Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.

Vrbem Romam a principio Reges habuere . CHAP. I.

Of the divers formes of Government , that Rome had : and how it happens , that Cities for the most part , have their beginning under Kings rather then any other forme of government . The first Discourse .

THe Almighty God , understanding and comprehending himselfe infinitely ; in as much as the understanding himselfe , proceeding from himselfe , returnes into himselfe : joyneth together by an admirable circulation , the beginning with the end .

The Angelicall spirits as they have a twofold contemplation , so they cause a twofold motion : For by contemplating of God , their owne knowledge returning in an acknowledgement of its originall : they move the Heavens circularly , in a like motion to that of the first mover , from East to West : and by contemplating of themselves , they cause another circular motion contrary to the former , from West to East . And seeing all mortall things are influenced by the motions and light of the Heavens . It followes necessarily , that they all follow the heavenly influences with moving in a circle . What marvell then , if the government of the City of Rome , ( as here in few words is delivered by Tacitus ) have had its circular motion ; passing from a regall government , begun by Romulus ; to a popular or free estate under Brutus ; and from that , to an Aristocraticall government under Pompey , Crassus , and Caesar ; under Lepidus , Anthonie , and Augustus ; and then at last , with a wonderfull circulation returning againe to a government Monarchicall , as it was at first . Whereupon the Prophet Ezekiel , not without great mystery , shewing us in his first vision , four beasts , which in the opinion of many , are figures of the foure Empires of the World ; he sets before every one of them a wheele ; to intimate in what a circulation they are turned about . And this circulation or alteration , though I cannot say , it is inalterable ; yet I may truely say , It is so naturall , that even Aristotle himselfe , discoursing upon the passages of Rule and Dominion ; foresees and observes that as a Philosopher ; which Tacitus as an Historian , relates here of Rome . Et ob hoc forsan Rex ab initio repertus est ; quod difficile erat viros plures excellenti virtute reperiri , praesertim cum tunc civitates parvae forent . So Tacitus here , Vrbem Romam a principio R●…ges habuere . Aristotle goes on , Sed cum postea contingeret , ut plures pari virtute reperirentur , non amplius tolerarunt Regem ; sed commune quiddam quaerentes , resp●…blicas constituere : So Tacitus here , Libertatem Lucius Brutus Instituit . Aristotle proceeds , Cum verò deteriores facti , lucrum sibi quaererent , ex gubernatione rerumpublicarum ; Paucorum hine potentiam exortam fuisse , credendum est : Honorabant enim Divitias . So here we see , from whence the power came which Pompey , Crassus and Caesar had ; and from whence also the Triumvirat of Augustus . Aristotle againe , Ex his verò in Tyrannides transiere . So Tacitus here , Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere .

But for as much as Aristotle shews , that from the end of one circulation another begins ; while pursuing this Argument , he saith , Ex Tyrannis rursus ad Plebem : he that will consider in Rome , those forms of government , which for their small continuance , I have omitted ; shall find plainly , that even in those also , there hath been a manifest circulation : For after the Regall under Romulus ; it came to be a free estate under Brutus ; from that , to be a government of a few under the decemviri : lastly , to be in the hand of a tyrant , under Appius Claudius ; after whose death she recovered againe her liberty ; and then passing under the Power of a few , setled at last in a Tyranny under Augustus : and if there hapned afterward no new circulation , the reasons thereof shall be shewed in another discourse .

But conceiving it to be the fittest course for examining of these revolutions , to proceed by shewing the causes of them ; thereby to make men the better see that the events of former times have not been casuall , and hapned by chance ; and also the better be able to prevent the like accidents that may hereafter happen ; I will therefore make my beginning at the Power Regall ; with which , it ought not to seem strange , that Rome at first was governed ; seeing it hath been the like in the foundings almost of all Cities : as both Salust witnesseth , Igitur Initio Reges ; nam in terris , Nomen Imperii id primum fuit : and Justin , Principio rerum , Gentium , Nationumque Imperium penes Reges erat : and also Aristotle , Fuerat enim antiqua civitatum gubernatio paucorum & Regia : and besides these , there are many examples in the holy Scripture , that shew it , to have been so : Cain , before the flood , was founder of the first City that ever was in the World ; and he , as S. Austin writes , was a King ; as also his successours : likewise after the flood , the great City Babylon was scarce built ; when Nintrod , ( as the Scripture saith ) Coepit esse Potens in terra .

There being therefore no doubt of the case : having so many and great authorities to confirme it ; the next thing is , to search out the causes ; amongst which , the first may be taken from the first founding . For Cities are sometimes founded by one alone ; and he a Private man ; as Rome , by Romulus : sometimes by one alone , but he a Lord of other Cities , as Constantinople by Constantine : oftentimes by many joyning together ; and those many , either all of one Country ; who for shunning of danger , assemble themselves into one City : as the Athenians did at Athens : or else such as quite leave and forsake their ancient habitations ; which may happen , either in time of peace ; when men are forced by the great overswarming of people to seeke new dwellings ; as the French did , when they built Milan : or else in time of warre ; when men flying from a Country wasted ; retire themselves into fresh places : and this may happen , under some one that is Head or Chieftaine ; or without Head : without a Head , as Venice ; under a Head , as Lavinium , Padoua , and Athens : the first , built by Aeneas : the second , by Antenor ; the third , by Theseus .

Now a City which is built by one alone , whether he be a Private man , or a King ; is no sooner founded , but it comes presently to be under a Power Regall : Those againe that are built by many joyning together : whether it be , that they fly , by reason of warre ; or whether it be , that in peace , to enlarge themselves , they seeke new countries : These also fall presently under the power Regall ; because these things cannot well be done , but where there is a superiour , that is Head ; as Milan did under Bellovisus ; Padua under Antenor ; Lavinium under Aenaeas ; and Athens under Theseus .

But if a City happen to be built by many that are equals and have no chiefe amongst them : in this case onely , it may be that Cities have not their beginning under Kings : of which , there may be many occasions . First , when the end was not first publique to build a City ; but rather for private commodity ; where menmight place their persons and goods in safety : which in other places by reason of warres they could not do ; and in case of such danger , many building houses , now one and then another , have thereby made as it were a Village , and at last a City . Which having beene built insensibly and by fits , is therefore not governed by Regall power ; which it would have been , if it had been built at once by a number of people united together : a thing impossible to happen , where there is not a Head : as Plato in his Dialogue of Lawes hath learnedly taught . And therefore Venice having beene founded in the foresaid manner ; hath beene able to begin ; is and will be able to maintaine it selfe a free City ; there concurring together with the wisedome of him that built it ; the valour of him that governes it . Secondly , this may happen thorough the condition of those , who without a Head joyne together to the founding of new Cities , for if they be pious and religious ; of quiet dispositions , not greedy of command , and such as have had their education in a Common-wealth , where they have learned rather to content themselves with equality , then to aspire to soveraignty : there is no doubt but they will rather set up a free estate , then a Regall ; as it was at the founding of Venice . Thirdly , it may happen by reason of their weakenesse who were the founders ; amongst whom there being none fit or worthy to be a King , they are all Commanders . For this reason ( though falsely ) Tarquinius speaking to the Thoscans and Veientanes , would have it , that the City of Rome was become a Republique : Se Regem augente bello , Romanum Imperium a Proximis scelerata Conjuratione pulsos eos inter se , quia nemo Vnus satis dignus Regno visus sit , partes Regni rapuisse .

These are the occasions by which it happens , that sometimes Cities in their beginnings are not governed by Kings : but because it is a thing that seldom hapens , we may well say ; that the first reason , why the greatest part of Cities , in their beginnings , are governed by Kings , is their founding : which without a head , can ill be done . A second reason we may take from the Inhabitants ; who in the beginning being but few ; are apt to tolerate the Regall Power : an instruction that Aristotle gives , Propter paucitatem enim hominum , non crat magmis memerus mediocri●… ; itaque pauci cum essent , multitudine & Institutione ; magis ferebant ab aliis gubernari : and this certainely Livie meant when he said ; that if Brutus had deposed any of the first Kings , while the multitude was yet unfit to beare any other government then the Regall ; the Common-wealth had thereby been Endangered . Dissipatae res nondum adultae Discordia forent , quas fovit tranquilla moderatio Imperii , eoque nutriendo perduxit , ut bonam frugem libertatis , maturis jane viribus ferre possit . A third reason and like unto this , may be taken from the difficulty to finde many in the first founding of a City , that are of ability and fit to governe : for which reason perhaps , Aristotle saith , Rex ab Initio repertus est , quia difficile erat , viros plures excellenti virtute reperiri . And so much the more , the City being then , ( as Lucius Florus saith ) in her childhood ; and consequently , wanton and given to pleasures ; and therefore had need of such a schoolmaster as a King is , to keep them in awe ; whom liberty else would soone corrupt . And to this purpose it is that Livie speaks , and that of the liberty of Rome . Quid enim futu●…m fuit , si illa Pastori●…m convenarumque plebs transfuga ex suis populis , sub tutela Inviolati Templi , aut libertateni aut certam impunitatem adepta , soluta Regio metu , agitare caepta esset Tribunitiis procellis . No man therefore ought to marvell , that our Lord God , in the time of the Mosaicall Law , never gave to the Hebrews a Common-wealth , as long as either immediately by himselfe ; or else by the meanes of Kings or Judges , he governed them in feare , under severe lawes ; where of when men came to be more perfect , he abated the rigour ; as Saint Austin excellently expresseth , saying , Deus Hebraeis diversa pro qualitate temporis , imposuit Praecepta ; erant enim sub lege quast puert sub Pedguogo incluse : and therefore Saint Paul saith , Sub lege custodiebamur in Christo , nutriens nos tanquam parvulos sub rigore & Diseiplina . The last reason is , because a City in its Beginning hath need of Lawes , which may better be given by one alone , then by a multitude ; where of Aristotle gives the reason , Quia Vnum nancisci & paucos facilius est quam ●…ltos qui recfe sentiant , & possint leges condere , & jus constituere .

Now having shewed , that not without just cause , the City of Rome was in its beginning governed by Romulus : it will not be amisse , to examine the scituation of the City , and therein to shew the Founders wisdome in the building it . First therefore the scite of a City , ( according to Aristotle ) ought neither to be too remote from the sea ; nor yet too neer it ; to the end , that by too much remotenes , it be not deprived of many commodities , which the Sea is wont to bring in ; and by too great neernesse , it be not exposed to the danger of suddaine assaults . Secondly , It ought to be in a good aire ; as the thing , which of all other , can most annoy us ; being continually , not onely about us , but taken into us . Thirdly , it ought to be in a place of plenty ; without which , there can never accrew any greatnesse to a City . Fourthly , it ought to be in a place , easie for carriage and bringing in of commodities . Fiftly and lastly , it ought to be in a place of advantage for assaulting its neighbours : and difficult it selfe to be assaulted . Now that Rome was scituated according to these rules of Aristotle , is related by Livie , where he saith : Non sine causa Dii hominesque hunc urbi condendae locum elegerant , saluberrimos colles ; here he shewes the goodnesse of the ayre : Flumen optimum quo ex Mediterraneis locis fruges advehantur . Here he shewes the facility of cariage , either by Land or Water . Mare vicinum ad commoditates ; nec expositum , nimia propinquitate ad pericula classium externarum Nationum : Here he shewes a neerenesse to the sea in respect of profit : and a remotenesse , in respect of danger . Italiae Medium ad Incrementuan urbis natum unice : Here he shewes the difficulty for being assaulted , by people farre off , being in the midst of Italy ; and by people neere hand , by reason of its own strength . We may therefore conclude : that a City built to grow great , cannot possibly have a more excellent scituation , ( according to Aristotle ) then Rome had .

Libertatem Lucius Brutus Instituit .

How the City of Rome came from being governed by Kings , to be a free State ; and what the difference is betweene a beginning and a cause . The second Discourse :

HAving shewed the causes for which the City of Rome , was in her first beginning governed by Kings : I conceave it to be no lesse necessary , to make inquiry how it hapned , that leaving that kind of government , it came under Brutus , to be a free State : and seeing , of the causes that may be alledged , ( setting them aside that are supernaturall ) some are Philosophicall , and some Politicall ; these consisting in the things done ; those in the order of number , and influences of the Heavens ; I say first , speaking as a Politician ; There are many of opinion , that this alteration of government in Rome , was caused by the ravishing of Lucretia , by Sextus Tarquinius : which opinion Aristotle seemes not much to decline ; while speaking of the causes , by which Monarchies and States come to be changed , he omits not to name for one , the lust and lasciviousnesse of the Prince : which ( as he shewes by many examples ) have been the cause of change in all kinds of Commonwealths and Monarchies . Others may say , that this change of government in Rome , proceeded from this , that Tarquinius had taken away all authority from the Senators ; and had by devises procured the utter abolishing of the Senate ; which also was the cause , that the Monarchy of Rome , passed afterwards from the house of the Caesars , into that of Galba . The cause likewise of the change in Syracusa , from a Monarchy to a popular State ; when Hieronymus not following the steps of his grandfather Hieron ; devested the Senate of all authority ; and was therefore by conspiratours most miserably slaine . For as the stomacke , which is the seat of naturall heat ; as long as it hath in it any little nourishment , leaves the body in peace and quiet ; but if it be altogether without , it then drawes nourishment from the head , and thereby oftentimes destroyes the body : so if the Senate have but some little authority left it , it then rests satisfied and contented ; but if it be wholly deprived of all authority , it then turnes head upon their head , and fals upon the Prince ; and oftentimes becomes the ruine of the City . And even this is one reason , that Octavius Augustus , after the death of Caesar , was able to continue in his Empire ; because he left to the Senate , part of that authority which Caesar had before abolished ; at least had plotted to abolish .

By the examples hitherto brought , I conceave it may be gathered , that these were the true Politicall causes , why the City of Rome , changed its regall government , to a free State ; but because to say but this , would be to confound beginnings with causes ; it is necessary to expatiate a little ; that so returning backe , I may leave no man uncapable of this truth .

We must therfore know , that between a beginning and a cause , there is great difference ; not speaking of them either Philosophically , or Theologically ; although in each of them , it might easily be shewed . In Theologie ; because the Father is the beginning of the Sonne ; and the Father and the Sonne , the beginning of the Holy Ghost ; yet neither the Father is cause of the Sonne , nor the Father and Sonne cause of the Holy Ghost , as Thomas Aquinas doth learnedly demonstrate . In Philosophy ; seeing Aristotle in his Physicks ; and in his books of Generation and Corruption , shews manifest difference , between beginnings and causes . But because Aristotle in distinguishing them , takes them not alwaies in the sense that we take them ; and oftentimes also confounds them ; as in his Metaphysicks ; where he shewes that a cause and a beginning , are as Ens and Vnum ; which are convertible one with the other ; and in another place affirmes , that all causes are beginnings : and in Divinity likewise the Greeke Fathers mingle oftentimes in the Persons of the Trinity , the causes with the beginnings : as Saint Gregory Nazianzen and others : we therefore in this place , will forbeare to speak of them , either Philosophically , or Theologically ; but will frame our Discourse , by way of actions ; shewing into how great errors those men have runne , who confound causes with beginnings : a thing which Tacitus is not guilty of , who in his History saying ; Struebat jam fortuna in diversa parte terrarum initia causas Imperii ; shewes plainly he knew that a cause and a beginning were not both one thing .

We may therefore take causes to be those that are in the understanding ; beginnings , those by whose meanes , that which is in the understanding is put in execution . And so a cause comes to be , the first in the intention ; and the last in execution ; a beginning , the last in the intention ; and the first , in execution .

This , Polybius well understood where he saith , Causae omnibus in rebus primae sunt ; Principia verò ultima causarum : equidem ita existimo , Principia dici Primas omnium actiones in rebus quae judicatae as deliberatae sunt ; causas verò quae judicium deliberationemque praecedant . And thereupon excellently well he saith , That the cause of the second warre of the Carthaginians with the Romans , was the indignation of Amilcar Hannibals father : who , though he were not overcome by Land of his enemies the Romans , yet the Carthaginian Forces being put to the worse by them , he thought it his best course to make peace , and to lay downe Armes for the present , reserving in his mind a perpetuall indignation ; which cncreased afterward by their threatning of warre , at such time as the Carthaginians distracted with other discords , and thereby not able to withstand them , lost Sardinia . Whereupon , Amilear incensed with a new indignation , had an intention to make warre upon them , many yeeres before Hannibal passed into Italy . These were the causes of the warre : but the beginnings of it were afterward the siege of Saguntum : and Hannibals passing over the River Hiber . So you see , the beginnings were not at the same time ; but were long before preceded by the causes .

To roturne now to our purpose , concerning the alteration of States : it is seldome seen , that the cause and the beginning happen both at one time . The cause that moved Caesar , to change the State in Rome ; was an impatience of equality ; which being borne and bred with him , was hastened in him , by the threatning of his enemies , pressing him to give over his Consulship , and to give an account of what he had done ; a thing of great difficulty and danger in Common-wealths , as was seen in the case of Scipio , of Furius Camillus , and others . But the beginning was his passing over the river Rubicon . So likewise the change which the Israelites made in the time of Samuel , from Judges to Kings ; had a beginning diverse from the cause ; there being in their hearts sometime before a desire of Kings , through an impatience of liberty , ( as writers hold ) which afterward tooke beginning from the injustice of the sons of Samuel .

The cause then that Rome came to be a free State , was Romulus , and the Citizens growing to perfection . Romulus , because he being sole King , made such lawes and ordinances in the State , that shewed he had more regard to prepare the Romans for liberty , then to establish the Monarchy to his successors : seeing he reserved to himselfe no other authority but to assemble the Senat ; nor other charge but to command the Army in time of warre . It may be said then , that either Romulus shewed but small signe of wisdome , to make ordinances contrary to himselfe ; whereof being afterward aware , he meant with a greater error , to take from the Senat that authority , which being now established , was soone after , the cause of his death . Or we may say , and better , that Romulus as having no children , had no desire to leave Rome under a Regall government ; and the City having none in it , but imperfit men , he had no power to leave it a free State ; untill by being governed first by one alone , they should learne to be able of themselves to hold that , which to come to know , they needed first , to be guided by a King . Just as swimming masters use to doe ; who beare a hand over them they teach , untill such time as they grow able to governe themselves ; and then they leave them at their owne liberty . This made Tyberius ( as Dion reports ) praise Augustus so much : though not without flattcry : saying , he had imitated those Physitians , who barring their Patient , the ordering of his own body ; they first restore the Body to health , before they allow him the ordering of it . Insomuch , that after the death of Romulus , the people not yet grown to perfection , there was not one man that once spake of liberty ; but all agreed to desire a King . Regem tamen omnes volebant ( saith Livy ) libertatis dulcedine nondum experta . It was not thus at the time of the Tarquins ; for the people being then growne to perfection , there was in the City good store of Common wealths men ; fitter to governe , then to be governed . And so came up this government most agreeable to nature ; which is ( as the Philosopher saith ) that he be commander of others who is wiser then others . And therefore Numa Pompilius needed no guard to safeguard his life ; seeing governments that are naturall , are a guard to themselves . From hence it was , that our Lord God , the first time he gave a King , ( as the holy Scripture saith ) Non erat similis ei in Israel ; meaning to shew , that he is not worthy to be ruler over others , who is not wiser then others . There being then in those times , such excellent men in the City of Rome , as ought rather to give then to take lawes from the Tarquines ; they had in them , an ardent desire , to obtaine that liberty in possession , which they had now prevented with merit . And therefore it appeares , that Junius Brutus , even from his youth , had this intention : for going with the sonnes of Tarquin to the Oracle , to aske which of them should be Lord of Rome , and the Oracle answering ; he that first should kisse his mother , he presently kissed the Earth ; and yet he knew not then , that Tarquin should ravish Lucretia . Now if this injury onely had beene the motive to Brutus , certainly then , as the injury came from a particular person ; so the revenge should rather have been taken upon that particular person , then upon the power Regall ; and yet we see the contrary happened : for Brutus in the oath which he caused his confederates to take , made this one part , not to suffer any to reigne ; not onely not the Tarquines , but not any other person whatsoever . Nec illos nec alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum . A manifest argument , that he had more desire , to abrogate the regall Power , then to vindicate the adultery . So much more , as the conspirators addressed themselves against the dignity rather then against the life of the offender . The cause then of this alteration in the state of Rome , was the Citizens spirits being grown to such perfection , that they could no longer tolerate Kings : and this no sooner then they were arrived at such perfection . In signe whereof , I consider amongst so many Kings as Rome had ; how onely Tully Ostillus , the predecessor of Tarquinius superbus , had the intention to make it a free state , which certainly had taken effect , if his death had not prevented it . Ac tam moderatum Imperium , tamen quia Vnius esset , deponere eum in animo habuisse , ni scelus liberandae patriae consilia agitanti interemisset . Which because we cannot ascribe to the onely goodnesse of Tullus ; seeing Numa Pompilius , a better man perhaps then he , never had any such thought : we must needs say , that Numa seeing the Citizens unfit for a republicke , set them in a way to that perfection , to which arrived under Tullus . It should be an easie matter , for such Citizens to conserve that liberty , which under a good Prince they had received . And here experience shewes that , which Aristotle speaking naturally , knew well in matters politicke ; for assigning the cause , why Power regall changeth oftentimes to a free State , he alledgeth no other reason , but the passing from imperfection to perfection : saying thus , Sed cum postea contingeret , ut plures pari virtute reperirentur , non amplius tolerarunt Regem ; sed commune quiddam quaerentes , respublicas constituêre .

Moreover , that the ordinances of Romulus had not been sufficient , if with it there had not concurred a perfection in the Citizens ; will be easily conceived , if we consider the case of Moses who was blamed by Jethro for ruling himselfe alone : I doe not beleeve it was , for that he did not judge well ; or for that , he tooke too great paines : but rather , for that he shewed not to be more intentive to strengthen his owne power , then to prepare for others the goodway ; of which this was the chiefe and first foundation ; Vt non aliter ratio constet quam si uni reddatur . And therefore , he appointed them a Senate , which by their authority , might serve to set the people in a way to know their owne good ; shewing them the way , with which being once acquainted , he might leave them afterward to walk in it of themselves : in such sort , that Moses no lesse then Romulus directed the Israelites the way to liberty ; but they , never attaining to know the way , as never comming ( I speake not in matters of Religion ) to that perfection , to which the Romans attained : as these could not endure Kings ; so those had no will to live in liberty ; for although they met with the same cause , extrinsecall ; yet they had not the same cause , intrinsecall ; which Moses well knew , when perceiving his death to approach , he made his prayer to God , that he would provide them a leader , to the end , that as sheep not knowing the way , if it be not shewed them by a shepheard , they might be by him directed . Provideat Dominus Deus spirituum , omnis carnis , hominem qui sit super multitudinem hanc ; ut possit exire & intrare ante ●…os , vel introducere , ne sint sicut oves sine ductore . And he that will more plainly see their imperfection , let him consider , that in the long absence of Moyses , they never demanded any other leader ; there being none amongst them sit to governe them ; but onely desired , that Aaron would make some Gods , Facnobis Deos qui nos pracedant . Whereupon for all the many beginnings the Israelites had , from which they might have taken occasion , to erect a Commonwealth ; yet they never did it : because as causes be not sufficient , if with them there concurre not beginnings ; so beginnings a●…e of no force , if they come not accompanied with causes ; and causes availenot neither , if they be not good . The death of Caesar was a beginning from which a Common wealth might have been erected ; but because it was grounded upon a cause that was not politicall , proceeding rather from the hatred and spleene against the Prince , then upon any mature judgement , or judicious counsaile ; it was not therefore sit , to bring them to a be free State . So when the Senatours killed Romulus ; they had by that a beginning of liberty : but it hapning upon the same occasion , as that of Caesar , they hardly had so much braine to agree among themselves to choose a King . So as when there concurre not causes , beginnings oftentimes are left unpursued : that I cannot but say , if Lucretia had been ●…avished by Romulus ; yet Rome for all that had never gotten liberty . It behooves therefore to take great heed , when there be occasions first , not to give the least cause of a beginning : and therefore the Ifra●… , being moved to demand a King , upon a very great occasion , namely their unfitnesse to suffer liberty ; they tooke for a beginning a most weake cause , namely the old age of Samuel ; and yet for all he could doe , in shewing them the burtheus of tyranny ; telling them as a Prophet , that instead of a King , they , should have a tyrant ; he could never perswade them to leave demanding a King . And therefore David , after his great sinne , knowing he had given the people great cause to rebell , avoyded all occasions , from which they might take never so weake a beginning ; and for this cause forbare to punish Joab , though provoked to it by just indignation ; and left the revenge of it , to his successor . Whereupon we may beleeve , that Tarquinius Superbus , and his sonne shewed little discretion , seeing so many worthy men desirous of liberty ; that they would give them occasion of beginning it : The one by taking away all authority from the Senat ; and other , and that more hainously , by ravishing Lucretia : considering that the insolency of the sonnes , makes alwaies the Prince himselfe odious , as Guicciardine relates of John Bentivoglio . And hereof we have a like example in the holy Scripture , of Hemor Hevaeus Prince of the Sichemites ; who lost his Kingdome , thorough the ravishment his sonne Sichem committed upon Dyna the daughter of Jacob and Lea : whereof the holy text in Genesis saith ; Egressa est autem Dyna filia Leae ut videret mulieres regionis illius ; quam cum vidisset Sichem filius Hemor Hevaei , Princeps terrae illius , adamavit eam , & rapuit , & dormivit cum illa ; vi opprimens virginem : and in the end of the Chapter , Arreptis duo filii Jacob Simeon & Levi , patris Dynae gladiis ; Ingressi sunt urbem considenter : Interfectisque omnibus masculis Emor & Sichem pariter necaverunt ; & depopulati sunt urbem in ultionem stupri . Thus the cause which gave the Romans occasion of a beginning , if we consider it of the sonnes part , may be conceived to be this ; that he was the first , that had ancestours in such height of greatnesse ; a thing that commonly puffes up men , and makes them proud ; as Galba said speaking of Nero , Si ante oculos Nero , quem longa C●…sarum serie tumeutem ; and therefore the first that arrive to any heighth of greatnesse ; they alwaies endeavor to shunne contempt ; but their successours , while they give themselves to pleasures , in that very time , they make themselves contemptible ; and give occasion to others to oppresse them . Which Aristotle expressely teacheth us , where he saith , Plerique eorum qui Dominationes adepti sunt , eas usque ad extremum conservaverunt ; sed qui ab illis susceperunt , confestim ut ita dixerim , perierunt omnes ; in voluptatibus enim viventes efficiantur facile contemnendi ; ac multas perhibent occasiones opprimendi sui . This was the very cause of altering the Principality of the Acheans ( as Polybius relates ) for that Principality having had beginning in the vertues of Tisamenes , the sonne of Orestes ; It had ending in the vices of the successours of Ligius , Postea vero moleste ferre Regnum coeperunt , quia filii ligii non jam legitime , sed per Tyramtidem Provinciam gubernarent .

And this is so true , as both Aristotle affirmes , and is confirmed by experience ; that the first purchasers of a power , doe for the most part maintaine it ; and that in their successours it commonly vanisheth ; that I cannot choose but make a little digression , to shew the reasons of it : The first is , because they who acquire any thing with labour , account and love it as an issue of their owne : and therefore use as much diligence in keeping it , as they tooke paines in getting it ; from whence it is , as Plato intimates , that those men are commonly the greatest lovers of riches , who by their owne industry have been the getters : and therefore our Lord God in Esay , promising infinite contentments and exaltations to his people , in giving the reason of this so great happinesse ; he saith , Dominabitur ●…ui qui fecit te . A second reason , and perhaps a better is , because they who first acquire an estate , must needs doe it by way of some eminency ; either of subtilty , or wit , or force , or such like ; wherein excelling others , they shew themselves in that kind , to be more vertuous then others , as Aristotle in the first of his Politicks saith ; that to overcome , is not without vertue ; and seeing Empires are easily kept by those arts , by which they are acquired , Nam Imperi●… facile iis artibus retinetur , ( saith Salust ) quibus à principio partumest ; it will be an easie matter , for him that hath acquired it , seeing he must necessarily acquire it by way of vertue , by the same way to maintaine it . Whereas his successors very seldome succeed him in vertue ; and easily loose that , for the getting whereof , they have taken no paines . A third reason is , because he who riseth first to a power , contents himselfe with every little authority ; as Aristotle saith , Contigit autem hoc maxime , post mutationes rerum publicarum : Non nine statim mutantur ; sed contenti sunt ab initio homines , parva concessione potentiae : Whereupon it ought not to seem strange ; but rather it is ascribed to the Prince , for a great favour , that which oftentimes he grants for his owne security ; and all that , wherein one hath more power then others , yet arrogates no more to himselfe then others ; is received of subjects , as so much given them . Where the successours commonly have more pride and lesse vertue , then their predecessours : and think not themselves Princes , if they raise not their owne authority by depressing of others ; as Hieronymus did in Syracusa ; and as feroboane when he said , Grossior est minimus digitus meus , dorso patris mei . And this is so much more distastfull to subjects , to see themselves more restrained by him , that hath lesse worthinesse ; that it seemes to invite them to conspiracies ; as to the one , and the other of those before mentioned , it happened . A fourth and last reason is , because those men who come newly to a power , are commonly suspitious of loosing it againe ; and therefore doubting their owne children , they are contented to see them plunged in vices ; and estranged from the love of the subjects ; whereupon , they comming afterward to the Principality , cannot choose but run a hazard .

But to returne from whence I digressed ; the cause why Tarquinius used such cruelty to the Senate , which made them so much desire liberty ; was in my opinion , because Ancus Martius was preferred before him ; and therupon conceiving great indignation against the Senators & people ; & coming afterward to the government ; he meant to be revenged upon them with bridling them a little . And such men should never be made Emperours , as from whom there can be nothing expected , but effects of cruelty . An instruction which Cornelius Tacitus gives us ; while discoursing of the causes , why the Romans speaking of a successor to Augustus by reason of his approaching death , would not have Agrippa Postbumus , mentions this as the chiefe , Trucem Agrippam & Ignominia accensum : For Tiberius being preferd before him in the lifetime of Augustus ; and having suffered banishment in the Iland of Pianosa ; he was full of spleene and indignation ; which no doubt he would have shewed , if he had ever come to be Emperour . For this very cause also Otho misliked the election which Galba made , and was doubtfull of Piso ; Ingenio trucem , & longo exilio efferatum .

The Beginning then of the change of government in Rome , to speake as a Politician , was the lasciviousnesse of Lucius Tarquin ; and the pride of his father : but the causes were , the ordinances of Romulus , and the perfection of the Cittizens .

But to speake of the causes as a Philosopher ; we may assigne two ; answerable to that which Aristotle relates to have been the opinion of Plato ; one from the influence of the Heavens , the other from numbers . As for the first of these ; by reason of the uncertainty of the yeeres , and perhaps of the Art , I take not upon me , with any probability to discourse ; and therefore passing to the other , which is number : Plato saith , that the number of seven , hath great operation in the changes of Commonwealths , which may first be observed in the Commonwealth of our body ; wherein from seven to seven there is a contiuall change ; and there want not examples hereof in all kinds of government ; as we may see in Esay , in feromy , in Damel , in Saint Matthew , in the Sabbatisme , in the Monarchy of Cain , & in so many other places ; that we must needs beleeve this number to beare a great sway in changes generally , as by others before me hath been observed ; yet considering it as to my purpose , it hath not perhaps by any been observed but now by my selfe , that to the foresaid causes of the change of government in Rome , this of the number of seven may also be added , seeing after seven Kings , ( as every one knowes ) it came to be a free state ; yet I meane not that numbers can enforce , but onely incline , as instruments of that Almighty God , who Omnia posuit innumero , pondere & Mensura .

A Parallell between the conspiracy of Marcus Brutus against Caesar , and that of Lucius Brutus against Tarquin : whereby we may see why the one brought in libertie ; the other , tyranny . The third Discourse .

HAving shewed Rome at last came to be a free state , by meanes of the conspiracy of Lucius Brutus against the Tarquines ; I conceive it necessary to examine , why the conspiracy of Marcus Brutus against Caesar , having been moved with the same intention , yet wrought not the same effect ; and no better way to come to know it , then by comparing them together .

Many things are wont to concurre in favour of an action ; whereof some are antecedents , and give it as it were birth ; other are concomitant , and give it nourishment ; others againe are subsequent , and procure it strength .

The action of Brutus in killing Tarquin , was aided by the three foresaid things , to make Rome a free state ; First the ordinances of Romulus , which tended rather to bring in liberty , then to preserve a Monarchy : then the aptnesse of the Cittizens , who now grown fit of themselves to governe , could no longer endure to be governed by others ; and lastly the insolency and proud tyranny of Tarquin , so extreamely distastfull to all the Citizens . Thus Romulus set them in a way ; the perfection of the Cittizens made them fit ; and the insolency of the Tarquines made them desirous . Now if we looke upon the action of Marcus Brutus in killing Caesar ; we shall finde there were all the three causes too ; but because they were contrary , they therefore brought forth a contrary effect . The first was the domination of Cinna , of Sylla , of Pompey and of Marcus Crassus : who set the City in a way , and made it plyant to tolerate Monarchy . The second was the imperfection of the Citizens , which was growne so great , that where Rome had sometimes been a City much honoured for vertue ; it was now become through evill custome , most abhominable . Thirdly , there concurred the great clemency and goodnesse of Caesar ; with which he had gotten and tied unto him the hearts of the people ; so as , instead of the ordinances of Romulus , to set them in a way of liberty ; there praeceded here the waies of Marius and others , to lead them into servitude . In stead of perfection of the Citizens , which made them fit to live a free people ; there concurred here imperfection , which made them good for nothing but to live in bondage ; and where in the one there concurred the cruelty and Pride of the Tarquines , to make them desire liberty ; in the other , there concurred the affability and clemency of Caesar , to make them content with servitude .

Now againe if we come to speake of the causes concomitant , there were three things concurred in ayd of the conspiracy against the Tarquins . First , the ravishing of Lucretia ; sufficient of it selfe , as a publique injury , to cause a publique insurrection . And therefore Virginius speaking against Appius Claudius , who would have ravished his daughter , said to the people , with a purpose to set them in commotion ; Illis enim quoque filias , sorores , conjuges esse ; sed quo impunitior sit , eo effraenatiorem fore , aliena calamitate documentum datum illis cavendae similis injuriae . Secondly , the just indignation of Lucius Brutus against Tarquinius . Thirdly , his acquainting the people with his intention : letting them know the causes that moved him ; and so , they having a part in the conspiracy , could not choose but approve it ; and having a part in the danger , not choose but maintaine it . Thus the adultery committed with Lucretia , gave a color to the conspiracy : the just indignation of Lucius Brutus , set a glosse upon the Authour ; the communicating it to the people , made them a party in the cause , and facilitated the action . Now in the fact of Marcus Brutus against Caesar , there concurred the many favours and graces which the Prince had alwaies shewed to all ; the many benefits which Marcus Brutus had received , the murder committed in the Senate , without the peoples knowledge ; and where the ravishing of Lucretia ; gave a colour to the banishing of the Tarquins ; the favours of Caesar discovered the ill intention of the conspirators ; and where in the one , the offence done to Lucius Brutus , set a glosse of praise upon the authour : in the other , the benefits bestowed by Caesar , set a blot of ignominy upon Marcus Brutus , and made him hatefull to all the people : and where the Commons being made partakers of the conspiracy against the Tarquins , conceived it was done for the publicke good ; here the Commons knowing nothing of the matter , conceaved it was done for private profit . Lastly , if we looke to the things subsequent ; we shall also in them finde great contrariety . For after the death of the Tarquins , first , there followed an easing the people of taxations ; and a maintaining them in plenty , to the end they might tast the benefit of liberty ; secondly , they put to death those Noblemen , that had been adherents to the Tarquines ; to the end they might be made sure for making innovation . Thirdly , they extinguished the whole race of the Tarquins , to the end they might be out of feare , of the States ever comming to any of them againe . And thus they secured themselves from the people , from the Nobility , and from the blood Royall . Now after the death of Caesar , all things were cleane contrary : First , where in that case , the benefit of liberty was made appeare to the people : Here Antonius with a most eloquent Oration , reading Caesars Will , wherein he had given a great Donative to the people ; made them sensible , how much more it would be for their profit to have a Prince . Secondly , where in that case , the partakers were all put to death ; here , they were all left living . Thirdly , where in that case , there were Armies levied against the line of the Tarquines ; to the end , they might never be able to recover the government : here , Armies were levied in ayd of Augustus , to the end , he might more easily make himselfe Prince . Let no man therefore marvell , if where the intention was equall , yet the successe was not equall ; by reason of the difference , and inequa lity of the accidents . I have omitted in this discourse some other differences , that were between these two conspiracies ; meaning to speake of them in another place .

Pompeii Crassique Potentia cito in Caesarem , Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere .

That the power of a few cannot consist in any number better then in three . The fourth Discourse .

THe Common-wealth of Rome , leaving the government of one , and passing by the number of two , where it stayed a while under Marius and Sylla ; setled at last in the number of three : the first time under Caesar , Crassus , and Pompey ; the second time , under Anthony , Lepidus and Augustus . Which how much better it was , then to have stayed in two ; every one may know , that will but consider , either Philosophically , or Theologically , or Politically , what great force there is in the number of three , for the conservation and union of things . Indeed Aristotle had no better way to shew the necessity of the Materia Prima , then this ; seeing there being a forme and a privation which are two ; it was never possible they should be united together , but in a third : in which , and by which they might be conjoyned . Also the schoole of Theophrastus , contented not it selfe , to deliver for Principles , Radicall moysture , and Naturall heate ; knowing , that two alone are destructive ; but he added a third ; that is , salt and cold , and dry ; to the end , that with cold he might associate Radicall moysture ; and with the dry , Naturall heate ; and consequently make a perfect union of the three , that is Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury . It is therefore no marvell , if Divines also make a Trinity in the Deity , not only a Father and a Sonne , but also a Holy Ghost : who ( as many of them say ) unites the Father with the Sonne ; and it is very convenient , that from that Essence which is one , there should come three , a child of unity . Againe , if we examine it Politically why three should be conservative ; we shall finde it manifest of it selfe ; because if one of the three should aspire to be sole Prince ; presently the other two would joyne and oppose , and utterly frustrate his designe . And if two of the three should grow at variance , the third would either by interposing reconcile them ; or standing neuter , as onely a looker on , they would grow friends of themselves ; for feare least the other should reape the benefit of their victory . And therefore Aristotle found fault with Plato for making a Commonwealth to consist of only Prince and People , and consequently of only two formes : saying it had been much better , to have made it to consist of three ; which yet to many seems a Paradox ; because as multiplying of good , makes a more good ; so multiplying of evill , makes alwaies a more evill . And why then would he rather have three corruptions then two ? for no other cause as I conceave , but that he would plainly shew he knew the number of three to be conservative ; and the number of two , destructive ; there being nothing that more ruines Cities , then to be divided into two without a third ; as Aristotle in many places shews : and praising that City for the best , which is full of middling sorts of men ; for no other cause , but because there are in it the three ; that is , rich , poore , and of a middling ranke ; and shewes that where these are not , it is impossible a City should continue . To come then to a Monarchy , it was of necessity , that the number of three should be destroyed ; and to destroy three , It was of necessity , either by encreasing it to bring it to foure ; or by abating it , to bring it to two ; just as the apostate Lucifer , would have done to divide and destroy the heavenly Monarchy ; when leaving the circumference founded upon the divine Center , he framed another higher Circle founded upon the center of himselfe , bringing the one to two ; which because it could not continue , he was therefore cast into Hell : where seeking againe to destroy the Divine Monarchy , by bringing it to two ; he perswaded Eve to eat the forbidden fruit . We may say then , that as long as the number of three stood firme in Crassus , Caesar , and Pompey , So long the government came not to be a Monarchy ; but as soon as Crassus died , and that the number came from three to two , there presently grew dissention between Caesar and Pompey , till Caesar at last made himselfe sole Emperour . Likewise in the Triumvirate of Augustus , none of them was so hardy as once to stirre : but Lepidus being gone out of the three , there fell discord between Mark Anthony and Augustus ; who by the death of the other , remained sole Emperour . It is therefore no marvell that the Jewes , seeing the government of Judges was to come to two , under the sonnes of Samuel , demanded a King ; considering that two and foure which proceeds from the same root , is no lesse a child of the divell ; then three and one which is the root of it , is the child of God . And therefore God blessed not the second day ; and in the creation , the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Moses , makes mention of three things ; the Heaven , the Earth , and the waters . Which perhaps moved Plato in his Timaeus , to make three Elements , three and one being union ; two and foure , dis-union .

Cuncta Discordiis civilibus fessa , nomine Principis subimperium accepit .

Of what kind of Discord the Authour intends to speake . The fifth Discourse :

BEing by occasion of this passage , of necessity to speake of discords ; and oftentimes to commend them , though with some distinction : I cannot omit to explaine my meaning ; which is , that where I affirme , discords fit to be fomented ; I mean alwaies amongst the enemies of the Christian faith ; amongst whom discords are of such benefit , that the Prophet Abacuck in expresse termes saith : Fluvios scindes terrae ; which S. Hierome expounding saith , Reges terrae adversum populum tuum dimicantes divides & disperges . For in holy Scripture , by Rivers oftentimes are meant Kings : because as rivers watering the fields in fit time and place , make them fruitfull ; or otherwaies with unseasonable overflowing , destroy them : so Kings with the sweetnesse of justice , increase ; or otherwise , with unmeasurable cruelty , overthrow the Kingdome . The Prophet therefore desires , that the Princes of the Earth may be divided , meaning such Princes , as make a God of earthly things ; to the end , that by such division , they may more easily be overthrown : there being nothing more hurtfull , not only to the good , but even to the wicked themselves , then the concord of the wicked . As S. Austin declares it , where he saith , Sicut multum nocet discordia inter bonos ; ita valde dolendum est , quando mali pacifice vivunt ; quando vero discordant , tunc mundus aliqualiter tranquillatur : Nam sicut concordia malorum contraria est concordiae bonorum ; ita optandum est , quod boni pacem habeant , & mali discordes sint : nam per discordiam , mali aliquando optimi efficiuntur ; cognoscentes quid sint , & quid erunt . From these words it may be clearely gathered , that it is as great a good to put discord between the wicked , as to preserve union between the good : and therefore Abraham in his Sacrifice , divided the Goat and the Ram , but the Turtle-dove and the Pigeon he divided not : of which Saint Austin speaking saith ; that by this , the Holy Ghost would intimate , that carnall men should be divided between themselves : but good and spirituall men should be kept in unity : of whom the Prophet Esay speaking , after he had said , Et fluent ad eum omnes gentes he addes , Non exercebuntur ultra ad praelium : as if he would say , that between the good , there shall be alwaies peace . And therefore the Dove returning into the Arke , brought in her mouth an Olive branch ; to shew , that the peace between good men ought to be perpetuall : as the leaves of the Olive which are never dry ; or as the Oyle which gets by time , not lesse perfection , but more purity . Let peace therefore be kept amongst the good , and let discord be raised amongst the wicked ; imitating the discretion of Physitions , who divide and cut off corrupt members : but preserve and keep united , the sound . Whereupon our Lord God in S. Matthew , hath left written : Non veni mittere pacem , sed gladium : which place S. Chrysostome expounding , saith : Quia videlicet praecipua singularisque Pax tunc praestatur ; quando quod tabo vel sanie corruptum est abscinditur , at que projicitur , quando factiosa & improba pars repellitur aut omnino destruitur : sic certe coelis terra conjungi potest . Nam & medicus hoc modo reliquum corpus conservat facile ; si quod reduci ad sanitatem non potest , ceciderit atque abjecerit , & militiae Dux ad solvendam militum conspirationem , alterum in alterum concitat So did God in the Tower of Babel : So did S. Paul in the conspiracy plotted against him ; and this may suffice for declaration of my meaning .

Now as to our purpose ; seeing discords may be divided into internall , & externall : Internall , between Citizens of the same City : External , between one City & another : because it is a subject no lesse large then difficult ; I will divide it into foure discourses : In the frist , I wil handle whether an external war with the enemies of the Christian faith , be the best meanes to hinder internall discords amongst Christians . In the second , in what manner , and at what time discords should be raised with the enemies of our faith , for our most advantage . The third shall shew , what discords they are , that serve to uphold the formes of states . In the last I will shew , that by reason of our imperfection , there is necessary a certain discord , which may be called a Concord .

Whether an externall warre with the enemies of the faith , be the best meanes to hinder internall discords among Christians . The sixth Discourse .

ARistotle in his Politicks seemes to thinke , that feare may be a great means to uphold Common-wealths ; where he saith , Conservantur autem Respublicae non solum ex eo , quia procul sunt a periculis , sed etiam interdum , quia propinquae sunt ; homines enim formidantes , vigilantius intendunt ad reipublicae custodiam : Itaque oportet eos , qui rempublicam salvam esse volunt , formidines quasdam ut caveant neque dissolvant , quasi nocturnam quandam custodiam reipublicas observationem . Whereupon , many are perswaded , that a forraine warre is the onely meanes to maintaine peace at home . And Sallust having an eye to this , saith , Metus bostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat And the Romanes as long as they had Carthage for an opposite , were free all that while from civill war ; and therefore Scipio Nasica , accounted the wisest man of his time , and as such chosen by the City , to have the keeping of the Mother of the Gods in his house , as the Oracle had commanded ; gave counsell that by no meanes Carthage should be destroyed , Timens inf●… animis ( saith S. Austin ) hostem securitatem : & tanquam pupillis civibus tutorem necessarium videns esse Terrorem : and in a manner with the same words hath Livy intimated the same conceit , Disciplina erat custos infirmitatis , qua inter validiores optime Timor continet . And therefore the Athenians ( as Plato relates ) never attained to greater perfection , then when the Persians assailed Greece . But yet this Rule , as many other in the Politicks , though it be sometimes good ; yet is not to be trusted alwaies and in generall : for a Politician in this case must doe as a Physician : apply to one complexion one medicine ; and to another , a divers ; and oftentimes to the same Patient ; in diversity of diseases , diversity of medicines : and more then this , to the same Patient in the same disease , apply diverse medicines according to diversity of times . And therefore Vindicianus the Physitian ( as S. Austin relates ) having given a medicine to a sicke friend of his , at that time it healed him ; but after some yeeres the same man falling again into the same disease ; and using , without farther counsell of his Physician , the former medicine , it did him no good ; whereat marvelling and asking Vindicianus the cause , he answered , Quod non intellexerat videlicet●… illi aetati jam non hoc se fuisse facturum : and the reason is , because we must not so much consider , that the person which useth the medicine is the same ; as that the time is diverse ; and if the diversity of time be of so great moment ; of what moment is the diversity of individuals ? We may therefore conclude with Aristotle in many places of his Ethicks ; that in things belonging to particulars , there cannot be given any Rule universall .

I will therefore distinguish men , and consequently Cities ; seeing Cities are nothing else , but a communion of men assembled together to live well , as the Philosopher defines them : afterward , I will divide the times : and lastly , the formes of states .

Of men , some are quiet , some turbulent , some addicted to Merchandise , some to study : so of Cities , whether by any power of the Ayre , or of the influence of the starres , some one is full of sharpe wits , fit for merchandizing ; others of stout spirits , fit for Armes : some have ordinances which lead them in a way of peace ; others , of warre : sometimes they are both by nature and art of so strong a scituation , that in regard of their difficulty to be assaulted , they are altogether carelesse of Military profession .

In this last case , it will be an easie matter to maintain peace at home , to which they are either called by nature , or ayded by art ; and especially if the inhabitants shall give themselves to such exercises , which keepe men from dissentions . But if the Citizens be of stout natures and imperfect , ( I meane not in essence ; for I well know by divinity , that every creature , in its essence is perfect , ) it will then be necessary there should be feare : and this S. Austin meant when he said , Infirmis animis hostem securitatem : and there is good reason for it ; for if they feare to be overcome of an Enemy , they will strive to overcome their own will ; and take for a master , the feare of vertue . And therefore our Lord God , when he gave Joshua the Land of Promise ; as he had promised to Abraham , Isaac , and Jacob : yet he destroyed not all enemies , but left a part of the Land in the power of the Philistines : and others , mentioned in the Booke of Joshua ; and this he did , as knowing that the Imperfection of that people , whom the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Moyses , cals Gens durae cervicis ; could not better be upheld and kept , then by the feare of enemies . And this the Holy Ghost expresseth likewise in the booke of Judges ; where speaking of those Nations which remained in the Land of Promise , he saith , Hae sunt Gentes , quas dereliquit Dominus ut erudiret in eis Israelem . It is therefore no marvell , that our Lord God , knowing the weaknesse of Ada●… , as soon as he saw him fall into the imperfection of sin ; to the end he should not commit the like errour againe , presently put him in the midst of discords and enmities : when he said to the serpent , Inimicitias ponam inter te & mulierem , & semen tuum & semen illius : and for this cause it is , that he hath left to the Catholique Church so great adversaries , as himselfe expresseth in S. Matthew ; In signe whereof , he would not suffer the servants to pull up the Tares , but would have them to be let to grow with the Corne ; least plucking up the one , they should withall root out the other . Now for those Cities , where the Citizens are given to merchandise , they by all meanes ought to shun warre , as being things of very different nature , to stand in the shadow writing Bils of account ; and to endure heat and cold , fighting in the field ; as S. Thomas teacheth us where he saith , Est otiam Negotiationis usus contrarius quamplurimum exercitio Militari ; Negotiatores onim dum umbram colunt , a laboribus vacant ; & dum fruuntur delitiis , molleseunt aninto ; & corpora redduntur debilia ad labores Militares inepta .

But if Cities be so formed with Lawes , that they have better meanes to make resistance in warre , then to conserve themselves in Peace ; in this case , it will be necessary to have warre with forraine Nations , to maintaine peace in their own Nation ; otherwise it will runne a manifest hazzard to be ruined , as it happened to the Lacedemonians , of whom Aristotle saith , Ad partem enim virtutis tota ordinatio illarum legum contendit , scilicet Bellicam ; haec autem utilis ad victoriam consequendam ; Itaque salvi erant bellum gerentes ; peribant vero , rerum potiti ; quoniam nec oti●…n agere , nec quicquam aliud exercere sciebant praestabilius , quam rem Militarem . And therefore the City of Rome which was formed by Lawes and Ordinances , to enlarge it selfe , and grow greater by warre ; no sooner laid down Armes with Enemies , but it tooke them up with friends ; that having none at last with whom to contend , it contended with it selfe ; and became overthrown by its own forces . And therefore Livy saith , Nulla magna civitas diu quiescere potest ; si foris hostem non habet , domi invenit , ut praevalida corpora ab externis causis tuta videntur , sed suis ipsa viribus onerantur . But if they have Lawes and Ordinances to live in peace , their best course is to hold them to peace .

The second division we brought before , was of times ; which may be divided into two : One , wherein warre hath been but of late : the other , wherein peace hath been long : if peace hath been long , why should we take any other course , and not continue peace still ? but if our case be the former , it will then be ne cessary to maintaine at least some face of warre ; be cause as all habits whether of body or mind , are hard to be left ; so spirits once grown fierce with warre , when they want meanes to exercise their fiercenesse upon enemies with honour , will hardly be kept from using it upon friends though with shame . Thus it fell out ( that I may keep me to Tacitus ) amongst the Suevians and the Cherusci , people of Germany ; who after the departure of the Romans , being secure from forrain enemies , they then , out of the custome of waging warre , and desire of glory , turned their Armes upon their friends at home : and therefore Tacitus saith , Sed Suevi praetendebantur auxilium adversus Cheruscos orantes ; nam discessis Romanorum , ac vacui externo metu , gentis adsuetudine , & tunc aemulatione Gloriae , arma in se verterant . So the Romans most stout and warlike from the time of Scipio Nasica untill the birth of our Saviour , being in a manner quiet abroad , were in continuall warre at home ; and the peace which they came to at last was under a Prince ; where of Tacitus saith , Post haec Pax quidem , sed cruenta : because it was under Augustus , who finding the City tyred with discords , made himselfe sole Lord : whereupon S. Austin speaking of those times saith , Eaque libido dominandi quae inter alia vitia generis humani immoderatior inerat Populo Romano postquam in paucis potentioribus vicit , obtritos fatigatosque caeteros etiam jugo servitutis oppressit . And this of may be rendered many causes : the first is , because in Cities used long to warre , the people , at least great part having no other occupation , give themselves to be souldiers ; and if they faile of that imployment , they must necessarily either sterve for want of victuals , or else stirre up discords and seditions ; that so under one side or other , they may get a living . Et ex civili praelio ( saith Tacitus ) Spem majorum praemiorum . Not being possible , that souldiers accustomed to gaine by warre , should be content with peace , as Dion excellently observed in Caesar ; and therefore Livy saith , Mercenarii milites pretia militiae casura in Pace , aegrè ferebant . Whereupon Salomon , seeing that the greater part of his people having in Davids time been accustomed to continuall warre , and had not any other trade of living , would of necessity be forced to die for hunger , he therefore , though now in peace , would not disband them , but kept them still in Armes ; as it is written in the Booke of the Kings ; knowing there is nothing , that sooner makes men Rebell , then to have their Trade taken from them , by which they gaine their living : and therefore when S. Paul spake of destroying the Temple of Diana in Ephesus ; those Silver-smithes who lived by making such Images , presently rose up in Armes , and were ready to have killed him . So also it was , when S. Paul healed the woman possessed ; because Magnum quaestum faciebat Domino suo : from hence it is , that it will alwaies be impossible to breake the Uscocchi , from using pyracy ; seeing they have no other trade , by which to live . The second cause may be taken from the Nobility ; who will easily be moved to raise discords in time of peace ; by reason of a habit , which as it is produced by many Acts iterated , so it necessarily produceth iterated acts , and also by reason of that desire of greatnesse , which alwaies accompanies the Nobility ; and againe , by reason of the skorn it takes at equality , and much more at servitude : which is so much harder to be endured , as superiours , in peace are harder to be dealt with . Revocante Nobilitate ( saith Tacitus ) cur in pace durius servitium ?

Having now divided Cities and Times ; It remaines , that we divide the formes of States : which as to our purpose are of three sorts ; Monarchy , Optimacy , and Popular . The Common-wealth of the Optimates , either hath under it many Cities and Kingdomes , as Rome and Carthage had ; and at this day , Venice hath ; or they have but some few Cities , as the Athenians , the Spartans and others : or lastly , they have but only one City ; as Pisa in times past : and Lucca , and many free Cities at this present . The first forme of Common-wealth , which is that which hath Kingdomes under it ; either it useth to wage warre with its own Armes , as the Romans ; or with forraine Armes , as the Carthaginians : if it use and be able to wage warre with its own Forces , then either we speake of warre farre off , as of the Romans with the Carthaginians ; or of warre in their own state , as of the Romans with the Thuscans . If the case be of warre farre off , waged with their own Forces , this will be the Treacle of civill discords . First , because those who are likely to move them , may under colour of honours , be sent to the warres abroad , and spirits that are warlike , are willing enough of themselves to goe where there is fighting , though without any such colour . Thus it was with the Romans , ( as Livy relates ) who sending forth the hottest spirits of their youth to the warres abroad , they in the meane time remained quiet in Rome . Consules educta ex urbe Juventute , tranquilliorem caeteram turbam fecerunt . And even by this way , not onely all feare of civill discord will be taken away ; which onely proceeds from unquiet spirits ; but also all suspition of any rebellion in the subject Cities : as well because they will be weakned both in men and money , by levying Auxiliary souldiers : as also because they will be kept in aw by an Army in the field . But it must be here observed , that they make not then too dangerous a warre , where their whole Forces must be imployed , for then the subject people will be apt to rebell ; as the Thuscanes , who seeing the Romans busied in a warre with their whole Forces , they then fell to rebell .

Now if we speake of a warre neere home , either it is some slight warre , or else some warre of moment . If but a slight warre , it ought to be nourished with all endeavour ; as the Romans did with the Genouese , making use of that warre , as of a Military schoole ; but if it be a warre of moment , and neere the State , it ought to be avoyded by all meanes possible . The reason is , because the Cities that are subject to a Common-wealth , doe all with an ill will beare their yoak : in confirmation whereof , Tacitus saith , Neque Provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant . As long as Hanniball made his warre farre off from Rome , although he obtained many victories , yet not so much as any one Castle , ( as Polybius relates ) rebelled against Rome : but when he got his victory at Trasimene , and by consequence not farre from Rome , all at once rebelled : and yet for all the overthrows they had had in Sicily , in the firme Land , and at Sea , they never made the least signe of revolt . The like happened to the Venetians , after the overthrow they received at Geradada . It is therefore no marvell , that Agathocles being besieged in Syracusa , and not able to endure the siege ; when by reason of his tyranny every one rebelled against him : No marvell I say , that not able to endure the warre in his own state , he removed it to the Carthaginians in Affricke ; as knowing , that Cities subject to Common-wealths , doe with an evill will endure their yoke : and his enterprise tooke effect as he desired . These Commonwealths therefore , by all means possible ought to shun a warre neere home .

But where the custome is to wage warre with forraine Armes ; there all kind of warre , whether neere home , or farre off , is to be shunned . Because mercenary Armes are insatiable , licentious , and for the most part , either they never finish a warre ; or once finished , they cannot be gotten away againe , without destroying and making spoile in the Countrey . Or else with mutinies put the Cities in danger . It was a good invention , which Glisco Generall of the Carthaginian Army in Africk used ; after the warre was ended with the Romans ; for knowing the ill condition of a mercenary Army , he thought to send the souldiers home to Carthage , by little and little : in such sort , that the first might be gotten home to their own houses , before the others should recover the City ; a judicious conceit , but which seldom takes effect : because oftentimes the souldiers perceive it , and will not be divided ; as it happened with the Switzers in times past : and sometime , though they be divided , yet it hath no good issue : as it happened to the Carthagenians , whose Cities all at once rebelled ; and Carthage it selfe was not farre from loosing . And in truth , they then perceived , how dangerous a thing it is , to wage warre with mercenary forces ; whereupon for this cause , when Scipio afterward came into Africk ; they knowing themselves to be no matches for the Romans , to be able to wage warre at their owne home , Suant plebem imbellem in urbe ( saith Livy ) Imbellem in agris esse , mercede parari auxilia . These Commonwealths therefore ought rather to keep themselves from discord , by imploying their Cittizens in merchandising , in governments and Offices , and by not suffering the quiet spirits to grow turbulent , northe turbulent to stay in Cities , where the people ought to be kept without Armes : Imitating herein , the Carthagenians rather then the Romans .

Now if we come to speake of those Common wealths , that have but few , or but one City under them ; in this case they ought by all possible meanes to seek to preserve peace , as the Switzers , the Lucchesi , and such others do , being very obnoxious for such , to become a prey to the more potent , as it hath alwaies happened to the Athenians , to the Lacedemonians , and the Genouesi . From hence it is , that the King of France , to preserve the Commonwealth of the Swizzers , hath alwaies procured to quench that fire , which some have endeavoured to kindle for their ruine . And if any object , that the Commonwealth of Rome , when it was yet but little , not only maintained it selfe , but grew greater by the means of warre ; I answer , that in that time the States in Italy were not great , as now they are ; and from hence may be drawn a reason , why the Athenians , and the Lacedemonians were never able to get further then their first bounds , without endangering their state ; and Rome was able to make it selfe Lord of a great part of the World ; and it is , because the one were environed with two mighty adversaries ; the other , with many , but weake ones .

Lastly , to give a generall rule ; all those Common-wealths whose ordinances tend rather to conservation then augmentation ; ought to use any other means to keep themselves from discords at home , rather then warre .

It remaines to speak of a Kingdome , which is either setled and naturall ; or else dangerous and new : if we speake of that which is naturall , I account that to live in peace as well abroad as at home , is both necessary and easie , especially in our times , wherein Cities and Kingdomes are without the least blemish of tyranny , all governed by Princes just and pious : and this the rather ought to be done , because in peace , the wits of men are cultivated ; their manners refined , good Arts flourish , merchandising is lesse dangerous , and plenty of all things easily maintained . And therefore in Esay it is said , Conflabunt glaclios suos in vomeres ; which means nothing else , but that peace causeth the earth to be manured , and riches easily to be encreased . Whereupon the Ancients feyned , that the God of riches was nursed by peace .

Now to Kingdomes that are new , and not well setled , every thing is dangerous , whether it be of peace or warre ; but warre , perhaps lesse ; as bringing with it but one danger : which is , that the Army being in the hand of a Generall , the Empire seemes to be in his power . As Tiberius doubted , that Germanicus potius vellet accipere quam expectare Imperium . But then it brings with it many benefits , not only in favour of the Prince , but of the subjects also . On the Princes behalfe , because he by sending forth to the warres , the most potent and stout spirits , may himselfe in the meane time remaine secure at home . And therefore King Ferdinand kept alwaies some little warre abroad , to the end the Nobility should not mutiny in Spaine . And Henry the second had counsell given him to keep the French busied in some warre , to the end they might not mutiny in France . And this rule ought alwaies to be observed , where the people have not lost their stoutnesse of courage . On the Subjects behalfe , because while such stout spirits live in peace ; they are apt to seeke , as having no other meanes , their owne security , by the death of the Citizens . And this Tacitus meanes , where in the first of his Histories he saith , Sub Tyberio & Caio & Claudio tantum pauci adversa pertimuere . Againe , it is well that cruell men , such as tyrants use to be , to the end they may leave the Citizens in peace , should have warre with strangers abroad , upon whom to wreke their cruelty . From whence it comes , that this race of men is more cruell in their age , then in their youth : and therefore oftentimes in the holy Scripture are likened to Lyons ; which , as Aristotle relates , in their old age enter into Cities and make spoile of people : and this proceeds ( saith he ) because thorough weaknesse of body , and defect of teeth , not being able in the fields to follow the chase after beasts ; they enter into Cities , and prey upon men : so tyrants , when weakened with age , they can no longer quench their thirst of blood upon enemies in warre ; they then for exercise of their cruelty fall upon their friends in peace . So did Herod the great , and many others , of whom Histories are full .

But to returne to our purpose : peace after warre is much more dangerous ; because leisure gives time to thinke , thinking takes notice of subjection ; and stoutnesse gotten in warre , breeds a desire to free themselves by any bad way whatsoever . In regard of this , Salomon comming to be in Peace , after a long warre which his father had , made many warlike expeditions , as appeares in the Booke of Kings : and to this it seemes David exhorts , where in the Epithalamium he made , he saith , A●…cingere gladio tuo super f●…ntur tuum potentissime . Where it is to be noted , that Faemur oftentimes is taken for pleasures : as though he would say , Couple Armes with pleasures ; stand not slumbering in idlenesse ; so many writers interpret it : and perhaps in regard of this , Augustus would never be without some little warre in Germany ; rather for these reasons , quam cupidine proferendi Imperium vel istud ob praemium . And Tyberius upon the same ground , was well pleased that troubles should rise in the Easterne parts ; Caeterum , saith Tacitus , Tyberio haud ingratunt accidit ; turbari res orientis , ut ea specie Germanioum suetis legionibus abstraheret ; novisque Provinciis impositum , dolo simul & casibus objectaret .

Lastly ; a Popular state ought alwaies to procure peace ; for if there be warre , either the people goe forth to fight ; and then the Nobles in the mean time , will have meanes to change the state ; or else the Noble men goe , and then having an Army in their hand , they are able to make alterations at their pleasure . Whereupon Isocrates in his oration of peace saith , that a popular state is strengthned by peace , and by warre , ruined .

But having shewed in this my discourse , that to many Common-wealths it is not good to have warre : to the end I may not dissent from that place in Aristotle alledged in the beginning , I now say , that Aristotle commends not feare as a thing fit alwaies , but sometimes ; and doth not specifie what kind of feare it is ●…meanes . For understanding whereof , we must know , that Commonwealths oftentimes are endangered by too much security : as the City of Rome ranne headlong into hazzard , for want of fearing . Which useth to happen from two occasions : one from the inveteratenesse of the danger : the other , from the greatnesse and power of them that are offended . Rome at the time when it was freed from the tyranny of Tarquinius was not great ; and being neere to danger , it stood in feare : being grown suspicious , partly for the fathers name called Superbus ; and partly for the sonnes house built higher then ordinary ( weak causes God knows . ) But when the City was growne into greatnesse ; and forgot the danger by reason of inveteratenesse ; it then left fearing , and afforded such beginnings ; that gave Caesar advantage to bring it in subjection . So the Florentines extinguished the name of liberty in Pisa ; and used great diligence at the beginning to prevent rebellion ; as standing in feare , as well for the freslmesse of the offence , as for the smalnesse of their Forces : but after some yeeres , Florence being grown greater , and the offence through time forgotten , they began to leave fearing ; and as not fearing , rebelled under Charles the eighth , which was in a manner the ruine of Florence . Seeing then when Cities are without feare , they live without fore-sight ; it is profitable for Common-wealths ( as Aristotle in that text saith ) that some such accident should happen , as may teach them the danger of security : and therefore the Rachiensi ( as Polybius relates ) while they lived inconsiderately , suspecting nothing ; they were upon the point of losing their City to the Slavonians ; but having repelled them ; it was afterward a great good unto them , as that which made them stand in feare ; Vt per negligent●…m in periculo fuerant & urbem & Patrios lares amitendi ; per fortitudinem nihil mali perpessi , in posterum p●…ius suis rebus consul●…t . And in truth , if we consider the accident which of late yeares happened in Venice ; the prudence with which those Senatours managed that disorder , and the good ordinances made for preventing the like hereafter : we cannot but say with Aristotle , that the accident proved to the City of Venice , of great benefit . Lastly , I conclude , that they who will not be in warre actually ; at least let them make a shew to be in it potentially ; Ostendite modo bellum & pacem habebitis ; videant vos paratos ad vim , jus ipsi remittent : and therefore Augustus was never without an Army , upon the frontiers of enemy Nations ; and Salomon also did the like .

Thus it stands sufficiently proved , when externall discords , or to say better , forraine warres are profitable : that is , speaking of men and Cities , if they be turbulent and imperfect , and have laws tending to warre ; to such , they are profitable , or rather necessary . But if their lawes be tending to peace ; or if the people bemild and gentle , and by reason of their strong scituation , accustomed to peace , or merchandising : in this case , there is no inconvenience , but they may live quictly and without warre . Then as concerning times , we have shewed , that in times when warre hath been lately , it will doe well ; but not so , when there hath been long peace . Then as concerning states we have proved that Common-wealths that are potent , and able to wage warre with their own Forces , shall doe well to maintaine a warre farre off , but not neere home . But if they be not able to wage warre without forraine Force●… , they shall then do well to embroyle themselves with no warre at all , either neere or farre off . And as for Commonwealths , that are but petty ones and of small power ; it is best for them , to looke to their own safety . Then for Kingdomes that are well setled , we have liked well of peace : for them that are dangerous , of warre . Lastly , that a popular state take care how to live .

What is the fittest time to proceed in the discords with enemies of the faith . The seventh Discourse :

THis sentence of Tacitus standing good , Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa , nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit : many grow to beleeve , that because discords made the way easie for Augustus to make himselfe Emperour of Rome , therefore every one may easily make advantage of the dissentions of others . But because they neither consider the diversity of persons , nor distinguish the times , nor are acquainted with the causes ; they therefore oftentimes deceive themselves , determining these things absolutely and in grosse , which are not to be admitted but with distinction . To find out therefore the truth in this matter , indeed weighty and worthy of consideration , I say , that discords may be either internall between Citizens , or externall between Cities of one Province : if between Citizens , then sometimes they are between Nobles and Nobles , oftentimes between Nobles and Plebeians , and many times between Plebeians and Plebeians . If they be between Cities , it happens that sometimes they be equall , sometimes unequall ; likewise he that aspires to be a Lord , either is a stranger , or Citizen : if a stranger , either he is stronger then the others , or weaker ; and either he hath intelligence , or hath none : if a Citizen , either he is chiefe of a faction , or not .

These heads I shall endeavour to examine ; beginning with the stranger ; who by civill discords aspires to make himselfe Lord ; understanding by civill discords , not those only which are between Citizens of the same City , but between divers Cities of the same Province , as Plato understands them , where he saith , that if Graecians contended with Graecians , it was a sedition , and not a warre ; shewing plainly , that such a one ought to be called a civill discord .

I say then , ( to returne to my purpose ) that such stranger , either hath intelligence with one part of the Citizens , or he hath not ; if he have intelligence , then is the time : so did Germanicus , when he assaulted the Catti , a people in Germany ; Nam spes incesserat dissidere hostem in Segestem , & Arminium : whereupon , having Segestes on his side , it was an easie matter to prosper in his enterprise ; and of such cases Histories are full .

But if this stranger have no intelligence , either it is in the beginning of the discords ; or when they are inveterate : and thereby one or other of the sides , wasted and spent ; if it be the beginning , it will do no hurt , but good : so it happened to the Thuscans , and the Veientanes ; so to the Athenians , while Agis approached their walls ; so to the Sabines , and the Prenestines against the Romans . Of whom Livy saith , Nam in spe ventum erat , discordia intestina Rem Romanam dissolvi posse . But in truth it was but ill advised of them ; and in such a manner , as while they sought the death of the sick Roman state ; they applied a medicine that restored it to health . Whereupon Livy inferres , Sed externus Timor maximum concordiae vinculum , quamvis infestos suspectosque jungobat inter se animos . And therefore Aristotle saith , Cogit enim in unum communis metus ; etiam eos qui p rius erant inimicissimi . And this will the rather happen , if they be enemies naturally ; either through long warres between them ; or else through diversity of Ay re ; which consequently produceth diversity of tempe ratures : from whence ariseth diversity of customes , and these would rather die a thousand deaths , then come to be in subjection to their enemies . Whereupon it was seen in the beginning of Charles the fifth ; that while the Kingdome of Spaine rose up in Armes , and strongly mutinied against their own King ; France seeing it , and having recovered Navarre , brought their Army upon Spaine , and presently they came to concord . The best way therefore will be , to take another course , ( I mean alwaies against infidels ) which is , to let them wast themselves ; imitating the worme which gnawes in wood in such sort , that afterwards it is easily broken ; so discords should be fomented in enemies countries , that afterward more easily they may be overcome ; but yet staying time , that the wood be first consumed , that so at one blow it may be broken . In regard whereof , David saith , Quasi tonerrimus ligni vermiculus qui octingentos interfecit , impetu uno : in as much , as having by little and little , and by secret waies weakned his enemies , he afterwards easily as wormeaten wood broke them at one blow . Whereupon I conceive , that the Romans are therefore by the Holy Ghost , called a Worme in Jonas ; where he saith , Et paravit Deus Vermem , ascensu diluculi in Crastinum ; & perc●…ssit haederam , & exaruit : this place being meant , ( as Robert Abbot with many other writers interprets it ) of the destruction of Jerusalem , by the Romans under the Empire of Vespasian , who having prepared a siege against Hierusalem , and understanding there were discords risen amongst them , he delayed the enterprise , Obsidionem Hierusalem distulit , ratus ejusmodi civilibus discordiis facilius Judaeos consumptos deleri , quam armis Romanorum : and after a while , assaulting the City , he destroyed it . I observe moreover in that Chapter of Jonas , that the sunne came not first upon the Prophets head ; but the worm that dried up the gourd , so also we must dry up our adversaries with discords , and then set upon them with our Armies . This Coriolanus meant , when he appointed his souldiers to spoile the fields of the Plebeians ; but to leave the fields of the Senatours untouched ; which he did not do for any hatred to the people , but out of a further reach , by this means to foment their discords . The importance of this , the ancient Romans knew well ; who after the first warre in Sicily , seeing the Carthagenians , I may say their naturall enemies , in a great streight , through the revolt of the Cities of Africke , and the rebellion of their own Army , yet never for this made warre upon them ; which would rather have brought concord to their enemies , then victory to themselves : but letting them tire and weary themselves with their own discords , they then set upon them so wearied , and without shedding of blood , made themselves Lords of all Sardinia with encrease of Tribute .

But in case they would not stay so long , till the enemy might trie out himselfe : they should then do wel to bring with them in their Army , some person of the blood ; and that hath pretension in the state ; but yet so , as to do it without forcing . When Charles the eighth had intention to make warre upon Bajaset the great Turke , because he knew how vain a thing it were to beleeve that a Kingdome , in Religion , in customes and in language different , should receive him ; he therefore tooke with him the brother of Bajaset : and the like did Situlces King of the Thracians ; and Osman Basha by the commandement of Amurath , going to destroy the King of the Tartars , took with him Islan brother of that King ; and it succeeded well ; whereupon ( as Argentone relates ) Lewis the eleventh stood in feare of the league , only because they brought his brother along with them . But if the discords be inveterate , and the Citizens through them grown weak , it is then alwaies time to assaile them ; and there can be no doubt of victory . Thus Greece was easily overcome by any stranger that tooke this opportunity .

And thus much concerning discords , of Citizens between themselves ; or of Cities that are under one Lord ; in which it is sufficiently shewed , how a stranger ought to carry himselfe : Now we will shew , what course he ought to take , with other Provinces or Cities that are in discord between themselves . These Cities then are either of equall force , or of unequall ; if of equall , then ought he to foment both sides : and thereby they comming at last to be unequall , he shall then take part with the weaker side ; but yet so , as not to weaken himselfe : as Croesus in Justin teacheth us , who ayding the Babylonians against Cyrus , he so much weakned his own Army , that after the taking of Babylon , he also himselfe was easily overcome . And therefore he saith , Ibi fortuna prioris praelii ( that is of Babylon ) percussum jam Croesi exercitum nullo negotio fudit . The matter therefore must be so carried , that if the contrary side happen to be Conquerour , yet you may be able to maintaine the warre your selfe : if conquered , it will then be easie for you to make your selfe Lord both of the one and the other . For it is not fit when a man may have need of his money and his Forces in defence of himselfe , that he should rashly wast them in the service of another . Such was the counsell ( as Thucidides relates ) that Nicias gave the Athenians , while he disswaded them from the warre in Sicily ; there being no discretion , to uncloath 〈◊〉 selfe , to cloath another . Which is so true , that it is written by the Holy Ghost in Ezechiel , while speaking of the foure beasts , he saith , Sub 〈◊〉 autem pennae eorum rectae alterius ad alterum : and this as S. Gregory interprets it , intends to expresse the ayd that is due from a man to his neighbour . It follows after , 〈◊〉 duabus alis velabat corpus suum ; to shew , that for ayding of others , it is not fit to dismantle our selves .

To return to our purpose , in that we spake of before : that is , what way is to be held in ayding the weaker side : a better example cannot be given then that of Phillip King of Macedon , who seeing the Cities of Greece at variance between themselves , he fomented the weaker side : and after he had wearied the one and the other , he brought them both under his Dominion . Philippus Rex Macedonum ( saith Justin ) libertati omnium insidiatus , dum contentiones civitatum alit , auxilium inferioribus ferendo , victos pariter victoresque subi●… Regiam servitutem coegit . According to this advice , Ferdinand King of Spaine fomented so well the discord between Francis King of France and him of Aragon ; that weakning the one , and oppressing the other , he made himselfe Lord of the Kingdom of Naples ; without wasting of either souldiers or money ; a Kingdom gotten before by the King of France with so much blood . This also many Writers attribute to the Venetians , who calling Lewis the twelfth into Italy , hoped by this means to make themselves Lords of many Cities in Lombardy and Romagna ; with this conceit , Lewis il Moro , called in Charles the eighth King of France ; but this man endangered himselfe unhappily ; and the other were not far from absolute ruine . Upon occasion whereof , I cannot omit to shew their errour , who make doubt , that a third man should enjoy the benefit of their victory , and what remedy there is for it . Secondly , how it happened that Ludovico Sforza by raising discord between the King of France , and them of Aragon , lost his state ; when Philip by raising discord between the Graecians , and also Ferdinand King of Spaine , got so much by it . Concerning the first , there can no better counsell be given , to two , who striving together , have a third looking on , to set upon the winner , then to perswade them to peace ; or else juridically to heare their differences : but because , this seldome or never hath place amongst Princes ; and warre oftentimes for many occasions either cannot or will not be avoyded : therefore I cannot better deliver my opinion , then by shewing the example of Metius , who being upon the point of striking battell with Tullus Hostilius , and knowing that which side soever was victor , must needs ( not having to fight with sheep ) exceedingly weaken it selfe with losse of souldiers ; whereby the Thuscans who were equall in Forces to the one and the other , and by this losse of men should remain the stronger , might take occasion to draw the victory of the conquering side to themselves ; he invited Tullus Hostilius to a parlee : and with these reasons perswaded him to put the fortune of the victory upon a few , that not only the Victor might be out of danger , but might also have it in his power , to oppresse the Thuscanes ; which proposition Tullus accepted ; and though there be many that blame him for it , yet I thinke , they meane it in some other case ; because it is not likely , that a warlike spirit as Tullus was , if he had not certainly known the manifest danger of falling to be a prey to the other , would ever have consented to such a duell ; which in the case of another , is never without blame , being a thing unworthy of a valorous Captaine , to lay the fortune of many upon a few ; but as this case was , I find no other errour in Tullus Hostilius , but that he would hazzard the whole Army upon three men ; but if the condition had been , to fight with one squadron of Foot , and another of Horse , I could not then but have commended it : and the reason is , because by such a fight it would plainly have appeared , which of them in a set battell would have had the victory , there concurring in it , the skill of the Captaine , and part of all parts of the Army ; which have the same proportion with one another , as the whole hath with the whole ; according to the vulgar rule , Eadem est ratio totius ad totum , quae est partis ad partem : But in the case of Tullus , one of the Armies might be inferiour to the other , in Horse and Foot and Captaine ; and yet have three braver men in any of these kinds in it , then the other .

Concerning the second Point , Ludovico Sforza did well , for securing himselfe in the State of Milan , to move the King of France ; but he did not well afterward , to move him against the Aragonesi ; for he ought ( at least if he could ; and if he could not , he should not then have medled in it at all ) to have made use of the King , as an ayd in peace , but not as a Captaine in warre : and so was the counsell which Phaneas the Etolian gave : that they should call in Antiochus and make use of him as an Umpire , but not as a Captaine : Phaneas ( saith Livy ) Reconciliatore pacis , & disceptatore de iis quae in controversia cum populo Romano essent , utendum potius Antiocho censebat quam duce belli . And therefore Ludovico Sforza had not done ill to call in the King of France , as for his purpose to make himselfe free Lord of Milan , if it had been in his power to make him returne againe : but seeing the case required to make use of him in warre , now it was his ruine : because to seeke to rise by the discords of others , is not a work for an inferiour , but either for an equall , or a greater . Whereupon to Philip King of Macedon , and to Ferdinand King of Spaine , it proved well ; but to Lodowick Sforza , it brought utter ruine ; and to the Venetians exceeding danger ; although he with indiscretion set forward his own destruction ; these with judgement , freed themselves from the danger . And therefore in the foresaid case , he that is inferiour in Forces ought to seeke alwaies rather to extinguish , then to kindle fire . Amurath the great Turke was minded to make warre upon the King of Polonia ; between whom lay the state of Petrasco Prince of Pogdania ; and he , as a wise man , knowing the damage he might sustaine , either by having his Countrey wasted with the Great Turkes Army ; or after the warre ended , by wholly loosing it , as lying in the mouth of the Polack ; he so treated with them , that he made them friends . But many Cities in Italy , not observing this rule , whilst they fomented discords between Pyrrhus and the Romans ; remained , after the warre ended , a prey to the Romans . So the French , when Hanniball came into Italy , perceived though too late , they had exposed their Countrey as a Prey to his Army . So the Etolians calling in Antiochus to make warre upon the Romans ; were themselves the first a prey to the Romans , as it had been foretold them . But although we have shewed by the example of Craesus , that it is not good in discords , so to ayd one side ; as to weaken ones selfe : yet is not this rule to be observed , where one is so much too strong , that the other without great ayd is not able to withstand : because in this case to abandon a friend , would be a strengthning of the enemy ; as the Corfuans in Thucydides excellently shewed , in the Oration they made to the Athenians , whereupon the Rhegini fearing the Army of Pyrrhus King of the Epirots ; the Romans came with great Forces to their ayd ; but the end was , they became Lords over them . Which they of Corfu , not observing in the discords of Durazzo , and denying them ayd , were cause that they yeelded themselves to the Corinthians , and consequently encreased the Forces of their enemies . But Germanicus carried himselfe with great judgement in ayding Segestes ; knowing , if Segestes were overthrown , his faction would joyne it self with Arminius ; and consequently the Forces of his enemy be encreased . This the Campans declared , demanding ayd of Rome ; Si defenditis , vestri ; si deseritis , Samnitum erimus . Capuam ergo & Campaniam omnem vestris , an Samnitum viribus accedere malitis , deliberate . So as this is a lesson which men should learne , to give present assistance to their friends that need it ; otherwise they cannot avoyd being a prey to others : and this is delivered by S. Matthew in a Parable ; where they not comming that were invited to the marriage , others were called that stood in the streets .

It is therefore to be observed , when we make other mens case our owne , that our power be more then theirs : because else , either they will be hindred from getting victory ; or getting victory be kept from being masters of the victory ; it is not therefore for Princes or Cities that are weake , to make warre ; which are to call in one more powerfull then themselves to their ayd : for by this , they doe but procure a stronger enemy : The Campani oppressed by the samnites , put themselves into the hands of the Romans , and so encreased their Forces : and for this cause perhaps it is , that Lucca continues a Commonwealth .

Having shewed , that we ought with all our Forces , to ayd the weaker side ; when of it selfe it is not able to subsist : it is to be observed , that in doing it , we make not shew of such preparation , as may make our friends suspitious of us : which Phillip King of Spaine not observing ; whilst under pretence of ayding the King of Scots against the Queen of England ; he prepared so great a Fleet , that the Scots might easily perceive , that Fleet was not meant for resisting of England ; but for making himselfe Lord of Scotland . Into this errour also the Athenians ranne ; who under colour of ayding the Catanesi against the Syracusans , meant to make themselves Lords of Sicily , and therefore came with so great an Army ( as Justin saith ) Vt iis terrori essent in quorum auxilia mittebantur : whereupon they failed of their purpose , by reason it was easie for the Lacedemonians , to put a suspition of this into the Sicilians heads . And therefore Vitiges being within Ravenna , besieged by Delisarius ; and hearing by the Embassadours of the King of Austrasia , that he offered to ayd him with fifty thousand French ; astonished at so great a succour , put himselfe into the hands of Justinian . Therefore weake Cities ought not to go in quest after warre ; because they are like , either to be overcome of their enemies , or to be in servitude to their friends ; seeing they who call to their ayd a greater power then their owne , may be said to leane upon the point of a Speare , or upon a broken Reed ; upon which , he that leanes , is like to find rather death then ayd . And therefore our Lord God , speaking in Esay to his people , who had called the Aegyptians to their ayd , Ecce confidis super baculum arundineum , confractum istum , super Aegyptum : cui si innixus fuerit homo , intrabit in manum ejus ; & perforabit eam ; sic Pharao Rex Aegypti omnibus qui confidunt in co. Which Aratus Head of the Achaeans knowing , refused to receive the ayd of Antigonus . Verebatur enim si forte Rex victoria potitus , Cleomene ac Lacedaemoniis superatis ad extremum aliquid novi contra Rempublicam Achaeorum tentare . And if these Cities find a necessity to make warre for their owne defence , or otherwise , and that not able of themselves , it behoves them to call in , others to their ayd : they shall then doe well , to call in more then one ; so the Pisans did against the Florentines , who ayded by the Venetians , by Lodovico Sforza , by the Genouesi , and by the Senesi , went a long time dallying , and kept them all off from getting to be Lords over them .

I cannot omit to advertise , when one gives ayd to another , and the case stands so , that their Forces being joyned , they are able to resist , or else not : that in this case , he ought to come with all his Forces ; that if one resist not , the other may : and in this was the errour of the Campani , in ayding the Sedicini , who therefore were both of them ruined . Campani magis nomen ad praesidiunt sociorum quam vires cum attulissent : fluentes luxu obduratis usu armorum in Sidicino pulsi agro , in se deinde molem 〈◊〉 belli verter●…nt : and if the Romans had not ayded them , they had been in manifest hazzard of destruction . And therefore I cannot commend the course which the Athenians tooke in a battell of the Corfuani with the Corinthians ; in which having brought a squadron of Galleys in ayd of the Corfuans , they gave order , not to come into the fight , untill they should see them routed ; there is no doubt , but that if the Athenians had come in to fight in the beginning of the battell , the Corfuans had got the victory : but staying , as their commission was , and not giving ayd to their friends in time ; they added reputation to their enemies , and lessened their own Forces ; so as either they should not have offered their ayd at all ; or they should have given it in the beginning .

Let us now come to a Citizen that aspires to make himselfe Lord of his own Countrey , being held by infidels ; in which , if the discord be between the Nobles and the Plebeians , it is a hard matter to compasse : yet in this case , it is better he should make himselfe head of the people ; who have both more will and power then the Nobles , as being a greater number ; and though they be of inferiour ranke to the great ones : yet it is with them as with Buls ; who suffer themselves to be mastered , because they know not their owne strength . Which Manlius well knowing , speaking to the people said , Quousque tandem ignorabitis vires vestras ? It happens also for want of judgement , and scarcity of money ; but all these things are helpt by making some great man Head , that is wise and rich ; the people being like sheep where one leaps , the other follows . And this Moyses knew , when being told by God , of his own death , he prayed him to provide his people a Leader , that they might not be as sheepe without a shepheard , Ne sint sicut oves sine ductore ; the people therfore are more able ; and the more able , if they have a Head .

It remaines to shew , that the people are more willing ; and more easily perswaded to raise a Plebeian to the Principality , then one of the Nobility : First , by reason of the hope , which every one naturally hath of new things , specially the common people ; therefore Sallust saith , Sed omnino cuncta plebs novarum 〈◊〉 studio , Catilinae incoepta probabat . Secondly , because the people envies not the inequality of Honours ; but the inequality of Riches ; and this is the reason why it was never seen , at least very seldome , that one Noble man helps to raise another Noble man to the Principality : and this Aristotle knew when he said , Nam multitudo quidem graviter fert inequalitatem patrimoniorum ; praestantes viri honorum oequalitatem . Whence it is no marvell , if after the death of Romulus ; the Nobles found no way to make a King : and if it had not been for the people , it had scarce been ever done . And Livy speaking of this saith , Et esse igitur aliquod caput placebat , & nemo alteri concedere in animum inducebat . It is therefore best , the discord being between the Plebeians and the Nobles ; ( I meane alwaies as I said before , as farre as may be done with a good conscience ) to make himselfe Head of the people ; which yet is not without great danger , and very fallacious , as I shall shew in another discourse upon those words , Et ad tuendam Plebem Tribunitio jure contentum . If the discord be between Nobles and Nobles ; then he that would make himselfe Prince , either is head of one part , or not ; if not , he ought then to procure the concord of them that are 〈◊〉 ; because their discord will be a cause , he can have but one side in his ayd ; and that but weakely 〈◊〉 where , if they be made friends , by this 〈◊〉 ; they will both of them remaine , as it were obliged to him ; and perhaps will doe it the more , because they cannot but thinke it a great matter , for one man to hinder the proceeding of their enemies , who will therefore afterwards without any other regard , runne headlong to ayd him , not caring what he be . This my opinion will be sufficiently proved by the example of Caesar ; who seeing Pompey and Crassus at variance , wrought so with them , that he made them friends ; as knowing , that to his purpose , for making himselfe Prince , this discord of theirs would be a great impediment . But if he be head of a Faction , then is the time to make himselfe Lord securely ; because having halfe the Nobility of his side , if he can withall get the favour of the people , he will undoubtedly be able to get the Empire . And so is this place of Tacitus of which we speak , to be understood ; that Augustus in the dissentions of the Pompeians and the Caesareans , of whom he was Head , made himselfe protectour of the people : that there were dissentions between them , is seen by that he saith , Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa ; neque Caesareanis partibus nisi Caesar Dux reliquus : and that he had made the people his friend ; is knowne by those words , Et ad tuendam Plebem , Tribunitio jure contentum .

The summe of all I have said , is this : If a stranger in a civill discord , seeke to make himselfe Lord : ( I meane by civill , that which is between Cities and Persons that are under the same Dominion ) if he have intelligence with them ; either it is in the beginning , and then he shall not stirre , but rather be a meanes of concord ; especially betweene those that are naturally enemies ; betweene whom it behoves him to foment discords : to the end , that being weakned , his way may be eafie ; or else assaulting them with Armes , be sure to have in his Army one of the blood , but yet without power ; although in another discourse I shall shew that this is a weaknesse : or else it is , when discords are inveterate ; and consequently the Citizens wasted : & then every thing is like well enough to succeed . We have also shewed , that a stranger who seekes to get the Dominion of Cities , which are at warre under divers Lords ; ought to foment the discords , if they be of equall power , so farre as that they may come to be unequall , and then to take part with the weaker ; yet no further , then only that they may be able to resist their enemies ; alwaies being carefull , that the ayd be not so great , as to weaken him that gives it ; unlesse , when without excessive ayd , they cannot prosecute the warre ; and that there be danger , least they fall into their enemies hands ; for then it behooves to make it his owne cause : but all in such sort , that he give no cause of suspition to his friends . I have said also , that it is no small skill , to foment discords , and that no man ought to make use of a great power , for his interest in war but only in peace ; when he is not offorce sufficient to be able to send it away againe . And as for those , that lie between greater Princes that are at variance ; let them , as Laurence de Medici did , use meanes to make them friends . Weake Cities , in my opinion , should never intricate themselves in any warre ; and where there are two , that stand in feare of a third ; if they will follow my counsell , they shall never lead forth all their Forces . Now if he be a Citizen , who in the discords of the City , seekes to make himselfe Lord of it ; let him know it will be hard to compasse , when the discord is between the Nobility and the people ; but in this case , the best way is , if he can , to make himselfe Head of the Commons . If againe the discord be between the people amongstthemselves , it is then almost impossible : but easie , when it is between Nobles and Nobles ; especially if he be Head of a Faction ; and if not , then to stand neutrall .

What Discords conserve States , and what corrupt them . The eighth Discourse :

THus then we see , that of those three distinctions , there is one proper for conserving the Prince ; that is , the discord betweene the Nobility and the Commons ; as sufficiently hath been shewed .

Now the state of the Optimates ( to returne to our purpose ) is easily preserved , so long as there growes no discord between Nobles and Nobles : because , as we have said before , the dissentions of the Nobility rest upon two Heads ; whereof the one soone prevailing over the other , brings it within his power to make himselfe sole Lord ; so much the rather , because in a State of Optimates there is alwaies discord between the Nobility and the Commons ; and so much , that the people ill brooking the Senat , will rather be willing to have a King . We must therefore know , that in a State of Optimates , as the dissension betweene Nobles and Nobles , is very hurtfull ; so that betweene the Nobility and the people is very profitable , and greatly fortifies and upholds it , so long as there concurre not with it , discord between the Nobles . The reason is , because the people being at variance with the Nobles , it will be a cause , that they standing united , will not incurre the danger before spoken of . Thus we see , the Romans after the expulsion of the Tarquins , continued easily in their government ; because in that time there was perpetuall discord between the Nobility and the People . In which discords when the people came to be oppressed , the Nobles fell into Factions , and then the City in a few yeeres came to be a Monarchy .

Of concordant discord ; and how it ought to be mannaged , for the good of Cities . The ninth Discourse .

THere is nothing more profitable for the concord and good government of a City , then a discord between the parts : a City being a body composed of many parts , as our body is of 〈◊〉 foure Elements . And as in this , if it be well Organized ; in such sort , that all the foure Elements be in a due proportion , there will then need no discord to maintaine it , there being none that seekes its own destruction : and therefore it sweetly enjoyes a quiet rest : so in a City , there will be no unquietnesse , if all the parts be equall ; I meane not equall , simply ; for it were not fit , that all in a City should be equall in dignity and riches ; being necessary , some should be rich and some poore : but equall in such manner as it is in the body , whose good consists in this , that all the members be equall : for there are two kinds of good , ( as saith S. Thomas ) one , the good of the whole ; and the other , of the parts : and likewise two natures ; one universall , the other particular : the good of the whole consists in the entirity , and in the distinction of the parts : and therefore it is better for a man , to have a Head , Feet , Hands , and the other members , then that all should be Head : but the good of the part , should be more good and perfect , if it could attaine to the degree and perfection of the superiour part ; and therefore the Foot should be more Noble , if it were a Head ; but the body should not be more perfect , if it wanted a Foot : so in a City it is sit , there should be Plebeians ; and the equality that is required , ought to be Geometricall and not Arithmeticall ; and where this is , a City shall not need dissension , to make it be well governed ; but because as Galen in his Method , speaking of bodies that are in health , simpliciter , and absolutely , saith , This symmetry of humours consisting In Puncto is very hardly found ; and found impossible to be kept : as also Hippocrates speaketh of those bodies , that are in the height of healthfulnesse , Neque enim in melius verti , neque diu sistere valent ; reliquum est ut in deterius dilabantur : so also a City , is either never found in such a symmetry of parts ; or if at any time found , never long continues . And therefore Tacitus speaking of such a composition saith , Laudari facilius quam evenire : vel si evenit , haud diuturna esse potest .

It is of necessity , that in the body , there be predominant either cold or heat ; or dry or moyst : if cold be predominant , there is heat to oppose it ; if dry , the moyst : so in a Commonwealth , all things must be reduced to equality ; for not onely they which overtop others , but they also that are in misery , are dangerous : in like manner , as it happens in buildings , which come to decay , as well by stones that stand too farre out ; as by those , that stand too farre in : and therefore the Mason alwaies measures the walls and fits the stones ; not by cutting them away , but by setting them in the right place : and thus our Lord God would have it be done in his holy Church ; and therefore when Ezechiel saw it in the top of a mountaine , he stayed not long , but there came a man of mettall like brasse . Et F●…niculus lineus in manu ejus : the Septuagints read it , Funiculus cimariorum in manu ejus : where S. Gregory interprets it , after my meaning ; and Aristotle also knowing this , gives counsell , when one part in a City is oppressed , and another oppresseth ; that then the Magistrates should relieve the part oppressed , and reduce them to equality .

There are three things that may beare sway in a City ; either the power Regall , or that of the Nobles , or the Authority of the People : if the Regall Power be predominant , then the people who are many , must oppose it ; because one and many are contraries : and and perhaps for this it is that Plato saith , that a Commonwealth should be framed of two ingredients ; a people , and a King ; because the people alone being many , may be a bridle to the King ; and the King alone to the people . If the Nobility be predominant , then the people , as being directly contrary to the Nobility , must be opposed against it : whereupon , as we said before , as long as the City of Rome used this opposition , it could never be destroyed by the Nobility : In this regard , Sulpitius called a squadron of the youth , the Senatours Treacle , as opposed against them .

If the people be predominant , then the Nobility must be set against them ; and as when cold is predominant in a body , if another cold should be set to strive with it , it would instantly , Ipso facto , destroy the body : So when the people is predominant , if the people should be set against them ; or when the Nobility is predominant , the Nobility should oppose it ; the Commonwealth presently would goe to wracke ; as it fell out in Rome . But not onely , when the like is opposed against the like , both a body and a Common-wealth may be ruined ; but as well also if a contrary be opposed , and not in a due manner : and therefore Galen saith , that contraries may be of three sorts : that is , Greater , lesser , and equall . It is a greater contrary , when to a distemper hot in two degrees , a remedy is applied cold in three degrees : a lesser contrary is , when to a distemper hot in two degrees , a remedy is applied cold in one degree ; the equall is , when to equall heat , equall cold is opposed ; which being so , saith Galen , the cure of a distemper must not be by a greater contrary ; because this not onely takes away the distemper , but introduceth the contrary : as if to a distemper , hot as two ; a remedy be applied , cold as three : this indeed will take away the heate , but then in place of it , bring in a distemper cold in one degree . Neither also is a cure to be made with a lesser contrary , because this would not reach to take away the distemper : but the cure must be made by an equal , which cannot introduce a contrary , but onely reduce the distemper to a due proportion . And thus is it to be done in Cities : for if the people grown two degrees above their ranke , should have the Nobility opposed in three degrees : this would not onely take away the predominancy of the people , but would bring the Nobility one degree out of just proportion : and the contrary will happen , if it should be lesse : and therefore in the Common-wealth of Rome , as long as the people were able to counterpease the power of the Nobles ; although it were in discord , yet it continued and kept it selfe free : but after the death of Tib●…nius and Caius Gracchus , when this contrary became unable to withstand the Nobility , the Commonwealth presently was endangered ; as well for the inability of the peoples opposition , as for that it gave occasion to raise discord amongst the Nobles . That the contrary in this case was not fit and able , Salust sheweth where he saith , Caeterum Nobilitas factione magis pollebat ; Plebis vis soluta atque in multitudinem dispersa , minus poterat . Besides the Nobles themselves opposed not well , in opposing Sylla to Crassus ; and worse , in opposing 〈◊〉 to Anthonie : because as the opposition the people made was too weake , : so the opposition of the Nobility was too strong ; and was therefore the 〈◊〉 of the Commonwealth . That contrary therefore which with discord shal be opposed to him , that exceeds proportion , ought to be such , as to have no greater power , nor other end , but only to reduce the other to his due place ; but yet with waies befitting a Christian : for I like not that course of Tarquinius Superbus , which he intimated by cutting off the heads of the Poppies ( an invention used by many , and related also by Aristotle ) For in the commonwealth of the body , what worse evill , then the gout in the feet or hands ? yet to heale it , I never saw the foot or the hand cut off ; but purgations applied to bring them to their naturall temper . Being in all evils better to oppose the beginning , then be forced to 〈◊〉 off the part , by letting it runne to a Gangrene or Convulsion . For as this oftentimes brings death to the whole body ; so in a Common-wealth , the dismembring of a Citizen that is growne out of order , is occasion oftentimes of the ruine of the State ; as it fell out in Caesar.

I am to advertise , that I intend not to put division between men and men , but between men and the actions of men ; for as the first is extreamly ill , so the second is as good . And therefore the Prophet saith , Nonne qui oderunt te Domine Oderam ; & super inimicos tuos tabescebam ; and of this kind of hate , Christ spake when he said , Non veni mittere pacem , sed gladium in terra . Whereupon it being an evill action , for one to exceed his degree and thereby seeke to oppresse the City ; it ought to be hated , and to seeke to bring him to proportion ; but that done , the hate then must be laid aside ; and therefore all the holy Fathers agree , that to know what 〈◊〉 is good , and what bad , there is no better way then this , to looke if the action ceasing for which they hate , they also cease to hate ; otherwise it appeares , they hated the person , and not the action . Secondly , it must be observed , when I shew , that for Cities to be well governed , it is necessary there should be discord : I meane not that kind of discord which is destructive , a discord in the whole ; but that which is a discord in a part ; and in the whole , a concord : in like manner , as the Heavens turning with one motion from East to West ; and with another from West to East , they are discordant in the parts ; but in conservation of the whole concordant . So not without a great mystery of nature , that is of God ; the Planets by whose influence he governs earthly things , are by their Maker so placed in the heavenly Orbes ; that one contrary stands neighbour to another : to the end , that with an harmonious discord , they may have a concordant influence , for the good of the Universe . From hence it is , that Jupiter is next to Saturne ; because Saturne being old and dry , an unfortunate Planet , it was necessary he should be allayed with the goodnesse of Jupiter , who with heat and moysture , in an admirable manner opposeth him . So unfortunate Mars is tempered with fortunate Venus , ( to speake in the termes of Astrologers ) who allaies the malignity of Mars , in such manner , as we see oftentimes , the choler of a man , to be mitigated with the sweetnesse of a woman . In like sort ( to descend lower ) if the Elements were not discordant , there would arise no alteration , and consequently no generation : so if the parts in Musicke were not discordant , there would be no harmony . The parts therefore are discordant ; the Heavens , discordant ; the Planets , discordant ; and all for conservation of the Universe . Whereupon , and it is the doctrine of Aristotle ; as from the contrariety and discord of the Elements , ariseth the peace of the Universe : so from the opposition in the parts of a City , ( I speake in the sense I said before ) there ariseth the conservation of the whole . Which perhaps Plato meant , when by the mouth of Socrates he said , that the profit of a City consists not in concord .

Sed veteris Reipublicae Prospera vel Adversa claris Scriptoribus memorata sunt : temporibusque Augusti non defuere decora ingenia ; donec gliscente adulatione deterrerentur . Tiberii Caiique & Claudii ac Neronis res , florentibus ipsis , ob metum falsae : postquam occiderant , recentibus compositae sunt .

How hard and dangerous a matter it is to write Histories : when the easiest time is to finde writers and which of them deserve most credit . The tenth Discourse .

THe words of Tacitus above-cited , give me occasion of two discourses ; one , concerning the writing of Histories : the other , concerning flattery . Concerning the first , I intend to shew the difficulty it brings with it , what danger Historians undergo : of whom it is easiest to write , and in what time . As for the difficulty , it may grow either in regard of him that reads , and is not interessed ; or from him that reads , being interessed : or lastly from the times , in which one writes . Beginning then with the generall , that is , of him who reads , and is not interessed ; there is no doubt , but the Historian with such a one , will finde some difficulty , to be thought a true writer . Seeing he must necessarily relate actions ; either worthy of praise , or worthy of blame : if of blame , it is attributed to malice ; if of praise , it is received with envy : because as Thucydides saith in the person of Pericles , in the oration he made to the people of Athens , at the funerall pompe of those that were slaine in warre ; The praises of the dead if they be heard by friends , never seeme enough ; if by strangers , so long as they goe no further then possibility , they are received with patience , but if they passe that bound , they are then as fabulous , either scoffed at , or else envied . This case , Salust translated out of Thucydides , where he saith , Arduum videtur Res gestas scribere ; primo quia facta dicris exaequanda sunt ; Dein quia plerique quae delicta reprehenderis , malevolentiae & invidia dicta putant ; ubi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores , quae sibi quisque facile factu putet , aequo animo accipit ; supra , vel●…ti ficta pro falsis duoit . It is therefore true , that between these two extreames , that writer shall alwaies be more beleeved , and be held in better account , who in blaming shall discover the vices and defects of others ; then they who in praising , shall make their virtues too resplendent ; because a reader , takes blame , in it selfe for a praise ; if at least he have not himselfe those vices for which one is blamed ; and praise he takes for blame , if he find not those vertues , for which the Historian extols him . Besides , to blame being alwaies with danger ; and to praise , rather with benefit ; he who blameth , will be alwaies taken for a man free and sincere ; and he that praiseth for a flatterer . To this perhaps Tacitus had an eye , when he said , Obtrectatio & livor pronis auribus accipiuntur ; quippe Adulationi foedum crimen servitutis ; malignitati falsa species libertatis inest .

The second difficulty is caused by persons interessed ; which are either Princes , or Common-wealths : if Princes , either they are vertuous , or vitious : if vitious , let the History be written either of his life , or of any others that is like his , it will be taken , as if by relating the faults of others openly , his own faults secretly be cast in his face . This by Tacitus is learnedly expressed , where he saith , Reperies qui ob similitudinem 〈◊〉 , aliena malefacta sibi objectari putant . So likewise if the vertues of some other Prince ; or of his owne ancestours shall be praised ; he will take it , as an upbrayding to him his owne vices , and thereupon be moved to indignation and envy ; and for default of vertue in himselfe , will with an ill will heare the praises of another . Etiant gloria ( saith Tacitus ) ac virtus infensos habet ; ut animus ea propinquo diversa arguens . Which our Lord God meaning to shew by the mouth of Ezechiel saith , Fili hominis , ostende domui Israel Templum , ut confundantur ab iniquitatibus suis , & metiantur fabricam , & erubescant ab omnibus quae fecerunt . And S. Gregory expounding this place , saith that the Temple of God is then shewed in confusion , when the actions of a just man are shewed to a wicked ; and our Lord God , to shew that wicked men cannot abide to heare the life of good men spoken of , saith , Vt ostendat Templum , he saith not , Vt videant Templum , meaning to shew , as S. Gregory expounds it , Sponte sua considerare nolentibus , rectorum opera narrare ; These therefore with an evill will , heare the praises of others ; which Tacitus knowing , forbore to write the life of Agricola , a good man , in the time of wicked Emperours , but stayed till Trajans time , as having seen manifest examples , of many writers , that lost their owne lives , without any benefit to those of whom they writ , by being themselves slaine , and their bookes burnt , while under wicked Princes , they would publish their Histories of such persons : and therefore he saith , 〈◊〉 cum Aruleno Rustico , Paetus Thrasea Herennio Senecioni , 〈◊〉 Helvidius laudati 〈◊〉 , Capitale fuisse ; no que in ipsos 〈◊〉 Authores , sed in libros quoque saevitum .

But greater danger an Historian in curres , if under a wicked Prince , he dare write his history , because , either 〈◊〉 his vices , he shewes himselfe a manifest slatterer , and no wise Historian , who without truth , ( as Polybius saith ) is as unprofitable , as a man without eyes ; or else writing the truth , he shal in so doing , make his owne grave .

But say , he writes under a good Prince , either he must relate the actions of the Prince himselfe , or of his house ; if of himselfe living , the Historian can never avoyd suspition : and it is not enough to say , that under such praise-worthy Princes , there will be no need , to part from truth , because there are few men that doe not conceive their owne actions to be greater then they are , or at least that desire not , others should thinke them so : whereupon , when they find , that an Historian relates them not , in such a height as they conceive , or desire that others should ; no doubt , they will thinke he blames them , as not sufficiently praising them .

Now if under a vertuous Prince , they write the History of his family , there growes another difficulty of great moment ; which is , that a great part of the Cities and Provinces having beene sometime Commonwealths , & from Commonwealths become Kingdomes ; seldome without shedding the blood of the Citizens , and oftentimes of the Princes : the relating these things under a Prince , now Lord of the City , whether he be good or bad , is dangerous : first , on the part of the Citizens , who reading the death of their ancestours ; or their greatnesse in the time when it was a Commonwealth : by the one , they are stirred up to hate , by the other to desire : and taking into their consideration , that greatnesse in which they were , and those injuries which they suffered ; because they cannot revenge these , nor regaine those , but by the death of the Prince , they are oftentimes drawne to make cruell conspiracies . Secondly , on the part of the Prince , who in reading such Histories , seeing continually before his eyes , those Citizens , whose fathers either killed or at least conspired against his ancestours ; seeing he cannot beleeve they should love him ; he will hardly be induced to love them , knowing wel , that things which are tolerated , by force , when occasion happens to remove that force , will never be tolerated .

To this may be added another difficulty , on the part of the Citizens : who love not to heare the disgraces of their ancestours related in Histories ; and are thereby moved to indignation : this Tacitus meant , where he saith , At multorum qui Tiberio regnante , poenam vel infamiam subiere , Posteri manent . And oftentimes Tacitus himselfe forbeares to speake of such ; as he did of those who suffered disgraces under Nero , of whom he saith , Quos fato perfunctos , ne nominatim tradam , Majoribus eorum tribuendum puto .

Againe to relate the warres , which these Princes or their Ancestours had with others ; how dangerous it is , Crescentius Cordus may be an example ; who for praising Brutus and Cassius , was forced miserably to end his life , as the said Tacitus relates . It is true , this useth not to happen , but under wicked Princes , as Tiberius was . For Augustus , as the said Tacitus relates ; made rather a jest , then tooke indignation at any such things : and thus much concerning a Prince .

Now in writing Histories under a Commonwealth ; there appeare againe a thousand difficulties : First , if he make relation of their beginnings , he shall make himselfe odious to all in generall , and to every one in particular . To all in generall , because all things having but weake beginnings , men like rather to heare the History of the Common-wealth , in its virility , then in the weaknesse of its infancy . To particulars , because hearing relation made of the beginnings of their Houses , which commonly are but meane , they cannot read such Histories with any patience ; at least , not with liking : and therefore in some Cities , such writings have not been admitted . This conceit Titus Livin●… expresseth to the life ; where he saith , Et legentium plerosque ( speaking of himselfe , who writ the beginning of Rome ) haud dubito , quin primae Origines proximaque Originibus , minus praebitura voluptatis sint , festinantibus ad haec nova , quibus jampridem praevalentis populi vires seipsas conficiunt .

Moreover , if they write of warres ; not onely they incurre the same danger we spake of before , under a Prince ; in too much praising those , with whom the warre hath been held : but besides , in this kind , it is easier to offend in a Commonwealth , which consists of many ; then in a Kingdome , which consisteth but of one . Whereupon , it seemes to be more easie to write the truth of one alone , then of many ; but withall more dangerous , because the hatred of private Citizens may be shunned ; but the hatred which comes from the publik person of the Prince , and reacheth to life and goods , are impossible to be shunned .

It is therefore dangerous to write under a Prince , whether he be good or bad ; and whether the History be of the Princes own actions , or of his ancestours ; and whether in forraine warre , or in warre at home . And it is dangerous likewise to write under Common-wealths ; not onely to write of their beginnings , but in other times also .

It remaines to shew , whether it be more easie , to find Historians under a Kingdome , or under a Common-wealth .

The Prince may be a tyrant , and living ; the Common-wealth may be corrupt , and continue : and while it continues , hardly will any Citizen , out of love of his Countrey , be drawne to disclose those things , which ought to be kept secret ; and as little whilst a Tyrant lives , will any man register his disorders for feare : Whereupon not without cause , the most wise Salomon in his Proverbs saith , Nomen impiorum putrescet , not Putrescit ; because in the time present , his stinch is not smelt ; or to say better , none will be so bold , as to discover it ; and if in the one , or the other , an Historian be found so hardy , as to write , he will certainly flatter . And therefore Tacitus saith , Tiberii Caiique ac Neronis res florentibus ipsis ob metum falsae .

Also Historians take no care of those that come after , but consider onely their owne interest : and knowing how much trouble they endure , that in such times can but live , when they hold their peace ; they are out of heart for writing of Histories , and though they should have a will to doe it , yet they could have no meanes , as not being informed of publike affaires , which being done onely by the Prince , and out of his Element , he neither understands them , nor meddles in them , nor regards them : all which , Tacitus tooke into consideration , when he said , Postquam bellatum apud Actium , atque 〈◊〉 potestatem ad unum conferri pacis interfuit ; magna illa ingenia cessere ; simul veritas pluribus modis fracta ; primum inscitia reipublicae ut alienae ; mox libidine assentandi , aut rursus Odio adversus Dominantes ; ita neutris cura posteritatis , inter infensos & obnoxios .

But if this tyrant Prince be dead , and the tyranny altered : also if a corrupt Commonwealth shall be abolished , and in place of it , shall come a Prince ; in this case , there will not want Historians , but yet not without some doubt of truth . On the part of the Commonwealth now abolished , by reason of flattering the new Prince ; on the part of the Prince now dead , by reason of the hatred that is borne to a tyrant : and to this Tacitus had an eye , when he said , Postquam occiderunt , recentibus 〈◊〉 compositae sunt : saying in another place , that Historians who write of tyrants , write many things through hatred , which are not true .

If lastly we speake of writing Histories under a wel-governed Common-wealth , or under a Prince that is a Monarch ; in this case , it will be easie to find writers good store : and therefore Tacitus saith , Sed veteris Reipublicae prospera vel adversa , claris Scriptoribus memorata sunt ; where we must observe , he saith , veteris : to signifie that he meanes the Common-wealth , in those first times , when it was not corrupt . And as to the purpose , concerning a good Prince , he addes , Temporibus Augusti non defuere decora ingenia . Where also we see , he speakes of the first yeeres of Augustus , which were indeed his best : and therefore our Tacitus writ onely the latter time of Augustus , which was his worst , and consequently more hard to find Writers that had written truly . So also did Acchias , who writing the History of Salomon , omitted the beginning of his raign , as being the best ; and began at his declining . According then to Tacitus , there will be writers good store , both under a Commonwealth , that is well governed ; and under a Prince , that is well disposed : but in my opinion , more under the good Prince .

First , because of the greater profit ; for a Prince will take more notice of a Writer that relates particular actions ; then a Commonwealth will doe , for relating universall : and here is to be noted , a difference betweene the Records of a Prince , and of a Common-wealth . The Records of a Common-wealth , Intensive ( give me leave to use this word ) being in my opinion lesse then of a Prince : the reason is , because as it is in the Proverbe , He that serves the publike , serves no body : for the benefit being received of none as proper , is little regarded , and therefore little recompensed of the publike ; whereupon we see Joseph received a greater reeompence for the benefit he did to Pharao , then ever we read given by any Common-wealth . But Extensive , I hold it more profitable to serve under a Common-wealth ; because the memory of a benefit done to a Prince , as being a particular person , dies with him : but the memory of a benefit done to a City , continues as long as the City continues ; and not onely towards him that did it , but to his posterity also : where of we have a cleare example in the foresaid Joseph ; who Intensively was rewarded by King Pharao , beyond measure , being more King then Pharao himselfe . But Extensively , it proved more hurt then benefit , his successours being put to slavery by him , whose grandfather with all his people , Joseph had preserved before from famine . This reason by me alledged , is written by the Holy Ghost in Exodus , where he saith , Surrexit in terra Rex novus , super Aegyptum , qui ignorahat Joseph , & ait ad populum suum ; Ecce populus Israel multus & fortior nobis est ; Venite , sapienter opprimamus eum . And therefore , ( as I shall shew in another place ) men more esteeming a present profit , then a future , will be moved rather to write of a Prince , then of a Commonwealth .

Secondly , by reason of lesse danger , because an Historian in praysing a Prince , hath nothing else to think of ; and being indeed a good Prince , he may praise him truely ; and therefore Tacitus discoursing of such Princes , breakes out into these words , Rara temporum faelicitate , ubi sentire quae velis , & quae sentias dicere licet . But in a Common-wealth ( as I said before ) it is impossible to write so , but that amongst so many , some or other will be blamed ; and oftentimes the Hate that growes from one , proves more hurtfull , then the love of all the rest proves beneficiall ; because these hold themselves not much obliged , as counting it but their due ; the other conceave an irreconcileable hate , as counting it a wrong .

Thirdly , Historians will more willingly write the deedes of a Prince , then of a City ; because men take more pleasure to praise such as are above their owne ranke ; envy , as every one knowes , being properly amongst equals : and therefore in Common-wealths , every one lookes rather to be praised himselfe , then to praise others : whereupon Sallust , not without cause lamenting the scarcity of Writers that Rome had , saith , At populo Romano nunquam ea copia fuit , ( that is of Writers ) quia prudentissimus Negotiosus maxime erat ; Ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat ; Optimus quisque facere quam dicere , sua ab alis benefacta laudari , quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat . And thus much concerning the persons under whom , and of whom an Historian writes .

Now concerning the time , there may be given three kinds of Historians : some , who relate things hapned in their owne time ; some , things done time past ; and others , things to be done in time to come . They who relate the Accidents of time past , without having had any former relation , are called Prophets : as Moyses writing of the Creation of the World ; so many who have written of things to come , are called Historians ; as Esay , who hath written as well of our Church ; as if he had written of things past ; Ita enim Vniversa Christi ( saith S. Hierom ) Ecclesiaeque mysteria prosequutus est , ut non putes eum de futuro vaticinari , sed de praeterito Historiam texere .

But leaving those who write with such Authority , that of their truth there can be no doubt , our discourse shall be of the other ; and because ( as we have said ) many write of the times past ; others , of their owne times : and of these , some are such as have beene present at the things they relate ; and others have them onely by relation : there being great difficulty in all the 〈◊〉 , it is requisite , that together with the difficulty , we should also examine , which of them is most worthy to be credited .

They then who relate things which themselves have seene done , may easily be drawne to vary from the truth ; as moved with passions , sometimes of hate , sometimes of envy , and sometimes againe of love ; and therefore Plutarch counts it a businesse of great difficulty and this perhaps Livy meanes , when speaking of such Writers , he saith , Etsi non flectere à vero ; solicitum tamen efficere possunt . And Polybius to give the greater authority to his History , labours to shew that the story of the first warre of the Romans with the Carthagenians , written by Fabius Pictor a Roman , and by Philo a Carthagenian , was by those Authours , each of them in favour of his owne Country , stuffed with lies . And indeed it is not unlike , but they might vary from the truth , and yet out of no corrupt affection ; but that each of them writ as he believed , though not as it was ; seeing things to which men are affected , seem alwaies , in the good , greater ; and lesse , in the evill ; according to that rule of Aristotle , Intus existens prohibet Extraneum : and therefore to an eye , looking through a greene Glasse , every thing seemes greene . So to the palate offended with choler , every thing tasts bitter : and therefore David made his prayer to God , to keep him as the Apple of his eye , Custodi me Domine ut pupillam oculi : which as it hath in it no colour , and therefore sees things as they are ; so he desired to be without affections , that he might know the truth of things . Whereuppon it appeares , we may conclude , that they who write of their owne times , and have not the vertue of the apple of the eye ; may easily vary from the truth ; not onely by malice , but sometimes also by ignorance ; it being impossible , that a man should be an eye-witnesse of all he writes ; and should be present at all Actions and Counsels in such manner , as not to need the information of others ; and even those who are present at any action , do seldome all of them agree in the relation .

On the other side , it appeares there is more credit to be given to an Historian that writes of his owne time , and of those things at which he hath himselfe been present , then to others ; seeing they are forced to stand to that which is left them by the ancients , either written in History , or preserved in memory , as Plutarch well observes . And because it is seldome , but there is more then one Writer of the same History : and for him that will relate them , he must necessarily make use of those , who have formerly given the information : it is an easie matter , in such a number of writings , for an Historian to be confounded ; and be able but as a blind man , to give advertisement of things , whereof he is himselfe to be advertised . Besides , those first writings or memories of which this Historian makes use : they also , may have been written , out of affection .

Lastly , there are not wanting reasons to prove , that he who writes a History of his own time ; though he have them but by relation , is the more worthy of credit ; because in such , the difficulties that are found in the others , are abated ; seeing , by not having been present , and had no part in the actions they relate ; they are also voyd of those affections , which make Historians speake lesse truth : and by writing of their owne time , they are not tied to stand to the bookes of others , who never agree with one another . And therefore the holy fathers , from this difficulty have drawne an Argument to prove the truth of the Gospell ; because four Writers agree in all points . Neither by this example is my opinion abated , but rather strengthned ; it being necessary , that to make foure men write agreeingly in all things , there must be one onely to instruct them all , which is the Holy Ghost .

But neither is this kind of Historians without difficulty ; rather as I conceive , in greater then any other : as partaking himselfe alone of all those difficulties , which we in the two first observed ; because although he be not present at the things , yet he is present at the time ; and this hath force to stirre affection even in those that are not neere the time , as every one finds by experience in himselfe . Secondly , he who gives the information , may be moved by some passion himselfe ; and then he will the lesse care for writing a lie , when he hath his intent , and the blame anothers . Thirdly , if he take more then one to give him information ; he will fall into the same difficulties , as he that writes Histories of the times past : seeing it is seldome seene , that two agree in their relation ; and oftentimes , one alone is contrary to himselfe .

And thus there is difficulty we see in all manner of times , and of Writers ; whether they write of the time past , or of their own times ; and whether they write by relation from others , or as eye-witnesses themselves .

For resolution , we may conclude , that more credit is to be given to those things , which are related by Historians that have beene eye-witnesses of things done in their own time , so long as the Writers be honest men . Whereupon we give more credit to the Histories of Argentone , relating accidents , at which he was himselfe present , then we doe to Jovius , who writ by relation from others , when himselfe perhaps was all the while at his Bishopricke . Yet I say not , that Jovius is not worthy of credit , seeing it is not my profession to lay blame upon any . This Argentone hath made us know this difference , while enterlacing the Histories of Lewis the eleventh with those of England ; he useth much cunning to make us beleeve him ; as one that was not present at the things done : and therefore for the most part , names the persons who gave him information : that from the greatnesse and credit of his informers , he might winne credit to his owne writings . And this was the very case of S. Luke , who writing in his Gospell the life of our Saviour ; because he had not himselfe been present , therefore to procure himselfe credit , at his very beginning he saith , he had it by relation from persons that were present . Sicut tradiderunt nobis , qui ab initio ipsi viderunt , & ministri fuerunt sermonis : but when he was to write the Acts of the Apostles , at which he had been present ; then without making any Promise or Proaeme : he begins with saying , Primum quidem sermonem feci de omnibus , O Theophile : and this for no other cause , but because he knew , how much a History hath more credit , when things are written by one that hath seen them . It is no marvell then , that S. John , for gayning himselfe credit saith , Ego vidi , & testimonium perhibui , quia hic est filius Dei . And therefore it was Gods will , that the Apostles should beare witnesse of him , Et vos testificamini de me , quoniam ab initio mecum estis . And S. Peter in the Acts , when he would perswade the resurrection of Christ to be believed , saith , Qui simul edimus & bibimus cum illo . Whereupon S. Chrysostome , considering why S. John names himselfe , where he saith , Sequebatur autem Petrus , & alius Discipulus , gives the reason in these words , Et sui meminisse coactus est , ut intelligas ea , caeteris diligentius , quae in Principis aula facta sunt enarrare , utpote quia aderat .

As for the objection made before , it is plainly cleered , if the Writer be an honest man . For in a good Historian , there are two things required ; an ability , and a will : and one of these parts he that writes of things himselfe hath seen , hath certaine in him more then others ; which is , that he is more able to write the truth , then any other ; and as for the will to doe it , it cannot be wanting in him , if he be honest : and if he be not honest , then no doubt another that writes of times past may be worthy of more credit then he .

Donec gliscente Adulatione deterrerentur .

From whence flattery proceeds : how many kinds there are of it , and which of them is hurtfull to a City . The eleventh Discourse .

COncerning flattery , there have been discourses morally written , by infinite writers ; and in such manner , that they have given cause rather to admire them , then left any place to adde any thing unto them . I therefore , as I use to do , will handle it as a Politician , briefly , and yet perhaps in such a way , as hath not beene done by any . Shewing first , that Princes themselves are the cause of flatterers . Secondly , how many kinds of flatterers there are . Thirdly , in what the essence of flattery consists . And lastly , which of them are hurtfull to Cities .

Concerning the first , it is in common experience , that flatterers are the ruine of Princes ; and yet it is easie to shew that Princes are themselves the forgers of this their ruine ; because if they were furnished with vertue and goodnesse ; flatterers could find no matter in them to worke upon : and so , either there would be no flattery at all , or at least not hurtfull . And therefore those wise virgins who stood waiting for the Bridegroome by night , having Oyle for themselves ; which in the Scripture , is often taken for praise , Oleum 〈◊〉 nomen tuum : as Lyranus interprets it , they needed not procure from others the Oyle of flattery . Et Oleum peccatoris non impinguet caput meum : so as Princes themselves being the cause of flattery , and not the Subjects ; all the fault of it , ought to be laid upon them . Whereupon it is no marvell , that in the Acts , while Herod making an oration to the people , was flattered of them , calling his voyce the voyce of a God ; suddenly an Angell stroke him , and he was eaten up of wormes . Statuto autem die , Herodes indutus vestitu Regio & sedens super Tribunal , concionabatur ad Illos : populus autem clamabat , vox Dei : statim autem illum percussit Angelus Domini : what fault was it in Herod , that the people applauded him , calling his voyce , the voyce of God ? and yet he was stroken , and not the People . We may say then , that our Lord God by this example would shew , that Princes themselves are more cause of the peoples flattery , then the subjects are ; which , as a Penne , writes such things , as he that moves it drawes ; of which , it is but the instrument , and no efficient cause .

Before I come to the other two heads ; that is , how many kinds of flattery there are ; and which of them be hurtfull to a City : I am forced to premise a little doctrine , of which I shall have use , in the explication of the one and the other .

We must therefore know , that flattery is a morall action : one of its contraries being friendship , which is a morall vertue ; and because contraries , ( as witnesseth the Philosopher ) are all under the same genus ; as white and blacke under colour ; therefore flattery also must be under the genus of morall actions : of which there are many so bad , that nothing can make them good , as adultery , and such like . This opinion was held by the master of the sentences ; by the authority of S. Austin , where he saith , Bonum est continentia , malum est luxuria , inter utrumque indifferens , ambulare ; capitis naribusque purgamenta projicere , sputis rheumata jacere , hoc nec bonum , nec malum est ; sive enim feceris , sive non feceris , nec justitiam habebis , nec injustitiam . Thirdly , an action may in his owne nature be good ; yet so as by meanes , it may become bad : as to fast , to pray , to sacrifice , and the like . Qui enim de rapina Deo sacrificium offerunt ( saith S. Austin ) idem facit , ac si filium in conspectu patris victimet . Lastly , an action may be given , which of its owne nature is bad ; and yet by some other cause , may become good . Murther is a wicked thing , yet Elias in killing the false Prophets did a good worke , and shewed himselfe zealous of the honour of God .

Those actions then which are subject to alteration , may receive it from three things : first , from the object ; a carnall act performed with a wife , is good ; but if with another mans wife , is wicked . Secondly , from the circumstance : the Sacrifice which Saul made , because it wanted the due circumstances , was not accepted of God . Thirdly , it may receive this alteration from the end ; that is , from the intention : but because the end may comprehend under it , both the object and the circumstances ; therefore we must know , that it may be considered three waies : First , as it is an object , that terminates the act ; and then it is called an intrinsecall end . Secondly , as it happens to some act , as a circumstance . Thirdly , as it is in nature of a cause , and then it is called , Cujus gratia : when therefore we say , that an action may receive goodnesse or badnesse , from the end ; we meane it the third way .

The action in which flattery consists , is such as may receive alteration , from the intention , or from the object ; or from the circumstances . What action of its owne nature more adulatory , then to feigne ones selfe crook-backt , with one that is crook-backt ; as Platos schollers did ? or to stammer with one that is stammering , as Aristotles did ; or to fiegne himselfe wry-neckt , with one that is so , as the Courtiers of Alexander the great did ? or to feigne ones selfe poore blind , with one that is poore blind , as the flatterers of Dionysius did ? It is indeed the greatest kind of flattery ( as Plutarch accounts it ) that can be ; and yet these and the like actions , Saint Paul did , as he writes himselfe ; with the Jewes , he feigned himselfe a Jew ; with those that are weake , to be weake : and in short , with all , he feigned himselfe all . Et factus sum Judaeis tanquam Judaeus ; ut Judaeos lucrare iis qui sub lege sunt , quasi sub lege essem ; cum ipse non essem sub lege ; ut eos qui sub lege erant lucrifacerem ; iis qui sine lege erant , tanquam sine lege essem ; cum sine lege Dei non essem ; sed in lege essem Christi , ut lucrifacerem eos qui sine lege erant : factus sum infirmus infirmis ; ut infirmos lucrifacerem : omnibus omnis factus sum , ut omnes facerem salvos . See here , that act , which of its owne nature , was most adulatory , being used by S. Paul , became vertuous and beneficiall ; and the reason of this can proceed from nothing , but from the intention ; because as those other were moved , with their proper interest ; So S. Paul was moved with the zeale of God . Vt Judaeos lucrarer , ut eos qui sub lege erant lucrifacerem , ut omnes facerem salvos . For there cannot a better way be found , to reduce men to the right way , then to counterfeit to be such as they are : And even so , doe many Physitians use to doe ; who oftentimes having a patient troubled with a melancholicke humour in the braine ; in such sort , as that they thinke themselves to be earthen Pots : they also feine themselves to be such , to the end , that they taking meat , their patient also by their example may take meat , and not die with hunger , out of a conceit that earthen pots could not eate . And in this manner oftentimes they heale their patients ; and feigning themselves to be fooles , have cured them of folly . Thus also did S. Paul , who circumcised Timothy , with a purpose to take away circumcision ; whereof Saint Chrysostome speaking , saith , Vide opus , circumcidit , ut circumcisionem tolleret . Not without cause therefore did Marcus Tullius blame Cato , that would not flatter the people with counterfeiting their fashions , thereby to get the Consulship ; and have freed his Country from the imminent tyranny of Julius Caesar. And the rather , it being a thing commended of God himselfe , Cum perverso perverteris : that is , with wicked men , one must feigne himselfe wicked , to reduce them to goodnesse .

This Act , which in S. Paul received alteration from the end , may also in the contrary receive alteration from the circumstance ; and was used therefore by S. Peter , who when he went to Antiochia , was hindred by S. Paul himselfe , Et in faciem restiti quia reprehensibilis erat : although the Act of S. Peter was the same , and done with the same intention that S. Pauls was ; yet by reason of one circumstance , which was , that by his example , the Gentiles were drawne to Judaise , he deserved reprehension .

To come then to the second head , which is , how many kinds of flattery there are : I say first , there may be an Act of its owne nature exceeding good , and yet be apt to become a flattering act : as , to praise a man for something he hath done , to the end he may with more boldnesse reprove him afterward , is a good act : and therefore S. Paul knowing that the Corinthians , for the love they bore to certaine persons , were fallen into schisme , at first , he praiseth them , where he saith , Gratias ago Deo meo , semper pro vobis in gratia Dei , quae data est vobis in Christo Jesu ; quia in omnibus divites facti estis in illo , in omni verbo & in omni scientia , sicut testimonium Christi confirmatum est in vobis , ita ut nihil desit vobis impulsus gratiae : certainly a greater praise then this , he could not possibly give ; but he addes afterward , Obsecro vos fratres per nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi ut id ipsum dicatis omnes , & non sint in vobis schismata ; see here , after his praising them , how sharply he reprehends them . The contrary happens when one praising a man , speakes the truth , but with an ill intention ; for it is then true flattery : and such , a Prince should never endure to heare . And therefore S. Paul , passing with many others by a place , where stood a maid possessed with a devill ; and hearing himselfe praised by that devill for a servant of God , he made him hold his peace , driving him out of the mayds body . Factum est autem euntibus nobis ad orationem , puellam quandam habentem spiritum Pythonem obviare nobis , quae quaestum magnum praestabat Dominis suis ; Divinando , haec subsecuta Paulum & nos , clamabat dicens : isti homines servi Dei excelsi sunt , qui annuntiant vobis viam salutis : hoc autem faciebat multis diebus : dolens autem Paulus , & conversus spiritui , dixit ; praecipio tibi in nomine Jesu Christi , exire ab ea , & exiit eadem hora. There is no doubt , but the devill in praising Saint Paul and his companions said the truth ; but because he did it not with a good intent , but to the end , that another time he might tell a lie , and be believed ; therefore S. Paul made him goe forth of the maids body . And so ought it to be done to those , who sometimes speake the truth ; but to the end , that another time they may more securely flatter . That such kind of praising is flattery , may easily be proved . For either it must proceed from friendship , or from mildnesse , or else from flattery . But it proceeds not from friendship , because a friend never praiseth out of interest ; nor it proceeds not from mildnesse , because he by Aristotle is defined to be mild , who exceeds in his praises to give contentment ; and differenceth him by this from a flatterer , who praiseth for his owne interest . So as we truely and upon good ground take this to be flattery ; the rather being defined by S. Chrysostome , Adulatio est quando quosdam colit quispiam , non propter quae colere oportet , sed ad captandun terrena ; where this word Colit stands in place of the Genus ; as being common both to a friend , and to him that is mild : and these words Ad captandum terrena , stand in place of the difference ; in which the essence of flattery consists .

Secondly , there may be an action , which of its own nature , is neither good nor bad , but from divers causes may receive a diverse forme . And it is where vertue is indeed and truly in a Prince , but is increased and made greater in the praising it . The liberality that was in Tiberius being celebrated by the Senatours more then was cause ; not to the end , he should encrease it for the publike good ; but to the end , to make him privately the more their friend , was flattery , which could not be so called , if it had been done for the publike good . And therefore when Metellus was extolled for the great valour and prowesse he had shewed in managing the warre ; because it was done to the end , he should continue , and hold on his course , as he did , was no flattery , but a good act , and so recorded by Historians .

Thirdly , there may be an act , of its owne nature bad and flattering ; yet capable to become good from the intention : and it is when a Prince is praised for those vertues and conditions which are not in him , but which should be in him , so long as he is not guilty of the contrary vices .

Fourthly and lastly , there may be an act , I will not say , essentially flattering ; but which seldome and very hardly can change its nature ; and it is , when a Prince is praised for a vertue , being stayned with the contrary vice ; as to call one mercifull , that is cruell .

It remaines to shew , which of these kinds is hurtfull to a Prince , and consequently to the subjects . Concerning the first , seeing flattery consists of two things ; an action , and an intention : as being an action , it is transient ; as being an intention , it is imminent ; as being an action it is good , as an intention bad : lastly , as an action it is founded in the merit of the Prince , in which it passeth away ; as an intention , it is founded in the ill quality of the actor , in whom it remaines ; so as it cannot be hurtfull to the Prince but by accident ; when it is done , as to make an introduction , but hurtfull to him that useth it : who thereby shewes himselfe a wicked man , and an interessed flatterer . For there is this difference betweene morall acts and works artificiall , as Aristotle saith , that workes of art passe away in the matter ; and remaine not in the workman ; but acts of vertue remaining in our selves , require a goodnesse in the actor ; which is of smal importance in works artificiall . But although in this , there appeare no great hurt , yet it will be alwaies good to imitate S. Paul , in discarding such persons : or rather to imitate our Lord Christ , who being flattered of the devill , ( as Theophilact interprets it ) when in Saint Luke , he said , Scio te qui sis , sanctus ille Dei : he instantly rebuked him , Et increpavit illum dicens ; obmutesce & exi ab eo .

The second way that may either hurt , or profit a Prince , is taken from the object ; for this praise is about an object , either good or bad : I meane , he whose vertues are extolled , is either vertuous and just as Metellus was , or vitious and wicked as Tiberius was . In the first case , it doth well , and was therefore very profitable to the Commonwealth : but in the second case , I like it not ; in regard whereof , S. Gregory saith , Injustus audita lande sua polluitur , justus purgatur : pavet enim si talis non ostenditur , qualis ab hominibus putatur .

The third way is a little more difficult ; yet as it is easie to be knowne , and hard to be done ; so it can do but small hurt , to a City or a Prince . For if he shall beleeve there is such an opinion had of him ; he will endeavour so to carry himselfe , that his actions may answer that opinion , if not to attaine to that for which he is praised , at least to hide the contrary . And for this perhaps Varro ( as S. Austin relates ) said , that it is profitable for a City , to flatter Princes , with making them beleeve , they are Sonnes of the Gods ; because finding such an opinion had of them , either they will beleeve themselves to be such indeed ; or at least believing themselves to be accounted such , they will endeavour to do nothing , that may be unworthy of Sons of the Gods . Neverthelesse , ( to returne to our purpose ) this way also receives goodnesse from the object ; seeing , if we deale with bad Princes , it is no good course , to make them thinke , those vertues to be in them , whereof they have not any sparke ; because , either they will beleeve that they are such ; and then will never endeavour to be such ; or at least , finding there is such an opinion had of them , they will content themselves with having the name . But on the other side , if we have to doe with a good Prince , it cannot be but very profitable ; seeing although he should not beleeve himselfe to be such , nor had in such account ; yet finding such vertue to be universally praised , he would for meriting the praise , apply himselfe to it : and much more , if he beleeve such an opinion to be had of him , for fearing of going lesse . Therefore S. Austin saith , Gratias 〈◊〉 tibi uberes , quod nos laudas tanquam tales simus : magnopere enim hortaris ut tales esse cupiamus . With this intention he conceives in another Epistle , that Cicero praised Caesar for clemency , Talem esse ostendebat Principem qualem illum fallaciter predicabat . So as from this kind of flattery , there will grow no hurt , but rather good : and the more , if the flatterer meaning to praise a Prince for something that is not in him , he praise him not for some vice ; for this would rather provoke him to anger , to heare those vices attributed to him of which he is not guilty : and which are so much better known , as they are lesse like .

The last way also may be either good or bad . The Senate of Rome understanding that Macrinus the most cruell man in the World , was chosen Emperour , presently determined to give him the name of Pius ; which was not done without great judgment and mystery : & it did some good ( though he accepted not the name ) to mitigate in some part his cruelty . But contrariwise , when Nero afterward having killed his mother , and an infinite number of Senatours , found himselfe applauded , and the name of a valiant man given him ; it drowned him altogether in a flood of vices . Seque in omnes libidines effudit : and a little after , Postquam cuncta scelerum pro egregiis accipi videt , exturbat Octaviam , and so following . From these two contrary , at least unlike effects ; I am moved to search out the reason , why the one of them , should be profitable rather then hurtfull ; and the other be the ruine of so many Citizens ? To which I say , that this Act may receive alteration , either from the circumstance , or from the object . From the circumstance , seeing this praise may either be given for a vertue , farre different and contrary to a vice with which the Prince is tainted : or it may be given for a vertue , which is neere to that vice . If in the first case , we call one that is cruell , mercifull ; as it is easie to be knowne , so it will doe more good then hurt ; because this is rather a modest admonishing the Prince , then an impudent praising of his vices ; but in the second case , to call one that is cruell , and a murtherer of his Senatours and Citizens , by the name of a valiant man , and a freer of his Countrey ; as it is a flattery hard to be knowne , so it is both to Prince and City most pernicious . Of the first sort , was the case of Macrinus : of the second , that of Nero. As concerning the object , he whom we praise for a vertue , either is stained before , being Prince , with the contrary vice , as Nero was : or else he comes but newly to be Prince , as Macrinus did ; if he were stayned before , it can doe no good , although the praise be for a vertue most remote from the vice ; but if he come but newly to be Prince , it may then doe some good .

I will not omit ( though this be not the proper place for it ) to advertise , that a flatterer is a person , of whom a Prince ought to stand in feare ; seeing two sorts of men may be his ruine : either , they that are too free ; who using their freenesse in dispraising their Lord , must needs give him cause to be afraid ; or else they , that are too wary , who concealing their thoughts , are apt to make conspiracies ; and the flatterer being of this sort , a concealour of his thoughts , gives the Prince just cause to feare him . And therefore Tiberius an understanding man , neither liked those that flattered too much , nor those that spake too freely ; unde Augusta & lubrica Oratio , ( saith Tacitus ) sub Principe qui libertatem metuebat , adulationem oderat . And in another place , speaking of flattery , he saith , Quae , moribus corruptis perinde auceps si nulla , & ubi Nimia est .

Postquam Bruto & Cassio coesis , nulla jam publica arma Pompeius apud siciliam oppressus , exutoque Lepido , interfecto Antonio , ne Julianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar Dux reliquus ; posito triumviri nomine , consulem se ferens & ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio Jure contentum , ubi Militem donis ; Populum , annona , cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit .

What things holpe Augustus to the Empire , and what meanes he used to maintaine it . The twelfth Discourse .

COrnelius Tacitus not onely in these words , but also in a good part of the first Book , entreating of Augustus , labours to shew what meanes he used to attaine the Empire ; and what to uphold him , having attained it . And my meaning is to follow his course , and punctually to examine all things : dividing my Discourse into two parts : the first , to shew the waies which Augustus used to attaine the Empire ; the second , the waies by which he maintained it .

The ordinary waies , as experience and men teach us , to come to a Principality , are either by fortune , or by vertue , or by wickednesse , or by craft , or by election ; or lastly by succession .

Augustus then came to the Empire by fortune ; which holpe him three waies : the first , that when Brutus and Cassius who were his enemies were dead ; and that Lepidus and Antonius his partners in greatnesse were extinguisht ; he only remained of the Caesarian faction : and therfore Tacitus speaking in what manner fortune ayded him , saith , Postquam Bruto & Cassio caesis ; nulla jam publica arma , Pompeius apud siciliam oppressus ; exuto Lepido , Interfecto Antonio , ne Julianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar Dux reliqu●…s : and so following .

This onely ayd of fortune , is the ablest way to raise one to a Principality : and therefore Pericles , ( as Plutarch in his life relates ) by this onely meanes became Prince of Athens , Postquam Aristides vita decessit , Themistocles exulatum abiit , Cimonem bella , plerique citra Graeciam detinuere , ibi demum Pericles populo se dedit .

But thisalone did not serve Augustus , but fortune in another manner gave him assistance : for the stoutest Citizens , being part banished , and part slaine in battailes , it was an easie matter to attaine the Empire without any let . This second ayd of fortune , Tacitus expresseth , where he saith , Insurgere paulatim , munia Senatus , Magistratum legumque in se trahere ; nullo adversante , cum ferocissimi peracies , aut proscriptione cecidissent .

Not lesse apt then the first , is this ayd , to make a change in States ; seeing the people of Tarantum , onely because the greater part of the Nobility were dead in warre , was easily able to change the state : whereupon Aristotle saith , Contingit vero quandoquidem id , ( the change of the State ) per fortunam , veluti apud 〈◊〉 ; cum superati praetio a Lampigensibus Nobilitatis magnam partem amississent .

But fortune not content with this neither gave Augustus another ayd also , to make himselfe Emperour : which was , that he found the Common-wealth wearied with discords , and the Provinces oppressed by Magistrates ; which Tacitus describing saith , Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa , nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit : and of the Provinces he addes , Neque Provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant , suspecto Senatus populique Imperio , and that which followeth .

This way was the onely cause that brought Visconte to be Lord of Milan ; and Bentivoli to be Lord of Bologna .

Yet fortune by all these waies had not power her selfe alone , to bring Augustus to the Empire ; though ( as we have shewed ) each of them of it selfe were apt to doe it : but secondarily there concurred with them his own valour , which he shewed in so many battels : and lastly , in that Navall fight ; by meanes whereof he came to be Emperour . And although this alone had beene sufficient to bring him to the Empire , as was seen in Vitellius , who by getting the victory onely in one battaile against Otho , made himselfe Lord of Rome ; yet Augustus , besides fortune and his owne vertue , brought himselfe forward by desert , as having enlarged the Roman Empire , Mari Oceano , haud amnitibus longinquis septum Imperium : by this way have many come to be Princes , as Saturnius , and others . And Aristotle himselfe approves it , where he saith , Praeterea ob beneficia accepta Reges Creavere . Which Saint Thomas expounding , saith , Vel quia pugnavit contra 〈◊〉 pro illis , vel invenit artem aliquam iis necessariam .

But besides fortune , vertue , and merit , Augustus brought himselfe forward by wickednesse and perfidiousnesse also , which ayded him two waies : First , by making use of those armes to oppresse his Countrey , which he had received to defend it , Arma quae in Antonium caeperat contra Rempublicam versa : and indeed , there cannot be a greater wickednesse , then when benefits are turned against him of whom they are received : and therefore our Lord God meaning by the mouth of Esay , to shew the ungratefulnesse & wickednesse of the Hebrew people , saith , Filios enutrivi , & exaltavi , ipsi autent spreverunt me , Where the Chaldee paraphrase saith , Tulisti de auro meo , atque de Argento meo , quae dedi tibi , & fecisti tibi Imagines Masculinas . This way was also followed by Hiero the Syracusan , who imployed that Army to oppose the Common-wealth , which he had received to defend it .

But neither did this wickednesse of Augustus serve his turne , in committing so many murthers , as Tacitus describes where he saith , Pietatemerga parentem & tempora Reipublicae obtentui sumpta . And againe , Cassii & Brutorum exitus paternis 〈◊〉 datos : deceptos post Antonium Tarentino Brundusinoque faedere : & nuptiis sororis illeptum , subdole affinitatis poenas mortis exolvisse . But not onely this wickednesse , with so many other causes spoken of before , concurred ; though this alone were enough to bring a man to a Kingdome ; as it did Agathocles the Sicilian , and Cleomenes the Spartan and many others ; a way unworthy to be imitated not onely of Christians , but even of Barbarians : But besides all these , that which ayded Augustus was craft and policy : for being called in by his owne Citizens , and they divided into Commons and Nobility ; The Commons by reason of oppression by the great ones : the Nobles by reason of common diffension , desired rather to have a King and be safe , then to have liberty , and be in danger : So as Augustus , Ad tuendam plebem , tooke upon him the dignity of a tribune ; and to be ayded by the Nobility , advanced them in honours and riches , who Novis ex rebus aucti , tuta & praesentia , quam veter a & periculosa mallent . For safety is so sweet a thing , that the people liked better of servitude with safety , than of liberty with danger . And therefore the Israelites finding that the Canaanites were a valiant Nation , were ready rather to turne backe into Aegypt and be slaves ; then to stay in Canaan and be in danger . As it happened also in Exodus , when they saw Pharao comming , Nunquid non erant Sepulchra in Aegypto , quando sedebamus super ollas 〈◊〉 ? And therefore the Romans having driven out the Kings , doubted lest the the people , if the Tarquins should make warre upon Rome , would not to resolve , rather to receive the tyrant againe , and live in peace ; then continue in liberty , and be still in danger . Nec hostes modo timebant ( saith Livy ) sed suos met ipsos cives , ne Romana plebs , metu perculsa , receptis 〈◊〉 urbem regibus , vel cum servitute pacem acciperet . And here is to be noted , that men will alwaies be more moved with private interest , then with publike profit ; and that every one had rather be a slave and rich , then to be free and poore . Whereof I will bring one example out of Dio: Caesar having before him the Army of Scipio , caused Letters to be carried into the enemies Tents , wherein he friendly promised the Souldiers honours and riches , and to the Countreymen , to save their goods untouched ; and by this meanes , he drew them all to come to his side : on the contrary , Scipio also being forced to use the same device of sending Letters into Caesars Camp , perswaded them to be of his side , in defence and for the good of the Commonwealth ; putting them in mind , of the great benefit of liberty : for all which perswasions , there was not a man that would offer to go from Caesar ; whereby we may plainly see , that ordinarily men preferre profit before honesty . And where it may be objected , that people infinite times make insurrections onely for their liberty : it is easily answered , if we consider that under that name of liberty , they alwaies thinke , or are made beleeve , there is great profit to be had : and therefore they desire liberty , not as an end , but as a means to another end .

But to returne to our purpose ; besides so many causes alleged , concurring in favour of Augustus ; this of election also is to be added : that he was chosen by the Senate , by the people , and by the Souldiers ; by which meanes infinite others have obtained the Roman Empire : and so it happened amongst the Graecians , so the Pope , so the Kings of Polan , so the Emperour in our times , by this meanes onely of being elected , attaine their Principalities .

Lastly , it may be also said , that he came to be Emperour by succession , as being the next of kin to Caesar , to whom by right of succession , besides his being made his heire by his Will , the Empire belonged .

We may then say , that Augustus came to be Emperour , neither by fortune , nor by wickednesse , nor by policy , nor by merit , nor by election , nor by succession , but by all of them together ; seeing each of these , ( as I have before shewed ) being apt of it selfe to raise a man to the Empire , certainely all of them concurring in Augustus could not choose but effect it .

And thus much for his attaining the Empire ; now for holding it , thus gotten : we say , that an Empire may be held , either from the Nobility , or from the people , or from the Souldiers ; and that either by love or by force . With the people it is held by procuring of plenty , and that the poore be not wronged by the rich ; there being nothing that makes a Prince more beloved of the people , than to keep them safe from the insolencie of great men . And therefore the Holy Ghost meaning to shew the cause , why all Nations should serve that King , saith , Omnes Gentes servient ei , quia liberavit pauperem à potente : and a little after , Et honorabile Nomen eorum coram illo . S. Hierome reads it , Et pretiosus crit sanguis eorum coram illo , That is , they shall hold the honour of the King in great account , and shall not leave unpunished whosoever shall imbrue their hands in his blood ; as was seene in the conspiracy against Caesar. This therefore Augustus knowing , tooke upon him the power of a Tribune , Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio jure contentunt : and suffered them not to be in want , knowing that safety without plenty is little esteemed : and therefore he saith , Populum annona .

Now for Noble men , they are of two sorts ; stout , and timerous . In the stout , there is no trusting , being men that extreamely skorne a servile condition ; and consequently extreamly hate a tyrant . And therefore it was necessary , Augustus should send such into banishment or to the warres ; and they once dead , he then remained secure and without feare of any new hatred . To the timerous and quiet are to be given honours ; for a Gentleman hath no other end , but honour : and of these , the Prince ought to make use in peace ; and as for warre he need not feare them : therefore Tacitus saith , Caeteri Nobilium quanto quis servitio promptior opibus & honoribus extolluntur : ac Novis ex rebus aucti , tuta & praesentia quam vetera & periculosa mallent . Where it is to be observed , that by caeteri he meanes , those onely that were not stout : there following , without any words between , Cum ferocissimi per acies ant proscriptione cecidissent .

Augustus then did well , to advance many of the Noble men , above the others ; & especially those , that shewed themselves most ready to do him service . First , to the end , that such example might draw others to the like servitude , thereby to gaine the like honour . Secondly , to the end that seeing honours attained to under a Prince , which could never have beene attained in a Common-wealth , they might the better be contented with such a State ; and therefore Aristotle amongst the meanes for conserving a Kingdome , forgets not to speake of this , where he saith , Atque eos viros qui aliqua in re honorabiliter se gesserint honorare ; ita ut non existiment unquam se magis honorari in civitate degentibus potuisse . Thirdly , Augustus did well , to advance many great ones above others , because as where equality is , a Kingdome there is hardly raised , and liberty easily maintained : so where there is inequality , a Kingdome there is easily preserved : and therefore a Prince is to be commended , that removeth many from equality ; to the end there may be seen a certaine proportion , and not one to be unequall , and all the rest equall . The reason of this , in my opinion , is , because when onely one is seen unequall , all the rest will have a desire to reduce him to equality , and by some means or other to rid him away ; but when there are many unequals , the inferiours not only will never be moved to conspire against the Prince , because they should never by this meanes come to equality : but also they will not suffer any other to doe it , resting satisfied in this , that as themselves have many unequals , their superiours ; so those have the Prince unequall , and their superiour : and in this at least they shall be equall , that they are all of them inferiour to one .

But because obedience is hardly found , especially in new states , if there be not force concurring ; whereupon the Throne of Salomon , which by Writers is taken for obedience , was compassed about with twelve Lyons ; seeing they who desire to be obeyed , ought together with generosity , have force also to make them be obeyed ; and therefore the holy Ghost in the mouth of Salomon saith , Sicut Turris David , collum tuum ; quae aedisicate est cum propagnaculis ; mille clypei pendent ex ea ; omnis armatura fortium . This Towre hath so many defences , because it is put for a figure of obedience ; meaning to shew , that they who desire to preserve obedience , have need of all sorts of Armes to defend it : for these causes , Augustus knowing this , and having an Army in his hand , able to make him be obeyed by force , if need should be , he made the Souldiers sure to him , by donatives of which they are most greedy : whereupon it may be said , that Augustus maintained his Empire , neither by the Nobility , nor by the people , nor by the souldiers ; neither by love , nor yet by force , but by all of them together .

Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio Iure contentum , ubi Militem donis , Populum annona , cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit .

How Princes may get the peoples love : how a private man ought to make use of the peoples favour ; and what part it hath in bestowing the Empire . The thirteenth Discourse .

AS safety is not enough to give the people satisfaction , if it be not accompanied with plenty : and therefore the Israelites , though they lived safe under their leader Moyses , yet when plenty failed , they desired againe the servitude of Pharao : so neither doth plenty give satisfaction , if it be not accompanied with peace , as was plainly seene in that people ; for when those men returned whom Joshua had sent into the Land of Promise , to make known the fruitfulnesse of the Countrey , yet when they heard there were in it great store of Gyants , onely for this , they liked better to stay in the Wildernesse in peace , then to goe to a Land flowing with Milke and Honey with warre : the desire of living quietly prevailing more with them , than the enjoying of plenty .

Three things then are required in a people , to make them absolutely happy : safety from being oppressed by those at home ; peace with those abroad ; and plenty . Whereupon our Lord God meaning to shew the happinesse in which his people should live , expresseth these three things by the mouth of his Prophet Esay , where he saith , Sedebit populus meus in plenitudine pacis , here is peace : In Tabernaculis fiduciae , here is safety : In requie opulenti , here is plenty . Such a like happinesse Tacitus shewes that Rome had ; or to say better , the people of Rome under the Dominion of Augustus ; where he saith , Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio jure contentum : see here , by making himselfe protectour of the people , he made them safe from oppressours at home : Vbi populum Annona , see here , plenty : Cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit , see here the safety from forraine enemies , which is peace ; for by the word Otium in this place ( as I shall shew in another discourse ) he meanes nothing else but peace .

But because many gather from this place , seeing Augustus obtained and maintained his Empire by the love of the people ; that therefore this is the true way , for all others to rise from a private man to be a Prince ; and the rather because a place in Aristotle confirmed by many examples seemes to concurre in this opinion , where he saith , Et profecto antiquorum Tyrannorum plurimi ex popularibus hominibus facti sunt ; I shall be forced in discoursing of this matter , to proceed with distinction , as finding many places directly contrary to this ; and particularly in the foresaid Tacitus , who in another place shewes , that the peoples favour is rather a ruine than a fortune to great men ; where in the third of his Annals he saith , Breves & Infaustos Rontani populi amores .

I say then , that he who is in the peoples favour , either he hath a mind to make himselfe Prince , or he hath not : if he have no such mind , he shall doe better to avoyd those demonstrations with safety , which without any benefit makes him runne into danger ; seeing a good intention is not sufficient , where it is equally dangerous , to have such imputation , whether wrongfully or justly , as Tacitus well saith , Si objiciantur etiam insontibus , periculosa : because Princes , as soone as they see the peoples favour enclining to another , presently have him in suspition ; and therefore David began to be hated of Saul , as soone as he knew the people loved him : whereupon in the booke of the Kings , the holy Spirit saith , Posuitque eum Saul , supra viros belli , & acceptus erat in occulis Vniversi populi , maximeque in 〈◊〉 famulorum Saul : and a little after , Non rectis ergo oculis , Saul respiciebat David , a die illa & deinceps .

Likewise when the mysticall David , Christ , was seene to the Jewes , to enter triumphantly into Hierusalem on Palme-sunday , with great applause of the people , they presently began to conspire against him : The like hapned to Germanicus , whose case was much like that of Aristobulus ; both of them being gracious with the people ; young men of goodly presence , both ; both of them next to the Crowne ; under most cruell tyrants , Herod the great , and Tiberius Nero ; both of them for the same causes put to death by fraud : one bewalled counterfetly of Herod ; the other , feignedly of Nero ; by whom in truth they came to their deaths . Of these then , it may be said , Breves & 〈◊〉 populi amores .

But if he that is in the peoples favour , have an intention to make himselfe Prince , we must then distinguish : for either the peoples favour towards him growes out of a discontentment towards the Prince ; or it comes out of anger arising from some suddaine accident : if in the first case ; he that will make use of their favour , if he be able to hide it , which is a difficult thing , shall doe well to wait for some good occasion : seeing he may assure himselfe , that as discontentment encreaseth by little and little , and is nourished in minds once discontented ; so it is hard , or rather impossible , it should vanish on a sudden : and therefore if he stay for a good beginning , where there hath preceded a good occasion , as I have shewed in another discourse , there can be no doubt of having good successe . Princes therefore must take heed , they give the people no such occasions ; which are so much more dangerous , as they are lesse violent : because in such cases , men are not moved with every light wind ; but wayting for a fit opportunity , they then shew their minds when they see they have power to doe it , with the ruine of the Prince . And there needs no other proofe of this , than the examples of the Aragonesi , and of Ludovico Moro. But if the people be moved to ayd him , out of choler , this , as it is lesse dangerous for the Prince ; so to him that would make use of it , it is more difficult : First , because when the beginnings are not preceded by fit occasions , as hath been shewed in the like cases , it seldome takes any good effect : And therefore when the people would have risen against Tiberius , onely out of choler , because he had taken from them that small authority they had ; this insurrection not being preceded by mature judgement , there was none would take upon him to be Head ; and so the enterprise came to nothing Secondly , because the occasion which is founded upon choler , will soone cease , and is never able to continue ; and as it growes coole , makes men repent them of what they had done . And you cannot say , that having provoked the Prince with choler , there is now a necessity to follow that Head for feare ; with whom , partaking in fault , they partake also in fortune ; for this is directly the overthrow of the businesse , because having provoked the Princes mind with their insurrection , and knowing they may please him againe with killing their Head , they will easily be drawne to murder him . Neverthelesse , he that will make use of the peoples favour , for rising to any honour , which he thinks is his due , let him give them no time to thinke of the matter , but once perswaded , let him suddenly venture . Don Antonio of Portugall , finding he had the peoples favour , instantly without delaying any time , made use of it , and it took effect . So Bardanus called in by the Parthians , that would drive out Gotarze , went about it with all suddennesse ; and having gotten possession , knowing the inconstancy of that people , he suddenly fortified all the principall places of the Countrey . It is therefore no marvell , that Caius Cassius gave counsell to seize upon the Kingdome suddenly , knowing the Parthians to be fickle and inconstant ; and this suddennesse ought the rather to be used , because for the most part , a people in insurrections is drawn to do things , which though good , yet are repugnant to their Genius : and therefore if time be given them , they soone perceive their errour , and thereupon repent , and put presently their repentance in execution . The Souldiers of Neroes guard , were with great cunning perswaded to give their consent to his death ; but when they had time given them to perceive their errour , they suddenly turned to take revenge , and it tooke effect . Miles Vrbanus longo Caesarum Sacramento 〈◊〉 , & ad destituendum Neronem arte magis & impulsu , quam suo ingenio traductus : and that which followeth . Another example we have in the second of Tacitus his Annals ; where speaking of Vonone , whom Tiberius at their desire had sent to the Parthians , he saith , that at first they received him with great applause , Et accepere barbari Laetantes prout ferme ad nova imperia ; but those people thinking afterward of the matter , though he were a King of good conditions , and profitable for them , yet , because he came from the Emperour of Rome , and consequently contrary to the Genius of that Nation , they first repented them , and afterward expelled him . Mox subiit pudor degeneravisse Parthos petitum alio ex orbe Regem ; and that which followeth . This then may passe for a generall rule , alwaies when either through eloquence , or threatning , or reward , or any other cunning , a man is induced to doe a thing against his genius , seeing it depends upon his will , it is like to last no longer then he hath time to thinke upon it : and therefore the best course in such cases , is so to mannage the businesse , that having once perswaded him , it be not left in his power to repent , as Bardanus did , by fortifying himselfe presently . So Jehu who in the life of Joram , was accepted King by Gods appointment , seeing the good inclination of the people towards him , and knowing that if he gave them time he should never perswade them to set upon their naturall Lord , he went instantly to find out Joram , and slew him . This reason is taken into consideration by Abulensis , where he saith , Quia totus vigor Jehu erat in hoc , quod populus concorditer adjuvare illum volebat : si tamen differret opus ad aliquantulum tempus , forte animi virorum tepescerent , & nollent insurgere contra Dominum suum antiquum . But the contrary of this being done by Julius Campitolinus , and Spurius Aemilius in Livy , both the one and the other were forsaken of the people , and they runne themselves into no small danger . For the people indeed are never able to continue long in dissentions , having trades which they must necessarily follow to get their living ; which Aristotle considering , is of the mind , that there cannot be a better kind of people in a City , then that which consists of Husbandmen ; because being forced to attend their occupation , they are not able to stay long in seditions . He therefore that will make use of the people , for the purpose aforesaid , let him dispatch it , and doe it so speedily , that they may have no time given to repent them .

I cannot omit here to examine the reason , why the people oftentimes doe good actions upon the sudden , and such as upon mature deliberation they would not doe ; and forbearing for brevities sake , certaine reasons which every one of himselfe may easily conceive , I only say , that this proceeds from the weaknesse of their understanding ; It being their custome , either to doe nothing that is good , or else to doe it upon the sudden ; because as Aristotle saith , All weake things come soon to their accomplishment and height : seeing nature , which is moved by the intelligences , and by God , bestowes little time upon the growth of base things , as is seen in Pompions , and other Herbs of smal moment . Another reason may be taken from the said Aristotle , who speaking of the Ancients who made the first principles contraries , saith , Quasi a veritate ipsa coacti ; whereas S. Thomas learnedly shewes , that as a stone of its owne nature descends downward , and fire ascends upward ; so the understanding naturally follows the better apparence : and therefore weake understandings , if they doe at any time any good thing , they must do it naturally , and consequently upon the sudden ; for if they have time to thinke upon it , then the counsell which they give , or the action , which they doe , will be no longer naturall but Artificiall ; and therefore weake understandings are not perfected by deliberation , but rather confounded , and by this meanes would oftentimes goe astray . This then is the Philosophicall and Reall reason , why many having done something that is good , doe afterward by thinking upon it , and deliberating , spoyle and overthrow it .

For resolution therefore , and to make the fore-alleged passages to agree , I say , that the people are not the whole cause of raising one to a Royalty , but only concurre as a cause in part ; neither yet the people together with the Nobility , sufficient to make an alteration , where there are Souldiers ; and therefore not without cause Tacitus saith , Breves & infaustos populi Romani amores : because the City of Rome was never without Praetorian souldiers . Of this there is a plaine example , in the whole siege of Nola , in Livy ; and to speake of our owne times , in Verona , where the people having a mind to rise in favour of the Venetians , yet because the souldiers of the King of France and of the Emperour were within it , they were not able to doe any thing of moment . We may therefore conclude , that the people alone can never be an absolute meanes to raise a man to a Principality , if it be not upon a suddaine , and that there be no Souldiers in the place ; for against them there is no good to be done , although they should have the Nobility to assist them : but the people together with the souldiers , may easily raise one to the Empire , and when Tacitus saith , Breves & infaustos populi Romani amores , he means it of the people alone ; but in this present place , he speakes of the people and souldiers together ; which plainly appeares , because having said , Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio jure contentum , he addes , Vbi militem donis : shewing he well knew , that together with the people , the souldiers must concurre . And Aristotle differs not from Tacitus , nor yet from my opinion , but rather confirmes both the one and the other : seeing , where he gives a reason , how it happened , that in ancient times the favourites of the people came to be Lords , he saith , that the same man who was powerfull with the people , was also Leader of the Army ; and so , had both people and souldiers of his side . And addes withall , that whosoever of late time hath attempted any thing , relying only upon the people , hath never brought his purpose to any good passe : A manifest argument , that the people concurre as a cause in part , if the souldiers joyne with them : Vetustis quident temporibus ( saith he ) quando idem erat potens in populo ac Bello , Dux , Popularis Respublica in Tyrannidem mutabatur , & profecto antiquorum Tyrannorum plurimi ex popularibus hominibus facti sunt : causa autem cur tunc fierent , non autem nunc , illa est , quod qui tunc in populo maxime poterat , ex iis erat qui bello 〈◊〉 .

Ubi Militem donis .

How the Donatives which are given to souldiers are profitable to raise a man , and to maintine him in the Empire●… and when it is that Military discipino is corrupted by them . The fourteenth Discourse .

THere are two things chiefly that move men to follow the warres ; Acquiring of honour , and encrease of riches ; and both these are in Donatives : for Donatives , as to the thing it selfe , is an encrease of wealth ; and comming from the Princes hand , as a testimony of the souldiers valour , they are an encrease of Honour . It is therefore no marvell that Augustus , not only at his entrance into the Empire , but even from his childhood , used with Donatives to winne the souldiers love , seeing they are able to corrupt the wisest and best men ; as our Lord God in Exodus hath left written , Nec accipies munera quae etiam excaecant prudentes & subvertunt verba justorum . Whereupon not without cause , S. John in the Apocalyps , cals them by the name of Witchcraft , where speaking of Rome under the figure of Babylon he saith , Quia mercatores tui erant Principes terrae , quia in venesiciis tuis erraverunt omnes Gentes . Where S. John intends to shew , according to the opinion of some , that Rome by meanes of guifts , as it were with sorcery , had drawne the greatest part of the world , to the adoration of Idols . Tiberius therefore knowing what power there is in them , when Junius Gallus had moved in the Senat , that Gifts and Honours should be bestowed upon the souldiers of his Guard , he sharply reproved him ( saith Tacitus ) veluti coram rogitans , quid illi cum militibus esset , quos neque ditu Imperatoris , neque Praemia nisi ab Imperatore accipere par esset .

Yet the introduction of Donatives was to the Commonwealth of Rome of exceeding great damage . First , they have been , ( as I shall shew in fit place ) in great part the cause , why the City of Rome , freed once from tyranny by Lucius Brutus , was never afterward able , being oppressed by the House of the Caesars , to recover its liberty ; the Donatives having put the election into the souldiers hands , and they , not to lose so great a gaine , would alwaies rather have an Emperour for their private profit , than a Commonwealth for the publike benefit . Secondly , because having an Army in their hand , on which the election and safety of the Emperours depended , as men greedy of money , they were moved to stand for him who offered most , in such sort , that at last they came to set it , at who gives more : and because as Aristotle in his Politicks well observes , when Honours are bestowed in a City , in regard of riches , it is an easie matter for every Plebeian to become Honourable ; and therefore no marvell that Elius Pertinax an Hostlers sonne , came to be chosen Emperour .

It is therefore a cleere case , that these Donatives were the ruine of the City of Rome ; from whence also may be inferred , that they were hurtfull to the Prince , whose profit depended upon the welfare of the City . But because the contrary happens where tyrants governe , I shall be forced to examine , whether the introduction of Donatives were for the Emperours benefit , or no. Many approve the affirmative part , as moved not onely by the said place of Tacitus , where he sheweth , they were to Augustus a speciall helpe ; but by the example also of Caesar , who by this meanes , both obtained and maintained the Empire . And it availes not to say , that he was there slaine , because seeing one mans indignation was enough to make a Prince be murthered ; the difference that may be taken from the ones well , and the others ill governing , for conserving the Empire , ought not to be taken from a violent death , but rather that death being revenged , and the antient successours replaced in their states : I see not , how there can be a greater signe , of proceeding with judgement for his owne security , being able even after his death , with his only name , to procure his revenge , and to settle the Empire in his owne family ; a hard matter oftentimes for the best Princes to obtaine , who yet have the favour of God , to die a naturall death . This example therefore , ( to omit many others , of which Histories are full ) is an evident proofe , that Donatives to the Souldiers , were profitable to the Roman Emperours , not only to attaine the Empire , but also to maintaine them in it . Neverthelesse , for the Negative part , there want not examples to the contrary , not only of Otho , but of infinite other Emperors , who by giving excessive Donatives , lost the Empire .

For resolution , we must proceed with distinction ; either he that comes to the Empire , is the first that brought in Donatives , as Caesar the Dictatour , and Octavius Augustus were ; and then not onely they help to attaine , but also to maintain the Empire : and therefore Tacitus intimates it as a praise to Augustus , where he saith , Vbi Militem Donis ; or else he is not the first , but finds it a custome brought in before , and then as it may be a good meanes to attaine the Empire ; so it is a certaine ruine for maintaining it . The reason of this difference is , because the souldiers not being accustomed to receive Donatives ; the first time it is given them , they acknowledge it as a gift of the Princes bounty , and account themselves obliged for it ; and more than so , not knowing whither they should receive the like from others , they endeavour to uphold him in the Empire , hoping hereafter to have those things by merit , which the Prince at this time hath given them of courtesie . But if they have been accustomed to have Donatives , and it hath been a use amongst them , then , where in the first , they acknowledged them the only bounty of the Prince , and received them as gifts of grace ; now accounting them as debt , they take them as rewards of due , which if it be denyed them , it then causeth an implacable hatred against the Prince , and at last , his ruine ; and if it be granted them , yet this encreaseth not the souldiers love , who count not themselves beholding to the Prince for them , but as fellows accustomed to have money without paines , they spend it frolickly , and that spent , they expect new Donatives ; which if a Prince may satisfie a while , yet he cannot hold out to doe so long , but that at last he must be faine to deny them ; and when this happens they presently fall to choose a new Emperour of whom they may receive it ; and this hath been in Rome , the ruine and death of many , as every one may read and see . We may therefore conclude , that Donatives to the souldiers are very profitable to all for attaining the Empire , but that the introduction of Donatives for them that were not the first , is very pernitious for maintaining them in it . And Galba having already attained the Empire , and knowing this , openly made it knowne , that he meant to give no more Donatives to the souldiers , as resolved to take away so great an abuse , Accessit Galbae vox , pro Republica , honesta , ipst anceps ; legi a se Militem , non emi , but it had an unhappy issue : First , because ( as I have shewed in another Discourse ) the Souldiers were against their genius induced to abandon Nero ; and therefore it had been fit , with the same cunning to have held them in , and not have suffered them to be conscious of their errour , Miles Vrbanus longo Caesarum Sacramento imbutus , & ad destituendum Neronem , arte magis & impulsu , quam suo ingenio traductus , postquam neque dari Donativum sub nomine Galbae , and that which followes . Secondly , having gotten no reputation amongst the souldiers , and by reason of his age , being apt to be contemned , he should rather with liberality have gotten their love , than through covetousnesse have procured their hate . Non enim ad hanc formam ( saith Tacitus , to not giving donatives to Souldiers ) Caetera erant ; invalidum senem ; and that which followes . Thirdly , if he would not give donatives himselfe ; yet at least , he should have taken order , that no other in his prejudice , should have given them ; which because he did not doe , he therefore with his avarice was by Otho's liberality easily oppressed . Quoties Galba apud Othonem epularetur , cohorti excubias agenti , viritim centenos 〈◊〉 divideret , quam veluti publicam largitionem Otho securioribus apud singulos praemiis , intendebat , adeo animosus corruptor ut Cocceio Proculo speculatori de parte finium cum vicino ambigenti , universum vicint agrum sua pecunia emptum , dono 〈◊〉 per : focordium 〈◊〉 . Fourthly , to take away a custome so 〈◊〉 , he should have contented himselfe in the beginning , with onely moderating it , especially , seeing he might have obtained his purpose , with any small donative , Constat potuisse conciliari animos ( faith 〈◊〉 ) quantulacunque parci senis liberalitate ; 〈◊〉 antiquus vigor , & nimia severitas , cui jam pares non 〈◊〉 . By which words we may plainly see , that Tacitus blames not his severity , but the excessivenesse of it : whereupon Vespasian who knew as much as Galba knew , tooke a better course , and had his intent . For moderating only the donatives of the souldiers , he left them not altogether without hope of having some ; & by this means , he preserved himselfe in the Empire , and yet corrupted not the souldiers : Ne Vespasianus 〈◊〉 plus civili bello 〈◊〉 , quam alii in pace , egregie 〈◊〉 adversus militarem largitionem , eoque exercitu meliore .

If any should now enquire , whether donatives to the souldiers corrupt Military Discipline , or no ? I would briefly answer , That rewards uphold it , but that donatives corrupt it : and the reason is , because donatives being such as are given without cause , the souldier may alwaies by the same right demand them ; and whilest he stands waiting for this ayd from the Prince , he becomes idle and good for nothing . But rewards given for some notable service , cannot but for such service he demanded , and that souldiers should endeavour to do such services , is a matter of great profit to Military difcipline . And therefore Caesar , with Reward , made his Souldiers more valorous , and Otho , with donatives corrupted them .

Populum Annona .

How much it imports a Prince for getting the peoples love , to maintaine plenty , by what meanes scarcity happens , and how it may be helpt , and how a Prince may make good use of it . The fifteenth Discourse .

ABove all things for winning the peoples love , a Prince must take care there may be plenty ; in regard whereof , Caesar ordained two Aediles , whose imployment was onely to this purpose . Also Augustus knowing of how great importance this is , ( as Tacitus relates ) amongst other secrets of his government , had alwaies a great jealousie of Aegypt , from whence all the Corne for maintenance of plenty in Rome , came ; and indeed both the one and the other understood it rightly , because , as the want thereof is apt to cause insurrections amongst the people , as was often seen amongst the Israelites against Moyses , who if God had not mightily protected him , had oftentimes for this onely been in manifest danger : so on the contrary , the onely plenty of things is enough of it selfe to raise a man to the Empire ; As was seen at Rome , when the City was so opprest with a dearth , that the Citizens chose rather to die in the water of Tiber , than to stay upon the Land , and be starved with hunger . And he that will see an example of this , may consider how our Lord Jesus Christ , having fed a multitude that followed him in the Wildernesse , he had presently the acclamations to be a King , or a Prophet , Illi ergo homines ( saith S. John ) cum vidissent quod Jesus fecerat signum , ( that is of the bread and fish he gave them ) dicebant quia hic est vere Propheta qui venturus est in mundum , Jesus ergo cum cognovisset , quia venturi essent ut raperent eum , & facerent eum Regem , fugit interim in montem ; but they another time , desiring to eate , asked him bread , Domine semper da nobis panem bune ; and he at that time denying to give them temporall bread , the multitude , which before when he gave them meat , had called him a Prophet , and would have had him for their King , now they call him a Carpenters sonne , for no other cause , but because he denied them corporall bread , when he meant to set them at Gods owne Table : Murmurabant ergo Judaei die illo , quia dixisset ego 〈◊〉 panis 〈◊〉 , qui de Caelo descendi , & dicebant nonne 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 Joseph cujus nos novimus patrem & matrem ? For there is no such happinesse to the people , as to have wherewith to fill their bellies . Whereupon as S. Chrysostome observes , in making mention of the miracles and stupendious Acts of Moyses , they omitted all other , though farre more marvellous , and mentioned onely that of Manna , Patres nostri 〈◊〉 Manna in deserto .

A Prince therefore must of necessity , either maintaine plenty , or else leave his Principality , and specially one that comes newly to the Empire , as Augustus did . And therefore Esay , Prophesying of one whom the Israelites should require to accept the Kingdome , shewes that if they knew him not able to maintaine plenty , they should not accept him , In domo mea non 〈◊〉 panis nolite constituere me Regem super vos . Being assured , he could never hold his Principality with dearth , as it hapned to Prometheus King of the Scythians , who not being able to maintaine his people in plenty , by reason the Land was overflowed with the River 〈◊〉 , he was cast into Prison ; and because Hercules turned that River into the Sea , and made the Country fruitfull , the fable came up , that an Eagle devoured the liver of Prometheus , and that Hercules freed him .

Having shewed , that Augustus in the beginning of his raigne , wonne the people to him by procuring of plenty , it will be necessary to shew , how dearths happen , and by what means they may be helpt , and how farre the Prince is faulty in them .

A dearth may happen first , from the barrennesse of the soile , as it happened to the Israelites in the Wildernesse .

Secondly , It may happen , for want of Husbandmen to till the ground , which if it were tilled , would be very sufficient and have to spare , as in times past , it happened in Mesopotamia , and in our time would often happen in the Sea coasts of Siena , if the care of the Serenissimo the great Duke did not supply the want of Husbandmen .

Thirdly , it may happen through abundance of people , and smalnesse of Territory , as in ancient time it would have happened at Rome , and would in our time at Florence , if the one had not then had the Countries of Aegypt and Sicilie for a Granary , and the other had not now a gracious and provident Prince for a purveyour .

Fourthly , it may happen through the sterility of the season , and of the yeere , as particularly this yeere 1621.

Fifthly , many times there are Husbandmen and land enough to till , but is not tilled , either by reason of warre , or for some other cause , as it happened at Rome not long after the banishment of the Tarquins ; the people ( as Livy relates ) by reason of dissentions with the Senate , refusing to till their grounds , in such sort that they wanted not much of dying for hunger .

Lastly , it happens oftentimes , either by reason of a siege , as in Hierusalem , where mothers did eate their owne children ; or through incursions of enemies , as in Athens all the time of the civill warre .

And although in none of these cases , any just blame can be laid upon the Prince , yet it is his part to use all meanes , with money , diligence and power , to make resistance against fortune , nature , and all accidents whatsoever .

In the first case , I shall not need to trouble my selfe to shew , how a dearth may be helpt in desart places ; seeing he might well be accounted a man without braine , that would build a City , in a Countrey altogether barren : and though it were so with the Israelites , yet their Tabernacles were for passage and not for habitation .

If it should happen in the second case , that is for want of men , where there is Land sufficient ; here the Prince must induce men to marry , and draw in strangers to dwell in the Countrey ; the first will take effect , if the course of Lycurgus be observed , who seeking to make the City of Sparta populous , allowed great exemptions to them that begot children , or else if disburthening them of taxes , ( as the Duke of Parma at this day doth in his State of Castro ) he shall give occasion , that gathering wealth , they may endeavour to have children to whom to leave it ; and by this course , he shal be able to draw strangers also to come and live there . For men run willingly even with danger of their lives , where they see there is certaine & present profit to be had , never having a thought of a future and uncertaine death . Wherof we have example in the State of Milan , where in some places the ayre is so unwholsome , that few of the inhabitants ever come to be forty yeeres old ; yet in these places , men growing rich , although they see this example daily before their eyes , yet they choose rather to dwell there , than in other places of wholsome ayre . Another course also may be taken , for this inconvenience , by drawing thither , a forraigne Nation , as Antiochus did , who causing two thousand families of Jewes to come and dwell in the Countries of Mesopotamia and Babylon , ( as Josephus relates ) assighed them Land to till , and places where to build , and then exempting them for ten yeeres from tribute , he lastly gave order , they should have so much Corne given them , as might serve them to live , till their own should be reaped .

And lastly , those who dwell in such ayre , and in such Countries , should indeed , have no other burthens laid upon them , but only the burthen of bringing up their children , Pauperes satis stipendit pendere ( saith Livy ) si liberos educent . But notlling prevailes so much to make a place populous , as the Princes living there : and so 〈◊〉 Hostilius did ; and we have experience of it at Petiglidho , where whilst the Orsini that were Lords of it , kept their residence , it was infinitely fuller of people than it is at this day , under the 〈◊〉 the great Duke of Thuscany , though governed by him , with admirable justice and clemency ; of so great importance is the presence of their naturall Lord , that many times men had rather have a tyrant , that should live amongst them , than a good Prince , that should be farre of .

Another way is no wadaies used by Princes for peopling such places , and it is , by confining some petty delinquents thither ; because , if they live , they encrease the number of the inhabitants ; and if they die , the Prince receives no losse by it . This invention whether good or bad , is yet most ancient ; and we have an example of it in Tacitus himselfe , Actum & de 〈◊〉 Aegyptiis 〈◊〉 pellendis , factunque 〈◊〉 consultum , ut quatuor millia libertini generis , & superstitione infecti , queis Idonea aetas , in insulam Sardiniam 〈◊〉 , coercendis illic latrociniis , & si ob gravitatem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vile damnum .

If the defect grow in the third case , that is , from smalnes of Territory , where the people are many , the remedy here used , hath been to send forth Colonies ; so Pericles did , to help a dearth that was at Athens . In this case Plutarch in the life of Numa , gives a counsell , which is , that in such a City , care must be taken that Trades be in account , and that idle persons be punished ; but the best course of all will be , that the Prince spare no cost to fetch Corne , where it may be best had ; so a thousand times did Tiberius , and so Nero , who not regarding the great charge he had been at by Sea , nor the great losse he had in Tyber , with infinite expenses , provided that the price of Corne might not be raysed . This course was notably followed , by the Serenissimo Cosmo , second great Duke of Thuscany , who by the way of Livorno , and other places , procured at his infinite charges , a perfect plenty ; and sometimes out of his owne purse , hath kept of Almes six thousand persons . I forbeare to say , that many yeeres together , he spent of his owne , to keepe down the price of Corne , above a hundred thousand Crownes : An act that exceeds any act whatsoever of the Ancients , seeing that which moved them , was their owne interest , and matter of state ; but that which moved him , was only the office of a Prince , and the zeale of a Christian.

In the fourth case , provision will be made from other Countries , by such waies as have been shewed .

In the other two cases , where dearth may happen by reason of warres , caused by sieges , and by incursion of enemies , the Commonwealths of the Swizzers , have found out an excellent way , who in places under ground , have in store for many yeeres , all things belonging to victuals , and also to Trades ; which course , with great prudence , the Commonwealth of Lucca hath taken to imitate .

But above all , the Prince must take heed , that he be not himselfe a cause of the dearth , by making merchandise , and by engrossing , nor yet by suffering others to doe it , for then the fault will be laid upon the Prince , and the Subjects will have just cause to complaine . Likewise , that when the people are in want , he continue not feasting , and feed upon dainties , as shewing to take little care of his Subjects misery ; a thing most pernitious to Princes , who should alwaies take such part as the people doe , thereby to encourage them the more contentedly to beare their labours . This in the old Testament our Lord God teacheth us ; who when the Israelites were in the Wildernesse , and like Shepheards dwelt in Tabernacles , he also would dwell in Tabernacles himselfe ; afterward when changing their course , they entred into warre under their Judges and Kings , and their Army used Tents , he also would then dwell in Tents too ; and when David desired to build him a Temple , he would not suffer him , untill such time , as there being peace under Salomon , every one might dwell in his own house , and then he was contented to have a house also built for him . All this is expressed in the Booke of Kings , where he saith , Neque enim habitavi in domo ex die illa qua eduxi filios Israel de terra Aegypti , usque in diem hanc , sed ambulabam in Tabernaculo & in Tentorio per cuncta loca , quae transivi cum omnibus filiis Israel . But because this course was not imitated by Augustus , who when the people died in the streets for hunger , himselfe made a sumptuous banquet , where ( as Suetonius relates ) the guests sate in form of Gods and Goddesses , and he in shape of Apollo , the people infinitely distasted it , and was moved to great indignation . Auxit caenae rumorem , summa tunc in civitate penuria , ac fames , acclamatumque postridie est , frumentum omne Deos coniedisse .

But if he shall be no occasion of the dearth , and much lesse shew himselfe to rejoyce at it , he may then convert it to his owne profit , either by getting of money , or encreasing his authority , or otherwise by winning the love of his people . Pharao King of Aegypt , by meanes of a dearth and Josephs counsell became Lord of all Aegypt , Emit igitur Joseph omnem terram Aegypti , vendentibus singulis possessiones suas , prae magnitudine fantis , subjecitque eam Pharaoni , & cunctos populos suos , a novissimis terminis Aegypti , usque ad extremos fines ejus ; which purchase was not distastfull to the people , for the cause aforesaid ; but rather they accounted themselves obliged to the King for it , saying , Salus nostra in manu tua est , respiciat tantum nos Dominus noster , & laeti serviemus Regi . Whereupon I conclude , that when a great famine was in Rome , and the Senatours had fetched Corne from Sicilie , then had been a fit time to take the authority from the people , which they had usurped . This , Coriolanus in Livy well knew , whose conceit yet was not approved of others ; not because it was not sufficient being used with lesse violence , to take away that authority , but because it was not sufficient to maintaine it , seeing the Senatours having a purpose to augment the Common-wealth , and consequently to make use of the peoples Armes , they might conceive , that those Magistrates who had left their authority in time of dearth , would afterward , the dearth ceasing , resume it againe by force .

A dearth then thus managed , will be a means to get the Prince , both authority and riches , and the love also of his Subjects . As we see in Herod the great , who being a Prince the most hated of his people that ever any was ; yet onely by relieving them with Corne , in a time of dearth , he made himselfe beloved , obliged , and freed from a thousand dangers .

Cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit .

What kind of ease it is that Tacitus speaks of , and how it may be reconciled with some places in other Authours . The sixteenth Discourse :

IN these words Cornelius Tacitus shews us , that Augustus by meanes of procuring ease , got himselfe the love of all men . And because , he as a new Prince , ought rather to have sought how to maintaine himselfe in his Empire ; then how with his own danger to procure delights to his Subjects ; it seemes , he might for this be reproved , there being a precept of Aristotle in his Politicks , where teaching the true way that a Prince ought to take , for maintaining him in his State , he perswades this specially , not to keep the people in ease , and gives us for example the Kings of Aegypt , who to the end their people should not stand idle , caused so many Pyramides , and Mausoleums to be built , as Pisistratus the tyrant built the Olympus , and Polycrates a thousand Fabricks about Samos , Haec enim omnia ( saith Aristotle ) fuerunt instituta ad otium & quietem populorum tollendam , ut illi quotidianis molostiis occupati , vacare non possent ad consilia contra tyrannos ineunda . And there is reason for it , as is said in Ecclesiasticus , Cibaria & Virga & Onus Asino , Panis & Disciplina & opus servo , operatur in disciplina & quaerit libertatem , jugum illorum curvat collum , & servum inclinant operationes assiduae servo malevolo tortura , & compedes , mitte illum in operationem ne vacet ; multam enim malitiam docuit otiositas . And so much more might Augustus be blamed for it , seeing ( as we have shewed before ) he maintained the people in plenty ; and now if to plenty be added case , it cannot choose but be the ruine of any City whatsoever . Haec fuit iniquitas Sodomae , ( saith Ezechiel ) Abundantia panis & otii .

And againe , because this ease assigned by Tacitus came presently after a warre , his fault may be the more , there being a passage of Aristotle in his Politicks , where he saith , That the Lacedemonians passing from warre to ease , incurred great danger .

Thirdly , there is a place in Livy also , that crosseth this of Tacitus , where he saith , that Tarquinius Priscus , after his fight with the Latines returning to Rome in peace , kept the people in continuall and laborious exercises , of which Livy saith , Majore inde animo Pacis opera inchoata 〈◊〉 quanta mole gesserat bell a , ut non quietior populus domi esset , quam militiae fuisset .

To reconcile then these foure Texts , it must be shewed , that neither of them is repugnant to another , but that all of them agree together . First , I distinguish of ease , which , as to our purpose , is of two kinds ; ease , which is a desisting from any action at all ; and ease , which is contrary to warre ; because warre being a violent action , those souldiers which are in peace , although they have other exercises , yet are said to be at ease ; seeing desisting from warre , they desist from that violent action , which is proper to them . In this sense Aristotle once tooke ease , where speaking of the Lacedaemonians , he saith , Splendorem enim veluti ferrum , per pacem amittunt ; causa hujus est legis positor , qui non ita instituit , ut in otio stare possint .

By meanes of this distinction , this place of Tacitus is reconoiled with the first place out of Aristotle ; seeing 〈◊〉 by ease here , meanes not an ease contrary to all action ; for Augustus both with sports and playes , and buildings , held the people in continuall worke , insomuch that he could boast , he had made Rome a City of Marble , which he found but of Bricke ; but he means it of that ease which is contrary to warre . And this is plainely seene , because having said before , Cuncta discordiis civilibus sessa , he presently comes in with this very word , Cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit . Thus Aristotle agrees with him exceeding well , in that Text , where he likes the people should be held in action but not in warre : and indeed in such actions , as debase men , and are worse then ease . So dealt Pharao with the Israelites , putting them to make Bricke , and other most base workes . Whereupon it is said in Exodus , Praeposuit i●…aque eis Magistros operum , ut affligerent eos operibus ; and a little after , Oderant filios Israel Aegyptii , & assligebant eos , & invidentes eis , atque ad amaritudinem perducebant vitam eorum , operibus duris luti & lateris , omnique famulatu .

But to this resolution , that place of Livy before cited is most contrary , wherespeaking of Tarquinius Priscus , he shews , that returning from the wars , he held the people in hard and cruell labours . For answer whereunto we must distinguish , that the Princes are either in termes of getting more , or else but of keeping that they have already gotten ; if to get more , then it is necessary to hold the people in hard labours , to the end they may not lose courage , and be imbased in their spirits . And therefore no marvell that Tarquinius Priscus teacheth us to hold the people in hard labours , seeing the Romans at that time had no other end , but to enlarge their Empire . But if the Prince have no ayme at augmentation by new acquests and stands not so much in feare of externall enemies , as of friends at home , he then ought to let the people enjoy a negotious ease , of buildings , and playes , and such like things . And this made Augustus take this course , because he aymed not at all , at any amplifying of his Empire , as from many places in Tacitus may be gathered , and particularly from that place where in the first of his Annals he saith , Bellum ea tempestate nulnum , nist adversus Germanos , abolendae potius injuriae , ob 〈◊〉 cum Prisco Varo exercitum , quam cupidine proferendi Imperii . And in another place where he saith , Consilium coercendi intra terminos Imperium , whereby we see , he was minded rather to restraine , then to enlarge the Empire .

Lastly , it remaines to reconcile that other place of Aristotle in the second of his Politicks , where by the example of the Lacedemonians , he shewes , that after warre , to be left to live at ease , is a dangerous thing .

For Resolution whereof , I say , that the passing from warre to ease , is then dangerous , when men returne from a short warre , and in which they have had the better ; because they that get victories , by reason of the pride which victory brings with it , are apt in Cities , to raise commotions . So it fell out amongst the Lacedemonians , and so a thousand times it hath been like to fall out amongst the Romans , whereof , in the whole first decad of Livy we may see examples . But when men come from a warre bloody and long ; then they love and are glad of peace . Whereupon in our case the Romans comming from an infinity of civill warres , in which to winne was no better than to lose ; and being now weary , as is gathered by the words , Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa , they became not onely desirous , but apt also to tollerate ease .

It is now sufficiently proved , that Tacitus , or to say better , Augustus is no way discordant either from the precepts of Aristotle , or from the examples of Livy , but that with great judgment , he undeavoured to win every one with ease .

Lastly , it is necessary to reconcile Tacitus with himselfe , who in this place praiseth ease , and yet afterward examining the causes of the tumults in Germany , he saith , Habebantur per otium ; as though ease were the cause of those rebellions . To which I briefly say , there is great difference betweene the ease that is in a City , and the ease that is of souldiers in warre ; because the end of a City , is to live in peace , whereof the ease spoken of before is a companion ; but the chiefe end of souldiers at the warres , is to fight , to which ease is contrary and an enemy : and so the souldier with ease , and the Citizen by warre , are deprived of their ends , and consequently in short time runne into danger .

Neque Provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant , suspecto Senatus Populique Imperio ob certamina Potentium , & avaritiam Magistratuum : invalido legum auxilio , quae vi , ambitu , postremo pecunia turbabantur .

That Cities subject to another City , better like the government of a King , than of a Commonwealth , and that every City would gladly have their Lord to live amongst them . The seventeenth Discourse .

COrnelius Tacitus in these words makes us know , that the Provinces subject to the people of Rome , liked better the government of a King , than of a Commonwealth , as it happens generally to all Cities that are subject to another : So Guicciardine relates of Cremona , that it liked better to be under the King of France , than to be governed by the Common-wealth of Venice . And hereof we have a manifest example in Pisa , which being sold by Gabriel Maria Visconte , to the Common-wealth of Florence , there was scarce one Citizen that would tarry in it . But more than in any other , we may see the truth of this , in the Lycians , who having tried what it was to live under a King , and under a Common-wealth , they called the servitude of that , in comparison of this , liberty . Neque miserabilis legatio Lyctorum , qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum quibus ab Lucio Cornelio attributi erant , quaerebantur fuisse sub ditione 〈◊〉 eam Regiam servitutem , collatam cum praesenti statu pnaeelaram libertatem visam : Non publico tantum se 〈◊〉 imperio , sed singulos injustum pati servitium .

Of these points we will speake , first in particular of Rome , then in generall give the reasons ; Lastly , we will shew , that every City would we glad to be under a particular Prince , and one that should dwell amongst them .

Concerning the first ; all those changes of State , which come from a worse , must needs be welcome ; from whence it is , that after the expulsion of the Tarquins , liberty was so pleasing , Et ut laetior esset ( saith Livy ) proximi Regis superbia fecit . That in our case , the Commonwealth was corrupted even to the worst degree , is sufficiently expressed by Tacitus in the foresaid words . First , by reason of the discord of the great ones ; one of which factions there was a necessity to follow , and that overcome , all then remained at the discretion of the other . Secondly , by occasion of the Magistrates , who sought rather to satisfie their avarice with money , than to take care for the executing of justice . Thirdly , because the laws had now no more place , as being easily corrupted by force and mony . Just cause therefore had the Provinces , to be glad of the government of Augustus .

But because this liking of a subject City , to be rather under a Prince than under a Commonwealth , ( as we have said before ) is a common liking of all Provinces and Cities that are under another , It will be necessary to search out the reason , why it is so . And for a first reason , 〈◊〉 certaine politioian brings this , because Commonwealths are more durable than Kingdomes ; and being more durable , there is lesse hope to shake off their servitude , and are therefore the more hated . Secondly , because Common-wealths having no other care , but to make themselves greater , and others lesse ; they endeavour only to weaken the subject Cities , and to strengthen their own body ; a thing which Princes care not to doe : and for this , he brings the example of the Samnites , who as long as they were of themselves , maintained warre with the Romans a hundred yeeres ; a manifest signe , they were then a strong people ; but afterwards falling in subjection to Rome , they became most weake , and of no force .

But because the first of these reasons is false , and the second followes no lesse in Kingdomes than in Common-wealths , ( with leave of so great a man ) I have conceived perhaps a better reason , and it is , because the Provinces and Cities having been at warre , and by reason of the warre , grown to hate one another , and that hatred in processe of time become naturall , as it was between the Romans and the Carthaginians , between the Pisanes and the Florentines , and others ; it happens , that being overcome , they are held in subjection by their naturall enemies ; which subjection is so much the more distastfull , as being between persons that are equall : and from hence it is , that so gladly men seek to shake of the yoak . So , many times did Pisa , so Spaine with the Romans , who doubting the like of Greece ; as knowing by their continuall rebellions , that they il brooked their subjection to the Commonwealth of Rome , they destroyed many Cities , and at last Corinth .

But if it happen that this Common-wealth fall into the hand of a Prince , there is no doubt but the other Cities and Provinces will be glad : a principall reason is , because where these served , and those ruled before with inequality , now under a Prince , they both serve equally ; and comming to be commanded , by persons much their superiours , the Dominion is so much lesse hated , as the person is greater that commands ; and therefore we see , that Pisa which under a Common-wealth was alwaies in rebellion , now that it is under a Prince , hath lived , and doth live , and is like to live , in most quiet peace ; it is true indeed , there concurres the graciousnesse of the Prince that sweetens all things . Another manifest example we have in the Roman Histories ; and it is , that Spaine , as long as the City of Rome was a Commonwealth , was continually in rebellion ; nor could ever be quieted , till the said City came into the hand of a Prince under Augustus . I omit the example of the Philistines , who never left warring with the Israelites , from the first day ( I may say ) they entered into the Land of Promise , untill they were setled in a Regall government under David .

To come to the third head : not onely Cities and Provinces cannot abide to be under the rule of a Commonwealth ; but neither doe they like to be under a Prince that is a stranger , and that dwels not amongst them ; which Prince may either be of different customes and language , as the King of Spaine to Naples and Milan ; or of the same customes and language , but of divers Provinces , as the King of France to Burgundy and Britaine ; or else of the same Province , the same tongue , and the same customes , as many Princes of Italy , to many Cities .

In the first case , they are not well brooked , but tolerated with an ill will : First , by reason of the difference of customes , which is able to make a Prince odious , though he be not a stranger : whereupon Tacitus speaking of Ven●…ne given to the Parthians to be their King , shewes , that because he was of different customes from the Parthians , though of better than theirs , he was with ignominy expelled the Kingdome . Accendebat dedignantes & ipse diversus â Majorum institutis , raro venatu , segni equorum cura , quoties per urbem incederet , lecticae stamine , fastusque erga patrias epulas , irridebantur & Graeci Comites , ac vilissima utensilium annulo clausa , sed prompti aditus , obvia comitas , ignotae Parthis virtutes , nova vitia , & quia ipse majoribus aliena perinde odium pravis atque honestis . For the very same reason , the Gothes tooke it ill , that Amalasunta caused Attalaricus to be brought up in the Roman customes , although they were better than their own . And therefore Isabel Queene of Spaine , by her last Will , left Ferdinand her Husband to be Governour of Castile , for so long time , untill Philip who was to succeed , being a stranger , might learne the customes of the Spaniards . And for this cause , the Jewes at the comming of the Messias , were troubled together with Herod , and liked better to be in subjection to one of their owne customes , though a stranger as Herod was , than to the Messias that was of different , though better customes ; although they knew by the words of Moyses , Prophetam suscitabit Dominus de medio fratrum tuorum , that he should be their owne Countreyman , of which S. Chrysostome gives the reason , Fuerunt isti turbati , quia injusti non possunt gaudere de adventu justi .

Secondly , because difference of Language is a most odious thing ; and this out of his singular providence God foreseeing , and meaning to hinder 〈◊〉 enterprise , to make himselfe a Monarch , he confounded the Tongues , and thereby easily gave a stop to their proceeding . On the contrary , when our Lord meant that his Apostles should make some fruit of their labours , he would not have them preach in a strange Tongue , and therefore gave to every one of them , all Tongues , that so more easily they might draw men to receive the Faith . And the Romans knowing , what advantage there is in this , compelled all their subjects , when they spake in the Senate , to speak in the Roman tongue . And Rabsaces , knowing of how great importance , the likenesse of Language is , to win the love of the people , to the end the Israelites might the willinger receive the government of Senacherib , though Sohna the Jew , out of a contrary end , prayed him to speak in the Syriack tongue , Loquere lingua Syriaca ad servos tuos ; yet he an understanding man ( as is written in Esay ) Clamavit Lingua Judaica ; whereupon Esay , in another place , shewing the hate and feare , which the City of Hierusalem had of the King of the Assyrians ; amongst other causes , names their differing in language , Populum impudentem non videbis , populum alti sermonis , ita ut non possis intelligere disertitudinem linguae ejus .

Thirdly , when to difference of customes and language , there is added remotenesse , it will adde no doubt a great degree of distastfulnesse . First , because they will be more obnoxious to the dangers of warre . And therefore the Tribe of Dan , seeing Lais to be farre off from Sydon , which had then the government , attempted to bring it in subjection , and it tooke effect . And that this was the cause that moved them , may be gathered from words in the Booke of Judges ; Euntes igitur quinque viri venerunt Lais , videruntque populum habitantem in ea absque ullo timore , juxta consuetudinem Sydoniorum securum & quietum , nullo eis penitus resistente , magnarumque opum & procul a Sydone , atque a cunctis hominibus seperatum . And that by this meanes , they easily made themselves Masters of it , is written also a little after , where he saith , Sexcenti autem viri tulerunt sacerdotem , & quae supra diximus , veneruntque ad Lais ad populum quiescentem & securum , & percusserunt eos in ore gladii , urbemque incendio tradiderunt ; nullo penitus ferente praesidium , Eo quod procul habitarent a Sydone . So it happened to the Saguntines , who being farre remote from the Romans their confederats , were destroyed before they could be ayded . And therefore the Armenians standing in doubt of this , put themselves into the hands of Mithridates , and revolted from the Romans . So the people of Syria desired to live under the government of the Parthians , as being neere unto them , and neighbouring upon them . Secondly , because people that are farre off , must of necessity be governed by a Deputy , who by reason of the Princes remotenesse must have great authority given him , and consequently may at his pleasure , contrary to the Princes meaning , play the tyrant over them . For all those things that have motion from another , and a motion of their own besides , how much they are lesse neere to the first mover , so much they are more able to move their owne way . From hence it is , that the Moone , being of all the Planets the farthest off from the Primum mobile , is moved faster in her own motion , and slower in the diurnall motion , than any of the other . The contrary whereof is seen in Saturne , which being neere to the Primum mobile , hath the slowest motion , and makes the least resistance .

Yet in the second and third case , they will more easily be tolerated ; although as well in this as in that , there is a generall rule that seems to crosse it ; which is , that every City would gladly have a Prince that should be resident amongst them , and also be a native of their City . That one of the same Nation and City is most acceptable , is plainly seen , because the people for the most part waves justice , and regards not so much the generall good , to choose the worthiest ; as their private benefit , to choose the neerest . And therfore the Prophet Esay saith , Apprehendet enim vir fratrem suum Domesticum patris sui , & dicet ; vestimentum tibi est , Princeps noster esto . Where S. Thomas observes well , that every one seeks to make him King , that is neerest , and not him that is best . Indeed this respect of neernesse is of speciall force ; as we may see in David , who being chosen King , was followed only by the Tribe of Juda , Sola autem domus Juda sequebatur David . So Abimelech was more willingly received of the Sichemites , then the sonnes of Jerobeam , when he said unto them , Simul considerate quod Os vestrum & Caro vestra sum , They were all presently moved to say to him , Frater noster es . The Milanesi exposed themselves to a thousand dangers , out of a desire they had , to be governed rather by one of the Sforzi , then by the King of Spaine or France . And the Faentines chose rather a bastard of Manfredi , then to be under the Church . So the Armenians ( as is said before ) subjected themselves to 〈◊〉 , and revolted from the Romans . Finally , we have a notable example of this , in the life of Aratus , to whom it was imputed . as a great fault , that he would rather call to his ayd , Philip King of Macedon , then put his Cities into the hands of Cleomenes a Spartan . Quod si omnino ( saith Plutarch ) Cleomenes injustus fuerit , atque Tyrannicus , tamen Heraclidarum genere , patria 〈◊〉 suisse , & quidem iis qui rationem aliquam Graeciae Nobilitatis 〈◊〉 , Spartanorum obscurissimum potius , quam primum inter Macedonas Ducem deligendum fuisse . Whereupon our Lord God , meaning to give the man Regall power over the woman , to the end it might be tolerated with more contentment , made her of a ribbe of Adam . And to conclude , in Deuteronomy , he commanded his people , they should not choose a stranger to be their King .

But because this my opinion is full of difficulty , seeing oftentimes a City desires to be governed rather by a stranger then by one of their owne Citizens , it will be necessary to use distinction ; either it is the first time a Kingdome is erected , or else they have been used to Regall power before : if it be the first time , they will then rather choose to serve a stranger , then one of their own Citizens : First , because knowing the Citizens beginning they are apt to scorne him . So it fell out with the Israelites , the first time they had a King , for being most desirous to see who it should be , when they saw it was Saul , they scorned him . Num salvare nos poterit iste ? & despexerunt eum . Secondly , it happens often by reason of factions that are in the City ; for such desire rather to be governed by a stranger , as a man indifferent , then by a Cittizen that is an enemy . Seeing such a one comming to the government , would certainly fill the City with blood and slaughter . Whereupon Livy saith , Cum pars quae domestico certamine inferior sit , externo potius se applicet quam civi cedat . A third reason is drawne from envy ; for an envious man endeavours alwaies to obscure the worthinesse of his Countreymen , as lying more in envies way then a stranger , whereof S. Hierome saith , Propemodum naturale est semper , cives civibus invidere ; invidia autem est , tristitia de aliena excellentia , ut est proprii boni diminutiva . Bonum autem absentium non 〈◊〉 nostra , quia non confert eis , Ideo non invidemus , bona autem praesentium conferunt bonis nostris , & comparatione excellentiae eorum , ostenditur parvum esse bonum nostrum , & hoc est illud Diminui . And of this we have the example of our Lord Christ , who being persecuted by his Countreymen , was invited by Abagarus a forraine Prince , that would have made him in part King with him in his City . A third reason may be this , that Countreymen know a man from his infancy , when there is yet no vertue in him , and thereupon consider him but as such a one still ; where strangers that come not to know a man but in his perfection , cannot , nor know not how to consider him other then as such . So the said S. Hierome saith , Quia cives non considerant , praesentia viri opera , sed fragilis ●…ecordantur Infantiae . It is therefore no marvell , that the Florentines chose rather , to be governed by a French man , then by one of their owne Citizens . Our Lord God , knowing how difficult a thing it is , to choose at the first time , ones own Countreyman to be Prince ; In the old law , to the end the Israelites having a desire to have a King , and not yeelding one to another , might not subject themselves to a stranger , he made a law , they should choose none to be their King , but only an Israelite , Non poteris alterius generis hominem in Regem facere , quod non sit frater tuus ; But because he knew , it would be a hard matter for them to agree upon the choyce at the first time , he therefore made that election himselfe , Eum constitues quem Dominus Deus tuus elegerit de medio fratrum tuorum . And when lastly he came to choose him , to the end he might be lesse envied , he tooke a course , that causeth least envy , and that was by Lot . But if the people have been accustomed before to a Regall subjection , in this case they will rather like to be governed by one of their own Countrey then a stranger ; and so much the more , if some of his family have beene Governour before ; there being then no place for either envy , feare , or for equality . It is therefore no marvell , that Caesar was but ill beloved , and was slaine , and that 〈◊〉 lived quietly , and had the love of all men , seeing Caesar raised his House from equality ; and Augustus found it in superiority , in which the Dictatour had left it : whereupon when I consider how it happened , that our Lord God would at the first time make a King by election , and afterward would have it to goe by succession in David ; I cannot conceive a better reason than this , that he knew after the first time , the election of a King would be without difficulty .

In this particular , let every one be of what opinion he please ; but for this other point , I doe not thinke it will be denied me , that all Cities and Provinces like better to be governed by a particular Prince , that dwels amongst them , then by any other how great soever he be . For this cause it was , that the Spaniards were not well pleased when Charles the fifth was made Emperour ; and were ready to rise , because they feared he would leave dwelling in Spaine , and make his residence in Germany . This desire was the cause , that the Persians , to have a King in their owne Province , set up Cyrus against Astyages , who resided in Media ; and out of this desire the Brittaines covenanted with the King of France , that his eldest sonne comming to the Crown , his second sonne should be Duke of Brittaine ; whereof there can be no other reason , but the desire to have a particular Prince , that should dwell amongst them , as being indeed of speciall benefit to the people . First , because living amongst them , he spends those Revenues in the Country which he drawes from the Countrey . Secondly , because of the greater care the Prince hath of them ; and because of the peoples neernesse to their Lords eare , to whom they can present their suites in their own persons ; without wasting themselves in journeys , and lying at Innes . Lastly , because if the Prince being Lord of many Provinces , reside in one of them ; the other must be faine to be governed by Deputies of that Province . The Emperours of Rome residing in Italy , governed all the Provinces by Italians , a thing most distastfull to all the people ; because to one that is not grieved to be subject to a Prince that is a stranger , yet it grieves him to be governed by men of a Province that is a stranger : as many people that are content to be subject to the King of Bohemia , yet refuse to be subject to the Kingdome of Bohemia . And the King of France , after many times losing Genoua by this meanes , at last he resolved to govern it by Genuesi . So in Milan he made Trivultio Governour , wherein though he erred , yet the errour was in the Individuall , and not in the Species ; as putting the government into his hand , that was Head of a Faction . But if the Prince be resident in the Province , though he be a stranger , yet with better liking he will be tolerated ; because such commonly not only govern the places where they reside , but all other places subject to them , by Citizens of that Country where they reside . The King of Spaine , residing in Spaine , governes all his subject Kingdomes by Spaniards , a thing which not onely winnes love to the Prince , but profit also to the Province . To this may be added , that those people shall alwaies receive more favours , who are neere to the Fountaine from whence those favours come , then they shall doe that are further off ; seeing , ( as S. Thomas learnedly observes ) how much a thing is neerer to its beginning , so much it partakes more of the effects of that beginning . And for this cause Dionysius Areopagita saith , that the Angels as being neerer to God than men are , do therefore partake more of the divine goodnesse then men do .

I cannot omit to advertise , that all the difficulties before spoken of , are easily allayed , after the first heats are once passed , as oft as there is found a prudence and graciousnesse in the Prince , which is indeed of marvellous great moment , as was seen in the Romans , who though they hated strangers , and were resolved to have no stranger be their King ; yet when 〈◊〉 ( a stranger ) was propounded to them ; in regard of his eminent vertue , they accepted of him . Whereof Livy saith , Romani veteres peregrinum Regem aspernabantur , and a little after , Audito nomine 〈◊〉 , patres Romani , quanquam inclinari opes ad Sabinos , Rege inde sumpto , videbantur , tamen neque se quisquam , nec factionis suae alium , nec denique Patrum aut civium quenquam praeferre , illi vero ausi ad 〈◊〉 omnes 〈◊〉 Pompilio Regnum deferendum decernunt . Whereupon it is no marvell , if at this day many Provinces and Cities , whereof some have a Prince that lives farre off ; and some , a Prince that is a stranger , of customes and language different ; yet they all live in great contentment , only thorough the just government of him that rules them . I desire therfore that this discourse of mine may be received , as of the times past , my purpose being to search out the reasons of things have formerly happened ; and not expressely or tacitely to taxe any Prince , Common-wealth or City , nor so much as any particular person : For above all things , I abhorre slandering , and specially of those to whom as superiours I owe Reverence .

Caeterum Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudium Marcellum sororis filium admodum adolescentem : Pontificatu & curuli Aedilitate Marcum Agrippam ignobilem loco , bonum Militia , & victoriae socium geminatis consulatibus extulit , mox defuncto Marcello generum sumpsit , Tiberium Neronem & Claudium Drusum privignos Imperatoriis nominibus auxit .

What meanes Princes may use with safety to set them in a way , that are to succeed them in the government . The eighteenth Discourse .

IT is plainly seen , that Augustus to the end the Senatours nor any other , should ever hope to reduce Rome to its ancient forme of government , held this for a speciall Maxime of State , to advance his neerest kinred ; and to set some one of them in the way for managing the Empire , that so making him privy to all affaires , making him known to the fouldiers , making him beloved of the people ; and lastly , making him favoured of the Senatours : both he after his death might have his way made to come to the Empire ; and on the contrary no hope might be left for any to attempt any thing against the life of the Prince , being propped up with so many Pillars . And therefore , Vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 insisteret , he raysed Marcellus , he advanced Marcus Agrippa ; and after them , Tiberius Nero , 〈◊〉 Drusus , 〈◊〉 and Lucius sonnes of Agrippa ; and lastly , would have Tiberius to adopt Germanicus and 〈◊〉 to be his successours . And accordingly , 〈◊〉 advanced to the Consulship , and other honours , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ; and after them Caius Caesar. Whereupon by the example of such great men , this course perhaps may be thought worthy of imitation , as well for securing ones selfe from danger , as also for lessening in part the burthen of those great labours , which so great a dignity brings with it : so much the more as we have in Cornelius Tacitus , a manifest example of Sejanus , who by no other meanes was stopped in his course , but onely by the number of successours Tiberius had ordained ; and this stopping , as in conspiracies it useth , was cause at last , that the Prince discovered all his practices . But because of the other side , the desire of rule blinds the minds of the most inward and domesticke friends ; It seemes to be no safe course for a Prince , whilst he lives himselfe , to give any great authority to successours . For Invidia Regni ( as Livy saith ) etiant inter Domesticos infida omnia atque infesta 〈◊〉〈◊〉 caused his sonne to be elected King , but this served not his sonnes turne , who thereupon would have killed his father . So Absolon meant to do , and when with safety he might have expected the Kingdome , after the death of his old father David , he would rather with wickednesse prevent it , and run 〈◊〉 allong into 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉〈◊〉 etiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ( saith 〈◊〉 upon another occasion ) tarda cum securitate praeniatura , vel cum exitio properant . And therefore Selim being assumed into part of the Empire , by his father Bajaset , could not stay to expect it with peace , but sought by the death of his father , to make himselfe sole Lord . And the like intention had Mustapha towards Sultan Solyman , and thereby lost his life . Finally , this advancing of his successours , had but ill lucke with Augustus ; for Tiberius ( as is commonly conceived ) caused him to be poysoned : and with Tiberius it proved not much better , who also towards the end of his life , had the kindnesse of Caius Caesar , to helpe him to his death . For resolution , it may be said , that where a State is quiet , accustomed to passe by succession , in children legitimate ; there it is in no wise sit , to take them into part of the Empire , there being no cause , with ones owne danger , to take away hopes where there are none , or to seeke for props where no part threatens ruine . But on the other side , when the State is in danger , not accustomed to live under a Prince , and is apt to rebellions ; in such case , it may doe well , to call him that is to succeed , to be a cosort in the Empire . To this purpose it seems the example tends , which Tacitus relates of Augustus : he caused Tiberius to be called Filius , to shew he was his successor ; Collega Imperii , to enter him in managing affaires ; Consors Tribunitiae Potestatis , to make him gracious with the people ; Omnique per exercitus ostentatur , to make him beloved , and knowne to the souldiers .

Neverthelesse having considered a little better of this matter , I have altered my opinion , concerning the last ; and as to the example of Augustus , though it proved well for his successour ; to bring him to the Empire , yet it proved but ill for his owne person : for by this meanes , he became as it were a servant to 〈◊〉 , who finally caused him by his owne wife to be poysoned .

I therefore conceived , the better course would be , to advance the managing of the Empire ; not one alone , but many ; because , by this meanes , not onely he shall make himselfe secure from those of the City ; but from those also of his own Family . This lesson I learn from Aristotle in his Politicks , where he saith , Communis vero custodia omnis Dominationis unius est , neminem unum prae caeteris magnum facere , sed plures , nam se invicem custodiunt : being an excellent remedy against the insatiablenesse of men , to afford them some one , upon whom they may vent their ambition , without turning it against the Prince . For this cause perhaps , the ancients invented the name of fortune ; to the end , that men falling into any great disaster , should not turne their anger against God , but lay the fault upon the false Deity of fortune . And in truth there is none hath more need to make use of this invention then Princes ; because naturally , men seeking to rise above their degree ; when they have another like to themselves , they may turne their practises against him , and not attempt any thing against the Prince , as they would doe , if they had not some upon whom to work , and vent their ambition . This good fortune happened to Tiberius , for when Sejanus would rise above his degree , first he had Drusus against whom to turne him ; and afterward the sonnes of Germanicus , in oppressing of whom , he lost so much time , that all his practises came to be discovered . To this opinion of mine , the course of Augustus was not contrary , but it seemes he followed it as long as he was able ; seeing Tacitus relates , that he advanced not Marcellus alone , but together with him Marcus Agrippa ; and when Marcellus died , he left not Agrippa alone , but joyned with him Tiberius Nero , and Claudius Drusus ; and when Drusus died , he yet left not Tiberius alone , but brought forward Caius and Lucius : and although when both these died , he left Tiberius alone ; yet it cannot be said , he did well in doing so : and therefore Tacitus maketh an excuse for him , that he did it by reason of age , Nan●… senem Augustum adeo devinxerat , ut nepotem unicum Agrippae 〈◊〉 in insulam Planasiam projiceret : in which if he had done well , Tacitus had not needed to make his excuse : and even Augustus himselfe perceived at last his errour , as he that alwaies held it for a maxime of State , not to have onely one , but many upon whom to leane , Vt pluribus munimentis insisteret : whereupon at last , the poore old man opening his eyes , and seeking to provide for it in a time , when he had done better to dissemble it , having overslipt his time so long , he made shew to call Agrippa Posthumus home , Et inde spem fore ( saith Tacitus ) ut penatibus avi redderetur . And the making that shew , was a hastener of his death . Also Philip after he had put Demetrius to death , he perceived his errour to let Perseus stay alone ; whereupon he meant to bring in his familiar friend Antigonus , for a counterpoise , giving out , he should succeed him in the Kingdome , but was prevented by death . Therefore Tiberius also considering this , advanced not Germanicus alone , but Drusus with him , Seque tutiorem rebatur , utroque filio legiones obtinente : knowing well , it would be impossible they should ever joyne together in any attempt against him . Quia arduum & difficile est , eodem loci concordiam & potentiam esse : whereupon he was secure he should alwaies have them of his side . And when Germanicus died , he left not Drusus alone , but brought in Sejanus , whereof Drusus infinite times complained , Crebro quaerens Incolumi filio adjutore Imperii , alium vocari . And when Drusus was dead , and Sejanus left alone , Tiberius was then in no small danger ; which he perceiving , had determined to bring in Nero sonne of Germanicus ; but afterward being secured of the fall of Sejanus , he put him to death ; and then Caius Caesar remained alone . Whereupon Tiberius finding himselfe in the same straight , in which Augustus was when Tiberius was left alone ; although he knew the danger , and that it was no safety for him , that all favour should be cast upon one ; yet being old , and ill-beloved of all , having thoroughly considered , what course he might best take to secure himselfe from Caius Caesar ; he could finde none , as I conceive , but such as would rather be a course to hasten his death ; and therefore in that case he shewed himselfe much wiser then Augustus : and although Cornelius Tacitus attribute it to another matter , where he saith , Consilium cui impar erat sato permisit : which was to make choice of another successour ; yet I , without taxing his opinion , would thinke that he forbore this new election , lest comming to the eares of Caius Caesar , it might put him upon some practise to procure his death , as he himselfe had done before to Augustus ; and the rather as knowing himselfe to be exceeding weake , Reputante Tiberio publicum sibi odium , extremam aetatem , magisque fama quam vi stare res suas .

But because Augustus and Tiberius knew well , how much it imported , to have more successours then one : yet each of them was brought at last to have but one , and could not helpe it : it will be fit to thinke upon some way , how a Prince that is brought to such a straight , may both enter such a successour in affaires of State , and yet secure himselfe from domestick dangers . As for the entering him , and setting him in a way ; it will be easily done , by putting him into those steps , which himselfe passed to attaine the Empire : and by this way , the House of Austria at this day maintaines it selfe in the Empire . An instruction of Augustus , and afterward followed by Tiberius , who comming to the Empire by meanes of the Tribuneship , they also used to make their successours Tribunes . Id summi fastigii vocabulum Augustus reperit , ne Regis aut dictatoris nomen adsumeret , ac tamen appellatione aliqua caetera imperia praemineret : Marcum deinde Agrippam socium ejus potestatis , quo defuncto 〈◊〉 Neronem delegit , ne successor in incerto foret : sic cohiberi pravas aliorum spes rebatur , simul modestiae Neronis & suae magnitudini fiebat , quo tunc exemplo Tiberius Drusum summae rei admovet . The difficulty then consists onely in securing himselfe against his successour , being too potent ; and the best way , that I can learne out of Histories is this ; not to suffer him together with the dignity , to get the love and affection of the Subjects . This Augustus put in execution , untill he was blinded by his wives intreaties . For when he demanded the Tribuneship for Tiberius , under colour of excusing him , he laid open all his ill conditions , thereby to make him odious . Etenim Augustus paucis ante annis , cum Tiberio Tribunitiam potestatem a Patribus rursus postularet , quanquam honora oratione quaedam de habitu cultuque & institutis ejus jecerat , quae velut excusando exprobraret . To what end should Augustus demand honours for Tiberius , and himselfe dishonour him ? but onely to this , that as by meanes of the dignity which could not be denyed him , he meant to settle in him the succession , so by meanes of making knowne his vices , he meant to make him odiou●… and thereby secure himselfe , that he might never be able through the peoples favour , to contrive any plot against him . Tiberius also made use of this course , and therefore caused Drusus to be present alwaies at the sports of the Gladiatours ; to the end , that by shewing himselfe delighted with the sight of blood , he might be knowne to be of a cruell and bloody disposition , and consequently be of all men hated . Whereupon Tacitus discoursing upon the reasons , why Tiberius himselfe would not be present at them ; amongst other , he mentions this , where he saith , Non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam movendasque offensiones concessam filio materiem , quamquam id quoque dictum est . Another time , when Tiberius saw Germanicus and Drusus contesting with the Senate , he wonderfully joyed at it ; as well because their contention was about disparaging a Law , as because of the hate they incurred by it , Laetabatur Tiberius , cum inter filios ejus & leges Senatus disceptaret .

Having commended the course , for a Prince to designe more then one successour , by whom to be supported , there must care be taken to hold the ballance even betweene them , otherwise he shall expose himselfe to manifest danger ; in regard whereof , Augustus never brought Tiberius openly forward untill such time as he was left alone , Drusoque pridem extincto , Nero 〈◊〉 ex privignis erat , illuc cuncta vergere , and that which followeth . So Tiberius as long as Germanicus lived , used them with great equality : but after Germanicus death , he then discovered his love to Drusus . Tiberius Drusum summae rei admovet ; incolumi Germanico , integrum inter Duos Iudicium .

But because it is a most difficult thing , to observe this equality , and to carry an even hand , as that which was in Christ accounted a matter of admiration , that he so carried himselfe toward his Apostles , that they could never know which of them he favoured most , every one thinking himselfe to be the man , whereupon they often contended which of them should be the greatest ; it is fit to consider , to which side the Prince ought rather to incline .

For resolution whereof , I conceive , that a Prince ( as indeed he can doe no lesse ) shall doe well to favour the weaker party , for by meanes of his favour he shall make him stronger then the other ; and yet shall not need to doubt him , as being of himselfe the weaker . So did Tiberius , who if ever he shewed any sparke of partiality , it was to Drusus .

Nam senem Augustum devinxerat adeo , ut nepotem unicum Agrippam Posthumum in Insulam Planasiam projiceret . And a little after , Nulla in praesens formidine , dum Augustus aetate validus , seque & Domum & pacem sustentavit : postquam provecta jam 〈◊〉 , aegro & corpore fatigabatur .

That old men are apt to be carried , away by women , and of what age a Prince should be . The nineteenth Discourse .

THe old age of Augustus ( as we may conjecture by these two Texts , which for more conveniency I have joyned together ) brought forth in the City of Rome , many evill effects : First , by suffering himselfe to be ruled by his wife Livia , who with no small subtilty perswaded him to discard Agrippa Posthumus , and to leave Tiberius Nero his successour in the Empire . Secondly , because thorough old age , he was no longer able to governe the City , his family , or himselfe .

By occasion then of the first , we will examine , whether it be true , that old men are apt and easie to be led away by women ; and finding it to be so , we will shew the reason : and by occasion of the second , it will be fit to examine , at what age a Prince is fittest to governe .

Concerning the first , there will need no great labour to shew by examples and by reason , that the wives of old men may obtaine of them whatsoever they desire . Adonia the sonne of David had made himselfe King in his fathers life ; and by reason of age , as being the eldest , it was his due , as Salomon himselfe confessed , whilst denying a favour , which his mother in behalfe of Adonia requested of him , he said , Ipse enim est frater meus major me ; yet how easily did Bersabee perswade her old husband David to put by Adoniah , and to make her sonne Salomon his successour ? whereof the holy Scripture in the Booke of Kings saith , Ingressa est itaque Bersabee ad regem in cubiculo , Rex autem senuerat nimis . And seeing the holy Scriptures have never a word that hath not some mystery in it , we may well gather by these words Rex autem senuerat nintis , were written to intimate , that the suite of Bersabee was much facilitated by the old age of David . Another example in the booke of Kings we have of Salomon , who in his old age was so led away by his Concubines , that most perfidiously leaving the true worship of God , he set up Images , built Altars and Temples unto Idols , whereof the holy Spirit in the said Booke gives the reason saying , that Salomon being now growne old , was easily drawne away by women , Cumque jam esset senex , depravatum est cor ejus per mulieres , ut sequeretur Deo●… alienos .

The effect then is manifest : it remaines that we shew the cause why this should happen in old men , and not in yong . And first , it may be attibuted to length of time : for as a stone , though never so hard , is mollified and broken by often falling of water , so the long suits of women accompanied with their dalliances and allurements , are able to penetrate the hardest heart : and therefore Job saith , Lapides excavant aquae , & alluvione paulatim terra consumitur ; whereof Saint Gregory makes the like interpretation , as I doe here of the example of Salomon , Videamus qualiter lapides excavant aquae : & alluvione paulatim terra consumitur . Salomon quippe immoderato 〈◊〉 , atque assiduitate mulierum ad hoc perductus est , ut qui prius Templum Deo construeret 〈◊〉〈◊〉 etiam perfidiae substratus , Idolis construere Templu non 〈◊〉 . Sicque factum est , 〈◊〉 ab assidua carni●… petulantia , usque ad mentis persidiam perveniret . Quid it aque aliud quam aquae excavarunt lapidem ? & alluvione paulatim terra consumpta est ; quia surrepente paulatim infusione peccati , terra cordis illius ad consumptionem defluxit .

A second cause is , because in old age by reason of weaknesse , the vertue of resisting feminine allurements failes , which in youth by reason of vigour are easily resisted . This cause Cajetan meanes , when speaking of Salomon he saith , Quamvis mulieres junctae fuerint Salomoni Iuveni , non tamen diverterunt a Iuventute ad cultum Deorum , sed in Senectute paulatim emollitus est animus ejus , crescente amore , & deficiente virtute .

A third cause I would alledge my selfe , and it is , That all love is founded upon some interest , either good or bad : and seeing that of women can never be founded upon vertue , by reason of the incapacity of that sex ; it happens oftentimes to be founded either upon beauty or upon profit : For in women commonly there are two desires ; or to say better , two affections : one of rule , the other of lust ; and when these faile , then also their love ceaseth . From hence it is , that seeing an old man , can never beleeve ( unlesse age hath taken away his braines ) that women can love him for beauty ; it follows necessarily , he must beleeve they love him for profit ; of which if there be no hope , neither can he hope , they will ever love him . And therefore when he knows he cannot satisfie their affection one way , by reason of the weaknesse of his age , he must of necessity seeke to satisfie it the other way , and consequently agree to all their desires . And therefore no marvell if Tacitus say , that Augustus grown old , was led away by women .

Concerning the second point , before we come to examine which is the best age in a Prince , for governing his people , we must take notice , that in men there are foure ages : old age , childhood , youth , and consistence , or middle age . Thus Hippocrates distinguisheth them , which for the present shall passe , without questioning the truth of the distinction . Secondly , it must be noted , that I speake not of Princes that are by succession ; for they have their officers and Deputies , by whom they may alwaies governe well ; but I speake of Princes that are by election , and particularly in Kingdomes that stand in danger ; into which , many by reason of age have fallen .

In this case , it is not well , that a Prince should be in his childhood ; whereupon our Lord God , by the mouth of the Prophet Esay , threatning the destruction of Hierusalem , after saying , Ecce enim Dominator Dominus exercituum , auferet a Hierusalem , & a Juda , validum & fortem , & virum bellatorem , omne robur panis & omne robur aquae , Judiceni & Prophetam , Ariolum & senem : he saith , & dabo pueros Principes eorum , by whose government , how great disorders were to grow , is shewed in the processe of that Chapter , and therefore Salomon in Ecclesiasticus cries out , Vae tibi terra , cujus Rex est puer .

The reason of this is , because in a Governour , there are foure things required : the first is knowledge and prudence , whereupon Salomon considering himselfe to be but a child , prayed not to God for Riches or Honour , nor yet for long life , but for Wisdome to be able to judge rightly , saying , Ego autem sum puer parvulus , & ignorans egressum & introitum meum . Et servus tuus est in medio populi quem elegisti , populi infiniti qui numerari & supputari non potest , prae multitudine . Dabis ergo servo tuo cor docile , ut populum tuum judicare possit , & discernere inter bonum & malum . Whereupon S. Gregory makes a good observation ; that in holy Scripture , Princes and Prophets are called Videntes , Seers , as those that have need of Prudence and Knowledge , that being to lead the blind , they be not blind themselves ; for then will Cities go to wrecke ; and easily be destroyed ; as Esay saith , Omnes bestiae agri venite ad devorandum , Vniversae bestiae 〈◊〉 , speculatores ejus caeci omnes .

The second thing required in a Prince is fortitude , to be able to bridle the people , and to beare the weight of the Scepter . And therefore Salomon in Ecclesiasticus saith , Noli 〈◊〉 fieri Judex , 〈◊〉 valeas virtute irrumpere iniquitates ; ne fortè extimescas faciē Potentis , & ponas scandalum in 〈◊〉 tua . And Job speaking of the burthen that lies upon Princes shoulders , saith , Sub quo curvantur qui portant orbem , which S. Gregory upon that other place of Job , Ecce Gigantes 〈◊〉 sub aquis , expounds saying , Gemero sub aquis meanes nothing else , but to be oppressed with the weight of Subjects , taking waters for people , as the Angel in the Apocalyps delivers , Aquae multae , populi multi : Whereupon not without great mystery our Lord God , meaning to make Peter Prince of the people , he called him first to walke upon the water .

Thirdly , Princes ought more to regard the common good of their subjects , then their owne private profit ; that they may not be like those , of whom the Prophet Sophony speaketh , Judices ejus lupi 〈◊〉 , non relinquebant in Mane : but like to the Apostle Paul , who saith , Non quaero quae vestra sunt , sed vos .

Fourthly , there is required Experience , Qui non est tentatus quid scit ? saith Salomon in Ecclesiasticus , Et qui non est expertus parva recognoscit . And therefore the Ancients have a fable , that Phaeton having taken upon him to guide the Horses of the Sunne , was throwne downe headlong . In asmuch then , as a child through defect of age , can neither have knowledge , nor experience ; and thorough weaknesse of body , can neither be strong nor constant : and finally , thorough time spent in pleasures , will more regard his owne interest , then the people ; there can be no doubt of his unfitnesse to govern others , who without doubt is not well able to governe himselfe .

The other age contrary to this , is old age ; in which as a thing most odious , men commonly are subject to contempt : Ipsa aetas Galbae ( saith Tacitus ) & Irrisui & fastidio erat . And a little after , Precarium sibi Imperium , & brevi transiturum . But besides their being contemned , oftentimes they governe ill , because ( as Aristotle writes in his Politicks ) Habet etiam intellectus suam 〈◊〉 , that the understanding also hath its old age ; seeing by weaknesse of naturall heate , and want of radicall moysture , they generate naughty blood , from which consequently arise naughty spirits , which passing to the Heart , and from the Heart distributed to the senses , makes them they can but ill 〈◊〉 their office . And therefore in old men , we see the senses are alwaies weakned , as the Philosopher saith , 〈◊〉 nostra intellectio ortum habet à sensu ; the understanding making use of the senses to understand by : insomuch , that they being grown old , it may reasonably be said , the understanding is growne old : whereupon 〈◊〉 meaning to shew , that Camillus though growne old , was yet able to governe , saith , He had all his senses perfect , Sed vegetum 〈◊〉 in vivido pectore vigebat virebatque integris sensibus .

A Prince therefore should not be old , as well because such are apt to be contemned ; as because , becomming a child againe , he will governe ill : whereupon not without cause , Tacitus speaking of Augustus , saith , Postquam provecta jam senectus , aegro & corpore fatigabatur ; and that which followeth . And Galba knowing this , and meaning to helpe these inconveniences of old age , he adopted Piso , saying , Et audita adoption desinam videri senex , quod mihi unum objicitur . And our Lord God meaning to furnish his Captaine Moyses , with all the parts required in a Prince ; to the end , that through old age , he might not be contemned , nor through want of understanding come to governe ill ; suffered not his senses , nor yet his flesh to grow old with yeeres , but preserved them in a flourishing state , Non caligaverunt oculi ejus , saith the Scripture , and this opinion all Writers follow .

It remaines , to shew , which is the fitter age , of youth , or the consistent age : for Resolution whereof , I say briefly , that if a Prince be to attend the warres , it is then better he should be yong ; as well for the labours of the body , as for the vigour of blood , which growne cold in old men , were never able to performe those things , which are required in a warriour . Whereupon we see , that many great Captaines , who in their youth have done admirable acts ; in their old age , have lost many advantages , through weaknesse of spirit ; as it happened to Metellus , in the warre against Sertorius in Spaino , ( as Plutarch relates . ) And therefore Moyses shewed great judgement , who amongst the Elders he had chosen , having two yong men , Eldad and Medad , he caused them to stay in the Army ; shewing thereby , that in matters of warre they should be yong men . And our Lord God meaning to ayd the Maccabees in a battaile against their enemies appeared in the forme of a yong man upon a white Horse .

But if we speake of Princes , that are to judge the people in peace ; in this case , the age that inclines to old age , is certainly fittest ; in signe whereof our Lord God who in the Canticles , as being a Bridegroome appeared in forme of a yong man , Comae ejus sicut elatae palmorum , nigrae quasi Corvus , when afterwards he appeares as a King and Judge of Daniel , and in the Apocalyps , he comes described with gray haires , Caput autem ejus & Capilli erant candidi , tanquam lana alba , & tanquam Nix ; and this is for as much , as for the most part is wont to happen .

But because the contrary of this is often seene , that some man in his youth governes much better then in his age ; I cannot omit in this place to advertise , that canities or whitenesse by age , consists not so much in haires or in yeers , as in the whitenesse of the thoughts : whereupon , in the Canticles , the Bridegroome saith to the Bride , Vulnerasti cor meum , in uno oculorum tuorum , & in uno crine colli tui , and S. Luke , Sed & capilli vestri numerati sunt ; and S. Gregory upon Job , expounding that place of Deuteronomy , Levitae tenentur radere pilos carnis suae : expounds it , id est , cogitationes superfluas .

He then shall be accounted old , and to have gray haires , that is full of white thoughts ; whereupon Salomon saith , Senectus venerabilis est , non diuturna , neque annorum numero computata , cani autem sunt sensus 〈◊〉 & aetas Senectutis , vita Immaculata . When our Lord God would have Moyses to choose persons that should assist him in judging the people , he said not , Choose out seventy old men ; but , seventy whom thou knowest to be old : where it plainely appeares , that he speakes not of the old age of the body , for that every one is able to know ; but of the old age of the mind , and so S. Gregory expounds it in those words , Congrega mihi septuaginta viros Israel quos tu nosti quòd Senes populi sunt . While he saith , In quibus senioribus , quid aliud , quam senectus cordis requiritur , cum tales jubentur eligi , quod senes esse sciuntur ? si enim senectus in eis corporis quaereretur , a tantis sciri poterant , a quantis videri ●…dum vero dicitur , quos tu nosti , quod senes populi sint , profectò liquet , quia senectus 〈◊〉 , non corporis eligenda mintiatur . For an old man that is gray by reason of yeeres may be a child in regard of conditions ; and therefore Esay saith , Puer centum annorum moriatur ; whereupon it followes not , to say , a Prince is yong , therefore he will governe ill ; a Prince is old , therefore he will governe well ; because it oftentimes happens , that the same man , is in youth , old ; and in age , yong ; as Salomon who in his youth governed divinely well , both himselfe and his state , but afterwards in his old age , he overthrowes himselfe , and consequently his subjects . So Nero in the beginning of his youth , governed with so great prudence , that he is rather to be imitated , then that he can be surpassed : but in processe of time , he so perfidiously carried himselfe , that sparing neither his schoolmasters , nor his mother , nor finally himselfe , he cast himselfe , and ( as much as he could ) the state into absolute ruine .

It will not then be from our purpose , to search out the reason , how it happens that many in their youth governe well ; and in their old age , become cruell ; and throw themselves headlong into vices . First then , I say , it happens by reason of age , which ( as we have shewed before ) of its owne nature , causeth contempt ; and the Prince doubting this , and thinking to remedy it with cruelty , plungeth himselfe in it , to shew there is valour in him : so did Tiberius who in his youth endeavoured by all meanes to hide his acts of cruelty ; but in his old age , changing opinion , he was never well , but when he was talking of them , and when he could say something to make it appeare , that he was cruell ; for no other cause , but that he thought this the onely way to keep him from contempt . Wherupon , if the Senatours had known this reason , they would never have marvelled to heare him recite his acts , & the death of his nephew Drusus : and although Tacitus ascribe this to his great confidence , where he saith , Penetrabat pavor , & admiratio callidum olim & tegendis sceleribus obscurum , eo confidentiae venisse , ut tanquam dimotis parietibus , oftenderet nepotem sub verberibus Centurionis , inter servonum ictus extrema vitae alimenta frustra orantem ; yet I hold , he did it rather in the sense aforesaid , and I conceive that Tacitus in substance understood as much himselfe .

Secondly , this is wont to happen , because in the beginning men are not secure in their states , and therefore seeke by good meanes to make themselves secure ; but once secured , they then yeeld themselves wholy to be governed by sense : and therefore David when he had vanquisht his enemies , and made himselfe secure in his Kingdome , he then committed the adultery with Bersabee , and the slaughter of Vrias , whereof S. Bernard speaking saith , Sapiens David , sapiens Salomon fuit , sed blandientibus nimis secundis rebus , alter ex parte , alter ex toto desipuit .

Thirdly , because a Prince in old age , hath either gotten him a good name or a bad : if a good , then conceiving that whatsoever he doth , can never take away the good name already gotten , he easily runneth into vices ; if bad , then despairing in so short a time , as being now old , to remove that bad name , he thinkes it all one what he doth ; and thereupon contemning fame , would be content the World might end with himselfe . So did Herod the great , who gave order that as soone as himselfe should be dead , a great number of Noblemen , that were then prisoners should be slaine . And Nero was contented it should be thought , that he grieved for nothing so much , as that he had not the whole World in his hand , inclosed in a glasse , that he might cast it to the ground whensoever he should die . But if a Prince be yong , although he have gotten the name of a cruell man , yet hoping in time he may redeeme it and get a better , he will not easily plunge himselfe in vices .

Fourthly , this is wont to happen , when Princes are but of little judgment ; because as when of themselves they are prudent , they alwaies governe better in the third age ; so when of themselves they want discretion , they governe better in their youth , then afterward ; seeing in that age , it is no disgrace to suffer themselves to be guided by men of ability ; as was seene in Nero , who in his youth was contented to be advised , and to follow the counsell of Seneca , Burrhus and Corbulo , but comming to a riper age , either they take a liberty no longer to regard the advice of good Counsellours , or else they count it a shame to be a Prince upon props : or lastly they are instigated by others , thorough hate they beare to the greatnesse of those able Counsellours . All these things concurred in Nero : for first he rejected the reverence of his schoolmasters , seque in omnes libidines effudit : and then there wanted not instigatours , who told him it was a shame , Certe finitam Neronis pueritiam , & robur juventae adesse , exueret Magistrum , satis amplis Doctoribus instructus Majoribus suis. So as , having no braine himselfe , nor hearkning to them that had , he came in a short time to utter ruine . So the Emperour Constantinus Sestus , was contented at first to be ruled by his mother Irenea , but growing elder , he cast her off , and came to be starke naught . And Rabbi Salomon saith , that as long as Nathan the Prophet , who was Salomons schoolmaster lived , Salomon tooke no strange woman to be his wife : and this opinion is followed by Abulensis .

Domi Res tranquillae : eadem Magistratuum vocabula .

That to maintain and suffer Magistrates to continue , although without authority , is a matter of great moment . The twentieth Discourse .

I Have alwaies heard it resolved , that when a City changeth from being a Common-wealth , to be a Kingdome , it should doe well , to leave if not the same authority , yet at least the same Magistrates . And the same I have found written in all Politician Authours ; and for authority , they alledge this place of Tacitus , Eadem Magistratuum vocabula : where he shewes ; that Augustus changed all things in Rome , but onely the name of Magistrates : and they give this reason , that seeing it is onely a bare name , much in shew , and little in substance , the Prince can lose nothing of his owne Right by it ; and yet by this meanes he shall be sure to get the love of his people , who are fedde with such vanity .

This opinion , held , written and observed of every one , containes in it two things : one , that as to the Prince , the leaving of Magistrates is of great profit : the other , that as to the subject it is a meere vanity , and serves onely to puffe up the people .

Although this opinion be generall and entred in such sort into mens conceits , that there seemes to be no contending against it ; yet it may be lawfull for me to deliver what I thinke of it ; seeing I seeke not to be believed , by any other strength , then by that of reason . I say then , I could never come to know , that this leaving the name of Magistrates , is any weaknesse , but have alwaies accounted it a matter of great moment ; for proofe whereof , we must know , that as all other kinds of state , so a Commonwealth also consists of two things ; that is , of matter , and of forme . In a Monarchy , the forme is the Prince ; and the City is the matter . In a Commonwealth , the forme is the Magistrate that rules ; and the thing that is ruled is the matter . From hence it is , that when these two things doe not meet and joyne together , a City cannot be said to be free : whereupon , if it should be without any Prince , and should withall be without any Magistrates , it could not be called a Commonwealth . The Armenians after the death of Ariobarzanes , being unwilling to serve his successours , remained without any Lord ; but having no forme of a Commonwealth , they were never the more free . Whereof Tacitus speaking , shewes he knew that well , which I said before , where he saith , Ariobarzano morte fortuita absumpto , stirpem ejus haud toleravere , tentatoque foeminae imperio , cui nomen Erato ; eaque brevi pulsa , incerti solutique & magis sine Domino quam in libertate , profugum Vononem in Regnum accipiunt . If then the Prince taking away the matter , which is the City , shall leave the forme , which are the Magistrates , he shall give not onely a vaine contentment , as those men say , but also a great hope to recover liberty : of which they should be out of hope if the Prince , together with the authority , should also take away the Magistrates ; seeing although they should be without a Prince , yet they should be nere the neerer for being in liberty , but rather would never be quiet , untill they had a King againe , as it fell out with the Armenians : and if they should agree to have a Commonwealth , it would never be durable ; as was seene in Florence after a driving out of Petrus de Medici : and therefore the Romans had great fortune to find a forme made to their hands ; for the Kings being expulsed , they had then nothing else to do , but onely in their stead , to make two Consuls . This thing both Romulus and Tarquinius , Caesar and Nero knew to be of great moment , who endeavoured all they could to extinguish the Senate . And indeed , those Provinces that have been without Magistrates , have never been able to come to liberty , as was seen in the Assyrians , and is at this day seen in the Persians , and in the Turks , and others . For it is an easie matter for an image of waxe , if it be broken , to be renued againe , so long as the forme by which it was framed remaines entire ; seeing with one onely action , the new forme will be taken away , and the old will be introduced : but if together with the Image , the mould also should be taken away ; it would then be very hard to returne it to the old forme ; as requiring two actions , one to breake the forme that is of new ; and the other , to renew the form that was before .

Moreover , this onely apparence of Magistrates , besides that it facilitates the recovery of liberty , causeth also a desire of liberty , which if it doe no other hurt , at least it puts them in mind of a Commonwealth , a thing to Princes most pernitious : and lastly , it gives occasion to the principall men to assemble together without suspition ; and therefore , if I be not deceived , Julius Agricola told Tacitus oftentimes , that the taking away these apparences of liberty , had been very usefull for hindring the rebellions of the Irish. Saepe ex eo audivi , legione una & modicis auxiliis debellari obtinerique Hiberniam posse . Idque etiam adversus Britanniam profuturū , si Romana ubique arma , & velut è conspeetu libertas toleretur .

Thus in my opinion it is sufficiently proved , that to leave the names of Magistrates , although without authority , is not a puffing up , or a vanity that blinds the people ; but indeed a matter of great moment , for regayning of liberty . Yet I blame not Princes that take this course , and especially those that are at this day , who having no doubt of their people , ought to allow them , not onely the names of Magistrates , but also Magistrates with some authority : and as little doe I like , that a man comming new to a Kingdome , should take this course ; only I put them in mind , that all they who have gone about to extinguish Magistrates , have either been 〈◊〉 or banished , except onely Cleomenes .

Tiberium Neronem maturum annis , spectatum bello , sed vetere atque insita Claudiae Familiae superbia , multaque indicia saevitiae , quanquam premantur erumpere : Hunc & prima ab infantia educatum in domo 〈◊〉 , congestos Juveni Consulatus , Triumphos ne iis quidem annis , quibus Rhodi specie secessus exulem egerit , aliquid quam Iram & simulationem & secretas libidines meditatum .

That Tiberius was part good , and part bad . How it happened that he fell not into dangers as Nero did . Whether it be good to be brought up in the Princes House : and finally , how their secret vices may be knowne . The one and twentieth Discourse .

TAcitus discoursing of the successours of Augustus , whilst he laies open the vertues and vices of Tiberius shewes us also , the capacity and incapacity that was in him for succession in the Empire : his capacity was first , by reason of his ripenesse in age , being such as in our former discourse we required in a Prince , then his ability in Military affaires ; and the long experience he had , being brought up in Augustus his house , and imployed continually in State businesses ; and seeing Princes ought to be able both to governe the people in peace , and to rule them in warre , I know not any man could be fitter for the Empire then Tiberius .

On the other side , Tiberius was proud , cruell , and lascivious ; and seeing a Prince ought to governe with mildnesse , to have care of the subjects lives ; and above all , rather to defend their honour , then oppresse it : there is no doubt , but Tiberius was more uncapable of such a dignity then any other ; because as being proud , he could never be pleasing in his government : and as being cruell , he was readier to destroy his subjects then to preserve them : and lastly , as being lascivious , he was likelier to dishonour his Citizens , then to do them honour and thus , as there were in him all those vertues that make a Prince admirable ; so there were in him all those vices that make a state miserable . And because for the most part , the good is overborne and suppressed by the bad ; we may justly say , that Tiberius was altogether uncapable of the Empire , his Experience being obscured by his pride ; his valour in warre , by his cruelty in Peace ; and lastly his ripenesse in yeers , by his greennesse in lustfulnesse .

Tiberius yet together with his many vices , had also some vertues , and therefore was not wholly good , but part good ; nor wholly wicked , but part wicked : and this is the cause why he continued peaceably in his Empire , which Nero did not , because Nero had many vices , and never a vertue ; Tiberius though he had many vices , yet withall he had some vertues ; and a vice can never hold out long , if it be not founded upon some vertue . A lascivious man , if he have not some temperance , will never live ten daies to an end : a Thiefe , if he use not some meane in his robbing , but will be stealing day and night , secretly and openly , he will quickly make his own Gallowes . Therefore Saint Chrysostome saith , Talis est natura mali , ut non consistat nisi virtuti cuipiam 〈◊〉 . Nam mala non habent naturam , ut ex se possint subsistere ; nisi 〈◊〉 aliquid a virtutibus ceperint . And Aristotle having an eye to this , where teaching the way how to maintaine a tyranny , saith , that a tyrant ought at least to be part good , and part bad , Insuper moribus talis esse , ut recte se habeat ad virtutem , vel semibonus quidem sit , & non malus , sed semi-malus . This was one of the causes why Nero being cruel , ruined himselfe , and Tiberius being cruell , kept himselfe safe ; because Nero was a cruell beast , and Tiberius a cruell man . He killed men , out of greedinesse of the blood of others ; and this onely for security of himselfe : the one used his cruelty foolishly , and the other politickly ; or rather we may say , wisely ; Est enim quaedam Prudentia falsa ( saith S. Thomas ) vel per similitudinem dicta , cum enim Prudens sit , qui bene disponit ea quae sunt agenda propter 〈◊〉 bonum finem , ille qui propter malum finem aliqua 〈◊〉 congruentia illi fini , habet falsam prudentiam , in quantum illud quod accepit pro fine , non est vere bonum , sed secundum similitudinem sic dicitur aliquis bonus latro ; and that which followes .

But having said , that in Tiberius there was vertue as well as vice ; but that Nero was all vice : for which some man with no small colour of truth may reprehend me , seeing in all Histories we find , that Nero was perhaps more vertuous then any other of the Caesarean family : I therefore thinke it necessary to advertise , that all vertues are not vertues in a Prince ; But rather many a one , no better then a vice . Poesie , Musicke , Paynting , and all those Sciences and Arts which depend upon sharpnesse of wit , a Prince having need to procure himselfe a soundnesse of judgement , and not a subtilty of braine , for contemplating of those things which consist onely in Idaea ; therefore in these and such like , a Prince ought to content himselfe with a mediocrity of knowledge ; not for his owne practice , but onely to enable him to taste the pleasure from them that doe practise them . Sunt enim quaedam e liberalibus scientiis , ( saith Aristotle ) quas usque ad aliquid discere honestum sit , penitus vero sese illis tradere , atque usque ad extremum 〈◊〉 velle , valde noxium est . Philip King of Macedon , hearing his sonne Alexander play excellent well on an instrument , reproved him , saying , It is a shame for a Prince to play so well ; it is onely fit for him , to be able to take delight , when he heares them doe it , that make it their profession . And seeing this delight cannot be taken without being intelligent of the Art , therefore this censure of Phillip seems not much different from my opinion ; that a Prince , if it be possible , should know all Arts and Sciences , but not practise them . Nerva composed verses , and finding it a profession not fit for a Prince , he gave it over , Sed cohibet vires ( saith Martial speaking of him ) ingeniumque pudor . Seeing then Nero was vertuous and excellent in these kinds of Arts and Sciences , in which it is not for a Prince to be too conversant ; we may justly say , that he was vitious in vertues ; a thing which 〈◊〉 happens to those that are too greedy of getting knowledge . Whereupon Tacitus commended Agricola , that he could bridle this greedinesse , Retinuitque quod est 〈◊〉 , ex sapientia modum . For this desire to know more then is fit , is neither Politically , nor Morally , nor Theologically good , Quemadmodum omnium 〈◊〉 ( saith Seneca ) sic literarum etiam intemperantia laboramus . And S. Paul , Noli sapere plusquam sapere oportet , sed sapere ad sobrietatem . That which Tacitus cals , To hold a meane in studies , Seneca cals , to be temperate ; and S. Paul , to be sober .

It comes into my mind , now that we are in this di gression , to give another reason , why Tiberius maintained himselfe in the Empire , and Nero perished in it : and it is , that Nero scorned fame , and Tiberius much esteemed it . And if a Divine should object , that the contemning of fame in this world , is a necessary vertue in all good men ; I would answor , as it is true , that to contemne worldly fame , is one of the best things a Christian can doe ; so it is one of the worst things a Heathen or a wicked man can doe ; because there will be no vice or villany , which he will not dare to doe , if he regard not fame ; as was seene in Nero , who not regarding fame , left no wickednesse unattempted .

But to returne to our purpose and principall intent , which is , to shew the meaning of that place in Tacitus , upon which we have undertaken to discourse ; I say , that many from that text , make it a rule , that one who hath been brought up in the Princes house , should not be made Prince , because of Tacitus his saying , Hunc & primum ab infantia 〈◊〉 in domo Regnatrice : and their reason is , because in such places he learnes to be proud and insolent .

First , I doe not thinke , that Tacitus mislikes a successour should be brought up in the Princes House , neither that he makes it a cause of pride absolutely ; because not onely it is commendable , but in a manner necessary , that Princes should be brought in their Houses to whom they are to succeed ; seeing , that though a Prince be of the same state , and of the same blood Royall which ought to succeed in the Crowne ; yet if he should be brought up any where but in his owne house , it would be cause enough to make him odious to all his subjects . And therefore Tacitus saith of Vonone , that although he were of the blood Royall of the Parthians , yet because he had beene brought up in Rome , his subjects would not endure him , Quamvis Gentis Arsacidarunt ut externum aspernabantur .

They therefore deceive themselves , who favouring either brothers or sons of the great Turk , have a hope to settle them in the Ottomane Empire : for though they be of the blood Royall , yet they will alwaies be accounted strangers , and thereupon rejected . Whereof continually we have heard and seene examples , no other good having ever come of it , but that it hath shewed the Christian piety of those Princes , who in zeale to God , have given shelter to such persons .

Secondly , he being commonly of an intolerable carriage , who from a servant comes to be a master , as well because he passeth from one extreme to another ; as because , to be a servant abaseth the spirit ; as was seen in Tigranes , of whom Tacitus saith , that he therefore lost his Kingdome , Cum advenit Tigranes a Nerone ad capessendum Imperium dilectus , Cappadocum ex Nobilitate , Regis Archelai nepos , sed quod diu obses apud urbem fuerat usque ad servilem patientiam dimissus , neque consensu acceptus . And therefore our Lord God , would not that his Captaine and Leader of the Israelites , Moyses , should be as others were , a servant to Pharao , but would have him bred and brought up in the Kings house ; and for this it was , that the Parthians expelled Vonone , Si mancipium Caesaris , tot per annos servitutem perpessum , Parthis Imperitet .

Thirdly , because being in some part raised above equality , as they are , who live in Princes houses , they are with lesse envy of the subjects , taken to be their Prince . Whereupon Servius , although ( as some thinke ) he was the sonne of a bondwoman ; yet because he had been brought up in the Princes house , he was accepted for King . The Lacedemonians also , when they wanted a King , they tooke Laconicus , onely because he had been brought up in the Kings house .

Fourthly , because in such places , there is no doubt but they may better learne how to governe , and be set in a way of managing affaires : and therefore Dion in the life of Adrian , would have a speciall regard to be had of this , in choosing a Prince : and our Lord God , meaning to fit David , for being a King , made him in Sauls life time , to goe to live in the Kings Pallace ; to the end , he might learne the customes of a King , and be made to know the degree , before he tooke it ; where if suddenly upon Sauls sinne , he had been made King , he should have come unknown to all the people .

It is not therefore to be found fault withall , that he who is to rule others , should be brought up in his house that rules ; neither in my opinion had Tacitus any such meaning ; or to say better , he whose words Tacitus reports .

For they doe not simply and absolutely finde fault with Tiberius his education in Augustus his house , neither yet , that he had so great dignities and honours conferd upon him ; for these did rather prepare him to governe well , then to make him proud ; but the fault they find is this , that in his youth , and whilst he lived in the Princes house , he was raised to so many and to such a number of Offices . The fault therefore was not , that he was brought up in the Princes house , but that he had so many offices and honours bestowed upon him ; and this neither not so much , as the unseasonablenes of them . And therefore Tacitus saith not simply , Congestos consulatus & honores , but Congestos Juveni consulatus . Which is very manifest , for seeing Tiberius had also in his mature age , great offices and honours , Tacitus must needs be understood to speake of those which he received in his youth , apt to make men grow proud , as in another place he excellently shewes , in the person of Tiberius ; for the sonnes of Germanieus being much honoured by the Pontifex , who in his prayers to their Gods , made mention of them together with Tiberius , he forbad him saying ; that yong men grow proud by receiving honours before their time . Movit ne quis in post●…runt mobiles adolescentium animos , praematuris honoribus ad superbiam extolleret . And thus much concerning his pride .

Secondly , Tacitus taxeth Tiberius with cruelty , which though he endevoured all he could to hide , yet he could not keepe it from appearing . From whence we may know , there cannot be a worse nature , nor a worse Prince , then he who having in him the vice of cruelty , strives for some ends to hide it , seeing having once gotten his intent , with heaping upon himselfe much hatred , he after makes his greedinesse of blood appeare the more , by flushing it out all at once , ( at lest if he doe not as Cleomenes did ) and where if he had not hidde his vice , every one might have knowne , upon what to worke and consequently few should have needed to feare . Now that he hides it , and men cannot penetrate into the Princes mind , it gives occasion for all in generall to feare . The Senatours therefore of Rome , seeing Otho dissemble his vices , were much displeased at it : Otho interim ( saith Tacitus ) contra spem omnium , non deliciis , neque desidia torpescere ; 〈◊〉 voluptates , dissimulata luxuria , & cuncta ad decor●…nt Imperii composita ; coque plus formidinis afferebant , falsae virtutes , & vitia reditura . Yet it is to be understood of those who dissemble ; but for a certaine time , as Otho would have done , and as Nero did ; but if we aske , which is the better Prince , of him that being cruell desires to use his cruelty couertly , or he , that is openly cruell , I hold directly , that this is the worse ; for , using his cruelty openly , either he knowes not his vice , or he cares not what men say of him : if he regard not what men say of him , there cannot a worse thing be ; if he know not his vice , he comes to be a cruell foole ; where he that hides it , shews that both he knowes his vice , and also desires a good report : whereupon it followes he cannot so often put his cruelty in execution ; for then he should be a more foole then the other , to thinke that an act often repeated , should never be perceived ; and if any one object that this must needs be the worse , as joyning to the vice of cruelty , the vice of craft : I answer , that this mans government will be so much better , as it is lesse distastfull , to be governed by one that is crafty , then by one that is a foole : whereupon the Senatours of Ronie never feared Tiberius so much , as when they saw him give over his dissembling : and therefore Tacitus in another place saith , Penetrabat pavor , & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & tegendis sceleribus obscurum , eo confidentiae venisse , ut tanquam dimotis 〈◊〉 ostenderet nepotem , sub verberibus Centurionis inter servorum ictus , extrema vitae alimenta frustra orantem . But it is so hard a matter to hide a vice that is naturall ; and to hide it so , as that no signe of it may appeare ; that almost all they , who have had a purpose to dissemble ; in short time have been discovered . So it happened to Philip , so to the Emperour Domitian , so to Sylla , to Tiberius and to Nero ; and finally , to Theodotus King of the 〈◊〉 : being a thing impossible , though there be a habit gotten of dissembling , to cover a vice that is naturall . In regard whereof , Plutarch saith of Philip , Insita a natura vitia adscititium habitum vicerunt , paulatim foris superhibuerunt , & ingenium Regis deterere . Whereupon our Lord God in S. Matthew , meaning to teach us to know such kind of men , saith , we must observe well their deeds , Attendite a falsis Prophetis qui veniunt ad vos in vestimentis Ovium : and to shew us the way how to know them , it followes , A fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos , where Theophylact adds , Nam licet ad tempus simulent , successu tamen temporis producuntur . I will not forbeare to bring another pregnant way , which Galen teacheth us , to come to the knowledge of these dissimulations , who saith , that if a vertue be naturall , as ( for example ) mildnesse , whether the provocations be great or little , yet they will not move a man to choller ; but in all occasions , he will shew himselfe constant ; but if it be feined , then perhaps in light occasions he may hide it ; but in great , it will violently break out and shew it selfe : and therefore Tacitus meaning to shew the dissimulation of Tibernes useth these words , Multa indicia saevitiae , quanquam premantur erumpere : where this word 〈◊〉 shews , that not upon light , but upon great occasions , it discovered it selfe with violence . Thirdly Tacitus blames Tiberius for luxury ; of which head , I intend to speake in the following discourse .

Ne iis quidem annis , quibus Rhodi specie Secessus exulem egerit , aliquid quam Iram & simulationem , & secretas libidines meditatum .

How much it imports a Prince to be chast . The two and twentieth Discourse .

LUxury is a much greater vice , then cruelty ; this taking away the life onely of the subjects , that the honour : and chastity on the contrary , is so profitable both to the acquiring , and to the conserving a Dominion , that every one ( though of an ill nature , and a worse intention ) that aspires to a Principality , will yet take care , if not to be chast , yet at least to seem so , and to hide his vice of lust untill he have attained and be setled in the Empire . Whereupon Daniel speaking of Antichrist , saith , Deum patrum suorum non reputabit , & erit in concupiscentiis foeminarum : which place is translated in these words , Et concupiscentiis mulierum non subjacebit . Writers therefore interpret , that Antichrist knowing of what importance chastity is for getting a Kingdome , will counterfeit himselfe to be so , thereby to get himselfe love , and to bring him forward , and finally to make him Emperour . But after he hath once gotten the Empire , he will then no longer hide his filthy concupiscence , but making himselfe a prey to vices , will shew himselfe to be truely their child .

This profit Tiberius Nero knew , and therefore strove all he could to hide his lust , Et secretas libidines meditatum ; but when he had once gotten whither he aspired , and had set sure footing in the Empire , he then suffered himselfe to fall headlong into all kinds of vices . It is not therefore enough , to counterfeit to be such , before a man comes to his greatnesse , as that wicked one did , and as this impious one will doe ; but a Prince must truely , both in the beginning , in the middle , and in the end not onely shew to be , but be in truth and sincerely free from lust : first , for zeale to God , and then for his owne good and the States : on his owne behalfe , because there is nothing that more ruines a Prince , then to be abject , base , and despised : Nothing that more upholds him , then Majesty , Gravity and Reverence ; and because Princes that are given to Iust can never have any of these respects , It is therefore necessary they should keep themselves chast . In consideration of this , David after his adultery committed with Bersabee , taking notice of his errour , prayed to God and said , Redde mihi laetitiant salutaris tui , & spiritu Principali confirma me . As though he should say , O Lord God , I forgot that I was a King and a Prince , through the concupiscence of the flesh , into which most miserably I am fallen ; I humbly pray thee , that from henceforward , thou wouldst confirme in me the spirit of chastity , that so I may returne to be a King & a Prince : and this is so true , that by the figure Antonomasia , chastity is called Gravity , and Majesty ; and therefore S. Paul writing to Titus saith , In omnibus teipsum praebe exemplum bonorum operum ; In doctrinà , in integritate , in gravitate . S. Hierome in his Comment upon that place , instead of gravitate , reads castitate ; for the same word , which in Greeke signifies Gravity and Majesty , signifies also Chastity : and therefore , as Gravity and Majesty are necessary for a Prince , without which he should not be a Prince ; so Chastity also is no lesse necessary : and as it is impossible that Majesty and lust should be in company together , Non bene conveniunt , nec in una sede morantur , Majestas & Amor ; so it is impossible that Majesty and chastity should not be together , which onely of it selfe is able to make Princes be reverend . Which S. Paul in the foresaid Epistle shews where he saith , Vt qui ex adverso est Revereatur , nihil habens malum dicere nobis . Seeing chastity is reverenced even of her enemies .

On the part of the Subjects , there is no doubt but the chastity of the Prince , is of great consequence for their good : First , in regard of his example , seeing Cities , and consequently the Citizens , alter as they see the Prince alter : and therefore when Dionysius the Tyrant , sent for Plato to teach him Geometry , all the City and Pallace was presently full of dust , every one seeking with all diligence to be a Geometrician . And Saint John in the Apocalyps , meaning to expresse the changes , which are made in Cities , through the change that is in Princes , describes one and the same horse , to be sometime red , sometimes white , and sometimes blacke , which happened by the diversity of their riders , according to whom it changed colour . By the horse , ( as the greater part of Writers say ) is signified the Empire of Rome ; and by those that rode upon it , the Emperours ; according to whose vices the Empire changed , and in nothing more then through chastity ; seeing the Prince may by violence violate the honour of his Subjects , if he be not chast . In which regard S. Paul saith , Obsecro orationes fieri , pro Regibus , & pro omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt constituti , ut tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . Where he plainly shewes , that the chastity of the Subjects depends upon the chastity of the Prince , while he saith , let us Pray for Kings , to the end we may live chastly .

Chastity therefore is profitable for the Subjects , and necessary for him that will rise to honour ; in signe perhaps whereof , S. John in the Apocalyps , makes the Virgins appeare on the top of the Mount : as though he would say , that chast persons can easiliest rise to great degrees , who in the Scripture oftentimes are figured by Mountaines . Let Princes therefore be farre from lust , and as ( according to the opinion of Hugo the Cardinall ) they have the Name of God in common to them with Virgins : so also let them have chastity in common to them with Virgins , but yet in such a manner as Princes are able to have it ; for so they shall the better discharge their Office , to the honour and glory of God ; which is the thing above all they ought to have before their eyes .

Accedere Matrem muliebri Impotentia , serviendum Foeminae .

How and when the government of women is odious . The three and twentieth Discourse .

FOr declaration of this place of Tacitus , where he seems to make it an odious thing to be governed by women : we will first shew , in what things it is , that womens Dominion over men is odious ; and then , what Authority Princes should allow women in the government .

To begin with the first : I say , that women may beare rule three waies ; the first , themselves alone directly . Secondly , themselves alone indirectly . Thirdly , themselves together with their sonnes , husbands , or other men .

The first way of bearing rule ; that is , directly and properly consists in the acts of jurisdiction , as in judging ; to which there being required great knowledge , great prudence , and inflexibility : it is not possible , that women , by reason of the weaknesse of their understanding , can in any degree be fit : and therefore in the law , there is a prohibition against that Sex . And indeed there is no example found to the contrary , but only that of Debora , who in the old Testament is numbred among the Judges ; and judged the people of Israel , with so great prudence , that she hath left of her selfe an eternall memory . But yet this case can be no barre to our assertion ; seeing it may easily be answered , that Debora gave not judgement of her owne braine , but gave answers to questions in manner of a Prophetesse , saying onely that which was revealed to her by God .

The second way of bearing rule , lesse proper and indirect , is nothing else , but to have a power to command ; which by accident also may happen to women , who being daughters of Princes , may succeed their father in the State . Although the power of commanding may seem proper to the man , and no way common with women ; yet seeing the possessing of riches , is equally common to the man , and to the woman ; and that it oftentimes happens that the jurisdiction followes the riches , and the thing possessed ; it may also happen , that as the woeman is partaker of the riches , so she may be also of the jurisdiction to them annexed .

A third way , is to command in company with men ; and themselves , not have the command alone ; as many times , Wives with their Husbands , Mothers with their Sonnes , and Grandmothers with their Nephews ; which oftentimes may be , and oftentimes is , but whether well or ill , shall be shewed hereafter .

It is therefore cleare , that a woman cannot beare rule directly and properly ; that is , in that kind of ruling which is called judging : but yet may in that which is said to be commanding ; and especially in the third way , with sonnes and other men .

As to the second point , whether the Dominion of women be odious , or no ; we may distinguish it thus : either we speake of women alone , and by themselves : or else of women accompanied with men . If we take it the first way , there is nothing more odious , nothing more abhorred of men , then to be commanded by a woman , as being a thing repugnant to reason ; contrary to Gods commandement , and most contrary to the law of nature . Our Lord God said to the woman ; Sub viri potestate eris . Aristotle saith , that naturally the more perfect beares rule over the more imperfect ; and the better over the worse : whereupon the woman ( as Aristotle in a thousand places witnesseth ) being more imperfect then the man , and being by Pythagoras placed in the number of evils , and man of good , it would certainely be a monster in nature , that the perfect should be servant to the imperfect , the good to the evill ; and especially that sex being ( I say not alwaies , but for the most part ) voyd of prudence and of valour ; full of pride ; and fuller of lust ; and consequently most unsit to governe : of whom Tacitus saith ; Non solum imparem laboribus sexum , sed si licentia adsit , saevum , ambitiosum , potestatis avidum . The government therefore of women ; when they rule alone , not onely is odious , but is also most miserably administred : neither can the example of Debora ( whereof I spake before ) be justly objected ; but rather I may my selfe make use of that example , in confirmation of my own assertion ; for if she governed well , it was because she was a Prophetesse ; and if her government were not odious ; it was because a man commanded : for our Lord God , being willing the Israelites should be ruled by a woman ; and knowing that by reason of their naturall imbecillities , they are not fit to rule , he infused into Debora a Propheticall spirit , and meaning she should be received without distast , knowing how distastfull a thing it is to men to be governed by women , he appointed her Barak for a companion in the government ; to the end , that commanding by his assistance , it might not be thought , as of her self alone , the command of a woman .

I will here forbeare to speake of infinite Kingdoms and States , that by the government of women have been utterly overthrowne , of which all ancient and moderne Histories are full ; as well , for that it is a thing so well knowne , as for that it is not much to our purpose . For when Tacitus saith , Serviendum foeminae , he meanes not , that a woman should command alone , either as Judge or as Princesse ; but he meanes the third way , together with men , seeing he speakes of Livia , who having been the cause of Tiberius his comming to the Crowne : it might be doubted , whether she also were not to governe , as well as he . That which we are to examine is this , what authority ought to be given in such cases , by men to women ; and whether their government in this sort be odious or no ? For answer whereto , we must proceed with distinguishing , either we speake of States not well setled , where the men are stout and warlike ; or else of States , that live quietly and in peace , and are governed by a Prince secure . If we be in the first case , I am absolutely of opinion , that the Dominion of women is most odious ; and therefore Semiramis , as knowing this , durst not venture to take upon her the Empire , openly ; Haec ( saith Justin ) nec immaturo puero ausa tradere Imperium , necipsa Imperium palam tractare , tot ac tantis gentibus vir patienter uni viro , nedum foeminae parituris . And the reason of this is nothing else , but that those Subjects being stout and warlike , would never have consented to be governed by her , if they had knowne her at first to be a woman . Which we may well thinke , seeing with these very subjects , it was enough for Sardanapalus that he had but the likenesse of a woman , to make him despised , and afterward be slaine . Indignatus tali foeminae ( saith Justin of him in the person of Artabanus ) tantum virorum subjectum , tractantique lanam ferrum & arma portantes parere . And this is the case , which Tacitus meanes when he saith Serviendum foeminae ; shewing , it would be odious in a warlike people , as the Romans were , and dangerous in a new Prince as Tiberius was , to governe in company of a woman .

Now if we aske , what authority should be given to women in such cases , I say , they should not be suffered to entermeddle in matters of judgement , nor of the state , themselves alone ; not so much for their incapacity , as for the contempt they are apt to fall into , though they should governe never so well . And therefore the Roman Emperour Alexander , a man most just , and furnisht with all the qualites of a good Prince ; yet because he suffered his mother to meddle in matters of State , though she did it with great prudence and justice , he fell in short time into contempt , and finally of the Souldiers was miserably slaine . In truth a singular example to shew , that warlike minds can never endure the government of women , and that their honour is the Princes disparagement ; which Tiberius ( a wise man ) knew , and could say , Moderandos foeminarum honores : and Tacitus , no lesse wise then he , gives the reason of it saying , Muliebre fastigium in sui diminutionem accipiens .

Yet they must not altogether be left without honour , but some authority it is fit they should have , especially such as are the cause of the Princes comming to the Empire . And therefore the wise Salomon , who through the good meanes of his mother Bersabee with old David , was assumed to the Royall dignity , not onely honoured her exceedingly , but would have her sit with him upon his Throne ; as is written in the Booke of Kings , Venit ergo Bersabee ad Regem Salomonem , ut loqueretur ei pro Adonia , & surrexit Rex in occursum ejus , adoravitque 〈◊〉 , & sedit super Thronum suum , positusque est Thronus matri Regis , quae sedit ad dexteram ejus . But yet I cannot finde , in holy Scripture , that ever she gave judgement , or spake in counsell , or gave audience in affaires at any time . The authority and honour therefore that is to be allowed to women , in States that are not secure , ought not to be immediately in themselves , but by assistance of their husbands . And this counsell David gave to Salomon , in the Psalm Eructavit , speaking to his Bride , where he saith , Filia Tyri in numeribus , vultum tuum deprecabuntur : Where he saith not te , but vultum tuum , that is , thy husband ; meant by the word countenance , as Theodoret and S. Basil interpret it . He then that is to be resorted to , and to be sued unto , must be the man , and not the woman ; and the honours that are done to the women , ought to passe by the way of their husbands : and therefore it is said in Esay , 〈◊〉 invocetur nomen tuum super nos . This course Tiberius tooke most notably , who when his mother made any suite in his name , he presently granted it ; and more then so , he many times at the suit of Livia required those things of the Senat , which without blushing he could not have asked ; but when it was moved to give her honours immediately without passing by the meanes of Tiberius , he then presently opposed it , saying , Moderandos foeminarum honores .

But if we speake of those Princes that live securely in peace , and are well setled in their states , as at this day many are in Italy ; then , either those women that should governe together with the men , are in judgement and understanding fit for it , or else they are altogether unfit : if unfit , it may then be enough for them to looke to matters at home , and Domesticall affaires ; but if fit , I cannot then thinke any thing more just , or more convenient , or more profitable to a Prince , then to call such women of his blood , to beare a part of the burthens of government ; both because by their experience and prudence they may assist the Prince as much as any other ; and also because by reason of their owne interest , and the singular affection they beare to their husbands , their sonnes or nephewes ; there can be none found , that with more sincerity and faithfulnesse , and without any by-respects , will helpe them to beare so great a burthen , as a Kingdome is ; and so much more , as they are alwaies like to be partakers as well of the dangers , as of the profits of the Prince . A thing which is not found in strangers , and such as are mercenary , whose profit oftentimes lookes another way , and is divided from the Princes profit . Whereupon S. 〈◊〉 upon that place of Esay , Pater filiis notam faciet veritamet : saith , Non revelatur servo veritas , quia servus nescit quid faciat Dominus ejus , sed nec Mercenarius rapitur ad contemplandam veritatem , quia propriam quaerit utilitatem . And therefore Augustus a most wise Prince , had often conference with Livia , Numa Pompilius with Aegeria , Cyrus with Aspas●…a Tarquinius with Tanaquill , and Justinian with his wife Theodosia . Princes therefore ought not to despise the counsels of women of their blood , but to hold them in great account ; whereof , in my opinion there is in Genesis a Golden Text : Sara having spoken to Abraham to send away Agar and Ismael , it seemes he was not very willing to give credit to the words of a woman ; which God knowing , said unto him , Omnia quae dixerit tibi Sara , audi vooem ejus . Moreover , when our Lord God made the woman , he said , Faciamus ei Adjutorium simile sibi : and why then should we seeke after other helpers , and not take those who are made of purpose for our ayd ? According to this my opinion was decided the controversie in Tacitus , betweene Valorius Messalina and Caecina , where it was concluded , that in governments which stand in danger , it is not fit to bring in women ; but very fit , in governments that are peaceable and secure . In which I say more , that a Prince who is yong , cannot doe better , then not onely to be counselled ( a thing in part also fit , where States are dangerous ) but to suffer himselfe also to be governed by women . Theodatus King of the Ostrogothes , in the beginning of his Raigne carried himselfe , with great moderation , as long as he agreed with his wife , but when he left to follow her advice , he filled with injustice all his Kingdome . The Emperour Constantinus Sestus , never governed well , but when he suffered his mother Irene to direct him . And Salomon never runne into disorderly courses , as long as his mother Bersabe●… lived ; of whom he scorned not to be taught , as himselfe in the Proverbs saith , Filius fui patris mei , tenellus & Vnigenitus coram matre mea , & docebat me atque dicebat , suscipiat verba mea cor tuum , custodi praecepta mea , & vives . And therefore S. Chrysostome upon S. John saith , Nihil potentius muliere bona ad instituendum , & informandum virum , quodcunque voluerit , neque tam leniter anticos , nec magistros patietur , ut conjugem admonentem atque consulentem , habet enim voluptatem quandam admonitio uxoria ; cum plurimum amet cui consulit , multos possum afferre viros asperos & immites , per uxorem mites redditos & mansuetos . Who knowes not , that Tiberius never plunged himselfe so much into all kinds of wickednesse , as after his mothers death ? And the reason which all men alledge to prove women unfit for government , is of no force ; of force I know in generall ; but that in particular , women should not be as fit as men , I hold it a great folly to thinke ; having my selfe , although but yong , not onely found written in Histories , but seene in experience , many women able to have governed the whole World : and to these the frailty of their sexe , is so farre from being a hinderance , that rather they are worthy of the more praise , for overcomming naturall defects , with supply of vertue .

Vix dum ingressus Illyricum Tiberius , properis matris literis excitur , neque satis compertum est , spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem Nolam , an exanimem repererit , acribus namque custodiis domum & vias sepserat Livia , laetique interdum 〈◊〉 vulgabantur , donec 〈◊〉 quae tempus monebat , simul excessisse Augustum , & rerum potiri Neronem , eadem fama detulit .

That at one and the same time , to make knowne the death of the Prince , and the assumption of the successour , is a thing very profitable for States that stand in danger . The foure and twentieth Discourse .

THere is nothing makes me more beleeve , that Tiberius had given order to his mother to poison Augustus , then his very being far off from Rome , at the time of his death ; an invention followed by all those , who by such meanes have taken away the life of great personages . So did Piso , after he had ( as is said ) poysoned Germanicus : so did Lodowick Sforza , who knowing that his Nephew had taken poyson , and could not long be living , he would not stay in Milan , but went to Piacenza to the King of France . The cause , as I thinke , why they do so , is to the end the World may not suspect they had any hand in their deaths ; and although , they cannot but thinke , that men of understanding will suspect them the more , yet this is nothing to the Prince , who seeks but to a voyd the heat of the people , who without any judgment , are carried through love or hatred , to doe such things , as men of judgement would never doe .

Tiberius was then in Slavonia , when his mother sent him word of Augustus his sicknesse ; who ( as may be thought ) was dead before Tiberius came to Nola ; yet he oftentimes gave forth , he had good hope of his speedy recovery ; and this he continued so long , till he might be provided of things needfull for accomplishing his purpose ; and that done , he at one and the same time , with one and the same voyce , made known the death of Augustus , and his owne assumption to the Empire .

We have in Tacitus another example very like to this , of Agrippina the mother of Nero , who upon certaine words she heard Claudius utter in his Wine , that he meant to give the Empire to Britannicus , she poysoned him ; and being dead , she gave out there was good hope of his amendment , untill she had made ready all things needfull for making Nero Emperour . The words of Tacitus are these , Vocabatur interim Senatus ; votaque pro incolumitate Principis Consules & Sacerdotes nuncupabant , cum jam exanimis vestibus & fomentis obtegeretur , dum res firmando Neronis Imperio componuntur . Jam Agrippina velut dolore victa , & solatia conquirens , tenere amplexu Britannicum , veram Paterni oris effigiem appellare , ac variis artibus demorari , ne cubiculo egrederetur . Antoniam quoque & Octaviam sorores ejus attinuit , & ounctos aditus custodiis clauserat , erebroque vulgabat , ire in melius valetudinem Principis , quo miles bona in spe ageret , tempusque prosperum ex monitis Chaldaeorum attentaret . Tunc medio diei , tertio ante Idus Octobris , foribus Palatii repente deductis , Comitante Burrho Nero egreditur . I have related these words of Tacitus at large ( as not able at this time to discourse upon them : ) to the end , that every one may see , what devices Agrippina used at the death of Claudius to bring Nero to the Empire . The very like course to this , was taken by Servius Tullus , in company of Tanaquill the wife of Tarquinius Priscus , who seeing her husband wounded so dangerously , that he was upon the point to die , she shut the Court gates , and gave out that the wound was but light ; and that in a few daies they should see the Prince abroad , but that in the meane time , he had commanded Servius Tullus to take his charge , and to be obeyed as himselfe in person : by this device , Servius getting possession of the Royall authority , was able in few daies so to setle himselfe in the Empire , that it was an easie matter , at one and the same time , to make knowne that Tarquinius was dead , and that himselfe was Emperour . Which fact Livy relating , saith , Servius cum trabea & lictoribus prodit , ac sede Regia sedens , alia decernit , de aliis consulturum se esse Regem 〈◊〉 , itaque per aliquos dies , cum jam expirasset Tarquinius celata morte , per speciem 〈◊〉 fungend●… vicis , suas opes sirmavit , tum 〈◊〉 palam facta , ex comploratione in Regia orta , Servius praesidio firmo munitus , primum injussu populi , voluntate Patrum Regnavit . Also Arius Aper , after he had secretly in a litter slaine Numerianus the sonne of the Emperour 〈◊〉 , gave out in the Army enquiring where he was , that for an infirmity in his eyes , he kept him out of the wind , intending first to accomodate his owne designes , and then to publish Numerianus his death ; and if his plot succeeded not , that was long of other occasions . It is therefore no marvell that Tiberius following the course of Servius , was able to attaine his end , as well as Servius , especially having many things to help him , which to the other were wanting .

This therefore is an excellent way , secure and worthy of imitation , in Kingdomes that are not well setled , and where the people are desirous of change ; for to suffer no Interregnum , but in one and the same time , to make knowne the death of the one , and the assumption of the other , is the onely meanes to hinder innovations . The reason of this , in my opinion is , because as Waxe is more apt to take a forme , when it is without any , then when it hath a forme before , seeing in the first case there needs but one action , which is to imprint a new forme ; where in the second case , there need two : first to take away the old forme , and then to bring in a new , which certainly is double as difficult : and therefore a certaine Philosopher , would be doubly payed , when he tooke one to teach , that had been taught before , because he must take double paines : first , to remove the false Images imprinted in the fantasie ; and then to bring in the true : so a City ( to returne to our purpose ) being a matter that cannot consist without a forme , it will be more easie to bring in it a new forme , if it have none before , then if it have ; and therefore if Tiberius had made knowne the death of Augustus , before his owne assumption to the Empire , the City had remained without a form , & consequently with small difficulty , either the Senate or the people , or the souldiers might have brought in another : but comming at one and the same time , to know both the one and the other , the Empire seemed rather to change Prince , then forme . Our Lord God knew the Israelites to be a people , Durae cervicis , apt to rebell , and desirous of innovations ; and therefore he called Moyses up to the Mount , to the end they might not know of his death , before they knew Josua the sonne of Nun to be his successour . We may therefore conclude , that this course of Tiberius is not to be blamed , especially taken to a pious end .

Primum facinus Novi Principatus fuit Posthumi Agrippae caedes ; quem ignarum Inermemque quamvis firmatus animo Centurio aegre confecit . Nihil de ea Re Tiberius apud Senatum disseruit : Patris Jussa dissimulabat , quibus praescripsisse Tribuno custodiae adposito , ne contaretur Agrippam morte adsicere quando●…ue ipse supremum diem explevisset .

That those men who possesse the state of another , are but in a dangerous condition , as long as any of the former Lords line remaine alive : and what course is to be taken to free themselves from such danger . The five and twentieth Discourse .

TIberius apprehended , he could never live securely in the Empire , if he made not away Agrippa . For he being of the line of Augustus , and neerer to the Crowne then himselfe , a sierce man and of beastly conditions , would alwaies be a refuge to the souldiers and people of Rome , whenfoever they should fall into distast of their Prince : and the rather for that he being a violent man , and without judgement , would never have stood upon danger , but not fearing death it selfe , would have ventured upon any occasion . And these are the men , who though but private men , are to be feared of all : and therefore Pomponius stood in feare of Titus Manlius , Et quod haud minus timendum erat ( saith Livy ) stolide ferocem viribus suis cerneret .

This course of Tiberius hath for the most part beene followed by all Princes and Commonwealths in the changes of State , when from one line it passeth to another , the new alwaies extinguishing the old , as though without this course , they were never able to live in peace . So the Romans , as long as the race of the Tarquins continued , were never without warre . And this is one of the causes I alledged , why the conspiracy of Marcus Brutus against Caesar , had not so good successe , as the conspiracy of Lucius Brutus against the Tarquins ; because in this , they destroyed not onely the line of the Tarquins , but all those that were of the name : where in that of Caesar , they onely cut downe the tree , but left the roote behind ; from which sprung up Augustus , who receiving nourishment and ayd from those very men that had killed his unkle , in a short time he grew to be so great a Tree , that he crushed them to pieces , that went about to cut him downe . For this very cause , in Aegypt , in Cappadocia , in Soria , in Macedonia , and in Bythinia , they often changed their Kings , because they tooke no care to extinguish the line of the former Lords , but onely to get their places . And therefore Bardanus in Tacitus is justly blamed , who instead of extinguishing Gotarze the former Lord , stood loosing his time , in besieging the City .

But these and a thousand other examples , ( which for brevity I omit ) it may be held for a maxime of State , that whosoever gets a Kingdome from another , he ought to root out the whole line of him that was Lord before .

But this rule cannot be thus left , without some aspersion of impiety : and therefore , for resolution , I think best to distinguish ; because if we speake of a Christian Prince , that hath gotten the state of another , who is enemy of the faith , he may justly do●… as best pleaseth him , by any way whatsoever to take them away , that can pretend to the State ; yet not so neither , unlesse he find them so obstinate in their ●…ect , that there is no possible meanes to remove them from their errour ; and so much our Lord God himselfe , by the mouth of the Prophet Samuel , appointed Saul to do to Amalech , 〈◊〉 ergo vade & percute Amalech , & demolire Vniversa ejus , non parcas ei , & non concupiscas ex rebus 〈◊〉 aliquid , sed interfice a viro usque ad 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 atque Lactantem .

But if we speake of a Christian Prince , that by force gets possession of a State , from one of the same faith let him never goe about to destroy the line of him that possessed it before ; for , besides that it is a thing unworthy of a Christian , it seemes to me , to be rather their invention , who meaning to live wickedly , would be glad to have no bridle , for if a Prince shall carry himselfe lovingly towards his Subjects , using them as children , and not as servants , he need not be afraid of any whomsoever . For this cause , the Senatours of Rome , having driven out the Tarquins , had more 〈◊〉 to governe the City , as fathers , then to extinguish the line of him that had been Lord , which was indeed incomparably more for their good : as in the second booke of the first Decad of Livy , every one may see .

Rather , many times it is better to bestow honours upon them , from whom a state is taken , and to leave them a part , thereby to reteine the rest more securely . So did Cyrus , who having taken Lydia , and dispossessed Craesus , who was Lord of it before , he left him at least a part of his patrimony , and gave him a City to be his owne . And indeed if he had done otherwise , he might easily have lost all : therefore Justin saith , Craeso & vita , & patrimonii partes & urbs Barce concessa sunt , in qua 〈◊〉 non Regiam vitam , tamen proximam Majestati Regiae degeret . And then shewes the benefit that comes by it , where he saith , Haec Clementia non minus Victori , quam victo utilis fuit : quippe ex Vniversa Gracia , cognito quod illatum Craeso bellum esset , auxilia veli●…t ad 〈◊〉 extinguendum incendium 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Craesi 〈◊〉 apud omnes urbes erat , ut passurus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bellū Gracia fuerit , si quid crudelius in Craesum consuluisset . If the King of France had done thus , when Ferdinand of Aragon would have yeelded up the Kingdome of Naples to him , if he would have left him but Lord of Calabria , perhaps he had not lost both the one and the other : and in truth , it had been his best way to have done so , at least for so long time , till he might have made himselfe sure and firme in the Kingdome of Naples : and then for the other , he might have taken it from him againe at any time . So did David , who tooke away halfe of the substance which Saul had given to Mephibosheth ; and gave it to his servant Siba , for a doubt he had , lest he should desire his fathers Kingdome . This interpretation Procopius made of it , when he said , Vt substantiam 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ipsius dejiceret , ne Regnum affectaret , alias enim illum qui adversus Dominum suum mendacium dixerat , quem punire potius debebat , nequaquam participem cumeo fecisset .

Alexander the Great , when he waged warre with Kings farre off from Macedonia , he not onely when he had overcome them , never sought to extinguish their line ; but which is more strange , to them from whom he had taken a Kingdome , he restored the same Kingdome againe . A great act of Magnanimity , and which may and ought to be used , in the like case to that of Alexander Magnus ; that is , when Countries farre remote from the Seate of the Kingdom , and in customes , Iawes , habit and language very different , are easily overcome ; and so much the rather , when the warre is waged , more for desire of glory , then for getting of ground ; seeing it is alwaies better , to seeke to hold that by a way of clemency , which by a way of force can never be held .

But in case it be feared , least leaving the former Prince , in the Countries taken from him , he should practise to make a revolution ; he may then have states given him to governe in other places : So Cirus did , who having overcome the Medes , and deprived Astyages of his Kingdome , he would not leave him in Media , and yet would not deale hardly with him neither , but he made him Governour of Hyrcania , and although Justin say , it was done , because Astyages himselfe had no mind to returne to the Medes ; yet to my understanding , it is more likely , that Cyrus did it as fearing , least he who had procured his nephews death , to bring himselfe to the Kingdome , being now deprived of it , would never be quiet , when any fit occasion should be offerd to him .

Another way there is , which others have used , and it is , to keepe such about themselves , and to hold them in esteeme of Kings : so Herod the great had begun to doe with Aristobulus , and with Hyrcanes , but the cruelty of his nature made him fall at last , to take the same course that others doe . This counsell therefore , was much better followed by David , who leaving Sauls patrimony to Mephibosheth the sonne of Jonathan , he held him alwaies about himselfe in great honour , and all succeeded exceeding well .

And in case all these courses seeme to be difficult ; either , thorough the undanted spirit of him that was Lord before , or by reason of the extraordinary affection the people beare him ; in this case , the best course is , to send them into banishment for some long time , as the Pope did in Bolognia .

But to returne to our purpose : Tiberius not without cause stood in feare of Agrippa , which is plainely to be seen by this , that not onely Agrippa , but one onely servant forging and taken upon him his name , was like to have raised no small insurrection in the people and Senatours of Rome ; and because Tiberius could not put this Agrippa to death , without incurring an exceeding blot of cruelty , he therefore had recourse , to that remedy so much used by Princes ; which was to feigne that Augustus had commanded it . So also did the Emperour Adrian , who would have it beleeved , that all the murthers he committed were done by his predecessours command ; which not onely abates the hatred and name of being cruell , but converts it also into piety , as done for executing the will of the dead . And yet in this there would be no blame , if such murthers were committed out of zeale of justice , out of which zeale , David being willing that Joab should be punished for two murthers , and Semei for the injury he had done him ; to take away the hatred , that for this might fall upon Salomon , he commanded him at the time of his death to doe it ; to the end , that he afterward putting it in execution , might seem rather ( as in this indeed he was ) a just King , and a pious executour of the will of his deceased father , then a cruell Prince .

But because Ludovico Moro , taking to him that state , which belonged not to him , by meanes of his Nephews death , hath much resemblance to Tiberius ; I am willing to shew it a little more cleerely , by a Parallell . Augustus being dead , Tiberius succeeded in the Empire , and caused Agrippa Posthumus to be put to death , to whom the succession of right belonged . Ludovico Moro succeeded in the Dutchy of Milan , and caused ( as it is beleeved ) John Galeozzo , the true heire , to whom that Dutchy of right belonged , to be put to death . Tiberius doubted , that because Augustus was gone to visit Agrippa , he would appoint him to be Emperour . Ludovico Moro feared , that because Charles the eighth was gone to visit John Galeozzo , he would make him Duke of Milan Tiberius would have it beleeved , that he was elected by the Senate , and not through the wickednesse and plots of his mother Livia . Ludovico Moro would have it beleeved , that he was made Duke of Milan by the people , for the good of the state , and not through his owne villanies . Tiberius made a shew , as though he were unwilling to take upon him the Empire , Moro also dissembled the like . In one onely thing they differed , that to the one it proved safety ; to the other , ruine ; and it is , that where Tiberius as soone as he came to the Empire , he presently put Agrippa to death ; Ludovico stayed so long from putting his nephew to death , that he was forced , for putting it in execution to call in the King of France , to his manifest and utter ruine .

A Parallell betweene Tiberius and Salomon . The six and twentieth Discourse .

SEeing in these Discourses , and particularly in the next before , we have spoken of Tiberius , and brought also many examples of Salomon , I have thought it no unfit curiosity , to compare them together . Tiberius was borne of Livia , who was taken by Augustus from Nero. Salomon was borne of Bersabee , who was taken by David from Vrias . Bersabee was with child , ( although by David ) when he tooke her to wife ; Livia also was with child , when she went to be married to Augustus . Augustus had many neere of kinne to whom to leave the Empire , as Agrippa for one . David had his sonne Adoniah , to whom by right of age , as being the elder , the Kingdome belonged . Finally , Augustus growne old , at the suit of Livia , appointed Tiberius to be his heire : and David growne old , at the perswasions of Bersabee , ordained Salomon to succeed him . Salomon being come to the Crown , killed Adoniah , to whom the right of it belonged : Tiberius being come to the Empire , caused Agrippa to be put to death , who was rightfull heire of the Empire : Both the one and the other governed with great judgement in the beginning ; but at last , Salomon loosing Bersabee , and Tiberius , Livia ; both the one and the other plunged themselves into all kinds of lustfulnesse . Whereupon there rebelled against Tiberius , Sejanus the deerest servant he had : and against Salomon , Jeroboam the most inward friend he had . Tiberius used to speake darkly : Salomon also used the like speaking , as may be seen by his Parables and Proverbs .

Nuntianti Centurioni ut mos Militiae : factum esse quod imperasset , neque imperasse sese , & rationem facti reddendam apud Senatum , respondit . Quod postquam Sallustius Crispus particeps Secretorum ( is ad Tribunum miserat codicillos ) comperit ; metuens ne reus subderetur , juxta periculoso , ficta seuvera promeret , monuit Liviam , ne arcana domus , &c.

That it is a dangerous thing to obey Princes in services of cruelty and tyranny . The seven and twentieth Discourse .

SAllust had taken order , and provided all due means for putting Agrippa Posthumus to death , by the commandement of Tiberius ; but he desirous to shew he had no hand in the fact , denied to the Centurion who was the executioner of it , that it was done by any command of his ; saying , that for what he had done , he must give account , not to him , but to the Senat. Which Sallust seeing , and doubting least the mischiefe might fall upon his head ; Veritus ( as Justin saith , speaking in the person of Arpagus in the like case ) 〈◊〉 infantis necati ultionem , quam a patre non potuisset , a ministro exigeret : he began to counsell Livia , Ne arcana Domus , ne consilia amicorū , ministeria militum vulgarentur .

The conceit of Tiberius was good , that he would have , ( as I imagine ) the Centurion goe to the Senate to tell them , he had executed the Commandement of Augustus about the death of Agrippa ; but yet that of Sallust likes me better : because there is no likelihood it would ever be beleeved , that Augustus appointed the death of a Nephew , for security of a son in law : seeing as he could get nothing by it , so he might loose much ; because the Prince shewing he cared not to have his death known , there is no doubt but men would talke of it with more boldnesse : from which talke , there oftentimes grow ill affections against the Prince ; whereas , if Tiberius had passed it ( as he did ) in silence , it would not have come to many mens eares , & they that would have heard it , would have kept it secret , as knowing how dangerous a thing it is , to discover & talk of that which Princes would have to be concealed . Besides , if he made it be told in the Senate , he did by such feigning more incense the minds of all men ; seeing doing it , without telling it , he had used but force , but telling it withall , he used craft ; and because it grieves inferiours more , when they are overcome by craft , then when they are oppressed by force : consequently , they would have taken greater indignation for the death of Agrippa , if to the force there had been added this craft , to make the Senate beleeve such tales , as one would not looke should be beleeved of Children . And therefore we see the Romane Nobility tooke it ill at Neroes hands , that he would goe about to make them beleeve , that the shipwrack of his mother was a thing happened by chance ; and that she had sent Agerinus to kill him , which were all but foolish devises , to cover his most nefarious fault . Yet I say not , if Tiberius had used that cunning before spoken of , that he had been ere the more in danger by it ; seeing they who understand these tricks , are men of braine , who as they have judgement whereby they discerne such subtilties of the Prince ; so by the same judgement they know how to hide them , by making a shew that they beleeve them . And upon such men it is that the people , ( the Princes onely feare ) cast their eyes , and beleeve verily all that to be true , which they see wise men make a shew to beleeve : as one that lookes only upon the barke of things , discernes not that which is true , from that which is feigned ; whereof , we have an example in Tacitus , in the fore-alledged case of Nero , in which , although the chiefe men had taken distaste to be mocked with those foolish inventions of Nero , yet they all made shew to beleeve it when it was told them . Miro tamen certamine Procerum , decernuntur supplicationes , apud omnia Pulvinaria . Herod was much afraid , if he should cause Saint John to be beheaded , least the people would make some insurrection ; whereupon he found this tricke , to bind himselfe by oath ; thereby to make the people beleeve , that it was against his will he put him to death , but that he was tied by oath ; and it succeeded well with him , for the chiefe men , both out of interest and out of feare made shew to beleeve him ; and the people beleeved him indeed : yet in this present case , when together with securing themselves from the people , they may also avoyd the distast of the Senate ; this opinion of Sallust likes me better .

But be it how it will , this is a cleere case , which we may gather from this place , that those Officers who have served their Lords , and been their instruments in cruell and tyrannicall executions , have come themselves at last , for the most part to a miserable end . And this happens for divers reasons .

First , because oftentimes they surfeit of them , and knowing their owne villanies , in which many times they goe so farre , that Neque peccata , neque Remedia pati possunt , as Livy saith , they feele themselves torne in conscience , which is alwaies gnawing , Sicut vestimentum sic comedet eos vermis , & sicut lana , sic devorabit eos tinea ; a misery which for the most part happens to tyrants . And this Plato teacheth us , as Tacitus speaking of Tiberius relates , Ad●…o Facinora atque flagitia sua ipst quoque in supplicium verterent . Neque frustra Praestantissimus sapientiae ( that is Plato ) firmare solitus est , si reoludantur Tyrannorum mentes , posse aspici laniatus & ictus ; quando ut corpora verberibus , ita saevitia , libidine , malis consultis animus dilaceratur . As was seene also in Nero , who after he had killed his mother , was continually affrighted in his mind , as fearing the wagging of every leafe . And Alphonsus of Aragon had alwaies apparitions before his eyes , where he thought he saw those Lords , whom he had put to death . So the King Theodoricus , having put Boetius and Symmachus to death , when the head of a great Fish was served to his table , he thought he saw the head of Symmachus threatning him ; wherewith affrighted , he cast himselfe upon his bed , and died . So Poets feine , that Oresies having killed his mother , was tormented by the Furies : whereupon the Ancients , seeing these tyrants standing alwaies in continuall terrour , Sonitus terroris semper in auribus illius ; & cum pax sit , ille insidius suspicatur : have conceived that such men were frighted with the Ghosts of those whom they had killed . Seeing therefore these Princes cannot hinder a thing done , from being done ; they desire at least to have them taken away , who having beene their instruments , doe with their presence refresh the memory of the villanies they have commited : So Tacitus saith , speaking of Anicetus whom Nero imployed to kill his mother . Levi post admissum scelus gratia , dein graviore odio , quia graviorum facinorum ministri , exprobrantes aspiciuntur . And therefore Tiberius used often to rid away those servants , whom in such villanies he had imployed . And that his cruelty might not want worke , in their places he supplied still others ; which 〈◊〉 relates where he saith , 〈◊〉 ministros ut praeventi ab aliis nolebat , ita 〈◊〉 in eandem operam recentibus , veteres & pergraves afflixit .

Secondly , they oftentimes put to death such servants ; specially whom they have imployed in murthering any of the blood Royall : and the reason is , lest having now imbrued their hands in Royall blood , they should 〈◊〉 sticke to murther them too . So Perseus put him to death , who had been his instrument in killing Demetrius ; so Otho all those who had beene his ministers in killing of Galba .

Thirdly , this happens sometimes for securing of Princes , that their villanies may not be knowne : for when they have done them , and can finde no other way to hide them , they then lay another upon them ; as David did , who to cover his adultery , committed a murther ; and therefore they put all those to death , who have any hand , or have any knowledge of their faults : so did Bassianus the sonne of Severus , who having caused his brother Geta to be killed , caused also Letus that had beene his Counsellour , and all other that were acquainted with it , to be slaine . Perseus also standing in feare of the Roman Army , appointed Niceas to cast all his Treasure into the Sea ; and Andronides , to burne the Navy : but afterward , being sensible of his cowardice in shewing such feare , and ashamed of it ; to the end it might not be knowne , he caused both of them to be put to death .

Fourthly , it often happens that such servants runne a hazzard , because a Prince having used them , in the executing a thousand cruelties and tyrannies , through which they come to be odious to all the City ; he hopes that by putting those servants to death , the odiousnesse shall be turned upon them●… as whereby the subjects shall be made beleeve , that those cruelties were committed without their consent . So Valentinus used to doe , who having imployed 〈◊〉 d'Orco , with great cruelty to extinguish the factions of Romagna ; after most tyrannically , he had made himselfe Lord of it , and had obtained his purpose ; not without bringing upon himselfe the infinite hatred of all his subjects ; at last he cut in pieces that miserable minister of his , to the end , the hatred of his subjects might be turned upon him : and the like did Tiberius to Sejanus , and of such examples Histories are full . Rather indeed , tyrants ingrosse to themselves such fellowes , to the end , that when the scores of seditions shall be cast up , they may excuse themselves , and make the people wreck their anger upon the servant .

Fifthly , such servants runne a hazzard ; because the foundation upon which they build their Lords favour is soone ended : the cause of their favour , being onely the hatred that is borne to another , which ceaseth as soone as he is dead ; and consequently the affection ceaseth , which was borne for putting the murther in execution : so much Tacitus intimates , speaking of Plancina , who after the hatred to Germanicus was ended , was her selfe in danger , Vbi odium & Gratia desit , jus valuit .

But these waies never bring forth any good effect to a Prince : First , because it is false , that they can ever cancell the remembrance of such villanies out of their minds ; seeing their owne conscience is too great a witnesse against them . Whereupon , although our Lord God , ( as Theodoret saith ) tooke away the life of that sonne of David , which was borne in the adultery with Bersabee , that it might not remaine a shame to him , for the ●…inne he had committed , Vivus erat futurus argumentum sceleris ac iniquitatis , 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Regis qui erat , & Propheta , curant gerens Dominus , non sinit eum vivere : yet it served not to remove the gnawing of his conscience : as he saith , Peccatum moum coram me est semper . Secondly , this is no sufficient way to keepe their crimes from being knowne , Nihil occultum quod non reveletur , neque coopertum , quod non sciatur . And if it be not knowne at other times , at least it shall not be hidden at the day of judgement . Thirdly , it is no fit way to make the people beleeve , that the cruelties executed by servants , were done without the Princes consent ; and although it have sometimes succeeded well , yet this hath not beene because the people beleeved it , but ( as I said before , upon the place of Justin ) because when the people cannot wreake their anger upon the Prince , they will for the present upon his ministers , and afterward when time serves , upon the Prince himselfe : as it happened to Valentinus . Sometimes also , the people make a shew to beleeve that the villanies committed , were done without the Princes consent ; to the end , that to preserve this good opinion of himselfe , he may , after the death of such ministers , give over his cruelty : and lastly , it saves them not from being slaine ; for if they be not by them , they are by others , and oftentimes by themselves , as it happened to Otho .

This way therefore doth no good at all , and is the worst wicked course that can be imagined , being nothing but a meere multiplying of villanies . It is true , if a Prince should imploy a servant to kill a delinquent , and so both of them should juridically deserve death ; in this case , he should commit no errour , in putting also the servant to death ; but herein , he should imitate our Lord God , who oftentimes makes use of the wicked to punish the wicked ; and they once punished , he then as a loving father , having corrected his child , casts the rod which was the instrument of correction , into the fire ; and more then this , he oftentimes punisheth those whom he hath used for executing his anger , Vae Assur ; virga furorismei , & baculus ipse est , saith the truth in the mouth of Esay . So our Lord God made use of the King of the Assyrians , and of his Army , to punish the people of Israel , for their sinnes ; and that done , he punished also the Assyrians themselves , in such sort that he destroyed them all . There is no doubt but our Lord God did it all with exceeding great justice and providence , punishing justly those Assyrians , who besides their being a most persidious people , they fell upon the Israelites ( as Theodoret expounds it ) not for any zeale of executing Gods justice , but onely for the hatred they bore to that Nation .

To returne to our purpose , I conclude that Sallust had an excellent braine , not to suffer the cause to be brought before the Senate , which if it had beene there agitated , and Tiberius not discover himselfe , all the mischiefe would have lighted upon him , and they would have beene revenged upon the servant , when upon the Prince they could not . So it happened to Piso , who having beene imployed by Tiberius to kill Germanicus , and the cause brought before the Senate ; Tiberius shifted it off from himselfe , and it fell to Pisoes lot to suffer for it . Not without cause therefore did Sallust : Monuit Liviam , ne arcana domus , ne consilia amicorum , ministeria militum vulgarentur .

Monuit Liviam ne arcana domus , ne consilia amicorum , ministeria militum vulgarentur .

That Princes ought not to reveale the secrets of their State ; and how it happens , that oftentimes men are drawne to speake some things which ought to be concealed . The eighth and twentieth Discourse .

ALI States , whether they be Commonwealths or Kingdomes , have certaine foundations , or as we call them secrets , by which they governe themselves , both for conservation and augmentation . And therefore they endeavour in such sort to conceale them , that they may not be knowne to any but their successours . So did Augustus , in giving instructions to Tiberius ; so did David , acquainting Salomon with them at the time of his death : so finally did Charles the fifth , teaching them to Philip the second when he renounced the Empire : for if these secrets by which they governe , should be publiquely knowne , it would be a great advantage against them , for loosing their states . And therefore Sosybus , understanding that Cleomenes the Spartan , was informed of all the most inward secrets of Ptolomey , would not suffer him to goe out of Aegypt , for feare ( as Plutarch relates ) he should raise some sharpe warre in that Kingdome , whereupon finally he put him to death . We may see also , that the Romans never were in greater danger to be overthrowne , then when by Coriolanus , their owne Citizen , & consequently acquainted with all their secrets , they were assaulted . This praecept was so well observed by the ancient Romane Commonwealth , that though we have all the Histories of those times , yet to this day we know not , otherwise then by some conjecture , by what means it was , that they maintained their government , and augmented it .

Justly therefore did Sallust advise , Ne arcana domus vulgarentur : that is , that those secrets of State , upon which the Empire is founded , should not be made knowne to any but to the Prince . And Salomon in his Proverbs observes as much where he saith , Coelum sursum , terra deorsum , & cor Regis inscrutabile .

But because oftentimes men overshoote themselves , in discovering the secrets of their mind , it shall be our worke in this Discourse , to shew what policies are wont to be used to make men reveale their secrets ; and then , what remedy there is for it , which consists indeed in onely the knowing them , as it is in snares , which if they be knowne , are easily avoyded .

Secrets then are either discovered of ones owne accord , or else one is drawn to discover them , by some other . The first case may happen by many occasions : First , out of a certaine vanity , that is commonly in all men , to shew they are privy to the secrets of Princes ; and this is most seene in women and yong men : and thus the conspiracy of Catiline came to be discovered . Secondly , it may happen through drunkennesse , which is apt to disclose any secret , how great soever , as it happens at feasts . And therefore Salomon would not have Kings to drinke Wine , Noli regibus O Lamuel , noli regibus dare 〈◊〉 , quia nullum secretum est , ubi regnat Ebrietas : there being this nature in Wine , that it makes those things be laid open , which should be hidden : as we see in Noe , who no sooner drunke Wine , but he laid open those parts , which he should have hidden . And this is one reason why the Ancients painted Bacchus naked ; thereby to intimate that Wine discloseth secrets . Thirdly , it happens oftentimes through hatred and indignation , which they , to whom secrets are imparted , conceive against the Prince : whereupon , they knowing the danger of this , as soone as they find they have discontented one in whom they had confidence , either they poyson him , or some way or other bring him to his end . So dealt Ptolomy ( as we said before ) with Cleomenes , certainely a most wicked course . Fourthly , secrets oftentimes are disclosed out of hope of reward ; so did Elvidius the freed man of Scevinus , who acquainted Nero with a conspiracy against him , onely out of hope to be well rewarded . Nam cum secum servilis animus praemia perfidiae reputavit . Lastly , this happens sometimes through feare of punishment . And therefore Cifrone ( as Philip Cominaeus relates ) when he saw himselfe carried to die , would then reveale to the Duke of Burgundy , the treason which the Count of Campobasso had plotted against him . And thus much concerning the revealing of secrets of ones owne accord . And though it may seem to be in our owne power to hold our peace , ( as Tacitus saith ) Si tam in nostra potestate esset , oblivisci , quam tacere ; yet many times a man is allured , and in a manner forced to discover his mind ; a thing which may many waies be done . First , by Rhetoricke and Eloquence , which moving the affections , and stirring up the peccant humour of him whose secrets we desire to know ; he without perceiving it , is easily transported , to reveale what ever is in his breast . This cunning was used by Sejanus against Nero , and against Agrippina also , when Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare . Whereupon , it is no marvell , that Latiaris finding the peccant humour of Sabinus , easily drew him to tell him at full his discontentment . Igitur Latiaris jacere fortuitos primum sermones ( feeling him first a farre of , ) mox laudare Constantiam , quod non ut caeteri florentis domus anticus , afflictum deferuisset , simul honora de Germanico , Agrippinam miserans disserebat . Another way the foresaid Latiaris used , and it was to feine a confidence , with making Sabinus beleeve , he was his true friend , and pretending to be of his mind , in those dangerous things which he would not have communicated to another , iique sermones tanquam vetita miscuissent , speciem arctae amicitiae facere . And this is an easie way , by entrusting some secret to a man , whose mind we desire to know , as Tacitus plainely expresseth , where he saith , Nihil eorum Vitellianos fallebat , crebris ut in Civili transfugi●…s & exploratores cura diversa sciscitandi , sua non occultabant . Thirdly , men are oftentimes drawne to discover secrets , by being asked upon a suddaine , because the understanding operating naturally , and not having time to operate with art , must needs either answer that which is the truth , or be silent and say nothing , or lastly intangle it selfe . Whereupon 〈◊〉 who loved none of his qualities better then his 〈◊〉 ; yet being asked upon the suddaine could not hide the displeasure he had taken against Asinius Gallus , of whom , perculsus improvisa interrogatione paululum reticuit . As likewise interrogations often multiplied , confound secrets in the mind , and therefore Tiberius in the death of Piso , Crebrisque Interrogationibus exquirit , qualem Piso diem supremum noctemque exegisset atque illo pleraque sapienter , quaedam inconsultius 〈◊〉 . The same way also he used with Syllanus , who Creberrime Interrogabatur . Fourthly , oftentimes men of themselves , and against their will discover secrets , either by their voyce , or by some motion not usuall , or by some cast of their eyes , and other exteriour signes , by which the secrets of the heart are often discovered : Tiberius knowing this , to the end he might not make appeare the secret contentment he tooke at the death of Germanicus , would not shew himselfe in publique : Tiberius atque Augusta publico abstinuere , inferius Majestate sua rati , si palam lamentarentur , anne omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus , falsi intelligerentur . By this way the conspiracy of Scevinus came to be known , Simul affluentibus solito Convivium initum servorum charissimi libertate , & alii pecunia donati , atque ipse moestus , & magnae cogitationis manifestus erat , quamvis laetitiam vagis sermonibus simularet . Fifthly , it is easie to draw a secret from ones mouth , by asking him , not with doubtfull , but affirmative words ; thereby seeming to know that , which he desires to know : so dealt our Lord God with Eve , who to the end she should not deny her sinne , omitted as a thing knowne , that which he would have had her to confesse , saying , Quare hoc fecisti ? and so not enquiring of the fact , he asked of the cause : and this he did ( saith Abulensis ) not for any need he had to use this way , for knowing the truth , but onely for instructing of us .

These then are the waies by which secrets oftentimes , are voluntarily and of ones owne accord disclosed ; either out of vanity , or through drunkennesse , or through hatred , or for hope of reward , or for feare of punishment ; and sometimes also a man is drawne to disclose secrets , by Art , that is , by moving the affections , and by finding out the peccant humour , and by entrusting his owne secrets , or by asking questions upon a sudden , or by reiterating interrogations , or by meanes of some motions and actions of the body ; or lastly , by feigning to know it already .

Princes therefore must be well advised , to whom they impart these secrets ; that they intrust them not to such , as may afterward voluntarily discover them ; and servants to whom they are imparted , must be very vigilant , that they be not drawne from them by any cunning .

But although ordinarily and for the most part , secrecy be a commendable thing , yet not commendable in all things , seeing to hold ones peace , or to deny in some cases , is not onely unprofitable , but pernicious , as making some act or accident , to be more and with worse circumstances published , which would not be if it were confessed freely . Into this errour fell Vitellius , In hunc modum etiam Vitellius apud milites disseruit , praetorianos nuper exauctoratos insectatus , a quibus falsos rumores dispergi , nec ullum civilis belli metum asseverabat , suppresso Vespasiani nomine , & vagis per urbem militibus , qui sermones populi coercerent , id praecipuum alimentum famae erat . And in another place , of the same Vitellius , he saith , Fractis apud Cremonam rebus , nuntios cladis occultans , stulta dissimulatione , remedia potius malorum , quam mala differebat . Quippe Confitenti , consultantique supererant spes viresque , cum e contrario , laeta omnia fingeret , 〈◊〉 ingravescebat . Mirum apud ipsum de bello silentium . Prohibiti per civitatem sermones , eoque plures , ac si liceret vera narraturi , quia verebantur , atrociora vulgaverant . More wisely did Galba carrie himselfe , when , Ne dissimulata seditio in majus crederetur , ultro asseverat quartam & duodevicesimam legiones , paucis seditionis authoribus , non ultra verba ac voces errasse , & brevi in officio fore . But yet , if one would desire to have some accident to be kept secret and concealed , there is no better way , then immediately and by himself to give out false rumours , and to spread reports contrary to the truth , as Scipio did , to whom when Ambassadours came from Syphax , he searing least by concealing their message , the army would grow jealous , and suspect something , suddenly called them to counsell , where with a cheerfull countenance he told them that Syphax had sent to sollicite him to come into Africke : and although the truth was , that he sent rather a threatning message ; yet his readinesse and resolution prevailed so farre , that the Army did verily beleeve it to be as he said . And thus it ought to be done as often as the discovery of a secret may be hurtfull , as it was in this case ; but when concealing may be prejudiciall , as it was with Vitellius , a contrary course must then be taken .

Monuit Liviam ne arcana Domus .

How Princes should make use of Counsell . The nine and twentieth Discourse .

BY occasion of Sallust , who without being required by any , put forward himselfe to give Livia counsell , either I cannot , or I like not to forbeare the delivering my owne opinion , or that at least , which best likes me , concerning the counselling of Princes . Where , I will first shew how necessary it is for Princes to have counsell . Secondly , the waies that are used in it . And lastly , delivering my owne opinion , I will ( as my custome is ) endeavour to prove it , with reason , and with Authorities . And beginning with the first , I say , that nothing is to Princes more necessary , then to be counselled ; whereupon David , though as being a Prophet himselfe , he had no need of another Prophet , yet our Lord God , gave to him as to a Prophet-King , another Prophet to be his Counsellour . And therefore not without mystery , it is said in Ecclesiasticus , ( as a certaine Writer observes ) Surrexit Nathan Propheta in diebus David : as though by these words In diebus David , he would intimate , the need that Princes have of Counsellours . Also Moyses , though himselfe most wise , yet followed the counsell of Jethro : and Salomon was not without counsellours ; and even God himselfe , when he made man , by saying , Faciamus hominem ad imaginem & similitudinem nostram , would seeme to take counsell ; no doubt for our instruction , that we should doe nothing without counsell . And David speaking of our Lord God said , Glorificatur in consilio sanctorum , Magnus & terribilis super omnes qui in circuitu ejus sunt . And our Lord Jesus Christ , to shew of how great importance counsell is , to counsell himselfe , as in Saint John where he saith , Vnde ememus panem ? and in another place , Quid tibi videtur Simon , Reges terrae a quibus accipiunt Tributum vel censum , à filiis suis , an ab alienis ? and Peter answered , Ab alienis . Also the Apostles , though instructed by the Holy Ghost , yet oftentimes made use of counsell ; as Saint Paul , who went as farre as Hierusalem , to take counsell of Saint Peter and Saint John . It is then most evident , and which none is so blind but sees , that all men have need of counsell , whether they be learned or ignorant ; yet with this distinction , that the Learned make most benefit , and have least need ; the ignorant have most need , and make least benefit .

But as it is necessary for a Prince to have counsell , so it is hard for a Writer to shew the way he is to hold in being counselled , as being a thing in ancient time very diversly used , and with great variety observed .

The first way hath beene to take no counsell at all , but to doe all things of his owne head ; so did Charies the eighth , and many others . And this they doe , as conceiving , that to aske counsell of another , shewes want of judgment in ones selfe ; and that by this means a Prince makes himselfe inferiour to him that gives him counsell , then which there is nothing to Princes more distastfull .

Others doubting to commit some errour , by doing all things of themselves , and for the reasons aforesaid , not willing to be counselled by others , have therefore neither taken any counsell of others , nor yet done any thing of their owne head : which quality , Writers attribute to the Emperour Maximilian , who refusing to be counselled by any , used to give out what it was he went about ; and then listned to heare , whether it were liked of , or no ; and if it were , he then put it in execution ; if not , he would then alter it of himselfe . But in truth this was no good way , nor fit to be followed , because while he sought to avoyd disparagement , by shewing himselfe to be lesse judicious then others , he fell into that which disparaged him more , by shewing himselfe to be mutable and inconstant . Which being once knowne , every one could then tell , not onely how to counsell him , but also how to reprehend him , nothing being worse , then to subject ones selfe to the debatings of the common people . And Emilius knowing this , while he was passing with his Fleet to Larissa , and hearing that this course was much murmured at by his followers , he called the Rhodians to him , and demanded of them , whether the Haven of Patera , were of capacity to hold his whole Fleet , and they answering , no ; he thereupon tooke occasion to returne , and not to goe thither ; and this he did , to the end , that altering his course upon so good a colour , they that had murmured , might not take heart to give him counsell .

Others have used another way quite contrary to the first , and I doubt is at this day more used then is fit ; and it is , to give eare and heare what every one sayes , and to take any mans counsell , that will give it ; which thing ( be it spoken with others leave ) seemes to me , not onely to be subject to confusion , but also to contempt ; because every one will then pretend to counsell the Prince , who hearing continually such diversity of opinions , must needs be confounded in himselfe , and despised of others : whereupon in the Histories of Tacitus , when it was debated to send Embassadours to Vespatian , Elvidius Priscus was of mind , that men of great wisedome and judgement should be sent , who might helpe the Prince , with good advises ; but Marcellus Epirius was of another mind , as knowing it to be a most distastefull thing , to give a Prince counsell without being required . Whereupon although Plato commend Cyrus for giving leave to any of his subjects to speake his opinion in any thing that was to be done ; yet to me it seemes a thing dangerous for him that gives it , and more for him that takes it . And therefore Claudius hearkning once to counsell in this manner , was confounded , not knowing what he should doe , turning himselfe sometimes to one mans counsell , and sometimes to anothers , Ipse modo huc , modo illuc , ut quemque suadentium audierat : and at last finding his errour , he called a counsell .

A Prince therefore in my opinion , ought alwaies to have about him him , a Band of experienced men ; In quibus sit veritas , & qui oderint avaritiam ; by truth is meant wisdome , which ( according to the Philosopher ) is nothing else but a knowledge of the truth ; and by covetousnesse are understood all vices ; because as the Scripture saith , Avaritia est Principium omnium malorum : if then they have wisedome , they will be able to give counsell ; and if they be free from vice , they will give it . but yet , I hold it not fit , that at their owne pleasure , without being called by the Prince , they should fall a counselling ; which perhaps Sallust knowing , was the cause he durst not give Tiberius counsell , about the death of Agrippa , Sed monuit Liviam , ne arcana domus ; consilia amicorum , ministeria militum vulgarentur : an arrogancy not sufferable in a servant , to presume to give his master counsell , without being called . And who knowes but this presumption in Sallust , might be the cause of his fall ? seeing he was out of the Princes favour before he died , as Tacitus relates . Amasias being reproved by the Prophet answered , Nunquid Consiliarius regis es ? by which it appeares , that those Kings used not to be counselled but by their Counsellours .

But if it be arrogancy in a servant to give counsell not being asked , it as is much indiscretion in a Prince , not to aske it . This is that I would have Princes to doe , have alwaies about them a Band of choice counsellours , to aske their advice in all his affaires : so did Nerva , so Salomon teacheth to doe , when in his Proverbs , he saith , Gloria regum est investigare sermonem ; that is , a Prince ought not to stand expecting he should be counselled , but rather it is fit he should go and seek after counsell .

After a Prince hath heard the opinions of his counsellours , it may be doubted whether he ought to deliver his owne opinion ; and when , and in what manner he should doe it . As farre as I can judge , I thinke it not fit he should deliver his owne , either first or last , or in the midst . For if he doe it first , all the rest will presently consent ; and if he doe it last , every one will come about to his opinion : as it happened to Henry the third , who ( as Historians relate ) deliberating about the death of the Duke of Guise , called foure to counsell , of whom when two had spoken their opinions , the King had scarcely heard them out when he delivered his owne , cleane contrary to theirs : whereupon the two that were to speake after , presently fell to be of the Kings opinion ; and the two that had spoken before , retracting their former advice , consented to that the King had determined ; which determination was the ruine afterwards of France , and of the King himselfe . So in Spaine , when it was deliberated about making peace betweene Henry the fourth King of France , and the King of Spaine ; after Il Moro had spoken , and the Kings sonne being present replied the contrary , all the rest came presently to be of his opinion : Whereupon , not without great judgement , Cneius Piso in Tacitus , when Tiberius would deliver his opinion in a certaine cause , said , Quo loco censebis C●…esar , si post omnes , vereor ne imprudens dissentiam , si primus , habebo quod sequar . Therefore Tiberius another time commanded Drusus that he should be the first to deliver his opinion .

The Prince therefore should be silent , and finding his Counsellours of different opinions , let them debate the matter betweene themselves , that he may see who gives the best reasons ; so he shall avoyd contempt , by not suffering himselfe to be counselled , without asking it ; and he shall not be flattered , if concealing his owne opinion , the truth is made manifest , by l●…tting them debate it betweene themselves : and lastly , he shall shew himselfe more learned and more wise then the other , if of himselfe without any others direction intervening , he shall determine the matter . All these things ( in my opinion ) are comprised in that place of Ecclesiasticus , Audi tacens simul & qu●…rens ; how can he be still , that askes and heares ? but onely as I have explained it ; to aske counsell in all things , to heare counsels , and in hearing them to be silent ; and after , of himselfe to determine as reason adviseth . In this regard the ancient Poets feigned that Jupiter tooke counsell to be his wife ; meaning to shew , that it is necessary for Princes to be counselled ; and after , that his wife being great with child , he swallowed her up , and became himselfe great with child in his head , and at the due time was delivered of Pallas , which is wisdome ; to shew that counsell would be ruminated in the mind , and that a Prince ought not to suffer his counsellours to be delivered themselves ; but ought by swallowing them up , to make that to be his owne issue which was anothers .

That a Prince ought to determine of himselfe , and ought not to determine of himselfe ; that is , determine with counsell is the best , of those that are given him , and so not of himselfe ; seeing the counsels are other mens : and yet of himselfe , seeing the determination proceeds from his owne judgement : I conceive , it is sufficiently expressed in the booke of the Kings , where Salomon saith , Dabis ergo servo tuo cor dooile ; having said before , Da mihi sapientiam . For explanation of which passage , we must know , that understanding can have no knowledge of things , but such as either it invents of it selfe , or learnes of others . To the finding them of it selfe , is required a sharpnesse of wit , and being found , a judgement to choose the good , and refuse the bad : and lastly , a memory to retaine that which is imprinted . To the learning them of others , is required a perspicacity , which is all one with docility , & makes the understanding apt to apprehend those things which are taught by others . There is required also judgement , to discerne good things from bad ; and lastly , a memory to reteine them . So as the memory is as the matter of the one and the other , the judgement as the Forme of them both , and perspicacity and acutenesse are as the differences . Salomon desires Wisedome , but not with acutenesse to invent things ; that is wisedome which consists in the sharpnesse of wit , but he desires wisedome together with dociblenesse ; that is , wisdome and perspicacity , which is all one with dociblenesse : perspicacity , to be able to understand rightly the opinions and reasons of his counsellours ; and wisedome , that is judgement , to be able to discerne the good from the bad . Salomon therefore shews , that a Prince ought not to care for inventing of his owne head , but to content himselfe with having dociblenesse , to understand things invented by others ; and wisedome to know the truth , and to discerne the good from the bad . And therefore he saith well , Da mihi sapientiam : and after , Dabis ergo servo tuo cor docile : Where we must observe , that though he say , The Heart , and not the Understanding , yet he meanes the same thing ; seeing those faculties , which Galen attributes to the understanding , many others attribute to the heart : and in holy Scripture it selfe , the heart oftentimes is put for the understanding : as in Esay it is said , Excaeca cor populi hujus , & aures ejus aggrava , & oculos ejus claude , ne sorte videant oculis suis , & auribus suis audiant , & corde suo intelligant .

Neve Tiberius vim Principatus resolveret , cuncta ad Senatum vocando . Eam conditionem esse Imperandi , ut non aliter ratio constet , quam si uni reddatur .

How Princes ought to make use of Magistrates and Officers . The thirtieth Discourse .

SAllust counsels Tiberius , to take heed that he remit not so many causes to the Senatours , as thereby to weaken his owne soveraighty , there being nothing so proper to a Prince , as to be sole Commander . A counsell worthy to be well considered , by occasion whereof , it will be ●…it to discourse : First , how Princes ought to order the remitting of causes to the Senate , or to other Officers ; and then whether they should take the administration of all things into their own hands .

It seemes a thing impossible , that one man alone can by himselfe be able to judge all causes , which Jethro , Moyses father in law , considering , and seeing him to take the reckonings of all the people of Israel , without assistance of any ; and wondring at it , he said , Vltra vires tuas est , negotium ; solus illud non poteris sustinere .

For Resolution then , either we speake of giving Authority to a Senate , or else of committing causes to other Officers . If we speake of the Senate , either the causes are great and weighty , or else but of small moment . If they be great , then ought the Prince to reserve them for himselfe to determine : if slight , and of small value , he may doe well to remit them to the Senate , that so he may please them with a shew of liberty , without any prejudice to himselfe . This Tiberius well understood ; and therefore when the subject Provinces made suit for the continuance of certaine Franchises , he remitted them to the Senate ; to the end , that being matters of small moment , the Senate might determine of them as they pleased ; which Tacitus expresseth where he saith , Tiberius vim Principatus sibi firmans imaginem antiquitatis Senatui praebebat .

Secondly , the affaires that are handled , are either such , as deserve reward and grace ; or else such as are odious , and deserve punishment and censure . If they be such as deserve reward , the Prince ought to determine of them himselfe : but if they be odious and deserve punishment , he ought then to shift them of from himselfe and leave them to the Senate ; or if he cannot to the Senate , at least to other Officers . Honores autem ( saith Aristotle ) ipsemet tribuere debet ; poenas & animadversiones per alios infligere , per Magistratus 〈◊〉 & per judicia : So Simonides in Xenophon adviseth Hiero: so Simonides in Dio , Augustus . Our Lord God when he punisheth , he doth it by the ministery of others , Immissiones per Angelos malos : whereof Saint Chrysostome speaking saith , Igitur quando servare oportet , per seipsum hoc facit , ita 〈◊〉 in salutem generis Humani , & 〈◊〉 : tunc inquit , 〈◊〉 Angelis , congregate facientes iniquitatem , & projicite in Camino , de justis vero dicit , non sic ; sed qui vos suscipit , suscipit me , & 〈◊〉 , ligate illius manus & pedes , & 〈◊〉 in tenebras exteriores : videillic servos qui 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 autem beneficiis opus est , seipsum Benefactorem vocat . Venite Benedicti Patris 〈◊〉 , percipite 〈◊〉 vobis regnum , quando loquendum cum Abraham , ipse adest , quando in Sodoma 〈◊〉 , servos mittit , & iterum : euge serve bone & fidelis , supra pauca fuisti fidelis , supra multa te constituam ; & tunc ipse benedicit ; 〈◊〉 autem 〈◊〉 , non ipse , sed servi 〈◊〉 . By this , you may see , that a Prince ought to have no hand in punishments , but leave all such distastefull things to Officers .

It was handled in the Senate to take order for restraining of luxury , which was now growne excessive , and beyond all measure ; and because there was scarce a man in the whole City free from this vice , it was a thing exceeding 〈◊〉 , as Tacitus shewes , where he saith , Nec ignoro in conviviis & circulis incusari ista , & modum posci , sed si quis legem sanciat , poenas indicat , iisdem illi civitatem verti : splendidissimo cuique exitium parare , nentinem 〈◊〉 expertum clamitabunt . Tiberius therefore finding of what nature the cause was , would not determine it selfe , but cast it upon the Senate , as Tacitus in his person saith , Si quis ex 〈◊〉 tantam angustiam vel 〈◊〉 pollicetur , ut 〈◊〉 obviam queat , hunc & 〈◊〉 , & exonerari laborum meorum partem fateor , sin accusare vitia 〈◊〉 dein cum gloriam ejus rei 〈◊〉 sunt , simultates 〈◊〉 , ac mihi 〈◊〉 , Credite P. C. me quoque non esse offensionis avidum : Which the Senate perceiving they also remitted the cause to the Aediles : and so it vanished .

In this point , there is no Kingdome better governed , then that of France , which leaves all matters to the Parliament , that might any way make the King distasted ; and matters of most importance , the King himselfe in his Privy Counsels determines . And thus much for giving Authority , and remitting causes to the Senate .

Now if we speake , how a Prince ought to serve himselfe , of his Officers ; I say generally , that the lesse he doth by their ministery , the better ; whom he should use as instruments to execute , and not as principals to deliberate . For betweene the governing reason , and the things that are governed , there may intervene another reason , two waies : one , when it supplies some thing which was wanting in the governing reason : for example , If it have not ordered and provided all things , but left some to be ordered by the inferiour reason , which it takes notwithstanding by meanes of the superiour reason providing : and in this manner , the inferiour reason is a meanes , and intervenes as a reason to the disposition of the government . Secondly , the inferior reason may be a meane in the government , as a servant , and not as reason : that is , that the principall reason , dispose all things how small and particular soever ; and then give the execution to the inferiour reason , as to a servant . In the first way our Lord God did not serve himselfe , of the inferiour reason ; for he provided every thing , great , small , universall and particular : but in the second way he serves himselfe in the government of humane reason , yet not as humane but as ministeriall . And this is the doctrine of Cajetan : whereupon if it be true that Kings are called Gods , Ego dixi Dii estis , & filii Excelsi omnes ; then ought they as farre as they are able , to imitate the Great Maker and Governour of all things : that is , to determine all things they are able to determine ; and leave the execution to their Officers . But if a Prince shall leave it to his ministers , to determine , and provide things necessary for the state ; he shall not then make use of his ministers , as ministers ; but rather as of reason , which is nothing else , but as of King .

Let a Prince therefore leave to his ministers , such things as are proper for ministers ; and such as for their smalnesse , need not the understanding of a Prince ; and though he be able to doe such things of himselfe , yet by all meanes let him leave the care of them to his ministers ; for therefore in the Scripture we see all things of small moment were done by Angels : it was an Angell that appeared to Agar , they were Angels that destroyed the Tower of Babell , Angels that burnt Sodome , an Angell that shewed the way to Eleazar : but great things were alwaies done by God himselfe , as the delivering of the Hebrewes out of Aegypt , the giving the Land of Promise , to Abraham , Isaak , and Jacob : and the reason why our Lord God would do●… thus , ( say Writers ) was , to the end , least if the Hebrewes had received such great benefits from Angels , they might have thought , that all their good came from them , and consequently have adored them as Gods . So likewise , if a Prince shall suffer his ministers to bestow great things upon the people , they will be ready to take the minister for Prince , as from whose hand they receive all favours . Our Lord Jesus Christ , going to raise Lazarus , was able no doubt , of himselfe to remove the stone from the grave , seeing he was able to raise one that had been foure daies dead ; but because it was so small a matter , he would not doe it himselfe , but said to the Jewes , Tollite 〈◊〉 lapidem , whereof Saint Austin saith , Sed quia ab hominibus fieri poterat , homines facere praecepit : quae autem Divinae virtutis erant , sua potentia demonstravit . So also , a Prince ought to commit such things to servants , which are proper for servants ; and doe such things himselfe , as are proper for a Prince .

And yet to this opinion of mine , the counsell of Jethro is no way discordant : for though I grant , that a Prince cannot doe all things of himselfe ; yet I deny not but he may doe all things of himselfe , that are of importance : for so we may finde did Moyses , if the words be well considered , Constitue ex eis Tribunos & Centuriones & Quinquagenarios , & decanos , qui judicent populum omni tempore ; quicquid autem majus fuerit , referant ad te , & ipsi minora tantum Iudicent . See here , how Jethro shews plainly , that a Prince ought to doe all things himselfe , that are of weight ; which is so true , that if he doe otherwise , he shall shew himselfe not onely ignorant and irresolute , but by preferring his servants , he shall give them occasion , from getting authority , to get into the Kingdome it selfe , and set him at naught ; seeing there is no readier way to make ones selfe King , then by drawing all businesses of the Kingdome into his hand . And therefore Sejanus knowing this to be the onely meanes for attaining the Empire to which he aspired , used many devices to worke himselfe into affaires ; so much , that at last he got Tiberius to goe live in the Countrey ; to the end that the Emperour being out of Rome , all matters might passe through his hands alone . And indeed Tiberius was by this very neere to have lost at once both life and reputation ; but that perceiving at last his errour , he would ever after , not onely dispatch businesses himselfe , when he was in health , but even when he lay dying .

The like art and cunning was practised by Assan Beglerby of Greece , and prime Favorite of 〈◊〉 the Great Turke , who perswaded him not to stirre out of the Seraglio , making him beleeve , there were plots laid to kill him if he came abroad ; which , Amurath sillily believed , and kept himselfe up 〈◊〉 , leaving Assan in the meane time to manage all affaires alone , whereby he had a faire field to play the tyrant at his pleasure ; and the State had soon been ruined , and with the State the Prince , if Amurath at last perceiving his errour , had not gone out of the Seraglio , and provided in time for all things necessary . No man knew this better , then Lewis the eleventh , King of France , a Prince no lesse judicious then valiant , in peace and warre admirable ; who tooke so much pleasure to dispatch affaires of his Kingdome himselfe , that it may be truely said , he died dispatching businesse .

Many opposing this opinion , alledge , that Princes are not Hackney men nor Porters , to kill themselves with labour : but ( with reverence I speake it ) I yet hold , that either Princes must leave their States , or else must be content to labour for the subjects good . In figure of this it is , that in Esay the 〈◊〉 power is laid upon the shoulders , where he saith , Dabo clavem domus David super 〈◊〉 ejus . Likewise in the old law , besides the twelve precious stones , wherin were written the names of the twelve Tribes , which the high Priest bore in his Rationall upon his breast ; there were also in two stones , engraven six names apiece , which by Gods appointment he carried upon his shoulders : by which was intimated , that it is not sufficient to have the subjects in his breast ; that is , to love them : but he must also carry them upon his shoulders , that is , endure any labour for their good . And for this onely cause perhaps , a Prince in Deuteronomy is likened to an Oxe , that should not be dainty and given to rest ; but apt to labour , and to carry the yoake upon his shoulders .

Two things remaine to be advertised : the one , that when I say , a Prince ought to doe all principall things himselfe , I meane not things of the Law , which consist in the judiciall part , where onely particular things and of private interest are handled ; and have nothing to doe with the maine of the state ; but I meane it in the deliberative part , where publique matters of the Kingdome are handled , and such businesses , in which consists the foundation of the state : and therefore with good reason is by Aristotle preferred for the judiciall part .

Secondly and lastly I advertise , that this my discourse is not meant of Princes that are unfit ; for as those Princes that are judicious , cannot doe worse , then to suffer themselves to be ruled by their ministers ; so those that are of little judgement cannot doe better then to do all things by faithfull and prudent ministers , as Nero in his beginning did under Burrhus ; Seneca and Corbulo , men fit to have ruled the whole World ; and whom as long as he imployed , his state was so managed , that justly a wise Emperour said ; no Prince , how judicious and wise soever , could possibly governe better then Nero at his beginning did : but as soone as he left to be ruled by those worthy men , it may as truely be said , No Prince how foolish and wicked soever , could possibly governe worse then Nero did .

Nam Tiberius cuncta per Consules incipiebat , tanquam vetere Reipublica , & ambiguus Imperandi .

Why Tiberius made a shew he would not be Emperour , and that to make Princes discover things they would have concealed , is dangerous . The one and thirtieth Discourse :

TIberius after the death of Augustus , as though he were doubtfull to take upon him the Empire , as a burthen too heavy for his shoulders , made a shew he would restore it to the Commonwealth , Se in parten●… onerum vocatum a Divo Augusto , experiendo didicisse , quam arduum , quam subjectum fortunae , Regendi cuncta onus . But to the Praetorian souldiers , he gave watchwords as Emperour , Signum Praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat . Lastly , he made it be spread in the Army , that he was already elected Emperour by the Senate . Dabat & famae , ut vocatus electusque potius a Republica videretur , quam per uxorium ambitum , & senili adoptione irrepsisse . And because these were three waies , all of them ( in my opinion ) used with great mystery , I will search into them a little narrowly .

First then , Tiberius made a shew he would restore liberty , whereof one reason Tacitus alledgeth , where he saith , Postea cognitum est , ad introspiciendas Procerum voluntates , inductam dubitationem : as though he would say , He was moved to doe thus , thereby to see whether the chiefe men either desired liberty , or otherwise distasted his Dominion ; to the end , that comming to know every ones mind , he might worke his owne ends , and security accordingly .

This reason , if Tacitus bring it as a popular reason , may passe ; but if he bring it as the true intention of the Prince , it is very unlikely , as not at all suiting with Tiberius subtilty : and if it be Tacitus his owne invention , it comes farre short of his great wit . For two kinds of Noblemen may be considered in the Senate : The one , of men eminent for judgement and valour ; the other , of men little experienced , and lesse witted . If Tiberius had any doubt or feare , it could be of none but of those eminent men : for , as for ther est , either they will never dare to attempt any thing against the Prince ; or if they attempt , never succeed . And for this it is we said before , that Augustus had great lucke to finde the City full of such men , Cum ferocissimi per acies , aut proscriptione cecidissent . I say then , that if any were moved to lay himselfe open and discover his mind , upon Caesars words , It must needs be , they were of those of little judgement ; because men , I say not of great , but of any meane understanding , would never be brought to beleeve , that a man so greedy of the Empire , and that by plots and wiles had procured his owne mothers death , and the death of Augustus himselfe ; would after attaining it with so much labour relinquish it againe , and restore them to liberty . So that , if Tiberius by this meanes did discover the mind of any Senatour , it must needs be of those , of whom as he could justly have no feare ; so it should be absurd , without any benefit to take revenge . For this cause , Marcus Lepidus gave counsell in the Senate , that Lutorius should not be put to death , VitaLutorii in integroest , qui neque servatus in periculum Reipublicae , neque interfectus in exemplum ibit . Studia illi ut plena vaecordiae ; ita inania & fluxa sunt . Nec quidquant grave ac serium ex eo metuas , qui suorum ipse flagitiorum proditor , non virorum animis , sed muliercularum adrepit .

It is not therefore likely , that Tiberius a man so wise , and of so great judgement , would ever be moved upon such slight grounds , to cover his intention ; we must therefore looke out some other reason , that may be more likely .

There were two things , of which Tiberius might be afraid : First , of the Senate , least not brooking his government , they should rise in Armes against him : secondly , of Germanicus , least having a powerfull Army in his hand , and withall the favour of the people , he should with a little danger , prevent a succession that was uncertaine . To meete therefore with both these difficulties , he feigned in the Senate and with the people , that he was unwilling to be Emperour ; to the end , that if the Senatours should make any demonstration against him ; the people might beleeve they were not moved to it for the publik good , but onely for their private hatred ; seeing to seeke to kill a Prince that would reftore liberty , is a signe they love not liberty .

I would therefore construe it , that when Tacitus said , Vt introspiceret Procerum mentes ; he meant , that Tiberius , before he declared himselfe to accept the Empire , desired to see first , whether any in the Senate made any opposition , that so ( as I have said before ) by using the name of liberty , he might the better prevent such mischiefe ; and the rather , as not having omitted any other essentiall things , for strengthning of himselfe , as I shall shew hereafter .

The second reason , why Tiberius was moved to such feigning , is set downe by Tacitus in those words , Cansa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus in cujus manu tot legiones , immensa sociorum auxilia , mirus apud populum favor , habere Imperium quam expectare mallet : Tacitus then saith , that Tiberius feigned to be unwilling to accept the Empire , because he doubted Germanicus would pretend u●…to it : in truth , he that should take these words in an ordinary sense , must needs make it one of the poorest reasons that can be given ; for what hath the not accepting the Empire to doe with Germanicus ? rather insteast of helping him , it would be his greatest hurt , seeing the irresolution of Tiberius might encourage Germanicus to attempt many things which he would not have done , if he had knowne him to be Emperour , and Tiberius himselfe , being aware of this , writ Letters to the Armies , as being Emperour already ; Literas ad exercitus tanquam adepto Principatu misit . And if any shall say , that he spake in such termes , because he was ashamed to call himselfe by a name , which might easily be taken from him , I say , that this would have beene a most dangerous vanity , because I conceive that Tiberius seeing the love of the people to Germanicus proceeded onely from a hope they had , ( as Tacitus in another place shews ) that if he came to the Empire , he would restore the government to the Commonwealth : he knew , that by making them the same offer , he should both diminish the peoples love to Germanicus , and also abate his owne hatred , which the name of a Prince brings with it ; and yet by this not deprive himselfe of that authority which should strengthen him . From hence it is , that to the souldiers he gave the signe of being Emperour ; as well because , if occasion were they should defend him ; as also because he knew they loved a Prince better then a Commonwealth , under which they are deprived of Donatives , and driven out of the City . Whereupon he might doubt that if they should find Tiberius unwilling to accept the Empire , and so feare the restoring of liberty , they should thereupon he moved to choose another Emperour . Asinius Gallus finding Tiberius at this ward , to make him speake plainely , whether he meant to be Emperour , or no , asked him what part of the Empire it was he desired , making as though he beleeved really that he meant not to be sole Emperour , a thing which brought him to his ruine ; seeing Princes speake many things which yet they would not have others to take as they are spoken . Caesar was by some called King ; and though he were well pleased with it ; yet he said , he would not be called King , but Caesar ; and yet when the Tribunes upon these words of his , prohibited any to call him King , he tooke it in so ill part , that from that time forward , he put them out of office . The reason of this is , because they who take these courses , it seemes would either put the Prince to a necessity , of loosing his authority , or else to lay open his intentions , which is a thing most odious . Whereupon another time , Tiberius complaining , he thought himselfe not secure : Asinius Gallus pressed him to tell of whom it was he stood in feare , promising they should be all put out of their offices ; and he Eo acrius accepit , recludit quae premeret . The same Gallus at another time , as it were seeking how to make the Prince offended with him , gave counsell , that Magistrates should be new chosen every five yeeres ; and that the Legats of Provinces , who had not yet been Praetors , should by having such legation , be the next admitted to the Praetorship , and that the Prince should be tied every yeere to name twelve Candidates : which counsell no doubt did Altius penetrare , & arcana Imperii tentandi , seeing it restrained the Princes authority , and limited it to a certaine time , and to a determinate number ; and priviledged the Legats of Legions to attaine to the Praetorship without other election or dependence upon him , which much distasted Tiberius : and therefore , pretending that this counsell of 〈◊〉 , tended onely to inlarge his owne authority , he refused it . To be short , when Princes are not willing to be understood , it is fit to make shew of not understanding them ; it being a dangerous matter , to enter into the search of Princes secrets : Abditos Principis sensus , & siquid occultius parat exquirere , illicitum , anceps , nec ideo assequare .

Nusquam Contabundus nisi cum in senatu loquebatur ; Causa praecipua ex formidine , ne Germanicus in Cujus manu tot legiones , Immensa sociorum auxilia ; mirus apud populum favor , habere Imperium quam expectare mallet .

What course a Prince should take to secure himselfe from Generalls of Armies : and what course Generalls should take to secure themselves from te Prince ; and from a Common-wealth . The two and thirtieth discourse .

TIberius beginning to suspect Germanicus , that having the love of the Army , hee would rather take the Empyre , then expect it ; We by occasion of this , will first discourse , of the doubt , which a Prince , or a Common-wealth may have , to stand subject to Generalls of Armies ; Secondly , of the danger such Generalls stand in , of falling into the suspition of them they serve : by which oftentimes is caused their death ; and how they should carry themselves to avoid it .

Concerning the first ; there is no doubt , but a Generall having once gotten Reputation , oftentimes puts the Prince whom he serves in danger : which commonly happens ; First , because they are not rewarded according to their merit ; as it happened to Ferdinand King of Spaine ; who having never rewarded the great Captaine , might well feare he would take it in scorne ; and thereupon seeke to right himselfe ; by procuring to himselfe the state . Secondly , It may happen by reason of the insolencies ; which victory commonly brings with it ; as it happened to the Thebans , who having made Philip of Macedon , their Generall ; he , after the victory gotten , tooke away their liberty . Thirdly , It may happen thorough suspition ; which the Common-wealth or Princes take of them that serve them ; which suspition once perceived by the Generall ; he must necessarily put another in danger , to secure himselfe ; because to seeke to justifie himselfe in such suspitions , is for the most part , in vaine ; as may be seene , under a Prince , in Corbulo ; and under a Common wealth , in Scipio Africanus . The very same happened to the Romans , who threatning Caesar , about bringing in his account of managing the Army ; and shewing a suspition they had of him ; were cause , that he tooke this feare of theirs , for a beginning to make himselfe Lord of Rome ; which , when no forraigne Force was able to bring it into servitude , was by their owne forces easily oppressed .

I am perswaded the danger is so manifest , which Common-wealths , or Princes incurre by occasion of Generalls ; that every one knowing it sufficiently of himselfe , will never looke I should stay to prove it , either by Examples or by reasons ; and especially seeing there are few Histories , that are not full of such accidents .

But having said , that this danger proceeds from three occasions ; It is necessary to examine every one of them . Concerning the first , which was the ingratitude of the Prince : It will be easie to remedy that , by recompensing him that serves ; for by this meanes , hee shall have no cause , to seeke to have all by force ; when he may have a part with love . It is true , a Prince in rewarding such , should not doe it , by giving them Cities or goods ; in the places where they have waged warre ; for either , they are Conquerours of the whole Country ; and then by possessing goods there , they will take occasion after the victory , to make themselves the Lords ; or else not conquering the whole Country ; the contrary part will still be growing : and then they , not to loose the reward given them , will either proceed slowly in the warre ; or else turne to that side that hath the better . This Guicciardine attributes to Prospero , and Fabritius Colonna ; who having beene rewarded by the King of France , with Dukedomes , and Castles in the Kingdome of Naples ; when they saw the Aragonesian side get the better ; they went and tooke pay of Ferdinand . Therefore Princes shall do well , to reward them in other states , where they have not warred ; and where their reputation is not in Fame : and thus I have knowne it many times done in our time . Also they shall doe well , not to put them into choller ; although faulty perhaps in other things ; so long as it is not in matters essentiall , and proper to their places . So did David with Ioab ; bearing with many Insolencies and murthers committed by him ; to the end he should not fall into choller , and make Insurrection .

Concerning the suspition , which the Prince may shew to have of a Generall ; and which is wont to be followed with rebellion ; It will be an easie matter to remedy that , if the Prince will not fall to suspect for trifles ; which is the quality of base persons ; as Isocrates intimates in his Euagoras ; or else , if suspecting him , he conceale his suspition , till hee remove him from the Army ; So did Domitian with Agricola : So did Tiberius with Germanicus , who removing him out of Germany , sent him into Africk with Cueius Piso. And this , the Queene Teuca ( in Polybius ) not observing , was cause that Demetrius her Generall in Slavonia , understanding that the Queene was by his Adversaries incenst against him , and fearing her Indignation ; he sent to Rome to deliver into their hands , the Citie , the Army ; and all he had under his charge .

The third cause alledged before , was the pride and reputation which victory brings with it : for remedy whereof in particular , and of the rest in generall : there have beene advertisements given by many , in divers manners .

The first way is , for a Prince to goe himselfe in person ; and for a Common-wealth to send thither , their Principall Magistrate ; so the Turke in times past , hath used to doe ; to goe himselfe in person ; So the Common-wealth of Rome used to doe ; sending forth the Consul or Dictatour . But in truth , in this way , the Remedy seemes to mee , more dangerous then the evill , because if the Prince goe himselfe in person ; hee must be sure to have alwayes the victory ; for otherwise if hee loose , hee will either bee slaine or taken prisoner : If ●…aine , as was Charles of Burgundie , what hinders but the victour may enter upon the State , at least make spoyle of it ? If taken prisoner , as was Francis King of France , and Syphax King of Numidia ; I see not , but his State will bee as much in danger ; and therefore of this mans State , it was easie for Massinissa to get possession : and for the other , his Repuration , and state and life were all Endangered . We may then conclude , that this way of encountring disorders , is a dangerous way .

A second way is , every yeere to change the Generall , as the Ancient Romans used to doe ; and as at this day the Common-wealth of Venice , in their Maritime Navy useth to doe . But yet in this way also there may infinite disorders happen : First , if the Army chance to mutinie , which is commonly the Correlative of an Army ; In this case , a man new come , not beloved , not feared , will be little fit to appease such tumults . Secondly , they that make warre in this manner , are like to doe but little good , because the Souldiers can have no confidence in such a one : and it is the confidence in their Captaine , that for the most part , is the cause of victory . For confirmation whereof , wee may see in Livie ; that the same Army , which under other Captaines was alwayes beaten , when it came to be commanded by Furius Camillus , had alway victory : and this , by reason of the great confidence , the Souldiers had in him . Thirdly there appeares another danger , not inferiour to any ; and it is , that when a Generall knowes he shall be changed at the year●…s end : either hee will not with any great heat begin that , which he knowes he cannot finish ; or else beginning it , and impatient that another should bee companion of his victory , he will rashly , and precipitantly hazard both the Army and himselfe ; which hath beene the cause , that the Romans have lost whole Armyes : as it happened at Trebia against Hanniball ; where Cornelius the then Consul , to the end hee might have all the glory himselfe ; unadvisedly stroke battaile with Hanniball , and was with much danger to the common-wealth , utterly defeated , of whom Livie saith : Stimulabat & tempus propinquum Comitiorum ne in novos Consules differretur , O occasio in se unum vertendae gloriae !

But granting this Captaine should have made a good beginning , and have prepared a faire way for victory , yet certainely when he heares a successour is to come , though he praecipitate not himselfe as Cornelius did ; at least he will doe all he can to hinder , that another shall not rcape the benefit of his labours , or otherwise will not stick to make any shamefull Peace ; as Marcus Attilius did , who having beaten the Carthaginians by Sea and land ; and upon the point of obtaining a Compleate victory ; yet when hee heard another Consull was to come into Africk ; to the end , the fruit of his labours should not be reaped by him , he presently fell to a Trea●…ie of peace . So Scipio , one time by occasion of Tiberius Claudius , another time , of Cneius Cornelius , precipitated the victory with making peace . Ferunt postea ( saith Livie ) Scipionem dixisse , Tiberii Claudii primum Cupiditatem ; deinde Cnei Cornelii fuisse in mora ; quo minus idbellum exitio Carthaginis finiretur . There bee some , that have hindred their successours from victory , by overthiowing of purpose all that themselves had well begun ; such a one was Quintus Metellus ; who having very neere subdued Spaine , when hee heard that Pompey the Consull , was to come in his place , he disbanded al his Souldiers , gave all his provision of victualls to the Elephants , and broke up the Army ; So also in Numidia , hearing that Marius was to come his successour ; he endevour'd all he could to marre the Enterprise .

Others againe , although their predecessours have done nothing to hinder them ; but have endeavoured to leave them the victory , in a manner prepared ; yet to the end all should be attributed to themselves , have refused to make use of the wayes and courses their predecessours had used . Whereupon our Lord Christ , when he would doe the Miracle of wine , he rather made use of water , a thing already created , then of any new matter ; whereof Saint Chrysostome saith , It was a manifest argument , that he who made wine of water , was the same God , who had made water of nothing . Nam si ipsi Deo contrarius Opifex fuisset : non utique alienis usus esset Christus ad propriae virtutis demonstrationem . And Saint Ambrose speaking of the first miracle , which Christ did on the Sabboth , saith ; Et bene Sabbatho coepit , ut ipsum se ostenderet Creatorem , qui Opera Operibus intexeret ; & prosequeretur Opus quod ipse jam coeperat . And thus when a Generall is changed , the Instruments also , and all other things are changed with him : and therefore Cneius Pompeius being sent Successor to Lucullus in Asia ; altered all that Lucullus had done , for not only it is the nature of men , that succeeding another in any office , they will seldome follow their predecessours courses , but in this case , there is another reason for it also ; to the end , It may not be thought , that getting the victory , they get it more , by their Predecessours carriage then by their owne ; and therefore no mervaile , that Drusus tooke contrary courses in Germany , to those which Germanicus before him had begun . I conclude then ; These Generalls to whom a successour is sent , are either needy of glory : or else they have gotten glory enough : If they be needy , they will then precipitate the Army and themselves to get it ; as Cornelius did with Hanniball at Trebia : if they have glory enough already , they will then endevour to make a Peace , that they may not hazard their Reputation with a successour , as Corbulo did , when hee heard of one that was to come in his place . Corbulo meritae per tot annos gloriae , non ultra periculum faceret . But there are two oppositions , may in this place be made , which I cannot omit , & I ought not to shun : The first is , that the Romans changed their Generalls every yeere , and yet they alwayes got the victory , as in the first Decad of Livie may be seene . The second , that the Venetians , men of so great valour and prudence , that they may serve for an example to all the world ; have alwayes taken this course , and alwayes it hath succeeded well .

To these reasons it is no hard matter to give an answer . And first , for that of the Romans , it may be said , that this happened thorough the weaknesse of their neighbouring Nations , with whom they had war . Secondly , and perhaps better ; that although in the Roman Army , they sent yeerely a New Consull : yet there were many others in the Army , who had beene Generalls themselves before : a thing which at this day , is not possible : seeing every one thinks scorne to goe a private Souldier : not onely if he have beene a Generall ; but if he have been but onely a simple Corporall before . Thirdly , the warres they had then , were at the gates of Rome ; & were such warres , as were finished , I say not in one yeere ; but oftentimes , in one day . But when they came to have warres farre off , and that lasted long ; they then suffered their Generalls , to continue many yeeres ; and grow old in their places . From hence it was : that at one and the same time , having warre with Hanniball in Italy ; and with Asdrubal in Spaine , they very often changed their Generalls in Italy , but Cneius Pompeius that was their Generall in Spaine , they never stird . So as when they had to doe against Powerfull Armies , in places far off , they were then forced , to send a Scipio Africanus , or a Caesar , or some such , as knowing how much it importeth the maine of the warre , to have one sole commander .

As to the Particular of Venice , It is no mervaile , that they in their Fleets at Sea , doe every yeere change their Generalls , seeing the warre , and the Generalls Office , end both at once , because actions at Sea , are begun and ended all at one time ; but when they make warre by land , they change not then their Generalls every yeere , as in Histories may be seene . Lastly , in the Common-wealth of Venice , one reason there is ; and in Rome there was ; which makes the matter , the lesse dangerous : and it is , because that Common-wealth hath so many in Sea matters so expert and excellent , that they might easily change their Generall eve●y day without any danger ; which I cannot say ever happened to any other then to the Common-wealth of Rome , and to that of Venice ; and the reason is , because in these Common-wealths , men of valour are rewarded .

A third way to secure a Prince from his Generalls of Armies , is to send Persons of trust , & of his own blood ; as Tiberius did , in sending Drusus and Germanicus : but neither doth this course like me ; First , because Princes have not alwayes , of their blood , that are fit to be Generalls . Secondly , although they have , yet it seemes to me so much the more dangerous , as the Army is in a mans hand of more Power , and specially one , not far from the Crowne ; and for this cause , Ludouicus Sforza , chose rather to leave the Castle of Milan , in the custodie of a stranger : who afterward betrayed it , then of his owne brother . And it availes not to say , he is a neere kinseman , seeing as I have else-where said , Jnvidia Regni etiam inter Domesticos infida omnia facit : there being few , qui malint expectare quam accipere Imperium . And therefore Jsocrates in his Oration concerning the Government of a Kingdome , saith , that a Prince should bestow the highest Honours upon those of his blood , but the solidest Honours upon those that love him . When Vespasian was made Emperour ; his Son Domitian had the honour : but Mucianus , the Authority . Caesar Domitianus Praeturam cepit , ejus Nomen Episrolis Edictisque praeponebatur ; Vis penes Mucianum : by all meanes , there was care taken to order it so , that hee might not usurpe the Empire . The like course Otho took : Profecto Brixellum Othone , honor Imperii penes Titianum fratrem , Vis ac Potestas penes Proculum Praefectum . If afterward it succeeded well with Tiberius , It was because , Vterque filius legiones obtinebat .

A fourth way is , when a Generall hath gotten Reputation by some victory ; then presently to remove him before hee grow too famous , and use him in the warres no more . So did Pharao by Moses ; when imploying him against the King of Aethiopia , he no sooner got the victory in a battaile , but he presently called him backe into Aegypt . So did Anthony with his Captaine Ventidius ; after he had overcome Pacorus . So did the King of Spaine in calling home Gonsalvus . But neither doth this course like me : for either the victory will make an end of the warre , and then there will be no need of calling him home : and yet the Prince not without danger : seeing one victory alone , if it be finall , will be sufficient to get the Generall a Name , and make him presume . And if that one victory end not the warre , the Prince then that takes this course , will have little will to proceed any further , for the reasons before alleadged . and if by ill luck , Fortune should chance to turne : he will be forced , with shame and danger , to send the same Generall againe ; as the King of Spaine would have done , after the defeat at Ravenna , for if the French had followed the victory , which was hindered by the death of the Generall , the King of Spaine had determined to send Gonsaluo againe into Italy .

The last remedy which hath beene invented , to prevent this danger , specially in Common-wealths , is to joyne two Generalls together in the Army : So the Romans used often times to doe , So the Carthagenians , So finally the Athenians ; yet I cannot satisfie my selfe , that this is a good way ; First , because it is commonly the overthrow of the action : as was seene by the King of France , in the Kingdome of Naples , by the Duke of Vrbine , and by the Cardinall of Pavia , in the Popes Army , by Marcus Varro , and by Paulus Aemilius amongst the Romans , whereof in all Histories , there are Examples .

Secondly , this way is not sufficient to take away the danger , we speake of , as was seene in Augustus , who although hee had two companions Hircius and Pansa , joyned with him , yet could not they hinder him , from getting into his hand , the Army of both the one and the other , having first by devises , put them both to death ; as Tacitus intimates , where he saith ; Caesis Hircio & Pansa , ( sive hostis illos , seu Pansa veneni vulnere effusum ; ●…five milites Hircium & machinator doli Caesar abstulerant ) utriusque copias occupavisse .

Thus for a Prince to goe himselfe in person , is dangerous , to change his Generalls every yeere , is not commendable , to send one of his owne blood , not safe ; to remove a Generall after getting a victory , worst of all ; lastly to make more Generalls at once then one , of little benefit , and consequently , how to avoyde this danger , is very difficult . The best counsell I could give , should be that which Augustus gave to Tiberius ; Consilium Coercendi intra terminos Imperium , and in briefe , as much as may be , to avoid warres : and therefore Tiberius knowing these difficulties , although he heard of the Rebellion of the Grysons , yet hee made no shew of it , because hee had no mind to send thither any person of reputation : Dissimulante Tiberio damnum , ne cui bellum permitteret . But because it is impossible , but that occasions of warre will sometimes happen ; I should like well , in such case , that a Prince being doubtfull of his Generall , should goe himselfe to be neere the Army ; but not to bee in the Army ; or if in the Army , yet hee should never expose himselfe to danger , unlesse the maine of the state depended upon it . This , Charles the fifth King of France knowing , ( for which hewas called Charles the wise ) would be himselfe in person in the Army ; but when the battaile was to be fought , he then attyred a servant of his , in his owne Armour , and by this meanes , the Army had the benefit of the Princes presence , without the Princes danger . Pyrrhus also put his Armour upon another , finding how faine the Romans were to kill him . David , as long as matters were in manifest danger , thought it necessary to fight himselfe in person . But if the presence of the Prince can doe no more good , or else , if having lost a battaile , he have Forces 〈◊〉 to renue his Army , in this case , a Prince should not doe well to goe in person , and therefore David , in the like case , saying , Egrediar & 〈◊〉 vobiscum , the people answered ; Non exibis , 〈◊〉 enim fugimus , non magnopere ad eos denòbis pertinebit ; 〈◊〉 media pars ceciderit de nobis , a non satis curabunt , quia 〈◊〉 unus pro decem millibus computaberis . Otho therefore shewed little Judgement , and had ill counsell , when deliberating about a battaile against Vitellius , he let it bee knowne , that hee meant not to goe himselfe in person , seeing when the maine of the businesse is at stake , the Prince ought then to goe himselfe , because , if his Army should be lost , he were as good be lost himselfe , as was seene in Otho ; for he staying behind , and not going in person in the Army , both abated the courage , and also the number of his Souldiers . Their courage , because they lookt for him , Militibus ut Imperator pugnae adesset poscentibus , Their number , because hee retained many companies for his owne Guard , and though Tacitus , in that oration which Otho made , seeme to shew , he had forces enow to renue the Army , and that he killed himselfe onely because hee would not doe the Common-wealth so much hurt , yet I cannot beleeve , that a man so wicked as Otho was , would ever bee so Compassionate , and take such pitty of the Common-wealth :

A Prince then ought to goe himselfe in person , when either the danger is such , that if the Army bee lost , the whole state is lost : or when it is such , that Ioosing the battaile , the Prince cannot doe better , then to dye : seeing there is no doubt , but it is a great encouragement to the Souldiers , to see their prince amongst them , as it happened in the battaile at Tarus , where the onely presence of the King , was the cause , they got the victory , whereupon , it is no mervaile , that the Israelites going upon a difficult action , and hearing that our Lord God , their chiefe Prince would not goe himselfe , but would send an Angell to be their Generall ; Et mittam 〈◊〉 tui Angelum , ut eiiciam Chananaeum , & Amorrhaeum , & Ethaeum , & Pheresaeum , & Iebusaeum , & intres in terram fluentem lacte & melle , Non enim ascendam tecum , that the people hearing themselves thus vilified , made the greatest demonstrations of sorrow that could be , Audiens autem populus sermonem 〈◊〉 , luxit ; & nullus ex more indutus est cultu suo : so as , if the Lord God did not goe himselfe , the people could have no heart to undertake that Enterprise .

But if the state of the Prince , though that Army bee lost , be able in any sort to defend it selfe , in this case the Prince shall do well , not to goe himselfe in person ; but shall set onely One Generall over the Army , and himselfe not to be farre off , but so , as in occasion of certaine victory , hee may remoove into the Army ; This Joab teacheth us , when he advised David , to come into the Campe , being now in his power , to take the City of Rabbat , to the end , the glory of the Action might bee Davids , and therefore in the second of the Kings , he saith : Misit Ioab nuntios ad David , dicens , Dimicavi adversus Rabbath , & capienda est Vrbs aquarum . Nunc igitur congrega reliquam partem populi , & obside Civitatem , & cape eam ; ne cum a me vastata fuerit Vrbs , Nomini meo ascribatur Victoria . Maharbale left by Hanniball to Oppugne Saguntum , left the Oppugnation in good termes ; and then stayed for Hanniballs comming . Strataque omnia ( saith Livie ) recentibus ruinis , advenienti Annibali ostendit . In this manner , a Prince shall fully secure himselfe , from any Generall , whose Reputationi growing onely from the victories hee hath gotten , the Prince shall convert all that Reputation upon himselfe : and therefore Ioab said ; Ne ascribatur Nomini meo Victoria .

But if the Prince bee not willing to bee himselfe in such actions , hee may yet with his onely being neere , prevent all inconveniences , by imploying one Generall still : and himselfe in no danger ; imitating herein Moses , who sending Iosua against the 〈◊〉 : would not be himselfe farre off ; Egressus pugna contra Amalech , & ego stabo in vertice collis . This course was a great help to Philip the second , with the Duke of Alva . From hence it is , that as long as the Romans had warre neere home , they never doubted any Generall , of their Army , but when they had warre farre off , the Senate no more then the Prince , not being able to follow the Army , they then began to doubt , and a while after , it fell out as they doubted ; as it is in daily experience , that Princes , in warre neere home , never make any doubt of their Generalls . Moreover , if hee be not in the Army , he is sure to be safe : and this I hold to be the most principall thing that can be , because it would be much , if a Prince carrying away , ( as the Proverb is ) the Hide , although he should loose his whole state , and all his Army , should not be able to finde meanes , to come afresh upon the enemy ; as was seene in Massinissa , in Iugurtha , and in Ludovico Moro , untill he was taken prisoner : and would to God we might see no Examples of it , in our times . Howsoever , whether Princes be in the Army , or be not , they shall doe well to looke to their owne safety .

It is then cleere that a Prince should have but one Generall , and himselfe not to be farre off : as we may learne from our Lord God : who not onely is neere , but in Essence , in Presence , and in Power , is in all things : and having made use of Michael the A●…changell , as his Generall in the first battaile , as it is written in the Apocalyps ; Factum est 〈◊〉 magnum in Coelo , Michael & Angeli ejus 〈◊〉 cum Dracone , & Draco pugnabat & Angeli ejus , & non valuerunt , neque locus inventus est eorum amplius in Coelo : Hee will make use of him also in the last , as may be gathered from Daniel : In tempore autem illo ( speaking of Antichrist ) Consurget Michaell Princeps magnus : qui stat pro filiis populi sui , & veniet tempus quale non fuit ab eo , ex quo Gentes esse coeperunt usque ad tempus illud . And thus much concerning a Prince .

Now Common-wealths in this point have greater difficulties . There is a Politician that counsells , they should send of their owne Citizens : and he instances in Venice , who making their Generalls , Bartholmew of Bergamo , and Nicholas Orsino Count of Pitigliano , that were strangers , they lost at Vayola in one battaile , all they had gotten with infinite labours , in eight hundred yeeres ; and another time ( saith he ) they were faine to put Carmignola ( another forreigne Generall ) to death . I lay no blame upon this opinion , but yet I commend rather , that common-wealths should imploy such strangers to be their Generalls , with whom , for their owne security , they may send a paire of the 〈◊〉 Senatours , that they paying the Souldiers , may not suffer the Souldiers love to be cast all upon the Generall , and representing the Senat , not suffer any thing to bee done without their consent . This way is at this day used : but is not new , as that which was knowne in the time of the Carthagenians , as farre as I can find by Polybius : who shewes , that Xantippus their . Captaine , would not strike batraile with the Romans , untill he had 〈◊〉 their leave , who were sent by the Carthagenian Senat. Xantippus accept â a Ducibus Carthaginensium potestate , pugnandi copiam ●…ostibus facit . The Example of the Romans in opposition to this , is of no force ; because that was an Age , not greedy of Dominion ; but when it cameto be so , they then too well perceived , how dangerous it was to put an Army into the hand of a Citizen , as was seene in Marius , in Sylla , in Caesar the Dictatour : in Anthony , in Augustus ; and in a thousand others . So also it would have been in Pompey , if he had gotten the victory of Caesar , Pompeius occultior ( said Tacitus ) non melior . Secondly , it availes not to say , that the Venetians were forced to put Carmignola to death , seeing the Romans also caused Scipio , when they had banisht him , to be put to death : and it was their ruine , they could not doe as much to Caesar : being a much harder matter , when a Generall is to bee put to death , to put it in execution , if he be a Citizen , then if he be a stranger , because a Citizen hath alwayes a Faction in the Senat , that will defend him : and therefore in Rome , there was never any Generall put to death , where a stranger as having none to stand for him , will easily be oppressed , as I shall shew hereafter . Thirdly , the example he brings of the defeat the Venetians had at Vayola , is of no●… force , seeing there are none that make warre , that have not sometimes defeats ; and who ever had more then the Romans ? who though their Generalls were alwayes Citizens , yet in three Defeats they had , one at Trebia , another at Cannae , and another at 〈◊〉 , they lost all they had , ( I may say ) but onely the City of Rome , which Hanniball after his victory , at Cannae , might have taken also , and would not . And if there were nothing else to make me be of this Opinion , yet the Example at this day , of the Common-wealth of Venice , a City full of such excellent men , would perswade me to it .

We have now shewed , the best course that Princes or Common-wealths can take , to secure themselves from their Generalls : It remaines to shew , what course Generalls may take to secure themselves , from Common wealths & Princes . And because we have said , that a Prince may doubt them , either because they have not beene rewarded , or by reason of the Glory they have gotten , or thorough suspition , which oftentimes Princes and Common-wealths doe vainely conceive ; I say .

The first of these is easily to be avoyded , if the Generall shall shew himselfe to be without interest ; and not to care for any thing but the honour , for by this meanes he shal keep the Prince from any jealousie in this behalfe , and shall not precipitate himselfe into danger .

As concerning the second , of Glory , they shall doe well to imitate the Allmaines : who ( as Tacitus relates ) used to attribute all the praise of their great atchievements , wholly to their Princes . And this precept a Generall may observe , either by requiring the Prince to come , when he sees a victory is certaine , as Ioab did , or if the Prince cannot come , then to cause his name to bee called upon in the Army , and to erect Trophies to him ; and therefore Germanicus knowing this , after hee had subdued many Nations of Germany , in the Title he published of them , made mention onely of the Prince : and of himselfe said nothing at all . Debellatis inter Rhenum Ablimque nationibus , exercitum Tiberii Caesaris , ea Monumenta Marti & Iovi & Augusto sacravisse . De se nihil addidit , metu invidiae , an ratus 〈◊〉 facti satis esse ; and indeed there is nothing more pernitious to Generals , then to ascribe victories to themselves . This was it , that brought Saul to hate David , in his victory of the Philistine Gyant : and it is indeed a great Vanity , where there are manifest deeds , to puff them up with words . It was many times said to our Lord Christ , Daemonium hahes , and he answered ; Daemonium non 〈◊〉 ; another time , when he had heased a blind man , and it was said unto him Daemonium habes , he made no 〈◊〉 at all , because the worke he had done , answered for him , that hee had not a devill ; where therefore there are great workes , it is needlesse to adde words .

The greatest difficulty of a Generall , is to keepe himselfe from being suspected , for this hath be●…ne the undoing of an infinite number of worthy Captaines ; amongst whom , speaking of Princes , was Corbulo ; One of the greatest souldiers , the Romans ever had ; and speaking of Common-wealths , Paullus Vitelli , a famous Captaine of his time , who onely upon suspition , was by the Common-wealth of Florence , beheaded .

A generall then may incurre danger , in two things , in sulpition , and in death ; To prevent suspition , bee cannot doe better , then to use severity in the Army ; following the example of Hanniball rather then of Scipio , and therefore Corbulo in his Beginning , while he used Discipline , Incurred no danger . To this may be added , that which we spake of before , which is , to shunne all vaine glory , but because it is sometimes impossible , not to incurre suspition ; the best instruction I can give in this point , is to advertise , in which of the two Services , is the greater danger .

I say then , that strangers shall runne more hazard , by serving a Common-wealth , then by serving a Prince ; and subjects shall runne more danger , by serving a Prince , then by serving a Common-wealth ; an example whereof , we have given in Paullus Vitelli ; who being a stranger , and serving a Common-wealth , lost his life . This made Xantippus , who was generall of the Common-wealth of Carthage ; assoone as he had gotten one glorious victory against the Romans , to leave the Army , and returne home . The reason of this distinction , is in my opinion , plaine , because Generalls under a Prince ; either they have friends to defend them , or they have not : if they have not , then they lye open to calumnies without any defense ; if they have , then will the danger bee the greater ; because the Princes suspition will be the greater , to see them have such friends and adherents in the City ; where if the Generall be a stranger ; there can bee had of him no such suspition . Now , if it bee in a Common-wealth ; the stranger having few adherents will bee little defended from the blowes of calumnies : where the Citizen having his faction to protect and assist him ; will easily avoyd the danger , at least of life . And this is the reason Polybius brings ; why Xantippus , after the victory he had gotten , left the Army : where he saith , Nam praeclara facinora , & res a quocunque egregiè gestae , magnam plerumque invidiam , & graves Calumnias conflare solent , quiqus Cives quidem affinium ac amicorum multitudine freti , facile resistunt hospites vero omnis praesidii expertes , utroque malo quam celerrime conteruntur . And where under a Prince , to have Citizens to defend him , is a dangerous thing ; the suspition encreasing with the defense ; under a Common-wealth , it is a benefit , to have part of those , to take his part , that may deliberate ; and therefore in the Common-wealth of Rome ; when they have not beene able to answer the Accusation ; yet they have beene able to scape death ; in such sort , that for any misadventures in battailes , or for any suspition of the people or of the 〈◊〉 ; I never could see any that incurred danger : where under a Prince , there may bee found a thousand examples .

Above all , Generalls must take heed , they take not courses , against the nature of him they serve ; for in so doing , they may bee sure , they shall never bee well thought of for what they doe ; and besides , with their owne danger , they shall breed a jealousie in them they serve . This had happened to Alvianus at Geradada ; if he had not beene taken Prisoner ; because being in the service of a Common-wealth , so advised and wary in all their affaires , hee by giving battaile so precipita●…tly , shewed he knew not , at least , observed not the nature or them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And therefore Corbulo ( as Tacitus relates ) venturing upon hazardous attempts , under Claudius a timorous Prince ; not onely was blamed for it ; but was faine , with little honour to himselfe , and much 〈◊〉 of the Prince , to leave the Army , and withdraw himselfe : Corbulo semina rebellionis praebebat ; ut laeta apud pleros que , it a apud quosdam Sinistra fama . Cur hostem conciret ? adversa in Rempublicum casura , cum prospere egisset ; formidolosum paci ; virum in signem & ignavo Principi praegravem . Ideo Claudius adeo novam in Germanias Vim probibuit ; ut referri praesidia cis Rhenum Iuberet .

Dabat & Famae , ut Vocatus Electusque potius a Republica videretur ; quum per uxorium ambitum ; & senili adoptione irrepsisse .

Of Succession and Election . The three and thirtieth Discourse .

BY occasion , that Tiberius would rather have it bee thought he was chosen Emperour , by the Senat , then by Augustus ; we thinke fit , to examine these points ; when Election is good , and when succession ; and lastly , which of them is the better .

To begin with the last ; because upon this , the other depend ; there are many of opinion , that Election is the better ; which ( they say ) may be proved by Examples & by reasons . By examples , because of all the many Emperours that Rome had , if any were ever good ; they were those , that came in , by Election : and if we looke into the holy Scripture ; we shall finde , that the Judges came no sooner to be by succession , but they ended in the sonnes of Samuell ; and the Regall Dignity assoone as it came to be by succession , presently became a Tyranny , beginning in Salomon ; and Encreasing in Roboam ; who were not Elected , as Saul and David were . Then againe by reason , it may be proved ; because Election is in our owne power : where succession is in the power of Fortune , which , though it may sometimes give a good Prince , yet it cannot continue to doe it so long , but that at last ( as Aristotle observes ) It will give a had , who alone is enough to overthrow all the good , his Predecessours had done . To this may be added , that successours are alwayes full of domineering pride , which makes them beleeve , they are greater then ever their Ancestours were ; and having had no part , nor labour in acquiring the Kingdome , they little care for conserving the Kingdome ; and lastly , having honour and glory enough ; they trouble not themselves for getting of more ; where he that comes in by Election , will by the same vertues with which hee hath attained the Empyre , be able also to conserve the Empyre ; and seeing hee hath perhaps but little glory by his Ancestours , he will endevour to get glory by himselfe .

On the other side , there want not reasons to prove , that succession is the better : and the first is taken from Aristotle , who in his Politicks , speaking against Plato shewes : how different and much greater the love is , that is borne to things which are our owne : whereupon a successour having the Kingdome as his owne , and one that is chosen , having it but as lent ; It must needs be beleeved , that a successour is likely to make the better Governour : Men commonly not having so great care , of things which they have but for terme of life ; as of things in which they have inheritance , and may leave them to their Heire . To this may be added : that the conditions of those , who come newly to their greatnes ; ( as Aristotle speaking of the Common-wealth of the Chalcedons saith ) are evermore intolerable , as a Poet saith , Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum . Moreover they who come in by Election , as not having had education in the Princes house , can have but meane information of the affaires of state ; where if sonnes succeed , as no New Dignity accrewes unto them , so no occasion of growing proud befalls them ; and being trained up and acquainted with affaires : as they themselves will be better able to governe ; so both People , and Nobility will be willinger to bee governed by them ; the People , as having beene accustomed to obey their Fathers ; The Nobility , as being farre removed from Equality : we may adde further ; that succession takes away all occasion of discords , which in Election , must needs fall out ; and falling out , It is impossible , a person of any goodnesse should be chosen , or if a vertuous person happen to be chosen , yet having been contested against , by some part of the Electours , he cannot chuse but beare them grudges ; and hardly be able to governe as a King should doe .

For resolution , I say ; that Election and succession , be it good or bad , may be considered either with regard to the Prince , or with regard to the people . If to the Prince ; then the question is , which of them is the more available either for his security , or for his Reputation .

Beginning then with Reputation , there can bee no doubt , but it is more honour to a Prince to be Elected , then to succeed : seeing this comes by Fortune , without any merit in the successour ; the other comes by merit which is wholly in him that is Elected . This Galba understood ; when adopting Piso , he said , Generari nascique a Principibus fortuitum , nec ultra aestimatur , adoptandi Iudicium integrum ; & si velis eligere , Consensu monstratur .

As for security ; I hold it safer to succeed , then to bee chosen , because he that is Elected , is either chosen by the Prince , or by the People , or by the Senat. If by the Prince , he wil want many of those graces , which make a successour secure : as the merits of his Father : which saved Salomon from utter ruine , and the being of the blood Royall , hath beene a cause of preserving many in their states . Besides this , he will have many things in his disfavour ; as , that hee is but newly risen up from Equality , and divers other . If wee speake of those that are Elected by the People , I cannot deny but they will have the people of their side : but then consequently , they will have the Nobility against them : and so of the one sort , they are like to be hated ; and to the other sort , obliged ; and being never able to satisfie so much , as the obligation requires , in short time there will follow , with a generall hatred , their owne particular ruine . Lastly , if he be Elected by the 〈◊〉 ; hee is like to have the people his enemy , and be sure to be himselfe a slaue to the Nobility , whereupon , wee may conclude , that Election is the more Honourable ; and succession the more secure .

Concerning the last point ; which is , whether of the two is the more profitable to Cities ; Election or succession ; I say , that if the Prince choose him , and be the Electour , either he is a good Prince , or a bad ; if a good , he cannot choose but make a good choice , and consequently will bee better for the City , then succession 〈◊〉 that being certaine , and this uncertaine , and therefore the Election of Antoninus , was better then the succession of Marcus Aurelius : and yet Marcus Aurelius was no lesse vertuous then Antoninus . But if the Prince bee bad ; no doubt then , but choosing a successour , he will choose one starke naught , and therefore it was thought that Augustus chose 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 deterrima sibi gloriam quaerens ; as Dio and Tacitus say ; and not onely for getting themselves glory , as in this case , but sometimes they will doe it , out 〈◊〉 sympathy of Conditions , in which regard , Otho speaking of Galba , who had chosen Piso , as 〈◊〉 a man as himselfe , said ; Ac ne quo saltem in successore Galbaespes esset ; accersit ab exilio , quem tristitia & avaritia sui simillimum 〈◊〉 , whereupon , in this respect , it is better a Prince should be by succession , then by Election , seeing at least , it will bee put into the hand of Fortune , and such a one like to succeed , as a better were not like to be Elected . With this opinion of mine , agrees that which Capitolinus in the life of Messalina relates , as a Common Proverbe : sapienter electi Principes sic agunt ; per Imperitos electi , sic pereunt . If againe the Election bee made by the souldiers , as oftentimes was done at Rome , in this 〈◊〉 likewise , succession will be better then Election : because souldiers make Election onely for their profit ; and of 〈◊〉 to make the like profit , of another , they murther one assoone as they have chosen him : So saith 〈◊〉 , in the life of Galba ; Et 〈◊〉 : libidine que 〈◊〉 Imperatore veluti Clavum Clavo expellebant ; 〈◊〉 vero palatium 〈◊〉 domus breviori temporis spatio quatuor Imperatores excepit , militibus tanquam in Scena , modo introducentibus aliquem , modo educentibus . If lastly the Election bee by the people , either they are at variance with the Nobility , or Not : if they bee at variance , no doubt they will then make choyce of a Factious person ; one of a turbulent spirit , and an enemy to the Nobles ; as they did in the choyce of Tribunes in Rome , at the time when there was dissention , betweene the Nobility and the people ; and though there were no discord between them ; yet I could never like of Election by the people , who being for the most part corrupt , and little able to discerne who is good , and who is bad ; and apt to value men by riches , and not by vertue , cannot chuse but make a most unworthy choyce . Neque enim Illis ( saith Tacitus ) Iudicium aut veritas . But if the Senat be at concord with the people , then no doubt , the Election will be excellent , as being made by a number of understanding men ; and therefore we see , that Numa Pompilius who was thus chosen , proved one of the best Kings , the Romans ever had : there concurring in his Election , the choyce of the Senat , and consent of the people . It is true , such Election is hardly made ; because few would like to 〈◊〉 another to that degree , which hee aymes at himselfe : And if any man should object , that it proves well in Venice , where the Election of their Duke , is alwayes made by the Senat , I would answer ( taking no notice of the kind of that Dignity ) that this happens , because that Election is made by most understanding men ; who ayme more at the Common-wealths profit , then at their own . But if the Senat or Magistrate , that is to make the Election , be it selfe corrupt : wee may then expect a choyce betweene good and bad ; because a very good one , they would not choose , for feare least out of his precisenesse , he should reforme many things to the undoing of the wicked ; and a very bad one , they would not choose , for feare least hee should be the undoing of the Kingdome . To which purpose are those words of Tacitus ; Exoptimis periculum sibi , expessimis dedecus publicum metuebat .

I here advertise , that neither the Reasons alleadged at first , nor yet this last , are in any opposition to the Kingdomes that are at this day , whereof the greatest part goes by succession ; for there is great difference betweene speaking of times , in which were Tyrants ; and times in which are civill Princes ; who have so many Counsells , so many orders and Consultations , that it is impossible , but they must governe well . No man therefore ought to take my Discourse as a taxing of Princes in these times ; but whether it be Election , or succession , I hold that way alwayes to be best in a City , which hath formerly beene used .

Lastly for resolution of those Arguments which in the beginning were brought against Election : ( Those against succession being tacitely already answered ) I say , that either wee speake of choosing a private man to bee Prince ; and then those difficulties will bein force ; or else we speake of choosing one , who is already mounted to the height of a Prince ; and then those difficulties will be laid asseepe : and this we see notably observed at this day , in places of Election ; as in creation of the Pope , which can never fall upon a person , that is not first a Cardinall , It being fit , that one should first come out from Equality , before he should rise to the highest degree of superiority , and that he should first be taken into part of affaires , who is to come afterward to governe the whole . So likewise in Election of the Emperours ; we see alwayes Princes of such blood to be chosen , that comming to the Empyre , they seeme not to come to any new greatnesse .

Tiberius therefore ( to come to our purpose ) having beene chosen by Augustus , that was a Tyrant , had reason to have it beleeved , that he was chosen by the Senat , rather then by old Augustus , Comparatione deterrima , or per 〈◊〉 ambitum : but if Augustus had beene an excellent King ; I beleeve hee would then have rather had it thought , that he was chosen by the Prince . So did Salomon , who comming to the Crowne after David , would have it knowne , that hee was made successour by his father : Vt notum fiat universo Populo Regem eum a Patre Declaratum .

Nihil primo Senatus die agi passus , nisi de supremis Augusti ; cujus Testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae , Tiberium & Liviam haeredes habuit . Livia in familiam Juliam ; Nomenque Augustae adsumebatur . In spem secundam , Nepotes Pronepotesque . Tertio gradu Primores Civitatis Scripserat , plerosque invisos sibi , sed Jactantia gloriaque ad Posteros .

Whether Tiberius did ill , in causing Augustus his will to bee read ; and why Augustus in the third place , made many his heires that were his Enemies . The foure and thirtieth discourse .

ONe of the first things that Tiberius did in the Senat ; was the causing Augustus his will to be read ; where Livia and himselfe were made his heires in the first place : In the second , his Nephewes ; and Grand-children . In the third place : the principall men of the City ; many of whom were known to be his enemies . In this , there are two things wee may wonder at ; one that Tiberius would have this will of Augustus to bee read openly ; the other , that Augustus had set many in his will , that were his Enemies .

Beginning with the first , I say ; that Tiberius not belonging to Augustus by any respect of blood ; but onely by being his Sonne in law ; to be preferd by Augustus will , before Agrippa Posthumus , that was his Nephew , to whom by Right of kinred , the Empyre belonged ; It seemes that in true politick consideration , Tiberius did ill , to cause a thing so odious to be published , which he ought rather , if it had beene possible , to have hidden : as was seene in Claudius , who by his Testament making his Sonne in Law , Nero his heire ; and preferring him before Britannicus , his true and legitimate Sonne ; Agrippina a suttle woman , after the death of Claudius , would not suffer his will to be read ; least the people should mutiny ; to see a sonne in Law preferd before a Sonne : I estamentum tamen haud recitatum , Ne antepositus filio privignus , Injuria & Jnvidia animos vulgiturbaret . By this example related by the same . Tacitus , we must necessarily say , that one of them , either Agrippina or Tiberius did ill : or else we must bee driven to shew some difference betweene these two cases : which may be , and is in many things . First , because Britannicus was Claudius his Sonne ; and Agrippa , Augustus his Nephew , but by the line of women . Secondly , because Agrippa was farre off ; and perhaps dead , when Augustus his will was read ; Britannicus was living , and present there in Rome : and so by his presence , might have given occasion to the people , of making in 〈◊〉 , which Tiberius needed not to feare : and lastly Tiberius was a man of ripe age , experienced in the warres , and conversant in affaires of state , where Nero was but a child , & had hitherto given no proofe of himselfe at all ; and besides , it caused much lesse envy , to see a Sonne in Law of so excellent qualities , preferred before a Nephew rude and foolish , and full of Indignation ; then it would have done to see a rude Sonne in Law , preferd before a Sonne of so great expectation : and because to be made heire by the former Prince , is a great helpe for being accepted by the Subjects , as by the Example of Salomon and others , I have elsewhere shewed ; Tiberius knowing , that those things would be no trouble to him , which to Nero would have been pernicious ; he therefore did very wisely and with great Judgement , to make it knowne to all men ; that Augustus by his will had left him his heire .

The other Errour which was intimated in the beginning , consists in this : that Augustus in his will , naming many of his enemies to be his heires ; seemed by this as it were to encourage them to oppose those of his own blood ; that so they might come to that , of which his will had given them a hope . And it would not be reasonable to say , that he was moved to doe it ; ( as at this day in some places is used ) as not thinking hee should dye ; to the end , that they seeing themselves made his heires , might not longer be his opposites , but rather be tyed to be at his service ; an invention which hath no other effect , but to make him that useth it , be knowne for a man of little braine , with prejudice to his Posterity . This reason therefore is in it selfe of little strength ; and squares not with Augustus , seeing his will was made in secret , and of as little strength is that Reason which Tacitus brings , in these words , Iactantia Gloriaque apud Posteros ; which is , that Augustus did it to get himselfe glory in aftertimes , as much as to say , that hee preferd publick profit , before private hatred , and that hee made no reckoning of the injuries done him ; no doubt a great Glory ; but yet not such , as was worthy of Augustus his Consideration .

We may say then , that Augustus not without great cunning tooke this course , to secure both himselfe and his successour : seeing , that if any were likely to conspire against the Prince : it was those principall men whom hee named in his will ; whereupon by this demonstration of affection , he thought to bind their hands : because beleeving the Prince did truly love them , ( men being apt of themselves to beleeve they deserve to be loved ) and more , to beleeve those demonstrations , which being made in a Iast will , seeme to be farre from flattery , they could not chuse but lay away all hatred : and though they should be suspitious , though aware of the devise , yet they should have no meanes to conspire against the Prince , seeing the people , they might bee sure , would be against them : as they who looking to the apparence of things , take no notice of fictions , and hate ungratefulnesse ; and this was it , that spoyled the conspiracy of Marcus Brutus ; because the people understood that hee was adopted by Caesar to be his sonne , and named in his Testament , and for him to conspire against him was such an ingratitude , that they were easily perswaded to take revenge ; so much is that accursed vice detested .

Non aliud Discordantis patriae remedium , quam ut ab uno regeretur .

That corrupt Common-wealths have need of a Monarch to Reforme them . The five and thirtieth Discourse .

IF Agis the Spartan had knowne the foresaid reason brought by Tacitus in excuse of Augustus , he would certainely have attained the end he aimed at ; which was to restore his Country to the first Ordinances and lawes that the most wise Lycurgus had made : but his fault was , that he sought to doe that by many , which he was to have done himselfe alone : which Cleomenes perceiving , and advised by the wife of Agis , whom after his death he tooke to wife himselfe , and having heard her a thousand times relate the case of her deceased husband , he came to know , that Non aliud patriae Discordantis remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur ; whereupon ( though wickedly ) he put down the Magistracy of the Ephori , and easily brought the City to such termes , that within a few dayes , he was able , without any feare of the Citizens , to leave his Country , and go●… person to the warre : and if the City in the meane time ran a hazard ; it was not by any default of Cleomenes , but for want of money , as Plutarch witnesseth , where he saith ; Quemadmodum exercitatione robur membrorum adepti Athletae , spatio temporis opprimunt at que superant agiles , artificiososque ; Ita Antigonus magnis opibus instructus , his que bellum reficiens , defatigavit tandem superavitque Cleomenem , vix habentem , unde tenuiter 〈◊〉 mercedem , civibus alimenta suppeditaret : and therefore was forced to give him battaile , where if he could have stayed but onely two dayes , Antigonus must of necessity have returned back , into Macedon , and Cleomenes had remained Lord of all Greece .

It is therefore held by all Experienced Politicians , for an infallible Rule , that not onely for the founding of Common-wealths , but also for the Reforming of them ; the Government of one alone is necessary ; and this , Romulus knowing , ( though wickedly as for the Act ) killed his brother , and was cause of the death of his Compagnion . So Cleomenes ( as we have said before ) desiring to reform his Country of 〈◊〉 , which was at the last Cast of Ruine ; no lesse wickedly then Romulus , killed all those that might oppose his Power , and gave them new lawes and new ordinances for reformation of the City . And not unlike to these was Hiero the Syracusan , who seeing his Country in a neere degree of ruine ; was forced to make use of those Armes to make himselfe Lord of the Country , which he had received for defence of the Country . It is therefore no marvell , that Augustus seeing Rome so full of Discords , so much degenerated from the antient lawes and customes , and so deepely plunged in a thousand kinds of wickednesse , did imitate Romulus in being the cause of his Companions death ; did imitate Cleomenes , in putting many Senatours to death , that might have opposed his greatnesse ; and lastly did imitate Hiero the Syracusan ; in turning those Armes against the Common-wealth , which he had received of the Common-wealth , to defend it against Anthony ; as knowing well , that to rectifie the City and reduce it to reformation , there was no other way , but onely for himselfe to governe alone . For having a purpose to set up an Aristocracy ; he was first , ( as Aristotle in his Ethicks teacheth us ) to bow the staffe the contrary way to make it afterward streight ; and if in doing this , hee used violence , it was , because it was impossible to doe it otherwise . And therefore Plato in his book of lawes , saith ; that it is impossible to passe from the Government of a few , to a good Common-wealth : because it is seldome seene , that they who are in authority , will yeeld to any of their fellowes to reforme them ; where Plato shewing the difficulty of reforming a Common-wealth ; sheweth withall , that it must be done , by reducing the government into one mans hand . And if Augustus afterward , did not pursue his purpose ; and left not the Citty in liberty ; it was , because he saw the Citizens were not fit for it ; as Galba , in the oration he made at the Adopting of Piso said : Imperaturus es hominibus , qui nec totam libertatem ; nec totam Servitutem pati possunt ; and 〈◊〉 this cause it was , that Augustus made himselfe sole Lord ; Non aliud Discordantis 〈◊〉 remedium , quam ut ab uno regeretur ; and therefore hee gave them halfe a liberty ; leaving a great authority in the Senatours ; and not a little in the people ; which Tiberius afterward tooke away , and he put them in halfe a servitude , being himselfe superiour in all causes . The like conceit had Galba , when he made himselfe sole Lord of the Empire ; as in the foresaid oration , every one may see . Augustus therefore is no more to be reproved , then Cleomenes , and Galba , and Hiero are , and if his purpose tooke not effect , it is not to be attributed to his fault , but to the ill fortune of his successour ; seeing as long as he lived himselfe , till he came to his decrepit age ; he maintained the City in great quiet , and the whole world in Peace , Nulla in praesens formidine , dum Augustus aestate validus , seque , & Domum , & Pacem sustentavit . And if to Romulus there had succeeded Tarquinius Superbus , and to Augustus Numa 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thinke the City of Rome had in her beginning beene ruined ; and after by Augustus beene restored . And as after him the City of Rome fell to a Tyrant , and the power of the Caesars ended in Nero , so also the Power of Romulus ended in Tarquinius Superbus , the Power of Cleomenes , in himselfe , that of Hiero , in his nephew Hieronymus , and finally , that of Galba , presently after his death , fell to a Tyrant : and all these Powers , except that onely of Cleomenes , came to ruine by wicked successours . The reason , why these mens power was not able to hold out long ; and to conserve their Cities in tranquillity , is by some assigned , to the accommodations , which either are so ordered , that all the parts of the City rest contented , and then it will last ; or else the Accommodation 〈◊〉 founded upon the Person , who by his authority makes it apt to continue , and then it will last no longer , then while he lives , or at most , till it fall into the hands of a wicked successour , this , in my opinion , David knew well , when in a Psalme he said , Deus Iudicium tuum Regi da , & 〈◊〉 tuam filio Regis ; as though he would say , it is not enough for the continuance of an empyre , that the first King be good ; but it is necessary , his successours be good also , and then it is like to last a long time . 〈◊〉 cum sole , & ante lunam , in Generatione & Generatione ; but because after Salomon , there followed a wicked successour , the Kingdome was in part dissolved . So the Kingdome of Romulus succeeded well with him , because there came after him Numa Pompilius , who by giving good lawes , filled it with Religion , but afterwards in Tarquinius Superbus it came to ruine . So also that of Hiero came to nothing , through a wicked successour . So the reformation which Augustus made of his Country , succeeded ill to him , because there came after him a Tiberius , a Caius , a Claudius , and lastly a Nero , who abrogating Lawes & Religion , it could not choose but come to ruine . The reformations therefore are ill founded , and never last long , that are founded upon the Authority of one , seeing the City is eternall , & the Prince mortall ; but then are reformations like to continue , when they are founded upon those that receive them . Wherein , for another reason , I would helpe my selfe with a doctrine of S. Thomas , where he saith , That when a forme comes to be perfectly received of the matter , although the Agent that introduced the forme , be removed , yet the forme remaines in the matter still ; if Fire be introduced in Wood by another Fire , though the agent be removed , yet the Fire remaines in the Wood still ; but when a forme is introduced unperfectly , or to use the word of S. Thomas , Inchoative ; there , If the Agent be removed , either it lasts but little , as water that is heated ; or else goes wholly away with the agent , as the enlightning the aire , by the departing of the Sun . So likewise when a Prince hath perfectly introduced good Ordinances in the matter of a City ; although he die himselfe , yet they will still remaine : but if they be introduced but unperfectly , that is , not fully established ; then certainly , either they will last but little , as water heated , or with his death that introduced them , will die also , as the enlightning of the Aire .

To returne to our purpose , I said before , that the City of Rome was not capable of liberty : and therefore that Augustus was not too blame , for not giving it liberty ; that it was not capable , is manifest , seeing in processe of time , the Empire comming into the hands of such persons as more regarded the good of their Countrey , then their owne dignity ; such as Trajan , Antoninus Pius , Marcus Aurelius , and others were : if they had knowne that it had been for the good of the City of Rome , to have had liberty , they certainly would have given it .

I have beene willing to give examples of Hiero , as being indeed most like to Augustus . For he being a Citizen of Syracusa , had in his hand an Army for defence of his Countrey ; and by devises cut them all in pieces that were not for his turne : and afterward , with those very Armes he made himselfe Lord of Syracusa , in which government he raised not himselfe above equality , ruling with much prudence , and contents of the Subjects ; as also he enlarged the Dominion of Syracusa : and lastly intended to leave it in liberty , but that he did it not , there were two impediment ; the first , because the City was not fit for it : and therefore Livie saith , Syracusaeque cum breve tempus affulsisset , in antiquam servitutem reciderant . And in the same booke , speaking of the people of Syracusa , he saith , Aut servit 〈◊〉 , aut superbe dominatur , Libertatem quae media est , 〈◊〉〈◊〉 modice , nec habere sciunt . A second impediment were the women , who through desire of rule , wrought so with him , that he left his Nephew Hieronymus his successour , a most perfidious and cruell man , and farre differing from the conditions of his unkle . Augustus likewise was a Citizen of Rome , and had in his hand an Army , for defence of his Countrey ; when he put all those to death , that were able to oppose him , and then turning those very Armes against his Countrey , he made himselfe 〈◊〉 Lord ; in which government he used great equality , shewed great prudence , enlarged the Empire , and lastly had a purpose to leave it in liberty , whereof he had often speech with 〈◊〉 and Agrippa ; and if he left it not in liberty , it was long of two things : one , because the City was not capable of liberty , Non 〈◊〉 discordantis 〈◊〉 remedium , quam ut ab uno regeretur : and as Galba said of the Romans , Nec totam libertatem , nec totam servitutem pati possunt . A second cause was Livia , who having besotted the old man Augustus , perswaded him to leave Tiberius his successour , a cruell man , and one that was no more of kinne to Augustus his conditions then to his blood , as Tacitus shewes where he saith , 〈◊〉 Tibero morum via . And thus it appeares that Augustus and Hiero were very like ; but yet in one thing they had very unlike fortune ; for the Empire of Augustus ended not in himselfe , but was continued in Tiberius , who also was able to elect a successour after him ; but with Hiero it was not so , for his Kingdome ended in his Nephew Hieronymus , who was miserably slaine . And the reason of this , is because Tiberius in company of many vices had some vertue , ( as I said before speaking of Nero ) but Hieronymus , without any vertue , had all the vices of Tiberius .

Non aliud discordantis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur .

Why the City of Rome from a Regall power under Romulus recovered liberty under Tarquinius , and from the Regall power of Augustus was never able to shake off servitude . The six and thirtieth Discourse .

TO make that be better understood , which we said before ; that the City of Rome in the time of Augustus , was not fit to receive liberty ; I conceive it will be a good helpe to examine the reason , why from the Regall power of Romulus , it came to liberty under Tarquinius ; and afterward from the Regall power of Augustus , it was never able to free it selfe from servitude .

The first is a generall reason , and brought by all Writers : that is , the imperfection and corruption of the Citizens . For liberty , ( as I shall shew in my Discourse of Optimates ) requires men perfect , and not corrupt , at least so many as may be enow to make a Senate . But surely , this reason , ( with leave of the many great men that alledge it ) may be of some force to prove that the City of Rome under Augustus , was not capable to receive liberty , but it is of no force to prove , that from the Regall power of Augustus , it might not as well recover liberty , as it had done from that of Romulus . Seeing the City of Rome was never so full of imperfect men , in the time of Augustus , as it was in the time of Romulus , when there was in it indeed a nest of the scumme of the most wicked men , that were in all Italy . We may say then , that both the one and the other of these Kings had an intention to set his Countrey in liberty , ( as of both of them , in divers discourses , I have made it appeare ) but neither of them in his life time , put this intention of theirs in execution . And the reason is , because when men are imperfect , and not fit to tolerate liberty , it is impossible that in the life of one Prince alone , they can be brought to perfection , in such sort , as to be made fit to receive it ; but this must be wrought by the continuance of many good successours , who may all of them intend to prepare the Citizens for it : and because it was thus with Romulus , therefore after him the Romans obtained liberty ; but being not so with Augustus , who had many wicked successours after him therefore the City after him continued alwaies in most , miserable servitude .

A Second reason , was the slaughter of Caesar : which not being sufficient , to reduce Rome to liberty , was therefore sufficient to make the Regall power unalterable . For Augustus making himselfe Lord of the Empyre by force ; was able by the same force to secure himselfe in it , the rather under the Excuse of Caesars slaughter ; and the corrupt times of the Common-wealth , which served him for Engines to put many things in execution , that fortified his Power . Pietatem erga Parentem ( saith Tacitus ) & tempora reipublicae obtentui sumpta ; whereupon , the best Politicall instruction , that in like cases can be given , is this ; that when a Familie hath lost the authority it once had in a City ; It is better to yeeld it up with love , then to strive by force to recover it with danger : for this hath beene the cause , that many Cities relapsed under Princes , have never after beene able to recover liberty ; a relapse in all things , being alwayes worse then the first Evill : and of this there want not examples , if there were need to bring them .

A third reason , and of importance is , because the Election was come into the hands of the Souldiers ; who by reason of the gaines they made : and of the unmeasurable Donatives that belonged to them , at the Coronation of Emperours ; would never be brought to give their consent for the introducing of liberty , in which it is wont , to be the first lesson , He that labours not shall have no pay : and so much more , as Common-wealths that are good , need no such guard .

Fourthly , I conceive it to be of some moment , that after the death of Nero in whom the house of the Caesars ended ; yet Rome was not then reduced to liberty : seeing Galba being chosen , every one of those great ones , might begin to hope , that it might be their turne at some time or other , to come to the Empyre ; and consequently very likely , they were not much discontented with that forme of Election : and so much , ( in my opinion ) did Galba himselfe expresse , in the speech he made to Piso , when he said , Sub Tiberio & Caio & Claudio unius familiae quasi haereditas fuimus : Loco libertatis erit , quod Eligi coepimus : & finita Juliorum Claudiorumque domo , optimum quemque Adoptio Jnveniet : as if he would say , Now that the line of the Caesars is extinct , everyone may hope to attaine that degree ; which hope I conceive , may be the cause , that those potent men , in whose hands it is to alter states , like best of that forme , in which the first degree they can hope to attaine , is that of Excessive greatnesse : and from hence perhaps it was , that Caesar the Dictatour , was never much troubled with the Conspiracy of Catiline , but rather excused and defended it , as lesse caring for the Cities liberty , then that it should come under the Power of one alone , which Power hee doubted not in time to attaine to himselfe .

Fifthly , the greatnesse of the Romane Empire , was it selfe , ( in my opinion ) a great cause , It could never returne to liberty , because at the time of the 〈◊〉 , being but in low estate , it was more reasonable , they should desire Equality : which in small things is easily borne : and because else , they must have passed a thousand difficulties : as the subduing of Ryvall Common-wealths , the Conquering of Enemy Princes , and the like , where in the time of Augustus , the City being growne great , & become mistresse of the world ; her Ryvalls spent , and all things at Peace and quiet ; it was not now easie to support Equality : and therefore from that time afterward , there was no contesting but for the Empyre , and a man will easily hazard both life and reputation , where the reward that may be gotten by it , is both great and secure , but where the reward is but little , full of toyle and danger ; there men are contented and glad to have company : and therefore Brutus brought Rome to be a Common-wealth ; whereupon we see in our times , that ( Venice excepted ) all other Common-wealths are of no great moment , and all this ( as I conceive ) Tacitus very lively expresseth , where he saith ; Vetus ac jampridem Jnsita mortalibus Potentiae Cupido , cum 〈◊〉 magnitudine adolevit , erupitque . Nam rebus modicis Aequalitas 〈◊〉 habebatur , sed 〈◊〉 subacto orbe , & aemulis urbibus Regibusve excisis , securas opes concupiscere vacuum fuit , prima inter . Patres plebemque certamina exercere . Modo turbulenti Tribuni , modo Consules 〈◊〉 , & in 〈◊〉 ac foro 〈◊〉 Civilium be llorum . Mox è 〈◊〉 infima Cajus Marius , & nobilium saevissimus Lucius 〈◊〉 , Victam armis libertatē , in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Post quos Cneius 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , non melior , & nunquam postea nisi de principatu quaesitum .

A sixth reason may be taken from the Ordinances and lawes of the Romans , which though at the first times of the Common-wealth they were good , yet in processe of time they became naught , It being not possible , and indeed not sit , to make a law , that is simply and at all times good , as it happens with Physitians , who cannot prescribe meats that are simply good for all , seeing respect must bee had to temperatures , and bodyes in health simpliciter , ( to use Galens word ) that if a meat could be found good for all diseases ; that meat simply should be naught . It is necessary therefore that lawes should have conformity , with the men ; and with the times , whereupon the law of Moses being given to one People , was not simply good ; but conteyned in it many precepts , repugnant to our Christian Policy ; and if any man object , that the law given by Christ our Lord in the New Testament , is simply good I answer , that this Law was not given to one particular people , but to all the whole world : Ite per universum mundum , Praedicate Evangelium omni Creaturae , saith our Lord in Saint Matthew . Now the Lawes and Ordinances of the Romanes , were all intended for encrease of Dominion , and consequently for war : whereupon it is no marvaile ; if that City , having now attained to Peace , and no more need of Augmentation , but onely of Conservation , became uncapable of receiving liberty ; and being bred and accustomed to getting , having now nothing more to get , they all endeavoured by the same Arts to get the Empire .

Seventhly and lastly , I have drawne a reason of excellent Doctrine from Aristotle in his Philosophie , for knowledge whereof , it is to be knowne , that living bodyes have naturally a Terme and bound beyond which they cannot goe ; as witnesseth the Philosopher in his Bookes of Animalls : where he saith ; Perficiendi cujusque animalis certa est magnitudo ; tum ad majus , tum ad minus , quem terminum non supergrediuntur , ut vel majora , vel minora evadant ; and in his Physicks he saith : Quod impossibile est , carnem aut os , aut aliquid aliud , quantumcunque magnitudine , aut in majus aut in minus ; and finally in his Bookes de Anima he saith ; Natura autem Constant ium omnium Terminus est , & ratio Magnitudinis & Augmenti ; by which authorities it is manifest , that all Naturall things , have a certaine bound which they cannot exceed ; and this happens because nature hath made them for their proper operations , which they cannot execute but under a certain and determinate greatnesse : seeing therefore a Common-wealth is nothing but a body consisting of many bodies , and ordained to the intent to live well ; It ought to have a due greatnesse , fit to mainteine it selfe ; which greatnesse if it exceed , it will not bee able any longer to exercise its operation , in regard whereof Lyvie saith ; Donec ad ea tempora pervenerunt , ut magnitudine propria Laborarent ; whereupon as long as the City of Rome stayed within its certaine bound , so longit maintained it selfe a Common-wealth ; but after it exceeded this greatnesse ; it then fell into the hands of Kings , and could not otherwise have subsisted . This , Tacitus in the mouth of Galba meant , when he said : Si immensum imperi●… Corpus stare ac librari , sine Rectore posset , dignus er am a quo Respublica inciperet . The body then of the Common-wealth , was growne so vast and great ; that it was not able to suffer liberty : for although to possesse much , be commonly good ; yet it is not alwayes good for every body : as we see in wrestlers ; whose Constitutions , ( as witnesseth Hippocrates ) have no greater Contestation , then with their owne goodnesse ; as being full of so many good humours ; that thorough the excesse of them , they are not able to exercise their due operations : and therefore necessarily must either breake or be evacuated . And this happens not onely in bodies , but as well also in Kingdomes and Common-wealths : Trajan by subduing an infinite number of Provinces ; had so enlarged the Empire , that it was come Ad Maximum quod non ; to a pitch above the proportion of a Monarchie ; and perceiving the danger of it ; hee had recourse to the Remedy prescribed by Hippocrates ; Quocirca statim bonum habitum solvere oportet , and giving some of those Provinces Freedome ; he Evacuated ( I may say ) the Empire ; like to this was the counsell of Augustus ( cited by us before ) Addideratque Consilium Coercendi intra terminos imperium . Likewise in Common-wealths , I think none will deny ; but that the Swizzers , the free Citties , and Lucca , the onely Common-wealths ( after Venice ) that are at this day in the world , have for no other cause held out so long , and maintained themselves to this time ; but because they have not arrived to that bound , of Maximum quod non magnitudinis ; and their little Greatnesse hath beene their defence , and made them great . Also to the Venetians , it hath beene no small helpe for preserving them in liberty : because they have not exceeded the bound , of Maximum quod Non : And therefore the Image in Daniel , assoone as it came to have a head of Gold , was struck by a stone falling from the mountaine , and cast downe to the ground . This Image , by many writers , is taken for the Empire , which having Feet of Earth , no sooner come to have Heads of Gold , but they presently fall ; seeing the Circulation of this world , is founded upon Ascending and Descending , and that which is the end of Ascending , is the beginning of Descending , as Aristotle learnedly teacheth : where he speakes of a Circle ; because humane powers are like to shadowes , which never continue at one stay ; as Iob excellently saith : Et fugit velut Vmbra , & nunquam in eodem statu permanet ; and in another place , Elevati sunt ad modicum , & non subsistunt , where S. Gregory citing that place of the 72. Psalme , Deiecisti eos dum allevarentur , and that of Saint Iames , Quae est Vita Vestra ? Vapor est ad modicum parens , and expounding that place of the Prophet Esay , Omnis Caro Foenum : Carnalis Gloria dum nitet cadit ; dum apud se Extollitur , repentino intercepta fine terminatur . Sic namque aurarum flatu in altum stipula rapitur , sed casu concito ad Ima revocatur . Sic ad Nubila fumus extollitur , sed repente in nihilum tumescendo dissipatur . Sic ab infirmis , Nebula descendendo se erigit , sed exortus hanc solis radius , ac si non fuerit , abstergit . Sic in herbarum superficie , nocturni roris humor aspergitur : sed diurm Luminis subito calore siccatur . Sic spumosae aquarum bullae inchoantibus fluviis excitatae , ab intimis certatim prodeunt , sed eo celerius diruptae depereunt , quo inflatae citius extenduntur . Cumque 〈◊〉 ut appareant , Crescendo peragunt , ne subsistant . I cannot bring a better example , in conformity to this Doctrin , then of Venice ; which was never in any great danger : but when it was at the greatest , as drawing then neere to the bound , of Maximum quod Non ; whereupon , if it had not beene for the strength of its scituation , ( as Historians say ) assisted with the great Prudence of the Senatours , and with the great valour of the Citizens , in defending Padua , It had utterly come to ruine . And therefore Augustus seeing , Non aliud Discordantis patriae remedium , quam ut ab uno regeretur , made himselfe Emperour , wherein notwithstanding Christians must not imitate him , whose duty it is , to set Religion before Country and life , and Common-wealth and all : rather suffering death , then be drawne to commit any wickednesse : and rather then imitate Augustus ; follow the course of Marcus Aurelius , who though he saw his Country upon the point of loosing , and himselfe also , thorough the wickednesse of his Compagnion , yet he tooke all things patiently , and would not put him to death , though it was in his power to doe it . For Conclusion I say , that a Prince ought not to governe his Country by force : although force bee sometimes necessary for correcting of Errours : as Sallust teacheth where he saith ; Nam Vi quidem Regere patriam , aut Parentes , quamquam & possis & delicta corrigas ; Importunum tamen est .

Comparatione Deterrima sibi Gloriam quaesivisse .

That to Elect a wicked successour , thereby to get glory to himselfe ; is a beastly Course . The seven and thirtieth Discourse .

BY that which Tacitus and Dio relate , many conceive , that Augustus made choice of Tiberius , whom he knew to be a proud and cruell man , to be his successour ; to the end , that the ill conditions of Tiberius so much differing from his owne , might turne to his Glory . I cannot indeed deny ; but that a worse successour , is apt enough to make a lesse evill Predecessour be thought a good one : which Galba well knowing , speaking of Piso said ; Nero a pessimo quoque desiderabitur . Mihi ac tibi providendum est ; ne etiam a bonis desideretur . He seeing , that if a wicked Prince , should come after Nero ; his errours would be converted , to the others Glory ; and this is so true , that the holy Spirit , in the mouth of Ezechiel said , that the wickednesse of the Hebrewes , before the comming of our saviour ; made the people of Sodome and Samaria to seeme Just , which could not certainly happen , but long of the Comparison , Vivo ego dicit Dominus Deus , ( these are the words of Ezechiel ) quia non fecit Sodoma soror tua , ipsa , & filiae ejus , sicut 〈◊〉 tu , & filiae tuae , and a litle after ; Et Samaria Dimidium peocatorum tuorum non 〈◊〉 , sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sceleribus tuis , & Iustificasti sorores tuas in omnibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 , quas operata es ; Ergo tu 〈◊〉 , & porta confusionem tuam , quae vicisti sorores 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 agens ab 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sunt a te . And he that would see a passage more like to that of Tacitus ; let him reade those words in Jeremy , where he saith : Iustificavit animam suam aversatrix Jsrael , 〈◊〉 praevaricatricis Iudae .

But yet this way of acquiring Glory , attributed here to Augustus , is not to be imitated , not only of Christians , but not so much as of impious Barbarians : seeing there are better and directer wayes , ( I meane not , to governe well , but speake onely of a successour ) because , if they have children to succeed them in the Kingdome , there will Glory enough accrew to the father , if he give them good education ; whereby they may come to prove good : This Salomon affirmes in his Proverbs where he saith , Filius sapiens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or as others read it , Filius sapiens Gloria patris , that is , a wise sonne is the honour and Glory of his Father , and keepes him alive , after he is dead : and therefore it is said in Ecolesiasticus , Mortuus est pater ejus , & 〈◊〉 non est mortuus , 〈◊〉 enim reliquit sibi post se ; and therefore Princes need not desire , their successours should be worse then themselves , seeing they may hope for more glory by them , if they shall be better , and therefore David tooke great Joy to heare , that Salomon was like to be greater , then himselfe had ever beene : Sed & Salomon sedet super Solium Regni , & Jngressi servi ejus , benedixerunt Domino nostro Regi David dicentes : Amplificet Deus Nomen 〈◊〉 , super 〈◊〉 , & magnificet Thronum ejus super thronum tuum : rather indeed , a wicked suecessour is a Prejudice to a good Prince . Therefore writers say , that Marcus Aurelius had dyed a happy man , if he have not left Commodus his successour ; for this cause , many of the Antients ( as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) were of opinion , that Children living , might make their dead fathers unhappy : in such sort , that he who living was happy , yet could not be called happy , if after his death , hee had ill 〈◊〉 and were unfortunate in his children .

To give therefore his successours good education , is a matter of much honour to Princes , and in case they prove not to have those vertues which are required in a Prince , hee must not suffer Paternall piety to prevaile with him , but wholly abandon , and utterly dis inherit them of the royall dignity ; ( though as Aristotle saith ) it be hard for a father to doe .

This Plato expressed in his Common-weath , who ordained , that they should be Princes , who in their Nativity had Gold mingled with Earth , meaning , that if their Sonnes had together with Earth , either Iron or brasse in them , they should not then be admitted to the Kingdome . Qua propter ipsis Principibus , & Primo & maxime Deus praecepit , ut nullius rei majorem curam custodiamque 〈◊〉 , quam natorum , ut dignoscant quid ex quatuor his potissimum illorum animis sit immixtum ; & si quis ex ipsis nascatur 〈◊〉 , aut serreus , nullo pacto misereantur , sed honorem illi naturae convenientem , tribuentes , interopifices vel agricolas mittant : and therefore Moyses was contented , that our Lord God , should chuse Iosuah , of another Tribe , to be his successour , rather then his owne Sonne . In consideration whereof , Saint Hierome saith , Moises amicus Dei , cui 〈◊〉 ad faciem 〈◊〉 loquutus est , potuit utique successores Principatus filios suos facere , & Posteris propriam relinquere dignitatem : sed extraneus de alia Tribueligitur Iesus , ut sciremus Principatum in populos non sanguini deferendum esse , sed 〈◊〉 ; and this is the true way for acquiring of Glory : so much more , as it is more repugnant to Naturall affection .

And if it happen that in default of children , he be to chuse a stranger for his successour , what better can he doe , to get himselfe glory , then to chuse a person of prudence and vertue , in whom , his Iudgement in choosing may appeare ? and if the Prince living be good ; it will encrease his glory , that he hath chosen another that is good : if bad , it will lessen his own ill name , to have chosen a good successour . So it happened to Adrianus , ( as Iulius Capitolinus and Spartianus relate ) because Antoninus Pius succeeding him by way of Election , and knowing that the Senat meant to burne all the Acts of Adrianus , as to whom they were deadly enemies , for the many slaughters he had committed of the Nobility , he out of his goodnesse , pacified the Senat : placed Adrianus amongst the Gods , and erected a Temple to his Name . Igitur nec ipse ( said he ) Princeps vester ero , si omnia Acta ejus in quibus est Adoptio mea , rescinditis . This Glory Galba sought after , when adopting Piso , he said , Vt nec mea Senectus conferre plus Populo Romano possit , quam 〈◊〉 Successorem .

Thus a Father receives honour , by a good Sonne , and Predecessours , by good successours ; whereupon , that great Oratour , who spake in praise of Philip King of Macedon , could not find auy greater praise , then that of his sonne : Hoc tibi unum sufficiat , te filium 〈◊〉 Alexandrum .

Tacitus therefore is not to be blamed , as he , that alledgeth not his owne opinion ; but relates it onely as the opinion of others : for as for himselfe , he shewes rather , he thought Augustus worthy to be blamed for it ; and he had reason , because , though a Prince by chusing a wicked successour , make his owne actions to seeme good ; yet this is so farre from making him praise-worthy , that it brings him more dishonour , as being a concurrent cause , of all the Evill his successour doth .

Let not men therefore blame Tacitus , at all adventure , but consider , that all that which Tacitus saith ; it is not Tacitus that saith it , neither the things he relates , are they all to be imitated , no more then all those things which Moses relates , who relates a thousand villanies of the Hebrewes : seeing it is the part of Historians , to speake of all things , whether good or bad : the good , to the end we may follow them ; the bad , to the end we may avoid them ; and this , saith Tacitus in the third of his Annalls , is the end of an 〈◊〉 : Exequi sententias , haud institui , nisi in signes per honestum , aut notabili dedecore , quod praecipuum munus Annaliumreor , Ne virtutes sileantur , utque gravis Dictis Factisque ex posteritate , & Infamia metus sit .

Tiberioque etiam in rebus quas non occuleret , seu Natura , sive adsuetudine , suspensa semper & obscura verba , and a little after : At Patres quibus unus metus si intelligere viderentur , in questus , lachrymas vota , effundi .

That a Prince should be both loved and Feared . The eight and thirtieth Discourse .

FRom the obscure speaking which Tiberius used , the senatours conceived no little feare , and wished , the Prince would speake in such a manner , that he might be understood .

I cannot in truth blame Princes , for speaking obscurely : seeing vulgar and too open speech abase th them , and make them vilified : the rather because I see our Lord Christ , ( as Saint Matthew , and Saint Marke 〈◊〉 ) solitus erat loqui in parabolis , and Salomon , for the most part , used to speake Riddles ; whereupon , it may justly be said of Princes , who lay themselves open to all mens view , that which Salomon saith , in the Canticles : Oculi tui Columbarum , absque eo quod intrinsecus latet , that is , the eyes being beautifull of themselves , appeare more beautifull , when they are shaddowed & covered with some Feathers ; and so the Discourses of Princes , will be so much the fairer , as they are in some part , covered with a little obscurity ; and therefore Salomon in his Proverbs , commends much this kind of speaking , where he saith ; Mala aurea in lectis Argenteis , qui loquitur verbum in tempore suo .

But because the obscure speaking of Tiberius was not to this end , but onely ut intro spiceret Procerum mentes : it neither ought , nor can be praised ; being in truth , the fashion of a Tyrant , and thorough which , those Principall Senatours remained full of feare , who were governed before by Augustus with so much love ; upon occasion whereof , we will make this discourse , what carriage a Prince should use , to make himselfe , to bee both loved and feared .

It hath beene debated in times past , whether a Prince ought tobe loved 〈◊〉 feared of his Subjects , or whether loved and feared both at once , yet no writer hath beene found so void of Judgement , as not to know , that nothing is to a Prince more profitable , then to be loved and feared both together , but that they thinke it a very hard , and almost impossible thing they should meet together . So as many have liked , hee should rather make himselfe be loved , then be feared . I therefore will endeavour to make it appeare , that a Prince shall not doe well , to make himselfe onely to be loved . Secondly , that he shall not doe well , to make himselfe , onely to be feared ; and lastly , that he ought 〈◊〉 one and the same time , to make himselfe , be loved , and feared , both together : shewing , that not onely this is easie to be done , but impossible that a Prince should be good , if he couple not together these two Extreames .

Concerning the first , this is certaine , that if love come not accompanyed with feare , the Prince in short time , will grow into contempt : which Moses understanding , who had not perhaps his equall in mildnesse , yet after , for the love hee bore the people , hee had prayed our Lord God , Aut dele me de libro vitae , aut parce populo huic : when he came downe from the mount , hee caused many thousands of them to be out in 〈◊〉 , thereby shewing , that together with the love of the Prince , there should be severity , which begetteth feare . Therefore Saint Austin saith , Estote misericordes , pensantes quantum Moses misericordia floruit propter populum , pro cujus salute petiit deleri de libro vitae ; & quando iterum zelo rectitudinis ; cum obtinuisset Veniam , ait ad populum , Ponat vir gladium super femur suum , Ecce quod vitam omnium cum sua morte petiit , paucorum vita cum gladio destruxit . Intus igne amoris , & foris accensus Zelo Iustitiae & severitatis ; where it is plainly seene , that a Prince ought not onely to be loved , but to bee feared also : seeing love alone of it selfe , is cause of contempt : and therefore Iob said : Si quando ridebam adeos , non credebant ; & Lux vultus mei non cadebat in terra , that is , his Gravity was so great , that though he laughed , yet they stood with feare and reverence : where we must weigh those words ; Lux vultus mei non cadebat in terra , which according to another sense , in the Hebrew , is rendred in Latin , Lucem vultus mei non abiiciebant : that is , they despised not my mirth . So as , Feare is so necessary , that Domitian , although terrible to the Senat , as governing with feare , yet after his death , he was wished for againe of all men , seeing with that feare , he kept his owne officers in awe ; whereupon it happens sometimes , to bee worse for a Prince , with too much mildnesse , to make himselfe be loved , and therefore the Kingdome of France , under Charles the simple , and Charles the grosse , was ( as an Authour writes ) most miserable , on the contrary , at the end of Francis the first , it was a flourishing Kingdome , although they were milde ; and he a sharpe and terrible King ; afterward againe , in the time of Henry his sonne a most gentle Prince , the treasury was all wasted : Pertinax and Heliogabalus with their mildnesse , had brought the Empire almost to ruine , when afterward Severus Africanus , and Alexander Severus raised it up againe , with incomparable Severity . It is not therefore enough for a Prince to be loved , but hee must be feared also .

Concerning the second point , which is , that feare alone is pernicious to a Prince , is easily proved : first , from that place in Genesis where Noe with his sonnes going out of the Arke , our Lord God said unto him , Tremor & Timor vester sit super cuncta Animalia terrae : as though he would say , you must make your selves be feared of beasts , not of men . And therefore Moyses comming downe from the Mount , with a horny splendour , and finding that it made his face strike the people into feare , he covered it with a vaile ; whereby he shewes plainely , that a Prince ought not to make himselfe onely to befeared . This also our Lord Christ shewes , who amongst the first precepts he gave his Apostles , gave this for one , that they should carry no Rod with them ; where S. Ambrose well observes , that a Prince ought to governe more with love then feare . And in another place he saith , David Rex , cum omnibus aequabatsuam militiam , fortis in praelio , mansuetus in Imperio ; Ideo non cecidit , quia charus fuit 〈◊〉 , & diligi a subjectis quam timeri maluit . Timor enim , temporalis tutaminis servat excubias , nescit diuturnitatis custodiam . And therefore it is said in the Psalme , Memento Domine David , & omnis mansuetudinis ejus . Whereupon S. Bernard upon those words of the Canticles , Dilectus meus mihi , & ego illi qui pascitur inter Lilia , amongst those Lillies where the Spouse feedeth , reckons gentlenesse and love , by which he reigned . Specie tua ( saith the Prophet ) & pulchritudine tua , intende prosperè , procede & Regna .

Therefore love alone is not good , because it causeth contempt ; and feare alone is not good , because it begets hatred . This the Ancients meant to signifie , by the Fable of Jupiter , who at the Frogs desire to have a King , gave them a Blocke , and he not stirring , the Frogs despised him ; whereupon Jupiter changed their King , and gave them a Storke ; but he eating them up , they hated him more then they despised the other : by this they meant to shew , that a King should not be so gentle , to have more of the blocke then of the man ; nor yet so severe , as to resemble a beast , in sucking the blood of his Cittizens . A Prince therefore ought to joyne the one with the other ; which how easie and necessary it is , may easily be knowne , if we distinguish feare into two kinds : one , a feare which is but a reverence , as a filiall feare is , whereof , the holy Text in Job saith , Vir rectus timens Deum . The other , a feare which is a terrour ; and this is that feare which Adam had , when he heard the voyce of our Lord God , Adam ubies ? and he answering said , Vocem ●…uam Domine audivi , & abscondime & timui , quia nudus essem . Secondly , we must distinguish of men ; that some are perfect , and some unperfect ; which is common also to all Cities , whether great or small .

I say then , that if the men be imperfect , it is fit to make them feare ; not the filiall , but the servile feare : and therefore Esay saith , Sola vexatio tantum dabit intellectum auditui : and Jeremy , Per omne flagellum , & dolorem erudieris Hierusalem . And Salomon in his Proverbs saith , In labiis sapientis invenitur sapientia , & virga in Dorso ejus , qui indiget corde : by the Rod is meant feare ; and by Ejus qui indiget corde , are meant the wicked ; who are said to be without heart ; as Osee the Prophet saith , Factus est Ephraim , quasi Columba seducta , non habens cor . With these men therefore , it is fit to use a Rod of Iron to make them feare , being the onely meanes to returne the heart into its place . The Ninivites had removed their hearts out of their proper places : and our Lord God , with his Rod , Ad quadraginta dies & Ninive subvertetur , brought them againe into their right places . Because ( as Aristotle in his Physicks saith ) Every thing that is made , proceeds from its like ; but every thing that is borne , from its contrary . Quodlibernon non fit a quolibit , sed a suo contrario . So to beget love , where it is not , we must not use Love , but its contrary , which is feare ; and as in Generation the Contrary departs , when the thing is generated ; so when Love is once generated , the feare departs , whereupon Saint Bernard and Saint Austin , Compare feare to the Needle , and love to the Thread , because the Needle brings in the threed , and having brought it in , departs away . A Prince therefore ought to make himselfe be feared , even with Servile feare , by the wicked .

It remaines to shew , how a Prince ought to carry himselfe , towards men that are good and perfect , but having shewed before , that love alone begets contempt , and feare hatred , it is fit , he make himselfe be loved , and feared , both at one time ; but not with that servile Feare , which for the most part is cause of Rebellions , as was seene at the time , when our Lord God appeared to the Jsraelites upon the Mount ; which begetting in them a great feare , there followed a Rebellion ; but with that f●…are , which is a vertue ; For knowing of which feare , it is to be knowne , that feare may have two objects ; the one is , some terrible mischiefe ; the other is the Person , who hath power to doe the mischiefe ; as Saint Thomas saith : and because our purpose is not in this place , to speake of the first object , but onely of the second ; as speaking of a Prince ; I say , that he may be considered , in as much , as he hath power to hurt , or in as much , as he hath will to hurt : if we consider him , in as much as he hath will to hurt , in this manner , he ought not to make himselfe be feared ; but leave the subjects to feare him of themselves ; So our Lord God would be feared , and not be feared ; So Saint Paul to the Philippians saith , Cum metu & tremore vestram Salutem Operamini : See here , Saint Paul would have us to feare , not of God , that is , that God hath not a will we should be saved ; for , Deus vult ommes homines salvos fieri , but hee would have us to feare , least our actions be such , as to provoke our Lord God to anger . Therefore in the mouth of the Prophet Esay he saith , Feare not , Saint Paul saith , we must feare , Esay saith , wee must not feare , therefore Esay meanes , that we must not feare Gods will , and Saint Paul meanes , that we must feare our owne workes . So a Prince ought not to carry himselfe in such manner , that there be feare of his will , because his will should alwayes be for the good of his subjects ; but that there be feare in the subjects , of their owne workes .

Againe , if we consider the Prince , the second way , that is , in as much as he hath power to hurt , in this sense , he ought so to carry himselfe , that his Person may be feared , because he that hath power to punish , must have ( as Saint Thomas saith ) such eminent authority , as can hardly be resisted , for if it may casily be resisted , it will be no cause of feare . And therefore oftentimes , though there be no feare of mischiefe from One in eminent authority , yet the Reverence that is borne to eminency , is justly called Feare : So in Saint Luke , accepit autem omnes timor , & magnificabant Deum . So also that place of Saint Paul is to be expounded , Reddite omnibus Debita : cui Timorem , timorem ; cui vectigal , vectigal ; and he that will be feared in this manner , must doe some great and wonderfull things ; that men admiring them , may acknowledge his eminency aboue others ; whereupon our Lord Christ , stroke a feare into the Jewes , when they saw him doe such great miracles : Repleti sunt timore , dicentes , quia vidimus Mirabilia hodie . And the subjects , though good , need not be greeved to feare the Prince in this manner ; this being a vertuous feare , which was in Christ also towards his father ; as witnesseth Saint Thomas in the foresaid place , Alensis , Bonaventure , Gabriel , and with them the whole Schoole of Divines . So as a Prince ought to make himselfe universally to be loved , and generally to be feared : in confirmation whereof , S. Gregory saith , Talis debet esse dispenfatio Regiminis , ut his qui praeest , ea se circa subditos mensura moderetur , quatenus & arridens timeri debeat , & Iratus amari , ut eum nec nimia laetitia vilem reddat , nec immoderata severitas odiosum . And in another place , weighing those words of Job , Cum sederem quasi Rex , circumstante exercitis , eram tamen moerentium consolator . S. Gregory exhorts a Prince to doe , as the Samaritan did , who powred into his wound , that was hurt upon the way , Wine and Oyle , Vt per vinum inordeantur vulnera , per oleum faveantur . And the Psalmist saith , Virgatua , & baculus tuus , ipsa me consolata sunt : The Rod serving to strike , and the staffe , to defend . This also was expressed in the Arke , in which , together with the Table of the Law , was put the Rod with the Manna , there being necessarily required for observing the Law , love and feare . In signe whereof , our Lord Christ in his transfiguration upon the Mount Tabor , appeared in the midst , betweene Elias , who to move men , wrought by feare ; and Moyses , who wrought all by love . And therefore in the Scripture , when the qualities of a Prince are spoken of , alwaies with beauty to make him be loved ; there is joyned , Power , to make him be feared . Whereupon in Salomons Epithalamium , after he had praised the Bridegroome for his Beauty ; speciosus prae filiis hominum ; he praiseth him also for his strength ; Accingere gladio tuo super faemur tuum Potentissime . So in Genesis in the Benediction of Juda , and in Deuteronomy , in the Benediction of Joseph : Quasi primogeniti Tauri , pulchritu●…o ejus ; corn●…a Rhinocerontis cornua illius . And in the second of Kings , Saul & Jonathas amabiles & decori in vita sua , & Aquilis velociores , Leonibus fortiores . And of God himselfe the Prophet saith , 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est , indutus est Dominus fortitudinem & praecinxit se : and in the Proverbs , Fortitudo & decor indumentum ejus : and in the 28. Psalme , Dilectus quemadmodum filius unicornium ; that is , though as beautifull , he is worthy to be loved , yet as powerfull also he deserves to be feared .

A Prince then ought to make himselfe be feared of wicked men , with a servile feare , and this he shall doe if he duely punish them for their faults ; and he ought also to make himselfe be feared of good men , with a reverentiall feare : and this he shall doe , if he give proofe of his valour , by doing great actions : ( as I have shewed before ) which justly make a Prince be feared with reverentiall feare . And because above all things , he ought to procure the love of his subjects ; we must know , that never was any Prince so good , whom some of his subjects did not hate ; nor ever any so bad , whom some of his subjects did not love : as may be seene in Tarquinius Superbus , whom some of the principall youth of the City so much loved , that they made a conspiracy in his behalfe . So Nero ( as Galba witnessed ) had many that loved him ; Nero à pessimo quoque desiderabitur . And this happens by reason of sympathy of conditions ; there being in all Cities , whether little or great , some men that are warlike , and some peaceable ; some that are ignorant , and some learned ; some that are good , and some bad : whereupon seeing a Prince must of necessity be either good or bad ; war-like , or peaceable ; ignorant , or learned ; it will follow , that if he be learned , he shall be hated of the ignorant ; if he be war-like , of the peaceable ; if good , of the bad . And this is the work of contraries , whose nature being to destroy one another , it is as impossible that one of these should love the other , as it is impossible , that one should love his owne destruction .

The second difficulty , which makes it hard for a Prince to procure himselfe to be beloved , is justice ; which if it be not duely administred , it makes a Prince odious to all good men ; and if it be duely executed , either in civill or criminall causes , it will be an occasion every yeere to get him the hate of many , and even of those that are good , there being few men that like of justice , when it goes not on their side . These many then , whose hatred the Prince is like every yeere to incurre , being multiplied many yeeres , must needs at last make a mighty number ; and from hence , ( as I conceive ) may be drawne an excellent reason how it happens in governments , that the first yeere for the most part Governours are well beloved ; the second yeere , they are hated , and the third yeere detested : as every one looking into it , of himselfe may see .

Yet a Prince amidst all these difficulties , must not be discouraged : First , because he need not care much to be loved of any , but onely of the good : to which purpose Galba said , it needed not trouble them , to see Nero beloved of the wicked ; but this was a matter that needed regard , to give no occasion , he should be wished for againe of the good : Nero a pessimo quoque desiderabitur : Mihi ac tibi providendum est , ne etiam a bonis desideretur . Secondly , the end of a Prince , is as of an Oratour , or of a Physitian , who being to introduce a forme in another , and not having it in their power to doe it , yet they have discharged their office , if they have applied fit meanes to introduce it : no better a Physitian is he that heales , then he that heales not ; nor any better Oratour he that perswades , then he that perswades not ; so long as they use the fittest meanes , he to heale , and this to perswade . So for our purpose , seeing love is in him that loveth , in such manner , as honour is in him that honoureth : a Prince shall have performed his charge , and done as much as he need to doe , as long as he hath used all fit meanes , to procure his subjects love , by doing good to all , by maintaining them in plenty , by shewing himselfe farre from cruelty , by defending them from their enemies : and finally , by making it appeare , that he loves them exceedingly ; seeing this is a sure rule , He that will be loved , must love .

Vnum esse Reipublicae Corpus , atque nuius animo Regendum .

Whether an Aristocracy , or a Monarchy be the more profitable for a City . The nine and thirtieth Discourse .

ASinius Gallus having too sharply spoken to Tiberius , and finding his owne errour , and the Princes indignation ; meant with a flattering speech , to cover the one , and pacifie the other : and therefore shewed , that for an Empire to be well governed , it was necessary it should be governed by one alone . And because from this place of Tacitus many gather , that he held the government of a Monarchy to be better then that of optimates : I conceive it to be no digression from our purpose , that I shew first , according to my understanding , the truth of this question ; and then declare , how this place of Tacitus must be understood . And herein , no man need to marvell , that I vary from the opinions , or to say better , from the approved opinions , of many excellent men , as though I meant to vilifie them ; but I desire they would take into consideration , the River of Rho●…e , which although it seeme by his course , as though it meant to drown the legitimate sons of the Celti , yet indeed it exalts them , and gives a true testimony of their legitimate birth to all that see it . So it will be no small matter , if I with my weaknesse , can make the others worth appeare the greater .

To come then to the matter : It is commonly held , and all men almost are of opinion , that a Monarchy is the better . For proving whereof , there being two waies ; one , Authority : the other , Reason : in each of these , there will not be wanting meanes sufficient to make it plaine . In considering authority , the first that present themselves , are the holy Fathers , S. Chrysostome , Justin , Athanasius , Gyprian , S. Hierome , and finally S. Thomas in many places . Secondly , come Philosophers , naturall and morall : Plato , Aristotle , Sen●…ca , Plutarch , Herodotus , and finally amongst Poets , Homer .

If we come to reasons , there present themselves an infinite number : and first , if we consider profit , we shall finde , ( as S. Thomas saith ) that a more profitable government cannot be found , then that of a Monarch ; seeing the profit & welfare of that which is governed , that is , of Cities and Provinces , consists in nothing but in conserving of unity , which we call peace : at which , they who governe must chiefly aime : and seeing there is no government so fit to preserve peace , as that of a King , we cannot choose but give it the name , to be the better , and the more profitable . Because peace consists in nothing but unity , which certainely is better had in one , who is by himselfe one , as a King is ; then in those that are many , as Optimates are : as we see , 〈◊〉 thing which is hot of it selfe , is a more efficient cause of heating , then that which is but hot by accident , the state of Optimates being never good , but in as much as they who govern it , approach by accidentall union , to be one .

But laying profit aside , and entring into consideration , which of them is most naturall , who sees not , that a Monarchy is the most ? seeing nature governes and moves all the parts of our bodies , by one onely which is the heart : likewise the sensitive soule is governed by the rationall ; and Bees naturally are governed by one that is King : and if Artificiall things be so much the better , as they imitate nature ; and the Artificers worke be so much the perfecter , as it holds similitude with nature ; then certainely , must every one needs yeeld , that in the multitude of governments that State is the best , which is governed by one alone .

Againe , if we looke upon experience , we shall find , that in a house , there is but one Master ; in a flocke , but one Shepheard ; and in the old Testament , the Israelites were alwaies governed by one alone , whether under Kings , or under Judges .

But laying also this aside , and comming to examine the power : who sees not that a Monarchy is farre more potent then an Aristocracy , considering that of the foure Empires and powers of the World : that is , the Assyrians , the Persians , the Grecians , and the Romans ; onely one of them was under Optimates .

Then if we consider order : where is it more found , then in a Monarchy ? where every one is subject , but he onely that rules the rest ; there being no order betweene equals , but onely betweene superiour and inferiour .

If then we consider duration and stability , this certainely is most found in the government of one alone , seeing Omne Regnum in se divisum desolabitur : and every one knowes , that division fals out more easily in an Optimacy , then in a Monarchy : as experience hath made it manifest in the Monarchy of Ninus , which continued without interruption , a thousand two hundred and ninety yeeres . If then we consider , which is furthest off from discords , we may take example in Rome , which was never without discords , but when it was under Kings .

But laying all these considerations aside , it will be proofe enough of this assertion , to consider the similitude , that is betweene the government of God , and that of a Monarch , because as he rules all the World , so a King rules all his subjects .

By these reasons it might be concluded , that a Monarchy , as being most profitable , most naturall , most potent , most durable , most orderly , most free from discords , and finally most like to the government of God , should without comparison be better , then a State of Optimates . But seeing there are many difficulties in the question , I hope I shall have leave to examine the truth of it a little better . And where it may be discoursed of in two senses ; the spirituall , and the temporall : In the spirituall , it cannot be denied , against Calvin and other hereticks , but that a Monarchy is the best kind of government that can be given : and of this there needs be no disputing , being as cleare as the Sunne , both by authority of Scripture , by determination of Councels , by consent of the Church , and finally by the common opinion of all the Fathers , such a Monarchy having been instituted by our Lord Christ himselfe .

But in the second case , which is , considering it in the temporall sense ; I hold the Question may hold disputation , and be handled politically : where we shall not find , all the reasons that were in the former : because a King , as a King , may erre a thousand times a day : but the Pope , as Pope , can never erre , as being assisted by the Holy Ghost . Whereupon , as it is undoubted , that in the spirituall , there cannot a better government be then a Monarchy : so in the Temporall , every one may be left to take which side he likes best . The first question being betweene an Israelite , and an Egyptian , was consequently easily determined by Moses ; but the second betweene the Israelite , and the Israelite , was very hard to be determined . And therefore as 〈◊〉 . Gregory Nyssen well observes , by killing the Egyptian , Moses ended that strife , but for the strife between the two Israelites , he was never able to accord them . So the strife , which we had with Heretickes may easily be determined , by killing them with the holy Scripture , but with strifes that grow between our selves , are left to every ones free liking : and therefore very hardly can be ended .

He then that would hold an Aristocracy to be better then a Monarchy , might easily prove it by reason , and by authority . By reason , because ( as S. Thomas saith excellently well ) that government is the best , and the most profitable , that can best procure the unity of the Cittizens : whereupon we must necessarily confesse , that an Optimacy is the best ; for seeing that an univocall riseth not but from an univocall ; and that the unity of the Optimates is more univocall to that unity which is required in the people , then the unity of a Monarch is ; therefore also it is more fit , and able to produce it : for , the unity of the Prince , is an unity of person , and of end : unity of person , as much as to say unity of number : as being one alone , unity of end , because all his cares are directed to one sole end , which is the good of his subjects ; but the unity of the Optimates , is an unity of end , in plurality of persons , I say plurality , but not disunion ; because the Optimates being many persons , cannot have unity of number , but agreeing in the end which is the good of the City , in this they are one . And the unity of subjects ought to be an unity of end , in plurality of persons : so as by this , it manifestly appearing that the unity of the Optimates is more univocall with that of the people , then the unity of the King is ; therefore consequently it must be granted , that it is more able to produce it . There being two things necessary to generation , ( as Cajetan saith ) first , the distinction of that which is generated , from that which generates : the second , that there be a similitude in nature , between the one and the other , because , that which Generates , intends to introduce a thing like to it selfe , and therefore ( saith he ) where there is more Identity and similitude in nature , betweene that which Generates and that which is generated , there the generation will be perfitter , and more easie , and from hence it comes that the Univocall generation is more excellent then the Equiuocall , and therefore , seeing the Identity , betweene the unity of the Optimates , and that of the People , is more then the unity of the Prince , and that of the People ; it followes , that the generation shall be more noble , more persit and more easie , and the more , seeing that unity of a King , which is unity of number , is rather contrary to the union we speake off , because as one in number is a denying of more parts ; So unity in number , is an affirming of more parts , rather that one , which is of number , is the ruine of a City ; as Aristotle prooves strongly against Plato , where he saith ; Atqui constat , quod ea si procedat , ut una fiat magis Civitas non erit . Est enim Civitas multitudo qu●…dam , secundum Naturam , quae dum fit una magis Domus erit ex Civitate , & homo ex Domo . Vnam enim magis Domum censemus esse quam Civitatem , & hominem unum quam Domum ; quare etiamsi posset quis●…iam am hoc facere , tamen non esset faciendum , 〈◊〉 perimit Civitatem . So as , a City should not make it selfe one in number , but in discipline , as the said Aristotle saith , Oportet cum Civitas sit multitudo , per Disciplinam communem facere . And although , to shew that the unity of a King is better , then that of Optimates ; It might be said , that the unity of number shewes Perfection ; God being one by reason of Perfection : and many holding , that in every sort of Angells , there is one chiefe : as that which concernes their Perfection ; yet I could easily answer with Saint Thomas : that one as it implies Negation , addes nothing to the Perfection of being ; and if we take one as excluding other things , and as in its formall sense , it signifies to be alone and solitary : This of it selfe expresseth no Perfection , but rather many times imperfection , because in God , the being alone by Essence , proceeds from Perfection ; but if he should be one in Person , it should be an imperfection . So as one , if you take it for solitary ; signifies not so much Perfection , as imperfection .

But if we come to consider the Naturalnes of this government ; we cannot then have a better thing , to make it manifest , then the government of our body , which accordingto the doctrin of Plato ( with the consent of Aristotle ) is governed by nature Aristocratically , with three faculties , The sensitive , the Animall , and the Vitall ; the sensitive consisting in the Braine , which is the Beginning of all the sinewes ; the vitall , in the heart , the beginning of all the Arteries ; The Animall in the Liver , the Fountaine of all the veines : whereupon every member containing Arteries , Nerves and veines , they consequently are governed by three , by the liver , by the heart , and by the braine ; and therefore that Doctrine of the heart , which is brought in opposition , is false , which Aristotle in his workes of Physick , hath many times confuted . And their Reason , to say a house is governed by one alone , is of no force : which rather is a reason that makes for us , seeing that , as nature , amongst things that are unequall , as those in a house are , hath ordained the Government of one alone , so betweene those that are Equall , as it is in a Citt●…y , there should be an Optimacy , which by 〈◊〉 : in the first of his Politicks , is plainly Intimated . Neither is it of any force to say , that Bees naturally are governed by one alone , or that the sensitive soule is governed by the Rationall , or that a Flock is guided by one Shepheard , seeing the King of the Bees ( as Pliny saith ) is much greater then any of the other bees , & the rational faculty is so much more noble then the sensitive that hardly there can be assigned any proportion : & finally , the shepheard is so beyond comparison superiour to the flock , that it is most reasonable & indeed most naturall , hee should command ; and therefore when in a City , there is any one found , so much superiour to all the rest , as the King of the Bees is in greatnesse to the other Bees ; or so much in Noblenesse , as the rationall faculty is to the sensitive , or so much in ability , as the Shepheard is to the flock , then such a one in all reason should be King ; as Aris●…otle grants where he saith : Quicunque igitur distant tantum quantum Animus a corpore , & homo a bestia , per hunc modum se habent : having said before , Hic imperans , illa vero parens . And in another place he saith , if any one in a City , be found so much excelling all the rest , as Jupiter excells men , that man by right should be made King : Sed siquis excellat virtute , quid de eo sit faciendum ? Non enim dicendum est , ut talis vir sit de civitate pellendus : atqut neque gubernationi aliorum , talis vir erit subjiciendus , perinde enim est , ac si qui Jovem Gubernare velint . This very thing God meant to shew , when he gave to man the rule over beasts as Salomon Interprets it , when asking wisedome , to the end God should give it him , he said Et sapientia tua constituisti hominem ut Dominaretur ; as though he would say , as thou hast shewed , in giving Regall Dominion to man , that hee who will governe others , should in wisdome be as much superiour to his subjects , as a man is to Beasts : so you are bound , having made me King over so many People , to give a like proportion of wisedome , as not able otherwise to deserve to be a King .

With this supposition then we may grant , that the government of a monarch is the better , as wherof we have an example in the Pope : but this is to handle the question Secundu quid : for if we handle it simpliciter ; we denyit .

If we come to consider the Power , which is required for Augmentation , I then verily thinke there is none so ignorant , but that he knowes , how much an Optimacy is fitter for augmenting , then a Monarchie , whereof we have Example in Athens , which , assoone as it freed it selfe from the Tyranny of Pisistratus , It presently grew to be of inestimable greatnesse . And if you will not stand to this Example , then take Rome , which was no sooner freed from Kings , but that it came to so great greatnesse , that it could not be oppressed but by it selfe . And it availes not to say , that of the foure Empires , one onely was a Common-wealth , that is , that of the Romanes , and that the other three were Monarchies , as that of the Assyrians , of the Persians and of the Graecians , because if this reason were of any force , It would prove , that a Tyranny is the best government of all , seeing it is then a Monarchie , when the subjects are used , as Children , and not as the Persians and Medes did , and at this day , the Turke , who useth his subjects as servants , or to say better , as slaves .

In comming to consider duration ; I care not to prove , that Optimacy continues longer , then Monarchie , seeing this would not serve to prove my intent that therefore it is better , for duration as Aristotle saith , encreaseth not goodnesse , and therefore one white thing , that continues longer then another , is not thereby whiter then the other ; but rather the best things of this world , as they are hard to find , so being found , they are soonest lost , as Galen faith of bodyes , that are come to the height of health ; and Tacitus , the like of states ; whereupon it is no marvell , that the Monarchie of the Assyrians continued longer , then any Common-wealth ever did , which happened , because Tyranny held a proportion with that People , seeing People that are 〈◊〉 , are necessarily to be governed by a Monarch , and not by Optimates . And therefore our Lord God , alwayes governed the Israelites by one alone , because that rude people was not able to suffer Liberty , as liking better to live under a Tyrant , as they made appeare , when they demanded a King of Samuel ; for though he threatned them , they ●…hould have a Tyrant , yet this made them not give over their demand . So when the Senat of Rome granted liberty , to Paslagonia and Cappadocia ; the Cappadocians saying they could not live without a King , the Senat was faine to send them Ariobarzanus , to be their King ; whereof Livie saith , Barbari quibus pro legibus semper Dominorum Imperia fuerunt , quo gaudent , Reges habeant ; and Aristotle speaking of this shewes , that they were by Nature made to serve ; Obidenim ( saith he ) quia magis aptae sunt Natura ad serviendum Nationes barbarum quam Graecorum ; & eorum qui in colunt Asiam : quam eorum qui Europam , per serunt servile Jugum aequo animo , & ob hoc Tyrannica sunt 〈◊〉 Regna . And therefore from hence , there can no argument be drawne , that Monarchie , is a better government then Optimacy , seeing ( as Aristotle saith ) although one Forme of Common-wealth be in it selfe better ; yet for some people , another that is not good , may be more profitable . There might also be brought another Reason , why Tyrannies are of longer Continuance , then Aristocracies , a Reason , which hath beene intimated , by a certaine Author ; and it is because they are more hard to be surprised , because where all are servants , there can be none to lend a hand , to let in strangers , as hath beene often done in France , in England , and other places : which will alwayes happen , and hath often happened to Monarchies , because such Princes hold their subjects rather as Companions , then as slaves ; and therefore in this point , the Turke stands secure ; and if Alexander Magnus overcame Darius , it was his owne Act. It is indeed true , that as Monarchies are more hardly taken then Common-wealths ; so more easily they are held , where common-wealths are easily taken , ( all the subject Cities being male content , & consequently ready to assist strangers ; but being taken , they are hard to be held by reason of the name of Liberty ; which makes them apt every minute to fall into rebellion . Tyranny then is the most durable of all kinds of states , and if the reason above alleaged were of force it would prove it also to be the best , which no man that hath braines will say . But let us come to consider the order of Optimates ; which is the same , that is in an I●…strument of Musick , order so much commanded by all the Holy Fathers , and by all Philosophers ; where many Diverse sounds make but one sound , of which order , Saint Chrisostome in admiration saith Et est videre mirabilem rem : in multis unum : & in uno multa . And then , if they will consider , the unaptnesse it hath to Discords , let him take the City of Venice for an example , which for many ages together , hath never had any . And it availes not to say , that where many are , they may be at ods betweene themselves , but one cannot be at oddes with himselfe , for I answer with Aristotle , Quod studiosi viri sunt omnes ut Ille unus . And the Example of Rome is of no force , because when the Discord entred betweene the Nobility and the People , It was not then an Optimacy but a mixt Estate : and by reason of the predominating Element , might be called a Popular state , and if ever it were an Optimacy , it was in the beginning , in which they lived in exceeding great concord , untill the state came to be corrupted , rnd here we must advertise , that when we compare a Monarchie with an Optimacy , wee compare them in their perfection , and not in their corruption : because it is of the Essence of an Optimacy , that all in it should be good men , for else we should dispu●…e Aequivocally .

But to let many other things passe , who knowes not that a City will be better governed by Optimates ; then by a Monarch ? seeing the most virtuous , Governes best , and a King being but one virtuous , and the Optimates many vertuous , seeing many know more then one , although that one , in some thing may exceed those many , as Aristotle excellently shewes in his Politicks , yet if you grant that the Optimates be all vertuous men ; you must withall grant , that they are able to governe better , then any King whatsoever ; and the rather , because a King deserves then most praise , when he is governed himselfe by good counsellours , and consequently in as much as he is ruled by many , in the manner of Optimates . So our Lord God appointed Moses , that he should rule by the counsell of Iethro . And this me thinkes might serve to make men capable , that an Optimacie is better , then a Monarchie , yet there is a further Reason : For not onely an Optimacy may Governe bet●…er , as being more vertuous ; but as being more then a King , who not being able himselfe alone , to governe all the state , Solus illud non poteris sustinere ; he must of necessity commit it to officers ; and who knowes not , 〈◊〉 how much more love and Iustice the people are governed , by the Lords themselves being vertuous , then under a King by officers that are strangers ; they governing their owne , and these another mans ; and therefore Aristotle speaking against Plato saith ; that Propriety , a thing being ones own●… , is a speciall cause of love , and makes the greater care be taken of it , Nam de propriis maxime Curant homines ; and if men ( as he shewes ) use little diligence , in things that are common ; they will use much lesse in things that are neither common nor proper : as we see it daily , ( though it be but a homely instance ) that a husband-man will till land better , that is his owne possession , then that which he is hired to till ; as in that , regarding his owne particular profit ; in this ; the Common : in the one , the present onely , in the other , the present and the future both . And if it be answered , that a King may have good officers ; I say , that when we grant the government of a King , to be good , wee 〈◊〉 , that he be good himselfe ; but it followes not , that a good King must necessarily have good Officers , seeing it is not a thing essentiall to him : and though we should grant it to be essentiall , yet it is not constituent , but onely consequent ; though I rather thinke it is neither one nor other ; but for the present , let it it be as it will : This is most certaine , that in Optimacy , for all to be good , is both essentiall and constituent ; for otherwise ( as I have said ) we shall but labour in Aequivocals .

Also secrecy gives an Optimacy right to be preferred before a Monarchy : for proofe whereof , the example of onely the Venetians may suffice , who ( as Guicciardine relates ) have alwaies kept their counsels secret : a thing which Princes cannot doe ; who being to consult with persons , not interressed in the affaires that are handled , can never be sure , but that they may reveale them . And though none of these reasons were sufficient to winne perswasion to this opinion , yet this certainly must needs be sufficient , to shew , how much the government of God , is more like to an Optimacy , then to a Monarchy : and this will be easily shewed , because our Lord God operates Immediatione virtutis ; and is , in all things , I●…diatione suppositi : to which kind of operating and being , the Optimates approach neerer , then the Monarch ; who must of necessity make use of Officers , as not able being but one , to be himselfe in all places : whereby it often happens , that a State is more governed by the Officers vertue , then by the vertue of the Prince . But the Optimates being many , may all together doe that of themselves , which a Prince doth together with officers , and may governe the State by their owne vertue , and consequently operate Immediatione virtutis : yet I meane it , in the manner , that a second cause can operate : knowing well , not onely in Theologicall verity , but also in Philosophicall doctrine , that all vertue proceeds from Heaven : as Aristotle in his Meteors teacheth us , where he saith , Oportet hunc mund●…m inferiorem , superioribu●… lationibus esse contiguum : and therefore in a certaine manner , the government of Optimates is more like to that of God . And it availes not to say , that our Lord God is but one alone , that governes the whole world ; because in him is one Essence , indeed one Will , one Soule , one Intellect onely ; but then in three Persons really distinct , in three Suppositi , in three Hypostases , in three Substances ; ( as substance is distinct from Accidents , which are In alio tanquam in subjecto . ) And finally in three Subsistences , as subsistence signifies Essentiam per se subsistentem : which three Persons , doe in such sort governe the universe , that although the workes of Creation be attributed to the Father , the workes of Wisedome to the Sonne , the workes of Love and Grace to the Holy Ghost ; yet all the three concurre equally in all workes ad extra , which are common to them all . The Universall therefore is governed by three Persons with one will alone : and the Divine Unity , is an unity of end in plurality of Persons , such as we have shewed the unity of Optimates to be . And this is that unity , which our Lord Christ , desires should be in us , as being like his owne , as he sheweth in S. John , where he saith , Pater Sancte serva eos in nomine tuo ( speaking to his Father ) quos dedist●… mihi 〈◊〉 sint unus sieuti & nos . And a little after , Non pro eis rogo tantum , sed & pro eis qui crediture sunt per verba 〈◊〉 , in me ; 〈◊〉 omnes 〈◊〉 sint , sicut tu Pater in me , & 〈◊〉 in te . So this is a cleere Text , and by every one interpreted to be meant of that unity , which ought to be in all the faithfull , which our Lord God would have to be like the unity of the Divine Persons : and as in them there is a reall distinction of persons in unity of Essence ; so in the many faithfull , there ought to be one Spirit , one love , one will . They then that have plurality of persons in one will , are in that manner one , as the Father , the Sonne and the Holy Ghost are , as in the Gospell our Lord Christ expounds it .

And now who is he , that by the force of so many reasons , will not confesse , that an Optimacy , as being more profitable , more Noble , more potent , more naturall , more secret , more concordant : and finally more like to the government of God , is farre a better kind of state then Monarchy .

As for authorities , I commonly make no great reckoning , but only of those which I am bound to beleeve , by commandement of the holy Church ; other authorities must convince by reason : and this leave S. Austin gives me , where he saith , Neque quorum libet disputationes quamvis Catholicorum & laudatorum hominum velut Scripturas Canonicas habere debemus ; ut nobis non liceat , salva Honorificentia , quae●…illis debeatur hominibus , aliquid in eorum scriptis improbare , atque respuere , si forte invenerimus quod aliter senserint , quam veritas habet , divino adjutorio , ut ab aliis intellecta ●…nobis . Talis ego sum in scriptis alionum , quales volo esse intellectores meorum . And in another place he saith , Sacrae Scripturae est adhihenda fides , alios autem Scriptores licet nobis impugnare . But because it becomes not my youth and weaknesse , to stand in defiance with so many excellent and worthy men ; I will endeavour to make it appeare , that some of the Authours cited before for the contrary , spake not in our sence ; and that some of them speake of our side ; some of them irresolutely , and some again , with passion .

Beginning then with the holy Fathers , I say , they spake in another sence , meaning it of the spirituall Monarchy : and though many times they speake generally , which may reach as well to a temporall Monarchy , yet this they did to the end , that Heretickes seeing it granted them , in the government of Cities , an Optimacy to be better then a Monarchy , should not from hence take occasion to affirme the like of the spirituall Monarchy , And this is a course , that hath been much used by the holy Fathers , who sometimes have not yeelded to things most cleere and evident , onely because they would not give hereticks occasion , by ill interpreting them , to make simple people encline to their opinions . It is a matter cleere and evident , and granted by all Divines , that in God there are three Hypostases , and yet many of the holy Fathers , and particularly S. Hierome , have not been willing to grant it ; for no other reason , but least Gatholicks granting three Hypostases , heretickes should thereupon make simple people beleeve , that in God there were three Essences : and this interpretation is made of it , by all the Doctours upon S. Thomas .

Leaving then the opinion of these Fathers , who speake in another sense , let us come to Philosophers : where I cannot but account my assertion safe ; having Aristotle , Plato , and Pythagoras of my side . And it availos not to say , that Aristotle in his Ethicks understands it one way ; and in his Metaphysicks another : seeing Aristotle when he speakes of the same things in divers Bookes , speakes of them diversly ; and Arts and Sciences consider oftentimes the same things , and yet not in the same manner . A Philosopher and a Physitian , both of them consider the same body ; but a Physitian considers it as it is capable of healing , and a Philosopher as it is capable of motion . So as I never make reckoning of the authority of Aristotle ; but in places , where he handles Ex professo ; because many times , he discourseth in one manner morally in his Ethicks : and in another manner diversly in his Politickes ; so in his Rhetoricks , he speakes of felicity in one manner , and in his Ethicks in another . In his Physicks he discourseth as a Philosopher one way , another way in is Problemes . The authority then of Aristotle in matters Politicall , must be taken from his Politicks ; where I am much deceived , but he is of my opinion : though all men cite him for the contrary ; I know not how he could possibly speake more plainely , then where in his Politicks he saith , Si ergo plurium Gubernatio bonorum autem virorum omniae Optimatium dicitur , unius autem Regnum , optabilius esset civitatibus ab optimis Gubernari , quam a Rege . And in a thousand other places , whereof some are cited here and there in my Discourse ; and other , every one may looke out of himselfe , being all so cleere that they have no need of my interpreting them . It is true indeed , that once he was transpoted to say , that the Regall government is the best of all ; because a Tyranny is the worst : but he spake then in Idaea , meaning if there could be found one as much superiour to others , as God is to men : and therefore in another place , where he leaves his Idaea , and comes to Fact , he saith , that all Kings are tyrants : seeing there cannot any one be found , so much superiour to others in goodnesse , as that he should be worthy to command alone . Non fiunt nunc amplius Regna ( saith Aristotle ) sed si qua fiunt , Monarchiae , & Tyrannides magis sunt ; Ob id quia 〈◊〉 spontanea Gubernatio est , ac Majorum proprie , & plurimi pares sunt , neque usque adeo praesellentes , ut ad magnitudinem , dignitatemque 〈◊〉 gradus se possint attollere . And then that reason , which Aristotle brings , 〈◊〉 bona pessima , is false ; and is not to be understood as men commonly take it . To prove it to be false , is easie : seeing not onely Plato , but Aristotle himselfe saith , that the government of Optimates , is better then the popular : yet in the second of his Politicks he saith , that the worst formes of government , are a Tyranny , and a Democracy ; so as if that reason were true , the corruption of Optimates should be worse then that of the people . Besides I should alwaies hold , that the corruption of an Optimacy is worse then that of a Monarchy ; seeing an evill is so much worse as it is multiplied : specially , being impossible that those few should ever be in concord . And in truth , this reason may be strongly fortified by example ; seeing in the government of Caesar , Pompey , and Crassus , and in that of Lepidus , Anthony , and Augustus , both of them comprised under the worst forme of a few , assigned by Aristotle ; the Commonwealth of Rome , was more torne and wasted then under Nero , or any other Tyrant whatsoever . Then againe , the proposition is not so to be understood , but thus , that an evill will appeare so much worse , as a man hath beene accustomed to a greater good , as it would be a greater evill , to a Prince who hath alwaies lived deliciously , to be cast into prison , or into servitude , then to a Husbandman that hath beene used to digging and hardnesse ; because in the Prince is corrupted a greater good : but in Genere entis , the same evill is all one , to a Husbandman , and to a Prince . Thus much by way of digression .

To returne to our purpose . As concerning Plato , although he be alledged for the contrary , yet seeing he is but wavering , and speakes diversly ; sometimes , as in his Dialogues of a Common-wealth , that an Optimacy is the best ; and sometimes as in his Dialogues of a Kingdome , that a Monarchy is the best : and oftentimes , that a government mixt of People and Tyrant is the best : we shall doe well to waive his words , and have recourse to that he shewed in de eds , as better expressing mens minds then words . And Plato being asked of Dio , how a Common-wealth might best be governed , he found fault with Monarchy , and counselled him to bring in Optimacy : by which it appeares , that this indeed , was his very opinion . Now for Pythagoras , we say , The Pythagorans endeavoured all they could , to bring into Italy the government of Optimates : and if it succeeded not , yet that happened not for want of judgement , but of forces . Then for Plutarch , if he understood it otherwise , we may say he had reason , as being the Schoolmaster to an Emperour ; and therefore should have shewed himselfe very simple , to blame a Monarchy . As for Homer , he no doubt is most fit to be brought in proofe of that , which I my selfe in another Discourse , have resolved ; which is , that an Army indeed , should be governed by one alone , the Verse which is commonly alledged out of Homer , being spoken by Agamenmon to the Army . And lastly , Herodotus also had reason to conclude , that amongst the Persians , a Monarchy was a fitter government then an Aristocracy ; because the Persians were a rude imperfect Nation , as we have shewed in another place .

But because the most of the Arguments , brought against my opinion , are taken out of a booke of S. Thomas , intituled , De Regimine Principis : I desire men would take notice , that I goe not about , to impugne the Doctrine of that Saint , of whom I have made choice for my Advocate with God , and for my Master in all Sciences : but the truth is , that booke is none of S. Thomases , as is easily proved , seeing in that booke many persons are spoken of , which lived not till long after S. Thomas his time , as in the 20. Chapter of the third Booke , De Regimine Principis , it is said , that Adul phus succeeded Ridolphus Count of Habspurg in the Empire , which hapned in the yeere 1292. full eighteen yeeres after S. Thomas was dead ; and in many other places , which for brevity I omit . But let the booke be whose it will , there is nothing in it against my opinion ; seeing he meanes onely , that a Monarchy is the better , where the people are imperfect : and this is no more , then what I have said my selfe . As in his fourth book , and eighteenth Chapter he saith , Quaedam autem Provinciae , sunt servilis naturae , & tales Gubernari debent Principatu Despotico ; Includendo in Despotico etiam 〈◊〉 qui autem Virilis animi , & audacia Cordis , & in Confidentia suae Intelligentiae sunt ; tales regi non possunt , nisi Principatu Politico ; communi nomine extendendo ipsum ad Aristocraticum . This Text sufficiently shewes the Authours opinion ; and it differs not from mine .

As for the authority of Tacitus , before alleadged ; it is easily answered , if we consider , that he speaks not those words as his owne opinion : but by the mouth of Asinius Gallus , who having offended the Prince before , meant afterward by flattering words to pacifie him .

In the last place I advertise , that I counsell not People to change their government , though it be not an Optimacy ; but rather , I like that every Country should keepe the forme of government they have ; Ferenda Regum Ingenia ( saith Tacitus ) neque usui Crebras mutationes ; and in another place , Vlteriora mirari , Praesentia sequi : bonos Jmperatores Voto expetere , qualeseunque tolerare , because to alter the forme of government , is a mischievous thing : not onely when it is good ; but even when it is bad ; whereupon it is better to endure a Tyrant , then to rise up against him : for if he should prevaile , he would grow more cruell , as having beene provoked ; and if he should be put downe , there would grow a thousand differences about ordering the government : and oftentimes he , that was the forwardest to put downe the Tyrant ; would be the readiest to be Lord in his place , and would then governe the more cruelly , for feare to be put downe , as his Predecessour was . And this is his Doctrin , that made the Booke De Regimine Principis . Let People therefore keepe that forme of government they have , and remember that notable Aphorisme of Hippocrates , Consueta longo tempore , etiamsi deteriora , Insuetis minus molesta esse solent .

Lastly I advertise , that governments would be proportioned to the Nature of the People ; and therefore in some places a Monarchie may do well , where an Optimacy would not ; whereupon , we see many Cities in 〈◊〉 , as Perugia , Florence , Siena , Bolonia , & others , which never were in peace , till they came to be under a Prince .

Nec ideo Iram ejus lenivit pridem in visus , tanquam ducta in matrimonium . Vipsania Marci Agrippae filia ; quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat ; plusquam Civilia agitaret .

That it is a great helpe for attaining a Kingdome , to have a wife of the blood Royall : and in what danger a Prince is , that hath none but daughters . The Fortieth Discourse .

HAving at this time , no conveniency to Discourse upon all the Bookes of Tacitus : I am forced to take all occasion , though never so small , to handle those things , which more properly would be treated of in another place ; I shall therefore desire my reader , that if in these Discourses , I open many Sentences of Tacitus , which might fitter be opened somewhere else ; it may be rather attributed , to defect of occasion , then to want of Judgement .

This Passage of Tacitus , in which Tiberius shewed himselfe doubtfull of Asinius Gallus , that Plusquam Civilia agitaret , as having taken one to wife , that had beene his wife before : gives me occasion , first to shew there is great reason to suspect such , as get them wives of the blood Royall ; as being a speciall helpe for attaining the Empire , and having attained it , to maintaine it . Secondly , to shew the danger a Prince is in , that hath none but Daughters ; and lastly to shew the course he ought to hold , that would secure himselfe in these cases . Saul had reason to doubt David , having taken his daughter Micholl to wife , and knowing this important point of state ; he sought by a thousand impertinencies to free himselfe , but being forced at last to give her to him , the Scripture relates , that he then began to fea re David exceedingly , whereupon it is said , Deditque ei Saul Micholl filiam suam , and it followes , Michol autem diligebat eum , & Saul caepit timere David . The most wise Salomon who also knew this danger , when Bersabee unadvisedly asked Abisac the Shunamite for Adoniah , answered , Quare postulas Abisac Shunamite Adoniae ? Postula ei & Regnum ; and as he denyed to Adoniah his wife , So Tiberius denied to Agrippina her husband , whereof Tacitus speaking , saith ; Caesar non ignarus quantum ex Repubitca peteretur , ne tamen offensionis aut metus manifestus foret , sine reponso , quanquam Instantem reliquit . Likewise the same Tiberius knew , that when Seianus demanded Livia , who had beene the wife of Drusus , it was as much as to demand the Kingdome , and therfore denyed her to him , saying Falleris enim Seiane si te mansurum in 〈◊〉 Ordine putas , & Liviam quae Caio Caesari , mox Druso nupta fuerat , ea mente acturam ut cum equite Romano senes●…at . It is no marvell also , if ●…itellius shewed to be afraid of Dolobella , as being in the same case Tiberius was with Asinius Gallus , having taken her to wife , who had beene his wife before ; Vitellius metu & odio ( saith Tacitus ) quod Petroniam uxorem ejus mox Dolobella in matrintonium accepisset , vocatum per epistolas , vitata Flaminiae viae celebritate , divertere Interamnam , atque ibi Jnterfici Iussit . And therefore Phalti shewed great Iudgement , who when Micholl marryed before to David , was given him by Saul , yet he never touched her , but ( as Rabbi Salomon saith ) laid a sword betweene Micholl and himselfe , when he was in bed with her , to keepe him from touching her : and indeed it was well he did so , seeing no sooner was Saul dead , but that David , not thinking himselfe King , if his wife were married to another , said to Abner , Non videbis faciem meam antequam adduxeris Micholl filiam Saul .

This therfore is a special help , for attaining a kingdom ; & our Lord God , although he be able of himselfe , to accomplish whatsoever he pleaseth ; yet as willing to make use of second causes ; he caused David , to the end he might more easily attaine the Crowne , to which hee was designed Abaeterno ; and to which Samuel had anointed him , to take to wife adaughter of Sauls . And Salomon who was all wisedome and prudence , shews it us himselfe and finally the most subtile Seianus , having an intent to get the Empire , knew this way to be , if not necessary , at least most profitable .

Thus my intention is proved by Examples , but because there is more force in Reasons to move the understanding ; and therefore Philosophers never speak , but they bring their reason ; I have therefore sought out one , which I have found , me thinkes , in Aristotle , in his Books of generation ; where speaking how Elements are transmuted , hesaith : In Elementis habentibus Symbolam qualitatem , facilior est transitus . As the Earth which is cold and dry , is more converted into water , which is cold and moist ; then into aire , which is hot and moist ; as agreeing with that in one quality , of cold ; and disagreeing with this in both : So in our case , the attaining to a Kingdome , being in a private person , a transmutation more difficult then that of the Elements , it will more easily be attained , where there is one symbolizing quality , then where there is none .

He therefore is more likely to attaine the Empire , who being himselfe a privat man , shall have a wife of the blood Royall ; then he , that both himselfe and his wife are of private estates .

A Second Reason ( omitting Philosophicall , to come to a Politicall ) is , that people bearing affection to their Prince , more easily suffer themselves to be governed , as long at there remaines in the Kingdome any spark of his blood . Darius a man of exceeding great Judgement , comming from a private man to be a Prince ; for confirming him in the Empire , tooke to wife a daughter of Cyrus ; as knowing , of how great importance it was , to have a wife of that blood , which had beene King before ; where of Iustin saith ; Principio igitur Regni Cyri Regis filiam Regalibus nuptiis Regnum firmaturus in matrimonium accepit ; ut non tam in extraneum translatum , quam in familiam Cyri reversum videretur . The like consideration had the sonnes of Tigranes ; and if with them , it had not good successe , this happened upon other occasion ; and therefore good cause had Tacitus to marvell , where he saith ; Nec Tigrani diuturnum Jmperium neque liberis ejus , quanquam sociatis more externo in matrimonium Regnumque . This brought Demetrius to be King of Macedon ; that he had Fila to wife , who was daughter to the old King Antipator .

From this passage now spoken off , with good consequence comes in , the second : that a Prince is in great danger , who hath none but daughters : seeing if he marry them , hee can never be secure , that his sonne in law will not take the Kingdome from him : for the facility , we have shewed to be by this occasion .

To meet with this danger , many have taken divers courses : the first hath beene to marry them to meane men ; and such , as may have no thought of comming to the Empire , before the time ; because such a one seemes rather likely to be assistant to the Prince , in his affaires ; seeing he may justly hope for more faithfulnesse from a Sonne in law , then from strangers ; and need not make doubt of a person , that is not of any Noble Lynage . This conceit was in Augustus ; and Tacitus expresseth it in the Person of Tiberius ; At enim Augustus filiam suam Equiti Romano meditatus est . Mirum hercule , si cum in omnes Curas distraheretur ; Immensumque attolli provideret , quem Conjunctione tali super alios extulisset Cajum Proculeium , & quosdam in sermonibus habuit ; Insigni tranquillitate vitae , nullis Reipublicae negotiis permixtos .

This indeed would be no ill course , so long as those persons of meane condition , be not of a spirit to aspire to the Empire , such as those named by Tiberius were , in whom , those words of Tacitus are to be considered : Tranquillitate vitae : as though he would say , a man free from audacious & haughty though●… and such may safely and without danger be advanced to honour . Whereupon Aristotle in his Politicks , meaning to teach , what kind of men may safely be raised & made great , he saith , 〈◊〉 si quem extollere oporteat non 〈◊〉 cum qui sit moribus 〈◊〉 hujusmodi homines aptissimi sunt , ad invadondu circa 〈◊〉 . And if Augustus gave her afterwards to Agrippa , Ignobilem loco bonum Militia , & victor●… socium this happened because he could not choose but feare Agrippa ; whereupon he was forced , either to put him to death ; a thing most scandalous not onely in a Christian , but even in a Heathen ; or at least to put him in some certaine hope of coming to the Empire . This , Dio in the mouth of Moecaenas teacheth us , who speaking of Agrippa saith , that when a Prince makes a servant too great , and advanceth him too highly , giving him excessive and unlimitted authority , he hath then no way to secure himselfe , but either to kill him , or by some match to make him his kinsman .

Cyrus also followed this course , who married : his sister to Sibares , a person of most base estate : & as he took the same course that Augustus did , so it was upon the same occasion that Augustus had , whereof Justin saith , Sybarem Caeptorum quem juxta nocturnum visum ergastulo liberaverat comitemque in omnibus rebus habuerat ( all one with those words ( Victoriae socium ) Persis praeposuit , sororemque suam ei in matrimonium dedit . And because Galba tooke not this course with Otho , which Cyrus tooke with Sybares , and Augustus with Agrippa ; It lost him the Empire , as in the first booke of Tacitus Histories , is to be seene .

But yet in truth , this course seems to me both very dangerous , and very uncertaine , because although he to whom their daughter or other of their blood is married , be himselfe a man ignoble and of little spirit , yet he may have a sonne , that may resemble his grandfather more then his father . Astyages was of this opinion , and put it in practice , doubting the future husband of his daughter , and no lesse , the nephew that should be born of them : Neque Claro 〈◊〉 ( saith Justin ) neque civi dedit filiam , ne paterna maternaque nobilitas Nepotis animum extolleret : sed de gente obscura tunc temporis Persarum Cambysi mediocri viro in matrimonium tradidit . And see how vaine his conceit was ; seeing of her was born Cyrus , who in few yeers took the Kingdome from his grandfather Astyages by force .

Again this course takes ill successe oftentimes , through the haughtinesse of the women , who though married to men of meane spirits , and quiet dispositions , yet stirre them up , and provoke them to doe things which of themselves they would never doe , or at least , not doe so soon . Tullia the daughter of Servius was one of these , who impatient to wait upon succession , forced in a manner her husband Orontes Tarquinius , to enter upon the Kingdome , with the death of her father ; thinking it but fit , that being borne of the Blood-Royall , she should be able both to give and to take away the Kingdome at her pleasure , whereof she oftentimes complained , Ipsa Regio semine orta , nullum momentum in dando adimendoque Regno faceret . Thus Tarquinius by the instigation of this infernall fury , got possession of the Kingdome : and it made Servius no whit the safer , that he had married his daughter to Orontes Tarquinius , a man ( as Livy reports ) of a mild and peaceable disposition , Mitis ingeniiIuvenem .

To be briefe , the daughters of Kings , either cannot , or know not how to live in a private estate . And therefore Damarata the daughter of Hiero King of Syracusa ; and married to Andromadorus , with such violence instigated her husband , that she forced him extremely against his will , to take possession of the Kingdome ; which Livy shewing , where he alledgeth the reason , why Andromadorus was moved to seaze upon the Kingdome saith , Qui fessus tandem uxoris vocibus , monentis nunc esse tempus occupandi Regnum .

A second way used by some , for freeing themselves of this danger , hath been to make such women to enter into Monasteries , or to spoake after the custome of the Ancients , into Temples ; and so remove them from their husbands and sonnes , of whom there might be feare : to the end , that they in such places observing chastity , the Princes might live secure from the one and the other . This course was followed by Amulius , who having driven out Numitor , and killed his sonne ; he made his daughter who only remained , under colour of honour to become a vestall Virgin , thinking by this meanes to secure himselfe , both from her , and from any whom she should marry , and from any sonnes that should be born of her : where of Livy 〈◊〉 , Fratris filiae Rheae Silviae per speciem honoris cum vestalem vestal●… legisset perpetua virginitate spem partus adimit . But neither did this course do Amulius any good : for of her were borne Romulus and Remus , who deprived him of his Kingdome .

I finde therefore another way perhaps better : and it is to keepe these women at home with him , of whose husbands or sonnes there may be any doubt , bearing many Princes in hand , he meanes to marry her to them ; but in the meane time , not to bestow her upon any : for by this meanes , not onely they shall be safe from any danger of their owne , but from any also that may arise by enemies , either forraine or at home : seeing out of this hope , every one will be ready to defend them ; and where by marrying her , they might have one defendour indeed , but him with danger , now holding them all at a bay , they will have many defendours without danger . This course was notably put in practice by the Duke of Burgundy , who ( as Argenton relates ) having one onely daughter , he Promised her to the Duke of Guyenne , and to Nicholas Duke of Calabria , and to Philibert Duke of Savoy ; and finally , to Maximilian Duke of Austria : and ( as Argentone verily thinks ) never meant to marry her to any at all , as long as himselfe lived . And in truth , if this Duke had carried himselfe as wisely in other things as in this , he had never so foolishly overthrowne himselfe , as he did .

Quippe Augustus supremis sermonibus cum tractaret , quinam adipisci Principem locum suffecturi abnuerent , aut impares vellent ; vel iidem possent cuperentque : M. Lepidum dixerat capacem , sed aspernantem ; Gallum Asinium avidum , at minorem : L. Aruntium non indignum , & si casus daretur , ausurum .

Whether it be better to refuse Dignities , or to seeke after them . The one and fortieth Discourse .

AMongst the last secrets of State , with which Augustus before his death acquainted Tib●…rius , he propounded three for the Empire , in a ●…verse manner : One that desired it , but was unworthy : Another that was worthy , but despised it : A third able to discharge it , and if occasion served , would attempt it : Of which three , when Augustus dyed , there was none left living but Marcus Lepidus , who was the man that was worthy of it , but despised it . Omnésque praeter Lepidum , variis mox criminibus struente Tiberio , circumventi sunt . We shall not need to examine which of these would have done best , in the case proposed by Tacitus , but rather consider the like persons in a Dignitie or Office , which the Prince should give . We will therefore examine , First , which is best ; either to deserve an Honour , and despise it ; or else not deserving it , to seeke it . Secondly , whether hee that deserves ought to stay till the Prince offer it ; or else put himselfe forward by some honest wayes to obtaine it .

Concerning the first : It seemes , that as to desire Honours , of which one is not worthy , is a presuming of himselfe , and as an act of Pride , is worthy of blame ; So not to accept those Honours , of which a man is worthy , as being an act of Humility , is exceedingly to be commended .

But if I shall speak my minde freely , I conceive that he is more to be blamed , and commits a greater errour ; and deserves the Princes displeasure more , who refuseth Honours out of contempt , then he that seekes them without merit ; because the one by desiring them , shews he holds them in great account ; the other by slighting them , shews he makes no reckoning of them . Whereupon , as contemning is odious to a Prince , and valuing pleaseth him ; so more distastfull must he needs be , that being worthy rejects an Honour , then he that seekes it , and is not worthy : And this is Saint Chrysostomes Doctrine , where hee saith , Quare judicio quidem meo , qui istos despiciunt , contem●…ntque , multo sceleratiores , & pejori supplicio digni fuerint , quam fuerit Dathan unà cum suis omnibus . 〈◊〉 enim , tametsi Principatum ad se non spectantem sibi vindicabant ; tamen miram quidem de eo Principatu animo opinionem ●…onceperant : Id quod declaravit , ingens rei concupitae studium . And a little after : Neque enim perinde est ad despicientiae rationem subducendam , honorem aliquem indebitum appetere , & tot tantaque bona fastidire : verum facinus hoc tanto est illo gravius , quanto inter se dissident intervallo , Fastidium & Admiratio . So as he not onely incurres the Princes disliking , but deserves also his reprehension ; seeing he that seekes a Dignitie without desert , comes within compasse of being proud by admiring ; where he that deserving it despiseth it , is as proud as the other , if not more , as counting himselfe worthy of greater honours ; and while he despiseth honours equall to his merits , hee falls into as great a degree of presumption as the other , and is guilty of contempt besides . This David understanding , although hee knew he could not fight with Goliah in armour , yet ( as Robert Abbat observes ) to the end hee might not seeme to despise the honour the King offered him ; he put on Sauls Armor , and tryed whether he could use it . Accinctus er go David gladio ejus super vestem suam , coepit tentare si armatus posset incedere ; non enim habebat consuetudinem , dixitque David ad Saul , non possum sic incedere : and so hee laid away those Armes thorow impossibility , which if he had laid away thorough contempt , it might have made him odious . Marcus Fabius , when the Senate offered him the honour of Triumph , refused to accept it , and thereby got the greater glory : whereof Livy speaking , saith , Adeo spreta in tempore gloria , interdum cumulatior redit : where the word In tempore is to be noted ; as though hee would say , if he had refused it at some other time , he might be thought to refuse it out of pride , as accounting the honour too little for his merits : whereupon see ( as Dio relates ) that Caesar never refused any honour the Senate offered him , to the end they might not thinke him proud .

Another errour also hee falls into , that despiseth a Dignitie conferred upon him ; and it is , that he shews himselfe unfit for it : so much Plutarch makes Numa Pompilius tell his father . And Junius Blaeus , when the great men who hated Vitellius , went about to make him Emperour , and he refused it ; for so doing was thought unworthy .

Concerning the second : Whether he that is worthy of a Dignitie , and despiseth it not , ought when occasion is offered , then to seek it , or else to stay till it be offered .

In this case , I distinguish of Offices , which may either be of Honour , or of Danger : In this last case , there is no doubt , a man ought not to stay till his Prince require him ; but finding himselfe fit for it , he ought to offer himselfe ; because Princes oftentimes in such cases , would have their Subjects to understand their thoughts , without further expressing . Our Lord God had a purpose to send one to threaten the Israelites , a perfidious Nation , and that used to stone and kill the Prophets , but not willing to impose the charge of this message upon any ; hee seemed as though hee knew not whom to imploy : as it is written in Esay , Quem mittam , aut quis ibit nobis ? Then Esay knowing perhaps by a Propheticall spirit , that this was an imployment of danger , stayed not to be required , but readily offered himselfe , saying , Ecce ego , Mitte me : Where besides the reason alleadged before , there may an excellent lesson be learned , either little knowne , or little used now adayes in Courts : and it is , that Esay offering himselfe , spake in generall , Ecce ego , mitte me ; as though he would say , Send me whither you please , I am ready to goe : But on the contrary , I have seene men offer their service unto the Prince , as if they would put a halter about his neck , standing upon termes ; If you will bestow upon me such or such an honour , I will then serve you : and when offices are to be bestowed , set themselves downe for one of the chiefest ; a fashion much used , but with little judgemen●… : because by so doing , they manifestly shew they seeke to serve themselves , and not the Prince . The obedience of Abraham was not of this sort : who , when our Lord God commanded him to goe out of his Countrey , saying , Egredere de terratua , & de domo Patris tui , & veni in terram quam monstravero tibi ; presently without asking whither hee should goe , hee put himselfe on his journey . So also it is written in the Apocalyps , where Saint John speaking of the Elect , saith , Et sequuntur agnum quocunque ierit . Whereupon the Prophet compares himselfe to a beast , Vt jumentum factus sum apud te , A beast carryes that which his owner layes up on him , and doth that which his owner pleaseth ; he is not ashamed if hee carry Earth , and hee growes not proud if hee carries Gold : So ought the Servants of Princes to doe , goe whithersoever they command them : carry Earth , or carry Gold ; that is , goe in imployments great or small , as occasion is offered . This is the conceit of Saint Gregory , upon occasion of that place of Esay , Ecce ego , mitte me : and although he apply it to Preachers , yet I conceive it may not unfitly be applyed to our Discourse .

But to returne to our purpose , and come to the second case proposed before , and is a little more difficult ; which is , if occasion be presented of bestowing an honour , whether a man ought to offer himselfe , and seek it ; or otherwise stay and waite till the Prince appoint him ?

Every one perhaps ( at least the greatest part ) will thinke it better , he should be required : First , because it is a signe of lesse ambition . Secondly , because when a Prince , of himselfe puts a servant in any imployment , hee is bound to defend him in it ; if in any thing hee should erre . Thirdly , by the example of Moses , who when God said , he would make him Leader of his people ; not onely he stayed to be required , but he also refused it : And in truth I was once of opinion , that from hence might bee gathered the reason why Esay ( not being required ) offered himselfe ; and Moses being required , refused ; and it is , because Esay knew he went in an imployment of danger , and Moses in an imployment of honour : whereupon it seemes that we also , in some o●…casions should stay to be required , and in some other offer our service .

Yet notwithstanding all these reasons , I should alwayes hold the contrary : and for the first reason , that it is lesse ambition ; I know not what ambition can be greater , then to desire an honour , to deserve it , and yet looke to be required .

As for the second reason , which is , That the Prince is bound to defend him , if he commit any errou●… : I am easily able to prove the contrary , both by reason and example . Saul the sonne of Cis sought not after the Kingdome of Israell , but sought after his Fathers Asses ; and meeting with Samuel , who had much talke with him about the Kingdome , hee shewed himselfe wholly averse from it : and if it had not beene that God commanded him expresly by the mouth of Samuel , he would never have suffered himselfe to be annoynted King . Moses also in like manner feeding his sheep , without the least thought of governing the Israelites : when God commanded him to undertake it , yet with great importunity he opposed it . So likewise Eli the Priest , not onely sought not to be Iudge over the people , and the Priesthood , but was indeed not capable in regard of his Familie : whereupon after some repulse he accepted it . Yet neither Saul , nor Moses , nor Eli , were the more excused of God , for having offices put upon them without their owne seeking : but the first committing a notable errour , after the victory of Achab , was by our Lord God ( by the mouth of Samuel ) deprived of his Kingdome , which was transferred upon David ; and finally brought to a miserable end . And Moses , when water failed , had condigne punishment , being denyed to gather the fruit , which in so many yeares , and with so much sweat and labour he had sowed . And lastly Eli , for too much bearing with the faults of his Sonnes , was by our Lord God severely indeed , but yet justly punished .

These men therefore if they erre , not onely will not be excused , but will perhaps become more odious to the Prince , and be more severely punished for their doings . Whereupon our Lord God , ( as Origen observes ) when Saul left to governe after his Commandements , denyed that hee had made him King ; and therefore hee saith in Osea , Ipsi regnaverunt , sed non ex me ; Principes extiterunt , & non cognovl . The reason is , because they who are thus chosen , not onely erre in prejudice of themselves and their office , but in prejudice also of the Princes discretion ; who shewes little judgement to make choyce of a person that is not fit for the charge : and so , he that should be a Protectour to defend the errour of another , shall need a protection himselfe for his owne errour . So as the Prince will have no place to say , that his Servant erred thorough ignorance , because by saying so , hee should presently shew himselfe of little judgement , to imploy a man whom hee did not know ; and therefore the Servant must needs shew hee hath committed errours of malice , and consequently to have done the Prince dishonour ; at which the Prince must needs take greater indignation : and all these things being not found in him , that hath an Honour , or Office , upon his owne requiring it , makes him more easily excused by the Prince , who erres in an imployment himselfe hath sought for , than him , who of the Princes owne motion is elected ; and is therefore more obliged to demeane himselfe well in it .

Concerning the third reason brought of Moses , I say that we are not in his case ; seeing Moses refused the Dignitie , not onely because it was a place of Honour ; but because , and the more , because he thought himself not fit for it : and this is not that we speak of , presupposing a fitnesse alwayes . That he knew himselfe not to be fit is apparent ; where he saith , Quis sum ego ut vadam ad Pharaonem , & educam filios Israel de Aegypto ? as though he should say , I am a worme , unfit for so great a dignitie , which afterwards hee shewes againe in Exodus ; where answering God , hee saith , Obsecro Domine , Non sum Eloquens : as though he would say , this is an imployment that requires an Eloquent man ; and as for me I can scarce speake : whereby it manifestly appeares , that Moses refused it not for the greatnesse onely of the dignitie , which certainly hee esteemed highly ; seeing in those words , 〈◊〉 quem missurus es , he shewes it was an office fit for the Messias ; but for this rather he refused it , because he knew himselfe unworthy , and not proportioned for such a place .

Whereupon , the reason why Esay offered himselfe without being required ; and Moses being required , excused himself , and Ieremie would not have preached to the Hebrews , in my opinion is this ; because Esay could not say , he was unfit ; seeing , although at the first , till an Angell had purged him with a coale , he stood mute , bewailing his inabilitie to speake ; Vae mihi quia tacui , quia vir pollutis labiis ego sum : yet after hee heard the Angell say , Et auferetur iniquitas tua , & peccatum 〈◊〉 mundabitur ; as thinking himselfe now fit for any imployment whatsoever , since hee had his lips touched with a coale : that is , since he had God in his mouth , he made no stay , but offered himselfe presently . And Moses also , after he heard he should have this coale in his mouth , Et ero in ore tuo , he never offered to make any reply to God . So Ieremie at the first said , A , A , A , Domine Deus ; Ecce nescio loqui , quia puer ego sum ; but when he heard God say , Ne timeas à facie eorum , quia tecum ego sum , ut eruam te , dicit Dominus . Et mifit Dominus manum suam , & tetigit os meum , & dixit ad me ; Ecce dedi verba mea in ore tuo : he also finding that coale in his mouth , prepared himselfe to performe the imployment which was commanded him . And now I conceive the reasons alledged to the contrary , are sufficiently answered ; whereby it is manifest , that it is better to seeke a dignitie not deserving it , then deserving it to despise it : And again , that it is better , when one deserves it , and despiseth it not , to offer himselfe , then to have it put upon him .

Nihil in vulgo modicum , terrere ni paveant , Vbi pertimuerint , impune contemni .

That it is eafier to passe from one extreame to another , then from an extreame to the middle . The two and fortieth Discourse .

SEeing Vertue is scituate and consists in the midst , no marvell if the ignorant multitude , leaving one extreame , instead of comming to the middle , goe to the other extreame : whereupon Averroes said exceeding well , that a Coward becomes sooner bold , then valiant ; Facili●… est à superabundantia ad defectum venire ; & ab hoc ad iilam , quam ad medium . And a little after , Timidus enim facilius aliquid audax operabitur , quam forte . It is therefore no marvell , if the people passe from Timiditie to Boldnesse ; seeing it passeth also from base servitude to proud domination : Aut servit humiliter , ( saith Livy ) aut superbo dominatur ; Libertatem quae media est , neque spernere satis , neque habere sciunt . It may be said by some , that I contradict my selfe ; having said in another discourse , that it is a most difficult thing to goe from one extreame to another , without passing by the middle first . And besides , a Text in Aristotle may be brought for it ; where hee saith , Medium est in quod continue mutans prius devenit quam in ultimum : For answer whereunto , wee must know that there are two middles ; one which is Secundum Mutationem ; ( give me leave to use these termes ) and in this , it is more easie to goe from one extreame to the middle , then from one extreame to another : and this is that which Aristotle meanes in his Physicks , and I in my other Discourse . The second middle is called Per Abnegationem , and it is the middle , which is betweene Excesse and Defect ; and in this , it is more easie to passe from one extreame to the other , then from one extreame to the middle : and this is the midst , I meane in this Discourse .

Faustis in Germanicum ominibus , & si vellet imperium promptos ostentavere .

That Germanicus could not carry himselfe in such sort , as to keepe Tiberius from suspecting him ; and that he refused the Empire for feare of death , and not out of goodnesse . The three and fortieth Discourse .

GErmanicus being invited by the Legions in Germany , while they were in mutinie , to take upon him the Empire ; not onely was displeased with it , but in great choller refused it ; by occasion whereof , I conceive it fit to examine , whether this act of Germanicus were done out of goodnesse , or out of feare .

All Authors for the most part are of this opinion ; that he refused the Empire , as one that was most free from any such ambition ; seeing , having the love of the people , as by a thousand Demonstrations was apparent ; and withall an Army in his hand : It seemed an easie matter for him to have made himselfe Emperour , if he had affected it ; and in truth , hee shewed partly his good intention , seeing , when it was offered him by the Army , he not onely came downe from the Tribunall in a great chafe , but also fell presently into prayses of Tiberius : Tunc à veneratione Tiberii orsus , flexit ad victorias triumphosque Tiberii , praecipuis laudibus celebrans , quae apud Germanias illis cum legionibus pulcherrima feeisset . An excellent course in truth , and used also by Saint Paul , and Saint Barnabas , who having done a miracle in Lystra ; and seeing the people ready to offer sacrifices to them , as to Iupiter and Mercury ; Vbi audierunt ( as is written in the Acts ) Apostoli Barnabas & Paulus , conscissis tunicis suis , exilierunt in turbas clamantes & dicentes : Viri quid haec facitis ? & nos mortales sumus , similes vobis : and then fell presently to preach Christ Iesus .

Yet looking a little narrower into this Fact of Germanicus ; I am of opinion , he did it more for fear , then love ; there being no doubt , but that men , although assured of succeeding in an Empire , yet to make that present which is future , they will not stick to hazard their very lives ; a small present pleasure , being alwayes a stronger motive , then a much greater that is future : And the reason is , because the will which hath good for its object , in such manner , as the externall senses have theirs , is not moved with any , but that which is present . But it may be said unto me , that the future also may be present , In esse cognito , & objectivo ; to which I answer , that this Abstractive presence hath not the like force as the Intuitive hath ; seeing the Intuitive even in future things is much more perfect then the Abstractive is ; whereupon those Divines who hold , that future things are not present with God , but onely In esse cognito ; affirme , that the having them in esse cognito , is as much with him , as for us to have them present ; and therefore this knowledge in God they call intuitive , grounding it upon a doctrine of Aristotle , in his Books De Anima ; where he saith , if the Species of things could be conserved in such manner as they are , our sight would never be altered , although an object farre off were made to be present . Indeed , that which is good , or true , or appearing so , and is present , doth so much the more forcibly move , then that which is future ; that many men for things present , which are not truely good , but onely in appearance , lose the eternall good of the beatificall vision . So as it is no marvell , if many men , though in other things wise , have beene content with a doubtfull end to prevent a secure succession ; as Absolon , and infinite others , of whom Histories are full . Whereupon I cannot chuse but thinke , that if Germanicus could have come securely to be Emperour , he would never have beene so angry at the Souldiers invitation : but because he knew it was not without infinite difficulty to be effected , he therefore shewed himselfe averse from harkning to it . And it availes not to say , hee had the Army of Germany in his power ; seeing there wanted not Legions and Armies in Hungarie , in Sclavonia , and other places , that would have stood for Tiberius ; and this no man knew better then Germanicus , as appeares ; where speaking to the mutinous Army , he said , Non mihi uxor aut filius Patre & Republica cariores ; sed illum quidem sua Majestas , Imperium Romanum caeteri exercitus defendent . And of as little force is the second reason , for his being beloved of the people ; seeing when there are Souldiers in a City , the people are able to doe little : as it happened to the people of Tarentum , who favoured the Carthagenians ; to the people of Vicenza , who favoured the Venetians ; to the people of Milan , who favoured Francisco Sforsa ; and whereof there may be found a thousand Examples .

Many other difficulties Germanicus should have met with ; and this amongst others is not of least moment , that Augustus Caesar had declared Tiberius to bee his Successour ; in which consideration , Bathsheba used meanes that David should declare Salomon for his Successour ; knowing , that whomsoever he should name , though he were not the eldest , yet should be accepted . Verumtamen Domine mi Rex , in te oculi respiciunt totius Israel , ut ni dices eis quis sedere debeat in solio tuo post te . Which words Hugo Carenfis thus expounds ; Ille quem volueris regnabit post te , & hunc quafi Regem sequetur populus , & non alium . Besides , Tiberius had gotten the hearts of the Praetorian Souldiers ; and to make a Prince be accepted , it is a matter of great importance to come accompanied with the guard of the deceased King : and therefore the Holy Scripture in the Book of Kings , reckoning those up who went with Salomon , makes mention of the Captaine of the Guard with his Souldiers . D●…scendit Sadoc Sacerdos , & Nathan Propheta , & Banaias filius Iehojadae , & Cerethi , & Pheleti : Whereupon David said a little before , to Sadoc and Banaia , sending them to Salomon ; Tollite vobiscum servos Domini vestri ; meaning they should take with them the Souldiers of his Guard . To all these difficulties may be added the knowledge Germanicus had of Tiberius ; to be a man of excellent vertue , and of singular wisedome ; Maturum annis , spectatum bello ; which things all together , made the difficulty so great , that I cannot chuse but beleeve , Germanicus refused the Empire , as Claudius Pompeianus did , when it was offered him ; Sed ille recusavit , quia Imperatorem Pertinacem videbat . So Scipio the Carthaginian , when he was proclaimed King by the Army of Spaine , would not accept it ; Quia Rome intolerabile nomen Regium erat . It is therefore no marvell , that Germanicus entred into choller upon it ; seeing to ascend to the Empire , is a thing that requires two extreames ; either to shew himselfe desirous , and at the same time to be neare at hand for procuring it ; or else , to shew himselfe wholly averse from it , not onely in effects , but in desire ; because they who stand farre off in effects , and neare hand with desire ; easily in a little time come to ruine . Esse privatis cogitationibus progressum , ( saith Tacitus ) & prout velint plus minusve , sumi ex fortuna imperium cupientibus nihil medium inter summa aut praecipitia . Christ our Saviour was as farre from desiring to be a worldly King , as could be ; and therefore being called to be a King by the people , hee presently got himselfe farre off from the multitude , because his houre being not yet come , in which hee meant to expose himselfe to die ; hee knew it stood him upon , to avoyde such apparence : and more ( as Robert Abbat observes ) our Lord Christ never spake of his being a King , till the time of his Passion ; knowing that the very name of a King carries death with it . If Germanicus had done thus , after he had quieted the mutinies of the Army ; had returned to Rome , and had left the Legions behind , that had called him Emperour , he had then freed Tiberius from suspition ; who understanding the inclination of the Army , could not chuse but be in continuall feare , least the Empire should be taken from him : Whereupon , knowing the danger he stood in , he was not willing that Germanicus should conquer Germany ; least having once made himselfe Lord of that Country , he should doe as Caesar did , having conquered France . Seeing victorious Armies are formidable and invincible things , and in this case the more ; Germanicus being much more like to Caesar , then to Cato ; the one , ( as Salust saith ) aspiring to the Empire ; the other , desirous to preserve the Common-wealth : betweene themselves , both like and unlike ; like in Age , in Eloquence , in noblenesse of minde ; and finally in glory : but unlike in this , that Caesar made himselfe famous by his services and curtesies ; Cato by sincerity and holinesse of life : Caesar got him a name , with being gentle and mercifull ; Cato by being severe and sterne . He by giving , by helping , by pardoning , came to be famous : This by finding fault with Donatives , and by not pardoning any , nor so much as himselfe , came to be adored : Cato was the scourge of the wicked ; and Caesar , the refuge . Caesar was commended for affabilitie , and Cato for constancy ; and because Caesar aspired to the Empire , and Cato was alwayes a good Cittizen ; we may therefore say , that the manners of Cato ought to be imitated of those that are not ambitious ; and the manners of Caesar , of those that are : and therefore seeing Germanicus ( as may be gathered by his life ) had all those manners and fashions of Caesar ; I cannot but conclude , but that his ambition was to aspire to the Empire . So as indeed , hee was not well advised to take such courses , and give Donatives to the Souldiers ; Quibus nisi ab Imperatore , neque praemia accipere par esset , as Tacitus in the second of his Annals saith : where we may see , that Tiberius knew well of what great importance Donatives are to corrupt the Souldiers . Secondly , Germanicus was not well advised , to procure the applause of the Legions , with such artifice as he did ; and then mannage it onely with curtesie and love , which perhaps I should not blame , if hee had beene Lord of Rome : but seeing not onely he was not Lord , but was suspected of him that was Lord ; hee should not have used the Souldiers with such plausiblenesse as hee did . And it availes not to say , that if he would do any good in Germany , it behoved him to procure the love of the Army , seeing he might have done as much good with feare , as hee did with love ; and never have put the Prince into jealousie : and Generalls in warre proceed and prosper , as well with the one as the other . Scipio Africanus prospered with love , and Hannibal with feare . The course of Scipio will alwayes doe well , where the Commander is Prince ; at least , if he can avoid contempt ; a companion oftentimes of mildnesse : and indeed , Scipio by his mildnesse fell so farre in contempt , that if at last he had not turned his course to a way of feare , he had beene in danger to bee utterly undone .

I have the more willingly used the example of Scipio in this case , because indeed in many things hee was most like Germanicus : As Scipio was sent into Africk , where his father had mannaged the warre before ; so Germanicus was sent into Germany , and might follow the steps of his father Drusus , who had beene there before . Scipio was a young man of most goodly presence , and Germanicus a young man of most beautifull aspect . The one , and the other , of most pleasing carriage towards confederates ; towards friends & enemies . Against Germanicus the Legions in Germany rebelled , upon the death of Augustus ; against Scipio the Armies in Spaine rebelled , upon the false report of his death : both of them tooke the same course for reducing the Armies to obedience , and both of them were blamed for it : Germanicus by Tiberius , as a corrupter of the Army ; Scipio by Fabius Maximus , for the like ; Natum eum ad corrumpendam Disciplinam arguere ; sic in Hispania plus propter seditionem militum quam bellum amissum . Each of them was more able to commit no errours themselves , then to correct the errours committed by others . Both of them victorious in battailes ; and as Scipio at last made the Senate suspect hee meant to make himselfe Lord of Rome ; so Germanicus made Tiberius suspect he meant to make himselfe Emperour of Rome . To Scipio the Army offered the Empire , and hee refused it ; to Germanicus also the Army offered it , and he with great indignation likewise refused it . Scipio after all his victories died in exile , thorough the ungratefulnesse of the Senate ; and Germanicus died out of Rome , thorough the ungratefulnesse and practises of Tiberius . To the one and the other was sent a Successour , to the end they should not finish the warre : and if Germanicus were in this not well advised , as I have shewed before ; and perhaps had a meaning to make himselfe Prince ; certainly Scipio was not much better advised ; of whom that Tribune in Livy saith , Dictatorem 〈◊〉 consuli non legatum in Provincia fuisse , neque ob aliam rem eo profectum , quam ut id quod Hispaniae , Galliae , Siciliae , Africae jampridem persuasum esset hoc Graeciae , Asiaeque ; & omnibus ad Orientem versis regibus gentibusque appareret ; unum hominem caput columenque Imperii Romani esse . These are not wayes for men to use , that have no other end then to be good Citizens ; rather , their courteous carriage towards the Souldiers , was done with a minde to make use of them in the Citie ; as Livy in another place shewes : Scipionum nomini auspiciisque omnes assuetos quos secum in patriam ad meritum triumphum deducere velitis , quos consulatum petenti , velut si omnium communis agatur honos , ad futuros speret . It is therefore no marvell to see so great likenesse between these two Captaines , seeing Germanicus tooke Scipio for his example to imitate ; as may be seene in the voyage hee made in Aegypt : Sine milite incedere , pedibus intectis , & pari cum Graecis amictu ; Publii Scipionis 〈◊〉 , quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam , quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello , accepimus . Yet in matter of fortune they were something unlike ; for Scipio was able to settle , and I may say to finish his victory , which Germanicus was not suffered to doe : but if the warre which the Romans had with the Carthagenians , had beene Ob amissum cum Quintilio Varo exercitum , potius quam cupidine proferendi Imperii ; as that of Germanicus was ; I make no doubt but Scipio would have beene as little suffered to finish the warre , as Germanicus was . Now if we aske which of them deserved most praise , and was most worthy of commendation ; I account Germanicus so much worthy of more , as he was able in so great vertues to be like Scipio , in a time so unlike ; and under a Tyrant Prince : and though by a little unadvisednesse hee fell to be suspected of Tiberius , yet he is more to be excused then Scipio was ; seeing a Tyrant Prince is sooner put into suspition , then a well-govern'd Common-wealth . And therefore Corbulo ( as Tacitus relates ) being hindred by a Letter from Claudius , for going forward with his enterprise ; called the ancient Romane Captaines happy : Jam Castra in hostili solo molienti Corbuloni hae litterae redduntur ; ille re subita , quamquam multa simul offunderentur , metus ex Imperatore ; contemptio ex Barbaris ; ludibrium apud socios ; 〈◊〉 aliud prolocutus , quam beatos quondam Duces Romanos .

Periculosa severitas , flagitiosa largitio : seu nihil militi ; seu omnia concedentur , in ancipiti Republica .

That it is a hard matter to settle the Insurrection of an Army . The foure and fortieth Discourse .

BEing a little after to examine the wayes , how to settle and compose the Insurrection of an Army ; I will in this place , by occasion of this Text , only say , That to grant them all their demands , is dangerous ; because they will make it but a steppe to make greater demands . The Ianizaries made an Insurrection against Amurath the Great Turke , demanding the head of Ebraim Beglerbey of 〈◊〉 ; and the Great Turkes entirest friend : and when Amurath gave consent to their demand , they then fell to demand a thousand other extravagant things ; and put the Great Turke into no small danger . On the other part , to grant them nothing they demand is as bad : as that , which exasperates them in such a degree , that they can hardly be ever pacified after ; as in the case of Galba was seene . All this we have now said , is expressed in Polybius , by a most excellent similitude ; whose words as most worthy to be read , I have thought good to set down at large , as they are translated into Latine , Si quis haec recte intueatur ( he speakes of the 〈◊〉 Army being in mutiny ) non dubitet affirmara 〈◊〉 modo corpora hominum , & quaedam in illis ulcera , ita 〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ut sanari nullo modo possint , sed id longe magis humanis animis accidere ; ut enim in ulceribus evenit , ut si illis medicamentum curandi gratia adhibeas , ulcus ipsum vi medicaminis augescit , si vero curam ejus negligas , longe sua ipsius natura extenditur , neque prius definit , quam omne subjectum corpus corruptum labefactumque 〈◊〉 ; ita animis quoque consimiles interdum morbi ac tabes accidunt , ut nullum ex reliquis ani●…libus homine 〈◊〉 atque efferacius fiat , cui si interdum veniam aut impunitatem aliquam concesseris , aut aliter benignitate cum prosequutus fueris , id omne dolum fraudemque existimans , deterior 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 beneficum longe magis infidus ; 〈◊〉 vero te contra opposueris , nihil est adeo durum , crudele , nefarium , quod non facile aggrediatur , laudem 〈◊〉 temeritatem temeritatem existimans , donec ad extremum omnino , efferatus animus humanam naturam exuat .

Eo in metu arguere Germanicum omnes ; quod non ad superiorem exercitum pergeret ; ubi obsequia , & contra rebelles auxilium , satis superque missione & pecunia & mollibus consultis peccatum ; vel si vilis ipsi salus , cur filium parvulum , cur gravidam conjugem inter furentes , & omnis humani juris violatores haberet ? Illos saltem uno & Reipublicae redderet .

In what kinde of affaires , it is fit to carry their Wives with them . The five and fortieth Discourse .

UPon this passage , there are two Discourses seem to offer themselves : The first , whether it be fit for Governours to carry their Wives with them , and consequently whether Germanicus did well , to have his Wife and Children in the Army . The second , how insurrections of Armies may be quieted .

Beginning with the first , I say , that Officers may be sent by the Prince , in three kindes of imployment : in governments , in war , or in Embassages . If they go to be Governours , it is then a fair course , and far from being dangerous , as was agreed upon in the Senate , in favour of Valerius Messalina against Caecina , that they might take their Wives with them : Neque enim ut olim obsideriurbem bellis , aut Provincias hostiles esse . But yet in my opinion , it is fit in this matter to proceed with distinction , because if we speak simpliciter , I should thinke it better , they should not leade their Wives with them , as those who for the most part can do little good , by reason of their unskilfulnesse in affaires , and may do much hurt by reason of their avarice and pride ; whereupon as Caecina well said , there seldom came any appeales against the Governours of Provinces , for oppressing the people , but they were more against the Women than the men , Cogitarent ipsi quoties repetundarum aliqui arguerentur , plura uxoribus objectari . To this may be added , that by reason of their weaknesse , they give ear to the most wicked of the Province , they keep a Court of themselves , give audience , divide Tribunals , and cause a thousand other errours , which by the foresaid Caecina are well expressed , His statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque Provincialium , ab his negotia suscipi , transigi , duorum egressus coli , duo esse Praetoria , and that which followes : whereupon I have reason to believe , that the antient Romans made the Laws , that it should not be lawfull for Governours of Provinces , to carry their Wives with them , not so much for the danger they incurred , by being in Countries of little safety , as least the people newly come under the Roman Empire , should through the avarice and pride of the Women be provoked to rebell . The reason that Valerius brings to beat down that of Caecina , is this , that to charge Women for doing ill Offices in a Province , is but a weak argument , seeing it is their Husbands fault , who allow their Wives to take more upon them than is fit : Frustra nostram igna●…iam alia ad vocabula transferri , nam viri in eo culpam , si foemina modum excedat : and therefore Sara in the holy Scripture knowing this , when Agar contested against her with proud termes , she complained not of her , but of Abraham , as knowing it to be the mens fault , if their Wives grow insolent . This reason makes a fair shew , but it cleareth not the difficulty , seeing it makes no matter , when a Province is ill governed , whether it be long of the Man , or of the Woman , so long as it is done ; whereupon I should thinke it better , to provide for things before they be done , according to the advice of Agricola , who Officiis & administrationibus potius non peccaturos , quam damnare cum peccassent : then to watch with danger when they shall be done ; and consequently , if it may be , to leave their Wives at home : and the rather , seeing Princes commonly send persons of age to be Governours , and consequently easie to be led by their Wives , as in another Discourse is shewed : yet it is true , as I said before , that I would make an Exception to this Rule , when Women are judicious and very wise , for then no doubt , they may be of great assistance in the Government . The other reason which Valerius brings , that Wives are a recreation to their Husbands , and make them the better able to bear the labours of their Government , is a meer mockery , seeing men that take upon them such charges , should have no thought but of the Princes service , nor take pleasure in any thing but in discharging their places .

But be it as it will , it imports us little for the present : this at least is clear , that in imployments of war , it is never fit to carry their Wives with them , and therefore the Romans ( as Caecina reports ) would have them when they went into forreigne Countries , where there was danger of war , to go alwayes without their Wives , Haud enim frustra placitum olim , ne foeminae in socios , aut gentes externas traherentur , inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu , bellum formidine morentur : Therefore as Aristotle saith well , speaking against Plato , Women in the warres are good for nothing but to be a let , and reckoned inter impedimenta , which is then the more to be observed , when they go with an Army that may be likely to mutiny , and therefore when the Army of Germanie fell to mutiny , Germanicus at last perceived what a mischief it was , to have Women amongst seditions : and who knowes but he forbore to use discipline and force against them , onely for the Womens sake ? We may then conclude , it was not well done of him , to carry his Wife with him in the Army . Our Lord God , Maker and Governour of all things , knew the Israelites would rebell against Moses , whereupon having made him his Captain Generall ; and he upon the way with his Wife Sephora , God met him , and threatned to kill him . Cumque esset in itinere , in diversorio occurrit Dominus , & volebat occidere eum : which Saint Austin interprets thus , that God made this shew , because Moses led his Wife with him , as not being convenient , when a man goes about great affaires , he should be troubled with Women , and therefore he saith , Forsitan in hoc loco possum intelligere quod displicuerit Deo , quare Moses tanta mirabilia fact●…rus , uxoris impedimentum secum ducere vellet in Aegyptum .

But if now he go upon Embassage , then if the Women be but mean of understanding , let them never be carried , as those that may do much hurt ; but if they be discreet and wise , it will do well to take them along , as those that may do much good , because one of the chief things an Embassadour is to look to , is to understand and finde out secrets , and none fitter to finde them out than discreet Women , seeing oftentimes , either Senators in Common-wealths , or Princes in their Kingdomes , or their Officers and Secretaries , discover unadvisedly to their Wives many secrets of State , which they afterward being in company with Embassadours Wives , ( to shew their intolligence in great matters ) easily blab out again , and are apt to reveal , and in this manner in some Courts of Italie , matters of great consequence have been boulted out by some discreet Embassadours . And how came Tiberius to know that Augustus went to visit Agrippa Posthumus in the Island of Pianosa , but by this meanes ? For Augustus having Fabius Maximus in his company , he unadvisedly told it to his Wife Martia , and Martia as unadvisedly told it to Livia , and Livia to Tiberius , which was the cause of Fabius his death , and as it is thought of Augustus his too . Quippe rumor incesserat , paucos ante menses , Augustum electis consciis , & comite uno Fabio Maximo Planafiam vectum , ad visendum Agrippam , multas 〈◊〉 utrinque lachrymas , & figna cha●…itatis , spemque ex eo fore , ut juyenis penatibus uvi redder etur . Quod Maximum uxori Martiae aperuisse , illam Liviae , C. Navum id . Caesari .

We may then conclude , that mens secrets come easily to be known by the meanes of Women , and therefore Tyrants ( as Aristotle saith ) allow oftentimes great Authority to Women , to the end , they may reveal their Husbands secrets .

Satis superque missione & pecunia & mollibus consultis peccatum .

Whether Germanicus did well to grant so many things to the Army being in mutiny , what other course he might have taken ; lastly , that in diverfity of times , and upon diverfity of occafions divers courses are to be taken . The six and fortieth 〈◊〉 .

Germanicus returning from collecting the taxes , found the Legions in mutiny , demanding that the veteran souldiers might have leave to go home , and to have their pay increased , and also to have the Legacy left them by Augustus , and he to quiet them , yeelded to many of their demands , for which he was by many much blamed , as in the words here alleaged appeares . By occasion whereof , we purpose to examine what courses are fit to be taken , when Armies are in Rebellion .

I say then , that all mutinies and insurrections require not one kinde of Remedy , but according to the divers times in which they happen , to the divers occasions upon which they happen , and lastly , to the di vers Captaines under whom they happen , a divers remedy is to be applied . For if the Generall be a man of whom the Army stands in awe , he may expose himselfe to any danger without any danger , and have all things succeed well . The Macedonians in Afia , being quite tired with the War , and far from their Coun●…ry , fell to mutiny under Alexander Magnus , standing upon the like termes as they in Germany did , where Cicatrices ex vulneribus , verberum notas exprobrant , so here , Omnes fimul missionem postulare coeperunt , deformia or a cicatricibus , canitiemque capitum ostentantes : whereupon Alexander calling the souldiers together , to hear him speak , no sooner ended his speech , but he thrust into the midst of those infuriated beasts : and caused the most insolent of them to be taken , and not a man of them durst offer to make resistance , Defiluit deinde ( saith Quintus Curtius ) frendens de Tribunali , & in medium armatorum agmen se immifit , notatos quoque qui ferocissime oblocuti erant , fingulos manu corripuit , nec ausos repugnare , tredecim asservandos custodibus corporis tradidit , quis crederet saevam paulo ante concionem obtorpuisse subito metu ? & cum ad supplicium videret trahi , nihil ausos graviora quam caeteros . And thus this brave Resolution in a Generall of whom they stood in fear , sufficed to pacifie this great insurrection . But if a Captain be onely loved and not feared , let him never put himselfe upon such adventure , or thinke in such sort to cyment the matter , for it will undoubtedly be his death ; whereupon we see that Germanicus though he exposed himselfe to no danger , yet was not far from losing his life , as by reading Tacitus we may perceive . And the reason of this difference is , because as Choller overcomes Love , so Fear overcomes Choller , which ( as Aristotle saith ) being with hope of Revenge , as far as is possible , that Hope is taken away by Fear ; and in the place of it enters Sorrow , as Avicen excellently shews in his Book De Anima . And for this cause also it happens , that more Armies mutiny under Captaines that are loved , than under Captaines that are feared , as was seen in the Army of Alexander the Great , and in that of Annibal , Captaines that were feared , the contrary in the Army of 〈◊〉 , and in that of Scipio , Captaines that were loved .

It is very clear , that Germanicus was never able to take any of these violent Resolutions , yet I commend not the course he took to pacifie the mutiny of his Army , by yeelding to them in so many things , because being suspected of the Prince , any course had been fitter for him than this , by which he corrupted military discipline , and by giving of his own , he as it were bought the Army , and therefore where Tiberius heard , in what manner he had pacified them , it troubled him not a little ; Nuntiata ea , Tiberium laetitia curaque adfecere , gaudebat oppressam seditionem , sed quod largiendis pecuniis & missione festinata , favorem militum quaesivisset , bellica quoque gloria Germanici augebatur . And so much more as there wanted not other wayes to have appeased the sedition , and the first way for him being so well beloved , had been that which in matters of love is of such force , and that is , by making them jealous he would leave them , and go to some other Army , shewing how little he regarded this mutinous Army ; and in truth , if any notice might have been taken of such conditionall propositions , I verily thinke , the sedition by it selfe only would have bin appeas●…d ; and there are two things that move me to thinke so ; One , the Example of Alexander the Great , who in a mutiny making shew as though he regarded not his Macedon souldiers , by taking Persians for the Guard of his Body , and doing them other Honours , all the Macedonians prostrated themselves , and in most humble manner sued unto him , whereof Quintus Curtius saith , Postquam vero cognitum est , Perses ducatus datos , barbaros in varios ordines distributos , atque Macedonica iis imposita nomina , se vero ignominiose penitus rejectos esse , non jam amplius conceptum animis dolorem perferre potuerunt , sed concursu in Regiam facto , interiori duntaxat retenta tunica , arma ante januam , poenitentiae signum projecerunt , ac prae foribus stantes , intromitti se , sibique ignosci suppliciter atque flentes orabant , utque Rex suppliciis suis potius saturet se , quam contumeliis , ipsos nisi venia impetrata , non discessuros . See here the fruit of jealousie . The second thing that makes me beleeve , this way would have succeeded well with Germanicus , is the Example we have , in the very mutiny it selfe of the same Army , wherein when the granting them so many things , would not yet pacifie the sedition , then Germanicus ( not to this end , but to set them out of danger ) was sending away his Wife and Children , to be out of the reach of this tumultuous Army , which the souldiers perceiving , and thereupon growing jealous that any other strange people should keep their Captaines Wife safer than Roman Legions ; to the end , he should not send her away , they presently grew quiet , Sed nihil aequè flexit ( saith Tacitus ) quam invidia in Treueros ; orant , obsistunt , rediret , maneret ; pars Agrippinae occursantes , plurimi ad Germanicum regressi . And if the departing of his Wife onely could prevail so much , what jealousie would they have had at the departing of their beloved Captain ? certainly , without making them any other promises , this alone would have pacified the sedition : and in case this jealousie alone had not been sufficient , he might then have gone to the other Army , and sent messengers to let them know , that if they delivered not up into his hands the heads of the Rebellion , he would come and cut them in pieces good and bad , a thing which without doubt would have done much good , as was seen , when at last he was forced to use such termes with his souldiers under Caeciua , At Germanicus quanquam contracto exercitu , & parata in defectores ultione , dandum adhuc spatium ratus , si recenti exemplo 〈◊〉 ipsi consulerent , praemittit literas ad Caecinam , venire se valida manu , ac ni supplicium in malos praesumant , usurum promiscua caede . This once heard by the souldiers , they presently cut them all in pieces that were guilty of the mutiny : and if this way yet would not have been sufficient , seeing this tumult was grown out of idlenesse , and he was not willing to use violence , he might have taken the other Army , and put himselfe in the way to go against the Enemy ; this course Caesar took , who when the Army in France rebelled , he took one Legion which he specially favoured with him , and gave leave to the mutinous Legions to go home to Rome , which once seen , there was not a souldier that left not presently his mutinying & followed him : a most easie way , for if any thing hinder an Army that is in mutiny ( I mean not out of hatred ) from pacifying and appeasing , it is a fear they have to be punished , which fear ceaseth as soon as they are taken to go against the Enemy , every one hoping by some notable deed to cancell the blot of their Rebellion , and therefore as soon as those first Legions were quieted , they presently demanded to be led against the Enemy : Puniret noxios , ignosceret lapsis , & duceret in hostem . Whereupon we see that after such mutinies , Armies commonly shew more valour than at any time before , as Livie shews in a thousand places ; and this Germanicus knew full well , who after the slaughter the souldiers of Caecina had committed , led them presently out against the Enemy . Truces etiam tum animos cupido involat ●…undi in hostem , piaculum furoris , nec aliter posse placari Commilitonum manes , quasi si pectoribus impiis honesta vulnera accepissent ; sequitur ardorem militum Caesar. And further , if Germanicus were not willing to depart from the Army , being in mutiny ; yet the mutiny , having beene caused by a sudden motion , he needed not have beene so hasty , to seeke the appeasing of so new a mutiny , but might have given the Souldiers deliberation ; and then reason taking place , hee might without doubt have quieted them at his pleasure . Our Lord Christ in a parable , would not have the tares to be rooted out with the corne , as long as it was in blade and greene ; but appointed to stay , till they were dry ; and then dividing them , cast the tares into the fire : so should he doe with Armies that are in mutiny , that seekes to preserve them , and not to destroy them all .

He had another excellent way , and most worthy for a Generall to follow ; and it was , to threaten , that whosoever did not follow him , should be counted a Rebell ; and as a Rebell , should be proceeded against ; a way of exceeding great force , and especially in tumults , where there is not a head ; and where they are all equally stub borne , and every one feares for himselfe , as was seene in Saul ; who being declared King , was yet not followed , but onely of some few ; whereupon , an occasion falling out for relieving the Citie of Jah , to the end the whole Army should follow him , he caused two Oxen to be cut in pieces , and be spread about all the borders of Israell ; threatning , that whosoever did not follow him , should have all his heards of cattell cut in pieces , as those Oxen were : Quicunque non exierit , & secutus fuerit Saul , & Samuel ; sic fiet bobus ejus : and where the Israelites before would not all follow him , now out of feare of the particular punishment , there was not a man that did not follow him . Invasit ergo ( it followes in the holy Text ) Timor Domini populum , & egressi sunt quas●… vir unus . Now that it had beene easie for Germanicus , by taking this course , to have quieted the tumult , is very evident ; seeing Menius , onely by this course , brought one of those Legions to returne backe into their Quarters ; where finding a particular punishment was designed , where before they had a purpose to kill him ; now every one readily was content to follow him : Raptum vexillum ad ripam , & fi quis agmine discessit pro desertore fore , clamitans , reduxit in Hyberna turbidos ; & nihil ausos .

Germanicus also might have used another excellent way ; and it is , he should have caused some trusty Centurion or Souldier , to declare to this mutinous multitude , the danger into which they were fallen , and the errour they had committed ; for such people commonly give credit to men of such ranke , as was seene in Iulius Arufpex ; who shewing to the people of Germany the danger they should incurre , by rebelling against the Romans ; he easily quieted them , though he had Iulius Valentinus that opposed him . At Iulius Aruspex 〈◊〉 primoribus Remorum vim Romanam pacisque bona dissertans ; & sumi bellum etiam ab ignavis , strenuissimi cujusque periculo geri ; jamque super caput Legiones , sapientissimum quemque reverentia , fideque ; juniores periculo ac metu continuit , & Valentini animum laudabant , confilium 〈◊〉 sequebantur . So Cerealis also speaking to the Treviri after that manner , appeased them ; as by the processe of that Oration he makes in Tacitus , may be seene . The very same manner Drusus used with the Legions of Illyricum ; imploying one Clement a Centurion , in grace with the Souldiers , for his meanes to pacifie that sedition . Accitur Centurio Clemens , & 〈◊〉 qui alii bonis artibus grati in vulgus ; in Vigiliis , stationibus ; custodiis portarum se inserunt ; spem offerunt ; metum intendunt . And that this way would have beene available also to Germanicus , is evident ; seeing Caecina making use hereof , with two of those Legions ; he so wrought them , that they spared not to punish the chiefe of the sedition .

Another way also he might have used ; and that was , to have pretended himself their Captain in the Sedition : or if not himselfe , ( which in many respects was not fit for Germanicus ) at least , to have caused some other principall man to feigne himself to be of their opinion ; and all other remedies fayling , I suppose this might have stood Germanicus in great stead ; because men commonly give great credit to their counsels , who are interessed in the matter , as beleeving they speak sincerely . For this cause , David caused his trusty friend Chusci the Arachite , to feigne himselfe of Absaloms side ; to the end he might hinder the counsell of Achitophel , and it happily succeeded . So Gamaliel standing amongst the Priests , was a meanes to save Peters life . Spurinna being in Placentia , for defence of that Citie ; and seeing the Souldiers bent to fight with the Vitellians , who farre exceeded them in number , and in all advantages ; 〈◊〉 himselfe to be of their opinion : seeing them in such a tumult , and thereupon leading them forth , hee easily made them see their errour , and perceive the danger ; and shewing them good reasons , he reduced them to obedience . Fit 〈◊〉 alienae comes Spurinna ; primo coactus , mox velle 〈◊〉 , quo 〈◊〉 authoritatis inesset confiliis , si seditio mitesceret . And a little after , Ipse postremo Spurinna , non tam culpam exprobrans , quam ratione ostendens , relictis exploratoribus , caeteros Placentiam 〈◊〉 minus turbidos , & imperia accipientes . The Nolani also , seeing the people bent to take part with Hanniball , feigned themselves to be of the same opinion ; and by this means gained time till Marcellus came : Vbi Senatum metus accepit , si palam contra tenderent , resisti multitudini concitatae non posse ; clam 〈◊〉 dilationem mali inveniunt : placere enim sibi defectionem ad Annibalem simulant . This in truth is an exquisite way , when a peo ple cannot be mastered , then to second them ; because , being not suspected , they may doe much good : an example hereof we have in the first booke of Tacitus , of that Clement the Centurion ; who speaking to the Army , said not , doe you , and say you ; but let us doe , and let us say ; thereby to shew he was interessed as well as they ; Quanquam filium Imperatoris obsidebimus , quis certaminum finis ? Percennioni & Vibuleno sacramentum dicturi sumus ?

Seeing then Germanicus had so many wayes , availeable to appease the Insurrection , and he made use of the worst ; I cannot but think he was either very unadvised , or very malicious .

Having now distinguished the Captaines ; it remaines ( for performance of my offer ) to distinguish the occasions and the times . The occasions then , may in part be just , or wholly unjust : Of the first kinde , are want of Pay , want of Victuals , and such like ; and in such insurrections , it is necessary , if hee can , to give the Souldiers satisfaction ; if hee cannot , to shew at least that he is not any cause of the want : and if it be in default of Victuals , the Captaine shall doe well to eate in publike of the same meates that others eate ; to shew , that hee himselfe suffers as well as the Army : This way hath often beene used , and alwayes with good successe . The occasions that are unjust , are wont to happen , either out of some sudden anger , upon denyall of some particular demand ; or else out of hatred , and a resolution not to serve . In the first case , it is no doubt , more easie to pacifie an Insurrection , then in the second ; because hatred is much more durable and incurable , then anger is ; as that which growes from a more durable occasion then anger doth : that growing out of a habit , and this out of passion ; and as a passion passeth away sooner then a disposition , or a habit ; so anger is sooner passed over and gone , then hatred : Besides , it is also much the worse , because 〈◊〉 wisheth an enemy evill , as it is evill ; where hee that is angry wisheth an enemy evill , but not as evill : but Sub ratione boni , ( to use this terme ) esteeming the evill to be just , as being vindicative ; and seeing it is manifest , ( according to Saint Thomas ) that to wish evill under the colour of good , hath lesse evill in it then to wish evill simply : it followes , that hatred is not only of more continuance ; but of a worse condition also then anger is . In the first case then , that is of anger ; a valiant Captaine shall either by temporizing , or else by bold opposition , which is indeed more becoming a generous spirit , easily appease them . The Legions in Germany , under Flaccus Ordeonius , were in mutiny , and would kill the Captaine for putting a Souldier in prison : whereupon Vocula , Legat of a Legion , being a bold and couragious Captaine , gave order the prisoner should be put to death ; which so affrighted the Souldiers , that they were presently quiet : for indeed , it is the nature of common people , if they feare not others , they will make others feare them ; but if they feare , they will be as quiet as Lambes ; and a childe may beat them : according to that place of Tacitus ; Terrere ni paveant , ubi pertimuerint , impune contemni . And sometimes they love a man the better for making them feare , as admiring the greatnesse of his spirit : whereupon we see , that those Legions , after that Vocula had put the Souldier to death , would have him to be their Captaine : Conscendit Tribunal Vocula ( saith Tacitus ) mira constantia ; prehensumque militem ac vociferantem duci ad supplicium jussit . Et dum mali pavent , optimus quis que jussis paruere . Exin consensu Ducem Voculam poscentibus , Flaccus summam rerum ei permisit . Another time those Legions mutinying again , tooke that Flaccus Ordeonius and bound him ; but upon the comming of Vocula , they presently unbound him : and Vocula meaning to punish this disorder , forbore for a time , till their choler were over ; by which means the day following , he eafily put to death the Authours of the mutiny . Is postera die , authores seditionis morte affecit ; tanta illi exercitui diverfitas inerat , licentiae patientiaeque .

But if the occasion grow from hatred , and from a resolution to serve no longer ; I then see not any way there is to pacifie it : because if they demand Pay , or such like , they doe it to this end ; that being denied it , they may have colour for their insurrection ; and to grant them that which they demand , is to give them occasion to aske afterward things impossible . This very thing happened to Flaccus ; who having sent certaine companies of Batavians towards Rome ; and they by the way receiving Letters from Civilis , fell to demand a thousand impertinencies : of which , when Flaccus had granted them a part ; they then tooke occafion to demand farre greater . Iisdem diebus , Batavorum & Caninefatium cobortes , cum jussu Vitelli in urbem pergerent ; missus à Civile nuntius assequitur . Intumuere statim superbia , ferociaque & pretium itineris Donativum , duplex stipendium : augeri equitum numerum , promissa sanè à Vitellio postulabant , non ut assequerentur , sed causam seditioni . Et Flaccus multa concedendo , nihil aliud effecerat , quam ut acrius exposcerent , quae sciebant negaturum . The like befell the Carthagenians , whose rebelling Souldiers finding many of their demands granted , they became more insolent then before : for it is not alwayes true , that Humilitie is opposite to Pride ; but sometimes , and particularly in this case , Humility makes the Pride the greater : such men thinking , that whatsoever is granted them , is not granted them out of humanity , but out of feare ; and thereupon taking heart , they grow to demand farre greater matters . This , those Senatours in Livy meant to inferre , when they said , Certum habere majores quoque si divinassent , concedendo omnia , non mitiorem in se plebem , sed asperiorem ; alia ex aliis iniquiora postulando , cum prima impetrasset . And Tacitus also , when in the life of Agricola , he saith , Nihil profici patientia ; nifi ut graviora , 〈◊〉 ex faoili tolerantibus imperentur . Whereupon against such , there is no better way then to shew teeth ; ( as the Italian Proverbe is ) which is , to be rough with them : seeing it is easie for one to make himselfe be feared , if from being vilified before thorough mildnesse ; he suddenly , contrary to expectation , alter his countenance , and looke bigge .

There is another way also that may be used ; and it is , to goe gaining of time so long , till all things needfull may be provided ; and then , to cut them all to pieces : seeing , ( as I said before ) that to quiet such , is a thing impossible . He that would now see a manifest example of the difference that is betweene an Army , that mutinies out of hatred , and a determinate will ; and an Army that mutinies upon some other occasion ; let him look upon Vocula , who two severall times found it easie to appease a sedition , growne in the Army out of anger ; but the third time , when out of a determinate will and hatred they rebelled , and meant to run to the Enemy ; he then seeking to quiet them , was instantly by them slaine . And thus 〈◊〉 concerning the occasions .

Now for the times ; either they are of peace , or of great enterprises that are in hand ; or of the Enemies approaching . In the first , there want not wayes ; seeing they can never doe much hurt . In the second , though it seemes hard , yet it is but easie ; and the best way is , to make a shew , not to regard them . The Souldiers of Augustus fore-seeing a warre which was like to be against Anthony , ( as Dio relates ) desired leave to be excused from the service ; not because they would be so indeed , but because they meant to hold Augustus ( as the saying is ) to hard meat , and make him grant what they demanded , for feare they should leave him ; and he as crafty as they , finding it not fit , for a Captaine to submit himselfe to the Souldiers wils , answered them , They had reason to aske leave , and gave it them ; retayning onely those that had served in the warres ten yeares : and thus by slighting those other , and shewing he cared not whether they stayed or no ; There was not a man went from him , but all stayed with him . The last time is of all the hardest , or rather is impossible ; and that is , when they are in face of the Enemy : and in this case , the best way is , to seeke to quiet them by any means , though never so bad , and by granting them all they demand ; whether it be just , or unjust . The Romans having their Enemies at hand , and being at variance with the people , who retyred to the Hill Aventine , and would not stirre a foot against the Enemies , unlesse they might have their demands granted : the Senate resolved to satisfie them howsoever , and therefore granted all they demanded ; Eam per aequa , per iniqua , reconciliandam Civitati esse .

At Romae nondum cognito , qui fuisset exitus in Illyrico ; & Legionum Germanicarum motu audito ; trepida Civitas incusare Tiberium .

That Tiberius did well not to stirre from Rome . The seaven and fortieth Discourse .

ALthough the Citie of Rome , when they heard the Armies of Pannonia and Germany were in sedition , openly complained of Tiberius ; and blamed him , that he would not goe in person to appease those tumults ; yet Tiberius for all that , was resolved not to stir from the Citie : which resolution , though it succeeded well with him , yet it is not necessarily to be commended ; seeing oftentimes a Councell not very advised , hath yet through the favour of fortune , had admirable successe ; and on the contrary , a mature deliberation , an unhappy issue . So as , seeing wise men ought not to judge of Deliberations , which are subject to Accidents , by onely the understanding : It is no marvell 〈◊〉 some imagine , that Tiberius understood not this , who would stay in Rome , when the Armies were in such confusion . Seeing in Insurrections , the authority of a Prince , and specially when he is 〈◊〉 bello , is able to prevaile much : Nothing in such cases being of greater moment then Majestie , by means whereof , notonely Augustus , ( who by one word speaking , appeased a great Sedition ) but infinite others have had in tumults happy successe . Yet notwithstanding all this , I am of opinion , that in so great a man as Tiberius was , the Deliberation was not lesse advised , then the successe was happy ; seeing ( as Tacitus saith ) if he had gone , he must of necessity have gone to one Army , before he went to the other ; and by so doing , should have shewed himselfe partiall , the onely way to have lost their love to whom he went last as in the processe of Tacitu●… his Histories is often to be seene . To this may be added the danger ; that if the Army by his comming should not have beene quieted , there had beene afterward no other refuge : And therefore for my part , I should thinke it the best course , when rebellions a●…ise , to send thither some such person , that if he be slighted , another greater may be sent , and not to shew the uttermost at first . This is made plaine to us by our Lord God in Saint Matthew , where in a Parable he saith , that a Father of a Family , seeing the husbandmen of his Vineyard suffering all things to go to wrack , and having none to send to them but servants and his sonne : at first he sent servants , and them they killed and stoned ; and then at last he sent his sonne , which was the last refuge in this case , as Tiberius was in ours : Whereupon he saith , Pater familias Dominus Vine●… 〈◊〉 servos ad Agricolas , qui ex illis alios occiderunt , alios lapidaverunt ; Novissime autem misit ad eos filium suum , dicens , Reverebuntur filium meum ; hoc est ●…nim ultimum refugium . Thus our Lord God sent first his Prophets , to pacifie the Rebellion of men ; of whom when part were slaine , and part despised , he came at last himselfe in person . It is therefore the best course , to try first all other wayes , before a Prince expose himselfe amongst Rebels ; for if he should be slighted , there then remains no further refuge . Quod aliud sub●…dium , fi Imperatorem sprevissent ? and therefore Galba had counsell given him , to try the mindes of the Praetorian Souldiers , being in mutiny , by some other : Nec per ipsum Galbam cujus integra authoritas majoribus remediis servabatur ; and so much the more , because the Prince being away , the Souldiers perhaps will beare respect to his Ministers ; as fearing otherwise , least the Prince may seeke to be revenged : but if the Prince goe himselfe in person , and be killed ; what feare can they have of any to revenge it ? whereupon it is written in Saint Matthew , Hic est 〈◊〉 , venite occidamus eum ; & occupemus haereditatem 〈◊〉 . To this may bee added , that if Tiberius had gone himselfe to these Armies , he must have beene forced to cut in pieces the whole Legions : for if the Army in Germany should have stood upon such termes with him , as it did with Germanicus , he must for his honours sake have made them resent it in a very great degree ; and could never have condescended to many things which Germanicus granted : Majus enim quid à Principe expectatur : seeing there are many things tolerated by Generalls of Armies , which if the Prince were there himselfe , would never be tolerated . Whereupon , when Moses prayed God that he would be the Armies Guide into the Land of Promise ; He answered him , I will send an Angell to be their Guide ; for if I should goe my selfe , and the Army happen to rebell , I should be forced utterly to destroy them . Non enim ascendam tecum , quia populus durae cervicis est ; ne forte disperdam te in via : and therefore Princes oftentimes should avoide such encounters , that they may not aggravate their Subjects faults . And for this , Germanicus said , he would send away Agrippina from the Army , least her death should be the more grievous for aggravating the Souldiers fault . And Ieremie , when the Synagogue went about to kill him ; seemed to grieve for nothing so much , as that his death should aggravate their offence . Cognoscite , quia fi occideritis me , sanguinem tradetis contra vosmetipsos . Lastly , if there were no other reason for it , this one would much prevaile with me : that a Prince come newly to his State , and but ill beloved of all , should upon no occasion stirre out of the Citie , and specially in his beginning ; seeing the presence of the Prince is of greatest force to hinder Rebellions . Whereupon it is no marvell , that Pistoia rebelled against Aguccio of Fagivola , as soone as they saw him gone out of the Citie . And likewise Florence against Charles the King of France his brother . And the people of Israel fell one time to mutiny , for no other cause , but because their Leader Moses was gone from them , being called up by our Lord God into Mount Sinai . If then the people of Israel so much bound to Moses , and after so many yeares , who had freed them from the bondage of Aegypt , had nourished them with Manna in the Wildernesse , had made water flow out of Rocks , and many such like benefits ; yet onely because he was gone up to Mount Sinai to speake with God for their good , could finde in their hearts to rebell : what would have beene done against a Tyrant , a perfidious man , an enemy of the Citie ; and in the beginning of his Empire , if he had gone into Germany to pacifie those tumults ? and so much the more , as not having any trusty person to leave behinde him in his stead , for the Senate was his enemy ; his mother repented that ever she holpe him to the Empire : and as for the Traytour 〈◊〉 , what trusting was there to him ? And indeed , if there had beene any whom he might have trusted , it would have done him no good ; no more then it did Moses to leave Aaron in his place . Also Abimelech Prince of the Sichemites , going out of the City , in the beginning of his Empire , left in it his assured friend Zebull , yet it did him no good ; for no sooner was he gone , but the people mutinyed , and made Gaall their Prince ; as plainly appeares in the Book of Judges . So as we may conclude , Tiberius should have hazarded himselfe exceedingly if he had lest , and thereby lost the City of Rome : which he knowing ( saith Tacitus ) Fixumque Tiberio fuit , non amittere caput Imperii . For , having the Senate and people his enemies ; These for taking away their Liberty , Those for taking away their Authority ; and then the Armies in mutiny , and calling upon Germanicus to be Emperour , he might well thinke , that if Germanicus had once seene him out of Rome , he would never have refused the Empire in choler . To this I adde , that though Tiberius had beene sure of the Citie of Rome , yet he had no reason to put himselfe into the hands of the Army ; which having intended to kill the Legates , and Germanicus himselfe ; plainly shewed , they had cast off all respect and reverence . Ne in colluvione rerum Majestatem suam contumeli●… offerret .

As for the reasons before alleadged , they are of 〈◊〉 forces to say , that Majestie is able to appease tumults . Ire ipsum & opponere Majestatem imperitoriam debuisse : for Majestie when it is not accompanied with force , runnes alwayes a hazard ; at least , for the most part , as was seene in the Prophets , who came unarmed ; which the Romane Souldiers well perceived , in a discord they had with the people : In which Livy saith , Huic tantae tempestati cum se consules obtulissent , facile experti sunt , parum tutam Majestatem fine viribus esse : seeing ( as he saith a little after ) there is not a more weake thing then Majestie is , when it is alone . Nihil contemptius , neque infirmius , si fint qui contemnant : Yet I say not but that Majestie may do some good at a first brunt , before it be sound to be nothing but a shadow without substance , consisting onely in opinion . I doe not therefore marvell that the Emperour Rodolphus passing in his Coach to the Army that was in mutiny , without staying a jott , in manner of a lightening , was able to quiet it . For so also it succeeded well with Caius Fabius , who passed from the Capitoll to the Mount , where he meant to sacrifice , thorough the French Army , in habit of a Priest ; seeing it was done in so short a time , and upon such a sudden , as they had not space to take notice of it : Whereupon we see , that Ferdinand of Arragon , going forth amongst the people in a tumult , suddenly appeased it ; but then upon consideration of this reason , he presently returned into his Castle . And for this it was , as I conceive , that when Drusus had quieted the Legions of Illyricum , he would not stay the comming of the Embassadours ; but instantly went away to Rome : Whereupon those old Senatours , who at the first taking of Rome , stayed in their houses in their Senatours Robes , were by the majesty of their persons for a little time defended ; but it was not long ere the French perceived that this majesty of theirs was without any power , onely in opinion ; so as they began at first to scorne them , and at last to kill them .

It may therefore be concluded , that to trust to Majesty without force , is a dangerous businesse ; and therefore Tiberius meaning tacitely to answer the objection , said , Majestate salva , cui è longinquo major reverentia ; meaning to shew , that Majestie doth not the like good neare hand , as it doth a farre off ; seeing the further it is off , the greater it growes ; the nearer it comes , it growes the lesser . This was plainly seene , when Scipio and Lucius Quintius standing in competition for the Consulship , it was given to Lucius Quintius , for no other cause but this : whereof Livy saith , Accedebat quod alter decimum jam prope annum assiduus in oculis hominum fuerat : quae res minus verendos magnos homines ipsa satietate facit . And of this , besides Examples , there may be given Philosophicall reasons : The first , because reverence to a man farre off , must needs grow from Fame ; and Fame cannot come , but it must needs passe by the mouthes of many ; so as the first mouth which begins to relate it to another , alwayes addes something out of love and affection to him , whose actions he relates : and the second mouth when it comes to his turne , cannot relate againe , without adding something of his owne ; and so that other to another , In infinitum . Seeing we consift of parts that have a naturall instinct , never to returne things in the same manner they receive them , without imparting something of theirs : so the stomack converts the meate into Chylus ; the liver , the Chylus into bloud ; and so from hand to hand : Whereupon , not without cause it is said of Fame , that it increaseth as it flyes , like a snow-ball falling from a hill ; which , though little at first parting , yet every place where it passeth adding snow unto it , It growes at last to a huge bignesse ; and this greatnesse it gets by removing farre off from its beginning .

Another reason , if I be not deceived , may be drawn from the conception of the understanding , as being able to forme in it selfe a conceit of things , more or lesse perfect , then it is it selfe ; If of things more perfect , then it formes a conceit more imperfect ; as while it conceives God : If of things lesse perfect , then it formes a conceit more perfect ; and therefore in Gods understanding , all things are in such a manner , as he himselfe is . In understanding , materiall and sensible things are much more perfect then they are in themselves : the understanding being more perfect , because spirituall ; whereupon all Philosophers hold , that the patterne of a House is more perfectly represented in the understanding , then the fabrick of the House it selfe is in existence : so as by this reason , it is plaine , that a thing is greater contemplated then seene : And so it followes , That the Majestie which is contemplated , as represented onely to the understanding ; is greater then that which is beheld , as presented to the sense . Whereupon the Prophet Esay , meaning to shew , who they are would follow Christ most ; saith , Et qui non audierunt contemplati sunt : as though he would say , that they were most like to admire the Majestie of Christ , who had neither heard him , nor seen him , but only contemplated him . Plato therefore spake not idly when he said , That love encreaseth by remotenesse , in regard of the Idaea . And Aristotle said well , That when men are not knowne , they are reverenced ; and when knowne slighted : which was found true in Saul ; who when at first he was chosen King , the people desired infinitely to see him ; and assoone as they saw him , they began to despise him .

It is therefore manifest enough , that remotenesse is an encrease ; and by the contrary , that nearenesse is a diminisher : For the vulgar sort , of whom we now speake , judgeth things according to sense , from without and in the barke ; so as comming to have those things to be present , which they conceived to be great ; and not judging them answerable to their expectation , they quickly grow to contemne them , and count all but fables they had heard of them : Therefore our Lord God knowing that this race of people stands onely upon apparences , he gave them Saul to be their King ; which Procopius relating , upon those words ; Foenitet me quod constituerim Saulem , saith , Saulem elegit propter egregiam staturam ; non quod ipse qui omnium est Opifex , tanti eam faoeret : sed propter populum , qui ea quae sensibus apparent pulchra , tantum inspicit , & admiratur .

This also may happen thorough mens defects , as well in their mindes as bodies ; seeing there is no man so perfect , but he hath some defect or other ; which Fame carryes not abroad , but Nearenesse discovers . No marvell therefore that the common people of Rome , seeing Galba not to be so handsome a man as Nero , began to despise him : which happened also to Lewis the eleventh . With good reason then , and notably well did Tiberius make answer to the objection of the Citie ; Ire ipsum , opponere Majestatem : by saying , Majestate salva ; cui è longinquo major Reverentia .

De sententia legati statuunt tempus , quo seditiosissimum quemque & seditioni promptum 〈◊〉 invadant . Tunc signo inter se dato , irrumpunt contubernia , trucidant ignaros .

That to punish seditious Souldiers , by the Souldiers own hands , is very profitable , and that ministers for the most part , in punishing exceed their limits . The eight and fortieth 〈◊〉 .

AS soon as Germanicus had punished the heads of those Legions that were amongst the Cauci , those other Legions , which were governed by Cacina , went away to the Vbij , whereat Germanicus taking great indignation , was preparing to 〈◊〉 them by force , who thus voluntarily had revolted from him ; yet he would first send letters to Caecina , advertising him , that if the souldiers did not themselves punish their seducers , hee would come upon them with his Army , and kil both good and bad together ; when they who were free from the contagion heard this , they determined between themselves ( yet with Caecinaes consent ) to kill all those souldiers that had any hand in the Rebellion , and after the signe given for the Execution , they fell with great confusion to cut in pieces , as well good as bad , in such sort , that Germanicus comming to the Campe , with teares reproved them , for so severely executing his will , and passing their bounds .

By occasion of this passage , there are many things that offer themselves to be discoursed of ; the first , what the occasion was , why in the former Rebellion , onely the Heads were punished , and in this were punished all that any way were guilty of it ; secondly , whether this way of punishing by their own Companions be good . Thirdly and lastly , by occasion of these souldiers , who in punishing their Companions , farre exceeded the command given them ; we will see whether this happen not also in the Officers of Princes , and why for the most part , they punish more , and reward lesse than they are commanded .

Concerning the first , there was great reason why these should be more severely punished than the other , because having their Example before them , they yet persisted in the same rebellious courses , as Tacitus shews in these words , At Germanicus quanquam contracto exercitui , & parata in defectores ultione , dandum adhuc spatium ratus , fi recenti exemplo sibi ipfi consulerent . But seeing their Example did not mend them , they were justly punished more than the other . So God punished Lamech more than Cain , and yet Lamech had not killed a brother , but onely because he was not amended by the others Example , and thus Theophylact upon Saint Matthew expounds it in those words , Vt veniat super vos omnis sanguis justus , qui effunditur super terram , à sanguine Abel justi , usque ad sanguinem 〈◊〉 , whereupon this Authour saith , super Iudaeos illos , qui tunc erant , dicit , veniat omnis sanguis injustè effusus , plus enim punientur quam patres sui , nam neque post tanta exempla emendati fuerunt , sicut enim Lamech post Cain , plus enim punitus fuit ; licet non interemisset fratrem , eo quod non fuisset ad exemplum Cain emendatus . Good reason therefore had Germanicus to have them be more punished , who were not amended , by having an Example before their eyes , so Scipio Africanus did , and many others : but because contrariwise , the first of●…entimes are more punished than the second , as was seen in Ananias and Saphyra , in the Acts of the Apostles ; in the Deluge , in the subversion of Sodome , & infinite many in our time , who committing the same faults , yet have not the same punishments , ( I speak not of the Eternal ) I wouldtherfore make distinction , either it is the same party that commits both faults , and then the Law is , he should be more punished , for the second time offending , or else they are severall pa●…ties , and then , either of faults committed against some new Law , and then the first are more to be punished than the second , to the end there may grow no abuse , and that the Law with more care may be observed , or else we speak of faults committed against a Law already established , and then the second is more to be punished than the first ; in regard of the Example he hath before him . To come finally to the particular of these Rebellions ; if the first time , the fault be severely punished , it will be a cause , that hardly it will be committed the second time ; but if by ill fortune , it be committed , and they rebell the second time , there will be then little hope to quiet them ; because the feare to be punished , as at the first time , will hinder them from quiching ; and if in the first insurrection there be not used an excesse of rigour , it will be an occasion , they will easily make insurrection the second time ; but yet it will be easie then to quiet them , as it hapned to Scipio .

Concerning the second , to punish the seditious by the souldiers own hands , is occasion of many laudable effects . First , the hatred goes alwayes against them that act the punishment , and therefore when the Army now quieted , would have Germanicus to punish the offendours , he answered , Ipfi exequerentur ; whereof Tacitus a little after shewing the reason , saith , Nec Caesar arcebat , ( meaning that had done the slaughter ) Quando nullo ipfius jussu , penes ●…osdem saevitia facti , & invidiaerat .

A second reason is , that seeing all the seditious cannot be punished , but onely the Heads ; unlesse he should destroy the whole Army , it seemes that if the baser sort be not punished , it will give them meanes to be able , and occasion to be ready upon every light distaste to mutiny again , which by punishing the Heads by the proper hands of the multitude , will be remedied and prevented , because they will finde none afterward forward to incite them , when they see such an Example of their ungratefulnesse towards them them that incited , and were their Heads before , and of themselves , they will be never able to make any innovation , Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotis .

Thirdly , because the Generall by this meanes will remove the hatred which might grow by such slaughters , from himselfe to the souldiers ; this way John Bentivoglio in Bolonia took , when being advertised by his Adversary Duke Valentine , that many of the principall of the City had a meaning to receive him into Bolonia with an Army , which perhaps Valentine did , to the end that Bentivoglio might shed the blood of his Nobles , and thereby make the Heads of them his Enemies , and finally be murthered by them , but he giving credit to what Valentine writ , caused his son Hermes and the greater part of the young Nobles of Bolonia to go and commit those slaughters , to the end that they imbruing their hands in the blood of Bentivoglio his Enemies might run the same fortune with himselfe , and consequently never after abandon their Prince , because if he should chance to be driven out , they might be sure themselves to fare no better ; so as Bentivoglio made that a meanes to make himselfe secure , which Valentine intended should have made him odious . Herod fearing John the Baptist , and meaning to put him to death , invited to supper all the principall men of Galile , to the end that they also might have a part in the slaughter , and thereby be tied to defend him , if there should be need , of which the holy Text in Saint Marke saith , Herodes autem metuebat Johannem , sciens eum virum justum & sanctum , & custodiebat eum ; & audito 〈◊〉 , multa faciebat , & libenter eum audiebat ; & cum dies opportunus accidisset , Herodes natalis sui coenam fecit , Principibus , & Tribunis , & Primis Galileae , and that which followes . A pestilent course , because as well in the case before as in this , there was a most cruell and unlawfull Execution . But if ( as in our case we presuppose ) there should be an occasion deserving death , I then conceive , it would not do well , unlesse execution of the slaughter were conferred upon their own companions ; And thus did Moses , who almost just in the same manner as Caecina did , punished his people when they rebelled against him , or rather against God , in worshipping the golden 〈◊〉 , for he caused the Tribe of Levi , to enter into the Campe , and to go from one end to the other , forward and backward , and cut them all in pieces whom they found to have upon them a certain marke , which what it was I will not at this time stand to speak of ; Si quis est Domini , ( saith Moses ) jungatur mihi ; congregatique suntomnes filij Levi ad eum , quibus ait , Haec dicit Dominus 〈◊〉 Israel , Ponat vir gladium super faemur suum , ite & redite de porta usque ad portam , per medium castrorum , & occidat unusquisque fratrem & amicum , & proximum suum : and therefore the way which Caecina used in the Rebellion was a good way .

Fourthly , those Souldiers which were no partakers in the Rebellion are the gladder , if they can wash their hands in the blood of the offenders ; Laetabitur justus , cum viderit vindictam , manus 〈◊〉 lavabit in sanguine peccatoris . Whereupon in that first sedition , when the Souldiers had killed them that were guilty , as though that slaughter were their own absolution , they rejoyced ; Gaudebat caedibus miles , tanquam semet absolveret .

It remaines to shew whether it be true , that Officers in execution of punishments use to exceed their commission : and that it is true , is plainly shewed by Saint John in the Apocalyps , where a voyce saying to the seven Angels , Ite & effundite septem phialas irae Dei interram : they went and powred them out , not onely upon the land , but upon the rivers also , upon the fountaines , upon the sea , and even upon the sun : upon the same occasion , in another place of the Apocalyps , an Angel cried aloud to four Angels , to whom power was given to hurt the Earth and the Sea , saying , Nolite nocere terrae & mari neque arboribus : he needed not have said , arboribus , seeing those Angels had power to hurt but onely the Earth and the Sea , he therefore cried so ( as a Writer observes ) because he saw those Angels interpreted the power given them to hurt , in too large a sense , as meaning to hurt not only the Earth and the Sea , but the trees also ; or perhaps he doubted , least as Officers interpret alwayes too largely the power given them to inflict punishments , so they should interpret too narrowly , the power given them to bestow benefits ; whereupon he thought it not enough to say , Nolite nocere terrae & mari , and therefore added , neque arboribus : so also in Esay , our Lord God commanded that the Israelites should be humbled by the King of the Assyrians , and he intended to destroy them , God commanded him to tread upon them , and he went about to put them all to the sword .

This therefore is an ordinary thing with Officers to restrain favours , and inlarge punishment , which growes upon this , because as building their fortunes upon the Princes treasure and honours , they thinke every thing lost to themselves which is given to another , and therefore alwayes interpret favours narrowly , and punishments largely , as well to second the Prince in his anger , and make him the more gracious to themselves , as taking to heart the wrongs that are offered him , as also to make the delinquents faults seem greater than they are ; to the end , the Prince seeing them so cruell to them , that so perfidiously had wronged him , may take notice how faithfull they are in his service , and how much they resent his injuries .

Iunctoque Ponte tramittit duodecim millia E legionibus sex , & viginti socias cohortes , octo Equitum Alas , quarum 〈◊〉 seditione intemerata modestia suit .

Whether an Army be apter to rebell , that consists of one Nation onely , or that which consists of many . The nine and fortieth Discourse .

BY occasion of auxiliary Souldiers , ( which for any thing can be gathered from the forealleaged words of Tacitus ) stood alwayes quiet , and kept themselves in good order , when the Roman Legions oftentimes sell into seditions ; Iam drawn to think , that Armies composed of divers Nations , are lesse apt to be mutinous than those which are all of one Nation ; having a manifest Example thereof in the Army of Hannibal , which being composed of an infinite number of Nations , differing in Language , in customes , in Religion , yet they never mutinyed nor rebelled , although they had a thousand times occasion , by the many wants they suffered , which Livy wondred at , saying , Quippe qui cum in hostium terra , per annos trede●… jam procul à domo , varia fortuna bellum gereret ; exercitu non suo civili , sed mixto ex colluvione omnium gentium , quibus non lex , non mos , non lingua communis , alius habitus , alia vestis , alia arma , alii ritus , alia sacra , alii prope dii essent , ita quodam uno vinculo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ut nulla nec inter ipsos , nec adversus ducem seditio 〈◊〉 . The reason of this is , because being of divers language , they do not so easily accord , and if one part should happen to mutiny , it is easie to oppose it with another , which either through emulation , or some other cause , can seldom times be brought to agree together ; besides it happens , because if one of those Nations chance to mutiny , and abandon the Army , yet the Army will not be much weakened by it , as a thousand times hath been seen in Flanders in the King of Spaines Armies , and other places . When Hannibal meant to passe into Italy , the Carpetani forsook him , and he making shew he had given them leave , made no matter of it , and his Army was not thereby weakened , where if his Army had consisted of one Nation , he had never been able to passe into Italy . And this Ludovico Il Moro found , against whom when his Army rebelled , which consisted all of Swis●…ers , he was forced to 〈◊〉 his state , and be taken prisoner .

But if by ill fortune an Army consist●… of divers Nations happen to mutiny , as it is hard to happen ; so if it happen , it is impossible to appease it , of which the Carthaginians had a notable experience , when having an Army of that sort , they wanted not much of loosing their whole state , and Carthage it selfe . The reason is , because there cannot be speeches made to the whole Army when it consists of divers Languages , as there might be if it consisted but of one .

An Army then , if onely one Nation , is more apt to mutiny , but is withall more easie to be quieted ; an Army of divers Nations is lesse apt to mutiny , but if it mutiny , is impossible to be quieted : moreover , it is to be known , that as such Armies seldom grow tumultuous against their Commanders , so amongst themselves , there grow tumults often , and of these cases Histories are full , their being alwayes discord where there are divers Nations . Rebe●…ca being great with childe by Isaak , and having in her wombe Jacób and Esau , she felt a great striving of these two sonnes , which put her to much pain , whereof complaining to our Lord God , he answered , 〈◊〉 gentes sunt in utero tuo , & duo populi ex ventre tuo 〈◊〉 as though he would say , Marvell not if they strive together , seeing they are two divers Nations , which thou hast in thy body .

Alia Tiberio morum via , sed populum per tot annos molliter habitum , nondum audebat ad duriora vertere .

That to passe from one extreme to another is dangerous , and how it happens that su●…cessours commonly take courses differing from their predecessours . The fiftieth Discourse .

TO passe from one extreme to another without comming to the middle , not only is dangerous , but in many things is held impossible , as in motion , in such manner that some Divines deny , that Angels can move from one extreme to another , without passing by the middle , so as Hippocrates with good reason in his book of Aphorismes , mislikes the passing from a surfet to a diet ; and yet a surfet is bad , a diet good , but the passing from a surfet to a diet is most dangerous , whereof Aristotle in one of his Problemes , brings Dion●…sius the Tyrant for an Example , who in the siege of his City , forbearing to eat and drinke as he was wont , by this passing from Intemperance to Temperance , he fell into a Leprosie . What is worse than a corrupt Common-wealth ? What better than a regall Government ? yet he that hath gone about to passe from the one to the other , as it were at one jumpe , either it hath not been succesfull ; or it hath not been durable : whereupon we see that Musicians will not make a passage from a Discord ( as a seventh ) to a perfect Concord , as a fifth , without passing first to a sixth , and when they mean to make good a second they go to a third , and not to an eighth . By 〈◊〉 degrees the Common-wealth of Rome came to a 〈◊〉 all power ; for from a Democracy , it passed to an Oligarchy ; from that , to the Government of One ; and this One not willing to make that jumpe contented himselfe to be called Dictator , for if he had been called King , he had run a manifest hazard , as was plainly seen , when Antonius would have put a Crown upon his head ; and indeed Cicero said , that Anthonies tongue calling him King , was more the occasion of Caesars death than Brutus his dagger . After him comes Augustus , and Caesar having passed from one extreme , it was now easie for him to passe toward the other extreme , and therefore he was able after taking upon him the Tribunitiall dignity , to take upon him also that of Emperour ; but he came not full out to the other extreame , seeing hee carried himselfe as a companion , an equall , and as it were a Citizen with the rest , at least in shew ; as leaving some authority to the people , and deliberating in a manner of all things with the Senate . After Augustus came Tiberius , and he was able fully to reach the other extreame ; but yet not all at once : For , first he raised himselfe from equality ; then he took from the people that little authority they had ; and then lastly would be feared , and acknowledged for Prince . Alia Tiberio morum 〈◊〉 sed populum per tot annos molliter habitum , nondum audebat ad duriora vertere .

Augustus then , a Prince of that Prudence , as every one knows , not onely ordained new sports for recreation of the people ; but he in person would be present at them . Tiberius on the contrary , an excellent man , full of all the State wisedome that can be in a Prince , was 〈◊〉 from delighting in the sports ; yet durst not take them quite away . Whereupon , it should seeme to him that would consider these things to the full ; that one of them did doe well the other ill : seeing of two contraries , when one is good , the other must needs be bad . Yet , I am of opinion that both of them did well ; and if they had done otherwise , they would have met with difficulties . For , as for Augustus , there was reason , that the people , who for so many yeares had beene toyled with continuall warres , should be refreshed with some recreations ; as Augustus did , by ordaining of sports , and himselfe oftentimes to be present at them ; that he might not at first shew that inequality , from which but a few dayes before he had beene raised : But because , as after a cruell Prince , if there come another that is cruell ; he easily , by reason of the peoples hatred , runnes a hazard : So if after a Prince so milde , that rules onely with love , there come another Prince of like nature , he easily falls into contempt , and thereby stands in hazard of his state . It was therefore necessary , that Tiberius , to make a compleat setling of his power , should use a little rigour ; and differing from Augustus , should shew how much a Prince differs from a private person , by getting himselfe not onely love , but fear also ; which cannot well be maintained by him that carryes himselfe mildely , and suffers himselfe to be often seen . Tiberius then , being to use a diverse manner , hee could not in those beginnings , Ad●…duriora vertere ; seeing ( as I have said ) that passing from one extreame to another , is extreamly dangerous , and was it that ruined Galba ; for the people and the Souldiers being accustomed to the bounty of Nero , finding themselves upon a suddaine restrained , could not endure it ; Nocuit antiquus rigor : & nimia severitas cui jam pares non sumus : and therefore they who conspired the first time against Nero , meant to make Piso Emperour ; a man that favoured sports and pleasures exceedingly : Idque pluribus probabatur , qui in tanta vitiorum dulcedine , summum Imperium non restrictum , nee perseverum volunt . The City of Ferrara was accustomed under Duke Alphonso of glorious memory , to live in delights and sports ; and therefore when it came into the hands of Pope Clement the eighth , a man of singular prudence , and never enough to be commended ; he would not upon the suddaine restraine the people , but leaving them their delights , maintained them with sweetnesse in the Vigils , and Turneaments , and other generous Exercises .

But that Tiberius , Successour of Augustus , was unlike to his Predecessour , is no marvell ; seeing it is commonly so , and in all times hath ever beene so . Numa Pompilius was most differing from Romulus . David a war-like man , had for his Successour Salomon a peaceable man . To Moses a Law-giver , succeeded Josua a warriour . I forbeare to bring moderne Examples , as a thing odious ; and looke , that every one should of himselfe consider , that he who in a government succeedes another that is cruell , is commonly mercifull ; and he who succeedes one that is growne odious to the people , makes himselfe commonly odious to the Nobility . And this is so true , that I thinke it more needfull to seek out the reason , then to doubt the effect ; and although the search of it be difficult , yet I would say first , that every one having a certaine inbred desire to outgoe his Predecessour , which is a thing easier to be done , in matters wherein , he either excelled not , or did ill , they betake themselves to a contrary course . Whereupon , if Numa Pompilius would have gone about to exceed Romulus in warre , he had never attained it ; but to excell him in Religion , which by his Predecessours was little esteemed , was easily done . Drusus also going into Germany , if he would have meant to exceed his Predecessour Germanicus in glory of Armes , it would not perhaps have succeeded with him ; but to exceed him in crast and stratagems , 〈◊〉 easily succeeded . From hence it is why many believed ( as Plutarch relates ) that Tiberius Gracchus , seeing he could never be able to exceed Fluvius Posthumius in glory of warre , sought to get himselfe fame by peace ; and by bringing in new Laws among the people .

Secondly , Princes and Governours have before their eyes a politicall passage , which is held for an infallible rule ; that Governours ought to imitate their Predecessour in things commended , and not to imitate him in things distasted : and so much Nero in Tacitus promised to doe . And therefore a Prince , finding that his Predecessour had made every one his enemy thorough cruelty ; he too much desiring to avoid the like , ende●…vours by all meanes to win their love with mildnesse ; into which he transports himselfe , sometimes so farre , that to avoid hatred , he falls into contempt .

Thirdly , Princes and Governours carry a certaine envy towards their predecessours , and desire to be more beloved then they : whereupon for example ; if the predecessour were beloved of the Nobility , he will seeke to be beloved of the people , by being their 〈◊〉 . First , because the people will be gladder of his comming to be Prince , then the Nobility will be ; as those that cannot looke for more at this Princes hands , then they had at the others ; and consequently cannot chuse but shew some passion , at either the death , or at the departing of the predecessours : which how odious a thing it is to a new Prince 〈◊〉 teacheth us ; where he shews , that after the death of Augustus , the Senatours made shew to have no lesse joy in the new Prince , than they had in the old : At Romae ruere in Servitium Consules , Patres , Eques : quanto quis Illustrior , tanto magis falsi ac festinantes , vultuque composito ; ne laeti excessu Principis , neu tristiores primordio lachrymas , gaudium , quaestus , Adulationes miscebant .

Secondly , because it is more easie to content the part oppressed , then the part advanced ; as every one knows : and thus much for this .

Simul Segestes ipse ingens visu , & memoria bonae societatis impavidus ; verba ejus in hunc modum fuere .

What course is to be used in demanding Peace , and when is the fit time . The one and fiftieth Discourse .

SEgestes boldly and without any feare , being brought before Germanicus , with great confidence delivers his Speech ; though it might bee doubted , he had a hand in the death of Varro , and of the three Legions that were with him : and because this place of Tacitus containes in it many Arguments of Discourse ; I will first examine , when it is a fit time for men to seek friendship with their Enemies , and in what manner they ought to excuse themselves ; and though I may seeme to goe astray from this place of Tacitus , yet I will not omit to explain the words it containes ; that we may see why Segestes speaking of himselfe , spake with great boldnesse : and comming afterward to speake of his sonne , with great humblenesse craves pardon . Pro Iuventa & errore filii , veniam precor . Wherein wee may see , how men that desire to cleare themselves of any thing laid to their charge , ought to treat for procuring of Amity .

Such men therefore , either they have committed some fault , or they have not : if they have committed any fault , either they were at first friends , and afterwards are become enemies ; or else they have been alwayes enemies . If they have beene alwayes enemies , either they have beene Principalls , or but Adhaerents . Beginning then with the last ; if these enemies that desire to become friends , were onely Adhaerents ; they may then doe it , by abandoning their friends in danger without any cause given them ; but then withall , they must doe it with much blushing , or else will never be accepted . Seeing hee becomes for ever odious to the world , whosoever is stained with such a blot ; as was seene in Bernardino Corte of Pavia ; who being left by Ludovico Moro , to keep the Castle of Milan , rendered it up to Lewis the twelfth ; and finding himselfe afterward blamed for it of the French themselves ; he died with griefe . I cannot forbeare to relate an example of hatred that is borne to Traytors ; which Guicciardine reports in the person of Burbon , whom the King of Spaine imployed , to require a Captaine to deliver up his Pallace to the King of Spaine ; who answered , he could not deny the King ; but that assoone as Burbon was gone out of it , he would set it on fire , as a place infected , and unworthy to be inhabited by men of honour . It is true , that this answer , in my opinion , contained under it another mysterie , which I cannot now examine , as being out of my roade ; and therefore will leave it for the Reader to consider it of himselfe . This at least is a cleare case ; that Traytours are odious even to those , in whose favour they have done the Treason ; whereof many reasons may be given . And first , a reason taken from the danger they incurre , who keepe such fellows about them ; and are like to do as much to them as they have done to others : seeing a man that is growne infamous , cannot do better , then to make a gaine of his infamy ; as the Lawgiver said , speaking of Harlots . Secondly , because Obligation is a heavy burthen , which men willingly disburthen themselves of , assoone as they finde any little colour likely to doe it : A Prince therefore being obliged to one for becomming a Traytour for his service , payes him willingly with becomming ungratefull for his reward ; and thinks the hatred that is borne to Traytors is colour enough for it . A third reason may be taken from the pleasure men seeme to take , in overcomming rather by Force , than by Fraud ; and therefore oftentimes they kill the Traytors . So the Sabines did to the daughter of Spurius Tarpeius , who had opened to them the Castle of Rome : Seu ut vi capta Arx videretur . So the Romans taking the Fortresse of Tarentum , by the treason of the Brutii ; put them all to the sword Brutii quoque multi interfecti , seu per errorem , seu vetere in eos infito odio ; seu ad proditionis famam , ut vi potius atque armis captum Tarentum videretur . Fourthly , they are so odious , that they are alwayes in danger , in regard of the Example ; for if Princes should make much of them , and hold them in any account ; they should give an Example to encourage others to doe the like to themselves : This reason Livy also alleadgeth in the fore-said case of the Sabines ; Seu prodendi Exempli causa , ne quid usquam fidum proditori esset .

Lastly , Segestes saith of such , Nam proditores etiam iis quos anteponunt invisos : and in truth , these reasons are so cleare , that I should marvell there could be any Traytours ; if it were not for the force which particulars have to darken an understanding , that is cleare in universals .

Secondly , this may happen for some ill usage from them , to whom he adheres ; and in such case , he may speak without blushing : but yet he ought not to staine his honest parting with taking reward . And so much Indibile did , when passing with his Souldiers from the Carthagenians to the service of Scipio ; he rather excused himselfe for abandoning his friends ; then expected thanks for the ayde he brought . Whereof Livy saith ; Propiorque excusanti tranfitionem , ut necessariam ; quam glroianti eam velut primam occafionem raptam . Saire enim transfugae nomen execrabile veteribus 〈◊〉 novis suspectum esse : neque enim se reprehendere morem hominum , fi tam anceps odium causa non nomenfaciat : Meri●…a deinde sua in Duces Carthaginenses memora●…it avaritiam contra corum superbiamque , & omnis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in se , atque populares . Itaque corpus duntaxat suum ad id tempus apud eos fuisse : animum jampridem ibi esse , ubi jus ac f●… crederet coli : se id Scipionem orar●… ; ut tranfitio ●…bi , nec fraudi apud eum , nec honori fit . Likewise segestes in his speech to Germanicus , amongst other principall things he saith , this is one ; that he had not left his friends to get reward ; Neque ob praemium , sed ut me perfidia exolvam : but because , knowing Peace to be more profitable , he advised those people to give over warre : and Anthony , who by meanes of his faction prevailed , thought the contrary ; therefore for his owne safety , and that he might not be oppressed , he had left that side , and was come to the Romans . The very like to this doth Livy relate of Appius Clausus , who advised the Sabines not to enter into warre with the Romans ; and finding he was not able to withstand the ●…action , which perswaded the contrary , he went away to Rome ; Cum Pacis ipse Author , à turbatoribus belli premeretur , nec par factioni esset ; ab lacu Regillo magna clientium comitatus manu , Romam transfugit .

Thirdly , it may happen by his being dead , to whom he adhered ; and then , though the case may seeme more difficult , yet it is more easie ; at least , if he can make it appeare , that he adhered to the other , more for love to him , then for any hate to the contrary side ; and in such case he may speak boldly , and the more boldly the better . Herod the great had followed the fortune of Antonius untill his death , not for any hate he bore to Augustus , whom he never knew , but for the love he bore to Marke Antony , from whom he had received benefits , after whose death he feared not to present himselfe before Augustus , to whom he spake with a gravity becomming a King , and by this meanes was received of Augustus into a firme league of friendship : the reason of this is , because the cause of their enmity being ceased , which was the love to the person now dead , and the profit growing by him , they will thinke to have them hereafter their true friends : as conceiving they will be the same to them as they were to the other before , whereupon we reade in Tacitus that Otho seeing how faithfull Celsus had been to his enemy Galba , took him out of the hands of the Souldiers , by putting him in prison , and then gave him a charge , and held him as his speciall friend , and Celsus served him as faithfully , as he had served Galba , Celsus constanter servatae erga Galbam fidei crimen confessus , exemplum ultro imputavit , nec Otho quasi ignosceret , sed ne hostis metum reconciliationis adhiberet , statim intra intimos amicos habuit , & mox bello inter duces dilegit , manfitque Celso velut fataliter , etiam pro Othone fides integra & infoelix .

Such then as these shall not need to make any excuses , but onely shew the love they bore , and the faithfulnesse they used towards their friends now dead , and that they did nothing for any hatred they bore to this side , but for the love they bore to the other ; out of this respect I conceive it was , that Caesar pardoned all those that had borne Armes against him , saying , that they who had taken part with Pompey out of friendshiphaddone him no wrong : to these things may be added , the force that a free confessing hath ( not onely in this case , but in all other ) to procure ones pardon ; and the Reason is , because one cannot voluntarily confesse an errour , but he must withall at the same time commend and praise him to whom he confesseth it ; seeing no man would willingly confesse an errour , if he did not hope it would be pardoned : and out of such hope he grows confident , and fals to praising the Prince for his clemency ; things of great force to move one to pardon : whereupon not without mystery , the word Confiteor in the holy Text signifies not onely to confesse , but also to praise : and we see that our Lord Christ , who being without sin needed not to make Confession to his Eternall Father , yet notwithstanding he said , Confiteor tibi Domine coeli & terrae ; which meanes nothing ( as Saint Austin and all the Fathers expound it ) but , I praise thee Eternall Father , Lord of Heaven and Earth . We may justly say then , that this word Confiteor signifies as well To praise , as to confesse , seeing in confessing , one is praised . And thus much for Adherents .

Now concerning a Principall : if he have been alwayes an Enemy , either it is in time of war , or in time of peace ; if in war , either he is superior , or inferior ; if superior , either he knows he is able to hold out , or else he doubts he is like to go down : if he know he be able to hold out , he ought not then to seek after amity ; and therefore the Romans meaning to destroy Carthage refused peace : but if he doubt himselfe , and finde difficulties in it , he shall then do well to accept of peace , if it be required . This made Lutatius the Consul ( as Polybius relates ) after he had overcome the Carthaginians by sea , not to refuse peace when it was offered him by Amilcar , because he found there were many difficulties yet remaining , before he could get an absolute victory ; rather if he stand in doubt he shall come to be inferiour , he shall then do well , not onely to accept of peace , if it be required , but to require it himselfe : it is true , it is an hard matter to perswade men against reputation , whereupon we see , it succeeded not well with Hanno , when after the defeat the Romans had at Cannae , he counselled the Carthaginians to demand peace , whose counsell was rejected , not so much for his being of a contrary faction to that of Hannibals , as for the reputation . I cannot therefore but account the Senate of Venice to be full of men of great wisdom , who after the victory the Christians had gotten in a naval battell , yet taking into consideration the depth of things , they made a peace with the Turke , accounting it lesse evill for the conservation of their State , to live in peace , than to be turmoiled with war .

But if such a one be inferiour , either he knowes he is like to be inferiour still , or else he is in hope to get the better ; if thus , not onely he ought not to seek for peace , but not to accept it , if it be offered . Perseus having overcome the Romans in battail , by the advice of his friends demanded peace , but the Consul denied it . So Pyrrhus after he had won the first battail demanded peace , and was denied it . But if he be inferiour , and hath no hope to get the better , he shall do well not to stay to the last , seeing as long as he hath any strength left , he may demand peace with the more boldnesse , and make the better conditions : so Hannibal before his last battail demanded peace of Scipio , with great majesty ; where if a man stay till he be at the last cast , he must come as a suppliant , and aske with submission , and be fain to take what conditions he can get , and it is great foolery to go to aske pardon , with boasting of his merits , and standing upontermes . And this our Lord Christ expressed in the Parable of the Pharisee and the Publican ; where the Publican humbly asking pardon for his sinnes was heard , and the Pharisee not , because instead of humbling himselfe , he boasted of himselfe , saying , Deus , gratias ago tibi quia non sum sicut caeteri hominum , raptores , injusti , adulteri , velut etiam hic Publicanus , jejuno bis in sabbato , decimas do omnium quae possideo . The reason of this saying is , because when one confesseth his errours he makes himselfe judge , and consequently him his advocate , to whom he confesseth , where he that speakes with insolence makes himselfe his own advocate , and consequently him judge to whom he speakes ; whereupon how much it is better for a delinquent to make him he hath offended to be his advocate than his judge , so much it is better to aske pardon with humility than with boasting : and therefore , when after the Romans had entred Afia , and had gotten some victories , an Ambassador comming to Scipio from Antiochus , to demand peace ; he was answered by Scipio , Quod Romanos omnes , quod me ad quem missus es ignoras minus miror , cum te fortunam ejus à quo venis , ignorare cernam ; Lyfimachia tenenda erat , ne Chersonesum intraremus ; aut ad Hellespontum obfistendum , ne in Afiam trajiceremus , fi pacem à sollicitis de belli eventu petituri eratis , concesso vero in Afiam tranfitu , & non solum fraenis , sed etiam jugo accepto , quae disceptatio ex aequo cum imperium patiendum fit , relicta est ? And finally he gave him this counsell , Nuntia meis verbis , bello abstineat , pacis conditionem nullam recuset . For this cause the Etolians did ill , to speak so boldly after they were brought to the last cast , and that they would not accept of such conditions of peace as the Romans offered them , seeing it is a meer foolery to stand upon termes with a Conquerour , as they at last perceived , when the Consul bringing out his Forces , they were glad to humble themselves , and abate their boldnesse ; Tunc fracta Phaneae ferocia Aetolisque aliis est , & tandem cujus conditionis essent , sensere , & Phaneas se quidem , & qui adfint Aetolorum scire facienda esse , quae imperentur . There is therefore in such cases no better course than to lay conditioning aside , and to put ones selfe into the victors hand , who no doubt will remit the more when he findes it is left in his power to do it : so Alorcus counselled the Saguntines to do , that seeing they had now no hope left , they should rather put themselves into the victors hand , than stand upon conditioning ; Haud despero , cum omnium potestas ei à vobis facta fit , aliquid ex his rebus remissurum : which when the Saguntines would not do , they were all put to fire and sword .

I cannot omit by way of digression , to speak of a custome the Romans had ; which at first sight seemes to have been a great errour , and it is , that they offered the same conditions of peace in the uncertain beginning of a War , as after they had gotten an absolute victory ; as by the answer of Scipio to the Ambassadours of Aniochus may appear , Romani ex his quae in deorum immortalium potestate erant , ea habemus quae dii dederunt , animos , qui nostrae mentis sunt , eosdem in omni fortuna gessimus , gerimusgque neque eos secundae res extulerunt , nec adversae minuerunt ; ejus rei , ut alios omittam , Annibalem vestrum vobis darem testem , nifi vos ipsos dare possem : posteaquam Hellespontum trajecimus , prius quam castra regia , prius quam aciem videremus , cum communis Mars , & incertus belli eventus esset ; de pace vobis agentibus , quas pares paribus forebamus conditiones , easdem nunc victores victis ferimus . This way of doing served , it seemes , to no other purpose , but to encourage their Enemies , to cyment their fortune , till they should be brought to extremity , and I make no doubt but that Antiochus having before him the Example of the Carthaginians , would never be brought to accept conditions of peace till he was brought upon his knees with the War . To take away this difficulty , it would not suffice to answer , as Scipio said , that it came from generousnesse of spirit , that they altered not for fortune , seeing little praise can be given to such a dangerous and prejudiciall Generousnesse , and therefore I should rather attribute the cause to too great a greedinesse of getting that which is anothers ; seeing the Romans made war with Antiochus , and with the Carthaginians , as thinking they could not be quiet , if the one were Lord of this side the mountain Taurus , and the other were possest of Africke , and this being their motive , there is no doubt but the War would neverend , till they had triumphed both over Africa , and over Asia : Whereupon when War is waged with such people , we must make account either to get the victory , or otherwise to be absolutely destroyed : and therefore when Samuel meant to shew Saul , that God intended to root out his House , to the end he might know he would not pardon him till he were utterly destroyed , he called our Lord God by the Name of Triumpher , Porro Triumphator in Israel non parcet : as though he would say , as they who fight to triumph , do not pardon till they have utterly destroyed their Enemies , so O Saul , will our Lord God do with thee . But to returne to our purpose , if they who would come to amity were friends before , and are afterward become Enemies , they must then come with blushing and with great humblenesse , at least if they can shew no just occasion , but let them not then stay til they come to extremity , for then they wil never be accepted : therefore the Capuans did ill , not to open their Gates to the Romans within the time given them ; for when they were come to extremity , it availed not then to open their Gates , but all of them were miserably put to the sword .

The last case is of him that demands amity , and comes to excuse himselfe , as having never committed any fault , alwayes really been a friend , and never done them any wrong ; and such an one may , or rather must speak boldly . Such a one was Segestes , who speaking of himselfe , Memoria bonae societatis impavidus , never asked pardon . Such then may speak with confidence , and ought to be hearkened to of the Prince with patience : and this way was a great helpe to Terentius in Tacitus , who being accused for having had friendship with Sejanus , he confessed it boldly , shewing not onely that he was his friend , but that he had laboured much to come to be so , as seeing him a Companion of Caesar in his Consulship , a Kinsman , an inward friend , and a stay of the Empire ; and this constancy of his prevailed so far that not onely he was pardoned , but his accusers also were ill intreated . Saul must pardon me , if I thinke him in this case , a more Tyrant than Tiberius , seeing when Abimelech the Priest was accused for giving David meat , and the sword of Goliah , and was charged for it by Saul , he made the like answer as Terentius did , Et quis in omnibus servis tuis sicuti David fidelis , & gener Regis , pergens in imperium , & gloriosus in domo tua . But the boldnesse and innocency of Abimelech was not so great , but the cruelty of Saul was greater , who for this cause put him to death ; certainlya most perfidious act , seeing as I have said , and say still , He that is innocent & comes without fault , both ought to speak with boldnes , and ought to be heard with patience : and herein Princes should imitate our Lord God , who takes pleasure in such disputes , as S. Austin witnesseth in his exposition of those words in the Psalme , Jucundum fit ei eloquium meum ; which he reades thus , Suavis fit ei disputatio mea ; and then saith , Ostendit Propheta suavem Deo esse disputationem , & argumentationem gratam , quae post peccatorum poenitentiam fit , cum eo pias querelas proponendo & irae illius refistendo viriliter : so Job spake , pretending to be innocent , Ad Omnipotentem loquar , & disputare cum Deo cupio ; and a little after addes , Quis mihi tribuat ut cognoscam & inveniam illum , & veniam usque ad solium ejus , ponam coram eo judicium , & os meum replebo increpationibus , ut sciam verba quae mihi respondeat . And therefore Esay having in his first Chapter said , Lavamini & mundi estote ; he addes , Venite & arguite me ; which Saint Gregory interpreting , saith , Ac fi patienter dicat ; recta agite , & animad verfionis meae motibus non jam per deprecationem gemitus , sed per fiduciam authoritatis obviate : whereupon after Job had said , Taedet animam meam vitae meae , with great confidence he addes , Dicam Deo , Noli me condemnare ; as the foresaid S. Gregory in a thousand places excellently observes : with good reason therefore Terentius spoke boldly to Tiberius , rather as disputing than as intreating ; with good reason Segestes in our case shewed he did not fear , seeing neither the one nor the other had committed any fault : whereupon there was no just cause that Tiberius should not accept Terentius for his friend ; and Germanicus , Segestes .

Vt quibus initiis , quanta Tiberii arte , gravissimum exitium irrepserit , dein repressum fit ; postremo arserit , cunctaque corripuerit , noscatur .

With what cunning Tiberius introduced and augmented the Law of Treason . The two and siftieth Discourse .

PErsuaded by the foresaid words of Tacitus , in which he shewes what cunning Tiberius used to bring in the Law of Treason ; I have much mused in what that cunning consisted , seeing neither Tacitus declares it , but would have us gather it out of the History our selves , neither can I thinke , I have fully apprehended his meaning , I will therefore onely say that little which my weaknesse hath been able to conceive of it , that some stronger brain may thereby the more easily finde out the truth .

First then it might be said , that he used this cunning , when being asked , An judicia Majestatis redderentur ? He answered , Exercendas esse leges . The cunning consists in this , that being asked in a particular which concerned onely himselfe , he answered in a generall , which concerned the profit of the whole City ; as though he should say , for as much as concernes me , which is the particular of Treason , I make no reckoning , nor require any to be made ; but as much as concernes the Law , I would have that to be observed , seeing it is of great importance , that Lawes be not abused : and in confirmation of this his will , he granted pardons to all those who at that time were accused of any crime , and consequently with great sweetnesse gave a beginning to a most bitter thing ; because by his pardoning the Law was set on foot , and he brought it in , with such a kinde of clemency , that it remained ever after in the Princes power to take it away again .

But in the introducing this Law by Tiberius , his cunning may perhaps be better considered another way ; for understanding whereof , we must take into consideration , two cases that are in Tacitus ; the first , is in this place , where Falanius and Ruberius being both of them accused , Falanius for placing amongst certain priests of Augustus one Cassius a Buffone ; Ruberius for violating with perjury the name of Augustus ; Tiberius with divers wayes colouring their errour , cleared them both ; Scripsit consulibus , non ideo decretum Patri suo coelum , ut in perniciem civium is honor verteretur , Cassium histrionem solitum inter alios ejusdem artis interesse ludis , quos mater sua in memoriam Augusti sacrasset : nec contrareligiones fieri , quod effigies ejus , ut alia numinum fimulachra , venditionibus hortorum , & domuum accedant : Jusjurandum perinde ●…svimandum , ac si Jovem fefellisset . Deorum injurias diis curae . It was not long after , but Marcellus was accused for speaking ill of Tiberius , whereat though he seemed a little angry , yet he suffered him notwithstanding to be acquitted . The second case we are to consider , is written in the second Book of his Annals , where Apuleia Varilla being accused of Adultery , & for speaking scandalous words of Augustus , of Tiberius and of Livia , he gave sentence , that for what she had spoken against Augustus she should be punished , but for what she had spoken against himselfe , he would have no matter made of it , and being then asked by the Consul , whether she should not be punished for the words spoken in disgrace of Livia , for that time he made no answer , but the day following he desired in his mothers name , that the words against her , might be no prejudice to Apuleia .

Now if these cases be well underst●…od , we shall easily discover the cunning of Tiberius , which consisting in the way of introducing and enlarging the Law , hath need to take in a former consideration ; and it is , that the Law of Treason , as concerning the name was in use also in the time of the Common-wealth , but contained not the same Heads , he onely being then intended to fall into this crime , who practised any thing against the Common-wealth , either by raising of Armies , or by making seditions amongst the People , never making reckoning of words , nor of such small matters , but onely of hainous things , as Tacitus in this place delivers .

To come then to our purpose , Tiberius being asked , if he would have the Law of Treason to be observed , answered , the Lawes must be observed , as though he would say , he would have them in use , as they were in the time of the Common-wealth : whereof he gave a proof in the first case , where Augustus and Livia , and himselfe being injured , he pardoned all : and so you see the birth of the Law. Afterward in the second case , where himselfe and Augustus and Livia were injured , where in the first he had said , Deorum injurias diis curae ; speaking of Augustus : in the second , he would have Apuleia for the words she had spoken against Augustus , to be punished ; for the injury done to himselfe and Livia , he pardoned her : and so you see the growth of the Law : in confirmation whereof , Tacitus hath these words , Adolescebat intercalex Majestatis . And here is to be considered , that Tiberius meaning to begin the growth of the Law of Treason , would not begin it , with making it be observed in his own case , but in the case of Augustus , requiring that boldly for another , which without blushing he could not have required for himselfe : and so much more in this case , as the demand was coloured with paternall piety , and therefore obliged the Senate the more , to punish them also who should use any such words against himselfe . Finally , there passed not much time , but by meanes of this Law , not onely they were punished who committed crimes against the Prince , but it came to that passe , that to every petty fault , and though but against a private person , they gave the name of Treason , that so they might have colour to inflict capitall punishment at their pleasure , as in a thousand places of Tacitus his Bookes is written .

Id quoque Tiberii morum ●…uit , continuare Imperia , ac plerosque ad finem in iisdem exercitibus aut Iurisdictionibus habere .

Whether it be good , that Officers should continue in their Places ; and why this course was observed by Tiberius . The three and fiftieth Discourse .

TIberius ( by as much as these words of Tacitus shew ) used not to change his Officers , whereby it happened , that oftentimes they died in their charge ; but because Tiberius had many particular occasions that made him observe this custome , which in other Princes are not usuall ; We will first speak of it in generall , whether it be a good course ; and then in particular ; and lastly we will give the reasons of all .

Concerning the first , We cannot proceed without distinction : when the question is therefore , whether it be good to continue Officers , We may either mean it of Officers of Warre , or of those of Peace : If we speak of Officers in Warre , either it is in a warre where the Prince desires to make new Acquests ; or else in a war which he makes onely for reputation , or some other small interest . If he make it , with a purpose of enlarging his Dominion , I cannot then commend the change of Officers , so long at least as there is no demerit in the Captaine ; ( and this , for the many reasons I have shewed in a Discourse before : ) but if hee have no other end , but onely to continue the warre , he may then change them as he pleaseth : whereupon we see , that Tiberius himself making warre in Germany for Reputation onely ; Potius quam cupidine proferendi impenii : changed his Generall , calling home Germanicus .

If we speake of Officers in Peace ; either they are meane places , which can neither bring honour nor damage to the Prince , or some midling places ; that have other Officers above them ; or else they are chiefe & Principall places , that have none above them ; and in these ( to begin with the last ) to continue the same men , is in a manner necessary ( so long at least as they carry themselves worthily ) as well because they are better acquainted with businesses ; as also because it is a hard thing to find men able to discharge such places : and lastly , because if they should be removed ; to exalt them , is impossible ; they being now at the highest ; and to abase them , is dangerous : whereof in the Booke of Kings we have a notable Example in Ieroboam , who rebelled against Solomon ( as some Rabbines interpret ; and very well in my opinion ) onely for being put in an Office meaner than that he had before : For where before , he was collectour of the Tributes , of the Tribes of Manasses and Ephraim , he was now made overseer of the building of Millo , a much inferiour place than the other . In this case therefore it shall do well to use the custome of Tiberius , to continue them in their places , during their lives : provided that they be not made hereditary , as in some Kingdomes hath been done , with much detriment to the Prince .

Again , if we speake of midling places ; to suffer them to continue , without hope of being changed , brings forth commonly many evil effects . The first is because all men labour for advancement , and their aime is always at principal places : endeavouring so much the more to do good service , as they know it to be a means to raise them higher ; there being no doubt , but he will serve better , that hath advancement for his end , than hee that hath onely conservation for his Object : as we see , that young men eat more than old , because the end of these is onely to conserve themselves ; but of the other , to augment themselves . And therefore Sinan the Primovisior Generall of the Turke , against the Persians , knowing he could rise to no higher Dignity than he had already , was willing to hearken to Treatyes of peace , and pursued the war but coldly . Whereupon Benhadad ( as in the sacred Text is written ) had good counsell given him , that where in his armye hee had Two and thirty Kings , he should put in their places as many other valiant men , because They being at the highest , would never strein themselves much to fight , as knowing they could rise no higher : where other men to get advancement , would bestir themselves with greater vigour . This reason Abulensis brings in these wordes . Amove Reges fingulos ab Exercitutuo , & pone pro eis principes . For confirmation of this I have now said , the Example of Seianus ( in my opinion ) serves very fitly , who as long as hee had any hope to be advanced higher , he continued a good servant , and an excellent counsellour to his Prince : Quia Seianus incipiente adhuc potentia , bonis confiliis notescere volebat , but as soon as he was got to such a heigth that he could not hope to rise any higher , he then fell from his good service , and plunged himselfe in manifest villanyes . This reason Tiberius understood well , and therefore when Sejanus was growne to a mighty heigth of greatnesse , to the end he might have occasion to continue his good service , made a shew he would yet raise him higher , Ipse quid intra animum volutaverim , quibu●…adhue necessitudinibus immiscere te mihi parem , omittam ad praesens referre . Id tantum aperiam , nihil esse tam excelsum , quod non virtutes istae , tuusque in me animus mereantur . This is an excellent way , and ought to be observed with those who hold the prime places . Those therefore that are in midling places , should not be continued still , but have hope given them , that by their good service they may rise higher . Otherwise , besides the reasons alleadged , there would follow another inconvenience , that when they of the chiefe places die , the Prince should want others to put in their roomes ; and consequently should be driven , to goe begging in forraine parts for principall Officers : who not being acquainted with businesses , and little affectionate ( unlesse for their owne ends ) to the Prince ; they were like , ( in my opinion ) to doe but ill service , as neither knowing , nor being knowne . Whereupon the Apostles , being make make an Election , did not use this manner , Oportet ex his viris qui nobiscum sunt congregati , in omni tempore : and as it follows . To this may be added , that Princes should continue meaner Officers in their places , but to make them fit for greater . This course the Venetians have alwayes used , and it was the ancient custome of the common-wealth of Rome , that when by the death of Senatours there were places void , they would fill them up out of the rankes next below them : an excellent course certainly ; for their carriage being continually seene in lesse matters , It may easily be gathered what good service they are like to do in greater . From hence it was , that Fabius Maximus knew , that Titus Ottacillus was no fit man to governe an Army ; Titi Ottacilli in minore re experti operam tuam sum●… haud sane cur ad majora tibi fidamus , documenti quicquam dedisti : But though I like well the changing of Officers , yet I like not they should bee changed often . First , because it is the property of them that are to leave a place , to burne ( as the Proverbe is ) their Cabbins ; not so much for any hatred or envie they beare to their Successours , as for their owne benefit : Whereof we have an example in Saint Matthew ; where he relates , that one had beene possessed with a Devill many yeares , and never found any hurt by the evill Spirit all that while ; but when the Devill perceived he was to go forth of his body , he then fell to tearing him in most cruell manner . And just so it is with some that are in offices ; if they thinke they shall stay any while in their places , they do not then so suddenly fall to fleece the Subjects ; but if they finde they shall shortly leave them , they then begin to use extremities . And therefore the Officers of Galba , ( as Tacitus reports ) doubting they should stay but a small time in their places , by reason of the Princes old age , fell to fleecing : Jam afferebant vaenalia cuncta 〈◊〉 liberti. Ser vorum manus subitis avidae ; & tanquam apud senem festinantes . But seeing it is necessary sometimes to change them , ( as wee have observed before ) whether the change be sooner or later ; the best course is to do it upon a suddaine ; that they may not do as Farmers use to do , when they are to part with a Farme , who to make the greater Vintage in their last yeare , care not how barren they make the Vines for the yeare following .

Now if we speak of those meane places , which bring some profit to the Officers , without any danger to the Prince , as some Magistrates that serve for shew , with little substance ; in these the changes should be often ; as well to the end , many may come to partake of the profit , as also thereby to get the love of all . And this differs not from the opinion of Tiberius ; who when the Senate would have perswaded him to make a Magistrate , that continued in his place but one yeare , to continue in it five ; he would not grant it . Grave moderationi suae tot eligere , tot differre ; Vix per fingulos annos offensiones vitari ; quamvis repulsam propinqua spes soletur ; quantum odii fore ab his , qui ultra Quin quennium projiciantur . I know well , that this was not the meaning of Tiberius ; but yet the sentence hee gave may serve for my purpose . It remaines to shew , why Tiberius would never be drawne to change those he had once put in Offices : The first reason which Tacitus alleadgeth , is set down in those words ; Tedio novae cura , semel placita pro aeternis servavisse : that is , Tiberius finding it a trouble to make new Elections , was willing to continue the old ; but seeing Tacitus tels not why it should be a trouble , it seemes to be but a cold reason which he brings : we may therefore rather say , that ( as other Authours relate ) Tiberius had in such manner used cruelty against any that had any vertue in them ; that unlesse he should place men in Offices , that were unfit , he had much adoe , and hardly could finde any : and therefore no marvell , having once found some , if he were afterward loath to remove them . To this may be added ( as Tacitus a little after saith ) that though he saw many great wits in the Citie , that would have beene able to discharge such Offices ; yet he , standing in feare of such men , chose rather to let them die in idlenesse , as seeking to put men in places , to which they were onely equall : Neque supra ; that is , such as should not be good at making Innovations : of which sort of men , there is in all places great scarcity ; and therefore when he once found such a one , he was never willing to change him ; as by whom he might have good service done him ; and that without danger . And this is an Exception to the Rule I made before ; when they who are imployed are but equall to their imployment , and cannot hope to be imployed in any greater businesse ; not for default in the Prince , but of ability in themselves . Again , it put him to the more trouble , as having a most acute wit ; and consequently a wavering judgement , as Tacitus shewes us in those words : Vt callidum ejus ingenium , ita anxium judicium ; a thing which alwayes happens to such persons , because being men that know much , they pierce into all difficulties ; and consequently hardly resolve upon any thing , finding the darknesse of difficulties even in the light it selfe : as Moses , the first time that God called him , having yet but a grosse braine , thought every thing Light ; but the second time , when his braine was purged , he thought every thing Darknesse . The last reason , which Tacitus brings , ( for the other to my seeming , are but confirmations of the first ) is set down in these words ; Quidam invidia , ne plures fruerentur ; that is , Tiberius would not change his Officers , because he would not have many to be enriched by them . This conceit I cannot beleeve , that either Tiberiut , or Tacitus had ; but that it is a meere idle fancie of the vulgar : seeing amongst the chiefe Precepts that Aristotle gives to Tyrants , this is one ; Not to suffer Riches to be reduced into few hands : And besides , we may give the words a fitter exposition ; which is , That T●…berius having very few friends , if he should change his Officers often , he should be forced at last to bring in some that were his enemies : Whereupon out of very envy , least any enemy of his should grow rich , or get reputation ; he was never willing to change his Officers often : which , when at last he could not avoid , but had placed in the Provinces certaine of his enemies , he would never suffer them to goe to their charge , but kept them alwayes neare about him , a course which many Princes take with their enemies ; as by a thousand Examples ( which for brevity I omit ) may easily be known : wherein it happens to Princes , contrary to that of private men ; for these are safest , when their enemies are furthest off ; but Princes , when they are nearest : and to this purpose are those words of Tacitus ; Quae baefitatione postremo eo provectus , ut mandaverit quibusdam Provincias , quos egredi urbe non erat passurus . I should not give this sense to this place , if my interpretation were not made good by a passage in Suetonius ; where hee saith , Vnum & alterum consulares , oblatis Provinciis , non ausus à se dimittere , eosque adeo detinuit , donec successores , post aliquos annos praesentibus daret .

I conclude then , that Tiberius did well to continue Officers in their charges ; as well for the scarcity he had of fit persons , as also , and more , because he used to imploy men that were onely equall to the businesses : Other Princes shall do well to avoid all extreames .

One onely thing remaines to be advertised ; that when I commend the course , not to change Officers often ; I meane it should proceed from the Princes owne will , not thinking it fit he should binde himselfe to let them stay in their places any determinate time ; as three yeares , or five , or more ; without leaving himselfe a power to remove them : For this would be to the Princes great prejudice ; which Tiberius considering , made the fore-alleadged answer to Asinius Gallus ; Grave moderationi sue , and as it followes : whereby we may plainly see , that though Tiberius did not like to change his Officers often ; yet he liked well to have it in his power to change them often .

FINIS .