Britannia
Languens
:
OR
,
A
DISCOURSE
OF
TRADE
,
SHEWING
,
That
the
present
Management
of
Trade
in
England
,
is
the
true
Reason
of
the
Decay
of
our
Manufactures
,
and
the
late
great
Fall
of
Land-Rents
;
and
that
the
increase
of
Trade
,
in
the
Method
it
now
stands
in
,
must
proportionably
Decay
England
.
Wherein
is
particularly
demonstrated
,
That
the
East-India
Company
,
as
now
Managed
,
has
already
near
destroyed
our
Trade
in
those
Parts
,
as
well
as
that
with
Turky
,
and
in
short
time
must
necessarily
beggar
the
Nation
.
Humbly
offered
to
the
Consideration
of
this
Present
PARLIAMENT
.
LONDON
:
Printed
for
Richard
Baldwin
,
near
the
Black
Bull
in
the
Old-Baily
.
1689.
TO
THE
READER
.
IT
is
a
Truth
beyond
all
Dispute
and
Controversie
,
sad
Experience
having
too
evidently
made
out
the
Proof
and
Certainty
of
it
,
that
the
Trade
of
England
for
many
Years
last
past
,
hath
been
so
impolitickly
and
ill
manag'd
for
the
Nations
Good
and
Benefit
,
that
it
hath
been
the
true
Cause
of
the
fall
of
the
value
of
Lands
,
the
decay
of
Farmers
,
and
Graziers
,
and
almost
the
utter
ruin
and
destruction
of
the
choisest
and
best
Manufactories
of
this
Kingdom
;
and
the
more
the
Trade
of
the
Nation
shall
be
enlarged
in
the
Methods
we
now
Traffick
in
,
the
more
mischievous
and
ruinous
it
must
prove
to
the
Nation
;
and
unless
some
speedy
Care
be
taken
by
wise
and
prudent
Laws
,
to
prevent
this
growing
Destruction
upon
us
,
we
shall
most
insensibly
fall
to
the
greatest
Penury
and
Want
perhaps
of
any
Nation
in
Europe
;
tho
this
Kingdom
otherways
by
its
Scituation
,
and
the
fruitfulness
of
its
Soil
,
and
by
its
brave
Harbours
for
Shipping
,
the
choisest
and
cheapest
Materials
for
the
stanchest
Manufactories
that
are
used
throughout
Europe
;
This
Kingdom
might
be
improv'd
not
only
to
doubling
the
value
of
Lands
,
but
by
advancing
our
Manufactory
so
,
as
to
command
the
Trade
of
the
Known
World
;
and
the
Design
of
the
ingenious
Author
of
this
Book
is
,
to
demonstrate
the
above
Assertions
,
by
shewing
most
unanswerably
the
fatal
Mischief
that
attends
this
Nation
,
by
the
Methods
of
Trade
,
that
it
is
at
present
ingaged
in
,
and
giving
also
the
true
Notions
of
Trade
,
as
to
Interest
and
Advantage
of
their
Majesties
,
and
all
their
Subjects
,
and
that
with
so
much
Demonstration
and
Clearness
,
that
the
Author
would
not
have
probably
toiled
in
so
ingenious
Inquiries
,
but
that
he
believed
,
could
he
intelligibly
make
out
the
Truths
above
,
whenever
the
great
Assembly
of
Parliament
should
meet
,
they
would
take
it
into
their
Wise
Consideration
.
Themselves
,
as
well
as
the
whole
Kingdom
,
being
concerned
in
the
Affairs
and
Interest
hereof
.
THE
Introduction
.
IT
hath
been
the
Common
Design
and
Business
of
Individual
Men
in
England
,
as
elsewhere
,
to
obtain
sufficient
Revenues
in
Money
to
the
end
they
may
secure
themselves
from
Necessities
and
Shifting
,
and
live
plentifully
;
And
yet
it
may
be
undeniably
and
uncomfortably
observed
,
That
whilst
every
one
hath
eagerly
pursued
his
private
Interest
,
a
kind
of
Common
Consumption
hath
crawled
upon
us
;
Since
our
Land-Rents
are
generally
much
fallen
,
and
our
Home-Commodities
sunk
from
their
late
Price
and
Value
;
Our
Poor
are
vastly
increased
,
and
the
rest
of
our
People
generally
more
and
more
feel
the
Want
of
Money
;
This
Disease
having
grown
upon
us
in
times
of
Peace
,
when
no
Forreigners
have
Exhausted
us
by
War-like
Depredations
,
may
very
justly
amuse
us
;
and
the
more
,
when
at
the
same
time
,
we
observe
that
some
of
our
Neighbour-Nations
,
lately
our
Equals
,
or
much
our
Inferiors
,
are
become
so
prodigiously
Rich
and
Powerful
on
a
sudden
,
(
I
mean
the
French
and
Dutch
:
)
Certainly
these
mighty
Productions
must
have
some
great
and
vigorous
Causes
,
which
have
been
very
furiously
working
of
later
years
,
and
such
as
have
not
fallen
under
Common
Observation
:
The
Nations
and
Races
of
People
are
the
same
,
and
the
Countries
of
England
,
France
and
Holland
,
stand
where
they
did
,
they
are
not
removed
an
Inch
;
nor
do
the
English
seem
to
have
lost
their
Vnderstandings
;
they
are
as
cunning
in
their
private
Contracts
as
ever
,
and
appear
nothing
inferior
to
the
French
and
Dutch
in
most
parts
of
Literature
;
I
question
not
but
that
they
know
all
the
Ancient
Languages
and
Histories
as
well
,
that
our
Academicks
are
as
subtile
in
all
the
Criticismes
of
Aristotle
,
that
they
have
travelled
as
far
into
the
most
abstruse
parts
of
his
Logick
,
Physicks
and
Metaphysicks
;
and
yet
have
we
still
grown
poorer
and
poorer
;
So
have
we
excelled
in
divers
necessary
parts
of
Learning
;
We
have
had
as
Able
,
Eloquent
and
Eminent
Lawyers
and
Clergy-men
as
ever
,
and
as
Notable
Physitians
,
and
the
Nation
seems
to
have
grown
more
Learned
,
and
therefore
Wiser
than
before
,
by
the
late
vast
increase
of
these
Ranks
of
men
.
The
present
Disadvantages
we
are
under
,
are
therefore
commonly
attributed
to
Accidents
of
divers
kinds
,
as
mens
present
particular
Fancies
dictate
,
in
which
the
greatest
part
are
contented
to
rest
satisfied
without
farther
enquiry
,
whilst
they
have
some
Prospects
of
Gain
in
the
Imployments
they
are
severally
Educated
to
;
Some
ascribe
the
fall
of
Rents
to
an
over-great
increase
of
Corn
,
by
the
ploughing
up
of
Parks
;
Others
to
the
modern
Parsimony
in
House-keeping
,
the
lessening
of
Gentlemens
Retinues
,
and
leaving
off
the
old
laudable
Custom
of
plentiful
Suppers
,
which
they
suppose
occasions
a
less
Consumption
of
Victuals
;
others
attribute
this
,
and
the
want
of
Money
in
the
Country
,
to
the
great
resort
of
People
to
London
,
and
quarrel
at
the
New
Buildings
,
as
the
Hires
and
Receptacles
which
draw
them
thither
;
others
to
the
banking
up
of
Treasures
in
the
Coffers
of
some
unknown
Grandees
,
Church-men
,
Lawyers
or
Citizens
,
of
which
they
are
highly
confident
,
for
else
,
they
say
,
what
is
become
of
the
money
?
then
for
the
late
Progress
and
Trophies
of
the
French
,
many
look
upon
them
as
the
meer
effects
of
the
Despotick
or
Arbitrary
Power
of
that
Monarchy
,
or
of
the
personal
cunning
of
some
men
now
living
in
France
;
I
remember
I
heard
one
Gentleman
say
,
that
the
French
Genius
was
up
,
wherewith
he
gave
himself
and
others
good
satisfaction
:
Others
will
have
it
,
that
the
late
Enemies
of
the
French
wanted
Valor
and
Conduct
,
but
that
if
the
French
had
the
English
to
contend
with
,
their
Glory
would
soon
be
laid
in
the
Dust
:
For
the
Dutch
,
there
are
those
who
will
argue
their
Riches
and
Populacy
▪
to
proceed
from
the
peculiar
Industry
of
that
Nation
,
and
that
such
an
Eternal
Toil
is
not
supportable
by
any
other
;
Others
,
to
their
small
Expence
in
Diet
and
Habit
,
others
to
particular
Circumstances
in
the
time
and
manner
of
their
Defection
from
Spain
;
to
their
Register
of
Titles
and
Contracts
,
and
their
cheap
and
easie
decision
of
Law-Suits
.
Of
all
other
things
we
seem
to
be
most
secure
in
the
matter
of
Trade
;
we
have
many
who
taking
themselves
to
be
born
or
intitled
to
so
much
a
year
in
Land
,
do
consider
Trade
as
no
otherwise
necessary
in
a
Nation
,
than
to
support
younger
Brothers
,
and
are
ready
to
thrust
all
Publique
Taxes
upon
Trade
,
that
they
may
ease
the
Land
;
Others
who
pretend
to
enquire
into
it
,
hear
the
Customs
are
much
risen
of
late
years
,
and
then
rest
satisfied
that
we
have
a
mightier
Trade
than
ever
:
We
have
also
some
Merchants
and
Shopkeepers
who
get
Estates
,
and
buy
Land
on
a
suddain
,
which
is
lookt
upon
as
an
Argument
of
a
good
Trade
;
We
find
their
mighty
and
numerous
Shops
and
Warehouses
,
full
of
goods
,
and
do
not
hear
them
complain
of
Trade
,
Or
that
Land
is
brought
to
14
or
16
years
purchase
,
or
that
they
buy
at
a
much
abated
yearly
value
.
Some
,
indeed
,
justly
apprehending
a
Disease
in
our
Trade
,
by
the
decay
of
our
Home
Manufactures
,
and
an
excess
of
Forreign
Importations
,
have
judiciously
expressed
themselves
in
it
;
these
Nations
whilst
in
Embrio
,
have
been
ralleured
by
our
Modern
Drolls
,
in
their
new
Manufacture
of
Plays
.
There
are
others
,
who
with
more
Design
and
Gravity
,
tell
us
,
That
the
Notions
of
Improvements
of
Trade
,
are
of
a
dangerous
tendency
,
because
they
threaten
part
of
the
present
Jurisdiction
of
our
Spiritual
Courts
,
and
the
gain
of
many
Offices
,
by
some
requisite
Toleration
of
Conscience
,
and
other
mittigations
relating
to
Trade
,
and
upon
this
Occasion
the
same
Objectors
proceed
to
argue
the
Improvements
of
Trade
to
be
of
as
bad
Consequence
to
the
State
,
by
filling
the
Nation
with
Trading-Religious
Dissenters
,
or
by
a
necessary
moderating
of
the
present
Custom
Rates
:
They
also
insinuate
,
that
we
ought
not
to
look
for
such
a
perfection
of
Trade
under
a
Monarchical
Government
,
but
to
dispose
of
our selves
otherwise
as
we
can
;
We
have
others
that
say
,
Trade
is
a
misterious
thing
,
and
not
intelligible
in
any
part
of
it
,
without
a
long
Apprentiship
,
and
therefore
wholly
refer
themselves
to
the
Merchants
and
private
Traders
;
Others
that
't
is
Mechanical
,
and
not
Gentleman
▪
like
.
But
if
it
fall
out
that
these
are
all
mistaken
Opinions
,
if
Trade
alone
hath
produced
the
afore-mentioned
Effects
in
England
,
France
and
Holland
,
If
the
rise
and
fall
of
Rents
absolutely
depend
upon
it
;
If
Liberty
and
Property
be
made
valuable
by
Trade
only
,
and
are
not
valuable
or
safe
without
it
;
If
a
Nation
may
be
made
strong
or
weak
by
the
meer
different
Operations
of
Trade
;
If
the
Taxing
or
burthening
of
Trade
must
reduce
all
Land-Revenues
,
if
the
easing
of
Trade
either
in
the
particular
Custom-Rates
,
or
otherwise
,
will
make
the
whole
Revenue
of
the
Customs
greater
,
or
else
much
enhance
all
other
publick
as
well
as
private
Revenues
;
If
a
mighty
Trade
be
consistent
with
a
Monarchical
Government
?
(
where
there
is
Property
and
Liberty
:
)
If
it
be
a
false
and
officious
Scandal
to
this
form
of
Government
,
to
affirm
the
contrary
,
if
England
of
all
other
Nations
,
be
naturally
most
capable
of
the
Advantages
of
Trade
,
but
yet
the
Trade
of
England
of
late
years
hath
been
Consumptive
;
If
the
late
Policies
of
our
Neighbour-Nations
have
rendred
our
old
established
Methods
of
Trade
insufficient
,
If
we
have
divers
late
innovated
Obstructions
in
our
Trade
,
if
this
hath
caused
an
over-ballance
of
Forreign
Importations
,
If
our
National
Industry
hath
been
imployed
to
enrich
Forreigners
,
if
our
own
Treasures
have
been
exhausted
by
our
own
Trade
,
and
will
soon
be
swept
away
in
the
present
course
of
it
,
Nay
,
even
notwithstanding
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
,
if
the
Objections
against
the
enlarging
and
bettering
of
our
Trade
arise
from
private
Interests
,
in
contradiction
to
the
Publique
,
or
from
Passion
or
Humour
,
and
if
this
be
intelligible
to
every
man
of
sense
,
that
will
take
the
pains
to
enquire
into
it
.
Then
certainly
it
must
follow
,
That
it
does
much
import
all
English
Gentlemen
,
Owners
of
Land
,
and
others
,
who
take
themselves
to
be
sharers
in
the
National
Interest
to
examine
the
past
and
present
State
of
our
Trade
,
and
to
seek
for
a
legal
Regulation
of
it
;
And
that
all
private
Interests
destructive
to
our
Trade
ought
to
be
relaxed
,
and
given
up
for
the
future
.
Private
Interest
is
that
many
headed
.
Monster
,
I
am
chiefly
to
encounter
with
,
in
which
if
any
particular
person
shall
take
himself
to
be
concerned
,
I
shall
desire
him
to
consider
,
whether
his
own
Condition
would
not
be
more
truly
honourable
and
safe
under
more
open
Methods
of
Trade
?
I
shall
pray
him
to
look
into
the
nature
of
meer
private
Interest
,
which
if
he
do
,
he
must
confess
it
the
same
Principle
that
leads
men
into
Cheats
,
Thefts
,
and
all
those
other
base
,
mercyless
and
execrable
Villanies
,
which
render
the
Actors
Criminous
,
and
odious
by
the
Sufferings
and
Injuries
they
bring
upon
others
.
Then
if
any
mans
particular
way
of
Gain
be
so
prejudicial
to
Trade
,
as
to
occasion
the
continual
Beggery
of
Thousands
of
his
Country-men
,
is
not
this
more
then
equally
mischievous
to
so
many
thousand
Thefts
?
But
what
if
this
Beggery
must
unavoidably
cause
many
thousand
actual
Thefts
,
nay
Murders
and
Enormities
of
all
kinds
,
and
as
it
grows
more
Vniversal
,
must
bring
the
Nation
into
an
impotent
and
indefenseable
weakness
?
Have
we
any
amongst
us
that
will
be
yet
tenacious
of
such
ways
of
Gain
?
Will
they
tell
us
that
they
are
not
punishable
by
any
Laws
in
force
?
't
is
pity
they
are
not
.
So
there
was
a
time
when
in
Old
Rome
,
there
was
no
direct
Law
against
Parricide
:
But
that
they
may
no
longer
shelter
themselves
under
this
Umbrage
,
it
were
highly
necessary
that
Laws
were
made
to
control
them
,
and
to
remove
all
Obstructions
in
our
Trade
.
That
Trade
is
of
this
National
Importance
and
Influence
,
and
that
the
Trade
of
England
in
particular
,
hath
been
and
continues
under
these
Disadvantages
,
will
,
I
think
,
sufficiently
appear
to
any
indifferent
Reader
,
by
the
following
Discourse
;
Of
which
having
given
the
Reader
a
tast
,
by
way
of
Introduction
,
I
shall
proceed
to
what
I
have
undertaken
,
and
shall
begin
with
some
Preliminaries
,
of
which
part
are
self-evident
,
and
for
those
that
are
not
(
being
not
able
to
say
all
at
once
)
refer
the
Reader
to
the
following
Sections
.
SECT.
I.
Trade
National
or
Private
,
Home
or
Forreign
Treasures
Imported
by
Trade
,
thence
Land-Rents
,
Popularly
increased
,
the
Revenues
of
all
Ranks
of
men
depend
upon
Trade
,
People
and
Treasure
make
National
Strength
,
particular
Advantages
in
Treasure
,
the
difference
between
Ancient
and
Modern
Wars
,
Navigation
supported
by
Trade
,
this
necessary
for
the
Security
of
an
Island
,
and
therein
the
farther
scope
of
the
whole
.
TRade
is
either
National
or
Private
:
The
National
Trade
doth
influence
the
Wealth
and
Strength
of
a
whole
Nation
,
and
therefore
is
not
the
only
Concern
of
Merchants
.
Private
Trade
hath
regard
to
the
particular
Wealth
of
the
Trader
,
and
doth
so
far
differ
in
the
scope
and
design
of
it
from
the
National
,
that
a
private
Trade
may
be
very
beneficial
to
the
private
Trader
,
but
of
hurtful
,
nay
of
very
ruinous
Consequence
to
the
whole
Nation
;
as
will
appear
.
I
shall
speak
of
National
Trade
,
which
is
properly
divided
into
Home
Trade
,
and
Forreign
Trade
.
The
Home
Trade
in
every
Nation
hath
dependance
on
the
Forreign
Trade
,
if
a
Nation
hath
no
Gold
or
Silver-Mines
within
its
own
Territory
,
there
is
no
practicable
way
of
bringing
Treasure
into
it
(
in
times
of
Peace
)
but
by
Forreign
Trade
:
And
if
such
a
Nation
be
not
enriched
by
Imported
Treasure
,
its
Home
Trade
can
only
be
managed
by
Exchange
of
Goods
for
Goods
.
But
if
Treasure
be
Imported
,
then
may
its
Home
Trade
be
managed
by
buying
and
selling
for
money
.
And
from
hence
may
the
Lands
in
such
a
Nation
come
to
yield
a
money
Rent
,
which
is
the
produce
or
profits
of
Land
sold
for
money
.
In
which
Case
the
price
of
Home
Commodities
,
and
consequently
the
yearly
Rent
of
Lands
in
a
Nation
which
hath
populacy
and
property
,
will
hold
proportion
with
the
quantity
of
the
National
Treasure
;
and
will
rise
or
fall
as
the
Treasure
does
increase
or
diminish
.
For
where
there
is
an
increase
of
Treasure
in
a
Nation
which
hath
property
,
this
will
ordinarily
diffuse
amongst
the
people
by
the
necessity
and
succession
of
Contracts
;
and
then
the
people
having
universally
more
money
than
before
,
the
Seller
will
not
be
so
necessitous
for
money
as
before
,
and
will
have
a
greater
choice
of
Chapmen
,
who
will
be
more
able
and
ready
to
buy
.
These
numbers
of
Chapmen
will
inevitably
raise
the
Market
one
upon
the
other
,
as
is
demonstrable
by
common
and
undeniable
Experience
and
Fact
;
And
therefore
I
shall
lay
it
as
a
ground
in
Commerce
,
That
the
plenty
of
Chapmen
,
who
have
plenty
of
money
,
will
cause
a
higher
and
quicker
Market
for
any
desireable
Commodity
,
especially
if
the
Seller
be
not
so
necessitous
for
money
as
to
be
forced
to
snap
at
the
first
offer
.
And
that
on
the
other
side
,
where
there
be
fewer
Chapmen
,
who
have
less
money
,
and
the
Sellers
themselves
are
more
necessitous
,
they
must
and
will
sell
lower
;
This
must
inevitably
happen
in
a
Nation
where
there
is
little
money
.
For
instance
,
If
there
were
but
500
l.
Sterling
in
England
,
an
Ox
could
hardly
be
worth
a
peny
,
nor
could
the
Revenue
of
all
England
be
500
l.
per
annum
,
or
not
above
;
It
follows
then
,
that
a
Forreign
Trade
(
by
increasing
the
National
Treasure
)
will
advance
home
Markets
,
and
the
value
of
Lands
in
England
.
I
shall
admit
that
if
a
Nation
can
be
Victorious
in
War
,
and
can
plunder
the
Conquered
,
some
Treasures
may
happen
to
be
Imported
this
way
;
But
certainly
those
who
consider
it
,
will
rather
desire
to
be
enriched
by
Trade
than
by
War
,
since
in
the
Course
of
Trade
,
far
mightier
Treasures
may
be
gotten
with
Peace
,
Innocence
,
Security
,
and
Happiness
to
the
People
,
who
cannot
be
Victorious
in
War
without
Bloodsheds
,
Rapines
,
Violences
,
and
Perpetrations
of
all
kinds
;
they
also
must
be
subject
to
perpetual
difficulties
and
hazards
in
the
hardships
and
event
of
War
,
which
will
disturb
or
subvert
the
Home
Trade
,
nor
can
the
Treasure
of
a
People
so
imployed
circulate
in
the
Markets
to
any
advantagious
degree
;
or
should
we
have
any
such
Bravoes
or
Knights
Errant
as
would
rather
purchase
Wealth
by
Fighting
than
by
Industry
,
yet
are
these
imaginary
Conquests
absolutely
impracticable
at
this
day
without
the
assistance
of
Forreign
Trade
;
as
will
be
shewn
.
But
first
upon
the
former
grounds
I
shall
add
,
that
a
Forreign
Trade
(
if
managed
to
the
best
advantage
)
will
yet
further
advance
the
values
of
Lands
,
by
necessitating
a
vast
increase
of
people
,
since
it
must
maintain
great
multitudes
of
people
in
the
very
business
of
Trade
,
which
could
not
otherwise
be
supported
,
(
as
will
also
further
appear
)
:
All
which
having
the
Rewards
of
their
Labours
in
their
hands
,
will
still
enlarge
the
choice
of
Chapmen
to
the
Sellers
,
and
there
being
so
many
more
persons
to
be
fed
and
cloathed
,
there
must
be
a
far
greater
home
Consumption
of
all
the
products
of
Land
.
And
hence
must
arise
a
kind
of
Competition
amongst
the
people
who
shall
farm
or
purchase
Land
,
when
the
Revenue
of
Land
is
certain
,
and
grows
higher
daily
,
as
the
Treasure
and
People
increase
,
which
must
cause
Land
to
rise
as
well
in
the
years
purchase
,
as
in
the
years
value
;
nay
,
the
very
Earth
must
receive
an
inevitable
Improvement
by
their
Industrious
numbers
,
whilst
every
one
will
be
able
and
willing
to
possess
and
manure
a
greater
or
lesser
part
,
according
to
his
occasions
;
there
is
hardly
any
Land
in
England
but
may
be
improved
to
double
the
value
,
and
very
much
to
treble
and
more
.
This
necessary
Improvement
of
Rent
and
Land
is
verified
in
the
Forreign
instance
of
Holland
,
and
in
such
of
our
English
Lands
as
lie
near
great
and
populous
Corporations
;
And
on
the
other
side
,
we
see
that
in
Spain
and
Turky
,
and
also
in
such
parts
of
England
and
Ireland
,
where
there
is
little
Trade
,
and
fewer
people
,
there
lie
great
quantities
of
Land
which
yield
little
or
no
profit
;
and
hence
I
conclude
,
That
the
Revenue
and
Value
of
Land
will
simpathize
with
the
National
Trade
.
There
are
indeed
certain
Ranks
of
Men
of
honourable
and
necessary
Imployments
and
Professions
in
every
Nation
,
whose
Revenues
do
not
so
immediately
arise
from
Trade
;
such
are
Officers
greater
and
less
,
Lawyers
,
Physicians
,
and
such
like
.
But
though
these
are
not
placed
in
the
direct
Channel
of
Trade
,
yet
't
is
very
plain
they
derive
their
Revenues
from
it
;
being
supported
in
their
Grandure
and
Gains
at
the
cost
of
the
Land-Holders
and
Traders
;
who
will
be
more
capable
and
willing
to
give
them
greater
Gratuities
and
Fees
,
when
their
own
pockets
are
fuller
;
and
as
the
People
,
Trade
and
Contracts
do
increase
,
there
will
be
more
Law-Suits
and
Diseases
,
and
ordinarily
more
Fees
and
Gratuities
,
so
will
there
be
more
Houses
built
,
more
Apparel
made
,
and
more
Imployment
of
all
sorts
for
Masons
,
Carpenters
,
Taylors
,
and
men
of
all
other
middle
and
inferior
Callings
.
And
from
hence
it
also
follows
,
That
a
Forreign
Trade
managed
to
the
best
advantage
,
will
make
a
Nation
vastly
stronger
than
naturally
it
was
,
because
money
and
people
do
ordinarily
make
National
strength
.
Money
is
necessary
for
the
purchasing
of
many
Provisions
for
War
by
Land
or
Sea
,
as
Arms
,
Victuals
,
Ammunition
,
materials
for
Shipping
,
and
many
others
,
which
being
gotten
,
yet
neither
Souldiers
nor
Sea-men
will
now
adventure
themselves
at
the
mouths
of
Cannon
and
Musket
without
pay
,
whereof
the
further
Consequence
is
that
the
Prince
and
Nation
which
hath
the
greatest
Treasure
,
will
finally
have
the
Victory
,
and
probably
with
little
or
no
fighting
.
For
being
enabled
by
their
Treasure
to
keep
themselves
in
a
posture
of
War
,
they
will
oblige
their
Enemies
to
the
like
Expence
,
till
their
Enemies
Treasures
are
exhausted
,
and
then
their
Armies
and
also
their
Councils
will
dissipate
.
This
shews
the
difference
between
the
ancient
and
present
Course
of
War
,
for
anciently
the
event
of
War
was
tried
by
frequent
Battels
,
and
generally
succeeded
as
one
Nation
was
Superior
to
the
other
in
personal
Strength
and
Roughness
;
But
since
the
Wealth
of
the
Indies
came
to
be
discovered
and
dispersed
more
and
more
,
Wars
are
managed
by
much
Treasure
and
little
Fighting
,
and
therefore
with
little
hazard
to
the
richer
Nation
.
And
hence
also
doth
it
appear
that
in
the
present
condition
of
the
World
,
it
is
in
a
manner
impossible
for
a
Nation
to
gain
Riches
by
Conquest
and
Plunder
,
unless
it
hath
first
store
of
Treasure
at
Home
,
which
cannot
otherwise
be
gotten
than
by
Forreign
Trade
.
Also
money
will
command
the
Service
and
Lives
of
any
poorer
and
rougher
Nation
,
It
will
purchase
the
Assistance
of
Forreign
Princes
,
it
will
indear
their
great
Ministers
,
open
their
Cabinets
,
engage
true
and
close
Correspondencies
,
and
poison
their
Councils
:
It
will
pass
unseen
through
Rampiers
,
Fortifications
,
and
Guards
into
Cities
and
Forts
,
and
will
surprize
them
without
the
tedious
hazards
of
Seiges
;
It
will
purchase
Governors
and
Generals
,
and
like
Lightning
will
consume
the
Heart
of
a
poorer
Nation
,
whilst
its
Countenance
and
Outside
shall
remain
fresh
.
So
are
people
necessary
to
Guard
the
Treasures
,
and
defend
the
Nation
,
who
will
be
more
or
less
true
and
serviceable
to
the
National
Interest
,
as
they
have
a
greater
or
lesser
share
in
it
;
he
that
hath
somewhat
of
his
own
,
and
lives
Comfortably
,
will
stoutly
defend
the
Nation
against
Invaders
;
But
if
a
People
be
poor
and
miserable
,
their
Condition
being
uneasie
,
it
will
be
indifferent
to
them
who
is
Conqueror
;
nay
they
will
hope
for
a
better
Condition
by
turning
the
Tables
;
so
is
it
of
dangerous
Consequence
that
the
People
should
become
vitious
,
because
it
generally
weakens
their
Bodies
,
Courages
,
or
Faiths
:
In
all
which
the
excellency
of
a
great
and
well
regulated
Forreign
Trade
may
be
discerned
,
since
it
will
render
the
People
Rich
,
and
ordinarily
Virtuous
;
as
will
also
appear
.
But
Forreign
Trade
may
bring
a
particular
advantage
to
an
Island
by
a
great
Navigation
,
without
which
its
impossible
for
any
Island
long
to
defend
it self
against
a
Forreign
Enemy
potent
in
Shipping
,
for
the
Invaders
circling
an
Island
with
their
Ships
,
may
sail
from
Place
to
Place
,
and
Rob
,
Spoil
and
Kill
,
before
the
Natives
can
,
by
long
Land-Marches
,
apply
their
Courage
and
Land-Forces
to
resist
them
;
which
must
necessarily
distract
and
weary
out
the
most
valiant
People
on
the
Earth
:
this
hath
been
evident
by
many
Demonstrations
in
England
,
which
hath
been
often
Conquered
by
Forreigners
for
want
of
a
sufficient
Naval
Force
,
particularly
by
the
Romans
,
nay
by
the
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
;
but
hath
more
often
repulsed
Forreigners
,
whilst
we
have
been
most
powerful
at
Sea
;
and
therefore
the
constant
Policies
of
this
Kingdom
have
long
aspired
too
,
and
enjoyed
a
Soveraignty
of
the
Sea
,
and
kept
a
narrow
and
jealous
watch
on
Neighbour-Nations
,
least
they
should
aggrandize
their
Naval
Strengths
.
SECT.
II.
The
several
kinds
of
Forreign
Trade
,
of
trading
with
Home
or
Forreign
Navigation
,
some
general
Application
.
IT
will
be
then
proper
to
consider
how
a
Forreign
Trade
may
be
driven
to
most
Advantage
for
the
increase
of
National
Treasure
,
People
,
and
Navigation
.
A
Forreign
Trade
may
be
driven
by
a
Nation
with
Forreign
Navigation
,
or
with
Home
Navigation
.
A
Forreign
Trade
driven
with
Forreign
Navigation
,
is
when
a
Nation
sells
its
Commodities
at
Home
to
such
Forreigners
as
come
thither
to
Buy
and
Export
them
.
This
sort
of
Forreign-Trade
may
enrich
a
Nation
with
Treasure
more
or
less
,
as
the
Commodities
so
sold
are
of
greater
or
lesser
quantity
and
value
.
But
it
is
very
plain
,
that
if
the
Natives
had
Exported
the
same
Commodities
to
the
same
Forreigners
in
Shipping
of
their
own
,
the
same
Commodities
would
have
yielded
a
greater
Rate
in
the
Forreign
Ports
,
because
the
Natives
must
have
been
also
paid
for
the
Carriage
;
which
by
so
much
would
have
increased
the
National
Gain
;
wherefore
it
is
more
advantagious
for
a
Nation
to
Export
its
own
Commodities
by
Navigation
of
its
own
.
But
it
will
not
follow
;
that
't
is
therefore
necessary
or
fit
to
confine
all
Exportations
to
Home
Navigation
by
Penal
Laws
,
especially
in
England
,
as
will
be
shewn
.
Nor
does
it
follow
that
a
Nation
which
doth
Export
its
own
Commodities
,
shall
be
alwayes
richer
than
another
that
sells
at
home
;
for
the
Commodities
of
one
Nation
sold
at
home
may
yield
ten
times
more
money
at
home
,
than
the
Commodities
exported
by
the
other
shall
yield
abroad
,
and
therefore
must
make
it
ten
times
richer
.
This
may
be
verified
in
the
Trade
of
France
;
whose
Commodies
sold
at
home
to
the
Dutch
,
English
,
and
others
,
for
many
years
past
,
have
brought
vast
quantities
of
money
into
France
,
perhaps
more
than
all
the
Neighbour
Nations
have
gotten
by
their
exported
Commodities
,
by
which
means
,
and
no
other
,
France
is
become
the
Terrour
of
the
World
,
as
I
shall
more
particularly
and
fully
shew
.
A
beneficial
Forreign
Trade
,
with
home
Navigation
,
may
be
said
to
be
of
two
sorts
:
The
one
consists
in
the
meer
Exportation
of
home
Commodities
into
Forreign
Nations
where
they
may
be
vended
,
of
which
I
have
spoken
before
.
The
other
,
in
Trading
and
Huxtering
from
Port
to
Port.
The
benefit
of
Trading
▪
or
Huxtering
from
Port
to
Port
consists
in
buying
Commodities
cheaper
in
one
Forreign
Port
,
and
selling
them
dearer
in
some
others
;
in
which
case
the
Nation
Trading
ordinarily
gets
more
or
less
,
in
proportion
,
as
the
Merchants
buy
for
less
and
sell
for
more
,
and
as
the
Stock
and
Navigation
imployed
in
this
sort
of
Trade
is
more
or
less
.
The
Dutch
being
to
buy
much
of
their
Victuals
,
Cloaths
,
and
other
necessaries
from
abroad
,
and
having
little
Commodities
of
their
own
to
Export
,
put
themselves
upon
this
Trading
from
Port
to
Port
;
which
Trade
they
have
improved
to
that
degree
,
that
they
are
become
,
as
it
were
,
the
Common
Carriers
of
the
World
,
imploying
near
30000
Trading-Vessels
,
(
including
those
which
belong
to
their
Fishery
.
)
In
this
way
of
Trade
have
this
Industrious
People
yearly
bought
up
vast
quantities
of
French
Manufactures
and
Commodities
,
and
uttered
them
again
for
present
profit
in
other
parts
of
the
World
,
not
foreseeing
those
dangers
they
have
been
bringing
upon
themselves
and
all
Europe
.
The
English
have
never
attained
to
near
so
Universal
Manufacture
as
the
French
,
or
so
general
a
huxtering
Trade
as
the
Dutch
;
But
yet
until
this
last
Age
had
a
greater
proportion
of
each
then
the
Dutch
or
French
;
their
Trade
hath
chiefly
consisted
in
the
Exportation
of
their
own
Commodities
,
and
Manufactures
made
of
their
own
home
Materials
;
of
which
that
of
our
Wooll
being
the
Principal
,
was
long
thought
and
really
still
is
,
or
might
be
,
the
greatest
and
richest
in
the
World
;
This
,
with
our
exported
Tin
,
Lead
,
Iron
,
Allome
,
Fish
,
and
other
valuable
things
,
brought
in
a
sufficient
quantity
of
Forreign
Commodities
to
serve
our
National
Occasions
,
Pomp
and
Ornament
,
and
left
an
Annual
Increase
of
Imported
Treasure
,
which
in
length
of
time
had
much
enriched
the
Nation
,
though
our
neat
Annual
Gain
by
Forreign
Trade
did
never
bring
in
much
above
250000
l.
or
300000
per
annum
increase
of
Treasure
,
one
year
with
another
(
taking
any
number
of
20
years
together
)
as
may
be
reasonably
collected
by
what
will
follow
;
nor
was
that
a
Contemptible
Gain
(
as
the
Trade
of
this
part
of
the
World
formerly
stood
)
since
it
had
rendred
this
Kingdom
as
Rich
and
Happy
at
home
,
and
as
formidable
abroad
,
as
any
in
Europe
.
SECT.
III.
Of
Forreign
Trade
consisting
in
Exportation
,
of
the
advantages
of
home
Manufactures
,
and
Manufactures
,
incidently
other
home
Trades
and
Imployments
are
considered
;
and
which
of
them
enrich
a
Nation
;
of
the
Fishing-Trade
,
and
the
annual
exporting
of
Corn.
THe
National
Gain
,
by
Forreign
Trade
,
consisting
either
in
vending
home
Commodies
to
Forreigners
,
or
in
Trading
from
Port
to
Port
;
It
may
be
fit
to
be
considered
how
these
branches
of
Trade
may
be
improved
to
the
utmost
.
Home
Commodities
vendible
and
exportable
to
Forreigners
,
are
either
such
as
are
Capable
of
little
or
no
Manufacture
,
as
Coals
,
&c.
Or
else
such
as
may
be
manufactured
,
which
may
be
called
the
Principals
or
Materials
of
Manufacture
;
such
are
Wooll
,
Silk
,
Flax
,
Hemp
,
Tin
,
Iron
,
Skins
,
Corn
,
and
others
.
Most
materials
of
Manufacture
are
of
small
value
whilst
raw
and
unwrought
,
at
least
in
Comparison
of
the
Manufacture
,
since
by
Manufacture
they
may
be
made
of
five
,
ten
,
or
twenty
times
their
first
value
,
according
to
the
Workmanship
;
which
is
proved
by
the
Woollen
,
Silk
and
Linnen
Manufactures
,
and
almost
infinite
others
;
wherefore
if
a
Nation
hath
naturally
any
Materials
of
Manufacture
,
it
is
far
more
advantagious
to
Export
them
in
Manufacture
,
rather
than
the
raw
Materials
,
because
the
Manufacture
is
so
much
more
valuable
,
and
will
make
a
return
of
five
,
ten
,
or
twenty
times
more
Treasure
to
the
Nation
than
the
raw
Materials
.
Besides
,
it
is
most
dangerous
to
Export
the
Materials
of
Manufacture
,
since
it
may
transfer
the
Manufacture
it self
into
some
Neighbour
Nation
,
and
with
it
the
incident
Riches
and
Populacy
;
by
which
means
a
Neighbour-Nation
may
become
five
ten
,
or
twenty
times
richer
and
stronger
than
that
Nation
which
doth
Export
its
Materials
,
and
those
innocent
Materials
may
in
a
short
time
return
in
the
shape
of
armed
Men
and
Ships
,
to
the
Terror
and
Confusion
of
an
unwise
and
lazy
People
.
But
if
Forreigners
will
vend
their
raw
Materials
of
Manufacture
,
it
is
necessary
,
or
highly
convenient
for
a
Nation
to
Import
them
,
and
put
them
into
Manufacture
at
home
;
after
which
,
this
Manufacture
may
be
either
exported
and
sold
for
much
more
than
the
Materals
cost
,
or
being
used
at
home
,
will
prevent
the
necessity
of
Importing
the
like
from
abroad
,
by
which
the
Nation
will
save
to
the
value
of
the
Manufacture
:
Thus
do
the
French
and
Dutch
manufacture
Forreign
Silk
,
Spanish
and
English
Wooll
,
and
many
other
Forreign
Materials
,
which
they
Export
and
sell
again
with
prodigious
advantage
.
The
sorts
of
Manufacture
are
so
various
,
and
almost
infinite
,
that
there
is
no
People
so
great
or
numerous
but
may
be
universally
imployed
by
it
;
There
are
many
which
relate
to
Eating
and
Drinking
,
many
more
to
Apparel
of
all
sorts
,
Furniture
of
Houses
,
Equipage
,
Navigation
,
War
,
Literature
and
Science
,
unnecessary
,
but
acceptable
Toyes
,
to
gratifie
the
humors
and
follies
of
Men
,
Women
,
and
Children
,
under
all
which
generals
,
there
are
so
many
species
of
Manufactures
,
that
the
very
naming
of
them
would
make
a
Volume
,
some
are
of
simple
Materials
,
some
of
mixt
.
The
Labours
of
the
People
bestowed
this
way
,
must
necessarily
glomerate
the
Riches
of
the
World
,
and
must
render
any
Nation
a
prodigy
of
Wealth
;
for
whilst
vast
numbers
of
Manufacturers
are
thus
continually
improving
the
value
of
some
Commodities
or
other
,
they
work
for
the
Nation
where
they
live
as
well
as
for
themselves
;
If
100000
Manufacturers
get
6
l.
per
annum
a
piece
,
the
Nation
must
gain
or
save
600000
l.
per
annum
by
their
Labours
,
(
supposing
the
Materials
to
be
meliorated
only
to
the
value
of
their
Wages
;
)
If
the
number
of
the
Manufacturers
be
greater
,
or
if
the
same
number
gain
more
a
piece
,
then
is
the
National
gain
still
greater
and
greater
in
proportion
:
All
which
is
too
evident
in
the
present
instance
of
France
,
and
the
contrary
in
that
of
Spain
,
which
although
supplied
with
the
Wealth
of
the
Indies
,
is
,
for
want
of
home
Manufactures
,
the
poorest
and
weakest
of
all
Nations
,
and
the
most
dispeopled
.
For
by
Manufactures
,
a
Nation
may
support
many
hundred
thousands
of
Families
,
besides
the
meer
Tillers
of
Lands
and
Keepers
of
Cattel
,
with
increase
of
people
shall
live
well
,
without
being
a
clog
and
vexation
to
the
Landholders
,
and
shall
be
highly
beneficial
to
the
rest
of
the
Natives
in
times
of
Peace
,
as
otherwise
they
will
not
be
;
and
as
the
people
increase
,
so
may
the
kinds
and
quantities
of
Manufacture
;
the
very
Women
and
Children
may
ordinarily
get
good
Livelihoods
in
Manufacture
.
Hence
must
follow
a
sweet
Harmony
in
a
Nation
which
hath
property
,
when
every
ones
Hand
and
Head
is
imployed
,
and
when
there
comes
a
reciprocation
of
advantage
to
the
Landholders
,
and
all
others
,
as
necessarily
there
must
;
And
as
Manufacture
seems
a
kind
of
debt
to
the
laborious
part
of
the
people
,
who
by
nature
are
intitled
to
live
;
so
it
is
the
highest
of
all
Charities
;
as
it
is
most
substantial
and
universal
;
What
signifies
the
distribution
of
a
little
broken
meat
amongst
a
few
Wretches
,
in
Comparison
of
the
support
of
hundreds
of
thousands
of
Families
?
And
lastly
,
it
is
attended
with
the
promised
Rewards
of
Charity
,
viz.
Plenty
,
Glory
,
and
Prosperity
to
a
whole
Nation
.
This
,
and
what
hath
been
said
in
the
last
Section
,
may
administer
occasion
to
consider
what
sorts
of
Trades
,
Imployments
,
and
Professions
do
add
to
the
Riches
of
a
Nation
,
and
what
not
.
It
is
evident
that
all
sorts
of
home
Manufactures
must
advance
or
save
the
National
Wealth
,
the
like
may
be
said
of
those
who
are
imployed
in
the
Fishing-Trade
,
so
may
the
Trade
and
Profession
of
a
Merchant
add
to
the
National
Riches
.
There
are
another
sort
of
home-Traders
,
who
live
meerly
by
buying
cheaper
and
selling
dearer
at
home
,
such
are
Retailers
of
all
sorts
in
the
City
and
Country
,
whom
we
call
Shopkeepers
;
of
which
a
convenient
number
are
necessary
in
every
Nation
to
keep
open
Marts
and
Markets
for
the
vending
of
Commodities
;
These
may
advance
their
private
Stocks
and
Estates
by
buying
cheaper
and
selling
dearer
,
but
cannot
(
meerly
by
this
way
of
Trade
)
add
a
peny
to
the
National
Riches
,
so
that
it
may
truly
be
said
of
one
poor
Manufacturer
,
that
he
adds
more
in
a
year
to
the
Wealth
of
the
Nation
than
all
such
Retailers
and
Shop-keepers
in
England
.
And
if
these
Shop-keepers
deal
over-much
in
Consumptive
Forreign
Wares
,
they
may
assist
in
the
beggary
of
the
Nation
;
so
may
the
Trade
of
a
Merchant
export
and
exhaust
the
National
Riches
,
if
he
trade
over-much
in
meer
Consumptive
Importations
.
And
therefore
though
the
gain
of
the
persons
imployed
be
one
main
end
and
design
of
all
Trades
and
Imployments
,
and
in
that
respect
they
are
all
alike
;
Yet
they
differ
in
this
;
That
in
some
of
them
the
persons
imployed
do
immediately
or
ultimately
gain
money
from
Forreigners
;
But
in
the
other
,
they
gain
from
the
people
,
and
from
one
another
.
Of
the
last
sort
,
are
all
Imployments
relating
to
the
Law
and
Physick
,
so
are
Offices
of
all
kinds
(
which
I
do
not
say
to
insinuate
any
of
these
Imployments
to
be
useless
in
a
Nation
,
or
to
diminish
from
that
due
respect
which
ought
to
be
given
to
Men
of
Place
.
)
There
is
no
question
but
they
are
highly
necessary
for
the
Regulation
of
the
Body-Politick
,
and
the
Body-Natural
;
so
are
the
Clergy
for
the
Information
of
Mens
Consciences
;
and
therefore
in
every
Nation
convenient
numbers
of
the
people
ought
to
be
set
apart
for
these
purposes
;
But
as
far
as
they
are
Imployments
,
and
intended
for
private
gain
,
't
is
plain
they
add
no
Treasure
to
the
Nation
,
but
only
enable
the
persons
so
imployed
to
share
and
heap
up
the
Treasures
already
Imported
;
The
like
may
be
said
of
all
other
ways
of
living
by
meer
Literature
and
the
Pen
,
and
some
inferior
In-land
Imployments
mentioned
before
;
It
must
therefore
be
of
dangerous
Consequence
if
the
Trade
of
a
Nation
run
into
over-much
Shop-keeping
,
or
if
too
many
of
the
people
withdrawing
themselves
from
Manufactures
,
and
the
beneficial
parts
of
Trade
,
should
throng
themselves
into
the
Clergy
,
Law
,
Physick
,
Literature
,
and
such
other
Professions
as
bring
no
increase
of
National
Riches
;
And
the
rather
,
because
these
Imployments
and
Professions
are
narrow
,
and
can
support
but
a
few
Families
in
a
Nation
with
convenience
;
so
that
it
may
endanger
Depopulation
,
and
by
their
numbers
will
prejudice
one
another
;
Whereas
Manufacture
and
a
great
Forreign
Trade
,
will
admit
of
and
oblige
an
increase
of
people
even
to
infinity
:
And
the
more
the
Manufacturers
increase
,
they
will
the
more
enrich
one
another
,
and
the
rest
of
the
people
;
It
may
then
be
proper
to
inquire
how
the
Manufactures
of
a
Nation
may
be
increased
and
improved
.
This
may
be
done
either
by
enlarging
former
Manufactures
,
or
by
introducing
new
ones
.
New
Manufactures
must
be
first
taught
,
and
then
encouraged
,
and
if
made
of
Forreign
Materials
,
the
Materials
must
be
Imported
,
after
which
,
as
the
people
find
the
sweet
of
their
Labours
,
it
is
not
to
be
questioned
but
that
they
will
throng
into
the
Imployment
;
they
that
want
Bread
,
Cloathes
,
and
other
necessary
Comforts
,
will
be
glad
to
obtain
them
honestly
;
Thus
our
King
Edward
the
Third
(
a
Wise
and
Victorious
Prince
)
invited
over
the
Flemmings
to
teach
his
Subjects
the
Woollen
Manufacture
;
And
thus
have
the
French
Policies
invited
over
the
most
Exquisite
Manufacturers
into
France
from
all
parts
of
the
World
;
these
with
their
Schollars
were
first
imployed
at
the
Charge
of
the
Government
;
But
the
Manufactures
soon
afterwards
diffused
into
the
gross
Body
of
the
people
.
Without
these
primary
Encouragements
and
Superintendence
of
the
Government
,
it
will
be
hard
to
nourish
up
any
new
Manufacture
,
or
to
enlarge
any
old
ones
,
at
least
,
suddenly
,
to
any
great
degree
.
Amongst
the
Exportations
,
the
Fishing-Trade
ought
not
to
be
forgotten
,
since
,
See
Mr.
Smith
of
Improvements
,
pa.
268
,
269
,
270.
computes
the
whole
profit
of
this
Fishery
to
be
ten
millions
sterling
:
per
annum
,
in
a
manner
,
all
gained
by
other
Nations
.
according
to
modern
Calculations
,
the
meer
Fishing-Trade
for
Herring
and
Cod
on
the
Coasts
of
England
and
Scotland
imploys
above
8000
Dutch
Ships
or
Vessels
,
200000
of
their
Sea-men
,
and
Fishers
;
And
the
Herrings
and
Cod
sold
by
the
Dutch
in
Forreign
Countries
,
do
bring
an
Annual
profit
of
about
5000000
l.
per
annum
Sterling
to
that
Nation
:
besides
which
,
't
is
accounted
that
there
are
at
least
25000
people
more
imployed
and
maintained
at
Home
about
this
particular
Navigation
,
making
of
Fishing-Nets
,
and
the
curing
,
ordering
,
and
preparing
of
the
Fish
,
&c.
besides
the
Island
,
Newfound-Land
,
and
Green-land
,
fishings
of
very
great
advantage
.
But
the
ordinary
Exportation
of
Corn
out
of
the
Annual
increase
,
hath
been
accounted
most
dangerous
,
and
of
all
others
the
most
unprofitable
,
because
of
the
possibility
of
a
dearth
;
which
besides
the
hardships
of
it
,
will
give
opportunity
to
Forreigners
of
drawing
away
vast
Treasures
in
a
trice
.
But
if
a
Nation
doth
store
up
Corn
in
cheap
years
,
the
people
will
be
secure
against
a
Dearth
,
and
yet
when
Corn
is
excessive
dear
in
Neighbour-Nations
,
may
then
take
their
time
to
furnish
them
,
and
by
that
means
will
make
much
greater
Advantages
than
by
ordinary
Exportation
;
And
for
this
reason
have
the
modern
Policies
of
some
wise
Nations
in
Trade
,
contrived
and
erected
publick
Store-houses
or
Conservatories
for
Corn.
I
shall
conclude
with
the
words
of
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh
,
in
his
excellent
Observations
upon
Trade
,
presented
to
King
James
.
Amsterdam
is
never
without
700000
quarters
of
Corn
,
a
dearth
in
England
,
France
,
Italy
,
or
Portugal
,
is
truly
observed
to
enrich
Holland
for
seven
years
after
;
For
example
,
the
last
Dearth
six
years
past
,
the
Hamburghers
,
Embdeners
,
and
Hollanders
out
of
their
Storehouses
furnished
this
Kingdom
,
and
from
Southampton
,
Excester
,
and
Bristol
only
,
in
a
year
and
half
,
carried
away
near
200000
l.
Then
what
great
quantities
of
Corn
did
they
Transport
from
round
about
the
Kindgom
?
from
every
Port-Town
,
from
the
City
of
London
,
and
other
Cities
?
it
cannot
be
esteemed
less
than
two
Millions
:
to
the
great
decay
and
impoverishment
of
the
People
,
discredit
to
the
Merchants
,
dishonour
of
the
Land
,
&c.
Suppose
then
a
Dearth
or
Scarcity
of
Corn
happen
once
in
twenty
or
thirty
years
,
the
Annual
Labours
of
the
People
in
the
produce
of
the
exported
Corn
are
lost
;
't
is
also
a
bulky
Commodity
,
and
makes
but
a
small
yearly
Return
,
and
the
Forreign
price
and
vent
of
it
is
very
casual
,
and
incertain
,
for
which
Reasons
,
of
latter
years
,
the
ordinary
exporting
of
Corn
is
used
only
by
some
poor
Nations
,
who
have
little
other
Trade
,
't
is
said
the
French
King
hath
Ordered
publick
Stores
and
Conservatories
of
Corn.
SECT.
IV.
Of
Forreign
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
the
Nature
and
Advantage
of
it
,
differs
from
meer
Carriage
,
and
meer
Importation
;
the
necessity
of
a
Home
Storehouse
:
The
ordinary
Exporting
of
Money
or
Bullion
,
of
dangerous
Consequence
;
how
to
be
avoided
:
The
Fishing-Trade
,
and
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
are
the
Nursery
and
Support
of
Sea-men
,
and
Sea-Towns
;
The
Condition
of
Ours
;
The
National
Advantages
of
England
for
all
sorts
of
Trade
,
yet
hath
the
least
share
.
SInce
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
will
cause
a
great
Navigation
,
and
also
bring
in
very
much
Treasure
,
and
therefore
if
it
be
added
to
the
Trade
of
Exportation
,
must
render
a
Nation
the
Miracle
of
Riches
and
Power
;
I
shall
next
consider
what
this
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
really
consists
in
,
and
by
what
methods
it
may
be
driven
most
advantagiously
to
a
Nation
.
A
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
may
be
most
properly
so
called
,
when
a
Merchant
of
one
Nation
buying
Goods
in
another
,
the
Property
becomes
his
,
and
he
carries
them
to
a
third
Forreign
Market
on
his
own
account
;
thus
the
Dutch
buy
up
,
Export
and
sell
the
French
Manufactures
and
Commodities
;
But
if
a
Dutch-man
carry
French
Goods
to
be
sold
in
a
Forreign
Market
,
on
a
French
mans
account
,
taking
a
certain
Rate
for
the
Hire
of
his
Ship
;
this
is
not
properly
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
but
is
meer
Carriage
;
which
sort
of
Imployment
(
though
it
may
seem
least
Reputable
)
may
increase
the
National
Treasure
,
as
the
Navigation
used
in
it
is
more
or
less
,
and
may
imploy
many
Sea-men
.
A
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
doth
also
differ
from
meer
Importation
,
which
is
,
when
the
Merchant
does
Import
Consumptive
Commodities
,
which
are
spent
at
Home
,
in
which
case
,
if
the
Importations
are
excessive
,
it
may
truly
be
called
The
Disease
of
Trade
,
since
it
must
cause
an
Exportation
of
the
National
Stock
of
Treasure
,
and
thereby
may
soon
ruine
a
Nation
,
as
will
be
shewn
;
But
so
cannot
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
truly
so
called
,
because
the
Goods
bought
being
sold
or
bartered
off
,
at
other
Forreign
Ports
,
must
be
ultimately
converted
into
more
and
more
money
,
and
thereby
increase
the
home
Treasure
.
This
Trading
from
Port
to
Port
,
does
not
wholly
consist
in
the
Carriage
of
a
Commodity
from
one
Port
directly
to
another
;
nor
can
be
so
driven
to
any
great
,
or
ordinary
Advantage
;
for
the
Merchants
thus
Imployed
,
must
either
Trade
little
,
or
else
must
glut
the
Ports
they
go
to
with
an
over-great
quantity
of
Goods
of
the
same
kind
;
and
therefore
for
the
full
Improvement
of
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
it
is
generally
necessary
,
That
the
Merchants
should
first
unlade
at
Home
,
which
will
inevitably
render
a
Nation
so
Trading
a
compleat
and
mighty
Storehouse
of
all
Forreign
Manufactures
and
Commodities
;
and
then
from
this
infinite
Miscellany
of
Goods
(
as
the
Merchants
observe
their
time
for
a
Market
and
the
Ports
they
go
to
)
they
may
freight
their
Ships
with
such
sortible
Commodities
and
Cargoes
,
as
are
proper
and
vendible
to
advantage
;
Thus
are
the
Dutch
Provinces
become
the
mighty
Storehouse
of
the
World
;
See
Sir
William
Temple's
Book
of
the
Dutch
Cap.
of
Trade
,
pag.
210.232
.
the
Plenties
of
the
World
do
grow
and
increase
in
other
Countries
,
but
there
are
the
Stores
,
and
thence
do
their
Merchants
furnish
themselves
for
all
sorts
of
Voyages
;
Thus
they
Transport
the
Merchandizes
of
France
,
Spain
,
Portugal
,
Italy
,
Turky
,
the
East
and
West
Indies
to
the
East
and
North-East
Countries
of
Pomerland
,
Sprusland
,
Muscovy
,
Poland
,
Denmark
,
Norway
,
Liefland
,
Swedeland
,
Germany
;
and
the
Merchandizes
of
the
last
mentioned
Kingdoms
they
transport
into
the
Southern
and
Western
Nations
,
as
Sir
Walter
Raileigh
long
since
noted
,
nor
is
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
practicable
,
or
can
be
improved
to
any
considerable
or
valuable
degree
,
unless
the
Nation
be
made
an
universal
Storehouse
.
In
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
there
must
be
some
kinds
of
Original
Exportation
,
because
the
Merchant
cannot
purchase
Forreign
Goods
in
a
Forreign
Port
for
nothing
.
And
one
would
think
it
should
hardly
be
a
question
,
whether
in
this
way
of
Trade
it
be
most
profitable
to
a
Nation
to
Export
Manufacture
,
or
other
home
Commodities
,
or
Money
,
or
Bullion
.
But
of
late
years
many
of
our
Merchants
very
much
contend
for
a
Liberty
to
Export
Money
or
Bullion
as
advantagious
to
the
Trade
of
the
Nation
,
Stat.
restraining
the
Exportation
of
Money
and
Bullion
are
.
9
E.
3.
Cap.
1.
2
H.
4.
5
th
5
R.
2.
2
H.
6.
6
th
4
H.
7.23
.
19
H.
7.5
.
The
Exportation
of
Bullion
Licensed
by
a
short
Clause
of
15
Car.
2.
Cap.
7.
intituled
Trade
Incouraged
.
and
have
gotten
an
Act
of
Parliament
to
Legitimate
the
exporting
of
Bullion
,
contrary
to
many
other
former
Statutes
,
and
now
Bullion
and
Money
also
are
become
our
usual
exportable
Commodities
.
But
I
shall
oppose
the
ordinary
Exporting
of
Money
or
Bullion
in
Trade
,
especially
as
the
Constitution
of
our
Trade
now
is
,
for
the
Reasons
following
:
First
,
I
shall
admit
that
the
exporting
of
Treasure
in
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
may
increase
Treasure
,
provided
that
the
Merchant
makes
wise
Bargains
,
and
his
Ships
return
safe
,
neither
of
which
is
altogether
certain
;
But
supposing
the
Merchant
be
both
so
wise
and
fortunate
,
yet
't
is
very
plain
that
in
this
way
of
Trade
the
Merchant
cannot
bring
more
new
Treasure
to
the
Nation
than
the
Merchant
by
his
judicious
and
prosperous
dealing
and
Voyage
can
Add
to
the
Original
Sum
he
carried
out
.
But
had
the
Merchant
taken
off
and
exported
to
the
same
value
in
home
Manufacture
or
Commodity
,
't
is
as
plain
that
the
very
vending
or
bartering
of
that
Manufacture
or
Commodity
,
would
have
been
a
farther
Gain
to
the
Nation
,
to
the
full
value
of
the
Manufacture
or
Commodity
exported
;
since
the
Manufacture
or
home
Commodity
sold
would
finally
resolve
into
Treasure
,
nay
,
though
the
Merchant
gain
but
little
or
nothing
in
this
case
,
yet
the
Nation
must
be
a
Gainer
to
the
value
of
the
Manufacture
or
other
Commodity
exported
.
As
suppose
a
Dutch
or
English
Ship
go
with
exported
Treasure
to
France
,
where
the
Merchant
buys
French
Wine
for
1000
l.
which
afterwards
he
carries
into
the
Sound
,
and
there
sells
it
for
1300
l.
the
Merchant
hath
brought
but
300
l.
new
Treasure
or
Credit
to
the
Nation
;
But
had
the
Merchant
Exported
Herrings
or
home
Manufacture
,
and
by
Sale
or
Barter
of
his
Fish
or
Manufacture
had
purchased
the
same
quantity
of
Wines
,
which
afterwards
he
sold
for
1300
l.
the
Nation
must
presently
have
a
new
Addition
of
Treasure
or
Credit
for
the
whole
1300
l.
In
which
last
Case
the
Nation
gets
a
new
1000
l.
by
the
labours
of
the
Fishers
or
Manufacturers
,
besides
the
300
l.
got
by
the
Merchant
;
if
the
Merchant
had
got
nothing
,
yet
the
Nation
had
gained
1000
l.
Secondly
,
In
this
last
Case
great
numbers
of
Manufacturers
,
Fishers
,
&c.
are
kept
and
well
maintained
at
Home
,
whereas
the
ordinary
Exportation
of
Money
must
make
them
idle
and
useless
;
whereof
the
further
Consequence
is
,
that
the
ordinary
Exportation
of
Money
must
inevitably
depopulate
a
Nation
,
if
it
be
of
any
great
extent
of
Territory
;
so
must
the
Exportation
of
Bullion
be
attended
with
the
same
mischiefs
for
the
same
reasons
:
The
Exportation
of
Bullion
does
also
open
a
way
for
the
Exporting
of
Coined
Treasure
,
without
any
hazards
of
Seizure
,
by
melting
down
the
most
valuable
Coin
into
Bullion
.
But
I
expect
to
be
told
that
Hamburgh
and
Holland
,
&c.
do
allow
of
and
use
the
Exportation
of
Treasure
.
To
which
I
Answer
,
That
there
is
no
parallel
between
such
Countries
as
these
and
England
;
For
these
are
little
Territories
,
much
consisting
of
Merchants
,
their
Agents
,
Factors
,
and
Dependents
,
who
live
by
meer
Merchandize
,
that
the
rest
of
the
people
being
but
few
(
in
Comparison
of
what
are
necessary
to
people
so
great
and
fertile
a
Nation
as
England
)
may
be
supported
with
much
fewer
and
lesser
Manufactures
and
home
Employments
;
and
therefore
that
the
Exporting
of
Treasure
must
be
less
dangerous
,
and
perhaps
may
be
the
more
necessary
there
,
because
by
the
fewness
of
people
,
and
consequential
restraint
of
Manufactures
,
their
Merchants
may
be
confined
in
the
bulk
and
variety
of
home
Commodities
to
Export
.
If
it
be
said
that
no
Nation
can
be
so
stored
with
home
Commodities
,
as
to
Answer
all
Forreign
Ports
and
Markets
,
and
therefore
that
it
may
be
sometimes
necessary
to
Export
Treasure
in
every
trading
Nation
;
This
perhaps
may
be
true
in
some
degree
;
But
this
is
another
question
;
and
in
the
mean
time
it
remains
that
it
is
most
profitable
to
a
Nation
to
Export
home
Commodities
(
where
it
may
be
done
)
rather
than
Money
or
Bullion
,
and
therefore
that
the
Merchants
ought
to
be
restrained
from
it
as
much
as
it
is
possible
.
Then
as
to
the
other
question
,
how
far
it
may
be
necessary
in
a
Nation
to
Export
Money
in
Trade
,
It
must
depend
upon
the
greater
or
lesser
Improvement
of
the
National
Trade
.
For
as
a
Nation
hath
a
more
universal
Manufacture
and
Fishery
,
more
Drinks
,
Fruits
,
Curiosities
,
and
Delicacies
of
its
own
,
its
Merchants
will
be
more
and
more
enabled
to
Fraight
themselves
outwards
with
home
Commodities
;
These
mighty
Stores
of
home
Commodities
can
only
be
had
in
great
fertile
and
populous
Nations
.
But
suppose
a
Nation
be
not
,
or
cannot
be
so
fully
stored
with
home
Commodities
as
to
Answer
all
Forreign
Markets
,
yet
its
Merchants
first
Exporting
home
Commodities
to
Ports
where
they
are
Vendible
,
may
by
a
Barter
,
Sale
,
or
Exchange
of
these
,
and
an
eternal
Succession
of
Voyages
and
Contracts
make
the
Nation
where
they
live
a
Storehouse
to
Perfection
;
and
will
then
have
the
choice
of
all
Merchandizes
on
the
Earth
to
Export
;
and
therefore
may
ordinarily
and
beneficially
Trade
to
any
Forreign
Port
without
exporting
Treasure
;
And
if
they
may
,
they
will
,
because
else
they
will
loose
the
benefit
of
the
Market
for
the
goods
they
may
Export
;
Thus
even
the
Dutch
originally
Exporting
Herring
,
Cod
,
Earthen
Wares
,
Woollen
Cloth
,
Linnen
,
and
of
late
Silks
,
and
other
home
Commodities
,
and
having
by
the
Barter
or
Sale
of
these
compleated
their
home
Storehouse
,
can
ordinarily
buy
at
Foreign
Markets
,
without
Exporting
Treasure
;
By
this
means
are
the
Dutch
enabled
to
Trade
as
they
do
to
Swedeland
,
Liefeland
,
and
Norway
,
where
by
selling
or
bartering
of
their
own
and
Forreign
Commodities
,
they
provide
themselves
with
the
materials
of
Pitch
,
Tar
,
Hemp
and
Flax
,
necessary
for
Navigation
,
and
with
Timber
,
and
other
Commodities
,
for
their
use
at
Home
,
and
Trade
abroad
,
whilst
the
same
Commodities
cost
the
English
some
100000
l.
per
annum
,
since
the
decay
of
our
Cloth-Trade
into
those
Ports
;
which
kind
of
Trade
is
doubtless
advantagious
to
some
Merchants
(
else
they
would
not
continue
it
;
)
But
does
help
to
drain
the
Nation
of
its
Treasure
.
I
do
not
say
they
Dutch
never
Export
Treasure
,
but
that
by
reason
of
their
Forreign
Storehouse
they
are
under
no
such
ordinary
necessity
to
do
it
;
and
in
fact
Export
little
or
none
to
many
other
Countries
,
where
the
English
Trade
with
much
:
whereof
I
shall
have
occasion
to
say
more
.
I
shall
conclude
,
that
where
the
Home
and
Forreign
Trade
of
a
great
and
populous
Nation
is
duly
Regulated
,
and
sufficiently
Improved
,
there
will
be
little
necessity
to
Export
Treasure
.
To
which
I
shall
add
,
That
the
Exporting
of
Treasure
in
a
Nation
,
having
ill
methods
of
Trade
,
must
be
yet
more
dangerous
,
because
it
facilitates
meer
Importation
,
and
in
England
is
chiefly
serviceable
to
it
,
as
will
appear
.
If
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
be
Improved
to
any
great
degree
,
it
must
necessarily
very
much
increase
the
National
Treasure
,
and
numbers
of
people
,
especially
Sea-men
.
If
20000
Trading
Vessels
add
300
l.
per
annum
a
piece
to
the
National
Stock
yearly
,
the
yearly
National
Gain
must
amount
to
6000000
l.
per
annum
,
and
so
in
any
greater
or
lesser
proportion
,
as
the
Navigation
or
Gain
is
greater
or
less
;
of
which
we
have
a
plain
Example
in
the
Dutch
,
who
in
about
Ninety
years
time
have
arrived
to
a
wonderful
Wealth
and
Strength
by
it
,
though
they
have
been
always
forced
to
buy
much
of
their
Victuals
and
Materials
of
Clothing
,
all
their
Materials
of
Shipping
,
and
many
other
chargeable
Necessaries
from
Forreigners
,
which
must
be
a
prodigious
Annual
Expence
.
A
Fishing-Trade
is
one
great
and
certain
Nursery
of
Sea-men
,
and
brings
Wealth
and
Comfort
to
Sea-Towns
;
But
a
Flourishing
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
will
make
better
and
more
Sea-men
,
inrich
Sea-Towns
more
,
and
will
Imploy
very
considerable
numbers
of
people
at
Land
,
in
Building
,
Manufacturing
,
Repairing
;
and
other
ordering
of
the
Shipping
,
Tackle
,
and
Goods
Imported
and
Exported
,
besides
the
Merchants
and
their
more
immediate
Dependants
;
Thus
do
we
see
the
Towns
upon
our
opposite
Shores
abound
in
Riches
and
People
,
whilst
our
own
Sea-Towns
languish
more
and
more
.
And
from
hence
it
may
appear
,
that
for
the
utmost
advance
of
this
Trade
,
it
is
necessary
there
should
be
very
much
Shipping
in
a
Nation
,
multitudes
of
Sea-men
,
great
Stocks
continually
imployed
in
Merchandize
,
great
numbers
of
Merchants
,
and
lastly
safe
Ports
and
Harbours
.
I
shall
end
this
with
some
retrospect
to
the
last
Section
,
by
observing
,
that
no
Nation
in
the
World
is
naturally
so
adapted
for
a
mighty
Trade
of
all
sorts
as
England
.
First
,
Because
it
hath
more
excellent
Native
Commodities
than
any
one
Nation
in
the
World
,
as
Copper
,
Lead
,
Iron
,
Tin
,
Allome
,
Copperas
,
Saffron
,
Fell
,
the
mighty
Commodity
of
Wooll
,
Corn
,
convertible
into
Beer
,
and
Transportable
,
besides
near
100
others
,
which
are
capable
of
near
1000
sorts
of
Manufactures
,
as
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh
observes
.
That
it
is
one
of
the
most
Fertile
of
Kingdoms
,
and
therefore
out
of
its
own
Stores
might
support
almost
infinite
numbers
of
people
both
for
Manufactures
at
home
,
and
Trade
abroad
,
especially
as
the
Island
might
be
improved
.
That
it
hath
more
and
safer
Ports
and
Harbours
than
almost
all
the
Nations
in
Europe
put
together
.
That
it
is
better
scituated
for
the
Northern
,
Eastern
,
Southern
and
Western
Trades
than
any
other
Nation
.
That
the
Herring
and
Cod
,
with
which
the
Dutch
drive
so
mighty
a
Trade
,
are
caught
in
our
English
Seas
,
upon
our
own
Coasts
and
Shores
,
and
may
be
managed
with
more
ease
and
advantage
by
the
English
,
than
by
any
other
Nation
.
And
to
conclude
,
That
our
People
are
strong
and
able
for
Work
at
Home
,
generous
and
adventurous
abroad
,
and
such
as
all
the
rest
of
the
World
have
most
coveted
to
commerce
with
,
and
naturally
as
ingenious
,
industrious
,
and
willing
to
labour
as
any
part
of
Mankind
,
so
long
as
they
can
have
a
reasonable
fruit
of
their
Labours
,
which
hath
been
evidenced
by
many
former
undeniable
Experiences
.
Notwithstanding
all
which
Advantages
,
England
hath
had
very
few
considerable
Manufactures
,
some
of
which
are
lost
,
and
the
rest
decaying
;
nor
have
we
any
considerable
remaining
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
or
Fishing-Trade
,
of
which
there
are
doubtless
some
Reasons
and
Causes
very
fit
to
be
understood
and
regulated
,
since
the
Wealth
,
Strength
,
Happiness
and
Safety
of
England
immediately
depend
upon
it
;
I
shall
therefore
in
the
three
next
ensuing
Sections
give
an
Account
of
such
particular
Obstructions
in
our
Trade
,
as
have
fallen
under
my
notice
.
SECT.
V.
That
our
Home
and
Forreign
Market
is
Incumbred
,
and
prejudiced
by
extraordinary
and
unequal
Charges
,
and
Cloggs
in
our
Merchandize
above
what
are
in
our
Neighbour-Nations
,
viz.
In
the
building
and
furniture
of
our
Ships
,
Victuals
,
Sea-mens
Wages
,
Customs
,
Interest-Money
,
&c.
with
the
Consequences
in
our
Manufactures
and
Forreign
Trade
;
more
particularly
of
the
decay
of
our
Woollen
Manufacture
:
our
Exportations
now
confined
to
our
Importations
and
Imported
Treasure
,
how
to
be
enlarged
,
our
casual
dependence
on
the
Trade
of
Spain
.
SUpposing
this
or
any
other
Nation
had
all
the
aforesaid
Grounds
of
Trade
,
viz.
All
sorts
of
Home
and
Forreign
Materials
of
Manufacture
,
sufficient
numbers
of
People
,
and
those
instructed
in
Manufacture
,
supposing
them
never
so
industrious
,
that
there
were
no
want
of
Ships
,
Sea-men
,
or
Stocks
of
Money
,
Ports
or
Plenties
at
home
,
yet
there
is
another
thing
necessary
,
which
is
a
good
and
quick
Vent
and
Market
for
Commodities
;
without
which
all
Manufactures
will
decay
and
expire
,
all
other
Exportations
must
fail
,
and
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
can
be
no
longer
practicable
or
valuable
.
For
if
the
Manufacturer
cannot
sell
his
Manufacture
,
he
hath
laboured
to
his
great
loss
;
so
if
a
Merchant
buy
Goods
at
one
Forreign
Port
which
he
cannot
sell
at
another
Forreign
Port
,
he
hath
at
least
lost
his
Voyage
,
and
the
Charge
of
it
;
so
if
the
Market
be
not
absolutely
closed
up
,
yet
if
it
be
prejudiced
and
spoiled
to
any
great
degree
,
the
Merchant
or
Manufacturer
will
either
discontinue
presently
,
or
will
Trade
less
and
less
,
and
will
fling
up
speedily
if
the
Market
doth
not
mend
;
for
if
men
of
Trade
cannot
sell
for
reasonable
profit
,
but
will
be
forced
to
live
much
worse
and
poorer
than
other
men
of
the
like
degree
and
estate
in
the
same
Nation
,
they
will
not
continue
long
in
so
unprofitable
a
Toil.
The
Home
and
Forreign
Market
bear
such
a
Simpathy
one
with
the
other
,
that
Obstructions
in
the
Market
at
home
,
may
arise
from
Obstructions
in
the
Forreign
Market
,
as
well
as
immediately
from
Causes
at
home
.
For
if
the
Forreign
Market
for
Exportable
Commodities
fail
in
any
degree
,
there
must
be
a
less
and
worse
Vent
and
Market
at
home
for
these
Commodities
;
if
the
Forreign
Market
come
to
take
off
a
lesser
quantity
yearly
than
before
,
or
at
a
lesser
price
,
the
Natives
must
sell
a
lesser
quantity
,
and
at
a
lesser
price
,
to
their
Exporters
and
Merchants
,
who
will
not
buy
more
than
they
can
Vend
again
,
nor
so
dear
that
they
cannot
vend
them
with
sufficient
profit
.
Now
the
course
of
our
English
Forreign
Merchandize
hath
begotten
an
Obstruction
in
the
Forreign
Market
,
because
our
Merchants
are
liable
to
greater
Charges
in
their
way
of
Trade
than
the
Merchants
of
our
Neighbour
Nations
.
For
all
necessary
Charge
of
the
Merchant
in
his
course
of
Trade
is
super-added
to
the
Original
Cost
of
his
Commodity
,
so
that
the
Merchant
,
upon
sale
of
the
Commodity
Exported
,
is
under
an
Obligation
to
pay
himself
his
Charge
,
and
yet
to
sell
so
,
that
he
may
make
himself
a
reasonable
gainer
besides
.
Then
if
a
Forreign
Merchant
bring
the
same
Manufacture
or
Commodity
to
the
same
Forreign
Port
with
less
charge
,
he
will
be
able
to
under-sell
the
English-Merchant
as
much
as
his
charge
is
less
,
and
yet
shall
get
reasonable
profit
.
And
if
the
Merchants
of
other
Nations
be
able
to
sell
for
less
,
they
will
,
nay
perhaps
must
,
(
supposing
that
they
drive
an
open
Trade
,
and
upon
their
distinct
Stock
)
for
then
being
incapable
of
combining
to
Impose
prizes
,
and
desiring
a
quick
Market
(
which
is
the
life
of
Trade
,
)
they
will
be
worked
down
by
the
Forreign
Buyers
to
take
as
moderate
profit
for
their
Goods
as
they
can
afford
then
at
.
The
Consequence
of
this
is
,
that
the
English
Merchant
must
either
forbear
Exporting
,
or
else
must
sink
his
prizes
on
the
English
Manuactures
,
whereby
the
English
Manufactures
must
be
stifled
or
discouraged
.
'T
is
true
,
That
if
Nation
hath
some
rich
and
necessary
Material
and
Manufacture
within
it self
,
exclusive
to
other
Nations
,
it
hath
the
Monopoly
of
this
Manufacture
to
the
rest
of
the
World
,
and
therefore
cannot
be
under-sold
,
but
may
vend
it
so
as
to
pay
all
extraordinary
Charges
with
sufficient
gain
to
the
Manufacturer
and
Merchant
;
which
was
heretofore
the
Case
of
England
in
the
Woollen
Manufacture
.
But
if
a
Manufacture
or
Commodity
be
common
to
England
and
Holland
,
or
England
and
France
,
and
the
Hollanders
or
French
can
bring
this
Manufacture
or
Commodity
cheaper
to
a
third
Forreign
Port
than
the
English
,
the
Hollanders
or
French
under-selling
the
English
,
will
beat
the
English
out
of
the
Manufacture
;
It
is
accompted
that
the
odds
of
two
per
cent
.
nay
of
one
per
cent
.
will
produce
this
advantage
.
An
inequality
of
Charge
on
Merchandize
must
also
influence
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
;
For
if
the
English
and
Dutch
Merchant
coming
to
the
same
Port
with
the
same
Forreign
Commodity
▪
the
Dutch
can
ordinarily
under-sell
the
English
;
it
must
also
be
of
the
same
Consequence
in
this
sort
of
Trade
.
This
happens
to
be
the
Case
between
the
English
and
Dutch
,
the
Dutch
being
upon
their
defection
from
Spain
,
driven
into
great
Exigencies
,
and
therefore
becoming
studious
and
emulous
how
to
advance
their
Trade
,
have
contrived
all
imaginable
ways
how
to
Trade
cheap
,
whose
Example
other
Neighbouring-States
and
Kingdoms
have
followed
in
a
great
degree
,
and
the
French
amongst
the
rest
,
whilst
the
English
do
not
only
proceed
in
their
former
more
chargeable
methods
of
Trade
,
but
have
clogged
their
Navigation
and
Merchants
more
and
more
,
whereof
I
shall
give
some
Instances
,
and
shall
leave
the
Computation
of
the
odds
to
the
Reader
.
First
,
The
Dutch
have
found
and
long
used
such
a
way
of
building
their
ordinary
Trading
Ships
and
Vessels
,
that
they
will
sail
with
eight
or
ten
men
,
when
an
English
built
Ship
of
about
the
same
Burthen
shall
not
sail
without
near
thirty
men
,
so
that
the
English
Merchant
must
ordinarily
be
at
more
Charge
for
Wages
and
Victuals
by
two
Thirds
than
the
Dutch
.
Secondly
,
The
English
Customs
for
Forreign
Goods
Imported
and
Re-exported
(
though
half
the
Customs
paid
are
returned
upon
Re-exportation
)
are
near
twenty
times
greater
than
the
Dutch
Customs
,
and
for
home
Commodities
Exported
,
if
not
for
all
,
are
greater
than
the
Dutch
or
French
Customs
,
which
does
work
a
further
Charge
on
the
English
Merchants
.
For
,
Thirdly
,
By
this
means
our
English
Merchants
are
ordinarily
forced
to
keep
near
a
fourth
part
of
their
Stocks
dead
at
home
to
answer
Customs
,
so
that
a
Dutch
Merchant
may
drive
the
same
Trade
with
a
much
less
Stock
.
Fourthly
,
The
late
Act
of
Navigation
,
and
the
Act
of
14
Car.
2.
Cap.
11.
confining
the
English
Trade
to
Shipping
built
with
English
Timber
(
which
is
now
exceeding
scarce
and
dear
.
)
The
Dutch
,
French
,
Danes
,
Hamburghers
,
&c.
can
have
Ship-Timber
in
Germany
,
France
and
Denmark
,
for
less
than
half
the
price
of
ours
.
So
by
means
of
the
same
Acts
of
Navigation
,
have
the
Dutch
and
French
their
Cordage
,
Masts
,
Sails
,
Tackle
,
Pitch
and
Tar
,
(
being
all
necessary
and
chargeable
Ingredients
of
Navigation
)
very
much
cheaper
than
the
English
,
so
that
the
Hollanders
,
or
French
,
or
Danes
,
nay
,
almost
any
other
of
our
Neighbours
,
can
build
and
apparel
a
Ship
,
or
fit
up
and
repair
,
at
a
less
charge
by
half
than
the
English
can
do
;
the
reason
of
this
is
more
at
large
Discoursed
by
Mr.
Roger
Cooke
in
his
late
Ingenious
Treatises
Of
Trade
.
And
Fifthly
,
By
means
of
the
late
Irish
Acts
against
Importation
of
Cattel
,
18
Car.
2.
Cap.
2.
&
20
Car.
2.
Cap.
the
Dutch
and
French
can
and
do
Victual
their
Ships
cheaper
with
Irish
Victuals
than
the
English
can
do
in
England
,
whereas
before
,
England
could
Victual
cheaper
than
any
Nation
in
Europe
.
Sixthly
,
The
English
pay
6
per
Cent.
Interest
for
Money
,
and
the
Dutch
but
3
per
Cent.
or
less
,
Note
,
no
Interest
is
allowed
in
France
.
which
is
to
our
English
Merchants
of
a
strange
ill
Consequence
,
if
we
consider
our
extraordinary
Charges
in
Victuals
,
Wages
,
Shipping
,
and
the
money
kept
dead
to
answer
Customs
,
besides
the
Interest
of
the
Stock
actually
imployed
in
Merchandize
and
Wars
;
for
the
Interest
,
with
Interest
upon
Interest
running
up
continually
,
does
still
increase
the
Charge
and
Clogg
upon
our
Merchants
,
but
especially
must
disable
us
to
make
England
a
Storehouse
of
Forreign
Goods
,
since
although
they
should
be
bought
and
Imported
as
cheap
as
in
Holland
,
they
must
yet
become
dearer
for
Re-exportation
by
the
odds
in
the
Interest
;
if
the
Annual
Interest
per
Cent.
were
the
same
,
yet
the
odds
in
the
Stock
imployed
would
produce
a
vast
odds
in
the
Interest
.
Seventhly
,
The
Act
of
Navigation
obliging
us
to
sail
with
¾
of
our
English
Sea-men
(
of
which
we
have
but
a
few
in
Comparison
of
the
Dutch
,
who
have
at
least
ten
times
more
than
we
)
hath
given
occasion
to
our
Sea-men
to
raise
their
Wages
:
To
all
which
may
be
added
our
present
Charge
of
Passes
,
supposing
that
any
Forreign
Nation
can
Trade
without
Passes
,
or
procure
them
for
less
money
;
the
like
may
be
said
of
our
late
Charge
of
Ballastage
,
&c.
Nay
the
Dutch
are
so
curious
,
that
for
more
cheapness
and
convenience
,
they
build
Ships
of
divers
makes
,
sorts
of
Timber
,
and
manner
of
Tackling
,
for
almost
every
Trade
:
whereas
the
English
build
or
use
but
one
sort
,
and
that
the
most
chargeable
.
Suppose
then
,
that
the
English
and
Dutch
should
both
Manufacture
Silk
,
Linnen
,
Woollen
,
&c.
and
that
an
English
and
Dutch
Merchant
buying
up
these
Manufactures
at
the
same
Rate
at
Home
,
should
Export
them
to
a
third
Port
where
they
are
Vendible
,
't
is
plain
that
the
Dutch
Merchant
being
at
less
charge
by
at
least
two
thirds
for
Wages
and
Victuals
,
at
less
charge
for
Customs
or
Port-Duties
,
at
a
less
charge
by
half
in
building
and
fitting
up
his
Ship
,
and
being
so
much
eased
in
the
Interest
of
money
,
and
other
the
said
particulars
'
,
may
under-sell
the
English
Merchant
a
great
many
times
2
per
Cent.
But
much
more
will
he
be
able
to
under-sell
the
English
Merchant
in
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
because
of
the
excessive
height
of
our
Customs
for
Goods
Imported
and
Re-exported
,
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh
,
in
his
time
,
observes
,
That
if
an
English
and
Holland
Ship
of
200
Tun
a
piece
be
at
Dantzick
,
the
Hollander
should
serve
the
Merchant
cheaper
by
100
l.
than
the
English
,
being
sailed
with
nine
or
ten
Mariners
,
but
ours
with
thirty
,
yet
our
English
Carpenters
keep
their
old
way
of
building
to
this
day
,
and
know
no
other
.
or
if
an
English
Merchant
go
directly
from
one
Port
to
another
,
he
will
still
lie
under
the
other
in
equalities
of
Charge
.
Nor
are
the
English
for
the
same
Reason
capable
of
any
Imployment
in
meer
Carriage
for
any
Forreigners
,
unless
,
perhaps
,
during
the
Convulsions
of
a
War
amongst
other
Nat●ons
.
And
for
the
same
Reasons
the
English
can
never
drive
any
considerable
Fishing-Trade
,
though
we
pay
no
Custom
for
Fish.
This
cheapness
of
the
Dutch
,
and
other
Forreign
Navigation
and
Trading
,
doth
not
only
give
advantage
and
preference
to
their
own
Manufactures
,
but
to
the
Manufactures
of
all
other
Nations
where
there
is
an
open
,
free
and
reasonable
Market
;
as
suppose
the
Dutch
buy
French
,
German
,
or
Italian
Manufactures
as
cheap
as
the
English
Merchant
can
buy
the
like
Manufactures
in
England
,
he
may
be
able
to
under-sell
the
English
Merchant
and
Manufacture
in
a
third
Port
,
with
gain
to
himself
.
And
hence
it
is
that
the
Dutch
,
and
other
Forreign
cheap
Navigation
,
hath
given
rise
and
growth
to
the
French
,
Dutch
,
German
,
Italian
,
and
other
Forreign
Manufactures
;
which
,
with
the
difficulties
on
our
Trade
at
home
,
hath
worked
us
out
of
near
all
our
Manufactures
,
except
what
remains
to
us
of
our
Cloathing-Trade
.
So
the
cheapness
of
the
Dutch
,
and
other
Forreign
Navigation
and
Trading
,
hath
in
a
manner
beaten
us
out
of
all
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
and
Fishing-Trade
;
the
English
retaining
little
from
Port
to
Port
,
but
the
East-India
Trade
,
for
Callicoes
,
Pepper
,
&c.
a
Trade
which
continues
upon
a
particular
reason
,
distinct
from
all
the
rest
,
as
I
shall
also
shew
in
the
next
Section
.
And
upon
the
former
Reasons
,
and
others
mentioned
in
this
and
the
two
next
Sections
,
we
must
expect
that
the
Dutch
and
French
may
in
a
short
time
destroy
our
remaining
Woollen
Manufacture
;
the
Dutch
taking
advantage
of
our
mis-management
of
our
Cloth-Trade
,
of
which
I
shall
give
a
further
account
,
found
ways
of
getting
our
fine
Wooll
,
which
mixing
with
fine
Spanish
,
and
by
that
mixture
making
a
cheaper
and
more
serviceable
fine
Cloth
than
with
all
Spanish
,
have
been
long
high
Competitors
in
the
Trade
of
fine
Cloth
,
and
have
actually
beaten
us
out
in
the
Northern
Eastland
and
German
Trades
,
and
share
with
us
in
the
Turky-Trade
,
both
Dutch
and
French
getting
what
quantities
they
please
of
our
long
and
middling-Wooll
out
of
England
and
Ireland
(
which
they
now
have
cheaper
than
the
English
Clothiers
from
Ireland
)
do
mix
it
with
French
,
Polonia
,
or
other
Forreign
Woolls
,
(
which
are
two
thirds
cheaper
than
ours
)
and
therewith
make
vast
quantities
of
course
Cloths
,
Druggets
and
Stuffs
,
which
being
acceptable
and
Merchandizable
,
they
Export
to
Spain
,
Portugal
,
Germany
,
and
most
other
Parts
.
Their
Competition
in
the
Cloathing-Trade
,
joined
with
some
Polonian
,
Silesian
,
German
,
and
other
later
Manufactures
of
course
Woolls
,
have
already
sunk
our
Forreign
Market
and
Vent
;
this
hath
sunk
the
price
of
our
raw
Wooll
,
as
necessarily
it
must
,
and
as
their
Manufactures
increase
,
and
ours
does
expire
,
the
French
and
Dutch
must
have
our
Wooll
for
what
they
please
;
and
if
they
cannot
have
it
at
their
own
Rate
at
one
of
our
Ports
,
they
will
go
to
another
,
and
our
necessitous
People
having
their
Wooll
in
their
hands
,
will
sell
almost
at
any
Rate
;
which
is
so
far
the
Case
in
Ireland
already
,
that
is
there
openly
Exported
at
6
or
7
s.
the
Tod
;
and
then
if
we
compute
what
a
Tod
of
Wooll
may
stand
the
French
or
Dutch
in
,
considering
their
cheap
mixtures
of
French
,
Polonish
,
and
other
course
Woolls
,
we
may
very
suddenly
expect
to
have
our
English
Woolls
at
about
4
s.
the
Tod
;
for
if
the
English
Clothier
gives
more
for
his
Materials
than
the
French
or
Dutch
,
he
cannot
live
:
It
is
now
in
most
parts
of
England
at
about
12
s.
or
13
s.
the
Tod
,
in
some
places
at
10
s.
where
of
late
years
it
was
30
and
40
s.
the
Tod
.
The
French
and
Dutch
have
long
maligned
this
English
Manufacture
,
and
have
now
made
a
mighty
progress
towards
its
extirpation
,
and
therein
of
the
great
support
of
our
English
Nation
;
(
doubtless
the
Wooll-Sacks
were
placed
in
our
House
of
Parliament
to
give
us
a
precaution
of
it
:
)
The
Dutch
of
late
have
been
somewhat
checked
in
the
Turky-Trade
by
the
War
;
but
the
French
are
more
vigilant
and
vigorous
in
the
increase
and
vent
of
their
Woollen
Manufacture
than
ever
;
and
the
Dutch
are
now
at
Peace
again
.
I
know
some
alledge
,
that
these
Nations
may
support
their
present
Woollen
Manufacture
without
our
Wooll
,
which
our
own
English
Clothiers
,
on
their
own
experience
,
deny
;
They
say
that
a
mixture
of
fine
English
,
and
fine
Spanish
,
makes
Cloth
so
much
cheaper
and
more
serviceable
then
of
all
fine
Spanish
,
That
it
must
needs
beat
out
any
Forreign
Manufacture
made
of
all
fine
Spanish
,
(
which
is
always
near
twice
as
dear
as
our
finest
English
Wooll
)
and
therefore
have
the
English
and
Dutch
near
subverted
the
Venetian
Cloth-Trade
in
Turkey
;
On
the
other
side
,
They
say
that
the
German
,
Polonia
,
Silesian
,
and
French
,
are
so
course
of
themselves
,
that
although
they
may
be
wrought
into
an
ill
sort
of
Composition
,
perhaps
fit
for
Sails
,
or
such
like
;
yet
it
is
not
Merchandizable
;
but
in
mixture
with
English
or
Irish
;
good
dressing
and
dying
will
make
very
vendible
and
serviceable
Stuffs
,
Druggets
,
and
course
Cloths
.
Nor
is
there
any
shadow
of
reason
to
believe
otherwise
,
considering
how
Ravenous
the
French
and
Dutch
have
been
after
our
Wooll
,
since
they
set
up
their
Woollen
Manufactures
;
why
have
they
and
their
Agents
been
lurking
on
our
Coasts
and
in
our
Creeks
to
fish
it
away
for
so
many
years
?
why
have
they
given
treble
as
much
for
it
as
for
Polonia
and
French
?
shall
we
think
the
Dutch
and
French
such
Fools
and
mad-men
as
to
make
so
laborious
and
dear
a
Purchase
of
an
unnecessary
Commodity
?
We
are
told
of
some
fine
Sclavonian
Woolls
which
the
Dutch
make
use
of
,
but
withall
that
they
are
not
comparable
to
ours
;
nor
of
any
considerable
bulk
;
and
are
assured
by
those
who
should
best
understand
it
,
that
no
Nation
but
England
hath
a
sufficient
store
of
Wooll
to
drive
a
Forreign
Trade
of
any
Consequence
.
There
is
no
question
,
but
that
if
we
did
manufacture
all
our
Wooll
,
we
might
again
near
Monopolize
the
Merchandize
and
Forreign
Trade
of
Woollen-Cloathing
,
though
perhaps
some
Forreign
Manufactures
of
course
Woolls
might
be
kept
up
for
the
use
of
the
ordinary
poorer
people
at
Home
;
at
least
it
must
be
admitted
,
that
if
we
did
manufacture
all
our
English
and
Irish
Wooll
,
it
would
find
vent
in
the
World
,
since
it
is
now
all
manufactured
in
England
,
France
and
Holland
,
and
doth
find
vent
in
the
aforesaid
mixtures
;
by
which
the
bulk
of
the
Manufacture
must
be
much
increased
.
Then
if
the
question
be
how
we
shall
arrive
to
the
sole
Manufacture
of
our
own
English
and
Irish
Wooll
,
it
must
appear
upon
what
hath
been
said
,
that
the
only
safe
Expedient
must
be
by
easing
our
Navigation
and
Trade
equally
with
Forreigners
,
in
which
Case
having
so
much
advantage
in
the
Materials
,
we
could
not
fail
of
an
answerable
success
in
the
Manufacture
;
long
Experience
hath
demonstrated
that
the
meer
prohibiting
of
the
Exportation
of
Wooll
is
but
a
Cobweb
,
the
Dutch
and
French
being
constantly
supplied
with
what
quantities
they
please
to
have
,
and
ever
will
be
,
as
long
as
their
advantages
in
Trade
will
enable
them
to
give
more
for
our
Woolls
than
our
English
and
Irish
Natives
:
for
so
long
the
Interests
of
our
People
will
teach
them
ways
to
Elude
or
Baffle
the
Prohibition
;
For
this
reason
our
late
Act
of
12
Car.
2.
Cap.
22.
which
makes
it
Felony
to
Export
Wooll
,
hath
nothing
remedied
the
mischief
.
Upon
what
hath
been
said
,
I
may
further
add
,
That
those
who
think
to
better
our
Trade
in
general
by
the
forceable
subversion
of
the
Dutch
Trade
and
Navigation
,
are
as
much
mistaken
;
since
the
Hamburgers
,
and
other
Trading
States
,
the
French
,
and
other
Kingdoms
,
who
have
eased
their
Merchandize
and
Navigation
,
would
then
take
the
place
of
the
Dutch
,
and
would
share
the
Trade
,
and
exclude
the
English
,
unless
our
Trade
were
equally
eased
.
I
shall
conclude
this
Section
with
this
farther
Observation
,
That
for
the
opening
of
a
sufficient
Forreign
Vent
and
Market
for
our
Home
Commodities
,
whether
Manufactures
,
Fish
,
or
others
;
it
is
not
only
necessary
to
remove
all
unequal
cloggs
on
meer
Exportations
,
but
also
those
on
Imported
Goods
;
because
that
whilst
the
English
Merchant
,
by
the
Charges
on
Imported
Goods
,
is
ordinarily
disabled
to
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
the
value
of
our
English
Exportations
must
be
in
a
manner
confined
to
the
value
of
the
Goods
Imported
,
and
consumed
at
Home
,
and
the
Treasure
we
Import
in
specie
yearly
.
Whereas
were
the
cloggs
on
our
Imported
Goods
taken
off
,
we
might
yearly
vend
of
our
own
Home
Commodities
to
the
value
of
all
the
Forreign
Goods
we
should
then
Import
and
Re-export
,
to
serve
the
Occasions
of
all
other
Nations
,
(
for
these
we
might
purchase
by
Barter
or
Sale
of
our
own
)
whereby
our
Exported
Home
Commodities
would
then
amount
to
much
more
,
probably
to
more
than
ten
times
the
value
they
now
do
yearly
;
All
which
in
the
course
of
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
would
resolve
into
more
and
more
Treasure
and
Riches
of
all
sorts
.
And
therefore
,
let
the
Treasure
now
Imported
in
specie
be
more
or
less
,
't
is
evident
,
that
were
our
Merchants
enabled
to
Trade
from
Port
,
as
the
Dutch
,
and
others
,
can
and
do
,
as
our
Manufactures
,
and
other
Home
Commodities
,
Exported
yearly
would
be
vastly
more
in
quantity
and
value
,
so
would
the
Treasure
Imported
yearly
.
Secondly
,
The
Exportation
of
English
home
Commodity
is
yet
farther
confined
,
when
instead
of
home
Commodity
to
answer
the
Imported
Goods
and
Treasure
,
we
Export
so
much
Treasure
as
we
do
;
In
which
Case
if
the
Treasure
Exported
be
more
than
is
Imported
yearly
,
this
Kingdom
must
insensibly
be
beggered
by
meer
Trade
.
This
may
be
feared
to
be
our
Case
,
because
there
are
very
few
Forreign
Nations
(
I
think
none
worth
the
naming
but
Spain
)
where
our
Merchants
can
ordinarily
sell
our
Commodity
for
ready
money
,
or
with
so
much
advantage
,
that
they
can
afford
to
return
with
the
price
received
,
but
will
be
obliged
to
better
their
Adventures
by
laying
out
the
money
again
on
Consumptive
Forreign
Goods
,
or
else
apply
it
to
satisfie
Forreign
Debts
by
Bills
of
Exchange
;
This
many
of
our
Spanish
Traders
do
,
so
that
our
Merchants
Import
much
less
Treasure
than
they
receive
;
and
it
may
not
be
improper
to
be
added
here
,
that
whilst
the
virtue
of
our
whole
Trade
(
as
now
managed
)
does
still
depend
so
much
on
that
with
Spain
,
our
Support
is
very
single
and
casual
,
and
the
Consequence
must
be
fatal
,
should
the
Spaniard
be
rendred
either
unable
or
unwilling
to
Trade
longer
with
us
;
our
Case
is
already
thus
,
far
worse
than
it
was
,
that
Spain
is
grown
poor
and
weak
,
and
the
Dutch
and
French
share
and
grow
upon
us
in
this
Trade
.
SECT.
VI.
Other
Cloggs
on
our
Trade
,
viz.
The
late
Acts
of
Navigation
,
which
,
with
the
other
difficulties
have
begot
Monopolies
;
made
our
Navigation
yet
dearer
,
so
Forreign
Materials
of
Manufacture
cause
meer
Importations
,
hinder
our
Forreign
vent
of
Victuals
,
obliges
a
sudden
Consumption
of
our
remaining
Ship-Timber
,
particular
dangers
and
consequences
thereof
;
Our
Navigation
cannot
be
increased
whilst
we
are
restrained
in
Trade
:
The
exhausting
of
our
Treasure
must
subvert
our
Navigation
:
The
advantages
of
Forreigners
,
of
Trading
by
Companies
,
and
the
different
Nature
of
Ours
,
more
particularly
of
our
African
and
East-India
Companies
and
Trade
:
divers
ill
Consequences
of
Joint-Stocks
;
therein
more
of
Monopolies
.
Long
Land
Carriages
to
London
;
the
Market
there
delayed
.
Odds
in
Interest-Money
must
prejudice
our
Manufactures
:
private
Interest
observed
.
Our
affectation
of
Forreign
Commodities
:
the
prejudice
of
obstructing
the
vent
of
Manufactures
.
Our
Manufacturers
liable
to
be
imposed
upon
by
our
Merchants
,
and
by
Ingrossers
,
a
disadvantage
by
the
Restitution
of
half
Customs
on
the
Re-exportation
.
IT
being
natural
,
That
the
continuance
of
one
inconvenience
should
beget
many
others
,
it
hath
so
fallen
out
in
England
.
Our
Natives
discerning
the
odds
of
Charge
between
our
own
and
Forreign
Navigation
,
and
being
therefore
tempted
to
Trade
in
Forreign
Ships
,
or
to
deal
with
Forreign
Importers
,
(
which
threatned
the
subversion
of
our
English
Navigation
,
and
the
Importing
Trade
of
our
English
Merchants
)
instead
of
Regulating
our
Navigation
,
the
late
Act
of
Navigation
was
made
,
whereby
,
and
by
other
Acts
,
12
Car.
2.
ca.
18.
13
Car.
2.
c.
14.
14
Car.
2.
ca.
11.
15
Car.
2.
c.
7.
our
English
Exportations
are
expresly
or
virtually
confined
to
our
own
English
built
Shipping
,
so
is
the
Importation
of
Forreign
Goods
,
or
else
to
the
Forreign
Natives
of
whose
growths
or
productions
they
are
;
which
restraint
hath
begotten
,
or
(
jointly
with
the
other
cloggs
on
our
Forreign
Merchandize
)
hath
heightned
,
these
farther
Inconveniences
.
First
,
It
hath
given
a
Monopoly
to
our
own
Merchants
,
upon
our
Manufacturers
and
People
,
for
our
own
exportable
Manufactures
and
Commodities
.
Secondly
,
It
hath
given
a
Monopoly
to
our
own
Merchants
upon
all
the
people
of
England
,
for
Goods
Imported
.
Thirdly
,
The
said
Act
of
Navigation
obliging
the
English
to
buy
Imported
Goods
only
at
those
Ports
,
or
of
those
Natives
,
of
whose
growths
and
productions
they
are
,
hath
given
Monopolies
to
all
Forreigners
on
the
English
for
Goods
of
their
respective
growths
and
productions
;
See
Mr.
Coke's
Third
Treatise
Of
Trade
.
the
Danes
(
for
instance
)
taking
advantage
of
it
,
very
much
raised
their
Prizes
and
Customs
upon
us
,
for
Pitch
,
Tar
,
and
Timber
,
forcing
us
to
pay
near
double
what
we
did
,
and
to
pay
them
in
money
,
where
we
used
to
barter
with
them
for
Commodity
;
the
like
may
be
said
of
the
French
,
those
of
the
Canary-Islands
,
and
others
,
particularly
the
Leiflanders
,
for
raw
Hemp
and
Flax
;
at
the
best
we
are
but
at
mercy
.
Fourthly
,
This
Act
hath
made
our
Navigation
yet
more
chargeable
than
before
,
because
the
aforesaid
Forreign
Materials
of
Pitch
,
Tar
,
raw
Hemp
and
Flax
are
thereby
made
very
much
the
dearer
;
It
doth
also
render
English
Ship-Timber
still
dearer
and
dearer
,
which
must
more
and
more
disable
and
discourage
us
in
the
building
of
Ships
for
Trade
,
and
gives
a
great
and
dangerous
advantage
to
our
Neighbours
in
the
building
of
Ships
of
War
so
much
cheaper
than
we
.
Fifthly
,
This
dearness
of
Shipping
must
the
more
prejudice
the
vent
of
our
Manufactures
made
of
our
own
Materials
,
and
disable
us
in
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
for
the
Reasons
in
the
last
Section
.
Sixthly
,
The
same
dearness
of
Shipping
,
with
the
other
unequal
charges
on
our
Forreign
Merchandize
,
must
render
all
Forreign
materials
of
Manufacture
imported
much
dearer
in
England
than
in
other
Neighbour-Nations
,
(
such
are
Hemp
,
Flax
,
Silk
,
and
many
others
of
great
consequence
)
and
then
our
Manufacturers
buying
the
Materials
dearer
,
are
obliged
to
sell
their
Manufactures
dearer
,
which
must
hinder
their
vent
at
home
as
well
as
their
Exportation
abroad
,
and
consequently
the
rise
and
growth
of
all
our
Manufactures
made
of
Forreign
Materials
,
and
accordingly
we
see
our
Manufactures
of
Linnen
,
Cables
,
Sails
,
Sea-Nets
,
and
Silk
of
all
sorts
,
are
some
of
them
in
a
manner
lost
,
the
rest
much
decayed
;
which
I
the
rather
mention
,
that
this
,
and
what
I
say
elsewhere
,
may
take
off
some
ignorant
and
unreasonable
Reproaches
against
the
English
Manufacturers
,
for
not
selling
some
Manufactures
so
cheap
as
in
other
Nations
,
since
they
are
necessitated
to
it
by
these
and
some
other
difficulties
upon
them
,
which
I
shall
take
notice
of
in
this
and
the
next
Section
,
as
I
shall
have
occasion
.
Seventhly
,
This
restraint
to
our
dear
English
Navigation
,
and
Charges
on
our
Merchandize
,
does
by
Consequence
tend
to
introduce
the
Disease
of
Trade
,
consisting
in
meer
Importation
;
for
as
our
Manufactures
expire
,
there
is
a
farther
occasion
of
Importing
Forreign
Manufactures
,
especially
if
on
this
,
and
other
Accounts
,
they
may
be
sold
cheaper
here
than
our
own
:
And
hence
it
is
,
that
we
have
a
prodigious
increase
of
Imported
Linnens
,
Silks
,
&c.
and
that
we
are
of
late
forced
to
buy
much
more
of
our
Cables
,
Cordage
,
Sails
,
and
divers
other
Manufactures
from
the
Dutch
,
French
,
Germans
,
&c.
than
formerly
we
did
;
in
all
which
our
Merchants
must
be
greater
gainers
for
a
time
,
because
our
occasions
for
Forreign
Goods
being
greater
,
they
Import
and
sell
the
more
at
home
;
and
from
more
and
greater
Sales
must
get
the
more
money
of
our
Natives
,
and
the
rather
,
because
of
their
Monopoly
on
the
rest
of
the
people
for
Imported
Goods
,
which
does
enable
them
to
sell
so
at
home
,
as
to
reimburse
themselves
all
their
Charges
,
with
extraordinary
profit
.
Eighthly
,
The
said
Restraint
excluding
great
numbers
of
Forreign
Ships
from
our
Ports
must
hinder
the
vending
of
great
proportions
of
our
Beef
,
Pork
,
Corn
,
Beer
,
Clothing
,
and
other
Necessaries
.
Ninthly
,
The
dearness
of
the
English
Timber
,
arising
from
the
scarcity
of
it
,
the
said
Act
doth
oblige
us
to
a
kind
of
impossibility
,
there
being
not
Timber
enough
in
England
to
support
any
considerable
Navigation
,
at
least
for
any
continuance
of
time
;
which
small
remnant
of
Timber
we
are
forced
to
spend
so
fast
in
the
building
or
repairing
of
ordinary
Vessels
,
that
we
shall
soon
see
the
end
of
it
,
and
then
in
any
great
Exigence
we
must
seek
out
for
Forreign
Timber
to
build
Ships
of
War
,
for
which
the
Timber
now
remaining
might
be
reserved
.
Tenthly
,
Whereas
the
increase
and
support
of
Navigation
depends
on
the
ordinary
Imployment
of
Ships
and
Sea-men
in
Trade
,
of
which
far
the
greatest
numbers
are
to
be
maintained
in
the
Fishing-Trade
,
and
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
the
English
being
,
by
the
Acts
of
Navigation
,
and
other
difficulties
,
disabled
from
those
Trades
,
can
never
increase
their
Navigation
,
and
upon
a
small
increase
of
Shipping
must
be
over-clogg'd
.
Eleventhly
,
The
Act
of
Navigation
giving
Forreigners
election
either
to
sell
their
Goods
to
the
English
at
home
,
or
to
Import
them
into
England
,
is
so
far
from
incouraging
our
Navigation
,
See
Mr.
Coke's
Treatises
Of
Trade
,
this
largely
and
most
rationally
discoursed
.
that
it
hath
put
it
into
the
choice
of
Forreigners
,
whether
theirs
or
our
Shipping
shall
be
imployed
,
which
,
with
the
dearness
of
ours
,
hath
already
increased
the
Navigation
of
our
Neighbours
,
but
hath
reduced
ours
.
And
lastly
,
As
the
dearness
of
our
Navigation
and
course
of
Merchandize
established
by
this
Act
does
run
us
into
an
Excess
of
Importations
,
our
Treasures
must
be
exhausted
,
and
then
the
remnant
of
our
Shipping
must
be
becalmed
,
and
our
Sea-men
will
leave
us
,
as
they
already
do
,
which
I
shall
more
particularly
observe
in
the
following
Sections
.
In
the
mean
time
it
must
be
apparent
,
that
if
we
had
disposed
our selves
to
a
cheaper
way
of
building
and
sailing
,
our
Trading-Ships
(
being
as
practicable
here
as
in
Holland
)
and
had
eased
our
Merchandize
and
Trade
to
an
equal
degree
,
these
,
and
all
other
the
aforesaid
Mischiefs
,
had
been
prevented
,
and
we
might
have
supported
a
more
swelling
and
beneficial
Navigation
than
that
of
the
Vnited
Provinces
;
who
are
so
far
from
making
use
of
any
Expedient
of
this
Nature
,
that
they
allow
Free
Commerce
to
all
Forreigners
,
and
their
Ships
;
nor
can
the
like
Expedient
be
found
in
any
Nation
on
the
Earth
,
who
have
or
aspire
to
a
great
Navigation
or
Trade
;
'T
is
confessed
the
like
Act
was
made
by
the
Rump
,
but
't
was
on
the
occasion
of
their
Dutch
War
,
and
intended
(
as
't
is
said
)
to
exclude
the
Dutch
from
the
benefit
of
our
Trade
and
Ports
;
however
it
were
,
we
are
not
to
learn
the
Rump
might
be
mistaken
in
their
Calculations
.
If
the
people
of
a
Nation
have
free
Liberty
to
sell
at
home
to
all
Merchants
,
they
must
necessarily
have
the
utmost
choice
of
Chapmen
for
Manufactures
and
home
Commodities
,
and
by
consequence
the
best
and
utmost
Market
and
Vent
as
far
as
the
Stocks
,
Treasures
,
Industry
,
Navigations
and
Occasions
of
the
World
will
bear
,
and
it
is
known
that
the
most
thrifty
Merchants
,
and
near
Livers
,
and
those
that
Trade
most
universally
,
and
with
the
greatest
Stocks
,
and
cheapest
,
are
ordinarily
able
to
buy
dearest
,
and
sell
cheapest
;
and
if
our
Natives
were
un-confined
,
they
would
have
Liberty
to
deal
with
any
Forreigners
on
the
Earth
thus
qualified
;
But
our
Natives
being
restrained
to
our
own
Merchants
,
and
their
own
National
Stock
in
Merchandize
;
let
the
particular
Stocks
of
our
Merchants
be
never
so
small
,
let
them
Trade
never
so
dear
,
or
so
little
,
let
them
live
never
so
high
and
costly
,
yet
our
Natives
Manufactures
and
others
must
pay
for
all
,
by
selling
cheaper
to
our
Merchants
,
and
buying
of
them
dearer
;
for
the
Merchants
are
in
a
capacity
to
buy
so
and
sell
so
at
home
,
as
to
satisfie
themselves
,
and
maintain
the
Equipage
they
live
in
,
with
much
overplus
.
But
our
Clothiers
,
and
some
others
,
have
complained
,
that
they
are
yet
farther
confined
in
their
choice
of
Chapmen
,
since
the
English
Merchants
are
confined
to
the
Trading
Companies
and
their
stocks
;
which
does
first
give
me
occasion
to
consider
the
Constitutions
of
our
English
Forreign
Trading-Companies
,
and
of
what
consequence
they
are
in
Trade
.
This
I
shall
do
(
as
I
think
it
will
appear
)
without
any
partiality
,
protesting
that
I
bear
no
malice
or
personal
ill
will
against
any
Company
,
or
Member
of
any
Company
in
England
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
have
an
high
esteem
for
as
many
of
these
and
other
Merchants
as
I
am
acquainted
with
,
having
found
them
very
worthy
men
,
and
such
as
much
desire
the
general
Good
,
and
therefore
hope
they
will
close
with
the
Common
Interest
in
what
relates
to
themselves
.
Particular
men
have
too
long
flattered
themselves
with
a
corrupt
opinion
,
that
they
may
gain
by
the
common
loss
,
and
that
it
will
hold
out
their
times
,
which
I
do
not
say
with
any
particular
Reflection
on
these
,
or
any
other
Traders
;
being
the
ordinary
maxim
or
prudential
of
our
cunning
men
of
all
kinds
.
Of
the
first
and
more
ancient
sort
are
our
Regulated
Companies
,
or
such
as
are
so
called
,
such
as
are
the
Turky
,
Hamburgh
,
Muscovy
,
and
Eastland
Companies
,
whose
Incorporations
have
been
always
accompted
Legal
,
being
intended
for
the
better
Regulation
of
some
particular
Forreign
Trades
,
and
for
the
raising
and
support
of
Common
Charges
,
and
for
those
purposes
are
enabled
to
act
by
Committees
.
The
Members
of
these
Companies
trading
on
their
distinct
stocks
,
seem
to
leave
the
same
choice
of
Chapmen
to
our
Manufacturers
,
wherefore
I
cannot
observe
but
that
such
Companies
might
consist
with
a
Flourishing
Trade
,
if
according
to
their
Appellations
they
be
really
Regulated
,
(
that
is
)
provided
all
English-men
(
according
to
their
Right
)
be
left
at
liberty
to
become
Members
,
and
Trade
,
upon
Terms
that
are
not
oppressive
.
Secondly
,
That
these
Companies
be
not
permitted
to
make
such
By-Laws
for
their
private
ends
,
as
may
prove
advantagious
to
the
Members
of
the
Company
,
but
prejudicial
to
the
Nation
;
a
thing
very
practicable
,
as
suppose
they
should
prolong
their
times
of
buying
our
home
Commodities
,
or
confine
the
Market
to
some
such
particular
places
at
home
as
may
be
convenient
for
themselves
,
but
injurious
to
our
Manufacturers
,
or
other
Natives
,
or
should
Trade
to
few
Ports
where
they
can
have
extraordinary
Rates
and
Terms
,
when
they
might
Trade
to
more
,
and
consequently
vend
more
Commodity
;
or
should
endeavour
to
set
the
Dice
on
Foreigners
,
by
Arbitrary
prizes
or
otherwise
,
whereby
Forreigners
may
be
disaffected
with
our
Commerce
;
experience
hath
shown
that
private
interest
hath
carryed
some
of
them
into
such
or
the
like
irregularities
,
it
would
be
too
long
to
instance
in
particulars
,
I
shall
only
say
,
that
those
of
the
last
sort
made
Forreigners
the
more
Impatient
till
they
had
set
up
their
woollen
Manufactures
.
Our
East-India
and
Affrican
Companies
are
of
another
kind
,
The
present
East-India
Pattent
granted
13
July
1660.
That
to
the
Affrican
Company
since
.
and
of
a
latter
creation
,
having
gotten
Pattents
of
the
Sole
Trade
of
great
part
of
the
World
exclusive
to
the
rest
of
his
Majesties
Subjects
,
which
they
manage
upon
Joynt-stocks
;
of
which
I
shall
shew
the
generall
ordinary
consequences
,
and
then
examine
how
far
they
are
applicable
to
the
particular
Cases
of
these
Companies
.
First
,
in
the
nature
of
such
Companies
they
must
be
as
injurious
as
may
be
to
all
home-Manufactures
made
of
our
own
materialls
,
and
the
vent
of
our
other
exports
,
because
by
trading
on
a
Joynt-stock
they
make
but
one
buyer
,
and
therefore
have
a
Monopoly
for
all
exportable
goods
proper
only
for
the
Forreign
Nations
within
their
pattents
,
and
must
contract
the
choice
of
Chapmen
for
all
other
goods
proper
for
these
and
other
Countrys
;
now
the
confining
of
the
Market
and
choice
of
Chapmen
in
any
degree
is
dangerous
and
prejudiciall
to
Trade
,
and
in
a
larger
sence
may
be
called
a
Monopoly
,
but
it
is
far
more
mischievous
when
the
Election
is
totally
lost
,
for
then
those
who
have
the
Monopoly
may
,
and
therefore
will
,
buy
at
their
own
prizes
.
Secondly
,
for
the
same
reason
they
must
be
yet
more
injurious
to
home-Manufactures
made
of
forreign
materialls
;
for
first
,
they
will
sell
the
materialls
as
dear
,
and
then
buy
the
Manufacture
as
cheap
as
they
please
;
which
must
subvert
any
Manufacture
in
a
trice
,
especially
if
made
of
forreign
materials
bought
cheaper
by
forreign
Manufacturers
;
suppose
then
the
East-India
Company
by
their
Commodity
of
Money
,
should
so
far
divert
the
market
as
to
beat
out
the
Turky
Company
in
the
trade
of
Raw-Silks
,
at
what
rates
would
our
Silk-weavers
buy
raw-silks
?
or
will
it
be
said
a
Company
on
a
Joynt-stock
,
will
so
much
value
the
National
interest
as
to
sell
as
low
as
the
Commodity
is
sold
for
in
other
Nations
?
or
if
it
will
be
said
,
who
will
believe
it
?
was
ever
any
such
thing
done
either
by
the
English
,
Dutch
,
or
East-India
Companies
?
did
they
ever
yet
endeavour
to
beat
out
one
another
in
trade
by
low
selling
?
No
,
this
is
never
the
effect
of
choice
;
were
a
third
East-India
Company
in
France
on
a
Joynt-stock
,
they
would
hold
up
the
prizes
;
the
advantage
got
to
a
Nation
by
underselling
is
the
effect
of
necessity
,
or
high
convenience
;
when
the
Sellers
being
infinite
,
some
of
them
are
ready
,
and
all
long
for
dispatch
and
a
new
adventure
,
whereby
they
work
down
one
another
to
as
low
a
prize
as
the
Commodity
can
be
afforded
at
;
of
all
which
we
have
an
undenyable
example
in
the
present
Affrican
Company
,
who
were
no
sooner
Constituted
,
but
they
raised
the
price
of
imported
red-wood
,
which
before
was
sold
at
26.
and
28
l.
per
Tun
,
to
80
l.
per
Tun
,
which
must
make
our
exported
dyed
Cloaths
of
all
sorts
so
much
the
dearer
;
and
being
an
intolerable
rate
,
put
our
Dyers
upon
finding
out
the
use
of
Saunders
,
which
they
still
continue
;
and
as
a
farther
confirmation
of
this
,
and
what
I
said
before
,
I
shall
add
,
that
after
the
Election
of
this
Company
,
all
goods
proper
for
that
Trade
only
sunk
at
least
15
l.
per
Cent.
nor
would
the
10
th
.
part
of
the
same
goods
be
vended
to
the
said
Company
as
there
was
before
,
to
our
Merchants
driving
an
open
Trade
.
Thirdly
,
For
the
same
reason
such
a
Company
must
be
as
injurious
to
the
Trade
from
port
to
port
;
For
having
also
a
Monopoly
in
selling
,
they
may
and
will
impose
Arbitrary
prizes
on
the
buyers
,
and
then
the
Merchants
or
Re-exporters
who
buy
goods
so
dear
,
must
be
undersold
by
any
other
Nation
which
drives
a
free
and
open
Trade
to
the
same
place
from
whence
they
are
Imported
;
this
is
self-evident
,
and
therefore
I
should
not
instance
in
Fact
,
but
that
I
have
it
on
good
Authority
;
that
even
in
the
East-India
Trade
,
which
is
Alledged
to
be
out
of
the
common
Rules
of
Trade
,
whilst
the
Trade
was
open
,
viz.
In
the
Years
54
,
55
,
and
56.
our
Merchants
sold
the
Indian
Commodities
so
low
,
that
they
furnished
more
parts
of
Europe
then
since
we
have
done
,
nay
,
Holland
and
Amsterdam
it self
;
and
that
this
very
much
sunk
the
Actions
of
the
Dutch
East-India
Company
:
a
thing
which
stands
with
reason
;
and
which
therefore
recommends
an
open
Trade
to
India
,
if
it
may
be
so
driven
with
long
continuance
,
whereof
I
shall
farther
consider
.
Fourthly
,
These
Companies
having
also
Monopolies
on
these
Forreign
Natives
with
whom
they
Trade
,
may
set
Arbitrary
prizes
upon
them
,
for
our
home-Manufactures
exported
;
and
will
get
more
,
by
selling
a
little
very
dear
,
then
by
selling
much
more
at
moderate
profit
:
and
though
the
Joynt-stock
imployed
be
not
sufficient
to
manage
the
Trade
any
thing
near
the
full
advantage
,
yet
those
interested
in
it
,
will
have
reason
to
be
satisfyed
with
the
returns
they
make
,
since
in
proportion
to
the
Stock
,
they
may
be
very
great
;
and
for
the
same
reason
,
may
be
well
contented
to
Trade
to
a
few
Ports
where
they
can
have
great
rates
.
5
ly
,
The
industry
,
courage
and
ingenuity
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Natives
(
by
which
as
much
as
by
stock
all
Trade
is
improved
)
are
shut
out
,
which
must
not
only
be
a
prejudice
to
the
Trade
in
general
,
but
is
a
hardship
put
on
the
rest
,
who
by
their
birth
rights
are
equally
intituled
to
all
Trade
;
upon
all
which
accompts
,
the
Legality
of
sole
importing
,
sole
buying
,
and
sole
vending
,
hath
been
formerly
brought
in
question
,
and
denyed
in
our
greatest
Judicatures
;
Stat.
21.
Jacob
.
3.12
.
Hen.
7.
cap.
6th
.
3.
Jac.
cap.
6th
.
and
should
it
be
generally
admitted
,
by
the
same
reason
,
the
rest
of
our
Forreign
Trade
might
be
inclosed
to
two
or
three
more
Companys
,
and
then
we
should
have
but
three
or
four
Chapmen
or
Shops
for
all
Exported
and
Imported
Commodities
;
nay
the
whole
might
be
granted
or
reserved
to
one
Company
,
or
one
man
:
in
any
of
which
Cases
what
would
become
of
property
?
Such
is
the
Case
of
the
general
body
of
our
Merchants
already
,
that
having
in
a
manner
lost
the
Eastland
and
Northern
Trades
,
they
are
shut
out
of
the
Affrican
,
Indian
,
and
Persian
,
Chinese
,
and
other
mighty
Trades
within
those
Patents
:
since
this
out
of
the
French
trade
,
and
therefore
are
thronged
into
the
Streights
,
and
other
narrow
remnants
,
and
yet
is
this
the
usual
preferment
of
most
of
the
younger
Sons
of
the
Gentry
of
England
.
Sixthly
,
Though
our
other
Merchants
on
their
single
accompts
export
much
treasure
,
yet
cannot
it
so
easily
be
done
,
or
not
in
so
great
Quality
,
as
by
such
a
Company
;
whose
Joint
stock
having
a
great
credit
,
can
take
up
as
much
ready
money
as
they
want
;
whereas
those
who
will
not
trust
a
single
trader
with
a
100
l.
in
mony
will
trust
him
with
500
l.
worth
of
Commodity
,
as
common
exerience
shews
:
and
't
is
affirmed
,
that
during
our
trade
in
54.
and
55.
we
exported
more
Commodities
,
viz.
cloth
,
&
other
things
,
then
since
we
have
done
To
this
is
Objected
,
that
the
East-India
trade
so
far
differs
from
others
,
that
it
cannot
be
supported
,
or
not
with
so
much
advantage
and
security
,
(
which
I
admit
to
be
all
one
)
without
a
Joint
stock
,
which
if
true
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
it
ought
to
be
so
managed
.
This
then
is
one
great
Question
,
in
the
mean
time
I
hear
nothing
of
this
so
much
as
alledged
for
the
Affrican
Company
:
the
reasons
given
,
depend
upon
pretended
Facts
in
India
,
viz.
the
necessity
of
great
common
charges
in
gratifying
and
corresponding
with
the
Indian
Princes
,
and
keeping
Forts
and
Forces
for
the
defence
of
our
Factories
there
,
which
they
say
could
never
be
supported
but
out
of
a
Joint
stock
in
Trade
.
To
which
others
answer
,
1st
.
that
it
may
be
true
,
great
common
charges
are
necesssary
,
&
much
greater
then
our
Company
are
at
,
but
that
common
charges
may
be
rais'd
by
a
regulated
company
on
Goods
imploy'd
in
Trade
,
or
on
other
parts
of
the
Traders
Estates
,
if
the
Company
are
Impower'd
to
make
Levies
,
which
is
no
more
then
every
Parish
are
enabled
to
do
for
Church-Poor
and
other
things
:
and
that
't
is
the
same
thing
for
a
man
to
be
assubjected
to
Levies
out
of
that
part
of
his
distinct
stock
which
is
not
in
trade
,
as
't
is
to
make
good
any
publick
charge
or
loss
out
of
his
Joint-stock
.
Or
Secondly
,
they
say
,
that
if
this
Trade
be
taken
into
the
protection
of
the
Government
,
it
will
have
the
Joint
stock
of
the
Kingdom
to
secure
it
,
the
same
by
which
we
are
all
secured
:
they
offer
what
we
were
able
to
do
in
our
open
Trade
in
1654.55
.
and
56.
But
as
a
demonstration
,
urge
the
example
of
the
Portuguese
,
who
in
an
open
Trade
(
I
do
not
mean
in
an
Anarchy
nor
without
conduct
and
order
)
made
near
or
full
as
great
a
progress
in
this
Trade
as
the
Dutch
,
whilest
their
Government
gave
sufficient
assistance
,
which
they
say
,
also
answers
what
hath
been
objected
from
the
supposed
disorder
of
our
Trade
in
those
parts
,
should
it
lye
open
,
and
the
capacity
the
Natives
would
be
then
in
,
of
setting
the
dice
upon
the
English
:
and
as
a
further
answer
to
this
they
say
,
the
same
thing
may
be
objected
against
all
other
open
Trade
in
the
World.
But
then
those
for
our
Company
,
object
the
Example
of
the
Dutch
,
who
being
a
Nation
so
wise
in
Trade
,
successfully
manage
the
East-India
Trade
by
a
Company
on
a
Joint
stock
;
which
being
matter
of
fact
,
is
beyond
all
the
Argument
in
the
World.
To
which
is
answered
,
that
this
Example
proves
that
a
Company
in
a
Joint
stock
may
make
a
great
progress
in
it
,
but
does
not
disprove
the
like
,
or
a
greater
progress
under
a
regulated
or
open
Trade
.
2
ly
.
That
on
the
first
custom
of
this
Company
,
and
ever
since
,
the
Dutch
had
most
of
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
and
carriage
throughout
the
rest
of
the
World
;
and
therefore
might
with
less
disadvantage
to
the
rest
of
the
Dutch
Merchants
inclose
this
to
a
Company
.
3
ly
,
That
that
Company
was
occasioned
by
the
distinct
Bands
or
voluntary
Associations
of
Merchants
in
the
several
Provinces
,
See
the
present
state
of
the
low
Countrys
,
Printed
in
69.
Written
by
M.
A.
Fellow
of
the
Royal
Society
,
p.
154.5
,
6
,
7
,
8
,
9.
who
first
undertook
this
Trade
,
which
being
soon
after
the
Union
,
and
the
Provinces
having
Originally
seperate
rights
,
the
said
Associations
had
not
so
good
a
correspondence
as
was
necessary
,
which
could
never
fall
out
under
a
regulated
Company
of
one
Nation
.
4
ly
,
That
the
constitution
of
this
Company
being
intended
for
a
present
Reconciliation
of
these
interests
,
See
Mandelsloes
Travells
,
p.
285.
was
Originally
but
for
21.
Years
,
and
was
afterwards
continued
,
because
the
Company
growing
so
rich
and
powerfull
both
abroad
and
at
home
,
the
Members
were
generally
chosen
States
,
and
therefore
above
any
attacque
at
home
from
the
rest
.
5
ly
,
That
as
the
Dutch
Company
is
constituted
,
and
have
managed
this
Trade
,
it
hath
redownded
to
almost
,
if
not
fully
to
as
general
an
advantage
,
as
if
managed
by
an
open
or
regulated
Trade
:
in
which
they
say
our
Company
is
much
defective
;
&
that
supposing
a
Joint
stock
necessary
,
or
highly
convenient
,
yet
if
we
might
manage
ours
to
more
National
advantage
,
it
were
but
fit
it
should
be
done
.
To
prove
this
might
be
done
,
those
for
a
more
open
Trade
urge
,
that
our
now
East-India
patent
contains
near
or
fully
one
third
part
of
the
World
,
and
therefore
must
have
many
hundreds
,
if
not
thousands
of
parts
,
Note
the
Affrican
Companys
Patent
contains
from
the
Streights
Mouth
to
the
Cape
of
good
Hope
.
that
whereas
their
priviledge
begins
at
the
Cape
of
good
Hope
,
it
is
from
thence
above
4000
Miles
,
upon
the
Coast
of
Affrick
to
the
Red
Sea
,
in
all
which
they
do
not
Trade
to
one
Port
,
and
very
little
▪
if
any
thing
,
in
the
Red
Sea
:
which
they
say
might
be
done
to
considerable
advantage
,
and
much
more
to
Persia
,
then
we
now
do
;
That
in
India
our
Company
do
not
Trade
to
above
20.
or
30.
Ports
,
nor
vend
our
Woollen
Manufactures
at
above
3.
or
4.
Ports
,
and
there
very
dear
,
who
sell
again
much
dearer
,
and
to
Ingrossers
,
which
hinders
the
vent
:
Printed
in
(
77.
pag.
21.
that
in
China
,
or
Japan
,
they
have
no
Trade
at
all
,
where
(
to
use
these
words
of
the
Author
)
of
the
Book
in
defence
of
the
Company
,
)
in
all
likelyhood
more
considerable
quantities
of
our
Woollen
Manufactures
might
be
vended
,
and
from
thence
in
return
thereof
Gold
,
Silver
,
and
Copper
might
be
brought
to
supply
at
least
,
in
a
great
measure
,
the
Trade
in
other
parts
of
India
,
without
carrying
so
much
out
of
Europe
:
But
these
Trades
(
he
says
)
are
not
so
easily
gained
as
some
fancy
,
great
hazards
of
considerable
stocks
must
be
run
,
&c.
Whereas
,
they
say
were
a
greater
share
of
the
industry
and
vigour
of
the
Nation
now
pent
up
,
and
greater
stocks
now
worse
imployed
,
or
idle
,
let
into
this
Trade
,
we
might
hope
for
a
great
Trade
to
the
Ports
now
of
no
use
to
the
Company
,
for
that
in
fact
the
Dutch
Company
Trade
to
all
Ports
in
India
,
China
,
Japan
,
&c.
and
drive
a
mighty
Trade
to
Persia
with
the
Commodities
of
those
Countreys
,
viz.
Spice
of
all
sorts
,
&c.
2dly
.
They
say
by
this
our
want
of
a
sufficient
Commerce
in
India
there
is
a
very
small
Navigation
imployed
in
this
mighty
Trade
,
of
what
might
be
,
being
not
above
20
,
or
30.
Ships
to
and
from
India
in
a
direct
course
,
and
in
India
so
inconsiderable
that
it
is
not
worth
the
noting
:
That
for
this
reason
,
and
because
we
there
vend
so
little
Commodity
,
our
Company
does
Trade
with
vast
quantlties
of
exported
Treasuri
,
insomuch
that
upon
search
of
the
Custome
books
of
the
Port
of
London
only
,
it
appeared
by
the
Entrys
,
that
the
Gold
and
Silver
exported
for
India
by
the
said
Company
from
the
2d
.
of
March
1673
,
to
the
11th
.
of
March
1674
,
amounted
to
500.
sixty
odd
thousand
pounds
Sterling
;
besides
what
might
be
entred
in
the
out-ports
,
and
without
entry
privately
exported
,
which
those
that
understand
this
Trade
will
not
think
a
little
:
the
Author
of
the
aforesaid
Pamphlet
confesses
,
that
from
the
end
of
the
Year
1674
,
to
the
beginning
of
the
Year
1675
,
was
exported
to
India
about
400000
l.
more
,
in
which
perhaps
we
have
reason
to
be
suspitious
of
his
modesty
:
(
It
were
a
Nationall
work
to
search
the
entrys
for
this
and
the
other
Years
succeeding
)
that
't
is
the
exporting
of
this
Money
that
endears
our
Company
to
the
Indian
Princes
,
and
buys
their
protection
,
who
otherwise
might
destroy
them
if
they
would
,
our
Company
,
having
not
above
2
or
300
people
in
it
,
their
sort
St.
George
,
including
Factors
and
Agents
of
all
sorts
,
and
at
Bombey
fewer
.
Whereas
,
that
on
the
other
side
the
Portuguese
whilst
they
had
the
Trade
of
the
Indys
,
though
under
no
Company
,
supported
a
vast
Navigation
there
to
serve
the
occasions
of
those
mighty
Empires
and
their
own
;
that
since
the
Dutch
have
supplanted
the
Portuguese
;
they
have
yet
a
greater
,
having
there
thousands
of
Ships
Trading
from
Port
to
Port
in
the
Indies
,
Persia
,
&c.
Besides
50
,
or
60
,
(
if
need
be
)
more
Men
of
War
,
and
keep
great
Armies
in
pay
:
That
they
have
gotten
many
spacious
Countrys
,
Islands
,
and
Populous
Citys
of
their
own
,
whereof
Batavia
is
near
as
big
and
rich
as
Amsterdam
;
besides
divers
Tributary
Kingdoms
,
whom
they
have
forced
into
a
profitable
complyance
,
and
were
it
not
for
fear
of
the
English
power
at
home
,
could
dayly
ruin
us
at
their
pleasure
:
that
by
the
greatness
of
their
Trade
in
these
parts
,
they
gain
so
considerably
,
that
they
can
fraight
home
their
great
Fleets
with
the
most
valuable
Commodities
in
the
Indies
;
being
the
result
of
their
industry
in
those
parts
,
not
of
their
exported
Money
.
3
ly
.
That
the
Subscribers
to
our
East-India
Stock
were
originally
but
few
,
and
the
Stock
but
small
,
that
divers
of
the
shares
being
now
bought
in
and
consolidated
into
particular
hands
,
there
are
not
above
60.
or
80.
persons
or
thereabouts
considerably
concerned
in
the
Joynt-stock
;
that
although
the
Stock
be
not
near
sufficient
to
manage
even
the
present
Trade
,
and
therefore
could
admit
of
more
Depositums
of
Money
,
which
would
let
in
a
greater
number
of
our
people
,
the
Company
to
prevent
the
necessity
of
it
,
do
take
up
4
or
500000
l.
at
Interest
at
5
per
Cent.
which
by
their
dear
Sales
at
home
yields
them
20
or
30
per
Cent.
or
more
;
that
as
the
Trade
redounds
to
the
benefit
of
few
at
home
,
so
to
as
few
in
India
,
the
Companies
,
Factories
and
imployments
being
few
,
and
most
lye
divided
amongst
men
of
mean
condition
,
who
will
depend
solely
on
the
Company
,
being
originally
Hospitall
Boys
or
such
like
,
and
all
others
restrained
to
Traffick
,
Frequent
or
haunt
the
Indies
,
or
places
within
their
Pattent
,
by
a
Clause
therein
,
under
penaltys
of
Imprisonment
,
Seizures
and
Confiscations
,
frequently
and
severely
exempted
by
the
Company
,
how
legally
I
leave
to
be
examined
:
That
upon
this
accompt
,
even
those
few
Seamen
or
others
whom
they
permit
to
deal
for
themselves
,
can
make
little
profit
,
being
charged
with
great
Mulcts
,
made
payable
to
the
Company
at
their
discretion
for
all
the
Commodities
they
export
or
import
.
Whereas
the
original
Stock
of
the
Dutch
company
was
600000
l
and
this
in
the
year
1602.
and
the
Number
of
the
Sharers
in
the
Dutch
Company
of
all
sorts
,
See
Mandelsloes
Travils
285.
State
of
the
Low
Countrys
.
159.160
.
In
1608.
the
Dutch
East-India
Stock
was
made
up
near
3
Millions
Sterling
,
besides
great
dividends
.
Present
State
of
the
United
Provinces
pa.
163
our
East-India
Stock
actually
paid
1660
was
but
368000
l.
the
Trade
so
ill
,
that
in
1665.
our
effects
were
sold
at
70.
per
Cent.
and
farther
Subscriptions
refused
:
but
the
act
of
15.
Car.
2.
Licencing
the
Exporting
of
Bullion
and
forreign
Coyne
,
and
the
Company
betaking
themselves
to
this
Commodity
,
hath
occasioned
the
support
of
this
Trade
to
the
present
degree
.
and
of
those
considerably
concerned
,
are
vastly
more
,
then
in
our
English
Company
,
proved
by
their
Ordinary
Councils
or
Chambers
of
Curators
of
this
their
Company
in
each
Province
;
besides
their
Superiour
Assemblies
,
amounting
to
great
Numbers
,
all
which
are
but
Deputies
of
far
greater
Numbers
;
that
besides
their
Navigation
Trade
,
Judicature
,
and
War
in
the
Indies
,
let
in
Multitudes
of
others
,
into
very
profitable
imployments
,
so
that
in
effect
they
make
up
another
potent
Government
,
for
the
aid
of
their
Nation
in
all
exigencies
.
I
have
been
the
more
copious
on
this
particular
Subject
,
first
,
because
of
the
apprehensions
or
pretences
of
some
,
that
our
stupendious
advantage
in
this
Trade
gives
us
a
kinde
of
National
security
,
so
that
no
sooner
can
others
mention
any
defect
in
our
Trade
,
but
they
are
presently
told
of
our
Trade
to
the
Indies
,
the
wealth
of
the
Indies
,
and
our
Navigation
to
and
in
the
Indies
.
And
yet
I
shall
admit
,
though
with
little
reputation
to
the
rest
,
that
our
East-India
Trade
,
such
as
it
is
,
seems
the
most
flourishing
branch
of
the
whole
,
and
therefore
that
the
Gentlemen
concerned
in
this
Company
have
evidenced
their
conduct
in
the
present
way
of
Trade
.
2
ly
,
I
shall
not
much
contest
but
that
the
Indian
Commodities
consumed
at
home
,
and
re-exported
,
may
(
as
the
rest
of
our
Trade
is
now
managed
)
prevent
the
exportation
of
near
as
much
money
to
our
Neighbouring
Nations
,
viz.
by
the
use
of
Callicoes
instead
of
other
Linnens
,
by
a
Barter
of
these
and
the
rest
of
our
Indian
Commodities
in
France
and
other
parts
for
other
Consumptive
goods
;
in
which
there
is
an
advantage
,
because
the
less
money
we
part
with
to
our
Neighbours
,
they
will
be
in
the
less
capacity
to
hurt
us
,
but
this
does
not
prove
the
Indian
goods
re-exported
bring
in
the
Treasure
exported
to
India
,
since
the
whole
,
or
a
great
share
of
it
may
be
,
and
is
by
the
circulation
of
forreign
contracts
finally
resolved
into
other
consumptive
Importations
,
of
so
dangerous
a
consequence
it
is
to
export
money
.
But
suppose
the
Indian
goods
,
re-exported
bring
us
in
more
Treasure
,
yet
is
it
evident
from
such
Facts
as
I
have
mentioned
before
as
are
admitted
by
the
Company
,
and
such
as
are
indisputable
,
that
this
part
of
our
Trade
(
which
before
1654.
was
managed
by
the
like
Company
)
was
never
improved
to
any
great
or
considerable
degree
,
in
comparison
of
the
progress
made
by
all
other
Nations
which
have
undertaken
it
:
whereof
there
must
be
causes
and
reasons
highly
necessary
to
be
examined
and
regulated
;
I
shall
add
,
that
for
those
other
Facts
relating
to
the
present
debate
which
seem
of
less
notority
,
they
are
such
,
as
to
my
knowledge
were
affirmed
by
many
credible
witnesses
,
and
by
them
intended
to
be
proved
before
a
Committee
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
upon
the
occasion
of
a
Petition
there
formerly
exhibited
by
the
Clothyers
,
but
having
attended
several
days
,
were
never
heard
,
because
the
Parliament
was
engaged
in
other
things
,
and
afterwards
Prorogued
:
but
I
doubt
not
they
are
all
ready
to
attest
the
same
and
more
before
that
Judicature
;
which
I
say
,
that
it
may
not
be
thought
that
I
have
highly
or
officiously
reported
any
of
the
aforesaid
allegations
to
the
same
Judicature
,
I
shall
leave
it
to
be
determined
by
what
expedients
to
enlarge
this
Trade
,
being
in
a
matter
of
this
Importance
contented
to
have
opened
some
questions
and
Facts
relating
to
it
:
I
am
so
free
from
any
malice
to
the
Company
,
or
any
man
so
much
as
concerned
in
it
or
envying
their
gains
,
that
for
a
more
easy
Composure
of
things
,
I
hartily
wish
there
may
be
found
some
more
beneficiall
Nationall
and
comprehensive
way
of
Managing
this
Trade
by
a
Joynt
stock
,
that
thereby
the
present
Interests
of
the
Gent.
of
this
Company
may
be
secured
,
nay
and
improved
;
if
this
cannot
be
done
,
then
submit
it
to
farther
consideration
how
just
and
reasonable
it
is
that
these
Gent.
should
have
compensation
for
what
they
shall
really
lose
by
the
Dissolution
of
the
Company
.
I
shall
conclude
this
with
remarking
,
First
,
that
the
Dutch
East-India
Company
Trading
on
a
Joynt-stock
,
and
therefore
with
as
much
disadvantage
to
their
re-exporting
Merchants
as
the
English
,
hath
been
a
means
to
preserve
us
this
Limb
of
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
in
Callicoes
,
Pepper
,
&c.
and
probably
the
rather
because
our
Trading
in
Money
hath
so
far
debosh'd
the
Indian
Market
,
that
the
Dutch
are
not
over-ready
to
deal
for
these
Commodities
,
and
therefore
principally
apply
themselves
to
their
richer
Spice
Trade
whereof
they
have
the
Monopoly
.
This
restraint
of
our
Market
to
our
own
Merchants
and
Companies
,
hath
yet
brought
a
farther
mischief
upon
our
Manufactures
,
because
our
Companies
being
seated
in
London
,
our
Natives
are
forced
to
bring
their
Manufactures
thither
by
Land
Carriages
,
some
of
of
which
are
so
long
that
they
are
as
chargeable
as
a
Voyage
to
Spain
or
Turky
,
Quantity
for
Quantity
;
all
which
is
superadded
to
the
originall
charge
of
the
Manufacture
;
our
Clothiers
have
also
complained
,
that
when
they
have
brought
their
Cloaths
to
London
,
they
have
been
frequently
and
long
delayed
before
they
have
been
able
to
vend
them
;
which
whether
it
hath
proceeded
from
any
correspondence
or
Intelligence
between
the
Companies
,
their
Committees
or
Agents
their
want
of
Stocks
or
universall
Trade
,
or
from
the
dearness
of
our
course
of
Merchandize
,
and
the
consequentiall
obstructions
in
the
forreign
Market
,
or
from
all
together
,
I
shall
not
positively
undertake
to
say
:
But
certain
it
is
that
in
this
case
our
Clothiers
for
want
of
a
quick
Market
lose
the
Interest
of
so
much
of
their
Stocks
as
lyes
dead
,
which
also
is
superadded
to
the
first
cost
of
their
Manufacture
;
but
yet
being
made
necessitous
by
delay
,
and
confined
to
the
London
Market
,
are
forced
to
sell
cheap
:
and
then
are
the
poor
Manufacturers
most
miserable
,
when
on
the
one
hand
the
charges
they
are
at
oblige
them
to
sell
dear
,
but
yet
are
confined
in
their
just
demands
.
It
may
be
remembred
here
that
the
odds
in
Interest
of
Money
between
England
and
Holland
,
and
England
and
France
,
(
where
none
is
allowed
to
be
taken
under
the
highest
penaltys
)
must
as
much
prejudice
our
Manufactures
as
our
forreign
Trade
,
by
the
unequall
charge
it
brings
on
our
Manufacturers
,
which
charge
is
still
increased
as
they
are
longer
delayed
.
The
freedom
of
the
Market
being
of
so
great
importance
;
it
must
also
follow
,
that
the
like
Cloggs
and
incumbrances
put
upon
the
Trades
of
Ware-house
keeping
and
Shop-keeping
,
must
have
ill
effects
on
the
National
Trade
,
because
these
Trades
make
up
the
publick
Marts
and
Markets
,
as
hath
been
said
.
From
the
Contents
of
this
and
the
last
Section
it
may
be
observed
,
that
it
is
not
only
necessary
to
ease
the
course
of
Merchandise
,
but
to
remove
all
other
Cloggs
and
restraints
on
the
home
Market
;
for
though
our
Merchants
should
be
able
to
Trade
as
cheap
as
forreigners
,
yet
if
it
should
lye
in
their
disposition
to
impose
on
the
rest
of
the
people
,
(
whether
Manufacturers
,
Shop-keepers
or
others
)
the
Merchants
might
gain
much
more
then
now
they
do
,
but
our
Manufacturers
and
other
Natives
might
be
still
sufferers
in
some
degree
;
't
is
too
apparent
that
our
English
Clothiers
have
made
so
ill
Markets
at
London
,
that
they
have
lived
poorly
and
got
little
or
nothing
,
whilst
the
Merchants
have
lived
splendidly
and
laid
up
money
,
the
like
may
be
said
of
others
.
And
here
it
may
be
farther
observed
how
predominant
private
interest
hath
been
amongst
us
,
and
how
finely
it
hath
spun
the
thread
;
our
Land-holders
have
thought
to
ease
themselves
by
thrusting
great
part
of
the
publick
Charges
,
upon
Trade
,
the
Merchants
in
Exchange
have
gotten
Monopolies
on
the
Land-holders
,
and
people
for
all
goods
exported
and
imported
;
and
of
these
some
Companies
trading
on
Joint
Stocks
have
got
Monopolies
exclusive
to
the
rest
;
but
at
the
same
time
we
have
given
all
forreign
Nations
Monoplies
on
the
English
,
in
all
which
we
have
been
eagerly
seeking
to
get
advantages
on
one
another
,
but
have
laid
our selves
open
to
Forreigners
;
who
(
whilst
we
scrable
for
the
present
wealth
in
the
Nation
)
take
it
out
of
our
fingers
at
their
pleasure
.
To
which
may
be
added
as
a
farther
obstruction
to
the
growth
of
our
Manufactures
,
that
our
people
have
gotten
a
vain
and
imoderate
affectation
and
use
of
forreign
Manufactures
and
Comodities
;
which
must
necessarily
sink
the
Market
at
home
for
our
own
of
the
same
kind
;
for
the
same
quantity
of
home
Commodity
wanting
of
its
former
rent
,
must
stagnate
and
lye
on
the
owners
hands
,
who
either
will
not
be
able
to
sell
it
at
any
rate
,
or
must
sell
it
much
the
cheaper
.
This
deadness
and
cheapness
of
any
Manufacture
,
on
this
or
any
other
occasion
,
will
have
a
very
ill
Consequence
;
for
it
must
presently
sink
the
Manufacturers
wages
and
discourage
the
Master
of
the
Work
;
and
then
in
case
the
Market
doth
not
mend
in
some
reasonable
time
,
they
will
withdraw
both
their
labour
and
Stock
.
Nay
this
,
or
little
better
,
must
be
the
ordinary
fate
of
all
our
Manufactures
,
by
the
meer
want
of
a
Forreign
vent
;
for
as
any
of
our
Manufactures
which
supply
our
National
use
,
draws
in
more
and
more
of
our
people
till
the
Manufactures
becomes
too
bulkey
to
receive
a
full
vent
at
home
,
it
must
then
equally
stagnate
on
the
hands
of
all
that
are
concerned
in
it
;
at
least
render
them
necessitous
,
and
endanger
the
Manufacture
:
the
increase
of
imported
raw-silk
from
Turky
in
barter
for
our
Cloath
,
occasioned
the
increase
of
our
Silk
Manufacture
;
what
is
now
like
to
become
of
it
may
be
seen
.
Before
I
go
to
the
next
Section
,
I
shall
yet
observe
these
farther
inconveniences
from
the
aforesaid
constitutions
and
course
of
our
Forreign
Merchandize
.
First
,
That
our
Manufactures
being
confined
to
buy
of
our
own
Merchants
and
Companies
are
not
only
subject
to
buy
Forreign
materials
of
Manufacture
at
such
prizes
as
they
can
and
will
please
to
afford
them
,
but
must
be
contented
to
buy
worse
materials
then
other
Nations
make
use
of
,
in
case
our
Merchants
for
their
own
gain
,
or
by
negligence
of
their
Factors
,
import
worse
.
2dly
,
That
Forreign
materials
of
Manufacture
being
thus
straitly
Imported
into
England
,
gives
our
Traders
frequent
opportunity
to
ingrosse
Imported
Commodities
,
(
both
materialls
of
Munufacture
and
others
,
)
and
thereby
to
impose
3
times
the
currant
prize
in
other
Nations
upon
our
Manufacturers
or
other
buyers
,
which
must
not
only
disable
our
Manufactures
,
but
hinder
re
exportation
;
this
ingrossing
Trade
is
the
daily
design
of
a
sort
of
Cunning
men
amongst
us
;
which
with
stealing
Customes
,
and
importing
and
vending
Prohibited
goods
,
are
the
ordinary
methods
of
getting
an
Estate
on
a
suddain
.
3dly
,
The
seeming
ease
we
have
by
a
restitution
of
half
Customes
upon
re-exportation
,
is
so
far
from
being
really
such
,
that
it
not
only
leav●●
the
great
disproportion
and
charge
mentioned
in
the
last
Section
,
but
in
Cases
where
our
imported
materials
of
Manufacture
are
re-exported
,
being
a
further
unequall
charge
on
our
English
Manufacturers
;
because
that
when
re-exported
and
sold
,
the
Forreign
buyers
are
eased
of
about
half
the
duties
paid
,
especially
if
sold
so
near
as
Holland
or
France
;
of
what
consequence
then
must
this
be
in
the
Silk-Manufacture
?
(
Supposing
Holland
or
France
could
not
be
otherwise
provided
of
Raw
Silk
)
and
so
in
others
,
but
more
particularly
in
our
Imported
Dying
Stuffs
,
and
Raw
Sugars
from
the
West
Indyes
,
which
are
materialls
peculiar
to
the
English
;
but
by
this
disadvantage
in
re-exportation
are
now
mostly
Manufactured
by
Forreigners
;
of
which
I
shall
have
occasion
to
say
more
,
upon
Consideration
of
our
present
Plantation-Trade
,
in
the
mean
time
,
upon
what
hath
been
already
said
,
and
what
I
shall
adde
in
the
next
Section
,
let
any
man
Judge
how
causelessely
our
poor
people
are
taxed
with
dear
Selling
their
Manufactures
,
with
Sloath
and
other
inconsiderable
Reproaches
by
such
as
live
at
ease
.
SECT.
VII
.
Forreigners
eased
in
Trade
;
Other
clogs
of
difficulties
upon
ours
;
Want
of
populacy
,
incidently
of
extream
prizes
of
victuals
,
and
how
the
duration
of
Land-Rents
may
be
secured
,
our
people
restrained
from
Manufactures
;
the
Abuse
of
the
Act
of
43.
Eliz.
2.
Act
of
5.
Eliz.
cap.
4.
Meer
Prohibitions
of
no
value
.
Freedomes
and
pre-emtions
of
Corporations
,
with
the
Consequences
:
Free-Schools
and
Scholar-like
Imployments
:
Forreign
Protestants
hindered
from
transporting
hither
;
want
of
Toleration
of
Protestants
Dissenters
;
the
objections
briefly
considered
:
Elections
in
Corporations
.
Monopolyes
of
New
Manufactures
:
delay
and
charge
in
some
Law-Suits
.
Tyths
of
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
Fish
,
more
of
Customes
,
and
incidently
of
Taxes
.
FRom
the
foregoing
Sections
,
it
appears
how
dangerous
it
is
to
clog
Trade
.
It
is
like
putting
a
pound
weight
at
the
end
of
a
pole
,
which
is
heavier
then
20.
times
so
much
placed
at
the
hand
,
for
so
a
small
impost
or
difficulty
on
Trade
shall
work
down
all
Land
revenues
more
then
the
sums
actually
paid
;
Nay
Land-Rents
will
rise
under
greater
Taxes
,
where
home
and
Forreign
Trade
is
left
open
and
free
,
as
experience
hath
shown
in
Holland
and
elsewhere
.
2dly
.
That
the
charges
and
Clogs
on
Trade
are
to
be
estimated
tolerable
or
inconvenient
by
Comparison
,
as
they
are
more
or
less
then
the
charges
on
Trade
in
other
Nations
,
and
therefore
,
That
it
is
of
high
importance
to
watch
the
pollicies
of
other
Nations
in
Trade
;
if
other
Nations
Trade
with
as
much
disadvantage
to
their
Natives
as
the
English
,
they
never
out-strip
us
;
But
if
they
ease
and
facilitate
their
Trade
at
home
and
abroad
,
So
must
we
,
else
they
will
beat
us
out
.
What
then
are
we
to
expect
whilest
our
neighbouring
Forreigners
continue
to
have
the
aforesaid
advantages
upon
us
in
course
of
Forreign
Merchandize
,
when
also
the
home-vent
of
their
Manufactures
is
not
confined
to
the
Merchants
of
one
Nation
,
nor
Compnyes
of
one
Town
,
when
their
Manstfacturers
are
not
obliged
to
the
charge
of
long
Land-carriages
,
nor
opprest
with
delays
,
but
can
sell
when
and
where
they
please
,
and
to
all
Merchants
Aliens
,
aswell
as
to
their
own
,
and
therefore
have
an
unlimitted
and
most
profitable
market
.
The
odds
in
Populacy
must
also
produce
the
like
odds
in
Manufacture
;
plenty
of
people
must
also
cause
cheapnesse
of
wages
;
which
will
cause
the
cheapnesse
of
the
Manufacture
;
in
a
scarcity
of
people
wages
must
be
dearer
,
which
must
cause
the
dearnesse
of
the
Manufacture
;
But
this
populacy
I
speak
of
,
must
not
be
understood
of
those
people
which
the
Extent
of
Territory
makes
necessary
for
the
meer
tilling
of
the
ground
,
keeping
of
Cattle
&c.
for
in
this
sence
there
is
no
doubt
,
but
the
grand
Seigniors
or
Spanish
Dominions
are
more
populous
then
Holland
;
The
populacy
I
intend
and
which
only
can
be
serviceable
to
Manufacture
,
are
those
exuberant
numbers
which
cannot
find
Imployment
in
husdandry
,
nor
otherwise
but
in
Trade
;
in
which
sence
France
and
the
Vnited
Provinces
are
most
Populous
;
their
Trade
and
people
have
grown
up
together
,
See
Sir
William
Temples
Book
of
the
Vnited
provinces
Ch.
6.
having
nourished
one
another
;
the
like
may
be
said
of
some
parts
of
Germany
and
Italy
.
But
on
the
other
side
England
never
was
so
populous
as
it
might
have
been
,
The
peopling
of
Ireland
here
intended
he
was
to
supply
the
losse
by
the
Irish
Massacre
being
computed
at
about
250000.
persons
besides
what
the
growing
plentys
of
Ireland
have
invited
over
dayly
.
and
undenyably
must
now
be
far
lesse
populous
then
ever
,
having
so
lately
peopled
our
vast
American
Plantations
and
Ireland
;
the
decay
of
our
Manufactures
hath
much
depopulated
our
Inland
Corporations
of
the
Villages
Adjacent
;
the
decay
of
our
Fishing
Trade
our
Sea-Towns
;
I
know
this
want
of
people
is
hardly
credible
with
many
who
see
no
farther
then
their
own
ease
and
gain
;
they
will
tell
us
,
we
have
so
many
people
already
that
we
know
not
what
to
do
with
them
;
which
is
true
,
and
so
they
have
in
Spain
,
where
their
Villages
are
in
a
manner
forsaken
,
and
many
of
their
great
Cities
and
Towns
lie
half
empty
;
most
of
their
ordinary
people
having
no
employment
at
home
,
are
gone
to
America
,
those
that
remain
chiefly
consisting
in
Gentlemen
,
Lawyers
,
Officers
and
Shopkeepers
,
with
their
necessary
men
of
husbandry
and
servants
:
I
must
not
omit
Priests
and
beggars
,
since
to
the
honour
and
comfort
of
Spain
they
make
about
a
fourth
or
fifth
part
of
the
whole
;
there
is
little
or
no
support
for
other
ranks
of
men
:
how
near
this
we
are
in
England
let
any
man
judge
,
or
how
soon
we
shall
come
to
it
through
the
decay
of
our
Manufactures
;
What
an
uproar
have
we
already
in
an
English
Parish
if
a
poor
young
couple
happen
to
marry
,
or
a
man
with
Children
chance
to
get
into
a
house
?
how
they
are
tossed
from
Justice
to
Justice
,
and
from
pillar
to
post
,
Stat.
39.
Eliz.
4th
7.
Jacob.
4.14
Car.
2.12
.
by
vertue
of
the
several
Acts
for
settlement
of
poor
?
And
what
joy
there
is
when
these
clogs
are
removed
?
which
acts
and
prosecutions
regularly
and
daily
force
many
out
of
the
Nation
,
and
in
effect
banish
them
by
Act
of
Parliament
;
'T
is
like
,
that
besides
the
Inquisition
,
the
proud
Spaniards
had
some
such
expedients
as
these
to
be
rid
of
this
kinde
of
lumber
;
they
would
be
now
glad
of
those
laborious
drudges
to
encounter
the
populous
French.
Being
upon
this
Subject
I
cannot
omit
to
observe
the
bad
consequences
of
some
others
of
our
late
Laws
,
made
to
raise
the
prizes
of
Victualls
,
which
doubtless
were
projected
for
the
raising
Land
Rents
,
viz.
the
Acts
for
Transportation
of
Corn
,
and
the
Acts
against
the
Importing
Irish
and
Scotch
Cattle
,
which
had
they
the
full
effects
intended
,
must
much
assist
both
in
depopulating
the
Nation
,
and
Subverting
our
remaining
Manufactures
;
For
if
the
Manufacturers
buy
his
Victualls
at
excessive
rates
,
at
what
rates
must
he
sell
his
Manufacture
,
or
how
shall
he
live
?
especially
in
a
time
when
his
Manufactures
fall
upon
his
hands
daily
?
but
this
will
mainly
dissatisfy
some
,
who
will
have
no
Manufacture
or
Trade
,
if
the
price
of
the
Victualls
must
not
be
excessive
,
for
then
say
they
,
how
can
the
vallue
of
Lands
be
raised
?
to
which
I
answer
,
First
,
that
the
products
of
Lands
do
not
wholly
consist
in
Victualls
,
and
that
much
Land
is
to
be
applied
to
many
other
as
profitable
,
and
(
perhaps
more
profitable
ways
)
then
for
meer
Victualls
,
especially
in
a
Nation
abounding
in
Trade
and
People
;
for
this
I
shall
refer
to
our
Copious
Books
of
Husbandry
,
which
then
may
do
us
much
good
,
but
little
or
none
before
.
Secondly
,
That
though
Victualls
be
not
at
a
very
excessive
price
,
yet
if
there
be
a
quick
and
great
market
at
a
midling
price
,
it
will
raise
and
hold
up
the
vallue
of
Lands
,
as
experience
hath
proved
of
late
years
.
But
Thirdly
,
It
is
impossible
the
vallue
of
Lands
can
be
much
raised
by
the
meer
raising
of
the
price
of
Victualls
,
especially
in
a
Nation
but
thin
of
people
;
nor
would
such
a
Revenue
endure
or
be
tollerable
;
perhaps
the
Spanish
Dons
did
once
raise
the
prizes
of
Victualls
,
or
suppose
they
should
do
it
now
,
what
weighty
effect
would
it
have
,
unless
to
drive
all
the
rest
of
the
Spaniards
into
America
?
But
that
which
will
most
certainly
and
durably
raise
the
Revenue
of
Land
must
be
the
encrease
of
Treasure
and
Trading
people
;
suppose
the
people
of
England
were
trebled
,
't
is
plain
that
the
Land
must
yield
treble
the
produce
in
meer
Victualls
,
else
the
people
must
starve
;
but
these
people
will
not
starve
,
especially
trading
people
,
nor
will
they
live
needily
,
or
scarcely
if
they
can
help
it
,
and
will
therefore
set
themselves
and
others
to
the
improving
of
all
corners
of
Land
in
the
Nation
,
till
our
Lands
produce
more
then
treble
the
Victualls
they
now
do
,
a
thing
very
practicable
,
and
then
supposing
Victualls
as
cheap
and
cheaper
then
now
,
Land
will
ordinarily
be
treble
it
's
present
vallue
,
especially
if
we
consider
how
much
may
be
then
applyed
to
raise
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
other
necessary
and
profitable
things
,
with
the
increase
of
Wool
,
Hides
,
Tallow
,
&c.
And
as
the
people
increase
,
By
the
Maps
of
England
it
is
found
to
contain
29568000.
Acres
besides
that
which
is
allowed
for
High-ways
,
all
the
United
Provinces
are
hardly
so
big
as
Yorkshire
.
so
will
the
vallue
of
the
Land
;
there
is
no
doubt
but
England
upon
the
utmost
improvement
might
maintain
6
times
its
present
number
of
people
,
nay
10
times
with
an
indifferent
use
of
that
mighty
plenty
of
Fish
our
own
Sea
affords
us
;
there
is
as
little
doubt
but
upon
a
great
increase
of
people
and
mony
,
Victualls
will
be
rather
too
dear
,
and
that
Laws
may
be
then
requisite
to
restrain
the
price
.
Such
was
the
ancient
populacy
of
England
,
that
we
had
formerly
Statutes
made
in
restraint
of
the
exportation
of
Corn
,
our
Flesh
also
found
vent
,
though
our
people
kept
Lents
,
Ember-weeks
,
and
Fasting
days
;
wherein
they
fed
on
Fish
and
white
meats
,
and
yet
we
read
of
Famines
in
those
days
;
whereas
now
we
finde
it
necessary
to
export
all
the
Corn
we
can
,
we
eat
very
little
Fish
,
and
have
made
Acts
against
the
importation
of
Forreign
Cattle
(
which
by
the
way
gave
a
Monopoly
to
a
few
English
and
Welch
breeding
Counties
on
all
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
)
and
yet
we
thought
our
markets
over-clogged
.
But
England
is
not
only
prejudiced
by
the
paucity
of
people
,
but
we
have
another
rank
of
Statutes
which
hinder
very
many
of
those
we
have
from
applying
themselves
to
Manufacture
:
one
is
the
Stat.
of
43
th
.
Eliz.
cap.
2.
which
according
to
the
intention
of
it
seems
necessary
now
when
we
have
such
a
vast
increase
of
poor
;
but
such
is
the
Arbitrary
latitude
given
by
the
Act
to
Over-seers
and
Justices
,
that
many
of
our
Laborious
people
well
able
to
work
,
by
clamour
or
favour
get
Parish
maintenances
,
choosing
rather
to
live
lazily
by
this
means
,
assisted
with
some
pilfering
.
Then
we
have
the
Stat.
of
5
th
.
Eliz.
cap.
4.
which
(
though
it
gratifies
the
blinde
avarice
of
some
of
our
Corporation
men
)
is
more
prejudicial
,
by
restraining
our
people
to
work
in
Manufacture
,
unless
they
have
served
an
Apprentiship
full
seaven
years
,
which
is
so
long
a
term
of
drudgery
and
slavery
before
they
can
reap
any
fruit
of
their
labors
,
that
Parents
are
deterred
from
putting
their
Children
Apprentices
to
Manufacture
;
nor
will
many
of
our
Youths
or
young
men
be
brought
to
it
especially
the
most
apt
and
docile
,
and
those
of
ripeness
of
years
,
of
which
many
would
be
more
perfect
in
3
or
4
years
then
others
in
10
,
and
therefore
they
betake
themselves
to
other
more
easy
and
ready
Imployments
,
or
else
live
Idle
.
The
same
Act
does
very
strangely
provide
that
no
man
shall
take
an
Apprentice
for
Woollen
Manufacture
in
any
Town
Corporate
,
unlesse
such
Apprentice
be
his
Son
,
or
the
Father
or
Mother
of
such
Apprentice
have
the
clear
yearly
vallue
of
40
s.
Inheritance
,
nor
in
any
Market-Town
or
Village
unlesse
he
be
his
Son
,
or
his
Father
or
Mother
have
the
clear
yearly
value
of
3
l.
Inheritance
,
which
clause
apparently
shuts
out
at
least
5
parts
of
the
people
in
6
,
from
the
Woollen
Manufacture
;
and
by
consequence
tends
to
the
depopulation
of
our
Inland
Towns
,
the
increase
of
Rogues
,
Vagabonds
and
poor
;
These
difficulties
on
Trade
begot
the
Act
of
the
43.
Eliz.
and
many
others
of
the
like
nature
,
and
thereby
much
work
for
our
Justices
.
Which
by
the
way
may
give
occasion
to
observe
how
vain
it
is
to
make
Acts
against
Rogues
,
Vagabonds
,
or
Poor
,
nay
against
thefts
or
Murthers
,
how
little
the
Houses
of
Correction
,
Whipping-posts
,
Pillories
,
or
Gallows
can
prevail
,
whilst
our
other
Constitutions
drive
our
People
into
necessities
,
nor
any
prohibitory
or
penal
Law
,
ever
have
the
intended
effect
,
unless
the
Grounds
and
Causes
of
the
mischiefs
be
removed
;
of
which
I
shall
say
more
when
I
come
to
speak
of
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
.
Amongst
the
restraints
on
our
English
Trade
,
the
inclosure
of
Trade
to
the
Freemen
of
Corporations
,
and
Guilds
,
may
be
deservedly
mentioned
as
one
.
This
Priviledge
is
claimed
by
most
,
or
all
of
our
ancient
Corporations
,
and
might
be
well
intended
at
first
by
the
Donors
,
but
as
now
used
is
very
prejudicial
;
for
the
Power
of
admitting
Free-men
being
generally
lodged
in
a
Councel
or
Committee
of
a
few
Free-men
,
any
Forreigner
(
and
such
they
call
all
those
who
are
not
Sons
or
Apprentices
of
seven
years
standing
to
a
Free-man
in
the
same
Town
)
must
buy
his
Freedom
before
he
can
exercise
any
open
Trade
there
;
for
which
these
Free-men
are
left
at
liberty
to
demand
as
great
and
arbitrary
Price
as
they
please
,
or
if
they
will
,
may
wholly
refuse
;
whence
it
commonly
follows
,
that
Beginners
in
Manufacture
,
and
other
Trades
,
being
Forreigners
,
and
having
but
small
Stocks
,
can
never
obtain
Freedom
,
and
without
it
are
burthened
and
plagued
with
by-Laws
,
Penalties
,
Distresses
,
and
Seizures
;
nay
,
if
a
Man
be
exquisite
in
his
Trade
,
he
shall
hardly
get
a
Freedom
for
Money
,
in
a
Corporation
where
there
are
more
free
of
the
same
Trade
;
for
then
he
is
lookt
on
as
a
dangerous
person
,
and
likely
to
eat
the
bread
out
of
their
mouths
,
(
as
they
phrase
it
)
in
which
they
will
gratifie
,
and
influence
one
another
,
being
the
common
cause
,
and
can
easily
do
it
:
The
fewer
Free-men
there
are
in
a
Trade
,
they
think
the
rest
may
get
the
more
;
and
thus
are
most
of
our
ancient
Corporations
and
Guilds
become
oppressive
Oligarchies
,
excluding
or
discouraging
the
English
Subjects
from
Trading
in
our
greatest
and
best
situated
Towns
,
where
the
Markets
are
;
and
which
are
therefore
the
most
proper
and
ready
Seats
for
Manufacture
,
and
other
Commerce
:
For
this
,
and
the
Act
of
the
5
th
of
Eliz.
our
Corporation-men
have
only
this
to
say
,
That
care
ought
to
be
taken
,
that
none
but
persons
skilful
should
exercise
any
Trade
,
which
is
true
;
but
the
Law
of
necessity
,
common
sence
,
and
experience
,
provides
sufficiently
for
this
,
since
an
unskilful
Artificer
or
Trader
will
not
find
imployment
,
and
therefore
must
receive
due
punishment
by
his
own
Ignorance
:
'T
is
confessed
,
Manufactures
may
be
made
deceitfully
,
which
may
disgrace
and
prejudice
our
vent
abroad
;
but
this
fraud
is
an
Act
of
Skill
,
which
cannot
be
discovered
or
prevented
,
without
the
daily
scrutinies
of
Judicious
Persons
;
for
which
our
other
former
Statutes
have
already
made
some
provision
,
but
defective
;
it
were
to
be
wished
,
there
was
a
constant
Judicature
of
Men
knowing
in
Trade
in
every
County
to
supervise
the
sufficiency
of
Manufactures
:
In
the
mean
time
this
Argument
for
the
support
of
the
Act
of
the
5
th
of
Eliz.
and
Freedoms
must
appear
very
fallacious
,
since
both
the
Act
and
the
Freedoms
serve
only
to
exclude
the
English
Subjects
,
and
of
those
many
of
the
most
skilful
,
from
Trade
,
and
by
inclosing
Manufactures
to
a
few
,
hinder
their
growth
,
and
make
them
far
dearer
.
A
farther
inconvenience
of
these
Freedoms
is
,
That
the
pre-emption
of
our
Manufactures
,
and
Imported
Goods
,
in
most
of
our
inferiour
Corporations
and
Cities
,
as
well
as
in
London
,
is
in
a
manner
inclosed
to
the
Number
and
Stocks
of
the
Free-men
,
and
is
very
much
subject
to
their
pleasures
,
by
reason
of
their
union
and
correspondence
in
Counsels
:
So
that
he
who
would
escape
the
long
Land-Carriages
to
London
,
and
London
Companies
,
must
fall
into
the
hands
of
these
other
Free-men
;
these
Free-men
have
generally
so
brave
a
time
of
it
,
that
they
can
live
in
ease
and
plenty
,
(
every
Shop
resembling
an
Office
)
whilst
the
laborious
part
of
our
Traders
are
ready
to
perish
;
which
Priviledges
could
not
have
survived
the
Statute
of
21
Jac.
against
Monopolies
,
but
that
they
are
saved
by
a
special
Proviso
in
that
Statute
;
so
civil
were
the
Burgesses
of
Corporations
at
that
time
.
Our
Trade
being
thus
clogged
,
and
the
very
Avenues
to
Manufactures
so
much
narrowed
and
choaked
up
,
it
doth
not
a
little
help
to
the
subverting
of
our
Manufactures
,
and
other
Trade
,
that
the
Passages
to
other
Preferments
are
made
so
open
and
easie
,
at
present
I
mean
all
those
that
depend
upon
Literature
,
in
which
our
Youth
are
led
from
step
to
step
by
all
manner
of
Incouragements
;
First
,
by
the
multitude
of
our
late
endowed
Free-Schools
,
where
every
ordinary
Man's
Son
is
taught
Latin
,
Greek
,
and
Hebrew
,
for
a
small
matter
;
and
then
is
above
Manufacture
:
Then
we
have
two
mighty
endowed
Universities
,
where
there
will
,
at
least
,
be
hope
of
preferment
,
let
the
throng
be
never
so
thick
;
and
thence
they
have
farther
and
more
comfortable
prospects
;
and
in
the
mean
time
live
easie
,
at
little
or
no
charge
,
as
Servitors
,
or
on
small
Stipends
,
till
they
become
Scholars
of
Houses
,
&c.
others
of
these
Free-Sehool-Boys
grow
Pen-men
of
all
sorts
;
and
all
these
are
a
sort
of
Gentlemen-like
ways
of
living
,
which
intitle
them
to
be
called
Masters
,
which
gives
a
main
temptation
both
to
Parents
and
Children
;
who
on
the
other
hand
,
see
the
contemptible
and
miserable
condition
of
our
poor
Clothworkers
,
and
other
ordinary
Artificers
,
who
at
the
best
are
called
Mechanick
Fellows
;
and
what
is
yet
farther
mischievous
is
,
that
our
Youth
thus
educated
,
never
reading
any
thing
of
Manufacture
,
Exportation
,
or
Importation
,
in
Homer
and
Virgil
,
or
their
Colledge
Notes
,
and
being
from
thence
carried
to
other
Studies
,
which
have
no
cognation
with
Trade
,
can
ordinarily
have
no
sensation
of
the
advantages
of
it
;
like
a
Bowl
which
hath
a
rub
at
hand
,
the
farther
they
go
,
the
more
they
are
divided
from
it
;
whence
it
hath
unfortunately
ensued
,
that
our
Men
of
Learning
are
either
generally
silent
in
this
matter
,
or
else
,
being
inclin'd
to
think
it
the
sole
concern
of
the
dirty
and
servile
part
of
the
People
,
speak
of
it
with
contempt
,
and
some
with
reflection
;
by
whom
most
others
being
influenced
,
we
are
still
pretending
to
be
more
accurate
in
Logick
and
Philosophy
,
(
which
howsoever
otherwise
useful
,
do
not
add
two-pence
a
year
to
the
Riches
of
the
Nation
)
we
continue
to
squeeze
all
the
sapless
Papers
and
Fragments
of
Antiquity
;
we
grow
mighty
well
acquainted
with
the
old
Heathen-gods
,
Towns
,
and
People
;
we
prize
our selves
in
fruitless
Curiosities
;
we
turn
our
Lice
and
Fleas
into
Bulls
and
Pigs
by
our
Magnifying-glasses
;
we
are
searching
for
the
World
in
the
Moon
with
our
Telescopes
;
we
send
to
weigh
the
Air
on
the
top
of
Teneriffe
;
we
invent
Pacing
Saddles
,
and
Gimcracks
of
all
sorts
;
all
which
are
voted
Ingenuities
,
whilst
the
Notions
of
Trade
are
turned
into
Ridicule
,
or
much
out
of
fashion
.
In
all
which
we
are
very
short
of
the
Policies
of
our
Neighbours
,
the
French
,
Dutch
,
and
other
trading
and
wise
Nations
;
who
on
the
one
hand
have
no
Laws
or
Constitutions
to
restrain
or
exclude
their
People
from
Manufacture
,
nor
to
Ferret
them
away
;
and
on
the
other
,
do
consider
Trade
as
an
Honorary
and
almost
Sacred
thing
,
and
do
highly
esteem
and
cherish
their
Manufacturers
,
as
well
as
their
other
necessary
Traders
.
Now
should
these
restraints
and
discouragements
ono
ur
own
People
and
Trade
be
removed
,
it
would
doubtless
much
advantage
our
Trade
in
some
time
;
but
would
not
bring
us
so
sudden
an
increase
of
People
▪
Manufacturers
,
Ships
,
and
Riches
,
as
is
highly
requisite
for
the
carrying
on
of
a
mighty
Trade
,
or
perhaps
for
our
National
security
;
nor
can
these
so
suddenly
be
had
,
but
from
other
parts
of
the
World
,
where
they
are
moving
;
Men
,
Ships
,
or
Riches
,
do
not
grow
on
the
Trees
,
nor
yet
drop
out
of
the
Clouds
.
But
we
have
such
another
rank
of
Laws
against
Forreigners
,
Besides
the
Common
Law
these
Statutes
,
1
R.
3.9
.
21
H.
8.16
.
22
H
8.13
.
32
H.
8.16
.
25
H.
8.9
.
14
H.
8.3
.
4
H.
7.23
.
and
many
others
of
former
date
,
to
which
are
added
12
Car.
2.16
.
14
Car.
2.11
.
and
15
Car.
2.7
.
that
we
are
not
to
hope
Forreigners
will
come
hither
;
I
mean
those
which
disable
Forreigners
from
trading
in
England
;
therefore
we
must
first
have
a
Law
of
general
Naturalization
of
Protestant-Forreigners
,
though
to
the
displeasure
of
many
of
our
own
self-interested
ignorant
Traders
,
nor
will
that
do
,
without
a
Repeal
of
the
Act
of
the
5
th
Eliz.
Cap.
4.
and
a
compleat
Regulation
of
our
Trade
;
for
neither
Manufacturers
or
Merchants
will
remove
from
their
own
Countries
hither
to
sit
idle
;
nor
will
all
this
bring
us
over
any
great
Numbers
,
without
some
Toleration
of
their
Consciences
,
no
not
of
Forreign
Protestants
,
who
differ
much
from
us
in
several
Points
which
they
think
material
;
all
which
is
demonstrated
in
Fact
by
the
success
of
His
Majesties
Proclamation
at
the
beginning
of
our
last
Dutch
War
;
by
which
Forreigners
,
then
under
the
utmost
terrors
,
were
invited
to
the
Liberties
and
Plenties
of
England
;
but
we
see
few
or
none
of
them
came
or
stay'd
with
us
on
this
incouragement
:
In
this
the
Dutch
have
a
further
advantage
upon
us
,
See
Sir
William
Temples
Book
of
the
Dutch
,
Chap.
the
6
th
.
since
they
allow
free
Ports
,
free
Trade
,
and
all
other
National
Freedoms
to
Forreigners
;
whereby
their
People
of
all
sorts
,
their
Navigation
and
Stocks
in
Trade
,
have
increased
continually
.
So
are
the
most
considerable
French
Ports
Free
,
(
unless
for
Goods
prohibited
,
as
in
Holland
some
are
;
)
no
sooner
was
Dunkirke
in
the
Hands
of
the
French
King
,
but
he
made
it
a
Free
Port
;
so
hath
he
invited
all
Forreign
Artificers
into
France
,
by
granting
them
as
great
,
or
greater
Freedoms
than
his
own
Subjects
enjoy
.
There
are
yet
others
of
our
Laws
,
which
must
prejudice
our
Trade
of
all
sorts
,
and
give
a
farther
advantage
to
the
Dutch
and
French
,
I
mean
those
which
inflict
Penalties
on
Protestant
Dissenters
;
not
only
because
they
may
hinder
the
transplanting
of
Forreign
Protestant
Artificers
,
or
Merchants
,
but
because
they
disable
many
of
those
we
have
in
England
already
,
from
carrying
on
any
manner
of
Trades
;
and
if
so
,
then
in
effect
they
are
not
People
,
since
they
cannot
answer
the
ends
of
People
,
but
are
rather
the
Trunks
and
Signs
of
Men
in
a
Nation
,
their
Industries
and
ingenuities
being
lock'd
up
;
Suppose
two
or
300000
of
our
own
People
disabled
,
it
may
be
presumed
more
than
a
Million
per
Annum
loss
to
the
Nation
;
what
then
may
be
our
loss
by
the
shutting
out
a
far
greater
number
?
perhaps
ten
times
the
number
of
Forreign
Protestants
,
and
those
of
the
richest
the
most
mercantile
,
and
the
best
Manufacturers
of
Europe
.
That
this
is
the
Case
of
dissenting
Protestants
in
England
,
must
be
very
plain
to
those
who
shall
consider
the
Statute
of
20
l.
a
month
,
and
those
Volumes
of
other
Statutes
made
before
and
since
the
King
came
in
against
Non-Conformists
;
most
of
which
were
intended
against
Papists
,
and
occasioned
by
former
Popish
Treasons
,
but
reach
all
Protestant
Dissenters
,
who
,
besides
the
bare
Penalties
,
are
liable
to
the
daily
charge
and
trouble
of
Informations
,
Actions
,
and
Indictment
in
our
Courts
of
Law
,
and
as
many
or
more
Libels
and
Presentments
in
our
Spiritual
Courts
;
our
Constables
,
Church-wardens
,
and
Grand-Juries
are
upon
their
Oaths
constantly
bound
to
accuse
them
;
if
they
omit
,
't
is
at
every
other
Mans
pleasure
to
inform
,
and
some
or
other
will
not
fail
of
it
;
thus
are
Dissenters
brought
into
the
hands
of
the
Officers
of
both
Courts
,
whose
duty
it
is
to
prosecute
;
these
may
delay
for
a
time
,
whilst
they
are
paid
for
their
favours
,
or
until
notice
be
taken
of
it
,
but
no
longer
,
and
then
must
follow
a
Seizure
of
Dissenters
Persons
or
Estates
,
or
both
:
Besides
all
which
,
particular
Justices
of
the
Peace
are
by
several
late
Statutes
authorized
and
obliged
to
Convent
,
Convict
,
and
make
Levies
;
which
sufferings
being
accompanied
with
a
continual
Anxiety
of
mind
,
our
Protestant
Dissenters
cannot
possibly
apply
themselves
or
their
Stocks
to
Manufacture
or
other
Trade
.
Whilst
,
on
the
other
hand
,
See
Sir
William
Temple
,
Chap.
of
Religion
.
both
the
Dutch
and
French
,
and
most
other
of
our
neighbouring
Nations
,
any
thing
famous
for
Trade
,
allow
Liberty
of
Conscience
to
Protestant
Dissenters
,
at
least
to
such
a
degree
,
as
to
enable
them
to
trade
:
Which
is
all
that
the
Interest
of
Trade
requires
;
't
is
true
,
that
now
of
late
we
have
heard
the
French
King
hath
given
some
greater
discountenance
to
Protestants
than
heretofore
,
(
whether
to
gratifie
the
Romish
Clergy
,
who
may
be
otherwise
very
useful
to
his
present
designs
,
and
whom
he
daily
and
visibly
endears
by
all
signal
demonstrations
of
favour
,
(
if
we
may
believe
our
Gazets
)
or
for
what
other
reason
,
I
shall
not
undertake
to
say
)
however
not
so
,
as
to
disable
the
French
Protestants
from
Trade
.
What
farther
hardships
he
may
put
upon
French
Protestants
,
or
other
his
Trading
Subjects
,
in
case
they
shall
have
no
other
Asylum
or
Shelter
to
repair
to
,
time
may
shew
.
This
being
the
Case
in
the
matter
of
Toleration
between
us
and
these
our
subtile
and
potent
Neighbours
,
the
Question
is
,
what
is
to
be
done
?
A
long
Surfeit
of
experience
hath
demonstrated
,
that
the
Penal
Laws
,
though
accumulated
and
imbittered
to
as
great
a
degree
as
hath
been
desired
,
are
not
a
sufficient
expedient
to
reduce
Protestant
Dissenters
.
To
purpose
any
thing
which
shall
subvert
our
present
Church
of
England
,
is
that
which
I
shall
not
do
;
conceiving
it
for
the
honour
and
safety
of
the
Nation
to
support
a
flourishing
National
Church
,
and
that
the
present
Protestant
Church
of
England
hath
in
all
respects
the
best
Title
to
it
.
On
the
other
side
,
to
rest
under
our
present
Disadvantages
by
the
want
of
a
convenient
Toleration
of
Dissenting
Protestants
,
must
disable
us
from
making
that
sudden
,
and
full
improvement
of
our
Trade
,
as
otherwise
we
might
,
and
as
perhaps
may
be
found
necessary
for
our
support
against
those
Forreigners
who
already
do
,
and
daily
will
more
exceed
us
in
Treasures
and
People
,
if
they
shall
let
in
,
and
we
continue
to
shut
out
,
so
mighty
a
share
of
each
.
Here
then
there
seems
a
difficulty
,
which
deserves
and
requires
our
utmost
prudentials
to
clear
,
by
a
Toleration
of
Protestant
Dissenters
,
consistent
with
the
preservation
of
our
present
Church
of
England
in
all
its
Rights
;
I
am
perswaded
none
of
the
Generous
Dignitaries
,
or
Members
of
our
Church
,
would
oppose
such
a
Toleration
;
some
there
have
been
,
who
could
never
think
themselves
happy
,
unless
others
were
miserable
,
and
have
loved
Cruelty
for
Cruelty's
sake
;
the
most
infamous
for
this
was
Phalaris
,
who
was
at
last
brought
to
roar
in
his
own
Brazen
Bull
;
nor
is
this
a
time
for
Men
to
gratifie
their
humors
or
passions
this
way
,
if
it
may
prove
perilous
towards
the
whole
;
rather
let
our
Hearts
melt
with
a
tender
and
charitable
Commiseration
to
these
our
Fellow-Country-men
,
who
by
their
Birth-right
are
intitled
to
Magna
Charta
equally
with
our selves
,
but
are
incapacitated
to
enjoy
the
advantages
of
it
,
meerly
for
Conscience
,
when
by
no
other
overt
Act
they
have
forfeited
their
Hereditary
Claims
,
when
their
sufferings
undeniably
demonstrate
they
are
no
Hypocrites
,
and
therefore
that
they
suffer
for
what
they
cannot
help
;
let
us
observe
,
that
God
never
planted
or
propagated
his
Truth
by
Temporal
Power
,
that
he
was
in
the
small
Voice
,
not
in
the
Thunder
,
or
the
Whirl-wind
:
Let
us
consider
the
original
meekness
of
Christians
,
whose
Anathema's
against
Dissenters
were
only
accompanied
with
Admonishments
,
and
meer
Excommunications
,
without
any
Writ
to
take
the
Body
,
or
make
Levies
on
Mens
Estates
;
Let
us
remember
that
we
have
flung
off
the
Yoke
of
Papal
Tyranny
,
founded
on
a
pretended
infallible
conclusive
Church
Authority
,
superinduced
upon
Christians
by
a
Conspiracy
of
Romish
Priests
,
as
subservient
to
their
Ambition
,
Pride
,
Ease
,
and
Luxury
;
that
if
persecution
were
then
wholly
unwarrantable
,
it
is
now
far
more
incoherent
.
When
our
present
Church
professes
it self
fallible
,
and
both
our
Church
,
and
all
Protestant
Religion
it self
,
are
derived
from
no
other
Principle
than
the
Fallibility
of
all
Churches
,
at
least
in
their
Decrees
;
when
our
first
most
famous
Protestant
Doctors
carried
on
the
Reformation
in
opposition
to
their
National
Churches
and
Laws
,
such
were
Luther
,
Calvin
,
Beza
,
and
many
others
abroad
,
and
our
Martyrs
at
home
,
whose
Glorious
Sufferings
are
celebrated
by
one
of
our
own
former
and
most
Learned
and
Pious
Divines
,
Mr.
Fox
.
as
the
chief
Gemms
which
truly
beautifie
our
present
Church
:
Let
it
never
be
said
,
that
the
Interests
or
Temperaments
of
our
present
Church
are
inconsistent
with
our
National
Wealth
,
Happiness
,
and
Security
,
or
obstruct
our
progress
towards
them
;
this
would
give
too
great
an
advantage
to
her
publick
and
private
Enemies
:
Let
us
industriously
amass
all
the
just
Considerations
we
can
to
facilitate
these
great
ends
,
by
some
Toleration
of
Protestant
Dissenters
,
being
it
is
so
important
,
I
say
of
Protestant
Dissenters
,
because
these
having
no
forreign
dependance
on
the
Pope
,
have
reason
to
be
endeared
and
knit
up
to
the
National
Interest
by
the
common
protection
and
security
of
their
Estates
and
Families
,
equally
with
the
rest
:
As
for
the
Popish
Party
,
I
am
confident
that
after
so
many
late
accurate
Treatises
,
and
Authentick
Narratives
,
of
the
dangerous
Principles
,
and
horrid
treasonable
Practises
,
of
the
Priests
,
and
others
of
the
same
Party
,
none
will
think
it
necessary
,
or
possible
,
that
I
should
add
one
syllable
to
prove
that
Party
unfit
for
a
Toleration
.
Such
being
the
high
Motives
to
make
us
wish
for
a
Toleration
of
Protestant
Dissenters
,
I
shall
,
with
all
deference
to
Authority
,
and
without
any
of
those
passionate
reflections
which
usually
incumber
this
debate
,
briefly
endeavour
to
examine
the
dangers
objected
,
which
are
,
First
,
an
apprehension
of
a
necessary
great
increase
of
Dissenters
,
and
this
(
as
some
will
have
it
)
to
such
a
degree
,
as
to
swallow
up
the
present
Church
;
a
very
strange
supposition
for
those
who
have
Scripture
and
Antiquity
on
their
side
:
On
the
contrary
,
it
may
be
justly
hoped
,
that
the
Church
of
England
may
then
reconcile
all
those
whom
Penalties
cannot
reduce
;
and
the
rather
,
because
when
the
Penalties
are
gone
,
all
Parties
must
resort
to
reasoning
and
sanctity
,
which
are
the
proper
and
only
means
of
making
Impressions
on
Mens
Vnderstandings
and
Consciences
;
Penalties
may
bring
in
Atheists
and
Hypocrites
,
but
can
never
work
a
real
change
in
any
Mans
opinion
,
unless
when
the
sufferings
of
Dissenters
proselyte
others
,
(
being
a
kind
of
Argument
of
the
truth
of
what
is
so
asserted
,
at
least
amongst
the
vulgar
or
middle
sort
;
)
our
present
Protestant
Church
of
England
must
therefore
have
an
advantage
this
way
;
and
yet
on
the
other
side
,
will
retain
that
of
being
vindicated
by
the
Government
,
in
as
much
as
all
publick
Divine
Service
in
the
Parish
Churches
will
remain
in
the
form
now
used
in
our
present
Church
,
Dr.
Heylin
observes
,
that
after
the
Toleration
of
Protestants
in
France
,
the
other
Party
in
Religion
having
the
countenance
of
the
State
,
and
the
Prescription
and
Possession
of
so
many
years
to
confirm
the
same
,
is
in
as
prosperous
a
condition
,
both
for
Power
and
Patrimony
,
as
any
that
acknowledgeth
the
Authority
of
the
Popes
of
Rome
.
Geogr.
176.
and
all
Church
preferments
inclosed
to
the
Clergy
of
the
same
Church
;
which
Priviledges
,
being
consistent
with
a
Toleration
,
may
continue
secured
to
our
Church
by
our
present
Penal
Laws
in
force
for
that
purpose
,
with
an
addition
of
such
others
as
may
be
thought
necessary
;
whence
it
will
follow
;
first
,
that
it
will
be
more
for
the
ease
and
convenience
,
nay
and
Interest
of
the
Laicks
to
conform
,
rather
than
to
seek
farther
for
Dissenting
Conventicles
,
whose
Ministers
they
must
help
to
maintain
;
which
Convenience
,
with
the
Countenance
of
Authority
given
to
the
National
Church
,
is
a
great
matter
,
since
it
will
bring
in
all
those
,
who
being
good
Christians
in
the
main
,
are
yet
little
affected
with
the
Points
in
difference
,
which
are
the
generality
,
as
may
be
seen
by
their
equal
resort
to
the
Parish
Churches
before
and
since
His
Majesties
Restoration
.
But
secondly
,
it
will
then
be
yet
more
the
interest
and
advantage
of
all
Clergy-men
to
conform
,
by
the
great
and
Honourable
preferments
they
may
this
way
hope
for
,
which
they
cannot
otherwise
obtain
.
The
other
grand
Objection
against
a
Toleration
of
Protestants
,
is
the
danger
of
the
Temporal
Government
;
which
seems
yet
stranger
than
the
other
,
if
we
consult
our
Reasons
,
which
must
tell
us
,
that
Men
at
ease
will
be
better
satisfied
than
when
in
pain
;
that
Men
who
are
kept
innocently
and
profitably
busie
,
who
by
their
Industry
can
live
well
,
support
their
Families
,
and
gain
Estates
,
will
be
less
apt
to
study
,
or
do
mischief
to
the
Publick
,
than
those
,
who
being
disabled
from
all
such
Imployments
,
are
daily
goaded
with
penal
Laws
,
a
condition
which
perhaps
may
be
thought
more
grievous
in
England
than
the
like
hardships
in
Turky
and
Muscovy
,
where
all
suffer
alike
,
when
in
England
our
Protestant
Dissenters
hear
much
of
Magna
Charta
,
and
see
others
enjoy
the
full
fruit
of
it
,
but
are
precluded
themselves
,
and
this
for
meer
differings
in
Religions
belief
.
But
why
should
I
labour
to
evince
that
which
Experience
hath
demonstrated
;
we
have
the
great
Instance
of
France
,
and
the
like
in
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
,
in
Holland
,
Switzerland
,
Hamburg
,
and
other
parts
of
Germany
;
All
which
Nations
have
been
at
peace
,
at
least
about
Religion
ever
since
the
Tolerations
given
,
as
some
of
them
could
never
be
before
,
particularly
France
;
which
must
appear
to
proceed
from
the
pacifique
virtue
of
Toleration
,
not
from
the
coercive
power
of
Standing
Forces
,
or
despotick
Monarchy
,
as
some
would
have
it
,
because
that
of
Poland
is
regulated
,
and
the
rest
are
Republicks
.
'T
is
notorious
that
before
the
French
Toleration
many
of
that
National
Church
had
or
pretended
to
have
as
fearful
Apprehensions
of
the
effects
of
it
;
but
we
see
what
Councils
did
prevail
even
amongst
the
Popish
Party
,
and
what
hath
followed
?
We
find
France
the
most
powerful
of
Nations
,
and
the
French
King
so
confident
of
his
Protestants
,
that
he
long
intrusted
his
mighty
Armies
,
in
the
hands
of
Monsieur
Turenne
,
a
Protestant
till
near
his
death
:
On
the
other
side
we
have
the
Example
of
Spain
,
whose
execrable
and
inexorable
Cruelties
towards
dissenters
hath
mainly
Assisted
in
the
present
poverty
and
weakness
of
that
Nation
:
We
may
then
conclude
that
Persecution
is
a
stale
piece
of
policy
,
which
perhaps
might
have
born
a
debate
in
Harry
the
8th's
time
,
but
is
now
tryed
to
our
hands
:
And
let
any
man
judg
whether
the
French
or
Spanish
Church
be
now
most
flourishing
,
or
most
likely
to
continue
;
the
French
Church
and
Church-men
will
certainly
get
ground
with
the
French
Victories
,
for
which
they
are
as
much
beholding
to
the
French
Protestants
as
to
the
rest
.
Let
us
not
therefore
be
wholly
insensible
that
the
Church
of
England
may
fall
under
the
worst
circumstances
of
danger
,
otherwise
than
from
Protestant
Dissenters
;
as
suppose
England
should
ever
be
reduced
to
such
a
condition
as
to
be
no
longer
able
to
bear
up
against
foreign
Powers
,
what
then
would
become
of
our
present
Church
?
what
sort
of
men
would
then
push
into
our
Bishopricks
,
Deaneries
,
and
other
Church-Preferments
?
a
Fatality
which
we
ought
therefore
to
provide
against
by
a
Union
of
Protestant
interests
and
affections
and
increase
of
Traders
,
as
far
as
safely
we
may
;
in
which
Foreigners
are
grown
so
nicely
vigilant
,
that
not
long
ago
we
might
observe
the
policies
of
the
great
French
King
and
the
great
Duke
of
Tuscany
curiously
Angling
for
the
Jews
;
for
when
the
French
King
had
made
Marseilles
a
free
Port
(
which
was
about
12
years
since
)
the
Jews
planted
at
Leghorn
,
induced
by
an
offer
of
protection
at
Marseilles
,
and
a
sweeter
situat●on
of
that
place
,
resolved
to
transplant
,
which
the
Great
Duke
discovering
,
applyed
his
utmost
endeavours
to
prevent
it
;
which
he
did
by
making
an
Edict
,
That
if
any
Christian
bought
a
Jews
house
,
it
should
be
forfeit
.
In
England
a
Jew
cannot
buy
a
house
.
I
am
no
Advocate
for
Dissenters
or
Jews
,
but
for
the
Common
Interest
of
England
,
by
which
that
of
the
Church
of
England
must
stand
or
fall
.
And
being
now
speaking
of
somewhat
that
concerns
Religion
,
there
occur
to
my
memory
two
plain
Texts
of
Scripture
,
one
is
,
that
of
two
evils
we
are
to
choose
the
least
,
and
another
that
a
Kingdom
divided
cannot
stand
.
I
shall
desire
the
Reader
to
couple
these
considerations
with
what
I
shall
say
in
the
following
Sections
concerning
the
present
posture
of
this
and
our
Neighbour
Nations
,
and
then
he
will
not
accuse
me
of
having
made
an
unnecessary
digression
.
Whilst
we
are
calculating
the
best
expedient
to
bring
in
forreign
Protestant
Artificers
,
and
forreign
Manufacture
,
it
is
fit
that
notice
should
be
taken
of
that
Clause
in
the
Act
of
21
of
King
James
chap.
3.
which
leaves
the
Inventers
of
new
Manufactures
at
liberty
to
obtain
Patents
for
Monopolies
for
one
and
twenty
years
,
which
Statute
being
in
construction
extended
to
all
Manufactures
already
used
by
Foreigners
that
are
not
used
here
,
hinders
the
introducing
,
or
growth
and
perfection
of
any
new
forreign
Manufactures
,
and
makes
it
the
business
of
our
more
observant
Travellers
to
hauk
after
Monopolies
.
This
is
no
question
but
several
other
obstructions
to
the
Trade
of
England
might
be
observed
,
particularly
that
the
carrying
on
of
Elections
in
Corporations
of
latter
years
with
so
much
drinking
,
is
very
prejudicial
to
our
Manufactures
;
for
men
(
upon
this
or
any
other
occasion
)
being
once
debauched
,
hardly
ever
retrieve
themselves
,
and
therefore
lost
to
Manufacture
and
the
Nation
.
Our
Fishers
have
complained
that
in
several
parts
they
are
forced
to
pay
Tyth
for
the
Fish
they
catch
on
their
own
Coasts
,
in
which
the
Dutch
,
and
other
Fishermen
have
the
advantage
to
the
value
of
the
Fish
,
and
must
therefore
disable
our
Trade
of
Fishery
in
those
parts
.
It
hath
also
been
noted
that
the
payment
of
Tyth
out
of
our
Hemp
and
Flax
,
does
as
much
disable
the
increase
of
Hemp
and
Flax
in
England
,
the
rest
being
made
so
much
the
dearer
to
the
owner
,
that
it
is
not
vendible
,
as
otherwise
it
would
be
;
and
thereby
prevent
our
great
forreign
Importation
of
Hemp
and
Flax.
These
being
things
of
so
great
Importance
to
the
Nation
,
may
deserve
a
full
Examination
and
remedy
,
whatsoever
the
particular
interests
of
some
Incumbents
of
Churches
may
suggest
to
the
contrary
.
Lastly
,
we
have
a
farther
complaint
from
the
Traders
of
all
sorts
,
of
the
tedious
and
chargeable
proceedings
in
some
Courts
of
Justice
,
occasioned
by
Writs
of
Error
,
and
Suits
in
Chancery
,
in
which
last
Court
many
are
hung
up
for
seven
years
and
more
,
and
are
forced
to
expend
much
more
than
the
money
they
justly
sue
for
:
Our
little
Courts
,
especially
about
London
,
are
as
destructive
to
poor
Seamen
,
Manufacturers
and
other
laborious
people
,
where
in
a
Suit
for
a
disputable
Groat
,
or
meer
malice
,
they
are
easily
lead
in
,
or
forced
to
spend
three
or
four
pound
;
if
but
thirty
or
forty
shillings
't
is
enough
to
ruine
such
poor
wretches
and
their
Families
,
which
hath
caused
many
thousands
to
perish
in
Goal
,
or
fly
from
their
Habitations
and
Countrey
,
since
the
erection
of
several
new
inferior
Jurisdictions
.
Here
again
we
may
look
back
and
observe
the
mischievous
effects
of
private
and
mistaken
Interests
,
pride
and
humor
;
which
I
shall
not
recapitulate
,
but
should
here
conclude
this
Section
;
but
that
having
mentioned
the
greatness
of
our
Customs
amongst
the
incumbrances
on
our
Trade
,
I
am
willing
to
clear
my self
from
insinuating
or
wishing
any
Diminution
of
His
Majesties
Revenue
;
nor
would
the
moderation
of
the
Customs
work
any
such
effect
,
(
at
least
in
the
Judgments
of
wise
men
who
have
considered
it
)
were
the
other
obstructions
on
our
Trade
regulated
;
of
this
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
took
notice
of
very
early
in
his
Observations
upon
Trade
,
presented
to
King
James
,
in
these
words
.
Of
this
their
smallness
of
Custom
,
(
meaning
in
Holland
,
Hamburgh
,
&c.
)
inwards
and
outwards
,
we
have
daily
experience
;
for
if
two
English
Ships
,
or
two
of
any
other
Nation
,
be
at
Burdeaux
,
both
laden
with
Wine
of
300
Tun
apiece
,
the
one
bound
for
Holland
,
or
any
other
the
Petit
States
,
the
other
for
England
;
the
Merchant
shall
pay
above
900
l.
here
,
and
other
duties
,
when
the
other
in
Holland
,
or
any
other
Petit
State
shall
be
cleared
for
50
l.
and
so
in
all
other
Wares
and
Merchandizes
accordingly
;
which
draws
all
Nations
to
traffick
with
them
;
and
although
it
seems
but
small
duties
which
they
receive
,
yet
the
multitudes
of
all
kind
of
Commodities
and
Coin
that
is
brought
there
,
and
carryed
out
by
themselves
and
others
,
is
so
great
,
that
they
receive
more
Customs
and
Duties
to
the
State
by
the
greatness
of
their
Commerce
in
one
year
,
than
England
doth
in
two
years
;
for
the
100
th
part
of
the
Commodities
are
not
spent
in
Holland
,
but
vented
into
other
Countries
;
which
make
all
the
Country-Merchants
to
buy
and
sell
,
and
increase
Ships
and
Mariners
to
transport
them
.
My
travels
and
meaning
is
not
,
neither
hath
been
,
to
diminish
your
Majesties
Revenues
,
but
exceedingly
to
increase
them
,
&c.
All
Nations
may
buy
and
sell
freely
in
France
,
and
there
is
free
Custome
outwards
twice
a
year
;
at
which
times
our
Merchants
do
there
make
their
Sales
of
English
Commodities
,
and
do
buy
and
lade
their
Bulk
with
French
Commodities
to
serve
for
the
whole
year
;
and
in
Rochel
in
France
,
and
in
Brittain
,
free
Custom
all
the
year
long
;
except
some
small
Toll
,
which
makes
free
Traffick
,
and
makes
them
flourish
.
To
this
he
adds
an
Instance
in
Genoua
,
formerly
the
Store-house
of
Italy
:
But
after
they
had
set
a
Custom
of
16
per
Cent.
all
Nations
left
trading
with
them
;
but
that
on
the
other
side
,
the
Duke
of
Florence
,
by
setting
a
small
Custom
at
Leghorn
,
had
brought
all
the
Trade
thither
:
Thus
did
this
great
Man
of
his
time
express
himself
.
But
admitting
,
that
by
the
moderation
of
our
Customs
Rates
,
our
present
publick
Revenue
in
Customs
should
be
somewhat
sunk
;
yet
how
easily
might
this
Revenue
be
made
good
by
a
Land-Tax
,
or
by
some
Excise
upon
Extravagancies
,
and
Forreign
consumptive
Commodities
spent
at
home
,
without
the
least
prejudice
to
Trade
?
Thus
do
the
Dutch
raise
far
more
than
the
Revenue
of
our
Customs
;
and
if
by
this
means
the
private
Revenue
of
our
Land
must
universally
rise
,
and
the
People
better
be
enabled
to
pay
any
other
Taxes
,
why
should
the
Land-holders
,
or
any
on
pretence
of
Service
to
His
Majesty
,
oppose
it
?
Suppose
His
Majesty
had
a
Custome
of
5
s.
in
the
Pound
on
all
the
English
Treasure
exported
,
would
any
Man
for
the
sake
of
the
Custom
,
and
out
of
zeal
to
His
Majesties
Interest
,
promote
the
Exportation
of
all
the
English
Treasure
?
How
much
this
is
the
Case
of
the
present
English
Customs
,
doth
,
and
more
largely
will
appear
.
Certainly
it
was
very
unfortunate
for
England
,
That
when
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
wrote
these
and
other
his
excellent
Observations
on
Trade
,
our
Councels
were
under
an
earnest
pursuit
of
the
Plantation-Trade
,
on
which
great
Customs
were
projected
;
for
so
it
hath
hapned
,
that
whilst
our
Neighbour
Nations
have
been
vigilant
to
ease
and
facilitate
their
ways
of
Trade
,
the
Trade
of
England
hath
continued
under
the
former
disadvantage
,
and
is
incumbred
with
new
charges
and
difficulties
of
later
years
;
all
which
in
Conjunction
have
worked
us
out
in
all
the
Particulars
mentioned
before
,
and
in
divers
others
;
and
in
recompence
of
these
losses
,
our
Plantation-Trade
hath
robbed
and
prevented
us
of
some
Millions
of
our
People
;
amongst
which
very
many
being
,
or
might
have
been
Manufacturers
,
the
Nation
hath
also
lost
many
more
Millions
of
Pounds
in
the
loss
of
their
Manufactures
.
SECT.
VIII
.
That
a
Nation
may
grow
poor
by
Forreign
Trade
,
viz.
by
an
excess
of
meer
Importations
,
illustrated
by
some
Observations
;
this
facilitated
by
exporting
Money
or
Bullion
;
the
fatal
Consequences
and
Symptoms
of
a
Consumptive
Trade
,
decay
of
Manufactures
,
other
ways
of
living
over-stocked
,
fall
of
Rents
,
general
Poverty
,
an
increase
of
Criminals
of
all
sorts
,
Depopulation
;
some
Application
to
the
present
Case
of
England
,
and
amongst
others
the
occasion
of
the
new
Buildings
about
London
;
of
Incontinency
,
Cunning
,
&c.
AS
a
Nation
may
grow
Rich
and
Populous
,
and
consequently
strong
by
Forreign
Trade
;
so
may
a
Nation
grow
poor
and
dispeopled
,
and
consequently
weak
by
Forreign
Trade
;
nor
is
there
any
possible
or
practicable
way
for
the
Treasure
of
a
Nation
in
peace
,
to
be
exhausted
and
exported
into
another
Nation
to
any
considerable
and
sensible
degree
,
but
by
Forreign
Trade
.
This
must
necessarily
happen
by
the
excess
of
meer
Importation
,
viz.
when
the
Commodities
imported
from
abroad
,
and
spent
at
home
,
do
cost
more
than
the
National
gain
by
Trade
amounts
to
;
as
suppose
such
yearly
Importations
into
England
should
cost
two
Millions
,
and
the
National
gain
by
Exportations
or
otherwise
should
amount
but
to
1500000
l.
the
Nation
of
England
must
yearly
lose
500000
l
of
its
Treasure
by
Trade
,
because
so
much
must
yearly
be
exported
by
the
English
Merchants
to
satisfie
the
over-ballance
.
That
the
English
Trade
might
fall
into
such
a
Consumption
,
is
easily
and
highly
credible
.
For
suppose
the
utmost
neat
gain
of
our
former
English
Trade
amounted
to
but
300000
l.
per
An'
one
year
with
another
;
then
if
the
Exportations
and
beneficial
Merchandize
of
England
should
become
worse
by
400000
l.
per
An'
one
year
with
another
than
before
,
the
Nation
of
England
must
lose
100000
l.
per
An'
of
its
National
Treasure
,
though
our
yearly
Importations
be
no
more
in
value
than
before
;
whence
it
appears
,
that
by
this
means
the
same
Importations
may
become
excessive
.
So
though
our
Exportations
,
and
the
beneficial
part
of
our
Merchandize
,
continue
as
valuable
as
before
,
yet
if
our
yearly
Consumptive
Importations
grow
to
be
more
in
value
by
400000
l.
per
An'
than
before
,
the
Nation
must
also
in
this
case
lose
100000
l.
per
An'
by
Trade
.
But
what
if
both
the
beneficial
part
of
the
Trade
grow
worse
,
and
also
the
Importations
increase
?
Certainly
this
must
cut
deepest
on
the
National
Stock
,
and
must
soonest
grind
it
out
;
for
then
if
the
beneficial
part
grow
worse
by
400000
l.
and
the
Importing
part
be
increased
400000
l.
per
An'
value
,
the
Nation
must
then
lose
500000
l.
per
Annum
;
or
suppose
but
to
half
those
values
in
each
,
the
Nation
must
lose
100000
l.
per
Annum
.
To
accommodate
these
Hypotheses
to
England
;
first
,
we
may
conclude
,
that
the
beneficial
part
of
our
Trade
hath
grown
much
less
and
worse
yearly
,
by
reason
of
the
unequal
cloggs
and
difficulties
on
our
Home
and
Forreign
Trade
.
And
that
on
the
other
side
our
Importations
must
as
necessarily
be
increased
,
both
by
the
decay
of
our
own
former
Manufactures
at
home
,
and
by
our
modern
gawd'ry
and
affectation
of
foreign
Goods
;
and
as
our
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
hath
become
more
impracticable
to
any
advantage
,
the
Exporters
of
our
remaining
Manufactures
and
other
home-Commodities
,
must
either
come
back
empty
,
or
else
must
freight
themselves
homewards
with
such
consumptive
foreign
Commodities
,
as
for
Gawdry
,
Novelty
,
Cheapness
,
or
Lyquorishness
,
will
dazle
,
tempt
and
bewitch
our
People
to
buy
them
;
in
which
course
of
Trade
our
Merchants
may
gain
considerable
proportions
of
our
remaining
Treasures
as
long
as
there
is
any
in
the
Nation
.
Nay
,
rather
than
sit
idle
,
they
will
,
and
do
freight
themselves
outwards
with
meer
Ballast
and
Bills
of
Exchange
(
by
which
the
Importation
of
foreign
Bullion
or
money
is
prevented
:
See
Mr.
Mun
of
Foreign
Trade
,
Chap.
12.
p.
83
,
to
92.
and
that
the
over
ballance
of
Trade
in
any
particular
Country
;
causes
the
Exchange
to
be
high
,
so
that
the
exporting
of
money
shall
save
the
Merchant
▪
10
l.
per
Cent.
or
more
,
as
the
exchange
is
.
)
or
if
Bills
of
Exchange
cannot
reasonably
be
had
(
as
they
usually
cannot
to
those
Countries
where
we
are
overballanced
in
Trade
)
then
they
export
Mony
and
Bullion
,
and
buy
and
import
Consumptive
Goods
which
are
spent
at
home
;
which
kind
of
Trade
deserves
rather
to
be
called
Foreign
Pedling
,
than
Merchandise
.
It
may
partly
be
remembred
here
,
how
much
the
beneficial
part
of
our
Trade
may
be
prejudiced
by
the
loss
of
100000
of
our
Manufactures
,
and
what
odds
the
same
loss
may
produce
in
our
Importations
,
since
if
they
get
but
6
l.
per
Ann.
a
peice
,
it
must
sink
the
former
gain
by
Trade
no
less
than
600000
l.
per
Ann.
And
on
the
other
side
,
that
if
a
Million
of
Families
or
Persons
in
a
Nation
,
do
one
with
the
other
consume
to
the
value
of
20
s.
a
piece
more
,
yearly
in
foreign
Manufactures
,
Drinks
,
&c.
than
before
,
this
must
increase
our
Importations
to
the
value
of
a
Million
per
Ann.
which
I
observe
here
to
shew
how
imperceptibly
an
over-ballance
of
Importation
may
creep
upon
a
Nation
;
and
that
the
Reader
may
with
the
less
difficulty
conjecture
at
the
late
and
present
ballance
of
Trade
in
England
.
It
must
also
much
assist
this
Importing
Trade
,
if
the
Merchants
shall
export
Mony
,
or
Bullion
;
especially
in
such
a
Nation
as
England
,
where
a
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
is
not
ordinarily
practicable
to
any
advantage
:
for
in
that
Case
the
Goods
Imported
being
spent
at
home
,
the
Treasure
Exported
must
be
lost
to
the
Nation
;
and
as
long
as
the
English
Merchant
can
have
Bullion
or
Mony
to
Export
,
and
can
have
a
vent
for
his
Importations
at
home
,
his
private
gain
will
never
oblige
him
to
complain
of
the
want
of
Exportable
home-Manufactures
,
or
the
Clogs
upon
Trade
,
especially
in
England
,
where
our
Merchants
have
such
a
Monopoly
of
their
Importations
on
the
rest
of
the
People
.
This
Consumptive
Importing
Trade
must
be
of
very
fatal
Consequence
in
its
Nature
;
for
first
,
whilest
the
National
Stock
is
greater
,
it
will
exhaust
the
Treasure
almost
insensibly
;
but
as
the
Treasure
grows
less
and
less
,
it
will
work
more
palpably
and
grievously
,
because
it
will
consume
more
and
more
of
that
little
which
remains
.
And
as
the
National
Treasure
comes
to
be
more
and
more
diminished
,
the
People
must
generally
have
less
and
less
,
which
must
cause
the
price
of
all
home-Commodities
,
and
consequently
Land-Rents
to
fall
continually
,
the
home
Manufactures
must
be
choaked
and
stifled
by
Importations
,
so
that
both
the
Farmers
and
Manufacturers
must
fling
up
;
the
values
of
their
Stocks
must
be
contracted
,
and
will
be
eaten
out
by
Rent
,
Wages
and
other
standing
charges
before
they
are
aware
;
men
cannot
provide
against
misfortunes
which
have
unseen
Causes
:
and
as
home
trade
grows
worse
and
worse
,
Industry
it self
must
be
tired
and
foiled
,
to
the
great
amazement
,
as
well
as
affliction
of
the
People
.
For
at
the
same
time
Liberty
and
Property
may
remain
inviolated
,
many
Merchants
shall
grow
rich
and
shall
be
well
satisfied
as
long
as
there
is
Vanity
and
Money
at
home
;
so
shall
their
Retailers
and
Salesmen
of
foreign
Wares
,
such
are
Mercers
,
Lacemen
,
Linnen-Drapers
,
Exchange-men
,
Grocers
,
Vintners
and
most
others
;
there
may
seem
to
be
the
same
Navigation
for
a
time
,
the
Customs
must
also
necessarily
much
increase
as
the
Importations
increase
(
especially
in
England
where
the
Customs
on
Importations
are
so
high
)
and
by
that
means
may
cause
a
reputation
and
sound
of
Trade
amongst
many
,
when
indeed
such
a
swelling
of
the
Customs
does
only
denounce
their
growing
poverty
and
ruine
.
It
may
be
these
ranks
of
men
,
who
stand
not
in
the
direct
Channel
of
Trade
,
may
seem
to
flourish
for
a
time
,
as
Officers
,
Lawyers
,
Physitians
,
and
others
;
nay
perhaps
some
Officers
may
have
greater
opportunities
of
gain
during
the
first
Convulsions
of
a
growing
Poverty
;
since
the
necessities
of
men
obliging
them
to
be
more
Criminous
,
it
may
for
a
while
occasion
greater
and
more
frequent
gratuities
,
and
a
more
absolute
subservience
;
so
may
many
Lawyers
get
more
than
ever
whilst
mens
Estates
are
rending
to
pieces
,
(
as
doubless
did
some
Bricklayers
get
Estates
by
the
burning
of
the
City
)
So
perhaps
sickly
men
whilst
they
can
,
may
strain
hard
to
secure
the
Faith
and
Care
of
their
Physitians
with
as
good
Fees
as
before
,
so
some
Clergy-men
Scriveners
and
Pen-men
of
all
sorts
,
Usurers
and
such
others
may
seem
to
stem
the
torrent
better
than
the
Landholders
and
Manufacturers
,
whose
Revenues
immediately
depend
on
the
home-market
,
and
who
make
up
the
gross
body
and
strength
of
a
Nation
,
many
of
these
former
rankes
of
men
(
being
at
ease
themselves
)
may
seem
insensible
of
the
Common
Afflictions
,
but
must
be
gradually
involved
with
the
rest
.
And
the
sooner
,
because
as
men
fling
up
their
Farms
and
Manufactures
,
and
others
are
discouraged
,
multitudes
of
those
that
want
Imployments
,
observing
what
other
sorts
of
men
continue
to
live
at
some
ease
,
will
naturally
and
inevitably
throng
themselves
into
the
like
,
viz.
importing
Merchandise
,
Retayling
,
Shop-keeping
,
the
Law
,
Clergy
,
and
Priesthood
of
all
sorts
,
Offices
,
Scrivening
,
Solliciting
,
and
Physick
:
by
which
these
Imployments
must
be
so
over-clogged
,
that
they
will
be
hardly
able
to
live
by
one
another
;
vast
numbers
of
others
must
betake
themselves
to
Inn-keeping
,
Ale-keeping
,
Victualing
,
&c.
and
those
who
have
little
or
no
stocks
or
literature
,
and
therefore
cannot
crowd
themselves
into
some
of
these
ways
of
Livelihood
must
lye
on
the
Parish
,
or
being
higher
or
worse
minded
must
fall
to
Cheating
,
Canting
,
Shifting
,
Perjury
,
Forgery
,
Whoredom
,
Sherking
,
Chipping
,
Coyning
,
Buffooning
,
Tumbling
,
Pimping
,
Pilfering
,
Robbery
,
&c.
for
their
ordinary
maintenances
;
the
more
honest
or
industrious
will
transport
themselves
into
foreign
parts
,
as
soon
as
they
have
opportunity
,
rather
than
live
miserable
at
home
,
especially
if
they
have
an
Ireland
and
Plantations
to
go
to
;
nor
is
it
possible
(
as
I
conceive
)
for
any
Laws
or
Penalties
effectually
to
restrain
the
swelling
numbers
of
any
of
the
former
professions
,
but
by
opening
the
beneficial
and
Comprehensive
Imployments
of
Manufactures
,
Farming
,
&c.
nor
can
the
daily
increase
of
Ale-houses
,
or
of
Frauds
,
Perjuries
and
Criminals
of
all
sorts
be
otherwise
corrected
;
no
Statutes
,
nay
,
or
Preaching
,
though
never
so
learned
or
florid
,
can
prevail
with
necessitous
men
.
But
the
increase
of
these
former
more
Gentleman-like
,
Scholar-like
,
Retailing
and
Shopkeeping-Imployments
,
must
yet
bring
a
farther
inconvenience
,
viz.
a
more
general
affectation
of
Finery
and
Gawdery
than
before
;
for
these
being
sedentary
and
easie
professions
,
will
not
only
admit
of
,
but
occasion
greater
curiosity
in
Apparel
,
Modes
,
and
dresses
than
the
active
and
laborious
ways
of
living
by
Farming
or
Manufactures
.
And
as
this
Gawdery
grows
more
in
use
it
will
spread
amongst
the
rest
,
and
the
People
emulating
one
another
,
will
be
gawdy
as
long
as
they
can
,
though
never
so
poor
;
which
must
support
and
increase
Foreign
Importations
,
whilst
every
one
is
contending
who
shall
have
the
finest
Foreign
Livery
,
so
will
People
thus
at
leisure
most
naturally
fall
into
the
habits
of
drinking
and
other
ill
Courses
.
Too
many
of
these
symptoms
of
a
Consumptive
Trade
may
be
generally
observed
in
England
;
of
late
years
any
man
who
had
but
an
indifferent
Stock
might
have
set
himself
to
Tillage
,
Grazing
,
Daiery
,
Cloathing
,
Fulling
,
&c.
in
almost
any
part
of
England
,
and
might
not
only
have
maintained
his
Family
plentifully
,
but
as
his
Sock
and
Ingenuity
were
more
or
less
,
might
have
left
a
fair
Estate
behind
him
;
it
was
not
extraordinary
for
a
man
thus
employed
to
get
an
Estate
of
3
,
or
4000
l.
some
10
,
some
20
,
some
30000
l.
whereas
now
,
and
of
these
later
years
these
home-imployments
have
been
the
usual
Shipwracks
of
mens
Stocks
and
Estates
in
most
parts
of
England
,
or
so
dull
and
cold
that
men
can
hardly
endure
to
live
so
meanly
.
Our
late
Wealthy
Yeomanry
are
impoverished
,
or
much
reduced
in
their
stocks
,
a
man
shall
hardly
find
three
in
a
County
able
to
rent
3
,
or
400
l.
per
Ann.
they
are
forced
to
sink
their
Rents
on
the
Gentry
continually
,
or
else
to
fling
up
their
Farms
;
much
Land
is
fallen
a
fifth
part
,
some
a
fourth
part
,
some
a
third
part
,
some
to
half
of
the
late
Rent
,
(
unless
in
some
few
Countys
in
whose
benefit
the
Irish
Acts
were
made
,
and
there
Rents
are
not
risen
and
are
now
like
to
fall
low
enough
:
)
by
which
continual
contracting
of
Rents
the
very
earth
seems
to
shrink
and
consume
under
us
,
and
whilst
many
of
our
late
opulent
and
mighty
Gentry
since
the
general
decay
of
their
Revenues
have
been
striving
to
support
the
antient
honour
and
dignity
of
their
Families
,
they
are
become
immerged
and
fettered
in
inextricable
debts
and
securities
;
great
numbers
of
our
Clothiers
and
other
Manufacturers
are
undone
,
or
have
given
up
;
the
rest
remain
under
a
languishing
hope
of
better
Markets
:
and
multitudes
of
those
people
,
whose
Labours
brought
Mony
,
Trade
and
Comfort
to
our
Corporations
,
are
now
become
chargeable
burthens
:
it
being
computed
that
our
Poor
are
increased
to
near
ten
times
their
late
number
within
this
last
twenty
years
,
and
that
their
maintenance
doth
cost
the
Nation
400000
l.
per
Ann.
constant
Tax
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
increase
of
those
sorts
of
men
,
whose
Imployments
either
may
prejudice
,
or
else
can
add
no
increase
of
Treasure
to
the
Nation
,
is
very
visible
;
by
which
increase
the
inconveniencies
must
be
still
the
greater
:
for
where
the
foreign
Trade
of
a
Nation
is
so
much
driven
in
importations
,
the
increase
of
Merchants
will
oblige
an
increase
of
Importation
;
so
an
increase
of
Retailers
dealing
in
foreign
Goods
,
will
open
a
greater
vent
for
Importations
;
suppose
such
a
Retailer
sells
for
10
l.
per
Cent.
profit
,
the
Nation
must
lose
about
nine
pence
for
every
peny
he
gets
,
what
then
shall
the
Nation
lose
by
the
Trade
of
a
Merchant
or
Retailer
,
who
by
vending
Foreign
Wares
shall
get
an
Estate
of
10
,
or
2000
l.
over
and
besides
a
profuse
maintenance
?
Or
what
will
it
signifie
to
the
Wealth
or
Glory
of
a
Nation
,
or
City
,
to
have
many
such
10000
l.
men
as
these
?
Have
we
any
reason
to
rejoyce
in
such
a
flourishing
Trade
?
These
Retailers
and
Shop-keepers
,
gleaning
the
Mony
from
the
People
,
hand
it
up
to
the
Importers
,
who
export
this
Commodity
in
Trade
as
occasion
does
require
;
and
as
our
Manufactures
have
decayed
,
so
have
Shop-keepers
of
all
sorts
increased
;
our
Cities
and
Corporations
are
stuffed
with
them
more
and
more
;
there
being
at
least
ten
times
more
in
the
Nation
than
were
20
,
or
30
years
since
.
Thus
also
have
we
multitudes
of
more
Lawyers
,
Attorneys
,
Solicitors
,
Scriviners
,
and
Pen-men
of
all
sorts
,
than
of
late
years
we
had
;
which
occasions
more
Querks
,
Tricks
,
and
Cheats
in
the
Law.
We
have
vastly
more
Scholars
and
Clergy-men
,
Author
of
the
grounds
and
reasons
of
the
contempt
of
the
English
Clergy
.
pag.
141.
which
a
Late
Author
observing
,
thought
it
necessary
to
export
Tunns
of
Divines
instead
of
Manufacture
:
This
does
cause
an
universal
competition
for
Benefices
;
of
which
the
needy
Laity
taking
advantage
,
make
Simonaical
presentations
,
and
thence
must
follow
perjury
in
Institutions
,
and
thence
seared
Consciences
;
but
of
all
other
Imployments
we
have
the
greatest
questing
after
Offices
;
Men
will
almost
give
any
thing
,
say
any
thing
,
or
do
any
thing
for
an
Office
;
so
that
some
Offices
which
were
thought
hardly
worth
the
medling
with
of
late
years
,
will
now
yeild
near
ten
years
purchase
for
one
life
,
which
competition
hath
also
in
a
manner
virtually
repealed
the
Statute
against
buying
and
selling
of
Offices
,
and
obliges
those
who
buy
trusts
to
sell
trusts
.
We
have
also
far
more
Physitians
,
men
of
Medicine
and
Quacks
,
especially
Pox-Doctors
than
ever
,
so
have
we
(
with
our
poverty
)
far
more
Finery
and
Gawdery
,
more
Daintyness
,
Delicacy
and
Luxury
.
So
have
we
a
vast
increase
of
Inn-keepers
and
Ale-keepers
both
in
City
and
Country
,
by
which
the
common-people
are
debauched
,
made
impious
,
poor
and
effeminate
:
all
which
mischiefs
do
in
union
cause
the
vast
increase
of
new
Buildings
in
and
about
London
;
for
most
of
the
Offices
are
in
London
,
or
there
to
be
gotten
,
there
is
also
the
ready
access
to
Church-preferment
,
and
the
best
and
most
easie
Imployments
for
Lawyers
,
Solicitors
,
Scriviners
,
Physitians
,
and
such
others
,
and
the
rather
,
because
the
publick
Taxes
and
Importing-trade
drawing
the
mony
up
to
London
,
it
will
there
be
stirring
as
long
as
we
have
any
in
the
Nation
;
whilst
the
Country
is
left
poorer
and
barer
every
day
;
and
therefore
besides
these
higher
ranks
of
men
,
the
ordinary
People
who
used
heretofore
to
begin
upon
Farming
or
Manufacture
,
hearing
of
mony
in
London
,
do
post
from
the
starving
Country
,
and
apply
themselves
to
the
selling
of
Ale
,
Brandy
,
Tobacco
,
Coffee
,
Brokery
of
all
sorts
,
letting
of
Lodgings
in
or
about
London
,
and
such
like
Imployments
,
which
too
commonly
end
in
Bawdery
and
the
Gallows
,
by
which
there
is
room
made
for
new
Comers
and
Tenants
;
I
have
heard
it
said
,
that
Madrid
is
grown
much
bigger
and
more
Populous
of
late
years
.
From
these
and
other
sorts
of
People
,
both
in
City
and
Country
,
we
have
more
and
more
Criminals
of
all
the
sorts
and
species
mentioned
before
;
our
Goals
are
fuller
and
fuller
,
great
numbers
of
which
are
yearly
executed
or
transported
;
vast
numbers
of
others
have
betaken
themselves
to
voluntary
exile
from
this
their
Native
Country
,
in
hopes
of
a
better
condition
,
rather
than
to
endure
certain
poverty
or
persecution
for
Conscience
at
home
;
besides
those
gone
into
Ireland
,
and
the
Plantations
,
there
are
many
thousands
of
Protestants
gone
from
us
into
the
Low
Countries
,
into
France
,
into
Germany
,
and
into
Poland
,
where
being
Woollen
Manufacturers
,
they
have
taught
,
and
set
up
this
Manufacture
,
and
thereby
helped
to
work
our
ruine
.
These
being
of
the
most
strong
and
able
part
of
our
People
,
leave
their
Wives
and
Children
,
and
other
impotent
and
lazy
People
at
home
.
And
thus
shall
a
Nation
be
inevitably
dispeopled
,
as
well
as
impoverished
by
a
consumptive
Trade
;
Nay
,
it
shall
hinder
the
ordinary
increase
of
People
by
procreation
,
especially
in
a
Nation
where
venereal
sins
are
become
general
,
habitual
and
shameless
;
for
the
People
being
poor
,
or
vicious
,
or
both
,
dare
not
,
or
care
not
to
engage
in
the
charge
or
virtuous
Obligations
of
Marriage
,
(
unless
here
and
there
where
a
man
gets
a
Catch
with
a
Wise
which
shall
be
equal
to
an
Office
,
)
but
will
rather
use
unlawful
promiscuous
Copulation
,
which
breeds
no
Children
,
but
infinite
Claps
and
Poxes
to
the
common
weakning
of
Posterity
,
and
present
scandal
of
a
Nation
:
(
thus
have
our
Women
also
lost
their
choice
of
Chapmen
for
Husbands
:
)
how
many
of
our
most
beautiful
Women
(
which
might
have
made
good
and
vertuous
Wives
,
and
brought
forth
numbers
of
as
beautiful
Children
,
)
are
for
want
of
convenient
Matches
tempted
,
or
forced
for
a
little
mony
,
to
sell
their
souls
to
the
Devil
,
and
their
delicate
bodies
to
lust
and
rottenness
,
nay
to
the
Gallows
,
when
proving
with
Child
,
the
remains
of
their
natural
modesty
,
will
not
in
their
extremities
permit
them
to
call
Witnesses
of
their
,
shame
whilst
the
Gallants
which
beget
them
go
free
,
and
glory
in
their
great
performance
.
All
which
mischiefs
of
a
consumptive
Trade
are
yet
more
fatal
,
because
the
growing
vice
and
poverty
which
attends
it
,
will
generally
bring
a
languor
and
difficulty
on
mens
understandings
;
as
men
sink
in
their
Estates
,
their
Spirits
and
Thoughts
will
be
lower
and
narrower
,
and
their
Minds
clouded
with
anxieties
and
cares
,
this
(
with
the
common
disability
of
making
advantages
upon
Forreigners
in
the
course
of
Trade
)
leads
them
into
a
kind
of
unhappy
Cunning
,
consisting
in
the
over-reaching
of
one
another
at
home
;
and
he
will
be
accounted
wise
,
who
by
any
means
can
shift
himself
out
of
the
common
wants
,
nor
will
he
think
his
own
happiness
small
,
(
especially
if
his
beginnings
were
low
)
when
(
like
one
standing
on
the
Sands
)
he
can
behold
the
Shipwrack
of
others
.
SECT.
IX
.
That
a
Consumptive
Trade
must
render
a
Nation
still
weaker
and
weaker
:
How
far
the
meer
establishment
of
Absolute
Power
,
or
meer
Liberty
and
Property
,
may
alter
the
Case
.
FRom
what
hath
been
said
in
the
first
Section
and
since
,
it
must
also
follow
,
that
a
Consumptive
Trade
must
render
a
Nation
still
weaker
and
weaker
.
First
,
because
it
must
still
exhaust
more
and
more
of
the
National
Riches
,
and
sink
the
value
of
Mens
Estates
.
If
the
value
of
private
Stocks
or
Revenues
are
contracted
,
Men
will
be
less
and
less
able
to
pay
publick
Taxes
;
it
is
impossible
for
these
that
have
no
Money
to
pay
Money
,
or
for
those
that
have
less
to
pay
as
much
as
those
that
have
more
;
and
less
Taxes
must
then
also
be
more
grievous
than
greater
were
before
;
if
a
Man
having
100
l.
per
An'
or
100
l.
Stock
,
sink
40
l.
per
Cent.
of
his
Revenue
or
Stock
,
it
is
equal
to
any
direct
Tax
of
40
l.
per
Cent.
and
then
if
a
Tax
or
publick
Charge
of
5
or
10
l.
be
super-added
,
it
is
equal
to
a
former
Tax
of
45
or
50
l.
per
Cent.
It
must
also
disable
a
Nation
to
continue
the
Charge
of
a
War
,
because
the
quantity
of
Money
diffused
amongst
the
People
will
sooner
be
drawn
out
of
the
Home-Markets
;
and
then
they
can
no
longer
raise
Taxes
,
and
when
the
Taxes
fail
,
what
hope
or
dependance
can
there
be
in
the
courage
of
Officers
,
Soldiers
,
or
Sea-men
?
or
how
shall
the
continual
Supplies
of
Warlike
Provisions
of
all
sorts
be
purchased
at
home
or
abroad
?
There
are
yet
other
Concomitants
of
a
growing
Poverty
,
which
must
render
any
Nation
much
the
weaker
,
viz.
discontents
,
uneasiness
,
and
heart-burnings
,
which
when
begun
,
are
easily
fermented
into
Convulsions
,
by
which
a
Nation
may
be
disabled
to
exert
even
its
remaining
strength
.
2.
Perfidy
and
Treachery
amongst
all
sorts
;
needy
Men
are
readily
tempted
to
make
a
Merchandize
of
their
own
Souls
and
other
Mens
Lives
and
Estates
,
and
those
who
will
betray
one
another
for
Money
at
home
,
will
be
equally
wrought
upon
by
forreign
Money
,
and
then
may
be
brought
to
barter
of
both
Princes
and
Countries
;
for
being
once
corrupted
,
they
must
,
like
Women
,
for
ever
remain
slavishly
true
to
the
Intrigue
,
lest
the
Gallant
should
tell
,
of
which
Histories
give
us
many
sad
Examples
.
But
in
a
Nation
where
the
value
of
Land
,
or
Home-Commodities
,
are
risen
40
per
Cent.
he
that
had
100
l.
Revenue
or
Stock
,
paying
40
l.
Tax
,
retains
what
he
had
;
and
if
the
National
Treasure
be
much
greater
,
it
will
support
the
charge
of
a
War
much
longer
,
and
can
hardly
ever
be
totally
exhausted
,
where
there
is
a
considerable
Annual
Increase
of
Treasure
by
Forreign
Trade
:
This
exuberance
of
a
National
Treasure
will
also
generally
support
and
secure
the
Spirit
and
Fidelity
of
all
sorts
of
Men.
It
must
therefore
be
of
most
dangerous
consequence
to
a
Nation
impoverished
by
Trade
,
if
any
other
neighbour-Nation
hath
at
the
same
time
grown
much
richer
in
Treasure
,
since
in
the
case
of
a
War
it
will
produce
the
like
inequality
of
Power
;
nay
if
any
such
richer
Nation
shall
think
fit
to
keep
great
Armies
and
Navies
in
pay
,
(
though
in
times
of
Peace
)
so
must
the
poorer
Nation
,
or
else
be
devoured
at
pleasure
;
and
thus
may
a
Nation
,
drained
by
the
over-ballance
of
Trade
,
be
beggered
,
and
consequently
overcome
without
fighting
,
as
hath
been
intimated
before
.
So
if
a
Nation
grow
generally
more
vitious
,
soft
,
effeminate
,
debauched
,
dispeopled
,
and
undisciplined
than
before
,
it
must
be
much
weaker
than
before
,
wherein
the
danger
must
be
much
greater
if
any
neighbour
Nation
grow
far
more
warlike
,
more
populous
and
better
disciplined
than
before
.
In
which
case
the
better
situated
,
more
useful
,
strong
,
plentiful
,
and
blessed
the
Country
so
impoverished
naturally
is
,
and
the
more
it
doth
abound
in
beautiful
Buildings
,
Women
,
or
other
delicacies
,
it
will
the
more
forcibly
provoke
the
Appetite
of
a
stronger
Nation
to
its
Conquest
,
the
mighty
Hunters
of
the
World
are
for
the
most
desirable
prey
;
so
if
a
Nation
thus
weakned
hath
formerly
been
famous
and
redoubled
for
Arms
and
War
;
those
who
affect
glory
by
Conquest
,
must
have
the
greater
Ambition
to
vassalize
its
People
.
From
what
hath
been
said
it
must
appear
;
first
,
That
a
Nation
must
be
estimated
weak
or
strong
by
comparison
,
with
the
strength
or
weakness
of
Neighbour
Nations
;
if
a
Neighbour
Nation
grow
ten
times
as
strong
as
before
,
the
Nation
which
only
retains
its
usual
and
former
strength
is
weak
;
but
the
Case
must
be
yet
worse
,
if
whilst
the
one
hath
grown
ten
times
stronger
,
the
other
hath
grown
much
weaker
.
2.
That
in
the
present
state
of
the
World
a
Nation
cannot
grow
poor
by
a
consumptive
Trade
with
any
Security
.
In
such
a
Case
the
meer
absoluteness
of
a
Monarchy
would
not
prevent
the
approaching
fatality
,
(
which
I
add
because
Hobbs
and
others
call
it
a
strong
Government
)
absolute
Power
may
suddenly
force
away
that
Treasure
which
the
People
have
,
but
cannot
create
any
,
nor
can
it
carry
on
a
War
,
or
even
support
it self
without
continual
vast
expences
;
and
then
when
the
Treasure
is
drawn
off
into
the
hands
of
Officers
and
Soldiers
,
(
who
pay
no
Taxes
)
it
will
be
found
,
that
the
People
(
who
have
it
not
)
can
no
more
make
Brick
without
Straw
in
this
Age
,
than
heretofore
;
and
will
be
naturally
desirous
to
change
their
Masters
upon
hope
to
be
treated
with
less
rigor
.
Nor
on
the
other
side
will
the
meer
preservation
of
a
legal
Liberty
and
Property
secure
a
Nation
thus
impoverished
,
without
a
concurrent
improvement
of
Trade
,
for
the
Reasons
before
given
;
the
Blessings
which
usually
attend
these
Freedoms
wholly
,
or
very
much
depend
upon
the
Riches
the
People
are
possessed
of
.
It
must
be
confessed
these
Freedoms
make
a
necessary
step
towards
the
improvement
of
Trade
;
where
an
absolute
Power
is
exerted
,
the
conditions
of
Men
are
little
better
than
that
of
Brutes
,
being
continually
lyable
to
Imprisonments
,
Death
,
and
Confiscations
,
at
the
Pleasure
of
others
;
nay
perhaps
are
worse
,
by
the
fears
and
terrors
Men
must
be
always
under
,
even
whilst
they
do
not
actually
suffer
;
which
will
take
away
the
edge
and
life
of
Industry
,
and
will
ruine
or
drive
away
the
Merchants
,
and
those
who
have
Stocks
in
Manufacture
,
who
neither
will
,
nor
can
labour
all
their
lives
for
Wealth
under
daily
expectations
of
losing
what
they
painfully
get
,
which
in
this
last
Age
hath
obliged
the
French
Monarchy
to
permit
divers
Immunities
to
their
Manufacturers
,
and
of
late
to
their
Fishers
and
other
Maritime
.
Traders
,
which
have
now
gotten
the
reputation
of
established
Laws
;
at
least
they
are
such
as
are
satisfactory
to
the
French
Natives
,
who
cannot
have
,
nor
are
acquainted
with
better
terms
,
and
who
are
of
themselves
so
numerous
,
that
they
stand
in
no
need
of
Supplies
of
People
from
abroad
;
and
therefore
of
no
greater
invitations
of
this
nature
to
bring
in
Forreigners
,
and
the
rather
,
because
their
Trade
is
otherwise
so
much
eased
and
incouraged
,
(
of
which
I
shall
have
occasion
to
say
more
;
)
so
have
the
great
Dukes
of
Tuscany
in
this
last
Age
been
curiously
vigilant
to
provide
for
the
Freedom
of
Traders
,
both
Domestick
and
Forreign
:
The
Dutch
,
Venetians
,
Hamburghers
,
and
other
Trading
States
do
yet
farther
secure
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
their
Natives
,
and
others
,
under
their
several
Jurisdictions
,
by
fundamental
and
unalterable
Constitutions
Which
being
admitted
,
it
doth
not
follow
that
a
Nation
which
hath
meer
Liberty
and
Property
,
without
other
requisite
incouragements
,
shall
drive
any
great
Trade
;
we
have
an
Example
in
Genoa
,
at
this
day
,
a
Republick
,
where
,
because
they
set
a
Custom
of
16
per
Cent.
on
Goods
Imported
,
they
lost
their
Trade
of
Forreign
Merchandize
to
Leghorne
,
made
a
free
Port
by
the
Duke
of
Tuscany
;
what
then
may
we
hope
for
from
the
meer
Liberty
and
Property
of
the
English
,
when
in
England
the
Customs
are
generally
higher
,
and
our
other
difficulties
on
Trade
are
yet
more
grievous
than
the
Customs
?
by
the
Accompt
we
have
from
our
first
Discoverers
and
Planters
in
America
,
most
of
these
poor
Nations
had
a
Home-Liberty
and
Property
.
SECT.
X.
Further
presumptions
of
our
late
National
Over-ballance
in
Trade
;
an
Account
from
the
Mint
in
November
75.
and
thence
our
former
Ballance
of
Trade
estimated
.
AS
a
further
Evidence
that
our
National
Trade
hath
been
Consumptive
,
and
that
I
may
silence
the
prevarications
of
some
whose
private
Interest
or
Passions
(
which
are
but
the
fermentations
of
their
Interests
)
teach
them
to
affirm
the
contrary
,
I
shall
take
notice
of
the
following
Accompt
taken
and
Printed
in
November
1675.
for
the
clearing
a
Debate
then
before
a
Committee
of
Parliament
,
intituled
as
followeth
.
An
Account
of
all
the
Gold
and
Silver
Coined
in
His
Majesties
Mint
within
the
Tower
of
London
,
from
the
first
of
October
1599.
being
the
forty
first
year
of
the
Reign
of
Queen
Eliz.
to
November
1675.
being
76
years
,
divided
into
four
parts
;
shewing
how
the
Coin
of
this
Kingdom
did
increase
in
the
three
first
parts
,
proportionable
to
the
increase
of
Trade
and
Navigation
,
and
how
much
it
hath
decreased
in
the
fourth
part
.
Gold
and
Silver
Coined
.
|
Totals
by
Tale.
|
Yearly
Medium
.
|
From
the
first
of
Octob
.
1599.
to
the
last
of
March
1619.
was
Coined
four
Millions
seven
Hundred
seventy
nine
Thousand
three
Hundred
and
fourteen
Pounds
thirteen
Shillings
and
four
Pence
;
which
was
per
An'
two
Hundred
forty
five
Thousand
ninety
two
Pounds
Eleven
Shillings
&
six
Pence
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
4779314
|
13
|
4
|
245092
|
11
|
06
|
From
the
last
of
March
1619.
to
the
last
of
March
1638.
was
Coined
six
Millions
nine
Hundred
thousand
forty
two
Pounds
eleven
Shillings
and
one
Peny
;
which
was
per
An'
three
Hundred
sixty
three
thousand
one
hundred
&
sixty
Pounds
two
Shillings
one
Peny
farthing
.
|
6900042
|
11
|
1
|
363160
|
02
|
1
¼
|
From
the
last
of
March
1638.
to
May
1657.
was
Coined
seven
Millions
seven
Hundred
thirty
three
Thousand
five
Hundred
twenty
one
Pounds
thirteen
Shillings
four
pence
farthing
;
which
was
per
An'
four
Hundred
and
seven
thousand
and
twenty
seven
Pounds
nine
Shillings
one
Peny
½
penny
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
7733521
|
13
|
4
¼
|
407027
|
9
|
1
½
|
From
May
1657.
to
Nov.
75.
being
18
years
and
a
half
,
was
Coined
three
Millions
two
hundred
thirty
eight
thousand
nine
hundred
ninety
seven
Pounds
sixteen
Shillings
and
three
farthings
;
about
one
Million
of
which
was
Harp
and
Cross
Money
,
and
broad
Gold
,
&c.
re-coined
;
which
deducted
,
there
remains
but
2
Millions
two
hundred
thirty
eight
thousand
nine
hundred
ninety
seven
Pounds
16
s.
three
farthings
;
which
was
per
An'
but
one
hundred
twenty
one
thousand
26
l.
eighteen
Shillings
and
four
Pence
.
|
2238997
|
16
|
¾
|
121026
|
18
|
04
|
The
total
of
all
Gold
&
Silver
Coined
in
these
76
years
,
from
the
first
of
Octob.
1599.
to
Novemb.
1675.
was
Coined
twenty
one
Millions
eight
hundred
fifty
one
thousand
eight
hundred
seventy
six
Pounds
fourteen
Shillings
seven
Pence
half-peny
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
|
|
21851876
|
14
|
7
½
|
|
|
|
|
Yearly
Increase
.
|
Total
Increase
|
The
Coin
yearly
increased
in
the
2
d
part
,
from
the
last
of
March
1619.
to
the
last
of
March
1638.
more
than
in
the
first
part
,
one
hundred
and
eighteen
thousand
sixty
seven
Pounds
ten
Shillings
seven
pence
farthing
;
the
Total
thereof
is
two
Millions
two
hundred
forty
three
thousand
two
hundred
eighty
three
Pounds
one
Shilling
two
pence
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
118067
|
10
|
4
|
2243283
|
01
|
02
|
The
Coin
yearly
increased
in
the
3
d
part
,
from
the
last
of
March
1638.
to
May
1657.
one
hundred
sixty
one
thousand
nine
hundred
thirty
four
Pounds
17
s.
7
d.
½
,
the
Total
thereof
is
three
Millions
seventy
six
thousand
seven
hundred
sixty
two
Pounds
fourteen
Shilling
ten
pence
half-peny
.
|
161934
|
17
|
7
½
|
3076762
|
14
|
10
½
|
|
Yearly
Decrease
.
|
Tot'
Decrease
.
|
The
Coin
hath
yearly
decreased
in
the
fourth
part
,
from
May
1657.
to
this
present
November
1675.
being
the
last
eighteen
years
and
half
,
two
hundred
eighty
six
thousand
Pounds
ten
Shillings
nine
pence
half-peny
;
the
total
whereof
is
five
Millions
two
hundred
ninety
one
thousand
and
nine
Pounds
nineteen
Shillings
four
pence
farthing
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
l.
|
s.
|
d.
|
286000
|
10
|
9
½
|
5291009
|
19
|
4
¼
|
This
prodigious
decrease
of
Coin
in
the
last
eighteen
years
,
does
undeniably
evidence
a
vast
decay
in
our
Trade
:
but
since
,
even
in
these
latter
years
,
there
hath
been
somewhat
above
120000
l.
per
An'
Coined
,
as
appears
by
the
Account
,
it
doth
seem
to
administer
an
Objection
,
that
still
there
hath
been
some
National
gain
by
Trade
,
though
much
less
than
before
.
But
this
does
not
follow
,
for
if
more
Money
hath
been
exported
yearly
during
these
last
eighteen
years
than
hath
been
Coined
,
the
National
Treasure
must
be
diminished
:
Now
if
we
have
been
over-ballanced
,
more
Money
must
be
exported
;
so
that
it
will
resolve
into
the
former
Question
.
It
is
a
vain
thing
to
say
,
that
the
exportation
of
Money
in
specie
stands
still
prohibited
;
so
is
the
exporting
of
Treasure
prohibited
in
Spain
under
the
highest
Penalties
;
and
yet
because
Spain
is
over-ballanced
by
consumptive
Importations
,
Forreigners
continually
carry
it
away
;
so
that
were
it
not
for
their
Mines
,
there
would
not
have
been
the
value
of
a
Peny
left
in
Spain
many
years
since
;
nor
can
their
Mines
so
answer
this
mighty
drain
by
a
consumptive
Trade
,
but
that
the
Treasures
of
Spain
are
drawn
lower
than
in
any
Nation
in
Europe
.
And
therefore
though
the
ordinary
Trading
with
exported
Money
is
condemnable
,
as
that
which
tends
to
the
subversion
of
Manufacture
and
People
,
and
facilitates
meer
Importation
;
yet
I
cannot
recommend
prohibitory
Laws
as
a
means
to
stop
the
exportation
of
Money
,
unless
at
the
same
time
the
Methods
of
Trade
be
regulated
.
'T
is
now
become
more
practicable
by
the
Liberty
given
for
the
Exportation
of
Bullion
;
for
upon
any
great
emergency
for
Bullion
,
(
as
for
instance
)
upon
the
going
out
of
an
East-India
Fleet
,
Standard-Silver
hath
risen
from
5
s.
the
Ounce
to
5
s.
4
d.
the
Ounce
;
which
being
about
10
per
Cent.
must
not
only
hinder
the
Coining
of
Bullion
,
but
must
cause
our
weighty
Coin
to
be
melted
into
Bullion
,
and
so
exported
as
it
hath
been
noted
before
.
And
upon
the
like
occasions
't
is
observable
,
that
Guinnies
rise
to
22
s.
apiece
,
&
broad
●old
to
24
s.
apiece
,
which
does
evince
,
that
those
who
use
that
Trade
do
not
confine
themselves
to
Bullion
.
So
't
is
notorious
to
those
who
understand
our
North●r●
and
Eastern
Trades
,
and
our
Trade
to
France
,
the
Con●ries
,
Turkey
,
&c.
that
we
yearly
export
great
quantities
of
Treasure
to
those
and
other
Countries
,
and
that
we
do
not
stick
at
Coined
Money
,
being
closely
put
up
in
Packs
of
Goods
or
Barrels
,
or
however
may
be
made
lawful
and
laudable
Merchandize
by
melting
;
whence
it
is
come
to
be
so
commonly
asserted
a
Commodity
;
and
then
if
we
look
back
and
observe
how
little
hath
been
Coined
in
the
18
years
since
(
57
)
being
but
121026
l.
per
An'
,
it
must
be
highly
credible
,
that
we
have
exported
much
more
Money
yearly
than
we
have
Coined
.
But
to
make
the
over-ballance
yet
more
evident
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
find
out
,
if
possible
,
what
was
the
yearly
Treasure
the
Nation
gained
by
Forreign
Trade
,
at
any
time
in
this
last
Age
;
and
in
the
next
place
,
how
much
our
Exportations
and
beneficial
part
of
our
Trade
have
since
failed
,
and
our
Importations
increased
in
quantity
and
value
.
The
increase
of
Home-Treasure
must
either
be
in
Coined
Money
,
or
in
Plate
,
made
up
for
Home-uses
;
for
all
Bullion
imported
must
either
be
converted
into
one
of
these
at
home
,
or
else
be
re-exported
,
and
then
't
is
not
superadded
to
the
National
Home-Treasure
.
Now
if
we
look
back
to
the
Accompt
from
the
Mint
,
we
may
conclude
,
that
during
those
76
years
,
our
Trade
did
never
add
more
to
our
Coin
yearly
than
407027
l.
9
s.
1
d.
½
for
any
number
of
20
years
together
;
this
being
the
utmost
Medium
comprized
in
the
Accompt
.
And
this
being
in
the
18
years
before
(
57
,
Plate
Coined
by
the
King
at
Oxon
,
and
Parliament
at
London
.
)
was
not
all
the
meer
product
of
the
Trade
of
these
very
years
,
for
't
is
well
known
that
during
those
years
we
had
good
quantities
of
our
own
Plate
Coined
into
▪
Money
,
't
is
not
possible
for
me
to
ascertain
how
much
;
but
if
it
were
a
Million
,
it
ought
to
be
deducted
out
of
the
Medium
of
those
years
.
So
during
those
18
years
,
our
Trade
might
yet
add
less
to
our
Coined
Money
,
viz.
in
case
our
Forreign
Trade
did
then
export
any
of
our
Coined
Money
,
the
like
may
be
said
of
any
other
of
the
said
18
years
or
Mediums
in
the
Accompt
;
and
then
must
all
the
Money
so
exported
be
also
deducted
out
of
the
Annual
Gain
of
those
years
.
I
believe
none
will
expect
that
I
should
adjust
the
yearly
quantity
of
Money
exported
by
stealth
in
our
Forreign
Trade
before
(
57
,
)
I
shall
leave
it
to
the
consideration
of
the
indifferent
Reader
upon
what
I
shall
add
;
but
't
is
evident
,
that
our
Merchants
did
formerly
use
to
export
Money
,
by
the
prohibitory
Statutes
made
on
that
occasion
▪
It
may
be
also
further
evident
,
that
the
yearly
quantity
of
Money
so
exported
before
57
was
considerable
;
for
before
the
76
years
mentioned
in
the
Accompt
,
we
must
have
had
some
stock
of
Money
in
the
Nation
,
which
supposing
to
be
but
six
Millions
,
then
adding
what
more
was
Coined
during
the
said
76
years
,
we
must
have
had
near
30
Millions
of
Coin
in
the
Nation
before
57
,
had
none
been
exported
;
whereas
no
intelligent
Man
will
say
we
had
then
half
that
Sum
;
which
if
doubted
I
shall
have
occasion
to
enforce
further
;
and
if
this
be
admitted
,
the
Consequence
must
be
,
that
our
Forreign
Trade
and
occasions
did
even
before
57
carry
off
near
half
as
much
Money
as
was
yearly
Coined
;
and
then
our
National
yearly
Gain
in
Coined
Treasure
would
not
be
near
to
the
aforesaid
full
Mediums
Coined
,
nor
to
above
half
the
Mediums
,
(
taking
any
number
of
years
together
.
)
Nor
can
we
reckon
or
allow
of
above
50000
l.
per
Annum
for
increase
of
Home-Plate
,
during
any
of
the
said
18
years
,
considering
that
much
Plate
is
always
brought
back
to
the
Mint
,
or
turned
into
Bullion
,
as
other
new
Plate
is
made
;
and
that
at
this
allowance
for
Plate
,
in
any
twenty
years
time
there
would
be
a
Million
increase
of
Home-Plate
in
the
Nation
.
Upon
the
whole
the
Reader
may
observe
what
our
utmost
National
Gain
in
increase
of
Treasure
possibly
might
be
,
and
upon
the
aforesaid
grounds
may
deduct
from
any
of
the
Mediums
as
he
shall
think
reasonable
,
wherein
I
shall
not
pretend
to
confine
him
,
though
in
my
private
Judgment
I
cannot
estimate
our
utmost
National
increase
of
Treasure
by
Trade
during
any
of
the
said
76
years
to
be
above
250000
l.
per
Annum
,
or
thereabouts
for
any
twenty
years
together
.
Considering
which
,
if
the
indifferent
Reader
shall
reflect
on
what
hath
been
said
in
the
5
th
,
6
th
,
7
th
and
8
th
Sections
,
if
he
there
find
that
our
Trade
hath
been
under
such
difficulties
,
as
must
necessarily
work
us
out
of
all
the
parts
of
it
,
whilst
our
Neighbours
are
enabled
to
snatch
it
from
us
:
If
he
there
find
undeniable
Instances
of
it
in
some
Particulars
,
he
may
for
the
same
Reasons
conclude
the
like
in
all
others
;
and
by
Consequence
that
our
National
Trade
long
before
this
,
became
less
beneficial
than
it
was
by
250000
l.
per
Annum
;
it
hath
been
always
found
most
safe
to
be
governed
by
the
Causes
and
Reasons
of
things
,
but
the
concurrent
impoverishment
of
our
People
,
and
other
the
Symptoms
,
Plague-sores
,
and
Spots
of
a
consumptive
Trade
do
further
evidence
it
.
It
is
confessed
it
would
be
of
great
use
,
if
the
odds
in
our
past
and
present
National
Forreign
Trade
might
be
certainly
stated
;
a
difficult
,
if
not
impossible
task
:
Since
it
requires
an
antient
,
as
well
as
modern
experience
in
Forreign
Trade
,
and
not
of
any
one
Trader
only
,
but
of
so
many
as
have
traded
into
all
Parts
;
of
those
that
are
curious
,
intelligent
,
and
impartial
,
and
have
minded
the
publick
Interest
as
well
as
their
own
;
perhaps
if
a
sufficient
number
of
such
as
these
did
assemble
,
they
might
,
upon
debate
,
and
with
reference
to
their
Books
,
bring
the
Compute
very
near
the
truth
;
but
nothing
of
this
hath
been
done
of
late
;
and
whosoever
shall
promiscuously
consult
our
Traders
apart
,
will
find
them
various
:
Then
for
our
Custom-Books
old
or
new
,
though
they
might
be
useful
for
some
things
,
yet
they
cannot
ascertain
us
in
the
odds
of
the
Forreign
values
of
any
Exported
or
Imported
Goods
,
nor
of
the
quantity
of
Imported
prohibited
or
smuggled
Goods
,
nor
(
as
I
conceive
)
of
our
former
or
present
Fishing-Trade
,
(
Fish
paying
no
Custom
)
nor
of
the
gain
of
Carriage
,
nor
of
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
;
without
which
the
certain
odds
in
the
Ballance
cannot
be
calculated
;
and
therefore
for
my
own
part
I
rest
chiefly
on
what
hath
been
said
;
believing
my self
secure
whilst
I
keep
my self
to
the
rational
part
,
which
cannot
be
refuted
but
by
Reason
:
Whereas
I
am
apprehensive
that
should
I
descend
to
examine
our
Ballance
of
Trade
by
the
particular
effects
of
the
foregoing
Causes
,
these
being
matters
of
Fact
,
and
very
many
,
and
most
of
them
Forreign
,
and
of
less
Notoriety
,
may
be
liable
to
Exceptions
or
Cavils
of
particular
Men
,
as
their
different
Sentiments
or
Interests
may
dictate
;
it
being
as
easie
to
deny
as
affirm
,
and
as
hard
for
many
Readers
to
determine
the
truth
in
th●se
matters
;
whereby
the
sincerity
of
the
Relator
may
be
drawn
into
question
;
and
at
such
times
,
when
he
shall
have
no
opportunity
to
defend
himself
:
and
I
am
not
insensible
,
that
amongst
so
many
Facts
as
the
nature
of
this
Subject
hath
forced
me
to
mention
,
(
whereof
I
must
speak
much
upon
the
credit
I
give
to
others
)
't
is
impossible
there
may
be
some
slips
,
even
by
the
transcribing
of
Papers
:
Upon
these
Considerations
,
I
had
thoughts
of
laying
aside
part
of
the
three
next
Sections
as
needless
,
and
neglected
somewhat
of
that
Curiosity
I
intended
,
but
being
perused
and
approved
by
some
Friends
amongst
the
rest
of
these
Papers
,
they
have
perswaded
me
to
publish
them
as
they
are
,
upon
apprehension
that
they
will
enforce
what
I
have
already
said
,
though
left
so
general
,
and
will
give
the
Reader
a
further
useful
light
into
the
past
and
present
nature
and
condition
of
our
Trade
and
Nation
:
and
since
they
do
not
bind
up
the
Reader
to
precise
Quantities
and
Values
,
can
admit
of
little
alteration
;
in
which
I
have
been
the
more
ready
to
comply
,
upon
hopes
that
I
may
awaken
and
spur
on
the
virtuous
emulation
of
others
to
a
more
compleat
disquisition
into
the
several
branches
of
our
Trade
,
and
that
the
Reader
will
think
me
the
more
excusable
in
this
and
the
rest
I
have
undertaken
,
wh●n
he
shall
observe
the
present
Subject
so
Copious
,
and
so
little
laboured
by
other
Writers
,
that
I
have
no
common
Places
or
beaten
Tracks
to
follow
,
as
in
other
Studies
.
This
I
assure
the
Reader
,
that
amongst
the
following
instances
,
or
elsewhere
,
there
are
no
wilfull
or
effected
errors
,
and
that
I
have
not
affirmed
any
thing
which
I
do
not
know
,
but
upon
such
Authority
as
I
have
reason
to
believe
highly
credible
,
and
am
confident
that
whatsoever
mistakes
in
Fact
the
Curious
may
find
out
in
what
I
have
already
said
,
or
shall
say
,
there
are
none
such
as
do
in
the
least
impeach
the
force
or
reason
of
this
Discourse
,
and
then
must
be
admitted
immaterial
.
To
which
I
shall
add
,
that
by
the
following
Essay
,
I
do
not
pretend
to
that
difficult
work
of
adjusting
the
present
Ballance
of
our
Trade
,
but
to
evince
,
that
the
former
Ballance
of
our
Trade
(
as
it
may
be
computed
from
the
aforesaid
Accompt
,
from
the
Mint
or
otherwise
)
is
grown
consumptive
in
some
degree
;
which
I
think
will
appear
to
the
indifferent
Readers
satisfaction
,
upon
consideration
of
some
late
decays
and
defalcations
in
our
Trade
,
wherein
I
shall
confine
my self
to
such
as
have
happened
long
after
the
beginning
of
the
76
years
mentioned
in
the
Accompt
,
from
the
Mint
,
many
of
them
within
20
years
last
.
SECT.
XI
.
Particular
decays
in
our
Exportations
,
and
the
beneficial
parts
of
our
Trade
;
Instances
in
the
decay
of
our
Foreign-Trade
for
Woollen
Clothing
,
in
the
several
Countries
and
Ports
we
Traded
to
,
in
the
sinking
of
the
foreign
price
of
this
Manufacture
,
so
of
exporting
Wooll
,
in
our
foreign
victualling
Trades
for
Flesh
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
&c.
in
our
Irish
Trade
,
and
Scotch
Trade
for
almost
all
sorts
of
Commodities
:
Irish
Wooll
increased
:
The
Expiration
of
the
Irish
Acts
will
not
now
revest
that
Trade
,
but
prejudice
us
more
,
and
in
what
:
decays
in
our
several
former
and
late
▪
Fishing-Trades
,
in
our
Foreign-Trade
for
Stockings
and
Hats
in
our
exports
to
the
Canaries
,
in
the
Foreign-Price
of
our
exported
Tyn
and
Lead
,
and
the
Price
and
quantity
of
exported
Pewter
,
in
our
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
our
former
and
late
prejudices
in
our
Plantation-Trade
,
incidently
of
our
Navigation
and
other
things
.
I
Shall
begin
with
our
Exportations
,
and
as
I
shall
pass
from
one
particular
to
another
,
in
this
and
the
next
Section
,
shall
desire
the
indifferent
Reader
to
put
such
an
estimation
on
our
losses
in
Trade
,
as
he
shall
think
reasonable
;
and
shall
first
instance
in
our
Woollen
Manufactures
,
as
being
our
principal
Commodity
,
and
certainly
of
the
most
general
and
necessary
use
,
(
and
therefore
in
its
nature
the
best
)
in
the
World.
Before
Edward
the
thirds
time
the
Flemings
Manufactured
our
Wooll
,
and
had
the
Merchandize
of
it
,
which
gave
the
original
Foundation
to
the
former
Wealth
and
Popularity
of
the
Netherlands
.
Edw.
3.
observing
the
great
advantages
the
Flemings
made
of
our
Wooll
,
brought
over
some
Flemish
Manufacturers
,
who
by
degrees
taught
the
Manufacture
of
Cloaths
of
all
sorts
,
Worsted
and
divers
others
,
particularly
mentioned
in
our
Statutes
of
former
times
:
and
as
the
English
more
applied
themselves
to
it
,
and
increased
ours
(
as
soon
they
did
)
so
did
that
of
the
Flemings
decay
.
For
first
,
the
English
had
the
materials
cheaper
than
the
Flemings
,
not
only
by
the
odds
in
the
carriage
out
of
England
,
but
because
the
raw
Woolls
afterwards
exported
were
charged
with
great
Customs
and
Duties
to
the
King
,
as
appears
by
the
Acts
and
Writings
of
those
times
.
Secondly
,
Because
the
Manufacture
was
continually
incouraged
,
and
taken
care
of
by
Laws
for
that
purpose
,
as
also
appears
by
our
Statute-Book
.
Thirdly
,
At
that
time
we
had
none
of
the
present
Clogs
on
our
Manufactures
,
which
have
either
become
so
by
the
better
Methods
of
Trade
first
contrived
by
the
Dutch
States
,
or
have
been
grafted
upon
us
by
private
or
mistaken
interests
long
since
Edw.
3ds
time
.
I
do
not
find
that
there
was
any
absolute
Prohibition
of
exporting
Wooll
till
the
Statute
of
the
12th
of
His
now
Majesty
,
chap.
32.
yet
the
example
of
our
cunning
Neighbours
now
tell
us
,
that
Prohibitions
,
accompanied
with
a
due
Improvement
of
Trade
at
home
,
are
not
to
be
condemned
.
The
Flemish
Cloath-trade
was
long
since
so
far
reduced
,
that
we
had
the
sole
Merchandise
of
it
,
yet
it
cannot
be
denyed
but
the
Flemings
kept
up
a
Manufacture
of
a
sort
of
Stuffs
and
Sayes
,
(
but
of
no
great
bulk
)
the
make
whereof
the
English
had
not
been
taught
,
till
the
Duke
of
Alva
about
100
years
since
by
his
Tyranny
and
Persecution
for
Conscience
,
drove
away
their
Manufacturers
,
whom
Queen
Elizabeth
like
her
wise
Predecessor
Edward
the
third
entertained
,
seating
them
in
Norwich
,
Colchester
,
and
Canterbury
,
whereby
these
Manufactures
became
incorporated
into
the
English
,
to
the
great
advantage
of
those
parts
,
and
of
the
Nation
in
general
:
they
also
taught
us
the
art
of
making
Tapestry
.
Before
this
the
English
exported
great
quantities
of
our
Manufacture
into
Flanders
,
but
doubtless
more
afterwards
,
for
which
we
kept
a
rich
Staple
at
Antwerp
,
the
Dutch
long
after
they
became
States
were
ignorant
of
this
Manufacture
,
whom
we
therefore
wholly
supplied
,
exporting
vast
quantities
of
our
Cloaths
thither
,
most
Whites
,
which
were
there
dyed
and
dressed
,
and
from
these
parts
transmitted
into
the
Southern
and
South-east
Countries
of
Germany
,
and
many
other
Nations
:
we
had
also
the
sole
trade
up
the
Elbe
,
and
thereby
to
the
North
parts
of
Germany
,
Jutland
and
Holsteyne
.
We
had
the
sole
Trade
into
Denmark
,
Norway
,
Swedeland
and
Liefland
,
and
to
the
great
Territory
of
Poland
(
through
Dantzick
)
by
our
Eastland
Company
,
formerly
very
flourishing
,
and
called
the
Royal
Company
.
We
had
also
the
sole
Trade
to
the
vast
Empire
of
Muscovy
.
All
which
Trades
are
sunk
to
a
small
matter
,
the
Dutch
having
set
up
mighty
Woollen
Manufactures
of
all
sorts
,
and
the
Flemings
renewed
or
enlarged
theirs
,
our
exports
to
those
parts
are
very
much
reduced
.
Our
Hamburgh
Company
,
by
whom
the
North
parts
of
Germany
,
Jutland
and
Holsteyne
were
supplied
,
do
not
vend
near
half
what
they
did
,
the
Dutch
and
other
Manufactures
having
prevailed
upon
us
in
those
parts
,
both
for
the
Finest
and
Coursest
Cloaths
:
what
we
now
export
to
Hamburgh
are
a
sort
of
Cloaths
of
between
3
,
and
7
s.
a
Yard
,
and
of
those
not
near
the
former
quantity
.
Then
for
our
Eastland
Trade
it
is
sunk
more
,
I
have
heard
several
Estimates
,
all
near
concurring
with
what
I
find
in
Mr.
Cokes
third
Treatise
of
Trade
,
Pag.
33
,
34.
dedicated
to
Prince
Rupert
,
viz.
That
this
Company
only
heretofore
usually
exported
above
20000
Broad
Cloaths
,
60000
Kerseys
and
40000
Doubles
yearly
;
but
of
late
years
not
above
4000
Broad
Cloaths
,
5000
Kerseys
,
and
2000
Doubles
.
To
give
this
worthy
Gentleman
his
due
,
he
hath
written
more
materially
on
the
present
subject
than
any
man
in
this
Age
,
in
which
he
hath
not
only
demonstrated
his
deep
Judgement
,
but
his
great
sedulity
and
sincerity
in
the
discovery
of
the
truth
,
Pag.
112.
professing
himself
ready
to
make
out
whatsoever
he
hath
reported
,
before
any
Judicature
.
There
is
too
much
reason
and
fact
to
warrant
the
great
decay
of
this
Eastland
Trade
,
when
the
Dutch
Manufacture
is
arrived
to
such
a
degree
,
besides
which
the
Silesian
and
Polonian
Manufactures
of
Coarse
Woolls
are
mightily
increased
,
so
that
at
Dantzick
,
our
late
great
staple
,
we
now
sell
so
little
that
't
is
not
worth
the
naming
;
we
now
trade
thither
with
Treasure
,
whence
we
used
to
Import
much
;
the
like
may
be
said
of
other
Ports
this
Company
formerly
traded
to
.
Then
for
Swedeland
,
the
Natives
have
lately
set
up
a
Manufacture
there
of
their
Coarse
Woolls
,
as
well
as
Denmark
,
Liefland
and
Norway
,
are
very
much
supplied
by
the
Dutch
,
imposing
greater
Prices
and
Customs
upon
us
for
what
they
vend
,
and
insisting
to
have
Treasure
of
us
,
where
before
they
bartered
for
Commodity
.
To
which
I
may
add
,
That
our
late
great
Muscovy
Trade
is
in
a
manner
lost
;
the
same
Mr.
Coke
takes
notice
that
the
Dutch
send
1500
Sail
of
Ships
into
the
Sound
in
a
year
,
and
40
to
Muscovy
,
we
do
not
send
above
seven
into
the
Sound
in
a
year
,
of
which
two
are
laden
with
woollen
Manufactures
,
the
other
five
with
Ballast
,
(
and
are
therefore
to
buy
their
foreign
lading
)
and
to
Muscovy
we
hardly
send
two
in
three
years
;
during
the
late
War
we
have
sent
somewhat
more
.
We
had
also
the
sole
trading
for
woollen
Cloathing
into
France
,
of
which
we
vended
thereto
the
value
of
600000
l.
yearly
;
but
the
French
having
for
these
later
years
set
up
this
Manufacture
at
home
,
do
now
supply
themselves
;
and
as
their
own
hath
increased
,
so
have
they
laid
greater
Impositions
upon
ours
,
till
in
(
67
)
the
French
King
set
an
intolerable
Tax
of
about
50
per
Cent.
on
all
our
Cloathing
imported
into
France
,
This
value
of
our
exported
Cloathing
to
France
is
avouched
by
our
Antient
Traders
thither
,
and
so
asserted
in
the
Printed
Book
in
(
77
)
in
defence
of
our
East-India
Company
.
by
which
our
Cloathing-trade
to
France
became
in
a
manner
impracticable
,
nor
have
the
French
any
occasion
to
open
this
Trade
to
us
again
.
-
000000
We
had
also
the
sole
Cloathing-Trade
into
Turkey
,
Spain
and
its
Dominion
;
and
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
we
have
supported
our
Turkey-Trade
better
than
any
other
,
much
occasioned
by
our
importation
of
raw
Silk
from
those
parts
,
for
which
we
used
to
barter
:
but
of
late
years
the
Dutch
are
great
Competitors
with
us
in
the
Turkey-Trade
,
(
though
the
English
may
have
had
the
advantage
whilst
the
Dutch
have
been
engaged
in
the
late
War
;
)
the
French
have
been
long
nibling
at
this
Trade
,
and
both
the
French
and
Dutch
largely
share
with
us
in
the
Spanish-Trade
.
-
000000
But
what
is
yet
more
grievous
,
we
import
much
Fine
Cloth
from
the
Dutch
yearly
,
and
till
of
late
great
quantities
of
Stuffs
and
Druggets
from
the
French
,
which
French
Importation
(
only
)
amounted
to
the
value
of
150000
l.
per
Annum
,
as
Mr.
Fortrey
in
his
Book
of
Trade
reports
;
how
much
of
these
,
or
other
French
Goods
may
be
imported
for
the
future
,
may
be
guessed
from
what
I
shall
say
in
the
last
Section
concerning
the
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
;
in
the
mean
time
it
may
be
observed
,
how
far
our
late
Monopoly
of
the
Woollen
Manufacture
is
vanished
.
We
had
also
the
sole
Trade
for
Woollen
Manufactures
to
the
Kingdom
of
Portugal
,
which
Trade
hath
been
decaying
several
years
,
because
of
the
Competition
of
the
French
and
Dutch
,
but
of
late
hath
been
worse
than
ever
;
by
reason
that
the
Government
of
Portugal
since
the
year
1660
hath
prohibited
the
wearing
of
English
Cloath
;
having
set
up
this
Manufacture
of
their
own
Wools
;
we
still
drive
a
Trade
thither
hear
the
Complaints
of
these
Clothiers
,
who
continue
in
the
Manufacture
.
-
000000
I
may
add
,
that
our
exported
Wool
is
sunk
to
about
a
third
of
its
late
price
.
-
000000
And
whereas
before
the
said
Irish
Acts
,
Foreign
Ships
did
use
to
victual
themselves
out
of
the
plenties
of
England
,
the
Irish
being
since
forced
to
fat
their
own
Cattle
at
home
,
and
by
the
cheapness
of
their
Lands
being
enabled
to
sell
cheaper
than
the
English
,
Foreigners
do
now
victual
their
Ships
out
of
the
new
stores
of
Ireland
,
and
cheaper
than
we
can
in
England
;
by
which
we
are
beat
out
of
the
Trade
of
Foreign
Victualing
?
nay
,
what
is
yet
harder
upon
us
,
the
very
English
Ships
do
now
ordinarily
victual
from
Ireland
:
this
Trade
of
Victualling
is
also
much
prejudiced
by
our
late
Art
of
Navigation
,
which
does
exclude
much
Forreign
Shipping
from
our
Ports
;
and
of
what
yearly
loss
this
must
be
to
the
English
Nation
,
and
more
particularly
to
the
English
Land-holders
,
I
submit
to
Judgement
.
-
000000
Also
the
English
,
before
the
said
Irish
Acts
,
Exported
vast
quantities
of
Butter
to
France
,
Spain
,
Portugal
,
Flanders
,
Italy
,
and
into
Ireland
it self
,
and
Cheese
also
;
but
the
Irish
by
the
Stop
of
Importation
of
lean
Cattle
,
being
put
to
make
another
Rent
of
their
Land
,
have
set
themselves
to
the
making
of
Butter
and
Cheese
,
and
do
not
only
supply
themselves
,
but
by
the
cheapness
of
their
Lands
do
under-sell
us
to
these
Foreigners
,
and
have
therefore
in
a
manner
beaten
us
out
of
this
Trade
;
and
how
much
this
must
affect
the
Dairies
and
Rents
of
England
,
and
what
the
yearly
loss
to
England
may
amount
to
,
I
also
submit
to
Judgment
.
-
000000
So
before
the
said
Irish
Acts
,
England
did
furnish
Ireland
with
Hats
,
Stockings
,
Dying
Stuffs
,
Hides
,
Fruit
,
Sugars
,
Tobaccoes
,
Silks
of
all
sorts
,
Gold
,
Silver
,
and
Silk
Lace
,
and
Ribbons
of
all
sorts
.
And
before
the
Act
of
15
Car.
2.
cap.
7.
Intituled
,
Trade
Incouraged
(
by
which
the
Importation
of
Scotch
Cattle
was
stopt
)
England
did
furnish
Scotland
with
wrought
Wire
of
all
sorts
,
Haberdashers
Ware
,
as
Hats
,
Ribbons
,
Gloves
,
Buttons
,
Bandstrings
of
all
sorts
,
Vpholsterers
Ware
,
as
Hangings
,
Stools
,
Chairs
,
&c.
all
sorts
of
Cutlers
Ware
,
as
Knives
,
Scissers
,
Sickles
,
Scithes
,
all
sorts
of
Slop-sellers
Ware
,
as
Stockings
,
Caps
,
course
Shifts
,
and
Frocks
:
By
all
which
,
the
English
Manufacturers
and
Nation
made
considerable
Gain
.
But
the
Commerce
between
between
England
and
Ireland
,
and
England
and
Scotland
,
being
stopt
by
reason
of
the
said
Acts
,
the
Irish
and
Scotch
do
otherwise
supply
themselves
with
these
Manufactures
,
partly
by
the
like
Manufactures
set
up
at
home
,
partly
by
such
other
Foreigners
with
whom
they
now
Trade
:
And
the
Scots
upon
occasion
of
the
said
Act
of
15
Car.
2.
imposed
a
Tax
of
90
per
Cent.
on
all
English
Commodities
Imported
into
Scotland
.
-
000000
It
is
a
hard
matter
to
put
a
just
Estimate
on
these
yearly
Losses
;
for
the
present
I
shall
leave
it
to
be
computed
by
our
Melancholick
English
Tradesmen
.
By
means
of
the
same
Irish
Acts
,
we
have
also
lost
the
Exportation
of
English
Hops
and
Beer
from
the
Eastern
,
Southern
,
and
Western
Parts
of
England
into
Ireland
.
-
000000
And
whereas
before
the
said
Irish
Acts
,
England
was
the
Storehouse
of
Ireland
,
and
did
furnish
the
Irish
with
Foreign
imported
Wares
of
all
sorts
,
and
our
Irish
Trade
did
maintain
above
100
Sail
of
our
Ships
sailing
between
,
besides
what
were
employed
outwards
with
Commodities
of
the
growths
of
Ireland
;
since
the
said
Acts
,
the
Irish
are
supplied
by
the
Dutch
,
or
other
Foreign
Stores
and
Navigation
,
and
are
much
increased
in
Shipping
of
their
own
.
-
000000
And
as
if
the
mischief
of
these
Acts
would
never
have
an
end
,
it
may
be
further
observed
,
they
were
the
occasion
of
Increase
of
Sheep
,
and
thereby
of
a
vast
Increase
of
Wool
in
Ireland
,
by
which
the
French
and
Dutch
Woollen
Manufactures
are
now
more
plentifully
supported
,
and
rather
cheaper
than
the
English.
-
000000
And
now
the
Irish
,
for
the
former
Reasons
,
also
furnish
our
Foreign
Plantations
,
with
very
much
of
their
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Clothes
,
and
other
necessaries
of
the
growth
and
product
of
Ireland
:
Considering
which
,
and
that
those
of
New
England
,
of
late
furnish
the
rest
with
Flower
,
Bisket
,
Salt
,
Flesh
,
Fish
,
&c.
(
all
which
were
formerly
Exported
from
hence
)
we
may
expect
our
Plantation-Trade
for
Sugar
,
Tobacco
,
&c.
must
e're
long
be
wholly
driven
with
Exported
Money
,
or
with
foreign
Goods
bought
with
Exported
Money
,
since
by
this
means
,
by
the
insufficiency
of
our
own
home-Manufactures
,
and
the
growing
Luxury
of
our
Planters
,
we
are
forced
to
send
vast
quantities
thither
already
,
particularly
,
foreign
Linnens
of
all
sorts
,
Paper
,
Silks
,
and
Wines
of
all
sorts
,
Brandies
,
and
other
things
mentioned
in
the
next
Section
,
besides
great
quantities
of
Wines
sent
from
the
Madera's
,
paid
by
Bills
of
Exchange
drawn
on
our
Merchants
in
Lisbon
.
The
consequence
of
the
Whole
is
,
that
the
loss
of
the
Irish
Trade
,
and
the
consequences
thereof
,
have
much
assisted
in
the
Impoverishment
of
the
English
,
(
who
bear
almost
all
the
Charge
of
the
Government
)
and
will
eat
upon
us
more
and
more
daily
;
and
on
the
other
side
the
Irish
,
who
lately
dealt
so
cruelly
by
us
,
and
are
a
Conquered
People
,
are
made
far
richer
on
a
suddain
,
and
that
the
Irish
Lands
do
much
rise
in
Rent
,
whilest
the
English
sink
.
-
000000
Having
given
this
Accompt
of
our
direct
and
Consequential
Losses
by
the
Irish
Acts
,
I
expect
to
be
Answered
by
some
,
That
howsoever
these
Acts
may
have
prejudiced
us
for
the
time
past
,
they
are
now
expired
,
and
that
by
Consequence
we
shall
now
be
let
into
all
the
advantages
we
had
before
the
Acts
made
.
This
I
shall
examine
before
I
go
further
,
and
with
that
Impartiality
as
I
think
becomes
an
English-man
,
without
being
byassed
by
the
Situation
of
my
Lands
:
which
if
any
man
does
,
this
Consequence
must
appear
mistaken
.
For
first
,
The
Manufactures
set
up
in
Ireland
,
will
still
Continue
to
the
same
prejudice
of
ours
;
and
't
is
highly
probable
(
if
not
certain
)
that
they
will
Improve
,
by
the
cheapness
of
their
Provision
and
Wages
.
Secondly
,
Having
now
long
used
to
fatt
their
Cattle
(
with
which
they
do
not
only
continually
Victual
all
sorts
of
Ships
,
but
Forreign
Towns
,
Armies
and
Nations
,
particularly
the
French
,
and
those
of
the
United
Provinces
,
besides
the
Return
they
make
by
the
Vent
of
their
Hides
and
Tallowes
)
it
is
not
to
be
Imagined
that
they
will
be
so
mad
as
to
give
up
this
far
more
profitable
Trade
.
Thirdly
,
They
will
breed
,
manufacture
,
and
Export
as
much
Wooll
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
&c.
as
before
.
Fourthly
,
These
Exportations
obliging
them
to
Commerce
with
the
French
and
Dutch
,
as
before
,
it
must
be
expected
that
they
will
generally
still
buy
such
Commodities
as
they
want
of
the
Dutch
and
French
;
and
much
the
rather
,
because
the
Dutch
and
French
,
for
Reasons
before
mentioned
,
can
and
will
afford
them
much
cheaper
than
the
English.
What
Advantages
shall
we
then
have
by
the
expiring
of
the
Irish
Acts
?
't
is
confessed
,
that
their
Territory
being
large
,
most
Fruitful
,
and
now
plentifully
stored
with
Cattle
,
they
may
carry
on
their
other
Trades
,
and
yet
furnish
us
with
abundant
Stores
of
Cattle
for
our
Money
;
which
they
already
do
,
sending
many
of
their
Cattle
near
or
altogether
fatt
:
supposing
them
lean
,
yet
will
not
this
Nation
get
3
d.
a
year
by
it
,
but
will
be
a
yearly
loser
.
For
the
meer
Importing
of
Irish
Cattle
,
did
never
advantage
this
Nation
otherwise
,
than
as
it
secured
the
Irish
in
that
base
way
of
Trade
,
and
from
turning
their
National
Industry
into
a
Competition
with
the
English
in
other
Trades
;
during
which
time
,
what
Money
they
received
for
their
Cattle
,
they
generally
laid
out
in
London
,
or
elsewhere
in
England
,
for
the
Commodities
I
mentioned
before
,
and
others
,
by
which
Ireland
was
stored
;
But
now
I
do
not
see
how
it
can
be
avoided
,
but
that
they
will
carry
out
all
or
the
greatest
part
of
the
Money
they
receive
,
in
Specie
,
which
may
probably
be
little
less
than
100000
l.
per
Annum
,
I
conceive
much
more
than
double
that
Sum
,
Considering
what
Victuals
and
other
Commodities
we
freight
from
thence
in
our
Voyages
Yearly
;
so
that
the
Importing
of
these
Cattle
will
not
only
-
000000
greatly
sink
the
Welch
and
Northern
Rents
,
but
all
other
Rents
in
a
little
time
;
which
must
demonstrate
the
further
necessity
of
Easing
and
regulating
our
Trade
equal
to
the
Dutch
or
French
,
who
will
otherwise
thrust
us
out
of
this
Trade
and
all
other
,
and
will
give
a
greater
Vent
to
the
Irish
Commodities
daily
.
In
the
mean
time
we
may
observe
,
that
we
ought
not
to
be
governed
by
such
narrow
Principles
as
the
Situation
of
our
English
Lands
,
but
by
the
National
Interest
.
Lastly
,
I
shall
add
,
That
should
we
suppose
a
Compleat
restitution
of
our
losses
in
and
by
the
Irish
Trade
,
Yet
Considering
our
other
defalcations
in
Trade
,
and
our
present
Poverty
,
it
would
not
restore
the
Ballance
of
our
Trade
,
or
not
to
any
such
degree
,
as
to
secure
the
Nation
.
Our
Fishing
Trade
hath
decayed
continually
of
later
years
;
we
formerly
supplied
France
,
Spain
,
Muscovy
,
Portugal
,
and
Italy
,
with
great
quantities
of
White
Herring
,
Ling
,
and
Cod-fish
,
which
Trade
is
now
lost
to
the
Dutch
,
French
,
&c.
We
have
only
the
Trade
of
Red
Herrings
,
which
we
retain
;
because
,
before
the
Dutch
can
bring
their
Herrings
upon
their
own
coasts
,
Mr.
Smith
cited
before
,
reasonably
computes
other
Nations
gain
,
10000000
l.
per
annum
by
this
Fishing
Trade
only
,
whereof
the
Dutch
above
5000000
l.
Mr.
Mun
in
63.
saith
,
It
was
found
that
all
our
Exported
Fish
,
of
all
sorts
,
amounted
to
but
140000
l.
per
annum
,
Pag.
184.
they
grow
too
stale
to
be
cured
for
Red
Herrings
:
and
what
a
miserable
thing
is
it
for
our
poor
starving
Natives
to
see
the
Dutch
,
and
other
Foreigners
draw
such
Inestimable
Treasures
out
of
our
own
Seas
,
and
at
our
Doors
?
This
Fishing
Trade
(
bringing
in
no
Custom
)
was
insensibly
lost
in
the
pursuit
of
our
Plantation-Trade
,
on
which
great
Customs
are
Imposed
.
-
000000
So
is
our
Iseland
Fishing
very
much
decayed
,
where
we
have
not
a
fourth
part
of
the
Trade
we
had
twenty
or
thirty
years
since
;
the
like
may
be
said
of
our
Newfound-Land
Fishing
;
and
our
Groenland
Fishing
,
where
we
had
the
sole
Trade
,
is
quite
lost
:
the
Dutch
had
far
beaten
us
out
of
these
Trades
,
but
the
French
of
later
years
have
struck
into
a
good
share
of
the
Whole
,
beating
out
the
English
more
&
more
;
And
by
the
loss
of
our
Fishing
Trade
,
our
National
Gain
must
not
only
be
vastly
sunk
,
but
our
Sea
Coasts
are
generally
impoverished
to
a
lamentable
and
almost
incredible
degree
,
and
our
Nation
is
deprived
of
this
great
and
necessary
Nursery
of
Seamen
.
-
000000
Our
Foreign
Trade
for
Woven
Silk-Stockings
,
and
Knit
Woollen
Stockings
,
is
much
decayed
,
by
reason
that
these
Manufactures
are
set
up
in
divers
foreign
Countries
,
which
(
though
perhaps
they
are
not
,
nor
for
Woollen
Stockings
can
ever
be
so
good
as
ours
)
yet
they
greatly
hinder
our
Foreign
Vent
;
and
our
late
great
Trade
and
Exportation
of
English
Hats
to
Spain
,
is
in
a
manner
lost
,
being
now
mostly
supplied
by
the
French.
-
000000
Our
Exportations
to
the
Canary
Islands
are
vastly
sunk
in
quantity
and
value
,
from
what
they
formerly
and
lately
were
;
of
which
I
shall
speak
more
particularly
in
the
next
Section
.
-
000000
Amongst
many
other
Excellent
Materials
,
we
have
in
England
great
store
of
Tyn
and
Lead
,
capable
of
rich
and
mighty
Manufactures
in
mixture
,
and
otherwise
,
as
appears
by
our
Imported
Tynned
Plates
from
Germany
,
which
are
computed
to
cost
England
near
100000
l.
per
Annum
;
and
then
what
does
that
Manufacture
bring
into
Germany
from
other
Countreys
?
This
Art
the
English
were
never
taught
,
but
have
had
a
Manufacture
of
Pewter
,
made
of
our
Tyn
and
Lead
,
of
which
we
made
and
exported
far
greater
quantities
to
Spain
,
than
of
late
Years
we
have
done
,
since
the
Dutch
and
others
came
to
share
with
us
in
that
Trade
,
so
did
we
export
more
of
it
into
France
and
Holland
,
in
which
Countreys
't
is
now
prohibited
.
We
now
Manufacture
very
little
of
our
Tyn
and
Lead
,
but
export
these
materials
to
be
Manufactured
in
other
Nations
,
to
whom
we
are
little
better
than
the
Miners
;
and
though
some
Forreigners
have
lately
taught
us
to
make
better
Pewter
than
before
,
yet
the
bulk
and
exportation
of
it
is
much
less
.
Our
exported
Tyn
is
sunk
more
than
half
its
former
forreign
Price
,
and
our
exported
Pewter
above
a
third
,
as
is
also
our
exported
Lead
.
-
000000
Perhaps
more
instances
might
be
given
of
decayes
in
our
Exportations
of
late
Years
,
though
it
may
be
considered
that
we
never
had
many
Exportable
Manufactures
of
very
great
bulk
and
value
,
nor
in
truth
any
but
that
of
our
Wooll
;
so
that
if
we
so
much
fail
of
our
former
gain
in
this
Commodity
,
it
must
strike
deep
on
our
former
Ballance
;
But
much
more
if
we
also
fail
in
so
many
other
Exportations
and
Beneficial
Trades
.
And
after
these
losses
in
our
Exporting
Trade
,
a
further
Estimate
ought
to
be
made
of
the
decay
in
our
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
;
for
though
the
English
never
were
,
nor
since
the
Dutch
began
to
trade
could
be
,
considerably
Masters
of
this
kind
of
Trade
;
Yet
may
it
be
presumed
,
that
whilst
we
kept
the
Monopoly
of
Cloth
,
our
Merchants
by
the
Barter
and
Vent
of
this
Commodity
had
then
more
advantagious
Opportunities
of
Buying
and
Selling
Forreign
goods
in
Forreign
Ports
;
and
the
rather
,
because
it
not
only
gave
the
English
an
extraordinary
Reputation
,
but
a
real
preference
in
those
Parts
they
then
principally
Traded
to
;
besides
,
the
former
Privileges
the
English
long
enjoyed
in
Muscovy
,
enabled
them
to
so
much
of
this
kind
of
Trade
as
related
to
that
Empire
,
which
advantage
we
have
lost
by
the
resumption
of
those
Priviledges
,
whereof
I
shall
say
more
.
But
perhaps
I
may
be
told
,
That
all
our
before
mentioned
Defalcations
in
the
beneficial
parts
of
our
Trade
,
have
been
made
good
by
the
Accession
of
the
Plantation-Trade
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
,
(
being
within
the
Compass
of
the
76
Years
mentioned
in
the
Accompt
from
the
Mint
)
and
by
the
Increase
of
it
since
;
and
I
the
rather
expect
this
Objection
,
because
this
Trade
remaining
inclosed
to
the
Subjects
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
who
for
Want
of
other
Trade
are
thrust
into
it
,
it
makes
a
great
noise
amongst
us
;
I
shall
therefore
speak
more
particularly
to
it
,
than
yet
I
have
,
that
I
may
leave
no
Holes
for
Starters
.
It
may
be
Alledged
,
and
must
be
Confessed
,
That
this
Trade
hath
imployed
a
good
number
of
Ships
,
and
hath
brought
in
great
Customs
;
but
nothing
of
this
is
to
the
present
question
,
being
only
,
Whether
it
hath
advantaged
the
Nation
in
its
Annual
gain
of
Treasure
;
which
I
conceive
this
Trade
hath
not
,
if
ballanced
with
the
losses
the
Nation
hath
received
by
it
.
All
the
Gain
England
can
or
ever
could
receive
by
this
Trade
,
must
be
in
the
Return
and
Result
of
those
Commodities
we
import
from
the
Plantations
,
(
viz.
Sugars
,
Tobaccoes
,
Dying
Stuffs
,
&c.
)
in
Exchange
for
so
much
of
our
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Beer
,
Woollen
Cloaths
,
Hats
,
Shoes
,
Iron-work
,
and
other
home-Commodities
as
we
Export
thither
.
Now
that
the
Labours
of
the
same
People
in
Fishing
or
Manufactures
at
home
did
,
and
would
have
produced
a
greater
Profit
to
the
Nation
than
these
Plantation-Commodities
,
I
think
no
man
,
considering
what
hath
been
said
before
,
can
so
much
as
make
a
question
.
In
fact
our
Fishing
for
White
Herring
and
Cod
was
deserted
for
this
Trade
,
and
the
Continual
transplanting
of
multitudes
of
our
Manufacturers
and
other
people
,
hath
inevitably
more
and
more
sunk
and
disabled
us
in
all
Manufactures
and
home-Employments
.
Then
for
the
supposed
advantage
we
have
in
the
Vent
of
our
home-Commodities
to
the
Plantations
,
't
is
plain
they
are
but
our
own
People
;
and
it
must
be
undeniable
,
that
had
the
same
People
stayed
in
England
,
they
would
have
taken
off
a
far
greater
Quantity
;
for
whereas
we
now
furnish
them
with
some
small
part
of
their
Victuals
,
we
should
then
have
supplyed
them
with
All
,
viz.
with
Bread
,
Flesh
,
Fish
,
Roots
,
&c.
which
now
we
do
not
;
and
they
would
have
taken
off
far
more
of
our
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Cloathing
,
Drink
,
and
other
home
Commodities
,
when
they
had
them
at
hand
,
and
had
been
put
to
no
other
shifts
.
But
our
infelicity
is
yet
greater
;
for
our
Plantation-Trade
(
though
at
the
best
far
less
valuable
to
the
Nation
than
the
same
People
and
their
Labours
at
home
)
is
yet
grown
much
worse
than
it
was
20
or
30
Years
since
,
and
must
grow
worse
and
worse
Continually
.
This
must
notoriously
appear
by
what
hath
been
said
in
this
Section
,
when
by
means
of
the
late
Irish
Acts
,
See
before
.
and
for
other
Reasons
there
mentioned
,
we
are
forced
to
Export
unto
,
and
furnish
these
our
Plantations
with
so
much
less
quantities
of
our
own
,
and
so
much
greater
quantities
of
Forreign
Goods
than
formerly
and
lately
we
did
.
Besides
which
,
by
a
further
Improvidence
we
have
lost
other
advantages
in
this
Trade
:
Our
Re-exporters
being
to
receive
back
half
the
Customs
(
which
in
this
Trade
are
very
mighty
)
it
hath
followed
,
that
the
Dutch
coming
to
be
furnished
with
our
Sugars
and
Dying
Stuffs
much
cheaper
than
the
English
,
(
as
being
charged
not
with
half
the
Customs
)
have
been
by
that
means
able
to
set
up
and
beat
us
out
of
the
Forreign
Trade
of
baked
Sugars
,
of
which
they
bake
and
vend
above
20
times
the
quantity
the
English
do
;
so
do
they
now
use
far
the
greatest
part
of
our
Dying
Stuffs
,
gaining
near
as
much
,
if
not
more
,
by
these
Manufactures
than
the
raw
materials
yield
the
English
.
Then
,
if
this
Trade
did
originally
subvert
or
weaken
several
better
Trades
,
and
besides
is
now
less
valuable
than
it
was
,
instead
of
an
Improvement
,
it
ought
to
be
reckoned
amongst
the
defalcations
in
our
present
Trade
.
-
000000
And
though
it
be
not
so
direct
to
the
present
question
,
I
shall
adde
,
That
we
have
little
reason
to
boast
of
our
Navigation
in
this
Trade
,
when
it
was
the
occasion
of
the
loss
of
a
more
certain
and
beneficial
Nursery
of
Seamen
and
Shipping
in
our
Fishery
,
when
at
the
same
time
the
Strength
and
Business
of
the
Nation
have
been
so
much
contracted
by
the
loss
of
our
People
,
when
our
Planters
of
New
England
having
gotten
a
Considerable
Navigation
of
their
own
,
do
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
in
America
,
and
have
in
a
manner
beaten
us
out
of
that
kind
of
Imployment
in
those
Parts
;
and
when
the
Irish
Shipping
,
together
with
the
growing
Plenties
of
Ireland
and
New-England
,
threaten
the
like
in
the
Trade
of
Exportation
and
Importation
.
To
all
which
may
be
added
,
what
we
ought
to
expect
in
case
the
Dutch
may
retain
and
Cultivate
Surinam
as
far
as
't
is
capable
,
since
it
will
produce
as
good
Sugars
and
Tobaccoes
as
any
part
of
America
,
and
as
much
as
will
serve
the
greatest
part
of
the
World
,
if
not
all
.
Nay
,
these
Plantations
may
be
Considered
as
the
true
Grounds
and
Causes
of
all
our
present
Mischiefs
;
for
,
had
our
Fishers
been
put
on
no
other
Employment
,
had
those
Millions
of
People
which
we
have
lost
or
been
prevented
of
by
the
Plantations
,
continued
in
England
,
the
Government
would
long
since
have
been
under
a
necessity
of
Easing
and
regulating
our
Trade
;
the
common
Wants
and
Cryes
of
our
People
would
infallibly
have
obliged
it
;
but
much
of
the
Industry
of
the
Nation
being
turned
this
way
,
and
the
Plantations
affording
room
and
hopes
for
Men
of
necessitous
and
uneasie
Conditions
,
and
our
Lawes
mentioned
in
the
Seventh
Section
,
posting
them
away
,
they
have
deserted
the
Nation
Continually
,
and
left
us
intricated
and
fettered
in
private
Interests
and
destructive
Constitutions
of
Trade
.
And
thus
,
whilest
we
have
been
projecting
the
Increase
of
Customs
,
we
have
fed
our selves
with
the
Shadows
of
Trade
,
and
suffered
other
Nations
to
run
away
with
the
Substance
.
I
am
assured
,
that
the
English
at
Jamaica
are
now
near
,
if
not
fully
treble
what
they
were
when
Sir
Thomas
Muddiford
was
Governour
there
,
and
then
they
were
at
least
20000
;
whence
some
Conjecture
may
be
made
at
the
rest
.
SECT.
XII
.
Instances
in
late
Increases
and
Excesses
of
our
Forreign
Importations
,
and
therein
of
the
Decay
of
some
other
of
our
own
Manufactures
which
supplyed
our
Home-Vses
,
viz.
in
Linnens
of
all
sorts
,
more
dear
fine
Linnens
used
;
incidently
of
the
late
and
present
Huswifery
of
English
Women
:
In
Ticking
,
in
Imported
Woollen
Manufactures
from
Holland
,
France
,
and
Ireland
;
In
Cordage
,
Cables
,
Sayls
and
Sea-Nets
;
in
Iron
,
in
Brandy
,
in
Wines
of
all
sorts
,
these
risen
in
price
;
the
particular
odds
in
our
former
and
present
Canary-Trade
;
in
Coffee
,
in
Earthen
Ware
,
Pitch
,
Tarre
,
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
Forreign
Timber
bought
dearer
,
and
far
more
Timber
Imported
:
In
Imported
Silks
of
all
sorts
;
in
Laces
,
and
many
other
things
,
and
thereupon
our
late
French
Overballance
Considered
.
To
which
Added
,
our
late
losses
by
the
French
Capers
,
and
Money
Exported
to
France
by
our
Travellers
,
&c.
The
National
Overballance
inferred
,
this
cleared
by
a
Deduction
of
our
Trade
,
with
Relation
to
the
Dutch
and
French
,
and
therein
of
their
gradual
Increase
,
and
our
Decay
in
Trade
;
Whence
the
Growth
of
the
French
and
Dutch
Revenues
and
Strengths
observed
;
a
farther
Calculation
of
our
late
and
present
Overballance
;
incidently
of
some
farther
Advantages
in
Trade
Forreigners
have
upon
us
.
IN
order
to
take
a
right
Measure
of
the
Overballance
,
it
is
observed
in
the
Eighth
Section
,
That
if
the
beneficial
part
of
our
Trade
become
worse
,
&
the
Consumptive
Importations
increase
,
it
will
sooner
induce
an
Overballance
,
and
will
cut
deepest
on
the
National
Stock
of
Treasure
.
Now
it
will
much
evidence
the
Increase
of
our
Importations
,
if
any
of
our
own
Manufactures
which
are
of
necessary
Use
at
home
,
are
lost
,
or
impaired
in
any
Considerable
degree
of
later
Years
,
because
,
the
People
must
be
then
supplyed
by
the
like
Forreign
Goods
,
to
a
greater
degree
than
before
.
I
shall
first
instance
in
Linnen
,
lately
a
Considerable
Manufacture
in
Cheshire
,
Lancashire
,
and
the
Parts
adjacent
;
it
was
also
the
Huswifery
of
our
English
Ladies
,
Gentlewomen
and
other
Women
;
which
general
Employment
of
our
Women
,
(
although
most
designed
for
the
private
Uses
of
Families
)
did
keep
very
many
Thousands
of
Linnen
Looms
at
work
in
England
,
and
did
supply
the
greatest
part
of
our
National
occasion
for
Houshold
and
Course
Linnens
of
all
sorts
.
But
all
this
Manufacture
of
Linnen
in
Cheshire
,
Lancashire
,
and
elsewhere
,
is
now
in
a
manner
expired
;
and
the
Huswifely
Women
of
England
now
employ
themselves
in
making
an
ill
sort
of
Lace
,
which
serves
no
National
or
Natural
Necessity
;
most
of
the
rest
spend
their
times
much
worse
,
or
are
idle
,
bringing
a
Scandal
on
themselves
and
their
Families
;
so
that
there
is
hardly
a
working
Linnen
Loom
left
in
a
County
:
which
Idleness
and
Unprofitable
living
of
our
Women
,
gives
the
Dutch
a
farther
great
Advantage
upon
us
,
whose
Women
are
mainly
serviceable
in
Trade
.
And
hence
hath
followed
a
great
Increase
of
Forreign
Imported
Linnens
from
Holland
and
Germany
,
Dantzick
,
&c.
much
of
which
since
the
Decay
of
our
Cloth-Trade
into
those
Parts
,
we
buy
for
Money
,
Bullion
,
or
by
Bills
of
Exchange
,
besides
a
prodigious
Increase
of
Imported
Linnens
from
France
,
which
of
later
Years
hath
been
estimated
to
cost
the
Nation
at
least
500000
l.
per
Annum
,
which
must
now
be
supplyed
from
other
Forreign
Parts
,
and
dearer
,
if
our
new
Prohibition
be
observed
.
It
hath
also
occasioned
a
far
greater
Home-Consumption
of
Indian
Callicoes
,
&c.
bought
with
Money
;
and
the
rather
,
because
the
English
of
all
sorts
use
more
Linnen
than
ever
,
in
their
Apparel
,
Beds
,
Curtains
,
Hangings
,
&c.
-
000000
This
Importation
of
Linnen
is
also
become
far
more
chargeable
,
by
the
more
general
Use
of
Dear
Fine
Hollands
,
and
other
fine
Forreign
Linnens
of
great
Value
;
which
till
of
later
Years
were
only
worn
by
some
People
of
Quality
,
and
by
them
very
sparingly
.
-
000000
Thus
also
is
our
Manufacture
of
Ticking
in
Devonshire
and
Somersetshire
much
impaired
,
and
much
more
Forreign
Ticking
Imported
:
Such
is
our
Importation
of
Linnen
,
that
at
this
day
an
English
Linnen-Draper
who
deals
for
80000
l.
per
Annum
in
Linnen
,
doth
hardly
sell
200
l.
per
Annum
English
of
all
sorts
.
Suppose
-
000000
all
the
People
in
England
one
with
another
bestow
5
l.
a
piece
more
in
Forreign
Linnen
Yearly
,
than
they
used
to
do
;
what
a
Vast
Summe
must
this
amount
to
?
And
this
being
of
so
Universal
Use
,
how
soon
may
the
Increase
of
this
Importation
alone
turn
the
Ballance
of
the
English
Trade
?
There
is
hardly
any
Nation
in
Europe
but
hath
a
Manufacture
of
Linnen
,
at
least
for
Home-Uses
,
except
England
;
from
Scotland
we
have
much
,
and
in
Ireland
it
is
a
growing
Manufacture
much
encouraged
.
To
this
may
be
added
the
New
Importation
of
Woollen
Manufactures
,
viz.
Cloths
,
Stuffs
,
and
Druggets
from
Holland
and
France
,
of
a
great
yearly
value
,
mentioned
in
the
Eleventh
Section
,
but
proper
to
be
remembred
here
.
-
000000
And
it
ought
not
to
be
forgotten
,
that
no
sooner
had
the
Irish
learned
to
make
Frize
,
but
presently
Irish
Frize
became
a
great
fashion
in
England
.
-
000000
Our
Manufactures
of
Cordage
for
Ships
,
Cables
,
and
Sea-Nets
,
are
also
much
decayed
from
what
they
were
,
much
occasioned
by
the
late
dearness
of
Imported
Hemp
and
Flax
,
as
hath
been
intimated
before
,
and
we
are
therefore
forced
to
import
much
more
of
these
Commodities
from
the
Dutch
and
French
;
the
Act
of
Navigation
not
Prohibiting
the
Manufacture
;
which
is
worthy
to
be
observed
.
-
000000
There
hath
been
a
great
Increase
of
imported
Iron
from
Swedeland
,
Flanders
,
and
Spain
;
by
this
means
many
Iron-Works
are
laid
down
already
in
Kent
,
Sussex
,
and
Surrey
,
and
elsewhere
;
and
the
rest
must
suddainly
follow
(
if
the
Importation
continue
,
)
which
will
bring
at
least
50000
Families
in
England
on
the
Parish-Charge
,
and
must
sink
the
price
of
all
the
Woods
now
employed
for
Iron-Works
to
little
or
nothing
.
Imported
Wire
hath
already
beat
out
our
home-Manufacture
of
Wire
.
-
000000
Our
English
Distillations
of
Strong
Waters
of
all
sorts
,
did
formerly
serve
the
National
Uses
,
but
of
late
years
,
our
People
at
home
,
and
Mariners
abroad
,
have
been
supplied
with
Imported
Brandy
from
France
and
Germany
,
which
being
hardly
known
in
England
within
less
than
20
years
,
hath
of
late
cost
the
Nation
above
100000
l.
per
Annum
.
-
000000
So
hath
the
Importation
of
all
sorts
of
Foreign
Wines
,
vastly
increased
of
later
years
,
especially
out
of
France
.
We
have
also
bought
French
Wines
dearer
than
formerly
,
and
have
bought
them
with
our
Money
,
Bullion
,
or
by
Bills
of
Exchange
;
but
formerly
with
our
Exported
Commodity
.
-
000000
Besides
which
,
we
have
vast
quantities
of
Imported
Spanish
Wines
,
which
till
of
later
years
,
The
Canary
Wines
are
computed
at
about
13000
Pipes
yearly
,
which
at
20
l.
per
Pipe
,
amounts
to
260000
l.
per
Annum
;
and
that
our
Commodities
Exported
thither
,
do
amount
to
about
65000
l.
per
Annum
.
we
also
Purchased
with
our
exported
Commodities
,
at
the
rate
of
10
l.
per
Pipe
,
but
now
at
about
20
l.
per
Pipe
,
and
mostly
with
Money
,
Bullion
,
or
Bills
of
Exchange
;
so
that
't
is
Computed
that
of
later
years
it
hath
cost
England
near
200000
l.
per
Annum
,
in
Imported
Spanish
Wine
,
over
and
above
the
value
of
our
Commodities
Exported
to
the
Canaries
.
-
000000
So
,
even
before
the
stop
of
French
Wines
,
we
had
very
much
more
Portugal
and
Rhenish
Wines
Imported
and
consumed
at
home
than
ever
;
besides
Italian
,
Greek
,
and
Smyrna
Wines
;
if
the
Importation
of
French
Wines
continue
prohibited
,
we
must
expect
as
much
more
of
these
and
Spanish
Wines
as
will
answer
our
present
General
Debauchery
:
many
of
these
Wines
were
hardly
known
in
England
of
late
years
,
and
the
rest
far
more
sparingly
drunk
;
but
our
Imported
Wines
do
now
in
the
Whole
cost
the
Nation
the
greater
part
of
a
Million
per
Annum
.
-
000000
Thus
do
we
swallow
and
piss
out
inestimable
Treasures
,
and
contemn
our
own
excellent
and
more
wholsom
Drinks
,
which
might
be
improved
to
a
much
greater
Perfection
,
both
for
our
Use
at
home
,
and
Trade
abroad
;
and
whilst
every
one
is
an
Ambitious
Pretender
to
a
Critical
Palate
in
Wine
,
and
is
ready
to
impeach
the
Guilty
Drawers
for
Mixtures
,
Molossus
,
and
Arsenick
,
we
are
contented
to
let
our
Brewers
abuse
our
own
Liquors
as
they
please
.
And
as
if
the
English
could
affect
every
thing
because
it
is
Foreign
,
we
have
also
a
new
chargeable
Importation
of
Coffee
,
which
of
all
others
seems
to
be
most
useless
,
since
it
serves
neither
for
Nourishment
nor
Debauchery
.
-
000000
We
have
also
had
a
vast
Increase
of
imported
earthen
Ware
from
Holland
,
most
of
it
made
of
our
own
Earth
and
Lead
.
-
000000
To
these
ought
to
be
added
such
other
Importations
,
as
are
now
bought
much
dearer
than
formerly
,
spoken
of
before
,
but
fit
to
be
remembred
here
:
Such
are
Pitch
,
Tar
,
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
Timber
from
Norway
and
Liefland
,
being
also
mostly
bought
with
Money
,
since
the
decay
of
our
Cloth-Trade
into
those
Parts
;
and
of
these
the
yearly
quantity
of
imported
Timber
of
all
sorts
is
vastly
increased
of
later
years
,
by
reason
of
the
Decay
of
our
English
Timber
;
so
that
we
are
over-ballanced
in
our
Trade
for
these
Commodities
several
100000
l.
per
Annum
.
-
000000
Nay
our
so
much
boasted
Turkey
Trade
is
so
far
infected
by
the
general
Disease
,
that
we
now
yearly
Export
almost
as
much
Treasure
to
Turkey
,
as
the
value
of
our
Cloth
Exported
thither
amounts
to
.
Of
late
years
we
Exported
little
or
no
Treasure
thither
;
Nay
,
I
have
heard
that
formerly
we
Imported
Treasure
thence
.
In
Exchange
for
the
Treasure
and
Cloth
now
Exported
,
the
principal
Commodity
we
Import
is
raw
Silk
,
this
serves
our
own
Silk
Manufactures
most
consumed
at
home
,
except
Silk-Stockings
,
for
which
our
chief
remaining
▪
Foreign
Markets
are
Cales
and
Hamburgh
.
This
Cloth-Trade
depending
on
the
vent
of
Imported
Silk
at
home
,
is
already
considerably
checked
by
the
continual
Increase
of
Imported
raw
Silk
from
the
East-Indies
,
where
our
India
Company
buy
it
with
Exported
Treasure
;
this
year
they
here
Imported
more
than
ever
.
This
last
Sale
they
exposed
to
be
sold
no
less
than
563
Bales
of
Raw
Silk
.
-
000000
The
English
formerly
wore
or
used
little
Silk
in
City
or
Countrey
,
only
Persons
of
Quality
pretended
to
it
;
but
as
our
National
Gaudery
hath
increased
,
it
grew
more
and
more
into
Mode
;
and
is
now
become
the
Common
Wear
,
nay
,
the
ordinary
Material
for
Bedding
,
Hanging
of
Rooms
,
Carpets
,
Lining
of
Coaches
,
and
other
things
:
and
our
Women
,
who
generally
govern
in
this
Case
,
must
have
Foreign
Silks
;
for
these
have
got
the
Name
,
and
in
truth
are
most
curious
,
and
perhaps
better
wrought
,
as
being
most
encouraged
.
Of
the
same
humour
are
their
Gallants
,
and
such
as
they
can
influence
;
and
most
others
.
Our
ordinary
People
,
especially
the
Female
,
will
be
in
Silk
more
or
less
,
if
they
can
;
though
never
so
plain
,
stained
or
tattered
:
Whence
hath
followed
a
vastly
greater
Importation
,
and
home-Consumption
of
the
dear
Silk-Manufactures
from
Venice
,
Florence
,
Genoa
,
France
,
and
Persia
,
and
of
late
from
Holland
;
where
they
have
improved
their
Silk
Manufacture
to
a
considerable
bulk
and
perfection
.
This
our
Affectation
and
Use
of
foreign
Silks
having
apparently
much
increased
,
within
about
Twenty
or
Thirty
years
past
,
must
produce
a
great
Odds
in
the
Ballance
,
and
besides
hath
much
contracted
the
home-vent
of
our
Woollen
Stuffs
and
Cloths
,
and
Beggered
our
own
Silk-Weavers
.
And
it
may
be
here
taken
notice
of
,
as
one
of
the
mischievous
Consequences
of
our
present
Importing
Trade
,
That
our
Merchants
to
preserve
their
only
home-Market
,
must
bring
in
such
curious
and
serviceable
Foreign
Manufactures
as
will
beat
out
our
own
.
This
Importing
Trade
agrees
well
with
our
Shop-keepers
,
who
can
get
more
by
Foreign
Commodities
,
(
of
which
,
few
or
none
know
the
Prices
but
themselves
,
and
the
Merchants
.
)
-
000000
We
have
also
of
late
a
very
chargeable
Importation
of
Laces
from
Venice
and
Genoa
,
but
most
of
later
years
from
France
,
all
which
are
commonly
called
Points
de
Venice
,
amounting
to
a
vast
Sum
yearly
.
-
000000
Of
All
others
our
late
Overballance
in
the
French
Trade
,
hath
been
most
Prodigious
;
and
such
have
been
the
Arts
to
attain
it
,
that
it
would
require
a
particular
Treatise
by
it self
:
But
it
will
be
necessary
to
what
I
have
undertaken
,
to
give
some
brief
Accompt
of
it
,
and
in
what
it
did
consist
;
and
the
rather
,
that
something
of
the
Variety
of
the
French
Exportable
Manufactures
and
other
Goods
may
Appear
.
I
shall
begin
with
what
Mr.
Fortrey
reports
in
his
Book
twice
Printed
,
and
Dedicated
to
his
now
Majesty
,
In
Anno
(
63
)
and
(
73
)
and
therefore
I
presume
of
good
Authority
.
He
tells
us
,
That
upon
a
Jealousie
the
French
King
had
conceived
of
the
Ballance
of
the
English
Trade
,
there
was
an
Estimate
thereof
given
in
to
the
French
King
;
whereby
it
appeared
,
that
there
was
yearly
Exported
of
French
Goods
by
the
English
,
to
the
value
of
2500000
l.
Viz.
1.
In
Velvets
plain
and
wrought
,
Sattins
plain
and
wrought
,
Cloth
of
God
and
Silver
,
Armosynes
and
other
Merchandizes
of
Silk
which
are
made
at
Lions
,
of
a
great
value
.
2.
In
Silk-Stuffs
,
Taffeties
,
Poudesoys
,
Armosyns
,
Clothes
of
Gold
and
Silver
,
Tabbies
plain
and
wrought
,
Silk
Ribbands
and
other
such
like
Silk-Stuffs
as
are
made
at
Tours
.
3.
In
Silk
Ribbands
,
Galloons
,
Laces
,
and
Buttons
of
Silk
,
which
are
made
at
Paris
,
Rouen
,
Chaimant
,
S.
Eslieres
in
Forests
.
4.
A
great
quantity
of
Serges
,
which
are
made
at
Chalons
,
Chartres
,
Estammes
,
and
Rhemes
;
and
great
quantities
of
Serges
made
at
Amiens
,
Crevecoeur
,
Blicourt
,
and
other
Towns
in
Picardy
.
5.
In
Bever
,
Demicaster
,
and
Felt-Hats
,
made
in
the
City
and
Suburbs
of
Paris
,
besides
many
others
made
at
Rouen
,
Lyons
,
and
other
places
.
6.
In
Feathers
,
Belts
,
Girdles
,
Hatbands
,
Fans
,
Hoods
,
Masks
,
gilt
and
wrought
Looking-Glasses
,
Cabinets
,
Watches
,
Pictures
,
Cases
,
Medals
,
Tablets
,
Bracelets
,
and
other
such
like
Ware.
7.
In
Pins
,
Needles
,
Box-Combs
,
Tortoise-shell-Combs
,
and
such
like
.
8.
In
Perfumed
and
Trimmed
Gloves
,
that
are
made
at
Paris
,
Rouen
,
Clendosme
,
Clermont
,
and
other
places
.
9.
In
Papers
of
all
sorts
which
are
made
at
Auvergne
,
Poictou
,
Limosin
,
Champaigne
,
and
Normandy
.
10.
In
all
sorts
of
Ironmongers
Wares
that
are
made
in
Forrests
,
Auvergne
,
and
other
places
.
11.
In
Linnen
Cloth
that
is
made
in
Brittany
,
and
Normandy
,
as
well
Course
as
Fine
.
12.
In
Houshold-stuff
,
consisting
of
Beds
,
Matresses
,
Coverlids
,
Hangings
,
Fringes
of
Silk
,
and
other
Furniture
.
13.
In
Wines
from
Gascoigne
,
Mantois
,
and
other
places
on
the
River
of
Loyer
,
and
also
from
Burdeaux
,
Rochel
,
Nante
,
Rouen
,
and
other
places
.
14.
In
Aqua-vitae
,
Cyder
,
Vinegar
,
Verjuise
,
and
such
like
.
15.
In
Saffron
,
Castle-Soap
,
Honey
,
Almonds
,
Olives
,
Capers
,
Prunes
,
and
such
like
.
16.
Besides
5
or
600
Vessels
of
Salt
loaden
at
Maron
,
Rochel
,
Bovage
,
and
the
Isle
of
Oleron
,
and
Isle
of
Rhee
.
But
that
the
Commodities
Imported
out
of
England
into
France
,
consisting
chiefly
of
Woollen
Cloathes
,
Serges
,
Knit
Stockings
,
Lead
,
Pewter
,
Allom
,
Coals
,
and
all
else
did
not
amount
to
above
a
Million
yearly
,
which
left
the
over-ballance
1600000
l.
'T
is
true
,
that
since
this
there
was
an
Estimate
of
the
French
Overballance
taken
in
England
by
some
English
Merchants
,
from
the
Entries
of
the
Port
of
London
,
by
which
it
was
computed
,
that
the
French
Overballance
amounted
to
about
a
Million
;
This
was
presented
by
our
Merchants
to
our
Lords
Commissioners
upon
a
Treaty
of
Commerce
with
France
in
(
74.
)
(
which
came
to
no
conclusion
)
and
afterwards
to
the
Parliament
;
which
seems
to
impeach
the
Estimate
of
the
French
Overballance
reported
by
Mr.
Fortrey
,
as
to
the
Quantum
.
This
I
need
not
contend
,
since
if
the
French
Overballance
had
been
no
more
than
a
Million
,
it
was
enough
to
impoverish
us
,
considering
our
Importations
from
other
Forreign
Nations
;
But
that
I
may
not
totally
desert
Mr.
Fortrey
,
I
shall
take
notice
,
that
this
English
Computation
was
taken
from
the
Entries
of
the
Port
of
London
only
,
from
whence
there
may
not
be
any
so
Just
a
calculation
for
all
the
rest
of
our
Ports
;
and
that
the
Entries
do
not
comprehend
any
of
those
French
Commodities
which
were
prohibited
by
our
former
Laws
,
and
are
therefore
Imported
without
Entry
,
which
are
accompted
to
amount
to
some
Hundreds
of
thousand
pounds
yearly
,
perhaps
near
to
another
Million
.
But
on
the
other
side
,
that
the
French
Entries
must
be
certain
as
to
the
Exportations
from
France
;
that
Mr.
Fortrey
would
not
be
willing
to
falsify
with
His
Majestie
of
England
,
nor
the
French
Ministers
with
the
French
King
,
in
a
matter
so
important
.
Nor
is
it
to
be
thought
that
our
Importations
from
France
decreased
in
quantity
or
value
since
Mr.
Fortrey
wrote
,
to
the
time
of
the
Prohibition
,
but
rather
increased
;
whereof
our
Merchants
then
gave
an
instance
in
Wines
and
Brandies
,
from
the
Entries
of
the
Port
of
London
,
as
followeth
:
From
Mich.
1663.
to
Mich.
1664.
There
was
Imported
into
the
Port
of
London
6828
Tuns
of
French
Wine
,
and
then
the
quantity
of
Brandy
was
so
small
and
inconsiderable
,
that
it
deserves
not
to
be
noted
.
From
Mich.
(
67
)
to
Mich.
(
69
)
.
There
was
Imported
into
the
Port
of
London
in
the
said
two
years
,
17000
Tuns
of
French
Wine
,
and
of
Brandy
about
3000
Tun.
From
Mich.
(
72
)
to
Mich.
(
74
)
Was
Imported
into
the
Port
of
London
22500
Tuns
of
French
Wine
.
From
Mich.
(
71
)
to
Mich.
(
73
)
Was
Imported
to
London
7315
Tuns
of
Brandy
.
From
Mich.
(
73
)
to
Mich.
(
74
)
Was
Imported
to
London
,
as
near
as
can
be
computed
5000
Tuns
of
Brandy
,
and
every
Tun
of
Brandy
consuming
about
5
Tuns
of
Wine
,
makes
the
quantity
of
25000
Tuns
of
Wine
.
This
I
the
rather
take
notice
of
here
,
because
from
hence
it
doth
also
appear
,
that
the
Additional
Impositions
on
French
Wines
and
Brandies
by
our
Parliament
in
(
67
)
did
not
make
the
Importation
of
them
less
tolerable
or
practicable
than
before
,
and
therefore
were
only
Impositions
on
the
English
Subject
.
Nay
,
the
French
have
been
able
to
raise
the
Prices
of
their
Wines
and
Brandies
upon
us
,
even
since
(
67
)
as
the
same
Merchants
represented
.
For
,
In
(
67
)
Langoon
Wine
in
France
was
not
above
43
Crowns
per
Tun
,
clear
aboard
.
In
Anno
(
68
)
the
price
was
-
47
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
69
)
-
54
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
70
)
-
52
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
71
)
-
55
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
72
)
-
50
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
73
)
-
56
Crowns
.
In
Anno
(
74
)
-
70
Crowns
.
And
all
sorts
of
Clarrets
are
risen
double
the
price
,
since
the
year
(
67
)
.
So
said
the
Merchants
in
the
year
(
74
)
and
whosoever
will
take
the
pains
to
look
into
the
Custom-Books
,
will
find
a
mighty
Increase
of
Imported
French
Wine
and
Brandy
since
(
74
)
to
the
time
of
the
Prohibition
;
and
that
,
for
several
years
last
past
,
our
Importation
of
French
Linnen
,
Silks
,
and
other
Commodities
,
have
also
continually
grown
upon
us
,
whereof
we
have
an
infallible
Evidence
in
the
continual
Rising
of
our
Customs
.
I
have
heard
that
the
quantity
of
French
Wines
Imported
in
1676.
made
about
36000
Tuns
of
Wine
,
and
that
about
the
years
(
50
)
(
51
)
and
(
52
)
the
quantity
yearly
Imported
was
about
3000
Tuns
of
Wine
.
But
on
the
other
side
,
the
French
Policies
have
been
as
industrious
to
suppress
our
English
Trade
,
upon
which
they
have
gradually
imposed
more
and
more
Taxes
,
and
at
last
so
great
,
that
it
amounts
to
a
Prohibition
;
as
may
be
Instanced
in
our
Woollen
Manufacture
.
In
the
year
1632
,
the
Duty
on
an
English
Broad
Cloth
Imported
into
France
,
was
6
Livres
.
In
Anno
(
44
)
it
was
raised
to
9
Livres
.
In
Anno
(
54
)
to
30
Livres
.
In
Anno
(
64
)
to
40
Livres
,
and
yet
did
the
English
continue
to
Export
considerable
quantities
of
our
Woollen
Cloathes
into
France
.
But
in
Anno
(
67
)
being
after
Mr.
Fortrey
wrote
,
it
was
raised
to
80
Livres
,
Mr.
Fortrey
first
Printed
his
Book
in
(
63
)
which
is
about
50
per
Cent.
A
piece
of
Serge
in
Anno
(
32
)
per
1
Livre
.
In
Anno
(
54
)
5
Livres
.
In
(
64
)
6
Livres
.
In
(
67
)
12
Livres
,
which
also
amounting
to
about
50
per
Cent.
was
equal
or
worse
than
an
express
Prohibition
;
so
that
all
our
Exportations
of
our
home-Commodities
to
France
in
the
year
1669.
amounted
but
to
171021
l.
6.
s.
as
it
was
Calculated
from
our
own
Entries
(
if
my
Copy
be
true
.
)
It
will
not
be
a
Digression
to
shew
how
Industrious
the
French
Policies
have
been
to
suppress
our
Trade
to
other
Nations
.
It
is
now
about
five
years
since
that
our
Merchants
,
observing
the
Dutch
&
other
Neighbour
Nations
to
be
in
War
,
Mr.
Mun
of
Forreign
Trade
pag.
149.
Notes
,
That
all
the
great
Losses
we
receive
at
Sea
in
our
Shipping
,
either
outward
or
homeward
bound
,
ought
to
be
considered
in
the
Ballance
;
for
the
value
of
the
one
is
to
be
Deducted
from
our
Exportations
;
and
the
value
of
the
other
from
our
Importations
.
but
ours
in
Peace
;
they
had
now
golden
hopes
of
driving
a
mightier
Forreign
Trade
than
ever
;
for
which
purpose
they
thought
it
convenient
to
buy
many
Dutch-built
Ships
,
and
somwhat
the
rather
because
they
had
lost
many
Ships
in
the
late
War
:
But
the
Act
of
Navigation
standing
in
their
way
,
they
obtained
His
Majesties
License
for
it
.
But
thereupon
,
there
presently
came
out
a
French
Edict
for
the
seizing
of
all
Ships
bought
in
any
Enemie's
Country
,
which
did
discourage
many
of
our
Merchants
from
buying
any
Ships
,
yet
many
were
bought
and
escaped
safe
to
our
Ports
;
these
and
many
English
Ships
our
Merchants
forthwith
freighted
and
sent
out
,
in
prospect
of
a
swelling
Trade
,
and
vast
Returns
of
Treasure
.
But
immediately
there
came
out
swarms
of
French
Capers
,
who
seized
on
those
Dutch-built
Ships
,
though
they
had
all
necessary
Passes
;
and
from
thence
,
finding
the
sweetness
of
it
,
they
fell
to
taking
of
our
English
built
Ships
,
on
pretence
they
carried
Enemies
Goods
,
whereof
they
themselves
would
be
the
Judges
,
and
did
actually
seize
all
sorts
of
English
built
Ships
,
laden
meerly
on
the
account
of
English
Merchants
,
they
took
meer
English
Coasters
;
nay
,
they
retook
many
of
our
Ships
which
had
been
actually
discharged
in
France
;
they
plunder'd
our
Ships
,
and
grievously
beat
and
wounded
our
generous
Seamen
(
who
never
before
dream't
of
any
thing
but
the
Sovereignty
of
the
Sea
)
and
killed
many
.
Then
were
our
Ships
carried
into
the
French
Ports
,
and
our
Merchants
put
to
prove
the
property
of
their
own
Ships
and
Goods
before
French
Judges
,
in
the
new
erected
French
Admiralties
,
by
a
long
and
tedious
proceeding
;
by
which
,
and
also
in
the
French
Court
,
and
by
the
Treachery
of
their
own
Agents
,
they
were
put
to
vast
Expences
.
There
were
about
400
Sail
of
our
Merchants
Ships
seized
in
this
manner
,
many
of
which
the
French
thought
fit
absolutely
to
condemn
;
and
such
as
were
released
were
kept
,
some
three
Months
,
some
six
Months
,
some
twelve
Months
,
and
some
longer
,
and
then
were
Discharged
with
great
Damage
,
by
Plunder
and
Expence
in
France
,
besides
the
first
Violences
;
and
after
all
,
lost
the
intended
Fruit
of
their
Voyages
,
of
which
,
doubtless
the
French
were
very
sensible
:
And
what
is
yet
worse
,
the
French
King
making
the
utmost
advantages
of
every
thing
,
got
Thousands
of
our
Seamen
by
extraordinary
Pay
,
to
engage
in
his
Service
,
to
which
he
doth
still
indear
them
by
Money
,
and
all
imaginable
encouragements
.
All
which
being
done
in
times
of
Peace
,
could
only
be
intended
to
impoverish
and
disable
our
Merchants
Trade
and
Nation
,
notwithstanding
their
pretence
of
carrying
Enemies
Goods
;
this
is
evident
as
well
from
the
said
Edict
,
and
from
the
Nature
of
the
whole
Transaction
,
as
by
another
Edict
set
forth
by
the
French
King
about
the
same
time
,
giving
Liberty
of
Trade
to
any
Nation
(
without
exception
)
that
would
take
French
Passes
;
for
it
being
foreseen
that
the
English
would
not
take
any
,
because
of
the
English
Claim
to
the
Sovereignty
of
the
Seas
,
it
left
other
Nations
then
at
enmity
with
France
,
at
Liberty
to
take
Passes
,
and
by
Consequence
to
Trade
;
who
accordingly
did
,
and
traded
without
controul
,
particularly
the
Dutch
:
So
did
the
Swedish
Ships
at
the
same
time
openly
Trade
to
and
from
Holland
,
and
other
Countries
then
at
enmity
with
France
;
without
any
Disturbance
from
the
French
Capers
.
This
might
administer
further
Considerations
;
I
shall
only
at
present
accommodate
it
to
the
Matter
in
question
,
being
the
Over-ballance
of
Trade
;
which
must
needs
have
been
the
higher
upon
us
,
as
our
Merchants
received
more
Injuries
and
Losses
of
this
Nature
.
To
this
I
shall
add
,
that
it
is
an
incredible
Sum
of
Money
which
our
English
Gentlemen
and
Travellers
of
all
sorts
spend
yearly
in
France
,
Here
may
be
added
the
vast
Sums
and
Riches
which
already
are
,
and
Annually
will
be
Transported
by
Papists
to
France
,
and
other
Parts
;
but
principally
to
France
.
to
learn
unprofitable
Apish
affected
French
Fashions
,
and
Modes
in
their
Carriage
,
Talk
,
Cloaths
,
Eating
and
Drinking
.
It
is
below
any
of
these
English
Mounsieurs
to
enquire
into
the
Trade
of
France
;
This
Expence
is
not
near
ballanced
by
the
Expence
of
the
French
Travelling
Gentry
,
or
others
in
England
;
the
French
that
come
hither
,
being
ordinarily
such
as
come
to
get
Estates
by
vending
French
Manufactures
,
Wines
and
other
Commodities
,
Dancing
,
Cookery
,
&c
▪
and
when
they
are
grown
Rich
,
do
generally
Transport
themselves
,
and
their
Estates
into
France
,
and
so
Spirit
away
our
Wealth
.
Many
of
these
Losses
by
the
French
,
being
not
comprised
in
the
former
instances
,
require
a
further
ample
Valuation
.
-
000000
I
believe
other
instances
may
be
given
of
the
late
Increase
of
our
Importations
,
our
National
Luxury
and
folly
being
such
,
that
our
Merchants
find
a
home-Vent
for
almost
all
sorts
of
Foreign
Goods
and
trifles
in
the
Universe
:
These
I
leave
to
be
added
by
the
observation
of
others
.
-
000000
In
the
mean
time
,
considering
what
the
utmost
gain
of
our
Trade
might
be
,
during
the
76
years
mentioned
in
the
Accompt
from
the
Mint
,
it
must
be
evident
from
what
I
have
already
said
,
that
we
have
been
Overballanced
many
100000
l.
per
Annum
,
of
later
years
.
The
Particulars
I
have
mentioned
in
this
,
and
the
last
Section
,
being
such
as
have
happened
,
or
worked
more
signally
and
vigorously
upon
us
during
the
years
mentioned
in
the
said
Accompt
;
which
(
that
I
may
prevent
Alterations
)
I
shall
endeavour
to
clear
,
by
a
brief
Deduction
of
our
Trade
during
the
same
76
years
,
which
I
cannot
do
without
some
Relation
to
the
French
and
Dutch
Trades
;
of
whose
Rise
and
Growth
,
and
their
Consequential
Increase
of
Strength
and
Power
,
I
shall
therefore
also
give
some
Accompt
.
I
shall
begin
with
that
of
the
English
:
Before
the
Dutch
were
cemented
into
States
,
the
English
had
far
greater
Advantages
in
Trade
than
any
Neighbour
Nation
,
by
the
greater
Plenty
of
our
more
excellent
Oak-Timber
,
Victuals
,
Numbers
of
Seamen
,
home-Materials
of
Manufacture
,
our
great
Woollen-Manufactures
,
our
Fishery
,
and
other
our
valuable
Commodities
mentioned
before
:
Besides
the
German
,
Flemish
,
and
French
Trades
.
That
of
the
Sound
,
and
Streights
,
our
Adventurous
Merchants
and
Mariners
in
Edw.
the
Sixth's
time
Discovered
the
North-East
Passage
by
Sea
to
Muscovy
,
which
Trade
was
before
driven
by
the
Merchants
of
the
Hans-Towns
a-cross
the
Baltick
:
Such
was
our
good
success
,
that
by
the
great
Commerce
our
Merchants
brought
,
and
by
the
Embassies
and
Applications
of
our
succeeding
Princes
,
especially
Queen
Elizabeth
,
the
Czar
granted
them
a
Free
Trade
at
his
Port
Archangel
,
(
that
is
)
without
paying
any
Impost
;
which
he
would
not
grant
to
others
:
whereby
the
English
became
possessed
of
the
whole
Trade
of
a
great
Advantage
;
besides
which
,
our
Woollen-Manufactures
were
not
a
little
improved
in
Bulk
and
Value
,
by
means
of
those
Flemmings
or
Walloons
driven
out
by
the
Duke
of
Alva
,
and
entertained
by
Queen
Elizabeth
;
spoken
of
before
.
In
this
Condition
was
our
Trade
when
the
Dutch
United
Provinces
came
to
a
Settlement
,
being
about
90
Years
since
;
the
Dutch
hereupon
found
themselves
obliged
to
study
all
Imaginable
wayes
of
Gain
by
Trade
;
For
the
People
driven
into
these
Provinces
by
the
Spanish
Tyranny
and
Persecution
for
Religion
,
were
very
Numerous
,
the
Countrey
very
narrow
,
and
yielding
little
of
the
Necessaries
of
life
,
and
the
Long
and
Continual
Charge
of
their
War
with
Spain
very
great
;
from
which
Necessity
followed
much
Contrivance
and
Industry
,
and
thence
those
Arts
and
easie
Methods
of
Trade
which
have
wrought
so
great
Changes
in
most
Parts
of
Europe
,
if
not
throughout
the
World.
First
there
followed
these
Alterations
in
the
Trade
of
Europe
;
the
Dutch
fell
into
a
mighty
Trade
or
Employment
of
carrying
and
dealing
from
Port
to
Port
,
far
beyond
what
was
ever
used
in
these
Parts
before
;
which
Trade
they
engrossed
,
beating
out
the
Antwerpians
,
English
,
and
all
others
,
Except
in
what
related
to
Muscovy
,
(
secured
to
the
English
by
our
Privileges
there
)
and
what
related
to
Spain
during
their
Wars
with
that
Crown
;
the
Portuguese
,
having
before
found
out
the
way
by
Sea
to
the
East-Indies
,
and
having
by
that
cheaper
passage
beat
the
Venetians
out
of
that
Trade
,
and
planted
mighty
Factories
and
Forces
in
the
Indies
;
the
Dutch
before
,
the
Year
1600
,
being
informed
of
the
Riches
of
that
Commerce
by
one
Cornelius
Hou●man
a
Fugitive
from
the
Portuguese
,
eng●ged
in
a
Trade
thither
,
and
in
the
Year
1602
,
by
the
Authority
of
their
Union
,
established
their
East-India
Company
;
who
upon
their
original
Fund
,
being
600000
l.
Sterling
,
made
so
great
a
progress
in
that
Trade
,
that
besides
several
Considerable
Dividends
before
made
,
upon
a
Compute
in
the
Year
1608
,
their
Stock
was
increased
to
Three
Millions
Sterling
:
and
in
this
great
Carriere
very
speedily
supplanted
the
Portuguese
in
this
Trade
;
their
success
was
little
less
in
the
Fishing
Trade
for
White
Herrings
,
Ling
and
Codfish
on
the
Coasts
of
England
and
Scotland
,
which
they
extended
beyond
what
we
ever
did
,
incroaching
daily
on
the
English
,
being
enabled
thereto
by
their
more
easie
Methods
of
Trade
;
and
the
English
the
more
disabled
by
our
Application
to
the
Plantation-Trade
in
the
time
of
King
James
,
whereof
the
Wife
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
,
by
the
occasion
of
his
Travels
,
taking
notice
,
about
60
years
since
gave
a
Caution
of
it
to
King
James
,
shewing
the
Reasons
,
and
proving
that
the
Dutch
then
got
1372000
l.
per
Annum
Sterling
by
this
Trade
,
by
the
Accompts
he
took
at
several
Ports
,
(
and
yet
he
mentions
not
their
Trade
in
the
Streights
,
and
but
one
Port
in
France
,
viz.
Roan
:
)
notwithstanding
which
,
the
Dutch
still
getting
advantages
upon
us
,
had
near
beaten
us
out
before
the
end
of
King
James
his
Reign
;
and
soon
after
became
Compleat
Masters
of
it
.
Thus
was
this
our
Fishing-Trade
,
of
great
and
certain
Profit
,
and
of
high
Importance
for
the
Support
of
our
Navigation
and
Coasts
,
supplanted
;
in
the
place
of
this
,
we
had
our
Plantation-Trade
,
of
which
having
spoken
so
much
before
,
I
shall
say
no
more
,
than
that
it
brought
in
great
Customes
:
Yet
,
not
forgetting
,
that
King
James
succeeding
Queen
Elizabeth
,
(
who
to
reduce
the
late
portentous
greatness
of
the
Austrian
Family
,
had
supported
the
Dutch
)
made
a
Peace
with
Spain
,
which
gave
the
English
a
particular
Advantage
in
the
Trade
of
Spain
for
a
time
,
viz.
till
the
Dutch
made
a
Peace
with
that
Crown
;
and
since
that
hath
continued
a
very
beneficial
Market
for
many
of
our
Commodities
,
being
there
vended
for
ready-money
:
Our
Trade
to
Muscovy
remained
secured
to
us
by
our
Privilege
there
,
and
our
Clothing
Trade
by
our
Wooll
,
and
the
ignorance
of
other
Nations
in
that
Manufacture
.
We
had
a
remaining
Fishery
at
Groenland
,
Iseland
,
and
Newfoundland
;
we
continued
some
other
Exports
of
lesser
Note
mentioned
before
;
but
the
Woollen-Manufacture
being
our
chief
Jewel
,
we
kept
the
Monopoly
of
it
during
the
Reign
of
King
James
,
and
for
the
greatest
part
of
the
Reign
of
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
generally
raised
the
prices
;
by
all
which
,
and
for
that
our
Imports
were
less
than
of
late
they
have
been
,
the
Ballance
of
our
Trade
,
during
the
Reigns
of
these
Princes
,
was
kept
up
to
the
degree
,
we
may
Compute
it
by
the
Accompt
from
the
Mint
,
which
though
somewhat
,
was
but
a
narrow
scantling
,
considering
how
prodigiously
the
French
and
Dutch
Trades
were
improved
and
grew
up
by
us
continually
;
yet
have
we
since
lost
,
or
much
Impaired
all
these
principal
Advantages
in
Trade
,
as
I
have
already
shewn
.
Before
I
shew
how
these
Limbs
of
our
Trade
became
so
much
disabled
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
observe
what
Influence
the
Dutch
Trade
had
upon
the
French.
All
the
Exportable
Commodities
of
any
Note
the
French
formerly
,
and
till
this
last
Age
pretended
to
,
were
Corn
,
Wine
,
and
Salt
:
whereof
that
of
Corn
was
as
Considerable
as
any
;
the
other
two
being
but
sparingly
Exported
,
at
least
in
Comparison
of
what
have
been
Vended
of
late
Years
:
besides
these
,
they
had
Skins
,
Tallow
,
and
Woad
,
and
some
Fruits
of
little
Consequence
;
which
whole
Trade
could
bring
in
no
great
matter
.
But
the
Dutch
being
ravenous
after
Trade
,
and
like
Bees
thrusting
themselves
into
every
Creek
and
Corner
for
Commodities
to
sell
again
,
and
barter
away
for
Profit
,
presently
gave
a
far
mightier
Vent
to
the
French
Wines
,
with
which
they
not
only
plentifully
supplyed
most
other
Nations
,
but
drank
good
store
themselves
,
being
their
principal
Home
-
Consumption
;
of
Salt
they
took
off
yet
greater
quantities
,
not
only
for
present
Merchandize
,
but
to
use
in
their
prodigious
Fishery
.
As
the
Vent
of
these
grew
greater
,
more
were
provided
in
France
;
hence
also
did
their
Infant-Manufactures
of
Linnen
,
Silk
,
Paper
,
Brandy
,
and
those
Numbers
of
others
enumerated
by
Mr.
Fortrey
,
and
doubtless
many
more
,
grow
up
to
Gyants
;
the
hungry
French
tasting
the
sweet
of
the
Gain
,
did
not
fail
to
supply
this
busie
People
,
though
doubtless
not
without
the
Conduct
of
an
extraordinary
Wisdom
;
Since
't
is
apparent
,
that
the
Dutch
manner
of
Trading
made
the
same
Overtures
to
other
Neighbour
Nations
;
See
before
in
Section
the
7
th
.
Pag.
the
wise
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
observed
how
free
and
easie
they
had
made
their
Commerce
by
lowering
their
Customes
and
Duties
:
they
let
in
the
French
Protestants
by
a
Toleration
,
and
carefully
Superintended
the
Increase
of
their
Manufactures
.
Thus
as
the
French
Shop
came
to
have
more
things
of
Delicacy
and
Variety
,
it
drew
in
more
Customers
,
and
the
English
amongst
the
rest
;
and
as
a
great
part
of
Trade
is
driven
in
Fantastical
Dresses
,
and
Toys
of
many
sorts
,
the
French
took
care
to
provide
an
Abundance
,
with
which
they
gulled
the
rest
of
the
World
:
Hence
were
their
Princes
at
first
called
Fashion-mongers
;
but
they
did
not
rest
there
,
they
soon
became
Portentous
Tradesmen
in
the
most
solid
and
valuable
Commodities
in
the
World
,
and
thence
Lord
Mayors
of
the
Continent
;
doubtless
the
present
French
King
thinks
it
his
high
Concern
,
and
values
himself
upon
it
,
of
which
we
have
an
Evidence
in
his
nice
and
early
looking
into
his
great
Shop-Books
or
Entries
,
to
find
out
the
Ballance
of
his
Trade
with
England
,
and
by
making
his
Shop
easie
in
the
Approach
,
viz.
by
his
increasing
his
free
Ports
,
(
for
in
truth
,
it
would
be
a
very
strange
Project
of
Gain
,
for
a
Tradesman
to
set
a
Toll
on
every
man
that
comes
in
at
his
Door
)
the
same
appears
by
an
hundred
other
instances
.
Thus
have
the
Dutch
in
a
blind
pursuit
of
their
particular
Interests
,
built
up
a
Prodigie
of
Power
,
which
(
having
of
late
propagated
a
great
Navigation
of
its
own
,
as
I
shall
more
particularly
shew
)
is
now
so
swelling
,
and
of
so
Serpentine
a
Nature
,
that
it
is
ready
to
devour
those
who
first
gave
it
life
.
The
yearly
value
of
the
late
and
present
Exports
from
France
,
may
be
computed
by
what
the
English
only
took
off
,
which
supposing
to
be
more
moderate
than
Mr.
Fortrey
Reports
,
(
which
yet
I
do
not
admit
)
viz.
but
two
Millions
Sterling
,
what
a
vast
yearly
Sum
must
it
amount
to
?
Since
there
is
great
reason
to
think
,
and
I
speak
upon
the
best
Authority
I
can
meet
with
,
that
the
Dutch
have
taken
off
seven
or
eight
times
more
yearly
than
the
English
;
For
besides
the
mighty
quantities
of
Salt
,
Wine
,
and
Brandy
which
they
themselves
Consume
,
they
Export
vastly
more
of
these
,
and
All
other
French
Commodities
to
other
Nations
;
the
French
Trade
being
indeed
the
principal
Foundation
of
most
of
the
ordinary
Dutch
Trade
from
Port
to
Port.
Besides
the
Dutch
,
the
Hamburghers
,
Lubeckers
,
Swedes
,
Danes
,
and
most
or
all
other
Mercantile
Nations
in
this
Part
of
the
World
,
do
yearly
Freight
themselves
at
the
French
Ports
,
(
which
must
be
one
reason
,
and
perhaps
as
yet
the
principal
,
why
the
French
Language
is
become
so
Vniversal
:
)
whilest
the
French
take
very
little
Consumptive
Commodity
from
these
,
nor
yet
from
the
Dutch
or
English
,
but
East-India
Spice
,
Callicoes
,
&c.
a
Trade
which
the
French
King
hath
also
manifestly
designed
to
engage
in
,
by
an
Association
and
Contribution
of
Stock
in
France
,
and
his
Attempts
to
get
footing
in
divers
places
of
the
East-Indies
;
some
time
will
shew
what
his
Success
may
be
,
or
whether
at
a
Lump
,
he
hopes
to
Unite
the
Dutch
Trade
and
Strengths
in
those
Parts
to
himself
,
by
an
Union
of
the
Dutch
Provinces
and
their
Navigation
to
his
present
Empire
;
and
whether
then
our
English
Factories
there
,
will
be
able
to
preserve
themselves
against
daily
Violations
,
and
utter
Extirpation
.
In
the
mean
time
upon
what
hath
been
said
,
let
the
Reader
compute
,
how
many
Millions
Sterling
must
already
yearly
enter
into
France
,
by
the
Annual
Vent
of
so
Prodigious
a
Store
of
Commodities
;
it
must
be
much
the
better
part
of
Twenty
Millions
.
I
find
it
affirmed
by
a
small
Piece
lately
Printed
,
Intituled
,
An
Accompt
of
the
French
Vsurpations
upon
England
;
which
seems
Written
by
a
man
of
good
Judgment
,
That
from
the
Northern
Countries
only
,
the
French
Wines
now
bring
in
25
Millions
of
Florens
;
their
Salt
,
10
Millions
of
Florens
;
Brandy
,
5
Millions
;
their
Silks
,
Stuffs
,
Toyes
,
and
Fripperies
,
40
Millions
of
Florens
more
.
What
then
do
the
French
receive
from
all
the
other
Regions
of
the
World
,
for
these
,
and
other
things
?
All
which
hath
been
visible
in
the
gradual
Increase
of
the
French
Power
,
from
the
time
the
Dutch
Provinces
began
to
Trade
.
It
must
be
admitted
that
both
before
and
since
the
French
Monarchy
became
Absolute
(
this
being
a
great
and
populous
Nation
)
was
able
to
bring
Considerable
Armies
into
the
Field
;
but
they
could
get
little
or
no
ground
by
Arms
on
any
of
their
Neighbours
,
or
soon
lost
what
they
got
:
The
People
were
abject
and
recreant
;
and
more
the
Ridicule
,
than
the
terror
of
their
Neighbours
,
the
English
and
Spanish
Treasures
and
Strengths
were
notoriously
too
big
for
them
;
the
English
Conquered
them
several
times
;
the
Spaniards
more
lately
beat
them
out
of
Navarre
,
Naples
,
and
Millan
,
and
by
their
Faction
in
France
,
drove
Henry
the
3d.
out
of
Paris
,
and
most
of
his
other
best
Cities
,
and
afterwards
not
above
80
years
since
supported
the
Holy
League
with
Arms
and
Money
against
Henry
the
4th
,
under
the
Conduct
of
the
Duke
of
Mayence
;
both
which
Princes
fell
by
the
hands
of
Priests
;
for
the
Spaniards
were
then
the
strongest
side
.
This
Superiority
of
the
Spanish
Power
,
made
all
the
Kings
of
France
from
Charles
the
8
th
,
to
Lewis
the
13
th
inclusive
,
glad
to
seek
a
Support
from
the
English
;
and
the
more
to
endear
themselves
,
got
to
be
Knights
of
the
Garter
(
except
Francis
the
2
d.
a
King
of
one
year
,
and
no
more
)
these
were
,
Lewis
the
12
th
,
Francis
the
1
st
,
Henry
the
2
d
,
Charles
the
9
th
,
and
the
said
Henry
the
3
d
,
and
the
4
th
;
if
we
go
higher
to
Lewis
the
11
th
,
who
next
preceded
Charles
the
8
th
,
we
may
Compute
his
Treasure
and
Grandure
by
a
Reckoning
found
in
the
Chamber
of
Accompts
at
Paris
,
of
2
s.
for
new
Sleeves
to
his
old
Doublet
,
Heylin's
Geogr.
236.
and
three
Half-pence
for
Liquor
to
grease
his
Boots
;
'T
is
like
he
was
the
poorer
,
because
he
and
the
rest
paid
a
kind
of
Tribute
of
50000
Crowns
per
Annum
to
the
King
of
England
for
100
years
together
;
before
this
,
they
were
almost
continually
wasted
by
the
English
,
till
our
Dissentions
at
home
called
our
Forces
away
,
leaving
Charles
the
7
th
,
Predecessor
of
this
Lewis
the
11
th
,
to
take
Possession
of
what
he
pleased
,
except
Calais
.
But
soon
after
the
French
Ports
were
frequented
by
the
Dutch
Navigation
,
we
find
the
State
of
France
begin
to
alter
;
He
began
his
Reign
in
the
year
1589.
and
Reigned
till
1610.
Next
Lewis
13
th
,
who
died
1642.
and
since
,
the
present
Lewis
the
14
th
.
the
said
Henry
the
4
th
,
having
reduced
the
Holy
League
,
grew
a
Mighty
Prince
,
added
la
Bresse
,
Bearne
,
and
Base
Navarre
to
the
Crown
,
and
enjoyed
a
10
years
Peace
,
though
at
last
Murthered
.
Lewis
the
13
th
.
was
yet
more
powerful
;
besides
the
Reduction
of
the
Huguenots
,
and
of
above
300
Walled
Towns
then
in
their
hands
,
he
added
or
revested
to
that
Crown
,
the
Dukedoms
of
Barre
,
and
Lorrain
,
and
other
acquests
in
Germany
,
Italy
,
the
Belgick
Provinces
,
and
other
parts
of
the
Spanish
Dominions
;
in
which
,
and
in
Italy
,
he
was
able
at
once
to
maintain
five
Royal
Armies
in
the
Field
;
keeping
no
less
than
120000
Men
in
Pay
and
Action
for
many
years
together
,
besides
his
Garrisons
;
and
yet
is
the
Power
of
France
since
vastly
increased
,
whereof
every
man
is
or
has
reason
to
be
sensible
.
I
shall
refer
the
particular
Consideration
of
it
till
the
last
Section
.
In
the
mean
time
,
I
shall
only
add
what
I
find
in
Dr.
Heylin's
Book
of
Geography
,
p.
238
,
(
who
being
to
give
an
Accompt
of
the
Revenue
of
that
Countrey
)
tells
us
,
That
Lewis
the
11
th
,
gathered
one
Million
,
and
an
half
of
Crowns
,
Francis
the
1
st
.
brought
them
to
three
Millions
;
his
Successor
Henry
the
2
d.
to
six
;
Charles
the
9
th
.
to
seven
;
Henry
the
3
d.
to
ten
;
Henry
the
4
th
.
from
two
to
five
Millions
,
Sterling
.
This
he
attributes
meerly
to
the
more
Despotical
Power
,
and
greater
Tyranny
of
the
later
Princes
;
and
might
be
so
in
some
measure
:
For
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
7
th
.
whilst
in
War
with
the
English
,
there
was
an
Act
by
the
Three
French
Estates
,
that
the
King
might
raise
Money
in
case
of
Necessity
;
which
Power
,
't
is
likely
was
not
at
first
used
so
moderately
as
it
was
after
:
However
we
cannot
think
Henry
the
4
th
.
could
leap
from
two
Millions
to
five
Millions
Sterling
,
without
a
great
Importation
of
Treasure
,
which
does
not
grow
on
the
Peoples
backs
like
Wooll
;
the
advance
of
the
French
Trade
and
Treasure
,
being
the
true
Reason
,
we
may
believe
the
Revenue
of
Lewis
the
13
th
.
was
raised
to
more
than
double
this
,
viz.
Ten
Millions
Sterling
;
and
that
since
it
is
doubled
again
,
viz.
Twenty
Millions
,
(
as
good
Judges
of
it
as
I
can
meet
with
say
,
't
is
now
above
Twenty
Millions
Sterling
)
For
the
Treasures
of
the
World
being
drawn
into
France
,
as
into
a
Gulf
,
must
answerably
advance
that
King's
Revenue
,
and
diminish
the
Treasures
of
other
Nations
;
which
't
is
probable
is
partly
the
Cause
that
the
Price
of
most
Commodities
in
Europe
are
sunk
;
since
according
to
the
former
Maxims
,
if
there
be
less
Money
in
the
hands
of
other
Trading
Nations
than
before
,
they
must
and
will
buy
for
less
.
Having
thus
far
pursued
the
Growth
of
the
French
Trade
,
and
Power
;
I
shall
now
return
to
the
English
,
as
they
were
invested
with
the
several
Trades
before
mentioned
in
the
time
of
our
two
last
Kings
,
viz.
King
James
,
and
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
shall
endeavour
to
shew
,
First
,
how
we
come
to
lose
the
Monopoly
of
the
Woollen
Manufacture
;
which
was
the
Effect
of
many
Concurring
Causes
;
the
Dutch
were
generally
vigilant
after
all
Trade
,
and
particularly
this
,
so
much
they
shared
with
us
long
before
,
that
they
Dyed
,
Dressed
,
and
Vended
vast
quantities
of
our
white
Cloaths
Exported
thither
,
by
which
they
made
an
incredible
Gain
.
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
about
60
years
since
,
in
his
Observations
on
Trade
presented
to
King
James
,
proves
,
England
in
55
years
,
had
lost
55
Millions
of
Pounds
by
the
Dutch
Dyeing
and
Dressing
our
white
Cloaths
;
But
withal
,
the
Dutch
by
their
vast
Navigation
and
Universal
Trading
,
gave
them
a
greater
vent
than
we
otherwise
could
do
,
unless
by
an
equal
Regulation
of
our
Trade
,
the
English
had
been
made
as
Capable
;
without
any
thing
of
that
,
this
course
was
taken
;
one
Sir
William
Kokayne
,
and
other
Merchants
,
hoping
to
make
an
advantage
to
themselves
,
got
a
Patent
for
the
Dyeing
and
Dressing
of
our
Cloaths
,
with
Power
to
hinder
the
Exportation
of
our
white
Cloaths
;
wherein
we
have
our
two
usual
Expedients
in
Trade
,
viz.
a
Restraint
to
a
Company
,
and
a
Prohibition
;
by
which
our
Vent
was
lessened
,
and
the
Dutch
the
more
provoked
to
attempt
this
Manufacture
at
home
;
to
which
they
had
great
encouragement
by
their
Situation
for
the
Trade
of
Germany
;
and
the
rather
because
our
Hamburgh
Company
,
who
by
their
Patent
have
the
sole
Trade
on
that
Coast
,
for
about
six
or
seven
hundred
Miles
,
kept
but
two
Staples
,
viz.
at
Hamburgh
and
Dort
,
remote
from
each
other
,
and
from
many
of
those
Countries
which
they
supplied
:
So
as
many
of
those
who
come
to
our
Markets
,
must
pass
and
repass
,
through
several
Principalities
with
much
Danger
,
and
Payments
of
Tolls
and
Taxes
;
and
besides
,
we
raised
our
Prices
,
and
set
such
terms
on
the
Buyers
,
that
others
as
well
as
the
Dutch
,
were
much
disaffected
;
whereupon
an
Opportunity
was
offered
:
For
about
the
year
1636.
Two
hundred
Families
of
our
Manufacturers
being
about
to
forsake
Norfolk
and
Suffolk
,
and
Transport
themselves
to
our
Plantations
,
by
reason
of
the
then
Persecution
of
Dissenters
,
the
Dutch
invited
them
into
Holland
,
where
the
Dutch
did
not
only
entertain
them
,
but
in
Leyden
,
Alkmaer
,
and
other
places
,
planted
them
Rent-free
,
and
Excise-free
,
seven
years
.
After
these
went
more
and
more
Colonies
,
which
setled
at
Rotterdam
,
Middleburgh
,
and
Flushing
,
where
a
fourth
part
of
the
Inhabitants
are
English
,
or
of
English
Extraction
:
Besides
vast
numbers
of
English
dispersed
elsewhere
in
those
Provinces
.
The
Dutch
having
gotten
the
Manufacturers
,
had
half
done
their
work
;
they
wanted
nothing
but
Wool
,
which
if
they
might
have
on
any
tolerable
Terms
,
their
Advantages
in
the
way
of
Trade
,
must
enable
them
to
out-doe
us
,
this
they
Imported
from
Spain
,
England
,
and
Ireland
,
and
elsewhere
,
falling
a
main
upon
the
Woollen
Manufactures
of
all
sorts
;
so
that
about
the
year
1640.
they
pretended
to
something
of
a
Cloth
Trade
in
Germany
,
and
soon
afterwards
took
occasion
to
supply
our
Eastland
and
Northern
Markets
more
and
more
;
especially
with
fine
Cloth
;
getting
ground
upon
us
continually
,
they
bought
our
Woolls
dearer
at
first
,
but
have
gradually
sunk
the
Prices
;
our
Vigilant
Neighbours
,
the
French
,
started
with
them
,
or
soon
followed
their
Example
,
as
did
the
Flemmings
,
the
Silesians
,
Polanders
,
and
some
others
mentioned
before
;
by
all
which
,
these
and
other
Parts
of
the
World
were
as
much
supplied
with
coarse
Cloths
,
Druggets
,
and
Stuffs
;
but
the
Dutch
would
not
rest
here
;
Trade
was
their
business
,
and
they
observed
,
the
virtue
of
ours
(
such
as
we
had
)
depended
wholly
on
Accidents
,
and
particularly
that
of
Muscovy
on
our
Privilege
;
which
therefore
they
found
ways
to
evacuate
,
by
bestowing
Money
amongst
the
Grandees
of
that
Court
,
and
furnishing
them
with
an
Objection
against
our
Merchants
,
as
being
Londoners
,
and
therefore
(
as
they
insinuated
)
must
be
concerned
as
Actors
in
the
horrid
Murther
of
His
late
Sacred
Majesty
,
which
it
was
in
vain
for
our
Merchants
to
dispute
,
when
the
Judges
were
Fee'd
on
the
other
side
;
this
powerful
Metal
(
whereof
the
Dutch
are
never
sparing
on
such
occasions
,
and
therein
have
a
farther
advantage
upon
us
)
had
so
radicated
their
Interests
with
the
Boyars
,
that
notwithstanding
all
Applications
in
an
Honourable
Embassy
to
the
Great
Czar
from
his
now
Sacred
Majesty
,
by
the
Earl
of
Carlisle
,
our
Privilege
could
never
be
regained
.
Soon
after
this
,
there
followed
two
things
convenient
to
be
taken
notice
of
for
the
prevention
of
misapprehensions
on
either
side
;
one
was
,
that
between
the
year
(
50
)
and
(
60
)
we
had
an
Accidental
Opportunity
of
increasing
our
Treasure
with
the
loss
of
our
People
,
viz.
by
the
Stocking
Ireland
with
Inhabitants
,
and
Cattle
,
after
the
Reduction
of
the
Irish
Rebels
,
and
by
furnishing
it
with
all
sorts
of
Goods
and
Necessaries
,
then
much
consumed
or
spoiled
by
the
Wars
and
Disorders
there
;
which
on
a
sudden
,
brought
us
almost
all
the
Treasures
of
Ireland
;
which
supposing
but
a
Million
and
an
half
,
or
but
a
Million
,
was
considerable
.
Another
,
which
prevented
us
of
as
much
Money
as
we
thus
got
,
if
not
of
more
,
and
doubtless
exhausted
us
of
some
;
In
the
year
1654.
the
late
Usurper
Oliver
Cromwell
(
whose
guilty
fears
made
him
Jealous
of
the
English
,
and
seek
a
support
from
France
)
did
in
Conjunction
with
France
make
a
fatal
War
upon
Spain
;
which
,
besides
the
seisure
of
our
Spanish
effects
,
and
our
vast
Losses
at
Sea
in
that
War
,
interrupted
our
Trade
with
Spain
,
and
gave
the
Dutch
better
footing
,
but
opened
our
French
Trade
;
at
once
weakning
the
Ballance
of
our
Trade
,
and
the
Ballance
of
all
Europe
.
Thus
it
was
before
the
year
1660.
But
in
regard
our
Imports
were
then
of
far
less
quantity
and
value
than
they
were
after
,
't
is
presumeable
that
our
Trade
might
be
yet
beneficial
,
especially
considering
our
then
Irish
Trade
;
but
our
Importations
increasing
,
we
find
what
Mr.
Mun
,
a
Principal
English
Merchant
thought
of
it
,
by
what
he
saith
in
his
Book
of
Trade
,
Printed
in
(
63.
)
But
,
as
appears
by
the
Preface
,
Pag.
61.
was
Written
some
time
before
;
the
words
are
these
,
The
whole
Trade
of
the
Realm
for
Exportations
and
Importations
is
now
found
to
be
about
the
yearly
value
of
four
Millions
and
a
half
of
Pounds
;
As
for
Mr.
Mun's
proposal
to
Export
Money
in
Trade
,
I
have
spoken
to
it
before
;
and
besides
,
he
recommends
the
Reduction
of
the
Customs
,
and
easing
of
Trade
,
which
(
if
fully
done
)
it
might
be
then
convenient
.
It
may
be
yet
increased
200000
l.
more
by
the
Importations
and
Consumption
of
Foreign
Wares
,
by
this
means
we
know
the
King
shall
be
a
Gainer
near
20000
l.
(
viz.
by
the
Customs
;
)
but
the
Common-wealth
would
lose
the
whole
200000
l.
and
the
King
shall
be
sure
in
the
end
to
have
the
greatest
loss
,
if
he
do
not
prevent
such
unthrifty
courses
as
do
impoverish
his
People
.
By
which
words
,
I
take
it
as
very
plain
,
that
before
he
wrote
,
our
Exportations
and
Importations
were
computed
to
stand
even
;
which
is
the
more
enforced
by
the
latter
words
,
viz.
That
the
Common-wealth
would
lose
the
whole
200000
l.
the
People
be
impoverished
,
and
the
King
the
greatest
loser
at
last
.
Then
if
we
compute
our
Losses
since
(
60
)
,
nay
,
or
(
63
)
,
viz.
By
the
means
of
the
Acts
of
Navigation
,
which
(
though
first
begun
by
the
Rump
,
to
the
prejudice
of
Trade
in
their
time
)
have
been
since
made
Laws
,
and
continued
to
our
greater
and
daily
growing
prejudice
.
-
000000
By
all
our
direct
and
Consequential
Losses
from
the
Irish
Acts
mentioned
before
.
-
000000
By
the
Loss
or
decay
of
our
Scotch
Trade
.
-
000000
By
the
Stop
of
our
Exported
Cloathing
into
France
.
-
000000
By
the
setting
up
of
more
Woollen
Manufactures
in
Portugal
,
Swedeland
,
and
the
Palatinate
,
(
to
which
last
Countrey
went
some
Thousands
of
our
Manufacturers
within
less
than
Twenty
years
)
and
by
the
Increase
of
these
,
and
of
the
Silesian
,
Polonian
,
Dutch
,
French
,
and
Flemmish
Woollen
Manufactures
ever
since
,
by
which
our
Vent
must
be
answerably
Contracted
.
-
000000
By
the
continual
sinking
of
the
Forreign
Price
of
our
Cloathing
.
-
000000
By
the
decay
of
our
Iseland
,
Groenland
,
and
Newfound-Land
Fishing-Trades
.
-
000000
By
the
sinking
of
the
Foreign
Price
of
our
other
Exports
mentioned
before
.
-
000000
And
lastly
,
in
a
Lump
by
a
continual
vast
Increase
of
our
Importations
of
all
Sorts
and
Species
mentioned
in
this
Section
,
with
an
Exportation
of
Treasure
answerable
to
the
Whole
.
-
000000
Our
Overballance
appears
to
me
to
be
so
much
of
late
years
,
that
it
might
be
wondred
how
any
of
our
late
Treasures
could
yet
remain
amongst
us
,
did
we
not
also
Consider
that
our
Trade
by
degrees
,
in
length
of
time
,
had
before
the
year
(
60
)
brought
a
great
Treasure
into
England
,
and
that
these
our
latest
Prejudices
and
Losses
have
not
been
working
upon
us
many
years
.
But
if
the
Overballance
continue
,
it
must
soon
sweep
away
what
remains
;
which
Mr.
Fortrey
Prophetically
foretold
in
these
words
:
Hereby
it
may
appear
how
insensibly
our
Treasures
must
be
exhausted
,
and
our
Nation
Beggared
,
whilst
we
carelesly
neglect
our
own
Interests
,
and
Strangers
abroad
are
diligent
to
make
their
advantages
upon
us
.
Sir
William
Temple
,
in
his
excellent
Treatise
of
the
Dutch
does
presage
the
like
.
Having
laid
it
as
a
Ground
,
That
Whatever
the
Exportation
wants
in
value
,
to
Ballance
,
Pag.
231
,
232
,
234.
the
Importation
must
of
necessity
be
made
up
with
ready
Money
;
he
tells
us
,
That
by
this
we
find
out
the
Foundation
of
the
Riches
of
Holland
,
as
of
their
Trade
,
by
Circumstances
already
rehearsed
;
for
never
any
Countrey
Traded
so
much
,
and
consumed
so
little
;
they
buy
infinitely
,
but
't
is
to
sell
again
,
either
upon
Improvement
of
the
Commodity
(
viz.
by
Manufacture
)
or
at
a
better
Market
:
(
viz.
in
the
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
)
.
By
all
this
Accompt
of
their
Trade
and
Riches
,
it
will
appear
that
some
of
our
Maxims
are
not
so
certain
,
as
they
are
Currant
in
our
Common
Politicks
:
As
first
,
That
the
example
and
encouragement
of
Excess
and
Luxury
,
if
employed
in
the
Consumption
of
Native
Commodities
,
is
of
advantage
to
Trade
;
the
Custom
or
humour
of
Luxury
,
and
Expence
cannot
stop
at
certain
bounds
;
what
begins
in
Native
,
will
proceed
in
Forreign
Commodities
;
and
though
the
example
rise
among
idle
Persons
,
yet
the
Imitation
will
run
into
all
degrees
,
even
of
those
,
by
whose
Industry
the
Nation
subsists
:
and
besides
,
the
more
of
our
own
we
spend
,
the
less
we
shall
have
to
send
abroad
;
and
so
it
will
come
to
pass
that
while
we
drive
a
vast
Trade
,
yet
by
buying
much
more
than
we
sell
,
we
shall
come
to
be
poor
.
Whereas
,
when
we
drive
a
very
smal
Traffick
abroad
,
yet
by
selling
so
much
more
than
we
bought
,
we
were
very
Rich
in
proportion
to
our
Neighbours
.
This
appeared
in
Edward
the
Third's
time
,
when
he
maintained
so
mighty
Wars
in
France
,
and
carried
our
Victorious
Arms
into
the
heart
of
Spain
,
Whereas
in
the
28
th
year
of
that
King's
Reign
,
the
Value
and
Custom
of
all
our
Exported
Commodities
,
amounted
to
294184
l.
17
s.
2
d.
and
that
of
our
Imported
,
but
38970
l.
03
s.
06
d
;
so
as
there
must
have
entred
that
year
into
the
Kingdom
,
in
Coin
or
Bullion
,
or
else
have
grown
a
Debt
to
the
Nation
,
255214
l.
13
s.
08
d.
and
yet
we
then
carried
out
our
Woolls
unwrought
,
and
brought
in
a
great
part
of
our
Cloaths
from
Flanders
.
Whence
Two
things
may
be
remarked
:
First
,
That
't
is
much
in
vain
to
increase
the
value
of
our
Exports
,
if
at
the
same
time
we
increase
our
Imports
to
a
yet
greater
value
,
being
now
(
perhaps
)
an
100
times
more
than
value
.
Secondly
,
That
although
Edward
the
Third
,
revived
the
Order
of
the
Round
Table
,
he
did
not
perform
his
great
Atchievements
by
the
meer
virtue
of
Knight
Errantry
;
there
is
no
doubt
but
our
succeeding
Princes
were
enabled
to
make
their
Conquests
in
France
,
by
the
advantages
of
our
former
Trade
,
then
far
more
considerable
than
the
French.
I
shall
only
add
,
that
this
Consumption
by
our
Importations
,
will
not
be
prevented
,
but
rather
augmented
by
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
;
as
I
shall
demonstrate
in
the
last
Section
.
SECT.
XIII
.
That
a
Considerable
part
of
our
late
Treasure
is
exhausted
:
Application
to
our
Publick
and
Private
Revenues
:
Objections
Answered
,
viz.
The
Plenty
of
Money
to
be
let
on
Securities
,
Stores
of
Money
in
London
,
Stocks
in
Merchandize
,
the
Over-weightiness
of
our
Coin
,
&c.
AFter
what
hath
been
said
,
it
may
seem
little
requisite
to
enquire
whether
Mr.
Fortrey
Prophesied
a-right
,
when
he
foretold
the
Exhausting
of
our
Treasure
.
If
the
Diffusive
Body
of
the
People
be
much
Poorer
than
before
,
they
have
much
less
Treasure
than
before
;
For
Poverty
is
but
the
privation
of
Treasure
.
Now
if
the
Question
be
whether
the
Nation
be
Poorer
,
it
must
be
undeniable
from
all
those
Badges
of
Poverty
I
have
mentioned
before
,
if
any
of
those
particular
Men
who
find
themselves
at
ease
,
are
yet
unwilling
to
believe
it
,
they
may
be
further
convinced
from
the
universal
Cries
of
the
People
,
(
at
least
from
the
Land-holders
,
remaining
Manufacturers
,
and
their
Dependants
who
make
up
the
gross
and
stanch
Body
of
the
Nation
)
they
remember
when
it
was
otherwise
,
when
there
was
a
far
greater
plenty
of
Money
in
all
our
inferiour
Cities
,
Corporations
,
and
Villages
;
when
our
Farmers
had
their
Rents
before
hand
,
and
had
Stocks
for
every
Farm
;
when
they
and
our
Manufacturers
got
Estates
,
and
when
vast
Taxes
could
be
readily
raised
;
and
therefore
are
the
most
proper
Judges
of
the
odds
,
who
feel
the
present
Scarcity
,
and
want
of
Money
;
they
cannot
conspire
in
a
Falsity
of
this
Nature
,
but
in
so
general
and
near
a
Concern
,
The
Voice
of
the
People
hath
been
taken
to
be
like
the
Speech
of
God.
Those
that
find
their
Stocks
wasted
,
or
much
Contracted
,
their
late
Revenues
sunk
,
their
home-Commodities
yield
much
less
value
,
their
labours
in
Manufactures
turn
to
less
Profit
,
or
to
none
at
all
,
the
poor
and
their
Maintenances
vastly
increased
,
the
Nation
involved
in
Debts
,
Money
very
hard
to
be
gotten
or
raised
in
the
way
of
home-Trade
,
with
other
Common
hardships
,
cannot
be
argued
out
of
their
Senses
;
Crede
quod
habes
&
habes
,
is
no
Logick
in
matters
of
Interest
,
but
amongst
Fools
and
Madmen
;
or
let
Men
be
never
so
good
at
perswading
or
believing
,
yet
when
their
Estates
and
Stocks
are
thus
sunk
,
they
cannot
answer
the
Publick
Emergencies
by
Payment
of
as
great
Taxes
as
before
.
I
should
not
say
more
to
prove
our
National
Treasure
is
much
diminished
,
(
taking
it
to
be
indisputable
;
and
being
sensible
,
that
the
over-labouring
a
Truth
,
may
bring
it
in
question
)
but
having
something
to
offer
,
by
which
(
as
it
seems
to
me
)
some
nearer
Conjecture
may
be
made
of
the
Quantity
of
Money
thus
exhausted
,
I
shall
present
it
to
the
Reader
,
desiring
his
Excuse
,
if
he
think
it
unnecessary
.
So
great
was
the
Quantity
of
our
late
Harp
and
Cross
Money
,
before
the
year
(
60
)
that
according
to
the
best
Estimate
I
can
make
or
meet
with
,
it
made
about
10
or
15
per
Cent.
of
our
Common
Money
in
tale
in
the
Countrey
,
and
more
in
London
,
which
I
do
not
take
to
be
the
meer
Effect
of
our
extraordinary
Exports
in
Trade
,
for
the
years
then
last
preceding
,
but
partly
of
the
Plate
then
lately
Coined
,
and
our
Stocking
Ireland
;
but
more
than
either
,
from
our
far
less
yearly
Imports
of
all
kinds
several
years
before
1660.
I
must
refer
it
to
the
Memory
,
or
other
Information
of
the
Reader
,
whether
he
can
comply
with
me
in
the
aforesaid
late
quantity
of
our
Harp
and
Cross
Money
;
whatsoever
it
were
,
this
Money
being
taken
in
to
be
recoined
in
the
year
(
60
)
must
,
when
recoined
,
produce
the
like
Quantity
of
His
Majestie
's
Coin
;
besides
which
,
according
to
the
said
Accompt
in
November
(
75
)
there
had
then
been
2238997
l.
more
Coined
since
His
Majestie
's
Restoration
,
and
since
the
said
Accompt
,
there
hath
been
yet
more
Coyned
;
which
supposing
to
be
but
600000
l.
had
the
Money
so
Recoyned
,
and
since
Coyned
with
His
now
Majestie
's
Impression
,
continued
in
the
Nation
,
and
the
new
Money
under
His
Majestie
's
Impression
,
must
have
been
much
above
Three
Millions
,
I
conceive
near
Four
Millions
;
and
then
supposing
we
had
Twelve
Millions
in
the
Nation
,
it
would
have
been
above
30
per
Cent.
of
our
currant
Money
in
Tale
;
of
more
,
were
our
whole
Treasure
less
than
Twelve
Millions
.
Whereas
we
see
at
this
day
,
that
the
new
Money
of
His
now
Majestie
's
Impression
,
does
not
amount
to
above
5
per
Cent.
of
the
currant
Money
in
the
Countrey
,
taking
one
Payment
with
another
,
(
especially
in
such
Counties
as
lye
any
thing
remote
from
London
)
I
think
not
so
much
.
'T
is
true
,
that
in
London
,
where
the
Mint
and
Merchants
are
,
there
is
some
greater
quantity
of
new
Money
,
and
perhaps
somewhat
more
of
late
than
usually
;
because
that
by
occasion
of
the
late
Forreign
Wars
,
we
have
had
somewhat
a
better
Vent
for
our
English
Cloths
,
and
a
greater
Exportation
of
our
Annual
produce
of
Corn
:
But
yet
in
London
it
does
not
make
near
30
per
Cent.
taking
one
Payment
with
another
;
nor
I
conceive
,
more
than
equal
the
quantity
of
our
late
Harp
and
Cross
Money
.
Now
if
the
Money
in
His
now
Majesties
Impression
,
be
less
in
quantity
than
the
Harp
and
Cross
Money
,
it
must
follow
,
that
notwithstanding
all
the
Money
since
Coyned
,
we
have
less
Money
in
the
Nation
than
we
had
in
(
59
;
)
if
our
present
new
Coyn
but
equal
the
Harp
and
Cross
Money
,
it
follows
,
that
we
have
now
no
more
Money
than
in
(
59
)
.
And
in
either
Case
,
that
as
much
of
our
new
Coyn
as
amounts
to
the
said
whole
2238997
l.
and
all
the
other
Money
Coyned
since
November
(
75
)
is
also
Exported
:
For
though
we
may
still
have
some
Coyn
of
each
of
the
succeeding
years
since
(
59
;
)
yet
if
all
of
it
put
together
amounts
to
no
more
than
the
quantity
of
the
Harp
and
Cross
Money
we
had
in
(
59
,
)
our
Stock
of
Treasure
cannot
be
more
than
it
was
in
(
59
:
)
if
less
,
then
our
present
Stock
is
less
.
And
if
Millions
of
our
new
Money
,
Coyned
since
(
59
)
be
gone
,
as
,
I
take
it
,
't
is
evident
they
are
;
we
may
reasonably
Collect
that
as
much
or
more
of
our
old
Coyn
,
is
also
Exported
(
by
the
old
Coyn
,
I
mean
such
as
was
Coyned
in
the
Reigns
of
King
James
and
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
before
)
of
which
we
had
lately
a
mighty
Store
,
almost
all
of
it
valuable
and
unclipped
,
especially
the
Gold
,
whereof
we
had
an
abundance
commonly
passing
in
home-Trade
and
Payments
,
there
is
no
reason
why
these
Coyns
,
being
as
valuable
or
more
,
should
not
be
as
good
a
Commodity
in
Trade
as
the
new
.
And
accordingly
we
may
to
our
Comforts
observe
,
that
this
late
mighty
Store
of
old
Gold
,
is
in
a
manner
totally
vanished
,
those
few
pieces
which
remain
,
being
almost
taken
as
Medals
,
never
to
be
parted
with
.
If
it
be
said
that
part
of
our
old
Gold
is
Coyned
into
Guinnies
,
this
will
not
alter
the
Case
,
since
our
whole
new
Coyn
is
no
more
in
proportion
to
the
old
,
than
before
is
noted
.
So
of
our
old
Silver
Coyn
,
there
is
very
little
remaining
,
but
what
is
much
Clipped
,
or
worn
;
and
therefore
not
valuable
for
Exportation
.
We
have
those
yet
alive
who
can
remember
what
a
flowing
Treasure
we
had
in
all
Parts
of
England
,
before
we
had
any
Harp
and
Cross
Money
,
and
are
now
sensible
of
the
general
scarcity
and
Want
of
it
.
This
does
let
in
a
further
Presumption
,
that
our
new
Coyn
is
diminished
to
a
much
greater
degree
,
than
it
appears
to
be
:
For
,
suppose
we
have
now
but
a
moiety
of
all
the
old
Coyn
we
had
in
the
year
(
59
)
,
'T
is
plain
,
that
a
moiety
of
the
Harp
and
Cross
Money
(
had
it
remained
)
would
now
hold
the
same
proportion
to
the
old
,
as
the
whole
did
in
(
59
)
,
and
so
will
a
moiety
of
our
new
Coyned
Money
;
and
thus
will
it
be
in
any
lesser
proportions
.
If
the
new
Coyn
come
to
be
less
in
proportion
to
the
old
,
than
it
was
before
,
it
is
an
infallible
evidence
of
the
Diminution
of
our
Treasure
,
because
the
old
Coyn
could
not
increase
;
But
if
the
new
Coyn
come
to
be
more
in
proportion
to
the
old
Coyn
than
before
,
this
is
no
manner
of
Demonstration
of
the
increase
of
Treasure
,
since
the
decrease
of
the
old
Coyn
may
produce
this
Odds.
Thus
after
the
Consumption
of
our
old
Gold
,
we
have
more
than
Twenty
Guinneys
to
one
Broad
Piece
;
but
I
think
no
body
will
press
it
as
an
Argument
of
more
Gold
in
the
Nation
than
we
lately
had
;
so
having
lost
so
great
a
part
of
our
valuable
old
Silver
Coyn
,
't
is
no
Wonder
if
our
new
Silver
Coyn
seems
so
much
as
it
doth
,
especially
about
London
;
perhaps
it
hath
been
a
kind
of
Providence
that
we
have
had
so
much
Clipt
and
worn
Money
;
since
otherwise
we
might
have
had
as
little
old
Silver
,
as
we
have
old
Gold
;
and
might
have
been
reduced
to
our
present
Store
of
new
Silver
Coyn
,
as
we
are
to
our
Guinneys
,
which
might
have
afforded
a
weighty
Argument
of
the
Increase
of
our
Treasure
.
Upon
these
Grounds
,
and
upon
the
common
Wants
,
Necessities
,
and
Decays
mentioned
before
,
it
may
reasonably
be
concluded
,
That
besides
the
loss
of
most
of
those
Millions
Coyned
since
His
Majestie
's
Restauration
,
we
have
lost
many
more
Millions
of
the
old
Coyn
in
Silver
and
Gold
;
I
shall
leave
the
quantity
to
be
computed
by
the
indifferent
Reader
:
Those
who
set
out
the
said
Accompt
from
the
Mint
,
taking
notice
of
the
great
consumption
of
our
Treasure
by
reason
of
its
being
Exported
,
did
by
the
same
Paper
,
then
estimate
it
to
be
reduced
to
about
four
or
five
Millions
,
and
by
the
Nature
of
that
Accompt
,
they
seem
no
unfit
Persons
to
make
some
competent
Judgment
of
this
Matter
.
Whatsoever
our
Coyned
Treasure
was
when
this
Accompt
was
made
,
't
was
plainly
much
less
then
,
than
it
would
have
been
,
had
none
been
Exported
;
and
though
it
must
be
admitted
,
that
our
late
Exportation
of
our
Annual
Corn
,
and
what
other
advantages
we
had
during
the
late
War
,
may
have
somewhat
helped
us
,
yet
we
have
reason
to
think
it
farther
diminished
now
,
especially
considering
our
losses
at
Sea
by
the
Dutch
,
and
others
,
before
we
dis-engaged
from
the
late
War
,
and
since
by
the
French
and
Algiers
Pirates
,
and
the
mony
lately
and
daily
exported
by
Papists
departed
hence
;
to
which
may
be
added
what
we
must
now
further
export
by
the
expiration
of
the
Irish
Acts
,
and
the
dear
buying
of
these
goods
we
imported
from
France
,
already
added
to
the
former
Overballance
of
our
Importations
.
Then
let
the
Reader
judg
what
we
are
to
hope
for
in
our
private
and
publick
Revenues
,
I
shall
only
endeavour
to
put
him
into
a
method
of
conjecturing
,
leaving
the
compute
to
his
greater
ingenuity
and
leisure
.
Suppose
we
have
now
5
,
6
,
or
7
Millions
of
Treasure
in
the
Nation
;
let
him
consider
how
much
of
this
must
constantly
lye
in
the
hands
of
Traders
to
attend
the
payment
of
Customs
,
and
the
buying
up
of
our
vast
importations
;
how
much
always
is
,
and
must
be
actually
collected
in
Taxes
,
and
either
lies
in
the
Exchequer
,
or
in
the
hands
of
Officers
;
and
how
much
does
,
and
always
will
lye
dead
in
Banks
and
other
private
hands
;
and
then
,
how
much
will
at
the
same
time
(
I
say
at
the
same
time
)
be
employed
in
the
home-Markets
to
buy
of
the
annual
Produce
of
Lands
;
perhaps
it
will
not
be
half
of
the
Whole
:
Then
recollecting
that
we
have
29568000
Acres
of
Land
in
England
,
what
Rent
can
they
yield
,
one
with
the
other
.
Admitting
this
whole
Treasure
at
the
same
time
stirring
in
the
home-Markets
,
our
whole
Land-Revenues
could
not
be
much
;
all
the
help
we
have
is
,
that
we
have
many
great
wasts
,
which
yielding
little
or
nothing
,
a
great
quantity
of
this
floating
money
is
applicable
to
the
rest
;
and
yet
to
our
sorrow
we
have
found
that
our
Rents
are
mightily
sunk
,
which
having
not
abated
so
much
or
speedily
as
was
requisite
,
our
Yeomanry
are
generally
impoverish't
.
Then
for
our
publick
Revenue
,
't
is
as
plain
,
it
must
be
confined
to
the
stock
of
Treasure
be
it
greater
or
less
.
We
have
many
who
seem
to
resent
the
narrowness
of
his
Majestie
's
Revenue
and
Supplies
,
and
are
ready
to
expostulate
why
they
should
not
be
equal
to
the
French
King
's
;
let
them
consider
what
may
possibly
be
paid
out
of
our
Land
Revenues
thus
contracted
,
and
constantly
charged
with
the
maintenance
of
our
numerous
poor
;
and
besides
,
that
the
English
having
by
the
constitutions
of
the
Government
an
undoubted
liberty
and
property
,
are
accustomed
to
live
well
,
and
their
Representatives
,
being
a
part
of
themselves
,
in
whose
disposition
it
lies
to
give
supplies
or
not
,
will
have
regard
to
their
own
and
the
peoples
abilities
:
should
they
give
extravagantly
it
would
be
like
Diego's
Will
,
and
must
induce
many
of
those
sad
consequences
mentioned
before
;
what
then
if
we
should
be
involved
in
any
long
Foreign
War
,
or
obliged
to
any
great
extraordinary
publick
Charge
in
time
of
Peace
,
whilst
we
remain
under
a
consumptive
Trade
?
which
I
intimate
once
more
to
shew
the
necessity
of
improving
our
Trade
.
I
shall
now
answer
some
common
Objections
.
The
most
usual
is
,
That
there
is
now
as
much
money
to
be
let
on
good
Securities
in
England
,
as
there
are
Securities
,
or
rather
more
;
from
whence
some
infer
that
there
is
as
much
,
or
more
money
than
ever
in
England
.
To
this
I
answer
,
That
on
the
contrary
,
it
only
proves
the
scarcity
of
Securities
,
and
therein
the
poverty
of
the
Nation
;
for
personal
Security
for
money
being
in
a
manner
lost
;
all
the
floating
money
to
be
let
out
at
interest
is
thrust
upon
Land-Securities
;
which
(
were
they
all
good
)
would
take
off
much
less
money
than
was
let
out
at
interest
when
both
Land
and
Personal
Securities
stood
:
But
,
as
the
National
Poverty
hath
subverted
Personal
Security
,
so
hath
it
crept
into
the
Land
;
for
mens
estates
are
already
so
entangled
with
Debts
,
that
there
is
not
one
Land-Security
in
twenty
that
is
good
,
as
dear
experience
hath
now
taught
us
,
Then
,
the
Securities
being
grown
so
scarce
and
narrow
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
there
is
now
as
much
money
to
be
let
out
as
there
are
Securities
,
and
more
.
Thus
if
a
man
had
1000
l.
in
the
Isle
of
Shetland
,
he
would
there
hardly
find
any
Security
for
it
;
which
at
this
rate
of
arguing
would
prove
the
Isle
of
Shetland
richer
than
the
Isle
of
Great
Britain
.
And
upon
this
occasion
I
shall
add
,
That
there
is
no
possible
way
for
restoring
the
Securities
and
Credits
of
England
,
but
by
restoring
its
Riches
;
no
Register
can
do
it
,
at
least
comparable
to
the
other
;
we
may
Register
our
common
Poverty
,
but
nothing
will
make
an
ill
man
value
his
credit
,
or
able
to
satisfie
for
a
Cheat
,
but
his
own
private
wealth
;
nothing
can
make
a
man
who
is
honestly
inclined
to
do
a
foul
thing
,
but
Poverty
and
Necessity
.
Another
Objection
,
partly
answered
before
,
is
,
That
there
is
still
as
much
money
in
and
about
London
,
as
ever
;
from
whence
they
would
argue
as
much
money
in
the
Nation
as
before
.
I
cannot
admit
this
fact
;
if
I
did
,
the
consequence
is
lame
and
frivolous
;
however
,
because
there
hath
been
such
a
pother
made
about
the
money
in
London
,
I
shall
give
some
further
account
of
it
.
I
agree
that
there
are
considerable
quantities
of
money
always
lodging
in
and
about
London
,
in
some
particular
hands
:
But
the
reason
is
,
because
the
King's
Revenue
is
paid
in
,
and
issued
out
,
in
and
about
London
.
There
is
also
the
Mint
,
and
there
do
our
principal
Merchants
live
,
who
Trade
with
so
much
exported
money
or
bullion
,
and
keep
money
dead
for
the
Customs
.
This
is
also
the
great
Port
for
Forreign
Importations
;
and
the
Country
Retailers
,
who
buy
them
there
and
vend
them
to
the
people
,
must
send
up
their
money
to
London
:
Upon
which
and
the
like
occasions
,
't
is
thought
near
half
the
money
in
England
is
in
London
:
The
more
is
the
pity
;
it
were
much
better
for
the
Nation
that
there
were
more
home-Manufacture
,
with
Forreign
Stores
of
re-exportable
Goods
,
and
a
less
proportion
of
our
money
;
and
the
rather
because
it
stagnates
for
a
time
in
the
hands
of
Merchants
,
Banquers
,
and
Scriveners
;
and
facilitates
the
culling
,
melting
,
and
exportation
.
This
being
the
great
Sluce
of
our
Treasure
will
necessarily
draw
it
from
all
parts
,
as
long
as
we
have
any
in
the
Nation
.
These
Stores
of
money
in
London
must
rather
evidence
the
poverty
of
the
people
,
who
being
over
ballanced
by
the
money
drawn
out
for
Importations
and
Taxes
,
and
therefore
incapable
of
answering
those
payments
by
Bills
or
Returns
to
London
;
very
much
of
our
Taxes
have
been
sent
up
in
Carts
and
Waggons
,
and
our
Country
Retailers
continually
send
up
money
in
specie
by
the
Carriers
;
which
must
drein
away
that
which
remains
,
in
a
little
time
:
Nor
do
those
Stores
of
money
much
spread
,
or
benefit
the
general
body
of
Traders
,
even
in
London
;
who
were
never
so
poor
or
broke
so
fast
(
tho
never
so
fine
)
as
now
.
It
is
impossible
that
the
occasions
,
vanities
,
or
the
remaining
stock
of
the
Kingdom
can
ever
support
such
a
prodigious
Increase
of
Retailers
and
Shop-keepers
as
are
in
and
about
London
,
being
near
100000
in
number
,
when
in
Amsterdam
there
are
not
5000.
Nor
is
it
to
be
objected
,
That
I
have
not
computed
our
present
Stores
of
Merchandize
or
Forreign
Effects
as
part
of
the
National
wealth
.
First
,
because
the
present
question
is
about
the
actual
fruit
and
produce
of
a
National
Trade
in
new
Treasure
;
and
not
about
the
quantity
of
our
Stores
of
Merchandize
or
Forreign
Effects
.
'T
is
true
,
That
if
a
Nation
whose
Trade
is
truly
regulated
,
hath
a
great
Store-house
of
Forreign
Goods
,
as
in
Holland
,
or
great
Forreign
effects
,
't
is
very
possible
and
likely
that
these
may
produce
new
Treasure
;
and
if
they
do
,
then
is
the
National
gain
in
Treasure
to
be
computed
,
and
not
before
.
For
on
the
other
side
't
is
impossible
(
even
in
a
Nation
that
hath
a
due
ballance
of
Trade
)
that
such
Stores
and
Effects
may
produce
no
Treasure
;
for
the
Forreign
Stores
being
re-exported
may
be
lost
by
the
perils
of
the
Sea
,
or
Seisures
of
Princes
or
Pirates
:
we
may
remember
the
late
seisures
of
the
English
,
by
the
French
Capers
;
the
like
casualties
do
attend
Forreign
Effects
,
for
which
we
may
also
remember
when
our
Effects
were
seized
in
Spain
.
But
Secondly
,
Supposing
none
of
those
Casualties
,
yet
(
as
a
National
Trade
may
be
managed
)
these
stores
and
Effects
shall
produce
no
new
Treasure
to
the
Nation
;
as
when
these
Forreign
Goods
and
Stores
are
,
and
must
be
spent
at
home
;
and
the
Forreign
Effects
are
continually
by
Bills
of
Exchange
,
applied
to
pay
for
those
Forreign
Goods
;
so
if
the
Merchants
are
sometimes
forced
to
Import
and
Coyn
some
Forreign
Bullion
yearly
,
but
yet
Export
it
,
or
the
like
quantity
of
Money
or
Bullion
,
the
Nation
gets
nothing
;
and
if
more
Treasure
be
Exported
than
is
yearly
Imported
,
the
Nation
loses
;
in
which
Case
the
stock
so
imployed
in
Trade
doth
prejudice
the
wealth
of
the
Nation
;
since
in
the
Whole
it
makes
up
a
monstrous
Engin
for
the
Bulgeing
out
of
its
Treasure
;
and
that
this
hath
been
the
Case
of
our
English
Trade
,
is
plain
enough
.
Nor
can
the
Forreign
Stock
in
such
a
Consumptive
Trade
be
of
any
great
value
,
since
as
some
Effects
are
gotten
by
our
Merchants
in
one
Forreign
Countrey
,
so
are
debts
contracted
in
another
,
as
long
as
our
Merchants
can
have
credit
;
and
then
perhaps
our
Forreign
debts
may
be
near
the
value
of
our
Forreign
Effects
,
and
probably
more
;
or
however
,
cannot
be
thought
equal
to
our
former
stock
in
Trade
,
when
we
were
not
over
ballanced
.
There
are
yet
other
objectors
,
who
admitting
much
of
our
Treasure
Exported
,
will
excuse
our
Trade
,
and
assign
the
cause
of
it
in
the
over
weightiness
of
our
Coyn
,
and
the
undervaluing
it
in
our
Forreign
Bills
of
Exchange
,
&c.
These
are
old
inconsiderate
fancies
,
sufficiently
refuted
before
,
yet
I
should
be
more
particular
in
it
,
had
not
Mr.
Mun
in
his
Book
of
Trade
taken
the
pains
to
clear
this
and
the
like
objections
by
evident
reason
and
instances
,
in
six
several
Chapters
,
beginning
at
pa.
62.
proving
withal
,
that
nothing
but
the
Overballance
of
Trade
can
exhaust
the
National
Treasure
;
to
which
therefore
I
refer
the
Reader
.
SECT.
XIV
.
People
and
Treasure
the
true
Pillars
of
the
National
strength
:
The
Odds
in
the
different
Vse
and
imployment
of
people
.
The
absoluteness
of
the
French
Monarchy
no
cause
of
the
present
French
Grandure
:
The
late
Application
of
the
French
Councils
to
the
Increase
of
Trade
,
People
,
and
Treasure
;
and
the
occasion
thereof
.
The
greater
excellency
of
the
Form
of
our
English
Government
.
The
farther
necessity
of
Improving
our
Trade
from
the
Modern
Treasures
and
Powers
of
the
French
;
of
their
Naval
force
,
the
Algiers
Pyracy
;
how
the
French
design
to
engross
all
Maritime
Commerce
;
our
dangers
from
France
;
of
the
present
condition
of
the
Dutch
:
That
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
will
not
disable
that
Monarchy
,
nor
better
our
Trade
;
meer
Prohibitions
of
no
value
:
Our
great
advantages
in
Trade
above
France
and
Holland
:
That
a
speedy
Regulation
of
our
Trade
&c.
would
secure
us
against
all
Forreign
Powers
,
and
Dangers
at
home
:
Of
Excises
,
and
other
Taxes
.
The
certain
Increase
of
his
Majesties
Revenue
;
hence
,
what
occasion
for
a
Parliament
,
&c.
FRom
what
hath
been
said
,
it
is
evident
that
National
power
is
not
Chimerical
,
but
is
founded
on
People
and
Treasures
;
and
that
,
according
to
the
different
condition
of
these
its
true
Pillars
,
it
immediately
grows
more
vigorous
or
languid
:
that
sufficient
stores
of
Treasure
cannot
otherwise
be
gotten
,
than
by
the
industry
of
the
people
;
and
,
That
till
they
have
it
,
they
cannot
pay
.
People
are
therefore
in
truth
the
chiefest
,
most
fundamental
,
and
pretious
commodity
,
out
of
which
may
be
derived
all
sorts
of
Manufactures
,
Navigation
,
Riches
,
Conquests
,
and
solid
Dominion
:
This
capital
material
,
being
of
it self
raw
and
indigested
,
is
committed
into
the
hands
of
the
Supreme
Authority
;
in
whose
prudence
and
disposition
it
is
,
to
improve
,
manage
,
and
fashion
it
to
more
or
less
advantage
;
if
any
individual
Manufacturer
should
permit
his
raw
materials
to
be
Exported
into
Forreign
Countreys
,
or
should
himself
make
great
store
of
knots
of
felters
in
his
Yarn
,
he
would
soon
have
a
very
slender
,
or
difficult
business
of
it
:
so
great
an
odds
there
is
in
the
different
disposition
of
the
ordinary
industry
of
the
people
,
that
on
the
one
hand
,
they
may
be
thrust
on
in
the
pursuit
of
private
interest
,
destructive
to
the
publick
,
and
be
obliged
like
Cannibals
to
live
by
devouring
one
another
,
(
by
which
they
must
continually
and
inevitably
wound
and
weaken
the
publick
:
)
when
on
the
other
,
their
ordinary
labours
,
more
aptly
and
industriously
methodized
,
shall
as
unavoidably
aggrandize
that
Government
which
protects
them
;
and
this
without
the
Midwifery
of
those
Arts
,
Shifts
,
and
Projections
,
which
otherwise
may
be
found
necessary
for
its
more
present
Support
.
More
particularly
it
appears
,
That
the
present
French
power
,
which
is
now
the
admiration
and
terror
of
the
World
,
hath
no
other
foundation
;
and
therefore
is
not
derived
from
the
meer
despotick
Form
of
that
Government
,
as
some
would
insinuate
,
but
from
a
prudent
Relaxation
of
the
Rigor
of
it
towards
the
persons
and
Stocks
of
the
Trading
part
of
that
people
;
this
Form
of
Government
being
in
its
nature
the
most
incompatible
with
Trade
,
of
all
others
;
nor
probably
had
Trade
ever
received
any
encouragement
in
France
,
but
upon
a
necessity
;
this
Monarchy
being
become
absolute
,
was
yet
low
,
poor
,
and
despicable
;
beset
round
about
with
Spanish
Forces
,
Territories
,
and
Allies
,
and
poisoned
with
Spanish
Pensions
within
,
and
therefore
ready
to
become
a
Spanish
Province
:
It
was
then
that
this
Monarchy
found
absoluteness
without
sufficient
Treasure
was
but
a
trifle
:
That
Arbitrary
power
might
force
store
of
Blood
and
Tears
from
the
people
,
but
not
of
Money
,
unless
they
had
it
:
It
was
then
that
the
opening
and
growth
of
the
Dutch
Trade
presented
an
expedient
of
drawing
in
greater
quantities
of
the
diffused
Treasures
of
the
World
into
France
by
a
Machine
of
home-Manufactures
,
than
the
Spaniards
could
directly
from
their
Mines
;
which
therefore
was
embraced
by
the
dying
hands
of
this
Monarchy
,
and
supported
and
improved
ever
since
by
a
Succession
of
understanding
men
:
which
apparently
was
not
done
by
any
peculiar
virtue
in
this
Form
of
Government
,
but
by
a
necessary
Abating
of
its
inherent
rapaciousness
,
which
otherwise
would
have
swallowed
up
every
Sols
of
the
stocks
imployed
in
Manufactures
and
other
Trade
,
and
thereby
would
have
driven
away
the
people
;
as
may
be
seen
in
the
strong
Governments
of
Turkey
,
Muscovy
,
Spain
,
and
others
.
The
French
Councils
discerning
where
the
true
strength
of
Empire
lay
,
were
not
so
bewitch't
with
the
lusciousness
of
their
Arbitrary
power
as
to
seek
any
such
extreme
execution
of
it
;
their
policies
have
long
gone
another
way
,
as
may
be
infallibly
collected
from
the
effects
,
and
by
other
lights
:
So
long
ago
as
Henry
the
Third's
time
of
France
,
Bernard
de
Gerrard
Lord
of
Haillan
,
a
great
Politician
in
his
time
,
presented
an
excellent
piece
to
that
King
,
intituled
,
The
Estate
and
Success
of
the
Affairs
of
France
,
thereby
representing
by
what
courses
that
Kingdom
had
been
,
or
might
be
aggrandized
or
weakened
;
amongst
others
,
he
highly
recommends
the
Support
of
the
Populacy
,
beginning
thus
The
people
are
by
Justice
to
be
preserved
in
liberty
,
Pag.
195.
as
will
to
Trade
as
to
Labour
,
and
to
do
every
thing
belonging
to
their
degree
;
by
these
the
Kingdom
are
maintained
,
and
enriched
in
general
,
and
particular
;
if
they
bear
the
charge
of
Tailles
,
so
are
they
to
be
cherished
,
defended
,
and
sustained
by
the
Nobles
,
as
formerly
they
were
,
and
now
ought
to
be
,
from
the
violences
and
oppressions
of
their
Neighbours
,
and
by
the
King
and
Justice
from
the
insolence
of
the
Nobles
.
For
so
it
was
,
that
the
Nobles
or
Gentry
,
being
discharged
of
the
Tailles
,
had
given
up
the
Constitution
of
Estates
;
for
which
,
they
had
been
indulged
with
a
kind
of
despotick
power
,
within
their
own
particular
Fiefs
;
from
whose
barbarities
proceeded
the
greatest
sufferings
of
the
people
;
whereof
this
Author
is
not
nice
or
sparing
to
give
several
instances
too
long
to
recite
.
I
have
troubled
you
with
this
citation
,
because
this
piece
was
by
the
Author
Re-dedicated
to
Henry
the
Fourth
,
whom
the
Author
tells
in
his
Epistle
,
That
his
Predecessor
Henry
the
3
d.
used
to
read
it
with
an
Appetite
,
and
yet
the
Author
goes
so
far
as
to
applaud
the
Antient
Constitution
of
the
Estates
or
Parliaments
in
France
,
affirming
them
to
have
been
the
mutual
Succour
,
Medicine
,
and
Remedy
both
of
the
King
and
People
in
all
their
Calamities
.
Pag.
207.
If
we
come
to
the
Reign
of
Lewis
the
13th
.
under
the
Administration
of
Cardinal
Richelieus
,
we
may
Judg
how
vigilant
the
French
Councils
were
in
his
time
,
for
the
Increase
of
People
and
Trade
,
by
two
great
Instances
mentioned
before
:
First
in
the
Toleration
of
Protestants
,
after
a
Victorious
Reduction
of
all
their
strengths
by
force
of
Arms
:
this
mighty
Prince
and
his
wise
Ministers
overcame
all
resentments
to
advance
and
cement
the
glory
of
his
Empire
;
so
that
't
is
observed
by
Dr.
Heylin
,
That
the
Protestants
never
had
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
with
so
much
freedom
as
they
had
,
Geogr.
176.
after
their
reducing
of
their
Forts
and
Garrisons
to
this
King's
obedience
.
Secondly
,
by
moderating
of
Customs
and
Port-duties
on
Merchandizes
,
Bernard
de
Gerrard
of
Finances
.
which
in
the
Reigns
of
his
Predecessors
been
raised
and
accumulated
by
about
Twenty
several
Edicts
;
but
in
his
time
were
in
a
manner
taken
off
,
as
appears
by
what
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
Represented
to
King
James
about
sixty
years
since
,
cited
before
;
See
before
,
Sect.
7
th
.
but
if
we
would
at
once
discover
how
far
the
French
Politicks
have
inclined
this
way
,
we
may
observe
them
as
they
are
Digested
and
Refined
in
the
prodigious
Book
,
so
entituled
,
written
,
as
appears
,
several
years
since
,
(
the
Authority
of
which
piece
,
though
already
famous
,
I
shall
give
a
farther
account
of
)
where
in
the
Chapter
of
Finances
,
it
being
first
observed
,
French
Politicks
pag.
108
,
109.
That
a
State
is
no
further
Powerful
than
proportionably
to
the
Richness
of
its
publick
Treasury
,
and
the
greatness
of
the
yearly
Income
that
maintains
it
:
it
is
laid
as
a
farther
unalterable
Maxime
,
That
the
Fundamental
Wealth
of
a
State
consists
in
the
multitude
of
Subjects
;
for
its
Men
that
Till
the
Ground
,
produce
Manufactures
,
that
manage
Trade
,
that
go
to
War
,
that
people
Colonies
,
and
in
a
word
,
that
bring
in
Money
.
To
make
way
in
France
for
the
multiplying
of
Men
,
divers
courses
are
there
dictated
to
oblige
both
Men
and
Women
to
Marry
,
viz.
By
Freedoms
and
Exemptions
in
Case
they
do
,
and
have
many
Children
,
(
now
established
by
an
Edict
)
and
by
Penalties
in
case
they
do
not
;
whence
it
may
be
observed
,
what
Estimate
the
French
Politicks
put
upon
Marriage
.
In
the
Chapter
of
the
3
d
Estate
thus
,
There
cannot
be
too
great
a
number
of
Husbandmen
in
France
,
Pag.
67.
by
reason
of
the
Fertility
of
the
Countrey
;
and
our
Corn
being
Transported
into
Forreign
Countries
,
we
ought
to
make
great
Stores
of
it
,
and
have
as
much
as
may
be
in
a
readiness
,
(
which
I
am
told
is
also
so
ordered
by
an
Edict
.
)
Handicrafts-men
and
Artificers
are
no
less
useful
;
for
besides
,
Pag.
68.
that
Manufactures
do
keep
men
at
work
,
and
engage
them
,
they
are
the
Cause
that
the
Silk
,
the
Wool
,
the
Skins
,
the
Flax
,
the
Timber
,
and
the
other
Commodities
that
grow
in
France
are
made
Use
of
,
and
that
Countrey
People
have
the
means
to
Barter
these
things
,
and
put
them
off
;
especially
being
wrought
into
Wares
,
not
made
in
Forreign
Parts
,
we
shall
grow
further
Principal
Manufacturers
,
as
we
already
are
of
Hats
for
Spain
,
and
Stuffs
for
all
Europe
;
a
Matter
of
exceeding
great
Consequence
.
All
this
quickens
Trade
,
and
makes
Money
pass
to
and
fro
,
which
promoteth
the
Publick
,
and
therewith
at
once
every
one's
private
advantage
:
There
must
be
Merchants
also
,
for
without
their
Industry
,
the
Artificers
Shops
would
be
Stores
never
emptied
,
the
Granaries
would
remain
full
of
Corn
,
and
the
Cellars
of
Wines
,
&c.
In
the
Chapter
of
General
Orders
,
Usury
is
thought
fit
to
be
Prohibited
(
which
is
accordingly
suppressed
by
an
Edict
:
)
I
shall
leave
it
to
Enquiry
,
whether
most
of
the
rest
of
these
Politicks
relating
to
matters
at
home
,
are
not
established
by
other
Edicts
;
if
the
Reader
would
further
observe
,
how
curious
the
French
Politicks
are
to
provide
for
the
Increase
and
true
Use
of
Populacy
,
I
shall
refer
him
to
the
Thirteenth
Chapter
of
this
Admirable
Tract
,
directing
the
Education
of
Children
,
and
when
't
is
fit
to
Marry
them
;
and
to
the
Chapter
of
Commerce
,
or
rather
to
the
whole
piece
.
By
all
I
have
said
,
it
appears
,
that
although
the
French
Kings
have
assumed
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
the
French
Politicks
have
not
rested
upon
this
as
a
Security
,
but
for
the
Aggrandizing
of
that
Monarchy
,
have
found
it
necessary
to
relax
and
retire
from
the
severity
of
this
Power
,
and
to
resort
to
popular
Principles
:
a
Matter
,
which
may
deserve
the
Consideration
of
our
New
Polititians
the
Hobbists
,
who
place
all
the
virtue
of
the
French
Governvernment
in
its
absoluteness
:
In
the
mean
time
I
shall
add
,
that
notwithstanding
what
I
have
said
,
I
do
not
pretend
that
the
Condition
of
the
French
People
,
though
made
tolerable
to
the
French
,
is
comparable
to
the
happiness
of
those
whose
greater
Freedoms
and
Enjoyments
are
secured
by
Fundamental
Laws
and
Constitutions
:
But
this
I
shall
observe
,
That
whereas
formerly
,
when
this
People
were
wretchedly
poor
,
almost
every
small
new
Imposition
begot
an
Insurrection
in
France
,
as
the
said
De
Gerrard
takes
notice
,
the
French
now
pay
twenty
times
greater
Taxes
,
with
much
more
Satisfaction
,
because
they
are
enabled
so
to
do
;
and
besides
can
live
far
more
plentifully
than
before
,
many
of
the
Traders
splendidly
,
and
gain
considerable
Estates
:
To
all
which
may
be
added
another
particular
,
in
which
the
late
French
Politicks
deviate
from
the
usual
Jealous
Maxims
of
Arbitrary
Government
;
which
is
a
general
care
to
instruct
the
Plebeians
of
all
sorts
▪
in
the
Discipline
of
Arms.
The
late
swelling
Power
of
Spain
after
the
Suppression
of
the
Spanish
Cortes
,
or
Estates
,
derived
from
the
accidental
Discovery
of
the
Indian
Mines
,
and
the
present
Power
of
France
after
the
Suppression
of
the
French
Estates
,
from
as
accidental
an
Improvement
of
their
Trade
,
have
been
the
occasion
that
some
out
of
mistake
,
or
design
,
have
much
applauded
that
Form
of
Government
,
when
it
must
be
Confessed
that
the
same
Indian
Treasure
and
Trade
,
would
have
rendred
the
same
Nations
,
under
the
continuance
of
the
Estates
,
or
England
under
its
present
Government
much
stronger
,
and
more
secure
,
and
this
,
by
the
advantages
in
this
Form
of
Government
.
Despotick
,
or
Arbitrary
Monarchy
,
was
for
many
Ages
as
great
a
Stranger
in
this
Part
of
the
World
,
as
Republican
Government
;
As
the
European
Nations
by
degrees
cast
off
the
Roman
Yoke
,
they
had
before
their
eyes
the
Example
of
their
former
Mistress
,
the
Common-wealth
of
Rome
,
which
became
Vassalized
to
her
own
Servants
,
by
the
unlimitted
Power
committed
to
Dictators
and
Generals
;
these
assuming
the
Empire
by
force
,
and
without
title
,
were
uncontrollable
by
Law
,
and
therefore
did
not
only
gratifie
their
own
Lusts
,
and
just
Fears
of
being
supplanted
by
all
manner
of
Cruelties
,
but
their
Masters
the
Soldiers
also
,
by
the
Spoils
of
the
Provinces
;
nay
,
and
of
Italy
,
and
Rome
it self
;
and
yet
were
they
very
frequently
killed
,
deposed
,
and
changed
by
the
same
force
which
set
them
up
:
To
avoid
the
Mischiefs
on
each
side
,
as
the
Members
of
this
Empire
resumed
their
National
Rights
,
they
universally
cemented
into
a
third
Form
of
Government
,
much
the
same
with
ours
:
which
,
if
we
truly
consider
it
,
appears
purposely
,
and
wisely
Calculated
to
prevent
the
Inconveniencies
of
the
other
two
,
and
yet
to
take
in
all
that
is
excellent
in
either
;
For
first
,
we
have
a
fixt
Royal
Legal
Sovereignty
,
which
filling
the
seat
of
Majesty
,
frustrates
the
Ambitious
hopes
of
others
from
stepping
into
it
;
Then
we
have
the
Constitution
of
Parliaments
,
by
whose
Intervention
,
Liberty
and
Property
are
preserved
:
Thus
Revolutions
and
Oppressions
at
home
are
prevented
.
Then
for
the
strength
of
this
Government
outwards
upon
Forreign
Nations
,
it
must
in
the
Nature
of
it
,
equal
,
if
not
exceed
any
other
,
especially
absolute
Monarchy
;
not
only
because
its
greater
freedoms
capacitate
the
People
to
Trade
with
more
advantage
,
as
I
shall
yet
more
particularly
shew
,
but
because
the
same
freedoms
beget
a
kind
of
Generosity
and
Bravery
even
in
the
common
sort
,
when
Absoluteness
of
Government
debases
their
Spirits
,
and
reconciles
them
to
the
Ignominy
of
being
beaten
,
at
least
till
they
acquire
a
kind
of
insolence
by
long
Service
in
War
,
which
can
hardly
be
called
Courage
.
All
Experience
hath
warranted
this
odds
between
Freemen
and
Slaves
;
but
there
is
yet
a
farther
odds
,
when
the
Quarrel
is
National
,
especially
if
espoused
both
by
the
King
and
Parliament
;
for
then
the
individual
Animosities
of
the
Whole
being
engaged
,
the
People
do
not
meerly
fight
for
Pay
,
but
out
of
Principle
,
and
in
defence
of
those
greater
Enjoyments
they
have
at
home
,
when
the
Vassals
of
Absolute
Monarchy
are
driven
on
by
the
fear
of
their
Despotical
Power
,
which
they
would
be
glad
to
see
subverted
,
and
themselves
delivered
.
In
an
Absolute
Monarchy
,
the
Fate
of
the
Whole
depends
upon
the
Prudence
of
the
Monarch
;
be
his
Empire
never
so
flourishing
,
he
may
by
one
temerarious
Edict
,
or
other
Act
,
bring
all
into
Confusion
:
How
great
must
the
Danger
then
be
,
when
the
wisest
of
Mortal
men
are
often
transported
by
Passions
,
and
otherwise
liable
to
Mistakes
?
The
voluntary
Councils
of
such
a
Monarch
must
gratifie
his
Power
by
Applauding
or
Complying
with
his
Resolutions
and
Sentiments
:
But
what
if
there
come
a
weak
Prince
?
against
which
there
is
no
Security
?
Or
suppose
the
King
be
left
an
Infant
?
then
all
goes
to
wrack
:
those
Armies
which
were
the
support
of
the
last
Predecessor
,
wanting
Business
and
Conduct
,
fall
into
Mutinies
;
all
are
working
their
Ambitious
ends
,
many
contending
for
the
Tuition
and
Publick
Administration
;
those
that
have
it
not
,
supplanting
those
that
have
,
whereby
the
Government
is
endangered
:
all
which
was
visible
during
the
whole
Infancy
of
the
present
French
King
,
though
he
had
a
Mother
,
and
so
faithful
and
wise
a
Minister
as
Mazarine
:
The
high
Animosities
of
the
French
Princes
and
Nobles
,
carried
them
into
continual
Distractions
and
Civil
Wars
;
so
that
had
the
English
,
or
any
other
Neighbour
Nation
,
then
been
in
a
Condition
to
have
supported
the
Male-contents
,
they
might
have
Subverted
the
French
Empire
:
which
mischiefs
are
totally
,
or
in
a
high
measure
avoided
by
the
Constitution
of
Parliaments
;
without
whose
consent
,
Laws
cannot
be
altered
,
or
Publick
Innovations
made
;
and
who
by
their
course
of
Impeachments
are
a
continual
Check
and
Awe
upon
men
of
indirect
and
Ambitious
designs
:
So
that
(
according
to
the
excellent
Motto
of
our
own
Sacred
Prince
)
it
may
be
truly
said
of
such
a
Monarchy
,
and
its
Parliaments
,
that
they
are
to
each
other
Decus
&
Tutamen
:
what
would
have
become
of
the
French
Monarchy
when
their
King
John
was
Prisoner
in
England
,
had
it
not
been
for
their
Estates
,
or
Parliaments
?
we
have
reason
to
believe
,
That
were
that
Crown
and
Nation
brought
into
great
Exigencies
and
Distresses
by
any
Forreign
Power
,
they
would
be
convened
again
,
the
Constitution
being
not
there
absolutely
dissolved
,
as
the
said
De
Gerrard
Observes
;
nothing
can
be
fatal
to
such
a
Government
,
but
a
disunion
between
the
Prince
and
Parliament
,
and
therefore
a
great
part
of
the
transcendent
Policy
of
this
our
Form
of
Government
consists
in
the
high
Obligations
and
means
of
a
Vnion
:
the
Prince
being
invested
with
the
mighty
Prerogatives
of
making
War
and
Peace
,
Calling
,
Prorogueing
,
and
Dissolving
Parliaments
,
and
as
many
others
as
fill
Volumes
,
hath
such
a
Controll
on
the
Parliament
,
that
it
is
generally
to
be
presumed
,
they
will
ever
gratifie
him
in
whatsoever
is
any
way
consistent
with
that
Trust
they
are
under
;
on
the
other
side
,
the
Parliament
,
being
the
great
and
High
Council
,
and
their
Consent
requesite
to
all
new
Taxes
,
whensoever
the
Prince
on
any
Emergency
desires
their
Advice
,
or
a
Supply
of
Money
,
the
People
must
necessarily
have
time
to
represent
their
true
grievances
to
him
,
whose
Princely
favour
and
occasions
,
will
then
equally
call
upon
him
to
redress
what
is
really
amiss
;
in
which
Commutation
he
must
have
a
far
greater
advantage
than
any
bare
Tax
he
receives
;
since
as
it
appears
,
the
true
strength
of
all
Monarchies
and
Governments
depend
upon
well-being
Abilities
,
and
Increase
of
the
Populacy
;
which
no
other
Prince
hath
Comparably
so
certain
a
means
to
understand
and
Improve
,
as
he
that
hath
a
Parliament
:
To
all
which
may
be
added
,
that
mutual
Affection
which
must
naturally
follow
these
Endearments
,
and
which
must
render
the
Prince
and
Nation
much
the
stronger
,
never
to
be
hoped
for
in
any
other
kind
of
Monarchy
:
There
are
yet
farther
Obligations
to
this
Vnion
between
the
Prince
and
People
from
a
just
sense
of
those
fatalities
which
must
follow
a
disunion
;
we
need
not
resort
farther
than
to
the
Fable
where
we
have
an
Accompt
of
a
quarrel
between
the
several
Limbs
of
the
Body
Natural
,
whereof
the
Consequence
was
,
that
every
part
grew
presently
Languid
and
Impotent
,
and
ready
to
yield
it self
a
Feast
to
the
Ravens
.
If
then
there
be
the
utmost
Advantages
on
the
one
side
,
and
Mischiefs
on
the
other
,
this
is
all
humane
Prudence
can
provide
;
God
himself
hath
done
no
more
in
those
Divine
Institutions
which
he
hath
projected
for
the
Support
,
Felicity
,
and
Security
of
Mankind
:
against
which
,
it
hath
never
yet
been
accounted
any
Objection
that
they
have
been
violated
;
nor
is
it
any
against
the
form
of
our
Government
,
that
it
hath
fallen
into
some
Convulsions
;
as
long
as
Men
are
Men
,
there
will
be
pravity
and
irregular
Appetites
amongst
them
,
which
in
some
Ages
and
Circumstances
may
be
able
to
give
greater
Disturbances
than
in
others
;
if
in
any
Society
of
Men
,
unreasonable
and
destructive
Propositions
are
insisted
upon
,
or
reasonable
and
necessary
ones
refused
,
disunions
are
inevitable
:
This
I
say
in
general
,
't
is
no
part
of
my
design
to
Rub
up
old
Sores
,
nor
will
it
,
I
presume
,
be
expected
I
should
embroil
the
present
Subject
by
vindicating
Sides
or
Parties
;
let
the
Consequences
of
former
disunions
be
remembred
.
But
why
should
I
dwell
longer
upon
Arguments
to
evince
the
admirable
Frame
of
our
Government
,
when
it
is
so
unanswerably
demonstrated
by
its
former
Splendid
continuance
for
near
100
years
?
by
the
glory
of
our
Princes
,
who
,
in
Conjunction
with
their
Parliaments
,
ever
were
,
and
thought
themselves
the
greatest
and
happiest
in
Europe
:
by
their
stupendious
Atchievements
in
War
,
and
by
the
former
ready
Adherence
,
and
large
Contributions
of
our
Parliaments
,
in
what
tended
to
the
Advantage
or
Honour
of
England
;
we
had
no
other
form
of
Government
in
our
Edward
the
Third
,
or
Henry
the
Fifth's
time
,
who
Successively
found
Supplies
of
English
Treasure
and
Courage
enough
to
Conquer
France
;
our
Queen
Elizabeth
since
,
baffled
the
Despotick
,
and
then
tremendous
Monarchy
of
Spain
,
which
continuing
absolute
,
is
(
notwithstanding
its
vast
extent
of
Territory
)
one
of
the
weakest
in
Europe
:
had
our
Henry
the
Seventh
entertained
the
Overtures
of
Columbus
.
or
our
Councils
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
,
or
since
the
wise
Observations
of
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
,
or
followed
the
example
of
France
,
and
other
Neighbouring
Nations
,
in
easing
and
improving
our
Trade
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
the
English
Treasures
and
Power
had
far
surmounted
both
the
Spanish
and
French
at
this
day
:
It
is
notorious
that
the
Subjects
of
the
late
Dukes
of
Burgundy
,
under
the
Constitutions
of
Estates
,
or
Parliaments
,
for
many
succeeding
Ages
,
drove
a
mighty
Trade
,
which
gave
those
Dukes
a
long
Superiority
over
the
Absolute
French
King
,
till
the
Dukedom
became
annexed
to
Spain
,
and
the
Spaniards
by
their
Persecution
for
Conscience
,
and
Tyrannous
Attempts
after
Arbitrary
Government
lost
both
the
Trade
and
Traders
,
See
Sir
William
Temple
of
the
Dutch
,
cap.
1.
and
Seven
of
the
Provinces
,
whom
they
forced
into
a
Republick
.
Treasures
are
those
Vehicles
which
carry
out
men
of
daring
Spirits
,
mighty
Thoughts
and
Abilities
into
the
Conquest
of
Forreign
Countries
,
there
is
no
Nation
but
hath
a
breed
of
People
naturally
more
fit
for
these
great
Performances
than
any
other
,
who
growing
Generals
or
other
Commanders
at
Land
or
Sea
;
or
Intendants
in
the
greatest
Negotiations
,
might
,
this
way
,
prove
highly
Serviceable
to
the
Publick
,
and
find
business
for
Pen-men
to
write
their
Memoirs
,
as
in
France
they
do
:
whereas
,
by
the
want
of
a
sufficient
home-Treasure
,
the
more
Couragious
sort
,
must
either
be
Hackneys
to
Forreigners
,
or
degenerate
into
Hectors
or
Thieves
at
home
,
and
are
killed
in
Brawles
,
or
are
hanged
for
Murthers
or
Robberies
.
The
more
Deliberative
generously
regarding
the
common
Exigencies
,
more
than
their
own
,
may
lie
under
the
frowns
of
Fortune
,
and
great
Men
,
and
be
thought
burthensom
and
dangerous
:
there
are
many
other
Disadvantages
which
follow
a
National
Poverty
,
as
hath
been
noted
before
,
which
ought
not
to
be
ascribed
to
this
or
that
mere
Form
of
Government
,
or
temper
of
the
People
.
That
a
speedy
and
Compleat
Regulation
of
our
English
Trade
may
yet
further
appear
highly
necessary
,
I
shall
briefly
observe
what
have
been
the
more
Modern
Effects
of
this
mighty
Trade
in
France
.
This
may
too
plainly
be
seen
by
the
great
performances
of
the
French
in
these
last
Wars
,
in
which
,
the
French
King
hath
been
able
to
maintain
above
250000
Men
in
Arms
,
whom
he
hath
duly
paid
;
and
yet
such
have
been
his
Treasures
,
That
he
hath
not
been
obliged
to
put
the
event
of
the
War
to
the
push
of
a
Battel
;
but
wearies
out
his
Enemies
with
Expence
from
year
to
year
,
and
being
able
to
lay
up
mighty
Stores
,
can
keep
the
Fields
in
the
Winter
,
when
his
Adversaries
,
though
as
valiant
People
as
any
on
the
Earth
,
are
fain
to
lye
at
home
:
Thus
watching
his
Advantages
,
he
hath
Taken
and
Burnt
many
strong
Towns
,
laid
many
Provinces
wast
,
breathing
out
Death
and
Devastations
as
he
goes
.
This
he
hath
done
in
the
face
of
the
world
,
in
a
War
with
near
20
Princes
and
States
,
whose
lamentable
Sufferings
,
with
the
Cries
of
their
People
,
have
long
pierced
our
ears
;
whilst
the
French
King
grows
more
Vigorous
and
Powerful
,
and
his
Armies
grow
better
Disciplined
continually
,
and
hath
at
last
reduced
the
Dutch
and
Spaniards
to
the
Terms
of
a
dishonourable
Peace
,
by
exposing
their
Allies
to
the
French
Power
;
which
hath
obliged
the
rest
to
a
Complyance
on
his
own
Terms
;
and
now
he
gives
the
Law
to
them
All
,
keeping
mighty
Armies
on
foot
to
Invade
whom
he
pleases
:
But
that
which
is
yet
more
Prodigious
is
,
that
even
during
this
War
,
he
hath
been
able
to
carry
on
the
Building
of
his
present
great
Fleet
,
consisting
of
about
200
Ships
of
War
,
plentifully
Armed
with
Brass
Guns
,
and
accurately
built
for
Service
;
he
hath
also
furnished
himself
with
abundant
of
Naval
Provisions
of
all
sorts
,
at
an
immense
Charge
,
every
Ship
having
its
distinct
Stores
and
Storehouse
,
and
therefore
may
be
made
ready
on
a
suddain
:
At
the
same
time
,
he
hath
imployed
multitudes
of
Men
in
cutting
of
Canals
through
Rocks
and
Mountains
,
in
making
,
cleansing
,
and
securing
Havens
upon
the
Coasts
opposite
,
or
near
to
England
(
whither
by
degrees
,
in
these
two
or
three
years
past
,
he
hath
drawn
down
the
greatest
part
of
his
Navy
)
and
at
the
same
time
hath
answered
mighty
Annual
Pensions
to
the
Swedes
,
and
Swisses
,
(
whose
lives
he
buys
with
his
Money
:
)
besides
all
the
other
vast
private
Pensions
,
Gratuities
and
Aids
he
bestows
in
the
Courts
and
Countreys
of
other
Princes
,
(
by
which
,
perhaps
he
hath
made
as
great
Advantages
as
by
his
Arms
:
)
and
yet
't
is
probable
,
that
in
all
this
he
hath
not
exceeded
the
bounds
of
his
ordinary
Revenue
.
That
which
most
threatens
the
Trade
of
England
,
is
his
Naval
Force
,
which
none
of
his
Predecessors
ever
had
,
and
were
checked
if
they
pretended
to
it
;
Queen
Elizabeth
forbad
Henry
the
4
th
.
of
France
(
on
a
suddain
called
the
Great
)
Building
great
Ships
,
else
she
would
fire
them
in
his
Harbours
:
Since
which
the
French
have
desisted
,
till
about
the
year
1664.
as
may
appear
by
that
excellent
Treatise
,
intituled
,
A
free
Conference
,
Printed
in
1667.
by
the
special
Appointment
of
the
truly
Honourable
the
Lord
Arlington
,
where
Pag.
49.
we
find
these
words
,
Not
above
three
years
ago
,
France
was
hardly
able
to
set
out
20
Ships
;
(
that
is
to
say
,
Men
of
War
)
now
they
have
60
large
Vessels
ready
furnished
,
and
well
Armed
,
and
do
apply
their
Industry
in
every
part
to
Augment
the
number
,
&c.
I
shall
forbear
repeating
some
sharp
Reflections
which
next
follow
.
And
that
the
French
King
might
want
no
Seamen
of
his
own
,
and
might
at
least
share
in
the
Gain
of
Navigation
,
he
hath
for
several
years
past
endeavoured
by
all
Imaginable
Encouragements
to
establish
a
mighty
Navigation
in
France
;
so
that
for
one
Trading
French
Ship
there
was
20
or
30
years
since
,
there
are
now
▪
40.
For
this
purpose
he
hath
Propagated
a
Sea-Fishery
,
to
a
very
great
degree
,
which
Improves
daily
to
the
prejudice
of
our
remaining
English
Fishery
;
and
besides
,
hath
yearly
educated
Supernumerary
Seamen
on
Board
the
French
Trading
Ships
,
at
his
own
Charge
;
so
that
't
is
to
be
feared
he
will
stand
in
little
need
of
Forreign
Seamen
for
his
Ships
of
War
;
or
if
he
do
,
the
Dutch
have
Store
,
which
perhaps
he
may
have
for
his
Money
,
as
't
is
probable
he
may
the
Fleets
of
Swedeland
,
Portugal
,
and
Algiers
;
these
his
Allies
of
Algiers
,
(
as
't
is
said
,
by
the
assistance
of
his
Money
upon
a
a
general
Redemption
of
French
Slaves
)
are
on
a
sudden
gotten
from
10
to
above
40
Men
of
War
;
Note
,
most
of
that
Fleet
which
the
Algerines
had
(
which
was
but
small
)
was
destroyed
by
the
English
at
Cape
Spartell
,
and
Bugia
,
about
eight
years
since
;
They
have
since
Built
40
Men
of
War
,
from
20
to
50
Guns
and
upwards
,
besides
Brigantines
,
Gallies
,
&c.
and
as
soon
as
our
Applications
in
France
had
prevailed
with
the
French
to
desist
from
taking
our
Ships
,
these
Algiers
Pyrats
fell
upon
us
,
and
have
continually
pick't
up
our
Merchantmen
,
and
Vassalized
our
Seamen
and
other
People
ever
since
;
they
now
do
it
before
our
faces
,
in
our
Channel
,
finding
Harbour
in
the
French
opposite
parts
,
which
makes
a
great
Addition
to
our
late
Losses
;
and
,
which
is
yet
worse
,
hath
so
terrified
our
Seamen
and
Merchants
,
that
many
already
think
it
necessary
to
trade
in
Dutch
and
French
Bottoms
,
a
Consequence
which
't
is
probable
might
be
foreseen
by
some
of
our
Neighbors
,
who
wish
we
had
neither
Ships
nor
Seamen
.
At
the
same
time
our
Gazetts
weekly
tell
us
of
great
Squadrons
of
French
Men
of
War
,
proudly
ranging
in
all
Quarters
of
the
World
,
in
the
Mediterranean
,
in
the
East
and
West
Indies
,
and
in
our
own
Seas
,
viewing
the
Strengths
and
Weaknesses
,
and
Sounding
and
Commanding
the
Harbours
of
other
Nations
.
We
find
it
said
in
the
Free
Conference
,
That
France
is
our
Hereditary
Enemy
,
and
hath
so
often
tryed
what
we
are
able
to
do
against
the
enlarging
of
their
Empire
,
who
have
graven
it
deep
on
their
hearts
,
the
injury
of
the
Title
,
which
to
their
shame
England
bears
in
all
Publick
Treaties
,
and
her
Trophies
in
reference
to
that
Crown
;
This
very
France
hath
no
greater
desire
than
to
take
the
Dominion
of
the
Sea
from
us
,
&c.
If
we
look
into
the
before-mentioned
French
Politicks
,
they
assure
us
of
the
same
;
of
which
piece
,
because
I
so
often
cite
it
;
I
shall
first
give
the
Reader
some
present
Accompt
;
and
farther
,
when
I
have
done
with
it
:
The
English
Preface
tells
us
,
the
Author
was
a
Person
bred
up
under
Monsieur
Colebert
,
and
to
shew
his
Abilities
,
writ
this
Treatise
,
and
in
Manuscript
presented
it
to
the
French
King
,
which
was
favourably
received
;
but
afterwards
Vanity
prompting
him
to
publish
it
in
Print
,
the
King
look't
upon
him
as
one
that
had
discovered
his
Secrets
,
and
turning
his
favour
into
frowns
,
caused
him
to
be
Imprisoned
in
the
Bastile
,
where
he
continued
a
long
time
,
and
afterwards
was
Banished
,
&c.
't
is
like
to
some
place
where
he
should
not
be
able
to
aver
the
same
,
or
disclose
more
Secrets
;
what
opportunities
he
might
have
of
learning
Secrets
by
his
Attendance
on
Monsieur
Colebert
,
whether
he
might
over-hear
the
Debates
and
Results
of
the
French
Councils
,
or
whether
Casually
,
or
by
order
he
had
a
View
of
the
Papers
,
and
was
but
the
servile
Compiler
,
or
bare
Porter
of
this
Scheme
or
Manual
of
Policies
,
I
leave
to
be
examined
;
a
stupendious
piece
it
is
,
which
being
written
seven
or
eight
years
since
,
and
presaging
so
great
a
part
of
what
hath
followed
,
gives
so
considerable
an
Authority
to
it self
,
that
its
Credit
need
not
depend
upon
that
of
the
Author
of
the
Growth
of
Popery
;
who
,
as
't
is
hinted
in
the
English
Preface
,
calls
it
the
Measures
of
the
French
King's
Designs
.
These
Politicks
having
first
delineated
the
Comprehensive
and
steddy
Foundations
of
the
French
Monarchy
,
Pag.
162
,
163.
as
built
upon
Trade
,
Treasure
,
and
Populacy
at
home
,
they
then
proceed
to
look
abroad
,
and
first
they
project
the
Ingrossing
of
all
Commerce
at
Sea
,
and
this
at
a
lump
,
by
imploying
part
of
this
Treasure
in
Building
a
Fleet
of
Men
of
War
able
to
Command
it
,
in
which
they
say
,
All
things
Conspire
to
give
the
French
hopes
of
Success
;
the
work
however
is
such
as
must
be
leisurely
carried
on
,
and
perfected
by
little
and
little
,
so
great
a
Design
continually
Alarming
Europe
,
Asia
,
Africa
,
and
America
,
Friends
and
Foes
;
a
Precipitation
of
it
would
be
its
Ruine
,
Six
or
Ten
years
time
might
be
Allotted
for
it
:
The
King
may
keep
100
Gallies
,
and
100
Ships
in
the
Mediterranean
,
and
200
Sail
upon
the
Ocean
,
the
more
Vessels
he
shall
have
,
the
more
enabled
he
will
be
to
recover
the
Expence
made
about
them
:
The
Sea
will
yield
Maintenance
for
the
Sea
,
either
by
Commerce
or
War
;
There
is
Timber
in
France
,
there
is
Cordage
,
there
are
Sails
,
there
is
Iron
and
Brass
,
&c.
When
things
have
taken
their
Course
,
Seamen
will
be
had
in
time
,
and
the
profit
that
will
accrew
will
afford
Store
,
and
bring
them
in
from
all
Parts
of
the
World.
The
Fleets
with
the
King
might
keep
upon
the
Ocean
,
Pag.
165.
would
make
him
Master
of
all
the
Powers
and
Trade
of
the
North
;
yea
,
though
the
Hollander
and
English
should
Vnite
against
France
,
they
could
not
avoid
their
Ruine
in
the
end
;
for
how
could
the
one
or
the
other
make
good
their
Commerce
(
which
is
all
they
have
to
trust
to
)
if
they
were
forced
to
keep
great
Armadoes
to
continue
it
?
The
Point
of
Britain
is
the
Gate
to
enter
into
,
and
go
out
of
the
Channel
:
Fifty
Ships
of
War
at
Brest
,
would
keep
this
Gate
fast
shut
,
and
they
would
not
open
it
but
by
the
Kings
Command
.
—
Thus
there
would
need
no
War
almost
to
be
made
for
all
these
things
,
nor
His
Majestie
's
Forces
hazarded
:
It
will
be
sufficient
to
give
his
Orders
to
Forreigners
;
nor
will
it
be
difficult
to
cut
them
out
work
in
their
own
Countries
,
and
by
this
means
stay
their
Arms
at
home
,
and
make
them
spend
their
strengths
there
;
something
of
this
in
its
place
hereafter
.
His
Majestie
's
Power
being
thus
strongly
setled
in
each
Sea
,
it
will
be
easie
to
secure
Commerce
in
France
,
and
even
draw
the
Merchants
thither
from
all
parts
;
I
say
secure
Commerce
;
for
till
this
be
done
,
it
will
ever
be
incertain
and
dangerous
.
It
may
not
be
improper
to
observe
,
with
some
reference
to
what
hath
been
debated
in
the
preceding
Sections
,
what
further
Expedients
the
French
Politicks
dictate
in
this
Chapter
,
for
the
securing
of
Commerce
:
Amongst
others
we
there
find
this
Caution
;
It
must
be
studiously
prevented
that
Commerce
introduce
not
into
a
State-Superfluity
,
Excess
,
and
Luxury
,
which
are
often
followed
with
Ambition
,
Pag.
169.
Avarice
,
and
a
dangerous
Corruption
of
Manners
:
It
is
added
,
Pag.
171.
That
it
hath
been
a
question
offered
to
debate
,
whether
Traffick
in
France
should
be
managed
by
Subjects
or
Forreigners
,
to
make
a
short
decision
;
't
is
evident
that
Forreigners
must
be
allowed
to
gain
our
Merchandizes
,
if
we
would
have
them
take
them
off
,
if
we
carry
them
into
their
Ports
,
we
shall
make
less
Sales
;
yet
,
That
our
Merchants
may
share
in
the
profit
,
they
may
enter
into
Partnership
with
them
,
or
be
their
Commissioners
here
,
or
Freight
them
themselves
,
provided
they
sell
at
somewhat
cheaper
Rates
,
and
so
be
content
with
moderate
Gain
.
Which
passages
I
have
cited
to
shew
,
See
Sir
William
Temple
of
the
Dutch
,
Pag.
cited
before
,
Sect.
12.
That
't
is
no
part
of
their
Politicks
to
increase
Luxuries
or
Excess
;
nor
to
inclose
their
home
and
Forreign
Market
to
their
own
Navigation
or
Merchants
.
I
have
been
thus
long
tracing
the
French
Politicks
,
and
our
own
unfortunate
Methods
in
the
matter
of
Trade
,
and
this
out
of
a
hope
to
occasion
the
Restitution
and
Increase
of
ours
;
but
have
gone
so
far
in
the
pursuit
,
that
on
a
sudden
I
have
step't
into
a
Scene
of
Horrors
,
by
a
necessary
and
inevitable
Apprehension
of
the
Dangers
we
are
in
,
from
the
present
French
Powers
;
it
is
impossible
for
any
man
to
close
up
the
eye
of
his
Reason
,
when
he
sees
a
Ghastly
Troop
of
Ruins
making
their
regular
Approaches
against
his
Prince
and
his
Countrey
,
and
therein
threatning
many
Millions
of
poor
Innocents
,
and
of
these
some
Millions
,
who
hardly
know
their
right
hands
from
their
left
,
with
Butcheries
and
Violations
of
all
kinds
;
in
such
a
Case
,
Silence
would
be
the
greatest
and
foulest
of
Barbarities
,
and
no
better
than
an
Apostacy
from
the
sacred
Duties
of
Allegiance
and
Self-Preservation
.
Shall
we
flatter
our selves
with
an
opinion
that
the
French
have
no
inclination
to
turn
their
mighty
Treasures
,
Land
and
Sea-Forces
upon
us
?
How
poor
,
weak
,
incertain
and
dishonourable
is
such
a
Security
?
Are
we
so
tenacious
of
every
little
pretence
of
Right
at
home
,
and
so
busie
to
get
a
Penny
,
and
yet
shall
be
content
to
enjoy
our
Lives
and
Estates
by
no
better
a
Tenure
than
the
discretion
of
the
French
?
See
The
Buckler
of
State
and
Justice
,
Printed
in
(
67
)
by
the
special
Appointment
of
the
Honorable
the
Lord
Arlington
.
whose
Councils
are
dark
and
inscrutable
,
and
who
by
their
late
Invasion
of
Flanders
,
contrary
to
former
Leagues
and
Sanctions
,
and
the
then
Assurances
of
the
French
Ministers
,
have
at
least
demonstrated
,
that
they
most
intend
what
they
least
profess
;
Is
England
become
so
despicable
a
Spot
,
as
not
to
be
worth
the
Acquest
?
Is
it
not
equal
to
Flanders
,
or
the
Island
of
Sicily
?
Is
it
not
evident
that
the
present
French
King
aims
at
the
Trade
of
the
World
,
and
particularly
of
the
North
?
doth
he
not
want
Ports
?
will
it
not
be
more
grateful
to
him
to
engross
the
Woollen
Manufacture
by
securing
the
English
Wooll
,
than
to
stand
to
our
Courtesie
?
Hath
not
England
most
other
valuable
Materials
,
by
which
he
might
yet
mightily
enlarge
the
Trade
of
France
?
Can
he
hope
to
proceed
in
his
Conquests
on
the
Continent
,
whilest
he
leaves
so
dangerous
an
Enemy
at
his
Rere
?
Doth
he
not
know
the
Spirit
of
our
People
?
Are
our
Talbots
,
and
Bedfords
forgotten
?
Did
he
not
see
us
raise
a
considerable
Army
the
other
day
to
check
his
Progress
?
Is
he
not
exasperated
by
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
,
which
touches
him
in
the
most
tender
Concern
of
his
Trade
?
Doth
he
not
think
himself
affronted
in
the
face
of
the
World
?
What
can
be
so
grateful
to
a
Prince
Ambitious
of
Glory
,
and
to
the
French
Nation
in
general
,
as
to
render
those
English
,
their
Hewers
of
Wood
,
and
Drawers
of
Water
,
who
have
so
often
Triumphed
in
France
?
Will
they
not
endeavour
to
obliterate
that
Title
England
bears
in
her
publick
Treaties
?
Will
not
such
an
Acquist
ennoble
the
name
of
the
present
French
King
,
above
all
those
of
his
Ancestors
?
What
a
mighty
and
useful
Purchase
will
he
have
in
a
Seminary
of
able
Men
and
Horses
,
whose
value
he
hath
reason
to
understand
,
and
which
he
may
then
draw
out
into
his
Wars
at
his
pleasure
,
what
spacious
Possessions
and
Commanderies
would
England
and
its
Dominions
afford
to
his
French
Officers
,
to
whom
it
may
be
no
little
Temptation
to
have
the
deflowring
and
violating
of
our
most
beautiful
Women
,
being
such
as
the
whole
Earth
cannot
Parallel
:
A
thousand
other
particulars
might
be
accumulated
,
of
which
it
is
not
the
least
that
here
would
be
a
vast
accession
of
Preferments
for
the
numerous
French
Popish
Clergy
,
and
then
what
would
become
of
ours
?
And
shall
we
think
the
French
Councils
are
insensible
of
these
Advantages
?
Have
they
who
have
been
nicely
winnowing
all
the
rest
of
their
Neighbouring
Countreys
,
forgotten
ours
?
if
we
resort
again
to
the
French
Politicks
,
we
shall
have
no
reason
to
think
so
;
we
see
before
what
they
design
upon
our
Commerce
,
from
thence
they
proceed
to
project
Conquests
at
Land
;
The
French
Romances
spake
us
nothing
but
Love
and
Honour
,
and
in
truth
make
a
very
pleasing
divertisement
;
but
their
Politicks
denounce
Subjugation
and
Vassallage
:
if
we
follow
them
from
Countrey
to
Countrey
,
what
they
say
of
ours
will
appear
more
considerable
;
thus
they
begin
:
It
were
to
be
wisht
that
the
King
did
add
to
his
Kingdom
all
the
Low
Countries
to
the
Rhine
,
Pag.
153.
—
It
would
make
him
Master
of
the
Northern
Seas
,
&c.
(
what
Progress
the
French
King
hath
made
towards
this
Conquest
,
and
why
he
found
himself
obliged
to
desist
for
the
present
,
need
not
be
repealed
,
no
doubt
but
the
French
bear
it
in
Memory
)
Secondly
,
it
were
convenient
the
King
had
Strasburgh
to
keep
all
Germany
in
quiet
,
&c.
Pag.
154.
(
Our
Gazetts
may
inform
us
what
Advances
he
hath
made
towards
the
reducing
of
this
great
strength
,
and
he
is
now
storing
all
his
adjacent
Magazines
)
.
"
In
the
third
place
he
had
need
to
have
the
French
Comte
to
lay
a
restraint
upon
the
Swisses
,
&c.
(
This
he
hath
since
gotten
)
.
In
the
fourth
place
,
Millan
is
necessary
in
respect
of
Italy
,
&c.
(
Of
this
we
have
yet
heard
no
more
than
that
he
hath
been
bargaining
for
a
passage
by
Casall
)
.
In
the
fifth
place
,
Genoa
;
—
Genoa
would
make
the
King
Master
of
the
Mediterranean
Sea
,
&c.
(
This
he
hath
so
far
proceeded
in
,
that
he
hath
obliged
the
Genoeses
to
harbour
his
Ships
,
and
to
almost
what
other
Conditions
he
pleases
.
In
the
fifth
Chapter
,
dictating
how
France
should
act
with
Forreign
Princes
after
a
most
exquisite
Scrutiny
into
the
ill
adjusted
Councils
,
Beginning
Pag.
183.
and
Luxuries
of
the
Spanish
Grandees
,
't
is
said
,
Their
Forces
are
not
to
be
feared
,
Pag.
186.
Scicily
might
easily
make
an
Insurrection
,
Pag.
187.
&c.
(
We
have
seen
what
followed
)
.
Pag.
188.
Portugal
is
a
perpetual
Instrument
for
the
weakening
Spain
,
&c.
(
So
it
hath
remained
)
The
Venetians
and
People
of
Italy
are
wise
;
to
reduce
them
to
our
Intentions
,
we
must
work
by
down-right
force
,
&c.
The
Pope
will
ever
Consider
France
,
because
of
the
County
of
Avignon
:
The
Hollanders
will
keep
themselves
to
our
Alliance
as
much
as
possibly
they
may
,
—
They
are
rich
.
It
were
expedient
the
King
did
interpose
in
their
Affairs
,
and
that
some
divisions
be
sown
amongst
them
:
(
we
see
what
hath
ensued
:
)
The
Swisses
are
Mercenaries
,
Pag.
189.
who
will
always
serve
the
King
for
his
Money
:
(
so
they
have
done
ever
since
)
The
King
of
Denmark
is
a
Prince
whose
State
is
but
small
,
&c.
Sweden
will
never
break
off
from
the
Interests
of
France
,
we
ought
to
consider
them
as
Instruments
which
for
our
Money
we
may
make
Use
of
to
divert
the
English
or
Holland
Forces
,
Pag.
194.
when
His
Majesty
makes
any
Enterprize
which
pleaseth
them
not
,
&c.
(
Success
hath
verified
this
,
and
may
further
:
Pag.
195.
)
The
Friendship
of
the
Turk
is
good
for
France
,
to
be
made
Use
of
on
occasion
against
the
Emperor
:
(
our
Gazetts
have
informed
us
what
Essays
there
have
been
;
and
at
last
the
Turk
was
brought
upon
Muscovy
,
whereby
the
Swedish
Army
in
Livonia
was
let
loose
upon
the
Confederates
.
Of
All
others
,
these
Politicks
speak
most
confidently
of
the
Conquest
of
the
English
;
they
observe
,
that
We
have
no
Friends
,
—
and
are
positive
,
that
a
War
of
France
for
three
or
four
years
,
Pag.
189.
would
ruine
us
:
Pag.
190.
(
which
't
is
evident
must
be
said
out
of
a
sense
they
have
of
their
odds
in
National
Treasure
;
for
by
the
Import
of
the
words
and
Context
,
they
cannot
be
spoken
on
supposition
the
French
should
attacque
us
unawares
,
(
which
God
prevent
:
)
Hereupon
it
follows
so
it
seems
reasonable
that
we
should
make
no
Peace
with
them
,
viz.
the
English
;
but
on
Conditions
of
the
greatest
Advantage
to
us
,
unless
the
King
think
fit
to
defer
the
Execution
of
this
Project
for
another
time
:
To
make
sure
and
quick
work
,
'T
is
farther
thought
fit
that
ways
should
be
found
to
disable
our
Government
by
great
Expences
,
and
by
Disunions
and
Convulsions
;
from
which
't
is
manifest
,
the
French
are
well
aware
in
what
the
virtue
of
our
Government
consists
,
and
therefore
know
how
to
strike
at
the
root
:
There
are
divers
indirect
Expedients
proposed
,
which
I
shall
forbear
,
being
somewhat
Prolix
,
and
mixt
with
Contemptuous
and
Reflective
Expressions
:
It
is
enough
to
observe
here
from
whence
these
French
Politicks
hope
for
our
English
Harvest
,
See
before
Pag.
and
that
this
is
the
work
at
home
before
intended
to
be
cut
out
for
us
.
This
great
Prince
hath
thought
fit
hitherto
to
defer
a
formal
War
upon
us
,
at
least
,
under
that
Denomination
;
but
whether
he
hath
deferred
the
Project
as
these
Politicks
call
it
,
may
depend
upon
a
Consideration
of
what
he
hath
been
visibly
doing
ever
since
;
he
hath
been
since
building
his
Fleet
,
amassing
his
Naval
Stores
,
Educating
and
Providing
Seamen
and
Harbours
,
wasting
and
disabling
those
Neighbouring
Empires
and
States
,
who
being
jealous
of
his
Power
,
might
otherwise
have
interposed
in
his
Carriere
,
getting
those
great
Passes
and
Strengths
into
his
hands
,
by
which
they
might
have
entred
his
Countrey
,
he
hath
been
disciplining
a
victorious
and
mighty
Army
,
and
exhausting
us
by
his
Trade
,
with
a
great
Addition
of
loss
by
his
Capers
;
(
the
French
are
very
curious
at
Cooking
their
Morsels
before
they
eat
them
)
and
at
last
hath
,
as
it
were
,
forced
a
general
Peace
,
even
whilst
he
was
Victorious
,
by
which
he
is
left
at
entire
Liberty
:
of
which
Peace
,
whilst
it
was
under
Negotiation
,
and
drawing
to
a
Conclusion
,
a
wise
and
noble
Lord
of
our
time
,
gave
this
his
sence
to
both
our
Houses
of
Parliament
:
The
present
Lord
Chancellour
in
his
Speech
to
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
on
the
23
d
of
May
,
1678.
The
influence
such
a
Peace
may
have
upon
our
affairs
,
is
fitter
for
Meditation
than
discourse
,
only
this
is
evident
,
that
by
the
Preparations
we
have
made
for
War
,
(
viz.
in
the
raising
of
our
late
Army
,
&c.
)
and
by
the
Prohibition
we
have
made
of
Trade
,
we
have
given
no
small
Provocations
to
so
mighty
a
King
,
who
may
be
at
leisure
enough
to
resent
them
if
he
please
;
and
therefore
it
will
Import
us
so
to
strengthen
our selves
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
that
it
may
not
be
found
a
cheap
and
easie
thing
to
put
an
Affront
upon
us
.
I
need
not
inform
any
English
Reader
,
what
fatal
Apprehensions
the
same
Parliament
had
of
the
Consequences
of
such
a
Peace
;
they
are
in
ordinary
Memory
;
can
we
think
this
Fleet
of
Men
of
War
is
built
to
be
employed
in
the
Fishery
,
or
to
lye
and
rot
in
their
Harbours
?
Can
this
Army
profitably
,
or
safely
be
supported
Idle
?
Will
he
suffer
them
to
be
tainted
with
Luxury
?
Will
he
hazard
Animosities
or
Factions
amongst
the
numerous
French
Nobles
(
by
whom
this
Army
is
Officer'd
)
the
Mutinies
of
the
Soldiers
,
The
Gazett
for
Monday
Decemb.
29.
gives
us
this
Advertisement
.
Hamburgh
,
Dec.
22.
The
French
have
hired
all
the
Vessels
in
this
River
,
and
the
Weser
,
which
used
to
go
to
France
,
and
return
with
Wines
,
on
which
they
mean
to
Transport
great
Quantities
of
Oats
,
and
other
Corn
(
which
they
are
therefore
buying
up
in
these
Parts
)
to
Calais
,
Dunkirk
,
and
other
Places
on
that
Coast.
or
Insurrections
of
his
own
People
?
Will
he
not
rather
send
these
Armed
Heards
to
graze
in
our
sweet
Meadows
,
and
to
gather
him
fresh
Laurels
out
of
our
English
Gardens
?
It
may
reasonably
add
to
our
Fear
,
that
we
see
the
French
King
hath
lately
made
so
strict
Alliances
with
Spain
,
and
with
Bavaria
,
by
which
he
is
farther
secured
from
any
Inroads
from
those
Parts
;
and
that
we
also
find
him
so
vigilant
to
prevent
our
Leaguing
with
the
Dutch
,
and
to
come
to
some
closer
Conjunction
with
them
himself
;
in
which
his
Ministers
use
the
utmost
Arts
,
mixt
with
a
sort
of
Menaces
;
I
cannot
but
resort
again
to
the
French
Politicks
,
where
in
the
close
of
those
Methods
by
which
the
French
King
may
obtain
an
easie
and
intire
Conquest
of
England
,
we
find
it
farther
dictated
thus
,
On
the
other
hand
,
Pag.
192.
our
League
with
the
Hollanders
should
be
renewed
,
and
they
put
into
a
belief
,
that
we
should
give
them
all
the
Trade
still
,
because
they
have
the
knowledge
of
it
,
and
are
proper
for
it
;
whereas
(
as
't
is
to
be
suggested
)
the
French
have
no
Inclination
that
way
,
and
Nature
cannot
be
forced
;
they
must
be
told
that
now
they
are
come
to
the
happy
time
for
advancing
their
Affairs
,
and
ruining
their
Competitors
in
the
Sovereignty
of
the
Northern
Seas
:
we
see
these
Politicks
go
through
stitch
in
the
business
.
And
that
upon
the
Whole
they
were
very
unfit
to
be
Printed
;
no
man
who
had
so
much
Wit
as
to
be
the
real
Author
,
could
have
so
little
as
to
publish
them
;
and
the
rather
,
because
of
Another
Secret
amongst
the
rest
very
improper
to
be
divulged
As
for
the
Proofs
against
this
Prisoner
,
they
were
as
home
and
positive
as
against
the
rest
.
1.
Dr.
Oates
declares
how
he
came
acquainted
with
him
,
See
the
Tryal
,
p.
9.
by
bringing
him
Letters
from
his
Sons
from
a
Seminanary
in
Spain
;
and
then
Swears
,
That
Langhorn
did
hold
Correspondence
with
Le
Chese
and
others
,
and
that
the
Witness
carried
several
Letters
to
persons
beyond
the
Seas
;
in
one
of
which
he
saw
under
his
own
hand
,
words
to
this
purpose
,
That
now
they
had
a
fair
opportunity
to
begin
,
or
give
the
blow
;
with
other
expressions
plain
enough
concerning
the
Plot
:
and
these
he
saw
signed
Richard
Langhorn
,
and
that
the
Prisoner
himself
delivered
them
to
him
.
2.
That
he
had
order
from
the
Provincial
to
give
Mr.
Langhorn
an
Account
of
the
Resolve
of
the
Jesuits
Consult
for
Killing
the
King
,
P.
10.
and
that
he
did
acquaint
him
therewith
;
and
that
the
said
Langhorn
thereupon
lift
up
his
Hands
and
Eyes
,
and
prayed
to
God
to
give
it
a
good
success
.
3.
That
he
saw
at
his
Chamber
certain
Commissions
,
P.
11.
which
they
call
Patents
;
and
that
on
his
desire
he
permitted
the
Witness
to
peruse
several
of
them
;
and
that
there
was
one
Commission
to
the
Lord
Arundel
of
Wardour
,
and
another
to
the
Lord
Powis
,
for
the
one
to
be
Lord
Chancellour
,
and
the
other
Lord
Treasurer
of
England
;
and
one
to
Mr.
Langhorn
himself
,
to
be
Advocate
of
the
Army
;
and
that
they
were
signed
Johannes
Paulus
d'Oliva
,
by
Vertue
of
a
Brief
from
the
Pope
:
and
Mr.
Langhorn
also
told
him
,
that
he
had
sent
one
of
these
Commissions
by
his
Son
,
to
be
delivered
to
the
Lord
Arundel
of
Wardours
Son.
4.
That
Mr.
Langhorn
,
being
employed
as
Sollicitor
for
several
of
the
Fathers
of
the
Society
,
P.
13.
did
prevail
with
the
Benedictine
Monks
to
raise
six
thousand
pounds
for
carrying
on
the
Cause
;
and
did
say
in
the
hearing
of
the
witness
,
That
he
would
do
his
utmost
for
procuring
the
said
Money
.
5.
That
Mr.
Langhorn
was
disgusted
that
Sir
G.
Wakeman
was
not
content
with
ten
thousand
pound
to
poison
the
King
,
and
call'd
him
narrow-spirited
,
narrow-soul'd
Physician
:
for
being
a
publick
concern
,
and
to
carry
on
the
Cause
,
it
was
no
matter
if
he
did
it
for
nothing
.
6.
An
Instrument
was
produced
in
Court
,
signed
by
Paulus
d'Oliva
,
found
in
Mr.
Langhorns
Chamber
,
long
after
Mr.
Oates
had
given
in
his
Testimony
.
Now
Mr.
Oates
swore
,
that
the
before-mentioned
Commissions
were
signed
by
the
same
hand
,
and
had
the
same
mark
;
but
they
were
all
conveyed
away
,
and
this
being
onely
concerning
an
Ecclesiastick
business
,
wherein
they
thought
there
was
no
danger
,
was
left
.
However
,
this
much
confirmed
Mr.
Oates's
Evidence
,
by
shewing
that
Mr.
Langhorn
did
use
to
receive
Patents
from
,
and
had
Commerce
with
the
Superiour
of
the
Jesuits
at
Rome
.
In
the
next
place
comes
Mr.
Bedloe
,
and
he
swears
that
he
went
with
Mr.
Coleman
to
Mr.
Langhorns
Chamber
,
P.
19.
and
there
Mr.
Coleman
gave
him
his
Letters
to
le
Chese
,
and
the
Popes
Nuncio
,
and
others
,
open
,
to
read
and
Register
in
a
Book
by
him
kept
for
that
purpose
,
and
that
he
saw
him
read
these
Letters
,
which
were
concerning
these
designs
in
hand
;
and
that
he
Registred
them
in
a
Book
in
his
Closet
,
whilst
he
and
Mr.
Coleman
walkt
in
the
outer
room
;
and
that
afterwards
Coleman
sealed
up
these
Letters
,
and
delivered
them
to
the
Witness
,
who
carried
them
to
le
Chese
;
and
that
some
of
the
expressions
in
those
Letters
were
,
That
all
things
were
now
in
readiness
,
and
they
onely
wanted
Money
:
That
the
Catholicks
were
now
in
safety
;
that
Places
and
Offices
had
been
disposed
to
them
,
and
that
all
the
Garrisons
either
were
,
or
suddenly
would
be
in
their
hands
;
and
that
now
they
had
a
fair
opportunity
,
having
a
King
so
easie
to
believe
what
was
dictated
to
him
by
their
Party
,
and
that
if
they
missed
this
advantage
,
they
might
despair
of
ever
introducing
Popery
into
England
.
These
were
the
very
Expressions
of
some
of
them
.
2.
That
he
brought
other
Letters
from
Harcourt
to
Langhorn
to
be
Registred
,
and
Langhorn
writ
back
,
that
he
had
received
and
would
Register
them
;
of
which
Letters
one
was
from
the
Rector
of
the
Irish
Colledge
at
Salamanca
,
which
specified
,
That
the
Lord
Bellasis
and
the
rest
concerned
,
should
be
in
readiness
,
for
that
they
had
sent
some
Irish
cashier'd
Souldiers
,
with
many
other
Lay-Brothers
,
under
the
notion
of
Pilgrims
for
St.
Jago
,
who
were
to
take
shipping
at
the
Groin
,
and
to
land
at
Milford-Haven
in
Wales
,
and
there
to
meet
and
join
with
the
Lord
Powis
.
The
onely
defence
Mr.
Langhorn
could
make
,
was
like
that
of
the
rest
of
his
Party
,
by
stout
denyals
,
and
endeavouring
to
invalidate
the
credit
of
the
Witnesses
,
by
intrapping
or
confronting
them
in
point
of
time
or
place
.
1.
He
would
make
Doctor
Oates
an
Approver
,
P.
27.
as
having
been
pardoned
for
the
same
Crime
;
and
alleadged
,
that
the
Witnesses
had
received
Rewards
and
gratifications
for
Swearing
against
them
.
But
to
this
the
Court
answered
,
That
it
could
not
be
supposed
the
King
would
Bribe
his
Witnesses
;
and
unless
he
could
prove
any
reward
to
be
given
by
Contract
,
or
subornation
,
it
was
no
Objection
,
for
that
allowance
of
sustenance
was
usually
given
of
old
to
Approvers
,
&c.
2.
He
mustered
up
again
their
baffled
Evidence
from
St.
Omers
,
P.
33.
of
whom
one
being
askt
how
he
came
to
take
notice
of
Mr.
Oates
being
at
St.
Omers
all
April
and
May
,
and
not
in
June
and
July
as
well
,
plainly
answered
,
(
being
not
well
instructed
,
or
more
simple
than
the
rest
)
—
It
was
—
Because
the
Question
he
came
for
did
not
fall
upon
that
time
:
Which
gives
more
light
to
the
suspicion
,
that
they
came
with
their
Lessons
in
their
Mouths
,
to
save
these
mens
Lives
,
and
their
Churches
sinking
Credit
;
not
to
speak
truth
,
but
only
right
or
wrong
confront
the
Kings
Evidence
:
but
in
vain
,
for
Dr.
Oates
sufficiently
asserted
his
Testimony
by
seven
Witnesses
,
who
now
again
proved
,
as
they
had
done
the
day
before
,
his
being
in
London
at
the
time
controverted
.
3.
Then
Mr.
Langhorn
produced
the
Woman
at
the
White-horse
Tavern
,
P.
46.
where
Mr.
Oates
had
said
the
Consult
was
held
;
and
she
boldly
averred
,
that
there
was
never
a
Room
in
her
House
would
hold
above
a
dozen
people
,
and
therefore
there
could
not
meet
50
,
or
18
or
20
persons
at
a
time
.
This
was
an
Objection
Doctor
Oates
could
not
fore-see
,
not
thinking
any
body
would
have
had
the
confidence
to
alleadge
it
;
and
so
was
not
provided
with
any
Witnesses
to
confute
it
:
but
as
Providence
ordered
it
no
less
than
three
several
strangers
stood
up
in
Court
,
that
knew
the
House
well
,
and
being
sworn
,
Attested
,
The
first
,
that
he
had
known
sixteen
to
dine
often
in
one
Room
of
that
House
;
the
second
,
that
he
knew
two
Rooms
,
one
backwards
and
the
other
forward
,
where
Thirty
might
Dine
at
a
time
;
and
the
third
,
that
at
a
Wedding
he
knew
of
above
Twenty
that
Dined
together
in
one
Room
next
the
street
.
Nay
farther
,
there
was
a
Gentleman
of
good
Quality
in
Court
,
who
declared
,
there
have
been
Fifty
in
a
Room
there
;
so
that
this
Evidence
,
by
such
a
peremptory
falshood
,
did
but
add
to
the
suspicion
already
too
apparent
on
the
rest
of
his
Witnesses
.
The
matter
being
thus
plain
,
the
Jury
did
not
find
any
difficulty
that
might
require
a
tedious
Consultation
,
and
therefore
returning
after
a
short
retirement
,
into
Court
,
pronounced
the
prisoner
Guilty
;
and
then
Whitebread
,
and
the
other
Four
Convicted
the
day
before
,
being
brought
to
him
to
the
Bar
,
Mr.
Recorder
proceeded
to
pass
Sentence
of
Death
upon
them
all
Six
.
But
Mr.
Langhorn
,
either
in
consideration
of
the
affairs
of
others
in
relation
to
his
Practice
,
which
it
might
be
convenient
to
adjust
;
or
rather
in
hopes
he
might
have
been
wrought
upon
to
make
some
ingenuous
Confession
,
was
Reprieved
for
a
Month
,
and
then
Executed
on
Munday
the
Fourteenth
of
June
,
persisting
in
the
most
solemn
and
studied
expressions
of
his
Innocence
;
which
that
they
might
be
home
and
full
,
and
consequently
the
more
taking
with
the
people
,
he
had
written
down
in
a
paper
,
whether
of
his
own
penning
,
or
prescribed
unto
him
by
some
Priest
,
is
uncertain
;
and
this
he
delivered
to
the
Sheriff
,
referring
himself
thereunto
,
as
the
last
Expressions
of
his
mind
;
and
desiring
it
might
be
seen
.
CHAP.
XX.
The
Occasion
and
manner
of
Mr.
Robert
Jennison's
first
Discovery
;
and
the
Apprehension
of
one
Caryl
,
alias
Blunden
,
and
his
Letter
beyond
the
Seas
concerning
the
Execution
of
Whitebread
,
&c.
WE
have
before
related
how
Mr.
Ireland
insisted
that
he
was
in
Staffordshire
,
when
Dr.
Oates
,
Mr.
Bedloe
,
and
one
Sarah
Pain
,
attest
upon
their
Oaths
that
they
saw
him
in
London
.
And
this
he
not
onely
alleadged
at
his
Tryal
,
and
brought
Witnesses
to
prove
it
,
but
made
solemn
Asseverations
at
his
death
,
That
he
never
was
in
London
from
the
5th
of
August
to
the
14th
of
September
.
And
knowing
that
such
a
failure
in
circumstance
of
time
and
place
,
if
they
could
get
it
believ'd
,
would
much
depretiate
the
Evidence
,
they
not
content
with
what
had
pass'd
,
revive
it
again
at
Whitebread's
Tryal
,
as
you
have
heard
,
offering
fresh
people
to
confirm
it
:
And
though
the
contrary
was
sufficiently
attested
by
three
Witnesses
on
Oath
,
enough
to
convince
an
impartial
Jury
,
or
any
body
else
that
considers
the
nature
of
a
Papists
Religion
,
and
how
far
he
may
lawfully
,
nay
is
bound
to
stretch
his
private
Conscience
,
when
it
may
be
for
the
publick
Emolument
of
their
Church
;
yet
it
pleased
Providence
,
as
well
for
the
vindication
and
further
illustration
of
Truth
,
as
to
shame
these
false
dissemblers
,
and
expose
their
fallacious
dealings
,
soon
after
to
make
a
further
discovery
,
and
detect
their
Lyes
in
this
behalf
,
by
one
that
had
been
no
small
Zealot
of
their
Party
.
For
presently
after
that
Tryal
,
Charles
Chetwind
Esq
upon
some
discourse
concerning
the
same
,
was
accidentally
inform'd
,
That
one
Mr.
Robert
Jennison
of
Grays-Inne
,
a
person
of
good
Quality
,
and
formerly
a
strict
Romanist
,
had
affirm'd
,
That
he
was
with
the
said
Ireland
about
the
middle
of
August
in
Russel-street
in
Covent-garden
:
whereupon
Mr.
Chetwind
resolv'd
to
enquire
further
after
it
,
being
thereunto
encouraged
by
the
Earl
of
Shaftsbury
,
to
whom
he
had
communicated
what
he
had
heard
.
Then
tracing
the
business
,
he
went
to
Robert
Bowes
Esq
who
own'd
,
that
Mr.
Jennison
had
signified
so
much
to
him
formerly
in
a
Letter
from
Reading
,
dated
the
19th
of
December
.
Hereupon
several
of
these
Gentlemen
repaired
to
Mr.
Jennison
,
who
after
some
unwilling
Evasions
,
ingenuously
owned
the
same
,
and
testified
it
upon
Oath
before
Edmund
Warcup
Esq
one
of
his
Majesties
Justices
of
the
Peace
for
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
viz.
That
coming
up
from
Windsor
on
the
19th
of
August
,
he
went
to
visit
the
said
William
Ireland
(
with
whom
for
some
time
he
had
been
well
acquainted
,
as
being
Related
unto
him
)
and
found
him
at
his
Lodging
in
Russel-street
,
who
told
him
he
was
then
newly
arrived
by
Post
from
Wolverhampton
in
Staffordshire
;
and
in
discourse
enquired
how
his
Majesty
and
the
Court
were
diverted
:
To
which
Mr.
Jennison
replied
,
That
he
heard
his
Majesty
took
much
delight
in
Hawking
and
Fishing
,
but
chiefly
in
the
latter
;
which
his
Majesty
follow'd
early
in
the
mornings
,
accompanied
onely
with
two
or
three
Lords
:
Whereupon
Ireland
replied
,
He
wondred
his
Majesty
should
be
so
thin
guarded
,
he
were
easily
taken
off
or
removed
;
or
words
to
that
effect
.
At
which
Mr.
Jennison
saying
God
forbid
,
Ireland
began
to
qualifie
it
,
saying
,
I
do
not
say
it
is
lawful
;
and
some
such
Expressions
,
which
made
him
take
little
notice
of
it
at
that
time
;
but
afterwards
hearing
of
the
Plot
,
and
that
the
King
was
to
have
been
kill'd
at
Windsor
,
he
began
to
reflect
upon
these
former
words
more
seriously
,
and
related
them
to
his
Father
and
one
Mr.
Smith
his
Fathers
Confessor
,
being
then
at
Wallworth
his
Fathers
Mansion-house
in
the
Bishoprick
of
Durham
.
This
and
some
other
Depositions
confirming
the
same
,
with
the
true
Copy
of
the
said
Letter
,
have
since
been
published
in
print
,
and
Mr.
Jennison
publickly
attested
the
same
at
Wakeman's
Tryal
;
the
horror
and
detestation
of
this
hellish
Plot
carried
on
by
the
Romanists
,
having
induced
him
to
quit
their
Communion
.
Three
days
after
the
Execution
of
Whitebread
and
the
other
four
Jesuits
,
viz.
23
June
,
was
Apprehended
by
Captain
Rich
,
one
of
His
Majesties
Justices
of
Peace
for
Surry
,
one
Caryl
,
alias
Blunden
,
supposed
to
be
a
Popish
Priest
,
at
Lambeth-Marsh
,
at
the
House
of
one
Mr.
Woodinbrook
,
formerly
an
Haberdasher
of
Small
Wares
in
the
Burrough
of
Southwark
;
in
whose
Chamber
was
found
the
following
Letter
,
prepared
to
give
an
Account
thereof
to
their
Correspondents
beyond
the
Seas
;
wherein
't
is
observable
,
what
liberty
they
take
to
scandalize
the
proceedings
of
Justice
,
and
invent
so
many
palpable
notorious
Lies
;
as
that
of
the
Reprieve
being
brought
to
the
Gallows
,
&c.
to
keep
up
their
Reputation
with
their
Party
.
The
words
of
the
Letter
were
as
follow
,
onely
in
the
Margent
we
have
added
some
necessary
Observations
.
IHS
.
MR.
23
June
,
1679.
My
Dr.
C.
ON
the
Thirteenth
of
June
,
being
Friday
,
Mr.
Whitebread
,
Mr.
Harcourt
,
Mr.
Turner
,
Fenwick
and
Gaven
of
the
Society
,
and
Mr.
Corker
,
were
brought
to
the
Bar
in
the
Old-Bailey
:
Mr.
Corker
moved
the
Court
for
a
longer
time
,
being
onely
warned
the
night
before
,
whereas
the
other
Prisoners
had
eight
days
warning
to
prepare
themselves
;
whereupon
he
was
re-manded
to
prison
till
the
next
day
:
Then
was
the
Indictment
read
against
the
Five
above-named
Jesuits
,
for
conspiring
the
Kings
Death
,
Subversion
of
Government
,
and
Protestant
Religion
.
Then
Mr.
Oates
swore
,
that
on
the
Twenty
fourth
of
April
,
there
was
a
Consult
held
in
London
,
where
the
Kings
Death
was
Conspired
;
and
that
he
carried
this
Resolve
from
one
to
the
other
,
for
their
subscribing
;
and
swore
particular
Circumstances
against
each
.
To
Corroborate
this
Testimony
,
other
Witnesses
,
Bedloe
,
Prance
,
Dugdale
,
and
Chetwine
,
came
in
with
[
](A54635-e47070-b)(1)
(1)
A
pretty
way
of
expressing
plain
positive
Evidence
of
several
Overt
Acts
of
Treason
.
Overtures
to
the
matter
sworn
by
Oates
.
Then
did
the
Prisoners
(
after
a
most
solemn
and
[
](A54635-e47100-b)(2)
(2)
It
might
be
solemn
,
but
could
not
be
counted
Religious
by
any
but
you
,
whose
Religion
consists
in
Lies
and
Blasphemous
Hypocrisie
.
Religious
Protestation
of
their
Innocence
and
ignorance
of
any
Conspiracy
against
His
Majesty
)
desire
that
their
Witnesses
might
be
heard
,
which
could
demonstrate
that
Mr.
Oates
was
actually
at
St.
Omers
in
all
April
and
May
,
and
most
of
June
,
when
he
swears
he
was
in
London
at
the
Consult
.
To
prove
this
,
about
twenty
Witnesses
were
produced
,
who
did
shew
evidently
,
by
several
remarkable
passages
,
how
Oates
was
at
St.
Omers
all
the
whole
time
.
But
the
Judge
Scroggs
asked
each
Witness
as
he
did
appear
,
of
what
Religion
he
was
of
;
and
upon
answer
that
he
was
a
Catholick
,
the
whole
Court
gave
a
shout
of
laughter
.
Then
the
Judge
would
say
to
them
,
[
](A54635-e47210-b)(3)
(3)
All
absolutely
false
,
though
it
might
have
been
the
most
proper
way
of
Examining
such
bold
young
Villains
;
for
't
was
apparent
they
did
not
speak
their
knowledge
,
but
their
Masters
dictates
.
Well
,
what
have
you
then
been
taught
to
say
?
and
by
many
scoffing
Questions
(
which
moved
the
Court
to
frequent
laughter
)
he
did
endeavour
to
take
off
the
Credibility
of
their
Witnesses
.
Then
the
Butler
,
Taylor
,
and
Gardiner
of
St.
Omers
offered
to
swear
that
they
saw
Mr.
Oates
all
that
time
at
St.
Omers
,
when
he
swore
he
was
in
London
.
After
this
,
the
Prisoners
at
the
Bar
produced
Sixteen
Witnesses
more
,
that
proved
Oates
[
](A54635-e47280-b)(4)
(4)
Another
impudent
Lie
;
and
sure
the
Jesuits
themselves
and
the
Staffordshire
Vouchers
,
if
they
have
any
shame
left
,
will
now
blush
at
the
story
.
forsworn
in
Mr.
Irelands
Tryal
,
because
he
was
in
Shropshire
,
when
he
attested
be
was
in
London
.
Then
did
Gaven
,
one
of
the
Prisoners
,
with
a
great
deal
of
clearness
and
Eloquence
,
and
with
a
cheerful
countenance
,
draw
up
their
justification
,
shewing
the
force
of
their
Evidences
,
and
how
fully
their
Witnesses
had
proved
Mr.
Oates
[
](A54635-e47360-b)(5)
(5)
Not
the
least
pretence
for
this
old
baffled
Scandal
.
perjured
:
then
he
did
lay
open
the
improbabilities
of
such
a
Plot
,
and
how
unlikely
that
Mr.
Oates
should
be
entrusted
in
delivering
Commissions
to
Persons
of
Honour
and
Estates
,
whom
he
never
(
as
he
acknowledges
)
had
seen
before
or
since
.
This
was
delivered
by
Mr.
Gaven
,
[
](A54635-e47400-b)(6)
(6)
O
brave
Orator
!
sure
this
Recommendation
of
such
brave
service
done
the
Church
,
will
hasten
Gavens
Canonization
,
at
least
one
score
or
two
of
years
.
with
a
Countenance
wholly
unconcered
,
and
in
a
voice
very
audible
,
and
largely
and
pertinently
exprest
.
The
Judge
was
incensed
at
this
Speech
,
in
which
he
often
interrupted
him
:
but
Gaven
still
urged
,
My
Lord
,
I
plead
now
for
my
Life
,
and
for
that
which
is
dearer
to
me
than
life
,
[
](A54635-e47450-b)(7)
(7)
Ay
,
and
Soul
to
boot
.
the
honour
of
my
Religion
,
and
therefore
I
beseech
you
have
a
little
patience
with
me
!
After
this
Plea
of
Mr.
Gaven's
,
the
Judge
made
his
Harangue
to
the
Jury
,
telling
them
,
that
what
the
Prisoners
had
brought
,
was
onely
the
bare
assertions
of
Boys
,
who
were
taught
it
as
a
point
of
their
Religion
,
to
lye
for
the
honour
of
their
Religion
;
whereas
Mr.
Oates
,
Bedloe
,
and
others
,
were
upon
their
Oaths
;
and
if
Oaths
were
not
to
be
taken
,
no
Courts
could
subsist
.
Then
Mr.
Oates
brought
forth
four
[
](A54635-e47520-b)(8)
(8)
These
four
were
no
less
than
seven
.
Witnesses
which
he
had
kept
in
reserve
;
an
old
Parson
in
his
Canonical
Gown
,
an
old
Dominican
Priest
[
](A54635-e47540-b)(9)
(9)
Is
he
so
?
The
honester
man
he
,
to
speak
the
truth
and
shame
the
Devil
and
the
Jesuits
.
—
But
Proh
dolor
!
Alas
!
how
this
grieves
you
,
that
any
one
of
your
Religion
should
speak
Truth
when
it
makes
against
you
.
Proh
Pudor
&
Dolor
!
and
two
old
women
,
that
swore
they
saw
Mr.
Oates
in
the
beginning
of
May
1678.
At
this
the
whole
Court
gave
a
shout
of
[
](A54635-e47600-b)(10)
(10)
And
who
could
forbear
,
to
hear
how
undeniably
your
Novices
were
proved
to
be
like
their
Masters
,
most
egregious
LIARS
?
Nor
yet
did
the
Court
laugh
,
but
the
crowd
of
people
,
whom
the
Court
took
order
to
silence
.
laughter
and
hollow
,
that
for
almost
a
quarter
the
Cryers
could
not
still
them
:
Never
was
Bear-baiting
more
rude
and
boisterous
than
this
Tryal
.
Vpon
this
the
Judge
dismiss'd
the
Jury
,
to
consider
and
bring
in
their
Verdict
;
who
(
after
half
an
hours
absence
)
brought
in
the
Five
Prisoners
at
the
Bar
all
guilty
of
High-Treason
.
Thereupon
the
whole
Court
clapt
[
](A54635-e47630-b)(11)
(11)
Better
so
,
than
that
you
clap
your
hands
at
the
murder
of
the
King
,
as
some
of
your
Tribe
did
at
that
of
your
Enemy
,
his
blessed
Father
.
their
hands
,
and
gave
a
great
hollow
.
It
being
now
eight
at
night
,
the
Court
adjourned
till
next
day
at
seven
of
the
clock
,
which
was
Saturday
:
I
was
present
from
five
in
the
morning
,
till
the
Court
broke
up
.
The
Prisoners
comported
themselves
[
](A54635-e47660-b)(12)
(12)
Bravely
said
!
Who
would
confess
now
?
To
be
thus
Apostolified
,
would
make
one
venture
Purgatory
.
most
Apostolically
at
the
Bar
;
not
the
least
passion
or
alteration
appeared
in
them
at
the
Invectives
of
the
Judge
,
or
at
the
Clamours
of
the
People
;
but
made
a
clear
and
candid
defence
,
with
a
chearful
and
unconcerned
countenance
;
and
(
as
[
](A54635-e47690-b)(13)
(13)
Dear
Sir
,
tell
us
his
name
;
he
was
a
Wit
undoubtedly
,
unless
it
were
your self
.
A
Jury
of
Turks
have
done
strange
things
,
and
may
acquit
any
body
;
but
these
were
a
Jury
of
honest
Christians
,
and
therefore
they
found
them
guilty
.
a
Stander-by
said
)
if
they
had
had
a
Jury
of
Turks
,
they
had
been
quitted
.
I
was
with
them
both
before
and
after
their
Tryal
,
and
had
the
honour
of
being
in
my
Function
[
](A54635-e47730-b)(14)
(14)
'T
is
pity
you
had
not
been
caught
giving
the
Knaves
that
Absolution
.
serviceable
to
them
;
which
I
look
upon
,
as
that
God
favoured
me
in
,
I
hope
for
my
future
good
.
Next
day
Mr.
Langhorne
a
Lawyer
,
Sir
George
Wakeman
,
Mr.
Corker
,
Mr.
March
,
Mr.
Rumbly
,
the
three
last
Benedictines
,
were
brought
to
the
Bar
;
where
the
Indictment
being
read
against
them
for
conspiring
the
Kings
death
,
&c.
they
pleaded
all
Not
guilty
.
Then
was
Langhorne
first
tryed
,
whose
Tryal
held
so
long
,
that
they
had
not
time
to
try
the
other
four
;
and
the
Commission
by
which
they
sat
expiring
that
day
,
the
Judge
adjourned
the
Tryal
of
the
other
four
till
the
14th
of
July
,
and
then
the
Judge
commanded
the
Keeper
to
bring
the
five
Jesuits
;
whom
with
Langhorne
[
](A54635-e47860-b)(13)
(13)
Poor
Langhorne
!
not
one
word
of
praise
for
thee
!
methoughts
thou
lookedst
as
Apostolically
as
the
best
of
them
:
but
this
't
is
to
be
a
Lay-man
,
and
confess
Jesuits
Lands
.
were
sentenced
to
be
hang'd
,
drawn
,
and
quartered
.
Mr.
Corker
and
Mr.
March
are
close
Prisoners
,
and
have
been
so
this
eight
months
,
with
whom
I
have
been
;
God
has
fitted
,
and
is
still
fitting
them
as
Sacrifices
for
himself
:
They
are
very
well
disposed
and
resigned
to
Gods
holy
will
.
Mr.
Rumbly
hath
the
liberty
of
the
Prison
,
with
whom
is
Mr.
Heskett
;
all
chearful
,
and
expect
the
good
hour
.
On
Thursday
,
the
day
before
the
five
Jesuits
were
executed
,
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
was
with
Turner
and
Gaven
,
promising
them
the
Kings
Pardon
,
if
they
would
acknowledge
the
Conspiracy
.
Mr.
Gaven
answered
,
He
would
not
murther
his
Soul
,
to
save
his
Body
;
for
he
must
acknowledge
what
he
knew
not
,
and
what
he
did
believe
was
not
.
On
Friday
the
20th
of
June
,
Mr.
Whitebread
on
one
Sled
with
Mr.
Harcourt
,
Mr.
Turner
and
Mr.
Gaven
upon
another
Sled
,
and
Mr.
Fenwick
in
a
Sled
by
himself
,
were
drawn
from
Newgate
to
Tyburn
.
Mr.
Langhorne
is
for
a
time
reprieved
,
and
promised
Pardon
,
if
he
will
(
as
't
is
reported
)
discover
the
Estates
of
the
Jesuits
:
he
was
their
Lawyer
.
'T
is
certain
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
has
been
often
with
him
.
In
the
way
they
comported
themselves
seriously
and
chearfully
;
Mr.
Gaven
had
smug'd
himself
up
as
if
he
had
been
going
to
a
Wedding
.
When
they
arrived
at
Tyburn
,
they
each
made
a
Speech
:
1.
Assevering
their
ignorance
of
any
Plot
against
his
Majesty
.
2.
Pardoning
their
Accusers
.
3.
And
heartily
praying
for
them
.
Mr.
Gaven
in
his
Speech
made
an
ful
to
all
,
especially
Laborious
men
,
and
is
necessary
for
Victualling
of
Ships
.
Both
in
France
and
Holland
are
great
Excises
on
most
,
or
all
,
ordinary
Meats
and
Drinks
,
in
England
on
part
of
our
Drink
only
,
viz.
That
in
Alehouses
,
and
Publick
Brewings
,
(
I
hope
there
never
will
be
any
such
as
shall
burthen
Trade
.
)
Our
great
Wasts
,
and
void
Lands
,
which
are
our
present
Grief
and
Scandal
,
may
on
the
Regulation
of
our
Trade
,
prove
highly
beneficial
to
us
,
since
they
will
afford
present
room
for
a
vast
Increase
of
People
,
whether
Forreign
Planters
,
or
others
;
in
the
Vnited
Provinces
,
or
France
,
none
such
are
to
be
found
.
And
lastly
,
England
is
far
better
situated
for
the
Fishing
Trade
,
and
other
Forreign
Trade
than
either
France
,
or
the
Vnited
Provinces
,
and
its
People
are
naturally
far
more
Adventurous
and
Valiant
than
theirs
,
as
Experience
hath
shewn
,
which
makes
no
small
odds
upon
National
Contests
,
between
Nations
emulous
in
Trade
,
when
they
fight
upon
equal
Terms
of
Treasure
,
and
Warlike
Preparations
:
and
there
is
no
question
but
our
National
Industry
in
Trade
,
would
be
also
more
Vigorous
and
Successful
,
were
it
put
into
suitable
Methods
;
but
otherwise
can
no
more
Exert
it self
than
a
generous
Courser
in
a
Horse-Mill
.
From
all
which
it
must
be
evident
,
that
were
our
Trade
eased
as
in
Neighbour
Nations
,
England
would
have
the
Superiority
,
since
the
same
Causes
must
produce
greater
Effects
in
England
,
being
invigorated
with
these
our
National
Advantages
,
which
no
other
Nation
doth
or
can
enjoy
.
The
present
Power
of
the
French
King
would
infallibly
much
Contribute
to
it
,
which
being
arrived
to
such
a
swelling
and
tremendous
height
,
does
not
only
intimidate
all
men
of
Trade
and
Wealth
in
France
,
especially
Protestants
;
but
all
the
adjacent
Provinces
and
People
on
the
Continent
,
who
either
already
groan
under
the
insupportable
Oppressions
and
Insolencies
of
the
French
,
or
are
under
deep
and
Continual
Apprehensions
of
being
wasted
by
his
numerous
Troops
,
grown
Proud
and
Wanton
with
Success
,
and
ready
to
make
irresistable
descents
upon
any
private
Order
;
in
which
these
his
Neighbours
can
never
think
themselves
secure
,
because
of
his
late
suddain
Invasion
of
Flanders
:
and
would
therefore
flye
to
our
English
World
,
as
a
blessed
and
safe
Asylum
,
were
it
put
into
a
posture
of
being
so
.
Then
if
the
suddain
Populacy
,
Treasures
,
Trade
,
and
strength
of
the
small
Dutch
Provinces
,
were
the
Effects
of
the
then
Spanish
Tyranny
in
the
Low-Countreys
,
what
might
we
not
hope
for
from
far
greater
Confluences
of
the
richest
and
most
Mercantile
and
Industrious
Protestants
,
or
such
as
would
be
so
,
even
from
Holland
and
France
,
as
well
as
from
many
other
parts
of
Europe
?
whose
Stocks
being
transported
by
Bills
of
Exchange
,
and
their
Manufactures
with
their
Persons
,
and
this
on
a
suddain
,
would
give
the
odds
of
Srength
and
Treasure
to
the
English
,
who
no
longer
need
to
trust
to
the
fallible
Security
of
Leagues
,
which
are
so
often
obstructed
and
broken
by
the
humour
or
perfidie
of
particular
men
,
or
frustrated
by
incapacity
and
accidents
:
And
therefore
this
patching
and
piecing
a
Strength
together
by
Leagues
,
is
the
dependance
of
small
and
weak
Estates
,
such
as
those
of
Italy
and
Germany
;
where
they
are
always
tricking
and
betraying
one
another
;
yet
at
this
time
Leagues
(
though
not
to
be
wholly
rested
upon
)
may
be
of
great
,
and
good
consequence
to
England
.
Had
the
French
Monarchy
never
over-awed
the
rest
of
Europe
,
as
it
now
does
,
it
must
be
evident
,
that
if
our
Trade
had
been
regulated
and
eased
equally
with
the
Dutch
,
all
those
Merchants
and
People
which
have
setled
in
Holland
,
would
have
planted
here
,
where
besides
the
former
advantages
,
the
extent
of
our
Territory
,
renders
the
Burthen
of
Taxes
far
easier
on
particular
men
than
in
Holland
,
where
they
are
also
at
a
much
greater
necessary
charge
for
Garrisons
on
their
Frontiers
;
nay
the
very
Dutch
would
have
forsaken
those
Provinces
for
England
,
or
if
any
had
remained
,
they
would
have
been
Carriers
for
the
English
,
as
they
have
been
to
the
French
,
and
will
rather
be
so
for
the
future
,
if
our
Shop
were
sufficiently
furnished
,
because
they
will
more
willingly
transfer
the
wealth
of
the
World
to
a
Countrey
where
they
themselves
may
securely
share
in
it
,
when
they
please
,
than
to
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
which
may
in
a
moment
swallow
it
up
,
and
oppress
those
that
brought
it
to
any
the
most
barbarous
degree
;
from
all
which
,
these
things
are
most
manifest
:
First
,
That
nothing
does
or
can
so
formidably
threaten
the
Trade
,
and
by
Consequence
the
Monarchy
of
France
,
as
the
Modern
Freedoms
of
the
English
,
and
some
other
Neighbouring
Countreys
.
Secondly
,
That
the
English
Freedoms
are
at
this
day
so
great
an
advantage
to
his
most
Sacred
Majesty
of
England
,
that
they
are
a
Weapon
left
in
his
hands
,
with
which
,
and
a
Concurrent
Regulation
of
our
Trade
,
he
may
with
ease
and
assurance
attain
a
Superiority
over
all
the
Monarchs
and
Powers
of
Europe
put
together
;
he
will
cut
the
Grass
under
their
Feet
,
and
draw
away
their
Treasures
and
People
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Policies
can
be
used
;
no
mere
Prohibition
can
stop
those
whose
Interests
,
quiet
,
and
safety
,
shall
oblige
them
to
depart
:
In
which
,
besides
a
sufficient
Guard
at
Sea
,
(
to
use
the
words
of
the
French
Politicks
)
there
would
need
almost
no
War
to
be
made
,
nor
His
Majestie
's
Forces
hazarded
.
Thirdly
,
That
for
these
Reasons
it
is
most
evident
,
that
it
doth
highly
import
the
French
Monarchy
,
that
the
Freedoms
of
the
English
,
and
all
others
in
these
parts
should
be
subverted
and
evacuated
,
of
which
,
whether
the
French
Councils
,
who
have
been
so
long
and
so
curiously
projecting
the
Grandure
of
that
Monarchy
,
are
insensible
,
I
leave
to
be
considered
.
Fourthly
,
'T
is
also
as
evident
,
that
upon
such
a
Regulation
of
our
Trade
His
Majestie
's
Revenue
being
(
by
some
Excise
added
to
the
then
smaller
Customs
,
and
other
his
present
Funds
)
made
but
equal
to
what
now
it
is
,
would
infallibly
swell
higher
and
higher
yearly
,
as
Trade
,
People
,
and
Treasures
shall
increase
;
if
these
shall
become
double
,
treble
,
or
six
fold
what
they
now
are
,
so
would
his
Revenue
:
then
what
extraordinary
Supplies
in
Parliament
might
he
not
expect
,
upon
a
National
Emergence
;
nay
,
or
for
his
own
proper
occasions
,
when
by
an
increase
of
People
,
the
Burthen
upon
particular
men
will
be
answerably
eased
,
and
by
the
increase
of
Treasure
,
and
the
advance
of
private
Revenues
and
Stocks
,
these
People
should
be
enabled
to
give
largely
,
and
often
;
and
this
without
any
prejudice
to
their
home
Trade
,
or
Land-Rents
,
and
therefore
with
such
an
Alacrity
,
as
is
agreeable
to
that
true
Honour
and
Affection
they
really
bear
him
.
I
need
not
observe
how
much
it
will
be
in
His
Majestie
's
Power
to
secure
the
making
up
of
his
present
Revenue
by
new
Funds
,
should
he
graciously
think
fit
to
compute
by
a
Moderation
of
the
Customs
;
but
since
I
have
now
,
and
before
mentioned
Excises
,
and
have
observed
some
men
of
Parts
,
almost
to
startle
at
the
naming
of
a
new
Excise
,
I
shall
thus
far
explain
and
vindicate
my self
,
and
the
proposal
:
First
,
I
shall
agree
that
such
Excises
as
affect
and
over-burthen
the
beneficial
parts
of
Trade
,
are
of
pernicious
Consequence
.
Secondly
,
that
an
Universality
of
Excise
is
both
inconvenient
and
unnecessary
;
But
that
there
may
be
Excises
Imposed
on
many
Superfluities
,
and
Excesses
,
in
Meats
,
Drinks
,
or
Equipages
,
or
upon
some
imported
Goods
Consumed
at
home
,
which
would
be
no
prejudice
to
any
kind
of
Trade
;
being
no
clog
upon
our
Exports
,
or
Re-exports
;
or
perhaps
,
a
very
small
Excise
on
ordinary
Meats
,
Drinks
,
and
Apparel
,
might
be
supportable
:
I
do
not
propound
all
,
but
some
of
these
,
in
this
Course
there
will
be
this
odds
of
advantage
on
the
part
of
the
King
,
That
the
Vsers
,
Wearers
,
and
Consumers
,
being
this
way
made
chargeable
,
His
Majesty
would
be
less
liable
to
be
defrauded
than
in
the
Customs
,
which
are
perpetually
smuggled
,
and
then
the
Imported
Goods
openly
Vended
,
and
used
;
This
,
on
the
part
of
the
People
,
That
it
will
bring
the
like
Obligations
of
charge
on
men
of
Visible
and
Invisible
Stocks
,
in
,
or
out
of
Trade
,
as
on
the
Land-holders
;
and
therefore
I
do
not
see
any
shadow
of
reason
why
Excises
should
appear
such
Bugbears
in
England
,
especially
to
Land-holders
,
any
more
than
in
Holland
,
See
Sir
W.
Temple
of
the
Dutch
,
Pag.
and
in
other
Trading
Nations
,
where
the
Publick
Revenues
are
made
to
swell
high
by
these
small
and
almost
insensible
Payments
.
It
is
Confessed
,
that
it
will
be
highly
fit
to
provide
for
a
fair
and
easie
Collection
,
and
against
the
Extortions
,
Insolencies
,
and
Abuses
of
Officers
;
for
which
we
need
to
go
no
farther
than
to
learn
by
what
Methods
they
are
collected
and
ascertained
in
Holland
,
if
any
shall
misbehave
themselves
,
we
have
a
free
recourse
to
the
Law
,
as
in
Holland
they
have
,
but
in
France
they
have
not
,
though
perhaps
now
more
than
ever
.
Nor
are
Excises
,
or
somewhat
in
the
Nature
of
them
,
so
new
amongst
us
,
if
we
regard
the
Antient
Tolls
for
things
bought
and
sold
in
home-Markets
;
which
,
although
they
now
seem
small
,
were
before
the
Discovery
and
Diffusion
of
the
Indian
Treasure
Considerable
,
and
originally
belonging
to
the
Crown
,
but
since
appropriated
to
private
hands
by
Grants
,
or
long
usages
founded
on
Grants
from
the
Crown
,
which
having
also
given
Exemptions
to
some
Towns
,
we
may
presume
them
first
intended
for
the
ease
of
Manufacturers
,
of
which
the
Government
had
an
especial
regard
:
having
said
this
,
if
the
Reader
will
reflect
on
All
that
I
have
said
,
he
cannot
think
I
have
any
design
in
beggaring
the
English
Subjects
by
an
invention
of
new
Taxes
;
't
was
Sir
Walter
Raleigh's
Opinion
,
that
the
smaller
and
more
numerous
Payments
of
Custom
,
would
rise
far
higher
than
before
,
which
he
Confirms
with
Fact
;
be
they
more
or
less
,
the
National
Wisdom
is
at
Liberty
to
exert
it self
in
further
Levies
,
by
Excise
,
Land-Tax
,
Poll
,
or
otherwise
as
there
shall
be
cause
.
Having
now
written
what
I
intended
on
the
present
Subject
,
the
Nature
of
it
may
sufficiently
assure
the
Reader
,
that
I
have
not
designed
any
peculiar
Ends
of
my
own
:
On
the
contrary
it
hath
been
a
trouble
,
which
I
wish
an
abler
hand
had
undertaken
,
and
being
for
the
Publick
,
may
expect
what
usually
ensues
,
when
men
engage
upon
the
cutting
of
Common
Rivers
,
wherein
they
must
have
Contests
with
every
one
,
who
hath
a
Lands
End
abutting
upon
the
Work
,
who
will
set
a
greater
value
upon
six
foot
of
Earth
,
than
upon
all
the
Good
the
Countrey
,
and
therein
themselves
,
and
all
their
Posterity
,
might
reap
by
the
Accomplishment
of
the
Business
:
i●
which
they
are
generally
so
tenacious
,
that
they
ordinarily
ruin
the
Vndertaker
,
and
thereby
make
great
store
of
mirth
for
the
Cunning
men
of
the
adjacent
Villages
.
I
am
not
insensible
how
many
mens
Animosities
I
have
hazarded
,
by
incountring
their
private
Interests
,
or
contrary
Inclinations
;
a
thing
no
way
grateful
to
me
,
being
not
one
of
those
(
if
any
there
be
)
that
,
out
of
any
petulancy
of
humour
,
Love
Contention
,
or
Innovations
,
or
that
would
appear
considerable
by
opposing
something
that
is
already
thought
so
;
or
that
delight
in
stirring
Sediments
,
or
raking
into
fedities
;
I
affect
quiet
as
much
as
any
man
,
and
account
it
my
ordinary
duty
to
give
the
least
offence
I
can
,
even
to
the
little
ones
.
Nothing
but
a
Consideration
of
our
present
Difficulties
,
and
a
hope
to
be
Instrumental
to
the
publick
felicity
could
have
moved
me
an
Inch
beyond
these
common
Prudentials
;
to
which
I
have
yet
conformed
as
far
as
I
can
;
I
have
touched
no
man's
Person
,
and
I
presume
I
need
not
say
I
have
forborn
Reflections
,
in
which
I
do
not
think
any
one
obliged
to
me
,
being
but
what
I
have
judged
requisite
for
a
Composure
of
things
;
it
hath
been
absolutely
necessary
that
I
should
represent
our
ill
Constitutions
in
Trade
,
and
some
of
the
most
important
Consequences
,
that
from
a
general
apprehension
of
the
Common
Interest
,
there
may
ensue
a
National
Union
in
those
Methods
which
may
be
most
for
the
Publick
Advantage
,
and
this
upon
the
mighty
Basis
of
our
present
form
of
Government
,
and
under
our
present
most
gracious
Prince
,
whose
Glories
I
hope
to
see
expanded
by
an
exuberant
increase
of
National
Treasures
,
People
,
and
Royal
Revenues
,
and
to
such
a
degree
,
as
that
the
days
of
our
Queen
Elizabeth
shall
appear
but
a
faint
Type
,
or
dawning
of
the
greater
Lustre
and
Happiness
of
His
now
Majestie
's
Reign
:
This
is
what
I
wish
for
,
and
have
to
my
utmost
endeavoured
,
and
therein
the
real
Advantage
of
all
Ranks
of
Men
in
the
Nation
;
If
then
these
Excellent
Ends
appear
obstructed
by
a
sort
of
antient
or
Innovated
Laws
or
Usages
,
who
can
speak
of
them
,
without
much
Resentment
?
In
which
,
I
hope
,
I
am
Excusable
.
These
are
the
Spells
by
which
our
innocent
People
are
inevitably
lead
into
Courses
destructive
to
the
Publick
.
How
can
our
Merchants
or
Shop-keepers
now
avoid
Trading
in
Forreign
Consumptive
Goods
?
Have
they
any
sufficient
Stores
of
Home-Manufactures
?
Can
our
Merchants
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
as
the
Dutch
and
others
do
?
or
must
Men
that
are
bred
up
to
these
Gentile
professions
,
that
are
Men
of
Family
,
Industry
,
and
Fortune
fling
up
,
live
lazily
,
or
poorly
?
Who
doth
not
know
how
many
generous
and
intelligent
Men
,
are
to
be
found
amongst
our
Merchants
and
Shop-keepers
of
all
sorts
?
Such
as
bear
a
true
affection
to
their
Country
,
and
are
an
honour
to
the
Nation
,
and
such
as
wish
for
a
Regulation
of
our
Trade
,
and
would
be
ready
and
capable
to
give
all
farther
assistances
,
were
they
called
to
it
?
This
I
wish
to
see
,
being
not
so
conceited
,
as
to
think
I
have
said
all
that
is
material
on
this
Subject
;
but
on
the
contrary
apprehend
,
That
there
are
very
few
Paragraphs
of
what
I
have
written
,
but
may
admit
of
farther
Informations
:
In
the
mean
time
,
from
what
hath
been
already
said
,
it
must
be
apparent
to
these
and
others
,
That
as
an
open
and
free
Trade
would
be
far
more
profitable
to
the
generality
of
Merchants
,
so
would
it
be
far
more
honourable
to
all
;
That
the
Consequential
Increase
of
People
and
Wealth
,
would
better
support
our
great
Increase
of
Shop-keepers
,
Lawyers
,
Solicitors
,
Pen-men
,
&c.
(
of
which
the
present
Numbers
would
then
hardly
be
sufficient
)
That
the
benefits
of
our
Clergy
must
receive
an
inevitable
Improvment
by
it
.
And
that
our
great
and
famous
City
of
London
(
which
is
the
Seat
Royal
,
where
our
National
Courts
of
Justice
are
,
which
is
contiguous
to
our
most
secure
Harbour
for
Ships
,
which
hath
the
sweetest
and
most
Commodious
situation
of
any
City
in
Europe
,
and
is
so
vastly
peopled
already
)
must
by
these
advantages
,
for
ever
,
have
the
greatest
resort
and
Trade
of
the
Nation
,
(
even
under
the
utmost
Improvments
of
our
Trade
)
which
must
then
be
incomparably
more
than
now
:
Besides
,
the
vast
advantage
our
Gentry
would
infallibly
reap
by
the
continual
Rising
of
their
Rents
,
even
such
of
these
as
desire
more
business
,
or
gain
,
will
then
have
other
and
farther
daily
opportunities
,
by
putting
Stocks
into
Manufactures
,
or
Forreign
Trade
,
and
projecting
and
solliciting
the
Improvement
of
either
,
or
both
.
In
Florence
,
the
very
Nobility
and
great
Duke
himself
are
Traders
;
hence
might
our
Members
of
Parliament
be
continually
prepared
to
make
the
most
suitable
Laws
for
the
facilitating
of
Trade
.
Lastly
,
Nothing
can
so
effectually
and
certainly
secure
the
peace
of
the
Nation
,
as
the
Regulating
of
our
Trade
,
since
it
will
set
all
Mens
heads
and
hands
at
work
in
all
manner
of
Innocent
and
Profitable
Imployments
,
and
introduce
a
general
satisfaction
and
Harmony
.
Then
,
and
never
'till
then
,
shall
we
make
up
that
invincible
Phalanax
,
which
must
not
only
be
terrible
to
all
Forreign
Nations
,
but
to
all
Enemies
of
the
Government
at
Home
,
when
they
find
it
supported
by
the
solid
Pillars
of
Trade
and
Treasure
,
and
a
Consequential
swelling
Populacy
and
Navigation
;
which
will
deter
Men
of
sence
from
Treasonable
Machinations
,
and
of
Fools
there
needs
no
fear
:
Whereas
the
defect
of
these
Supports
must
continually
administer
temptation
to
all
such
as
by
reason
of
their
particular
circumstances
,
can
hope
for
any
greater
advantage
or
security
,
by
the
general
ruin
.
The
Body
Politick
being
in
this
like
the
Natural
,
more
subject
to
new
Distempers
when
it
is
infirm
before
,
but
when
stanch
in
every
part
easily
bears
off
the
Corruption
or
Acidity
of
any
malevolent
humours
,
The
Trade
of
the
World
hath
long
courted
England
,
but
never
with
so
much
importunity
,
or
with
so
much
advantage
as
now
:
This
great
Lady
affecting
Freedom
and
Security
,
hath
no
Inclination
to
continue
under
the
Arbitrary
Power
of
the
French
,
nor
the
Vncertain
fate
of
the
Dutch
;
with
these
she
hath
resided
only
as
a
Sojourner
,
but
is
ready
to
espouse
our
Interest
and
Nation
,
and
with
her self
to
bestow
upon
us
the
Treasures
of
the
World
;
but
if
we
still
continue
inexorable
and
stubborn
,
things
are
grown
to
such
a
Crisis
,
That
we
may
have
reason
to
fear
this
is
the
last
time
of
her
asking
,
and
that
she
may
suddenly
turn
this
Kindness
into
such
a
Fury
as
we
shall
not
be
able
to
withstand
.
Shall
we
then
embrace
so
advantagious
Overtures
,
or
,
shall
we
still
proceed
in
our
present
Methods
?
I
have
heard
it
was
a
hard
matter
to
reclaim
the
Irish
from
drawing
with
their
Horses
Tails
;
shall
the
Irish
now
beat
us
out
of
our
Trade
?
Shall
we
continue
rolling
in
Forreign
Silks
and
Linnens
?
or
be
still
sotting
in
Forreign
Wines
,
whilest
they
pick
our
pockets
?
Shall
we
be
Curious
in
Trifles
,
sneaking
after
our
private
interests
?
or
like
the
blind
Sodomites
groping
after
our
filthy
Pleasures
,
whilest
the
Wrathful
Angels
of
God
stand
at
our
elbows
?
Shall
we
like
the
Reprobated
Jews
be
under
continual
Demications
within
,
See
Josephus
of
the
Siege
and
Destruction
of
Hierusalem
.
whilest
our
Enemies
are
at
the
Gates
?
Shall
those
of
the
High
City
,
those
of
the
Low
City
,
and
those
in
the
Temple
be
picking
out
one
anothers
Eyes
to
facilitate
the
Aggressions
of
more
powerful
Forreigners
?
or
shall
we
be
hunting
or
grasping
after
false
Shadows
,
and
Imaginary
Forms
and
Ideas
,
and
neglect
that
most
valuable
substance
which
we
have
already
in
our
Mouths
,
and
which
would
turn
into
the
most
solid
Nutriment
,
would
we
take
the
pains
to
chew
it
?
Which
leads
me
to
say
,
There
is
yet
a
farther
Requisite
to
our
happy
procedure
in
the
Whole
,
of
greater
importance
than
any
other
;
viz.
a
general
Humiliation
of
our selves
towards
God
,
accompanied
with
an
abhorrence
of
our
past
Intemperances
,
Corrupt
Passions
,
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Lusts
,
Prophaneness
,
mutual
Oppressions
,
Perfidies
,
and
other
Impieties
,
with
such
a
Christian
Meekness
,
Charity
,
Purity
,
Truth
,
Holy
Zeal
and
Resolution
as
may
render
us
Capable
of
his
Mercy
and
Protection
;
perhaps
one
false
step
at
this
time
,
may
be
more
Irreparable
than
ever
;
't
is
certain
we
shall
never
be
able
to
make
a
true
one
whilest
we
are
under
the
displeasure
of
the
Almighty
.
It
is
as
undeniable
,
that
the
Laws
which
obstruct
our
Trade
,
cannot
be
Repealed
,
or
new
ones
requisite
for
its
Improvement
or
Security
be
made
,
otherwise
than
by
a
Parliament
:
Whether
therefore
,
upon
this
and
other
important
Considerations
,
the
Convening
and
Holding
of
a
Parliament
be
not
,
under
God
,
(
who
does
not
work
by
Miracle
)
a
necessary
means
to
prevent
the
Ruine
of
this
Nation
,
and
how
Long
it
may
now
with
any
security
be
deferred
,
is
that
,
which
I
most
humbly
submit
to
the
Determination
of
Authority
.
FINIS
.
The
CONTENTS
.
-
The
Introduction
.
Pag.
1
-
SECTION
I.
Trade
National
or
Private
,
Home
or
Forreign
Treasures
Imported
by
Trade
,
thence
Land-Rents
,
Popularly
increased
,
the
Revenues
of
all
Ranks
of
Men
depend
upon
Trade
,
People
and
Treasure
make
National
Strength
,
particular
Advantages
in
Treasure
,
the
difference
between
Ancient
and
Modern
Wars
,
Navigation
supported
by
Trade
,
this
necessary
for
the
Security
of
an
Island
,
and
therein
the
further
Scope
of
the
Whole
.
p.
10
-
SECT.
II.
The
several
kinds
of
Forreign
Trade
,
of
Trading
with
Home
or
Forreign
Navigation
,
some
general
Application
.
p.
19
-
SECT.
III.
Of
Forreign
Trade
consisting
in
Exportation
,
of
the
Advantages
of
home-Manufactures
,
incidently
other
home-Trades
and
Imployments
are
considered
;
and
which
of
them
enrich
a
Nation
;
of
the
Fishing
Trade
,
and
the
Annual
Exporting
of
Corn.
p.
23
-
SECT.
IV.
Of
Forreign
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
;
the
Nature
and
Advantage
of
it
;
differs
from
meer
Carriage
,
and
meer
Importation
;
the
necessity
of
a
Home
Store-house
:
The
ordinary
Exporting
of
Money
or
Bullion
,
of
dangerous
Consequence
;
how
to
be
avoided
:
The
Fishing
Trade
,
and
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
are
the
Nursery
and
Support
of
Sea-men
,
and
Sea-Towns
;
The
Condition
of
ours
;
The
National
Advantages
of
England
for
all
sorts
of
Trade
,
yet
hath
the
least
share
.
p.
34
-
SECT.
V.
That
our
Home
and
Forreign
Market
is
Incumbred
and
prejudiced
by
Extraordinary
and
Vnequal
Charges
and
Cloggs
in
our
Merchandize
above
what
are
in
our
Neighbour-Nations
,
Viz.
In
the
Building
and
Furniture
of
our
Ships
,
Victuals
,
Sea-Mens
Wages
,
Customs
,
Interest-Money
,
&c.
and
Forreign
Trade
;
more
particularly
of
the
decay
of
our
Woollen
Manufacture
:
Our
Exportations
now
confined
to
our
Importations
and
Imported
Treasure
,
how
to
be
enlarged
;
our
casual
dependence
on
the
Trade
of
Spain
.
p.
47
-
SECT.
VI.
Other
Cloggs
on
our
Trade
,
Viz.
The
late
Acts
of
Navigation
,
which
,
with
the
other
difficulties
,
have
begot
Monopolies
;
made
our
Navigation
yet
dearer
;
so
Forreign
Materials
of
Manufacture
cause
meer
Importations
,
hinder
our
Forreign
Vent
of
Victuals
,
obliges
a
sudden
Consumption
of
our
remaining
Ship-Timber
;
Particular
Dangers
and
Consequences
thereof
:
Our
Navigation
cannot
be
increased
whilst
we
are
restrained
in
Trade
.
The
exhausting
of
our
Treasure
must
subvert
our
Navigation
:
The
Advantages
of
Forreigners
,
of
Tradeing
by
Companies
,
and
the
different
Nature
of
ours
,
more
particularly
of
our
African
and
East-India
Companies
and
Trade
:
Divers
ill
Consequences
of
Joynt-Stocks
;
therein
more
of
Monopolies
.
Long
Land-Carriages
to
London
;
the
Market
there
delayed
.
Odds
in
Interest-Money
must
prejudice
our
Manufactures
:
Private
Interest
observed
.
Our
affectation
of
Forreign
Commodities
:
The
Prejudice
of
obstructing
the
Vent
of
Manufactures
.
Our
Manufactures
liable
to
be
ingrossed
upon
by
our
Merchants
,
and
by
Ingrossers
;
a
disadvantage
by
the
Restitution
of
half-Customs
on
the
Re-exportation
.
p.
64
-
SECT.
VII
.
Forreigners
eased
in
Trade
;
Other
Clogs
of
Difficulties
upon
ours
;
Want
of
Populacy
,
incidently
of
extream
prices
of
Victuals
;
and
how
the
duration
of
Land-Rents
may
be
secured
;
Our
People
restrained
from
Manufactures
;
the
Abuse
of
the
Act
of
43
Eliz.
2.
Act
of
5
Eliz.
cap.
4.
meer
Prohibitions
of
no
value
.
Freedoms
and
pre-emptions
of
Corporations
,
with
the
Consequences
.
Free-Schools
and
Scholar-like
Employments
:
Forreign
Protestants
hindered
from
transporting
hither
;
Want
of
Toleration
of
Protestant
Dissenters
;
the
Objections
briefly
considered
:
Elections
in
Corporations
.
Monopolies
of
New
Manufactures
:
Delay
and
Charge
in
some
Law-Suits
.
Tythes
of
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
Fish
;
more
of
Customs
,
and
incidently
of
Taxes
.
p.
152
-
SECT.
VIII
.
That
a
Nation
may
grow
Poor
by
Forreign
Trade
,
viz.
By
an
Excess
of
meer
Importations
,
illustrated
by
some
Observations
,
this
facilitated
by
Exporting
Money
or
Bullion
,
the
fatal
Consequences
and
Symptoms
of
a
Consumptive
Trade
,
decay
of
Manufactures
,
other
ways
of
living
over-stocked
,
fall
of
Rents
,
general
Poverty
,
an
increase
of
Criminals
of
all
sorts
,
Depopulation
;
some
Application
to
the
present
Case
of
England
,
and
amongst
others
the
occasion
of
the
new
Buildings
about
London
,
of
Incontinency
,
Cunning
,
&c.
p.
121
-
SECT.
IX
.
That
a
Consumptive
Trade
must
render
a
Nation
still
weaker
and
weaker
:
How
far
the
meer
Establishment
of
Absolute
Power
,
or
meer
Liberty
and
Property
,
may
alter
the
Case
.
p.
137
-
SECT.
X.
Further
Presumptions
of
our
late
National
overballance
in
Trade
;
an
Account
from
the
Mint
in
November
75.
and
thence
our
former
Ballance
of
Trade
estimated
.
p.
144
-
SECT.
XI
.
Particular
decays
in
our
Exportations
,
and
the
beneficial
parts
of
our
Trade
;
Instances
in
the
decay
of
our
Forreign
Trade
for
Woollen
Clothing
,
in
the
several
Counties
and
Ports
we
Traded
to
,
in
the
sinking
of
the
Forreign
Price
of
this
Manufacture
,
so
of
Exporting
Wool
,
in
our
Forreign
Victualling
Trades
for
Flesh
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
&c.
in
our
Irish
Trade
,
and
Scotch
Trade
for
almost
all
sorts
of
Commodities
:
Irish
Wool
increased
:
The
Expiration
of
the
Irish
Acts
will
not
now
revest
that
Trade
,
but
prejudice
us
more
,
and
in
what
;
decays
in
our
several
former
and
late
Fishing
Trade
,
in
our
Forreign
Trade
for
Stockings
and
Hats
,
in
our
Exports
to
the
Canaries
,
in
the
Forreign
Price
of
our
Exported
Tynn
and
Lead
,
and
the
Price
and
Quantity
of
Exported
Pewter
,
in
our
Trade
from
Port
to
Port
,
our
former
and
late
prejudices
in
our
Plantation-Trade
,
incidently
of
our
Navigation
,
and
other
things
.
p.
155
-
SECT.
XII
.
Instances
in
late
Increases
and
Excesses
of
our
Forreign
Importations
,
and
therein
of
the
Decay
of
some
other
of
our
own
Manufactures
which
supplyed
our
Home-Vses
,
viz.
in
Linnens
of
all
sorts
,
more
dear
fine
Linnens
used
;
incidently
of
the
late
and
present
Huswifery
of
English
Women
:
In
Ticking
,
in
Imported
Woollen
Manufactures
from
Holland
,
France
,
and
Ireland
;
In
Cordage
,
Cables
,
Sayls
and
Sea-Nets
;
in
Iron
,
in
Brandy
,
in
Wines
of
all
sorts
,
these
risen
in
price
;
the
particular
odds
in
our
former
and
present
Canary-Trade
;
in
Coffee
,
in
Earthen
Ware
,
Pitch
,
Tarre
,
Hemp
,
Flax
,
and
Forreign
Timber
bought
dearer
,
and
far
more
Timber
Imported
:
In
Imported
Silks
of
all
sorts
;
in
Laces
,
and
many
other
things
,
and
thereupon
our
late
French
Overballance
Considered
.
To
which
are
Added
,
our
late
losses
by
the
French
Capers
,
and
Money
Exported
to
France
by
our
Travellers
,
&c.
The
National
Overballance
inferred
,
this
cleared
by
a
Deduction
of
our
Trade
,
with
Relation
to
the
Dutch
and
French
,
and
therein
of
their
gradual
Increase
,
and
our
Decay
in
Trade
;
Whence
the
Growth
of
the
French
and
Dutch
Revenues
and
Strengths
observed
;
a
farther
Calculation
of
our
late
and
present
Overballance
;
incidently
of
some
farther
Advantages
in
Trade
Forreigners
have
upon
us
.
p.
177
-
SECT.
XIII
.
That
a
Considerable
part
of
our
late
Treasure
is
exhausted
:
Application
to
our
Publick
and
Private
Revenues
:
Objections
Answered
,
viz.
The
Plenty
of
Money
to
be
let
on
Securities
;
Stores
of
Money
in
London
;
Stocks
in
Merchandize
;
The
Over-weightiness
of
our
Coin
,
&c.
p.
222
-
SECT.
XIV
.
People
and
Treasure
the
true
Pillars
of
the
National
strength
:
The
Odds
in
the
different
Vse
and
imployment
of
people
.
The
absoluteness
of
the
French
Monarchy
no
cause
of
the
present
French
Grandure
:
The
late
Application
of
the
French
Councils
to
the
Increase
of
Trade
,
People
,
and
Treasure
;
and
the
occasion
thereof
.
The
greater
excellency
of
the
Form
of
our
English
Government
.
The
farther
necessity
of
Improving
our
Trade
from
the
Modern
Treasures
and
Powers
of
the
French
;
of
their
Naval
force
,
the
Algiers
Pyracy
;
how
the
French
design
to
engross
all
Maritime
Commerce
;
our
dangers
from
France
;
of
the
present
condition
of
the
Dutch
:
That
our
late
Prohibition
of
French
Goods
will
not
disable
that
Monarchy
,
nor
better
our
Trade
;
meer
Prohibitions
of
no
value
:
Our
great
advantages
in
Trade
above
France
and
Holland
:
That
a
speedy
Regulation
of
our
Trade
&c.
would
secure
us
against
all
Forreign
Powers
,
and
Dangers
at
home
:
Of
Excises
,
and
other
Taxes
.
The
certain
Increase
of
his
Majesties
Revenue
;
hence
,
what
occasion
for
a
Parliament
,
&c.
p.
239
ERRATA
.
The
Copy
by
which
the
Print
has
been
examined
being
imperfect
,
't
is
doubted
all
the
Errata's
are
not
observed
,
but
these
following
have
occurr'd
,
viz.
PAg.
3.
line
17.
for
hires
re
ad
hives
.
p.
5.
l.
7.
r.
notions
.
same
p.l.
11.
f.
of
Improvments
,
r.
and.
p.
10.
l.
3.
r.
populacy
.
p.
20.
l.
17.
r.
commodities
.
p.
23.
l.
18.
r.
principles
.
p.
25.
l.
26.
r.
commodity
.
p.
26.
l.f.
with
r.
which
.
p.
27.17
.
r.
manufactures
p.
31.
l.
25.
f.
25000.
r.
250000.
p.
42.
l.
8.
r.
re-export
.
p.
44.
l.
2.
after
90
add
or
100.
p.
52.
after
for
add
some
.
p.
53.
f.
wars
,
r.
wares
.
p.
57.
l.
4.
after
high
add
our
.
l.
5.
after
have
,
add
near
.
p.
59.
l.
2.
af
.
make
add
a.
p.
59.
l.
13.
f.
Sails
r.
Sailors
.
p.
71.
l.
8.
af
.
since
add
of
.
l.
9.
bef
.
are
ad
they
.
p.
72.
l.
2.
such
as
leave
out
as
.
Mote
,
The
next
page
is
false
numbred
,
viz.
129
,
and
so
forwards
till
page
160
:
In
which
are
these
Errata's
viz.
p.
131.
l.
19.
r.
erection
.
p.
136.
l.
14.
f.
custom
r.
constitution
.
p.
138.
l.
12.
f.
these
r.
the.
p.
140.
l.
5.
it
their
,
leave
out
it
.
p.
141.
l.
26.
f.
exempted
r.
exerted
.
p.
144.
l.
16.
r.
notoriety
.
the
same
p.l.
28.
f.
highly
r.
hightly
.
p.
149.
l.
4.
f.
rent
,
r.
vent
.
p.
150.
l.
4.
r.
manufacturers
.
the
same
p.
l.
19.
f.
prize
r.
price
.
p.
151.
l.
3.
f.
being
,
r.
bring
.
the
same
p.l.
24.
r.
in
considerate
.
p.
152.
f
of
difficulties
,
r.
and.
p.
153.
l.
11.
af
.
never
,
add
can
.
p.
154.
he
was
,
he
to
be
omitted
.
in
the
same
marg.
f.
250000.
r.
150000.
p.
156.
l.
18.
r.
manufacturer
.
Note
,
in
Sect.
7.
at
p.
160.
there
follows
p.
97.
and
so
forwards
,
wherein
are
these
Errata's
.
p.
97.
l.
25.
af
.
that
r.
most
.
p.
101.
l.
6.
f.
and
Virgil.
r.
or
.
p.
107.
l.
9.
r.
propose
.
p.
109.
omit
and.
p.
113.
l.
8.
r.
difference
.
p.
115.
f.
a
,
r.
the
p.
116.
l.
1.
r.
manufacturers
.
same
p.l.
13.
f.
this
,
r.
there
.
same
p.l.
16.
af
.
and
r.
are
.
p.
125.
l.
1.
leave
out
partly
.
p.
126.
r.
those
.
p.
130.
l.
22.
f.
a
fair
.
r.
an
.
p.
132.
l.
19.
f.
2000
l.
r.
20000
l.
p.
154.
l.
13.
r.
altercation
.
same
p.l.
24.
&
25.
r.
affected
.
p.
155.
l.
15.
r.
exported
.
p.
164.
l.
23.
f.
art
,
r.
act
.
p.
186.
l.
1.
f.
here
,
r.
have
.
p.
188.
l.
20.
f.
God
,
r.
Gold.
p.
202.
l.
2.
to
three
add
near
.
p.
211.
f.
moderately
,
r.
immoderately
.
p.
218.
an
addend
.
in
the
Margent
omitted
▪
viz.
To
these
and
all
the
rest
,
add
what
losses
have
accrew'd
by
inclosing
our
African
Trade
to
a
Company
and
Joynt-stock
,
and
by
the
Act
of
15
Car.
2.7
.
Licensing
the
East-India
Company
,
and
all
others
,
to
Export
Treasure
and
such
other
late
losses
,
as
being
mentioned
in
the
4
th
.
5
th
.
6
th
.
7
th
.
or
8
th
.
Sections
,
have
been
omitted
in
this
and
the
last
Section
.
p.
220.
l.
20.
f.
drive
,
r.
drove
.
p.
221.
l.
14.
af
.
more
then
add
their
then
value
.
p.
223.
l.
15
for
yield
,
r.
of
.
p.
225.
and
the
,
leave
out
and.
l.
11.
of
more
,
leave
out
of
.
p.
230.
l.
25.
r.
greater
.
p.
235.
f.
impossible
,
r.
possible
.
p.
238.
f.
of
felters
,
r.
and.
p.
242.
l.
26.
f.
their
,
r.
the.
p.
252.
l.
28.
f.
100
,
r.
600.
p.
253.
l.
28.
r.
King's
.
p.
256.
l.
10.
abundant
of
,
leave
out
of
.
l.
24.
f.
parts
,
r.
Ports
.
p.
263.
l.
6.
af
.
gain
,
add
by
.
p.
266.
l.
21.
f.
spake
,
r.
speak
.
p.
267.
l.
3.
f.
repealed
,
r.
repeated
.
l.
9.
af
.
and
add
that
.
l.
21.
an
addend
.
in
the
margent
omitted
,
viz.
The
Genoeses
of
late
appear
unwilling
.
p.
269.
l.
39.
f.
our
,
r.
their
.
p.
274.
l.
1.
f.
can
,
r.
could
.
p
,
296
,
af
.
cutting
,
r.
new
.
p.
299.
l.
22.
r.
benefices
.
p.
300.
f.
Phalanax
.
r.
Phalanx
.
p.
301.
f.
malevolent
,
read
malignant
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A54635-e3830
Notes for div A54635-e5160
Notes for div A54635-e6670
Notes for div A54635-e9630
Notes for div A54635-e13880
Notes for div A54635-e18370
Notes for div A54635-e20750
Notes for div A54635-e23380
Notes for div A54635-e27750
Notes for div A54635-e38740