardly
so
ancient
as
the
fore-mention'd
Epistle
;
for
we
have
only
the
Authority
of
Gratian
for
it
,
a
man
little
to
be
depended
upon
,
unless
he
find
Vouchers
that
are
ancienter
than
himself
:
but
any
thing
will
serve
Mr.
B's
turn
,
that
will
give
him
occasion
to
ease
his
Spleen
against
Bishops
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
First
Council
of
Ephesus
,
&c.
OUr
Author
in
the
beginning
of
this
Chapter
,
Socrates
makes
it
part
of
his
charge
that
he
took
upon
him
the
government
of
temporal
affairs
,
not
dishonour
such
,
nor
disobey
them
.
But
besides
the
suppressing
of
the
Novatian
Conventicles
,
he
is
charged
with
executing
some
Jews
,
and
banishing
others
,
which
Orestes
took
ill
,
as
an
incroachment
upon
his
office
,
who
was
Governour
of
the
Province
.
This
or
something
else
offended
the
governour
,
and
why
is
a
Bishop
to
be
worse
thought
of
,
if
a
man
of
quality
become
his
implacable
enemy
without
cause
?
Five
hundred
Monks
came
from
Mount
Nitria
in
a
fit
of
wild
zeal
to
take
the
Bishops
part
;
and
Socrates
cannot
say
that
he
sent
for
them
,
they
light
on
the
governour
and
assault
him
;
he
is
wounded
,
and
hardly
escapes
with
life
:
But
how
could
Cyril
help
this
?
or
how
can
he
be
charg'd
with
the
extravagance
of
those
Monks
that
he
had
no
knowledge
of
till
they
had
committed
it
?
But
one
of
those
Mutineers
(
says
Socrates
)
that
wounded
the
governour
being
executed
for
his
crime
,
was
honour'd
by
Cyrill
as
a
Martyr
;
I
do
very
much
suspect
this
story
,
from
the
circumstance
of
changing
the
criminals
name
to
Thaumasius
,
and
the
most
probable
conjecture
that
I
can
make
of
it
,
if
there
be
any
ground
at
all
for
the
story
,
is
,
that
the
memory
of
a
Martyr
of
that
name
might
be
honoured
by
him
,
which
his
enemies
interpreted
to
be
the
Criminal
.
But
this
changing
of
name
is
a
thing
without
precedent
,
and
without
reason
;
for
either
this
disguise
was
put
on
that
it
might
not
be
observ'd
,
and
he
was
ashamed
of
doing
it
openly
;
and
then
it
will
not
be
easie
to
be
certain
that
this
Thaumasius
was
that
Ammonius
who
was
executed
:
or
if
he
was
the
same
,
and
Cyril
confest
it
,
then
it
is
impossible
to
imagine
a
reason
why
he
should
use
that
disguise
.
But
there
are
men
in
the
world
that
honour
such
as
Martyrs
that
were
executed
,
not
for
Wounding
a
Governour
,
but
Murdering
a
King
after
a
most
unexampled
manner
;
witness
the
worthy
Martyrologies
of
Harrison
,
A.
D.
1660.
Carew
,
Cook
,
Peters
,
&c.
and
of
Barkstead
,
Okey
,
Corbett
:
with
this
Motto
in
the
Frontispiece
,
these
dyed
all
in
Faith
:
and
innumerable
other
things
that
justifie
their
horrid
crimes
;
and
make
them
Martyrs
by
the
cause
of
their
suffering
:
Another
thing
which
our
Author
cites
from
the
professed
enemies
of
Cyril
to
render
him
odious
,
was
the
Murder
of
Hypatia
,
the
famous
She-Philosopher
;
She
it
seems
was
barbarously
murder'd
,
but
by
whom
,
or
upon
what
occasion
is
not
certain
.
Socrates
makes
the
occasion
to
have
been
this
,
Hypatia
,
Some
(
says
he
)
fasten
it
upon
Cyril
,
others
upon
the
Alexandrians
,
the
most
seditious
of
all
mankind
:
as
may
be
seen
by
their
murdering
some
of
their
own
Bishops
;
all
which
I
suppose
are
the
words
of
this
Damascius
:
Then
he
goes
on
to
give
a
more
particular
account
of
this
Woman
;
and
makes
Cyril
to
conceive
this
envy
against
her
,
because
on
a
certain
time
passing
by
her
house
,
and
seeing
what
great
resort
there
was
to
her
,
and
what
a
number
of
Coaches
were
at
her
door
,
he
resolved
to
make
her
away
.
This
whole
story
is
altogether
improbable
,
for
Hypatia
was
an
Alexandrian
born
and
bred
,
and
so
publickly
known
,
that
Cyril
who
was
bred
in
the
same
place
could
not
be
so
great
a
stranger
to
her
as
that
story
makes
him
to
be
after
he
was
a
Bishop
.
He
could
not
be
ignorant
of
her
or
her
School
,
without
being
the
greatest
stranger
in
Alexandria
:
In
short
,
this
is
no
other
than
a
calumny
invented
by
this
Damascius
to
render
the
Christians
odious
,
which
he
endeavoured
to
do
upon
all
occasions
,
as
Photius
tells
us
.
After
this
,
to
render
Cyril
more
odious
yet
,
our
Author
reproaches
him
with
that
unhappy
quarrel
with
Chrysostome
,
and
his
opposition
,
to
the
restoring
his
name
to
the
diptychs
of
the
Church
;
and
his
harsh
expression
that
compares
that
holy
man
with
Judas
.
]
This
quarrel
was
it
seems
hereditary
to
him
,
and
he
did
prosecute
it
beyond
all
equity
or
decency
against
the
memory
of
a
dead
man
.
This
was
a
fault
,
and
he
that
is
without
any
,
or
without
any
particular
animosity
,
especially
if
he
be
in
any
eminent
place
,
let
him
cast
the
first
stone
.
But
our
Author
does
charge
him
with
some
things
injuriously
,
as
his
calling
Alexander
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
that
perswaded
Atticus
to
restore
Chrysostoms
name
,
a
bold-fac'd
man
;
the
word
(
though
us'd
by
Cyril
in
his
Letter
to
Atticus
,
)
is
indeed
the
expression
of
Atticus
in
his
Letter
to
Cyril
,
and
therefore
if
there
be
any
indecency
in
it
,
it
's
to
be
imputed
to
the
first
Author
:
But
however
Cyril
had
behaved
himself
in
this
affair
,
it
is
a
little
unchristian
to
blast
his
memory
with
those
faults
he
had
corrected
in
his
life
time
;
for
though
our
Author
affirms
,
that
no
credible
Historian
tells
us
that
either
Theophilus
or
Cyril
ever
repented
of
this
:
yet
I
believe
there
is
sufficient
evidence
to
the
contrary
to
perswade
any
reasonable
man
.
For
besides
that
Socrates
affirms
Theophilus
before
his
death
to
have
been
reconcil'd
to
those
Monks
,
upon
whose
account
he
had
quarrel'd
with
Chrysostome
,
Cyrils
Letter
to
Gennadius
shews
him
to
have
been
satisfy'd
in
the
business
of
Chrysostome's
Honourable
Restauration
to
the
Diptychs
.
Gennadius
was
a
Presbyter
of
the
Church
of
C.
P.
and
refus'd
to
communicate
with
Proclus
his
Bishop
for
receiving
the
Bishop
of
Elia
into
his
communion
contrary
to
the
Canons
,
whence
it
appears
,
1.
That
he
had
chang'd
his
mind
as
to
the
necessary
maintenance
of
the
Canons
,
rather
than
remit
any
point
that
would
conduce
to
peace
,
which
was
his
arguing
with
Atticus
;
2.
It
appears
from
hence
that
he
held
communion
with
Proclus
,
else
he
had
never
been
so
urgent
with
this
Presbyter
to
communicate
with
his
Bishop
;
3.
That
this
communion
with
Proclus
supposes
him
satisfy'd
in
the
restitution
of
Chrysostom
.
For
this
Proclus
had
not
only
kept
his
name
in
the
Diptychs
,
but
fetch'd
home
his
bones
,
and
so
ended
that
Schism
of
the
Joann●●●
;
so
that
Cyril
must
by
this
have
chang'●
〈◊〉
judgement
concerning
Chrysostom
:
N●●●●is
Letter
to
Atticus
,
which
our
Auth●●
cites
,
lays
the
greatest
stress
upon
this
argument
,
that
it
will
be
dangerous
to
restore
his
name
,
because
it
may
divide
the
world
again
,
since
the
greatest
part
had
expung'd
it
out
of
their
Diptychs
,
and
could
not
easily
be
brought
either
to
re-admit
it
,
or
to
communicate
with
those
that
did
:
But
finding
the
contrary
,
it
seems
he
follow'd
the
examples
of
other
Churches
.
The
fiction
of
Nicephorus
about
Cyril's
Vision
was
(
I
suppose
)
invented
to
salve
the
reputation
of
Cyril
.
For
since
after
so
great
opposition
he
chang'd
his
mind
;
to
remove
from
him
the
imputation
of
levity
,
and
to
shew
that
he
was
carry'd
away
sincerely
,
and
by
an
invincible
mistake
,
he
must
be
reconciled
by
a
miracle
.
However
it
were
,
whether
Cyril
repented
of
this
fault
or
no
,
our
Author
cannot
forbear
exclaiming
,
upon
the
occasion
of
Cyril's
restoring
the
name
of
Chrysostom
by
the
authority
of
a
Synod
.
O
ductile
Synods
!
O
unhappy
Churches
whose
Pastors
must
grow
wise
and
cease
destroying
after
so
long
sunning
,
and
by
an
experience
which
costeth
the
Church
so
dear
!
]
It
had
been
doubtless
much
better
there
never
had
happened
any
difference
between
the
Pastors
of
the
Church
,
but
what
Church
has
been
so
happy
?
what
government
can
secure
this
uninterrupted
Peace
?
Surely
our
Author
cannot
pretend
to
exempt
himself
from
the
lash
of
his
own
exclamations
;
for
I
know
no
man
deeper
engag'd
in
the
contentions
of
the
Church
,
or
that
has
writ
with
greater
bitterness
on
all
such
occasions
:
The
writing
of
a
great
part
of
his
80
books
being
but
like
so
many
pitch'd
battels
he
has
fought
,
and
most
commonly
in
the
dark
,
when
he
was
hardly
able
to
discover
friend
from
foe
:
if
he
scorns
to
be
so
ductile
as
these
Synods
,
and
to
recant
his
mistakes
when
they
are
discover'd
to
him
,
I
pray
God
give
him
a
better
mind
,
and
make
him
to
have
a
more
honourable
opinion
of
repentance
.
The
last
part
of
Cyril's
accusation
is
taken
out
of
Isidore's
Epistles
,
rather
to
suffer
any
evil
that
might
befal
him
,
than
to
endure
so
much
as
to
hear
false
and
pernicious
doctrines
.
So
that
the
same
Isidore
who
reproaches
this
man
upon
a
false
information
,
retracts
afterwards
;
and
gives
him
commendations
no
less
extravagant
than
the
reproofs
he
us'd
towards
him
before
;
for
he
is
very
large
and
passionate
in
his
commendation
when
he
recommends
to
him
the
miserable
estate
of
the
Church
of
Pelusuim
,
If.
Pel.
l.
2.
Ep.
126.
O
thou
best
of
men
,
it
belongs
to
thy
Wisdom
and
Authority
,
to
rescue
the
poor
Church
of
Pelusium
from
the
Hands
of
evil
Governours
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
nor
is
this
only
a
general
complement
,
but
he
goes
on
to
mention
particular
instances
of
his
integrity
against
this
Martinianus
,
who
after
he
had
robb'd
the
Church
of
Pelusium
sent
some
part
of
the
money
to
Alexandria
to
endeavour
to
procure
himself
the
Bishoprick
:
Cyril
having
intimation
of
this
practice
,
rebukes
him
sharply
,
and
threatens
if
he
go
on
any
further
in
this
base
course
so
dishonourable
to
Religion
,
that
he
will
not
only
excommunicate
,
but
have
him
banish'd
.
Whereupon
Isidore
applys
himself
to
him
in
expressions
of
the
greatest
admiration
of
his
integrity
,
and
does
not
know
how
to
call
him
by
a
title
good
enough
;
Gloriosissimus
fidei
Catholicae
Defensor
,
But
Theodoret
it
seems
was
never
truly
reconcil'd
to
him
:
for
in
his
Epistle
to
Johannes
Antioch
.
he
looks
upon
the
death
of
Cyril
as
a
deliverance
of
the
Church
from
a
turbulent
enemy
of
Peace
.
But
God
only
knows
,
says
our
Author
:
Yes
sure
there
are
men
that
know
it
too
,
though
not
Mr.
Baxter
:
They
that
are
a
little
more
vers'd
in
the
writings
of
the
Fathers
know
very
well
,
He
sent
them
to
me
,
says
Theodoret
,
and
I
read
them
,
and
sent
him
an
account
of
them
,
and
I
received
Letters
from
him
after
that
,
which
I
have
still
by
me
:
And
the
same
man
in
another
Letter
gives
an
account
of
this
to
Dioscorus
,
that
he
had
sent
to
him
to
acquaint
him
that
he
persevered
still
in
that
league
that
had
been
made
between
Cyril
,
of
happy
memory
,
and
the
Eastern
Churches
.
And
now
let
any
man
judge
whether
this
forg'd
Letter
that
goes
under
the
name
of
Theodoret
,
be
not
as
great
an
injury
to
him
as
it
is
to
Cyril
.
But
with
our
Author
that
weeds
Church-History
,
any
fiction
or
imposture
is
authentick
that
does
but
contain
some
scandalous
reflections
upon
great
Bishops
,
and
this
seems
to
be
the
mark
that
directs
his
choice
all
along
.
I
have
been
more
particular
in
the
Vindication
of
this
great
Bishop
from
those
calumnies
our
Author
raked
out
of
all
the
Libels
of
his
Enemies
,
because
all
this
seems
to
be
brought
in
on
purpose
to
lessen
the
reputation
of
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
that
was
chiefly
directed
by
the
authority
of
Cyril
;
and
that
you
may
not
take
this
for
an
uncertain
conjecture
of
his
design
he
explains
himself
[
But
(
pardon
truth
or
be
deceived
still
)
ignorance
and
pride
,
and
envy
,
and
faction
,
and
desire
to
please
the
Court
,
made
Cyril
and
his
party
by
quarrelsome
Heretication
to
kindle
that
lamentable
flame
in
the
world
.
]
Can
any
man
that
has
any
ingenuity
or
knowledge
of
those
times
affirm
this
?
How
could
this
gratifie
the
Court
,
since
the
Emperour
was
so
highly
offended
with
the
contention
,
that
he
ordered
Cyril
to
be
imprison'd
,
and
was
extreamly
dissatisfy'd
with
both
parties
?
Or
how
can
that
be
the
effect
of
Cyril's
Envy
or
Ambition
,
which
he
himself
did
endeavour
to
prevent
by
all
the
amicable
methods
imaginable
;
as
may
be
seen
by
his
Letters
to
Nestorius
?
But
if
the
Reader
will
not
blindly
engage
in
all
the
groundless
jealousies
and
malicious
suggestions
of
our
Author
,
then
he
has
much
ado
to
forbear
calling
him
Fool
;
but
however
he
dismisses
him
with
that
which
is
equivalent
,
Let
him
be
deceived
still
,
as
if
every
one
that
had
any
more
charitable
opinion
of
Bishops
and
Councils
than
he
,
that
seems
to
have
read
little
more
than
what
Binnius
has
of
them
,
lov'd
to
be
deceiv'd
;
and
shut
his
Eyes
against
the
greatest
evidence
in
the
World
.
Before
we
enter
upon
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
it
is
fit
some
notice
should
be
taken
of
our
Authors
account
of
Nestorius
.
The
worst
thing
he
can
say
of
him
is
,
That
he
was
hot
against
Hereticks
,
and
desired
the
assistance
of
the
Civil
Magistrate
to
suppress
them
;
that
he
went
about
to
pull
down
the
Church
of
the
Arians
,
and
they
set
it
on
fire
themselves
,
and
then
call'd
him
Firebrand
,
when
themselves
were
the
Incendiaries
;
he
vex'd
the
Novatians
,
&c.
After
all
we
have
this
Remark
;
Thus
Turbulent
Hereticators
must
have
the
Sword
do
the
work
of
the
Word
.
When
our
Author
lays
about
him
,
he
never
minds
where
the
blow
falls
,
and
deals
alike
to
friends
and
foes
:
What
Hereticators
were
hotter
than
the
Presbyterians
in
the
year
1646
?
the
Inquisition
is
not
more
severe
than
their
Ordinance
against
Heresies
,
Bloody
Ordinance
as
the
Independents
call'd
it
,
does
complain
against
the
Bishops
for
not
being
severe
enough
in
the
eradication
of
Heresies
:
Impr.
James
Cranford
.
I
will
set
down
the
words
because
they
are
something
remarkable
:
In
the
Bishops
times
there
were
some
Arians
and
Blasphemers
put
to
death
,
according
to
the
Laws
which
then
were
,
and
for
ought
I
know
are
still
in
force
.
But
had
the
Bishops
had
as
much
zeal
for
God
and
his
truth
,
as
they
had
for
their
own
greatness
,
they
had
obtain'd
such
a
law
as
this
is
,
if
not
in
all
the
particulars
,
yet
in
most
of
them
long
ago
,
and
thereby
prevented
many
of
those
monstrous
opinions
,
which
have
of
late
been
vented
among
us
,
to
the
great
dishonour
of
God
and
our
Kingdom
,
and
the
mischief
to
Souls
;
but
they
were
cast
out
for
their
lukewarmness
,
and
let
others
take
heed
of
the
like
:
How
shall
the
Bishops
do
to
please
these
men
?
Sometimes
when
they
are
in
authority
,
they
are
Hereticators
,
and
Persecutors
,
and
Instigators
of
the
Civil
Magistrate
against
men
for
Conscience
sake
:
Sometimes
they
are
lukewarm
and
negligent
for
not
providing
Laws
severe
enough
,
and
for
not
putting
men
to
death
for
errours
in
Religion
:
If
I
were
worthy
to
advise
our
Author
I
would
desire
him
for
the
honour
of
Presbytery
,
to
level
his
spiteful
reflections
a
little
more
justly
,
lest
whilest
he
le
ts
fly
with
a
good
will
against
Bishops
,
the
Brethren
of
the
Holy
Discipline
be
not
hurt
;
and
lest
what
he
designs
against
Councils
,
fall
unhappily
upon
the
Reverend
Assembly
,
We
are
now
come
to
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
but
he
was
of
no
such
opinion
,
]
It
is
true
,
he
did
not
directly
deny
the
Godhead
of
Christ
but
consequentially
he
did
,
as
we
shall
shew
hereafter
.
The
Emperour
weary
of
this
stir
,
The
truth
of
it
is
,
the
obstinacy
of
Nestorius
oblig'd
the
Emperour
to
assemble
this
Council
;
for
Cyril
had
try'd
all
the
moderate
ways
in
the
world
to
reclaim
him
before
this
was
thought
of
.
Nothing
can
be
more
modest
than
Cyril's
Letter
to
Nestorius
,
two
natures
in
one
person
,
sometimes
considering
Christ
as
a
double
person
,
and
always
denying
Mary
to
be
the
Mother
of
God
by
any
means
:
This
was
the
unhappy
Controversie
that
divided
the
world
.
Several
being
deceiv'd
by
the
Equivocations
of
Nestorius
took
his
part
at
first
,
but
finding
him
obstinate
in
denying
the
Virgin
to
be
the
Mother
of
that
person
that
was
God
,
they
at
last
deserted
him
,
and
joyn'd
with
Cyril
in
his
condemnation
.
It
had
been
happy
for
the
Church
if
the
mysteries
of
our
Religion
had
never
been
curiously
disputed
.
But
when
busie
,
troublesome
men
have
started
a
new
dangerous
doctrine
,
and
endeavour
to
propagate
it
with
all
industry
imaginable
,
it
is
not
fit
that
the
Governours
should
sit
as
unconcern'd
Spectators
,
but
that
they
should
oppose
vigorously
all
such
remedies
as
God
has
put
into
their
hands
:
i.
e.
advise
,
admonish
,
rebuke
;
and
if
these
means
prove
ineffectual
to
stop
the
course
of
evil
doctrine
,
they
must
proceed
according
to
the
Apostles
advice
,
a
Heretick
after
admonition
reject
.
This
method
therefore
of
proceeding
against
Heresies
and
the
Authors
of
them
cannot
be
disallowed
by
any
reasonable
man
.
But
this
case
of
Nestorius
it
seems
yields
a
further
debate
;
and
the
merit
of
the
cause
is
yet
disputed
.
Derodon
makes
Nestorius
Orthodox
,
and
Cyril
the
Heretick
:
our
Author
believes
both
Orthodox
,
but
that
they
did
not
understand
one
another
;
and
so
by
words
that
themselves
did
not
understand
,
they
set
all
the
world
on
fire
.
As
for
Derodon
,
he
manifestly
condemns
Nestorius
in
a
little
Treatise
De
Supposito
,
printed
with
several
other
Philosophical
Tracts
of
his
;
and
approves
Cyril
:
the
truth
is
,
he
has
a
singular
notion
of
a
person
there
which
seems
to
approach
Nestorianism
,
which
he
endeavours
to
confirm
by
the
authority
of
Cyril
and
other
Fathers
:
but
this
which
our
Author
cites
,
I
have
not
yet
seen
,
nor
can
I
find
that
it
has
been
yet
publish'd
;
however
since
the
minutes
of
his
arguments
are
set
down
by
our
Author
,
I
will
endeavour
to
shew
the
mistake
of
that
learned
man
,
by
giving
the
true
state
of
the
question
between
Cyril
and
Nestorius
.
Nestorius
did
first
recede
from
the
allow'd
expressions
of
the
Fathers
,
who
did
all
occasionally
call
the
Blessed
Virgin
the
Mother
of
God
;
and
therefore
was
justly
suspected
to
recede
from
their
doctrine
:
Cyril
admonishes
him
of
this
dangerous
innovation
,
and
explains
himself
concerning
the
Incarnation
of
the
son
of
God
;
Nestorius
endeavours
to
confute
it
;
and
now
let
us
see
what
it
was
that
they
both
maintain'd
.
I
will
begin
with
the
Doctrine
of
Cyril
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
word
united
the
flesh
to
himself
hypostatically
or
personally
:
i.
e.
distinct
natures
concurring
to
make
a
real
Unity
;
of
both
which
consists
one
Christ
and
one
Son
:
not
that
the
difference
of
the
natures
are
taken
away
by
that
Unity
,
but
that
the
divinity
and
humanity
combin'd
by
an
unspeakable
manner
of
Union
,
make
one
Christ
,
and
one
Son
.
i.
e.
He
was
not
first
a
meer
man
that
was
born
of
the
Holy
Virgin
;
which
the
Divinity
afterwards
did
assume
;
but
the
Word
being
united
to
the
Man
from
the
very
Womb
,
is
said
to
have
undergone
a
carnal
generation
.
And
that
this
Union
does
not
destroy
the
difference
of
natures
in
Christ
,
he
shews
expresly
in
that
same
place
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
He
became
man
,
but
did
not
therefore
cease
to
be
God
,
but
after
the
assumption
of
Flesh
,
remain'd
still
the
same
that
he
was
before
.
And
to
the
same
purpose
in
another
place
,
after
the
assumption
of
Flesh
he
remain'd
very
God
,
and
suffer'd
death
upon
the
Cross
,
i.
e.
the
Flesh
only
,
and
not
the
divine
nature
;
but
nothing
can
be
plainer
than
this
[
That
there
is
a
vast
difference
or
distance
between
the
divinity
and
humanity
of
Christ
,
I
must
needs
confess
,
for
they
are
different
things
that
are
signify'd
by
these
two
names
,
as
to
what
regards
their
essence
,
and
have
nothing
the
one
like
the
other
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Vnion
does
admit
a
difference
,
but
excludes
all
division
;
Hypostatical
Vnion
as
incomprehensible
;
because
it
will
unavoidably
force
us
to
allow
two
Sons
;
the
Son
of
Man
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
himself
:
and
the
Son
of
God
again
by
himself
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
he
plainly
confutes
.
If
this
does
not
sufficiently
declare
two
natures
subsisting
in
one
person
,
it
is
not
in
the
power
of
words
to
do
it
.
Thus
was
he
understood
by
all
the
world
,
excepting
only
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
who
had
a
quarrel
against
him
,
and
therefore
were
resolv'd
to
cavil
;
and
even
these
at
last
were
reconcil'd
to
his
expressions
.
Thus
the
Fathers
in
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
understood
him
,
and
the
Catholick
Church
ever
since
,
yet
all
this
it
seems
could
not
prevail
with
Derodon
,
who
in
opposition
to
almost
all
the
world
,
maintains
his
Paradox
,
that
Cyril
taught
the
same
doctrine
with
Eutyches
;
and
that
Nestorius
was
in
the
right
.
For
this
purpose
he
cites
out
of
Cyril
several
passages
that
affirm
Christ
to
have
but
one
nature
;
and
this
is
that
which
was
condemn'd
in
Eutyches
.
It
is
true
indeed
that
Cyril
does
frequently
own
but
one
nature
,
but
it
is
to
be
observ'd
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
his
sense
is
the
same
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
and
by
both
he
means
nothing
but
a
real
Union
,
in
opposition
to
an
imaginary
,
notional
one
,
which
Nestorius
did
maintain
.
This
may
be
easily
observ'd
by
comparing
all
those
places
where
he
affirms
but
one
nature
,
with
those
already
alledg'd
,
that
expresly
affirm
the
contrary
.
But
besides
this
,
if
he
shall
be
allow'd
to
explain
himself
,
the
matter
will
be
soon
decided
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
Natural
,
that
is
,
two
natures
in
Christ
,
and
that
those
Divines
do
express
this
difference
,
because
there
really
is
one
between
the
Natures
:
Cyril
answers
,
that
he
does
by
no
means
take
away
these
terms
of
distinction
,
but
condemns
the
wrong
application
of
them
,
so
as
that
one
should
be
apply'd
to
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
the
other
to
the
Son
of
the
Virgin
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
so
as
to
divide
the
person
,
and
to
make
the
Son
of
the
Virgin
different
from
the
Son
of
God
;
therefore
,
says
he
,
there
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
one
nature
of
the
word
;
but
of
the
word
incarnate
,
i.
e.
one
hypostasis
.
For
so
he
explains
himself
in
the
conclusion
of
that
answer
,
that
those
Orthodox
that
mention
two
natures
,
and
he
,
are
all
of
the
same
opinion
;
for
since
there
is
but
one
Son
,
one
God
,
and
Lord
;
so
it
is
that
we
and
they
do
confess
one
person
only
;
for
that
was
his
design
by
the
expression
of
one
nature
:
and
that
those
things
that
belong
to
the
Divinity
,
and
those
which
belong
to
the
Humanity
must
be
all
ascrib'd
to
one
Christ
:
and
justifying
himself
against
such
as
suspected
him
of
confounding
the
two
natures
in
Christ
,
In
what
sense
Cyril
affirm'd
one
nature
,
appears
further
from
what
he
condemn'd
in
Nestorius
and
others
:
not
dividing
and
separating
God
from
man
,
as
part
from
part
;
nor
yet
joyning
them
together
by
an
Vnity
only
of
honour
and
authority
;
this
was
it
that
he
charg'd
Nestorius
with
,
and
from
which
he
never
did
so
much
as
endeavour
to
vindicate
himself
:
Whereupon
Cyril
urges
,
that
unity
of
dignity
or
honour
does
not
imply
personal
union
;
and
parity
of
authority
does
not
unite
nature
;
for
Peter
and
John
may
be
of
the
same
authority
and
dignity
,
and
yet
they
are
not
one
but
two
persons
:
besides
this
,
he
rejects
another
way
of
Union
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
a
participation
of
divine
graces
,
as
holy
men
are
said
to
be
united
to
God
;
upon
which
account
he
does
reject
frequently
this
expression
that
Christ
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
and
he
no
less
rejects
the
way
of
artificial
conjunction
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
being
very
improper
to
express
this
hypostatical
union
of
Christ
:
But
that
which
he
thinks
comes
nearest
to
illustrate
this
Union
,
is
that
conjunction
of
body
and
soul
in
man
,
which
is
a
concourse
of
two
very
different
natures
,
which
yet
make
but
one
man
;
this
is
one
of
the
greatest
arguments
to
prove
him
a
Heretick
:
but
if
this
will
serve
to
do
it
,
most
of
the
Fathers
that
wrote
upon
this
subject
,
must
be
Hereticks
as
well
as
he
;
since
they
all
make
use
of
this
illustration
.
Yet
though
he
were
singular
in
this
instance
,
it
would
by
no
means
conclude
him
in
the
Heresie
of
Eutyches
;
for
those
things
that
are
brought
to
illustrate
,
are
not
necessarily
required
to
be
like
the
things
they
are
to
illustrate
in
every
point
.
What
Cyril
concludes
is
only
this
,
that
as
the
Body
and
Soul
make
one
Man
,
so
God
and
Man
makes
one
Christ
;
and
this
is
the
composition
that
he
means
:
which
will
be
easily
understood
by
comparing
this
with
other
passages
of
Cyril
.
If
he
judg'd
that
Christ
had
but
one
only
nature
resulting
out
of
that
Composition
,
like
that
of
Man
;
then
it
must
be
either
the
divine
nature
which
had
taken
the
humane
into
it self
,
or
that
the
divinity
should
be
chang'd
into
his
humanity
,
or
some
third
nature
that
must
result
from
both
,
all
which
he
equally
abhorrs
;
for
notwithstanding
the
incarnation
,
Athan.
Gregory
,
&c.
was
going
to
be
condemn'd
in
this
Word
:
and
there
was
very
great
reason
for
this
jealousie
.
John
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
a
particular
friend
of
Nestorius
,
If
you
understand
and
believe
the
same
thing
with
the
Holy
Fathers
that
have
gone
before
us
(
for
this
I
understand
by
several
common
friends
that
you
do
)
why
are
you
afraid
to
express
an
orthodox
meaning
by
a
convenient
phrase
?
Especially
since
so
great
mischief
and
confusion
is
like
to
ensue
upon
your
refusal
:
But
how
he
explain'd
himself
we
shall
see
presently
.
In
his
Epistle
to
Cyril
he
expresses
himself
one
would
think
very
Orthodoxly
,
office
,
dignity
,
authority
,
and
other
circumstances
of
a
man
:
so
't
is
used
in
those
phrases
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
this
was
the
most
common
signification
of
the
word
;
and
therefore
Cyril
does
not
use
it
so
frequently
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
he
thought
more
proper
to
express
the
personal
union
of
Christ
:
and
Nestorius
does
industriously
avoid
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Now
let
us
see
wherein
he
made
the
unity
of
person
to
consist
:
It
was
God
that
took
upon
him
the
form
of
a
servant
,
it
was
this
which
was
assumed
:
after
that
there
is
the
dignity
of
the
conjunction
;
(
though
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
does
not
signifie
such
a
near
conjunction
as
that
personal
one
,
but
only
an
artificial
joyning
,
so
as
that
the
things
do
still
remain
under
different
subsistences
)
the
authority
is
common
to
both
natures
;
for
the
same
dignity
belongs
to
both
,
confess
the
unity
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
of
personal
dignity
not
subsistence
,
the
natures
or
subsistences
remaining
still
different
;
and
then
,
there
is
no
dividing
of
the
conjunction
of
dignity
and
filiation
;
and
then
,
the
son
is
twofold
,
not
in
respect
of
dignity
,
but
of
nature
.
And
the
errour
which
he
charges
Cyril
with
,
is
,
as
if
all
those
things
that
are
said
of
Christ
as
God
and
as
Man
,
not
according
to
the
Honour
of
the
conjunction
,
but
according
to
nature
,
or
naturally
:
than
which
nothing
can
be
plainer
.
Cyril's
answer
does
plainly
shew
what
he
meant
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
what
Nestorius
,
by
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
Why
therefore
(
says
he
)
dost
thou
pretend
to
maintain
the
true
faith
,
when
thou
dost
manifestly
divide
Christ
into
two
persons
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
dost
destroy
the
manner
of
that
true
and
real
union
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
with
him
the
same
thing
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whereby
Christ
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
really
one
.
But
thou
on
the
other
side
makest
that
equality
of
honour
to
be
Vnity
,
which
is
not
a
real
,
substantial
,
but
an
imaginary
Vnity
:
So
that
Nestorius
does
evidently
hold
two
natural
persons
(
for
so
I
must
speak
)
still
distinct
in
Christ
,
one
title
,
or
dignity
,
which
Cyril
explains
sometimes
very
properly
by
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
being
premis'd
concerning
Nestorius
his
holding
two
natures
in
one
person
,
we
shall
see
more
clearly
how
all
his
expressions
do
point
at
this
notion
,
we
have
now
observ'd
,
Where
there
are
two
generations
,
there
are
two
Sons
,
but
the
Church
knows
but
one
son
,
therefore
the
word
cannot
be
said
to
be
born
with
the
flesh
as
one
person
;
and
so
consequently
God
and
Man
is
not
the
person
that
was
born
of
the
Virgin
;
and
Christ
was
a
person
distinct
from
the
word
:
nor
does
he
hold
this
consequentially
only
but
in
express
terms
,
therefore
,
says
he
,
Christ
is
said
to
be
the
Word
,
because
he
i.
e.
Christ
is
joyn'd
for
ever
to
the
Word
.
What
,
is
not
Christ
the
name
of
the
person
?
and
if
there
be
not
two
,
what
can
this
conjunction
of
Christ
with
the
word
signifie
?
and
therefore
Cyril
makes
this
advantage
of
it
,
Ed.
Par.
cited
and
confuted
by
Cyril
in
the
same
Book
.
When
Cyril
and
the
Eastern
Bishops
were
agreed
,
the
Nestorians
cavil'd
as
if
Cyril
had
receiv'd
those
that
maintain'd
the
same
doctrine
with
Nestorius
,
and
as
if
John
and
the
rest
had
condemn'd
those
that
held
the
same
faith
with
them
;
Nestorius
:
For
he
destroys
the
mystery
of
the
incarnation
,
denying
that
the
Son
of
God
was
born
of
the
Virgin
,
for
these
are
Nestorius
his
own
words
,
I
have
read
,
says
he
,
in
Scripture
that
God
proceeded
or
pass'd
through
the
Virgin
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
but
he
read
no
where
that
he
was
born
of
her
;
and
in
the
same
place
,
Therefore
Christ
is
call'd
the
Word
of
God
,
because
he
is
joyn'd
for
ever
to
the
word
.
Christ
then
in
his
sense
is
not
the
word
,
but
belongs
to
it
;
which
manifestly
makes
two
persons
:
and
a
while
after
,
I
separate
the
natures
,
but
I
joyn
the
adoration
;
and
that
upon
the
account
of
that
equality
of
honour
and
authority
which
the
man
had
by
his
conjunction
with
God
,
not
into
one
natural
person
and
properly
so
call'd
,
but
into
an
union
of
title
and
dignity
.
With
respect
to
which
opinion
Cyril
presses
the
unity
of
nature
,
and
makes
use
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
hypostasis
indiscriminately
:
And
lastly
,
Nestorius
denys
Christ
to
be
truly
and
properly
God
,
in
his
first
Anathema
in
answer
to
those
of
Cyril
,
saying
,
Si
quis
Christum
verum
deum
&
non
Immanuel
dixerit
,
i.
e.
Whosoever
shall
call
him
True
God
,
let
him
be
Anathema
,
which
shews
that
the
Union
he
meant
was
not
personal
,
but
that
Christ
was
no
more
than
what
Cyril
often
charges
Nestorius
with
holding
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
If
those
twelve
Articles
of
Nestorius
were
extant
in
Greek
,
they
would
likely
discover
more
of
his
mind
,
but
as
they
are
,
they
have
hardly
any
sense
at
all
.
How
far
Nestorius
dissembles
his
opinion
by
those
plausible
expressions
of
one
person
and
two
natures
,
may
be
judg'd
from
what
is
already
observ'd
concerning
him
:
but
our
Author
falls
into
a
great
passion
against
those
that
say
Nestorius
dissembled
when
he
affirm'd
two
natures
and
one
person
;
I
take
them
,
says
he
,
to
be
the
Fire-brands
of
the
World
,
and
unworthy
the
regard
of
sober
men
,
who
pretend
to
know
mens
judgements
better
than
themselves
,
&c.
It
cannot
be
unknown
to
any
man
that
has
read
any
thing
in
Ecclesiastical
writings
,
that
Hereticks
were
us'd
to
take
refuge
in
Equivocation
;
and
to
shew
a
fair
plausible
doctrine
to
the
first
view
,
but
when
this
was
narrowly
examin'd
and
compar'd
with
other
things
that
dropp'd
from
them
,
either
unawares
or
in
greater
confidence
,
it
was
found
to
be
nothing
but
deceit
and
illusion
.
Thus
the
Arians
frequently
impos'd
upon
the
Orthodox
;
thus
the
Nestorians
seem'd
to
own
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
changing
only
the
accent
,
which
chang'd
the
signification
of
the
Word
from
the
Mother
to
the
Child
and
off-spring
of
God
;
and
S.
Paul
,
who
was
not
unacquainted
with
the
arts
of
Hereticks
,
gives
this
caution
against
them
,
that
they
are
not
presently
to
be
taken
for
what
they
appear
,
Now
I
beseech
you
Brethren
,
mark
them
which
cause
divisions
and
offences
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
which
ye
have
learn'd
,
and
avoid
them
;
for
such
serve
not
the
Lord
Jesus
Christ
but
their
own
belly
,
and
by
good
words
and
fair
speeches
deceive
the
hearts
of
the
simple
:
But
let
them
be
accounted
Firebrands
of
the
World
that
will
not
put
the
most
charitable
interpretation
upon
the
expressions
of
men
of
suspected
doctrines
:
I
am
content
,
and
I
believe
the
Bishops
will
not
be
so
much
concern'd
in
this
accusation
;
I
could
wish
our
Author
would
look
home
,
and
observe
those
Fire-brands
that
will
make
men
of
what
Religion
they
please
,
in
despite
of
all
Protestations
and
Oaths
to
the
contrary
:
Is
it
not
strange
that
men
who
subscribe
the
Articles
of
the
Church
of
England
,
so
destructive
of
all
the
errours
of
Popery
,
which
were
the
occasion
of
the
Reformation
;
that
renounce
Transubstantiation
,
Popes
Supremacy
,
Idolatry
,
Rebellion
for
the
cause
of
Religion
,
Adoration
of
Images
and
Saints
and
Angels
;
that
notwithstanding
all
this
,
these
men
must
be
Papists
and
Popishly
affected
,
and
let
them
say
or
believe
what
they
will
,
they
must
be
accounted
so
:
What
shall
a
man
do
to
these
men
?
who
instead
of
pulling
down
Popery
strengthen
it
,
by
reckoning
so
many
learned
and
godly
persons
of
that
side
?
and
whilest
they
endeavour
to
dishonour
these
persons
by
so
odious
a
name
,
do
no
small
honour
to
the
Papists
by
making
the
most
eminent
party
of
men
both
for
learning
and
integrity
that
perhaps
is
now
in
the
World
,
to
be
favourers
of
their
way
:
hoc
Ithacus
velit
:
The
Jesuites
indeed
are
apt
to
feign
several
death-bed
Reconciliations
to
their
Church
,
to
gain
it
credit
by
the
accession
of
some
eminent
opposers
of
it
,
but
this
they
do
sparingly
,
as
the
easie
people
can
swallow
the
cheat
;
But
these
Papist-makers
of
ours
will
present
them
with
thousands
together
,
and
send
them
the
Protestant
Churches
of
three
Kingdoms
in
one
present
.
If
any
be
Fire
brands
of
the
World
,
if
any
set
up
Popery
under
the
disguise
of
Protestants
,
they
are
surely
these
men
that
cry
down
all
for
Papists
that
they
have
any
prejudice
against
;
and
out
of
spight
to
their
brethren
assist
that
common
enemy
,
and
become
the
most
liberal
Benefactors
to
the
Church
of
Rome
that
ever
it
had
since
the
Reformation
;
nay
,
not
inferiour
to
the
forgers
of
Constantine's
Donation
.
These
men
would
deserve
better
of
Rome
than
Francis
or
Dominick
,
could
they
but
make
their
words
good
.
Surely
the
Papists
are
not
now
to
learn
how
to
make
the
best
use
of
a
fictitious
title
,
they
will
not
fail
to
boast
of
that
strength
which
dissenters
give
them
;
and
have
no
reason
to
discover
the
falshood
of
a
calumny
that
is
so
much
to
their
credit
and
advantage
!
I
must
beseech
the
Readers
Pardon
for
this
digression
,
and
Gods
Pardon
to
these
false
accusers
of
their
brethren
,
that
they
may
know
in
this
their
day
the
things
that
belong
to
their
peace
.
To
return
now
to
the
business
we
left
.
It
will
not
suit
the
proportion
of
my
design
to
dwell
upon
every
particular
expression
of
Cyril's
that
may
be
suspected
,
and
to
detect
the
Heresie
of
Nestorius
lurking
under
the
disguise
of
Orthodox
Expressions
,
I
hope
that
what
has
been
already
observ'd
,
may
be
sufficient
at
least
to
suspend
the
Readers
judgement
from
pronouncing
Cyril
a
Heretick
with
Derodon
,
or
Nestorius
(
who
was
condemn'd
by
almost
all
the
world
)
an
Orthodox
and
sound
believer
?
until
some
abler
hand
undertake
that
matter
,
and
treat
it
more
particularly
.
Our
Author
though
he
make
use
of
Derodon's
citations
to
disparage
the
authority
of
these
Councils
,
yet
he
differs
from
him
in
conclusion
,
and
is
loth
to
give
in
to
that
bold
Paradox
,
that
Cyril
so
much
celebrated
in
the
Catholick
Church
for
his
defence
of
the
faith
,
should
at
last
,
after
twelve
hundred
years
good
credit
prove
down-right
Heretick
.
Therefore
he
endeavours
to
moderate
the
business
,
and
to
make
both
parties
Friends
and
Orthodox
,
though
they
themselves
were
not
sensible
of
it
!
All
this
stir
,
saith
our
Author
,
proceeded
only
from
misunderstanding
,
and
Cyril
and
Nestorius
and
the
rest
of
the
Bishops
did
not
understand
one
anothers
meaning
:
It
is
not
unpleasant
to
observe
a
man
unacquainted
with
the
language
in
which
these
disputes
were
,
pretend
gravely
to
be
Moderator
,
and
to
perswade
the
World
they
did
not
understand
the
terms
they
quarrelled
about
,
though
the
language
were
vulgar
to
them
all
;
and
by
the
strength
of
Hanmer's
,
and
other
miserable
translations
,
to
play
the
Critick
:
but
whether
is
most
likely
that
these
great
and
learned
men
should
understand
one
anothers
terms
;
or
persons
remov'd
from
their
times
many
hundreds
of
years
,
and
ignorant
of
the
language
in
which
they
writ
,
I
leave
the
Reader
to
determine
.
It
is
true
,
that
in
this
case
there
was
great
misunderstanding
between
Cyril
and
the
Eastern
Bishops
;
yet
we
find
that
as
soon
as
ever
they
came
to
debate
the
matter
calmly
,
they
found
they
differ'd
but
in
expression
,
and
yet
both
found
they
differ'd
widely
from
the
doctrine
of
Nestorius
.
But
though
some
few
men
might
be
transported
,
and
mistake
one
another
in
the
heat
of
their
contention
,
it
is
strange
that
all
the
world
should
be
so
blind
and
undiscerning
,
that
no
man
before
our
Author
should
find
out
this
undiscover'd
agreement
between
the
contending
Bishops
,
and
not
one
have
the
fortune
to
stumble
upon
this
observation
.
Mr.
B.
does
endeavour
to
satisfie
this
doubt
,
by
shewing
that
besides
the
factiousness
of
the
generality
of
the
Bishops
,
there
were
but
few
among
them
that
had
any
learning
;
That
the
Fourth
Council
of
Carthage
did
forbid
Bishops
to
read
any
Heathen
Authors
.
When
no
Bishop
was
to
be
remov'd
from
place
to
place
,
but
they
were
made
in
every
Church
out
of
an
inferiour
degree
;
why
should
this
keep
them
in
ignorance
,
since
they
had
the
freedom
of
liberal
education
;
and
the
lower
degrees
of
the
Church
did
no
more
incapacitate
men
for
learning
than
they
did
for
Episcopacy
?
3.
Vniversities
were
rare
,
therefore
no
wonder
if
learned
Bishops
were
so
rare
:
If
University
education
be
so
necessary
for
learning
;
our
Author
I
believe
must
keep
these
ignorant
Bishops
company
,
and
he
will
help
them
to
more
,
if
others
heed
what
he
writes
of
the
Universities
.
But
yet
Philosophy
Schools
were
not
so
rare
as
he
fansies
in
the
Eastern
Church
,
for
there
was
hardly
a
considerable
City
that
had
not
one
;
and
besides
all
this
,
the
great
learning
of
the
world
being
easily
intelligible
to
the
Eastern
part
of
the
World
,
as
being
written
in
their
common
language
;
they
had
the
less
need
of
Professors
;
and
a
man
might
go
a
great
way
with
his
own
private
Reading
.
4.
When
Nectarius
must
be
the
great
Patriarch
that
was
no
Christian
,
and
when
Synesius
,
because
he
had
Philosophical
knowledge
,
is
chosen
Bishop
even
before
he
believ'd
the
Resurrection
!
Learned
men
were
very
scarce
,
he
would
inferr
;
but
it
is
hard
to
do
so
from
these
instances
:
for
1.
I
do
not
find
any where
that
Nectarius
was
made
Patriarch
for
his
learning
:
he
was
noble
by
descent
,
and
a
Prator
by
office
,
that
he
was
of
a
sweet
obliging
temper
,
and
an
extraordinary
,
and
admirable
person
,
in
a
fit
of
kindness
would
force
him
to
be
their
Bishop
.
There
is
not
a
word
of
his
learning
,
or
of
the
scarcity
of
learned
men
,
that
might
justifie
this
extraordinary
and
irregular
election
of
a
Catechumen
into
the
second
Bishoprick
of
the
World
:
and
if
any
one
should
yet
fansy
that
to
be
the
reason
,
let
him
consult
Sozomen
;
Diodorus
Tarsensis
happen'd
to
be
strangely
taken
with
Nectarius
his
Countrey
man
;
and
the
circumstances
,
if
true
,
make
it
look
something
like
a
miracle
:
He
propos'd
him
to
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
as
a
sit
person
for
that
high
charge
;
the
Bishop
wonder'd
at
the
fancy
;
and
to
comply
with
Theodorus
puts
his
name
among
several
others
that
he
offer'd
to
the
Emperour
,
but
in
the
last
place
,
little
expecting
he
should
be
return'd
Bishop
.
The
Emperour
by
an
unaccountable
impulse
pass'd
all
by
till
he
came
to
his
name
,
and
fix'd
there
,
and
nominated
him
Bishop
:
He
was
no
Christian
,
says
our
Author
.
He
was
not
yet
baptiz'd
indeed
,
but
he
was
a
Catechumen
and
a
very
good
man
,
and
wanted
nothing
but
that
consummation
;
which
was
Constantine's
condition
till
within
a
month
before
his
death
:
and
now
let
the
shrewdest
guesser
in
the
world
consider
whether
the
small
number
of
learned
Bishops
was
the
reason
why
Nictarius
was
chosen
to
be
the
great
Patriarch
.
Synesius
his
promotion
concludes
the
ignorance
of
Bishops
no
more
than
that
of
Nectarius
.
For
Synesius
,
besides
his
learning
,
had
a
peculiar
eloquence
,
and
besides
that
,
was
a
person
of
an
extraordinary
life
and
reputation
;
so
that
it
was
not
his
Philosophical
learning
was
the
only
reason
of
his
preferment
:
but
he
did
not
believe
the
Resurrection
;
and
surely
there
must
be
a
great
want
of
able
men
,
when
a
person
under
that
,
and
several
other
unqualifying
circumstances
should
be
forc'd
into
a
Bishoprick
.
But
Theophilus
understood
the
meaning
of
it
,
that
this
was
but
a
fiction
to
avoid
being
Bishop
:
for
his
Letter
to
his
Brother
was
not
design'd
as
a
secret
,
de
Regno
,
that
alone
were
enough
to
make
all
ingenious
men
in
love
with
him
for
his
eloquence
and
his
gravity
,
and
to
render
him
eminent
in
the
most
learned
age
of
the
World
,
though
Mr.
B.
in
the
second
Part
of
his
Church-History
,
part
1.
p.
169.
affirms
,
That
there
are
divers
poor
men
,
Weavers
,
Plowmen
and
others
of
the
Church
of
Kederminster
,
that
can
Pray
,
and
Teach
,
and
Write
as
methodical
,
pious
,
weighty
tractates
as
Synesius
,
notwithstanding
he
was
a
Philosopher
,
and
as
well
as
any
Eusebius
extoll'd
as
famous
Bishops
of
the
second
and
third
age
,
&c.
not
to
say
,
of
Clemens
,
Ignatius
,
Irenaeus
,
Cyprian
;
yea
even
as
Holy
Macarius
,
Ephrem
Syrus
,
Synesius
,
Isidore
,
Pelus
:
By
this
you
may
judge
how
well
our
Author
is
acquainted
with
those
Ecclesiastical
Writers
.
The
last
thing
by
which
he
proves
the
scarcity
of
learned
Bishops
,
is
the
ignorance
of
Nestorius
,
which
Socrates
that
knew
him
does
affirm
:
But
here
our
Author
does
Socrates
wrong
,
for
he
does
not
say
that
Nestorius
was
ignorant
,
but
that
he
was
unacquainted
with
the
Fathers
and
Ecclesiastical
writers
,
which
made
him
condemn
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
The
truth
is
,
our
Author
has
the
worst
luck
in
the
world
in
his
observations
,
where
he
ventures
to
dictate
out
of
his
own
head
,
and
to
speak
something
new
:
He
could
not
have
likely
pitch'd
upon
such
another
age
in
all
the
History
of
the
Church
as
this
,
for
multitude
of
eminent
and
learned
Bishops
,
and
I
believe
I
may
say
there
is
none
that
has
recommended
it self
to
Posterity
by
so
numerous
and
substantial
Monuments
of
learning
.
What
shall
we
think
of
Hierom
,
Ruffinus
,
Augustin
,
the
two
Cyrils
,
Theodoret
?
what
shall
we
say
of
Synesius
,
Isidore
,
Pelus
,
and
infinite
others
?
were
these
ignorant
times
that
yielded
such
eminent
lights
,
such
renown'd
Champions
and
Ornaments
to
the
Church
of
Christ
?
One
may
say
with
great
truth
that
it
was
not
till
now
that
learning
was
become
general
among
Christians
,
and
especially
in
the
East
.
Yet
alas
(
say
our
Author
)
how
few
Bishops
could
distinguish
then
,
as
Derodon
,
and
cur
conimon
Metaphysicks
do
now
,
between
Individuum
,
prima
substantia
,
natura
,
suppositum
,
persona
,
and
distinguish
between
a
right
essence
,
and
hypostasis
or
subsistence
,
&c.
and
have
defin'd
all
these
?
Nature
,
says
Derodon
,
is
taken
in
nine
senses
,
but
the
sense
was
not
here
agreed
on
before
they
disputed
of
the
matter
.
Alas
indeed
!
this
was
a
wonderful
ignorance
.
They
simple
men
did
not
understand
the
art
of
splitting
a
good
six-pence
into
two
bad
groats
;
or
of
evaporating
all
good
substantial
sense
by
multiplying
impertinent
distinctions
:
but
for
my
part
I
value
them
not
a
farthing
the
less
,
for
not
knowing
nine
sorts
of
natures
,
any
more
than
for
not
knowing
the
four
sorts
of
Seekers
,
or
our
Authors
twelve
species
of
Episcopacy
.
What
our
Author
speaks
of
the
turbulence
and
factiousness
of
the
Bishops
,
that
blinded
them
so
,
as
not
to
distinguish
between
the
Abstract
and
the
Concrete
,
and
between
the
qui
&
quà
Deus
:
It
is
after
his
wonted
candour
.
It
is
no
wonder
if
good
men
are
vehement
,
when
they
think
their
faith
is
going
to
be
overthrown
;
and
if
heat
and
passion
is
in
any
thing
to
be
excus'd
,
it
is
surely
here
,
where
the
concern
is
so
very
great
,
and
easiness
and
moderation
look
like
the
betraying
of
the
cause
of
God
.
But
there
needs
no
other
answer
to
our
Author
,
than
the
words
of
our
Saviour
,
First
cast
out
the
beam
out
of
thine
eye
,
and
then
shalt
thou
see
clearly
to
cast
out
the
mote
out
of
thy
brothers
eye
.
If
the
Bishops
were
turbulent
here
,
it
was
for
the
faith
;
but
there
are
those
that
have
been
and
still
are
more
turbulent
for
the
circumstances
of
Religion
.
I
wish
our
Author
would
think
of
it
.
There
remains
yet
one
considerable
Objection
against
Cyril
,
which
I
have
reserv'd
on
purpose
to
the
last
place
that
I
might
answer
it
more
at
large
,
and
I
hope
it
will
give
great
light
unto
the
subject
we
have
in
hand
.
The
objection
is
this
,
That
Cyril
father'd
the
doctrine
of
Nestorius
about
the
Incarnation
upon
his
Master
,
Theodorus
Tarsensis
,
and
Theodorus
Mopsuestenius
.
But
Theodore
Tars
.
dy'd
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
and
was
own'd
by
it
,
not
only
as
a
sound
Member
,
but
as
an
eminent
Champion
for
the
truth
.
I
will
take
notice
at
this
time
of
this
Theodore
only
,
whose
discrple
Nestorius
was
.
Facundus
takes
great
pains
to
vindicate
him
,
and
does
it
very
effectually
;
but
as
for
this
charge
of
Cyril
,
he
does
not
well
know
what
to
say
;
sometimes
he
is
in
doubt
of
the
matter
of
fact
,
whether
Cyril
did
condemn
his
doctrines
,
and
write
against
him
;
because
in
doing
so
,
he
must
depart
not
only
from
the
rest
of
the
Fathers
,
but
from
himself
too
:
For
in
some
of
his
writings
he
is
very
high
in
his
commendation
:
Scripti
sunt
à
Magno
Theodore
(
says
Cyril
.
ap.
Fac.
Acacius
Melitenus
,
mentions
not
only
his
dislike
of
Theodore
,
but
that
he
had
writ
against
him
;
because
he
conceived
he
had
writ
against
our
Saviours
incarnation
:
and
yet
Theodore
did
expresly
maintain
two
natures
in
one
person
:
So
that
Cyril
in
opposing
this
must
either
be
a
Heretick
,
or
he
must
mistake
the
meaning
of
those
he
wrote
against
.
Now
for
the
clearing
of
this
matter
we
must
observe
,
that
though
Theodore
was
no
Heretick
,
yet
there
was
Heresie
among
his
writings
,
foisted
in
by
the
followers
of
Apollinaris
,
and
this
is
the
very
Heresie
for
which
Cyril
condemns
him
.
I
will
set
down
Theodore's
own
words
as
they
are
cited
by
Facundus
:
The
summ
is
,
that
those
Hereticks
,
that
could
not
confute
his
books
,
resolv'd
to
corrupt
them
,
and
foisted
strange
doctrines
that
he
abhorr'd
,
as
that
we
must
own
two
sons
in
Christ
;
and
this
cheat
was
carry'd
on
with
that
Impudence
that
they
shew'd
these
interlopations
to
some
of
the
Bishops
own
Congregation
,
who
were
carry'd
away
with
it
at
first
,
but
were
recover'd
by
the
Bishops
reproof
,
that
they
should
be
so
foolishly
credulous
as
to
give
greater
credit
to
these
writings
than
to
what
they
heard
him
daily
preach
in
the
Church
.
If
then
those
that
were
so
near
Theodore
were
impos'd
upon
by
this
cheat
of
the
Arians
,
what
wonder
if
Cyril
should
light
upon
corrupted
Copies
at
that
distance
of
time
and
place
,
and
take
that
for
the
doctrine
of
Theodore
that
was
but
the
Interpolation
of
those
Hereticks
?
But
this
is
not
all
;
Theodore
had
several
expressions
of
his
own
that
might
be
justly
suspected
of
implying
Two
sons
:
so
that
Sirmond
in
his
note
upon
that
passage
where
he
disowns
two
sons
,
remarks
,
duos
tamen
imprudenter
statuit
:
And
to
let
you
see
that
Theodore
,
However
Theodorus
be
Orthodox
,
added
,
that
if
he
were
alive
and
did
not
explain
himself
more
Orthodoxly
and
more
commodiously
,
he
deserv'd
to
be
condemn'd
:
In
short
,
he
wrote
against
the
Apollinarists
that
confounded
the
natures
in
Christ
,
and
as
it
often
falls
out
,
while
he
avoided
one
extreme
he
seem'd
to
fall
into
another
:
This
was
Cyril's
own
case
,
who
to
assert
a
real
Union
call'd
it
Natural
;
and
asserted
one
nature
,
meaning
by
it
but
one
person
;
but
that
term
he
thought
not
sufficient
,
since
Nestorius
endeavour'd
to
shelter
himself
under
the
ambiguity
of
the
term
;
thus
St.
Austin
writing
against
the
Manichees
seems
to
be
of
one
mind
,
and
writing
against
the
Pelagians
of
another
;
and
although
he
endeavour
here
to
reconcile
his
own
writings
,
yet
if
the
same
things
seeming
so
contradictory
,
had
been
maintain'd
in
those
terms
by
two
several
persons
,
it
is
great
odds
but
they
would
have
fallen
out
:
So
hard
it
is
to
keep
steady
between
two
extremes
when
the
subject
is
nice
and
difficult
,
and
it
is
not
easie
to
find
terms
that
are
proper
and
distinctive
.
Having
given
this
account
of
the
doctrine
of
Cyril
and
Nestorius
,
I
will
give
the
Reader
a
short
view
of
the
Proceedings
of
this
Council
,
which
our
Author
represents
with
his
wonted
candour
and
ingenuity
.
cal
.
Decembr
.
and
doubtless
came
time
enough
to
the
most
remote
parts
of
the
Empire
:
and
they
do
particularly
direct
that
after
Easter
they
immediately
put
themselves
upon
their
journey
,
implying
that
the
time
between
Easter
and
Whitsontide
was
sufficient
for
the
remotest
Bishops
to
perform
their
journey
.
Cyril
and
Nestorius
,
and
near
two
hundred
Bishops
were
there
at
the
time
appointed
:
John
Bishop
of
Antioch
stuck
by
the
way
,
some
of
his
company
falling
sick
,
and
several
of
their
Horses
dying
,
and
sent
notice
of
it
to
Cyril
and
the
Synod
.
The
Bishops
that
were
met
,
were
inclin'd
to
open
the
Council
immediately
,
in
obedience
to
the
Emperours
command
:
many
of
them
had
come
from
far
,
I
cannot
see
any
thing
in
all
this
proceeding
that
is
very
blameable
;
and
John
had
no
reason
to
find
fault
,
having
given
them
leave
to
proceed
.
But
he
coming
to
Ephesus
shortly
after
,
and
finding
fault
with
the
proceedings
of
Cyril
,
became
the
occasion
of
great
confusions
:
which
yet
cannot
be
with
any
justice
charg'd
upon
the
Council
;
John
with
his
protesting
Bishops
countenanc'd
the
cause
of
Nestorius
,
and
condemn'd
Cyril
,
being
drawn
in
by
Candidianus
,
who
was
a
favourer
of
Nestorius
:
for
the
Emperour
in
his
Letter
to
Cyril
before
this
Council
,
shews
that
he
was
not
a
little
angry
with
him
.
He
pretends
his
writing
to
him
,
Johannes
Comes
with
Order
to
depose
Cyril
,
Memnon
and
Nestorius
.
This
John
gives
a
sad
account
of
the
confusion
all
things
were
in
,
and
of
the
heats
of
Bishops
;
but
is
very
much
to
be
suspected
.
For
the
tenour
of
his
relation
makes
it
evident
that
he
was
a
partizan
of
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
and
therefore
endeavours
to
lay
all
the
blame
upon
Cyril
and
his
party
:
but
sure
I
am
that
the
confusion
which
he
represents
cannot
be
much
greater
than
our
Author
makes
in
the
sense
of
this
John
;
and
the
Bishops
could
not
understand
one
another
much
worse
than
our
Author
did
that
Epistle
.
They
would
have
the
Scriptures
read
(
says
our
learned
Translator
)
but
they
that
favour'd
Cyril
said
,
that
the
divine
and
terrible
Scriptures
were
not
to
be
read
without
Cyril
;
the
Bishops
that
were
with
John
said
,
that
Cyril
ought
not
to
be
present
at
the
reading
of
the
Scriptures
.
One
would
imagine
that
this
Officer
would
have
read
a
Chapter
of
Job
to
recommend
patience
to
these
violent
Bishops
;
but
it
is
quite
another
matter
,
for
these
terrible
Scriptures
were
nothing
else
but
the
Emperours
Letter
,
which
in
the
language
of
those
times
was
call'd
Sacra
;
and
Sacra
Scriptura
in
this
place
,
as
every
body
knows
that
has
any
acquaintance
with
these
times
,
or
has
but
read
this
Letter
;
for
the
secret
is
discover'd
within
a
few
lines
,
Augustarum
literarum
lectionem
fecit
,
in
quibus
depositi
sunt
Cyrillus
&
Nestorius
,
&c.
And
now
it
is
no
wonder
if
all
things
were
in
confusion
,
and
all
parties
,
unless
that
small
one
of
John
of
Antioch
,
dissatisfy'd
;
the
Orthodox
look'd
upon
the
faith
as
involv'd
in
the
condemnation
of
Cyril
,
and
to
suffer
in
the
same
proscription
with
him
;
and
the
greatest
part
of
the
Christian
Church
look'd
upon
it self
as
engag'd
in
the
same
cause
:
therefore
the
Emperour
considering
better
of
it
,
whether
out
of
fear
that
all
the
world
in
a
manner
would
oppose
this
sentence
,
or
being
better
inform'd
concerning
Cyril
,
revok'd
this
decree
,
but
confirm'd
the
deposition
and
banishment
of
Nestorius
;
and
considering
the
party
of
John
was
but
inconsiderable
in
respect
of
those
that
own'd
the
Council
,
the
Emperour
,
who
probably
might
have
made
use
of
them
against
Cyril
,
commands
them
now
to
be
reconcil'd
to
him
,
to
condemn
Nestorius
,
to
receive
the
Council
;
and
Cyril
was
only
desir'd
to
sacrifice
his
resentments
of
the
injuries
received
at
Ephesus
,
to
the
peace
and
settlement
of
the
Church
;
and
so
at
last
Cyril
and
the
Council
of
Ephesus
prevail'd
against
all
the
little
arts
that
were
us'd
to
blast
their
reputation
,
and
by
the
means
of
Paulus
Emissenus
a
perfect
reconciliation
was
effected
,
so
sincere
,
that
the
old
contentions
are
chang'd
into
friendship
and
confidence
,
and
Cyril
sends
some
of
his
books
to
John
and
Theodoret
to
revise
and
correct
.
So
far
were
they
from
thinking
him
a
Fire
brand
and
incendiary
as
long
as
they
liv'd
:
as
our
Author
represents
the
matter
.
But
this
reconciliation
does
as
little
please
Mr.
B.
as
their
dissentions
:
There
is
no
thanks
to
the
Bishops
for
this
;
the
Emperours
threatning
Letter
cur'd
them
all
of
Heresie
;
and
good
men
!
they
were
all
this
while
of
one
mind
and
did
not
know
it
:
It
is
some
sign
of
good
nature
that
they
would
submit
to
the
powerful
interposition
of
the
Emperour
;
but
there
is
a
temper
,
which
Mr.
B.
is
acquainted
with
,
that
is
not
to
be
prevail'd
upon
either
by
threats
or
promises
from
the
Magistrate
,
and
seems
to
hate
nothing
so
much
as
compliance
with
Superiours
:
there
are
some
that
scorn
to
preach
by
the
licence
of
the
Government
,
and
place
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
purely
in
opposition
to
Laws
and
Magistrates
.
CHAP.
VI.
Councils
about
the
Eutychian
Heresie
.
IT
is
the
general
weakness
of
our
minds
not
to
think
we
have
sufficiently
avoided
one
extreme
,
unless
we
run
into
the
other
;
and
to
be
still
running
away
from
what
we
dislike
,
we
care
not
whither
,
without
considering
what
inconveniences
the
contrary
extreme
may
expose
us
to
!
This
is
frequent
among
us
,
not
only
in
what
relates
to
our
passions
and
manners
,
but
to
our
faith
.
Nestorius
,
for
fear
of
blasphemy
,
dissolv'd
the
incomprehensible
unity
of
the
son
,
and
fell
into
blasphemy
on
the
opposite
side
,
denying
Christ
to
be
Deus
verus
:
This
Eutyches
(
who
to
our
comfort
was
no
Bishop
,
but
an
Abbot
,
)
having
pleas'd
himself
some
time
with
his
notion
concerning
the
person
of
Christ
,
was
not
content
to
enjoy
it
himself
,
but
was
ambitious
to
propagate
it
:
He
therefore
drew
up
a
new
Creed
different
from
those
which
had
been
set
forth
by
all
the
Councils
before
him
,
and
sent
a
Copy
of
this
Confession
into
several
Monasteries
,
to
desire
Subscriptions
.
Ephesus
.
Eutyches
pursues
his
course
,
and
Eusebius
reports
the
whole
matter
to
Flavian
:
who
having
called
a
small
Convention
of
Bishops
at
C.
P.
sends
for
Eutyches
thither
.
He
at
first
refuses
to
come
;
but
afterwards
,
being
encourag'd
by
a
favourite
Eunuch
,
he
comes
to
the
Council
as
if
he
had
been
going
to
a
war
,
guarded
not
only
with
his
Monks
but
with
Souldiers
,
and
the
Emperours
guards
,
where
after
some
tergiversation
he
discover'd
his
Heresie
,
and
the
Council
having
admonish'd
him
to
retract
,
but
without
effect
,
condemn'd
him
as
a
Heretick
.
Our
Author
makes
Eutyches
as
Orthodox
as
Cyril
;
and
would
shew
that
he
was
condemn'd
for
the
doctrine
of
the
Council
of
Ephesus
.
Eustath
.
Beryt
.
cites
Cyril
in
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
according
to
the
first
reading
.
But
not
to
make
any
difficulty
about
this
,
Christum
nobis
esse
Consubstantialem
negavit
:
which
is
an
express
contradiction
to
the
doctrine
of
Cyril
,
who
all
along
affirms
Christ
to
be
of
the
same
substance
with
us
as
to
his
humanity
,
as
well
as
of
the
same
substance
with
the
Father
in
respect
of
the
divine
nature
:
[
Deinde
dixit
Virginem
quidem
quae
cum
genuit
secundum
carnem
consubstantialem
nobis
esse
,
Breviculus
Hist.
Eutych
.
does
explain
it
,
speaking
of
Eutyches
his
opinion
concerning
Christs
flesh
,
quam
quidem
non
esse
hominis
perhibuit
sed
humanum
,
ut
similitudo
magis
humani
corporis
quàm
veritas
suaderetur
.
But
to
return
to
that
which
was
more
insisted
upon
for
Heresie
,
his
affirming
of
one
nature
,
which
these
passages
will
serve
to
explain
.
The
great
Complaint
of
Eusebius
Doryl
.
to
Flavian
,
and
of
Flavian
to
Leo
,
against
Eutyches
was
,
that
he
affirm'd
one
nature
after
the
incarnation
.
Did
not
Cyril
say
the
same
thing
?
does
not
Flavian
himself
say
that
he
does
not
reject
it
?
what
then
is
the
Controversie
?
Surely
these
men
cannot
be
so
mad
as
to
fall
out
so
violently
,
when
they
all
say
not
only
the
same
thing
but
the
same
words
.
Shall
we
imagine
that
Flavian
would
prevaricate
,
and
accuse
Eutyches
to
Leo
of
that
Heresie
,
which
he
owns
for
sound
doctrine
to
Theodosius
?
There
is
one
thing
more
in
Eutyches
his
way
of
expressing
himself
which
is
liable
to
exception
;
and
that
is
,
that
before
the
union
,
there
were
two
natures
,
afterwards
they
were
but
one
;
if
he
speaks
of
the
particular
natures
of
Christ
,
this
must
be
very
impious
or
absurd
;
either
it
must
imply
that
the
divinity
was
united
to
Christ
after
he
was
come
in
the
Flesh
,
or
that
he
was
at
first
but
a
meer
man
,
and
the
divinity
was
united
to
him
afterwards
,
for
the
merit
of
his
obedience
;
or
else
that
the
man
was
before
his
birth
:
the
first
I
think
Eutyches
did
not
hold
,
the
latter
was
suspected
by
Leo
,
he
was
not
first
born
an
ordinary
meer
man
of
the
Holy
Virgin
,
and
the
word
came
afterwards
into
him
;
but
being
united
from
the
womb
he
is
said
so
to
have
undergone
a
carnal
generation
.
It
was
the
luck
or
the
cunning
of
Eutyches
not
to
engage
far
in
disputes
about
his
doctrines
,
or
to
explain
himself
much
in
publick
;
there
he
seem'd
Orthodox
enough
;
but
when
he
instructed
his
Monks
in
private
,
then
he
discover'd
himself
more
fully
.
But
the
circumspection
of
the
Church
,
and
the
zeal
of
good
men
,
did
not
suffer
it
to
go
on
long
undiscover'd
or
uncensur'd
.
This
is
no
unusual
thing
with
Hereticks
,
to
be
reserv'd
in
publick
and
promiscuous
audiences
;
and
to
use
greater
freedom
in
select
meetings
.
This
was
much
practis'd
amongst
us
in
the
late
unhappy
times
:
though
there
was
licence
enough
to
say
any
thing
in
publick
,
yet
the
teachers
Spirit
(
it
seems
)
was
under
some
restraint
in
the
Church
,
as
some
men
think
evil
spirits
are
in
consecrated
places
,
and
were
not
free
to
reveal
the
mysteries
of
their
sect
:
of
this
we
have
several
instances
in
Edwards
his
Gangr●na
,
which
I
would
recommend
to
the
reading
of
such
as
are
so
fond
of
Toleration
;
and
if
the
effects
of
it
in
those
times
,
as
they
were
represented
there
,
do
not
cure
them
of
that
mistaken
charity
,
nothing
will
,
but
a
too
late
experience
of
those
evils
when
they
are
past
remedy
.
Having
given
this
short
account
of
the
doctrine
of
Eutyches
,
which
they
that
condemned
it
understood
much
better
than
we
can
;
and
could
doubtless
distinguish
from
such
expressions
of
their
own
that
sounded
like
it
:
We
will
proceed
to
the
history
of
its
condemnation
.
The
Synod
of
Constantinople
having
condemn'd
Eutyches
,
he
made
his
application
,
first
to
Leo
Bishop
of
Rome
;
and
being
rejected
there
,
apply'd
himself
to
the
Emperour
by
the
means
of
his
old
friend
Chrysaphius
,
This
way
failing
him
,
The
Judges
said
,
for
this
reason
Dioscorus
condemn'd
Flavian
,
because
he
said
there
were
two
natures
in
Christ
.
Anatolius
said
,
Dioscorus
was
not
condemned
for
Heresie
,
but
because
he
excommunicated
Leo
,
and
being
cited
to
appear
before
the
Council
,
refus'd
to
obey
:
The
Instrument
of
his
Deposition
gives
the
same
reason
,
and
all
the
subscriptions
that
mention
any
reasons
at
all
;
only
that
of
Paschasinus
charges
him
with
not
only
receiving
Eutyches
,
but
of
being
of
his
opinion
.
But
because
this
Council
chose
two
natures
,
Theodorus
Tarsens
.
and
Mopsuest
.
who
were
misunderstood
on
the
other
side
by
Cyril
.
But
of
this
we
have
said
enough
already
.
CHAP.
VII
.
The
Council
of
Chalcedon
.
NOw
comes
the
great
Council
of
Chalcedon
under
the
new
Emperour
Martian
,
where
all
is
chang'd
for
a
time
;
yet
Pulcheria
,
who
married
him
and
made
him
Emperour
,
and
whose
power
then
was
great
,
was
the
same
that
before
had
been
against
Nestorius
,
in
her
Brothers
reign
.
Thus
far
our
Church
Historian
.
It
is
a
marvellous
observation
,
that
all
should
be
chang'd
for
a
time
,
and
yet
Pulcheria
be
the
same
that
condemn'd
Nestorius
,
in
her
Brothers
reign
.
She
was
the
same
person
I
suppose
,
though
I
dare
not
maintain
any
identity
against
the
splitting
instruments
which
he
borrows
of
Derodon
;
(
those
Metaphysical
terms
I
mean
,
which
we
have
mentioned
before
,
)
and
our
Authors
charms
and
imaginary
remedies
against
Heresie
;
those
Notions
that
he
bewails
the
ancient
Bishops
were
so
dull
as
not
to
be
able
to
find
out
.
But
if
out
of
special
grace
he
will
allow
Pulcheria
to
be
the
same
Pulcheria
in
and
after
her
brothers
reign
,
we
must
acknowledge
his
good
nature
in
the
concession
.
But
where
is
the
wonder
all
this
while
?
that
matters
should
change
,
and
yet
she
be
still
the
same
?
It
may
be
that
she
might
not
have
always
the
same
credit
and
authority
with
her
brother
,
and
if
Nicephorus
may
be
believ'd
in
a
story
that
hangs
very
well
together
and
is
very
probable
,
Eutyches
,
that
had
condemn'd
Nestorius
before
.
But
why
should
we
wonder
at
this
in
Pulcheria
,
more
than
in
Flavian
,
in
Eusebius
Doryl
.
and
a
great
many
others
that
did
the
same
thing
at
that
time
?
Nay
,
did
not
all
the
world
in
a
manner
,
all
the
Catholick
Church
,
condemn
both
these
?
Will
he
say
,
that
these
are
contradictory
Doctrines
,
and
therefore
one
must
be
true
and
the
other
false
?
But
Mr.
B.
has
determined
already
,
that
Cyril
,
Nestorius
,
Flavian
,
Eutyches
,
all
of
them
meant
the
same
thing
;
and
what
wonder
then
is
it
,
if
a
devout
Lady
could
not
find
this
secret
consent
of
doctrine
under
appearing
contradictions
,
when
the
learned
Bishops
could
not
do
it
,
nor
after
ages
,
nor
the
subtile
distinguishing
School-men
,
no
nor
Derodon
himself
?
However
since
we
cannot
discern
the
drift
and
shrewdness
of
the
observation
,
we
ought
thankfully
to
accept
what
we
can
understand
,
though
that
be
no
great
news
,
That
Pulcheria
that
was
Empress
after
her
Brothers
death
,
was
the
very
same
that
condemn'd
Nestorius
,
in
her
Brothers
reign
.
This
profound
Remark
is
immediately
follow'd
by
another
of
great
acuteness
;
That
it
was
never
truer
than
in
the
case
of
general
Councils
,
that
the
multitude
of
Physicians
exasperateth
the
disease
,
and
kills
the
patient
.
]
And
yet
our
Author
will
have
these
Physicians
multiply'd
without
end
.
If
every
Congregation
have
its
own
Bishop
,
what
general
agreement
can
we
then
expect
?
what
unity
in
a
Nation
,
when
Bishops
are
grown
so
inordinately
numerous
?
Since
it
can
be
no
otherwise
than
by
a
consultation
of
these
Physicians
,
that
the
publick
Peace
and
Unity
can
be
preserv'd
.
Or
if
this
Expedient
should
fail
,
what
other
way
is
there
left
?
Our
Author
comes
in
here
,
and
relieves
us
in
a
great
strait
,
and
offers
a
remedy
more
Soveraign
than
all
the
Hereticating
Councils
in
the
World
.
In
short
it
is
this
:
The
word
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
the
[
one
nature
after
Vnion
]
the
words
[
One
Will
and
one
Operation
]
had
never
done
half
so
much
mischief
in
the
Church
if
the
erroneous
had
been
confuted
by
neglect
,
and
Councils
had
not
exasperated
,
enraged
and
engag'd
them
,
and
set
all
the
world
on
taking
one
side
or
another
.
]
It
is
an
admirable
way
to
cure
Heresie
to
neglect
it
;
and
to
preserve
the
Church
by
despising
such
small
differences
as
may
be
reduced
into
a
Word
.
It
was
but
a
word
that
divided
the
Arians
and
the
Orthodox
;
It
was
but
the
Trinity
,
Servetus
said
,
that
divided
all
the
World
.
Despise
the
disputes
about
this
,
and
then
Christians
,
Jews
and
Mahumetans
may
be
comprehended
under
the
same
Rule
.
It
is
but
the
Import
of
the
word
Episcopus
that
our
Dissenters
stand
so
much
upon
;
why
does
not
Mr.
B.
perswade
them
to
despise
this
Verbal
Controversie
,
and
study
rather
to
be
quiet
than
to
write
about
it
?
But
we
find
he
cannot
perswade
himself
to
this
,
otherwise
the
Shops
would
have
wanted
divers
books
that
he
hath
publisht
this
year
.
Nay
,
we
find
that
he
himself
will
not
be
answer'd
with
Neglect
.
So
that
we
are
like
to
find
little
benefit
of
this
rare
project
for
confuting
the
disturbers
of
the
Church
.
For
though
six
of
his
Books
that
came
out
in
little
more
than
six
months
were
let
pass
without
any
Answer
that
I
know
of
:
yet
this
Patience
has
been
so
far
from
mending
his
humour
,
that
he
writes
and
writes
on
still
,
runs
us
down
with
Repetitions
,
proclaims
his
own
victories
,
and
insults
over
our
silence
;
and
in
short
he
cannot
be
more
violent
and
outragious
,
more
bitter
and
malicious
under
all
the
provocations
imaginable
,
than
he
is
under
that
Neglect
which
himself
is
pleased
to
prescribe
for
the
cure
of
them
.
I
wish
our
Author
had
taken
his
own
advice
before
this
Book
was
written
,
practic'd
this
Mortification
upon
himself
.
And
not
gone
on
as
he
does
still
to
disturb
the
world
with
perpetual
contentions
to
no
purpose
,
but
to
shew
how
much
he
wants
of
a
Scholar
and
a
Christian
.
But
however
men
may
be
confuted
,
yet
they
are
seldom
convinc'd
by
neglect
,
and
therefore
,
lest
that
expedient
might
fail
,
our
Projector
slurs
in
another
,
One
skilful
,
healing
man
,
that
could
have
explicated
ambiguous
terms
,
and
perswaded
men
to
love
and
peace
,
until
they
understood
themselves
and
one
another
,
had
more
befriended
Truth
,
Piety
,
and
the
Church
,
than
all
the
Hereticating
Councils
did
.
And
why
may
not
this
skilful
man
shew
his
skill
in
Councils
as
well
as
elsewhere
?
why
may
not
many
such
skilful
healing
men
be
found
in
such
great
Assemblies
as
those
of
General
Councils
?
Or
if
such
as
these
are
strangers
to
General
Councils
,
why
do
they
not
appear
since
the
use
of
such
Councils
has
been
laid
aside
?
We
have
had
several
new
disputes
raised
of
late
,
and
many
of
them
in
the
opinion
of
judicious
men
,
meerly
about
words
and
for
want
of
understanding
one
another
,
as
the
Controversie
of
Justification
,
Good
Works
,
&c.
yet
we
have
not
found
that
any
of
these
healing
men
were
able
to
reconcile
parties
,
any
more
than
the
Councils
of
old
,
which
our
Author
according
to
his
manner
of
respect
and
charity
,
honours
with
the
Title
of
Hereticating
Councils
.
Our
Author
is
is
so
full
of
his
observations
in
this
place
that
I
am
almost
weary
of
observing
them
,
If
what
Socrates
writeth
of
Theodosius
Junior
be
true
,
(
as
we
have
no
reason
to
doubt
)
God
own'd
his
moderation
by
miracles
,
notwithstanding
his
favouring
the
Entychians
more
than
he
did
any
ways
of
violence
.
]
I
am
afraid
that
the
miracles
whereby
God
own'd
Theodosius
,
especially
those
recorded
by
Socrates
,
could
do
but
little
countenance
to
the
Eutychian
cause
.
For
Socrates
little
thought
of
Eutychians
when
he
related
those
miracles
.
That
Heresie
was
not
then
known
,
at
leastwise
not
by
that
name
,
when
that
Historian
wrote
.
That
as
long
as
there
is
peace
,
there
is
little
matter
for
Church-History
;
and
that
if
men
had
been
peaceable
and
quiet
,
he
should
have
been
at
a
loss
for
materials
;
and
that
therefore
he
does
make
an
end
there
;
for
peace
preserving
things
in
the
same
Order
,
does
not
afford
variety
enough
for
an
Historian
.
From
whence
it
is
manifest
that
Socrates
wrote
in
that
peaceful
interval
between
the
first
and
second
Council
of
Ephesus
,
and
could
not
think
of
Theodosius
his
moderation
in
respect
of
the
Eutychians
;
and
so
Mr.
B.'s
notwithstanding
might
have
been
spar'd
;
for
Socrates
says
not
one
word
of
any
miracles
in
approbation
of
his
favouring
of
Eutychians
;
or
that
any
were
done
in
favour
of
Theodosius
after
that
,
for
the
History
does
not
reach
so
far
.
But
if
it
were
allow'd
to
comment
upon
the
ways
of
Providence
,
one
might
say
,
that
he
who
was
heretofore
own'd
by
God
as
being
wonderfully
protected
by
him
,
seem'd
to
lose
the
divine
favour
as
soon
as
he
favour'd
Hereticks
;
for
he
dy'd
soon
after
;
but
far
be
it
from
me
to
make
such
constructions
,
for
who
can
find
out
the
ways
of
the
Lord
,
or
who
has
been
his
Councellour
?
Besides
,
what
can
be
the
meaning
of
Theodosius
his
favouring
Eutychians
more
than
he
did
any
ways
of
violence
?
Was
there
ever
a
more
violent
outragious
sort
of
men
than
those
Eutychians
he
favour'd
?
Were
there
ever
greater
violences
committed
than
in
that
infamous
Conventicle
at
Ephesus
?
where
Eustathius
was
kick'd
to
death
,
2.
Read
Act.
1.
Con.
Chalc.
and
all
those
that
durst
defend
him
were
threatned
to
be
serv'd
in
like
manner
;
where
the
cry
was
,
let
him
be
cleft
in
sunder
that
says
there
are
two
natures
:
What
now
can
our
Author
mean
by
favouring
such
men
more
than
any
ways
of
violence
?
unless
it
be
that
he
thinks
the
Emperour
took
a
particular
delight
in
that
kind
of
cruelty
;
and
that
he
had
rather
one
should
be
kick'd
to
death
,
or
cleft
down-right
,
than
that
he
should
be
hang'd
or
beheaded
,
which
would
not
be
much
to
be
credit
of
his
Moderation
.
And
to
say
the
Truth
,
his
Letter
to
Valentinian
discovers
a
strange
kind
of
Spirit
;
that
all
things
were
carry'd
on
with
much
freedom
,
and
perfect
truth
;
that
Flavian
was
found
guilty
of
innovating
in
Religion
,
and
that
he
had
been
treated
according
as
he
deserv'd
.
I
wonder
Mr.
B.
can
cite
this
against
Flavian
,
and
not
discover
the
notorious
falsity
of
it
.
For
who
does
not
know
the
Liberty
,
that
was
given
there
,
to
have
been
no
other
than
either
of
subscribing
or
of
suffering
banishment
or
death
?
as
we
shall
shew
presently
more
particularly
.
This
is
but
an
ill
sign
that
Mr.
B.
is
a
Hater
of
false
History
,
when
he
lets
this
pass
unreprov'd
,
and
puts
upon
his
Reader
for
Truth
that
which
he
must
needs
know
to
be
otherwise
.
And
as
to
Theodosius
,
whose
Letter
this
is
,
it
is
not
unlikely
that
he
was
impos'd
upon
by
his
Eunuch
,
or
whoever
else
penn'd
it
for
him
;
for
he
must
needs
know
the
Eutychian
Proceedings
to
be
the
most
violent
and
disorderly
that
ever
were
in
any
solemn
Assembly
.
At
last
Mr.
B.
is
accus'd
for
his
Ephesine
General
Council
:
Dioscorus
alledges
the
Emperours
Order
,
and
that
all
the
rest
of
that
Council
consented
and
subscrib'd
as
well
as
he
:
The
Bishops
answer'd
that
they
did
it
against
their
wills
,
being
under
fear
:
condemnation
and
banishment
were
threatned
,
and
Souldiers
were
there
with
Clubs
and
Swords
.
The
truth
is
,
Mr.
B.
does
most
disingenuously
mince
the
Acts
of
the
Council
,
and
uses
all
the
foul
play
that
is
possible
,
to
render
Dioscorus
his
case
the
more
plausible
,
and
on
the
other
side
to
discredit
the
rest
of
the
Bishops
that
said
they
were
forc'd
.
The
first
Answer
of
the
Eastern
Bishops
was
,
that
no
man
did
voluntarily
consent
to
the
condemnation
of
Flavian
,
they
were
beaten
to
it
;
this
Mr.
B.
leaves
out
,
because
it
would
go
near
to
excuse
their
complyance
with
a
merciful
man
.
And
in
Stephen
Bishop
of
Ephesus
his
vindication
of
himself
,
Mr.
B.
uses
the
very
same
method
;
for
all
that
he
said
is
slubber'd
up
in
this
,
that
Eulogius
and
Elpidius
and
some
Eutychian
Monks
and
Souldiers
threatned
:
Alas
!
one
would
think
this
was
a
poor
spirited
man
that
would
do
any
thing
against
his
judgement
for
the
threatning
of
these
men
.
But
let
us
understand
from
the
Acts
themselves
what
manner
of
threatning
this
was
.
Stephen
says
in
the
first
place
,
that
he
communicated
with
Flavian
,
and
their
Clergy
,
and
received
them
kindly
.
Eulogius
and
Elpidius
with
Monks
and
Souldiers
to
the
number
of
about
three
hundred
came
to
him
,
and
would
have
kill'd
him
,
and
then
forc'd
him
to
subscribe
before
he
should
go
out
of
the
Vestry
.
The
Answer
of
Theodore
Bishop
of
Claudiopolis
is
maim'd
by
our
Abridger
of
Church-History
after
the
same
manner
,
The
Leading
men
,
says
,
he
,
lead
us
on
;
as
simple
ignorant
men
that
knew
not
the
cause
;
and
frighted
us
by
defaming
us
as
Nestorian
Hereticks
:
Thus
Mr.
B.
But
the
most
considerable
circumstances
are
omitted
:
for
Theodore
says
,
they
were
impos'd
upon
at
first
by
such
Acts
as
seem'd
to
speak
favourably
of
Flavian
,
that
afterwards
they
were
threatned
by
Dioscorus
his
party
,
not
only
making
them
of
near
kin
with
Nestorius
,
but
adding
,
Cut
them
in
sunder
that
say
two
natures
,
dividite
,
interficite
,
ejicite
,
cleave
them
,
kill
them
,
cast
them
out
.
They
were
forty
two
,
of
one
hundred
and
thirty
which
made
up
that
Council
,
who
dissented
from
Dioscorus
and
his
party
at
first
,
but
could
have
no
free
debate
,
and
these
with
this
violent
usage
were
soon
reduc'd
to
fifteen
,
and
they
at
last
were
forc'd
to
subscribe
a
blank
paper
,
to
save
not
only
their
Churches
but
their
lives
:
And
Thus
,
says
Mr.
B.
they
cry'd
they
were
frighted
.
]
let
him
that
standeth
have
a
care
lest
he
fall
.
The
Egyptian
Bishops
answered
,
that
a
Christian
fears
no
man
,
a
Catholick
(
Orthodox
)
fears
no
man
;
if
men
were
fear'd
,
there
would
be
no
Martyrs
.
]
It
is
much
easier
to
say
than
hold
:
There
have
several
gone
to
discover
themselves
to
the
Heathen
Judges
,
with
the
intention
and
confidence
of
Martyrs
,
Upon
the
reading
of
the
Acts
of
the
Second
Council
of
Ephesus
,
it
appear'd
how
things
were
carried
;
Mr.
B.
makes
the
best
use
he
can
of
them
to
disgrace
the
Bishops
;
the
first
thing
he
takes
notice
of
is
Dioscorus
his
words
,
Anathematizing
any
that
should
contradict
or
retract
any
thing
held
in
the
Nicence
Synod
.
]
There
is
a
foul
mistake
for
want
of
a
little
Latin
,
and
a
little
ingenuity
;
for
Dioscorus
says
not
one
word
of
contradicting
or
retracting
the
Council
of
Nice
.
All
the
debate
was
whether
the
Council
of
Nice
had
explain'd
the
faith
fully
,
so
as
to
need
no
farther
authentick
explication
.
The
Synod
is
for
this
,
and
will
have
no
Additions
;
and
let
him
be
Anathema
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
goes
beyond
the
bounds
given
by
the
Fathers
;
and
then
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
let
no
man
add
or
diminish
.
Dioscorus
adds
,
what
a
fearful
thing
it
will
be
to
offend
against
God
in
this
particular
;
and
that
he
is
Anathema
that
shall
presume
to
examine
,
or
discuss
,
or
revise
the
faith
agreed
on
in
the
Council
of
Nice
,
or
here
.
The
Latin
Translator
has
indeed
retractat
,
which
Mr.
B.
translates
retract
,
as
if
it
were
the
recantation
of
what
was
done
in
this
Council
that
they
provided
against
.
But
the
Greek
word
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Here
Eutyches
his
confession
at
Ephesus
was
read
,
C.
P.
under
Flavian
,
it
was
only
the
Nicene
Creed
without
those
additions
that
it
afterwards
generally
receiv'd
in
opposition
to
Apollinaris
and
Macedonius
,
&c.
How
far
this
may
secure
the
Church
from
Heresie
;
the
multitude
of
Heresies
that
sprung
after
,
whereof
the
greater
part
would
willingly
be
try'd
by
the
Nicence
Creed
,
do
sufficiently
shew
.
Eutyches
adds
,
that
he
cleav'd
to
the
Ephesine
Council
,
and
to
Cyril
who
presided
,
disclaiming
all
additions
and
alterations
,
professing
that
he
had
himself
Copies
in
a
book
,
which
Cyril
himself
had
sent
him
,
and
which
is
yet
in
his
hands
;
and
that
he
stands
to
the
definition
of
that
Council
together
with
that
of
Nice
:
One
may
very
well
ask
here
,
what
all
this
means
?
What
is
this
that
Eutyches
disclaims
all
additions
to
,
and
alterations
of
?
What
Copies
are
these
that
Eutyches
had
by
him
?
and
what
definition
of
that
Council
does
he
join
with
that
of
Nice
?
Here
is
nothing
but
nonsense
and
confusion
.
The
case
is
thus
,
Eutyches
gave
the
Nicene
Creed
for
his
faith
,
and
acknowledg'd
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
and
Cyril
;
and
farther
adds
,
that
Cyril
and
the
Council
of
Ephesus
pass'd
a
decree
,
that
nothing
should
be
added
to
the
Nicene
Creed
;
and
that
he
had
a
Copy
of
that
decree
by
him
.
Eusebius
Doryl
.
gives
him
the
lye
,
and
says
,
there
was
no
such
decree
past
.
The
Truth
is
,
such
a
thing
there
was
,
and
is
still
extant
in
the
Acts
of
that
Council
:
but
not
altogether
to
that
purpose
,
Converted
from
Jews
,
or
Hereticks
,
or
Infidels
;
but
that
this
form
should
stand
unalter'd
:
which
is
no
more
than
if
we
should
determine
that
no
Article
should
be
added
to
that
which
is
call'd
the
Apostles
Creed
,
which
is
the
common
form
of
our
solemn
confession
of
faith
;
and
that
no
Bishop
or
Minister
should
devise
new
forms
to
be
us'd
in
its
stead
.
This
is
the
design
of
that
Decree
;
and
Cyril
could
mean
no
otherwise
:
for
if
any
one
should
teach
new
doctrines
that
might
not
be
absolutely
contradictory
to
the
express
words
of
that
Creed
,
yet
he
should
be
condemn'd
though
he
still
own'd
that
Confession
of
Faith
:
Nestorius
his
case
was
of
that
sort
,
and
therefore
the
Synod
says
,
that
since
several
do
shelter
themselves
under
the
generals
of
this
Creed
,
and
put
their
own
construction
upon
the
Articles
,
they
were
to
be
confuted
out
of
the
Fathers
;
and
so
Nestorius
was
condemn'd
notwithstanding
he
profess'd
to
receive
the
Nicene
Creed
.
Our
Author
goes
on
,
Dioscorus
for
having
prevaricated
and
despis'd
the
saith
,
for
the
fear
of
men
;
He
makes
this
Answer
,
If
I
have
been
call'd
to
Martyrdome
before
the
Judges
I
had
endured
it
,
but
he
that
is
judged
of
a
Father
useth
just
means
,
(
it
is
the
contrary
which
that
Bishop
says
justis
non
utitur
;
does
not
make
use
even
of
all
lawful
means
to
vindicate
himself
.
)
After
this
the
Eastern
Bishops
cry'd
,
We
have
all
sinned
,
we
all
crave
pardon
,
and
this
in
the
next
page
our
Author
observes
to
the
discredit
of
the
Bishops
of
those
times
,
that
they
were
so
far
from
the
Martyrs
constancy
,
that
they
turn'd
as
the
Emperours
Countenance
and
the
Times
,
and
worldly
interest
turn'd
,
Voting
down
things
and
persons
in
one
Council
,
and
crying
Omnes
peccavimus
in
the
next
.
How
easie
they
were
to
follow
the
Emperours
Inclination
in
this
case
we
have
seen
already
,
in
the
Account
these
Bishops
gave
of
the
violence
us'd
towards
them
.
When
Souldiers
and
a
giddy
Rabble
of
Monks
with
Swords
and
Staves
,
like
Bedlam
broke
loose
,
run
upon
men
with
open
mouth
,
denouncing
death
and
destruction
;
We
ought
rather
to
pity
the
infirmity
of
those
poor
men
that
were
overborn
with
the
Temptation
,
than
to
insult
over
them
.
It
may
be
they
had
no
mind
to
be
Martyrs
in
this
Controversie
,
that
must
be
confess'd
,
as
it
was
manag'd
,
to
be
something
perplex'd
;
though
neither
these
nor
any
other
terrours
could
have
prevail'd
with
them
to
betray
their
religion
:
And
it
is
not
unlikely
,
that
had
they
had
the
cause
of
the
Martyrs
which
was
plain
and
indisputable
,
they
might
likewise
have
had
their
Resolution
and
Constancy
;
and
Basil
Seleuc.
does
mention
,
when
this
levity
is
objected
to
him
,
that
he
had
behav'd
himself
with
greater
courage
upon
the
account
of
Religion
at
C.
P.
probably
against
Macedonius
,
or
the
Arians
.
Mr.
B.
who
is
here
so
severe
upon
the
Bishops
for
sacrificing
their
Consciences
to
their
fears
,
might
have
remember'd
,
that
when
the
Jews
came
with
Swords
and
with
Staves
to
take
our
Saviour
,
the
Disciples
forsook
him
and
fled
,
and
Peter
deny'd
his
Master
out
of
fear
;
and
yet
they
were
all
receiv'd
again
upon
their
return
,
and
entrusted
with
the
planting
and
propagation
of
the
Gospel
.
From
these
warm
debates
of
the
Bishops
,
Mr.
B.
observes
two
lamentable
,
undeniable
things
.
The
Reader
may
observe
,
that
when
our
Author
ventures
upon
Observations
,
it
is
more
than
an
even
lay
that
he
is
out
;
I
believe
his
memory
betrays
his
judgement
,
for
his
eye
is
no
sooner
off
of
the
book
to
consider
,
but
he
loses
his
story
.
Now
let
us
see
what
he
infers
from
what
he
has
recited
,
as
he
says
,
out
of
Binius
and
others
.
1.
That
this
doleful
Contention
,
Anathematizing
,
and
ruining
of
each
other
,
was
about
the
sense
of
ambiguous
words
,
and
that
they
were
of
one
mind
in
the
matter
and
knew
it
not
.
Who
were
they
that
were
of
one
mind
and
knew
it
not
?
Eutyches
and
those
that
oppos'd
him
?
They
were
far
from
being
of
a
mind
,
for
Eutyches
deny'd
Christ
to
be
truly
and
properly
man
,
i.
e.
to
have
the
proprieties
,
and
the
Constituents
of
Humane
Nature
;
and
the
Monothelites
,
Theopaschites
,
&c.
were
the
Genuine
Disciples
of
Eutyches
,
and
own'd
those
Consequences
of
his
Doctrines
which
he
did
not
think
fit
to
publish
.
Or
who
else
were
those
that
were
of
one
mind
,
and
knew
it
not
?
Dioscorus
and
Flavian
?
I
am
apt
to
believe
they
were
much
of
the
same
Opinion
as
to
the
point
in
Controversie
;
and
knew
it
well
enough
;
which
was
the
only
reason
why
Dioscorus
,
with
his
party
of
Bishops
and
Monks
,
would
not
endure
to
come
to
any
Debate
of
that
matter
,
for
fear
it
would
appear
that
they
all
agreed
,
and
then
there
would
have
been
no
pretence
to
condemn
Flavian
,
which
was
the
design
,
if
not
of
the
Emperor
,
yet
at
leastwise
of
those
that
govern'd
him
;
and
several
Bishops
in
that
infamous
Assembly
at
Ephesus
were
about
to
make
this
Mutual
consent
in
Doctrine
appear
,
if
the
Monks
,
the
Myrmidons
of
Dioscorus
,
would
have
given
them
leave
to
speak
?
Or
lastly
,
did
not
the
Bishops
in
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
understand
one
another
?
The
contrary
is
notorious
,
from
their
Debates
,
and
their
Subscriptions
.
The
Egyptians
indeed
scrupled
subscribing
,
not
upon
the
account
of
the
matter
,
but
the
form
;
because
they
had
no
Metropolitane
,
(
Dioscorus
being
now
depos'd
)
and
it
was
against
their
usage
to
sign
any
thing
in
Council
without
their
Metropolitane
;
and
as
soon
as
they
had
one
,
they
subscrib'd
willingly
.
But
if
they
were
all
of
a
mind
and
knew
it
,
How
did
they
condemn
Dioscorus
?
Anatolius
confesses
in
the
Council
,
and
no
man
contradicted
him
,
that
Dioscorus
was
not
condemn'd
for
Heresie
but
Misdemeanours
:
Well
;
But
why
did
Dioscorus
absolve
Eutyches
,
if
he
had
not
thought
him
to
be
of
his
opinion
?
There
is
good
reason
for
that
:
for
Flavian
could
not
be
condemn'd
,
unless
Eytyches
were
absolv'd
;
and
that
those
very
men
that
receiv'd
him
did
not
think
he
was
of
their
opinion
,
though
their
expressions
were
the
same
,
appears
manifestly
from
the
manner
of
their
transacting
that
affair
;
for
when
some
well-meaning
Bishops
were
so
curious
as
to
desire
he
should
explain
himself
in
that
point
of
doctrine
for
which
alone
he
had
been
call'd
in
question
,
Dioscorus
forbids
any
farther
search
,
for
fear
Heresie
would
appear
,
and
then
Flavian
must
be
acquitted
.
The
Case
was
just
as
if
a
Papist
were
to
purge
himself
of
that
Imputation
in
an
Assembly
of
Divines
,
and
should
offer
the
Nicene
Creed
for
his
Faith
:
But
some
honest
plain
men
,
not
satisfy'd
with
this
Impertinent
vindication
in
those
things
he
was
not
question'd
for
,
putting
cross
questions
about
Transubstantiation
or
Supremacy
,
should
immediately
be
check'd
,
and
all
should
cry
,
we
will
have
nothing
added
to
the
Nicene
Faith
;
would
not
any
one
conclude
that
this
Reverend
Assembly
was
afraid
Popery
would
appear
,
and
that
the
man
that
for
private
Reasons
they
would
acquit
for
that
time
,
would
discover
himself
to
hold
such
opinions
,
as
he
could
not
be
able
to
approve
to
that
Assembly
?
This
is
the
naked
case
;
from
whence
the
Reader
may
judge
,
how
far
these
were
of
one
mind
:
and
that
men
of
very
different
opinions
joyn'd
to
serve
a
present
turn
;
and
united
in
design
,
when
they
knew
some
of
them
,
that
their
doctrines
could
never
be
reconcil'd
.
Mr.
B.
to
make
out
that
they
were
all
of
one
mind
,
took
two
natures
and
two
sons
to
be
of
the
same
sense
,
which
the
others
did
not
.
]
The
Egyptians
indeed
took
two
natures
to
imply
two
sons
;
for
they
took
nature
in
the
sense
Cyril
us'd
it
,
for
hypostasis
,
and
so
it
really
did
imply
two
persons
:
but
they
acknowledg'd
distinct
properties
of
the
divinity
and
humanity
,
which
Eutyches
did
not
;
and
so
Eutychians
and
Egyptians
are
not
altogether
the
same
thing
.
2.
Though
at
first
the
Egyptians
seem'd
not
to
understand
what
Flavian
meant
by
two
natures
;
yet
it
is
evident
that
there
was
something
of
wilfulness
in
that
mistake
;
and
at
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
it
was
quite
taken
away
,
and
all
subscrib'd
to
two
natures
,
that
yet
own'd
Cyril's
expressions
of
but
one
Nature
Incarnate
.
It
is
plain
(
saith
Mr.
B.
)
that
while
all
sides
held
,
held
,
that
there
were
two
sons
(
which
he
expresly
deny'd
)
that
they
accus'd
Nestorius
in
ignorance
.
]
It
is
true
indeed
that
Nestorius
own'd
but
one
son
:
but
how
?
one
in
dignity
and
title
only
,
as
we
have
shew'd
before
;
but
that
unity
was
of
persons
,
i.
e.
really
distinct
according
to
his
notion
;
taking
person
properly
for
an
intelligent
subsistence
,
and
not
for
a
notional
unity
of
two
things
,
really
distinct
,
in
the
participation
of
the
same
common
name
or
title
,
which
was
really
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
Nestorius
.
And
Mr.
B.
is
so
confident
of
this
notion
of
his
,
as
to
conclude
with
his
defiance
to
all
gain-sayers
,
This
is
true
,
whatsoever
faction
shall
say
against
it
.
]
If
it
were
a
Faction
that
spoke
against
this
truth
,
it
was
a
mighty
strong
and
general
Faction
,
and
was
never
oppos'd
by
any
person
before
Mr.
B.
For
then
all
sides
granted
they
disagreed
one
from
the
other
,
and
succeeding
ages
were
of
the
same
opinion
;
and
all
the
factions
in
the
world
agreed
in
this
,
that
Nestorius
and
those
that
oppos'd
him
,
spoke
absolute
contradictions
to
each
other
.
The
next
remarkable
thing
that
our
Author
cites
out
of
the
debate
of
this
Council
,
Eutychian
words
,
they
are
these
:
We
must
not
conceive
two
natures
in
Christ
but
one
Incarnate
.
These
words
may
sound
harsh
to
one
that
is
not
acquainted
with
Cyril's
manner
of
expressing
himself
:
But
they
are
not
yet
Eutychians
.
For
Eutyches
his
opinion
is
condemn'd
by
Eustathius
,
(
who
cites
these
words
of
Cyril
,
)
immediately
after
.
He
that
says
there
is
but
one
nature
,
so
as
to
deny
Christs
flesh
,
which
is
consubstantial
with
us
.
So
Mr.
B.
translates
indeed
,
out
of
the
Latin
Translator
,
who
mistook
the
sense
of
this
place
.
The
words
of
Eustathius
were
these
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
he
that
affirms
one
nature
to
the
taking
away
of
the
consubstantiality
of
Christs
flesh
to
ours
,
or
to
the
denying
that
his
flesh
is
of
the
same
substance
with
ours
,
let
him
be
accurs'd
.
]
Which
was
the
doctrine
of
Eutyches
,
whereof
he
was
convicted
by
several
Witnesses
in
the
Council
of
C.
P.
and
Basil
Seleuc.
nature
incarnate
,
or
of
the
word
incarnate
,
and
one
nature
absolutely
,
which
was
the
errour
of
Eutyches
,
as
he
affirm'd
.
Though
in
the
Council
of
C.
P.
Eutyches
makes
use
of
the
same
expression
(
unless
we
may
think
those
Acts
corrupted
by
the
Council
of
Ephesus
in
favour
of
Eutyches
,
as
Flavian
complains
they
were
,
to
render
his
opinion
more
plausible
)
I
have
shew'd
before
how
ill
the
notion
of
Cyril
about
the
Incarnation
did
agree
with
that
of
Eutyches
.
Mr.
B.
had
great
reason
to
note
the
Impudence
of
Binius
,
in
calling
this
allegation
of
Eustathius
out
of
Cyril
,
to
be
Wicked
and
Heretical
;
since
he
does
no
more
than
cite
Cyril's
words
:
but
this
remark
is
left
out
of
latter
Editions
.
After
this
,
Mr.
B.
brings
in
Dioscorus
defending
himself
by
the
authority
of
Cyril
,
one
nature
incarnate
,
and
then
concludes
,
I
am
condemn'd
with
the
Fathers
;
they
say
the
same
that
I
do
.
I
must
repeat
therefore
once
more
,
what
I
had
said
before
,
that
Dioscorus
was
not
condemn'd
for
Heresie
,
but
for
condemning
and
murdering
Flavian
,
&c.
Dioscorus
offers
satisfaction
to
God
and
you
,
i.
e.
Eusebius
Doryl
.
his
repentance
was
not
accepted
;
yet
I
suppose
he
is
not
in
earnest
;
for
upon
other
occasions
he
is
inexorable
in
much
lesser
matters
:
and
surely
if
any
Misdemeanours
may
depose
a
Bishop
that
has
nothing
to
plead
but
the
Orthodoxness
of
his
belief
,
Dioscorus
was
justly
condemn'd
,
and
yet
our
Author
observes
that
a
verbal
quarrel
was
turn'd
to
personal
revenge
,
because
Eusebius
Doryl
.
reply'd
upon
Dioscorus
,
that
he
must
satisfie
the
law
.
Mr.
B.
concludes
his
citations
out
of
the
first
Action
of
this
Council
,
with
the
subscriptions
of
the
Bishops
in
the
Council
of
Ephesus
whereby
they
absolv'd
Eutyches
;
which
being
read
in
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
,
the
Bishops
concern'd
had
no
excuse
,
but
to
cry
,
Omnes
peccavimus
.
Our
Author
it
seems
takes
great
delight
in
repeating
as
often
as
he
can
this
recantation
of
those
Bishops
,
looking
upon
it
,
I
suppose
,
as
a
great
undervaluing
and
reproach
to
confess
an
errour
.
The
Spirit
of
Schism
is
very
nice
in
point
of
honour
,
and
reckons
nothing
so
great
a
disgrace
as
the
acknowledgement
of
a
mistake
;
where
it
is
once
engag'd
,
no
conviction
shall
be
able
to
reclaim
it
,
though
it
be
in
the
most
indefensible
thing
in
the
World
.
And
though
interest
and
conscience
should
oblige
to
return
;
yet
in
honour
he
must
not
recede
,
nor
recant
what
no
Rhetorick
is
able
to
palliate
.
Recantation
,
whether
they
be
in
the
right
or
the
wrong
,
appears
equally
infamous
.
A
late
brisk
defender
of
Non-conformity
out
of
fondness
for
a
smart
saying
in
Religio
Medici
has
dropp'd
an
unlucky
truth
,
that
he
is
not
so
much
afraid
as
asham'd
of
Conformity
.
I
have
charity
enough
to
believe
him
that
he
is
indeed
asham'd
of
owning
that
which
he
has
so
fiercely
oppos'd
,
not
so
much
by
his
reasoning
,
as
by
his
ill
manners
and
scurrility
.
For
my
part
I
do
not
envy
these
men
this
inflexible
stiffness
of
Spirit
,
but
do
sincerely
pity
them
,
although
the
witty
Author
just
now
mention'd
has
derided
Compassion
,
no
less
than
Mr.
B.
has
Repentance
,
and
Recantation
.
However
I
had
rather
be
found
among
those
Bishops
that
cry'd
Peccavimus
after
a
fault
,
which
yet
had
all
the
excuses
that
can
be
made
from
violence
and
compulsion
;
than
to
maintain
a
Schism
upon
a
point
of
honour
,
and
for
shame
of
confessing
to
have
been
in
the
wrong
.
In
the
third
Action
,
among
many
things
,
Flavianus
,
Domnus
,
&c.
One
would
expect
here
that
our
Historian
being
tir'd
with
throwing
dirt
at
the
Bishops
and
their
Councils
,
should
divert
the
outragious
Spirit
,
by
giving
him
one
loose
at
Emperours
and
Courts
.
But
no
such
matter
,
he
scorns
to
change
his
game
,
and
therefore
charges
the
Bishops
with
the
faults
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
lays
all
the
blame
upon
them
;
So
far
(
says
he
)
could
fierce
and
factious
Prelates
prevail
with
a
pious
and
peaceable
Prince
,
by
the
pretences
of
opposing
Heresie
and
Schism
.
]
And
what
authority
has
our
Author
to
ground
this
observation
upon
?
What
if
the
Eunuchs
and
Courtiers
prevail'd
upon
the
Emperour
?
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
In
the
next
place
our
Author
relates
at
large
out
of
the
fifth
Action
of
the
Council
,
(
which
he
mistook
for
the
fourth
,
being
deceiv'd
by
the
running
Title
in
Binius
that
is
false
Printed
)
what
pass'd
between
the
Council
and
the
Egyptian
Bishops
;
and
this
he
did
not
think
fit
to
Abridge
,
because
he
did
not
conceive
it
much
for
the
honour
of
the
persons
concern'd
.
The
debate
it
must
be
confess'd
was
something
too
warm
;
but
that
heat
was
not
altogether
without
reason
.
The
case
in
short
was
thus
:
The
Council
had
condemn'd
Eutyches
for
a
Heretick
,
and
Dioscorus
for
receiving
him
into
Communion
,
and
for
other
Misdemeanours
.
The
Egyptian
Bishops
,
considering
how
far
they
were
engag'd
in
the
same
crime
,
and
standing
in
a
near
Relation
to
Dioscorus
,
began
to
be
afraid
that
they
might
possibly
be
involv'd
in
the
same
punishment
:
and
therefore
petition'd
the
Emperour
,
declaring
the
uprightness
of
their
faith
;
and
condemning
all
Heresies
,
but
not
naming
Eutyches
.
This
Petition
was
read
before
the
Council
,
which
immediately
made
this
exception
,
Why
did
they
not
condemn
Eutyches
?
They
answer'd
,
that
they
condemn'd
him
,
or
any
body
else
,
that
taught
any
thing
against
the
faith
.
This
was
look'd
upon
as
a
delusory
answer
:
and
the
Council
began
to
press
them
closer
:
At
last
they
condemn'd
Eutyches
.
Having
been
brought
thus
far
,
they
were
call'd
upon
to
subscribe
his
condemnation
.
This
they
scrupl'd
,
which
made
the
Council
jealous
of
them
,
upon
the
account
of
their
dependance
upon
Dioscorus
,
and
of
their
behaviour
in
the
second
Ephesine
Council
:
and
therefore
they
resolv'd
to
press
the
point
home
.
The
Egyptians
pretended
they
could
not
subscribe
according
to
the
custome
of
their
Church
without
their
Patriarch
.
Their
Tergiversation
all
along
made
the
Bishops
look
upon
this
as
a
Trick
;
yet
at
last
,
when
they
understood
the
case
,
they
admitted
of
this
expedient
;
that
they
should
give
security
that
they
should
not
leave
Chalcedon
before
they
had
a
New
Metropolitan
,
and
so
the
debate
ended
.
If
this
business
seem
to
have
been
manag'd
with
too
much
heat
,
it
is
not
much
to
be
wondred
at
,
all
circumstances
consider'd
,
and
especially
the
injuries
and
provocations
that
several
of
the
Council
had
receiv'd
before
from
Dioscorus
and
his
party
.
Men
will
be
men
,
where-ever
they
are
plac'd
,
whether
in
a
Council
,
or
in
the
Church
,
or
even
at
the
Altar
.
The
next
business
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
was
with
the
Abbots
of
the
Monks
(
it
would
have
been
great
news
to
have
found
Abbots
of
Seculars
,
who
had
petition'd
the
Emperour
for
a
Council
to
end
their
broyls
,
and
that
without
perturbations
.
These
petition'd
that
Dioscorus
might
be
call'd
:
He
was
call'd
indeed
several
times
before
,
but
he
did
not
think
fit
to
come
;
but
they
would
have
him
restor'd
;
and
the
Council
opposing
them
,
they
began
to
talk
impertinently
about
Religion
.
Among
these
was
Barsumas
,
who
had
headed
a
great
number
of
the
same
sort
of
Cattel
at
the
Second
Ephesine
Council
,
and
had
assisted
in
the
murdering
of
Flavian
,
encouraging
his
Monks
to
make
sure
work
,
kill
,
slay
,
knock
him
on
the
head
,
&c.
It
is
not
unlikely
but
some
of
these
,
if
not
all
,
(
for
some
in
this
Council
charge
him
with
having
headed
1000
Monks
)
had
been
with
him
at
Ephesus
;
and
it
is
not
very
material
whether
such
giddy
sanguinary
fellows
were
satisfy'd
with
the
Council
or
no.
If
the
countenance
of
this
sort
of
men
signify'd
any
thing
,
there
was
number
enough
that
own'd
the
Council
,
and
give
the
Emperour
thanks
,
that
his
Christian
Authority
had
cast
out
Eutyches
,
who
had
spoke
blasphemously
against
our
Saviour
,
and
sow'd
Tares
in
the
Church
.
At
last
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
there
was
a
dissention
whether
Leo
's
phrase
should
be
put
into
their
Definition
of
Faith
,
(
now
drawn
up
anew
.
)
There
is
no
mention
there
of
Leo
's
phrases
,
but
only
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Contents
of
his
Letter
should
be
inserted
into
the
Definition
or
Rule
of
Faith
.
This
inserting
of
it
into
their
Definition
was
,
I
believe
,
no
other
than
what
we
find
in
the
larger
Declaration
of
Faith
drawn
up
in
this
Council
;
where
the
Epistle
of
Leo
is
receiv'd
,
together
with
those
of
Cyril
to
Nestorius
,
as
Expositions
of
the
Faith
deliver'd
them
by
the
Council
of
Nice
.
Mr.
B.
says
that
Leo's
Epistle
was
a
while
run
down
.
There
was
no
such
thing
,
but
only
some
said
that
their
Rule
of
Faith
was
full
enough
without
it
.
It
was
not
because
they
had
any
exception
against
the
doctrine
of
it
,
but
because
they
would
preserve
their
Rule
as
simple
,
and
with
as
little
addition
as
they
could
.
But
at
last
it
was
yielded
to
,
saith
Mr.
B.
when
the
Illyrican
Bishops
had
first
slighted
Rome
,
and
cryed
,
Qui
contradicunt
(
Definitioni
)
Nestoriani
sunt
,
qui
contradicunt
,
Romam
ambulent
:
He
must
be
very
captious
that
can
interpret
this
for
a
slight
;
And
it
does
not
appear
,
that
the
Legates
,
who
were
usually
very
apprehensive
of
slights
put
upon
their
See
,
did
take
any
notice
of
it
.
I
am
not
very
much
concerned
whether
it
were
or
no
,
I
must
confess
I
do
not
find
in
my self
any
great
devotion
for
that
See
to
vindicate
it
from
any
slights
,
yet
I
believe
this
we
now
speak
of
was
never
intended
as
one
.
Only
our
Author
,
according
to
the
usual
success
of
his
observations
,
misunderstands
the
matter
.
The
Judges
assisting
in
this
Council
propounded
it
as
the
Emperours
direction
,
We
desire
the
Definition
may
be
read
,
and
then
those
that
will
not
subscribe
and
conform
to
rightful
Determinations
,
let
them
walk
to
Rome
,
i.
e.
to
that
General
Council
which
the
Emperour
threatened
to
call
in
the
West
.
And
the
Illyrican
Bishops
seconded
this
Motion
:
Those
that
contradict
are
Nestorians
,
let
them
walk
to
Rome
.
What
manner
of
slight
this
was
,
is
not
easily
guess'd
;
at
the
worst
,
these
Bishops
did
no
more
slight
Rome
,
than
Cecropius
did
the
West
,
whither
he
bid
Dissenters
walk
,
to
be
satisfy'd
.
In
the
next
Paragraph
our
Author
makes
Theodoret
speak
what
was
never
in
his
I
take
not
my self
to
say
true
,
but
I
know
I
please
God
.
]
These
are
not
Theodoret's
,
but
Mr.
B.'s
words
,
and
very
applicable
to
himself
and
his
Church
History
:
For
as
mean
an
opinion
as
I
have
of
his
knowledge
in
Church
History
,
I
doubt
not
he
can
read
Latin
when
he
had
the
book
before
him
;
and
yet
when
he
does
that
,
I
am
afraid
that
many
times
,
He
takes
not
himself
to
say
true
.
But
perhaps
he
may
be
of
opinion
,
that
a
pious
fraud
may
be
accepted
;
and
that
by
calumniating
the
Bishops
whom
he
takes
for
Enemies
to
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
,
and
gratifyers
of
the
Devil
,
he
may
please
God
,
In
good
truth
,
I
do
not
speak
,
but
as
I
know
is
pleasing
to
God
:
The
Latin
Translation
puzled
our
Author
:
Vere
(
i.
e.
reverà
)
non
dico
,
nisi
quomodo
novi
placere
Deo
.
The
next
words
of
our
Author
do
as
much
wrong
the
sense
,
though
not
so
much
the
Reputation
of
Theodoret
:
I
would
first
satisfie
you
of
my
belief
:
whereas
Theodoret
said
only
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
I
would
perswade
you
in
the
first
place
that
I
regard
not
preferment
.
The
Latin
thus
,
Priùs
satisfactio
vobis
quia
neque
de
civitate
cogito
,
&c.
And
at
last
,
after
a
great
deal
of
that
debate
about
Theodoret
,
our
Author
concludes
,
do
not
these
words
here
Translated
out
of
Binius
agree
too
well
with
Gregory
Nazianzen
's
character
of
Bishops
and
their
Councils
?
How
well
they
may
agree
with
Nazianzen
is
not
so
material
:
but
they
should
have
agreed
better
either
with
the
Original
,
or
at
least
with
the
Translation
out
of
which
our
Author
Translated
them
:
and
yet
for
all
this
our
Author
will
understand
all
these
Greek
Bishops
better
than
they
did
one
another
,
or
even
themselves
.
In
the
next
place
we
have
an
account
of
Ibas
Bishop
of
Edessa
;
His
Epistle
to
Maris
against
Cyril
was
acquitted
;
at
least
the
Bishop
upon
the
reading
of
it
.
It
is
a
sad
Narrative
of
the
Calamitous
Divisions
which
these
Prelates
and
their
Councils
made
.
]
In
the
first
place
there
is
no
truth
in
what
our
Author
says
,
that
this
Epistle
was
acquitted
;
for
the
Council
says
no
such
thing
.
In
the
next
place
Ibas
was
not
acquitted
upon
the
reading
of
this
,
to
be
full
of
Impiety
.
Baronius
An.
432.
(
deceiv'd
by
Gregory
the
Great
,
Paulus
Emissenus
.
How
then
comes
he
to
give
such
an
odious
account
of
Cyril
,
and
the
proceedings
of
the
Council
of
Ephesus
?
The
Truth
is
,
the
Eastern
Bishops
were
not
so
ingenuous
and
fair
after
their
Reconciliation
with
Cyril
,
as
he
was
towards
them
;
however
he
goes
in
Mr.
B.'s
History
under
so
odious
a
character
.
Who
ever
reads
his
Letters
to
Nestorius
,
and
to
John
of
Antioch
;
and
considers
with
what
candour
he
acts
;
must
needs
see
that
he
had
very
hard
measure
from
those
whom
he
treated
with
great
ingenuity
and
confidence
.
The
Eastern
men
are
still
upon
the
disparagement
of
Cyril's
proceedings
,
and
the
vindication
of
themselves
;
with
what
Truth
or
Reason
,
has
been
shew'd
already
;
and
Ibas
here
pursues
the
same
prejudices
,
and
would
insinuate
that
his
party
had
the
Right
,
and
Cyril
was
their
Convert
:
But
if
here
was
any
change
of
opinion
on
either
side
,
it
was
on
theirs
:
for
first
they
joyn'd
with
Nestorius
,
and
afterwards
condemn'd
him
:
Yet
this
Epistle
of
Ibas
shews
that
there
was
a
core
left
still
.
In
the
eleventh
Action
,
two
Bishops
(
Bassia
nus
and
Stephen
)
strive
for
the
Bishoprick
of
Ephesus
;
And
,
saith
our
Author
,
while
the
Bishops
were
for
one
of
them
,
the
Judges
pass'd
sentence
to
cast
out
both
.
One
would
imagine
here
that
the
Judges
pass'd
sentence
against
the
consent
,
or
inclination
of
the
Bishops
;
But
there
is
no
such
matter
;
it
was
not
the
Judges
but
the
Bishops
past
this
sentence
.
the
Bishops
answer'd
,
that
the
right
was
on
Bassianus
his
side
,
let
the
Ganons
take
place
,
for
Bassianus
was
the
first
Possessour
.
The
Judges
represented
to
them
,
that
in
their
opinion
neither
of
them
were
fit
to
be
continu'd
Bishops
,
yet
referr'd
the
whole
matter
to
the
Council
to
determine
as
it
should
think
fit
.
And
this
Mr.
B.
calls
passing
a
sentence
,
while
the
Bishops
were
against
it
.
The
Bishops
finding
that
Stephen
was
not
like
to
carry
the
cause
,
for
they
had
no
great
favour
for
him
,
because
he
had
been
a
very
active
Instrument
of
Dioscorus
in
the
second
Council
of
Ephesus
,
willingly
consented
the
other
should
be
turn'd
out
too
;
and
were
so
extremely
satisfy'd
with
this
expedient
,
that
they
cry'd
it
up
presently
,
and
own'd
it
to
be
a
Divine
suggestion
:
and
so
the
Bishops
who
(
Mr.
B.
says
)
were
for
one
,
did
indeed
pass
sentence
against
both
Competitors
.
At
last
our
Author
enquires
after
the
success
of
all
this
:
What
Concard
did
these
late
Councils
procure
to
the
Churches
?
From
that
time
most
of
the
Christian
World
was
distracted
into
Factions
,
Hereticating
and
killing
one
another
.
The
Alexandrians
murder'd
Proterius
their
Bishop
chosen
by
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
.
And
to
aggravate
the
cruelty
,
Mr.
B.
says
they
spar'd
not
to
tast
his
Entrails
with
their
Teeth
like
Dogs
.
tasting
with
Teeth
would
be
much
greater
than
the
cruelty
,
and
go
a
great
way
to
justifie
the
barbarity
of
the
Action
,
if
it
were
true
.
But
what
shall
we
say
to
these
lamentable
consequences
of
these
Councils
?
Was
it
the
misfortune
,
or
the
fault
of
these
only
,
not
to
be
able
to
heal
the
differences
of
the
Church
?
Or
else
was
the
defect
in
the
Councils
,
or
the
blame
to
be
imputed
to
those
obstinate
men
that
oppos'd
the
Rule
establish'd
by
them
?
These
were
not
the
first
Councils
that
have
miscarried
as
to
their
design
of
Universal
Reconciliation
.
The
Council
of
Jerusalem
under
the
Apostles
,
that
determined
the
Controversie
about
Circumcision
;
did
not
presently
silence
all
Disputes
about
that
Question
:
For
the
Church
of
Galatia
was
presently
after
divided
about
it
.
The
Council
of
Nice
,
though
it
quieted
the
Arian
Controversie
for
a
while
,
yet
it
was
not
able
to
prevent
those
lamentable
Contentions
which
the
same
question
afterwards
occasioned
.
Or
if
Bishops
and
their
Councils
could
provide
no
effectual
Remedies
for
the
violent
distempers
of
the
Church
;
let
us
see
what
Presbyterian
Synods
have
done
.
The
Synod
of
Dort
condemn'd
the
Arminians
,
and
Subscrib'd
certain
Articles
,
declaring
their
Doctrine
in
the
points
in
Controversie
;
yet
the
disease
was
so
far
from
ab●ting
,
that
it
grew
more
violent
,
and
the
Civil
Magistrate
was
oblig'd
to
second
the
determinations
of
the
Synod
by
inflicting
Imprisonment
and
Exile
upon
such
as
would
not
subscribe
;
and
yet
all
this
would
not
do
,
for
the
same
breach
remains
unclos'd
unto
this
day
.
Our
Author
in
his
meek
Answer
to
the
Dean
of
Pauls
Sermon
says
very
kind
things
of
the
Assembly
of
Divines
:
and
yet
these
,
with
their
Catechisms
,
Directory
,
and
Annotations
,
and
Overthrowing
of
the
Episcopal
Church
Government
,
(
upon
which
they
charg'd
all
the
Miscarriages
,
and
Divisions
of
the
Church
,
)
were
so
far
from
Reconciling
the
people
,
that
after
this
they
were
distracted
into
innumerable
Schisms
.
Never
was
there
so
lamentable
a
face
of
things
;
never
such
variety
of
Heresie
,
and
such
wantonness
and
Extravagance
in
Blaspheming
God
,
under
pretence
of
Religion
and
Conscience
;
and
this
is
the
state
whither
the
same
manner
of
Men
are
driving
again
.
Experience
(
they
say
)
is
the
Mistriss
of
Fools
,
but
they
are
Fools
to
be
begg'd
whom
even
experience
so
dearly
purchas'd
is
not
able
to
make
wiser
.
But
to
return
to
the
success
of
these
Councils
.
Now
since
Councils
,
whether
of
Bishops
,
or
Presbyters
,
have
oftentimes
so
bad
success
,
what
is
to
be
done
?
What
other
remedies
shall
we
find
more
effectual
?
The
Papists
have
left
the
use
of
General
Councils
of
late
,
He
who
had
among
them
the
chief
authority
of
summoning
such
Councils
,
being
grown
jealous
of
that
way
;
and
the
Condition
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Roman
Empire
has
been
for
some
ages
not
unlike
that
in
which
Livy
represents
the
Heathen
Roman
Empire
in
his
time
,
nec
vitia
nostra
ferre
possumus
nec
remedia
.
At
last
a
great
part
of
the
Western
Church
weary
of
expecting
relief
by
a
General
Council
from
that
Tyranny
and
Corruption
under
which
it
labour'd
,
was
forc'd
to
use
extraordinary
means
to
reform
themselves
;
and
what
they
could
not
do
all
together
,
they
did
severally
,
as
they
had
Opportunity
.
It
was
the
good
fortune
of
our
Church
to
Reform
it self
with
the
countenance
and
assistance
of
the
Civil
Magistrate
,
and
therefore
they
could
do
it
by
degrees
,
and
with
greater
Moderation
,
than
other
Churches
,
who
must
contend
with
the
Civil
power
about
it
,
and
who
had
no
other
strength
than
the
zealand
Resolution
of
the
People
.
As
soon
as
this
Reformation
began
to
take
root
deep
enough
here
,
the
Clergy
,
Assembled
in
a
National
Synod
,
establish'd
a
rule
for
Unity
and
peace
,
and
to
prevent
disputes
as
much
as
was
possible
:
This
rule
comprehended
the
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
of
this
Church
which
was
at
first
receiv'd
with
universal
joy
and
approbation
,
None
but
Papists
opposing
it
;
But
some
time
after
some
few
discontented
men
under
pretence
of
Zeal
against
Popery
,
took
the
part
of
the
Papists
against
this
rule
;
and
it
is
observable
,
that
as
one
faction
grew
up
and
gather'd
strength
,
so
did
the
other
;
that
one's
right
and
left
hand
can
hardly
grow
in
evener
proportion
;
so
that
one
would
fancy
,
that
either
they
advanc'd
by
some
secret
consent
,
or
were
nourish'd
from
the
same
Common
Stomach
;
It
may
be
from
him
that
Palavicini
calls
the
Stomach
as
well
as
the
Head
of
the
Church
,
the
Pope
:
And
what
shall
be
at
last
done
for
these
Protestants
,
as
they
call
themselves
?
Shall
every
one
be
left
to
himself
without
any
rule
?
The
effect
of
this
will
be
,
that
in
a
little
time
we
shall
have
no
Religion
at
all
.
Shall
this
rule
be
alter'd
?
We
can
have
no
assuance
that
when
it
is
alter'd
,
we
shall
find
any
Conformity
to
it
then
more
than
now
;
and
this
,
as
it
is
,
has
the
advantage
of
any
innovation
,
if
for
nothing
else
,
yet
for
its
standing
,
and
that
it
is
an
Antient
Establishment
.
In
short
,
these
that
Cry
out
against
this
rule
,
seem
to
have
a
great
respect
for
the
Protestants
of
Queen
Elizabeths
time
,
and
that
Reign
is
counted
the
Golden
age
of
this
Kingdom
.
Let
us
consider
then
what
was
〈…〉
their
Rule
,
whether
36
or
39
Articles
,
and
that
Rule
that
made
them
so
happy
,
may
,
if
preserv'd
entire
,
keep
us
so
still
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
the
Authors
of
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
and
Corruptions
,
and
whether
they
were
all
Bishops
.
I
Have
hitherto
gone
along
with
Mr.
B.
step
by
step
,
conceiving
it
necessary
to
make
a
more
particular
Vindication
of
the
Church
in
these
times
,
as
well
because
they
were
the
best
that
the
Christian
World
has
had
for
true
piety
and
zeal
;
as
also
because
our
Church
Professes
to
receive
the
four
first
General
Councils
;
and
lastly
because
all
sober
moderate
Christians
have
always
had
,
and
still
retain
a
great
esteem
and
veneration
for
many
of
those
persons
that
are
represented
so
odiously
in
Mr.
B.
's
Church-History
.
I
do
not
pretend
to
justifie
every
thing
that
was
done
by
all
the
Bishops
and
Councils
of
those
times
.
There
have
been
wicked
men
,
and
wicked
Bishops
in
all
times
,
and
the
Church
under
the
Apostles
,
nay
their
own
Order
,
was
not
so
happy
as
to
have
none
but
good
men
of
it
.
But
I
hope
I
have
shewed
sufficiently
that
things
were
not
as
Mr.
B.
represents
them
;
and
that
most
of
his
particular
Accusations
are
void
of
all
truth
and
ingenuity
.
I
must
deal
with
him
hereafter
more
Summarily
,
and
Answer
the
drift
and
design
of
his
Book
,
which
is
to
render
Episcopacy
Odious
under
the
more
invidious
name
of
Diocesan
Prelacy
;
a
distinction
without
ground
or
foundation
,
as
I
have
already
shew'd
,
and
will
be
yet
more
fully
made
out
.
The
main
design
or
Mr.
B.'s
History
is
1.
To
charge
the
Bishops
with
all
Schisms
;
Heresies
,
Corruptions
,
&c.
2.
To
shew
,
Diocesan
Prelacy
and
grandeur
is
not
the
Cure
,
nor
ever
was
;
And
to
this
purpose
are
level'd
all
the
particulars
of
his
Church-History
.
In
this
Chapter
I
will
endeavour
to
take
off
the
first
general
Charge
.
That
some
Bishops
have
abus'd
their
Office
and
Authority
,
and
have
been
the
cause
of
Heresie
,
or
Schism
,
cannot
be
deny'd
;
but
Priests
,
Deacons
and
Laymen
have
been
so
too
;
and
therefore
if
the
miscarriage
of
any
particular
man
becomes
a
prejudice
to
his
Office
,
and
the
Order
must
suffer
for
the
personal
faults
of
those
that
are
of
it
,
we
must
have
neither
Priests
nor
Deacons
in
the
Church
,
since
some
of
them
have
been
Authours
of
Heresies
,
&c.
But
this
is
not
all
,
our
Author
tho'
he
speaks
indefinitely
,
that
●he
will
shew
the
ignorant
(
and
he
must
be
very
ignorant
that
knows
no
better
)
who
have
been
the
cause
of
Church
Corruptions
,
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
Sedition
;
yet
he
means
they
were
the
Authors
of
all
these
evils
;
as
he
is
pleas'd
to
explain
himself
p.
72.
Next
we
have
a
strange
thing
,
a
Heresie
rais'd
by
one
that
was
no
Bishop
:
and
then
,
as
if
that
were
impossible
,
he
shews
that
was
no
Heresie
;
and
so
the
Bishops
remain
under
the
whole
charge
of
raising
all
Heresies
.
I
wish
he
had
left
Schism
and
Sedition
out
of
this
charge
;
for
if
he
can
perswade
the
Ignorant
Readers
that
the
Bishops
were
the
cause
of
all
these
too
;
they
will
never
be
perswaded
that
any
Presbyterians
are
to
be
found
in
Church-History
.
For
if
they
had
been
in
the
world
,
they
must
have
had
their
share
with
the
Bishops
in
Schism
and
Sedition
.
It
is
a
heavy
charge
,
to
accuse
the
Bishops
of
all
the
Heresies
and
Schisms
that
have
afflicted
the
Church
,
and
if
it
were
true
,
would
go
near
to
stagger
the
Reverence
that
one
might
have
for
the
Order
.
For
though
Bishops
as
well
as
other
men
may
be
subject
to
Miscarriages
,
they
might
be
allow●d
the
frailty
of
Humane
nature
,
from
which
no
dignity
can
exempt
us
;
But
to
be
found
the
cause
of
All
the
Evils
that
have
befallen
the
Church
,
would
argue
such
a
malignity
in
the
Constitution
,
as
would
shew
plainly
that
God
never
design'd
them
for
good
.
But
I
believe
this
can
be
no
more
prov'd
against
them
by
matter
of
fact
,
than
that
Bishops
invented
Gun-powder
,
or
Hand-Granadoes
,
or
were
the
Authors
of
the
Scotch
Covenant
,
or
the
late
Rebellion
of
the
Field
Conventiclers
in
Scotland
.
Let
us
then
trace
the
Heresies
and
Schisms
that
have
torn
the
Church
in
pieces
in
several
ages
of
it
,
to
their
first
original
;
and
examine
who
were
the
Authors
of
them
;
and
if
it
appear
out
of
Church-History
that
Bishops
rais'd
them
All
,
or
the
greatest
part
,
I
will
give
up
the
Cause
,
and
believe
every
thing
in
Mr.
B.'s
History
;
and
for
penance
read
over
all
the
fourscore
Books
that
he
tells
us
he
has
written
.
Where
then
shall
we
begin
?
If
the
Bishops
should
be
convicted
by
the
first
Instance
,
it
would
be
ominous
:
However
,
because
it
shall
appear
that
I
deal
impartially
,
I
will
begin
with
the
first
.
All
Ecclesiastical
Writers
do
agree
that
Simon
Magus
was
the
Author
of
the
first
Heresie
in
Christian
Religion
.
That
Simon
was
a
Heretick
,
all
are
agreed
in
,
though
the
Scripture
say
no
such
thing
;
and
though
Epiphanius
confess
that
his
Sect
cannot
truly
be
reckon'd
among
Christians
.
damnable
doctrines
.
But
that
he
was
a
Bishop
no
man
ever
yet
affirm'd
.
Justin
Martyr
thought
he
had
seen
an
Inscription
at
Rome
to
this
Simon
,
which
own'd
him
a
God
,
though
it
is
possible
this
might
be
a
mistake
:
But
that
ever
any
Writing
or
Tradition
called
him
a
Bishop
,
I
have
not
heard
.
It
is
true
indeed
,
he
had
a
great
mind
to
be
a
Bishop
;
that
is
,
to
have
power
of
Confirmation
;
and
that
every
one
on
whom
he
should
lay
his
hands
should
receive
the
Holy
Ghost
.
And
he
bid
fair
for
it
.
For
he
offer'd
Peter
Money
(
says
the
Text
:
)
And
the
Repulse
perhaps
disgusted
him
so
,
that
he
resolv'd
to
leave
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
since
he
could
not
be
a
Bishop
in
it
;
and
it
has
been
the
disease
of
several
other
Hereticks
,
to
scorn
to
be
any
other
Member
of
the
body
but
the
Head
.
The
next
that
Epiphanius
mentions
,
is
Menander
;
Simon
Magus
his
Disciple
,
but
neither
Irenaeus
,
nor
Eusebius
,
nor
Epiphanius
,
nor
Philastrius
,
nor
Theodoret
;
and
in
short
,
no
man
that
has
given
any
account
of
Hereticks
,
or
any
Historian
whatsoever
that
has
been
yet
heard
of
,
has
given
the
least
Intimation
that
he
was
a
Bishop
.
22
,
23.
Epiph.
Her
.
23
,
24.
Euseb.
l.
4.
c.
7.
August
.
Ep.
ad
Quodlib
.
Philast●
.
Haer.
3
,
4.
Theod:
Haer.
Fab.
l.
1.
〈…〉
Saturninus
and
Basilides
follow
next
;
and
neither
of
them
were
either
Bishops
,
or
of
any
other
Order
in
the
Church
,
that
we
can
find
.
The
next
is
the
Heresie
of
the
Nicolaitans
,
which
is
generally
fathered
upon
Nicolas
the
Deacon
:
Irenaeus
l.
1.
c.
27.
seems
to
he
positive
in
this
,
Nicolait●
autem
Magistrum
quidem
habent
Nicolaum
unum
ex
septem
qui
primi
ad
Diaconium
ab
Apostolis
Ordinati
sunt
,
Nicolas
one
of
the
seven
Deacons
was
the
Master
of
the
Nicolaitans
;
or
at
leastwise
they
look'd
upon
him
as
their
Master
.
Devil
enter'd
into
him
:
1.
Ignatius
Interpolated
in
two
several
places
,
warning
those
he
writes
to
,
〈◊〉
i.
e.
those
that
fals●y
call
themselves
by
the
name
of
Nicolas
,
Sycophants
and
Impostors
.
The
old
Latin
Interpreter
explains
this
farther
,
and
adds
,
Non
〈◊〉
talis
fuit
Apostolorum
Minister
Nicolaus
.
Clemens
of
Alexandria
is
more
particular
in
the
Vindication
of
Nicolas
,
i.
e.
They
that
pretend
to
be
the
Followers
of
Nicolas
the
Deacon
,
do
pervert
a
saying
of
his
,
that
the
Flesh
must
be
thus'd
,
that
is
kept
under
:
But
these
Men
like
Goats
abandoning
themselves
to
all
uncleanness
,
understand
and
him
to
permit
men
to
dishonour
their
bodies
by
indulging
themselves
in
all
their
lusts
.
And
the
same
Author
in
another
place
gives
a
more
particular
vindication
of
Nicolas
the
Deacon
,
That
he
had
a
comely
Wife
,
and
was
Jealous
of
her
,
for
which
he
was
reprehended
by
the
Apostles
:
But
Nicolas
,
to
acquit
himself
of
this
Imputation
brought
her
before
them
,
and
offer'd
to
release
her
to
any
other
that
would
marry
her
:
and
that
this
action
was
suitable
to
his
Maxim
which
we
have
mention'd
before
:
Whereupon
Clemens
adds
,
that
the
Nicolaitans
,
as
they
call'd
themselves
,
following
this
Doctrine
and
Action
of
the
Deacon
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Rashly
and
without
Examination
,
give
themselves
over
to
all
manner
of
uncleanness
:
and
then
goes
on
to
vindicate
Nicolas
,
adding
,
That
he
had
understood
by
Tradition
that
he
always
preserv'd
his
faith
to
his
Wife
inviotable
;
that
his
children
that
he
had
by
this
Wife
,
were
remarkable
for
their
Chastity
,
and
all
dy'd
unmarry'd
:
And
concludes
at
last
,
That
this
was
to
be
look'd
upon
as
an
Instance
of
Mortification
:
and
the
Words
that
those
Hereticks
insisted
upon
so
much
,
meant
nothing
else
.
cracked
and
boasted
that
it
was
so
.
ut
perhibetur
,
permisisse
fertur
;
though
he
says
,
eâ
qui
vellet
uteretur
,
it
cannot
be
understood
of
common
prostitution
,
for
Carpocrates
himself
says
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
she
might
be
Married
to
any
body
that
would
have
her
.
Theodoret
follows
Clemens
,
allows
this
relation
about
Nicolas
to
be
true
,
He
did
not
intend
seriously
to
be
as
good
as
his
word
,
but
only
to
haffle
those
that
accus'd
him
of
Jealousie
;
and
at
last
concludes
,
From
hence
they
(
the
Nicolaitans
)
are
manifestly
convicted
to
be
Impostors
,
and
falsly
to
call
themselves
by
that
name
.
Petavius
does
not
know
what
to
determine
in
this
case
,
since
the
Fathers
are
divided
about
is
;
But
I
believe
one
needs
not
be
so
scrupulous
:
The
whole
matter
depends
between
the
Authorities
of
Irenaus
and
Clemens
:
Clemens
is
very
particular
,
and
had
examin'd
the
business
it
seems
as
far
as
he
could
;
the
other
speaks
generally
,
and
perhaps
look'd
no
further
than
the
name
,
nor
could
he
so
easily
have
an
account
of
them
,
as
Clemens
could
,
who
liv'd
where
the
sect
was
most
numerous
:
Carpocrates
who
was
the
Father
of
it
was
an
Alexandrian
.
Besides
,
the
Words
of
Irenaus
,
if
they
are
examin'd
,
do
not
positively
affirm
Nicolas
to
have
been
the
Father
of
the
Nicolaitans
:
Magistrum
habent
Nicolaum
are
the
words
,
which
may
signifie
no
more
than
that
they
hold
him
to
be
so
:
If
the
Greek
Copy
were
extant
,
it
might
have
given
more
light
;
perhaps
he
said
no
more
than
Eusebius
does
,
and
the
Word
might
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
they
boast
that
he
is
their
Master
.
I
am
to
beg
pardon
for
this
Digression
;
If
it
can
relieve
the
Memory
of
a
person
whom
the
Scripture
intimates
to
be
a
Man
of
Honest
Report
,
full
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
Wisdom
;
I
am
content
to
bear
the
blame
of
the
Impertinence
.
But
however
it
were
,
it
is
some
comfort
,
and
enough
to
my
purpose
,
that
he
was
no
Bishop
.
The
Gnosticks
had
no
Bishop
either
for
their
founder
or
promoter
that
is
yet
known
:
Cerinthus
,
Ebion
,
Valentinus
,
Secundus
,
Epiphanes
,
Isidorus
,
Ptolemaus
,
Marcus
,
were
they
Bishops
?
What
Churches
did
Colarbasus
,
or
Heracleon
,
or
Cerdo
govern
?
Marcion
indeed
was
a
Bishops
son
,
but
it
does
not
appear
that
he
was
of
the
Clergy
;
he
was
Excommunicated
by
his
own
Father
for
a
Rape
,
and
when
he
could
not
obtain
Absolution
turn'd
Heretick
.
It
were
endless
to
reckon
up
all
the
Hereticks
that
gave
names
to
Sects
;
they
were
most
of
them
bred
up
the
Scholars
of
other
Hereticks
,
and
differing
in
some
things
from
their
Masters
,
set
up
for
themselves
,
and
call'd
their
followers
by
their
own
names
.
The
39th
Christian
Sect
in
Epiphanius
is
that
of
the
Cathari
or
Puritans
,
and
these
are
the
first
that
we
find
started
by
any
of
the
Clergy
.
Novatus
an
African
Priest
began
this
Sect
;
I
have
given
his
History
before
;
and
shewn
how
he
seduced
Novatianus
a
Roman
Priest
,
Bardesanes
Syrus
;
but
neither
of
them
was
a
Bishop
.
Montanus
became
the
Author
of
a
Heresie
because
he
could
not
obtain
the
highest
place
in
the
Church
:
and
turn'd
down-right
Fanatick
,
saying
he
was
the
Holy
Ghost
.
In
short
,
the
first
Heretick
Bishop
that
we
find
is
Paulus
Samosatenus
who
succeeded
Demetrianus
in
the
Bishoptick
of
Antioch
in
the
year
262
;
His
is
the
65th
Sect
in
Epiphanius
,
or
the
45th
Christian
Heresie
.
This
Paulus
was
a
very
ill
man
,
and
taught
dangerous
opinions
,
that
Christ
was
not
God
:
But
Paulus
Samosatenus
is
said
to
have
reviv'd
this
Heresie
:
It
is
true
indeed
;
but
Eusebius
in
the
place
before
cited
makes
it
appear
,
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
when
he
should
send
his
Circular
Epistles
,
and
then
speaking
of
Paulus
deridingly
,
say
,
Let
him
(
if
he
thinks
fit
)
write
to
Artemas
,
and
let
those
that
follow
Artemas
communicate
with
him
if
they
please
.
But
the
best
of
it
is
,
that
if
God
permitted
a
Bishop
of
so
eminent
a
Church
as
that
of
Antioch
to
fall
into
Heresie
,
he
on
the
other
hand
rais'd
up
Godly
and
Orthodox
Bishops
to
oppose
him
,
and
to
vindicate
,
not
only
the
Christian
Religion
,
but
the
Order
of
Episcopacy
also
which
he
had
dishonour'd
.
For
the
Neighbour
Bishops
assembled
in
the
Second
Council
of
Antioch
Condemn'd
and
Depos'd
him
:
Dionysius
of
Alexandria
,
being
now
very
old
and
unfit
for
Travel
,
could
not
be
there
,
but
writ
to
him
,
says
Theodoret
:
Alexandria
had
writ
to
the
Council
,
but
had
not
vouchsafed
so
much
as
to
salute
Paulus
.
From
which
passage
Valesius
concludes
that
the
Letter
of
Dionysius
to
that
Heretick
Bishop
in
the
Bibliotheca
Patrum
is
forg'd
,
Who
have
been
the
cause
of
Heresies
,
&c.
but
also
How
;
It
will
not
be
impertinent
to
shew
briefly
how
this
Bishop
also
fell
into
Heresie
.
It
was
in
short
by
the
way
of
Comprehension
,
for
Zenobia
Queen
of
Palmyrene
after
her
Husbands
death
,
being
very
considerable
in
the
East
,
and
being
Proselyted
to
the
Jewish
Religion
,
(
for
which
reason
likely
L●nginus
her
Favourite
speaks
so
favourably
of
Moses
)
this
Paul
Bishop
of
Antioch
thought
that
by
reducing
Christ
to
be
a
meer
man
he
might
reconcile
both
Religious
,
and
take
away
the
Partition-wall
that
divided
the
Jews
and
Christians
,
nothing
being
so
great
an
offence
to
the
Jews
as
that
Christ
was
own'd
by
his
Disciples
to
be
God
:
And
thus
compliance
and
vain
projects
of
Comprehension
,
made
this
man
a
Heretick
.
But
Philastrius
is
not
to
be
regarded
,
being
turn'd
Jew
,
and
teaching
Circumcision
,
and
bringing
over
Zenobia
to
Judaism
.
Before
this
time
,
there
is
another
Bishop
reckon'd
by
some
Collectors
of
Heresies
,
as
the
Author
of
one
;
the
Revelation
of
St.
John
,
as
he
pretended
,
If
this
be
a
Heresie
,
it
was
much
older
than
this
Nepos
:
Justin
Martyr
did
not
believe
they
were
perfectly
Christians
that
did
not
believe
it
.
For
all
that
were
Orthodox
did
look
for
the
Restauration
of
Jerusalem
,
and
that
Christ
should
reign
there
gloriously
with
his
Saints
a
thousand
years
;
which
he
endeavours
to
prove
out
of
the
Revelations
,
and
the
Book
of
the
Prophet
Isaiah
.
Iren.
l.
5.
c.
33
,
34
,
35.
Ireneus
endeavours
to
prove
the
same
thing
at
large
,
and
derives
the
Doctrine
from
Papias
,
and
by
him
from
St.
John
,
the
Beloved
Apostle
.
So
that
if
Nepos
prove
Heretick
for
this
,
he
is
like
to
find
very
good
company
,
but
Author
of
it
he
cannot
be
:
It
is
some
favour
to
him
that
Epiphanius
and
Philastrius
pass
him
by
,
for
I
do
not
remember
that
either
of
them
mention
him
:
However
you
will
say
,
that
though
he
was
not
the
first
that
taught
this
Doctrine
,
yet
he
was
the
first
that
divided
the
Church
about
it
:
And
that
is
a
heavy
fault
that
Mr.
B.
charges
upon
the
Bishops
,
that
they
divide
the
Church
about
unnecessary
,
nice
Speculations
:
But
this
Nepos
is
as
far
,
if
not
farther
from
the
Imputation
of
Schism
,
than
that
of
Heresie
;
For
Dionyfius
charges
him
not
with
Schism
,
but
only
with
writing
a
book
for
the
Millenary
opinion
,
which
others
afterwards
laid
a
great
stress
upon
,
and
by
that
means
several
Churches
were
divided
and
some
entirely
carried
away
,
and
all
this
after
Nepos
his
death
:
They
might
have
done
the
like
with
Justin
Martyr
,
or
Irenaeus
if
they
had
pleas'd
,
and
made
the
same
stir
,
and
yet
those
Fathers
not
at
all
concern'd
in
the
Schism
;
this
is
manifestly
the
present
case
;
there
is
no
account
of
any
Schism
made
about
this
point
till
after
this
Nepos
his
death
;
And
Dionysius
who
writes
against
him
,
thinks
himself
oblig'd
to
make
his
Apology
before
hand
;
saying
,
that
he
honour'd
the
man
for
many
great
good
qualities
,
and
was
sorry
that
he
was
forc'd
to
write
against
his
Brother
in
the
defence
of
Truth
:
And
as
to
the
matter
of
fact
,
it
was
thus
,
He
found
in
the
Region
of
Arsinoe
several
Churches
distracted
about
this
matter
;
so
that
they
began
to
make
Schisms
in
several
places
:
The
Bishops
surely
must
be
concern'd
,
where
there
is
any
Schism
or
Heresie
,
they
must
have
a
hand
in
it
:
But
here
by
good
fortune
no
such
thing
appears
;
a
Heresie
rais'd
by
one
that
was
No
Bishop
.
The
following
Ages
were
not
so
happy
;
but
as
Christians
generally
degenerated
,
so
did
the
Clergy
too
;
but
yet
not
so
much
as
our
Author
would
make
it
appear
.
The
beginning
of
the
fourth
Century
was
very
unhappy
to
the
Church
;
not
only
by
reason
of
a
most
violent
Persecution
rais'd
against
it
from
without
,
but
also
of
Heresies
and
Schisms
from
within
.
Meletius
an
Egyptian
Bishop
,
About
the
same
time
started
up
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
;
But
the
Sect
that
most
afflicted
this
Age
,
and
divided
,
almost
subdu'd
,
all
the
World
,
was
that
of
Arius
.
the
Lord
that
bought
us
,
he
calls
him
to
answer
this
charge
in
the
presence
of
his
Fellow-Presbyters
;
and
Arius
owning
his
Doctrine
was
condemn'd
.
This
I
should
not
give
so
great
credit
to
,
upon
the
word
of
Epiphanius
(
who
is
unaccountably
mistaken
in
several
things
relating
to
this
Heresie
)
unless
the
Letter
of
Constantine
did
confirm
it
;
159
,
160.
Sandius
impudently
affirms
(
without
any
proof
)
that
it
was
after
Achillas
had
been
put
out
by
Alexander
:
I
cannot
but
warn
the
Reader
against
the
intolerable
dealing
of
that
Arian
Historian
,
For
he
has
so
little
shame
as
to
cite
Sozomen
,
and
the
Tripartite
History
,
to
prove
that
Achillas
was
turn'd
out
by
his
successour
,
whereas
there
is
not
one
word
of
it
there
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
the
whole
story
is
much
to
the
disadvantage
of
the
Arian
cause
:
For
there
Arius
is
said
to
envy
the
promotion
of
Alexander
,
6
,
8.
Soz.
l.
1.
c.
21.
Theod.
l.
1.
for
the
Council
of
Nice
condemn'd
Arius
and
his
adherents
,
and
the
Emperour
having
banish'd
him
(
as
some
say
)
or
only
forbid
him
to
return
to
Alexandria
(
as
others
)
the
Presbyters
of
Alexandria
that
joyn'd
with
him
were
probably
remov'd
for
quietness
sake
,
at
leastwise
,
if
they
did
not
conform
.
Lastly
,
Though
Achillas
might
recant
,
and
remain
in
Alexandria
,
yet
considering
the
Arian
party
was
now
condemn'd
by
all
the
world
,
it
is
not
likely
that
one
of
the
first
promoters
of
it
should
be
chosen
Bishop
of
so
eminent
a
Church
;
and
much
less
probable
,
that
being
chosen
he
should
resign
to
Athanasius
,
a
young
man
,
and
but
a
Deacon
;
and
what
is
more
than
all
,
that
one
devoted
to
the
cause
of
Alexander
,
and
one
of
the
Champions
of
it
in
the
Council
of
Nice
:
What
Sandius
says
after
this
,
out
of
Philostorgius
:
of
Arius
his
modesty
in
preferring
Alexander
to
the
Bishoprick
of
Alexandria
,
Arius
who
was
the
cause
of
all
the
mischiefs
that
follow'd
that
Controversie
,
was
no
Bishop
;
and
his
first
followers
were
not
Bishops
neither
:
And
because
the
calamities
that
enfu'd
upon
the
Arian
Controversie
are
to
be
dated
from
Constantine's
recalling
of
Arius
:
It
is
some
Justification
of
the
Bishops
that
their
authority
and
credit
with
the
Emperour
did
not
effect
it
.
Constantius
succeeding
his
Father
in
the
East
,
and
taking
part
with
the
Arians
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
in
a
little
while
they
grew
uppermost
,
not
so
much
by
the
compliance
of
the
Bishops
with
the
Inclinations
of
the
Prince
,
which
Mr.
B.'s
charity
does
so
often
suggest
;
as
by
the
violence
that
was
us'd
,
by
deposing
and
banishing
,
and
killing
all
those
that
durst
be
active
in
the
defence
of
the
Faith
:
And
what
was
worse
than
all
this
,
by
condemning
men
for
other
things
than
their
Faith
,
and
so
taking
away
from
them
the
reputation
of
Martyrdom
,
28
,
29.
Sozom.
l.
2.
c.
25.
by
accusing
good
Bishops
of
the
most
heinous
crimes
,
and
suborning
Villains
and
Strumpets
to
swear
the
charge
;
by
imposing
upon
the
simpler
sort
by
plausible
pretences
.
And
so
at
last
,
(
as
Vincentius
Lirinensis
expresses
it
)
by
force
and
fraud
the
whole
World
in
a
manner
was
turn'd
Arian
;
partim
vi
partim
fraude
factus
est
Arianus
:
But
of
this
I
have
said
enough
already
,
to
shew
with
what
little
reason
or
humanity
the
Bishops
are
charg'd
with
compliance
in
the
case
of
the
Arians
.
The
Sects
that
sprung
out
of
Arianism
were
most
of
them
begun
by
those
that
were
no
Bishops
.
Eunomius
was
his
Scholar
,
Macedonius
his
case
is
the
very
same
;
He
was
a
Heretick
long
before
he
was
Bishop
;
and
was
for
that
reason
chose
by
the
Arians
after
the
death
of
Eusebius
,
C.
P.
and
to
have
accused
his
Bishop
;
which
Sozomen
likewise
confirms
.
an
outward
shew
of
gravity
,
which
Sandius
takes
for
true
piety
,
and
so
amends
the
character
:
But
Sozomen
says
that
Alexander
recommended
him
only
for
a
man
of
business
,
and
acquainted
with
the
ways
of
the
world
.
This
man
it
is
likely
turn'd
Arian
when
he
was
Priest
under
Eusebius
,
who
remov'd
from
Nicomedia
to
Constantinople
,
and
by
that
means
so
ingratiated
himself
to
the
party
,
Another
improver
of
Arianism
,
and
leader
of
a
new
Sect
was
Aerius
;
but
he
was
No
Bishop
,
and
for
that
reason
turn'd
Heretick
.
For
Eustathius
and
he
having
been
fellow
Students
,
and
Eustathius
having
the
better
fortune
to
be
preferr'd
to
a
Bishoprick
:
This
good
man
,
although
oblig'd
by
all
the
promotion
his
friend
could
give
him
,
yet
could
not
be
contented
;
and
began
to
disparage
that
Order
and
Authority
of
Bishops
,
since
he
had
not
the
fortune
to
arrive
at
it
.
This
was
the
Cartwright
of
those
times
;
and
the
Father
of
the
Presbyterian
parity
:
a
Notion
brought
into
the
world
by
the
ambitious
discontents
of
one
,
who
when
he
could
not
be
Bishop
himself
,
yet
scorn'd
to
seem
inferiour
to
any
Bishop
.
There
is
another
Division
of
the
Arians
,
mention'd
by
Theodoret
,
which
were
call'd
Psatyriani
,
or
Tapsuriani
;
who
had
no
Bishop
for
their
Leader
,
but
one
that
prepar'd
a
certain
food
well
relish'd
in
those
times
;
the
Criticks
are
not
agreed
whether
it
were
Custard
or
Pudding-Pyes
.
What
this
leading
man
was
for
a
Scholar
I
cannot
learn
;
though
I
believe
not
inferiour
to
the
Weavers
and
Plowmen
of
Kedderminster
,
whom
Mr.
B.
preferrs
before
the
Ancient
Fathers
:
all
that
can
be
said
for
this
man
is
,
that
he
had
too
much
learning
to
follow
his
calling
,
and
nothing
would
serve
his
turn
but
mending
of
Religion
.
But
if
I
should
joyn
with
him
Theodotus
the
Tanner
,
(
who
liv'd
indeed
a
good
while
before
)
Mr.
B.'s
Weavers
and
Plow-men
might
be
hard
put
to
it
,
and
reconcil'd
to
their
Trades
again
.
The
Audians
were
a
Sect
sprung
up
much
about
the
same
time
with
the
Arians
,
The
Errours
of
Origen
,
as
they
were
pertinaciously
maintain'd
by
the
Monks
of
Nitria
,
became
a
Heresie
;
but
the
Bishops
had
no
hand
but
in
condemuing
those
gross
mistakes
;
and
when
the
Monks
began
to
mutiny
,
and
raise
tumults
about
them
,
threaten
to
kill
the
Bishop
,
and
when
they
grew
insupportably
troublesome
;
then
they
were
banish'd
for
quietness
and
peace
sake
:
Of
these
we
have
spoken
more
particularly
elsewhere
.
It
was
not
long
before
this
,
that
the
Priscillianists
sprang
up
in
the
West
,
a
Sect
made
up
of
a
mixture
of
Manichees
and
Gnosticks
.
It
was
a
lewd
infamous
Heresie
:
But
the
Author
of
it
was
no
Bishop
.
For
whether
we
trace
the
original
of
it
to
Egypt
,
and
to
that
Marcus
who
first
brought
it
to
the
West
;
The
Pelagian
Heresie
had
no
Bishop
either
for
its
Author
or
Promoter
;
Ruffinus
,
Jovinian
,
Evagrius
,
Ponticus
,
Nestorius
who
gave
the
name
to
a
Heresie
,
was
not
the
first
Author
of
it
,
as
I
have
shew'd
before
,
but
fell
into
it
by
engaging
himself
in
the
defence
of
Anastasius
his
Presbyter
,
who
first
preach'd
down
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
but
as
to
Heresie
Mr.
B.
does
acquit
him
.
Eutyches
was
a
Monk
,
and
impos'd
upon
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
as
we
have
shew'd
before
;
or
they
conniv'd
at
his
errours
,
and
were
not
willing
to
examine
his
doctrine
to
the
bottom
,
for
reasons
before
mention'd
.
This
Heresie
was
preserv'd
chiefly
among
the
Eastern
Monks
,
who
made
such
fearful
disturbances
about
it
after
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
.
Petrus
Fullo
,
who
invaded
the
Bishoprick
of
Antioch
,
was
indeed
a
great
promoter
of
Eutychianism
,
and
a
very
wicked
troublesome
man
;
but
the
comfort
is
,
he
was
a
Heretick
long
before
:
For
being
a
Priest
of
the
Church
of
Chalcedon
,
The
Eatychians
in
the
East
were
reviv'd
or
new
modell'd
by
one
Jacobus
Zanzalus
,
no
Bishop
,
but
an
obscure
mean
man
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Matthew
Paris
gives
a
more
particular
account
of
him
,
which
is
lyable
to
several
exceptions
,
which
it
is
not
necessary
to
urge
in
this
place
.
The
Heresie
of
the
Monothelites
,
though
an
unavoidable
consequence
of
Entyches
his
Doctrine
,
yet
it
is
generally
father'd
upon
Cyrus
Bishop
of
Alexandria
:
Sergius
of
C.
P.
Cyrius
Bishop
of
Phasis
,
and
Theodorus
Pharanatarius
.
Baronius
lays
it
mostly
upon
the
first
,
and
shews
how
he
came
to
fall
into
this
mistake
;
he
had
a
charitable
design
of
uniting
the
Divisions
of
the
Church
,
by
devising
some
project
that
should
comprehend
all
parties
:
he
thought
one
Will
,
and
one
Operation
would
not
be
so
harsh
,
as
one
Nature
,
which
had
been
for
so
long
time
the
subject
of
Contention
.
But
with
the
same
success
that
usually
all
such
designs
have
:
when
the
Rule
is
changed
,
the
Church
is
immediately
all
to
pieces
,
and
those
that
were
united
under
that
Rule
divide
into
parties
and
factions
;
which
will
hardly
ever
unite
again
.
Now
because
in
the
following
ages
of
the
Church
the
Devil
had
another
game
to
play
,
and
started
up
but
few
Heresies
until
these
last
ages
;
let
us
see
what
sort
of
men
the
Authors
of
them
have
been
.
The
Swenkfeldians
,
Anabaptists
,
Menonists
,
The
Family
of
Love
,
Quakers
,
Ranters
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Modern
Sects
;
did
these
derive
themselves
from
any
Bishops
?
Servetus
(
whom
the
Ministers
of
Swisserland
prosecuted
as
far
or
further
than
Idacius
ever
did
the
Priscillianists
)
was
he
a
Bishop
?
Socinus
was
he
a
Prelate
?
or
the
Racovian
Divines
,
were
they
a
Council
of
Bishops
?
how
then
comes
it
to
be
so
great
a
wonder
as
our
Author
professès
it
to
be
,
that
a
Heresie
should
be
rais'd
by
one
that
was
No
Bishop
?
It
is
much
a
greater
wonder
that
any
one
that
makes
Conscience
of
what
he
says
,
should
against
all
truth
of
History
,
and
against
his
own
knowledge
,
charge
the
Bishops
with
all
the
Heresies
in
the
World
;
that
a
person
that
seems
to
be
so
sensible
of
approaching
judgement
,
as
frequently
to
put
himself
in
mind
of
it
in
his
Writings
,
and
even
force
the
belief
of
good
charitable
men
by
such
professions
of
Sincerity
;
should
yet
advance
so
malicious
and
so
groundless
an
Accusation
.
There
is
no
dallying
with
the
all-seeing
God
;
and
if
every
idle
word
will
be
accounted
for
,
what
plea
shall
be
made
for
whole
books
full
of
Calumny
and
Detraction
?
What
for
blasting
the
memory
of
so
many
Holy
men
for
ought
he
knows
that
are
dead
?
What
for
aspersing
so
many
faithful
Servants
of
God
,
for
ought
he
knows
,
that
are
living
?
What
for
defaming
the
whole
Order
from
which
he
receiv'd
his
Ministry
?
and
to
which
he
owes
Honour
and
Subjection
,
as
he
will
surely
find
in
that
day
when
he
comes
to
give
account
of
all
the
hard
things
that
he
has
written
against
it
.
But
if
you
would
have
the
True
Causes
of
Schism
,
Heresie
,
&c.
You
must
not
look
upon
this
or
that
Order
of
Men
,
but
go
up
to
the
first
Original
of
such
things
.
These
Mischiefs
,
as
all
other
disturbances
of
the
World
,
proceed
from
our
Lusts
which
war
in
our
Members
:
and
do
not
flow
from
any
particular
Institution
or
Order
,
but
from
the
General
Corruption
of
Humane
Nature
;
by
which
means
all
conditions
,
and
degrees
of
men
,
have
had
the
misfortune
to
have
some
that
have
been
wicked
and
infamous
.
The
Apostles
had
a
Judas
,
the
Bishops
a
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
the
Presbyters
a
Novatus
and
an
Arius
,
the
Deacons
an
Actius
:
and
in
short
there
is
no
Office
in
the
World
,
Sacred
or
Civil
,
but
has
been
in
the
possession
of
infamous
persons
,
who
have
been
a
reproach
and
scandal
to
it
.
Now
although
the
passions
of
men
move
them
to
be
troublesome
in
any
State
or
Circumstances
,
yet
there
are
some
that
qualifie
them
more
for
Mischief
,
and
others
that
dispose
them
for
it
:
There
may
be
many
wicked
men
that
might
be
willing
enough
to
make
a
disturbance
,
but
they
may
want
parts
and
Abilities
for
the
work
.
Any
man
may
pretend
to
a
wicked
opinion
,
but
every
one
cannot
recommend
it
to
others
;
and
there
are
few
that
care
for
being
Hereticks
by
themselves
;
But
where
Malice
and
an
evil
temper
has
the
advantage
of
Natural
and
acquir'd
endowments
,
like
Sulphur
and
Salt
peter
,
it
does
not
only
presently
take
fire
,
but
has
likewise
an
extraordinary
force
and
capacity
to
destroy
.
It
is
observ'd
by
some
of
the
Fathers
that
most
of
the
Haeresiarchae
,
the
Authours
of
Heresies
or
Sects
,
Do
not
think
that
Heresies
were
first
rais'd
by
ordinary
,
mean
persons
;
they
were
great
men
that
set
them
up
:
and
within
the
same
page
he
mentions
several
of
them
considerable
men
.
The
same
Observation
St.
Hierom
makes
.
cujus
etiam
Philosophi
admirantur
Ingenium
:
None
but
men
of
Great
Parts
are
able
to
set
up
a
Heresie
:
Valentinus
and
Marcion
we
find
were
very
learned
men
,
and
Bardesanes
was
admired
even
by
Philosophers
.
Vincentius
Lirinensis
amplifies
upon
this
subject
with
great
art
and
passion
;
he
tells
the
great
endowments
of
such
as
rais'd
Heresie
,
and
reckons
up
particularly
all
the
advantages
they
had
to
recommend
themselves
and
their
Doctrine
;
and
at
last
concludes
they
were
a
mighty
Temptation
,
enough
almost
to
stagger
the
most
confirm'd
Orthodox
Believe
:
there
must
be
Heresies
,
that
(
by
that
tryal
or
Temptation
)
they
who
are
approved
might
be
made
manifest
.
It
was
a
Question
that
puzzl'd
the
most
understanding
Heathen
I
think
that
ever
was
,
Now
though
these
Qualifications
of
Malice
and
Wit
where
they
are
met
in
the
same
person
,
do
dispose
and
fit
him
for
Disturbances
,
yet
he
seldom
breaks
out
into
any
extremity
before
some
outward
occasion
of
Discontent
does
inflame
him
.
There
is
indeed
a
Temper
that
no
Fortune
,
no
Honours
,
can
content
,
and
render
easy
to
it self
,
or
restrain
from
disturbing
the
world
;
but
this
extravagancy
is
not
Common
;
and
the
Generality
of
men
,
though
not
very
quiet
or
peaceable
in
their
Dispositions
,
yet
when
they
have
gain'd
their
point
;
and
are
possess'd
of
wealth
,
and
honour
,
they
are
commonly
willing
to
secure
the
enjoyment
of
those
Possessions
,
by
letting
things
run
in
the
ordinary
course
:
But
if
one
of
these
men
happens
to
labour
under
repulse
and
disappointments
,
his
patience
is
soon
at
an
end
.
Upon
this
account
many
of
the
Inferiour
Clergy
that
have
stood
in
Competition
for
a
Bishoprick
and
lost
it
,
have
broken
off
all
Communion
with
their
Bishops
whose
Competitors
they
were
;
so
Novatianus
,
and
several
others
became
Hereticks
:
sometimes
growing
impatient
with
waiting
for
the
Death
of
their
Bishop
,
they
have
revolted
against
him
,
and
drawn
the
People
after
them
,
Thus
Arius
and
Macedonius
became
the
heads
of
Sects
;
sometimes
despair
of
Promotion
after
long
waiting
,
and
envy
against
those
they
saw
preferr'd
before
them
hath
carri'd
away
unsteaddy
men
,
to
set
up
for
singularity
,
and
to
make
new
Sects
.
Thus
Aetius
Separated
from
the
Arians
,
and
taught
new
Blasphemies
of
his
own
.
Sometimes
vain
men
have
been
carri'd
away
with
the
applause
and
favour
of
the
people
(
that
flock'd
after
them
and
through'd
their
Churches
)
to
set
up
themselves
against
their
Bishop
upon
presumption
of
greater
interest
in
the
people
.
This
St.
Austin
makes
a
principal
cause
of
Heresies
.
Sic
enim
fiunt
Haereses
&
schismata
,
greater
Edification
,
for
an
excuse
of
their
Curiosity
:
Yet
this
good
Bishop
did
not
like
the
reason
,
and
makes
it
the
cause
of
all
the
mischiefs
that
befel
the
Church
.
Nay
the
Apostle
expresses
no
small
dislike
of
those
that
heap
themselves
Teachers
,
having
Itching
Ears
.
Were
that
great
Apostle
and
that
Great
Bishop
alive
now
,
what
would
they
say
,
when
they
should
hear
men
renounce
all
order
and
rule
,
and
profess
to
follow
their
fancy
,
under
the
notion
of
greater
Edification
?
Yet
this
I
must
observe
farther
,
that
how
good
soever
the
argument
may
be
for
separation
;
It
sounds
not
well
from
the
Teachers
whose
Commendation
is
involv'd
in
the
reason
,
They
might
surely
give
the
People
leave
to
say
it
,
and
that
might
have
sav'd
their
Modesty
without
losing
the
argument
.
To
Conclude
this
Point
:
Almost
all
the
Heresies
and
Schisms
that
have
distracted
the
Church
,
have
been
no
other
than
so
many
defections
of
the
Discontented
part
of
the
Clergy
,
and
the
more
pragmatical
part
of
the
Laity
from
their
Rightful
Bishop
.
Obey
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
,
and
submit
your selves
,
for
they
Watch
for
your
souls
,
as
they
that
must
give
account
:
i.
e.
Obey
those
that
are
Rightfully
over
you
,
and
submit
to
them
,
not
choosing
your selves
new
Teachers
,
and
running
after
your
own
fancy
:
Let
the
people
assemble
where
the
Bishop
is
present
.
The
sheep
ought
not
to
go
wandering
whither
they
please
,
but
as
the
Shepherd
leads
them
.
The
people
ought
to
follow
the
directions
of
their
Bishop
,
and
conclude
what
he
orders
to
be
most
pleasing
to
God
.
And
surely
any
one
would
think
this
the
securest
course
;
Those
that
seduce
the
people
into
Faction
,
they
may
have
interests
of
their
own
to
serve
by
making
a
breach
and
a
disturbance
:
but
all
that
love
peace
should
surely
cleave
to
their
Bishop
:
For
his
interest
as
well
as
duty
oblige
him
to
maintain
peace
and
Unity
;
for
he
is
unavoidably
a
loser
by
the
Quarrel
,
and
cannot
rationally
be
suppos'd
to
have
any
design
but
to
preserve
things
as
they
are
:
But
the
Pretences
of
others
though
never
so
plausible
are
to
be
suspected
of
design
,
where
the
separation
is
manifestly
to
the
prejudice
of
the
people
as
well
as
of
the
Bishop
;
and
to
the
advantage
of
him
only
that
perswades
it
.
Now
as
the
Bishops
are
under
the
least
Temptation
to
make
a
disturbance
(
and
what
Governour
will
raise
a
Sedition
against
himself
?
)
so
in
fact
likewise
they
are
sound
to
be
very
few
,
that
being
Bishops
have
rais'd
any
Heresie
or
Schism
.
Let
any
man
consult
the
Catalogues
of
Ancient
Heresies
:
and
Compute
how
many
of
the
60
reckon'd
by
Epiphanius
,
or
of
the
88.
of
St.
Austin
,
or
of
the
greater
number
of
Philastius
,
and
the
more
confus'd
account
of
Theodoret
;
How
many
of
them
I
say
were
Bishops
when
they
turn'd
Hereticks
,
and
he
shall
find
very
few
if
any
one
in
all
those
numbers
.
But
if
any
after
they
had
Debauch'd
the
people
from
their
Rightful
Pastors
,
were
by
subreption
made
Bishops
of
their
Party
,
They
were
never
look'd
upon
as
Bishops
but
only
as
heads
of
a
Faction
.
So
that
I
believe
the
reader
may
by
this
time
easily
perceive
what
truth
there
is
in
Mr.
B.'s
General
Charge
,
that
the
Bishops
were
the
causes
of
the
Heresie
,
and
Schism
,
and
that
it
was
so
wonderful
a
thing
that
a
Heresie
should
be
begun
by
one
that
was
no
Bishop
.
Besides
this
charge
of
Heresie
and
Schism
,
Mr.
B.
accuses
the
Bishops
of
having
been
the
cause
of
Church
corruptions
,
and
Sedition
:
As
to
the
first
,
if
he
means
that
the
Bishops
first
introduc'd
these
corruptions
into
the
Church
,
I
believe
he
will
be
never
able
to
prove
it
:
as
to
the
latter
we
shall
examine
it
in
due
place
.
The
Corruptions
of
Christian
Religion
whether
in
Doctrine
or
Worship
,
have
crept
unperceivably
into
the
Church
;
and
by
such
degrees
,
that
it
is
a
hard
matter
to
ace
their
Original
,
and
we
are
so
far
from
nowing
the
first
Authors
of
them
,
that
we
are
ignorant
even
of
the
age
wherein
some
of
them
were
introduc'd
.
Mr.
B.
charges
considently
,
but
proves
nothing
:
But
the
most
probable
conjecture
I
think
can
be
made
of
the
rise
and
Progress
of
these
,
is
,
1.
That
most
of
the
corruptions
in
Doctrine
crept
in
together
with
the
Heathen
Philosophy
:
For
great
Philosophers
especially
the
followers
of
Plato
turning
Christians
,
still
retain'd
something
of
their
former
Notions
,
which
not
appearing
to
be
any
way
prejudicial
to
Christianityl
;
but
on
the
Contrary
rendering
it
more
acceptable
to
the
wiser
part
of
Heathens
,
were
by
degrees
own'd
among
the
more
learned
sort
,
in
their
Disputations
with
Heathens
,
and
pass'd
without
contradiction
:
But
afterwards
busie
men
building
farther
consequences
upon
this
foundation
,
Improv'd
the
corruption
,
till
at
last
it
grew
Gross
and
intolerable
.
Hence
came
the
Invocation
of
Saints
,
and
Angels
,
Paschasius
Radbertus
being
the
first
that
broach'd
this
Doctrine
.
All
this
that
I
have
but
just
mentioned
in
the
General
may
be
made
out
by
a
deduction
of
the
rise
and
Progress
of
Superstition
;
but
a
particular
account
would
exceed
too
much
the
Proportion
of
this
book
.
This
I
must
add
,
that
the
Bishops
who
are
charg'd
with
these
Corruptions
by
Mr.
B.
were
the
only
opposers
of
them
that
we
find
in
Antiquity
:
as
we
may
see
in
the
Canons
of
the
African
Church
,
and
that
of
Spain
,
and
other
Countreys
.
The
first
Picture
we
read
of
in
a
Christian
Church
was
torn
in
pieces
by
Epiphanius
a
Bishop
:
the
first
Councils
about
Images
condemn'd
the
Idolatrous
use
of
them
with
great
zeal
,
but
at
last
superstition
being
still
advanc'd
by
the
Popularity
of
the
Monks
,
and
the
ignorance
of
the
Age
,
and
some
of
the
Emperors
joyning
with
them
,
prevail'd
against
the
Bishops
:
and
so
Idolatry
was
brought
for
a
help
to
Christian
Devotion
;
And
if
at
last
the
Bishops
joyn'd
in
the
superstitions
,
it
is
no
more
a
wonder
,
than
that
they
were
engag'd
in
Heresie
.
For
when
any
number
of
people
are
corrupted
,
whether
with
superstition
or
false
Doctrine
,
they
will
find
Teachers
to
their
own
mind
,
not
that
their
Bishops
will
comply
with
every
popular
wind
of
doctrine
,
but
because
men
will
make
themselves
Pastors
after
their
own
hearts
:
and
as
long
as
there
is
a
Heretick
or
an
Ambitious
man
who
will
be
any
thing
for
applause
,
or
preferment
,
they
will
never
want
Bishops
and
heads
of
their
faction
;
or
if
the
Clergy
have
no
Judas
,
they
will
find
Teachers
amongst
themselves
,
and
give
them
what
Titles
they
please
.
The
last
branch
of
the
Charge
is
Sedition
,
and
this
is
as
grievous
as
any
of
the
other
.
Suppose
the
matter
of
fact
in
the
first
place
true
,
that
several
Bishops
had
been
Seditious
:
does
this
proceed
from
their
Constitution
,
or
any
Principle
the
Bishops
maintain
,
that
is
inconsistent
with
the
people
where
they
live
?
This
I
suppose
cannot
be
pretended
.
Or
is
Diocesan
Episcopacy
such
an
enemy
to
the
peace
of
the
Government
?
We
have
had
the
experience
of
it
for
many
ages
,
and
find
but
few
that
were
so
troublesome
.
But
because
as
the
case
stands
now
,
we
are
to
reckon
only
since
the
Reformation
(
for
if
a
man
be
not
blind
he
may
see
that
this
worshipful
Church
History
is
only
design'd
against
Protestant
Bishops
under
a
general
name
)
They
I
suppose
will
receive
ample
Testimony
from
the
Government
,
of
their
faithfulness
and
Loyalty
:
How
many
acts
of
Oblivion
have
been
made
for
Bishops
and
their
Party
?
Where
were
they
seen
encouraging
Rebels
against
their
Prince
with
the
hopes
of
Salvation
?
What
Reign
have
they
disturb'd
here
with
their
Seditions
?
or
whose
Government
were
they
enemies
to
,
unless
it
were
that
of
a
Rebellious
piece
of
a
Parliament
,
and
Oliver
Cromwel
,
and
his
Son
,
the
David
and
Solomon
of
Mr.
Baxter
?
But
Loyalty
has
hitherto
been
the
greatest
crime
of
our
Bishops
;
and
long
may
they
continue
to
fear
God
and
the
King
,
more
than
the
Insolence
of
any
faction
;
and
I
pray
God
they
may
always
preserve
Inviolable
that
great
Treasure
committed
to
them
,
and
the
greatest
next
that
of
the
Faith
:
the
honour
of
the
most
Loyal
Church
in
the
World
.
Now
although
the
Bishops
of
the
Church
of
England
since
the
Reformation
need
no
defence
in
this
particular
,
the
merit
of
their
Loyalty
being
so
well
known
;
and
what
other
Bishops
may
do
,
does
not
concern
us
;
yet
because
in
this
Treatise
I
have
undertaken
the
defence
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
and
by
consequence
of
our
own
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
add
something
upon
this
subject
,
by
way
of
answer
to
such
particulars
as
Mr.
B.
has
brought
together
to
shew
the
seditious
Practices
of
the
Bishops
.
The
first
thing
he
takes
to
task
,
James
,
no
Bishop
no
King
:
which
is
represented
here
as
if
the
Bishops
were
the
Authors
of
it
:
and
if
the
Presbyterian
,
had
say'd
no
Prebyters
no
King
:
you
would
have
taken
it
for
Treasonable
,
as
if
they
had
threatned
that
the
King
shall
not
be
King
unless
they
may
have
their
way
,
and
shall
not
the
King
be
King
unless
you
may
be
Bishops
?
It
is
well
for
the
Bishops
that
none
of
them
was
Author
of
that
Dangerous
saying
;
else
I
perceive
it
might
bear
an
impeachment
,
and
prove
by
little
management
at
least
Constructive
Treason
,
but
the
Authority
of
a
King
may
excuse
him
of
Treason
against
himself
,
though
the
Scotch
Presbyterians
have
declared
him
a
Traytor
to
Jesus
Christ
and
the
Holy
Kirk
:
And
surely
that
King
had
some
reason
to
say
it
,
for
it
is
not
likely
he
should
pass
such
a
complement
upon
the
Bishops
,
and
make
them
so
necessary
to
Monarchy
,
if
he
had
not
found
some
great
suitableness
in
this
Church
government
to
that
of
the
State
.
The
truth
is
that
saying
of
King
James
was
the
Result
of
a
long
experience
,
of
a
Turbulent
,
Seditious
,
ungovernable
Presbytery
in
Scotland
:
and
how
little
he
was
a
King
while
he
was
among
them
the
Historians
of
those
times
as
Spotswood
,
Johnston
,
and
others
do
sufficiently
shew
:
Or
if
you
would
have
a
more
particular
description
of
the
Insolencies
,
and
enchroachments
of
that
Presbyterian
Clergy
,
look
into
the
Burden
of
Isscahar
,
and
you
will
soon
find
reason
enough
for
this
Maxim
.
But
Mr.
B.
goes
about
gravely
to
Confute
this
,
as
an
affected
fiction
without
proof
.
2.
●
.
2
.
c.
22.
For
1.
Heathen
Emperors
were
without
Bishops
:
2.
follows
the
insinuation
of
Treason
.
3.
What
is
in
the
nature
of
the
Thing
to
Warrant
this
assertion
?
They
owne
every
Text
and
Article
for
Monarchy
as
well
as
Prelacy
,
&c.
and
the
same
reason
Holland
and
Venice
must
have
no
Bishops
.
Would
not
a
man
wonder
,
that
any
one
should
make
so
great
a
stir
about
such
a
little
saying
?
Suppose
it
is
not
absolutely
impossible
but
Kings
may
be
without
Bishops
or
Presbyters
either
,
what
then
?
Why
then
King
James
was
mistaken
in
his
Politicks
:
when
he
said
No
Bishop
no
King
.
There
is
no
necessity
of
that
neither
:
for
all
Maxims
in
Morality
and
Policy
are
not
to
be
used
so
unmercifully
as
to
be
judged
according
to
the
rigour
of
the
letter
.
He
spoke
this
with
regard
to
his
own
experience
,
and
his
own
case
;
and
the
Anti-Episcopal
men
made
his
words
good
,
by
destroying
Bishops
first
,
and
the
King
after
:
when
this
or
that
sort
of
men
is
made
either
necessary
or
destructive
to
government
;
the
meaning
is
,
that
either
their
Principles
or
Practices
,
or
interest
,
do
either
support
,
and
assure
,
or
else
overthrow
and
endanger
the
State
:
and
that
their
practices
upon
all
occasions
are
generally
suitable
to
their
principles
.
This
will
be
clearer
by
these
instances
:
Popery
is
generally
look'd
upon
as
a
Religion
destructive
of
Civil
power
,
and
not
without
reason
.
Must
there
therefore
be
no
government
where
there
is
Popery
?
The
Kingdoms
of
France
,
Spain
,
and
Poland
,
and
several
other
Countreys
do
manifest
the
contrary
.
The
Jesuits
are
look'd
upon
as
the
great
Incendiarys
of
the
world
,
and
that
no
place
can
be
at
peace
where
they
have
any
influence
:
and
yet
they
are
entertain'd
in
all
Popish
Countries
:
Is
the
general
charge
therefore
of
Sedition
against
these
false
and
groundless
?
No
such
matter
.
Suppose
then
among
Christians
one
should
say
with
regard
to
us
,
no
Protestants
no
King
.
I
suppose
there
would
be
no
such
mighty
absurdity
in
it
.
Therefore
if
the
Principles
of
those
that
were
Anti-Episcopal
,
were
look'd
upon
by
that
wise
King
as
Anti-Monarchical
too
:
and
the
Doctrine
of
the
Bishops
was
much
more
safe
to
the
Government
;
it
was
ground
enough
for
the
saying
.
And
now
to
vindicate
those
Primitive
Bishops
from
the
imputation
of
Sedition
,
that
he
has
charg'd
in
this
chapter
with
desturbing
the
Church
and
the
world
.
The
first
thing
Mr.
B.
lays
to
the
charge
of
Bishops
is
the
Usurpation
of
Popish
Prelacy
:
Do
you
not
know
,
saith
he
,
that
where
Prelacy
is
at
the
highest
,
there
Kings
and
Emperors
have
been
at
the
lowest
?
Do
you
not
know
,
how
the
Papal
Prelacy
at
present
usurpeth
one
part
of
their
Government
,
and
is
ready
to
take
away
the
other
when
ever
Kings
displease
them
?
&c.
Is
it
the
Bishop
or
the
Papist
that
is
here
to
blame
?
Is
this
the
effect
of
their
Order
,
or
of
those
pernicious
principles
they
have
inbib'd
?
If
it
was
the
fault
of
the
Bishops
,
then
we
must
find
the
same
practice
in
other
Ages
;
or
if
the
Popish
Bishops
are
dangerous
to
Government
,
are
their
Presbyters
less
to
be
fear'd
?
The
Jesuits
before
our
Civil
Wars
us'd
all
the
interest
they
had
to
prevent
sending
of
Popish
Bishops
into
England
.
It
was
not
I
suppose
out
of
any
great
affection
to
us
,
or
regard
to
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
but
because
they
thought
Bishops
unnecessary
,
since
Priests
and
Jesuits
could
do
more
mischief
without
them
.
But
the
same
reason
that
renders
.
Popish
Priests
and
Bishops
so
dangerous
to
Government
,
renders
the
Presbyterians
so
too
:
But
first
let
us
examine
Mr.
B.'s
instances
of
more
ancient
Episcopal
Sedition
.
The
first
is
at
Alexandria
in
the
time
of
Theophilus
and
Cyril
,
which
I
have
consider'd
already
.
I
need
say
no
more
here
than
,
1.
That
the
Alexandrians
of
all
the
people
in
the
world
were
the
most
infamous
for
Sedition
,
even
before
they
ever
had
any
Bishops
.
2.
That
their
Bishops
did
never
give
any
countenance
or
encouragement
to
their
Sedition
.
The
next
is
the
combustion
in
Constantinople
about
Chrysostom
,
where
Theophilus
and
Epiphanius
were
concern'd
:
To
this
I
Answer
,
1.
That
these
Bishops
were
indeed
the
occasion
,
but
never
intended
this
tumult
,
or
gave
their
party
any
incouragement
to
make
this
disturbance
.
2.
That
what
they
did
,
although
it
was
very
unjust
,
yet
it
was
not
done
against
the
civil
Government
,
but
in
complyance
with
the
Emperour
.
3.
That
those
who
began
this
mutiny
were
such
as
favoured
Chrysostom
,
but
did
it
against
his
will
,
and
against
all
his
intreaties
and
observations
to
the
contrary
:
for
he
conveyed
himself
away
first
of
all
privately
to
prevent
a
mutiny
:
and
in
the
whole
business
he
behaved
himself
so
as
to
indeavour
by
all
means
to
prevent
any
mischief
.
He
saw
the
civil
power
was
wrongfully
against
him
,
and
he
would
not
contend
,
but
indeavoured
to
steal
away
to
prevent
contention
.
The
story
of
Theophilus
his
charging
Isidore
with
double
Letters
,
that
whoever
was
Conqueror
,
he
might
apply
himself
to
him
in
his
name
,
is
of
the
same
piece
with
the
rest
of
Socrates
his
story
concerning
that
Bishop
;
and
in
all
probability
an
invention
of
one
of
the
Monks
of
Nitria
.
He
would
never
have
disobliged
that
man
afterwards
after
such
a
manner
,
that
he
had
intrusted
with
such
a
secret
.
Upon
this
Mr.
B.
makes
a
great
outcry
:
What
would
have
been
said
of
one
of
us
now
,
if
we
had
not
only
complyed
with
a
victorious
Tyrant
,
but
also
juggled
with
presents
and
double
Letters
before
hand
:
I
did
my self
disown
Oliver
Cromwel
openly
to
his
death
:
So
did
John
Lilburn
,
So
did
the
Levellers
.
So
did
the
Presbyterians
,
as
far
as
they
durst
,
and
none
of
these
out
of
any
great
affection
to
their
Prince
:
but
because
they
saw
things
run
against
their
inclination
:
and
these
had
the
same
quarrel
against
Cromwel
they
had
before
against
the
King
:
i.
e.
they
could
not
indure
to
see
the
power
in
any
other
hands
than
their
own
.
But
whatever
Mr.
B.
had
with
Cromwel
to
his
death
:
It
seems
he
generously
forgets
it
after
his
death
.
And
compares
the
most
barbarous
villain
in
the
World
to
King
David
in
his
Epistle
to
his
Son
.
But
as
for
his
owning
his
Son
Richard
Cromwel
,
because
it
was
given
out
that
he
was
a
Cavalier
in
his
heart
,
will
surely
find
excuse
as
far
as
it
finds
belief
.
The
next
thing
is
the
Bishops
too
sudden
owning
the
Barbarian
Conquerors
.
Do
I
need
to
recite
(
sayes
Mr.
B.
)
how
great
Leo
himself
and
other
Roman
and
Italian
Bishops
,
owned
the
Barbarian
Conquerors
?
No
wonder
then
if
they
too
early
took
Theodoricus
for
their
King
,
set
over
them
by
God
,
who
was
a
better
man
than
the
rest
,
and
had
at
last
a
better
Title
.
The
truth
is
,
it
is
not
necessary
for
you
to
recite
this
at
all
:
because
I
think
their
lyes
no
necessity
upon
any
man
to
recite
that
which
is
not
true
.
For
how
I
pray
did
great
Leo
himself
own
the
Barbarian
Conqueror
?
Lupus
Trecassensis
,
Eusebius
of
Milan
,
Severinus
,
and
several
other
Bishops
of
that
time
,
prevailed
with
several
of
those
Barbarous
Conquerors
,
to
use
their
victory
with
moderation
;
and
by
their
intercession
saved
the
lives
and
fortunes
of
many
thousands
,
But
that
they
flattered
these
Kings
,
or
approv'd
of
their
Titles
,
we
do
not
find
.
But
however
Leo
may
escape
,
the
Italian
Bishops
too
early
took
.
Theodoricus
for
their
King
.
How
does
Mr.
B.
conclude
that
it
was
too
early
.
Had
they
then
any
rightful
Emperour
whose
cause
they
might
maintain
against
this
Usurper
?
the
Western
Empire
was
now
extinct
,
and
not
so
much
as
the
Title
remain'd
after
Augustulus
:
Odoacer
had
no
Title
but
his
Sword
,
and
the
possession
of
13
or
14
years
.
The
Eastern
Emperor
,
if
he
had
any
right
,
he
had
given
it
to
Theodoricus
,
whom
he
adopted
,
Loyal
Protestant
Dissenters
.
In
the
next
place
we
have
the
story
of
Theophilus
and
the
Monks
of
Nitrià
which
no
reasonable
man
can
believe
as
it
is
related
by
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
without
loving
a
malicious
lye
.
The
reasons
I
have
given
in
another
place
,
and
do
not
think
it
very
convenient
to
repeat
them
as
often
as
Mr.
B.
does
the
story
:
But
this
is
added
by
way
of
observation
.
Did
ever
Presbyterians
commit
such
an
Vnchristian
,
Inhuman
villany
as
this
,
by
such
false
dissimulation
and
Malice
?
Yes
much
more
,
by
the
Covenant
.
Who
preached
up
Rebellion
under
pretence
of
Religion
?
And
destroyed
the
King
under
pretence
of
fighting
for
him
?
Who
sold
their
Master
when
they
had
promised
to
protect
him
?
Were
not
these
Presbyterians
?
But
because
Mr.
B.
seems
now
to
have
gone
over
to
the
Independents
,
he
knows
much
worse
can
be
said
of
them
.
I
am
entred
upon
this
much
against
my
inclination
,
being
forc'd
upon
it
by
the
confidence
of
our
Author
,
than
which
nothing
can
be
more
provoking
;
quis
tulerit
Gracchos
de
Seditione
querentes
.
The
next
instance
is
that
of
Eusebius
Samosatenus
,
who
when
Valens
his
Officer
had
brought
him
an
Order
for
his
Banishment
,
If
the
people
should
know
it
,
they
would
drown
him
in
the-river
Euphrates
:
What
would
they
say
if
our
Churches
were
such
,
as
this
Orthodox
Episcopal
Church
was
?
What
ever
they
would
say
of
the
people
,
they
must
needs
commend
your
Ministers
.
But
the
case
is
very
much
alter'd
.
Here
a
Bishop
leaves
his
people
,
rather
than
occasion
any
disorder
:
With
you
the
Pastors
perswade
the
people
that
notwithstanding
all
the
laws
to
the
contrary
,
they
must
not
desert
their
Pastors
.
Here
the
People
were
incensed
with
the
apprehension
of
Arianism
,
which
overthrew
the
Foundation
of
the
Faith
;
with
you
there
is
no
such
reason
,
since
you
all
confess
we
are
agreed
in
the
Substantials
of
Religion
,
and
yet
the
Teachers
press
their
Congregatios
to
stand
by
them
against
the
Government
.
Here
a
good
Bishop
would
not
be
prevailed
upon
by
any
intreaties
to
return
against
the
Emperors
command
,
to
the
manifest
endangering
of
the
publick
peace
;
and
desire
them
to
have
patience
,
and
submit
to
Authority
:
The
Presbyterians
.
Teachers
when
they
had
opportunity
,
did
inflame
the
people
against
the
Government
,
and
by
their
seditious
preaching
kindled
the
late
Rebellion
.
What
would
we
say
then
,
if
you
were
like
this
Church
of
Samosata
,
that
lovded
their
Bishop
,
and
would
be
govern'd
by
him
,
and
take
his
advice
when
he
disswaed
them
from
tumult
and
sedition
?
We
would
say
then
that
,
tho'
the
first
heats
were
not
warantable
,
yet
that
you
would
be
much
better
than
you
are
,
and
the
Government
could
be
much
more
secure
of
you
than
it
is
.
Mr.
B.
pursues
this
instance
farther
,
and
adds
,
When
the
Emperors
Arian
Bishop
was
set
over
them
,
not
one
of
all
the
people
would
come
to
the
Church
as
they
were
used
to
do
:
Would
not
wash
in
the
same
water
,
&c.
do
our
hearers
deal
as
harshly
as
this
?
How
shall
a
man
deal
with
those
that
have
no
Conscience
,
but
against
Ceremonies
,
and
Episcopacy
?
Is
there
any
resemblance
between
our
case
and
this
?
The
Arians
(
as
Mr.
B.
confesses
)
deny'd
by
direct
consequence
the
Being
of
Christ
;
and
is
it
any
wonder
that
Orthodox
Believers
should
have
such
abhorrence
of
these
men
?
If
any
of
our
Bishops
,
Nay
,
if
an
Angel
from
Heaven
should
preach
such
Doctrine
as
this
,
let
him
be
Anathema
,
and
be
abhorr'd
as
much
as
you
please
.
In
the
mean
time
they
are
but
in
evil
case
,
that
depend
upon
the
Authority
of
your
instances
for
Separation
,
and
will
believe
they
are
moderate
Men
,
because
they
do
not
use
Orthodox
rightful
Bishops
as
harshly
,
as
the
Orthodox
did
the
Arian
Usurpers
;
Although
they
have
no
great
reason
to
boast
of
their
civility
upon
this
account
,
it
being
easy
to
shew
out
of
their
writings
,
and
Sermons
,
(
to
say
nothing
of
their
common
conversation
)
such
Language
as
a
Christian
ought
to
be
ashamed
of
:
But
these
good
men
are
too
much
mortified
to
blush
,
and
keep
their
blood
so
much
in
subjection
,
that
they
never
suffer
it
upon
any
provocation
to
flush
into
their
faces
.
After
this
we
have
another
story
of
the
Virgins
that
sung
in
reproach
of
Julian
the
Apostate
:
Who
can
help
Libels
,
Presently
we
have
another
story
of
the
Church
of
Edessa
that
would
assemble
,
notwithstanding
the
Emperors
commands
to
the
contrary
.
And
what
is
all
this
to
the
purpose
?
Did
not
the
Primitive
Christians
do
so
too
,
and
suffer'd
Martyrdom
for
it
?
But
did
they
ever
enter
into
Covenants
,
and
Practices
against
the
State
?
No
,
here
is
mention
of
a
poor
Woman
that
made
hast
to
the
Assembly
when
she
knew
it
would
be
disturb'd
by
Souldiers
,
and
in
probability
be
massacred
:
but
what
to
do
?
to
see
how
manfully
a
field
Conventicle
would
be
have
it self
,
or
to
plunder
the
Baggage
of
the
assailants
,
when
they
should
be
put
to
the
rout
?
No
such
thing
:
but
with
a
design
to
suffer
Martyrdom
,
and
to
dye
tamely
with
the
rest
,
for
the
profession
of
the
Faith
.
In
the
next
place
,
We
have
Basil
's
answer
to
the
Prefect
,
when
he
offered
him
the
Emperours
favour
(
upon
condition
he
would
turn
Arian
,
which
our
Author
with
great
ingenuity
forgets
,
)
This
(
sayes
he
)
may
take
with
Children
,
&c.
And
as
for
the
Emperors
friendship
,
I
much
value
it
joyned
with
Godliness
,
but
if
it
want
that
,
I
say
it
is
pernicious
:
Upon
this
our
Author
remarks
,
In
one
of
us
this
Answer
would
have
been
enough
to
make
us
seem
as
bad
,
as
it
made
Basil
esteemed
good
.
I
must
ask
your
pardon
if
in
this
point
I
am
not
of
your
Opinion
.
For
when
your
circumstances
are
the
same
with
Basils
,
I
believe
you
may
follow
his
example
;
and
they
are
unreasonable
men
that
will
find
fault
,
that
when
any
King
or
Emperors
fayour
upon
Earth
is
offered
you
upon
condition
to
betray
the
Faith
,
you
should
reject
it
with
indignation
.
But
the
difference
between
the
substance
,
and
indifferent
circumstances
of
Religion
,
strangely
alters
the
case
.
There
is
a
great
deal
more
to
this
effect
;
of
the
Orthodox
refusing
to
conform
to
and
keeping
separate
assemblies
from
the
Arians
;
which
as
they
do
not
prove
Sedition
against
those
that
were
then
Non
conformists
,
so
they
do
not
excuse
ours
.
And
this
must
be
added
,
that
in
all
these
lamentable
distractions
of
the
Church
we
find
no
Orthodox
Bishop
animate
the
people
against
the
government
,
what
persecution
soever
they
suffer'd
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
restraining
all
Tendencies
to
Rebellion
,
and
withdrawing
themselves
when
the
Popular
favour
towards
them
grew
inordinate
and
uncontroulable
;
whereas
too
many
of
our
Schismatical
Presbyters
have
kindled
and
fomented
Sedition
.
Mr.
B.
saith
,
Audas
a
Bishop
in
Persia
demolish'd
their
Temple
or
Pyreum
by
violence
,
for
which
the
Emperor
of
Persia
kill'd
him
,
and
destroy'd
all
the
Christian
Churches
.
And
Audas
was
very
much
to
blame
:
and
the
fact
was
disowned
generally
:
and
Theodoret
condemns
it
,
and
antiquity
never
approv'd
it
.
But
who
follows
the
example
of
this
Zealot
Bishop
?
I
am
sure
our
Episcopal
men
are
far
enough
from
any
such
imputation
.
But
there
are
men
in
the
world
that
Mr.
B.
knows
,
who
have
not
destroy'd
Pagan
Temples
,
but
Christian
Churches
;
and
some
were
so
zealous
as
to
move
for
the
pulling
of
them
all
down
as
polluted
with
superstition
.
What
Theodoret
says
of
Julian
,
calling
him
Tyrant
,
which
Mr.
B.
takes
notice
of
,
was
after
Julian's
Death
,
and
therefore
could
not
tend
to
Sedition
.
But
whoever
animated
the
people
to
resist
him
?
His
Apostacy
indeed
being
inexcuseable
,
people
took
the
Liberty
to
give
him
such
a
Character
as
he
deserv'd
when
he
was
dead
;
and
his
successours
were
not
at
all
concern'd
in
it
,
as
having
no
relation
to
him
.
Isaak
,
as
Mr.
B.
observes
,
The
Christian
people
of
Thessalonica
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
rose
and
kill'd
some
of
Theodosius
his
officers
,
which
provok'd
him
by
his
Souldiers
,
to
kill
seven
thousand
of
them
,
for
which
Ambrose
brought
him
to
do
open
Penance
.
The
Christian
people
are
much
oblig'd
to
Mr.
B.
for
giving
them
the
honour
of
this
Sedition
:
But
Theodoret
whom
he
cites
for
this
story
,
says
not
one
word
of
the
mutineers
being
Christians
.
Ludis
Circensibus
,
Our
Author
adds
,
that
to
mention
all
the
Bloodshed
in
Rome
(
as
at
Damasus
Election
and
else
)
and
at
Constantinople
,
and
Alexandria
,
would
be
tedious
,
even
that
which
was
shed
on
the
account
of
Bishops
.
It
cannot
be
deny'd
but
there
were
great
and
bloody
Tumults
upon
the
account
of
Bishops
,
but
there
were
not
many
Bishops
that
encourag'd
them
;
but
on
the
contrary
they
us'd
all
means
possible
to
prevent
and
remedy
them
,
by
withdrawing
,
by
quitting
their
right
,
and
going
into
voluntary
Banishment
.
But
almost
all
these
Tumults
were
occasion'd
by
the
Popular
elections
of
Bishops
,
which
Mr.
B.
out
of
his
love
to
peace
doubtless
,
and
to
save
effusion
of
Christian
blood
,
would
restore
by
his
Reformation
of
Episcopacy
.
Lucius
(
he
would
say
Lucifer
)
Calaritanus
,
was
a
pious
Bishop
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
but
so
hot
for
separation
from
those
that
had
been
Arians
,
that
he
is
numbr'd
for
it
with
the
Hereticks
,
though
an
Orthodox
Bishop
:
And
what
is
all
this
to
Sedition
?
The
Novatians
were
Episcopal
,
and
so
were
the
Donatists
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
and
yet
how
have
they
been
judged
of
for
their
Schism
I
need
not
tell
:
They
are
very
much
to
blame
that
say
the
Presbyterians
or
Independents
troubl'd
the
Primitive
Church
:
It
was
impossible
for
them
to
be
troublesome
before
they
were
at
all
,
it
seems
all
the
Sects
,
and
Schisms
of
that
time
thought
they
had
no
right
to
pretend
to
be
a
Church
,
unless
they
had
Bishops
:
But
these
Anti-Episcopal
Separatists
were
reserved
,
it
seems
for
the
last
times
,
as
the
severest
curse
,
and
judgment
that
could
befal
the
Church
.
Those
Episcopal
Schismaticks
indeed
divided
the
Church
,
but
these
quite
dissolve
it
.
Besides
these
Episcopal
Schismaticks
,
Mr.
B.
gives
a
small
list
of
Bishops
that
were
Anti-Hereticks
.
Apollinaris
,
father
and
son
,
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
Nestorius
,
Dioscorus
,
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
,
Theodorus
of
Mopsuestia
,
have
been
Arch-Hereticks
,
and
the
cause
of
Tumults
and
Dissension
.
There
is
much
of
this
that
is
not
true
,
and
some
of
it
that
Mr.
B.
does
not
believe
to
be
so
:
For
1.
Apollinaris
the
Father
was
no
Bishop
;
l.
6.
c.
25.
Gregor.
Nyss.
Ephr.
Syrus
.
Philost
.
l.
8.15
.
Gottoffred
.
Dissert.
in
Philost
.
and
this
was
he
that
was
the
Arch-Heretick
as
Zozomen
informs
us
:
and
as
much
may
be
gathered
from
Gregory
Nyssen
,
who
makes
Apollinaris
a
very
old
man
when
he
should
have
disputed
with
Ephraim
Syrus
.
Apollinaris
the
younger
is
said
to
have
been
a
Bishop
by
Philostorgius
,
though
Photius
adds
that
he
knows
not
whence
he
had
it
:
But
Jerom
is
express
,
and
that
is
the
Common
opinion
.
Yet
whether
he
were
the
Author
of
this
Heresie
or
his
father
,
he
was
a
Heretick
before
he
was
a
Bishop
,
while
he
was
yet
reader
of
the
Church
of
Laodicea
:
C.
P.
because
Pelagius
is
found
Bishop
of
Laodicea
in
the
subscriptions
of
that
Council
;
though
I
believe
this
reason
of
small
moment
,
and
the
Acts
of
that
Council
shew
him
to
have
been
Bishop
of
that
place
before
:
However
,
manifest
it
is
,
that
whether
the
father
nor
the
son
were
Author
of
that
Heresie
,
he
was
not
a
Bishop
at
that
time
.
Nestorius
Mr.
B.
himself
has
taken
great
pains
to
prove
Orthodox
,
yet
now
it
seems
his
mind
is
changed
.
The
same
he
does
with
Dioscorus
.
He
was
on
their
side
against
the
Councils
that
condemn'd
them
;
but
now
from
Advocate
he
is
turn'd
Accuser
:
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
was
no
Heretick
in
the
judgment
of
Valesius
:
but
if
he
were
,
he
was
not
an
Heretick
:
because
he
did
not
begin
the
arch-Heresie
,
but
followed
Arius
.
Theodorus
of
Mopuestia
was
an
Orthodox
Bishop
as
Mr.
B.
owns
out
of
Derodon
,
and
as
Facundus
proves
at
large
;
though
he
had
the
ill
fortune
●o
be
condemn'd
by
Later
Councils
,
upon
〈◊〉
misunderstanding
:
this
case
I
have
discuss'd
more
Particularly
in
another
place
,
where
Theodore
Tarsensis
,
his
Doctrine
was
examin'd
.
At
last
Bishops
failing
,
Mr.
B.
mentions
Aerius
,
who
spake
against
Bishops
,
because
himself
could
not
be
Bishop
:
so
Pestilent
a
thing
the
desire
of
such
Bishopricks
have
been
:
And
who
can
help
it
:
if
men
will
be
Ambitious
,
and
aspiring
:
must
there
be
no
Government
,
because
it
is
the
aim
of
ambition
,
or
may
be
the
Possession
of
an
evil
man
?
So
there
must
be
no
Kings
,
because
many
times
a
Crown
became
the
occasion
of
Civil
Wars
:
There
must
be
no
reputation
,
because
Ambitious
men
affect
it
,
and
grow
Seditious
to
become
Popular
.
After
this
we
have
little
hints
of
quarrels
which
were
far
enough
from
Sedition
,
as
that
of
Theodotus
and
Basil
,
and
of
Eusebius
and
Basil
,
the
former
was
a
particular
humour
,
and
had
no
consequence
.
Of
the
latter
,
because
Mr.
B.
says
it
was
sad
and
scandalous
,
I
will
give
a
more
particular-relation
,
that
the
Reader
may
discern
the
difference
between
the
Temper
of
those
good
men
that
are
here
scandalously
represented
,
and
that
of
our
Separatists
that
Mr.
B.
compares
with
,
and
prefers
before
them
.
A
difference
happen'd
between
Eusebius
Bishop
of
Caesarea
and
St.
Basil
then
Presbyter
of
that
Church
;
Gregory
Nazian
.
Was
not
willing
to
discover
;
●●nking
it
not
much
for
the
honour
of
Re●●gon
to
rip
up
the
faults
of
Bishops
.
But
he
says
indeed
that
Eusebius
,
though
he
was
a
very
good
man
,
yet
was
in
fault
;
and
seems
to
say
that
he
envi'd
Basil
.
But
when
the
falling
out
was
known
,
the
Monks
took
Basils
Part
,
and
drew
many
of
the
people
with
them
,
and
would
have
done
him
right
upon
his
Bishop
:
but
this
good
man
,
though
he
knew
the
Merit
of
his
cause
,
and
of
his
person
,
yet
for
peace's
sake
retir'd
into
the
Widerness
.
He
might
have
said
to
his
Monks
,
that
the
people
must
stand
by
them
;
and
considering
his
Learning
and
Eloquence
,
he
might
have
presum'd
to
have
edified
more
in
a
Coventicle
than
the
Bishop
could
in
the
Church
;
yet
this
good
man
had
in
humbler
opinion
of
his
gifts
,
than
to
endanger
the
peace
of
the
Church
,
rather
than
forbear
the
exercise
of
them
:
And
after
a
long
Banishment
and
silence
,
he
was
not
grown
so
resty
and
Irreconcileable
,
but
that
when
his
Church
,
was
threatned
by
the
Arian
Pest
,
he
return'd
voluntarily
to
assist
his
Bishop
without
desiring
the
Church
Walls
(
i.
e.
the
Order
and
Discipline
of
it
)
to
be
broken
down
that
he
might
enter
Triumphantly
like
a
Conquerour
.
He
came
of
his
own
accord
,
submitted
to
his
Bishop
and
liv'd
with
him
'till
he
dy'd
not
only
in
peace
and
Charity
:
but
in
the
most
entire
friendship
and
confidence
.
The
Application
of
the
Parable
of
the
merciful
Samaritan
is
not
improper
here
.
Go
thou
and
do
likewise
.
The
contention
between
Basil
and
Euthomius
(
Anthimus
I
suppose
he
means
about
the
extent
of
their
Diocese
was
no
less
(
Scandalous
)
Any
unreasonable
Usuper
may
bring
the
meekest
man
upon
earth
into
odious
Debates
;
so
Saint
Paul
himself
was
put
upon
an
Invidious
vindication
of
his
Authority
and
Jurisdiction
.
The
People
of
Casarea
would
have
torn
in
pieces
Eusebius
,
the
Emperor's
(
the
Empress
he
would
have
said
)
own
unkle
,
for
Basils
sake
if
he
had
not
hindred
them
;
And
does
not
this
shew
the
Loyalty
,
The
difference
between
those
of
Neo
Caesarea
and
Basil
is
not
worth
the
mentioning
because
it
contains
nothing
like
Sedition
;
and
is
only
a
quarrel
about
Psalmody
,
and
some
new
orders
introduc'd
among
them
.
The
Antiochians
for
a
Tax
under
Theodosius
the
Great
did
Tumultuate
and
kill
the
Magistrates
,
and
destroy'd
the
Statues
of
Flacilla
the
good
Empress
:
And
what
then
?
What
is
this
to
the
Bishops
?
It
does
not
appear
that
these
mutineers
were
Christians
.
The
Heathens
indeed
were
very
Turbulent
in
this
Emperors
Reign
because
he
had
Order'd
their
Idols
should
be
destroy'd
,
In
the
worst
,
says
Mr.
B.
Good
Ambrose
at
Milan
(
was
not
silenc'd
as
we
are
)
but
by
an
Orthodox
Emperor
desir'd
and
Commanded
to
deliver
the
Arians
possession
but
of
one
Church
and
he
refus'd
to
do
it
and
to
forsake
that
Church
.
&c.
Whereas
we
left
all
our
Churches
at
a
word
:
It
is
strange
Mr.
B.
should
take
such
delight
to
compare
us
with
the
Arians
;
surely
he
would
have
his
Reader
believe
we
are
as
unsound
in
the
Faith
as
those
Hereticks
,
or
else
all
this
discourse
is
but
to
amuse
and
impose
upon
him
;
But
there
is
great
reason
to
value
the
peacable
Resignation
of
the
Nonconformists
,
when
we
consider
by
what
Usurpation
and
violence
they
were
brought
in
;
and
what
a
number
of
worthy
Learned
Ministers
of
the
Church
of
England
were
turned
out
to
make
vacancies
for
these
Men
who
were
to
instruct
the
people
in
new
Mysteries
of
Religion
,
which
their
old
Pastours
had
not
the
Conscience
,
or
ability
to
Teach
them
,
that
is
of
the
Lawfulness
of
Rebellion
.
We
have
several
other
instances
of
St.
Ambrose
his
zeal
against
the
Arians
,
and
some
of
his
Charity
in
rescuing
some
of
them
from
the
fury
of
the
multitude
,
of
his
popularity
,
&c.
But
not
a
word
of
his
sedition
,
or
his
forcible
resistance
of
the
Emperour
:
The
harshest
thing
he
did
,
was
the
shutting
of
the
Church
against
the
Officers
of
the
Emperour
,
who
would
have
delivered
it
to
the
Arians
for
a
place
to
Blaspheme
Christ
,
under
pretence
of
Worshipping
him
.
But
at
length
,
after
long
straining
Mr.
B.
has
found
out
some
Bishops
in
the
same
fault
,
of
owning
and
flattering
Tyrants
,
and
Usurpers
,
with
himself
,
and
this
because
it
is
home
to
the
purpose
,
and
seems
to
parallel
his
Dedications
to
R.
Cromwel
.
We
have
the
story
at
length
,
and
set
out
with
all
the
advantage
of
Remarks
and
comparisons
,
and
thus
it
begins
.
And
because
the
late
Revolutions
in
England
are
made
by
some
Prelates
.
The
pretence
for
the
Silencing
of
1800
Ministers
,
of
whom
one
in
ten
never
meddled
with
Wars
:
being
fallen
again
on
this
case
of
Maximus
,
Let
it
be
Noted
how
like
he
was
to
Cromwel
,
saving
that
it
was
not
the
Sectaries
,
but
the
Bishops
that
he
studied
to
please
,
and
rise
by
:
How
just
the
pretence
was
,
Mr.
B.
can
tell
better
than
I
,
if
he
would
speak-out
:
And
whether
he
will
or
no
,
others
perhaps
will
have
the
Courage
and
the
Honesty
to
do
it
.
How
like
Cromwel
was
to
Maximus
I
do
not
find
by
Mr.
B.
though
he
desires
it
should
be
Noted
:
They
were
both
Usurpers
,
but
as
unlike
in
their
circumstances
,
as
they
could
well
be
imagined
.
For
First
,
Cromwel
.
Usurped
a
Kingdom
setled
in
one
Family
by
a
long
and
unquestionable
Descent
,
upon
a
King
of
undoubted
right
.
Maximus
Usurped
an
Elective
Empire
at
the
disposal
of
Armies
,
being
chosen
by
his
own
Army
,
and
that
of
Gratian
,
studied
to
please
the
Bishops
,
and
rise
by
them
,
and
not
by
the
Sectaries
:
If
there
had
been
any
Sectaries
in
those
dayes
of
the
same
Principles
,
with
some
of
ours
;
He
understood
his
interest
too
well
to
have
neglected
them
.
But
how
is
it
the
Bishops
fault
,
that
he
studied
to
please
them
?
That
he
studied
to
rise
by
them
,
is
more
than
any
body
has
said
before
Mr.
B.
And
if
Maximus
had
such
a
design
upon
the
Bishops
,
he
was
surely
disappointed
;
for
we
do
not
find
any
where
,
that
any
Bishop
did
ever
contribute
in
the
least
to
the
raising
of
him
.
But
besides
to
what
would
he
rise
?
He
was
Emperour
already
,
before
we
find
him
take
the
least
notice
of
the
Bishops
:
And
if
after
this
success
of
his
Army
,
to
establish
himself
in
his
new
conquest
,
he
indeavoured
to
oblige
all
sorts
of
people
,
and
amongst
the
rest
,
the
Bishops
,
who
were
popular
men
in
those
dayes
;
I
cannot
understand
,
how
it
can
be
any
great
reproach
to
them
.
Sometimes
wicked
Men
may
reverence
that
Vertue
and
goodness
in
others
,
that
they
will
not
practise
themselves
Sometimes
their
guilty
Consciences
,
and
their
just
fear
of
reproof
,
makes
them
stand
in
awe
of
men
of
severe
conversation
,
and
to
indeavour
to
please
them
.
Sometimes
their
interest
leads
them
to
oblige
those
that
have
any
influence
or
Authority
over
the
people
:
And
one
would
think
this
would
hardly
be
objected
by
way
of
reproach
to
them
that
innocently
received
the
obligation
.
Well
,
But
what
did
this
Usurper
do
to
please
the
Bishops
?
And
how
far
were
they
instrumental
to
his
advancement
?
Mr.
B.
tells
us
,
When
Gratian
the
Emperour
befriended
the
Priscillianists
;
Maximus
to
please
the
Bishops
,
persecuted
them
to
death
:
But
by
this
,
if
he
pleased
some
Bishops
,
he
displeased
several
others
,
who
were
extreamly
dissatisfied
with
these
proceedings
;
although
they
all
were
of
opinion
those
Hereticks
were
not
fit
to
live
:
B
When
Valentinian
,
means
,
did
persecute
or
trouble
Ambrose
,
for
refusing
to
deliver
a
Church
to
the
Arians
,
and
also
other
Orthodox
Bishops
as
well
as
Ambrose
;
Maximus
gave
to
Ambrose
and
the
Bishops
the
honour
of
keeping
him
out
of
Italy
;
and
wrote
his
Letters
to
Valentinian
for
the
Orthodox
Bishops
,
telling
him
how
grievous
a
thing
it
is
to
persecute
the
Ministers
of
God
,
and
when
under
his
Father
they
went
for
faithful
Ministers
.
Vpon
this
message
of
Maximus
:
he
saith
,
that
Valentinian
being
afraid
of
him
,
the
persecution
ceased
,
and
Ambrose
must
be
sent
upon
an
Embassage
to
Maximus
,
to
stop
him
.
As
to
the
when
,
Mr.
B.
mistakes
the
time
in
the
first
place
,
Sozomen
;
Socrates
makes
this
persecution
of
Ambrose
to
be
before
the
Death
of
Gratian
,
which
that
Historian
sayes
,
so
frighted
Justina
,
that
she
left
off
tro●●●●
that
good
Bishop
any
longer
.
But
Ambrose
himself
contradicts
it
,
Baron
.
An.
383.19
.
and
shews
plainly
that
this
happened
after
his
first
Embassy
,
and
after
his
obtaining
a
peace
of
Maximus
.
In
the
next
place
:
Maximus
is
said
to
have
given
Ambrose
and
the
Bishops
,
the
honour
of
keeping
him
out
of
Italy
.
It
was
certainly
a
great
Honour
to
Ambrose
(
for
other
Bishops
there
were
none
concerned
in
it
)
But
I
much
question
whether
ever
Maximus
designed
it
as
such
;
But
this
Vsurper
,
faith
Mr.
B.
wrote
Letters
to
Valentinian
in
favour
of
the
Orthodox
Bishops
and
St.
Ambrose
.
Who
can
help
it
,
if
a
busy
Usurper
will
be
forward
to
concern
himself
in
matters
that
do
not
belong
to
him
?
But
lest
the
Reader
may
suspect
any
treacherous
correspondence
between
those
Bishops
and
this
Usurper
,
I
have
thus
far
observ'd
with
Mr.
B.
what
this
Usurper
Maximus
did
in
favour
of
the
Bishops
,
how
he
studied
to
please
and
rise
by
them
.
The
next
thing
we
ought
to
enquire
after
is
,
what
success
his
Design
upon
the
Bishops
produced
,
and
whether
they
answer'd
his
kindnesses
,
by
forming
any
interest
to
support
his
Pretensions
,
or
by
declaring
in
his
favour
.
Mr.
B.
gives
a
full
account
of
it
in
these
words
,
and
the
said
Maximus
,
and
the
Bishops
did
so
close
,
that
only
one
Hyginus
a
Bishop
is
mention'd
,
and
Theognostus
,
besides
Ambrose
and
Martin
,
that
rejected
Maximus
.
I
shall
grant
Mr.
B.
here
more
than
he
desires
.
The
truth
is
,
that
even
those
Bishops
that
he
says
rejected
Maximus
,
did
Really
own
him
for
Emperor
,
as
having
all
the
Confirmation
the
Laws
of
that
time
did
require
:
and
it
is
a
mistake
of
Mr.
B.
before
,
where
he
tells
us
that
Ambrose
would
not
Communicate
with
the
Bishops
because
they
own'd
Maximus
,
whereas
all
the
quarrel
of
St.
Martin
and
Theognostus
was
against
his
proceedings
with
the
Priscillianists
,
and
his
Murdering
of
Gratian
,
if
he
Murder'd
him
.
But
for
all
that
they
own'd
him
to
be
Emperor
,
as
much
as
those
did
that
Communicated
with
him
.
Ambrose
would
not
Communicate
with
Theodosius
upon
the
like
account
:
but
never
disown'd
his
Authority
,
as
Emperor
all
that
while
;
what
Hyginus
did
,
Mr.
B.
cannot
tell
without
Revelation
;
he
was
bannish'd
by
Maximus
(
as
St.
Ambrose
tells
us
,
)
but
the
Reason
is
not
express'd
.
Well
then
:
if
all
this
be
true
,
Mr.
B's
.
Observation
will
be
so
too
;
That
Bishops
can
comply
with
Vsurpers
that
will
be
for
them
,
as
well
as
Presbyters
.
What
they
can
do
is
not
our
Question
,
but
this
instance
of
Maximus
I
am
sure
does
not
discover
in
them
any
great
inclination
to
it
,
for
how
I
pray
did
these
Bishops
comply
with
that
Usurper
?
Were
any
of
them
instrumental
to
his
Advancement
?
did
they
Preach
up
his
cause
,
and
the
lawfulness
of
his
Revolt
?
Did
they
ever
press
the
people
to
bring
in
their
Plate
,
and
Contributions
?
Or
after
his
successes
and
the
Murder
of
Gratian
,
did
any
of
these
Bishops
justifie
the
Usurpers
Proceedings
,
and
preach
and
print
in
defence
of
that
Barbarous
Regicide
?
did
they
flatter
him
as
the
Preserver
of
Religion
,
the
David
,
the
Champion
of
Israel
?
I
believe
one
much
better
vers'd
in
Antiquity
than
Mr.
B.
will
find
it
a
hard
task
to
find
out
any
Books
,
or
Dedications
of
Bishops
to
this
effect
:
But
Mr.
B.
can
tell
who
Printed
,
and
Preach'd
,
and
gathered
subscriptions
,
for
the
Approbation
of
the
most
execrable
Regicide
committed
under
the
Sun
:
and
others
can
say
something
,
though
at
present
it
is
not
necessary
to
be
particular
.
Well
:
But
as
to
the
Bishops
that
own'd
Maximus
,
what
sort
of
compliance
was
theirs
?
What
did
they
do
so
much
in
favour
of
the
Usurper
?
When
he
had
Conquer'd
the
Countrys
where
they
liv'd
,
and
been
own'd
by
both
the
Emperors
Reigning
,
then
they
submitted
to
him
;
that
is
,
they
did
not
think
themselves
oblig'd
to
Rebel
,
or
to
stir
up
the
People
against
him
;
that
was
none
of
their
business
:
and
therefore
they
meddled
not
with
it
.
And
in
short
,
we
do
not
find
they
studied
any
other
complyance
than
only
to
be
quiet
and
to
do
their
own
business
.
Some
of
them
indeed
desir'd
his
assistance
against
the
Priscillianists
;
so
might
Bishops
have
desired
Cromwel
to
supress
Ranters
,
Seekers
,
Adamites
,
and
such
like
,
that
were
not
only
a
Reproach
to
Christian
Religion
,
but
to
Humane
Society
:
and
yet
I
do
believe
such
an
Address
would
hardly
have
been
interpreted
by
the
strictest
Royalist
for
a
Criminal
complyance
with
the
Usurper
.
Most
of
the
Bishops
in
Maximus
his
Dominon
communicated
with
him
,
you
will
say
;
and
that
goes
a
little
farther
.
I
do
not
see
what
great
hurt
there
was
in
all
this
:
what
if
he
pretended
to
be
Penitent
?
what
if
he
excus'd
it
as
well
as
he
could
,
by
pretending
he
was
forc'd
by
the
Souldiers
?
I
believe
Ambrose
did
not
scruple
his
Communion
at
first
,
and
he
seems
to
hint
as
much
;
but
upon
his
second
Embassy
he
found
him
to
be
a
bloody
Aspiring
man
,
and
then
would
have
nothing
to
do
with
him
or
any
that
adhered
to
him
;
which
he
might
yet
do
with
greater
freedom
and
decence
than
those
that
were
his
Subjects
,
because
Ambrose
belong'd
to
another
Prince
,
and
own'd
him
only
in
Titular
Conjunction
with
his
own
Master
.
And
now
let
the
Reader
judge
by
this
,
instance
how
the
Bishops
comply'd
with
Usurpers
,
and
how
like
the
case
of
Maximus
and
his
Bishops
,
is
to
that
of
Cromwel
and
his
Adherents
and
flatterers
.
The
last
instance
Mr.
B.
gives
out
of
Antiquity
is
Ambrose
his
letter
to
Eugenius
the
Tyrant
,
which
is
inscrib'd
,
Clementissime
.
Imperatori
Eugenio●
:
and
in
the
close
of
the
Letter
we
have
these
expressions
,
in
his
vero
in
quibus
vos
rogari
decet
,
etiam
exhiberi
sedulitatem
Potestati
debitam
;
sicut
&
Scriptum
est
,
cui
Honorem
,
Honorem
;
cui
Tributum
,
Tributum
;
nam
cum
Privato
detulerim
corde
Intimo
,
quomodo
non
differrem
Imperatori
?
i.
e.
But
in
this
matter
where
it
becometh
us
to
petition
you
,
we
must
also
give
the
diligence
due
to
Power
,
as
it
is
written
,
Honour
to
whom
Honour
;
Tribute
to
whom
Tribute
;
for
when
I
honour'd
you
,
when
you
were
a
private
man
from
the
inwards
of
my
heart
,
how
should
not
I
honour
you
an
Emperor
?
Thus
Mr.
B.
Here
it
is
necessary
in
the
first
place
to
observe
the
occasion
,
and
necessity
of
Ambrose
his
writing
.
Many
of
the
Roman
Senate
,
being
still
Gentiles
,
had
prevail'd
with
Eugenius
to
furnish
the
expence
of
the
publick
Sacrifices
,
as
it
was
used
to
be
in
former
times
:
Ambrose
,
who
had
prevented
this
indignity
to
Christian
Religion
under
Valentinian
and
Theodosius
,
was
earnestly
solicited
by
his
friends
,
to
try
his
Authority
with
Eugenius
,
who
was
newly
set
up
by
the
Army
;
with
much
unwillingness
he
at
last
undertook
it
.
He
gives
him
the
Title
of
Emperor
,
and
such
Title
as
the
condition
of
those
times
afforded
,
this
Engenius
had
;
being
set
up
by
the
Army
which
had
been
in
possession
of
the
right
of
making
Emperors
for
several
ages
.
But
though
he
were
an
Usurper
,
yet
there
is
no
flattery
in
using
the
common
Stile
to
him
;
so
Justin
Martyr
calls
Marcus
Antoninus
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Pious
,
when
he
knew
him
to
be
an
Idolater
.
St.
Paul
owns
a
respect
due
to
the
High
Priest
,
although
the
office
was
Abrogated
by
our
Saviours
Priesthood
,
and
the
Jewish
Priests
were
now
Usurpers
.
So
Protestant
Princes
,
when
they
have
occasion
to
write
to
the
Pope
,
are
fain
to
use
the
Stile
of
his
Holiness
;
and
yet
by
that
Title
are
not
to
be
understood
to
acknowledge
his
Usurpations
.
So
Ambrose
inscribed
his
Epistle
,
Clementissimo
Imperatori
Eugenio
.
But
does
not
he
flatter
him
with
these
Expressions
,
sedulitas
Potestati
debita
?
This
is
but
a
poor
Complement
;
and
own'd
no
farther
than
in
general
Terms
;
Honour
,
where
Honour
.
But
does
not
he
profess
he
Honours
him
?
He
says
indeed
,
when
he
was
a
private
man
he
had
respect
for
him
,
and
should
not
he
now
pay
it
when
he
was
Emperor
?
This
question
I
believe
is
a
little
Artificial
;
and
us'd
on
purpose
because
he
would
not
speak
out
:
as
we
may
say
by
the
words
following
,
sed
qui
vobis
deferri
vultis
,
p●imini
ut
deferatur
ei
,
quem
imperii
vestri
vultis
Autorem
probari
.
But
Sir
,
permit
that
Honour
you
would
have
pai'd
you
,
to
be
given
to
him
,
whom
you
would
have
to
be
thought
the
Author
of
your
Empire
:
whom
you
would
have
to
be
thought
,
is
an
intimation
that
he
begg'd
his
pardon
that
he
could
not
think
so
.
But
for
a
farther
vindication
of
St.
Ambrose
,
we
may
see
more
particularly
from
the
same
letter
how
he
behav'd
himself
towards
this
Usurper
Eugenius
.
1.
Understanding
he
was
to
come
to
Milan
,
the
Bishop
left
the
Town
,
because
he
would
not
be
forc'd
to
communicate
with
,
or
to
own
him
:
and
in
the
beginning
of
this
Epistle
he
gives
Eugenius
himself
this
short
account
of
it
;
The
fear
of
God
was
the
occasion
of
my
departure
:
and
I
am
not
used
to
make
greater
account
of
any
mans
favour
,
than
of
Christs
.
Then
after
a
large
account
of
what
he
had
urg'd
to
Valentinian
and
Theodosius
,
the
Reader
may
see
how
far
Ambrose
was
from
any
mean
complyance
with
this
Eugenius
;
whom
he
would
have
no
Communication
with
,
not
so
much
as
by
writing
,
though
urg'd
and
provok'd
to
it
:
Ideo
etiam
in
primordiis
Imperii
tui
Seribenti
non
rescripsi
,
quia
istud
pravidebam
futurum
.
In
the
beginning
of
thy
Reign
I
did
not
answer
thy
Letter
,
because
I
foresaw
what
would
be
.
Denique
reposcenti
litteras
cum
non
Rescriberem
,
dixi
,
haec
causa
est
quod
extorquendum
ei
Arbitror
:
At
last
when
I
refus'd
to
writ
upon
second
summons
,
I
gave
this
reason
,
that
I
thought
it
must
be
extorted
from
him
.
And
now
since
Mr.
B.
upon
this
Letter
of
St.
Ambrose
does
Appeal
to
the
Reader
:
Saying
,
Reader
do
not
only
judge
of
my
two
Epistles
to
R.
Cromwel
by
these
Passages
,
but
even
of
theirs
that
submitted
to
Oliver
himself
;
and
yet
judge
of
the
Inferences
that
are
rais'd
by
our
Accusers
.
Since
I
say
he
does
Appeal
,
he
cannot
be
offended
,
if
I
set
down
some
passages
of
those
Epistles
,
and
then
let
the
Reader
compare
:
I
will
be
none
of
his
Accusers
,
nor
make
the
least
Inference
good
or
bad
from
them
.
Before
his
five
Disputations
of
Church
Government
,
he
has
an
Epistle
to
his
Highness
Richard
Lord
Protector
of
the
Commonwealth
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
And
it
begins
with
these
words
.
Sir
,
THese
Papers
are
Ambitious
of
Accompanying
those
against
Popery
into
your
Highness
's
presence
,
for
the
Tender
of
their
service
,
and
that
upon
the
same
account
.
The
Controversies
here
decided
,
are
those
that
have
had
a
hand
in
most
of
the
Great
Transactions
,
that
of
late
years
have
here
past
,
and
that
still
have
a
hand
in
the
Differences
that
hinder
our
desir'd
peace
.
I
observe
that
the
Nation
Generally
rejoyceth
in
your
Peaceable
entrance
upon
the
Government
:
and
are
affected
with
indignation
,
if
they
hear
but
any
Rumours
that
Troublesome
Persons
would
disturb
their
hopes
.
And
many
are
perswaded
that
you
have
been
strangely
kept
from
participating
in
any
of
our
late
bloody
Contentions
,
that
God
might
make
you
a
Healer
of
our
Breaches
,
and
employ
you
in
that
Temple
work
which
David
himself
might
not
be
honour'd
with
,
though
it
was
in
his
mind
,
beause
he
had
shed
blood
abundantly
,
and
made
great
wars
,
1
Chron.
22.7.8
.
I
perceive
also
that
some
Settlement
of
Church
Affairs
will
be
expected
from
you
by
the
most
:
And
then
after
some
bitterness
against
the
Bishops
and
their
party
;
and
some
sharpness
against
the
Sectaries
,
and
some
discourse
against
a
General
Toleration
in
Religion
,
he
comes
at
last
to
Advise
the
Protector
to
keep
tenderly
the
Golden
mean
in
this
point
,
and
for
his
own
sake
not
to
Indulge
all
;
where
we
have
this
Remarkable
passage
,
If
you
give
liberty
to
all
that
is
call'd
Religion
,
you
will
soon
be
judged
of
no
Religion
,
and
lov'd
accordingly
:
Then
after
some
more
particular
Advice
how
to
behave
himself
,
Mr.
B.
adds
,
If
you
could
be
the
happy
instrument
of
taking
away
the
Divisions
of
the
Godly
—
this
would
be
the
way
to
lift
you
highest
in
the
esteem
and
love
of
all
your
people
;
and
make
them
see
that
you
were
Appointed
of
God
to
be
a
Healer
and
Restorer
;
and
to
Glory
in
you
,
and
bless
God
for
you
,
as
the
instrument
of
our
chiefest
peace
.
—
I
should
have
been
as
ready
as
another
to
censure
such
an
Address
as
this
,
as
guilty
of
Presumptuous
boldness
,
but
that
I
consider
what
is
the
work
of
my
calling
,
and
what
it
is
to
be
faithful
to
the
eternal
God
,
and
am
Conscious
of
fidelity
to
your
Highness
in
my
boldness
.
My
carnest
Prayers
for
your
Highness
shall
be
,
that
your
own
soul
being
first
subjected
and
devoted
wholly
to
God
,
you
may
Rule
as
one
that
is
Rul'd
by
him
,
&c.
And
that
God
would
endue
your
Highness
with
that
Heavenly
wisdom
.
—
That
so
the
eternal
God
may
be
engag'd
in
the
Protection
of
your
Dominions
and
you
.
—
Parliaments
will
love
and
Honour
you
,
and
Abhor
the
Motions
that
tend
to
a
division
,
or
your
just
displeasure
:
Ministers
will
heartily
pray
for
you
and
praise
the
Lord
for
his
mercies
by
you
.
And
Teach
all
the
people
to
love
,
and
Honour
,
and
obey
you
.
—
I
crave
your
Hhigness
Pardon
for
this
Boldness
,
and
your
favourable
acceptance
of
the
tender'd
service
of
R.
BAXTER
.
An
Extract
out
of
Mr.
B's
.
Epistle
Dedicatory
to
R.
Cromwel
before
his
Key
for
Catholicks
.
Sir
,
THese
Papers
presume
to
tender
you
their
service
,
because
the
subject
of
them
is
such
as
it
most
nearly
concerns
both
us
and
you
,
that
you
be
well
acquainted
with
the
Roman
Canons
that
Batter
the
Vnity
,
&c.
—
It
is
only
the
necessary
defence
of
your
life
,
and
dignity
,
and
lives
of
all
the
Protestants
that
are
under
your
Protection
or
Government
,
and
the
souls
of
men
,
that
I
desire
.
The
serious
endeavours
of
your
Renowned
Father
,
for
the
Protestants
of
Savoy
,
discover'd
to
the
world
by
Mr.
M.
in
his
Letters
,
&c.
Hath
won
him
more
esteem
in
the
hearts
of
many
that
fear
the
Lord
,
than
all
his
Victories
in
themselves
consider'd
,
we
pray
that
you
may
inherit
a
Tender
care
of
the
cause
of
Christ
.
—
We
humbly
Request
,
that
you
would
faithfully
adhere
to
those
that
fear
the
Lord
in
your
Dominions
.
Then
speaking
of
several
sorts
of
persons
that
he
calls
Mask'd
Papists
,
(
as
I
believe
some
were
,
and
I
am
afraid
there
are
more
of
the
sort
:
)
He
mentions
in
the
Tenth
place
,
Those
that
under
the
pretence
of
defending
Prelacy
,
and
of
uniting
us
to
Rome
,
do
adhere
to
the
course
of
Grotius
and
St.
Clara
(
one
without
the
spirit
of
Divination
may
guess
who
are
meant
)
and
Vnchurch
all
Reform'd
Churches
,
degrade
all
the
Minsters
that
are
not
of
their
way
,
while
they
maintain
the
verity
of
the
Church
of
Rome
and
the
Validity
of
her
Ordination
.
—
These
Ten
sorts
of
men
we
are
jealous
of
,
and
if
ever
you
Advance
them
into
places
of
command
or
power
,
It
will
encrease
our
jealousies
.
—
Lastly
we
beseech
you
that
Toleration
may
be
limited
by
execution
as
well
as
by
Law
—
and
who
would
have
thought
that
had
not
known
it
,
that
they
(
the
Jesuits
and
Friers
)
had
so
Insinuated
into
the
several
Sects
among
us
,
and
that
they
were
so
industrious
in
their
work
,
as
the
New-castle
Scottish
Jew
was
,
&c.
At
last
after
all
his
Advices
and
Petitions
he
adds
,
—
If
you
ask
who
it
is
that
Presumeth
thus
to
be
your
Monitor
:
It
is
one
that
serveth
so
great
a
Master
,
that
he
thinks
it
no
unwarrantable
Presumption
in
such
a
case
to
be
faithfully
plain
with
the
greatest
Prince
;
it
is
one
that
stands
so
near
eternity
,
where
Lazarus
shall
wear
the
Crown
,
that
unfaithful
man-pleasing
would
be
to
him
a
double
crime
;
it
is
one
that
rejoyceth
in
the
present
happiness
of
England
,
and
wishes
earnestly
that
it
were
but
as
well
with
the
rest
of
the
world
,
and
that
honoureth
all
the
Providences
of
God
by
which
we
have
been
brought
to
what
we
are
.
And
he
is
one
,
that
concurring
in
the
common
hopes
yet
to
these
Nations
under
your
Government
.
And
observing
your
acceptance
of
the
frequent
Addresses
,
that
from
all
Parts
of
the
Land
come
to
you
,
was
encourag'd
to
do
what
you
daily
allow
your
Preachers
to
do
,
and
to
Concur
in
the
Tenders
,
and
some
performance
of
his
service
.
—
That
the
Lord
will
make
you
a
Healer
and
preserver
of
his
Churches
here
at
Home
,
and
a
successful
helper
to
his
Churches
abroad
,
is
the
earnest
Prayer
of
your
Highness's
Faithful
Subject
,
R.
BAXTER
.
I
hope
Mr.
B.
will
find
no
Reason
to
tax
me
of
any
disingenuity
in
this
Extract
,
for
I
have
not
torn
pieces
of
sentences
,
and
conceal'd
any
thing
that
might
give
words
a
more
favourable
Construction
;
but
I
must
confess
it
is
with
great
Reluctance
that
I
have
been
able
to
do
it
at
all
:
And
since
Mr.
B.
himself
refers
to
them
,
and
compares
them
with
Ambrose
his
Epistle
,
and
endeavours
to
justifie
them
by
hinting
at
other
instances
,
I
could
not
avoid
giving
some
account
of
them
.
I
have
promis'd
to
make
no
Inferences
,
Malicious
,
or
not
Malicious
from
them
,
but
as
to
the
occasion
that
has
brought
in
all
this
,
I
must
crave
leave
to
shew
him
,
besides
the
expressions
,
a
great
difference
between
these
Epistles
and
that
he
compar'd
them
with
.
For
that
was
extorted
by
importunity
,
these
are
volunteer
services
to
an
Usurper
.
Eugenius
had
written
twice
to
Ambrose
before
he
would
make
any
answer
;
and
then
he
owns
such
a
frowardness
,
that
unless
the
Honour
of
Religion
,
threatned
by
the
Restauration
of
Idolatry
,
had
requir'd
it
of
him
,
he
would
not
then
have
been
prevail'd
with
to
have
made
any
Applications
to
him
:
although
there
had
pass'd
an
aquaintance
and
friendship
between
them
,
when
Eugenius
was
a
Private
man
:
But
Mr.
B.
was
a
stranger
to
R.
Cromwel
,
and
had
no
great
temptation
to
dedicate
books
to
him
,
nor
any
reasonable
hopes
that
the
Protector
would
ever
read
this
Epistle
.
In
short
,
if
I
were
as
worthy
to
advise
Mr.
B.
as
he
was
to
advise
Cromwel
,
I
would
say
it
were
much
more
adviseable
for
a
Christian
(
especially
for
one
that
thinks
he
is
so
near
his
Eternal
State
,
)
to
repent
and
cry
peccavimus
with
the
Bishops
in
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
,
whom
he
something
Unchristianly
derides
,
than
to
stand
upon
justification
of
the
fact
,
and
think
to
face
it
out
by
comparing
himself
with
them
that
were
so
unlike
him
in
all
their
circumstances
.
This
odious
,
unpleasant
work
is
no
sooner
done
,
but
Mr.
B.
leads
me
into
a
subject
much
more
Invidious
,
by
his
charging
the
late
Rebellion
upon
the
Bishops
and
their
Party
.
But
this
I
must
add
(
says
Mr.
B.
)
ad
homines
,
That
it
has
been
the
Bishops
themselves
,
that
have
been
the
grand
cause
of
our
Church
Divisions
and
Separations
.
What
advantage
they
have
given
the
Separatists
I
have
shewed
before
:
I
am
sure
in
the
Congregation
where
I
once
was
Teacher
,
and
the
Country
about
,
nothing
that
ever
came
to
pass
,
has
so
inclin'd
the
people
to
avoid
the
Prelates
,
as
their
own
doing
,
especially
the
silencing
,
and
Reproaching
their
Ancient
Teachers
,
whom
they
knew
longer
and
better
than
the
Prelates
did
:
and
to
say
truth
,
the
people
generally
are
very
Competent
judges
of
their
Pastors
.
But
if
the
Bishops
have
been
the
Cause
,
the
Grand
cause
of
our
divisions
,
how
came
it
to
pass
that
when
the
Bishops
were
gone
,
that
these
divisions
increas'd
?
in
other
evils
,
when
you
remove
the
Grand
cause
,
there
follows
abatement
of
the
distemper
:
This
strange
disease
of
separation
grows
more
incurable
by
removing
the
cause
.
But
Mr.
B.
saith
,
the
reproaching
and
Silencing
of
the
ancient
Ministers
gave
offence
,
and
made
the
Bishops
odious
.
If
Mr.
B.
means
that
which
was
done
after
his
Majesties
Restauration
:
it
will
be
an
easie
matter
to
answer
,
There
were
many
of
those
Ministers
that
were
Usurpers
,
and
had
intruded
into
the
Churches
of
other
men
,
who
had
been
silenc'd
,
and
cast
out
by
those
powers
that
had
reason
to
be
jealous
of
honest
men
.
There
were
many
others
that
were
intruders
into
the
Ministry
,
and
such
not
a
few
of
them
as
Mr.
B.
himself
would
not
have
thought
fit
to
have
continued
.
All
the
rest
were
such
as
would
not
submit
to
the
Rule
that
was
then
Establisht
in
the
Church
,
but
chose
rather
to
leave
their
Livings
,
and
the
Bishops
could
not
help
it
any
other
wise
than
as
they
were
Members
of
Parliament
;
for
it
was
the
Law
that
tied
them
to
that
choice
,
and
not
the
Bishops
.
If
Mr.
B.
means
what
happen'd
before
the
last
Civil
Wars
;
as
't
is
likely
he
may
because
that
follows
next
,
then
these
Ancient
Teachers
that
he
speaks
of
,
howsoever
they
might
be
qualified
otherwise
,
were
the
instruments
of
an
Anti-Monarchical
,
Anti
Episcopal
Faction
.
They
would
preach
but
they
would
not
conform
to
the
Establisht
Religion
.
Nay
many
of
them
would
Preach
against
it
,
and
against
their
Governours
too
;
and
Alienate
the
pople
from
them
by
their
Sermons
.
These
were
such
Incendiaries
as
no
Government
would
have
endured
.
And
what
manner
of
men
several
of
them
were
may
be
observ'd
from
the
Register
of
Norwich
:
where
,
one
was
by
Trade
a
Draper
,
another
a
Weaver
,
and
a
third
a
Taylor
:
and
perhaps
not
altogether
so
learned
as
the
Weavers
and
Plowmen
of
Kidderminster
,
whom
Mr.
B.
vouches
of
Abilities
not
inferior
to
most
of
the
Ancient
Fathers
.
Yet
by
Silencing
of
these
,
saith
Mr.
B.
the
Bishops
caus'd
separation
.
It
is
pity
the
people
should
know
no
better
than
to
follow
such
men
as
these
out
of
the
Church
:
but
if
there
be
such
an
absolute
necessity
that
these
men
must
preach
I
should
think
they
would
become
a
Conventicle
much
better
than
a
Church
.
In
the
next
place
Mr.
B.
gives
us
a
new
account
of
the
original
of
the
late
Wars
:
and
affirms
that
it
was
a
Parliament
of
Episcopals
and
Erastians
,
and
not
of
Presbyterians
,
who
first
took
up
Arms
in
England
against
the
King
.
It
is
well
the
Bishops
had
no
share
in
it
.
But
pray
where
were
the
Presbyterians
,
when
this
Parliament
took
up
Arms
,
were
they
not
yet
in
being
?
Or
were
there
none
of
them
in
the
House
?
Or
did
they
Protest
against
the
proceedings
of
those
Episcopals
and
Erastians
?
As
many
of
them
as
were
of
the
Parliament
I
hope
consented
to
the
taking
up
of
Arms
;
and
it
may
be
,
may
give
Mr.
B.
little
thanks
for
depriving
them
of
the
glory
of
the
action
.
For
the
Erastians
I
have
not
much
to
say
;
but
that
at
last
they
outwitted
the
Presbyterians
,
although
in
the
beginning
they
were
reckon'd
all
one
.
But
can
Mr.
B.
believe
(
or
think
any
body
else
so
weak
as
to
be
impos'd
upon
in
a
matter
so
notorious
)
that
it
was
a
Parliament
of
Episcopals
and
Erastians
,
and
not
Presbyterians
;
that
began
the
like
War
?
were
they
Episcopals
that
voted
down
Episcopacy
,
Root
and
Branch
before
the
war
was
begun
?
Were
they
Episcopals
that
Petition'd
the
King
at
York
for
Reformation
in
Discipline
and
Worship
?
i.
e.
for
Abolishing
of
Episcopacy
and
Common
Prayer
?
Were
they
Episcopals
who
in
their
humble
desires
tendred
to
the
King
at
Oxford
,
to
give
his
Royal
Assent
for
the
utter
Abolishing
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
,
&c.
out
of
the
Church
of
England
;
and
to
promise
to
Pass
other
such
Good
Bills
,
for
setling
of
Church
Government
,
as
upon
consultation
the
Assembly
of
Divines
shall
be
resolv'd
on
by
both
houses
of
Parliament
?
Were
they
Episcopas
that
enter
into
a
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
against
Episcopacy
,
and
for
Reforming
of
our
Church
after
the
Presbyterian
Platform
?
In
short
were
they
Episcopals
that
set
up
Presbytery
by
so
many
and
repeated
Ordinances
?
according
to
the
word
of
God
;
which
they
conceived
Presbyterian
Government
not
to
be
.
Some
of
them
added
,
that
the
Covenant
was
so
attemkper'd
on
purpose
to
take
them
in
;
for
their
Principles
they
said
were
very
well
known
when
they
took
it
.
Grand
.
Debate
.
p.
89.90
,
91
,
&c.
But
the
Presbyterians
utterly
deny'd
any
such
thing
,
that
they
knew
any
principles
of
theirs
that
were
contrary
to
Presbytery
;
and
the
Assembly
of
Divines
in
their
First
Conference
with
the
dissenting
Brethren
,
Parliament
should
grant
Liberty
to
destroy
,
and
pull
down
,
what
themselves
are
endeavouring
to
set
up
.
Now
How
these
should
be
no
Presbyterians
who
set
up
Presbytery
,
how
they
were
Episcopals
that
destroy'd
Episcopacy
,
is
(
I
must
confess
)
too
hard
a
Riddle
for
a
man
of
a
plain
understanding
;
unless
one
may
think
that
Mr.
B.
gives
this
Bishop-destroying
Parliament
the
Title
of
Episcopal
,
as
the
Romans
honour'd
several
of
their
Generals
with
the
Titles
of
those
Nations
they
had
overcome
:
or
else
that
Mr.
B.
speaks
by
a
figure
,
too
frequent
,
though
not
very
decent
in
History
call'd
Fiction
.
As
to
the
particulars
,
with
which
Mr.
B.
concludes
this
Chapter
I
have
so
long
dwelt
upon
,
of
the
Parliaments
Army
,
Generals
,
Lord
Lieutenants
,
Assembly
of
Divines
being
Episcopals
and
Conformists
,
I
had
rather
and
body
else
should
disprove
than
I
:
not
that
it
is
so
difficult
a
matter
,
for
who
that
can
remember
so
long
,
or
can
read
English
does
not
know
the
contrary
?
But
because
I
am
unwilling
to
renew
the
memory
of
so
unpleasant
and
odious
things
;
and
heartily
wish
,
that
as
our
Gracious
King
pass'd
an
Act
of
Oblivion
for
those
matters
,
so
they
who
enjoy
the
benefit
of
that
act
of
Grace
would
suffer
us
to
forget
the
occasion
of
it
,
or
cease
to
presume
that
we
have
so
far
lost
all
memory
and
sense
that
we
do
not
know
the
same
things
when
we
see
them
acted
over
again
:
But
however
Mr.
B.
informs
us
of
the
Original
of
the
late
Rebellion
,
I
am
sure
there
was
a
time
when
we
had
a
very
different
account
of
things
;
there
was
a
time
when
the
Presbyterians
and
Independents
contended
who
should
have
the
greatest
share
of
the
Glory
of
having
carry'd
on
that
cause
;
and
there
is
one
who
is
very
particular
in
this
matter
on
the
behalf
of
the
Presbyterians
,
CHAP.
I.
A
short
View
of
the
other
Governments
set
up
in
opposition
to
Episcopacy
.
IF
eminent
places
or
offices
,
as
they
give
authority
and
jurisdiction
,
could
likewise
secure
those
that
are
possess'd
of
them
from
errors
in
Administration
;
if
any
character
or
order
could
so
Consecrate
the
person
that
bears
it
,
as
to
exempt
him
from
the
Common
condition
of
Humane
frailty
,
and
from
a
possibility
of
being
wicked
;
the
world
must
needs
be
happy
,
by
submitting
to
such
a
constitution
,
and
then
Schism
and
Sedition
would
have
no
Pretext
.
But
if
after
all
the
Accessions
of
authority
and
honour
,
men
retain
their
nature
and
their
manners
,
and
are
subject
to
passions
as
they
were
before
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
all
degrees
and
Denominations
can
furnish
Numerous
instances
,
of
vice
and
infamy
,
and
the
more
eminent
any
order
is
,
the
more
frequent
examples
of
evil
men
,
it
commonly
affords
:
For
the
blemishes
of
such
persons
are
more
Conspicuous
,
and
expos'd
to
publick
view
and
observation
,
and
the
eyes
of
all
men
are
fix'd
upon
them
,
so
as
they
will
quickly
discern
what
is
amiss
,
nor
are
they
less
forward
to
censure
their
miscarriages
.
Besides
it
is
possible
that
the
Governing
part
may
not
always
consist
of
the
best
men
,
for
ambition
makes
men
Industrious
in
the
pursuit
of
power
,
and
goes
a
shorter
and
generally
a
more
effectual
,
though
less
direct
way
to
obtain
it
.
And
when
they
are
in
possession
,
they
begin
to
discover
that
temper
they
before
Artificially
concealed
,
and
become
more
open
,
since
they
have
less
restraint
.
Lastly
even
Power
it self
is
a
great
temptation
,
and
an
eminent
private
virtue
has
often
times
lost
it self
in
the
Exercise
of
Authority
,
as
weak
heads
grow
giddy
when
they
are
plac'd
upon
a
height
.
But
however
it
comes
to
pass
,
so
it
is
,
that
there
is
no
sort
of
Government
whether
of
Church
or
State
,
which
any
one
that
has
a
mind
to
disgrace
it
,
may
not
shew
to
have
been
in
the
hands
of
very
infamous
Persons
;
and
that
the
best
that
have
possess'd
it
were
not
without
their
faults
.
If
one
have
a
mind
to
Reproach
Monarchy
there
are
Nero's
and
Caligula's
enough
;
nay
Augustus
and
Trajan
,
who
are
reckoned
the
best
of
that
rank
,
had
great
and
some
inexcusable
faults
:
If
one
he
inclin'd
to
raile
against
Common-wealths
:
the
Ingratitude
of
Athene
or
Rome
or
Carthage
towards
their
best
friends
and
preservers
will
furnish
him
with
Infinite
matter
.
If
one
would
Disgrace
Episcopaacy
,
Church
History
is
full
of
evil
contentious
Bishops
,
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
Eusebius
,
Nicomed
,
Nestorius
,
Dioscorus
,
and
innumerable
others
:
and
the
most
Orthodox
and
holy
were
not
without
their
blemishes
.
Theophilus
,
Cyril
,
Epiphanius
had
very
undecent
heats
.
Nay
the
Apostles
themselves
had
a
Judas
,
and
the
rest
of
them
were
not
free
from
misunderstandings
,
which
must
needs
give
great
offence
to
the
Church
:
What
shall
we
do
then
in
this
case
?
Shall
we
submit
to
no
Government
that
has
been
prophan'd
by
evil
administration
?
shall
we
be
of
no
Church
that
has
any
mixture
of
the
world
?
Shall
we
renounce
Monarchy
because
we
have
read
of
Tyrants
?
or
throw
down
Episcopacy
,
because
some
of
that
order
have
been
unworthy
of
it
?
By
this
reason
we
must
have
no
Government
or
order
at
all
,
or
as
the
Apostle
infers
,
we
must
go
out
of
the
world
.
But
since
our
necessities
require
some
kind
of
order
,
and
there
can
no
number
of
men
live
by
any
Common
Rule
,
whether
of
Religion
or
Law
,
without
authority
plac'd
in
some
hands
or
other
to
enforce
it
;
and
since
God
himself
was
pleased
to
appoint
the
kind
of
Government
under
which
his
Church
was
to
be
;
notwithstanding
that
evil
men
might
creep
into
the
office
,
we
remain
still
under
an
Obligation
to
submit
our selves
to
it
,
and
it
is
not
in
our
power
to
alter
that
constitution
.
This
Mr.
B.
and
all
the
Dissenters
will
easily
grant
,
and
therefore
they
say
that
they
contend
only
for
the
Primitive
Institution
of
Church
Government
.
Be
it
so
:
yet
this
long
deduction
of
reproach
and
accusation
does
not
prove
any
thing
to
the
prejudice
of
the
office
;
and
this
notwithstanding
,
Episcopacy
may
be
the
Church
Government
of
the
Apostles
setling
;
for
those
things
that
fill
Mr.
B.'s
Indictment
against
Bishops
are
the
faults
of
the
men
not
of
the
Office
,
and
the
same
miscarriages
may
be
discover'd
in
other
kinds
of
Church
Government
that
are
not
Episcopal
.
And
since
every
project
is
more
plausible
,
and
seems
to
have
fewer
inconveniencies
in
the
Idea
than
in
the
use
;
lest
any
one
for
want
of
experience
,
or
History
,
may
think
Presbytery
,
or
any
Church
Government
that
is
not
Episcopal
to
be
subject
to
no
abuse
or
Disorders
,
I
will
give
a
short
account
of
the
Rise
and
Progress
of
that
form
of
Government
,
that
has
obtain'd
in
such
of
the
Reform'd
Churches
as
have
cast
off
their
Bishops
;
and
shew
that
they
have
suffer'd
under
the
same
Calamities
,
that
had
befallen
Episcopal
Churches
,
and
are
guilty
of
most
of
the
same
things
,
as
requiring
subscriptions
,
Conformity
,
&c.
as
our
Bishops
against
whom
all
this
History
,
and
bitterness
is
directed
.
It
is
not
yet
a
Hundred
and
fifty
years
that
the
Church
has
known
any
other
Government
but
Episcopal
;
and
the
newer
Models
of
Church
Polity
have
obtain'd
but
in
a
small
part
even
of
the
Reform'd
Churches
;
and
that
in
some
places
under
Persecuting
Princes
,
who
more
effectually
keep
under
the
Tares
in
the
field
of
the
Church
,
prevent
excesses
,
and
Unite
the
suffering
Church
,
than
any
sort
of
Church
Government
or
Discipline
whatsoever
:
yet
the
Histories
even
of
these
Churches
can
furnish
too
many
instances
of
Tumult
and
disorder
,
of
Heresies
Schisms
,
and
contentions
,
of
Wars
,
and
Desolations
:
and
if
this
cannot
be
drawn
into
any
argument
against
the
Presbyterian
way
,
there
is
less
reason
it
should
be
urg'd
against
Episcopacy
,
that
for
so
long
time
obtain'd
over
the
Universal
Church
:
which
under
this
constitution
,
had
pass'd
through
fire
and
water
,
and
then
was
brought
into
a
wealthy
place
,
through
distresses
,
and
Persecutions
,
through
all
the
encouragements
of
wealth
and
power
.
And
in
short
,
through
all
the
Tryals
that
can
be
made
by
all
the
differences
of
outward
condition
,
and
Circumstances
.
They
who
fancy
a
time
when
the
Church
had
no
Bishops
,
do
represent
it
as
then
full
of
discord
,
and
Distraction
,
(
I
am
of
Paul
,
and
I
of
Apollo
,
and
I
of
Cephas
.
)
So
that
as
,
they
say
,
it
was
necessary
for
the
preservation
of
peace
and
Unity
to
appoint
one
person
over
the
rest
:
and
if
the
Presbyterian
parity
had
any
place
in
the
Primitive
times
as
some
do
imagine
,
it
must
needs
have
been
an
intolerable
kind
of
Government
,
since
all
on
the
sudden
it
was
Universally
abolish'd
;
it
must
have
given
strange
occasion
of
offence
when
all
the
Christian
Churches
in
the
world
should
conspire
to
Abrogate
this
Polity
,
and
to
destroy
all
the
memory
and
footsteps
of
it
,
so
that
in
the
lamentable
distractions
which
the
Church
fell
into
afterwards
under
Bishops
,
none
should
so
much
as
propose
this
way
of
relief
,
by
returning
to
their
Ancient
Government
;
and
the
people
that
were
so
harrass'd
with
perpetual
contentions
about
their
Bishops
must
either
think
that
there
could
be
no
Church
where
there
was
no
Bishop
,
or
else
that
Presbyterian
parity
,
or
a
Popular
Church
Government
would
occasion
yet
greater
mischiefs
than
those
they
suffer'd
.
That
the
inconveniences
are
not
less
,
will
appear
from
the
experience
of
such
Churches
as
have
cast
off
Episcopacy
,
some
of
which
,
(
at
leastwise
a
good
number
of
very
understanding
men
in
them
,
)
do
at
time
this
wish
that
they
might
be
govern'd
by
Bishops
,
and
conceive
it
to
be
the
only
remedy
for
their
divisions
.
But
besides
that
Heresie
may
spring
where
there
are
no
Bishops
,
as
there
were
none
in
the
Reformation
,
when
those
Monsters
first
appear'd
;
There
can
be
also
bitter
contentions
about
Religion
,
where
Bishops
have
nothing
to
do
.
Luther
,
and
Carolostadius
were
no
Bishops
,
Carolostadius
in
Luthers
.
Absence
Reform'd
the
Church
of
Wittenborg
,
took
away
Images
.
Auricular
Confession
,
&c.
Which
Luther
took
offence
at
,
as
being
done
without
his
Authority
,
or
advice
,
which
was
the
beginning
of
the
Sacramentarian
War
:
and
M.
Adams
blames
them
both
in
these
words
,
visus
est
uterque
cupidior
Gloria
.
Luther
was
angry
that
any
body
should
set
up
himself
a
new
master
in
a
place
where
he
was
so
much
concerned
,
and
could
not
indure
,
Ordinationes
suas
in
Populo
pressâ
mea
authoritate
erigi
:
And
this
contention
was
so
Exasperated
that
after
a
Conference
,
Carolostadius
was
Banished
from
Turingia
by
the
Elector
of
Saxonie's
order
,
and
the
instigation
of
Luther
;
and
some
other
Ministers
were
turn'd
out
of
their
places
upon
the
same
Account
:
and
the
sufferer
did
not
spare
to
render
all
this
Treatment
as
Invidious
as
he
could
,
and
therefore
writes
a
Letter
to
the
people
of
Orlamund
,
Subscribed
A.
Bodenstein
,
non
Auditus
,
non
Convictus
,
à
Martino
Luthero
Ejectus
:
If
Bishops
or
their
Councils
had
been
concern'd
in
this
,
what
Bitter
Reflections
should
we
have
upon
the
Prelatical
persecuting
Spirit
?
But
it
seems
other
men
as
well
as
Bishops
have
passions
,
and
may
disturb
the
Church
:
Yet
we
are
not
to
aggravate
,
but
to
cover
as
much
as
we
can
the
frailties
of
great
persons
,
and
to
retain
still
a
Reverence
for
the
Authority
of
their
Offices
,
and
their
Personal
Excellences
.
But
whereever
the
Lutheran
Reformation
was
received
,
Diocesan
Episcopacy
soon
became
the
Church
Government
;
and
I
believe
it
will
be
found
to
have
preserv'd
those
Churches
in
as
great
peace
and
Unity
,
if
not
more
,
than
those
had
that
were
Governed
without
Bishops
.
The
Churches
of
Sweden
and
Denmark
never
knew
what
Schism
or
Heresie
was
,
but
by
reading
or
hear-say
:
and
those
of
Germany
,
though
something
more
disquieted
,
yet
it
was
seldom
from
within
,
but
by
Projects
of
Union
with
other
Churches
under
a
different
kind
of
Polity
,
as
well
as
of
different
opinions
in
some
points
of
Religion
:
It
is
to
be
wish'd
that
the
Churches
of
the
Ausburg
Confession
,
as
they
took
care
to
preserve
the
Antient
form
of
Church
Governmet
,
had
been
also
a
little
more
careful
in
the
point
of
Ordination
:
For
their
Bishops
,
though
they
have
the
same
authority
with
Diocesans
,
yet
were
at
first
ordain'd
but
by
Presbyters
;
and
the
Principles
of
those
Churches
touching
the
right
of
ordination
are
so
loose
,
that
I
believe
those
of
the
Presbyterian
Discipline
will
hardly
allow
them
.
Hunnius
defending
their
Ordinations
,
says
,
the
power
is
in
the
Church
diffusive
;
and
that
it
may
be
conveyed
,
not
only
by
Bishops
or
Presbyters
,
but
by
Deacons
,
or
any
body
else
if
the
Church
think
fit
:
and
I
am
afraid
the
Practice
of
some
of
those
Churches
is
not
otherwise
to
be
justifi'd
.
But
before
this
Lutheran
Reformation
,
was
that
of
the
Bohemians
;
not
that
of
the
Calixtins
only
,
but
the
Vnitas
fratrum
Bohemorum
;
whose
Churches
were
govern'd
by
Diocesan
Bishops
;
and
where
Discipline
was
so
far
from
being
Impossible
,
It
is
time
now
to
Return
to
the
Principal
Design
,
which
was
to
shew
,
how
no
other
form
of
Government
can
secure
the
Church
from
Heresie
,
Schism
,
and
Contention
,
any
more
than
Episcopacy
;
and
that
those
Churches
which
put
themselvs
under
new
Models
of
Government
and
discipline
,
have
been
excercis'd
with
Schism
,
Heresie
,
and
Sedition
,
no
less
than
those
under
Episcopacy
.
The
Churches
which
follow'd
the
Reformation
of
Zuinglius
had
at
first
no
Government
nor
discipline
that
was
properly
,
Ecclesiastical
.
All
authority
rested
in
the
Civil
Magistrate
,
and
the
Ministers
did
only
preach
and
administer
the
Sacraments
without
excluding
any
.
It
was
from
this
practice
(
I
suppose
)
that
the
Divines
of
that
way
came
to
speak
generally
so
loosely
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
making
it
all
to
consist
in
preaching
,
without
any
regard
to
Ecclesiastical
discipline
.
But
the
Licentiousness
that
followed
this
defect
of
Discipline
and
Government
,
soon
open'd
the
eyes
of
the
Ministers
,
who
Complain'd
passionately
of
the
Increase
of
Libertinism
under
pretence
of
Reformation
;
and
endeavour'd
to
make
the
people
sensible
,
that
there
is
more
required
to
make
a
true
Protestant
,
than
to
Renounce
the
Pope
,
and
Transubstantiation
;
and
that
the
Notion
of
a
Church
did
imply
something
more
than
a
Company
of
sound
believers
met
together
to
hear
a
Sermon
.
Calvin
,
a
person
of
extraordinary
Abilities
,
was
one
of
the
first
that
observ'd
and
Complain'd
of
this
defect
in
the
Reformation
;
and
endeavour'd
to
Remedy
it
in
the
Church
where
he
was
Pastour
,
by
Establishing
an
Ecclesiastical
Government
:
But
as
to
the
Rigours
of
that
Discipline
,
I
suppose
the
Highest
Tyranny
of
Epilcopacay
can
hardly
match
them
.
One
was
put
to
death
at
Geneva
for
Libelling
Calvin
:
I
wish
the
Majesty
of
Kings
were
so
Sacred
to
the
men
of
this
way
.
Another
was
banished
the
City
for
preaching
against
Predestination
,
a
hard
punishment
for
weakness
of
understanding
.
Servetus
was
burn'd
for
Heresie
;
by
the
Instigation
of
Calvin
and
the
Minsters
of
Geneva
,
and
such
others
of
the
Neighbour
hood
as
they
could
engage
in
that
cause
;
which
occasioned
no
small
disputes
between
them
,
and
some
other
more
Moderate
Divines
:
the
Case
of
Ithacius
and
the
bloody
Bishops
,
as
Mr.
B.
calls
them
,
was
not
half
so
odious
:
for
this
Heretick
Servetus
was
burn'd
for
opinions
only
,
the
Priscillianists
for
lewd
abominable
Practices
besides
.
Nor
did
Geneva
only
feel
the
evil
effects
of
this
unepiscopal
Government
,
but
it
had
in
a
little
while
an
unhappy
Influence
upon
the
Neighbouring
Churches
of
Suitzerland
.
Erastus
having
published
his
Theses
of
Excommunication
,
was
confuted
by
Beza
;
yet
there
remain'd
still
several
Ministers
dissatisfi'd
;
as
Bullinger
,
Gualter
and
diverse
others
.
This
occasion'd
very
great
jealousies
between
the
several
Parties
,
and
it
had
almost
come
to
a
Rupture
.
The
Churches
of
the
Palatinate
were
no
less
shaken
with
this
new
Controversie
,
From
Geneva
this
Government
was
brought
into
the
Churches
of
France
.
But
what
success
it
had
there
,
the
Miserable
distractions
and
wars
that
presently
follow'd
do
sufficiently
declare
:
I
do
not
charge
all
that
Tragedy
upon
this
Government
;
but
it
seems
it
cannot
prevent
Tumults
,
and
Sedition
,
and
War
,
any
more
than
Episcopacy
:
For
with
what
violence
the
Reformation
was
carried
on
in
many
parts
of
that
Kingdom
,
is
not
unknown
to
any
that
has
but
look'd
into
the
Histories
of
those
times
.
There
were
some
very
wise
men
who
understood
the
condition
of
that
Kingdom
,
of
opinion
,
that
had
the
Reformation
there
proceeded
with
more
Moderation
,
and
been
content
to
have
left
the
Ancient
Government
,
and
some
observances
of
unquestionable
Antiquity
,
that
Kingdom
was
in
a
great
disposition
to
receive
it
:
and
in
probability
all
the
following
Wars
,
and
bloodshed
about
Religion
would
have
been
prevented
.
That
the
Reformed
Churches
of
France
had
no
considerable
differences
between
them
,
is
owing
not
so
much
to
the
Constitution
of
their
Government
,
as
to
their
Common
danger
:
which
United
them
closer
than
all
the
bands
of
Discipline
and
Government
.
Besides
,
when
they
obtained
some
Edicts
in
favour
of
their
Religion
,
they
Extended
them
only
to
such
as
their
Churches
would
own
;
and
so
every
dissenter
from
them
,
was
left
to
the
Rigour
of
the
Laws
against
Hereticks
,
and
enjoy'd
no
benefit
of
that
Protection
which
the
Reformed
Churches
were
to
have
.
Upon
this
account
the
Lutherans
(
of
whom
there
were
many
in
that
Kingdom
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
)
were
oblig'd
either
to
Conform
to
the
Rule
of
those
Churches
,
or
to
leave
the
Country
:
and
these
necessities
kept
them
along
while
Undivided
.
Besides
this
,
the
affairs
of
that
Reformation
were
manag'd
,
not
so
much
by
their
Ministers
,
as
by
the
great
Persons
who
were
the
Heads
of
that
party
:
and
their
Synods
were
imploy'd
not
so
much
in
making
Ecclesiastical
Canons
;
as
in
taking
effectual
measures
for
their
mutual
defence
and
preservation
;
in
receiving
assurances
of
Protection
from
foreign
Princes
;
And
yet
they
were
not
without
their
differences
about
Religion
among
themselves
.
Some
Ministers
starting
new
and
unprofitable
questions
in
Divinity
,
their
remedy
was
no
other
than
that
of
the
Ancients
,
to
condemn
such
opinions
as
they
judged
to
be
dangerous
by
the
Authority
of
their
Synods
:
and
they
descended
to
take
notice
of
very
trifling
subtilties
some
times
,
such
being
unregarded
,
would
perhaps
have
died
of
themselves
.
The
Synod
of
Saumur
condemned
a
Minister
of
Poictou
for
questioning
the
Humanity
of
Christ
when
he
lay
in
the
Grave
,
and
the
same
Assembly
condemned
the
Doctrine
of
a
Suiss
,
not
under
their
jurisdiction
,
about
justification
by
works
after
Regeneration
,
a
Controversie
meerly
about
words
;
another
Synod
at
Gap
.
declared
against
the
Doctrine
of
Piscator
about
Justification
,
which
Alarm'd
some
of
the
Reformed
Churches
;
but
the
Prudence
of
Du
Plessis
prevented
any
mischief
that
might
have
ensu'd
,
by
stopping
the
proceedings
of
that
Synod
.
P.
D.
Moulin
and
Tilenus
happen'd
to
have
some
difference
of
a
dangerous
nature
,
about
the
Mystery
of
the
Incarnation
:
and
notwithstanding
these
great
Professours
had
learning
and
distinctions
enough
,
(
which
Mr.
B.
says
the
Ancients
that
first
mov'd
this
Controversie
wanted
,
)
yet
they
could
by
no
means
agree
about
it
;
and
disputes
about
Person
,
Nature
,
Properties
had
like
to
have
endanger'd
the
peace
of
those
Churches
.
But
how
was
it
prevented
?
The
Litigants
were
too
considerable
to
be
pass'd
by
with
Contempt
,
and
the
subject
of
the
difference
was
of
so
high
a
nature
,
that
it
ought
not
to
be
left
to
the
hazard
of
so
slight
a
remedy
:
How
then
was
this
Controversie
decided
?
Not
by
Niceness
of
Distinction
;
no●
by
distingushing
nature
into
9
sorts
,
or
spliting
of
Notions
;
But
the
wise
Du
Plessis
having
got
their
Papers
into
his
hands
burn'd
them
altogether
:
and
the
fire
(
without
making
distinction
between
the
Orthodox
,
and
Heretical
sence
)
put
an
end
to
that
Controversie
.
Amyraldus
,
Dallee
,
Blondel
,
and
several
others
were
look'd
upon
as
little
better
than
Hereticks
;
and
their
Doctrine
about
Original
sin
condemn'd
in
a
National
Synod
at
Charenton
,
and
an
Abjuration
of
it
requir'd
by
all
those
that
were
to
enter
into
holy
orders
;
and
a
stricct
Injunction
was
layd
on
all
Ministers
upon
pain
of
all
the
Censures
of
the
Church
,
not
to
preach
any
other
wise
of
this
point
than
according
to
the
Common
opinion
.
And
all
this
stir
,
as
Blondel
deduces
it
,
If
we
Consult
the
History
of
the
Reform'd
Churches
in
the
Vnited
Netherlands
,
We
shall
be
farther
confirm'd
that
Heresie
,
Schifm
,
and
contention
,
may
arise
under
other
forms
of
Church
Government
as
well
as
Episcopal
;
and
the
parity
of
Ministers
cannot
remove
all
occasions
of
Strise
,
and
Disturbance
;
and
many
eminent
men
of
that
Church
are
said
to
be
very
sensible
of
this
truth
,
and
to
look
upon
Episcopacy
as
the
most
effectual
remedy
in
the
world
for
their
Divisions
.
The
Church
Government
of
that
Country
was
not
establish'd
without
great
trouble
and
difficulty
;
and
occasion'd
no
small
disturbance
;
the
Ministers
taking
an
authority
to
themselves
of
setling
the
Church
as
they
thought
fit
without
the
consent
and
Concurrence
of
the
Magistrates
.
The
first
Synod
they
held
,
was
at
Dort
,
assembl'd
without
the
permission
of
the
Civil
Authority
;
Netherland
Confession
,
and
to
submit
themselves
to
the
Presbyterian
Government
.
(
It
seems
the
Bishops
are
not
the
only
Church
.
Governours
in
the
world
that
require
subscriptions
and
Canonical
obedience
,
)
Nor
were
the
Ministers
only
bound
to
subscribe
,
but
all
the
Lay
Elders
,
and
Deacons
,
were
to
declare
Assent
and
Consent
to
the
Articles
of
Discipline
.
The
Civil
Magistrate
was
very
much
offended
with
these
Proceedings
and
would
by
no
means
confirm
,
no
not
so
much
as
take
into
Consideration
the
acts
of
this
Synod
:
but
said
they
would
take
care
of
Religion
themselves
,
and
appoint
Commissioners
to
put
in
,
and
put
out
Preachers
as
they
should
think
Expedient
;
and
as
for
their
Consistories
and
Classes
,
they
declared
they
knew
of
no
Power
they
had
.
The
Ministers
on
the
other
side
Preach'd
up
their
own
authority
;
and
vilifi'd
the
States
,
calling
them
in
derision
Stakes
.
But
the
effect
of
this
Contention
about
Presbyterian
Government
was
very
sad
;
for
while
they
were
quarreling
about
Jurisdiction
the
Spaniards
made
great
Advances
,
and
took
several
Towns
in
Holland
.
The
Synod
of
Middlebrough
An.
1581.
I
deliver
thee
up
to
Satan
;
something
more
harsh
than
the
Anathema's
of
Bishops
and
their
Councils
.
Here
also
they
condemn'd
Kaspers
Colhaes
Minister
of
Leyden
for
unsound
Doctrine
.
But
he
would
not
stand
to
the
judgment
of
this
Synod
,
that
was
Judge
and
Party
both
,
and
this
occasion'd
strange
disorders
in
the
Church
of
Leyden
,
which
continu'd
still
a
kindness
for
their
Pastor
notwithstanding
this
condemnation
,
and
the
Excommunication
of
the
Synod
at
Harlem
.
However
prevail'd
they
so
far
,
that
he
was
turn'd
out
of
his
Ministry
,
and
forc'd
to
betake
himself
to
a
mean
employment
.
This
caus'd
great
discontents
among
the
Common
people
,
many
of
them
fell
off
to
other
opinions
,
and
there
was
no
Communion
administred
in
that
City
for
a
year
and
a
half
;
and
when
there
was
a
Communion
in
the
year
82
there
were
not
a
hundred
persons
present
at
it
:
If
these
Synods
had
been
Episcopal
what
Clamour
might
we
have
expected
?
What
Animadversions
?
But
others
can
disturb
the
Church
as
well
as
Bishops
.
The
Synod
held
at
Harlem
did
but
encrease
their
confusion
.
For
by
the
Excommunication
of
Colhaes
and
other
proceedings
,
they
brought
all
things
to
that
confusion
,
that
the
Prince
of
Orange
told
the
States
roundly
,
that
unless
they
took
some
care
to
settle
the
Church
,
which
was
daily
more
and
more
distracted
by
the
Presbyterial
Synods
,
they
must
expect
that
the
Reform'd
Religion
,
and
their
Country
,
would
be
unavoidably
lost
.
They
according
to
his
advice
empower'd
Commissioners
to
settle
the
affairs
of
Religion
;
which
establishment
the
North
Holland
Ministers
in
a
Synod
at
Amsterdam
publickly
protested
against
.
At
Dort
,
Herman
Herberts
Minister
of
the
place
was
accused
of
having
caus'd
a
Book
of
D.
George
to
be
be
printed
,
which
he
absolutely
deny'd
:
and
the
proceedings
were
so
extraordinary
,
that
one
of
the
Commissiners
that
sate
with
the
Classes
upon
that
occasion
,
said
that
he
had
read
much
of
the
Spanish
Inquisition
,
But
these
were
but
slight
differences
in
respect
of
that
which
follow'd
,
that
fatal
Schism
I
mean
occasion'd
by
the
Arminian
Controversie
.
The
seeds
of
it
had
lain
in
that
Church
from
the
beginning
;
and
Colhaes
,
●uyrhuis
,
Herberts
,
I'o
●hert
,
and
divers
o●hers
had
declared
themselves
against
the
received
confession
and
Catechism
of
those
Churches
long
before
Arminius
.
But
his
authority
and
learning
bore
up
against
the
Current
of
the
contrary
Doctrine
,
that
had
overborn
such
as
before
that
had
oppos'd
it
:
After
the
Synod
of
Dort
,
though
all
means
were
us'd
to
suppress
the
Remonstrants
,
yet
they
remain
still
in
separate
Assemblies
,
and
the
unhappy
breach
continues
to
this
day
,
without
any
probability
of
being
made
up
.
When
they
had
tir'd
themselves
and
the
world
with
this
Controversie
,
they
were
diverted
with
new
matter
of
dispute
;
the
names
of
Voetius
and
Cocceius
,
rather
than
any
difference
between
their
Doctrine
,
disturb'd
again
the
peace
of
those
Churches
.
And
though
the
ground
of
the
quarrel
is
scarce
perceivable
,
yet
it
is
hardly
to
be
imagin'd
how
great
the
Animosities
are
.
This
indeed
never
came
to
a
formal
Schism
,
yet
it
has
divided
those
Churches
into
formal
parties
;
and
in
some
occasions
the
quarrel
seems
of
more
than
ordinary
consequence
;
and
has
great
influence
upon
the
Promotions
of
the
Ministry
;
and
the
Affections
of
several
Cites
are
determin'd
to
this
or
that
party
.
And
as
these
Presbyterian
Churches
have
been
afflicted
with
Schism
and
contentions
,
so
they
have
been
sensible
of
the
mischiefs
of
Heresie
,
and
labour
more
than
any
part
of
the
Christian
world
under
the
Infamy
of
them
.
Here
the
Ministers
have
no
great
Revenues
,
nor
dignities
,
nor
Power
;
and
here
are
no
Patriarchs
,
nor
Bishops
;
and
yet
Heresies
makes
a
shift
to
thrive
;
Arians
,
Socinians
,
Menonists
,
Labadyists
,
and
diverse
others
;
they
are
neglected
,
no
general
Councils
disturb
the
enjoyment
of
their
errors
,
and
yet
they
abound
,
and
are
pertinacious
.
Nor
is
it
a
wonder
they
take
such
deep
root
in
Presbyterian
Churches
;
for
of
late
,
like
Storks
,
they
have
affected
a
republican
Church
above
all
others
;
and
it
is
observable
that
in
these
last
ages
,
there
have
been
no
Hereticks
that
have
not
been
likewise
Anti-Episcopal
;
and
at
the
same
time
that
they
become
enemies
of
the
truth
,
they
declare
war
against
the
Bishops
who
are
the
Guardians
of
it
.
If
it
be
objected
that
our
Country
swarms
with
this
Vermin
too
,
it
ought
to
be
considered
from
whence
they
came
to
be
so
rife
among
us
.
It
was
the
taking
away
of
Episcopacy
that
opened
such
a
door
to
errors
;
and
there
were
more
Heresies
started
here
in
the
space
of
four
years
after
Bishops
had
been
laid
aside
,
if
Edwards
reckons
right
,
than
have
been
known
in
the
Universal
Church
from
the
foundation
of
it
to
that
time
.
And
those
that
fall
into
Herefie
here
,
do
it
commonly
by
degrees
;
They
begin
with
Schism
,
and
end
in
Enthusiasm
and
madness
;
first
they
are
Presbyterians
,
and
then
,
if
that
dispensation
be
not
spiritual
enough
,
they
are
improv'd
in
to
Independents
,
and
from
thence
to
the
fifth
Monarchy
or
Quakerism
.
All
the
extravagant
Heresies
among
us
are
but
the
spawns
of
the
first
Schism
,
and
the
consequences
of
those
Principles
of
Separation
that
draw
them
from
the
Communion
of
the
Bishop
.
The
Church
of
Scotland
has
felt
the
Distractions
occasion'd
by
this
Parity
of
Ministers
more
than
any
of
her
Neighbours
;
and
though
it
has
not
been
divided
by
a
formal
Schisin
'till
of
late
,
yet
from
the
first
setting
up
of
this
Government
,
it
has
been
exercis'd
with
perpetual
contentions
,
and
Tumults
,
and
Sedition
,
about
Church
Discipline
.
Mr.
B.
tells
us
that
,
The
Church
of
Scotland
is
an
Eminent
instance
,
that
Churches
which
have
no
Bishops
have
incomparably
less
Heresie
,
Schism
,
wickedness
,
and
more
concord
than
we
have
here
.
For
the
concord
of
that
Church
,
it
was
much
greater
while
it
continu'd
under
Superintendents
and
Bishops
,
than
it
has
been
since
Andrew
Melvil
diiturli'd
it
with
the
Perfection
of
the
Geneva
Discipline
and
Government
.
For
a
long
time
after
,
all
the
Disputes
about
Religion
were
reduc'd
into
one
point
of
Ecclesiastical
sovereign
jurisdiction
;
which
they
disputed
against
the
King
and
the
Government
,
with
such
perpetual
Seditions
,
and
Treasons
,
as
at
last
engag'd
three
Kingdoms
in
most
unnatural
and
bloody
Wars
;
which
ended
in
the
slavery
of
them
all
,
and
particularly
of
those
that
were
the
first
Incendiaries
,
through
the
wise
and
just
judgment
of
God
.
What
Schism
there
arose
in
the
late
times
,
between
the
disciplinarians
,
and
the
rest
;
and
what
disturbances
the
same
sort
of
men
have
given
of
late
;
is
too
well
known
to
need
a
relation
,
and
the
field
Conventieles
still
witness
.
But
because
Mr.
B.
would
perswade
us
that
there
is
such
great
concord
to
be
found
in
Anti-Episcopal
Churches
,
and
particularly
in
this
;
I
will
give
one
Instance
,
that
shall
let
the
reader
see
how
far
this
way
is
from
establishing
a
lasting
Concord
;
and
withal
how
this
parity
that
is
pretended
,
is
really
no
more
than
a
pretence
,
the
leading
men
against
Bishops
commonly
assuming
greater
authority
,
and
exercising
it
with
greater
Absoluteness
,
and
more
Impatient
of
being
oppos'd
and
contradicted
,
than
any
Bishops
who
are
legally
Invested
with
power
.
There
happen'd
a
great
division
in
the
Presbytery
of
St.
Th.
Buchanan
;
so
hard
it
was
for
one
Presbyterial
Diocese
to
hold
two
Topping
Presbyters
.
The
observation
that
follows
the
relation
of
this
difference
in
Spotswood
is
very
remarkable
:
Thus
was
that
great
strife
pacifi'd
;
which
many
held
to
be
Ominous
,
and
that
the
Government
which
in
the
beginning
did
break
forth
into
such
Schisms
,
could
not
long
continue
;
for
this
every
man
noted
,
That
of
all
men
none
could
worse
endure
Parity
,
and
lov'd
more
to
Command
than
they
who
had
introduc'd
it
into
the
Church
.
This
sort
of
men
did
afterwards
make
not
only
a
formal
Schism
,
and
insurrection
against
those
Bishops
plac'd
over
them
by
authority
,
but
after
that
Episcopacy
was
abolish'd
in
Scotland
,
could
be
as
little
at
peace
among
themselves
.
They
were
in
the
first
place
divided
about
the
receiving
the
King
,
and
the
Conditions
to
be
Impos'd
upon
him
;
and
in
this
they
proceeded
even
to
the
Excommunication
of
one
another
.
After
his
Majesties
Restauration
,
when
Episcopacy
was
again
establish'd
in
the
Church
:
the
Presbyterians
who
separated
from
the
Communion
of
the
Bishops
,
were
divided
yet
among
themselves
some
accepting
the
Kings
Indulgence
and
Licence
to
Preach
,
others
renouncing
it
as
derogatory
to
the
Kingdom
of
Jesus
Christ
:
and
upon
this
they
parted
Communion
;
Nor
could
these
resolute
Renouncers
of
Indulgence
agree
yet
among
themselves
,
about
the
measure
of
their
Contempt
of
authority
;
some
were
content
to
Conventicle
,
and
Preach
against
the
Kings
order
,
and
carry
their
Contempt
no
farther
;
the
others
under
Cameron
were
more
fiercely
Zealous
,
and
thought
themselves
oblig'd
by
the
Covenant
to
attempt
the
deposing
of
the
King
,
as
they
manifested
(
besides
their
several
Writings
to
that
effect
,
)
by
two
formal
Rebellions
:
These
are
the
fruits
,
this
the
Peace
and
Unity
that
Presbytery
,
and
the
Scotch
Covenant
produc'd
,
the
Covenant
so
much
Idolz'd
once
by
our
Presbyterians
of
England
,
and
which
notwithstanding
all
the
Mischiefs
that
attended
it
here
,
and
do
still
issue
from
it
in
Scotland
,
they
are
yet
loth
to
renounce
,
though
required
so
to
do
by
all
the
Authority
in
the
Nation
.
But
what
is
all
this
to
Congregational
Episcopacy
?
It
is
not
Presbytery
,
but
this
that
Mr.
B.
Contends
for
:
He
is
for
Bishops
,
and
would
only
pare
off
the
superfluities
of
their
Dioceses
,
and
reduce
them
to
their
first
bounds
.
To
which
I
answer
:
First
,
That
Mr.
B.'s
.
Congregational
Bishop
and
Parish
Presbyter
is
all
one
;
and
he
has
taken
so
much
pains
to
prove
it
in
his
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
that
it
were
an
injury
to
his
sincerity
to
question
his
opinion
of
it
.
But
Secondly
,
That
there
was
some
necessity
to
say
all
this
of
Presbyterian
Governments
being
subject
to
Heresies
and
Schisms
as
well
as
Episcopal
;
because
Mr.
B.
himself
had
made
the
comparison
between
them
;
and
charg'd
all
Schisms
and
Heresies
upon
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
as
the
fault
of
the
constitution
;
it
was
therefore
necessary
to
see
how
all
sorts
of
Governments
of
the
Church
,
as
well
as
of
the
State
,
may
be
disturb'd
by
evil
and
factious
men
,
and
are
subject
to
great
inconveniences
when
they
fall
into
evil
hands
.
But
then
what
Schisms
can
be
imputed
to
this
Congregational
way
?
This
cannot
well
be
answered
without
asking
a
question
:
was
this
Congregational
Episcopacy
ever
establish'd
in
any
Churches
?
If
not
,
it
will
be
as
hard
a
matter
to
shew
what
mischief
,
it
has
occasion'd
as
it
is
to
discover
what
Civil
Wars
happen'd
in
Plato's
Common-wealth
,
or
to
reckon
the
Differences
of
Sects
of
Philosophers
in
the
College
of
Atlantis
.
If
this
Government
has
been
set
up
any
where
,
it
is
but
naming
the
time
and
place
,
and
it
may
be
that
some
account
may
be
given
of
the
Schisms
and
Heresies
that
molested
it
.
Mr.
B.
contends
it
was
the
first
,
Apostolical
,
and
Scripture
constitution
:
and
shews
at
large
that
a
Church
was
but
one
Congregation
,
and
a
Bishop
could
have
but
one
Church
.
Well
:
but
there
were
Schisms
and
Heresies
then
:
and
St.
Paul
makes
frequent
complaints
of
them
.
Or
if
this
sort
of
Government
continu'd
for
some
Centuries
after
,
as
Mr.
B.
would
make
it
appear
;
it
must
be
likewise
granted
that
there
never
were
greater
and
more
Blasphemous
Heresies
than
in
those
times
,
and
for
Schisms
,
they
could
not
be
avoided
,
it
seems
,
and
though
a
Diocese
were
but
one
Congregation
;
the
Presbyters
could
not
agree
who
should
govern
that
,
but
divided
it
into
separate
Assemblies
.
But
to
this
Mr.
B.
Answers
,
That
the
Multitude
of
Sects
and
Heresies
that
sprung
up
in
the
first
and
second
and
third
ages
of
the
Church
was
no
dishonour
to
the
form
of
Government
then
us'd
in
the
Church
,
as
should
encourage
any
man
to
dislike
or
change
it
.
Why
then
does
he
endeavour
to
dishonour
Diocesan
Episcopacy
upon
this
very
reason
?
and
why
does
he
reproach
it
with
the
Schisms
and
Heresies
that
happen'd
under
that
government
?
But
no
man
can
reason
against
Mr.
B.
better
than
himself
does
in
the
very
same
Paragraph
;
it
is
but
taking
away
the
word
Prelacy
,
and
putting
in
the
stead
of
it
Congregational
Episcopacy
,
and
then
nothing
can
be
more
full
to
our
purpose
.
If
it
was
Congregational
Episcopacy
that
was
us'd
,
then
Swarms
of
Sects
and
Heresies
may
come
in
notwithstanding
Congregational
Episcopacy
(
even
in
better
hands
than
yours
)
.
But
if
it
was
not
Congregational
Episcopacy
that
was
then
the
Government
(
but
Diocesan
Episcopacy
)
Heresies
are
no
more
a
shame
to
that
Government
now
:
I
wish
Mr.
B.
had
consider'd
this
place
when
he
conceiv'd
the
first
design
of
his
Church
History
:
perhaps
he
might
have
seen
the
Inconsequence
of
his
design
to
dishonour
Bishops
and
their
Councils
,
from
a
long
deduction
of
Schisms
and
Heresies
which
he
lays
at
their
door
,
and
have
forborn
giving
this
just
offence
to
all
that
have
any
real
concern
for
the
Honour
of
Christian
Religion
,
which
is
no
less
concern'd
in
all
these
disgraces
than
Episcopacy
.
Yet
I
shall
willingly
discharge
Congregational
Episcopacy
from
any
Imputation
of
those
evils
that
disturb'd
the
Church
in
the
first
times
,
and
be
content
Mr.
B.
should
lay
it
all
to
the
account
of
Diocesan
Government
,
which
I
shall
shew
at
large
in
the
next
Chapter
to
have
been
the
Constitution
of
the
Primitive
Churches
;
in
the
mean
time
,
I
must
enquire
a
little
farther
after
the
Glorious
fruit
of
this
Congregational
Episcopacy
.
If
the
Ancient
Church
was
quite
a
stranger
to
this
kind
of
Episcopacy
,
it
will
be
a
harder
matter
to
find
it
in
latter
ages
,
since
Mr.
B.
tells
us
that
Bishopricks
were
enlarged
so
enormously
in
process
of
time
,
that
several
Cathedrals
were
turn'd
into
Chapels
,
and
instead
of
,
one
Congregation
every
Bishop
had
several
Scores
and
Hundreds
:
And
the
Reformation
where
it
retain'd
Bishops
,
made
them
all
Diocesans
,
and
set
them
over
several
Congregational
Churches
;
thus
the
Bohemians
,
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
and
some
parts
of
Germany
:
besides
these
three
Kingdoms
.
Where
they
Abolish'd
Episcopal
,
Government
,
they
threw
away
the
Titles
too
,
so
that
if
Mr.
B.'s
kind
of
Episcopacy
obtain'd
any
where
,
it
must
be
under
another
name
,
therefore
that
we
may
discover
it
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
give
a
short
desoription
of
it
,
and
then
we
may
possibly
find
it
to
have
acted
under
the
disguise
of
another
name
.
This
Congregational
Bishop
then
,
Disp.
p.
164.165
.
he
may
Interpret
it
to
be
sufficient
authority
to
preach
,
Administer
the
Sacraments
,
&c.
Nay
is
oblig'd
to
do
the
Office
of
a
Bishop
or
Elder
.
Disp.
p.
347.
So
that
no
other
Bishop
or
Synod
has
any
power
or
Superiority
over
it
but
by
its
own
consent
:
and
then
consequently
no
particular
Congregation
is
obli'd
to
enter
into
any
association
at
all
:
but
may
▪
refuse
to
submit
to
any
Synod
:
nay
if
it
be
left
in
this
liberty
and
Independence
by
Christ
,
it
ought
not
to
engage
with
any
associations
as
should
be
prejudicial
to
that
original
liberty
:
and
consequently
set
and
determin'd
Synods
are
to
be
avoided
,
and
since
they
are
only
prudential
means
of
preserving
good
correspondence
between
neighbour
Churches
,
it
is
enough
,
they
should
be
occasional
.
And
what
is
all
this
but
the
Picture
of
Independency
;
and
the
Congregational
Episcopacy
upon
Examinations
proves
nothing
else
but
Congregational
Eldership
.
What
a
Healing
constitution
this
is
,
I
shall
shew
first
by
matter
of
fact
.
Secondly
I
shall
shew
the
natural
tendence
of
such
a
Government
to
endless
discord
and
division
,
that
the
Schisms
and
Heresies
that
it
has
hatch'd
were
not
accidental
,
but
proceeded
from
the
nature
of
the
Government
it self
.
1.
Some
derive
this
Congregational
way
from
Socinus
,
And
that
his
credit
in
our
Vniversities
was
the
first
means
to
bring
this
conceit
in
Religion
among
us
:
For
about
the
time
that
he
was
most
cryed
up
in
them
,
Brown
and
Barrow
published
it
.
And
R.
Baly
,
who
indeavours
to
relieve
the
English
Presbyterians
from
the
imputation
of
having
begot
this
ill-faced
Child
,
Disswasive
.
p.
12.13
.
(
as
he
calls
it
)
would
fain
also
Father
it
upon
Morellius
,
who
(
as
he
thinks
)
learned
from
the
Disciples
of
Munster
,
this
Ecclesiastical
Anarchy
:
But
whoever
were
the
Authors
of
it
,
(
and
none
of
those
yet
named
can
give
it
any
great
reputation
,
)
it
is
certain
that
the
Fruits
of
it
are
to
be
found
only
amongst
our selves
,
where
it
happened
to
take
root
,
and
grow
up
into
something
considerable
.
The
Brownists
or
those
of
the
separation
,
laid
the
first
Foundations
of
Independency
among
us
:
and
though
they
had
so
few
followers
at
first
,
not
exceeding
one
Congregation
,
so
as
not
to
have
any
occasion
of
entering
into
any
measures
of
a
general
Unity
:
yet
they
declared
for
the
independence
of
Congregations
,
and
that
no
Diocesan
Prelacy
,
or
Presbytery
had
any
Authority
over
Congregational
Churches
.
Rob.
Brown
,
who
gave
the
name
to
the
Brownists
(
though
Bolton
had
led
that
way
to
separation
twenty
years
before
)
seems
to
have
made
the
first
step
towards
this
Congregational
way
,
Brown
in
the
column
intituled
the
state
of
Christians
.
50.
Art
51.
but
he
speaks
of
it
something
more
obscurely
:
Who
have
the
grace
and
office
of
watching
and
guiding
?
The
Answer
is
,
Some
have
this
Charge
together
,
which
cannot
be
sundred
:
Some
have
their
several
charge
over
many
Churches
,
some
have
charge
but
in
one
Church
only
:
How
have
some
their
charge
and
office
together
?
Ans.
There
be
Synods
or
the
meetings
of
sundry
Churches
,
where
the
weaker
Churches
seek
for
help
to
the
stronger
,
for
deciding
or
redressing
of
matter
,
or
else
the
stronger
look
to
them
for
redress
:
Who
have
their
several
charge
over
many
Churches
?
Ans.
Apostles
,
Prophets
,
Helpers
or
Evangelists
:
Nor
does
he
determine
whether
any
may
succeed
to
this
general
inspection
or
no.
Those
that
followed
,
delivered
themselves
with
greater
clearness
upon
this
point
:
the
Bishops
Antichristian
,
because
they
take
upon
them
to
oversee
so
many
Pastors
and
Churches
:
And
in
another
treatise
,
where
they
answer
this
Question
,
whether
the
Queen
may
be
excommunicated
by
the
Presbyterie
,
they
say
,
That
they
detest
the
power
of
any
Person
or
Presbytery
,
usurping
Authority
over
the
Church
:
No
Presbytery
can
do
any
thing
of
this
kind
without
the
consent
of
the
whole
Congregation
,
—
but
That
the
Congregation
whereof
the
Prince
is
,
may
Excommunicate
him
:
Ainsworth
went
the
same
way
,
and
declared
himself
in
these
words
.
We
find
no
Authority
committed
to
our
Congregation
over
another
,
for
Excommunicating
the
same
,
as
every
Church
has
over
her
own
members
:
Christ
reserveth
this
power
in
his
own
hands
.
Barrow
affirms
,
Gifford
.
137.
that
ordinary
set
Synods
are
as
prejudicial
to
the
Rights
of
the
Church
as
the
other
,
i.e.
Diocesan
Episcopacy
.
But
Johnson
was
the
first
that
cleared
this
point
,
and
treated
of
it
particularly
:
That
all
particular
Churches
,
with
their
Pastors
do
stand
immediately
under
Jesus
Christ
their
Arch
Pastor
,
without
any
other
strange
Ecclesiastical
Power
and
Authority
interposed
between
:
Whether
of
Prelates
,
or
their
unlawful
usurping
Synods
.
2.
That
notwithstanding
the
estate
and
distinction
aforesaid
,
yet
all
the
Churches
and
Ministers
of
them
should
be
alwayes
ready
to
advise
and
assist
one
another
—
and
in
this
manner
might
be
had
a
lawful
and
profitable
use
of
Synods
,
classes
,
&c.
Provided
they
do
not
usurp
any
unlawful
jurisdiction
or
power
over
particular
Churches
:
This
man
goes
yet
farther
and
maintains
Congregational
Episcopacy
:
and
shews
out
of
several
places
of
Scripture
and
antiquity
,
That
there
may
be
in
a
particular
Church
,
one
Pastor
,
or
Angel
of
the
Church
(
properly
and
specially
so
called
)
and
divers
teachers
and
ruling
Elders
joyned
to
this
Pastor
in
the
Ministry
and
Government
of
the
same
Church
,
who
may
all
of
them
generally
be
called
Pastors
,
yet
so
as
one
be
specially
distinguished
from
the
rest
,
in
respect
of
place
and
function
to
be
the
Pastor
,
(
so
more
particularly
called
)
under
Jesus
Christ
the
Arch
Pastor
:
Never
did
copy
agree
more
exactly
with
the
Original
,
than
Mr.
Baxters
doctrine
about
Church
Government
,
with
this
of
Johnson
the
Brownist
.
Vt
sit
tam
fimilis
sibi
nec
ipse
:
It
is
easier
to
find
a
difference
between
Mr.
B.
and
himself
upon
other
occasions
,
than
to
discern
the
least
disagreement
between
him
and
Johnson
in
this
.
Robinson
(
whom
Baylie
makes
the
Father
of
the
Independents
)
though
he
left
some
tenets
of
the
Brownists
,
That
every
particular
Congregation
is
intire
without
any
relation
to
other
Churches
,
as
Peter
or
Paul
are
perfect
men
without
respect
to
others
;
that
these
Congregations
are
Independent
and
under
Christ
only
.
Therefore
the
Ancient
bounds
which
the
Apostles
have
laid
are
not
to
be
removed
under
pretence
of
any
human
Prudence
,
Antiquity
,
or
Vnity
:
Upon
this
foundation
the
Independent
Churches
were
built
,
and
continue
to
this
day
,
which
though
they
may
differ
in
points
of
Doctrine
as
their
Pastors
,
or
leading
men
may
be
inclined
,
yet
this
constitution
of
Government
gives
them
a
common
Denomination
:
And
now
having
given
this
account
of
the
Original
of
this
way
,
at
leastwise
in
these
last
times
,
(
the
higher
Antiquity
of
it
we
shall
consider
elsewhere
)
I
shall
in
the
next
place
,
give
some
account
of
the
success
of
this
form
of
Government
,
and
shew
what
fruits
of
Peace
,
and
Truth
,
it
has
yielded
since
its
first
planting
by
the
Brownists
.
Robert
Brown
Schoolmaster
in
Southwark
,
George
Johnson
sayes
,
It
was
in
great
measure
occasioned
by
Browns
Wife
,
and
other
Women
of
that
banished
Church
;
which
caused
a
mortal
feud
between
Brown
and
Harison
:
and
some
said
it
was
the
occasion
of
Harison
's
death
.
It
was
also
the
cause
of
Excommunicating
Perriman
:
And
this
new
fashion'd
Church
in
short
broke
all
to
piece
,
most
turning
Anabaptists
,
and
Brown
at
last
seeing
himself
deserted
,
returned
with
tears
in
his
eyes
into
the
Unity
of
the
Church
;
Conformed
,
and
was
preferred
to
a
living
.
The
next
Congregation
that
was
formed
under
this
rule
was
by
F.
Johnson
,
G.
Johnson
having
disobliged
his
Brothers
Wife
,
by
reproving
her
for
the
vanity
of
her
Apparel
,
and
cited
a
Text
of
Scripture
for
it
,
when
he
was
candidate
for
the
place
of
a
Pastor
in
conjunction
with
his
Brother
,
&c.
1603.
was
required
to
recant
his
Doctrine
against
fine
Cloaths
;
he
on
the
other
side
drew
Articles
of
Impeachment
against
the
Busk
,
Stomacher
,
and
Sleeves
,
&c.
of
his
Sister
in
Law
,
and
the
contention
grew
so
sharp
that
the
Pastor
Excommunicated
his
Brother
,
notwithstanding
all
the
mediation
of
the
Presbytery
,
and
afterwards
his
father
too
,
upon
the
same
quarrel
:
I
must
confess
I
never
saw
any
thing
more
extravagant
than
this
contention
,
as
it
is
related
by
the
sufferer
with
great
particularity
;
the
Impertinence
,
the
Childishness
of
the
whole
Transaction
is
so
extraordinary
,
that
a
man
cannot
reflect
upon
it
without
compassion
;
as
men
would
the
strange
and
extravagant
humours
of
Bedlam
:
After
this
breach
follow'd
another
between
F.
Johnson
the
Pastor
and
Ainsworth
the
Doctor
of
the
Church
who
divided
it
yet
once
more
,
and
excommunicated
one
the
other
,
Johnson
and
his
party
quit
the
place
,
and
go
to
Embden
;
where
this
Church
dissolv'd
,
and
the
other
part
at
Amsterdam
after
the
death
of
Ainsworth
remain'd
a
long
while
destitute
of
any
Officers
:
Smith
who
had
transported
a
new
Church
to
Leyden
left
it
,
and
turn'd
Anabaptist
,
and
these
Congregational
Churches
were
every
where
just
expiring
,
when
Robinson
revived
them
with
new
and
more
Commodious
principles
;
though
the
Government
were
still
the
same
.
And
now
part
of
Robinson's
Church
with
his
new
amendments
being
carried
over
to
New
England
in
a
short
time
over-spread
the
whole
Country
,
for
the
old
Planters
having
almost
lost
all
sence
as
well
as
neglected
all
exercise
of
Religion
,
did
easily
give
into
this
new
Model
,
and
so
the
whole
Country
,
i.
e.
as
many
as
were
of
any
Communion
submitted
to
this
form
,
though
the
greater
part
were
of
no
Church
at
all
by
reason
of
the
difficulty
of
admittance
into
this
:
yet
what
were
the
fruits
of
this
Congregational
Episcopacy
in
this
flourishing
condition
?
1.
The
neglect
of
Converting
the
Pagans
,
which
their
Minsters
own
without
any
shame
or
remorse
;
which
seems
to
have
proceeded
not
so
much
out
of
their
principle
to
make
all
Saints
which
should
be
admitted
to
their
Communion
,
(
though
that
was
pretended
by
them
,
for
a
reason
against
general
Conversion
)
as
out
of
the
nature
of
their
constitution
;
for
the
Pastor
of
a
Congregation
,
thought
it
not
worth
his
while
to
go
and
gather
Congregations
over
whom
he
was
to
have
no
authority
,
and
such
as
must
be
committed
to
he
knows
not
whom
.
Nor
were
these
Soveraign
Congregations
,
32.13
,
2.
much
more
useful
for
the
preservation
of
truth
and
Unity
,
than
they
were
for
the
Propagation
of
the
Gospel
:
For
they
soon
fell
into
horrid
kinds
of
errours
and
blasphemies
,
that
the
Holy
Ghost
personally
dwelt
in
them
;
That
their
own
Revelations
of
particular
events
were
as
Infallible
as
the
Scriptures
.
That
sin
in
a
child
of
God
should
never
trouble
him
:
That
souls
,
were
mortal
;
that
the
Resurrection
of
the
dead
was
not
to
be
understood
literally
,
with
several
such
hideous
doctrines
.
Some
extravagant
women
,
as
Hutchinson
and
Dyer
did
affront
these
Churches
,
and
drew
several
of
these
Congregational
Bishops
,
and
the
leading
men
among
them
,
unto
their
party
,
and
to
countenance
their
errors
that
were
no
less
Monstrous
than
the
births
they
are
said
to
have
had
:
These
began
to
affect
purer
ordinances
,
and
despis'd
their
setled
Churches
as
legal
Synagogues
:
Williams
and
several
others
declar'd
they
could
not
conform
,
and
would
have
the
benefit
of
Separate
.
Congregations
:
But
after
all
these
men
had
no
better
remedies
against
Schism
and
Heresie
than
those
they
rail'd
at
so
much
here
,
the
Sword
and
power
of
the
Civil
Magistrate
:
Williams
was
banish'd
,
and
makes
woful
complaints
of
his
hard
usage
;
Hutchinson
and
her
company
,
being
also
forc'd
farther
into
the
Country
,
was
with
her
followers
slain
by
the
Indians
:
nay
some
have
been
so
Barbarous
as
to
destroy
Quakers
upon
the
account
of
their
Religion
;
and
in
short
,
there
is
no
place
nor
Trade
nor
dealing
for
those
that
oppose
their
Churches
,
and
their
Excommunication
is
rendred
terrible
even
to
those
who
are
not
of
their
Churches
,
upon
the
account
of
the
Civil
deprivation
that
attends
it
.
From
New-England
this
Congregational
way
return'd
back
again
to
Holland
,
where
notwithstanding
all
the
advantages
it
might
have
had
by
some
farther
experience
in
New-England
and
the
late
amendments
,
yet
had
no
better
success
than
when
it
was
planted
there
under
the
name
of
Brownism
:
The
first
Independent
Church
there
was
at
Rotterdam
setled
by
H
:
Peters
an
Apostle
suitable
to
the
constitution
:
At
Arnheim
where
they
setled
a
small
Congregation
they
had
no
better
success
,
for
they
fell
into
strange
Heresies
,
and
Extravagances
,
setting
up
Chiliasm
,
and
Blasphemy
,
That
God
is
the
author
of
sin
,
and
the
like
,
and
now
their
remains
not
the
least
footstep
of
their
Church
or
Doctrine
in
that
place
.
But
no
place
can
furnish
a
more
Tragical
History
of
this
Congregational
Episcopacy
than
England
,
for
this
opinion
taking
new
root
here
about
the
beginning
of
the
late
Wars
,
produc'd
such
confusion
,
as
nothing
but
the
miraculous
hand
of
God
could
have
ever
reduc'd
to
any
settlement
or
order
:
He
that
would
see
the
Influence
it
had
on
the
Civil
Government
,
the
growth
and
prevailing
of
it
in
the
Army
;
the
Slavery
of
the
Nation
which
immediately
follow'd
the
Murder
of
the
late
King
,
and
the
Abolition
of
Kingly
Government
:
the
Shedding
of
so
much
Innocent
blood
,
under
the
formality
of
Justice
,
though
against
all
the
Laws
of
this
Land
and
those
of
God
and
man
;
he
that
would
see
how
they
set
up
an
Usurper
,
and
when
he
was
remov'd
by
a
happy
providence
how
they
oppos'd
all
the
means
of
Union
and
settlement
,
may
find
enough
to
entertain
his
wonder
in
Walkers
History
of
Independency
:
and
the
Histories
of
those
times
:
But
for
the
Influence
it
had
upon
Religion
,
there
would
be
no
end
of
relating
the
strange
confusions
,
the
Heresies
and
Schisms
that
this
way
brought
amongst
●s
.
Tho.
Edwards
gives
some
account
of
them
for
about
4
years
,
and
reckons
near
two
hundred
several
strange
opinions
with
which
they
infected
this
Kingdom
:
nor
did
they
only
beget
Heresies
but
learn'd
to
Cherish
them
us
,
Anabaptism
,
Antinomianism
,
Familism
and
many
more
Heresies
,
yet
the
Independents
commonly
disown'd
and
Excomunicated
such
as
fell
●●to
them
:
But
here
Independency
became
an
Vniting
Principle
,
and
bound
up
all
sorts
of
Errors
and
Blasphemies
in
one
,
and
would
●ot
disown
any
that
would
enter
into
their
Constitution
or
interest
,
let
them
believe
as
they
please
,
or
believe
nothing
all
:
but
as
to
the
Sects
that
Sprung
out
of
them
let
us
●●ar
Bastwick
:
Before
the
Independents
Ap●●ition
in
our
Horison
,
there
were
but
three
〈◊〉
four
Sects
known
among
us
,
and
they
were
〈◊〉
in
number
and
well
conditioned
:
But
out
of
the
●●dependents
lungs
are
Sprung
above
40
several
●●ts
of
straglers
,
which
before
their
coming
were
never
known
among
us
.
J.
Lilburn
related
it
unto
me
,
and
that
in
the
presence
of
others
,
that
returning
from
the
Wars
to
London
,
he
not
forty
new
Sects
,
and
some
so
pernicious
that
he
had
much
a
do
to
keep
his
hands
off
them
,
though
he
was
in
his
judgment
for
a
Toleration
of
all
Religions
.
There
are
innumerable
and
Diabolical
Sects
;
and
so
prodigiously
Impious
,
that
it
is
not
for
a
Christian
to
name
their
opinions
.
And
Lastly
these
Congregational
Bishops
,
men
of
humble
pretences
,
that
would
not
aspire
at
first
beyond
a
single
Congregation
,
nor
desire
to
govern
that
any
otherwise
than
in
Conjunction
with
,
and
by
the
advice
of
all
the
members
,
These
men
when
they
had
an
opportunity
,
exercis'd
so
great
,
and
extensive
a
Tyranny
,
as
this
Church
had
never
felt
under
the
most
Insolent
of
Diocesan
Bishops
:
for
P.
Nye
and
H.
Pet●r
the
Arch-Bishops
of
those
times
,
wh●●
Govern'd
the
Committee
of
Tryers
,
〈◊〉
no
Law
,
no
Canons
,
but
their
ow●
pleasures
,
they
rejected
whom
they
pleas'd
without
giving
themselves
the
Trouble
〈◊〉
the
sufferers
the
satisfaction
of
the
least
reason
;
and
there
was
no
relief
,
no
Quare
I●●pedit
against
these
Church
Governours
and
their
proceedings
were
so
arbritrary
that
some
stil'd
that
Committee
,
The
English
Inquisition
.
And
this
is
the
fair
fruit
o●
Congregational
Episcopacy
among
us
.
Confusion
,
Regicide
and
Slavery
in
the
Common
wealth
;
Heresie
,
and
endless
Sects
;
and
more
than
Papal
Tyranny
in
the
Church
.
But
surely
Mr.
B.
is
not
for
this
Congregational
Independent
way
,
but
for
a
Temperament
or
Mixture
of
Church
Government
,
made
up
of
this
and
Presbytery
,
and
Episcopacy
:
Mr.
B.
tells
us
that
he
has
not
chang'd
●is
opinion
these
forty
years
:
Yet
how
can
this
be
?
for
he
is
not
against
●●●●es
and
Synods
:
no
more
are
the
Indepen●●●
,
they
have
not
condemn'd
the
use
of
●●ods
,
as
I
have
shew'd
out
of
F.
Johnson
:
and
the
Independents
Assembled
in
a
Synod
,
declare
in
the
Preface
to
their
Confession
,
that
this
neglect
of
Synods
,
and
Consociation
was
the
cause
of
those
endless
divisions
their
Churches
ran
into
;
but
still
this
is
no
more
than
a
Neighbourly
consultation
,
and
has
no
proper
authority
to
impose
any
rule
upon
National
Churches
:
But
Mr.
B.
is
for
Episcopacy
:
so
is
Johnson
,
and
Mr.
B.
is
for
no
other
.
For
he
does
expresly
disown
any
Bishop
that
is
appointed
over
many
Churches
:
But
he
is
for
Bishop
Vshers
Episcopacy
:
It
is
true
Mr.
B.
says
so
in
several
places
:
and
that
Bishop
Vsher
and
he
had
agreed
the
point
in
a
quarter
of
an
hour
:
What
might
have
been
the
result
of
Mr.
B.'s
conversation
with
that
Learned
Primate
I
cannot
tell
:
But
that
which
Mr.
B.
so
often
referrs
us
to
for
Bishop
Vshers
opinion
,
shews
there
is
as
great
a
distance
between
him
and
Mr.
B.
in
this
point
as
there
is
between
Mr.
B.
and
the
Church
of
England
:
There
is
a
small
Paper
that
bears
the
name
of
that
Bishop
,
Entituled
The
Reduction
of
Episcopacy
,
which
Mr.
B.
often
mentions
;
I
will
Transcribe
the
second
Article
,
that
the
reader
may
see
how
well
his
notion
of
Episcopacy
does
agree
with
Mr.
B.'s
.
Whereas
by
a
Statute
in
the
26
year
of
K.
Henry
the
Eight
(
reviv'd
in
the
first
of
Queen
Elizabeth
)
Suffragans
are
appointed
to
be
erected
in
Twenty
six
several
places
of
this
Kingdom
,
(
Chorepiscopi
)
might
every
month
Assemble
a
Synod
of
all
the
Rectors
,
or
Incumbent
Pastors
within
the
Precinct
,
and
according
to
the
major
part
of
their
voices
conclude
all
matters
that
should
be
brought
into
Debate
before
them
.
To
this
Synod
the
Rector
and
Church-wardens
might
Present
such
Impenitent
persons
,
as
by
admonition
and
suspension
from
the
Sacrament
would
not
be
Reform'd
,
who
if
they
remain
Contumacious
and
incorrigible
,
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
might
be
decreed
against
them
by
the
Synod
,
and
accordingly
be
executed
in
the
Parish
where
they
liv'd
,
—
Hitherto
also
all
things
that
concern'd
Parochial
Ministers
may
be
referr'd
,
whether
they
did
touch
their
doctrine
or
their
Conversation
:
The
Diocesans
were
to
remain
as
now
,
only
to
Govern
by
a
Synod
of
Suffragans
,
and
incumbents
:
and
their
Decrees
if
occasion
were
to
be
revised
,
by
Provincial
,
and
Metropolitical
Synods
,
presided
by
the
Metropolitans
:
Now
let
us
compare
this
with
Mr.
B.'s
Doctrine
of
Church
Government
.
First
then
:
the
S●ffragans
here
mention'd
,
as
the
Bishops
of
the
first
and
lowest
order
,
are
Diocesan
for
every
one
is
to
rule
a
Rural
Deanry
,
which
consists
of
about
40
or
50
,
or
sometimes
more
Parishes
:
is
not
this
the
same
species
of
Government
with
Diocesan
?
if
a
Diocese
of
50
Parishes
be
specifically
distinct
,
from
one
of
80
or
a
Hundred
,
we
must
have
several
species
amongst
us
too
,
according
to
the
different
proportions
of
our
Bishopricks
:
the
Diocese
of
Lincoln
will
be
specifically
different
from
that
of
Bristol
,
and
by
this
way
it
is
possible
at
last
to
make
out
Mr.
B.'s
Twelve
sorts
of
Episcopacy
which
he
reckons
in
his
Disputation
of
Church
Government
:
in
short
:
what
kind
of
Episcopacy
does
Mr.
B.
reject
?
Diocesan
he
says
:
By
a
Diocese
we
Nonconformists
mean
only
a
large
Circuit
of
Ground
with
its
Inhabitants
containing
many
particular
Parishes
;
and
by
a
Diocesan
Church
we
mean
all
the
Christians
within
this
Circuit
,
who
have
but
one
Bishop
over
them
:
though
they
be
of
mary
Parishes
.
And
what
Episcopacy
does
Mr.
B.
approve
?
Bishop
Vshers
Episcopacy
Reduc'd
:
and
what
is
this
?
It
is
a
Bishop
over
many
Parishes
,
a
Bishop
of
a
Rural
Deanry
that
contains
a
great
many
Parish
Churches
.
It
is
manifest
therefore
that
Mr.
B.
says
and
unsays
,
and
Condemns
himself
in
that
which
he
approves
.
2.
Bishop
Vsher's
Reduction
overthrows
the
Foundations
of
Mr.
B.'s
Church
,
the
Essence
and
Individuation
of
it
:
for
he
defines
a
Church
by
a
Congregation
,
for
personal
Communion
in
Worship
and
Discipline
.
and
denies
that
one
Church
can
be
any
farther
extended
in
respect
of
its
Government
and
Discipline
,
than
it
may
in
respect
of
Worship
:
which
he
expresses
thus
:
I
think
many
of
them
(
i
e.
the
Presbyterians
)
do
with
Rutterford
,
distinguish
between
a
Worshipping
Church
and
a
Govern'd
Church
.
(
And
sadling
the
Horse
for
Prelacy
to
mount
on
)
do
affirm
that
many
,
about
Twelve
of
these
Worshipping
Churches
(
like
our
Parishes
)
may
make
but
one
Govern'd
,
or
Presbyterial
Church
:
But
Bishop
Vshers
Project
makes
40
or
50
Worshipping
Churches
,
but
one
Govern'd
Church
.
3.
Bishop
Vshers
Reduction
deposes
Parish
Bishops
,
and
turns
their
Churches
into
Chapels
,
because
they
are
allow'd
no
exercise
of
the
Keys
,
but
only
admonition
,
and
suspension
from
the
Sacrament
'till
the
Bishop
and
Synod
is
made
acquainted
with
it
;
Non
Conformist
,
to
himself
,
as
well
as
to
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
upon
the
very
same
reasons
too
.
Lastly
,
This
Project
of
Church
Government
(
in
which
there
is
one
thing
not
so
agreeable
to
the
practice
of
Antiquity
,
which
is
the
Major
part
of
the
Presbyters
concluding
the
Bishop
,
who
alwayes
had
a
Negative
voice
,
and
nothing
ever
becoming
an
Act
,
without
his
consent
and
Approbation
)
this
I
say
may
perhaps
be
of
some
use
to
make
an
accommodation
,
between
Presbyterian
Government
,
by
Classes
and
Synods
,
&c.
and
Diocesan
Episcopacy
:
but
it
wholly
overthrows
Mr.
B.'s
Congregational
way
,
however
qualifi'd
by
the
Independent
Principles
of
Consociation
,
beyond
which
Mr.
B.'s
Notion
of
Church
Government
,
and
constitution
does
not
extend
.
Therefore
,
to
leave
this
Episcopacy
of
Bishop
Vshers
as
destructive
of
Independence
,
why
may
not
they
of
the
Congregational
way
prevent
such
inconveniences
as
they
have
fallen
into
,
by
some
quallifying
Principles
in
favour
of
Consociation
,
and
some
abatement
in
their
Punctiliousness
of
admitting
into
full
Communion
,
and
Church-membership
?
And
thus
far
no
doubt
Mr.
B.
does
comply
:
to
which
I
answer
,
That
the
Fundamental
Principle
of
this
Congregational
way
does
dispose
it
to
all
manner
of
confusion
,
which
I
undertook
to
shew
in
the
last
place
.
I
shall
say
nothing
to
such
Principles
of
our
Independents
as
have
no
necessary
Connexion
with
the
nature
of
their
Church
Government
,
as
those
of
separation
from
every
defect
in
ordinances
and
the
like
,
they
are
besides
my
purpose
,
and
the
mischief
,
and
unreasonableness
of
them
have
been
shew'd
already
with
so
much
light
,
and
advantage
by
the
Incomparable
Dean
of
Pauls
,
as
to
be
able
to
convince
any
men
who
did
mistake
in
good
earnest
;
as
to
that
part
therefore
I
will
suppose
them
satisfi'd
in
point
of
Conscience
though
not
perhaps
in
point
of
Honour
,
and
consider
only
the
mischiefs
of
their
Government
,
abstracted
from
their
other
opinions
.
The
Independent
or
Congregational
constitution
is
founded
upon
these
two
Principles
.
1.
That
Christ
and
his
Apostles
instituted
Congregational
Churches
,
and
endued
them
with
all
the
Power
that
is
given
the
Church
:
as
of
censures
,
Excommunication
and
the
like
,
without
any
dependence
one
on
another
,
or
of
several
upon
one
General
Pastor
,
and
that
the
single
Congregations
planted
at
first
in
several
Cities
when
they
came
to
encrease
beyond
the
possibility
of
Personal
Communion
,
were
to
Imitate
Bee-hives
,
and
to
send
out
Colonies
under
their
proper
Officers
,
without
any
dependence
on
the
mother
Hive
.
2.
That
what
was
thus
instituted
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
must
so
continue
,
it
not
being
in
the
power
of
man
,
or
the
Church
to
alter
it
.
This
is
the
foundation
of
Independent
Government
,
and
if
you
abate
any
thing
of
these
Principles
,
the
whole
Fabrick
must
fall
to
pieces
.
If
you
deny
the
first
that
Christ
or
his
Apostles
did
not
institute
such
Churches
,
the
Congregational
way
has
no
pretence
,
or
if
you
will
say
that
the
first
that
were
planted
were
indeed
of
this
kind
,
but
accidentally
,
there
being
no
more
believers
in
any
City
than
might
meet
in
one
Congregation
it
equally
destroys
it
:
for
when
Christians
were
multipli'd
into
several
Congregations
they
might
put
themselves
under
another
form
more
commodious
for
preserving
Unity
among
them
.
If
you
deny
the
second
,
that
though
the
Apostolical
Churches
were
of
this
Model
,
yet
that
it
was
not
necessary
,
and
unalterable
;
it
will
remove
all
just
reason
of
contention
about
it
;
for
the
Church
having
made
use
of
its
liberty
in
the
change
of
that
Government
which
it
is
suppos'd
to
have
power
to
do
as
it
saw
occasion
,
nothing
can
be
more
unreasonable
,
than
to
tear
it
in
pieces
upon
this
occasion
,
unless
it
has
done
something
that
it
had
no
authority
to
do
,
and
so
alter'd
the
Government
Establish'd
by
Christ
with
out
his
leave
:
in
short
if
the
Apostles
did
not
found
Congregational
Churches
,
there
is
no
reason
why
we
should
set
them
up
;
if
they
did
found
them
at
first
,
but
did
design
they
should
continue
no
longer
,
than
till
the
numbers
of
Christians
should
exceed
one
Congregation
,
the
success
of
the
Gospel
has
chang'd
that
form
:
If
they
were
founded
at
first
,
and
then
the
matter
left
to
the
discretion
of
the
Church
to
frame
it self
according
to
its
best
convenience
,
the
Church
has
already
determin'd
it
,
there
can
be
no
Controversie
:
So
that
if
any
of
these
Principles
be
deni'd
,
the
Congregational
Government
must
fall
of
course
.
Independency
,
therefore
being
founded
upon
a
firm
belief
of
those
Fundamental
Principles
,
which
cannot
be
left
,
but
the
whole
frame
must
sink
,
I
shall
proceed
to
shew
the
unavoidable
mischiefs
that
belief
exposes
these
Congregational
Churches
to
.
1.
Of
the
mischiefs
that
this
way
occasisions
,
by
rendring
any
Union
between
particular
Churches
Impossible
.
2.
The
mischiefs
it
produces
in
particular
Churches
or
Congregations
.
1.
Of
the
Impossiblity
of
preserving
any
Unity
between
Independent
Churches
.
These
Churches
like
so
many
little
Soveraignties
crowded
together
within
the
same
Territory
,
and
a
great
number
of
them
within
the
Walls
of
the
same
City
,
their
Vicinity
and
Cohabitation
gives
them
opportunities
,
and
begets
a
necessity
of
a
Correspondence
and
Communication
between
them
;
and
this
begetting
a
mutual
knowledge
of
each
others
opinions
and
practice
,
differences
will
arise
,
and
endanger
their
peace
;
and
what
remedy
is
there
,
since
there
is
no
common
Court
to
put
an
end
to
it
?
It
must
be
a
lamentable
case
when
every
quarrel
,
becomes
a
War
;
and
there
is
no
end
but
either
Ruin
,
or
at
last
,
when
they
are
tyr'd
with
contention
,
their
Voluntary
Acquiescence
.
But
you
will
say
there
is
the
same
Inconvenience
in
Episcopacy
;
for
if
Bishops
fall
out
about
Religion
who
shall
judge
between
them
?
if
you
say
Metropolitans
and
Synods
;
suppose
two
Metropolitans
then
should
differ
,
or
two
Councils
:
It
were
much
better
they
would
agree
,
but
if
they
will
quarrel
,
it
is
not
quite
so
bad
as
if
those
that
live
in
the
same
City
,
and
under
the
same
Government
should
fall
out
;
suppose
our
Church
could
not
adjust
all
Articles
of
Faith
and
Discipline
with
the
Churches
of
France
or
Suitzerland
,
good
men
would
wish
that
it
might
be
made
up
,
and
that
there
were
a
perfect
Harmony
in
our
Confessions
:
But
in
case
this
could
not
be
effected
,
yet
the
Controversie
would
remain
pretty
quiet
within
the
books
that
should
be
written
about
it
:
But
if
within
the
City
of
London
those
Controversies
should
be
unhappily
started
,
and
one
Parish
take
one
side
of
the
Question
,
and
another
the
contrary
,
it
would
be
something
more
dangerous
;
and
an
Intolerable
defect
in
the
constitution
of
our
Church
to
have
no
effectual
remedy
to
apply
to
the
beginnings
of
this
Division
:
But
what
hurt
is
it
,
you
may
say
,
let
both
enjoy
their
own
opinion
,
if
they
would
do
so
with
Peace
it
were
something
;
but
these
little
republick
Churches
,
like
Descartes
his
Vortexes
grate
and
make
Impression
one
upon
the
other
;
Some
members
of
one
Congregation
may
be
seduc'd
by
the
other
,
and
the
whole
perhaps
in
danger
of
being
carried
away
with
evil
Doctrine
or
example
,
what
shall
be
done
in
this
case
?
They
can
submit
to
no
Judge
;
for
they
are
immediately
under
Christ
;
they
must
have
no
Diocesan
,
no
Classes
,
no
power
to
Controul
them
;
what
then
?
They
must
wrangle
to
the
worlds
end
;
or
Dissolve
and
come
to
nothing
as
many
of
their
Congregations
have
done
.
The
Independents
have
been
made
very
sensible
of
this
by
a
sad
experience
of
great
and
Irremediable
dissensions
,
and
some
of
them
have
been
so
ingenuous
as
to
confess
it
,
and
enter'd
into
some
measures
for
an
effectual
Prevention
of
these
disorders
:
by
way
of
Consociation
or
Synods
:
but
neither
can
relieve
them
as
long
as
they
maintain
the
principles
before
mentioned
,
i.
e.
as
long
as
they
are
Independents
.
For
1.
What
Consociation
can
there
be
between
those
bodies
of
men
,
that
cannot
be
United
under
any
Common
Government
,
to
which
the
particulars
are
to
be
subordinate
?
Without
any
Laws
to
correct
them
,
without
authority
to
execute
them
,
without
any
subordination
of
the
Members
:
what
Permanent
Consociation
can
be
expected
,
that
must
depend
upon
the
pleasure
of
every
Congregation
of
that
Association
?
that
remains
still
Independent
,
and
under
no
obligation
to
submit
any
farther
than
it self
thinks
good
?
This
is
the
case
of
the
Independents
,
either
there
must
be
General
Officers
to
take
care
of
this
Consociation
,
as
Bishops
or
Supervisors
,
or
some
Committees
any
Synods
,
and
these
must
have
some
pow-over
the
particular
Congregations
under
their
Inspection
,
or
there
must
be
no
such
Officers
:
If
that
be
allow'd
,
it
is
no
more
Independence
,
but
Diocesan
Episcopacy
or
Presbytery
:
And
overthrows
the
Fundamental
principle
,
that
the
Congregations
immediately
under
Christ
,
and
that
the
constitution
cannot
be
alter'd
for
any
convenience
.
If
they
have
no
Persons
appointed
over
the
Generality
,
then
wherein
does
this
Consociation
consist
,
or
how
are
they
United
?
But
suppose
they
have
Synods
,
as
they
had
one
in
the
Savoy
1658.
What
can
they
be
able
to
do
?
They
may
advise
,
and
discourse
the
matter
,
but
if
any
particular
Congregation
be
obstinate
,
they
cannot
censure
,
that
Importing
a
Superiority
,
which
destroys
the
notion
of
Congregational
Independence
;
to
make
this
clearer
,
if
possible
,
suppose
something
like
Hobbs
his
State
of
nature
,
That
Twenty
men
,
who
can
have
no
pretence
of
authority
one
over
the
other
,
were
cast
upon
an
Island
;
and
their
Common
necessities
would
oblige
them
to
live
together
and
maintain
some
Commerce
and
agreement
,
and
that
every
one
should
believe
firmly
that
God
had
not
only
made
him
free
,
but
that
he
had
laid
an
obligation
on
him
so
to
continue
,
and
never
to
subject
himself
to
any
Creature
,
upon
the
pretence
of
any
conveniences
of
life
.
How
should
these
men
do
?
They
might
consult
,
and
agree
upon
a
rule
,
they
might
make
a
distribution
of
proprieties
,
and
promise
never
to
hurt
or
injure
one
the
other
:
But
these
men
being
subject
to
the
same
Appetites
and
disorders
with
others
,
it
is
not
to
be
expected
they
should
live
long
without
some
bodies
transgressing
his
duty
:
And
then
what
shall
be
done
to
preserve
this
Consociation
of
Kings
?
Every
one
is
sacred
and
cannot
be
called
before
any
Tribunal
,
but
his
own
Conscience
;
and
that
perhaps
he
may
dispense
with
:
he
must
not
submit
to
any
one
,
nor
to
all
his
associates
together
,
nor
can
they
,
continuing
in
that
opinion
of
Original
Freedom
,
usurp
any
Authorities
over
him
;
What
can
such
a
Constitution
produce
?
Either
their
indignation
,
or
necessity
must
prevail
over
their
principles
,
and
so
they
must
submit
to
Government
,
or
else
if
they
retain
these
fancies
of
Independant
Soveraignity
and
freedom
,
they
must
dissolve
and
break
all
to
pieces
,
and
renounce
all
communication
one
with
the
other
.
You
will
say
that
good
men
will
agree
,
and
preserve
such
an
union
as
their
common
necessities
require
,
without
any
superior
power
to
inforce
it
:
But
the
Independents
know
by
woful
experience
,
that
all
have
not
proved
Saints
that
they
have
received
for
such
,
though
they
were
as
punctilious
in
the
admitting
of
them
as
the
Pope
in
a
Canonization
;
besides
this
,
reason
will
destroy
the
discipline
of
Congregational
as
well
as
of
associated
Churches
:
for
every
good
man
will
do
his
duty
,
and
what
need
therefore
of
any
power
in
the
congregation
to
censure
.
It
is
plain
therefore
that
Congregational
Churches
,
unless
they
renounce
the
Principles
of
their
Independence
,
cannot
enter
into
any
solid
and
lasting
union
,
having
no
means
to
preserve
it
,
and
all
the
union
that
their
Principles
will
admit
can
be
no
other
than
that
of
a
heap
of
sand
,
where
the
parts
are
loose
and
unconnected
,
and
therefore
unavoidably
scattered
and
dissipated
by
the
first
Wind
that
shall
arise
.
Nor
is
this
Congregational
Constitution
less
pernicious
to
the
Peace
of
Particular
Churches
,
than
it
is
to
a
General
union
of
many
Congregations
,
which
I
shall
make
appear
by
the
following
reasons
.
First
in
General
;
and
then
by
examining
the
different
forms
there
may
be
of
Admininistring
this
Congregational
power
.
1.
He
that
lyeth
under
an
unjust
sentence
of
a
Congregation
has
no
relief
;
for
this
being
Independent
,
there
is
〈◊〉
Appeal
left
,
and
this
is
the
more
gri●rous
,
by
how
much
the
deprivation
of
Communion
,
is
a
sorer
punishment
to
those
who
have
known
the
value
of
the
Ordinances
of
Christ
,
and
have
tasted
the
grace
of
God
in
them
,
than
any
other
that
can
be
inflicted
on
mens
bodies
or
estates
.
And
here
can
be
no
other
relief
but
by
Separation
and
Schism
.
2.
When
a
Pastor
is
turned
Heretick
,
and
has
seduc'd
his
Congregation
into
a
good
opinion
of
his
Doctrine
,
they
have
no
relief
,
because
they
have
no
judge
to
examine
the
Doctrine
,
and
to
remove
the
evil
from
among
them
.
3.
If
a
Congregation
shall
conspire
to
be
wicked
,
turn
Libertines
and
Antinomians
,
who
shall
censure
them
for
it
?
the
Magistrate
may
not
be
a
Christian
,
or
may
not
take
notice
of
it
.
But
the
inconveniences
of
this
way
may
be
farther
observ'd
,
by
looking
into
the
several
forms
,
whereby
this
Congregational
Supremacy
either
is
or
may
be
Administred
.
1.
Suppose
the
Pastor
invested
with
this
whole
power
,
without
any
appeal
to
be
made
from
his
sentence
;
what
temptation
would
this
independence
be
to
abuse
that
unaccountable
power
,
since
no
superior
Court
could
revise
his
Acts
?
And
if
this
man
s●●uld
prove
imprudent
,
and
wilful
in
the
Administration
of
so
great
a
power
,
what
peace
could
be
expected
?
And
yet
we
must
expect
this
power
should
fall
often
into
the
evil
hands
,
and
it
must
be
a
wretched
constitution
that
should
not
make
some
provision
against
it
.
But
in
the
Congregational
way
,
the
first
thing
is
extremity
:
But
I
will
not
urge
this
,
because
the
Independents
will
not
allow
the
Pastor
any
such
power
,
and
therefore
let
us
consider
this
way
as
managed
by
the
Pastor
,
and
a
select
Presbytery
:
the
inconveniences
are
rather
greater
.
For
,
1.
In
many
Congregations
the
Church
power
must
come
into
the
hands
of
such
as
have
little
capacity
,
or
experience
,
and
by
that
means
would
become
contemptible
.
2.
Suppose
they
should
not
all
agree
upon
a
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
must
the
majority
conclude
it
?
and
against
the
opinion
of
the
Minister
?
This
would
be
something
hard
for
him
to
pronounced
sentence
against
his
own
judgment
,
and
condemn
a
person
he
believes
to
be
innocent
;
if
he
does
refuse
,
then
he
resists
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
and
that
must
needs
produce
a
Rupture
.
3.
They
of
the
select
Presbytery
must
be
supposed
,
to
have
a
mixture
with
the
rest
by
way
of
dealing
,
and
commerce
,
and
this
begetting
differences
and
feuds
between
them
,
it
cannot
be
●voided
but
that
Church
censures
will
be
abused
to
revenge
private
Animosities
:
and
those
upon
whom
they
are
to
be
executed
,
will
be
more
loth
to
submit
when
they
recollect
that
they
proceed
from
persons
they
had
disoblig'd
:
and
instead
of
reflecting
upon
their
guilt
,
they
will
be
apt
to
ascribe
all
to
private
grudge
:
upon
which
reason
in
common
Law
,
he
that
is
supposed
to
be
judged
by
his
neighbours
,
has
the
liberty
to
reject
any
with
whom
he
has
had
any
falling
out
.
4.
This
would
probably
degenerate
into
a
civil
Tyranny
,
when
a
poor
man
should
refuse
to
comply
with
some
of
his
Ecclesiastical
Judges
,
to
his
own
disadvantage
,
they
would
find
some
advantage
against
him
:
and
by
disgracing
him
in
the
Congregation
,
ruine
him
consequently
in
his
livelyhood
.
5.
The
exercising
of
such
censures
within
so
little
compass
as
that
of
a
Congregation
,
by
the
members
of
it
one
on
the
other
,
must
in
a
little
while
ingage
the
whole
body
in
parties
and
factions
,
without
any
hopes
of
uniting
,
the
sufferers
will
be
discontented
,
and
when
they
grow
numerous
will
not
conceal
their
resentments
,
but
bend
them
to
the
disturbance
of
that
Congregational
unity
.
But
lastly
if
we
suppose
the
whole
Congregation
concerned
to
declare
it self
in
every
act
of
Excommunication
;
few
of
the
inconveniences
before
mentioned
will
be
removed
,
and
there
will
be
others
yet
greater
.
For
,
1.
It
cannot
well
be
avoided
but
upon
many
causes
the
Congregation
will
be
divided
,
and
when
it
happens
to
be
upon
the
subject
of
removing
from
,
or
restoring
to
Church
communion
,
such
differences
do
lead
them
into
Schism
;
for
since
there
is
no
judge
between
them
,
every
party
will
likely
stand
by
its
own
opinion
,
and
will
hardly
submit
their
judgments
to
the
majority
of
the
other
side
,
that
out-votes
them
but
by
a
few
voices
:
Those
that
were
fierce
for
turning
a
Member
out
of
Church
fellowship
,
because
they
are
offended
with
him
,
will
likelier
quit
the
Congregation
and
set
up
for
themselves
,
than
endure
the
Communion
of
that
which
they
cryed
out
upon
as
so
great
a
scandal
.
2.
The
wisest
and
best
men
who
are
generally
the
fewest
will
be
of
no
use
,
for
they
will
be
overborn
with
number
.
3.
It
will
make
a
constant
trade
of
Faction
,
and
making
of
parties
.
To
conclude
therefore
,
If
the
Church
hath
been
afflicted
with
Schisms
and
Heresies
under
Diocesan
Bishops
,
we
have
seen
that
it
has
suffered
the
same
things
under
other
sorts
of
Government
,
but
that
which
Mr.
B.
offers
as
a
remedy
of
disorders
,
has
been
the
least
able
to
preserve
the
Church
from
divisions
,
nor
were
those
infinite
breaches
accidental
only
,
as
the
best
Government
in
the
world
cannot
prevent
all
inconveniences
,
but
were
the
natural
fruit
of
that
constitution
,
which
would
not
be
able
to
preserve
peace
between
the
Churches
of
one
City
,
how
much
less
between
the
numerous
Congregations
of
a
Kingdom
:
and
is
such
a
form
as
destroyes
it self
,
and
pulls
even
particular
Congregation
in
pieces
,
by
unavoidable
feuds
and
factions
first
,
and
then
by
formal
Schism
and
Separation
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
the
Rise
and
Progress
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
.
Mr.
Baxter
in
a
Book
published
since
his
Church
History
,
That
in
the
beginning
there
were
but
few
Scholars
and
Philosophers
converted
,
who
were
able
to
Preach
,
and
these
men
of
parts
Overtop'd
the
rest
,
and
where
such
as
these
were
found
,
they
were
highlier
esteemed
than
the
rest
,
and
these
in
some
time
became
Bishops
,
being
made
first
Arbitratours
,
and
then
as
more
learned
Judges
of
true
and
false
Doctrine
,
nay
,
being
wiser
than
all
the
rest
,
it
was
fit
he
should
have
a
negative
voice
;
and
Fourthly
,
they
understood
their
own
value
well
enough
,
and
that
made
them
proud
and
desire
preheminence
.
And
,
Lastly
,
one
Bishop
was
set
over
some
Churches
for
want
of
more
able
men
,
and
he
having
got
the
start
of
the
others
that
came
after
,
made
them
truckle
to
him
.
Mr.
Blondel
had
a
quite
contrary
dream
,
and
for
my
part
I
do
not
know
a
better
way
of
Answering
one
Dream
but
with
another
,
he
Dream'd
I
say
,
(
for
he
had
surely
never
seen
it
with
his
eyes
open
)
That
these
gifts
were
not
had
in
any
so
great
esteem
then
,
If
this
answer
does
not
satisfie
,
I
must
profess
I
cannot
help
it
for
want
of
Authors
that
speak
particularly
of
these
matters
.
All
that
I
can
affirm
is
,
that
the
Ancients
talk
of
Bishops
in
every
age
,
up
to
the
Apostles
times
,
and
make
these
Bishops
their
successours
;
but
of
the
occasions
of
their
promotion
there
is
not
a
word
,
only
St.
Jerom
a
great
while
after
their
institution
ascrib'd
it
to
the
inconveniences
which
parity
produc'd
:
But
as
to
the
time
Mr.
B.
tells
us
,
That
if
Hierom
mistake
not
,
it
began
at
Alexandria
some
years
before
the
death
of
St.
John
the
Apostle
.
If
Mr.
B.
do's
not
mistake
St.
Jerom
,
which
is
almost
impossible
,
he
must
know
that
Mark
dy'd
in
the
eighth
year
of
Nero
,
which
answers
the
63.
of
our
Lord
.
Several
years
not
only
before
St.
John's
death
,
but
before
St.
Pauls
;
and
before
almost
any
of
the
Apostles
:
So
ancient
is
Episcopacy
at
Alexandria
according
to
St.
Jerom.
His
words
are
these
:
Nam
&
Alexandria
a
Marco
Evangelista
usque
ad
Heraclam
&
Dionysium
,
Episcopos
,
Presbyteri
semper
unum
ex
se
electum
,
in
excelsiori
gradu
collocatum
,
Episcopum
nominabant
:
i.
e.
from
the
Death
of
St.
Mark
,
(
which
Jerom
following
Eusebius
,
places
in
the
eighth
year
of
Nero
,
)
to
Dionysius
and
Heraclas
the
Presbyters
elected
their
Bishops
out
of
their
own
body
:
And
this
some
years
,
i.
e.
almost
forty
before
the
death
of
St.
John
:
But
does
Jerom
make
this
the
first
Original
of
Episcopacy
,
surely
Mr.
B.
mistakes
him
?
For
he
makes
the
divisions
of
the
Church
,
some
saying
,
I
am
of
Paul
,
and
I
am
of
Apollos
,
and
I
of
Cephas
,
to
be
the
first
occasion
of
this
institution
:
and
these
divisions
happened
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
many
years
before
St.
Marks
death
;
After
that
every
one
thought
those
whom
he
Baptized
to
be
his
own
,
and
to
belong
peculiarly
to
himself
:
Which
St.
Paul
mentions
,
and
confutes
,
and
thanks
God
that
he
had
Baptized
but
few
,
lest
they
should
say
,
He
Baptized
in
his
own
name
:
Now
this
determination
of
the
Apostle
that
Baptizing
of
Converts
did
not
give
the
Baptizer
any
right
to
Govern
them
,
and
that
they
ought
not
to
bear
any
name
of
relation
to
him
,
but
his
name
only
in
which
they
were
Baptized
,
it
is
unlikely
that
this
controversy
should
revive
after
so
clear
a
determination
,
and
therefore
the
Original
of
Episcopacy
in
St.
Jerom's
opinion
,
must
be
referred
to
those
dissensions
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
.
For
which
he
fancies
this
remedy
to
have
been
provided
:
And
I
cannot
but
wonder
at
Blondel
,
Mark
,
i.
e
▪
about
eleven
years
after
this
division
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
.
Having
considered
the
summ
of
Mr.
B.'s
account
of
the
Original
of
Episcopacy
,
which
is
partly
Fiction
,
partly
a
mistaking
,
or
mincing
of
St.
Hierom
:
I
shall
proceed
to
give
an
Historical
account
of
the
rise
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
out
of
the
Scriptures
and
Antiquity
,
as
far
as
I
am
able
to
trace
it
,
hoping
that
some
others
better
acquainted
with
the
Ancients
may
some
time
or
other
give
a
more
full
and
perfect
Deduction
.
Our
Blessed
Saviour
[
a
](A50343-e83450-b)
a
1
Pet.
2.25
.
The
Bishop
of
our
Souls
,
laid
the
first
foundation
of
his
Church
by
his
own
Preaching
[
b
](A50343-e83470-b)
b
Luke
4.15
.
Matth.
4.12
.
Mark
1.14
.
in
the
Synagogues
of
Galilee
,
where
he
was
approved
,
and
glorified
by
all
that
heard
him
:
and
now
having
entred
upon
that
great
undertaking
of
reducing
the
World
to
the
obedience
of
faith
;
[
c
](A50343-e83510-b)
c
Matt.
4.18
.
Luke
6.13
.
John
6.70
.
he
made
choice
out
of
his
followers
and
Disciples
of
such
Persons
as
he
thought
fit
to
instruct
more
particularly
in
the
knowledge
,
and
to
commit
to
them
the
great
work
of
the
conversion
of
the
World
.
Whom
he
call'd
Apostles
[
d
](A50343-e83530-b)
d
Matt.
13.11
.
Mark
4.11
.
Luk.
8.10
.
[
e
](A50343-e83540-b)
e
Luke
5.11.28
.
Matt.
19.27.28
.
Mark
10.28
.
Luke
22.28
.
These
as
more
specially
devoted
to
him
,
did
constantly
attend
his
Person
,
and
follow
him
whither
ever
he
went
.
[
f
](A50343-e83550-b)
f
John
.
2.11.4.53.11.45
.
And
after
that
he
had
converted
several
out
of
the
great
multitudes
that
followed
him
,
by
the
excellence
of
his
Doctrine
,
and
the
conviction
of
his
Miracles
,
he
gave
these
Apostles
[
g
](A50343-e83560-b)
g
Joh.
21
15
,
16.
Commission
to
take
care
of
that
Flock
which
was
already
gathered
,
to
increase
it
,
not
only
by
finishing
the
Conversion
of
such
;
as
the
found
of
his
Gospel
,
and
the
Fame
of
his
miracles
had
already
disposed
to
receive
the
Gospel
,
but
to
propagate
it
to
the
ends
of
the
Earth
,
[
h
](A50343-e83570-b)
h
Matt.
28.19
.
Mark
16.15
.
and
to
Preach
to
all
Nations
.
When
he
had
justified
his
Doctrine
;
as
well
as
us
,
by
his
death
and
resurrection
:
The
[
i
](A50343-e83590-b)
i
Luke
1●
.
32
.
flock
of
the
Church
was
yet
but
very
small
,
and
Peter
though
he
were
now
allow'd
to
be
universal
●●stor
,
might
easily
discharge
his
duty
:
[
k
](A50343-e83610-b)
k
1
Cor.
15.6
.
The
greatest
number
we
read
of
between
●he
Resurrection
and
Ascension
is
but
●oo
,
[
l
](A50343-e83620-b)
l
Act●
1.15
.
and
at
Jerusalem
when
they
met
to●ether
they
were
but
about
a
hundred
and
●●enty
:
But
it
was
not
long
before
these
●●all
beginnings
,
this
grain
of
Mustard
feed
grew
up
with
a
prodigious
and
surprizing
increase
,
[
m
](A50343-e83650-b)
m
Acts
2.41
.
for
on
the
following
P●ntecost
there
were
added
unto
them
about
three
hundred
Souls
:
The
first
fruits
of
the
Spirit
,
who
must
be
supposed
to
have
been
converted
,
not
all
by
the
Sermon
of
St.
Peter
,
but
by
the
[
n
](A50343-e83680-b)
n
Acts
2.4
,
6
,
7
,
8.
Ministry
of
the
other
Apostles
,
and
the
number
of
the
Converts
makes
it
more
probable
,
that
the
multitude
was
divided
into
several
Audiences
,
since
the
[
o
](A50343-e83690-b)
o
Acts.
1.13.2.2
.
upper
Room
where
they
were
assembled
,
could
not
hold
so
great
an
assembly
:
This
accession
made
the
Church
too
big
for
the
house
,
where
it
first
assembled
,
and
the
Disciples
having
yet
no
publick
places
of
meeting
but
obliged
to
[
p
](A50343-e83710-b)
p
Acts
2.46
.
break
bread
from
house
to
house
,
they
were
by
this
means
divided
into
several
Congregations
:
But
those
of
the
Congregational
way
,
indeavour
to
diminish
the
numbers
,
by
making
a
great
part
of
these
new
Converts
to
be
strangers
,
and
to
return
home
▪
when
the
Feast
was
over
:
To
which
I
Answer
,
1.
That
the
Scripture
gives
no
countenance
to
this
conjecture
,
but
sayes
all
those
strange
Nations
were
[
q
](A50343-e83730-b)
q
Acts
2.5
,
14.
Inhabitants
of
Jerusalem
,
and
the
Original
word
inclines
most
on
this
side
.
But
2.
Suppose
they
were
some
of
them
Strangers
▪
yet
how
shall
we
be
assured
that
they
returned
home
?
The
Scripture
seems
to
say
th●
contrary
:
[
v
](A50343-e83750-b)
v
47.
For
as
soon
as
it
sets
down
th●
number
;
it
adds
,
That
they
continued
st●●●
fastly
in
the
Apostles
Doctrine
and
fellowship
and
in
breaking
of
bread
and
in
Prayers
:
They
i.
e.
the
three
thousand
in
the
Verse
going
before
:
besides
there
is
no
probability
of
their
leaving
the
Apostles
,
it
is
not
suitable
to
the
zeal
and
devotion
of
the
first
Converts
,
who
despised
all
Earthly
concerns
,
and
left
Houses
and
Land
,
and
Families
,
for
Christs
sake
.
And
these
Proselytes
sold
all
,
and
had
all
things
in
common
,
which
takes
away
the
necessity
of
their
returning
home
:
Nor
did
the
Church
cease
to
grow
and
multiply
,
but
proselytes
came
over
every
day
;
For
the
Lord
added
to
the
Church
daily
such
as
should
be
saved
:
But
among
these
daily
accessions
,
some
are
very
great
and
remarkable
;
for
not
long
after
we
find
no
less
than
five
thousand
more
added
to
the
Church
at
one
time
:
Many
of
them
that
heard
the
word
believed
,
and
the
number
of
the
men
,
(
that
is
plainly
,
of
those
that
heard
the
word
and
believed
)
was
about
five
thousand
:
because
of
the
people
:
For
believers
were
the
more
added
to
the
Lord
,
multitudes
both
of
men
and
women
.
And
the
Christian
Congregations
were
now
so
thronged
,
that
they
brought
out
their
sick
and
laid
them
in
the
Sreets
that
the
shadow
of
Peter
passing
by
might
overshadow
some
of
them
.
And
now
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
grew
too
numerous
for
the
Apostles
to
take
the
whole
charge
of
it
upon
them
,
for
when
the
Number
of
the
Disciples
was
multiplyed
,
their
arose
a
murmuring
of
the
Grecians
that
their
Widows
were
neglected
,
and
the
Apostles
desired
the
multitude
to
chuse
seven
men
,
whom
they
might
appoint
over
this
matter
:
And
in
the
mean
time
they
would
give
themselves
up
continually
to
prayer
and
the
ministry
of
the
Word
:
and
the
twelve
it
seems
had
enough
to
do
in
this
particular
,
for
they
declare
that
they
cannot
look
after
Tables
,
but
they
must
neglect
their
more
peculiar
duty
,
leave
the
word
of
God
:
And
we
do
immediately
find
the
success
of
this
Counsel
,
The
word
of
God
increased
,
and
the
number
of
the
Disciples
multiplyed
in
Jerusalem
greatly
,
and
a
great
company
of
the
Priests
were
obedient
to
the
Faith
:
And
now
after
all
these
accessions
,
one
Church
in
Jerusalem
,
a
great
persecution
is
said
to
have
been
raised
against
that
Church
:
Now
what
manner
of
Church
shall
we
imagine
this
to
be
,
a
Congregational
one
,
shall
all
those
thousands
make
but
one
Assembly
,
for
Communion
in
Prayer
,
and
the
Sacraments
?
It
is
incredible
.
There
was
no
place
large
enough
no
hold
them
:
and
considering
the
opposition
that
was
made
against
them
,
they
cannot
be
supposed
to
have
the
use
of
any
publick
meeting
place
;
the
Synagogues
were
taken
up
by
the
Jews
,
and
if
we
may
guess
at
their
bigness
by
their
number
,
we
must
conclude
they
could
not
be
very
capacious
,
since
in
Jerusalem
there
were
as
Sigonius
delivers
from
the
Records
of
the
Jews
,
no
less
than
five
hundred
and
eighty
:
To
this
the
Assertors
of
the
Congregational
way
make
several
exceptions
,
They
Except
,
1.
That
the
first
three
thousand
Converts
were
not
all
of
Jerusalem
,
but
returned
home
after
the
Feast
was
over
,
but
of
this
no
other
proof
than
that
there
were
dwelling
in
Jerusalem
devour
men
of
several
Nations
,
or
as
they
render
it
sojourning
:
and
it
is
not
very
significant
how
we
understand
it
,
since
the
Scripture
sayes
expresly
,
that
they
continued
in
the
Apostles
Doctrine
and
Fellowship
.
But
of
this
already
.
2.
That
the
five
thousand
is
not
to
be
added
to
the
other
three
,
but
includes
them
:
There
needs
no
other
Answer
to
this
,
than
to
refer
them
to
the
place
,
which
is
clear
enough
of
it self
:
The
miracle
wrought
on
the
Cripple
that
sate
in
the
Gate
of
the
Temple
,
and
the
Sermon
that
seconded
it
was
altogether
occasional
,
and
there
can
be
no
reason
to
imagine
the
whole
Church
then
to
be
met
together
in
that
place
.
3.
That
in
those
Countries
there
were
much
greater
Congregations
than
can
be
with
us
,
as
some
of
those
that
followed
our
Saviour
,
who
Preached
to
Myriads
,
and
the
reason
is
offered
,
because
the
air
is
more
pure
and
thin
.
That
at
Charenton
,
the
Congregation
consists
of
many
thousands
:
This
is
manifestly
to
trifle
,
and
to
Libel
their
own
cause
,
by
reasons
that
are
impertinent
,
or
ridiculous
.
4.
Mr.
B.
Adds
,
they
had
better
Lungs
;
in
those
times
and
places
,
he
might
have
said
as
well
,
that
they
had
better
Ears
,
and
a
quicker
hearing
,
or
that
they
could
understand
a
mans
meaning
by
his
gaping
.
5.
They
say
that
this
being
the
first
Church
,
and
under
the
joyn'd
care
of
all
the
Apostles
,
might
soon
arrive
to
the
greatest
measure
of
a
Church
:
What
is
this
in
effect
but
to
yield
the
question
?
How
they
came
to
that
number
we
see
well
enough
,
but
the
thing
contended
is
,
that
their
number
did
exceed
a
Congregation
;
besides
they
cannot
be
supposed
so
well
to
have
multiplyed
so
very
soon
,
if
the
Ministry
of
these
Apostles
had
not
been
divided
,
and
some
Preached
in
one
Assembly
,
and
others
in
another
.
6.
They
say
there
was
liberty
till
Sauls
persecution
.
And
what
then
?
Under
that
liberty
the
Church
might
exceed
the
measure
of
a
single
Congregation
in
less
time
.
7.
Mr.
B.
sayes
,
this
is
no
precedent
:
And
why
?
The
Mother
Church
gathered
,
and
governed
by
all
the
Apostles
together
,
(
which
is
a
circumstance
that
perhaps
no
other
Church
can
boast
of
)
Why
shou'd
not
this
be
a
precedent
?
The
truth
is
it
spoils
a
notion
of
Congregational
Independent
Churches
,
and
because
it
cannot
be
made
to
comply
,
it
must
be
protested
against
that
it
be
not
brought
into
a
Precedent
.
Besides
these
exception
,
whole
multitude
,
and
the
all
may
denote
only
those
that
were
present
,
and
not
all
that
believed
,
as
it
is
said
Luke
1.10
.
The
whole
multitude
of
the
people
were
without
Praying
,
i.e.
not
all
the
people
of
Jerusalem
,
but
the
whole
multitude
that
was
present
;
so
the
meeting
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
may
be
said
of
several
Congregations
meeting
for
the
same
purpose
as
well
as
of
one
.
But
the
Independents
in
the
Assembly
of
Divines
did
seem
to
give
up
this
point
,
and
to
grant
that
before
the
dispersion
there
might
be
more
than
one
Congregation
of
Christians
;
but
that
after
they
were
scattered
,
there
remained
no
more
than
could
meet
in
one
place
:
Suppose
all
this
:
what
advantage
can
it
be
to
their
cause
:
if
there
were
more
once
than
might
meet
in
one
Assembly
,
and
so
were
forc'd
to
divide
into
several
;
and
this
notwithstanding
to
retain
the
name
but
of
one
Church
,
because
under
one
common
Government
,
it
follows
that
wheresoever
the
Christians
should
afterwards
increase
in
the
same
manner
,
they
might
likewise
be
governed
after
the
same
manner
,
and
in
several
Congregations
,
still
preserve
the
Unity
of
the
Church
:
If
there
were
no
more
afterwards
than
one
Congregation
,
it
is
plain
,
that
it
was
only
casual
;
if
I
may
so
speak
of
the
circumstances
of
the
Church
.
Nor
is
that
true
in
fact
which
they
affirm
of
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
after
the
dispersion
,
for
though
they
are
all
said
to
be
scattered
besides
the
Apostles
,
houses
,
and
haling
out
Men
and
Women
:
We
find
good
men
,
believers
doubtless
,
taking
care
of
Stephens
Funeral
:
i.
e.
the
Disciples
of
Christ
,
mentioned
Acts
1.
that
conversed
with
Christ
,
and
so
the
generality
of
Expositors
;
nor
is
it
to
be
imagin'd
,
that
the
Apostles
should
remain
alone
at
Jerusalem
,
when
the
whole
Church
had
been
forc'd
thence
,
and
the
fury
of
the
Persecution
was
so
great
that
there
was
no
opportunity
to
Preach
publickly
:
Nor
is
it
unlikely
that
the
Preachers
were
more
particularly
mark'd
out
for
destruction
,
for
in
Stephen's
case
,
we
find
it
was
his
publick
Disputing
and
Preaching
,
that
brought
him
under
the
lash
of
that
Persecution
,
and
his
Indictment
was
made
up
of
what
was
delivered
by
him
in
his
publick
Discourses
;
though
besides
it
cannot
be
deny'd
but
that
other
Converts
,
Men
and
Women
were
also
hal'd
to
Prison
:
But
whatsoever
numbers
were
forc'd
away
by
that
Persecution
,
it
is
likely
they
return'd
most
of
them
after
it
was
over
,
and
it
did
not
continue
long
,
for
immediately
after
the
the
Conversion
of
St.
Paul
,
The
Churches
had
rest
throughout
all
Judea
,
and
Galilee
,
and
Samaria
,
and
were
edified
and
multiplyed
:
And
it
is
a
strange
conceit
of
Baronius
,
That
these
are
the
Jews
of
the
Dispersion
that
St.
Peter
and
James
directed
their
Epistles
to
,
Witnesses
of
the
Resurrection
.
This
Church
being
thus
considerable
in
all
its
circumstances
,
Justin
Martyr
and
Athenagoras
,
gives
much
the
same
account
with
Clemens
as
to
the
time
of
his
promotion
,
unless
we
shall
take
Jerom's
Translation
,
which
if
the
words
would
bear
it
,
is
much
more
commodious
:
Hegesippus
writes
,
That
James
took
upon
him
the
Episcopacy
of
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
after
the
Apostles
;
Clemens
Alex.
but
also
from
St.
Paul
,
who
mentions
him
as
one
of
the
Apostles
,
that
he
had
conversed
with
in
Jerusalem
,
and
it
is
likely
there
were
no
more
there
at
that
time
but
he
and
Peter
.
But
when
they
were
at
last
dispersed
,
Ecclesiastical
History
makes
James
the
Ordinary
,
Bishop
and
Diocesan
of
the
place
.
As
for
his
Episcopacy
it
will
not
be
disputed
by
any
man
that
has
left
himself
any
freedom
of
understanding
and
belief
:
and
it
is
strange
to
see
Salmasius
run
his
head
so
violently
against
such
solid
Testimonies
,
as
those
of
Hegesippus
and
Clemens
.
But
for
his
Diocess
,
that
I
see
will
be
stiffly
deny'd
,
though
the
Scripture
Testimonies
already
alledg'd
,
are
sufficient
to
perswade
any
reasonable
man
,
that
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
was
more
than
a
Congregation
,
and
consequently
the
Bishop
of
it
a
Diocesan
,
according
to
Mr.
B.'s
definition
:
But
besides
;
we
have
as
ancient
Testimonies
from
Church
History
too
,
of
the
greatness
of
that
Church
,
as
of
any
other
whatsoever
.
For
Hegesippus
among
several
commendations
of
him
,
sayes
,
that
several
of
the
Jewish
Sectaries
who
believed
neither
a
Resurrection
nor
Judgment
to
come
,
were
converted
by
James
.
And
that
when
a
great
number
of
the
Rulers
and
and
principal
men
of
the
City
,
would
they
fansie
themselves
in
so
great
danger
,
if
the
Christians
in
so
vast
and
populous
a
City
should
have
but
one
single
Congregation
?
Suppose
they
had
one
Synagogue
of
four
or
five
hundred
,
is
that
such
a
dreadful
proportion
as
to
fright
people
out
of
their
wits
as
if
they
were
,
immediately
to
be
overrun
with
Christianity
;
and
what
should
give
them
so
great
disturbance
?
The
Christians
had
alwayes
had
one
Congregation
there
,
and
surely
a
pretty
full
one
,
from
the
time
of
Christs
Death
,
and
if
their
meeting
places
were
not
increased
,
and
Synagogues
with
their
Rulers
and
Officers
had
not
deserted
the
Jewish
Church
,
and
professed
Christianity
,
there
had
been
no
protence
for
such
an
apprehension
,
as
if
all
Jerusalem
were
about
to
change
the
Law
for
the
Gospel
;
it
was
more
than
a
poor
Congregational
Church
,
and
Bishop
that
must
give
cause
to
these
apprehensions
.
It
was
not
long
ere
this
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
that
was
grown
so
formidable
to
the
Jews
,
that
they
were
afraid
lest
in
a
little
while
it
might
swallow
up
all
their
Synagogues
,
was
removed
thence
,
and
by
a
special
warning
snatch'd
from
the
destruction
that
was
shortly
to
fall
upon
that
wicked
City
.
There
is
an
ancient
Tradition
that
the
Christians
of
Jerusalem
forsook
it
before
the
last
Siege
,
and
went
to
Pella
,
Now
from
this
account
of
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
it
appears
manifestly
,
1.
That
it
was
Episcopal
from
the
beginning
,
and
some
of
the
Authors
that
attest
it
,
liv'd
in
that
time
,
when
the
Apostolical
Church
Government
is
pretended
to
be
chang'd
into
Episcopacy
,
by
Blondel
,
and
it
shews
no
less
the
vanity
of
Mr.
B.'s
conceit
about
the
Original
of
Bishops
.
2.
That
the
Bishops
of
Jerusalem
were
Diocesan's
having
the
oversight
of
several
Congregations
,
which
is
necessarily
inferr'd
from
the
express
numbers
of
Converts
,
from
general
expressions
of
wonderful
accessions
;
from
the
jealousy
of
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
,
who
apprehended
from
the
progress
Christianity
made
,
that
all
Jerusalem
would
soon
become
Christians
;
from
the
farther
accounts
of
its
increase
,
and
of
the
innumerable
multitudes
that
were
added
to
it
,
and
this
is
sufficient
to
shew
the
weakness
of
Mr.
B.'s
conjecture
,
who
makes
Rome
and
Alexandria
to
be
the
first
patterns
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
that
not
till
after
the
beginning
of
the
third
Century
.
Nor
was
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
singular
in
its
constitution
,
but
all
other
Churches
of
the
Apostles
planting
were
of
the
same
kind
,
and
design'd
for
the
like
,
and
yet
farther
increase
:
The
beginnings
of
them
as
of
all
other
things
were
but
small
,
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
is
like
a
grain
of
Mustard
Seed
,
which
is
yet
capable
of
prodigious
improvement
,
and
the
slip
when
first
planted
is
but
single
,
yet
afterwards
it
shoots
out
several
branches
,
which
though
never
so
mnumerous
,
and
at
some
distance
one
from
the
other
,
yet
communicate
all
in
the
same
same
body
and
root
:
The
design
of
the
Gospel
is
not
like
those
of
the
Authors
of
Sects
,
or
Religious
orders
to
have
only
a
select
company
of
followers
,
that
are
much
at
leisure
,
but
great
and
comprehensive
,
and
suited
to
the
whole
World
:
There
is
no
Sex
,
no
Capacity
,
no
condition
but
is
design'd
to
be
brought
into
the
Church
,
and
to
be
digested
the
most
commodiously
that
may
be
,
so
that
there
may
be
one
fold
under
one
Shepherd
,
Christ
the
Universal
Pastor
:
The
Schools
of
the
Philosophers
and
the
Synagogues
of
the
Jews
were
to
narrow
foundations
for
such
a
building
as
that
of
the
Christian
Church
;
which
are
to
be
larger
in
proportion
to
the
greatness
of
the
Fabrick
:
and
it
is
no
less
the
strength
than
beauty
of
the
whole
to
have
its
Stones
and
Timber
,
the
parts
of
which
it
consists
,
of
something
a
greater
magnitude
than
those
of
private
and
ordinary
building
:
nor
can
it
yet
stand
without
there
be
some
kind
of
coherence
and
connection
,
at
least
wise
where
the
people
that
are
members
of
the
Church
,
are
likewise
united
in
a
political
communion
,
this
connection
ought
particularly
to
be
regarded
,
which
the
Apostles
in
their
first
planting
of
the
Gospel
had
an
eye
to
,
as
shall
be
observed
farther
in
the
course
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
which
after
this
digression
I
am
going
to
pursue
.
The
first
Persecution
that
was
raised
against
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
was
by
the
good
Providence
of
God
turned
into
the
happy
occasion
of
planting
several
other
Churches
,
and
that
storm
which
was
designed
to
quench
that
fire
that
came
down
from
Heaven
,
scattered
the
sparks
of
it
into
all
the
Regions
round
about
:
Samaria
was
the
first
place
we
read
of
that
entertained
the
Gospel
when
it
had
been
forced
out
of
Jerusalem
,
Preached
Christ
unto
them
,
and
the
people
with
one
accord
gave
heed
to
those
things
that
were
spoken
by
him
:
and
when
they
believed
they
were
Baptized
both
Men
and
Women
.
Now
the
Apostles
who
remained
in
Jerusalem
when
they
heard
of
this
success
,
send
Peter
and
John
thither
,
who
confirm
the
believers
by
imposition
of
hands
,
and
why
could
not
Philip
do
this
?
Diocesan
Prelacy
to
reserve
any
Acts
of
Order
or
Discipline
to
themselves
:
yet
so
it
was
that
the
holy
Ghost
was
not
given
〈◊〉
by
their
hands
and
what
kind
of
Government
they
established
there
,
And
that
we
may
not
think
meaner
of
the
success
of
the
Apostles
Ministry
than
we
ought
,
and
measure
it
by
the
progress
of
Sectaries
,
as
Anabaptists
and
Quakers
,
as
Mr.
B.
does
,
with
too
much
disparagement
to
the
first
Planters
of
Christian
Religion
,
St.
Luke
gives
us
a
short
account
of
lo●e
visitation
of
St.
Peter
,
that
lets
us
see
ho●
wonderfully
the
Gospel
prevail'd
at
first
for
when
that
Apostle
passed
through
〈◊〉
quarters
,
and
came
to
the
Saints
that
dwelled
at
Lydda
,
Acts
9.32
,
33.
&c.
Saron
Tractus
quidam
Regionis
non
procul
à
Caesaria
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Joseph
.
Antiq.
l.
20.
c.
5.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Joseph
.
de
Bello
Jud.
l.
2.
c.
37.
Lydda
Civitas
Palestinae
quae
diospolis
appellatur
.
Hieron
de
〈◊〉
Heb.
and
healed
miraculously
a
Person
that
had
been
long
bed-ridden
:
〈◊〉
that
dwelled
at
Lydda
and
Saron
saw
him
and
turned
unto
the
Lord
:
and
this
Town
an●
Territory
mentioned
with
it
was
large
enough
for
a
considerable
Diocesan
Church
nor
is
there
any
likelyhood
,
it
was
divided
under
several
Church
Governments
,
Mr.
B.
confessing
that
no
City
with
the
villages
a●joyning
had
any
more
than
one
Bishop
〈◊〉
a
long
time
after
this
:
and
in
the
time
〈◊〉
the
Council
of
Nice
.
It
was
an
Episcopa●
seat
,
for
we
find
Aetius
Bishop
of
the
place
among
the
subscriptions
of
th●
Council
,
The
next
considerable
Church
that
wa●
founded
,
was
that
of
Antioch
,
the
greated
City
of
all
the
East
,
and
the
Church
d●●
soon
bear
a
good
proportion
to
the
greatne●●
of
the
City
:
For
the
hand
of
God
was
w●●
them
(
the
scattered
Disciples
)
and
a
gre●●
number
believed
and
turned
unto
the
Lord
:
an●
when
Barnabar
had
come
from
Jerusalem
assist
in
this
work
.
Much
people
was
added
unto
the
Lord
,
and
when
Barnabas
had
brought
Paul
to
Antioch
,
they
assembled
themselves
with
the
Church
,
and
taught
much
people
:
It
is
not
unlikely
that
all
these
Proselytes
mentioned
hitherto
were
Jews
,
or
such
as
were
Proselytes
of
the
Gate
,
and
had
re●ounced
Idolatry
,
and
such
must
the
Greeks
be
to
whom
those
of
Cyprus
Preach'd
the
word
at
Antioch
,
v.
20.
for
Paul
and
Barnabas
sometime
after
tell
the
Church
of
Antioch
as
an
extraordinary
thing
,
had
opened
the
door
of
Faith
to
the
Gentiles
:
and
there
is
no
doubt
but
they
were
●ncouraged
by
that
success
to
Preach
to
the
Gentiles
at
Antioch
too
,
while
they
abode
●here
a
long
time
with
the
Disciples
:
and
the
●ultitude
of
these
Gentile
Converts
made
●equestion
about
Circumcision
of
so
great
●●portance
,
as
to
require
a
determination
of
all
the
Apostles
and
the
whole
Church
of
Jerusalem
assembled
in
Council
:
for
before
that
,
there
were
not
only
several
Congregations
probably
,
but
separate
Churches
:
and
the
people
were
not
only
distributed
but
divi●ed
,
Peter
Evodius
,
whereas
Chrysostom
sayes
the
contrary
,
that
Igna●●●
was
ordained
by
Peter
:
and
to
speak
freely
,
I
believe
this
no
better
than
what
Bar●●●●
would
forbid
his
reader
to
imagine
,
a
fi●●●●
which
he
was
forced
to
make
shift
with
i●
reconcile
the
contradictions
of
Eusebius
a●●
Chrysostom
,
And
now
to
pass
by
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
where
St.
Paul
Preach'd
for
a
Year
and
six
Months
,
upon
a
Divine
assurance
of
extraordinary
success
,
and
that
God
had
much
people
in
that
place
,
believed
and
were
Baptized
,
where
Peter
and
Apollos
Preached
with
that
effect
as
to
leave
many
Disciples
,
Ephesus
,
but
all
that
dwelt
in
Asia
,
heard
the
word
of
the
Lord
,
and
the
progress
of
the
Gospel
was
so
considerable
,
that
the
shrine-makers
apprehended
the
ruine
of
their
Trade
,
when
they
saw
and
heard
that
Paul
not
only
at
Ephesus
,
but
throughout
all
Asia
,
had
perswaded
and
turned
away
much
people
.
It
is
very
uncertain
who
laid
the
first
Foundations
of
this
Church
,
though
certain
it
is
,
that
before
Pauls
coming
there
the
Gospel
was
not
only
received
,
&
seq
.
but
their
Church
was
very
considerable
;
for
St.
Paul
in
his
Epistle
written
long
before
his
coming
there
,
as
he
himself
witnesses
,
sayes
,
that
their
Faith
was
spoken
of
through
the
whole
World
:
and
by
the
multitude
of
salutations
in
the
end
of
that
Epistle
,
he
makes
appear
the
numbers
of
Christians
in
that
City
:
Salute
Priscilla
and
Aquila
,
Rom.
16.
Ostendit
Congregationem
Fidelium
Ecclesiam
nominari
.
Hieron
in
loe
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Coetum
Fidelium
:
nec
mirum
est
in
tam
am
plâ
Civitate
distinctos
fuisse
Fidelium
coetus
.
Beza
.
with
the
Church
that
is
in
their
house
:
This
was
one
of
the
Congregations
of
that
Church
,
which
is
occasionly
mentioned
,
and
it
is
not
improbable
that
several
that
are
mentioned
with
all
the
Saints
that
are
with
them
,
may
be
the
Officers
of
several
Congregations
;
For
it
appears
that
most
of
these
were
of
the
Ministry
,
and
such
by
whose
means
the
Romans
believed
,
and
that
they
were
strangers
come
thither
from
other
parts
where
Paul
had
known
them
,
To
these
instances
of
the
great
numbers
of
Christians
in
some
more
considerable
Cities
,
Hitherto
I
have
observ'd
chiefly
the
growth
of
Christianity
under
the
Apostles
,
and
that
there
was
in
some
Cities
such
a
number
of
Christians
,
as
could
not
meet
together
in
one
Assembly
,
for
personal
Communion
in
Doctrine
and
Worship
:
The
next
thing
we
must
shew
in
order
to
Diocesan
Episcopacy
must
be
,
that
such
numbers
of
believers
made
but
one
Church
Govern'd
by
one
Bishop
.
As
to
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
we
have
shew'd
already
from
the
most
ancient
Ecclesiastical
writings
,
that
James
the
Just
was
Bishop
of
that
Church
,
i.
e.
of
all
the
Believers
in
Jerusalem
:
Nor
is
that
Tradition
without
ground
in
the
Scripture
it self
,
for
St.
Paul
reckons
James
the
Lords
Brother
among
the
Apostles
of
that
Church
,
Antioch
[
before
that
certain
Brethren
came
from
James
.
]
D●ocesan
Episcopacy
was
setled
by
the
Apostles
in
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
as
there
is
of
any
thing
that
is
not
expresly
set
down
in
Scripture
;
and
it
cannot
be
deni'd
without
resecting
the
most
Authentick
records
of
Church
History
.
It
is
to
be
confess'd
that
the
Scriptures
have
not
left
so
full
and
perfect
account
of
the
constitution
and
Government
of
the
first
Churches
as
might
be
wish'd
,
for
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
the
only
Scripture
History
of
those
time
,
relate
mostly
the
victories
of
Christian
Religion
,
how
several
Cities
were
converted
:
By
what
miracles
,
by
what
Argument
or
exhortation
:
but
before
the
Holy
Pen-man
comes
to
give
an
account
of
the
settlement
of
those
new
Conquests
,
he
carries
away
the
Reader
from
thence
,
to
follow
the
Apostles
to
some
other
place
,
where
they
begin
to
lay
the
Foundations
of
another
Church
:
Thus
we
have
no
more
notice
of
the
Churches
of
Samarid
and
of
Judea
(
Jerusalem
excepted
)
than
that
such
were
founded
by
the
Apostles
;
but
of
their
Government
,
and
constitution
we
are
not
the
least
information
;
and
the
prospect
left
of
Antioch
in
Scripture
,
is
very
confus'd
as
of
a
Church
in
fieri
,
where
a
great
number
of
Eminent
persons
,
labour'd
together
to
the
building
of
it
up
,
but
after
what
form
does
not
appear
but
only
from
Ecclesiastical
Writers
,
Nevertheless
we
are
not
left
destitute
of
all
light
in
this
particular
even
from
the
Scriptures
,
the
History
of
St.
Paul
,
as
it
is
deliver'd
by
St.
●●ke
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
,
and
by
himself
scatteringly
in
his
own
Epistles
,
informing
us
in
some
measure
of
the
from
of
the
Primitive
Church
Government
in
the
Apostles
times
.
This
Apostle
of
the
Gentiles
did
commonly
use
this
method
informing
those
Churches
he
had
converted
,
as
may
be
seen
by
consulting
the
Citations
in
the
Margin
.
When
he
came
to
any
place
where
the
Gospel
had
not
been
preached
(
and
he
did
not
affect
much
to
build
upon
another
was
foundation
)
He
preached
first
in
the
Syn●gogues
of
the
Jews
,
rejected
the
grace
of
God
,
he
turn'd
to
the
Gentiles
.
Assoon
as
he
had
converted
a
competent
number
,
he
took
care
to
improve
them
in
the
knowledge
of
the
truth
,
Thus
far
we
may
consider
a
Church
without
any
other
Officer
than
the
Apostle
who
converted
them
;
but
their
numbers
increasing
in
that
place
and
much
of
his
time
being
taken
up
in
disputing
with
,
and
preaching
to
unbelievers
,
and
gainsayers
,
or
this
Apostle
being
call'd
away
to
preach
the
Gospel
in
other
places
,
1
Cor.
5.3
,
4
,
5.
Cum
meo
spiritu
quipro
me
erat
praesens
,
sive
in
mearum
literarum
authoritate
.
Hiero●
.
he
judges
as
though
he
were
present
;
he
orders
that
when
they
are
met
together
in
his
spirit
,
they
would
deliver
the
Criminal
to
Satan
:
And
because
some
of
the
Teachers
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
began
to
set
up
themselves
in
opposition
to
the
Apostle
,
taking
advantage
of
his
absence
,
Rom
15.19
.
2
Cor.
10.13
.
to
16.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Dioecesis
sive
certus
Pastorum
&
Ec●lesiarum
numerus
:
Unit.
Frat.
Bohem.
Sect.
de
Antist
.
Regulam
vocat
Ditionem
,
&
praescriptum
Praedicationis
Terminum
.
Salmeron
.
and
exercised
Diocesan
jurisdiction
upon
all
within
his
Rule
.
But
when
this
Line
was
so
far
extended
,
that
he
neither
was
able
to
visit
every
part
himself
,
and
his
communication
by
Letters
would
not
answer
all
the
occasions
of
those
Churches
he
had
planted
,
1
Tim.
3.
Phil.
3.25
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
acceperat
in
illis
Apostolatus
officium
.
Hieron
in
locum
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Anonym
.
〈◊〉
Phot.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Chrysost.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Chrysost.
in
Timoth.
and
these
in
the
Apostles
time
were
sometimes
called
Apostles
,
or
Evangelists
,
Bishops
,
Presbyters
,
Fellow
.
Labourers
,
Helpers
,
Deacons
,
&c.
but
their
successors
leaving
greater
and
more
invidious
titles
contented
themselves
with
the
name
of
Bishops
,
which
was
common
to
them
with
ordinary
Presbyters
at
first
,
though
the
Offices
were
alwayes
distinct
.
Of
this
kind
we
have
several
mentioned
in
Scripture
of
St.
Pauls
Province
,
as
Barnabas
,
Timothy
,
Titus
,
Crescens
,
Epaphraditus
,
Sosthenes
,
and
some
others
that
had
no
relation
to
him
,
as
James
the
Just
,
Mark
,
Linus
,
Clemens
,
&c.
These
exercised
Episcopal
jurisdiction
in
that
district
where
they
were
appointed
,
Ordained
Presbyters
,
received
accusations
against
them
,
Reprov'd
and
censur'd
them
as
there
was
cause
,
and
in
short
govern'd
those
Churches
over
which
they
were
appointed
by
full
Apostolical
power
,
which
was
transmitted
to
their
successors
.
But
the
extraordinary
abilities
of
some
of
these
men
,
and
the
occasions
of
several
other
Churches
,
made
their
residence
less
constant
in
the
Diocess
where
they
were
plac'd
,
Nor
do
we
find
that
they
were
all
so
unfixed
as
they
are
represented
by
the
adversaries
of
Episcopacy
,
for
Mark
who
was
the
first
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
remained
in
that
Province
,
Now
this
order
being
of
perpetual
use
,
and
necessity
in
the
Church
,
to
ordain
Presbyters
,
and
Deacons
,
to
exercise
discipline
,
to
preserve
unity
,
they
were
multiplyed
according
as
the
Apostles
found
most
expedient
for
the
Church
,
and
the
most
eminent
Cities
became
the
Residence
of
these
first
Bishops
,
not
because
God
takes
greater
care
of
Cities
than
he
does
of
lesser
Towns
and
Villages
,
but
because
the
Apostles
thought
it
the
most
natural
way
to
follow
the
distribution
that
was
then
in
the
more
civilz'd
part
of
the
world
:
St.
John
a
little
while
before
his
death
mentions
seven
in
the
Lydian
Asia
,
under
the
name
of
Angels
of
the
Churches
,
nor
is
it
probable
there
were
any
more
in
that
Province
:
The
Seven
Churches
being
the
same
with
all
the
Churches
mentioned
in
the
next
Chapter
,
Rev.
1.20.2.23
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Andr.
Caesar
.
Ego
puto
simul
inveniri
posse
Angelum
&
hominem
bonos
Ecclesia
Episcopos
.
Origen
in
Lucam
,
Hom.
13.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
ut
Collegas
moneat
Beza
.
Ad
Episcopum
loci
dirigitur
.
Paraus
.
and
Carolus
à
Sancto
Paulo
concludes
the
same
thing
out
of
St.
John
,
Cum
in
Asia
septem
tantum
hisce
temporibus
essent
Episcopi
ut
in
Apocalypsi
legere
est
,
nec
majorem
corum
numerum
in
Ponto
tunc
fuisse
probalile
est
:
Thus
far
the
Scripture
discovers
the
rise
and
progress
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
which
was
the
form
of
Church
Government
under
the
Apostles
,
who
had
large
Provinces
to
supervise
,
and
their
suffragans
,
such
as
are
commonly
called
Evangelists
,
had
several
Congregations
to
govern
,
and
this
was
undeniably
the
constitution
of
the
Church
in
the
first
age
;
the
next
thing
we
are
to
inquire
is
,
whether
the
Office
expired
with
those
Persons
,
or
was
designed
to
be
of
perpetual
use
in
the
Church
.
The
Adversaries
of
Episcopacy
are
not
all
agreed
as
to
this
point
,
the
Presbyterians
generally
looking
upon
the
offices
of
Apostles
and
Evangelists
,
extraordinary
as
the
persons
were
:
Mr.
B.
is
something
more
scrupulous
,
because
he
does
not
find
any
where
,
that
Christ
design'd
to
have
this
alter'd
,
and
yet
he
condemns
Diocesan
Episcopacy
as
being
altogether
different
from
it
.
I
have
said
something
to
this
already
,
and
therefore
I
shall
answer
here
more
briefly
:
1.
That
we
have
no
reason
to
believe
from
Scripture
that
the
Office
of
Apostles
or
Evangelists
which
concerned
the
Government
of
the
Church
was
extraordinary
,
and
for
a
time
only
;
and
the
extraordinariness
of
their
gifts
can
be
no
argument
against
their
continuance
,
for
notwithstanding
they
did
many
miraculous
things
,
yet
they
never
could
contrive
to
be
in
two
places
a
the
same
time
,
and
as
to
their
governing
of
several
Congregations
,
they
were
under
the
same
inconveniences
with
their
successors
:
They
visited
from
place
to
place
,
they
called
the
Presbyters
of
some
Churches
to
them
to
give
them
directions
,
they
proceeded
by
information
,
and
legal
evidence
,
and
what
was
possible
to
them
to
do
in
these
cases
,
is
not
become
impossible
to
those
that
succeed
them
.
2.
All
other
offices
had
extraordinary
men
in
those
dayes
,
and
the
same
argument
will
hold
against
Presbyters
and
Deacons
as
against
Bishops
,
for
the
first
Deacons
that
were
elected
were
men
full
of
the
Holy
Ghost
.
3.
The
unfixedness
of
these
is
no
argument
against
the
reason
of
their
continuance
,
and
all
that
will
follow
from
that
is
no
more
than
this
,
that
if
it
was
essential
to
their
office
to
be
unfixed
they
ought
to
be
so
still
,
and
not
to
cease
to
be
at
all
.
4.
All
of
them
were
not
unfixed
,
and
if
they
had
been
so
,
it
does
not
follow
that
the
nature
of
their
office
requires
it
,
it
might
be
no
more
than
accidental
.
5.
That
they
governed
several
Churches
,
and
were
Arch-Bishops
;
As
to
the
notion
of
Church
or
Churches
,
it
is
not
very
material
whether
we
say
,
Bishop
of
one
or
of
many
Churches
;
for
many
worshipping
Churches
may
make
but
one
Governing
Church
,
and
worshipping
Churches
may
have
their
officers
too
,
as
our
Parishes
,
but
still
in
subordination
to
the
Bishop
,
as
the
several
Churches
under
these
Evangelists
and
Apostles
were
subordinated
to
them
,
in
matter
of
Discipline
,
and
Ordination
.
But
because
many
depend
upon
the
title
,
which
these
secondary
Apostles
have
in
Scripture
,
as
Timothy
is
commanded
to
do
the
werk
of
an
Evangelist
,
it
is
necessary
to
observe
that
it
was
not
all
their
work
,
to
Preach
and
Propagate
the
Gospel
,
but
to
settle
Churches
,
to
govern
them
,
to
ordain
Officers
,
to
censure
offenders
,
these
are
the
things
particularly
given
in
Charge
,
that
of
Evangelists
was
common
to
them
with
divers
others
.
But
ordination
is
made
their
peculiar
right
:
For
why
did
Paul
leave
Timothy
and
Titus
,
one
in
Ephesus
,
the
other
in
Crete
to
ordain
Elders
?
Were
there
not
Presbyters
in
Ephesus
already
?
Might
not
they
ordain
?
Might
not
they
receive
Accusations
,
and
Excommunicate
?
Why
then
was
there
one
single
Person
left
to
do
all
this
?
and
in
Crete
,
it
is
not
to
be
conceived
,
but
that
since
St.
Paul
had
converted
several
to
the
faith
in
that
Island
,
he
also
had
ordained
some
Church
Officers
in
those
places
of
the
Island
where
he
most
resided
:
Or
what
need
had
he
to
leave
a
Bishop
behind
him
to
ordain
,
when
he
might
by
the
ordination
of
a
few
Presbyters
in
one
City
provided
sufficiently
for
ordination
in
the
rest
?
or
lastly
since
this
ordination
is
made
so
insignificant
by
Mr.
B.
why
might
not
these
Believers
have
appointed
their
own
Teachers
without
any
further
circumstance
;
and
by
an
instance
of
their
power
have
freed
Posterity
from
the
superstition
of
thinking
Apostolical
Ordination
,
and
succession
so
requisite
to
Authorize
Pastors
?
But
since
the
Apostles
ordained
all
Ecclesiastical
Officers
by
themselves
,
or
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
their
Assistants
,
their
suffragan
Bishops
,
and
left
some
of
them
on
purpose
to
do
this
work
,
it
is
plain
that
they
conceived
some
kind
of
necessity
for
it
,
and
did
not
look
upon
the
power
so
common
or
insignificant
,
as
later
projectors
of
Church
settlements
would
make
us
believe
.
Now
as
the
Scripture
discovers
no
other
sort
of
Episcopacy
,
than
such
as
we
have
discribed
;
so
the
ancient
Bishops
knew
of
no
other
Original
of
their
Office
,
for
they
conceived
themselves
to
be
derived
from
the
Apostles
,
not
as
ordinary
Presbyters
or
Deacon
,
but
to
succeed
them
in
such
a
preheminence
of
dignity
and
power
as
their
first
Assistants
were
endued
with
:
And
Eusebius
whose
diligence
nothing
could
escape
,
and
whose
judgment
was
not
easily
imposed
on
,
a●ter
all
his
search
could
find
no
other
Original
of
Episcopacy
,
and
derives
the
Bishops
of
the
most
eminent
Cities
of
the
Empire
from
the
Apostles
,
and
their
Assistants
whom
they
appointed
as
the
first
Bishops
of
the
Church
:
How
many
(
sayes
he
)
and
who
they
were
that
followed
the
example
of
the
Apostles
,
and
were
thought
worthy
to
govern
those
Churches
which
they
founded
is
not
easy
to
say
;
besides
these
which
St.
Paul
mentions
in
his
Epistles
,
he
indeed
had
a
great
number
of
Assistants
,
and
as
he
calls
them
fellow
Souldiers
whose
names
are
preserved
in
his
Epistle
:
And
Luke
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
makes
mention
of
some
of
them
:
Among
these
Timothy
is
said
to
have
been
first
Bishop
of
Ephesus
,
the
Bishop
of
the
Churches
of
Crete
.
Crescens
was
sent
to
Gallatia
,
as
the
present
reading
of
St.
Pauls
Epistle
is
,
but
as
Eusebius
read
it
,
to
Gallia
;
Linus
whom
he
mentions
in
his
second
to
Timothy
,
was
made
Bishop
of
the
Church
of
Rome
next
to
Peter
and
Clemens
,
who
succeeded
Linus
,
is
owned
by
Paul
as
his
fellow
labourer
.
And
Lastly
,
Dionysius
the
Areopagite
whom
St.
Paul
mentions
as
the
first
Convert
of
Athens
is
reported
to
have
been
the
first
Bishop
of
that
Church
,
by
another
Dionysius
a
very
Ancient
writer
and
Bishop
of
Corinth
:
This
was
the
rise
of
Episcopacy
according
to
Eusebius
and
the
progress
of
it
he
takes
care
to
shew
by
setting
down
the
successours
of
these
and
other
Bishops
to
his
own
time
:
All
this
considered
,
I
cannot
but
wonder
that
the
conjecture
of
St.
Jerom
concerning
the
Original
of
Episcopacy
,
against
all
the
sense
of
Antiquity
and
the
traditions
of
particular
Churches
concerning
the
Succession
of
their
Bishops
,
gathered
by
Eusebius
,
should
obtain
not
only
among
the
professed
Adversaries
of
that
Order
,
but
even
among
many
that
retain
it
:
therefore
for
a
further
Confirmation
of
what
we
have
said
concerning
the
Original
of
Bishops
:
I
shall
indeavour
to
remove
that
prejudice
which
the
Authority
of
Jerom
has
done
it
,
who
has
advanced
a
singular
notion
in
this
particular
,
which
I
shall
first
set
down
as
briefly
as
I
can
,
and
afterwards
examine
the
grounds
of
it
.
St
Jerom
observing
the
name
of
Bishop
and
Presbyter
used
in
Scripture
promiscuously
,
and
without
distinction
,
concludes
,
Cum
Apostolus
perspicue
doctat
cosdem
esse
Presbyteros
quos
&
Episcopos
.
id
.
Ep.
ad
Evagr.
It
is
manifest
by
the
allegations
of
Jerom
in
defence
of
his
opinion
that
it
was
grounded
chiefly
upon
those
places
of
Scripture
where
Bishops
are
called
Presbyters
,
or
Presbyters
Bishops
,
and
then
from
the
synonomy
of
the
names
concludes
to
an
Identity
of
the
Office
;
and
then
he
adds
,
One
may
perhaps
think
this
to
be
my
sence
and
not
that
of
the
Scripture
,
let
him
read
the
Apostles
words
to
the
Philippians
,
his
salutation
of
that
Church
with
the
Bishops
and
Deacons
,
which
he
confirms
by
Acts
20.27
,
28.
Heb.
13.17
.
1
Pet.
5.1
.
And
now
suppose
all
this
is
granted
,
that
Presbyters
are
called
Bishops
,
and
they
again
Presbyters
,
yet
I
am
afraid
it
will
hardly
follow
that
they
are
the
same
,
and
some
of
those
texts
cited
by
St.
Jerom
are
sufficient
proofs
to
the
contrary
;
for
that
of
Peter
,
The
Elders
or
Presbyters
among
you
who
am
my self
an
Elder
,
John
,
The
Elder
to
the
elect
Lady
,
The
Elder
to
his
beloved
Gaius
,
which
plainly
overthrows
his
Argument
;
for
if
an
Apostle
were
of
an
office
superior
to
a
Presbyter
properly
so
called
,
and
yet
is
called
Presbyter
in
Scripture
,
then
Bishops
might
be
of
a
superior
degree
to
Presbyters
though
they
might
some
time
be
so
called
:
or
if
it
be
replyed
that
these
Presbyters
again
are
called
Bishops
,
it
does
not
alter
the
case
at
all
,
for
so
some
Messengers
of
Churches
are
called
Apostles
,
as
Andronicus
and
Junia
who
were
of
note
among
the
Apostles
:
Greek
Scholiast
,
Theophylact
,
and
Oecumenus
saw
the
same
,
but
were
still
of
opinion
that
the
Episcopal
office
was
alwayes
distinct
from
the
Presbyters
;
so
that
the
ground
upon
which
Jerom
built
his
conjecture
,
was
rejected
by
the
current
of
Ecclesiastical
writers
,
who
could
discern
the
preheminence
of
Bishops
above
Presbyters
,
notwithstanding
the
names
were
confounded
:
And
yet
this
is
the
foundation
upon
which
that
conceit
doth
wholly
stand
:
all
Jeroms
allegations
are
to
this
effect
,
all
the
additional
confirmations
of
Salmasius
and
Blondel
,
are
no
other
than
from
the
phrase
of
some
of
the
Ancients
,
who
do
not
alwayes
distinguish
between
Bishops
and
Presbyters
,
but
speak
in
the
phrase
of
the
Scriptures
,
and
yet
there
is
nothing
more
evident
than
that
at
that
time
,
when
these
Authors
writ
,
Bishops
and
Presbyters
were
distinguished
,
and
excepting
only
Clemens
Romanus
,
Blondel
and
Salmasius
do
both
acknowledg
it
.
But
to
return
to
Jerom
,
Let
us
considet
the
account
he
gives
of
the
Original
of
Episcopacy
something
more
particularly
:
Before
there
were
factions
in
Religion
,
the
Church
was
governed
by
Presbyters
of
equal
Authority
:
But
what
factions
were
these
that
gave
birth
to
Episcopacy
?
What
time
was
that
when
the
Church
was
under
Presbyterian
government
?
He
informs
us
in
the
following
words
:
Before
it
was
said
,
I
am
of
Paul
,
and
I
of
Apollos
,
and
I
of
Cephas
:
If
we
understand
this
according
to
the
letter
,
we
must
conclude
this
to
be
very
early
:
For
this
Epistle
to
the
Corinthians
,
where
that
division
is
mentioned
,
was
written
in
the
year
of
Christ
52
:
And
then
this
notion
will
do
little
service
against
Episcopacy
:
for
this
will
make
it
of
Apostolick
institution
.
Besides
I
do
not
see
how
it
can
be
true
:
for
the
Church
was
now
Governed
by
Apostles
,
and
not
by
Presbyters
:
and
if
in
most
Cities
there
were
no
particular
Bishop
ordained
yet
,
it
was
because
the
Apostles
were
their
Bishops
,
and
visited
them
to
establish
good
order
,
to
ordain
officers
,
to
punish
the
disorderly
,
as
they
had
opportunity
;
and
when
they
were
not
able
to
be
present
,
they
sent
their
orders
in
writing
,
and
exercised
Episcopal
Authority
at
a
distance
:
But
Blondel
contends
earnestly
against
the
literal
understanding
of
that
passage
,
and
shews
that
Jerom
could
not
mean
this
of
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
but
of
some
following
Schism
that
sprung
up
after
the
example
of
this
of
Corinth
.
His
reason
is
,
that
the
passages
whereby
Jerom
confirms
his
opinion
of
Bishops
and
Presbyters
being
the
same
,
were
written
after
that
Epistle
to
the
Corinthians
.
I
have
shewed
before
how
probable
it
is
that
Jerom
spoke
without
a
figure
;
and
I
need
not
repeat
it
here
.
But
these
things
you
will
say
cannot
cannot
consist
.
It
may
be
so
:
and
it
is
not
certain
that
Jerom
when
he
wrote
this
passage
,
did
consider
in
what
order
of
time
St.
Paul's
Epistles
were
written
:
what
if
it
was
an
oversight
for
want
of
stating
the
Chronelogy
of
the
New
Testament
?
If
it
be
replyed
that
Jerom
a
man
of
that
great
learning
and
diligence
,
and
particular
knowledg
also
in
Chronology
,
as
we
may
conclude
from
his
translating
of
Eusebius
his
Chronicon
,
could
hardly
commit
such
a
mistake
;
It
is
to
be
considered
that
according
to
Blondels
computation
,
who
makes
him
to
speak
of
the
second
Century
,
he
will
be
as
inconsistent
with
himself
:
for
suppose
w●
should
say
that
Jerom
pointed
to
the
year
135
,
as
the
precise
time
when
the
Presbyterian
Government
was
changed
,
how
shall
we
reconcile
Jerom
to
himself
:
For
in
his
Catalogue
of
Ecclesiastical
writers
,
he
reckons
several
Bishops
long
before
that
time
,
he
makes
James
to
be
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
,
statim
post
Ascensionem
,
presently
after
the
Ascension
of
Christ
.
He
calls
Timothy
Bishop
of
Ephesus
,
he
makes
Anianus
to
succeed
Mark
in
Alexandria
in
the
eighth
year
of
Nero.
How
shall
we
make
all
these
things
to
consist
?
did
he
think
James
to
be
no
more
than
a
simple
Presbyter
,
or
Timothy
could
he
fansie
him
to
have
no
superiority
over
the
Elders
he
was
to
ordain
or
to
govern
?
it
is
not
possible
:
or
shall
we
say
that
in
these
relations
he
only
transcribes
out
of
others
,
and
that
he
does
not
speak
his
own
opinion
:
Well
suppose
this
:
Either
he
must
have
some
Authority
for
his
opinion
greater
than
that
of
such
Authors
he
follows
in
that
Book
;
or
not
:
if
he
had
none
,
why
should
we
believe
him
against
all
Antiquity
?
Nay
why
should
we
believe
so
uncharitably
of
him
,
as
that
he
would
deliver
those
things
he
did
not
believe
without
the
least
warning
to
the
reader
,
or
that
he
would
believe
any
matter
of
fact
against
all
the
tradition
and
History
of
the
Church
,
and
yet
have
no
Authority
for
it
?
Or
if
he
had
any
Authority
from
Ecclesiastical
writers
to
ground
his
opinion
upon
,
why
are
they
not
produc'd
?
Nay
we
may
be
assured
in
this
point
that
he
had
none
from
that
Catalogue
of
writers
we
are
speaking
of
,
since
he
had
seen
none
but
what
Eusebius
had
seen
before
him
,
and
cites
as
we
have
shewed
before
for
the
contrary
opinion
,
to
confirm
Episcopacy
to
be
Apostolical
,
and
to
have
begun
long
before
this
time
,
which
Blondel
would
have
Jerom
thought
to
assign
for
its
Original
.
So
that
what
way
soever
Jerom
be
understood
of
the
Original
of
Episcopacy
,
he
is
either
manifestly
inconsistent
with
himself
,
or
with
Scripture
and
Antiquity
.
But
his
Scripture
Authorities
,
you
will
say
,
do
sufficiently
prove
that
Episcopacy
was
not
yet
introduced
into
the
Church
.
Nothing
less
:
unless
they
can
prove
that
those
Presbyteries
were
not
governed
by
the
Apostle
that
established
them
,
or
by
some
Assistant
,
or
Suffragan
;
or
unless
they
can
make
out
that
Timothy
,
Titus
and
divers
others
of
that
rank
,
were
no
more
than
simple
Presbyters
.
After
this
time
(
whensoever
it
was
)
St.
Jerom
adds
,
It
was
decreed
over
all
the
world
,
that
one
of
the
Presbyters
(
who
governed
before
in
common
)
should
be
set
over
the
rest
.
In
what
Church
in
the
whole
world
was
this
Decree
Registred
?
Who
ever
heard
of
it
before
St.
Jerom
?
What
general
Council
passed
it
?
What
Authority
made
it
Authentick
?
Or
by
what
means
did
all
the
Churches
in
the
World
agree
to
this
change
?
What
,
was
there
no
opposition
made
against
this
alteration
of
the
Apostolical
Government
?
What
,
did
all
the
little
Ecclesiastick
Aristocracies
submit
without
dispute
to
this
innovation
?
We
may
as
well
believe
that
there
was
a
time
when
all
the
Republicks
in
the
world
,
upon
the
consideration
of
their
being
obnoxious
to
Factions
,
became
Monarchies
by
mutual
consent
:
Nay
this
might
with
greater
reason
be
believed
,
for
it
is
not
impossible
but
that
men
who
are
satisfied
of
their
power
to
set
up
what
form
of
Government
they
please
,
might
agree
to
shake
off
together
,
a
form
that
they
find
very
incommodious
:
but
that
so
many
Societies
as
there
were
Churches
in
the
World
,
appointed
by
divine
direction
,
should
so
universally
change
what
the
Apostles
had
instituted
without
any
noise
or
resistance
,
and
that
by
one
common
decree
,
is
altogether
incredible
,
and
one
may
say
with
the
same
reason
,
that
they
conspired
at
the
same
time
to
change
their
Creed
.
Having
examined
St.
Jeroms
singular
opinion
concerning
the
rise
of
Episcopal
Government
,
I
should
now
conclude
that
point
,
if
Clemens
Romanus
in
his
excellent
Epistle
to
the
Corinthians
did
not
seem
to
favour
this
opinion
;
therefore
I
think
it
necessary
to
consider
such
passages
in
it
as
are
alledged
against
Episcopacy
,
and
from
the
whole
to
make
a
conjecture
of
the
state
of
that
Church
when
that
Epistle
was
written
.
The
Inscription
of
it
affords
Blondel
an
argument
against
Episcopacy
,
for
it
is
not
in
the
name
of
the
Bishop
or
Clergy
,
but
of
the
whole
Church
that
it
is
written
:
The
Church
of
God
at
Rome
to
the
Church
of
God
at
Corinth
.
Because
there
is
no
mention
of
the
prerogative
of
the
Roman
Clergy
,
or
of
that
of
Corinth
as
distinguished
from
the
Laity
,
it
's
clear
,
nay
clearer
than
the
day
,
that
there
was
no
Bishop
.
It
would
be
a
very
strange
thing
to
see
two
men
with
their
eyes
open
,
dispute
fiercely
whether
it
were
noon-day
or
midnight
:
and
yet
this
is
our
case
;
that
consequence
which
to
him
is
as
clear
as
the
Sun
,
does
not
at
all
appear
to
others
.
If
he
had
said
,
because
there
is
no
mention
of
the
Clergy
in
the
Inscription
as
the
Governing
part
,
therefore
there
was
no
Clergy
,
or
the
Clergy
did
not
govern
,
the
inference
would
have
appeared
,
but
what
truth
there
would
be
in
it
I
need
not
say
.
Others
inscribe
Epistles
in
the
same
style
,
to
the
Church
of
such
a
Place
,
where
notwithstanding
there
is
a
Bishop
and
a
Clergy
:
Dionysius
Areopagita
was
ordained
by
St.
Paul
the
first
Bishop
of
Athens
:
so
that
these
ancient
writers
it
seems
were
as
blind
as
we
,
and
could
not
observe
either
in
the
Inscription
,
or
body
of
this
Epistle
what
Blondel
at
such
a
distance
of
time
could
perceive
as
clear
as
the
noon
day
,
and
yet
those
writers
if
they
had
suspected
any
such
thing
might
have
been
easily
satisfied
by
their
Fathers
,
who
might
have
seen
the
state
of
the
Church
,
about
which
the
difficulty
was
,
and
so
told
them
upon
their
own
knowledge
whether
the
Government
was
Episcopal
or
Presbyterian
:
And
therefore
this
is
our
comfort
that
if
we
cannot
discern
this
light
which
Blondel
talks
of
,
that
those
who
lived
nearer
the
East
,
the
rising
of
it
,
could
see
no
more
than
we
:
But
some
men
surely
have
glasses
for
distance
of
time
,
as
well
as
place
,
and
can
see
farther
in
the
Apostolick
times
than
the
next
Generation
that
followed
them
.
But
to
proceed
.
Clemens
owned
but
two
orders
in
the
Church
of
Apostolick
Institution
,
Because
their
offices
are
much
alike
,
Besides
Ordination
there
i●
hardly
any
thing
,
but
that
they
act
in
subordination
to
the
Bishops
,
in
whom
the
principal
Authority
of
Teaching
and
governing
is
placed
,
and
the
Presbyters
are
the
Assistants
,
and
supre●●
Council
of
the
Bishop
,
and
both
making
as
it
were
one
Bench
;
the
directive
governing
part
of
the
Church
.
Salmasius
would
understand
Chrysostom
,
when
he
sayes
the
distance
between
Bishops
and
Presbyters
was
not
great
,
to
speak
of
his
own
time
only
;
which
is
so
impudent
a
construction
that
one
would
wonder
how
any
man
could
be
guilty
of
it
,
since
every
one
that
has
the
curiosity
to
consult
the
place
,
will
discern
the
imposture
,
and
there
is
none
of
the
Ancients
that
does
more
expresly
distinguish
between
Bishops
and
Presbyters
from
the
beginning
than
this
eloquent
Father
,
and
nothing
can
be
more
plain
than
that
he
speaks
there
of
the
constitution
of
Episcopacy
and
Presbytery
without
any
regard
to
time
;
for
it
is
evident
from
him
that
he
thought
there
was
no
difference
in
this
particular
between
these
orders
of
the
Church
in
his
time
and
that
of
the
Apostles
,
as
any
man
may
see
that
will
but
look
into
his
comments
upon
Phil.
1.1
.
1
Tim.
c.
1
,
There
are
several
other
passages
in
that
Epistle
of
Clemens
that
make
mention
of
Presbyters
appointed
by
the
Apostles
to
guide
the
Church
,
of
the
Presbyters
of
the
Church
of
Corinth
who
were
turned
out
by
a
faction
;
but
nothing
that
affords
any
argument
against
Episcopacy
but
such
as
the
same
answer
may
be
extended
to
,
which
I
have
given
already
to
the
allegations
made
from
thence
.
But
to
clear
this
business
of
the
Church
of
Corinth
as
far
as
possible
,
I
will
shew
the
state
of
it
as
it
may
be
gathered
from
this
Epistle
,
and
then
take
liberty
to
offer
a
conjecture
concerning
the
form
of
its
Government
at
that
time
and
the
occasion
of
the
Schism
.
The
Church
of
Corinth
in
the
first
place
is
said
here
to
be
an
Ancient
,
and
sound
Church
,
that
for
a
long
while
had
enjoyed
all
the
benefits
of
peace
,
and
order
,
and
was
had
in
great
esteem
and
veneration
of
all
those
that
knew
it
,
until
at
last
having
eat
,
and
drank
,
and
being
enlarged
and
growing
fat
,
it
lifted
up
the
heel
.
From
this
prosperity
sprung
all
the
evils
of
emulation
and
discord
,
the
meaner
sort
setting
themselves
up
against
the
better
,
and
silly
men
growing
conceited
and
pragmatical
,
set
themselves
against
men
of
wisdom
and
experience
:
But
because
in
all
the
insolencies
of
the
people
against
their
Rulers
there
are
commonly
some
persons
of
note
that
first
animate
the
sedition
,
But
now
(
sayes
he
)
consider
by
what
manner
of
men
you
are
perverted
:
And
now
what
could
give
occasion
to
all
this
disorder
?
What
would
these
troublesome
men
have
?
this
is
not
expresly
set
down
,
but
such
hints
are
scattered
as
are
sufficient
to
ground
a
probable
conjecture
.
1.
They
are
said
to
be
great
Zealots
about
things
not
material
or
requisite
to
salvation
:
and
hot
disputants
about
such
matters
.
2.
They
were
such
as
magnified
the
power
of
the
people
,
and
perswaded
them
that
they
had
a
right
to
turn
out
their
Pastors
,
therefore
Clemens
shews
what
course
Moses
took
to
establish
the
Priesthood
,
and
how
the
Apostles
foreseeing
there
would
be
contentions
about
the
name
and
office
of
a
Bishop
,
From
which
Circumstances
one
may
conjecture
,
1.
That
the
Church
of
Corinth
at
this
time
had
no
Bishop
,
the
See
being
vacant
by
the
death
of
the
last
or
otherwise
.
2.
That
this
sedition
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
contention
about
this
Bishoprick
.
3.
That
the
Clergy
and
people
were
divided
about
it
,
the
people
setting
up
some
they
had
a
favour
for
,
whom
the
Clergy
did
not
approve
:
and
when
they
could
not
be
prevail'd
with
,
would
enter
in
at
the
right
gate
;
and
happy
are
those
that
enter
that
way
,
behaving
themselves
peaceably
.
For
let
a
man
be
faithful
,
let
him
be
never
so
powerful
a
Preacher
,
let
him
be
never
so
wise
and
discerning
,
holy
in
his
life
,
yet
by
how
much
he
seems
to
excel
others
,
by
so
much
ought
he
to
behave
himself
more
humbly
,
and
seek
the
common
good
of
all
,
and
not
his
own
particular
.
Besides
this
the
passionate
expostulation
of
Clemens
with
the
Ringleaders
of
this
sedition
makes
this
conjecture
yet
more
probable
;
Who
is
there
among
you
generous
,
and
charitable
?
Let
him
say
,
if
this
Schism
and
Sedition
has
been
raised
upon
my
account
,
I
will
withdraw
,
I
will
be
gone
withersoever
ye
please
,
only
let
the
Fold
of
Christ
live
in
unity
and
peace
with
the
Presbyters
that
are
over
it
:
and
to
incourage
them
to
this
generous
resignation
,
he
tells
them
of
many
Kings
that
have
offered
themselves
a
Sacrifice
for
the
safety
of
their
Countrys
?
How
many
to
put
an
end
to
sedition
have
left
their
own
Cities
?
The
last
thing
I
shall
observe
out
of
Clemens
is
a
passage
that
seems
to
favour
the
distribution
of
the
Clergy
into
three
Orders
,
Having
now
given
an
account
of
the
Original
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
out
of
Scripture
and
Antiquity
,
and
examined
the
singular
opinion
of
St.
Jerom
concerning
it
,
I
come
now
to
give
a
short
view
of
the
progress
and
advancement
of
it
.
The
first
Bishops
after
the
Apostles
according
to
the
opinion
of
Rabanus
Maurus
,
Bishop
of
Crete
,
though
it
were
a
very
great
Island
;
and
in
another
place
he
sayes
,
that
Epaphroditus
was
the
Apostle
of
the
Philippians
,
Titus
of
the
Cretians
,
and
Timothy
of
the
Asians
.
i.
e.
In
his
language
their
Bishops
,
and
the
Canons
of
the
Apostles
signifie
as
much
,
where
they
order
every
Bishop
to
medale
only
with
his
own
Diocess
and
the
Regions
that
belong
to
it
.
But
as
Christians
were
multiplyed
in
the
World
,
so
the
number
of
Bishops
increased
,
every
considerable
City
with
the
Country
about
becoming
Dioceses
;
It
could
not
be
:
It
was
against
the
design
of
the
institution
.
Loci
ipsius
Episc●●o
scribendum
esset
,
non
duobus
aut
tribus
.
Ambr.
in
Loc.
so
Asia
towards
the
latter
end
of
St.
John
had
seven
Bishops
,
and
by
proportion
we
may
conjecture
of
other
Countries
:
and
the
first
advances
of
Christianity
being
very
wonderful
,
and
the
success
of
our
Religion
giving
occasion
to
envy
and
persecution
,
the
condition
of
those
times
seems
to
have
proportioned
the
distribution
of
the
Church
,
and
to
multiply
Dioceses
.
For
in
those
troublesome
times
,
it
being
very
difficult
to
maintain
▪
such
a
communication
as
ought
to
be
,
between
a
Bishop
and
all
the
parts
of
his
Diocese
,
it
was
found
necessary
to
multiply
Churches
,
and
that
every
City
with
some
Portion
of
Countrey
belonging
to
it
should
have
its
own
Bishop
:
who
though
his
flock
might
at
first
be
but
small
,
and
not
exceed
a
Congregation
;
yet
was
he
properly
the
Bishop
of
the
place
,
i.
e.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
of
those
that
afterwards
should
believe
.
Whatever
accessions
were
made
to
this
Church
,
though
the
whole
City
and
Country
should
be
converted
,
Episcope
cedunt
;
they
accrue
to
the
Bishop
of
the
place
into
how
many
Congregations
soever
they
might
after
be
distributed
;
and
therefore
the
Church
of
a
Bishop
retained
still
the
singular
number
,
though
distributed
into
several
Congregations
:
and
in
such
a
Church
they
contended
there
ought
to
be
but
one
Bishop
,
though
it
had
never
so
many
Presbyters
,
as
that
of
Rome
had
,
when
Cornelius
pretended
there
ought
to
be
but
one
Bishop
,
and
Novatus
did
not
contradict
him
;
but
the
dispute
was
about
this
,
which
of
them
were
the
rightful
Bishop
.
Episcopacy
being
setled
upon
these
foundations
with
a
regard
to
the
future
increase
,
as
well
as
the
first
condition
and
small
beginnings
of
the
Church
,
we
do
not
find
that
for
the
first
three
Centeries
the
number
of
Bishops
was
near
so
great
as
it
became
afterwards
;
although
in
a
little
while
the
multitude
of
believers
was
so
great
,
that
there
was
no
Country
,
no
City
,
no
village
in
several
Provinces
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
where
there
was
not
a
good
number
of
Christians
.
Before
the
persecution
of
Trajan
they
were
so
increased
that
in
the
Province
of
Bithynia
,
as
Pliny
complains
,
the
Heathen
Temples
were
become
desolate
,
Yet
after
the
Apostasy
of
so
many
,
the
numbers
are
still
great
:
Visa
est
mihi
res
consultations
digna
,
maxime
proper
periclitantiam
numerum
,
multi
enim
omnis
aetatis
,
omnis
or
di●is
,
utriusque
sexus
,
—
neque
enim
Civitates
tantum
,
sed
&
vicos
&
agros
superstitionis
istius
contagio
pervagata
est
.
Plin.
Ep.
l.
10.
Ep.
100.
the
Sacrifices
neglected
and
laid
aside
;
and
notwithstanding
the
severity
of
that
persecution
made
great
numbers
fall
off
,
yet
those
that
remained
unshaken
and
resolved
to
dye
Martyrs
for
their
Religion
,
were
exceeding
numerous
.
Not
long
after
Arrius
Antoninus
found
so
many
of
them
in
Asia
that
it
was
an
endless
thing
to
put
them
to
death
,
though
they
made
no
resistance
;
and
when
they
thronged
so
much
about
his
Tribunal
,
offering
themselves
to
death
,
he
sends
them
back
again
,
desiring
them
if
they
had
such
a
passion
to
dye
,
that
they
would
hang
themselves
,
because
he
had
not
Executioners
enough
:
And
at
Carthage
the
number
of
Christians
was
so
great
that
they
could
not
have
been
destroyed
without
making
the
City
desolate
,
as
Tertullian
tells
Stapula
the
Governour
of
the
Province
:
If
thou
shouldest
go
about
to
destroy
the
Christians
here
,
what
wouldst
thou
do
with
so
many
thousands
of
people
?
when
men
and
women
of
all
degrees
,
of
all
ages
,
should
offer
themselves
to
the
Executioners
,
how
many
Swords
,
what
fires
would
be
necessary
for
the
Execution
of
so
great
a
multitude
?
Spare
the
City
by
sparing
us
.
Nor
are
we
to
imagin
Carthage
to
abound
more
with
Christians
than
the
rest
of
the
Empire
,
for
the
same
Author
tells
us
,
that
the
whole
world
was
oversprend
with
Believers
,
and
that
the
Heathen
cryed
that
they
had
ever
run
the
City
and
the
Country
,
Nay
,
so
great
were
their
numbers
,
that
it
was
not
want
of
strength
but
want
of
will
that
hindred
them
from
becoming
masters
of
the
Empire
:
Loyalty
was
part
of
their
Religion
,
and
that
was
the
reason
why
they
did
not
force
the
Government
to
a
Toleration
of
,
or
a
submission
to
it
.
The
barbarous
Nations
that
over-ran
the
Empire
were
not
near
so
numerous
:
and
though
they
had
been
yet
inferiour
in
number
and
force
,
yet
their
contempt
of
death
would
render
them
a
very
formidable
Enemy
:
Nay
without
Rebellion
we
might
easily
ruine
our
Persecutors
,
should
we
but
withdraw
,
and
retire
to
any
corner
of
the
World
,
the
loss
of
so
many
subjects
of
any
kind
would
unavoidably
ruin
the
Government
;
How
you
would
be
astonished
at
the
strange
solitude
our
departure
should
cause
,
at
the
silence
,
and
stilness
of
your
City
,
as
if
it
had
expired
by
our
departure
?
you
would
be
to
seek
for
Subjects
to
govern
,
and
wore
enemies
than
Citizens
would
remain
with
you
;
but
now
your
enemies
are
more
inconsiderable
by
reason
of
the
great
multitude
of
Christians
,
who
are
your
Citizens
,
and
almost
all
your
Citizns
are
Christians
.
And
because
the
Heathens
complained
that
Christian
Religion
was
an
enemy
to
trade
,
and
that
it
would
destroy
the
commerce
of
the
East
,
which
depended
upon
the
consumption
of
Frankincense
and
Spices
in
the
Temples
,
the
Apologist
answers
:
that
the
Arabians
sell
more
for
the
Christian
funerals
than
they
do
to
the
Heathen
Temples
:
and
the
Christian
Charity
spent
more
in
a
street
,
than
the
Heathen
superstition
did
in
a
Temple
.
Now
the
largeness
of
the
Dioceses
of
those
times
will
appear
by
comparing
the
vast
multitude
of
Christians
and
the
small
number
of
Bishops
;
and
first
no
City
how
great
soever
had
more
than
one
Bishop
:
this
is
so
well
known
that
it
would
be
great
impertinence
to
go
about
to
prove
it
by
instances
,
and
I
have
shewed
already
how
the
Fathers
were
of
opinion
that
there
ought
to
be
no
more
.
Besides
,
the
Bishops
of
most
Cities
if
not
all
,
had
a
considerable
Territory
belonging
to
their
jurisdiction
,
which
was
commonly
the
Country
lying
round
about
their
City
:
So
Alexandria
besides
the
Ager
Alexandrinus
,
which
was
of
very
large
extent
,
had
likewise
all
the
Region
called
Mareotes
,
containing
above
an
hundred
and
fifty
Villages
,
as
Athanasius
rightly
understood
,
computes
them
.
For
every
Presbyter
had
ten
or
more
Villages
under
him
,
The
African
Dioceses
,
which
Mr.
B.
fansies
to
be
no
bigger
than
our
Parishes
,
were
at
first
very
large
,
till
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
had
divided
that
Church
into
small
pieces
:
the
manner
and
the
reason
of
this
change
I
shall
shew
in
due
place
,
and
even
then
it
will
appear
that
there
were
some
very
large
Bishopricks
in
Africk
.
Carthage
in
Tertullians
time
had
an
infinite
multitude
of
Christians
,
as
we
have
shewed
already
;
and
Cyprian
who
was
made
Bishop
there
not
long
after
,
gives
us
hints
enough
of
the
greatness
of
his
Diocess
.
Carthage
,
Gaius
,
Diddensis
Presbyter
,
who
from
several
passages
of
that
Epistle
appears
to
have
been
near
the
City
and
under
its
jurisdiction
;
and
it
is
not
improbable
that
this
is
one
of
those
Presbyters
Cyprian
complains
of
in
another
place
for
their
presumption
in
receiving
the
lapsed
into
communion
And
if
the
like
should
happen
again
,
he
makes
no
doubt
but
his
Diocess
will
relieve
them
:
libenter
&
largiter
Subsidia
praestare
ad
hoc
opus
tam
necessarium
Fratres
&
Sorores
prompte
&
libenter
operati
sunt
.
Ep.
60.
LL.
S.
centum
millia
:
LL.
centum
,
as
Pamelius
corrects
it
,
though
without
the
Authority
of
any
MS
S.
Potest
inter
caeteros
,
qui
alimentis
Ecclesia
sustinentur
,
hujus
(
Histrionis
)
necessitas
adjuvari
—
Si
illic
Ecclesia
non
sufficit
ut
laborantibus
pr●stet
alimenta
,
poterit
se
ad
nos
transferre
,
&
hic
quod
sibi
ad
victum
&
vestitum
necessarium
fuerit
,
accipere
.
especially
when
we
consider
,
that
Cyprian
when
he
sends
it
to
the
Bishops
of
Numidia
with
a
Letter
,
and
particulars
,
does
not
take
notice
of
it
as
any
extraordinary
matter
;
and
all
the
observation
he
makes
of
the
Contributions
of
his
flock
is
,
that
they
were
done
prompte
&
libenter
,
readily
and
willingly
,
and
he
promises
that
they
will
be
as
ready
upon
any
such
occasion
.
2.
The
Ordinary
charge
of
that
Church
was
so
great
for
the
support
of
the
Bishop
,
Presbyters
,
and
a
very
numerous
Clergy
,
besides
poor
,
who
were
plentifully
relieved
,
and
especially
in
dangerous
times
,
besides
the
maintenance
of
such
,
as
when
they
became
Christians
were
obliged
to
quit
their
former
callings
as
inconsistent
with
that
holy
profession
,
and
the
extraordinary
charge
of
Messengers
that
passed
perpetually
between
them
and
other
Churches
;
This
ordinary
charge
was
so
great
,
that
the
summ
collected
in
this
Diocess
for
the
redemption
of
those
C●ptives
,
at
the
lowest
computation
,
must
suppose
a
considerable
Diocess
to
furnish
it
,
especially
so
soon
after
a
terrible
persecution
,
as
that
which
this
is
supposed
to
follow
.
Lastly
,
the
Diocess
of
Carthage
is
not
extraordinary
in
all
these
circumstances
,
but
the
rest
of
Africk
were
some
of
them
distributed
into
several
Parishes
:
For
Caldonius
an
African
Bishop
makes
mention
of
one
Felix
,
But
since
there
is
no
Record
left
as
Ancient
as
the
times
we
speak
of
that
gives
the
just
extent
of
any
Diocess
,
and
what
we
mentioned
already
are
only
accidental
hints
;
we
must
take
some
other
way
to
make
more
just
observations
of
the
magnitude
of
those
Stars
,
and
of
the
Orbs
in
which
they
moved
.
And
since
most
of
the
Remains
of
Ancient
writings
do
either
concern
Religion
in
general
,
and
are
taken
up
in
the
defence
of
it
against
Idolatry
,
and
Blasphemous
Heresies
;
or
else
in
giving
some
account
of
the
general
administration
of
the
Church
,
by
Bishops
met
in
Councils
:
we
must
try
whether
we
may
not
ground
a
probable
computation
of
the
Bishopricks
of
those
times
in
some
Provinces
,
upon
the
number
of
Bishops
that
usually
met
there
,
to
determine
such
things
as
concerned
the
general
Union
and
the
peace
not
only
of
the
Churches
within
such
a
district
,
but
also
the
Church
Universal
.
Now
the
Church
of
Africk
at
this
distance
of
time
stands
in
the
best
light
of
any
,
which
is
owing
to
the
excellent
writings
of
Cyprian
,
who
gives
several
particulars
concerning
the
state
of
the
Churches
of
that
part
of
the
world
in
and
before
his
time
.
The
first
Council
mentioned
there
,
was
under
Agrippinus
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
about
rebaptizing
of
Hereticks
;
but
the
number
is
not
mentioned
,
which
if
it
had
been
any
thing
extraordinary
,
Cyprian
would
not
have
forborn
to
alledge
,
to
add
weight
and
Authority
to
the
precedent
he
cites
in
favour
of
his
own
opinion
.
The
next
we
find
is
at
Lambese
against
one
Privatus
of
that
place
,
where
there
were
present
ninety
Bishops
,
the
most
numerous
Council
we
read
of
in
Africk
before
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
:
Provincia
nostra
,
whether
it
be
understood
here
of
the
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
Province
,
yet
it
was
usual
for
the
Bishops
of
those
Provinces
in
Cyprians
time
to
meet
at
Carthage
to
consult
as
the
occasions
of
the
Church
did
require
.
After
the
persecution
that
forced
Cyprian
from
Carthage
,
was
ceased
,
a
Council
was
assembled
to
settle
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
relating
to
the
laps'd
,
Persecutione
s●pita
,
copi●sus
Episcoporum
numerus
,
quos
integros
&
incolumes
,
fides
sua
&
Domini
tutela
protexit
.
Ac
si
minus
suffici●●s
i●
Africa
Episc●porum
numerus
,
etiam
R●mam
,
&c.
Ep.
52.
&
Epigraph
.
Ep.
54.
Cypria●u●
liberalis
,
&c.
Numero
42.
or
such
as
had
fallen
away
in
time
of
Temptation
:
and
since
Cyprian
in
his
recess
would
never
determine
any
thing
concerning
it
,
before
the
storm
were
over
,
and
all
the
Bishops
permitted
to
come
together
to
establish
a
general
rule
concerning
it
,
it
is
to
be
imagined
that
all
that
could
possibly
come
together
would
meet
upon
this
occasion
,
where
they
were
all
concerned
:
and
so
no
doubt
they
did
,
and
Cyprian
intimates
as
much
,
where
he
says
that
all
that
had
stood
and
persevered
under
that
persecution
came
together
,
and
their
number
did
hardly
exceed
forty
;
it
is
likely
that
only
the
Bishops
of
the
Province
of
Africk
appeared
here
,
the
business
requiring
some
speedy
remedy
,
and
all
of
that
Province
that
had
not
lapsed
doubtless
came
together
;
and
Cyprian
with
regard
to
the
number
of
Bishops
in
the
Province
,
calls
this
a
great
number
of
Bishops
.
Another
Syned
is
said
to
be
called
shortly
after
by
the
Author
of
the
Libellus
Synodicus
in
the
cause
of
Novatian
which
appears
to
be
after
that
which
we
have
mentioned
last
,
Sed
cum
statuissemus
Collegae
complures
qui
in
unum
conveneramus
(
perhaps
in
Hadrumettina
Colonia
)
&
legatis
ad
vos
coepiscopis
nostris
,
omnia
interim
in
t
egrasuspenderentur
,
ut
t●
universi
nostri
Collega
&
communicationem
tuam
,
i.
e.
Catholicae
Ecclesie
unitatem
—
probarent
,
firmiter
ac
tenerent
:
and
these
universi
Collegae
it
seems
were
the
84.
above
mentioned
:
who
came
from
Africk
,
Numidia
,
and
the
two
Mauritani●'s
,
for
the
Union
and
consent
of
all
these
was
designed
by
Cyprian
,
in
order
to
which
some
Bishops
were
sent
to
Rome
to
inform
them
of
the
whole
matter
.
Cypr.
Ep.
45.
as
well
from
the
number
which
was
eighty
four
,
and
supposed
the
Church
in
a
peaceable
condition
,
as
from
Cyprians
Letter
to
Cornelius
about
the
Clergy
in
Hadrumettina
Colonia
,
which
though
it
be
placed
in
the
order
of
Pamelius
before
the
Synod
of
Carthage
about
the
lapsed
;
yet
from
several
circumstances
I
conceive
was
written
some
time
after
:
For
1.
From
the
Epistle
of
the
Synod
last
mentioned
it
appears
that
it
was
the
first
after
the
Persecution
:
2.
It
makes
no
mention
at
all
of
Novatian
:
3.
The
Letter
of
Cyprian
about
Polycarp
and
his
Clergy
gives
the
reason
why
they
deferred
to
determine
the
difference
between
Cornelius
and
Novatian
:
because
they
staid
for
an
account
of
the
whole
matter
from
those
Bishops
they
had
sent
to
Rome
,
that
the
cause
of
Cornelius
might
want
no
advantage
of
evidence
to
justifie
and
clear
it
,
though
he
,
Cyprian
,
was
well
enough
satisfied
of
the
justice
of
it
,
and
had
communicated
with
Cornelius
before
;
All
this
he
sayes
in
the
same
place
was
done
in
order
to
establish
a
general
consent
about
communicating
with
Cornelius
,
which
was
to
be
done
in
a
full
Council
of
all
the
Provinces
,
the
same
that
we
have
set
down
here
from
the
Libellus
Synodicus
.
Another
African
Council
whose
Epistle
to
Fidus
about
the
Baptism
of
Infants
is
still
extant
,
when
we
had
met
together
the
Bishops
of
Africa
and
Numidia
seventy
one
in
number
:
Africa
,
Numidia
,
Mauritania
;
and
of
these
eighty
seven
,
two
left
their
suffrages
with
Proxies
:
and
this
is
the
most
numerous
of
all
the
Councils
in
Cyprians
time
,
and
the
last
of
that
Country
we
have
any
account
of
in
that
age
.
This
was
the
state
of
the
Church
of
Africk
and
the
number
of
their
Bishops
,
which
if
we
compare
with
the
vast
increase
of
Christians
there
described
by
Tertullian
,
and
the
Accession
,
we
may
probably
conceive
to
have
been
made
after
by
the
care
and
ministry
of
those
good
Bishops
that
governed
that
Church
:
we
must
conclude
the
African
Dioceses
to
be
very
large
,
and
to
contain
each
of
them
not
only
a
very
great
number
of
Believers
,
but
those
also
dispersed
throughout
a
great
extent
of
Country
.
But
it
may
be
objected
that
all
the
Bishops
of
Africk
might
not
meet
in
these
Councils
,
and
therefore
there
is
no
computation
to
be
made
of
their
number
from
this
observation
:
To
which
I
answer
first
,
that
it
is
possible
every
individual
Bishop
might
not
be
present
,
yet
the
greatest
part
was
,
and
none
was
to
absent
himself
without
absolute
necessity
,
as
of
sickness
or
the
like
:
and
the
number
of
such
would
be
inconsiderable
.
And
the
Canons
of
that
Church
are
very
strict
in
this
point
in
after
times
,
But
to
make
this
point
clear
beyond
all
exception
,
I
will
indeavour
to
shew
from
unquestionable
testimonies
,
how
Bishopricks
came
to
be
multiplyed
in
Africk
more
than
in
any
other
part
:
and
then
notwithstanding
this
,
I
will
make
it
evident
that
those
Bishops
were
Diocesans
,
and
some
of
them
after
the
crumbling
of
that
Church
into
small
pieces
,
had
yet
very
large
Dioceses
,
not
inferiour
to
most
of
ours
for
extent
of
Territory
.
The
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
though
it
broke
not
forth
with
any
violence
till
after
Caecilianus
was
made
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
yet
it
was
hatching
long
before
in
the
time
of
Mensurius
,
Secundus
Tisnigensis
being
called
to
Carthage
with
his
Numidian
Bishops
to
set
up
another
,
He
came
accordingly
with
about
seventy
Bishops
,
all
the
strength
he
could
make
,
and
perhaps
more
than
his
own
Province
could
afford
him
:
These
declare
they
would
not
communicate
with
Caecilianus
,
and
therefore
set
up
Majorinus
against
him
;
and
in
like
manner
,
where
ever
they
could
make
the
least
party
imaginable
,
they
appointed
a
Schismatical
Bishop
;
and
not
content
to
equal
the
number
of
the
Catholicks
,
they
divided
the
ancient
Dioceses
,
and
erected
several
new
Episcopal
seats
,
that
by
the
number
of
their
Bishops
at
least
they
might
appear
to
be
Catholicks
,
as
they
afterwards
laid
claim
to
the
title
upon
that
account
:
It
was
not
long
after
this
breach
,
Some
time
after
when
they
quarrelled
among
themselves
,
they
called
a
Council
of
three
hundred
and
ten
,
Bagatense
against
Maximianus
.
The
Catholicks
observing
what
advantage
this
reputation
of
having
a
great
number
of
Bishops
gave
their
adversaries
,
Petilianus
Episcopus
dixit
sapientissimè
ac
praescie
ommá
pravidisti
vir
nobilis
,
nam
in
Plebe
mea
,
i.e.
in
Civitate
Constantmensi
adversarium
habeo
Fortunatum
,
in
medio
autem
Dioecesis
meae
,
nunc
institutum
habeo
,
imo
ipsi
habent
,
Delphinum
:
pervidet
jam
hinc
prastantiatua
duos
in
unius
plebe
fuisse
imaginarie
constitutos
,
ut
&
numerum
augeant
,
&
tamen
plebium
numerus
non
sit
,
qui
sit
illarum
,
scilicet
,
Personarum
:
&
hoc
Argumenti
est
maximi
,
ut
videantur
nos
hoc
genere
superare
,
si
du●
contra
unum
constituti
sunt
vel
tres
:
Nam
etíam
in
plebe
praesentis
sanctissimi
Collegae
,
ac
fratris
mei
Adeodati
,
i.
e.
in
Civitate
Milevitana
,
ita
commissa
res
est
,
ut
unum
ibidem
habeat
Adversarium
,
alterum
in
Tuncensi
Civitate
,
qui
ad
hujus
scilicet
plebem
antiquitus
pertinet
,
&
ante
biennium
esse
videtur
constitutus
:
Tertius
vero
sit
in
loco
qui
dicitur
Ceramussa
:
Ergo
cum
unus
sit
Civitatis
Milevitanae
Episcopus
à
partibus
nostris
,
tres
videntur
ab
his
constituti
fuisse
,
ut
illorum
numerus
augeretur
,
aut
fortasse
excederet
numerum
veritatis
:
Requirendum
est
igitur
quando
auctus
est
illorum
numerus
,
quam
Originem
ha●●e●it
,
utrumhoc
novitas
fecerit
,
an
dederit
Antiquitas
,
utrum
ut
ita
dixerim
,
contra
vetustatem
canam
vitium
h●c●
fuerit
novitatis
.
Petilianus
(
Donatist
Bishop
of
Constantina
said
:
Noble
Sir
,
you
have
wisely
foreseen
all
things
:
for
in
my
Diocess
,
i.
e.
in
the
City
of
Constantina
,
I
have
Fortunatus
an
opposite
Bishop
;
and
in
the
middle
of
my
Diocess
,
I
have
,
nay
they
have
,
Delphinus
another
Bishop
:
Your
excellence
may
perceive
by
this
,
how
they
have
set
up
two
imaginary
Bishops
in
the
Diocess
of
one
to
increase
their
number
,
and
yet
the
number
of
Dioceses
will
not
be
so
great
as
that
of
their
Bishops
:
and
this
is
a
great
argument
that
they
would
seem
to
out
do
us
in
this
kind
,
if
they
do
but
set
up
two
or
three
against
ones
for
in
the
Diocess
of
my
worthy
c●llegue
Adeodat●s
who
is
here
pesent
,
i.
e.
in
the
City
of
Milevis
,
the
matter
is
so
ordered
,
that
he
has
one
Anti
Bishop
there
in
the
City
,
another
in
the
City
of
Tunca
which
has
belonged
of
old
to
his
Diocess
,
and
it
is
not
above
two
years
since
he
is
set
up
there
▪
a
third
is
in
a
place
called
Ceramussa
.
Therefore
whereas
there
is
but
one
?
Bishop
of
Mil●●is
of
our
party
,
they
have
three
,
that
they
may
increase
their
number
,
and
perhaps
exceed
the
number
of
the
truth
,
or
of
the
True
Church
:
we
ought
therefore
to
ask
them
when
their
number
increased
thus
,
what
was
the
Original
of
it
?
Whether
this
be
an
innovation
,
or
Reverend
Antiquity
,
or
rather
whether
this
novelty
has
not
been
irregularly
introduced
against
reverend
Antiquity
.
And
what
Answer
is
there
to
all
this
?
No
other
than
that
it
was
impertinent
,
it
was
nothing
to
the
business
of
the
conference
,
which
was
to
dispute
the
cause
of
the
Church
,
whether
it
were
to
be
found
among
the
Catholicks
,
or
only
amongst
the
Donatists
.
Fortunatianus
Episcopus
Ecclesia
Catholica
dixit
,
Multiloquio
Ecclesia
causam
agi
non
debere
perspicit
mecum
tua
dignationis
sensus
,
Cognitorum
optime
.
Fortunatianus
Bishop
of
the
Catholick
Church
said
,
Best
of
Jndges
,
you
perceive
as
well
as
I
that
the
cause
of
the
Church
ought
not
to
be
maintained
by
much
impertinent
talk
.
Therefore
the
Catholicks
could
not
deny
the
matter
of
fact
,
but
despised
the
argument
,
and
perhaps
looked
upon
it
as
a
credit
to
their
cause
to
be
so
watchful
and
industrious
in
it
;
and
since
Schism
would
needs
divide
the
Church
,
they
thought
it
allowable
to
return
them
the
same
measure
and
devide
Schism
too
,
by
parcelling
their
Dioceses
between
several
Catholick
Bishops
.
And
that
we
may
not
think
this
instance
▪
singula●
,
Petilianus
Episcop●s
dixit
,
in
una
Pleb●
Jan●●ri●
Collegae
nostu●
praefer●is
,
in
una
dic●cosi
qu●●icor
sunt
constuenti
contra
ips●●n
,
〈◊〉
numer●●
stilicet
augeretur
.
Petilianus
said
,
In
the
single
Diocess
of
my
Brother
Januarius
,
there
are
no
less
than
four
Bishops
set
up
against
him
,
that
their
number
may
be
increased
.
To
this
and
some
other
little
reffections
the
Answer
of
Marcellinus
the
President
was
,
Hac
ad
praesentem
non
pertinent
actionem
:
These
things
are
not
to
the
purpose
.
And
these
,
checks
were
the
cause
why
we
have
not
many
more
particulars
of
the
divisions
of
Dioceses
in
Africk
;
yet
for
all
this
,
some
could
not
forbear
making
their
complaints
when
it
came
to
their
turn
to
speak
.
Verissimus
Episcopus
dixit
,
Agnosco
illum
,
quatuor
sunt
in
plebe
mea
,
Datianus
,
Aspidius
,
Fortunatus
&
Octavian●s
.
Verissimus
said
▪
I
know
him
,
(
for
before
the
Conference
the
subscriptions
were
to
be
examined
,
and
the
Donatist
Bishops
were
to
confront
the
Catholicks
,
i.
e.
the
Bishop
of
each
City
his
opposite
Bishop
there
)
there
are
four
Bishops
in
my
Diocess
,
and
names
them
.
Now
that
we
may
not
think
this
way
was
taken
up
by
the
Catholicks
only
to
increase
their
party
,
Sumnius
Episcopus
Tiguallensis
idem
dixit
,
praesto
sum
:
in
Dioecesi
mea
duo
sunt
Gaianus
&
Privatus
.
Alypius
Episcopus
Ecclesiae
Catholicae
dixit
,
animadvertat
nobilitas
tua
etiam
in
nostrorum
Dioecesi
eos
ordinasse
Episcopos
.
Sumnius
Bishop
of
Tigualla
said
:
I
am
here
:
there
are
two
set
up
against
me
in
my
Diocess
,
and
names
them
.
Alypius
Bishop
of
the
Catholick
Church
said
,
Your
Honour
may
please
to
observe
,
that
they
have
set
up
several
Bishops
in
single
Dioceses
of
ours
.
Marcellinus
V.
C.
Tribunus
&
Notarius
dixit
:
Marcellinus
,
Tribune
and
Notary
,
(
the
moderator
of
this
Conference
)
said
:
It
is
evident
that
these
things
are
objected
on
both
sides
;
if
this
be
the
business
you
would
examine
,
I
am
come
hither
to
little
purpose
,
for
this
is
not
the
thing
I
came
about
.
This
check
had
so
much
effect
that
we
do
not
find
any
make
this
impertinent
complaint
for
a
long
while
together
,
but
the
opposite
Bishops
own
the
knowledg
one
of
another
,
and
so
the
subscriptions
are
read
and
passed
with
little
interruption
.
At
last
Alypius
not
being
able
to
hold
out
longer
,
would
make
his
general
remark
upon
a
great
number
of
Donatist
Bishops
.
Alypius
Episcopus
Ecclesiae
Catholicae
dixit
:
Scriptum
sit
illos
omnes
in
villis
vel
in
fundis
esse
Episcopos
ordinatos
,
non
in
aliquibus
Civitatibus
.
Alypius
said
,
Let
it
be
recorded
that
all
these
were
made
Bishops
in
Villages
and
Hamlets
,
and
not
in
any
Cities
.
Petilianus
Ep.
dixit
:
Sic
&
tu
multos
habes
per
omnes
Agros
dispersos
,
immo
crebros
ubi
habes
,
sane
&
sme
populis
habes
.
Petilianus
Answered
:
And
you
have
many
dispersed
in
the
Country
,
and
of
those
several
without
any
people
to
govern
.
And
now
the
reader
may
perceive
by
wha
methods
the
Dioceses
of
Africk
came
to
be
so
numerous
:
266
,
14
present
that
did
not
subscribe
:
absent
of
the
Catholicks
120.
Brevic
.
Col.
It
was
not
the
example
of
the
Bees
that
made
Bishops
swarm
so
much
there
,
but
an
unhappy
Schism
,
and
the
affectation
of
number
to
support
the
credit
of
it
,
then
a
necessity
that
lay
on
the
Catholicks
to
add
number
to
their
weight
,
and
to
turn
the
ballance
on
their
side
,
no
less
in
point
of
reputation
,
than
it
inclined
of
it self
as
to
the
justice
of
their
cause
:
and
yet
after
all
this
the
Dioceses
were
not
so
little
as
our
Parishes
;
C●ll
.
Carth.
Cog.
1.212.215
.
for
reckoning
after
the
utmost
computation
there
will
be
a
great
difference
:
for
the
number
of
subscribers
on
the
part
of
the
Catholicks
in
this
Conference
was
two
hundred
sixty
six
,
vacant
Sees
sixty
four
,
absent
two
hundred
and
twenty
:
in
all
five
hundred
and
fifity
Dioceses
:
The
Donatists
had
two
hundred
seventy
nine
subscribers
,
said
they
had
more
absent
than
the
Catholicks
,
Notitia
Africa
published
by
Syrmond
.
And
yet
in
all
this
division
several
Bishopricks
in
Africk
had
the
fortune
to
remain
intire
,
Notitia
Africae
which
was
taken
some
years
after
,
sets
down
but
one
more
,
for
which
reason
the
African
Councils
made
several
exceptions
in
their
favour
,
as
that
there
should
be
required
the
presence
but
of
one
Bishop
of
that
Province
in
any
Council
:
and
that
few
Bishops
might
be
allowed
to
ordain
there
,
in
consideration
of
their
number
.
Besides
there
were
several
large
Bishopricks
in
the
other
Provinces
:
ut
●adem
Dioecesis
permissa
proprium
tantum
habeat
Episcopum
,
caeteras
sibi
non
vindicet
Dioeceses
,
quia
exempta
de
fasce
multarum
sola
meruit
honorem
Episcopatus
suscipere
:
It
is
enough
,
when
a
Bishop
gives
way
that
another
Bishop
should
be
set
up
in
part
of
his
Diocess
,
that
that
part
which
he
grants
this
to
,
may
have
their
own
Bishop
;
but
this
new
Bishop
is
not
to
assume
any
right
over
the
other
parts
of
his
Diocess
:
Because
his
part
being
taken
out
of
the
bundle
of
several
Dioceses
,
(
i.
e.
such
as
would
make
several
like
his
,
but
belonging
all
to
the
same
Cathedral
,
)
was
alone
designed
for
this
new
Bishoprick
:
And
to
the
same
effect
he
calls
that
ancient
intire
Diocess
out
of
which
another
is
to
be
taken
Massa
Dioecesium
,
an
aggregation
of
Dioceses
,
or
as
we
would
now
speak
,
of
Rural
Deanries
:
The
same
thing
is
supposed
by
the
Canon
that
forbids
a
Bishop
to
leave
his
Cathedral
,
and
live
in
any
other
Church
in
his
Diocess
.
That
the
Presbyters
who
are
Rectors
of
Churches
in
a
diocess
,
ought
before
Easter
to
repair
to
their
proper
Bishop
for
Chrism
,
and
not
to
take
it
of
any
other
,
who
perhaps
may
be
nearer
:
It
would
be
endless
to
cite
all
the
circumstances
that
imply
the
greatness
of
the
African
Dioceses
even
at
this
time
;
I
will
select
some
Dioceses
there
whose
extent
is
mentioned
occasionally
,
but
without
any
remark
of
their
being
extraordinary
in
comparison
of
others
.
The
Diocess
of
Hippo
Diaretorum
,
The
Diocess
whereof
Xantippus
was
Bishop
must
be
supposed
of
good
extent
,
Alypius
Bishop
of
Tagastis
,
Hippo
Regia
the
Diocess
of
St.
Augustin
was
very
large
,
Presbyter
Germaniciensis
,
Armemansis
,
Subsana
,
where
Timothy
was
ordained
Reader
,
which
occasioned
no
small
trouble
:
Malliana
,
Turres
,
Ciran
,
Vitalis
,
&c.
And
such
was
the
number
of
Churches
in
his
Diocess
,
that
he
excuses
himself
to
a
friend
,
whom
he
had
promised
to
assist
in
some
kind
of
Study
,
that
he
could
not
be
as
good
as
his
word
,
because
he
was
gone
upon
his
Visitation
,
which
would
hold
a
considerable
time
:
and
therefore
he
remits
him
to
one
of
his
Presbyters
:
Quoniam
visitandarum
Ecclesiarum
ad
meam
curam
pertinentium
necessitate
profectus
sum
:
But
we
have
a
clearer
account
of
the
extent
of
this
Diocess
than
of
any
other
in
Africk
,
id
Ep.
261.
Volens
prodesse
quibusdam
in
nostra
vicinitate
.
This
Neighbourhood
which
Mr.
B.
sometimes
argues
from
,
to
shew
the
smallness
of
Dioceses
then
,
was
not
the
next
door
or
the
next
Town
.
in
his
Letter
to
Celestinus
Bishop
of
Rome
,
where
he
mentions
a
place
in
his
neighbourhood
,
as
he
expresses
it
,
that
belonged
to
his
Diocess
,
and
had
never
had
a
Bishop
of
its
own
;
yet
forty
miles
distant
from
Hippo
:
the
passage
because
it
is
something
remarkable
I
will
set
down
in
St.
Austins
words
.
Fussala
dicitur
,
Territorio
Hipponensi
confine
Castellum
,
antea
ibi
nunquam
Episcopus
fuit
,
sed
simul
cum
contigua
sibi
Regione
ad
Paroeciam
Hipponensis
Ecclesiae
pertinebat
.
—
i.
e.
T●e
place
is
called
Fussala
,
a
Town
adjoyning
to
the
Territory
of
Hippo
,
which
never
had
a
Bishop
of
it
own
,
but
belonged
to
the
Diocess
of
Hippo
with
the
Country
about
it
:
Sed
quod
ab
Hippone
memoratum
castellum
millibus
quadraginta
sejungitur
:
because
it
is
forty
miles
distant
from
Hippo
,
and
the
miserable
condition
of
that
Church
requiring
the
presence
of
a
Bishop
,
he
ordained
one
for
them
,
which
not
proving
as
useful
as
he
expected
,
he
sends
this
Letter
to
excuse
himself
:
Nor
are
we
to
imagine
that
the
Diocess
of
Hippo
was
singularly
great
above
all
the
rest
of
Africk
,
Collat.
Carth.
1.65
.
but
that
Carthage
,
Cirta
,
Milevis
,
and
many
others
of
the
more
eminent
Bishopricks
,
had
more
Churches
under
the
inspection
of
their
Bishops
:
and
the
Diocess
of
Milevis
particularly
had
besides
Towns
and
Villages
,
Cities
likewise
belonging
to
it
;
for
besides
Milevis
,
Civitas
Tuncensis
belonged
to
that
Bishop
.
And
now
if
Mr.
B.
and
the
Nonconformists
in
whose
name
he
makes
Diocesan
Episcopacy
a
reason
of
Separation
,
had
lived
in
Africa
in
the
time
of
Cyprian
or
Augustin
,
they
must
have
renounced
their
communion
,
or
must
have
renounced
these
principles
,
they
must
have
been
Nonconformists
there
,
and
abhorred
the
largeness
of
the
Bishops
Dioceses
,
no
less
than
the
Donatists
did
the
largeness
of
their
Charity
:
Augustin
would
have
been
reckoned
for
all
his
learning
and
holiness
,
no
better
than
an
Antichristian
Bishop
,
and
our
Reformers
must
have
had
toleration
to
Separate
from
him
;
and
what
is
the
sweetest
liberty
of
all
,
to
discharge
their
gall
and
bitterness
upon
him
.
So
that
this
is
our
comfort
,
that
these
men
that
are
such
irreconcileable
enemies
to
our
Church
,
would
have
been
no
otherwise
to
the
Prophets
,
the
holy
Primitive
Bishops
that
have
gone
before
us
.
And
for
the
same
reason
they
reproach
us
,
they
must
reproach
the
ancient
renowned
Churches
of
Christ
:
Nay
the
Church
Universal
,
as
will
further
appear
by
what
follows
.
Although
it
may
seem
sufficient
for
my
design
to
have
shewed
the
progress
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
in
Africk
,
the
Country
that
Mr.
B.
singles
out
,
as
retaining
the
clearest
footsteps
of
the
Congregational
form
;
yet
for
farther
satisfaction
in
this
point
I
will
briefly
shew
the
progress
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
in
other
Nations
,
and
shew
how
at
first
they
were
but
few
in
comparison
,
not
only
for
want
of
Christians
in
all
Cities
and
Villages
,
but
by
choice
;
and
when
they
came
afterwards
to
be
multiplyed
,
it
was
not
so
much
from
the
increase
of
believers
,
as
from
Schisms
and
divisions
in
the
Church
,
and
from
the
increase
of
Metropoles
by
the
Christian
Emperors
:
in
order
to
which
I
shall
proceed
upon
the
same
grounds
I
have
done
hitherto
.
From
the
great
number
of
Christians
that
were
dispersed
into
all
parts
and
Cities
,
and
the
small
number
of
Bishops
that
met
in
Councils
,
especially
Provincial
,
where
all
were
obliged
to
be
present
;
as
also
from
some
general
expressions
of
the
condition
of
some
Bishops
in
the
earliest
times
,
as
it
is
to
be
presumed
that
in
the
earliest
times
of
the
Church
,
the
Provincial
Synods
were
the
majority
at
least
of
the
Bishops
in
the
several
Provinces
;
so
the
first
Synod
had
so
few
Bishops
that
we
must
needs
conclude
their
number
then
to
be
very
small
.
For
instance
therefore
,
The
Gallick
Synod
assembled
at
Lyons
under
Irenaeus
,
The
Synod
of
Hierapolis
under
Apolinarius
against
Montanus
and
Maximilla
had
twenty
six
.
The
Synod
of
Anchialus
under
Sotas
had
twelve
or
thirteen
Bishops
.
The
Synod
of
Ephesus
under
Polycrates
about
the
time
of
Easter
,
was
probably
more
numerous
than
most
of
the
Provincial
Councils
of
this
age
,
as
consisting
not
only
of
the
Bishops
of
Asia
,
but
of
those
of
the
neighbouring
Countries
;
as
we
may
conclude
from
Victors
attempt
to
excommunicate
them
:
a
considerable
number
,
and
if
he
should
write
down
all
their
names
,
it
would
seem
a
great
multitude
:
But
no
number
is
any
where
expressed
.
But
a
Synod
held
at
Rome
about
the
same
subject
had
but
fourteen
Bishops
,
and
several
other
Synods
about
this
Controversy
had
not
many
more
.
That
of
Jerusalem
under
Narcissus
had
but
fourteen
:
not
the
language
of
that
time
.
Praecepta
it
aque
authoritate
praedictus
Episcopus
nonsolum
de
sua
Provincia
,
sed
de
diversis
Regionibus
omnes
Episcopos
evocavit
.
And
the
famous
Council
under
Theophilus
Bishop
of
Caesarea
had
but
twelve
besides
him
;
Eusebius
makes
but
one
of
both
these
:
Bede
represents
it
as
an
extraordinary
great
Assembly
,
for
the
Preface
to
it
I
conceive
to
be
his
,
he
makes
him
to
assemble
not
only
the
Bishops
of
his
own
Province
,
but
from
several
other
parts
.
The
Council
of
Lyons
under
Irenaeus
made
up
but
fourteen
:
That
of
Corinth
under
Bachillus
eighteen
:
That
under
Pasna
or
Palma
the
same
number
:
That
of
Osroena
eighteen
,
but
the
President
of
it
is
not
known
:
That
of
Mesapotamia
which
follows
had
the
same
number
,
and
it
may
be
was
the
same
Synod
;
as
that
of
Rome
which
follows
is
it
may
be
the
same
with
that
which
is
mentioned
before
to
have
had
the
like
number
;
and
the
occasion
of
such
mistakes
as
these
,
is
,
that
when
men
find
a
Synod
cited
upon
several
accounts
,
although
it
might
be
the
same
meeting
that
determined
several
things
,
they
are
apt
to
conclude
they
were
several
Synods
.
However
it
is
plain
from
hence
,
that
there
were
but
few
Bishops
in
comparison
of
what
they
grew
to
within
an
hundred
years
after
,
and
that
I
take
to
be
an
argument
of
the
largeness
of
their
Dioceses
.
But
you
will
say
,
there
were
but
few
Christians
in
these
Parts
:
The
countrary
is
notorious
to
all
the
Word
,
for
these
parts
where
most
of
these
Councils
were
held
,
were
the
best
planted
and
furnished
with
Christians
of
any
in
the
World
:
But
it
may
be
there
were
but
few
in
the
world
at
this
time
.
It
is
not
long
after
this
that
Tertullian
wrote
his
Apology
,
and
what
number
of
Christians
there
were
then
,
we
have
shewed
already
.
How
then
can
this
be
imagined
,
for
every
City
,
if
it
have
a
Church
must
have
a
Bishop
;
there
is
no
absolute
necessity
of
that
,
that
it
should
have
its
peculiar
Bishop
:
for
we
have
seen
already
one
Bishop
,
as
that
of
Milevis
,
had
more
Cities
than
one
in
his
Diocess
,
and
it
had
been
so
from
ancient
time
,
or
rather
from
the
beginning
,
antiquitus
pertinuit
:
And
in
this
time
we
are
now
speaking
of
,
it
is
likely
the
Apostolick
constitution
of
Bishopricks
,
which
in
the
beginning
,
as
Rabanus
Maurus
observed
,
were
very
large
,
did
hold
;
and
it
was
the
best
suited
to
the
infancy
of
the
Church
,
when
one
general
visit
our
should
take
care
of
several
Churches
scattered
as
yet
,
and
incoherent
:
and
because
a
persecution
might
overthrow
these
little
beginnings
,
it
was
necessary
there
should
be
one
,
whose
office
it
should
be
,
to
cultivate
these
new
Plantations
,
and
where
they
were
rooted
up
,
to
set
anew
,
and
to
confirm
those
that
were
shaken
with
a
competent
district
.
But
when
Christians
multiplyed
every
where
,
and
most
Cities
had
such
numbers
belonging
to
them
,
as
must
be
distributed
into
several
Congregations
,
the
Diocess
of
the
first
constitution
became
too
great
,
and
every
City
with
some
of
the
Territory
belonging
to
it
,
became
a
Diocess
,
and
had
its
proper
Bishop
.
And
this
seems
to
be
most
agreeable
both
to
the
Scripture
History
of
the
Church
which
we
have
made
a
deduction
of
before
,
and
to
the
progress
of
the
Church
in
succeeding
ages
;
and
particularly
to
the
numbers
of
Bishops
which
are
found
in
the
first
Synods
:
But
to
proceed
,
The
Synod
at
Rome
under
Victor
wherein
Novatus
was
condemned
was
much
more
numerous
than
any
mentioned
before
,
Libellus
Synodicus
reckons
but
eighteen
,
which
it
may
be
was
a
small
Synod
previous
to
this
greater
one
mentioned
by
Eusebius
.
The
Eastern
Synods
about
Rebaptizing
Hereticks
were
reckoned
as
for
those
times
very
numerous
;
Galatia
,
Cappadocia
,
Cilicia
,
and
other
neighbouring
Provinces
.
St.
Augustin
despises
the
smalness
of
their
numbers
,
though
Dionysius
confesses
these
were
mighty
Synods
in
his
time
,
or
rather
before
his
time
;
for
they
seem
to
be
earlier
than
Baronius
places
them
:
But
what
were
these
against
so
many
thousand
Bishops
as
were
in
the
world
then
?
sayes
Augustin
.
I
believe
it
would
have
been
a
very
hard
matter
to
have
found
so
many
thousand
Bishops
at
that
time
;
I
am
sure
the
Acts
of
the
Church
discover
no
such
multitudes
of
them
,
and
they
must
be
very
negligent
,
if
they
should
be
so
many
,
and
yet
suffer
things
to
be
carried
any
way
in
Councils
by
a
very
few
persons
:
that
Father
judged
of
former
ages
by
his
own
,
when
Dioceses
were
exceedingly
multipyed
,
even
to
be
the
grievance
and
complaint
of
the
African
Church
.
But
Baronius
goes
to
mend
the
matter
by
telling
us
,
that
this
opinion
could
find
but
fifty
to
countenance
it
among
all
the
Bishops
of
the
East
:
One
would
imagine
by
this
that
the
Councils
of
Iconium
and
Synadae
,
Cilicia
,
Galatia
,
What
number
of
Bishops
France
had
at
this
time
appears
from
the
Council
,
Nor
do
we
find
that
Dioceses
were
much
multiplyed
in
Spain
as
yet
,
the
famous
Council
of
Illiberis
,
which
decreed
so
many
things
relating
to
Communion
,
and
such
as
all
the
Churches
there
must
be
supposed
to
consent
to
,
had
but
nineteen
Bishops
;
a
number
so
small
that
Baronius
takes
occasion
from
hence
to
despise
the
Authority
of
the
Assembly
.
But
what
ever
may
be
inferred
from
the
smalness
of
their
number
,
surely
one
must
infer
that
their
Dioceses
were
Divided
into
Parishes
from
Canon
seventy
seven
,
Hic
regere
posse
plebem
Diaconum
,
hoc
est
curam
Parochiae
habere
,
Hispani
Episcopi
docent
,
&
Baptizare
posse
,
Mendoza
.
where
it
is
ordered
,
That
if
a
Deacon
who
has
the
government
of
a
Congregation
or
Parish
without
a
Bishop
or
Presbyter
,
shall
Baptize
any
,
the
Bishop
shall
perfect
it
by
Confirmation
;
or
if
in
the
mean
time
the
party
dyes
,
we
are
to
hope
well
of
him
The
Council
of
Neocaesarea
in
like
manner
does
signifie
the
same
distribution
of
Dioceses
into
several
Parishes
,
Now
when
Constantines
conversion
had
made
so
great
and
happy
a
change
in
the
affairs
of
the
Church
,
when
the
Civil
power
that
hitherto
used
all
means
possible
to
destroy
it
,
took
it
not
only
into
its
protection
,
but
to
special
favour
and
kindness
;
and
studyed
all
means
possible
to
render
it
great
and
honourable
,
the
number
of
Bishops
and
Dioceses
were
so
far
from
being
diminished
,
that
they
soon
after
were
exceedingly
encreased
,
partly
by
the
Emperors
multiplying
Metropoles
,
partly
by
the
unhappy
Divisions
that
soon
after
afflicted
the
Church
,
as
will
appear
by
the
progress
of
this
deduction
.
When
Constantine
Indicted
the
Council
of
Nice
,
it
appears
from
Eusebius
that
he
us'd
all
means
to
have
as
great
an
Assembly
of
Bishops
as
could
well
come
together
;
Palestine
Phoenice
,
Coelosyria
,
Egypt
,
and
some
other
Countries
,
either
with
the
Ancient
Noti●●●
of
the
Dioceses
of
those
Countries
,
or
the
subscriptions
of
following
Councils
;
and
it
is
observable
that
the
Province
of
Bithynia
where
this
Council
was
held
,
had
but
13
Bishops
Present
,
though
the
principal
Bishop
of
the
Province
were
extreamly
concern'd
,
and
at
last
condemned
by
this
Synod
therefore
we
cannot
but
conclude
that
that
Province
had
very
few
more
.
Yet
after
all
this
care
to
make
a
full
assembly
,
the
number
of
Bishops
scarce
exceeded
250.
as
Eusebius
who
was
present
does
affirm
;
the
Apparatus
,
that
belong'd
to
the
Nicene
Council
,
double
the
number
meet
together
:
The
Council
of
Sardica
on
the
part
of
the
Catholicks
,
had
near
300.
the
Hereticks
had
great
numbers
at
the
same
time
in
Philippopolis
:
the
Arrian
Council
of
Sirmium
had
300
Western
Bishops
besides
those
of
the
East
;
that
of
Ariminum
had
400.
Bishops
from
the
Western
parts
of
the
Empire
;
for
in
the
East
there
was
another
Council
called
at
Seleucca
:
and
lastly
,
that
of
Chalcedon
had
no
less
than
600.
There
can
be
no
reasonable
account
given
of
this
difference
,
And
as
the
number
of
the
Council
of
Nice
shews
that
Dioceses
in
those
times
were
not
so
many
,
nor
small
as
they
became
afterwards
;
so
the
Canons
of
the
same
Council
,
do
suppose
Bishopricks
to
be
very
large
,
and
forbid
the
dividing
of
them
:
for
one
Canon
orders
that
every
Bishop
should
be
ordained
by
all
the
Bishops
of
his
Province
.
Chorepiscopus
,
i.
e.
the
Rector
of
a
Country
Parish
in
his
Diocese
,
or
a
City
Presbyter
,
lest
there
should
be
two
Bishops
in
the
same
City
:
The
African
Councils
took
another
course
as
we
have
seen
,
and
divided
the
Diocese
in
such
a
Case
;
but
when
they
consider'd
the
Authority
of
this
Council
,
we
find
them
changing
their
Practice
:
for
Augustin
when
he
had
design'd
his
Successour
,
yet
would
not
suffer
him
to
be
ordain'd
in
his
life
time
,
because
he
would
not
violate
this
Canon
,
although
his
Predecessor
had
permitted
his
Ordination
while
he
was
alive
;
one
City
with
all
its
dependencies
;
and
thought
that
by
vertue
of
this
Canon
there
ought
not
to
be
two
Bishops
together
in
the
Diocese
of
Hippo
that
was
above
forty
miles
in
length
.
The
Diocese
of
Constantinople
to
which
Constantine
was
so
great
a
Patron
,
The
Council
of
Antioch
supposes
Bishops
to
have
large
Dioceses
,
Country
Presbyters
shall
not
give
Canonical
Epistles
,
not
so
much
as
to
the
next
neighbouring
Bishop
,
but
the
Chorepiscopi
may
send
such
as
were
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
for
friendly
correspondence
and
concord
.
And
the
next
Canon
about
the
power
of
Metropolitans
,
that
he
may
govern
his
own
Church
,
and
all
the
Regions
under
his
jurisdiction
.
Another
Canon
supposes
more
than
one
City
in
a
Diocess
,
and
therefore
Orders
,
That
a
Bishop
shall
not
Ordain
a
Presbyter
or
a
Deacon
in
another
City
than
his
own
,
[
*
](A50343-e99410-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Can.
22.
or
that
is
not
subject
to
him
.
Colen
:
Sêrvatius
Bishop
of
Tongres
in
his
Subscription
adds
something
concerning
his
own
knowledg
of
Euphratas
Bishop
of
Colen
;
and
he
gives
for
his
reason
that
he
was
his
next
neighbour
,
and
yet
their
Cities
are
fifty
or
sixty
English
miles
distant
one
from
the
other
:
and
the
extent
of
the
Diocess
of
Colen
appears
from
the
same
Council
,
where
not
only
the
people
of
the
City
exhibite
their
complaint
against
him
;
but
of
all
the
Towns
of
the
second
Germany
,
Provincia
Germaniae
secundae
Metropolis
.
Civitas
Agrippinens
,
Colozia
.
Libel
.
Provinciar
.
whereof
Colen
was
Metropolis
,
and
most
of
them
belonged
to
that
Diocess
.
The
Council
of
Sardica
considering
what
course
the
Arians
took
to
strengthen
their
party
,
by
increasing
the
number
of
Bishops
,
as
the
instance
of
Ischyras
Presbyter
of
Mareotes
shews
,
who
was
Ordained
Bishop
of
a
Village
by
the
Arian
Council
of
Tyre
,
thought
fit
to
declare
against
such
proceedings
,
as
derogating
from
the
dignity
of
a
Bishop
:
and
therefore
Decree
;
That
no
Village
or
inconsiderable
City
shall
have
a
Bishop
,
or
any
place
where
a
Presbyter
may
suffice
:
—
and
lest
you
may
imagine
this
an
innovation
to
favour
the
growing
greatness
of
the
Bishops
,
they
add
immediately
,
That
the
Bishops
of
a
Province
shall
Ordain
Bishops
in
those
Cities
where
there
were
any
before
;
which
supposes
,
that
there
were
several
Cities
after
the
Empire
became
Christian
,
that
had
never
yet
had
Bishops
:
Nay
they
add
farther
,
That
when
a
City
grows
very
populous
,
so
as
to
be
fit
to
receive
a
Bishop
,
it
may
have
one
:
To
the
same
purpose
is
the
Decree
of
the
Council
of
Laodicea
,
held
after
that
of
Sardica
,
and
much
later
than
is
generally
pretended
:
That
Bishops
ought
not
to
be
made
in
Villages
,
or
in
the
Country
but
Visitors
:
who
by
the
name
they
bear
appear
to
be
Diocesans
,
because
they
have
several
Congregations
under
them
which
they
are
to
visit
:
and
as
for
such
Country
Bishops
as
are
already
,
they
must
take
care
to
act
nothing
of
moment
without
the
advice
and
privity
of
the
City
Bishops
.
Yet
all
this
while
Dioceses
do
multiply
against
all
means
used
to
prevent
it
:
as
we
may
perceive
by
the
extraordinary
numbers
that
met
in
Councils
,
Illyricum
,
Italy
,
Africk
,
Spain
,
France
,
to
summon
the
Bishops
to
meet
at
Ariminum
:
and
all
the
Bishops
are
said
to
come
thither
from
all
the
Cities
of
the
West
.
And
now
as
we
may
observe
the
number
of
Bishops
and
Dioceses
to
increase
;
so
we
may
make
some
judgment
concerning
the
occasion
,
from
that
little
light
that
is
left
in
this
particular
:
We
have
but
a
very
obscure
account
of
the
erecting
of
Bishopricks
,
how
and
when
most
of
them
were
founded
;
but
those
instances
that
are
preserved
are
sufficient
to
make
us
comprehend
how
the
numbers
came
to
increase
so
sensibly
after
the
breaking
out
of
the
Arian
controversy
:
and
in
Egypt
some
time
before
upon
the
occasion
of
the
Meletian
Schism
,
Nor
is
there
yet
any
end
of
dividing
Dioceses
,
but
these
increase
in
proportion
to
the
divisions
of
the
Church
;
But
besides
this
the
multiplying
of
Metropolitans
by
the
Christian
Emperors
contributed
no
less
to
multiply
Bishops
.
We
have
an
eminent
instance
of
this
in
the
Province
of
Cappadocia
in
the
time
of
Basil
the
Great
:
The
province
being
divided
between
two
Civil
Metropoles
;
the
Bishop
of
Tyana
the
new
Metropolis
thought
that
accordingly
all
that
part
of
the
Country
that
belonge●●o
the
Civil
jurisdiction
of
his
City
,
became
no
less
subject
to
him
as
his
Ecclesiastical
Province
,
which
occasioned
great
disputes
and
animosities
between
the
two
Metropolitans
.
Basil
complains
of
the
Bishops
of
the
second
Cappadocia
that
they
presently
renounced
him
in
a
manner
:
22
,
23.
To
this
purpose
Sasima
a
small
Town
belonging
to
Caesarea
is
made
an
Episcopal
Seat
,
and
Gregory
Nazianzen
is
preferred
to
it
much
against
his
will
,
as
a
Person
that
might
be
of
use
to
him
against
his
Antagonist
,
which
he
complains
of
in
his
Epistles
to
Basil
,
and
in
his
account
of
his
own
life
,
and
so
sensible
was
he
of
Basil's
ingaging
him
in
this
quarrel
,
By
the
increase
of
Bishops
there
would
be
a
more
exact
and
particular
care
taken
of
Souls
,
and
every
City
should
be
governed
in
all
Ecclesiastical
affairs
within
it self
:
which
before
in
that
Country
it
seems
they
were
not
used
to
:
And
Lastly
That
by
this
means
the
strife
endeds
,
After
what
manner
he
does
not
say
,
perhaps
this
increase
of
Bishops
carried
the
cause
for
Basil
against
Anthimus
,
and
so
the
controversy
ended
:
However
Nazianzen
commends
Basil
here
for
multiplying
Dioceses
,
yet
in
the
Verses
before
cited
,
he
makes
it
a
very
unnecessary
innovation
for
him
to
set
up
a
Bishop
at
Sasima
having
no
less
than
fifty
Suffragan
Bishops
in
his
Province
already
;
Tabulae
Peuterigeranae
,
Apud
Itinerarium
Antonini
Sasus
in
finibus
Ciliciae
:
But
this
cannot
be
the
same
with
Sasime
in
the
other
Itinerary
.
the
distance
must
be
as
great
at
least
as
between
Hippo
and
Fussala
;
for
in
that
Itinerary
there
is
reckoned
sixteen
miles
from
Sasima
to
Andavalis
,
which
in
Peutingers
tables
is
a
great
way
from
Caesarea
.
3.
Sasima
in
the
Ancient
Greek
Notitiae
Printed
with
others
by
Carolus
â
S.
Paulo
,
Basil
writing
to
the
Presbyte●●
of
Nicopolis
,
Salutes
the
Clergy
of
the
City
,
and
the
Clergy
of
the
Diocess
.
And
in
a
Letter
to
the
Citizens
of
the
same
place
,
And
here
he
confesses
that
if
he
could
find
one
that
would
answer
the
character
of
St.
Paul
,
that
were
a
workman
,
who
needed
not
to
be
ashamed
,
such
a
one
would
go
a
great
way
,
and
be
worth
many
little
Bishops
;
would
be
of
greater
use
to
the
Church
,
and
by
that
means
we
might
with
less
hazard
undertake
the
care
of
the
Souls
of
the
Province
:
But
if
this
cannot
be
done
,
then
let
there
be
made
Bishops
in
the
lesser
Cities
and
Villages
where
there
were
Bishops
before
,
and
the
matter
be
so
ordered
that
the
Bishop
of
the
Principal
City
may
not
disturb
us
hereafter
in
point
of
Ordinations
.
By
which
it
appears
that
Isauria
was
then
part
of
Basils
Province
;
and
we
may
perceive
the
reason
why
he
chose
rather
to
Ordain
the
Country
Bishops
first
,
to
form
an
interest
in
the
first
place
,
and
to
diminish
the
strength
and
power
,
and
to
prevent
the
usurpations
of
the
Bishop
of
the
chief
City
.
Nor
were
these
Chorepiscopi
Country
Bishops
other
than
Diocesan
,
as
to
the
extent
of
their
Church
,
which
consisted
of
many
Congregations
,
and
those
at
a
good
distance
one
from
the
other
;
for
these
were
not
as
Rectors
of
a
single
Parish
,
but
Visitors
of
several
Churches
,
to
the
proportion
it
may
be
of
our
Rural
Deaneries
,
though
like
them
they
were
more
immediately
related
to
a
certain
Parish
or
Town
:
But
their
Episcopacy
was
in
relation
to
the
association
of
several
Churches
.
So
Basil
sayes
he
sent
to
the
Chorepiscopus
of
those
places
,
not
of
one
Country
Town
;
that
whosoever
is
admitted
without
our
consent
,
shall
be
reputed
but
a
Layman
:
What
would
he
have
said
if
they
had
pretended
to
ordain
Presbyters
or
Bishops
in
opposition
to
them
?
The
Bishops
of
the
Church
of
England
desire
no
more
than
S.
Basil
assumed
,
That
none
should
be
reputed
Priests
or
Deacons
that
were
ordained
in
their
Dioceses
without
their
consent
,
and
that
by
simple
Presbyters
who
were
never
Chorepiscopi
,
or
had
any
character
to
distinguish
them
from
other
Presbyters
.
Therefore
the
case
ought
not
to
be
reckoned
so
hard
as
it
is
commonly
represented
by
the
more
moderate
Nonconformists
,
who
pretend
this
point
of
Reordination
the
only
bar
that
keeps
them
out
of
the
Church
,
since
there
was
never
any
other
Church
,
not
any
in
Ancient
times
would
have
received
them
upon
any
other
terms
:
and
they
must
have
remained
Nonconformists
under
Basil
,
Athanasius
,
and
all
the
ancient
Bishops
,
whose
names
are
,
and
alwayes
have
been
had
in
veneration
with
all
Christians
;
not
one
of
these
would
have
ever
been
perswaded
to
own
a
Pastor
that
his
Presbyters
had
ordained
in
opposition
to
him
,
nay
hardly
could
they
have
been
prevailed
with
to
admit
such
as
any
other
Bishop
should
Ordain
within
their
Diocess
;
so
extream
punctilious
they
were
in
this
matter
;
and
there
is
hardly
any
one
thing
that
caused
so
frequent
and
dangerous
contentions
between
them
as
the
point
of
Ordination
.
Nor
was
this
Province
singular
in
the
extent
of
its
Bishopricks
,
or
the
manner
of
their
Administration
,
but
all
the
parts
of
the
Christian
World
went
by
the
same
Rule
as
to
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
most
of
them
had
much
larger
Dioceses
than
these
we
have
been
speaking
of
:
The
Frontier
Provinces
of
the
Empire
towards
the
East
,
being
more
remote
from
the
contentions
that
afflicted
the
Church
,
were
not
cantoned
into
so
small
Dioceses
as
other
Countries
,
and
being
likewise
less
divided
in
their
Civil
Condition
,
because
it
might
render
them
less
defensible
against
Invasion
,
the
Ecclesiastical
Dioceses
likewise
remained
intire
in
the
the
measure
of
their
first
Constitution
.
The
Diocess
of
Edessa
seems
to
be
of
extraordinary
extent
,
The
Diocess
of
Cyrus
whereof
Theodoret
was
Bishop
was
yet
larger
,
Petavius
mistaking
a
passage
in
Epiphanius
,
That
many
Bishops
of
our
Communion
have
Ordained
Presbyters
in
our
Province
,
that
we
could
not
take
(
because
they
fled
from
us
on
purpose
to
avoid
that
honour
,
which
was
the
modesty
of
those
times
—
Nay
,
I
my self
desired
Philo
of
blessed
memory
,
and
Theophorbus
that
they
would
Ordain
Presbyters
in
those
Churches
of
Cyprus
which
were
near
them
,
and
belonged
to
my
Diocess
;
because
my
Province
,
(
i.e.
my
Docess
)
was
very
large
:
Now
that
this
Province
which
is
here
said
to
be
of
so
large
extent
was
no
other
than
his
Diocess
,
appears
from
the
nature
of
the
thing
.
For
if
we
shall
imagine
that
it
was
his
Province
,
as
Metropolitan
,
the
words
will
have
no
sense
:
for
then
are
not
there
Bishops
enough
dispersed
through
this
great
Province
,
who
may
Ordain
within
their
respecture
Dioceses
,
and
to
them
belonged
the
Ordination
of
Presbyters
,
and
not
to
the
Metropolitan
?
If
we
shall
take
this
Province
for
a
Civil
division
,
there
will
be
yet
greater
absurdity
;
for
there
may
be
other
Metropolitans
as
well
as
he
,
and
by
what
Authority
could
he
dispose
of
their
Dioceses
or
Provinces
?
In
short
there
he
gives
leave
to
Ordain
Presbyters
where
the
right
of
Ordaining
them
belonged
to
him
;
and
that
being
in
his
particular
Diocess
only
,
it
follows
that
this
great
Province
was
no
other
than
his
own
Diocess
or
Parochia
as
he
calls
it
also
in
the
same
passage
.
Nor
were
the
Dioceses
of
the
West
generally
any
thing
inferior
to
those
we
have
been
speaking
of
:
Italy
indeed
had
the
smallest
,
not
only
by
reason
of
the
great
multitude
of
Cities
there
;
but
by
the
policy
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
who
having
alwayes
had
some
Authority
over
the
greatest
part
of
the
Country
,
strengthened
themselves
by
making
as
many
Bishops
as
they
could
within
the
dependance
of
their
City
;
and
by
that
means
secured
themselves
from
all
such
dangers
as
might
threaten
them
from
general
Councils
;
having
a
strong
party
of
Bishops
at
hand
to
send
whither
the
Popes
occasions
should
require
their
service
:
What
effect
this
policy
of
multiplying
Bishops
in
Italy
had
we
see
in
the
History
of
the
Council
of
Trent
,
whither
several
Bishops
came
from
France
,
Spain
,
and
Germany
,
with
design
of
reforming
most
of
the
grossest
abuses
in
the
Church
,
and
to
moderate
,
if
not
wholly
to
remove
that
insupportable
Yoke
of
the
Papacy
:
But
the
Italian
Pensioners
being
too
many
for
the
well-meaning
Bishops
,
that
Yoke
was
setled
more
grievous
than
before
,
and
weight
added
to
the
oppression
;
No
remedy
being
left
but
vain
complaints
,
(
and
Dudithius
makes
a
very
lamentable
one
to
the
Emperor
)
and
then
submission
.
Yet
after
all
this
the
Italian
Dioceses
were
never
reduced
to
a
single
Congregation
,
and
some
of
them
remain
still
of
a
very
considerable
extent
.
The
Bishopricks
of
Spain
were
at
first
very
large
as
may
be
observed
from
the
small
numbers
of
Bishops
that
met
in
the
Councils
of
that
Country
:
The
Council
of
Eliberis
had
but
nineteen
Bishops
,
and
the
first
of
Toledo
had
the
same
number
;
Garsias
Loyasa
infers
that
these
were
general
Councils
of
all
Spain
,
because
the
Province
of
Toledo
(
sayes
he
)
had
not
so
many
Suffragans
at
that
time
;
and
that
Marcellus
Bishop
of
Sevil
who
was
a
Metropolitan
of
another
Province
was
there
.
But
the
extent
of
the
Spanish
Dioceses
does
appear
not
only
from
the
number
of
Bishops
in
their
Councils
,
but
also
from
the
Canons
made
in
them
:
As
that
of
the
Council
of
Toledo
is
very
express
about
the
making
of
Chrism
,
that
it
belonged
only
to
the
Bishop
,
That
he
be
restored
to
his
Churches
.
Nor
can
any
one
think
it
strange
that
these
should
be
general
Councils
of
all
Spain
,
when
he
considers
the
numbers
that
usually
met
in
Provincial
Synods
of
that
Country
.
For
the
Council
of
Saragossa
had
but
twelve
,
and
that
number
is
extraordinary
compared
with
some
following
Councils
:
Concilium
Gerundense
had
but
seven
Bishops
;
that
of
Ilerda
eight
,
whereof
one
was
present
but
by
Proxy
;
that
of
Valentia
seven
:
And
lest
we
may
imagine
the
Bishops
of
Spain
neglected
their
Synods
,
the
sixth
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Arragon
(
which
consisted
of
ten
Bishops
)
Orders
,
That
if
any
Bishop
having
received
Summons
from
his
Metropolitan
,
ut
Antiquae
consuetudinis
Ordo
servetur
,
&
annis
vicibus
ab
Episcopo
Dioeceses
visitentur
,
&
siqua
Basilica
reperta
fuerit
destituta
,
Ordi●atione
ipsius
reparari
praecipiatur
,
&c.
Can.
8.
where
it
Orders
every
Bishop
once
in
a
year
to
visit
his
Dioceses
according
to
the
ancient
usage
of
that
Church
,
and
see
what
Churches
there
were
out
of
repair
,
and
ordered
them
to
be
repaired
out
of
the
Revenues
of
those
Churches
,
there
being
a
third
part
reserved
for
that
purpose
by
ancient
custom
and
tradition
;
and
the
thirteenth
Canon
of
the
same
Council
makes
a
distinction
between
the
Presbyters
of
the
Cathedral
,
and
those
of
the
Diocess
;
The
Churches
of
France
as
they
had
a
near
correspondence
with
those
of
Spain
in
several
other
things
,
The
Council
of
Valence
had
twenty
one
Bishops
,
and
this
is
very
extraordinary
for
the
Province
of
one
Metropolitan
,
in
these
times
;
and
therefore
it
is
more
probable
that
it
was
a
general
one
of
several
Provinces
,
or
of
all
Gallia
:
For
there
is
an
Epistle
of
this
Synod
directed
to
all
the
Bishops
and
Churches
of
Gallia
,
by
way
of
Preface
to
the
Canons
of
it
,
a
thing
never
assumed
by
the
particular
Synods
of
a
Province
;
and
this
will
appear
yet
more
probable
by
comparing
this
with
other
Councils
that
followed
.
(
The
Council
of
Regium
or
Riez
▪
)
consisted
but
of
thirteen
Bishops
personally
present
,
and
one
Presbyter
who
was
Proxy
for
a
Bishop
.
The
first
Council
of
Orange
had
but
sixteen
personally
present
,
and
one
Proxy
.
And
that
we
may
not
imagine
the
Gallican
Bishops
to
be
so
negligent
as
not
to
attend
these
Provincial
Synods
;
let
us
but
consider
the
eighteenth
and
nineteenth
Canons
of
the
second
Council
of
Arles
,
which
provide
against
this
neglect
:
There
it
s
ordered
,
That
if
any
Bishop
be
hindred
by
sickness
,
he
shall
not
fail
to
send
his
Proxy
:
But
if
any
Bishop
shall
neglect
to
come
,
or
depart
before
the
conclusion
of
the
Assembly
,
let
him
know
that
he
is
shut
out
of
his
brethrens
communion
,
and
so
to
continue
until
the
next
Synod
shall
restore
him
.
Yet
for
all
this
injunction
the
Synod
of
Angers
assembled
the
year
following
had
but
eight
Bishops
,
and
the
third
Council
of
Arles
,
within
three
years
after
had
but
thirteen
Bishops
;
The
Synod
of
Tours
ten
,
whereof
one
subscribed
by
Proxy
,
and
another
subscribed
being
absent
,
the
Canons
being
sent
to
him
:
The
Council
of
Vennes
(
Venetum
)
had
but
six
Bishops
,
and
there
were
but
two
more
in
the
whole
Province
,
as
appears
by
the
Epistle
of
that
Synod
to
those
two
that
were
absent
,
desiring
their
confirmation
of
such
Canons
as
they
had
made
:
And
Lastly
another
Council
at
Arles
about
Predestination
,
had
but
twelve
subscriptions
.
From
whence
it
appears
how
large
the
Dioceses
of
Gallia
were
at
that
time
.
The
Ancient
Notitia
Galliae
published
by
Sirmond
,
and
written
as
is
conjectured
in
the
time
of
Honorius
and
Arcadius
,
reckons
in
all
the
seventeen
Provinces
of
Gallia
one
hundred
and
fifteen
Cities
,
taking
in
all
the
Country
between
the
Rhine
,
and
the
Brittish
Sea
:
Carolus
à
Sancto
Paulo
will
by
no
means
allow
this
to
be
an
Ecclesiastical
Notitia
,
because
there
are
several
Cities
mentioned
in
it
that
never
were
Episcopal
seats
,
and
several
Episcopal
Sees
are
omitted
;
indeed
the
Ancient
Notitia
of
the
Gallican
Bishopricks
published
by
that
Author
,
reckons
about
one
hundred
twenty
and
six
in
all
that
vast
tract
of
Country
;
nor
are
they
so
few
at
this
day
,
taking
in
Savoy
,
Suitzerland
,
Alsace
,
and
all
the
Countries
bordering
upon
the
Rhi●●
,
to
Cologn
and
the
Country
of
Cleaves
,
besides
all
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
all
reckoned
within
the
Ancient
Gallia
,
which
will
afford
very
fair
Dioceses
.
But
the
Acts
of
the
ancient
Gallick
Councils
do
make
yet
clearer
proof
of
the
largeness
of
the
Dioceses
there
:
Proculus
Bishop
of
Marseilles
layes
claim
to
several
Churches
as
having
been
anciently
Parishes
of
his
Dioceses
;
The
Council
of
Regium
Orders
,
That
if
one
be
Ordained
against
his
will
Bishop
of
any
City
by
fewer
than
three
Bishops
,
The
First
Council
of
Orange
appoints
,
That
if
a
Bishop
shall
build
a
Church
in
another
Bishops
Territory
;
The
Council
of
Vaison
(
Vasense
)
enjoyns
all
the
Ministers
of
Parishes
within
every
Diocess
to
repair
to
their
Proper
Bishop
for
Chrism
every
year
before
Easter
,
There
would
be
no
end
of
instances
of
this
kind
,
within
the
space
of
five
hundred
years
after
Christ
:
but
this
is
sufficient
for
our
present
design
,
which
is
only
to
give
a
view
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
;
of
the
Rise
and
Propress
of
it
in
several
parts
of
the
Christian
World
.
As
to
our
own
Country
of
Brittain
,
for
whose
use
Mr.
B.'s
Church
History
is
more
especially
calculated
,
and
against
whose
Bishops
all
the
Venom
is
directed
,
it
is
certain
indeed
that
we
had
Bishops
betimes
;
for
we
find
some
of
their
Subscriptions
to
the
great
Council
of
Arles
.
Gildas
de
Victoria
Aurelii
Ambrosii
:
But
all
this
I
suppose
has
no
other
foundation
than
a
passage
out
of
Gildas
de
exidio
Britanniae
,
where
he
mentions
twenty
eight
Cities
in
Brittian
;
and
another
out
of
Bede
who
follows
Gildas
:
The
Flamins
I
suppose
were
added
for
ornament
afterwards
,
by
some
imposture
under
the
name
of
Gildas
.
But
all
the
account
that
I
know
of
the
number
of
Bishops
here
,
is
in
Bede
,
who
sayes
,
That
in
a
Synod
assembled
in
Worcestershire
about
the
receiving
Augustine
the
Monk
,
there
were
seven
Brittish
Bishops
present
,
and
probably
all
the
Bishops
in
the
Country
were
there
,
this
being
the
second
Synod
assembled
upon
that
subject
,
and
that
wherein
the
matter
in
controversy
was
to
be
finally
decided
,
the
Bishops
that
were
present
in
the
first
Conference
pretending
they
had
not
sufficient
Authority
to
make
an
Accomodation
.
But
whether
it
were
upon
the
Authority
of
this
Testimony
,
or
of
something
else
more
express
,
so
it
is
that
the
succeeding
Historians
deliver
it
for
certain
,
that
Wales
had
but
seven
Bishops
:
Jeffrey
of
Monmouth
tells
us
that
when
Austin
came
over
,
he
found
in
the
Province
of
the
Ancient
Brittains
seven
Bishopricks
,
and
one
Arch-Bshoprick
.
And
Gyraldus
Cambrensis
gives
the
reasons
why
there
were
but
four
in
Wales
in
his
time
,
since
anciently
there
were
seven
:
Either
(
sayes
he
)
there
were
more
Cathedrals
within
the
compass
of
Wales
in
former
times
,
or
rather
because
Wales
was
of
a
larger
extent
heretofore
than
it
was
in
his
dayes
,
and
reached
as
far
aa
Severn
:
And
so
indeed
it
was
of
much
greater
extent
than
it
is
now
,
having
all
the
Country
of
Hereford
,
a
good
part
of
Glocestershire
,
Worcester
,
Salop
,
and
Cheshire
belonging
to
it
.
And
Baleus
gives
this
account
of
the
Bishops
assembled
in
that
Synod
mentioned
before
out
of
Bede
:
That
seven
Brittish
Bishops
met
there
,
for
in
those
dayes
the
Brittains
had
just
so
many
under
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Menevia
,
according
to
the
number
of
the
Bishops
of
Asia
mentioned
in
the
Revelation
of
St.
John
:
Hereford
,
Landaff
,
Llanbaderne
,
Vowr
,
Bangor
,
Asaph
,
Worcester
,
and
Morganensis
or
Glamorgan
,
though
this
was
the
same
with
Landaff
:
And
therefore
Bishop
Vsher
thinks
,
that
either
Chester
must
make
up
the
seventh
,
or
Caer
Ilyby
,
i.
e.
Holyhead
in
the
Isle
of
Anglesey
;
and
so
perhaps
it
is
Episcopus
Monensis
,
and
not
Morganensis
.
But
as
to
the
number
of
the
Welch
Bishops
at
Austins
coming
over
,
if
any
one
desire
to
know
any
thing
more
particularly
,
he
may
consult
the
learned
Primate
of
Armach
,
A.
D.
1658.
For
Novelty
(
say
they
)
for
which
we
are
both
charged
,
(
i.
e.
the
Presbyterians
and
Independents
)
by
the
enemies
of
both
:
It
is
true
in
respect
of
the
publick
and
open
profession
,
either
of
Presbytery
of
Independency
,
this
Nation
has
been
a
stranger
to
each
way
,
it
is
possible
ever
since
it
has
been
Christian
.
And
now
having
given
an
account
of
the
Rise
and
Progress
of
Diocesan
Episcopacy
,
and
the
extent
of
Ancient
Dioceses
in
several
parts
of
the
Christian
World
,
I
shall
conclude
this
Chapter
with
a
general
Testimony
of
St.
Jerom
concerning
the
custom
of
the
Church
in
and
before
his
time
:
Jerom
speaking
of
Confirmation
,
makes
the
Orthodox
person
in
the
Dialogue
say
these
words
:
I
do
not
deny
(
sayes
he
)
this
to
be
the
custom
of
the
Church
,
for
the
Bishop
to
go
about
his
Diocess
to
confirm
by
imposition
of
hands
,
such
as
are
Baptized
in
lesser
Cities
remote
from
the
Episcopal
Seat
by
Presbyters
and
Deacons
And
the
same
Father
speaking
to
the
same
purpose
,
that
this
was
done
rather
to
honor
Episcopacy
than
by
any
absolute
necessity
,
adds
:
Otherwise
(
sayes
he
)
those
are
to
be
mightily
bewailed
,
who
being
Baptized
in
Villages
,
Towns
and
places
remote
from
the
Bishop
,
have
dyed
before
they
were
confirmed
.
Therefore
it
was
the
custom
of
the
Church
then
;
nor
does
he
speak
only
of
his
own
time
,
but
of
the
constant
practice
of
the
Church
,
that
Bishops
should
have
Presbyters
and
Deacons
under
their
jurisdiction
in
places
very
remote
from
their
Cathedrals
;
and
that
little
Cities
,
Towns
or
Castles
,
i.
e.
fortified
Towns
and
Villages
,
might
be
remote
from
their
Bishops
Seat
:
and
so
Dioceses
be
then
and
before
that
time
of
a
very
considerable
extent
.
FINIS
.