Paralipomena
Prophetica
.
THE
INTRODUCTION
.
The
occasion
of
the
Author's
writing
his
Paralipomena
Prophetica
.
His
design
in
writing
them
,
to
show
there
is
but
one
true
way
of
interpreting
Daniel
and
the
Apocalypse
.
How
himself
was
discouraged
in
his
younger
days
by
the
variety
of
Interpretations
;
with
a
solution
of
that
fallacy
.
His
Apologie
for
his
great
care
and
diligence
in
managing
this
Province
of
rightly
interpreting
the
above
said
Prophecies
.
WHEN
I
wrote
my
Expositions
of
the
Visions
of
Daniel
and
the
Apocalypse
,
I
was
solicitous
only
of
these
two
things
,
that
my
continued
Interpretations
should
be
unforced
,
natural
and
coherent
,
solid
,
true
and
agreeing
with
History
.
And
that
I
might
dispatch
them
as
timely
as
I
could
for
present
publick
use
.
Which
latter
therefore
made
me
more
compendious
than
otherwise
I
might
have
been
;
my
main
anxiety
being
,
that
nothing
should
pass
my
Pen
,
but
what
was
sound
and
true
,
not
being
at
all
careful
to
bring
all
into
view
which
might
give
further
strength
and
light
to
what
I
had
written
,
or
to
obviate
all
objections
which
,
by
scrupulous
Wits
,
might
be
made
.
What
therefore
I
may
seem
to
have
omitted
then
,
I
shall
make
a
supply
of
now
.
And
those
Omissions
(
which
I
therefore
call
Paralipomena
,
they
being
then
passed
by
for
the
present
,
but
)
now
for
the
further
confirmation
or
illustration
of
several
passages
in
those
Expositions
compiled
into
one
Book
,
I
offer
thus
collected
unto
thy
serious
Perusal
.
In
which
compilement
I
have
observed
no
order
,
as
in
this
case
being
needless
;
but
as
matters
came
into
my
mind
,
or
occasion
was
given
,
I
writ
and
have
set
them
down
.
They
are
easily
referred
to
the
passages
of
the
Expositions
themselves
,
whether
on
Daniel
,
or
the
Apocalypse
,
which
are
sufficiently
orderly
and
coherent
.
My
main
design
in
general
is
to
make
those
Expositions
as
setled
and
unexceptionable
,
as
possibly
I
can
,
that
the
Reader
may
perceive
that
the
Interpretation
of
Prophecies
is
no
such
uncertain
and
lubricous
thing
,
but
that
there
is
one
sense
of
them
genuine
and
natural
,
and
far
beyond
any
other
pretended
Interpretations
whatever
:
That
so
he
may
be
released
from
that
distraction
and
confusion
of
multiplicity
of
Interpretations
,
which
weakens
the
belief
of
any
,
and
makes
the
pretence
of
understanding
Prophecies
either
heartless
,
or
ridiculous
.
I
must
confess
,
when
I
was
young
,
that
very
thing
hugely
turned
my
stomach
from
those
studies
.
But
it
might
as
well
have
done
so
from
the
study
of
Philosophy
;
the
reasons
of
the
Phaenomena
of
Nature
which
Philosophers
give
,
being
as
various
and
repugnant
as
the
Interpretations
of
a
Prophecy
.
But
that
which
is
solid
and
sound
in
either
,
when
it
is
once
light
on
,
will
plainly
,
by
the
impartial
and
judicious
,
be
discerned
to
be
such
,
and
he
will
rest
fully
satisfied
therein
.
That
I
should
manage
this
Province
with
so
much
care
and
solicitude
,
no
man
that
has
any
kindness
for
Christian
Religion
,
can
take
amiss
,
Prophecy
being
the
peculiar
strength
and
glory
of
Christianity
,
no
Religion
in
the
World
being
able
to
produce
the
like
.
Which
being
to
many
of
so
great
moment
,
and
of
so
clear
and
indubitable
Interpretation
in
virtue
of
demonstrable
Synchronisms
and
palpable
Applicability
and
exquisitely
suitable
significancy
of
the
Visions
to
the
Events
,
they
do
not
only
put
the
truth
of
Christianity
beyond
all
doubt
,
but
is
one
of
the
most
irrefragable
Arguments
for
Natural
Religion
,
viz.
for
the
Existence
of
God
and
of
Angels
,
and
for
a
Divine
Providence
over
the
affairs
of
men
,
and
a
reward
after
this
life
,
according
to
what
we
have
done
,
whether
it
be
good
or
evil
,
that
can
be
desired
.
But
having
more
fully
suggested
these
things
in
my
Prefaces
to
my
Expositions
,
I
shall
detain
the
Reader
no
longer
here
with
them
,
but
fall
upon
my
present
design
.
CHAP.
I.
Tho.
Lydiat
's
Epocha
of
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
for
the
compute
of
Daniel
's
weeks
more
fully
to
be
insisted
on
.
Two
undeniable
Postulatums
in
order
thereto
.
The
passage
of
the
Prophecy
that
respects
the
Epocha
of
the
weeks
.
Four
Decrees
,
but
only
two
of
them
Competitors
for
the
Epochate
,
viz.
that
of
the
seventh
,
and
that
of
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
,
the
one
granted
to
Ezra
,
the
other
to
Nehemiah
.
The
Commissions
granted
to
each
,
and
some
circumstances
of
the
execution
of
them
.
The
comparing
of
them
with
the
Epocha
described
in
the
Prophecy
.
That
Nehemiah
's
nuncupatory
Commission
does
the
more
exactly
agree
with
the
said
description
.
That
the
Jews
had
never
any
Decree
to
build
the
walls
of
Jerusalem
till
that
of
Nehemiah
.
Further
Arguments
to
the
same
purpose
.
In
what
sense
the
City
may
be
said
to
be
built
before
the
Commission
of
Nehemiah
.
An
Answer
to
an
Objection
from
those
words
,
Ezra
9.9
.
to
give
us
a
wall
.
Further
Reasons
to
prove
that
Ezra
had
no
Commission
to
build
the
walls
of
Jerusalem
.
The
testimony
of
the
Son
of
Sirach
.
No
Commission
but
that
of
Nehemiah
had
the
Title
of
building
the
walls
.
That
it
is
so
plain
a
case
,
that
Nehemiah
's
Commission
is
the
true
Epocha
of
the
weeks
,
that
learned
men
have
betaken
themselves
to
Lunar
years
to
compute
by
,
rather
than
desert
it
.
The
unsuccessfulness
of
that
device
.
WE
shall
begin
with
that
passage
of
the
Exposition
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
that
notable
Prophecy
concerning
the
coming
of
Christ
,
and
as
clear
,
if
rightly
managed
,
as
notable
for
its
weight
and
importance
.
The
passage
is
,
the
placing
the
Epocha
of
these
seventy
Weeks
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
.
Funccius
and
several
others
would
fix
it
in
the
seventh
of
his
Reign
;
which
Opinion
I
was
once
inclined
to
my self
,
till
I
was
convinced
of
the
truth
of
the
other
.
I
have
produced
something
for
the
confirmation
thereof
out
of
Thomas
Lydiat
in
my
Notes
upon
my
Exposition
of
that
Prophecy
.
But
the
business
being
of
so
great
moment
,
I
shall
here
resume
it
again
afresh
,
that
I
may
do
him
right
by
more
fully
bringing
into
view
(
and
yet
as
briefly
as
may
be
)
whether
out
of
himself
,
or
from
elsewhere
,
what
makes
for
the
confirmation
of
his
Opinion
.
And
this
I
shall
do
gradually
.
First
,
by
setting
down
two
Postulatums
,
which
I
hope
no
reasonable
man
will
ever
deny
me
.
Secondly
,
I
shall
represent
out
of
the
Prophecy
it self
that
part
that
respects
the
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
,
and
out
of
the
History
of
Ezra
and
Nehemiah
the
state
of
the
Controversie
,
Whether
of
these
two
Epocha's
bid
the
fairer
to
be
the
Epocha
of
the
seventy
Weeks
?
And
lastly
,
I
will
consider
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
in
Thomas
Lydiat's
sense
what
grounds
he
has
for
it
.
The
two
Postulatums
are
these
.
The
first
Postulatum
.
That
we
are
to
acknowledge
that
sense
of
any
passage
of
a
Prophecy
,
whether
it
respects
the
Epocha
thereof
,
or
any
other
part
,
to
be
the
true
sense
,
that
is
least
forced
,
or
is
most
easie
and
natural
,
and
most
plainly
agreeable
to
the
words
of
the
Prophecy
,
and
that
does
the
least
or
no
violence
to
the
words
of
that
passage
whose
sense
is
controverted
.
This
Postulatum
is
of
it self
so
clearly
reasonable
,
that
nothing
can
be
added
to
make
it
more
firm
,
unless
this
ill
consequence
of
denying
it
,
that
we
shall
not
ever
know
when
we
have
the
right
sense
of
any
Prophecy
,
or
indeed
of
any
place
of
Scripture
else
,
if
this
be
not
the
Touchstone
thereof
.
The
second
Postulatum
.
When
Historians
disagree
in
their
Story
or
Chronology
;
forasmuch
as
profane
History
(
as
it
is
vulgarly
called
)
is
not
infallible
,
but
some
may
be
right
in
one
thing
,
some
in
another
,
we
are
to
embrace
that
story
or
passage
of
Chronology
that
suits
best
with
,
or
does
the
least
violence
to
the
certain
Verity
of
the
Sacred
Writ
.
And
there
is
the
same
reason
of
one
and
the
same
Historian
that
varies
from
himself
,
or
writes
in
one
place
what
is
repugnant
to
what
he
has
writ
in
another
.
We
are
to
account
that
passage
the
truest
that
agrees
best
with
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
to
acknowledge
,
as
touching
the
other
,
that
ignorance
or
inadvertence
has
misguided
his
Pen.
This
Postulatum
is
as
reasonable
and
undeniable
as
the
former
,
because
,
as
Aristotle
says
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Truth
is
always
consonant
to
truth
:
whence
that
which
is
dissonant
thereto
,
must
necessarily
be
false
.
Wherefore
that
Historian
that
speaks
consonantly
and
consistently
with
the
infallible
Holy
Writ
,
in
the
thing
that
he
so
speaketh
,
he
is
to
be
judged
to
speak
true
,
compared
with
the
other
that
in
the
point
,
contradicts
the
Holy
Writ
;
or
if
one
and
the
same
Historian
speak
repugnantly
to
himself
,
if
one
part
of
that
Repugnancy
agrees
with
the
Sacred
Text
,
the
same
is
to
be
esteemed
the
right
,
the
other
an
errour
or
mistake
.
Now
for
that
passage
of
the
Prophecy
that
respects
the
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
,
the
words
are
these
:
Dan.
9.25
.
Know
therefore
and
understand
,
that
from
the
going
forth
of
the
commandment
to
restore
and
build
Jerusalem
,
unto
the
Messiah
the
Prince
,
shall
be
seven
weeks
,
and
threescore
and
two
weeks
;
the
street
shall
be
built
again
,
and
the
wall
,
even
in
troublous
times
.
Here
the
Epocha
is
to
be
taken
without
all
Controversie
from
the
going
forth
of
a
Command
or
Decree
;
of
which
there
were
four
,
one
in
the
first
year
of
Cyrus
,
another
in
the
second
year
of
Darius
Hystaspis
,
a
third
in
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
and
a
fourth
in
the
twentieth
year
of
his
Reign
.
But
the
first
Decrees
,
and
consequently
the
Epocha's
from
them
,
are
pitched
so
high
,
that
they
fall
many
years
short
,
even
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
so
that
they
are
plainly
shut
out
from
any
pretence
of
claim
to
be
Epocha's
of
this
Prophecy
.
The
competition
therefore
is
only
betwixt
the
Edict
or
Decree
given
out
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
to
Ezra
,
and
that
given
out
in
the
twentieth
of
his
Reign
to
Nehemiah
.
Let
us
therefore
consider
the
History
of
each
,
and
whether
of
them
agree
best
with
the
Prophecy
,
Ezra
,
Chap.
7.
v.
11.
Now
this
is
the
Copy
of
the
Letter
that
the
King
Artaxerxes
gave
unto
Ezra
the
Priest
—
v.
13.
I
make
a
Decree
,
That
all
they
of
the
people
of
Israel
and
of
his
Priests
(
viz.
of
the
God
of
Heaven
)
and
Levites
in
my
Realm
,
which
are
minded
of
their
own
free
will
to
go
up
to
Jerusalem
,
go
with
thee
.
And
so
from
this
13.
v.
to
v.
25.
all
is
concerning
the
Temple
and
the
Priests
and
the
Worshp
of
the
God
of
Israel
.
But
v.
25.
his
Commission
is
enlarged
to
Civil
Judicature
.
And
thou
,
Ezra
,
after
the
Wisdom
of
thy
God
that
is
in
thy
hand
,
set
Magistrates
and
Judges
which
may
judge
all
the
People
which
are
beyond
the
River
,
all
such
as
know
the
Laws
of
thy
God
,
and
teach
ye
them
that
know
them
not
.
And
whosoever
will
not
do
the
Law
of
thy
God
,
and
the
Law
of
the
King
,
let
Judgment
be
executed
speedily
upon
him
,
whether
it
be
unto
Death
,
or
to
Banishment
,
or
to
Confiscation
of
Goods
,
or
to
Imprisonment
.
This
is
the
summ
of
the
Decree
given
out
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
unto
Ezra
.
Now
that
Commission
given
to
Nehemiah
is
set
down
thus
,
Nehem.
Chap.
2.
And
it
came
to
pass
in
the
month
Nisan
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
the
King
,
that
wine
was
before
him
,
and
I
took
up
the
wine
,
and
gave
it
to
the
King
;
Now
I
had
not
been
before
time
sad
in
his
Presence
.
Wherefore
the
King
said
unto
me
,
Why
is
thy
countenance
sad
,
seeing
thou
art
not
sick
?
This
is
nothing
but
sorrow
of
heart
.
Then
I
was
very
sore
afraid
,
and
said
unto
the
King
,
Let
the
King
live
for
ever
.
Why
should
not
my
countenance
be
sad
,
when
the
City
,
the
place
of
my
Fathers
Sepulchres
,
lieth
waste
,
and
the
Gates
thereof
are
consumed
with
fire
?
Then
the
King
said
unto
me
,
For
what
dost
thou
make
request
?
So
I
prayed
to
the
God
of
Heaven
;
And
I
said
unto
the
King
,
If
it
please
the
King
,
and
if
thy
servant
have
found
favour
in
thy
sight
,
that
thou
wouldst
send
me
unto
Judah
unto
the
City
of
my
Fathers
Sepulchres
,
that
I
may
build
it
.
And
the
King
said
unto
me
,
For
how
long
shall
thy
journey
be
?
and
when
wilt
thou
return
?
So
it
pleased
the
King
to
send
me
,
and
I
set
him
a
time
.
Moreover
,
I
said
unto
the
King
,
If
it
please
the
King
,
let
Letters
be
given
to
the
Governours
beyond
the
River
,
that
they
may
convey
me
over
till
I
come
into
Judah
.
And
a
Letter
unto
Asaph
,
the
Keeper
of
the
Kings
Forest
,
that
he
may
give
me
timber
to
make
beams
for
the
gates
of
the
Palace
which
appertained
to
the
house
,
and
for
the
wall
of
the
City
,
and
for
the
house
that
I
shall
enter
into
;
and
the
King
granted
me
according
to
the
good
hand
of
my
God
upon
me
.
This
is
plainly
a
Grant
from
the
King
to
Nehemiah
to
build
the
City
of
Jerusalem
,
and
to
wall
it
about
.
We
will
add
also
out
of
Chap.
4.
what
straits
they
were
put
to
at
the
building
of
the
wall
,
v.
7.
And
it
came
to
pass
,
that
when
Sanballat
and
Tobiah
and
the
Arabians
and
the
Ammonites
and
the
Ashdodites
heard
that
the
walls
of
Jerusalem
were
making
up
,
and
that
the
breaches
began
to
be
stopped
,
then
they
were
very
wroth
,
and
conspired
all
of
them
together
to
come
and
fight
against
Jerusalem
and
hinder
it
.
And
v.
16.
And
it
came
to
pass
from
that
time
forth
,
that
the
half
of
my
servants
wrought
in
the
work
,
and
the
other
half
of
them
held
both
the
Spears
,
the
Shields
,
and
the
Bows
,
and
the
Habergeons
—
They
which
builded
on
the
wall
,
and
they
which
bare
burdens
,
and
those
that
laded
,
every
one
with
one
of
his
hands
wrought
in
the
work
,
and
in
the
other
hand
held
a
weapon
.
I
have
set
before
the
Readers
eyes
that
passage
in
the
Prophecy
that
describes
the
Epocha
from
whence
the
seventy
weeks
are
to
commence
.
It
is
from
the
going
forth
of
a
Decree
or
Grant
to
restore
and
build
Jerusalem
:
The
Streets
,
says
the
Decree
or
Prophecy
,
shall
be
built
again
,
and
the
Wall
,
and
that
in
troublous
times
.
Now
in
the
Commission
given
to
Ezra
,
in
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes's
Reign
,
there
is
no
mention
of
building
the
City
,
much
less
of
the
Walls
,
nor
in
the
History
of
the
execution
of
that
Decree
any
mention
of
troublesom
times
.
But
quite
contrary
it
is
said
,
Ezra
8.36
.
And
they
delivered
the
Kings
Commission
unto
the
Kings
Lieutenants
,
and
to
the
Governours
on
this
side
the
River
,
and
they
furthered
the
people
and
the
house
of
God
.
But
in
the
Commission
given
to
Nehemiah
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
,
there
is
mention
of
both
building
the
City
and
the
Wall
;
and
in
the
History
of
the
execution
of
the
Commission
,
there
is
mention
of
troublous
times
indeed
,
when
they
were
forced
to
defend
the
workers
at
the
Wall
by
Arms
;
nay
,
the
very
men
that
wrought
at
the
Wall
,
were
fain
,
as
they
did
their
work
with
one
hand
,
to
hold
a
Sword
in
the
other
.
So
exquisitely
does
this
Decree
,
and
the
History
of
the
execution
thereof
,
suit
with
the
words
of
the
Prophecy
which
respect
the
Epocha
and
Decree
.
So
that
it
cannot
be
but
with
infinite
violence
done
to
the
Sacred
Text
,
to
pitch
upon
the
Commission
given
to
Ezra
in
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
,
instead
of
that
given
to
Nehemiah
in
the
twentieth
.
I
must
confess
that
the
full
of
Ezra's
Commission
is
set
down
in
writing
in
a
more
formal
and
ample
way
,
whenas
that
Commission
to
Nehemiah
seems
rather
to
be
by
word
of
mouth
,
or
nuncupatory
,
saving
that
the
Letters
to
the
Governours
beyond
the
River
for
safe-conduct
,
and
a
Letter
to
Asaph
the
Keeper
of
the
Kings
Forest
,
&c.
But
this
is
so
far
from
diminishing
,
that
it
adds
(
if
any
thing
more
need
be
added
)
to
the
certainty
,
that
the
Commission
given
to
Nehemiah
is
the
Decree
which
is
the
Epocha
of
the
seventy
Weeks
.
For
the
words
of
the
Original
,
which
our
English
Translation
renders
[
from
the
going
forth
of
the
Commandment
]
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
from
the
going
forth
of
the
Word
,
or
pronouncing
the
Word
that
Jerusalem
should
be
rebuilt
,
&c.
And
both
the
vulgar
Latine
and
Vatablus
render
it
,
ab
exitu
sermonis
;
and
the
LXX
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Now
as
this
is
unexceptionably
plain
in
it self
,
so
it
bears
a
most
exact
correspondency
with
more
passages
of
the
History
,
than
I
have
yet
taken
notice
of
Nehem.
Chap.
1.
There
Anani
tells
Nehemiah
,
inquiring
of
the
welfare
of
his
brethren
at
Jerusalem
,
that
the
Remnant
that
are
left
of
the
Captivity
there
,
in
the
Province
,
are
in
great
affliction
and
reproach
.
For
the
Wall
of
Jerusalem
is
broken
down
,
and
the
Gates
thereof
are
burnt
with
fire
.
This
I
conceive
is
the
natural
sense
of
the
place
,
we
rendring
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
not
praeterea
,
or
also
,
as
our
English
Translation
does
,
but
[
For
]
it
being
a
grief
to
the
Jews
,
and
a
reproach
and
disgrace
to
them
,
whenas
their
Temple
was
rebuilt
,
and
they
had
houses
,
such
as
they
were
,
and
some
better
than
they
deserved
,
before
the
Temple
was
finished
,
(
which
was
in
the
sixth
year
of
Darius
Hystaspis
)
that
the
wall
of
the
City
was
yet
unbuilt
,
whereby
they
lay
open
to
insolencies
of
their
Neighbours
,
and
were
obnoxious
to
their
taunts
and
jears
.
This
sad
condition
Anani
was
exceeding
sensible
of
himself
,
nor
did
he
tell
it
as
a
piece
of
News
to
Nehemiah
(
for
he
knew
the
walls
of
Jerusalem
had
been
demolish'd
this
long
time
,
and
that
the
Gates
were
burnt
with
fire
,
but
with
a
moving
and
empassionating
Rhetorick
he
put
him
in
mind
of
it
;
who
being
an
hearty
Lover
of
his
Country
,
and
seriously
considering
it
,
what
an
huge
thing
was
yet
wanting
to
complete
their
felicity
,
it
first
cast
him
into
tears
,
and
presently
after
into
a
serious
religious
sadness
,
so
that
he
fasted
and
prayed
for
some
days
,
nor
did
conceal
the
sorrow
of
his
heart
when
he
waited
on
the
King
,
and
gave
him
the
Cup
of
Wine
,
but
the
King
read
it
easily
in
his
countenance
.
Wherefore
the
thing
being
of
such
vast
consequence
to
have
this
evil
redressed
by
procuring
a
Decree
to
build
the
City
,
and
wall
it
about
,
it
is
plain
they
never
had
any
leave
to
build
it
,
till
the
Commission
granted
to
Nehemiah
.
For
if
it
had
been
granted
to
Ezra
in
his
Commission
,
it
was
so
transcending
a
favour
and
priviledge
,
that
he
could
not
but
have
taken
notice
of
it
in
his
thanksgiving
to
God
,
Chap.
7.
v.
27.
where
he
says
,
Blessed
be
the
Lord
God
of
our
fathers
,
which
hath
put
such
a
thing
as
this
in
the
Kings
heart
,
to
beautifie
the
house
of
the
Lord
which
is
in
Jerusalem
:
But
for
the
building
,
or
rather
the
rebuilding
of
the
City
,
he
speaks
not
a
word
,
though
it
was
a
thing
of
that
vast
moment
,
that
it
cost
Nehemiah
many
sighs
,
tears
,
fastings
and
prayers
.
Wherefore
Ezra
had
been
very
ungrateful
to
omit
giving
God
thanks
for
this
,
as
well
as
beautifying
the
Temple
,
if
the
King
had
granted
him
any
such
thing
.
VISIONVM
APOCALYPTICARVM
TABVLA
GENERALIS
Pref:
page
.
13
But
being
that
those
that
resorted
to
Jerusalem
on
this
occasion
,
were
not
to
live
,
like
Beasts
,
without
houses
:
it
is
a
forced
thing
to
imagine
,
but
that
by
the
natural
consequence
of
that
Grant
,
or
necessary
connivence
,
private
houses
would
be
built
in
Jerusalem
,
and
so
in
some
meaner
kind
of
sense
the
City
may
be
said
to
be
in
building
thereby
.
And
this
is
consonant
to
the
words
of
the
Prophet
Esay
,
Chap.
24.
v.
28.
that
saith
of
Cyrus
,
He
is
my
Shepherd
,
and
shall
perform
all
my
pleasure
,
even
saying
to
Jerusalem
,
Thou
shalt
be
built
,
and
to
the
Temple
,
Thy
foundation
shall
be
laid
.
And
Chap.
45.13
.
I
have
raised
him
up
in
righteousness
,
viz.
Cyrus
,
he
shall
build
my
City
,
and
let
go
my
Captives
.
Which
would
be
but
an
hard
bargain
,
if
they
might
not
build
themselves
houses
when
they
came
to
Jerusalem
.
Wherefore
in
that
meaner
sense
Cyrus
may
be
said
by
his
Decree
,
though
it
was
no
Decree
to
build
the
City
,
to
build
it
,
or
because
his
first
Decree
,
for
building
of
the
Temple
,
was
the
ground
of
all
the
good
Grants
they
afterwards
obtained
of
the
Kings
of
Persia
.
In
that
sense
all
in
fulness
might
be
attributed
to
him
,
as
being
the
first
Founder
of
all
.
Nor
would
God
suffer
the
words
of
his
Servant
the
Prophet
to
fall
to
the
ground
.
And
according
to
that
meaner
sense
may
also
be
understood
that
passage
in
Ezra's
Prayer
,
Ezr.
9.9
.
Thou
hast
extended
thy
mercy
unto
us
in
the
sight
of
the
Kings
of
Persia
,
to
give
us
a
reviving
to
set
up
the
House
of
our
God
,
and
to
repair
the
desolations
thereof
,
and
to
give
us
,
that
is
,
every
Master
of
a
Family
amongst
us
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
our
English
Translation
renders
it
)
a
Wall
.
But
then
by
a
Synecdoche
it
may
signifie
an
house
,
and
properly
of
the
meaner
sort
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifying
Maceria
,
a
more
rudely
and
slightly
built
wall
with
dry
stones
without
mortar
,
or
with
mortar
,
and
watling
of
sticks
,
and
the
like
.
The
LXX
.
render
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
sundry
times
,
and
also
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
as
much
as
an
Hovel
,
a
Hut
,
a
Cottage
or
Sheepcoat
,
which
may
easily
assure
us
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
here
may
not
signifie
any
thing
above
the
convenience
of
the
common
walls
of
a
private
habitation
.
But
if
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
be
rendred
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
the
LXX
.
here
render
it
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
be
taken
in
the
highest
sense
for
a
wall
of
Defence
and
Strength
,
undoubtedly
it
is
to
be
understood
of
the
wall
of
the
Temple
,
whose
wall
toward
the
South-East
quarter
was
a
strong
defence
,
and
the
Temple
a
most
magnificent
Fort
or
Castle
,
where
the
Priests
and
Levites
were
engarrison'd
part
of
the
Army
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
who
is
the
Lord
of
Hosts
,
as
I
have
observed
in
my
Notes
upon
Daniel
out
of
Grotius
.
Wherefore
the
Temple
being
such
a
place
of
Defence
,
this
gave
some
colourable
pretence
to
Rehum
the
Chancellour
and
the
rest
,
while
the
Jews
were
busie
in
building
the
Temple
,
to
accuse
them
in
a
Letter
to
Artaxerxes
,
Ezr.
4.
as
if
they
were
building
the
rebellious
City
,
and
setting
up
the
Walls
thereof
,
v.
12.
when
it
was
only
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Moenia
,
or
walls
of
the
Temple
.
And
upon
Artaxerxes's
Answer
to
that
Letter
,
it
is
said
,
v.
24.
Then
ceased
the
work
of
the
House
of
God
,
which
is
at
Jerusalem
;
so
it
ceased
to
the
second
year
of
the
Reign
of
Darius
King
of
Persia
:
As
if
the
Jews
themselves
were
conscious
,
that
the
walls
and
buildings
of
the
Temple
were
a
kind
of
Fortification
.
But
they
are
hugely
out
that
phansie
,
that
by
this
wall
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
meant
a
Wall
about
the
City
for
Fortification
,
which
before
Nehemiah
,
they
never
had
any
Commission
to
build
;
and
it
had
been
their
undoing
,
if
they
had
gone
about
it
,
Sanballat
,
you
may
be
sure
,
would
have
been
on
their
backs
to
the
purpose
,
they
having
no
Commission
,
when
he
was
so
vexatious
to
them
when
they
had
one
.
Nor
is
there
any
story
in
Ezra
touching
their
going
about
any
such
work
,
no
more
than
any
mention
in
the
Commission
for
it
.
Moreover
Nehemiah's
application
to
Artaxerxes
plainly
implies
,
that
the
Commission
Ezra
had
,
had
no
clause
in
it
to
warrant
the
rebuilding
of
the
Walls
,
and
repairing
the
Gates
which
were
broke
down
and
burnt
by
Nebuchadnezzar
,
and
so
lay
till
that
very
time
,
though
sundry
private
houses
were
rebuilt
,
some
it
may
be
in
a
better
sort
,
but
most
very
mean
,
and
hand
over
head
without
order
.
For
if
Ezra
had
had
that
Commission
,
Nehemiah
would
have
framed
his
Petition
accordingly
,
and
reminded
the
King
,
that
he
only
desired
him
to
ratifie
again
what
he
had
before
granted
to
Ezra
,
and
told
a
sad
story
of
Sanballat
and
his
wicked
Companions
,
that
they
had
demolish'd
the
Wall
,
and
burnt
the
Gates
of
the
City
,
which
Ezra
by
his
Royal
Grant
had
repaired
again
and
built
up
.
Which
considerations
could
not
but
conduce
to
the
more
easie
obtaining
his
Request
of
the
King
,
which
being
omitted
,
plainly
argues
they
were
not
true
.
And
that
there
was
no
rebuilding
of
the
City
,
in
that
proper
sense
I
above
described
,
but
by
Nehemiah
;
of
whom
it
is
said
by
the
Son
of
Sirach
,
(
Chap.
49.13
.
)
having
in
the
foregoing
verses
spoke
the
praises
of
Zorobabel
and
Joshuah
,
who
in
their
time
builded
the
House
,
and
set
up
an
holy
Temple
to
the
Lord
,
That
amongst
the
Elect
was
Nehemiah
,
whose
renown
is
great
,
who
raised
up
for
us
the
Walls
that
were
fallen
,
and
set
up
the
Gates
and
the
Bars
,
and
raised
up
our
ruines
again
.
So
infinitely
plain
is
it
every
way
,
that
his
was
the
only
Commission
for
the
rebuilding
the
City
and
the
Wall
thereof
,
and
is
the
only
Commission
that
has
that
Title
.
So
that
,
if
Ezra's
Commission
had
any
clause
in
it
for
the
building
of
the
City
,
as
it
assuredly
had
none
;
yet
the
Commission
of
Nehemiah
only
bearing
that
Title
,
the
granting
of
his
Commission
must
,
by
unavoidable
necessity
,
be
the
Epocha
of
the
seventy
Weeks
of
Daniel
.
Which
is
a
point
so
plain
and
undeniable
,
that
not
only
Julius
Africanus
of
old
,
but
also
Daniel
Huetius
,
a
late
learned
and
ingenious
Writer
,
rather
than
he
would
quit
this
certain
truth
,
that
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
is
from
the
Commission
granted
to
Nehemiah
by
Artaxerxes
in
the
twentieth
of
his
Reign
,
adheres
to
that
ancient
Conceit
,
That
the
years
that
Daniel's
Weeks
are
to
be
numbred
by
,
are
not
Solar
years
,
but
Lunar
,
which
are
less
by
eleven
days
in
a
year
than
the
Solar
,
the
Solar
containing
365
days
,
the
Lunar
but
354.
Which
is
something
an
hard
Hypothesis
,
there
being
not
an
Example
in
all
the
Bible
again
of
numbring
of
time
by
Lunar
years
.
And
Lyranus
,
who
himself
was
an
Hebrew
,
and
very
skilful
in
their
Learning
and
Customs
,
declares
expresly
,
Falluntur
,
says
he
,
qui
putant
Hebraeos
lunaribus
annis
usos
aliquando
,
alioqui
tota
veteris
Instrumenti
series
vacillet
,
as
Cornelius
à
Lapide
cites
him
on
the
place
.
And
indeed
it
seems
improbable
,
but
the
Angel
that
imparted
the
Vision
to
Daniel
,
should
mean
such
years
as
would
be
most
universally
in
use
in
the
Church
of
God
,
who
is
so
much
concerned
in
this
Prophecy
.
And
besides
,
if
we
compute
from
the
Spring-time
of
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
,
(
for
the
Decree
was
made
in
the
month
Nisan
)
which
twentieth
year
falls
in
with
the
4269.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
unto
the
Spring-time
of
the
year
which
falls
in
with
the
year
4745.
of
the
said
Period
,
when
our
Saviour
suffered
,
viz.
Olympiad
.
202.
Anno
quarto
finiente
,
and
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
,
according
to
Seth
Calvisius
,
Funccius
and
Helvicus
;
this
Interval
of
time
will
make
476
Solar
years
complete
,
which
476
Solar
years
make
173859
days
with
the
Bissextile
days
added
to
them
,
and
divided
by
354
,
give
491
Lunar
years
with
some
45
days
over
.
So
that
by
this
account
our
Saviour
would
be
so
far
from
suffering
in
the
midst
of
the
seventieth
week
,
that
his
Passion
would
fall
in
the
second
year
after
the
expiration
thereof
:
which
is
a
thing
intolerable
.
CHAP.
II.
Though
Julius
Africanus
his
Conceit
for
computing
Daniel
's
Weeks
by
Lunar
years
,
be
witty
,
yet
it
is
not
true
.
That
there
is
a
necessity
of
computing
by
Solar
years
,
as
well
as
of
retaining
the
Epocha
of
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
:
But
withal
of
removing
the
Commencement
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
higher
in
Chronologie
than
Chronologers
usually
place
it
.
Petavius
his
device
of
making
Artaxerxes
's
Reign
ten
years
with
his
Father
,
proposed
.
An
Examination
of
this
Hypothesis
.
The
infirmness
of
the
ground
thereof
out
of
Herodotus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
not
signifying
,
as
Petavius
would
have
it
.
And
if
it
did
,
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
would
be
either
in
the
fifth
year
of
Xerxes
,
or
three
or
four
years
after
the
twelfth
,
and
therefore
uncompliable
with
Petavius
his
design
.
How
incredible
it
is
,
that
Ezra
's
and
Nehemiah
's
Decree
should
not
be
reckoned
from
the
same
Epocha
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
.
What
a
glorious
atchievement
it
is
to
discover
a
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
's
reigning
alone
,
from
whence
,
computing
by
Solar
years
,
the
Passion
of
Christ
will
fall
into
the
midst
of
the
last
week
.
IT
is
necessary
then
to
relinquish
this
old
Conceit
of
Julius
Africanus
of
computing
Daniel's
Weeks
by
Lunar
years
,
though
it
is
not
without
some
Wit
and
Ingenie
,
while
from
that
expression
of
the
LXX
.
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
]
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Septuaginta
Hebdomades
abbreviatae
sunt
super
populum
tuum
:
he
argues
,
that
the
Weeks
must
be
computed
by
Lunar
years
,
they
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
shorter
years
,
than
the
Solar
by
eleven
days
in
a
year
.
But
this
shortness
of
the
years
makes
their
number
exceed
the
seventy
Weeks
,
and
places
the
Passion
of
Christ
in
the
second
year
after
their
expiration
,
as
I
have
noted
already
.
And
therefore
there
is
a
necessity
of
betaking
our selves
to
that
usual
and
unexceptionable
way
of
reckoning
by
Solar
years
,
and
as
great
a
necessity
still
to
stick
to
that
indubitable
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
,
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
though
here
we
shall
be
cast
into
great
straits
,
if
we
stick
to
the
ordinary
Opinion
of
Chronologers
,
who
fix
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
in
the
first
year
of
the
79.
Olympiad
,
and
the
289.
V.C.
which
Seth
Calvisius
,
Helvicus
,
and
Funccius
,
with
others
,
agree
in
.
Whence
it
will
follow
,
that
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
will
fall
in
with
the
fourth
year
of
the
83.
Olympiad
,
and
the
308.
V.C.
But
now
if
the
seventy
Weeks
commence
in
308.
V.C.
or
in
the
fourth
year
of
the
83.
Olympiad
,
it
will
likewise
follow
,
that
they
end
in
the
797.
year
V.C.
and
the
first
of
206.
Olympiad
,
which
is
the
fifth
year
of
Claudius
.
Whence
it
would
be
concludible
,
that
Christ
was
crucified
in
the
second
year
of
Claudius
,
that
year
being
the
midst
of
the
last
week
.
Whenas
every
School
boy
knows
that
Imperante
Augusto
natus
est
Christus
,
imperante
Tiberio
est
crucifixus
.
This
therefore
is
so
gross
an
absurdity
,
that
there
is
a
necessity
of
placing
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
in
some
sense
or
other
higher
in
Chronology
than
it
is
usually
pitched
.
Petavius
therefore
has
espoused
this
quaint
Conceit
,
That
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
has
two
Epocha's
;
the
one
the
same
that
Calvisius
,
Helvicus
and
Funccius
agree
in
:
the
other
ten
years
sooner
,
namely
,
the
twelfth
year
of
Xerxes
,
or
the
third
year
of
the
76.
Olympiad
,
when
he
was
assumed
into
the
participation
of
the
Empire
by
his
Father
Xerxes
,
at
his
going
upon
an
Expedition
out
of
Persia
:
which
he
grounds
upon
that
passage
in
Herodotus
,
lib.
7.
That
there
was
a
great
strife
amongst
Darius
Hystaspis
his
Sons
,
who
should
be
King
,
if
he
died
in
the
War
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
So
that
he
ought
to
appoint
who
should
be
King
,
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Persians
,
and
so
go
upon
his
Expedition
.
From
this
passage
Petavius
would
infer
,
that
Artaxerxes
reigned
some
years
with
his
Father
,
he
assuming
him
into
a
participation
of
the
Empire
sometime
when
he
went
to
War
out
of
the
Empire
of
Persia
.
And
for
the
greater
colour
to
this
Conceit
,
he
adds
,
This
is
the
only
way
to
salve
the
Credit
of
famous
Historians
,
some
whereof
say
,
That
Themistocles's
flight
from
the
Athenians
was
in
Xerxes
his
time
,
as
Ephorus
,
Dinon
,
Clitarchus
,
Heraclides
and
Diodorus
;
others
,
that
it
was
in
his
Son's
time
Artaxerxes
,
as
Thucydides
,
Charon
,
Cornelius
Nepos
and
Plutarch
.
Wherefore
they
both
reigning
together
,
the
Credit
of
both
Parties
of
the
Historians
is
salved
,
they
both
saying
true
.
And
that
he
sets
the
Epocha
of
Artaxerxes's
Reign
with
his
Father
ten
years
before
his
Reign
alone
after
his
Father's
death
,
is
,
because
taking
the
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
from
the
twentieth
of
his
Reign
,
when
he
reigned
alone
,
there
will
be
ten
years
wanting
to
make
our
Saviour's
Passion
fall
in
the
midst
of
the
week
,
as
it
is
to
fall
according
to
the
Prophecy
of
the
seventy
Weeks
,
it
being
granted
,
that
he
suffered
in
the
fourth
year
towards
the
ending
of
the
202.
Olympiad
.
This
is
a
trim
Hypothesis
,
if
it
were
as
solid
as
trim
.
For
,
First
,
the
main
Basis
thereof
,
methinks
,
is
very
precarious
,
viz.
That
the
Kings
of
Persia
,
when
they
went
to
War
against
foreign
Kingdoms
in
Person
,
actually
constituted
one
of
their
Sons
King
.
The
very
words
of
Herodotus
may
import
no
more
than
this
,
viz.
to
declare
who
was
to
be
King
,
or
succeed
in
the
Crown
,
if
it
should
so
happen
,
that
the
present
King
were
slain
in
the
War
.
This
is
all
that
we
can
be
assured
is
meant
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
here
,
to
point
out
him
that
he
intends
to
be
his
Successour
in
his
Kingdom
.
Secondly
,
If
it
were
granted
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
here
is
to
make
one
actually
King
,
then
this
making
must
be
upon
Xerxes's
entring
upon
that
Expedition
of
his
against
Greece
the
fifth
year
of
his
Reign
;
betwixt
which
,
and
the
twelfth
of
Xerxes
his
Reign
,
there
is
seven
years
difference
,
which
makes
this
Conceit
utterly
unserviceable
to
the
end
it
was
invented
for
.
And
that
he
made
any
Expedition
himself
,
besides
that
in
Person
,
is
incredible
,
the
general
Current
of
Historians
declaring
,
as
Pezelius
observes
,
that
the
Greeks
carried
the
War
into
Asia
,
not
the
Persians
into
Greece
;
nor
that
War
,
which
was
managed
by
the
Persians
,
was
carried
on
by
Xerxes
in
Person
,
but
only
by
his
Commanders
.
Diodorus
names
Tithraustes
a
bastard
Son
of
Xerxes
,
and
Pheredates
,
Xerxes
his
Nephew
.
Justin
indeed
writes
thus
:
Igitur
Xerxes
cùm
proditionis
dolum
(
namely
,
Pausanias
his
,
who
would
have
betrayed
Greece
to
Xerxes
)
publicatum
videret
,
ex
integro
bellum
instituit
,
Graeci
quoque
ducem
constituunt
Cimonem
—
qui
Xerxem
terrestri
navalíque
bello
superatum
trepidum
recipere
se
in
regnum
coegit
.
Whereby
is
noted
that
notable
Fight
and
Victory
by
Sea
and
Land
that
Cimon
the
Athenian
had
against
the
Persians
at
the
River
Eurymedon
.
This
Victory
he
got
the
third
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
which
Fight
Diodorus
fully
and
particularly
describing
,
and
making
no
mention
of
Xerxes
himself
,
makes
me
prone
to
imagine
,
that
Justin
speaks
figuratively
,
or
else
is
hugely
mistaken
.
Or
if
he
be
not
,
Xerxes
his
Expedition
being
the
third
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
he
must
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
declare
Artaxerxes
King
,
either
this
year
,
or
the
year
before
,
which
again
will
spoil
this
fine
Conceit
,
and
make
it
useless
for
the
end
it
was
intended
.
For
then
the
Passion
of
Christ
will
fall
out
,
not
in
the
middle
of
the
last
week
,
but
at
the
beginning
thereof
.
And
Thirdly
and
lastly
,
It
is
a
thing
beyond
all
credibility
,
That
whenas
Ezra
computes
the
Decree
granted
to
him
by
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
from
the
seventh
year
of
his
real
Reign
,
or
his
reigning
alone
:
(
For
if
Xerxes
had
been
alive
,
he
had
been
named
,
and
not
Artaxerxes
)
that
Nehemiah
telling
us
he
had
his
Commission
granted
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
,
should
count
from
another
Epocha
ten
years
different
from
the
former
,
and
so
puzzle
and
confound
the
Chronology
of
the
Sacred
History
,
and
of
so
concerning
a
Prophecy
.
These
few
things
are
enough
to
show
the
vanity
of
this
surmise
.
But
if
any
one
would
be
more
fully
satisfied
,
let
him
read
Daniel
Huetius
his
Demonstratio
Evangelica
,
Prop.
9.
pag.
370.
As
for
the
salving
the
Credit
of
these
differing
Historians
by
this
quaint
device
,
it
will
be
more
seasonable
to
speak
to
that
hereafter
.
In
the
mean
time
there
being
a
necessity
to
keep
to
the
Epocha
of
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes's
Reign
,
and
not
only
to
number
by
Solar
years
,
but
from
the
twentieth
year
,
as
we
are
now
convinced
,
of
his
Reign
from
his
Father
Xerxes
his
death
,
he
that
can
make
out
the
true
Epocha
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
in
this
sense
,
so
that
from
the
twentieth
year
thereof
,
if
we
count
Daniel's
Weeks
,
the
Crucifixion
of
our
Saviour
will
be
found
in
the
midst
of
the
last
of
these
Weeks
,
this
man
must
merit
immortal
praise
,
for
this
excellent
piece
of
service
he
has
done
the
Church
of
Christ
and
Christianity
.
CHAP.
III.
A
just
Encomium
of
Thomas
Lydiat
.
His
fixing
the
beginning
of
the
real
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
with
the
consequences
thereof
.
The
proof
of
the
above-mentioned
Epocha
from
the
time
of
Themistocles
flight
into
Asia
,
which
was
in
that
year
.
That
he
got
to
the
Persian
Court
in
a
very
short
time
,
proved
out
of
Plutarch
.
Of
the
confounding
of
the
Names
of
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
.
And
that
Themistocles
came
to
the
Persian
Court
about
the
time
of
the
Exitus
of
the
one
,
and
Succession
of
the
other
.
AND
this
is
that
which
I
am
well
assured
in
my self
,
that
that
excellent
Person
Thomas
Lydiat
(
a
man
of
a
free
and
stout
Spirit
,
of
a
quick
Sagacity
,
clear
and
firm
Judgment
,
great
reading
and
industry
,
and
singular
Piety
,
and
as
it
were
a
Martyr
in
the
late
times
(
as
you
may
see
in
that
elegant
Preface
prefixt
to
his
Posthumous
Works
,
for
his
Loyalty
to
the
King
,
and
Faithfulness
to
the
Church
of
England
,
of
which
he
was
a
worthy
Minister
,
and
eximious
Ornament
)
has
solidly
and
irrefutably
performed
.
He
has
,
I
say
,
laying
aside
all
fine
conceits
and
groundless
surmises
,
with
a
down-right
stroke
fixt
the
beginning
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
,
properly
so
called
,
namely
the
succeeding
his
Father
after
his
death
,
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
.
Whence
it
will
follow
,
that
the
true
twentieth
year
of
his
Reign
will
be
the
first
year
of
the
82.
Olympiad
,
or
the
4262.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
.
And
,
which
will
be
the
consequent
upon
this
,
the
70
Weeks
of
Daniel
will
expire
in
the
4751.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
or
the
second
year
of
the
Reign
of
Caius
Caligula
,
according
to
Helvicus
,
Funccius
,
and
Seth
Calvisius
,
and
the
Crucifixion
of
Christ
fall
out
in
the
22d
year
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
,
which
is
the
middle
of
the
last
week
,
according
to
the
mind
of
Thomas
Lydiat
.
In
which
summ
of
years
betwixt
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
,
and
second
of
Caligula
,
he
and
other
Chronologers
are
agreed
.
How
particular
parcels
of
time
in
the
Reign
of
some
Kings
will
be
adjusted
,
will
be
discerned
in
the
procedure
of
the
business
.
In
the
mean
time
we
are
to
note
,
That
this
fixing
of
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
which
is
at
least
six
years
higher
than
other
Chronologers
place
it
,
is
no
fictitious
or
arbitrarious
thing
,
but
a
thing
necessary
,
and
firmly
made
out
by
most
Authentick
History
.
For
first
,
the
flight
of
Themistocles
into
Asia
to
get
to
the
King
of
Persia
,
Tho.
Lydiat
has
made
out
with
undeniable
clearness
out
of
Diodorus
Siculus
,
that
it
was
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
and
Petavius
himself
acknowledges
the
truth
thereof
.
Now
when
he
was
upon
his
journey
,
that
he
made
no
delay
,
but
got
thither
in
a
short
time
that
very
year
,
appears
from
what
Plutarch
writes
in
his
Life
,
That
when
he
had
arrived
to
Cuma
,
a
Town
near
the
Sea
,
he
made
no
stay
there
for
fear
of
the
Overseers
of
Sea-affairs
,
especially
Ergoteles
and
Pythodorus
,
but
betook
himself
presently
to
Aegae
,
a
Town
in
the
same
Country
of
Aeolia
,
where
he
was
entertained
by
his
Friend
,
to
whom
alone
he
was
there
known
,
one
Nicogenes
(
a
Person
of
great
Quality
and
much
Riches
,
and
befriended
much
by
the
Nobles
of
the
Persian
Court
)
with
whom
having
stayed
but
a
few
days
,
after
Supper
upon
a
certain
Sacrifice
,
Nicogenes
Childrens
Schoolmaster
Olbius
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
being
in
a
Divine
rapture
,
cried
out
in
these
words
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
words
,
as
it
seems
,
implied
,
Night
would
prove
Oracular
to
Themistocles
,
and
suggest
such
counsel
to
him
as
would
prove
very
successful
.
After
this
therefore
Themistocles
falling
asleep
,
dreamed
he
saw
a
Dragon
winding
about
his
belly
,
and
creeping
up
to
his
neck
;
but
assoon
as
it
touched
his
face
,
that
it
was
changed
into
an
Eagle
,
which
spreading
his
wings
,
took
him
up
,
and
carried
him
a
long
way
,
and
set
him
firmly
upon
a
Caduceum
or
Heralds
staff
made
of
Gold
,
freeing
him
thus
from
immense
fear
and
consternation
of
mind
.
Wherefore
upon
this
,
Nicogenes
presently
sent
him
away
to
the
Persian
Court
in
such
a
close
Coach
as
their
Women
use
to
be
carried
in
.
And
the
less
stay
then
in
his
journey
,
certainly
it
was
the
better
.
It
is
plain
therefore
,
that
this
very
year
Themistocles
came
to
the
Persian
Court.
But
whether
to
Xerxes
or
Artaxerxes
his
Son
,
is
a
Question
amongst
Chronologers
from
the
different
Reports
of
Historians
.
And
some
also
make
a
Question
,
Whether
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
be
not
Names
or
Titles
promiscuously
used
for
a
King
of
Persia
;
Artaxerxes
signifying
no
more
than
great
Xerxes
,
as
if
one
should
say
one
while
the
Mogul
,
another
while
the
great
Mogul
.
Cornelius
à
Lapide
is
expresly
for
this
conceit
upon
the
Weeks
of
Daniel
:
Historici
,
saith
he
,
subinde
confundunt
nomina
haec
Xerxes
&
Artaxerxes
.
Xerxes
enim
Persicè
significat
Bellatorem
,
Artaxerxes
magnum
Bellatorem
.
But
I
think
it
is
already
without
Controversie
,
That
Themistocles
came
to
the
Persian
Court
the
very
same
year
he
set
out
in
,
and
as
shall
be
made
out
,
that
Xerxes
died
,
and
Artaxerxes
began
to
reign
in
,
and
in
all
likelihood
very
near
the
time
,
not
many
months
distance
from
the
exitus
of
the
one
,
and
succession
of
the
other
.
For
the
Right
of
the
Kingdom
devolved
immediately
upon
Artaxerxes
so
soon
as
he
was
next
Heir
to
the
Crown
.
Wherefore
Themistocles
coming
to
the
Persian
Court
in
such
a
nick
of
time
,
I
mean
so
near
to
the
contermination
of
the
Exitus
of
Xerxes
,
and
the
succeeding
of
Artaxerxes
,
it
is
the
less
to
be
wondred
at
,
that
some
Historians
say
,
he
came
to
Xerxes
,
others
to
Artaxerxes
.
CHAP.
IV.
That
Themistocles
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
came
to
Artaxerxes
newly
beginning
to
reign
,
proved
out
of
Thucydides
.
As
also
from
the
Testimony
of
Charon
Lampsacenus
.
And
the
Suffrage
of
Plutarch
.
As
likewise
of
Cornelius
Nepos
.
To
which
is
added
the
Judgment
of
that
modern
Historian
Johannes
Sleidanus
.
Why
Plutarch
preferred
the
Testimonies
of
Charon
and
Thucydides
before
those
of
Ephorus
,
Dinon
,
Cleitarchus
,
Heraclides
,
and
others
.
The
Characters
of
them
.
A
probable
way
of
salving
all
their
Credits
,
and
that
they
do
not
clash
with
the
Testimony
of
Charon
and
Thucydides
,
at
least
in
any
thing
considerable
.
BUT
Thomas
Lydiat
produces
the
irrefragable
Authority
of
that
unexceptionable
Historian
Thucydides
,
that
Themistocles
came
to
the
Son
of
Xerxes
,
viz.
Artaxerxes
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
newly
coming
to
the
Throne
.
Whence
it
is
undeniably
true
,
that
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
began
his
Reign
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
which
was
the
thing
to
be
demonstrated
.
Charon
Lampsacenus
also
a
Person
of
Quality
,
and
a
famous
Historian
,
he
likewise
declares
,
that
Themistocles's
flight
and
address
was
to
the
Son
,
not
to
his
Father
Xerxes
,
his
Father
,
as
he
writes
,
being
dead
.
And
who
,
I
pray
,
should
be
a
more
idoneous
Witness
,
than
he
who
lived
and
flourished
in
that
time
,
and
whose
native
Town
was
Lampsacum
,
which
Artaxerxes
gave
to
Themistocles
to
yield
him
Wines
,
as
he
did
Magnesia
to
yield
him
Bread-corn
,
and
Myus
the
delicacy
of
Victuals
,
that
Town
having
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Diodorus
speaks
.
Plutarch
also
is
of
opinion
,
that
Themistocles
his
address
was
to
the
Son
of
Xerxes
,
not
to
Xerxes
himself
who
was
dead
,
and
readily
subscribes
to
the
Testimony
of
Thucydides
,
and
of
Charon
Lampsacenus
in
this
,
as
more
consentaneous
to
the
truth
of
Chronology
.
And
Cornelius
Nepos
prefers
the
Authority
of
Thucydides
before
all
those
that
write
the
contrary
,
Quòd
aetate
proximus
erat
qui
illorum
temporum
historiam
reliquerunt
,
&
ejusdem
Civitatis
fuit
,
namely
,
an
Athenian
,
as
Themistocles
was
,
of
which
Thomas
Lydiat
makes
excellent
use
,
as
you
may
see
in
his
Emendatio
Temporum
,
An.
Mund.
3534.
And
for
that
passage
of
Nepos
,
[
Qui
illorum
temporum
historiam
reliquerunt
]
what
can
it
more
fitly
relate
to
,
than
the
History
of
Charon
Lampsacenus
,
who
was
contemporary
to
Themistocles
,
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
,
and
was
born
at
that
very
Town
Lampsacum
,
(
and
reckoned
by
Strabo
amongst
the
Illustres
Lampsaceni
)
which
Artaxerxes
bestow'd
with
the
other
two
upon
Themistocles
?
Whose
Testimony
can
be
so
much
credited
,
as
such
an
one
as
he
?
But
Thucydides's
Testimony
alone
is
of
that
value
,
that
Pezelius
conceives
,
that
from
thence
that
excellent
and
judicious
Historian
Johannes
Sleidanus
declares
thus
;
Xerxi
successit
filius
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
ad
hunc
Themistocles
exul
profugit
,
&c.
Wherefore
here
is
most
ample
and
authentick
Testimony
,
Charon
Lampsacenus
,
Thucydides
,
Plutarch
,
and
Cornelius
Nepos
,
that
it
was
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
not
Xerxes
,
to
whom
Themistocles
in
his
Exile
made
his
applications
.
But
,
methinks
,
I
hear
you
say
,
Plutarch
in
the
same
place
where
he
subscribes
to
Thucydides
and
Charon
,
tells
us
,
that
Ephorus
and
Dinon
and
Clitarchus
and
Heraclides
,
with
several
other
Historians
,
say
,
that
Themistocles's
address
was
made
to
Xerxes
.
It
may
be
so
.
But
from
thence
it
is
then
more
clear
,
what
a
great
value
he
had
for
the
Truth
and
Authority
of
those
two
Writers
,
when
he
preferred
their
two
Testimonies
before
the
Testimony
of
so
many
.
For
the
voices
of
many
are
not
so
considerable
in
such
cases
,
the
mistake
of
one
famous
Historian
,
such
suppose
as
Herodotus
,
making
all
that
succeed
him
,
follow
him
;
as
when
one
Sheep
on
a
Bridge
leaps
off
the
Bridge
into
the
water
,
it
endangers
all
the
rest
that
follow
,
to
leap
after
him
.
But
Charon
Lampsacenus
was
out
of
this
danger
,
he
being
much
seniour
to
Herodotus
,
and
flourishing
in
the
very
times
of
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
,
whenas
Herodotus
was
born
but
four
years
before
Xerxes
his
Expedition
into
Greece
.
And
we
may
be
sure
,
that
Thucydides
,
who
was
so
extreme
careful
of
writing
nothing
but
what
was
true
,
consulted
Charon
Lampsacenus
(
who
lived
and
flourished
in
the
times
of
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
:
and
wrote
the
Persian
History
of
his
Times
,
to
which
his
own
were
so
near
,
or
rather
coincident
.
)
For
which
very
cause
Cornelius
Nepos
prefers
his
Testimony
before
any
other
that
contradict
it
.
Now
for
Ephorus
,
he
is
a
good
while
after
Thucydides
,
and
it
is
Seneca's
Character
of
him
,
Ephorus
non
religiosissimae
fidei
saepe
decipitur
,
saepe
decipit
.
Dinon
,
though
much
later
than
he
,
Nepos
seems
to
have
a
good
opinion
of
;
but
Pliny
laughs
at
him
for
his
Indian
Sirens
,
who
,
he
says
,
by
their
sweet
singing
lull
men
asleep
,
and
in
their
sleep
seize
on
them
,
and
devour
them
.
And
for
Clitarchus
that
followed
Alexander
the
Great
in
his
Expedition
into
Asia
,
Quintiliaeus's
Elogium
of
him
is
,
Clitarchi
probatur
ingenium
,
fides
infamatur
.
Now
for
Heraclides
,
there
were
many
of
that
Name
,
and
those
Historians
too
;
but
it
's
likely
this
was
Heraclides
Cumanus
who
wrote
five
Books
,
De
rebus
Persicis
,
junior
to
Clitarchus
:
he
seeming
to
be
ranged
with
those
that
lived
in
Ptolemaeus
Philometor's
time
by
Gerardus
Vossius
,
in
his
Treatise
De
Historicis
Graecis
;
but
for
his
Character
,
I
find
none
cited
by
Vossius
either
good
or
bad
out
of
any
Author
.
And
it
may
be
,
it
was
not
altogether
necessary
to
mention
those
of
the
other
,
there
being
another
way
of
answering
,
and
more
consistent
with
their
Credits
.
For
being
it
is
merely
known
of
them
,
that
they
relate
Themistocles
his
address
,
when
he
fled
into
Asia
,
to
have
been
made
to
Xerxes
;
according
to
Cornelius
à
Lapide's
Opinion
,
there
being
no
more
difference
betwixt
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
,
than
betwixt
the
Mogul
and
the
great
Mogul
,
(
for
Artaxerxes
signifies
no
more
than
the
great
Xerxes
)
those
that
say
he
came
to
Xerxes
,
may
be
judged
to
say
the
same
thing
that
they
who-relate
he
came
to
Artaxerxes
.
And
this
is
the
very
way
that
A
Lapide
salves
the
credit
of
these
seemingly
clashing
Historians
.
To
which
I
will
further
add
,
That
Themistocles's
flight
into
Asia
,
being
so
near
the
contermination
of
the
Death
of
Xerxes
,
and
the
Succession
of
his
Son
Artaxerxes
,
who
was
Heir
to
the
Crown
assoon
as
his
Brother
Darius
was
slain
,
which
was
immediately
upon
the
death
of
Xerxes
killed
by
Artabanus
:
the
Credit
of
these
clashing
Historians
is
sufficiently
salved
,
in
that
the
errour
in
time
is
so
very
little
,
whether
they
say
Themistocles
came
to
the
Persian
Court
while
Xerxes
was
alive
,
or
in
the
Reign
of
his
Son
Artaxerxes
.
CHAP.
V.
What
is
to
be
answered
to
the
Testimony
of
Diodorus
Siculus
,
that
makes
Xerxes
live
five
or
six
years
after
his
Conference
with
Themistocles
.
How
Diodorus
came
to
be
wheedled
into
this
mistake
.
Ctesias
Cnidius
his
Authority
to
be
preferred
before
Herodotus
touching
the
term
of
years
that
Darius
Hystaspis
reigned
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Hecataeus
Milesius
writ
through
the
oscitancy
of
the
Scribe
;
Or
five
years
added
to
the
Reign
of
Darius
Hystaspis
wittingly
by
Herodotus
to
exercise
his
wit
and
invention
thereon
to
please
the
Reader
.
A
further
weight
added
to
the
Authority
of
Ctesias
Cnidius
in
this
point
from
the
second
Postulatum
.
BUT
there
is
one
more
besides
those
four
that
Plutarch
names
,
taken
notice
of
by
Petavius
,
which
I
must
confess
this
Salvo
will
not
reach
,
and
that
is
Diodorus
Siculus
,
who
placing
the
flight
of
Themistocles
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
does
notwithstanding
place
the
death
of
Xerxes
in
the
fourth
year
of
the
78.
Olympiad
;
so
that
Xerxes
,
according
to
him
,
lived
five
or
six
years
after
his
Conference
with
Themistocles
in
Persia
.
Wherefore
here
we
must
ingenuously
confess
,
that
Diodorus
has
committed
a
mistake
,
though
otherwise
a
very
creditable
Historian
.
But
it
is
a
consequential
mistake
to
a
more
primitive
Errour
,
which
he
had
imbibed
from
Herodotus
,
who
makes
Darius
Hystaspis
to
have
reigned
five
years
longer
than
in
truth
he
did
.
Which
therefore
must
needs
shove
down
the
beginning
of
Xerxes
his
Reign
(
whom
all
are
agreed
to
have
reigned
but
about
twenty
years
)
and
consequently
the
beginning
of
Artaxerxes's
Reign
,
five
years
lower
than
in
truth
it
was
.
But
though
this
must
be
acknowledged
an
errour
in
Diodorus
,
yet
we
are
to
pardon
him
from
that
modest
deference
he
gave
to
the
Authority
of
Herodotus
,
he
being
reputed
Parens
Historiae
,
as
Tully
calls
him
,
the
Father
of
History
;
and
also
because
by
his
happy
discovery
of
the
true
time
of
Themistocles's
flight
to
the
King
of
Persia
,
he
has
again
rescued
us
from
that
inveterate
Errour
of
Herodotus
;
Charon
and
Thucydides
,
two
unexceptionable
and
irrefragable
Authors
,
and
elder
than
all
that
have
related
to
the
contrary
,
affirming
,
that
it
was
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
that
Themistocles
came
to
,
and
that
at
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
.
But
this
coming
of
Themistocles
,
Diodorus
assures
us
was
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
.
And
therefore
it
is
apparent
,
that
Xerxes
died
five
or
six
years
earlier
in
the
series
of
time
than
Diodorus
makes
him
,
though
acknowledged
by
all
to
have
reigned
twenty
years
,
or
thereabout
.
Whence
his
Father
Darius
Hystaspis
must
of
necessity
not
have
reigned
above
thirty
one
years
,
or
thereabout
,
as
Ctesias
Cnidius
also
affirms
he
did
not
,
who
being
Physician
to
Artaxerxes
Memor
,
had
the
opportunity
to
know
the
truth
of
these
things
better
than
Herodotus
.
And
it
seems
a
special
piece
of
Providence
,
though
length
of
time
,
or
carelesness
of
Transcribers
,
may
have
corrupted
other
numberings
of
his
,
that
this
of
the
Reign
of
Darius
Hystaspis
has
been
kept
unviolated
,
it
agreeing
so
well
with
the
undeniable
Testimonies
of
Charon
and
Thucydides
,
such
ancient
Writers
.
Hecataeus
Milesius
indeed
is
something
ancienter
than
Charon
,
he
flourishing
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Darius
Hystaspis
,
and
being
longaevous
,
may
well
reach
many
years
beyond
his
Reign
;
and
if
his
History
(
for
some
make
this
Hecataeus
the
Parent
of
History
,
and
Herodotus
to
have
gleaned
from
him
)
was
kept
incorrupt
without
mistakes
of
the
Transcribers
,
and
so
came
to
Herodotus
his
hand
,
it
might
have
been
a
safe
direction
touching
the
years
of
Darius
his
Reign
.
But
Thomas
Lydiat
conceits
,
that
the
carelesness
of
the
Scribes
may
have
writ
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
being
but
the
change
of
one
letter
.
And
truly
if
it
was
verbatim
in
Hecataeus
,
as
Herodotus
sets
it
down
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
had
it
been
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
after
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
being
of
such
a
full
and
swelling
sound
and
sense
,
and
that
which
immediately
followed
it
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
so
little
,
lank
and
dwindling
,
the
drowsie
phancy
of
the
Scribe
might
heedlesly
suggest
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
being
too
lazy
to
mend
it
,
or
too
mindless
to
observe
the
errour
,
pass
it
glibly
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Such
a
slight
Salvo
as
this
,
is
more
for
the
credit
of
Herodotus
,
than
to
phansie
that
he
would
willingly
produce
the
Reign
of
Darius
about
five
years
longer
than
in
truth
it
was
,
that
he
might
give
him
room
enough
to
make
vast
preparations
for
War
against
the
Greeks
after
his
defeat
at
Marathon
,
and
so
have
occasion
to
bring
in
the
pretty
story
of
Demaratus
assisting
Xerxes
in
his
pleading
for
Succession
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
his
Father
Darius
,
as
the
Persian
use
is
,
would
declare
him
his
Successor
,
himself
being
now
to
go
out
suddenly
on
a
foreign
Expedition
;
and
that
in
the
heat
of
all
these
things
,
and
vast
preparations
,
and
eager
purpose
of
revenging
himself
on
his
Enemies
,
and
recovering
his
Credit
,
he
might
die
just
in
the
very
nick
of
time
,
when
he
intended
to
have
strutted
out
with
a
mighty
Army
,
and
atchieved
glorious
Exploits
.
What
can
be
better
contrived
for
the
moving
of
passion
in
the
Reader
,
which
is
the
pleasure
of
History
?
And
Herodotus
may
well
seem
to
be
the
very
Homer
of
Historians
,
and
that
his
nine
Books
are
not
named
after
the
Names
of
the
nine
Muses
for
nothing
.
And
Harpocration
or
Aelius
would
easily
surmise
so
:
and
Gerard
Vossius
tells
us
that
Strabo's
judgment
is
,
that
this
was
the
scope
of
Herodotus
his
writing
,
Vt
Poetarum
modo
oblectaret
lectorem
suum
,
atque
eam
esse
causam
cur
multa
asperserit
à
fide
aliena
.
And
he
has
given
us
a
Specimen
of
his
Art
and
Cunning
,
in
adding
five
years
to
Darius
his
Reign
,
wherein
nothing
was
done
,
no
Expeditions
actually
undertaken
against
foreign
Nations
;
but
only
,
as
he
is
pleased
to
feign
,
huge
preparations
made
,
whereby
this
figment
of
his
five
years
longer
reigning
,
than
Ctesias
Cnidius
makes
him
,
was
the
less
liable
to
discovery
.
For
if
there
had
been
a
War
actually
made
against
any
Foreign
people
,
it
would
have
been
noted
amongst
them
who
it
was
that
made
the
War
,
Darius
or
his
Son
Xerxes
;
but
this
not
being
to
be
done
,
it
made
him
the
more
secure
in
his
witty
fiction
.
Wherefore
it
is
apparent
,
that
the
Authority
of
Ctesias
is
to
be
preferred
before
Herodotus's
in
this
point
;
It
comporting
also
so
well
with
the
Epocha
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus's
Reign
,
which
unless
it
be
fixt
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
cannot
commence
with
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
,
which
is
above
demonstrated
,
must
be
the
true
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
.
Whence
we
must
conclude
by
the
second
Postulatum
,
that
as
to
the
years
of
Darius
his
Reign
,
Ctesias
,
who
makes
them
thirty
one
years
,
is
nearer
the
right
than
Herodotus
that
makes
them
thirty
six
.
CHAP.
VI.
A
passage
in
the
Proem
of
Thucydides
compared
with
Ctesias
to
prove
,
that
Darius
dyed
after
the
Pugna
Marathonia
.
The
Suffrage
of
Georgius
Syncellus
to
the
same
purpose
.
The
same
thing
proved
out
of
the
Chronicon
Marmoreum
Arundelianum
.
The
Authentickness
and
genuineness
of
Themistocles
his
Epistle
to
Polygnotus
.
It
is
clear
out
of
this
Epistle
,
that
Themistocles
his
flight
was
near
the
contermination
of
Xerxes
his
Death
,
and
Artxerxes
succeeding
him
.
Themistocles
's
speed
to
the
Persian
Court
so
soon
as
he
got
into
Asia
.
A
passage
or
two
in
the
abovesaid
Epistle
that
clearly
demonstrate
,
that
it
was
Artaxerxes
that
Themistocles
conferred
with
,
his
Father
Xerxes
being
dead
.
The
ample
consent
of
Testimonies
to
this
Truth
.
BUT
to
let
go
the
use
of
that
mawling
Engine
for
the
present
,
I
will
add
some
few
Proofs
more
out
of
humane
Authority
,
such
as
occur
in
Thomas
Lydiat's
Canones
Chronici
.
Where
first
he
alledges
that
passage
in
Thucydides
in
the
very
Proem
of
his
Book
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
that
is
,
Paulóque
ante
Medicum
bellum
,
ac
Darii
mortem
,
qui
post
Cambysen
regnum
Persarum
obtinuit
,
&c.
Where
he
argues
from
Thucydides
his
immediately
joining
the
Death
of
Darius
with
the
Pugna
Marathonia
,
where
the
Persians
were
quite
overthrown
and
vanquished
,
that
Darius
his
death
must
be
dependent
upon
this
,
and
that
he
survived
but
a
very
little
while
that
great
defeat
given
him
and
his
Army
,
as
Ctesias
relates
the
story
,
that
after
he
had
returned
into
Persia
from
that
Expedition
,
he
fell
sick
,
and
lay
by
it
some
thirty
days
,
and
so
died
after
he
had
reigned
thirty
one
years
;
which
therefore
must
needs
be
presently
after
the
Pugna
Marathonia
.
And
the
ill
success
of
that
War
,
which
Thomas
Lydiat
notes
in
the
second
place
,
is
thought
by
some
to
have
broke
his
heart
,
which
is
an
easie
and
natural
conjecture
.
And
Georgius
Syncellus
,
a
Greek
Historian
,
who
lived
in
the
time
of
Constantinus
and
Irene
,
whether
upon
the
Authority
of
Ctesias
Cnidius
or
Dinon
,
or
some
other
,
even
of
those
Greek
Historians
that
declare
,
that
Themistocles
his
communication
was
with
Xerxes
(
for
by
reason
of
the
nearness
of
Themistocles
his
flight
to
the
contermination
of
Xerxes
his
Death
and
succeeding
of
Artaxerxes
,
that
is
consistent
enough
)
does
not
only
relate
,
that
after
some
days
sickness
upon
his
return
into
Persia
,
Darius
died
after
he
had
reigned
thirty
years
:
But
he
adds
further
,
that
Cladis
contumeliam
indignè
ferens
,
animo
dolore
exulcerato
,
occubuit
.
Scaliger
indeed
crows
over
this
Georgius
Syncellus
for
committing
several
and
some
gross
mistakes
in
Chronology
,
but
so
Petavius
does
over
Scaliger
,
as
well
as
Georgius
Syncellus
over
Eusebius
(
as
Gerard
Vossius
tells
us
)
and
that
rudely
enough
;
but
withal
Vossius
confesses
,
Syncellum
saepe
meritò
ab
Eusebio
dissentire
.
Thirdly
,
Out
of
the
Chronicon
Marmoreum
Arundelianum
he
alledges
,
that
on
one
Marble
there
is
an
Inscription
that
records
the
Battel
at
Marathon
betwixt
the
Athenians
and
Persians
to
have
been
such
an
one
being
Archon
at
Athens
,
but
the
name
it self
,
the
Marble
being
injured
by
time
,
is
defaced
.
But
what
follows
,
is
,
that
there
was
another
of
that
name
heretofore
Archon
,
namely
Phanippus
,
as
will
appear
out
of
Plutarch
.
For
the
same
Marble
tells
,
that
Darius
died
,
and
his
Son
Xerxes
succeeded
him
that
year
that
Aristides
was
Archon
.
Now
therefore
out
of
Aristides's
Life
in
Plutarch
,
where
it
is
expresly
said
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
(
That
after
Phanippus
,
in
whose
time
the
Athenians
won
the
Battel
at
Marathon
,
Aristides
was
presently
made
Archon
)
he
rightly
infers
,
that
Darius
died
a
little
after
his
return
into
Persia
from
the
War
against
the
Greeks
;
And
did
not
survive
five
years
after
it
,
as
Herodotus
would
make
us
believe
he
did
.
For
he
shows
also
,
that
Phanippus
was
Archon
the
first
year
of
the
48.
Olympiad
,
as
the
Marble
intimates
,
there
was
one
of
the
same
Name
Archon
heretofore
that
he
was
of
,
that
was
Archon
when
the
Marathonian
Battel
was
fought
.
So
exquisitely
do
all
things
agree
.
Fourthly
and
lastly
,
That
Themistocles
came
to
Artaxerxes
,
not
to
Xerxes
(
as
Thucydides
also
expresly
relates
,
that
after
he
arrived
into
Asia
,
he
wrote
a
Letter
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
To
King
Artaxerxes
the
Son
of
Xerxes
newly
reigning
,
or
newly
begun
to
reign
.
Which
shews
,
that
Darius
died
what
time
Ctesias
and
the
Chronicon
Marmoreum
relate
he
did
)
he
proves
from
a
plain
Narrative
,
where
there
is
no
mention
of
any
vociferant
Ecstatical
Olbius
,
or
any
Divinatory
Dream
of
a
Dragon
,
Eagle
and
golden
Caduceum
;
but
it
is
an
unaffected
story
of
his
Exile
,
and
his
Arrival
into
Persia
,
his
Communication
with
the
King
,
and
the
success
thereof
written
by
Themistocles
his
own
hand
in
a
Letter
to
Polygnotus
,
his
intimate
Friend
,
after
his
return
from
the
Persian
Court
,
and
his
Residence
near
the
Sea-coasts
in
the
Prefecture
of
Artabazus
in
the
lesser
Asia
.
Which
Letter
,
as
I
said
,
is
written
with
that
unaffectedness
and
punctualness
withal
,
and
so
consentaneously
to
the
true
Chronology
of
Gelo's
Reign
,
and
the
Succession
of
his
Brother
Hiero
,
which
Thomas
Lydiat
had
exquisitely
made
out
in
a
single
Diatriba
of
his
about
that
matter
,
before
he
met
with
Themistocles
his
Epistles
,
or
the
Chronicon
Marmoreum
,
that
whatever
may
be
thought
of
the
eleventh
Epistle
,
which
is
to
Leager
(
which
is
filled
with
abundance
of
Wit
and
Rhetorick
and
ranting
Passion
in
it
;
besides
,
that
it
makes
as
if
there
were
intercourse
of
Letters
betwixt
the
Persian
King
and
Themistocles
while
he
was
at
Ephesus
where
he
first
landed
)
this
Epistle
as
well
as
any
of
the
others
,
and
it
is
unlikely
but
that
there
were
several
Epistles
written
by
so
great
a
Man
in
such
exigencies
of
affairs
,
and
that
the
Nobleness
of
his
Person
,
and
greatness
of
his
Fame
,
would
make
men
careful
to
preserve
them
;
this
Epistle
,
I
say
,
must
needs
be
genuine
.
But
in
this
unexceptionable
Epistle
it
is
clear
,
that
the
flight
of
Themistocles
was
near
the
contermination
of
Xerxes's
death
,
and
Artaxerxes's
succeeding
him
.
For
so
soon
as
he
was
got
to
Ephesus
,
there
,
says
he
,
I
found
certain
Persians
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Garrison-Souldiers
of
Caria
,
whom
Artabazus
had
placed
there
.
And
now
,
says
he
,
I
could
safely
make
known
who
I
was
,
even
to
Xerxes
;
which
shows
plainly
,
that
at
first
he
took
Xerxes
to
be
still
alive
;
but
being
better
informed
by
the
Souldiers
,
he
holds
on
,
and
speaks
more
cautiously
,
and
says
I
told
them
my
Name
,
and
said
,
I
came
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
do
great
service
to
the
King's
house
,
that
is
,
to
his
Family
or
Off-spring
.
These
Souldiers
,
says
he
,
told
Artabazus
what
I
said
,
and
they
led
me
to
the
Phrygians
,
for
Artabazus
was
in
Phrygia
,
who
when
he
heard
the
rest
from
my self
,
and
my
purpose
of
going
to
the
King
(
and
certainly
there
was
but
one
King
then
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
he
liked
my
design
,
and
sent
me
away
forthwith
,
and
bestows
on
me
two
Horses
and
two
Servants
,
besides
that
he
appointed
thirteen
Persians
,
to
whom
were
committed
the
care
of
conducting
him
,
and
providing
all
necessaries
,
as
he
went
,
for
his
journey
.
What
a
plain
and
unaffected
an
account
is
this
of
Themistocles
his
own
,
in
comparison
of
that
which
I
briefly
above
recited
out
of
Plutarch
;
but
both
concur
in
this
,
that
he
hasted
away
presently
(
assoon
as
he
arrived
into
Asia
)
unto
the
Persian
Court
,
which
is
the
thing
I
drove
at
then
,
and
note
here
again
;
That
no
slippery
Wit
may
pretend
,
that
though
Themistocles's
flight
indeed
was
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
yet
there
may
be
some
years
before
he
came
to
the
Persian
Court
;
and
though
it
was
Artaxerxes
that
he
then
addressed
to
,
yet
it
does
not
follow
,
that
Xerxes
died
in
the
second
year
of
the
abovesaid
Olympiad
.
But
as
it
is
plain
out
of
Thucydides
,
that
Xerxes
was
dead
in
this
very
year
of
Themistocles's
flight
,
so
it
is
more
manifest
still
out
of
this
Epistle
of
Themistocles
to
Polygnotus
.
In
which
he
writes
thus
,
a
little
after
he
has
given
a
brief
description
of
the
Journey
he
had
.
And
at
last
,
says
he
,
we
finished
our
Journey
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
we
came
to
the
King
,
whither
we
hasted
.
If
there
had
been
two
Kings
then
reigning
,
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
his
Son
,
certainly
he
would
have
intimated
so
much
;
and
if
there
were
,
yet
he
not
giving
notice
to
the
contrary
,
Xerxes
the
Father
must
necessarily
be
understood
by
the
King
here
.
And
then
consider
what
sense
that
Saying
of
the
King
to
him
will
have
.
Art
thou
the
Themistocles
which
the
Medes
say
,
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
to
have
been
the
cause
,
that
neither
I
nor
my
Father
became
Masters
of
the
Greeks
,
or
Masters
of
Greece
.
What
,
does
the
King
when
he
says
,
[
my
Father
]
mean
Darius
Hystaspis
?
No
surely
,
he
means
Xerxes
,
as
is
manifest
from
Themistocles
his
Answer
.
Wherein
he
recounts
what
service
he
did
Xerxes
in
hastening
his
Navy
to
Salamis
,
and
after
in
disswading
the
Greeks
from
cutting
the
Bridge
over
the
Hellespont
,
on
purpose
that
Xerxes
might
safely
escape
.
Wherefore
it
is
as
clear
as
the
Sun
,
that
Xerxes
was
dead
that
year
when
Themistocles
fled
to
the
Persian
Court
;
and
consequently
that
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
begins
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
viz.
six
years
sooner
than
the
vulgar
Chronologers
place
it
,
who
pretend
it
began
not
till
the
fourth
year
of
the
78.
Olympiad
.
This
is
no
rash
Assertion
,
nor
destitute
of
History
,
but
a
solid
Truth
,
confirmed
by
the
Authority
of
Charon
Lampsacenus
,
of
Thucydides
,
of
Ctesias
Cnidius
,
nay
,
of
Diodorus
Siculus
by
undeniable
consequence
)
of
Chronicon
Marmoreum
,
of
Plutarchus
,
of
Cornelius
Nepos
,
and
of
Themistocles
in
his
Epistle
to
Polygnotus
,
and
of
Georgius
Syncellus
,
to
omit
other
judicious
Historians
of
later
times
.
CHAP.
VII
.
An
Answer
to
a
notable
Objection
fetched
out
of
Ptolemy
's
Canon
.
Of
the
Authority
and
Antiquity
of
that
Canon
.
That
it
is
look't
upon
as
considerable
by
all
Chronologers
:
But
so
,
as
that
both
Scaliger
and
Petavius
acknowledge
an
uncertainty
and
disputableness
in
some
particular
Kings
Reigns
,
though
the
summ
of
years
from
Nabonassar
to
the
Death
of
Alexander
,
is
of
all
hands
held
to
be
right
.
That
careless
Transcribers
,
or
partial
Correctors
of
the
Canon
,
in
favour
of
Herodotus
,
or
of
the
Canon
it self
,
may
have
added
faults
thereunto
.
Ptolemy
not
concerned
in
those
Miscorrections
,
they
not
happening
in
the
years
the
Eclipses
are
set
down
in
,
which
reach
but
to
the
31
of
Darius
Primus
.
The
other
Eclipses
noted
are
affixed
to
the
Archons
of
Athens
.
The
Royal
Records
of
the
Persian
Kings
,
which
Ctesias
had
the
use
of
,
preferable
to
Ptolemy
's
Canon
in
the
present
Controversie
.
That
Ptolemy
,
notwithstanding
his
skill
in
Astronomy
,
might
after
Herodotus
be
involved
in
that
vulgar
Errour
touching
the
years
of
Darius
Primus
his
Reign
.
The
Application
of
the
second
Postulatum
to
the
case
.
The
intricateness
of
Records
that
concern
the
right
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
how
consistent
with
Providence
.
BUT
the
most
terrible
Argument
against
this
so
sound
a
Truth
is
the
Canon
of
Ptolemy
,
which
Petavius
and
others
have
taken
notice
of
,
and
which
assigns
thirty
six
years
to
Darius
Hystaspis
.
As
for
the
Antiquity
of
it
,
I
find
neither
in
Petavius
,
nor
Scaliger
,
nor
Calvisius
,
(
for
it
is
not
a
Canon
made
,
but
only
made
use
of
by
Ptolemy
,
it
was
extant
long
before
his
time
)
any
thing
said
thereof
.
But
that
which
is
most
probable
,
and
may
make
most
for
the
Credit
of
it
,
may
be
this
surmise
,
That
some
Greek
Virtuoso
that
accompanied
Alexander
in
his
Expedition
against
the
Persians
,
either
to
satisfie
his
own
curiosity
,
or
the
curiosity
of
some
Friend
,
got
this
Canon
of
the
Successions
of
the
Kings
of
Babylon
.
Which
all
Historians
and
Chronologers
look
upon
as
a
considerable
and
useful
Record
.
But
suppose
it
exact
and
right
at
first
,
yet
the
injury
of
time
,
and
negligence
of
Scribes
,
may
well
have
much
corrupted
it
,
though
Scaliger
will
scarce
allow
it
was
right
at
first
.
For
in
the
third
Book
of
his
Canones
Isagogici
he
calls
it
indeed
Egregium
Vetustatis
Monumentum
,
if
it
had
been
incontaminate
.
Sed
vanidica
,
says
he
,
&
futilis
Genethliacorum
Natio
regum
quidem
ipsorum
memoriam
fideliter
conservavit
,
annos
verò
eorum
foedissimè
conturbavit
.
And
he
acknowledges
,
as
Petavius
and
other
Chronologers
do
,
that
the
summ
of
the
years
from
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Nabonassar
to
the
Death
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
viz.
424
years
,
is
right
,
however
the
years
of
the
Reign
of
some
particular
Kings
may
be
uncertain
and
disputable
.
The
very
words
of
Petavius
in
his
De
doctrina
Temporum
,
lib.
3.
cap.
52.
concerning
the
Canon
Mathematicus
Babyloniorum
Regum
,
as
it
is
there
stiled
,
out
of
Georgius
Syncellus
,
I
suppose
,
he
says
,
that
though
the
summ
of
the
Anni
collecti
be
right
,
In
aliis
tamen
quibusdam
mendosus
est
Canon
,
quòd
sigillatim
propriis
locis
constabit
.
And
so
both
he
and
Scaliger
make
no
bones
of
mending
the
Canon
out
of
Berosus
and
such
like
Historians
where-ever
they
conceive
it
faulty
.
And
can
we
perswade
our selves
,
besides
what
the
injury
of
time
may
have
done
,
and
the
carelesness
of
Transcribers
,
that
long
before
Ptolemy's
Age
,
ignorance
and
partiality
of
busie
Correctors
of
this
Babylonish
Canon
,
may
not
have
added
some
faults
to
it
,
and
so
they
presuming
upon
the
Authority
of
that
Father
of
History
Herodotus
that
adds
five
years
more
to
Darius
Hystaspis
his
Reign
than
is
due
,
when
the
ancient
Canon
had
but
thirty
one
,
that
they
may
not
have
made
bold
to
make
it
thirty
six
,
either
to
save
the
credit
of
Herodotus
,
or
of
the
Canon
it self
,
that
it
might
not
seem
to
contradict
the
Authority
of
that
Father
of
History
?
Some
bold
Greek
that
had
to
do
with
this
Canon
,
might
very
early
make
this
false
correction
,
and
that
the
summ
of
the
years
might
not
be
disturbed
,
whenas
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
reigned
46
years
,
make
him
reign
but
forty
one
.
Nor
does
this
Errour
passing
the
hands
of
Ptolemy
even
in
that
most
correct
MS.
of
this
Canon
that
Dr.
Overall
,
Dean
of
Paul's
,
sent
to
Calvisius
,
and
which
he
has
inserted
into
his
Isagoge
Chronologica
,
afford
any
credit
to
it
,
as
to
be
therefore
concluded
a
Truth
.
Forasmuch
as
none
of
his
Eclipses
he
takes
notice
of
,
are
found
in
any
of
those
five
affictitious
years
which
Herodotus
has
clapt
to
the
Reign
of
Darius
the
First
.
For
there
is
no
more
than
two
Eclipses
noted
in
the
Reign
of
Darius
Primus
,
one
in
the
twentieth
year
of
his
Reign
,
the
other
in
the
thirty
first
.
Wherefore
whether
there
were
five
years
more
of
his
Reign
or
no
,
Ptolemy
was
little
concerned
,
he
fixing
the
Observations
of
Eclipses
recorded
no
further
to
the
Reign
of
any
Persian
Kings
than
so
.
He
does
indeed
take
notice
of
other
Eclipses
that
fell
within
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
or
Artaxerxes
Secundus
,
but
he
fixes
them
to
the
year
of
no
Persian
King
,
but
to
the
Archons
of
Athens
,
as
he
finds
them
set
down
by
Hipparchus
,
two
while
Phanostratus
was
Archon
in
the
year
of
Nabonassar
366.
another
while
Evander
in
the
year
367.
Wherefore
upon
the
whole
matter
,
though
this
Canon
of
Ptolemy
makes
such
a
noise
,
especially
that
of
the
most
correct
Edition
which
Calvisius
has
put
out
,
inserting
it
in
his
Isagoge
;
yet
,
I
think
,
if
one
rattle
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Royal
Parchments
or
Authentick
Rolls
of
the
Kings
of
Persia
,
in
which
the
Persians
by
a
Law
were
obliged
to
record
the
ancient
Acts
of
their
Princes
(
which
Ctesias
Cnidius
,
as
Diodorus
takes
notice
,
had
the
use
of
,
living
in
the
quality
of
a
Physician
in
Artaxerxes
Mnemons's
Court
seventeen
years
together
,
and
so
had
the
opportunity
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
accurately
and
particularly
to
set
down
every
thing
)
I
say
,
if
one
rattle
the
Royal
Rolls
of
Parchment
against
the
noise
of
Ptolemy's
Canon
,
I
think
it
may
justly
silence
the
loudness
thereof
,
and
make
any
impartial
person
give
credit
to
Ctesias
,
who
says
,
Darius
Hystaspis
reigned
but
thirty
one
years
,
rather
than
to
Ptolemy's
Canon
,
which
pretends
he
reigned
thirty
six
.
And
yet
I
will
not
deny
but
that
Ptolemy
might
adjust
that
Canon
as
near
to
the
truth
as
his
judgment
would
reach
.
For
though
Astronomy
may
certainly
inform
us
,
by
virtue
of
Eclipses
,
touching
the
distance
of
the
years
of
Nabonassar
,
whether
such
an
Eclipse
in
such
a
year
of
Nabonassar
be
consistent
with
such
an
Eclipse
in
such
a
year
,
at
such
a
distance
;
yet
it
is
History
only
that
can
adjust
rightly
the
endings
and
beginnings
of
Kings
Reigns
within
that
Interval
.
And
therefore
notwithstanding
Ptolemy's
skill
in
Astronomy
,
he
might
with
the
rest
,
after
Herodotus
,
be
involved
in
that
vulgar
Errour
.
And
lastly
,
besides
all
this
,
according
to
the
second
Postulatum
,
Ctesias
pronouncing
consonantly
to
the
Divine
Oracles
,
which
,
as
I
have
above
proved
,
we
can
make
no
sense
of
,
unless
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
be
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
we
are
in
all
reason
to
subscribe
to
Ctesias
.
For
Ptolemy's
Canon
,
though
it
be
called
Canon
Mathematicus
,
yet
it
is
no
Canonical
Scripture
,
nor
must
vie
with
those
infallible
Oracles
of
holy
Writ
.
It
may
seem
a
great
flaw
in
Providence
to
some
,
that
the
true
Epocha
of
a
Prophecy
of
so
mighty
importance
,
as
this
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
should
be
involved
in
so
much
obscurity
and
perplexedness
,
by
reason
of
the
clashing
of
the
most
famous
Histories
and
Records
one
with
another
,
that
are
proper
for
the
setling
of
this
point
.
But
if
we
more
narrowly
and
seriously
consider
the
matter
,
this
which
thus
rashly
is
accounted
a
flaw
,
will
prove
an
argument
of
a
more
accurate
and
punctual
Providence
of
God
over
the
Affairs
of
his
Church
,
and
that
he
permits
nothing
to
fall
out
that
would
turn
so
much
to
their
detriment
,
as
this
is
conceived
to
do
.
Wherefore
,
I
say
,
there
was
an
egregious
usefulness
of
letting
the
knowledge
of
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
become
so
exceeding
obscure
and
intricate
.
For
thereby
,
first
,
the
Faith
and
Spirit
of
discernment
in
the
Church
had
the
better
scope
to
be
exercised
at
the
appearance
of
imposturous
Messias's
,
and
the
unbelieving
Jews
justly
left
the
more
obnoxious
to
those
Delusions
.
Besides
,
if
the
true
Epocha
had
been
then
easily
discoverable
by
humane
helps
,
it
had
been
such
a
forcible
conviction
that
Jesus
was
the
Messias
,
that
the
Jews
could
not
have
had
the
confidence
to
crucifie
him
,
or
when
they
had
crucified
him
,
not
presently
to
have
acknowledged
their
mistake
,
and
been
universally
converted
to
the
Faith
,
and
so
put
abundance
of
the
ancient
Prophecies
at
a
loss
for
a
true
and
genuine
Interpretation
and
Impletion
.
And
lastly
,
Christ's
offering
himself
to
John
to
be
baptized
in
that
very
nick
of
time
that
this
Prophecy
of
Daniel
points
at
,
numbring
the
Weeks
from
the
true
Epocha
,
no
humane
helps
being
then
able
to
discover
it
,
least
of
all
any
humane
Literature
of
Jesus
the
Carpenters
Son
,
we
may
be
sure
it
was
by
Divine
Inspiration
that
he
came
to
John
to
be
baptized
in
that
year
of
his
Ministry
that
he
did
,
it
lasting
,
as
will
be
proved
,
about
four
years
together
.
He
was
merely
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
driven
by
the
Divine
Spirit
to
receive
his
Baptism
then
.
Which
consideration
is
wanting
to
that
vulgar
Opinion
that
pinches
up
the
Baptism
of
Christ
into
the
very
first
year
of
John's
Ministry
.
But
Jesus
being
once
thus
,
by
the
Instigation
of
the
Spirit
,
baptized
by
John
,
then
even
from
the
Prophecy
it self
he
might
collect
what
year
he
was
to
suffer
in
,
he
being
in
the
midst
of
that
week
(
which
commenced
with
his
Manifestation
)
to
make
the
Jewish
Sacrifices
to
cease
by
the
Sacrifice
of
Himself
on
the
Cross
.
Which
retaining
in
his
memory
,
that
he
might
not
frustrate
the
Prediction
,
he
in
a
voluntary
compliance
therewith
,
spoke
his
present
mind
,
Joh.
7.
Go
ye
up
unto
this
feast
,
I
go
not
up
unto
this
feast
,
for
my
time
is
not
yet
full
come
.
For
he
knew
the
Jews
had
a
mind
to
kill
him
,
but
he
would
not
be
killed
before
his
time
,
but
comply
with
the
Prophecy
.
Wherefore
whereas
he
went
after
unto
the
Feast
,
he
did
it
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
there
being
after
given
him
an
inspired
assurance
that
they
should
not
touch
him
at
that
time
;
as
it
is
said
,
Chap.
8.
v.
20.
These
words
spake
Jesus
in
the
Treasury
as
he
taught
in
the
Temple
,
and
no
man
laid
hands
on
him
,
for
his
hour
was
not
yet
come
,
viz.
the
middle
Day
of
the
last
week
of
the
seventy
Weeks
of
Daniel
.
And
this
I
think
is
enough
to
vindicate
Providence
from
any
flaw
in
permitting
such
an
almost
inextricable
difficulty
for
a
time
to
adhere
to
the
Investigation
of
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
.
Which
same
,
Providence
however
,
now
in
this
last
Age
wherein
the
Prophet
has
predicted
that
knowledge
shall
abound
,
has
been
pleased
to
discover
with
a
more
perfect
understanding
also
of
the
rest
of
the
Prophecies
of
Daniel
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
The
necessary
Consequences
from
the
discovery
of
the
right
year
of
the
beginning
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
,
viz.
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
.
(1)
That
the
twentieth
which
is
the
first
year
of
the
82.
Olympiad
,
is
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
.
(2)
That
the
Weeks
end
in
the
second
year
of
Caligula
's
Reign
.
(3)
That
Christ
suffered
in
the
twenty
second
year
of
Tiberius
.
(4)
That
his
Manifestation
as
the
Messias
was
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
.
(5)
That
he
was
born
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
These
four
last
point
,
to
be
proved
ordine
retrogrado
by
History
and
Reason
.
That
there
is
no
more
violence
done
by
Tho.
Lydiat
's
placing
the
Nativity
of
Christ
two
years
later
than
the
Dionysian
account
,
than
by
Scaliger
's
placing
it
two
years
sooner
,
nor
so
much
as
by
Suslyga
and
Kepler
's
placing
it
four
or
five
years
sooner
than
Dionysius
.
BUT
having
thus
clearly
and
irrefragably
made
out
,
that
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
was
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
the
277.
of
Nabonassar
,
and
the
4243.
of
the
Julian
Period
,
whence
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
(
which
is
the
only
true
and
genuine
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
)
is
found
to
be
in
the
first
year
of
the
82.
Olympiad
,
and
the
296.
of
Nabonassar
,
or
the
4262.
of
the
Julian
Period
,
we
are
now
to
take
notice
what
will
be
the
consequence
,
viz.
That
first
it
will
necessarily
follow
,
that
the
last
year
of
Daniel's
Weeks
will
be
in
the
second
year
of
the
204.
Olympiad
,
the
785.
of
Nabonassar
,
and
the
4751.
of
the
Julian
Period
,
that
is
to
say
,
The
Weeks
will
end
in
the
second
year
of
Caligula's
Reign
,
according
to
Helvicus
.
Secondly
,
in
virtue
of
the
Prophecy
of
Daniel
,
which
tells
us
,
that
the
Messias
,
by
his
Sacrifice
upon
the
Cross
,
shall
null
the
Judaick
Sacrifices
,
and
that
in
the
midst
of
this
last
Week
,
precisely
taking
it
for
the
middle
of
the
Week
,
it
hence
follows
,
that
Christ
suffered
in
the
4748.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
that
is
,
in
the
22d
year
of
the
Reign
of
Tiberius
.
And
thirdly
,
partly
because
the
Prophecy
says
he
will
confirm
a
Covenant
with
many
this
one
Week
,
in
the
midst
of
which
he
died
,
whence
his
own
personal
Ministration
can
be
but
three
years
and
an
half
;
and
partly
,
because
it
is
said
in
the
Prophecy
,
that
to
Messias
the
Prince
,
viz.
his
Manifestation
was
seven
weeks
and
sixty
two
,
that
is
to
say
,
sixty
nine
weeks
or
483
years
,
which
483
years
from
the
Epocha
,
(
the
Decree
which
went
out
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
in
the
month
Nisan
)
reach
to
the
4745.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
we
are
to
conclude
,
that
the
Messias
was
manifested
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
,
in
which
year
Christ
was
baptized
by
John
,
the
Holy
Ghost
descending
upon
him
in
the
shape
of
a
Dove
,
and
a
Voice
from
Heaven
saying
unto
him
,
Thou
art
my
beloved
Son
,
in
thee
I
am
well
pleased
,
Luke
3.22
.
This
is
the
Manifestation
of
the
Messias
made
in
the
4745.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
and
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
the
Reign
of
Tiberius
.
At
what
time
the
Evangelist
,
in
the
forecited
place
,
expresly
says
,
that
Jesus
was
about
thirty
years
old
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
entring
then
upon
his
Ministry
.
From
whence
lastly
it
follows
,
if
we
reckon
thirty
years
backward
,
that
Christ
was
born
in
the
4716.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
Consulship
of
Lucius
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
,
as
Thomas
Lydiat
contends
he
was
.
These
things
may
seem
Paradoxes
to
such
as
have
not
impartially
and
carefully
considered
the
matter
,
but
they
are
genuine
and
necessary
Confectaries
from
the
admission
of
that
only
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
beginning
his
Reign
in
the
second
year
of
the
77.
Olympiad
,
not
the
first
of
the
79.
But
now
if
these
seeming
Paradoxes
,
shall
be
also
in
several
countenanced
and
confirmed
by
authentick
History
and
Reason
,
or
both
,
what
can
we
require
more
for
the
certainty
,
assuring
us
,
that
this
is
the
true
Chronological
account
of
this
Prophecy
of
Daniel
,
and
as
assured
an
Account
as
can
be
had
of
any
thing
in
History
and
Chronology
that
ever
was
put
to
question
.
Though
we
went
in
a
Retrograde
Order
before
,
we
will
begin
now
first
with
the
first
,
and
propose
what
is
said
for
proof
,
that
Christ
was
born
in
the
Consulship
of
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
,
or
in
the
4716.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
:
which
is
two
years
later
than
Dionysius
,
or
the
vulgar
Account
places
the
Nativity
of
our
Saviour
.
Which
yet
is
no
more
Paradoxical
than
Scaliger's
placing
it
two
years
sooner
,
nor
so
much
as
Laurentius
Suslyga's
and
Johannes
Kepler's
their
placing
it
,
the
one
four
years
,
the
other
five
years
sooner
than
Dionysius
.
Whence
Tho.
Lydiat
had
the
more
injury
done
him
from
those
that
received
his
Paradox
with
so
much
rudeness
and
incivility
.
But
how
he
maintains
it
,
let
us
now
consider
.
CHAP.
IX
.
That
Christ
was
born
four
years
before
the
death
of
Herod
,
according
to
Epiphanius
and
Sulpitius
Severus
.
That
Herod
dyed
,
Metellus
and
Nerva
being
Consuls
,
proved
out
of
Josephus
,
which
is
just
four
years
after
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
That
it
is
most
certain
that
Herod
was
but
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
years
of
Age
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
and
ridiculous
to
think
that
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
]
was
writ
for
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
]
by
the
negligence
of
the
Scribe
.
A
full
Answer
to
the
passage
of
Josephus
.
A
difficult
knot
not
otherwise
to
be
untyed
,
than
by
supposing
two
Epocha's
of
Herod
's
Reign
,
the
latter
when
he
was
restored
to
his
forfeited
Kingdom
by
Augustus
.
The
fitness
and
necessity
of
this
solution
,
a
further
Argument
that
Herod
dyed
in
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
.
Reasons
to
prove
this
latter
Epocha
.
And
that
it
was
his
chief
Epocha
,
and
most
affected
by
Herod
.
That
Eusebius
makes
use
of
this
Epocha
.
And
also
Epiphanius
,
as
likewise
the
ancient
Graeci
Fasti
.
That
computing
from
this
Epocha
,
Herod
's
37
years
Reign
reaches
to
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
and
that
consequently
Christ's
Birth
is
in
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
THE
first
Point
is
made
out
thus
.
First
,
from
the
Authority
of
the
most
ancient
Fathers
,
he
proves
that
Christ
was
born
four
years
before
the
Death
of
Herod
.
This
Epiphanius
says
more
than
once
:
first
in
these
words
.
Servator
in
triginta
&
septem
annis
principatus
ipsius
Herodis
puer
erat
quatuor
annorum
,
quando
Herodes
impletis
annis
triginta
septem
vitam
finivit
.
And
then
in
another
place
:
Tricesimo
tertio
anno
Herodis
nascitur
Christus
Dominus
,
tricesimo
quinto
venerunt
Magi
,
tricesimo
septimo
mortuus
est
Herodes
.
And
Sulpicius
Severus
as
expresly
writes
thus
:
Sub
hoc
Herode
anno
imperii
ejus
tertio
&
tricesimo
Christus
natus
est
,
&c.
herodes
post
Nativitatem
Domini
regnavit
annos
quatuor
.
I
omit
to
add
what
he
brings
out
of
Eusebius
,
that
being
more
operose
and
involved
.
But
this
is
a
fair
Testimony
of
the
most
ancient
Fathers
,
who
,
one
would
think
,
the
best
knew
what
the
Tradition
was
,
nor
did
any
within
the
first
500
years
,
as
T.
L.
alledges
,
define
what
year
of
Herod
Christ
was
born
,
but
these
.
See
the
first
Chapter
of
his
Recensio
.
Wherefore
the
main
business
is
now
to
inquire
when
Herod
died
.
And
according
to
the
Testimony
of
the
above-cited
Fathers
,
if
Christ
was
born
,
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
being
Consuls
,
Herod
must
die
in
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
;
for
that
is
four
years
after
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
And
that
he
died
then
,
first
is
manifestly
proved
out
of
Josephus
,
that
tells
us
more
than
once
,
that
Herod
,
when
he
died
,
was
about
seventy
years
old
.
And
the
same
Author
says
expresly
,
that
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
by
Antipater
his
Father
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
14.
cap.
17.
this
Charge
was
conferred
upon
him
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
when
he
was
extremely
young
,
he
having
arrived
only
to
fifteen
years
of
Age.
Now
this
Prefecture
was
bestow'd
upon
him
in
the
year
of
the
Consulship
of
Calenus
and
Vatinius
,
in
which
Julius
Caesar
having
dispatch'd
the
Alexandrian
War
in
Egypt
,
made
Antipater
,
for
his
good
Service
done
,
Prefect
of
Judaea
.
Wherefore
reckon
now
in
Helvicus
all
the
Consulates
from
Calenus
and
Vatinius
to
Metellus
and
Nerva
inclusively
,
and
you
will
find
them
to
be
fifty
four
.
And
whereas
Josephus
saith
,
that
Herod
was
arrived
to
no
more
years
than
fifteen
,
let
us
but
suppose
him
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
(
which
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
being
the
Preterpluperfect
tense
,
does
plainly
imply
)
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
by
his
Father
,
and
add
these
years
to
the
fifty
four
,
and
we
shall
come
,
I
trow
,
very
near
to
seventy
years
.
And
Josephus
himself
does
not
say
absolutely
that
he
lived
to
the
seventieth
year
of
his
Age
,
but
in
one
place
that
he
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
cap.
8.
And
Bell.
Jud.
lib.
1.
cap.
21.
that
he
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
about
the
seventieth
year
,
and
near
seventy
years
.
And
so
he
is
,
I
think
,
that
has
arrived
to
the
sixty
ninth
year
of
his
Age.
We
see
therefore
how
well
this
passage
of
Josephus
suits
with
the
placing
of
the
Nativity
of
our
Saviour
in
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
Nor
is
there
any
evasion
out
of
this
clear
proof
,
that
is
worth
the
taking
notice
of
.
For
in
vain
do
they
pretend
that
it
is
a
lapse
of
the
Scribe
,
and
that
it
should
have
been
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
twenty
five
,
not
fifteen
.
Whenas
Photius
in
his
Bibliotheca
,
not
in
figures
,
but
in
words
,
declares
expresly
,
that
his
Age
was
fifteen
years
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
let
any
one
judge
how
the
perusing
of
the
business
in
Josephus
can
suit
with
such
a
fond
conceit
,
when
he
says
that
Herod
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
excessively
young
,
as
if
he
were
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Chick
newly
come
out
of
the
shell
,
as
the
Saying
is
;
and
then
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
again
argues
the
paucity
of
his
years
,
that
they
were
but
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
.
For
how
absurdly
would
it
run
,
if
it
were
twenty
five
:
He
was
excessively
young
,
being
twenty
five
years
of
Age
;
but
his
youngness
,
saith
Josephus
,
was
no
hindrance
to
him
,
because
he
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
of
a
manly
mind
or
courage
,
and
quickly
took
occasion
to
give
a
Specimen
of
his
Valour
,
in
apprehending
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
Arch-Thief
or
Robber
Ezechias
,
that
infested
the
Borders
of
Syria
;
but
Herod
being
but
a
Stripling
of
twenty
five
years
old
,
accompanied
with
part
of
the
Militia
of
Galilee
,
took
the
Knave
,
and
slew
him
,
with
others
of
his
thieving
Companions
.
Is
not
this
an
Exploit
indeed
to
argue
one
of
twenty
five
years
old
to
have
parts
and
courage
beyond
the
pitch
of
his
Age
?
Whenas
Augustus
,
when
he
was
but
nineteen
years
of
Age
,
or
thereabout
,
applied
himself
to
Civil
and
Military
Affairs
,
(
so
speaks
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
for
him
,
Annos
undeviginti
natus
exercitum
privato
consilio
privatâque
impensâ
comparavi
)
was
one
of
the
Triumviri
Reipublicae
constituendae
with
M.
Antony
and
Lepidus
,
and
had
made
himself
Master
of
Spain
by
that
time
he
was
twenty
five
years
old
.
And
Alexander
the
Great
,
besides
what
he
did
in
his
Father
Philip's
time
,
(
for
when
he
was
but
sixteen
years
old
,
he
overthrew
certain
Thracians
bordering
on
Macedonia
,
which
had
revolted
while
his
Father
was
absent
in
his
War
against
the
Byzantines
,
took
their
City
,
expelled
the
Barbarians
,
and
let
it
to
others
,
and
called
it
Alexandropolis
after
his
own
Name
.
And
when
he
was
eighteen
years
old
,
in
a
Battel
with
his
Father
against
the
Greeks
at
Chaeronea
,
he
quit
himself
as
well
as
Philip
himself
,
or
any
Commander
in
the
Army
)
besides
these
Exploits
,
I
say
,
when
he
succeeded
his
Father
,
being
then
but
twenty
years
old
,
and
entring
upon
a
very
disturbed
Kingdom
;
yet
he
did
not
only
compose
all
at
home
amongst
the
Greeks
,
but
in
the
second
year
of
his
Reign
undertook
his
Expedition
into
Asia
,
vanquished
Darius
,
and
made
himself
Master
of
the
Persian
Empire
by
that
time
he
was
twenty
five
years
old
.
So
ridiculous
is
it
to
phansie
that
Josephus
set
down
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
but
that
the
oscitancy
of
the
Scribe
had
changed
the
Kappa
into
an
Iota
.
For
it
was
no
strange
thing
to
Josephus
that
Herod
should
be
fit
for
such
a
Province
at
fifteen
years
of
Age
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
he
speaks
of
him
,
Bell.
Jud.
lib.
1.
cap.
8.
being
of
a
mighty
active
Genius
,
which
property
is
suitable
enough
with
such
an
Age
,
when
he
was
conscious
to
himself
that
he
had
that
ripeness
of
Wit
and
Parts
,
that
when
he
was
but
fourteen
years
old
,
the
Chief
Priests
and
Elders
of
the
City
would
come
and
consult
him
touching
the
sense
of
their
Law
,
as
he
tells
us
in
his
Life
writ
by
himself
.
This
Point
therefore
is
very
clear
,
that
Herod
was
but
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
years
old
when
his
Father
Antipater
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
Nor
is
that
little
surmise
of
any
validity
,
which
is
drawn
from
that
passage
in
Josephus
,
Antiq.
lib.
14.
cap.
23.
where
M.
Antony
is
said
to
constitute
Antipater's
two
Sons
,
Phasaelus
and
Herod
Tetrarchs
of
Judaea
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
will
signifie
no
more
than
[
having
a
peculiar
kindness
for
them
]
which
was
upon
the
score
of
their
Father
,
whose
house
Antonius
and
Gabinius
had
been
at
,
and
were
freely
received
there
,
when
Gabinius
was
Prefect
of
Syria
.
This
passage
does
not
so
much
as
imply
Herod
born
then
,
much
less
that
Antonius
had
contracted
any
friendship
or
familiarity
with
Herod
at
that
time
,
whereby
they
would
conclude
him
of
a
greater
Age
than
fifteen
when
his
Father
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
And
that
it
was
not
upon
the
account
of
any
acquaintance
with
them
,
but
his
friendship
and
familiarity
with
Antipater
their
Father
,
which
made
him
the
more
willing
to
make
them
Tetrarchs
of
Judaea
,
is
further
confirmed
from
Josephus
his
telling
the
same
story
,
Bell.
Jud.
lib.
1.
cap.
10.
where
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
omitted
,
and
instead
thereof
Antonius
is
said
to
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Hospes
eorum
paternus
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
friendly
and
benignly
received
by
their
Father
Antipater
;
which
might
be
properly
said
,
though
the
two
Sons
were
yet
unborn
,
and
yet
they
were
both
in
being
at
that
time
when
Gabinius
was
Prefect
of
Syria
.
But
in
the
mean
time
it
is
past
all
doubt
with
me
,
that
Herod
was
not
more
than
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
years
old
,
when
his
Father
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
He
was
,
suppose
,
in
the
sixteenth
year
of
his
Age.
From
whence
it
follows
,
that
he
was
not
passing
twenty
two
when
he
was
made
King
of
Judaea
by
M.
Antony
and
the
Senate
,
which
was
in
the
fourth
year
of
the
184.
Olympiad
.
And
the
consequence
of
this
is
,
that
he
was
not
passing
fifty
nine
years
when
he
died
;
his
Reign
,
both
according
to
Josephus
himself
and
the
ancient
Fathers
above-named
,
being
only
thirty
seven
years
.
So
that
he
died
in
the
first
year
of
the
194.
Olympiad
,
and
according
to
the
Tradition
of
those
Fathers
that
say
,
Christ
was
born
before
Herod's
death
,
Christ
must
be
born
in
the
first
year
of
the
193.
Olympiad
,
that
is
,
eight
years
sooner
than
the
Dionysian
Account
has
it
.
Wherefore
,
that
Josephus
may
not
contradict
himself
,
who
expresly
says
in
more
places
than
one
,
that
Herod
lived
about
seventy
years
of
Age
,
nor
those
Fathers
speak
so
extravagantly
touching
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
were
it
not
desirable
that
there
were
two
Epocha's
of
Herod's
Reign
,
to
see
if
that
will
not
unty
this
difficult
knot
?
And
most
certainly
there
is
another
notorious
Epocha
,
when
Herod
having
forfeited
his
Crown
and
Kingdom
,
by
taking
part
with
M.
Antony
against
Augustus
,
he
was
created
King
anew
by
the
favour
of
Augustus
and
the
Senate
presently
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
viz.
in
the
second
year
of
the
187.
Olympiad
,
and
in
the
thirty
second
year
of
Herod's
Age
,
according
to
the
above-framed
Compute
out
of
Josephus
.
Reckon
from
this
Epocha
,
which
is
the
4683.
of
the
Julian
Period
,
to
the
Consulate
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
and
in
that
year
Herod's
sixty
nine
years
of
Age
,
and
thirty
seven
years
of
his
Reign
,
will
end
together
.
And
the
ancient
Fathers
Credit
,
which
make
Christ
born
four
years
before
Herod's
Death
,
will
thus
be
salved
,
and
Josephus
made
to
speak
consistently
to
himself
,
that
gives
about
seventy
years
of
Age
to
Herod
,
but
only
37
years
to
his
Reign
,
though
he
makes
him
but
betwixt
fifteen
and
sixteen
years
old
when
his
Father
Antipater
appointed
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
Now
this
happy
Hit
and
handsom
Congruity
and
well
According
of
such
clashing
Chronological
Assertions
,
may
well
alone
be
an
Argument
,
that
this
year
of
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
wherein
Augustus
did
as
it
were
of
anew
create
Herod
King
of
Judaea
,
were
the
Epocha
of
his
Reign
ever
after
used
in
his
Publick
Acts
and
Records
.
Which
therefore
will
be
another
strong
proof
that
Herod
died
in
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
,
and
consequently
that
Christ
was
born
four
years
before
in
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
according
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
above-cited
Fathers
.
Certainly
if
there
was
ever
good
occasion
for
two
several
Epocha's
of
one
King's
Reign
,
it
was
here
.
For
Herod
having
forfeited
his
Crown
and
Life
too
,
to
Augustus
,
by
his
siding
with
M.
Antony
against
him
,
and
there
being
a
new
Creation
,
as
it
were
,
of
Herod
,
and
restoring
of
him
to
the
Crown
,
what
greater
occasion
can
there
be
given
than
this
(
he
beginning
,
as
it
were
,
the
World
again
upon
a
new
account
)
for
a
new
Epocha
of
his
Reign
.
This
was
a
more
surprizing
Change
than
Sosius
his
taking
Jerusalem
,
and
Antonius
his
slaying
of
Antigonus
,
that
the
Kingdom
might
be
made
more
sure
to
Herod
,
who
was
made
King
by
the
Roman
Senate
four
years
before
;
and
yet
Josephus
himself
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
15.
cap.
7.
makes
his
getting
possession
of
Jerusalem
and
slaughter
of
Antigonus
,
which
Herod
procured
,
one
Epocha
of
his
Reign
,
expresly
there
affirming
,
that
the
Fight
at
Actium
betwixt
Caesar
and
Antonius
,
was
in
the
seventh
year
of
Herod
,
which
is
down-right
false
,
unless
you
number
from
that
later
Epocha
.
Well
therefore
may
this
restitution
of
Herod
to
his
Crown
,
after
he
had
forfeited
all
,
become
the
more
solemn
Epocha
of
the
years
of
his
Reign
;
and
well
may
he
be
thought
to
affect
that
Epocha
,
the
more
to
ingratiate
himself
with
his
great
Patron
Augustus
,
signifying
thereby
,
that
only
now
at
length
he
was
rightfully
King
,
since
he
received
his
Kingdom
from
Augustus
,
the
sole
legitimate
Prince
of
the
Roman
Empire
.
Whenas
on
the
other
side
,
if
he
had
continued
to
reckon
his
Reign
from
the
time
he
was
made
King
by
the
favour
of
M.
Antony
,
Augustus
his
Enemy
,
he
might
still
seem
to
favour
the
Cause
of
Antonius
,
and
insinuate
Augustus
his
War
against
him
to
have
been
unjust
,
and
soil
the
Glory
of
the
Actiacal
Victory
.
That
also
he
might
please
himself
in
,
and
applaud
his
Politick
modesty
,
that
he
would
not
have
his
Reign
to
commence
higher
than
the
Monarchy
of
Augustus
,
which
began
with
the
Actiacal
Victory
.
And
certainly
he
would
think
it
a
piece
of
impudence
in
himself
,
if
he
should
have
suffered
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Josephus
speaks
,
a
day
of
Inauguration
into
his
Kingdom
,
which
was
annually
solemnized
by
him
to
be
done
in
Honour
to
M.
Antony
,
and
not
solely
to
Augustus
.
Whence
it
will
naturally
follow
,
that
it
was
in
reference
to
the
time
that
he
was
made
King
by
him
,
and
so
this
became
a
most
celebrated
Epocha
.
This
is
highly
credible
,
if
not
necessary
and
certain
,
if
we
consider
how
Herod
did
all
things
with
all
the
studiousness
imaginable
to
get
and
keep
the
favour
of
Augustus
,
adventuring
rather
to
intrench
upon
the
Sacred
customs
of
his
Religion
,
than
to
omit
any
thing
whereby
to
curry
favour
with
that
Emperour
,
that
gave
him
,
after
the
Forfeiture
,
both
his
Life
and
Crown
at
once
.
And
lastly
,
others
may
add
to
all
this
,
Hyrcanus
who
had
an
hereditary
Right
to
the
Crown
,
being
at
the
same
time
taken
out
of
the
way
,
this
Epocha
upon
that
account
also
is
most
perfect
and
most
proper
.
And
now
as
this
is
most
reasonable
in
it self
,
so
Authors
are
found
to
begin
the
Reign
of
Herod
from
this
Epocha
,
as
well
as
from
his
being
made
King
by
M.
Antony
and
the
Senate
,
or
from
the
Death
of
Antigonus
.
As
Writers
also
make
use
of
those
various
Epocha's
of
Augustus
his
Reign
,
sometimes
reckoning
it
from
the
Consulship
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
Anno
Juliano
13.
sometimes
from
that
of
Pulcher
and
Flaccus
,
An.
Jul.
8.
and
other
sometimes
from
Victoria
Actiaca
,
An.
Jul.
15.
and
lastly
,
sometimes
from
the
time
he
accepted
of
the
Sacrosanct
Supreme
Tribunitial
Power
,
An.
Jul.
23.
or
in
Calphurnius
Piso's
,
and
his
own
eleventh
Consulship
.
Eusebius
more
than
once
makes
Herod's
being
constituted
King
of
Judaea
by
Augustus
and
the
Roman
Senate
,
the
Epocha
of
his
Reign
.
For
lib.
8.
Demonstrationis
Evangelicae
,
Demonst
.
1.
There
he
says
,
Herod
first
of
any
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
being
an
Alien
from
the
Jewish
race
,
was
by
Augustus
and
the
Roman
Senate
made
King
of
the
Jews
.
Where
therefore
he
plainly
pitches
the
Epocha
,
or
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
on
that
time
that
Augustus
his
Monarchy
began
,
which
was
upon
the
vanquishing
of
M.
Antony
in
the
Fight
at
Actium
.
And
again
,
Demonstrat
.
2.
he
joins
Herod's
Reign
and
the
Monarchy
of
Augustus
together
,
as
commencing
at
the
same
time
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
But
most
express
in
the
same
Demonstration
some
pages
after
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
After
whom
,
viz.
after
Hyrcanus
,
Herod
the
Son
of
Antipater
,
having
slain
Hyrcanus
,
obtained
the
Kingdom
of
the
Jews
,
from
the
Senate
of
Rome
.
Wherefore
it
is
plain
,
that
Eusebius
makes
use
of
this
third
Epocha
of
the
Reign
of
Herod
,
letting
that
from
Antigonus
his
death
,
and
his
first
being
made
King
by
the
favour
of
Antony
,
alone
.
Epiphanius
also
plainly
points
at
this
Epocha
in
his
51.
Heresie
,
which
he
calls
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Num.
22.
where
he
says
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
It
was
the
thirteenth
year
from
Augustus
his
Reign
,
viz.
from
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
till
the
perfect
conjunction
of
Judaea
with
the
Romans
.
But
he
says
afterward
,
that
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Coalition
was
perfected
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
when
the
Princes
of
Juda
failed
(
who
ended
with
the
death
of
Hyrcanus
)
and
Herod
of
the
stock
of
the
Gentiles
was
constituted
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Prince
or
King
of
the
Jews
.
Which
being
done
in
the
thirteenth
year
of
Augustus
his
Reign
from
the
Consulate
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
it
is
plain
that
Epiphanius
places
the
beginning
or
Epocha
of
Herod's
Reign
in
the
year
that
Augustus
re-established
him
in
his
forfeited
Kingdom
,
by
his
own
Authority
and
the
Suffrage
of
the
Roman
Senate
.
And
thirdly
and
lastly
,
The
ancient
Graeci
Fasti
,
as
T.
L.
has
taken
notice
,
do
simply
and
absolutely
refer
the
beginning
of
Herod's
Reign
,
together
with
the
slaying
of
Hyrcanus
,
to
the
year
of
Crassus
and
Octavius
Augustus
his
being
the
fourth
time
Consul
a
matter
of
four
months
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
and
to
the
eighth
year
of
the
Reign
of
Augustus
himself
,
viz.
reckoned
from
the
Consulship
of
Claudius
Pulcher
and
Norbanus
Flaccus
;
and
,
says
he
,
they
thence
compute
the
Reign
of
Herod
to
have
been
thirty
seven
years
.
What
can
be
more
plain
and
express
?
And
what
better
assurance
can
a
man
desire
to
place
the
Epocha
of
Herod's
Reign
in
his
immediate
succeeding
Hyrcanus
,
or
restitution
by
Augustus
,
when
all
things
are
so
fitly
adjusted
by
it
,
as
we
noted
before
?
Thus
we
see
,
that
by
computing
as
we
ought
the
thirty
seven
years
Reign
of
Herod
from
his
Restitution
by
Augustus
,
the
end
of
his
Reign
will
fall
into
the
year
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
;
And
the
Birth
of
Christ
consequently
into
the
year
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
which
is
the
thing
was
aimed
at
.
And
the
same
thing
will
be
brought
to
pass
(
which
will
also
further
confirm
the
use
of
this
Epocha
in
this
case
)
by
proving
that
Herod
died
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
.
CHAP.
X.
That
Herod
dyed
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
proved
from
the
time
of
Archelaus
his
Marriage
of
Glaphyra
.
From
Dion
Cassius
his
placing
Herod
's
Sons
impleading
one
another
before
Augustus
in
the
Consulship
of
Lepidus
and
Aruntius
.
From
Quirinius
his
confiscating
Archelaus
his
Goods
,
Statilius
Taurus
and
Scribonius
Libo
being
Consuls
.
A
gross
Parepochism
committed
by
Josephus
.
From
Philip
the
Tetrarchs
dying
,
Proculus
and
Nigrinus
being
Consuls
.
From
Eusebius
and
Sulpicius
's
allotting
twenty
four
years
to
Herod
the
Tetrarch
after
the
Relegation
of
Archelaus
,
and
those
twenty
four
years
ending
with
the
fourth
of
Caius
Caligula
.
From
that
famous
Eclipse
of
the
Moon
preceding
Herod
's
death
.
A
Narrative
of
Herod
's
Affairs
corresponding
with
that
Eclipse
.
That
there
was
such
an
huge
Eclipse
about
a
month
before
Herod
's
Death
,
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
T.
L.
makes
good
by
Astronomical
Calculation
.
The
same
Eclipse
calculated
over
again
by
the
Ptolemaick
,
Alphonsine
and
Copernican
Tables
in
N.
Mulerius
,
and
found
rather
bigger
than
what
T.
L.
declares
it
.
The
gross
absurdity
of
making
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
the
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
,
it
implying
that
Christ
was
baptized
by
John
,
before
the
Baptist
enired
on
his
Ministry
.
Lydiat
's
Eclipse
compared
with
Petavius
's
;
as
also
with
the
Eclipses
of
the
4711
,
4712
,
and
4713
years
of
the
I.
P.
And
more
particularly
with
that
last
,
and
the
ineptness
thereof
discovered
.
And
therefore
Herod
dying
in
the
year
of
Lydiat
's
Eclipse
,
Christ
must
be
born
,
Lamia
and
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
THAT
Herod
died
in
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
,
which
is
the
52.
Julian
year
,
or
the
4720.
of
the
Julian
Period
,
is
proved
thus
.
Archelaus
enjoyed
his
Ethnarchy
of
Judaea
after
his
Father
Herod's
death
,
nine
years
and
better
,
as
is
manifest
out
of
Josephus
,
Eusebius
,
Epiphanius
,
and
Sulpicius
Severus
.
But
the
said
Archelaus
,
a
little
before
his
Relegation
,
married
Glaphyra
,
the
Widow
of
Juba
,
King
of
Mauritania
,
as
Josephus
twice
testifies
.
Whence
,
till
Juba's
death
,
the
Exile
of
Archelaus
could
not
be
.
But
Tho.
Lydiat
makes
it
good
out
of
Strabo
,
that
Juba
was
alive
in
the
first
,
suppose
,
or
the
second
year
of
Tiberius
;
or
if
you
will
,
in
the
Consulate
of
Statilius
Taurus
and
Scribonius
Libo
.
Before
that
time
Archelaus
was
not
banished
.
Wherefore
he
not
reigning
above
nine
years
and
a
little
more
,
if
we
reckon
to
the
ninth
Consulate
from
this
backward
,
we
shall
fall
into
that
of
M.
Furius
Camillus
and
Sext.
Non.
Quintilianus
,
into
which
the
first
year
of
Archelaus
his
Reign
reaches
,
and
which
immediately
the
Consulate
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
precedes
:
And
in
which
therefore
Herod
died
.
See
T.
L.
his
Recensio
,
cap.
5.
Secondly
,
Dion
Cassius
in
his
Roman
History
in
the
year
of
Aemylius
Lepidus
and
Lucius
Aruntius
Consuls
,
writes
thus
.
Herodes
Palaestinus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
being
accused
by
his
Brethren
,
was
banished
beyond
the
Alpes
,
and
part
of
his
Dition
laid
to
the
Publick
.
Dion
indeed
here
,
either
for
brevity
sake
,
or
out
of
ignorance
,
joyns
the
Banishment
of
these
Brethren
close
to
their
impleading
one
another
before
Augustus
,
presently
upon
their
Father
Herod's
death
;
but
in
that
he
makes
this
impleading
,
which
is
at
large
described
in
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
cap.
11.
in
the
year
of
Aemylius
Lepidus
and
Lucius
Aruntius
;
this
joyns
it
very
near
to
the
time
of
Herod's
death
,
which
we
contend
for
.
For
the
Consulate
of
Lepidus
and
Aruntius
immediately
precedes
that
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
.
So
that
from
this
otherwise
confused
passage
,
there
is
some
glimmerings
of
this
great
Truth
.
Thirdly
,
Josephus
tells
us
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
18.
cap.
3.
that
Quirinius
,
in
execution
of
the
Tax
that
was
concluded
on
,
in
the
37.
year
after
Augustus
his
Victory
over
M.
Antony
at
Actium
,
sold
and
confiscated
the
Goods
of
Archelaus
.
Now
,
as
Suetonius
notes
in
his
Life
,
cap.
27.
Censum
populi
ter
egit
Augustus
,
primum
&
tertium
cum
Collega
,
medium
solus
.
This
Collega
or
Yoke-fellow
in
Office
was
Tiberius
in
the
third
Tax
,
which
must
necessarily
be
here
meant
,
Herod
being
alive
in
the
two
former
.
But
this
third
was
even
in
the
very
close
of
Augustus
his
days
,
who
died
,
Sextus
Pompeius
and
Sextus
Apuleius
being
Consuls
:
But
as
T.
L.
makes
out
by
History
(
see
his
Recensio
,
cap.
15.
)
was
executed
in
the
Consulship
of
Statilius
Taurus
and
Scribonius
Libo
.
Wherefore
Quirinius
confiscating
Archelaus
his
Goods
in
that
year
,
it
is
an
Argument
that
then
was
the
time
of
his
Relegation
,
which
is
a
matter
of
nine
or
ten
years
from
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
:
whence
again
it
is
manifest
,
that
Herod
died
when
they
two
were
Consuls
.
It
's
true
,
here
Josephus
makes
this
Tax
to
be
in
the
37.
year
of
Augustus
his
Monarchy
,
which
is
a
contradiction
to
the
time
of
this
third
Tax
;
but
it
is
a
mere
Parachronismus
,
or
rather
Parepochismus
,
the
taking
one
Epocha
for
another
,
that
of
Augustus
his
Monarchical
Reign
,
the
Actiaca
Victoria
,
for
the
time
of
his
accepting
of
the
Sacrosanct
and
absolute
Sovereign
Tribunitian
Power
,
which
was
not
till
nine
years
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
;
namely
,
when
himself
was
the
eleventh
time
Consul
.
Take
but
that
Epocha
,
and
all
runs
smooth
;
but
without
it
,
this
passage
of
Josephus
is
a
contradiction
to
it self
.
And
yet
this
passage
,
compared
with
the
story
of
Glaphyra
,
does
notably
confirm
the
true
time
of
Herod's
death
,
that
it
was
in
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
.
Fourthly
,
Josephus
in
the
same
eighteenth
Book
,
Chap.
6.
tells
,
that
Philippus
the
Tetrarch
died
the
37.
year
of
his
Reign
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
where
Ruffinus
,
an
ancient
Interpreter
of
Josephus
,
ascribing
to
Philip
the
Tetrarch
thirty
two
years
,
does
fairly
insinuate
,
that
we
should
read
in
the
Greek
Copy
,
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
rather
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
thirty
one
years
,
viz.
thirty
one
years
current
.
Now
,
as
T.
L.
affirms
,
and
Helvicus
also
consents
thereto
,
Tiberius
and
Philip
died
in
the
same
year
,
viz.
Proculus
and
Nigrinus
being
Consuls
:
in
which
very
year
Petavius
places
the
death
of
Tiberius
.
Number
therefore
thirty
one
years
from
Proculus
and
Nigrinus
,
and
they
will
end
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
in
which
we
contend
that
Herod
,
the
Father
of
Philip
,
died
.
Fifthly
,
Eusebius
in
his
Chronicon
,
Num.
MM
XXX
.
and
Sulpicius
Severus
,
lib.
2.
Histor.
Sacr.
give
twenty
four
years
to
Herod
the
Tetrarch
after
the
Relegation
of
Archelaus
.
Now
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
19.
in
the
last
Chapter
,
making
out
the
seven
years
of
Agrippa's
Reign
,
writes
thus
.
Four
years
,
says
he
,
he
reigned
in
Caius
Caesar's
time
,
three
years
of
which
he
enjoyed
the
Tetrarchy
of
Philip
,
but
in
the
fourth
year
there
was
added
to
him
the
Tetrarchy
of
Herod
,
and
three
years
more
he
reigned
in
the
time
of
Claudius
Caesar
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
from
this
exquisite
and
punctual
account
of
these
seven
years
Reign
of
Agrippa
,
that
Herod
the
Tetrarch's
Reign
ended
with
the
fourth
year
of
Caius
Caligula
.
From
which
year
,
reckoning
the
24
years
of
Herod's
Reign
after
the
Exile
of
Archelaus
,
and
adding
thereto
the
nine
or
ten
years
of
Archelaus
his
Reign
after
his
Father
Herod's
death
,
and
it
will
reach
to
the
Consulate
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
,
at
what
time
Herod
,
the
Son
of
Antipater
,
died
.
Sixthly
and
lastly
,
For
a
further
confirmation
of
this
Truth
,
that
Herod
died
in
the
Consulate
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
,
let
us
add
that
notable
Argument
which
T.
L.
draws
from
the
Eclipse
that
Josephus
takes
notice
of
,
as
happening
a
little
before
Herod's
death
.
And
it
is
worth
the
observing
,
that
it
is
the
only
Eclipse
which
that
Historian
has
set
down
in
all
his
History
.
Which
argues
not
only
the
seasonableness
of
its
appearing
,
but
the
extraordinary
greatness
thereof
,
else
it
had
not
stuck
in
the
minds
of
the
Beholders
so
firmly
,
that
the
Fame
thereof
might
cause
Josephus
to
record
it
,
when
he
records
none
besides
.
The
Narrative
is
briefly
this
,
Antiq.
lib.
17.
cap.
8.
There
he
tells
us
,
that
Herod
being
desperately
ill
,
beyond
all
hope
of
Recovery
(
which
caused
some
Zelots
for
the
Law
to
pull
down
the
golden
Eagle
which
Herod
had
erected
over
the
greater
Gate
of
the
Temple
;
of
which
bold
Feat
the
two
Matthias's
were
,
the
one
suspected
,
the
other
found
guilty
)
Herod
,
says
he
,
depriving
Matthias
the
High-Priest
of
his
High-Priesthood
,
he
burnt
the
other
Matthias
,
who
was
the
Author
of
the
Sedition
,
together
with
Judas
and
other
of
his
Accomplices
alive
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
the
Moon
that
very
same
night
in
which
they
were
burnt
,
suffered
an
Eclipse
.
For
it
naturally
implies
that
they
were
burnt
that
night
,
as
well
as
the
Moon
was
then
Eclipsed
.
Now
for
the
time
of
year
when
this
Eclipse
happened
,
it
is
plainly
set
down
in
the
eleventh
Chapter
,
that
it
was
the
Full
Moon
immediately
preceding
the
Full
Moon
at
which
they
keep
their
Passeover
,
viz.
the
first
Full
Moon
of
their
month
Abib
or
Nisan
:
so
that
Herod
died
within
a
month
after
he
had
burned
Matthias
and
Judas
,
and
other
Confederates
,
in
pulling
down
and
demolishing
the
golden
Eagle
that
he
had
dedicated
and
set
up
over
the
great
Gate
of
the
Temple
.
Nor
can
any
one
that
will
impartially
consider
the
nature
of
these
things
that
are
said
to
be
done
by
himself
,
while
alive
,
or
by
others
after
his
death
betwixt
those
two
Full
Moons
;
and
the
scantness
of
the
Country
of
Judaea
,
and
the
smalness
of
the
time
requisite
for
the
doing
of
them
,
but
he
must
needs
conceive
that
Herod
died
betwixt
these
two
Full
Moons
,
the
Eclipsed
one
and
Paschal
,
else
they
must
protract
his
life
near
to
the
next
Paschal
Moon
,
and
make
him
live
in
a
manner
a
whole
year
longer
,
which
is
hugely
dissonant
from
the
Narrative
of
Josephus
.
Now
that
there
was
such
an
huge
Eclipse
,
not
only
at
such
a
season
of
the
year
,
but
at
a
fit
time
of
the
night
,
when
mens
spirits
were
more
than
ordinarily
awakened
in
an
hurry
upon
the
burning
those
Zelots
for
their
Law
,
who
haply
might
be
brought
out
to
be
burnt
about
seven
or
eight
a
clock
of
the
Night
(
as
Nero
is
said
to
have
burned
the
Christians
in
the
night-season
)
T.
L.
does
make
good
by
Astronomical
Calculation
,
that
such
an
Eclipse
so
circumstantiated
,
did
happen
in
the
year
when
Nerva
and
Metellus
were
Consuls
:
which
is
the
third
year
of
the
196.
Olympiad
,
and
the
52.
Julian
Year
,
and
the
4720.
Year
of
the
Julian
Period
,
viz.
when
Metellus
and
Nerva
were
Consuls
,
according
to
Helvieus
and
Petavius
,
as
well
as
T.
L.
And
this
year
T.
L.
in
his
Recensio
finds
by
Compute
,
Primâ
vigiliâ
Noctis
insecutae
vicesimum
diem
Februarii
medium
Plenilunium
contigisse
unâ
&
viginti
horis
,
ac
quinquaginta
quinque
scrupulis
sexagenariis
transactis
à
praecedente
primi
diei
septimanae
mediâ
nocte
Hierosolymis
.
And
the
Prosthaphaeresis
of
the
Sun
and
Moon
being
found
by
him
in
a
manner
equal
,
the
time
of
the
Plenilunium
medium
and
verum
is
concluded
by
him
in
a
manner
the
same
.
And
this
Plenilunium
happening
unâ
&
viginti
horis
,
ac
quinquaginta
quinque
scrupulis
,
&c.
that
is
,
at
55
minutes
after
nine
a
clock
at
Night
;
it
is
plain
the
middle
of
the
Eclipse
fell
not
within
the
Vigilia
prima
,
but
its
beginning
might
fall
within
it
,
even
within
the
second
hour
of
the
prima
Vigilia
,
55
minutes
after
seven
;
the
Moon
being
eclipsed
according
to
his
Computation
above
18
digits
,
and
the
Eclipse
continuing
near
two
hours
,
and
she
being
perfectly
obscured
,
and
so
wading
in
the
shade
of
the
Earth
more
than
three
quarters
of
an
hour
together
.
This
is
a
remarkable
Eclipse
,
and
would
,
especially
falling
out
at
such
a
time
,
stick
in
the
memories
of
the
Beholders
,
and
they
transmit
it
to
Posterity
.
And
now
there
being
no
such
Eclipse
to
be
found
so
suited
for
greatness
and
seasonableness
in
any
year
they
would
pitch
upon
for
the
death
of
Herod
,
that
would
deduce
the
Weeks
of
Daniel
from
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
his
Reign
:
this
,
amongst
other
things
,
is
a
fair
demonstration
that
they
have
chosen
a
wrong
Epocha
.
The
truth
of
this
is
so
material
,
that
I
had
the
curiosity
,
and
gave
my self
the
trouble
of
calculating
this
Eclipse
of
the
Moon
that
fell
out
in
the
Consulate
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
Anno
Periodi
Julianae
4720
,
by
more
Tables
than
one
,
by
the
Copernican
Tables
,
the
Alfonsine
and
Ptolemaick
Tables
,
as
Nicolaus
Muserius
,
that
excellent
Astronomo
Chronologer
,
and
highly
valued
both
by
Scaliger
and
Petavius
,
(
though
at
odds
betwixt
themselves
)
has
adjusted
them
for
this
use
,
and
find
by
them
all
that
the
Eclipse
is
rather
greater
than
T.
L.
has
computed
.
According
to
the
Alfonsine
Tables
,
the
Moon
was
Eclipsed
digits
19.
⅞
;
according
to
the
Copernican
and
Ptolemaick
Tables
,
21
digits
at
least
.
According
to
them
all
,
the
duration
of
her
Eclipse
was
above
four
hours
,
and
her
stay
within
the
shadow
of
the
Earth
totally
obscured
two
hours
,
bating
some
few
minutes
.
Whence
in
all
likelihood
it
was
a
most
terrible
and
dismal
Eclipse
,
and
such
as
would
make
an
indeleble
impression
on
the
phancy
of
them
that
beheld
it
.
But
now
as
for
the
beginning
of
the
Eclipse
,
according
to
the
Ptolemaick
Tables
,
it
was
a
little
after
ten
of
the
Clock
at
night
.
According
to
the
Alfonsine
a
little
before
nine
;
and
according
to
the
Copernican
,
about
half
an
hour
after
nine
.
The
latest
of
which
times
is
soon
enough
to
engage
the
Spectators
eyes
to
behold
it
,
the
Zelots
being
burnt
in
the
same
Night
,
and
haply
not
sooner
than
betwixt
seven
and
eight
of
the
Clock
,
and
people
would
be
abroad
after
that
hurry
longer
than
the
latest
beginning
of
this
Eclipse
.
We
shall
understand
the
appositeness
of
this
Eclipse
for
the
purpose
the
better
,
if
we
compare
it
with
the
Eclipse
that
Petavius
takes
notice
of
Anno
P.
I.
4710.
in
which
year
,
according
to
Josephus
his
Account
,
Herod
died
.
For
then
reckoning
from
Anno
P.
I.
4674.
as
the
first
year
of
his
Reign
,
upon
his
being
made
King
of
Judaea
,
by
the
Favour
of
Antony
and
the
Roman
Senate
,
he
will
have
reigned
thirty
seven
years
.
And
now
because
I
was
mentioning
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Week
from
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
,
which
is
the
year
of
P.
I.
4256.
this
being
made
the
Epocha
,
the
last
year
of
the
weeks
will
be
Anno
P.
I.
4745.
Now
therefore
accordingly
as
the
Prophecy
will
naturally
cast
us
upon
it
,
reckoning
backwards
from
the
year
4745.
(
which
is
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
and
the
last
year
of
the
seventieth
week
)
to
the
Passion
of
Christ
,
who
in
the
midst
of
this
week
put
an
end
to
the
Judaical
Sacrifices
by
his
own
Sacrifice
on
the
Cross
,
and
we
come
to
the
sixteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
And
the
other
half
of
this
last
week
will
reach
to
the
thirteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
the
year
of
Christ's
Manifestation
and
Baptism
by
John
,
which
is
two
years
before
John's
preaching
,
who
began
to
preach
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
,
as
the
Gospel
tells
us
;
as
also
that
Christ
was
not
baptized
by
John
,
till
after
he
had
begun
his
preaching
.
Which
therefore
is
an
horrible
flaw
in
this
Epocha
from
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
.
When
Christ
was
baptized
by
John
,
he
was
about
thirty
years
of
Age
,
suppose
him
going
on
his
one
and
thirty
,
it
will
then
follow
,
that
he
was
born
Anno
P.
I.
4709.
the
year
before
the
death
of
Herod
,
as
Petavius
has
also
noted
.
Now
besides
the
impossibility
of
this
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
,
being
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
in
that
it
makes
Christ
to
be
baptized
by
John
before
he
began
his
preaching
,
which
was
in
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
;
and
also
the
very
little
distance
betwixt
Christ's
Birth
and
Herod's
Death
,
this
Eclipse
noted
by
Petavius
at
the
death
of
Herod
,
Sabinus
and
Rufus
being
Consuls
,
is
a
pitiful
small
business
,
and
unsuitable
,
if
compared
with
that
Eclipse
which
happened
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
.
For
calculating
that
Eclipse
,
which
Petavius
mentions
,
which
I
did
,
before
I
met
with
it
in
Petavius
,
I
computed
it
,
as
he
has
done
,
to
have
been
Martii
XIII
.
Hor.
2.
à
media
nocte
,
but
we
differ
in
minutes
,
he
says
45
minutes
,
but
my
Compute
has
only
23
,
which
is
more
favourable
to
him
than
his
own
.
And
yet
according
to
my
Account
,
the
Eclipse
began
not
till
near
one
of
the
Clock
in
the
Morning
.
According
to
his
,
it
would
be
at
past
one
.
But
that
which
he
conceals
,
the
Moon
was
then
Eclipsed
but
about
six
digits
and
¾
.
But
what
is
seven
digits
to
thrice
seven
,
or
21
digits
,
or
indeed
to
20
?
And
then
it
beginning
not
till
one
a
Clock
in
the
Morning
,
it
was
not
likely
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
or
to
be
talked
of
,
such
little
Eclipses
being
ordinary
.
Nor
is
it
credible
,
that
Josephus
taking
no
notice
in
all
his
History
of
any
Eclipses
but
this
,
that
he
would
have
recorded
this
,
but
that
it
was
so
notorious
,
and
so
much
talked
of
amongst
the
people
for
the
hugeness
and
dismalness
thereof
.
Nor
can
those
that
make
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
the
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
,
set
the
death
of
Herod
at
a
more
probable
distance
from
the
Birth
of
Christ
,
both
because
that
they
would
then
desert
the
Authority
of
Josephus
,
and
that
they
are
also
destitute
of
an
Eclipse
for
the
purpose
.
For
in
the
year
4711.
P.
J.
there
are
indeed
two
Ecliptical
Plenilunium
medium's
,
the
one
in
March
,
the
other
in
July
;
but
both
of
them
not
passing
two
or
three
degrees
within
the
Termini
Ecliptici
:
so
that
they
will
prove
miserable
megre
Eclipses
,
if
any
at
all
.
And
in
the
4712.
there
I
meet
with
but
one
Eclipse
,
and
that
in
Jul.
16.
much
more
considerable
for
bigness
,
but
at
too
great
a
distance
from
the
Paschal
Moon
ensuing
.
And
besides
,
this
Plenilunium
verum
happens
at
Leowardia
at
seven
a
Clock
12
minutes
past
Midnight
;
but
at
Jerusalem
at
nine
a
Clock
48
minutes
à
media
nocte
,
that
is
,
within
a
very
little
of
ten
a
Clock
in
the
Morning
;
and
therefore
not
possible
to
be
seen
by
the
Inhabitants
of
Jerusalem
,
but
rather
by
their
Antipodes
.
In
the
Year
4713.
Cornelius
Lentulus
and
Calphurnius
Piso
being
Consuls
,
there
is
indeed
an
Eclipse
Jan.
10.
that
for
bigness
may
compare
with
that
under
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
but
not
for
seasonableness
.
For
it
is
neither
the
immediately
preceding
Plenilunium
to
the
Paschal
;
and
being
so
in
the
Winter
,
it
ill
suits
with
Herod's
being
advised
by
his
Physicians
to
make
use
of
the
Waters
of
Callirrhoe
beyond
Jordan
,
and
the
beginning
of
it
is
not
till
after
twelve
a
Clock
at
Night
,
when
people
are
gone
to
bed
.
And
in
the
same
year
on
the
sixth
of
July
,
there
is
a
considerable
Eclipse
;
but
it
falling
out
near
Noon-time
at
Jerusalem
,
it
is
plain
it
is
little
to
the
purpose
.
The
Eclipses
of
these
four
years
of
the
Julian
Period
I
have
considered
,
because
the
ancient
Fathers
relate
that
Herod
lived
four
years
after
the
Birth
of
Christ
,
and
we
see
that
in
all
the
Eclipses
that
happened
after
the
Birth
of
Christ
,
fixt
in
the
Year
4709.
P.
J.
(
where
they
must
fix
it
that
make
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
)
till
the
Year
4713.
which
is
the
fourth
after
the
Birth
of
Christ
so
fixed
;
that
there
is
none
that
can
stand
in
competition
with
that
Eclipse
that
happened
Anno
P.
J.
4720.
Nerva
and
Metellus
being
Consuls
.
The
most
plausible
is
that
of
Jan.
10.
Cornelius
Lentulus
and
Calphurnius
Piso
being
Consuls
.
But
besides
other
incongruities
in
it
,
which
I
noted
before
,
though
it
be
removed
enough
to
be
the
fourth
year
after
Christ's
Nativity
,
according
to
the
Opinion
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
yet
it
is
removed
too
much
from
the
end
of
Herod's
Reign
,
from
his
being
constituted
King
by
the
Favour
of
M.
Antony
and
the
Senate
.
For
his
thirty
seven
years
of
reigning
expire
in
the
4710.
year
P.
J.
and
this
makes
him
live
three
years
after
.
Which
nulls
the
Authority
of
Josephus
,
on
which
they
build
,
and
thwarts
the
Current
of
History
.
Wherefore
it
is
an
invincible
Argument
from
the
Eclipse
in
the
Consulate
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
that
Herod
died
that
year
,
and
that
Christ
,
according
to
the
Opinion
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
was
born
four
years
before
in
the
Consulate
of
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
:
which
was
the
thing
to
be
proved
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Josephus
his
inconsisteney
with
himself
in
matters
of
Chronologie
.
The
first
Objection
taken
out
of
passages
in
him
against
Herod
's
dying
Metellus
and
Nerva
being
Consuls
,
that
plainly
imply
that
he
reigned
but
thirty
seven
years
in
all
,
and
that
from
his
first
being
made
King
by
the
favour
of
M.
Antony
.
The
second
Objection
from
Antipater
's
sending
his
Children
to
the
King
of
Arabia
,
when
he
began
his
War
with
Aristobulus
:
which
was
in
the
first
year
of
the
178.
Olympiad
.
Whence
Herod
is
concluded
twenty
five
years
old
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
In
order
to
an
Answer
,
two
assured
parcels
of
Josephus
his
Materia
Historica
are
premised
.
The
first
,
that
Herod
was
but
fifteen
years
old
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
several
other
passages
in
Josephus
complying
therewith
.
The
second
,
that
he
was
about
seventy
years
of
Age
,
and
had
reigned
but
thirty
seven
when
he
dyed
.
No
occasion
for
Josephus
to
mistake
in
the
former
parcel
,
but
a
very
obvious
one
in
the
latter
.
That
none
of
the
five
Children
mentioned
in
the
second
Objection
,
were
those
sent
to
the
King
of
Arabia
.
That
it
is
a
contradiction
to
what
Josephus
elsewhere
says
of
Phasaelus
and
Herod
.
If
Josephus
meant
those
five
,
that
it
is
upon
his
having
committed
a
Parepochism
,
to
which
his
second
Historical
Parcel
lay
obnoxious
.
Whence
his
Testimony
to
his
first
parcel
preponderates
that
to
the
second
,
and
its
repugnancy
with
the
time
of
Christ's
Baptism
and
true
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
,
demonstrates
him
to
have
missed
the
right
Epocha
of
Herod
's
Reign
:
which
with
ease
reconciles
all
these
clashings
.
AND
thus
we
have
seen
with
what
firmness
and
steadiness
this
Demonstration
has
been
carried
on
for
the
fixing
of
Christ's
Nativity
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
if
Historians
themselves
were
so
firm
and
fixt
;
or
rather
so
consistent
in
their
Assertions
,
as
not
to
speak
repugnantly
to
themselves
.
This
I
speak
in
reference
to
Josephus
,
who
makes
Herod
but
fifteen
years
old
when
Antipater
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
:
And
he
makes
him
reign
but
thirty
seven
years
from
his
being
made
King
by
M.
Antony
and
the
Roman
Senate
,
and
yet
to
have
reached
to
be
about
seventy
years
of
Age.
This
therefore
is
one
of
the
two
great
Objections
which
is
brought
against
Herod's
dying
in
the
year
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
,
and
that
notable
Eclipse
above
taken
notice
of
,
viz.
That
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
cap.
8.
expresly
declares
,
that
Herod
in
that
desperate
sickness
of
which
he
died
,
was
upon
seventy
years
of
Age
,
which
he
repeats
again
lib.
1.
cap.
21.
De
Bello
Judaico
.
And
yet
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
cap.
10.
five
days
after
he
had
setled
his
Will
,
and
put
to
death
his
Son
Antipater
,
Herod
,
says
he
,
dyes
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
the
very
same
thing
he
repeats
again
lib.
1.
cap.
21.
De
Bello
Judaico
;
but
more
perfectly
as
to
that
of
his
being
made
King
by
the
Roman
Senate
.
For
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
was
left
out
before
,
is
put
in
here
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
From
which
places
it
is
collected
,
that
though
Herod
was
about
seventy
years
of
Age
when
he
died
,
yet
he
reigned
but
thirty
seven
years
from
the
time
that
he
was
declared
King
of
Judaea
by
the
Romans
upon
the
procurement
of
M.
Antony
,
and
not
from
that
time
that
the
Roman
Senate
and
Augustus
made
him
King
upon
the
Forfeiture
of
his
Kingdom
,
because
it
is
said
in
both
places
,
that
it
was
thirty
four
years
from
the
death
of
Antigonus
,
as
well
as
thirty
seven
from
his
being
made
King
by
the
Favour
of
the
Roman
Senate
;
for
that
is
understood
by
Romans
in
these
places
,
and
there
is
three
years
distance
betwixt
Antigonus
his
death
and
that
.
Whence
,
say
they
,
it
is
manifest
,
that
Herod
did
not
die
in
the
Year
4720.
P.
J.
Metellus
and
Nerva
being
Consuls
,
but
in
the
Year
4710.
in
the
Consulship
of
Sabinus
and
Rufus
;
and
that
Herod
was
not
fifteen
years
of
Age
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
by
his
Father
Antipater
,
but
twenty
five
.
The
second
Objection
,
or
rather
the
Confirmation
of
this
former
,
is
taken
out
of
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
14.
cap.
12.
where
describing
the
Family
of
Antipater
,
he
says
,
that
of
his
Wife
Cypris
he
had
four
Sons
and
a
Daughter
,
Phasaelus
,
and
Herod
,
who
was
afterward
King
,
Josephus
and
Pheroras
,
and
lastly
,
Salome
a
Daughter
.
And
whereas
he
did
affect
the
acquaintance
and
friendship
of
several
Potentates
about
him
,
yet
in
a
more
special
manner
he
caressed
and
obliged
the
King
of
Arabia
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
To
whose
trust
and
tutelage
he
committed
his
Children
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
his
Daughter
,
as
well
as
Sons
,
when
he
made
War
against
Aristobulus
.
And
the
same
thing
he
repeats
again
De
Bello
Judaico
,
lib.
1.
cap.
6.
the
latter
part
whereof
he
phrases
thus
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
viz.
to
the
King
of
Arabia
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Et
quoniam
bellum
cum
Aristobulo
gerendum
susceperat
,
liberos
suos
fidei
ejus
commendans
,
ad
eum
misit
.
He
sent
them
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
a
Depositum
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
he
had
undertaken
a
War
against
Aristobulus
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
that
Antipater
sent
his
Children
to
Aretas
,
the
King
of
Arabia
,
a
little
before
the
beginning
of
that
War
against
Aristobulus
.
We
are
now
to
inquire
when
this
War
begun
,
which
we
shall
understand
out
of
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
14.
cap.
1.
where
he
tells
us
,
that
Hyrcanus
was
invested
in
his
Pontificate
or
High-Priesthood
the
third
year
of
the
177.
Olympiad
,
Q.
Hortensius
and
Q.
Metellus
being
Consuls
;
it
is
rather
the
fourth
year
of
that
Olympiad
,
Metellus
and
Hortensius
being
Consuls
then
,
according
to
both
Helvicus
and
Petavius
,
and
Lydiat
too
.
But
presently
upon
his
being
High-Priest
,
his
Brother
Aristobulus
makes
War
against
him
,
and
at
a
Battel
at
Jericho
puts
him
to
flight
,
and
that
very
year
constrained
him
to
lay
down
his
High-Priesthood
,
and
betake
himself
to
a
private
life
.
When
Antipater
saw
this
,
he
never
ceased
from
soliciting
Hyrcanus
to
recover
his
Right
,
but
within
a
years
time
,
suppose
,
or
thereabout
,
perswaded
him
to
fly
to
Aretas
King
of
Arabia
,
in
whom
he
had
a
great
interest
,
which
in
all
probability
,
according
to
Josephus
his
account
,
was
done
in
the
first
year
of
the
178.
Olympiad
.
And
here
Antipater
undertaking
the
War
against
Aristobulus
with
the
aid
of
Aretas
,
this
must
be
the
time
of
his
conveying
his
five
Children
to
his
Court
for
safety
.
At
what
time
it
cannot
be
conceived
but
that
Herod
was
at
least
three
years
old
,
Salome
being
the
fourth
from
him
:
Let
him
be
going
on
his
fourth
.
From
this
first
year
of
the
178.
Olympiad
to
the
Consulship
of
Calenus
and
Vatinius
,
when
Herod
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
is
twenty
two
years
:
add
the
three
years
complete
when
Herod
was
with
the
rest
of
Antipater's
Children
sent
to
the
King
of
Arabia
;
and
then
it
will
follow
,
that
Herod
was
twenty
five
years
old
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
.
And
so
Herod
must
have
died
Anno
P.
J.
4710.
not
4720.
viz.
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
.
These
are
the
most
shrewd
Objections
that
I
can
pick
out
of
Josephus
,
and
I
have
set
them
off
to
the
best
advantage
I
could
.
But
now
in
order
to
the
answering
of
these
difficulties
,
I
shall
first
premise
,
that
Josephus
took
these
two
things
for
certain
and
assured
Parcels
of
his
Historical
Materials
,
viz.
(
1.
)
That
Herod
,
when
his
Father
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
was
not
more
years
than
fifteen
complete
.
That
there
is
no
lapse
of
the
Scribe
in
this
Compute
,
but
that
it
is
set
down
according
to
Josephus
his
own
mind
,
I
have
abundantly
proved
Chap.
9.
And
the
matter
is
so
plainly
true
,
that
Petavius
himself
does
acknowledge
it
no
lapse
of
the
Scribe
,
but
that
Josephus
in
that
place
wrote
as
he
thought
,
De
doctrina
Temp.
lib.
10.
cap.
65.
And
how
consentaneous
to
this
Position
his
story
of
Glaphyra
is
,
and
his
making
Quirinius
to
confiscate
the
Goods
of
Archelaus
in
the
year
when
Statilius
Taurus
and
Scribonius
Libo
were
Consuls
,
as
also
the
making
Herod
the
Tetrarch's
Reign
end
with
the
fourth
year
of
Caligula
;
and
lastly
,
his
taking
notice
of
the
Eclipse
that
happened
in
the
year
of
Herod's
death
,
I
have
observed
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
.
To
which
I
will
only
add
how
consequential
to
this
is
Josephus
his
calling
Phasaelus
and
Herod
(
Antiq.
lib.
14.
cap.
23.
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Adolescentuli
,
when
M.
Antony
made
them
Tetrarchs
of
Judaea
.
But
if
Herod
was
twenty
five
years
old
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
he
was
above
thirty
now
,
and
his
Brother
Phasaelus
haply
betwixt
thirty
and
forty
,
both
of
them
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
according
to
the
Persian
Account
,
the
utmost
bounds
of
their
Adolescentia
being
but
twenty
seven
years
.
After
that
,
they
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
you
may
see
in
Xenophon
.
And
yet
here
Phasaelus
and
Herod
,
the
one
betwixt
thirty
and
forty
years
of
Age
,
the
other
a
year
or
two
above
thirty
,
are
not
only
called
Adolescentes
,
but
Adolescentuli
.
Wherefore
that
they
are
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Adolescentuli
,
is
plainly
consequential
to
this
assured
Parcel
of
Josephus
his
Historical
Materials
;
That
Herod
,
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
was
but
about
fifteen
years
of
Age.
And
the
other
assured
Parcel
of
his
Materia
Historica
was
this
,
That
Herod
was
about
seventy
years
of
Age
when
he
died
,
and
that
he
reigned
thirty
seven
years
.
This
he
was
ascertained
of
by
some
Records
that
he
had
met
with
and
could
confide
in
.
Nor
is
there
with
me
any
question
made
,
but
that
both
these
parcels
of
his
Materia
Historica
are
true
.
But
that
he
reckons
the
thirty
seven
years
of
Herod's
Reign
from
his
first
being
made
King
by
the
Favour
of
M.
Antony
and
the
Senate
:
I
deny
that
he
had
any
Authentick
Record
for
that
,
but
I
deem
it
a
mere
surmise
of
his
own
.
Wherefore
going
no
further
for
the
present
,
but
weighing
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
in
one
place
with
his
Testimony
in
another
,
I
answer
thus
;
That
his
Assertion
,
that
Herod
was
but
fifteen
years
old
when
he
was
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
is
the
Assertion
of
such
a
thing
in
which
there
is
no
occasion
or
allurement
to
err
in
;
nor
is
it
credible
he
would
ever
have
writ
so
,
it
seeming
so
unplausible
a
thing
in
it self
,
that
the
Government
of
a
Country
should
be
committed
to
one
so
extremely
young
,
unless
he
had
found
it
amongst
the
assured
Materials
of
his
History
.
But
now
for
the
other
assured
parcel
of
his
Historical
Matter
,
Herod's
dying
at
seventy
years
of
Age
,
and
reigning
but
thirty
seven
:
here
Josephus
might
well
find
himself
in
Bivio
as
it
were
;
and
the
way
forking
it self
into
two
Roads
,
that
which
seemed
the
more
fair
and
direct
,
he
might
be
tempted
presently
to
take
it
,
though
he
mistook
himself
in
it
.
I
speak
this
in
reference
to
the
two
Epocha's
of
Herod's
Reign
,
the
one
when
he
was
made
King
of
Judaea
by
the
Favour
of
M.
Antony
,
the
other
when
by
the
Favour
of
Augustus
.
The
former
,
as
being
first
,
is
the
more
naturally
enticing
to
be
made
choice
of
,
which
therefore
Josephus
out
of
over-much
inadvertence
or
beedlesness
adventured
upon
,
and
so
fairly
committed
a
Parepochism
,
the
taking
one
Epocha
for
another
.
Now
the
matter
of
his
other
Assertion
being
not
liable
to
any
such
mistake
,
it
is
plain
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
in
that
point
is
to
preponderate
his
Testimony
in
this
,
or
in
any
thing
else
that
depends
upon
it
.
For
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Aristotle
speaks
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
One
Absurdity
admitted
,
others
will
follow
.
Secondly
,
For
the
answering
the
second
Difficulty
I
shall
premise
,
That
it
is
not
probable
,
at
least
we
have
no
assurance
,
that
those
five
,
namely
,
Phasaelus
,
Herod
,
Josephus
,
Pheroras
and
Salome
,
were
all
the
Children
that
Antipater
had
by
Cypris
,
because
there
is
none
of
these
but
make
part
of
his
History
;
but
there
might
be
in
all
likelihood
other
Children
that
died
when
they
were
Children
,
and
so
left
no
memory
behind
them
.
And
furthermore
add
,
that
it
is
no
such
extraordinary
thing
for
a
man
to
have
more
than
twice
as
many
Children
of
one
Wife
,
as
Herod
had
of
his
.
Whence
therefore
I
answer
first
,
That
though
this
Argument
looks
very
plausible
on
it
,
it
so
fitting
their
conceit
that
would
have
Herod
twenty
five
years
old
(
as
Petavius
,
amongst
others
,
would
have
him
)
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
;
yet
there
is
no
firmness
nor
certainty
in
it
.
For
Josephus
in
the
place
above-cited
does
not
say
,
that
those
very
five
Children
were
committed
to
the
Trust
of
the
King
of
Arabia
,
which
he
names
a
little
before
(
every
one
of
them
acting
a
part
in
his
History
)
but
to
show
how
gracious
Antipater
was
with
the
great
ones
of
Arabia
,
as
well
as
of
Idumaea
,
and
the
sure
Friendship
and
Confidence
betwixt
the
King
of
Arabia
and
him
,
he
says
he
deposited
his
Children
with
him
when
he
began
his
War
against
Aristobulus
,
whether
these
or
others
,
more
or
less
,
there
is
no
mention
thereof
.
Wherefore
for
any
thing
this
place
will
prove
to
the
contrary
,
they
might
be
two
or
three
Children
that
Antipater
deposited
with
Aretas
,
before
Phasaelus
,
or
any
of
the
other
four
mentioned
,
were
born
.
Secondly
,
That
these
five
should
be
the
Children
,
and
so
Herod
be
twenty
five
years
of
Age
when
he
was
made
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
it
will
make
him
above
thirty
when
M.
Antony
made
him
Tetrarch
of
Judaea
:
at
what
time
notwithstanding
Josephus
calls
him
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Adolescentulus
,
a
Stripling
,
and
so
contradicts
himself
.
Thirdly
and
lastly
,
If
Josephus
meant
these
five
to
be
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
dear
Depositum
with
the
King
of
Arabia
,
it
is
then
upon
his
surmise
that
the
thirty
seven
years
of
Herod's
Reign
are
to
be
numbred
from
the
first
Epocha
;
but
there
being
only
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
for
that
against
Josephus
in
a
matter
less
liable
to
mistake
,
this
latter
Testimony
of
Josephus
is
to
be
preferred
before
his
former
,
or
any
thing
else
that
depends
thereon
,
as
I
noted
before
.
And
thus
we
see
that
appealing
to
the
mere
humane
Authority
of
Josephus
,
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
himself
plainly
prevails
against
that
Testimony
of
his
that
would
disprove
our
fixing
the
Nativity
of
Christ
to
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
and
the
Death
of
Herod
to
that
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
.
How
infinitely
then
must
it
preponderate
when
the
Divine
Testimony
is
added
thereunto
?
For
that
vanquished
Testimony
of
Josephus
by
his
prevalent
Testimony
does
clash
also
with
the
Testimony
of
Holy
Scripture
.
Because
,
if
the
first
Epocha
of
Herod's
thirty
seven
years
Reign
be
taken
,
Herod
must
die
in
the
year
of
the
Julian
Period
4710.
And
therefore
Christ
cannot
be
born
later
than
the
year
before
,
viz.
4709.
for
he
was
born
while
Herod
was
living
,
who
sought
the
Child's
life
.
And
the
Evangelist
Luke
plainly
declares
,
that
he
was
about
thirty
years
old
when
he
was
baptized
of
John
,
nay
,
but
beginning
to
be
about
thirty
years
old
,
as
Beza
and
our
English
Translation
has
it
;
but
I
think
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
has
another
meaning
there
.
But
let
him
be
full
thirty
years
old
,
going
if
you
will
on
his
thirty
one
,
which
will
then
be
Anno
P.
J.
4739.
and
the
thirteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
But
John
did
not
begin
his
preaching
before
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
:
nor
was
Christ
baptized
by
him
before
he
had
begun
his
preaching
,
as
it
is
plain
out
of
that
Gospel
.
Wherefore
the
taking
the
first
Epocha
of
Herod's
Reign
instead
of
the
latter
,
is
a
plain
contradiction
to
the
Testimony
of
Holy
Writ
.
To
which
,
especially
the
self-vanquished
Testimony
of
Josephus
,
must
of
necessity
yield
.
Moreover
,
besides
the
particular
clashing
with
this
Testimony
of
S.
Luke
that
sets
the
Baptism
of
Christ
by
John
after
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
,
the
first
Epocha
of
Herod's
thirty
seven
years
Reign
,
is
repugnant
to
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
fixt
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
which
the
Holy
Writ
makes
the
only
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
above
.
Now
therefore
,
though
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
in
one
place
were
equal
to
his
Testimony
in
another
place
,
even
in
this
case
,
that
part
of
the
contradiction
is
infallibly
to
be
held
for
the
truth
that
corresponds
with
the
Holy
Scriptures
according
to
the
second
Postulatum
in
the
first
Chapter
.
That
when
Historians
clash
one
with
another
,
or
one
and
the
same
Historian
with
himself
,
that
part
of
the
contradiction
is
to
be
held
true
that
best
complies
with
the
Holy
Writ
.
This
is
,
I
say
,
undeniably
reasonable
,
though
the
parts
of
the
contradiction
stood
upon
equal
terms
.
How
much
more
then
when
the
weight
of
Divine
Testimony
is
added
to
that
part
that
has
the
advantage
already
?
Wherefore
he
that
has
but
half
an
eye
,
as
they
say
,
may
easily
discern
that
Josephus
has
committed
a
Parepochismus
in
chusing
the
first
Epocha
for
Herod's
Reign
of
thirty
seven
years
instead
of
the
second
.
Which
if
he
had
chosen
,
he
had
neither
contradicted
himself
nor
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
but
all
would
be
in
perfect
ease
and
Harmony
,
Josephus
with
the
Sacred
Scriptures
and
ancient
Fathers
,
and
also
with
himself
.
And
Herod
will
be
found
dying
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
and
Christ
born
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
most
ancient
Fathers
four
years
before
in
the
Consulship
of
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
,
which
was
the
thing
to
be
demonstrated
.
For
thirty
seven
years
from
that
second
Epocha
,
viz.
the
Victoria
Actiaca
or
Herod's
being
made
King
by
Augustus
,
do
reach
exactly
into
the
year
of
the
Consulship
of
Metellus
and
Nerva
.
CHAP.
XII
.
The
second
way
of
proving
Christ
born
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
viz.
from
the
Tax
mentioned
by
S.
Luke
.
Three
general
Taxes
ordered
by
Augustus
.
The
Text
in
S.
Luke
touching
this
Tax
explained
,
and
the
Tax
found
the
first
of
those
two
which
were
carried
on
by
Cyrenius
.
That
this
Tax
is
that
mentioned
in
Suetonius
and
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
,
viz.
the
middle
Tax
,
and
finished
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sextius
Saturninus
according
to
T.
L.
the
year
after
that
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
That
Christ
was
born
Lamia
and
Geminus
being
Consuls
,
proved
from
Augustus
his
Decennial
Resumptions
of
his
Power
Censorian
and
Monarchical
.
And
also
from
the
Time-eaten
Monument
of
Ancyra
.
From
the
testimony
of
Clemens
Alexandrinus
placing
the
Birth
of
our
Lord
in
the
twenty
eighth
year
when
the
Decree
for
the
Tax
first
went
out
after
Octavius
had
the
Name
of
Augustus
conferred
upon
him
.
Five
several
Epocha's
of
Augustus
his
Reign
,
any
whereof
directing
in
compute
to
that
time
of
Christ's
Nativity
that
is
pointed
at
by
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
,
is
argumentative
and
confirms
the
same
.
That
Epiphanius
his
twenty
nine
years
from
the
perfect
accord
and
subjection
of
the
Jews
to
the
Romans
,
reach
into
the
Consulate
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
.
The
great
advantage
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
has
above
the
seventh
,
there
being
no
sense
of
this
latter
to
be
made
from
any
Epocha's
.
Christ
born
in
the
forty
first
year
of
Augustus
according
to
Irenaeus
,
Tertullian
and
other
Fathers
,
which
from
a
right
Epocha
reaches
unto
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
A
clear
proof
that
Christ
was
then
born
,
out
of
Eusebius
his
Chronicon
.
An
Argument
offered
at
by
T.
L.
from
a
passage
in
Chrysostom
's
Homily
De
Natali
Johannis
Baptistae
.
AND
thus
much
concerning
the
first
way
which
T.
L.
uses
to
prove
our
Saviour
born
(
as
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
fixes
it
)
in
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
viz.
from
the
years
of
the
Reign
of
Herod
,
his
Age
,
and
the
year
of
his
Death
.
For
he
dying
in
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
it
follows
by
consequence
,
the
ancient
Fathers
putting
four
years
distance
betwixt
Herod's
Death
and
Christ's
Birth
,
that
he
must
be
born
Anno
4716.
P.
J.
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
This
is
punctually
made
out
to
a
year
by
Reason
and
Authentick
Testimonies
,
though
the
History
in
S.
Matthew
tells
us
no
more
than
that
after
Herod
was
dead
,
Christ
was
termed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
For
the
Angel
tells
Mary
,
Matt.
2.20
.
That
they
were
dead
that
sought
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
little
Child's
life
.
From
whence
can
only
be
gathered
that
Christ
was
very
young
when
Herod
died
,
but
not
exactly
how
many
years
he
was
old
then
.
And
thus
it
is
also
with
that
Note
that
Luke
gives
of
his
Nativity
.
He
does
not
expresly
tell
the
very
year
when
Christ
was
born
,
but
he
tells
us
such
a
circumstance
of
his
Birth
,
that
a
sagacious
Historian
may
collect
the
very
year
,
as
Tho.
Lydiat
,
to
his
commendation
,
has
done
,
namely
,
from
the
Tax
under
which
Christ
was
born
Luke
2.2
.
And
this
is
the
second
way
that
T.L.
takes
to
prove
that
Christ
was
born
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
For
the
better
understanding
of
which
Method
we
are
first
to
take
notice
,
That
there
were
three
more
general
Taxes
ordered
by
Augustus
.
This
,
Suetonius
,
as
I
have
noted
above
,
expresly
tells
us
in
Augustus
his
Life
,
cap.
27.
Recepit
&
morum
legumque
regimen
aequè
perpetuum
(
viz.
as
perpetual
as
his
Tribunitian
Power
)
quo
jure
quanquam
sine
censurae
honore
,
censum
tamen
populi
ter
egit
;
primum
ac
tertium
cum
Collega
,
medium
solus
.
But
in
a
Monument
erected
by
him
or
by
some
body
for
him
in
Ancyra
,
a
City
of
either
Phrygia
or
Galatia
in
Asia
minor
,
some
forty
two
years
after
his
first
Tax
,
not
only
the
three
Taxes
,
but
the
Collegae
in
his
first
and
last
Tax
are
mentioned
,
as
also
that
he
ordered
the
middle
Tax
himself
alone
.
The
Collega
in
his
first
Tax
,
according
to
that
Monument
in
Ancyra
,
was
M.
Agrippa
;
and
the
Tax
finished
,
himself
being
the
sixth
time
Consul
,
and
Agrippa
the
second
.
His
Collega
in
the
last
Tax
was
Tiberius
,
and
the
Tax
finished
Lustro
condito
,
Sext.
Pompeius
and
Sext.
Apuleius
being
Consuls
,
in
the
very
year
when
Augustus
died
.
See
Suetonius
in
Vita
Augusti
,
cap.
97.
and
In
Vita
Tiberii
,
cap.
21.
And
that
the
first
Tax
was
ordered
by
him
and
finished
Agrippa
being
his
Collega
in
the
first
Consulship
of
Apuleius
and
his
own
fifth
,
and
his
own
sixth
and
Agrippa's
second
,
T.
L.
makes
clear
out
of
Dion
Cassius
.
These
things
being
premised
,
let
us
consider
the
Text
of
S.
Luke
Chap.
2.
And
it
came
to
pass
in
those
days
that
there
went
out
a
Decree
from
Caesar
Augustus
that
all
the
World
should
be
taxed
,
or
enrolled
.
Hence
it
is
plain
that
it
was
,
as
I
may
so
speak
,
an
Oecumenical
Tax
or
Enrolment
thus
appointed
by
Augustus
.
But
there
is
a
further
Character
in
the
following
verse
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
For
so
it
is
to
be
read
,
the
Comma
left
out
betwixt
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
then
the
sense
is
this
,
This
is
the
first
of
the
two
Taxes
which
were
carried
on
the
times
when
Cyrenius
was
Governour
of
Syria
.
Two
Characters
therefore
here
offer
themselves
of
Christ's
Birth
.
(
1.
)
An
Oecumenical
Tax
appointed
by
Augustus
.
(
2.
)
The
same
Tax
,
the
first
of
those
that
were
carried
on
by
Cyrenius
,
the
times
he
was
Governour
of
Syria
.
Now
that
this
Oecumenical
Tax
mentioned
in
S.
Luke
is
the
same
with
the
Tax
which
Suetonius
and
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
say
,
that
Augustus
ordered
alone
without
a
Collegue
,
is
necessarily
concluded
from
this
very
Reason
,
because
it
is
Oecumenical
.
For
what
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
conceive
so
famous
or
universal
Tax
or
Enrolment
as
this
to
be
left
out
of
that
Monument
?
But
now
to
find
out
the
time
when
this
Oecumenical
Enrolment
was
;
It
is
plain
in
Dion
,
lib.
55.
that
in
the
year
before
the
Consulate
of
Messala
and
Cinna
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
year
when
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
were
Consuls
,
Augustus
alone
without
a
Collegue
(
else
in
all
likelihood
he
had
been
named
to
lessen
the
invidiousness
of
the
thing
,
and
besides
this
Tax
,
being
neither
the
first
nor
the
last
,
must
be
the
middle
which
he
ordered
alone
)
he
ended
,
I
say
,
a
Tax
in
the
year
of
those
two
Consuls
condito
lustro
,
as
the
Latine
Phrase
is
.
The
words
of
Dion
are
these
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
viz.
Augustus
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Augustus
taxed
those
that
lived
in
Italy
,
and
were
possessed
of
two
hundred
Sestertia
,
omitting
the
poorer
sort
,
and
those
that
lived
out
of
Italy
,
lest
they
should
cause
any
stirs
.
And
that
he
might
not
seem
to
do
this
as
a
Censor
,
he
was
invested
with
Proconsular
Authority
,
for
the
more
contentfully
peracting
this
Tax
and
the
Lustral
Sacrifice
that
concluded
the
same
.
It
is
true
,
some
may
scruple
here
how
this
can
be
called
an
Oecumenical
Tax
,
when
it
is
said
to
be
confined
to
Italy
.
But
T.
L.
suggests
that
which
is
very
rational
,
viz.
That
this
Tax
,
as
to
the
old
mode
of
Taxes
,
extended
no
further
than
Italy
;
but
the
Enrolment
of
Names
and
Estates
might
reach
all
over
:
and
that
this
Oecumenical
Tax
was
rather
a
Project
to
make
his
Rationarium
Imperii
more
correct
and
complete
,
for
the
setling
a
constant
and
perpetual
Revenue
out
of
all
the
Provinces
of
the
Empire
to
maintain
his
numerous
Armies
and
Navies
,
than
to
levy
such
a
Tax
at
that
time
,
in
the
usual
sense
of
Taxing
,
upon
the
whole
Empire
.
This
T.
L.
makes
out
with
very
solid
Reason
from
History
.
See
his
Recensio
,
cap.
6.
And
consentaneously
to
this
he
cites
that
Famous
Historian
and
Antiquary
Hubertus
Golizius
,
who
in
his
Annalis
Historia
of
Augustus
,
mentions
the
Numerousness
of
his
Souldiers
at
that
time
,
and
the
distribution
of
his
ordinary
Legions
throughout
the
Provinces
,
and
the
Institution
of
the
setled
Revenue
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
,
which
immediately
precedes
that
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
,
in
which
the
middle
Tax
was
finished
,
as
appears
out
of
Dion
.
From
whose
Authority
alone
it
is
evident
that
this
middle
Tax
ended
the
next
year
following
that
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
.
How
easie
is
it
then
to
conceive
that
it
began
at
least
that
very
year
,
if
not
the
year
before
?
Whence
it
will
be
plain
,
that
this
is
the
Tax
and
time
when
Christ
was
born
,
viz.
in
the
year
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
according
as
the
right
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
requires
,
and
the
Age
of
Christ
,
when
he
was
baptized
of
John
,
demonstrates
to
be
true
.
See
Chap.
8.
When
the
thing
is
brought
so
near
,
even
by
profane
History
,
we
may
be
sure
the
exquisite
truth
of
it
will
reach
to
that
which
we
know
to
be
true
by
Testimony
Divine
.
But
Secondly
,
It
is
observed
out
of
the
same
Dion
,
that
such
was
the
Policy
of
Augustus
,
that
he
made
a
show
as
if
he
would
keep
the
Government
such
as
he
received
of
the
Senate
,
which
was
to
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Magister
Correctorque
Morum
(
which
was
look't
upon
as
a
more
fair
and
plausible
Title
than
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Censor
)
and
so
for
his
being
Emperour
;
that
he
used
to
resume
this
Censorian
Power
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
he
did
the
Imperatorial
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
only
for
a
set
time
,
namely
,
from
ten
years
to
ten
years
.
Now
the
times
of
these
resumed
Powers
at
a
complete
decennial
interval
follow
the
first
of
them
the
first
Tax
of
Augustus
,
begun
Agrippa
being
then
his
Collegue
;
but
the
latter
,
viz.
the
Resumption
of
his
Imperatorial
Power
follows
the
said
Tax
transacted
,
and
begins
in
the
year
when
Augustus
was
the
seventh
time
,
and
Agrippa
the
third
time
Consuls
,
and
ends
with
the
year
when
P.
Cornelius
Lentulus
and
Cn.
Cornelius
Lentulus
were
Consuls
,
as
the
other
with
the
year
before
Saturninus
and
Vespillo
being
Consuls
.
Wherefore
reckoning
on
still
by
complete
Decenniums
,
the
third
Decennium
from
Saturninus
and
Vespillo
of
the
Censorian
Power
will
end
in
the
year
before
the
Consulship
of
Silius
and
Munatius
:
but
the
third
of
the
Imperatorial
in
that
very
year
;
In
which
Dion
says
,
that
Augustus
did
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
he
then
entred
upon
the
fifth
ten-years
of
his
Imperial
Reign
or
Government
.
But
now
count
backward
from
the
year
before
inclusively
,
his
last
ten
years
of
Censorian
Rule
will
reach
into
the
year
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
:
the
middle
year
in
all
likelihood
of
this
middle
Tax
.
Thirdly
,
The
Time-eaten
Names
of
the
Consuls
in
that
Monumentum
Ancyranum
above-mentioned
,
as
riddled
out
by
T.
L.
fairly
confirms
,
that
the
midst
of
this
middle
Tax
was
in
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
.
For
as
he
notes
well
[
Censorum
—
Sinio
cos.
]
and
a
little
after
this
[
in
consulatu
Fi
—
]
the
former
of
these
cannot
be
understood
of
Asinius
Gallus
,
as
some
would
have
it
,
who
was
ten
years
before
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
;
because
in
Dion
,
lib.
55.
neither
in
the
Consulship
of
Drusus
and
Crispinus
immediately
before
his
,
nor
in
Tiberius
and
Piso's
that
immediately
follows
,
nor
in
his
own
is
there
any
mention
of
any
Tax
or
Lustral
Sacrifice
wherewith
they
wont
to
be
concluded
.
To
which
I
add
,
it
being
said
in
that
Monument
,
of
this
middle
Tax
;
Nuper
lustrum
solus
feci
legi
censorum
—
Sinio
cos.
it
being
at
least
twenty
years
from
the
erection
of
this
Monument
by
Augustus
to
Asinius
Gallus
his
Consulship
,
Nuper
would
be
very
improperly
applied
in
this
case
and
circumstances
,
but
more
naturally
to
ten
years
later
,
the
true
time
of
this
middle
Tax
.
And
therefore
this
[
—
Sinio
]
T.
L.
does
not
rashly
phansie
to
be
for
Sentio
,
for
the
Consul
Sentius
Saturninus
.
Which
haply
may
proceed
from
hence
,
that
he
that
read
this
Monument
to
the
Scribe
that
was
to
write
it
fair
for
the
Carver
in
stone
,
pronounced
the
E
in
Sentio
like
an
I
,
as
one
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
in
the
Hebrew
of
old
served
for
both
E
and
I
;
and
in
sundry
words
we
may
observe
how
E
is
changed
into
I.
Thus
the
Ionians
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
say
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
in
derivations
of
words
out
of
Greek
;
as
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
we
say
Sicilia
;
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
tingo
;
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
animus
,
and
the
like
,
which
shows
how
easily
E
runs
into
the
sound
of
I.
Whence
we
may
fairly
conceive
,
how
either
the
Reader
sounded
Sintio
for
Sentio
,
or
they
being
so
near
in
sound
,
the
Scribe
took
it
for
Sintio
.
And
if
we
remember
that
it
is
a
false
Pronunciation
to
sound
S
for
T
,
but
that
they
pronounced
it
like
the
Greek
Tau
in
old
time
before
I
,
as
well
as
before
other
Vowels
;
and
that
this
T
after
N
was
usually
sounded
like
D
,
it
follows
then
that
it
was
sounded
by
the
Reader
Sindio
.
Which
D
in
this
word
makes
so
faint
an
impress
on
the
ear
,
that
the
Scribe
might
very
well
think
the
Reader
to
him
,
to
say
,
Sinio
,
and
wrote
so
accordingly
.
And
now
for
the
latter
,
[
in
consulatu
Fi
—
]
which
all
Antiquaries
look
upon
as
a
desperate
business
to
make
sense
of
,
T.
L.
conceives
the
whole
word
is
either
Alfinii
or
Vinicii
,
as
if
it
were
Finicii
.
For
F
and
V
consonant
have
muchwhat
the
same
sound
(
the
Digamma
Aeolicum
,
that
is
,
F
being
rendred
by
V
consonant
in
Latine
words
derived
from
the
Greek
,
as
from
the
Aeolick
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
are
the
Latine
Vis
,
Vinum
,
Vespera
.
)
and
so
the
Scribe
might
phansie
him
that
read
to
him
to
have
said
Finicii
,
not
Vinicii
,
and
so
to
have
wrote
accordingly
.
I
must
confess
that
the
picking
out
sense
out
of
old
over-worn
Marble
Monuments
from
an
eager
desire
of
serving
some
Hypothesis
,
may
justly
too
often
seem
like
the
disease
of
young
Maids
that
have
the
Green-sickness
,
and
pick
strange
stuff
out
of
mud
Walls
to
satisfie
their
longings
:
so
that
these
ingenious
Conceits
alone
of
T.
L.
would
little
avail
with
me
,
but
that
they
fall
in
with
other
manifest
indications
in
the
same
Monument
;
as
when
it
says
[
—
cum
nuper
lustrum
solus
feci
legi
]
that
is
to
say
,
transigi
vel
condi
:
which
is
very
harsh
to
refer
in
things
of
this
nature
to
the
distance
of
twenty
years
before
,
whenas
the
Lustrums
were
every
fifth
year
.
Wherefore
it
can
be
no
Tax
in
Asinius
Gallus
his
Consulship
.
And
besides
this
it
is
observable
in
the
first
Tax
of
these
three
,
though
it
was
begun
in
the
year
when
Sext.
Apuleius
and
Augustus
was
,
the
fifth
time
,
Consul
,
as
appears
out
of
the
ending
of
the
52.
Book
of
Dion
,
and
the
beginning
of
the
53.
in
the
former
it
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
the
latter
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
yet
the
Monument
speaks
thus
,
or
rather
Augustus
in
the
Monument
:
In
consulatu
sexto
censum
populi
cum
lega
M.
Agrippa
egi
,
lustrumque
post
annum
abhinc
alterum
&
quadragesimum
feci
legi
,
and
so
names
that
year
wherein
the
Tax
was
ended
lustro
condito
,
not
that
in
which
it
began
.
In
like
manner
in
the
middle
Tax
he
says
[
—
Cum
nuper
lustrum
solus
feci
—
censorum
—
Sinio
cos.
]
that
is
,
Sentio
Consule
,
which
is
the
year
of
that
Consul
in
which
the
Tax
was
ended
lustro
condito
;
And
saying
afterwards
,
[
in
Consulatu
Fi
—
or
rather
Vi
—
]
it
intimates
the
Consulate
of
Vinicius
in
which
the
Tax
begun
.
These
correspondencies
,
I
say
,
falling
in
with
the
ingenious
Conjectures
of
T.
L.
about
these
Time-eaten
Names
,
makes
them
seem
to
me
not
at
all
rash
nor
trifling
,
but
to
have
their
weight
;
and
therefore
I
thought
fit
not
to
omit
them
.
See
his
Recensio
,
cap.
6
,
&
7.
Fourthly
,
From
the
year
when
Augustus
was
the
seventh
,
and
Agrippa
the
third
time
Consul
,
to
the
Consulship
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
when
the
middle
Tax
begun
,
are
twenty
eight
years
complete
.
But
that
year
of
his
seventh
Consulship
was
the
year
in
which
he
was
first
called
by
the
Vote
of
the
Senate
,
Augustus
,
as
Dion
tells
us
lib.
53.
which
they
intended
as
a
most
magnificent
Title
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Dion
phrases
it
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
Augustus
,
signifying
something
more
than
man
,
as
he
intimates
.
And
this
very
year
is
the
Epocha
of
the
Anni
Augustorum
.
His
fourth
Argument
therefore
is
drawn
from
the
Authority
of
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
who
expresly
writes
in
the
first
Book
of
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
thus
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Of
which
the
genuine
sense
is
,
That
our
Lord
was
born
in
the
twenty
eighth
year
when
the
Command
first
went
out
after
Caesar
Octavius
was
called
Augustus
,
that
there
should
be
a
taxing
of
the
people
.
Which
therefore
must
be
meant
of
this
middle
Tax
,
decreed
after
he
had
the
Title
of
Augustus
conferred
upon
him
,
else
it
is
not
the
first
Tax
he
commanded
or
decreed
.
And
this
shows
that
it
ought
to
be
understood
of
the
twenty
eighth
Annus
Augustorum
in
the
Roman
sense
,
not
in
the
Aegyptian
,
whose
Anni
Augustorum
commenced
two
years
before
,
viz.
in
the
year
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
as
Censorinus
also
notes
,
and
that
was
before
Octavius
was
called
Augustus
.
Wherefore
however
Clemens
Alexandrinus
or
others
compute
these
years
,
it
is
manifest
their
true
Epocha
is
from
the
seventh
Consulate
of
Augustus
.
Whence
the
ending
of
the
twenty
eighth
year
will
touch
upon
the
year
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
when
the
Tax
began
,
as
it
should
do
,
and
signifies
that
Clemens
light
of
a
right
Record
of
the
years
from
the
Epocha
of
the
Anni
Augustorum
to
Christ's
Nativity
or
near
upon
,
though
he
might
be
prone
,
he
being
an
Alexandrian
,
to
apply
it
to
the
Aegyptian
Account
.
And
it
is
here
seasonable
to
observe
how
those
Numbers
of
the
years
of
Augustus
his
Reign
that
are
applied
to
the
discovering
or
defining
the
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
may
be
numbred
from
several
Epocha's
.
From
the
Consulship
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
from
the
Consulship
of
Pulcher
and
Flaccus
,
from
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
from
the
year
of
Augustus
his
being
the
seventh
time
,
and
Agrippa
the
third
time
Consul
,
when
he
first
obtained
the
Title
of
Augustus
.
From
his
eleventh
Consulship
which
he
bore
with
his
Fellow-Consul
Calphurnius
Piso
when
he
was
first
invested
with
that
most
Sovereign
and
Sacrosanct
Tribunitian
Power
which
Tacitus
calls
summi
Fastigii
vocabulum
;
And
Dion
lib.
53.
describes
to
be
the
most
absolute
Power
imaginable
above
all
Law
whatever
,
so
that
Emperours
in
virtue
of
this
Power
,
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Tribunitian
Power
,
if
they
took
themselves
to
be
injured
the
least
tittle
in
word
or
deed
,
they
might
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
they
might
without
any
Trial
or
Judgment
kill
him
forthwith
that
did
it
;
as
if
he
were
a
most
accursed
Wretch
that
had
affronted
the
Divine
Majesty
it self
:
I
say
,
though
these
years
of
the
Reign
of
Augustus
are
misapplied
by
ancient
Authors
,
who
thereby
fix
Christ's
Nativity
to
a
time
uncompliable
with
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
(
which
the
Prophecy
and
Scripture-History
plainly
declare
to
be
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
)
and
with
the
true
time
the
Scripture
declares
that
John
the
Baptist
began
to
preach
and
exercise
his
Ministry
,
and
with
the
true
Age
of
him
when
John
baptized
him
according
to
Scripture-declaration
(
which
nulls
all
Testimony
that
contradicts
it
)
yet
if
they
be
found
from
a
right
Epocha
to
touch
upon
,
or
reach
into
the
middle
Tax
of
Augustus
begun
in
the
Consulate
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
,
and
ended
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
,
which
exactly
agrees
with
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
they
are
,
notwithstanding
those
heedless
misapplications
of
the
Ancients
,
really
argumentative
for
the
proving
this
true
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
which
the
right
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
points
at
;
and
't
is
thence
apparent
,
that
T.
L.
is
not
destitute
of
Historical
Records
,
but
abundantly
furnished
therewith
,
for
the
maintaining
his
Assertion
,
and
knows
how
to
use
them
,
when
others
have
abused
them
.
Wherefore
having
given
this
notice
by
the
bye
,
I
proceed
.
Fifthly
,
Epiphanius
in
his
above-mentioned
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
his
51.
Heresie
,
Sect.
22.
though
he
have
there
over-much
Parachronistick
stuff
,
yet
he
plainly
enough
drives
at
this
to
define
the
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
from
the
time
of
that
state
of
the
Jews
when
there
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
I
may
also
add
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
for
before
that
there
were
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Epiphanius
speaks
,
some
smaller
pittances
of
beneficence
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
lastly
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
perfect
conjunction
and
beneficent
friendship
of
the
Romans
with
the
Jews
,
and
a
perfect
surrendring
of
Judaea
to
the
Romans
,
and
bringing
it
under
Tribute
;
Twenty
nine
years
from
this
state
of
things
was
our
Saviour
born
,
according
to
Epiphanius
.
Now
this
state
of
things
,
as
T.
L.
makes
it
out
sufficiently
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
8.
happened
in
the
ending
of
the
year
when
Augustus
was
the
sixth
time
,
and
Agrippa
the
second
time
Consul
,
or
the
beginning
of
the
next
year
when
they
were
both
Consuls
again
,
and
Octavius
first
received
the
Title
of
Augustus
.
Then
was
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
full
reducing
of
Judaea
under
Tribute
,
the
first
of
the
three
famous
Taxes
being
then
finished
in
the
year
just
before
Octavius
received
the
Title
of
Augustus
:
And
by
that
time
,
which
respects
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
Romans
to
the
Jews
,
Augustus
had
bestow'd
on
Herod
for
his
officiousness
and
serviceableness
to
him
and
his
Armies
,
to
enlarge
his
Dominion
,
not
only
what
Cleopatra
had
taken
from
it
,
but
also
Gadara
,
Hippos
,
Samaria
,
Gaza
,
Anthedon
,
Joppa
,
and
Pyrgos
Stratonis
,
and
lastly
Trachonitis
,
Batanaea
,
and
Auronitis
,
as
you
may
see
in
Josephus
.
Which
last
he
tells
us
,
De
Bello
Judaico
,
lib.
1.
cap.
17.
he
gave
him
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
after
the
first
Actiacal
Solemnity
which
was
in
the
beginning
of
the
188.
Olympiad
,
the
year
when
Octavius
was
first
called
Augustus
.
And
these
,
I
trow
,
are
no
little
scraps
of
bounty
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
large
Lunchions
of
Munificence
.
And
Herod
being
thus
possessed
of
all
Judaea
,
as
much
as
the
Israelites
ever
possessed
,
he
being
so
faithful
and
obliged
a
Client
of
Augustus
and
the
Romans
,
did
,
which
respects
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
no
question
,
acknowledge
himself
and
it
entirely
at
the
service
of
Augustus
and
the
Romans
.
This
certainly
is
the
time
that
Epiphanius
aimed
at
,
but
he
counting
that
the
twenty
nine
years
from
this
time
will
end
in
the
year
when
Augustus
was
the
thirteenth
time
Consul
with
his
Collegue
Sylvanus
,
that
implies
that
he
made
the
Victoria
Actiaca
the
Epocha
of
these
twenty
nine
years
,
and
so
committed
a
Parepochism
,
beginning
the
twenty
nine
years
sooner
than
the
thing
will
bear
;
but
counting
from
the
true
Epocha
of
them
,
which
is
the
year
of
Octavius
his
first
being
called
Augustus
,
the
twenty
nine
years
will
reach
into
the
Consulate
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
,
which
is
not
the
forty
second
year
of
Augustus
from
any
Epocha
,
but
it
is
of
Herod's
Reign
from
his
first
being
made
King
in
the
Consulate
of
Calvinus
and
Pollio
.
And
how
Epiphanius
has
blundred
in
this
Chronological
piece
of
his
,
see
T.
L.
his
Recensio
,
cap.
8.
By
the
bye
I
will
only
note
,
That
though
it
were
admitted
that
Christ
was
born
the
forty
second
year
of
Augustus
his
Reign
from
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
and
in
the
thirteenth
Consulate
of
Augustus
,
this
will
not
serve
the
turn
of
them
that
would
reckon
Daniel's
Weeks
from
the
seventh
year
of
Artaxerxes
,
and
so
in
the
rest
of
the
Computes
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
taking
them
from
their
Epocha's
.
And
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
and
the
twentieth
being
the
only
Epocha's
in
competition
,
it
is
apparent
what
an
infinite
advantage
the
latter
has
above
the
former
,
the
Number
of
years
from
a
right
Epocha
suiting
with
the
latter
Epocha
of
the
Weeks
,
but
with
the
former
from
none
,
but
runs
into
Contradictions
to
express
Scripture
.
Sixthly
therefore
,
Irenaeus
contra
Haereses
,
lib.
3.
cap.
25.
says
expresly
,
Natus
est
Dominus
noster
circa
primum
&
quadragesimum
annum
Augusti
Imperii
.
And
Tertullian
adversus
Judaeos
,
cap.
8.
Quadragesimo
&
primo
anno
Imperii
Augusti
nascitur
Christus
.
And
Hieronymus
on
Daniel
,
cap.
9.
Quadragesimo
primo
anno
Caesaris
Augusti
Christus
natus
est
in
Judaea
.
To
these
you
may
add
Cassiodorus
,
Sulpicius
Severus
,
and
others
.
So
that
there
is
no
question
but
about
this
time
of
the
years
of
Augustus
his
Reign
Christ
was
born
,
according
to
the
Opinion
of
those
Fathers
.
But
now
if
we
deduce
these
forty
one
years
from
the
Consulate
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
,
they
will
end
in
the
4711.
year
P.
J.
From
which
,
if
you
count
thirty
years
,
the
time
of
the
Age
of
Christ
when
he
was
baptized
by
John
,
you
will
make
him
baptized
a
year
before
John
began
to
preach
and
baptize
.
But
if
you
count
from
the
last
year
of
the
seventy
Weeks
backward
(
supposing
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
to
be
the
Epocha
of
them
)
Christ's
Baptism
or
Manifestation
being
in
the
year
immediately
preceding
the
last
week
,
or
at
least
in
the
beginning
of
the
first
year
thereof
,
Christ
will
be
baptized
in
the
twelfth
or
thirteenth
of
Tiberius
,
two
or
three
years
before
John
began
to
baptize
;
nor
will
he
be
then
thirty
years
old
,
unless
he
was
born
two
or
three
years
sooner
than
this
reckoning
the
forty
one
years
from
the
Consulate
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
makes
him
.
So
useless
and
unsuitable
for
the
adjusting
of
Daniel's
Weeks
is
this
Epocha
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa's
Consulships
.
But
there
is
another
most
Publick
Epocha
of
Augustus
his
Reign
,
which
was
usually
called
Aera
Caesaris
,
and
publickly
received
in
a
manner
over
all
the
Empire
,
unless
in
Alexandria
(
see
Lydiat's
Canones
Chronici
and
his
Recensio
,
cap.
9.
)
which
is
fixed
in
the
Consulate
of
Claudius
Pulcher
and
Norbanus
Flaccus
,
from
which
if
you
reckon
the
forty
one
years
of
Augustus
his
Reign
,
in
the
last
whereof
Irenaeus
and
the
rest
of
the
ancient
Fathers
say
Christ
was
born
,
you
will
be
brought
into
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
,
the
middle
year
of
the
middle
Tax
,
which
we
cannot
think
harsh
to
continue
three
years
,
whenas
the
first
of
those
three
famous
Taxes
recorded
in
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
continued
two
years
,
and
the
last
near
as
much
.
Reckoning
therefore
from
this
right
Epocha
of
Pulcher
and
Flaccus
,
those
Repugnancies
I
noted
before
are
avoided
,
and
all
made
coherent
and
smooth
,
and
the
Authorities
of
those
Fathers
made
very
pregnant
for
the
proving
that
Christ
was
born
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
.
Seventhly
,
That
Christ
was
born
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
appears
from
hence
.
Augustus
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
adopted
Tiberius
,
and
communicated
to
him
the
Tribunitian
Power
as
T.
L.
plainly
proves
out
of
Velleius
Paterculus
,
and
Dion
,
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
10.
And
Petavius
places
this
Adoption
of
Tiberius
and
his
obtaining
Tribunitian
Power
under
the
abovesaid
Consuls
.
Now
Eusebius
in
his
Chronicon
expresly
places
the
Nativity
of
Christ
in
the
year
before
the
Adoption
of
Tiberius
.
His
very
words
are
,
which
relate
to
the
second
year
of
Christ
,
Augustus
Tiberium
&
Agrippam
in
filios
adoptavit
.
But
it
was
proved
before
to
have
been
done
in
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
,
viz.
the
Consulship
immediately
succeeding
that
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
.
Whence
it
is
evident
,
that
Christ
,
according
to
the
Testimony
of
Eusebius
,
was
born
Lamia
and
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
Which
is
the
forty
first
year
from
that
notable
and
true
Epocha
,
the
Consulate
of
Pulcher
and
Flaccus
.
Which
if
Eusebius
had
considered
,
he
would
not
have
placed
the
Birth
of
Christ
,
as
he
has
done
,
in
his
Chronicon
,
in
the
forty
second
year
of
Augustus
his
Reign
,
but
in
the
forty
first
,
agreeably
to
what
there
he
cites
out
of
Tertullian
,
who
in
his
Book
against
the
Jews
affirms
,
that
Christ
was
born
the
forty
first
year
of
the
Reign
of
Augustus
,
though
neither
he
nor
Tertullian
knew
the
right
Epocha
to
count
from
.
But
let
Eusebius
his
own
Epocha
be
taken
,
viz.
from
the
Consulate
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
.
Count
forty
two
years
thence
,
and
you
will
fall
into
the
Consulship
of
C.
Julius
Caesar
,
and
L.
Aemilius
Paulus
which
is
the
vulgar
Dionysian
Aera
Christi
,
and
will
cast
Christ's
Crucifixion
with
them
that
make
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
the
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
not
into
the
middle
of
the
last
week
,
but
drive
it
quite
beyond
it
.
Eighthly
and
lastly
,
Thomas
Lydiat
from
those
words
in
Chrysostom
,
De
Natali
Johannis
Baptistae
,
viz.
Conceptus
est
Dominus
mense
Martio
,
octavo
Calendarum
Aprilium
,
Luna
quinta
decima
fuit
,
&c.
And
from
those
somewhat
before
in
the
same
Homily
,
Gesta
autem
sunt
(
viz.
about
the
Conception
of
the
Baptist
)
ante
primum
annum
Imperii
Tiberii
Caesaris
,
&c.
who
at
once
,
as
Tacitus
phrases
it
,
Filius
,
Collega
Imperii
&
Consors
Tribunitiae
potestatis
ab
Augusto
assumptus
est
;
and
that
(
as
we
heard
before
)
in
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
,
from
whence
,
I
say
,
Thomas
Lydiat
does
conclude
(
forasmuch
as
Luna
decima
quinta
joins
near
to
the
eighth
of
the
Calends
of
April
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
25.
of
March
in
the
year
when
C.
Julius
Caesar
and
L.
Aemilius
Paulus
were
Consuls
,
which
is
the
4714.
year
P.
J.
and
that
Luna
decima
quinta
,
and
the
25.
of
March
come
not
so
near
together
for
eight
years
before
)
that
Christ
must
be
born
in
the
year
of
these
Consuls
,
of
Julius
Caesar
and
Aemilius
Paulus
,
near
the
expiration
thereof
very
close
to
the
year
of
the
Consulship
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
,
when
the
middle
Tax
began
,
which
Chrysostom
,
according
to
the
vulgar
Errour
,
took
to
last
but
one
year
,
and
but
for
which
Errour
and
the
groundless
Tradition
of
Zacharias
being
High-Priest
when
the
Angel
spoke
to
him
,
and
in
the
Holiest
of
Holies
,
that
day
being
the
Feast
of
Expiation
celebrated
in
the
Month
Tizri
that
answers
to
the
Roman
September
,
he
conceives
that
Chrysostom
would
have
placed
our
Saviour's
Birth
really
before
the
Reign
of
Tiberius
,
viz.
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
:
But
as
he
has
done
,
it
gives
countenance
to
this
middle
Taxes
beginning
in
the
year
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
;
I
say
,
though
this
be
witty
and
ingenious
,
yet
because
the
Homily
is
but
dubiae
fidei
,
and
according
to
that
passage
,
it
proves
no
more
than
that
Christ
was
born
the
4714.
year
P.
J.
which
is
the
common
Dionysian
Aera
Christi
,
and
that
upon
Calculation
by
Ptolemy's
Tables
in
N.
Mulerius
,
I
do
not
find
that
the
Luna
decima
quinta
falls
in
with
the
25.
of
March
,
no
nor
yet
with
the
27.
as
Tho.
Lydiat
would
have
it
,
though
that
discrepancy
is
too
great
,
but
with
the
28.
the
Novilunium
verum
falling
near
within
an
hour
of
the
14.
of
March
,
if
you
fit
your
Computation
to
the
Meridian
of
Judaea
,
where
Christ
was
conceived
and
born
,
and
add
the
Tempus
Prosthaphaereticum
that
the
Prosthaphaereses
of
the
Sun
and
Moon
direct
to
,
which
is
very
large
:
and
lastly
,
because
the
Argument
is
more
fine
and
operose
than
convictive
,
I
shall
rest
content
with
the
seven
preceding
ones
,
which
without
any
implicateness
or
operosity
from
Authentick
Testimonies
and
fit
Epocha's
,
confirm
to
us
that
the
Oecumenical
Tax
decreed
by
Augustus
,
and
mentioned
by
S.
Luke
,
happened
about
the
Consulship
of
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
.
And
thus
much
for
the
first
Note
of
the
Time
of
Christ's
Birth
out
of
the
Evangelist
,
taken
from
the
Oecumenical
Tax
appointed
or
decreed
by
Augustus
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
That
Christ
was
born
in
the
Consulate
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
proved
from
the
abovesaid
middle
Tax
of
Augustus
at
carried
on
by
Cyrenius
in
his
first
Presidency
〈◊〉
Syria
.
A
Parepochism
committed
by
Joseph●●
〈◊〉
this
matter
.
A
Chronological
disposure
of
certain
years
for
the
more
assured
finding
out
the
true
time
of
Cyrenius
his
being
first
President
of
Syria
,
and
carrying
on
Augustus
his
middle
Tax
.
A
brief
Descant
thereon
.
The
time
of
Caius
his
going
into
the
East
,
the
main
point
to
guide
us
to
the
first
Presidency
of
Cyrenius
and
the
Nativity
of
Christ
.
Proved
by
many
Arguments
that
Augustus
sent
not
Caius
into
the
East
before
his
thirteenth
Consulate
.
Cyrenius
appointed
Tutor
to
Caius
upon
Lollius
his
death
,
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
being
Consuls
,
and
upon
Caius
being
unhappily
wounded
,
becomes
Governour
of
Syria
that
year
,
which
therefore
is
his
first
Presidency
over
Syria
,
and
the
beginning
of
his
first
Tax
when
Augustus
also
renewed
his
Censorian
Power
in
quartum
Decennium
.
This
Tax
continuing
from
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
to
the
Consulship
of
Catus
Aelius
and
Sentius
Saturninus
.
How
naturally
Christ's
Birth
is
cast
into
the
Consulate
betwixt
,
it
agreeing
also
so
punctually
with
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
.
That
the
Temple
of
Janus
was
the
third
time
shut
,
and
Augustus
refused
the
Title
of
Dominus
(
Characters
of
Christ's
Nativity
in
Orosius
)
Lamia
and
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
THE
second
Note
of
Christ's
Nativity
is
taken
from
the
same
Tax
,
but
as
in
executing
by
Cyrenius
at
one
of
those
times
when
he
was
Governour
of
Syria
.
For
he
was
two
sundry
times
Governour
of
that
Province
,
the
latter
time
was
after
the
Relegation
of
Archelaus
,
when
his
Dominion
was
added
to
Syria
.
Then
was
he
sent
by
Caesar
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
he
might
carry
on
the
Tax
thorough
Syria
,
and
sell
the
House
and
Goods
of
Archelaus
.
So
Josephus
,
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
towards
the
end
.
And
in
the
beginning
of
the
next
Book
,
he
says
that
Cyrenius
was
come
into
Syria
from
Caesar
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
sent
thither
,
ut
Jura
populis
redderet
facultatesque
censeret
omnium
.
And
lastly
,
in
the
beginning
of
the
third
Chapter
of
the
same
Book
he
tells
the
very
time
when
Cyrenius
ordered
this
Tax
,
viz.
the
37.
year
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
though
he
commits
a
Parepochism
therein
,
counting
from
the
Victoria
Actiaca
instead
of
the
eleventh
Consulate
of
Augustus
,
when
he
was
first
invested
with
that
Sacrosanct
Tribunitian
Power
.
Thirty
seven
years
from
thence
will
cast
Herod's
death
also
into
the
Consulship
of
Nerva
and
Metellus
,
there
being
about
eight
or
nine
years
from
Nerva
and
Metellus's
Consulship
to
that
time
.
But
this
is
more
than
enough
to
prove
that
there
were
two
Taxes
and
two
Presidings
of
Cyrenius
over
Syria
;
and
these
latter
being
after
Herod's
death
,
and
after
the
Relegation
of
his
Son
Archelaus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
S.
Luke
calls
it
,
his
first
Taxing
must
be
that
which
was
in
Herod's
time
,
and
near
the
time
of
Christ's
Nativity
.
For
the
knowing
the
exact
time
of
which
we
are
to
find
out
the
beginning
and
ending
of
that
time
wherein
Cyrenius
was
first
Governour
of
Syria
.
Which
T.
L.
to
give
him
his
due
,
has
accurately
sifted
out
,
and
by
authentick
Testimonies
of
Historians
proved
the
matter
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
11
,
&
12.
and
orderly
digested
it
in
his
Series
summorum
Magistratuum
&
Triumphorum
Romanorum
.
I
care
not
if
I
set
down
briefly
what
things
are
most
material
out
of
him
under
the
several
Consulships
under
which
they
are
found
,
prefixing
the
Julian
Year
to
each
Consulship
;
As
for
Example
,
Anno
Jul.
39.
Cl.
Tiberius
Nero
and
Cn.
Calphurnius
Piso
being
Consuls
;
Near
the
end
of
this
year
Augustus
conferred
upon
Tiberius
one
five
years
of
Tribunitian
Power
.
Anno
Jul.
40.
Laelius
Balbus
and
Antistius
Vetus
Coss
.
about
the
beginning
of
this
year
Tiberius
the
Son-in-law
of
Augustus
,
and
his
Partner
in
the
Tribunitian
Power
,
straightways
retires
to
the
Island
Rhodes
,
and
there
as
it
were
in
Exile
,
spends
seven
years
.
Anno
Jul.
44.
Caesar
Augustus
13.
and
Plautius
Sylvanus
Coss
.
In
this
year
Augustus
dedicates
a
Temple
to
Mars
,
and
exhibits
noble
Spectacles
or
Shows
of
Sword-plays
and
Sea-fights
,
exiles
his
Daughter
Julia
,
the
Mother
of
Caius
and
Lucius
Caesars
,
for
her
notorious
Adulteries
and
infamous
Debaucheries
,
into
Pandateria
,
an
Island
in
the
Tuscan
Sea
;
And
sends
Caius
,
going
of
his
nineteen
years
of
Age
,
into
Syria
and
the
Oriental
Provinces
(
appointing
M.
Lollius
his
Tutour
or
Governour
)
for
the
Recovering
Armenia
,
which
Phraates
King
of
the
Parthians
revolting
from
the
Romans
,
had
got
possession
of
.
Anno
Jul.
45.
Cossus
Cornelius
Lentulus
and
L.
Calphurnius
Piso
Coss
.
In
this
year
Tiberius
,
his
quinquennial
Tribunitian
Power
being
run
out
,
grew
anxious
and
melancholick
after
his
Visit
of
Caius
at
Chios
or
Samos
,
whom
,
by
reason
of
Lollius
his
traducing
of
him
,
he
found
not
so
friendly
as
heretofore
.
But
Phraates
hearing
of
Caius
his
coming
,
delivered
his
four
Sons
to
Titius
,
then
President
of
Syria
,
for
Hostages
to
the
Romans
.
Anno
Jul.
46.
C.
Julius
Caesar
Vipsanianus
and
L.
Aemilius
Paulus
Coss
.
In
this
year
Caius
Caesar
and
Saraspades
,
the
eldest
Son
of
Phraates
,
conclude
a
Peace
in
an
Island
of
Euphrates
,
feasting
one
another
.
At
what
time
Lollius
his
perfidiousness
being
discovered
by
a
certain
Parthian
,
he
died
a
few
days
after
,
and
hereupon
leave
was
granted
to
Tiberius
to
return
to
Rome
.
This
also
is
the
year
wherein
the
Temple
of
Janus
was
shut
the
third
time
by
Augustus
.
Anno
Jul.
47.
P.
Vinicius
and
P.
Alfinius
Varus
Coss
.
Tiberius
returns
from
Rhodes
to
Rome
six
years
after
he
departed
thence
,
and
two
years
after
his
Tribunitian
Power
was
expired
.
And
in
this
year
,
Lollius
being
dead
,
Cyrenius
President
of
Cilicia
is
appointed
Governour
by
Augustus
to
Caius
,
having
regained
Armenia
,
which
he
administred
prosperously
a
while
,
till
he
chanced
to
be
wounded
by
a
perfidious
Fellow
,
and
became
presently
unserviceable
to
the
Publick
;
so
that
the
Prefecture
of
Syria
and
the
Oriental
Provinces
necessarily
fell
to
the
Administration
of
Quirinius
or
Cyrenius
.
About
this
time
also
Lucius
Caesar
,
Caius
his
Brother
,
died
at
Marseils
,
as
he
was
going
for
Spain
.
And
Augustus
renewed
his
Censorian
Power
for
a
fourth
ten
years
,
and
so
began
his
Tax
in
this
,
and
ended
it
in
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
.
Anno
Jul.
48.
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
Coss
.
In
this
year
Caius
Caesar
returning
towards
Italy
,
died
in
Lycia
,
and
C.
Sentius
Saturninus
his
appointed
Successour
by
Augustus
,
carries
on
the
Tax
which
Quirinius
begun
.
In
the
year
of
these
same
Consuls
,
as
T.
L.
notes
,
Hubertus
Goltzius
collects
out
of
Dion
,
Suetonius
and
Tacitus
,
that
Augustus
guarded
the
Roman
Empire
with
no
less
than
twenty
five
Legions
of
Roman
Souldiers
distributed
through
the
Provinces
,
besides
Auxiliaries
and
numerous
Companies
of
Horse
and
Foot
,
and
three
great
Navies
to
guard
the
Sea-Coasts
of
Italy
and
France
:
And
therefore
that
there
might
be
without
difficulty
a
perpetual
Supply
for
the
maintaining
such
vast
Forces
,
that
he
ordered
a
Tribute
of
the
hundred
and
twentieth
part
,
together
with
three
Overseers
of
the
Treasury
.
Anno
Jul.
49.
Sext.
Aelius
Catus
and
C.
Sentius
Saturninus
Coss
.
In
this
year
the
two
young
Princes
,
Lucius
and
Caius
,
being
dead
,
that
were
Tiberius
his
Corrivals
,
Augustus
does
again
impart
to
Tiberius
,
after
the
intermission
of
his
quinquennial
for
four
years
near
upon
,
a
decennial
Tribunitian
Power
.
This
is
the
Chronological
Disposure
of
things
for
these
years
,
according
to
T.
L.
which
he
makes
good
from
Authentick
Testimonies
of
Historians
,
such
as
Tacitus
,
Velleius
Paterculus
,
Suetonius
,
Dion
,
&c.
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
11
,
&
12.
and
the
things
themselves
lie
in
a
very
natural
order
and
coherency
.
His
placing
Tiberius
his
obtaining
a
quinquennial
Tribunitian
Power
at
the
end
of
the
thirty
ninth
Julian
year
,
is
but
a
small
difference
from
Dionysius
Petavius
his
placing
it
out
of
Dion
in
the
beginning
of
the
fortieth
,
when
Balbus
and
Antistius
were
Consuls
.
But
that
makes
it
the
more
sure
,
that
Caius
his
going
into
the
East
to
reduce
the
Parthians
,
was
at
least
not
before
the
thirteenth
Consulship
of
Augustus
,
he
being
saluted
by
Tiberius
at
Samos
or
Chios
after
the
expiration
of
his
quinquennial
Tribunitian
Power
.
But
according
to
Suetonius
in
his
Life
,
Cap.
11
,
&
12.
there
being
such
Transactions
betwixt
the
expiration
of
his
quinquennial
Tribunitian
Power
,
and
his
saluting
Caius
in
Samos
,
as
would
take
up
some
time
;
this
I
conceive
made
T.
L.
place
the
beginning
of
that
quinquennial
Power
toward
the
latter
end
of
Nero's
and
Piso's
Consulship
,
rather
than
about
the
beginning
of
the
Consulship
of
Balbus
and
Antistius
;
so
that
it
will
come
all
to
one
.
And
this
is
the
main
Point
that
will
conduct
us
to
the
true
time
of
Publius
Quirinius
or
Cyrenius
his
being
Governour
of
Syria
,
and
the
time
of
the
Tax
and
Christ's
Nativity
.
Which
that
it
was
not
some
years
before
the
thirteenth
Consulship
of
Augustus
,
T.
L.
in
his
12.
Chapter
of
his
Recensio
makes
clearly
out
against
the
Conceits
of
Scaliger
,
Petavius
,
Suslyga
,
Kepler
and
others
.
For
not
only
Velleius
and
Suetonius
,
but
Dion
also
placing
the
time
of
Caius
his
going
into
the
East
after
the
Banishment
of
his
Mother
Julia
,
it
is
plain
,
says
he
,
from
the
Age
of
Julia
,
that
she
could
not
be
banished
before
the
thirteenth
Consulship
of
Augustus
.
For
she
was
born
in
the
beginning
of
the
Consulship
of
Marcus
Censorinus
and
Calvisius
Sabinus
,
and
she
lived
in
the
favour
of
Augustus
till
she
was
thirty
eight
years
old
,
as
Macrobius
witnesses
in
his
Saturnalia
.
But
now
from
Censorinus
and
Sabinus
his
Consulship
to
the
thirteenth
Consulship
of
Augustus
,
take
it
inclusively
,
there
is
no
less
than
thirty
eight
years
;
so
that
she
could
not
be
banished
till
then
.
Again
,
Suetonius
writes
,
that
five
years
after
her
Banishment
she
was
recalled
by
Augustus
.
The
time
of
her
being
recalled
,
Dion
tells
us
,
was
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
and
Sentius
,
from
which
Consulate
,
if
you
reckon
backwards
five
years
,
you
will
fall
again
into
the
thirteenth
Consulate
of
Augustus
.
Thirdly
,
Sempronius
Gracchus
,
one
of
Julia's
Adulterers
,
and
banished
to
Circina
,
an
Island
in
the
African
Sea
,
when
she
was
to
Pandateria
,
at
the
end
of
his
fourteenth
year's
Banishment
was
put
to
death
by
Tiberius
,
Pompeius
and
Apuleius
being
Consuls
.
Now
there
are
fourteen
years
distance
betwixt
the
thirteenth
Consulship
of
Augustus
and
the
Consulship
of
Apuleius
and
Pompeius
.
Fourthly
and
lastly
,
Caius
was
born
Apuleius
and
Nerva
being
Consuls
,
as
Dion
notes
:
and
he
took
his
Expedition
against
the
Parthians
(
Parthe
dabis
poenas
)
when
he
was
about
nineteen
or
twenty
,
the
Age
of
his
Father
Augustus
when
he
gathered
an
Army
,
(
as
was
noted
above
,
out
of
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
)
according
as
Ovid
tells
us
in
his
Complemental
Verses
to
him
,
Auspiciis
annisque
patris
puer
arma
movebis
,
Et
vinces
annis
auspiciisque
patris
.
Wherefore
,
though
he
be
a
false
Prophet
,
yet
he
is
a
pleasant
Poet
and
true
Witness
of
the
Age
of
Caius
.
Which
if
he
be
,
the
Expedition
will
naturally
fall
into
the
Consulate
of
Lentulus
and
Piso
,
as
is
above
noted
.
Then
was
he
on
his
Expedition
with
his
Rector
or
Governour
M.
Lollius
.
Whence
we
see
plainly
,
that
Augustus
sent
not
Caius
into
the
East
before
his
thirteenth
Consulate
,
but
that
T.
L.
his
Chronology
which
I
have
proposed
by
Consulships
and
Julian
years
,
is
true
.
Now
as
we
are
assured
of
the
time
when
Caius
was
upon
his
Parthian
Expedition
by
the
expiration
of
Tiberius
his
quinquennial
Tribunitian
Power
,
Anno
Jul.
45.
Lentulus
and
Piso
being
Consuls
,
so
we
are
by
the
same
assured
that
it
was
the
next
year
that
Caius
concluded
the
Peace
with
the
Parthians
,
at
what
time
M.
Lollius
died
,
and
so
fairly
gave
occasion
for
a
new
Tutour
to
Caius
,
which
within
a
competent
time
Augustus
would
appoint
him
.
The
next
year
therefore
when
Caius
had
taken
possession
of
Armenia
,
Publius
Quirinius
is
appointed
his
Rector
or
Tutor
,
as
Tacitus
plainly
tells
us
Annal.
lib.
3.
where
speaking
of
the
Honours
conferred
upon
him
,
he
says
,
Consulatum
sub
Divo
Augusto
,
(
viz.
Anno
Jul.
34.
)
mox
expugnatis
per
Ciliciam
(
of
which
Province
he
had
the
Prefecture
,
not
of
Syria
then
,
else
you
may
be
sure
Tacitus
would
not
have
omitted
so
great
an
Honour
)
Homonadensium
castellis
,
insignia
Triumphi
adeptus
,
datusque
Rector
Caio
Caesari
Armeniam
obtinenti
.
What
can
be
more
pat
,
Cilicia
being
near
Armenia
,
nor
Quirinius
made
Caius
his
Rectour
till
his
Recuperation
of
Armenia
.
But
Caius
a
little
time
after
his
ingress
into
Armenia
,
being
so
unhappily
wounded
,
and
grown
unfit
for
the
Administration
of
Affairs
,
the
whole
Government
of
Syria
naturally
fell
into
the
hands
of
Quirinius
or
Cyrenius
this
Anno
Jul.
47.
when
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
were
Consuls
,
and
is
the
year
of
Augustus
his
renewing
his
Censorian
Power
in
quartum
Decennium
,
so
great
congruity
there
is
of
things
.
Here
therefore
commences
the
first
Presidentship
of
Cyrenius
over
Syria
,
and
here
is
the
beginning
of
this
first
Tax
in
the
first
time
of
his
being
Governour
thereof
,
and
is
consequently
that
very
Oecumenical
Tax
of
Augustus
that
the
Evangelist
mentions
,
and
the
middle
of
the
three
recorded
by
Suetonius
and
the
Monumentum
Ancyranum
,
and
the
Tax
wherein
Christ
was
born
,
which
lasting
three
Consulships
together
,
(
for
as
it
began
in
the
Consulship
of
Vinicius
and
Alfinius
,
so
it
ended
in
the
Consulship
of
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
,
as
was
above
proved
out
of
Dion
;
and
as
the
fore-part
of
it
was
carried
on
by
Cyrenius
,
so
the
latter
part
of
it
by
Sentius
Saturninus
the
Consuls
Father
and
Cyrenius
his
Successour
in
the
Government
of
Syria
,
as
appears
out
of
Tertullian
)
It
is
natural
therefore
and
obvious
to
place
the
Birth
of
Christ
in
the
middle
Consulship
,
viz.
that
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
,
nothing
clashing
therewith
in
History
,
and
it
so
fitly
complying
with
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
the
thirtieth
Consulate
from
thence
being
the
thirtieth
year
of
Christ's
Age
when
he
was
baptized
by
John
the
first
year
of
the
last
week
,
and
the
Prophecy
says
expresly
,
that
there
were
seven
weeks
and
sixty
two
weeks
,
that
is
,
sixty
nine
weeks
from
the
Decree
to
build
Jerusalem
to
the
Messiah
.
Wherefore
his
Manifestation
(
which
was
made
at
his
Baptism
)
was
to
be
expected
in
the
first
year
of
the
last
week
,
as
it
did
indeed
fall
out
according
to
this
Compute
.
Wherefore
this
Note
of
Christ's
Birth
from
the
carrying
on
the
Tax
by
Cyrenius
Governour
of
Syria
mentioned
in
S.
Luke
,
I
take
to
be
a
firm
Argument
to
prove
that
Christ
was
born
Anno
Jul.
48.
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
We
will
add
but
one
Argument
more
,
and
then
conclude
.
The
last
Argument
T.
L.
uses
,
is
taken
from
a
passage
of
Paulus
Orosius
,
lib.
6.
Histor.
adversus
Paganos
,
towards
the
end
.
Wherein
briefly
these
two
things
are
noted
,
That
Christ
was
born
when
there
was
an
universal
Peace
over
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
the
Gates
of
Janus
were
the
third
time
shut
by
Augustus
,
and
in
the
year
when
Augustus
refused
to
be
called
Dominus
,
Lord
.
Orosius
his
mistakes
in
that
long
Paragraph
,
it
is
besides
my
Scope
to
take
notice
of
.
But
as
for
those
two
notable
Characters
of
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Nativity
,
we
have
noted
before
that
Anno
Jul.
46.
C.
Julius
Caesar
and
L.
Aemilius
Paulus
being
Consuls
,
Caius
Caesar
concluded
a
Peace
with
Phraates
King
of
the
Parthians
,
and
that
the
Temple
of
Janus
was
the
third
time
shut
by
Augustus
that
year
(
as
it
was
before
twice
,
the
first
time
in
his
fifth
Consulship
,
Sextus
Apuleius
being
Consul
with
him
,
and
then
in
his
ninth
,
Junius
Silanus
being
Consul
in
the
same
year
)
during
which
Oecumenical
calm
over
the
Empire
Christ
was
born
.
And
if
in
the
year
when
Augustus
refused
the
stile
of
Lord
,
then
it
must
be
in
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
because
Dion
just
in
the
same
place
where
he
says
,
that
Augustus
refused
to
be
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
it
is
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
Lord
,
he
says
there
presently
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
his
third
Decennium
being
fully
out
,
he
accepted
of
a
fourth
.
Now
that
the
fourth
Decennium
of
his
Censorian
Power
began
in
the
Consulate
of
Aelius
Lamia
and
Servilius
Geminus
,
I
have
proved
above
in
the
twelfth
Chapter
.
But
we
had
produced
Arguments
enough
before
this
to
demonstrate
,
That
the
Nativity
of
Christ
was
indeed
Anno
Jul.
48.
or
Anno
P.
J.
47.16
.
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
being
Consuls
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Two
Objections
out
of
Josephus
that
would
prove
that
Caius
took
not
his
Expedition
into
the
East
till
after
Herod
was
dead
.
(
1.
)
Because
Josephus
mentions
no
Civilities
done
by
Herod
to
Caius
as
he
passed
Judaea
.
(
2.
)
Josephus
expresly
says
,
that
Caius
was
at
that
Council
that
was
called
at
Rome
touching
the
disposing
of
Herod
's
Kingdom
upon
his
decease
.
The
Defectuousness
,
Remisness
and
Carelesness
of
Josephus
in
several
things
,
noted
by
Tho.
Lydiat
and
others
.
His
gross
mistake
in
the
time
of
the
Commission
granted
to
Nehemiah
noted
by
the
Author
.
That
he
cannot
be
excused
from
the
distance
of
Time
or
remoteness
of
Country
.
An
Answer
to
the
first
Objection
.
Whether
it
was
ignorance
or
dissimulation
in
Josephus
that
he
writes
nothing
of
Caius
his
Expedition
into
the
East
.
Herod
's
Policy
in
forecasting
his
journey
to
Rome
,
while
Caius
went
into
the
East
.
An
Answer
to
the
second
Objection
,
that
supposing
there
was
any
Son
of
Augustus
at
the
above-mentioned
Council
,
Josephus
has
committed
a
Misnomer
,
and
set
down
Caius
for
Agrippa
Posthumus
.
Several
Allegations
out
of
Historians
,
that
it
could
not
be
Agrippa
that
Augustus
so
honoured
in
that
Council
.
Passages
out
of
Tacitus
and
Dion
that
imply
that
it
might
be
he
.
That
if
Josephus
did
really
mean
Caius
,
he
must
do
it
on
a
ground
wherein
he
grosly
contradicts
himself
,
and
wherein
he
was
more
obnoxious
to
Errour
,
than
in
the
other
part
of
the
Contradiction
.
That
this
story
of
Caius
his
Precedence
in
the
above-named
Council
is
no
rash
fiction
of
Josephus
,
but
handsomly
furmised
upon
his
committing
that
notable
Parepochism
touching
Herod
's
Reign
.
WE
have
seen
how
agreeable
that
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
viz.
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
which
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
from
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
,
points
at
,
is
to
History
.
We
should
now
show
in
like
manner
how
agreeable
to
History
the
Times
of
Christ's
Manifestation
or
Baptism
and
of
his
Passion
are
to
be
found
.
But
we
must
first
answer
an
Objection
or
two
,
that
seem
of
great
moment
against
a
chief
Argument
we
have
made
use
of
,
namely
the
last
but
one
,
which
is
grounded
upon
the
time
of
Caius
Caesar's
Expedition
into
the
East
,
when
he
was
made
Governour
of
Syria
,
and
sent
to
conclude
a
Peace
with
Phraates
King
of
the
Parthians
(
after
which
it
is
concluded
on
all
sides
that
he
never
returned
again
to
Rome
,
but
died
in
the
way
when
he
was
returning
thither
)
and
supposes
that
he
undertook
this
Expedition
before
the
Death
of
Herod
.
Now
the
main
Objections
against
this
,
is
First
,
That
if
Caius
had
took
his
Journey
into
the
East
while
Herod
was
alive
,
sith
he
mought
needs
sail
by
Judaea
,
that
Josephus
would
not
have
failed
to
record
Herod's
Civilities
and
Attendances
on
him
,
as
he
does
those
done
to
Augustus
and
Agrippa
when
they
passed
by
.
And
then
,
Secondly
,
That
Josephus
expresly
affirms
both
in
his
De
Bello
Judaico
,
and
also
in
his
Jewish
Antiquities
,
That
Caius
was
at
Rome
after
the
Death
of
Herod
,
present
at
that
Meeting
called
about
the
dividing
Herod's
Kingdom
amongst
his
Sons
upon
his
decease
.
And
therefore
Caius
his
Expedition
into
the
East
being
Anno
Jul.
44.
according
to
T.
L.
himself
,
and
Herod
dead
the
year
before
,
or
at
least
the
same
year
,
and
Christ
born
at
least
the
year
before
that
,
or
sooner
,
suppose
Anno
Jul.
43
,
or
42.
Christ
will
be
born
five
or
six
years
before
the
Consulship
of
L.
Aelius
Lamia
and
M.
Servilius
Geminus
.
And
yet
the
words
of
Josephus
are
express
,
De
Bello
Judaico
,
lib.
2.
cap.
1
,
or
4.
according
to
the
Greek
.
There
says
he
,
speaking
of
this
matter
,
that
Augustus
considering
the
Largeness
of
the
Revenues
of
Herod's
Kingdom
,
and
the
Numerousness
of
his
Posterity
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
which
last
words
in
his
Antiq.
Jud.
lib.
17.
cap.
11.
he
varies
thus
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
But
the
sense
is
perfectly
the
same
,
nor
need
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
former
be
turned
into
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
Answer
to
which
two
Objections
we
are
first
to
consider
whether
Josephus
,
though
he
be
a
worthy
Writer
,
and
a
Man
questionless
of
neat
Wit
and
Contrivance
;
yet
whether
he
be
so
watchful
,
diligent
and
consummate
an
Historian
,
that
we
must
pin
our
belief
on
him
in
every
thing
he
writes
.
For
we
have
observed
in
our
eleventh
Chapter
how
repugnantly
he
has
written
to
himself
touching
the
Age
of
Herod
and
years
of
his
Reign
.
Petavius
in
his
Rationarium
Temporum
does
not
think
him
so
infallible
,
careful
or
diligent
,
but
that
he
cries
out
Part
2.
lib.
3.
cap.
5.
Hîc
verò
Josephi
mira
est
oscitantia
,
qui
illos
ipsos
,
unde
hanc
Historiam
descripsit
,
auctores
incuriosè
legit
,
but
how
rightfully
I
will
not
here
determine
.
And
for
the
defectuousness
of
his
History
T.
L.
seems
justly
to
complain
thereof
when
he
wholly
omitted
the
Expedition
of
Caius
Caesar
into
the
East
,
which
yet
is
a
thing
as
memorable
as
any
thing
almost
in
that
Age
,
and
the
Peace
which
he
there
concluded
with
the
Parthian
,
was
the
occasion
of
Augustus
his
shutting
Janus
his
Temple
the
third
time
.
Nor
must
we
omit
what
T.
L.
takes
notice
of
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
15.
That
Josephus
in
his
Antiquities
,
lib.
18.
cap.
3.
affirms
,
that
that
Tax
in
which
Quirinius
Governour
of
Syria
sold
and
confiscated
the
Goods
of
banished
Archelaus
,
fell
in
the
37.
year
of
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
whenas
it
is
impossible
but
this
should
be
the
third
of
those
three
that
Augustus
decreed
;
forasmuch
as
the
second
was
carried
on
and
finished
Aelius
Catus
and
Sentius
Saturninus
being
Consuls
,
as
has
been
above
demonstrated
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
34.
year
of
the
Victoria
Actiaca
,
Herod
,
Archelaus
his
Father
,
being
then
living
,
as
is
manifest
out
of
Sacred
Writ
.
But
the
third
and
last
Tax
was
finished
a
little
before
Augustus
his
Death
Pompeius
and
Apuleius
being
Consuls
in
the
44.
year
of
the
Victoria
Actiaca
.
Wherefore
it
is
plain
,
that
either
out
of
ignorance
or
oscitancy
Josephus
,
as
I
have
noted
before
,
has
committed
a
Parepochismus
,
and
taken
the
Epocha
of
Augustus
his
Monarchy
simply
so
understood
from
the
time
he
reigned
alone
,
for
the
Epocha
of
his
absolute
Monarchy
when
he
was
invested
with
that
most
Sovereign
and
Sacrosanct
Tribunitian
Power
which
was
nine
years
after
the
Victoria
Actiaca
.
From
that
Epocha
only
it
is
true
that
the
Tax
in
which
Quirinius
sold
and
confiscated
Archelaus
his
Goods
,
fell
in
the
37.
year
of
Augustus
his
Monarchy
.
In
which
though
the
description
was
made
,
yet
the
Execution
was
some
two
years
afterwards
.
See
T.
L.
in
that
Chapter
where
he
fully
makes
out
the
matter
.
But
I
do
not
love
to
dwell
on
such
a
Theme
.
I
will
only
add
one
thing
more
of
my
own
Observation
.
Josephus
in
his
Antiquities
,
lib.
11.
cap.
5.
affirms
that
that
Commission
which
was
granted
to
Nehemiah
for
rebuilding
Jerusalem
was
granted
by
Xerxes
,
instead
of
Artaxerxes
,
which
is
a
gross
Antonomasma
.
And
as
he
is
out
in
the
Name
,
so
in
the
Number
of
the
years
of
the
Reign
of
that
Prince
when
he
granted
that
Commission
,
which
he
makes
the
twenty
fifth
,
instead
of
the
twentieth
;
and
then
in
the
extent
of
the
Reign
of
Xerxes
he
makes
him
to
reign
twenty
eight
years
,
contrary
to
Ptolemy's
Canon
,
which
makes
him
reign
but
twenty
one
years
,
and
contrary
to
the
Testimony
of
all
other
Historians
.
And
that
which
was
not
done
till
after
the
twentieth
year
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
viz.
the
rebuilding
of
the
Walls
of
Jerusalem
and
the
Palaces
thereof
,
&c.
he
expresly
affirms
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
These
things
were
done
in
the
Reign
of
Xerxes
.
What
can
be
more
wild
and
absurd
?
But
haply
it
will
be
replied
,
That
though
he
commit
such
gross
mistakes
in
times
so
far
removed
from
the
Age
he
lived
in
,
and
in
Countries
so
much
remote
from
his
own
,
yet
he
may
be
more
exact
in
such
things
as
respect
his
own
Country
,
and
were
done
so
near
his
own
times
,
as
the
Affairs
of
Herod
were
.
But
though
Persia
was
far
from
Judaea
,
and
the
Reign
of
Xerxes
and
Artaxerxes
far
from
the
times
of
Josephus
,
yet
the
Records
of
his
own
Country
,
the
Books
of
Ezra
and
Nehemiah
were
near
him
,
and
within
his
reach
,
one
would
think
,
whence
he
might
have
informed
himself
better
,
and
not
committed
such
gross
errours
,
if
he
had
not
been
remiss
and
careless
.
And
thus
much
shall
serve
for
the
preparing
the
way
to
an
Answer
to
those
two
main
Objections
,
which
we
shall
be
able
now
briefly
to
dispatch
.
We
answer
therefore
to
the
first
,
That
it
is
an
unreasonable
thing
,
Josephus
wholly
omitting
the
Expedition
of
Caius
Caesar
into
the
East
,
and
his
making
Peace
with
Phraates
King
of
Parthia
,
that
we
should
expect
of
him
the
commemorating
any
Civilities
or
Attendances
of
Herod
upon
Caius
Caesar
as
he
passed
by
Judaea
,
it
being
a
contradiction
,
the
whole
entirely
omitted
,
there
should
be
mention
of
any
part
of
that
affair
.
This
argues
a
great
defect
in
Josephus
his
History
,
but
none
in
T.
L.
his
arguing
in
this
matter
.
But
whether
Josephus
his
ignorance
,
or
his
dissembling
the
truth
,
was
the
cause
of
this
great
omission
,
is
not
so
easie
to
determine
.
Suetonius
in
the
Life
of
Augustus
writes
of
him
thus
:
Caium
nepotem
quòd
Judaeam
praetervehens
apud
Hierosolymam
non
supplicâsset
,
collaudavit
.
This
pride
therefore
and
contempt
of
Josephus
his
Religion
,
who
was
a
Jew
,
might
lye
in
his
stomach
,
and
make
him
omit
the
whole
business
of
Caius
,
for
his
omitting
his
duty
,
as
he
thought
,
to
the
God
of
Israel
in
worshipping
him
at
his
holy
Temple
,
as
other
Grandees
of
Rome
had
done
.
He
avoided
the
Recording
the
whole
Affair
of
Caius
,
that
he
might
not
record
this
slur
put
upon
his
Religion
.
Or
it
may
be
it
was
out
of
ignorance
of
this
affair
,
it
having
no
complication
with
Herod's
at
all
;
Herod
out
of
cautiousness
and
policy
,
that
he
might
neither
offend
Caius
by
omitting
any
Civilities
he
might
expect
in
his
passage
by
Judaea
,
nor
Tiberius
his
Corrival
by
doing
them
,
casting
his
journey
so
,
that
he
was
on
his
way
to
Rome
,
(
which
is
the
last
he
made
thither
)
while
the
other
was
on
his
Expedition
into
the
East
,
insomuch
that
Herod
was
absent
from
Judaea
in
that
very
year
when
Christ
was
born
.
This
T.
L.
copiously
makes
out
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
14.
but
it
is
little
to
our
present
purpose
to
pursue
it
any
further
:
Only
this
I
will
note
by
the
bye
,
that
Christ
being
born
this
very
year
of
Herod's
last
journey
to
Rome
,
there
are
so
many
things
done
by
Herod
after
his
return
recorded
by
Josephus
,
that
less
than
three
or
four
years
cannot
suffice
for
the
atchieving
the
same
.
Which
therefore
much
confirms
the
Opinion
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
that
declare
that
Herod
lived
four
years
after
Christ
was
born
.
And
now
for
the
other
,
which
is
the
more
weighty
Objection
,
the
Answer
is
short
,
but
I
hope
sound
.
I
say
therefore
,
that
Josephus
in
his
Narration
of
Caius
his
being
present
at
the
Council
when
the
Cause
of
Herod's
Sons
was
pleaded
,
who
should
succeed
him
in
his
Kingdom
,
(
supposing
there
was
any
of
Augustus
his
Sons
at
that
Pleading
,
which
I
speak
,
because
no
other
ancient
Writer
I
know
of
mentions
it
but
himself
)
that
he
has
committed
a
mere
Antonomasma
or
Misnomer
therein
,
as
he
did
in
attributing
such
things
to
Xerxes
which
belong
to
Artaxerxes
,
and
as
Epiphanius
is
observed
by
Petavius
to
set
down
Claudius
instead
of
Cocceius
Nerva
(
see
my
Synopsis
Prophetica
,
lib.
2.
cap.
2.
sect.
8.
)
But
this
Antonomasma
of
Josephus
in
this
place
is
more
excusable
than
those
others
,
every
thing
exquisitely
agreeing
saving
the
Name
.
For
Augustus
might
place
first
in
the
Council
an
adopted
Son
of
his
born
of
Agrippa
and
his
Daughter
Julia
,
but
his
Name
was
not
Caius
,
but
Agrippa
Posthumus
.
Nor
could
there
be
the
least
doubt
but
that
it
is
an
Antonomastick
mistake
,
but
that
Writers
give
such
an
ill
Character
of
Agrippa
Posthumus
.
As
Velleius
Paterculus
,
lib.
2.
Hoc
fere
tempore
,
says
he
,
qui
eodem
die
quo
Tiberius
,
adoptatus
ab
avo
suo
naturali
,
&
jam
ante
biennium
qualis
esset
apparere
coeperat
,
mirâ
pravitate
animi
atque
ingenii
in
praecipitia
conversus
,
patris
atque
ejusdem
avi
sui
animum
alienavit
sibi
,
moxque
crescentibus
indies
vitiis
dignum
furore
suo
habuit
exitum
.
This
last
I
verily
conceive
is
meant
for
a
justification
of
Tiberius
his
killing
of
him
immediately
after
Augustus
his
death
,
and
Velleius
is
a
great
Flatterer
and
high
Encomiast
of
Tiberius
every
where
in
his
Writings
.
And
again
Suetonius
in
the
Life
of
Augustus
,
cap.
65.
mentioning
his
three
Grandchildren
Lucius
,
Caius
and
Agrippa
:
Brevi
,
(
that
is
,
a
little
after
Augustus
had
adopted
him
the
same
time
he
did
Tiberius
)
ob
ingenium
sordidum
ac
ferox
abdicavit
,
seposuitque
Surrentum
,
cast
him
off
and
confined
him
to
Surrentum
.
And
then
toward
the
end
of
that
Chapter
he
says
,
Agrippam
nihilo
tract
abiliorem
immò
indies
amentiorem
(
this
in
all
likelihood
is
spoken
in
imitation
of
Velleius
his
[
dignum
furore
suo
habuit
exitum
]
)
in
Insulam
transportavit
sepsitque
insuper
custodia
militum
.
And
lastly
,
Dion
Cassius
,
lib.
55.
describes
Agrippa
as
one
that
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
did
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
love
to
be
much
on
the
Sea
a
fishing
,
and
thence
stiled
himself
Neptunus
,
that
he
would
reproach
Livia
as
a
Stepmother
,
and
mutter
against
Augustus
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
if
he
had
more
of
his
Father
Agrippa's
Goods
than
was
fit
.
For
this
Carriage
therefore
he
was
at
last
abdicated
by
Augustus
,
and
banished
into
the
Island
Planasia
.
These
things
I
thought
fit
to
bring
into
view
,
that
I
might
not
seem
to
trepan
any
one
unawares
into
an
opinion
,
by
concealing
what
might
make
him
more
shy
and
wary
.
But
now
that
I
have
produced
the
worst
,
let
us
see
what
it
will
amount
to
.
In
all
likelihood
to
no
more
than
Tacitus
sets
down
in
the
beginning
of
his
Annals
.
Senem
Augustum
Livia
devinxerat
,
adeò
ut
Nepotem
unicum
Agrippam
Posthumum
in
Insulam
Planasiam
projiceret
,
rudem
sanè
bonarum
artium
&
robore
corporis
stolidè
ferocem
,
nullius
tamen
flagitii
compertum
.
Livia
had
got
Augustus
grown
old
so
much
under
her
girdle
,
that
at
last
she
caused
him
to
banish
Agrippa
his
only
Grandchild
against
his
own
inclination
into
the
Island
Planasia
;
as
haply
she
at
first
was
the
cause
of
his
Confinement
to
Surrentum
for
a
while
.
But
the
affection
of
Augustus
did
so
firmly
cleave
to
his
only
Grandchild
left
M.
Agrippa
Posthumus
,
that
he
is
said
,
as
the
same
Historian
writes
,
not
long
before
his
death
to
have
given
him
a
private
Visit
,
with
some
few
he
could
confide
in
(
Fabius
Maximus
accompanying
him
)
at
Planasia
.
Multas
illic
utriusque
lachrymas
&
signa
caritatis
,
spemque
ex
eo
fore
ut
juvenis
penatibus
Avi
redderetur
.
(
Dion
also
lib.
56.
speaks
to
the
same
purpose
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
Which
secret
coming
out
by
Martia
Fabius
his
Wife
,
and
Livia
knowing
thereof
,
occasioned
her
to
hasten
Augustus
his
death
by
poisoned
Figs
,
the
better
to
secure
the
Empire
to
her
Son
Tiberius
.
See
the
full
story
in
Tacitus
and
Dion
.
Wherefore
to
save
Josephus
his
credit
,
and
to
make
him
mistaken
only
nomine
tenus
,
(
as
Plutarch
in
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
who
puts
Fulvius
for
Fabius
above-named
,
in
which
story
it
is
most
manifest
how
cleaving
Augustus
his
affection
was
to
his
Grandchild
Agrippa
to
the
very
last
)
to
commit
,
I
say
,
only
an
Antonomastick
errour
T.
L.
ingeniously
supposes
that
Augustus
had
not
so
little
favour
for
Agrippa
Posthumus
,
but
that
to
see
how
this
might
work
upon
him
,
he
caused
him
to
be
present
at
the
Pleading
of
the
Cause
of
Herod's
Children
,
who
should
succeed
;
Tiberius
being
then
absent
and
employed
in
the
German
or
Illyrick
Wars
.
Which
unexpected
eruption
of
Favour
toward
Agrippa
might
so
nettle
Livia
and
her
Relations
,
that
thereupon
she
might
the
more
forcibly
urge
Augustus
to
discard
Agrippa
toward
the
latter
end
of
that
year
,
and
banish
him
into
the
Island
Planasia
.
This
is
the
only
way
I
know
to
save
Josephus
his
credit
.
But
if
it
be
stood
upon
,
that
Josephus
did
really
mean
Caius
,
not
Agrippa
Posthumus
upon
his
own
supposition
or
declaration
that
Herod
reigned
not
above
thirty
seven
years
,
or
thereabout
,
and
that
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
is
from
his
first
being
made
King
of
the
Jews
by
the
Roman
Senate
and
Favour
of
M.
Antony
;
from
whence
it
follows
,
that
the
abovesaid
Council
held
touching
the
Succession
into
Herod's
Kingdom
,
fell
out
seasonably
in
the
year
before
Caius
took
his
Expedition
into
the
East
,
and
so
was
yet
present
at
Rome
,
the
Controversie
will
then
come
to
this
:
Whether
Josephus
when
he
affirms
thus
,
or
whether
when
he
affirms
what
is
plainly
repugnant
thereto
[
That
Herod
was
but
about
fifteen
years
of
Age
when
his
Father
Antipater
made
him
Prefect
of
Galilee
,
(
which
implies
that
Herod
died
about
ten
years
later
)
]
is
to
be
believed
.
But
this
Controversie
is
sufficiently
determined
to
our
hands
already
in
our
eleventh
Chapter
.
Which
the
Reader
may
peruse
again
,
if
he
find
it
needful
.
It
is
not
needful
for
me
to
repeat
it
again
here
.
CHAP.
XV.
That
Christ
was
baptized
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
,
proved
from
the
Prophecy
of
Daniel
from
the
year
of
Christ's
Nativity
and
his
Age
when
baptized
.
Nothing
in
S.
Luke
repugnant
to
Christ's
being
baptized
in
the
fourth
year
of
the
Baptist
's
Ministry
,
with
the
childishness
of
their
phancy
that
pretend
to
the
contrary
.
The
genuine
sense
of
that
expression
of
S.
Paul
[
As
John
had
fulfilled
his
course
.
]
Four
Arguments
couched
together
for
the
proving
Christ
was
baptized
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
.
Historical
passages
which
comport
with
the
Baptist
's
four
years
Ministry
:
As
that
of
the
Jews
saying
to
Christ
,
Forty
six
years
was
this
Temple
in
building
,
&c.
John
not
beheaded
till
Vitellius
was
Prefect
of
Syria
(
which
was
in
the
twenty
first
of
Tiberius
,
about
two
years
after
he
had
baptized
Christ
.
That
the
slaughter
of
the
Galileans
or
Samaritans
by
Pilate
was
in
the
last
year
of
his
own
Prefecture
,
and
Tiberius
his
Reign
,
while
Christ
was
alive
.
WE
have
cleared
the
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
,
and
showed
how
consonant
it
is
to
manifold
Testimonies
of
Authentick
History
.
We
proceed
now
to
Christ's
Manifestation
or
Baptism
,
which
according
to
the
indigitation
of
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
and
History
of
Scripture
,
is
the
year
4745.
P.
J.
and
the
nineteenth
year
of
the
Reign
of
Tiberius
,
the
time
of
the
Manifestation
of
the
Messias
,
according
to
the
Prophecy
of
Daniel
,
being
69
weeks
or
483
years
complete
,
and
Christ
,
according
to
the
Testimony
of
S.
Luke
,
being
about
thirty
years
of
Age
when
he
was
baptized
by
John
the
Baptist
;
which
was
the
time
of
his
Manifestation
,
the
Holy
Ghost
then
descending
upon
him
in
the
shape
of
a
Dove
,
and
a
Voice
from
Heaven
witnessing
of
him
,
that
he
was
the
Messias
the
Son
of
God
.
If
you
reckon
inclusively
from
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
,
which
was
in
the
4716.
year
P.
J.
you
will
find
it
just
thirty
years
.
Which
alone
,
the
time
of
the
Nativity
of
Christ
being
so
fully
cleared
,
might
assure
us
that
the
Baptism
of
Christ
was
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
Nor
is
there
any
thing
in
S.
Luke's
Gospel
that
contradicts
this
Chronology
of
Christ's
Baptism
pointed
at
by
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
I
mean
the
Lydiatean
Epocha
,
which
counts
the
time
from
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
;
whenas
the
Funccian
counts
from
the
seventh
.
Whence
the
Lydiatean
Epocha
has
a
vast
advantage
of
the
Funccian
,
the
Funccian
casting
the
Baptism
of
Christ
on
the
thirteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
two
years
before
John
began
to
baptize
;
which
therefore
is
a
plain
contradiction
to
the
Testimony
of
Scripture
.
But
the
Lydiatean
places
it
after
the
fifteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
according
to
the
Testimony
of
S.
Luke
;
and
though
about
four
years
later
than
others
have
placed
it
,
yet
consistently
enough
with
the
Testimony
of
S.
Luke
,
he
declaring
only
that
it
was
after
the
fifteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
not
how
many
years
after
the
same
.
But
because
there
is
no
distinct
mention
of
years
betwixt
John's
beginning
to
preach
and
baptize
,
and
the
time
he
baptized
Christ
,
they
have
clapt
Christ's
Baptism
close
to
the
first
year
,
as
Children
and
Idiots
phansie
the
Sky
and
Moon
or
Sun
at
the
Horizon
to
touch
the
Earth
,
because
they
see
nothing
betwixt
.
But
as
wise
men
correct
their
phancy
by
Reason
,
and
in
virtue
thereof
,
while
the
Sky
or
Moon
seems
to
touch
the
Earth
,
assure
themselves
it
is
as
distant
therefrom
as
when
it
is
nearer
their
Zenith
:
so
considerate
persons
that
ponder
with
themselves
that
weighty
Province
that
lay
on
John
the
Baptist's
shoulders
(
as
the
Angel
Gabriel
predescribes
it
to
Zachary
his
Father
,
Luke
1.17
.
And
many
of
the
Children
of
Israel
,
says
he
,
shall
he
turn
to
the
Lord
their
God
,
and
he
shall
go
before
him
in
the
Power
and
Spirit
of
Elias
to
turn
the
heart
of
the
Fathers
to
the
Children
,
and
disobedient
to
the
wisdom
of
the
Just
,
to
make
ready
a
people
prepared
for
the
Lord
,
that
is
,
for
the
Lord
Christ
)
they
,
I
say
,
that
rightly
consider
this
,
must
needs
conclude
,
that
it
must
be
a
work
of
some
years
to
effect
it
,
especially
John
working
no
Miracles
,
and
yet
having
gained
the
esteem
of
the
people
so
far
,
by
his
long
and
diligent
Converse
with
them
,
and
repeated
Instructions
to
them
(
whereby
he
converted
many
to
a
pious
sense
of
their
duties
)
that
they
began
to
conceive
that
he
might
be
the
promised
Messias
.
Wherefore
Paul
being
aware
of
the
nature
of
the
Baptist's
Province
,
that
he
was
to
go
before
the
face
of
the
Lord
Jesus
to
prepare
the
way
for
his
being
acknowledged
the
promised
Messias
,
calls
the
performance
thereof
the
finishing
his
course
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Acts
13.25
.
And
as
John
fulfilled
his
course
,
&c.
Whenas
others
out
of
heedlesness
or
ignorance
have
phansied
that
John
went
but
a
stride
or
two
before
our
Saviour
in
the
Inchoation
of
their
Ministry
,
like
some
Mace-bearer
before
a
Chief
Magistrate
.
But
this
savours
of
too
much
Idioticalness
and
Puerility
.
We
have
couched
therefore
together
at
least
three
,
if
not
four
Arguments
in
one
,
for
the
proving
that
the
Baptism
of
Christ
was
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
not
in
the
fifteenth
,
as
is
vulgarly
conceited
.
First
,
in
that
it
is
the
year
immediate
to
the
expiration
of
the
sixty
nine
Weeks
of
Daniel
which
butt
upon
the
Manifestation
of
the
Messias
,
according
as
that
Prophecy
assures
us
:
From
the
going
forth
of
the
Decree
to
rebuild
Jerusalem
to
Messiah
the
Prince
are
seven
weeks
and
sixty
two
weeks
,
Dan.
9.25
.
Secondly
,
in
that
it
is
the
first
year
in
the
last
week
wherein
the
Messias
is
predicted
to
make
a
Covenant
with
many
.
Thirdly
,
in
that
it
is
the
thirtieth
year
of
Christ's
Age
,
and
so
many
years
there
are
from
the
Consulship
of
Lamia
and
Geminus
to
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
And
lastly
,
it
being
requisite
for
so
great
an
Undertaking
as
John
the
Baptist's
was
,
to
have
some
number
of
years
to
perform
it
in
,
and
not
to
tye
our
Saviour's
Baptism
up
to
the
first
year
of
John's
baptizing
,
no
more
than
the
Baptist's
imprisoning
and
beheading
,
which
no
man
will
say
was
in
the
same
year
he
began
to
baptize
,
because
the
year
it
was
done
in
is
not
mentioned
,
but
the
nature
of
the
thing
requiring
some
years
,
we
are
to
be
determined
for
the
number
by
the
Prophecy
,
which
plainly
points
out
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
for
the
Messias's
Manifestation
,
which
was
at
John's
baptizing
him
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
whole
course
of
the
Baptist
,
as
S.
Paul
calls
it
,
was
about
four
years
.
In
which
,
though
things
are
not
digested
into
Annals
,
questionless
John
bestirred
himself
notably
in
the
discharging
of
his
Province
.
The
Heads
only
of
his
Actions
are
set
down
Luke
3.
where
at
last
he
concludes
,
And
many
other
things
(
besides
what
was
written
)
preached
he
in
his
exhortations
to
the
people
.
But
though
there
be
no
distinct
History
of
each
year
of
the
Baptist's
Ministry
,
yet
there
are
many
passages
of
History
that
comport
with
this
four
years
extension
of
his
Ministry
before
he
baptized
Christ
;
namely
,
that
he
baptized
him
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
Which
first
,
that
passage
in
S.
John
seems
to
imply
,
Joh.
2.19
.
Jesus
said
unto
them
,
Destroy
this
Temple
,
and
in
three
days
I
will
raise
it
up
.
Then
said
the
Jews
,
Forty
and
six
years
was
this
Temple
in
building
,
and
wilt
thou
rear
it
up
in
three
days
?
This
passage
was
when
Christ
was
come
to
the
first
Passeover
ensuing
his
Baptism
,
which
was
in
the
month
Marchesvan
or
Dius
of
the
Syromacedones
,
which
takes
in
some
few
days
of
October
,
but
the
rest
runs
into
November
.
And
Tiberius
beginning
his
Reign
in
Autumn
,
it
is
manifest
this
first
Passeover
was
within
the
same
year
that
Christ
was
baptized
.
Which
we
say
is
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
,
and
that
this
passage
in
the
Gospel
confirms
the
same
.
For
this
is
most
certainly
spoken
of
Herod's
Temple
,
the
other
Temple
being
demolished
,
and
that
built
instead
thereof
.
The
words
of
Josephus
are
express
,
Antiq.
lib.
15.
cap.
14.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Besides
that
Chronologers
are
horribly
out
in
their
endeavours
of
adjusting
the
number
of
years
to
the
other
.
Wherefore
this
must
be
spoke
of
Herod's
Temple
.
And
the
time
that
this
Temple
was
begun
to
be
built
is
the
eighteenth
year
of
Herod's
Reign
.
Some
make
the
Epocha
of
this
his
Reign
to
be
in
the
year
of
the
Consulship
of
Agrippa
and
Caninius
,
when
by
the
help
of
Sosius
against
Antigonus
,
Herod
took
Jerusalem
,
and
so
possessed
himself
of
the
Metropolis
of
his
Kingdom
.
But
besides
that
this
Epocha
is
more
obscure
and
slight
than
those
other
two
,
the
first
when
by
the
Favour
of
Antony
,
the
other
of
Augustus
he
was
made
King
of
Judaea
,
it
falls
a
year
or
two
short
even
of
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
,
till
when
John
did
not
baptize
at
all
.
But
the
Epocha
of
his
first
being
made
King
of
the
Jews
,
namely
by
M.
Antony
,
that
is
yet
more
impertinent
,
and
anticipates
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
four
or
five
years
.
Wherefore
there
is
a
necessity
of
reckoning
Herod's
eighteen
years
,
from
his
being
made
King
by
Augustus
,
or
from
the
Victoria
Actiaca
.
And
from
the
eighteenth
year
of
his
Reign
from
this
Epocha
(
which
will
fall
into
the
year
of
the
Consulship
of
Claudius
Nero
and
Quintilius
Varus
)
to
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
is
just
forty
five
years
.
So
that
the
Jews
reckoned
right
within
a
single
year
.
Which
the
Authority
of
Josephus
,
and
the
infallible
Testimony
of
Daniel's
Prophecy
may
very
well
have
a
right
to
rectifie
.
Or
for
their
better
credit
we
may
conceive
(
forasmuch
as
Herod
is
said
,
(
De
Bello
Judaico
,
lib.
1.
cap.
16.
)
by
Josephus
to
have
done
something
to
the
Temple
the
fifteenth
year
of
his
Reign
,
before
he
undertook
this
vast
Design
mentioned
before
)
that
in
the
two
or
three
years
space
preceding
,
whatever
doing
or
undoing
of
things
there
were
,
they
might
guess
upon
the
whole
Compute
,
that
there
was
a
years
furtherance
toward
the
building
of
the
Temple
before
the
commencement
of
this
grand
Enterprise
indeed
,
which
added
antecedently
to
forty
five
years
makes
forty
six
,
nor
disturbs
the
years
of
the
right
Epocha
,
but
adjusts
all
well
,
and
makes
all
three
agree
,
Daniel
,
Josephus
,
and
the
Jews
that
made
this
smart
Repartie
to
our
Saviour
.
They
having
so
fair
a
Plea
for
it
,
it
is
no
wonder
they
stretched
one
single
year
above
the
time
from
the
right
Epocha
of
Numbering
.
But
in
the
mean
time
it
is
evident
,
that
this
is
no
mean
proof
for
the
placing
the
Baptism
of
Christ
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
Again
,
T.
L.
in
his
Recensio
,
cap.
19.
out
of
Josephus
makes
it
plain
,
that
John
the
Baptist
was
not
beheaded
till
about
the
time
that
Vitellius
was
Prefect
of
Syria
.
Now
Lucius
Vitellius
,
as
appears
out
of
the
sixth
Book
of
Tacitus
his
Annals
,
was
made
Governour
of
the
East
,
Cestius
Gallus
and
Servilius
Rufus
being
Consuls
about
the
midst
of
the
twenty
first
year
of
Tiberius
.
Wherefore
John
the
Baptist
,
who
lived
not
quite
two
years
after
his
baptizing
Christ
,
could
not
be
killed
before
the
beginning
of
the
one
and
twentieth
of
Tiberius
.
Which
therefore
plainly
argues
,
that
he
baptized
Christ
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
his
Reign
.
Thirdly
and
lastly
,
Luke
13.
there
is
mention
of
some
that
told
Jesus
of
the
Galileans
,
whose
blood
Pilate
mingled
with
their
Sacrifices
.
Which
abundance
as
well
of
the
Protestant
Writers
as
the
Pontifician
,
look
upon
to
be
the
same
persons
that
those
Samaritans
were
,
of
whom
Josephus
and
Hegesippus
write
,
the
former
Antiq.
lib.
18.
cap.
5.
the
other
lib.
2.
cap.
5.
De
excidio
Hierosolymitano
,
that
Pilate
slew
them
when
they
met
together
to
sacrifice
on
Mount
Gerazim
.
For
Pilate
,
as
Hegesippus
intimates
,
made
as
if
he
had
a
mind
Eorum
mysteria
cognoscere
.
But
the
Samaritans
or
Galileans
intending
to
sacrifice
,
though
they
were
cut
off
by
Pilate
before
they
had
ascended
the
Hill
,
and
were
in
the
very
Act
,
Fame
,
that
loves
to
add
to
things
of
this
nature
,
what
may
make
them
more
Tragical
,
astonishing
and
surprising
,
might
phrase
it
so
,
that
they
mingled
their
blood
with
their
Sacrifices
,
and
tell
that
they
were
slain
in
the
very
Act
of
sacrificing
.
These
two
stories
are
so
exceeding
like
one
another
,
that
a
sagacious
Spirit
,
notwithstanding
the
little
difference
in
some
things
,
will
easily
acknowledge
them
the
same
.
For
that
difference
of
Name
,
those
in
S.
Luke
calling
them
Galileans
,
whenas
Josephus
and
Hegesippus
call
them
Samaritans
,
is
but
a
slight
business
,
sith
the
same
persons
may
be
both
Samaritans
and
Galileans
at
once
,
by
Religion
Samaritans
,
by
Country
Galileans
,
and
such
T.
L.
contends
these
were
,
and
observes
how
our
Saviour
himself
was
termed
in
this
very
respect
a
Samaritan
sometimes
as
well
as
Galilean
.
And
for
the
difference
of
time
,
that
is
only
an
imaginary
difference
,
which
prejudice
has
conceived
through
mistake
.
For
they
have
only
phansied
the
story
of
Josephus
and
Hegesippus
to
be
some
four
or
five
years
later
than
that
which
those
tell
of
the
Galileans
in
S.
Luke
,
because
they
have
presumed
that
our
Saviour's
Passion
was
so
many
years
sooner
than
indeed
it
was
.
But
this
very
Narration
in
Josephus
does
T.
L.
make
use
of
,
and
that
rationally
and
judiciously
to
prove
that
our
Saviour
was
alive
till
about
the
middle
of
the
twenty
second
year
of
Tiberius
,
forasmuch
as
Josephus
in
the
fore-named
place
doth
write
,
that
the
Chief
of
the
Samaritans
by
Religion
,
and
Galileans
by
Nation
(
and
that
was
the
cause
of
Pilate
and
Herod's
falling
out
,
that
Pilate
would
presume
to
do
execution
upon
persons
that
belonged
to
Herod's
Jurisdiction
,
and
they
were
Friends
again
upon
Pilate's
sending
Christ
a
Galilean
to
Herod
,
Luke
23.12
.
)
addressing
,
I
say
,
themselves
to
Vitellius
Governour
of
Syria
,
accused
Pilate
of
the
Murder
committed
on
these
Galileans
.
Whereupon
Vitellius
sending
his
Friend
Marcellus
to
be
Procurator
of
Judaea
,
commands
Pilate
to
pack
to
Rome
to
answer
his
Accusers
there
before
the
Emperour
.
Whereupon
Pilate
not
daring
to
do
otherwise
,
betakes
himself
to
his
journey
;
but
before
he
arrived
at
Rome
,
the
Emperour
Tiberius
died
.
Whence
,
says
T.
L.
As
this
address
of
the
Samaritans
or
Galileans
could
not
be
made
before
toward
the
end
of
the
Summer
of
that
year
wherein
Plautius
Laelianus
and
Papinius
Gallienus
were
Consuls
,
Vitellius
then
being
returned
out
of
Mesopotamia
from
the
Parthick
War
,
which
held
two
Summers
from
the
beginning
of
his
Prefecture
(
quae
duabus
aestatibus
gesta
conjunxi
,
says
Tacitus
,
Annal.
lib.
6.
)
which
Prefecture
commenced
in
the
midst
of
the
21.
of
Tiberius
;
so
it
appears
manifestly
,
that
the
slaughter
was
committed
by
Pilate
within
the
last
year
of
his
own
Prefecture
and
Tiberius
his
Reign
.
Which
therefore
was
a
little
before
the
Crucifixion
of
Christ
,
and
consequently
both
in
the
twenty
second
year
of
Tiberius
in
the
midst
of
the
last
week
of
Daniel
.
Which
again
necessarily
casts
the
Baptism
of
Christ
into
the
ninteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
Atque
haec
ratio
est
in
primis
valida
,
saith
T.
L.
and
I
think
any
one
that
considers
things
freely
and
without
prejudice
,
will
be
of
his
mind
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
What
Arguments
prove
Christ
crucified
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
prove
him
baptized
the
nineteenth
;
and
the
Ministry
of
John
to
have
continued
four
years
before
.
That
Christ
suffered
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
proved
out
of
Epiphanius
:
As
also
from
what
is
said
Joh.
11.49
.
That
Caiaphas
was
High-Priest
that
year
.
And
likewise
from
Pilate
's
not
acquainting
Tiberius
with
the
News
of
Christ's
Resurrection
till
the
twenty
second
of
his
Reign
.
The
Baptism
of
Christ
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
proved
from
the
troubles
that
fell
upon
the
Jews
in
the
third
of
Caius
Caligula
.
From
the
Tradition
of
Apollonius
,
that
Christ
charged
the
Apostles
not
to
preach
the
Gospel
to
the
Gentiles
till
twelve
years
after
the
commencement
thereof
.
From
Paul
's
journeying
from
Antioch
to
Jerusalem
when
Herod
King
of
Chalcis
dyed
.
The
mistake
of
Eusebius
and
some
others
that
confound
the
story
of
Herod
in
the
Acts
with
that
of
Agrippa
in
Josephus
.
From
there
being
fourteen
years
since
Paul
's
Conversion
in
the
eleventh
of
Claudius
.
From
Paul
's
departing
from
Athens
to
Corinth
,
being
not
till
after
the
twelfth
of
Claudius
.
From
the
time
of
Gallio
's
being
Deputy
of
Achaia
,
which
could
not
be
till
after
Claudius
his
death
.
From
the
ten
years
of
Felix
his
Presiding
over
Judaea
.
From
Peter
's
suffering
Martyrdom
in
the
eleventh
year
of
Nero
,
when
he
had
been
possessed
of
the
Sacerdotal
Chair
twenty
five
years
from
the
expiration
of
the
twelve
years
restraint
of
the
Apostles
from
preaching
to
the
Gentiles
.
A
further
Confirmation
thereof
out
of
the
Chronicle
of
Marcellinus
Comes
.
The
Unjustness
of
that
Imputation
,
that
T.
L.
his
account
of
the
Epocha
of
Daniel
's
Weeks
,
is
a
Fiction
destitute
of
History
.
THE
three
last
Arguments
for
the
proving
Christ's
Baptism
to
have
been
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
,
were
drawn
from
such
passages
as
fell
out
betwixt
the
Baptism
of
Christ
and
his
Crucifixion
;
those
that
follow
are
such
as
prove
the
Crucifixion
of
Christ
to
fall
out
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
or
Manifestation
in
the
nineteenth
.
And
here
note
,
That
whatever
Arguments
prove
that
Christ
was
crucified
in
the
twenty
second
year
of
Tiberius
,
ipso
facto
prove
he
was
baptized
in
the
nineteenth
of
his
Reign
;
it
being
generally
acknowledged
,
that
the
time
of
Christ's
Ministry
after
his
Baptism
till
his
Crucifixion
is
about
three
years
and
an
half
.
So
that
though
the
time
of
the
Baptist's
Ministry
be
not
digested
into
so
many
distinct
years
in
the
Evangelists
,
yet
there
are
so
many
distinct
Arguments
to
prove
it
lasted
from
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
till
the
nineteenth
of
his
Reign
,
that
it
may
well
compensate
that
defect
,
and
assure
us
that
the
Paradox
is
true
.
First
then
,
Epiphanius
in
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
where
he
makes
Herod
the
Tetrarch
,
who
was
present
at
Jerusalem
the
time
that
Christ
was
crucified
,
to
succeed
Archelaus
after
his
nine
years
Reign
,
declares
expresly
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
i.
e.
In
the
twentieth
year
of
Herod
the
Tetrarch
our
Saviour
suffered
,
&c.
Now
Eusebius
in
his
Chronicon
,
and
Sulpicius
Severus
,
Histor.
Sacrae
lib.
2.
ascribe
to
Herod
the
Tetrarch
twenty
four
years
after
the
Banishment
of
Archelaus
;
And
Josephus
,
Antiq.
lib.
19.
cap.
ult
.
tells
us
,
that
Caius
added
his
Tetrarchy
to
the
Kingdom
of
Agrippa
about
the
beginning
of
the
fourth
year
of
his
Reign
,
about
the
middle
of
the
twenty
fourth
year
from
the
second
year
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
complete
.
From
hence
therefore
reckon
twenty
years
,
and
you
shall
fall
into
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
.
So
that
Epiphanius
declaring
that
Christ
suffered
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Herod
the
Tetrarch
after
the
Banishment
of
Archelaus
,
does
therewith
subscribe
to
Tho.
Lydiat's
Opinion
,
that
our
Saviour
suffered
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
.
Secondly
,
Joh.
11.49
.
There
Caiaphas
is
said
to
be
High-Priest
that
year
.
And
so
he
was
for
several
years
before
,
as
may
appear
out
of
Josephus
.
Wherefore
it
naturally
implies
,
that
that
was
the
last
year
of
his
being
High-Priest
,
and
that
in
the
year
following
he
should
be
put
out
of
his
Office
,
as
he
was
by
Vitellius
near
the
time
of
Tiberius
his
Death
,
and
Jonathan
put
in
his
room
.
And
so
within
a
year
after
he
had
delivered
Christ
upon
pretence
of
Blasphemy
to
Pilate
the
Roman
President
to
be
crucified
,
himself
was
deprived
of
his
High-Priestood
,
Pilate
of
his
Presidentship
of
Judaea
,
and
the
Emperour
Tiberius
of
the
pleasures
of
this
present
life
,
of
which
with
him
Lust
and
Cruelty
was
no
small
share
.
Thirdly
,
Eusebius
in
his
Ecclesiastical
History
,
lib.
2.
cap.
1.
tells
us
how
Pilate
wrote
to
Tiberius
to
acquaint
him
with
that
astonishing
Miracle
that
had
happened
in
Judaea
,
viz.
our
Saviour
Christ
his
Resurrection
from
the
Dead
,
and
his
Assumption
or
Ascension
into
Heaven
.
Which
thing
being
so
notable
and
so
certain
,
according
to
the
custom
of
the
Provincial
Magistrates
it
was
impossible
but
Pilate
should
acquaint
Tiberius
with
it
so
soon
as
it
was
done
.
But
he
did
not
acquaint
him
with
it
by
Letters
till
the
twenty
second
or
toward
the
twenty
third
year
of
Tiberius
his
Reign
,
according
to
Eusebius
his
own
Chronicon
,
where
he
sets
it
down
last
in
the
twenty
second
year
of
Tiberius
.
Wherefore
Christ
did
not
rise
again
and
ascend
into
Heaven
,
nor
consequently
suffer
till
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
.
Fourthly
,
As
these
three
last
Arguments
by
proving
the
time
of
Christ's
Crucifixion
and
Resurrection
,
prove
also
the
time
of
his
Baptism
and
Manifestation
;
so
there
are
other
Arguments
taken
from
the
time
of
the
Expiration
of
Daniel's
last
Week
,
wherein
he
tells
us
the
Messias
will
make
a
Covenant
with
many
(
intimating
a
more
peaceful
condition
of
the
Jews
for
those
seven
years
)
that
argue
the
Manifestation
of
the
Messias
or
his
Baptism
to
be
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
.
Eusebius
in
his
Chronicon
tells
us
,
that
Caius
Caligula
in
the
third
year
of
his
Reign
,
Petronio
Praefecto
Syriae
praecepit
ut
in
Hierosolymis
statuam
suam
sub
nomine
Jovis
Optimi
Maximi
poneret
.
Nay
,
he
says
,
Toto
orbe
Romano
in
Synagogis
Judaeorum
statuae
&
imagines
&
arae
C.
Caesari
consecratae
.
What
a
Cloud
of
mischief
does
there
appear
for
the
Jews
just
upon
the
expiration
of
the
seventieth
or
last
Week
of
Daniel
?
For
the
last
year
of
that
week
was
the
year
going
before
from
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
.
But
about
this
very
time
the
Jewish
Ambassadours
from
Alexandria
,
Aegypt
and
Cyrene
,
come
to
Rome
to
complain
of
the
denying
of
the
Immunities
granted
heretofore
by
the
Ptolemies
,
were
most
injuriously
and
contumeliously
dealt
with
,
and
grievously
handled
even
before
the
Emperour
,
as
Philo
Judaeus
reports
.
And
Josephus
writes
,
that
about
the
same
time
(
Antiq.
lib.
28.
cap.
12.
)
in
Seleucia
and
Ctesiphon
,
two
chief
Cities
of
Babylonia
and
Mesopotamia
,
there
were
above
fifty
thousand
Jews
slain
,
and
the
rest
expelled
and
banished
out
of
most
of
the
Cities
of
those
Countries
.
Which
beginning
of
misery
to
the
Jewish
Nation
commencing
then
just
at
the
expiration
of
the
last
week
,
is
no
mean
confirmation
that
the
weeks
expired
the
year
before
,
and
that
therefore
Christ
was
baptized
,
or
the
Messias
manifested
the
seventh
year
before
that
,
viz.
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
.
Fifthly
,
Something
like
to
this
way
of
arguing
is
that
other
of
T.
L.
from
a
Tradition
recorded
in
Eusebius
his
Historia
Ecclesiast.
lib.
5.
cap.
16.
from
Apollonius
:
Dominum
Apostolis
suis
praecepisse
ne
ante
duodecim
annorum
terminum
Hierosolymis
discederent
.
Which
were
a
childish
thing
to
conceive
our
Saviour
meant
grosly
of
the
City
Jerusalem
,
but
of
the
Nation
of
the
Jews
,
that
they
should
not
preach
the
Gospel
to
the
Gentiles
till
twelve
years
after
the
beginning
of
the
preaching
thereof
.
Which
we
all
know
was
begun
by
John
the
Baptist
in
the
fifteenth
year
of
Tiberius
.
Now
the
twelfth
year
from
the
fifteenth
of
Tiberius
is
the
third
year
of
Caius
Caligula
,
and
under
this
year
does
Spondanus
place
the
Conversion
of
Cornelius
the
Centurion
by
Peter
.
Hoc
anno
,
saith
he
,
Caio
iterum
&
Apronio
Consulibus
Petrus
Apostolus
divinâ
visione
omnigenarum
animantium
de
ostio
Ecclesiae
Gentibus
aperiendo
monitus
primum
omnium
Gentilem
Cornelium
Centurionem
baptizavit
.
Now
Alstedius
and
others
place
the
Conversion
of
Cornelius
the
Centurion
in
the
fifth
year
after
Christ's
Passion
and
Ascension
.
Wherefore
reckon
backward
from
the
third
year
of
Caius
,
and
the
fifth
year
falls
into
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
which
again
argues
the
Baptism
of
Christ
to
have
been
in
the
nineteenth
of
Tiberius
.
There
are
yet
several
other
Arguments
to
evince
the
same
,
from
matters
done
by
S.
Paul
some
four
years
later
than
Chronologers
vulgarly
deem
them
.
Wherefore
add
these
four
years
to
the
eighteenth
year
of
Tiberius
,
wherein
Petavius
and
others
will
have
Christ
to
have
been
crucified
,
and
we
shall
find
him
crucified
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
and
consequently
baptized
in
the
nineteenth
.
Sixthly
therefore
,
Herod
mentioned
in
the
Acts
,
who
was
King
of
Chalcis
,
and
invested
by
Claudius
with
a
Power
over
the
Temple
at
Jerusalem
and
the
High-Priesthood
,
and
upon
that
might
the
better
presume
to
put
James
the
Apostle
,
the
Brother
of
John
,
to
death
,
and
Peter
into
prison
:
This
Herod
,
Josephus
expresly
tells
us
died
in
the
eighth
year
of
the
Reign
of
Claudius
.
But
Paul
,
as
it
appears
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
,
brought
the
Contribution
of
the
Christians
of
Antioch
to
Jerusalem
,
upon
the
account
of
a
general
Famine
at
that
time
when
this
Herod
is
said
to
be
eaten
up
of
worms
.
Wherefore
this
journeying
of
Paul
from
Antioch
to
Jerusalem
,
which
Chronologers
ordinarily
place
in
the
fourth
year
of
Claudius
,
being
found
to
be
in
the
eighth
,
it
must
needs
pull
down
the
whole
Series
of
S.
Paul's
actions
four
years
lower
than
ordinarily
they
are
set
.
And
his
Conversion
must
not
be
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Tiberius
,
as
Petavius
would
have
it
,
but
in
the
first
of
Caius
Caligula
;
and
all
being
agreed
,
there
is
but
about
two
years
distance
from
the
Passion
of
Christ
and
Paul's
Conversion
,
Christ
must
suffer
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
and
be
baptized
in
the
nineteenth
.
It
is
true
that
Eusebius
,
Histor.
Ecclesiast.
lib.
2.
cap.
12.
makes
this
Herod
in
the
Acts
the
same
person
with
Agrippa
,
of
whom
Josephus
tells
a
story
of
his
death
somewhat
like
this
in
the
Acts
touching
Herod
;
but
for
the
greater
grace
of
the
business
,
he
converts
the
Owl
there
mentioned
sitting
on
an
extended
Rope
into
an
Angel
,
and
in
the
end
confesses
that
either
the
Party
of
whom
the
story
is
told
,
had
two
Names
,
or
the
Scribe
out
of
mistake
set
down
Agrippa
for
Herod
.
But
this
ancient
Writer
leading
the
way
,
the
generality
of
Interpreters
have
followed
him
,
Erasmus
,
Grotius
and
several
others
.
But
how
considerately
,
I
appeal
to
the
judicious
and
unprejudiced
Reader
.
For
the
Case
stands
thus
:
Agrippa
and
Herod
were
two
Brothers
,
and
both
Kings
,
and
had
those
distinct
Names
to
be
known
by
,
and
it
is
a
Fiction
that
all
the
Progeny
of
Herod
the
Great
were
called
Herods
,
they
succeed
him
in
their
distinct
Names
,
Archelaus
,
Herod
and
Philip.
And
Archelaus
being
dead
,
Herod
and
Philip
as
surviving
Tetrarchs
,
are
mentioned
in
their
proper
Names
,
Luke
3.
and
so
questionless
this
Herod
in
the
Acts
(
Brother
to
Agrippa
)
that
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
eaten
by
worms
,
is
called
by
his
proper
Name
,
as
well
as
the
former
.
And
we
may
be
the
more
assured
of
it
that
it
was
not
his
Brother
Agrippa
but
he
,
because
it
had
been
an
unspeakable
injury
to
Herod
to
have
his
Name
used
in
a
wrong
place
,
if
those
actions
of
murdering
John
,
and
imprisoning
of
Peter
,
and
acting
these
Cruelties
to
please
the
people
,
and
dying
so
execrable
and
ignominious
a
death
,
belonged
to
Agrippa
,
and
not
to
him
.
What
can
be
more
intolerable
than
such
a
conceit
as
this
?
Besides
that
Josephus
gives
a
very
fair
Character
of
Agrippa
inconsistent
with
that
Cruelty
that
is
noted
in
Herod
.
And
Agrippa
not
guilty
of
that
murderousness
and
persecution
of
the
Church
which
this
Herod
was
,
it
must
seem
a
very
severe
hand
of
God
upon
him
to
be
so
horribly
punished
for
not
rebuking
the
people
for
a
Complement
,
which
signifies
no
more
,
than
that
he
seemed
to
them
like
an
Angel
of
God
,
who
are
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
so
they
explain
themselves
,
that
they
look't
upon
him
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
not
that
he
was
thought
or
called
by
them
the
Eternal
God
,
but
assimilated
to
an
immortal
Angel
.
Achish
,
1
Sam.
19.9
.
says
as
much
to
David
,
I
know
thou
art
good
in
my
sight
,
as
an
Angel
of
God
;
and
yet
David
reproves
him
not
,
nor
is
struck
by
the
hand
of
God
for
not
reproving
him
.
All
these
things
duly
consisidered
may
assure
any
one
,
that
it
was
not
this
Agrippa
that
was
thus
eaten
up
with
worms
,
but
Herod
King
of
Chalcis
,
his
Brother
,
and
that
whenas
the
story
belonged
to
one
of
the
two
Brothers
,
Josephus
has
happened
out
of
heedlesuess
or
ignorance
to
apply
that
manner
of
death
,
though
in
somewhat
a
depraved
disguise
,
to
Agrippa
that
belonged
to
his
Brother
Herod
;
as
Tacitus
has
also
happened
to
apply
the
year
of
Herod's
death
to
Agrippa
.
Such
slips
there
will
be
in
Historians
.
But
careful
and
judicious
Readers
of
them
,
such
as
T.
L.
was
,
will
discern
where
the
Truth
lies
.
Seventhly
therefore
,
Forasmuch
as
the
former
journeying
of
S.
Paul
from
Antioch
to
Jerusalem
at
the
time
when
Herod
died
,
viz.
in
the
eighth
year
of
Claudius
,
is
about
three
years
distant
from
his
latter
which
he
took
to
Jerusalem
from
Antioch
about
the
Controversie
touching
Circumcision
,
upon
which
occasion
a
Synod
was
called
at
Jerusalem
,
where
Paul
also
was
present
,
Acts
15.
which
journeying
of
Paul
,
as
appears
from
Galat.
2.
was
fourteen
years
after
his
Conversion
,
as
Vatablus
expresly
declares
upon
the
place
:
It
is
manifest
,
that
in
the
eleventh
year
of
Claudius
it
was
fourteen
years
since
the
Conversion
of
S.
Paul
.
Tell
therefore
from
the
eleventh
of
Claudius
backward
till
you
come
to
the
fourteenth
year
,
and
you
fall
into
the
second
year
of
Caius
Caligula
.
Then
therefore
was
Paul
converted
.
But
all
are
agreed
it
was
but
about
two
years
after
the
Passion
of
Christ
.
Whence
therefore
again
it
will
be
found
that
Christ
suffered
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
and
was
baptized
in
the
nineteenth
year
of
his
Reign
.
Eighthly
,
In
the
Acts
,
Chap.
18.
there
Paul
having
departed
from
Athens
came
to
Corinth
,
and
finds
Aquila
and
Priscilla
Jews
lately
come
from
Italy
,
because
Claudius
had
commanded
all
Jews
to
depart
from
Rome
,
as
Suetonius
also
notes
in
the
Life
of
Claudius
.
But
that
these
Stirs
and
Decree
were
about
the
twelfth
year
of
Claudius
,
Josephus
informs
us
,
Antiq.
lib.
20.
cap.
5.
where
presently
upon
the
story
of
those
Stirs
raised
in
Judaea
by
the
Jews
and
Samaritans
,
several
of
whom
were
sent
to
answer
it
before
the
Emperour
at
Rome
,
which
gave
Claudius
occasion
,
as
Orosius
intimates
,
to
make
that
Decree
of
expelling
the
Jews
out
of
the
City
,
presently
:
I
say
,
upon
that
story
Josephus
says
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
And
having
compleated
the
twelfth
year
of
his
Reign
(
and
therefore
going
on
his
thirteenth
)
he
bestowed
Philip's
Tetrarchy
on
Agrippa
junior
(
Newphew
to
Herod
King
of
Chalcis
)
and
Batanaea
and
Trachonitis
with
Abila
,
which
was
the
Tetrarchy
of
Lysias
,
but
took
from
him
Chalcis
when
he
had
been
Ruler
of
it
four
years
,
as
succeeding
his
Uncle
Herod
,
who
died
in
the
eighth
year
of
Claudius
his
Reign
,
as
was
observed
above
.
Which
shows
plainly
,
that
the
Stirs
and
the
Decree
against
the
Jews
,
to
send
them
packing
from
Rome
,
was
in
the
twelfth
of
Claudius
his
Reign
.
Which
Stirs
of
the
Jews
and
Samaritans
,
Tacitus
(
Annal.
lib.
12.
)
places
under
the
Consulship
of
Faustus
Sylla
and
Salvius
Otho
,
who
bore
that
Office
in
the
twelfth
of
Claudius
his
Reign
.
Wherefore
Paul's
departure
from
Athens
to
Corinth
being
not
till
after
the
twelfth
of
Claudius
completed
,
which
is
three
or
four
years
later
than
Spondanus
,
Petavius
and
others
place
it
,
they
placing
it
in
the
ninth
year
of
Claudius
,
the
Series
of
the
Acts
of
Paul
will
bring
down
his
Conversion
about
three
or
four
years
later
,
and
consequently
the
Crucifixion
and
Baptism
of
Christ
.
Ninthly
,
It
is
written
Acts
18.
v.
12.
And
when
Gallio
was
Deputy
of
Achaia
,
the
Jews
made
insurrection
with
one
accord
against
Paul
,
&c.
Now
there
was
that
Enmity
betwixt
Claudius
and
Gallio
the
Brother
of
Seneca
(
both
which
are
famous
for
their
scoffings
at
,
or
rather
uttering
bitter
Sarcasms
against
Claudius
when
he
was
dead
,
Seneca
writing
a
Satyr
against
him
which
he
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
may
signifie
either
as
much
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
both
alluding
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
being
made
a
God
after
death
)
his
either
being
killed
by
a
poisoned
Mushrom
,
and
sent
up
to
Heaven
thereby
,
or
else
by
Transmigration
,
his
being
after
death
transformed
into
a
Fungus
or
Mushrom
,
both
bitter
Sarcasms
upon
his
being
poisoned
by
Agrippina
by
a
Mushrom
which
Locusta
had
prepared
for
him
;
And
Gallio's
was
a
brief
but
as
bitter
a
Sarcasm
,
when
he
said
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Claudium
unco
raptum
fuisse
in
coelum
,
alluding
to
the
usage
of
Malefactors
put
to
death
in
the
Prison
,
who
were
dragg'd
with
Iron
hooks
into
the
streets
,
and
so
at
last
cast
into
Tyber
.
And
that
of
young
Nero
,
Agrippina's
Son
,
who
succeeded
,
falls
not
much
short
of
the
two
other
,
who
,
as
Dion
tells
(
lib.
60.
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
That
Mushroms
were
the
meat
of
the
Gods
,
forasmuch
as
Claudius
by
eating
one
,
had
become
a
God
)
There
being
therefore
,
I
say
,
this
compliance
of
Seneca
and
Gallio
with
Agrippina
and
Nero
,
and
feud
and
enmity
against
Claudius
,
you
may
be
sure
Gallio
got
no
preferment
while
Claudius
was
alive
,
nor
missed
of
it
he
once
being
dead
,
and
therefore
was
made
Deputy
of
Achaia
within
the
very
first
year
of
Nero
,
upon
Claudius
his
death
,
who
reigned
thirteen
years
and
eight
months
.
Wherefore
Paul's
departure
from
Corinth
(
where
he
is
said
to
have
stayed
a
year
and
six
months
,
Acts
18.11
.
)
cannot
be
till
then
,
till
about
the
end
of
the
first
year
of
Nero.
Which
therefore
is
a
Ratification
of
the
time
of
his
Arrival
there
,
and
implies
more
roundly
that
it
was
four
years
later
than
Spondanus
and
Petavius
place
it
.
Tenthly
,
Acts
24.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
But
after
two
years
Porcius
Festus
came
into
Felix
his
room
.
Surely
most
naturally
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
must
refer
either
to
Felix
or
Paul
,
they
being
the
Persons
spoken
of
,
not
to
Nero
,
of
whom
there
is
no
mention
;
nor
to
Paul
,
for
though
in
bonds
,
yet
being
in
libera
custodia
,
he
would
not
have
been
idle
,
nor
the
story
omit
his
acts
that
interim
from
his
Sermon
to
Felix
and
Drusilla
till
Felix
went
out
of
his
Office
,
which
certainly
he
continued
in
many
years
above
two
,
as
is
implied
v.
10.
Wherefore
it
is
hugely
credible
that
we
should
read
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
the
ten
years
being
finished
that
Felix
had
been
Governour
of
Judaea
,
Porcius
Festus
succeeded
him
.
For
that
Felix
had
by
this
time
been
President
ten
years
,
appears
thus
:
Josephus
in
his
Life
declares
of
himself
,
that
he
was
born
in
the
first
year
of
the
Reign
of
Caius
,
and
that
being
full
twenty
six
years
old
he
came
to
Rome
to
free
certain
Jewish
Priests
of
his
acquaintance
that
Felix
had
sent
thither
while
he
was
President
of
Judaea
,
that
he
did
effect
his
business
by
the
Favour
of
Poppaea
,
Nero's
Wife
.
Wherefore
Josephus
being
born
the
first
year
of
Caius
,
he
was
twenty
six
years
of
Age
about
the
eighth
year
of
Nero's
Reign
,
Marius
and
Asinius
being
Consuls
;
At
what
time
Tacitus
relates
Annal.
lib.
14.
that
Poppaea
was
married
to
Nero.
Now
this
sending
of
these
Priests
to
Rome
by
Felix
,
being
at
the
end
of
his
Presidency
(
for
these
Priests
he
sent
being
Josephus
his
special
Friends
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
he
differred
no
time
for
their
deliverance
)
it
is
plain
that
Felix
was
President
of
Judaea
about
ten
years
,
and
that
Festus
succeeded
him
in
the
seventh
of
Nero's
Reign
,
not
the
second
,
and
that
therefore
Paul's
being
brought
bound
to
Rome
,
is
full
four
years
later
than
Petavius
has
placed
it
,
who
places
it
in
the
third
year
of
Nero
,
Volusius
Saturninus
and
Cornelius
Scipio
being
Consuls
.
See
Helvicus
,
Funccius
and
Calvisius
that
place
the
beginning
of
Felix
his
Presidency
in
the
third
year
of
the
207.
Olympiad
,
and
the
eleventh
of
Claudius
;
and
Tacitus
,
who
leaps
from
Felix
to
Florus
,
taking
no
notice
of
Festus
and
Albinus
,
by
reason
of
their
short
stay
in
Office
.
Paul's
being
brought
bound
to
Rome
therefore
being
four
years
later
,
his
Conversion
is
necessarily
four
years
later
,
not
in
the
twentieth
of
Tiberius
,
as
Petavius
has
put
it
,
but
in
the
second
of
Caius
.
Whence
Christ's
Crucifixion
is
again
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
and
his
Baptism
in
the
nineteenth
.
This
is
a
pregnant
proof
,
out
of
which
there
is
no
evasion
,
unless
,
with
Baronius
,
we
will
impute
ignorance
to
Josephus
of
those
things
himself
was
an
Actor
in
,
and
say
he
knew
not
his
own
Age
,
but
mistook
five
or
six
years
,
which
is
next
to
the
not
knowing
his
own
Name
,
as
T.
L.
has
well
noted
against
Baronius
.
Lastly
,
(
for
it
were
too
long
to
bring
all
T.
L.
his
Arguments
into
view
)
It
is
acknowledged
by
Petavius
,
contended
for
by
T.
L.
and
proved
out
of
Tacitus
,
that
the
first
Persecution
(
which
was
under
Nero
)
was
in
the
eleventh
year
of
his
Reign
,
Lecanius
Bossus
and
Licinius
Crassus
being
Consuls
.
The
occasion
to
which
Persecution
was
Nero's
own
burning
of
Rome
,
which
horrid
Fact
he
would
have
cast
upon
the
Christians
to
conceal
himself
.
Ergo
abolendo
rumori
Nero
subdidit
reos
,
&
quaesitissimis
poenis
affecit
quos
vulgus
Christianos
appellabat
,
&c.
Igitur
primi
correpti
qui
fatebantur
,
deinde
indicio
eorum
multitudo
ingens
,
haud
perinde
in
crimine
incendii
quàm
odio
humani
generis
convicti
sunt
,
&c.
Wherefore
the
Christians
being
so
universally
hated
,
and
Peter
and
Paul
being
then
at
Rome
,
and
the
great
Sticklers
for
and
Promoters
of
that
Religion
it
is
incredible
but
they
went
to
pot
with
the
first
;
besides
that
this
cruel
Freak
of
Nero
seems
,
out
of
Tacitus
,
to
be
but
one
continued
Act
of
his
,
the
above-named
Lecanius
and
Licinius
being
Consuls
.
Peter
therefore
suffered
Martyrdom
in
the
eleventh
year
of
Nero.
But
in
Eusebius
his
Chronicon
,
lib.
1.
and
also
in
S.
Jerom
in
the
Life
of
S.
Peter
,
Peter
is
said
to
have
been
possessed
of
the
Sacerdotal
Chair
twenty
five
years
at
his
death
.
But
where
he
was
possessed
of
it
,
at
Antioch
or
Rome
,
and
from
what
time
,
whether
from
the
last
of
Tiberius
,
or
from
the
second
or
third
of
Claudius
,
or
from
what
other
time
,
is
uncertain
and
controversial
;
yet
this
in
general
seems
less
dubitable
,
that
this
twenty
five
years
is
his
time
of
his
Apostleship
,
since
the
Apostles
dispersing
themselves
upon
the
expiration
of
the
twelve
years
,
that
our
Saviour
is
said
to
restrain
them
to
Jerusalem
,
or
rather
to
the
Nation
of
the
Jews
.
What
so
likely
an
Epocha
of
the
twenty
five
years
as
this
?
And
if
you
count
from
the
eleventh
of
Nero
till
twenty
five
backwards
,
you
fall
into
the
fourth
of
Caius
Caligula
,
which
immediately
succeeds
the
expiration
of
the
twelve
years
abovesaid
:
so
that
the
fourth
of
Caius
is
the
Epocha
of
Peter's
Cathedra
Sacerdotalis
.
Which
yet
is
further
confirmed
out
of
the
Chronicon
of
Marcellinus
Comes
,
who
writes
that
,
Indictione
tertiâ
,
Philoxenus
and
Probus
being
Consuls
(
Helvicus
calls
him
Probinus
,
and
places
them
in
the
year
of
our
Lord
525.
)
Pope
John
came
to
Constantinople
in
the
485
year
of
the
Sessions
of
the
Popes
of
Rome
from
Peter
.
Now
,
what
is
an
easie
concession
,
if
we
but
suppose
these
five
hundred
twenty
five
years
,
and
four
hundred
eighty
five
complete
,
so
that
it
may
imply
the
two
hundred
fifty
six
,
and
four
hundred
eighty
six
current
,
Philoxenus
and
Probus
or
Probinus
being
Consuls
,
if
you
count
but
from
that
Consulate
four
hundred
eighty
,
six
years
backwards
,
you
will
again
fall
into
the
fourth
year
of
Caius
,
and
then
,
as
was
noted
in
the
fifth
Argument
,
the
twelfth
year
of
the
Apostles
restraint
to
the
Jewish
Nation
,
being
the
fifth
from
Christ's
Ascension
,
it
is
again
manifest
that
Christ
suffered
in
the
twenty
second
of
Tiberius
,
and
was
baptized
in
the
nineteenth
.
And
thus
there
being
so
many
happy
hits
in
Historians
and
Chronologers
comporting
and
complying
with
the
Times
of
the
Baptism
and
Passion
of
our
Saviour
pointed
to
by
the
true
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
,
namely
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
in
T.
L.
his
sense
,
which
we
have
explained
and
made
out
in
the
3
,
4
,
5
,
6
,
7
,
and
8
Chapters
of
this
Book
,
no
man
can
with
any
reason
say
,
that
Thomas
Lydiat's
Account
of
Daniel's
Weeks
is
a
Figment
destitute
of
History
.
That
those
that
make
choice
of
that
other
Epocha
,
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
,
produce
Historians
and
Chronologers
of
their
side
also
,
is
with
all
readiness
acknowledged
.
Nor
is
there
any
Point
controverted
in
Chronology
and
History
,
but
there
must
be
such
Testimonies
alledged
on
both
sides
,
else
it
could
be
no
Controversie
.
But
the
main
Allegations
of
the
adverse
Party
,
and
on
which
the
greatest
stress
of
their
Opinion
lies
,
have
been
sufficiently
answered
by
us
above
,
even
keeping
our selves
within
the
bounds
of
humane
Testimony
.
But
the
weight
of
our
second
Postulatum
being
added
thereto
,
which
I
have
set
down
in
the
first
Chapter
,
shows
their
pretence
to
be
infinitely
light
and
vain
.
So
that
I
hope
the
unprejudiced
and
considerate
will
easily
perceive
and
acknowledge
that
the
genuine
Epocha
of
Daniel's
Weeks
is
rightly
setled
and
determined
for
ever
to
the
Glory
of
God
,
the
Edification
of
his
Church
,
and
the
immortal
Credit
of
Thomas
Lydiat
,
a
learned
,
industrious
and
faithful
Member
thereof
,
and
painful
Protestant
Minister
of
the
Church
of
England
.
To
abet
whom
in
so
rightful
a
Cause
,
I
thought
but
a
piece
of
Justice
due
to
Him
,
to
the
Truth
,
and
to
the
Honour
of
our
English
Church
and
Nation
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
A
Tripartition
of
a
Letter
to
a
Friend
touching
the
first
Resurrection
and
the
Calling
of
the
Jews
.
The
first
part
thereof
.
What
Exposition
the
most
easie
and
natural
.
That
the
primitive
Fathers
following
this
Rule
expounded
the
first
Resurrection
in
a
Physical
sense
,
not
Political
.
That
Grotius
also
expounds
it
so
,
but
in
what
deficient
.
An
Objection
from
two
places
of
Scripture
[
Luke
14.14
.
]
and
[
2
Tim.
4.8
.
]
An
Answer
to
the
first
.
Who
as
well
as
Martrys
capable
of
the
first
Resurrection
?
An
Answer
to
the
second
.
What
meant
by
the
Day
of
Christ's
appearing
.
That
it
may
be
the
time
of
his
Millennial
Kingdom
.
That
the
Martyrs
receive
their
reward
in
the
Morning
of
that
day
.
Others
at
the
Evening
thereof
.
SIR
,
I
Have
received
yours
,
and
am
glad
that
you
have
reaped
that
satisfaction
in
reading
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
,
that
you
profess
you
have
,
saving
in
that
one
passage
,
Chap.
20.
v.
4
,
5
,
6.
where
I
take
the
first
Resurrection
applied
to
the
Martyrs
in
a
literal
sense
.
I
am
glad
so
good
a
Wit
and
Judgment
as
yours
rests
satisfied
in
the
rest
.
I
shall
therefore
endeavour
to
convince
you
,
that
my
Exposition
in
this
passage
is
as
easie
,
natural
and
smooth
as
in
others
.
For
I
conceive
that
Exposition
is
most
easie
and
natural
that
has
the
least
tricks
and
devices
in
it
,
and
runs
not
from
the
proper
signification
of
Words
to
Allegories
and
Metaphors
,
when
there
is
no
necessity
so
to
do
.
Which
Rule
in
this
very
place
the
Primitive
Christians
followed
,
being
perswaded
from
hence
,
that
a
first
Resurrection
in
the
proper
sense
was
the
peculiar
Priviledge
of
the
Martyrs
,
from
which
perswasion
they
were
also
the
better
encouraged
to
suffer
Martyrdom
.
And
I
appeal
to
your self
,
supposing
there
were
such
a
first
Resurrection
belonging
to
the
Martyrs
,
whether
the
words
of
the
Text
do
not
exquisitely
well
fit
it
,
which
therefore
must
be
,
if
true
,
the
most
natural
and
easie
sense
thereof
.
Consider
that
Saying
of
our
Saviour
Christ
to
the
Church
of
Smyrna
,
which
is
that
interval
of
the
Church
wherein
so
many
suffered
Martyrdom
:
He
that
overcometh
(
namely
,
by
couragiously
suffering
Martyrdom
)
shall
not
be
hurt
of
the
second
death
,
and
compare
it
with
what
occurs
here
Chap.
20.
v.
6.
Blessed
and
holy
is
he
that
hath
part
in
the
first
Resurrection
,
on
such
the
second
death
hath
no
power
.
Where
Holy
(
Sanctus
)
Grotius
interprets
thus
:
Sanctus
hîc
idem
quod
semotus
ab
omni
malo
.
Omne
enim
quod
inviolabile
est
sanctum
dicitur
.
Therefore
this
is
a
peculiar
Priviledge
of
security
to
the
Martyrs
.
Which
Grotius
upon
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
explains
thus
:
Animae
quae
sunt
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
non
dicuntur
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
sed
eae
demum
quae
translatae
sunt
sub
solium
gloriae
,
ut
loquuntur
Hebraei
,
sic
vocant
perfectissimum
statum
animarum
ante
Resurrectionem
Vniversalem
.
And
upon
those
words
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
says
he
,
Illa
Martyrum
in
Caelum
evectio
potest
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
dici
.
Wherefore
it
is
plain
,
that
not
a
Political
nor
Moral
,
but
a
Physical
sense
here
in
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
is
acknowledged
also
by
Grotius
.
But
is
it
not
more
full
,
easie
and
natural
to
take
it
in
the
proper
physical
sense
,
than
in
this
more
maimed
and
dwindling
sense
,
and
to
confess
that
this
first
Resurrection
is
also
a
Resuscitation
of
the
Soul
into
a
perfect
blessed
Immortality
by
her
union
with
an
Heavenly
or
glorified
Body
?
And
your self
also
acknowledges
,
that
there
is
a
great
fitness
in
the
thing
,
that
when
the
Millennial
state
takes
,
the
Martyrs
should
receive
some
Crown
or
Triumphal
honour
in
Heaven
.
And
if
then
be
their
evectio
in
Coelum
,
as
Grotius
speaks
,
how
fitly
does
it
fall
in
,
that
they
should
then
be
invested
in
Heavenly
bodies
?
Think
seriously
on
that
:
Heaven
is
the
fittest
place
for
an
Heavenly
body
,
Is
it
not
?
But
you
'll
say
,
If
they
be
thus
afore-hand
cloathed
with
Heavenly
bodies
,
this
seems
to
anticipate
the
general
Day
of
Judgment
,
which
our
Saviour
,
Luke
14.14
.
emphatically
calls
the
Resurrection
of
the
Just
:
till
which
time
the
Crown
or
their
being
cloathed
with
Celestial
bodies
is
a
Depostium
,
which
S.
Paul
did
not
expect
from
the
hands
of
the
righteous
Judge
till
that
day
,
2
Tim.
4.8
.
viz.
till
the
day
of
his
appearing
,
as
is
said
in
the
following
words
of
the
Text.
But
to
these
two
places
of
Scripture
I
briefly
answer
thus
.
To
the
first
,
That
it
rather
implies
a
first
Resurrection
distinct
from
the
Vniversal
,
than
contradicts
it
.
For
if
it
were
meant
of
the
day
of
the
Vniversal
Resurrection
,
our
Saviour
would
rather
have
said
,
the
Resurrection
of
the
dead
,
than
the
Resurrection
of
the
just
:
But
there
being
supposed
two
distinct
parts
of
time
,
the
first
when
none
but
the
just
arise
,
the
other
when
both
just
and
unjust
,
the
former
of
these
will
naturally
be
called
the
Resurrection
of
the
just
(
by
themselves
)
as
the
other
the
Vniversal
Resurrection
,
or
at
large
the
Resurrection
of
the
dead
.
Which
former
part
,
though
it
be
most
peculiar
to
the
Martyrs
,
yet
other
singularly
sanctified
men
,
and
that
have
the
deepest
dye
of
the
Christian
Spirit
in
them
,
viz.
of
Humility
and
Charity
,
the
fruits
whereof
our
Saviour
commends
in
that
place
Luke
14.13
.
may
commence
Coelicolae
at
the
same
time
,
and
be
invested
with
Heavenly
bodies
.
Though
a
man
give
all
away
to
the
poor
,
and
profess
voluntary
poverty
himself
,
or
give
his
body
to
be
burnt
,
and
have
not
this
Spirit
of
Humility
and
Charity
,
he
is
nothing
esteemed
.
Therefore
they
that
excel
in
these
may
well
,
with
the
Martyrs
,
have
a
share
in
the
first
Resurrection
.
This
is
one
solid
way
of
answering
that
place
of
Scripture
.
But
it
may
be
also
briefly
answered
thus
:
That
the
Resurrection
of
the
just
does
not
signifie
there
Individually
,
as
I
may
so
speak
,
taken
for
some
one
solitary
set
time
of
their
Rising
,
but
generally
or
at
large
,
that
when
the
just
rise
,
and
receive
their
reward
,
this
charitable
man
shall
receive
his
amongst
them
,
whether
at
the
beginning
of
the
Millennium
,
or
after
the
ending
,
it
matters
not
so
curiously
to
define
,
and
so
it
seems
to
make
neither
pro
nor
con
as
to
either
Opinion
.
The
other
place
,
2
Tim.
4.8
.
seems
to
pinch
more
sorely
:
I
have
fought
a
good
fight
—
Henceforth
there
is
laid
up
for
me
a
Crown
of
righteousness
,
which
the
Lord
the
righteous
Judge
shall
give
me
at
that
day
,
and
not
to
me
only
,
but
unto
all
them
also
that
love
his
appearing
.
This
seems
to
imply
that
Paul
shall
not
have
his
Crown
,
a
blessed
Immortality
in
an
Heavenly
glorified
body
,
till
all
the
rest
of
good
Christians
that
love
the
appearing
of
Christ
shall
have
it
.
But
in
Answer
to
this
I
say
,
we
are
to
consider
what
is
meant
by
this
Day
of
Christ's
appearing
.
And
there
is
nothing
more
obvious
to
observe
in
Scripture
,
than
that
[
a
day
]
signifies
as
large
as
[
time
]
let
it
be
of
what
years
you
will
.
So
that
this
Day
of
the
appearing
of
Christ
,
may
be
the
whole
Millennium
or
more
,
nay
,
reach
from
the
beginning
of
the
Millennium
to
the
end
of
the
World
or
Conflagration
.
For
so
long
continues
Christ's
Kingdom
on
Earth
when
once
it
is
begun
in
that
eximious
sense
after
his
Victory
over
the
Dragon
,
Beast
and
false
Prophet
.
Read
the
19.
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
Now
this
appearing
of
Christ
and
his
glorious
Reign
in
the
Kingdom
of
his
Saints
is
all
one
,
as
appears
from
the
first
verse
of
this
very
Chapter
:
I
charge
thee
therefore
before
God
and
the
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
who
shall
judge
the
quick
and
the
dead
at
his
appearing
and
his
Kingdom
.
The
appearing
mentioned
v.
8.
is
the
same
with
this
,
and
this
with
his
Kingdom
.
The
words
in
the
Original
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
may
signifie
in
the
time
of
his
appearing
and
Kingdom
,
and
may
be
an
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
be
rendred
in
the
time
of
the
appearing
of
his
Kingdom
,
that
Kingdom
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
I
noted
before
,
touching
which
are
those
Voices
,
Rev.
19.
And
I
heard
as
it
were
the
voice
of
a
great
multitude
,
and
as
the
voice
of
many
waters
,
and
as
the
voice
of
mighty
thunderings
,
saying
,
Alleluia
:
For
the
Lord
God
omnipotent
reigneth
.
In
this
Reign
Christ
will
most
gloriously
and
triumphantly
administer
Justice
,
and
most
righteously
order
all
affairs
,
whether
concerning
the
living
or
the
dead
.
And
then
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Martyrs
that
suffered
for
Christ
,
they
shall
be
raised
first
,
and
be
invested
in
their
glorified
bodies
.
This
affair
will
be
dispatch'd
at
the
beginning
of
Christ's
Reign
,
but
at
the
end
all
shall
be
raised
,
both
good
and
bad
,
and
receive
according
to
their
works
:
both
these
things
will
be
done
in
one
and
the
same
day
,
in
the
day
of
his
Reign
,
which
will
be
filled
with
glorious
appearances
of
his
Power
all
along
.
And
thus
Paul
might
well
say
,
and
say
truly
:
Henceforth
there
is
laid
up
for
me
a
Crown
of
righteousness
,
which
the
Lord
the
righteous
Judge
shall
give
me
at
that
day
,
and
not
unto
me
only
,
but
unto
all
them
also
that
loved
his
appearing
,
that
is
,
the
appearing
of
his
Kingdom
in
the
power
thereof
,
and
daily
prayed
for
it
,
Thy
Kingdom
come
,
as
every
good
Christian
ought
to
do
.
Paul
was
to
receive
his
Crown
of
righteousness
in
the
Morning
of
that
long
Day
,
others
at
the
Evening
or
Close
thereof
,
but
thus
both
receive
it
at
that
day
,
as
receiving
it
both
in
the
same
day
.
Wherefore
the
difficulty
of
these
two
Texts
being
removed
,
I
hope
that
part
of
my
Exposition
,
which
takes
the
first
Resurrection
in
a
literal
sense
,
will
seem
now
as
easie
,
natural
and
agreeable
as
any
of
the
other
passages
.
Those
Interpreters
that
balk
this
obvious
and
natural
sense
,
and
such
as
the
Primitive
Christians
conceived
of
it
,
as
you
may
see
in
Mr
Mede
,
keep
a
fearful
pudder
,
and
so
flunder
and
confound
all
,
that
it
is
tedious
to
read
them
,
much
more
would
it
be
to
write
of
them
,
or
meddle
with
their
Conceits
.
Rectum
est
Index
sui
&
obliqui
.
And
therefore
I
will
give
neither
you
nor
my self
any
unnecessary
trouble
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
The
second
part
of
the
Letter
,
touching
the
Calling
of
the
Jews
.
Whether
they
be
not
to
be
converted
by
some
Miraculous
way
,
suppose
by
a
Voice
or
Vision
from
Heaven
.
Whether
that
of
Zachary
(
Chap.
12.
v.
10.
)
import
so
much
.
That
the
words
of
our
Saviour
(
Matt.
23.
v.
39.
)
seem
to
imply
some
such
thing
:
As
also
that
of
S.
Paul
(
1
Tim.
1.16
.
)
The
probability
of
the
way
of
the
Jews
Conversion
from
these
three
places
of
Scripture
.
AS
for
that
other
Point
in
your
Letter
,
which
you
rightly
deem
a
less
needful
Curiosity
,
viz.
whether
the
Jews
be
not
to
be
converted
by
some
miraculous
way
,
suppose
by
Voice
and
Vision
from
Heaven
,
Mr.
Mede
,
though
not
fully
satisfied
himself
therein
,
is
likely
to
give
you
the
best
satisfaction
of
any
that
I
know
.
There
are
three
places
of
Scripture
that
he
takes
notice
of
not
impertinently
.
The
first
is
Zach.
Chap.
12.
v.
10.
They
shall
see
him
whom
they
have
pierced
.
Which
Sentence
,
though
considered
alone
,
may
seem
to
have
little
force
in
it
;
yet
if
you
read
it
with
the
Context
,
which
seems
to
predict
and
describe
the
very
Conversion
of
the
Jews
and
excellent
state
of
the
Christian
Church
at
that
time
,
it
will
appear
not
a
little
to
the
purpose
.
Nor
do
I
know
how
its
force
can
easily
be
avoided
,
unless
they
interpret
this
seeing
of
him
whom
they
have
pierced
,
of
the
sight
of
Faith
.
Which
others
haply
will
look
upon
but
as
a
frigid
evasion
.
The
second
place
is
Matt.
23.
v.
39.
Ye
shall
not
see
me
henceforth
till
you
say
,
Blessed
is
he
that
cometh
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
.
This
our
Saviour
spoke
some
few
days
before
his
Passion
,
and
looking
upon
himself
now
as
a
dead
man
,
and
gone
into
the
other
World
,
he
told
the
Chief
Priests
and
Scribes
,
especially
(
who
,
Matt.
21.
rebuked
the
people
for
their
Acclamations
they
made
to
him
,
viz.
in
those
words
,
Hosanna
to
the
Son
of
David
,
Blessed
is
he
that
cometh
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
.
Which
Grotius
glosseth
thus
:
Foelix
sit
Rex
à
Deo
nobis
datus
)
that
they
should
see
him
no
more
till
the
time
when
they
should
say
,
Blessed
is
he
that
cometh
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
,
i.e.
shall
say
,
Foelix
sit
Rex
à
Deo
nobis
datus
,
and
so
acknowledge
him
their
King
and
promised
Messias
.
That
this
must
be
understood
of
seeing
him
again
after
his
being
gone
into
the
other
World
is
plain
,
because
it
had
not
been
true
,
if
he
had
understood
it
of
seeing
him
again
before
his
death
.
For
certainly
they
saw
him
at
his
Arraignment
and
Crucifixion
.
Wherefore
the
words
seem
naturally
to
imply
such
a
seeing
of
him
as
S.
Paul
had
by
Vision
from
Heaven
,
whereby
he
was
converted
and
forced
to
say
,
Blessed
is
he
that
cometh
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
,
to
recant
his
Judaism
,
and
sing
Hosanna
to
Christ
the
Son
of
David
,
and
profess
himself
a
Christian
.
And
accordingly
;
which
is
the
third
place
pointed
at
by
Mr.
Mede
;
S.
Paul
(
1
Tim.
1.16
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
But
for
this
very
reason
,
says
he
,
I
(
who
out
of
ignorance
had
been
a
Blasphemer
,
a
Persecuter
and
Injurer
of
Christ
)
obtained
mercy
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
in
me
first
(
as
the
Primitiae
of
the
Jewish
Nation
that
is
to
be
converted
in
such
a
miraculous
manner
as
I
was
)
Jesus
Christ
might
shew
forth
all
long-suffering
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
not
(
as
our
English
has
it
)
for
a
pattern
to
them
(
for
then
it
should
have
been
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
but
for
a
representative
Figure
or
Type
of
them
,
which
should
hereafter
believe
on
him
to
life
everlasting
.
This
seems
to
be
the
natural
sense
of
the
place
.
For
why
should
he
say
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
me
first
,
if
others
were
not
to
follow
that
should
be
converted
in
such
a
miraculous
manner
as
he
was
by
Vision
and
Voices
from
Heaven
?
For
in
other
ways
of
Conversion
he
was
not
the
first
of
the
Jews
that
were
converted
.
Wherefore
there
must
be
a
Conversion
of
the
Jews
by
such
a
mean
as
S.
Paul
was
converted
,
and
of
which
,
the
manner
of
Paul's
Conversion
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Prophetick
Type
or
Figure
.
These
three
Scriptures
may
incline
a
rational
man
to
believe
that
some
chief
of
the
Jews
,
the
most
able
,
the
most
noted
,
and
most
zealous
of
them
for
the
Jewish
Religion
,
may
be
called
as
Paul
was
.
Whose
Testimonies
will
awake
all
the
Jewish
Nation
,
and
cause
them
more
impartially
to
consider
the
Truth
of
Christian
Religion
;
And
the
Completion
of
Prophecies
,
and
their
genuine
Interpretation
,
the
Doctrine
and
Discipline
of
the
Church
,
and
the
lives
of
the
Reformed
Christians
,
a
sort
of
them
at
least
may
be
so
considerably
perfected
by
that
time
(
those
few
Names
in
Sardis
by
that
time
being
well
increased
)
that
things
being
so
fitly
prepared
,
it
may
seem
a
Miracle
for
any
honest
sincere
Jew
in
those
days
not
to
be
converted
.
These
are
my
own
proper
thoughts
on
these
three
places
of
Scripture
.
But
for
fuller
satisfaction
you
may
consult
Mr.
Mede
.
I
do
not
love
to
dwell
long
on
an
Argument
that
I
cannot
so
certainly
and
assuredly
master
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
The
last
part
of
the
Letter
.
The
Reinforcement
of
his
Objection
against
the
literal
or
physical
sense
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
from
two
parallel
places
of
Daniel
and
John
.
An
Answer
to
that
Reinforcement
from
those
very
parallel
places
.
The
Genius
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
in
Daniel
and
John
,
in
intimating
one
Antitheton
by
another
.
What
Antitheton
to
[
those
awakened
into
Eternal
life
]
in
Daniel
is
to
be
found
in
the
Apocalypse
.
What
is
meant
by
the
Devil's
detrusion
into
the
Abyss
.
That
the
first
Resurrection
is
Physical
,
not
Political
,
proved
from
the
Text
it self
,
Apoc.
20.
v.
4.
That
the
Judgment
there
did
pass
upon
those
that
were
either
naturally
or
politically
dead
before
the
Millennium
,
when
the
wicked
were
not
politically
so
,
and
therefore
cannot
be
those
revived
(
in
a
Political
sense
)
after
the
Millennium
.
Further
Arguments
that
the
first
Resurrection
is
Physical
.
THUS
far
I
wrote
before
I
received
your
last
,
which
contains
a
Reinforcement
of
your
former
Objection
against
the
taking
the
first
Resurrection
,
Apoc.
2●
.
in
a
literal
or
Physical
sense
,
and
not
in
a
Political
.
What
you
add
,
I
confess
,
is
sober
and
ingenious
,
and
may
suit
with
some
mens
palates
the
best
;
but
though
I
have
thought
several
times
of
this
very
thing
afore
of
my self
,
yet
mine
ever
refused
it
.
I
will
set
it
down
in
your
own
words
,
that
I
may
not
disadvantage
the
strength
of
the
sense
you
aim
at
.
You
ask
,
Whether
,
since
my self
make
that
place
of
Daniel
,
Chap.
12.
parallel
to
that
of
Apoc.
20.
the
first
Resurrection
mentioned
there
,
by
S.
John
,
may
not
be
understood
rather
in
a
Political
sense
,
of
the
state
of
the
Church
in
the
Millennium
,
than
in
a
natural
and
Physical
concerning
the
Martyrs
?
For
[
those
others
]
say
you
,
in
Daniel
,
which
awake
to
shame
and
everlasting
contempt
,
perhaps
may
be
answerable
to
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
Apocalypse
,
and
the
[
awakening
]
there
parallel
to
the
[
living
]
here
,
&c.
And
whereas
it
is
said
by
S.
John
,
The
rest
of
the
dead
lived
not
again
till
the
thousand
years
were
finished
,
what
hinders
,
say
you
,
but
it
may
be
understood
of
the
wicked
getting
into
Political
power
again
after
the
expiration
of
the
Millennium
.
That
is
briefly
your
sense
,
if
not
your
very
words
.
To
this
I
answer
,
That
though
the
attempt
be
ingenious
to
object
thus
from
those
two
parallel
places
,
yet
the
places
themselves
that
are
parallel
will
jointly
bear
off
the
force
of
the
Objection
,
and
show
that
a
mere
Political
sense
for
these
places
is
harsh
and
forced
.
For
what
can
be
more
violent
and
harsh
than
to
interpret
,
Dan.
12.2
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
a
Political
sense
.
This
is
the
main
place
that
the
Jews
alledge
for
their
Article
of
the
Resurrection
in
a
Physical
sense
,
as
also
the
Christians
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
the
very
Gospel-phrase
again
and
again
inculcated
that
signifies
a
blessed
Immortality
in
a
glorified
body
.
And
besides
this
,
as
Apoc.
20.12
.
there
is
mention
of
Books
being
opened
at
the
general
and
Physical
Resurrection
(
as
all
well
in
their
wits
must
needs
understand
it
)
so
before
this
Resurrection
in
Daniel
there
is
mention
of
the
Book
,
in
which
those
whose
Names
are
written
are
to
be
saved
,
as
it
is
said
Apoc.
20.15
.
that
those
whose
Names
are
not
found
in
the
Book
of
Life
were
cast
into
the
Lake
of
fire
.
These
things
considered
,
methinks
,
make
it
certain
that
the
[
awaking
here
in
Daniel
into
everlasting
life
]
signifies
not
a
Political
,
but
Physical
Resurrection
,
let
Porphyrius
and
Grotius
phansie
what
they
please
.
And
therefore
in
this
parallel
place
of
the
Apocalypse
,
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
their
living
and
reigning
with
Christ
must
have
a
Physical
sense
,
not
a
Political
,
and
signifie
their
Vivification
into
celestial
bodies
,
and
their
reigning
with
him
in
Heaven
.
And
so
those
that
had
not
worshipped
the
Beast
,
nor
received
his
mark
,
&c.
they
answer
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
eodem
genere
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
a
Political
sense
to
those
that
in
Daniel
are
to
be
in
shame
and
everlasting
contempt
,
one
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
implying
the
opposite
thereto
,
and
the
opposite
to
that
in
Daniel
is
here
made
choice
of
in
the
Apocalypse
.
For
it
is
the
Genius
of
the
Prophetick
stile
in
these
two
Prophets
,
Daniel
and
John
,
to
intimate
one
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
another
.
I
have
observed
several
Examples
,
though
I
have
not
the
command
of
them
in
my
memory
for
the
present
.
That
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Church
of
Laodicea
seems
to
be
one
instance
,
The
beginning
of
the
Creation
of
God
,
the
Alpha
:
but
his
main
intent
is
to
intimate
thereby
,
that
he
is
the
Omega
,
the
Ender
or
Finisher
of
what
he
has
begun
.
And
so
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Church
of
Smyrna
,
where
he
says
,
He
that
overcometh
shall
not
be
hurt
of
the
second
death
.
This
is
no
Priviledge
of
the
Smyrnean
Martyrs
,
the
same
being
common
to
all
Christians
that
are
saved
,
but
its
Antitheton
insinuated
by
it
,
is
;
viz.
the
first
Resurrection
opposed
to
the
second
Death
.
There
is
yet
a
third
comes
into
my
mind
,
from
what
I
noted
above
,
most
pertinent
of
all
,
Apoc.
20.15
.
And
if
that
any
one
was
not
found
in
the
Book
of
Life
,
he
was
cast
into
the
Lake
of
fire
.
This
is
at
the
general
Resurrection
plainly
,
where
there
is
no
mention
made
of
the
opposite
party
,
the
righteous
and
their
Reward
,
but
the
Antitheton
is
to
be
fetched
out
of
Daniel
,
Chap.
12.
Every
one
that
shall
be
found
written
in
the
Book
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
shall
be
saved
.
So
that
Daniel
and
S.
John
,
as
touching
such
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
do
as
it
were
keep
Tallies
in
several
,
which
joined
together
,
adjust
the
true
sense
,
and
make
the
account
clear
and
complete
.
Wherefore
this
Prophetick
Ellipsis
,
by
which
one
Antitheton
being
named
we
are
to
gather
the
other
,
shows
how
naturally
in
the
Apocalypse
[
those
that
had
not
worshipped
the
Beast
nor
his
image
reigned
,
&c.
]
are
set
in
opposition
to
[
those
that
are
doomed
to
shame
and
everlasting
contempt
]
they
being
mere
Underlings
in
the
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
,
and
so
each
of
them
understood
in
a
Political
sense
.
And
so
we
see
from
hence
,
that
there
is
not
any
just
ground
for
making
a
Political
sense
of
[
those
that
awake
into
eternal
life
]
though
[
those
that
are
doomed
to
everlasting
contempt
]
is
to
be
understood
Politically
,
because
it
respects
another
Antitheton
in
the
Apocalypse
(
and
not
that
)
which
is
immediately
opposite
in
eodem
genere
.
Let
but
Daniel
and
S.
John
join
Tallies
,
and
the
account
will
be
clear
.
And
now
this
it
may
be
you
will
say
were
more
easie
to
admit
,
if
[
those
that
awake
into
everlasting
life
]
had
something
also
in
eodem
genere
that
were
an
Antitheton
to
it
.
But
I
have
already
proved
,
that
have
it
or
have
it
not
,
it
is
necessarily
to
be
understood
of
a
Physical
Resurrection
,
not
Political
.
But
for
your
greater
ease
,
what
if
I
should
allow
that
about
that
time
that
these
Martyrs
in
the
first
Resurrection
are
awakened
into
everlasting
life
in
their
Heavenly
bodies
,
and
so
ascend
into
Heaven
,
that
the
Ghosts
of
the
cruel
and
barbarous
Persecutors
(
whether
Pagan
or
Pagano-Christian
)
of
the
Saints
of
God
,
together
with
their
chief
Inspirers
and
Instigators
thereto
,
those
Devils
that
were
most
active
upon
them
for
that
work
,
shall
be
thrust
down
into
the
nethermost
Hell
into
that
Dungeon
of
the
Rephaim
,
which
the
Annotator
upon
Lux
Orientalis
describes
in
his
Annotations
,
if
you
have
seen
the
Book
?
It
's
but
interpreting
the
casting
the
old
Dragon
and
his
Accomplices
(
the
Ghosts
of
that
cruel
murderous
Crew
of
Persecutors
,
whether
Pagano-Christian
or
Pagan
)
into
the
bottomless
Pit
,
or
rather
Abyss
in
a
Physical
sense
,
and
the
business
is
done
.
I
have
in
my
Exposition
interpreted
it
in
a
Political
sense
,
which
therefore
may
answer
to
[
those
which
are
doomed
to
shame
and
everlasting
contempt
]
.
Add
but
this
Physical
sense
;
(
And
most
Interpreters
take
it
in
such
a
literal
sense
,
but
being
ignorant
or
mindless
of
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
therein
,
interpret
it
of
one
single
great
Devil
,
and
not
in
Conjunction
with
those
of
his
Kingdom
of
Darkness
.
But
by
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
,
not
only
the
Prince
of
the
Devils
,
but
all
those
Devils
and
evil
Spirits
that
were
active
in
the
Pagan
and
Pagano-Christian
Persecutions
may
be
here
understood
,
and
then
their
Physical
detrusion
into
the
Abyss
at
this
time
is
no
mean
Argument
that
those
whom
they
persecuted
were
at
the
same
time
exalted
into
Heaven
,
that
the
other
were
thrust
down
into
the
nethermost
Hell
,
not
able
to
get
out
thence
till
the
Claviger
of
the
Abyss
with
his
Ministers
brings
them
out
again
after
the
thousand
years
to
exercise
the
sleepy
Laodicean
Church
,
but
to
be
triumphed
over
in
the
Conclusion
,
as
Pharaoh
was
,
who
when
he
thought
to
have
reduced
the
Israelites
under
his
Bondage
again
,
was
overwhelmed
with
a
Sea
of
Water
,
as
Satan
with
all
his
numerous
Forces
,
Gog
and
Magog
,
will
be
overthrown
in
a
Lake
or
Sea
of
Fire
)
Add
,
I
say
,
but
this
Physical
sense
to
answer
in
opposition
to
the
Martyrs
ascending
into
Heaven
in
their
glorified
bodies
,
while
those
Wretches
are
thrust
down
into
the
nethermost
Hell
,
into
the
Abyss
,
of
which
they
are
so
much
afraid
Luke
8.31
.
and
all
is
complete
.
And
this
imprisoning
of
these
disturbers
of
the
World
is
very
suitable
,
and
fitly
falls
in
with
the
peaceful
and
righteous
Reign
of
Christ
upon
Earth
.
Thus
much
we
have
gained
by
considering
the
Text
of
Daniel
,
now
let
us
cast
our
eyes
upon
its
parallel
place
in
the
Apocalypse
,
Chap.
20.
v.
4.
And
I
saw
the
Souls
of
them
that
were
beheaded
for
the
witness
of
Jesus
,
&c.
Certainly
this
denotes
them
dead
in
a
Physical
or
natural
sense
,
not
Political
,
and
in
what
sense
they
are
dead
they
must
be
said
to
be
revived
,
viz.
in
a
Physical
,
unless
we
do
manifest
violence
to
the
Text.
Which
same
violence
would
be
offered
,
if
we
did
not
interpret
that
which
follows
[
but
the
rest
of
the
dead
lived
not
again
till
the
thousand
years
were
finished
]
in
a
Physical
sense
too
.
From
whence
it
follows
likewise
,
that
[
This
is
the
first
Resurrection
]
must
have
a
Physical
sense
also
,
not
a
Political
,
nor
yet
a
Moral
,
and
so
will
answer
directly
to
[
those
some
awakened
into
everlasting
life
]
in
Daniel
.
And
thus
the
parallel
places
support
the
true
sense
of
each
other
.
And
then
that
which
follows
in
the
Apocalypse
,
Blessed
and
holy
is
he
(
that
is
to
say
,
Blessed
in
having
a
peculiar
and
separate
Priviledge
above
others
in
partaking
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
he
being
already
secure
from
the
second
Death
which
is
the
Lake
of
Fire
,
from
which
none
are
actually
secured
till
they
obtain
their
Heavenly
bodies
)
will
have
a
natural
and
easie
coherence
with
what
preceded
,
as
also
a
very
fit
reference
to
that
passage
of
the
Epistle
to
the
Church
in
Smyrna
(
that
interval
of
the
Church
wherein
the
Pagan
Persecution
did
so
rage
,
and
there
were
so
many
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
beheaded
,
or
otherwise
martyred
for
the
witness
of
Jesus
)
He
that
overcomes
shall
not
be
hurt
by
the
second
death
;
which
implies
by
that
usual
Antithesis
I
spoke
of
above
,
that
he
shall
be
made
partaker
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
and
enjoy
that
peculiar
Priviledge
for
his
Sufferings
,
according
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
Primitive
Fathers
.
This
hinders
me
from
allowing
that
[
The
rest
of
the
dead
lived
not
again
till
the
thousand
years
were
finished
]
may
be
understood
of
the
wicked's
reviving
Politically
after
the
expiration
of
the
Millennium
;
and
the
rather
,
because
the
sense
of
the
place
carries
it
for
those
that
at
the
Millennium
were
heretofore
dead
,
either
naturally
or
Politically
,
(
and
so
Judgment
proceeds
upon
them
Apoc.
20.4
.
)
which
the
wicked
were
not
in
a
Political
sense
,
and
therefore
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
[
they
lived
not
again
]
must
refer
to
that
Physical
Resurrection
we
contend
for
.
Add
to
all
this
,
that
if
the
first
Resurrection
were
understood
in
a
Political
sense
,
and
meant
in
general
as
well
of
them
that
were
beheaded
as
those
that
worshipped
not
the
Beast
,
and
in
no
other
sense
than
so
,
there
is
no
reason
why
S.
John
should
use
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
at
first
,
and
then
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
we
might
demand
,
if
that
be
the
first
Political
Resurrection
,
which
is
the
second
?
unless
we
will
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
how
it
can
be
appropriated
to
this
first
Resurrection
as
a
special
Priviledge
of
the
partakers
thereof
,
that
the
second
Death
shall
have
no
power
over
them
,
this
by
promise
belonging
to
all
true
Believers
,
though
not
Martyrs
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
But
to
obtain
a
glorified
body
before
the
second
Death
or
the
Lake
of
Fire
be
in
being
,
which
by
its
own
Nature
exempts
from
the
harm
thereof
,
or
of
any
thing
like
it
in
being
,
this
is
a
peculiar
Priviledge
indeed
.
And
blessed
and
holy
and
peculiarly
happy
is
he
that
has
his
share
in
such
a
first
Resurrection
as
this
,
for
he
is
actually
out
of
the
reach
of
all
harm
that
may
come
from
the
Lake
of
Fire
,
(
the
being
within
the
reach
of
whose
power
is
to
be
obnoxious
to
the
second
Death
)
and
according
to
the
Apocalyptick
Antithetical
implications
or
intimations
he
is
possessed
already
of
everlasting
life
in
a
glorified
body
,
whenas
others
are
but
Candidates
for
the
same
.
I
hope
by
this
time
you
perceive
how
easie
,
smooth
and
natural
my
Exposition
of
the
first
Resurrection
in
a
Physical
sense
is
,
and
how
intricate
,
harsh
and
perplex
the
contrary
way
would
be
,
&c.
CHAP.
XX.
That
the
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
a
Description
of
a
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
.
The
high
expressions
therein
,
but
such
as
are
used
in
the
Prophets
touching
the
people
of
the
Jews
.
The
Plea
of
those
that
will
have
it
merely
a
Description
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
,
consisting
of
seven
Arguments
out
of
Alcazar
.
An
Answer
to
those
seven
Arguments
.
A
more
moderate
way
betwixt
them
that
hold
the
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
the
one
,
to
signifie
merely
such
a
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
the
other
the
state
of
the
Church
in
Heaven
,
viz.
That
though
it
be
a
Prophecy
of
an
excellent
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
yet
the
Description
of
that
state
is
an
intended
Type
also
of
the
state
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
THERE
is
a
wide
difference
betwixt
some
Interpreters
touching
the
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
Apoc.
21.
some
understanding
it
to
be
a
Description
of
the
State
of
the
Church
here
on
Earth
,
others
of
the
State
in
Heaven
.
Amongst
these
latter
is
S.
Augustine
especially
,
and
after
him
Ribera
,
Alcazar
,
Pareus
and
others
.
Amongst
the
former
Justin
Martyr
,
Grotius
,
Dr.
Hammond
,
Brightman
with
others
.
And
I
must
confess
I
am
altogether
of
that
Opinion
,
that
it
is
the
Description
of
the
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
after
the
ruine
of
Antichrist
,
and
so
have
expounded
it
continuedly
throughout
in
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
,
and
have
carefully
suggested
Arguments
all
along
from
the
Text
it self
,
that
it
is
so
to
be
expounded
.
So
that
there
wants
nothing
for
any
further
confirmation
thereof
,
unless
I
should
take
notice
how
there
are
no
expressions
so
high
in
this
Description
but
what
are
in
other
places
of
the
Prophets
,
and
generally
understood
by
Interpreters
of
the
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
namely
such
expressions
as
these
:
In
that
Prophetical
Thanksgiving
of
Tobit
,
Chap.
13.
Jerusalem
shall
be
built
up
with
Sapphirs
and
Emeralds
and
precious
Stones
,
thy
Walls
and
Towers
with
pure
Gold
.
And
the
streets
of
Jerusalem
shall
be
paved
with
Beryl
and
Carbuncle
and
Stones
of
Ophir
.
In
the
Prophecy
of
Isaiah
,
Chap.
65.
v.
17.
Behold
,
I
create
new
Heavens
and
a
new
Earth
,
and
the
former
shall
not
be
remembred
nor
come
into
mind
.
But
be
you
glad
and
rejoice
for
ever
in
what
I
create
,
for
behold
I
create
Jerusalem
a
rejoicing
,
and
her
people
a
joy
,
See
also
Chap.
66.22
.
In
the
Prophecy
of
Ezekiel
:
My
Tabernacle
also
shall
be
with
them
,
yea
I
will
be
their
God
,
and
they
shall
be
my
people
.
Again
,
Isa.
25.8
.
The
Lord
will
wipe
away
tears
from
all
faces
.
And
54.11
.
Oh
thou
afflicted
,
tossed
with
Tempests
and
not
comforted
,
behold
I
will
lay
thy
stones
with
fair
colours
,
and
thy
foundations
with
Sapphirs
,
I
will
make
thy
windows
of
Agates
,
and
thy
gates
of
Carbuncles
,
and
all
thy
borders
of
pleasant
stones
.
And
Chap.
60.19
.
The
Sun
shall
be
no
more
thy
light
by
day
,
neither
for
brightness
shall
the
Moon
give
light
unto
thee
,
but
the
Lord
shall
be
unto
thee
an
everlasting
light
,
and
thy
God
thy
glory
.
Thy
Sun
shall
no
more
go
down
,
neither
shall
thy
Moon
withdraw
it self
,
for
the
Lord
shall
be
thine
everlasting-light
,
and
the
days
of
thy
mourning
shall
be
ended
.
What
more
exalted
expressions
than
these
are
there
in
the
Apocalypse
,
in
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
?
All
which
places
notwithstanding
are
understood
of
a
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
.
And
so
the
City
which
Ezekiel
describes
,
by
which
is
understood
the
Church
on
Earth
,
the
twelve
Gates
,
the
River
,
Trees
and
Fruit
,
they
are
all
transcribed
into
the
Description
of
this
New
Jerusalem
in
the
Apocalypse
.
So
assured
a
thing
is
it
,
that
the
Apocalyptick
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
does
denote
a
state
of
the
Church
here
on
Earth
.
Wherefore
it
were
a
more
fit
thing
to
bring
into
view
the
Plea
of
the
other
Party
,
who
are
so
confident
that
it
is
a
description
of
the
state
of
Heaven
,
than
to
concern
our selves
in
any
further
proofs
that
it
is
a
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
that
we
may
give
a
right
judgment
of
the
matter
.
Alcazar
,
who
is
very
stiff
for
this
Opinion
,
produces
no
fewer
than
seven
Arguments
for
the
same
.
The
first
is
the
Authority
of
S.
Augustine
,
who
bluntly
says
in
his
De
Civitate
Dei
,
lib.
20.
cap.
17.
That
it
is
mere
impudence
to
assert
otherwise
,
because
it
is
said
,
Absterget
Deus
omnem
lacrymam
ab
oculis
eorum
,
&
mors
jam
non
erit
,
neque
luctus
,
neque
clamor
,
sed
nec
ullus
erit
dolor
.
And
at
the
end
of
that
Chapter
he
says
,
That
these
things
are
so
clearly
spoken
of
the
World
to
come
,
and
the
Immortality
and
Eternity
of
the
Saints
,
that
we
must
not
pretend
that
any
thing
is
manifest
in
Scripture
,
if
this
place
be
obscure
.
The
second
is
taken
from
the
Order
of
the
Apocalypse
,
which
having
set
down
at
the
end
of
the
preceding
Chapter
a
description
of
the
Day
of
Judgment
,
and
punishment
of
the
Wicked
,
it
necessarily
follows
that
in
the
next
place
should
be
set
down
a
description
of
the
everlasting
glory
and
happiness
of
the
Elect
in
Heaven
.
The
third
is
,
from
that
it
is
said
Chap.
20.
v.
11.
That
the
Heaven
and
the
Earth
fled
away
from
the
face
of
him
that
sat
upon
the
white
Throne
,
and
there
was
found
no
place
for
them
,
and
this
to
have
been
in
the
last
day
of
Judgment
.
Wherefore
the
New
Heaven
and
the
New
Earth
mentioned
in
the
beginning
of
the
next
Chapter
,
forasmuch
as
the
Universe
cannot
be
without
an
Heaven
and
Earth
,
must
be
the
renewed
Heaven
and
Earth
after
the
Day
of
Judgment
,
in
which
the
glorified
Saints
enjoy
themselves
in
their
Heavenly
state
,
which
is
called
the
New
Jerusalem
.
The
fourth
is
taken
from
Chap.
21.7
,
8.
He
that
overcometh
shall
inherit
all
things
,
but
the
fearful
and
unbelieving
,
&c.
shall
have
their
part
in
the
Lake
which
burneth
with
fire
and
brimstone
,
which
is
the
second
death
.
Whence
,
says
he
,
it
is
manifest
,
that
it
is
the
Heavenly
Bliss
that
is
here
promised
to
the
Victor
,
and
that
this
Jerusalem
therefore
is
a
state
in
Heaven
,
not
on
Earth
.
Fifthly
,
The
side
of
the
Square
Area
of
Ezekiel's
City
by
which
the
Church
Militant
is
prefigured
,
is
but
four
thousand
five
hundred
reeds
or
forty
five
furlongs
;
but
the
side
of
the
Square
of
the
Area
of
the
New
Jerusalem
in
the
Apocalypse
is
extended
unto
twelve
thousand
furlongs
,
which
makes
the
Area
of
the
New
Jerusalem
seventy
one
thousand
and
an
hundred
and
eleven
times
bigger
than
the
Area
of
Ezekiel's
City
,
and
therefore
Ezekiel's
City
being
the
Church
Militant
,
this
New
Jerusalem
,
by
reason
of
the
vast
difference
in
their
capaciousnesses
,
and
S.
John's
City
containing
not
the
Elect
of
some
one
time
,
but
of
all
Ages
,
must
needs
be
the
Church
Triumphant
.
Sixthly
,
Those
words
,
I
saw
no
Temple
there
,
imply
,
That
this
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
not
of
the
Church
Militant
,
but
Triumphant
.
For
the
Church
Militant
is
not
without
Temples
.
Seventhly
and
lastly
,
In
that
it
is
said
,
There
is
no
Night
,
no
Death
,
no
Pain
,
no
Curse
,
That
without
are
Dogs
,
&c.
And
that
the
Inhabitants
of
this
City
shall
always
enjoy
the
sight
of
the
Face
of
God
and
the
Lamb
,
these
are
manifest
indications
that
the
state
described
is
not
of
the
Church
Militant
,
but
Triumphant
.
These
are
the
notable
Arguments
of
Alcazar
,
which
Pareus
also
applauds
or
approves
as
stiff
in
Alcazar's
Opinion
as
himself
.
But
I
shall
answer
them
in
order
.
To
the
first
therefore
I
say
,
That
the
true
understanding
of
the
Apocalypse
being
by
Divine
Providence
reserved
for
these
latter
times
,
(
as
it
is
manifestly
intimated
in
Daniel
,
Chap.
12.9
.
)
As
it
is
no
disparagement
for
the
ancient
Fathers
not
to
be
knowing
in
matters
which
the
Wisdom
of
God
thought
fit
to
conceal
from
them
,
so
it
is
no
rudeness
or
injury
to
their
Authority
,
that
it
is
not
admitted
in
cases
wherein
they
are
no
competent
Judges
.
They
had
not
the
advantage
we
have
,
who
have
so
much
of
the
Prophecies
of
the
Apocalypse
so
clearly
fulfilled
before
our
eyes
;
the
fulfilling
of
Prophecies
being
the
most
certain
Key
for
the
opening
of
them
.
It
is
not
likely
that
S.
Austin
understood
,
that
the
Whore
of
Babylon
is
the
Apostatized
Church
,
that
great
City
or
Polity
Antichristian
and
Idolatrous
,
that
was
to
be
destroy'd
by
the
pouring
out
of
the
Vials
;
upon
the
destruction
whereof
one
of
the
Vial-Angels
showed
this
City
or
Polity
the
New
Jerusalem
to
John
,
as
that
Power
or
Polity
that
was
to
succeed
in
the
others
room
,
in
which
the
Servants
of
God
that
adhered
to
the
pure
Gospel
,
nor
would
submit
to
the
Roman
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
,
were
cruelly
persecuted
,
tortured
,
and
murdered
many
hundred
thousands
of
them
,
which
could
not
be
without
the
tears
of
them
that
were
concerned
.
These
things
,
I
say
,
S.
Austin
being
ignorant
of
,
we
may
well
excuse
him
for
his
confident
mistake
:
who
,
if
he
had
known
them
,
would
have
easily
discerned
the
Speech
to
have
been
figurative
,
when
it
is
said
,
there
shall
be
no
more
death
,
nor
crying
,
nor
sorrow
,
nor
pain
,
and
that
God
will
wipe
all
tears
from
their
eyes
,
viz.
that
by
a
Synecdoche
generis
those
kinds
of
death
,
sorrow
,
pain
,
crying
and
tears
are
pointed
at
that
were
caused
by
that
Antichristian
Polity
that
so
barbarously
persecuted
the
Saints
of
God
;
that
in
this
New
Jerusalem
state
they
should
be
free
from
these
.
Which
is
an
easie
and
obvious
sense
thus
understood
.
And
indeed
the
observing
that
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
in
opposition
to
the
Polity
of
Babylon
which
it
succeeds
,
is
a
special
Key
for
the
rightly
opening
the
meaning
of
the
Description
all
along
,
as
may
be
observed
in
my
Exposition
thereof
.
To
the
second
I
answer
,
(
1.
)
That
the
Object
of
the
opened
Book-Prophecy
,
of
which
the
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
part
,
is
not
the
state
of
the
Church
in
Heaven
,
but
the
state
thereof
on
Earth
.
And
therefore
though
a
description
of
the
state
of
the
Church
in
Heaven
would
follow
here
handsomly
,
yet
it
being
quite
Heterogeneous
to
the
nature
of
this
Prophecy
,
we
may
be
sure
it
is
not
here
described
but
a
state
on
Earth
in
the
Millennium
,
and
that
therefore
there
is
a
going
back
into
those
times
in
this
Description
;
the
placing
of
the
Visions
being
no
certain
Argument
of
the
order
of
time
they
belong
to
,
as
all
know
that
know
any
thing
in
the
Apocalypse
.
Again
,
That
there
is
an
holy
and
happy
state
of
the
Church
of
Christ
in
his
Millennial
Reign
on
Earth
is
plain
,
and
that
that
State
or
Polity
opposite
to
the
Polity
or
City
of
Babylon
,
is
no
where
so
fully
described
as
the
Whore
of
Babylon
is
,
Chap.
17.
is
as
plain
.
Wherefore
what
can
be
more
likely
,
than
that
this
City
the
New
Jerusalem
is
described
as
a
Polity
opposite
to
the
City
of
Babylon
,
which
was
drunk
with
the
blood
of
the
Saints
and
the
blood
of
the
Martyrs
of
Jesus
,
from
which
barbarous
Persecutions
the
Saints
are
secured
in
this
New
Jerusalem
state
.
Whence
it
is
said
,
There
shall
be
no
more
death
,
nor
sorrow
,
nor
crying
,
but
that
God
will
wipe
all
tears
from
their
eyes
,
&c.
Chap.
21.4
.
Thirdly
,
Those
many
passages
noted
in
my
Exposition
of
this
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
which
is
needless
here
to
repeat
,
plainly
demonstrate
it
to
be
a
description
of
the
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
.
And
lastly
,
The
Vial-Angel
,
the
last
doubtless
,
as
being
nearest
to
this
time
that
shews
John
the
Bride
,
the
Lamb's
Wife
,
in
opposition
to
the
bloody
Whore
of
Babylon
,
destroy'd
by
him
under
the
seventh
Vial
,
how
naturally
does
his
showing
John
the
City
,
New
Jerusalem
,
upon
his
having
destroy'd
the
City
of
Babylon
,
imply
,
that
he
shows
him
that
Polity
that
is
to
succeed
that
of
Babylon
,
and
that
therefore
this
New
Jerusalem
is
here
upon
Earth
.
To
the
third
I
say
,
That
that
high
expression
of
the
Heaven
and
Earth
flying
away
,
or
vanishing
from
the
face
of
him
that
sate
upon
the
Throne
,
and
that
there
was
found
no
place
for
them
,
is
only
to
set
out
the
exceeding
great
Glory
of
him
that
sate
upon
the
Throne
,
that
they
could
neither
see
Earth
nor
the
Azure
Sky
,
their
eyes
being
so
filled
and
taken
up
with
the
great
resplendency
and
brightness
of
that
light
.
But
the
real
stress
of
the
Argument
,
if
there
be
any
in
it
,
is
,
That
there
is
a
new
Heaven
and
a
new
Earth
after
the
Conflagration
(
which
accompanies
the
last
Judgment
)
mentioned
in
the
beginning
of
the
ensuing
Chapter
.
But
from
what
has
been
faid
to
the
second
Argument
it
is
apparent
,
that
it
is
a
mere
Lemmatosynechia
,
that
is
,
the
continuing
together
of
the
Visions
in
the
outward
Cortex
of
the
Apocalypse
,
as
if
that
were
the
very
order
of
time
in
the
things
they
prefigure
,
when
it
is
quite
otherwise
in
the
true
sense
of
the
Visions
.
This
is
one
part
of
the
artifice
of
Concealment
affected
by
the
Apocalypse
,
of
which
there
are
many
instances
;
As
that
Chap.
4.1
.
where
after
the
Vision
of
the
seven
Churches
,
John
is
bid
to
come
up
,
that
he
might
be
shown
what
things
must
come
to
pass
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
after
these
things
.
Which
Lemmatosynechia
has
so
imposed
upon
some
otherwise
learned
and
of
notable
parts
,
that
they
have
joined
the
beginning
of
the
sealed
Book-Prophecy
with
the
ending
of
the
affairs
of
Laodicea
.
That
also
seems
to
be
a
Lemmatosynechia
,
Chap.
13.14
.
where
the
two-horned
Beast
is
said
to
make
an
Image
to
the
Beast
that
had
the
wound
by
the
Sword
and
did
live
,
as
if
the
ten-horned
Beast
in
the
immediately
foregoing
Vision
were
meant
,
which
is
a
glib
correspondency
in
the
Cortex
when
the
inward
sense
is
otherwise
.
But
there
is
not
a
more
elegant
Lemmatosynechia
than
that
Chap.
11.9
.
where
the
three
days
and
an
half
of
the
Witnesses
being
dead
,
are
immediately
placed
after
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
of
their
mournful
prophesying
;
when
yet
the
three
days
and
an
half
are
the
same
time
or
Synchronal
to
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
,
as
I
have
elsewhere
proved
by
impregnable
Arguments
.
I
will
only
add
one
instance
more
,
Chap.
16.
v.
18
,
19.
where
the
City
is
said
to
be
divided
into
three
parts
upon
the
Earthquake
there
mentioned
,
whenas
that
Tripartition
of
the
City
was
before
,
but
it
is
a
very
smooth
and
trim
Lemmatosynechia
in
the
Cortex
.
And
such
a
Lemmatosynechia
is
this
in
naming
a
New
Heaven
and
a
New
Earth
immediately
after
the
Conflagration
,
which
is
a
wonderful
smooth
connexion
in
the
Cortex
,
when
yet
in
truth
,
this
New
Heaven
and
New
Earth
is
a
Political
Heaven
and
Earth
,
answering
to
that
of
Isaiah
,
Chap.
65.17
.
and
created
in
the
beginning
of
the
Millennium
.
This
is
the
promised
New
Heaven
and
New
Earth
mentioned
by
S.
Peter
,
(
alluding
to
that
of
Isaiah
)
wherein
dwelleth
righteousness
,
whenas
the
Polity
of
Babylon
was
full
of
persecution
,
injustice
and
blood
.
Wherefore
Alcazar
being
not
aware
of
this
usual
Artifice
of
Concealment
intended
in
the
Apocalypse
,
which
I
call
Lemmatosynechia
,
has
produced
that
for
a
strong
Argument
,
which
,
the
matter
rightly
understood
,
has
no
strength
in
it
at
all
.
To
his
fourth
I
answer
,
That
we
are
both
agreed
in
this
,
that
the
7.
and
8.
verses
of
Chap.
21.
respect
the
state
of
men
to
come
after
the
Day
of
Judgment
,
the
Lake
of
fire
,
and
the
Inheritance
of
Heaven
.
For
I
declare
in
my
Exposition
,
That
from
the
second
verse
to
the
ninth
is
a
brief
description
of
the
affairs
of
the
Church
from
the
second
Thunder
to
the
last
,
or
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
to
the
last
Reward
of
the
Godly
,
and
Punishment
of
the
Wicked
.
But
as
after
a
brief
mention
of
the
destruction
of
Babylon
,
Chap.
16.
v.
19.
there
is
a
large
description
of
her
and
her
destruction
in
the
two
following
Chapters
,
17.
and
18.
so
here
after
a
brief
intimation
of
the
emersion
of
the
New
Jerusalem
into
being
,
there
is
a
full
and
glorious
Description
thereof
from
the
ninth
verse
of
this
21.
Chapter
to
the
sixth
of
the
next
.
And
I
may
here
further
add
,
that
as
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
,
v.
9
,
10.
the
Conflagration
is
glanced
at
in
the
destruction
of
Gog
and
Magog
by
fire
,
who
besieged
the
holy
City
,
but
the
Judgment
of
the
wicked
and
fiery
Lake
or
Conflagration
more
fully
prosecuted
from
v.
11.
to
the
end
of
the
Chapter
:
So
here
after
the
brief
mentioning
of
the
state
of
the
New
Jerusalem
in
the
five
first
verses
,
it
is
more
fully
described
from
the
ninth
verse
to
the
end
of
this
Chapter
,
and
some
part
of
the
next
.
So
small
force
has
this
fourth
Argument
to
infer
that
these
descriptions
of
the
New
Jerusalem
belong
to
the
state
of
the
Church
in
Heaven
.
The
fifth
Argument
makes
a
pretty
show
,
but
it
is
grounded
upon
a
gross
mistake
,
as
if
the
twelve
thousand
furlongs
were
the
side
of
the
Square
Area
of
the
New
Jerusalem
;
whenas
it
is
a
solid
Number
,
whose
Cubick
root
multiplied
by
four
,
gives
the
same
Perimeter
in
a
manner
that
Ezekiel's
four
thousand
five
hundred
multiplied
into
four
do
give
,
that
is
,
eighteen
thousand
,
not
Reeds
,
but
Cubits
,
as
both
Gaspar
Sanctius
and
Villalpandus
conceive
them
to
be
,
both
of
them
learned
and
industrious
Commentators
upon
Ezekiel
.
By
which
solid
account
the
seeming
force
of
this
fifth
Argument
quite
vanisheth
.
See
Mr.
Potter's
Interpretation
of
the
Number
666.
Chap.
5.
And
the
Equality
of
Perimeters
of
the
Square
Area
of
Ezekiel's
and
S.
John's
Cities
(
supposing
the
solid
measure
of
S.
John's
City
to
be
twelve
thousand
furlongs
,
as
the
Text
it self
seems
to
intimate
,
[
and
he
measured
the
City
with
a
Reed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
all
twelve
thousand
furlongs
]
,
and
he
presently
thereupon
adding
,
the
length
,
breadth
and
height
of
it
are
equal
,
implies
they
are
solid
furlongs
)
this
Equality
,
I
say
,
added
to
the
twelve
Gates
in
each
City
,
twelve
Tribes
,
the
River
and
the
Trees
and
Fruit
,
is
a
plain
Argument
that
S.
John's
City
and
Ezekiel's
are
Figures
of
the
same
thing
,
and
Ezekiel's
being
of
the
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
S.
John's
must
be
so
also
.
And
now
for
his
sixth
Argument
from
,
I
saw
no
Temple
there
.
It
consists
very
well
with
the
state
of
the
Church
in
those
best
and
most
glorious
times
thereof
in
the
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
,
which
the
Cabbalists
also
call
the
Reign
of
the
Spirit
,
when
God
will
find
,
in
abundance
,
such
Worshippers
as
he
seeks
for
,
viz.
such
as
shall
worship
him
in
Spirit
and
in
Truth
.
And
this
passage
seems
inserted
on
purpose
to
be
a
Key
to
the
Jews
that
will
then
be
converted
,
how
to
understand
Ezekiel's
Prophecy
of
the
same
state
of
the
Church
,
by
the
City
he
describes
and
makes
so
much
to
do
with
the
Temple
and
Rituals
thereof
;
they
will
by
this
Note
understand
that
it
is
an
Hylastick
Parable
,
of
which
the
Truth
is
to
be
followed
,
and
the
shadow
to
fly
away
.
And
lastly
,
For
what
is
alledged
in
the
seventh
Argument
,
they
are
but
such
things
as
are
already
answered
by
my
answering
the
first
,
where
I
have
explained
in
what
sense
there
is
said
to
be
no
death
,
nor
sorrow
,
nor
pain
.
And
it
being
said
there
is
no
curse
,
that
is
,
no
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
respects
the
Papal
Curses
,
as
is
noted
in
my
Exposition
.
And
that
there
is
no
Night
,
is
no
more
than
is
said
by
Esay
of
the
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
Thy
Sun
shall
no
more
go
down
,
&c.
Chap.
60.
And
this
state
of
the
Church
being
so
holy
on
Earth
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
such
ill
people
as
are
called
Dogs
,
Sorcerers
,
Whoremongers
,
Idolaters
,
&c.
are
excluded
from
it
,
and
not
admitted
into
their
Communion
:
And
in
that
they
are
said
to
enjoy
the
sight
of
the
face
of
God
and
of
the
Lamb
;
what
is
this
more
than
what
S.
Paul
witnesses
we
are
capable
of
in
this
life
?
That
God
who
commanded
the
light
to
shine
out
of
darkness
,
may
shine
in
our
hearts
to
give
the
light
of
the
knowledge
of
the
glory
of
God
in
the
face
of
Jesus
Christ
.
So
that
there
being
so
many
indications
,
as
I
have
observed
in
my
Notes
,
that
the
description
of
this
New
Jerusalem
is
a
description
of
a
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
and
the
best
Arguments
alledged
against
it
being
really
invalid
,
it
remains
manifest
,
that
the
state
of
the
Church
in
the
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
on
the
Earth
is
predicted
and
described
by
this
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
.
But
now
after
the
pondering
of
the
Plea
of
both
Parties
,
though
I
am
very
confident
,
that
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
a
description
of
the
Church
on
Earth
in
the
Millennium
,
yet
I
am
on
the
other
side
as
confident
of
what
is
not
at
all
repugnant
to
this
,
that
this
excellent
Millennial
state
of
the
Church
is
a
Type
(
and
so
intended
to
be
in
its
description
)
of
that
more
transcendently
blessed
and
glorious
state
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
And
the
reasons
that
induce
me
to
this
belief
in
brief
are
these
.
First
,
It
seems
handsom
and
congruous
,
that
it
being
so
universally
acknowledged
on
all
sides
,
that
the
State
and
Oeconomy
of
the
Jewish
Church
was
a
Type
of
the
Christian
Church
which
was
to
succeed
it
;
so
the
best
state
of
the
Christian
Church
Militant
,
which
is
the
Millennial
state
or
rather
the
state
of
the
New
Jerusalem
here
described
,
which
the
Heavenly
state
succeeds
,
should
be
a
Type
of
the
succeeding
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
Secondly
,
There
is
a
sufficient
lively
Description
and
sensible
Representation
of
the
state
of
the
second
Death
which
succeeds
the
general
Judgment
,
the
Lake
burning
with
brimstone
and
fire
;
why
therefore
should
there
not
be
as
lively
,
or
rather
more
lively
description
of
the
state
of
Eternal
life
,
to
which
the
Godly
are
adjudged
,
as
well
as
the
Wicked
to
the
other
state
?
Thirdly
,
therefore
,
The
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
State
or
Polity
,
for
it
is
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
immediately
succeeding
this
Lake
of
fire
in
the
very
next
Chapter
under
the
very
name
of
a
new
Heaven
and
a
new
Earth
the
same
with
the
New
Jerusalem
,
and
this
after
the
Conflagration
,
we
are
fairly
invited
thereby
to
conclude
,
that
the
state
of
the
New
Jerusalem
on
Earth
is
so
described
,
that
it
is
also
a
Type
of
the
Triumphant
Jerusalem
in
Heaven
.
And
thus
far
we
will
allow
force
in
Alcazar's
second
and
third
Argument
,
that
they
may
fairly
warrant
,
in
conjunction
with
other
Considerations
,
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
on
Earth
to
be
a
Type
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
Fourthly
,
This
being
a
most
Holy
Book
of
Divine
Visions
,
and
this
of
the
New
Jerusalem
the
last
of
the
Visions
,
what
can
be
a
more
proper
Vision
than
this
,
that
typifies
also
the
glorious
and
blissful
state
of
the
Saints
in
Heaven
,
to
be
the
close
of
all
,
and
which
not
only
this
Book
of
the
Apocalypse
,
but
the
whole
Bible
aims
at
?
Fifthly
and
lastly
,
It
is
observable
,
and
I
have
noted
it
in
my
Mystery
of
Godliness
,
Book
7.
Chap.
7.
That
in
a
Prophecy
that
may
have
a
meaner
fulfilling
at
the
first
,
and
is
really
intended
for
that
fulfilling
,
yet
by
reason
of
the
high
actuation
of
the
Spirit
of
the
Prophet
,
some
expressions
may
come
from
him
that
much
better
fit
the
Antitype
,
than
the
Type
in
which
the
Prophecy
is
first
fulfilled
.
This
is
so
over
and
over
again
verified
in
the
Prophecy
Typical
of
our
Saviour
Christ
,
that
it
is
needless
pains
to
name
any
;
And
many
such
instances
also
are
observable
in
the
Typical
Prophecies
of
Antichrist
,
as
that
in
the
Prince
of
Type
,
&c.
Now
this
being
so
observable
in
Predictions
that
are
but
Types
,
of
what
there
will
be
a
fuller
completion
;
that
there
are
strokes
in
them
that
properly
belong
not
(
but
only
figuratively
)
to
the
Type
,
but
to
its
Antitype
,
there
being
this
very
case
in
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
a
Prophecy
of
the
Millennial
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
;
that
is
to
say
,
there
being
such
expressions
therein
that
more
naturally
describe
the
state
of
Heaven
,
as
S.
Augustine
has
well
observed
in
the
first
Argument
,
and
Alcazar
in
the
last
:
the
genuine
Result
of
this
Consideration
is
this
,
That
it
is
a
Prophecy
of
such
a
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
as
is
a
lively
Type
withal
of
that
transcendent
Happiness
the
Saints
will
find
in
Heaven
,
where
there
shall
be
,
not
only
no
more
death
,
sorrow
,
crying
,
tears
,
pain
or
torture
from
that
bloody
persecutive
Polity
of
Babylon
(
which
are
intimated
by
a
Synecdoche
Generis
)
but
absolutely
and
properly
(
speaking
without
a
Figure
)
there
shall
be
none
of
these
things
at
all
.
These
are
the
Reasons
that
move
me
to
think
,
that
though
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
be
a
Prophecy
of
the
blessed
Reign
of
Christ
on
Earth
,
that
yet
it
is
withal
a
Type
of
the
Joys
and
Glory
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
wherewith
the
Saints
are
rewarded
after
the
Conflagration
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
The
occasion
of
his
more
fully
making
out
that
grand
Truth
,
that
the
whole
Apocalypse
in
a
manner
consists
of
three
main
Prophecies
,
beginning
with
the
Church
,
and
reaching
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
viz.
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
Sealed
Book
-
Prophecy
,
and
Opened
Book
-
Prophecy
,
with
the
three
Introductory
Visions
prefixed
thereto
.
That
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
is
such
a
Prophecy
.
That
the
Sealed
Book
-
Prophecy
is
such
.
And
also
the
Opened
Book
-
Prophecy
.
The
Reference
of
the
three
Introductory
Visions
to
the
Title
of
the
Book
of
the
Apocalypse
.
Introductory
Visions
to
Prophecies
in
Isaiah
,
Ezekiel
and
Daniel
,
and
that
they
are
not
properly
Prophecies
themselves
.
The
Meaning
of
the
Introductory
Vision
of
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
.
The
like
Meaning
of
the
Introductory
Vision
to
the
Prophecy
of
the
Sealed
Book
.
The
drift
of
the
third
Introductory
Vision
,
muchwhat
the
same
with
the
two
former
,
and
that
the
Angel
there
appearing
,
is
Christ
.
That
this
third
Introductory
Vision
is
a
kind
of
Transitionary
Introduction
to
the
Opened
Book
-
Prophecy
.
Proved
briefly
from
the
Oath
of
the
Angel
,
that
the
Sealed
Book
-
Prophecy
reaches
to
the
End
of
the
World
.
FOrasmuch
as
I
am
fully
perswaded
in
my
own
judgment
,
that
I
have
suggested
in
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
touching
that
Volume
of
Divine
Visions
is
true
,
namely
,
that
the
whole
in
a
manner
consists
of
three
main
Prophecies
,
which
reach
each
of
them
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
End
of
the
World
,
viz.
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
to
the
Seven
Churches
,
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
and
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
and
of
three
Introductory
Visions
,
each
of
the
three
Prophecies
having
prefixed
to
it
one
.
And
because
this
is
so
fundamental
a
Truth
,
that
no
man
with
success
can
interpret
any
part
of
the
Apocalypse
repugnantly
thereto
,
yet
knowing
certainly
and
experimentally
,
that
men
of
Learning
,
Wit
and
Parts
,
and
of
a
Genius
to
these
kind
of
studies
,
have
notwithstanding
overlooked
this
necessary
Principle
,
and
thereby
have
bewildred
themselves
,
and
lost
themselves
in
inextricable
Labyrinths
;
therefore
for
the
more
sure
inculcating
so
sound
and
necessary
a
Notion
,
I
have
thought
fit
something
more
fully
here
to
insist
on
the
proof
thereof
;
but
more
especially
that
those
three
Visions
prefixed
to
these
three
Prophecies
,
are
rather
Introductions
to
the
said
Prophecies
,
than
Prophecies
themselves
.
That
the
Epistles
to
the
Seven
Churches
is
a
Prophecy
,
I
have
in
my
Exposition
demonstrated
by
no
Iess
than
twenty
solid
Arguments
,
which
are
also
set
down
at
the
end
of
my
Exposition
of
the
Visions
of
Daniel
,
and
the
scope
thereof
is
enforced
by
Notes
thereon
.
But
that
it
is
a
Prophecy
reaching
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
End
of
the
World
,
that
one
Consideration
might
assure
any
one
that
is
not
hoodwinkt
with
prejudice
,
viz.
that
these
Seven
Churches
imply
seven
Intervals
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
(
as
any
will
grant
that
is
convinced
it
is
a
Prophecy
)
and
the
Number
Seven
every
where
in
the
Apocalypse
implies
All
from
the
Terminus
whence
the
Reckoning
is
,
and
therefore
it
necessarily
implies
all
the
intervals
of
the
Church
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
thereof
.
This
must
be
indubitable
to
him
that
understands
the
stile
of
the
Apocalypse
.
And
taking
this
ground
,
and
observing
the
intervals
we
have
chosen
,
and
applying
History
to
each
of
them
,
the
Epistles
are
found
an
exquisite
Prefiguration
of
the
things
in
each
interval
,
and
the
Paronomastical
allusions
hugely
expressive
of
the
Events
of
every
interval
,
which
is
as
full
a
confirmation
as
one
can
desire
,
that
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
reaches
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
And
now
that
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
does
so
too
,
it
is
evident
from
the
same
Argument
drawn
from
the
Septenary
,
which
is
an
Apocalyptick
Symbol
of
Vniversality
,
taking
in
from
the
term
it
commences
all
the
space
of
mundane
Affairs
wherein
the
Church
may
be
concerned
,
and
Divine
Providence
and
Prophecy
imployed
,
which
therefore
is
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
And
thus
not
only
the
seven
Seals
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
but
by
the
same
reason
the
seven
Trumpets
commencing
with
the
seventh
Seal
and
seven
Thunders
commencing
with
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
must
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
And
the
Angel
,
Chap.
10.
swears
to
this
Truth
,
That
there
shall
be
no
more
time
,
saving
that
wherein
the
seventh
Angel
shall
sound
,
and
the
Mystery
of
God
be
finished
,
as
I
shall
make
good
afterwards
.
Wherefore
here
is
abundance
of
Evidence
,
that
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
reaches
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
And
that
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
does
the
like
,
that
is
,
reaches
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
is
manifest
,
because
it
reaches
to
the
last
Judgment
and
Conflagration
,
Chap.
20.
And
that
the
Visions
of
Chap.
12.
respect
the
beginning
of
the
Church
,
viz.
the
Woman
in
Childbirth
,
and
the
Fight
of
Michael
with
the
Dragon
,
no
man
of
common
sense
can
deny
.
From
whence
yet
it
will
naturally
follow
,
That
the
measuring
of
the
Temple
of
God
and
the
Altar
,
&c.
respects
also
or
reaches
the
beginning
of
the
Church
,
for
the
Church
was
Symmetral
as
soon
as
it
began
.
But
these
three
Points
there
was
less
need
to
insist
upon
,
they
being
sufficiently
made
out
elsewhere
.
The
chief
thing
intended
here
is
to
prove
,
that
the
three
Visions
prefixed
to
these
three
main
Prophecies
,
are
Introductions
only
to
those
Prophecies
,
and
not
properly
Prophecies
themselves
.
For
the
better
clearing
this
Truth
,
we
will
take
our
rise
from
the
Title
of
the
Book
comprized
in
vers.
1.
The
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
,
which
God
gave
unto
him
to
shew
unto
his
servants
things
which
must
shortly
come
to
pass
,
and
he
sent
and
signified
(
viz.
the
things
to
come
to
pass
,
some
sooner
,
some
later
)
by
his
Angel
to
his
servant
John
.
Here
we
see
how
methodically
in
a
plain
vulgar
stile
is
set
down
the
summ
of
this
Book
,
viz.
that
the
Book
is
a
Book
predicting
things
to
come
,
that
is
to
say
,
a
Book
of
Prophecies
.
That
this
Book
of
Prophecies
is
a
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
,
that
he
is
the
Revealer
of
these
things
to
come
,
and
that
unto
John
by
Angelical
Ministry
;
But
that
the
Man
Christ
Jesus
had
this
Revelation
from
God
,
it
being
the
high
Priviledge
of
the
Soul
of
the
Messias
to
have
such
Secrets
revealed
unto
him
.
The
two
main
things
therefore
included
in
this
Title
are
these
:
That
this
Book
is
a
Revelation
of
things
to
come
:
That
this
Revelation
is
from
the
Man
Christ
,
or
through
the
Humanity
of
Christ
,
but
by
the
Gift
of
the
Eternal
Godhead
.
Both
these
things
are
set
down
here
in
an
ordinary
vulgar
stile
.
But
forasmuch
as
those
Predictions
in
the
three
main
Prophecies
,
which
might
have
been
made
also
or
expressed
in
such
a
vulgar
plain
stile
,
but
yet
are
not
but
in
pompous
and
Aenigmatical
Phrases
,
it
was
very
suitable
and
congruous
,
that
the
signifying
that
these
three
Prophecies
were
the
Revelation
of
the
Man
Jesus
Christ
by
the
gift
of
God
,
should
be
expressed
with
correspondent
Pomp
and
Magnificency
.
And
this
is
the
thing
I
contend
for
,
that
those
Visions
prefixed
to
these
three
main
Prophecies
,
that
the
main
design
of
them
is
to
intitle
the
succeeding
Prophecy
to
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
by
the
gift
of
God
,
and
that
the
Godhead
is
joined
with
him
in
every
one
of
these
three
Introductory
Visions
,
and
so
makes
good
that
part
of
the
general
Title
of
the
whole
Book
,
and
in
as
magnificent
a
manner
as
the
Prophetical
part
it self
is
set
out
therein
.
That
there
are
such
Introductory
Visions
prefixed
before
eminent
Prophecies
,
is
observable
in
very
illustrious
Examples
thereof
.
As
Isai
.
Chap.
6.
I
saw
the
Lord
sitting
upon
a
Throne
high
and
lifted
up
,
and
his
train
filled
the
Temple
.
Above
stood
the
Seraphims
,
&c.
Which
Vision
is
no
Prophecy
,
but
a
signification
of
Isaiah's
Mission
and
Inspiration
from
God
,
whereby
he
was
inabled
to
utter
infallible
Prophecies
.
The
like
Introductory
Vision
and
more
ample
of
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
enthroned
above
the
Cherubims
is
prefixed
before
Ezekiel's
Book
of
Prophecies
,
but
is
no
Prophecy
it self
,
but
a
sign
of
Ezekiel
his
Call
and
Inspiration
from
God
to
prophesie
:
He
upon
the
Throne
speaking
to
him
,
Chap.
2.3
.
and
saying
,
Son
of
man
,
I
send
thee
to
the
Children
of
Israel
,
&c.
there
's
his
Mission
,
and
then
reaching
him
a
roll
of
a
Book
to
eat
,
whereby
(
as
John
,
Apoc.
10.
doing
the
like
)
he
was
inabled
to
prophesie
.
I
will
add
a
third
Example
out
of
Daniel
of
that
Vision
of
an
Angel
habited
like
Aaron
the
High-Priest
,
Chap.
10.5
.
prefixed
before
the
Prophecy
of
the
Scripture
of
Truth
,
who
communicated
to
Daniel
the
said
Prophecy
.
But
now
as
no
man
is
so
sensless
as
to
take
those
Introductory
Visions
in
Isaiah
,
Ezekiel
and
Daniel
to
be
proper
Prophecies
,
but
only
or
chiefly
significations
of
the
Divine
Inspiration
of
those
Prophets
,
that
they
were
inabled
thus
to
prophesie
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
:
So
it
is
a
wonder
to
me
,
that
any
one
of
wit
and
parts
and
learning
should
be
so
heedless
and
grosly
mistaken
as
to
make
any
of
these
Introductory
Visions
to
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
and
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
to
be
Prophecies
properly
so
called
,
and
not
Introductory
Visions
(
such
as
those
in
Daniel
,
Ezekiel
and
Isaiah
)
whose
proper
scope
is
to
intimate
the
Divine
Inspiration
of
John
in
writing
those
Prophecies
,
which
were
communicated
to
him
by
Angelical
Ministry
upon
the
appointment
of
Christ
,
whose
Merit
obtained
this
Revelation
from
the
Eternal
Godhead
.
That
this
is
the
genuine
meaning
of
those
three
Introductory
Visions
I
shall
now
endeavour
to
make
good
in
order
as
they
lye
.
And
it
is
exceeding
manifest
in
the
first
,
that
the
Appearance
to
John
of
one
in
the
Pontifical
Habit
,
like
that
of
Aaron
,
is
hugely
like
that
Appearance
to
Daniel
,
Chap.
10.5
.
Wherefore
why
should
this
be
more
a
Prophecy
than
that
?
But
both
these
Appearances
being
in
the
High
Priests
Habit
,
who
was
a
Type
of
Christ
,
it
is
a
plain
Argument
that
it
is
Christ
himself
that
appeared
or
was
represented
in
both
places
.
And
this
very
Appearance
dictating
the
Epistles
(
sent
to
the
seven
Churches
)
unto
John
,
as
if
he
were
his
Amanuensis
or
Secretary
,
and
these
Epistles
being
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
it self
,
it
is
plain
that
it
is
the
first
part
of
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
signified
to
his
Servant
John
.
And
that
God
is
here
in
Conjunction
with
Christ
,
is
manifest
from
his
Pontifical
Habit
,
which
is
a
Symbol
of
the
visible
World
;
as
Philo
takes
notice
,
though
he
knew
not
the
right
System
thereof
.
But
what
an
excellent
Hieroglyphick
those
Aaronical
Habiliments
are
of
the
true
Pythagorick
System
thereof
I
have
abundantly
made
out
in
the
Appendix
to
the
Defence
of
my
Philosophick
Cabbala
,
Chap.
5.
Sect.
3
,
4.
See
also
the
Latine
Scholia
thereon
.
Wherefore
the
Assistance
of
the
Eternal
Divinity
to
the
Soul
of
the
Messias
or
Humanity
of
Christ
,
is
hence
easily
conceived
.
And
the
like
may
be
observed
in
that
Vision
prefixed
before
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
contained
in
Chap.
4
,
and
5.
It
is
no
more
a
Prophecy
than
the
Vision
prefixed
before
Ezekiel's
Book
of
Prophecies
,
and
the
less
likely
,
it
being
in
a
manner
the
same
Vision
with
it
.
And
therefore
why
should
it
be
a
Prophecy
more
here
than
there
?
Nay
,
if
it
be
a
Prophecy
of
any
King
or
Queen
sitting
on
their
Throne
in
Christendom
,
it
is
a
very
ancient
Prophecy
of
them
indeed
.
For
that
Vision
in
Ezekiel
is
the
very
same
which
Moses
and
the
Elders
saw
on
Mount
Sinai
.
Some
intimation
thereof
is
from
the
mention
of
the
Sapphir
stone
on
which
he
is
said
to
stand
in
the
one
,
and
to
sit
in
the
other
;
but
there
is
that
which
is
yet
more
pressing
.
For
as
Ezekiel
says
of
his
Vision
,
that
it
was
the
Appearance
of
the
glory
of
the
Lord
,
Chap.
1.28
.
and
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
Chap.
10.19
.
so
it
is
said
Exod.
24.
that
the
glory
of
the
Lord
abode
on
Mount
Sinai
.
Which
therefore
what
it
was
is
amply
indicated
in
the
Vision
of
Ezekiel
,
which
I
doubt
not
but
is
a
Symbol
of
the
spiritual
and
invisible
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
where
he
sits
enthroned
amidst
his
bright
Angelical
Squadrons
,
and
the
Psalmist
briefly
notes
,
The
Chariots
of
God
are
twenty
thousands
,
even
many
thousands
of
Angels
,
the
Lord
is
among
them
as
in
Sinai
:
where
there
was
the
Representation
of
his
Glory
and
Majesty
in
his
Angelical
Kingdom
,
and
't
is
likely
on
a
Sapphir
Throne
,
whose
very
Scabellum
was
also
Sapphir
,
and
so
his
feet
(
which
is
all
from
the
Hip
to
the
Toes
)
rested
on
Sapphir
.
For
to
phansie
him
standing
does
not
so
well
agree
with
the
Representation
of
Majesty
.
But
the
strongest
Argument
is
yet
behind
,
viz.
That
the
Cherubims
and
the
order
of
the
Camp
of
Israel
answer
so
exquisitely
to
this
Vision
of
Ezekiel
.
Whence
it
must
be
plain
to
him
that
will
see
,
Moses
being
to
order
all
things
according
to
the
Pattern
in
the
Mount
,
that
the
order
of
the
Camp
of
Israel
and
the
Tabernacle
,
&c.
was
according
to
the
Representation
of
the
Glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
on
the
Mount
in
his
Spiritual
Kingdom
.
To
the
perfection
whereof
it
being
not
the
Lot
of
the
Church
of
the
Jews
to
reach
,
they
bore
notwithstanding
the
external
and
Ritual
figure
thereof
in
the
order
of
their
Camp
,
Tabernacle
,
&c.
Wherefore
that
Vision
in
the
Mount
again
seen
by
Ezekiel
,
and
lastly
here
by
S.
John
with
some
few
alterations
only
,
and
prefixed
before
his
Prophecy
of
the
Sealed
Book
,
as
it
is
before
Ezekiel's
Book
of
Prophecies
,
how
awkward
a
thing
is
it
to
conceit
this
a
proper
and
formal
Prophecy
it self
,
of
the
same
nature
that
the
three
main
Apocalyptick
Prophecies
are
?
whenas
it
is
of
no
other
nature
than
the
Vision
prefixt
before
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
some
parts
of
which
Vision
are
made
use
of
in
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
it self
,
as
there
is
of
this
in
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
.
And
as
that
Vision
being
a
Representation
of
Christ
in
Conjunction
with
his
Church
,
may
have
some
general
and
less
distinct
significancies
of
her
condition
:
so
this
Vision
prefixt
before
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
it
being
really
a
Symbol
of
the
Spiritual
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
may
be
so
framed
as
to
have
some
glances
on
those
times
when
this
Spiritual
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
in
Heaven
(
which
is
the
chief
aim
of
all
)
shall
descend
thence
from
God
,
and
be
found
on
Earth
in
the
New
Jerusalem
state
of
his
Church
.
This
being
the
great
scope
of
all
contained
in
both
the
Sealed
and
Opened
Book-Prophecies
,
it
is
not
irrational
to
conceive
this
ancient
Vision
,
seen
by
Moses
and
Ezekiel
,
to
be
so
attempered
in
this
seen
by
S.
John
,
as
to
have
some
glances
at
those
most
excellent
times
,
of
which
the
Spiritual
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
is
the
Archetypon
,
and
it
being
so
,
it
is
prefigurative
of
them
naturally
of
it
self
.
But
the
special
intention
of
prefixing
it
here
,
is
to
signifie
in
this
magnificent
manner
,
that
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
is
the
second
part
of
the
Revelation
of
the
Man
Jesus
Christ
which
God
gave
him
.
For
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Man
Christ
Jesus
signified
by
the
Lamb
that
was
slain
,
took
the
Book
out
of
the
right
hand
of
him
that
sate
upon
the
Throne
,
Chap.
5.7
.
which
is
the
Eternal
Godhead
,
and
opened
the
Seals
in
order
Chap.
6.
and
so
communicated
the
Visions
of
each
Seal
to
John
,
a
thing
which
no
Creature
in
Heaven
nor
Earth
nor
under
the
Earth
was
found
worthy
or
able
to
do
besides
him
.
This
therefore
is
the
special
and
particular
defign
of
prefixing
this
Vision
of
the
Spiritual
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
before
the
Sealed
Book
Prophecy
;
which
yet
is
so
attempered
,
as
I
said
before
,
that
the
parties
represented
in
it
;
seem
to
exhibit
a
Dramatical
show
that
hath
a
prefigurative
signification
of
the
Happiness
of
the
Millennial
state
of
the
Church
.
For
it
is
the
priviledge
of
the
Angelical
Kingdom
,
that
they
can
exhibit
Prophetical
Shows
or
Plays
,
when
we
Mortals
can
only
exhibit
Historical
ones
.
Wherefore
,
though
the
more
special
end
of
this
Vision
is
that
which
has
been
already
declared
,
and
such
in
a
manner
as
of
that
in
Isaiah
and
Ezekiel
,
yet
the
thing
so
naturally
bearing
it
,
nothing
hinders
but
that
it
may
have
a
kind
of
general
Prefigurativeness
of
the
Joy
and
Glory
of
Christ's
Kingdom
in
the
Millennium
.
And
now
for
the
third
Introductory
Vision
prefixt
before
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
That
the
special
intent
thereof
is
the
same
with
the
two
former
Introductory
Visions
,
viz.
to
intimate
that
this
third
Prophecy
is
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
which
God
gave
him
,
may
appear
from
hence
;
In
that
Christ
is
understood
by
this
Angel
.
Which
Title
or
Representation
cannot
be
thought
too
mean
for
him
,
when
he
is
represented
and
called
a
Lamb
before
.
Besides
,
in
Isaiah
,
Chap.
9.
he
is
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
in
Malachy
,
Chap.
3.
Angelus
Foederis
.
And
Christ
that
led
the
Children
of
Israel
out
of
Aegypt
bears
the
Title
of
an
Angel
sometimes
,
and
under
this
Title
and
Garb
he
has
appeared
unto
some
of
the
Patriarchs
.
Wherefore
there
can
be
no
scruple
but
for
all
that
he
is
called
an
Angel
he
may
be
Christ
.
And
that
he
is
really
Christ
,
may
appear
from
comparing
Dan.
12.7
.
with
Apoc.
10
5
,
6.
where
both
these
Angels
do
the
same
thing
.
But
he
in
Daniel
is
Christ
,
as
has
been
proved
from
his
Aaronical
Habit
,
which
no
Angel
can
appear
in
not
sustaining
the
person
of
Christ
.
Besides
,
it
is
said
that
his
Face
was
as
the
Sun
,
which
is
like
that
Chap.
1.16
.
And
his
countenance
was
as
the
Sun
shining
in
its
strength
,
which
is
said
there
of
Christ
;
And
his
feet
like
Pillars
of
fire
answer
to
his
feet
like
fine
Brass
burning
in
a
Furnace
,
and
Pillars
will
answer
to
the
strength
of
Brass
.
And
lastly
,
the
Rainbow
over
his
head
is
an
infallible
token
(
taken
out
of
Ezekiel's
Vision
and
that
of
S.
John
here
again
)
of
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
viz.
Christ
,
according
as
S.
John
says
,
He
came
to
his
own
,
and
his
own
received
him
not
.
Furthermore
,
there
being
the
unsealed
or
opened
Book
in
his
Hand
,
which
the
Lamb
received
and
opened
,
it
is
the
most
easie
and
natural
to
conceive
that
the
Book
remained
with
the
same
party
now
transformed
into
another
shape
.
Add
also
that
his
speech
doth
bewray
him
,
(
that
is
,
his
roaring
like
a
Lion
)
that
he
is
the
Lion
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
as
he
is
called
Chap.
5.5
.
These
congruities
must
needs
perswade
any
one
that
is
not
over-tough
or
stiff
,
that
this
Angel
is
really
Christ
.
And
then
it
naturally
follows
,
that
John
receiving
this
opened
Book
of
this
Angel
,
and
by
eating
thereof
being
enabled
to
prophesie
before
many
Peoples
,
Nations
,
Tongues
and
Kings
,
that
this
Opened
Book-Prophecy
is
also
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
which
he
received
of
God
,
for
he
took
the
Book
from
him
,
Chap.
5.
and
here
signifies
the
things
therein
contained
to
his
Servant
John
in
the
Visions
following
.
Thus
we
see
that
this
Introductory
Vision
to
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
serves
the
same
end
that
the
other
two
Introductory
Visions
do
,
and
is
therefore
of
the
same
nature
with
them
,
not
a
Vision
that
sets
out
any
particular
affairs
,
though
it
may
have
some
more
general
Presignificances
of
the
state
of
things
in
the
times
it
may
thus
presignifie
,
as
the
Introductory
Vision
to
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
has
touching
the
Millennium
.
And
that
roaring
of
the
Angel
like
a
Lion
,
to
supply
the
place
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
and
the
seven
Thunders
uttering
their
voices
the
mean
time
(
whereby
they
naturally
divide
the
seventh
Trumpet
into
seven
Intervals
,
as
the
seven
Trumpets
do
the
seventh
Seal
)
this
Roaring
and
Thundering
has
a
presignificancy
in
general
of
the
Calamities
and
Miseries
that
will
befal
that
Party
that
this
roaring
and
thundering
is
against
during
the
space
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
:
So
that
this
Introductory
Vision
is
a
kind
of
Transitionary
Introduction
to
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
and
dispatches
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
with
that
general
Account
of
the
Roaring
of
that
Lion-like
Angel
,
and
of
the
seven
Thunders
during
that
Roaring
,
which
fill
up
the
space
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
and
consequently
of
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
that
so
there
might
be
an
orderly
proceeding
to
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
reaching
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
as
is
confirmed
by
the
Oath
of
the
Angel
,
as
I
promised
to
make
out
,
which
I
do
thus
.
This
roaring
of
the
mighty
Angel
is
put
in
the
place
of
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
and
therefore
must
occupy
the
same
space
of
time
with
it
,
or
be
Synchronal
thereto
.
And
that
it
supplies
the
place
of
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
is
manifest
from
that
it
immediately
follows
the
sixth
,
and
also
is
distinguished
into
seven
Thunders
,
as
the
seventh
Seal
is
into
seven
Trumpets
.
This
may
assure
any
one
that
is
not
blinded
with
prejudice
,
that
the
roaring
of
this
mighty
Angel
supplies
the
place
of
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
and
consequently
that
it
is
Synchronal
thereto
.
But
now
forasmuch
as
Chap.
10.6
,
7.
that
Oath
of
the
Angel
in
the
Greek
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
is
maimed
sense
or
non-sense
,
if
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
there
does
not
signifie
as
much
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
true
translation
of
this
Oath
is
this
:
That
there
shall
be
no
more
time
,
saving
in
the
days
of
the
Voice
of
the
seventh
Angel
when
he
shall
sound
,
and
the
Mystery
of
God
be
finished
.
This
is
certainly
the
true
and
genuine
sense
of
the
Oath
of
the
Angel
according
to
the
Original
Text
,
as
is
more
fully
proved
in
the
Answer
to
the
Remarks
.
But
it
is
plain
from
this
Oath
of
the
Angel
,
that
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
reaches
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
Therefore
the
roaring
of
the
Angel
Synchronal
thereto
,
reacheth
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
and
consequently
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
reacheth
thither
also
,
which
is
the
thing
that
was
to
be
demonstrated
.
And
it
suits
mighty
well
with
the
last
Thunder
reaching
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
which
falls
in
with
the
Conflagration
or
Lake
of
Fire
,
and
with
the
Exit
of
the
Laodicean
interval
,
so
called
in
allusion
to
Ptolemy's
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Laodicea
combusta
.
Wherefore
the
distribution
of
the
main
of
the
Apocalypse
into
those
three
Prophecies
which
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
reach
unto
the
end
of
the
World
,
viz.
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
and
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
and
the
Introductory
Visions
belonging
to
each
of
them
,
being
thus
demonstrably
true
,
I
do
again
pronounce
as
at
first
,
whoever
goes
about
to
interpret
the
Apocalypse
repugnantly
to
this
grand
Principle
,
he
must
necessarily
run
himself
into
the
Briars
,
and
fall
into
such
Labyrinths
,
as
he
will
never
be
able
handsomly
to
get
out
of
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
A
Mechanical
frame
of
the
Seven-sealed
Book
,
so
contrived
,
as
is
requisite
for
no
more
Writing
than
what
belongs
to
the
present
Seal
,
to
be
seen
at
once
.
The
different
Opinions
of
Interpreters
what
this
Book
signifies
.
The
mistake
of
the
Ancients
in
conceiving
it
to
be
the
Bible
.
What
this
Book
really
is
the
Symbol
of
.
That
this
Book
its
being
said
to
be
written
within
and
without
,
denotes
a
twofold
sense
,
that
of
the
Symbolical
Letter
,
and
that
of
the
inward
Prophetical
meaning
of
those
Symbols
.
Arguments
to
prove
this
to
be
the
right
sense
of
being
writ
within
and
without
.
Ezekiel
's
Roll
writ
within
and
without
,
compared
with
this
Seven-sealed
Book
of
the
Apocalypse
.
Three
useful
Consectaries
deduced
therefrom
.
IT
is
a
matter
of
no
slight
moment
to
understand
clearly
and
assuredly
what
is
the
right
meaning
of
the
Book
(
in
the
right
hand
of
him
that
sits
upon
the
Throne
,
Apoc.
5.
)
its
being
said
to
be
writ
within
and
without
,
to
be
Liber
Opisthographus
.
In
order
to
which
we
are
first
to
take
notice
what
was
the
fashion
of
the
Books
of
the
Ancients
,
viz.
that
they
were
one
Membrane
,
some
longer
,
some
shorter
,
rolled
upon
a
round
stick
,
or
some
stiff
thing
,
as
we
sometimes
do
Maps
.
Which
makes
me
conceive
,
that
this
Book
with
seven
Seals
consisted
of
at
least
twice
seven
such
Membranes
,
Parchments
or
Papers
fastned
together
so
at
one
end
,
that
it
might
be
stiff
enough
to
have
all
those
leaves
of
paper
rolled
about
it
.
And
,
I
say
,
there
must
be
at
least
twice
seven
,
that
no
more
Writing
may
be
seen
than
what
belongs
to
each
Seal
in
their
order
by
opening
.
Therefore
there
is
to
be
a
leaf
of
paper
with
a
Label
at
it
to
cover
the
leaf
that
has
the
Vision
of
the
first
Seal
,
and
then
another
leaf
with
a
Label
at
it
to
cover
the
leaf
of
the
Vision
of
the
second
Seal
,
and
so
a
Label-leaf
before
the
Vision-leaf
till
you
come
to
the
Number
of
seven
in
each
,
that
no
more
of
the
Writing
may
be
seen
at
a
time
than
what
belongs
to
each
present
Seal
,
saving
in
the
last
,
where
you
breaking
open
the
Seal
that
belongs
to
the
seventh
Label
,
not
only
the
Vision
of
the
seventh
Seal
is
discoverable
,
which
are
the
seven
Trumpets
and
the
seven
Thunders
,
but
all
the
Visions
of
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
.
So
that
there
must
be
as
many
leaves
without
Labels
placed
after
the
seventh
Label-leaf
,
as
will
serve
to
contain
all
the
Visions
of
the
seven
Trumpets
,
and
also
all
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
.
Which
must
be
some
number
of
leaves
,
though
writ
within
and
without
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
within
and
on
the
back-side
,
as
the
foregoing
Vision-leaves
are
conceived
to
be
,
that
is
,
written
on
the
concave
and
convex
side
of
this
Roll
of
leaves
.
And
thus
in
the
breaking
open
the
Seals
,
the
convex
side
of
the
Vision-leaf
will
occur
first
,
in
every
unsealing
.
This
I
conceive
is
the
most
probable
Mechanical
frame
of
this
Book
written
within
and
without
,
and
sealed
with
seven
Seals
.
But
what
this
Book
is
a
Symbol
of
,
there
is
a
wide
difference
amongst
Expositors
.
The
generality
of
the
Ancients
,
as
A
Lapide
has
noted
,
take
it
to
be
the
Bible
,
and
that
which
is
writ
without
to
be
the
Old
Testament
,
and
that
within
the
New
,
the
Old
Testament
being
as
it
were
the
Velamentum
or
Covering
of
the
New
.
Or
that
which
is
writ
without
to
be
the
literal
sense
,
that
within
,
the
Spiritual
or
Mystical
.
But
this
general
Conceit
of
the
Ancients
is
but
a
general
Mistake
,
because
this
Book
was
sealed
up
till
the
Apocalypse
was
communicated
to
S.
John
,
which
was
at
the
end
of
Domitian's
Reign
,
and
therefore
would
imply
that
the
Old
and
New
Testament
or
Gospel
were
a
sealed
Book
not
to
be
understood
till
then
.
Which
yet
certainly
the
Apostles
understood
,
and
taught
the
people
rightly
to
understand
it
,
so
that
it
was
no
sealed
Book
to
them
.
But
that
this
sealed
Book
is
a
Book
that
contains
all
the
Prophetick
Visions
set
down
after
the
opening
of
it
in
the
Apocalypse
,
is
so
exceeding
plain
,
that
it
would
amaze
a
man
how
it
should
come
into
the
thoughts
of
so
many
of
the
Ancients
,
that
this
Book
with
seven
Seals
should
be
the
entire
Bible
,
whenas
it
is
not
so
much
as
the
entire
Apocalypse
,
but
contains
only
the
sealed
Book
,
and
the
Opened
Book-Prophecies
,
but
that
the
being
written
within
and
without
,
intimates
a
literal
and
mystical
sense
of
the
Book
,
how
near
they
come
to
the
Truth
therein
,
we
shall
observe
in
the
main
Point
we
drive
at
.
In
the
mean
time
I
cannot
but
approve
of
Cornelius
A
Lapide's
Verdict
in
the
Case
,
who
says
,
Liber
hic
non
est
aliud
quàm
Divinae
Providentiae
consilium
&
praefinitio
,
&c.
This
Book
is
nothing
else
but
the
Counsel
and
Determination
of
Divine
Providence
,
whereby
God
has
purposed
with
himself
either
to
permit
or
effect
things
in
the
World
wherein
his
Church
is
concerned
in
such
a
way
as
is
prefigured
in
this
Book
of
Prophecies
.
Which
is
to
the
same
sense
that
the
Answerer
to
S.
E.
has
declared
touching
the
Prophecy
of
the
Scripture
of
Truth
,
that
it
is
what
is
decreed
and
recorded
in
the
Divine
Mind
.
The
standing
Intellect
of
God
,
in
which
are
described
all
the
Laws
and
Decrees
of
his
Providence
,
is
that
Writing
or
Book
of
God
,
which
is
so
often
mentioned
in
the
Bible
,
as
Exod.
32.
Psal.
56.
and
139.
And
this
Book
represented
to
John
sealed
and
unsealed
,
is
but
a
Symbol
of
part
of
this
Book
or
Writing
,
as
I
may
so
speak
.
And
to
the
Scripture
of
Truth
in
Daniel
,
as
well
as
to
the
Roll
in
Ezekiel
,
in
all
likelihood
may
this
Apocalyptick
sealed
and
unsealed
Book
allude
.
And
now
to
come
more
near
to
the
main
Point
in
hand
,
though
I
have
given
such
a
Mechanical
account
of
this
sealed
Book
written
within
and
without
,
yet
I
am
still
utterly
of
the
mind
of
the
Answerer
to
S.
E.
his
Remarks
,
Apoc.
Chap.
5.
that
it
is
a
childish
thing
to
think
that
the
Book
seen
by
John
,
was
written
with
all
those
words
contained
in
that
part
of
the
Apocalypse
,
but
it
was
a
Symbol
of
the
Compages
of
those
Prophetical
Representations
and
of
the
inward
meaning
of
them
contained
in
the
Mind
of
Christ
and
the
holy
Angel
sent
to
John
.
And
that
as
the
Book
in
general
was
a
Symbol
of
the
figurative
Representations
and
the
inward
meaning
of
them
(
in
the
mind
of
the
Angel
)
or
of
the
inward
Prophetical
sense
of
them
,
so
the
being
writ
within
and
without
,
distinctly
signifies
the
latter
the
external
Representations
or
Symbols
of
the
Prophecies
,
and
the
being
writ
within
the
real
Prophetick
sense
of
those
Figures
.
That
this
is
the
necessary
sense
of
this
Book
's
being
writ
within
and
without
,
may
appear
from
hence
,
because
there
is
no
evasion
from
it
,
but
supposing
the
Visions
and
Prophecies
so
large
,
that
the
inside
or
concave
side
of
this
Roll
of
papers
would
not
contain
them
,
to
denote
the
exuberancy
or
fulness
of
this
Spirit
of
Prophecy
,
as
that
of
Poetry
.
Scriptus
&
in
tergo
necdum
finitus
Orestes
.
This
is
the
general
account
of
Interpreters
,
which
is
a
very
lank
,
empty
,
and
an
useless
account
.
But
this
intimation
of
those
two
senses
I
have
noted
is
useful
and
weighty
,
the
wildness
and
vanity
of
those
Interpreters
being
discovered
thereby
that
confound
the
Symbolical
sense
with
the
real
or
Prophetical
,
as
R.
H.
has
done
.
See
my
Epilogue
to
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
,
Sect.
10.
And
there
are
those
so
weak
,
as
to
give
credit
to
his
Expositions
.
Whence
we
see
how
needful
it
was
to
give
this
intimation
for
this
twofold
sense
of
this
Book
,
and
worthy
the
Spirit
of
Prophecy
so
to
do
.
But
that
this
being
writ
within
and
without
is
not
said
in
regard
of
the
exuberancy
of
the
matter
or
scantness
in
the
concave
sides
of
the
Vision-papers
to
contain
it
all
,
may
appear
from
that
necessary
Mechanical
account
I
have
given
of
this
seven-sealed
Roll
,
if
any
Mechanical
account
is
to
be
lookt
after
.
For
the
largest
of
the
Visions
of
the
first
six
Seals
are
so
little
,
that
they
cannot
well
be
conceived
to
fill
so
much
as
one
side
,
viz.
the
Concave
of
each
Vision-paper
.
Wherefore
how
can
the
exuberancy
of
the
matter
cause
them
to
be
writ
as
well
on
the
convex
side
as
concave
,
or
what
account
can
there
be
of
making
use
of
both
sides
so
needlesly
,
but
that
it
may
be
said
to
be
writ
within
and
without
,
as
a
Symbol
of
a
twofold
sense
belonging
to
these
Prophecies
,
that
of
the
Cortex
or
Letter
,
and
that
of
the
things
prefigured
.
And
as
the
Cortical
or
literal
sense
is
first
and
most
obvious
,
so
according
to
our
Mechanical
frame
of
this
Seven-sealed
Book
,
the
Convex
or
outward
side
of
the
Vision-leaf
,
upon
opening
each
Seal
,
offers
it self
first
to
the
eye
of
the
Beholder
,
the
Concave
is
underneath
not
to
be
seen
,
but
by
the
turning
up
of
the
Vision-leaf
,
and
so
reading
downwards
.
But
if
John's
declaring
the
Book
sealed
with
seven
Seals
was
written
within
and
without
before
any
of
the
Seals
were
opened
,
insinuate
that
there
was
really
no
such
Mechanical
frame
of
this
seven-sealed
Roll
within
,
as
we
have
described
;
then
it
is
a
plain
indication
to
any
one
of
an
ordinary
sagacity
,
that
this
is
said
merely
to
intimate
those
two
senses
of
the
Visions
:
the
external
Cortical
sense
,
which
is
so
contrived
,
as
if
it
were
a
complete
thing
of
it self
,
and
the
real
Prophetical
sense
that
lies
hid
under
this
Symbolical
Cortex
.
Nor
does
it
seem
likely
,
that
John
at
the
opening
each
Seal
saw
in
the
Book
those
Visions
mentioned
at
each
Seal
opening
,
but
they
were
represented
to
him
as
other
Visions
were
,
and
that
he
saw
them
no
more
in
the
Book
at
the
opening
of
the
Seals
,
than
he
read
the
Opened
Book
,
when
it
was
given
him
,
before
he
ate
it
;
but
the
opening
of
the
Seals
by
the
Lamb
,
and
the
Angel
giving
him
the
Book
unsealed
to
eat
,
are
only
to
signifie
that
both
those
Prophecies
of
the
Sealed
Book
and
Opened
Book
are
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
to
his
Servant
John
,
as
you
heard
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
.
But
if
it
may
be
thought
,
that
when
John
received
the
Opened
Book
,
he
might
then
observe
that
there
were
things
written
on
the
convex
sides
and
concave
sides
of
what
I
called
the
Vision-leaves
,
and
from
hence
pronounce
in
the
beginning
that
this
Seven-sealed
Book
was
writ
within
and
without
according
to
some
such
Mechanick
way
as
I
have
described
,
then
our
former
reasoning
will
take
place
,
and
so
every
way
we
may
be
assured
that
this
is
the
right
meaning
of
the
Book
(
in
the
hand
of
him
that
sate
on
the
Throne
)
its
being
said
to
be
writ
within
and
without
,
that
thereby
is
intimated
an
external
Literal
sense
and
internal
Mystical
sense
,
of
which
the
other
is
but
an
Hieroglyphick
,
Type
or
Figure
.
And
this
being
so
plain
and
assured
in
this
Apocalyptick
Seven-sealed
Book
or
Roll
,
that
to
be
writ
within
and
without
signifies
an
external
or
literal
sense
,
and
a
sense
internal
and
mystical
.
And
we
finding
in
Ezekiel
a
Roll
so
described
Chap.
2.9
.
And
when
I
looked
,
behold
,
an
hand
was
sent
unto
me
,
and
lo
,
a
Roll
of
a
Book
therein
.
And
he
spread
it
before
me
,
and
it
was
written
within
and
without
;
which
answers
with
strange
exactness
to
this
of
the
Apocalypse
,
and
still
more
full
,
if
you
read
the
following
Chapter
:
where
he
is
bid
to
eat
this
Roll
,
and
does
so
accordingly
,
and
declares
it
was
in
his
mouth
as
sweet
as
Honey
;
As
if
what
we
find
Apoc.
Chap.
10.
v.
9
,
10.
were
transcribed
out
of
Ezekiel
.
And
as
this
happened
to
John
after
the
sight
of
the
Angel
with
a
Rainbow
,
viz.
Christ
or
the
God
of
Israel
,
so
this
happened
to
Ezekiel
immediately
after
he
had
seen
the
appearance
of
the
glory
of
the
Lord
,
which
was
as
the
appearance
of
the
Bow
which
is
in
the
Cloud
in
the
Day
of
Rain
,
which
is
a
further
confirmation
that
it
is
the
God
of
Israel
that
is
signified
by
this
Note
of
the
Rainbow
in
both
places
.
Wherefore
,
I
say
,
this
being
so
plain
,
that
to
be
writ
within
and
without
bears
such
a
sense
in
this
place
of
the
Apocalypse
,
viz.
an
exteriour
and
interiour
meaning
of
the
Visions
or
Prophecies
,
and
this
of
the
Roll
in
Ezekiel
being
so
exactly
parallel
thereto
,
and
set
at
the
beginning
of
his
Prophecies
after
the
Introductory
Vision
,
how
can
we
avoid
concluding
that
the
Prophecies
of
Ezekiel
the
main
of
them
are
parts
of
the
Roll
written
within
and
without
,
and
have
an
interiour
sense
as
well
as
an
exteriour
?
And
so
those
Visions
or
Prophecies
that
in
their
first
or
exteriour
sense
may
seem
only
to
concern
Jerusalem
,
suppose
,
and
Samaria
,
Edom
and
Mount
Seir
,
the
Prince
of
Tyre
and
Pharaoh
King
of
Egypt
,
the
Army
of
Gog
,
the
Jewish
City
and
Temple
,
and
the
like
,
may
in
their
interiour
sense
concern
the
state
of
the
Christian
Church
or
of
its
Enemies
,
and
prove
Types
of
their
condition
.
Which
Consideration
will
justifie
against
the
idle
Cavils
of
the
Unskilful
what
we
have
writ
in
Synopsis
Prophetica
,
Book
2.
Chap.
16.
touching
the
Visions
of
the
King
of
Tyre
in
Ezekiel
,
applying
them
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
And
now
in
the
next
place
we
may
also
note
,
That
as
in
Ezekiel
,
his
eating
of
the
Roll
does
not
signifie
that
he
was
thereby
to
expound
Prophecies
,
but
to
utter
Prophecies
himself
:
so
in
like
manner
S.
John's
taking
the
Opened
Book
from
the
hand
of
the
Angel
,
and
eating
it
,
and
his
being
bid
thereupon
to
prophesie
,
does
not
signifie
expounding
Prophecies
,
but
the
uttering
Prophecies
himself
,
as
he
begins
to
do
immediately
in
the
next
Chapter
;
so
that
a
man
may
justly
wonder
that
any
thing
should
blind
any
one
so
,
as
to
interpret
John's
being
bid
to
prophesie
,
after
his
eating
the
Book
,
of
either
preaching
or
expounding
Prophecies
.
And
thirdly
and
lastly
,
As
Ezekiel
his
sight
of
the
Appearance
of
the
Glory
of
the
Lord
,
as
of
the
Bow
in
the
Cloud
in
the
Day
of
Rain
,
was
an
Introductory
Vision
to
his
eating
of
the
Roll
and
prophesying
;
John
also
seeing
this
Glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
,
this
great
Angel
of
the
Covenant
,
Christ
,
with
the
Rainbow
on
his
Head
,
from
whose
hand
he
takes
the
Opened
Book
,
eats
it
and
prophesies
:
what
can
this
signifie
more
naturally
than
that
this
Appearance
of
this
glorious
Angel
is
an
Introductory
Vision
to
S.
John's
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
as
the
Appearance
of
the
Glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
was
to
Ezekiel's
Prophecies
,
as
was
concluded
before
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
?
CHAP.
XXIII
.
His
reason
of
inserting
here
his
Demonstration
,
that
the
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
is
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
The
two
first
Visions
of
the
Opened
Book
-
Prophecy
proved
Synchronal
.
The
agreement
of
the
fore-parts
of
these
two
Visions
,
and
the
exquisite
correspondency
of
the
middle-parts
one
with
another
.
Whence
the
Fall
of
Babylon
in
the
second
Vision
is
proved
to
be
the
same
with
the
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
first
.
That
consequently
the
Fall
of
Babylon
in
the
second
Vision
is
after
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
That
the
Fall
of
Babylon
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
the
Object
of
those
Acclamations
in
Heaven
,
Chap.
11.
and
of
the
Doxology
of
the
Elders
.
As
also
of
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
sung
by
the
Victors
over
the
Beast
.
That
this
Song
therefore
follows
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
And
that
all
the
Viols
follow
that
Song
.
From
whence
the
above-mentioned
Demonstration
is
concluded
.
THAT
excellent
usefulness
of
having
an
assured
knowledge
that
the
blessed
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
,
and
here
in
England
more
especially
,
perfected
,
was
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
which
most
naturally
must
beget
a
peaceful
mind
in
men
,
and
due
value
for
our
Church
,
makes
me
resume
again
the
seven
Arguments
at
the
end
of
the
Answer
to
S.
E.
his
Remarks
on
my
Apologie
,
enlarging
at
least
upon
some
of
them
more
fully
,
that
so
useful
and
necessary
a
Matter
may
not
be
omitted
or
maimedly
managed
in
these
Paralipomena
.
That
the
abovesaid
Reformation
therefore
is
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
I
demonstrate
thus
.
First
,
We
are
to
observe
in
the
two
first
Visions
of
the
Opened
Book
Prophecy
,
viz.
the
Visions
comprized
,
the
first
of
them
in
the
eleventh
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
;
and
the
other
in
the
twelfth
,
thirteenth
and
fourteenth
Chapters
,
that
they
begin
from
the
same
Epocha
,
and
that
they
end
in
the
same
times
,
namely
with
the
last
Vial
,
which
contains
a
full
and
final
overthrow
of
Babylon
or
of
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
.
Whence
these
two
Visions
must
be
concluded
Synchronal
.
Now
that
they
begin
from
the
same
Epocha
we
prove
thus
:
They
both
begin
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
.
For
the
Vision
in
the
eleventh
Chapter
being
the
first
Vision
S.
John
sets
down
after
his
eating
the
Opened
Book
,
and
his
being
bid
to
prophesie
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
prefigure
or
predict
things
to
come
,
as
Ezekiel
did
after
his
eating
the
Roll
,
and
what
is
set
down
Chap.
11.
being
plainly
a
Prophecy
,
it
is
plain
this
is
the
first
Prophecy
of
the
Opened
Book
,
and
therefore
according
to
indispensable
Method
,
if
any
Visions
of
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
begin
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
,
this
first
must
,
and
not
be
Visio
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
decollated
Vision
with
its
head
struck
off
.
But
that
the
Vision
of
the
Fight
of
Michael
with
the
Dragon
,
and
of
the
Woman
in
the
pangs
of
Childbirth
commence
with
the
beginning
of
the
Church
(
which
are
parts
of
the
entire
Vision
of
the
twelfth
,
thirteenth
and
fourteenth
Chapters
)
is
so
plain
a
thing
,
that
impudence
it self
,
if
not
stark
blind
,
cannot
deny
it
.
Wherefore
the
Vision
of
the
eleventh
Chapter
must
begin
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
as
well
as
the
other
,
and
so
must
have
the
same
Epocha
.
And
as
the
fore
part
of
the
Vision
,
Chap.
11.
viz.
the
Temple
measured
and
the
Worshippers
therein
,
denote
the
Purity
of
the
Primitive
Times
as
to
Worship
:
so
the
fore-part
of
the
other
Vision
,
the
part
contained
in
Chap.
12.
viz.
the
Combate
of
Michael
with
the
Dragon
and
the
pangs
of
the
childbearing
Woman
,
denote
their
fortitude
and
patience
in
suffering
for
the
Truth
.
Now
that
these
two
Visions
end
in
the
same
times
is
plain
from
hence
,
in
that
the
end
of
the
first
,
Chap.
11.19
.
is
a
lively
description
of
the
seventh
Vial.
There
were
Lightnings
and
Voices
,
and
Thunderings
and
an
Earthquake
and
great
Hail
,
the
same
description
that
is
found
Chap.
16.
v.
18
,
21.
and
no
where
else
are
those
five
Phaenomena
put
in
the
whole
Apocalypse
:
So
that
the
first
of
these
two
Visions
ends
in
the
seventh
.
Vial.
That
the
second
does
so
too
is
plain
,
for
that
it
ends
with
the
treading
of
the
Wine-press
,
where
blood
came
out
even
to
the
Horse-bridles
.
Which
therefore
must
be
the
slaughter
by
that
mighty
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
,
Apoc.
19.
Commander
of
the
Army
in
the
Battel
of
that
great
day
of
God
Almighty
,
which
is
plainly
under
the
seventh
Vial.
Wherefore
these
two
Visions
beginning
from
one
Epocha
,
and
ending
with
the
seventh
Vial
,
do
Synchronize
.
Secondly
,
As
the
fore-part
of
these
two
Synchronizing
Visions
represent
a
pure
Church
conflicting
with
the
Pagans
,
over
whom
at
last
they
get
the
Victory
,
Chap.
12.
v.
9
,
10.
so
in
the
next
or
middle
parts
of
these
two
Visions
,
the
former
from
v.
2.
to
v.
11.
in
Chap.
11.
the
latter
the
whole
thirteenth
Chapter
,
there
is
contained
the
like
Conflict
betwixt
the
pure
Apostolick
Church
,
and
the
Apostatized
Church
or
Pagano-Christians
,
and
a
Victory
noted
Chap.
11.
v.
11
,
12
,
13.
in
the
former
and
in
the
latter
Chap.
14.
v.
8.
the
foregoing
verses
being
referrable
to
this
Conflict
as
the
description
of
the
Souldiers
of
the
Lamb.
So
that
the
middle-parts
of
the
two
Visions
exquisitely
answer
one
another
,
these
middle-parts
of
both
the
first
and
second
Vision
containing
a
War
of
the
Witnesses
or
Souldiers
of
the
Lamb
or
Saints
with
the
Beast
:
and
we
are
to
observe
that
the
event
of
that
War
is
an
actual
but
partial
overthrow
of
the
Beast
or
Babylon
called
the
great
City
,
as
is
manifest
from
Chap.
11.
v.
11
,
12
,
13.
unto
which
answers
the
actual
Fall
of
Babylon
in
the
second
Vision
.
Which
must
needs
be
Actual
,
else
the
Angel
would
speak
an
untruth
in
saying
,
Babylon
is
fallen
,
is
fallen
,
Chap.
14.
v.
8.
and
but
partial
,
because
it
both
answers
to
that
in
the
first
Vision
,
and
precedes
the
seventh
Vial
in
the
second
,
before
which
the
full
and
final
overthrow
of
Babylon
is
not
.
And
whereas
Prophecy
is
anticipatory
History
,
and
yet
no
actual
success
of
the
forty
two
months
War
,
but
this
Fall
of
Babylon
is
prefigured
in
this
second
Vision
,
it
is
plain
that
this
is
the
success
thereof
,
and
immediately
before
menaced
by
the
first
Angel
,
declaring
the
Judgments
of
God
against
the
Idolatrous
Bestians
,
and
therefore
the
very
same
with
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
first
Vision
:
which
was
in
the
last
Half-Day
of
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
or
in
the
last
Half-Time
of
the
three
times
and
an
half
.
Whence
the
Fall
of
Babylon
the
Angel
brings
news
of
,
must
be
so
too
,
and
not
before
,
because
the
upshot
of
that
War
also
was
not
till
then
.
We
see
therefore
what
a
perfect
Correspondency
the
middle
parts
of
the
two
Visions
(
which
parts
are
terminated
in
the
success
of
the
Beast's
War
with
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
)
have
one
with
another
.
Thirdly
therefore
,
Forasmuch
as
the
Fall
of
Babylon
in
the
second
Vision
is
the
same
with
the
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
first
,
and
this
latter
,
viz.
the
Fall
of
the
City
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
just
at
the
close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
the
former
must
be
so
too
,
viz.
the
Fall
of
Babylon
must
be
at
the
close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
also
,
and
the
third
or
remaining
part
of
each
Vision
must
be
after
the
sixth
Trumpet
for
the
same
reason
.
Fourthly
,
Forasmuch
as
this
Fall
of
Babylon
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
an
ample
object
of
Joy
and
Thanksgiving
to
the
Evangelici
the
Witnesses
and
sealed
Souldiers
of
the
Lamb
against
whom
the
Beast
warred
,
and
was
too
hard
for
them
all
along
,
though
they
held
out
through
Patience
and
Faith
and
Hope
of
promised
success
at
last
,
Chap.
13.
v.
9
,
10.
(
these
being
encouraged
as
well
as
the
Bestians
menaced
by
the
first
Angel
)
therefore
as
there
is
a
joyful
Message
by
the
second
Angel
of
the
actual
Fall
of
Babylon
in
the
second
Vision
,
Chap.
14.
v.
8.
so
it
is
impossible
but
those
Acclamations
in
Heaven
and
Doxology
of
the
Elders
,
Chap.
11.
v.
15
,
16
,
17.
should
respect
the
partial
but
actual
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
it
being
so
ample
an
Object
of
those
joyful
Acclamations
and
of
that
thankful
Doxology
,
and
there
being
nothing
betwixt
but
the
graceful
ushering
them
in
with
the
sound
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
.
For
though
they
may
glance
at
more
enlarged
hopes
of
future
Accessions
,
yet
the
principal
Object
and
Occasion
of
this
Thanksgiving
is
the
actual
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
For
were
it
not
so
,
this
signal
Providence
and
illustrious
Victory
would
be
without
any
Doxology
or
Thanksgiving
,
which
is
grosly
absurd
,
that
there
should
be
no
shout
nor
sign
of
Joy
at
such
a
surprizing
Providence
as
this
,
namely
,
at
the
reviving
of
the
two
Witnesses
,
when
they
had
lyen
slain
three
days
and
an
half
in
the
streets
of
the
City
:
nor
at
their
ascending
in
a
Cloud
into
Heaven
in
the
view
of
all
the
people
,
the
tenth
part
of
their
City
who
slew
them
,
falling
in
the
mean
time
by
an
Earthquake
,
and
many
thousands
of
their
Enemies
buried
in
the
Ruines
.
How
incredible
,
how
unsuitable
a
thing
is
it
,
that
so
happy
a
Catastrophe
of
the
Witnesses
sufferings
as
this
should
pass
without
a
Plaudite
?
Therefore
it
is
a
sensless
thing
not
to
make
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
the
Fall
of
the
City
the
Object
of
those
Acclamations
and
of
the
Doxology
of
the
Elders
,
and
contrary
to
the
usual
Mode
of
the
Apocalypse
that
ever
closeth
the
good
success
of
the
Church
with
some
indications
of
Joy
and
Thankfulness
:
as
Chap.
12.
v.
10
12.
Chap.
19.
v.
1.
and
again
v.
21.
which
concludes
with
a
Feast
of
Joy
and
Thanksgiving
for
the
Victory
of
the
Rider
of
the
white
Horse
.
Wherefore
it
is
abundantly
plain
,
that
those
Acclamations
and
the
Elders
Doxology
respect
this
event
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
;
And
is
yet
further
manifest
from
that
passage
in
the
Doxology
it self
,
v.
27.
where
thanks
is
given
to
God
Almighty
,
because
he
has
taken
to
him
his
great
Power
and
hath
reigned
,
viz.
in
that
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
in
this
he
resumed
a
considerable
part
of
his
Kingdom
which
Antichrist
had
usurped
.
But
if
it
respect
not
this
,
the
very
Assertion
is
false
,
and
Thanks
is
given
for
nothing
.
Fifthly
therefore
,
We
being
so
well
assured
that
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
the
Object
of
the
joyful
Annunciation
of
the
second
Angel
,
Chap.
14.
and
of
the
Doxology
of
the
Elders
,
Chap.
11.
and
meeting
in
the
very
next
Vision
to
these
,
viz.
that
of
the
Vials
with
a
Song
(
prefixt
thereto
)
of
Praise
and
Thanksgiving
by
the
Victos
over
the
Beast
for
an
actual
but
partial
Victory
,
such
as
that
was
over
him
in
the
two
foregoing
Visions
(
and
this
in
this
Song
discovers
it self
to
be
actual
,
because
it
is
said
therein
,
Chap.
15.
v.
4.
For
thy
judgments
are
made
manifest
,
viz.
in
that
late
Fall
of
Babylon
,
and
yet
the
Victory
implied
in
this
Song
is
but
partial
,
because
the
Song
is
prefixt
before
the
Vials
which
are
to
bring
to
pass
the
full
and
final
ruine
thereof
)
and
there
being
no
precedent
actual
and
partial
Victory
but
this
in
the
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
which
may
be
the
Object
of
this
Song
of
Thanksgiving
,
like
that
of
Moses
upon
the
Overthrow
of
Pharaoh
at
the
Red
Sea
,
it
is
impossible
but
this
Song
must
be
to
the
same
effect
with
the
Doxology
of
the
Elders
,
and
synchronize
with
it
.
Sixthly
therefore
,
It
is
as
clear
as
Noon-day
,
that
that
Doxology
of
the
Elders
immediately
following
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
this
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
must
immediately
follow
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
And
now
Seventhly
and
lastly
,
All
the
Vials
following
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
,
it
is
apparent
that
they
all
follow
the
sixth
Trumpet
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
consequently
there
being
no
part
of
the
two
first
Visions
of
the
Opened
Book
(
which
begin
from
one
Epocha
,
and
end
with
the
seventh
Vial
)
which
prefigures
that
notable
and
indeed
stupendious
Atchievement
of
Providence
(
which
therefore
cannot
but
be
predicted
within
this
space
)
in
causing
so
many
Provinces
,
Principalities
,
Nations
and
Kingdoms
to
cast
off
the
Pope
in
the
late
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
,
unless
this
of
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
(
For
all
the
Vials
are
after
their
Rising
:
And
if
any
one
will
be
so
freakish
,
as
notwithstanding
to
pitch
upon
some
one
of
the
Vials
to
be
a
Prediction
of
the
late
Reformation
,
I
demand
what
Event
before
the
Reformation
is
the
fulfilling
of
that
illustrious
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
for
the
Event
that
answers
to
it
must
be
so
notorious
,
that
it
cannot
be
passed
by
in
History
)
It
necessarily
therefore
follows
,
that
the
aforesaid
Reformation
only
,
can
be
the
Event
that
answers
to
the
Vision
of
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
consequently
be
that
which
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
gives
thanks
for
.
Which
was
the
thing
to
be
demonstrated
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
Whether
the
Witnesses
wear
sackcloth
for
any
time
after
their
being
risen
.
Whether
the
Vial-Angels
received
their
Vials
before
or
after
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
sung
by
the
Victors
over
the
Beast
.
What
is
the
adequate
Visum
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
What
the
full
meaning
of
the
Lamb
's
being
found
worthy
to
open
the
Seals
of
the
Seven-sealed
Book
.
Whether
a
year
in
the
Apocalypse
any
where
signifies
a
Year
of
years
.
Whether
there
be
any
mystical
meaning
in
noting
Prophetick
Time
sometimes
by
Days
,
sometimes
by
Months
.
IT
is
demonstrated
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
with
Evidence
plainly
Mathematical
,
that
the
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
is
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
:
but
there
being
some
ingenious
and
diligent
Studiers
of
the
Apocalypse
,
who
,
though
they
are
convinced
that
the
abovesaid
Reformation
is
the
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
yet
think
their
wearing
of
sackcloth
may
be
extended
to
a
longer
time
;
I
shall
endeavour
here
to
clear
that
Point
.
And
in
order
thereto
we
are
first
to
consider
,
that
the
wearing
of
sackcloth
is
not
literally
to
be
expounded
,
but
is
only
a
Symbol
of
a
mean
and
squalid
condition
,
and
of
a
grieved
and
pensive
heart
,
which
are
things
inconsistent
with
the
Witnesses
being
risen
from
the
death
they
were
in
,
viz.
a
Political
Death
,
whose
Resurrection
implies
the
contrary
,
prosperity
and
respect
according
to
their
different
degrees
of
Quality
.
Wherefore
the
nature
of
the
thing
it self
may
teach
us
that
the
risen
Witnesses
,
in
their
being
risen
,
did
ipso
facto
put
off
their
sackcloth
,
and
were
clad
with
garments
of
Joy
.
Besides
,
the
Text
does
assure
us
thereof
,
Chap.
11.
v.
15
,
16
,
17.
For
what
were
those
Acclamations
in
Heaven
there
,
and
the
four
and
twenty
Elders
Doxology
,
but
an
intimation
what
a
time
of
Joy
and
Triumph
it
would
be
on
Earth
upon
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
;
and
could
they
themselves
then
be
in
such
a
squalid
and
forlorn
condition
as
to
wear
sackcloth
?
Again
,
Chap.
15.
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
is
said
to
be
sung
by
them
that
had
got
the
Victory
over
the
Beast
and
over
his
Image
,
and
over
his
Mark
and
over
the
Number
of
his
Name
.
Which
Victors
over
the
Beast
most
assuredly
are
the
very
Witnesses
against
whom
he
warred
,
this
Song
being
Synchronal
to
the
Acclamations
in
Heaven
and
Doxology
of
the
Elders
.
What
then
shall
we
think
that
these
Triumphant
Witnesses
while
they
had
the
Harps
of
God
in
their
hands
,
and
sung
this
joyful
Epinikion
to
them
,
wore
sackcloth
on
their
backs
,
what
can
be
more
incongruous
?
But
I
will
yet
add
a
third
place
,
Chap.
7.
there
is
mention
of
the
144000
sealed
ones
which
synchronize
,
and
indeed
are
the
same
with
the
144000
,
Chap.
14.
which
are
the
Souldiers
of
the
Lamb
,
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
,
and
who
are
warred
against
by
the
Beast
during
the
time
of
the
first
six
Trumpets
.
For
though
in
the
Cortex
of
the
Prophecy
this
Sealing
seems
to
be
done
at
once
immediately
before
the
first
Trumpet
sounds
,
yet
undoubtedly
it
is
a
continued
thing
all
along
the
time
of
the
first
six
Trumpets
,
which
is
for
about
twelve
hundred
years
,
for
such
a
space
the
sealed
Souldiers
of
the
Lamb
,
as
conflicting
with
the
Beast
,
are
conceived
to
continue
,
but
at
the
end
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
the
Victory
is
obtained
,
Babylon
falls
,
viz.
the
tenth
part
thereof
,
and
the
Witnesses
rise
,
and
as
I
noted
before
,
sing
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
;
and
as
that
is
the
sign
of
their
Victory
there
,
so
their
being
cloathed
in
white
Robes
,
and
having
Palms
in
their
hands
,
Chap.
7.9
.
denotes
the
same
here
.
And
v.
14.
in
that
they
are
said
to
be
those
that
came
out
of
great
Tribulation
,
it
implies
their
fresh
emergency
out
of
the
calamities
they
suffered
under
the
entire
Reign
and
Tyranny
of
the
Beast
.
After
which
Victory
of
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
,
you
see
they
forthwith
appear
cloathed
in
white
Robes
,
which
is
a
plain
Argument
they
had
put
off
their
sackcloth
,
which
is
the
thing
I
aimed
at
.
Nor
can
the
Argument
be
eluded
by
pretending
,
that
these
here
cloathed
in
white
Robes
with
Palms
in
their
hands
,
are
those
mentioned
Chap.
6.
to
whom
white
Robes
are
given
,
viz.
the
Primitive
Martyrs
who
obtain
a
blessed
Resurrection
at
this
time
for
suffering
under
the
Dragon
,
as
those
do
at
the
beginning
of
the
Millennium
for
suffering
under
the
Beast
,
the
description
also
of
their
condition
implying
it
to
be
their
assumption
into
Heaven
,
not
a
state
on
Earth
:
For
to
this
I
answer
,
besides
the
absurdity
of
making
more
Resurrections
than
two
,
the
correspondency
of
the
144000
sealed
ones
to
the
144000
with
the
Lamb
on
Mount
Sion
,
shows
plainly
that
instating
of
these
Palm-bearing
Victors
in
their
white
Robes
,
into
that
State
here
described
,
is
not
till
after
the
sixth
Trumpet
at
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
There
begins
the
joyful
condition
of
the
Palm-bearers
,
and
reaches
to
the
end
of
all
including
the
New
Jerusalem-state
and
blessed
Millennium
.
Which
New
Jerusalem-state
being
so
described
as
to
be
also
a
fit
Type
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
,
it
is
very
congruous
that
this
Vision
also
may
be
so
framed
as
to
be
Typical
of
that
state
likewise
,
though
in
the
mean
time
it
is
a
Prophecy
of
the
state
of
the
Church
on
Earth
.
But
that
those
in
white
Robes
,
Chap.
6.
v.
11.
answers
so
handsomly
to
the
Palm-bearing
Victors
in
white
Robes
,
Chap.
7.9
.
this
is
but
a
pleasant
Lemmatosynechia
in
the
Cortex
which
occurs
oft
,
and
which
entraps
many
heedless
Readers
of
the
Apocalypse
before
they
be
aware
.
Wherefore
I
think
it
is
a
plain
case
,
that
these
Palm-bearing
Victors
in
white
Robes
are
the
same
with
the
Victors
over
the
Beast
,
Chap.
15.
and
they
with
the
Risen
Witnesses
,
Chap.
11.
who
being
upon
their
Victory
and
fresh
emergency
out
of
great
tribulation
cloathed
in
white
Robes
,
did
not
continue
any
time
after
their
Conquest
cloathed
in
Sackcloth
.
Something
akin
to
this
protracting
the
time
of
the
Witnesses
wearing
sackcloth
beyond
their
Rising
,
is
that
opinion
of
some
,
who
,
although
they
acknowledge
the
Reformation
to
be
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
yet
will
not
have
the
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
their
Rising
completed
therein
,
but
expect
a
further
Rising
of
them
signified
,
as
they
would
have
it
,
by
this
very
Vision
.
But
the
mistake
of
this
Opinion
I
shall
manifestly
discover
in
the
following
Chapter
.
The
next
thing
I
will
consider
here
is
this
:
Whether
the
Vial-Angels
received
their
Vials
before
or
after
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
,
Chap.
15.
That
they
received
them
after
,
any
one
may
be
well
assured
that
observes
,
First
,
That
one
continued
Vision
is
divided
sometimes
into
several
Chapters
:
As
the
Introductory
Vision
to
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
Chap.
4
,
and
5.
as
also
that
one
Vision
comprized
in
the
12.13
.
and
14.
Chapters
.
Which
answers
to
that
contained
in
the
eleventh
.
Secondly
,
That
in
like
manner
the
Vision
of
the
Vial-Angels
is
contained
in
the
15.
and
16.
Chapters
.
Thirdly
,
That
to
so
large
a
Vision
the
first
verse
of
Chap.
15.
[
And
I
saw
another
sign
in
Heaven
great
and
wonderful
,
seven
Angels
having
the
seven
last
Plagues
,
&c.
]
is
but
the
general
Title
thereof
,
and
the
Vials
are
not
so
much
as
mentioned
in
this
Title
.
Fourthly
;
That
before
he
falls
upon
the
Vision
it self
,
there
is
an
Introduction
thereto
,
a
kind
of
Dramatical
Interlude
,
which
is
not
as
in
ordinary
Plays
,
merely
for
delight
,
but
for
some
weighty
instruction
,
else
there
can
be
no
sense
of
clapping
it
immediately
after
the
summary
Title
of
this
Vision
.
What
then
can
it
be
but
to
intimate
,
that
the
Order
of
the
Vials
is
to
be
after
this
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb.
Wherefore
it
being
said
v.
5.
After
that
(
that
is
after
the
singing
of
this
Song
)
I
looked
,
and
behold
,
&c.
viz.
After
this
the
seven
Vial-Angels
came
out
of
the
Temple
,
having
the
seven
Plagues
,
but
not
yet
said
to
have
the
Vials
,
but
immediately
to
receive
them
of
one
of
the
four
Beasts
,
and
in
the
beginning
of
the
next
Chapter
bid
to
pour
them
on
the
Earth
.
If
the
sense
of
this
express
order
of
things
be
not
,
that
the
Angels
received
their
Vials
after
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
,
we
cannot
be
assured
of
the
certain
sense
of
any
passage
of
the
Apocalypse
,
nor
of
the
whole
Bible
,
no
nor
of
any
Writing
whatsoever
.
Insomuch
that
I
have
been
amazed
that
it
ever
came
into
any
mans
mind
to
think
otherwise
.
A
third
thing
is
,
What
the
adequate
Visum
is
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
i.
e.
what
affairs
in
the
World
or
Church
are
noted
to
fall
out
during
the
sounding
of
that
Trumpet
.
To
which
I
answer
,
That
it
is
that
which
is
set
down
Chap.
9.
from
v.
13.
to
the
end
of
the
Chapter
.
Whereby
is
signified
the
Over-running
of
the
Eastern
Empire
and
the
Church
by
the
Turks
with
the
possessing
themselves
of
Constantinople
,
and
the
general
Impenitency
of
the
Western
Church
and
Empire
,
notwithstanding
this
notorious
Judgment
of
God
upon
the
Eastern
.
Which
latter
part
is
fully
exprest
v.
20
,
21.
And
the
rest
of
the
men
that
were
not
killed
with
these
Plagues
,
yet
repented
not
of
the
works
of
their
hands
,
that
they
should
not
worship
Daemons
and
Idols
of
Gold
and
Silver
and
Brass
and
Stone
,
&c.
Neither
repented
they
of
their
Murders
,
nor
of
their
Sorceries
,
nor
of
their
Fornication
,
nor
of
their
Thefts
.
That
this
is
the
adequate
object
of
the
Vision
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
I
conceive
is
plain
from
hence
.
First
,
That
immediately
after
this
,
instead
of
the
Angel
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
that
sounded
,
steps
in
a
mighty
Angel
to
roar
out
the
next
Interval
the
last
of
the
seven
,
divided
also
into
seven
Thunders
,
as
the
seventh
Seal
into
seven
Trumpets
.
Secondly
,
Because
if
this
be
not
the
precise
Visum
or
Object
of
the
Vision
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
there
will
be
no
stop
till
you
come
to
the
14.
verse
of
Chap.
11.
The
second
we
is
past
,
&c.
Which
is
the
most
outragious
wild
thing
to
be
conceived
as
can
be
,
the
Vision
of
the
Witnesses
in
sackcloth
running
up
as
high
as
the
first
Trumpet
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
measuring
the
Court
of
the
Temple
and
Altar
.
And
thirdly
and
lastly
,
which
nicks
the
business
,
methinks
,
marvellously
well
,
The
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
Fall
of
the
City
is
a
Prophecy
of
a
considerable
Reformation
,
that
is
,
of
the
Repentance
of
a
considerable
part
of
the
Western
Church
and
Empire
,
or
of
their
ceasing
to
be
impenitent
,
which
was
the
latter
part
of
the
Visum
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
Wherefore
immediately
upon
this
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
Fall
of
the
City
,
that
is
,
upon
the
ceasing
of
that
general
Impenitency
,
it
being
said
the
second
Wo
is
past
,
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
Turks
over-running
the
Eastern
Empire
and
the
general
Impenitency
of
the
Western
thereupon
was
the
adequate
Visum
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
And
these
three
Points
respect
the
foregoing
Chapter
.
There
are
three
Points
behind
that
have
no
such
reference
.
The
first
is
,
what
may
be
the
full
meaning
of
the
Lamb
's
being
found
worthy
to
open
the
Seals
of
the
Seven-sealed
Book
.
For
the
fulness
of
this
meaning
being
rightly
understood
,
we
shall
therewithal
better
discern
how
well
the
Doxologies
of
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four
Elders
,
and
after
of
those
numerous
Quires
of
Angels
,
and
indeed
of
the
whole
Creation
in
this
Dramatical
Theatre
in
Heaven
,
are
made
to
prefigure
the
Joy
and
Rejoycing
which
will
be
in
the
blessed
Millennium
on
Earth
,
when
the
Power
given
to
the
Lamb
of
opening
the
Seals
shall
have
that
glorious
effect
in
introducing
those
times
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
which
these
Angelical
Actors
on
an
Heavenly
Stage
are
made
to
prefigure
in
the
sight
and
hearing
of
S.
John
after
his
being
caught
up
into
Heaven
in
his
Divine
Rapture
mentioned
Chap.
4.
v.
2.
Wherefore
in
brief
I
conceive
that
the
Lamb
's
receiving
the
Book
,
and
therewith
a
power
of
opening
the
Seals
,
implies
these
two
things
.
The
first
is
the
representing
to
John
,
by
way
of
Prophetical
Vision
,
the
state
of
the
Church
and
of
the
World
,
so
far
forth
as
the
Church
is
concerned
in
the
affairs
thereof
through
a
long
Series
of
time
to
the
end
of
all
,
even
to
the
very
Conflagration
.
That
this
is
one
meaning
of
this
power
of
opening
the
Seals
is
plain
from
Chap.
6.
v.
1
,
3
,
5
,
7
,
9
,
12.
and
Chap.
8.1
.
in
which
seven
places
the
Lamb
is
said
orderly
to
open
the
Seals
one
after
another
,
and
upon
the
opening
each
Seal
a
Prophetick
Vision
follows
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
that
his
Power
of
opening
the
seven
Seals
,
is
the
Power
of
imparting
this
whole
Book
of
Visions
to
his
Servant
John
.
For
at
the
Opening
of
the
seventh
Seal
all
the
whole
Book
of
the
Prophetick
Visions
was
opened
,
as
is
to
be
understood
from
the
frame
of
the
Book
above
described
.
But
now
forasmuch
as
the
truly
opening
of
the
Seals
would
not
be
absolutely
put
into
the
hand
of
Christ
,
unless
he
had
also
Power
given
from
him
that
sits
on
the
Throne
to
guide
the
affairs
of
this
sublunary
World
,
so
as
that
he
might
bring
to
pass
by
permission
or
impulsion
and
positive
motion
the
things
that
are
prefigured
(
For
the
Effect
brought
to
pass
both
argues
the
truth
and
discovers
the
right
sense
of
the
Prophetick
Vision
at
once
)
this
Power
of
administring
all
things
,
and
ordering
them
so
,
that
they
shall
certainly
answer
to
the
Prophetick
Prefigurations
of
them
,
is
necessarily
the
other
thing
that
is
included
in
this
power
of
opening
the
Seals
given
to
the
Lamb.
And
hence
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
are
ascribed
to
him
as
well
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Might
,
Power
,
and
Strength
as
well
as
Wisdom
in
those
Doxologies
of
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four
Elders
,
of
the
numerous
Quires
of
Angels
,
and
of
the
whole
Creation
glancing
in
this
Prophetical
Rapture
at
those
times
wherein
the
effect
of
this
power
of
opening
the
Seals
will
appear
to
all
the
world
most
resplendent
and
glorious
.
So
that
those
Arehetypal
Millennial
Kings
,
viz.
the
twenty
four
Elders
are
made
to
sing
the
Song
of
those
Ectypal
Kings
in
the
Millennium
,
who
will
experimentally
find
what
is
prophetically
set
down
here
in
the
Song
of
the
twenty
four
crowned
Elders
,
Thou
art
worthy
to
receive
the
Book
,
and
open
the
Seals
thereof
,
&c.
and
hast
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
to
our
God
,
and
we
shall
reign
upon
Earth
,
viz.
in
this
blessed
Millennium
which
thou
hast
as
well
effected
as
predicted
through
that
Power
given
thee
of
thy
Father
.
The
second
Point
is
,
Whether
a
Year
in
the
Apocalypse
any
where
may
signifie
a
Year
of
years
?
The
meaning
of
which
Question
is
,
Whether
that
express
word
[
Year
]
whether
it
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
for
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
signifies
Time
,
and
in
the
literal
meaning
a
Year
,
denotes
a
year
of
years
in
those
places
where
a
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
do
occur
,
is
without
question
)
whether
these
,
I
say
,
any where
signifie
a
Year
of
years
,
or
in
correspondence
to
other
places
of
the
Apocalypse
are
to
signifie
so
?
That
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
rendred
a
Year
,
signifies
a
Year
of
years
,
Apoc.
9.15
.
where
the
four
Angels
on
the
great
River
Euphrates
are
said
to
be
prepared
for
an
hour
and
a
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
,
seems
very
probable
.
Because
interpreting
a
day
,
month
and
year
;
[
a
year
,
a
month
of
years
,
and
a
year
of
years
]
it
makes
up
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
which
is
exactly
the
time
from
Togrulbec
Prince
of
the
Turks
his
Inauguration
by
the
Caliph
Chaiim
Biamrilla
(
after
the
taking
of
Bagdad
)
to
the
taking
of
Constantinople
by
Mahomet
the
Second
.
Which
is
not
probable
to
be
a
fortuitous
hit
,
and
therefore
plain
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
[
a
year
]
in
this
place
signifies
a
year
of
years
,
and
it
is
the
only
Example
in
all
the
Apocalypse
.
But
there
is
not
so
much
as
one
Example
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifying
a
year
of
years
,
but
an
assurance
rather
of
the
contrary
,
that
it
signifies
a
common
year
consisting
of
three
hundred
sixty
five
days
.
Otherwise
if
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
as
well
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
should
signifie
a
year
of
years
,
the
Millennium
would
last
365000
years
,
which
seems
a
thing
utterly
incredible
;
though
I
will
not
deny
but
this
Millenary
Number
signifying
symbolically
,
it
need
not
be
pent
up
to
just
a
thousand
years
,
but
may
extend
it self
further
.
And
lastly
,
if
any
one
will
contend
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
all
one
,
and
signifie
both
[
a
year
]
this
is
the
only
truth
that
can
be
asserted
touching
the
meaning
of
a
year
in
the
Apocalypse
,
that
't
is
but
a
single
year
,
though
numbred
with
other
names
of
Time
of
less
quantity
,
as
days
and
months
,
that
signifies
a
year
of
years
,
but
that
a
year
,
in
Connumeration
with
other
years
,
which
are
Times
of
like
quantity
with
it self
,
it
then
signifies
a
common
Year
and
no
more
.
This
is
all
touching
this
thing
that
can
be
made
out
of
the
Apocalypse
so
far
as
I
know
.
The
third
and
last
Point
is
,
Whether
there
be
any
Mystery
in
setting
down
Prophetick
Time
one
while
by
Days
,
another
while
by
Months
?
To
which
the
Answer
is
brief
and
easie
,
viz.
That
in
those
places
of
the
Apocalypse
where
the
Apostolical
and
Apostatical
Church
are
compared
and
opposed
one
to
the
other
,
there
the
time
of
their
conditions
is
also
differenced
,
the
time
of
the
Evangelical
Church
being
reckoned
by
days
,
of
the
Apostatical
or
Antichristian
by
months
.
This
is
constant
in
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
where
days
and
months
are
named
.
But
where
these
Antistaechal
Parties
are
unconcerned
in
reference
to
one
another
,
neither
month
nor
day
has
any
such
Mystery
in
it
,
as
in
that
passage
Chap.
9.
where
the
four
Angels
at
Euphrates
are
said
to
be
prepared
for
an
hour
and
a
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
.
CHAP.
XXV
.
Nine
Queries
with
Notes
thereon
to
a
Friend
,
leading
to
undeniable
assurance
,
that
not
a
Prophetical
Day
nor
Month
but
a
Semi-time
is
the
Unite
for
the
computing
the
Time
of
the
Event
in
the
Medial
Visions
.
Query
1.
WHether
the
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
,
and
propagated
into
so
many
parts
of
Christendom
within
the
space
of
the
seventh
Semi-time
,
be
not
the
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
,
or
the
great
City
,
and
of
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
?
Query
2.
Whether
the
first
six
Trumpets
and
the
forty
two
months
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
,
and
the
other
Medial
Visions
do
not
all
synchronize
one
with
another
?
Query
3.
Whether
the
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Witnesses
,
Chap.
11.
and
with
the
Saints
,
Chap.
13.
be
not
one
and
the
same
War
?
Query
4.
Whether
the
three
days
and
an
half
wherein
the
Witnesses
are
said
to
lye
slain
,
be
not
the
same
with
the
forty
two
months
of
the
prosperous
or
victorious
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
?
Chap.
13.
Query
5.
Whether
the
issue
of
this
slaughtering
and
victorious
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Witnesses
and
Saints
for
three
days
and
an
half
or
forty
two
months
(
wherein
their
Faith
and
Patience
was
so
much
tried
)
was
not
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
or
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
or
great
City
?
Query
6.
Whether
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
be
not
the
final
issue
of
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
or
forty
two
months
slaughtering
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
?
Query
7.
Whether
the
three
days
and
an
half
's
slaughtering
War
,
or
forty
two
months
victorious
War
against
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
,
can
be
produced
any
further
than
to
the
final
issue
of
the
said
War
?
Query
8.
Whether
the
above-mentioned
Reformation
,
it
being
the
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
of
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
be
not
the
final
issue
of
the
once
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
?
Query
9.
And
lastly
,
Forasmuch
as
the
above-mentioned
Reformation
began
but
a
little
after
the
commencement
of
the
last
Semi-time
,
and
had
its
full
growth
before
the
expiring
of
the
same
,
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
being
effected
before
the
last
Semi-time
expired
,
I
query
,
Whether
it
be
not
evident
,
nay
necessary
,
that
we
make
a
Semi-time
the
Vnite
in
the
Computation
of
the
Events
of
the
Medial
Visions
,
however
Daniel's
Time
and
Times
and
Half
a
Time
be
varied
into
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
and
forty
two
months
.
Which
is
the
main
Scope
of
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
.
These
be
the
Queries
,
the
Notes
follow
.
Note
1.
The
Affirmative
of
the
first
Query
we
are
both
agreed
in
,
and
I
have
invincibly
demonstrated
it
in
my
Apology
,
and
in
my
Answer
to
S.
E.
the
Remarker
upon
the
said
Apology
.
The
Reader
may
see
what
is
nearer
at
hand
in
〈◊〉
twenty
third
Chapter
of
these
Paralipomena
.
Note
2.
The
second
Query
I
did
put
,
(
the
Affirmative
whereof
is
demonstrated
by
Mr.
Mede
,
nor
do
I
believe
you
do
in
the
least
doubt
of
it
)
that
you
may
thereby
understand
that
the
Medial
Vision
of
the
Time
of
the
mournful
Witnesses
,
as
also
of
all
the
other
Medial
Visions
(
which
synchronize
one
with
another
)
expires
with
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
which
expires
with
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
viz.
with
the
above-mentioned
Reformation
.
Note
3.
The
Affirmative
of
the
third
Query
I
conceive
you
will
not
stick
to
acknowledge
,
it
being
made
so
clear
in
the
Answer
to
the
Remarks
on
the
Apology
.
Let
the
Reader
see
again
these
Paralipomena
,
Chap.
23.
Note
4.
And
my
Apologie
and
Defence
of
it
against
the
Remarker
,
has
no
less
than
demonstrated
the
Affirmative
of
this
Query
also
.
How
strong
the
Arguments
are
,
you
will
quickly
recollect
by
merely
reminding
you
of
them
.
(
1.
)
The
three
Times
and
an
half
equal
to
forty
two
Months
plainly
answer
to
three
Days
and
an
half
.
Three
Integrals
and
an
half
to
the
three
Integrals
and
an
half
.
(
2.
)
That
there
is
no
likelihood
that
in
the
Apocalypse
a
Number
should
be
computed
to
the
curiosity
of
half
a
year
.
(
3.
)
That
if
the
Evangelical
Church
should
ever
be
reduced
to
such
a
condition
as
is
set
out
by
the
Witnesses
lying
slain
in
the
streets
,
it
is
incredible
they
should
get
up
again
within
three
years
and
an
half
.
(
4.
)
If
the
three
years
and
an
half
be
restrained
to
the
end
of
their
prophesying
,
nothing
in
the
Vision
is
a
Symbol
of
their
Political
Death
to
which
their
Resurrection
relates
.
(
5.
)
They
having
been
politically
dead
all
along
the
forty
two
months
,
and
often
persecuted
,
martyred
and
massacred
,
it
is
unimaginable
what
other
more
direful
condition
should
befal
them
signified
by
their
lying
slain
three
days
and
an
half
,
than
what
befel
them
before
;
so
that
it
must
be
a
Symbol
really
of
their
three
times
and
an
half
sufferings
.
(
6.
)
And
lastly
,
If
the
Beast
war
not
with
them
till
they
have
finished
their
Testimony
,
as
those
that
oppose
us
would
have
it
,
then
till
the
end
of
their
prophesying
,
there
is
neither
any
war
nor
overcoming
,
nor
killing
of
the
Witnesses
,
which
is
point-blank
against
the
Truth
of
History
.
Note
5.
The
Affirmative
of
the
fifth
Query
is
plain
and
express
from
the
Text
it self
,
Chap.
11.
v.
11
,
14.
and
Chap.
14.8
.
which
intimates
the
issue
of
the
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Saints
.
Note
6.
That
the
Affirmative
of
this
Query
is
true
may
likewise
appear
from
the
Text
it self
,
namely
,
that
it
is
the
final
issue
of
the
War
.
For
this
Issue
is
said
to
be
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
Chap.
11.11
.
which
as
I
doubt
not
but
that
it
is
the
same
with
Daniel's
three
times
and
an
half
,
and
consequently
with
the
forty
two
months
and
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
;
so
though
we
should
yield
they
signifie
but
three
years
and
an
half
,
and
thus
these
three
days
and
an
half
were
either
the
three
last
years
of
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
,
or
three
years
and
an
half
added
to
them
,
yet
it
does
invincibly
follow
from
this
Text
,
that
the
issue
of
the
once
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
is
a
final
Issue
,
it
being
just
at
the
end
of
the
time
of
that
War
.
Note
7.
The
Negative
of
this
Query
is
plain
at
first
sight
.
No
man
can
conceive
a
War
produced
further
than
the
final
issue
thereof
.
This
consideration
and
what
has
been
said
on
the
foregoing
Query
,
puts
all
out
of
doubt
.
Let
us
only
here
note
by
the
bye
,
that
there
is
no
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
distinct
from
his
prosperous
warring
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
.
His
prosperous
War
or
prosperous
reigning
and
retaining
the
entireness
of
his
Dominions
is
restrained
to
this
time
of
forty
two
months
,
but
his
reigning
at
large
is
not
.
Note
8.
The
Affirmative
of
this
eighth
Query
is
manifest
from
the
Affirmative
of
the
sixth
,
where
it
is
made
plain
,
in
what
is
said
thereon
,
that
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
,
and
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
is
the
final
issue
of
the
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
.
And
that
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
the
abovesaid
Reformation
,
is
the
Affirmative
of
the
first
Query
.
Note
9.
The
Affirmative
of
this
last
Query
is
unavoidably
true
.
And
therefore
we
may
here
adore
the
Wisdom
of
God
,
or
his
Spirit
of
Prophecy
,
who
(
foreseeing
how
the
Events
would
be
in
the
Completion
of
this
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
above-mentioned
Reformation
,
which
was
to
fall
out
as
it
did
so
early
in
the
last
Semi-time
,
and
was
completed
so
long
before
the
expiring
thereof
)
gives
us
such
a
seasonable
hint
in
the
Conclusion
of
the
Vision
of
the
two
Witnesses
(
by
adumbrating
the
time
of
their
Sufferings
under
the
Beast
by
three
days
and
an
half
,
which
so
obviously
reminds
us
of
Daniel's
three
Times
and
an
half
)
as
thereby
to
instruct
us
and
warrant
us
to
compute
the
Event
of
the
Medial
Visions
by
Semi-times
.
And
after
the
last
Semi-time
current
,
which
answers
to
the
Half-Day
,
did
fall
out
according
to
Prediction
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
viz.
the
late
blessed
Reformation
,
and
ceased
to
get
further
ground
or
enlargement
before
the
Semi-time
expired
.
Which
is
a
Demonstration
that
this
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
can
be
continued
no
further
.
But
whatever
Accessions
for
the
future
are
made
to
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
,
by
his
Victories
over
Antichrist
,
they
must
be
prefigured
by
other
Visions
.
And
all
the
Vials
,
as
has
been
proved
in
the
foregoing
Chapter
,
follow
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
CHAP.
XXVI
.
Whether
the
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
commence
with
the
Apostasie
,
or
begin
fifty
or
sixty
years
after
,
out
of
an
Answer
to
a
Letter
from
a
worthy
Friend
.
Three
Arguments
to
prove
it
did
not
commence
with
the
Apostasie
.
Several
things
premised
in
order
to
an
Answer
to
those
Arguments
.
An
Answer
to
the
first
and
second
Arguments
.
An
Answer
to
the
third
.
Hints
of
an
Answer
to
other
Particulars
in
the
abovesaid
Letter
.
Of
the
Author's
twofold
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
Speciminal
and
Gradual
.
And
who
are
properly
to
be
accounted
Witnesses
.
In
what
sense
the
Author
says
they
were
risen
above
thirty
years
ago
.
Daniel
's
Semi-times
how
illustrated
by
the
Apocalypse
.
What
the
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
.
The
Extension
of
Time
in
the
Witnesses
Rising
not
to
be
eluded
by
the
comparing
it
to
the
felling
of
a
Tree
at
the
last
stroke
.
In
what
sense
the
Author
makes
the
Days
of
the
Witnesses
expire
Anno
1652.
What
is
the
fullest
and
largest
sense
of
the
Witnesses
Political
Death
.
THAT
the
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
does
not
commence
with
the
Apostasie
,
but
fifty
or
sixty
years
after
,
these
three
Arguments
are
produced
to
prove
the
same
.
1.
That
the
forty
two
months
of
the
Beast
cannot
begin
till
Supremacy
and
Idolatry
be
joined
in
one
Soveraignty
or
seventh
Head
,
which
was
not
till
the
Empire
was
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
which
is
fifty
or
sixty
years
after
the
Apostasie
appeared
in
the
Empire
.
2.
As
the
Empire
was
not
accounted
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
till
the
supreme
Head
the
Caesars
were
turned
Christian
:
So
the
Christian
Empire
cannot
be
deemed
the
Beast
till
the
supreme
Head
thereof
become
Pagano-Christian
,
and
this
was
not
till
it
was
actually
ten-horned
.
3.
The
Beast
did
not
come
into
being
until
the
ten
Kings
rose
in
the
Empire
,
and
it
became
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
forasmuch
as
the
Beast
is
represented
with
ten
Crowns
in
the
Vision
upon
his
Horns
.
Which
implies
the
actual
Division
of
the
Empire
into
ten
Kingdoms
.
Which
yet
was
not
till
about
sixty
years
after
the
Apostasie
.
Before
I
answer
to
these
three
Arguments
I
think
it
not
amiss
to
profess
,
that
I
agree
with
him
that
produces
them
in
the
Conclusion
they
are
produced
for
,
viz.
That
it
is
not
rational
to
begin
the
account
of
the
Beasts
forty
two
months
Reign
sooner
than
the
Empire
became
Idolatrous
in
the
Supreme
or
Sovereign
Power
of
it
.
For
this
Beast
is
under
the
seventh
Head
(
though
eighth
King
)
and
therefore
under
a
Pagano-Christian
Head
.
But
I
cannot
but
here
take
notice
of
that
passage
of
the
Prophecy
that
indicates
this
eighth
King
,
Chap.
7.
v.
11.
And
the
Beast
that
was
and
is
not
,
he
is
the
eighth
.
Where
he
names
the
Beast
it self
instead
of
the
Head
thereof
:
not
surely
as
if
he
had
no
Head
,
but
to
intimate
the
difficulty
to
find
whom
to
make
this
seventh
Head
or
eighth
King
,
whether
the
Secular
Caesars
or
that
Rex
Sacrorum
the
two-horned
Beast
,
which
from
the
beginning
had
in
a
manner
all
the
sway
in
matters
of
Religion
,
and
is
the
same
with
the
Woman
on
the
Beast
,
which
from
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
she
rid
and
guided
,
and
what
is
that
but
to
be
his
Sovereign
or
Head
?
As
the
man
is
said
to
be
the
Head
of
the
woman
,
because
he
has
the
Rule
over
her
,
so
in
this
sense
may
the
woman
be
said
to
be
the
Head
of
the
Beast
.
And
indeed
from
the
time
of
the
Apostasie
to
the
Reformation
the
Roman
Empire
seems
to
have
been
Sacerdotal
or
Hierarchical
,
as
if
the
Clay
,
not
the
Iron
were
the
Kingdom
,
as
Daniel
seems
to
intimate
Chap.
2.41
.
where
he
says
,
The
Kingdom
shall
be
divided
,
but
there
shall
be
in
it
of
the
strength
of
the
Iron
:
as
if
indeed
the
Clay
were
the
Kingdom
,
but
it
should
be
strengthened
with
the
Iron
.
So
that
by
this
rate
the
whole
Paganc-christianizing
Hierarchy
(
as
well
Eastern
as
Western
)
or
the
two
horned
Beast
which
signifies
the
same
,
may
prove
the
eighth
King
or
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
Whether
this
Hierarchical
Pagano-Christian
Head
,
or
whether
the
Pagano-christianizing
Caesars
or
Emperours
,
till
the
Pope
over-top't
them
even
in
Secular
Power
be
the
seventh
Head
,
the
Prophecy
seems
shy
in
determining
,
leaving
every
one
to
his
own
judgment
.
And
truly
I
have
been
always
very
prone
to
think
that
the
Pagano-christianizing
Caesars
or
Emperours
,
till
the
Pope
usurped
Jus
utriusque
gladii
,
were
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
For
they
giving
their
Power
to
the
two-horned
Beast
,
and
countenancing
or
conniving
at
or
not
opposing
his
Pagano-Christian
Institutes
(
Qui
non
vetat
peccare
cùm
possit
jubet
)
they
themselves
become
guilty
of
Pagano-Christianism
.
Besides
,
that
it
is
no
question
but
they
practised
with
the
Church
those
Idolatrous
Superstitions
that
refer
to
the
Mahuzzim
,
&c.
But
if
any
one
will
make
the
Pagano-Christian
Hierarchy
the
seventh
Head
,
there
is
so
much
to
be
said
for
it
,
that
I
will
not
greatly
quarrel
with
him
.
And
I
am
inclined
to
think
that
this
is
the
very
Mystery
of
that
passage
in
the
Prophecy
,
Chap.
17.11
.
of
naming
the
Beast
himself
instead
of
his
Head
,
to
leave
it
thus
in
medio
,
whether
you
will
have
it
Hierarchical
or
Caesarean
.
And
having
premised
thus
much
,
I
shall
now
briefly
answer
to
the
Arguments
.
1.
To
the
first
then
I
say
,
That
so
soon
as
the
Apostasie
came
in
,
which
includes
in
it
Pagano-Christian
Superstitions
and
some
degrees
at
least
of
Idolatry
,
there
was
a
seventh
Head
of
that
very
hue
,
whether
you
will
deem
it
the
Hierarchical
Head
who
were
the
Introducers
of
this
Apostasie
,
or
the
Caesarean
,
who
by
countenancing
,
complying
with
,
or
not
opposing
this
Apostasie
,
became
guilty
of
the
same
,
and
chargeable
therewith
in
the
Prophecy
.
But
if
you
will
not
have
the
Christian
Caesars
after
the
Apostasie
chargeable
with
Idolatry
till
they
make
Decrees
for
it
,
and
incorporate
it
into
the
Law
of
the
Empire
,
as
Justinian
did
the
Orthodox
Faith
out
of
the
Oecumenical
Councils
,
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
will
not
begin
till
six
or
seven
hundred
years
after
Christ
.
And
then
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
which
is
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
(
and
therefore
must
be
at
least
in
the
last
month
,
viz.
the
forty
second
)
will
happen
in
the
thirty
first
or
twenty
seventh
month
,
so
that
all
will
break
a
pieces
.
2.
As
to
the
second
I
answer
,
That
the
supreme
Head
of
the
Beast
became
Pagano-Christian
before
the
Empire
was
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
even
at
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
,
as
was
answered
to
the
first
.
3.
To
the
third
I
say
,
The
Beast
was
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
rose
in
the
Empire
.
For
it
was
not
the
ten
Horns
that
made
it
a
Beast
,
that
is
,
its
being
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
but
its
Pagano-christianizing
,
its
reintroducing
old
Pagan
Rites
and
Superstitious
and
Idolatrous
usages
into
Christianity
,
and
so
making
the
Empire
the
Beast
,
That
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
This
was
a
doing
,
and
in
some
sort
done
at
the
sounding
of
the
first
Trumpet
,
which
begins
with
the
Epocha
of
this
Apostasie
,
and
brings
in
those
Commanders
of
the
Northern
Nations
,
whose
very
Invasion
of
the
Empire
is
the
beginning
of
their
catching
at
Crowns
and
Principalities
,
though
it
was
about
half
an
hundred
years
till
they
all
ten
were
served
or
sped
,
the
Church
advancing
still
more
and
more
in
her
Apostasie
as
the
time
went
on
.
And
the
Division
of
the
Empire
into
ten
Kingdoms
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
,
is
a
sure
Note
of
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
,
it
beginning
at
a
time
of
their
catching
at
Kingdoms
,
which
began
with
the
sound
of
the
first
Trumpet
,
and
with
the
forty
two
months
War
or
prosperous
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
which
ended
with
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
last
blast
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
So
exact
is
the
Synchronism
of
the
forty
two
months
and
the
six
first
Trumpets
rightly
.
understood
.
Nor
is
the
Beast
represented
in
the
Vision
with
its
ten
Horns
crowned
to
signifie
the
Empire
was
not
a
Beast
till
it
was
thus
actually
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
but
that
it
was
a
Bestianizing
while
the
ten
Horns
were
catching
at
and
actually
obtaining
one
after
another
their
respective
Kingdoms
.
So
that
the
Beast
began
to
be
at
least
with
the
catching
at
and
obtaining
a
Kingdom
by
the
first
of
the
ten
Horns
.
But
all
the
ten
Horns
are
exhibited
as
crowned
in
Counter-distinction
to
the
Representation
of
the
Roman
Empire
Pagan
,
where
there
are
seven
Heads
and
ten
Horns
,
but
the
Horns
without
Crowns
,
that
we
may
be
sure
the
Vision
belongs
to
the
Empire
after
it
had
become
Christian
.
And
thus
the
forty
two
months
of
the
Beast
and
the
sound
of
the
first
Trumpet
beginning
with
the
time
of
the
Apostasie
,
it
is
evident
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
of
the
mournful
Prophecy
of
the
Witnesses
and
the
rest
of
the
synchronizing
Medial
Visions
commence
from
the
same
Epocha
,
and
consequently
that
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
expired
about
thirty
years
ago
.
The
rest
of
the
most
material
things
in
your
Letter
I
will
answer
very
briefly
.
What
you
alledge
therefore
out
of
my self
,
that
I
allow
of
a
double
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
(
Synops.
Prophet
.
lib.
2.
cap.
7.
sect.
7
,
11.
)
one
quoad
speciem
,
the
other
quoad
gradus
,
you
are
to
take
notice
,
that
that
distinction
is
mentioned
by
me
only
to
this
end
,
that
no
man
should
expect
at
the
Expiration
of
the
forty
two
months
an
universal
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
or
total
Fall
of
Babylon
,
but
only
speciminal
.
But
that
after
this
speciminal
Rising
I
allow
the
following
Victories
of
Christ
against
Antichrist
to
be
called
the
further
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
This
,
though
by
some
Analogy
it
may
be
called
(
and
is
so
by
me
called
)
a
further
gradual
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
yet
I
must
confess
I
think
it
now
more
proper
and
safe
to
call
nothing
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
but
what
is
included
within
the
Time
of
the
forty
two
months
,
and
intimated
by
the
partial
Fall
of
the
City
.
Whatever
other
Accessions
are
made
to
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
under
the
Vials
,
must
take
their
denomination
from
the
Vial
they
happen
under
.
And
looking
upon
the
thing
it self
,
those
that
bore
Testimony
in
those
Times
that
the
Cause
of
Truth
seemed
so
obscure
in
,
that
none
would
owne
it
but
those
Witnesses
,
these
,
I
say
,
have
a
more
special
Right
to
that
Title
.
But
the
Cause
is
now
plainly
decided
by
the
manifest
Judgment
of
God
in
giving
Victory
to
the
Witnesses
,
and
fulfilling
exquisitely
the
Prophecy
recorded
Apoc.
11.11
.
in
the
blessed
Reformation
.
So
that
further
witnessing
in
a
decided
Cause
seems
superfluous
,
men
now
that
stick
to
the
Truth
decided
,
are
rather
honest
conscientious
Professors
of
the
Truth
than
Witnesses
to
it
,
and
they
that
suffer
for
it
,
may
rather
be
said
to
be
murdered
than
martyred
for
the
Truth
,
though
the
Merit
of
their
Suffering
is
much-what
alike
to
the
other
.
And
now
in
this
proper
sense
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
when
I
say
they
are
risen
above
thirty
years
ago
,
this
is
no
contradiction
out
of
forgetfulness
to
my
own
sentiments
who
make
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
to
begin
about
the
middle
of
the
second
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
,
and
end
about
the
middle
of
the
fifth
from
mine
own
Epocha
,
Anno
393.
or
400.
as
if
hereby
I
finished
their
Rising
later
than
about
the
midst
of
the
fifth
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
,
and
so
differ
about
fifty
years
from
my self
.
For
where
I
say
above
thirty
years
ago
,
I
speak
in
the
Language
of
them
that
by
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
years
will
have
so
many
years
Extent
signified
.
My
meaning
therefore
is
,
that
even
according
to
them
,
granting
that
Extent
to
them
,
yet
the
Witnesses
are
risen
above
thirty
years
ago
,
counting
from
the
right
Epocha
,
so
that
there
is
no
further
fulfilling
of
that
Prophecy
.
But
though
there
is
no
more
counting
on
any
further
Accessions
to
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
under
the
Notion
of
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
unexpired
or
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
yet
there
is
from
the
Effects
of
the
Vials
,
as
I
have
hinted
already
:
but
we
go
on
.
Daniel's
Semi-times
are
illustrated
by
the
Apocalypse
,
(1)
In
that
they
are
by
changing
them
into
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
or
forty
two
months
declared
to
be
but
three
times
and
an
half
.
And
(2)
it
is
declared
by
placing
three
days
and
an
half
at
the
close
of
the
Vision
of
the
Witnesses
,
that
they
are
the
measure
that
the
Events
of
the
Medial
Visions
are
to
be
computed
by
,
that
is
,
that
a
Semi-time
is
the
Vnite
,
not
a
Month
or
Day
.
And
withal
we
must
remember
that
the
Artifice
of
Concealment
is
as
well
intended
in
the
Apocalypse
as
the
Certainty
of
Revealment
.
Furthermore
,
Remember
that
the
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
is
not
understood
of
his
Reign
at
large
,
but
of
his
prosperous
belligerant
Reign
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
,
till
their
Rising
and
the
partial
Fall
of
the
City
,
so
that
these
necessarily
synchronize
.
Your
Comparison
of
the
last
stroke
at
the
Tree
felling
the
Tree
is
witty
,
but
not
so
well
fitted
to
this
case
.
The
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
or
falling
of
the
City
,
is
rather
like
the
mowing
of
a
Meadow
,
which
is
not
said
to
be
mowed
just
at
the
last
cut
,
as
the
Tree
to
be
felled
at
the
last
stroke
of
the
Ax
,
but
it
is
mowed
and
a
mowing
all
the
time
till
the
last
Sithe-full
:
such
is
the
nature
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
Their
Rising
was
in
succession
,
not
at
one
joint
Jump
,
as
the
falling
of
the
grass
is
in
succession
,
not
all
at
one
stroke
of
the
Sithe
.
In
Arithm.
Apocalypt
.
pag.
382.
I
make
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
of
the
Witnesses
expire
Anno
1652.
speaking
according
to
their
Hypothesis
that
understand
the
full
Extent
of
so
many
years
by
them
;
yet
,
say
I
,
they
expired
in
the
year
1652.
from
the
true
Epocha
,
though
they
were
so
to
be
extended
,
and
though
we
did
not
measure
the
time
of
the
Medial
Visions
by
Semi-times
.
But
this
is
but
one
true
Tale
to
say
,
they
expired
An.
1652.
from
the
true
Epocha
,
according
to
that
Hypothesis
of
some
,
but
that
the
Witnesses
Rising
was
past
in
a
different
year
(
from
the
said
Epocha
)
consulting
History
and
measuring
by
Semi-times
,
or
making
a
Semi-time
the
Unite
.
It
's
much
you
did
not
understand
my
meaning
before
.
And
whereas
you
conceive
the
Witnesses
could
not
be
politically
dead
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
,
that
word
[
Political
]
was
the
best
word
I
could
hit
on
to
oppose
to
[
Natural
]
death
.
But
it
is
to
be
understood
in
a
larger
meaning
than
to
be
grosly
put
out
of
Office
.
This
Death
,
I
mean
,
is
gradual
,
and
the
first
degree
thereof
is
,
when
those
that
stood
up
for
the
Truth
against
the
introducing
the
Pagano-Christian
Rites
,
&c.
were
found
so
weak
,
that
they
could
not
stop
the
Tide
of
Ecclesiastical
Corruptions
flowing
in
,
but
their
attempts
were
ineffectual
,
so
that
as
to
any
efficiency
to
stop
the
incroaching
Pagano-Christianism
,
they
were
as
mere
Cyphers
or
dead
men
that
can
do
nothing
.
This
is
included
in
[
Political
Death
]
in
that
large
sense
I
take
it
in
.
I
mean
this
Inefficiency
or
Inability
to
carry
on
things
that
appertain
to
the
Order
or
Polity
of
the
Church
,
or
of
the
State
in
Matters
respecting
Religion
against
the
Authors
and
Countenancers
of
the
growing
Corruptions
.
And
the
Apostasie
being
the
very
Wilderness
of
the
Church
,
the
Woman
was
in
it
as
soon
as
it
was
.
These
are
Hints
of
an
Answer
to
your
former
Letter
,
I
shall
offer
the
like
to
your
latter
.
CHAP.
XXVII
.
Hints
of
an
Answer
to
a
second
Letter
from
the
same
Hand
.
A
Semi-time
the
Unite
in
computing
the
Events
of
the
Medial
Visions
proved
by
the
Author
.
Not
four
hundred
thirty
two
,
but
three
hundred
ninety
three
,
the
Author
's
Epocha
for
the
Medial
Visions
.
The
odd
Semi-time
in
Daniel
added
to
good
purpose
.
The
prevailing
of
the
little
Horn
,
Dan.
7.
how
to
be
understood
.
The
meaning
of
[
After
three
days
and
an
half
]
.
His
Friend's
mistake
touching
the
second
Query
.
His
use
of
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
in
Answer
to
the
sixth
Query
,
but
no
avoiding
thereby
but
that
Luther
's
Reformation
will
be
the
final
Issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
,
and
a
Semi-time
the
Unite
for
computing
the
Medial
Visions
.
YOU
understand
aright
what
I
mean
by
making
a
Semi-time
(
which
I
call
also
in
one
word
an
Hexamenon
)
an
Vnite
in
computing
the
time
of
Events
in
the
Medial
Visions
.
But
I
am
amazed
that
you
say
I
only
suppose
or
assert
this
,
whenas
I
have
evidently
demonstrated
it
in
the
brief
Method
of
the
nine
Queries
and
Notes
thereon
,
if
you
patiently
and
closely
attend
thereto
.
And
I
have
noted
above
that
from
my
Epocha
the
Witnesses
began
to
rise
about
the
midst
of
the
second
month
,
and
were
rising
till
about
at
least
the
midst
of
the
fifth
in
the
last
Semi-time
.
And
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
that
so
large
an
Vnite
as
an
Hexamenon
or
Hecatouogdoconthemeron
,
that
is
,
an
hundred
and
eighty
Prophetick
days
should
be
the
Vnite
by
which
so
large
an
Event
should
be
computed
.
Nor
is
there
any
other
eventual
measure
of
Time
signified
by
the
forty
two
months
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
than
Daniel's
seven
Semi-times
,
as
I
shall
remind
you
again
in
the
Conclusion
.
And
it
is
not
this
partial
Victory
signified
by
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
but
that
total
Victory
of
the
Rider
of
the
white
Horse
under
the
seventh
Vial
that
secures
the
Saints
for
ever
falling
again
under
the
power
of
the
Beast
.
Now
to
your
Paragraphs
.
To
(1)
In
Synopsis
Prophetica
,
lib.
2.
cap.
5.
sect.
4.
there
I
say
only
,
that
the
Epocha
of
the
Beast's
forty
two
months
is
at
least
so
early
as
four
hundred
thirty
two
years
;
but
the
Epocha
I
stick
to
,
is
three
hundred
ninety
three
.
And
according
to
that
Epocha
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
will
begin
about
the
middle
of
the
second
month
,
and
reach
into
at
least
the
middle
of
the
fifth
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
.
And
I
say
,
that
all
the
Variations
of
the
time
of
the
continuance
of
the
Medial
Visions
signifie
no
more
than
that
they
shall
continue
for
seven
Semi-times
,
which
are
the
seven
Vnites
in
this
Compute
.
And
therefore
if
the
Continuance
reach
into
the
seventh
Vnite
(
especially
the
Event
aimed
at
filling
that
Unite
so
competently
well
as
it
does
,
viz.
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
)
the
fulfilling
of
the
Prophecy
is
plain
and
exact
.
To
(2)
What
you
say
here
is
neat
,
supposing
your
Epocha
of
four
hundred
fifty
six
years
,
when
the
Beast
became
ten-horned
,
were
true
.
For
then
Luther's
beginning
the
Reformation
would
fall
short
of
the
seventh
Semi-time
.
But
I
stand
to
that
one
Epocha
of
three
hundred
ninety
three
years
,
according
to
which
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
will
begin
about
the
middle
of
the
second
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
or
Half-time
,
and
reach
into
the
midst
of
the
fifth
month
at
least
.
So
that
the
Half-Time
is
added
to
the
three
Times
to
very
good
purpose
in
Daniel
.
To
(3)
The
little
Horn
prevailed
against
the
Saints
for
a
time
and
times
and
half
a
time
;
but
in
the
last
Half-time
he
was
not
so
prevalent
or
prosperous
in
his
War
,
but
that
part
of
his
Kingdom
was
given
to
the
Saints
in
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
as
it
is
said
Dan.
Chap.
7.
v.
26.
And
they
shall
take
away
his
Kingdom
,
which
was
in
part
done
in
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
,
viz.
in
the
Reformation
;
but
the
consuming
and
destroying
it
to
the
end
is
left
to
the
Vials
that
succeed
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
will
be
completed
under
the
seventh
,
at
that
great
Battel
under
the
Conduct
of
the
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
with
a
Sword
issuing
out
of
his
mouth
.
And
the
Vials
succeed
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
and
consequently
the
Time
and
Times
and
Half
a
Time
.
Which
Vials
would
have
no
Kingdom
of
the
Beast
left
to
be
poured
upon
,
if
the
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
Fall
of
the
City
were
more
than
partial
.
What
can
be
more
plain
?
To
(4)
After
three
days
and
an
half
,
or
after
three
times
and
an
half
,
doubtless
is
to
be
understood
of
the
Three
and
Half
current
,
not
expired
.
But
this
Expression
[
After
]
does
plainly
assure
us
,
that
this
is
the
final
issue
of
that
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Witnesses
,
and
that
the
final
issue
of
that
War
is
but
a
partial
Fall
of
the
City
,
and
no
more
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
than
was
commensurate
thereto
,
I
pray
you
think
seriously
on
that
.
The
regaining
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
into
the
hands
of
Christ
,
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
that
tenth
part
,
is
plainly
the
final
Result
of
the
forty
two
months
(
that
is
,
of
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
)
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Witnesses
.
The
Vision
says
so
expresly
.
As
for
your
Answer
to
my
second
Query
;
It
is
not
my
Query
you
answer
to
.
For
my
Query
is
,
Whether
the
forty
two
months
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
does
not
synchronize
with
the
first
six
Trumpets
,
and
you
give
your
Answer
touching
the
Reign
or
War
of
the
Beast
at
large
;
which
indeed
reigns
still
,
and
wars
still
,
but
not
with
like
continued
success
,
as
in
the
forty
two
months
continued
War
noted
in
the
Vision
.
In
Answer
to
my
sixth
Query
,
it
's
a
pretty
ingenious
use
you
make
of
the
Prophetick
Henopoeia
,
and
I
acknowledge
there
is
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
in
this
part
of
the
Vision
,
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
For
though
in
the
fulfilling
of
the
Prediction
the
Witnesses
rose
in
several
places
and
at
several
times
successively
one
part
after
another
,
and
with
some
Intervals
of
time
betwixt
,
though
still
within
the
last
Semi-time
,
yet
by
an
Henopoeia
all
these
Risings
are
represented
as
one
Rising
,
this
is
acknowledged
.
But
here
we
are
carefully
to
observe
,
that
all
these
Risings
put
together
is
by
the
Vision
it self
restrained
to
a
partial
Rising
,
forasmuch
as
it
is
said
,
That
the
tenth
part
(
at
the
self
same
hour
)
of
the
great
City
fell
,
and
it
is
most
certain
the
Rising
was
extended
no
further
than
the
falling
of
the
City
.
But
this
partial
Fall
and
Rising
was
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
and
consequently
after
the
forty
two
months
and
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
equipollent
only
to
Daniel's
three
Times
and
an
half
or
seven
Semi-times
,
and
the
Reformation
is
this
partial
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
commensurate
thereto
,
nor
any
other
than
a
partial
Reformation
is
represented
by
the
Prophecy
;
wherefore
the
Reformation
being
said
to
fall
out
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
current
,
it
is
hence
evident
that
both
the
Reformation
is
the
final
issue
of
the
three
Times
and
an
half
's
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
,
and
that
we
are
to
reckon
the
Medial
Visions
(
the
time
of
their
Event
)
by
Semi-times
,
the
Reformation
being
both
begun
and
ended
within
the
last
Semi-time
,
and
taking
so
large
a
space
therein
.
This
wants
nothing
but
freely
and
closely
thinking
of
,
and
it
will
appear
as
clear
as
the
Sun
.
If
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
were
universal
,
or
there
were
a
total
Fall
of
the
great
City
at
the
close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
when
this
is
,
forasmuch
as
the
Vials
certainly
follow
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
there
would
yet
be
then
no
Kingdom
of
the
Beast
left
for
them
to
be
poured
upon
,
as
I
noted
above
.
Think
seriously
on
this
.
CHAP.
XXVIII
.
Hints
of
an
Answer
to
a
third
Letter
.
Further
Victories
against
Antichrist
after
the
Reformation
not
to
be
called
any
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
Who
Competitors
for
being
the
seventh
Head
or
eighth
King
.
An
Hierarchical
Pagano-Christian
Head
,
how
easily
conceived
to
precede
in
order
of
Nature
before
the
Caesarean
,
and
that
it
was
as
soon
as
the
Apostasie
came
in
.
That
the
Author
affirms
not
that
the
Caesars
continued
purely
Christian
an
hundred
and
twenty
years
.
That
the
Christian
Caesars
complied
with
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
from
the
beginning
amply
made
out
by
Reason
and
History
.
In
what
sense
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
may
be
said
to
commence
as
early
as
the
Apostasie
.
The
Beast
is
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
,
the
Empire
ipso
facto
becoming
a
Beast
by
the
Apostasie
,
which
commenced
before
they
were
risen
.
That
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Apoc.
13.5
.
does
not
signifie
to
continue
at
large
,
not
supposed
by
the
Author
,
but
proved
by
him
.
1.
WE
are
both
agreed
,
that
there
will
be
further
Victories
over
the
Beast
besides
this
of
the
Reformation
.
But
I
absolutely
deny
that
those
Victories
belong
to
the
forty
two
months
War
,
or
that
they
are
(
if
we
speak
properly
,
and
keep
to
the
Apocalyptick
stile
)
to
be
called
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
but
are
to
take
their
denomination
from
the
Vials
they
happen
under
.
2.
Whereas
you
say
,
it
does
not
appear
to
you
difficult
at
all
to
determine
,
whether
the
two-horned
or
ten-horned
Beast
be
the
seventh
Head
or
eighth
King
;
I
say
it
is
impossible
the
Ten-horned
Beast
should
be
the
eighth
King
or
seventh
Head
;
because
the
Beast
is
not
his
Head
.
But
it
is
a
figurative
Speech
when
it
is
said
,
The
Beast
that
was
and
is
not
he
is
the
eighth
.
By
a
Synecdoche
the
whole
Beast
is
put
for
part
,
viz.
his
Head
.
Therefore
the
Competition
is
not
betwixt
the
two-horned
Beast
and
Ten-horned
,
that
is
,
betwixt
the
Whore
or
Apostatized
Hierarchy
and
the
Empire
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
but
betwixt
the
said
Hierarchy
and
the
Apostatizing
Caesars
.
3.
There
was
an
Hierarchical
apostatizing
Head
so
soon
as
the
Apostasie
came
in
,
viz.
the
two-horned
Beast
,
the
same
with
the
Whore
that
rides
and
guides
the
Beast
,
and
therefore
has
the
Office
of
an
Head
,
as
I
noted
in
my
former
.
And
Vigilantius
who
lived
about
the
end
of
the
fourth
Century
,
how
he
was
against
the
worshipping
of
the
Relicks
of
Martyrs
,
how
he
said
the
Miracles
done
at
their
Monuments
were
the
prestigious
delusion
of
Devils
,
that
he
condemned
also
the
burning
of
Wax-Candles
at
their
Altars
in
the
day-time
,
and
how
sharply
he
was
inveighed
against
by
S.
Jerome
for
this
,
is
too
too
well
known
in
History
.
These
Idolatrous
Superstitions
therefore
coming
in
,
and
being
thus
countenanced
by
the
lapsing
Hierarchy
,
and
the
Hierarchy
being
the
Head
of
the
Empire
quoad
Spiritualia
,
it
is
plain
there
is
a
Pagano-Christian
Head
so
soon
as
the
Apostasie
came
in
.
And
it
is
the
two-horned
Beast
,
Rev.
13.
that
is
the
Maker
of
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
And
as
for
the
little
Horn
appearing
after
the
ten
Horns
in
Daniel
,
Chap.
7.
it
is
said
v.
8.
that
he
appeared
or
came
up
amongst
them
.
Nor
is
he
said
to
come
up
after
them
,
v.
20.
and
v.
24.
where
he
is
said
to
rise
after
them
:
from
the
Greek
and
Hebrew
it
may
signifie
no
more
than
behind
them
,
he
stealing
his
growth
upon
them
and
with
them
;
or
it
may
refer
to
the
time
of
his
more
eminent
and
conspicuous
growth
,
respecting
by
an
Idiconoea
the
Papacy
chiefly
.
And
though
the
Vision
of
the
Rise
of
the
two-horned
Beast
follow
that
of
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
Chap.
13.
yet
the
Method
of
thus
placing
them
is
good
,
the
Effect
being
notius
nobis
than
the
Cause
.
Wherefore
this
strange
Phaenomenon
of
the
Re-paganizing
Empire
is
represented
in
the
first
place
,
and
the
Efficient
cause
thereof
the
Apostatical
Hierarchy
in
the
second
,
which
is
the
two-horned
Beast
and
Maker
of
the
Image
of
the
Pagan
Beast
,
which
the
ten-horned
is
.
So
easie
is
it
to
conceive
an
Hierarchical
Pagano-Christian
Head
at
least
in
order
of
Nature
before
a
Caesarean
.
But
there
is
no
likelihood
but
the
Caesars
Religion
was
immediately
conformed
to
the
prevailing
Hierarchy
all
along
,
and
Mr.
Mede
you
know
makes
the
two-horned
and
ten-horned
Beasts
to
synchronize
.
4.
Now
for
the
Christian
Caesars
continuing
purely
Christian
for
an
hundred
twenty
years
,
according
to
my
own
account
,
this
is
an
odd
passage
and
to
be
wondred
at
,
and
contrary
to
what
I
precisely
profess
in
the
place
you
allude
to
.
Synops.
Prophet
.
lib.
2.
cap.
5.
Consect.
2.
and
Sect.
4.
where
are
these
very
words
:
But
what
I
leave
more
lax
here
will
be
more
particularly
bounded
in
the
proportion
of
the
Inner
and
Outer
Court
of
the
Temple
,
which
will
gird
in
this
time
a
little
within
four
hundred
years
.
And
do
not
three
hundred
ninety
three
years
do
so
?
Which
is
the
Epocha
I
stand
to
.
5.
That
is
also
somewhat
harshly
said
,
That
it
does
not
so
much
as
appear
probable
that
the
Christian
Caesars
complied
with
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
from
the
beginning
thereof
;
whenas
it
was
their
Interest
to
comply
with
that
which
had
the
more
common
vogue
of
Holiness
in
the
Empire
.
But
it
appears
de
facto
to
be
true
:
Else
why
did
Arcadius
and
Honorius
the
Emperours
in
Vigilantius
his
time
not
side
with
him
against
the
sway
of
the
two-horned
Beast
,
so
much
given
in
those
times
to
the
Superstitious
and
even
Idolatrous
Veneration
of
the
Reliques
of
Martyrs
?
Where
is
there
one
Edict
to
stop
the
current
of
Superstition
and
Idolatry
in
the
whole
Succession
of
Emperours
from
Theodosius
M.
his
time
till
Leo
Isaurus
the
Iconoclast
?
But
they
were
all
asleep
till
at
last
they
seemed
to
be
awakened
by
the
Judgments
of
God
in
the
Invasion
of
the
Saracens
,
I
mean
Leo
Isaurus
and
some
of
his
Successors
.
Is
it
not
a
marvellous
thing
that
Valentinianus
,
Theodosius
and
Arcadius
should
be
so
curious
as
in
their
Edicts
to
take
notice
of
the
hair
of
Deaconesses
,
and
say
nothing
against
the
exorbitant
.
Veneration
of
Martyrs
and
their
Reliques
,
unless
they
complied
therewith
?
And
how
easie
was
it
for
the
Christian
Emperours
in
those
days
to
swallow
down
with
sweetness
all
that
extravagant
Devotion
towards
the
Martyrs
and
their
Reliques
,
who
did
not
disgust
,
but
assume
such
suspected
Titles
as
these
to
themselves
,
Nostrum
Numen
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Our
Godhead
,
our
Divinity
wills
thus
and
thus
?
Which
Phrases
occur
in
the
Rescripts
or
Edicts
of
Theodosius
M.
and
Justinian
,
and
is
by
some
noted
as
a
kind
of
Political
Idolatry
.
To
say
nothing
how
they
did
not
with
sufficient
severity
and
earnestness
forbid
(
no
not
any
of
them
)
the
circumgestation
and
Adoration
of
their
own
Images
.
For
speaking
against
which
Chrysostom
incurred
the
displeasure
of
the
Court.
And
S.
Jerome
,
otherwise
superstitious
enough
,
says
,
Those
that
worship
the
Emperours
Statues
or
Images
do
that
which
the
three
Children
denying
to
do
were
well-pleasing
to
God
,
comparing
thus
the
worshipping
those
Images
or
Statues
with
the
worshipping
the
golden
Statue
which
Nebuchadnezzar
had
set
up
.
And
yet
,
as
Gotfredus
observes
in
Cod.
Theodos
.
de
Imaginibus
Imperialibus
,
Sed
neque
insania
cò
hactenus
processit
,
ut
ingenti
numero
sumptuque
hae
statuae
excitarentur
,
verùm
ut
cum
Adorationis
fastigio
erigerentur
exciperenturque
,
quomodo
&
alias
hoc
aevo
Divina
pleraque
Imperatoribus
tribuebantur
,
quae
hujus
Aevi
labes
fuit
.
And
this
was
the
very
Age
in
which
the
Apostasie
began
.
Is
it
therefore
not
so
much
as
probable
that
the
Christian
Caesars
complied
with
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
from
the
beginning
,
who
were
so
insensible
of
the
Idolatry
committed
on
themselves
?
And
as
the
Superstition
and
Idolatry
in
worshipping
the
Saints
and
their
Reliques
increased
,
so
did
this
Political
Idolatry
toward
the
Emperours
Images
.
For
as
the
above-named
Gotfredus
cites
it
out
of
the
second
Council
of
Nice
,
the
people
,
when
those
Imperial
Images
were
sent
into
the
Provinces
,
met
them
with
Tapers
and
Incense
,
as
if
it
were
the
Image
of
some
God
.
What
scruple
therefore
is
there
now
left
but
the
Emperours
swam
down
in
the
common
stream
of
Superstition
and
Idolatry
from
the
first
Apostasie
of
the
Church
to
Leo
Isaurus's
time
,
and
that
therefore
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
till
the
Pope
play'd
the
Caesar
,
and
would
be
above
the
Emperours
,
the
Emperours
themselves
were
the
Pagano-Christian
Head
of
the
Beast
.
And
yet
that
the
Emperours
were
more
positively
active
in
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
,
appears
plainly
out
of
History
.
For
to
omit
Constantine
(
who
with
an
innocent
zeal
towards
the
Martyrs
,
caused
the
holy
Reliques
of
Andrew
,
Luke
and
Timothy
to
be
with
pompous
Solemnity
translated
to
Constantinople
,
there
to
be
entempled
in
more
illustrious
Temples
;
though
Cyril
against
Julian
plainly
shows
,
that
the
most
famous
Temples
of
the
Heathen
were
in
truth
no
other
than
the
Sepulchres
or
Monuments
of
the
dead
;
but
Constantine
intended
nothing
but
a
kind
of
civil
Honour
hereby
to
the
said
Martyrs
:
)
Arcadius
also
in
a
time
when
the
generality
of
the
Empire
grew
mad
after
the
Reliques
of
Saints
and
Martyrs
(
having
a
superstitious
confidence
of
strange
Virtue
in
them
,
of
preserving
them
from
Evil
and
the
place
where
they
were
entempled
)
ordered
the
Bones
of
the
Prophet
Samuel
to
be
translated
out
of
Judaea
into
Thrace
with
marvellous
Pomp
,
the
people
receiving
the
Reliques
of
the
Prophet
with
Adoration
,
but
not
to
him
forsooth
,
but
Christ
,
as
S.
Jerome
says
,
and
is
the
present
excuse
of
the
Romanists
at
this
day
.
And
how
active
Theodosius
was
in
translating
Chrysostom's
Reliques
to
Constantinople
you
may
see
in
Spondanus
and
others
.
And
that
of
S.
Austin
here
is
also
worth
the
noting
:
Videtis
Imperii
nobilissimi
eminentissimum
Culmen
ad
sepulchrum
Piscatoris
Petri
submisso
diademate
supplicare
.
So
that
it
is
plain
the
Emperours
went
along
with
the
practice
of
the
Church
and
People
.
Nay
,
as
to
the
ordering
of
the
Reliques
of
Saints
and
Martyrs
and
the
translation
of
them
in
those
Times
,
nothing
was
to
be
done
sine
affatibus
Augusti
,
without
the
permission
of
the
Emperour
.
And
therefore
Theodosius
M.
made
an
Edict
against
the
vagabond
Monks
selling
of
Reliques
,
but
therein
allows
the
entempling
of
them
with
all
Magnificence
:
which
yet
plainly
answers
to
the
entempling
the
Pagan
Heroes
.
As
the
Athenians
after
the
Spectrum
of
Theseus
had
appeared
fighting
for
them
in
the
Plains
of
Marathon
,
were
bid
by
their
Oracle
to
find
out
the
Bones
of
Theseus
and
bring
them
to
Athens
,
and
to
build
an
Heroon
to
him
or
Temple
,
and
give
him
Religious
Worship
,
that
thereby
he
might
become
the
Safeguard
of
their
State
and
City
.
The
Aegyptians
also
frequented
the
Sepulchre
of
the
Prophet
Jeremy
with
great
Devotion
,
because
they
conceited
he
defended
them
from
Asps
and
Crocodiles
.
And
the
Successours
of
Alexander
strove
who
should
translate
his
Body
into
their
Dominions
,
and
build
an
Heroon
to
him
,
as
deeming
thereby
that
they
should
engage
him
to
be
a
Defence
or
Safeguard
to
their
Kingdom
.
This
is
the
genuine
meaning
of
the
Pagans
entempling
the
Bones
or
Bodies
of
their
Heroes
.
And
this
was
the
Conceit
of
the
generality
of
Christians
toward
the
latter
end
of
the
fourth
Century
,
and
the
beginning
of
the
fifth
,
that
the
Reliques
of
the
Saints
and
Martyrs
in
their
Martyria
or
places
they
were
entempled
in
,
were
the
Forts
,
Bulwarks
,
and
the
Defenders
of
the
City
and
Country
where
they
were
enshrined
.
This
was
not
only
the
ordinary
Conceit
of
the
common
people
,
but
the
voice
of
the
Fathers
in
publick
Sermons
in
those
Times
.
Whence
we
may
be
sure
the
Emperours
(
having
such
a
deference
for
the
Bishops
,
especially
Theodosius
M.
)
were
successively
imbued
with
the
same
sense
of
things
,
which
yet
is
no
less
than
to
be
guilty
of
the
Worship
of
the
Mahuzzim
,
in
thus
reposing
their
confidence
in
them
,
when
no
invisible
Power
is
to
be
confided
in
but
God
alone
.
See
Chemnitius
and
Mr.
Mede
.
And
lastly
,
The
Care
of
Religion
belonging
also
to
the
Emperours
(
though
they
mainly
intrusted
the
Hierarchy
with
it
)
and
they
giving
no
check
by
any
Edict
or
Rescript
from
Theodosius
M.
his
time
to
Leo
Isaurus
,
as
I
noted
above
,
this
not
forbidding
is
plainly
encouraging
,
commanding
or
assuring
them
in
this
erroneous
way
;
as
he
that
rides
an
Horse
and
has
the
reins
in
his
hands
,
is
supposed
to
approve
of
the
way
the
Horse
goes
,
if
he
checks
him
not
with
the
bridle
,
and
so
direct
him
into
the
right
way
.
So
that
the
Apostasie
thus
begun
under
the
Emperours
,
it
is
manifest
they
stand
guilty
thereof
,
and
so
became
Apostatical
or
Pagano-Christian
Heads
of
the
Beast
so
soon
as
the
Apostasie
began
.
Which
is
the
thing
that
was
to
be
demonstrated
.
6.
And
that
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
commenced
as
early
as
the
Apostasie
,
may
be
easily
understood
by
any
body
that
understands
the
Genius
of
the
Apocalyptick
Stile
,
which
is
highly
figurative
and
of
a
lofty
vigorous
sense-striking
strain
,
using
the
fullest
and
strongest
Metaphors
;
and
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
that
all
the
Contest
and
Tug
betwixt
the
Apostatizing
Empire
and
the
Witnesses
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
of
the
Contest
,
is
set
out
by
that
one
high-sounding
Word
or
Phrase
of
War
;
though
at
first
it
was
only
a
Dispute
and
Contest
in
words
,
as
in
the
Case
of
S.
Jerome
and
Vigilantius
:
And
the
Metaphor
is
so
easie
and
natural
,
though
so
grandisonant
,
that
our
Theological
Controversies
and
Disputes
are
ordinarily
called
Polemical
Divinity
,
that
is
in
plain
English
,
Warring
or
Warlike
Divinity
.
And
this
War
is
not
said
to
be
betwixt
the
Head
of
the
Beast
and
the
Witnesses
(
as
if
the
War
could
not
begin
till
the
Head
of
the
Beast
positively
opposed
the
Witnesses
)
but
betwixt
the
Beast
and
the
Witnesses
;
so
that
even
while
there
was
no
Edict
of
the
Emperours
against
the
Witnesses
,
yet
the
War
might
be
begun
and
continued
betwixt
the
Beast
and
the
Witnesses
;
unless
a
man
will
be
so
humoursom
,
as
in
the
Fight
of
an
Horse
with
a
Bear
,
because
the
Horse
bites
not
with
his
head
,
but
only
kicks
with
his
heels
,
to
deny
he
fights
with
the
Bear
.
And
yet
how
positively
the
Emperours
did
concur
with
the
Apostatizing
part
of
the
Empire
,
has
been
declared
above
.
7.
That
the
Beast
was
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
rose
in
the
Empire
,
is
demonstrated
from
your
own
Concession
,
viz.
That
the
Apostasie
of
the
Empire
was
before
the
ten
Kings
rose
in
the
Empire
.
For
the
Apostasie
into
Pagano-Christianism
is
that
very
Form
or
Essence
that
turned
the
Empire
into
that
state
which
the
Prophetick
Stile
calls
,
The
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
And
its
being
divided
into
ten
Kingdoms
,
confers
no
more
to
its
being
a
Beast
,
than
quartering
a
slain
Mutton
into
four
quarters
by
a
Butcher
,
contributes
to
its
being
a
slain
Mutton
,
which
it
was
as
fully
before
.
So
that
this
Division
in
neither
case
is
a
Causa
sine
qua
non
,
of
the
thing
being
so
.
Nor
does
it
follow
because
the
Apostatized
Empire
is
represented
by
the
Beast
with
ten
Horns
crowned
,
that
therefore
it
was
not
a
Beast
before
those
ten-crowned
Horns
,
no
more
than
it
follows
that
the
Apostatized
Hierarchy
represented
by
the
Whore
,
Chap.
17.
so
drunk
with
the
blood
of
the
Saints
,
and
so
gorgeously
apparelled
,
was
not
a
Whore
till
she
was
grown
so
extremely
sumptuous
in
her
Ornaments
,
and
barbarously
cruel
in
her
Persecutions
.
The
use
of
the
ten
Horns
crowned
in
the
Representation
of
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.
is
not
to
signifie
it
was
not
a
Beast
till
those
actually
crowned
Horns
,
but
to
distinguish
him
from
the
Dragon
with
ten
Horns
uncrowned
,
Chap.
12.
and
so
to
intimate
that
this
Beast
,
Chap.
13.
is
a
Representation
of
the
Empire
after
it
had
degenerated
into
a
Pagano-Christian
State
.
For
the
Division
of
the
Empire
into
ten
Kingdoms
was
not
till
after
it
had
become
Christian
.
8.
And
lastly
,
As
for
your
Postscript
:
I
do
not
ground
my
distinction
of
the
Beast's
forty
two
months
prosperous
Reign
from
his
Reign
at
large
upon
the
different
Readings
of
Rev.
13.5
.
but
prove
that
their
Reading
that
read
v.
5.
That
power
was
given
him
to
make
forty
two
months
War
with
the
Saints
,
or
that
he
was
to
proceed
prosperously
,
or
do
prosperously
forty
two
months
(
and
not
to
continue
at
large
)
is
the
best
and
truest
sense
.
As
is
proved
in
the
Preface
to
the
Answer
to
the
Remarks
.
I
say
that
Reading
or
sense
I
contend
for
,
is
not
supposed
,
but
proved
;
forasmuch
as
the
issue
,
even
the
final
issue
of
that
War
is
but
a
partial
Fall
of
the
City
and
correspondent
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
I
pray
consider
the
sixth
,
seventh
and
eighth
Queries
and
the
Notes
on
them
,
and
I
think
it
will
be
impossible
for
you
not
to
be
convinced
.
CHAP.
XXIX
.
Hints
of
an
Answer
to
a
fourth
Letter
.
That
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
Rev.
11.
denotes
a
partial
Regaining
only
of
the
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
into
the
hands
of
Christ
.
A
further
Enforcement
of
the
same
Truth
.
The
Event
of
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
in
what
sense
partial
,
in
what
final
.
The
whole
Event
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
the
Object
of
the
Prediction
.
The
Times
and
Half
reach
not
beyond
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
The
Object
and
Subject
of
the
three
Wo-Trumpets
not
the
same
.
The
continued
Conflict
betwixt
the
Antichristian
and
Evangelical
Party
with
the
Effects
thereof
to
what
Visions
referrable
.
Passages
in
Daniel
,
Chap.
7.
amply
explained
.
That
even
from
our
Antagonists
Epocha
the
Reckoning
not
by
Years
but
Semi-times
in
the
Medial
Visions
is
necessary
.
No
hopes
of
foretelling
from
the
Medial
Numbers
to
a
year
or
thereabout
,
when
the
Church's
Affliction
shall
cease
,
proved
by
many
Arguments
.
The
danger
of
forcing
out
pleasing
Interpretations
of
the
Prophetical
Visions
when
they
will
not
afford
them
.
1.
TO
your
first
Paragraph
I
say
,
That
which
falls
out
after
the
War
of
forty
two
months
,
equal
and
Synchronal
to
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
to
the
three
Times
and
an
Half
,
and
to
the
rest
that
synchronize
with
these
,
and
is
the
issue
of
this
forty
two
months
War
is
the
final
issue
thereof
.
But
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
falls
out
as
the
issue
of
that
War
betwixt
the
Beast
and
them
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
(
equal
and
Synchronal
to
the
forty
two
months
)
according
to
the
express
intimation
of
the
Text
,
Chap.
11.11
.
Wherefore
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
commensurate
to
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
or
of
the
great
City
,
is
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
against
the
Saints
and
Witnesses
,
according
to
the
express
indication
of
the
Vision
.
This
is
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
which
closes
with
the
Exit
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
which
the
Vials
follow
,
and
are
intended
for
a
further
Ruine
of
the
Beast
afterwards
.
So
that
this
so
plain
a
Truth
is
not
inconsistent
with
the
regaining
of
larger
shares
,
nay
the
whole
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
into
Christ's
own
hands
again
.
And
these
first
Acquists
are
as
it
were
the
Primitiae
and
Pledges
thereof
.
So
plain
is
it
every
way
that
this
Vision
,
Chap.
11.
touching
the
Witnesses
,
drives
only
at
a
partial
regaining
of
the
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
into
the
hands
of
Christ
.
The
Judgment
indeed
is
here
begun
of
the
little
Horn
,
they
begin
to
take
away
his
Dominion
,
but
consuming
and
destroying
it
even
unto
the
end
,
that
is
the
work
of
the
Vials
.
2.
To
your
second
.
Bring
by
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
as
many
Risings
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
as
distant
in
time
and
place
as
you
will
,
and
phansie
them
as
strongly
as
you
will
to
be
made
within
the
last
Semi-time
,
or
before
the
forty
two
months
,
according
to
your
Epocha
,
be
expired
;
yet
the
Vision
does
expresly
declare
,
that
all
this
can
amount
to
no
more
than
the
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
Babylon
,
and
a
commensurate
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
Upon
which
consideration
one
would
think
it
were
impossible
but
you
should
find
your self
in
a
wrong
Box
,
and
that
my
way
is
the
genuine
Interpretation
of
the
Prophecy
.
But
that
your
Epocha
is
also
false
,
is
abundantly
made
out
from
what
we
have
said
to
your
third
Letter
,
viz.
That
the
Beast
and
his
War
with
the
Witnesses
commenced
as
early
as
the
Apostasie
which
your self
acknowledges
to
begin
about
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
which
is
above
fifty
years
earlier
than
your
Epocha
.
This
,
if
you
thoroughly
consider
it
,
is
a
full
Answer
to
whatever
you
offer
in
your
second
Paragraph
.
And
it
is
tedious
to
me
to
multiply
words
.
3.
To
the
third
.
This
invincible
Reasoning
of
mine
touching
this
Vision
you
seem
to
be
aware
of
in
this
next
Paragraph
,
and
yet
you
are
not
sufficiently
pierced
by
it
,
but
would
shuffle
it
off
by
saying
,
If
the
Event
of
this
forty
two
months
War
be
but
partial
,
how
can
it
be
final
,
as
if
there
were
an
inconsistency
therein
,
because
the
one
signifies
there
is
more
of
the
same
kind
to
follow
,
whereas
final
signifies
the
contrary
?
Answ.
But
this
is
a
mere
piece
of
Sophistry
;
The
pretended
inconsistency
not
observing
the
Laws
of
real
Opposition
,
which
must
respect
the
same
thing
.
But
final
here
respects
the
Extension
of
the
forty
two
months
War
,
but
partial
,
the
Extension
of
the
Kingdom
the
Witnesses
or
Saints
warred
against
,
the
vanquishing
of
part
whereof
may
well
be
the
final
result
of
the
forty
two
months
War
or
of
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Times
War
,
though
there
may
be
more
of
the
same
Kingdom
still
behind
to
be
conquered
and
subdued
.
This
is
so
open
a
Fallacy
,
that
it
needs
no
illustration
to
set
off
the
inconsequence
thereof
.
But
you
proceed
.
4.
To
your
next
I
answer
briefly
,
That
[
After
three
days
and
an
half
,
or
three
times
and
an
half
]
I
understand
to
signifie
as
much
as
,
After
the
last
Vnite
,
of
the
Eventual
Computation
,
current
,
which
is
a
Semi-time
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
in
my
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
,
and
more
concisely
in
my
Nine
Queries
and
Notes
.
And
a
Semi-time
being
the
Vnite
in
Eventual
Compute
,
and
so
adapted
to
the
nature
of
the
Event
predicted
,
too
big
for
either
a
Prophetical
Day
or
Month
;
and
not
the
beginning
of
the
Event
,
but
the
whole
Event
it self
being
the
Object
of
the
Prediction
,
and
the
whole
Event
reaching
from
about
the
midst
of
the
second
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
into
the
fifth
,
if
not
sixth
thereof
,
the
Accomplishment
of
the
Prediction
is
as
exquisite
and
complete
,
as
if
the
Vnite
in
Compute
had
been
a
Year
,
and
the
Event
had
fallen
out
after
the
last
year
current
of
suppose
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
years
.
This
,
if
you
consider
it
,
is
a
plain
and
full
Answer
to
what
you
alledge
in
this
Paragraph
.
5.
In
the
next
many
things
are
said
,
but
nothing
that
in
the
least
infringes
that
grand
Truth
,
viz.
That
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
betwixt
the
Beast
and
the
Witnesses
is
only
the
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
proportionate
thereto
.
You
readily
grant
that
the
Vials
succeed
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
but
you
say
,
that
the
Vials
succeed
the
three
Times
and
an
half
,
does
not
thence
follow
,
unless
I
had
first
proved
that
the
Three
times
and
an
Half
reached
no
further
than
to
the
end
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
which
you
say
you
never
yet
saw
proved
.
This
I
wonder
at
,
because
Mr.
Mede
has
sufficiently
demonstrated
,
that
the
Woman
to
be
nourished
for
a
Time
,
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
in
the
Wilderness
,
synchronizeth
with
the
first
six
Trumpets
.
Consult
his
Table
of
Synchronisms
,
and
you
will
see
it
,
and
peruse
his
little
Treatise
of
Synchronisms
,
and
there
you
will
find
it
proved
.
Besides
that
,
till
after
the
three
days
and
an
Half
the
second
Wo
,
or
sixth
Trumpet
is
not
past
,
Rev.
11.
And
this
is
a
plain
demonstration
that
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
is
but
a
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
or
partial
Ruine
of
the
Kingdom
of
the
Beast
and
not
a
total
,
because
there
would
be
no
Beast
left
to
be
ruined
by
the
Vials
after
the
Expiration
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
and
last
Semi-time
.
Think
seriously
on
this
.
You
say
the
three
Woes
have
the
same
subject
and
the
same
object
,
which
is
a
mistake
.
For
the
first
two
Woes
are
the
Invasion
of
the
Saracens
and
Turks
upon
the
Idolatrous
Empire
at
large
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
and
belong
to
the
Sealed
Book
Prophecy
,
but
the
third
Wo
more
peculiarly
respects
the
two
horned
Beast
or
Idolatrous
Hierarchy
,
and
belongs
to
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
.
But
all
three
agree
in
this
,
that
they
are
Woes
,
and
so
the
transition
is
from
one
Wo
to
another
.
But
that
proves
not
that
they
have
one
adequate
Subject
and
Object
,
no
more
than
that
they
belong
to
one
and
the
same
Prophecy
,
whenas
it
is
manifest
the
last
Wo
belongs
to
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
the
other
two
to
the
Sealed
.
Nor
is
the
last
Wo-Trumpet
divided
adequately
into
seven
Vials
,
but
into
seven
Thunders
,
and
the
first
Thunder
into
the
seven
Vials
:
which
is
needless
here
to
insist
on
,
and
you
may
find
satisfaction
elsewhere
.
See
the
Answer
to
the
Remarks
on
the
place
,
and
also
Appendicula
Apocalyptica
.
So
that
there
is
not
the
least
pretence
of
continuing
the
forty
two
months
War
betwixt
the
Beast
and
the
Witnesses
beyond
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
proportionate
thereunto
.
That
there
is
still
a
struggle
betwixt
the
Antichristian
and
Evangelical
Party
,
and
that
the
Evangelical
Party
may
sometimes
receive
damage
,
is
true
:
yet
this
is
not
to
be
reckoned
to
the
forty
two
months
War
,
but
to
take
denomination
from
other
Visions
or
Prophecies
,
from
the
Menaces
to
the
Church
of
Sardis
,
and
from
the
Vials
especially
.
And
their
attacks
to
do
the
Evangelical
Party
mischief
,
is
to
be
referred
to
their
noisom
and
grievous
sore
as
an
effect
thereof
inflicted
on
them
under
the
first
Vial
,
and
sticking
to
them
,
or
at
least
irritable
in
them
all
along
;
as
this
sore
is
mentioned
even
in
the
fifth
Vial.
And
when
so
horrible
a
War
was
raised
against
the
Evangelical
Party
here
in
England
in
Eighty
eight
,
and
that
by
the
great
Providence
of
God
they
were
so
defeated
;
this
is
referrible
to
the
third
Vial.
And
if
in
the
midst
of
the
sedulous
Attacks
of
the
Antichristian
Party
,
some
mighty
Potentate
in
Christendom
should
by
God's
Providence
be
raised
up
in
their
behalf
,
the
hearts
of
Kings
being
in
the
hand
of
God
,
this
were
referrible
to
the
fourth
Vial.
But
according
to
the
Apocalyptick
Stile
,
this
is
to
be
accounted
neither
any
part
of
the
forty
two
months
War
,
nor
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
It
is
something
tedious
to
insist
on
things
so
plain
.
6.
In
your
sixth
Paragraph
you
lay
great
stress
upon
that
Passage
Apoc.
17.17
.
touching
the
ten
Kings
that
God
has
put
into
their
hearts
to
fulfil
his
Will
,
and
to
agree
and
give
their
Kingdom
to
the
Beast
until
the
words
of
God
shall
be
fulfilled
,
which
words
of
God
you
understand
of
Daniel's
Prophecy
of
the
little
Horn
having
the
Saints
given
into
his
hands
until
a
Time
and
Times
and
dividing
of
a
Time
;
And
of
those
other
words
of
Daniel
,
where
he
says
,
I
beheld
,
and
the
same
Horn
made
War
with
the
Saints
,
and
prevailed
against
them
until
the
Ancient
of
days
came
,
and
Judgment
was
given
to
the
Saints
of
the
most
High
,
and
the
time
came
that
the
Saints
possessed
the
Kingdom
,
Dan.
7.21
,
22.
and
then
you
skip
from
v.
22.
to
v.
27.
adding
,
And
what
Kingdom
that
is
he
tells
in
the
following
words
(
but
they
follow
a
great
way
off
)
The
Kingdom
and
Dominion
and
the
greatness
of
the
Kingdom
under
the
whole
Heaven
.
And
you
say
,
you
suppose
,
I
will
not
say
this
Kingdom
is
so
given
and
possessed
yet
;
and
if
not
,
how
can
you
say
the
little
Horns
making
War
with
the
Saints
,
and
prevailing
against
them
for
a
time
and
times
and
half
a
time
,
is
expired
?
I
pray
you
,
Sir
,
think
seriously
on
this
.
Answ.
Well
,
I
have
thought
seriously
on
it
,
and
find
what
you
lay
such
great
stress
on
,
has
no
strength
in
it
at
all
.
I
easily
admit
those
words
of
Apoc.
17.17
.
may
allude
to
these
passages
of
Daniel
.
But
there
is
nothing
here
that
infers
that
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Saints
extends
any
further
than
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
,
and
the
then
commensurate
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
Which
Time
I
call
the
prosperous
Reign
and
War
of
the
Beast
,
which
are
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
here
mentioned
in
Daniel
,
and
in
which
Fall
the
last
Semi-time
current
he
made
War
,
and
prevailed
against
the
Saints
,
as
Daniel
also
has
foretold
.
And
this
was
till
the
Ancient
of
Days
came
,
and
Judgment
was
given
to
the
Saints
of
the
most
High
,
v.
22.
which
is
further
explained
v.
26.
(
which
you
wisely
skipped
over
)
But
the
Judgment
shall
sit
,
and
they
shall
take
away
his
(
viz.
the
little
Horn's
)
Dominion
,
not
all
of
it
at
once
(
as
it
was
not
at
the
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
and
commensurate
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
)
but
leisurely
by
degrees
.
Which
Apocalyptick
Vision
therefore
is
an
excellent
Commentary
on
this
Text
of
Daniel
.
God
has
adjudged
the
Cause
to
the
Evangelical
Party
by
this
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
This
taking
away
part
of
the
little
Horn's
Dominion
,
is
a
Pledge
of
the
having
it
consumed
and
destroyed
even
to
the
end
.
But
this
destruction
and
consumption
is
not
the
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
,
wherein
the
Beast
prevailed
for
such
a
time
against
the
Saints
,
but
at
last
he
was
partially
vanquished
,
but
it
is
the
result
of
the
Effusion
of
the
Vials
;
so
that
things
that
lay
so
close
wrapt
up
in
Daniel
,
are
thus
distinctly
and
explicitely
set
out
in
the
Apocalypse
,
and
the
Explication
found
to
be
the
easie
and
natural
sense
of
Daniel
.
Do
not
wink
wilfully
against
Truth
,
and
you
will
easily
discern
it
.
See
my
Exposition
of
Daniel's
second
Vision
on
this
place
,
v.
26.
And
though
this
is
so
easily
answered
,
yet
you
are
earnest
with
me
again
at
the
close
of
your
Letter
to
observe
that
the
Time
,
Times
and
half
a
Time
reach
as
far
as
till
the
Ancient
of
Days
shall
come
,
and
till
the
Judgment
shall
be
given
to
the
Saints
,
&c.
Which
thing
I
grant
you
,
viz.
That
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
of
the
Horns
prevailing
War
against
the
Saints
,
did
reach
so
far
till
the
Ancient
of
Days
gave
him
so
notorious
a
check
and
counterbuff
in
the
partial
Fall
of
the
City
and
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
This
was
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
once
prosperous
War
of
the
little
Horn
or
Beast
against
the
Saints
.
Which
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
is
no
where
mentioned
in
the
Vision
of
Daniel
,
Chap.
7.
but
in
v.
25.
then
comes
that
in
the
26.
verse
,
which
is
evidently
to
be
expounded
as
I
have
above
expounded
it
,
That
upon
the
Judgment
being
set
.
his
Dominion
in
part
was
taken
away
in
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
,
to
which
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
do
reach
and
comprize
in
the
last
Semi-time
.
This
is
the
issue
of
the
three
days
and
an
half
's
War
or
seven
Semi-times
War
of
the
little
Horn
or
the
Beast
with
the
Saints
.
But
the
consuming
and
destroying
his
Dominion
to
the
end
,
that
is
the
work
of
the
seven
Vials
,
which
being
done
,
then
it
follows
v.
27.
And
the
Kingdom
and
Dominion
and
the
greatness
of
the
Kingdom
under
the
whole
Heaven
shall
be
given
to
the
Saints
of
the
most
High
.
For
then
is
the
descent
of
the
New
Jerusalem
in
opposition
to
the
great
City
of
Babylon
now
quite
abolished
,
and
after
comes
in
the
blessed
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
upon
Earth
,
which
is
the
greatness
of
his
Kingdom
under
the
whole
Heaven
.
All
which
glorious
Providences
you
would
crumple
up
within
the
three
Times
and
an
half
,
whenas
it
is
demonstrated
in
Mr.
Mede
,
that
the
three
Times
and
an
half
reach
but
to
the
Exit
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
which
you
acknowledge
the
seven
Vials
to
follow
.
Consider
seriously
these
things
.
But
to
proceed
to
the
seventh
Paragraph
.
7.
Here
I
only
briefly
advertise
you
,
that
the
first
appearance
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
falling
some
eighteen
years
short
of
the
last
Semi-time
,
according
to
your
Epocha
,
or
not
reaching
it
by
eighteen
years
,
that
this
is
a
greater
Argument
against
the
truth
of
your
Epocha
,
than
against
my
Hypothesis
,
that
a
Semi-time
is
the
only
Authentick
Vnite
in
the
Eventual
Computation
of
the
Medial
Visions
.
For
according
to
your
Epocha
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
will
not
begin
after
the
seventh
Semi-time
current
but
before
it
,
which
is
expresly
against
the
Text
[
After
three
days
and
an
half
]
which
absurdity
cannot
be
salved
but
by
making
the
entire
Resurrection
of
the
Witnesses
the
adequate
Object
of
the
Prediction
,
and
so
it
will
reach
about
seventy
years
at
least
into
the
last
Semi-time
or
Hexamenon
,
that
is
,
into
the
third
month
thereof
;
Though
this
is
but
a
defectuous
scambling
thing
in
comparison
of
what
falls
out
according
to
the
true
Epocha
I
have
pitched
upon
.
But
that
your
Epocha
is
false
,
I
have
in
my
former
demonstrated
,
it
being
not
pitched
in
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
and
of
the
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Witnesses
.
And
in
the
mean
time
you
see
plainly
,
even
according
to
your
own
Epocha
,
that
the
seventh
Semi-time
is
not
superfluous
,
and
that
the
reckoning
not
by
Years
,
but
by
Semi-times
,
is
necessary
.
8.
And
now
eighthly
,
Whereas
you
say
you
hope
the
more
the
time
of
the
End
of
the
Churches
affliction
from
her
Enemies
draws
near
,
the
more
God
will
stir
up
here
and
there
some
to
look
more
diligently
into
those
Divine
Prophecies
which
tell
us
how
long
and
no
longer
it
shall
last
,
and
to
enlighten
his
people
that
they
better
understand
them
for
the
encouragement
and
consolation
of
his
Church
:
I
do
not
question
but
this
may
be
a
pleasing
and
pious
hope
in
you
.
But
if
this
respect
any
of
the
Numbers
of
the
Medial
Visions
(
and
the
true
Epocha
of
the
two
thousand
and
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
in
Daniel
taken
in
a
Typical
sense
,
defers
the
cleansing
of
the
Sanctuary
till
about
four
hundred
years
hence
)
I
must
ingenuously
confess
I
think
your
hope
is
groundless
,
for
any
one
to
tell
to
a
year
or
thereabout
from
any
of
the
Medial
Numbers
when
the
affliction
of
the
Church
shall
cease
.
And
my
Reasons
are
these
,
First
,
That
computing
from
the
true
Epocha
(
as
I
have
proved
it
)
the
Medial
Numbers
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
or
forty
two
months
expired
above
thirty
years
ago
.
Secondly
,
The
number
of
three
days
and
an
half
,
or
three
times
and
an
half
Synchronal
to
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
or
forty
two
months
are
assigned
to
indicate
only
the
time
of
the
ending
of
the
prevailing
War
of
the
Beast
or
little
Horn
against
the
Witnesses
,
by
a
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
and
a
commensurate
Rising
then
of
the
Witnesses
.
Which
I
have
demonstrated
as
clearly
as
any
thing
is
demonstrated
in
Euclide
.
Wherefore
the
Medial
Numbers
cannot
possibly
tell
us
,
nor
any
one
from
them
how
long
and
no
longer
the
Churches
Afflictions
shall
last
.
Thirdly
,
It
is
better
and
more
expedient
for
the
Church
not
to
know
so
precisely
for
a
year
or
thereabout
how
long
and
no
longer
her
afflictions
shall
last
,
lest
upon
a
lazy
confidence
that
God
will
then
be
as
good
as
his
word
and
deliver
them
,
they
neglect
the
fitting
themselves
for
that
deliverance
and
the
prosperity
thence
ensuing
.
Which
fitting
themselves
consists
in
an
hearty
Holiness
of
life
by
virtue
of
real
Regeneration
,
in
an
inviolable
Loyalty
to
their
Prince
,
in
prudent
Conversation
and
sincere
Benignity
to
all
men
.
Fourthly
,
This
predicting
how
long
and
no
longer
(
to
a
year
or
thereabout
)
the
afflictions
of
the
Church
should
last
,
is
a
Priviledge
that
was
not
granted
to
the
Primitive
Christians
themselves
,
who
yet
lay
under
more
grievous
Persecutions
,
than
the
Mercy
of
God
is
like
to
permit
his
Church
to
suffer
during
the
space
of
the
pouring
out
of
the
Vials
that
is
yet
to
come
.
And
yet
they
had
no
more
precise
notice
how
long
and
no
longer
,
than
the
order
of
the
six
Visions
under
the
first
six
Seals
could
indicate
to
them
.
And
such
an
indication
have
we
,
and
every
whit
as
certain
from
the
Order
of
the
seven
Vials
.
And
when
the
true
Christianity
shall
more
generally
appear
in
the
Reformed
Churches
accompanied
with
a
most
faithful
and
fast
Loyalty
to
their
Sovereigns
,
and
ready
and
chearful
obedience
to
all
lawful
Commands
for
Peace
,
Order
and
Safety
in
Church
and
State
,
this
will
be
an
indication
of
the
near
approach
of
the
pouring
out
of
the
fourth
Vial
on
the
Sun
,
and
of
the
greatest
Potentates
in
Christendom
their
inclining
to
reform
and
to
shake
off
the
servile
Yoke
of
Antichrist
and
all
the
Idolatrous
Trumperies
thereunto
belonging
,
and
of
ordering
things
so
,
that
a
great
deadness
and
darkness
will
seize
upon
the
Seat
of
the
Beast
,
and
prove
the
pouring
forth
of
the
fifth
Vial.
And
the
sixth
is
manifestly
touching
the
Conversion
of
the
Jew●●
And
when
the
lovely
Philadelphian
Spirit
shall
more
universally
break
forth
and
shine
in
all
the
Enjoyers
of
,
or
Well-willers
to
the
Reformation
,
then
let
them
look
up
and
lift
up
their
Heads
,
for
that
more
consummate
Redemption
and
vast
enlargement
of
the
true
Church
draweth
nigh
,
and
will
be
atchieved
in
the
Battel
of
that
great
Day
of
God
Almighty
under
the
auspicuous
Conduct
of
that
mighty
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
,
out
of
whose
mouth
goeth
a
sharp
Sword
,
and
whose
Title
is
the
Word
of
God
,
which
is
sharper
than
any
two-edged
Sword
,
and
this
is
to
fall
out
under
the
seventh
Vial.
And
after
this
is
the
descent
of
the
New
Jerusalem
or
Creation
of
the
New
Heaven
and
New
Earth
,
wherein
Righteousness
shall
dwell
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
former
Constitution
of
Things
,
whether
Pagan
,
Infidel
or
Antichristian
Polities
.
Wherefore
then
seeing
,
as
the
Apostle
speaks
,
that
all
those
things
shall
be
dissolved
,
what
manner
of
persons
ought
we
to
be
in
all
holy
Conversation
and
Godliness
,
not
only
looking
for
,
but
hasting
on
(
as
the
Original
has
it
)
the
coming
of
the
day
of
God
,
even
of
that
great
day
of
God
Almighty
in
the
Battel
above-mentioned
.
But
if
this
Day
was
fixt
to
a
certain
year
or
thereabout
,
how
could
we
be
said
to
either
hasten
it
or
slacken
it
?
But
there
is
no
such
fixt
time
set
,
that
we
be
not
tempted
to
wanton
security
and
laziness
,
but
reminded
of
our
duty
,
may
hasten
,
as
much
as
in
us
lies
,
that
great
day
we
expect
and
desire
by
perfecting
Holiness
in
the
fear
of
God
,
if
we
be
sincere
and
not
Hypocrites
.
But
this
thing
I
have
touched
upon
already
.
In
the
mean
time
it
appears
we
have
at
least
as
certain
indications
of
the
Time
of
the
Churches
deliverance
as
the
Primitive
Christians
had
before
us
,
in
which
we
are
to
acquiesce
with
humility
and
thankfulness
,
and
improve
them
to
our
best
advantage
to
confirm
our
Faith
,
and
support
our
Courage
.
And
therefore
fifthly
and
lastly
,
There
being
so
visible
and
palpable
an
order
of
Revolutions
of
the
Affairs
of
the
World
under
the
Series
of
the
Vials
,
whereby
the
nearer
and
nearer
approach
of
the
consummate
deliverance
of
the
Church
of
Christ
and
enlargements
of
his
Kingdom
may
plainly
be
discerned
,
it
seems
altogether
needless
that
the
Numbers
of
the
Medial
Visions
should
signifie
any
thing
more
than
the
terminating
the
forty
two
months
prosperous
War
of
the
Beast
in
his
unprosperous
counterbuff
by
Divine
Providence
,
in
the
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
and
commensurate
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
last
Semi-time
current
,
according
to
what
I
contend
for
,
and
have
so
manifestly
demonstrated
.
9.
And
now
in
the
last
place
to
answer
to
what
occurs
in
what
I
will
call
your
ninth
and
last
Paragraph
,
where
you
say
,
You
cannot
but
look
on
those
labours
as
ill
bestowed
which
tend
to
obscure
those
Prophecies
(
I
suppose
you
mean
of
the
Medial
Visions
and
that
of
the
prevailing
War
of
the
little
Horn
against
the
Saints
for
a
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
)
as
if
we
could
not
by
them
take
any
measure
of
the
Time
of
the
Churches
sufferings
and
her
deliverance
out
of
them
.
To
this
I
answer
,
That
pains
may
be
faithfully
and
judiciously
bestowed
by
them
that
remonstrate
to
the
World
,
that
the
Numbers
of
the
Medial
Visions
indicate
only
a
partial
deliverance
,
a
thing
which
I
have
invincibly
demonstrated
.
And
I
have
shown
even
now
,
that
though
there
be
no
Prediction
(
unless
we
recur
to
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
,
whose
full
Exitus
is
at
least
four
hundred
years
hence
)
how
long
and
no
longer
to
a
year
or
thereabout
,
till
the
deliverance
of
the
Church
will
be
fully
consummated
and
perfected
;
yet
the
Order
of
the
Vials
,
which
reach
to
a
full
Victory
of
the
Church
and
complete
deliverance
,
gives
us
some
measures
to
collect
the
nearer
approaches
to
that
happy
Time
.
So
that
in
this
case
to
complain
is
to
be
unthankful
;
especially
if
we
consider
that
we
are
at
least
as
well
provided
for
as
the
Primitive
Christians
were
in
their
most
grievous
Persecutions
under
the
red
Dragon
.
Wherefore
those
that
would
squeez
out
of
the
abovesaid
Medial
Prophecies
,
whether
of
the
Apocalypse
or
Daniel
,
such
a
precise
determinate
time
of
the
Churches
full
deliverance
,
when
the
nature
of
those
Medial
Numbers
and
Prophecies
will
not
afford
it
,
what
shall
we
say
of
their
labour
?
Is
it
not
in
vain
?
if
not
worse
.
For
without
good
ground
to
set
a
precise
time
of
the
general
deliverance
of
the
Church
,
from
a
pretended
true
Interpretation
of
the
Holy
Prophecies
,
when
there
is
really
no
such
thing
predicted
by
them
,
is
to
make
our selves
more
wise
and
benign
than
the
Divine
Spirit
the
Author
of
these
Prophecies
,
as
if
he
had
omitted
what
was
so
requisite
for
his
Church
,
and
is
to
delude
and
mock
the
expectation
of
God's
people
,
and
to
slur
the
Holy
Prophecies
themselves
,
and
discountenance
all
pretence
of
rightly
interpreting
them
.
Which
has
been
the
Fate
of
many
curious
Interpreters
,
who
from
the
Numbers
of
the
Medial
Visions
,
have
presumed
to
calculate
the
final
Ruine
of
Antichrist
to
a
very
year
.
And
therefore
those
that
have
made
it
their
business
to
demonstrate
the
groundlesness
of
this
Pretence
,
I
hope
their
labours
will
prove
well
bestowed
,
nor
be
found
vain
in
the
Lord
,
being
earnestly
pursued
for
him
and
the
Honour
of
his
Word
,
who
is
the
Amen
,
the
faithful
and
true
Witness
,
and
predicts
nothing
but
what
will
come
to
pass
,
and
therefore
we
must
not
make
him
predict
any
thing
that
will
not
,
either
as
to
time
or
the
thing
it self
.
CHAP.
XXX
.
Two
Arguments
out
of
a
fifth
Letter
from
the
same
hand
to
prove
,
That
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
not
in
being
till
the
ten
Kings
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
Certain
things
premised
in
order
to
an
Answer
to
the
said
Arguments
.
Amongst
which
is
the
true
Notion
of
the
Head
of
a
Beast
in
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
in
counterdistinction
to
his
Horns
.
An
Enumeration
of
the
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
and
what
the
fullest
sense
of
the
seventh
Head
.
An
Answer
to
the
first
Argument
.
An
Answer
to
the
second
Argument
.
Two
Arguments
of
the
Author
's
to
prove
,
that
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
That
the
placing
the
Epocha
of
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
in
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
is
unexceptionably
right
,
with
the
gross
absurdities
of
the
other
Opinion
.
THE
first
Argument
.
If
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
did
rise
before
the
ten
Kings
in
the
Empire
,
then
these
then
Kings
will
make
an
eighth
Head
of
themselves
,
or
at
least
conjoined
with
the
Emperour
as
one
of
their
number
,
when
the
other
nine
had
possessed
so
great
a
part
of
his
Empire
,
and
were
as
absolute
in
their
Kingdoms
as
he
in
that
share
was
left
to
him
,
he
having
no
preeminence
above
them
but
what
was
merely
Titular
or
Honorary
.
Wherefore
these
together
,
and
not
the
Emperours
separately
,
ever
made
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
For
the
seven
sorts
of
successive
Governours
in
Chief
of
the
Roman
Empire
as
Idolatrous
,
they
as
such
made
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
and
these
ten
Kings
taking
in
the
Greek
Emperour
,
made
one
Head
of
the
Beast
as
being
such
.
For
they
ruled
as
Chief
in
the
Empire
,
and
their
Government
was
Idolatrous
.
Wherefore
or
they
are
the
seventh
Head
(
nor
was
the
Beast
revived
before
its
Head
)
or
else
the
Emperours
separately
before
was
the
seventh
Head
;
which
cannot
be
.
For
then
the
revived
Beast
would
have
an
eighth
Head
,
whenas
there
are
but
seven
Heads
of
Blasphemy
according
to
the
Visions
.
Therefore
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
not
in
being
till
the
ten
Kings
,
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
,
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
The
second
Argument
.
There
being
seven
sorts
of
Government
,
but
all
agreeing
in
this
,
that
they
are
Idolatrous
,
the
Sovereignty
of
the
ten
Kings
ruling
the
whole
Empire
,
every
one
in
his
share
ought
to
be
deemed
the
seventh
Head
,
it
being
a
seventh
sort
of
Idolatrous
Government
;
whenas
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
,
though
Idolatrous
indeed
as
the
six
preceding
sorts
of
Government
were
(
accounted
the
first
six
Heads
of
the
Beast's
)
would
not
be
properly
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
,
but
the
sixth
Head
again
brought
into
being
,
as
being
again
Idolatrous
Caesars
or
Emperours
.
Wherefore
since
the
Beast
cannot
be
conceived
to
be
in
being
without
an
Head
,
nor
is
supposed
to
be
again
in
being
according
to
the
Visions
before
the
seventh
Head
,
and
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
separately
being
only
the
sixth
Head
revived
,
not
a
seventh
,
it
follows
that
the
abovesaid
ten
Kings
are
the
seventh
Head
,
and
that
the
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
not
in
being
till
they
were
risen
in
the
Empire
.
These
two
Arguments
are
pretty
press
and
close
to
the
purpose
,
and
therefore
before
I
go
about
to
answer
them
I
will
premise
some
few
things
,
and
settle
some
Terms
or
Notions
that
occur
in
the
Question
and
the
Prophecies
.
1.
First
therefore
,
We
are
to
consider
what
in
the
Prophetick
Stile
is
such
an
Head
of
a
Beast
as
may
be
said
to
have
Horns
on
it
,
so
that
there
may
be
some
distinction
betwixt
the
Head
and
the
Horn
or
Horns
thereof
,
and
that
they
may
not
seem
to
denote
the
very
same
thing
.
Such
an
Head
therefore
of
a
Beast
as
here
we
are
searching
for
,
I
conceive
to
be
this
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
viz.
Idolatrous
Sovereignty
in
the
general
abstractive
comprehension
and
succession
thereof
:
Something
like
that
in
the
Apocalypse
touching
the
Woman
the
Church
our
Mother
,
which
comprehends
the
whole
Community
of
the
Church
in
a
general
Notion
,
and
yet
if
you
speak
of
any
particular
persons
of
that
Community
,
though
the
whole
be
the
Woman
(
which
whole
takes
in
all
)
yet
those
particular
persons
belonging
to
that
Community
are
her
Seed
or
Children
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
.
But
to
come
yet
nearer
to
the
matter
;
This
Notion
is
plainly
ratified
by
that
passage
in
Daniel
,
Chap.
8.
v.
5
,
21.
where
the
Kingdom
of
Greece
is
set
out
by
an
He-goat
with
a
great
Horn
betwixt
his
eyes
,
and
it
is
said
v.
8.
that
when
that
great
Horn
was
broken
,
four
other
Horns
rose
after
it
.
Here
is
plainly
a
Beast
the
He-goat
with
its
Head
:
for
there
is
mention
of
its
Eyes
and
of
a
Horn
on
its
Head
betwixt
these
two
Eyes
,
and
of
other
Horns
rising
successively
on
this
Head
,
we
may
be
sure
(
not
on
his
Back
)
and
yet
that
great
Horn
is
said
to
be
the
first
King
:
And
if
so
,
then
the
other
four
Horns
must
be
four
Kings
after
him
,
and
yet
there
is
an
Head
distinct
from
the
Horns
plainly
in
the
Vision
.
Wherefore
what
can
that
Head
be
but
the
Idolatrous
Sovereignty
in
this
Beast
the
Goat
in
the
general
abstractive
comprehension
and
succession
thereof
?
And
therefore
the
Kings
that
in
concreto
are
the
real
Heads
of
the
Greek
Empire
are
in
this
abstractive
Generality
called
the
Horns
thereof
.
And
hence
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Idolatrous
Sovereignty
in
the
general
abstractive
comprehension
and
succession
thereof
is
the
Head
,
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
of
which
the
succeeding
Kings
may
be
said
to
be
the
Horns
.
2.
The
next
thing
which
we
will
premise
by
way
of
Postulate
is
this
.
That
the
revived
Beast
set
out
Apoc.
13
,
and
17.
was
not
revived
without
an
Head
,
there
being
nothing
more
absurd
than
to
imagine
a
Beast
to
recover
out
of
the
state
of
Death
,
or
Non-existence
,
and
leave
its
Head
behind
it
.
And
it
being
acknowledged
on
both
sides
,
that
its
Recovery
is
not
till
under
the
seventh
Head
,
we
premise
also
that
the
abovesaid
Beast
did
not
recover
till
the
seventh
Head
,
and
that
there
were
no
more
Heads
than
seven
.
3.
Thirdly
therefore
,
We
are
to
inquire
what
in
truth
this
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
in
the
full
sense
thereof
is
,
and
in
what
it
differs
from
the
other
six
,
forasmuch
as
all
seven
are
acknowledged
on
both
sides
to
be
Idolatrous
.
The
seven
Idolatrous
Sovereignties
or
Heads
of
the
Roman
Beast
are
these
,
The
Regal
,
the
Consular
,
the
Tribuno-Consular
,
the
Decemviral
,
the
Dictatorial
,
Imperatorial
,
and
Hieratico-Political
or
Ecclesiastico-Secular
Sovereignties
or
Heads
of
the
Beast
.
Which
last
is
most
palpably
differenced
and
specifically
from
any
of
the
six
former
,
so
that
this
is
the
very
seventh
Head
.
Which
will
appear
,
if
we
seriously
contemplate
the
Vision
of
the
Beast
,
and
the
Whore
riding
him
,
Apoc.
Chap.
17.
Here
we
see
the
Beast
and
the
Whore
.
By
the
Beast
undoubtedly
is
understood
the
Civil
part
of
the
Empire
,
which
must
also
have
a
Civil
Head
for
his
Civil
Horns
to
be
grassed
upon
,
which
is
nothing
else
but
Secular
Idolatrous
Sovereignty
in
the
general
abstractive
comprehension
and
succession
thereof
,
as
was
noted
above
.
It
is
also
agreed
on
both
sides
,
that
the
Whore
is
the
Sacerdotal
or
Hieratical
part
of
the
Empire
.
But
in
that
this
Whore
rides
this
Beast
,
it
is
apparent
that
she
rules
him
,
and
guides
him
,
and
governs
him
;
as
an
Heros
on
a
Pharos
or
goodly
Steed
is
the
very
Symbol
of
an
Emperour
.
Wherefore
here
is
plainly
in
the
Vision
two
Sovereignties
Hieratical
or
Sacerdotal
,
and
Political
or
Civil
,
distinctly
described
,
and
both
supposed
Idolatrous
.
But
now
for
their
Coalescency
into
one
seventh
Sovereignty
,
that
is
as
apparent
as
the
other
in
the
Vision
.
For
the
Whore
having
the
guidance
of
the
Secular
Head
of
the
Beast
,
has
the
guidance
of
the
Beast
and
his
Horns
as
they
come
up
,
come
they
up
as
fast
or
slowly
as
they
will
.
Wherefore
the
Head
and
Horns
being
at
the
guidance
or
governance
of
the
Whore
,
and
both
aiming
at
the
same
end
,
the
advancing
or
maintaining
the
Idolatrous
State
of
the
Empire
(
for
that
is
that
which
the
Vision
drives
at
,
not
Secular
affairs
)
they
do
evidently
constitute
this
complex
Sovereignty
(
to
which
there
is
nothing
like
in
all
the
six
foregoing
Sovereignties
)
which
I
call
Hieratico-Political
or
Ecclesiastico-Secular
,
the
Ecclesiastick
and
Secular
Sovereignty
complying
together
to
make
the
Empire
a
Beast
again
,
that
is
,
bloody
and
Idolatrous
.
So
that
whereas
in
my
former
Answers
I
was
at
a
loss
in
a
manner
to
define
,
whether
the
Hieratical
Sovereignty
or
Secular
was
the
Head
of
the
Beast
,
here
I
have
fairly
and
solidly
,
I
hope
,
compounded
the
matter
by
making
them
both
but
one
Hieratico-Political
Head
of
the
Roman
revived
Beast
or
Apostatized
Empire
.
With
which
,
as
I
have
noted
in
my
former
Answers
,
that
passage
in
Daniel
excellently
well
agrees
that
seems
to
make
the
Roman
Empire
in
the
time
of
the
ten
Toes
of
the
Metalline
Image
,
rather
Sacerdotal
than
Secular
,
Chap.
2.
v.
41.
The
Kingdom
shall
be
divided
,
but
there
shall
be
in
it
of
the
strength
of
Iron
,
forasmuch
as
thou
sawest
the
Iron
mixed
with
the
miry
Cla●
.
There
shall
be
of
the
strength
of
the
Iron
in
this
Kingdom
;
as
if
that
was
but
accessory
to
it
,
but
the
Kingdom
it self
.
Clay
,
i.
e.
Sacerdotal
.
And
so
the
Iron
is
said
to
be
mixt
with
the
miry
Clay
,
as
if
the
Clay
(
which
is
the
Sacerdotal
Sovereignty
or
Empire
)
were
the
Principal
again
,
the
Iron
accessory
.
As
when
the
greater
share
is
of
water
in
the
Cup
we
say
there
is
Wine
mingled
with
the
Water
;
but
if
the
greater
share
be
Wine
,
we
say
Water
is
mingled
with
the
Wine
.
And
out
of
this
Sacerdotal
Empire
,
how
naturally
does
the
Pope
rise
at
last
quite
to
over-top
all
,
and
how
easily
is
the
Papal
Hierarchy
conceived
to
be
the
little
Horn
arising
properly
out
of
the
Hieratical
part
of
this
Complex
Sovereignty
of
the
Empire
?
4.
Fourthly
and
lastly
,
We
will
take
notice
of
the
genuine
meaning
of
those
words
,
Apoc.
17.12
.
That
the
ten
Kings
receive
power
as
Kings
one
hour
with
the
Beast
;
whose
natural
and
unforced
sense
is
this
,
That
at
what
time
the
Empire
began
to
be
a
Beast
,
and
to
Apostatize
into
gross
Superstitions
and
Idolatry
,
the
ten
Kings
would
be
catching
at
and
obtaining
Kingdoms
,
some
here
,
some
there
,
some
sooner
,
some
later
till
about
the
four
hundred
and
fifty
sixth
year
after
Christ
they
had
all
sped
.
For
that
this
one
hour
does
signifie
a
pretty
latitude
of
time
all
Interpreters
consent
,
and
History
witnesses
that
it
was
at
least
forty
years
till
there
appeared
ten
Kingdoms
in
the
divided
Empire
.
And
therefore
if
the
Beast
be
not
till
the
tenth
King
appear
,
they
cannot
be
said
to
receive
Kingdoms
with
the
Beast
but
before
him
.
Which
is
plainly
to
contradict
the
Text
of
the
Prophecy
.
These
things
being
premised
,
we
answer
,
To
the
first
Argument
,
(
1.
)
That
what
is
here
presumed
is
not
proved
,
nor
will
prove
true
,
if
examined
,
viz.
That
the
Emperours
had
no
more
Sovereignty
over
the
other
Kings
than
what
was
merely
Titular
or
Honorary
.
For
it
is
well
known
that
those
Kings
submitted
to
the
Laws
of
the
Roman
Emperours
,
which
Justinian
caused
to
be
collected
,
not
for
the
use
of
his
share
only
of
the
Empire
,
but
for
the
use
of
the
Roman
Empire
at
large
,
insomuch
that
some
phansie
that
to
be
the
reviving
of
the
Roman
Beast
again
,
or
making
his
Image
.
(
2.
)
History
calling
them
Roman
Emperours
,
that
is
,
the
Emperours
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
Prophecy
being
but
Anticipatory
History
,
and
the
Emperours
of
an
Empire
being
the
Heads
thereof
,
it
is
wonderfully
easie
and
natural
to
imagine
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
to
be
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
,
till
the
Pope
play'd
the
Caesar
himself
,
and
perked
up
above
them
.
(
3.
)
The
secular
Head
of
the
Beast
upon
which
the
Horns
grow
,
is
of
a
more
general
and
abstracted
nature
,
than
to
be
confined
either
to
the
Idolatrous
or
Pagano-Christian
Emperours
separately
,
or
to
the
ten
Kings
taking
the
Emperour
in
for
one
.
It
is
only
a
Pagano-Christian
or
Idolatrous
Secular
Sovereignty
in
the
general
abstractive
comprehension
and
succession
thereof
,
which
is
the
seventh
Head
of
this
revived
Beast
;
as
the
He-goats
head
in
Daniel
,
which
takes
in
the
great
Horn
,
but
one
,
and
the
four
Horns
after
,
with
their
successions
,
and
this
all
but
one
Goats
Head
,
and
therefore
the
Idolatrous
or
Pagano-Christian
Emperours
separately
,
and
after
taken
in
as
one
of
the
ten
Kings
,
all
this
makes
but
one
seventh
secular
Idolatrous
Sovereignty
or
seventh
secular
Head
of
the
Beast
,
as
may
appear
out
of
the
first
and
third
Premisses
.
(
4.
)
And
lastly
therefore
,
The
Emperours
separately
first
,
and
then
in
Conjunction
with
the
Kings
to
make
them
ten
,
being
but
one
continued
Idolatrous
or
Pagano
Christian
Sovereignty
(
which
is
all
the
Vision
aims
at
)
and
so
but
one
Head
of
the
Beast
,
it
is
manifest
that
an
eighth
Head
is
shut
out
of
doors
,
and
the
force
of
the
first
Argument
plainly
enervated
;
And
that
therefore
for
all
this
,
the
Beast
was
in
being
before
the
Kings
were
risen
,
and
commences
as
high
as
the
Re-paganizing
Caesars
and
Apostasie
of
the
Empire
.
Which
is
also
confirmed
from
the
fourth
or
last
Premiss
.
To
the
second
Argument
we
answer
,
(
1.
)
That
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
or
Emperours
,
though
they
be
Idolatrous
and
Emperours
,
yet
it
does
not
follow
that
they
are
only
the
sixth
Head
(
which
was
Idolatrous
Emperours
)
re-introduced
on
the
Stage
,
not
a
seventh
.
For
these
Pagano-Christian
Emperours
,
though
they
be
Idolatrous
,
yet
they
are
considerably
Christian
in
their
way
,
they
professing
the
true
Fundamentals
of
Christianity
,
and
therefore
are
rightly
deemed
a
distinct
Head
of
the
Empire
as
well
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
the
other
not
yet
come
)
is
accounted
a
distinct
King
or
Head
of
the
Empire
for
being
purely
Christian
.
He
is
according
to
the
Declaration
of
the
Angel
the
seventh
King
or
Head
of
the
Empire
,
though
not
of
the
Beast
,
the
Empire
then
ceasing
to
be
a
Beast
in
his
Reign
.
Wherefore
if
Christianity
did
constitute
the
purely
Christian
Caesars
or
Emperours
a
seventh
Head
of
the
Empire
distinct
from
the
sixth
Head
(
the
Idolatrous
Emperours
Pagan
)
during
the
Time
the
Empire
ceased
to
be
a
Beast
,
surely
Pagano-Christianity
or
Idolatry
mixt
with
Christianity
in
the
Caesars
and
Empire
will
make
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
or
Emperours
,
the
Christianity
in
them
,
a
Head
distinct
from
the
sixth
Head
the
Pagan
Idolatrous
Caesars
;
and
the
Idolatry
in
them
will
make
them
,
not
the
Head
of
the
Empire
ceasing
to
be
a
Beast
(
as
it
did
under
the
Reign
of
the
purely
Christian
Caesars
)
but
the
Head
of
the
Empire
grown
a
Beast
again
by
its
Apostatized
condition
into
Idolatry
.
And
thus
the
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
will
prove
plainly
the
next
Successours
to
the
sixth
Head
of
the
Roman
Beast
,
though
not
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
therefore
will
consequently
be
part
at
least
of
the
successive
Sovereignty
,
that
is
,
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
(
2.
)
But
in
the
second
place
I
answer
,
That
the
real
,
full
and
complete
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
is
that
Hieratico-Political
Sovereignty
described
in
the
third
Premiss
:
nor
do
I
doubt
but
that
it
is
the
most
full
and
perfect
Notion
of
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
And
this
Hieratico-Political
Sovereignty
commenced
as
early
as
the
Apostasie
of
the
Empire
,
as
may
be
made
out
from
my
Answers
which
declare
the
early
complying
of
the
Emperours
with
the
Apostasie
of
the
Empire
into
Paganick
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
,
&c.
Whence
it
plainly
follows
,
that
to
restrain
the
seventh
Head
to
the
time
of
the
ten
Kings
risen
in
the
Empire
,
upon
pretence
that
there
was
no
seventh
Head
distinct
from
the
sixth
till
then
,
is
to
conclude
a
thing
upon
no
sufficient
grounds
.
For
at
the
very
first
sight
this
Hieratico-Political
Head
is
manifestly
a
sort
or
Species
of
Head
distinct
not
only
from
the
sixth
Head
of
the
Beast
,
but
also
from
all
the
five
foregoing
Heads
in
the
very
Constitution
thereof
.
The
thing
is
so
plain
of
it self
,
that
there
wants
no
insisting
upon
it
.
Consider
but
the
third
Premiss
,
and
the
thing
will
be
abundantly
clear
.
Thus
are
these
two
Arguments
for
the
proving
that
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
not
in
being
till
the
ten
Kings
,
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
,
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
,
utterly
defeated
.
I
shall
hint
only
now
two
brief
Arguments
against
the
Conclusion
the
other
two
would
infer
,
to
prove
the
contradictory
thereto
,
and
so
conclude
;
that
is
to
say
,
to
prove
,
That
the
Roman
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
signified
by
the
ten
Horns
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
1.
My
first
Argument
shall
be
grounded
on
the
fourth
or
last
Premiss
,
which
is
the
genuine
sense
of
Apoc.
17.12
.
The
ten
Kings
receive
power
as
Kings
one
hour
with
the
Beast
.
Of
which
the
easie
and
natural
sense
is
,
That
at
what
time
the
Empire
grows
into
that
state
of
Apostasie
,
viz.
into
Paganish
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
that
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
it
may
be
called
a
Beast
,
at
that
very
time
will
the
barbarous
Commanders
that
invade
the
Roman
Empire
be
catching
at
and
obtaining
Kingdoms
,
some
here
,
some
there
,
some
sooner
,
some
later
for
a
matter
of
forty
or
fifty
years
together
at
least
,
till
all
ten
appear
upon
the
Stage
.
Wherefore
if
the
Beast
be
not
under
the
seventh
Head
till
then
,
the
ten
Kings
,
at
least
nine
of
them
,
will
not
receive
their
Kingdoms
with
the
Beast
,
but
before
the
Beast
is
,
which
is
point-blank
against
the
words
of
the
Prophecy
.
Wherefore
this
alone
may
demonstrate
,
That
the
Beast
was
in
being
under
the
seventh
Head
,
unless
you
will
make
an
headless
Beast
of
him
(
which
shall
be
my
second
Argument
)
before
the
ten
Horns
,
i.
e.
the
ten
Kings
rose
up
in
the
Empire
.
2.
The
other
Argument
is
taken
from
the
second
Premiss
.
So
soon
as
the
Empire
apostatized
into
Paganish
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
the
Empire
became
a
Beast
,
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
and
as
soon
as
it
was
a
Beast
again
it
had
an
head
,
and
that
very
seventh
Head
exhibited
in
the
Prophetick
Visions
,
by
Premiss
the
second
.
But
this
State
commenced
at
least
fifty
years
before
the
ten
Horns
,
that
is
,
the
ten
Kings
were
all
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
Wherefore
the
Beast
under
the
seventh
Head
was
in
being
before
the
ten
Kings
or
ten
Horns
were
risen
up
in
the
Empire
.
Which
was
the
thing
to
be
demonstrated
,
and
which
I
conceive
can
never
be
confuted
,
nor
solidly
answered
by
any
one
that
acknowledges
the
Apostasie
began
at
least
fifty
years
before
the
ten
Kings
appeared
in
the
Roman
Empire
.
In
the
interval
indeed
betwixt
the
Pagan
and
Pagano-Christian
Caesars
there
was
no
Head
of
the
Beast
,
but
that
was
the
time
wherein
there
was
no
Beast
.
It
was
that
time
in
which
that
part
of
the
Name
of
the
Beast
was
made
good
,
viz.
[
Is
not
]
(
was
and
is
not
)
as
that
part
is
made
good
under
the
Pagano
Christian
Caesars
,
or
at
large
under
the
seventh
Head
,
viz.
[
Is
not
and
yet
is
]
.
For
then
it
is
rightly
said
of
him
,
He
is
not
that
old
Pagan
Beast
;
and
yet
being
again
then
revived
into
the
Image
of
the
former
Pagan
Beast
in
this
Pagano-Christianity
,
it
is
rightly
said
of
him
that
he
is
,
and
so
the
whole
is
fulfilled
,
[
Is
not
and
yet
is
]
.
But
certainly
when-ever
he
was
,
either
in
his
primitive
or
revived
state
,
he
was
not
without
an
Head
by
Premiss
the
second
.
And
thus
we
have
seen
how
solid
and
unexceptionable
their
Opinion
is
,
that
place
the
Epocha
of
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
as
high
as
the
Apostasie
of
the
Empire
into
Paganish
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
three
hundred
ninety
three
or
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
.
According
to
which
Epocha
the
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
,
which
is
the
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
,
and
the
then
commensurate
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
will
commence
about
the
middle
of
the
second
month
of
the
last
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
,
and
reach
into
the
middle
of
the
fifth
,
if
not
into
the
sixth
month
,
which
is
a
wonderful
,
easie
,
natural
and
congruous
completion
of
the
time
of
the
Event
of
that
Vision
.
But
if
the
Epocha
of
that
forty
two
months
War
be
placed
fifty
or
sixty
years
later
,
viz.
at
the
Rising
up
of
the
tenth
King
or
tenth
Horn
in
the
Roman
Empire
,
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
will
begin
about
twenty
years
before
the
last
Semi-time
,
which
is
harsh
and
incongruous
.
Besides
that
it
would
not
reach
the
end
this
Epocha
is
intended
for
:
viz.
to
shew
there
will
be
a
further
fulfilling
of
this
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
even
to
a
full
ruine
of
the
City
of
Babylon
or
the
Beast
,
so
that
the
deliverance
of
the
Church
will
be
fully
completed
before
the
Expiration
of
the
forty
two
months
.
Which
is
plainly
repugnant
to
express
indications
in
the
Vision
it self
.
For
first
,
The
partial
Fall
or
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
is
plainly
said
to
come
to
pass
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
which
is
the
same
with
a
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
or
forty
two
months
.
So
that
it
is
as
evident
as
if
it
were
writ
with
a
beam
of
the
Sun
,
that
the
final
issue
of
the
forty
two
months
War
of
the
Beast
with
the
Saints
or
Witnesses
,
is
no
other
than
the
partial
Fall
or
Fall
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
,
and
not
of
the
whole
City
,
and
a
Rising
then
of
the
Witnesses
commensurate
thereto
.
And
then
in
the
second
place
,
If
the
completion
of
this
Vision
of
the
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
were
(
within
the
forty
two
months
space
)
extended
to
a
full
deliverance
of
the
true
Church
and
an
utter
Ruine
of
Babylon
or
the
Beast
,
since
the
fulfilling
of
this
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
before
the
Exitus
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
Apoc.
11.14
.
and
that
it
is
confessed
on
both
sides
that
the
Vials
all
of
them
follow
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
and
are
in
the
seventh
,
and
that
yet
these
Vials
are
to
be
poured
upon
the
Beast
;
by
this
reckoning
there
will
be
no
Beast
left
for
them
to
be
poured
upon
.
Which
is
a
most
manifest
Repugnancy
.
CHAP.
XXXI
.
The
Ichnography
of
Ezekiel
's
Temple
,
according
to
Villalpandus
,
with
two
ways
of
computing
the
proportion
of
the
Outer
Court
to
the
Inner
thereby
.
THE
right
and
assured
understanding
of
the
Extent
of
the
Symmetral
Times
of
the
Church
being
of
so
good
use
and
great
moment
,
and
that
depending
upon
the
knowledge
of
the
proportion
which
the
Outer
Court
has
to
the
Inner
;
which
proportion
is
to
be
understood
out
of
the
Ichnography
of
Ezekiel's
Temple
,
which
that
learned
,
industrious
,
and
judicious
Writer
on
this
Subject
Johannes
Baptista
Villalpandus
has
delineated
:
I
shall
first
set
down
this
Ichnography
of
the
Temple
,
so
far
as
is
useful
to
this
purpose
,
according
to
the
mind
of
Villalpandus
,
and
after
prove
the
truth
and
solidity
thereof
.
SW
Africus
.
NW
Caurus
SE
Eurus
NE
Aquilo
map of temple
The
entire
Area
of
the
whole
Temple
,
on
which
it
is
built
,
viz.
a.
b.
c.
d.
is
five
hundred
Cubits
long
,
and
as
many
broad
,
and
therefore
is
a
perfect
Square
.
A
perpetual
Porticus
,
noted
with
three
Lines
,
of
which
the
middle
is
punctulated
or
made
by
points
,
fifty
Cubits
broad
divides
this
whole
Area
into
seven
equal
square
Area's
SW
.
NW
.
X.
Y.
SE.
Z.
NE
and
into
one
oblong
Area
,
α.
β.
γ.
δ.
having
the
length
of
two
hundred
and
fifty
Cubits
,
but
the
breadth
of
an
hundred
Cubits
.
And
there
is
a
perpetual
middle
Ambulation
or
Walk
in
this
perpetual
Porticus
;
And
the
middle
Line
,
viz.
that
which
is
punctulated
drawn
through
the
midst
of
this
Walk
,
doth
fitly
and
that
perpetually
divide
the
Porticus
,
in
respect
of
the
said
Area's
into
exteriour
and
interiour
.
Which
being
done
,
it
will
be
manifest
that
the
oblong
Area
with
the
interiour
Porticus
lying
about
it
,
and
appertaining
to
it
,
viz.
ε.
ξ.
η.
θ.
will
bear
precisely
a
double
proportion
to
each
of
the
seven
Area's
with
their
interiour
Porticus's
belonging
to
them
,
and
looking
into
them
single
,
as
in
ε.
ι.
χ.
λ.
and
so
of
the
rest
.
For
the
interiour
Porticus's
look
into
their
own
proper
Area's
or
Courts
,
the
exteriour
into
their
neighbouring
Courts
or
Area's
,
excepting
the
outmost
of
all
,
as
μ.
ι.
ρ.
ν.
and
the
rest
which
are
placed
on
the
Perimeter
.
For
these
look
out
into
the
fields
.
But
from
hence
we
may
understand
how
naturally
all
the
Porticus's
which
have
Courts
and
Area's
placed
on
both
sides
,
as
σ.
α.
γ.
ν.
and
φ.
χ.
ψ.
ω.
are
divided
long-wise
into
two
equal
parts
,
and
that
those
parts
only
which
look
into
the
next
Area
,
are
to
be
reckoned
to
be
the
Porticus
of
that
Area
.
And
therefore
whenas
that
long
Porticus
which
on
all
sides
compasseth
the
rest
of
the
space
of
the
Temple
,
can
be
rightly
thought
to
look
into
a
neighbouring
Area
only
by
one
half
of
it self
divided
long-wise
,
it
is
very
reasonable
that
that
interiour
half
part
only
of
the
Porticus
should
be
every
where
assigned
to
its
adjacent
Area
.
Whence
seven
Area's
with
their
interiour
Porticus's
that
encompass
them
(
for
the
exteriour
belong
not
to
them
)
will
be
exactly
equal
.
And
all
the
seven
single
Area's
entire
,
consisting
of
themselves
,
and
of
the
addition
of
the
Spaces
of
the
interiour
Porticus's
that
encompass
them
,
will
have
a
sub-double
proportion
to
that
oblong
Area
mentioned
above
,
and
consisting
of
it self
and
the
space
of
the
Porticus's
twenty
five
Cubits
broad
,
and
encompassing
it
.
Whence
the
entire
Area's
of
the
seven
Courts
with
their
Porticus's
reckoned
thereto
,
will
be
to
the
entire
oblong
Area
with
its
Porticus's
also
taken
in
to
the
Reckoning
,
as
seven
is
to
two
.
And
truly
this
,
as
it
is
sufficiently
congruous
and
handsom
in
it self
,
so
it
may
have
some
further
use
not
at
all
to
be
contemned
.
For
whereas
Villalpandus
will
have
in
Solomon's
Temple
a
certain
Court
of
the
Gentiles
,
exteriour
to
the
Court
which
is
termed
Atrium
Israelis
,
why
may
not
the
exteriour
part
of
this
Porticus
which
is
adjacent
to
the
whole
Perimeter
of
the
Temple
be
accounted
for
part
of
the
Court
of
the
Gentiles
,
and
be
encompassed
with
a
Wall
(
of
which
there
is
mention
Ezek.
Chap.
4.
v.
5.
)
a
Reed
broad
and
a
Reed
high
,
although
at
what
distance
it
is
from
this
Porticus
,
there
is
no
certainty
at
all
.
For
if
what
occurs
Chap.
42.
v.
16
,
17
,
&c.
in
the
Hebrew
Text
is
to
be
retained
,
that
measuring
by
Reeds
is
to
be
mystically
understood
which
prefigures
a
large
extent
of
the
Church
of
the
Gentiles
in
comparison
of
the
Jewish
Church
.
But
that
there
was
some
other
Wall
without
,
or
at
least
one
represented
to
the
Prophet
by
way
of
Type
,
seems
very
probable
,
and
that
the
exteriour
part
of
the
Perimetral
Porticus
has
a
reference
thereto
.
For
this
description
of
the
Temple
is
a
Prophetical
Vision
,
and
exhibited
for
the
use
of
the
Christian
Church
which
was
to
come
.
In
the
mean
time
it
is
plain
out
of
what
has
been
said
,
that
this
is
one
way
from
whence
we
may
understand
that
the
proportion
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
of
the
Outer
Court
to
the
Inner
,
that
is
,
of
the
Court
SW
.
X.
SE.
Z.
NE.
Y.
NW
.
to
ε.
ξ.
η.
θ.
is
as
7.
to
2.
or
Ratio
iripla
sesquialtera
.
But
there
is
yet
another
Method
less
operose
,
nor
haply
less
true
for
all
that
,
to
be
understood
from
what
has
been
delivered
;
namely
,
if
letting
go
the
Porticus's
we
compare
only
the
Nine
square
Area's
each
an
hundred
Cubits
long
,
and
as
many
broad
,
of
which
seven
belong
to
the
Atrium
Israelis
or
the
Outer
Court
,
the
other
two
are
found
in
the
Court
of
the
Temple
and
Priests
.
For
those
seven
in
the
Atrium
Israelis
,
viz.
SW
.
X.
SE.
Z
NE.
Y.
NW
.
have
to
the
other
two
α.
β.
ν.
ξ.
and
ο.
π.
υ.
δ.
Rationem
triplam
sesquialteram
,
the
proportion
of
three
and
an
half
to
one
.
And
verily
,
which
is
worth
the
noting
by
the
bye
,
Castellio
in
his
Description
of
the
Temple
doth
acknowledge
,
that
there
are
nine
such
equal
square
Area's
,
though
he
had
not
the
skill
or
luck
to
place
them
right
.
But
now
this
second
way
seems
to
me
to
be
most
expedite
,
if
it
may
be
fitly
applied
to
the
Text.
Let
us
therefore
try
what
will
become
of
it
,
Apoc.
Chap.
11.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Rise
and
measure
the
Temple
of
God
and
the
Altar
.
Here
no
man
imagines
that
the
Temple
it self
and
the
Altar
are
to
be
measured
,
no
more
than
those
that
worship
there
literally
are
,
but
as
much
as
respects
place
,
that
the
Area's
on
which
the
Temple
and
Altar
are
seated
,
are
to
be
measured
.
But
we
have
noted
above
,
that
there
is
a
square
Area
,
α.
β.
ν.
ζ.
upon
the
greatest
part
whereof
the
Temple
T
stands
,
measured
by
the
Angel
,
as
we
shall
note
in
the
next
Chapter
;
and
that
there
is
another
such
equal
square
Area
measured
by
him
,
viz.
ο.
π.
γ.
δ.
upon
which
the
brazen
Altar
stands
:
and
that
therefore
this
Area
is
to
be
measured
,
and
not
the
Altar
it self
,
is
evident
.
Nor
is
there
any
need
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
here
should
be
understood
of
the
place
where
they
sacrificed
,
in
force
of
the
following
words
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
forasmuch
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
do
not
only
signifie
[
in
]
but
[
at
]
or
[
near
by
]
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
may
also
be
referred
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
the
Temple
.
Wherefore
when
these
two
square
Area's
upon
which
the
Temple
and
Altar
were
built
,
are
here
understood
to
be
the
Object
of
measuring
,
it
is
very
easie
and
natural
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
the
outer
Court
of
the
Temple
to
understand
those
seven
equal
square
Area's
of
which
the
Outer
Court
did
consist
(
leaving
out
again
the
Porticus's
)
to
be
the
Object
of
that
commanded
Rejection
,
by
the
Angel
,
from
being
measured
.
And
thus
evidently
the
Outer
Court
to
the
Inner
will
be
as
7.
to
2.
And
this
is
a
very
easie
and
perspicuous
Compute
,
and
as
firm
as
the
former
,
and
both
of
them
sufficiently
firm
,
if
so
be
Villalpandus
his
delineation
of
the
Temple
be
so
,
which
we
will
now
out
of
him
or
other
how
endeavour
to
prove
.
CHAP.
XXXII
.
Three
equal
square
Area's
of
the
Temple
measured
by
the
Angel
full
East
,
full
North
,
and
full
South
.
Another
square
Area
equal
to
the
former
belonging
to
the
Inner
Court
,
and
placed
in
the
midst
of
the
former
,
with
Inferences
therefrom
.
A
full
West
square
Area
equal
to
the
former
,
measured
by
the
Angel
,
with
Villalpandus
his
descant
thereon
.
How
from
these
five
equal
square
Area's
in
form
of
a
Cross
,
and
from
the
discovery
of
a
North-West
square
Area
,
Villalpandus
collects
the
whole
Edifice
of
the
Temple
to
be
both
square
,
and
also
to
have
nine
equal
square
Area's
appertaining
thereto
.
Another
way
of
proving
the
Squareness
of
the
whole
House
of
God
or
Temple
.
A
Description
of
the
North-West
Court
out
of
Ezekiel
,
with
Villalpandus
his
descant
thereon
.
A
Confirmation
of
Villalpandus
his
dimensions
of
the
Courts
of
the
Temple
from
the
Heathen
Oracle
recorded
in
S.
Austin
.
The
Pagan
Daemons
not
unskilled
in
Mathematicks
,
proved
from
Apollo
's
bidding
the
Greeks
double
his
Altar
in
Delos
.
THREE
equal
square
Area's
of
the
Outer
Temple
the
Angel
measured
in
the
beginning
of
the
Vision
thereof
.
The
first
towards
the
East
,
Ezek.
40.
v.
19.
Then
he
measured
the
breadth
from
the
forefront
of
the
lower
Gate
unto
the
forefront
of
the
inner
Court
from
without
an
hundred
Cubits
Eastward
and
Northward
.
This
is
the
Area
Z.
an
hundred
Cubits
square
.
That
the
Septuagint
have
put
instead
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
it
is
certainly
,
I
think
,
a
mistake
in
them
,
they
not
sufficiently
heeding
the
conciseness
and
Ellipticalness
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
otherwise
they
would
not
have
interserted
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
would
have
followed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
Hebrew
of
which
the
sense
is
plain
,
if
the
Ellipsis
be
supplied
thus
:
He
measured
from
the
forefront
of
the
lower
Gate
unto
the
forefront
of
the
inner
Court
from
without
an
hundred
Cubits
Eastward
,
and
he
measured
also
an
hundred
Cubits
from
South
to
North.
Or
more
briefly
thus
:
Vminnegeb
meah
ammah
hatzaphon
.
And
an
hundred
Cubits
from
the
South
to
the
North.
SW
Africus
.
NW
Caurus
SE
Eurus
NE
Aquilo
map of temple
The
second
Area
Y
is
full
North
,
Ezek.
40.
v.
23.
And
the
Gate
of
the
inner
Court
was
over
against
the
Gate
toward
the
North
,
and
toward
the
East
,
and
he
measured
from
Gate
to
Gate
an
hundred
Cubits
.
According
to
the
Hebrew
read
thus
:
And
the
Gate
of
the
inner
Court
against
the
North
Gate
(
and
then
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
read
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
and
the
Gate
of
the
inner
Court
against
the
East
Gate
.
The
East
Gate
is
at
E
,
the
North
Gate
at
N
:
and
when
it
is
said
he
measured
from
Gate
to
Gate
an
hundred
Cubits
,
it
may
be
understood
from
Gate
to
Gate
in
Z
as
well
as
in
Y
,
though
it
chiefly
speaks
of
the
Square
Y
,
but
implies
that
from
Gate
to
Gate
in
each
it
is
an
hundred
Cubits
.
This
is
the
best
sense
,
unless
haply
for
towards
the
East
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
it
was
to
be
writ
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
toward
the
South
.
The
third
Area
is
full
South
,
viz.
the
Area
X
,
Ezek
Chap.
40.
v.
27.
And
there
was
a
Gate
in
the
inner
Court
toward
the
South
,
and
he
measured
from
Gate
to
Gate
toward
the
South
an
hundred
Cubits
.
But
now
in
the
midst
of
these
three
the
Angel
measured
another
square
Area
,
viz.
the
Area
A
equal
to
the
foresaid
Area's
,
which
he
calls
the
inner
Court
,
Ezek.
Chap.
40.
v.
47.
So
he
measured
the
Court
100
Cubits
long
and
100
Cubits
broad
four
square
,
and
the
Altar
before
the
House
.
Where
note
,
That
this
middle
Area
being
expresly
said
to
have
the
length
of
100
Cubits
,
and
the
breadth
of
100
Cubits
,
and
that
it
is
square
,
that
its
being
placed
in
the
midst
of
the
three
other
Area's
,
which
were
measured
only
from
Gate
to
Gate
,
and
found
100
Cubits
,
that
the
Squareness
of
this
Area
shows
them
to
be
100
Cubits
Cross-ways
,
as
well
as
from
Gate
to
Gate
,
and
consequently
that
all
four
are
equal
square
Area's
.
And
it
is
here
further
observable
from
this
Note
,
that
though
the
Septuagints
reading
were
admitted
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
yet
but
allowing
an
hundred
Cubits
from
the
East
Gate
to
the
West
Gate
,
this
East
Area
will
be
an
hundred
Cubits
from
South
to
North
,
in
virtue
of
the
positure
of
that
middle
square
Area
A.
And
now
lastly
,
The
Angel
measured
another
square
Area
on
the
West
,
viz.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
the
greatest
part
of
which
the
Temple
it self
or
House
of
God
T
stands
upon
,
Ezek.
41.
v.
15.
And
he
measured
the
length
of
the
Building
over
against
the
separate
place
which
was
behind
it
,
and
the
Galleries
thereof
on
the
one
side
,
and
on
the
other
side
an
hundred
Cubits
,
with
the
inner
Temple
and
the
Porches
of
the
Court.
Note
,
That
[
on
the
one
side
and
the
other
side
]
must
of
necessity
be
understood
of
the
North
and
South
sides
of
the
Buildings
about
the
Gisrath
,
the
separate
place
.
Forasmuch
as
the
breadth
of
the
Gisrath
or
Temple
is
not
an
hundred
Cubits
;
so
that
there
must
be
a
square
Area
on
which
the
Temple
is
placed
,
is
most
certain
:
which
is
the
Square
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
But
let
us
hear
Villalpandus
himself
descant
upon
this
last
Verse
:
This
measure
,
says
he
,
is
duly
to
be
considered
,
as
being
that
which
seems
most
necessary
for
fully
conceiving
the
measures
of
the
Courts
or
of
the
general
Ichnography
of
the
Temple
.
For
here
,
says
he
,
a
certain
Occidental
Area
of
the
Temple
is
described
,
having
the
length
and
breadth
of
an
hundred
Cubits
,
which
hitherto
the
Angel
had
not
measured
.
Which
Area
equal
to
the
others
,
and
of
the
like
positure
with
the
others
,
which
had
been
measured
in
the
beginning
,
plainly
shows
both
that
the
whole
entire
Area
of
the
Temple
was
square
,
and
that
Porticus's
likewise
ran
thorough
the
whole
Ground-plot
of
the
Temple
,
and
divided
it
into
nine
equal
square
Area's
,
as
you
see
in
the
Ichnography
thereof
.
It
is
evident
from
the
places
quoted
,
that
there
are
five
equal
square
Area's
with
their
Porticus's
disposed
into
the
form
of
a
Cross
.
But
now
it
is
plain
out
of
Ezekiel
,
Chap.
46.
v.
19
,
20
,
21
,
22.
where
he
speaks
of
the
Courts
for
boiling
and
baking
,
that
there
is
a
square
Area
encompassed
with
like
Porticus's
over
against
the
fifth
square
Area
upon
a
great
part
of
which
the
Temple
stands
;
forasmuch
as
there
are
four
Atriola
or
little
Courts
in
every
corner
of
that
exteriour
Court
so
placed
,
as
was
said
.
And
there
is
the
same
Reason
of
the
other
three
Courts
which
answer
to
this
in
situation
,
viz.
that
there
are
three
other
such
Courts
encompassed
with
like
Porticus's
toward
the
South-West
quarter
,
South-East
quarter
and
North-East
quarter
,
viz.
those
noted
with
SW
.
SE.
NE.
as
this
toward
the
North-West
quarter
with
NW
,
unless
we
will
have
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Temple
at
large
to
be
very
maimed
and
deformed
.
And
what
has
hitherto
been
said
proves
the
space
on
which
the
Temple
with
its
Courts
and
Porticus's
is
placed
,
not
only
to
be
square
,
but
to
be
divided
into
nine
square
Area's
encompassed
with
their
respective
Porticus's
,
all
of
them
quite
round
,
save
the
fifth
,
and
the
next
lying
full
East
of
it
:
these
two
have
Porticus's
only
on
three
sides
.
But
that
the
squareness
of
this
whole
Space
on
which
the
Temple
stands
,
is
rightly
gathered
by
Villalpandus
,
may
further
appear
from
Ezek.
Chap.
42.
v.
15.
Now
when
he
had
made
an
end
of
measuring
the
inner
House
,
he
brought
me
forth
toward
the
Gate
,
whose
Prospect
is
toward
the
East
,
and
measured
it
(
viz.
the
House
)
round
about
.
When
he
had
finished
the
Measures
of
the
inner
House
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
of
the
House
as
to
its
inner
parts
,
and
nearer
to
the
Center
of
the
whole
House
,
which
is
in
the
middle
point
of
the
Thysiasterion
A
,
he
brought
me
by
the
way
of
the
Gate
which
looks
toward
the
East
way
(
so
the
Original
)
and
he
measured
it
;
not
the
East
way
,
as
I
noted
above
,
but
the
House
.
For
the
Hebrew
has
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
where
the
affix
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
the
Mascline
gender
,
and
agrees
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
House
,
not
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
way
.
For
if
that
had
been
intended
,
it
would
have
been
the
Feminine
affix
to
show
that
it
agreed
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
Feminine
as
well
as
Masculine
.
Besides
,
the
East
way
cannot
be
measured
round
about
,
because
it
is
only
one
side
;
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
thorough
the
whole
Perimeter
of
the
House
.
Which
plainly
implies
,
that
there
were
Porticus's
or
a
Building
[
Binian
]
all
along
the
whole
Perimeter
,
otherwise
the
Perimeter
of
the
House
had
been
Cruciform
or
Cross-like
,
nor
would
have
been
toward
each
of
the
four
quarters
of
the
World
five
hundred
Cubits
,
but
two
hundred
only
,
measurable
in
one
and
the
same
Line
.
Wherefore
the
House
of
God
it self
or
holy
Edifice
,
in
account
of
its
Binian
or
Porticus's
,
that
it
was
extended
into
a
Square
,
is
clear
from
hence
,
and
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
relating
to
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
inner
House
,
intimate
a
Perimetral
dimension
thereof
,
namely
of
the
House
,
not
of
a
mere
Wall
,
as
Castellio
is
fain
to
make
a
Wall
about
,
square
,
five
hundred
Cubits
each
side
thereof
,
though
he
makes
no
Porticus's
go
along
with
it
.
But
it
's
plain
the
exterior
House
it self
is
here
a
measuring
.
And
the
Septuagint
say
expresly
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
And
he
measured
the
Platform
of
the
House
round
about
in
order
,
and
so
finds
each
side
five
hundred
Cubits
to
each
quarter
of
the
World
.
Five
hundred
Cubits
in
the
measuring
Reed
(
so
Ludovicus
Capellus
,
Castellio
and
others
)
not
five
hundred
Reeds
.
And
whereas
it
is
said
v.
17.
He
measured
the
North
side
five
hundred
Cubits
,
&c.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
round
about
,
how
can
one
single
side
be
round
about
?
Wherefore
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
as
much
as
if
he
should
say
,
in
Perimetro
,
in
the
Perimeter
.
Doubtless
that
is
the
genuine
meaning
of
that
word
in
these
places
here
.
For
the
sides
single
do
not
encompass
the
House
,
but
all
put
together
.
But
every
single
side
is
part
of
the
Perimeter
,
which
does
really
environ
this
square
House
or
Building
.
SW
Africus
.
NW
Caurus
SE
Eurus
NE
Aquilo
map of temple
And
yet
there
is
still
a
pretty
odd
confirmation
of
the
matter
behind
,
which
I
conceive
is
worth
the
noting
.
It
is
indeed
a
Paganick
Oracle
,
and
such
as
implies
the
Pagan
Daemon
to
have
supposed
or
rather
known
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
according
to
these
Dimensions
of
Villalpandus
.
The
thing
is
recorded
in
S.
Augustine
,
De
Civitate
Dei
,
lib.
18.
cap.
penult.
&
ult
.
In
the
year
of
our
Lord
313.
the
Gentiles
were
informed
by
the
Oracles
of
their
Daemons
,
that
Peter
,
forsooth
,
had
so
bewitched
the
World
,
that
the
Name
of
Christ
should
be
worshipped
for
three
hundred
sixty
five
years
,
but
after
the
said
number
of
years
being
completed
,
forthwith
there
would
be
an
end
,
viz.
of
this
Worship
of
Christ
.
And
to
this
Oracle
,
says
the
Father
,
the
Gentiles
gave
such
great
credit
,
that
they
were
called
back
from
the
Christian
Profession
,
nor
would
embrace
it
till
the
end
of
the
said
years
,
after
they
had
found
the
Oracle
to
be
false
.
Now
that
the
Oracles
of
the
Daemons
should
circumscribe
the
continuance
of
the
Worship
of
Christ
within
three
hundred
sixty
five
years
,
verily
it
is
hugely
difficult
to
divine
whence
they
drew
that
Conjecture
,
unless
from
that
Apocalyptick
Vision
,
Chap.
11.
(
where
John
is
commanded
to
measure
the
Temple
and
Altar
,
but
for
the
outer
Court
to
cast
it
out
to
be
trodden
under
foot
by
the
Gentiles
for
forty
two
months
)
compared
with
the
Courts
of
Solomon's
Temple
,
whose
dimensions
,
by
reason
of
their
great
Longevity
,
they
very
well
knew
and
discerned
the
outer
Court
to
have
to
the
inner
Rationem
triplam
sesquialteram
,
the
proportion
of
three
and
an
half
to
one
.
From
whence
they
easily
collected
the
outer
Court
being
to
the
inner
as
the
Conculcation
of
the
Gentiles
for
forty
two
months
to
the
Worship
of
the
Name
of
Christ
,
that
the
Worship
of
Christ
was
to
continue
but
twelve
Prophetick
months
,
or
three
hundred
and
sixty
years
.
For
as
seven
is
to
two
,
so
forty
two
to
twelve
.
But
for
greater
Caution
they
added
five
years
,
which
might
answer
to
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
five
adjectitious
days
in
the
Aegyptian
year
.
So
careful
,
forsooth
,
was
the
Devil
in
framing
the
Prophecy
,
lest
his
Clients
might
over-hastily
expect
the
Event
,
and
so
himself
seem
to
have
been
deceived
.
And
being
he
was
so
careful
of
not
seeming
to
be
deceived
,
it
's
a
sign
he
would
not
have
given
out
this
Oracular
Compute
,
unless
he
had
been
sure
of
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
:
which
is
a
notable
confirmation
of
Villalpandus's
dimensions
of
the
said
Courts
of
the
Temple
.
But
as
cunning
as
he
was
,
the
Devil
was
egregiously
deceived
in
this
,
that
he
thought
the
Worship
of
Christ
would
cease
at
the
end
of
those
years
,
whenas
the
Vision
only
intimates
that
his
Worship
after
three
hundred
and
sixty
years
would
be
contaminated
with
the
Idolatrous
Rites
and
Superstitions
of
the
Gentiles
,
but
not
that
pure
Paganism
should
ever
return
again
.
Some
haply
may
be
ready
to
laugh
at
this
Mathematical
skill
in
the
Devils
,
of
measuring
the
Courts
of
the
Temple
,
whereas
in
the
mean
time
they
themselves
are
more
to
be
laught
at
for
their
own
unskilfulness
or
ignorance
in
History
,
which
informs
us
,
that
the
Oracle
told
the
Inhabitants
of
Delos
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
their
present
Evils
and
of
the
rest
of
the
Greeks
would
cease
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
if
they
doubled
the
Altar
in
Delos
,
as
Plutarch
relates
in
his
De
Socratis
Genio
.
Which
Answer
of
the
Oracle
Plato
interpreted
of
the
study
of
Mathematical
Sciences
:
as
if
those
studies
were
recommended
to
the
people
by
Apollo
,
whose
Oracle
was
at
Delos
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
For
it
is
not
the
work
of
a
bad
or
dull-sighted
Wit
,
but
of
one
extremely
well
exercised
in
the
skill
of
Lines
,
to
find
or
take
two
middle
Proportionals
.
And
yet
this
is
the
only
way
of
doubling
,
suppose
,
the
Cubick
Altar
at
Delos
.
But
it
was
much
more
easie
to
find
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
that
no
man
distrust
but
the
Devil
might
accurately
effect
that
,
whenas
it
is
plain
their
skill
is
much
greater
.
But
in
the
mean
time
this
does
notably
confirm
the
truth
of
Villalpandus's
dimensions
of
the
Courts
of
the
Temple
,
when
both
their
Computations
conclude
the
same
proportion
betwixt
the
outer
and
inner
Court
,
and
the
same
years
of
the
Church
as
yet
not
lapsed
into
her
Apostasie
.
And
the
Daemons
could
not
be
ignorant
of
the
true
Symmetry
of
Solomon's
Temple
,
they
being
so
longaevous
,
and
many
of
them
in
all
likelihood
having
lookt
down
upon
it
and
contemplated
it
.
CHAP.
XXXIII
.
Four
Questions
touching
some
Particulars
in
the
Vision
contained
in
the
fourth
and
fifth
Chapters
of
the
Apocalypse
,
with
Answers
thereto
.
As
,
what
meant
by
Opening
the
Seals
.
Who
the
Sitter
on
the
Throne
.
Who
the
Assistents
about
the
Throne
.
And
who
the
slain
Lamb.
THESE
four
Questions
upon
occasion
of
some
Papers
from
one
not
unversed
in
Apocalyptick
Speculations
,
I
think
fit
to
consider
and
to
answer
touching
the
Vision
contained
in
the
fourth
and
fifth
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
(
1.
)
What
is
meant
by
opening
the
Seals
of
the
seven-sealed
Book
.
(
2.
)
Who
is
he
that
sits
on
the
Throne
with
that
Book
in
his
right
hand
.
(
3.
)
Who
are
that
Company
that
are
assistent
or
about
the
Throne
.
(
4.
)
Who
is
that
Lamb
slain
to
whom
the
Book
is
given
.
I
shall
first
set
down
the
Opinion
of
those
Papers
orderly
one
after
another
,
and
then
give
my
own
Judgment
.
1.
I
affirm
,
says
the
Author
of
those
Papers
,
that
by
opening
this
Book
of
Prophecies
is
meant
explaining
it
and
making
it
intelligible
to
those
that
read
it
.
For
the
truth
of
this
Proposition
I
appeal
to
the
constant
and
unquestionable
use
of
that
Phrase
of
opening
a
sealed
Prophecy
where-ever
it
is
used
throughout
the
Scripture
,
there
being
no
one
instance
,
that
I
know
of
,
to
the
contrary
.
But
where
sealing
signifies
concealing
the
sense
of
a
Mystery
,
and
opening
signifies
explaining
it
,
there
are
many
.
As
Dan.
9.24
.
Seal
up
the
Vision
,
and
12.4
.
Seal
the
Book
even
to
the
time
of
the
end
.
Where
also
the
Phrase
is
made
parallel
to
shutting
up
the
words
of
it
,
viz.
that
they
might
not
be
understood
till
the
time
of
the
end
.
Also
Isai.
29.11
.
mention
is
made
of
a
sealed
Book
,
viz.
a
Book
which
no
man
could
understand
.
Also
that
Opening
signifies
Explaining
is
manifest
from
Luke
24
32.
where
Christ
is
said
to
have
opened
the
Scriptures
.
And
Acts
17.3
.
S.
Paul
is
said
to
have
opened
and
alledged
(
viz.
out
of
the
Prophecies
of
the
Scripture
)
that
Christ
must
needs
have
suffered
.
Whence
it
cannot
be
doubted
(
as
to
me
it
seems
)
but
that
by
opening
the
sealed
Book
,
or
Mystery
,
is
meant
explaining
it
.
Answ.
This
makes
a
pretty
confident
show
,
and
may
impose
upon
the
heedless
.
But
the
wary
will
easily
perceive
,
that
unless
he
could
prove
that
the
word
Opening
simply
in
it self
signified
Explaining
;
and
sealing
,
hiding
the
sense
of
a
Writing
by
mystical
Aenigms
,
the
Argument
proves
nothing
.
That
obvious
Phrase
of
opening
a
Bible
and
opening
a
Text
shows
plainly
,
the
word
Opening
has
its
determinate
sense
from
the
thing
it
is
spoken
of
.
To
open
the
Bible
is
to
unclaspe
it
,
and
so
open
the
Book
,
that
we
may
come
at
the
Text.
To
open
the
Text
is
to
explain
the
sense
of
it
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
to
explain
Mysteries
,
or
to
open
Mysteries
sometimes
;
but
Luke
4.17
.
it
signifies
only
to
open
the
Book
where
the
Mysteries
lye
,
viz.
the
Book
of
Esay
the
Prophet
which
past
into
the
hand
of
Christ
,
he
is
said
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
open
the
Book
and
to
find
the
place
,
&c.
It
is
one
thing
therefore
to
open
a
sealed
Book
where
the
Prophecy
is
,
and
another
to
open
a
sealed
Prophecy
.
The
Book
may
be
first
opened
to
come
at
the
Prophecy
.
Which
is
plainly
the
case
here
of
the
seven-sealed
Book
.
But
to
make
the
opening
the
Book
and
loosing
the
Seals
to
be
the
explaining
the
Prophecies
of
this
Book
,
Chap.
5.2
.
is
a
plain
contradiction
to
the
very
Text
,
Chap.
6.
where
the
opening
the
first
six
Seals
is
the
exhibiting
to
John
so
many
particular
Prophetical
Visions
of
things
to
come
,
not
the
explaining
those
Visions
.
And
so
the
opening
the
seventh
Seal
is
the
exhibiting
the
Visions
of
the
seven
Trumpets
,
&c.
Chap.
8.
and
not
the
explaining
of
them
.
So
that
I
wonder
it
should
ever
,
against
so
palpable
an
intimation
to
the
contrary
,
enter
into
any
mans
mind
that
the
opening
the
Book
and
loosing
the
Seals
should
be
understood
of
explaining
the
Prophecies
,
and
not
of
a
power
of
coming
at
the
Prophecies
themselves
set
out
in
Aenigmatical
Visions
,
and
to
be
afterwards
explained
by
the
Servants
of
Christ
,
and
the
meaning
of
the
Aenigmata
discovered
.
But
to
make
this
latter
to
be
understood
as
a
Completion
of
this
Vision
of
the
opening
of
the
Seals
,
is
a
plain
repugnancy
to
the
Visions
Interpretation
of
it self
.
The
Completion
of
this
part
of
the
Vision
of
opening
the
Seals
,
is
our
having
these
Apocalyptick
Visions
in
our
hands
and
under
our
eyes
,
no
other
Completion
is
to
be
dreamt
of
.
2.
Touching
the
second
Question
the
abovesaid
Papers
declare
thus
,
That
by
him
that
sitteth
on
the
Throne
with
the
Book
in
his
right
hand
is
not
meant
God
himself
,
but
rather
some
Man
of
highest
Authority
sitting
in
the
Throne
of
God
,
and
representing
him
there
.
A
reverend
and
learned
Doctor
phansies
him
to
be
the
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
,
the
Author
of
the
Papers
to
be
some
earthly
King
.
Answ.
But
this
to
me
seems
point-blank
against
the
Text
,
nor
has
Grotius
himself
the
confidence
to
interpret
it
of
any
other
than
of
God
Almighty
,
by
reason
of
that
Hymn
,
I
suppose
,
or
Doxology
,
v.
8.
Holy
,
Holy
,
Holy
,
Lord
God
Almighty
,
which
was
,
and
is
,
and
is
to
come
.
This
Hymn
is
sung
to
him
that
sits
on
the
Throne
the
Eternal
,
who
is
said
to
live
for
ever
and
ever
,
v.
9.
Now
as
this
is
but
one
single
visionary
Hymn
,
so
no
man
can
have
any
just
ground
to
imagine
any
more
than
one
visionary
Person
on
the
Throne
,
there
is
not
the
least
show
or
shadow
in
the
Vision
of
any
more
.
Whence
comparing
this
Hymn
with
that
single
Person
,
it
must
of
necessity
be
God
Almighty
himself
,
no
earthly
Potentate
Representative
of
Him
.
Nor
is
the
Hymn
fit
to
be
sung
to
a
Representative
(
though
of
God
)
sitting
on
the
Throne
.
For
if
to
Him
,
he
is
the
Object
of
this
Doxology
,
and
the
Text
says
expresly
,
it
is
to
him
that
sits
on
the
Throne
.
And
therefore
it
must
be
to
God
himself
that
sits
on
the
Throne
,
unless
we
will
make
this
a
visionary
Scene
of
palpable
Idolatry
,
which
I
take
to
be
a
gross
absurdity
.
Besides
that
,
as
for
earthly
Potentates
,
Kings
or
Monarchs
,
they
are
most
lively
described
in
the
twenty
four
crowned
Elders
,
like
so
many
Millennial
Davids
,
playing
on
their
Harps
before
God
.
The
Rain-bow
also
plainly
intimates
it
,
as
in
Ezekiel
,
to
be
the
Representation
of
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
.
So
that
I
find
no
congruity
or
probability
in
this
Opinion
.
3.
Now
for
the
third
Question
,
the
words
of
the
Paper
are
these
.
I
affirm
,
saith
he
,
that
the
fourth
and
fifth
Chapters
of
the
Revelation
are
a
description
of
a
Church
,
or
a
Company
of
faithful
people
on
Earth
;
adding
,
This
is
so
evident
,
that
I
know
of
no
man
that
denies
it
.
This
therefore
he
takes
for
granted
without
any
further
proof
.
Answ.
Here
I
refer
the
Reader
to
what
I
have
wrote
in
the
twenty
first
Chapter
of
this
Book
touching
this
Introductory
Vision
to
the
sealed
Book-Prophecy
.
Where
,
though
it
be
an
Introductory
Vision
;
and
a
Symbol
of
the
spiritual
Kingdom
of
God
in
Heaven
,
yet
I
acknowledge
that
it
is
in
some
things
so
attemperated
,
that
it
is
significative
also
of
the
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
;
as
that
suppose
of
the
Millennium
.
And
that
the
Church
on
Earth
is
some
way
and
in
some
things
concerned
in
this
Vision
,
is
plainly
intimated
Chap.
5.
v.
10.
And
hast
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
,
and
we
shall
reign
on
the
Earth
.
But
this
will
not
serve
the
end
of
these
Papers
.
4.
And
lastly
,
for
the
fourth
Question
,
By
the
Lamb
slain
,
according
to
those
Papers
,
some
good
King
or
other
(
some
mystical
Christ
,
as
Mr.
Mede
calls
Constantine
upon
Rev.
12.5
.
)
is
to
be
understood
,
who
after
his
having
suffered
like
a
Lamb
,
was
to
be
again
advanced
to
the
Throne
of
God
.
Some
such
sense
,
quoth
he
,
as
this
we
shall
be
obliged
to
put
upon
it
;
forasmuch
as
it
exceeds
all
belief
to
think
that
when
the
Book
aforesaid
shall
be
to
be
opened
,
God
himself
in
Person
shall
appear
amongst
us
sitting
on
a
Throne
with
a
Book
in
his
right
hand
,
and
that
after
Proclamation
made
for
one
to
open
it
,
in
the
Ears
of
all
the
World
,
his
Son
Jesus
shall
appear
coming
to
his
Father
,
and
take
it
out
of
his
hand
,
&c.
Or
which
is
equally
absurd
,
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four
Elders
shall
be
taken
up
into
Heaven
to
see
the
same
things
acted
there
.
Whence
it
is
concluded
,
That
the
sealed
Book
is
not
to
be
opened
by
the
Lamb
himself
in
person
,
but
by
some
mortal
man
or
other
whom
he
shall
imploy
in
this
service
.
Answ.
This
is
argued
handsomly
enough
,
were
it
not
upon
a
double
false
Foundation
:
The
first
is
,
That
opening
the
Seals
is
explaining
the
Prophecies
,
which
I
have
already
shown
to
be
a
mistake
.
The
other
is
,
That
this
Vision
is
an
absolute
Vision
,
not
an
Introductory
Vision
to
the
Book-Prophecy
,
which
point
I
have
cleared
Chap.
21.
nor
need
I
here
repeat
things
.
And
in
the
third
and
last
place
.
The
individual
Person
of
Christ
is
so
exquisitely
described
,
that
no
other
but
himself
can
be
meant
.
For
besides
that
he
is
said
to
be
slain
,
and
to
have
redeemed
us
with
his
Blood
,
and
to
have
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
,
he
is
stiled
the
Lion
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
and
the
Root
of
David
.
How
is
it
possible
that
any
one
but
Christ
himself
can
be
meant
by
this
description
?
This
is
no
description
of
a
mystical
Christ
,
but
of
the
very
Person
of
Christ
himself
.
I
am
thus
brief
in
answering
this
last
Question
,
because
there
will
be
an
abundant
supplement
made
in
the
answering
the
Confutatory
part
of
his
Papers
,
where
he
endeavours
to
entangle
my
Hypothesis
with
as
many
difficulties
as
he
can
.
Wherefore
I
will
in
the
next
Chapter
give
a
summary
Account
of
my
sense
of
this
Vision
,
and
then
answer
to
his
Allegations
against
it
.
CHAP.
XXXIV
.
A
summary
Account
of
the
fore-mentioned
Vision
,
and
the
sense
of
several
Particulars
acknowledged
by
the
Expositor
.
Ten
Objections
to
entangle
the
abovesaid
Account
and
the
sense
of
the
Particulars
.
Distinct
Answers
to
the
said
ten
Objections
.
COncerning
this
Introductory
Vision
comprized
in
the
fourth
and
fifth
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
,
I
have
spoke
so
fully
in
the
twenty
first
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
,
that
I
may
well
be
allowed
to
content
my self
only
with
a
summary
Account
of
that
Vision
here
,
which
is
this
.
This
Vision
(
impressed
on
the
raptured
Imagination
of
S.
John
)
is
a
Theatrick
Representation
of
the
Glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
in
his
Angelical
or
spiritual
Kingdom
in
Heaven
,
which
,
besides
that
common
use
of
all
the
Introductory
Visions
(
which
is
to
signifie
that
the
succeeding
Prophecy
,
(
as
this
Book-Prophecy
in
counterdistinction
to
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
)
is
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
obtained
of
God
,
and
communicated
to
his
Servant
John
)
it
is
framed
in
such
a
Dramatical
way
,
as
both
to
be
prefigurative
of
several
things
appertaining
to
the
glorious
and
joyful
state
of
the
blessed
Millennium
,
and
also
significative
what
a
dear
regard
God
has
to
his
Son
Christ
,
even
according
to
his
humane
Nature
,
and
what
an
inestimable
value
is
to
be
put
upon
this
Book-Prophecy
,
in
which
is
comprehended
both
the
sealed
Book-Prophecy
and
the
opened
Book-Prophecy
.
This
is
a
brief
summary
Account
of
this
Vision
.
In
which
we
admit
that
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four-Elders
,
though
they
represent
the
spiritual
or
Angelical
Kingdom
in
Heaven
,
are
also
prefigurative
of
Believers
some
time
to
be
on
Earth
.
We
likewise
further
assert
,
That
he
that
sits
on
the
Throne
is
God
Almighty
himself
,
and
no
other
.
That
the
slain
Lamb
is
no
other
than
Christ
in
his
own
Person
.
That
the
seven-sealed
Book
is
a
Symbol
of
the
secret
Counsel
and
Foreknowledge
of
God
touching
the
affairs
or
state
of
his
Church
and
of
the
World
as
much
as
concerns
his
Church
from
the
beginning
thereof
to
the
last
Judgment
.
And
God
his
giving
this
Book
to
Christ
,
signifies
his
communicating
these
his
Secrets
to
him
.
And
the
Lamb
or
Christ
his
opening
the
Seals
in
the
sight
of
John
,
denotes
his
imparting
this
Scene
of
future
things
to
his
Servant
John
,
though
no
man
yet
understood
the
meaning
of
those
Typical
Prefigurations
.
All
this
for
my
part
I
owne
,
whatever
other
Interpreters
do
.
And
now
let
us
see
what
the
ingenious
Objector
can
say
to
entangle
so
solid
an
Hypothesis
.
1.
I
demand
only
,
says
he
,
these
few
things
.
First
,
Where
was
ever
any
such
loud
Proclamation
made
at
God's
delivering
this
Book
to
his
Son
,
as
is
spoken
of
Rev.
5.2
?
2.
Secondly
,
How
unlikely
a
thing
is
it
,
that
the
things
therein
contained
,
being
only
in
the
Mind
of
God
(
as
is
supposed
)
there
should
be
any
such
Proclamation
made
at
all
to
find
out
one
that
was
worthy
to
know
them
.
For
it
may
seem
to
be
too
much
trifling
in
a
weighty
matter
.
3.
Thirdly
,
But
if
any
such
Proclamation
were
ever
made
,
who-ever
heard
it
?
For
it
must
needs
be
supposed
that
the
Proclamation
was
made
in
the
ears
of
a
great
many
.
4.
Fourthly
,
And
where
was
Christ
when
this
Proclamation
was
made
,
that
it
is
said
,
No
man
in
Heaven
,
in
Earth
,
or
under
the
Earth
was
found
able
to
open
the
Book
,
or
look
on
it
?
5.
Fifthly
,
But
if
the
meaning
be
,
that
none
but
Christ
was
found
able
,
how
comes
S.
John
to
weep
for
that
?
Who
could
he
expect
or
desire
should
do
it
besides
?
6.
Sixthly
,
How
comes
an
Elder
to
know
of
Christ's
taking
the
Book
out
of
his
Father's
hand
sooner
than
S.
John
himself
?
7.
Seventhly
,
What
Elder
was
that
that
gave
the
first
notice
to
S.
John
,
that
Christ
had
prevailed
to
do
it
?
8.
Eighthly
,
Who
are
they
all
that
are
set
so
near
the
Throne
of
God
and
of
Christ
,
as
these
Beasts
and
Elders
are
said
to
have
been
,
when
God
communicated
the
knowledge
of
these
things
to
his
Son
,
and
who
are
said
upon
that
occasion
to
have
sung
a
new
Song
with
Harps
,
&c.
to
this
effect
:
Thou
art
worthy
to
take
the
Book
,
and
to
open
the
seven
Seals
thereof
;
for
thou
wast
slain
,
and
hast
redeemed
us
to
God
,
&c.
and
hast
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
unto
God
,
and
we
shall
reign
upon
the
Earth
.
And
there
is
the
like
reason
of
the
Angelical
Address
that
follows
,
&c.
9.
Ninthly
,
Interpreters
interpreting
this
Angelical
Address
,
of
Angels
literally
so
called
(
as
they
also
interpret
the
strong
Angel
v.
2.
)
contradict
themselves
and
all
Interpreters
in
other
places
who
expound
Angels
to
be
meant
of
men
.
10.
Tenthly
and
lastly
,
But
the
greatest
and
most
manifest
Omission
of
all
,
saith
he
,
is
that
whereas
in
the
next
place
it
is
said
,
That
every
Creature
in
Heaven
,
in
Earth
,
and
under
the
Earth
,
&c.
I
John
heard
saying
,
Blessing
and
Honour
and
Glory
and
Power
be
unto
him
that
sitteth
on
the
Throne
,
and
to
the
Lamb
for
ever
and
ever
:
no
Interpreter
shews
this
to
have
been
done
after
Christ's
taking
of
the
Book
,
more
than
before
.
From
whence
it
is
plain
to
me
,
saith
he
,
that
they
go
upon
a
wrong
Hypothesis
.
For
if
there
had
been
any
such
things
done
on
Earth
,
no
doubt
some
footsteps
of
it
would
have
been
found
in
History
.
These
few
things
,
as
he
calls
them
,
being
thought
by
him
pressing
and
weighty
,
I
am
concerned
to
answer
,
that
the
truth
of
my
Exposition
may
not
seem
to
be
obscured
thereby
.
1.
To
the
first
then
I
answer
,
That
this
Proclamation
was
made
only
in
this
Dramatical
Vision
,
and
is
no
more
than
a
visionary
Proclamation
,
and
brought
in
in
this
Dramatical
manner
to
signifie
the
singular
Prerogative
of
Christ
given
to
him
by
his
Father
,
that
he
should
have
the
ability
of
predicting
and
effecting
such
things
as
no
Creature
besides
in
the
World
had
the
like
;
general
Proclamation
being
made
to
find
them
out
,
if
there
were
any
such
.
And
the
Angel
is
said
to
be
strong
,
and
his
Voice
loud
,
that
it
might
pierce
as
it
were
through
the
Universe
,
to
summon
any
one
that
would
pretend
to
such
a
Prerogative
as
has
been
described
.
2.
To
the
second
I
say
,
There
is
neither
any
unlikeliness
nor
trifling
in
this
Proclamation
,
because
it
sets
off
the
peculiarness
of
Christ's
Prerogative
,
in
that
it
was
given
to
him
to
open
the
sealed
Book
.
And
it
being
not
yet
opened
,
but
being
known
in
general
to
be
a
Book
of
Secrets
as
yet
only
in
the
Mind
of
God
,
what
unlikeliness
or
Indecorum
is
it
,
that
Proclamation
be
made
who
he
is
,
that
shall
be
vouchsafed
this
power
of
opening
the
Book
,
and
distinctly
knowing
those
Secrets
which
were
only
in
the
Mind
of
God
before
?
3.
To
the
third
I
answer
as
to
the
first
,
That
the
Proclamation
is
only
visionary
,
and
of
what
it
is
significative
I
have
already
said
,
nor
need
again
repeat
.
4.
To
the
fourth
,
I
say
,
it
seems
a
kind
of
capricious
Query
,
as
if
it
implied
from
that
account
of
the
Proclamation
made
,
that
no
man
in
Heaven
,
on
Earth
,
or
under
the
Earth
was
found
able
to
open
the
Book
,
that
Christ
was
no
where
then
,
else
he
would
have
been
found
able
.
But
as
S.
Paul
says
,
1
Cor.
15.27
.
But
when
he
saith
,
all
things
are
put
under
him
,
it
is
manifest
he
is
excepted
which
did
put
all
things
under
him
;
so
say
I
,
whenas
this
Proclamation
was
made
to
remonstrate
to
the
World
,
that
no
man
in
Heaven
,
nor
Earth
,
nor
under
the
Earth
was
found
able
,
saving
Christ
himself
,
to
open
the
Book
,
it
is
manifest
he
is
to
be
excepted
out
of
that
Negative
Catalogue
,
as
being
the
only
Creature
that
was
able
.
5.
To
the
fifth
,
Incogitancy
I
think
suggested
this
Query
to
the
Objector
.
For
it
implies
S.
John
wept
after
he
understood
that
Christ
had
obtained
the
power
of
opening
the
sealed
Book
,
whenas
his
weeping
was
before
.
He
says
so
plainly
himself
,
v.
4.
And
I
wept
much
,
because
no
man
was
found
worthy
to
open
and
read
the
Book
,
neither
to
look
thereon
.
Which
is
also
a
Dramatical
passage
on
this
Theatre
intended
to
signifie
nothing
else
but
the
great
Needfulness
and
Desirableness
of
such
a
Book
of
Prophecies
for
the
use
of
God's
Church
and
their
guidance
in
all
the
Tossings
,
Changes
and
Revolutions
in
this
transitory
World
.
Such
a
Book
was
so
necessary
and
requisite
,
that
it
would
grieve
any
good
Christian
at
the
very
heart
,
who
is
solicitous
for
the
Church
,
to
want
such
a
Load-star
or
Cynosura
.
6.
To
the
sixth
I
answer
,
That
these
crowned
Elders
,
though
they
be
prefigurative
also
of
the
Millennial
Kings
or
Monarchs
,
they
are
here
some
principal
Angels
of
the
spiritual
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
in
Heaven
.
And
why
may
not
such
an
Angel
be
thought
to
be
wiser
than
John
,
and
able
to
instruct
him
.
There
is
nothing
incongruous
or
indecorous
in
this
Dramatical
passage
,
and
John
was
called
up
into
Heaven
to
be
instructed
by
his
Betters
.
This
celestial
Actor
may
well
be
conceived
to
know
how
the
Scene
would
go
,
though
John
in
the
mean
time
was
as
yet
ignorant
thereof
.
7.
To
the
seventh
.
Truly
this
is
a
very
curious
Question
,
if
it
imply
that
one
should
declare
who
this
crowned
Elder
was
by
Name
.
It
is
sufficient
to
say
it
was
one
of
the
Elders
that
was
next
him
,
and
so
most
conveniently
placed
to
instruct
John
,
and
comfort
him
upon
his
weeping
,
and
so
take
that
kue
to
carry
on
this
Divine
Scene
from
v.
4.
to
v.
8.
till
the
slain
Lamb
had
taken
the
Book
out
of
the
hand
of
him
that
sate
on
the
Throne
,
and
had
obtained
power
to
open
it
.
By
which
no
Event
is
prefigured
that
was
to
come
to
pass
some
Ages
after
John's
receiving
the
Apocalypse
,
but
it
is
only
signified
in
this
pompous
Dramatical
way
,
That
this
Book-Prophecy
is
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
which
God
gave
him
,
and
which
he
imparted
to
his
Servant
John
.
So
that
the
curiosity
of
naming
the
Party
whom
this
Elder
may
prefigure
,
vanisheth
.
8.
To
the
eighth
I
say
,
Those
that
are
set
so
near
the
Throne
of
God
are
Members
of
his
spiritual
or
Angelical
Kingdom
in
Heaven
,
but
prefigurative
withal
of
his
Millennial
Kingdom
on
Earth
,
which
is
the
main
scope
of
his
Providence
over
his
Church
,
that
it
shall
at
last
come
to
pass
,
that
the
Heavenly
Jerusalem
in
Image
and
Resemblance
shall
descend
from
God
on
this
Earth
,
and
his
Tabernacle
be
with
men
.
And
therefore
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
is
here
so
represented
,
that
it
may
also
prefigure
the
State
of
the
Church
under
the
New
Jerusalem
,
as
the
other
Introductory
Visions
have
some
glances
or
more
general
strokes
at
Prophetick
Events
in
some
passages
.
And
now
for
the
new
Song
sung
by
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four
Elders
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Dignus
es
qui
acciperes
,
Thou
wert
worthy
to
receive
the
Book
(
for
so
the
Original
is
interpretable
)
and
to
open
the
Seals
thereof
;
for
thou
wast
slain
,
and
hast
redeemed
us
to
God
,
and
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
to
reign
upon
Earth
:
This
new
Song
is
prefigurative
of
the
Joy
and
Happiness
of
that
State
of
the
Church
,
of
which
it
is
said
,
Apoc.
21.5
.
Behold
,
I
make
all
things
new
,
which
is
the
New
Jerusalem
state
.
In
which
there
will
be
such
triumphant
Praises
sung
unto
the
Lamb
,
when
it
will
be
so
evident
he
has
carried
his
Church
safe
,
for
whom
he
gave
his
Life
and
Blood
,
through
all
the
predicted
conditions
thereof
,
and
at
last
has
placed
them
in
that
happy
and
glorious
Millennial
State
by
his
faithful
Conduct
,
Wisdom
and
Power
.
Which
are
included
in
the
Faculty
granted
him
by
his
Father
of
opening
the
Seals
of
the
Book
,
as
I
have
noted
elsewhere
.
And
whenas
presently
afterwards
the
whole
Universe
is
made
to
ring
with
a
loud
Doxology
from
numerous
Quires
of
Angels
and
of
all
Creatures
in
Heaven
and
Earth
and
under
the
Earth
,
and
such
as
are
in
the
Sea
,
and
all
that
are
in
them
,
to
him
that
sits
upon
the
Throne
,
and
unto
the
Lamb
,
to
what
times
possibly
can
this
belong
but
to
the
holy
,
happy
and
glorious
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
in
his
Saints
upon
Earth
?
The
Song
of
the
twenty
four
Elders
and
four
Beasts
prefigure
the
Joy
of
the
Millennial
Monarchs
and
People
,
that
of
the
Angels
the
Joy
of
the
Angels
in
Heaven
at
this
flourishing
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
and
that
of
the
rest
of
the
Creatures
the
Conviction
of
all
the
World
,
that
the
Lord
Jesus
was
no
less
than
he
declared
himself
to
be
,
the
Son
of
God
and
Saviour
of
the
World
,
to
whom
the
Father
had
given
all
Power
in
Heaven
and
Earth
,
of
which
this
Millennial
State
of
the
Church
is
a
most
illustrious
and
glorious
Effect
filling
all
the
World
with
wonder
and
amazement
.
And
this
I
hope
may
satisfie
the
eighth
Query
.
9.
Ninthly
,
To
the
ninth
Allegation
I
answer
,
That
the
Doxology
of
the
Angelical
Quires
does
prefigure
the
Joy
of
Angels
in
Heaven
for
that
blessed
condition
of
the
Church
in
the
New
Jerusalem
state
on
Earth
.
So
that
though
this
Vision
which
is
a
Representation
of
the
glory
of
the
God
of
Israel
in
his
Spiritual
or
Angelical
Kingdom
,
in
the
Dramatical
frame
of
things
,
is
so
contrived
,
that
the
four
and
twenty
crowned
Elders
and
four
Beasts
prefigure
also
the
Monarchs
and
People
of
the
Millennium
,
yet
there
are
left
numerous
Quires
of
Angels
in
counterdistinction
to
these
to
signifie
Angels
literally
so
called
,
and
the
Song
is
to
signifie
their
Joy
at
this
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
.
Nor
has
that
strong
Angel
that
makes
the
Proclamation
any
other
sense
than
so
,
that
he
was
one
of
the
Angelical
Retinue
of
the
God
of
Israel
in
Heaven
.
Nor
is
that
Rule
of
interpreting
Angels
of
men
in
the
Apocalypse
universally
true
,
I
am
sure
not
in
the
Introductory
Visions
.
The
word
Angel
occurs
in
several
places
of
the
Introductory
Visions
where
it
stands
for
an
Angel
literally
so
called
,
not
for
a
man
,
to
say
nothing
of
other
places
.
So
little
force
has
this
ninth
Allegation
.
10.
And
lastly
for
the
tenth
,
which
urges
,
That
if
there
had
been
any
such
universal
Doxology
to
Him
that
sits
on
the
Throne
and
to
the
Lamb
after
he
had
taken
the
Book
,
that
there
would
have
been
some
traces
or
footsteps
of
it
in
History
.
To
this
I
answer
,
That
it
is
a
marvellous
groundless
conceit
and
expectation
,
that
what
is
here
Parabolically
and
Dramatically
set
down
only
to
express
that
Joy
and
Happiness
which
would
redound
to
the
whole
Creation
from
Christ's
being
invested
with
this
Power
of
opening
the
seven-sealed
Book
,
that
is
,
to
be
enabled
both
to
foretel
and
guide
the
affairs
of
his
Church
so
,
as
that
the
state
thereof
will
be
so
glorious
and
prosperous
at
last
here
upon
Earth
,
that
all
the
World
will
be
convinced
of
his
stupendious
Foresight
,
Wisdom
and
Power
:
that
therefore
there
shall
be
such
an
universal
Te
Deum
—
sung
to
him
throughout
the
whole
Universe
at
once
,
so
that
the
Solemnity
might
be
recorded
in
History
.
This
is
not
the
meaning
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
.
And
besides
if
it
were
,
the
time
is
not
yet
come
when
this
is
to
be
.
For
such
expressions
as
these
can
suit
with
no
meaner
State
of
the
Church
on
the
Earth
,
than
that
of
the
Millennial
Reign
;
when
the
four
and
twenty
Millennial
Monarchs
including
both
the
Jewish
and
Gentile
Sovereigns
or
Princes
,
may
seasonably
sing
this
Song
,
Thou
hast
redeemed
us
with
thy
blood
,
and
made
us
Kings
and
Priests
,
and
we
shall
reign
upon
Earth
,
viz.
in
Christ's
Millennial
Empire
.
But
to
expect
Records
of
such
a
Doxology
in
History
before
the
Doxology
has
been
,
is
a
great
Incongruity
.
Wherefore
I
hope
any
indifferent
eye
may
easily
discern
,
that
notwithstanding
all
these
ten
Allegations
,
my
Exposition
of
this
Vision
,
comprized
in
the
fourth
and
fifth
Chapters
of
the
Apocalypse
,
is
unexceptionably
true
.
CHAP.
XXXV
.
Three
Objections
from
a
considerate
hand
.
The
first
against
our
making
the
three
Times
and
an
Half
,
the
forty
two
months
and
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
to
be
the
same
time
.
The
second
,
against
oun
affirming
the
Euphratean
Horsemen
to
have
subdued
the
Eastern
Roman
Empire
with
Fire-Guns
.
The
last
,
against
our
making
the
Aegyptian
year
to
consist
only
of
three
hundred
and
sixty
days
in
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
,
but
in
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
,
of
three
hundred
and
sixty
five
:
with
Answers
to
all
three
.
THE
first
Objection
.
Every
day
in
the
forty
two
months
signifying
a
year
,
makes
in
the
whole
twelve
hundred
seventy
seven
years
at
least
,
there
being
really
in
every
year
(
not
three
hundred
and
sixty
,
but
)
three
hundred
and
sixty
five
days
.
This
seems
to
make
the
three
Times
and
an
Half
or
forty
two
months
and
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
not
to
be
the
same
.
Answ.
That
the
forty
two
months
are
Aegyptian
Months
,
and
consist
of
just
thirty
days
apiece
,
is
manifest
,
in
that
thirty
times
forty
two
make
just
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
.
And
these
days
and
those
months
are
the
time
of
the
mourning
of
the
Witnesses
and
of
that
which
all
along
occasions
their
mourning
,
viz.
the
outer
Court
being
trodden
down
by
the
Gentiles
,
which
is
a
plain
indication
that
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
are
a
note
of
no
more
nor
less
time
than
the
forty
two
months
,
and
that
therefore
they
must
be
Aegyptian
Months
.
And
as
it
is
plain
that
the
months
are
Aegyptian
,
so
we
must
conceive
that
the
years
in
the
three
Times
and
an
Half
are
so
many
Aegyptian
years
and
an
half
consisting
of
Aegyptian
Months
,
which
therefore
make
,
each
of
them
,
three
hundred
and
sixty
days
.
See
Rev.
Chap.
12.
v.
6
,
14.
This
is
their
solid
Year
consisting
of
so
many
months
,
to
which
they
add
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
they
are
called
,
the
Dies
adjectitii
,
which
are
five
,
which
here
the
Spirit
of
Prophecy
takes
no
notice
of
,
but
resolving
the
forty
two
Aegyptian
months
,
which
is
three
solid
Aegyptian
Years
and
an
half
,
into
just
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
,
shows
that
no
more
years
than
so
are
to
be
understood
thereby
.
And
this
not
respecting
at
all
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
five
adjectitious
days
in
this
Compute
of
the
Time
of
the
Medial
Visions
(
all
which
synchronize
one
with
another
)
complies
excellently
well
with
that
Truth
which
I
have
made
out
,
viz.
That
the
eventual
measure
of
the
Medial
Visions
is
not
a
Year
(
which
has
been
thought
hitherto
so
to
be
)
but
a
Semi-time
,
in
respect
of
which
seventeen
years
or
more
is
not
at
all
considerable
.
So
that
there
was
no
need
of
being
so
precise
as
to
take
the
Dies
adjectitii
into
the
Reckoning
,
and
so
to
make
the
whole
twelve
hundred
and
seventy
seven
years
at
least
,
as
you
would
infer
.
Wherefore
though
every
day
in
the
forty
two
months
stands
for
a
year
,
yet
these
months
being
Aegyptian
months
,
and
consisting
of
just
thirty
days
apiece
,
and
there
is
the
same
reason
of
the
three
Times
and
an
Half
,
it
will
not
amount
to
twelve
hundred
and
seventy
seven
,
but
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
years
only
.
2.
Object
.
In
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
,
pag.
91.
the
Turks
are
said
to
invade
the
Roman
Empire
An.
Dom.
1289.
subduing
them
with
Fire-Guns
,
&c.
(
Chap.
9.
v.
18.
)
which
is
ninety
one
years
before
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
is
said
to
be
made
known
to
the
World
,
viz.
An.
Dom.
1380.
Notes
on
v.
17.
pag.
92.
Answ.
The
words
in
the
Text
,
Chap.
9.
v.
18.
are
these
.
By
these
were
the
third
part
of
men
killed
by
the
Fire
and
by
the
Smoak
,
&c.
that
is
to
say
,
whenas
the
Saracens
vexed
the
Roman
Empire
,
but
could
not
utterly
subdue
it
,
and
so
seize
on
it
and
possess
it
,
the
Turks
quite
vanquished
it
,
viz.
the
Eastern
Empire
by
those
Fire-Guns
in
the
taking
of
Constantinople
,
and
so
seizing
on
the
whole
Eastern
Empire
,
which
they
have
done
for
so
long
a
time
.
So
that
the
Prophecy
seems
to
respect
those
times
more
especially
when
Constantinople
was
taken
,
as
appears
from
v.
15.
also
.
And
the
Angels
were
loosed
which
were
prepared
for
an
hour
and
a
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
for
to
slay
the
third
part
of
men
,
that
is
,
utterly
to
subdue
them
,
and
to
seize
and
possess
the
Eastern
Roman
Empire
.
For
from
the
Inauguration
of
Togrulbec
by
Caliph
Chaiim
Biamrilla
to
the
year
Constantinople
was
taken
,
is
a
Prophetical
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
,
that
is
,
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
.
And
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
in
that
taking
of
Constantinople
is
notorious
,
as
you
may
see
in
Laonicus
Chalcocondylas
De
Rebus
Turcicis
,
one
of
the
Byzantine
Historians
,
lib.
7.
who
there
makes
mention
of
a
Cannon
of
so
vast
a
bigness
,
that
it
was
fain
to
be
drawn
by
seventy
yoke
of
Oxen
and
two
thousand
men
.
You
may
guess
at
the
rest
by
this
as
to
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
in
the
killing
the
third
part
of
men
.
And
the
vast
number
that
is
said
to
be
at
this
Siege
,
v.
16.
two
hundred
thousand
thousand
,
I
say
by
this
definite
vast
number
is
understood
an
huge
indefinite
number
;
as
indeed
there
was
at
the
Siege
of
this
one
City
,
viz.
about
four
hundred
thousand
,
as
Laonicus
Chalcocondylas
sets
it
down
in
the
same
place
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
is
another
intimation
that
the
Prophecy
has
an
eye
to
this
famous
Siege
.
But
this
only
by
the
bye
.
Wherefore
the
Prophecy
pointing
chiefly
at
this
Atchievement
of
the
Turks
,
there
is
no
necessity
at
all
that
the
Turks
should
be
conceived
to
have
had
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
from
their
very
first
irruption
into
the
Empire
.
And
though
their
irruption
was
ninety
one
years
before
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
,
yet
it
was
above
seventy
years
before
the
Turks
took
Constantinople
,
that
the
use
of
Fire-Guns
was
known
in
War
.
And
if
Zieglerus
his
account
be
as
Authentick
as
Alstedius
his
,
which
for
ought
I
know
it
may
be
,
that
German
invention
of
Guns
was
about
the
year
1354.
and
then
the
use
of
Guns
will
be
an
hundred
years
before
the
Turks
took
Constantinople
.
Nor
is
it
requisite
in
the
Prophetick
Representations
of
any
Body
Politick
,
that
those
Characters
it
is
set
out
by
be
every
one
of
them
of
the
same
continuance
with
the
said
Body
,
but
that
they
be
notorious
and
of
a
Characteristick
nature
,
and
such
as
tends
to
the
assuring
the
sense
of
the
Vision
.
An
Observation
so
obviously
true
,
that
I
need
not
at
all
insist
thereon
:
which
alone
may
serve
to
take
away
this
scruple
.
3.
Object
.
In
the
359.
page
of
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
the
number
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
varied
into
forty
two
months
,
makes
three
hundred
and
sixty
days
to
each
year
;
but
in
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
,
pag.
87.
the
year
is
three
hundred
sixty
five
,
the
Prophetick
day
,
month
and
year
being
there
accounted
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
.
The
reason
of
this
difference
I
understand
not
.
Answ.
Here
again
the
account
is
Aegyptian
,
because
it
is
taken
for
granted
,
that
the
month
is
just
thirty
days
.
And
the
Aegyptian
year
here
has
its
full
extent
,
that
is
,
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
five
adjectious
days
are
added
to
the
thirteen
Aegyptian
months
(
which
make
just
three
hundred
ninety
days
)
so
that
the
whole
is
three
hundred
ninety
five
days
,
to
which
adding
the
odd
day
,
the
summ
is
three
hundred
ninety
six
Prophetical
days
,
that
is
to
say
,
years
.
But
the
pinch
of
the
scruple
is
this
,
Why
should
the
full
Aegyptian
year
be
made
use
of
here
,
and
take
in
the
five
adjectitious
days
,
when
only
the
twelve
Aegyptian
months
is
the
solid
year
in
that
place
of
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
here
noted
,
leaving
out
the
five
adjectitious
Days
?
But
the
reason
of
this
is
obvious
enough
.
For
here
the
Spirit
of
Prophecy
intended
to
foretel
an
Event
,
viz.
the
taking
of
Constantinople
to
the
preciseness
of
a
year
,
as
is
plainly
insinuated
by
the
mentioning
a
single
day
,
and
therefore
there
was
a
necessity
of
computing
the
time
,
not
by
thirteen
months
and
a
day
,
but
by
a
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
,
including
all
the
days
therein
,
the
five
adjectitious
days
not
excepted
.
But
,
as
was
noted
in
my
Answer
to
the
first
Objection
,
the
Eventual
measure
or
Vnite
in
computing
the
Time
of
the
Medial
Visions
being
not
a
year
,
but
an
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
which
is
equivalent
to
an
hundred
eighty
years
,
it
was
to
no
purpose
to
have
any
regard
to
the
five
adjectitious
days
in
the
Aegyptian
year
,
in
that
case
seventeen
years
being
inconsiderable
when
the
Eventual
measure
or
Vnite
is
an
Hexamenon
or
Hacatonogdoconthemeron
.
Therefore
the
comparing
of
these
two
places
together
does
the
more
confirm
what
I
said
in
my
Answer
to
the
first
Objection
:
That
the
eventual
Measure
of
the
Medial
Visions
,
or
Eventual
Vnite
,
in
which
,
if
the
Vision
be
fulfilled
,
the
Prediction
is
sufficiently
verified
,
is
not
a
Year
,
but
a
Semi-time
,
or
an
Hecatonogdoconthemeron
,
the
space
of
an
hundred
eighty
years
.
CHAP.
XXXVI
.
A
fourth
Objection
from
the
same
hand
,
against
that
Conjecture
from
Dan.
11.45
.
of
the
peril
of
Rome
's
being
some
time
taken
by
the
Turk
,
as
being
inconsistent
with
the
expiration
of
the
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
of
the
Turks
Commission
to
kill
the
third
part
of
men
,
which
is
to
expire
this
year
1685.
the
year
after
this
Objection
was
sent
.
The
Answer
thereto
.
THIS
fourth
Objection
is
this
,
The
four
Angels
which
are
loosed
(
Chap.
9.
v.
15.
)
An.
Dom.
1289.
pag.
91.
and
prepared
(
or
as
it
seems
to
me
commissioned
)
only
for
an
hour
and
a
day
and
a
month
and
a
year
(
viz.
for
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
pag.
87.
)
to
slay
the
third
part
of
men
,
will
have
their
Commission
expire
An.
Dom.
1685.
and
then
it
is
unlikely
that
the
Turk
will
plant
the
Tabernacle
of
his
Palace
,
&c.
in
Rome
,
Dan.
11.
v.
45.
For
it
seems
to
me
,
that
their
being
prepared
for
so
long
a
time
implies
,
that
at
the
Expiration
of
that
time
,
the
power
given
them
to
kill
the
third
part
of
men
,
will
expire
.
Answ.
This
Objection
looks
handsomly
and
ingeniously
on
't
at
the
first
sight
,
and
it
is
a
very
desirable
thing
to
us
Christians
that
it
should
be
solid
and
true
.
But
the
grounds
thereof
I
conceive
are
not
firm
:
For
it
only
supposes
,
does
not
prove
that
the
loosing
the
four
Angels
,
An.
Dom.
1289.
is
the
precedent
year
to
the
Epocha
of
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
at
the
ending
whereof
they
shall
have
slain
the
third
part
of
men
.
For
first
,
though
three
hundred
ninety
six
added
to
twelve
hundred
eighty
nine
make
sixteen
hundred
eighty
five
,
yet
it
is
a
precarious
business
to
place
the
Epocha
of
the
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
after
,
and
not
in
the
very
Year
1289.
Moreover
,
if
the
Year
1289.
be
the
Epocha
of
the
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
the
Turks
will
have
done
their
business
of
slaying
the
third
part
of
men
,
that
is
,
of
abolishing
the
Eastern
Roman
Empire
,
quite
vanquishing
it
and
possessing
it
to
themselves
,
and
utterly
extinguishing
the
Succession
of
the
Constantinopolitan
Emperours
above
two
hundred
years
before
the
Expiration
of
these
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
wherein
they
were
to
do
the
Feat
.
Whence
there
is
a
necessity
of
taking
Mr.
Mede's
Epocha
,
viz.
the
year
of
Togrulbec's
Inauguration
by
Chaiim
Biamrilla
into
the
Turkish
Empire
.
And
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
being
a
Participle
of
the
Preterperfect
tense
,
and
signifying
as
much
as
,
[
having
been
prepared
]
that
intimates
that
the
loosing
them
is
after
their
being
prepared
,
and
respects
the
time
of
their
being
bound
in
the
great
River
Euphrates
,
there
forth-coming
and
in
readiness
,
being
once
loosed
to
slay
the
third
part
of
men
at
the
time
appointed
,
viz.
at
the
Expiration
of
the
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
which
commence
from
the
Inauguration
of
Togrulbec
,
and
therefore
terminate
in
the
taking
of
Constantinople
,
and
so
extinguishing
the
Eastern
Roman
Empire
and
Succession
of
the
Constantinopolitan
Emperours
.
Togrulbec
was
inaugurated
Emperour
of
the
Turks
in
the
Year
1057.
and
the
Angels
let
loose
in
the
Year
1289.
so
that
the
time
of
their
being
bound
in
the
River
Euphrates
is
two
hundred
thirty
two
years
.
All
which
time
they
were
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
forth-coming
or
in
readiness
after
they
were
once
loosed
,
to
slay
the
third
part
of
men
at
the
Expiration
of
the
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
,
commencing
from
their
first
being
bound
,
or
indeed
from
their
first
being
a
Turkish
Kingdom
upon
the
Inauguration
of
Togrulbec
or
Tangrolipix
,
as
others
call
him
.
This
is
the
genuine
sense
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
this
place
.
But
there
is
no
Example
in
any
Greek
Author
,
that
I
know
,
where
it
signifies
Commissioned
.
And
if
it
did
,
and
this
Commission
commenced
with
the
loosing
of
the
Angels
in
the
Year
1289.
whenas
Constantinople
was
taken
in
the
Year
1453.
they
must
then
have
executed
their
Commission
above
two
hundred
years
before
they
had
Commission
so
to
do
,
as
I
noted
above
.
Add
unto
all
this
,
if
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
could
signifie
Commissioned
,
viz.
to
slay
the
third
part
of
men
for
three
hundred
ninety
six
years
only
,
it
does
not
at
all
thence
follow
,
that
when
they
have
slain
,
that
is
,
quite
vanquished
the
Eastern
Empire
,
and
seized
on
it
,
that
they
may
possess
it
no
longer
than
so
,
but
on
the
contrary
it
seems
improbable
but
that
they
should
enjoy
the
possession
of
it
some
considerable
time
.
And
I
must
confess
I
find
no
limitation
of
their
time
in
the
Visions
but
that
it
may
reach
into
the
seventh
Vial
,
when
they
with
other
Nations
will
be
vanquished
by
the
Army
of
that
Divine
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
with
a
Sword
coming
out
of
his
mouth
.
And
the
Turks
,
according
to
the
general
consent
of
the
best
Interpreters
,
are
concerned
in
the
sixth
Vial
,
which
is
next
to
the
seventh
.
And
most
certainly
the
Exitus
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
as
being
past
at
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
,
does
not
terminate
the
Turkish
Empire
:
But
the
entire
Visum
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
is
the
Turks
vanquishing
and
possessing
themselves
of
the
Eastern
Roman
Empire
,
and
the
general
Impenitence
of
the
Western
thereupon
.
Which
general
Impenitence
ceased
to
be
in
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
and
partial
Fall
of
the
great
City
,
which
is
the
Close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
as
is
evident
Apoc.
11.14
.
Whence
we
see
,
that
the
killing
of
the
third
part
of
men
was
past
before
that
,
as
appears
from
Chap.
9.
v.
18
,
20.
and
the
supposed
Commission
executed
and
expired
before
the
Reformation
.
So
that
the
Turks
have
continued
about
the
matter
of
an
hundred
years
from
the
Exitus
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
already
,
and
how
much
longer
they
may
continue
,
God
alone
knows
.
And
therefore
for
any
thing
hence
appears
,
the
Turk
may
some
time
plant
the
Tabernacle
of
his
Palace
in
Rome
,
according
to
what
I
have
declared
,
but
yet
only
by
way
of
a
rational
Conjecture
upon
Dan.
11.
v.
45.
But
whether
the
Conjecture
be
really
true
,
Time
alone
can
discover
.
A
general
Repentance
of
those
sins
that
are
charged
upon
the
Western
Empire
,
Rev.
Chap.
9.
v.
20
,
21.
why
may
it
not
prevent
so
great
a
Judgment
?
and
I
wish
the
experiment
were
tryed
.
For
surely
it
must
be
very
acceptable
to
the
God
of
Truth
and
Mercy
,
that
those
that
profess
to
worship
him
,
abstain
from
Idolatry
and
the
Effusion
of
innocent
Blood
.
CHAP.
XXXVII
.
Why
the
Author
of
the
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
did
only
take
up
as
an
Hypothesis
,
but
not
formally
prove
[
that
when
there
is
any
promise
or
threatning
before
the
Epiphonema
in
the
Epistles
to
the
seven
Churches
,
it
indicates
things
Political
touching
the
State
on
Earth
;
but
if
placed
after
the
Epiphonema
,
an
invisible
State
or
Concerns
of
the
other
World
]
and
yet
adventured
to
argue
therefrom
.
THIS
mentioned
,
in
the
Argument
,
I
must
confess
is
taken
up
as
an
Hypothesis
,
nor
did
I
ever
go
about
to
prove
it
,
the
fitness
of
the
application
of
it
proving
it self
to
be
a
true
Hypothesis
,
that
is
,
not
a
mere
Hypothesis
,
but
a
real
Truth
.
And
what
way
was
there
to
prove
it
but
by
Induction
,
advertising
it
was
true
in
every
part
?
Which
I
will
now
intimate
to
make
a
supply
for
the
former
defect
.
And
first
we
will
consider
those
promises
that
come
after
the
Epiphonema
,
they
being
the
fewest
,
and
respecting
only
the
three
first
Epistles
.
It
is
evident
,
that
the
Promise
after
the
Epiphonema
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Ephesine
Church
[
I
will
give
to
eat
of
the
Tree
of
Life
which
is
in
the
midst
of
the
Paradise
of
God
]
is
understood
of
the
state
of
the
other
Life
,
viz.
of
Heaven
,
as
is
manifest
from
Luke
23.43
.
and
2
Cor.
12.4
.
And
so
the
promise
after
the
Epiphonema
,
to
the
Church
in
Smyrna
[
Shall
not
be
hurt
by
the
second
Death
]
this
is
plainly
a
promise
of
being
made
partakers
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
as
appears
from
Apoc.
Chap.
20.6
.
And
it
is
the
sense
of
the
Primitive
Church
on
this
place
,
as
you
may
see
in
Mr.
Mede
.
And
so
respects
the
state
of
the
other
life
.
And
lastly
,
the
promise
to
the
Church
in
Pergamus
after
the
Epiphonema
,
it
is
plain
it
is
not
of
a
visible
and
Political
nature
,
but
of
things
invisible
,
viz.
[
to
eat
of
the
hidden
Manna
]
and
[
to
receive
a
white
Stone
and
a
new
Name
therein
written
,
which
no
man
knoweth
,
saving
he
that
receiveth
it
]
This
is
no
Political
or
visible
State
,
but
spiritual
and
invisible
.
So
that
the
Induction
is
full
and
firm
touching
the
Promises
after
the
Epiphonema
,
so
far
as
they
go
.
And
these
immediately
following
the
Epiphonema
,
being
of
an
invisible
and
spiritual
nature
,
it
is
a
fair
hint
that
those
that
immediately
precede
should
be
of
a
visible
nature
and
Political
,
and
that
as
well
in
the
rest
of
the
Epistles
as
the
three
first
.
But
we
shall
make
it
good
in
every
one
of
them
.
Now
therefore
for
that
Threatning
to
the
Church
in
Ephesus
[
I
will
remove
thy
Candlestick
out
of
its
place
]
All
Interpreters
agree
that
it
concerns
the
visible
State
of
the
Church
,
as
it
is
manifest
that
Candlestick
signifies
the
Church
.
And
it
is
as
easie
and
natural
an
Interpretation
of
[
to
be
removed
out
of
its
place
]
to
be
moved
from
the
state
and
condition
it
was
in
,
namely
,
of
peace
and
rest
to
that
of
trouble
and
persecution
.
Which
Commination
was
made
good
in
the
very
next
Interval
.
The
Church
in
Smyrna
being
exercised
with
no
less
than
ten
Persecutions
.
And
so
that
promise
to
the
Church
in
Smyrna
that
precedes
the
Epiphonema
[
I
will
give
thee
the
Crown
of
life
]
Forasmuch
as
it
corresponds
so
well
with
the
Crown
that
is
given
to
the
Rider
of
the
white
Horse
under
the
first
Seal
,
which
is
the
Imperial
Crown
,
and
this
promise
was
made
good
in
the
very
next
Interval
the
Pergamenian
when
Constantine
turned
Christian
,
and
seeing
it
would
imply
a
needless
Tautology
,
if
it
were
understood
of
an
Heavenly
Crown
,
that
being
promised
after
the
Epiphonema
in
the
promise
of
partaking
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
or
not
being
hurt
by
the
second
Death
,
which
intimates
the
same
,
this
may
assure
any
unprejudiced
Reader
,
that
the
promise
of
the
Crown
of
Life
here
placed
before
the
Epiphonema
signifies
Politically
.
As
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Church
in
Thyatira
the
promise
before
the
Epiphonema
is
most
evidently
Political
,
viz.
[
Power
over
the
Nations
to
rule
them
with
a
rod
of
iron
]
And
[
the
Morning-star
]
in
the
Prophetick
Stile
signifies
also
Political
Sovereignty
.
And
in
the
promises
to
the
Church
in
Philadelphia
before
the
Epiphonema
,
they
are
all
along
Political
and
visible
.
As
that
of
the
Synagogue
of
Satan
worshipping
before
her
feet
.
The
Caution
also
,
that
no
man
take
her
Crown
,
that
Political
Sovereignty
intended
for
her
.
And
her
being
a
Pillar
in
the
Temple
of
God
,
&c.
intimates
a
permanent
visible
State
of
that
Church
,
and
the
Name
of
the
City
of
my
God
the
New
Jerusalem
;
is
a
most
manifest
indication
of
a
Political
sense
indeed
.
Wherefore
it
being
so
evident
in
these
four
,
Ephesus
,
Smyrna
,
Thyatira
and
Philadelphia
,
that
the
Threatning
and
Promises
are
of
a
nature
Political
and
visible
that
precede
the
Epiphonema
,
if
the
Threatning
or
Promises
in
the
other
three
will
bear
this
sense
,
we
are
in
all
reason
to
conclude
,
that
such
a
sense
belongs
unto
them
.
Wherefore
that
Threatning
to
the
Church
in
Pergamus
[
I
will
come
unto
thee
quickly
]
according
to
that
most
constant
tenour
of
the
sense
before
the
Epiphonema
,
must
fignifie
some
visible
and
external
dealing
with
those
in
the
Church
of
Pergamus
here
blamed
and
threatned
severely
,
but
conjoined
with
a
Commination
also
against
the
Enemies
of
the
True
Church
,
or
against
the
False
one
the
Baalamites
.
The
fighting
against
whom
with
the
Sword
of
his
mouth
(
which
is
the
Word
of
God
convincingly
preached
)
is
the
attacquing
and
fetching
off
whole
Nations
by
the
preaching
of
the
Word
(
which
is
that
Sword
of
the
Spirit
)
from
the
Baalamitish
Church
to
the
pure
Faith
of
Christ
,
which
accordingly
came
to
pass
in
the
next
Interval
.
In
which
this
fighting
with
the
Sword
of
his
mouth
continued
so
much
in
earnest
,
that
in
the
close
it
cut
off
whole
Kingdoms
from
the
Idolatrous
Church
of
Rome
.
So
well
is
the
Political
sense
of
these
Threatnings
verified
by
the
Event
.
See
my
Exposition
on
Chap.
2.
v.
16.
And
now
for
the
Promises
to
those
few
Names
in
Sardis
of
being
[
cloathed
in
white
raiment
]
That
that
Phrase
signifies
prosperous
success
in
affairs
in
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
is
a
thing
undoubted
;
and
so
he
that
overcometh
[
the
not
blotting
out
his
Name
out
of
the
Book
of
Life
]
is
the
like
indication
of
the
continuance
and
increase
of
those
few
Names
,
or
pure
and
unspotted
Christians
,
till
they
emerge
into
the
Name
of
the
Philadelphian
Church
,
nay
of
the
New
Jerusalem
it self
,
not
extinct
,
though
disguised
at
the
last
under
the
Name
of
Laodicea
,
which
lasteth
even
to
the
very
Conflagration
.
And
this
I
think
is
a
sufficient
completion
of
this
Promise
of
[
not
being
blotted
out
of
the
Book
of
Life
]
in
such
a
sense
as
the
Imperial
Crown
promised
to
the
Church
in
Smyrna
is
called
the
Crown
of
Life
,
signifying
their
security
from
the
Persecutions
of
the
red
Dragon
,
and
here
the
prosperity
and
security
of
the
Church
(
whose
seed
were
those
few
Names
in
Sardis
)
from
all
their
Enemies
,
even
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
Gog
and
Magog
being
not
able
to
take
the
holy
City
.
Such
shall
be
the
success
of
those
few
Names
in
Sardis
,
for
which
they
are
also
in
a
more
special
manner
recommended
to
God
by
Christ
,
and
to
the
Ministry
of
his
holy
Angels
.
And
from
whom
but
these
can
the
Philadelphian
Church
and
New
Jerusalem
spring
?
So
easie
and
natural
is
the
application
of
those
Promises
made
to
these
few
Names
in
Sardis
to
an
external
and
Political
sense
.
Whence
we
may
be
sure
that
that
is
the
sense
here
as
well
as
in
other
such
like
Promises
in
the
other
Epistles
before
the
Epiphonema
.
And
now
lastly
,
For
the
Promise
to
him
that
overcomes
in
the
Church
of
Laodicea
,
viz.
That
he
shall
sit
down
with
Christ
in
his
Throne
,
&c.
That
this
Promise
is
of
a
nature
external
and
Political
,
or
hugely
akin
to
it
,
is
plain
from
hence
,
that
the
performance
thereof
will
be
at
that
general
visible
and
indeed
most
illustrious
Assizes
,
when
there
will
be
the
Appearance
of
all
the
dead
before
the
Tribunal
of
Christ
,
and
the
Saints
as
Co-assessours
with
Christ
shall
in
their
Thrones
judge
the
lapsed
Angels
.
So
that
though
I
have
argued
from
the
above-mentioned
Hypothesis
,
as
then
seeming
but
an
Hypothesis
,
yet
the
obvious
Applicability
thereof
to
the
explaining
these
Epistles
,
and
the
now
distinct
proof
that
it
is
a
true
Hypothesis
,
or
a
real
Truth
,
shows
that
it
is
a
safe
Topick
to
argue
from
.
Which
was
the
thing
aimed
at
.
CHAP.
XXXVIII
.
Four
Objections
taken
out
of
a
Letter
of
a
learned
and
ingenious
Friend
touching
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
on
Earth
,
as
if
all
his
suffering
Adherents
should
be
rewarded
in
that
Kingdom
in
the
New
Jerusalem
;
with
Answers
thereto
.
THE
first
Objection
upon
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
,
pag.
4.
To
be
Kings
and
Priests
unto
God
signifies
as
much
as
a
Sacerdotal
Kingdom
,
as
Exod.
9.6
.
a
Kingdom
,
because
of
the
reigning
Estate
;
Sacerdotal
,
because
of
their
Priestly
Employ
;
and
in
some
places
(
as
Apoc.
20.6
.
)
because
of
the
unstainedness
of
their
condition
as
to
Externals
.
Now
it
is
acknowledged
that
there
is
a
Kingdom
designed
here
on
Earth
for
Christ
and
Christianity
,
and
there
are
a
great
many
places
that
seem
to
promise
all
his
faithful
Adherents
,
at
least
his
faithful
suffering
Adherents
,
of
all
times
,
a
share
in
the
glory
and
felicity
of
that
Kingdom-Estate
,
as
if
the
Martyrs
of
the
Primitive
Times
and
of
all
Times
should
have
a
Recompence
for
their
Sufferings
in
the
New
Jerusalem-state
of
things
,
as
Apoc.
Chap.
2.
v.
26.
where
you
acknowledge
that
the
Ruling
the
Nations
and
the
Morning-Star
are
matters
Political
.
If
these
be
confined
to
the
successive
Intervals
of
the
Church
,
the
Sardian
and
Philadelphian
Times
suppose
,
what
will
they
signifie
in
the
literal
Interpretation
?
And
pag.
23.
of
Apoc.
Apocalypseos
it
is
said
the
bright
Morning-Star
belongs
to
the
Philadelphian
Interval
,
which
is
at
a
great
distance
from
the
Thyatirian
;
how
shall
the
Martyrs
and
Confessors
in
the
Thyatirian
Interval
have
any
share
in
the
happy
Philadelphian
state
of
things
?
Or
what
will
such
a
promised
felicity
signifie
to
their
encouragement
,
wherein
not
they
,
but
their
Successors
only
of
following
times
are
to
have
an
interest
?
It
is
needless
to
mention
many
other
places
that
appertain
to
this
matter
.
But
I
could
never
untye
this
knot
of
difficulties
in
the
Apocalypse
,
that
is
,
I
could
never
conceive
it
possible
that
Christian
Sufferers
of
all
Times
and
Ages
should
partake
of
the
Jerusalem-state
of
things
,
nor
how
the
Apocalypse
can
be
interpreted
so
,
as
not
to
assert
it
.
Which
is
the
more
probable
,
because
the
Kingdom-state
,
which
is
designed
for
Christ
,
is
a
kind
of
Heavenly
Kingdom-state
upon
Earth
.
Answ.
The
New
Jerusalem-state
is
nothing
else
but
the
Triumph
of
the
truly
Apostolick
Church
emerging
into
Universal
Power
above
their
Enemies
into
undisturbed
Peace
and
an
Heavenly
Holiness
of
Conversation
here
upon
Earth
.
Which
at
last
she
will
obtain
,
and
it
is
an
encouragement
to
the
present
suffering
Martyrs
,
that
the
cause
they
suffer
for
,
will
at
last
appear
so
glorious
and
triumphant
here
on
Earth
,
while
they
in
the
mean
time
are
better
rewarded
in
Heaven
,
and
it
were
a
bidding
them
to
their
loss
to
have
them
exchange
their
Heavenly
felicity
for
this
Earthly
,
though
gloriously
flourishing
condition
.
And
lastly
,
look
but
on
the
Apostolick
Church
,
according
as
the
Prophetick
Stile
represents
it
,
as
one
continued
Body
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
,
and
all
these
promises
to
the
Pergamenian
and
Thyatirian
Sufferers
are
made
good
to
them
,
as
being
still
the
same
Body
of
the
Church
in
their
Successors
.
Nor
is
this
Heaventy
Kingdom
of
Christ
upon
Earth
otherwise
to
be
understood
Heavenly
,
than
that
the
Spirit
and
Conversation
of
Christians
in
the
New
Jerusalem-state
will
be
truly
Holy
and
Heavenly
.
So
that
I
see
no
difficulty
at
all
in
this
Point
,
if
we
rightly
conceive
the
matter
.
And
it
will
further
ease
the
Reader
's
mind
,
if
he
consider
what
I
have
writ
Chap.
20.
That
though
the
New
Jerusalem
be
a
Prophecy
of
an
excellent
State
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
yet
the
description
of
that
State
is
an
intended
Type
also
of
the
State
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
Object
.
2.
Upon
pag.
22
,
23.
To
have
power
over
the
Nations
seems
to
signifie
,
That
he
shall
be
of
Power
over
Nations
or
of
Regal
Dignity
in
that
Kingdom-estate
upon
Earth
,
which
is
designed
for
Christ
by
his
Father
,
Chap.
2.27
.
And
the
promise
of
the
Morning-Star
confirms
such
an
Interpretation
.
For
it
is
the
Star
of
Empire
,
and
the
white
Raiment
promised
Chap.
3.5
.
is
an
Ensign
of
Regal
Dignity
.
Answ.
The
ingenious
Objector
seems
to
mistake
in
the
propriety
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
which
as
in
the
Symbol
of
a
Woman
,
a
Man
or
Beast
,
does
not
intimate
one
single
Individual
,
but
a
Body
of
men
and
their
succession
,
so
by
the
single
person
[
He
]
is
not
meant
this
or
that
single
Man
,
but
the
whole
successive
Body
of
men
that
are
Overcomers
;
which
according
to
the
Prophetick
Stile
are
signified
by
this
single
person
[
He
]
Those
that
stand
out
through
Faith
and
Patience
to
the
last
in
those
Countries
where
the
Pagano-Christians
domineered
over
them
,
these
with
their
Princes
and
Rulers
will
have
the
Dominion
over
the
Pagano-Christians
,
and
will
become
the
beginning
or
commencement
of
the
great
Empire
of
Christ
.
So
far
as
the
Father
of
our
Lord
Christ
has
enlarged
his
Kingdom
in
the
Sardian
Succession
,
so
far
these
Overcomers
partake
thereof
with
him
.
And
this
Sardian
State
of
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
is
the
promised
Morning-Star
,
but
the
Jerusalem
state
the
bright
Morning-Star
.
And
lastly
,
Though
white
Raiment
may
be
a
Regal
Ensign
,
yet
it
is
most
safely
interpreted
of
prosperous
Success
,
and
may
answer
to
that
in
the
next
Epistle
,
v.
8.
Behold
,
I
have
set
before
thee
an
opened
door
,
&c.
Object
.
3.
Upon
pag.
31
,
&c.
It
is
observable
touching
the
Church
of
Philadelphia
,
that
there
are
many
passages
that
represent
her
in
a
state
of
Tryal
.
She
is
said
to
have
a
little
strength
,
and
to
have
kept
the
word
of
Christ's
Patience
,
she
is
exhorted
to
hold
fast
that
which
she
hath
,
that
she
lose
not
the
Crown
for
which
she
was
conflicting
,
she
is
exhorted
to
overcome
,
and
encouraged
to
behave
her self
heroically
.
Now
,
Sir
,
how
will
this
agree
with
the
New
Jerusalem-state
of
the
Church
?
Besides
,
it
is
promised
to
the
Philadelphians
as
a
thing
to
come
,
Chap.
3.12
.
But
it
is
more
observable
that
it
is
promised
to
the
Philadelphians
,
that
their
Christian
Champions
shall
be
Citizens
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
and
that
Christ
will
write
upon
them
his
new
Name
,
which
I
believe
you
rightly
interpret
King
of
Kings
,
&c.
This
therefore
seems
to
countenance
what
I
said
before
,
That
all
Christ's
suffering
Adherents
shall
have
a
share
of
the
New
Jerusalem-felicity
here
on
Earth
,
and
have
preferments
in
that
Kingdom-Estate
.
Which
may
seem
to
be
further
countenanced
from
the
promise
to
Laodicea
,
Chap.
3.21
.
That
they
shall
sit
with
Christ
on
his
Throne
.
Answ.
This
Objection
is
grounded
on
a
mistake
,
as
if
the
Philadelphian
Interval
and
New
Jerusalem-state
did
synchronize
.
Whenas
the
Philadelphian
Interval
begins
sooner
,
and
ends
sooner
than
the
New
Jerusalem-state
.
Wherefore
those
Exhortations
belong
to
that
part
of
the
Philadelphian
Interval
that
goes
before
the
Jerusalem-state
.
Whence
their
emerging
at
last
into
that
state
,
is
promised
to
them
as
a
thing
to
come
.
Now
as
for
their
Christian
Champions
,
&c.
as
if
it
were
understood
of
some
select
Persons
,
this
difficulty
is
grounded
upon
the
old
mistake
,
viz.
That
[
He
]
signifies
a
particular
person
,
whenas
in
the
Prophetick
sense
and
stile
it
here
signifies
the
whole
Body
of
the
faithful
Philadelphians
,
predicting
that
that
sort
of
men
,
by
their
Faith
,
Patience
and
powerful
preaching
the
Gospel
of
the
Kingdom
,
will
at
last
have
so
glorious
and
victorious
success
,
that
they
with
their
Successours
shall
bring
in
the
New
Jerusalem-state
or
Millennial
Empire
of
Christ
;
so
that
all
that
is
predicted
of
the
New
Jerusalem
shall
be
fulfilled
in
them
here
on
Earth
,
while
all
Christ's
suffering
Adherents
in
the
mean
that
are
dead
,
enjoy
themselves
in
Heaven
.
As
for
the
Promise
to
the
Laodicean
Overcomers
,
it
is
not
the
promise
of
an
Earthly
Throne
,
but
an
Heavenly
,
as
to
be
Assistents
of
Christ
coming
to
judge
the
People
,
as
the
Word
signifies
in
the
Close
of
this
Interval
of
the
Laodicean
Church
:
which
Interval
may
be
so
denominated
,
as
for
other
reasons
,
so
haply
by
way
of
Allusion
to
Ptolemy's
Laodicea
combusta
(
as
I
have
more
than
once
noted
)
the
Conflagration
closing
this
Interval
.
Object
.
4.
Notwithstanding
the
great
Learning
which
you
have
employ'd
,
Sir
,
in
the
Exposition
of
the
seven
Churches
,
it
seems
a
somewhat
lubricous
business
.
But
the
rest
of
your
Exposition
is
matter
of
much
greater
Certainty
.
But
it
is
no
disparagement
for
any
man
that
is
thus
assured
of
the
truth
and
meaning
of
the
Apocalypse
,
as
to
the
main
purport
of
it
,
to
acknowledge
there
is
great
difficulty
in
interpreting
several
particular
passages
.
Touching
the
New
Jerusalem
I
cannot
but
observe
,
that
there
are
a
great
many
passages
in
the
Apocalypse
which
seem
to
argue
the
time
will
come
,
when
God
and
the
Son
of
God
will
hold
his
Estate
and
Court
here
upon
Earth
.
Which
how
strange
soever
it
may
seem
;
is
not
so
strange
as
that
the
Son
of
God
should
be
crucified
here
upon
Earth
.
And
if
this
Hypothesis
might
be
thought
solid
and
well
grounded
,
all
the
passages
of
this
Book
aforementioned
and
many
more
,
would
be
sufficiently
clear
,
and
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
in
the
two
last
Chapters
would
be
easily
intelligible
,
which
I
think
cannot
be
well
understood
without
it
.
These
places
,
Rev.
21.
v.
3
,
4
,
5
,
6
,
12
,
13
,
15.
and
Chap.
22.
v.
3
,
4
,
5
,
6
,
14
,
15.
sound
this
way
,
at
such
a
rate
,
that
they
almost
force
me
,
whether
I
will
or
no
,
to
believe
some
such
thing
.
But
how
far
and
in
what
manner
these
things
may
be
true
,
may
be
troublesom
to
conceive
.
Answ.
This
business
would
not
seem
so
lubricous
to
the
learned
Objector
,
if
his
Reason
and
Phancy
was
but
once
well
inured
to
that
Figure
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
,
which
we
call
Henopoeia
,
which
takes
not
place
only
in
a
Man
,
Woman
or
Beast
,
made
the
Symbols
of
some
Society
or
Body
Politick
:
But
the
Pronoun
[
He
]
which
so
often
occurs
in
these
Epistles
to
the
Churches
,
has
also
in
it
this
Figure
,
and
signifies
not
a
single
Person
,
but
such
a
Body
or
Society
of
men
so
or
so
behaving
themselves
together
with
their
Successours
.
This
successive
Body
by
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
is
represented
as
one
single
Person
by
the
Pronoun
[
He
]
He
that
overcometh
.
This
once
admitted
,
all
difficulties
vanish
as
to
the
seven
Churches
.
And
if
the
Objector
did
but
observe
how
full
of
Hylasmus's
and
Israelismus's
the
Apocalyptick
Stile
is
,
he
would
easily
be
reconciled
to
such
a
sense
of
these
places
of
the
twenty
first
and
twenty
second
of
the
Apocalypse
,
as
the
Expositor
has
given
of
them
,
though
they
bear
so
hard
upon
his
Phancy
for
the
present
,
as
to
drive
him
to
expect
a
personal
Reign
of
Christ
upon
Earth
.
Consider
also
here
what
we
intimated
above
,
That
the
Description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
so
drawn
,
as
to
be
a
Type
also
of
the
Church
Triumphant
in
Heaven
.
But
to
proceed
.
We
averr
moreover
,
That
Christ's
Personal
Reign
here
on
Earth
would
be
infinitely
more
strange
than
his
Suffering
here
,
because
the
Reasons
of
this
latter
are
so
palpable
.
But
I
see
no
reason
at
all
for
a
Personal
Reign
of
Christ
upon
Earth
;
whenas
the
Spirit
of
Christ
within
us
,
in
that
measure
and
efficacy
it
will
be
in
those
days
,
will
serve
all
intents
and
purposes
that
his
Personal
Reign
can
be
supposed
to
serve
to
.
And
this
reigning
by
his
Spirit
is
a
greater
perfection
in
his
Church
,
than
if
he
should
guide
them
by
his
personal
Presence
and
Voice
here
on
Earth
.
Inward
Regeneration
by
the
operation
of
the
Spirit
into
the
living
Image
of
Christ
,
is
a
greater
Priviledge
,
I
say
,
than
to
be
guided
by
the
external
Person
and
Voice
of
Christ
amongst
us
sounding
in
our
ears
.
As
,
if
the
thing
could
be
,
it
were
better
for
an
Horse
to
be
turned
into
a
perfect
man
,
than
to
be
rid
by
the
bravest
Heros
that
is
.
And
lastly
,
That
Opinion
touching
all
the
suffering
Adherents
to
Christ
,
that
they
should
become
Citizens
of
this
New
Jerusalem
on
Earth
,
which
is
conjoined
with
the
Opinion
of
Christ's
personal
Reign
,
is
not
agreeable
to
Reason
,
in
that
it
brings
down
the
persecuted
Saints
great
Reward
in
Heaven
which
Christ
promiseth
,
Matt.
5.12
.
to
a
lesser
reward
here
on
Earth
.
CHAP.
XXXIX
.
Two
Objections
more
out
of
the
same
Letter
:
The
first
touching
the
Palm-bearing
Company
,
whether
they
synchronize
with
the
New
Jerusalem
.
The
other
touching
the
Intricateness
and
Obscurity
of
the
Vision
of
the
two
Witnesses
;
With
Answers
to
both
Objections
.
THE
first
Objection
is
upon
pag.
67.
Mr.
Mede's
Arguments
,
saith
he
,
for
the
Synchronism
of
the
Palm-bearing
Company
with
the
New
Jerusalem
seems
not
firm
.
If
they
were
,
and
we
could
be
assured
,
that
the
Palm-bearing
Company
were
personally
Citizens
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
it
would
argue
that
the
New
Jerusalem-state
is
designed
to
be
premiant
to
the
suffering
Christians
.
And
indeed
it
seems
to
be
the
main
scope
of
the
Apocalypse
to
predict
that
Divine
state
of
things
.
But
however
the
Palm-bearing
Company
are
plainly
the
Triumphant
Army
of
Martyrs
,
and
are
of
great
affinity
with
those
Rev.
20.4
.
saving
only
that
the
latter
are
the
Martyrs
under
Antichrist
,
the
former
seem
to
be
the
Martyrs
under
Paganism
.
And
since
these
Martyrs
are
described
as
personally
rewarded
with
their
white
Robes
,
&c.
it
would
be
strange
for
us
to
think
they
are
rewarded
by
Proxy
in
the
prosperity
of
others
in
the
Jerusalem-state
.
Besides
,
that
it
is
too
early
of
the
Apocalypse
to
have
a
formal
Vision
of
the
New
Jerusalem
state
.
Answ.
That
the
Palm-bearing
Company
synchronizes
in
part
with
the
New
Jerusalem
,
besides
what
Mr.
Mede
alledges
,
the
Methodicalness
of
the
Apocalypse
may
assure
us
.
For
the
prefixing
of
the
144000
sealed
ones
,
with
the
Residue
of
that
Vision
in
that
Chapter
before
the
seven
Trumpets
,
is
according
to
exquisite
Method
,
the
seven
Trumpets
being
a
more
distinct
and
particular
Representation
of
the
affairs
of
the
same
Time
.
Nor
does
it
follow
from
the
Palm-bearing
Company
's
being
Citizens
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
that
those
individual
Martyrs
that
suffered
either
under
Paganism
or
Antichrist
,
that
they
live
in
the
New
Jerusalem
here
on
Earth
,
but
,
by
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
,
the
whole
successive
Body
of
the
pure
Apostolick
suffering
Church
under
the
Persecution
of
Antichrist
being
understood
;
when
this
one
succeeding
Body
emerges
out
of
their
Persecutions
into
a
Victory
over
the
Beast
,
&c.
then
they
become
the
Turba
palmifera
,
and
that
gradually
:
First
,
in
the
Sardian
Interval
;
after
more
gloriously
and
copiously
in
the
Philadelphian
,
which
is
coincident
with
the
New
Jerusalem
.
Nor
need
they
be
thought
,
those
that
suffered
under
Antichrist
or
the
Dragon
,
to
be
,
in
the
prosperity
of
the
New
Jerusalem
state
,
rewarded
by
a
Proxy
(
which
is
wittily
expressed
)
they
,
according
to
the
Genius
of
the
Apocalyptick
Stile
,
being
looked
upon
as
the
same
individual
Body
Politick
still
,
as
it
is
manifest
in
the
Rising
of
the
two
Witnesses
.
And
lastly
,
It
is
not
too
early
of
the
Apocalypse
to
have
the
Jerusalem-state
glanced
at
in
a
Vision
Synchronal
to
the
seven
Trumpets
,
which
reach
to
the
last
Judgment
,
and
therefore
include
in
them
the
Time
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
the
ligher
glances
at
which
partake
of
the
nature
of
that
fuller
description
,
Chap.
21.
and
therefore
are
also
Typical
of
the
Martyrs
Triumphant
State
in
Heaven
.
Consider
our
twentieth
Chapter
again
of
this
Treatise
.
Object
.
2.
Upon
pag.
102.
The
Vision
of
the
two
Witnesses
hath
always
seemed
to
me
one
of
the
obscurest
parts
of
the
Book-Prophecy
.
And
he
that
reads
what
you
have
written
on
that
Subject
with
due
consideration
,
will
be
apt
to
think
it
is
scarce
possible
to
employ
more
Wit
than
you
have
done
to
void
the
difficulties
of
it
.
There
are
several
things
in
the
business
of
this
Prophecy
that
seem
to
me
of
rational
Conception
.
(1)
It
is
rational
to
think
that
the
Apocalypse
speaks
stilo
Judaico
,
as
all
men
observe
,
quòd
saepissimè
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
(2)
That
these
two
Witnesses
are
two
Judaical
Prophetick
Reformers
,
Reforming
Powers
(
Movers
and
Mourners
for
Reformation
)
mystically
understood
.
(3)
That
the
Spirit
of
Prophecy
speaks
of
them
and
characterizes
them
stilo
Judaico
,
as
the
two
Olive-trees
,
two
Candlesticks
,
of
Elias-like
zeal
and
terrour
,
and
Elias-like
and
Mosaick
Wonder-working
Power
.
(4)
That
the
cause
of
their
mourning
is
the
desolation
of
Jerusalem
,
the
holy
City
being
trodden
under
foot
.
(5)
They
are
bipartite
or
of
a
twofold
nature
and
quality
,
and
therefore
represented
by
two
Witnesses
.
(6)
It
is
rational
to
think
that
the
Beast
(
the
ten-horned
Beast
the
secular
Power
)
should
kill
them
about
the
commencement
of
his
Reign
to
rid
the
World
of
such
troublesom
Fellows
.
But
then
the
following
Particulars
seem
to
be
as
rational
.
(1)
The
Text
sets
down
things
as
they
were
represented
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
leaveth
us
to
spell
out
the
things
signified
corresponding
to
the
Visional
Representations
or
Iconisms
;
and
though
the
Rind
and
Pulp
must
not
be
confounded
,
yet
they
must
be
connex
,
correspondent
and
go
hand
in
hand
.
Wherefore
(2)
it
should
seem
that
the
Witnesses
prophesying
,
upon
their
death
,
quite
ceaseth
,
for
mortui
nihil
agunt
.
(3)
That
upon
this
account
the
Nations
rejoice
and
send
gifts
because
they
are
rid
of
them
and
their
Testimony
.
(4)
That
therefore
they
had
been
tormented
by
them
and
their
Testimony
for
a
long
time
before
they
were
rid
of
them
by
their
Death
.
And
(5)
That
the
Beast
himself
was
provoked
and
enraged
by
their
long
continued
Testimony
before
he
sets
upon
them
to
slaughter
them
.
And
(6)
That
during
the
time
of
their
Prophecy
they
could
not
be
dead
in
the
sense
of
the
Prophecy
,
because
during
that
time
they
were
as
Olive-trees
and
Candlesticks
standing
before
God
,
and
had
and
exercised
all
their
Wonder-working
Power
mentioned
Ch.
11.5
,
6.
And
(7)
That
their
death
in
the
Prophecy
is
represented
as
an
effect
and
consequent
of
their
prophetick
Testimony
,
so
long
continued
to
the
Prejudice
of
the
World
.
These
,
Sir
,
are
the
best
Objections
that
I
can
make
against
your
Method
of
interpreting
this
Prophecy
,
which
surely
is
desirable
it
should
be
true
.
But
I
cannot
make
all
ends
meet
,
which
possibly
you
may
do
.
But
I
intreat
you
consider
,
Sir
,
How
it
is
possible
that
the
Witnesses
should
be
as
dead
Carcasses
,
and
yet
be
in
Action
all
the
while
?
For
if
they
be
but
Politically
dead
,
they
must
by
the
Text
be
as
Politically
dead
:
If
I
could
solve
such
Objections
,
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
sounds
so
like
the
Reformation
,
that
it
would
go
down
with
me
without
chewing
:
but
I
have
tryed
several
Methods
of
reconciling
things
,
but
none
of
them
will
do
.
Answ.
The
six
first
Particulars
represent
truly
enough
the
Cortical
meaning
of
the
Prophecy
.
But
as
to
the
latter
part
of
the
first
of
the
following
seven
Particulars
,
where
it
is
required
that
the
Rind
and
the
Pulp
,
though
they
be
not
to
be
confounded
,
yet
that
they
be
connex
,
correspondent
and
go
hand
in
hand
,
what
the
ingenious
Objector
would
have
by
connex
and
going
hand
in
hand
I
do
not
so
well
know
,
but
that
there
is
a
parallel
correspondency
I
not
only
allow
but
assert
.
And
I
say
that
their
Political
Death
,
that
is
to
say
,
their
Inability
of
reforming
things
amiss
in
the
Church
and
Religion
,
this
PITH
runs
parallel
with
the
RIND
,
viz.
with
their
lying
three
days
and
an
half
as
dead
Carcasses
in
the
street
of
the
City
.
And
those
three
days
and
an
half
(
viz.
three
times
and
an
half
)
the
RIND
,
again
run
parallel
with
the
years
(
the
PITH
)
that
they
are
in
this
Death
Political
.
And
what
more
exact
Correspondency
can
be
required
?
But
while
they
are
thus
dead
as
to
Political
power
,
it
does
not
at
all
imply
that
they
are
so
to
power
Spiritual
and
Prophetical
,
which
they
may
exercise
,
though
at
their
peril
,
and
so
in
Individuals
be
naturally
killed
also
,
though
the
Prophetick
body
or
succession
continue
,
upon
occasions
prophesying
,
and
thereupon
persecuted
or
suffering
Martyrdom
,
&c.
from
whence
appears
the
invalidity
of
the
second
Particular
.
For
though
the
Witnesses
be
politically
dead
,
yet
they
are
not
so
to
spiritual
Power
and
Prophecy
.
And
mortui
nihil
agunt
reaches
no
further
than
to
what
they
are
dead
to
.
Otherwise
the
Souls
of
men
departed
would
be
asleep
;
who
,
though
they
be
dead
to
the
things
of
this
life
,
yet
they
are
alive
to
the
things
of
the
other
.
And
as
for
the
third
,
fourth
and
fifth
Particulars
,
their
invalidity
will
be
discovered
,
if
we
consider
the
Prophetick
Stile
how
Henopoetick
it
is
,
representing
frequently
repeated
Acts
,
as
it
were
but
one
single
Act
,
whereby
notwithstanding
there
is
understood
as
well
succession
of
Acts
as
succession
of
Persons
under
one
single
Beast
and
these
two
single
Witnesses
.
Wherefore
the
Inhabiters
of
the
Earth
sending
gifts
to
each
other
upon
the
slaughter
of
the
Witnesses
,
is
the
RIND
in
this
part
of
the
Vision
,
but
the
PVLP
is
a
successive
or
repeated
rejoicing
of
the
earthly
minded
Church
and
enjoying
the
World
in
keeping
down
these
Witnesses
the
true
Evangelici
,
and
outing
them
of
all
Political
Power
in
Church
or
State
,
and
sometimes
of
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
and
in
the
mean
time
sharing
the
World
amongst
themselves
,
and
rejoicing
therein
.
Wherefore
the
third
Particular
has
no
force
against
our
Exposition
of
the
Vision
,
if
we
consider
the
nature
of
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
,
that
embellishes
the
RIND
of
the
Prophecy
.
Which
consideration
destroys
also
all
the
force
of
the
fourth
and
fifth
Particulars
.
For
there
was
a
successive
Political
(
and
sometimes
Natural
)
death
inflicted
on
the
Witnesses
in
a
manner
all
along
the
three
days
or
three
times
and
an
half
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
Prophetical
days
.
There
was
tormenting
with
their
Testimony
and
suffering
a
political
Death
,
at
least
in
a
large
sense
,
for
their
Testimony
and
rejoicing
at
their
suffering
all
along
in
a
manner
,
nor
was
the
Beast
any
long
time
provoked
till
he
took
his
revenge
in
some
degree
or
other
.
These
are
intangling
Inferences
from
the
blending
or
confounding
the
Pulp
with
the
Rind
.
And
to
the
sixth
I
say
,
That
during
the
time
of
their
Prophecy
they
might
be
dead
according
to
that
〈◊〉
the
Prophecy
intimates
them
to
be
so
,
namely
,
politically
,
as
having
no
power
or
stroke
to
reform
things
amiss
in
the
Church
and
God's
Worship
,
and
yet
in
the
mean
time
,
though
at
their
own
peril
,
might
prophesie
and
testifie
against
the
miscarriage
of
things
,
and
might
in
that
sense
which
is
intended
,
be
Olive-trees
,
Candlesticks
,
and
in
a
mystical
sense
do
such
Wonders
as
relate
to
Elias
and
Moses
,
methinks
there
is
no
difficulty
at
all
in
this
.
And
now
to
the
last
,
Their
political
Death
,
and
sometimes
being
martyred
,
is
an
effect
of
their
Prophetick
Testimony
,
but
both
the
Cause
and
the
Effect
is
successional
through
many
Ages
,
and
one
did
not
begin
considerably
later
than
the
other
,
their
political
Death
later
than
their
Testimony
,
but
went
on
continuedly
and
repeatedly
in
a
manner
hand
in
hand
,
though
by
a
Prophetick
Henopoeia
in
the
Rind
the
Death
seems
inflicted
at
the
end
only
and
at
once
.
Wherefore
if
the
Objector
consider
well
what
is
said
hitherto
,
he
will
easily
find
it
possible
that
the
Witnesses
should
be
as
dead
Carcasses
,
as
to
any
political
Power
or
Efficacy
,
and
yet
as
to
another
life
(
of
Spirit
and
Prophecy
)
as
occasion
required
,
be
in
action
all
the
while
they
were
politically
dead
,
and
lay
as
Carcasses
in
the
street
:
As
a
man
may
be
dead
as
to
this
World
,
but
alive
to
the
other
,
according
as
I
noted
above
.
If
we
but
heed
not
to
confound
the
Pith
and
the
Rind
,
these
things
will
appear
as
clear
as
the
Sun
.
Consider
the
latter
part
of
Chapter
the
twenty
sixth
,
where
we
define
what
is
the
fullest
and
largest
sense
of
the
Witnesses
political
Death
.
CHAP.
XL.
Whether
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Apoc.
Chap.
11.
may
signifie
the
sacred
Revenue
of
the
City
of
Babylon
.
How
far
the
Woman
was
helped
from
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
the
Spue
of
the
Dragon
,
through
the
Nicene
Council
.
Of
the
dead
dying
in
the
Lord
,
Apoc.
Ch.
14.
and
of
the
Harvest
and
Vintage
.
And
whether
the
Prophecy
of
the
destruction
of
Babylon
,
Chap.
17
,
and
18.
imply
the
ruine
of
the
Material
City
of
Rome
;
in
Answer
to
three
more
Objections
from
the
same
hand
,
in
the
abovesaid
Letter
.
OBjection
the
first
,
upon
pag.
108.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
seems
not
to
bear
the
Exposition
of
Tythe
,
if
we
consider
the
sence
of
Language
,
and
no
more
.
But
Earthquakes
shake
Cities
and
ruine
them
.
Wherefore
an
Event
analogous
thereto
must
come
to
pass
in
this
great
Earthquake
,
and
another
correspondent
to
the
slaying
of
seven
thousand
Names
of
men
consequent
thereupon
.
These
things
naturally
cohere
.
And
it
seems
to
be
upon
the
account
of
these
Events
that
those
words
are
immediately
subjoyned
,
The
second
wo
is
past
.
It
seems
,
Sir
,
a
great
force
upon
the
Text
to
make
seven
thousand
Names
of
men
signifie
no
more
than
Estates
of
men
belonging
to
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
Answ.
That
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
as
well
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
may
not
signifie
Tythe
,
and
that
the
sacred
Revenue
of
the
Church
,
I
see
no
Reason
:
For
the
same
Tythe
may
be
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
reference
to
the
Substantive
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
Neuter
Gender
,
as
well
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
reference
either
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
Feminine
.
Nay
,
we
may
see
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
promiscuously
used
in
one
and
the
same
Verse
,
Levit.
Chap.
27.
v.
32.
And
concerning
the
Tythe
[
or
Tenth
]
of
the
Herd
of
the
Flock
,
even
of
whatsoever
passeth
under
the
Rod
,
the
tenth
shall
be
holy
to
the
Lord
.
In
the
first
place
it
is
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
in
the
latter
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
in
both
places
by
Vatablus
rendred
Decima
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
same
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
occurs
frequently
in
the
Books
of
Moses
,
Numb
.
Chap.
18.
v.
24
,
26
,
28.
Deut.
12.
v.
11.
and
Chap.
26.
v.
12.
Also
2
Chron.
Chap.
31.
v.
6
,
12.
and
elsewhere
.
So
that
about
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
there
can
be
no
scruple
.
But
now
these
Tythes
or
sacred
Revenues
could
not
fall
from
the
Pontifician
Party
,
but
that
part
of
the
City
where
they
fell
would
fall
with
them
,
and
the
Earthquake
requires
it
should
,
as
the
ingenious
Objector
well
observes
,
and
I
will
allow
,
that
it
chiefly
implies
the
Ruine
of
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
it self
,
or
Roman
Polity
,
being
an
analogous
effect
to
that
of
the
Earthquake
.
But
this
Fall
of
the
City
being
nothing
else
but
the
dissolution
of
such
a
share
of
the
Papal
Hierarchy
,
which
was
not
by
killing
of
men
,
but
dissolving
that
Pontifician
Power
to
such
an
extent
,
under
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
,
nothing
can
be
more
natural
than
the
expounding
the
seven
thousand
Names
slain
,
of
extinguishing
those
several
Orders
and
Offices
of
men
,
and
nulling
their
power
in
such
and
such
Kingdoms
or
Countries
;
so
that
they
were
only
Politically
slain
,
as
the
Witnesses
most-what
were
before
.
This
is
extremely
congruous
and
natural
.
Consider
what
is
said
on
the
Text
in
Apocalypsis
Apocalypseos
.
Object
.
2.
Upon
pag.
120.
It
ought
to
be
considered
how
much
the
Council
of
Nice
help'd
the
Woman
,
Rev.
12.16
.
who
was
never
in
so
much
danger
and
distress
as
after
that
time
,
all
the
World
almost
turning
Arian
,
and
Christendome
was
made
a
Cock
pit
of
fighting
,
Rage
,
and
all
manner
of
Enormities
.
What
if
we
should
wave
the
Council
of
Nice
,
with
their
term
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
which
may
be
of
good
Interpretation
,
but
it
may
be
also
of
bad
Interpretation
)
and
refer
this
help
that
was
afforded
the
Woman
to
Julian's
defeat
by
the
Persians
?
Which
was
a
signal
help
to
the
Woman
indeed
.
Answ.
This
is
a
material
Objection
:
But
I
answer
,
That
the
Dragon
spuing
out
such
a
Floud
of
Heresie
and
Contention
that
the
Woman
might
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
thereby
,
that
is
,
might
be
carried
away
,
drowned
and
lost
,
the
most
proper
means
to
obviate
this
Evil
was
an
Oecumenical
Council
.
And
though
the
Council
of
Nice
did
not
so
far
absorb
this
Floud
,
as
that
the
Heresie
and
Contention
utterly
ceased
,
yet
it
abated
it
so
far
as
that
the
Woman
was
safe
from
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
thereby
.
Nay
,
it
was
in
a
manner
all
drunk
up
by
the
Earth
(
the
Clayish
Earth
or
Ecclesiastick
Councils
)
by
that
time
Theodosius
came
to
be
Emperour
,
which
was
a
little
before
the
Woman
entred
into
the
Wilderness
.
And
the
Church
had
such
Anchorage
in
this
first
Council
of
Nice
,
that
such
Arianism
[
Erat
quando
non
erat
]
as
was
properly
condemned
by
that
Council
could
never
hold
up
its
head
again
.
But
the
eternal
Generation
of
the
Son
was
acknowledged
(
begotten
of
the
Father
before
all
Worlds
,
as
the
Nicene
Creed
has
it
)
and
Arius
expressing
himself
more
compliantly
with
this
Creed
,
was
re-admitted
into
the
Church
by
the
favour
of
Constantine
,
who
,
you
may
be
sure
,
would
never
have
re-admitted
him
,
unless
he
had
come
to
some
such
tolerable
compliance
.
And
the
whole
Controversie
after
that
,
seems
only
to
have
been
,
Whether
the
Son
should
be
deemed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
his
Father
;
which
being
difficult
to
decide
,
there
were
those
that
would
have
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
being
too
hard
for
the
people
,
nor
mentioned
in
Scripture
,
to
be
left
out
of
the
Creed
,
giving
that
deference
to
the
Nicene
decision
as
not
to
pronounce
it
false
,
but
over-curious
.
So
that
there
was
no
peril
of
the
Churches
drowning
in
this
Floud
when
the
Nicene
Council
was
so
nearly
observed
even
by
those
that
seemed
to
oppose
it
.
And
for
the
Homoüsians
and
Homoeüsians
,
there
wanted
nothing
but
a
dextrous
Critick
to
shew
how
both
their
terms
are
consistent
one
with
another
(
if
you
will
but
exclude
Sabellianism
out
of
the
account
.
)
For
making
the
Father
and
the
Son
two
real
Hypostases
,
though
indiscerpible
or
indivisible
one
from
another
,
they
are
not
only
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
as
it
may
aim
at
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
of
one
and
the
same
Individuous
Substance
,
but
also
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
like
substance
,
because
according
to
Aristotle
himself
there
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Similitude
betwixt
Substances
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
Identity
of
Quality
,
whether
Essential
or
Accidental
,
is
a
sure
ground
of
Similitude
.
And
the
Son
being
the
eternal
Image
of
his
Father
,
how
can
they
but
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
unless
you
run
into
Sabellianism
,
and
will
have
nothing
to
do
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Substance
,
and
acknowledge
a
Trinity
only
of
words
,
qualifications
or
second
Notions
.
So
that
we
see
what
a
manifest
Influence
the
Council
of
Nice
had
to
keep
the
Woman
from
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
perishing
in
the
Draconick
floud
.
And
that
not
only
from
the
benefit
of
this
one
Council
,
which
was
purely
Orthodox
,
but
even
from
those
Councils
which
were
with
a
general
and
promiscuous
appellation
called
Arian
,
though
not
such
Arians
as
were
first
condemned
by
the
Nicene
Council
.
So
that
though
these
Arian
Councils
were
less
Orthodox
than
they
should
be
,
yet
one
part
of
the
Christian
Populacy
adhering
to
them
,
and
the
other
part
to
the
Orthodox
Councils
,
the
Woman
was
so
well
buoyed
up
by
the
help
of
these
Councils
,
as
young
Swimmers
are
with
Bladdders
or
Bulrushes
,
that
she
was
safe
from
sinking
again
into
Paganism
(
or
giving
religious
Worship
to
any
but
who
was
really
Creator
of
the
Heavens
and
of
the
Earth
,
Jer.
10.11
.
)
though
that
was
the
malicious
project
of
the
Dragon
in
spuing
out
that
floud
of
Heterodoxy
and
Contention
,
viz
to
extinguish
Christianity
,
and
make
men
turn
Pagans
.
Thus
therefore
was
the
Woman
helped
by
that
first
Oecumenical
and
other
Councils
.
But
how
Julian's
Death
can
be
so
properly
said
to
be
an
help
to
her
in
this
case
,
I
must
confess
I
see
not
.
For
most
certainly
the
floud
out
of
the
Dragons
mouth
signifies
Heresie
or
Heterodoxy
and
Contention
.
The
natural
Remedy
to
which
evil
are
well
regulated
Councils
,
that
the
minds
of
the
Vulgar
,
who
are
neither
studied
Theologers
,
nor
Philosophers
may
be
setled
and
quieted
,
by
the
grave
authoritative
decision
of
their
Superiours
,
in
things
hugely
expedient
and
necessary
in
Religion
and
Divine
Worship
,
and
such
was
the
knowledge
of
the
Divinity
of
Christ
and
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
,
Father
,
Son
and
Holy
Ghost
.
Which
Faith
was
assured
to
the
Christian
people
by
these
Ecclesiastick
Councils
,
and
Paganism
kept
out
at
arms
length
,
and
the
Christian
Religion
secured
.
But
as
for
the
death
of
Julian
in
the
Persian
War
,
how
little
service
it
did
,
may
appear
in
that
within
a
year
or
two
after
,
Valens
coming
to
the
Imperial
Crown
,
proved
an
hot
Persecutor
of
the
Orthodox
.
Object
.
3.
Upon
pag.
143.
ᵃ
The
Text
of
the
dead
dying
in
the
Lord
seems
to
refer
to
such
times
when
Martyrdom
was
most
frequent
.
ᵇ
And
p.
146.
though
Christ's
Harvest
may
signifie
the
Conversion
of
Nations
and
People
,
yet
the
Angels
Vintage
seems
rather
to
signifie
execution
of
Judgments
,
because
that
is
the
usual
Employ
of
Angels
;
but
those
things
I
cannot
so
well
judge
of
,
till
I
have
better
studied
the
whole
Apocalypse
.
One
thing
,
Sir
,
I
will
a
little
discourse
of
,
which
concerns
the
latter
part
thereof
.
It
is
an
Antichristian
Polity
that
is
to
be
destroy'd
,
pretendedly
or
after
a
sort
Religious
.
Now
it
concerns
us
to
consider
after
what
manner
such
religious
Polities
are
destroy'd
according
to
the
usual
Method
of
Providence
.
The
Judaical
Polity
was
very
like
the
Roman.
ᶜ
Now
their
religious
Polity
was
destroy'd
by
the
destruction
of
their
Temple
,
City
,
Priesthood
,
and
the
like
.
Wherefore
Interpreters
have
applied
that
Prophecy
,
Gen.
49.10
.
of
the
Scepter
's
departing
from
Judah
,
to
the
destruction
of
the
Jewish
State
by
the
destruction
of
their
City
and
Temple
.
ᵈ
Cardinal
Perron
considers
the
City-Church
of
Rome
as
Central
to
the
whole
diffusive
Church
of
Rome
.
ᵉ
It
seems
by
the
language
of
the
Apocalypse
,
that
Providence
designs
the
destruction
of
that
Material
City
of
Rome
,
and
its
inhabiting
Sacerdotal
Polity
both
together
,
and
not
one
alone
.
ᶠ
Which
if
it
were
destroy'd
,
there
could
be
no
such
thing
in
rerum
natura
as
a
Church
of
Rome
or
Roman
Communion
,
no
more
than
the
Jewish
Ecclesiastick
State
could
exist
when
their
City
and
Sacerdotal
inhabiting
Polity
was
destroy'd
.
ᵍ
In
Rev.
17.
v.
ult
.
it
is
the
City
of
Rome
that
is
spoken
of
,
for
that
City
then
reigned
over
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
.
After
the
mention
of
this
City
immediately
follows
that
Cry
,
Rev.
18.2
.
Babylon
the
great
is
fallen
,
and
that
other
monitory
Voice
,
v.
4.
Come
out
of
her
,
my
people
,
&c.
After
which
follows
a
large
and
pompous
description
of
her
destruction
.
ʰ
These
things
bear
hard
,
Sir
,
towards
that
sense
of
the
Prophecy
,
that
the
ruine
of
that
Material
City
is
intended
as
well
as
of
the
Sacerdotal
Polity
that
inhabits
it
.
You
see
,
Sir
,
I
have
done
what
I
can
to
deserve
the
name
of
a
Literalist
,
but
in
a
great
Mundane
Polity
that
is
to
be
destroy'd
,
and
Cardinal
Pallavicino
pleads
that
such
it
ought
to
be
.
Answ.
ᵃ
The
Text
of
the
dead
dying
in
the
Lord
does
questionless
refer
to
times
of
Martyrdom
and
Persecution
,
and
that
after
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
as
well
as
before
;
but
whether
greater
or
more
frequent
than
those
before
,
that
the
Text
does
not
define
.
ᵇ
That
the
Angels
Vintage
should
rather
signifie
Execution
of
Judgments
,
because
performed
by
Angels
,
I
see
not
any
reason
for
that
,
since
all
performances
are
imputed
to
Angels
here
in
the
Apocalypse
;
though
this
Vintage
also
proves
a
Judgment
to
the
City
of
Babylon
.
ᶜ
There
is
not
the
same
reason
of
the
destruction
of
the
Jewish
religious
Polity
and
the
Roman
.
Because
the
Jewish
Religion
did
essentially
respect
their
City
and
Temple
,
and
it
was
a
Topical
Religion
.
But
the
Roman
Religion
is
the
pretended
Catholick
Religion
,
nor
confined
to
one
City
or
Temple
.
It
was
as
much
the
Roman
or
Papal
Religion
when
the
Pope
was
at
Avignion
,
as
when
he
was
at
Rome
.
If
the
Papal
Hierarchy
be
kept
up
,
whatever
becomes
of
Rome
,
that
which
is
now
called
the
Roman
Religion
is
kept
up
:
as
the
Peripatetick
Philosophy
is
the
same
,
and
still
continues
,
though
Aristotle's
Peripatus
in
Athens
perished
many
Ages
ago
.
And
so
,
vice
versâ
,
the
Roman
Religion
now
so
called
,
the
Papal
Hierarchy
once
dissolved
,
though
Rome
stood
firm
,
would
be
utterly
destroy'd
.
ᵈ
And
this
may
serve
for
an
Answer
to
Cardinal
Perron's
Conceit
also
which
you
cited
.
ᵉ
Nor
does
the
language
of
the
Apocalypse
imply
the
destruction
of
the
Material
City
of
Rome
,
but
of
the
Sacerdotal
Polity
denominated
from
thence
.
The
destruction
of
Babylon
in
a
literal
sense
is
no
more
understood
,
than
the
Fabrick
of
the
New
Jerusalem
.
How
Hylastick
the
Stile
of
the
Apocalypse
is
,
is
exceeding
obvious
to
any
one
that
observes
it
.
ᶠ
And
a
man
may
as
well
say
,
there
is
no
Peripatetick
Philosophy
remaining
,
the
Peripatus
at
Athens
being
destroy'd
,
as
that
there
would
be
no
Roman
Church
,
Rome
being
destroy'd
.
ᵍ
Nor
was
it
a
City
of
stones
that
reigned
over
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
,
in
the
times
of
Paganism
,
but
the
Roman
Polity
,
and
therefore
it
must
be
the
Pontifician
Polity
under
Pagano-Christianism
that
must
be
understood
of
Babylon
,
whose
lamentable
downfal
is
described
Chap.
18.
and
which
God's
people
are
warned
to
come
out
of
.
For
if
it
was
meant
of
coming
out
of
that
Material
City
of
Rome
,
what
a
small
pittance
of
people
would
that
Cry
concern
in
comparison
of
the
whole
extent
of
the
Pontifician
Polity
.
ʰ
But
I
believe
the
Objector
has
rather
acted
the
part
of
a
Literalist
,
to
see
what
I
would
say
to
it
,
than
seriously
urged
these
Arguments
for
a
Material
Ruine
of
Rome
,
of
which
the
Prophecy
gives
no
assurance
.
And
therefore
he
is
the
best
Interpreter
that
declines
what
is
at
least
uncertain
,
and
contents
himself
with
what
is
certainly
contained
in
the
Vision
.
CHAP.
XLI
.
A
brief
Account
of
the
thirteonth
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
An
Answer
to
six
Arguments
from
a
witty
hand
,
whereby
he
would
prove
against
Mr.
Mede
,
that
that
Image
of
the
Beast
mentioned
Apoc.
13.14
.
is
not
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
but
rather
an
Image
of
that
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
.
BEfore
we
propound
and
answer
his
Arguments
,
this
brief
Account
of
this
thirteenth
Chapter
is
to
be
considered
;
viz.
That
from
v.
1.
to
v.
11.
the
State
of
the
Roman
Empire
Re-paganizing
in
Idolatry
and
Blood
is
set
out
.
Which
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
are
the
most
lively
Lineaments
of
the
old
Roman
Pagan
Empire
.
From
v.
11.
to
the
end
there
is
a
description
of
another
Beast
that
has
the
power
of
a
Magician
or
Conjurer
for
doing
strange
Feats
,
through
whose
Agency
the
former
Beast
with
ten
Horns
became
what
he
was
,
so
Idolatrous
and
persecutive
a
Beast
,
hugely
resembling
the
Roman
Pagan
Empire
in
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
.
This
is
the
general
summ
of
the
Chapter
,
which
is
natural
and
unforced
,
and
which
therefore
made
that
excellent
Interpreter
Mr.
Jos.
Mede
make
the
Image
of
the
Beast
to
be
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
which
I
doubt
not
at
all
,
but
that
it
is
true
.
Now
let
us
hear
what
this
witty
Man
says
to
the
contrary
.
The
Image
of
the
Beast
,
says
he
,
cannot
be
the
Ten-horned
Beast
for
these
Reasons
.
Arg.
1.
Because
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
v.
1.
was
like
a
Leopard
,
and
Re-paganized
v.
2.
and
consequently
was
an
Image
of
the
Pagan
Draconick
Beast
before
the
Image
,
v.
14.
was
made
.
Answ.
In
this
therefore
we
are
both
agreed
,
That
the
Ten-horned
Beast
described
in
the
fore-part
of
the
Chapter
,
is
indeed
a
lively
Image
of
the
Pagan
Draconick
Beast
.
But
I
deny
that
this
Image
was
before
that
Image
mentioned
v.
14.
but
it
is
the
very
same
Image
,
of
which
afterwards
an
account
is
given
how
it
became
such
,
namely
,
that
the
Artificer
was
the
two-horned
Beast
,
and
this
the
Effect
and
Object
of
his
Art
,
so
that
the
Method
is
easie
and
warrantable
according
to
that
general
Analyse
which
I
did
premise
.
For
the
Ten-borned
Beast
being
indeed
so
living
an
Image
of
the
old
Pagan
Draconick
Empire
,
and
here
we
finding
in
the
second
part
of
the
Chapter
an
Artificer
wonderfully
skilful
at
making
of
Images
,
how
naturally
is
it
suggested
that
this
is
the
Artificer
that
made
that
lively
Image
of
the
old
Pagan
Empire
represented
in
the
sore-part
of
the
Chapter
,
and
this
the
Magician
indeed
that
raised
this
dead
Beast
to
life
again
,
conveighing
a
Spirit
into
him
to
the
wonderment
of
the
World
.
Arg.
2.
In
these
words
[
The
Beast
and
his
Image
]
Mr.
Mede
saith
by
the
Beast
is
meant
the
two-horned
Beast
,
and
by
his
Image
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
who
is
said
to
be
the
two-horned
Beast
his
Image
,
because
he
created
him
an
Image
of
the
Draconick
Beast
.
But
these
words
are
but
the
same
as
to
say
[
The
Beast
and
the
Image
of
the
Beast
]
Now
the
word
[
Beast
]
in
those
words
.
[
The
Image
of
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.15
.
]
does
certainly
signifie
the
Ten-horned
Beast
.
(
Compare
the
14
,
and
15
Verses
)
who
being
the
first
and
of
the
most
noble
Extraction
,
is
the
fittest
to
be
called
the
Beast
demonstratively
,
with
an
Article
prefixt
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
The
Beast
.
Answ.
I
deny
that
the
Beast
and
his
Image
are
the
same
that
the
Beast
and
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
and
that
[
Beast
]
in
those
words
[
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.15
.
]
does
signifie
the
Ten-horned
Beast
in
this
thirteenth
Chapter
.
In
those
words
[
The
Beast
and
his
Image
]
Beast
there
signifies
the
two-horned
Beast
,
and
his
Image
the
ten-horned
Beast
restored
by
him
:
But
[
Beast
]
in
those
words
[
The
Image
of
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.15
.
]
signifies
the
red
Dragon
that
had
his
deadly
wound
in
his
fight
with
Michael
,
which
wound
the
two-horned
Beast
healed
.
In
[
the
Image
made
to
the
Beast
,
v.
14.
and
the
Image
made
of
the
Beast
,
v.
15.
there
thrice
repeated
]
Beast
signifies
the
old
Draconick
Beast
,
not
the
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
.
And
as
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
14.
(
in
those
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
which
occurs
so
often
afterwards
,
it
is
understood
of
the
old
Draconick
Beast
which
is
the
Archetypon
of
which
the
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
is
but
the
Image
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
[
to
]
or
[
for
]
or
[
in
the
behalf
of
]
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
behalf
of
that
eminent
Beast
the
Dragon
.
So
that
the
arguteness
of
this
Argument
is
perfectly
blown
away
.
Arg.
3.
Else
the
expression
would
be
very
uncouth
,
if
sometimes
by
the
Beast
should
be
meant
one
thing
,
and
sometimes
another
,
like
Dr.
Hammond
,
who
sometimes
makes
him
Domitian
,
sometimes
Diocletian
,
&c.
Answ.
I
say
there
is
no
shifting
in
the
Interpretation
of
this
Chapter
by
Mr.
Mede
.
For
by
Beast
in
the
words
[
the
Image
of
the
Beast
]
is
always
understood
the
old
Pagan
Dragon
,
so
that
so
harsh
a
comparison
was
not
here
apposite
.
But
where
[
the
Beast
and
his
Image
]
occur
in
one
contexture
of
speech
,
there
indeed
the
Beast
signifies
the
two-horned
Beast
,
and
his
Image
the
ten-horned
Beast
.
This
has
Mr.
Mede
declared
with
unexceptionable
Judgment
and
Solidity
.
Arg.
4.
Mr.
Mede
saith
,
that
where
the
Beast
is
present
together
with
the
false
Prophet
,
the
Image
of
the
Beast
in
the
same
construction
of
words
is
not
to
be
found
.
2.
But
whereas
he
addeth
;
As
if
there
the
Appellation
of
the
Beast
should
serve
the
turn
,
why
should
that
but
serve
the
turn
which
is
the
Principal
?
3.
I
see
not
how
this
concludeth
,
that
the
Ten-horned
Beast
is
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
but
rather
the
contrary
.
4.
For
if
it
had
been
said
,
The
false
Prophet
and
his
Image
,
there
might
have
been
something
in
that
;
but
they
never
being
mentioned
together
,
it
is
a
sign
they
are
for
substance
the
same
,
or
of
very
intimate
Relation
,
as
the
Pope
and
his
Clergy
.
Ans.
We
have
distinguished
this
Argument
into
its
parts
,
and
we
shall
answer
accordingly
.
To
the
first
therefore
I
say
,
That
Mr.
Mede's
Observation
is
true
,
and
I
will
add
the
reason
how
it
comes
thus
to
pass
,
viz.
Because
there
are
but
two
Polities
in
the
Pagano-Christian
Empire
,
Sacerdotal
and
Secular
,
by
Daniel
resembled
to
the
Clay
and
the
Iron
,
and
to
the
seeing
Horn
,
(
which
is
the
pretended
Seer
or
Prophet
)
and
to
the
Horns
without
eyes
.
Wherefore
those
two
being
all
,
and
the
Prophet
the
seeing
Horn
,
and
the
Beast
,
the
ten
Horns
without
eyes
,
there
is
no
room
for
any
third
,
which
is
neither
of
these
,
and
therefore
the
Beast
here
is
the
Image
of
the
Beast
or
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
,
as
the
false
Prophet
the
two-horned
Beast
.
To
the
second
,
Mr.
Mede
says
,
it
serves
the
turn
,
Beast
being
a
briefer
expression
than
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
but
they
signifie
the
same
thing
,
nor
is
one
more
principal
than
the
other
,
as
is
apparent
out
of
what
I
have
answered
to
the
second
Argument
.
To
the
third
I
say
,
That
this
doth
conclude
the
ten-horned
Beast
to
be
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
because
,
as
I
said
before
,
there
be
but
two
Polities
or
Powers
,
Sacerdotal
or
Secular
,
and
the
false
Prophet
standing
for
the
one
,
it
is
plain
the
Beast
must
stand
for
the
other
,
namely
,
the
restored
Ten-horned
Beast
,
restored
,
I
say
,
into
the
similitude
of
the
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
of
the
old
Pagan
Empire
.
And
therefore
that
Secular
Beast
that
synchronizes
with
the
false
Prophet
being
the
Image
,
it
is
superfluous
to
call
him
so
,
the
thing
inferring
it self
.
To
the
fourth
and
last
part
,
That
out
of
what
has
been
said
,
I
say
it
is
evident
,
that
in
the
mentioning
together
the
false
Prophet
and
the
Beast
,
there
is
no
mention
of
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
because
the
Image
of
the
Beast
and
the
ten-horned
Beast
restored
,
are
for
substance
,
nay
,
are
altogether
the
same
,
but
not
the
Prophet
and
the
Image
of
the
Beast
the
same
,
as
if
the
Pope
was
the
Image
of
that
Beast
so
made
by
his
Clergy
.
Arg.
5.
The
Image
is
most
properly
the
Image
of
that
Beast
to
whom
it
was
made
,
and
whom
it
did
resemble
,
but
the
Image
did
resemble
the
ten-horned
Beast
,
as
I
have
shewed
before
,
and
was
made
to
him
,
Chap.
13.14
.
saying
that
they
should
make
an
Image
to
the
Beast
which
had
the
wound
by
the
Sword
and
did
live
.
2.
Therefore
Mr.
Mede
is
here
constrained
to
make
a
great
Ellipsis
before
the
last
Clause
,
viz.
as
if
it
had
been
said
,
And
they
did
so
,
and
he
lived
.
3.
Lest
the
Clause
should
refer
to
the
cure
of
the
wound
,
which
makes
against
Mr.
Mede
,
as
may
appear
from
my
first
Argument
.
4.
But
I
disprove
this
:
First
,
because
it
is
made
his
Character
before
v.
12.
that
his
deadly
wound
was
healed
from
v.
3.
Secondly
,
because
the
living
of
the
Image
is
spoken
of
in
the
words
immediately
following
.
Thirdly
,
if
those
Copies
which
read
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
may
be
admitted
,
the
matter
is
out
of
doubt
.
Answ.
To
the
first
part
I
answer
,
That
the
Image
was
not
made
to
the
Ten-horned
restored
Beast
,
but
to
the
Ten-horned
Dragon
wounded
and
slain
in
his
fight
with
Michael
.
For
so
it
is
plainly
said
v.
14.
that
they
should
make
an
Image
to
the
Beast
which
had
the
wound
with
the
Sword
.
Which
for
certain
was
the
Dragon
,
and
consequently
the
Ten-horned
restored
Beast
must
be
this
Image
the
Two-horned
Beast
caused
to
be
made
.
To
the
second
,
That
it
is
no
great
Ellipsis
,
or
rather
a
very
little
one
or
none
at
all
,
the
sense
being
so
obvious
and
plain
as
it
is
.
That
they
should
make
an
Image
to
the
Beast
which
had
the
wound
by
the
Sword
,
And
he
lived
.
How
natural
and
plain
is
the
sense
(
to
have
interposed
,
[
and
they
did
so
]
had
been
a
superfluous
bungle
,
at
least
it
had
been
a
breach
in
the
Artifice
of
the
Cortex
,
which
is
so
framed
,
as
to
slur
the
heedless
Reader
.
)
And
he
lived
,
that
is
,
He
revived
again
in
the
living
Image
of
himself
.
To
the
third
,
I
say
the
Clause
does
refer
to
the
cure
of
the
wound
,
for
it
implies
the
reviving
of
the
whole
Beast
.
For
so
much
imports
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
as
for
the
first
Argument
,
I
have
answered
it
above
.
And
to
the
fourth
part
I
answer
,
That
none
of
those
Reasons
prove
that
the
Ten-horned
Beast
was
restored
before
the
two-horned
Beast
restored
him
in
this
living
Image
he
made
of
the
wounded
Dragon
.
Where
note
by
the
bye
,
That
there
is
no
description
of
the
manner
nor
means
of
his
Restauration
,
unless
this
be
it
.
And
it
is
in
the
12.
verse
,
that
his
Restauration
and
Conservation
in
that
state
is
compendiously
,
and
as
it
were
in
the
Summ
represented
.
See
my
Paraphrase
on
the
Verse
.
But
as
for
the
living
of
the
Image
being
spoken
of
in
the
words
immediately
following
,
if
he
refers
to
v.
15.
the
word
there
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
we
render
Life
,
but
it
may
be
as
well
rendred
Breath
in
reference
to
speaking
,
which
is
a
further
degree
and
operation
of
life
,
and
therefore
rightly
follows
so
close
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
lastly
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
if
that
Reading
were
admitted
,
it
would
do
no
prejudice
to
Mr.
Mede
;
but
according
to
the
richness
of
the
expression
,
sometimes
,
of
the
Scripture
,
it
would
illustrate
one
thing
by
two
Metaphors
at
once
,
and
so
the
Two-horned
Beast
would
seem
to
do
the
office
of
both
a
Chirurgeon
and
Conjurer
at
once
;
of
a
Chirurgeon
in
healing
the
deadly
wound
of
the
Sword
,
of
a
Magician
or
Conjurer
in
making
the
dead
Dragon
appear
alive
in
a
breathing
and
speaking
Image
.
Arg.
6.
Lastly
,
Mr.
Mede
argues
very
well
,
That
of
the
self-same
is
the
Image
of
the
Beast
said
to
be
of
whom
is
the
Name
and
the
Number
,
Chap.
15.2
.
But
I
say
the
Name
and
the
Number
is
of
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
Chap.
13.18
.
See
the
Context
and
the
following
Note
.
2.
And
his
Number
is
666.
The
chief
meaning
must
of
necessity
be
Six
in
opposition
to
Twelve
,
the
Apostolical
Number
,
because
of
the
six
Idolatrous
Heads
,
of
which
the
sixth
bears
the
Whore
;
which
I
prove
thus
:
The
Empire
was
not
totally
destroy'd
by
the
Ostrogoths
,
but
only
wounded
.
Who
can
doubt
but
the
Monarchical
Government
of
England
is
the
same
now
that
it
was
before
Cromwell
?
Or
thus
,
3.
The
Head
that
was
cured
bears
the
Whore
,
this
none
will
deny
;
but
the
Head
that
was
wounded
is
the
same
with
that
which
was
cured
.
For
it
is
unreasonable
to
give
one
man
a
Cut
upon
the
Head
,
and
lay
a
plaster
on
another
mans
head
.
Therefore
the
Head
that
was
wounded
,
that
is
the
sixth
Head
,
or
that
of
Emperours
bears
the
Whore
.
4.
Note
,
That
144000
is
not
a
square
,
but
a
multiplication
of
12
,
and
so
is
666
of
six
.
And
see
Dan.
3.1
.
where
Nebuchadnezzar's
Image
,
which
was
undoubtedly
a
Type
of
this
,
was
sixty
Cubits
high
,
and
six
broad
;
And
it
falls
out
handsomly
,
that
the
Apostatical
Number
should
be
half
of
the
Apostolical
,
because
the
Apostates
had
about
the
half
of
the
Apostolical
Truth
,
viz.
they
spoke
half
Canaan
and
half
Ashdod
,
&c.
Answ.
To
the
first
I
say
,
That
the
Context
shows
the
Number
to
be
the
Number
of
the
two-horned
Beast
.
For
it
is
the
Image
of
the
Beast
that
causes
all
to
receive
,
by
his
coercive
power
,
the
mark
of
the
two-horned
Beast
.
For
of
the
two-horned
Beast
and
the
Image
he
made
does
all
the
second
part
of
the
Chapter
run
.
And
therefore
the
Beast
must
be
understood
of
the
Two-horned
Beast
,
not
of
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
and
the
Number
to
be
his
and
the
Image
his
,
as
the
Artificer
thereof
.
2.
To
the
second
,
that
I
see
no
necessity
of
Six
in
opposition
to
Twelve
,
it
had
been
rather
Seven
,
(
viz.
777.
)
there
being
just
seven
Idolatrous
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.1
.
or
seven
Idolatrous
Kings
,
Chap.
17.10
.
and
the
Apostolical
and
Apostatical
opposition
also
appearing
under
the
seventh
Head
,
the
Whore
riding
the
Beast
under
that
same
Head
,
not
under
the
sixth
.
Nor
is
the
deadly
Wound
on
the
Head
of
the
Beast
by
the
Ostrogoths
,
but
by
Michael
in
his
fight
with
the
red
Dragon
.
He
that
does
not
see
that
,
must
be
stark
blind
in
Apocalyptick
Notions
.
To
bring
in
the
Ostrogoths
here
,
is
as
if
one
stuffing
a
Pillow
with
feathers
,
should
so
forget
himself
,
as
to
stodge
in
pieces
of
Brick
or
Clay
.
3.
To
the
third
I
say
,
It
is
a
mere
inelegant
Quibble
.
Inelegant
,
in
that
it
makes
the
Whore
a
Pail
of
Milk
as
it
were
born
upon
the
Head
of
the
Beast
.
A
Quibble
,
in
that
he
would
have
it
as
if
one
mans
Head
were
cut
,
and
another
mans
Head
had
the
plaster
applied
to
it
:
whenas
it
is
not
one
Beast's
Head
wounded
,
and
another
Beast's
Head
healed
,
but
the
Head
of
one
and
the
same
Beast
is
both
wounded
and
healed
.
For
it
being
one
and
the
same
individual
Beast
in
succession
,
so
it
is
one
and
the
same
Head
(
or
supreme
Power
)
though
under
a
sevenfold
Modification
,
and
they
are
called
seven
Heads
only
in
that
respect
.
But
one
and
the
same
Beast
has
still
one
and
the
same
Head
,
that
is
,
his
own
Head
,
not
the
Head
of
another
Beast
,
as
this
Quibble
phansies
two
Heads
of
two
several
men
,
one
wounded
,
but
the
other
plaistered
.
But
the
Beast
,
Chap.
13.
being
represented
with
his
Head
healed
,
which
ipso
facto
is
the
seventh
Modification
of
the
Head
,
and
that
under
which
the
Beast
bears
the
Whore
(
which
expression
implies
it
to
be
for
substance
the
same
Head
)
agrees
well
with
that
of
Chap.
17.
where
the
Beast
is
called
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
:
which
imports
that
he
is
the
same
Beast
,
as
the
Head
the
same
,
but
healed
from
its
wound
with
the
Scar
of
Christianity
upon
it
,
though
so
grosly
grown
into
Pagan-like
Idolatries
.
Whence
it
is
plain
,
the
Number
666
has
no
reference
to
the
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
,
else
it
should
have
been
777.
Besides
,
what
wisdom
would
there
be
in
counting
this
Number
?
&c.
4.
To
the
fourth
;
I
grant
that
144000
is
made
by
12
into
12000
,
and
666
by
6
into
111
,
but
in
the
mean
time
it
is
undeniable
but
that
144
Chiliarchies
or
Regiments
,
which
have
the
nature
of
Vnits
in
this
case
,
and
that
666
propounded
alone
,
is
to
be
numbred
by
extracting
the
square
Root
thereof
,
neither
6
nor
111
being
given
to
divide
it
by
,
nor
both
to
produce
it
.
And
that
one
should
say
that
the
Image
that
Nebuchadnezzar
set
up
was
undoubtedly
a
Type
of
this
,
seems
a
piece
of
such
Levity
as
hugely
misbecomes
any
serious
Interpreter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
Nor
is
there
any
handsomness
in
six
,
the
Apostatick
Number
being
half
of
twelve
the
Apostolick
Number
.
For
the
Apostatick
Church
,
if
you
compare
the
Apostolick
Doctrines
of
it
with
themselves
,
it
has
all
of
them
;
but
if
with
Apostatick
or
corrupt
Doctrines
,
the
Apostolick
is
not
the
tenth
part
of
the
Apostatick
.
But
besides
the
weakness
of
all
these
Arguments
,
it
is
impossible
the
Pope
should
be
the
Image
of
the
Ten-horned
Beast
restored
,
the
Popes
being
single
Persons
,
but
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
a
Body
Politick
.
CHAP.
XLII
.
Nine
Arguments
out
of
Socinians
and
other
Sectaries
,
whereby
they
would
prove
the
first
Imperial
Council
,
Anno
Dom.
326.
to
be
the
Epocha
of
the
time
of
the
Witnesses
till
their
Rising
.
With
Answers
to
each
Argument
.
IN
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
upon
the
third
Query
I
have
fixt
and
setled
the
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
with
all
care
and
circumspection
I
could
,
and
there
,
I
hope
,
upon
very
good
grounds
concluded
,
That
the
true
and
precise
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
of
the
mournful
Witnesses
,
and
indeed
of
all
the
Medial
Visions
is
to
be
pitched
in
the
year
of
our
Lord
393.
Wherefore
we
are
concerned
to
answer
these
nine
Arguments
that
would
infer
it
to
be
in
the
year
326.
which
are
as
follows
.
Arg.
1.
The
first
Imperial
Council
made
the
Empire
a
National
Church
,
and
so
most
fit
to
be
called
a
Beast
.
Answ.
The
Jewish
Church
under
their
Kings
was
a
National
Church
,
and
yet
no
Beast
.
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
make
the
Beast
,
not
one
publick
National
Confession
of
Faith
.
It
is
against
the
very
Light
and
Law
of
Nature
that
the
Supreme
Power
in
any
Kingdom
should
not
look
after
Religion
,
and
make
Laws
and
Orders
concerning
it
,
so
far
as
consists
with
the
just
Liberties
of
truly
conscientious
men
,
nor
are
repugnant
to
the
written
Law
of
God
,
whether
in
Scripture
or
in
Humane
Souls
.
This
is
so
consistent
with
Christianity
,
that
I
do
not
doubt
but
the
Holy
City
in
the
Millennium
will
be
built
by
a
Council
truly
Holy
,
and
truly
Oecumenical
.
Arg.
2.
This
Imperial
Council
confessedly
added
to
the
Creed
.
Answ.
What
the
Council
of
Nice
concluded
concerning
the
Divinity
of
Christ
and
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
,
was
no
addition
to
the
Creed
or
Canonical
Scripture
,
but
only
an
Explication
made
for
the
quieting
of
the
Church
,
and
burying
that
Floud
of
Contention
wherewith
the
Dragon
would
have
overwhelmed
the
Church
.
And
therefore
no
Pride
,
Fraud
,
nor
Covetousness
being
underneath
,
but
a
sincere
study
of
preserving
the
Church
in
Peace
,
and
of
exhibiting
such
a
Form
of
Faith
as
was
least
obnoxious
to
the
Cavils
of
the
Heathen
,
as
if
the
Christians
worshipped
more
Gods
than
one
,
or
any
thing
that
was
not
God
,
we
have
no
reason
to
question
but
Christ
assisted
and
directed
that
Council
in
their
determinations
according
to
his
promise
.
Arg.
3.
That
this
Council
has
been
of
greatest
Authority
,
and
most
dangerous
to
be
opposed
.
Answ.
I
do
not
see
how
this
derogates
any
thing
from
the
worthiness
of
the
Council
,
so
that
it
should
be
made
the
Epocha
of
the
time
of
the
mournful
Witnesses
till
their
Rising
.
Certainly
it
is
as
dangerous
to
oppose
the
Apostles
Creed
,
and
yet
I
think
no
man
will
deem
it
a
fit
Epocha
for
the
time
of
the
mournful
Witnesses
.
Arg.
4.
The
Council
of
Nice
set
the
first
Horn
on
the
Ecclesiastick
Beast
,
the
other
not
by
full
Authority
till
Anno
380.
or
rather
451.
A
Beast
may
be
a
Beast
without
one
Horn
,
or
with
none
;
but
he
cannot
have
an
Horn
and
be
no
Beast
.
Answ.
The
Patriarchate
of
Rome
,
and
that
other
of
Constantinople
,
that
they
be
the
two
Horns
of
the
two-horned
Beast
,
Apoc.
13.
I
easily
admit
.
But
so
soon
as
they
were
two
Summities
or
Preeminences
Ecclesiastical
,
that
they
were
necessarily
ipso
facto
two
Horns
in
that
worse
sense
,
that
I
deny
.
For
neither
embodying
into
a
Polity
,
or
having
Superiorities
and
Preeminences
make
Beasts
and
Horns
,
but
only
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
.
But
the
degeneracy
of
the
Church
into
Idolatry
was
a
pretty
while
after
the
Nicene
Council
.
It
commenced
with
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
And
he
commenced
with
the
breaking
of
the
Empire
into
several
Kingdoms
,
which
was
after
the
Nicene
Council
,
and
the
first
Constantinopolitan
also
.
Arg.
5.
The
Dragon
stood
before
the
Woman
that
was
ready
to
be
delivered
,
to
devour
the
Child
as
soon
as
it
was
born
,
Chap.
12.4
.
The
Child
was
born
in
the
Conversion
of
Constantine
.
Therefore
the
Re-paganizing
of
the
Church
must
be
presently
after
,
and
so
was
the
flight
of
the
Woman
into
the
Wilderness
.
Answ.
The
Dragon
stood
ready
to
devour
the
Child
so
soon
as
it
was
born
,
but
no
Text
says
he
did
devour
it
so
soon
as
it
was
born
,
but
quite
contrary
,
that
it
was
caught
up
to
the
Throne
of
God
,
and
possessed
the
Imperial
Crown
,
and
the
Woman
also
escaped
by
her
flight
into
the
Wilderness
.
An
Attempt
does
not
at
all
infer
an
effect
.
I
understand
no
force
at
all
in
this
Argument
.
Arg.
6.
This
gives
a
good
account
of
the
universal
Woe
,
Chap.
12.12
.
which
seems
to
come
in
strangely
after
those
words
of
Triumph
preceding
.
For
the
Devils
Pagan
Worship
must
quickly
have
come
to
an
end
by
the
Conversion
of
Constantine
,
if
he
could
not
in
that
short
time
have
turned
off
Constantine
from
the
Faith
or
Re-paganized
the
Christians
.
And
the
greatness
of
his
wrath
shows
he
was
likely
to
make
quick
dispatch
.
Answ.
I
answer
,
(1)
That
that
Wo
is
not
universal
;
Earth
and
Sea
not
comprehending
all
the
parts
of
a
Political
World
.
There
are
Heavens
besides
that
are
bid
to
rejoice
at
this
defeat
by
the
Conversion
of
Constantine
.
The
vulgar
people
are
Earth
and
Sea
,
and
amongst
them
the
Devil
was
resolved
to
bestir
himself
.
(2)
The
short
time
he
had
to
turn
himself
in
,
is
in
reference
to
the
keeping
up
his
old
Draconick
Religion
.
He
must
either
do
it
before
the
Woman
go
into
the
Wilderness
,
or
else
never
.
And
therefore
that
floud
of
Contention
was
to
turn
off
the
Populacy
from
Christianity
,
and
make
them
adhere
to
the
old
Pagan
Religion
.
But
for
Re-paganizing
the
Empire
become
Christian
,
his
time
was
not
short
for
that
;
he
carrying
on
and
perfecting
that
project
for
many
hundred
years
.
(3)
And
lastly
,
The
greatness
of
his
wrath
only
shows
the
greatness
of
his
straits
,
not
the
quickness
of
his
success
in
those
designs
of
either
upholding
the
old
Paganism
,
or
introducing
a
new
one
.
In
the
former
whereof
he
is
quite
defeated
,
and
in
perfecting
the
latter
his
progress
was
but
slow
when
once
begun
,
nor
begun
till
about
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
when
the
Empire
begun
to
be
broken
into
many
Kingdoms
.
Arg.
7.
In
this
way
we
need
not
go
to
the
uncertain
Conjectures
of
proportion
betwixt
the
inner
and
outer
Court
from
Villalpandus
,
or
arbitrarily
fix
on
such
an
Epocha
as
will
best
suit
with
our
own
Opinions
.
For
the
state
and
times
of
the
Church
before
and
after
Constantine
are
signally
distinguished
of
themselves
with
reference
to
the
Altar
,
Chap.
11.1
.
as
the
Symbol
of
Martyrdom
.
Answ.
I
say
,
(1)
That
the
proportion
of
the
inner
and
outer
Court
of
the
Temple
,
namely
,
the
Area's
of
them
in
Villalpandus
,
are
not
uncertain
.
And
it
is
the
Area's
of
them
by
a
Metonymia
Adjuncti
that
are
conceived
to
be
measured
.
The
square
Area
of
the
whole
Temple
in
the
largest
sense
is
conceived
to
be
cast
into
nine
square
Areolae
of
equal
bigness
.
Two
of
which
are
the
Area's
of
the
inner
Court
,
the
rest
of
the
outer
.
Whence
the
inner
to
the
outer
is
as
two
to
seven
.
And
it
is
Ezekiel's
Temple
questionless
that
the
Apocalypse
alludes
to
,
and
none
else
:
As
the
description
of
the
Trees
and
the
River
,
Apoc.
22.
is
from
thence
.
And
the
thing
is
so
phrased
,
according
to
the
Artifice
of
the
Apocalyptick
Stile
,
that
both
the
proportion
of
the
Time
of
the
Non-Apostasie
and
Apostasie
,
and
also
the
Non-Apostate
and
Apostate
Condition
of
the
Church
is
insinuated
.
For
his
being
bid
to
measure
the
inner
Court
,
shows
the
Symmetricalness
of
that
State
of
the
Church
,
but
the
rejecting
the
outer
Court
from
being
measured
,
intimateth
its
Incommensurableness
or
Asymmetry
to
the
Measure
.
But
the
naming
the
forty
two
months
it
was
to
be
trodden
down
gives
a
third
Term
,
whereby
we
may
gather
the
time
the
Church
was
not
yet
trodden
down
by
the
Gentiles
.
For
as
the
outer
Court
is
to
the
inner
,
so
is
forty
two
months
time
to
the
Time
sought
for
,
which
is
twelve
months
.
Thus
,
As
7
to
2
,
so
42
to
12.
The
time
therefore
of
the
Non-Apostate
Church
is
one
entire
Time
or
two
Semi-times
.
(2)
And
this
plainly
hinders
us
from
seeking
such
an
Epocha
as
will
best
suit
with
our
own
Opinions
;
this
fixing
the
time
to
near
about
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
.
And
Chemnitius
who
knew
nothing
of
this
,
does
place
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
about
that
time
:
which
is
a
thing
very
considerable
.
And
besides
,
no
man
that
understands
himself
in
Apocalyptick
Notions
,
can
fix
the
Apostatick
Epocha
where
he
pleases
,
the
Apocalypse
it self
having
fixt
it
to
the
beginning
of
the
healed
Beast
and
of
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
Which
begins
with
the
breaking
of
the
Empire
into
many
Kingdoms
,
which
breaking
begun
about
the
time
abovesaid
.
And
then
(3)
and
lastly
,
Though
there
was
indeed
at
Constantine's
Conversion
a
signal
Change
of
Affairs
in
the
Church
,
yet
that
was
not
the
healing
of
the
Beast
,
but
the
mortiferously
wounding
the
Dragon
,
of
which
the
Witnesses
did
not
complain
,
but
of
his
healing
again
.
And
the
mentioning
the
Altar
does
not
imply
that
the
Times
of
Martyrdom
were
the
only
Symmetral
Times
of
the
Church
,
but
that
the
Symmetral
Times
of
the
Church
did
comprehend
those
Times
also
.
And
though
it
was
no
long
time
,
yet
there
was
a
time
for
the
seventh
King
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
reign
,
before
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
,
was
to
come
upon
the
Stage
.
Therefore
these
are
two
signal
differences
of
Time
noted
in
the
Apocalypse
,
the
Non-Apostasie
and
Apostasie
of
the
Church
,
from
the
entrance
of
the
latter
of
which
the
middle
Synchronals
are
to
commence
,
and
not
from
the
ceasing
of
the
Persecutions
by
the
Pagan
Dragon
.
Arg.
8.
The
Atrium
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Court
without
doth
elegantly
express
the
place
of
the
Imperial
Throne
,
as
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Temple
was
the
place
of
God's
Throne
in
his
Church
which
is
his
Temple
.
Answ.
I
see
no
Elegancy
in
making
the
outer
Court
the
Imperial
Throne
,
forasmuch
as
the
Atrium
of
the
Temple
was
not
the
place
of
the
Throne
of
the
Kings
of
Israel
,
but
a
Porch
which
Solomon
built
in
his
own
House
of
the
Forest
of
Lebanon
for
the
Throne
of
Judgment
,
1
Kings
7.7
.
And
besides
,
the
Church
was
not
less
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
the
Throne
of
God
less
in
it
for
Constantine's
being
converted
to
Christianity
,
or
for
his
calling
a
general
Council
for
the
Peace
of
the
Church
.
Nor
was
he
inferiour
to
any
of
the
Bishops
for
prudence
and
moderation
,
that
the
Church
should
be
in
a
worse
condition
for
his
being
the
Head
thereof
.
Arg.
9.
The
last
Argument
is
the
Completion
of
the
Prophecy
so
exactly
,
not
only
by
Semi-times
,
but
likewise
by
Months
,
Calvin's
improvement
of
the
Reformation
falling
out
in
the
two
last
months
,
or
rather
last
month
,
and
a
greater
light
of
improvement
in
the
last
Decade
,
or
last
of
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
,
which
end
in
the
Year
1586.
when
the
Poland
Reformers
were
in
their
prime
,
in
that
last
Act
opposing
the
first
Act
of
the
Ecclesiastick
Beast
.
Answ.
That
the
Completion
should
be
to
a
month
or
a
day
,
is
but
a
precarious
Supposition
.
Besides
that
we
have
demonstrated
to
the
contrary
in
Chap.
25.
That
not
a
Prophetical
Day
nor
a
Month
,
but
a
Semi-time
,
is
the
Vnite
for
computing
the
Time
of
the
Event
in
the
Medial
Visions
.
And
being
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
began
with
Luther
,
Anno
1517.
and
according
to
this
Epocha
is
finished
Anno
1586.
this
yet
is
a
demonstration
against
the
Opposer
himself
,
that
a
month
cannot
be
the
Vnite
of
measuring
this
Event
,
the
difference
betwixt
1517.
and
1586.
being
more
than
two
Prophetical
Months
.
And
therefore
much
less
can
a
Decade
be
the
Vnite
,
the
difference
containing
even
almost
seven
Decads
.
And
now
for
that
which
pretends
to
be
the
Cream
of
this
ninth
Argument
,
as
if
the
Event
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
were
crowned
and
completed
exactly
in
the
Poland
Reformers
,
viz.
the
Socinians
,
in
the
last
single
year
of
the
1260
,
viz.
Anno
1586.
to
me
it
seems
a
strong
Argument
against
this
Epocha
of
326
,
when
the
Nicene
Council
sate
,
it
being
not
likely
that
Providence
would
countenance
so
gross
an
Heresie
with
so
accurate
an
Hit
in
the
Event
;
An
Heresie
that
runs
counter
not
only
to
the
Vniversal
Profession
of
the
Church
,
but
to
plain
Scripture
it self
.
For
as
for
the
Divinity
of
the
Logos
,
it
is
manifestly
set
down
in
the
beginning
of
S.
John's
Gospel
:
In
the
beginning
was
the
Word
,
and
the
Word
was
with
God
,
and
the
Word
was
God
.
Nor
can
it
be
evaded
by
saying
,
the
Word
is
God
by
Vnion
with
God
.
For
it
is
as
sensless
as
if
one
should
conclude
the
Body
a
Spirit
,
because
it
is
united
with
the
Soul
that
is
a
Spirit
.
And
then
for
the
Trinity
,
it
is
plainly
declared
by
our
Saviour
himself
,
in
his
commanding
them
to
preach
to
all
Nations
,
baptizing
them
in
the
Name
of
the
Father
,
Son
,
and
Holy
Ghost
.
And
the
first
part
of
the
Doxology
,
Glory
be
to
the
Father
,
and
to
the
Son
,
and
to
the
Holy
Ghost
,
was
in
use
in
the
Church
before
the
Nicene
Council
,
as
you
may
see
in
Seth
Calvisius
.
But
this
is
not
a
place
to
insist
on
these
things
.
The
Socinian
is
a
very
strait-laced
Gentleman
,
of
a
narrow
Sphere
,
and
unphilosophical
Genius
,
of
a
maimed
or
depraved
perception
and
inept
to
conceive
any
substance
that
is
immaterial
,
and
their
Ring-leader
Socinus
so
unfit
for
Theosophy
or
Theology
,
that
contrary
to
express
Scripture
,
he
denied
God
to
be
knowable
by
the
Light
of
Nature
:
a
fit
Generation
of
men
to
consummate
the
Reformation
touching
the
deep
Mysteries
of
the
Divinity
of
Christ
and
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
,
and
to
have
their
Authority
opposed
to
that
of
the
Nicene
Council
.
But
(2)
besides
this
,
the
Council
of
Nice
was
not
held
Anno
326.
but
Anno
325.
in
the
twentieth
year
of
Constantine
,
Paulinus
and
Julianus
being
Consuls
.
So
that
this
accuracy
to
a
single
year
vanishes
.
(3)
Socinus
his
setting
foot
in
Poland
was
some
years
before
1586.
and
the
prevailing
of
the
Socinians
so
as
to
be
in
their
Acme
or
Prime
there
,
a
lubricous
thing
to
determine
to
a
year
.
(4)
But
Christianus
Elector
of
Saxony
reforms
his
Country
just
in
the
year
1586.
and
in
the
Orthodox
way
of
Melancthon
,
&c.
which
shows
further
the
weakness
of
this
last
Argument
.
(5)
If
the
326.
year
after
Christ
were
the
Epocha
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
it
making
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
Prophetical
reach
but
to
the
year
1586.
it
will
fall
short
of
some
Specimina
of
their
Rising
,
as
that
in
Bohemia
where
Mattathias
grants
liberty
of
Religion
in
the
year
1608.
And
lastly
,
Whereas
,
Apoc.
2.28
.
there
is
promised
to
him
that
overcomes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
respects
the
Sardian
Church
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
into
Rule
and
Honour
;
for
so
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
;
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Prematurity
and
a
surprizing
or
unexpected
timeliness
of
the
Event
;
this
Epocha
casts
the
beginning
of
the
Event
after
almost
two
thirds
of
the
last
Semi-time
or
Hexamenon
were
expired
.
So
inauspicious
an
Epocha
every
way
is
the
326.
year
of
our
Lord
for
the
time
of
the
Witnesses
till
their
Rising
.
CHAP.
XLIII
.
Certain
odd
Glosses
on
v.
8
,
v.
10
,
and
v.
11.
of
the
seventeenth
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
Vpon
v.
8.
That
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
,
with
an
Answer
thereto
.
How
Dr.
More
,
according
to
his
Sentiments
,
disposes
of
the
Arrian
Emperours
and
of
Julian
the
Apostate
.
Vpon
v.
10.
And
there
are
seven
Kings
.
An
Answer
to
the
Gloss
.
Vpon
v.
11.
He
is
the
eighth
.
The
Gloss
and
the
Answer
thereunto
.
THE
Text
and
Gloss
on
v.
8.
That
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
The
same
Empire
was
before
Augustulus
,
was
not
under
the
Ostrogothian
Kings
,
and
was
recovered
again
by
Justinian
.
This
Exposition
does
not
exclude
an
Ecclesiastical
sense
of
Rome
,
as
Pagan
,
Christian
and
Re-paganized
.
But
it
is
not
so
proper
to
substitute
a
Body
mystical
or
a
Quality
instead
of
a
Body
Politick
,
as
Rome
was
under
the
rest
of
the
Heads
.
And
so
for
the
Ecclesiastical
sense
or
pure
Caesar
,
the
time
of
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
must
be
short
indeed
,
viz.
confined
to
some
part
of
Constantine's
Reign
.
Nor
do
I
see
how
Dr.
More
,
according
to
his
Sentiments
,
can
well
dispose
of
the
Arian
Emperours
,
and
Julian
the
Apostate
.
Answ.
I
say
,
(1)
That
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
,
is
the
same
that
ascends
out
of
the
bottomless
Pit
,
and
whom
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Earth
shall
wonder
after
,
whose
names
are
not
writ
in
the
Book
of
life
.
Which
therefore
plainly
concerns
Religion
,
not
the
Civil
State
.
And
besides
,
it
is
the
whole
Roman
Empire
(
as
appears
by
the
Ten
Horns
,
of
which
the
Ostrogothian
Kings
are
one
)
in
a
new
disguise
.
(2)
We
cannot
say
under
the
Ostrogothian
Kings
the
Roman
Ten-horned
Empire
was
not
,
for
it
was
then
,
as
before
Augustulus
.
Nor
after
the
Recovery
by
Justinian
,
that
the
Empire
is
not
(
as
then
)
and
yet
is
,
viz.
as
to
Civil
Constitution
,
which
the
Glosser
aims
at
.
For
the
Roman
Laws
and
Magistrates
were
supported
by
the
Ostrogothian
Kings
,
as
you
may
see
in
Carolus
Sigonius
,
De
Imperio
Occidentali
,
lib.
15
,
16.
(3)
The
true
Exposition
does
not
only
not
exclude
the
Ecclesiastical
,
but
shows
that
it
alone
is
the
right
meaning
,
this
other
being
so
exceeding
weak
and
vain
.
For
can
it
be
said
of
that
Civil
Recovery
by
Justinian
,
that
all
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Earth
,
whose
Names
were
not
writ
in
the
Book
of
life
,
would
wonder
after
it
,
or
after
that
Civil
Beast
of
Justinian's
Recovery
?
(4)
The
Ecclesiastick
sense
does
not
put
a
Quality
instead
of
a
Body
Politick
,
but
shows
the
Qualifications
of
the
Body
Politick
and
the
Head
.
And
it
is
further
observable
.
That
the
Red
Dragon
,
quatenus
wounded
in
the
Head
by
the
Conversion
of
Constantine
,
was
in
the
Glosser's
sense
a
Mystical
Body
,
that
is
,
a
Religious
Body
,
Paganly
Religious
,
and
in
that
sense
wounded
in
his
Fight
with
Michael
,
and
in
his
Head
mystically
also
,
Constantine
turning
Christian
.
Who
therefore
is
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
a
quite
different
King
from
the
seven
Kings
that
answer
to
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
.
(5)
And
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
his
time
indeed
is
short
according
to
the
Text.
But
I
deny
that
it
is
confined
to
some
time
of
Constantine's
Reign
,
but
reaches
to
the
succession
of
the
Head
of
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
.
Which
is
the
Time
of
the
Empire
's
Division
into
ten
Kingdoms
.
For
they
receive
their
Kingdoms
at
the
same
hour
with
this
Beast
.
This
is
inevitably
plain
,
from
which
there
is
no
subterfuge
,
and
is
an
undeniable
Testimony
for
the
Symmetricalness
of
the
Church
for
about
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
.
(6)
Dr.
More
,
according
to
his
Sentiments
,
can
dispose
very
dextrously
both
of
the
Arians
and
of
Julian
the
Apostate
.
For
first
for
Julian
the
Apostate
,
his
time
was
exceeding
short
,
so
that
after
the
deadly
wound
of
the
Pagan
Head
by
Constantine's
Conversion
,
this
little
short
Reign
of
Julian
a
Pagan
Emperour
was
but
as
it
were
a
short
Throb
or
gasp
of
the
mortally
wounded
Head
,
after
which
it
quite
dyed
,
till
it
was
healed
by
the
Apostasie
into
a
kind
of
Pagano-Christianism
.
(7)
And
lastly
,
for
the
Arian
Emperours
,
they
kept
this
Head
in
death
sufficiently
,
in
that
they
were
zealous
Christians
,
not
Pagans
nor
Pagano
Christians
by
worshipping
Daemons
and
Images
of
those
Daemons
or
Saints
.
And
as
for
that
gross
Arianism
(
which
when
it
was
at
grossest
,
worshipped
no
Object
but
what
they
conceived
the
Maker
of
Heaven
and
of
Earth
)
it
was
hufft
off
the
Stage
betimes
.
And
none
of
these
Arians
denied
the
first
Chapter
of
S.
John's
Gospel
,
where
the
Deity
of
the
Logos
was
expresly
signified
,
only
their
weakness
could
not
reach
the
full
sense
of
so
deep
a
Mystery
,
as
it
proved
to
them
.
And
those
more
refined
Arians
,
how
near
they
were
to
the
Truth
,
or
how
near
they
might
be
understood
to
have
come
to
the
Truth
,
and
that
it
might
be
proved
to
be
rather
a
frabble
of
words
than
a
distinct
disagreement
of
senses
,
it
were
too
operose
a
matter
to
declare
here
.
How
much
some
Fathers
have
cryed
out
against
the
over-much
curiosity
of
Definitions
by
Councils
,
History
will
teach
us
.
See
what
is
attempted
Chap.
40.
The
Text
and
Gloss
on
v.
10.
And
there
are
seven
Kings
.
This
is
in
effect
to
say
,
The
seven
Heads
are
seven
Kings
,
and
but
seven
Kings
.
That
as
the
first
Head
is
the
first
King
,
so
is
the
seventh
Head
the
seventh
King
.
Answ.
The
seven
Heads
indeed
are
seven
Kings
,
that
is
,
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
are
so
,
and
also
but
seven
Kings
.
And
as
the
first
Head
is
the
first
King
that
answers
to
that
first
Head
of
the
Beast
,
so
is
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
the
seventh
King
that
answers
to
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
.
But
there
being
a
time
when
the
Empire
was
not
Idolatrous
,
and
consequently
not
a
Beast
,
but
having
then
also
a
King
(
or
Head
,
but
not
of
the
Beast
)
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
being
a
King
,
the
seventh
King
of
the
Roman
Empire
(
though
no
King
or
Head
of
the
Beast
)
and
numbred
expresly
in
the
Text
in
the
seventh
place
,
and
the
succeeding
King
called
the
eighth
,
it
is
manifest
there
are
eight
Kings
,
though
but
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
.
What
can
be
more
plain
?
The
Text
and
Gloss
upon
v.
11.
He
is
the
eighth
.
He
does
not
say
the
eighth
King
or
Sovereign
,
but
by
reason
of
the
sixth
Head
reviving
,
he
is
as
it
were
an
eighth
King
or
an
eighth
Head
,
but
not
otherwise
.
For
there
were
but
seven
Heads
and
seven
Kings
:
and
that
this
Beast
redivive
was
not
the
eighth
King
and
seventh
Head
,
as
Dr.
More
saith
,
I
have
proved
before
.
And
it
is
further
proved
by
the
following
words
,
viz.
And
is
of
the
seven
:
which
was
not
proper
,
if
he
was
not
the
seventh
.
Answ.
You
say
he
does
not
say
the
eighth
King
:
(1)
What
does
he
say
then
?
He
says
five
Kings
are
fallen
,
one
King
is
,
and
another
is
to
come
,
which
plainly
is
the
seventh
.
And
then
he
says
,
The
Head
of
the
Beast
that
was
and
is
not
,
he
is
the
eighth
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
Masculine
gender
.
If
he
be
not
the
eighth
King
,
what
eighth
is
he
?
Or
what
can
be
said
more
expresly
?
Nay
,
the
Text
has
it
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
By
which
plainly
is
intimated
,
that
he
is
both
the
eighth
King
,
and
also
one
of
the
seven
Kings
represented
by
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
which
are
Idolatrous
Heads
.
So
distinct
and
exquisite
is
this
Prophetical
Declaration
.
(2)
This
eighth
King
is
the
sixth
Head
revived
together
with
the
Beast
,
that
is
,
is
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
Re-paganizing
.
(3)
But
he
is
an
eighth
King
,
because
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
the
seventh
his
immediate
Predecessour
.
A
man
must
be
wilfully
blind
that
does
not
see
this
.
nor
does
it
follow
,
because
there
were
but
seven
Kings
that
answer
to
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
therefore
there
are
but
seven
Kings
in
all
,
whenas
the
Angel
expresly
reckons
eight
.
(4)
Nor
has
he
proved
before
that
the
Head
of
the
Beast
redivive
is
not
the
eighth
King
and
seventh
Head
,
as
appears
from
what
has
been
said
above
.
(5)
And
for
his
last
proof
it
is
wondrous
weak
;
as
if
,
because
he
is
said
to
be
one
of
the
seven
Kings
answering
to
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
and
the
same
with
them
,
he
may
not
be
the
eighth
King
in
respect
of
the
pure
Christian
Caesars
,
which
were
the
seventh
King
of
the
Empire
when
it
ceased
to
be
a
Beast
.
It
is
very
Emphatical
here
to
say
,
[
and
is
one
of
the
seven
]
it
insinuating
this
sense
,
That
though
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
immediately
foregoing
King
belong
not
to
the
number
of
the
seven
Kings
represented
by
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
,
yet
this
eighth
King
does
belong
thereto
,
and
so
makes
the
seventh
of
those
seven
.
CHAP.
XLIV
.
An
Objection
against
the
placing
of
the
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
in
the
year
393.
as
from
other
Topicks
,
so
from
Rome
's
not
being
till
some
hundreds
of
years
later
than
so
,
guilty
of
bloodshed
.
Certain
premisses
set
down
in
order
to
an
Answer
to
the
Objection
.
An
Answer
to
the
first
Part
thereof
.
An
Answer
to
the
second
.
An
Answer
to
the
third
about
Idolatry
.
To
the
fourth
about
Bloodshed
,
showing
that
Visions
touching
the
Apostasie
are
not
confined
to
Rome
,
but
respect
the
whole
Sacerdotal
Hierarchy
of
the
Empire
,
and
that
Apostatick
Cruelty
consists
not
only
in
Bloodshed
,
but
in
other
Injuries
and
Violences
.
Many
Examples
produced
of
both
,
even
from
the
beginning
of
the
Apostasie
to
the
year
797.
IN
the
last
Chapter
but
one
I
answered
nine
Arguments
,
whereby
some
Sectaries
would
prove
that
the
Epocha
of
the
Time
of
the
Witnesses
till
their
Rising
is
in
the
year
326.
contrary
to
what
we
have
determined
in
Arithmetica
Apocalyptica
,
where
from
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
we
conclude
the
Epocha
to
be
in
the
year
393.
which
is
sixty
seven
years
later
than
the
former
Epocha
.
And
yet
there
are
those
that
think
it
still
set
much
too
high
.
For
the
complaint
of
the
Witnesses
being
touching
the
Apostasie
,
and
the
Apostasie
consisting
mainly
of
these
two
Parts
,
Idolatry
and
Cruelty
,
the
Intervals
of
Time
do
not
agree
with
the
truth
of
the
History
.
For
after
the
393
years
,
if
the
Apostasie
began
then
,
it
must
be
now
ᵃ
ended
,
since
it
was
to
last
but
1260
years
;
neither
was
there
any
considerable
ᵇ
mutation
either
after
the
year
393
,
or
the
year
1653.
which
is
the
year
wherein
the
1260
days
Prophetical
expire
.
ᶜ
Besides
,
Idolatry
came
not
into
the
Church
for
near
360
years
after
this
Epocha
,
not
till
the
beginning
of
the
eighth
Century
.
So
what
shall
be
made
of
that
Interval
?
ᵈ
And
it
was
almost
400
years
after
that
,
in
the
end
of
the
eleventh
Century
,
that
the
Church
of
Rome
was
guilty
of
shedding
of
blood
.
So
to
make
an
Apostasie
to
begin
so
early
,
whose
two
chief
Characters
appeared
not
till
many
Ages
after
,
seems
not
very
probable
.
This
will
seem
a
material
Objection
at
first
sight
.
But
we
must
premise
some
few
things
for
the
better
clearing
thereof
.
As
,
First
,
That
though
it
has
pleased
the
Spirit
of
Prophecy
to
intimate
to
us
from
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
the
very
year
wherein
commences
the
first
Semi-time
of
the
seven
,
yet
it
does
not
thence
follow
,
that
a
year
is
the
exact
Vnite
in
the
Eventual
measures
of
the
Medial
Visions
.
We
have
demonstrated
that
a
Semi-time
or
Hexamenon
is
the
Vnite
in
the
Eventual
measures
of
those
Visions
,
Chap.
25.
Secondly
,
That
the
Medial
Visions
point
not
at
the
final
or
consummate
Ruine
of
Antichrist
,
but
at
a
partial
Ruine
of
him
,
there
is
but
a
partial
Fall
of
the
City
Babylon
at
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
Apoc.
11.13
.
See
Synopsis
Prophetica
,
Book
2.
c.
7.
Thirdly
,
The
Reader
is
to
remember
,
That
by
the
two-horned
Beast
.
Apoc.
13.
and
by
the
Whore
of
Babylon
riding
the
Ten-horned
Beast
,
Chap.
17.
I
do
not
understand
the
Papal
Hierarchy
precisely
,
but
the
whole
Sacerdotal
Hierarchy
at
large
,
as
well
Eastern
as
Western
,
once
lapsed
into
the
Apostasie
.
This
is
fully
expressed
by
me
in
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
,
as
any
one
may
see
that
will
consult
it
.
The
Visions
indeed
at
last
pinch
closest
upon
the
Roman
Hierarchy
,
but
the
greatest
part
concerns
the
Apostatized
Church
and
Empire
,
as
well
Oriental
as
Occidental
.
Fourthly
,
That
the
seventh
Head
of
the
Beast
with
which
the
Apostasie
begins
,
is
an
Hieratico-political
or
Ecclesiastico-secular
Head
,
and
it
is
hard
to
find
the
Secular
acting
in
matters
of
Religion
without
some
or
other
of
the
Ecclesiastick
countenancing
the
same
.
But
whether
one
or
both
act
at
once
from
Apostatick
Principles
of
Idolatry
or
Cruelty
,
it
is
a
fitting
Object
of
the
mournful
Testimony
of
the
Witnesses
.
Fifthly
and
lastly
,
Where
Episcopal
Government
obtains
,
where
Paganism
is
cast
out
,
where
the
Scriptures
of
the
Old
and
New
Testament
are
acknowledged
,
and
the
Divinity
of
Christ
and
real
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
professed
,
though
not
to
the
utmost
accuracy
of
Orthodoxy
,
yet
so
so
far
,
as
there
is
nothing
worshipped
with
Religious
or
Divine
Worship
,
but
what
is
justly
conceived
capable
thereof
,
even
from
the
very
Testimony
of
Scripture
:
these
men
that
thus
profess
and
practise
,
are
really
and
in
truth
Christians
,
and
their
Church
and
Polity
Christian
.
Having
premised
thus
much
,
we
will
consider
the
Objection
in
the
main
Particulars
thereof
.
ᵃ
The
first
is
,
That
if
the
Apostasie
began
in
the
year
393.
it
must
have
quite
been
ended
in
the
year
1653.
when
the
1260
Prophetical
days
do
expire
.
But
we
answer
to
this
out
of
the
second
Premiss
,
That
the
Medial
Visions
point
not
at
the
final
or
consummate
Ruine
of
Antichrist
,
but
partial
.
The
Time
of
the
Medial
Visions
is
the
Time
of
the
entireness
of
his
Kingdom
before
it
was
broken
or
considerably
diminished
by
the
Reformation
.
ᵇ
To
the
second
,
That
there
was
no
considerable
Mutation
either
after
the
year
393.
or
the
year
1653.
I
say
,
the
seeming
force
of
this
Objection
is
built
upon
a
mistake
,
as
if
the
Vnite
in
the
Eventual
measuring
of
the
Medial
Visions
were
a
Prophetick
day
or
single
year
,
whenas
it
is
a
Semi-time
or
Hexamenon
,
according
to
the
first
Premiss
.
Wherefore
if
considerable
Changes
happened
within
the
first
Semi-time
and
in
the
last
,
it
is
sufficient
;
As
when
the
Eventual
measure
is
by
single
years
,
if
the
thing
fall
out
that
denominates
the
Epocha
of
the
Period
of
Time
in
the
first
year
,
and
the
Event
in
the
last
,
it
is
sufficient
,
though
not
in
the
first
day
or
month
,
or
in
the
last
day
or
month
of
the
year
.
If
the
Epochal
Note
should
fall
out
either
before
the
beginning
of
the
first
Semi-time
,
or
the
predicted
Event
after
the
last
,
then
indeed
it
would
be
a
flaw
;
but
if
within
the
first
and
the
last
,
and
that
in
handsom
proportion
,
then
all
is
right
.
ᶜ
To
the
third
,
That
Idolatry
came
not
into
the
Church
till
the
beginning
of
the
eighth
Century
.
This
seems
a
very
odd
Objection
,
as
if
there
were
no
Idolatry
but
mere
Image-worship
,
whenas
certainly
the
Invocation
of
any
invisible
created
Powers
,
Saints
or
Angels
,
and
to
make
them
our
Mahuzzim
to
put
confidence
in
their
Succour
and
Protection
,
is
the
Fundamental
Idolatry
upon
which
praying
with
eyes
and
hands
lifted
up
to
their
Images
,
and
other
Superstitious
or
Idolatrous
Rites
done
to
them
,
are
built
.
But
that
this
kind
of
Idolatry
began
not
long
after
the
Epocha
of
393.
I
have
abundantly
proved
Chap.
28.
ᵈ
And
to
the
fourth
and
last
,
That
it
was
not
till
the
end
of
the
eleventh
Century
that
the
Church
of
Rome
was
guilty
of
shedding
of
blood
;
I
answer
out
of
my
third
Premiss
,
That
my
Interpretation
of
the
13.
and
17.
Chapters
of
the
Apocalypse
does
not
precisely
and
adequately
respect
the
Church
of
Rome
,
but
concerns
the
whole
Sacerdotal
Hierarchy
of
the
Empire
,
and
the
whole
Empire
Eastern
as
well
as
Western
,
in
which
Division
I
take
in
the
whole
Empire
;
And
the
two
wings
of
an
Eagle
,
which
were
given
the
Woman
to
fly
into
the
Wilderness
,
spread
over
all
,
Apoc.
12.14
.
Secondly
,
That
that
which
is
an
eminent
Character
of
a
Body
Politick
,
though
it
be
not
all
along
the
Body
Politick
,
yet
in
these
Henopoetick
Visions
,
will
and
may
justly
be
represented
in
the
Hieroglyphical
Type
,
together
with
those
Characters
that
continue
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
,
especially
when
the
said
Character
continues
for
a
considerable
time
,
and
according
to
the
Objector's
account
it
will
have
begun
and
continued
4
or
50●
years
,
but
I
shall
prove
that
this
practice
of
Rome
began
several
of
hundreds
of
years
sooner
.
Thirdly
,
Bloodshed
is
not
the
only
Cruelty
;
outing
men
of
their
Preferments
,
imprisoning
,
banishing
and
reducing
men
to
extreme
Poverty
and
Beggery
,
are
things
as
harsh
in
a
manner
as
Death
it self
.
Fourthly
&
lastly
,
Though
we
were
destitute
of
History
what
was
done
after
the
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
,
393.
yet
the
carriage
of
the
Arians
and
Orthodox
one
against
another
before
,
is
so
furious
and
severe
,
that
we
may
guess
from
thence
what
would
be
done
after
the
abovesaid
Epocha
.
To
particularize
before
this
Epocha
I
shall
forbear
for
brevity
sake
,
and
because
it
is
the
time
I
am
less
concerned
in
,
the
Apostasie
not
beginning
till
Idolatry
was
conjoined
thereto
.
We
will
content
our selves
to
set
down
only
such
Instances
of
Cruelty
and
Persecution
as
are
after
that
Epocha
.
In
the
first
month
(
the
seventh
day
of
the
month
)
of
the
first
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
,
Theophilus
Bishop
of
Alexandria
holds
a
Synod
there
,
and
condemns
Origen
,
and
expels
Origen's
Followers
out
of
Aegypt
and
Palestine
.
One
of
the
first
occasions
of
this
Pique
against
the
Origenists
was
this
:
He
invited
to
him
four
Brothers
,
Dioscorus
,
Ammonius
,
Eusebius
and
Euthymius
,
who
were
Overseers
of
the
Religious
Houses
in
Aegypt
,
men
of
singular
Piety
and
Parts
,
and
Lovers
of
Origen
,
from
whom
they
were
thoroughly
convinced
that
God
was
incorporeal
,
nor
had
any
parts
nor
members
,
as
the
Anthropomorphite
Monks
of
Aegypt
thought
he
had
,
and
did
with
zeal
and
fury
profess
as
much
.
Theophilus
made
Dioscorus
Bishop
of
Hermopolis
,
and
the
other
three
he
importuned
,
and
obtained
of
them
to
live
with
him
.
But
these
pious
Monks
being
disgusted
at
the
ill
life
of
Theophilus
,
would
stay
no
longer
with
him
,
but
returned
to
their
former
Monastick
Retirement
.
He
smelling
out
the
reason
thereof
,
conceived
a
deadly
hatred
against
them
,
and
declared
,
against
his
own
Conscience
,
for
the
Anthropomorphite
Monks
,
and
disswaded
them
from
obeying
Dioscorus
,
and
so
set
the
Anthropomorphites
and
Origenists
together
by
the
ears
.
Socrates
calls
it
Bellum
pestiferum
.
And
Theophilus
coming
with
a
Band
of
armed
men
to
Nitria
,
a
Mountain
in
Aegypt
,
where
there
were
many
Monasteries
,
was
there
ready
to
assist
the
Anthropomorphites
against
the
Origenists
,
and
armed
the
Anthropomorphite
Monks
against
Dioscorus
and
his
Brethren
,
that
they
hardly
escaped
the
danger
of
being
slain
.
The
business
is
more
at
large
set
down
in
Socrates
his
Ecclesiastick
History
,
lib.
6.
cap.
7.
We
see
how
timely
the
Hieratical
Head
made
use
of
its
power
even
tantum
non
to
the
effusion
of
blood
.
These
banished
Monks
Dioscorus
and
his
Brethren
,
conscious
to
themselves
of
their
own
Innocency
,
betook
themselves
to
Chrysostome
at
Constantinople
for
their
redress
;
The
fend
of
Theophilus
follows
them
,
and
abusing
the
simplicity
of
Epiphanius
,
got
him
to
be
earnest
with
Chrysostome
to
anathematize
the
Works
of
Origen
,
and
send
packing
Dioscorus
and
his
Brethren
from
Constantinople
.
And
his
malice
wrought
so
far
against
Chrysostome
,
who
refused
to
comply
with
so
unworthy
a
motion
,
that
In
the
Year
403.
or
the
eleventh
day
of
the
first
month
of
the
first
Hexamenon
,
in
a
Synod
of
Bishops
ad
Quercum
,
near
Chalcedon
,
packt
for
the
purpose
,
he
got
Chrysostome
deposed
from
his
Patriarchate
and
banished
;
but
there
being
an
Earthquake
that
very
night
that
the
innocent
Prelate
was
hurried
away
by
the
Souldiers
,
he
was
immediately
by
the
Emperour's
Command
recalled
to
his
Office
and
Mansion
.
The
Story
is
at
large
set
down
in
Spondanus
.
And
in
the
twelfth
day
of
this
first
month
there
was
a
Synod
called
at
Constantinople
,
that
again
most
unjustly
deposed
Chrysostome
,
and
he
was
with
that
violence
torn
from
his
dear
Charge
or
Flock
with
Swords
and
Staves
and
Clubs
,
ut
&
ipsum
Baptisterium
cruore
repletum
fuerit
,
as
Spondanus
has
it
out
of
Palladius
.
Which
is
no
contemptible
Specimen
of
the
Cruelty
of
the
Hieratico-political
Head
of
the
Beast
thus
early
after
the
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
.
And
this
very
year
what
direful
Persecutions
they
suffered
that
would
not
communicate
with
Arsacius
that
succeeded
Chrysostome
,
you
may
see
in
the
same
Author
.
In
this
same
year
404.
Alstedius
tells
us
,
Donatistae
in
Africa
crudeliter
saeviunt
in
Catholicos
:
Yet
the
Donatist
Bishops
with
their
Flocks
took
themselves
to
be
the
true
Church
,
and
the
rest
but
persecutive
Schismaticks
.
Wherefore
it
is
not
strange
that
In
the
Year
410.
or
the
eighteenth
day
of
the
first
month
of
this
first
Hexamenon
,
Honorius
sent
express
word
to
Heraclianus
concerning
the
Donatists
,
that
if
they
met
contrary
to
his
Decree
,
they
should
be
punished
poena
proscriptionis
&
sanguinis
.
The
severity
of
which
Decree
of
Honorius
against
the
Donatists
,
no
man
of
equity
can
wonder
at
,
that
reflects
upon
what
was
observed
before
out
of
Alstedius
.
Nor
where-ever
I
produce
Instances
of
the
severity
of
the
Orthodox
Power
against
Heterodox
Christians
even
to
sanguinary
Penalties
,
or
what
may
be
equivalent
thereto
,
is
it
to
perstringe
their
proceedings
any
further
than
that
there
seems
no
provision
made
to
secure
the
purely
conscientious
and
peaceful
Heterodox
Christians
,
nor
any
difference
put
betwixt
them
,
and
such
as
are
for
Tumult
,
Violence
and
Persecution
themselves
.
For
sanguinary
severity
against
such
Heterodox
Christians
that
are
merely
conscientiously
such
as
they
are
,
and
are
peaceful
and
loyal
Subjects
,
cannot
but
feel
harsh
to
a
truly
Christian
Spirit
.
In
the
twenty
first
day
of
this
month
,
or
the
year
413.
Theodosius
Imp.
in
Oriente
,
Eunomianos
saepe
damnatos
novo
Rescripto
exagitavit
,
simulque
Anabaptistas
ultimo
supplicio
afficiendos
decrevit
.
And
Honorius
the
year
after
declares
the
Donatists
,
Infames
&
Intestabiles
,
and
inflicts
Banishment
on
their
Bishops
and
Clergy
,
and
the
same
punishment
on
as
many
as
conceal
them
.
In
the
twenty
third
day
of
this
month
this
memorable
Instance
of
Hieratical
Cruelty
happened
.
Hypatia
,
a
famous
She-Philosopher
,
Daughter
of
Theon
,
and
a
wise
,
grave
and
discreet
Matron
,
venerated
for
her
Wisdom
even
by
Princes
and
great
Persons
,
out
of
mere
suspicion
that
she
hindred
Orestes
,
the
Governour
of
Alexandria
,
from
being
reconciled
to
Cyrillus
the
Bishop
thereof
,
after
his
Monks
from
Mount
Nitria
had
broke
the
Governour
's
Pate
,
was
by
one
Peter
the
Reader
and
a
number
of
other
Zealots
for
the
Bishop
which
followed
Peter
their
Ring-leader
,
pulled
out
of
her
Chariot
by
main
force
,
carried
into
the
Church
called
Caesareum
,
and
there
stript
of
her
cloaths
,
had
her
skin
and
flesh
torn
off
with
sharp
shells
till
she
died
;
And
then
quartering
of
her
body
,
they
carried
the
members
thereof
to
a
place
called
Cinaron
,
and
there
burnt
them
to
ashes
.
Socrat.
Histor.
Eccles.
lib.
7.
cap.
15.
In
the
Year
428.
or
the
sixth
day
of
the
second
month
of
the
first
Hexamenon
,
that
grandisonant
Speech
was
uttered
by
Nestorius
upon
his
being
chosen
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
,
unto
the
Emperour
:
Give
me
,
O
Emperour
!
the
Earth
cleared
of
Hereticks
,
and
I
will
give
thee
Heaven
;
do
thou
assist
me
in
routing
the
Hereticks
,
and
I
will
succour
thee
in
vanquishing
the
Persians
.
But
full
little
then
did
this
valiant
Man
think
how
easie
a
thing
it
is
for
one
that
will
be
curious
in
Speculation
beyond
necessity
or
usefulness
,
to
fall
into
Errour
,
and
how
far
more
easie
to
be
thought
to
do
so
by
others
,
whether
it
be
so
or
no.
But
why
mistakes
in
unnecessary
decisions
should
be
deemed
Heresies
,
I
believe
this
great
Man
could
hardly
give
a
good
Reason
.
But
this
persecutive
Zeal
against
whatsoever
has
the
Luck
to
be
called
Heresie
,
himself
tasted
at
last
of
the
bitter
fruit
of
that
Tree
,
who
lost
his
Patriarchate
,
and
was
banished
for
that
Heresie
he
is
deemed
the
Author
of
,
and
gave
name
to
,
viz.
Nestorianism
.
In
the
Year
436.
or
the
fourteenth
day
of
the
second
month
of
the
first
hexamenon
,
Nestorius
was
by
the
Command
of
the
Emperour
Theodosius
banished
to
Petrae
or
Oasis
in
Aegypt
,
the
worst
and
most
infamous
place
for
Exuls
.
In
the
fifteenth
day
of
this
month
Gensericus
King
of
the
Vandals
,
raised
a
sore
Persecution
in
Africk
against
the
Orthodox
,
he
with
his
Bishops
being
Arians
.
Amongst
other
Sufferers
,
four
Spanish
Noblemen
,
Arcadius
,
Probus
,
Paschasius
and
Eutychius
first
proscribed
,
then
banished
,
afterwards
tortured
,
and
at
last
cruelly
put
to
death
all
four
of
them
.
Spond
.
out
of
Prosper
.
And
yet
it
is
said
of
these
Vandals
,
that
they
so
thoroughly
reformed
Carthage
from
Paganism
,
Vt
ne
vestigium
quidem
ibi
relictum
fuerit
Gentilitiae
impietatis
.
Nor
can
this
Instance
of
bloody
Cruelty
be
excepted
against
as
not
being
done
by
the
Christian
Hieratico-political
Power
.
For
the
Arians
cannot
be
denied
to
be
part
of
the
Christian
Church
by
Premiss
the
fifth
.
For
Arius
himself
soon
relinquished
that
gross
Errour
of
[
Erat
quando
non
erat
]
The
Arians
therefore
acknowledging
the
Logos
to
be
ab
Aeterno
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
the
Nicene
Creed
has
it
,
must
acknowledge
him
to
exist
necessarily
ab
aeterno
,
and
nothing
can
do
so
but
what
is
God
.
Wherefore
they
being
qualified
according
to
the
Conditions
set
down
in
the
fifth
Premiss
,
it
is
manifest
they
must
be
allowed
to
be
part
of
the
Christian
Church
,
though
not
so
Orthodox
as
they
should
be
.
If
they
that
are
called
Arians
all
along
in
History
were
in
that
first
gross
sense
such
,
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
would
have
begun
with
Arius
,
as
the
Reformation
is
conceived
to
begin
with
Luther
.
And
then
as
one
of
the
Fathers
complains
,
the
whole
world
might
well
groan
indeed
to
find
it self
turned
Arian
.
But
this
Supposition
,
as
it
ill
accords
with
History
,
so
far
as
I
can
discern
,
so
it
is
point-blank
against
the
Testimony
of
the
Apocalypse
,
out
of
which
may
be
clearly
understood
from
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
Chap.
11.
and
from
the
Rising
of
the
Beast
that
was
,
is
not
,
and
yet
is
at
the
same
time
in
which
the
Ten
Horns
were
catching
at
and
obtaining
Kingdoms
,
Chap.
17.
that
the
Apostasie
came
not
in
till
about
seventy
years
after
that
Arius
appeared
,
and
his
Opinion
was
condemned
by
the
Council
of
Nice
.
So
true
a
Glass
is
the
Apocalypse
to
discover
the
State
of
the
Church
all
along
.
In
the
twenty
seventh
day
of
this
second
month
,
or
in
the
year
449.
Dioscorus
Bishop
of
Alexandria
presiding
over
the
second
Ephesine
Council
,
Flavianus
Bishop
of
Constantinople
and
Eusebius
Dorylaeus
were
violently
kickt
to
compel
them
to
subscribe
,
but
Flavianus
so
cruelly
beaten
and
abused
,
that
he
died
upon
it
.
In
the
fifth
day
of
the
third
month
,
or
in
the
year
457.
Timotheus
Aelurus
getting
into
the
Bishoprick
of
Alexandria
,
raised
all
manner
of
cruel
Persecutions
against
the
Orthodox
.
And
his
Myrmidons
they
were
that
so
salvagely
murdered
Proterius
the
former
Bishop
even
in
the
very
Baptistry
,
dragg'd
his
Corps
thorough
the
streets
of
the
City
,
tore
it
into
parts
,
and
like
greedy
Dogs
forbore
not
to
taste
of
his
entrails
.
After
they
burnt
his
body
to
ashes
,
which
they
scattered
in
the
wind
.
In
the
twenty
fourth
day
of
the
said
month
,
or
the
year
476.
Basiliscus
the
Tyrant
burnt
amongst
others
Plato
Groom
of
his
Chamber
,
for
opposing
Timotheus
Aelurus
an
Eutychian
Bishop
.
In
the
first
day
of
the
fourth
month
,
or
Anno
483.
Hunericus
King
of
the
Vandals
renews
a
most
direful
Persecution
against
the
Orthodox
Bishops
and
Clergy
that
would
not
turn
Arians
.
Banishments
,
torturings
,
and
cruel
treatings
even
unto
death
numbers
of
them
suffered
.
Spondanus
out
of
Victor
.
In
the
second
day
of
this
month
it
is
said
,
That
several
of
the
Orthodox
that
refused
to
communicate
with
the
Arians
,
had
their
tongues
cut
out
from
the
very
root
;
and
it
is
added
,
that
by
a
Miracle
they
spoke
notwithstanding
,
ibid.
In
the
nineteenth
day
of
the
fourth
month
,
or
Anno
501.
Anastasius
the
Emperour
,
for
the
better
keeping
under
the
Orthodox
that
were
for
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
in
the
Circus
at
the
publick
Show
,
caused
to
be
slaughtered
to
the
number
of
three
thousand
of
them
.
Seth
Calvis
.
In
the
twenty
fifth
day
of
this
month
,
or
Anno
507.
Clodoveus
King
of
France
slew
Alaricus
the
Arian
King
,
raising
War
against
him
upon
the
account
of
his
Religion
.
Spondan
.
In
the
last
day
of
the
fourth
month
,
or
in
the
year
512.
Anastasius
causing
the
Quaternity
of
the
Theopaschites
to
be
sung
in
the
Church
at
Constantinople
,
the
people
tumultuating
against
it
,
slew
many
of
them
.
Whereupon
they
took
their
revenge
,
and
destroy'd
the
Monastick
Flatterers
of
Anastasius
with
Fire
and
Sword
,
and
coming
up
with
the
Gospel
,
and
the
Cross
of
our
Lord
to
Anastasius
his
Throne
sung
the
Hymn
of
the
Trinity
according
to
the
custom
of
the
Orthodox
Christians
,
and
killed
a
Monk
and
a
Nun
that
were
most
dear
to
the
Emperour
,
and
dragging
their
Carcasses
about
,
cryed
out
,
These
be
the
Friends
of
him
that
is
a
Foe
to
the
Holy
Trinity
.
Spondan
.
out
of
Marcellinus
Comes
,
and
Cedrenus
.
In
the
sixth
day
of
the
fifth
month
,
or
Anno
518.
Justinus
in
the
first
year
of
his
Reign
commanded
Severus
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
who
had
so
often
anathematized
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
to
be
apprehended
,
punished
,
and
to
have
his
Tongue
cut
out
of
his
mouth
.
See
Evagrius
his
Histor.
Ecclesiast.
lib.
3.
cap.
4.
In
the
fifteenth
day
of
this
month
,
or
Anno
527.
Justinian
published
an
Edict
wherein
he
anathematized
all
Heresies
whatever
(
and
made
them
subject
to
the
Penal
Laws
against
Hereticks
)
and
especially
those
Heresies
that
were
most
controverted
in
his
Time
,
Nestorian
,
Eutychian
,
and
Apollinarian
.
Spondanus
.
In
the
sixth
day
of
the
sixth
month
,
or
Anno
548.
Laurianus
Bishop
of
Hispalis
had
his
Head
struck
off
by
Totilas
the
Arian
for
his
zeal
for
the
Truth
.
In
the
twenty
first
day
of
this
month
,
or
Anno
563.
Justinian
would
compel
the
Bishops
to
profess
his
Opinion
of
the
Incorruptibility
of
Christ's
Body
upon
pain
of
Banishment
,
which
he
threatned
to
them
.
Spondan
.
out
of
Evagrius
.
In
the
twenty
second
day
,
viz.
Anno
564.
Justinian
raises
a
great
Persecution
against
the
Corrupticolae
(
for
so
they
were
called
that
would
not
receive
the
Emperour's
Opinion
,
as
the
Emperour's
Party
were
named
Phantasiastae
)
at
what
time
Eutychius
Bishop
of
Constantinople
was
banished
for
adhering
to
the
Truth
.
In
the
twenty
sixth
day
of
this
sixth
month
,
or
Anno
568.
Alboinus
King
of
the
Lombards
enters
Italy
,
they
were
mostwhat
Arians
,
as
Spondanus
also
observes
,
whence
the
Orthodox
bore
their
cruel
Persecutions
206
years
till
the
year
774.
as
Alstedius
tells
us
:
which
is
the
twenty
second
day
of
the
first
month
of
the
third
Hexamenon
or
Semi-time
.
See
Spondanus
,
Anno
573.
In
the
eleventh
day
of
the
first
month
of
the
second
Hexamenon
,
or
Anno
583.
a
direful
Persecution
in
Spain
is
raised
against
the
Orthodox
by
that
Arian
King
Lewigildus
,
many
banished
,
their
Goods
confiscated
,
many
imprisoned
,
and
killed
.
In
the
sixteenth
day
of
the
said
month
,
or
Anno
588.
Lewigildus
raises
a
fiercer
Persecution
,
wherein
the
Abbot
Vincentius
after
stripes
,
was
cruelly
slain
by
the
Arians
before
the
door
of
his
Monastery
.
In
the
last
day
of
this
month
,
or
Anno
602.
Augustinus
Pope
Gregory's
Legate
by
the
King's
Authority
calls
together
in
the
West
parts
of
England
the
British
Bishops
and
Doctors
to
get
them
to
submit
to
the
Rites
and
Ceremonies
of
the
Church
of
Rome
:
they
refusing
,
he
threatned
them
with
War
and
Slaughter
,
which
was
effected
accordingly
.
The
story
of
the
slaughter
of
the
Monks
of
Bangor
is
notorious
.
See
Baleus
in
the
Life
of
Gregory
,
and
Dr.
Heylin
.
In
the
twenty
fifth
day
of
the
third
month
,
or
Anno
657.
Maximus
an
Abbot
of
Constantinople
with
Anastasius
his
Disciple
were
most
cruelly
scourged
,
after
cast
into
Prison
,
and
the
next
day
brought
forth
,
had
their
Tongues
cut
out
for
their
stickling
against
the
Emperour
Constans
his
Edict
called
Typus
,
whereby
he
would
have
silenced
the
Monothelite
Controversie
,
whether
there
were
one
or
two
Wills
and
Operations
in
Christ
.
But
this
passage
is
diversly
interpretable
.
In
the
twenty
fourth
day
of
the
fourth
month
,
or
Anno
686.
Funecius
tells
us
,
that
Justinian
the
Second
,
instigated
thereto
by
the
Pope
,
compelled
the
people
of
Ravenna
by
slaughters
,
by
besieging
their
City
,
by
despoiling
them
of
their
Goods
,
and
by
Banishment
,
and
the
like
,
to
be
subject
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
banished
Felix
the
Bishop
of
Ravenna
to
Pontus
,
having
first
deprived
him
of
his
sight
,
as
being
guilty
of
their
Revolt
.
The
matter
of
Fact
other
Historians
relate
,
as
Nauclerus
,
Spondanus
,
and
others
;
but
Funecius
seems
to
have
committed
a
Parachronism
of
twenty
two
years
,
or
thereabout
.
It
was
according
to
Spondanus
in
the
year
708.
or
the
sixteenth
day
of
the
fifth
month
of
the
second
Hexamenon
.
In
the
fourth
day
of
the
sixth
month
,
or
Anno
726.
or
thereabout
,
in
the
Reign
of
Leo
Isaurus
,
the
people
in
Italy
,
by
the
perswasion
of
the
Church-men
,
was
so
zealous
in
the
Cause
of
Images
,
that
in
Ravenna
where
the
Imperial
Authority
most
resided
,
they
flew
into
such
open
Tumults
and
Rebellion
,
that
they
murthered
Paulus
the
fourteenth
Exarch
,
in
Rome
it self
they
took
Petrus
the
Duke
,
and
put
out
his
Eyes
,
and
in
Campania
they
beheaded
the
Duke
Exhilaratus
and
his
Son
Adrian
,
who
there
took
the
Emperour's
part
against
the
Pope
.
See
Hen.
Foulis
his
History
,
lib.
3.
cap.
4.
In
the
fifteenth
day
of
the
second
month
of
the
third
Hexamenon
,
or
Anno
797.
Irene
unnaturally
ordered
her
Son
Constantine
the
Emperour
his
Eyes
to
be
pulled
out
,
which
was
acted
with
such
violence
upon
him
,
that
he
died
presently
upon
it
.
All
Histories
ring
of
this
Cruelty
.
But
I
will
not
tire
out
my
Reader
.
This
is
enough
to
prove
that
there
was
Violence
and
Cruelty
used
by
the
Hieratico-political
Power
of
the
Empire
against
the
Orthodox
many
hundred
years
before
the
end
of
the
eleventh
Century
.
Nor
will
the
brevity
of
this
present
Treatise
of
mine
admit
any
large
Excursions
into
History
.
But
we
may
be
sure
that
the
Orthodox
were
held
down
by
the
hard
rigour
of
Penal
Laws
against
such
as
should
utter
any
thing
against
the
Errours
,
be
they
what
they
will
,
established
by
Law
,
all
along
.
Which
could
not
but
be
a
pressure
or
oppression
,
and
something
akin
to
actual
Persecution
,
which
was
erupturient
all
the
while
,
and
at
last
broke
out
in
most
salvage
manner
under
the
Papacy
.
The
horrid
effects
whereof
have
hideously
blackened
the
History
of
that
Church
.
These
are
things
so
well
known
,
that
it
is
needless
to
bestow
a
single
line
upon
them
.
I
have
done
already
enough
,
if
not
more
than
enough
in
Answer
to
the
Objector's
fourth
and
last
Allegation
.
CHAP.
XLV
.
Some
brief
strictures
upon
the
Calendar
of
Prophetick
Time
touching
the
Vision
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
.
The
six
Collateral
Lines
adjusted
to
the
Principal
Line
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
,
from
whence
it
would
follow
,
that
the
Papacy
and
Turkish
Tyranny
will
be
broken
so
,
that
the
Witnesses
universally
will
put
off
their
Sack-cloth
about
twelve
years
hence
,
and
about
eighty
eight
years
hence
the
glory
of
the
New
Jerusalem
will
appear
descended
from
Heaven
.
An
Examination
of
this
Hypothesis
,
That
it
fails
in
the
placing
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
.
The
first
Collateral
Line
of
seventy
five
years
examined
.
The
Examination
of
the
second
Collateral
Line
or
seventy
Weeks
of
Daniel
.
Of
the
third
Collateral
Line
four
hundred
and
four
years
,
and
the
marvellous
Invention
thereof
.
Of
the
fourth
Line
the
forty
two
months
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
or
1260
days
of
the
Mourning
of
the
Witnesses
.
The
fifth
Line
or
the
thirty
days
,
which
added
,
make
Daniel
's
1290
days
.
Of
his
sixth
Collateral
Line
forty
five
days
,
which
added
to
his
former
Number
,
make
Daniel
's
1335
days
.
The
chief
ground
on
which
his
Hypothesis
depends
examined
and
confuted
,
which
concerns
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
,
drawn
from
the
Text.
The
right
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
and
of
Daniel
's
1290
and
1335
days
is
to
be
fixt
in
Antiochus
his
Pollution
of
the
Sanctuary
.
No
hopes
from
the
Compute
of
Daniel
's
2300
Evening-Mornings
,
of
the
Papacy
and
Turkish
Tyranny
being
broken
within
twelve
years
,
&c.
THE
ingenious
Author
of
the
Calendar
of
Prophetick
Time
,
when
he
had
carried
on
his
Principal
Line
of
Compute
to
the
end
of
the
seventy
years
Captivity
,
from
which
the
Jews
were
delivered
by
Cyrus
(
pag.
10.
)
which
I
am
not
concerned
to
examine
,
the
next
generally
acknowledged
Line
of
Time
that
occurred
to
his
mind
was
the
seventy
Weeks
of
Daniel
;
but
considering
with
himself
that
betwixt
the
seventy
years
ending
,
and
seventy
weeks
beginning
,
there
must
be
a
middle
space
of
Time
that
is
not
to
be
void
,
he
therefore
to
continue
the
Principal
Line
of
his
Calendar
thorough
that
space
also
,
and
supposing
Daniel
to
receive
the
Vision
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
at
the
close
of
the
seventy
years
Captivity
,
interprets
these
2300
Evening-Mornings
to
be
so
many
Prophetical
Days
,
viz.
2300
years
,
and
places
their
Epocha
at
the
expiration
of
the
seventy
years
Captivity
,
namely
,
from
the
year
wherein
Daniel
received
the
Vision
.
And
this
Principal
Line
of
Time
he
recommends
to
us
upon
several
accounts
,
it
reaching
so
handsomly
from
the
destruction
of
the
Literal
Babylon
to
the
utter
destruction
of
the
Mystical
,
from
the
rebuilding
again
of
the
Literal
Jerusalem
to
the
raising
of
the
New
Jerusalem
or
Jerusalem
Mystical
,
and
for
that
it
is
commensurate
or
equal
to
seventy
five
years
from
its
Epocha
to
the
seventy
Weeks
;
to
the
four
hundred
and
ninety
years
of
those
Weeks
;
to
four
hundred
and
four
years
from
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
to
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
;
to
his
forty
two
months
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
Reign
;
to
the
thirty
days
that
make
Daniel's
twelve
hundred
and
ninety
days
;
and
to
forty
five
days
,
which
added
to
the
former
number
,
make
the
thirteen
hundred
and
thirty
five
days
of
Daniel
;
the
Principal
Line
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
is
commensurate
or
equal
to
all
these
Collateral
Lines
put
together
.
So
that
the
thirteen
hundred
and
thirty
five
days
reach
as
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
do
to
the
utter
destruction
of
Babylon
and
the
glory
of
the
New
Jerusalem
.
This
is
to
fall
out
in
the
Year
1772.
viz.
eighty
eight
years
hence
,
upon
the
pouring
out
of
the
Vials
begun
in
the
Year
1727.
the
space
of
their
pouring
out
being
the
forty
five
days
added
to
the
twelve
hundred
and
ninety
days
in
Daniel
;
the
beginning
therefore
of
their
pouring
forth
is
forty
three
years
hence
.
In
the
thirty
,
which
added
to
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
,
make
Daniel's
twelve
hundred
and
ninety
days
,
are
the
seven
Ministerial
Voices
of
the
unsealed
seven
Thunders
uttered
,
which
begin
with
the
Sound
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
(
pag.
68.
)
and
reach
to
the
beginning
of
the
Vials
.
The
beginning
of
these
thirty
days
is
thirteen
years
hence
upon
the
expiration
of
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
,
when
will
be
the
complete
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
when
the
Papacy
and
Turkish
Tyranny
will
be
so
broken
,
that
the
Witnesses
will
universally
put
off
their
Sackcloth
,
they
being
rid
of
the
oppression
of
their
Persecutors
.
And
lastly
,
the
four
hundred
and
four
years
is
the
time
of
the
Purity
of
the
Church
,
from
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
till
the
commencing
of
the
forty
two
months
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
mournful
condition
of
the
Witnesses
.
The
contrivance
is
witty
and
inventive
,
as
indeed
the
whole
Book
must
be
the
effect
of
a
mind
notably
much
exercised
in
the
study
of
Scripture
and
Prophecies
,
and
eagerly
set
to
find
some
grounds
and
hopes
therefrom
,
that
in
a
very
short
time
the
oppression
of
God's
Church
will
be
hugely
abated
or
taken
quite
off
from
their
shoulders
.
But
let
us
now
,
and
that
very
briefly
,
examine
the
grounds
of
these
so
great
hopes
,
and
how
firm
this
frame
and
contrivance
is
.
And
first
here
he
takes
for
granted
,
that
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
are
so
many
years
,
though
the
Text
says
expresly
,
That
the
Vision
of
the
Evening
and
Morning
is
true
,
that
is
,
plain
,
not
Aenigmatical
,
whence
they
must
signifie
so
many
days
literally
,
not
years
.
But
because
several
intelligent
persons
have
a
propension
to
think
these
days
may
be
also
Typical
of
years
,
Antiochus
being
so
notable
a
Type
of
Antichrist
,
I
will
not
much
gainsay
the
ingenious
Author
of
the
Calendar
in
this
,
but
rather
suppose
that
it
is
said
,
that
the
Vision
of
the
Evening
and
Morning
is
true
,
that
is
to
say
,
plain
,
that
the
literal
sense
of
the
Prophecy
may
be
as
well
assured
as
the
mystical
and
symbolical
.
But
now
in
the
second
place
let
us
see
how
his
Account
will
agree
with
approved
Chronologers
.
These
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
end
in
the
Year
1772.
which
is
the
6485.
year
of
the
Julian
Period
.
Now
count
back
from
this
year
,
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
and
their
Epocha
will
be
in
the
4186.
of
the
Julian
Period
;
which
,
according
to
Helvicus
,
is
the
second
year
of
Cambyses
,
as
also
according
to
Seth
Calvisius
and
Petavius
,
we
may
add
also
Thomas
Lydiat
.
But
the
Vision
of
the
Evening-Mornings
was
exhibited
to
Daniel
in
the
third
year
of
Belshazzar
,
who
reigned
fourteen
years
after
that
,
as
you
may
see
in
Thomas
Lydiat
.
Thirdly
therefore
,
The
Epocha
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
not
being
found
in
the
year
when
Cyrus
took
Babylon
,
nor
in
the
year
after
,
when
he
gave
the
Jews
leave
to
return
into
their
own
Country
to
rebuild
the
Temple
,
&c.
but
five
or
six
years
after
,
and
about
twenty
years
after
Daniel's
receiving
the
Vision
,
that
pretty
Congruity
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
commencing
with
the
destruction
of
the
literal
Babylon
,
and
ending
in
the
final
desolation
of
the
Mystical
Babylon
,
(
and
so
of
the
rebuilding
the
literal
Jerusalem
and
the
mystical
)
is
quite
spoiled
.
Fourthly
,
And
as
for
the
seventy
five
years
commencing
from
the
Epocha
of
the
Evening-Mornings
,
and
reaching
to
the
seventy
Weeks
,
this
first
Collateral
Line
,
as
he
manages
the
business
,
is
rather
the
imagination
of
a
Line
than
a
real
Line
,
as
himself
seems
in
a
manner
to
confess
(
pag.
16.
)
For
he
derives
it
from
just
so
many
years
as
are
named
of
the
Persian
Monarchy
in
the
Scriptures
.
Which
is
a
pretty
phancy
,
but
precarious
,
to
leave
out
the
rest
of
the
years
unmentioned
,
and
the
whole
Reign
of
Cambyses
,
and
Darius
Hystaspis
.
Besides
,
the
one
and
twenty
days
of
Daniel's
fasting
,
Chap.
10.2
.
are
drawn
in
to
make
up
the
Number
,
as
if
they
were
Prophetick
days
,
whenas
it
is
expresly
said
three
weeks
of
days
,
to
distinguish
them
from
Daniel's
seventy
Weeks
of
years
,
which
they
signifie
,
the
mention
of
days
being
not
added
to
them
;
nor
is
it
to
be
thought
that
Daniel
fasted
so
for
twenty
one
years
together
.
But
(
pag.
17.
)
he
attempts
a
more
real
Account
of
the
seventy
five
years
,
which
he
will
have
commence
with
Cyrus
his
Monarchy
,
and
end
with
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
.
But
he
differs
in
his
Compute
from
Petavius
by
two
years
,
from
Calvisius
by
five
,
from
Ptolemy's
Canon
by
six
,
and
from
Thomas
Lydiat
by
three
years
over
:
besides
that
he
places
the
beginning
of
the
seventy
Weeks
in
the
seventh
of
Artaxerxes
,
whenas
that
Epocha
is
to
be
placed
in
the
twentieth
of
his
Reign
,
as
.
I
hope
,
I
have
sufficiently
proved
in
the
sixteen
first
Chapters
of
this
Book
.
Besides
that
,
we
are
to
remember
that
the
ending
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening
Mornings
being
,
according
to
him
,
in
the
Year
of
our
Lord
1772.
that
is
,
Anno
Periodi
Julianae
6485.
reckoning
thence
backward
the
Epocha
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
will
be
Anno
Periodi
Julianae
4186.
that
is
,
in
the
second
year
of
Cambyses
:
which
quite
spoils
this
placing
of
the
Epocha
of
this
first
Collateral
Line
seventy
five
in
the
beginning
of
Cyrus
his
Monarchy
.
We
pass
to
the
second
Collateral
Line
,
the
seventy
Weeks
of
Daniel
.
Fifthly
therefore
,
There
seems
to
be
a
palpable
flaw
in
that
Line
,
forasmuch
as
the
ingenious
Computer
is
fain
to
lop
off
four
days
of
the
last
Week
of
the
seventy
,
and
make
them
end
(
but
with
that
defect
)
in
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
,
whenas
that
whole
last
Week
is
dedicated
in
the
Prophecy
to
the
making
of
a
Covenant
with
many
.
And
besides
,
they
are
not
seventy
complete
weeks
,
unless
these
four
days
be
taken
in
,
which
are
left
out
only
to
make
the
Collateral
Lines
just
end
with
the
principal
Line
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
.
This
therefore
I
conceive
is
a
flaw
in
the
Compute
.
Sixthly
,
As
for
the
third
Colluteral
Line
,
four
hundred
and
four
,
which
begins
in
the
year
of
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
,
and
reaches
to
the
commencement
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
the
forty
two
months
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
Prophetical
.
The
pitching
upon
this
number
is
admirably
pretty
and
surprising
:
I
mean
the
Invention
thereof
,
pag.
43.
of
the
Calendar
,
upon
Apoc.
6.6
.
which
is
thus
;
(1)
There
is
,
says
he
,
besides
the
usual
Voice
,
Come
and
see
,
an
extraordinary
Note
of
Attention
,
not
by
,
but
to
or
in
the
midst
of
the
four
living
Creatures
.
A
measure
of
Wheat
,
&c.
to
move
extraordinary
Enquiry
after
the
meaning
.
(2)
By
Enquiry
into
History
it
fits
none
as
Alexander
Severus
so
just
a
Prince
.
(3)
By
Enquiry
into
the
Time
,
he
died
two
hundred
and
two
years
after
our
Lord's
Resurrection
,
which
doubled
reaches
to
the
Empire
torn
on
all
sides
by
the
Barbarians
and
the
Ten
Kings
Rising
.
(4)
By
compare
on
our
principal
Line
,
four
hundred
and
four
years
neither
more
nor
less
from
the
Resurrection
are
necessary
to
adjust
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
to
the
last
of
Daniel's
thirteen
hundred
thirty
five
days
.
What
then
can
we
conclude
but
the
Balances
divide
the
Time
as
it
were
by
exact
weight
one
half
against
the
other
,
and
so
exactly
define
the
time
of
the
Beast's
Rising
,
or
of
the
beginning
of
his
forty
two
months
Reign
?
And
again
,
pag.
83.
in
his
Postscript
he
says
,
the
purity
of
the
Church
was
weighed
as
it
were
in
the
Scales
in
the
two
hundred
and
second
year
after
the
Resurrection
,
or
last
year
of
Alexander
Severus
,
and
was
found
just
at
that
time
doublted
,
too
light
,
viz.
at
the
four
hundred
and
four
years
end
,
or
Anno
vulgari
437.
And
what
other
account
or
meaning
,
says
he
,
can
be
given
of
this
place
(
Apoc.
6.6
.
)
I
desire
any
one
to
give
,
I
have
not
found
its
sense
yet
attempted
by
any
Interpreter
.
In
answer
to
this
I
grant
,
that
Alexander
Severus
died
Anno
Dom.
235.
according
to
Petavius
,
or
Anno
P.
J.
4948.
and
consequently
that
he
died
the
year
after
the
Resurrection
202.
But
that
that
Voice
in
the
midst
of
the
four
Beasts
,
A
measure
of
wheat
for
a
penny
,
&c.
was
to
raise
our
attention
,
and
quicken
our
search
into
any
such
mystical
meaning
of
the
Balances
,
as
the
Author
would
infer
,
I
utterly
deny
,
there
being
a
pertinent
sense
so
plain
and
material
that
belongs
to
that
Cry
,
and
to
the
Balance
in
common
,
that
is
,
of
a
just
and
provident
administration
of
affairs
in
the
Empire
under
the
third
Seal
,
and
the
Voice
in
the
midst
of
the
four
Beasts
,
is
the
Fame
of
it
and
Joy
at
it
amongst
the
People
,
who
then
had
so
just
and
careful
Emperours
over
them
,
especially
Alexander
Severus
Mammeae
F.
This
therefore
only
signifies
the
special
Character
of
the
third
Seal
,
that
the
Church
might
compute
their
progress
toward
the
sixth
,
under
which
they
were
to
have
their
deliverance
from
the
Persecutions
of
the
Red
Dragon
.
And
to
this
sense
the
ingenious
Author
of
the
Calendar
might
have
read
in
Mr.
Mede
upon
the
place
.
To
which
we
may
add
,
If
the
said
Author
had
not
violently
torn
off
four
days
of
the
last
week
of
the
seventy
,
but
begun
this
third
Collateral
Line
at
the
end
of
the
seventieth
week
,
the
two
hundred
and
two
years
of
this
third
Collateral
Line
would
fall
out
four
years
after
Severus
his
Death
,
so
that
this
quaint
device
of
dividing
this
Line
into
two
equal
parts
,
weighed
as
it
were
in
a
pair
of
Scales
,
would
be
quite
spoiled
.
But
if
beginning
this
third
Line
four
years
later
,
you
will
yet
make
the
year
of
the
Death
of
Severus
half
the
time
thereof
,
viz.
an
hundred
ninety
eight
,
then
will
this
Collateral
Line
fall
four
years
short
of
such
an
Epocha
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
as
from
whence
Daniel's
thirteen
hundred
thirty
five
days
may
expire
with
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
.
So
that
this
third
Collateral
Line
,
as
it
is
framed
,
does
but
unjustly
enjoy
the
fruit
of
the
violence
done
to
the
seventieth
week
,
which
is
a
sore
blemish
derived
not
only
upon
it
,
but
the
residue
of
the
Collateral
Lines
.
The
weighing
also
of
the
purity
of
the
Church
two
hundred
and
two
years
before
it
could
be
justly
pronounced
light
upon
the
Balance
and
rejectaneous
,
has
something
of
harshness
in
it
.
Wherefore
we
see
there
is
no
solid
Reason
to
leave
Mr.
Mede's
way
of
computing
the
space
of
the
pure
State
of
the
Church
from
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
and
betake
our selves
to
this
,
though
otherwise
witty
,
yet
lubricous
and
groundless
device
of
the
Balance
.
Seventhly
therefore
I
conceive
,
That
the
Epocha
of
the
Apostasie
of
the
Church
or
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
which
is
the
beginning
of
this
fourth
Collateral
Line
,
is
not
rightly
fixed
,
the
grounds
thereof
thus
failing
:
There
is
some
forty
four
years
difference
betwixt
it
and
the
true
Epocha
collected
by
the
true
Method
of
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
according
to
which
this
fourth
Collateral
Line
,
or
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
expired
above
thirty
years
ago
.
Eighthly
,
This
fifth
Collateral
Line
thirty
,
which
added
to
the
former
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
days
,
makes
Daniel's
twelve
hundred
and
ninety
days
,
this
also
is
already
expired
,
without
any
such
seven
Ministerial
Voices
of
the
seven
unsealed
Thunders
that
any
one
could
discern
.
Which
seven
Voices
of
the
Thunders
are
connex
with
the
Thunders
themselves
.
And
that
the
Thunders
occupy
the
space
of
the
whole
seventh
Trumpet
,
I
have
irrefutably
demonstrated
in
more
places
than
one
.
See
the
Answer
to
S.
E.
the
Remarker
on
Apoc.
Chap.
10.
Wherefore
the
Voices
of
the
Thunders
being
stretched
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
how
can
they
be
compressed
into
the
space
of
30
years
?
Besides
that
,
Calend.
pag.
68
,
69.
the
seven
Ministerial
Voices
there
pitched
upon
cannot
belong
to
the
Collateral
Line
of
thirty
after
the
twelve
hundred
and
sixty
.
For
that
Song
of
the
144000
is
the
description
of
the
Evangelici
all
along
the
six
Trumpets
.
The
Angel
Preacher
of
the
Everlasting
Gospel
respects
the
fifth
and
sixth
Wo-Trumpets
,
so
that
his
Voice
cannot
be
the
second
,
as
being
not
come
to
the
seventh
Trumpet
.
And
the
Voice
that
declares
the
Fall
of
Babylon
,
that
it
is
fallen
,
is
also
before
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
as
being
coincident
with
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
But
the
Author
of
the
Calendar
makes
his
Collateral
Line
of
thirty
years
commence
with
the
beginning
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
and
to
end
before
the
pouring
out
of
the
Vials
.
But
the
four
next
Voices
,
as
he
would
have
them
,
do
plainly
fall
into
the
time
of
the
Vials
,
as
is
sufficiently
proved
in
the
Answer
to
the
Remarker
on
the
Apology
.
So
that
this
Conceit
of
the
seven
Ministerial
Voices
antecedent
to
the
seven
Vials
is
,
as
I
conceive
,
quite
out
of
doors
.
And
now
ninthly
and
lastly
,
His
sixth
and
last
Collateral
Line
,
which
added
to
Daniel's
1290
days
,
makes
his
1335
days
,
which
expire
with
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
,
this
last
Collateral
Line
of
forty
five
days
,
especially
if
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
were
reckoned
from
the
right
Epocha
,
seems
too
short
a
time
for
the
seven
Vials
to
discharge
themselves
in
.
For
then
all
those
great
things
which
the
Vials
portend
,
would
be
accomplished
within
these
forty
years
,
or
thereabout
,
which
to
cooler
and
calmer
Spirits
must
seem
a
thing
incredible
.
His
Interpretation
of
the
four
last
Vials
,
pag.
70
,
71.
is
correspondent
enough
to
Mr.
Mede
,
and
for
ought
I
know
credibly
true
.
But
the
three
first
Vials
which
he
conceives
yet
to
come
,
their
fulfilling
has
been
manifestly
already
.
Nor
is
the
first
Vial
a
Representation
of
the
loathsomness
of
the
marked
Slaves
of
the
Beast
,
but
of
their
dementative
Anger
and
Rage
,
of
this
those
angry
Boils
are
a
Symbol
,
so
obvious
,
that
scarce
any
Interpreters
miss
of
it
,
and
it
plainly
answers
to
,
[
And
the
Nations
were
angry
]
Chap.
11.18
.
Which
passage
(
as
is
demonstrated
in
the
Answer
to
the
Remarker
on
the
Apology
)
respects
the
times
of
the
Vials
.
And
for
the
second
Vial
,
it
is
not
the
Innavigableness
of
the
blood
of
a
dead
man
(
for
so
much
blood
as
to
sail
upon
is
a
monstrous
Phancy
hugely
out
of
the
way
)
but
it
is
the
dead
fishes
there
that
are
intimated
,
wherein
the
stress
of
the
Symbol
lies
.
And
Artemidorus
tells
us
,
that
dead
fishes
in
the
Sea
signifie
disappointment
of
hope
,
which
came
to
pass
to
the
Pontifician
Fishermen
after
the
full
settlement
of
the
Reformation
in
the
Kingdoms
cut
quite
off
from
the
Pope
,
and
grown
as
cold
as
the
Cruor
of
a
dead
man
,
to
her
Idolatries
and
Superstitions
.
And
lastly
for
the
third
Vial
,
that
he
interprets
Rivers
,
of
Aquaeducts
of
Doctrine
rather
than
of
Emissary
Agents
from
the
Roman
See
,
no
man
will
see
Reason
who
considers
what
I
have
wrote
in
my
Alphabet
of
Iconisms
,
in
the
Iconism
[
River
]
.
But
however
the
fulfilling
of
these
three
first
Vials
has
been
already
since
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
Reformation
,
whenas
the
Author
of
the
Calendar
phansies
them
yet
to
come
,
which
is
no
slight
evidence
against
his
Hypothesis
.
But
now
besides
all
these
Allegations
against
his
six
Collateral
Lines
,
the
sixing
of
the
Epocha
of
his
principal
Line
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
in
the
year
when
Daniel
received
that
Vision
,
viz.
in
the
third
year
of
Belshazzar
(
as
if
because
no
more
than
three
years
is
mentioned
of
Belshazzar
in
Scripture
,
he
was
slain
in
that
very
year
,
and
then
Babylon
taken
,
that
so
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
might
commence
from
the
taking
Literal
Babylon
to
the
utter
destruction
of
the
Mystical
Babylon
,
and
from
Cyrus
his
Grant
for
the
building
the
Temple
of
the
Literal
Jerusalem
to
the
appearing
of
the
Mystical
or
New
Jerusalem
,
or
its
descending
from
Heaven
upon
the
Earth
)
I
say
his
fixing
the
Epocha
thus
,
has
no
ground
from
the
Text
of
the
Prophecy
,
Dan.
8.13
,
14.
How
long
shall
be
the
Vision
concerning
the
daily
Sacrifice
?
—
It
is
answered
,
Vnto
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
then
shall
the
Sanctuary
be
cleansed
.
Here
the
Author
of
the
Calendar
glosses
thus
;
The
Vision
and
not
so
much
the
things
contained
in
it
is
dated
hereby
,
the
Vision
of
the
Sacrifice
taken
away
shall
be
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
(
not
the
taking
away
the
Sacrifice
,
&c.
but
)
the
Vision
shall
extend
to
two
thousand
three
hundred
Prophetick
days
,
pag.
12.
And
to
the
same
sense
again
,
pag.
80.
he
saith
,
It
is
not
said
,
How
long
shall
be
the
time
of
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
,
but
how
long
the
Vision
.
This
Gloss
is
the
main
ground
of
his
Epocha
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
,
which
he
fixes
from
hence
in
the
third
year
of
Belshazzar
,
phansying
that
the
year
of
the
Fall
of
the
Literal
Babylon
.
But
by
[
Vision
]
most
certainly
is
understood
,
not
the
Prophetical
Exhibition
of
the
things
foretold
made
to
Daniel
,
but
the
Object
of
the
Vision
,
the
things
foretold
;
and
that
not
when
they
would
begin
,
but
when
once
begun
,
how
long
they
would
hold
from
some
certain
Epocha
,
viz.
the
time
of
their
beginning
.
But
as
for
the
mere
Visionary
Exhibition
,
it
was
so
far
from
reaching
to
the
2300
days
,
whether
vulgar
or
prophetical
,
that
it
is
not
likely
to
have
taken
up
one
single
hour
.
And
besides
the
Object
of
the
Vision
which
is
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
,
&c.
not
commencing
before
Antiochus
his
time
as
the
Type
,
or
Antichrist's
time
as
the
Antitype
,
it
is
impossible
the
Epocha
of
the
two
thousand
three
hundred
Evening-Mornings
should
be
placed
so
high
as
the
Fall
of
Babylon
by
Cyrus
.
Nor
is
the
time
of
the
Visionary
Exhibition
inquired
into
,
but
the
time
of
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
,
the
transgression
that
makes
desolate
,
and
the
giving
the
Sanctuary
and
the
Host
to
be
trodden
under
foot
.
Unto
this
question
of
the
time
of
these
things
it
is
answered
,
Vnto
2300
days
then
shall
the
Sanctuary
be
cleansed
.
So
plain
is
it
that
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
cannot
be
fixt
higher
than
from
the
violation
of
the
Temple
by
Antiochus
:
Though
there
may
be
a
pretence
indeed
in
the
Typical
sense
of
placing
it
lower
,
viz.
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Antichrist
,
the
mystical
Antiochus
:
which
,
according
to
my
Epocha
of
his
Reign
,
is
the
year
393.
And
therefore
if
you
add
the
2300
days
Prophetical
to
392
years
,
it
will
be
the
year
of
our
Lord
2692.
before
the
Sanctuary
be
cleansed
,
a
thousand
and
odd
years
hence
.
But
if
you
take
the
Author
's
Epocha
,
it
will
be
above
forty
years
more
.
So
improbable
is
it
that
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Antichrist
,
of
whom
Antiochus
was
a
Type
,
should
be
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
.
Wherefore
if
they
be
Typical
as
well
as
Antiochus
;
as
the
Term
of
the
2300
days
literal
,
from
the
first
violation
of
the
Temple
,
shows
when
the
Sanctuary
should
be
cleansed
from
Antiochus
his
Pollutions
;
so
the
end
of
2300
Prophetical
days
from
the
same
Epocha
,
shows
when
the
Church
of
Christ
will
be
quite
purged
from
the
Pollutions
of
Antichrist
.
And
according
to
this
middle
or
moderate
placing
of
the
Epocha
,
it
will
be
about
four
hundred
and
fifty
years
till
the
universal
cleansing
of
the
Church
from
Antichristian
Pollutions
;
till
which
,
there
being
so
ample
a
space
of
time
from
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
or
commencement
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
it
is
a
plain
indication
how
much
the
Author
of
the
Calendar
is
out
,
in
allotting
but
forty
five
years
to
the
Effusion
of
the
seven
Vials
.
And
as
it
is
thus
demonstrable
by
Reason
,
that
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
is
to
be
fixt
in
the
Pollution
of
the
Temple
by
Antiochus
in
the
Typical
sense
of
them
:
So
is
it
expresly
declared
,
Dan.
12.11
.
that
there
likewise
is
to
be
fixt
the
Epocha
of
the
1290
days
and
the
1335
days
.
So
that
this
quaint
and
wittily
contrived
frame
of
the
six
Collateral
Lines
,
so
artificially
adjusted
to
the
Principal
Line
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
,
is
every
way
utterly
broken
in
pieces
;
as
also
any
hopes
from
hence
that
the
Papacy
and
Turkish
Tyranny
will
be
brought
so
low
about
twelve
years
hence
,
that
the
Witnesses
every
where
will
put
off
their
Sack-cloth
,
and
cloath
themselves
with
the
garments
of
gladness
:
Or
that
the
New
Jerusalem
will
appear
upon
Earth
about
eighty
eight
years
hence
;
Not
the
least
glimmerings
of
hope
shine
forth
from
these
Evening-Mornings
of
any
such
thing
.
This
I
freely
declare
as
one
not
interessed
in
any
Party
any
further
than
they
are
in
the
Truth
,
and
it
is
not
the
Church
of
England
,
as
the
Church
of
England
,
but
as
she
has
the
Truth
on
her
side
,
and
is
the
most
eminent
and
noble
Specimen
of
the
Accomplishment
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
in
the
whole
Reformation
(
and
that
it
is
the
adequate
fulfilling
of
the
Prophecy
,
I
have
with
irrefutable
Evidence
demonstrated
elsewhere
,
so
that
it
is
needless
to
say
any
thing
thereof
in
this
place
)
that
makes
me
adhere
to
so
excellently
well
constituted
a
Church
.
CHAP.
XLVI
.
Some
few
strictures
more
upon
several
passages
of
the
Calendar
of
Prophetick
Time
.
As
touching
the
four
Beasts
and
twenty
four
Elders
.
The
meaning
of
the
Doxologie
of
the
twenty
four
Elders
alone
,
Apoc.
11.18
.
and
of
the
Inversion
of
the
Doxological
Service
,
and
that
they
both
argue
the
twenty
four
crowned
Elders
to
be
Kings
or
Monarchs
.
Whether
the
Interval
of
Smyrna
is
to
be
restrained
to
the
ten
years
of
Diocletian
's
Persecution
.
His
mistake
in
making
part
of
the
sixth
Seal
a
whole
seventh
Seal
.
Whether
the
Paganish
Barbarians
are
the
floud
cast
out
of
the
mouth
of
the
Red
Dragon
.
His
dating
the
taking
away
the
Daily
Sacrifice
from
the
first
moment
of
the
Apostasie
.
That
the
roaring
of
the
Lyon
,
Apoc.
Chap.
10.
ceased
not
of
a
sudden
.
The
ground
of
his
making
Thyatira
,
Sardis
and
Philadelphia
run
their
course
together
to
the
New
Jerusalem
,
confuted
.
The
incongruity
of
the
Position
it self
.
The
difficulties
the
Calendarist
incumbers
himself
with
in
his
way
of
treating
on
the
Vision
of
the
Churches
.
The
true
way
of
solving
those
difficulties
.
WE
shall
add
some
few
more
strictures
upon
several
passages
of
the
fore-mentioned
Calendar
.
As
upon
pag.
38.
That
the
ingenious
Author
mislikes
our
English
Translation's
rendring
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
four
Beasts
,
which
bears
an
ill
sense
in
all
other
places
of
the
Apocalypse
,
as
answering
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
is
not
to
be
found
fault
withal
.
Mr.
Mede
in
his
Answer
to
a
Friend
calls
them
instead
of
[
the
four
Beasts
]
(
the
four
Wights
)
a
word
which
our
English
Translators
,
I
suppose
,
did
not
adventure
on
,
it
being
worn
out
of
use
,
otherwise
it
would
exactly
answer
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
signifying
so
much
as
a
living
Creature
.
But
the
deserting
of
Mr.
Mede's
Interpretation
of
these
four
Beasts
or
living
Creatures
,
and
making
them
a
Representation
of
the
Apostles
(
as
some
shallow
Interpreters
make
them
the
four
Evangelists
)
posted
at
the
four
Angles
of
the
Throne
as
an
universal
Ministry
diffusing
the
Gospel
into
all
parts
of
the
World
;
and
the
pure
Israelitish
Ministry
to
be
Typed
by
the
twenty
four
Elders
,
this
is
a
slip
of
his
in
no
wise
commendable
.
For
first
,
it
is
against
the
Genius
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
to
understand
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
any
other
than
a
Body
Politick
,
not
one
single
or
some
few
persons
.
This
is
a
general
Rule
from
which
there
is
no
Exception
,
saving
that
of
the
Lamb
,
which
signifies
the
Person
of
Christ
,
though
it
may
be
with
a
Connotation
of
his
Church
,
his
Body
.
And
then
secondly
,
it
seems
wondrous
harsh
to
interpret
the
four
Wights
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
the
twenty
four
Elders
of
the
Jewish
;
whenas
without
all
question
,
as
Mr.
Mede
has
unexceptionably
made
it
out
,
that
Vision
is
a
Representation
(
or
has
a
reference
thereto
)
of
the
Camp
of
Israel
.
So
that
the
four
Wights
are
as
well
Israelitish
as
the
twenty
four
Elders
.
And
the
twenty
four
Elders
wearing
Crowns
,
and
the
four
Wights
not
so
,
plainly
indicates
that
the
one
are
the
Rulers
of
the
other
,
and
therefore
are
but
one
congenerous
Polity
.
And
the
Reasons
which
he
produces
to
the
contrary
are
but
slight
.
For
the
four
Beasts
or
Wights
are
no
more
employ'd
in
the
services
of
the
New
Testament
time
than
the
twenty
four
Elders
:
For
whatever
any
of
them
are
said
to
do
,
respects
the
New
Testament
time
.
And
for
their
being
made
to
say
,
Come
and
see
,
at
the
opening
the
four
first
Seals
,
we
are
to
consider
that
the
three
latter
of
those
Seals
respect
rather
the
Empire
than
the
Church
.
And
it
is
not
as
an
Israelitish
Elder
that
he
informs
John
of
the
Lion
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah's
prevailing
to
open
the
Seals
,
but
as
a
crowned
Prince
,
it
becoming
such
a
Personage
to
instruct
John
touching
the
Almighty's
deriving
Power
to
Christ
both
to
foretel
,
and
so
to
administer
the
Affairs
in
the
World
,
as
to
cause
his
own
Predictions
to
be
true
.
But
now
for
the
Doxology
of
the
twenty
four
Elders
alone
,
Chap.
11.16
.
without
any
of
the
four
Beasts
,
it
is
not
intended
to
signifie
the
Christian
Church
not
to
be
universally
pure
,
but
confinedly
to
these
Elders
;
But
it
marvellously
ratifies
my
sense
of
things
,
that
these
crowned
Elders
signifie
Kings
or
Monarchs
,
and
that
therefore
the
Doxology
of
the
Elders
is
here
mentioned
,
and
that
of
the
Beasts
left
out
,
to
denote
the
gladsom
sense
of
those
Kings
and
Princes
,
that
had
cast
off
the
Tyranny
of
Antichrist
or
Papal
yoke
in
the
Reformation
at
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
The
People
was
to
be
yet
subject
to
their
Kings
or
Princes
,
but
these
Kings
themselves
to
be
no
longer
subject
to
the
Pope
,
but
to
be
absolute
Sovereigns
in
their
own
Dominions
.
And
this
is
the
occasion
of
their
peculiar
Doxology
,
which
,
if
the
Beasts
had
not
been
left
out
,
would
not
have
been
discerned
.
And
that
one
of
the
four
Beasts
within
the
same
Confines
of
Time
delivers
the
Vials
,
that
is
rather
an
Argument
that
the
Beasts
are
pure
as
well
as
the
Elders
,
and
that
Purity
is
not
confined
to
them
.
And
't
is
much
,
if
the
Beasts
were
not
pure
,
that
they
should
give
the
Vials
to
Angels
in
pure
and
white
Linen
,
pag.
69.
And
as
for
the
Inversion
of
this
Doxological
service
(
Apoc.
4.9
.
and
Chap.
5.8
.
where
the
Beasts
begin
first
,
compared
with
Apoc.
19.4
.
where
the
four
and
twenty
Elders
are
named
first
)
these
things
further
confirm
my
Notion
of
the
four
and
twenty
crowned
Elders
that
they
are
Kings
or
Monarchs
.
For
the
usual
custom
being
,
that
the
Doxology
,
from
the
Beasts
as
the
Praecentors
should
begin
,
the
Clergie
being
part
of
the
People
in
Counterdistinction
to
their
King
or
Monarch
,
though
otherwise
highly
venerable
in
their
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
&c.
this
Doxology
,
Chap.
19.4
.
which
succeeds
that
copious
description
of
the
utter
destruction
of
Babylon
,
that
Papal
Polity
that
so
Tyrannized
over
Kings
,
how
naturally
does
the
four
and
twenty
Elders
,
being
placed
first
in
this
Doxology
,
though
together
with
the
Beast
or
People
,
denote
both
that
those
four
and
twenty
Elders
are
the
Monarchs
of
those
Times
,
and
that
they
have
a
more
peculiar
gratification
in
this
destruction
of
Babylon
,
though
the
people
also
are
greatly
gratified
thereby
,
and
therefore
both
join
in
a
Doxological
Thanksgiving
for
her
destruction
.
But
in
the
first
place
the
four
and
twenty
crowned
Elders
.
In
pag.
45.
he
places
the
beginning
of
the
Interval
of
the
Church
of
Smyrna
in
the
beginning
of
the
ten
years
Persecution
by
Diocletian
:
Because
it
is
said
to
her
that
she
should
have
the
Tribulation
of
ten
days
,
that
is
,
of
ten
Prophetical
Days
or
years
.
Which
I
will
allow
to
be
alluded
to
also
;
though
that
Persecution
was
not
full
ten
years
.
But
[
Day
]
not
signifying
only
a
Prophetical
Day
or
Year
,
but
also
any
particular
Season
or
Time
,
those
ten
Days
signifie
chiefly
all
the
ten
Persecutions
,
so
famous
in
History
,
of
which
this
of
Diocletian
is
but
one
.
But
there
were
other
swingeing
ones
before
,
though
that
the
greatest
.
And
Spondanus
does
justly
call
that
first
of
Nero's
raising
,
a
most
direful
Persecution
,
and
therefore
the
fittest
Epocha
for
the
Church
of
Smyrna
,
that
Interval
having
its
Name
from
the
Bitterness
of
Persecutions
.
And
as
elsewhere
,
so
especially
in
this
Prophecy
of
the
Churches
,
Allusion
to
Names
,
as
the
Author
himself
somewhere
freely
confesses
,
is
of
no
small
moment
in
Prophetical
Interpretations
.
In
pag.
47.
the
last
Seal
he
makes
the
space
reserved
for
the
rallying
of
Heathenism
and
its
Forces
,
that
it
may
be
finally
destroy'd
by
Theodosius
the
Great
in
the
overthrow
of
Eugenius
and
Argobastes
,
and
of
the
Paganish
Forces
under
them
.
But
this
which
he
would
have
the
last
or
seventh
Seal
,
no
doubt
,
is
part
of
the
sixth
,
which
describes
a
Victory
over
all
the
Pagan
Forces
brought
forth
in
defence
of
their
Idols
,
that
none
of
them
could
withstand
the
wrath
of
the
Lamb
,
and
this
was
the
Fate
of
Eugenius
and
Argobastes
(
as
well
as
of
others
)
who
were
both
subdued
by
Theodosius
the
Great
,
An.
Dom.
393.
or
thereabout
,
even
upon
the
Epocha
of
the
seven
Trumpets
.
So
that
,
as
the
whole
space
of
the
Church
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
of
all
,
is
comprehended
under
the
seven
Seals
;
so
the
space
from
the
beginning
of
the
seventh
Seal
to
the
end
of
all
,
may
be
comprehended
under
the
seven
Trumpets
.
This
is
the
natural
disposure
of
the
Apocalyptick
Time
,
as
Mr.
Mede
has
solidly
made
it
out
.
And
the
half-hours
silence
at
the
time
of
Incense
,
is
no
delay
to
the
Prophetick
Time
of
the
sounding
of
the
seven
Trumpets
,
which
brings
on
the
Vengeance
on
the
blood-guilty
Empire
;
but
is
only
a
Type
of
the
Efficacy
of
the
Prayers
of
the
Church
unto
God
to
do
them
right
that
had
suffered
,
and
to
execute
Justice
on
his
own
Enemies
,
which
the
Thunderings
,
Lightnings
and
Earthquake
,
Chap.
8.
there
mentioned
signifie
.
In
pag.
49.
he
makes
as
if
at
the
very
same
time
that
the
Woman
had
got
into
the
Wilderness
,
the
Dragon
cast
the
floud
of
the
Paganish
Barbarians
as
it
were
out
of
his
mouth
to
have
swallowed
up
the
True
Church
,
but
that
the
Earthly
Church
drunk
up
the
floud
by
proselyting
those
Barbarians
to
its
Pseudochristianity
,
when
the
Ten
Kings
gave
their
strength
and
Power
and
Kingdom
to
the
Beast
.
But
,
first
,
a
floud
of
Contention
and
Dissension
,
according
to
Scripture-phrase
,
is
more
suitably
conceived
to
come
out
of
the
mouth
of
the
Dragon
,
than
vast
Armies
of
men
.
Secondly
,
The
floud
is
spued
out
to
carry
her
away
in
her
flight
toward
the
Wilderness
,
before
she
could
get
thither
,
and
by
that
means
to
re-establish
pure
Paganism
again
in
the
Empire
,
as
it
seems
to
me
from
Chap.
12.15
.
Which
design
of
his
was
frustrated
by
Daniel's
Earth
or
Clay
,
by
the
Oecumenical
Council
of
Ecclesiasticks
at
Nice
,
&c.
as
I
have
above
declared
Chap.
40.
And
thirdly
and
lastly
,
How
the
Earthly
Church
helped
the
Apostolick
Church
,
the
Woman
,
by
proselyting
the
Barbarians
to
a
Pagano-Christianity
I
see
not
.
For
from
hence
was
the
Man
of
Sin
more
strongly
armed
to
fight
against
the
Witnesses
,
and
bring
upon
the
Evangelical
Church
all
that
Misery
and
Calamity
that
either
History
records
,
or
Prophecy
did
prefigure
.
In
pag.
50.
he
asserts
,
that
from
the
first
moment
of
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
,
the
daily
Sacrifice
is
to
be
dated
as
taken
away
.
But
if
this
be
true
,
how
can
we
handsomly
come
off
from
making
this
the
Epocha
also
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
Typically
or
Mystically
understood
?
And
so
the
Sanctuary
,
the
Christian
Church
,
will
not
be
cleansed
from
all
Antichristian
Pollutions
till
more
than
a
thousand
years
hence
,
as
was
noted
before
.
In
pag.
57.
here
he
says
,
That
Apoc.
10.
the
roaring
of
the
Lion
ceased
of
a
sudden
,
and
the
Thunders
were
sealed
up
,
I
suppose
he
means
of
a
sudden
.
I
only
take
notice
that
this
is
said
without
any
the
least
intimation
from
the
Text.
But
the
roaring
of
the
Lion
supplying
the
place
of
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
this
Roaring
must
be
understood
to
reach
from
the
sixth
Trumpet
to
the
end
of
all
.
And
the
seventh
Trumpet
comprehending
the
seven
Thunders
,
as
the
seventh
Seal
the
seven
Trumpets
,
these
seven
Thunders
must
reach
to
the
end
of
all
.
So
that
neither
the
ceasing
of
the
roaring
of
the
Lion
,
nor
sealing
up
the
Thunders
,
could
be
of
a
sudden
.
In
pag.
58
,
59.
he
here
affirms
,
That
the
three
first
Churches
run
out
their
just
Intervals
,
and
then
cease
from
their
being
any
longer
Prophetick
Types
;
but
the
three
last
,
Thyatira
,
Sardis
and
Philadelphia
,
run
their
course
together
to
the
New
Jerusalem
,
and
he
supposes
none
of
these
three
to
begin
before
the
last
Semi-time
,
at
the
end
whereof
they
pass
into
the
New
Jerusalem
.
And
that
the
seventh
of
the
seven
Churches
Laodicea
comes
not
into
play
till
after
the
thousand
years
Ligation
of
Satan
or
blessed
Millennium
,
pag.
77.
This
to
me
seems
a
marvellous
Invention
,
but
his
chief
pretence
to
this
surprizing
Innovation
is
this
,
pag.
59.
The
three
first
,
says
he
,
have
their
Promises
so
general
,
that
they
do
not
imply
a
Conjunction
betwixt
their
time
and
the
New
Jerusalem
.
The
three
last
have
in
their
promises
such
Clauses
as
do
necessarily
suppose
their
Contact
,
as
I
may
so
speak
,
with
that
Jerusalem
.
But
to
this
his
main
or
rather
only
Reason
,
so
far
as
I
can
discover
,
I
briefly
answer
,
That
the
Promises
neither
to
Thyatira
nor
to
Sardis
imply
any
Contact
with
the
New
Jerusalem
.
Not
Thyatira
,
for
the
promise
to
the
Victor
is
only
this
,
That
he
shall
have
power
over
the
Nations
.
He
does
not
say
over
all
Nations
.
And
this
was
performed
in
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
at
the
Reformation
,
when
the
Popish
Power
in
those
Principalities
and
Kingdoms
that
were
reformed
was
broken
apieces
like
a
Potters
vessel
:
To
such
a
measure
is
Power
given
to
the
Victor
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
says
Christ
.
Where
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
is
an
Adverb
of
Proportion
,
and
is
as
much
as
if
he
should
have
said
,
So
far
as
I
have
received
of
my
Father
.
Which
he
explains
by
adding
,
[
And
I
will
give
him
the
Morning-Star
]
not
the
bright
Morning-Star
,
as
Christ
is
called
in
reference
to
his
Empire
in
the
Millennium
,
or
New
Jerusalem-state
.
So
that
the
very
Promise
implies
rather
a
great
distance
from
the
Jerusalem-state
,
than
a
Contact
with
it
.
And
for
the
promise
to
the
few
Names
in
Sardis
,
viz.
to
the
Victor
there
,
it
is
only
that
he
shall
be
cloathed
in
white
raiment
,
which
signifies
their
prosperous
success
,
and
that
their
Name
shall
not
be
blotted
out
of
the
Book
of
life
,
that
is
,
that
their
Seed
shall
continue
for
ever
,
Christ
will
so
effectually
recommend
them
to
his
Father
,
and
to
the
Ministry
of
his
Holy
Angels
.
But
he
does
not
say
that
the
state
of
these
few
while
such
shall
be
contiguous
to
the
New
Jerusalem-state
,
which
is
the
full
and
ample
Millennial
Empire
of
Christ
:
but
there
being
but
a
few
such
Names
in
Sardis
,
it
is
an
Evidence
rather
that
Sardis
cannot
be
contiguous
to
the
state
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
and
therefore
there
must
be
a
larger
increase
of
these
few
Names
under
the
next
Interval
before
they
can
be
contiguous
to
the
New
Jerusalem
.
And
therefore
as
for
the
third
of
these
three
,
Philadelphia
,
I
will
allow
more
to
the
ingenious
Calendarist
than
he
requires
,
viz.
that
Philadelphia
in
the
forepart
thereof
is
not
only
contiguous
to
the
New
Jerusalem
,
but
continuous
thereto
,
a
due
increase
of
these
few
Sardian
Names
emerging
into
the
Appearance
of
Philadelphia
,
and
such
a
door
of
success
being
opened
to
Philadelphia
,
that
at
last
she
emerges
into
the
New
Jerusalem-state
,
that
state
being
nothing
else
but
the
fulness
of
the
Philadelphian
.
This
is
so
plain
in
the
Promise
to
the
Philadelphian
Victor
,
that
I
wonder
that
any
one
can
wink
so
hard
as
not
to
see
it
,
whether
he
will
or
no.
Note
only
here
by
the
bye
,
That
if
the
Jerusalem-state
of
the
Church
be
not
part
of
the
Philadelphian
,
it
must
be
a
Church
by
it self
,
and
so
there
will
be
eight
Churches
,
not
seven
only
,
which
is
contrary
to
the
Vision
.
See
what
the
Answerer
says
to
S.
E.
his
Remarks
on
this
place
,
and
it
must
be
full
satisfaction
.
Thus
invalid
is
the
Calendarist's
ground
for
making
Thyatira
,
Sardis
and
Philadelphia
all
three
of
them
contiguous
to
the
commencement
of
the
New
Jerusalem
.
But
now
let
us
briefly
consider
the
Incongruity
of
the
Position
it self
.
For
indeed
it
seems
to
me
to
clash
with
one
of
the
first
Principles
of
rightly
interpreting
the
Apocalypse
,
viz.
the
right
meaning
of
the
Septenary
or
Number
Seven
,
into
which
when
any
thing
is
divided
,
it
denotes
that
all
those
parts
are
there
,
and
no
more
nor
fewer
.
Wherefore
we
are
necessarily
to
understand
the
succession
of
the
Church
in
this
Prophetick
Vision
thereof
,
being
cast
into
seven
parts
,
that
these
are
adequately
the
parts
of
this
Succession
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
of
all
,
and
that
all
the
Succession
must
be
contained
in
these
and
no
more
than
these
.
Whence
it
is
plain
,
that
these
seven
Churches
are
to
succeed
one
another
in
one
Line
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
,
because
it
is
a
Line
of
Succession
.
But
the
Calendarist
contrary
to
this
,
making
Sardis
and
Philadelphia
Synchronal
to
Thyatira
,
makes
but
five
Successions
in
one
Line
instead
of
seven
,
viz.
Ephesus
,
Smyrna
,
Pergamus
,
Thyatira
and
Laodicea
,
leaving
a
gap
betwixt
Thyatira
and
Laodicea
of
no
less
than
a
thousand
years
.
Which
besides
the
dry
Logical
Repugnancy
in
it
,
looks
as
desormedly
,
as
if
in
a
row
of
teeth
in
some
Animal
,
two
,
viz.
the
fifth
and
sixth
were
struck
out
,
and
yet
to
make
it
still
more
unsightly
,
two
gobber
teeth
were
set
in
,
one
on
this
side
,
the
other
on
the
inner
side
of
the
fourth
,
answering
to
Sardis
and
Philadelphia
on
this
side
and
that
side
of
Synchronous
Thyatira
.
But
if
the
New
Jerusalem
Church
should
be
thrust
in
here
to
stop
that
great
gap
betwixt
Thyatira
and
Laodicea
,
there
would
yet
be
but
six
Successions
,
and
instead
of
seven
there
would
be
eight
Churches
,
as
I
noted
above
.
So
hugely
incongruous
is
this
present
Position
.
And
though
he
has
show'd
a
pretty
inventive
Wit
in
his
managing
his
Interpretation
of
the
Intervals
of
the
Churches
,
yet
he
seems
to
sit
somewhat
uneasily
in
the
matter
,
raising
such
scruples
and
objections
,
as
none
but
my
Hypothesis
,
viz.
That
it
is
the
Apostolick
Church
that
Christ
directs
his
Epistles
to
,
can
free
us
from
.
Which
Apostolick
Churches
are
,
Ephesus
,
Smyrna
,
Sardis
,
Philadelphia
,
Laodicea
,
all
five
sui
juris
,
having
no
Apostatized
Church
over
them
.
But
Pergamus
and
Thyatira
is
the
Apostolick
Church
,
the
former
in
the
greatest
part
of
its
Succession
having
the
Apostatized
Church
over
them
,
the
latter
in
its
whole
Succession
.
But
I
cannot
insist
on
these
things
.
I
will
only
lightly
touch
upon
them
,
pag.
59.
I
say
then
that
Sardis
is
more
severely
reprehended
than
Pergamus
and
Thyatira
,
because
they
were
the
better
sort
of
people
,
who
could
,
notwithstanding
their
being
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Apostatized
Church
,
keep
themselves
unpolluted
therefrom
,
and
remain
Apostolick
:
whenas
in
Sardis
,
though
they
be
all
in
the
external
Apostolick
,
or
free
from
the
Apostasie
,
yet
the
World
being
got
into
the
Church
,
it
is
no
wonder
they
are
so
faulty
and
so
sharply
rebuked
.
And
for
that
other
difficulty
,
that
Philadelphia
,
a
much
inferiour
Church
in
appearance
,
should
be
so
far
honoured
above
Sardis
,
I
say
,
that
Philadelphia
is
not
inferiour
,
no
not
so
much
as
in
appearance
,
when
it
does
appear
at
all
,
which
is
not
till
the
seventh
Vial
under
the
Conduct
of
that
illustrious
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
,
who
has
a
Sword
coming
out
of
his
mouth
.
This
is
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
Apoc.
3.8
.
)
rendred
in
our
English
,
a
little
strength
,
but
signifies
a
little
Army
,
but
of
great
strength
through
the
Conduct
of
that
Divine
Heros
,
Apoc.
19.14
.
whom
these
Troops
follow
on
white
Horses
cloathed
in
fine
Linen
white
and
clean
,
true
Israelites
in
whom
there
is
no
guile
,
and
five
of
whom
shall
chase
an
hundred
,
and
an
hundred
shall
put
ten
thousand
to
flight
,
Levit.
26.8
.
But
this
Church
of
Philadelphia
is
so
far
from
being
inferiour
to
Sardis
,
that
it
is
absolutely
the
best
and
most
glorious
Church
that
ever
will
be
on
Earth
,
the
only
unspotted
and
also
unpersecuted
Church
,
according
to
the
description
thereof
,
of
all
the
seven
.
And
there
being
no
more
than
seven
Successions
,
and
the
Church
under
the
New
Jerusalem-state
being
still
the
Church
,
it
is
demonstratively
evident
that
that
New
Jerusalem
Church
is
part
and
the
better
part
by
far
of
the
Succession
of
Philadelphia
;
This
is
thus
plain
in
reason
,
but
it
being
said
also
to
Philadelphia
,
Chap.
3.
to
this
victorious
Army
of
that
Divine
Heros
;
On
him
that
overcometh
I
will
write
the
Name
of
the
City
of
my
God
,
New
Jerusalem
,
which
cometh
down
out
of
Heaven
from
my
God
;
it
cannot
be
blindness
so
much
as
wilfulness
,
if
any
,
when
he
has
considered
it
,
can
still
deny
that
the
Time
of
the
New
Jerusalem
is
comprized
in
,
or
at
least
incident
into
the
Philadelphian
Succession
.
And
pag.
60.
That
Smyrna
should
be
commended
above
Sardis
,
there
is
the
like
reason
,
as
in
the
first
Case
;
and
besides
,
their
sore
sufferings
deserved
Christ's
Encomiums
as
well
as
the
Crown
of
life
.
And
pag.
61.
That
scruple
why
Thyatira
should
be
charged
with
the
fault
of
suffering
the
false
Prophetess
Jezebel
,
when
she
knew
not
how
to
help
it
,
is
easily
taken
away
,
according
to
my
Interpretation
,
who
make
it
a
Prediction
that
this
is
the
Interval
wherein
the
Apostolical
Church
would
have
the
opportunity
to
cast
out
Jezebel
,
and
therefore
they
are
blamed
that
it
is
not
yet
done
.
But
this
Charge
is
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
small
businesses
,
it
being
no
great
fault
that
they
knew
not
that
the
opportunity
was
so
near
,
and
a
great
virtue
in
them
,
in
that
in
the
mean
time
they
would
rather
suffer
than
defile
themselves
with
Papal
Pollutions
.
And
as
for
Christ's
Title
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Church
of
Sardis
,
pag.
63.
He
that
has
the
seven
Spirits
of
God
and
the
seven
Stars
.
Here
[
in
his
right
hand
]
is
omitted
by
a
mere
Apocalyptical
Ellipsis
,
and
for
no
diminution
to
this
newly
begun
Succession
of
his
restored
Church
.
But
the
seven
Spirits
and
seven
Stars
do
fully
imply
as
serious
a
purpose
of
the
Restauration
of
his
Church
as
he
had
in
the
first
propagation
thereof
.
This
Sardis
therefore
being
as
it
were
the
Ephesus
of
the
Restauration
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
Christ
resumes
his
Title
which
he
uses
in
his
Epistle
to
Ephesus
,
and
that
to
the
full
,
if
not
more
in
the
seven
Spirits
,
his
designs
of
Providence
being
more
great
and
glorious
in
his
Restauration
of
his
Church
,
than
they
proved
after
about
three
hundred
and
sixty
years
since
the
first
propagation
;
the
Church
degenerating
apace
into
the
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
till
this
Sardian
Epocha
of
the
Restauration
;
which
State
,
though
less
perfect
than
it
should
be
,
yet
it
is
to
pass
into
the
Philadelphian
state
,
and
to
rise
into
a
blessed
Millennial
Empire
of
Christ
,
as
the
other
degenerated
into
the
Kingdom
of
Antichrist
.
So
little
of
diminution
is
there
in
the
matter
.
And
being
this
Sardian
Epocha
is
the
solemn
beginning
of
the
Restauration
of
the
Church
,
why
should
Thyatira
,
a
Succession
antecedent
thereto
,
be
made
to
run
parallel
to
that
of
Sardis
;
Or
Philadelphia
,
which
in
the
Prophecy
plainly
succeeds
Sardis
,
be
drawn
back
to
run
parallel
also
thereto
?
But
I
have
out-run
my
design
already
,
and
have
touched
upon
more
things
than
I
intended
.
I
will
now
pass
to
what
I
am
most
of
all
concerned
in
,
the
ingenious
Author's
Postscript
or
Additional
View
.
CHAP.
XLVII
.
Strictures
on
the
Calendarist
's
Postscript
,
which
consists
of
Objections
against
his
Calendar
,
with
his
Answers
thereto
.
The
Reply
to
his
Answer
to
the
fourth
Objection
.
His
Answer
to
the
fifth
Objection
,
and
to
the
first
Argument
from
Villalpandus
his
Measures
of
the
Inner
and
Outer
Court
of
the
Temple
,
with
the
Reply
thereto
.
His
Answer
to
the
second
Argument
with
the
Reply
.
His
Answer
to
the
seventh
and
main
Objection
,
with
the
Reply
thereto
.
Three
Objections
raised
against
his
own
Answer
to
the
main
Objection
,
with
his
Answers
which
are
replied
unto
.
The
scope
of
the
Author's
diligence
in
exhibiting
a
true
and
faithful
Interpretation
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
his
Confidence
that
the
ingenious
Calendarist
will
easily
be
convinced
by
what
has
been
writ
,
that
his
Calendar
stands
but
upon
infirm
grounds
.
THough
I
be
more
concerned
to
consider
what
is
in
the
Postscript
of
the
Calendar
,
than
the
Calendar
it self
,
that
Postscript
containing
Objections
which
the
witty
Inventor
of
the
Calendar
has
raised
against
it
out
of
my
Writings
,
and
framed
Answers
thereto
;
yet
,
partly
because
I
have
dwelt
already
on
this
Calendar
of
Prophetick
Time
longer
than
I
intended
,
and
partly
because
I
have
already
noted
such
things
as
may
satisfie
the
Reader
touching
the
Matters
betwixt
the
Calendarist
and
my self
.
I
shall
endeavour
to
be
exceeding
brief
in
my
strictures
on
this
Postscript
.
Wherefore
,
as
for
his
first
,
second
and
third
Objections
and
Answers
,
pag.
80
,
81.
I
have
so
fully
set
down
what
may
satisfie
the
Reader
therein
in
the
foregoing
forty
fifth
Chapter
,
that
I
will
omit
saying
any
thing
of
them
here
.
We
come
therefore
to
his
fourth
Objection
,
pag.
82.
which
is
this
:
But
if
the
Line
of
2300
Evening-Mornings
could
be
supposed
to
begin
at
Cyrus
,
yet
the
1335
days
,
Dan.
12.
cannot
be
set
to
any
other
point
of
time
than
Antiochus
,
for
it
is
expresly
dated
from
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
,
and
that
is
enough
to
destroy
the
Calendar
.
His
Answer
to
this
is
ample
and
ingenious
,
but
the
summ
and
substance
is
this
:
That
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
by
Antiochus
being
a
Type
of
the
Beast
,
or
Antichrist
his
taking
away
the
pure
Christian
Service
,
which
was
at
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
this
is
to
be
the
Epocha
of
the
1335
days
,
as
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
is
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
literally
understood
.
But
here
I
reply
,
Why
then
is
not
the
taking
away
the
pure
Christian
Service
the
Epocha
of
the
2300
Days
mystically
understood
,
especially
I
having
demonstrated
Chap.
45.
that
the
Epocha
of
2300
days
mystically
understood
,
cannot
be
Cyrus
his
taking
of
Babylon
,
though
it
would
thus
be
very
pretty
,
the
Typical
Line
reaching
from
literal
Babylon's
falling
,
to
mystical
Babylon's
falling
,
and
from
literal
Jerusalem
restored
to
the
mystical
or
New
Jerusalem
,
as
he
urges
pag.
80.
But
that
Epocha
I
have
fully
routed
in
that
forty
fifth
Chapter
,
and
therefore
the
Epocha
of
the
Typical
2300
days
must
either
be
in
the
taking
away
the
Christian
pure
Service
at
the
commencement
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
where
he
would
fix
the
Epocha
of
the
1335
days
.
(
Whence
the
Church
of
God
will
not
be
cleansed
from
the
impure
Worship
of
Antichrist
till
above
a
thousand
years
hence
)
Or
else
the
Epocha
must
be
from
the
taking
away
the
daily
Sacrifice
,
which
is
most
true
,
but
this
will
again
destroy
infallibly
the
ingenious
Author's
Calendar
,
which
I
think
I
have
hinted
above
also
.
We
pass
therefore
to
the
fifth
Objection
.
The
Beast's
time
began
before
400
,
and
that
spoils
the
Calendar-Account
.
In
Answer
to
this
he
recurs
to
that
witty
Invention
of
his
,
whereby
he
concludes
404
years
after
the
Refurrection
to
be
the
Time
of
the
Purity
of
the
Church
,
and
consequently
the
437
of
our
Lord
to
be
the
Epocha
of
the
Time
of
the
Beast
.
But
this
is
already
refuted
in
the
foregoing
forty
fifth
Chapter
,
so
that
I
need
say
nothing
more
here
.
Furthermore
to
my
Argument
drawn
from
the
proportion
of
the
outer
Court
to
the
inner
,
he
answers
,
First
,
That
let
Villalpandus
his
Measures
be
never
so
punctual
,
the
Text
seems
not
to
point
at
Time
,
but
to
the
Churches
Purity
or
agreement
with
Ezekiel's
Measures
.
Secondly
,
Villalpandus's
Measures
are
adjusted
to
the
Temple
,
but
the
Vision
to
the
Tabernacle
and
City
to
make
the
outer
Court
.
Whence
Villalpandus
his
Measures
will
be
unapplicable
to
the
business
.
Thirdly
,
The
Church
symbolizing
with
the
Eremitical
Woman
,
was
retired
into
the
Temple
worshipping
before
the
golden
Altar
of
Incense
,
the
daily
Sacrifice
being
taken
away
,
viz.
at
the
entrance
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
before
which
time
he
supposes
the
outer
Court
was
commensurable
.
Fourthly
,
Although
it
be
hence
,
that
the
first
Vision
of
the
Opened
Book
does
not
begin
so
high
as
the
seven
Churches
or
Seals
,
yet
this
is
according
to
the
true
Apocalyptick
Order
;
which
first
compleats
the
History
of
the
Trumpets
begun
to
the
very
end
of
the
Apocalyptick
time
,
and
then
begins
from
the
very
first
in
the
Woman
cloathed
with
the
Sun
as
a
new
set
of
Visions
.
But
to
the
first
I
reply
,
This
measuring
respects
not
only
the
Purity
of
the
Church
,
but
the
Time
of
the
visible
Church
continuing
pure
,
else
why
is
that
third
proportional
so
seasonably
offered
in
the
Vision
.
To
the
second
,
That
Villalpandus
his
Measures
are
adjusted
to
Solomon's
Temple
in
Ezekiel
,
which
is
Typical
or
Prophetical
;
but
the
City
being
added
,
it
is
Iconismorum
Metallaxis
,
usual
with
the
Prophets
,
to
typifie
one
thing
by
more
Symbols
than
one
.
And
by
the
Holy
City
is
signified
the
People
of
Israel
congregated
in
the
outer
Court
to
worship
,
and
answers
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
the
inner
Court.
To
the
third
I
say
,
The
retiring
into
the
Temple
can
be
no
fit
Symbol
of
the
Woman
in
the
Wilderness
(
by
Wilderness
Paganism
being
emblematized
,
as
Alcazar
has
noted
,
and
brought
a
Cloud
of
Witness
to
confirm
it
,
and
the
reason
thereof
is
added
in
my
Alphabet
of
Iconisms
:
So
little
congruity
is
there
betwixt
the
Woman's
retiring
into
the
Temple
,
and
her
being
in
the
Wilderness
;
which
is
as
wide
and
vast
as
the
two-winged
Empire
Eastern
and
Western
Re-paganizing
,
and
so
becoming
a
Wilderness
or
Desart
.
And
for
the
outer
Court
's
being
commensurable
before
the
entrance
of
the
Reign
of
the
Beast
,
we
were
not
come
to
the
outer
Court
then
,
and
the
Vision
respects
the
external
and
visible
state
of
the
Church
.
To
the
fourth
and
last
I
reply
,
That
the
making
the
outer
and
inner
Court
synchronous
,
does
most
certainly
infer
the
first
Vision
of
the
Opened
Book
not
to
begin
so
high
as
that
of
the
seven
Churches
and
Seals
.
Which
is
an
intolerable
absurdity
,
and
as
great
a
piece
of
violence
as
can
be
done
to
the
sacred
Method
of
the
Prophecies
.
And
now
for
the
Calendarist's
Apocalyptick
Order
;
so
far
it
is
true
,
as
that
it
points
to
the
running
through
the
History
of
the
Trumpets
begun
to
the
very
end
of
Apocalyptick
Time
;
which
is
the
thing
that
is
done
in
the
roaring
of
the
Lion-Angel
distributed
into
seven
Thunders
,
which
are
equal
put
together
to
the
space
of
the
seventh
or
last
Trumpet
,
which
therefore
reach
to
the
very
end
of
Apocalyptick
Time
.
And
therefore
the
Angel
having
declared
that
there
was
no
more
time
than
this
seventh
Trumpet
,
which
he
had
in
so
general
a
touch
run
thorough
after
his
giving
the
Book
to
John
to
be
eaten
,
John
is
immediately
bid
to
prophesie
.
And
therefore
the
Vision
of
the
measured
Temple
and
Witnesses
is
as
certainly
the
first
Vision
of
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
as
any
thing
in
the
World
can
be
certain
.
And
if
it
be
so
,
the
Calendarist
himself
cannot
but
confess
it
begins
as
high
as
the
seven
Churches
or
the
Seals
.
But
if
he
imagine
the
History
of
the
Trumpets
begun
to
be
compleated
to
the
end
of
Apocalyptick
Time
in
the
Vision
comprized
in
the
eleventh
Chapter
,
because
of
the
second
Woe
's
being
said
to
be
past
,
and
the
seventh
Trumpet
sounding
to
make
the
Vision
of
the
Woman
cloathed
with
the
Sun
the
first
Vision
of
the
Opened
Book-Prophecy
,
as
commencing
as
high
as
the
seven
Churches
or
Seals
;
there
is
he
out
again
.
For
that
Vision
in
the
eleventh
Chapter
does
not
reach
to
the
end
of
Apocalyptick
Time
,
but
to
the
seventh
Vial
only
inclusively
.
So
that
the
Descent
of
the
New
Jerusalem
,
the
Millennial
Reign
of
Christ
and
the
Laodicean
Interval
are
still
behind
.
But
the
Apocalyptick
Time
upon
the
seventh
Thunder
above-mentioned
was
quite
ended
,
and
so
a
fit
Regress
made
to
a
new
set
of
Prophecies
.
Which
the
ingenious
Calendarist
cannot
deny
but
that
it
ought
to
begin
as
high
as
the
seven
Churches
and
the
Seals
:
And
then
of
necessity
the
Time
of
the
inner
Court
will
not
be
synchronous
,
but
antecedent
to
the
Time
of
the
outer
.
Which
is
a
very
plain
Truth
,
and
equally
useful
.
He
makes
my
second
Argument
for
the
forty
two
months
beginning
before
400
;
That
the
Invocation
of
Saints
had
entred
somewhat
before
it
.
In
Answer
to
which
he
recurs
again
,
pag.
84.
to
the
device
of
the
Balance
.
But
my
Reply
to
his
Answer
to
the
fifth
Objection
will
serve
here
.
So
that
I
will
add
nothing
further
,
but
remind
the
Reader
,
that
not
only
the
Invocation
of
Saints
,
but
the
reposing
Confidence
in
the
Mahuzzim
was
then
,
and
this
exceedingly
spread
,
as
has
been
proved
Chap.
28.
The
sixth
Objection
and
the
Answer
being
less
material
to
my
purpose
,
I
omit
.
We
therefore
pass
to
the
seventh
and
last
,
which
is
this
:
The
Witnesses
are
risen
,
and
out
of
their
Sack-cloth
,
and
that
some
years
ago
,
and
therefore
the
1260
years
are
also
so
long
ago
expired
,
which
utterly
subverts
the
Calendar
,
pag.
85.
This
,
says
he
,
being
the
great
Objection
,
requires
the
most
distinct
Answer
,
I
shall
therefore
briefly
explain
my
full
sense
,
&c.
In
pursuance
of
this
,
I
confess
,
he
is
witty
,
operose
and
copious
;
but
the
substantial
summ
of
the
matter
,
so
far
as
I
can
gather
,
is
this
,
That
as
the
Time
of
the
Medial
Visions
is
distinguished
into
parts
,
A
Time
and
Times
and
Half
a
Time
,
and
three
Days
and
an
Half
;
so
there
are
several
Degrees
of
the
Completion
of
the
Vision
.
To
this
sense
is
that
which
occurs
pag.
78.
By
all
which
it
appears
,
saith
he
,
Time
at
large
has
a
less
full
presence
of
the
Event
,
and
admits
a
contrary
,
intimate
Time
hath
the
full
presence
of
the
Event
,
and
admits
no
contrary
.
And
pag.
88.
Some
(
says
he
,
speaking
of
the
Witnesses
)
are
called
up
into
places
of
Dignity
as
into
Heaven
,
but
not
as
they
shall
be
at
the
end
of
the
1260
days
.
For
each
first
and
last
part
of
all
the
Characters
of
Time
must
have
degrees
of
the
Event
,
else
they
could
not
have
a
foundation
to
be
so
distinguished
.
Even
our
Lord's
first
Night
was
a
beginning
to
dye
in
his
Agony
being
betray'd
,
&c.
And
till
the
Evening
of
the
first
day
of
the
week
he
appeared
not
to
a
Number
,
as
not
publickly
risen
till
the
end
of
the
third
day
.
And
then
giving
several
instances
of
the
scantness
of
the
Reformation
and
of
great
Objects
still
remaining
of
the
Witnesses
sorrow
;
to
conclude
then
,
says
he
,
pag.
89.
till
after
the
full
Expiration
of
the
Time
of
the
Apostasie
,
being
in
Power
as
a
Throne
or
Kingdom
in
all
its
coextensive
Characters
,
the
Witnesses
are
not
,
in
full
Apocalyptick
sense
,
Risen
:
as
the
golden
Key
of
the
Time
,
the
three
days
and
an
half
also
assure
us
.
For
till
the
Emphatical
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
,
After
three
days
and
an
half
are
fully
past
they
rise
not
,
viz.
conspicuously
,
as
our
Lord
did
not
.
And
that
that
is
not
yet
(
beside
the
credit
of
our
Calendar
)
is
apparent
,
in
that
since
the
Reformation
there
have
been
no
effects
like
those
that
are
to
signalize
the
end
of
the
1260
days
,
&c.
This
is
the
main
of
his
Answer
,
to
which
I
briefly
reply
,
that
it
reaches
not
the
case
.
For
the
utmost
fulfilling
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
not
that
there
shall
be
a
Rising
of
them
throughout
the
Kingdom
of
the
Beast
;
but
that
it
shall
be
only
in
part
of
his
Kingdom
.
For
it
is
expresly
said
in
the
Text
,
that
at
the
very
hour
of
their
Rising
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
fell
,
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
betwixt
which
there
is
as
much
difference
as
betwixt
ten
and
one
.
For
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
[
the
third
part
]
which
is
a
Symbol
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
does
not
signifie
the
whole
Habitable
or
then
inhabited
Earth
,
but
the
third
part
of
the
Earth
only
,
so
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
cannot
signifie
all
the
ten
parts
of
the
City
or
the
whole
City
,
but
the
tenth
part
only
.
Besides
that
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
does
not
here
relate
to
the
ten-horned
Beast
or
Secular
Empire
,
but
to
the
Hieratical
Polity
the
City
of
Babylon
,
the
tenth
of
that
only
fell
,
but
the
Secular
Empire
where
this
fall
was
,
stood
rather
more
strong
than
ever
,
was
more
complete
than
ever
,
being
rid
of
the
Papal
Tyranny
at
the
Reformation
so
far
forth
as
it
was
reformed
.
And
now
for
the
Emphatical
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
After
the
three
days
and
an
half
;
Forasmuch
as
it
is
said
after
these
three
days
and
an
half
the
Witnesses
rose
,
and
the
tenth
part
of
the
City
fell
,
it
is
as
clear
as
Noon-day
that
no
more
than
a
partial
Fall
of
the
City
and
a
proportionated
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
the
full
completion
of
this
Vision
or
Prophecy
.
But
whatever
other
Accessions
there
are
to
be
made
to
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
or
Ruine
of
Antichrist
,
they
must
be
the
completion
of
some
other
Visions
,
but
not
of
this
.
And
as
for
the
Credit
of
his
Calendar
,
I
have
again
and
again
shown
how
frail
it
is
.
And
for
any
Effects
to
signalize
the
end
of
the
1260
days
I
have
demonstrated
elsewhere
,
that
not
Days
,
but
Semi-times
are
the
measuring
Vnite
of
the
Event
of
this
Vision
.
And
that
there
was
no
signalizing
Effect
at
the
expiration
of
the
1260
days
from
the
right
Epocha
,
it
is
a
further
confirmation
that
not
a
Day
,
but
a
Semi-time
is
the
Eventual
Measure
,
and
the
last
Semi-time
was
signalized
with
the
blessed
Reformation
.
But
yet
,
as
if
his
Answer
to
this
seventh
Objection
had
been
in
it self
solid
and
valid
,
and
that
,
as
he
has
explained
things
,
the
Witnesses
were
not
Risen
in
a
full
Apocalyptick
sense
;
he
proposes
three
Objections
out
of
what
he
has
read
of
mine
.
The
first
Objection
is
this
,
The
latitude
of
months
for
the
fulfilling
Events
in
some
parts
of
them
,
may
so
disagree
with
the
narrower
lines
of
day
,
too
narrow
for
the
months
(
pag.
90.
)
that
the
Prophecy
may
be
made
to
contradict
it self
,
and
so
speak
true
and
not
true
as
to
point
of
Time
and
Events
together
.
True
in
the
months
,
not
in
the
days
.
But
his
Answer
is
this
,
As
the
heighth
of
Events
is
by
the
Prophecy
determined
to
the
intimate
part
of
the
three
days
and
the
three
times
and
an
half
,
so
the
duration
of
the
Event
at
large
is
by
the
Prophecy
co-extended
to
the
very
last
day
of
the
1260
,
and
cannot
end
sooner
,
and
therefore
the
days
must
over-rule
the
months
,
as
being
more
precisely
fixt
in
the
point
of
Time
,
&c.
But
to
this
I
reply
,
That
the
Answer
is
indeed
ingenious
,
saving
that
he
was
not
aware
,
that
the
partial
Fall
of
the
City
and
the
then
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
was
after
the
three
days
and
an
half
,
according
to
his
own
Emphatical
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
plainly
implies
that
the
Vision
points
at
no
more
than
a
partial
Fall
of
Babylon
,
and
a
commensurate
Rising
then
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
that
there
is
no
such
duration
of
the
Event
at
large
co-extended
by
the
Prophecy
to
the
very
last
day
of
the
1260
,
but
that
they
signifie
no
more
precisely
than
that
Authentick
measure
of
the
Time
and
Times
and
half
a
Time
in
Daniel
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
Chap.
25.
And
though
this
pretended
preciseness
to
a
day
will
not
necessarily
argue
any
improvements
of
Omnisciency
in
S.
John's
time
above
what
was
attained
to
in
Daniel's
,
yet
it
looking
as
if
it
did
,
why
may
not
the
Divine
Wisdom
think
good
to
prevent
that
Cavil
in
Atheistical
men
,
by
keeping
to
Daniel's
Authentick
measure
in
these
Medial
Visions
?
The
second
Objection
is
,
The
greatness
of
the
Events
requires
a
larger
scope
than
of
a
Prophetick
day
or
year
to
be
fulfilled
in
.
To
which
he
answers
:
The
preparations
to
the
Events
may
be
so
going
on
before
,
that
the
Events
themselves
may
,
as
the
Israelites
going
out
of
Aegypt
,
be
in
the
self-same
day
.
And
so
the
Beast's
last
month
may
by
its
greater
compass
allow
room
for
those
preparations
about
its
latter
end
,
though
not
fulfilled
till
the
last
day
.
But
when
God
will
work
,
who
can
let
it
?
Nullum
tempus
occurrit
Regi
.
But
to
this
I
briefly
reply
,
There
is
not
a
preparation
to
Rising
only
,
but
a
long
succession
of
their
actual
Rising
not
confinable
to
a
year
,
as
is
apparent
in
the
Reformation
begun
by
Luther
,
which
I
have
demonstrated
to
be
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
Chap.
23.
of
this
Treatise
.
The
third
Objection
is
this
,
The
Expectation
of
the
Witnesses
yet
to
rise
,
disquiets
mens
thoughts
into
Turbulency
,
and
gives
them
meaner
esteems
of
the
Reformation
,
and
the
present
Estate
of
the
Church
.
It
would
swell
this
Chapter
into
too
great
a
bigness
to
set
down
all
that
he
says
in
Answer
to
this
;
I
will
therefore
confine
my self
to
the
three
first
Particulars
.
First
therefore
,
he
answers
,
That
the
Prophecy
anathematizes
all
such
disorderly
motions
,
whether
the
Witnesses
are
risen
or
not
.
For
it
will
be
fulfilled
by
the
Princes
themselves
,
Christian
Princes
and
by
Instruments
in
pure
Linen
,
not
as
in
the
Trumpets
,
not
by
Mahometan
,
much
less
by
Popular
Tumults
.
Secondly
,
The
very
hopes
or
desires
that
Babylon
should
fall
,
as
every
one
knows
as
yet
it
is
not
fallen
,
may
be
charged
with
the
same
ill
consequences
.
Thirdly
,
The
Reformation
is
acknowledged
within
it self
to
be
the
Witnesses
Risen
and
the
Church
out
of
the
Wilderness
,
but
not
to
the
full
sense
of
the
Prophecy
,
the
Beast
being
yet
in
power
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
To
the
first
Particular
I
reply
,
That
it
is
ingenious
and
commendable
that
it
does
so
expresly
declare
against
popular
Turbulency
and
Tumult
.
But
that
the
Witnesses
are
Risen
already
I
have
proved
Chap.
23.
and
that
they
wear
not
Sack-cloth
after
their
Rising
,
Chap.
24.
Wherefore
what
belongs
to
Princes
themselves
and
their
Instruments
in
pure
Linen
,
hath
nothing
to
do
with
the
Vision
of
the
Witnesses
,
but
with
the
Vials
which
follow
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
.
Which
may
be
the
Political
Event
of
the
fourth
Vial.
To
the
second
;
I
deny
that
the
hopes
or
desires
of
Babylon's
further
falling
may
be
charged
with
the
same
ill
consequences
that
a
pretended
set
time
of
its
farther
Fall
,
or
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
suppose
of
twelve
or
thirteen
years
hence
,
is
chargeable
with
.
For
there
being
no
time
set
,
there
is
no
Watch-word
given
to
attempt
,
nor
any
Expectation
of
people
raised
.
And
to
the
third
I
briefly
reply
,
That
though
the
Reformation
is
acknowledged
within
it self
to
be
the
Witnesses
Risen
and
the
Church
out
of
the
Wilderness
by
the
better
sort
of
knowing
men
,
yet
others
are
of
another
opinion
,
and
most
of
the
Sectarians
in
Protestant
Countries
are
too
apt
to
phansie
themselves
the
mournful
Witnesses
in
Sack-cloth
,
and
therefore
if
any
set
a
time
,
as
if
the
1260
days
were
not
expired
as
yet
,
but
that
they
will
expire
so
many
years
hence
when
there
will
be
a
complete
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
or
at
least
a
putting
off
their
Sack-cloth
,
this
must
naturally
raise
the
Expectation
of
the
Sectarians
,
and
hazard
Commotions
even
in
Protestant
Countries
.
For
the
preventing
of
which
inconvenience
,
I
have
been
so
vigilant
and
industrious
to
represent
a
true
and
faithful
sense
of
the
Vision
of
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
to
demonstrate
to
all
the
World
,
as
I
am
certain
I
have
done
,
that
the
Completion
of
that
Prophecy
is
perfectly
past
,
both
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
their
putting
off
their
Sack-cloth
at
once
:
And
though
the
ingenious
Calendarist
has
attempted
many
witty
plausibilities
in
his
adjusting
his
six
Collateral
Lines
to
his
Principal
Line
of
the
2300
Evening-Mornings
mystically
understood
for
the
inferring
that
in
the
year
1697.
that
is
,
about
twelve
or
thirteen
years
hence
the
time
of
the
Witnesses
prophesying
in
Sack-cloth
will
expire
,
and
the
Turkish
Woe
pass
away
;
And
upon
the
seventh
Trumpets
sounding
,
there
will
insue
a
most
loud
and
publick
administration
of
the
Gospel
beyond
any
time
since
the
Apostles
,
described
as
seven
Voices
or
the
seven
Thunders
unsealed
;
And
that
thirty
years
after
the
beginning
of
this
,
viz.
in
the
year
1727.
shall
begin
the
final
destruction
of
the
Beast
by
the
Vials
accomplished
in
forty
five
years
more
at
the
year
1772.
in
the
New
Jerusalem
:
yet
the
discovering
so
much
of
a
witty
,
peaceful
and
loyal
good
nature
in
this
little
Essay
of
his
,
I
am
confident
,
that
he
has
that
perspicacity
that
he
will
,
from
what
I
have
writ
,
easily
discern
himself
mistaken
in
his
Account
,
and
that
his
Calendar
of
Prophetick
Time
,
though
there
be
many
useful
and
laudable
things
noted
in
the
managing
it
,
has
no
firm
ground
to
stand
upon
.
CHAP.
XLVIII
.
Of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Nicolaitans
in
the
Pergamenian
Interval
.
How
[
the
third
Part
]
comes
to
be
a
Symbol
of
the
Roman
Empire
.
The
hair
of
Women
in
the
Locusts
the
Character
of
the
Arabians
or
Saracens
.
The
full
sense
of
the
Voice
of
the
Bridegroom
and
the
Bride
being
heard
no
more
in
Babylon
.
There
shall
be
no
more
Curse
,
Rev.
22.3
.
how
to
be
expounded
.
Several
Scriptures
produced
to
prove
,
that
in
the
New
Jerusalem
-
state
there
will
be
a
Change
in
the
World
Natural
,
as
well
as
in
the
World
Moral
.
An
Explication
of
Isaiah
,
Chap.
56.20
.
As
also
of
Rom.
8.21
.
What
is
meant
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Acts
3.21
.
which
our
English
Translation
renders
Times
of
Restitution
.
Arguments
produced
to
prove
[
That
the
Wolf
and
the
Lamb
shall
feed
together
]
is
to
be
understood
literally
,
with
Answers
thereto
.
Six
Particulars
in
order
to
or
compliance
with
the
making
the
War
of
the
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
,
Apoc.
19.
Literal
only
or
Carnal
;
With
an
Answer
to
the
said
Particulars
.
IN
my
Exposition
of
the
Epistle
to
the
Church
in
Pergamus
I
interpret
the
Nicolaitans
to
be
a
people
that
sat
loose
enough
as
to
the
Romish
Church
,
but
were
also
unchast
and
loose
of
their
bodies
.
And
that
there
were
such
within
the
Pergamenian
Interval
,
which
reaches
from
An.
Dom.
324.
to
An.
Dom.
1242.
is
apparent
from
History
.
This
the
Reverend
and
Learned
Dean
of
Paul's
,
Dr.
Stillingfleet
,
has
made
good
to
our
hands
in
the
Fanaticism
of
the
Roman
Church
;
where
he
tells
us
,
that
this
Nicolaitan
Doctrine
(
which
afterward
proved
the
very
Doctrine
of
Henry
Nicolas
the
Father
of
the
Family
of
Love
)
did
obtain
amongst
them
at
the
beginning
of
the
thirteenth
Century
,
viz.
That
every
Person
of
the
Holy
Trinity
had
his
successive
Time
of
Ruling
the
World
;
That
the
Law
of
the
Father
continued
till
Christ's
Coming
,
the
Law
of
the
Son
till
their
Time
,
and
then
the
Time
of
the
Holy
Ghost
was
to
begin
;
In
which
the
use
of
Sacraments
was
to
cease
,
and
all
external
Administrations
,
&c.
And
they
so
highly
extolled
Love
,
that
what
would
have
been
a
sin
without
it
,
they
thought
to
be
none
with
it
,
as
Fornication
,
Adultery
,
&c.
This
is
the
Primitive
Nicolaitism
,
which
was
again
renew'd
by
H.
N.
aliàs
Henry
Nicolas
,
from
whence
our
modern
Familists
spring
;
as
also
at
first
the
Quakers
,
who
still
cast
away
the
Sacraments
,
and
make
nothing
of
external
Administrations
.
This
business
is
related
in
Nauclerus
,
and
that
before
An.
Dom.
1190.
so
fully
is
it
within
the
Pergamenian
Interval
.
It
may
not
be
amiss
to
set
down
his
words
concerning
the
latter
part
of
their
description
:
Charitatis
etiam
virtutem
sic
ampliabant
,
ut
id
,
quod
aliàs
peccatum
esset
,
si
fieret
in
Charitate
,
jam
illud
non
esset
peccatum
,
unde
stupra
&
adulteria
&
caeteras
corporis
voluptates
nomine
Charitatis
perpetrabant
,
mulieribusque
cum
quibus
peccabant
,
&
simplicibus
quos
decipiebant
impunitatem
promittebant
,
Deum
tantummodo
bonum
&
justum
praedicantes
.
This
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
Christ
says
he
hates
and
abhors
,
Apoc.
2.15
.
And
it
is
a
surprizing
hit
that
Henry
Nicolas
should
be
so
eminent
a
Reviver
of
this
Nicolaitan
Doctrine
.
But
I
have
said
enough
already
to
confirm
our
Exposition
of
that
passage
of
the
Apocalypse
.
I
will
pass
hence
to
Chap.
8.
v.
7
,
8
,
&c.
where
[
the
third
Part
]
mentioned
at
least
half
a
score
times
,
I
interpret
to
be
a
Symbol
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
there
is
very
good
reason
for
it
from
what
occurs
Chap.
12.4
.
where
the
great
red
Dragon
with
seven
Heads
and
ten
Horns
,
which
most
certainly
denotes
the
Roman
Empire
,
according
to
all
Interpreters
,
is
said
to
have
drawn
down
with
his
Tail
the
third
part
of
the
Stars
of
Heaven
,
and
to
have
cast
them
to
the
Earth
,
that
is
,
to
have
brought
the
third
part
of
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
under
his
subjection
.
Which
passage
is
an
intended
Key
to
that
in
the
eighth
Chapter
,
as
the
seventeenth
Chapter
is
chiefly
to
the
eleventh
and
thirteenth
.
In
the
ninth
Chapter
,
v.
8.
where
the
Locusts
are
said
to
have
hair
as
the
hair
of
Women
,
I
,
as
Mr.
Mede
before
me
,
interpret
of
the
Saracens
which
are
Arabians
,
of
whom
Pliny
writes
,
Nat.
Hist.
lib.
6.
cap.
28.
N.
30.
Arabes
mitrati
degunt
aut
intonso
crine
.
And
the
Vision
describes
the
Locusts
as
having
faces
of
humane
shape
but
that
they
wear
their
hair
as
Women
,
(
as
do
the
Arabians
)
as
being
Mitrati
,
that
is
,
having
Womens
Head-tire
on
.
For
so
Mitra
signifies
:
Pilea
virorum
sunt
,
Mitrae
foeminarum
.
It
was
the
Head-cover
also
of
the
Lydians
and
Phrygians
,
but
accounted
less
manly
.
Whence
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
a
reproachful
Title
given
to
the
soft
and
effeminate
;
though
the
Arabians
were
not
reputed
such
.
See
Martinius
.
Mr.
Mede
cites
rather
the
sense
than
the
words
of
Pliny
.
But
whether
we
read
[
&
]
or
[
aut
]
it
is
plain
these
Arabians
ordered
their
hair
as
women
:
which
therefore
is
a
fit
Character
of
the
Saracens
in
these
Locusts
.
In
the
eighteenth
Chapter
,
v.
23.
I
content
my self
in
noting
that
the
voice
of
Bridegroom
and
Bride
being
no
more
heard
in
Babylon
,
signifies
that
there
shall
be
no
more
propagating
of
their
Pseudo-Catholick
Religion
,
the
end
of
Marriage
being
Propagation
.
And
this
is
a
true
sense
and
unexceptionable
;
But
it
might
have
been
fuller
,
if
we
had
noted
also
,
that
there
may
be
an
allusion
to
that
usurped
Title
of
the
Pope
,
who
calls
himself
Sponsus
Ecclesiae
.
For
then
the
proselyting
of
Nations
and
Countries
to
the
Papal
Religion
and
Jurisdiction
,
would
look
ever
like
a
new
Marriage
.
But
the
Joy
of
such
Marriages
will
cease
after
the
final
Fall
of
Babylon
,
which
is
described
in
this
eighteenth
Chapter
of
the
Apocalypse
.
See
Gabriel
Powel
in
his
De
Antichristo
,
l.
1.
c.
14.
In
Chapter
22.
v.
3.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
And
there
shall
be
no
more
curse
.
This
I
expound
of
the
furious
Papal
Anathema's
or
Excommunications
to
depose
Kings
and
Princes
,
and
to
involve
the
Christian
World
in
blood
,
which
I
do
not
doubt
but
is
the
proper
Prophetical
meaning
of
the
place
,
and
not
the
Curse
of
God
for
Sin
,
which
was
Diseases
,
Death
,
Briars
,
Thorns
,
the
labour
and
sweat
of
Tillage
,
and
the
like
.
That
Curse
we
shall
never
be
delivered
from
till
we
come
to
Heaven
.
And
those
that
phansie
such
things
here
on
Earth
in
the
New
Jerusalem
state
;
as
in
this
passage
,
so
in
all
other
passages
that
sound
so
high
,
they
are
to
remember
,
that
the
proper
fulfilling
of
them
is
to
be
in
Heaven
,
though
in
a
figurative
sense
they
will
be
fulfilled
here
,
and
that
the
description
of
the
New
Jerusalem
on
Earth
is
so
framed
,
as
to
be
also
Typical
of
the
State
of
the
Church
in
Heaven
,
as
I
have
more
fully
declared
in
Chapter
20.
of
these
Paralipomena
.
But
forasmuch
as
,
besides
this
mistake
in
S.
E.
I
find
a
sober
and
judicious
Writer
W.
A.
in
his
Treatise
of
the
State
of
the
Church
in
the
latter
Ages
of
the
World
to
incline
to
the
Opinion
,
that
there
will
be
even
a
Change
of
Nature
in
the
Time
of
the
New
Jerusalem-state
of
the
Church
:
I
will
a
while
here
divert
into
what
he
says
Chap.
10.
and
produce
the
most
material
Reasons
he
hath
for
the
proving
,
that
in
those
days
there
will
be
a
Change
of
the
World
Natural
as
well
as
the
World
Moral
,
as
he
phraseth
it
.
Those
places
of
Scripture
that
seem
to
promise
plenty
of
things
,
and
increase
of
People
,
I
conceive
,
imply
no
such
Radical
Change
in
the
World
Natural
.
For
merely
from
the
Moral
Temperance
of
men
in
those
Times
there
will
be
length
of
Days
and
the
Propagation
of
a
sound
Off-spring
,
this
with
Peacefulness
will
cause
Populousness
;
And
for
Plenty
,
which
depends
upon
the
Clouds
and
timely
and
seasonable
Showres
,
they
have
ever
been
and
will
be
at
the
Command
of
the
invisible
Powers
in
the
Air.
So
that
that
will
be
no
insititious
Change
in
the
Natural
World
,
but
the
effects
of
free
Actions
in
those
invisible
Agents
.
But
that
indeed
of
Isaiah
,
Chap.
65.20
.
if
not
fitly
interpreted
,
may
seem
to
argue
a
Change
of
things
more
than
what
depends
upon
what
is
Free
and
Moral
.
For
after
God
had
promised
he
would
create
a
new
Heaven
and
a
new
Earth
,
v.
17.
he
adds
a
little
afterwards
,
That
there
shall
be
no
more
thence
an
Infant
of
days
,
nor
an
Old
man
that
has
not
filled
his
days
.
For
the
Child
shall
dye
an
hundred
years
old
,
but
the
Sinner
being
an
hundred
years
old
shall
be
accursed
.
Here
the
Child
dying
an
hundred
years
old
,
to
the
heedless
may
import
,
that
they
shall
be
more
longaevous
then
,
than
the
Patriarchs
before
the
Floud
,
an
Hundred
being
to
a
Thousand
,
as
Seven
the
Age
of
a
Child
to
Seventy
,
which
would
imply
a
strange
Change
in
the
Natural
World
indeed
.
But
to
give
W.
A.
his
due
,
he
has
pitched
upon
the
most
likely
sense
of
this
Verse
,
viz.
That
there
shall
no
Child
ordinarily
dye
by
any
untimely
death
,
nor
an
Old
man
that
has
not
lived
so
long
as
in
the
course
of
Nature
he
might
well
reach
;
That
the
space
from
Childhood
to
old
Age
shall
ordinarily
be
an
hundred
years
,
&c.
But
I
deny
that
this
argues
any
more
than
what
depends
upon
a
Divine
Morality
or
real
Regeneration
in
their
Parents
,
who
will
transmit
a
sound
and
wholesom
constitution
to
their
Posterity
.
Which
if
any
one
of
them
do
not
improve
to
the
like
Vertue
and
Piety
,
and
yet
by
the
Benefit
of
their
Constitution
live
an
hundred
years
,
content
mainly
with
the
things
of
the
Animal
life
,
such
a
Sinner
as
this
,
notwithstanding
his
Longaevity
,
is
accursed
,
both
because
he
for
the
present
deprives
himself
of
the
enjoyments
of
the
Divine
life
,
and
must
expect
also
but
a
bad
Reception
(
when
he
dyes
)
into
the
other
State
.
The
next
Text
of
moment
which
he
urges
is
Rom.
8.21
.
The
Creature
it self
also
shall
be
delivered
from
the
bondage
of
corruption
into
the
glorious
liberty
of
the
Children
of
God
:
Which
he
would
have
to
argue
,
that
there
will
be
a
Change
of
the
World
Natural
in
the
blessed
Millennium
as
well
as
in
the
World
Moral
,
he
supposing
that
[
Creature
]
there
signifies
the
whole
sublunary
Creation
at
least
.
And
the
Apostle
,
v.
22.
says
,
For
we
know
that
the
whole
Creation
groaneth
,
and
travaileth
in
pain
together
until
now
.
Where
[
the
whole
Creation
]
is
the
same
with
[
the
Creature
it self
]
not
Christians
quatenus
Christians
,
but
the
very
Creature
or
Creature
it self
groaneth
and
is
in
pain
.
But
then
it
is
to
be
understood
,
as
Dr.
Hammond
also
will
have
it
,
of
the
whole
Humane
Creature
,
which
he
makes
out
rationally
and
judiciously
.
And
what
Creatures
but
humane
or
Men
can
expect
to
be
delivered
into
the
glorious
Liberty
of
the
Sons
of
God
?
This
therefore
does
not
respect
the
Jerusalem-state
of
the
Church
here
on
Earth
,
but
the
State
of
the
Resurrection
.
For
then
only
will
this
deliverance
from
the
bondage
of
Corruption
be
,
and
the
attainment
of
the
freedom
of
the
Sons
of
God
,
which
is
the
Title
of
the
Angels
.
For
then
in
our
incorruptible
glorified
bodies
we
shall
become
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
equal
to
the
Angels
.
And
this
is
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
mentioned
v.
23.
which
we
groan
after
and
wait
for
,
viz.
the
redemption
of
our
bodies
,
that
they
may
be
glorified
and
made
Angelical
,
such
as
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
have
,
the
Angels
or
Sons
of
God
,
as
is
declared
in
the
Answer
to
S.
E.
Something
like
this
Text
is
that
alledged
out
of
the
Acts
,
Chap.
3.21
.
where
S.
Peter
speaking
of
our
blessed
Saviour
,
saith
,
Whom
the
Heaven
must
receive
until
the
Times
of
Restitution
of
all
things
which
God
hath
spoken
by
the
mouth
of
all
his
holy
Prophets
since
the
world
began
.
W.
A.
to
give
him
his
due
,
manages
this
Text
ingeniously
enough
to
his
present
purpose
,
upon
supposition
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
were
to
be
rendred
as
our
English
Translation
renders
it
[
Restitution
]
implying
thereby
Restauration
or
Renovation
.
But
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
a
completed
Circuit
or
Period
,
properly
relating
to
Astronomical
Revolutions
;
It
signifies
also
the
effecting
of
a
thing
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
therefore
signifies
either
the
Periodical
Times
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Times
brought
to
a
Period
,
or
the
Times
of
effecting
of
all
things
which
God
hath
spoken
by
the
mouth
of
his
holy
Prophets
.
Which
easie
sense
implies
no
such
Change
in
the
World
Natural
in
the
Millennium
,
as
our
Author
would
deduce
therefrom
.
And
this
is
not
my
sense
only
on
the
Text
,
but
Grotius
his
also
,
or
something
in
him
near
akin
to
it
.
As
for
that
Isai.
66.22
.
For
as
the
Heavens
and
Earth
which
I
will
make
shall
remain
before
me
,
saith
the
Lord
,
so
shall
your
seed
and
your
name
remain
.
This
Heaven
and
Earth
,
as
that
Chap.
65.17
.
is
a
Political
Heaven
and
Earth
,
that
Divine
Polity
which
will
constitute
the
New
Jerusalem-state
of
the
Church
,
in
which
the
Jews
or
Israelites
will
have
a
portion
as
long
as
that
Polity
stands
,
which
is
to
the
end
of
all
.
But
I
have
made
so
much
haste
,
that
I
have
omitted
a
prime
Text
alledged
by
this
ingenious
Author
,
Isai
.
Chap.
65.
The
Wolf
and
the
Lamb
shall
feed
together
,
and
the
Lion
shall
eat
straw
like
the
Bullock
,
and
dust
shall
be
the
Serpents
meat
,
they
shall
not
hurt
nor
destroy
in
all
my
holy
mountain
,
saith
the
Lord
.
And
a
fuller
description
to
the
same
purpose
there
is
Chap.
11.
which
he
produces
to
prove
,
that
there
will
be
a
Change
in
the
World
Natural
in
the
Millennium
as
well
as
in
the
Moral
World
,
he
urging
the
literal
sense
of
these
places
for
these
three
Reasons
following
.
First
,
Because
the
Wolf
and
Lamb
,
the
Lion
and
Bullock
are
supposed
to
retain
their
Original
proper
Natures
still
.
For
if
not
,
then
the
Wolf
would
become
a
Lamb
,
and
the
Lion
a
Bullock
,
and
then
in
the
mystical
sense
,
(
which
he
opposes
)
it
would
only
be
,
that
the
Lamb
and
the
Lamb
would
feed
together
,
and
the
Bullock
eat
straw
like
other
Bullocks
.
The
second
Reason
is
,
That
we
cannot
well
imagine
for
what
other
purpose
that
saying
,
[
The
Lion
shall
eat
straw
like
an
Ox
]
should
be
added
,
but
only
to
give
some
account
how
those
Creatures
shall
live
,
and
how
they
shall
be
fed
when
they
shall
cease
to
prey
upon
other
living
Creatures
.
Which
implies
that
the
sense
is
literal
.
The
third
is
,
Because
it
is
further
added
,
That
dust
shall
be
the
Serpent's
meat
,
which
further
confirms
the
foregoing
Reason
,
as
if
the
Prophet
did
persist
in
instructing
us
how
these
Creatures
,
when
their
noxious
properties
are
taken
away
,
shall
feed
and
sustain
themselves
.
Nor
did
ever
any
,
says
he
,
so
far
as
I
know
,
essay
to
accommodate
this
of
the
Serpent
to
a
mystical
sense
,
when
they
have
done
so
to
the
other
parts
of
the
Prophecy
in
conjunction
with
it
.
These
are
his
three
Arguments
which
are
not
without
some
wit
and
judgment
;
But
I
shall
answer
to
each
.
To
the
first
therefore
I
say
,
That
there
is
a
Prophetick
Asteismus
in
the
Phrase
of
the
Prophet
,
when
he
says
,
The
Wolf
and
the
Lamb
shall
feed
together
,
which
in
the
Cortex
or
Literal
sense
strikes
the
imagination
strongly
,
as
is
the
Nature
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
.
But
that
there
may
be
still
an
opposition
in
the
Mystical
sense
as
there
is
betwixt
the
Wolf
and
the
Lamb
,
it
is
to
be
understood
not
in
sensu
composito
,
but
in
sensu
diviso
,
That
he
that
had
a
Wolfish
nature
before
shall
change
his
nature
to
that
of
a
Lamb
,
and
accordingly
converse
with
him
of
that
nature
.
This
is
the
obvious
sense
,
if
we
study
not
to
be
over-subtil
and
witty
.
But
besides
this
we
may
conceive
,
though
by
the
power
of
the
Gospel
,
especially
in
those
Times
,
these
several
Bestian
Natures
will
be
wonderfully
corrected
and
subdued
,
and
made
obedient
to
the
Heavenly
Man
Christ
in
us
,
yet
they
may
retain
their
Natural
Character
,
and
this
man
may
become
a
thoroughly
tamed
Wolf
,
that
a
thoroughly
tamed
Lion
.
And
Physiognomists
,
we
know
,
refer
the
natural
Temper
of
men
to
some
resemblance
of
such
Animals
,
which
Inclinations
yet
may
be
perfectly
subdued
by
real
Grace
and
Vertue
,
though
the
Characters
of
their
natural
Inclinations
remain
.
Which
made
Zopyrus
the
Physiognomist
declare
Socrates
Venereous
,
and
when
Socrates
his
Scholars
laught
at
him
for
his
mistake
,
he
rebuked
them
,
and
told
them
,
Zopyrus
spoke
true
,
for
such
he
was
by
Nature
,
but
Vertue
had
corrected
it
.
There
was
the
natural
Character
of
the
Goat
on
him
still
,
though
the
life
was
subdued
or
extinct
.
To
the
second
I
answer
,
That
the
reason
is
obvious
,
why
it
is
said
,
that
the
Lion
shall
eat
straw
like
the
Ox
,
viz.
that
it
may
correspond
with
the
Wolf's
feeding
with
the
Lamb
,
which
is
eating
grass
with
the
Lamb
,
and
that
they
both
correspond
with
the
intended
mystical
sense
of
the
Parable
,
which
the
Conclusion
of
the
Verse
is
a
Key
to
.
They
shall
not
hurt
nor
destroy
in
all
my
holy
Mountain
.
Injury
,
Violence
and
Cruelty
shall
cease
.
No
man
to
feed
his
own
humour
of
Ambition
or
Covetousness
shall
pain
and
oppress
his
Neighbour
.
But
those
Blood-suckers
before
,
which
were
like
Wolves
or
Lions
,
shall
be
changed
from
that
Temper
,
that
they
shall
pain
and
injure
no
living
Soul
in
seeking
to
sustain
themselves
in
that
rank
they
are
,
no
more
than
a
Wolf
or
Lion
would
do
by
eating
grass
or
Hay
.
And
to
the
third
and
last
,
I
say
,
My
Answer
to
the
second
is
further
confirmed
by
that
passage
touching
the
Serpent
,
That
dust
shall
be
the
Serpent's
meat
as
it
was
before
,
because
his
eating
dust
hurts
no
other
living
Creature
.
Therefore
his
food
needs
not
be
changed
:
As
thereby
is
also
intimated
,
that
his
Nature
is
not
.
And
therefore
the
Serpent
is
here
a
Symbol
of
the
Vnregenerate
in
those
days
,
who
though
they
keep
their
own
ill
serpentine
Nature
still
,
(
for
they
are
of
their
Father
the
Devil
)
yet
they
will
be
exquisitely
kept
in
by
the
righteous
Laws
of
the
New
Jerusalem
Polity
,
that
they
shall
be
able
to
do
no
hurt
,
however
willing
,
but
live
so
in
subjection
to
those
Laws
,
that
they
shall
acquire
their
livelihood
without
violence
or
injury
to
their
Neighbour
.
And
according
to
the
richness
of
the
Prophetick
Stile
it
insinuates
also
what
Vnderlings
these
sort
of
men
will
be
in
those
days
.
As
it
is
said
Psal.
72.
Thine
Enemies
shall
lick
the
dust
:
and
Mic.
7.
They
shall
lick
the
dust
like
a
Serpent
,
they
shall
move
out
of
their
holes
like
Worms
of
the
Earth
.
These
are
those
that
undergo
in
those
Times
perpetual
shame
and
contempt
,
Dan.
12.
This
I
conceive
to
be
the
mystical
meaning
of
[
Dust
shall
be
the
Serpents
meat
]
I
have
been
the
more
careful
in
clearing
this
place
,
that
mistaken
Glosses
may
not
obscure
the
Prophecies
of
those
Times
,
and
so
blind
men
from
seeing
they
are
fulfilled
,
when
indeed
they
are
.
See
what
is
said
to
S.
E.
the
Remarker
on
Apoc.
22.
v.
3.
and
I
hope
it
will
fully
satisfie
.
For
I
will
haste
now
to
another
Mistake
of
this
otherwise
ingenious
Writer
,
which
is
touching
the
Battel
of
the
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
under
the
seventh
Vial.
For
he
makes
it
only
a
literal
or
carnal
Warfare
,
and
the
destruction
or
killing
so
to
be
understood
only
.
Whence
(1)
whereas
the
Garments
of
that
Heros
only
,
on
the
white
Horse
,
are
said
to
be
distained
with
blood
,
his
Souldiers
garments
continuing
white
and
clean
without
any
spot
of
blood
upon
them
,
he
will
have
to
signifie
,
that
this
bloody
Execution
is
to
be
attributed
to
Christ
alone
,
rather
than
to
his
Followers
on
white
Horses
,
who
being
so
few
,
could
do
nothing
in
a
manner
without
Christ's
miraculous
aid
,
if
they
did
any
thing
at
all
with
it
.
And
to
this
sense
is
alledged
Isai.
59.19
.
When
he
Enemy
shall
come
in
like
a
floud
,
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
shall
lift
up
a
Standard
against
him
.
(2)
And
he
adds
pag.
137.
That
besides
this
,
the
Armies
of
the
Dragon
,
Beast
and
false
Prophet
are
said
to
be
slain
by
the
Sword
proceeding
out
of
the
mouth
of
him
that
sat
upon
the
Horse
,
but
not
one
word
of
his
being
slain
by
his
Souldiers
.
(3)
And
this
being
the
effect
of
the
seventh
Vial
,
and
the
Vials
being
Plagues
,
that
the
slaughter
by
the
Sword
coming
out
of
his
mouth
cannot
signifie
Conversion
,
forasmuch
as
Conversion
is
no
Plague
,
but
a
Blessing
.
(4)
Nor
can
I
,
saith
he
,
find
any where
in
Scripture
that
the
word
,
slaying
by
the
Sword
of
God's
mouth
,
or
breath
of
His
lips
,
is
used
in
so
favourable
a
sense
as
to
signifie
the
Conversion
of
men
from
sin
,
but
either
the
denouncing
or
executing
evil
against
them
.
(5)
And
in
pursuance
of
this
sense
of
a
carnal
War
only
,
he
interprets
the
great
City
(
Rev.
16.19
.
)
divided
into
three
parts
of
the
great
City
spiritually
called
Sodom
and
Aegypt
.
(6)
And
is
inclinable
to
interpret
the
great
Earthquake
and
the
great
Hail
,
v.
18
,
21.
literally
also
.
But
to
each
of
these
I
shall
briefly
make
answer
.
To
the
first
,
That
Christ's
Garments
only
distained
with
blood
,
and
that
before
the
Battel
,
does
not
signifie
that
a
bloody
Execution
literally
taken
,
is
to
be
attributed
to
Christ
alone
,
but
it
signifies
the
meritorious
Passion
of
Christ
which
belongs
alone
to
him
,
and
yet
in
virtue
of
which
alone
is
this
great
Victory
under
this
seventh
Vial
:
which
is
an
Argument
that
the
Warfare
is
spiritual
.
To
which
that
of
Esay
very
well
agrees
,
When
the
Enemy
shall
come
in
like
a
floud
,
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
shall
lift
up
a
Standard
against
them
The
Standard
indeed
intimates
War
,
but
the
Spirit
that
it
is
spiritual
.
The
Victory
therefore
is
to
be
attributed
to
the
bloody
Passion
of
Christ
only
and
to
his
promised
Spirit
in
his
Followers
on
white
Horses
,
powerfully
urging
the
Passion
of
Christ
in
this
Conflict
,
to
a
wonderful
ample
Conversion
of
the
Nations
.
See
my
Notes
on
the
place
.
To
the
second
I
say
,
That
the
Armies
of
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
are
not
said
to
be
slain
by
the
Sword
proceeding
out
of
the
mouth
of
him
that
sat
on
the
white
Horse
,
there
's
not
a
word
of
that
touching
them
,
but
they
are
said
to
be
taken
alive
,
and
cast
alive
into
the
Lake
of
fire
burning
with
brimstone
.
So
that
they
were
not
slain
by
that
Sword
.
But
it
is
said
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
rest
of
those
Armies
,
those
that
under
the
Dragon
fought
against
the
Heros
on
the
white
Horse
,
that
is
,
the
Infidel
Party
,
they
were
slain
by
the
Sword
of
him
that
sat
on
the
Horse
,
which
proceeded
out
of
his
mouth
.
And
that
there
is
not
one
word
of
their
being
slain
by
his
Souldiers
,
is
because
his
Passion
alone
and
his
Spirit
whereby
he
speaks
and
powerfully
pleads
the
Merit
of
his
own
Passion
,
does
all
in
all
.
This
is
that
which
will
so
successfully
subdue
the
Nations
to
him
,
as
he
said
of
himself
when
he
was
in
the
flesh
;
When
I
am
lifted
up
,
I
shall
draw
all
men
unto
me
,
intimating
thereby
what
death
he
should
dye
.
To
the
third
,
That
though
this
Conversion
is
no
Plague
to
the
converted
,
yet
it
is
so
to
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
.
For
such
a
world
of
people
being
converted
to
the
Purity
of
the
Gospel
,
that
Polity
unconverted
will
necessarily
be
over-run
,
melted
and
dissolved
,
and
the
seven
Plagues
are
properly
designed
for
the
destruction
of
Antichrist
or
the
Beast
.
To
the
fourth
,
That
if
by
the
Phrase
[
slaying
]
by
the
Sword
of
God's
mouth
or
breath
of
his
lips
,
is
never
understood
any
thing
but
the
denouncing
or
executing
evil
against
men
,
then
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
were
slain
by
the
Sword
coming
out
of
the
mouth
of
him
that
sat
on
the
white
Horse
,
(
for
certainly
nothing
is
here
done
without
his
Command
)
which
is
a
perfect
contradiction
to
the
Text.
For
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
were
cast
alive
into
the
Lake
of
fire
not
slain
by
that
Sword
:
which
is
a
plain
demonstration
of
the
Battel
here
typified
it's
being
mainly
spiritual
.
And
it
is
a
wonder
to
me
,
that
any
one
that
takes
notice
that
the
very
Title
of
this
Heros
is
the
Word
of
God
,
and
that
the
Word
of
God
is
said
to
be
sharper
than
any
two-edged
Sword
,
and
that
there
is
no
Weapon
appears
here
either
on
himself
or
his
Followers
to
oppose
his
Enemies
with
,
but
this
sharp
Sword
going
out
of
his
mouth
,
should
doubt
but
that
this
War
is
mainly
spiritual
,
as
I
have
interpreted
it
.
And
that
[
slaying
]
by
the
Sword
of
God's
mouth
or
the
breath
of
his
lips
signifies
Conversion
,
there
are
several
Examples
in
Scripture
thereof
,
Isai
.
Chap.
11.4
.
And
he
shall
smite
the
Earth
with
the
rod
of
his
mouth
,
and
with
the
breath
of
his
lips
shall
he
slay
the
wicked
.
Which
Forerius
and
A
Lapide
interpret
and
Calvin
also
,
of
the
Victory
of
the
Word
of
God
over
wicked
men
,
slaying
them
as
such
,
and
converting
them
to
a
quite
contrary
state
.
And
thus
is
Christ
said
by
the
Spirit
of
his
mouth
,
2
Thess.
2.
to
consume
the
man
of
sin
,
that
is
,
by
the
power
of
the
Word
,
as
Calvin
expresly
interprets
it
,
and
compares
it
with
that
of
Esay
.
See
also
2
Esdr.
Chap.
13.
v.
4
,
10
,
38.
And
undoubtedly
that
Prediction
,
Apoc.
2.16
.
I
will
fight
against
them
with
the
Sword
of
my
mouth
,
respects
the
Conversion
and
separation
of
whole
Kingdoms
and
Nations
at
the
end
of
the
Thyatirian
Interval
from
the
Church
of
Rome
,
which
came
to
pass
in
the
Reformation
.
But
we
are
to
remember
that
this
Conversion
,
which
is
a
Blessing
to
the
Converted
,
is
a
Wound
and
Cutting
to
the
Body
of
Antichrist
,
and
therefore
not
inconsistent
with
the
state
of
that
War
.
To
the
fifth
,
I
say
the
great
City
divided
into
three
parts
,
cannot
be
that
City
spiritually
called
Sodom
and
Aegypt
,
sorasmuch
as
that
City
is
the
same
with
Babylon
the
great
.
Which
as
great
as
it
is
,
is
but
part
of
the
great
City
there
said
to
be
divided
into
three
parts
,
of
which
the
Cities
of
the
Nations
are
one
,
as
the
Text
plainly
intimates
,
which
were
Thunder-struck
by
the
Evangelical
Boanerges's
,
and
fell
,
that
is
,
were
converted
,
as
the
slain
by
the
Sword
in
the
other
Vision
.
And
as
the
unconverted
Beast
and
false
Prophet
are
cast
into
a
Lake
of
fire
there
,
so
Babylon
here
impenitent
blasphemes
,
their
Power
and
Polity
being
broken
apieces
with
a
storm
of
Hail-stones
of
a
Talent
weight
apiece
:
So
easie
and
natural
a
congruity
is
there
of
things
,
interpreting
these
Visions
of
a
spiritual
Warfare
.
And
for
the
three
parts
which
the
City
is
divided
into
,
understanding
it
of
one
great
Oecumenical
City
as
it
were
,
there
is
plainly
the
Evangelical
Party
,
and
the
Antichristian
Party
,
and
the
Infidel
Party
,
the
same
with
the
three
great
Parties
of
the
Armies
in
Armageddon
.
But
of
any
three
parts
that
Babylon
is
divided
into
,
there
is
not
the
least
intimation
in
the
Vision
.
To
the
sixth
and
last
,
I
say
it
is
very
absurd
in
this
Book
of
the
Apocalypse
so
thoroughly
Symbolical
,
to
interpret
Hail-stones
and
Earthquakes
,
and
the
like
,
Literally
.
And
to
give
the
Author
his
due
,
he
is
not
over-confident
in
the
case
.
But
saving
some
few
such
things
as
these
,
his
Book
is
excellently
well
writ
,
and
of
very
good
use
and
service
to
such
as
have
Genius
to
these
Studies
.
CHAP.
XLIX
.
An
Answer
to
several
Arguments
from
an
ingenious
Hand
,
that
the
Intervals
of
the
Vision
of
the
seven
Churches
do
not
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
but
to
the
beginning
of
the
Vision
in
Chap.
4.
which
according
to
him
respects
the
Times
of
Queen
Elizabeth
.
Two
difficulties
from
the
same
hand
touching
the
placing
the
twenty
four
Elders
and
four
Beasts
about
the
Throne
,
briefly
answered
.
THough
the
thing
the
Author
of
the
following
Arguments
drives
at
,
is
to
make
the
Vision
of
the
4.
and
5.
Chapters
of
the
Apocalypse
to
concern
the
Affairs
of
England
from
the
Time
of
Queen
Elizabeth
to
this
present
Age
,
yet
they
seeming
to
have
some
colour
to
prove
in
general
that
the
Laodicean
Interval
does
not
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
;
and
it
being
a
thing
of
moment
to
wipe
away
all
pretences
to
this
mistake
,
I
thought
fit
to
produce
them
and
answer
them
,
and
to
insert
the
Answer
into
the
number
of
my
Paralipomena
Prophetica
.
His
Arguments
therefore
out
of
his
Papers
I
had
,
are
these
.
1.
As
often
as
those
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
Chap.
4.1
.
)
do
occur
,
they
never
suffer
the
Vision
they
belong
to
,
to
be
expounded
of
any
Event
antecedent
to
the
Event
of
the
Vision
next
before
.
For
this
I
appeal
,
saith
he
,
to
your
own
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
in
all
other
places
,
and
why
this
only
should
be
excepted
I
see
not
.
Whence
it
follows
,
that
the
Event
of
the
Vision
of
Chap.
4.
must
follow
that
of
the
Church
of
Laodicea
.
Wherefore
the
Church
of
Laodicea
does
not
conclude
the
World
.
2.
Besides
,
unless
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
serves
to
shew
the
order
of
the
Events
of
Visions
,
it
serves
to
no
use
at
all
.
For
as
for
the
order
of
S.
John's
receiving
of
them
,
it
is
well
enough
known
by
his
order
of
relating
them
.
3.
To
which
I
may
add
,
That
for
sureness
sake
it
is
not
only
said
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
the
Voice
tells
him
withal
,
that
the
things
which
he
should
see
were
such
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Whereby
it
seems
to
me
,
that
we
are
enjoined
of
necessity
to
expound
that
Vision
of
Chap.
4.
of
something
that
was
to
succeed
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
.
For
I
hope
you
will
not
deny
but
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
has
respect
to
the
things
next
before
spoken
,
as
well
here
as
in
all
other
places
.
4.
There
are
also
other
Considerations
to
prove
the
connexion
and
order
of
the
Visions
of
the
3.
and
4.
Chapters
.
Such
as
these
,
Christ
promises
Philadelphia
an
open
door
which
no
man
shall
be
able
to
shut
,
i.
e.
he
tells
her
,
he
has
set
this
door
before
her
,
meaning
,
as
I
conceive
,
that
the
Church
was
not
yet
arrived
to
this
open
door
,
but
in
some
time
she
should
.
In
the
next
Epistle
we
have
Christ
knocking
at
this
door
(
for
what
other
can
it
be
)
to
get
it
open
.
In
the
very
entrance
of
Chap.
4.
the
door
is
opened
.
Are
these
three
doors
the
same
or
no
?
Surely
the
Text
seems
to
intimate
they
are
the
same
.
5.
Another
Consideration
may
be
this
;
When
Christ
promises
the
Victor
that
he
should
sit
with
him
in
his
Throne
,
even
as
he
was
set
down
with
his
Father
in
his
;
and
then
immediately
after
exhibits
a
most
glorious
Representation
of
this
Throne
(
viz.
the
Throne
of
God
and
of
Christ
)
does
not
this
seem
to
look
as
if
the
Throne
exhibited
to
view
,
were
that
which
were
just
before
promised
?
6.
That
the
Laodicean
Interval
does
not
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
may
be
evidenced
from
the
placing
of
the
Promise
to
the
Victor
before
the
Parabolical
Epiphonema
,
which
argues
it
to
be
a
Political
promise
,
when
no
such
can
take
place
,
that
time
when
an
end
shall
of
course
be
put
to
all
worldly
Polity
.
And
therefore
if
it
was
not
such
a
promise
,
but
simply
a
promise
of
Heaven
,
it
ought
to
have
been
placed
after
the
Parabolical
Epiphonema
.
So
that
there
is
no
evasion
from
the
strength
of
this
Argument
,
allowing
the
Rule
of
placing
the
Parabolical
Epiphonema
to
be
true
,
on
Chap.
2.11
.
7.
And
lastly
,
Supposing
the
Throne
to
be
Heavenly
in
a
literal
sense
,
will
it
not
hence
follow
,
that
the
Victor
shall
sit
in
as
high
a
place
in
Heaven
as
the
Father
and
the
Son
do
?
For
it
is
promised
to
the
Victor
to
sit
with
Christ
in
his
Throne
,
even
in
like
manner
as
Christ
sits
with
his
Father
in
his
,
and
that
must
be
one
and
the
same
Throne
,
because
Christ
and
the
Father
are
one
.
Wherefore
it
can
be
no
Heavenly
Throne
,
and
therefore
it
is
an
Earthly
that
is
promised
,
and
consequently
this
Earthly
Scene
continues
after
the
Interval
of
Laodicea
.
These
are
his
Arguments
set
off
to
the
utmost
advantage
,
so
far
as
my
skill
could
reach
.
But
in
Answer
,
1.
To
the
first
,
I
demand
how
those
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
are
but
an
Adverb
of
Order
in
Time
,
the
same
that
Postea
in
Latine
,
as
Beza
here
translates
it
,
should
have
that
propriety
of
sense
as
never
to
suffer
the
Vision
they
belong
to
,
to
be
expounded
of
any
Event
antecedent
to
the
Event
of
the
Vision
next
before
,
whenas
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
no
more
than
[
Afterwards
]
or
[
After
this
]
as
our
English
Translation
has
it
,
which
is
most
easily
and
naturally
understood
of
the
Vision
precedent
,
as
if
he
should
say
,
After
this
Vision
I
looked
,
and
behold
,
&c.
But
if
you
will
have
it
,
After
the
Event
of
this
Vision
I
looked
;
I
demand
how
could
John
in
Domitian's
time
be
said
to
look
up
,
&c.
after
an
Event
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
time
,
which
seems
a
plain
Repugnancy
,
whenas
John's
looking
up
is
about
fifteen
hundred
years
on
this
side
of
that
Event
.
Wherefore
it
is
not
from
any
force
or
virtue
of
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
the
Vision
they
belong
to
,
is
not
expounded
of
any
Event
antecedent
to
the
Event
of
the
Vision
next
before
,
but
from
other
clear
circumstances
,
or
that
the
Visions
are
in
the
same
order
as
the
Events
they
prefigure
,
and
no
weight
of
Reason
appears
to
the
contrary
.
And
for
his
Appeal
to
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalyse
,
his
ground
fails
there
also
.
For
Chap.
18.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
some
things
there
are
expounded
of
what
is
antecedent
to
the
Prediction
(
Chap.
17.
v.
14.
)
of
the
Victory
of
the
Lamb.
But
suppose
all
places
where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
found
,
had
been
so
expounded
by
me
,
as
the
Objector
phansies
,
it
does
not
follow
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
must
be
so
expounded
here
,
because
there
are
such
notable
indications
to
the
contrary
.
1.
For
first
there
being
seven
Intervals
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
Apostolick
,
it
does
both
according
to
the
Apocalyptick
and
Cabbalistick
sense
of
[
Seven
]
imply
all
the
Intervals
of
the
said
Church
from
that
first
Term.
As
the
seven
Seals
beginning
from
the
same
Term
,
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
;
And
so
the
seven
Trumpets
from
the
Term
they
do
commence
,
reach
to
the
end
of
the
World
;
And
the
same
I
doubt
not
of
the
seven
Thunders
,
that
they
last
to
the
very
last
the
Conflagration
it self
.
And
the
seven
Heads
of
the
Beast
take
in
all
the
Heads
of
him
that
are
.
Wherefore
it
is
rational
,
that
the
seven
Intervals
of
the
Church
take
in
all
the
Intervals
of
the
Church
that
are
.
And
therefore
I
think
I
saw
reason
,
that
this
place
,
however
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
to
be
expounded
in
others
,
should
be
excepted
.
2.
But
again
,
How
harsh
and
absonous
is
it
to
make
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
to
reach
but
to
the
Reformation
,
and
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Prophecies
thereof
to
be
continued
in
Visions
and
Prophecies
of
quite
another
mode
and
fashion
?
Does
not
this
look
like
a
strange
heterogeneous
patch
or
botch
?
And
is
it
not
infinitely
more
smooth
and
elegant
to
conceive
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
a
complete
Prophecy
of
its
own
kind
and
manner
of
contexture
,
reaching
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
to
the
end
of
the
World
;
And
that
after
this
begins
a
new
Prophecy
of
the
same
extent
,
but
of
another
Texture
and
Nature
without
any
connexion
to
this
?
Ne
Gryphes
jungantur
equis
—
3.
Thirdly
,
If
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifie
,
after
the
Event
of
the
Vision
of
the
Church
of
Laodicea
,
which
according
to
him
is
the
Reformation
,
then
all
the
whole
Prophecy
that
follows
,
at
least
that
of
the
seven
Seals
,
which
take
in
also
the
seven
Trumpets
,
must
be
after
the
Reformation
,
when
no
less
than
a
dozen
Visions
,
the
first
six
Seals
,
and
the
first
six
Trumpets
are
before
.
Which
plainly
shows
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
cannot
signifie
so
,
as
the
Objector
would
have
it
;
but
that
it
denotes
only
the
Order
of
Time
in
seeing
these
Visions
,
not
the
Order
of
Events
.
4.
Fourthly
,
Whenas
that
Vision
of
the
seven
Churches
,
which
commences
from
the
beginning
of
the
Church
,
is
ushered
in
with
a
great
voice
as
of
a
Trumpet
,
and
a
like
voice
here
as
of
a
Trumpet
speaks
to
S.
John
again
,
would
not
this
alarm
or
awaken
any
heedful
Reader
's
animadversion
,
and
invite
him
to
conceive
,
that
surely
here
begins
or
is
beginning
a
new
Prophecy
ab
ovo
or
from
the
same
Epocha
,
as
before
,
especially
considering
what
is
noted
in
the
second
place
,
that
there
is
here
in
this
following
Prophecy
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
passing
out
of
an
Epistolar
Prophecy
to
another
of
an
huge
different
contexture
.
5.
But
fifthly
and
lastly
,
Considering
that
general
Preface
to
this
whole
Book
of
Prophecies
set
down
stilo
tenui
,
in
a
simple
plain
stile
,
Chap.
1.1
.
That
it
is
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
which
God
gave
him
,
of
things
to
come
to
pass
,
and
imparted
by
an
Angel
to
John
;
And
that
the
things
to
come
to
pass
are
most
magnificently
set
out
in
Prophetick
Figures
and
Symbols
,
as
also
Jesus
Christ
the
Revealer
of
them
in
this
first
Vision
of
the
seven
Churches
;
Which
glorious
Representation
of
him
in
his
Sacerdotal
Habit
amidst
the
seven
golden
Candlesticks
,
is
a
Vision
introductory
to
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
and
Christ
made
to
dictate
those
Epistles
to
John
,
thereby
to
insinuate
what
is
said
in
more
meagre
terms
,
that
this
Epistolar
Prophecy
is
the
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
to
his
Servant
John
;
I
say
,
he
that
considers
this
,
and
after
the
finishing
the
Prophecy
lights
upon
another
glorious
Vision
,
Chap.
4.
and
5.
which
is
most
easily
and
naturally
expounded
to
the
same
sense
that
the
Introductory
Vision
of
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
is
,
and
something
more
full
,
viz.
That
the
slain
Lamb
Jesus
Christ
receives
from
the
Sitter
on
the
Throne
God
the
Father
,
the
sealed
Book
of
Prophecies
with
power
of
opening
the
Seals
,
and
exhibiting
orderly
the
Prophetick
Visions
to
his
Servant
John
(
for
it
is
the
Lamb
that
opens
the
Seals
all
along
)
what
is
this
but
a
more
magnificent
expression
of
what
is
Chap.
1.1
.
said
in
more
exile
phrase
,
The
Revelation
of
Jesus
Christ
which
God
gave
him
of
things
to
come
to
pass
imparted
by
these
Angelical
impressions
to
his
Servant
John
,
and
what
can
be
concluded
therefrom
,
but
that
this
Vision
Chap.
4.
and
5.
is
as
well
as
that
before
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
an
Introductory
Vision
,
viz.
to
the
Prophecy
of
the
sealed
Book
,
and
therefore
can
be
no
continuation
to
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
,
notwithstanding
those
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
This
any
unprejudiced
Eye
may
easily
discern
to
be
the
Truth
.
But
that
the
glory
of
the
Spiritual
or
Angelical
Kingdom
of
the
God
of
Israel
there
represented
,
is
also
prefigurative
of
the
blessed
Millennial
state
(
which
it
was
when
it
was
first
seen
on
the
Mount
)
this
does
not
at
all
clash
with
its
Introductory
usefulness
,
and
the
signification
it
has
,
even
now
specified
.
So
that
though
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
should
signifie
so
,
as
the
Objector
would
have
it
in
all
other
places
of
the
Apocalypse
,
yet
there
are
most
manifest
and
weighty
Reasons
why
it
should
not
so
signifie
here
.
And
thus
I
hope
the
first
Argument
is
fully
satisfied
.
I
shall
be
briefer
in
those
that
follow
.
2.
To
the
second
I
answer
,
Where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
does
not
serve
to
shew
the
order
of
the
Events
of
the
Visions
as
well
as
of
the
Visions
themselves
,
whose
order
of
being
seen
is
sufficiently
indicated
by
their
order
of
place
in
the
Narration
,
yet
it
may
serve
instead
of
a
form
of
Transition
,
such
as
is
used
by
Historians
,
Orators
and
Philosophers
,
and
indeed
all
Writers
,
though
the
order
of
the
things
they
speak
of
would
be
discerned
without
these
Transitions
by
their
mere
speaking
of
them
one
after
another
as
they
first
propounded
them
to
be
spoken
of
.
And
why
should
the
stile
of
the
Apocalypse
be
more
pinching
and
hide-bound
than
any
other
,
that
it
cannot
afford
so
much
as
two
words
that
make
but
up
four
Syllables
,
for
a
brief
Transition
from
one
Prophetick
Vision
of
large
extent
to
another
of
equal
extent
and
of
quite
different
kind
?
For
the
full
sense
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
is
this
,
Thus
far
for
the
Epistolar
Vision
;
after
this
I
looked
up
,
and
behold
,
&c.
Which
therefore
is
a
very
brief
Transition
from
the
Epistolar
Prophecy
to
the
Prophecy
of
the
sealed
Book
,
and
its
Introductory
Vision
.
And
therefore
,
though
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
does
not
here
serve
to
show
the
order
of
Events
,
yet
it
is
not
true
that
it
serves
to
no
use
at
all
,
it
serving
so
manifestly
for
a
Transition
.
3.
To
the
third
I
say
,
In
these
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
merely
an
Adverb
of
Time
,
and
signifies
,
as
Beza
and
our
English
Translation
has
it
,
Posthac
and
Hereafter
;
Things
that
must
be
in
time
to
come
;
(
which
is
the
general
sense
of
Expositors
)
not
things
that
are
to
succeed
the
Event
of
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
,
or
the
Time
of
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
,
as
the
Objector
would
have
it
.
For
here
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
being
set
in
the
front
,
or
proposed
in
general
,
it
implies
that
all
the
Visions
that
follow
must
be
of
things
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
sense
of
which
words
,
if
it
were
after
the
Event
of
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
,
that
is
,
after
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
,
according
to
the
Objector's
surmise
,
the
Assertion
would
be
grosly
and
repeatedly
false
.
For
there
are
above
twenty
Visions
that
follow
this
general
proposed
Title
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whose
fulfilling
was
before
the
Reformation
.
So
evident
is
it
from
hence
,
that
Beza
and
our
English
Translation
is
in
the
right
,
and
that
the
general
sense
of
Expositors
is
sound
in
this
matter
.
But
indeed
viewing
slightly
the
outward
Cortex
of
the
Visions
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifying
as
well
[
after
these
things
]
as
[
hereafter
]
and
there
being
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
immediately
precedent
,
which
they
seem
to
respect
,
one
may
,
if
he
be
not
heedful
,
phansie
unawares
that
the
affairs
of
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
are
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
after
which
the
affairs
of
the
succeeding
Prophecy
are
to
be
.
But
this
show
in
the
Cortex
is
but
an
artificial
Blind
,
that
which
I
call
Lemmatosynechia
,
intended
,
as
several
other
Artifices
,
for
the
Concealment
of
the
sense
of
the
Apocalypse
,
which
is
as
seriously
aimed
at
in
the
frame
thereof
as
the
certainty
of
Revealment
.
And
the
Objector's
mind
seems
to
be
caught
and
entangled
in
this
snare
.
4.
To
the
fourth
I
answer
,
That
Christ
tells
Philadelphia
in
his
Epistle
to
her
(
which
is
supposed
to
be
directed
to
her
in
being
,
as
the
nature
of
an
Epistle
requires
)
Behold
,
I
have
set
before
thee
an
open
door
,
and
no
man
can
shut
it
.
The
vulgar
Latine
has
most
faithfully
and
skilfully
translated
this
passage
out
of
the
Greek
,
Ecce
dedi
coram
te
ostium
apertum
,
&c.
Where
coram
,
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
Greek
,
is
point-blank
against
the
sense
the
Objector
would
put
upon
the
passage
,
as
if
Christ
meant
,
that
Philadelphia
yet
was
not
arrived
to
this
opened
door
,
but
that
the
Church
at
large
in
some
time
should
be
,
whenas
the
saying
is
expresly
directed
to
Philadelphia
,
to
that
very
Interval
of
the
Church
.
And
it
is
said
,
Dedi
coram
te
ostium
apertum
,
That
I
have
given
thee
Philadelphia
,
an
open
door
in
thy
very
presence
,
not
at
a
distance
.
For
Coram
fignifies
proximity
always
,
though
Ante
may
be
sometimes
used
of
that
which
is
more
distant
.
So
plain
is
it
,
that
the
Objector's
Exposition
is
a
false
Gloss
on
the
Text.
And
whereas
,
he
saith
,
we
have
in
the
next
Epistle
Christ
knocking
at
this
door
(
for
what
other
can
it
be
?
)
to
get
it
open
;
I
answer
,
it
is
impossible
it
should
be
this
door
.
For
this
door
is
an
open
door
which
no
man
could
shut
,
unless
Christ
himself
,
and
when
he
had
once
set
it
open
to
Philadelphia
,
it
is
not
likely
he
would
shut
it
again
to
make
himself
needless
work
.
Besides
,
that
this
door
in
the
Epistle
to
Laodicea
is
a
door
that
others
are
to
open
to
him
,
not
the
door
he
opens
to
others
.
Which
also
argues
it
cannot
be
the
door
in
the
entrance
of
Chap.
4.
For
no
man
opens
that
door
in
Heaven
.
But
the
door
that
Christ
knocks
at
in
his
Epistle
to
Laodicea
,
is
a
door
that
men
are
to
open
to
him
,
that
he
may
come
and
sup
with
them
,
&c.
And
therefore
surely
the
Text
does
not
intimate
these
three
doors
to
be
the
same
.
But
the
first
door
,
in
the
Epistle
to
Philadelphia
,
is
a
Political
door
,
a
door
of
sure
success
set
open
to
them
of
Philadelphia
in
their
administration
of
the
affairs
of
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
.
The
door
in
the
Epistle
to
Laodicea
is
an
Ethical
door
,
the
Hearts
or
Wills
of
the
Laodiceans
,
which
Christ
solicits
that
they
would
open
to
him
,
and
so
receive
him
in
the
Communion
of
his
Spirit
,
which
is
extremely
well
agreeing
with
all
those
Moral
Exhortations
and
Increpations
preceding
this
passage
.
And
lastly
,
That
door
opened
in
the
entrance
of
Chap.
4.
is
a
Prophetical
door
,
thorough
which
John
passing
,
is
admitted
to
behold
Divine
Visions
,
and
be
a
Witness
of
Christ's
receiving
from
his
Father
,
and
revealing
the
following
Prophecies
touching
the
affairs
of
his
Church
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
This
is
the
easie
and
natural
sense
of
these
three
doors
from
the
very
Text
of
each
place
to
him
that
will
not
Nodum
in
scirpo
quaerere
.
5.
To
the
fifth
I
say
,
That
if
the
Throne
exhibited
Chap.
4.
be
intended
for
Christ's
Throne
,
which
be
promises
the
Victor
at
the
end
of
the
foregoing
Chapter
,
the
Scene
seems
to
be
very
ill
contrived
.
For
he
that
sits
upon
the
Throne
is
not
Christ
,
but
God
the
Father
,
nor
does
Christ
or
the
slain
Lamb
so
much
as
sit
with
him
on
that
Throne
,
but
stands
Chap.
5.
v.
6.
betwixt
the
Throne
(
with
Him
that
sits
on
it
)
and
the
four
Beasts
and
Elders
.
And
v.
7.
being
in
this
standing
posture
,
he
is
said
to
go
and
take
the
Book
out
of
the
right
hand
of
Him
that
sat
upon
the
Throne
.
And
so
not
so
much
as
Christ
himself
is
enthronized
on
this
Throne
,
much
less
any
Laodicean
Victor
,
which
should
have
been
expressed
in
this
Scene
,
if
there
were
any
such
real
Connexion
betwixt
this
Vision
and
that
of
the
Vision
of
Laodicea
,
which
the
Objector
is
so
solicitous
for
.
There
seems
so
great
a
dissimilitude
in
the
very
Cortex
,
that
it
will
not
so
much
as
afford
a
Lemmatosynechia
,
that
Artificial
Blind
,
as
I
may
so
call
it
,
at
which
I
observed
above
,
how
incident
the
Objector
is
to
stumble
.
6.
This
sixth
Argument
seems
the
most
considerable
of
any
,
but
I
hope
I
shall
offer
that
which
is
abundantly
satisfactory
in
answer
thereto
,
to
any
unprejudiced
Reader
.
And
because
the
main
ground
of
the
strength
thereof
is
the
Rule
I
have
noted
on
Apoc.
2.
v.
11.
we
will
here
produce
the
Rule
,
which
is
this
,
That
the
promise
to
the
Victor
preceding
the
Parabolical
Epiphonema
,
is
of
things
External
and
Political
;
but
those
promises
that
follow
the
said
Epiphonema
,
are
of
things
spiritual
and
invisible
.
Upon
which
I
will
only
advertise
,
that
the
main
Antithesis
I
intended
lyes
betwixt
Visibility
and
Invisibility
to
us
men
of
the
performance
of
the
things
promised
;
though
the
things
are
ordinarily
such
as
may
be
also
called
Political
.
From
whence
I
answer
first
,
That
this
promise
of
an
Heavenly
Throne
being
to
be
performed
at
that
visible
and
conspicuous
,
nay
glorious
and
illustrious
general
Assizes
at
the
last
Day
,
when
the
Lord
himself
shall
descend
from
Heaven
with
a
shout
,
with
the
voice
of
the
Archangel
and
with
the
Trump
of
God
,
and
when
the
Believers
that
remain
alive
shall
be
caught
up
in
the
Clouds
to
meet
the
Lord
in
the
Air
;
when
he
shall
sit
upon
the
Throne
of
his
Glory
,
and
all
Nations
shall
be
gathered
before
him
,
whom
he
shall
distinguish
into
sheep
and
goats
,
and
give
the
sheep
the
Kingdom
prepared
for
them
,
but
condemn
the
Goats
to
everlasting
Fire
:
Is
not
this
a
performance
,
visible
in
the
highest
measure
,
of
that
promise
of
Christ
to
him
that
overcomes
,
that
he
will
grant
to
him
to
sit
with
him
in
his
Throne
,
even
as
he
also
overcame
,
and
was
set
down
with
his
Father
in
his
?
According
to
that
in
our
Church
Hymn
;
When
thou
hadst
overcome
the
sharpness
of
death
,
thou
didst
open
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
to
all
Believers
.
Into
which
questionless
all
true
Believers
enter
at
their
death
,
but
in
a
way
invisible
,
and
therefore
the
promise
of
Paradise
to
him
that
overcame
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Ephesine
Church
,
is
set
after
the
Epiphomena
.
But
this
Heavenly
Throne
here
promised
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
being
to
be
performed
so
visibly
in
that
great
and
general
Assizes
at
the
last
Day
,
is
placed
according
to
the
Rule
before
the
Epiphonema
,
thereby
to
advertise
us
,
that
this
promise
is
to
be
performed
at
that
great
and
solemn
Day
(
which
closeth
the
Laodicean
Interval
)
in
the
sight
of
all
the
World
by
Christ
sitting
on
his
Throne
of
Glory
with
all
Nations
gathered
before
him
.
But
now
in
the
second
place
,
if
you
be
so
curious
as
not
to
be
content
that
the
reward
and
performance
be
visible
,
but
that
it
must
needs
be
Political
too
,
does
not
Christ
say
to
the
sheep
,
Inherit
the
Kingdom
prepared
for
you
?
And
is
not
a
Kingdom
Political
,
and
therefore
the
promise
thereof
Political
?
Besides
what
I
intimated
on
this
very
Text
,
Chap.
3.21
.
in
these
words
.
Nay
you
shall
sit
with
me
on
my
Throne
,
and
judge
the
Apostate
Angels
at
the
last
Day
.
Nor
them
alone
,
but
as
Co-assessors
with
Christ
on
this
Laodicean
Throne
,
they
shall
judge
all
the
guilty
people
gathered
before
the
Throne
of
Christ
at
the
Day
of
Judgment
:
And
is
not
this
then
manifestly
a
promise
of
what
is
not
only
visible
,
but
also
Political
,
and
withal
clear
that
there
was
all
the
reason
in
the
World
,
that
this
promise
should
be
,
as
it
is
,
placed
before
the
Epiphonema
,
and
not
after
it
?
And
this
,
I
think
,
is
a
full
and
satisfactory
Answer
to
this
sixth
Argument
,
that
from
the
placing
of
the
promise
of
a
Throne
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
before
the
Epiphonema
,
would
infer
,
that
it
is
an
Earthly
Throne
,
because
the
placing
thereof
thus
implies
it
visible
and
Political
,
whenas
this
Heavenly
Throne
is
manifestly
so
likewise
.
And
that
it
is
an
Heavenly
Throne
,
and
not
an
Earthly
(
as
we
have
plainly
shown
this
sixth
Argument
to
prove
nothing
to
the
contrary
,
so
)
there
are
many
Arguments
for
it
,
and
such
as
no
man
unbiassed
with
prejudice
but
will
thereby
be
readily
assured
of
the
truth
thereof
.
As
(1)
The
general
consent
of
Expositors
.
(2)
The
state
of
the
Laodiceans
,
who
are
described
under
no
such
circumstances
,
as
the
Smyrnean
,
Pergamenian
,
Thyatirian
and
Philadelphian
Churches
,
who
living
under
other
Polities
,
were
subject
to
Martyrdoms
,
Persecutions
,
and
great
Hardships
,
and
therefore
those
and
the
few
Names
in
Sardis
,
having
for
this
very
cause
an
Earthly
Political
promise
made
to
them
,
there
being
no
such
ground
for
them
of
Laodicea
to
have
so
,
as
being
in
a
contrary
condition
,
in
peace
,
plenty
and
ease
,
insomuch
that
they
themselves
conceive
they
have
need
of
nothing
,
this
is
a
plain
indication
that
no
such
earthly
Political
promise
is
made
to
them
,
they
enjoying
it
already
.
(3)
All
those
Moral
or
Spiritual
Exhortations
and
Increpations
which
tend
to
the
fitting
them
for
Heaven
,
and
which
show
them
that
only
true
and
necessary
way
thither
,
these
are
another
intimation
that
the
promise
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
is
that
of
an
Heavenly
Throne
,
not
an
earthly
,
which
they
enjoy'd
already
,
wanting
nothing
.
But
the
great
solicitude
of
Christ
seems
here
,
to
be
to
fit
them
for
that
state
.
Whence
he
says
after
all
these
sharp
reproofs
,
As
many
as
I
love
I
rebuke
and
chasten
,
be
zealous
therefore
and
repent
.
Behold
,
I
stand
at
the
door
and
knock
,
&c.
This
is
all
an
urgency
for
the
preparing
themselves
for
that
Heavenly
Throne
,
the
Day
of
Doom
being
so
near
at
hand
.
(4)
And
lastly
,
The
very
words
of
the
promise
imply
it
is
an
Heavenly
Throne
,
as
the
Method
he
so
earnestly
commends
to
them
,
tends
thereto
:
To
him
that
overcomes
will
I
grant
to
sit
with
me
in
my
Throne
,
even
as
I
also
overcame
and
am
set
down
with
my
Father
in
his
Throne
:
i.
e.
As
Christ
,
when
he
had
overcome
the
sharpness
of
Death
,
was
advanced
to
the
right
hand
of
God
in
Heaven
by
the
gift
of
his
Father
,
so
he
having
thus
opened
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
to
all
true
Believers
,
he
that
overcomes
in
that
Moral
sense
,
shall
have
an
Heavenly
Throne
of
Christ's
giving
,
all
judgment
,
as
it
is
said
,
being
committed
to
the
Son
.
And
it
is
very
harsh
that
Christ's
Throne
after
his
overcoming
should
be
Heavenly
,
and
the
Laodicean
Victors
Earthly
,
and
not
of
the
same
kind
,
though
of
a
less
degree
.
This
is
certainly
the
genuine
sense
of
the
promise
of
this
Throne
,
to
any
one
that
is
not
blinded
or
biassed
with
some
strange
prejudice
.
And
this
would
have
been
the
sense
,
if
the
promise
had
been
placed
after
the
Epiphonema
,
and
not
at
all
repugnant
with
our
Hypothesis
,
that
the
Laodicean
Interval
is
the
last
Interval
reaching
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
which
is
sufficiently
proved
from
other
Arguments
.
But
the
promise
being
placed
before
the
Epiphonema
,
it
is
not
only
not
repugnant
to
,
but
confirms
our
Hypothesis
,
that
Laodicea
is
that
Interval
that
takes
in
the
last
Judgment
,
when
in
a
visible
manner
all
people
are
to
be
judged
,
as
the
word
implies
.
The
judgment
and
rewards
shall
be
visible
in
the
sight
of
all
the
World
.
So
fittingly
do
all
things
fall
in
with
the
truth
of
our
Hypothesis
.
But
I
may
seem
to
have
dwelt
too
long
upon
my
Answer
to
this
sixth
Argument
.
We
proceed
to
the
seventh
and
last
.
7.
To
this
seventh
and
last
therefore
I
say
,
That
unless
we
suffer
our
Phancy
to
stick
to
the
mere
Cortex
of
the
figurative
Letter
which
puts
Throne
for
a
Kingdom
here
,
and
the
power
of
Judicature
,
which
is
the
real
and
genuine
sense
,
this
Argument
will
appear
to
have
small
strength
in
it
.
For
then
supposing
what
I
take
to
be
true
,
that
it
is
the
promise
of
an
Heavenly
Kingdom
;
to
sit
with
Christ
in
his
Throne
is
to
partake
of
Christ's
Kingdom
given
to
him
by
his
Father
,
when
he
had
overcome
the
sharpness
of
Death
;
which
Kingdom
is
plainly
Heavenly
,
he
being
thereupon
exalted
to
the
right
hand
of
God
in
Heaven
,
from
whence
he
is
to
come
visibly
at
the
last
Day
to
judge
the
quick
and
the
dead
.
For
the
Father
judgeth
no
man
,
but
has
committed
all
judgment
to
the
Son
,
as
I
noted
above
.
And
therefore
Matt.
25.
he
saith
to
the
sheep
on
his
right
hand
,
Come
ye
blessed
of
my
Father
,
inherit
the
Kingdom
,
&c.
Which
Kingdom
is
so
large
,
that
Myriads
may
partake
thereof
without
sitting
in
Christ's
lap
,
as
the
Objector's
Argument
insinuates
Christ
to
sit
in
his
Father's
lap
:
and
so
all
that
partake
of
this
Heavenly
Kingdom
,
to
be
as
high
in
Heaven
as
God
the
Father
and
his
Son
Christ
are
,
whenas
they
are
not
of
equal
Sovereignty
,
though
the
Throne
were
supposed
Earthly
.
So
that
this
Sophistry
would
exclude
the
Victor
from
having
any
Throne
at
all
.
But
that
one
and
the
same
Throne
in
this
gross
sense
is
not
meant
,
appears
from
the
expression
of
the
same
thing
,
or
one
part
or
Specimen
thereof
the
power
of
Judicature
,
Matt.
19.
where
Christ
tells
his
Apostles
,
that
at
the
Resurrection
they
shall
sit
upon
twelve
Thrones
judging
the
twelve
Tribes
of
Israel
,
viz.
at
that
time
when
all
Nations
shall
be
gathered
together
before
Christ's
Throne
of
Glory
,
Matt.
25.
and
yet
all
these
thirteen
Thrones
are
but
one
Throne
in
the
abovesaid
signification
of
Throne
,
that
is
,
the
power
of
Judicature
.
Which
in
a
measure
as
it
is
there
promised
to
the
Apostles
,
so
here
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
,
whose
Priviledge
it
will
be
to
judge
also
the
Apostate
Angels
at
the
last
Day
,
as
the
Apostle
tells
us
1
Cor.
6.2
.
And
I
little
question
but
that
this
Priviledge
is
included
in
a
particular
manner
in
this
promise
of
an
Heavenly
Throne
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
,
the
placing
the
promise
before
the
Epiphonema
intimating
it
to
be
visible
,
which
cannot
be
but
at
the
last
Day
.
From
whence
,
as
from
other
Arguments
,
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Laodicean
Interval
is
the
last
time
of
the
Church
upon
Earth
,
else
why
should
such
a
promise
be
made
to
the
Laodicean
Victor
,
rather
than
to
any
other
Victor
in
the
seven
Churches
?
And
now
I
hope
by
this
time
it
is
plain
,
that
though
there
be
a
pretty
speciousness
of
Wit
and
quickness
of
Invention
in
the
seven
Arguments
of
the
ingenious
Objector
,
yet
there
is
no
real
strength
in
any
of
them
,
to
prove
that
the
Intervals
of
the
seven
Churches
do
not
reach
to
the
End
of
the
World
.
I
will
only
add
from
the
same
ingenious
Hand
what
is
objected
against
our
Interpretation
of
Apoc.
4.
v.
6.
in
the
Notes
(
In
the
midst
of
the
Throne
,
and
round
about
the
Throne
,
&c.
)
and
briefly
answer
thereto
,
and
then
conclude
.
We
suppose
the
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
to
be
square
.
Let
the
square
Area
be
divided
into
four
equal
Squares
by
two
Lines
cutting
themselves
ad
angulos
rectos
in
the
Center
of
the
said
large
square
Area
on
which
the
Throne
stands
,
and
let
each
Line
at
both
ends
be
produced
something
beyond
the
Perimeter
of
this
Area
.
Now
according
to
the
order
of
the
Narration
of
the
Text
as
well
as
the
order
of
the
Camp
of
Israel
,
let
these
twenty
four
crowned
Elders
,
six
on
a
side
,
three
on
one
fide
of
the
decussant
Line
,
and
three
on
the
other
side
,
on
each
side
of
the
Perimeter
be
so
equidistantly
placed
,
that
every
six
Elders
will
take
up
a
whole
side
,
thus
plainly
environing
the
whole
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
,
and
so
properly
to
be
said
to
be
round
about
it
.
This
answers
to
what
is
declared
Chap.
4.4
.
And
round
about
the
Throne
were
four
and
twenty
Seats
,
&c.
But
now
let
us
conceive
the
four
Beasts
,
which
in
the
Vision
are
but
single
Beasts
placed
on
those
produced
decussant
Lines
which
divide
each
side
of
the
Perimeter
in
the
midst
,
a
little
more
removed
from
the
Perimeter
than
the
Seats
of
the
Elders
.
Here
it
cannot
be
said
so
roundly
(
because
there
is
but
a
single
Beast
on
each
side
of
the
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
)
that
they
were
round
about
it
in
the
same
sense
the
Elders
are
said
to
be
.
But
they
standing
on
these
Lines
that
divide
each
side
of
the
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
in
the
midst
,
they
are
said
to
be
in
the
midst
of
the
Throne
,
and
round
about
the
Throne
.
In
the
Midst
for
the
reason
abovesaid
,
and
round
about
it
,
because
every
side
of
the
Perimeter
has
a
Beast
just
against
the
midst
thereof
.
This
is
the
clear
and
liquid
reason
why
Mr.
Mede
interprets
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
by
an
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
signifying
no
more
than
that
they
were
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
they
were
in
the
midst
of
each
side
of
the
Perimeter
round
about
,
no
side
excepted
.
But
this
Explication
,
says
the
ingenious
Objector
,
is
encumbred
with
these
two
difficulties
.
One
is
,
that
by
this
account
the
Elders
will
be
in
the
midst
of
the
Throne
too
,
whose
place
is
only
said
to
have
been
round
about
the
Throne
.
The
other
is
,
that
it
will
not
be
easily
granted
that
any
thing
can
be
said
to
be
in
the
midst
of
the
circumference
of
any
figure
,
which
is
neither
in
it
,
nor
within
it
.
But
to
the
first
I
answer
,
That
none
of
the
equidistant
Seats
of
the
Elders
can
be
said
to
be
in
the
midst
of
the
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
in
that
exact
sense
that
the
Beasts
may
be
said
so
to
be
.
And
besides
,
they
so
perfectly
surrounding
the
Throne
,
there
was
no
occasion
touching
them
to
use
any
such
expression
of
being
in
the
midst
of
any
thing
.
And
to
the
second
I
briefly
answer
,
That
as
the
Elders
are
easily
conceived
to
sit
round
about
the
exteriour
Perimeter
of
the
Throne
,
so
the
four
Beasts
to
stand
at
the
midst
of
each
side
of
the
said
Perimeter
.
For
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
need
signifie
no
more
than
so
.
The
Prepositions
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifie
not
only
[
In
]
but
[
Propter
]
or
[
Prope
]
as
our
learned
Objector
cannot
but
know
very
well
.
And
thus
,
I
hope
,
this
something
perplexing
passage
of
the
Apocalypse
is
fully
cleared
,
and
the
right
of
Precedency
in
the
crowned
Elders
before
the
four
Beasts
,
the
Body
of
the
People
,
justly
retrieved
and
confirmed
.
CHAP.
L.
A
brief
Method
of
demonstrating
how
there
may
be
three
and
no
more
than
three
real
Hypostases
or
Persons
in
the
One
Divine
Substance
or
Essence
.
FOR
the
more
clearly
proceeding
in
this
Argument
,
we
are
first
to
define
the
Terms
thereof
,
viz.
what
is
meant
by
Hypostasis
or
Person
,
what
by
the
Divine
Substance
or
Essence
,
what
by
being
One.
As
touching
the
first
we
are
to
observe
,
That
Individuum
,
Suppositum
,
Hypostasis
or
Persona
taken
in
the
Abstract
,
are
mere
Logical
Notions
applicable
,
the
first
to
any
singular
Being
,
whether
Substance
or
Accident
;
The
second
to
any
complete
Substance
at
least
;
The
third
,
viz.
Hypostasis
or
Persona
to
any
intelligent
Essence
or
Substance
.
And
therefore
where
these
Logical
Notions
are
applied
,
there
is
some
singular
Thing
,
Accident
,
Substance
,
or
intelligent
Substance
to
which
they
are
applied
,
or
else
they
remain
no
more
than
mere
Logical
Notions
,
such
as
they
were
before
the
Application
.
Now
for
the
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
;
Whatever
Substance
exists
eternally
,
necessarily
and
independently
of
the
Will
of
another
,
and
is
infinitely
wise
,
good
and
powerful
,
and
from
whom
the
whole
Creation
does
exist
,
and
by
whom
it
does
continue
and
subsist
,
this
is
assuredly
an
Essence
or
Substance
truly
Divine
,
and
such
as
deserves
all
Religious
Worship
and
Adoration
from
the
whole
Creation
that
are
capable
of
rendring
it
.
And
now
thirdly
and
lastly
for
the
Vnity
of
the
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
;
Whatever
Substance
,
whether
Divine
or
not
Divine
,
is
Ens
unum
per
se
,
&
non
per
aliud
,
is
as
much
one
Substance
(
as
to
Substance
)
as
any
Substance
can
be
.
For
such
a
Substance
has
no
composition
at
all
of
integrant
parts
,
and
can
no
more
be
discerped
and
dissevered
one
part
from
another
than
a
mere
Physical
or
Metaphysical
Monad
,
if
there
be
any
such
,
but
is
one
inseparably
and
indivisibly
.
And
such
an
Vnity
or
Oneness
as
this
we
affirm
to
be
in
that
Singular
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
,
of
whom
the
whole
Creation
of
things
visible
and
invisible
doth
depend
.
We
proceed
from
the
Definition
of
Terms
to
the
proposing
of
some
few
Axioms
,
such
as
no
unprejudiced
Understanding
will
easily
deny
.
The
first
,
That
there
is
but
one
God
,
and
that
the
same
is
a
Substance
or
Essence
infinitely
,
or
most
absolutely
perfect
.
The
second
,
That
this
Oneness
of
the
Deity
,
and
absolute
Perfection
thereof
does
forbid
,
The
former
,
that
any
Multiplicity
should
be
admitted
that
did
not
consist
with
,
or
were
not
in
order
to
the
discovery
of
the
most
absolute
Perfection
in
the
Deity
;
The
latter
forbids
that
any
Multiplicity
be
rejected
that
makes
for
that
absolute
and
consummate
Perfection
in
the
Deity
,
provided
that
it
does
consist
with
that
Vnity
of
the
Divine
Substance
or
Essence
described
in
the
third
Definition
.
The
third
,
That
God
cannot
be
infinitely
or
absolutely
perfect
without
the
perception
of
himself
,
and
that
Joy
and
Love
that
results
therefrom
in
finding
himself
that
full
,
free
,
and
absolute
unself-interessed
Good
,
such
as
he
is
in
his
eternal
and
immutable
Nature
.
The
fourth
,
That
any
Perception
of
himself
,
or
Love
and
Joy
in
himself
,
is
not
enough
to
complete
his
most
absolute
Perfection
,
but
it
must
be
a
Perception
and
Love
of
the
most
perfect
kind
.
The
fifth
,
That
Essential
Perception
and
Essential
Love
is
a
far
more
excellent
Perception
and
Love
,
than
that
which
is
Modal
,
such
as
Creatures
are
capable
of
.
But
it
is
the
Priviledge
of
the
Deity
to
perceive
by
an
Essential
Perception
,
and
to
love
by
an
Essential
Love
;
Per
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
not
per
speciem
,
as
Julius
Scaliger
speaks
.
God's
eternal
Perception
of
himself
is
not
by
a
Modal
Image
of
himself
,
but
by
a
Substantial
Representation
of
himself
within
himself
more
substantial
than
his
Conceptus
ad
extra
,
which
yet
the
whole
Creation
of
things
visible
and
invisible
really
is
,
viz.
one
substantial
Thought
issuing
from
the
Divinity
.
We
may
experience
in
our selves
how
imperfect
our
Perception
is
of
our
own
selves
;
Forasmuch
as
we
perceive
not
the
very
Essence
or
Substance
of
our
Souls
at
all
,
but
merely
Phantasms
and
Operations
which
are
not
the
Soul
it self
,
which
is
a
permanent
Being
,
but
these
pass
away
perpetually
in
succession
.
We
seem
to
perceive
the
Body
more
perfectly
,
it
being
a
Substance
our
Soul
is
nearly
united
to
and
steadily
present
with
us
,
and
that
so
lively
and
feelingly
,
that
the
Vulgar
take
their
Body
to
be
themselves
.
The
sixth
,
The
power
of
creating
argues
a
vast
Perfection
in
the
Deity
,
and
to
be
a
Creature
as
vast
an
imperfection
,
in
respect
of
God
.
The
seventh
,
The
exteriour
Creation
is
uncapable
of
being
ab
aeterno
,
nor
is
it
any
defect
in
the
Deity
,
but
in
the
nature
of
the
Creature
,
that
it
cannot
exist
from
all
Eternity
.
The
eighth
,
In
the
Fountain
of
the
Deity
,
whom
we
call
,
the
Father
,
there
is
not
only
himself
,
but
the
whole
exteriour
Creation
,
Eminently
,
Causally
,
and
Ideally
.
The
ninth
,
Though
the
exteriour
Creation
could
not
be
ab
aeterno
,
yet
there
not
only
could
be
,
but
necessarily
and
unavoidably
was
an
Eternal
Generation
of
the
Son
,
who
is
the
Eradiation
of
the
glorious
Richness
and
Fulness
of
his
Father
,
and
the
express
Image
of
his
Person
,
God
of
God
,
Light
of
Light
,
very
God
of
very
God
,
which
plainly
imports
no
empty
Logical
Notion
,
but
a
real
second
Hypostasis
distinct
from
the
first
.
The
tenth
,
The
Father
containing
in
himself
the
whole
exteriour
Creation
,
and
the
Son
being
the
express
Image
of
his
Person
,
does
ipso
facto
contain
in
himself
also
the
Ideal
or
Archetypal
World
ab
aeterno
.
So
that
although
there
could
be
no
exteriour
Creation
ab
aeterno
yet
this
interiour
Generation
of
the
Son
does
more
than
compensate
that
Defect
,
and
takes
away
the
Imputation
of
an
Eternal
solitude
and
sterility
from
the
Deity
.
Which
therefore
argues
the
greater
perfection
thereof
in
this
regard
also
,
Axiom
6.
The
eleventh
,
Moreover
,
this
second
Hypostasis
being
the
express
Image
of
his
Father's
Fulness
,
God
of
God
,
or
a
Divine
Hypostasis
from
a
Divine
Hypostasis
,
here
is
another
Argument
of
the
Perfection
of
the
Divinity
,
viz.
the
most
perfect
kind
of
Perception
of
himself
;
That
it
is
not
per
speciem
,
but
per
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
per
ipsam
rei
praesentiam
,
according
to
the
fifth
Axiom
.
The
twelfth
,
And
so
for
the
same
reason
,
that
the
Love
whereby
God
loves
himself
or
joys
in
himself
,
may
be
of
the
most
perfect
kind
,
it
is
not
to
be
per
operationem
or
speciem
,
but
per
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
be
essential
,
or
per
ipsam
rei
praesentiam
.
Which
therefore
requires
a
third
Hypostasis
,
whose
essential
Character
is
Divine
Love
or
Joy
,
and
issues
eternally
from
the
grateful
Perception
that
the
Father
and
Son
have
of
one
another
.
This
Hypostasis
proceeding
,
whether
from
the
Father
,
as
the
Greek
Church
would
have
it
,
or
from
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
as
the
Latine
,
(
which
to
me
seems
the
more
rational
and
agreeable
to
Scripture
)
his
joyous
Love-flame
,
as
I
may
so
speak
,
is
the
more
highly
kindled
by
the
Perception
of
that
exulting
Complacency
the
first
and
second
Hypostases
have
in
one
another
,
as
both
also
in
him
.
For
whatever
is
felt
in
one
Hypostasis
is
felt
in
all
three
,
by
reason
of
their
thorough
and
solid
Union
,
and
that
with
the
most
perfect
kind
of
Perception
,
the
Hypostases
themselves
feeling
,
as
I
may
so
say
,
and
intimately
perceiving
how
it
is
with
themselves
in
feeling
how
it
is
with
one
another
.
Wherefore
we
see
manifest
reason
why
there
should
be
three
Hypostases
in
the
Deity
,
because
they
tend
to
the
perfection
thereof
,
that
it
may
have
the
most
perfect
Perception
of
it self
,
and
the
most
perfect
Love
of
and
Joy
in
it self
,
viz.
,
that
they
be
not
merely
per
Speciem
or
Operationem
,
but
Essential
,
as
is
plainly
deducible
out
of
the
third
,
fourth
and
fifth
Axioms
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
sixth
,
seventh
,
eighth
,
ninth
and
tenth
.
Out
of
which
we
understand
that
the
Eternal
Generation
of
the
Son
comprizeth
also
in
it
the
Archetypal
World
ab
aeterno
,
though
the
exteriour
Creation
was
uncapable
of
that
Priviledge
,
and
that
the
Spirit
,
the
immediate
Mover
in
the
exteriour
Creation
,
was
eternally
impregnated
from
the
Son
as
he
actuated
from
his
Father
,
whence
proceeded
the
Spirit
,
and
nothing
but
the
incapacity
of
the
Creature
was
a
lett
from
its
existing
from
all
Eternity
.
Wherefore
the
acknowledging
a
Trinity
in
the
Divine
Essence
,
speaks
Perfection
therein
upon
this
account
also
,
and
takes
the
imputation
,
as
I
hinted
before
,
of
an
Eternal
sterility
and
solitude
in
the
Deity
.
And
therefore
this
Trinity
of
Persons
or
Hypostases
in
the
Deity
is
not
to
be
rejected
by
the
second
part
of
Axiom
the
second
.
But
now
that
there
are
no
more
than
three
Hypostases
in
the
Deity
,
may
appear
from
the
first
part
of
the
second
Axiom
that
advertiseth
us
,
that
the
Oneness
and
Simplicity
of
the
Deity
is
so
sacred
and
universally
acknowledged
by
the
Principles
of
humane
Reason
,
that
no
more
multiplicity
is
to
be
admitted
therein
than
consisteth
with
and
tendeth
to
the
Divine
Perfection
;
which
being
completed
in
every
regard
by
these
supposed
three
Hypostases
,
there
is
a
necessary
stop
given
in
our
Reason
from
admitting
any
more
,
no
not
so
much
as
a
fourth
,
there
being
no
reason
to
be
given
for
the
admittance
of
a
fourth
but
what
will
with
like
validity
infer
four
thousand
,
nay
four
millions
of
Hypostases
,
or
rather
an
Infinity
of
them
.
Which
is
so
gross
and
wild
a
Conceit
,
that
there
is
no
wise
and
sober
man
but
will
explode
it
at
first
sight
.
Frustra
fit
per
plura
quod
fieri
potest
per
pauciora
,
is
a
Maxim
of
universal
Truth
.
And
the
perfect
Symmetry
,
as
I
may
so
speak
,
Beauty
and
Congruity
of
the
Divine
Nature
or
Essence
is
such
,
that
it
cannot
admit
of
any
such
uncouth
superfluities
.
It
is
the
Priviledge
of
the
absolute
Perfection
of
the
Divine
Nature
to
be
thus
unexceptionably
constituted
,
as
having
no
other
Author
or
Cause
of
it
self
but
it self
,
i.
e.
the
reason
of
its
Existence
and
Essence
,
such
as
it
is
,
is
resolvible
only
into
the
transcendent
Excellency
of
its
own
Nature
or
Idea
.
This
plausible
Plea
humane
Reason
,
if
need
were
,
might
offer
in
behalf
of
three
Hypostases
,
and
no
more
than
three
in
the
Divine
Essence
.
But
the
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
being
an
ancient
solemn
and
Divine
Tradition
,
embraced
not
only
by
the
Church
of
God
,
but
by
the
best
and
divinest
Philosophers
of
old
,
whether
we
have
rendred
punctually
and
particularly
the
very
reasons
of
three
Hypostases
and
no
more
,
or
not
;
yet
it
is
indubitable
but
that
in
the
general
we
have
not
erred
,
viz.
that
the
Godhead
was
most
absolutely
completed
in
these
three
,
though
we
cannot
give
the
account
so
particularly
and
precisely
,
and
that
therefore
there
was
no
more
.
And
Ingenuity
and
Modesty
may
well
acquiesce
in
this
general
Hypothesis
touching
so
profound
and
unsearchable
a
Mystery
.
And
scarce
any
,
I
think
,
would
have
hesitated
touching
this
Divine
Tradition
,
if
they
could
have
reconciled
these
three
real
Hypostases
,
not
Logical
Notions
(
according
to
the
first
Definition
)
with
the
Vnity
of
the
Godhead
,
that
is
,
if
they
could
have
made
out
,
that
there
is
no
Repugnancy
in
affirming
,
That
there
are
three
real
Hypostases
in
one
singular
or
individual
and
indivisible
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
;
which
one
singular
and
indivisible
Divine
Substance
is
that
one
God
(
according
as
it
is
described
in
the
second
Definition
)
of
whom
the
whole
Creation
depends
.
But
now
that
there
is
no
repugnancy
in
this
,
I
think
I
may
say
is
demonstrable
;
and
that
in
a
few
words
and
from
Principles
acknowledged
by
all
,
viz.
That
the
Generation
of
the
Son
is
not
arbitrariously
or
precariously
dependent
on
the
Father
,
but
that
it
is
the
very
Priviledge
of
his
Nature
to
be
necessarily
,
unavoidably
and
eternally
generated
of
him
by
an
Emanative
Generation
,
as
he
is
called
by
the
Apostle
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Eradiation
of
his
Father's
Glory
.
And
so
none
will
question
but
that
the
Holy
Ghost
proceedeth
either
from
the
Father
,
or
from
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
by
an
Emanative
Procession
:
Nor
can
any
Wit
of
man
imagine
why
the
production
of
one
should
be
emanative
,
and
not
the
other
.
Now
the
nature
of
what
is
emanative
from
another
is
this
,
(
whether
it
be
Mode
or
Substance
)
That
as
it
is
not
that
adequately
from
which
it
does
emane
,
but
something
some
way
distinct
therefrom
,
else
nothing
did
emane
,
and
there
would
be
no
Emanation
;
so
that
which
does
emane
thus
necessarily
is
as
inseparably
one
and
indivisibly
with
that
from
whence
it
doth
emane
,
as
the
parts
,
if
I
may
so
speak
,
of
any
Substance
incorporeal
,
which
is
Ens
unum
per
se
&
non
per
aliud
.
So
that
if
that
which
does
emane
is
Substance
from
Substance
,
they
are
both
as
much
one
Substance
,
as
to
Substance
,
as
any
one
Substance
can
be
,
according
to
our
third
Definition
.
Insomuch
that
according
to
this
account
of
the
three
Hypostases
,
the
second
and
third
issuing
from
the
first
by
an
eternal
,
necessary
and
unavoidable
Emanation
,
not
arbitrariously
or
precariously
(
which
is
the
proper
Character
of
Creation
,
the
Creature
having
but
a
precarious
Existence
)
all
these
three
real
Hypostases
are
as
much
one
singular
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
by
definition
the
second
,
as
any
Substance
can
be
.
From
whence
it
plainly
follows
,
that
though
there
be
three
Hypostases
,
in
the
Divine
Substance
so
described
in
the
second
Definition
,
yet
that
Divine
Substance
being
as
perfectly
one
as
any
Substance
can
be
,
that
yet
there
is
but
one
God
,
which
is
the
thing
that
was
to
be
demonstrated
.
Which
plain
account
is
a
Key
that
will
unlock
the
hardest
difficulties
in
the
Athanasian
Creed
touching
the
Trinity
and
Vnity
of
the
Godhead
.
I
will
give
one
Instance
for
all
;
where
it
is
said
,
The
Father
is
God
,
the
Son
is
God
,
and
the
Holy
Ghost
is
God
,
yet
there
are
not
three
Gods
,
but
one
God
.
If
any
one
should
here
object
that
nothing
can
be
God
but
what
is
Divine
Substance
,
and
that
if
the
Divine
Substance
of
the
Father
be
the
sole
adequate
Substance
for
the
whole
Trinity
of
the
Hypostases
,
the
second
and
the
third
Hypostases
will
be
empty
Logical
Notions
according
to
Definition
the
first
:
but
if
they
be
real
Hypostases
,
there
will
be
three
Divine
Substances
,
whatever
is
said
truly
to
be
God
,
being
a
Divine
Substance
:
I
say
according
to
this
account
,
we
may
safely
and
intelligibly
pronounce
,
that
the
Father
is
a
Divine
Substance
,
the
Son
a
Divine
Substance
,
and
the
Holy
Ghost
a
Divine
Substance
,
yet
there
are
not
three
Divine
Substances
,
but
one
absolute
Divine
Substance
,
according
to
Definition
the
third
,
and
so
plainly
but
one
God
,
though
three
Hypostases
.
Whose
Union
is
such
,
accordingly
as
has
been
described
,
that
they
make
one
singular
or
individual
and
indivisible
Divine
Essence
or
Substance
,
nor
admit
of
any
singular
Divine
Nature
or
Substance
,
excluding
therefrom
(
or
not
including
)
themselves
.
Forasmuch
as
that
fourth
being
a
singular
Divine
Nature
,
would
ipso
facto
be
an
Hypostasis
by
Definition
the
first
,
unless
we
can
imagine
a
singular
Divine
Substance
devoid
of
Intelligence
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
above
proposed
account
is
the
most
unexceptionable
and
intelligible
that
is
,
and
the
true
account
indeed
how
three
real
Hypostases
are
consistent
with
one
singular
Divine
Substance
,
that
is
,
with
one
God
.
If
any
one
be
curious
in
these
things
,
he
may
read
the
Scholia
at
the
end
of
the
last
Chapter
of
my
Enchiridium
Metaphysicum
,
as
also
the
six
last
Sections
of
the
third
of
the
Divine
Dialogues
and
the
Scholia
thereon
.
But
this
brief
account
from
thence
I
thought
fit
to
insert
into
my
Paralipomena
Prophetica
,
because
the
truth
of
some
Passages
in
my
Exposition
of
the
Apocalypse
depends
upon
the
truth
of
the
Mystery
of
the
Trinity
.
As
Apoc.
Chap.
9.
v.
11.
and
Chap.
11.
v.
2.
For
our
Compute
of
the
Symmetral
Times
of
the
Church
implies
the
Truth
of
the
Mystery
of
the
Holy
Trinity
,
which
if
it
were
not
true
,
would
argue
our
Computation
false
,
and
that
we
are
out
in
our
Interpretation
.
CHAP.
LI.
Fourteen
Queries
raised
out
of
a
Letter
written
in
favour
of
some
Passages
of
S.
E.
his
Remarks
,
with
Answers
subjoined
to
each
Query
.
I
Thought
to
have
concluded
my
Paralipomena
Prophetica
with
the
immediately
foregoing
Chapter
touching
the
Triunity
of
the
Godhead
.
But
having
a
Letter
sent
unto
me
written
in
favour
of
some
passages
in
S.
E.
his
Remarks
before
my
Paralipomena
were
printed
off
,
I
thought
it
not
amiss
to
raise
some
Queries
out
of
the
same
Letter
,
and
answer
to
them
,
and
so
conclude
all
with
these
.
Query
1.
Whether
in
those
words
Rev.
10.6
.
[
That
there
should
be
time
no
longer
]
[
Time
]
there
signifies
the
Political
Order
and
Government
of
the
World
,
and
implies
that
in
the
Millennial
state
all
Humane
Laws
and
Polities
shall
cease
,
and
the
Government
be
carried
on
merely
by
the
guidance
of
the
Spirit
;
and
whether
that
Voice
,
Rev.
16.17
.
from
the
Throne
[
It
is
done
]
and
the
same
Voice
,
Rev.
21.6
.
do
not
answer
to
,
Time
should
be
no
longer
,
&c.
Rev.
10.6
.
Answ.
The
true
sense
out
of
the
Original
of
that
latter
Clause
of
Rev.
Chap.
10.
v.
6.
and
of
the
following
Verse
,
is
this
,
That
there
shall
be
no
longer
time
saving
in
the
days
of
the
voice
of
the
seventh
Angel
when
he
shall
sound
,
&c.
This
is
made
good
in
my
Notes
upon
my
Exposition
of
that
Chapter
,
and
still
further
confirmed
by
the
Answer
to
the
Remarker
on
the
place
:
So
that
no
man
of
any
competency
of
Judgment
can
possibly
deny
the
truth
of
that
Exposition
.
Wherefore
if
[
Time
]
signifie
the
Political
Order
and
Government
of
the
World
,
we
are
assured
by
the
Oath
of
the
Angel
that
such
Government
will
continue
all
along
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
which
reaches
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
For
his
swearing
there
will
be
no
longer
time
,
saving
what
the
seventh
Trumpet
comprizeth
,
implies
that
[
Time
]
which
S.
E.
would
have
signifie
Political
Government
,
will
continue
all
that
Trumpet
long
.
But
now
for
the
Voice
[
It
is
done
]
in
those
places
mentioned
,
how
it
can
answer
to
this
place
,
let
any
man
of
sense
consider
,
unless
it
be
such
an
impertinent
Answer
as
is
perstringed
in
that
Proverb
.
Which
the
way
to
London
?
A
poke
full
of
Plums
.
The
mentioned
Voice
[
It
is
done
]
though
Time
here
signified
Political
Order
and
Government
,
were
nothing
to
the
confirming
that
Notion
.
For
Rev.
16.17
.
it
signifies
nothing
but
assurance
of
success
to
the
Ministers
of
Christ's
Kingdom
under
the
seventh
Vial.
And
Rev.
21.6
.
the
assurance
of
the
truth
of
the
Prediction
of
the
glorious
appearance
of
the
New
Jerusalem
on
Earth
.
That
the
thing
is
as
sure
as
if
it
were
done
already
,
and
therefore
he
presently
adds
,
I
am
Alpha
and
Omega
,
&c.
as
intimating
his
ability
certainly
to
effect
it
.
Query
2.
Whether
the
Plagues
inflicted
by
the
Witnesses
were
not
inflicted
during
their
1260
days
prophesying
,
Chap.
11.6
.
and
therefore
the
same
with
the
six
first
Plagues
,
there
being
no
other
actually
inflicted
Plagues
prefigured
but
they
.
This
is
taken
out
of
the
Answer
to
the
Remarks
,
pag.
119.
Answ.
This
is
made
a
Query
,
because
the
above-mentioned
Letter
pretends
Allegations
against
the
truth
of
the
Affirmative
thereof
;
As
that
most
of
the
first
six
Plagues
were
expired
before
the
Witnesses
began
to
prophesie
,
and
that
also
those
Plagues
belong
to
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
which
the
prophesying
of
the
Witnesses
does
not
,
and
are
inflicted
by
barbarous
Nations
,
&c.
To
which
I
answer
,
That
the
prophesying
of
the
Witnesses
and
the
six
first
Plagues
or
Trumpets
are
Synchronal
according
to
Mr.
Mede
and
the
Truth
it self
,
and
therefore
none
of
the
Plagues
could
expire
before
the
Witnesses
began
to
prophesie
.
And
although
the
prophesying
Witnesses
belong
not
to
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
yet
being
Synchronal
to
the
first
six
Trumpets
of
the
Sealed
Book-Prophecy
,
they
are
so
to
the
first
six
Plagues
,
and
therefore
falling
in
to
the
same
time
,
bid
fair
for
proving
the
Inflicters
of
the
said
Plagues
,
and
those
six
to
be
the
Plagues
the
Witnesses
are
said
to
inflict
during
the
1260
days
of
their
prophesying
,
in
which
they
must
inflict
them
or
never
.
For
the
Scene
of
the
Witnesses
goes
off
at
the
close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
Nor
do
these
first
six
Plagues
,
being
executed
by
the
barbarous
Nations
,
hinder
but
that
they
may
be
inflicted
by
the
Witnesses
in
that
way
they
inflict
any
Plagues
,
which
,
if
positively
,
is
only
by
denouncing
them
;
as
Jeremy
is
said
to
do
the
things
he
denounces
,
Jer.
1.10
.
The
Objector
also
seems
not
to
distinguish
betwixt
the
Witnesses
prophesying
it self
,
and
the
Plagues
attending
their
prophesying
,
nor
betwixt
their
Power
of
inflicting
Plagues
and
their
actually
inflicting
them
.
The
thing
therefore
I
say
is
this
,
That
there
is
no
other
positively
and
actually
inflicted
Plagues
prefigured
,
but
those
contained
under
the
first
six
Trumpets
,
to
the
close
of
the
sixth
whereof
the
Fall
of
the
City
and
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
is
referrible
.
Upon
which
it
is
said
the
second
Wo
is
past
,
Chap.
11.14
.
And
the
Fall
of
the
City
or
Conversion
of
so
considerable
a
part
of
the
Western
Empire
to
the
pure
Gospel
,
is
referrible
to
the
effect
of
the
fire
proceeding
out
of
the
Witnesses
mouths
,
Chap.
11.5
.
according
to
my
Interpretation
.
Query
3.
Whether
the
opening
the
Temple
,
Rev.
11.19
.
is
just
before
the
first
Vial
,
but
the
time
of
the
seeing
the
Ark
there
not
till
the
sixth
Vial
,
whenas
yet
the
opening
the
Temple
was
for
the
immediate
shewing
the
Ark
,
and
the
sight
thereof
the
first
thing
related
upon
the
opening
the
Temple
.
Answ.
Whoever
reads
considerately
and
unprejudicedly
the
23.
Chapter
of
these
Paralipomena
,
cannot
but
be
fully
assured
that
what
follows
the
Doxologie
of
the
Elders
,
Rev.
11.
and
the
joyful
Annunciation
of
the
Fall
of
Babylon
,
Rev.
14.
falls
into
the
times
of
the
Vials
,
and
is
a
more
broken
and
defectuous
Representation
of
them
.
Wherefore
whereas
after
the
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
,
Rev.
15.
(
which
answers
to
the
Doxologie
of
the
Elders
and
joyful
Annunciation
of
the
Fall
of
Babylon
)
the
Opening
of
the
Temple
there
v.
5.
is
in
order
to
the
going
forth
of
the
Vial-Angels
,
and
there
being
no
pouring
forth
of
the
Vials
but
by
the
Vial-Angels
,
nor
they
doing
their
work
before
they
come
out
of
the
opened
Temple
,
it
is
plain
that
the
Temple
was
open
or
stood
open
before
the
first
Vial
,
Rev.
11.
though
the
mention
of
its
standing
open
is
not
before
the
sixth
Vial
,
the
opening
of
the
Temple
being
not
simply
for
the
shewing
the
Ark
,
but
for
the
going
forth
of
the
Vial-Angels
.
But
the
Temple
standing
all
this
time
open
,
the
Ark
is
not
said
to
be
seen
till
some
time
after
,
it
denoting
the
time
of
the
Calling
of
the
Jews
with
whom
God
has
made
an
everlasting
Covenant
,
as
this
Ark
is
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
.
Nor
is
it
said
that
John
saw
this
Ark
,
but
it
is
said
indefinitely
to
be
seen
,
the
eyes
of
all
at
that
time
being
to
be
cast
upon
that
Holy
Covenant
which
God
made
to
Abraham
and
his
Seed
for
ever
,
expecting
that
God
himself
will
have
an
eye
to
it
then
,
and
make
good
his
glorious
Promises
to
that
long
exercised
and
afflicted
people
.
Nor
is
the
sight
of
the
Ark
the
first
thing
related
upon
the
opening
the
Temple
,
but
,
though
the
Temple
stood
open
before
,
yet
it
is
not
mentioned
till
now
,
the
more
to
set
off
the
richness
of
this
discovery
of
God's
Mercy
towards
the
Jews
,
which
the
Apocalypse
every
where
sets
such
an
excessive
value
upon
,
as
if
this
were
such
a
weighty
Arcanum
or
Mystery
(
as
S.
Paul
also
calls
it
)
that
it
were
worth
the
opening
the
Temple
,
though
it
were
but
for
the
discovery
of
that
Mystery
alone
.
Query
4.
Whether
what
happens
in
the
allotted
times
of
the
Trumpet-Angels
and
Vial-Angels
,
may
be
attributed
to
the
Angel
to
whom
the
Time
is
allotted
,
whether
the
Angel
contribute
any
thing
to
it
or
no.
Answ.
If
we
were
sure
he
did
contribute
nothing
,
and
that
such
a
thing
fell
out
,
in
his
allotted
time
,
as
was
plainly
indicated
in
the
Prophecy
:
Then
by
a
Prophetick
Metalepsis
the
thing
so
happening
might
be
attributed
to
him
,
as
the
taking
Peace
from
the
Earth
,
is
attributed
to
the
Rider
of
the
red
Horse
under
the
second
Seal
,
because
in
his
time
there
was
such
killing
and
slaying
one
another
.
But
if
the
Angel
can
be
conceived
to
act
positively
,
I
confess
it
is
more
than
needs
to
recur
to
that
Figure
.
But
to
avoid
all
Cavil
in
reference
to
the
first
Vial-Angel
,
I
allow
a
real
Activity
in
him
for
the
inflicting
that
angry
Aegyptian
Boil
.
So
that
as
an
evil
Spirit
from
the
Lord
haunted
Saul
when
his
Melancholy
fits
came
upon
him
;
so
this
first
Vial-Angel
may
commissionate
some
Spirits
upon
the
envy
and
the
anger
the
Bestians
had
conceived
against
the
Risen
Witnesses
to
actuate
them
with
more
than
ordinary
Rage
and
Madness
against
them
,
and
so
infatuate
their
Counsels
by
this
distemper
,
as
is
answered
to
the
Remarks
on
the
place
.
The
Objector
would
fain
pinch
somewhere
,
if
he
could
find
what
to
lay
hold
on
.
But
effundit
junctura
ungues
.
The
work
is
too
close
wrought
for
him
to
find
any
entrance
any
where
.
Query
5.
In
those
words
,
Rev.
16.8
.
The
fourth
Angel
poured
out
his
Vial
on
the
Sun
,
and
Power
was
given
him
to
scorch
men
with
fire
,
&c.
Whether
[
him
]
relate
to
the
Sun
,
or
not
rather
to
the
Angel
,
the
Sun
being
no
Person
to
whom
[
Him
]
can
relate
,
and
besides
it
being
sensless
to
refer
it
to
any
other
than
the
Angel
who
inflicts
the
Plague
.
Answ.
That
[
Him
]
should
be
referred
to
the
Sun
,
not
to
the
Angel
,
there
is
all
the
Reason
in
the
World
,
nor
is
there
any
Reason
against
it
.
For
the
calling
the
Sun
[
Him
]
makes
him
no
person
,
no
more
in
English
than
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
does
in
Greek
.
For
Judg.
Chap.
5.
v.
31.
there
it
is
said
,
Let
them
that
love
the
Lord
be
as
the
Sun
when
he
goeth
forth
in
his
strength
;
and
so
he
or
his
is
in
so
many
other
places
said
of
the
Sun
,
as
it
is
needless
to
recite
.
But
why
[
Him
]
is
to
be
referred
to
the
Sun
,
there
are
plain
and
obvious
Reasons
.
First
,
Because
[
Him
]
does
immediately
follow
the
mention
of
the
Sun
.
Secondly
,
The
Reference
is
so
natural
,
the
Sun
being
such
a
Fountain
of
Heat
,
and
the
heat
thereof
so
invigorated
by
the
effusion
of
the
fourth
Vial
on
it
.
And
lastly
,
The
Suffrage
of
all
Interpreters
I
could
ever
meet
with
or
hear
of
,
concurs
in
this
reference
of
[
Him
]
to
the
Sun
,
and
not
to
the
Angel
.
So
that
it
is
most
undubitably
true
,
that
[
him
]
is
to
be
referred
not
to
the
Angel
,
but
to
the
Sun
,
and
that
it
is
a
mere
affected
swaggering
in
the
behalf
of
S.
E.
to
say
it
is
sensless
to
refer
[
him
]
to
any
other
than
the
Angel
.
Whence
it
is
unavoidably
evident
,
that
the
Remarker
is
out
in
his
ill-natur'd
Gloss
on
the
fourth
Vial
,
as
if
the
scorched
with
that
fiery
heat
,
were
those
that
were
zealously
incensed
,
and
sharply
inveighed
against
the
Antichristian
Powers
,
which
is
a
perfect
contradiction
to
the
Text
,
as
if
these
Zelots
scorched
the
Sun
,
whenas
the
Text
plainly
says
the
Sun
scorched
them
,
[
him
]
being
certainly
referred
to
the
Sun
.
And
then
suppose
[
him
]
to
be
referred
to
the
Angel
,
and
that
he
scorches
the
Zelots
,
and
incenses
them
against
the
Antichristian
Powers
,
this
is
still
a
perfect
contradiction
to
the
Text.
For
the
Text
says
,
those
scorched
ones
blasphemed
the
Name
of
God
,
which
the
Remarker
will
not
admit
of
his
godly
Zelots
.
Query
6.
Whether
the
Tripartite
Forces
gathered
together
in
Armageddon
under
the
Dragon
,
under
the
Beast
and
false
Prophet
,
and
under
the
Rider
of
the
white
Horse
that
has
the
Sword
coming
out
of
his
mouth
,
viz.
the
Infidel
,
Antichristian
and
Evangelical
Forces
or
Parties
,
Rev.
16.
v.
13
,
16.
may
be
represented
also
by
the
great
City
divided
into
three
parts
,
v.
19.
For
how
is
it
possible
that
three
such
opposite
Parties
as
the
Infidel
,
Christian
and
Antichristian
should
be
represented
by
a
City
,
which
is
a
Body
Politick
,
united
by
Laws
and
Rulers
to
govern
the
same
;
whenas
those
three
Parties
are
uncapable
of
being
so
united
,
&c.
Answ.
That
those
Tripartite
Forces
are
the
Forces
of
the
whole
World
,
or
a
Conflux
of
the
people
of
the
whole
World
,
may
appear
from
v.
14.
And
why
the
Inhabitants
of
the
whole
Orb
of
the
Earth
may
not
be
lookt
upon
as
one
great
City
,
I
see
not
.
For
as
different
as
they
are
,
yet
they
are
all
united
in
one
common
Law
,
which
is
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
as
to
that
common
Law
have
one
common
Law-giver
and
Judge
,
which
is
God
.
And
this
is
so
palpable
a
Truth
,
and
the
fitness
of
looking
upon
this
inhabited
Earth
as
one
great
City
so
obvious
,
that
those
itinerant
Sophists
of
old
,
or
those
more
modern
that
cared
not
to
be
tyed
to
any
one
particular
Political
Body
,
yet
have
been
lookt
upon
by
themselves
to
be
,
and
so
vulgarly
stiled
by
others
,
viz.
Cosmopolitae
,
Citizens
of
the
World
.
And
Philo
Judaeus
expresly
says
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
That
this
World
is
that
great
City
,
as
it
here
is
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
19.
And
that
it
is
an
Aggregate
as
it
were
of
all
the
Cities
of
the
World
,
appears
from
the
same
place
,
where
the
Cities
of
the
Nations
are
mentioned
together
with
Babylon
the
great
.
And
lastly
,
it
is
to
be
noted
,
That
that
Tripartite
Conflux
in
Armageddon
is
not
resembled
in
this
Commutation
of
Iconisms
simply
to
a
City
,
much
less
to
a
City
that
is
in
unity
with
it self
,
but
to
a
City
divided
into
three
parts
,
which
therefore
most
exquisitely
answers
to
those
three
opposite
Parties
congregated
in
Armageddon
.
So
that
this
Commutation
of
Iconisms
here
,
is
so
far
from
being
impossible
,
as
the
Objector
would
have
it
,
that
nothing
can
be
more
easie
and
natural
.
Unto
all
which
you
may
add
,
that
though
two
of
these
three
parts
of
this
great
City
are
Rebels
for
the
present
,
yet
Christ
the
Son
of
God
is
their
rightful
Prince
and
Sovereign
,
and
this
Battel
under
the
seventh
Vial
is
to
reduce
them
to
obedience
.
Query
7.
Whether
the
leaving
out
the
Article
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
before
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
at
the
end
of
the
sixth
verse
of
Rev.
20.
whenas
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
prefixed
before
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
immediately
twice
before
and
after
,
intimates
any
such
Mystery
as
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
there
has
a
different
signification
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
other
places
,
and
denotes
Symbolically
an
endless
steady
Eternity
;
there
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
without
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
v.
2.
not
having
any
such
Mystery
in
it
,
so
that
it
may
seem
a
trifling
with
the
Text.
Answ.
That
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
without
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
has
no
such
mystical
meaning
of
it self
,
is
readily
acknowledged
.
For
it
signifies
a
finite
determinate
time
(
v.
2.
of
this
Chapter
)
in
which
Satan
is
bound
,
and
let
loose
afterwards
:
which
time
is
there
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
presently
after
,
v.
3.
the
said
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
are
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
there
having
the
force
of
a
Pronoun
demonstrative
,
as
if
one
should
say
,
Till
those
thousand
years
were
fulfilled
;
And
so
those
thousand
years
are
all
along
referred
to
,
by
this
demonstrative
Article
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
As
in
the
close
of
v.
4.
They
lived
and
reigned
with
Christ
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
those
thousand
years
when
Satan
was
bound
.
And
v.
5.
But
the
rest
lived
not
again
till
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
those
thousand
years
were
finished
.
Thus
constantly
you
have
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
relating
to
the
years
Satan
was
bound
,
till
you
come
to
v.
6.
that
describes
the
condition
of
them
that
partake
of
the
first
Resurrection
,
on
whom
the
second
Death
hath
no
power
,
and
there
it
is
said
,
that
they
shall
reign
with
Christ
,
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
those
thousand
years
Satan
was
bound
,
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
thousand
years
Symbolically
understood
,
which
is
a
fit
Symbol
of
steady
and
immutable
Eternity
.
For
to
what
end
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
omitted
in
this
place
,
if
it
did
not
intimate
some
such
Mystery
,
of
which
it
both
is
very
significant
,
and
the
Reign
of
these
with
Christ
being
not
confined
to
those
thousand
years
,
but
stretching
out
to
Eternity
,
the
thing
it self
requires
that
signification
.
But
then
immediately
after
,
the
case
being
altered
,
v.
7.
and
returning
to
the
thousand
years
numerically
taken
,
not
Symbolically
,
there
he
has
it
again
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
So
that
it
is
the
circumstances
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
placed
in
v.
6.
that
assures
us
that
it
has
such
a
Symbolical
meaning
.
This
therefore
is
no
trifling
Observation
.
But
he
must
be
very
dull
and
sleepy
or
thick-sighted
,
that
does
not
clearly
discern
the
difference
.
Query
8.
Whether
,
All
Nations
shall
come
and
worship
before
thee
,
Rev.
15.4
.
be
to
be
understood
of
Nations
to
be
converted
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
or
of
foreign
Nations
unconverted
doing
Homage
to
the
New
Jerusalem
,
answering
to
their
coming
up
to
keep
the
Feast
of
Tabernacles
,
Zach.
14.
Answ.
This
Song
of
Moses
and
the
Lamb
being
sung
upon
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
or
Christ's
partial
or
speciminal
taking
again
possession
of
his
Kingdom
out
of
the
hands
of
Antichrist
,
it
is
most
natural
to
conceive
that
[
All
Nations
shall
come
and
worship
before
thee
]
relates
to
that
more
full
and
universal
enlargement
of
Christ's
Kingdom
,
which
will
be
effected
by
the
effusion
of
the
Vials
before
which
this
Song
is
prefixed
;
And
under
the
seventh
when
all
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
are
gathered
together
under
the
Dragon
,
Beast
and
false
Prophet
,
to
fight
against
the
Lord
and
against
his
Anointed
,
and
are
all
routed
and
vanquished
,
what
can
this
import
less
than
what
is
here
predicted
in
this
Song
,
All
Nations
shall
come
and
worship
before
thee
,
that
is
,
be
obedient
Subjects
of
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
?
And
as
for
the
celebrating
the
Feast
of
Tabernacles
,
who
can
be
thought
to
do
that
but
the
Jews
or
Gentiles
proselyted
to
their
Religion
,
and
therefore
who
can
they
be
but
the
converted
Nations
that
shall
do
Homage
to
Christ
in
his
New
Jerusalem
Kingdom
?
Query
9.
Whether
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Comedendo
comedes
,
Gen.
2.16
.
be
an
Injunction
or
full
Commission
to
Adam
to
eat
,
or
such
an
Invitation
to
eat
of
every
Tree
of
the
Garden
,
that
if
he
will
eat
he
may
,
and
if
he
will
not
he
may
chuse
,
forasmuch
as
it
is
said
,
Thou
mayst
freely
eat
,
which
implies
a
liberty
.
Answ.
The
Text
no
question
but
has
a
mystical
as
well
as
a
literal
sense
.
In
the
literal
sense
,
Comedendo
comedes
intimates
a
full
Commission
to
eat
of
every
Tree
of
the
Garden
,
saving
the
Tree
of
Knowledge
of
Good
and
Evil.
And
whereas
our
English
Translation
has
it
,
Thou
mayst
eat
freely
,
nothing
else
is
meant
thereby
but
this
full
Commission
to
eat
freely
and
plentifully
of
all
the
Trees
of
the
Garden
,
saving
:
that
one
excepted
.
But
now
in
the
Moral
sense
,
Comedendo
comedes
seems
to
be
a
Command
,
as
the
Text
has
it
.
And
God
commanded
the
Man
,
saying
,
Eating
thou
shalt
eat
,
viz.
of
every
Tree
,
saving
that
one
,
that
is
,
that
he
should
nourish
his
Soul
with
all
sorts
of
Vertues
,
none
excepted
(
for
Virtutes
sunt
connexae
)
which
make
up
the
fulness
of
the
Paradise
of
God
.
Query
10.
Whether
Tyre
,
Isa.
23.15
.
typifie
Rome
,
the
former
state
of
Tyre
not
answering
to
the
former
state
of
Rome
,
nor
the
middle
to
the
middle
,
but
the
former
state
of
Tyre
is
made
to
answer
to
all
the
three
states
of
Rome
.
Answ.
This
is
a
gross
mistake
in
the
Objector
:
For
in
that
Prophecy
of
Isaiah
there
are
three
distinct
Times
supposed
,
the
first
of
her
Harlotry
,
the
second
of
her
being
forgotten
for
the
space
of
one
King
,
and
so
the
ceasing
of
her
Harlotry
with
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
,
and
then
of
her
Harlotry
again
,
and
of
committing
.
Fornication
with
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
upon
the
face
of
the
Earth
.
And
now
in
perfect
Analogy
to
this
,
(
as
is
answered
to
the
Remarker
)
Rome
was
Idolatrous
before
it
was
Christian
,
and
turned
Idolatrous
again
when
it
became
Pagano-Christian
,
and
Whoredom
is
the
true
Symbol
of
Idolatry
known
to
all
.
Wherefore
the
Harlot
,
though
she
was
silent
a
while
in
the
time
of
the
pure
Christian
Caesars
,
which
were
the
seventh
King
(
as
Tyre's
silence
is
for
seventy
years
)
yet
when
that
time
expired
,
she
might
sing
again
like
an
Harlot
.
Nor
does
this
at
all
hinder
,
but
that
this
Vision
is
Typical
of
Rome
Antichristian
,
this
stroke
touching
the
return
of
Pagan
Harlotry
,
setting
out
more
exquisitely
the
Pagano-Christianity
of
their
Idolatry
,
that
they
Paganize
again
,
and
again
play
the
Harlot
by
a
new
mode
of
Idolatry
,
which
yet
is
the
living
Image
of
the
Idolatry
of
old
Paganism
.
What
Analogy
can
be
more
exquisite
and
complete
?
Query
11.
Whether
there
can
be
any
assurance
that
the
Vision
of
Tyre
,
Ezek.
28.
is
Typical
of
Rome
;
forasmuch
as
if
the
expressions
be
such
,
that
they
are
incompetent
to
Tyre
,
and
the
Prince
thereof
(
from
whence
yet
it
is
inferred
,
they
must
respect
Rome
)
the
Vision
cannot
belong
to
Tyre
,
and
consequently
Tyre
can
be
no
Type
of
Rome
;
but
if
the
expressions
be
competible
to
Tyre
,
there
is
no
ground
to
stretch
them
any
further
than
so
.
Answ.
The
Horns
of
this
Dilemma
are
very
weak
both
of
them
.
For
the
first
supposeth
what
is
apparently
false
,
that
a
Prophecy
of
double
completion
may
not
have
such
strokes
in
it
,
that
may
more
properly
relate
to
the
second
completion
than
the
first
;
As
in
th●●
of
a
Virgin
bearing
a
Son
.
And
though
some
expressions
may
be
elevated
above
the
condition
of
the
Prince
of
Tyre
,
and
less
properly
be
spoke
of
him
,
yet
the
generality
of
the
Vision
is
applicable
to
him
properly
,
and
the
Text
says
expresly
,
the
Vision
does
belong
to
Tyre
,
and
consequently
Tyre
may
be
a
Type
of
Rome
.
But
then
as
to
the
latter
Horn
of
the
Dilemma
,
though
all
the
expressions
were
competible
to
Tyre
(
which
they
are
not
,
and
therefore
do
more
certainly
assure
us
that
the
Vision
has
a
further
completion
in
the
concerns
of
Rome
)
yet
there
is
a
very
good
ground
for
stretching
the
sense
of
the
Vision
to
a
further
completion
than
in
Tyre
it self
;
from
that
intimation
in
the
beginning
of
Ezekiel's
Book
of
Prophecies
,
of
which
the
Roll
written
within
and
without
is
a
Symbol
or
Figure
.
This
hint
is
sufficient
,
you
may
collect
a
more
full
Answer
out
of
Chap.
22.
of
these
Paralipomena
toward
the
end
of
the
Chapter
.
Query
12.
Whether
the
joyful
Annunciation
of
the
Fall
of
Babylon
,
Rev.
14.8
.
be
not
before
the
beginning
of
the
sounding
of
the
seventh
Trumpet
,
because
the
Fall
it self
was
at
the
close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
and
a
Prophetical
Annunciation
can
respect
no
time
but
at
which
the
Fall
happens
.
Answ.
A
prophetical
Annunciation
of
an
Event
respects
the
Time
of
the
Annunciation
of
the
Event
.
For
what
can
it
respect
else
?
But
the
Event
that
it
annunciates
is
the
Fall
of
Babylon
or
of
the
City
at
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
at
the
Close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
.
So
that
it
is
plain
there
is
nothing
hinders
,
but
that
though
the
Fall
of
Babylon
be
at
the
Close
of
the
sixth
Trumpet
,
the
joyful
Annunciation
thereof
may
be
just
at
the
entrance
of
the
seventh
.
Because
the
mention
of
the
Annunciation
of
the
Event
is
a
Prediction
or
Prophecy
of
the
Annunciation
,
not
simply
of
the
Event
it self
,
but
implies
only
that
the
Event
has
lately
happened
.
Query
13.
Whether
the
second
Vial
,
Rev.
16.3
.
may
not
be
a
Vision
or
Prediction
of
the
Reformation
it self
as
well
as
of
the
Settlement
of
it
in
the
respective
places
where
it
was
,
the
Reformation
being
not
too
great
a
change
to
be
typified
thereby
,
because
the
Settlement
seems
a
perfecting
thereof
,
and
so
as
great
or
greater
a
thing
than
the
Reformation
it self
.
Answ.
It
is
impossible
the
second
Vial
should
predict
the
Reformation
,
because
all
the
Vials
follow
the
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
therefore
if
the
second
Vial
were
a
Type
of
the
fresh
appearance
of
the
Reformation
,
there
would
be
no
Event
answering
to
the
preceding
Rising
of
the
Witnesses
,
which
would
be
infinitely
absurd
.
And
though
it
be
true
that
the
Settlement
of
the
Reformation
is
a
further
Perfection
added
thereto
,
yet
that
is
but
a
modificative
Addition
to
it
,
but
that
which
is
the
main
,
the
form
and
substance
of
the
Reformation
was
before
;
And
was
like
the
taking
of
a
City
of
huge
consequence
,
upon
which
would
follow
loud
shouts
and
signs
of
Joy
,
but
the
repairing
and
further
fortifying
this
great
City
taken
by
storm
,
that
would
be
carried
on
in
a
more
silent
or
less
Triumphant
way
.
Query
14.
Whether
the
two
Witnesses
their
1260
days
prophesying
does
not
plainly
imply
that
they
could
not
at
all
be
slain
till
the
1260
days
were
expired
,
especially
it
being
supposed
that
their
being
slain
puts
an
absolute
end
to
the
tormenting
the
World
by
their
prophesying
,
and
there
is
solemn
rejoycing
and
sending
gifts
one
to
another
at
their
being
slain
,
as
if
the
business
then
were
quite
dispatched
at
once
.
Answ.
It
is
gross
Rudeness
and
Ignorance
for
any
one
to
imagine
thus
;
And
he
that
so
does
,
he
sets
his
teeth
only
in
the
Cortex
,
but
reaches
not
the
Pith
of
this
Parabolical
Vision
of
the
two
Witnesses
.
This
Conceit
is
a
perfect
Contradiction
to
the
Truth
of
History
,
which
amply
relates
to
us
the
slaying
of
the
Witnesses
in
more
senses
than
one
,
long
before
the
Expiration
of
the
1260
days
.
Wherefore
this
Cortical
sense
is
utterly
impossible
.
But
that
assured
Prophetick
figure
which
we
call
Henopoeia
,
(
which
as
it
represents
a
succession
of
men
under
the
Type
of
one
single
Man
,
single
Woman
,
or
single
Beast
,
so
it
does
likewise
the
successional
Actions
,
Sufferings
,
or
Occurrences
appertaining
to
the
said
single
Typical
Man
,
Woman
,
or
Beast
under
one
single
Action
,
Suffering
,
or
Occurrence
)
this
is
the
only
true
and
genuine
Key
to
unlock
this
Mystery
by
,
which
I
having
done
to
the
Reader
's
hand
already
in
my
Answer
to
a
learned
and
ingenious
Friend
touching
the
difficulties
of
the
Vision
of
the
Witnesses
in
Chap.
39.
of
this
present
Treatise
,
I
will
send
him
thither
to
receive
the
same
satisfaction
with
that
learned
and
pious
Person
,
and
so
conclude
my
Paralipomena
Prophetica
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
FINIS
.