A
Demonstration
OF
THE
LAW
of
NATURE
,
FROM
THE
NATURE
of
THINGS
;
And
of
the
Future
State
of
Mankind
,
from
the
Law
of
Nature
.
PART
I.
§
1.
HAving
already
from
all
those
admirable
contrivances
that
are
visible
in
Nature
,
and
from
all
those
wise
designs
that
discover
themselves
in
the
frame
and
constitution
of
things
,
demonstrated
that
there
is
a
Sovereign
Lord
and
Governour
of
the
Universe
:
I
shall
now
endeavour
in
the
same
method
and
by
the
same
argument
to
discover
that
model
of
Government
that
he
has
set
down
to
himself
,
and
those
Laws
that
he
has
prescribed
to
us
,
and
those
Sanctions
by
which
he
has
recommended
them
to
our
practice
;
And
here
I
shall
desire
nothing
more
to
be
granted
me
then
what
I
think
I
have
sufficient
right
to
demand
,
viz.
what
I
have
already
proved
,
that
there
is
a
God
,
or
an
Authour
of
the
Universe
,
and
that
is
the
last
result
of
this
Enquiry
;
for
if
there
be
no
Deity
,
there
is
an
end
of
our
present
Disquisition
,
and
we
must
turn
back
to
the
former
Question
,
which
must
be
determin'd
before
we
can
proceed
to
this
Enquiry
:
but
that
being
granted
,
the
other
unavoidably
follows
,
that
if
the
world
be
govern'd
by
a
divine
Providence
,
there
are
then
some
certain
Laws
and
Rules
of
Government
.
And
therefore
the
Epicureans
,
when
they
would
take
away
all
natural
Obligations
to
Religion
,
Justice
and
Honesty
,
first
endeavour
to
free
the
minds
of
men
from
all
apprehensions
of
a
Divine
Providence
;
for
it
is
certain
that
without
a
Lawgiver
there
can
be
no
Laws
;
so
that
if
there
be
no
Deity
,
or
if
the
Deity
that
is
,
have
no
Regard
to
or
Knowledge
of
humane
Affairs
,
he
can
neither
prescribe
any
thing
to
our
Actions
,
nor
abet
his
Prescriptions
with
Rewards
and
Punishments
.
These
men
are
consistent
with
themselves
and
their
Principles
,
but
Master
Hobs
,
that
he
may
be
constant
to
his
own
way
of
contradicting
himself
as
well
as
all
the
World
beside
,
has
given
us
a
Body
of
Natural
Laws
that
were
never
enacted
by
the
Authority
of
a
Legislator
;
for
upon
that
one
absurd
Supposition
he
founds
all
his
Morality
,
beginning
his
Hypothesis
from
a
supposed
State
of
Nature
,
in
which
nothing
is
or
can
be
just
or
unjust
,
which
can
never
be
supposed
,
if
there
be
a
Deity
,
and
to
suppose
it
,
is
to
suppose
no
Deity
;
and
then
whatever
Laws
the
Philosopher
afterwards
provides
for
the
Government
of
the
World
,
they
are
made
Laws
by
himself
,
and
require
Obedience
without
the
Will
and
Command
of
a
Governour
.
And
there
is
the
whole
Mystery
of
all
his
Politicks
,
by
this
sly
Supposition
to
leave
the
Deity
out
of
the
Government
of
the
World
;
and
without
it
there
is
no
difference
between
his
Laws
of
Nature
and
those
of
all
Mankind
:
for
though
he
boasts
himself
the
Founder
of
all
Morality
,
yet
he
gives
us
the
very
same
that
have
been
acknowledged
in
all
Ages
,
onely
we
must
not
receive
them
upon
the
Authority
of
God
,
but
upon
his
own
;
for
by
virtue
of
his
own
Wit
,
after
he
has
discarded
the
Authority
of
God
,
he
has
(
as
he
thinks
)
found
out
a
way
to
make
them
obligatory
to
all
the
World
.
But
how
ineffectually
to
his
own
purpose
and
how
inconsistently
with
himself
I
shall
not
now
trouble
my self
to
enquire
,
having
elsewhere
sufficiently
proved
that
by
that
one
Supposition
he
has
irrecoverably
let
all
Mankind
loose
to
all
manner
of
Wickedness
and
Vilany
.
But
if
we
will
own
any
Laws
of
Nature
to
any
material
purpose
of
Life
,
we
must
first
suppose
a
supreme
Governour
,
by
whose
Authority
they
were
enacted
,
and
to
whom
we
are
accountable
for
our
Duty
and
Obedience
.
So
that
all
that
remains
to
be
accounted
for
is
,
to
demonstrate
from
the
Nature
of
Things
a
Divine
Institution
of
the
Law
of
Nature
enjoyning
its
Observance
to
all
Mankind
.
For
if
the
Nature
of
Things
were
made
and
contrived
by
a
wise
and
intelligent
Cause
,
that
proposed
to
himself
some
Design
in
the
Contrivance
of
every
part
,
then
whatever
Effects
result
from
the
Nature
of
Things
as
they
stand
contrived
and
constituted
by
him
,
are
to
be
ultimately
resolved
into
his
Providence
.
And
therefore
whatever
Notions
or
Observations
are
imprinted
upon
our
Senses
or
upon
our
Minds
by
outward
Objects
,
he
is
as
much
the
Cause
of
all
such
Impressions
as
if
they
had
been
stampt
upon
us
immediately
by
himself
.
If
then
from
the
Observation
of
the
Nature
of
Things
that
present
themselves
to
our
Senses
we
are
made
to
understand
that
such
Actions
produce
such
Effects
,
it
is
the
same
thing
as
if
we
had
received
our
Information
from
the
supreme
Authour
himself
,
because
he
has
on
purpose
so
contrived
them
as
to
make
it
necessary
for
us
to
take
notice
of
that
Information
that
is
given
us
by
their
being
so
contrived
.
And
herein
consists
the
Institution
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
that
God
has
signified
to
us
his
own
Design
and
Intention
towards
Mankind
in
the
Contrivance
of
it
,
and
has
induced
us
to
pursue
the
same
Design
with
himself
by
Rewards
and
Punishments
resulting
from
the
Nature
of
Things
as
we
comply
with
or
disobey
his
Will.
For
that
is
all
that
is
proper
or
necessary
to
make
a
Law
,
or
to
pass
an
Obligation
,
first
,
to
declare
the
Will
or
Command
of
the
Legislatour
;
secondly
,
to
enforce
Obedience
to
it
by
consequent
Rewards
and
Penalties
.
So
that
if
it
can
be
proved
that
the
Authour
of
Nature
has
signified
any
certain
Rules
of
Life
to
Mankind
by
the
very
Order
and
Frame
of
Nature
,
and
that
he
has
farther
made
them
obligatory
to
all
the
World
by
making
the
same
necessary
connexion
between
the
Duty
and
the
Reward
as
there
is
between
every
natural
Cause
and
Effect
,
their
Obligation
will
be
establish'd
upon
no
weaker
Grounds
or
Proofs
then
of
certain
Demonstration
,
and
we
shall
have
the
same
Assurance
that
they
are
design'd
for
the
Rules
of
our
Actions
as
we
can
have
that
any
natural
Cause
was
ordain'd
to
produce
its
natural
Effect
:
And
it
will
be
as
manifest
from
the
whole
Constitution
of
Nature
,
when
it
is
consider'd
and
reflected
upon
,
that
God
intended
Mankind
should
govern
themselves
by
such
certain
Principles
as
that
it
is
the
Office
of
the
Sun
to
give
Light
to
the
World
.
This
is
the
thing
that
I
here
attempt
to
prove
and
hope
to
perform
.
And
the
Proof
of
it
will
consist
of
these
two
parts
,
first
,
to
demonstrate
the
Publication
;
secondly
,
the
Sanction
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
.
§
II.
1.
As
to
the
Sufficiency
of
the
Publication
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
the
plain
Account
of
it
has
been
obscured
by
nothing
more
,
then
that
it
has
alwaies
been
described
and
discoursed
of
in
metaphorical
and
allusive
Expressions
,
such
as
Engravings
,
and
Inscriptions
,
and
the
Tables
of
the
Heart
,
&c.
As
if
the
Law
of
Nature
consisted
of
a
certain
number
of
Propositions
that
were
imprinted
upon
the
Minds
of
Men
,
and
concreated
with
their
Understandings
,
by
attending
to
and
reflecting
upon
which
they
were
instructed
or
bound
to
govern
their
moral
Actions
.
Perhaps
this
may
be
true
,
and
God
may
possibly
have
put
some
secret
Notices
into
the
Minds
of
Men
for
the
greater
security
of
Justice
and
Honesty
in
the
World
;
but
then
,
beside
that
there
is
no
way
to
prove
the
Certainty
or
demonstrate
the
Obligation
of
any
such
inward
Record
,
this
plainly
resolves
the
Authority
of
the
Law
of
Nature
into
uncertain
and
unaccountable
Principles
,
or
such
as
may
be
pretended
,
and
,
when
they
are
,
ought
to
be
admitted
without
any
Proof
or
Evidence
of
Reason
,
and
this
amounts
to
no
more
then
all
the
idle
and
precarious
Pretences
of
Enthusiasm
;
and
whatsoever
some
Men
affirm
or
fancy
to
be
written
upon
their
Hearts
must
immediately
pass
an
Obligation
upon
all
Mens
Actions
,
and
the
Finger
of
God
may
be
as
wildly
pleaded
in
all
cases
that
are
not
to
be
accounted
for
by
the
Principles
of
natural
Reason
and
Conscience
,
as
the
Spirit
of
God
has
been
.
But
though
that
influences
the
Minds
of
Men
with
secret
and
undiscernible
Impressions
,
yet
it
must
not
be
made
use
of
to
warrant
the
Lawfulness
of
any
Undertaking
;
but
that
must
be
decided
by
the
common
and
avowed
Rules
of
Vertue
and
Religion
;
because
it
is
certain
that
the
Spirit
of
God
always
acts
according
to
their
Intendment
and
Direction
:
so
that
by
them
we
must
judge
of
its
Impulses
,
and
not
suffer
our selves
to
be
determin'd
in
any
Affair
,
but
where
they
will
abet
or
justify
our
Proceedings
,
whether
we
really
are
or
are
not
acted
by
any
other
Principle
,
otherwise
there
could
be
no
certain
Rule
of
moral
Actions
.
And
thus
too
may
Men
that
are
bold
and
confident
call
every
thing
the
Law
of
Nature
that
they
have
a
mind
or
fancy
to
,
without
being
bound
to
give
any
Proof
of
its
Reasonableness
or
Account
of
its
Obligation
;
it
is
no
more
but
calling
it
the
Law
written
in
their
Hearts
,
and
then
it
must
right
or
wrong
pass
for
the
Universal
Law
of
Mankind
:
so
that
after
this
rate
there
will
remain
no
certain
method
whereby
we
may
discern
mens
own
Fancies
,
Prejudices
and
Inclinations
,
from
the
true
Dictates
of
right
Reason
and
the
natural
Grounds
of
Good
and
Evil.
And
therefore
these
Phrases
are
not
to
be
taken
in
exact
propriety
of
Speech
,
but
only
in
a
loose
and
popular
way
of
Expression
;
and
so
they
were
intended
by
those
that
first
used
them
,
that
only
alluded
to
the
known
Customs
and
Solemnities
of
enacting
Laws
,
that
were
always
wont
to
be
declared
and
published
to
the
Subject
by
Writing
or
Proclamation
;
and
in
allusion
to
this
they
came
to
describe
the
Law
of
Nature
by
the
Voice
within
,
the
Book
of
Conscience
,
the
Tables
of
the
Heart
,
&c.
because
the
Laws
of
Nature
are
as
certainly
declared
reasonable
and
obligatory
by
the
State
of
Nature
,
as
if
they
had
been
written
upon
our
Minds
by
the
finger
of
God
,
or
proclaim'd
by
an
audible
voice
to
our
Consciences
.
However
,
Though
we
should
allow
them
in
their
literal
sense
(
and
so
,
for
any
thing
I
know
,
we
may
)
yet
we
can
never
derive
the
certainty
of
their
Obligation
from
such
uncertain
Suppositions
,
at
least
we
need
not
,
when
they
are
so
clearly
demonstrable
from
Reason
and
Experience
,
from
the
Observations
of
Nature
and
the
Necessities
of
Life
,
from
the
Advantages
of
Justice
and
the
Comforts
of
Society
;
this
gives
a
complete
and
satisfactory
Account
of
their
Authority
to
the
Minds
of
Men
,
and
they
may
come
to
a
sufficient
Knowledge
and
Understanding
of
their
Duty
by
their
own
Thoughts
and
Reflections
without
any
other
declaration
or
express
discovery
of
the
Will
of
God
.
And
this
seems
to
be
the
meaning
of
Saint
Paul
in
his
description
of
the
case
of
the
Gentiles
,
Rom.
2.
14
,
15.
where
it
is
observable
that
he
describes
the
Law
which
he
affirms
to
be
written
in
their
Hearts
(
in
allusion
to
the
Mosaick
Tables
)
not
by
the
common
expression
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
general
Notions
or
Instincts
of
Good
and
Evil
,
but
by
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Reasonings
,
or
such
evident
Results
or
Conclusions
as
it
is
natural
or
at
least
very
easy
for
the
Mind
of
Man
to
make
from
its
experience
and
observation
of
things
;
for
the
Heathen
World
had
no
other
Objects
to
exercise
or
entertain
their
Thoughts
withall
,
but
what
Nature
presented
to
them
,
and
therefore
those
Reasonings
of
their
Consciences
that
Saint
Paul
here
speaks
of
,
must
of
necessity
be
deduced
from
this
Principle
and
no
other
.
And
thus
are
the
Laws
of
Nature
drawn
forth
into
use
and
bound
upon
the
Conscience
,
not
by
any
express
Voice
or
immediate
Impression
of
the
Legislator
,
but
by
vertue
of
the
workings
of
our
own
Minds
and
the
unavoidable
Results
of
our
own
Consciences
,
that
as
long
as
we
act
sincerely
and
meditate
impartially
upon
the
Nature
of
things
,
will
lead
us
into
some
knowledg
of
our
Duty
and
convince
us
of
the
reasonableness
and
necessity
of
our
Obedience
.
There
is
no
man
so
desperately
dull
and
stupid
as
not
to
be
able
to
perceive
and
examine
the
Truth
of
the
first
Problems
in
Morality
,
when
(
as
we
shall
prove
)
they
are
so
evident
from
the
whole
frame
and
constitution
of
Nature
,
and
when
they
are
found
so
usefull
from
all
the
experience
and
observation
of
humane
Life
,
that
it
is
even
impossible
to
open
our
Eyes
or
to
look
abroad
without
observing
their
Goodness
;
so
that
we
cannot
suppose
any
Person
to
live
without
any
sense
of
Vertue
and
Religion
,
without
supposing
such
a
brutish
Stupidity
as
can
scarce
be
supposed
incident
to
a
Rational
Creature
.
But
if
any
Man
will
choose
inadvertency
,
and
resolve
to
make
no
serious
Reflections
upon
the
most
common
Objects
that
present
themselves
to
his
outward
Senses
,
there
is
nothing
in
the
World
so
plain
or
so
obvious
that
he
may
never
so
much
as
take
notice
of
.
But
then
this
is
such
a
brutish
Affront
to
his
Nature
,
such
an
affected
and
wilfull
sottishness
,
that
it
is
of
all
Crimes
the
most
unnatural
and
inexcusable
.
It
is
indeed
not
impossible
but
a
Man
may
be
so
wretchedly
regardless
of
all
things
as
never
to
have
made
one
Observation
all
his
life-time
,
and
to
be
ignorant
even
of
the
Truth
of
that
Proposition
,
that
the
whole
of
any
thing
is
bigger
then
a
part
of
it
;
but
then
nothing
can
ever
be
pleaded
to
excuse
such
a
palpable
brutishness
and
inadvertency
;
and
all
the
World
will
impute
so
gross
an
Ignorance
to
the
most
shamefull
and
unpardonable
neglect
of
his
natural
Abilities
;
and
no
Man
will
ever
pretend
in
his
behalf
that
he
wanted
sufficient
Means
for
making
the
discovery
.
And
thus
it
is
in
the
first
and
fundamental
Principles
of
good
and
evil
;
they
are
so
legible
in
the
whole
Contrivance
and
all
the
Appearances
of
Nature
;
they
are
so
necessary
to
the
Being
and
Preservation
of
Mankind
;
their
Equity
is
so
apparent
and
their
Convenience
so
obvious
in
every
Action
of
humane
Life
,
that
no
man
can
reflect
upon
any
thing
either
within
or
without
him
,
but
it
must
make
him
sensible
of
their
Obligation
;
and
he
that
does
not
perceive
it
,
is
guilty
of
the
same
unconceivable
Stupidity
,
as
the
Man
that
should
pass
through
the
World
without
ever
knowing
that
twice
two
make
four
.
§
III.
For
there
are
but
two
Rules
of
humane
Actions
,
either
the
greater
or
the
smaller
Morals
,
as
the
Platonists
divide
them
.
The
first
takes
in
all
the
great
and
fundamental
Principles
of
Morality
;
whose
evidence
is
so
notorious
,
that
it
is
not
possible
for
an
Upright
man
not
to
discern
their
Goodness
and
Obligation
;
and
whose
Usefulness
is
so
common
and
diffusive
,
and
so
necessary
to
the
good
of
all
Mankind
;
that
it
is
not
so
much
as
possible
for
any
Society
to
subsist
without
some
regard
to
their
Authority
:
and
in
these
great
and
fundamental
Measures
of
good
and
evil
all
Men
and
all
Nations
agree
,
the
most
civil
and
the
most
barbarous
People
consent
in
the
first
Principles
of
natural
Religion
,
and
the
first
Provisions
of
natural
Justice
.
We
have
no
reason
to
believe
there
are
any
Corners
in
the
World
void
of
all
Notices
of
a
Deity
and
all
sense
of
Humanity
;
and
though
some
men
that
may
tell
us
any
thing
what
they
please
,
are
pleased
to
tell
us
that
there
are
,
yet
they
give
us
very
little
ground
to
credit
their
Report
,
because
their
Converse
in
those
places
was
so
very
short
,
and
their
Entercourse
with
those
People
so
very
imperfect
,
and
withall
their
Languages
so
utterly
unintelligible
to
one
another
,
it
is
easy
enough
to
suppose
the
Inhabitants
might
have
divers
Notions
of
which
Strangers
were
not
capable
of
making
the
least
Observation
,
no
nor
so
much
as
any
Enquiry
;
at
least
it
is
sufficient
to
destroy
the
Credit
of
their
Testimony
concerning
their
Manners
and
Customs
,
when
the
best
Information
they
were
capable
of
was
so
imperfect
and
so
incompetent
.
But
however
,
suppose
there
were
any
part
of
Mankind
so
desperately
debaucht
as
to
live
without
all
sense
of
God
and
good
Manners
;
yet
there
are
none
so
much
as
suspected
of
so
great
a
degeneracy
,
but
such
as
give
us
too
manifest
Tokens
of
extreme
Sottishness
and
Stupidity
as
to
all
the
other
Necessities
and
Conveniencies
of
Life
,
and
that
live
altogether
like
the
brute-Beasts
heedless
and
regardless
of
themselves
and
their
own
Natures
,
without
making
any
reflections
upon
their
own
Minds
,
or
emproving
any
observations
from
their
own
Experience
.
Now
I
will
not
deny
but
that
it
is
possible
for
Creatures
so
utterly
supine
and
negligent
,
to
be
ignorant
of
the
most
common
and
most
obvious
Notions
of
things
.
For
all
Knowledge
is
the
effect
of
some
Attention
;
and
if
Men
will
not
attend
,
they
deprive
themselves
of
all
means
of
Information
;
If
they
will
not
make
use
of
their
Faculties
,
it
is
not
the
certainty
nor
the
evidence
of
Truth
that
can
force
or
obtrude
an
Impression
upon
their
Minds
;
and
though
perchance
it
is
possible
that
the
Almighty
Power
of
God
may
overcome
their
Dulness
,
yet
this
is
violent
and
preternatural
,
and
it
is
not
to
be
expected
that
he
should
alter
the
course
of
Nature
only
to
repair
our
wilfull
Sottishness
;
for
that
were
to
destroy
the
Principles
of
all
Morality
and
to
make
us
uncapable
of
all
practice
of
Good
and
Evil
by
forcing
,
i.
e.
destroying
our
Wills
.
And
therefore
humane
Kind
must
be
govern'd
in
an
humane
way
,
and
not
be
overpowred
by
any
such
forcible
and
vehement
means
as
may
offer
violence
to
its
Liberty
.
So
that
when
the
Divine
Providence
has
done
all
that
is
fit
or
necessary
to
bring
them
to
the
knowledg
of
their
Duty
,
it
must
after
all
be
left
to
their
own
Power
and
the
freedom
of
their
own
Choice
,
whether
they
will
or
will
not
make
use
of
the
means
that
he
has
left
them
for
that
purpose
.
And
therefore
as
to
this
it
matters
not
whether
the
natural
Law
be
written
upon
the
Mind
of
Man
or
the
nature
of
Things
.
For
wheresoever
it
may
be
recorded
or
howsoever
collected
,
it
cannot
be
drawn
forth
into
use
and
practice
without
the
help
of
Reflection
.
And
though
it
were
properly
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
a
certain
number
of
Propositions
imprinted
upon
the
Heart
or
Conscience
of
Man
,
yet
he
may
as
easily
take
no
notice
of
what
is
legible
within
him
,
as
not
observe
what
is
plainly
deducible
from
the
whole
frame
and
constitution
of
Nature
without
him
,
in
that
the
knowledg
of
both
depends
entirely
upon
his
own
Animadversion
.
So
that
if
the
Author
of
Nature
have
made
any
sufficient
discovery
of
his
Will
and
Pleasure
either
by
Instinct
or
by
the
Order
of
Nature
,
that
is
a
sufficient
Provision
for
the
due
government
of
Mankind
,
and
the
common
welfare
of
the
World
;
and
though
there
are
some
few
in
it
so
monstrously
dull
and
sottish
,
as
not
to
take
the
least
notice
of
the
most
obvious
Truths
,
yet
that
is
meerly
the
defect
of
their
own
Will
,
and
not
any
default
of
his
Wisdom
;
and
it
is
enough
to
secure
the
common
good
,
that
their
usefulness
is
so
great
and
notorious
,
that
it
cannot
but
be
observed
by
all
that
make
any
use
of
their
Understandings
.
And
thus
is
the
Consent
of
Nations
a
great
proof
and
confirmation
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
for
though
their
differences
are
numberless
as
to
casual
and
arbitrary
Customs
,
and
as
to
their
municipal
Laws
,
and
their
more
remote
and
less
usefull
Rules
of
Morality
,
yet
as
for
the
great
and
fundamental
Laws
of
Justice
and
Religion
,
they
are
vouch't
by
the
Catholick
Consent
and
Practice
of
all
known
Nations
both
Civil
and
Savage
.
The
belief
of
a
Deity
,
the
obligation
of
Oaths
,
love
to
Parents
and
gratitude
to
Benefactors
,
and
to
doe
to
all
Men
as
we
would
be
done
to
our selves
,
are
catholick
and
obligatory
all
the
World
over
,
and
are
the
Laws
of
Nations
as
well
as
Nature
,
or
(
as
Aristotle
expresses
it
)
are
of
the
same
force
in
all
places
,
as
fire
burns
every
where
alike
,
and
is
of
the
same
use
in
Greece
and
in
Persia.
And
these
if
attended
to
will
provide
competently
for
the
great
necessities
and
the
main
duties
of
Mankind
,
and
from
them
may
easily
be
derived
all
other
emergent
and
subordinate
Rules
of
Good
and
Evil
;
though
it
is
not
to
be
expected
they
should
be
ratified
with
the
same
consent
of
Nations
,
and
require
an
equal
Obligation
in
all
times
and
all
places
,
because
their
Usefulness
is
neither
so
great
nor
so
certain
;
and
by
consequence
not
so
likely
to
be
attested
with
the
same
agreement
of
Voices
:
For
where
the
Evidence
is
not
so
very
notorious
and
the
Obligation
so
very
reasonable
,
it
is
an
easy
matter
for
Men
to
differ
in
their
Perswasions
about
them
.
Especially
if
we
consider
how
Mankind
are
every-where
more
or
less
determin'd
by
uncertain
and
casual
Principles
,
by
wild
Customs
,
by
superstitious
Fancies
,
by
National
Interests
,
&c.
and
therefore
though
all
the
World
agree
in
the
first
and
fundamental
Principles
of
Morality
,
yet
they
differ
endlesly
in
deducing
and
drawing
forth
particular
Laws
from
them
into
use
and
practice
;
and
all
Nations
have
their
own
proper
Usages
,
that
they
set
up
to
themselves
as
the
Rules
and
Measures
of
Civility
and
good
Manners
,
and
judge
all
People
wild
and
barbarous
,
whose
Practices
do
not
agree
with
their
own
National
Customs
.
And
from
hence
it
comes
to
pass
that
many
Propositions
are
reckoned
into
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
that
derive
all
their
Authority
from
accidental
Prescriptions
,
or
at
most
from
emergent
Cases
of
Necessity
;
for
it
may
and
often
does
fall
out
that
an
Action
may
be
highly
usefull
at
a
certain
time
or
place
,
and
so
be
fit
to
be
established
into
a
standing
Law
,
and
yet
may
afterwards
by
change
of
things
lose
the
ground
and
reasonableness
of
its
Institution
;
and
yet
if
it
have
once
been
honour'd
with
publick
Reputation
,
and
have
perhaps
acquired
a
religious
Opinion
with
the
People
,
it
is
not
after
that
to
be
revers't
or
violated
without
the
most
horrid
and
unnatural
Impiety
;
and
those
Nations
are
supposed
to
be
fall'n
from
all
the
good
Principles
and
Inclinations
of
humane
Nature
,
that
live
in
contrary
or
but
different
Customs
.
And
this
is
in
no
other
Instance
more
remarkable
than
in
the
several
ways
of
Burial
and
Ceremonies
of
treating
the
Dead
,
which
though
they
are
capable
of
no
other
Decency
or
Determination
than
what
is
derived
upon
them
by
the
manners
of
the
Place
,
yet
are
they
everywhere
lookt
upon
with
a
religious
Reverence
;
and
therefore
all
that
use
different
Customs
must
be
lookt
upon
by
the
People
at
least
as
brutish
and
unnatural
.
But
setting
aside
such
fancies
as
have
no
other
obligation
but
of
old
Usage
and
strong
Conceit
,
the
differences
about
the
real
Laws
of
good
and
evil
are
neither
great
nor
many
,
at
least
among
the
better-manner'd
and
more
civil
Nations
,
i.
e.
among
such
as
have
consider'd
the
reasonableness
of
things
and
the
conveniences
of
Life
;
and
if
men
will
be
upright
in
their
Endeavours
,
and
honestly
and
impartially
weigh
the
Reasons
and
true
Accounts
of
things
,
though
they
may
and
always
will
differ
in
their
Perswasions
,
and
entertain
very
hard
and
unkind
Opinions
upon
the
account
of
their
Differences
,
yet
their
Errors
can
neither
be
very
wicked
nor
very
dangerous
.
Integrity
ensures
both
their
own
Innocence
and
the
Divine
Acceptance
;
for
the
man
that
really
pursues
his
best
apprehensions
of
things
can
never
fall
into
great
and
enormous
Mistakes
,
and
if
he
run
into
less
important
Miscarriages
,
he
may
be
secure
to
have
them
discharged
upon
the
score
of
his
Sincerity
:
And
when
God
has
prescribed
him
no
particular
Rules
of
Duty
,
but
left
him
to
the
conduct
of
his
own
Reason
and
Observation
,
and
when
the
Man
has
followed
the
best
notices
of
things
that
he
was
able
to
discover
in
his
circumstances
and
according
to
his
abilities
,
it
is
as
certain
as
that
the
Almighty
is
good
and
just
,
that
he
will
accept
the
uprightness
of
his
Purposes
and
the
worthiness
of
his
Endeavours
.
So
that
in
these
less
material
and
more
remote
Instances
of
Morality
the
Divine
Wisdom
has
sufficiently
provided
for
the
government
of
the
World
and
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
;
for
if
they
will
but
attend
to
the
first
Results
of
their
own
Minds
,
and
the
most
evident
Principles
of
good
and
evil
,
and
guide
their
Actions
and
Sentiments
by
a
respect
to
them
,
they
can
never
be
dangerously
deceived
or
abused
in
all
other
apprehensions
of
things
,
so
that
all
the
difficulty
that
is
required
to
secure
our
Obedience
both
to
the
greater
and
the
lesser
Laws
of
Nature
is
plainly
no
more
than
to
resolve
to
be
honest
and
upright
Men
;
If
they
will
,
that
alone
will
instruct
them
in
all
the
Obligations
of
their
Duty
:
if
they
will
not
,
it
is
certain
all
the
Revelations
in
the
World
can
never
master
wilfull
Perverseness
or
Ignorance
;
and
this
is
enough
to
prove
(
if
it
prove
true
)
that
the
Providence
of
God
has
not
been
defective
in
making
sufficient
Provisions
for
the
government
of
Mankind
.
The
other
Rule
of
Manners
comprehends
all
the
Laws
and
Prescriptions
of
Decency
that
serve
chiefly
to
adorn
and
set
off
the
practices
of
essential
Goodness
;
which
though
it
be
beautifull
and
amiable
enough
in
it self
,
yet
it
appears
much
more
lovely
to
the
World
,
when
it
is
accompanied
with
handsomness
of
Address
and
Behaviour
,
and
that
is
the
proper
meaning
of
Civility
and
good-Manners
;
in
opposition
to
Rudeness
and
Barbarity
;
it
is
not
to
be
practised
and
disciplined
in
Formalities
and
fashionable
Gestures
,
but
it
is
confined
to
the
exercise
of
Vertue
,
to
take
off
all
seeming
sullenness
and
austerity
from
it
by
the
smoothness
and
agreeableness
of
Conversation
.
But
then
all
its
Rules
are
the
results
of
Prudence
and
Wisdom
,
of
Custom
and
Observation
,
and
are
not
(
as
the
former
)
capable
of
any
certain
determination
,
and
especially
because
they
depend
upon
and
are
only
to
be
determin'd
by
that
infinite
variety
of
Circumstances
that
are
incident
to
humane
Actions
;
and
though
in
some
emergent
cases
a
prudent
Man
may
possibly
miss
in
arts
of
Ceremony
,
yet
he
can
scarcely
fail
in
the
more
material
Rules
of
Decency
.
However
to
be
ready
at
them
and
exact
in
them
requires
rather
wit
than
integrity
;
and
therefore
though
they
are
great
advantages
to
Vertue
,
yet
are
they
no
parts
of
natural
Morality
,
and
so
are
not
to
be
sought
for
from
the
nature
of
things
,
nor
to
be
consider'd
among
the
Laws
of
Nature
;
and
by
consequence
have
no
concernment
in
our
present
Enquiry
.
Only
give
me
leave
to
prescribe
one
general
Rule
concerning
them
,
because
its
Observation
is
of
so
very
great
usefulness
to
the
real
interest
of
Vertue
.
And
that
is
that
every
man
for
the
wise
and
decent
management
of
himself
and
his
own
Affairs
would
have
a
special
regard
to
the
capacity
of
his
Nature
and
the
particular
tendency
of
his
Humour
.
For
beside
that
all
strein'd
and
forced
Behaviour
is
plainly
undecent
,
it
probably
betrays
men
into
unhandsome
Shifts
and
Actions
,
in
that
nothing
is
more
uneasy
than
to
carry
on
an
humour
that
is
unnatural
;
and
then
when
they
have
entangled
themselves
in
streights
and
difficulties
,
they
are
forced
to
break
loose
by
false
Stories
or
false
Promises
,
or
some
other
unjust
and
unworthy
Artifices
.
Thus
severe
men
can
never
sustein
the
Person
of
the
courtly
and
the
facetious
,
but
will
quickly
run
themselves
into
such
inconvenient
Obligations
,
as
they
can
neither
handsomly
keep
nor
honestly
break
:
and
therefore
it
is
not
only
a
Rule
of
Prudence
but
of
Honesty
not
to
affect
unnatural
Imitations
,
but
that
every
man
live
after
his
own
manner
,
and
provided
the
design
of
his
life
be
vertuous
,
that
he
pursue
it
in
his
own
way
.
Thus
men
of
quick
and
ready
thoughts
,
that
know
how
to
meet
with
suddain
turns
of
Affairs
,
and
can
foresee
probable
Events
and
Contingencies
of
things
,
may
be
more
reserved
and
designing
in
the
prosecution
of
their
Ends
,
because
they
are
to
be
obtained
by
nothing
so
much
as
Secrecy
,
and
whenever
they
are
discover'd
,
are
defeated
.
But
as
for
Persons
of
a
more
blunt
and
downright
humour
,
that
are
not
nimble
or
foreseeing
enough
to
way-lay
all
changes
,
it
is
more
advisable
to
live
with
more
openness
and
simplicity
of
manners
,
and
to
pursue
their
Ends
rather
by
Courage
than
Dexterity
,
it
is
more
becoming
their
Person
and
more
usefull
to
the
World
;
so
that
as
long
as
the
cause
of
Vertue
and
the
good
of
Mankind
lie
at
the
bottom
of
mens
Intentions
,
it
is
not
material
which
way
they
work
out
their
Ends.
But
every
man
must
perform
his
own
part
in
his
own
way
,
i.
e.
as
Nature
has
furnisht
him
with
Abilities
,
and
so
he
abstain
from
fraud
or
violence
(
that
directly
contradict
all
pretensions
to
Vertue
)
he
may
behave
himself
in
all
Entercourses
of
life
,
either
with
closeness
or
openness
of
Address
,
according
as
he
shall
find
himself
most
able
to
manage
and
maintain
the
humour
.
Now
these
smaller
Morals
being
fil'd
off
the
Account
,
because
though
they
are
pretty
ornaments
of
civil
Conversation
,
yet
are
they
not
absolutely
necessary
to
the
happiness
and
security
of
Mankind
,
which
is
the
only
Principle
by
which
we
are
to
guide
our selves
in
our
Inquest
after
the
Laws
of
Nature
;
reckoning
therefore
no
Rules
into
their
Account
,
but
such
as
apparently
provide
for
our
natural
and
common
Necessities
;
we
shall
find
their
Obligation
as
evident
and
unavoidable
as
their
Necessity
;
and
though
this
might
be
proved
beyond
all
contradiction
by
an
induction
of
Particulars
,
yet
the
clearest
method
of
Demonstration
is
to
reduce
all
particular
Cases
to
one
general
Head
,
in
which
all
the
rest
are
apparently
included
,
or
from
which
they
are
unavoidably
deduced
.
§
IV.
And
that
is
universal
Justice
or
Humanity
,
or
so
much
love
and
good-will
to
all
Mankind
,
as
obliges
every
man
to
seek
the
welfare
and
happiness
of
the
whole
Community
and
every
Member
of
it
,
as
well
as
his
own
private
and
particular
Interest
;
and
this
one
Proposition
(
if
once
consented
to
)
is
enough
to
restrain
him
from
all
wrongs
and
injuries
;
in
that
they
never
proceed
from
any
other
Principle
than
too
much
love
and
concernment
for
a
man
's
own
self
,
without
any
regard
to
the
good
of
others
;
whereas
had
he
any
affection
for
their
welfare
together
with
his
own
,
he
would
have
no
inducement
to
invade
their
Rights
for
the
enlargement
of
his
own
Propriety
.
And
this
becomes
more
forcible
upon
his
Mind
,
if
he
be
seriously
convinced
that
the
most
likely
way
to
emprove
or
secure
his
own
private
Weal
is
to
consult
and
promote
the
common
Good
;
and
that
his
own
happiness
depends
so
much
upon
his
contributing
,
according
to
the
measure
of
his
ability
,
his
serious
endeavours
to
procure
the
good
of
all
,
insomuch
that
it
cannot
possibly
subsist
but
in
conjunction
with
it
and
subordinate
to
it
,
and
yet
all
this
,
Nature
it self
declares
to
every
man
that
will
observe
it
,
and
that
is
all
that
is
needfull
to
establish
a
Law
or
pass
an
obligation
;
and
this
is
the
thing
that
I
say
is
so
plainly
observable
from
the
whole
contrivance
of
the
Universe
,
that
it
cannot
possibly
escape
any
Man's
knowledg
without
wilfull
Ignorance
and
Perverseness
.
And
now
if
this
one
general
Rule
be
so
legible
in
the
nature
of
things
,
it
draws
after
it
all
the
particular
obligations
of
Vertue
and
Honesty
,
and
whoever
is
upright
in
his
Intentions
of
behaving
himself
in
all
things
according
to
the
best
of
his
Understanding
by
its
guidance
and
direction
,
cannot
easily
fall
into
any
considerable
mistakes
or
miscarriages
in
matters
of
Justice
and
Equity
,
but
must
necessarily
quit
himself
like
an
honest
man
in
all
entercourses
and
towards
all
Relations
.
And
yet
the
reasonableness
and
necessity
of
this
Rule
is
so
obvious
,
that
a
man
cannot
so
much
as
look
abroad
into
the
Fields
without
being
inform'd
of
its
Obligation
;
for
there
he
beholds
the
Fruits
of
the
Earth
provided
for
the
preservation
and
the
comfort
of
the
life
of
Man
,
which
himself
can
never
expect
to
reap
and
enjoy
,
unless
he
will
be
content
with
the
Comfort
of
his
own
share
,
and
allow
every
man
else
his
lot
and
proportion
;
So
that
the
knowledg
of
this
Vertue
and
the
benefit
that
accrues
to
every
man
by
it
requires
no
deep
and
philosophical
Speculation
of
things
,
but
is
plainly
visible
in
the
most
common
prospect
of
Nature
.
In
which
it
is
certain
that
the
provisions
made
for
the
preservation
and
the
comfort
of
the
life
of
Man
were
made
by
the
Authour
of
Nature
for
the
use
and
benefit
of
his
whole
Family
,
so
that
if
any
one
or
some
few
should
go
about
to
engross
them
to
themselves
and
exclude
all
others
from
partaking
with
them
,
they
cannot
but
be
conscious
to
themselves
that
they
act
cross
to
their
Maker's
design
.
And
as
it
is
certain
that
God
design'd
that
all
his
Offspring
should
share
in
the
Blessings
of
his
Providence
,
so
is
it
certain
that
they
cannot
be
enjoyed
but
by
mutual
help
and
kindness
;
so
that
every
man
as
he
is
concern'd
to
enjoy
his
own
share
is
obliged
to
love
and
assist
his
Neighbour
,
at
least
to
suffer
him
quietly
to
enjoy
his
.
And
this
brings
every
man
to
understand
all
the
Benefits
of
Peace
and
Society
,
that
are
so
many
Rewards
naturally
annext
to
the
several
exercises
of
this
Duty
.
But
because
the
generality
of
men
are
not
so
sensible
of
Rewards
as
Punishments
,
I
shall
rather
choose
to
demonstrate
the
great
Benefits
of
this
Vertue
of
mutual
love
and
kindness
by
the
horrible
mischiefs
that
must
follow
upon
the
general
breach
and
dissolution
of
it
:
and
they
are
so
great
that
though
it
were
only
to
prevent
and
provide
against
them
,
it
were
abundantly
sufficient
to
recommend
its
practice
to
Mankind
,
For
it
is
manifest
that
if
they
once
betake
themselves
to
contend
and
scramble
,
and
live
in
a
perpetual
state
of
war
,
every
man
taking
care
for
no
more
than
one
,
and
standing
upon
his
own
guard
in
defyance
to
all
the
World
beside
,
they
will
only
hinder
one
another
from
the
common
Enjoyment
of
all
the
necessary
Provisions
of
life
,
and
instead
of
living
securely
and
cheerfully
upon
the
bounty
of
Nature
,
they
must
unavoidably
destroy
both
that
and
themselves
too
;
for
certainly
no
man
can
ever
expect
to
be
safe
or
happy
,
that
has
all
the
World
to
his
Enemy
,
and
yet
that
would
be
the
condition
of
every
man
,
if
we
all
pursued
our
own
Interests
without
regard
and
(
whenever
it
happens
)
in
opposition
to
the
welfare
of
all
others
.
What
a
miserable
and
distracted
World
would
this
be
,
if
every
man's
care
and
kindness
never
reacht
beyond
himself
?
Our
Lives
must
be
for
ever
poor
and
solitary
,
and
infinitely
more
unsafe
than
Hares
and
Foxes
and
Vermin
,
and
we
should
all
without
a
Metaphor
be
worse
then
Wolves
to
one
another
;
always
insecure
and
uneasy
,
eaten
up
with
jealousies
and
suspicions
,
troublesome
to
our selves
and
to
all
the
World
beside
,
and
in
continual
fear
and
danger
from
the
whole
Creation
;
and
yet
in
spite
of
all
our
vigilance
and
industry
every
man's
Life
would
be
short
and
his
Death
violent
.
All
this
is
so
manifest
at
first
view
,
that
one
would
wonder
how
a
late
Authour
could
be
so
wild
as
well
as
wicked
in
his
Conceits
as
not
only
to
define
the
State
of
Nature
to
be
a
State
of
War
,
but
to
lay
down
this
Supposition
as
the
only
fundamental
Principle
of
all
Government
and
Morality
:
for
if
that
be
the
State
of
Nature
,
to
which
Nature
it self
would
guide
and
direct
reasonable
Men
,
though
they
were
under
no
obligation
of
Laws
or
Covenants
no
nor
Deity
,
then
certainly
the
State
of
Nature
must
be
a
State
of
Peace
and
Friendship
in
that
it
is
so
apparent
from
the
plainest
and
most
familiar
Observations
of
things
,
that
Mankind
is
furnisht
with
sufficient
Provisions
for
the
necessities
and
comforts
of
life
,
if
every
man
would
be
content
with
his
own
moderate
and
reasonable
proportion
;
but
if
not
,
that
then
their
lives
must
of
necessity
become
for
ever
forlorn
and
miserable
,
and
that
they
would
all
be
so
far
from
being
ever
secure
in
their
own
enjoyments
,
that
it
would
be
plainly
impossible
for
every
or
any
single
Person
to
defend
himself
against
the
fraud
or
the
violence
of
all
the
World
beside
.
If
this
(
I
say
)
be
so
visible
from
the
very
first
Observation
of
things
,
Mankind
cannot
be
supposed
so
wild
and
extravagant
(
unless
we
can
suppose
them
all
perfectly
mad
and
void
of
all
sense
of
wisedom
and
reason
)
as
naturally
to
fall
into
a
state
of
mutual
hatred
and
enmity
,
when
that
were
so
manifest
a
contradiction
to
the
first
dictates
of
their
own
Understandings
,
and
the
most
obvious
directions
of
the
nature
of
things
.
And
therefore
they
can
never
come
into
this
inhumane
condition
of
life
,
till
they
become
so
unwise
and
so
unnatural
,
as
to
act
against
all
the
principles
of
their
own
Reasons
,
and
all
the
suggestions
of
their
own
Interests
.
So
far
is
this
from
being
the
original
State
of
humane
Nature
,
that
(
without
the
supposition
of
a
Providence
)
nothing
can
ever
betray
men
into
it
but
the
most
unnatural
and
unreasonable
folly
in
the
World
.
So
that
though
we
could
suppose
that
humane
Race
sprang
out
of
the
Earth
without
dependance
upon
or
obligation
to
any
Creatour
,
yet
if
we
will
be
pleased
only
to
suppose
them
endued
with
the
Faculties
and
Apprehensions
of
Men
,
they
would
naturally
fall
into
a
condition
of
Peace
and
Society
,
it
being
so
evidently
every
Man's
Interest
to
seek
and
procure
it
.
So
that
this
imaginary
State
of
War
is
just
so
much
the
State
of
Nature
as
it
is
for
all
Mankind
to
be
Fools
and
Madmen
.
But
if
it
be
more
natural
for
this
sort
of
Beings
that
we
call
Men
to
be
guided
in
their
Actions
by
the
nature
of
things
and
the
convictions
of
their
own
Minds
,
and
the
love
of
their
own
selves
,
that
will
immediately
reverse
the
whole
train
of
their
Thoughts
and
Inclinations
,
and
bend
all
their
Designs
to
a
quite
contrary
course
of
life
,
and
instead
of
every
Man
's
falling
upon
every
Man
he
meets
(
as
that
Hypothesis
imagines
)
he
would
court
his
Friendship
,
though
he
had
no
other
motive
to
it
,
than
that
by
his
help
and
assistance
,
he
might
the
better
secure
his
own
safety
.
And
if
it
be
natural
for
every
man
in
his
wits
to
seek
and
desire
that
(
which
no
man
in
his
wits
can
ever
doubt
of
)
't
is
as
natural
to
enlarge
his
Friendships
and
Dependances
,
in
that
as
many
as
he
endears
or
obliges
,
so
many
he
engages
to
his
service
and
defence
;
so
that
so
far
as
Men
live
according
to
the
first
Principles
of
Nature
and
Discretion
,
so
far
do
they
endeavour
after
the
love
and
good-will
of
Mankind
,
because
their
safety
and
happiness
is
greater
or
less
according
to
the
number
of
their
Friends
or
Enemies
;
and
therefore
every
Man
as
he
is
concern'd
to
secure
his
own
quiet
,
is
concern'd
to
secure
the
good-will
of
all
Men
,
and
to
procure
it
by
being
as
unfeinedly
concern'd
for
their
welfare
as
for
his
own
.
For
that
is
the
most
proper
and
effectual
method
to
engage
any
Man
to
seek
or
consult
my
Interest
;
to
convince
him
that
it
is
most
serviceable
to
his
own
;
so
that
the
strongest
motive
that
can
be
propounded
to
court
his
benevolence
,
is
to
perswade
and
satisfy
him
that
it
is
the
most
natural
and
most
probable
way
to
endear
me
to
his
cause
and
service
;
and
therefore
upon
the
same
Principle
that
every
Man
is
inclined
to
seek
his
own
private
good
,
unless
he
will
directly
cross
with
his
own
designs
,
he
is
obliged
to
seek
the
publick
too
,
i.
e.
the
good
of
all
others
within
the
sphere
of
his
own
Power
and
Capacity
.
But
now
if
he
be
so
plainly
directed
to
this
by
the
nature
of
things
,
and
if
the
nature
of
things
were
so
framed
and
contrived
on
purpose
by
a
Wise
and
Supreme
Cause
;
that
is
a
sufficient
Indication
to
Mankind
,
that
it
is
his
mind
and
will
that
they
should
govern
themselves
and
their
Actions
by
its
direction
;
because
,
as
I
premised
at
the
beginning
,
the
whole
train
of
natural
Effects
are
ultimately
to
be
resolved
into
his
Providence
,
that
is
the
only
cause
of
the
nature
of
things
,
and
of
all
the
properties
that
result
from
it
;
and
therefore
if
the
usefulness
and
necessity
of
this
Rule
be
so
evident
in
the
whole
Contrivance
of
Nature
,
it
is
the
Authour
of
Nature
that
has
made
it
so
;
and
then
there
is
no
avoiding
the
Conclusion
without
downright
and
wilfull
perverseness
,
but
that
he
intended
that
those
of
his
Creatures
,
that
were
able
to
make
Observations
upon
his
Works
,
should
take
it
for
the
Rule
of
their
Actions
.
So
that
if
there
be
an
Authour
of
Nature
,
this
is
a
demonstrative
proof
of
the
Law
of
Nature
;
and
no
Man
can
desire
a
greater
Evidence
than
he
has
or
may
have
of
the
truth
of
that
Supposition
.
For
if
there
were
no
God
,
't
is
certain
we
can
be
under
no
Obligation
;
but
if
there
be
one
,
and
if
he
have
so
clearly
discover'd
his
Will
in
all
the
Effects
of
his
Providence
,
he
has
done
all
that
can
be
required
to
establish
it
into
a
Law
,
and
declare
it
a
matter
of
our
Duty
.
So
that
by
the
same
method
that
we
arrive
to
the
knowledg
of
the
Supreme
Cause
,
are
we
forced
into
an
acknowledgment
of
his
Sovereign
Will
and
Pleasure
;
and
if
from
all
the
wonderfull
and
curious
Contrivances
that
appear
in
the
nature
of
things
,
it
be
reasonable
to
conclude
that
they
were
so
disposed
by
a
Wise
and
Intelligent
Being
;
the
very
same
Appearances
that
discover
him
,
discover
his
Intention
too
.
And
therefore
whoever
goes
about
to
avoid
the
Obligation
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
must
first
casheir
the
Being
of
a
God
;
and
then
indeed
(
as
I
observed
at
first
)
our
work
is
done
;
for
it
is
in
vain
to
vindicate
the
Goodness
and
Wisdom
of
his
Providence
,
if
there
be
no
such
thing
at
all
;
for
that
destroys
the
matter
of
Enquiry
and
the
Supposition
upon
which
we
argue
;
and
then
we
must
betake
our selves
to
a
new
dispute
,
and
prove
the
Existence
of
a
Deity
;
and
when
that
is
granted
,
we
may
then
and
not
till
then
,
proceed
to
demonstrate
from
all
the
Effects
of
his
Providence
the
Obligation
of
his
Laws
.
And
that
is
all
that
can
be
demanded
or
need
to
be
performed
,
upon
supposition
of
a
Supreme
Governour
of
the
World
,
to
assign
by
what
Laws
he
governs
it
;
and
he
is
a
very
unreasonable
Man
that
requires
greater
Evidence
of
the
Being
of
a
Law
,
than
can
be
given
of
the
Being
of
the
Lawgiver
himself
;
and
if
we
have
so
much
,
we
have
enough
and
all
that
we
can
justly
desire
,
and
he
that
would
have
more
,
is
not
to
be
satisfied
without
a
contradiction
.
This
then
being
granted
that
there
is
a
Sovereign
Cause
of
the
Universe
,
which
must
be
supposed
in
the
order
of
Nature
,
before
we
can
proceed
to
any
farther
Enquiry
;
the
best
and
easiest
way
to
find
out
the
rules
and
methods
of
his
Government
,
is
to
reflect
upon
the
naturall
order
and
tendency
of
things
;
for
that
being
altogether
contrived
and
design'd
by
himself
,
it
manifestly
discovers
to
all
that
are
able
to
observe
the
connection
between
causes
and
effects
,
what
he
principally
intends
and
aims
at
.
So
that
all
things
in
Nature
being
so
order'd
as
to
inform
every
Man
that
the
happiness
of
all
Mankind
and
every
member
thereof
is
to
be
obtain'd
by
mutuall
Benevolence
,
and
by
nothing
else
,
that
is
a
clear
and
satisfactory
evidence
to
them
all
,
that
as
it
is
the
end
of
all
his
purposes
,
so
it
is
his
intention
to
oblige
all
his
Subjects
to
act
in
pursuance
of
the
same
design
.
And
what
could
be
done
more
effectually
to
engage
them
to
it
,
than
to
let
them
know
(
if
they
will
know
any
thing
at
all
)
not
onely
that
it
is
his
own
will
and
pleasure
by
that
order
that
he
has
establish't
in
the
world
;
but
also
that
he
expects
that
they
should
comply
with
it
,
as
they
intend
to
enjoy
all
the
comforts
and
escape
all
the
miseries
of
life
;
and
that
he
has
done
to
purpose
,
when
he
has
made
every
Man's
private
Good
so
manifestly
to
depend
upon
his
sincere
and
serious
Endeavours
to
promote
the
Good
of
all
,
with
the
same
necessary
connexion
as
naturall
Effects
do
upon
their
naturall
Causes
;
and
therefore
seeing
we
have
such
an
ample
assurance
of
the
nature
of
our
Duty
,
and
such
vehement
Enforcements
to
perform
it
,
we
have
all
the
conditions
that
can
be
required
to
bring
us
under
the
Power
of
a
Law
or
an
Obligation
to
Obedience
.
§
V.
Now
this
sense
of
mutuall
Benevolence
,
as
it
contains
in
it
all
the
duties
of
Justice
and
Equity
,
and
is
able
(
if
attended
to
)
without
any
other
direction
to
preserve
men
honest
and
vertuous
in
all
their
entercourses
of
life
,
so
it
erects
(
without
any
train
of
Consequences
)
the
two
things
,
that
are
the
most
necessary
to
the
happiness
and
security
of
mankind
,
Society
and
Propriety
;
in
that
it
consists
in
nothing
else
than
a
just
and
reasonable
Division
of
every
Man's
Love
between
himself
and
the
publick
,
i.
e.
between
himself
and
all
others
to
whom
his
Power
and
Concernment
reaches
.
Now
if
there
be
a
common
interest
,
in
which
every
Man
is
concern'd
,
as
he
is
concern'd
in
his
own
,
that
is
it
that
makes
Society
;
and
if
no
Man
from
the
naturall
condition
of
his
faculties
be
able
to
carry
on
either
the
one
or
the
other
without
having
a
peculiar
share
divided
and
appropriated
to
himself
for
the
exercise
and
employment
of
his
industry
;
it
is
that
that
assigns
and
settles
propriety
;
so
that
both
these
result
immediately
from
the
constitution
of
nature
,
and
are
as
evident
to
any
Man
that
observes
the
natural
frame
of
things
,
as
any
experiments
in
naturall
Philosophy
,
or
problems
in
Mathematicks
,
and
resolve
themselves
into
such
propositions
as
these
,
that
those
causes
that
preserve
the
whole
,
preserve
its
parts
also
;
and
that
those
that
preserve
the
parts
,
preserve
the
whole
;
but
for
a
fuller
and
more
distinct
demonstration
of
both
,
we
shall
prove
and
consider
them
apart
.
And
first
as
for
Society
;
it
is
absolutely
necessary
to
the
support
and
comfort
of
the
life
of
Man
;
for
were
this
once
dissolved
,
and
should
Mankind
once
betake
themselves
to
the
Woods
and
the
Deserts
,
and
imitate
the
manners
of
wild
and
unsociable
Creatures
,
they
must
subsist
by
destroying
and
preying
upon
each
other
;
and
then
the
most
innocent
would
always
be
the
least
secure
,
as
never
being
apt
to
invade
other
mens
rights
,
and
lying
always
exposed
to
other
mens
wrongs
and
injuries
;
and
on
the
contrary
the
most
injurious
would
always
upon
that
account
be
the
least
unhappy
,
ever
studying
to
enlarge
the
bounds
of
their
Power
by
wily
and
unjust
Invasions
;
and
then
the
wanton
and
the
violent
Leviathan
must
at
length
devour
all
,
as
being
the
cruelest
,
and
so
more
apt
;
the
strongest
,
and
so
more
able
to
oppress
the
rest
.
Whence
that
saying
of
one
of
the
Ancients
that
Laws
and
Societies
were
established
for
the
sake
of
wise
and
good
men
,
viz.
to
preserve
them
from
the
injuries
and
oppressions
of
the
bad
;
for
as
much
as
if
these
would
but
be
content
to
prescribe
bounds
to
their
appetites
,
and
moderate
their
desires
by
the
capacities
of
Nature
,
they
would
never
be
disposed
nor
invited
to
encroach
upon
other
mens
enjoyments
;
but
whilst
their
Appetites
are
unbridled
and
exorbitant
,
and
not
restrain'd
within
the
necessities
and
conveniencies
of
Nature
,
they
must
be
invading
the
Shares
and
Proprieties
of
their
honest
and
harmless
Neighbours
to
satisfy
their
wanton
and
unreasonable
Humours
.
This
then
is
the
proper
end
and
usefulness
of
Society
,
to
institute
a
common
Amity
and
Friendship
amongst
men
,
to
unite
multitudes
together
into
combinations
of
Friendship
,
to
endear
them
to
each
other
by
mutuall
Offices
of
love
and
kindness
,
and
by
a
joynt
defence
of
their
common
welfare
against
all
foreign
Injuries
and
Invasions
;
so
that
to
be
just
and
honest
is
onely
to
be
true
and
faithfull
to
our
Friends
;
and
were
Mankind
as
faithfull
to
one
another
as
the
condition
of
their
Nature
requires
,
and
the
Author
of
it
expects
,
there
would
be
no
need
of
civil
Laws
and
Penalties
,
that
are
onely
a
second
and
subsidiary
help
to
force
a
few
bad
men
to
preserve
that
amity
and
friendship
,
which
,
were
they
good
and
vertuous
,
they
would
choose
of
their
own
accord
,
as
most
reasonable
in
it self
;
and
most
agreeable
to
humane
nature
.
So
that
this
is
plain
,
that
if
Men
will
but
reflect
upon
the
Condition
of
their
Natures
;
consider
the
insufficiency
of
their
own
personal
Strength
to
their
own
Security
;
observe
the
necessity
of
a
publick
Concern
in
order
to
the
preservation
of
every
Man
's
private
Interest
,
that
alone
(
unless
they
were
in
good
earnest
resolved
to
work
their
own
destruction
)
would
combine
and
embodie
them
into
Societies
to
maintain
each
others
Rights
by
a
common
Assistance
against
all
the
Invasions
of
Fraud
and
Violence
.
And
without
this
what
could
be
more
wretched
,
forlorn
,
and
melancholy
than
the
Life
of
Man
?
for
if
we
suppose
him
in
that
State
of
War
,
that
as
our
Authour
tells
us
,
could
we
suppose
him
out
of
Society
,
must
be
natural
and
unavoidable
,
every
Man
must
then
live
in
perpetual
dangers
,
fears
and
jealousies
,
seeing
he
must
have
every
Man
to
his
Enemy
;
and
is
not
his
Condition
sufficiently
desperate
,
that
must
trust
to
his
own
single
Strength
and
Wit
to
guard
and
defend
himself
against
the
Fraud
and
Violence
of
all
the
World
beside
?
There
is
nothing
more
obvious
than
that
this
eternal
Warfare
is
the
most
improper
State
for
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
in
general
,
or
the
security
of
every
Man
's
particular
Possessions
and
Accommodations
;
and
that
is
it
certainly
destructive
of
all
those
Comforts
and
Advantages
,
that
are
to
be
reaped
from
and
enjoyed
in
a
State
of
Peace
and
Society
.
And
therefore
no
Man
that
has
any
kindness
for
himself
can
ever
think
it
wise
or
reasonable
in
it self
,
or
well-pleasing
to
their
Maker
,
for
all
men
to
continue
in
such
a
State
,
in
which
they
must
all
for
their
own
security
be
obliged
to
seek
their
own
mutual
Mischief
and
Destruction
.
And
if
a
State
of
War
and
Anarchy
be
so
manifestly
uncomfortable
,
that
alone
is
a
sufficient
Direction
to
all
men
in
their
wits
to
think
of
conditions
of
peace
and
mutuall
defence
;
and
men
must
be
supposed
so
cross
grain'd
to
themselves
,
that
they
must
wittingly
choose
to
thwart
both
their
Interest
and
their
Reason
,
before
they
can
reconcile
their
minds
to
any
other
thoughts
than
of
Love
and
Society
.
And
if
it
were
possible
ever
to
imagine
Mankind
out
of
a
condition
of
Government
,
we
can
never
conceive
them
so
absur'd
,
as
to
choose
to
continue
in
a
posture
so
unsafe
and
so
uncomfortable
.
And
therefore
it
is
as
wild
as
confident
an
assertion
of
our
Philosopher
of
Malmsbury
to
lay
it
down
as
the
fundamentall
Principle
of
all
Government
,
that
Mankind
is
inclined
and
determined
by
Nature
to
acts
of
mutuall
hatred
and
hostility
.
For
what
does
he
mean
by
the
nature
of
Man
?
If
those
passions
and
inclinations
that
are
common
to
him
with
other
Creatures
;
even
that
is
manifestly
false
as
we
shall
prove
in
the
sequell
of
this
discourse
by
an
induction
of
particulars
,
in
that
every
thing
in
humane
nature
has
a
vehement
tendency
to
acts
of
love
and
good-will
.
But
suppose
his
bruitish
part
to
be
wild
and
savage
,
yet
if
we
take
in
the
whole
account
of
our
Nature
,
and
onely
suppose
our selves
intelligent
and
rationall
Beings
,
nothing
will
appear
more
extravagant
than
to
affirm
that
nature
inclines
or
rather
(
as
he
determines
it
)
forces
us
into
a
posture
of
War
and
mutuall
Cruelty
;
and
here
it
is
not
at
all
materiall
whether
Reason
be
an
innate
faculty
,
or
onely
an
acquired
habit
and
result
of
Experience
;
but
't
is
sufficient
to
my
purpose
that
every
Man
has
or
may
have
ability
and
sagacity
enough
to
observe
what
tends
to
,
and
what
contradicts
his
own
happiness
;
and
to
govern
his
appetites
and
passions
,
so
as
may
be
most
serviceable
to
the
comfort
and
chearfulness
of
his
own
life
.
And
then
it
is
as
absur'd
to
say
that
it
is
naturall
to
Mankind
to
hate
and
destroy
one
another
,
as
that
it
is
prudent
and
reasonable
for
every
Man
to
follow
such
courses
,
as
are
apparently
contradictory
to
his
own
safety
and
interest
,
for
nothing
is
more
plainly
so
,
and
more
freely
acknowledg'd
on
all
hands
to
be
so
,
than
a
State
of
perpetuall
war
and
enmity
;
and
so
it
is
largely
enough
represented
by
the
Author
himself
of
that
Hypothesis
.
So
that
if
it
be
most
naturall
to
Mankind
to
love
their
own
ease
and
happiness
,
and
to
use
and
pursue
those
means
that
are
absolutely
necessary
to
its
attainment
,
then
it
follows
unavoidably
that
nothing
is
more
naturall
than
to
seek
peace
and
friendship
,
without
which
the
life
of
Man
must
of
necessity
be
sadly
unsafe
and
uncomfortable
.
So
that
we
can
never
suppose
it
naturall
to
every
Man
to
quarrell
with
every
Man
,
till
we
can
suppose
it
naturall
to
all
Mankind
to
be
raving
and
bedlam
mad
,
and
to
endeavour
by
all
violent
means
as
well
to
make
away
themselves
as
to
destroy
one
another
;
and
when
we
have
supposed
that
,
it
will
then
(
I
must
confess
)
not
be
impossible
but
that
his
Philosophy
may
meet
with
some
entertainment
in
the
World
;
but
as
long
as
men
are
content
to
continue
in
their
Wits
,
they
will
always
judge
it
most
naturall
and
most
reasonable
to
choose
such
a
method
of
life
,
as
is
at
least
consistent
with
their
own
quiet
and
safety
,
and
by
consequence
will
abhor
nothing
with
a
more
naturall
Aversation
than
thoughts
and
designs
of
an
eternall
War
,
that
is
so
palpably
inconsistent
with
it
.
And
as
for
what
is
pretended
of
the
equality
of
all
mens
strength
by
nature
,
that
it
causes
mutuall
fear
,
and
that
mutuall
fear
puts
them
upon
mutuall
violence
,
every
Man
endeavouring
to
secure
himself
by
anticipating
the
attempts
of
every
Man
.
This
is
so
far
from
being
any
likely
motive
to
contention
,
that
there
cannot
be
a
more
effectuall
Argument
to
perswade
and
force
men
to
Friendship
,
and
to
assist
and
oblige
each
other
by
all
the
Offices
of
love
and
kindness
.
For
if
their
Forces
are
equall
,
so
is
the
danger
of
the
Combate
too
,
and
if
they
engage
it
is
possible
they
may
both
perish
by
the
event
of
War
,
at
least
the
Victour
cannot
gain
so
much
by
his
Enemies
destruction
as
he
ventures
by
the
hazard
of
his
own
life
;
and
therefore
seeing
there
is
so
little
advantage
to
be
got
in
this
way
of
defence
,
every
Man
can
have
but
very
little
reason
or
inclination
to
make
use
of
it
for
his
own
safety
.
And
then
beside
as
their
power
is
equall
to
injure
,
so
it
is
to
help
each
other
;
and
if
I
employ
my
strength
for
anothers
benefit
,
that
is
the
likeliest
way
to
oblige
him
to
a
just
and
honourable
Requitall
;
and
certainly
his
inclination
to
do
me
good
turns
is
somewhat
more
comfortable
than
his
displeasure
or
hostility
;
and
therefore
it
must
needs
be
a
much
more
forcible
inducement
to
win
his
good-will
by
Anticipations
of
Friendship
,
than
to
provoke
his
rage
and
revenge
by
invading
his
Rights
,
and
making
the
first
Assault
upon
his
Life
and
Liberty
.
But
if
we
farther
consider
how
vastly
every
single
Man's
Power
is
surmounted
by
the
Power
of
all
men
,
and
how
unable
one
man
is
to
defend
himself
against
the
violence
of
a
multitude
,
and
withall
how
much
his
interest
is
secured
and
enlarged
by
the
accession
of
all
mens
love
and
assistance
,
then
if
men
are
by
nature
bereaft
of
their
understandings
,
if
they
are
born
possest
with
wild
and
lunatick
Spirits
we
might
suppose
they
would
all
run
raving
and
foming
up
and
down
the
World
,
and
every
Man
fall
upon
every
Man
he
meets
with
,
and
that
for
no
other
reason
than
because
they
are
an
equall
match
,
so
that
if
he
did
not
give
,
he
must
take
the
first
blow
.
But
if
we
suppose
them
in
their
right
minds
,
with
any
sense
of
humanity
or
discretion
about
them
,
able
to
reflect
upon
the
great
advantages
of
mutuall
Benevolence
,
and
the
horrible
mischiefs
of
a
perpetuall
Hostility
,
it
is
easie
to
imagine
how
ready
and
forward
such
sober
People
would
be
to
oblige
one
another
by
kind
and
civill
Treatments
,
and
to
rejoyce
in
any
opportunities
of
doing
good
Offices
to
others
for
the
Comfort
and
Cheerfulness
of
their
own
lives
.
So
that
the
result
of
all
this
dispute
,
viz.
what
use
men
would
naturally
make
of
their
Power
upon
one
another
from
the
consideration
of
its
Equality
;
is
onely
to
enquire
whether
Mankind
be
by
nature
in
or
out
of
their
wits
;
if
the
former
may
be
taken
for
granted
,
the
case
is
very
plain
that
men
(
unless
they
are
alter'd
by
preter-naturall
distempers
)
are
creatures
tame
and
civill
enough
;
but
if
it
must
be
presumed
that
they
are
all
naturally
frantick
,
and
void
of
all
principles
of
reason
and
sobriety
,
that
indeed
will
be
a
proper
foundation
for
the
Hobbian
Politicks
,
and
upon
that
supposition
it
is
possible
they
may
be
allowed
;
I
am
sure
they
never
can
upon
any
other
.
And
as
for
what
is
farther
pretended
of
the
passion
of
fear
,
the
desire
of
Glory
,
and
some
other
affections
of
humane
Nature
,
that
they
naturally
dispose
men
into
a
posture
of
mutuall
violence
.
This
too
is
onely
credible
upon
the
former
supposition
;
for
if
all
Mankind
were
acted
purely
by
unaccountable
humours
and
whimseys
,
and
were
driven
upon
the
wildest
and
most
extravagant
attempts
without
their
own
consent
and
deliberation
,
then
indeed
we
might
suppose
they
might
be
hurried
upon
rash
and
fool-hardy
actions
,
they
know
neither
why
nor
how
.
But
if
these
passions
(
how
vehement
soever
)
are
or
may
be
brought
under
the
conduct
of
reason
and
discretion
,
and
if
we
have
so
much
power
over
them
,
as
that
we
may
(
if
we
please
)
not
indulge
them
any
farther
than
may
be
consistent
with
our
own
quiet
and
tranquility
,
then
the
Question
is
what
course
a
prudent
man
would
take
to
gratifie
these
inclinations
.
And
that
is
answer'd
from
the
premises
that
any
Man
in
his
wits
,
whatever
he
designes
,
would
endeavour
to
carry
on
all
his
projects
in
ways
of
peace
and
civility
;
and
especially
if
he
were
afraid
of
all
other
Men
,
he
would
think
it
his
wisest
course
rather
to
court
them
by
offers
of
friendship
,
than
to
provoke
them
by
injuries
and
ill-turns
.
So
that
the
inclination
of
these
passions
can
onely
be
accounted
for
in
conjunction
with
the
Reasons
and
Understandings
of
Men
;
and
then
what
way
a
prudent
man
would
naturally
determine
himself
,
that
must
be
supposed
their
naturall
tendency
.
They
are
not
capable
of
any
certain
determination
from
themselves
,
but
receive
their
Biass
from
the
bent
of
Mens
designs
and
resolutions
,
and
may
be
inclined
either
way
as
they
choose
to
act
rashly
or
advisedly
;
and
the
same
passions
that
make
Fools
and
Mad-men
turbulent
,
make
all
Men
in
their
wits
modest
and
peaceable
.
And
here
to
this
purpose
it
is
pretty
to
observe
that
when
Mr.
Hobbs
treats
of
War
and
the
causes
of
War
,
it
is
then
manifest
in
that
Chapter
that
Men
are
forced
into
it
by
the
violent
passions
of
Fear
,
and
Hope
,
and
Glory
;
but
then
when
he
proceeds
to
discourse
of
Peace
and
the
inducements
to
Peace
,
the
same
passions
are
ready
to
serve
his
purpose
thereto
,
and
the
very
same
naturall
causes
may
be
assign'd
either
for
War
or
Peace
as
it
pleases
him
and
serves
his
turn
and
his
cause
.
But
after
this
rate
of
talking
it
is
an
easie
matter
to
prove
any
thing
out
of
any
thing
,
it
is
no
more
than
first
to
lay
two
propositions
together
,
and
proceed
to
say
this
follows
that
,
though
there
be
no
other
reason
for
it
,
than
because
it
did
not
go
before
it
,
and
that
is
an
Hobbian
Demonstration
.
But
this
may
suffice
to
shew
that
as
mutuall
Benevolence
is
necessary
to
the
happiness
of
Mankind
,
so
is
society
necessary
to
the
exercise
of
mutuall
Benevolence
;
and
if
so
,
then
if
there
be
a
supreme
Governour
of
the
World
,
that
is
an
unquestionable
proof
of
its
Institution
by
virtue
of
his
Authority
;
in
that
without
it
,
it
is
manifest
he
can
never
obtain
the
end
of
his
Creation
,
which
(
if
it
be
any
at
all
)
must
be
the
happiness
of
his
Creatures
,
a
thing
plainly
impossible
to
be
hoped
for
without
the
benefit
of
Society
.
Especially
when
he
has
vested
all
Mankind
in
an
equall
and
common
Right
,
to
the
comfort
and
felicity
of
their
Lives
,
and
when
we
know
that
he
desires
and
intends
the
well-fare
of
all
his
Off-spring
,
and
when
he
has
made
that
to
depend
so
unavoidably
upon
the
care
and
the
safety
of
a
common
Interest
;
all
that
is
a
sufficient
declaration
of
his
will
to
all
his
Creatures
,
that
are
able
to
observe
and
reflect
upon
that
order
of
things
that
he
has
instituted
and
establish't
in
the
frame
of
his
Creation
,
that
he
expects
they
should
pursue
the
same
end
with
himself
(
which
is
the
good
of
all
)
and
make
use
of
such
means
as
are
absolutely
necessary
to
its
attainment
(
which
is
Society
)
especially
when
he
has
farther
enforced
it
by
such
powerfull
Rewards
and
Penalties
,
as
to
annex
every
single
Man's
Happiness
to
the
performance
,
and
his
Misery
to
the
neglect
of
this
Duty
.
§
VI.
Secondly
,
as
for
Propriety
,
it
is
as
plainly
instituted
and
injoined
by
Nature
,
or
the
Authour
of
Nature
as
Society
;
and
that
upon
these
two
accounts
,
in
that
every
Man
's
naturall
power
and
capacity
is
limited
,
and
that
unavoidably
and
by
it self
introduces
a
limited
use
and
enjoyment
of
things
;
for
no
Man
can
claim
a
greater
right
from
Nature
than
he
is
capable
of
enjoying
,
and
therefore
seeing
that
is
fully
provided
for
by
a
parcell
that
is
proportion'd
to
it self
and
its
necessities
,
he
cannot
challenge
by
virtue
of
his
naturall
Right
any
power
over
the
Remainder
;
but
will
be
content
to
leave
whatsoever
he
cannot
enjoy
himself
to
other
Mens
use
and
advantage
;
and
certainly
that
is
very
reasonable
to
allow
our
Neighbours
to
challenge
their
share
of
happiness
when
our
own
turn
is
fully
served
and
satisfied
.
So
that
Nature
by
setting
bounds
to
the
capacities
of
our
Appetites
and
Enjoyments
thereby
plainly
determines
the
limits
of
our
Rights
,
without
setting
them
forth
by
any
other
lines
and
descriptions
.
For
the
right
of
Nature
neither
is
nor
can
be
(
as
some
Lawyers
and
Philosophers
have
wildly
enough
defined
it
)
any
such
state
of
life
in
which
Mankind
may
be
supposed
free
from
all
manner
of
Laws
and
Obligations
,
because
this
very
supposition
is
made
inconsistent
and
impossible
from
the
Nature
of
created
Beings
,
which
can
never
be
supposed
to
exist
without
depending
upon
and
being
subject
to
some
superiour
Power
,
and
that
implies
or
at
least
inferrs
their
Obnoxiousness
to
Duty
and
Obligation
;
and
then
his
will
or
pleasure
by
whatsoever
means
it
is
reveal'd
and
discover'd
becomes
the
measure
both
of
their
Duty
and
their
Liberty
.
And
therefore
it
must
needs
be
a
wild
account
of
things
that
supposes
any
right
of
Nature
antecedent
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
because
it
is
so
flat
a
contradiction
to
the
naturall
state
of
things
,
that
carry
conscience
of
Duty
and
engagements
to
Obedience
in
their
very
existence
;
and
therefore
to
suppose
them
to
be
,
and
not
to
be
subject
to
the
law
of
Nature
or
the
will
of
its
Author
,
is
to
suppose
them
both
to
be
and
not
to
be
at
the
same
time
.
And
though
Man
be
made
a
free
Agent
,
that
is
endued
with
a
Power
to
doe
whatsoever
pleases
him
,
yet
Power
is
not
Right
,
but
the
right
use
of
Power
is
;
and
when
he
does
or
desires
such
things
as
are
fit
and
consonant
to
his
Nature
,
he
observes
its
Laws
and
maintains
its
Rights
,
because
he
is
allowed
every
thing
that
is
naturall
and
forbid
nothing
but
what
is
not
.
So
that
the
Law
of
Nature
is
no
restraint
superinduced
upon
the
desires
and
liberties
of
Nature
(
as
it
is
generally
conceived
)
but
it
is
such
a
rule
of
life
as
is
most
agreeable
to
the
naturall
state
of
things
;
and
it
is
onely
a
regard
to
that
that
determines
the
measures
of
our
Duty
,
and
from
thence
the
bounds
of
our
Liberty
.
Naturall
Justice
consists
in
restraining
our
desires
to
our
naturall
Appetites
,
all
that
exceeds
them
,
it
forbids
;
that
is
the
Law
of
Nature
;
all
that
does
not
,
it
permits
,
and
that
is
the
right
of
Nature
;
so
that
it
is
plain
that
Nature
sets
bounds
to
it self
by
the
limitedness
of
its
own
Being
,
and
that
it
is
impossible
there
should
ever
be
any
state
of
Nature
capable
of
an
unlimited
Right
,
for
its
Liberty
can
never
be
greater
than
its
Capacities
,
and
therefore
if
its
Powers
are
confined
within
certain
measures
,
its
Rights
must
be
restrained
to
the
same
allowances
,
for
it
is
apparently
absurd
to
say
that
any
Man
has
a
right
or
a
licence
to
doe
more
than
he
can
doe
.
So
vain
a
conceit
is
it
to
suppose
that
in
the
state
of
Nature
every
Man
has
a
Right
to
all
things
,
when
it
is
so
contradictory
both
to
the
nature
of
things
,
and
so
inconsistent
with
the
reasonable
claims
of
all
other
Persons
;
and
supposes
no
less
absurdity
than
that
Nature
and
right
Reason
advise
a
Man
to
engross
to
himself
whatsover
he
can
,
though
it
be
of
no
advantage
to
himself
and
injurious
to
all
the
world
beside
;
than
which
nothing
can
be
conceived
more
disagreeing
with
the
state
of
Nature
and
the
dictates
of
right
Reason
;
for
that
being
of
a
limited
capacity
,
every
Man's
understanding
cannot
but
inform
him
that
he
ought
to
challenge
no
more
by
virtue
of
its
Right
,
than
what
it
is
capable
of
enjoying
;
and
if
he
do
,
that
then
he
claims
it
in
vain
and
to
no
real
purpose
,
and
that
certainly
agrees
neither
with
the
dictates
of
Nature
nor
of
right
Reason
.
So
that
though
we
should
remove
the
Divine
Providence
out
of
the
world
;
yet
notwithstanding
the
Right
or
at
least
the
Necessity
of
Propriety
would
arise
from
the
naturall
constitution
of
things
;
which
will
direct
every
Man
to
confine
his
desires
to
his
Appetites
,
and
when
he
has
his
own
share
of
happiness
to
content
himself
with
its
enjoyment
,
and
not
to
disturb
himself
or
defraud
his
Neighbours
without
encreasing
his
own
felicity
,
a
thing
so
apparently
absurd
that
nothing
can
be
more
so
,
than
to
suppose
that
this
is
the
naturall
humour
of
Mankind
,
and
especially
of
the
wiser
part
of
it
.
But
then
if
we
suppose
a
Divine
Providence
,
(
as
here
we
must
do
)
we
must
suppose
too
that
he
has
given
us
all
a
naturall
Right
and
Claim
to
our
portion
of
happiness
,
from
whence
it
follows
that
it
is
but
just
and
reasonable
,
and
agreeable
to
his
will
that
every
Man
should
be
willing
that
others
should
have
Liberty
to
enjoy
their
own
proper
share
of
Felicity
,
as
well
as
he
desires
to
enjoy
his
;
because
the
same
Providence
that
vests
me
in
a
Right
to
my
own
Propriety
,
has
granted
the
same
Right
to
all
Mankind
beside
;
and
therefore
naturall
equity
and
regard
to
his
Sovereign
will
commands
me
to
be
content
with
my
own
allowance
,
and
to
suffer
them
to
enjoy
what
is
allotted
to
their
share
.
So
unavoidable
is
the
Institution
of
Propriety
from
the
limitedness
of
our
Natures
and
their
naturall
Capacities
.
And
therefore
following
the
supposition
that
there
was
once
no
Propriety
,
and
that
all
the
World
lay
in
common
to
all
its
Inhabitants
,
yet
the
Nature
of
things
would
have
directed
them
to
a
division
,
it
being
so
plainly
necessary
both
to
the
preservation
of
the
whole
species
and
of
every
individual
Man
.
And
so
all
rational
Creatures
would
be
obliged
by
the
same
Law
,
and
with
the
same
Sanctions
to
establish
Propriety
,
by
which
they
are
obliged
in
obedience
to
their
Creatour's
will
to
promote
the
publick
good
.
And
yet
this
very
supposition
is
a
flat
contradiction
to
the
naturall
condition
of
Mankind
,
every
Man
being
born
in
a
state
of
Society
and
limited
use
of
things
;
for
,
as
Mr.
Hobbs
himself
states
it
,
we
are
no
sooner
born
,
but
we
are
actually
under
the
Power
and
Authority
of
our
Parents
,
so
that
it
is
as
naturall
to
Man
to
be
in
subjection
as
to
be
born
.
Neither
for
the
Proof
hereof
is
it
needfull
to
appeal
to
the
Testimony
of
the
sacred
History
or
any
other
ancient
Record
concerning
the
Original
of
Mankind
,
humane
Nature
it self
is
a
demonstration
of
its
own
beginning
,
for
seeing
it
cannot
subsist
but
in
individuals
,
and
seeing
every
individual
Man
is
mortall
,
there
must
be
some
other
cause
of
the
whole
race
of
Mankind
.
And
he
having
so
disposed
the
natural
condition
of
Men
as
that
no
Man
can
come
into
the
World
but
in
a
limited
state
of
things
,
that
is
a
demonstrative
evidence
of
its
Divine
Institution
.
2.
But
then
Secondly
,
we
are
forced
upon
it
in
that
as
single
Persons
cannot
enjoy
their
own
Lot
,
so
neither
can
they
contribute
their
Assistance
to
the
publick
good
but
by
a
limited
and
appropriated
use
of
things
,
for
their
naturall
Powers
being
of
a
finite
and
contracted
force
as
well
as
their
naturall
Appetites
;
they
can
serve
the
Common-wealth
onely
according
to
the
proportion
of
their
Abilities
,
and
therefore
seeing
one
man
cannot
do
all
things
,
it
is
necessary
every
Man
should
take
some
particular
task
for
the
carrying
on
of
the
publick
Welfare
.
And
if
right
reason
i.
e.
the
mind
of
Man
guiding
it self
by
an
upright
observation
of
the
Nature
of
things
,
commands
every
Man
to
seek
and
endeavour
the
happiness
of
all
Men
,
it
commands
us
to
confine
our
endeavours
within
the
reach
of
our
own
Activity
,
for
it
can
require
nothing
but
what
is
possible
by
Nature
,
and
therefore
its
Obligation
must
stint
it self
to
the
bounds
of
every
Man's
Power
,
and
so
it
promotes
the
Interest
of
the
Community
by
engaging
every
single
Member
of
it
to
do
his
own
work
and
mind
his
own
business
.
So
that
whoever
performs
the
duty
of
his
Station
and
Employment
,
serves
both
himself
and
the
Common-wealth
;
in
that
the
Prosperity
of
the
whole
arises
from
the
Industry
of
the
several
Parts
,
and
their
Industry
cannot
be
employed
without
assigning
them
distinct
Offices
and
divided
Interests
;
for
till
that
be
done
it
will
be
impossible
to
prevent
those
eternall
Quarrels
and
Contentions
,
that
must
arise
about
the
limits
of
every
Man
's
Right
,
and
the
proportion
of
every
Man's
Work
;
and
whilst
they
are
taken
up
with
their
own
picques
and
animosities
,
the
Earth
must
lye
uncultivated
and
the
publick
Weal
neglected
,
from
whence
nothing
else
can
naturally
follow
but
perpetuall
want
and
misery
.
And
the
most
common
experience
informs
us
that
there
is
no
way
of
avoiding
or
ending
Contentions
but
by
dividing
the
common
Interest
into
particular
shares
,
and
setting
out
every
Man
his
own
Propriety
,
so
plainly
does
there
follow
from
the
fundamental
principle
of
seeking
the
publick
Good
an
Obligation
upon
every
Man
to
accept
his
own
Lot
,
and
to
leave
all
others
undisturbed
in
theirs
,
whereby
he
fully
acquits
himself
as
to
all
the
duties
of
Justice
or
Honesty
,
whether
publick
or
private
.
And
for
this
Reason
has
the
Divine
Providence
distributed
among
the
Sons
of
men
variety
of
Abilities
,
whether
naturall
or
artificiall
,
suitable
to
all
the
needs
and
conveniencies
of
humane
life
,
that
so
by
a
joynt
contribution
of
every
Man's
Talent
and
Faculty
,
all
our
wants
may
some
way
or
other
be
tollerably
supplied
;
so
that
to
do
good
Offices
cannot
so
properly
be
said
to
give
as
to
exchange
Favours
;
and
they
are
duties
of
Justice
rather
than
Charity
;
every
Man
stands
endebted
by
the
bonds
and
engagements
of
Nature
to
cast
his
Symbol
into
the
publick
Stock
,
and
therefore
if
he
expect
to
enjoy
the
industry
of
other
Men
without
making
any
return
of
some
service
of
his
own
,
he
does
not
onely
cheat
them
,
but
he
robs
and
defrauds
the
whole
Society
.
And
he
that
carries
on
no
designs
of
good
but
purely
for
himself
,
is
not
onely
wretched
and
nigardly
,
but
he
is
false
and
injurious
.
In
short
all
the
Laws
of
Justice
and
Society
are
contain'd
in
that
one
excellent
and
comprehensive
Rule
,
Whatsoever
ye
would
that
Men
should
doe
unto
you
,
even
so
doe
unto
them
.
And
therefore
unless
a
Man
would
be
content
(
which
no
Man
can
be
)
that
all
other
Men
should
mind
nothing
but
their
own
meer
selves
,
and
that
in
opposition
both
to
his
own
and
the
publick
Interest
,
he
is
unjust
or
does
not
as
he
would
be
done
by
,
if
he
perform
not
to
others
the
same
Offices
that
he
expects
from
them
,
in
all
his
respective
capacities
:
but
if
he
does
,
he
is
an
honest
man
,
a
good
Neighbour
,
and
a
good
Subject
,
and
discharges
all
that
can
be
required
of
him
towards
all
Relations
.
So
that
Propriety
and
Commerce
are
so
far
from
being
of
any
positive
Institution
,
that
Mankind
are
forced
upon
it
by
the
first
necessities
of
Nature
,
and
naturally
fall
into
it
for
their
own
subsistence
and
preservation
.
It
s
benefit
is
so
obvious
and
its
practice
so
unavoidable
,
that
Men
betake
themselves
to
it
almost
antecedently
to
their
Reasonings
.
The
limitedness
of
every
Man
's
own
Nature
confines
him
to
a
certain
Propriety
,
and
the
convenience
of
his
own
life
invites
him
to
trade
and
transact
with
others
thereby
to
partake
the
use
of
their
Proprieties
as
well
as
his
own
;
for
that
is
the
proper
advantage
of
Commerce
to
emprove
and
enlarge
the
comforts
of
life
by
mutuall
Exchanges
,
whereby
every
Man
enjoys
what
every
Man
possesses
.
And
this
is
the
naturall
Originall
of
dominion
too
,
that
is
nothing
else
but
a
lasting
and
continued
Propriety
;
for
if
at
present
I
have
a
Right
to
a
divided
use
of
things
,
both
for
my
own
preservation
and
the
common
Good
,
their
future
enjoyment
has
the
same
Relation
to
the
future
security
of
both
,
as
their
present
has
to
the
present
,
and
therefore
it
is
as
naturall
and
as
necessary
that
I
should
be
vested
with
a
perpetuall
Power
to
hold
my
Estate
against
all
other
claims
and
pretences
hereafter
,
as
it
is
that
I
should
use
or
enjoy
it
at
present
;
and
that
is
all
that
we
mean
by
Dominion
.
This
may
suffice
in
general
to
shew
how
plainly
Nature
,
and
God
by
Nature
informs
Mankind
of
these
great
and
fundamental
Duties
of
Justice
and
Morality
;
their
Knowledge
is
so
obvious
as
to
make
their
Obligation
unavoidable
.
§
VII
.
But
beside
this
undoubted
signification
of
his
Will
,
that
he
has
given
from
the
Constitution
of
all
things
without
us
,
he
has
farther
secured
our
regard
and
obedience
to
it
from
the
Constitution
of
all
things
within
us
:
there
is
no
Faculty
or
Passion
in
humane
Nature
that
does
not
incline
us
to
,
or
rather
enforce
us
upon
their
Observation
,
insomuch
that
we
cannot
neglect
them
without
doing
violence
to
all
our
own
Inclinations
as
well
as
affronting
all
the
dictates
of
Reason
,
and
the
directions
of
Nature
.
I
shall
not
insist
upon
all
Particulars
,
but
shall
content
my self
with
onely
these
Three
.
-
1.
The
natural
Activity
of
the
Mind
of
Man
.
-
2.
It
s
natural
Sense
and
Appetite
of
Happiness
.
-
3.
Some
natural
Instincts
and
Inclinations
of
humane
Nature
.
All
which
necessarily
leade
to
the
Knowledge
and
engage
to
the
Practice
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
.
All
which
will
amount
to
no
inconsiderable
proof
of
the
abundant
care
that
the
divine
Providence
has
taken
to
acquaint
us
with
the
nature
of
our
Duty
,
and
to
endear
it
to
our
Regard
.
1.
The
natural
Activity
of
the
Mind
of
Man
;
it
cannot
avoid
to
reflect
upon
its
own
Nature
,
and
observe
its
own
Inclinations
and
Faculties
;
and
by
that
means
it
immediately
perceives
it self
to
be
a
thinking
or
a
reasonable
Being
;
and
then
it
is
as
natural
to
it
to
act
suitably
to
the
condition
of
its
Nature
,
as
it
is
to
all
other
Creatures
to
follow
the
Instincts
and
Appetites
of
theirs
;
for
as
the
brute-Beasts
are
prompted
to
pursue
agreeable
Objects
by
an
inward
Sense
of
their
own
Desires
and
Necessities
;
so
is
Man
inclined
to
act
rationally
by
that
inward
Assurance
he
has
that
he
is
endued
with
Reason
and
Understanding
;
and
that
alone
is
sufficient
to
bring
an
Obligation
upon
him
without
any
other
express
and
positive
Command
.
For
as
by
this
Reflection
he
is
lead
into
the
Knowledge
of
Himself
and
his
Nature
,
so
by
that
Knowledge
is
he
instructed
in
the
Rule
of
his
Duty
;
which
is
onely
to
live
and
behave
himself
as
becomes
a
reasonable
Creature
;
and
in
that
consists
the
morality
of
his
Actions
;
so
that
from
the
Nature
of
Man
,
and
from
the
Knowledge
of
his
own
Nature
(
of
which
yet
it
is
impossible
for
him
to
be
ignorant
)
results
the
Sense
and
the
Conscience
of
his
Duty
;
because
he
cannot
so
much
as
reflect
upon
himself
(
and
yet
that
he
cannot
avoid
)
without
being
conscious
of
the
Faculties
of
his
Mind
;
and
when
he
is
so
,
it
is
not
more
necessary
to
follow
its
Dictates
and
Suggestions
,
than
it
is
to
inform
him
how
to
satisfie
his
natural
Appetites
,
or
to
teach
him
that
when
he
is
hungry
or
thirsty
,
it
will
be
convenient
for
Nature
to
eat
or
drink
.
His
own
inward
Sense
is
enough
to
convince
him
of
their
Use
and
Comfort
,
and
that
without
any
other
Instruction
minds
him
of
seeking
such
Objects
and
doing
such
Actions
as
will
please
and
satisfie
his
Appetites
.
The
case
is
the
same
as
to
the
suggestions
of
our
Minds
;
to
be
sensible
of
them
is
of
it self
sufficient
to
oblige
us
to
act
accordingly
;
and
therefore
there
is
nothing
more
needfull
to
acquaint
Mankind
with
the
Obligations
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
than
onely
to
let
them
know
that
they
are
rational
Creatures
;
and
it
is
as
easy
for
them
to
know
that
,
as
it
is
to
know
that
they
are
.
But
as
it
is
unavoidable
for
the
Mind
of
Man
to
understand
it self
and
its
own
Abilities
;
so
is
it
to
take
notice
of
all
such
things
as
are
any
way
presented
to
its
Observation
,
and
then
to
reflect
upon
its
own
Knowledge
,
and
then
to
weigh
and
consider
the
nature
of
its
Objects
and
to
compare
them
among
themselves
,
and
out
of
all
to
draw
Conclusions
for
its
own
Use
and
Satisfaction
,
especially
when
it
perceives
it self
employed
in
such
matters
as
have
any
considerable
influence
upon
its
own
Welfare
and
Contentment
.
And
yet
such
are
all
the
first
Apprehensions
of
Things
,
they
thrust
and
obtrude
themselves
upon
our
Thoughts
,
and
are
so
obvious
and
so
perpetually
before
our
Eyes
that
it
is
scarce
in
our
Power
to
shift
their
Notice
.
Thus
has
every
Man
a
natural
Notion
of
Pain
and
Pleasure
,
and
he
feels
by
daily
Experience
what
things
are
gratefull
or
unpleasant
to
the
respective
Faculties
both
of
his
Body
and
Mind
,
and
those
he
pursues
and
these
he
shuns
with
a
kind
of
fatal
Necessity
.
So
that
if
he
will
but
attend
honestly
to
his
first
Observations
of
Things
,
that
alone
will
leade
him
into
a
clear
and
distinct
knowledge
of
his
Duty
,
i.
e.
to
apply
himself
to
such
a
course
of
life
as
he
apprehends
and
feels
to
be
most
serviceable
to
his
own
Interest
.
And
that
a
very
little
Experience
(
if
he
be
at
all
upright
)
will
convince
him
,
is
rather
to
be
obtain'd
in
the
ways
of
Justice
and
Integrity
than
of
Fraud
and
Violence
;
and
this
,
if
he
will
be
true
to
his
Principles
,
immediately
enters
him
upon
the
serious
Practice
of
all
moral
Vertues
.
So
that
upon
this
account
too
it
is
impossible
for
any
Man
to
avoid
the
knowledge
of
his
Duty
without
wilfull
and
affected
perverfeness
.
He
must
choose
to
be
ignorant
of
his
own
Being
,
he
must
resolve
not
to
reflect
upon
the
most
common
Objects
of
his
Senses
,
or
to
act
cross
to
the
most
necessary
and
unavoidable
Convictions
of
his
own
Mind
,
before
he
can
ever
think
of
reconciling
himself
to
unjust
and
vicious
Practices
;
and
if
so
,
then
can
no
Man
ever
pretend
that
he
wants
competent
Means
to
bring
him
into
a
sense
and
an
acknowledgment
of
his
moral
Obligations
.
For
in
the
result
of
this
Principle
there
are
but
two
things
necessary
to
a
Life
of
Vertue
,
and
they
are
Consideration
and
Integrity
;
both
which
are
so
entirely
within
our
own
Power
,
and
so
easily
secured
without
pains
or
study
,
that
no
Man
can
possibly
fail
in
either
of
them
without
wilfull
Prevarication
.
As
for
the
first
it
is
(
as
I
have
already
proved
)
natural
and
unavoidable
to
the
Mind
of
Man
,
that
is
of
so
spritely
and
active
a
Temper
,
that
it
cannot
subsist
without
thinking
and
reflecting
upon
its
own
Thoughts
,
and
of
this
every
Man
is
convinced
from
the
workings
of
his
own
Mind
.
When
he
is
at
leasure
and
free
from
all
other
Employment
,
that
is
seldom
or
never
Idle
,
but
is
always
framing
some
Conceits
and
Apprehensions
of
Things
,
and
entertaining
it self
with
its
own
Thoughts
and
Reasonings
,
so
that
it
is
so
far
from
requiring
any
strength
of
Intention
to
consider
of
Things
,
that
it
is
scarce
in
any
Man's
Power
to
avoid
it
:
Especially
when
there
are
so
many
outward
Objects
that
perpetually
thrust
themselves
upon
his
Observation
,
as
all
the
Appearances
of
Nature
do
;
so
that
at
last
there
is
nothing
more
requisite
to
make
him
acquainted
with
whatsoever
that
suggests
,
than
onely
to
take
notice
of
what
he
cannot
but
behold
.
And
such
Animadversions
are
so
familiar
and
so
importunate
,
that
to
overcome
their
force
and
vehemence
,
a
Man
must
first
take
no
little
pains
to
stiflle
and
neglect
them
;
so
easy
is
the
knowledge
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
that
no
Man
can
escape
it
without
labour'd
Ignorance
.
And
then
as
for
Integrity
,
it
is
so
far
from
requiring
any
new
task
to
secure
it
,
that
(
unless
we
will
wilfully
pervert
the
workings
of
our
own
Minds
)
it
unavoidably
follows
upon
Consideration
:
For
certainly
there
is
nothing
more
natural
or
more
agreeable
than
for
a
Man
to
act
suitably
to
the
Dictates
and
Results
of
his
own
Thoughts
;
and
the
Man
that
determines
to
act
otherwise
,
resolves
to
be
cross
and
peevish
to
himself
and
his
own
Counsels
;
so
that
if
Men
will
but
onely
suffer
themselves
to
follow
the
plainest
Directions
of
their
own
Minds
and
Judgments
,
that
alone
will
keep
them
Upright
and
Innocent
as
to
the
main
and
most
important
Matters
of
their
Duty
.
And
that
is
enough
to
secure
the
Welfare
of
Mankind
and
the
Peace
of
Societies
,
and
to
satisfie
every
Man
's
own
Conscience
,
and
to
obtain
the
Divine
Acceptance
,
in
that
he
does
all
that
can
reasonably
be
expected
or
demanded
from
any
Person
in
his
Condition
;
and
to
suppose
that
the
Almighty
requires
more
,
is
plainly
to
destroy
the
Goodness
and
the
Justice
of
his
Providence
.
For
if
once
he
exacts
of
any
Man
beyond
the
proportion
of
his
Abilities
,
he
may
as
reasonably
impose
all
the
impossible
things
in
Nature
,
in
that
there
are
no
degrees
of
Impossibility
;
so
that
if
he
injoyn
me
any
one
thing
that
is
never
so
little
above
my
Power
(
so
it
be
but
above
it
)
he
may
as
well
injoyn
all
the
Contradictions
that
are
impossible
to
Omnipotence
it self
,
for
to
Me
and
my
Powers
they
are
both
alike
Impossible
.
So
that
unless
we
will
(
and
that
in
defiance
to
our
own
experience
)
charge
God's
Government
of
the
World
with
the
most
petulant
and
unreasonable
Tyranny
,
it
is
manifest
that
there
is
nothing
more
easie
or
more
obvious
in
Nature
than
for
Mankind
to
know
his
Will
and
procure
his
Favour
;
it
requires
nothing
more
than
not
to
be
wilfull
Sots
and
Fools
.
§
VIII
.
The
Second
Principle
that
forces
us
into
a
knowledge
of
our
Duty
is
that
natural
sense
and
desire
that
every
Man
has
of
his
own
Happiness
;
the
apprehension
and
the
appetite
whereof
result
from
the
first
and
the
strongest
instinct
of
Nature
,
in
that
it
is
without
doubt
natural
to
Mankind
,
as
well
as
to
all
other
Creatures
,
to
love
and
desire
their
own
Welfare
,
and
consequently
to
consider
by
what
means
and
in
what
methods
it
is
attainable
.
And
now
the
bare
proposal
and
prosecution
of
this
design
immediately
brings
every
Man
into
a
sense
of
all
the
main
duties
of
Morality
.
For
,
upon
the
serious
consideration
of
the
nature
of
Things
,
he
cannot
but
discern
in
the
result
of
all
,
that
Justice
and
Benevolence
has
a
more
effectual
tendency
to
procure
his
Happiness
than
Fraud
and
Oppression
.
And
then
,
if
,
upon
the
force
of
that
perswasion
,
he
set
himself
upon
resolutions
of
Vertue
and
Honesty
,
he
will
,
by
a
little
care
and
experience
,
gain
such
a
skill
in
their
practice
,
as
Men
usually
do
prudence
and
dexterity
in
the
management
of
those
Affairs
that
they
choose
for
the
serious
employment
of
their
Lives
.
For
they
,
according
to
the
sagacity
of
their
minds
,
quickly
grow
subtil
and
curious
in
their
own
proper
business
;
so
as
to
be
able
to
perceive
the
less
discernible
degrees
of
advantage
and
disadvantage
,
and
to
follow
them
with
greater
readiness
and
to
improve
them
with
greater
art
.
And
so
is
it
if
they
make
it
any
part
of
the
design
of
the
business
of
their
Lives
to
look
after
and
obtain
their
own
Contentment
,
and
so
betake
themselves
to
those
courses
and
manners
of
life
as
are
most
apparently
serviceable
to
that
end
;
they
cannot
but
arrive
at
a
competent
knowledge
and
sufficiency
,
not
onely
in
the
great
and
fundamental
rules
of
Morality
,
but
in
all
the
subordinate
measures
and
less
observable
circumstances
of
good
and
evil
.
So
that
it
is
made
almost
unavoidable
,
even
from
the
very
first
instinct
of
Nature
,
but
that
all
Men
must
have
some
sense
and
notion
of
their
Duty
,
because
it
is
impossible
but
they
must
sometimes
have
some
thoughts
and
some
designs
of
being
happy
;
and
then
if
they
act
in
order
to
it
,
according
to
the
dictates
of
their
own
minds
and
the
directions
suggested
to
them
by
the
nature
of
things
,
they
must
determin
themselves
to
pursue
it
in
such
ways
as
are
agreeable
to
both
,
i.
e.
by
living
according
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
the
Principles
of
Integrity
.
Or
by
being
sincere
in
their
pretences
of
Kindness
and
Benevolence
to
all
Men
,
and
faithfull
to
this
Principle
in
their
Entercourses
and
Transactions
with
them
,
which
alone
will
easily
leade
them
into
the
knowledge
and
bring
them
under
the
obligation
of
all
the
Duties
of
Morality
;
because
they
so
naturally
arise
out
of
this
Principle
,
or
are
rather
so
apparently
contain'd
in
it
,
that
whoever
embraces
it
as
the
best
Rule
of
his
Actions
,
and
the
most
usefull
Instrument
of
his
Happiness
,
cannot
,
as
occasion
is
offer'd
,
but
acknowledge
himself
bound
to
act
according
to
the
rules
and
prescriptions
of
all
the
particular
Vertues
that
are
but
so
many
ways
and
means
of
pursuing
this
one
general
End
:
And
in
whatsoever
capacity
we
consider
Mankind
,
if
we
are
resolved
to
seek
our
own
happiness
in
conjunction
with
the
common
good
,
(
and
yet
nothing
is
more
manifest
than
that
it
is
not
to
be
compast
upon
any
other
terms
)
this
will
secure
a
worthy
and
honest
behaviour
in
all
regards
and
towards
all
Relations
.
Thus
take
them
in
their
greater
or
their
lesser
Societies
,
this
still
enforces
them
to
pursue
what
is
usefull
or
necessary
to
the
good
of
all
;
some
things
there
are
necessary
to
the
welfare
of
Mankind
in
general
,
and
these
take
in
the
fundamental
Rules
of
Morality
and
the
Laws
of
Nations
;
(
which
are
nothing
else
than
the
Law
of
Nature
,
as
exercised
between
Nation
and
Nation
)
and
some
things
there
are
that
are
usefull
to
one
City
,
or
a
certain
Body
of
Men
united
under
one
civil
Government
,
and
these
are
provided
for
by
national
and
municipal
Laws
;
and
some
things
there
are
that
have
a
peculiar
Influence
upon
the
good
of
particular
Families
,
and
these
direct
to
us
the
performance
of
all
oeconomical
Duties
as
we
stand
engaged
in
our
several
domestick
Relations
;
and
lastly
,
some
things
there
are
that
relate
onely
to
the
concernments
of
single
Persons
,
and
by
these
is
every
Man
obliged
to
deal
justly
and
candidly
in
all
his
affairs
and
transactions
.
So
that
if
Men
have
any
sense
of
or
design
for
their
own
Happiness
,
and
if
they
will
be
upright
in
the
use
of
those
means
that
they
cannot
but
understand
to
be
most
effectual
to
procure
it
,
this
alone
will
irresistibly
drive
them
into
a
sense
and
acknowledgment
of
all
their
respective
obligations
.
And
in
the
same
manner
might
I
proceed
to
draw
forth
the
whole
System
of
all
moral
Vertues
from
this
natural
appetite
of
Happiness
;
but
that
is
too
large
an
undertaking
,
and
more
than
is
necessary
to
our
present
purpose
;
it
is
enough
that
if
Men
will
follow
their
own
natural
Instinct
of
self-love
,
and
take
those
courses
as
cannot
but
appear
to
themselves
most
agreeable
to
it
,
that
this
alone
will
guide
them
into
a
sufficient
knowledge
of
all
the
rules
of
Good
and
Evil.
§
IX
.
Thirdly
,
The
observation
of
this
Law
is
farther
recommended
,
and
in
some
measure
secured
,
by
its
agreeableness
with
all
the
Appetites
and
Inclinations
of
humane
Nature
;
all
our
natural
desires
are
not
onely
just
and
reasonable
in
themselves
,
but
they
incline
us
to
such
designs
and
actions
,
as
naturally
tend
to
the
good
and
welfare
of
Mankind
.
And
if
there
be
any
practices
that
have
a
more
remarkable
consonancy
to
our
Reasons
,
and
are
of
a
greater
necessity
to
our
Happiness
,
they
are
peculiarly
gratefull
and
acceptable
to
our
strongest
Instincts
and
Appetites
.
So
that
before
a
Man
can
cast
off
his
Obedience
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
he
must
doe
violence
to
all
its
Inclinations
,
and
pervert
the
bent
of
its
first
Impressions
as
well
as
affront
the
dictates
of
his
Understanding
,
i.
e.
Injustice
and
Cruelty
are
Unnatural
as
well
as
Unreasonable
;
and
all
Men
are
guarded
and
prejudiced
against
such
attempts
by
the
temper
and
constitution
of
their
Natures
;
that
recoils
at
an
unjust
or
an
unkind
action
,
and
has
some
affections
so
tender
,
that
they
cannot
naturally
endure
to
entertain
injurious
or
wicked
designs
;
and
withall
so
strong
and
vehement
that
they
force
him
to
a
prosecution
of
the
most
commendable
acts
of
love
and
kindness
.
So
that
though
they
were
not
establish't
into
Laws
,
nor
received
any
Sanction
from
the
meer
inclinations
of
Nature
(
though
that
they
must
,
if
we
suppose
an
Authour
of
Nature
)
yet
are
they
thereby
endear'd
to
our
care
and
observation
;
and
that
is
a
very
considerable
advantage
to
secure
their
credit
and
reputation
in
the
world
;
in
that
it
is
impossible
for
any
humour
to
keep
up
its
esteem
for
any
time
,
that
is
not
acceptable
to
Nature
:
and
therefore
how
much
soever
Men
may
labour
to
debauch
their
Minds
by
wicked
Customs
and
affected
Impieties
,
yet
in
spite
of
all
their
sturdy
Resolutions
,
natural
Affection
will
at
last
overcome
,
and
there
are
very
few
(
if
any
)
that
can
so
far
harden
themselves
as
to
shake
off
or
vanquish
all
natural
Endearments
.
But
for
a
more
satisfactory
account
of
this
Principle
it
is
necessary
to
specifie
some
particular
Passions
that
incline
Mankind
to
a
love
of
Society
and
Good-nature
,
or
(
in
other
words
)
to
Justice
and
Friendship
and
Honesty
.
1.
Conjunction
of
Sexes
for
propagation
of
the
kind
:
and
this
becomes
necessary
from
the
same
Causes
that
are
necessary
to
the
preservation
of
every
single
Person
,
and
this
not
onely
inclines
but
compels
them
to
delight
in
each
others
Society
,
with
the
highest
Affections
of
mutual
Love
and
Kindness
.
So
that
they
cannot
take
care
of
their
own
support
without
being
obliged
to
extend
their
Affections
beyond
themselves
;
and
this
inclination
is
of
greater
force
and
has
a
stronger
tendency
to
Society
in
Mankind
than
in
any
sort
of
Creatures
,
in
that
it
is
constant
and
perpetual
,
and
not
confined
to
certain
times
and
seasons
;
and
that
makes
them
more
capable
of
these
tender
impressions
:
and
thus
are
the
generality
of
Men
carried
on
by
the
instigation
of
Nature
,
as
well
as
some
other
motives
to
seek
Marriages
,
and
take
upon
them
the
care
of
Families
and
the
education
of
Children
;
and
that
obliges
them
to
Justice
and
Civility
as
well
for
the
sake
of
their
domestick
Relatives
as
for
their
own
.
For
the
preservation
of
Propriety
is
as
necessary
to
the
preservation
of
Families
as
of
Persons
;
and
therefore
as
I
would
not
provoke
my
Neighbour
to
invade
my
own
Enclosures
,
I
must
avoid
to
lay
waste
or
plunder
his
;
and
as
I
would
secure
my
own
Plantation
,
it
concerns
me
to
oblige
the
affections
and
assistence
of
all
others
that
lie
within
the
compass
of
my
Affairs
,
i.
e.
of
all
that
are
able
to
succour
me
with
their
Friendship
or
annoy
me
with
their
Injuries
.
And
thus
are
we
all
enforced
to
neighbourly
kindnesses
from
the
same
principle
that
endears
us
to
our
nearest
and
natural
Relations
,
and
this
concern
extends
it self
from
House
to
House
through
whole
Kingdoms
and
Countries
;
for
every
Man
has
the
same
tenderness
for
his
own
Family
as
for
himself
,
and
therefore
are
they
all
equally
concern'd
to
have
their
Rights
kept
safe
and
inviolable
.
And
thus
are
great
Empires
and
Common
wealths
but
so
many
Combinations
of
so
many
Families
for
their
own
mutual
defence
and
protection
;
and
now
if
Men
are
strongly
inclined
by
Nature
to
enter
into
Families
;
and
if
a
regard
to
their
own
Families
oblige
them
to
be
just
and
honest
to
their
Neighbours
;
and
if
both
these
combine
them
together
into
greater
Societies
,
both
for
their
private
and
their
common
Safety
,
the
Institution
of
Government
is
so
far
from
being
any
far
fetch
't
contrivance
,
that
it
is
natural
for
Men
to
fall
into
this
Order
;
its
necessity
is
so
great
and
so
apparent
,
that
no
Man
can
refuse
or
dislike
it
without
being
very
unwise
or
very
unnatural
.
2.
The
strength
of
natural
Affection
between
Parents
and
Children
;
and
this
proceeds
from
the
same
mechanical
Necessity
with
the
passion
of
self-love
;
Eurip.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
that
they
are
made
up
of
the
same
material
Principles
that
necessarily
beget
a
sympathy
between
their
native
Contextures
and
Dispositions
;
so
that
setting
aside
the
workings
of
their
Minds
and
the
emprovements
of
their
Understandings
,
that
alone
must
quickly
oblige
natural
Relations
to
mutual
Endearments
.
The
propriety
of
their
Constitutions
and
the
peculiar
mold
of
their
Bodies
disposes
them
to
agreeable
passions
and
inclinations
.
Children
are
,
(
as
the
Ancients
phrase
it
)
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
pieces
of
their
Parents
,
and
the
matter
of
which
they
are
formed
is
stampt
with
the
same
Characters
and
Propensions
.
And
this
is
very
visible
in
the
outward
signatures
and
features
of
their
Bodies
;
but
it
is
much
more
certain
in
the
inward
complexion
and
modification
of
their
humours
;
and
it
is
impossible
but
that
must
breed
an
agreeableness
of
temper
and
affection
.
At
least
from
whencesoever
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
may
arise
,
it
is
evident
from
the
most
universal
Experience
that
there
is
no
passion
more
natural
or
more
acceptable
to
Mankind
;
insomuch
that
no
people
were
ever
able
to
resist
or
to
overcome
the
vehemence
of
its
bent
and
inclination
;
neither
were
there
ever
any
able
so
much
as
to
attempt
it
,
unless
here
and
there
such
a
Monster
,
as
affected
both
to
put
an
affront
upon
the
strongest
principles
of
his
own
Nature
and
the
most
avowed
practices
of
Mankind
.
And
their
singularity
is
so
unnatural
,
that
how
boldly
soever
these
wretches
may
seem
to
pretend
to
it
,
they
can
never
be
confident
or
serious
in
such
an
enormous
baseness
.
It
is
impossible
for
any
thing
that
has
the
shape
or
the
bowels
of
a
Man
to
be
cruel
to
his
own
off-spring
without
a
sad
regret
and
recoil
of
his
own
Nature
.
And
now
when
this
Instinct
is
imprinted
upon
us
with
such
deep
and
lasting
Characters
,
when
the
force
of
its
inclinations
is
so
strong
and
vehement
;
and
when
it
is
very
nigh
as
natural
and
inseparable
as
the
love
of
our selves
,
it
is
a
mighty
inducement
to
seek
peace
and
exercise
good
will
as
well
for
their
sakes
as
our
own
.
Beside
that
this
endears
us
to
something
out
of
our selves
,
and
obliges
us
to
some
concernment
beyond
our
own
meer
self-interest
,
and
is
the
first
beginning
of
a
Society
,
and
lays
the
first
foundations
of
a
publick
Good
,
that
spreads
it self
into
a
wider
extent
with
the
increase
of
Families
and
Kindreds
,
which
being
related
to
each
other
as
well
as
single
Persons
make
up
Kingdoms
and
Common-wealths
;
beside
all
this
,
it
cannot
but
be
a
mighty
inducement
to
all
persons
to
settle
Peace
or
Obligations
of
mutual
Love
as
well
for
the
sake
of
posterity
as
for
their
own
,
in
that
it
is
equally
necessary
to
the
happiness
of
all
Mankind
in
all
times
and
all
places
;
and
therefore
as
they
desire
the
happiness
of
their
off-spring
(
which
yet
it
is
natural
for
them
to
desire
as
vehemently
as
their
own
)
they
cannot
but
be
concern'd
for
the
continuance
of
Peace
and
Amity
among
them
.
And
this
obliges
them
not
onely
to
keep
the
World
in
good
order
for
their
own
time
,
but
to
take
care
of
the
settlement
and
tranquility
of
future
Ages
.
From
whence
proceed
the
establishments
of
Government
and
the
standing
Laws
and
prescriptions
of
Justice
:
this
then
is
plainly
no
inconsiderable
enforcement
to
the
practice
of
Vertue
and
Honesty
,
when
it
is
so
absolutely
necessary
to
the
gratifying
of
so
strong
and
so
natural
an
Inclination
.
3.
Natural
Pity
and
Compassion
.
The
Divine
Providence
has
implanted
in
the
Nature
and
Constitution
of
humane
Bodies
a
principle
of
Love
and
Tenderness
,
and
the
bowels
of
Men
are
soft
and
apt
to
receive
impressions
from
the
complaints
and
calamities
of
their
Brethren
;
and
they
cannot
,
without
doing
violence
to
themselves
and
their
own
natural
sense
of
Humanity
,
be
altogether
senseless
of
the
miseries
and
infelicities
of
other
Men.
It
is
possible
indeed
that
some
few
may
so
long
accustom
themselves
to
savageness
and
cruelty
,
as
to
have
no
more
sense
of
any
kind
and
humane
passions
than
Wolves
and
Tygers
;
but
then
these
are
Monsters
,
and
such
as
have
apparently
debauch't
or
affronted
all
the
principles
and
inclinations
of
their
own
Natures
.
But
as
for
the
generality
of
Men
their
hearts
are
so
tender
and
their
natural
affections
so
humane
,
that
they
cannot
but
pity
and
commiserate
the
afflicted
with
a
kind
of
fatal
and
mechanical
Sympathy
;
their
groans
force
tears
and
sighs
from
the
unafflicted
,
and
't
is
a
pain
to
them
not
to
be
able
to
relieve
their
miseries
.
All
mercy
is
mingled
with
some
grief
,
and
we
are
so
far
interessed
in
the
sufferings
of
others
,
as
to
make
us
apt
to
rescue
them
from
their
sorrows
for
our
own
ease
as
well
as
theirs
.
And
though
every
Man
is
not
endued
with
the
same
degree
of
Tenderness
,
yet
there
are
no
natures
or
tempers
so
sullen
and
morose
as
not
to
have
some
sense
of
Compassion
and
Humanity
,
at
least
so
much
as
shall
oblige
them
to
succour
the
extremely
miserable
,
when
they
can
doe
it
without
any
dammage
or
disadvantage
to
themselves
;
and
he
that
refuses
to
light
his
Neighbour's
Candle
(
as
old
Ennius
discourses
)
when
it
may
be
done
without
diminishing
the
light
of
his
own
;
and
he
that
suffers
a
Stranger
to
perish
for
Thirst
,
rather
than
be
at
the
pains
to
lift
up
a
Finger
to
direct
him
to
the
next
Fountain
;
and
he
that
should
wittingly
let
a
Garment
perish
for
want
of
use
,
and
a
naked
Brother
perish
for
want
of
it
,
would
be
detested
by
all
Mankind
,
as
a
degenerate
Churl
from
that
natural
Instinct
of
love
and
pity
that
they
(
as
well
as
almost
all
other
Creatures
)
have
to
their
own
kind
.
Now
this
passion
has
a
vehement
tendency
to
the
Institution
of
Friendships
and
Societies
,
not
onely
in
that
it
gives
restraints
to
the
fury
of
Men
(
supposing
them
in
a
state
of
War
)
by
making
them
even
ashamed
to
add
more
load
of
misery
to
the
extremely
calamitous
,
and
to
fall
foul
upon
one
that
adverse
Fortune
has
already
beaten
to
the
ground
,
an
outrage
so
more
than
brutish
,
that
even
Beasts
of
prey
themselves
are
reported
to
abhor
it
;
but
beside
,
by
making
opportunities
of
mutual
Assistence
,
and
by
endearing
the
good
will
of
all
that
any
Man
has
the
good
fortune
to
help
or
relieve
,
especially
when
there
are
so
many
inconveniences
and
infelicities
of
life
,
and
when
some
of
them
are
so
incident
to
all
states
of
Men
,
that
there
is
no
man
so
perfectly
and
independently
happy
,
as
not
at
some
time
or
other
to
accept
of
anothers
pity
,
if
not
to
stand
in
need
of
his
help
:
And
thus
by
virtue
of
this
passion
are
all
Men
not
onely
in
a
natural
capacity
of
obliging
each
other
,
but
under
a
strong
inclination
to
a
state
of
mutual
Benevolence
.
And
here
I
might
subjoin
that
the
Faculty
or
Passion
of
Laughing
is
peculiar
to
Mankind
:
The
cause
(
they
say
)
is
a
certain
branch
of
Nerves
derived
from
the
Brain
partly
to
the
Heart
and
partly
to
the
Diaphragm
;
from
whence
it
comes
to
pass
that
upon
every
gratefull
Imagination
the
Heart
is
moved
and
affected
with
joy
,
and
the
Diaphragm
drawn
into
such
motions
as
usually
appear
in
Laughter
.
But
whatsoever
the
physical
reason
of
it
may
be
,
this
is
certain
,
that
it
is
a
great
delight
of
humane
Life
,
and
endearment
of
humane
Society
;
the
pleasure
of
friendly
Conversation
,
and
the
main
ease
and
divertisement
of
all
our
Labours
;
without
which
the
life
of
Man
would
be
irksome
,
tedious
and
solitary
;
eaten
up
with
perpetual
cares
and
melancholy
thoughts
,
and
this
draws
and
allures
Men
out
of
their
dens
and
retirements
,
and
makes
them
to
rejoice
in
that
satisfaction
they
find
in
each
others
company
;
and
nothing
can
tend
more
naturally
to
the
creating
of
kindness
and
cementing
of
friendship
than
that
mutual
complacency
they
reap
from
each
others
mirth
and
cheerfulness
;
so
that
both
sorts
of
passions
,
as
well
the
pleasant
as
the
grave
,
are
so
contrived
as
to
incline
us
to
the
love
of
Society
,
and
the
exercise
of
mutual
Benevolence
.
§
X.
And
now
when
we
lay
all
these
premises
together
,
and
consider
how
many
ways
the
Divine
Providence
has
signified
the
intentions
of
his
will
and
pleasure
to
all
his
intelligent
Creatures
;
and
by
how
many
motives
he
has
endear'd
and
recommended
it
to
their
regard
,
it
will
amount
to
no
less
than
a
demonstrative
assurance
of
their
perpetual
and
universal
Obligation
;
He
has
made
their
knowledge
so
obvious
and
so
unavoidable
,
that
there
is
no
possible
way
to
escape
their
Observation
but
by
the
most
inexcusable
ways
of
neglect
,
either
wilfull
Ignorance
or
wilfull
Perversness
,
How
could
the
Almighty
have
made
fairer
provisions
to
guide
and
instruct
us
in
our
Duty
,
than
by
making
every
thing
in
Nature
,
within
and
without
us
,
an
argument
and
declaration
of
it
?
He
has
first
furnish't
us
with
wit
and
understanding
enough
to
consult
the
comfort
and
happiness
of
our
own
lives
;
and
then
he
has
so
contrived
the
nature
of
things
,
as
to
let
us
see
(
if
we
will
but
make
any
use
of
our
natural
abilities
)
that
there
is
no
peace
nor
safety
to
be
had
,
nothing
but
trouble
and
misery
without
engagements
of
mutual
Love
and
Friendship
,
that
alone
is
sufficient
to
discover
the
intention
of
his
Mind
and
the
matter
of
their
Duty
,
and
to
oblige
them
without
any
farther
enquiry
to
apply
themselves
to
act
accordingly
.
So
that
if
Men
will
but
suffer
their
own
Minds
to
attend
to
the
most
unavoidable
Objects
of
their
own
Senses
,
and
the
impartial
Results
of
their
own
Thoughts
,
they
cannot
avoid
to
conclude
that
it
is
the
will
and
intention
of
the
Authour
of
Nature
,
that
they
should
conform
themselves
to
those
directions
that
he
has
prescribed
to
them
in
the
Order
of
Nature
,
and
that
is
to
conform
all
their
designs
and
actions
to
this
comprehensive
principle
of
mutual
and
universal
Benevolence
.
Which
because
it
can
never
be
reduced
to
practice
without
Society
and
the
establishment
of
a
common
Interest
,
that
is
an
unquestionable
evidence
of
the
Divine
Institution
of
it
,
for
whoever
commands
the
End
,
thereby
commands
the
necessary
Means
,
and
therefore
if
it
be
so
manifest
from
all
things
in
Nature
that
every
Man
is
enjoin'd
by
his
Creatour
(
if
he
own
and
acknowledge
any
)
to
love
and
bear
hearty
good-will
to
all
Men
as
well
for
his
own
as
their
Interest
;
and
if
it
be
as
manifest
from
all
the
same
appearances
of
things
,
that
this
can
never
be
done
without
entring
and
engaging
themselves
into
Societies
,
that
is
an
undoubted
proof
of
their
Institution
.
So
that
though
we
could
suppose
that
they
were
not
at
first
form'd
by
God
himself
(
though
no
supposition
can
be
more
uncooth
and
unimaginable
)
but
that
Mankind
once
lived
without
them
,
and
ranged
themselves
into
several
Bodies
and
Combinations
by
their
own
voluntary
Consent
,
yet
if
they
were
certainly
instructed
and
commanded
so
to
doe
by
the
supreme
Governour
of
all
,
that
clearly
resolves
the
Institution
of
Society
into
his
Will
and
not
their
Choice
,
in
that
they
are
determin'd
to
it
in
Obedience
to
his
Command
.
And
now
this
being
so
plainly
establisht
by
virtue
of
his
Authority
,
it
comprehends
all
things
that
are
necessary
to
its
Exercise
or
Preservation
,
especially
Propriety
and
Dominion
,
without
which
no
Man
can
doe
any
service
to
the
common
Interest
,
and
by
which
Men
are
forced
to
live
in
the
practice
of
mutual
Justice
and
Honesty
;
so
easily
and
almost
irresistibly
are
they
drawn
under
an
obligation
of
the
main
Duties
of
Morality
,
if
they
will
but
make
any
reflections
upon
the
natures
of
Things
,
and
the
observations
of
their
own
Minds
;
and
that
one
would
think
is
enough
to
acquit
the
Divine
Providence
from
any
the
least
suspicion
of
being
defective
in
giving
any
part
of
Mankind
sufficient
Rules
and
Instructions
for
the
due
Government
of
themselves
and
their
moral
Actions
.
And
yet
is
he
not
content
to
provide
such
means
,
as
cannot
but
be
effectual
without
extreme
sottishness
,
but
withall
makes
some
accessional
security
to
prevent
us
from
the
danger
of
that
,
and
to
force
us
to
take
some
notice
of
his
Mind
and
Will
:
so
that
unless
we
can
prevail
with
our selves
to
stifle
all
the
workings
of
our
own
Minds
(
as
busie
and
thoughtfull
as
they
are
)
unless
we
can
prevail
with
our selves
to
take
no
care
for
our
own
Happiness
;
unless
we
can
overcome
the
most
vehement
instincts
and
inclinations
of
our
own
Natures
,
all
these
must
unavoidably
carry
us
into
a
knowledge
of
his
Will
,
and
by
their
own
force
determine
us
to
a
compliance
with
it
.
So
that
,
all
these
things
being
first
seriously
weighed
apart
,
and
then
layed
together
,
they
will
prove
such
a
mighty
demonstration
of
the
existence
of
a
Law
of
Nature
,
that
if
we
can
with
any
confidence
conclude
any
Discourse
with
an
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
we
may
much
more
doe
it
in
this
,
there
being
no
one
Argument
in
the
world
,
except
the
existence
of
a
Deity
,
upon
which
it
is
founded
,
that
can
equal
it
in
the
pregnancy
and
the
variety
of
its
proof
.
And
this
may
suffice
for
the
proof
of
the
declaration
of
the
Law
of
Nature
;
the
next
thing
to
be
consider'd
is
its
Sanction
.
§
XI
.
And
this
comes
to
our
knowledge
in
the
same
way
of
conveyance
or
publication
with
the
Law
it self
;
for
as
the
Authour
of
Nature
declares
to
Mankind
by
the
Order
of
Nature
,
that
he
seriously
intends
the
welfare
and
happiness
of
the
whole
Community
;
so
does
he
at
the
same
time
and
by
the
same
means
require
of
all
and
every
Member
of
it
to
act
according
to
his
will
and
pleasure
under
the
enforcement
of
natural
Rewards
and
Penalties
,
and
those
motives
of
obedience
are
the
proper
Sanction
to
make
the
Law
obligatory
.
For
Obligation
properly
signifies
nothing
but
laying
a
Necessity
upon
us
to
act
according
to
the
direction
of
the
Law
;
not
that
the
Mind
of
Man
can
be
determin'd
by
outward
force
or
violence
,
or
that
any
Law-giver
whatsoever
can
compel
it
to
a
compliance
and
submission
to
his
will
against
its
own
:
It
is
onely
to
be
wrought
upon
by
Reason
and
Perswasion
,
by
Arguments
of
Hope
and
Fear
,
by
Rewards
and
Punishments
;
the
consideration
whereof
though
it
does
not
by
its
own
direct
influence
over-power
the
Minds
of
Men
,
yet
it
does
it
effectually
enough
by
virtue
of
that
natural
Instinct
that
is
implanted
in
them
to
pursue
their
own
Happiness
.
For
being
determin'd
by
a
Necessity
of
Nature
to
pursue
such
things
as
are
productive
of
it
,
and
to
shun
such
as
are
inconsistent
with
it
,
all
such
considerations
as
inform
or
assure
us
what
Actions
are
so
,
bring
a
kind
of
Necessity
upon
our
Understandings
,
forasmuch
as
it
is
natural
and
therefore
necessary
to
seek
our
own
Happiness
and
the
means
of
acquiring
it
.
And
that
is
the
proper
meaning
of
Obligation
,
not
to
bind
any
fetters
and
restraints
upon
our
Wills
;
but
to
propound
such
powerfull
motives
and
arguments
to
them
,
as
cannot
but
determine
their
Choice
,
if
they
will
either
attend
to
their
reasonableness
,
or
follow
the
first
Appetite
and
strongest
Inclination
of
their
Natures
.
So
that
if
the
Divine
Providence
have
so
order'd
the
Constitution
of
Things
,
as
to
make
it
necessary
that
such
a
proportion
of
happiness
should
follow
in
the
course
of
Nature
upon
the
performance
of
such
a
Duty
,
and
on
the
contrary
as
much
misery
upon
its
neglect
,
he
has
plainly
establisht
it
into
a
binding
Law
by
all
the
force
and
energy
that
is
proper
to
Legislation
;
and
if
he
had
reveal'd
it
to
the
world
by
an
express
voice
and
declaration
,
or
any
other
visible
way
of
entercourse
,
it
would
not
have
been
a
more
proper
Sanction
and
more
powerfull
enforcement
of
his
Will.
Seeing
all
the
use
of
any
such
Revelation
must
have
been
to
move
them
to
Obedience
by
Arguments
of
Hope
and
Fear
;
so
that
if
he
have
set
before
us
by
the
frame
of
Nature
so
many
effectual
Motives
of
this
kind
,
they
are
of
the
same
force
,
as
if
they
had
been
first
made
known
to
the
world
by
Writing
or
Proclamation
or
any
other
Solemnities
of
inacting
Laws
.
So
that
onely
supposing
an
Authour
of
Nature
,
which
(
as
I
have
often
already
suggested
)
must
be
supposed
in
the
order
of
Nature
antecedently
to
all
enquiries
after
the
Law
of
Nature
,
this
matter
will
demonstrate
it
self
from
the
most
obvious
effects
of
his
Providence
,
and
the
most
undoubted
designs
of
his
Government
.
For
it
is
demonstratively
certain
by
induction
of
Particulars
that
every
Vertue
has
some
natural
efficacy
in
it
to
advance
both
the
publick
Good
and
the
private
Interest
;
so
that
these
things
being
so
inseparably
join'd
together
,
and
that
by
an
order
and
necessity
of
Nature
,
i.
e.
by
the
contrivance
and
wisedom
of
that
Divine
Providence
that
made
it
,
what
can
be
more
evident
than
that
he
commands
and
requires
all
his
Creatures
,
that
are
capable
of
any
knowledge
of
his
Will
and
sense
of
their
Duty
,
to
act
sutably
to
that
order
of
things
that
he
has
establisht
in
the
World
,
and
to
that
declaration
of
his
Mind
that
he
has
made
by
that
Establishment
.
And
thus
is
it
notorious
from
the
first
Principles
of
natural
Philosophy
and
the
most
obvious
appearances
of
daily
Experience
,
that
Temperance
,
Love
of
Friends
and
Neighbours
,
Faithfulness
in
Oaths
and
Promises
,
an
Aptness
to
kind
and
obliging
Offices
,
Gratitude
to
Benefactours
,
Love
and
Affection
to
natural
Relations
,
and
a
gentle
and
peaceable
Disposition
towards
all
good
Men
are
highly
usefull
or
rather
absolutely
necessary
to
all
the
comforts
of
humane
Life
,
to
Peace
and
Quietness
,
to
Safety
and
Contentment
,
to
health
of
Body
and
satisfaction
of
Mind
,
as
well
as
to
happiness
of
Society
,
the
preservation
of
Government
,
and
the
securing
of
all
Men
in
their
just
Rights
against
all
manner
of
Injuries
and
Oppressions
.
And
't
is
certain
from
the
same
Principles
that
all
contrary
Vices
have
the
quite
contrary
Effects
,
and
tend
both
to
the
destruction
of
the
publick
Safety
,
and
of
every
Man
's
private
Tranquility
,
Unpeaceableness
,
Injustice
,
Persidiousness
,
and
all
other
acts
of
excessive
and
unreasonable
Self-love
,
that
looks
meerly
to
its
own
Interest
without
any
regard
to
or
concern
for
the
good
of
others
naturally
produce
all
the
Mischiefs
and
Calamities
of
Life
;
and
in
the
same
proportion
that
these
prevail
in
the
practice
of
the
World
,
in
the
same
do
they
abate
the
Peace
of
the
Society
,
and
the
Safety
of
every
Man's
Life
,
and
the
Quiet
of
every
Man's
Mind
.
So
that
these
things
being
thus
apparently
tied
together
by
such
an
inevitable
train
of
Causes
and
Effects
,
and
their
connextion
being
so
obvious
and
so
palpable
to
every
Man's
notice
,
what
can
we
imagine
the
Divine
Providence
could
have
done
more
to
recommend
their
Practice
and
enforce
their
Obligation
?
and
for
a
farther
proof
of
this
I
might
resume
all
the
Heads
of
Discourse
,
that
I
have
already
represented
to
discover
the
Sufficiency
of
the
Publication
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
shew
what
particular
Rewards
are
entail'd
upon
the
performance
of
particular
Duties
,
and
what
Punishments
are
in
the
course
of
Nature
inflicted
upon
their
Neglect
.
But
what
I
have
performed
in
the
former
part
of
this
Discourse
supersedes
the
necessity
of
any
distinct
account
of
it
here
;
because
I
have
all
along
,
as
I
have
proceeded
,
demonstrated
together
with
their
subserviency
to
the
publick
Weal
their
serviceableness
to
every
Man
's
private
Interest
,
and
that
includes
as
well
the
Sanction
as
the
Declaration
of
the
Law
.
And
therefore
without
descending
to
all
Particulars
,
I
shall
onely
in
general
treat
of
those
Enforcements
,
that
Nature
or
the
Authour
of
it
has
added
to
all
his
Laws
,
and
they
alone
will
give
us
a
sufficient
account
of
their
Obligation
;
in
that
they
are
so
many
and
so
obvious
to
the
most
vulgar
Experience
and
most
easy
Observation
,
that
there
is
nothing
else
that
concerns
the
Life
of
Man
,
the
knowledge
whereof
is
more
familiar
and
more
unavoidable
.
§
XII
.
The
first
Reward
of
Vertue
is
its
own
natural
and
intrinsick
Pleasure
.
Acts
of
Love
and
Kindness
are
in
themselves
gratefull
and
agreeable
to
the
temper
of
humane
Nature
;
and
all
Men
feel
a
natural
Deliciousness
consequent
upon
every
Exercise
of
their
good-natur'd
Passions
;
And
nothing
affects
the
Mind
with
greater
Complacency
,
than
to
reflect
upon
its
own
inward
Joy
and
Contentment
.
So
that
the
Delight
of
every
vertuous
Resolution
doubles
upon
it self
;
in
that
first
it
strikes
our
Minds
with
a
direct
Pleasure
by
its
suitableness
to
our
Natures
,
and
then
our
Minds
entertain
themselves
with
pleasant
Reflections
upon
their
own
Worth
and
Tranquility
.
And
this
is
made
so
apparent
from
the
plainest
and
most
easy
Experience
,
that
it
cannot
possibly
escape
any
Man's
Animadversion
;
There
is
no
Man
that
does
not
perceive
more
satisfaction
in
the
Affections
of
Love
and
Joy
and
Good-will
,
than
in
the
black
and
unquiet
Passions
of
Malice
,
Envy
and
Hatred
,
that
do
but
torment
the
Mind
with
Anguish
,
Restlesness
and
Confusion
.
A
base
and
ill-natur'd
Disposition
frets
and
vexes
it self
with
perpetual
male-contentedness
;
and
the
Man
that
gives
himself
up
to
any
spite
and
rancour
of
Mind
,
is
not
so
much
as
within
the
capacity
of
Happiness
:
at
least
in
the
same
proportion
that
good
or
bad
Passions
prevail
in
the
Minds
of
Men
,
in
the
same
are
they
affected
with
Joy
or
Misery
.
Now
this
being
made
so
plain
and
visible
in
the
whole
Entercourse
of
humane
Life
,
it
must
needs
lay
a
mighty
Enforcement
and
manifest
Obligation
to
a
suitable
Behaviour
;
for
what
Motive
can
we
conceive
of
nearer
concernment
,
than
when
the
Action
it self
is
its
own
Reward
or
Punishment
?
And
as
the
kind
Passions
are
most
agreeable
to
the
temper
of
our
Minds
,
so
are
they
most
healthfull
to
the
Constitution
of
our
Bodies
,
and
have
a
natural
Influence
upon
the
Cheerfulness
and
Preservation
of
our
Lives
.
The
Affections
of
Love
and
Hope
and
Delight
cherish
our
natural
Heat
,
sweeten
our
radical
Moisture
,
beget
gentle
and
vigorous
Spirits
,
promote
the
Circulation
of
the
Bloud
,
and
make
the
Heart
and
all
the
vital
Parts
more
brisk
and
lively
.
Whereas
on
the
contrary
,
Hatred
and
Envy
and
Discontent
stifle
the
motion
of
the
Bloud
,
oppress
the
Heart
,
damp
the
Spirits
,
and
hinder
the
functions
of
the
Brains
and
Nerves
,
and
breed
Diseases
and
Obstructions
of
the
Spleen
.
For
when
the
briskness
of
the
vital
Heat
is
checkt
,
and
the
contraction
of
the
Heart
weakned
,
the
Bloud
grows
thick
and
cold
in
the
Extremities
of
the
Vessels
,
and
is
not
able
to
thrust
it self
forward
through
the
remoter
Branches
of
the
Arteries
into
the
Fibres
of
the
Veins
;
but
stagnates
in
all
the
more
narrow
Passages
of
the
Body
;
especially
in
the
more
curious
and
delicate
Vessels
that
are
every
where
spread
up
and
down
through
the
substance
of
the
Brain
;
from
whence
proceed
tremblings
in
the
Heart
,
paleness
in
the
Face
,
and
(
if
they
are
strong
and
inveterate
)
scorbutick
Distempers
through
the
whole
habit
of
the
Body
.
So
that
as
a
Man
desires
length
of
Life
and
preservation
of
Health
,
he
is
obliged
to
shun
all
bitter
and
unkind
Passions
;
in
that
they
are
in
the
constitution
of
Nature
necessary
causes
of
Discrasies
and
Diseases
;
and
though
their
Symtoms
,
unless
they
are
very
vehement
,
are
not
so
obvious
and
palpable
,
yet
are
they
certain
from
all
the
Experiments
and
Observations
in
natural
Philosophy
;
and
in
what
proportion
soever
they
prevail
over
Mens
Minds
,
in
the
same
do
they
disorder
and
disturb
their
Bodies
.
So
that
the
Law
of
Nature
is
recommended
to
the
nature
of
Man
in
all
its
Capacities
,
and
is
suited
to
the
satisfaction
of
all
its
respective
Faculties
of
Body
and
Mind
,
and
by
consequence
is
design'd
to
make
up
the
completest
and
most
entire
Enjoyment
of
Pleasure
and
Happiness
.
But
besides
this
,
as
it
extends
its
Delight
to
all
our
Appetites
,
so
does
it
make
the
sense
of
their
Felicity
more
intence
and
affecting
,
and
entertain
the
Mind
with
the
most
vehement
and
transporting
Joys
.
For
there
are
but
two
things
requisite
to
raise
Pleasure
up
to
the
height
of
Beatitude
;
and
they
are
the
spriteliness
of
the
Act
and
the
excellency
of
the
Object
.
Now
the
Good
of
all
Mankind
(
which
is
the
general
notion
and
scope
of
all
Vertue
)
being
of
the
largest
and
most
diffusive
extent
,
and
the
biggest
Design
that
we
can
either
desire
or
propose
to
our selves
,
it
calls
forth
all
the
vigour
and
earnestness
of
our
Minds
,
and
employs
the
utmost
force
and
vehemence
of
our
Passions
,
and
transports
us
with
perpetual
Delight
and
Satisfaction
.
Every
Man
enjoys
a
sensible
Complacency
in
every
act
of
Kindness
,
his
Good-will
reflects
back
upon
himself
,
and
when
he
is
concern'd
to
procure
anothers
Happiness
,
he
thereby
increases
his
own
;
but
when
the
Object
of
his
Affections
is
so
vast
and
unbounded
a
Good
,
it
excites
a
force
and
quickness
of
Mind
proportionable
to
its
own
greatness
;
it
equalls
the
utmost
capacity
of
all
our
Powers
,
and
we
can
never
outdoe
its
worth
;
it
is
sufficient
to
entertain
all
our
Thoughts
and
to
employ
all
our
Actions
;
and
the
Man
that
propounds
this
to
himself
as
the
delight
of
his
Soul
and
the
design
of
his
Life
,
never
wants
for
objects
or
opportunities
of
Content
,
but
enjoys
a
complete
and
continual
Felicity
from
the
exercise
of
his
own
good-will
and
the
reflections
of
his
own
Mind
.
And
though
no
Man
can
be
capable
of
so
pure
and
unmixed
a
Satisfaction
in
this
Life
,
there
being
so
many
Calamities
out
of
their
own
power
and
disposal
to
discompose
it
,
yet
are
the
degrees
of
a
Man's
Happiness
(
as
far
as
he
is
master
of
it
himself
)
always
proportion'd
to
the
emprovement
of
this
temper
of
his
Mind
;
his
Joy
and
his
Delight
are
of
the
same
extent
with
his
Love
and
his
Good-will
,
and
he
that
most
dilates
the
exercise
of
his
kind
Passions
,
most
widens
the
capacity
of
his
Enjoyments
;
and
so
much
as
a
Man
falls
short
of
this
universal
Kindness
,
so
much
does
he
afflict
himself
with
Anguish
and
Discontent
,
and
that
is
sufficient
encouragement
to
excite
him
to
work
up
his
Mind
to
habitual
Resolutions
of
Love
and
Kindness
,
when
they
are
all
along
their
own
Reward
in
proportion
to
their
own
strength
and
vigour
;
and
he
that
is
possest
with
most
Good-will
,
becomes
thereby
the
happiest
and
most
contented
Man
,
and
he
that
is
possest
with
nothing
else
enjoys
his
full
and
adequate
Felicity
.
Though
so
great
a
Goodness
and
by
consequence
so
great
an
Happiness
is
onely
agreeable
to
the
descripsion
of
the
Joys
of
Heaven
,
where
eternal
Love
will
be
our
eternal
Bliss
;
yet
seeing
in
this
World
there
is
a
difference
as
to
the
Misery
or
Happiness
of
every
Man's
Life
in
proportion
to
the
degrees
of
this
Affection
,
that
is
a
sufficient
inducement
to
him
to
habituate
himself
to
its
free
and
constant
Exercise
;
when
he
is
so
plainly
engaged
as
he
desires
and
designs
the
improvement
of
his
own
Content
,
to
procure
and
delight
in
the
Content
of
others
;
and
so
far
as
he
extends
his
concernment
for
their
welfare
,
so
many
Objects
does
he
provide
for
the
entertainment
of
his
most
pleasant
and
agreeable
Passions
.
Which
being
all
the
Happiness
that
is
within
our
own
power
,
it
is
the
most
proper
motive
to
determine
our
Wills
to
such
Thoughts
and
Actions
as
are
most
effectual
to
attain
or
to
advance
it
.
For
that
is
the
proper
use
of
Rewards
and
Penalties
to
set
before
us
such
Considerations
as
are
suited
to
determine
our
Wills
to
such
Designs
and
Actions
as
lie
within
our
own
power
;
if
they
do
not
,
all
the
Arguments
in
the
World
are
to
no
purpose
,
and
nothing
is
more
absurd
than
to
court
or
threaten
a
Man
into
the
doing
of
what
is
impossible
.
And
therefore
seeing
the
casual
or
the
fatal
Calamities
of
humane
Life
are
altogether
out
of
our
own
disposal
,
and
will
befall
us
whether
we
will
or
will
not
,
they
can
have
no
possible
influence
to
determine
the
choice
and
the
resolution
of
our
Minds
,
but
the
onely
things
that
can
affect
us
as
moral
Agents
,
are
such
Proposals
of
good
or
evil
,
as
we
know
our selves
able
to
dispose
of
,
as
we
are
pleased
to
incline
our
own
Wills
.
What
then
though
the
natural
Calamities
of
Life
are
incident
to
the
Good
equally
with
the
Bad
,
it
is
not
in
our
power
to
avoid
or
overrule
their
Necessity
,
but
when
they
happen
to
us
,
all
we
have
then
to
doe
,
is
to
bear
them
as
we
are
able
.
And
what
will
enable
us
to
bear
them
as
we
ought
,
I
shall
represent
in
the
second
part
of
this
Discourse
.
But
because
there
are
some
things
that
have
some
influence
upon
our
Happiness
,
that
are
altogether
out
of
our
own
disposal
,
shall
we
therefore
take
no
care
of
all
those
that
are
altogether
within
it
?
That
may
become
the
humour
of
peevish
and
unreasonable
People
,
but
certainly
no
prudent
Man
,
because
he
cannot
overpower
all
things
to
comply
with
his
own
Will
,
will
therefore
conclude
with
himself
that
it
is
in
vain
to
be
concern'd
about
those
that
he
is
able
to
command
.
And
therefore
all
those
we
must
set
aside
as
of
no
use
and
consideration
in
matters
of
Morality
,
in
that
they
are
of
another
Nature
,
and
depend
upon
other
Causes
;
it
is
enough
at
present
that
the
Providence
of
God
has
left
a
certain
proportion
of
our
Felicity
to
our
own
disposal
,
by
a
regard
to
which
we
ought
(
if
we
are
wise
)
to
order
our
Designs
and
Actions
;
and
that
he
has
annexed
such
degrees
and
advantages
of
Happiness
to
such
practices
and
habits
of
Vertue
;
and
that
is
all
that
can
be
done
to
recommend
them
to
our
choice
and
good
Opinion
;
especially
when
the
Act
it self
is
its
own
Reward
;
and
is
the
most
pleasant
Exercise
of
the
Mind
of
Man
.
§
XIII
.
2.
If
there
be
a
Deity
or
Sovereign
Cause
of
all
things
(
that
is
ever
supposed
in
this
Enquiry
)
we
must
of
necessity
suppose
him
endued
with
the
highest
measures
of
Reason
,
Wisedom
and
Goodness
;
for
these
are
Excellencies
that
we
perceive
to
reside
in
some
degree
within
our selves
;
and
therefore
much
more
in
him
whose
Idea
comprehends
all
Perfections
,
and
who
is
the
onely
cause
of
all
ours
.
Now
right
Reason
is
the
same
in
God
and
in
his
Creatures
,
because
it
is
measured
by
the
same
Rule
,
and
that
is
the
Nature
of
Things
;
and
when
it
agrees
with
that
,
it
passes
a
true
Judgment
,
and
when
it
does
not
,
it
is
false
and
erroneous
;
and
therefore
if
it
be
consonant
to
the
Reason
of
Man
and
the
Nature
of
Things
to
judge
that
the
Good
of
all
is
preferrable
to
the
advantage
of
a
single
Person
,
it
cannot
be
supposed
that
the
unerring
Wisedom
of
God
should
fall
into
a
different
or
a
contrary
Perswasion
,
for
that
were
to
reconcile
no
less
than
contradictory
Propositions
to
right
Reason
.
And
therefore
this
Rule
of
Justice
and
Goodness
results
unavoidably
from
his
essential
Attributes
,
and
therein
consists
the
whole
Account
and
Employment
of
his
Providence
to
carry
on
the
common
Good
of
his
Creatures
by
proper
and
effectual
Instruments
;
and
all
Goodness
and
Wisedom
and
Vertue
is
reducible
to
these
two
Principles
,
first
to
propound
worthy
Ends
,
and
then
to
pursue
them
by
suitable
means
;
there
is
nothing
else
capable
of
praise
and
commendation
,
and
therefore
if
the
Good
of
all
be
the
noblest
End
that
he
can
design
,
it
is
certain
that
it
is
agreeable
to
his
Will
,
that
all
his
Creatures
(
that
are
sensible
of
it
)
should
seek
it
by
those
means
that
they
shall
judge
most
agreeable
to
his
Understanding
.
And
this
is
much
more
evident
,
if
we
consider
the
Deity
not
onely
as
the
most
excellent
of
all
rational
Beings
,
but
as
the
supreme
Cause
of
their
Existence
,
and
then
it
is
but
reasonable
,
if
he
first
created
them
,
to
conclude
that
he
desires
their
continuance
and
preservation
;
otherwise
he
must
have
made
them
without
design
and
to
no
purpose
;
and
then
if
therein
consists
the
common
Good
of
all
that
they
should
continue
to
enjoy
those
Natures
and
emprove
those
Perfections
that
he
bestowed
upon
them
;
that
cannot
but
be
conceived
most
acceptable
to
the
Intention
of
his
Will
,
and
most
agreeable
to
the
Scope
of
his
Creation
.
Especially
if
to
all
this
we
shall
adde
those
Intimations
of
his
Mind
that
he
has
so
plainly
interwoven
with
the
whole
Systeme
of
Things
,
in
that
all
the
Effects
of
Nature
are
the
Effects
of
his
Will
;
and
therefore
when
any
thing
in
Nature
declares
any
Proposition
to
be
true
,
and
enforces
or
invites
us
to
accept
of
it
as
the
Rule
of
our
Actions
by
discovering
its
good
and
bad
Consequences
to
our selves
,
God
onely
by
that
means
discovers
to
us
what
it
is
that
he
requires
of
us
.
So
that
the
natural
Trains
and
Results
of
Things
being
laid
and
framed
by
his
Providence
,
when
they
thrust
themselves
upon
the
Observation
of
our
Senses
or
our
Minds
,
they
onely
inform
us
(
if
we
will
at
all
attend
to
our
own
Experience
)
upon
what
Rules
and
Principles
he
has
establisht
the
Government
of
the
World
,
and
by
consequence
instruct
us
how
to
behave
our selves
suitably
to
his
Will
in
all
our
Désigns
and
Actions
.
So
that
it
is
past
all
Controversie
that
whatsoever
force
the
Law
of
Nature
carries
along
with
it
,
is
derived
upon
it
purely
by
virtue
of
the
Divine
Authority
.
And
therefore
they
cannot
pass
any
proper
Obligation
upon
any
of
his
Creatures
,
but
onely
such
as
are
capable
of
knowing
that
they
proceed
from
Himself
,
in
that
all
their
obligatory
Power
depends
purely
upon
that
Supposition
;
and
from
hence
it
is
that
they
are
peculiar
onely
to
those
that
are
endued
with
Reason
or
Understanding
,
in
that
they
alone
are
in
any
condition
of
knowing
from
whom
they
are
derived
;
and
this
being
premised
,
all
that
remains
to
be
enquired
after
is
to
find
out
by
what
natural
Sanctions
God
has
bound
his
Precepts
upon
the
Minds
of
his
reasonable
and
intelligent
Subjects
.
For
when
his
Almighty
Wisedom
did
so
contrive
the
Nature
of
Things
,
that
such
Effects
should
naturally
follow
upon
such
Actions
,
and
withall
made
their
connexion
so
necessary
that
they
could
not
but
be
foreseen
by
all
that
were
not
wilfully
blind
or
perverse
;
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
that
he
intended
that
they
should
seriously
weigh
and
consider
them
before
they
address't
themselves
to
Action
,
and
so
determine
their
Wills
according
to
the
strength
and
direction
of
their
Motives
.
And
that
such
Effects
there
are
,
I
have
already
in
part
proved
in
the
Premises
by
shewing
the
necessity
of
universal
Good-will
to
the
satisfaction
of
our
Minds
,
and
shall
farther
make
good
in
the
sequel
by
shewing
its
necessity
to
the
preservation
of
our
Beings
:
Though
all
this
I
have
sufficiently
made
good
in
the
former
part
of
this
Discourse
concerning
the
Declaration
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
wherein
is
demonstrated
that
Mankind
cannot
subsist
but
in
a
condition
of
mutual
Love
and
Assistance
,
and
that
certainly
is
sanction
or
obligation
enough
to
a
suitable
Behaviour
.
And
now
this
Concernment
of
the
Divine
Providence
in
our
Actions
being
taken
into
the
consideration
of
our
Affairs
,
as
it
resolves
the
total
obligation
of
the
Law
of
Nature
into
the
Will
of
God
,
so
it
backs
and
enforces
it
with
the
most
powerfull
and
effectual
Sanction
in
the
World
,
viz.
the
Pleasures
or
Torments
of
Conscience
,
or
the
Judgment
of
a
Man's
Mind
upon
his
own
Actions
in
reference
to
the
Judgment
of
God
;
and
this
of
all
things
has
the
most
irresistible
Influence
upon
every
Man's
Happiness
or
Misery
.
I
shall
not
here
heap
up
all
the
Horrours
that
naturally
arise
out
of
an
accusing
Conscience
;
Grief
and
Shame
and
Distraction
and
Fear
and
Restlesness
and
Despair
,
and
every
thing
that
can
vex
and
torment
our
Minds
;
nor
on
the
contrary
all
the
Felicities
that
follow
upon
an
acquitting
Conscience
,
Peace
and
Quietness
and
Confidence
and
Joy
and
Courage
and
Assurance
of
the
Love
and
Favour
of
God
.
These
have
been
often
enough
described
to
the
World
,
and
every
Man
is
able
to
describe
them
to
himself
.
It
is
sufficient
to
observe
in
general
that
those
Laws
must
needs
be
strictly
tied
upon
us
,
that
are
bound
on
with
a
regard
to
the
Judgment
and
Observation
of
the
Almighty
,
from
the
Apprehension
whereof
result
all
the
forementioned
Effects
of
a
good
or
a
bad
Conscience
.
And
to
specifie
no
other
particular
Effects
,
I
shall
mention
onely
these
two
.
1.
The
first
Effect
of
an
honest
and
upright
Conscience
is
the
unspeakable
Pleasure
and
Satisfaction
that
a
Man
reaps
from
the
inward
Assurance
that
he
has
of
the
Agreement
of
his
own
Mind
with
the
Wisedom
and
Goodness
of
the
supreme
and
most
perfect
Understanding
;
then
which
nothing
can
be
conceived
more
pregnant
with
Delight
and
Joy
;
in
that
every
Man
has
the
highest
esteem
and
opinion
of
the
Deity
that
he
worships
,
and
it
is
his
greatest
ambition
to
imitate
and
resemble
Him
in
his
Attributes
and
Perfections
;
and
he
is
satisfied
and
pleased
with
himself
according
to
the
degrees
of
his
confidence
of
approving
himself
to
the
Divine
Mind
by
his
conformity
to
it
.
And
on
the
other
side
the
contrary
Effects
of
Shame
and
Discontent
follow
upon
an
evil
Conscience
,
or
the
sense
of
his
falling
short
of
the
Glory
of
God
,
and
of
his
defection
from
the
Excellency
of
his
own
Nature
.
2.
And
then
secondly
as
every
good
Man
approves
himself
to
the
Wisedom
of
the
Divine
Understanding
,
so
also
to
the
Acceptance
of
the
Divine
Will
;
in
that
he
knows
that
whatever
may
be
propounded
to
him
as
the
first
Inducement
of
his
Obedience
,
it
is
certain
that
the
last
End
of
the
Legislatour
is
the
good
of
all
his
Creatures
,
and
by
consequence
to
seek
and
procure
that
is
the
most
effectual
way
to
render
a
Man
gratefull
and
acceptable
to
him
.
His
Goodness
extends
it self
to
all
his
Works
,
and
his
Providence
is
concern'd
for
the
Welfare
of
all
his
Subjects
.
That
is
the
great
design
of
his
Creation
,
and
the
main
care
of
his
Government
;
and
for
that
purpose
onely
did
he
bestow
their
Beings
upon
them
,
to
put
something
into
a
capacity
of
being
happy
beside
himself
,
and
nothing
can
so
much
honour
or
gratify
him
as
their
Felicity
.
So
that
it
is
certain
that
nothing
can
so
much
please
or
oblige
the
supreme
Governour
of
the
Universe
,
as
that
all
his
Creatures
that
observe
the
Conditions
of
the
common
Peace
and
live
according
to
the
Rules
of
common
Justice
should
be
treated
with
all
manner
of
kindness
and
fair-dealing
;
and
that
nothing
can
so
effectually
force
him
to
the
greatest
severity
of
Revenge
and
Punishment
,
as
when
any
of
his
Subjects
set
themselves
to
act
cross
to
a
Design
that
is
so
dear
and
tender
to
him
.
For
as
it
is
certain
that
the
Creatour
of
all
intends
the
Good
of
all
,
so
it
is
as
certain
that
all
right
Reason
(
and
by
consequence
the
Reason
of
God
)
judges
it
necessary
for
its
security
and
preservation
by
some
proportionable
Punishments
to
restrain
all
Attempts
inconsistent
with
it
.
And
then
because
no
wickedness
(
how
secret
soever
)
can
escape
the
Divine
Cognisance
,
it
cannot
be
doubted
but
that
he
will
peremptorily
determine
to
punish
it
according
to
the
Tenour
of
his
Threatnings
,
because
he
knows
it
to
be
so
highly
usefull
to
the
last
and
greatest
end
of
all
his
Providence
.
§
XIV
.
3.
But
then
in
the
third
place
,
there
is
no
Man
but
that
owes
more
to
the
kindness
and
assistance
of
others
for
the
Comforts
and
Enjoyments
of
his
Life
than
to
his
own
personal
Care
and
Providence
;
our
Plenty
is
so
short
,
that
we
cannot
subsist
without
foreign
Supplies
;
and
our
Strength
so
weak
,
that
we
cannot
defend
our selves
without
foreign
Assistances
,
and
let
any
Man
reflect
upon
his
own
Self-sufficiency
,
and
then
consider
,
whether
as
the
Nature
of
Things
is
contrived
,
if
he
were
impertinent
to
all
the
World
beside
,
and
no
Man
else
were
concern'd
to
relieve
his
Wants
,
whether
then
,
I
say
,
his
Life
would
be
comfortable
enough
to
render
it
at
all
desirable
.
Were
States
altogether
unconcern'd
for
the
Welfare
of
their
Subjects
;
were
Parents
utterly
regardless
of
the
Education
of
their
Children
;
should
one
Sex
give
a
Bill
of
Divorce
to
the
other
;
should
every
individual
Person
separate
himself
from
his
Family
and
from
his
Prince
and
from
his
Country
;
should
all
Mankind
agree
to
break
up
Society
,
and
resolve
every
Man
to
shift
onely
for
himself
,
and
take
no
care
in
the
World
for
the
Welfare
and
Preservation
of
all
the
rest
,
they
would
be
the
most
helpless
and
forlorn
Creatures
in
the
World
;
they
would
become
an
easy
Prey
,
not
onely
to
the
Beasts
of
their
own
kind
,
but
to
all
those
of
the
Wilderness
;
Man
is
born
so
defenceless
,
and
so
without
all
those
Weapons
,
wherewith
Nature
has
furnisht
some
other
Creatures
,
that
he
has
nothing
to
arm
himself
against
their
Fury
,
but
by
united
Strength
and
Counsel
.
Fac
nos
singulos
,
quid
sumus
?
proeda
Animalium
&
victimae
,
ac
vilissimus
&
facillimus
sanguis
.
Sen.
4.
de
Benef.
c.
18.
The
Mischiefs
and
Calamities
of
Life
are
so
many
and
so
unavoidable
out
of
the
state
of
Society
or
mutual
Good-will
,
that
nothing
can
be
more
unquestionable
than
that
if
there
be
any
such
thing
as
a
Divine
Providence
,
it
was
his
Intention
not
onely
to
oblige
them
to
seek
,
but
to
force
them
to
enter
into
a
Condition
of
Peace
and
Friendship
.
And
this
dependance
of
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
upon
each
others
Benevolence
comprehends
so
great
a
variety
and
accumulation
of
things
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
Man
that
is
not
or
may
not
be
in
a
condition
of
assisting
or
obstructing
another
Man's
Affairs
,
and
therefore
it
is
alike
every
Man's
Interest
and
Wisedom
to
win
the
widest
and
most
diffusive
Friendship
that
he
is
able
to
compass
or
manage
in
all
the
ways
of
Integrity
,
thereby
to
strengthen
and
secure
his
own
Interest
,
that
one
way
or
other
or
at
some
time
or
other
might
otherwise
be
endanger'd
by
the
Enmity
of
those
who
now
secure
it
by
their
Friendship
.
And
to
this
he
is
obliged
(
as
he
would
consult
his
own
Content
)
not
once
or
twice
but
through
the
whole
course
and
design
of
his
Life
,
because
his
Happiness
always
depends
upon
the
Good-will
of
others
;
and
therefore
in
every
Action
he
is
bound
to
consider
what
Opinion
other
Men
have
of
it
as
well
as
himself
,
because
their
good
Opinion
has
so
powerfull
and
so
necessary
an
Influence
upon
the
right
carriage
of
his
Affairs
.
So
that
as
he
desires
Success
in
all
his
Undertakings
he
is
highly
concern'd
to
purchase
their
Good-will
by
all
civil
and
obliging
Offices
.
And
then
if
they
will
obey
the
Dictates
of
right
Reason
,
they
will
think
themselves
obliged
to
bear
the
same
Affections
to
him
and
to
each
other
as
he
expresses
to
them
all
,
because
the
Happiness
of
them
all
singly
has
the
same
foreign
Dependence
with
his
own
.
And
thus
if
Men
will
have
any
regard
to
the
quiet
of
their
own
Lives
are
they
brought
under
the
plainest
and
most
unavoidable
Obligation
to
mutual
Love
and
Friendship
,
and
they
improve
the
Comforts
of
their
Lives
in
proportion
to
the
degrees
of
their
Benevolence
;
its
lowest
Exercise
is
rewarded
with
proportionable
Benefits
,
but
as
it
improves
it self
to
higher
and
more
friendly
Offices
,
so
its
Advantages
increase
all
along
with
the
kindness
of
its
Intentions
.
Thus
Innocence
or
a
meer
forbearance
of
Injuries
is
the
lowest
exercise
of
Benevolence
and
Humanity
,
and
yet
this
defends
from
all
those
mischievous
and
malevolent
Attempts
that
otherwise
would
destroy
the
common
security
of
Mankind
;
for
if
we
suppose
them
in
a
condition
of
defyance
to
all
ingagements
of
Kindness
,
and
setled
in
a
perfect
state
of
War
,
in
which
they
were
bound
to
endeavour
each
others
Destruction
,
and
doe
the
utmost
mischief
they
were
able
,
nothing
could
be
expected
but
utter
misery
and
wretchedness
,
and
it
would
unavoidably
bring
in
all
the
Evils
to
which
humane
Life
can
any
way
be
supposed
obnoxious
;
so
that
when
Men
refrain
from
this
wild
and
wanton
Cruelty
,
that
proceeds
from
some
sense
of
Humanity
,
and
is
of
it self
a
very
considerable
ease
and
security
to
the
Life
of
Man
.
We
are
hereby
permitted
to
enjoy
what
we
can
get
by
our
own
Industry
without
disturbance
from
others
,
though
our
Labours
are
not
eased
by
their
Assistance
;
and
this
is
a
little
more
comfortable
than
to
be
in
perpetual
danger
of
being
rob'd
both
of
our
Enjoyments
and
our
Lives
by
every
Man
that
hapned
to
find
out
our
Dens
and
lurking
Holes
.
Nothing
can
be
imagin'd
more
miserable
than
a
state
of
perfect
Inhumanity
,
and
that
is
a
sufficient
Signification
to
us
,
that
the
Divine
Providence
if
he
ever
design'd
the
Happiness
of
any
of
his
Creatures
or
ever
intended
that
they
should
design
it
themselves
(
and
these
are
two
very
modest
Suppositions
if
there
be
any
Providence
at
all
)
that
he
requires
them
to
avoid
it
under
the
severest
and
most
dreadfull
Penalties
.
And
the
farther
off
they
keep
from
this
savage
State
,
the
nearer
do
they
approach
to
the
Contentment
and
Tranquility
of
their
Lives
;
and
if
they
resolve
not
onely
to
refrain
from
weakning
each
others
Interest
by
Wrongs
and
Oppressions
,
but
to
advance
it
by
all
the
Offices
of
Love
and
Kindness
,
and
adde
Beneficence
to
Innocence
,
they
raise
the
happiness
of
their
Condition
according
to
the
height
of
their
Friendship
.
Nothing
is
in
this
Life
so
satisfactory
and
comfortable
as
an
entire
Affection
and
Fidelity
between
Friends
;
it
is
the
Consummation
of
all
humane
Joys
;
and
as
much
as
any
Man
fall
short
of
this
perfection
of
Kindness
,
so
much
does
he
abate
of
the
complacency
of
his
Life
.
This
is
visible
in
all
the
experience
of
the
World
and
the
management
of
all
Affairs
,
and
there
is
no
Man
that
regards
the
natural
Consequences
of
Things
that
does
not
understand
the
advantage
that
accrues
to
himself
from
all
his
good
Turns
and
Obligations
past
upon
others
.
And
for
this
Reason
all
Men
that
pretend
to
any
Wisedom
or
Sobriety
,
are
thereby
easily
determin'd
to
a
courteous
and
obliging
Conversation
,
and
therefore
it
is
needless
to
represent
to
such
Persons
the
convenience
and
prudence
of
their
own
choice
:
the
onely
People
that
need
information
in
these
matters
that
so
nearly
concern
them
,
are
the
negligent
and
inconsiderate
part
of
Mankind
.
These
do
not
think
or
observe
enough
to
see
into
the
probable
Events
of
things
,
and
are
to
be
made
sensible
by
nothing
but
the
actual
Infliction
or
certain
Foresight
of
Misery
,
and
therefore
letting
pass
that
part
of
the
Sanction
that
comes
from
the
Reward
,
I
shall
onely
a
little
particularise
that
part
of
it
that
is
derived
from
the
Punishment
,
and
shew
into
what
manifest
disadvantages
every
Man
runs
himself
by
every
unjust
and
dishonest
Action
.
§
XV.
1.
He
thereby
manifestly
impairs
and
often
forfeits
a
proportion
of
his
own
Interest
,
in
that
his
Happiness
(
as
well
as
every
Man
's
else
)
depends
in
some
considerable
measure
upon
the
good-will
of
his
Neighbours
,
and
it
is
always
in
their
power
either
to
promote
or
to
hinder
his
welfare
;
and
then
their
Friendship
or
their
Enmity
is
chiefly
determin'd
by
his
own
Behaviour
;
if
they
perceive
him
sincere
for
the
advancement
of
the
common
Good
,
and
forward
to
all
offices
of
Kindness
and
Humanity
,
that
is
a
considerable
obligation
to
them
to
requite
his
Goodness
with
a
suitable
Behaviour
,
but
if
he
neglect
opportunities
of
doing
good
,
and
shew
himself
regardless
of
all
manner
of
Interests
but
his
own
,
that
naturally
estranges
their
Affections
,
and
they
throw
off
all
inclinations
of
Kindness
to
him
,
as
a
Person
that
disclaims
all
designs
of
Kindness
to
them
.
And
then
a
Man's
condition
is
uncomfortable
enough
,
when
he
is
forsaken
of
all
the
World
,
and
left
all
alone
to
shift
for
himself
with
a
bad
Conscience
.
The
bare
want
of
Friends
is
a
sad
punishment
of
all
selfishness
;
and
though
he
be
in
Prosperity
,
it
is
no
pleasant
reflexion
to
consider
that
he
is
scorn'd
and
neglected
and
hated
by
the
publick
Vote
of
all
good
Men
:
but
if
he
fall
into
Adversity
(
and
that
sometime
or
other
happens
to
every
crafty
and
dishonest
Man
)
he
is
left
to
the
sadness
of
his
own
Fortune
,
and
no
Man
is
concern'd
to
assist
or
relieve
him
,
but
the
whole
Society
triumphs
and
rejoices
in
his
Ruin
.
2.
The
next
natural
Punishment
of
Injustice
is
Insecurity
;
for
let
the
wickedness
be
committed
with
never
so
much
craft
and
privacy
,
yet
no
Man
can
ever
certainly
assure
himself
to
escape
discovery
;
so
many
unforeseen
and
unsuspected
ways
are
there
of
betraying
the
most
secret
Crimes
:
so
that
though
it
were
possible
to
shake
off
all
apprehensions
of
a
Divine
Displeasure
,
yet
there
is
no
Remedy
against
the
perpetual
Fears
of
Revenge
from
Men.
And
thus
Epicurus
after
he
had
set
Men
loose
from
any
regard
to
the
Observation
of
Providence
,
yet
he
thought
it
so
difficult
and
so
almost
impossible
to
conceal
any
enormous
baseness
for
ever
,
that
he
concluded
no
wise
Man
could
venture
upon
it
but
with
the
uneasiness
and
terrour
of
an
accusing
Conscience
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
no
Man
can
be
secure
of
privacy
:
and
though
it
is
possible
he
might
be
so
dexterous
or
so
fortunate
as
to
have
pass't
through
a
thousand
Impieties
with
credit
and
impunity
,
yet
all
this
while
the
Man
enjoys
but
little
comfort
in
himself
and
his
unjust
possessions
,
because
he
cannot
but
be
always
diffident
that
first
or
last
once
before
he
dies
by
some
unlucky
accident
or
other
,
he
is
either
intrapt
in
some
new
Attempts
,
or
betrayed
in
some
old
Wiles
.
So
that
though
dishonest
Men
may
sometimes
have
the
fortune
,
yet
they
can
never
have
the
confidence
,
to
pass
unpunished
,
and
the
incessant
fear
of
this
robs
them
of
all
real
mirth
for
the
present
,
and
all
security
for
the
future
,
Potest
nocenti
contingere
ut
lateat
,
latendi
fides
non
potest
.
So
that
howsoever
he
may
shift
the
publick
Justice
,
there
is
no
avoiding
the
punishment
of
his
own
Fears
,
especially
when
there
is
so
much
likelihood
that
some
time
or
other
he
is
surprised
and
discover'd
,
and
when
it
is
so
very
probable
and
usual
in
the
order
of
humane
Affairs
for
all
Guilt
some
time
or
other
to
be
brought
to
Judgment
.
Plerumque
(
says
Torquatus
in
Cicero
prim
.
de
fin
.
)
improborum
facta
primò
suspicio
insequitur
,
deinde
Sermo
atque
fama
,
tum
accusator
,
tum
judex
,
multi
etiam
se
indicaverunt
.
3.
The
Man
that
is
false
and
injurious
does
not
onely
forfeit
the
advantages
of
being
loved
and
trusted
and
protected
,
but
he
provokes
all
Men
even
from
their
natural
principle
of
self-love
to
seek
and
contrive
his
destruction
,
and
engages
them
all
(
as
they
tender
their
own
safety
)
into
a
combination
against
him
.
And
that
is
the
proper
use
and
design
of
publick
and
capital
Punishments
,
it
is
onely
an
agreement
or
confederacy
of
the
whole
Society
to
cut
off
all
such
private
Members
of
it
as
disturb
the
common
Peace
,
and
thereby
endanger
every
particular
Man's
Safety
;
and
it
becomes
the
joint
and
equal
Interest
of
all
that
are
peaceable
or
desire
so
to
be
,
to
declare
open
War
against
him
;
and
that
Man
has
disadvantage
enough
that
contends
with
his
single
Strength
against
the
Power
of
a
Multitude
;
and
yet
so
does
every
one
that
declares
by
his
practices
,
that
he
is
not
concern'd
what
becomes
of
their
Interest
by
not
sticking
to
oppress
and
oppose
it
in
all
the
ways
of
fraud
and
violence
for
the
advancement
of
his
own
.
And
to
punish
such
is
the
defence
of
the
publick
Weal
,
and
the
equal
Interest
of
the
whole
Community
and
every
Member
of
it
,
and
therefore
it
is
but
reasonable
that
every
injurious
Person
should
expect
that
they
should
appear
and
rise
up
with
one
consent
against
him
and
his
Interest
.
They
have
all
a
tender
sense
of
their
own
Happiness
as
well
as
he
of
his
,
and
are
sufficiently
jealous
of
all
designs
and
entrenchments
upon
their
Rights
;
so
that
if
they
once
observe
a
Person
that
cares
not
how
much
he
lays
them
waste
▪
for
the
enlargement
of
his
own
Power
and
Propriety
,
't
is
natural
for
them
to
fall
upon
him
with
all
the
keenness
of
Revenge
,
and
to
treat
him
as
a
common
Enemy
without
Mercy
or
Compassion
.
And
though
the
injury
may
possibly
in
its
direct
intention
reach
no
farther
than
a
single
Person
,
yet
the
affront
and
disobligation
extends
it self
to
all
;
for
he
thereby
plainly
discovers
that
he
is
prepared
for
any
mischief
against
any
Person
for
the
advancement
of
his
own
Ends
,
and
every
Man
has
reason
to
conclude
that
he
would
serve
him
in
the
same
kind
,
if
ever
he
hapned
to
fall
into
the
same
circumstances
;
so
that
though
he
suffer
not
at
all
by
the
Oppression
of
his
Neighbour
▪
yet
he
cannot
but
resent
it
even
for
his
own
sake
,
and
if
it
ever
lie
in
his
power
revenge
it
too
.
And
now
that
Man
can
have
but
little
assurance
of
his
Safety
,
or
comfort
of
his
Life
,
that
knows
it
to
be
the
common
concernment
of
all
,
that
have
any
power
in
or
over
his
affairs
,
to
work
and
contrive
his
Ruine
;
and
though
he
may
escape
all
his
days
(
as
some
Thieves
and
Out
laws
do
)
unpunisht
and
unrevenged
,
yet
the
apprehension
of
his
danger
and
sense
of
his
insecurity
are
enough
to
destroy
all
the
quiet
of
his
Life
and
tranquility
of
his
Mind
,
and
he
is
or
has
reason
to
be
fearfull
in
the
same
proportion
that
he
is
wicked
and
unjust
.
And
now
so
much
as
a
Man
hazards
of
the
safety
of
his
Enjoyments
,
so
much
does
he
abate
of
their
Value
.
So
that
though
this
part
of
the
natural
punishment
of
Vice
that
is
to
be
expected
from
the
persons
injured
or
offended
,
is
not
always
certain
and
unavoidable
,
in
that
all
humane
Actions
are
in
their
own
nature
contingent
,
and
so
it
is
possible
that
the
Persons
they
provoke
may
never
have
the
Power
or
the
Will
to
revenge
their
Wrongs
,
yet
because
the
consequence
is
so
very
probable
as
it
is
,
that
carries
in
it
such
a
certain
and
valuable
proportion
of
Evil
,
as
may
serve
to
deter
all
Men
from
venturing
to
incur
their
displeasure
by
unjust
or
unkind
Attempts
,
and
may
be
so
design'd
and
propounded
by
the
supreme
Law
giver
as
inducements
to
all
his
Subjects
,
that
have
any
regard
to
their
own
Happiness
,
to
have
some
regard
to
this
in
all
their
Affairs
and
Entercourses
with
Men.
The
case
is
the
very
same
here
as
it
is
in
all
civil
Laws
,
where
it
is
not
necessary
that
every
Malefactour
should
be
certainly
brought
to
publick
Justice
;
but
yet
because
there
is
so
fair
a
likelihood
that
one
time
or
other
he
comes
to
execution
,
the
very
fear
of
so
probable
an
Event
is
a
sufficient
Sanction
and
an
effectual
one
too
upon
the
generality
of
Men
to
refrain
them
from
a
course
of
open
and
professed
Violence
.
And
thus
when
it
is
mighty
odds
,
though
it
is
not
absolutely
certain
that
every
injurious
Person
shall
(
considering
the
natural
passions
of
Men
)
not
onely
be
fully
repayed
in
his
own
kind
,
but
be
forced
to
suffer
a
greater
damage
by
his
breach
of
Peace
and
Faith
(
for
that
is
done
by
every
act
of
Injustice
)
than
he
can
ever
hope
to
gain
advantage
by
it
,
if
he
should
have
the
good
fortune
(
that
seldom
happens
)
to
escape
unpunished
:
this
consideration
alone
is
in
all
common
cases
an
overruling
Argument
with
any
Man
of
any
tolerable
Understanding
to
determine
him
to
resolutions
of
just
and
honest
dealing
with
all
Men.
I
might
add
innumerable
other
particulars
to
this
purpose
,
but
they
occur
so
easily
to
every
Man's
Observation
,
that
after
I
have
given
this
Specimen
of
it
,
that
alone
is
abundantly
sufficient
to
the
satisfaction
of
sincere
and
ingenuous
Minds
;
so
that
it
were
to
be
tedious
to
very
little
if
any
purpose
to
represent
the
whole
Train
of
good
or
bad
Consequences
that
naturally
follow
upon
all
good
or
bad
Practices
;
but
it
is
enough
that
in
the
ordinary
course
of
Nature
and
Providence
,
the
Happiness
and
Safety
of
every
Man's
Life
is
proportion'd
to
the
degrees
of
his
Vertue
and
Honesty
.
And
if
Men
will
but
be
at
the
pains
to
attend
to
this
single
Observation
,
that
alone
will
bring
them
into
some
competent
knowledge
of
all
the
subordinate
Duties
of
Morality
,
and
under
a
sufficient
obligation
to
their
serious
and
habitual
Practice
;
and
no
Law
of
what
nature
soever
is
capable
of
a
more
proper
or
more
powerfull
Sanction
.
And
therefore
to
conclude
,
and
not
to
recapitulate
all
particulars
,
the
premises
seriously
laid
together
,
will
,
I
think
,
amount
to
a
fair
and
forcible
demonstration
of
the
Problem
I
undertook
to
prove
,
viz.
The
certain
Institution
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
in
that
the
Authour
of
it
has
signified
to
us
his
own
design
and
intention
toward
Mankind
in
the
contrivance
of
it
,
and
has
obliged
us
as
far
as
our
actions
are
in
our
own
Power
to
pursue
the
same
design
with
himself
by
Rewards
and
Punishments
resulting
from
the
nature
of
Things
,
as
we
comply
with
or
disobey
this
publication
of
his
Will.
§
XVI
.
Hitherto
I
have
endeavour'd
to
demonstrate
that
if
there
be
a
supreme
Cause
and
Governour
of
the
World
,
that
then
the
design
of
his
Government
is
the
common
Happiness
of
all
Mankind
,
and
that
for
the
attainment
of
this
general
End
,
he
has
so
contrived
the
nature
of
Things
as
to
make
every
Man
's
particular
Happiness
to
depend
,
as
far
as
things
are
within
his
own
power
,
upon
his
endeavours
of
promoting
that
of
all
.
Which
two
fundamental
Principles
being
laid
,
first
,
of
the
Being
of
a
Providence
,
and
then
of
the
Goodness
of
it
,
that
will
certainly
guide
and
direct
us
to
something
farther
than
what
we
have
hitherto
demonstrated
.
For
all
that
I
have
already
proved
is
not
sufficient
to
make
us
actually
Happy
,
but
rather
puts
us
into
a
capacity
of
being
so
.
If
indeed
the
Providence
of
God
had
not
taken
so
much
care
to
secure
the
common
Peace
and
mutual
Love
of
Mankind
,
we
had
all
been
certainly
and
fatally
miserable
;
though
when
this
provision
is
made
it
is
not
enough
to
make
us
happy
,
and
therefore
he
has
in
vain
done
so
much
for
us
,
unless
he
doe
something
more
.
Especially
when
,
after
all
our
best
endeavours
to
attain
Happiness
in
that
way
that
the
Providence
of
God
hath
chalk't
out
to
us
,
it
is
possible
to
be
defeated
of
it
by
some
other
causes
without
our
own
default
,
and
then
what
must
follow
but
that
the
Divine
Providence
(
if
it
be
constant
to
its
own
design
,
and
unless
it
be
so
it
is
no
Divine
Providence
)
is
obliged
to
compensate
or
secure
it
some
other
way
.
For
it
is
certain
that
a
great
part
of
our
Happiness
is
out
of
our
own
power
,
and
therefore
notwithstanding
all
our
endeavours
after
it
,
we
may
not
attain
to
it
,
and
then
if
the
design
of
the
Divine
Providence
be
to
make
us
happy
in
the
way
of
Vertue
,
(
as
I
have
proved
it
is
)
in
this
case
he
has
obliged
himself
to
ensure
it
by
some
other
means
,
unless
we
can
suppose
that
he
has
proposed
to
himself
an
end
without
providing
sufficient
means
to
effect
it
;
which
is
to
say
that
this
excellent
Being
,
that
has
contrived
the
whole
Creation
with
such
wonderfull
Art
and
Wisedom
,
has
done
all
this
in
order
to
a
thing
impossible
:
or
that
he
has
engaged
us
to
the
performance
of
our
Duty
by
the
promise
of
a
Reward
,
and
yet
when
we
have
faithfully
done
our
Work
that
he
should
defraud
us
of
our
Wages
.
And
this
brings
in
the
second
part
of
my
Argument
,
That
seeing
God
designs
our
Happiness
,
and
seeing
he
has
contrived
things
so
as
to
oblige
us
as
far
as
it
is
in
our
own
power
to
procure
it
in
the
way
before
described
;
and
seeing
that
alone
is
not
sufficient
for
the
attainment
of
this
End
;
and
if
it
were
that
yet
notwithstanding
we
may
be
defeated
of
it
,
there
must
(
I
say
)
remain
some
other
design
of
Providence
than
what
we
have
hitherto
discover'd
.
And
here
unavoidably
comes
in
the
Happiness
of
a
future
state
.
For
if
it
be
made
evident
,
after
the
proof
of
the
Premises
,
that
we
are
not
capable
of
Happiness
,
or
after
our
best
endeavours
after
it
that
we
may
be
deprived
of
it
,
it
then
undeniably
follows
that
either
there
is
such
a
state
,
or
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
a
Divine
Providence
.
And
this
I
shall
endeavour
to
make
good
from
these
two
plain
and
easie
Propositions
.
First
in
general
,
That
without
it
no
Man
is
capable
of
being
happy
.
Secondly
in
particular
,
That
without
it
no
Man
can
be
obliged
to
be
vertuous
;
nay
,
on
the
contrary
,
that
the
best
Men
may
,
and
frequently
are
,
upon
the
account
of
their
Goodness
,
notwithstanding
all
that
care
God
has
taken
of
them
in
this
world
,
the
most
miserable
.
From
whence
it
is
manifest
that
either
there
is
no
Providence
,
which
I
have
already
proved
,
and
therefore
now
suppose
;
or
if
there
be
,
that
upon
that
supposition
there
is
the
same
certainty
of
a
future
state
as
there
is
of
the
Being
and
Providence
of
a
Deity
,
so
that
whoever
denies
one
must
be
forced
to
disavow
both
,
which
I
now
undertake
to
prove
from
the
forementioned
Principles
.
First
,
That
without
a
future
state
Mankind
is
utterly
uncapable
of
Happiness
.
And
for
the
more
convincing
demonstration
hereof
I
shall
consider
the
most
famous
Opinions
of
Happiness
among
the
Philosophers
;
and
that
I
may
the
more
easily
doe
,
because
they
are
not
so
many
as
some
men
would
perswade
us
they
are
;
for
as
for
the
known
and
common
citation
out
of
Varro
insisted
upon
,
and
if
true
,
justly
upbraided
by
Saint
Austin
of
their
being
divided
into
288
different
Sects
and
Opinions
,
it
is
obvious
enough
that
this
was
but
a
crude
and
injudicious
Collection
;
for
if
we
impartially
consider
those
various
Instances
,
more
distinctly
recorded
or
collected
by
other
Authours
,
we
shall
find
them
either
so
many
differences
of
Words
and
not
of
Conceits
,
or
else
Motto's
and
little
Sayings
,
(
according
to
the
fashion
and
affectation
of
the
Greeks
)
rather
to
express
their
own
fancy
and
peculiar
humours
than
their
serious
and
Philosophical
account
of
things
.
And
it
is
obvious
that
all
their
discourses
about
it
,
relate
either
to
the
general
and
abstracted
Notion
of
it
,
or
to
the
Causes
and
Objects
that
produce
it
.
As
for
the
first
it
must
be
confessed
that
they
describe
it
by
an
infinite
variety
of
Expressions
;
but
as
for
the
things
productive
of
it
,
there
neither
are
nor
can
be
more
than
those
three
famous
Opinions
,
that
place
it
either
in
Pleasure
onely
,
or
in
Vertue
onely
,
or
in
both
together
with
the
goods
of
Fortune
;
to
which
all
other
subdividing
Sects
,
how
numerous
soever
,
are
easily
reducible
.
And
here
,
that
I
may
represent
them
to
the
best
advantage
,
I
shall
chiefly
consider
them
as
they
are
discoursed
of
and
accounted
for
by
Tully
himself
;
because
of
all
Men
of
all
Ages
he
was
most
able
to
set
them
out
with
all
the
beauty
of
Wit
,
and
force
of
Reason
,
and
accordingly
has
,
in
those
admirable
Books
of
his
about
the
Ends
of
Good
and
Evil
,
and
his
Tusculan
Questions
,
discharged
this
noble
Argument
as
became
himself
,
i.
e.
with
all
the
possible
advantages
of
Wit
and
Reason
;
insomuch
as
(
if
I
may
presume
to
judge
so
much
,
and
yet
the
case
is
so
plain
that
it
needs
no
presumption
)
all
the
other
Discourses
beside
upon
the
same
Subject
are
not
to
be
compared
,
either
for
Use
or
Delight
,
to
these
two
Treatises
.
For
as
he
has
omitted
nothing
that
is
either
plausible
or
pertinent
to
his
Argument
;
so
has
he
recommended
his
Notions
with
a
singular
and
unimitable
force
of
Expression
.
For
though
possibly
others
(
and
yet
if
any
,
very
few
)
may
have
equal'd
him
in
Philosophick
Skill
and
Knowledge
,
yet
all
the
World
falls
short
of
him
in
his
miraculous
Art
of
Eloquence
.
And
so
I
call
it
,
in
that
it
looks
like
more
than
a
Prodigy
,
that
one
Man
should
so
strangely
excell
all
the
rest
of
Mankind
,
and
stand
alone
,
as
it
were
,
a
Being
of
a
superiour
Order
;
Insomuch
that
when
all
the
great
Wits
of
all
Ages
since
have
swol'n
and
labour'd
to
rival
his
Glory
,
he
has
been
so
far
from
having
an
Equal
,
that
he
never
yet
had
one
that
could
attain
the
honour
of
being
his
Second
;
but
still
,
after
all
their
utmost
endeavours
,
they
appear
no
more
than
the
Toad
to
the
Ox
or
the
Stars
to
the
Sun
.
And
therefore
,
in
my
following
Discourse
,
I
shall
in
the
first
place
confine
my self
to
a
stricter
and
more
particular
examination
of
his
performance
,
though
under
him
I
shall
take
an
occasion
to
give
an
account
of
the
several
endeavours
of
other
valuable
Authours
upon
the
same
Argument
.
§
XVII
.
First
then
as
for
the
Epicurean
Hypothesis
,
with
which
he
begins
,
he
has
indeed
done
us
that
kindness
,
as
in
part
to
shew
us
its
insufficiency
,
but
then
himself
has
not
been
able
to
direct
us
to
a
better
;
and
all
the
instructions
he
has
given
us
afterward
for
the
obtaining
of
Happiness
are
chiefly
borrowed
from
the
Canons
of
Epicurus
.
Neither
indeed
was
it
possible
to
be
otherwise
,
for
how
variously
soever
Men
may
delight
to
amuse
themselves
with
their
own
particular
Fancies
and
Hypotheses
,
there
are
no
more
than
two
real
accounts
of
the
state
of
humane
Nature
,
either
that
which
supposes
Immortality
,
or
that
which
does
not
;
so
that
the
supposition
of
Immortality
being
taken
away
,
all
the
other
accounts
of
Happiness
can
amount
to
no
more
than
that
of
Epicurus
,
placing
it
in
the
pleasures
of
this
Life
alone
.
And
yet
for
the
fuller
demonstration
of
the
thing
I
shall
consider
them
singly
,
that
thereby
it
may
appear
how
plainly
defective
all
the
various
arts
and
methods
of
Philosophy
are
without
our
Supposition
.
And
as
for
Epicurus
,
the
Question
between
him
and
his
Adversaries
is
,
Whether
Pleasure
be
the
Sovereign
Good
:
In
answer
to
which
our
Authour's
Discourse
consists
of
two
parts
,
first
,
to
settle
the
right
Notion
and
Definition
of
Pleasure
:
secondly
,
to
prove
that
this
one
Principle
blows
up
all
the
foundations
of
Justice
,
Vertue
,
and
Honesty
.
As
for
the
first
,
I
shall
not
much
concern
my self
about
the
Grammatical
signification
of
the
word
Pleasure
.
For
I
must
confess
that
both
Epicurus
and
his
followers
are
by
many
Authours
too
crudely
reviled
in
general
terms
for
placing
our
sovereign
Happiness
in
Pleasure
,
when
it
is
so
very
clear
that
they
are
but
equivalent
terms
to
express
the
same
thing
.
For
by
Pleasure
all
Men
mean
that
content
and
satisfaction
that
is
agreeable
and
proper
to
the
Nature
of
any
Being
,
so
that
when
it
enjoys
and
possesses
all
those
Objects
of
Delight
that
are
suitable
or
adequate
to
its
respective
Capacities
,
it
is
then
,
in
all
Mens
account
,
arrived
at
the
state
of
its
perfect
Happiness
or
full
Contentment
.
And
therefore
it
is
but
an
idle
and
needless
dispute
between
them
and
the
Stoicks
,
whether
Pleasure
or
Vertue
be
the
supreme
Good
.
For
whatsoever
may
be
the
reason
of
the
goodness
of
Vertue
,
yet
the
reason
of
our
choice
must
,
in
the
last
account
of
things
,
be
resolved
into
its
subserviency
to
our
delight
and
satisfaction
;
And
if
moral
Goodness
be
(
as
it
is
)
our
supreme
Felicity
,
it
is
so
because
it
is
most
agreeable
to
the
perfection
of
our
Natures
,
and
most
conducive
to
the
quiet
and
satisfaction
of
our
Minds
.
For
't
is
a
contradiction
to
the
Nature
of
created
Beings
to
act
without
any
regard
to
some
self-ends
,
unless
we
can
suppose
them
devested
of
self-love
,
than
which
no
Supposition
is
or
can
be
more
impossible
.
And
therefore
this
,
as
it
is
not
a
reasonable
,
so
neither
is
it
the
proper
ground
of
exception
against
the
Epicurean
Philosophy
:
but
its
mischief
and
malignity
derives
from
a
much
worse
Principle
,
viz.
it
s
unworthy
conceptions
of
the
mean
and
narrow
capacities
of
humane
Nature
,
to
which
it
is
necessary
to
reduce
the
proportion
of
humane
Happiness
.
And
therefore
,
the
Epicureans
allowing
no
other
Principle
of
Being
to
Men
than
the
Engine
of
their
Bodies
,
and
by
consequence
no
other
sensation
than
what
results
from
the
contrivance
of
the
parts
of
matter
,
from
hence
it
plainly
appears
that
they
resolve
our
sovereign
delight
purely
into
sensual
enjoyments
;
because
,
upon
their
Principles
,
we
are
,
from
the
condition
of
our
Natures
,
utterly
uncapable
of
any
other
gratifications
.
And
therefore
we
dispute
not
with
Epicurus
whether
Pleasure
be
the
end
of
Vertue
,
but
what
Pleasure
.
If
he
had
taken
in
the
full
capacity
of
humane
Nature
as
it
consists
of
Soul
and
Body
,
he
had
said
nothing
less
than
the
best
and
wisest
Philosophers
do
or
ought
to
say
.
But
when
he
intends
the
Pleasure
of
the
Body
alone
,
he
destroys
the
very
Being
of
Vertue
and
humane
Happiness
,
and
resolves
all
our
enjoyment
into
meer
brutishness
and
sensuality
.
And
that
he
intends
nothing
more
is
past
all
dispute
to
any
Man
that
is
not
resolved
to
abuse
himself
,
in
that
he
never
taught
any
thing
more
constantly
,
concern'dly
and
expresly
than
this
,
That
Man
is
nothing
else
beside
the
fabrick
of
his
Body
.
In
this
one
desperate
Principle
lies
all
the
poison
of
his
Philosophy
of
old
,
and
so
does
that
of
another
of
late
,
that
makes
Self-interest
(
which
is
but
another
word
for
Pleasure
)
the
onely
end
and
reason
of
all
humane
actions
.
For
if
he
had
meant
the
Self-interest
of
the
whole
Man
as
it
comprehends
the
interest
of
the
Soul
and
Body
,
that
is
,
his
present
and
his
future
state
,
it
had
been
an
honest
and
a
pious
assertion
:
But
when
he
intends
nothing
more
than
the
narrow
interest
of
our
present
advantage
,
and
takes
off
all
regard
to
the
future
,
this
defeats
all
the
obligations
of
Vertue
,
Religion
and
Honesty
,
and
leaves
all
Men
at
liberty
to
doe
all
things
indifferently
,
as
they
shall
apprehend
most
convenient
to
their
own
private
ends
and
interests
,
ease
and
pleasure
.
§
XVIII
.
Great
numbers
of
Apologies
have
indeed
been
made
by
learned
Men
to
abate
or
rather
altogether
excuse
the
meanness
of
Epicurus
his
Opinion
,
but
all
in
vain
.
For
what
though
(
as
they
plead
)
he
distinguish't
between
the
Pleasures
of
the
Body
and
the
Mind
,
and
gave
the
latter
the
Preheminence
,
yet
't
is
notorious
not
onely
that
by
the
Mind
he
never
intended
any
Being
distinct
from
the
Body
,
but
onely
the
power
of
Imagination
,
which
,
in
his
Philosophy
,
is
supposed
the
highest
instrument
of
sensual
perceptions
;
but
(
what
is
more
palpable
,
as
I
shall
shew
more
at
large
anon
)
that
he
placed
our
supreme
Felicity
onely
in
the
pleasures
of
the
Body
.
Though
here
their
Opinion
is
so
very
foul
,
that
they
are
forced
upon
all
turns
to
talk
ambiguously
,
and
for
the
most
part
inconsistently
with
themselves
,
sometimes
they
will
have
their
sovereign
Pleasure
to
signifie
the
actual
enjoyments
and
gratifications
of
Sensuality
;
sometimes
nothing
more
than
indolency
or
meer
freedom
from
pain
;
sometimes
both
together
,
with
the
reflexion
of
the
Mind
upon
them
.
Thus
Epicurus
speaks
out
plainly
,
that
he
understands
not
what
Happiness
is
,
nor
where
it
is
to
be
found
,
if
it
be
not
in
the
delights
of
the
Palate
and
some
other
that
modesty
forbids
to
name
.
So
the
wise
Metrodorus
(
for
that
title
Epicurus
was
pleased
to
bestow
upon
his
Friend
as
well
as
himself
)
expresly
teaches
that
the
Belly
is
the
onely
proper
seat
of
Happiness
,
and
that
no
Arts
or
Sciences
are
any
way
usefull
or
valuable
than
as
they
are
subservient
to
its
delights
.
But
because
this
account
of
the
utmost
emprovement
of
humane
Happiness
and
Wisedom
too
seem'd
too
mean
and
brutish
for
those
lofty
expressions
wherewith
they
had
set
off
their
own
Happiness
,
making
it
equal
with
that
of
the
Gods
themselves
;
they
sometime
tell
us
that
by
Pleasure
we
are
not
to
understand
the
meer
actual
delights
and
gratifications
of
the
Body
,
but
partly
a
freedom
from
the
pain
and
trouble
that
is
removed
thereby
,
and
chiefly
those
delightfull
reflexions
that
we
naturally
enjoy
upon
it
;
so
that
they
intend
not
the
pleasures
of
Sensuality
,
but
that
innocent
satisfaction
of
Mind
that
naturally
ensues
upon
their
enjoyment
;
in
that
when
the
desires
of
the
Appetite
are
quieted
,
and
its
wants
supplied
,
the
pure
consideration
of
this
affects
the
Mind
of
every
wise
Man
with
great
joy
and
tranquility
of
thought
.
And
this
poor
slender
Subtilty
they
fancy
to
be
of
mighty
use
to
palliate
the
foulness
of
their
Doctrine
,
and
to
enhance
their
grave
and
philosophical
account
of
the
Divine
Felicity
of
humane
Nature
;
and
herein
do
all
the
Epicurean
Apologists
,
with
a
singular
confidence
,
triumph
,
as
if
their
great
Master
had
undoubtedly
placed
our
sovereign
Happiness
purely
in
the
Operations
of
the
Mind
.
But
beside
what
I
have
already
observed
that
Epicurus
spoke
out
too
bluntly
to
find
any
subterfuge
in
this
Apology
;
it
does
not
at
all
mend
the
matter
that
they
would
excuse
.
For
if
to
resolve
all
our
Happiness
into
the
actual
delights
of
Sensuality
,
be
thought
somewhat
too
shamefull
to
own
,
it
is
very
little
more
honourable
to
place
it
in
entertaining
the
Fancy
with
reflections
upon
them
.
And
if
it
be
below
the
dignity
of
humane
Nature
to
doe
nothing
better
than
to
Eat
and
Drink
,
it
is
altogether
as
unworthy
of
it
to
think
of
nothing
greater
:
this
is
onely
to
remove
its
Happiness
from
the
Table
to
the
Couch
.
All
their
boastings
concerning
the
pleasures
of
the
Mind
amount
to
no
more
than
this
;
and
therefore
Plutarch
,
when
the
Apology
is
made
,
takes
them
up
quick
for
it
.
Yes
,
yes
,
says
he
,
this
Plea
were
to
some
purpose
if
they
would
acknowledge
any
Pleasures
wherewith
the
Mind
might
entertain
it self
distinct
from
those
of
the
Body
:
but
when
they
openly
declare
and
protest
that
it
is
not
capable
of
any
other
satisfaction
than
what
it
enjoys
in
providing
for
or
reflecting
upon
its
sensual
delights
,
do
they
not
avowedly
resolve
all
the
Happiness
of
the
Mind
into
pure
Sensuality
,
when
they
onely
make
use
of
it
as
an
Instrument
to
repeat
or
emprove
that
sort
of
Pleasures
,
as
it
were
by
preserving
the
fumes
of
them
in
the
Fancy
,
and
when
the
sensual
delight
it self
is
gone
,
feeding
upon
its
meer
imagination
.
So
that
all
that
this
pretence
amounts
to
is
,
that
the
Mind
continually
pleases
it self
with
the
memory
of
past
Pleasures
and
the
hope
of
Pleasures
to
come
.
And
is
not
this
a
brave
account
of
all
the
Wisedom
and
Happiness
of
the
Mind
of
Man
,
that
it
is
onely
a
Cook
to
cater
for
the
Body
,
that
it
is
ingenious
to
provide
for
the
pleasures
of
the
Flesh
,
that
it
has
a
quick
and
a
strong
Fancy
that
makes
it
as
happy
as
God
himself
by
being
perpetually
fixed
upon
them
?
At
least
this
great
satisfaction
(
that
they
will
have
to
be
the
onely
privilege
of
a
wise
Man
)
is
the
very
height
of
brutish
Lust
,
and
onely
serves
when
the
natural
Appetite
is
satisfied
,
to
provoke
it
to
new
and
preternatural
desires
.
§
XIX
.
And
thus
having
briefly
unravel'd
the
little
knots
and
mysteries
of
the
Epicurean
Philosophy
,
and
clear'd
it
from
those
obscurities
that
they
themselves
have
been
forced
to
cast
upon
it
in
their
own
defence
,
I
have
by
that
alone
dispatcht
the
greatest
part
of
the
Controversie
with
them
:
For
in
all
disputes
with
this
sort
of
Men
,
it
is
a
much
harder
task
to
make
them
own
their
own
Doctrines
,
than
it
is
,
when
owned
,
to
confute
them
.
And
therefore
it
has
ever
been
their
custom
to
keep
their
Notions
in
the
dark
and
under
some
disguise
,
lest
if
they
should
appear
in
the
open
light
,
and
in
their
own
naked
form
,
they
should
,
without
any
curious
survey
,
discover
their
own
foulness
and
falshood
.
As
in
our
present
case
.
All
Happiness
,
say
they
,
consists
in
Pleasure
.
What
in
sensual
Pleasure
?
No
,
that
is
too
gross
and
filthy
.
In
what
then
?
In
indolency
.
But
meer
indolency
,
say
I
,
is
the
Happiness
of
Stocks
and
Stones
.
The
highest
Pleasure
of
all
therefore
,
say
they
,
consists
in
tranquility
of
Mind
.
But
whence
arises
that
tranquility
?
From
its
reflecting
upon
the
pleasures
of
the
Body
.
Now
the
plain
truth
is
forced
out
,
that
the
pleasures
of
the
Body
are
the
onely
sovereign
Happiness
,
and
that
all
the
pleasures
of
the
Mind
result
wholly
from
them
,
and
are
entirely
resolved
into
them
.
But
I
shall
not
concern
my self
in
their
Greekish
subtilties
,
and
shall
onely
discourse
with
them
according
to
the
common
sense
and
understanding
of
Mankind
,
and
therefore
will
suppose
that
by
Pleasure
they
mean
,
as
they
ought
to
do
,
all
the
Happiness
we
are
capable
of
in
this
life
,
be
it
actual
enjoyments
,
or
a
sense
of
present
indolency
,
or
both
,
or
any
thing
else
that
can
contribute
to
our
present
contentment
.
And
upon
this
state
of
the
Question
,
which
is
the
fairest
that
can
be
made
,
I
shall
proceed
with
them
.
And
here
two
very
frightfull
Objections
against
the
pleasures
of
this
life
taken
alone
,
immediately
present
themselves
to
our
view
;
first
,
their
notorious
Vanity
;
secondly
,
their
wofull
Uncertainty
.
So
that
if
they
were
solid
,
yet
their
falshood
and
treachery
would
rifle
their
satisfaction
;
and
if
they
were
constant
,
yet
their
meanness
would
render
them
inconsiderable
;
but
when
they
are
both
vain
and
insecure
,
if
the
Providence
of
God
,
that
has
taken
care
in
some
measure
to
provide
for
us
,
has
not
provided
some
farther
Happiness
,
after
all
his
wise
contrivances
for
the
good
Government
and
happy
estate
of
Mankind
,
he
has
in
effect
done
no
more
than
if
he
had
done
nothing
at
all
.
As
for
their
Vanity
,
I
shall
defer
to
discourse
of
it
till
I
come
to
the
more
plausible
account
of
the
Peripateticks
,
who
though
they
place
not
so
great
a
value
upon
them
,
as
to
make
them
the
whole
Happiness
of
humane
Nature
,
yet
they
make
them
a
part
of
it
subordinate
to
Vertue
,
which
I
shall
there
prove
to
be
as
lank
as
the
Epicurean
Hypothesis
,
without
the
addition
of
Immortality
;
but
with
it
,
to
carry
in
it
as
much
contentment
and
satisfaction
as
the
nature
of
the
thing
is
capable
of
,
and
as
the
Providence
of
God
can
be
supposed
to
design
by
it
.
And
that
will
be
enough
,
upon
the
supposition
of
the
Divine
Providence
,
to
prove
the
necessity
of
a
future
state
.
But
at
present
its
meer
fickleness
and
uncertainty
is
more
than
enough
to
destroy
all
its
delight
.
For
the
two
great
Ingredients
of
Happiness
that
they
(
and
truly
enough
)
require
,
are
present
contentment
,
and
security
of
it
for
the
future
;
so
that
if
this
last
be
an
impossible
thing
,
that
alone
overthrows
all
the
designs
of
Happiness
.
And
this
is
as
certain
,
by
the
daily
experience
of
all
Mankind
,
as
that
there
are
such
Creatures
as
Men
upon
the
face
of
the
Earth
.
For
what
Man
can
be
secure
of
his
present
good
condition
.
I
will
not
say
all
his
life
,
for
that
supposition
is
too
enormous
,
but
a
year
,
a
month
,
a
day
,
an
hour
,
nay
the
next
moment
?
For
considering
how
many
are
the
Evils
of
humane
life
,
how
many
ways
they
may
befall
us
;
that
there
is
nothing
within
,
nor
nothing
without
us
,
that
may
not
discompose
our
present
Tranquility
,
he
must
be
a
very
vain
and
foolish
Man
,
that
can
secure
himself
from
all
future
trouble
and
disturbance
;
and
if
any
Man
could
flatter
himself
to
so
high
a
degree
of
stupidity
,
yet
his
own
experience
would
quickly
convince
him
of
his
folly
.
Nay
,
so
far
are
we
from
being
any
ways
happy
by
our
security
for
the
time
to
come
,
that
the
meer
foresight
of
future
evils
is
one
of
the
heaviest
and
most
unavoidable
miseries
of
humane
life
:
non-posse
sua
.
&c.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
A
Man
may
sooner
expect
a
Winters
constant
Summer
,
than
hope
for
a
perpetual
ease
and
health
of
Body
.
So
that
suppose
a
Man
in
never
so
happy
a
condition
at
present
,
he
cannot
avoid
being
troubled
with
the
foresight
of
all
those
sad
accidents
that
may
probably
befall
him
,
and
in
his
greatest
ease
whilst
his
Mind
is
employed
in
reflecting
upon
its
present
repose
,
it
must
withall
be
thinking
how
obnoxious
it
is
to
innumerable
Pains
and
Miseries
.
And
this
one
lean
Meditation
of
the
shortness
and
uncertainty
of
his
present
ease
,
and
the
foresight
of
all
those
Evils
that
in
a
little
time
may
,
and
some
time
or
other
must
discompose
it
,
must
devour
all
the
other
delights
of
Life
,
were
they
much
bigger
and
much
more
solid
than
they
are
.
§
XX.
And
of
this
the
Epicureans
themselves
were
so
forcibly
convinced
by
the
most
obvious
experience
of
things
,
that
they
thought
it
was
in
vain
and
too
great
a
confidence
to
deny
it
;
and
therefore
seeing
that
we
can
never
hope
to
escape
all
the
Miseries
of
Life
,
they
have
furnished
us
with
several
Antidotes
or
rather
Charms
and
Conjurations
to
relieve
us
against
them
.
For
alass
all
their
Prescriptions
are
onely
so
many
little
Sayings
and
Apothegms
fit
for
Schoolboys
Declamations
,
but
are
by
no
means
such
Reasons
as
become
the
wisedom
and
gravity
of
Philosophers
,
or
can
afford
any
the
least
satisfaction
to
a
wife
and
sober
Man
.
Nay
so
far
are
they
from
that
,
that
they
are
like
the
Dreams
of
frantick
People
,
stubborn
and
wild
Conceits
persisted
in
against
the
nature
of
things
and
the
experience
of
Mankind
.
As
that
length
of
time
makes
no
accession
to
a
Man's
happiness
.
He
might
as
well
have
told
us
that
continuance
of
Pain
makes
no
accession
to
his
Misery
,
and
that
the
Man
who
suffers
any
Pain
a
year
,
endures
no
more
than
he
that
suffers
the
very
same
Pain
but
an
hour
.
However
,
there
is
no
Man
that
thinks
himself
happy
,
but
must
for
that
Reason
desire
its
continuance
,
and
if
it
be
not
eternal
,
fear
its
loss
.
So
that
when
he
tells
us
that
Eternity
it self
could
not
improve
our
Felicity
,
he
is
inconsistent
both
with
the
nature
of
things
,
and
with
himself
.
With
the
nature
of
things
,
because
all
Pleasure
is
enjoyed
at
the
present
time
,
from
whence
it
is
undeniably
evident
that
how
much
longer
time
any
Man
has
of
his
Enjoyment
,
so
much
more
does
he
enjoy
of
Happiness
.
In
short
,
we
are
either
happy
in
this
present
State
,
or
we
are
not
;
if
not
,
then
according
to
the
Epicurean
Hypothesis
we
are
never
happy
;
if
we
are
,
then
the
case
is
plain
that
no
Man
can
ever
be
reconciled
to
the
loss
of
his
Happiness
.
It
is
in
vain
then
to
tell
us
that
time
makes
no
addition
to
our
Felicity
,
when
we
are
certain
that
the
cutting
off
of
time
alone
utterly
kills
and
destroys
it
for
ever
.
And
as
he
contradicts
the
nature
of
things
,
so
himself
;
in
that
he
places
the
peculiar
Happiness
of
his
God's
in
this
,
that
they
are
not
onely
happy
at
present
,
but
are
secure
to
continue
so
for
ever
.
And
indeed
without
it
their
present
Happiness
would
afford
them
but
a
very
slender
Contentment
;
nay
the
greater
it
is
,
so
much
the
more
would
the
certainty
of
its
future
loss
afflict
them
.
For
what
Being
can
we
imagine
more
miserable
than
one
that
being
advanced
to
the
utmost
pitch
of
Happiness
knows
it self
condem'd
to
be
in
a
little
time
cast
down
from
it
for
ever
?
In
this
case
the
more
happy
,
the
more
miserable
;
for
by
how
much
the
more
any
one
delights
in
his
present
Condition
,
by
so
much
the
more
must
he
dread
the
loss
of
it
.
So
that
length
of
time
does
not
onely
make
accession
to
our
Happiness
,
but
makes
the
very
Happiness
it self
.
And
as
Maximus
Tyrius
very
well
observes
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
short
if
great
,
light
if
long
.
But
this
though
it
be
one
of
the
most
admired
Decrees
of
their
Philosophy
and
the
choisest
Receipt
in
all
their
Dispenfatory
,
't
is
nothing
better
than
a
charm
of
jingling
words
.
For
who
is
ignorant
that
there
are
some
very
sharp
Pains
of
a
very
long
continuance
?
What
relief
then
will
this
Proposition
afford
against
their
Assaults
?
But
if
our
Philosopher
would
have
taught
us
any
real
use
of
this
Principle
,
he
should
first
have
defined
what
he
means
by
long
and
short
,
great
and
small
,
and
then
have
made
some
application
of
it
to
some
particular
cases
.
First
,
how
few
or
how
many
days
,
months
or
years
denominate
a
Pain
long
or
short
,
and
what
degree
of
Pain
makes
it
great
or
little
:
and
if
that
were
done
(
which
yet
they
never
will
doe
)
we
might
perhaps
understand
the
benefit
of
this
Advice
;
but
without
it
,
it
can
onely
serve
to
entertain
a
Philosophers
fancy
when
he
has
no
use
of
it
,
but
not
at
all
to
relieve
him
when
he
has
.
For
whenever
it
is
reduced
to
practice
,
it
is
baffled
and
affronted
by
the
most
vulgar
experience
of
the
World
,
the
acutest
Pains
being
for
the
most
part
of
the
longest
duration
;
particularly
those
two
great
racks
of
Mankind
,
the
Stone
and
the
Gout
.
How
many
years
do
they
assault
People
before
they
destroy
them
?
And
yet
what
sort
of
Pain
is
there
more
exquisite
?
Now
then
when
a
Man
has
suffer'd
under
either
of
these
five
or
ten
years
,
would
it
not
be
a
very
strong
and
effectual
lenitive
to
be
told
by
a
Philosopher
,
si
magnus
brevis
,
short
if
sharp
?
Nay
I
will
onely
suppose
a
Person
fretted
continually
with
the
Toothache
,
should
a
Philosopher
seriously
go
about
to
give
him
ease
with
this
little
charm
,
I
am
very
apt
to
think
he
would
more
provoke
his
Choler
than
asswage
his
Pain
.
And
yet
this
sort
of
Cordials
,
as
phantastick
as
they
are
,
are
as
much
trusted
to
by
other
Sects
,
particularly
the
Stoicks
,
as
the
Epicureans
,
an
Abstract
whereof
we
meet
with
in
Seneca's
78
Epistle
so
much
magnified
by
those
two
great
Men
,
Lipsius
and
Gassendus
;
and
because
it
is
so
full
an
Account
of
all
the
Epicurean
Wisedom
,
I
shall
here
a
little
consider
it
,
though
it
consists
onely
of
a
great
many
provoking
Sayings
to
a
wise
Man
,
but
much
more
to
a
Man
in
pain
.
First
he
would
demonstrate
by
natural
Philosophy
that
all
Diseases
in
the
Nerves
and
Membranes
,
which
are
of
all
others
the
most
acute
,
quickly
vanish
of
their
own
nature
.
Which
no
doubt
must
be
a
wonderfull
satisfaction
to
such
Persons
as
have
been
all
their
life-time
troubled
with
the
Stone
,
the
Cholick
,
or
the
Headache
.
They
tell
me
it
is
impossible
that
I
should
for
any
long
time
have
been
tormented
with
them
,
because
they
are
of
that
sort
of
Diseases
that
from
their
own
nature
are
of
a
short
continuance
,
and
this
as
I
am
a
wise
Man
I
am
obliged
to
believe
,
notwithstanding
that
I
know
by
sad
experience
that
they
have
lasted
as
long
as
I
my self
.
In
the
next
place
,
noli
mala
tua
facere
tibi
graviora
.
Impatience
does
but
exasperate
the
pain
.
True
,
but
yet
Patience
does
not
asswage
it
;
the
Torment
is
not
the
less
because
it
is
born
with
the
greater
stubborness
of
Mind
,
for
if
that
prevent
new
Troubles
,
it
does
not
at
all
alleviate
the
old
ones
.
And
yet
were
it
so
that
patience
would
lessen
pain
,
yet
is
it
not
able
to
support
it self
under
great
extremities
(
i.
e.
when
we
stand
in
most
need
of
it
)
without
some
better
Principles
than
we
are
furnished
with
out
of
the
Epicurean
Shop
.
But
then
levis
est
si
nihil
illi
Opinio
adjecerit
,
your
pain
is
light
enough
in
it self
if
you
would
not
imagine
it
great
.
But
this
is
still
harder
when
a
Man
feels
the
most
exquisite
pains
,
to
be
told
that
they
are
light
enough
of
themselves
,
if
he
would
not
greaten
them
by
his
own
weakness
:
this
is
to
upbraid
a
Man's
misery
,
not
to
relieve
him
;
and
to
adde
Reproach
to
his
Calamity
by
making
his
Infelicity
his
Folly
.
But
supposing
his
Fancy
to
be
so
foolish
,
how
shall
he
prevent
it
?
It
is
no
more
in
a
Man's
power
to
avoid
being
sensible
of
what
he
feels
,
than
it
is
to
avoid
the
sense
it self
.
Or
if
it
were
,
I
am
sure
it
is
not
in
his
power
,
as
he
is
here
advised
(
levem
illam
dum
putas
facies
)
to
make
a
great
pain
a
little
one
onely
by
thinking
it
so
.
In
the
next
place
,
circumcidenda
duo
sunt
,
&
futuri
timor
&
veteris
incommodi
memoria
.
We
must
neither
remember
past
nor
fear
future
evils
.
And
this
Prescription
were
of
some
use
against
enflaming
our
pains
by
our
thoughts
,
if
it
were
practicable
;
but
alass
it
is
not
in
any
Man's
power
to
forget
his
last
fit
of
the
Stone
,
or
not
to
think
that
when
this
is
over
,
it
will
some
time
or
other
return
again
,
and
the
very
certainty
of
that
is
a
very
great
part
of
his
misery
.
But
however
this
concerns
not
his
present
actual
sensation
;
For
whether
he
think
or
think
not
of
past
or
future
Evils
,
it
is
certain
that
he
now
feels
all
that
he
feels
.
And
here
the
next
advice
ought
to
have
been
according
to
Epicurus
to
solace
himself
with
the
remembrance
of
his
past-pleasures
.
Which
at
best
is
but
a
very
mean
Satisfaction
,
and
for
the
most
part
rather
affects
with
trouble
than
delight
,
in
that
it
reminds
us
of
a
happiness
that
is
already
perisht
,
i.
e.
lost
for
ever
.
And
certainly
such
Thoughts
are
like
the
Reflections
of
old
Men
upon
the
pleasures
of
their
Youth
,
that
rather
trouble
them
because
they
are
past
,
than
delight
them
because
they
were
once
present
.
But
suppose
there
may
be
some
pleasure
in
these
Reflections
,
yet
how
mean
,
how
abject
,
how
unsatissying
an
happiness
is
this
to
think
to
day
under
extremity
of
pain
,
that
yesterday
I
allayed
my
hunger
and
quenched
my
thirst
?
So
that
when
the
Object
of
our
Thoughts
is
in
it self
so
mean
,
they
can
give
us
no
more
contentment
than
that
affords
.
Seeing
therefore
that
its
real
enjoyment
is
altogether
so
unable
to
procure
any
substantial
and
satisfying
happiness
,
how
much
like
a
meer
shadow
is
that
delight
which
we
create
to
our selves
by
a
meer
phantastick
and
imaginary
reflection
upon
it
.
But
if
it
have
intervals
,
it
will
be
the
more
tolerable
.
It
will
so
,
but
yet
the
future
ease
does
not
take
away
the
present
pain
.
It
onely
proves
it
to
be
a
less
misery
than
if
it
were
continual
,
but
does
not
make
a
Man
at
this
present
time
feel
less
than
he
feels
.
Beside
,
these
intervals
do
him
no
kindness
against
the
Evil
I
am
now
chiefly
discoursing
of
.
For
though
in
them
he
may
be
free
from
actual
pain
,
yet
is
he
then
grieved
with
the
memory
of
the
sharpness
of
his
pastpains
,
and
the
expectation
of
his
next
approaching
fit
;
and
that
is
the
thing
that
I
am
here
representing
as
inconsistent
with
Happiness
.
But
a
wise
Man
must
command
his
Memory
,
so
as
onely
to
remember
his
pleasures
and
forget
his
pains
.
This
is
another
very
imperious
Edict
,
for
we
can
no
more
command
our
Memories
than
our
Senses
.
And
the
sharper
our
miseries
have
been
,
the
more
importunately
will
they
thrust
themselves
upon
our
Thoughts
.
The
next
advice
then
is
,
toto
contra
illum
pugnet
animo
,
vincetur
si
cesserit
,
vincet
si
se
contra
dolorem
suum
intenderit
.
Let
him
resist
with
all
his
might
,
if
he
fly
,
he
shall
be
vanquisht
;
if
he
stand
his
ground
,
he
conquers
.
But
this
is
onely
to
put
us
off
with
metaphors
and
similitudes
,
that
because
when
a
Man
is
assaulted
by
his
Enemy
,
it
is
safer
to
resist
than
fly
,
therefore
the
same
course
is
to
be
taken
with
Pains
and
Diseases
.
And
it
were
well
if
it
could
,
but
alass
in
these
cases
it
is
not
in
our
power
either
to
fly
or
to
resist
.
And
then
it
is
in
vain
to
exhort
us
to
either
.
And
therefore
instead
of
advising
us
to
this
,
he
would
have
done
much
more
like
a
Philosopher
,
if
he
would
have
instructed
us
how
to
doe
it
,
and
furnished
us
with
Arms
and
Weapons
for
the
Combate
;
otherwise
it
would
have
been
more
advisable
to
lie
down
under
the
Burthen
then
to
think
of
making
resistance
to
no
purpose
.
For
that
is
onely
a
new
trouble
and
vexation
,
and
adds
fury
to
pain
,
like
a
Captive
that
will
not
yield
to
his
imprisonment
,
but
bites
his
Chains
and
fights
with
the
Stone-walls
to
assert
his
Liberty
.
Or
to
keep
more
closely
to
our
Authour's
metaphor
,
that
resolves
not
to
lie
down
under
a
weight
,
though
he
knows
that
he
cannot
bear
it
.
For
so
he
immediately
tells
us
,
Nunc
hoc
plerique
faciunt
,
attrahunt
in
se
ruinam
,
cui
obstandum
est
.
Istud
quod
premit
,
quod
impendet
,
quod
urget
,
si
subducere
te
coeperis
,
sequetur
,
&
gravius
incumbet
:
Si
contra
steteris
,
&
obniti
volueris
,
repelletur
.
Men
draw
ruine
upon
themselves
by
shunning
what
they
ought
to
bear
;
when
they
would
avoid
what
lies
upon
them
,
it
presses
them
so
much
the
heavier
;
but
if
they
keep
their
station
,
they
support
it
:
But
what
if
I
cannot
bear
up
under
it
,
must
I
not
then
yield
?
whether
I
will
or
no
,
I
must
;
and
it
is
no
more
in
my
power
to
thrust
away
a
Disease
by
force
,
than
to
support
the
Ruins
of
a
falling
Rock
.
Some
more
advices
there
are
to
the
same
purpose
,
that
is
to
no
more
than
that
(
supposing
the
Firmament
it self
should
fall
)
they
should
advice
us
to
prepare
our
Shoulders
without
the
help
of
any
other
props
to
bear
it
up
.
§
XXI
.
But
if
there
is
no
Remedy
we
must
not
fear
to
die
,
and
this
the
Epicureans
reckon
to
be
the
first
point
of
Happiness
.
For
seeing
Death
is
unavoidable
,
that
Man
can
never
enjoy
any
tranquillity
of
Mind
that
continually
dreads
so
great
an
evil
.
And
therefore
here
they
begin
to
lay
their
first
foundations
of
Wisedom
in
the
overthrow
of
their
worst
and
greatest
Enemy
.
And
indeed
they
that
have
conquer'd
the
fear
of
Death
,
have
nothing
else
to
fear
.
But
alas
that
is
an
insuperable
Evil
and
the
most
insupportable
Calamity
of
humane
Life
.
So
that
though
Happiness
were
otherwise
acquirable
in
this
World
,
this
alone
is
more
than
enough
to
sadden
all
our
joys
and
overwhelm
them
with
perpetual
melancholy
and
sorrow
.
For
suppose
a
Man
born
with
all
the
advantages
of
an
healthfull
Body
and
a
chearfull
Mind
,
and
blest
with
all
the
circumstances
of
Success
and
Fortune
,
yet
when
he
had
compassed
all
his
Projects
,
when
he
was
happy
to
the
utmost
of
his
capacities
,
when
all
things
had
conspired
to
complete
his
Felicity
,
so
that
there
remain'd
no
unsatisfied
hopes
or
desires
;
even
then
having
no
farther
Expectations
,
wherewith
to
entertain
his
Mind
,
he
would
naturally
fall
into
the
melancholy
meditation
of
Death
and
the
Grave
.
Now
what
Reflection
can
be
more
sad
and
dismal
than
the
inevitable
necessity
of
bidding
an
eternal
adieu
to
all
his
mirth
and
happiness
?
What
a
tormenting
satisfaction
must
he
enjoy
in
his
freest
Caresses
of
pleasure
and
delight
,
whilst
he
knows
the
fatal
Knife
to
hang
perpetually
over
his
Head
?
So
uncomfortable
would
be
the
Condition
of
the
most
happy
and
fortunate
Men
in
the
World
,
that
when
they
had
arrived
at
the
highest
pitch
of
humane
Felicity
,
the
most
pleasant
prospect
they
could
take
from
thence
would
be
the
gloomy
Regions
of
everlasting
Death
and
Darkness
;
and
all
the
advantage
they
should
gain
by
their
height
,
would
be
onely
to
see
themselves
encompassed
with
the
Grave
and
bottomless
Dungeons
of
Oblivion
,
which
they
know
must
after
a
few
days
swallow
them
up
for
ever
.
And
now
what
can
create
greater
horrour
than
the
fear
of
an
eternal
Annihilation
?
What
is
there
so
much
shrinks
and
affrights
the
Mind
of
Man
as
the
dark
and
fearfull
Thoughts
of
its
own
Mortality
?
How
must
it
for
ever
die
and
languish
under
the
dreadfull
expectations
of
eternal
Darkness
,
when
after
a
short
mushrome
life
it
must
return
into
dust
and
silence
,
and
be
for
ever
buried
in
the
horrour
and
loathsomness
of
the
Grave
?
So
that
when
men
have
done
and
talked
all
they
can
,
nothing
can
ever
vanquish
the
fear
of
Death
but
the
hope
of
Immortality
.
This
,
and
this
alone
is
able
to
scatter
all
the
black
and
melancholy
Apprehensions
of
our
approaching
Fate
,
and
to
support
our
Minds
against
all
its
Horrours
.
And
without
this
,
however
Men
may
pretend
to
comfort
themselves
with
Apothegms
,
Paradoxes
and
brave
Sayings
,
the
Terrour
of
Death
is
insuperable
to
all
other
Principles
and
Resolutions
.
Thus
what
a
lame
and
silly
device
is
that
great
Subtilty
of
Epicurus
,
to
this
purpose
,
That
death
cannot
hurt
us
,
because
when
that
is
,
we
are
not
?
For
,
first
,
there
is
no
appetite
either
more
strong
or
more
natural
to
any
thing
,
that
is
sensible
of
its
Being
,
than
the
desire
of
the
continuation
of
its
Existence
.
This
desire
results
from
the
same
instinct
of
Nature
with
the
passion
of
self-love
.
And
it
is
as
possible
to
reconcile
a
Man
to
an
abhorrency
of
himself
,
as
't
is
to
the
thoughts
of
his
Annihilation
.
For
if
he
delight
in
the
enjoyment
of
his
Being
,
he
cannot
but
dread
the
loss
of
his
enjoyment
;
and
therefore
't
is
a
dismal
meditation
,
do
what
we
can
,
to
think
of
being
blotted
out
of
Life
for
ever
.
So
that
,
notwithstanding
this
device
,
the
continual
foresight
of
this
black
and
inevitable
Fate
of
things
,
cannot
but
damp
all
our
mirth
and
embitter
our
biggest
joys
with
the
saddest
accents
of
grief
and
sorrow
.
And
it
is
in
vain
to
advise
us
,
as
Epicurus
does
,
to
accustom
our selves
to
the
thoughts
of
Death
,
when
Nature
it self
recoils
and
stands
aghast
at
the
very
apprehensions
of
it
.
And
the
Man
that
is
seriously
possest
with
the
Opinion
of
its
being
an
everlasting
Annihilation
,
can
never
after
lift
up
his
head
with
any
cheerfulness
and
clearness
of
spirit
;
but
will
droop
away
his
life
,
in
spite
of
all
his
arts
and
diversions
,
with
a
perpetual
inward
dismayedness
and
discontent
.
And
I
may
safely
appeal
to
the
sad
experience
of
Epicurus
himself
and
all
his
followers
,
whether
any
thing
so
much
checks
and
abates
the
comfort
of
their
lives
as
the
importune
thoughts
of
dying
.
If
they
would
speak
out
their
inward
pangs
,
they
must
confess
,
that
when
they
have
done
all
they
can
to
reconcile
themselves
to
this
necessity
of
Fate
,
that
they
dread
nothing
with
so
much
anguish
and
confusion
as
the
approach
and
apprehension
of
Death
.
It
is
a
stupifying
horrour
and
strikes
Nature
it self
with
an
infinite
and
unexpressible
amazement
.
But
Epicurus
himself
(
say
they
)
a
little
before
his
death
,
when
he
was
quite
worn
out
with
the
Stone
and
Strangury
,
the
torment
whereof
he
thought
so
exquisite
that
nothing
could
increase
it
,
was
able
to
magnifie
that
mighty
pleasure
and
happiness
,
that
he
then
reaped
from
the
remembrance
of
his
wise
thoughts
and
inventions
.
But
certainly
,
if
he
expected
to
be
believed
,
either
himself
was
none
of
the
wisest
,
or
he
thought
his
Friend
Hermachus
,
to
whom
he
wrote
his
dying
Letter
,
very
credulous
.
For
what
were
these
comfortable
and
ravishing
inventions
that
could
so
much
beatifie
a
Man
in
that
sad
condition
?
That
God
takes
no
care
of
Men
,
that
Men
have
no
other
Being
than
their
Bodies
,
that
Death
annihilates
them
for
ever
,
that
they
have
no
greater
Happiness
than
to
gratifie
their
sensual
appetites
,
and
to
please
themselves
with
reflecting
upon
it
.
Ravishing
inventions
these
to
compose
the
thoughts
of
a
dying
Man
!
For
,
first
,
what
comfort
or
happiness
can
there
be
in
casting
off
all
entercourse
and
commerce
with
a
Deity
?
Is
it
not
much
better
to
have
a
modest
and
awfull
reverence
of
a
Divine
Providence
,
than
to
cut
off
all
dependence
upon
his
bounty
and
goodness
?
Nothing
can
equal
the
satisfaction
of
Mind
that
a
good
Man
reaps
from
his
trust
and
confidence
in
God
;
for
he
is
ever
secure
of
his
care
and
kindness
in
all
conditions
;
and
what
greater
quiet
can
he
enjoy
than
to
have
a
well
grounded
assurance
that
he
stands
upon
good
terms
with
,
and
has
a
powerfull
interest
in
the
great
and
sovereign
Governour
of
all
things
?
He
is
in
all
conditions
safe
under
his
almighty
Protection
,
in
that
there
is
,
upon
the
supposition
of
a
Divine
Providence
,
a
kind
of
Friendship
between
God
and
all
good
Men
;
so
that
it
is
not
in
his
power
not
to
be
good
to
the
good
.
Thus
what
happiness
can
exceed
that
of
Hermogenes
,
in
Plutarch
,
who
could
say
of
himself
,
the
Gods
that
know
So
that
granting
to
Epicurus
his
darling
Principle
,
that
after
Death
there
remains
nothing
of
us
sensible
of
Pain
or
Pleasure
;
and
therefore
though
we
lose
our
Beings
,
yet
as
long
as
we
are
not
capable
of
being
affected
with
the
loss
,
we
thereby
become
no
more
miserable
than
we
were
before
we
were
put
into
Being
;
Granting
,
I
say
,
all
this
,
yet
the
love
of
Being
,
and
the
desire
of
self-preservation
is
so
vehement
and
earnest
,
that
the
very
fear
of
ever
being
defeated
of
it
is
a
desperate
confusion
of
all
the
joy
and
tranquility
of
present
life
.
Such
a
Man
knows
not
which
way
to
determine
his
thoughts
and
designs
,
but
his
Soul
or
(
as
they
will
have
it
)
his
Fancy
pines
and
languishes
for
want
of
some
sutable
Object
to
entertain
it self
withall
,
and
sinks
for
ever
into
despair
and
melancholy
.
The
utmost
Happiness
of
this
life
is
in
it self
so
vain
and
empty
,
that
in
spite
of
all
the
arts
of
diversion
and
forgetfulness
,
't
is
infinitely
unable
to
appease
our
discontents
;
and
Men
that
have
nothing
else
to
trust
to
,
what
dismal
and
disconsolate
lives
must
they
live
in
every
condition
?
If
they
lie
under
calamities
and
afflictions
,
this
is
an
intolerable
accession
to
the
load
.
For
is
it
not
a
sad
reflection
to
consider
that
when
the
period
of
life
is
so
short
and
fading
,
so
much
of
so
little
should
be
lost
and
worn
away
in
sorrow
and
misery
?
And
no
doubt
it
cannot
but
be
hugely
comfortable
to
a
Man
,
that
groans
under
the
sorrows
of
a
sharp
Disease
,
to
despair
of
any
other
remedy
or
deliverance
but
in
eternal
Death
:
and
it
must
be
a
mighty
relief
against
the
unavoidable
cares
of
Life
to
consider
that
,
when
a
Man
has
spent
the
greatest
part
of
his
days
in
toil
and
drudgery
,
he
must
then
die
for
ever
.
So
that
,
according
to
this
Hypothesis
,
the
whole
and
best
account
of
Life
will
be
no
better
than
this
,
that
it
is
a
short
period
of
trouble
and
misery
,
and
that
Men
are
born
into
the
world
onely
to
grieve
and
die
.
And
no
doubt
they
cannot
but
be
much
in
love
with
their
Beings
,
that
they
cannot
value
at
an
higher
rate
.
For
if
the
date
of
our
existence
expired
with
that
of
our
lives
,
and
if
our
whole
duration
were
but
threescore
years
and
ten
,
if
all
our
hopes
were
buried
with
our
Bodies
,
and
if
wewere
thrust
into
Being
onely
,
after
a
few
days
or
years
,
to
be
thrust
back
into
nothing
,
it
is
much
more
eligible
never
to
have
been
born
,
than
to
be
born
onely
to
drop
a
tear
and
vent
a
groan
and
die
.
For
who
would
choose
to
float
up
and
down
a
few
minutes
in
this
stormy
and
tempestuous
world
,
instantly
to
disappear
and
sink
back
into
nothing
?
Who
would
be
born
for
no
other
end
than
that
he
might
be
put
into
a
capacity
to
die
?
Who
would
enter
upon
this
tragical
Scene
of
things
onely
to
appear
and
so
return
into
dust
and
silence
?
Who
would
dance
upon
these
restless
Waves
a
little
while
,
till
either
Violence
crushes
or
Nature
sinks
the
bubble
into
an
eternal
nothing
?
But
if
on
the
contrary
a
Man
should
happen
to
enjoy
the
delights
of
ease
,
affluence
and
prosperity
,
a
perpetual
health
,
and
an
undisturbed
tranquility
,
how
does
this
meditation
dash
and
scatter
all
his
joys
?
With
what
a
weight
of
dispair
and
astonishment
must
it
lie
upon
his
oppressed
Mind
?
And
how
must
he
for
ever
droop
and
languish
under
the
expectations
of
his
endless
fate
?
In
a
word
,
what
is
or
what
can
be
conceived
more
frightfull
to
the
minds
or
the
fancies
of
Men
,
especially
in
Prosperity
,
than
the
aspect
of
eternal
Death
?
And
yet
this
representation
haunts
and
follows
such
Persons
like
a
murther'd
Ghost
in
all
companies
and
all
delights
.
Nothing
is
able
to
lay
or
divert
its
importunity
.
It
frights
away
all
considerations
,
and
the
more
Men
study
to
reconcile
their
Minds
to
their
Fate
,
the
more
it
scares
and
distracts
their
thoughts
.
There
is
no
charm
nor
counsel
against
necessity
;
and
a
terrour
that
is
unavoidable
is
above
the
power
and
the
relief
of
Philosophy
,
and
will
not
be
vanquish't
by
stubborn
thoughts
or
proud
words
.
So
that
it
is
altogether
as
easie
to
prevail
with
a
Man
to
hate
and
abhor
his
own
Being
,
as
to
reconcile
him
to
the
thoughts
of
his
own
destruction
.
For
by
the
same
necessity
that
Nature
loves
and
desires
the
continuance
of
it self
,
it
recoils
and
starts
back
from
all
thoughts
of
its
dissolution
.
This
then
is
,
upon
the
Epicurean
Supposition
,
a
vain
,
an
useless
and
unreasonable
advice
,
being
't
is
so
insuperable
a
contradiction
to
the
nature
of
Things
.
So
that
the
fear
of
Death
,
which
is
the
thing
I
am
now
to
represent
,
is
as
certain
and
inexorable
as
Death
it self
,
and
Men
may
as
soon
devest
themselves
of
their
own
Natures
,
as
suppress
the
convulsions
of
this
inbred
passion
.
And
now
when
it
is
so
incurable
,
and
yet
withall
so
importunate
and
disquieting
,
it
is
easie
to
imagine
what
desperately
cheerfull
lives
those
Men
must
live
,
that
always
live
under
its
sad
and
dismal
apprehensions
.
§
XXII
.
But
beside
this
great
and
sovereign
Antidote
against
the
fear
of
Death
,
they
have
several
other
little
receits
scatter'd
up
and
down
in
their
Writings
,
I
shall
but
briefly
mention
them
because
all
that
little
force
which
they
seem
to
have
,
depends
upon
the
former
fundamental
principle
.
First
,
say
they
,
let
us
be
thankfull
to
the
bounty
of
Nature
for
making
our
lives
so
long
,
instead
of
repining
at
it
for
making
them
no
longer
.
But
I
say
,
if
our
whole
Being
be
at
all
mortal
,
we
have
no
reason
to
be
at
all
thankfull
for
it
,
and
if
our
whole
Being
be
worn
out
with
this
Life
it
is
much
more
eligible
never
to
have
been
.
But
then
,
say
they
,
we
were
admitted
into
Life
upon
this
condition
,
that
we
should
give
place
to
others
,
as
others
have
given
place
to
us
.
Were
we
so
?
Then
were
we
all
admitted
upon
unacceptable
terms
.
Yes
but
by
troubling
our selves
in
vain
we
do
but
add
one
misery
to
another
.
It
is
true
,
but
that
is
a
fatal
misery
,
and
it
is
as
necessary
to
fear
Death
as
it
is
to
die
,
and
that
is
it
that
makes
up
the
complaint
,
that
we
are
put
in
such
a
state
of
Being
which
we
cannot
enjoy
without
this
continual
anguish
and
perplexity
annexed
to
it
.
So
that
how
wise
or
foolish
a
thing
it
is
to
fear
Death
is
not
at
all
material
,
but
whether
it
be
unavoidable
,
though
if
it
be
,
I
am
sure
it
is
a
very
foolish
thing
to
endeavour
against
it
.
But
how
irksome
soever
Death
may
be
,
yet
seeing
it
is
fatal
,
we
ought
to
make
it
as
easie
as
we
can
by
a
voluntary
compliance
with
it
;
but
this
beside
the
folly
that
is
common
to
all
the
rest
,
that
it
advises
to
an
impossibility
,
is
not
so
properly
compliance
as
despair
,
and
is
like
the
condition
of
a
condemn'd
Malefactour
that
goes
to
his
Execution
onely
because
otherwise
he
must
be
driven
and
whipt
to
it
.
And
no
Man
has
any
other
comfort
all
his
Life-time
against
the
terrours
of
Death
than
a
Thief
upon
the
Gallows
,
that
would
,
if
it
were
possible
,
counterfeit
to
die
cheerfully
because
there
is
no
remedy
.
To
the
same
purpose
is
that
other
advice
,
that
it
is
in
vain
to
fear
Death
,
because
it
is
natural
,
necessary
and
inevitable
;
that
is
,
because
it
is
remediless
,
and
there
lies
the
very
agony
of
all
our
horrour
,
that
a
thing
so
infinitely
terrible
should
withall
be
so
utterly
unavoidable
.
And
when
they
tell
us
how
strange
a
folly
and
madness
it
is
to
torment
our selves
with
the
fear
of
that
,
which
we
are
infallibly
certain
we
can
never
escape
,
they
do
but
perswade
us
to
the
madness
of
despair
instead
of
courage
and
resolution
.
For
how
foolish
or
unreasonable
soever
this
fear
may
be
,
it
is
natural
,
antecedent
to
the
choice
of
our
wills
and
the
discretion
of
our
understandings
,
and
so
above
all
the
rules
of
Prudence
and
prescriptions
of
Philosophy
:
They
can
onely
guide
and
instruct
our
Minds
in
things
subject
to
their
own
election
,
but
cannot
affect
,
much
less
over
rule
the
instincts
of
Nature
.
In
the
next
place
,
we
are
already
dead
,
say
they
,
to
so
much
of
our
Life
as
is
past
and
gone
;
so
that
so
much
as
we
live
we
die
,
and
that
which
we
call
Death
is
but
our
last
Death
,
and
therefore
as
we
fear
not
our
Death
that
is
past
why
should
we
that
which
is
to
come
.
But
what
Child
understands
not
the
difference
between
Life
and
Death
?
and
if
to
live
be
to
die
,
notwithstanding
this
quibble
we
are
troubled
never
the
less
that
this
new
way
of
dying
puts
an
end
to
our
old
way
of
dying
;
and
if
we
have
been
dying
ever
since
we
were
born
,
that
is
the
thing
that
grieves
us
that
we
cannot
be
dying
so
for
ever
.
But
Bassus
Aufidius
,
the
Epicurean
old
Man
in
filial
Reverence
to
the
Gods
as
opposed
to
the
vulgar
servile
Fear
,
when
by
denying
their
Providence
he
expresly
destroys
all
manner
of
reverence
to
them
.
So
again
when
he
distinguishes
of
two
sorts
of
Sense
,
the
one
external
,
that
of
the
Body
;
the
other
internal
,
that
of
the
Mind
;
and
that
when
Epicurus
affirms
that
all
sense
is
extinguish't
in
Death
,
it
may
be
interpreted
of
all
sense
of
the
first
kind
;
when
nothing
can
be
more
evident
than
that
he
intended
all
manner
of
sense
whatsoever
.
So
now
here
does
he
distinguish
between
supernatural
and
natural
Happiness
,
and
that
it
was
proper
for
Epicurus
to
treat
onely
of
the
latter
as
a
Philosopher
,
when
it
is
so
notorious
that
as
a
Philosopher
he
made
it
his
utmost
endeavour
to
overthrow
the
very
Being
and
belief
of
the
former
.
But
however
,
if
this
Happiness
which
he
calls
natural
be
all
that
Mankind
is
naturally
capable
of
,
then
is
he
naturally
capable
of
none
at
all
.
And
as
for
the
two
Arguments
he
subjoins
to
perswade
us
to
be
content
with
it
,
they
onely
aggravate
and
upbraid
our
wants
instead
of
satisfying
our
desires
.
As
,
first
,
that
otherwise
we
forget
our
Mortality
and
the
frailty
of
our
Nature
,
in
that
we
are
born
exposed
to
innumerable
mischiefs
and
miseries
;
which
is
nothing
else
but
the
description
of
a
forlorn
and
miserable
condition
,
and
amounts
to
no
more
than
this
,
that
a
wise
Man
must
be
happy
,
i.
e.
content
with
his
condition
,
because
he
knows
his
condition
to
be
miserable
.
And
,
secondly
,
that
it
is
some
comfort
that
when
all
Men
are
exposed
to
misery
,
and
when
there
are
so
many
degrees
of
it
,
that
you
are
less
miserable
than
others
,
and
that
you
are
as
little
miserable
as
the
condition
of
your
Nature
will
admit
of
.
That
is
to
say
,
that
though
I
endure
most
of
the
calamities
of
humane
Life
,
yet
must
I
think
my self
an
happy
Man
,
if
there
be
any
one
Man
in
the
World
that
endures
more
;
and
though
I
feel
my self
actually
miserable
,
yet
Philosophy
teaches
me
to
think
my self
happy
,
because
I
feel
as
little
misery
as
any
of
my
Neighbours
.
If
these
are
the
great
Topicks
of
philosophick
Consolation
,
they
had
better
prescribe
but
this
one
Remedy
instead
of
all
,
viz.
To
make
our selves
happy
onely
by
despairing
of
ever
being
so
,
for
that
is
the
last
result
of
all
their
Propositions
.
And
therefore
,
to
conclude
,
it
is
remarkable
that
Hegesias
his
Philosophy
,
who
vehemently
perswaded
all
Men
to
be
their
own
Executioners
,
was
but
the
natural
emprovement
of
that
of
Aristippus
,
whose
Scholar
he
was
;
For
when
the
Master
had
once
taught
that
there
is
no
Happiness
but
in
the
pleasures
of
the
Body
,
it
was
easie
for
the
Disciple
to
add
that
then
there
is
none
at
all
,
and
therefore
Death
is
the
best
thing
that
we
can
either
pray
for
or
give
our selves
.
For
our
Bodies
are
liable
to
such
an
infinite
number
of
Evils
,
and
our
Minds
so
sensible
of
what
our
Bodies
feel
,
that
it
is
much
more
eligible
not
to
be
at
all
,
than
to
be
in
a
state
of
so
much
misery
.
And
that
is
the
unavoidable
consequence
of
all
Opinions
that
take
away
a
future
Immortality
.
Though
it
is
pretty
to
observe
that
this
same
Hegesias
,
as
warm
and
eloquent
as
he
was
in
perswading
other
Men
to
throw
away
their
lives
,
when
King
Ptolomy
threatned
him
himself
with
Death
if
he
would
not
forbear
those
kind
of
Discourses
to
the
People
,
how
easily
he
was
cured
of
his
Pedantry
.
For
how
pleasant
soever
the
death
of
others
might
seem
to
him
,
yet
when
it
concern'd
himself
it
was
quickly
too
hard
for
his
Philosophy
.
And
that
is
the
true
desperate
condition
of
all
Men
of
the
same
Principles
,
that
they
neither
care
to
live
nor
care
to
die
.
And
now
upon
these
phantastick
Principles
after
what
a
rate
do
we
rant
,
and
with
what
magnanimity
and
greatness
of
Mind
do
we
defie
all
the
miseries
of
Life
and
pangs
of
Death
?
And
how
do
we
boast
,
that
in
spite
of
the
extremest
torments
that
tyranny
it self
can
inflict
upon
us
,
we
will
enjoy
Pleasures
equal
to
the
Happiness
of
the
Gods
?
Roast
us
in
the
Bull
of
Phalaris
,
we
will
make
it
more
pleasant
than
a
Bed
of
Roses
,
and
instead
of
roaring
out
through
extremity
of
pain
,
we
will
spoil
the
Tyrants
jest
,
and
onely
laugh
and
sing
quàm
suave
hoc
est
,
quàm
hoc
non
curo
.
But
could
one
think
it
possible
that
the
same
Man
,
who
had
placed
all
Happiness
in
Pleasure
and
all
Misery
in
Pain
,
should
be
so
artificial
as
to
reconcile
his
sovereign
Happiness
with
all
the
anguish
and
extremity
of
Pain
;
that
is
to
say
,
to
think
himself
most
absolutely
happy
when
he
is
most
extremely
miserable
?
But
certainly
he
must
be
a
very
cunning
rather
than
a
very
wise
Man
,
that
can
by
meer
subtilty
be
too
hard
for
the
nature
of
Things
,
and
by
the
meer
force
of
imagination
make
an
agreement
between
the
widest
of
Contradictions
.
§
XXIII
.
But
,
secondly
,
as
upon
the
Epicurean
Supposition
,
all
Happiness
is
no
more
than
a
shadow
,
so
upon
the
same
is
all
Vertue
no
better
than
an
empty
name
.
For
beside
that
it
thereby
loses
the
foundation
on
which
it
ought
to
stand
,
in
that
,
if
there
be
no
such
thing
as
Happiness
,
there
remains
no
motive
for
Men
to
act
at
all
,
when
whatever
they
doe
,
they
must
doe
in
order
to
that
or
to
nothing
;
so
that
Happiness
being
taken
away
Vertue
loses
all
its
force
and
obligation
,
and
that
Man
is
good
in
vain
that
is
never
the
better
for
his
being
good
.
But
beside
this
,
and
granting
such
a
thing
as
mortal
Happiness
,
yet
it
is
too
weak
and
narrow
a
Foundation
for
the
stability
of
Vertue
;
in
that
it
resolves
the
measure
and
the
reason
of
all
the
Vertues
purely
into
their
subserviency
to
corporeal
Delights
,
and
makes
the
whole
account
of
their
goodness
and
usefulness
to
lie
onely
in
this
,
that
they
are
greater
arts
and
more
prudent
emprovements
of
the
pleasures
of
Sensuality
,
and
were
it
not
for
that
there
were
no
other
ground
of
difference
between
Vertue
and
Vice
.
Si
ea
,
quae
sunt
luxuriosis
efficientia
voluptatum
,
liberarent
eos
deorum
&
mortis
&
doloris
metu
,
docerentque
qui
essent
fines
cupiditatum
,
nihil
haberem
quod
reprehenderem
,
&c.
Upon
supposition
that
the
extravagancies
of
debauchery
had
but
hapned
to
be
as
serviceable
to
the
ends
of
Pleasure
,
and
did
as
much
deliver
Men
from
the
torment
of
superstition
and
the
terrours
of
Death
,
as
a
discreet
,
regular
and
temperate
course
of
Life
,
they
would
be
of
equal
goodness
and
excellency
:
but
because
it
so
happens
that
the
practice
and
the
observation
of
the
Laws
of
Vertue
is
more
serviceable
to
the
delights
of
the
Body
than
the
enormities
of
Vice
,
therefore
and
therefore
onely
is
this
Vertue
more
valuable
than
that
Vice
.
And
that
is
the
onely
office
of
all
the
retinue
of
moral
Vertues
to
wait
and
attend
upon
the
commands
of
sensual
Pleasure
,
to
direct
the
Body
how
to
use
its
delights
to
its
utmost
advantage
,
to
assist
it
in
the
contrivance
and
right
management
of
its
proper
joys
,
and
to
minister
to
the
content
and
satisfaction
of
all
its
Appetites
.
Egregium
habet
virtus
apud
vos
de
Vit.
Beat.
c.
11.
officium
voluptates
proegustare
.
This
is
a
brave
account
of
the
essential
reasonableness
of
moral
Vertue
,
that
't
is
a
discreeter
and
more
healthfull
Luxury
;
that
is
,
that
it
is
a
thing
of
no
greater
excellency
than
the
art
of
Cookery
,
that
a
picquant
Sawce
is
as
valuable
as
an
heroick
Vertue
,
and
that
Apicius
and
those
practical
Epicures
that
were
à
secretis
to
the
voluptuousness
of
the
Roman
Emperours
,
and
studied
all
the
emprovements
and
advantages
of
an
healthfull
and
an
easie
Luxury
,
were
not
onely
the
best
Philosophers
but
the
best
Men.
And
that
the
Treatise
that
Apicius
wrote
De
Gulae
irritamentis
was
more
beneficial
to
the
life
of
Man
and
the
advancement
of
Vertue
than
all
the
Volumes
of
the
Greeks
and
Romans
beside
.
But
this
will
best
appear
by
an
induction
of
Particulars
;
and
we
will
begin
with
the
Vertue
of
Temperance
,
in
which
they
pretend
most
to
glory
in
defiance
of
all
those
enormous
slanders
that
have
been
cast
upon
them
,
as
placing
their
sovereign
Happiness
in
Luxury
and
Voluptuousness
.
All
which
they
easily
prevent
both
by
Epicurus
his
Doctrine
and
Practice
.
For
who
(
say
they
)
has
more
severely
inveighed
against
all
sottish
Pleasures
?
Who
has
more
passionately
commended
a
sober
and
abstemious
Life
?
Who
has
with
more
indignation
shewn
the
inconsistency
of
all
manner
of
Intemperance
with
Wisedom
and
Contentment
?
Who
has
left
a
more
illustrious
example
of
Abstinence
and
Moderation
?
Whoever
lived
upon
meaner
fare
,
his
ordinary
diet
being
onely
course
Bread
and
Water
,
and
sometimes
a
little
Sallet
?
And
therefore
,
say
they
,
it
is
in
vain
to
conclude
that
upon
Epicurus
his
Principles
there
can
be
no
such
thing
as
the
Vertue
of
Temperance
,
when
himself
has
answer'd
all
Objections
by
his
own
certain
and
undeniable
Practice
.
But
it
concerns
not
us
to
enquire
what
Epicurus
his
Practice
was
,
but
what
it
ought
to
have
been
if
conformable
to
his
own
Principles
.
Especially
when
it
is
so
usual
a
thing
with
him
to
contradict
himself
upon
all
Arguments
;
as
when
he
had
denied
the
Providence
of
God
,
to
stand
in
it
that
yet
notwithstanding
he
has
left
Devotion
;
when
he
has
taught
that
all
Friendship
must
be
contracted
purely
for
the
sake
of
Self-interest
,
and
yet
that
Men
are
bound
to
undergo
the
greatest
Miseries
,
even
Death
it self
for
the
sake
of
Friends
.
So
here
,
when
he
has
placed
our
highest
Pleasure
in
the
delights
of
the
Palate
,
he
places
the
highest
Pleasure
of
those
delights
in
their
lowest
Enjoyment
.
But
beside
the
natural
stupidity
of
the
Man
,
we
are
beholden
for
such
Doctrines
as
these
not
to
the
severity
of
his
Vertue
but
the
weakness
of
his
Stomach
,
which
was
so
very
infirm
that
it
was
not
able
to
digest
the
most
simple
and
easie
diet
.
No
wonder
than
if
he
made
a
vertue
of
necessity
,
or
if
he
so
far
envied
the
rest
of
Mankind
,
that
because
himself
was
incapacitated
to
enjoy
his
sovereign
Pleasure
,
he
spitefully
perswaded
all
others
to
quit
theirs
.
But
otherwise
to
tell
us
that
the
meanest
and
the
coarfest
Fare
is
the
most
delicious
,
argues
the
Man
(
as
Tully
observes
)
to
have
lost
his
taste
as
well
as
his
understanding
.
For
,
as
he
discourses
,
if
I
were
to
describe
the
pleasures
of
Luxury
,
I
would
not
,
as
the
Epicureans
are
wont
to
do
,
paint
such
Sots
as
are
carried
sick
from
their
Table
to
their
Bed
or
their
Couch
;
that
suffer
the
penance
of
a
surfeit
for
every
debauch
;
that
doze
away
their
whole
lives
in
perpetual
folly
and
sottishness
;
that
are
never
sober
enough
to
relish
and
enjoy
their
own
Pleasures
;
that
every
day
load
themselves
with
a
fresh
stowage
before
they
have
discharged
the
crudities
of
their
last
debauch
;
that
have
little
more
sense
than
a
Sponge
;
that
eat
and
drink
themselves
into
a
continual
Lethargy
,
and
are
senseless
before
they
are
dead
.
The
case
is
plain
that
these
are
of
all
Men
the
most
miserable
.
But
beside
these
there
are
your
neat
,
your
polite
,
your
witty
,
your
artificial
Epicures
,
that
study
all
the
arts
and
emprovements
of
an
easie
Luxury
;
that
avoid
all
irksomeness
by
the
skill
of
their
Cooks
,
the
delicacy
of
their
Meats
,
the
picquancy
of
their
Sawces
,
and
the
richness
of
their
Wines
;
that
give
themselves
entirely
up
to
sensual
Pleasures
and
Gratifications
,
and
are
concern'd
for
nothing
but
meerly
how
to
eat
and
drink
to
the
utmost
emprovement
of
Delight
.
And
if
these
may
be
accounted
temperate
Persons
,
then
have
we
found
out
a
Vertue
destructive
of
the
Peace
and
Welfare
of
Mankind
;
for
that
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
,
cannot
be
preserved
but
by
seeking
the
good
of
others
as
well
as
our
own
;
whereas
this
utterly
neglects
the
publick
,
and
meerly
regards
every
Man's
private
satisfaction
.
And
if
all
Men
should
betake
themselves
to
this
course
of
Life
,
it
is
obvious
to
every
Man
what
would
become
of
humane
Society
.
But
seeing
Epicurus
casts
these
Self-indulgers
out
of
the
number
of
his
wise
Men
,
I
would
fain
know
how
he
can
do
it
and
be
consistent
with
his
own
Principles
.
For
if
our
sovereign
delight
consist
in
those
Pleasures
,
and
if
he
be
the
happiest
Man
that
enjoys
them
most
,
and
if
he
be
the
wisest
Man
that
most
consults
his
own
Happiness
,
there
is
no
avoiding
it
but
that
Apicius
will
carry
the
cause
from
all
their
Philosophers
.
§
XXIV
.
And
so
again
if
we
once
take
off
those
obligations
to
Justice
and
Honesty
that
are
laid
upon
us
by
our
relation
to
the
Life
to
come
,
it
will
be
ever
after
absolutely
impossible
by
all
the
arts
and
devices
in
the
World
to
preserve
any
sense
of
them
any
other
way
.
For
whatever
advantages
Men
may
think
to
reap
as
to
their
present
Interest
from
their
observance
of
the
Laws
of
Justice
and
Integrity
,
that
may
make
them
crafty
,
but
never
honest
.
And
when
they
are
once
got
loose
from
the
tyes
of
Conscience
,
they
are
then
not
concern'd
to
be
innocent
but
onely
to
seem
to
be
so
;
and
this
does
not
at
all
restrain
them
from
designing
and
doing
vile
things
,
but
onely
engages
them
to
be
cunning
in
their
wickedness
.
And
agreeably
to
this
Principle
and
these
Consequences
does
Epicurus
discourse
,
when
he
challenges
the
World
,
after
they
have
set
aside
the
consideration
of
present
Pleasure
and
Self-advantage
,
to
assign
him
any
other
possible
reason
or
end
of
Vertue
beside
popular
fame
.
For
that
,
says
he
,
when
all
is
done
is
the
onely
measure
of
common
Honesty
.
And
if
you
once
remove
the
Opinion
of
the
multitude
,
there
remains
nothing
in
it self
either
praise-worthy
or
dishonourable
.
But
this
again
(
says
he
)
is
the
Fate
of
Mankind
,
that
the
vulgar
rout
take
up
with
prejudices
and
invincible
conceits
of
things
;
and
then
whatever
they
authorise
into
Customs
,
must
out
of
meer
compliance
with
their
importunity
be
voted
the
standing
Rules
of
Vertue
and
Honesty
.
So
that
a
wise
Man
,
setting
aside
all
regard
to
his
own
present
convenience
,
can
see
no
other
reason
to
be
Just
and
Honest
beside
compliance
with
casual
Custom
and
popular
Opinion
that
it
seems
must
be
submitted
to
,
as
he
ever
intends
to
enjoy
any
peace
or
quiet
of
Life
;
in
that
the
rabble
are
always
so
impatient
of
all
contradiction
to
their
customary
belief
.
And
this
is
all
the
account
that
he
or
any
other
of
his
perswasion
is
able
to
give
of
the
turpitude
and
deformity
of
Vice
.
So
that
a
Philosopher
might
justly
and
wisely
betray
his
Friend
and
his
trust
to
defeat
him
of
his
pledge
;
or
murther
his
Father
to
secure
the
Inheritance
,
if
he
can
but
avoid
the
shame
of
discovery
and
the
inconvenience
of
popular
hatred
.
So
that
if
we
remove
the
folly
and
the
ignorance
of
the
Rabble
,
there
is
no
other
difference
between
Vertue
and
Vice
,
Integrity
and
Treachery
,
but
what
is
made
purely
by
the
consideration
of
every
Man
's
own
private
Interest
:
So
utterly
destructive
are
these
Opinions
not
onely
of
the
Happiness
of
humane
Nature
in
general
,
but
of
the
Peace
of
every
particular
Society
of
Mankind
:
And
such
as
spread
and
propagate
their
repute
in
the
World
,
do
but
instruct
Men
in
the
fundamental
Principles
of
Falshood
,
Treason
and
Perjury
.
And
therefore
deserve
greater
severity
from
Government
than
Out-laws
and
open
Rebels
,
as
being
beside
their
impiety
more
dangerous
and
mischievous
to
the
Common-wealth
for
their
Pedantry
:
In
that
they
are
not
onely
content
to
doe
wicked
things
,
but
think
themselves
concern'd
in
honour
to
bring
their
own
wicked
Practices
into
Reputation
,
and
to
infect
all
others
with
such
Principles
,
as
will
oblige
and
encourage
them
to
imitate
their
Villanies
.
However
these
Principles
,
are
so
far
from
procuring
the
Happiness
or
securing
the
Duty
of
single
Men
,
that
if
embraced
and
reduced
to
practice
,
they
must
unavoidably
involve
all
Mankind
in
eternal
mischiefs
,
wickednesses
and
confusions
.
And
it
is
to
these
accursed
Principles
that
we
owe
the
miseries
of
common
Life
,
they
being
the
fundamental
Rules
and
Maximes
of
all
the
Tyranny
,
Fraud
and
Oppression
in
the
World
.
But
if
the
shame
of
the
World
or
the
fear
of
the
People
were
sufficient
to
restrain
from
open
and
avowed
Wickedness
,
what
shall
withhold
from
secret
Attempts
?
Insecurity
and
fear
of
discovery
,
says
Epicurus
.
But
besides
that
this
onely
obliges
wicked
Men
to
be
more
crafty
and
cautious
in
their
Villanies
,
it
is
not
powerfull
enough
to
give
a
true
and
real
restraint
to
dishonest
actions
,
in
that
the
advantage
is
certain
,
but
not
the
discovery
,
and
a
certain
good
is
a
much
stronger
motive
than
an
uncertain
evil
.
And
though
it
may
give
check
to
Fraud
and
Violence
in
some
common
cases
(
as
it
is
of
very
good
use
and
service
in
humane
Life
)
yet
those
acccidents
are
very
frequent
,
in
which
Men
may
be
very
highly
wicked
,
and
yet
very
secure
in
their
Wickedness
.
As
when
Saint
Peducoeus
was
entrusted
by
his
Friend
with
his
last
Will
and
Testament
,
and
that
with
so
much
privacy
,
that
if
he
had
kept
the
whole
Estate
to
himself
no
body
could
have
suspected
his
dishonesty
;
that
then
he
should
surprise
the
right
Heir
,
who
expected
no
such
thing
,
with
the
news
of
a
great
Inheritance
,
it
was
done
like
a
Gentleman
of
a
Roman
Education
,
but
he
could
not
be
forced
to
it
by
any
obligation
upon
the
Epicurean
Principles
;
in
that
they
could
not
requite
his
Integrity
with
a
reward
equal
to
so
fair
a
Fortune
.
A
great
Estate
and
a
fine
House
are
of
more
value
than
the
empty
names
of
Justice
and
Friendship
,
and
so
they
are
to
the
Man
that
counts
upon
no
other
Interest
and
expects
no
other
Happiness
than
in
this
Life
.
And
Sestilius
,
who
by
a
forged
Writing
cheated
his
Friend's
Children
,
that
were
left
to
his
trust
,
of
their
Inheritance
,
and
secured
the
Estate
to
himself
and
his
Posterity
by
a
Decree
of
Law
,
was
upon
the
Epicurean
Principles
,
much
the
wiser
and
nothing
the
worse
Man
.
For
by
this
one
Act
he
made
provision
for
the
Happiness
of
his
whole
Life
,
and
yet
was
so
far
from
any
fear
of
discovery
,
that
his
Fraud
,
being
abetted
and
secured
by
Law
,
was
no
small
accession
to
the
pleasure
and
satisfaction
of
his
good
fortune
.
And
in
truth
this
restraint
is
so
far
from
reaching
all
cases
of
Fraud
and
Oppression
,
that
one
half
of
the
wickednesses
of
Mankind
are
unavoidably
abetted
and
ratified
by
the
Laws
themselves
.
For
seeing
they
can
judge
and
determine
onely
according
to
Evidence
,
and
seeing
the
Persons
,
who
invade
other
Men's
Rights
,
will
not
stick
to
make
out
their
Title
by
any
falshood
and
villany
,
then
as
long
as
the
forgery
is
not
discover'd
(
and
that
is
no
easie
matter
)
the
Law
is
forced
to
pass
Judgment
on
the
wrong
side
.
But
beside
the
injuries
of
Fraud
,
the
greatest
miseries
brought
upon
Mankind
by
Injustice
are
supported
by
Power
and
Greatness
;
and
in
such
cases
the
Tyrant
and
Oppressour
defies
all
discovery
,
and
though
he
cares
not
if
all
the
World
sees
his
Wickedness
,
yet
if
any
Man
shall
pretend
to
have
his
Eyes
open
,
he
shall
forfeit
his
head
for
the
boldness
of
his
Eye-sight
.
So
that
if
this
were
the
onely
state
of
things
the
Governour
of
the
World
has
provided
neither
sufficient
rewards
for
Justice
and
Honesty
,
nor
restraints
from
Fraud
and
Oppression
.
And
if
he
has
not
,
then
he
has
laid
no
effectual
obligation
upon
Mankind
to
be
Just
and
Honest
;
for
the
force
of
every
Command
depends
upon
its
Sanction
,
and
therefore
if
he
have
injoin'd
this
Duty
,
and
have
not
backt
it
with
sufficient
motives
of
Obedience
,
he
has
onely
enacted
useless
and
ineffectual
Laws
.
In
short
,
the
onely
difference
between
the
Man
that
is
Honest
and
the
Man
that
is
not
,
is
meerly
this
that
the
one
prefers
his
Duty
before
his
present
Interest
;
and
the
other
his
present
Interest
before
his
Duty
.
For
if
he
observe
the
Rules
of
Justice
onely
so
far
as
they
conduce
to
his
own
ends
,
then
whenever
they
happen
to
thwart
,
he
is
obliged
to
quit
his
Duty
rather
than
his
Interest
.
And
when
he
does
so
,
he
is
so
far
destitute
of
all
Principles
of
Honesty
,
that
he
is
entirely
govern'd
by
the
fundamental
Maximes
of
Fraud
and
Oppression
.
And
if
this
be
the
onely
difference
that
distinguishes
Good
and
Bad
Men
,
I
would
fain
know
what
motive
or
reason
a
good
Man
has
,
to
pursue
his
Duty
when
contrary
to
his
Interest
;
or
a
bad
Man
has
to
quit
his
Interest
out
of
respect
to
his
Duty
,
if
there
be
no
other
state
of
things
than
the
present
.
And
therefore
,
without
Immortality
,
Justice
is
so
far
from
deserving
our
regard
in
all
cases
,
that
in
many
it
is
a
contradiction
to
the
first
Instinct
of
Nature
,
that
is
self-love
,
in
that
it
obliges
a
Man
to
act
cross
to
that
without
any
reason
or
recompence
for
his
so
doing
.
And
therefore
seeing
the
Providence
of
God
has
prescribed
to
us
those
many
and
plain
Laws
of
Justice
that
I
have
discover'd
from
the
Nature
of
Things
in
the
precedent
Discourse
,
it
unavoidably
follows
that
upon
that
Supposition
those
Laws
that
he
has
prescribed
must
be
abetted
with
the
Rewards
and
Punishments
of
a
future
State
,
because
those
of
this
,
if
taken
alone
and
separate
from
those
of
that
,
are
not
of
sufficient
force
and
validity
.
And
as
Justice
the
most
necessary
,
so
Fortitude
the
most
noble
of
all
Vertues
will
have
no
Foundation
upon
the
Epicurean
Principles
,
or
rather
will
sink
together
with
them
.
For
if
there
be
no
such
thing
as
Justice
,
to
what
purpose
should
any
Man
run
himself
into
hazards
and
hardships
for
the
sake
of
it
;
and
yet
that
is
the
onely
Office
of
Magnanimity
,
which
when
separated
from
a
good
Cause
is
no
more
than
folly
and
fool-hardiness
,
and
in
a
bad
Cause
is
no
better
than
cruelty
and
oppression
.
And
beside
this
,
as
every
Vertue
must
have
some
Principle
to
warrant
its
Wisedom
and
Reasonableness
,
so
above
all
others
Magnanimity
,
because
it
puts
us
upon
the
severest
and
hardest
Service
,
and
does
,
more
than
any
Vertue
beside
,
endanger
our
own
Interest
for
the
sake
of
Duty
.
But
if
there
be
no
other
Interest
than
that
of
this
Life
,
it
is
apparent
madness
for
any
Man
to
hazard
Life
and
Fortune
,
and
all
that
is
dear
to
him
here
for
any
thing
whatsoever
;
when
all
other
Motives
that
can
be
proposed
to
him
are
of
less
concernment
to
himself
than
his
own
Self-preservation
.
Beside
,
true
Magnanimity
bottoms
all
its
Courage
and
Assurance
upon
no
other
Principle
than
the
Conscience
of
its
own
Integrity
:
It
is
that
alone
that
gives
a
Man
a
sufficiency
and
satisfaction
from
himself
;
that
raises
him
to
a
contempt
of
all
outward
things
;
that
makes
him
searfull
of
all
Assaults
and
Dangers
;
and
that
supports
him
under
all
Losses
and
Misfortunes
,
as
esteeming
all
things
whatsoever
as
mean
and
worthless
Trifles
in
comparison
to
the
Happiness
of
its
own
Reflections
.
But
then
as
Conscience
is
the
onely
support
of
Courage
,
so
is
immortality
of
Conscience
;
for
that
is
nothing
else
but
the
Mind
of
Man
acting
with
reference
to
the
future
Judgment
of
God
.
And
therefore
from
thence
alone
it
derives
all
its
Force
and
Authority
,
and
without
that
all
seeming
regard
to
it
is
nothing
but
Pretence
and
Pageantry
.
For
what
comfort
will
a
good
Conscience
afford
a
Man
,
if
he
be
to
give
no
Account
of
his
Actions
?
Upon
that
Supposition
the
Guilty
and
the
Innocent
are
upon
equall
Terms
,
when
the
best
Man
is
ne'er
the
better
for
all
his
Vertues
,
nor
the
other
the
worse
for
all
his
Villanies
.
If
then
Integrity
of
Conscience
be
the
onely
Principle
of
all
Magnanimity
,
and
if
the
firmness
of
that
depends
meerly
upon
Immortality
,
then
that
being
taken
away
,
the
one
sinks
into
Crast
,
the
other
into
Cowardize
.
In
short
,
there
are
but
two
Offices
of
Magnanimity
,
either
to
doe
or
to
suffer
gallantly
,
both
which
are
manifest
Contradictions
to
the
Epicurean
Principles
;
For
what
Inducements
can
that
Man
have
to
put
himself
upon
Hardships
,
who
knows
no
other
Happiness
but
Ease
and
Lasiness
?
And
therefore
upon
their
Supposition
it
was
wise
Advice
of
Metrodorus
to
his
Brother
,
not
to
concern
himself
in
desence
and
preservation
of
his
Country
,
but
to
eat
and
drink
with
philosophick
Wisedom
and
Discretion
.
And
then
as
for
bearing
up
decently
under
Calamities
,
I
have
already
shewn
that
they
have
not
one
Principle
wherewith
to
support
themselves
,
and
without
such
Principles
as
can
supply
the
absence
of
their
present
Happiness
,
nothing
else
can
relieve
their
Loss
;
and
therefore
instead
of
bearing
up
with
any
chearfulness
under
Miseries
and
Afflictions
they
must
for
ever
sink
into
insupportable
Anguish
and
Despair
.
And
now
from
these
Premises
(
to
mention
no
more
Particulars
,
because
all
the
other
Vertues
depend
upon
these
)
it
is
demonstratively
evident
that
to
root
up
the
sentiments
of
Immortality
out
of
the
Minds
of
Men
is
to
blast
and
put
out
the
Sun
,
and
to
overwhelm
the
World
in
eternal
Night
and
Darkness
:
Erasing
all
the
Foundations
of
Happiness
,
tearing
up
all
the
Roots
of
Vertue
,
and
laying
wast
all
the
Principles
of
humane
Nature
and
humane
Society
.
And
(
as
Plutarch
discourses
)
where
such
Principles
§
XXV
.
And
now
having
thus
far
and
fairly
casheird
the
Epicurean
Principles
,
I
shall
be
so
much
the
more
brief
with
the
Stoicks
:
partly
because
of
the
great
agreement
between
their
Paradoxes
and
the
Decrees
of
Epicurus
:
Both
being
onely
so
many
stubborn
Opinions
taken
up
against
the
Nature
of
Things
and
the
Experience
of
Mankind
.
And
notwithstanding
that
the
Stoicks
may
seem
so
contradictory
in
many
of
their
Propositions
to
the
Epicureans
,
yet
after
all
they
relie
upon
the
same
Principles
,
and
therefore
when
reduced
to
practice
will
resolve
,
themselves
into
the
same
Actions
.
But
chiefly
because
they
onely
amuse
us
with
the
noise
of
wrangle
and
disputation
:
so
that
almost
all
their
Disquisitions
upon
this
noble
Argument
spend
themselves
in
vain
and
impertinent
Contentions
about
technical
Terms
and
Phrases
,
that
serve
neither
to
promote
the
attainment
nor
to
unfold
the
nature
of
true
Happiness
;
but
rather
to
obstruct
all
serious
and
effectual
endeavours
after
it
by
entertaining
and
diverting
the
Minds
of
Men
with
innumerable
curious
and
useless
Niceties
.
And
though
the
Writings
of
Cicero
and
Seneca
may
supply
us
with
many
excellent
Rules
and
Helps
for
the
tranquillity
of
our
Lives
;
yet
their
value
is
strangely
abated
,
and
their
use
sadly
defeated
by
their
too
much
mixture
of
dry
and
barren
Speculation
;
insomuch
that
a
Man
may
sooner
arrive
at
the
end
of
true
Happiness
,
than
of
their
Disputes
and
Distinctions
about
it
.
And
for
that
Reason
I
shall
wave
enquiring
into
any
of
their
logical
and
metaphysical
Subtilties
,
and
onely
represent
in
general
the
vanity
of
their
attempts
after
Vertue
and
Happiness
in
their
way
of
philosophising
.
They
therefore
gravely
considering
with
themselves
that
these
outward
things
could
never
afford
but
very
little
and
very
uncertain
satisfaction
to
the
Minds
of
Men
,
in
that
they
were
liable
to
so
many
Chances
and
foreign
Contingencies
;
and
therefore
being
unwilling
to
be
endebted
to
Fortune
for
their
Content
,
confined
its
disposal
entirely
within
themselves
,
so
that
every
Man's
Happiness
was
to
be
spun
out
of
his
own
Bowels
.
And
thence
discarding
all
the
outward
Advantages
of
Life
,
Riches
,
Honour
,
Power
,
Health
,
and
Friends
as
things
altogether
indifferent
,
they
summ'd
up
all
the
numbers
of
their
Happiness
singly
in
the
Joys
and
Pleasures
of
a
Life
conducted
by
the
Rules
of
Vertue
.
This
indeed
were
a
great
and
glorious
Account
of
things
,
were
it
supported
by
any
wise
and
sober
Principles
;
but
alas
it
is
so
far
from
having
any
real
Foundation
,
that
it
is
inconsistent
with
the
first
and
fundamental
Principle
of
humane
Nature
,
as
it
is
own'd
by
the
Stoicks
themselves
.
For
they
begin
from
the
Catholick
Doctrine
of
all
the
Philosophers
,
the
natural
passion
of
Self-love
,
that
Mankind
as
well
as
every
other
Creature
has
to
its
own
welfare
and
preservation
,
to
pursue
what
it
supposes
will
advance
its
Content
and
Happiness
,
and
shun
whatever
may
impair
or
destroy
it
.
Now
what
is
humane
Nature
according
to
them
but
a
Being
compounded
of
Body
and
Soul
?
and
if
so
,
then
it
is
obliged
as
it
loves
it self
to
seek
the
welfare
of
both
.
How
then
comes
it
to
pass
that
it
should
so
far
forsake
it self
as
utterly
to
forget
one
moiety
of
it self
in
its
pursuit
of
Happiness
?
So
that
they
must
either
renounce
their
first
Principle
of
our
Love
to
our
whole
selves
,
or
their
first
Maxim
that
our
whole
Happiness
relates
to
the
Mind
alone
.
But
that
is
the
peculiar
vanity
of
these
Men
,
that
they
would
be
philosophising
after
the
rate
of
Angels
,
and
discourse
without
considering
that
their
Bodies
are
one
half
of
their
Natures
,
and
that
their
Souls
are
not
disengaged
from
Matter
,
and
by
consequence
have
sensual
Appetites
too
gross
to
be
satiated
by
bare
Thoughts
and
Reflections
;
and
sensitive
Pains
too
sharp
to
be
allayed
by
Words
and
Subtilties
.
This
I
say
is
the
peculiar
Pedantry
of
this
Sect
of
Men
to
be
disposed
of
by
the
power
of
Phrases
,
without
attending
to
the
nature
and
reality
of
things
;
and
they
would
cheat
our
Senses
and
delude
our
Appetites
with
tricks
and
arts
of
Sophistry
.
That
which
all
the
World
dread
and
fly
from
,
they
forbid
us
to
acknowledge
to
be
evil
,
though
we
are
convinced
it
is
so
by
sad
and
sensible
Experience
.
And
when
Dionysius
a
reverend
Sage
of
the
Sect
was
so
rackt
and
torn
apeices
with
the
torments
of
the
Stone
,
that
the
continuance
and
unintermission
of
his
Pain
had
tired
out
his
Patience
and
vanquish't
his
Apathy
,
and
at
last
forced
him
to
cry
out
in
the
extremity
of
his
Anguish
,
O'Pain
,
I
yield
,
I
must
and
do
acknowledge
thee
to
be
an
Evil
;
this
Confession
put
Cleanthes
that
Bigot
of
Stoicism
into
such
a
fit
of
zeal
and
outrage
that
he
could
not
refrain
to
chide
and
upbraid
his
Apostacy
with
the
most
satyrical
sharpness
of
Expression
,
and
the
poor
Man
was
in
great
danger
of
being
expell'd
the
Sect
for
not
being
able
to
outface
his
Misery
.
But
if
you
demand
why
Pain
is
not
to
be
reckoned
among
things
evil
,
their
answer
is
ready
,
because
it
is
not
vicious
and
criminal
.
This
is
a
doubty
Solution
,
and
worth
the
wagging
of
a
Sages
Beard
;
for
all
the
World
knows
Pain
or
Sickness
to
be
no
immorality
,
't
is
in
vain
to
prove
it
;
but
when
I
feel
my self
restless
and
miserable
,
let
them
,
If
they
can
,
convince
me
whether
it
be
indifferent
or
equally
eligible
to
be
at
ease
in
perfect
Health
,
or
to
endure
the
torments
of
a
Feavour
.
O
yes
,
say
they
,
for
though
it
have
no
relation
to
or
influence
upon
our
Happiness
,
yet
ought
it
to
be
rejected
,
because
't
is
unpleasant
,
unnatural
,
uneasy
,
grievous
,
and
troublesome
.
Here
is
plenty
of
Phrase
and
synonymous
Expression
for
what
other
People
in
one
word
call
Evil
;
and
by
what
title
soever
we
may
pretend
to
despise
it
,
that
is
no
aswaging
the
Pain
,
and
if
it
be
grevious
I
am
not
less
miserable
than
if
it
were
Evil.
So
that
after
all
their
Rants
and
Braveries
they
are
forced
to
submit
to
the
common
Fate
and
Calamity
of
Mankind
,
and
to
acknowledge
from
the
conviction
of
their
own
Senses
that
a
Sage
,
however
he
may
swagger
,
is
obnoxious
to
sadness
and
misery
,
as
well
as
other
ordinary
Mortals
.
And
so
Seneca
De
Constan.
cap.
3.
objects
to
himself
without
ever
attempting
to
answer
it
.
You
boast
of
mighty
things
,
things
too
great
not
onely
to
be
wish't
for
,
but
to
be
understood
:
and
when
you
have
vented
these
glorious
Braveries
,
viz.
that
it
is
impossible
for
a
wise
Man
to
suffer
poverty
,
you
deny
not
but
that
he
may
as
often
as
others
want
Food
and
Raiment
.
When
you
say
that
he
cannot
be
obnoxious
to
madness
,
you
deny
not
but
that
he
may
be
beside
himself
,
rave
,
talk
wildly
,
and
doe
all
the
other
Pranks
of
frantick
People
.
When
you
affirm
that
he
cannot
be
any
Man's
Servant
,
you
deny
not
but
that
he
may
be
sold
for
a
Slave
and
doe
all
the
offices
of
a
Black
.
And
so
when
you
have
talk't
after
this
proud
and
supercilious
rate
,
after
all
you
submit
to
the
real
Condition
of
other
Mortals
,
onely
abusing
your selves
with
big
and
lofty
Words
.
And
there
indeed
lay
all
the
Wisedom
and
all
the
Folly
too
of
the
Stoicks
,
that
they
would
needs
change
the
Natures
by
the
change
of
the
Names
of
things
.
And
if
there
be
any
thing
peculiar
to
their
Philosophy
it
consists
in
the
invention
of
new
Words
and
pedantick
Distinctions
.
And
therefore
Tully
very
unhappily
brings
in
Zeno
thus
rating
all
the
Philosophers
that
went
before
him
,
and
that
were
content
to
suit
their
Principles
to
the
Nature
of
Things
and
the
Experience
of
Sense
:
what
can
be
more
absurd
,
more
foolish
,
and
more
insufferable
than
to
reckon
Health
,
Plenty
,
and
all
the
other
Comforts
and
Advantages
of
Life
into
the
accounts
of
Good
things
?
I
tell
you
Plato
,
and
you
Aristotle
,
you
are
dangerously
and
wofully
mistaken
,
to
call
those
things
Bona
that
are
onely
proeposita
.
A
desperate
Errour
,
that
unavoidably
destroys
all
the
Rules
and
Obligations
of
Vertue
,
and
confounds
all
the
differences
of
Good
and
Evil.
This
change
of
words
,
as
small
a
matter
as
it
may
appear
,
has
so
much
influence
upon
the
practice
and
emprovement
of
Morality
,
that
sufficiently
re●ompences
all
the
pains
and
disputations
of
the
Porch
.
O
magnam
vim
ingenii
,
(
as
he
concludes
)
causamque
justam
,
cur
nova
existeret
disciplina
!
O
brave
Zeno
,
it
is
gallantly
done
to
reform
the
Manners
and
the
Wisedom
of
the
World
;
Thou
,
upright
as
thou
art
,
wilt
not
be
born
away
by
carnal
complyance
with
the
Corruptions
of
the
Age
,
or
by
the
Authority
of
self-seeking
Philosophers
,
that
yield
so
much
to
the
degenerate
and
low
conceptions
of
the
Vulgar
as
to
acknowledge
that
it
is
some
kind
of
blessing
to
enjoy
the
Comforts
of
Health
and
Plenty
.
O
brutish
and
Epicurean
Sottishness
to
adopt
such
sordid
,
such
common
and
such
uncertain
things
into
any
part
of
our
Happiness
!
This
is
to
expose
a
wise
Man
as
well
as
one
of
the
common
Heard
to
the
insolence
of
Fortune
;
and
she
may
,
if
she
please
,
in
spite
of
Vertue
,
riflle
him
of
some
share
of
his
Happiness
.
This
is
not
to
be
endured
that
any
thing
should
have
any
influence
or
power
over
a
Sage
beside
his
own
sovereign
and
imperial
Will.
And
therefore
however
any
Disease
may
rack
or
torment
you
,
keep
your
Courage
,
and
never
confess
it
to
be
Evil
,
't
is
nothing
worse
than
a
meer
Refusable
Event
.
And
then
no
doubt
the
poor
Man's
Mind
is
at
perfect
ease
,
and
bravely
fortified
against
all
manner
of
Pain
and
Impatience
.
And
that
is
the
great
power
of
their
Philosophy
to
asswage
Pains
and
cure
Diseases
by
exotick
words
,
and
by
giving
it
a
greek
name
they
can
make
Sickness
,
Poverty
,
or
any
other
Calamity
of
Life
harmless
things
.
And
let
a
Vertuoso
determine
a
fit
of
the
Stone
to
be
no
more
than
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
refusable
thing
,
and
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
an
Evil
;
and
he
makes
it
as
pleasant
and
agreeable
to
himself
as
the
Joys
of
Paradise
.
And
think
not
to
convince
Zeno
or
Antisthenes
of
their
mistake
with
racks
and
tortures
,
alas
they
laugh
at
all
your
vain
attempts
,
and
what
have
they
to
doe
with
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
no
,
they
too
are
as
much
at
ease
in
the
Bull
of
Phalaris
as
upon
a
Bed
of
Roses
.
The
Fire
has
not
so
much
power
or
confidence
as
to
dare
to
singe
one
hair
of
a
Philosophers
Beard
,
and
if
it
should
be
so
bold
as
to
attempt
them
,
they
will
damp
and
basfle
all
its
fury
with
a
querk
of
Logick
.
In
short
,
these
Men
talk
more
like
Magicians
than
Philosophers
,
and
can
doe
any
thing
or
be
any
thing
by
virtue
of
a
strange
word
.
Ex
iisdem
verborum
proestigiis
(
as
Tully
to
Cato
)
De
Fin.
l.
4.
&
regna
nata
vobis
sunt
&
imperia
,
&
divitiae
,
&
tantae
quidem
,
ut
omnia
,
quae
ubique
sint
,
sapientis
esse
dicatis
.
From
these
jugling
tricks
and
legerdemains
of
Words
you
raise
,
and
as
it
were
conjure
up
to
your selves
Kingdoms
and
Empires
,
and
Wealth
so
much
,
that
nothing
less
will
satisfy
you
,
unless
every
wise
Man
among
you
may
be
master
of
the
whole
World
.
But
to
leave
them
to
their
own
conjuring
Arts
,
I
shall
briefly
discourse
with
them
according
to
the
true
and
real
account
of
things
.
If
then
there
be
no
such
thing
to
be
reasonably
expected
as
a
future
State
,
let
us
onely
see
what
ground
of
Happiness
is
to
be
enjoyed
from
Vertue
,
and
what
obligations
of
Vertue
can
be
passed
upon
the
Stoical
Principles
.
As
for
Happiness
they
lay
the
foundations
of
it
(
as
I
have
already
observed
)
upon
that
self-love
that
every
Creature
bears
to
it self
and
its
own
preservation
.
Either
then
humane
Nature
is
nothing
but
Body
,
or
compounded
of
Body
and
Soul
;
if
it
be
nothing
but
Body
,
then
upon
the
Stoical
Principles
it
is
capable
of
no
Happiness
at
all
,
seeing
they
pass
nothing
in
their
Account
of
Good
and
Evil
but
onely
the
Vertues
of
the
Mind
,
and
therefore
if
they
are
nothing
but
Body
,
all
the
qualities
of
their
Mind
are
nothing
.
But
if
beside
that
we
have
a
Soul
,
either
it
perishes
with
the
Body
or
it
survives
it
;
if
it
perishes
then
it
is
no
more
than
the
sense
of
the
Body
it self
,
and
it
plainly
casts
us
back
upon
the
Epicurean
Principle
,
that
there
is
no
Happiness
but
present
Pleasure
and
Interest
;
if
it
survive
,
then
that
entitles
it
to
an
Happiness
beside
that
of
this
Life
,
and
so
we
are
advanced
to
our
own
Hypothesis
.
As
for
Vertue
the
whole
Sect
place
it
in
one
Catholick
Principle
of
living
according
to
Nature
.
But
then
the
difficulty
is
to
discover
what
they
mean
by
Nature
,
and
there
every
Man
is
a
Sect
to
himself
,
and
we
have
as
many
different
Accounts
of
it
,
as
there
are
ruling
Schoolmasters
of
the
Porch
.
But
what
Interpretation
soever
we
follow
,
unless
founded
upon
our
Supposition
,
we
are
still
forced
back
to
the
School
of
Epicurus
,
for
his
Principle
too
was
to
live
according
to
Nature
,
which
was
to
enjoy
the
utmost
Pleasure
of
this
present
Life
;
and
if
there
be
no
other
State
,
it
is
certain
there
can
be
no
other
way
of
living
according
to
Nature
.
Thus
Zeno's
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
a
constancy
to
a
Man's
self
,
and
some
settled
course
of
Life
,
would
amount
to
no
more
than
this
,
that
every
wise
Man
ought
to
consult
how
to
live
here
with
as
much
ease
and
pleasure
as
he
can
;
for
if
there
be
no
other
State
,
he
cannot
be
wisely
constant
in
the
pursuit
of
any
better
Design
.
And
then
as
for
Cleanthes
his
Notion
,
that
living
according
to
Nature
is
to
comply
with
universal
Nature
,
that
is
to
submit
to
the
Providence
of
God
.
This
properly
concerns
the
single
Vertue
of
Patience
,
and
yet
affords
us
no
more
Comfort
than
that
forementioned
Principle
of
the
necessity
of
the
thing
;
for
if
I
am
any
way
fatally
involved
in
misery
,
whether
by
Providence
or
by
Chance
,
I
am
equally
miserable
.
But
then
this
Rule
,
if
applied
to
the
Duty
of
Man
in
general
,
signifies
nothing
at
all
.
For
what
is
it
to
follow
the
Providence
of
God
unless
it
be
to
approve
of
and
comply
with
every
thing
that
comes
to
pass
?
If
so
,
then
seeing
Villany
does
as
often
prosper
as
Vertue
,
by
that
alone
the
Providence
of
God
would
recommend
it
to
our
choice
.
And
that
no
doubt
would
be
an
admirable
Rule
of
Justice
and
Honesty
(
as
we
have
found
by
late
Experience
)
that
destroys
all
difference
between
Good
and
Evil
but
what
is
made
by
the
event
of
things
,
and
changes
their
Natures
with
the
change
of
Times
and
Fashions
.
The
third
and
last
Opinion
is
that
of
Chrysippus
,
that
to
follow
Nature
is
to
follow
our
own
proper
Nature
or
the
guidance
of
our
own
Reason
.
But
then
if
there
be
no
other
Estate
of
things
beside
this
,
every
Man
's
own
natural
Understanding
will
easily
inform
him
that
he
is
concern'd
in
nothing
else
then
to
consult
his
own
present
Pleasure
and
Advantage
.
But
this
Conclusion
is
so
evident
that
I
shall
pursue
it
no
farther
,
so
that
though
after
I
had
considered
their
general
Principles
,
I
intended
to
have
enter'd
upon
the
particular
Treatises
of
Seneca
,
Antoninus
and
Epictetus
;
I
now
find
it
absolutely
needless
,
of
which
any
Man
that
will
reade
them
over
may
satisfie
himself
,
for
if
he
reade
them
with
our
Supposition
he
will
find
them
for
the
main
wise
and
rational
Discourses
;
but
if
without
it
,
they
all
vanish
into
meer
Poetry
and
Elysian
Dreams
.
§
XXVI
.
In
the
third
place
,
the
Platonists
,
and
from
them
the
Peripateticks
were
pleased
to
enlarge
the
Bounds
of
humane
Felicity
,
and
make
our
Happiness
of
equal
extent
with
our
Capacities
;
making
every
thing
an
Ingredient
thereof
,
that
is
any
way
gratefull
or
suitable
to
our
Natures
.
And
therefore
to
a
vertuous
Life
they
superadded
all
the
Goods
of
Body
and
Fortune
;
and
to
render
a
Man
truely
and
completely
happy
they
required
,
beside
the
Endowments
of
the
Mind
,
all
the
other
Comforts
and
Enjoyments
of
humane
Life
.
And
this
they
assert
reasonably
enough
from
the
first
Principle
of
Nature
,
in
which
alone
all
Sects
of
Philosophers
agree
;
that
every
sensible
Being
bears
an
innate
love
and
kindness
to
it self
,
and
from
that
is
possest
with
a
natural
desire
not
onely
of
its
own
preservation
,
but
of
the
most
perfect
state
and
condition
that
its
Nature
is
capable
of
.
So
that
the
parts
and
degrees
of
our
Happiness
are
to
be
measur'd
onely
from
the
capacity
and
variety
of
our
Faculties
:
And
therefore
humane
Nature
being
compounded
of
two
Principles
,
Body
and
Mind
,
they
must
both
be
gratified
in
their
respective
Sensations
to
make
up
the
adequate
Notion
of
humane
Happiness
.
And
as
for
the
gratification
of
the
Mind
,
that
they
say
consists
principaly
in
the
constant
exercise
of
Vertue
;
and
subordinately
in
Knowledge
,
Wisedom
,
Contemplation
,
or
any
other
exercise
of
Wit
and
Ingenuity
.
And
then
as
for
the
Happiness
and
Well-being
of
the
Body
,
that
consists
chiefly
in
an
healthfull
,
sound
,
and
vigorous
Constitution
;
and
subordinately
in
all
the
other
accidental
advantages
of
this
present
Life
,
that
are
so
many
instruments
of
Pleasure
and
Delight
.
These
Men
discourse
more
consistently
than
the
other
Sects
to
the
constitution
of
humane
Nature
,
and
give
a
fuller
account
of
the
condition
of
humane
Happiness
,
in
that
they
take
in
all
our
Capacities
,
and
do
not
with
the
Epicureans
confine
it
to
the
Body
alone
,
nor
with
the
Stoicks
to
the
Mind
alone
;
but
take
our
Nature
as
they
find
it
,
and
suit
its
Happiness
not
to
the
workings
of
their
own
Imaginations
,
but
to
our
real
state
of
Being
.
But
though
these
approach
nearer
than
either
of
the
former
to
the
true
notion
of
Happiness
,
yet
are
they
as
distant
as
either
of
them
from
its
acquisition
:
Insomuch
that
when
they
come
to
reduce
their
Principle
to
practice
,
they
are
at
last
forced
to
delude
themselves
with
the
very
same
Maximes
and
Paradoxes
.
And
therefore
though
Tully
has
,
in
his
Books
de
Finibus
fully
confuted
the
Hypotheses
both
of
the
Epicureans
and
Stoicks
,
yet
when
he
comes
,
in
his
Tusculine
Questions
,
to
discourse
practically
concerning
the
same
things
,
he
at
last
produces
no
better
grounds
of
comfort
and
contentment
than
those
that
he
had
at
first
rejected
,
and
is
in
the
result
of
every
Discourse
either
an
Epicurean
or
a
Stoick
,
or
both
.
And
this
I
shall
prove
distinctly
in
both
the
forementioned
heads
of
dispute
.
First
,
that
he
is
able
to
give
no
better
account
of
Happiness
than
the
Epicureans
.
Nor
,
secondly
,
to
lay
any
better
grounds
for
the
stability
,
or
assign
any
more
effectual
motives
for
the
practice
of
Vertue
.
From
both
which
it
will
evidently
appear
that
there
is
some
further
account
to
be
given
of
these
things
than
what
he
has
given
upon
supposition
of
the
Soul's
Mortality
,
if
there
be
a
Providence
that
has
made
Happiness
our
End
and
Vertue
the
means
to
attain
it
.
And
first
he
begins
with
the
greatest
difficulty
of
all
,
the
fear
of
Death
;
where
all
the
philosophick
Consolation
he
is
able
to
give
us
,
is
built
upon
little
tricks
and
subtilties
,
and
chiefly
upon
that
pitifull
sophism
of
Epicurus
,
that
Death
can
never
doe
us
any
harm
,
because
when
that
is
,
we
are
not
.
But
,
first
,
let
him
say
what
he
will
,
it
is
inconsistent
with
his
own
first
and
fundamental
Principle
,
viz.
That
the
most
vehement
passion
of
humane
Nature
is
a
love
of
it self
and
its
own
preservation
;
and
therefore
to
endeavour
to
reconcile
a
Man
to
utter
death
and
dissolution
is
to
perswade
him
to
contradict
himself
and
his
own
Nature
.
This
Principle
then
of
self-preservation
being
once
supposed
as
natural
and
necessary
,
it
prevents
the
very
consideration
of
all
manner
of
Discourses
opposite
to
it
.
And
to
what
purpose
is
it
for
Tully
with
all
his
Wit
and
Eloquence
to
perswade
me
not
to
dread
Death
,
when
he
has
beforehand
told
me
it
,
as
the
most
undoubted
truth
in
all
Philosophy
(
and
so
it
is
)
that
I
cannot
avoid
to
love
and
desire
Life
?
He
must
first
renounce
his
Principle
,
and
I
my
Nature
,
before
we
can
begin
to
philosophise
upon
this
Argument
.
And
therefore
,
secondly
,
be
it
so
,
that
when
Death
is
,
we
are
not
,
yet
what
relief
is
this
against
the
melancholy
thoughts
of
the
living
,
who
as
much
as
they
love
their
own
existence
by
virtue
of
their
former
Principle
,
cannot
but
as
much
dread
by
virtue
of
the
same
the
apprehensions
of
its
utter
dissolution
?
So
that
as
long
as
this
invincible
instinct
of
Nature
remains
,
that
can
neither
be
destroyed
nor
commanded
,
the
anguish
of
this
single
Meditation
is
too
close
and
affecting
to
be
allayed
or
over-ruled
by
any
other
.
Or
,
as
himself
has
framed
the
Objection
,
without
so
much
as
attempting
to
answer
it
,
Quid
?
qui
vivimus
,
cum
moriendum
sit
,
nonne
miseri
sumus
?
Quae
enim
potest
in
vitâ
esse
jucunditas
,
cum
dies
&
noctes
cogitandum
sit
,
jam
jamque
esse
moriendum
.
What
though
after
Death
we
shall
never
be
sensible
of
the
loss
of
Life
,
yet
whilst
we
live
what
comfort
can
we
enjoy
,
if
we
lie
under
such
an
invincible
necessity
of
dying
?
What
freedom
and
satisfaction
can
we
reap
from
all
our
Pleasures
,
whilst
this
ugly
thought
haunts
us
day
and
night
,
jam
jamque
esse
moriendum
?
Whatever
diverting
arts
we
may
fly
to
to
stifle
this
reflection
,
it
is
so
unwelcome
to
our
Minds
and
so
affrightfull
to
our
Natures
,
and
so
insuperable
to
all
the
powers
of
Reason
and
Philosophy
,
that
when
all
is
done
there
is
no
remedy
but
we
must
lie
down
and
languish
all
our
days
under
its
fatal
and
intolerable
expectations
;
so
that
if
any
thing
can
be
said
well
of
Death
,
it
is
onely
this
that
it
delivers
us
from
the
fear
of
it self
.
But
however
(
proceeds
he
)
Death
ought
not
to
appear
so
formidable
to
a
wise
Man
,
though
it
were
for
no
other
reason
than
that
it
delivers
us
from
the
miseries
of
Life
.
And
when
it
is
objected
that
,
granting
all
his
subtilties
,
and
that
there
is
indeed
no
capacity
of
Misery
where
there
is
no
Sense
,
yet
illud
angit
vel
potius
excruciat
,
discessus
ab
omnibus
iis
,
quae
sunt
bona
in
Vitâ
,
'T
is
this
that
grieves
and
gripes
our
Souls
,
that
we
must
for
ever
forsake
all
the
joys
and
comforts
of
this
Life
;
he
returns
upon
the
Objection
with
this
brisk
and
nimble
Answer
,
Vide
ne
à
malis
dici
verius
possit
.
You
miserably
mistake
your self
in
the
framing
your
Objection
,
instead
of
the
Joys
and
Comforts
you
should
rather
have
said
the
Evils
and
Miseries
of
this
Life
.
And
when
you
consider
the
emptiness
and
dissatisfaction
of
all
its
Enjoyments
,
and
reflect
upon
the
smart
and
the
weight
of
all
its
Calamities
,
you
will
be
so
far
from
trembling
at
the
horrour
of
your
Fate
,
that
you
will
esteem
it
your
greatest
Privilege
;
and
there
may
you
,
when
you
please
,
take
Sanctuary
from
all
those
troubles
and
vexations
that
pursue
you
and
all
Mankind
through
the
whole
course
of
Life
.
And
now
is
not
this
,
think
you
,
a
mighty
support
to
the
Minds
of
Men
,
to
be
informed
that
all
the
Happiness
they
are
capable
of
is
onely
to
cease
to
be
miserable
?
With
what
cheerfulness
and
tranquility
can
those
Men
live
,
that
live
all
their
days
upon
this
lank
Meditation
,
that
though
I
must
endure
Torment
as
long
as
I
endure
Life
,
yet
the
time
will
come
when
I
shall
escape
both
,
and
cease
to
be
miserable
by
ceasing
to
be
.
Oh
the
transport
and
ravishment
of
these
philosophick
Reflections
!
Who
can
desire
greater
ease
and
complacency
of
Soul
,
than
to
be
always
thinking
(
if
thinking
at
all
)
that
though
my
present
state
be
so
utterly
forlorn
and
restless
,
yet
however
this
is
my
comfort
that
I
shall
one
day
be
at
quiet
,
when
Death
shall
deprive
me
of
all
Sense
and
Being
for
ever
.
Is
not
this
a
very
comfortable
representation
of
the
best
condition
and
whole
capacity
of
humane
Nature
to
be
uncessantly
bandied
up
and
down
(
like
the
old
Britains
between
the
Sea
and
the
Barbarians
)
between
two
such
formidable
Evils
?
The
sorrows
of
Life
drive
us
to
Death
for
refuge
,
and
the
horrours
of
Death
fright
us
back
upon
the
Miseries
that
we
fly
;
and
thus
whether
we
resolve
to
live
or
to
die
we
are
equally
distressed
and
miserable
.
So
that
he
is
so
far
by
this
principle
of
Consolation
from
giving
us
any
comfort
against
the
terrour
of
Death
,
that
he
has
instead
of
that
destroyed
all
the
comfort
of
Life
too
.
But
Nature
(
he
tells
us
)
has
not
granted
us
our
Beings
upon
the
Title
of
Fee-simple
,
but
has
onely
lent
us
the
use
of
our
Lives
for
a
certain
time
,
and
that
during
pleasure
,
and
therefore
we
have
no
reason
to
complain
of
her
,
whenever
she
demands
them
back
,
because
she
gave
them
upon
no
other
condition
than
that
we
should
always
be
ready
to
resign
them
upon
demand
.
But
if
Nature
have
clogg'd
her
Kindness
to
us
in
bestowing
our
Beings
upon
us
with
this
hard
Condition
,
she
had
been
much
kinder
if
she
had
never
bestowed
them
at
all
.
For
the
severity
of
the
Condition
annexed
to
the
Gift
,
not
onely
destroys
all
the
pleasure
and
enjoyment
of
it
,
but
turns
it
into
anguish
and
misery
.
And
this
is
all
along
our
very
complaint
against
Nature
,
that
she
has
put
us
into
such
a
condition
of
Life
,
as
that
we
cannot
enjoy
it
without
continual
grief
and
horrour
of
Mind
.
So
that
she
has
sent
us
into
the
World
,
not
like
her
Off-spring
,
but
like
Malefactours
,
with
the
sentence
of
Death
passed
upon
us
as
soon
as
we
are
born
.
And
therefore
to
tell
us
that
this
is
the
order
and
disposition
of
Nature
is
not
to
answer
but
to
grant
the
Objection
,
because
that
alone
makes
us
fatally
miserable
.
So
that
when
Monsieur
Charon
asks
me
,
If
it
grieveth
thee
to
die
,
why
wert
thou
born
?
I
tell
him
plainly
,
if
I
was
born
with
that
Condition
of
dying
for
ever
,
I
was
born
to
no
other
purpose
than
to
be
miserable
:
So
that
if
it
could
have
been
in
my
power
to
have
prevented
my
coming
into
Being
,
I
should
more
passionately
have
fled
from
Life
than
now
I
do
from
Death
;
And
being
I
could
not
avoid
to
be
born
,
I
am
bound
all
my
days
to
curse
and
hate
the
Cause
that
gave
me
so
wretched
a
Being
.
At
least
if
Nature
resolved
to
beget
us
Mortal
,
she
might
have
been
so
kind
as
to
have
kept
from
us
the
knowledge
and
foresight
of
our
own
Mortality
,
and
then
might
we
have
enjoyed
our
present
lives
with
some
competent
content
and
cheerfulness
;
but
when
she
has
given
us
so
strong
a
love
of
Life
,
continually
to
embitter
that
with
as
vehement
a
fear
of
Death
is
onely
to
make
our
very
existence
a
scence
of
Misery
,
and
to
give
us
our
Beings
to
be
a
torment
to
themselves
.
And
whereas
,
as
he
adds
for
our
comfort
,
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
length
or
shortness
of
Life
in
it self
,
but
that
it
consists
meerly
in
comparison
;
and
that
the
Insect
,
whose
Life
begins
and
ends
with
one
half
revolution
of
the
Sun
,
is
as
old
at
the
evening
of
the
day
as
a
Man
at
threescore
;
beside
that
this
is
but
a
poor
shift
of
Sophistry
,
as
I
have
already
shewn
against
the
Epicureans
,
I
would
be
content
to
exchange
my
Life
of
sixty
years
with
your
little
happy
Insect
that
lives
but
a
day
.
For
when
the
Sun
has
scatter'd
all
the
chill
horrours
of
the
night
and
darkness
,
and
gilded
the
World
with
light
and
splendour
,
then
it
is
that
this
little
Creature
thrusts
up
its
Head
,
assays
its
Wings
,
forsakes
the
Clod
that
bread
it
and
mounts
up
into
the
calm
and
gentle
Air
;
where
it
sports
and
revels
and
rejoyces
in
that
Light
and
Warmth
that
gave
it
Being
,
and
dances
away
all
its
little
Age
with
mirth
and
gaiety
.
It
s
Life
is
short
indeed
but
pleasant
,
ours
long
and
tedious
;
its
Age
is
all
sunshine
,
the
greatest
part
of
ours
darkness
and
sorrow
;
it
sports
away
its
little
interval
of
Being
,
but
ours
is
fretted
and
consumed
away
with
restless
cares
,
mournings
and
afflictions
.
But
that
which
makes
the
main
difference
between
us
is
,
that
this
little
Creature
as
it
lives
merrily
so
it
dies
unconcernedly
;
whereas
my
whole
Life
,
howsoever
otherwise
happy
,
is
turn'd
into
meer
anguish
and
bitterness
with
the
perpetual
and
intolerable
horrours
of
Death
.
And
the
longer
it
lasts
,
the
more
miserable
it
is
,
in
that
it
is
nothing
else
than
to
be
so
much
the
longer
tormented
with
the
fearfull
expectation
of
a
certain
Evil
;
and
therefore
as
the
Law
(
as
Cardan
observes
)
De
Consol.
l.
1.
takes
care
that
at
the
execution
of
Malefactours
the
more
modest
and
less
Criminal
should
be
first
dispatched
,
but
the
bolder
and
greater
Offendours
be
made
Spectatours
of
the
Death
of
others
before
they
suffer'd
themselves
;
so
Nature
,
where
she
has
a
mind
to
shew
the
greatest
kidness
,
puts
soonest
out
of
pain
,
but
where
she
intends
severity
she
keeps
Men
longer
in
suspence
,
and
makes
them
to
behold
their
Friends
and
Companions
Fate
before
she
brings
them
to
their
own
Execution
.
In
short
,
this
is
a
very
strange
oversight
of
all
the
Philosophers
,
that
when
they
have
instructed
us
that
the
love
of
Life
is
of
all
passions
the
most
Natural
,
they
should
notwithstanding
that
with
the
same
unanimity
agree
to
perswade
us
not
to
fear
Death
because
that
is
natural
too
.
What
a
contradiction
is
this
in
Nature
to
force
us
to
desire
the
continuance
of
Life
,
and
yet
require
us
not
to
fear
its
discontinuance
?
But
if
the
first
be
(
as
it
is
)
the
most
natural
of
all
our
passions
,
it
prevents
the
force
of
all
others
that
are
inconsistent
with
it
.
So
that
if
in
the
first
place
we
desire
to
live
,
it
is
a
vain
attempt
to
perswade
us
not
to
fear
to
die
,
because
upon
the
supposition
of
the
love
of
Life
,
the
fear
of
Death
is
unavoidable
.
So
that
the
Philosophers
having
unanimously
laid
the
love
of
Being
as
the
fundamental
Principle
of
all
their
Morality
,
it
spoils
all
their
consolatory
Discourses
,
from
what
Topicks
soever
,
against
the
dread
and
terrour
of
dying
;
and
therefore
it
is
needless
for
me
to
pursue
any
more
of
their
particular
Reasonings
upon
this
Argument
,
because
they
all
at
first
view
dash
so
apparently
against
this
first
Principle
.
§
XXVII
.
And
now
having
,
as
he
supposes
,
vanquisht
this
King
of
terrours
the
fear
of
Death
,
he
thinks
it
an
easie
task
to
rout
all
the
little
evils
of
Life
;
and
had
he
done
that
,
he
had
without
any
farther
pains
perform'd
his
whole
design
.
For
what
can
hurt
the
Man
who
fears
not
to
die
?
For
Death
is
a
remedy
always
at
hand
,
so
that
if
he
think
it
not
convenient
to
struggle
with
the
miseries
of
Life
,
by
dying
he
may
put
an
end
to
all
.
But
having
beaten
him
out
of
that
Sanctuary
,
which
he
had
raised
by
his
first
days
Conference
,
we
shall
follow
him
through
the
rest
of
his
ensuing
Disputations
.
The
two
next
Enemies
therefore
that
he
undertakes
are
Pain
and
Grief
.
And
though
his
Discourses
upon
these
Arguments
are
very
large
,
copious
and
eloquent
,
yet
all
the
Philosophy
of
them
is
comprehended
in
two
or
three
short
Propositions
.
The
first
is
,
That
Dishonour
is
worse
than
Pain
;
and
yet
nothing
can
be
more
dishonourable
to
the
courage
of
a
Man
,
or
more
unbecoming
the
dignity
of
a
Philosopher
than
complaints
and
impatience
,
or
an
abject
behaviour
under
Calamities
.
Yes
,
no
doubt
there
is
a
decency
in
bearing
Afflictions
with
a
manly
Courage
.
What
then
,
is
this
any
remedy
to
relieve
or
asswage
the
Pain
?
For
,
first
,
wherein
consists
this
ground
of
comfort
?
Is
it
not
that
other
Men
judge
that
you
behave
your self
handsomely
and
like
a
Man
?
Now
who
are
they
?
They
are
either
the
foolish
or
the
wise
part
of
Mankind
.
But
how
can
the
Opinion
of
Fools
afford
any
comfort
to
a
wise
Man
?
Especially
when
you
have
(
and
that
justly
)
discarded
the
common
People
as
an
ignorant
,
idle
and
regardless
herd
.
And
as
for
the
Opinion
of
the
Wise
,
which
way
can
that
alleviate
any
Man's
Pain
?
For
if
you
are
in
Pain
,
and
counterfeit
that
you
are
not
,
if
they
are
wise
they
know
that
you
dissemble
,
and
certainly
their
knowledge
of
your
Hypocrisie
can
be
no
comfort
;
or
if
they
thought
you
in
good
earnest
,
it
is
not
conceivable
how
their
false
Opinion
should
afford
any
true
satisfaction
to
a
wise
Man
.
But
,
secondly
,
how
does
the
decency
of
my
behaviour
any
way
asswage
my
Pain
?
Or
do
the
Cholick
,
the
Gout
and
the
Stone
rage
ever
the
less
for
the
stoutness
of
my
look
?
And
then
if
the
Pain
be
not
rebated
by
my
Courage
,
though
I
have
strength
of
Mind
enough
to
seem
to
follow
this
advice
,
yet
am
I
notwithstanding
never
the
less
miserable
.
Not
that
I
deny
it
to
be
a
wise
advice
,
for
though
it
is
not
sufficient
to
remove
our
Pains
,
yet
it
instructs
us
not
to
double
their
smart
by
fretting
under
them
.
And
that
is
the
most
material
difference
between
a
wise
Man
and
a
Fool
in
this
case
,
that
the
one
endures
onely
the
simple
and
natural
sense
of
his
Pain
,
whereas
the
other
by
his
impatience
adds
to
that
the
anguish
of
his
own
resentment
,
which
affects
quicker
and
pierces
deeper
than
the
Pain
it self
,
and
makes
way
for
it
through
the
Body
into
the
very
Soul
.
But
though
the
advice
be
wise
not
to
make
our selves
more
miserable
than
we
needs
must
be
,
yet
it
is
utterly
ineffectual
to
make
us
less
miserable
than
we
really
are
.
And
therefore
it
is
no
remedy
against
the
Distemper
for
the
cure
whereof
it
is
prescribed
,
because
the
Pain
it self
is
the
same
with
all
the
resolution
in
the
World
as
it
is
without
it
.
And
yet
that
is
the
thing
that
he
undertakes
,
to
bring
us
to
an
absolute
neglect
and
contempt
of
all
Pain
.
And
then
,
lastly
,
we
are
in
quest
of
Happiness
,
whereas
this
onely
instructs
us
how
to
behave
our selves
under
Misery
;
and
so
destroys
the
Supposition
of
the
Subject
of
our
Question
,
which
is
,
Whether
a
Man
under
Pain
can
be
Happy
?
and
that
he
cannot
is
very
evident
,
because
all
Pain
is
Miserable
.
And
if
it
be
so
,
Sentences
will
doe
no
good
,
unless
he
could
give
us
some
real
ground
of
comfort
to
support
our
Minds
and
cheer
up
our
Spirits
;
and
for
that
there
can
be
no
other
than
the
thoughts
of
and
reflections
upon
an
Happiness
to
come
.
And
that
indeed
would
make
all
our
Pains
very
light
and
tolerable
,
but
without
it
there
is
no
remedy
but
they
must
lie
upon
us
with
their
full
load
.
But
Vertue
,
he
says
,
requires
Patience
.
It
does
so
,
but
it
does
not
asswage
Pains
.
And
if
it
could
,
yet
taken
alone
,
it
is
so
far
from
supporting
our
Minds
that
it
cannot
support
it self
;
as
I
have
in
part
proved
already
,
both
against
the
Epicureans
and
the
Stoicks
,
and
shall
do
more
largely
when
I
come
to
consider
our
Authour's
Discourse
upon
that
Argument
.
And
this
is
all
that
I
meet
with
material
in
his
Second
Book
.
For
as
for
the
Examples
of
the
Lacedaemonian
Boys
and
the
Roman
Gladiatours
,
and
other
Instances
of
Hardiness
,
they
onely
prove
the
strange
power
of
Custom
and
Education
,
but
are
no
proof
that
they
are
less
affected
with
their
Pain
because
they
are
able
to
stifle
the
natural
expressions
of
it
.
But
however
it
looks
brave
and
generous
out
of
Principles
of
reason
to
be
able
to
doe
what
they
are
able
to
doe
out
of
a
meer
customary
Hardiness
.
It
is
so
,
and
more
than
that
,
it
is
wise
too
.
But
yet
that
,
I
say
,
is
no
relief
against
the
Pain
;
and
if
it
be
not
,
our
Philosopher
falls
short
of
his
whole
design
.
For
as
in
his
former
Discourse
he
endeavours
to
deliver
us
from
that
misery
that
we
suffer
from
the
fear
of
Death
,
so
in
this
he
undertakes
to
rescue
us
from
that
which
we
suffer
from
bodily
Pain
;
and
then
if
he
has
prescribed
nothing
to
remove
it
,
he
has
done
nothing
to
his
purpose
.
Though
after
all
,
his
Discourse
is
very
wise
and
usefull
,
in
that
it
keeps
us
from
encreasing
our
Pains
when
we
cannot
allay
them
.
And
that
alone
is
of
very
considerable
use
in
humane
Life
.
And
I
doubt
not
but
we
may
(
as
he
says
we
may
)
arrive
to
a
great
degree
of
Patience
and
Constancy
by
an
habitual
Firmness
and
Resolution
of
Mind
,
or
as
he
expresses
it
,
by
an
inward
discourse
with
our selves
to
doe
nothing
that
is
weak
and
unmanly
;
and
therefore
,
whenever
we
see
a
Calamity
to
approach
us
,
to
betake
our selves
to
these
thoughts
as
it
were
to
our
Arms
,
and
to
stand
prepared
to
receive
it
with
a
steady
Foot
and
an
undaunted
Look
;
and
then
though
we
cannot
repulse
it
,
yet
we
shall
bear
it
more
firmly
.
§
XXVIII
.
The
next
Passion
that
he
undertakes
is
that
which
he
calls
AEgritudo
,
Grief
,
Trouble
,
or
Discontent
of
Mind
for
all
losses
and
misfortunes
that
either
have
or
may
betide
us
.
And
,
first
,
he
confesses
that
this
is
an
humane
Passion
,
that
we
are
not
made
of
Flints
,
nor
hew'd
out
of
Rocks
,
but
that
there
is
a
natural
softness
and
tenderness
in
Mankind
,
which
forces
them
to
yield
to
the
weight
of
those
miseries
that
oppress
them
;
and
therefore
that
it
was
not
absurdly
said
of
that
eminent
Philosopher
of
the
Academy
Crantor
,
that
Indolency
was
so
far
from
being
the
perfection
of
Wisedom
,
that
it
was
the
effect
either
of
outrage
in
the
Mind
or
numndness
in
the
Body
,
and
that
as
long
as
a
Man
has
the
use
either
of
his
Senses
in
the
one
or
his
Understanding
in
the
other
,
he
cannot
avoid
to
shrink
whereever
he
feels
it
smart
.
And
yet
for
all
this
he
undertakes
to
rid
us
of
all
kinds
of
disturbance
;
which
if
he
could
perform
,
I
must
confess
his
Philosophy
is
much
more
powerfull
than
his
Oratory
,
though
here
his
Eloquence
must
be
very
great
too
to
perswade
us
out
of
our
very
Senses
;
For
that
is
the
main
Argument
of
his
Discourse
,
That
whatever
Trouble
we
may
think
we
lie
under
never
arises
from
any
real
Cause
but
meerly
from
Fancy
and
Opinion
.
But
this
methinks
he
ought
to
have
proved
by
running
through
all
the
supposed
Miseries
of
humane
Life
,
and
if
he
could
shew
that
there
is
no
reality
in
any
of
them
,
that
would
plainly
make
good
his
Undertaking
,
that
there
is
no
real
cause
of
trouble
in
the
World
,
nay
that
would
save
him
the
labour
of
all
his
other
philosophical
Discourses
;
for
it
is
plain
that
if
there
be
no
such
thing
as
Evil
,
there
is
no
need
of
any
comfort
against
it
.
But
instead
of
this
he
onely
makes
good
his
own
Proposition
by
his
own
Definition
;
a
fault
,
of
which
all
the
Philosophers
are
extreamly
guilty
:
all
trouble
says
he
is
unreasonable
because
all
perturbation
is
a
motion
of
the
Mind
either
void
of
or
contrary
to
Reason
,
that
is
to
say
,
because
it
is
unreasonable
.
And
yet
this
(
I
am
sorry
to
say
it
)
is
all
the
proof
that
this
great
Man
brings
to
make
good
so
strange
a
Paradox
,
that
whenever
Men
complain
of
any
thing
that
disquiets
them
,
they
do
not
really
feel
any
inconvenience
at
all
,
but
onely
dream
and
fancy
that
they
do
so
.
As
if
all
Mankind
were
in
the
same
condition
with
the
Mad-man
that
Cardan
speaks
of
,
that
though
he
had
De
Consol.
l.
1.
a
great
Estate
and
his
Barns
and
Store-houses
full
,
yet
because
he
could
find
no
Corn
in
the
Straws
,
that
he
was
wont
to
pick
in
his
raving
fits
,
was
continually
bemoaning
himself
that
he
must
be
famisht
for
want
of
Bread
.
But
whether
the
Evils
of
Life
be
real
or
phantastick
,
there
is
a
very
cunning
trick
to
avoid
all
their
trouble
;
that
is
,
by
foreseeing
and
expecting
them
,
in
that
it
is
not
so
much
the
Calamity
as
the
Surprise
that
afflicts
the
minds
of
Men.
And
here
,
in
the
first
place
,
I
grant
that
this
preparation
of
the
Mind
to
receive
the
blows
of
Fortune
does
not
a
little
deaden
their
stroak
,
and
that
the
Man
who
throughly
considers
to
what
innumerable
Miseries
humane
Nature
is
obnoxious
,
when
any
of
them
befall
him
is
not
half
so
much
grieved
as
he
that
thinks
of
nothing
but
Sunshine
and
Prosperity
.
But
though
this
may
perhaps
make
us
less
Miserable
,
yet
it
does
not
make
us
in
any
degree
Happy
,
which
is
the
thing
that
our
Philosophy
here
promises
,
and
if
it
do
not
perform
it
,
our
Objection
still
stands
good
,
That
upon
their
Principles
there
is
no
such
thing
as
humane
Happiness
;
and
then
as
to
that
point
it
matters
not
what
arts
and
methods
there
may
be
of
lessening
humane
Misery
.
But
then
,
secondly
,
this
Artifice
as
much
as
it
abates
in
the
intenseness
of
the
trouble
,
so
much
it
encreases
it
by
extending
it
.
For
as
a
foreseen
misfortune
affects
not
the
Mind
with
so
sharp
an
Agony
when
it
comes
,
yet
the
very
foresight
it self
is
some
degree
of
Anxiety
,
so
that
it
takes
off
no
more
of
the
present
evil
than
it
has
inflicted
beforehand
;
as
standing
upon
the
guard
to
expect
an
Enemy
,
though
it
prevents
the
fright
that
would
have
been
made
by
a
suddain
Assault
,
yet
is
it
a
considerable
piece
of
pains
and
hardship
in
it self
.
So
that
though
the
misery
may
seem
more
tolerable
by
being
undergone
by
degrees
rather
than
all
at
once
,
yet
taken
all
together
it
is
never
the
less
misery
.
And
therefore
it
was
a
moot
Point
even
among
the
sensual
Philosophers
themselves
which
was
most
eligible
,
to
suffer
all
at
once
,
as
the
Epicureans
;
or
to
anticipate
some
of
the
present
misery
by
premeditation
,
as
the
Cyrenaicks
.
Epicurus
his
prescription
was
never
to
think
of
miseries
till
they
came
,
but
on
the
contrary
Aristippus
his
advice
was
to
be
ever
thinking
of
them
.
And
which
was
the
wisest
counsel
it
is
very
hard
to
determine
;
for
it
is
a
very
melancholy
thing
to
be
always
reckoning
upon
being
miserable
;
and
beside
the
natural
anguish
of
such
thoughts
themselves
,
they
inflict
upon
us
innumerable
Evils
,
that
would
otherwise
have
never
befaln
us
;
they
make
every
misery
that
is
but
possible
,
to
be
an
actual
grief
and
torment
.
And
on
the
otherside
,
it
is
very
grievous
to
be
surprised
with
an
unsuspected
misery
;
the
fright
is
as
great
as
the
smart
,
and
the
defeat
of
our
expectations
greater
than
both
.
So
that
though
in
this
Controversie
our
Philosopher
is
pleased
to
side
with
the
Cyrenaicks
,
he
brings
no
reason
for
his
so
doing
beside
his
running
down
the
Epicurean
Philosophy
in
gross
;
and
yet
that
as
much
concerns
the
Cyrenaicks
as
themselves
;
for
though
they
differ
in
this
particular
Proposition
,
they
both
agree
in
the
same
general
Principle
,
that
there
is
no
Happiness
but
of
the
Body
.
And
that
being
supposed
,
it
is
hard
to
say
who
gives
the
wisest
advice
to
prevent
misery
,
either
he
that
by
foresight
abates
but
extends
the
Pain
,
or
he
that
by
neglect
contracts
it
into
a
sharper
but
a
shorter
fit
.
Though
which
soever
is
best
,
they
are
both
no
better
than
the
comforts
of
Despair
,
which
is
the
very
abyss
of
misery
;
for
they
both
resolve
into
one
and
the
same
Principle
,
that
we
are
condemn'd
to
misery
;
and
therefore
,
says
one
,
count
upon
it
aforehand
,
and
then
you
will
feel
it
less
when
it
comes
;
no
,
says
the
other
,
think
as
little
of
it
as
is
possible
,
it
is
enough
to
endure
when
we
cannot
avoid
it
.
And
this
is
all
the
comfort
that
our
Philosopher
,
and
indeed
all
Sects
of
Philosophers
send
us
in
against
the
Evils
and
Misfortunes
of
Life
,
to
let
us
know
that
such
and
such
is
the
condition
and
fate
of
Mankind
.
Art
thou
tortur'd
with
any
violent
and
sharp
Disease
?
why
!
thou
wert
born
with
a
Body
liable
to
such
Distempers
.
Has
Death
robb'd
thee
of
thy
dearest
Friend
?
why
!
he
was
born
Mortal
.
Hast
thou
suffer'd
great
Losses
?
why
!
then
Fortune
is
unconstant
,
&c.
A
strange
way
to
be
happy
this
,
onely
by
counting
upon
being
miserable
!
Can
this
mitigate
the
tortures
of
the
Stone
,
to
be
told
that
my
Body
is
exposed
to
their
rage
?
does
this
lessen
my
Pain
?
Has
it
any
influence
upon
my
sensories
,
or
does
it
at
all
dull
and
mortifie
their
sensations
?
Nay
,
is
not
this
the
very
root
of
all
my
misery
,
that
I
have
such
a
sad
and
experimental
conviction
of
the
inevitable
Evils
of
humane
Life
?
And
when
a
Man
is
rackt
and
torn
apieces
with
torments
,
't
is
no
more
ease
than
it
is
news
to
him
to
be
told
that
indeed
he
may
suffer
them
.
So
that
the
result
of
all
came
to
no
more
than
this
,
we
all
know
the
worst
of
our
condition
,
that
it
is
fatally
miserable
,
and
therefore
we
must
resolve
to
bear
it
as
we
can
,
which
is
not
to
make
us
patient
,
but
sullen
,
discontented
and
desperate
.
What
then
will
you
say
,
is
there
no
difference
between
a
Fool
and
a
Philosopher
?
Truly
upon
their
Principles
very
little
as
to
this
Point
.
They
are
both
equally
liable
to
the
sorrows
and
calamities
of
Life
,
and
equally
destitute
of
any
grounds
of
comfort
to
support
their
Minds
under
their
sufferings
.
For
it
is
not
Paradoxes
and
great
Sayings
that
can
doe
the
business
,
and
they
may
preach
to
us
ten
thousand
witty
Apothegms
,
but
nothing
can
ever
really
affect
us
,
unless
the
discovery
of
some
real
and
substantial
good
;
that
indeed
would
enable
us
to
endure
all
our
present
sorrows
,
not
onely
with
patience
but
with
cheerfulness
;
in
short
,
nothing
but
the
reasonable
hope
and
expectation
of
the
happiness
of
another
Life
can
bear
us
up
under
the
sorrows
and
calamities
of
this
.
And
therefore
,
this
Principle
being
not
taken
in
among
their
philosophick
Rules
,
Advices
and
Receipts
of
Happiness
,
they
fell
as
short
of
its
attainment
as
the
vulgar
and
the
ignorant
part
of
Mankind
.
Though
I
will
not
say
that
they
were
altogether
as
miserable
,
because
the
foolish
people
superinduce
their
own
voluntary
trouble
from
within
to
their
casual
calamities
from
without
.
Thus
though
a
Philosopher
does
not
asswage
his
Pain
by
his
Patience
,
yet
a
Fool
increases
it
by
his
Impatience
.
Though
the
main
advantage
of
all
their
Philosophy
was
this
,
that
it
instructed
them
in
the
true
value
of
the
things
of
this
Life
,
so
that
they
might
not
abuse
themselves
and
their
hopes
with
too
swelling
and
vain
expectations
,
and
so
forgo
the
actual
comforts
of
their
lives
,
such
as
they
are
,
for
pompous
and
troublesome
nothings
.
And
that
is
the
unhappy
condition
of
the
vulgar
herd
,
that
they
understand
neither
themselves
nor
the
World
,
but
are
bred
up
to
Covetousness
or
Ambition
,
and
fancy
to
reap
such
a
vast
Happiness
out
of
their
designs
,
that
is
not
in
the
least
suited
to
their
present
condition
,
but
is
onely
such
a
Paradise
as
they
dream
of
;
and
thus
not
being
aware
of
the
meanness
of
their
capacity
,
forgetting
their
mortality
,
and
not
considering
that
they
creep
upon
the
Earth
,
they
think
to
lift
their
heads
aloft
,
and
fancy
they
walk
among
the
Stars
,
take
mighty
pains
to
compass
their
little
great
designs
,
and
if
at
last
they
doe
it
,
they
are
then
sadly
cheated
of
their
expectations
;
if
they
doe
it
not
,
they
are
then
infinitely
undone
,
and
for
ever
strangled
with
insupportable
grief
and
anguish
.
This
,
I
say
,
is
the
great
and
common
folly
of
humane
Life
and
the
ground
of
Mens
renouncing
that
little
quiet
they
might
otherwise
have
enjoyed
,
onely
to
pursue
some
great
and
anxious
fancy
.
Whereas
wise
Men
deal
faithfully
with
themselves
,
reflect
impartially
upon
the
condition
of
their
Natures
,
understand
the
true
state
of
humane
Affairs
,
and
expect
no
more
from
the
World
than
the
World
is
able
to
afford
;
and
hence
they
moderate
their
designs
and
desires
,
and
do
not
lose
that
little
present
tranquility
that
they
might
enjoy
,
with
surious
and
restless
prosecutions
after
such
an
Happiness
as
they
can
never
obtain
.
But
though
they
do
not
load
themselves
with
needless
cares
and
vexations
,
yet
they
must
with
all
the
rest
of
Mankind
couch
under
such
as
are
necessary
and
unavoidable
,
because
they
have
no
substantial
good
to
support
their
Minds
under
them
,
and
for
want
of
that
the
difference
between
a
Fool
and
a
Philosopher
in
point
of
positive
Happiness
is
very
little
and
inconsiderable
.
§
XXIX
.
And
thus
having
taken
in
as
it
were
all
these
little
Outworks
of
the
Philosophers
,
we
now
come
to
lay
siege
to
their
very
Capital
,
viz.
That
let
our
condition
be
what
it
will
,
Vertue
will
supply
all
Wants
and
overcome
all
Miseries
;
or
that
that
alone
is
,
as
Brutus
expresses
it
,
abundantly
sufficient
to
its
own
Happiness
.
Than
which
there
is
no
one
thing
more
greatly
and
magnificently
said
in
all
Philosophy
,
and
it
is
a
Sentence
worthy
the
noble
Courage
and
Gallantry
of
its
Authour
,
by
which
he
apparently
stear'd
the
whole
course
of
his
Life
,
though
it
seems
it
fail'd
him
at
his
Death
.
But
if
there
be
any
such
thing
as
Vertue
(
says
our
great
Philosopher
)
it
is
entirely
satisfied
in
it self
,
and
being
so
,
it
is
above
all
the
attempts
of
Fortune
,
and
then
may
with
confidence
and
bravery
despise
all
whatsoever
,
that
can
befall
it
.
This
,
this
is
the
true
ground
of
all
philosophick
Wisedom
,
slighting
all
other
things
as
trifles
wholly
to
employ
our selves
in
this
great
and
noble
exercise
of
Life
.
O
thou
sovereign
Guide
of
humane
Kind
,
thou
Patroness
of
good
Men
,
and
Scourge
of
Vice
,
how
forlorn
and
despicable
a
thing
were
the
Life
of
Man
or
Man
himself
without
thee
?
Thou
didst
at
first
found
Cities
,
thou
didst
at
first
call
that
wild
Beast
Man
out
of
Caves
and
Dens
into
Societies
,
thou
wert
the
first
Authour
of
all
Domestick
and
Civil
Friendships
,
thou
art
the
onely
Foundress
of
all
Laws
and
good
Manners
;
to
thee
alone
doe
we
owe
all
the
Comfort
and
Happiness
of
humane
Life
,
and
to
thy
Divine
Discipline
do
we
entirely
submit
our selves
;
one
day
spent
according
to
thy
Precepts
is
infinitely
to
be
preferr'd
to
an
Eternity
of
Vice
or
Luxury
.
With
many
more
such
flights
and
transports
are
we
entertain'd
in
this
eloquent
Discourse
,
and
it
seems
to
have
been
written
with
a
more
than
usual
warmth
and
spirit
out
of
that
vehement
delight
he
ever
had
to
oblige
and
gratifie
his
justly
admired
Brutus
:
But
as
for
Arguments
he
is
forced
to
satisfie
himself
with
such
as
himself
has
already
confuted
.
For
it
is
very
observable
that
he
here
wholly
quits
his
own
Sects
of
the
Peripateticks
and
Academicks
,
and
turns
perfect
Stoick
,
and
cashiers
all
the
Goods
both
of
Body
and
Fortune
out
of
the
accounts
of
Happiness
,
and
confines
all
the
nature
and
exercise
of
it
onely
to
a
Life
conducted
by
the
Rules
and
Laws
of
Vertue
.
First
then
,
let
us
see
for
what
reasons
he
forsakes
his
own
Discipline
;
and
,
secondly
,
by
what
Arguments
he
establishes
that
of
the
Stoicks
.
As
for
the
reason
of
the
first
it
is
very
obvious
,
forasmuch
as
no
Man
can
be
Happy
that
is
in
Misery
;
and
therefore
if
that
may
be
created
by
the
Evils
of
Body
or
Fortune
,
then
no
Man
,
how
good
or
wise
soever
,
is
capable
of
being
Happy
.
For
if
there
be
three
kinds
of
Good
and
three
kinds
of
Evil
,
as
they
say
there
is
,
then
he
that
is
tortured
with
all
the
Evils
of
two
of
them
,
that
is
,
he
that
is
racked
with
all
manner
of
pains
in
his
Body
,
and
is
oppressed
with
all
the
spites
of
Fortune
in
his
Estate
is
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Happiness
that
he
can
reap
from
the
third
sort
of
Good
,
sufficiently
miserable
.
Secondly
,
no
Man
can
be
happy
that
is
not
secure
of
his
Happiness
,
in
that
his
very
insecurity
is
so
much
Misery
;
and
therefore
he
that
places
two
shares
out
of
his
own
power
can
have
no
security
of
their
Enjoyment
,
and
so
no
Happiness
.
So
that
if
health
of
Body
and
prosperity
of
Fortune
be
two
necessary
ingredients
of
humane
Happiness
,
the
case
is
plain
that
it
is
impossible
to
secure
that
,
because
it
is
impossible
to
ensure
their
continuance
.
But
of
the
uncertainty
of
these
things
I
have
already
discoursed
against
the
Epicureans
,
and
now
I
shall
,
in
a
few
words
,
represent
their
Vanity
.
Suppose
then
a
Mamblessed
with
all
the
advantages
that
the
whole
World
is
able
to
afford
him
,
what
is
it
all
but
a
shadow
and
a
phantasm
?
And
,
to
make
short
work
of
it
,
how
vain
and
imaginary
are
the
Prerogatives
of
the
most
envied
and
desired
conditions
of
Life
?
For
Princes
cannot
enjoy
beyond
the
capacities
of
private
Men
,
and
though
they
may
possess
the
whole
World
,
yet
they
can
use
and
taste
no
more
of
it
than
inferiour
Persons
.
Their
Appetites
are
as
finite
as
other
Mens
,
and
when
they
have
all
the
delicacies
that
a
wanton
or
a
witty
Luxury
can
devise
,
they
can
but
enjoy
and
feast
to
Satiety
,
and
so
can
the
meanest
and
most
despicable
Cottager
.
In
short
,
they
enjoy
nothing
beyond
others
but
tumults
of
Pomp
and
Ceremony
,
unless
great
Cares
and
Anxieties
make
up
any
part
of
humane
Happiness
.
And
of
this
Cardan
propounds
De
Consol.
l.
3.
a
very
apt
instance
in
Charles
the
Fifth
,
King
of
Spain
and
Emperour
of
Rome
,
the
most
fortunate
Prince
,
not
onely
of
his
own
time
but
of
many
foregoing
Ages
;
who
enjoyed
a
very
large
Empire
not
onely
in
Europe
but
in
the
Indies
;
who
was
successfull
in
all
his
Enterprises
beyond
his
hopes
and
desires
;
who
was
not
onely
absolute
Sovereign
in
his
own
Dominions
,
but
Umpire
between
all
Christian
Princes
,
and
disposed
of
Seigniories
and
Kingdoms
at
his
imperial
will
and
pleasure
.
And
yet
this
mighty
Man
lived
always
in
danger
of
the
Incursions
of
Solyman
the
Great
,
was
continually
fretted
with
the
endless
Divisions
of
the
German
and
Italian
Princes
,
perplexed
with
the
loss
of
this
Fleet
and
that
Army
.
Now
,
says
he
,
shall
we
esteem
this
Man
happy
,
that
was
so
perpetually
disquieted
with
such
cares
,
such
dangers
,
such
losses
?
May
I
perish
if
I
would
not
rather
choose
the
condition
of
a
poor
Carthusian
,
though
it
is
in
reality
no
better
than
that
of
a
Slave
.
And
as
if
this
had
been
a
real
prophesie
,
that
great
Prince
ratified
it
not
many
years
after
by
his
own
choice
,
taking
Sanctuary
from
all
his
Greatness
and
Prosperity
by
entring
into
a
monastick
Life
.
And
should
we
ransack
the
Histories
of
all
the
most
fortunate
Princes
in
the
World
,
we
should
quickly
find
all
their
Felicity
embitter'd
with
so
many
Griefs
and
Crosses
as
to
conclude
with
Pliny
,
after
all
his
search
,
that
there
never
was
any
such
thing
as
an
happy
Prince
in
the
World
.
And
now
,
when
we
have
cut
off
the
vanities
of
State
and
Grandieur
,
that
so
much
dazle
and
amuse
those
that
know
them
not
,
and
so
little
satisfie
those
that
do
;
the
delights
of
Nature
that
remain
,
and
that
all
Mankind
doe
or
may
equally
enjoy
,
though
they
are
not
altogether
as
useless
and
impertinent
,
yet
are
they
altogether
as
unable
to
minister
any
competent
satisfaction
to
the
Minds
of
Men.
For
as
for
the
pleasures
of
the
Body
,
their
enjoyment
consists
rather
in
allaying
Miseries
than
in
any
true
and
real
Delight
;
for
they
are
Pleasures
upon
no
other
account
than
their
supplying
some
present
wants
,
and
when
the
indigence
of
any
Appetite
is
appeased
,
its
Pleasure
then
ceases
,
and
when
Apicius
has
glutted
himself
with
the
choicest
delicates
that
wit
or
wealth
can
compass
,
he
does
then
loathe
and
nauseate
them
more
than
he
ever
desired
or
relisht
them
.
Beside
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
as
Plutarch
styles
it
)
this
little
lump
of
Flesh
is
of
all
things
the
unfittest
to
be
made
the
seat
of
Happiness
;
not
onely
because
all
the
Pleasures
it
is
capable
of
,
are
so
vain
,
short
and
transient
,
but
because
it
is
liable
to
so
many
,
so
sharp
,
so
lasting
,
and
so
stubborn
pains
,
any
one
whereof
is
heavy
enough
to
weigh
down
our
biggest
Happiness
,
though
it
were
much
more
solid
and
substantial
than
it
is
.
And
yet
there
is
no
Man
that
does
not
labour
under
some
distemper
or
other
,
and
though
possibly
at
present
he
may
be
free
from
its
actual
pain
,
yet
he
cannot
avoid
its
perpetual
fear
and
foresight
;
and
certainly
no
Man
can
be
happy
that
lives
either
in
actual
misery
or
under
the
constant
expectation
of
it
,
and
yet
into
these
two
seasons
is
humane
Life
as
naturally
divided
as
into
Night
and
Day
.
And
then
as
for
the
Goods
of
Fortune
,
no
Man
was
scarce
ever
yet
so
compleatly
lucky
as
to
have
her
always
to
comply
with
his
desires
.
Aristotle
here
reckons
up
Riches
,
Friends
,
Authority
,
good
Birth
,
vertuous
Off-spring
,
Strength
,
Beauty
,
a
sufficiency
not
onely
for
a
Man
's
own
personal
Wants
,
but
all
the
necessities
of
Kindred
,
Friends
and
Neighbours
.
What
a
strange
variety
of
Ingredients
is
here
prescribed
to
make
up
an
unattainable
Happiness
?
For
can
any
Man
ever
be
so
phantastick
as
to
imagine
he
can
compass
all
these
particulars
?
If
he
can
,
he
is
certain
to
enjoy
more
Happiness
from
his
Fancy
than
ever
he
can
reap
from
his
actual
Enjoyment
.
No
,
the
World
is
too
thick
crowded
with
Evils
for
any
Person
that
passes
through
it
to
escape
them
all
;
and
yet
one
single
sorrow
embitters
all
our
comforts
,
and
one
disaster
rifles
the
magazine
of
all
our
joys
.
At
least
one
acute
Disease
withers
the
most
§
XXX
.
First
he
refers
us
to
his
foregoing
Disputations
,
that
if
he
have
there
concluded
as
he
ought
according
to
the
Rules
of
Logick
,
that
then
Vertue
alone
is
abundantly
sufficient
to
its
own
Happiness
;
because
he
has
there
effectually
taken
away
all
perturbations
both
of
Mind
and
Body
;
which
being
removed
,
every
thing
is
avoided
that
is
destructive
of
an
happy
Life
;
for
it
is
they
,
and
they
onely
that
make
him
miserable
;
so
that
Vertue
being
able
to
cure
or
remove
them
all
,
't
is
for
that
reason
alone
sufficient
to
its
own
Happiness
.
But
then
if
he
have
performed
nothing
of
all
this
in
his
former
Disputations
,
then
this
way
of
arguing
turns
back
upon
himself
,
that
Mankind
is
fatally
miserable
,
in
that
it
is
exposed
to
so
many
Evils
,
which
it
is
not
in
our
power
either
to
fly
or
conquer
.
For
as
himself
argues
,
how
is
it
possible
for
any
Man
not
to
be
miserable
,
that
fears
either
Death
or
Pain
,
when
the
one
is
often
present
and
the
other
always
at
hand
?
to
which
if
you
add
all
the
innumerable
calamities
of
Life
,
some
whereof
we
feel
,
and
all
we
fear
;
and
if
we
have
no
remedy
against
all
that
trouble
they
create
,
we
are
not
onely
not
happy
but
in
the
highest
degree
miserable
;
so
that
,
having
shewn
that
he
has
performed
nothing
of
what
he
has
undertaken
in
his
former
Disputations
,
I
may
now
justly
conclude
him
by
his
own
Argument
,
that
there
is
no
relief
against
the
miseries
of
humane
Life
.
But
then
,
secondly
,
what
though
we
are
furnished
with
Antidotes
against
Evils
,
yet
that
does
not
place
us
in
a
condition
of
Happiness
,
for
it
is
one
thing
to
be
happy
and
another
not
to
be
miserable
;
so
that
,
all
miseries
taken
out
of
the
way
,
there
is
still
something
more
required
to
give
us
actual
content
and
satisfaction
.
No
,
says
he
,
but
as
the
Sea
is
made
calm
onely
by
the
ceasing
of
Storms
,
so
is
a
Man
happy
by
the
cure
of
his
Passions
.
This
is
a
pretty
Similitude
,
but
(
as
most
Similitudes
are
)
a
very
weak
Argument
,
for
the
calmness
of
the
Sea
is
a
stupid
,
life-less
and
insensible
thing
,
but
Man's
Happiness
arises
from
his
own
Sense
and
Reflection
;
and
therefore
it
is
not
enough
for
him
not
to
be
rufled
with
Sorrow
and
Discontent
,
but
to
render
him
really
happy
,
he
must
enjoy
some
substantial
and
suitable
Good
,
that
may
gratifie
his
Faculties
,
and
satisfy
his
Mind
.
So
that
though
he
had
performed
what
was
promised
in
the
former
Discourses
,
yet
notwithstanding
that
,
has
he
done
nothing
towards
the
acquisition
of
any
real
and
positive
Contentment
.
But
he
proceeds
;
every
Creature
has
its
proper
Perfection
,
the
proper
Perfection
of
the
Mind
of
Man
is
Reason
,
the
Perfection
of
Reason
is
Vertue
,
Vertue
therefore
is
the
Perfection
,
that
is
the
complete
Happiness
of
humane
Nature
.
And
it
is
true
that
every
Creature
excels
in
some
peculiar
Faculty
,
but
then
all
its
Pleasure
and
Satisfaction
consists
not
in
the
single
gratification
of
that
Faculty
,
but
beside
that
all
its
other
Appetites
are
to
be
gratified
in
their
several
Sensations
;
and
if
they
are
not
,
that
alone
will
overthrow
all
the
Delight
that
can
arise
from
the
exercise
of
its
supreme
Faculty
.
Thus
the
most
accurate
Sense
in
a
Spaniel
is
smelling
,
which
yet
can
afford
but
little
contentment
,
if
he
be
tortured
in
all
his
other
Senses
.
And
so
it
is
plain
that
the
highest
Faculty
in
a
Man
is
his
Reason
,
but
then
it
is
plain
too
that
the
utmost
emprovement
of
that
can
never
place
him
in
a
state
of
sovereign
Happiness
,
if
he
endure
Pain
and
Misery
in
his
other
inferiour
Faculties
;
so
that
it
is
not
the
Perfection
of
our
highest
Faculty
,
but
of
our
whole
Nature
that
is
our
supreme
Felicity
.
And
therefore
that
consisting
of
Sense
as
well
as
Reason
,
it
is
not
Reason
alone
howsoever
accomplisht
and
emproved
that
can
complete
our
Happiness
.
And
then
secondly
,
if
there
be
no
immortality
,
not
Vertue
but
Self-interest
is
the
perfection
of
humane
Reason
;
for
if
Man
be
capable
of
no
other
but
his
present
Happiness
,
then
his
Reason
will
tell
him
that
he
is
onely
concern'd
to
take
care
of
that
,
and
to
value
Things
and
Actions
not
as
they
are
good
and
evil
,
but
onely
as
they
are
subservient
to
his
own
present
Advantage
.
And
then
is
the
very
Being
of
Vertue
overthrown
,
which
were
not
Vertue
if
it
did
not
oblige
to
Duty
contrary
to
Interest
;
for
that
is
the
onely
difference
between
a
good
and
a
bad
Man
,
that
one
prefers
Duty
before
Interest
,
the
other
Interest
before
Duty
.
Again
,
all
Happiness
,
says
he
,
is
matter
of
Joy
,
all
Joy
delights
to
shew
it self
,
what
delights
to
shew
it self
is
glorious
,
what
is
glorious
is
praiseworthy
,
what
is
praiseworthy
is
honest
,
and
therefore
nothing
is
good
but
what
is
honest
.
Or
thus
,
whatever
is
good
is
desirable
;
whatever
is
desirable
deserves
approbation
;
whatever
deserves
approbation
has
worth
and
dignity
in
it self
;
whatever
has
worth
and
dignity
in
it self
is
praiseworthy
,
whatever
is
praiseworthy
is
honest
,
and
therefore
whatever
is
good
is
honest
.
Which
Argument
he
pursues
after
the
manner
of
the
Stoicks
in
an
hundred
other
ways
of
connexion
;
but
howsoever
it
is
varied
all
the
stress
of
it
lies
onely
in
the
connexion
of
laudabile
with
honestum
,
praise
or
commendation
with
Vertue
;
for
how
great
soever
compass
they
may
take
,
that
is
still
the
last
medium
by
which
they
joyn
Happiness
and
Vertue
together
.
So
that
though
the
Stoicks
wrote
numberless
Books
of
Sorites
(
as
they
call'd
them
)
upon
this
Argument
,
they
all
amounted
to
no
more
than
this
one
short
Syllogism
;
whatever
is
good
is
praiseworthy
,
whatever
is
praiseworthy
is
honest
,
and
therefore
whatever
is
good
is
honest
.
But
this
,
as
Tully
himself
has
elsewhere
De
Fin.
l.
4.
answered
,
is
a
very
trifling
and
precarious
way
of
arguing
.
For
who
(
says
he
)
that
affirms
the
goods
of
Body
and
Fortune
to
be
part
of
our
Happiness
will
be
so
easy
or
so
silly
as
to
grant
the
first
Proposition
,
that
all
good
is
praiseworthy
;
or
that
being
granted
,
there
is
no
need
of
proceeding
to
the
second
;
for
there
is
no
doubt
of
it
,
but
that
if
all
good
be
praiseworthy
,
all
good
is
honest
too
.
And
therefore
Aristotle
and
the
whole
School
of
the
Peripateticks
,
against
whom
they
dispute
,
will
flatly
deny
the
Assertion
,
and
tell
you
that
Health
,
Strength
,
Riches
,
Friends
,
Authority
are
very
good
things
,
and
yet
deserve
not
that
which
Men
call
praise
and
commendation
,
that
is
the
imputation
of
moral
Goodness
.
So
that
to
pass
this
Proposition
as
they
do
without
any
farther
proof
,
is
first
to
take
what
no
Man
will
grant
,
and
then
to
conclude
from
it
what
themselves
please
.
And
now
this
one
false
step
being
barr'd
,
there
is
an
end
of
all
the
Stoicks
voluminous
Disputations
,
and
of
all
our
Oratours
rhetorical
Flourishes
,
that
are
onely
so
many
artificial
transports
and
forms
of
Eloquence
in
praise
of
this
one
Proposition
;
all
which
,
if
it
be
false
,
can
never
make
it
true
;
and
therefore
till
that
is
done
,
't
is
all
nothing
but
empty
Declamation
.
And
for
that
Reason
I
shall
pursue
him
no
farther
here
,
but
shall
return
back
to
his
foregoing
Discourses
,
and
shew
first
that
he
himself
,
after
all
his
pains
,
has
not
been
able
to
lay
better
Grounds
than
the
Epicureans
for
the
stability
of
Vertue
,
nor
more
effectual
Motives
for
the
obligation
of
its
practice
.
And
secondly
,
that
when
he
has
said
all
he
can
,
that
Vertue
alone
is
so
far
from
being
any
sufficient
ground
of
Happiness
,
that
it
is
not
able
to
deliver
us
from
any
single
Misery
;
from
both
which
it
evidently
appears
,
that
there
is
some
farther
Account
to
be
given
of
the
Government
of
the
World
,
if
there
be
such
a
Providence
as
I
have
proved
,
that
has
made
Happiness
our
End
,
and
Vertue
the
means
to
attain
it
.
§
XXXI
.
And
first
,
the
state
of
the
Controversy
between
him
and
the
Epicureans
is
,
whether
Pleasure
or
Honesty
be
the
Supreme
Good
.
That
Pleasure
in
the
sense
of
Epicurus
is
not
we
have
already
proved
;
and
now
we
prove
that
Honesty
alone
without
some
Motives
and
Enforcements
beside
it self
is
so
weak
a
thing
,
that
sensual
Pleasure
and
Self-interest
must
get
the
upper
hand
of
it
in
the
Minds
and
the
Actions
of
Mankind
.
And
if
once
we
can
prove
that
,
we
have
routed
the
whole
design
of
all
his
mortal
Morality
;
and
for
its
proof
we
shall
follow
his
own
steps
.
And
first
,
whereas
he
defines
Honesty
to
be
such
a
thing
,
as
taking
away
from
it
all
other
Rewards
and
Advantages
is
justly
commendable
for
its
own
sake
,
he
makes
it
onely
a
glorious
nothing
.
For
what
does
this
great
word
Vertue
signifie
when
separated
from
all
other
Considerations
?
Do
not
all
the
Philosophers
agree
there
can
be
no
such
thing
without
Prudence
?
And
will
not
common
Discretion
dictate
to
any
Man
not
to
doe
,
much
less
to
suffer
any
thing
for
the
sake
of
Vertue
unless
upon
prudential
Motives
?
and
then
they
ought
to
give
us
some
account
of
the
Grounds
and
Reasons
that
we
have
to
prefer
Vertue
for
her
own
sake
above
all
things
else
,
and
that
without
any
present
regard
to
our selves
;
for
if
we
act
with
regard
to
that
,
then
we
act
not
meerly
for
the
sake
of
Vertue
,
but
for
the
sake
of
the
present
Reward
.
But
,
say
they
,
Vertue
is
its
own
Reward
.
Be
it
so
,
then
this
turns
us
back
upon
our
own
Principle
,
that
it
is
of
no
force
of
it self
but
by
virtue
of
its
Reward
;
and
then
if
we
choose
Vertue
because
it
is
its
own
Reward
,
we
choose
it
for
the
same
reason
as
if
it
were
recommended
to
us
by
any
other
Reward
.
But
how
is
it
its
own
Reward
?
For
if
it
be
true
Vertue
it
must
foregoe
all
things
rather
than
it self
,
otherwise
still
it
is
nothing
else
but
present
Design
and
Self-interest
.
Now
then
,
how
can
Vertue
taken
alone
give
me
any
recompence
or
satisfaction
for
any
loss
that
I
sustain
meerly
upon
her
account
?
How
can
Justice
alone
requite
my
Honesty
if
I
lose
either
my
own
Estate
because
I
will
not
violate
her
Laws
;
or
my
Neighbours
,
when
I
might
have
gotten
it
by
Fraud
or
Oppression
?
How
can
Fortitude
that
puts
me
upon
all
manner
of
Dangers
even
of
Life
it self
,
recompence
my
pains
,
if
it
have
no
other
Reward
beside
the
unaccountable
Happiness
of
enduring
them
?
So
that
this
Maxim
,
that
in
general
looks
so
great
and
glorious
,
when
applied
to
particulars
is
plainly
no
better
than
a
shining
and
an
empty
bubble
.
And
then
to
tell
us
as
he
does
,
that
Nature
alone
obliges
us
to
Vertue
,
is
to
say
nothing
at
all
,
unless
he
would
inform
us
too
by
what
Sanctions
this
Nature
ties
her
Obligations
upon
us
.
For
there
can
be
no
obligation
that
is
not
enforced
by
Rewards
and
Penalties
;
so
that
if
Nature
bind
Men
to
Honesty
against
present
Interest
,
it
must
give
them
some
reason
of
the
Duty
;
that
is
,
it
must
propound
to
them
some
advantage
on
the
side
of
Justice
,
and
then
they
do
not
choose
their
Duty
against
their
Interest
,
but
foregoe
a
lesser
for
a
greater
advantage
.
So
that
if
Nature
put
us
upon
the
practice
of
Vertue
,
it
is
by
virtue
of
some
Reward
;
but
where
that
fails
,
it
is
in
vain
to
talk
of
the
power
and
authority
of
Nature
,
or
any
thing
else
.
And
whereas
he
adds
that
other
Creatures
have
no
apprehension
but
of
their
present
Necessities
,
that
yet
Mankind
is
endued
with
such
a
vigour
and
sagacity
of
Mind
as
to
foresee
all
the
consequences
of
Things
,
and
to
take
the
whole
compass
of
humane
Life
into
consideration
,
and
thereby
to
determine
it self
to
the
designs
of
Vertue
and
Honesty
.
This
amounts
to
no
more
than
what
Epicurus
himself
affirms
,
viz.
that
in
the
whole
Account
of
things
Vertue
is
for
the
most
part
most
pleasant
and
advantageous
;
and
that
where
it
is
not
so
,
there
is
no
solid
Reason
why
it
should
be
most
eligible
:
So
that
still
Epicurus
is
plainly
in
the
right
,
that
whilst
we
discourse
of
Happiness
as
attainable
in
this
Life
only
without
any
expectation
of
future
Rewards
,
Honesty
if
separate
from
Interest
is
no
more
than
an
empty
Name
,
and
amounts
to
no
more
dignity
than
popular
Opinion
.
And
as
for
all
the
fine
Stories
that
he
tells
us
of
some
brave
and
heroick
Men
that
have
been
just
to
their
own
disadvantage
,
when
they
might
have
been
unjust
without
danger
or
discovery
;
it
argues
the
generosity
of
their
Nature
and
their
Roman
Education
,
but
does
not
prove
that
they
lay
under
any
the
least
Obligation
to
it
,
and
wholy
resolves
it
into
an
empty
Name
,
and
enforces
it
with
no
other
Reward
but
meerly
Vainglory
.
For
if
it
be
recompenfed
with
no
advantage
in
this
Life
,
nor
have
hopes
of
any
in
the
next
,
there
remains
no
other
motive
to
perswade
its
practice
than
barely
to
be
talked
of
.
And
this
was
the
case
of
his
own
famous
Country-men
,
Curtius
,
Torquatus
,
the
Decii
,
&c.
that
cast
themselves
upon
extravagant
and
desperate
Attempts
,
onely
to
be
praised
by
their
Fellow-citizens
,
that
is
out
of
vanity
and
ostentation
;
for
if
they
had
no
prospect
of
a
future
Reward
,
they
could
have
no
other
inducement
to
sacrifice
their
Lives
and
Beings
.
So
that
all
the
fine
Stories
both
of
the
Grecian
and
Roman
Heroes
signify
no
more
than
those
of
the
Boys
at
Sparta
,
and
the
Gladiators
at
Rome
,
who
endured
any
hardship
,
even
Death
it self
with
a
steady
Countenance
for
no
other
Reward
but
the
applause
of
the
Spectatours
.
And
if
this
be
all
the
ground
of
Vertue
,
we
are
again
turn'd
back
to
the
Epicurean
Hypothesis
,
viz.
that
it
has
no
Foundation
beside
the
Opinion
of
the
common
People
,
and
yet
that
that
is
none
at
all
,
I
think
I
have
already
proved
more
than
enough
against
the
Epicureans
.
But
lastly
,
as
Vertue
alone
is
no
sufficient
Foundation
for
it self
,
so
much
less
is
it
able
to
secure
our
Happiness
.
For
first
,
granting
all
their
strein'd
Panegyricks
,
that
it
is
(
as
it
is
)
without
all
competition
the
noblest
and
most
raised
Satisfaction
of
humane
Nature
,
yet
it
is
no
security
against
the
common
Calamities
of
humane
Life
;
and
though
it
may
instruct
how
to
bear
the
blows
of
Fortune
,
yet
is
it
no
enchantment
against
its
force
,
nor
impenetrable
to
its
spites
.
Its
Votaries
are
no
more
exempted
from
Disasters
and
sinister
Accidents
than
the
Profligate
and
the
Vicious
.
But
all
Mankind
are
equally
assaulted
by
those
Troops
of
foreign
Calamities
that
harass
the
confines
of
humane
Contentment
with
perpetual
Alarms
and
Encounters
.
And
though
it
were
possible
for
Philosophy
(
as
it
is
not
)
to
alleviate
our
Miseries
,
yet
it
can
never
transmute
them
into
Joys
;
and
though
the
infusion
of
Vertue
into
the
Cup
of
Asfliction
may
lessen
,
yet
it
cannot
abolish
its
bitterness
.
In
short
,
though
wise
Men
were
able
to
abate
the
sense
of
their
Calamities
by
prudent
Reflections
,
whilst
the
froward
and
passionate
double
their
Resentments
by
their
impatience
;
yet
they
can
neither
make
themselves
senseless
of
evils
and
malicious
Events
,
nor
so
far
alter
the
Natures
of
Things
,
as
to
extract
Pleasures
out
of
painfull
Sensations
.
For
howsoever
any
Sect
of
Men
may
affect
to
vent
Paradoxes
and
speak
big
Sentences
,
yet
the
most
Stoical
and
conceited
Apathist
of
them
all
would
have
but
little
heart
to
boast
of
his
Pleasures
under
Cholick
pangs
.
Sickness
and
Poverty
lose
not
their
Stings
when
they
fasten
upon
good
Men
;
and
Vertue
,
whatever
it
does
,
repreives
us
not
from
the
impressions
of
Sense
;
and
therefore
howsoever
our
Minds
are
qualified
,
we
are
always
exposed
to
the
Casualties
of
Body
and
Fortune
.
So
that
still
a
calamitous
Vertue
is
so
far
from
rendring
us
completely
happy
,
that
it
cannot
make
us
less
miserable
;
and
is
rather
an
Object
of
pity
than
desire
,
and
apter
to
move
compassion
than
envy
.
But
secondly
,
the
great
service
of
Vertue
is
to
support
us
under
and
recompence
us
for
those
Losses
that
we
suffer
upon
her
account
.
Now
how
is
it
imaginable
that
she
can
doe
this
?
By
her self
alone
?
But
I
have
already
shewn
that
so
she
is
nothing
;
and
that
no
good
Man
can
draw
any
satisfaction
from
his
being
undone
for
having
done
well
,
if
meerly
his
having
done
well
be
all
the
Reward
of
his
so
doing
,
because
he
can
never
satisfie
himself
that
he
has
done
wisely
too
;
and
then
Vertue
separated
from
Prudence
becomes
Folly
,
and
that
can
give
no
wise
Man
any
real
Contentment
;
and
if
it
should
he
would
neither
be
a
wise
Man
,
nor
his
Content
real
.
But
a
good
Conscience
is
the
effect
of
Vertue
,
and
that
alone
makes
every
good
Man
happy
.
But
if
Vertue
have
no
other
Reward
beside
it self
,
it
lays
no
ground
for
a
good
Conscience
to
bottom
it self
upon
.
For
what
Comfort
can
it
be
to
any
wise
Man
onely
to
be
conscious
to
himself
that
he
has
undone
himself
for
the
sake
of
Vertue
,
when
he
can
give
himself
no
reasonable
account
,
why
he
should
stick
so
stubbornly
to
her
in
opposition
to
his
own
Interest
?
For
,
that
Vertue
alone
is
no
reason
,
is
already
proved
;
and
if
there
be
any
other
,
then
is
there
some
other
ground
of
Happiness
beside
meer
Vertue
and
Conscience
,
and
that
is
the
thing
we
are
in
quest
of
;
but
without
it
,
a
good
Conscience
alone
is
the
same
thing
as
Vertue
alone
.
What
then
,
shall
Vertue
ascend
the
Rack
and
the
Gibbet
,
and
leave
Happiness
behind
it
?
Yes
,
if
Vertue
will
be
so
hardy
as
to
encounter
Racks
and
Gibbets
by
her
own
naked
strength
,
she
may
thank
her
own
rashness
if
Happiness
forsake
her
there
:
For
as
there
is
no
Pleasure
in
being
rackt
and
torn
asunder
,
so
neither
is
there
any
in
suffering
it
meerly
for
the
sake
of
Vertue
.
But
then
,
as
Happiness
cannot
ascend
the
Rack
,
so
Vertue
will
not
:
For
to
what
purpose
should
a
wise
Man
endure
Torments
for
no
other
recompence
than
onely
his
enduring
them
,
and
yet
that
is
the
highest
Exercise
of
his
Vertue
.
If
he
be
wise
,
he
will
say
or
doe
any
thing
rather
than
suffer
the
least
thing
for
he
knows
not
what
;
and
if
he
be
a
Fool
,
it
is
not
Vertue
but
Folly
that
mounts
the
Gibbet
.
So
that
which
way
soever
Men
turn
themselves
,
all
Morality
sinks
to
nothing
without
our
Supposition
;
and
therefore
seeing
the
Governour
of
the
World
has
provided
so
carefully
for
it
even
in
the
Nature
of
Things
,
there
is
no
avoiding
the
Conclusion
but
that
this
must
be
added
to
it
,
because
without
it
all
his
other
Provision
would
be
useless
and
ineffectual
.
Upon
supposition
then
that
there
is
a
Deity
,
and
that
this
Deity
has
enacted
those
Laws
for
the
government
of
the
World
,
that
I
have
described
in
the
former
part
of
this
Discourse
;
it
follows
with
undeniable
demonstration
that
for
that
Reason
alone
,
though
there
were
no
other
,
he
has
withall
provided
some
other
state
of
things
beyond
that
of
this
present
Life
;
because
otherwise
when
he
has
built
this
World
with
so
much
art
,
and
contrived
the
Nature
of
Things
with
so
much
wisedom
,
he
has
done
it
all
to
no
purpose
;
and
then
there
is
neither
Art
nor
Wisedom
.
So
that
these
being
antecedently
proved
,
this
that
is
so
unavoidably
connected
with
them
,
though
it
had
no
other
proof
,
stands
upon
the
same
evidence
of
Reason
.
Especially
when
it
is
so
needfull
not
onely
to
moral
but
to
natural
Philosophy
,
that
without
it
not
onely
all
the
Laws
of
Vertue
vanish
into
nothing
,
but
the
whole
frame
of
Nature
sinks
into
utter
Chaos
and
Confusion
.
For
that
the
World
was
built
by
a
Principle
endued
with
Wisedom
and
Understanding
is
I
hope
sufficiently
demonstrated
from
those
evident
Ends
,
Uses
and
Designs
of
Things
that
he
propounded
to
himself
in
their
order
and
contrivance
;
and
yet
unless
we
suppose
some
other
state
of
things
than
what
is
at
present
visible
,
after
those
undeniable
Demonstrations
of
all
those
wise
Designs
that
appear
in
every
part
and
parcel
of
Nature
,
it
will
as
demonstratively
follow
that
the
whole
was
made
to
no
end
at
all
.
Which
because
it
is
so
plain
a
contradiction
to
what
was
before
so
evidently
demonstrated
,
that
alone
is
as
evident
a
Demonstration
of
this
,
that
is
so
certainly
connected
with
it
,
as
it
is
of
it self
.
A
Demonstration
OF
THE
DIVINE
AUTHORITY
OF
THE
CHRISTIAN
RELIGION
,
From
the
undoubted
Certainty
of
the
Matter
of
Fact
,
and
the
uninterrupted
Tradition
of
the
Church
.
PART
II.
§
I.
HAving
demonstrated
the
general
Providence
of
God
in
the
Government
of
the
World
by
those
Laws
of
Nature
that
he
has
enacted
and
proclaimed
to
all
his
rational
Creatures
;
and
proceeded
,
as
far
as
the
natural
use
of
our
Faculties
would
guide
me
,
to
discover
both
the
Duty
and
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
.
I
now
advance
to
a
much
greater
and
more
glorious
discovery
of
both
,
by
that
particular
Revelation
that
he
has
made
both
of
them
and
himself
in
the
Christian
Institution
.
And
here
the
Advantages
both
as
to
the
Certainty
of
the
Reward
and
the
Perfection
of
the
Law
are
so
exceedingly
great
,
as
almost
utterly
to
supersede
the
necessity
and
usefulness
of
the
former
Discourse
.
For
,
first
,
we
were
there
forced
to
make
out
the
Law
of
Nature
to
our selves
by
various
Observations
of
Nature
and
Trains
of
Reasoning
,
but
here
we
find
them
all
distinctly
and
exactly
drawn
forth
for
our
present
use
into
particular
Rules
and
Precepts
,
and
made
easie
to
our
practice
by
familiar
Instances
and
Examples
of
Life
:
so
that
now
without
any
laborious
workings
of
our
own
Minds
,
without
any
knowledge
of
Nature
,
and
without
any
skill
in
Philosophy
,
our
whole
Duty
is
made
known
to
us
in
a
System
of
plain
and
easie
Propositions
.
And
then
,
secondly
,
when
we
had
wrought
out
the
Laws
of
Nature
to
our selves
from
the
nature
of
Things
,
after
that
we
were
forced
to
work
the
proof
of
a
future
Reward
out
of
them
;
and
though
the
connexion
,
when
it
is
discovered
,
is
very
evident
and
undeniable
,
yet
it
requires
some
carefull
intention
of
Mind
,
and
competent
skill
in
the
Art
of
Reasoning
to
discover
it
;
whereas
now
it
is
made
evident
to
us
beyond
all
doubt
and
exception
both
by
certain
Revelation
and
experimental
Proof
;
the
knowledge
whereof
is
conveyed
to
us
by
such
undoubted
Records
that
we
could
scarce
receive
greater
satisfaction
of
the
matter
of
Fact
by
the
Testimony
and
Conviction
of
our
own
Senses
.
And
the
Divine
Providence
has
given
us
so
great
an
Assurance
of
the
Being
of
a
future
state
,
that
we
have
not
much
more
of
the
present
.
At
least
the
Grounds
and
Motives
of
our
Christian
Faith
are
so
convincing
and
demonstrative
as
not
onely
to
perswade
,
but
even
to
enforce
our
Belief
;
so
that
no
ingenuous
and
unprejudiced
Mind
can
withstand
their
Evidence
,
though
it
is
possible
that
malice
and
peevishness
may
defeat
their
Efficacy
;
and
so
it
may
too
,
if
it
please
,
over
rule
the
Power
of
Mathematical
Demonstration
.
But
if
Men
will
be
honest
and
impartial
in
the
Enquiry
,
and
not
do
manifest
violence
to
their
own
Convictions
,
it
will
be
as
easie
for
them
to
doubt
of
or
disbelieve
all
the
Problems
about
Lines
or
Numbers
as
to
suspect
the
Foundations
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
Not
that
it
is
capable
of
the
same
kind
of
Evidence
,
but
because
its
Proofs
are
so
forcible
in
their
own
kind
,
that
upon
the
same
ground
that
any
Man
shall
distrust
or
demur
upon
their
credibility
,
he
is
obliged
to
an
universal
unsettledness
and
irresolution
of
Mind
.
For
when
we
have
weighed
and
consider'd
the
whole
account
of
Things
,
we
shall
find
the
rankest
Scepticism
to
be
very
little
more
unreasonable
than
Infidelity
.
Because
though
the
Evidence
of
all
matters
of
Fact
and
Faith
be
onely
historical
,
yet
some
historical
Evidence
is
so
strong
and
convictive
as
in
the
last
result
of
things
to
equal
Mathematical
Demonstrations
.
I
know
indeed
we
are
told
by
some
learned
Men
that
in
matters
of
this
nature
we
are
not
to
expect
demonstrative
Arguments
,
when
the
things
themselves
are
not
capable
of
any
other
than
moral
Certainty
.
But
here
I
would
first
enquire
,
What
they
mean
by
moral
Certainty
.
And
to
this
their
Answer
is
ready
.
That
it
is
all
the
certainty
that
the
Nature
of
the
thing
is
capable
of
.
But
if
that
be
the
definition
of
moral
Certainty
,
then
is
all
certainty
moral
,
for
every
truth
is
capable
of
its
own
kind
of
certainty
.
But
then
,
secondly
,
There
are
very
many
things
,
from
which
I
am
in
reason
obliged
to
suspend
my
Assent
,
because
they
are
not
capable
in
their
own
Natures
to
warrant
its
Wisedom
;
and
though
I
cannot
rationally
expect
more
certain
grounds
concerning
them
,
yet
I
cannot
rationally
give
up
my
Assent
to
them
,
because
their
Evidence
(
though
the
clearest
that
in
that
case
I
can
expect
)
is
too
obscure
and
uncertain
to
found
any
consident
Assent
upon
.
Thus
have
I
a
moral
Certainty
that
Romulus
was
the
Founder
of
Rome
,
i.
e.
I
have
all
the
proof
of
it
that
the
matter
is
capable
of
,
and
yet
have
I
not
sufficient
grounds
to
venture
any
thing
that
nearly
concerns
me
upon
the
truth
of
it
;
because
the
first
beginning
of
the
Roman
Story
is
in
many
things
very
fabulous
,
and
in
all
very
far
from
being
sufficiently
certain
.
And
therefore
,
thirdly
,
If
by
moral
Certainty
they
mean
any
less
degree
of
evidence
,
as
they
plainly
do
when
they
distinguish
it
from
the
more
certain
ways
of
proof
,
then
the
scruple
that
remains
after
this
their
determination
is
this
,
that
the
very
thing
,
the
belief
whereof
is
made
the
very
Foundation
of
our
Religion
,
is
capable
of
no
higher
degree
of
evidence
than
onely
moral
Certainty
.
In
that
it
seems
not
consistent
with
the
Divine
Wisedom
and
Goodness
to
lay
any
thing
as
the
Foundation
of
Faith
,
but
upon
the
firmest
and
most
evident
Principles
,
when
it
is
a
matter
of
so
vast
and
infinite
concernment
to
Mankind
:
so
that
when
the
Object
of
our
Faith
is
a
matter
of
the
greatest
moment
,
it
is
but
just
and
reasonable
that
the
evidence
of
its
Truth
should
be
proportionable
to
the
weight
and
value
of
its
Importance
.
In
short
,
If
they
mean
that
this
particular
History
has
as
great
evidence
as
it
is
capable
of
,
then
all
that
they
say
,
amounts
to
no
more
than
this
,
that
it
has
as
much
proof
as
it
has
.
If
they
mean
that
this
historical
Truth
has
as
much
certainty
as
any
historical
Truth
whatsoever
is
capable
of
,
then
why
should
they
call
this
kind
of
certainty
moral
rather
than
any
other
?
Historical
certainty
it
is
,
but
historical
certainty
is
as
certain
in
its
kind
,
as
physical
or
mathematical
are
in
their
kinds
.
And
I
have
as
great
assurance
that
the
Fanatique
Rebels
murther'd
King
Charles
the
First
,
as
I
have
of
any
Proposition
in
Euclid
;
and
a
much
greater
than
I
have
of
any
thing
in
natural
Philosophy
,
except
the
Being
and
Providence
of
a
Deity
which
indeed
equals
it
.
And
the
same
evidence
do
the
Grounds
and
Motives
of
our
Christian
Faith
carry
along
with
them
;
in
that
the
History
of
it
asserts
it self
with
so
great
and
so
many
demonstrative
circumstances
,
as
makes
it
impossible
to
be
false
.
§
II.
For
though
their
direct
evidence
be
made
up
of
many
less
evident
Particulars
,
yet
the
accumulation
of
all
together
amounts
to
the
full
evidence
of
demonstrative
Certainty
.
It
being
impossible
that
so
vast
a
multitude
of
fair
and
plausible
things
should
conspire
to
vouch
and
authorise
a
meer
Imposture
.
And
that
a
palpable
Lie
should
by
chance
have
as
much
evidence
of
proof
as
can
be
demanded
for
the
most
unquestionable
Truth
of
the
same
Nature
.
Or
what
can
be
more
absolutely
incredible
than
that
a
meer
Fable
should
be
set
off
with
all
the
Advantages
of
Argument
,
that
the
truest
and
best
vouch't
History
in
the
World
can
pretend
to
?
And
yet
,
I
say
,
so
many
and
so
reasonable
are
the
inducements
of
our
Faith
,
that
though
it
be
possible
to
hold
out
against
their
single
force
,
yet
in
their
united
strength
they
grow
into
an
evidence
so
great
that
it
is
little
less
than
irresistible
.
They
come
so
strong
and
so
thick
upon
our
Minds
,
that
they
force
their
own
way
;
so
that
it
is
scarce
left
in
the
power
of
an
honest
Mind
to
resist
such
armies
and
legions
of
Reason
;
though
I
know
a
stubborn
Man
may
struggle
with
the
strongest
conviction
,
and
if
he
be
resolved
to
be
humoursome
in
his
Infidelity
,
it
is
not
in
the
power
of
all
the
reason
and
all
the
demonstration
in
the
World
to
force
a
wilfull
Understanding
.
And
yet
at
prefent
I
shall
wave
all
that
variety
of
Argument
that
by
direct
force
asserts
and
proves
the
Divine
Authority
of
the
Gospel
,
and
rather
choose
to
proceed
in
an
inverse
method
,
by
turning
the
Infidels
Weapons
and
Sceptical
Objections
upon
themselves
.
So
that
whereas
they
are
wont
to
attempt
the
Foundations
of
our
Faith
with
a
few
weak
and
little
Cavils
,
I
will
load
their
Infidelity
with
such
an
intolerable
heap
of
Absurdities
as
shall
for
ever
dash
their
Confidence
and
disarm
their
Impiety
.
And
if
I
can
demonstrate
the
horrible
Absurdity
of
Unbelief
,
that
will
be
an
irresistible
demonstration
of
the
Reasonableness
of
Belief
.
And
I
chose
this
way
of
procedure
rather
than
the
other
,
because
though
perhaps
it
is
not
more
evident
in
it self
,
yet
is
it
more
affecting
to
the
generality
of
the
Minds
of
Men
;
For
I
find
most
Men
so
ill-natur'd
as
to
be
much
more
apt
and
forward
to
discern
a
Falshood
than
to
acknowledge
a
Truth
,
so
that
it
is
much
more
easie
to
convince
them
by
the
Absurdities
of
that
,
than
by
the
rational
Proofs
of
this
.
Though
the
chief
reason
why
I
pitch
upon
this
method
is
because
it
is
most
proper
and
sutable
to
the
temper
of
this
present
Age
:
In
that
there
are
a
sort
of
Men
too
common
among
us
,
who
,
because
they
can
say
four
or
five
witty
things
against
the
Christian
Religion
,
will
by
all
means
be
setting
up
for
Infidels
,
in
spite
of
all
that
innumerable
multitude
of
soher
and
reasonable
Arguments
,
that
,
if
they
do
not
utterly
prevent
,
yet
infinitely
out
balance
all
their
little
Talkings
.
And
if
they
can
but
pick
up
two
or
three
unhappy
Remarques
upon
the
holy
Scriptures
out
of
that
foolish
Book
the
Leviathan
,
they
think
themselves
made
for
ever
,
and
how
happy
are
they
in
the
luckiness
of
the
discovery
.
It
mends
their
humours
and
raises
their
parts
,
and
they
that
t'other
day
were
but
ordinary
Mortals
as
to
the
endowments
of
Nature
,
and
sufficient
Dunces
as
to
the
emprovements
of
Learning
,
immediately
become
great
Philosophers
and
deep
Clerks
.
The
forward
Youth
sets
up
in
his
Country
for
the
Man
of
Logick
and
Disputation
,
makes
the
simple
and
ignorant
People
stand
amased
at
the
Wit
and
Profoundness
of
our
young
Master's
Discourse
,
and
the
poor
Village
Curate
is
sure
to
be
the
Trophee
of
his
Confidence
;
and
if
at
any
time
he
chance
to
encounter
a
Man
of
Learning
,
with
what
briskness
does
he
attaque
his
Gravity
;
a
Gnat
is
not
more
troublesome
with
its
little
sting
and
buzz
,
than
he
with
his
small
Sophistry
.
And
though
the
Truant
be
no
better
furnished
than
the
Jews
supposed
the
Carpenter's
Son
to
have
been
,
you
shall
find
him
upon
all
occasions
disputing
with
the
Doctours
and
Rabbies
of
the
Temple
.
And
he
shall
disperse
all
that
heap
and
accumulation
of
Arguments
that
the
most
learned
of
them
is
able
to
produce
in
defence
of
the
Christian
Faith
with
any
pitifull
Repartee
,
that
beside
that
it
is
void
of
all
Reason
,
has
scarce
Wit
enough
to
tempt
any
Man
to
laugh
beside
himself
.
Now
it
is
in
vain
to
convince
such
Men
by
downright
dint
of
Argument
,
and
therefore
seeing
they
have
not
Wit
or
Learning
enough
to
be
reason'd
into
Truth
and
Sobriety
,
I
shall
take
another
course
with
them
by
shaming
them
into
it
.
Let
us
then
turn
the
Tables
,
and
consider
a
little
how
many
strange
and
incredible
things
those
Men
are
forced
to
believe
,
that
are
resolved
to
disbelieve
the
Gospel
.
And
here
immediately
appear
such
vast
numbers
of
horrid
and
ghastly
Incongruities
,
as
are
enough
to
scare
any
ingenuous
Man
into
the
belief
of
any
thing
in
the
World
rather
than
be
troubled
with
such
a
monstrous
and
unreasonable
Infidelity
.
They
must
force
their
understandings
to
believe
numberless
contradictions
to
the
common
reason
and
experience
of
all
Mankind
;
and
they
swallow
not
single
absurdities
,
but
every
Article
of
their
unbelief
is
pregnant
with
swarms
of
extravagant
and
incredible
conceits
.
§
III.
And
for
the
proof
hereof
I
fhall
represent
no
more
than
the
incredibility
of
one
,
viz.
that
our
Saviour
is
not
risen
from
the
Dead
.
And
herein
I
follow
his
own
wise
and
admirable
Advice
,
to
begin
the
demonstration
of
his
Divine
Authority
from
the
undoubted
and
undeniable
evidence
of
his
Resurrection
.
For
to
that
alone
he
refers
us
as
the
last
and
most
satisfactory
proof
of
his
Commission
,
and
depends
upon
it
as
the
clearest
demonstration
not
onely
of
his
Doctrine
,
but
of
all
the
other
Arguments
whereby
he
proved
his
Doctrine
.
And
for
that
reason
it
is
that
we
find
him
so
often
injoining
his
Disciples
not
to
publish
his
other
Works
and
Miracles
till
after
his
Resurrection
.
Thus
when
his
Apostles
had
declared
to
him
the
firmness
of
their
Belief
that
he
was
the
true
Messias
,
he
streightly
charges
them
(
Matt.
16.
20.
)
that
they
should
then
tell
no
Man
of
it
,
and
takes
occasion
thence
to
acquaint
them
with
his
approaching
Death
and
Passion
,
and
prepare
them
for
the
belief
of
his
Resurrection
from
the
Grave
,
Ascension
into
Glory
,
and
Mission
of
the
Holy
Ghost
.
By
which
great
Miracles
he
was
,
as
Saint
Paul
observes
,
(
Rom.
1.
4.
)
to
be
declared
the
Son
of
God
with
Power
,
but
chiefly
by
his
Resurrection
:
for
it
was
(
as
the
same
Apostle
elsewhere
expresses
it
)
the
working
of
the
might
of
his
Power
,
which
he
wrought
in
Christ
,
when
the
Father
of
Glory
raised
him
from
the
dead
,
Ephes.
1.
19.
And
this
probably
was
the
meaning
of
those
words
immediately
added
by
our
Saviour
to
his
foremention'd
Discourse
,
Verily
I
say
unto
you
,
there
are
those
here
present
that
shall
not
taste
of
Death
till
they
see
the
Son
of
Man
coming
in
his
Kingdom
:
(
Matt.
16.
28.
)
In
that
he
was
as
evidently
declared
by
this
to
be
the
Messias
or
Son
of
God
,
as
if
they
had
seen
him
solemnly
enthron'd
in
Heaven
by
the
holy
Angels
.
So
again
when
the
Devils
that
he
cast
out
were
forced
to
confess
him
to
be
the
Messias
,
he
still
commands
them
silence
.
He
was
not
willing
that
there
should
be
too
much
notice
taken
of
him
before
his
Resurrection
,
because
by
that
he
intended
to
give
such
a
palpable
proof
of
his
Divine
Authority
,
as
should
give
undoubted
credit
to
all
his
former
Miracles
.
And
so
again
when
he
had
taken
his
three
chief
Disciples
to
behold
his
Transfiguration
,
thereby
to
confirm
their
Faith
against
the
time
of
his
Suffering
,
when
he
had
done
that
,
he
charges
them
,
saying
,
tell
the
Vision
to
no
Man
untill
the
Son
of
Man
be
risen
from
the
dead
:
(
Matt.
17.
9.
)
Because
the
great
evidence
and
certainty
of
that
would
give
undoubted
credit
to
this
and
all
their
other
Reports
;
whereas
till
then
Men
would
be
very
difficulty
perswaded
to
believe
such
prodigious
and
unusual
things
;
though
after
that
,
and
the
undeniable
power
of
the
Holy
Ghost
in
the
Apostles
who
attested
it
,
it
would
be
so
far
from
being
at
all
difficult
to
yield
to
their
Testimony
,
that
it
would
be
almost
impossible
to
distrust
it
.
And
therefore
accordingly
the
first
Preachers
of
the
Gospel
laid
the
whole
stress
of
their
Faith
upon
this
one
Principle
.
This
was
the
resolution
of
all
their
Disputes
with
the
unbelieving
World
;
and
when
Men
in
those
days
enquired
after
the
truth
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
the
onely
state
of
the
Question
was
whether
Christ
were
risen
from
the
dead
.
This
alone
without
the
assistance
of
any
other
proof
was
thought
such
a
forcible
and
convictive
confirmation
,
that
it
superseded
the
consideration
of
all
other
less
evident
and
important
reasonings
;
and
where
this
was
not
able
to
prevail
upon
the
minds
of
Men
,
they
despaired
of
any
success
from
any
other
Topicks
and
Principles
.
This
then
being
so
,
I
shall
in
this
one
Article
specifie
according
to
the
method
before
proposed
those
wild
,
those
extravagant
,
those
incredible
absurdities
that
must
be
swallowed
upon
its
disbelief
.
§
IV.
First
then
,
they
believe
that
the
Apostles
,
Evangelists
and
Disciples
of
Jesus
,
who
pretended
to
have
been
eye
Witnesses
of
it
,
both
would
and
could
impose
upon
the
World
with
a
manifest
lie
,
and
in
that
they
believe
ten
thousand
absurdities
.
For
it
is
easily
credible
no
doubt
,
that
Men
endued
,
I
will
not
say
with
Principles
of
common
Sense
,
Reason
and
Discretion
,
(
that
is
more
than
I
need
suppose
)
it
is
enough
to
our
present
purpose
onely
to
suppose
them
possest
with
that
natural
Instinct
,
that
they
have
in
common
with
all
other
Creatures
,
viz.
Love
of
Life
and
desire
of
self-preservation
;
It
is
,
I
say
,
easily
credible
that
such
Creatures
as
these
would
so
willingly
,
so
wilfully
forgo
all
advantages
of
Pleasure
and
Profit
;
so
cheerfully
expose
themselves
to
so
many
Hazards
and
Hardships
,
so
many
Reproaches
and
Contumelies
;
and
so
undauntedly
endure
so
many
Tortures
and
Miseries
,
so
many
Bonds
and
Imprisonments
,
so
many
Martyrdoms
and
Persecutions
,
onely
to
bear
Testimony
to
what
themselves
knew
to
be
a
lewd
and
shameless
Imposture
.
'T
is
a
likely
thing
that
so
many
plain
and
simple
Men
should
conspire
together
to
the
manifest
ruine
of
all
their
worldly
Interests
onely
to
gain
credit
and
belief
to
a
palpable
Falshood
.
That
so
many
hundreds
that
pretended
to
be
eye
Witnesses
both
of
all
our
Saviour's
Miracles
in
his
Life-time
and
his
Resurrection
after
Death
should
lay
down
their
Lives
to
attest
a
false
Report
;
and
that
no
Torments
,
no
nor
the
most
cruel
Death
could
ever
prevail
upon
any
of
them
to
deny
or
disown
their
Testimony
.
It
is
possible
indeed
,
though
not
very
usual
,
that
Men
should
lay
down
their
Lives
for
a
false
Opinion
,
because
it
is
possible
for
them
to
believe
it
to
be
true
;
but
it
is
by
no
means
credible
that
they
should
persist
to
Death
for
the
justification
of
a
false
Testimony
;
For
if
it
were
false
,
they
knew
it
to
be
so
,
and
then
if
they
will
die
in
defence
of
its
truth
,
they
contradict
the
first
instinct
of
their
own
Natures
,
and
throw
away
their
Lives
for
nothing
.
Especially
when
beside
that
there
was
no
present
advantage
in
the
Lie
it self
,
so
none
could
ensue
upon
it
;
For
they
could
not
possibly
expect
any
reward
of
Wealth
,
or
Honour
,
or
Power
from
the
propagation
of
an
extravagant
and
a
proofless
Lie
.
Nay
,
they
quickly
found
that
they
must
either
part
with
all
that
was
dear
to
them
in
this
Life
,
and
even
Life
it self
,
or
forbear
to
spread
and
divulge
the
Fable
.
Now
that
Beings
endued
with
humane
Nature
should
act
and
suffer
after
such
a
rate
for
no
design
at
all
,
nay
,
against
the
design
of
all
designs
is
a
thing
so
cross
to
all
belief
,
that
I
may
challenge
all
the
Infidels
in
the
World
to
assign
any
one
thing
that
is
more
incredible
.
If
a
great
number
of
harmless
and
well-meaning
Persons
should
offer
their
Oaths
to
attest
any
matter
of
Fact
,
it
justly
commands
and
immediately
over-rules
our
Belief
.
And
yet
it
is
an
easie
thing
to
suppose
that
a
great
multitude
would
seal
it
with
their
Blood
that
they
saw
Jesus
doe
so
many
miraculous
things
,
though
they
were
conscious
to
themselves
that
they
never
saw
him
doe
any
one
of
them
.
They
were
certainly
in
a
very
pleasant
humour
,
when
they
covenanted
among
themselves
to
sacrifice
both
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
to
abuse
the
World
with
an
unprofitable
cheat
;
but
yet
however
one
would
think
Racks
and
Gibbets
would
have
spoil'd
the
frolick
.
And
it
is
highly
credible
that
any
Men
,
but
much
more
these
Men
,
who
have
given
us
no
ground
to
suspect
their
integrity
,
because
they
could
have
no
motive
to
forgoe
it
,
should
prevaricate
after
such
an
odd
and
extravagant
manner
with
Mankind
,
yes
and
themselves
too
.
And
when
so
many
plain
and
simple
Men
,
so
apparently
without
Craft
,
and
without
Design
,
without
Advantage
,
without
Interest
,
have
given
the
World
the
most
unquestionable
proofs
that
they
were
serious
and
in
good
earnest
as
to
the
certain
truth
and
reality
of
what
they
related
,
after
all
this
what
wise
and
wary
Man
would
not
suspect
the
Forgery
and
disbelieve
the
Relation
?
But
this
Argument
I
find
prosecuted
by
Eusebius
with
extraordinary
acuteness
both
of
Wit
and
Reason
.
Supposing
,
says
he
,
that
Domonst
.
Evang.
L.
3.
Sect.
3.
our
Saviour
never
wrought
any
of
those
Miracles
that
are
unanimously
reported
of
him
by
his
Disciples
,
we
must
then
suppose
that
they
enter'd
into
Covenant
among
themselves
after
this
manner
:
Men
and
Brethren
,
what
that
Seducer
was
that
lived
among
us
t'other
day
,
and
how
justly
he
suffer'd
Death
for
his
vile
Imposture
,
we
of
all
Men
have
most
reason
to
know
;
and
though
others
that
were
less
intimately
acquainted
with
him
and
his
ways
of
deceiving
,
might
have
some
opinion
of
his
worth
and
honesty
;
yet
we
,
that
were
the
daily
Companions
of
his
Conversation
,
saw
nothing
in
him
answerable
to
the
greatness
of
his
pretences
,
but
that
his
whole
design
was
by
all
the
boldest
Arts
of
Craft
and
Hypocrisie
to
get
a
Name
in
the
World
,
and
therefore
let
us
one
and
all
join
hands
and
enter
into
solemn
Covenant
among
our selves
to
propagate
the
Belief
of
this
impudent
Cheat
among
Mankind
,
and
to
fain
all
manner
of
Lies
for
its
Confirmation
;
to
swear
that
we
saw
him
restore
Eyes
to
the
Blind
,
Ears
to
the
Deaf
,
and
Life
to
the
Dead
;
and
though
it
be
all
impudently
false
,
yet
let
us
confidently
report
it
,
nay
,
and
stand
too
it
to
the
last
drop
of
our
Blood
.
And
because
,
after
all
his
great
and
glorious
Pretences
of
being
no
less
than
the
Son
of
God
,
he
was
at
last
executed
as
a
vile
Malefactour
,
with
all
the
circumstances
of
shame
and
dishonour
,
we
must
agree
among
our selves
upon
some
Lie
to
wipe
off
this
disgrace
.
Let
us
therefore
resolve
to
affirm
with
an
undaunted
impudence
,
that
after
he
was
thus
dishonourably
Crucified
,
the
third
Day
he
arose
again
,
and
often
conversed
with
us
in
the
same
familiar
way
,
as
he
had
always
done
before
his
Execution
.
But
then
we
must
be
sure
to
stand
unalterably
to
the
impudence
of
the
Lie
,
and
to
persevere
to
Death
it self
in
its
assertion
.
For
what
absurdity
is
there
in
throwing
away
our
Lives
for
nothing
?
And
why
should
any
Man
think
it
hard
to
suffer
Stripes
,
Racks
,
Bonds
,
Imprisonments
,
Reproaches
,
Dishonurs
,
and
Death
it self
for
no
reason
at
all
?
Let
us
therefore
unanimously
and
vigorously
set
our selves
to
the
design
,
and
with
one
consent
agree
to
report
such
impudent
Falshoods
,
as
are
of
no
advantage
either
to
our selves
,
or
to
those
we
deceive
,
or
to
him
for
whose
sake
we
deceive
.
Neither
let
us
be
content
to
propagate
this
Lie
onely
among
our
own
Country-men
,
but
let
us
resolve
to
spread
it
through
all
parts
of
the
habitable
World
,
impose
new
Laws
upon
all
Nations
,
overthrow
all
their
old
Religions
,
command
the
Romans
to
quit
the
Gods
of
their
Ancestours
,
the
Greeks
to
renounce
the
Wisedom
of
their
Philosophers
,
and
the
Egyptians
the
pretended
Antiquity
of
their
Superstition
.
Neither
will
we
take
the
pains
to
overthrow
these
ancient
Customs
of
the
most
polite
and
most
powerfull
Nations
in
the
World
by
the
force
of
Learning
or
Wit
or
Eloquence
,
but
by
the
meer
Authority
of
our
crucified
Master
.
Neither
will
we
stop
here
,
but
we
will
travel
to
all
barbarous
Nations
in
the
World
,
reverse
all
their
ancient
Laws
,
and
command
their
obedience
to
a
new
Religion
,
and
this
let
us
resolve
to
go
through
with
an
undaunted
courage
and
resolution
.
For
it
is
not
an
ordinary
reward
that
we
expect
for
our
Impudence
,
nor
is
it
for
vulgar
Crowns
and
Trophies
that
we
engage
our selves
in
such
hard
and
hazardous
enterprises
.
No
,
no
,
we
are
sure
to
meet
with
the
utmost
severity
of
the
Laws
in
all
places
whereever
we
come
,
and
the
truth
is
we
deserve
it
for
disturbing
the
publick
Settlement
onely
to
establish
a
ridiculous
Cheat
and
Imposture
.
But
for
this
who
would
not
endure
all
the
torments
in
the
World
,
burning
,
hanging
,
beheading
,
crucifying
,
and
being
torn
in
pieces
by
wild
Beasts
?
All
which
we
must
,
as
we
will
secure
the
honour
of
the
Impostor
,
encounter
with
a
cheerfull
and
resolved
Mind
.
For
what
can
be
more
praise-worthy
than
to
abuse
God
and
affront
Mankind
to
no
purpose
,
and
to
reap
no
other
benefit
from
all
our
labours
beside
the
pleasure
of
vain
,
foolish
and
unprofitable
lying
?
And
for
that
alone
will
we
blaspheme
all
the
Religions
that
have
been
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
to
gain
worship
to
a
crucified
Malefactour
;
nay
,
we
will
lay
down
our
Lives
for
his
Reputation
notwithstanding
that
we
know
him
to
have
been
an
impudent
Impostor
;
and
for
that
reason
is
it
that
we
honour
him
so
highly
,
because
he
has
put
such
a
dishonourable
abuse
upon
our selves
.
Who
would
not
doe
or
suffer
any
thing
for
the
sake
of
so
vile
a
Man
?
Who
would
not
undergo
all
manner
of
Sufferings
for
a
Cause
that
himself
knew
to
be
meer
falshood
and
forgery
?
And
therefore
let
us
constantly
to
the
last
breath
averr
,
that
he
raised
the
Dead
,
cleansed
Lepers
,
cast
out
Devils
,
and
wrought
all
manner
of
Miracles
,
though
we
are
conscious
to
our selves
of
the
gross
falshood
of
the
whole
Story
,
that
we
have
meerly
forged
out
of
our
own
brains
:
And
therefore
let
us
deceive
as
many
as
we
can
,
and
if
people
will
not
be
deceived
,
yet
however
we
shall
sometime
or
other
enjoy
the
pleasure
of
suffering
,
and
perhaps
of
dying
for
an
unprofitable
Lie
.
It
is
no
doubt
credible
that
Men
should
discourse
and
act
after
such
an
extravagant
rate
as
this
,
or
that
humane
Nature
that
has
above
all
other
Creatures
an
high
sense
of
the
love
of
Life
and
j
preservation
,
should
thrust
it self
upon
a
voluntary
Death
without
any
motive
or
any
reward
;
or
if
they
should
,
that
when
so
great
a
multitude
had
agreed
among
themselves
to
carry
on
such
a
frantick
design
,
they
should
all
persevere
in
the
Lie
to
the
very
Death
,
and
not
one
of
them
be
wrought
upon
by
all
the
threatnings
and
all
the
slatteries
in
the
World
to
betray
the
Plot
,
and
yet
this
was
the
case
of
the
Apostles
if
their
Testimony
were
not
true
.
So
that
it
is
plain
that
there
is
no
more
required
to
demonstrate
the
truth
of
the
Christian
Cause
against
Infidelity
than
onely
to
suppose
that
the
Apostles
were
Men.
And
that
certainly
is
as
modest
and
moderate
a
Postulatum
as
can
be
premised
to
any
Question
.
And
yet
that
onely
being
granted
it
is
evident
from
the
Premises
that
nothing
can
be
more
unaccountable
than
Insidelity
from
the
very
Being
and
Constitution
of
humane
Nature
.
§
V.
But
to
advance
one
step
farther
:
Either
we
suppose
that
the
Apostles
were
endued
with
common
Sense
and
Discretion
or
that
they
were
not
.
If
they
were
.
Then
as
we
cannot
suppose
that
Men
possest
with
the
natural
Instinct
of
Self-love
,
so
much
less
that
Men
endued
with
the
least
degree
of
Understanding
would
ruine
themselves
and
their
Families
,
would
encounter
all
kinds
of
Hazards
and
Hardships
,
would
endure
Bonds
and
Imprisonments
,
would
suffer
Persecutions
and
Martyrdoms
,
and
all
for
no
other
than
meerly
to
win
credit
to
a
known
Falshood
.
For
still
so
it
must
be
,
if
they
were
not
really
eye
Witnesses
of
the
Resurrection
.
Yes
,
but
you
will
say
they
did
it
for
the
sake
of
their
Master
and
their
Religion
.
But
then
they
either
believed
their
Religion
to
be
true
,
or
false
.
If
true
,
then
it
is
true
that
they
saw
Jesus
doe
those
Works
that
they
related
of
him
;
if
false
,
then
we
are
as
we
were
,
that
Men
of
common
Prudence
should
doe
and
suffer
so
much
for
nothing
.
And
as
for
their
Master
,
they
were
so
far
from
being
under
any
obligation
to
doe
any
thing
for
his
Reputation
,
that
they
were
concern'd
more
than
any
others
to
discover
his
Imposture
.
For
when
he
had
enticed
them
to
forsake
all
and
follow
him
,
when
he
had
flatter'd
them
with
such
magnificent
hopes
,
when
he
had
abused
them
into
an
opinion
of
his
being
no
less
than
the
Son
of
God
and
Saviour
of
the
World
,
and
when
he
had
promised
them
to
rise
again
from
the
dead
,
and
then
to
vest
them
with
wonderfull
Power
and
Authority
,
when
they
found
all
this
to
be
grosly
false
,
it
is
very
credible
that
they
should
after
that
think
themselves
obliged
to
endure
the
sharpest
Tortures
and
even
Death
it self
for
the
Reputation
of
such
a
vile
and
accursed
Impostor
.
But
beside
this
,
how
could
Men
of
ordinary
prudence
undertake
a
Design
so
unlikely
to
succeed
?
For
if
Christ
were
not
risen
from
the
dead
,
how
could
they
expect
to
gain
credit
to
a
Lye
that
might
be
so
easily
contradicted
and
confuted
by
exposing
the
Body
to
publick
View
?
For
if
he
were
not
risen
,
he
was
still
detain'd
in
the
Grave
;
and
therefore
when
they
presently
divulged
his
Resurrection
in
the
very
place
where
he
was
crucified
,
the
Jews
were
concern'd
,
as
they
would
clear
themselves
from
being
guilty
of
the
Bloud
of
the
Son
of
God
,
to
discover
the
Imposture
by
exposing
the
Carcass
.
Which
if
they
had
done
,
that
must
have
forever
overthrown
and
confounded
the
Testimony
of
the
Apostles
;
and
if
they
could
,
but
did
not
doe
it
,
they
too
must
be
supposed
as
much
bereft
of
common
Understanding
as
the
Apostles
themselves
.
And
therefore
seeing
the
Apostles
cannot
be
supposed
so
fool-hardy
as
to
vent
a
Lye
,
that
was
so
easy
to
be
confuted
,
and
seeing
the
Jews
were
for
very
good
reason
obliged
to
doe
it
,
and
yet
did
it
not
,
that
is
an
evident
Argument
that
they
were
not
able
to
doe
it
;
and
that
is
a
plain
Demonstration
that
the
Body
was
not
to
be
found
in
the
Grave
.
But
if
we
suppose
that
the
Disciples
conveyed
him
away
by
Night
,
as
the
Jews
ridiculously
pretended
to
prove
by
the
Testimony
of
sleeping
(
that
is
for
that
time
absent
or
dead
Witnesses
)
yet
still
I
enquire
to
what
purpose
all
these
hazards
for
a
Lye
and
an
Impostor
.
But
beside
that
,
how
could
they
expect
to
succeed
in
so
strange
and
bold
an
Enterprize
?
For
to
say
nothing
of
the
shamefull
Cowardise
,
that
they
betrayed
at
their
Masters
apprehension
,
and
so
supposing
that
they
might
have
had
Courage
to
venture
upon
this
Design
,
yet
how
was
it
possible
that
they
could
any
way
expect
to
come
off
without
discovery
?
For
that
they
could
not
hope
for
,
unless
they
could
first
presume
that
all
the
Guard
should
fall
asleep
at
the
same
time
,
and
then
that
themselves
should
come
at
the
very
same
moment
;
and
lastly
,
that
with
all
the
noise
which
must
be
made
by
rowling
away
the
Stone
and
removing
the
Corps
,
they
should
never
awake
so
much
as
one
of
the
Souldiers
.
So
many
strange
and
lucky
Accidents
as
these
no
wise
Men
could
ever
promise
themselves
,
and
yet
without
them
no
wise
Man
could
ever
undertake
the
Design
.
So
that
if
Men
of
common
prudence
could
not
be
supposed
to
make
such
a
wild
and
hazardous
Attempt
for
no
end
,
then
it
is
evident
that
the
Body
was
not
conveyed
away
.
And
if
it
were
not
,
then
it
is
evident
that
Men
of
common
prudence
could
never
affirm
its
Resurrection
,
when
they
were
so
certain
of
being
convicted
of
Forgery
.
But
lastly
,
if
they
were
Men
of
common
prudence
,
how
could
they
expect
to
gain
belief
to
a
Story
that
themselves
knew
to
be
false
,
and
in
it self
next
to
incredible
,
purely
by
the
Authority
of
their
own
bare
and
naked
Relation
?
For
what
Story
could
be
received
with
more
difficulty
,
and
examin'd
with
more
severity
than
this
of
a
Man
so
miraculously
raised
from
the
dead
?
Especially
at
that
time
,
and
in
that
place
,
i.
e.
of
one
that
was
but
the
other
day
ignominiously
executed
for
Treason
and
Blasphemy
.
If
they
were
not
assured
of
some
greater
Assistance
than
barely
the
strength
of
their
own
Testimony
,
they
must
be
worse
than
Madmen
to
go
about
to
publish
so
incredible
a
Story
with
such
a
slender
Authority
.
But
if
they
knew
it
to
be
a
meer
Fiction
of
their
own
,
and
yet
could
expect
to
gain
any
belief
to
it
onely
by
their
bare
Affirmation
,
that
must
exceed
all
degrees
and
examples
of
humane
Madness
.
Nay
farther
,
they
must
not
onely
believe
that
the
Apostles
and
first
Witnesses
of
this
strange
thing
were
frantick
and
infatuated
Persons
,
but
also
that
a
great
part
of
Mankind
both
in
that
and
the
next
following
Ages
were
born
without
the
usual
Sense
and
Understanding
of
Men.
For
how
else
is
it
possible
they
should
suffer
themselves
to
be
imposed
upon
with
so
prodigious
a
Tale
onely
upon
the
report
of
some
foolish
and
frantick
Fishermen
?
We
know
very
well
that
the
belief
of
the
Story
was
propagated
with
incredible
swiftness
through
all
parts
of
the
habitable
World
,
not
onely
without
any
assistance
of
Power
and
Wit
,
but
against
all
sorts
of
Opposition
,
whether
of
Force
,
or
Zeal
,
or
Prejudice
,
or
Interest
,
or
Learning
:
And
now
that
this
should
come
to
pass
without
any
other
Proof
or
Evidence
than
the
meer
Relation
of
a
company
of
foolish
or
frantick
People
,
is
a
thing
so
extravagant
to
suppose
,
as
exceeds
all
the
folly
of
humane
Nature
.
And
yet
it
is
much
more
so
,
that
they
should
work
all
ranks
and
conditions
of
Men
,
the
learned
as
well
as
the
unlearned
,
to
that
height
of
Infatuation
,
as
not
onely
to
win
their
serious
belief
to
such
a
wild
and
proofless
Fable
,
but
to
prevail
upon
them
so
prodigally
to
sacrifice
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
its
justification
.
But
of
this
I
shall
treat
more
distinctly
in
its
proper
place
;
this
may
suffice
at
this
present
upon
this
Argument
as
far
as
it
concerns
the
Apostles
and
first
Preachers
of
Christianity
.
That
if
they
were
not
absolute
Fools
they
had
never
undertaken
it
,
if
false
;
and
if
they
were
,
they
could
never
have
proceeded
with
any
success
in
it
.
§
VI.
But
,
lastly
,
We
must
either
suppose
the
Apostles
and
first
Witnesses
of
Christianity
to
have
been
in
good
earnest
,
or
not
.
If
they
were
,
then
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
is
unquestionable
.
For
the
matter
of
Fact
of
which
they
pretended
to
have
been
Eye-witnesses
was
no
Magick
Story
,
or
any
thing
capable
of
jugling
Tricks
and
Illusions
;
but
a
plain
and
common
Object
of
Sense
,
of
which
they
had
the
same
Assurance
as
we
have
or
can
have
of
any
thing
that
we
see
or
hear
.
And
they
had
the
same
Evidence
of
our
Saviour's
Refurrection
as
we
are
capable
of
having
of
one
anothers
Conversation
.
And
what
is
more
,
they
were
jealous
and
incredulous
,
and
suspected
some
Mistake
or
Illusion
,
and
forced
him
to
appeal
to
the
Judgment
and
convince
them
by
the
Testimony
of
all
their
Senses
.
And
now
't
is
likely
when
it
was
so
impossible
that
they
should
be
deceived
themselves
that
they
would
take
so
much
pains
and
endure
so
many
Miseries
to
perswade
the
World
to
believe
an
impudent
and
an
unprofitable
Fable
.
Which
if
they
did
,
then
we
must
suppose
that
they
were
not
in
good
earnest
;
and
if
they
were
not
,
then
beside
all
the
foremention'd
Abfurdities
,
this
Supposition
labours
under
one
very
enormous
difficulty
peculiar
to
it self
,
viz.
that
such
profligate
Cheats
and
Impostors
should
concern
themselves
with
so
much
zeal
as
they
did
for
the
credit
and
propagation
of
Vertue
and
Goodness
in
the
World
.
For
that
it
is
the
design
of
Christianity
to
promote
and
advance
the
practice
of
all
true
Morality
,
no
Man
,
that
understands
what
it
is
,
can
question
;
and
if
it
be
,
then
they
could
be
no
other
than
good
Men
that
labour'd
as
the
Apostles
did
in
promoting
of
Christianity
.
But
that
,
perhaps
you
will
say
;
is
a
frequent
Artifice
for
Men
of
the
worst
Designs
to
make
the
best
Pretences
.
It
is
so
,
but
then
they
must
have
some
Design
to
carry
on
under
their
Pretences
;
whereas
if
the
Apostles
very
Pretence
were
not
their
real
Design
,
they
had
none
at
all
.
And
that
is
the
difficulty
proper
to
this
Supposition
,
that
wicked
Men
,
that
were
conscious
to
themselves
of
their
own
Wickedness
,
should
spend
their
Days
and
loose
their
Lives
for
the
interest
and
advancement
of
Goodness
with
out
any
design
or
advantage
to
themselves
.
And
therefore
as
from
the
former
Premises
we
have
sufficient
reason
to
conclude
the
Integrity
of
the
Men
;
and
from
the
Integrity
of
the
Men
to
prove
the
Divinity
of
their
Master's
Doctrine
;
so
in
this
place
does
the
Divinity
of
his
Doctrine
prove
the
Integrity
of
the
Men.
For
as
they
pretended
to
have
seen
the
Works
,
so
to
have
heard
the
Sermons
of
Jesus
,
and
were
not
less
zealous
to
publish
the
one
than
the
other
to
the
World
;
nay
,
they
divulged
his
Miracles
onely
for
the
sake
of
his
Doctrines
.
Now
what
was
it
that
he
taught
and
they
recorded
?
Are
they
not
the
most
perfect
Rules
of
Vertue
and
Holiness
that
were
ever
delivered
to
Mankind
?
And
as
wonderfull
as
his
Actions
were
,
his
Precepts
were
scarce
less
admirable
:
The
Goodness
of
his
Laws
,
if
it
does
not
outdoe
,
yet
it
equals
the
Greatness
of
his
Miracles
;
and
their
own
innate
Excellency
is
one
of
the
strongest
Arguments
of
their
Divinity
.
But
of
this
I
hope
to
give
an
Account
in
a
Treatise
by
it self
,
in
which
I
shall
make
it
apparent
that
he
has
commanded
all
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
right
Reason
,
that
he
has
not
omitted
any
Instance
of
moral
Goodness
,
and
that
no
Law
nor
no
Philosophy
can
so
much
as
pretend
to
a
Morality
so
wise
,
so
good
,
so
usefull
.
And
now
if
the
truth
of
our
Saviour's
Doctrine
and
his
Miracles
rely
upon
the
same
Testimony
,
and
the
same
Persons
who
report
that
he
did
such
mighty
Works
,
record
also
that
he
taught
such
excellent
Laws
,
and
that
he
wrought
those
Works
of
God
for
a
proof
and
confirmation
of
his
Divine
Authority
;
what
can
be
more
probable
than
that
the
same
Persons
should
in
the
same
Design
be
guilty
of
the
greatest
Vertue
and
greatest
Villany
in
the
World
;
and
at
the
same
time
sacrifice
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
to
the
Interest
of
Vertue
and
Holiness
,
and
the
Credit
of
Blasphemy
and
Imposture
?
For
if
those
things
that
they
report
concerning
the
Miracles
and
Resurrection
of
our
Saviour
are
not
true
,
then
was
he
as
lewd
and
wretched
an
Impostor
as
ever
appear'd
in
the
World
,
in
bearing
out
as
if
he
were
the
Son
of
God
and
Saviour
of
the
World
;
and
they
as
bold
,
atheistical
,
and
ungodly
Wretches
knowingly
to
abuse
Mankind
with
such
a
palpable
and
blasphemous
Cheat.
Is
it
not
then
likely
that
Men
should
doe
and
suffer
after
their
rate
for
the
propagation
of
an
accursed
Imposture
,
that
were
so
infinitely
zealous
for
the
concernment
of
Truth
and
Integrity
?
How
awkerdly
do
these
things
piece
together
?
What
strange
Contradictions
are
reconciled
in
this
odd
Supposition
?
The
same
Men
dye
Martyrs
to
the
worst
Imposture
and
best
Institution
in
the
World
!
To
lay
down
their
Lives
to
gain
credit
to
what
themselves
knew
to
be
a
notorious
Lye
,
and
yet
dye
to
advance
the
credit
of
Uprightness
and
Integrity
!
'T
is
none
of
the
most
conceivable
things
in
the
World
that
so
many
plain
and
simple
People
should
conspire
together
in
the
contrivance
of
so
lewd
a
Forgery
,
and
then
seal
the
truth
of
the
Fable
with
their
Bloud
;
but
how
does
the
Prodigy
heighten
,
that
such
profligate
Wretches
should
so
easily
foregoe
their
Lives
rather
than
their
Innocence
and
Integrity
?
So
that
it
is
plain
that
their
zeal
for
the
Interest
of
Truth
and
Goodness
is
a
most
undeniable
Demonstration
of
the
faithfulness
of
their
Testimony
.
And
the
more
Men
tumble
and
toss
their
Thoughts
about
to
raise
jealousies
and
suspicions
upon
the
Report
,
the
more
do
they
entangle
themselves
in
Absurdities
and
Contradictions
.
But
I
shall
prosecute
this
Argument
no
farther
,
because
in
truth
,
to
say
no
more
,
he
must
be
a
very
odly
conceited
Man
,
that
can
but
perswade
himself
so
much
as
to
suspect
that
the
Apostles
were
not
in
good
earnest
.
And
now
if
we
review
these
Circumstances
of
our
Saviour's
Story
as
it
was
told
by
the
Apostles
,
't
is
favourd
with
all
the
utmost
advantages
of
Credibility
.
So
that
if
it
be
possible
to
suppose
it
an
Imposture
,
yet
had
it
been
the
Truth
of
God
,
't
is
not
to
be
supposed
how
it
could
have
been
vouched
with
stronger
and
more
enforcing
motives
of
Belief
.
There
is
no
Satisfaction
that
Mankind
can
reasonably
desire
,
which
God
in
his
infinite
Goodness
and
Wisedom
has
not
given
to
the
truth
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
All
Scruples
and
Exceptions
are
so
fortunately
prevented
that
there
is
not
any
possible
escape
or
pretence
left
for
Insidelity
.
For
,
first
,
We
have
all
the
Assurance
in
the
World
both
of
the
Sufficiency
and
Sincerity
of
the
Witnesses
.
Of
their
Sufficiency
,
in
that
they
were
Eye-witnesses
of
his
Miracles
and
Companions
of
his
Conversation
,
and
were
themselves
sufficiently
suspicious
and
incredulous
,
and
refused
to
be
convinced
till
their
distrustfull
Minds
were
overborn
by
evidence
of
Fact
.
Of
their
Sincerity
,
not
onely
from
the
agreement
of
so
great
a
number
of
honest
and
upright
Men
in
the
same
Report
,
but
from
their
readiness
to
seal
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
with
their
Bloud
.
And
what
greater
Assurances
was
it
possible
for
them
to
have
of
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
than
to
be
Eye-witnesses
of
what
they
reported
?
And
what
greater
Evidence
is
it
possible
for
us
to
desire
of
the
certainty
of
their
Report
,
than
they
have
given
us
of
their
Fidelity
?
So
that
here
to
withhold
or
deny
our
Assent
,
is
first
a
direct
affront
to
the
Faith
and
Reason
of
Mankind
,
't
is
to
give
the
Lye
to
all
the
World
,
and
suppose
none
worthy
of
any
Belief
beside
our selves
.
For
unless
we
will
distrust
the
truth
of
all
manner
of
Testimony
,
and
believe
nothing
but
by
the
immediate
information
of
our
own
Senses
,
there
is
no
remedy
but
we
must
of
necessity
quit
all
degrees
of
diffidence
and
suspicion
in
this
Affair
.
Secondly
,
We
must
believe
that
Men
endued
with
the
first
Principle
of
humane
Nature
,
love
of
Life
,
should
conspire
to
throw
away
their
Lives
onely
to
gain
credit
to
an
impudent
Lye
.
Thirdly
,
We
must
either
believe
that
Men
endued
with
the
Principles
of
common
Sense
would
lose
their
Lives
for
a
ridiculous
Fable
,
or
that
a
company
of
Fools
and
Madmen
could
so
easily
perswade
the
World
to
believe
such
a
wild
Story
meerly
by
virtue
of
their
Report
.
Lastly
,
We
must
believe
that
Men
who
made
it
their
onely
employment
to
advance
Truth
and
Vertue
in
the
World
,
should
yet
dye
Martyrs
to
Falsehood
and
Villany
;
and
that
when
they
layed
down
their
Lives
for
the
sake
of
Jesus
,
they
were
not
in
good
earnest
.
Now
laying
all
these
things
together
,
and
onely
supposing
that
there
was
at
that
time
such
a
Person
as
Jesus
of
Nazareth
in
the
World
,
I
will
appeal
to
the
common
Sense
of
Mankind
,
whether
't
is
possible
for
any
History
or
Report
to
come
attested
with
more
various
,
more
pregnant
,
more
unquestionable
motives
of
Credibility
,
than
his
Actions
,
particularly
his
Resurrection
,
as
publisht
to
the
World
by
his
Apostles
.
And
thus
having
considered
the
evidence
of
their
Testimony
as
given
in
by
word
of
Mouth
,
I
come
in
the
next
place
to
consider
their
Testimony
as
recorded
in
their
Writings
,
and
to
shew
into
what
wild
Absurdities
we
must
again
run
our selves
,
if
we
will
not
believe
the
truth
of
the
Scripture-history
.
§
VII
.
First
then
,
We
must
believe
either
that
the
Gospels
were
written
by
those
Persons
,
whose
Names
they
bear
,
or
that
they
were
not
.
If
they
were
,
then
we
must
believe
that
the
things
that
they
relate
of
their
own
knowledge
were
either
true
or
false
.
If
true
,
then
we
believe
the
truth
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
If
false
,
then
either
for
want
of
sufficient
knowledge
or
sincerity
.
Not
for
want
of
knowledge
,
for
two
of
the
Evangelists
,
Saint
Matthew
and
Saint
John
were
immediate
Disciples
and
constant
Companions
of
the
Person
,
whose
History
they
wrote
,
and
so
were
present
at
his
Works
and
Miracles
and
Eye-witnesses
of
his
Resurrection
:
Saint
Mark
and
Saint
Luke
,
if
they
were
not
Disciples
during
our
Saviour's
abode
upon
the
Earth
,
they
were
intimate
Associates
with
the
chief
Apostles
that
were
:
So
that
if
they
wrote
not
from
their
own
immediate
knowledge
,
yet
however
they
wrote
from
the
information
of
Eye-witnesses
.
And
as
for
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
written
by
Saint
Luke
,
Saint
Luke
himself
was
interested
in
the
greatest
part
of
,
if
not
all
the
History
.
And
so
for
the
Epistles
pretended
to
be
written
by
the
Apostles
;
either
they
were
,
or
they
were
not
;
if
they
were
,
then
their
case
is
the
same
with
that
of
the
Gospel's
,
that
they
had
sufficient
knowledge
of
the
things
they
wrote
of
.
So
plain
is
it
,
that
if
those
Persons
wrote
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
who
go
for
their
Authours
,
that
we
have
no
ground
to
suspect
the
truth
and
certainty
of
their
Reports
for
want
of
sufficient
knowledge
and
information
.
And
then
as
for
their
sincerity
,
the
case
of
their
writing
is
the
same
with
that
of
their
preaching
,
and
so
labours
under
all
the
foremention'd
Difficulties
,
and
one
more
peculiar
to
it self
,
viz.
that
when
they
had
been
so
wicked
as
to
contrive
a
wilfull
Lye
,
and
so
foolish
as
to
publish
it
to
all
the
World
,
they
should
meet
with
no
contradiction
in
so
gross
and
manifest
a
Forgery
.
These
things
were
written
in
a
very
short
time
after
they
were
done
,
and
therefore
if
they
were
false
,
it
is
not
possible
that
they
should
escape
discovery
or
obtain
any
the
least
belief
.
For
example
,
When
Saint
Luke
reports
that
a
Person
born
lame
,
and
known
to
all
the
Inhabitants
of
Jerusalem
by
his
having
beg'd
daily
for
many
years
at
the
chief
Gate
of
the
Temple
was
cured
by
Saint
Peter
onely
with
invocating
the
Name
of
Jesus
;
and
that
this
Miracle
was
so
very
well
known
at
Jerusalem
,
that
it
immediately
converted
no
less
than
five
thousand
Persons
to
the
Christian
Faith
:
If
all
this
had
been
a
Fable
,
the
meer
publication
of
it
had
provoked
thousands
of
People
,
nay
the
whole
Nation
of
the
Jews
,
and
especially
the
Citizens
of
Jerusalem
to
discover
the
falsehood
;
and
it
could
not
but
have
met
with
so
much
Opposition
as
utterly
and
for
ever
to
disgrace
and
destroy
it self
.
And
so
again
,
When
Saint
Paul
tells
the
Corinthians
that
our
Saviour
after
his
Resurrection
was
seen
not
onely
by
the
Apostles
and
himself
,
but
by
above
five
hundred
Persons
at
once
,
most
of
whom
were
then
surviving
:
If
this
had
been
a
Lye
,
it
had
been
a
very
foolish
and
impudent
one
,
and
too
bold
for
any
Man
to
vent
that
was
not
lost
not
onely
to
all
modesty
but
all
discretion
;
and
if
any
Man
could
have
been
so
rash
as
to
venture
upon
so
lewd
a
falsehood
,
it
is
impossible
that
he
could
ever
have
escaped
the
shame
of
discovery
:
Especially
when
it
was
written
to
baffle
some
Fanatick
Persons
,
who
denied
that
there
was
any
such
thing
as
a
Resurrection
;
for
as
all
others
would
be
eager
to
enquire
into
the
truth
of
it
for
the
satisfaction
of
their
Curiosity
,
so
would
those
Men
especially
be
concern'd
to
examine
it
more
strictly
,
if
it
were
possible
,
to
confute
their
Adversary
.
So
that
it
is
equally
incredible
that
Saint
Paul
should
be
so
weak
as
to
vent
so
great
a
Lye
that
might
be
so
easily
contradicted
,
and
that
when
he
had
vented
it
,
he
should
be
so
lucky
as
to
escape
all
manner
of
Contradiction
from
those
who
were
concern'd
to
oppose
him
.
For
if
he
had
been
convicted
of
falsehood
in
it
,
all
the
Corinthians
must
immediately
have
turn'd
back
to
their
Infidelity
;
and
therefore
when
we
find
the
Christian
Faith
prevailing
every
where
upon
such
appeals
and
challenges
as
these
,
that
is
an
evident
Demonstration
of
their
undoubted
truth
and
reality
.
And
this
may
suffice
for
the
proof
of
the
truth
of
Scripture-history
,
supposing
the
Books
of
it
were
written
by
those
Persons
whose
Names
they
bear
.
Though
beside
this
,
it
is
no
inconsiderable
proof
of
their
Integrity
,
that
Eusebius
Demonst.
Evang.
Lib.
3.
Sect.
5.
has
observed
in
their
impartial
way
of
writing
.
Thus
onely
Saint
Matthew
himself
of
all
the
Evangelists
takes
notice
of
his
own
dishonourable
Employment
before
his
Conversion
;
and
Saint
Mark
who
wrote
his
Gospel
from
the
information
of
Saint
Peter
,
is
observably
sparing
in
those
things
that
might
tend
to
the
praise
of
that
Apostle
,
and
so
could
not
with
decent
modesty
be
reported
by
himself
;
but
more
exact
than
any
other
of
the
Evangelists
in
the
description
of
his
shamefull
Fall
.
Thus
when
Saint
Peter
had
so
frankly
own'd
our
Saviour
for
the
Messias
,
Saint
Matthew
relates
our
Saviour's
Answer
with
a
high
Commendation
of
him
:
Blessed
art
thou
Simon
Bar
Jona
,
for
Flesh
and
Bloud
hath
not
revealed
it
unto
thee
,
but
my
Father
which
is
in
Heaven
.
And
I
say
also
unto
thee
,
that
thou
art
Peter
,
and
upon
this
Rock
I
will
build
my
Church
:
and
the
Gates
of
Hell
shall
not
prevail
against
it
.
And
I
will
give
unto
thee
the
Keys
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
:
and
whatsoever
thou
shalt
bind
on
Earth
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
:
and
whatsoever
thou
shalt
loose
on
Earth
,
shall
be
loosed
in
Heaven
.
Then
charged
he
his
Disciples
that
they
should
tell
no
Man
that
he
was
Jesus
the
Christ
.
Whereas
in
Saint
Mark
all
these
magnificent
Expressions
of
our
Saviour
to
Saint
Peter
are
modestly
omitted
,
and
all
the
Answer
that
is
there
made
is
no
more
than
this
:
And
he
charged
them
that
they
should
tell
no
Man
.
And
so
again
,
though
Saint
Mark
in
all
his
other
Relations
is
more
compendious
than
any
of
the
other
Evangelists
,
yet
in
the
Story
of
Saint
Peter's
denial
of
his
Saviour
,
he
is
most
of
all
circumstantial
.
And
whereas
Saint
Matthew
and
Saint
Luke
set
off
the
greatness
of
his
Repentance
afterwards
by
saying
that
he
wept
bitterly
,
Saint
Mark
expresses
it
more
modestly
,
onely
that
he
wept
.
Now
when
Writers
pass
by
such
things
as
make
for
their
own
praise
,
and
record
their
own
Faults
and
Miscarriages
,
that
without
their
own
discovery
might
never
have
been
known
to
Posterity
,
they
are
of
all
Men
least
to
be
suspected
of
falsehood
,
and
give
the
strongest
proof
in
the
World
of
their
love
to
Truth
and
Sincerity
.
So
again
,
granting
that
they
would
not
stick
at
any
falsehood
to
advance
their
Master's
Honour
and
Reputation
,
yet
to
what
purpose
should
they
forge
Lyes
of
his
Disgraces
and
Sufferings
,
especially
all
those
shamefull
Circumstances
that
they
have
recorded
of
his
Condemnation
and
Execution
?
Now
if
we
believe
them
in
the
black
and
tragical
part
of
the
Story
,
why
not
in
all
?
For
if
they
onely
design'd
to
set
off
their
Master's
Greatness
,
why
do
they
so
carefully
acquaint
the
World
with
the
History
of
his
Misfortunes
?
Why
do
they
tell
us
of
his
great
Agony
before
his
Passion
,
of
his
scourgings
and
Mockings
,
of
his
purple
Robe
,
and
reeden
Scepter
,
of
the
Contumelies
and
Reproaches
that
were
thrown
at
him
whilst
he
was
hanging
on
the
Gibbet
,
of
his
being
forsaken
by
all
his
Followers
,
of
his
being
abjured
by
the
most
zealous
of
them
all
,
and
that
without
the
application
of
Racks
or
Torments
?
These
things
if
not
true
,
to
what
purpose
should
they
invent
them
?
nay
,
if
true
,
why
should
they
not
doe
what
they
were
able
to
stiflle
them
,
if
the
onely
design
of
their
Romance
had
been
to
gain
Honour
to
their
Master
?
So
that
if
they
were
honest
and
faithfull
in
those
sad
Relations
concerning
him
,
why
not
in
those
that
carry
Triumph
and
Reputation
in
them
?
For
if
they
had
design'd
to
lye
for
his
Glory
,
they
must
have
baulk't
every
thing
that
might
any
way
offend
the
Reader
.
And
if
they
had
design'd
a
Romance
,
instead
of
that
plain
Story
that
they
have
recorded
to
Posterity
,
they
would
have
told
us
that
Judas
had
no
sooner
given
the
treacherous
Kiss
,
but
he
was
turn'd
into
a
Stone
:
that
the
Hand
that
struck
him
,
was
immediately
wither'd
;
that
Caiphas
and
his
Accusers
were
struck
blind
;
that
the
Souldiers
who
supposed
they
had
apprehended
him
,
had
onely
seised
a
Phantasm
,
whilst
he
vanisht
away
;
that
his
Judges
were
befoold
in
all
their
phantastick
Process
against
him
,
whilst
he
stood
invisible
among
them
despising
their
Mock-solemnity
.
In
short
,
was
it
in
all
humane
Accounts
much
more
becoming
the
grandeur
and
dignity
of
that
Person
,
that
he
pretended
to
be
,
that
he
should
not
have
been
obnoxious
to
the
common
Miseries
and
Calamities
of
humane
Life
,
but
that
when
by
his
Divine
Power
he
had
establisht
his
Kingdom
in
the
World
,
he
should
have
return'd
back
to
Heaven
without
any
suffering
and
with
all
the
Ornaments
of
Glory
and
Triumph
.
This
certainly
had
been
much
more
proper
matter
for
a
Romance
,
if
they
had
design'd
nothing
but
their
Master's
Greatness
,
than
to
have
fain'd
those
mixt
Actions
that
are
recorded
of
him
in
the
Gospels
,
and
those
that
would
have
believed
their
other
Reports
,
would
not
have
disbelieved
these
.
And
therefore
seeing
they
would
not
corrupt
or
suppress
the
Truth
in
the
unpleasant
part
of
the
Story
,
we
have
no
ground
to
suspect
them
of
the
least
falsehood
in
any
other
part
of
it
,
howsoever
in
it self
strange
and
miraculous
,
when
it
is
so
evident
that
their
design
was
real
Truth
and
not
their
Master's
Greatness
.
§
VIII
.
But
if
we
believe
the
Books
of
Scripture
were
not
written
by
those
Authours
,
whose
Names
they
bear
,
then
we
must
believe
that
either
they
were
forged
in
their
days
or
afterwards
:
If
in
their
days
,
then
they
either
own'd
them
as
true
,
or
not
.
If
they
vouched
them
,
they
gave
them
the
same
Authority
as
if
they
had
been
indited
by
themselves
:
If
they
disown'd
them
as
containing
Reports
that
they
knew
to
be
false
,
then
they
themselves
were
obliged
to
discover
the
Imposture
;
which
having
never
done
,
that
is
an
undeniable
evidence
that
,
if
they
were
written
in
their
time
,
either
they
themselves
writ
them
or
at
least
approved
of
them
.
But
if
they
were
written
afterwards
,
how
came
they
to
meet
with
such
an
early
and
universal
reception
in
the
Christian
Churches
?
We
find
them
always
own'd
as
the
undoubted
records
of
the
Evangelists
and
Apostles
in
the
most
ancient
Writers
,
that
lived
after
them
,
nay
,
some
with
them
.
Now
how
is
it
possible
that
Books
that
contain
in
them
matters
so
strange
and
wonderfull
,
if
they
had
been
counterfeit
and
spurious
,
and
thrust
upon
the
World
after
the
death
of
those
Persons
whose
names
they
pretend
to
bear
,
should
command
such
a
catholick
and
unquestionable
reputation
?
If
indeed
they
had
pretended
to
have
lain
obscure
for
some
time
,
and
to
have
been
afterwards
retrieved
,
there
might
have
been
some
ground
of
suspicion
.
But
when
they
are
own'd
as
the
most
ancient
and
undoubted
records
of
the
Church
,
when
they
are
quoted
as
such
by
those
Persons
that
lived
next
and
immediately
after
them
,
and
have
passed
from
the
very
first
Age
through
all
Ages
downward
with
an
unquestionable
Authority
,
there
is
no
possible
account
to
be
given
how
they
should
first
come
by
it
,
and
then
for
ever
after
retain
it
,
unless
they
were
for
certain
the
Works
of
those
Men
whose
names
they
bear
.
Thus
particularly
Saint
Matthew's
Gospel
is
quoted
by
Clemens
of
Rome
,
a
Familiar
of
Saint
Paul
,
by
Ignatius
,
by
Policarp
,
by
Papias
the
Disciples
of
Saint
John
;
not
to
mention
Justin
Martyr
,
Athenagoras
,
Irenaeus
,
and
all
the
other
Writers
of
the
Age
next
after
the
Apostles
.
Now
if
this
be
so
:
Then
,
first
,
Either
this
Gospel
was
written
in
the
Apostles
time
,
or
it
was
not
.
If
not
how
could
it
be
cited
by
those
that
were
their
Contemporaries
?
Secondly
,
The
things
reported
in
it
were
either
true
or
false
;
if
true
,
then
so
is
the
Gospel
too
;
if
false
,
then
it
had
destroyed
its
own
credit
by
publishing
known
falshoods
.
For
though
it
is
easie
to
forge
a
Story
acted
in
former
times
without
discovery
and
contradiction
,
yet
to
make
a
Forgery
of
so
wonderfull
a
transaction
,
as
was
the
History
of
Jesus
of
Nazareth
,
so
near
the
time
,
in
which
it
was
pretended
to
have
been
acted
,
and
that
without
controll
or
contradiction
,
nay
,
with
full
credit
and
undoubted
Authority
,
as
appears
by
these
Apostolical
Mens
unanimous
Testimony
,
is
,
if
any
thing
in
the
World
,
absurd
and
incredible
enough
to
make
up
another
Article
of
Infidelity
.
Thirdly
,
Either
this
Book
was
written
by
Saint
Matthew
,
or
it
was
not
.
If
it
was
,
then
it
was
the
Testimony
of
an
eye
Witness
,
that
converst
with
our
Saviour
both
before
and
after
his
Resurrection
.
If
it
was
not
,
then
how
could
it
be
thrust
upon
him
in
his
own
Age
,
and
gain
so
unquestionable
an
Authority
with
those
Men
that
conversed
either
with
him
or
with
his
Companions
?
And
now
if
we
gain
the
Authority
of
this
one
Gospel
,
that
alone
is
a
sufficient
proof
of
the
Divine
Authority
of
the
Christian
Faith
;
in
that
the
main
Foundations
of
it
are
here
recorded
,
viz.
The
Life
,
Death
and
Resurrection
of
our
Saviour
,
which
being
believed
as
they
are
here
recorded
,
are
an
infallible
demonstration
of
his
Divinity
.
The
same
account
I
might
give
of
almost
all
the
other
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
in
that
they
were
received
from
the
beginning
as
the
most
unquestionable
Records
of
the
Apostles
.
But
that
were
onely
to
repeat
the
same
Argument
so
many
times
over
;
and
therefore
supposing
the
same
ancient
Testimony
concerning
them
as
we
have
concerning
Saint
Matthew
,
I
shall
leave
the
Reader
to
apply
the
same
Argument
that
I
have
urged
concerning
him
.
Neither
do
I
this
onely
to
avoid
needless
Repetition
,
but
because
it
has
been
often
done
by
other
hands
,
particularly
by
Eusebius
of
old
,
and
Huetius
of
late
,
who
have
vouched
every
Book
by
it self
from
the
Testimony
of
the
earliest
Antiquity
.
And
therefore
as
for
the
truth
of
the
matter
of
Fact
I
had
rather
refer
to
them
than
transcribe
them
,
though
that
being
supposed
,
the
Argument
is
of
the
same
force
in
every
one
as
it
is
in
Saint
Matthew's
Gospel
.
§
IX
.
It
is
true
that
some
few
Books
were
for
a
good
time
doubted
of
,
as
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
,
the
Second
of
Saint
Peter
,
the
Second
and
Third
of
Saint
John
,
and
the
Apocalypse
.
But
then
,
first
,
Suppose
their
Authority
was
still
questionable
,
the
Christian
Faith
can
subsist
very
well
without
them
,
by
the
remaining
Authority
of
those
that
were
never
questioned
.
And
though
they
are
very
usefull
and
excellent
Discourses
,
yet
have
they
little
peculiar
in
them
that
is
not
to
be
found
in
the
other
Apostolical
Writings
.
And
if
we
understand
the
matter
aright
,
though
they
are
written
by
Divine
Inspiration
,
yet
are
they
not
of
the
Foundation
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
but
onely
pious
Discourses
proceeding
upon
the
supposition
of
it
.
Being
written
occasionally
,
either
to
exhort
us
to
an
effectual
belief
of
those
things
that
are
recorded
in
the
Gospels
,
or
to
encourage
us
against
Tryals
and
Persecutions
,
or
to
allay
Schisms
and
Contentions
,
or
to
confute
Errours
and
Heresies
,
or
to
reform
Abuses
and
Corruptions
;
so
that
though
they
had
never
been
written
,
the
Foundations
of
our
Faith
were
before
firmly
laid
in
the
History
of
our
Saviour's
Life
,
Doctrine
,
Passion
and
Resurrection
.
And
therefore
the
Authority
of
all
the
rest
is
at
last
resolved
into
that
of
the
historical
Books
,
that
is
,
the
four
Gospels
and
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
;
which
being
supposed
true
,
they
warrant
both
the
Reason
and
Authority
of
the
Apostolical
Epistles
,
that
onely
deduce
those
proper
and
natural
Conclusions
that
flow
from
their
Premises
.
Nay
farther
,
't
is
not
primarily
necessary
to
Christianity
to
believe
that
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
were
dictated
by
an
infallible
Spirit
,
but
it
is
sufficient
that
the
historical
Books
are
good
and
authentick
Records
of
the
Life
of
our
Saviour
and
the
design
of
his
Errand
into
the
World
,
and
that
the
Writings
of
the
Apostles
are
pious
Discourses
consonant
with
and
conducing
to
the
Ends
of
Christianity
.
The
Foundation
whereof
seems
to
lie
in
this
one
thing
,
that
Jesus
Christ
was
sent
into
the
World
for
the
Work
he
pretended
to
come
about
by
Divine
Commission
.
For
God
having
set
several
Hypotheses
of
Providence
on
work
in
the
World
to
bring
all
things
to
their
end
and
perfection
,
at
last
design'd
this
as
the
most
compleat
model
of
all
Vertue
,
Goodness
and
Morality
.
So
that
if
the
History
of
those
things
which
Jesus
both
did
and
taught
be
truly
recorded
by
the
Evangelists
,
that
is
a
sufficient
evidence
of
his
own
Divine
Authority
.
But
as
for
his
Historians
,
that
comes
in
upon
another
score
,
in
that
we
know
that
the
Authours
of
all
those
Writings
were
inspired
and
directed
by
the
Holy
Ghost
,
but
then
that
we
know
onely
from
the
Writings
themselves
,
and
therefore
their
Truth
must
be
supposed
antecedent
to
their
Divine
Authority
,
and
that
being
supposed
our
Saviour's
Divine
Authority
is
thereby
proved
,
and
that
being
proved
,
that
alone
is
a
full
demonstration
of
the
Divinity
of
the
Christian
Religion
.
But
,
secondly
;
If
those
few
Books
were
so
long
debated
before
they
were
admitted
into
the
Canon
,
that
is
an
Argument
of
the
great
care
and
caution
of
the
Church
in
its
belief
,
in
that
it
would
not
lightly
receive
any
Book
till
it
was
fully
satisfied
of
its
being
Authentick
;
and
therefore
its
long
doubtfulness
and
disputation
about
these
Books
,
clears
it
from
all
suspicion
of
rashness
and
credulity
as
to
those
that
she
always
own'd
with
a
full
and
unanimous
Approbation
.
Thirdly
,
The
Controversie
concerning
the
disputed
Books
relates
not
so
much
to
their
Antiquity
as
their
Authour
,
and
they
are
not
brought
in
question
,
because
they
were
not
written
in
the
Apostolical
Age
,
but
because
it
seemed
uncertain
by
whom
they
were
then
written
.
Thus
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
some
attribute
to
Saint
Paul
,
some
to
Saint
Luke
,
some
to
Barnabas
,
some
to
Clemens
;
but
if
it
were
written
by
any
of
them
,
it
is
not
much
material
,
so
it
were
written
by
some
of
them
;
and
that
it
was
so
,
is
very
evident
from
Clemens
his
Epistle
,
who
has
borrowed
divers
passages
out
of
it
word
for
word
.
And
to
the
same
purpose
is
the
Controversie
concerning
the
Revelations
;
all
allowing
it
to
have
been
of
Apostolical
Antiquity
,
onely
some
will
have
it
to
have
been
written
by
Saint
John
the
Apostle
,
others
by
Saint
Mark
sirnamed
John
,
others
by
Saint
John
call'd
the
Elder
;
but
whosoever
it
was
that
wrote
it
,
it
was
written
in
the
Apostolical
Age
,
and
that
is
enough
.
Though
it
is
moreover
sufficiently
attested
that
Saint
John
the
Apostle
was
the
Authour
of
it
,
both
by
the
Testimony
of
Justin
Martyr
and
Irenaeus
,
who
lived
very
near
the
time
of
its
writing
.
Lastly
,
Those
that
were
at
first
doubted
of
,
were
not
afterwards
rashly
admitted
into
the
Canon
,
but
were
admitted
upon
carefull
enquiry
,
mature
deliberation
and
unexceptionable
Testimony
.
For
as
they
were
at
first
own'd
by
some
,
and
disputed
by
others
,
this
became
a
matter
of
debate
in
the
Church
;
and
that
obliged
them
to
make
farther
enquiry
after
the
evidence
of
their
Authority
;
and
by
that
means
the
whole
Church
was
at
last
satisfied
of
that
,
which
at
first
onely
a
part
of
it
was
able
to
prove
.
And
this
might
come
to
pass
after
this
manner
:
the
Apostles
directed
many
of
their
Epistles
to
particular
Churches
,
so
that
it
is
possible
that
some
of
them
might
be
known
to
some
Churches
,
and
not
to
others
;
who
therefore
doubting
of
them
put
those
who
asserted
them
to
have
been
true
Apostolical
Writings
to
prove
their
Assertion
,
and
they
it
seems
brought
such
evident
proof
of
their
Tradition
,
as
gain'd
the
consent
of
the
whole
Church
to
their
Authority
.
And
this
probably
they
did
by
producing
the
Originals
written
under
the
Apostles
own
hands
,
and
reserved
in
the
Archives
of
the
several
Churches
;
For
that
many
such
there
were
Tertullian
informs
us
,
even
in
his
time
,
and
to
them
refers
the
Men
of
his
own
Age
for
their
full
satisfaction
.
§
.
X.
And
therefore
it
is
but
a
very
slender
Witticism
of
Mr.
Hobbs
in
derogation
of
Leviath
.
Chap.
33.
the
Authority
of
the
holy
Scripture
,
when
he
has
acknowledg'd
that
the
Writers
of
the
New
Testament
lived
all
in
less
than
an
Age
after
Christ's
Ascension
,
and
had
all
of
them
seen
our
Saviour
,
or
been
his
Disciples
,
except
Saint
Paul
and
Saint
Luke
;
and
consequently
that
whatsoever
was
written
by
them
is
as
ancient
as
the
time
of
the
Apostles
,
yet
were
they
made
canonical
Scripture
onely
by
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
that
is
,
the
Council
of
Laodicea
,
which
first
collected
the
Canon
of
the
Scriptures
,
and
recommended
them
to
us
as
the
Writings
of
those
Apostles
and
Disciples
under
whose
Names
they
go
;
hereby
wittily
intimating
,
or
rather
broadly
asserting
,
that
these
Writings
were
not
canonical
Scripture
till
that
Council
,
that
is
,
till
the
year
364.
But
,
first
,
Supposing
that
it
is
not
the
Authour
but
the
Authority
of
the
Church
that
makes
a
Book
Canonical
,
then
were
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
made
so
long
before
the
Council
of
Laodicea
,
in
that
we
find
them
enumerated
in
the
Apostolical
Canons
,
which
though
they
were
not
compil'd
by
Clement
,
as
was
vulgarly
supposed
,
yet
were
they
the
Decrees
of
Councils
in
the
first
and
second
Ages
succeeding
the
Apostles
.
So
that
upon
this
account
they
were
stamp't
Canonical
almost
as
soon
as
they
were
written
.
Secondly
,
The
Testimony
of
the
Church
neither
is
nor
can
be
any
more
than
a
proof
or
an
argument
of
the
Original
and
Divine
Authority
of
the
canonical
Books
,
as
any
other
Testimony
is
or
may
be
.
Thus
when
we
cite
Clement
of
Rome
,
Ignatius
,
Policarp
,
Justin
Martyr
,
Irenaeus
,
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
yes
and
Celsus
himself
,
that
lived
either
in
or
near
the
Apostles
times
,
as
giving
in
Testimony
to
their
Writings
,
no
Man
can
,
without
very
wilfull
impertinence
,
thence
infer
that
it
is
they
that
give
the
Books
their
Divine
Authority
;
when
it
is
so
evident
that
they
are
onely
made
use
of
as
competent
Witnesses
to
attest
that
they
were
no
forged
Writings
,
but
were
pen'd
by
those
very
Persons
under
whose
Names
they
go
;
and
if
they
are
,
then
they
themselves
make
good
their
own
Authority
.
For
Authority
is
nothing
else
but
the
right
or
power
of
binding
our
Assent
,
which
unless
it
be
done
by
the
Authour
himself
,
it
is
impossible
to
be
done
by
any
other
;
and
all
the
Councils
in
the
World
can
never
give
Divine
Authority
to
any
Book
,
if
it
had
it
not
before
.
All
their
Office
is
to
bear
testimony
to
their
Authenticalness
,
and
it
is
no
inconsiderable
Evidence
of
it
when
so
many
grave
and
learned
Men
of
the
first
Ages
of
Christianity
,
upon
mature
deliberation
of
the
whole
matter
in
Council
,
declare
that
upon
the
strictest
enquiry
they
are
fully
satisfied
that
those
Books
were
written
by
those
very
Authours
whose
Names
they
bear
.
But
from
hence
to
infer
,
as
the
Leviathan
does
,
that
their
canonical
Authority
,
that
is
,
their
being
the
Law
of
God
,
depends
entirely
upon
the
Decree
of
the
Church
,
as
if
it
could
give
or
take
it
away
at
pleasure
,
onely
becomes
Mr.
Hobbs's
Logick
and
Modesty
;
and
them
it
becomes
equally
,
for
it
is
very
hard
to
determine
whether
the
Conclusion
be
more
impudent
or
more
impertinent
.
§
XI
.
And
now
beside
this
direct
demonstrative
proof
of
the
Apostolical
Antiquity
and
Authority
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
which
alone
is
a
full
demonstration
of
the
Divinity
of
the
Christian
Institution
,
there
is
another
more
remote
way
of
proving
the
truth
of
the
History
,
insisted
upon
by
learned
Men
,
that
is
,
by
the
concurrent
Testimony
of
foreign
Writers
,
Jews
or
Heathens
,
who
lived
in
or
about
the
same
time
;
but
this
Evidence
is
so
weak
in
comparison
of
that
which
I
have
already
produced
,
that
I
shall
not
prosecute
it
as
an
Argument
in
my
Cause
,
but
rather
consider
it
as
an
Objection
against
it
:
viz.
That
if
the
History
of
our
Saviour
were
so
known
and
notorious
as
is
pretended
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
so
little
notice
is
taken
of
it
by
any
Authours
but
onely
such
as
were
his
own
Disciples
?
There
were
many
other
excellent
Writers
,
especially
Historians
,
about
that
time
,
so
that
if
his
Actions
had
been
so
great
and
remarkable
as
his
Disciples
tell
us
they
were
,
it
is
scarce
credible
that
they
should
pass
him
over
with
so
slender
a
regard
,
and
scarce
any
mention
of
him
.
In
answer
to
this
I
shall
,
in
the
sequel
of
this
Discourse
,
give
a
satisfactory
and
rational
account
of
the
Infidelity
both
of
Jews
and
Heathens
,
notwithstanding
Christianity
brought
along
with
it
all
that
Evidence
that
we
pretend
it
did
.
But
beside
this
,
I
shall
here
shew
that
the
best
Writers
of
that
time
concur
with
,
and
so
confirm
the
main
strokes
of
our
Saviour's
History
,
and
by
consequence
all
the
rest
that
is
interwoven
with
them
;
especially
when
what
they
write
is
purely
to
deliver
matter
of
Fact
without
any
design
to
serve
the
cause
of
Christianity
.
For
when
all
things
in
the
Gospel
,
that
other
Historians
are
concern'd
to
record
as
well
as
the
Christians
,
are
exactly
true
,
that
is
at
least
a
very
fair
probability
that
the
Christian
Writers
were
faithfull
in
those
other
Relations
that
are
peculiar
to
their
own
History
.
And
this
is
all
that
can
be
expected
from
foreign
Testimony
;
for
if
such
Writers
had
been
exact
in
the
Records
of
our
Saviour's
Actions
,
they
had
then
been
Christians
,
and
not
Jews
or
Heathens
:
Supposing
them
therefore
,
as
they
were
,
no
Friends
to
Christianity
,
they
have
given
in
all
that
suffrage
to
it
that
can
be
reasonably
demanded
from
them
.
And
now
as
for
the
proof
hereof
it
had
been
much
more
easie
than
it
is
,
had
it
not
been
for
the
pride
and
vanity
of
some
of
our
modern
Criticks
,
who
care
very
little
what
becomes
of
the
truth
or
falshood
of
things
,
so
they
can
shew
their
censuring
Faculty
upon
words
;
and
particularly
they
have
in
this
case
set
themselves
with
their
utmost
critical
Severity
to
disparage
or
destroy
the
most
eminent
Testimonies
,
cited
by
the
Ancients
out
of
foreign
Writers
,
in
behalf
of
Christianity
.
Scaliger
,
the
Father
of
them
all
led
the
Dance
,
upon
what
motive
I
cannot
imagine
,
unless
it
were
out
of
Envy
to
the
Fame
and
Glory
of
Eusebius
,
against
whom
he
particularly
set
himself
and
his
endeavours
;
but
however
the
design
looking
like
a
Novelty
,
and
carrying
in
it
an
ostentation
of
Learning
,
for
that
reason
alone
he
could
not
want
a
great
number
of
Followers
among
that
sort
of
Men.
But
to
what
little
purpose
they
have
spent
all
their
pains
and
peevishness
I
now
come
to
represent
.
And
here
,
first
,
Josephus
the
Jew
,
who
was
contemporary
with
the
Apostles
,
agrees
all
along
with
the
Evangelists
in
the
History
of
that
time
.
He
gives
the
same
account
and
description
of
John
the
Baptist
as
we
reade
in
the
Gospels
.
He
gives
us
the
same
narration
of
Herod
the
Tetrarch
,
and
particularly
of
his
marrying
his
Brother's
Wife
.
He
mentions
the
Tax
of
Cyrenius
.
He
records
the
Acts
of
the
several
Governours
of
Judaea
,
Pontius
Pilate
,
Felix
and
Portius
Festus
,
and
describes
the
succession
of
the
several
High
priests
,
Caiaphas
,
Joha
and
Alexander
,
the
death
of
Herod
Agrippa
,
and
of
Saint
James
the
Brother
of
our
Lord
;
nay
,
he
gives
not
onely
a
just
History
but
an
high
Character
of
our
Lord
himself
.
All
which
our
learned
Men
are
willing
enough
to
pass
as
certain
and
warrantable
History
,
excepting
onely
that
passage
concerning
our
Saviour
.
Onely
there
is
one
difficulty
in
the
Tax
of
Cyrenius
,
which
Saint
Luke
says
was
about
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Nativity
,
but
Josephus
not
till
after
the
Banishment
of
Archelaus
,
which
hapned
at
least
nine
years
after
the
Death
of
Herod
,
so
that
which
way
to
reconcile
this
difference
learned
Men
have
been
much
puzled
,
and
towards
its
solution
have
started
variety
of
Conjectures
.
And
therefore
,
though
it
is
of
no
very
great
concernment
,
I
shall
give
some
account
of
it
before
I
proceed
to
the
Testimony
concerning
Jesus
.
§
XII
.
And
first
of
all
Baronius
tells
us
plainly
that
Josephus
is
mistaken
,
but
then
Appar
.
n.
82
,
&c.
this
is
to
cut
the
Knot
,
not
to
untie
it
,
for
our
business
is
to
reconcile
him
and
the
sacred
History
;
but
if
we
utterly
reject
him
,
instead
of
answering
the
Objection
we
grant
it
,
viz.
that
there
are
irreconcileable
differences
between
him
and
the
Evangelists
.
Though
here
I
cannot
but
wonder
at
the
unusual
disingenuity
of
Casaubon
,
Justin
Martyr
or
Irenaeus
.
The
next
guess
is
that
of
Beza
,
which
is
followed
and
variously
emproved
Chron.
p.
174.
Grot.
in
Luc.
c.
2.
v.
2.
Casaub.
Exerc.
1.
n.
28
,
29
,
30
,
31
,
32.
by
Scaliger
,
Casaubon
,
Grotius
,
and
others
,
viz.
That
Cyrenius
was
employed
by
Augustus
to
take
two
several
Musters
of
the
People
,
one
with
a
Tax
,
and
the
other
without
it
,
and
that
was
it
that
was
made
at
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Birth
.
For
Augustus
designing
that
compendious
Account
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
which
Historians
so
often
speak
of
,
and
which
he
left
as
a
guide
and
direction
to
his
Successours
in
the
Empire
,
sent
several
Officers
through
the
several
Provinces
to
take
an
exact
account
of
the
number
and
condition
of
the
Inhabitants
;
and
for
this
purpose
though
Quintilius
Varus
were
then
Prefect
of
Syria
,
Cyrenius
was
join'd
in
Commission
with
him
,
as
a
Person
that
was
,
by
reason
of
his
residence
in
Syria
and
his
Wars
in
Cilicia
,
exactly
acquainted
with
the
Affairs
of
the
East
;
as
afterwards
he
was
sent
with
C.
Caesar
on
the
same
Errand
;
and
when
Judaea
was
reduced
into
the
form
of
a
Province
after
the
Banishment
of
Archelaus
,
and
the
first
Tax
to
be
imposed
immediately
by
the
Romans
upon
the
People
,
he
was
particularly
singled
out
as
the
Person
most
able
to
manage
it
.
So
that
it
is
not
unlikely
that
he
might
be
employed
in
this
business
,
though
not
himself
,
but
Quintilius
Varus
was
then
Prefect
of
Syria
.
And
if
this
be
so
,
then
this
difficulty
is
cleared
,
in
that
there
were
two
Musters
of
the
People
,
both
made
by
Cyrenius
,
one
under
the
Government
of
Quintilius
Varus
without
any
taxing
;
the
other
,
some
years
after
,
under
his
own
Government
with
a
severe
Tribute
;
which
made
great
tumults
and
commotions
among
the
People
,
and
occasion'd
the
sedition
of
Theudas
Gaulonites
;
and
this
is
the
onely
Tax
or
Census
that
is
mention'd
by
Josephus
,
as
containing
in
it
something
remarkable
to
the
History
of
his
Country
;
whereas
the
other
is
wholly
passed
over
in
silence
by
him
,
in
that
it
contain'd
nothing
memorable
as
to
that
,
but
was
transacted
meerly
for
the
Emperour
's
own
private
use
and
information
.
And
this
conjecture
of
a
twofold
Muster
is
not
a
little
favour'd
by
Saint
Luke
himself
,
who
says
that
this
taxing
was
first
made
when
Cyrenius
was
Governour
of
Syria
,
whereas
it
ought
to
have
been
rendred
this
first
taxing
was
made
,
&c.
which
implies
that
there
was
a
second
,
otherwise
that
could
never
have
been
called
the
first
.
But
,
first
,
This
is
no
more
than
a
meer
conjecture
without
any
ground
of
Story
,
for
that
Quirinius
was
employed
in
any
Tax
before
the
death
of
Herod
,
there
are
no
footsteps
in
the
Roman
History
;
so
that
if
the
guess
be
true
yet
it
is
altogether
precarious
,
and
invented
meerly
to
solve
a
difficulty
that
was
not
otherwise
to
be
avoided
.
And
then
as
for
the
little
Criticism
that
this
was
the
first
Tax
made
when
Cyrenius
was
Governour
of
Syria
,
though
it
may
be
so
interpreted
,
yet
the
interpretation
is
as
natural
and
more
common
,
that
this
Tax
was
finst
made
when
Cyrenius
was
Governour
;
and
if
so
,
the
Text
of
Saint
Luke
gives
not
the
least
favour
to
the
conjecture
of
a
double
Tax
.
But
,
in
the
last
place
,
Supposing
that
Quirinius
was
sent
into
Syria
in
the
time
of
Quintilius
Varus
for
the
management
of
the
Tax
,
yet
this
will
not
piece
with
Saint
Luke's
story
,
who
expresly
affirms
that
this
Tax
was
made
when
Cynenius
was
Governour
of
Syria
;
now
it
is
very
odd
if
Quintilius
Varus
were
(
as
it
is
certain
he
was
)
then
Governour
of
Syria
;
that
another
Person
that
then
acted
under
him
onely
by
virtue
of
an
extraordinary
Commission
should
be
styled
by
the
Title
of
Governour
.
And
though
Casaubon
bestir
himself
to
prove
that
this
Title
was
given
to
others
that
were
onely
extraordinary
Commissioners
and
not
standing
Presidents
of
Provinces
,
yet
it
is
very
plain
that
this
was
onely
done
when
there
was
no
President
resident
before
their
coming
,
and
they
were
commissioned
with
as
full
power
for
the
time
as
if
they
had
been
ordinary
Prefects
.
But
that
when
there
was
a
settled
Governour
any
extraordinary
Commissioner
should
be
honour'd
with
that
Title
is
a
case
without
Precedent
.
Thirdly
,
Others
conjecture
,
and
that
much
more
probably
and
to
much
more
Annot.
Euseb.
l.
1.
c.
5.
purpose
,
that
Augustus
Caesar
designing
to
tax
the
whole
Empire
,
did
in
the
first
place
take
an
account
of
the
number
of
Persons
in
each
Province
,
thereby
the
better
to
direct
himself
for
the
equal
levying
and
proportioning
the
several
divisions
of
the
whole
Tax
.
Now
a
work
so
great
must
be
a
work
of
no
small
time
;
so
that
though
he
might
begin
the
Muster
at
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Nativity
,
yet
he
might
not
finish
the
Tax
till
the
Prefectship
of
Cyrenius
.
And
he
being
then
Prefect
when
the
Tax
was
actually
gather'd
,
both
the
Tax
it self
and
all
that
was
done
in
order
to
it
,
might
reasonably
enough
be
attributed
to
the
time
of
his
Government
.
But
the
most
probable
and
natural
Conjecture
of
all
is
that
which
was
first
started
by
Ludovicus
Capellus
,
and
has
since
been
more
comp.
p.
107.
Demonst.
Ev.
p.
391.
largely
prosecuted
by
Huetius
;
that
there
has
been
some
mistake
in
the
Transcriber
writing
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
mistake
very
easie
to
be
made
,
the
difference
between
the
names
being
very
small
;
but
when
once
made
,
much
more
easie
to
be
continued
;
in
that
the
Tax
of
Cyrenius
was
so
very
famous
,
it
being
the
first
that
was
immediately
imposed
by
the
Romans
themselves
upon
the
Jews
after
they
were
reduced
into
the
form
of
a
Province
;
and
therefore
when
Saint
Luke
calls
the
Muster
at
our
Saviour's
Birth
the
First
Tax
,
it
was
very
obvious
for
the
Transcribers
,
that
came
after
,
to
mistake
it
for
the
Tax
of
Cyrenius
,
that
being
commonly
call'd
The
Tax
,
and
so
we
find
Gamaliel
expressing
it
,
Act.
5.
37.
In
the
days
of
the
Taxing
.
And
now
this
small
mistake
of
a
Letter
or
two
,
that
might
be
so
easily
run
into
,
being
supposed
,
it
clears
the
whole
matter
;
in
that
it
is
certain
that
Quintilius
Varus
was
President
of
Syria
at
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Nativity
,
his
name
therefore
being
onely
restored
instead
of
that
of
Cyrenius
,
the
whole
History
runs
clear
.
And
indeed
the
exact
Agreement
of
both
Histories
in
all
particulars
saving
this
one
circumstance
is
no
small
ground
for
the
conjecture
that
there
must
have
been
some
such
mistake
.
And
such
literal
mistakes
as
these
are
unavoidable
to
all
the
Books
in
the
World
,
and
if
it
have
hapned
here
,
the
circumstances
of
things
themselves
direct
us
to
the
true
Reading
.
For
when
we
are
certain
,
as
we
are
,
that
Quintilius
was
then
President
,
it
is
easie
and
rational
to
conclude
that
Quirinius
was
put
in
afterwards
in
his
stead
,
because
of
that
famous
Tax
that
was
vulgarly
call'd
by
his
name
.
And
it
is
not
a
little
countenance
that
is
given
to
this
Conjecture
by
Tertullian
,
who
affirms
that
this
Census
or
Muster
of
Augustus
was
made
under
the
Prefectship
of
Sentius
Saturninus
;
and
for
the
proof
both
of
that
and
of
the
time
and
place
of
our
Saviour's
Nativity
,
he
often
refers
to
the
Register
it self
in
the
Roman
Archives
,
and
this
was
not
onely
extant
in
his
time
,
but
in
Saint
Chrysostom's
,
who
refers
to
it
,
as
we
might
do
to
a
Parish
Register
.
Now
though
the
Census
of
the
Eastern
part
of
the
Empire
was
begun
under
Saturninus
,
as
Tertullian
observes
out
of
the
Roman
Tables
;
and
he
being
in
a
small
time
removed
from
his
Office
,
as
we
know
he
was
,
and
succeeded
by
Quintilius
Varus
,
the
Successour
went
on
in
the
work
where
the
Predecessour
ended
.
So
that
the
work
,
as
it
was
managed
in
Judaea
,
fell
out
in
the
time
of
Quintilius
Varus
,
in
the
time
of
whose
Presidentship
our
Saviour
was
born
.
Which
is
so
much
the
more
likely
,
because
Saturninus
residing
in
Syria
would
first
finish
the
design
near
home
,
before
he
would
undertake
to
go
about
it
in
remoter
parts
;
especially
in
Judaea
that
was
then
under
the
Kingly
Government
of
Herod
,
and
so
was
onely
muster'd
in
order
to
the
settlement
of
the
future
state
of
the
Empire
.
So
that
though
this
Census
were
begun
under
Saturninus
,
and
so
according
to
custom
enter'd
under
his
name
in
the
Roman
Register
,
as
Tertullian
assures
us
it
was
,
it
is
certain
that
the
greatest
part
of
it
was
taken
under
the
Government
of
Quintilius
.
Now
though
this
be
no
very
material
circumstance
,
and
though
the
mistake
I
have
suggested
be
so
very
easie
,
and
though
there
might
be
an
hundred
other
ways
of
solving
it
,
that
we
cannot
know
at
this
distance
,
yet
I
could
not
lightly
pass
it
over
,
because
it
is
the
onely
material
difference
between
Josephus
and
the
Holy
Scriptures
.
For
though
he
passes
by
some
remarkable
things
that
are
there
recorded
,
yet
in
all
other
cases
,
where
he
happens
upon
the
same
thing
,
he
makes
the
same
Narration
.
For
the
onely
place
beside
in
which
he
may
seem
to
differ
,
is
in
the
Death
of
Herod
Agrippa
,
which
he
says
hapned
at
the
appearance
of
an
Owl
,
but
Saint
Luke
by
the
invisible
stroke
of
an
Angel
.
And
that
an
Owl
might
then
by
chance
appear
is
possible
,
but
that
the
meer
sight
of
it
should
affect
him
after
such
a
wonderfull
manner
is
not
credible
,
notwithstanding
a
German
Soothsayer
had
foretold
that
it
should
be
the
certain
Omen
of
his
Death
.
That
indeed
might
not
a
little
disturb
his
Fancy
,
but
it
could
not
naturally
in
a
moment
putrifie
his
Bowels
into
worms
and
rottenness
.
But
it
is
too
manifest
that
Josephus
,
through
the
whole
course
of
his
History
,
too
much
endeavour'd
to
imitate
the
Greek
and
Roman
Historians
,
whose
constant
custom
it
was
to
ascribe
all
extraordinary
Calamities
to
some
portentous
Omen
.
Otherwise
it
is
not
conceivable
that
so
strange
and
unheard
of
a
misery
should
all
on
a
suddain
seise
upon
a
Man
in
the
height
of
all
his
Glory
,
and
in
the
very
act
of
so
great
a
Blasphemy
,
without
some
miraculous
and
invisible
Power
.
So
that
there
is
scarce
a
greater
Instance
upon
Record
of
an
immediate
Divine
Infliction
than
in
the
miserable
Death
of
this
prophane
Man
.
And
thus
having
cleared
the
Parallelism
between
Josephus
and
the
Evangelists
,
as
to
the
most
material
passages
of
the
Histories
of
their
own
times
,
I
now
proceed
to
that
particular
passage
of
his
concerning
our
blessed
Saviour
:
which
is
so
full
a
Testimony
of
the
Truth
of
the
Gospel
History
,
that
our
learned
Criticks
think
it
too
great
for
a
Jew
to
give
,
and
for
that
reason
principally
suppose
it
to
have
been
soisted
into
him
in
after
times
.
§
XIII
.
But
upon
what
just
grounds
this
surmise
is
built
let
us
now
consider
,
and
first
let
us
set
down
the
passage
it self
,
which
is
to
this
purport
:
At
this
time
lived
Jesus
a
wise
Man
,
if
yet
it
be
lawfull
to
call
him
a
Man
;
for
he
wrought
many
wonderfull
Works
,
and
instructed
such
as
were
willing
to
entertain
the
Truth
,
and
drew
after
him
great
numbers
both
of
Jews
and
Gentiles
.
This
was
Christ
,
who
being
accused
,
by
the
Princes
of
our
Nation
before
Pilate
,
and
afterwards
condemn'd
to
the
Cross
by
him
,
yet
did
not
those
who
followed
him
from
the
beginning
,
cease
to
love
him
for
the
ignominy
of
his
Death
.
For
he
appear'd
unto
them
the
third
day
after
,
as
the
Divine
Prophets
had
foretold
the
same
,
and
divers
other
wonderfull
things
of
him
,
and
to
this
day
the
race
of
Christians
,
as
they
are
call'd
after
his
name
,
continue
.
And
now
here
,
first
,
It
is
excellently
observed
by
Huetius
that
it
is
very
strange
that
so
diligent
a
Writer
as
Josephus
should
never
make
the
least
mention
of
the
History
of
so
famous
a
Person
as
Jesus
of
Nazareth
,
for
if
he
has
not
done
it
here
,
he
has
done
it
no
where
.
And
yet
whatever
he
was
,
it
is
certain
that
under
the
Government
of
Pontius
Pilate
there
was
such
a
Man
that
pretended
to
be
the
Messias
,
that
drew
great
numbers
of
Disciples
after
him
,
that
instituted
a
new
Sect
of
Religion
,
that
occasion'd
great
commotions
in
Judaea
,
that
was
reported
to
have
taught
such
peculiar
Doctrines
,
and
to
have
done
so
many
and
so
great
Miracles
.
And
now
after
all
this
how
is
it
credible
that
Josephus
should
never
hear
of
so
remarkable
a
Person
,
or
not
think
him
worthy
so
much
as
to
be
taken
notice
of
in
his
History
?
For
whatever
Opinion
he
had
of
him
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
it
is
not
to
be
supposed
that
he
could
wholly
omit
to
mention
him
in
the
History
of
that
time
,
especially
when
he
has
not
omitted
any
of
the
false
Pretenders
to
the
Messiahship
;
so
that
though
he
had
thought
him
an
Impostor
,
he
could
not
have
wholly
baulk't
some
mention
of
his
History
.
Nay
,
when
he
gives
so
exact
a
description
of
John
the
Baptist
,
and
of
Saint
James
,
whom
to
make
the
better
known
he
describes
by
being
the
Brother
of
Jesus
,
who
is
call'd
the
Christ
,
how
is
it
possible
that
he
should
never
give
any
account
of
Christ
himself
?
So
that
how
much
soever
it
may
appear
incredible
that
Josephus
should
make
any
honourable
mention
of
him
,
it
is
much
more
so
that
he
should
make
none
at
all
.
And
now
when
after
this
we
come
to
weigh
the
Objections
against
this
Testimony
,
that
have
made
so
much
noise
and
talk
of
late
in
the
World
,
they
are
so
very
trifling
as
scarce
to
deserve
(
I
am
sure
not
to
need
)
any
Answer
.
For
beside
some
Grammatical
Observations
,
in
which
the
Criticks
exercise
an
arbitrary
Power
,
and
from
which
they
make
what
determinations
they
please
,
some
for
the
Affirmative
and
some
for
the
Negative
:
the
whole
force
of
the
Objection
is
resolved
into
this
one
Principle
,
that
Josephus
in
this
Paragraph
spoke
his
own
sense
,
and
wrote
not
as
an
Historian
but
as
a
Confessour
;
whereas
it
is
evident
from
his
own
story
that
he
was
a
Man
of
no
very
settled
Principles
,
according
to
the
humour
of
the
Age
and
of
the
Place
that
he
lived
in
,
and
so
was
no
otherway
concern'd
in
any
Controversie
than
barely
to
deliver
matter
of
Fact
.
So
that
whereas
he
seems
to
assert
that
Jesus
was
the
Christ
,
they
might
as
rationally
conclude
that
Pontius
Pilate
believed
him
to
be
so
too
when
he
crucified
him
,
because
he
put
this
Title
upon
his
Cross
,
Jesus
of
Nazareth
the
King
of
the
Jews
;
and
when
he
was
solicited
by
the
chief
Priests
not
to
write
the
King
of
the
Jews
,
but
that
he
said
I
am
the
King
of
the
Jews
,
he
would
not
yield
to
their
importunity
,
but
answer'd
them
peremptorily
,
What
I
have
written
I
have
written
.
From
hence
,
I
say
,
our
learned
Criticks
might
after
their
rate
of
drawing
conclusions
infer
that
Pontius
Pilate
seriously
believed
him
to
be
the
King
of
the
Jews
,
that
is
,
the
Messias
.
Whereas
it
is
evident
in
it self
that
he
onely
used
the
common
form
of
speech
,
when
he
gave
him
that
Title
which
he
pretended
to
:
And
of
the
same
nature
is
that
expression
of
Josephus
,
when
he
says
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
This
was
the
Christ
,
that
is
,
this
was
he
that
was
call'd
the
Christ
,
a
Title
so
appropriated
to
him
in
common
speech
,
that
it
was
familiarly
given
to
him
by
his
greatest
Enemies
.
And
therefore
we
do
not
make
use
of
this
Testimony
of
Josephus
,
as
if
we
design'd
to
gain
any
credit
or
authority
from
his
Opinion
,
but
onely
to
prove
from
it
that
there
was
such
a
transaction
then
on
foot
,
and
that
there
was
a
party
of
Men
in
the
World
at
that
time
who
attested
the
truth
of
all
those
things
that
were
reported
concerning
Jesus
;
and
if
they
did
so
,
we
have
in
the
Premises
sufficiently
proved
the
validity
of
their
Testimony
.
And
that
is
all
the
use
that
we
can
pretend
to
make
of
these
foreign
Witnesses
,
to
evidence
that
there
was
such
Testimony
then
given
,
and
if
there
was
,
then
its
being
given
in
such
circumstances
as
it
was
,
is
more
than
enough
to
maintain
it self
without
their
farther
assistance
.
Now
this
being
premised
in
vain
does
Tanaquil
Faber
insist
upon
it
that
the
most
Again
,
in
vain
does
our
learned
Critick
aggravate
that
Jesephus
should
give
our
Saviour
the
Title
of
God
,
when
that
is
more
than
the
Jews
themselves
believed
of
their
Messias
.
For
it
is
evident
that
he
onely
uses
a
very
common
and
almost
proverbial
form
of
speech
,
nothing
being
more
frequent
with
the
Greek
and
Latin
Writers
(
whose
schemes
of
speech
Josephus
every
where
endeavours
to
imitate
)
than
to
give
the
Title
of
Gods
to
all
Great
and
extraordinary
Persons
;
so
that
when
Josephus
gives
our
Saviour
this
Title
,
it
is
the
same
thing
as
if
he
had
styl'd
him
Hero
,
or
something
that
though
a
Man
,
yet
by
his
miraculous
works
seem'd
greater
than
a
Man
.
Lastly
,
in
vain
does
he
urge
that
if
Josephus
had
believed
our
Saviour
to
be
the
Messias
,
he
would
have
explain'd
to
the
Greeks
,
for
whose
sake
he
wrote
in
their
Language
,
what
was
the
Nature
and
the
Office
of
the
Messias
.
So
probably
he
would
if
he
had
been
an
Apostle
,
and
designed
to
convert
the
World
to
Christianity
,
but
when
he
writes
of
him
onely
as
an
Historian
,
what
concernment
had
he
upon
that
occasion
to
run
into
so
great
a
digression
?
He
told
the
plain
Story
as
he
had
it
from
the
Disciples
of
Jesus
,
and
left
it
to
the
Reader
to
judge
of
its
truth
or
falsehood
.
But
still
our
Critick
is
much
more
severe
in
his
next
Injunction
,
when
he
requires
of
the
Historian
,
that
if
he
believed
Jesus
to
be
the
Messias
,
to
have
given
an
account
of
John
the
Baptist's
being
his
Forerunner
.
For
whether
he
believed
it
or
not
,
I
cannot
see
what
reason
or
obligation
he
had
for
so
doing
,
unless
it
is
not
possible
to
give
a
compendious
Character
of
a
Person
without
setting
down
every
particular
circumstance
of
his
Life
and
Actions
.
But
now
our
learned
Authour
advances
from
his
Arguments
to
his
Authorities
.
And
first
of
all
Origen
expresly
asserts
that
Josephus
did
not
believe
Jesus
to
be
the
Christ
.
And
I
know
no
body
that
affirms
he
did
;
but
yet
could
he
not
give
him
that
Title
that
was
so
familiarly
given
him
,
unless
too
he
asserted
the
justice
of
the
Title
?
All
that
he
affirms
,
is
onely
that
this
was
the
Man
that
was
at
that
time
call'd
the
Christ
,
though
he
happens
to
express
it
by
saying
this
was
the
Christ
,
a
very
common
form
of
speech
among
the
Greeks
to
put
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
was
for
was
called
.
And
if
so
,
I
hope
an
Historian
might
relate
the
Opinion
that
was
had
of
him
without
declaring
his
own
.
In
the
next
place
,
Justin
Martyr
and
Tertullian
(
says
our
Authour
)
wrote
against
the
Jews
,
and
if
this
passage
had
been
extant
in
Josephus
in
their
times
,
it
is
searce
credible
that
they
should
altogether
overlook
so
remarkable
a
Testimony
.
This
is
the
hard
condition
that
our
Criticks
have
of
late
put
upon
all
Authours
,
to
quote
all
that
ever
they
reade
,
and
to
think
of
every
thing
that
is
pertinent
to
their
Cause
;
but
this
seems
too
severe
an
imposition
upon
the
memories
of
Mankind
.
And
yet
supposing
these
Fathers
were
not
ignorant
of
this
passage
of
Josephus
,
to
what
purpose
should
they
have
alledged
it
?
when
it
is
their
evident
design
to
dispute
against
the
Jews
purely
out
of
the
writings
of
the
Prophets
,
and
by
them
alone
to
prove
Jesus
to
be
the
Christ
.
And
if
so
,
what
does
the
Testimony
of
Josephus
signifie
to
confirm
the
truth
of
that
which
they
had
already
proved
by
the
Testimony
of
God
himself
?
So
that
these
Authours
were
so
far
from
being
obliged
by
their
Cause
to
hale
in
this
passage
,
that
they
could
not
but
have
brought
it
in
very
impertinently
.
In
short
,
it
is
enough
that
in
those
Writings
they
appeal
onely
to
Divine
Authority
,
and
then
it
is
no
particular
neglect
of
Josephus
,
if
he
be
past
by
as
well
as
all
other
Authours
of
his
rank
and
condition
.
And
thus
have
I
given
a
full
and
exact
account
of
all
those
weighty
Objections
that
have
been
levied
against
this
passage
of
Josephus
,
and
so
leave
it
to
all
wise
Men
to
judge
whether
our
learned
Criticks
might
not
have
better
employed
themselves
than
to
raise
so
much
noise
against
it
to
so
little
purpose
.
And
now
having
dispatch't
this
great
Testimony
of
Josephus
,
I
might
add
to
him
Suetonius
,
Tacitus
,
the
younger
Pliny
,
Seneca
,
who
give
us
the
same
relation
of
the
great
pretences
of
Jesus
,
and
the
greater
prevalency
of
his
Religion
.
But
their
Testimonies
have
been
so
often
recited
,
and
are
so
vulgarly
known
,
that
it
were
labour
in
vain
to
give
my self
or
the
Reader
the
trouble
of
their
Repetition
.
Especially
when
they
prove
no
more
than
what
no
Man
can
doubt
of
,
viz.
That
there
was
at
that
time
such
a
Man
as
Jesus
of
Nazareth
,
and
that
in
a
short
time
he
drew
great
numbers
of
Disciples
after
him
.
The
first
is
certainly
past
question
,
and
the
second
is
as
evident
meerly
from
the
History
of
Nero's
Reign
,
under
whom
what
vast
multitudes
of
Christians
suffer'd
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Historians
unanimously
agree
.
And
therefore
I
shall
pass
over
these
more
general
Records
,
and
onely
suggest
two
or
three
particular
Narrations
that
relate
not
onely
to
the
existence
of
our
Saviour's
Person
,
but
to
the
veracity
of
his
Pretences
.
§
XIV
.
The
first
is
that
known
History
of
Phlegon
,
Gentleman
to
the
Emperour
Adrian
,
in
his
general
History
of
the
Olympiads
,
concerning
both
the
Eclipse
of
the
Sun
and
the
Earthquake
at
our
Saviour's
Passion
.
And
it
is
a
Testimony
so
exactly
agreeing
with
the
Evangelical
History
both
as
to
the
year
and
the
very
hour
of
the
day
,
Apol.
c.
21.
signante
Sole
subducta
est
,
deliquium
putaverunt
,
qui
id
quoque
super
Christum
prozedicatum
non
scierunt
,
&
tamen
eum
Mundi
casum
relatum
in
Archivis
vestris
habetis
.
At
the
very
moment
of
our
Saviour's
Crucifixion
the
Sun
was
darkned
at
mid-day
,
and
though
they
supposed
it
onely
an
Eclipse
,
that
knew
nothing
of
its
relation
to
the
Passion
of
Christ
,
yet
this
strange
accident
,
be
it
what
it
will
,
you
may
find
registred
in
your
publick
Records
.
And
if
that
be
true
,
it
is
all
that
can
be
desired
in
this
case
from
an
heathen
Historian
to
vouch
the
truth
of
the
Story
.
And
yet
this
is
more
,
for
if
it
be
true
,
it
is
from
thence
evident
that
this
Eclipse
was
miraculous
and
praeternatural
,
in
that
it
hapned
at
the
full
of
the
Moon
.
§
XV.
The
next
heathen
Testimony
is
of
an
higher
nature
,
and
relates
more
immediately
to
the
Divinity
of
our
Saviour
;
and
that
is
the
Opinion
of
Tiberius
concerning
him
,
upon
that
Account
and
Narrative
that
he
had
received
of
his
Life
,
Death
and
Resurrection
out
of
Palestine
,
and
that
from
Pilate
himself
.
Thus
Tertullian
tells
the
Apol.
c.
5.
&
21.
Governours
of
Rome
in
his
Apology
,
that
Tiberius
,
in
whose
time
the
Christian
Religion
came
into
the
World
,
having
received
an
account
out
of
Palestine
in
Syria
concerning
the
truth
of
that
Divinity
that
was
there
revealed
,
brought
it
to
the
Senate
with
the
Prerogative
of
his
own
Vote
,
but
that
it
was
rejected
by
the
Senate
,
either
because
themselves
had
not
in
the
first
place
according
to
form
of
Law
approved
of
it
,
or
rather
out
of
flattery
to
the
Emperour
,
because
himself
had
refused
that
honour
when
offer'd
to
him
by
the
Senate
;
for
the
words
,
quia
non
ipse
probaverat
,
are
capable
of
either
sense
;
but
though
they
denied
this
Title
to
our
Saviour
,
upon
what
account
soever
,
whether
of
State
or
of
Courtship
,
our
Authour
tells
us
expresly
that
the
Emperour
himself
continued
of
the
same
mind
.
Now
though
Tertullian
be
a
Christian
Writer
,
yet
he
durst
never
have
presumed
to
impose
upon
the
Senate
themselves
with
such
a
remarkable
Story
as
this
,
if
he
were
not
able
to
prove
it
,
and
that
he
was
is
evident
from
Justin
Martyr
,
who
often
Justin
Martyr
;
for
if
there
had
been
no
such
Acts
,
scarce
any
Man
,
much
less
such
a
Man
as
Justin
Martyr
could
have
been
so
foolish
or
so
confident
as
to
affirm
a
thing
,
in
which
it
was
so
very
easie
to
convict
him
of
falshood
.
And
if
such
Acts
there
were
they
are
a
great
Evidence
of
the
truth
of
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
when
the
Experour
,
that
was
none
of
the
best
Men
nor
very
apt
to
listen
to
such
Stories
,
was
so
surprised
with
the
strangeness
of
them
,
and
that
upon
no
less
information
than
of
Pilate
himself
;
and
when
Pilate
,
upon
a
more
full
enquiry
than
it
seems
he
was
able
or
willing
to
make
concerning
the
Works
of
Jesus
at
his
Condemnation
,
was
so
abundantly
satisfied
as
to
the
truth
of
those
strange
things
that
were
related
of
him
,
as
to
think
himself
obliged
to
acquaint
his
Master
with
a
Story
so
strange
and
wonderfull
.
But
here
Isaac
Casaubon
endeavours
to
shrivle
and
criticise
these
Acts
of
Pilate
into
Justin
Martyr
does
not
call
them
the
Acts
of
Pontius
Pilate
,
but
the
Acts
under
Pontius
Pilate
.
Though
it
is
an
undoubted
thing
that
the
Acts
under
Pilate
reserved
in
the
Imperial
Archives
were
the
Acts
of
Pilate
,
that
is
,
they
were
compiled
either
by
himself
or
by
his
command
,
but
transmitted
by
himself
,
for
the
Emperours
received
no
other
Acts
but
from
the
Governours
themselves
;
and
therefore
the
learned
Man
might
have
spared
his
Grammatical
Criticism
,
when
it
is
certain
from
the
thing
it self
that
the
publick
Acts
under
the
Government
of
Pontius
Pilate
,
must
be
transmitted
by
Pilate
himself
,
and
so
must
be
the
Acts
of
Pilate
.
Now
that
Pilate
should
give
such
an
Account
after
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
;
cannot
seem
strange
if
we
consider
his
circumstances
.
For
setting
aside
the
Relation
of
the
Evangelists
concerning
him
,
that
he
would
if
possible
have
rescued
our
Saviour
from
the
fury
of
the
Priests
and
the
tumult
of
the
People
;
that
he
was
satisfied
of
his
Innocence
,
as
he
declared
upon
the
Bench
;
that
he
gave
Sentence
upon
him
,
I
will
not
say
against
his
Conscience
(
for
being
an
Atheist
he
had
none
)
but
against
his
own
Judgment
and
Opinion
.
I
say
,
setting
aside
all
this
that
hapned
before
the
Passion
,
the
truth
of
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
proved
it self
upon
him
by
so
many
lucky
circumstances
of
the
thing
it self
,
that
it
could
not
but
perplex
his
Mind
which
way
to
avoid
its
Evidence
.
For
he
was
certain
that
Jesus
was
Crucified
,
Dead
and
Buried
,
that
the
Sepulchre
was
sealed
with
a
great
Stone
and
guarded
with
a
Watch
,
and
yet
in
a
very
short
time
after
,
it
was
preached
up
and
down
publickly
by
his
Disciples
that
he
was
risen
from
the
dead
.
Now
whether
Pilate
himself
were
upon
this
so
curious
or
so
concern'd
as
to
search
the
Sepulchre
it
is
certain
the
Body
was
gone
,
otherwise
it
would
have
been
produced
and
publickly
exposed
by
the
Jews
to
disprove
the
immediate
report
of
his
Resurrection
.
So
that
there
could
remain
no
other
imaginable
pretence
against
its
Truth
but
the
idle
Tale
of
the
Souldiers
,
that
his
Disciples
came
by
night
and
stole
him
away
,
whilst
they
slept
.
This
was
an
admirable
contrivance
,
and
worthy
the
sage
wisedom
of
the
great
Sanhedrin
,
to
appeal
to
the
Testimony
of
such
Persons
,
that
could
not
tell
their
story
without
contradicting
and
defeating
their
own
Evidence
!
For
were
they
not
doubty
Witnesses
of
a
thing
that
was
done
whilst
they
were
fast
asleep
?
Questionless
our
Governour
was
wonderfully
satisfied
with
this
subtile
Answer
,
that
really
carries
no
other
sense
in
it
,
than
if
they
had
deposed
,
That
they
saw
his
Disciples
convery
him
away
whilst
they
slept
.
But
if
they
slept
they
saw
it
not
,
and
if
they
saw
it
not
,
they
were
no
more
competent
Witnesses
than
if
they
had
been
upon
the
Emperour's
Life-guard
;
and
had
they
hired
Knights
of
the
Post
,
that
were
at
that
time
at
as
great
a
distance
as
Rome
from
Jerusalem
,
it
had
not
been
more
absurd
and
ridiculous
than
this
contrivance
of
producing
sleeping
Witnesses
.
Beside
this
,
he
could
not
but
farther
reflect
with
himself
how
likely
a
thing
it
was
that
Men
so
timerous
should
have
courage
enough
to
venture
upon
such
a
daring
Attempt
.
What
wretched
cowardise
they
betrayed
from
the
time
that
their
Master
was
apprehended
he
very
well
knew
,
and
therefore
could
not
but
think
it
very
improbable
such
faint
spirits
should
so
soon
undertake
such
bold
and
difficult
Enterprises
.
But
suppose
they
should
,
't
is
strangely
lucky
that
all
the
Guard
should
fall
fast
asleep
at
the
same
instant
of
time
,
and
more
so
that
the
Disciples
should
have
the
strange
fortune
as
to
come
at
that
very
moment
,
and
most
of
all
so
that
with
all
that
noise
that
they
must
of
necessity
make
by
removing
the
Stone
that
was
roll'd
upon
the
mouth
of
the
Grave
,
they
should
not
awake
so
much
as
one
of
the
Souldiers
.
But
beside
all
these
difficulties
that
he
could
not
but
observe
in
the
action
it self
,
it
was
obvious
for
him
to
reflect
,
that
if
they
who
affirm'd
that
Christ
was
risen
from
the
dead
,
knew
that
he
was
not
,
to
what
purpose
they
should
take
all
this
pains
and
run
all
these
hazards
for
an
Impostor
,
that
had
abused
them
with
romantick
Tales
and
Promises
?
This
is
past
my
comprehension
,
for
though
it
is
possible
for
simple
Men
to
throw
away
their
Lives
for
a
false
or
mistaken
Opinion
,
yet
that
a
number
of
Men
should
doe
it
to
ratifie
a
Testimony
that
they
knew
to
be
false
,
without
any
prospect
of
advantage
either
to
themselves
or
others
,
as
it
has
no
precedent
in
all
former
Ages
,
so
it
is
incredible
to
any
Man
that
in
the
least
understands
the
Constitution
of
humane
Nature
.
And
therefore
from
these
and
the
like
Premises
it
is
no
wonder
if
he
concluded
that
there
was
something
more
than
ordinary
in
this
business
,
or
as
Tertullian
expresses
it
,
Ea
omnia
super
Christo
§
XVI
.
The
last
Instance
I
shall
give
of
this
kind
of
Witnesses
is
the
Story
of
Agbarus
King
of
Edessa
lying
beyond
Euphrates
,
who
being
afflicted
with
some
chronical
Distemper
not
curable
by
humane
Art
,
and
hearing
such
prodigious
reports
concerning
the
Miracles
of
one
Jesus
in
Judaea
,
that
he
made
the
Blind
to
see
,
the
Lame
to
go
,
cleansed
the
Lepers
,
restored
the
long
diseased
to
Health
and
raised
the
dead
to
Life
:
He
therefore
dispatches
a
Letter
to
him
by
a
special
Messenger
,
requesting
him
to
take
the
pains
to
come
to
Edessa
and
cure
his
Malady
,
and
the
rather
,
because
he
heard
the
Jews
design'd
to
doe
him
mischief
,
to
take
up
his
Residence
there
in
safety
,
where
he
might
live
with
all
accommodations
of
Life
,
and
,
if
he
pleased
,
share
with
the
Prince
himself
in
the
Government
.
To
this
courteous
Letter
our
Saviour
immediately
returns
a
brief
and
pithy
Answer
,
and
that
probably
by
the
same
Messenger
,
in
which
he
informs
him
That
all
things
touching
his
Message
were
to
be
fulfill'd
in
Judaea
,
and
then
he
was
to
return
to
his
Father
,
but
after
my
Assumption
I
will
send
one
of
my
Disciples
,
who
shall
cure
thy
Malady
,
and
restore
Life
to
thee
and
to
all
them
that
be
with
thee
.
Which
was
accordingly
done
by
Thaddaeus
;
the
manner
of
whose
address
and
procedure
is
particularly
and
largely
described
by
Eusebius
.
Now
if
this
Epistle
were
forged
,
either
this
passage
was
put
into
it
by
chance
or
by
design
.
If
by
chance
,
it
was
a
very
lucky
chance
that
so
odd
and
yet
so
apt
a
passage
should
be
dropt
into
it
.
And
yet
it
could
not
well
be
out
of
design
,
for
though
this
observation
be
obvious
enough
in
it self
,
I
do
not
remember
that
there
are
any
footsteps
of
it
to
be
found
in
any
of
the
Ancients
.
Neither
is
it
at
all
strange
that
all
the
Evangelists
should
be
utterly
silent
concerning
it
,
when
it
is
manifest
that
it
was
their
design
to
confine
their
whole
History
to
Palestine
,
and
probable
too
that
they
were
altogether
unacquainted
with
this
particular
Transaction
,
in
that
our
Saviour
might
with
privacy
,
as
his
custom
was
,
dispatch
his
Reply
by
the
same
Messenger
that
brought
the
King's
Letter
,
and
by
that
means
the
business
might
pass
wholly
unobserved
.
And
it
is
much
less
to
be
wonder'd
at
that
none
of
the
Ancients
before
Eusebius
should
make
any
mention
of
it
,
when
it
was
lock't
up
both
in
the
Records
of
that
City
and
the
Syrian
Tongue
,
to
which
Language
the
ancient
Greek
and
Latin
Fathers
were
altogether
strangers
,
and
if
they
had
not
,
yet
they
might
easily
be
ignorant
of
so
remote
a
Register
.
But
that
there
were
such
Records
we
have
all
the
Faith
of
Eusebius
at
stake
,
who
positively
vouches
it
that
he
found
them
enrolled
in
the
publick
Registry
of
Edessa
,
and
faithfully
translated
them
out
of
the
Syrian
into
the
Greek
Tongue
.
Not
to
mention
Saint
Ephraem
,
who
lived
before
the
time
of
Saint
Austin
,
and
was
a
Deacon
in
the
City
of
Edessa
,
who
makes
the
same
honourable
mention
of
these
Epistles
with
Eusebius
,
though
that
is
a
pregnant
Testimony
by
it self
,
but
much
more
so
from
its
exact
agreement
with
Eusebius
his
Relation
;
but
passing
by
that
,
and
much
Aug.
Ep.
263.
more
the
Epistle
of
Darius
to
Saint
Austin
and
of
Theodorus
Studita
to
Pope
Paschal
,
I
will
grant
that
he
may
sometimes
seem
partial
and
favourable
to
his
own
cause
,
and
be
apt
to
make
more
of
a
Testimony
than
the
Testimony
it self
will
bear
;
but
that
he
should
forge
and
falsie
a
publick
Record
,
and
that
in
a
matter
of
this
weighty
nature
,
he
has
given
us
no
reason
to
entertain
so
hard
and
unkind
a
suspicion
of
him
.
For
he
is
a
stranger
to
Eusebius
that
knows
him
not
to
be
as
nice
and
curious
in
examining
the
credit
of
his
Authorities
as
any
the
most
critical
Authours
whatsoever
;
and
for
this
reason
he
has
rejected
many
excellent
passages
that
might
have
been
very
serviceable
to
his
Cause
meerly
because
of
their
doubtfull
Antiquity
,
allowing
nothing
as
Authentick
that
he
cannot
vouch
by
the
Testimony
of
ancient
and
contemporary
Writers
.
Now
that
such
a
Man
should
be
guilty
of
such
a
gross
and
groundless
Lye
as
this
,
is
past
the
ill-nature
of
Mankind
to
suspect
.
Nay
farther
,
though
some
of
our
late
Masters
of
Censure
are
very
forward
to
observe
the
slips
and
mistakes
of
this
great
Man
,
and
charge
them
smartly
upon
him
as
if
done
out
of
meer
design
,
yet
the
whole
matter
being
impartially
weighed
,
we
have
more
reason
to
impute
them
to
haste
and
inadvertency
.
For
though
sometimes
he
may
seem
to
emprove
Testimonies
,
yet
does
he
as
often
lessen
them
,
which
plainly
shews
that
he
trusted
too
much
to
his
memory
.
But
still
he
is
ever
in
the
right
as
to
the
main
of
the
Story
.
and
fails
onely
in
circumstances
and
that
chiefly
of
Chronology
,
by
confounding
sometimes
one
Story
with
another
;
but
otherwise
he
tells
no
false
Stories
,
and
onely
makes
some
mistakes
of
memory
upon
true
ones
,
and
as
many
of
them
to
the
disadvantage
as
to
the
advantage
of
his
Cause
,
as
might
be
shewn
if
it
were
worth
the
while
,
by
comparing
all
particulars
.
But
for
the
present
this
is
sufficiently
exemplified
in
the
very
last
passage
that
we
insisted
upon
,
viz.
The
Testimony
of
Pilate
concerning
our
Saviour
,
in
which
the
chief
thing
,
as
it
is
set
down
by
Tertullian
,
is
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
and
yet
it
is
left
out
by
Eusebius
when
he
transcribes
the
rest
of
the
Testimony
.
And
though
it
is
possible
that
he
might
follow
the
Greek
Translatour
of
Tertullian
,
yet
however
we
see
he
is
as
easily
drawn
into
a
lessening
as
a
magnifying
mistake
;
and
it
is
much
more
likely
that
Eusebius
should
through
haste
clip
the
Translation
,
than
that
the
Translatour
should
clip
the
Original
,
for
he
onely
consulted
the
passage
occasionally
,
and
so
might
in
his
hasty
transcribing
overlook
a
part
of
it
;
but
for
the
other
who
made
that
Translation
his
particular
business
,
it
was
not
easie
to
overlook
so
material
a
passage
.
In
short
,
Whatsoever
faults
Eusebius
may
be
guilty
of
,
no
Man
can
suspect
him
of
meer
Forgery
without
the
forfeiture
of
his
Ingenuity
.
Neither
,
in
the
last
place
,
is
the
date
of
the
Record
an
inconsiderable
circumstance
to
prove
the
Record
it self
;
for
Eusebius
tells
us
that
at
the
bottom
of
it
was
subscribed
,
These
things
were
done
the
340th
.
year
.
Which
though
it
has
heretofore
puzled
learned
Not.
in
l.
1.
c.
13.
Men
,
is
excellently
clear'd
by
the
Epocha
of
the
Edessean
Computation
,
who
began
their
Account
from
the
first
year
of
the
117th
.
Olympiad
,
when
Seleucus
began
his
Reign
in
Asia
;
now
from
that
to
the
202d.
Olympiad
,
in
which
year
,
being
the
15th
.
of
Tiberius
,
our
Saviour
suffer'd
,
is
just
340.
years
.
So
that
Thaddaeus
was
dispatched
to
Edessa
in
the
very
same
year
in
which
our
Saviour
arose
from
the
dead
;
that
great
work
,
it
seems
,
being
once
over
,
he
would
no
longer
delay
the
good
King's
request
.
These
are
all
the
foreign
Testimonies
that
I
think
convenient
to
represent
in
this
place
,
though
many
more
I
shall
be
forced
to
observe
,
when
I
come
to
give
an
account
how
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
though
our
Saviour
did
those
Miracles
that
are
recorded
of
him
,
and
though
there
were
all
that
evidence
given
of
them
that
we
pretend
there
was
,
yet
so
great
a
part
of
the
Men
of
that
Age
,
both
Jews
and
Gentiles
should
live
and
dye
in
Infidelity
.
§
XVII
.
Having
hitherto
demonstrated
the
impossibility
of
the
falshood
of
the
Apostles
Testimony
concerning
the
truth
of
Christianity
from
its
contradiction
to
the
first
Instincts
of
humane
Nature
,
to
all
the
principles
of
common
Prudence
,
and
to
their
own
design
it self
,
and
from
the
undoubted
certainty
of
their
Records
,
and
from
the
concurrent
Testimony
of
foreign
Writers
;
I
now
proceed
to
the
next
part
of
the
Argument
,
that
,
supposing
the
Apostles
,
Evangelists
,
and
first
Disciples
of
Christ
,
would
have
endeavour'd
to
impose
upon
the
World
with
a
palpable
and
unprofitable
Lye
against
all
the
foremention'd
contradictions
to
Nature
,
to
Sense
and
to
Themselves
,
to
demonstrate
the
impossibility
that
they
could
ever
have
prevailed
so
effectually
and
so
speedily
as
they
did
,
upon
the
Faith
of
Mankind
.
And
as
many
thousand
Absurdities
as
there
were
in
the
former
Supposition
,
there
are
so
many
ten
thousands
in
this
;
for
the
inequality
of
the
number
of
the
Persons
was
not
less
;
the
first
Preachers
of
the
Gospel
being
very
sew
in
comparison
of
the
vast
multitudes
of
their
first
Converts
.
And
yet
if
Christianity
were
false
,
all
these
must
be
guilty
,
not
onely
of
all
that
folly
that
we
have
represented
in
the
case
of
the
Apostles
,
but
much
more
,
in
that
they
did
not
onely
suffer
themselves
wilfully
to
be
deceived
into
the
belief
of
the
strange
Story
of
Jesus
without
sufficient
evidence
of
its
truth
;
for
if
it
had
sufficient
evidence
then
it
was
no
Imposture
;
if
it
had
not
,
then
all
that
profest
their
belief
of
it
were
wilfully
deceived
,
i.
e.
They
pretended
to
believe
that
to
be
a
Divine
Revelation
,
though
themselves
knew
that
they
had
no
sufficient
ground
or
motive
for
so
strange
a
belief
.
But
beside
this
grand
Absurdity
of
wilfully
deceiving
themselves
to
no
purpose
,
nay
,
against
all
the
foremention'd
inconveniences
,
they
must
be
so
far
beside
themselves
that
when
they
had
abused
themselves
with
a
proofless
Tale
,
they
should
join
their
zcal
to
the
first
Impostors
for
propagating
the
Cheat
,
to
the
manifest
ruine
of
their
Fortunes
and
hazard
of
their
Lives
;
and
that
such
vast
numbers
of
them
should
with
such
unheard
of
courage
and
constancy
endure
the
most
exquisite
Pains
and
suffer
all
kinds
of
Death
either
without
ever
inquiring
into
the
truth
of
the
matter
of
Fact
for
which
they
suffer'd
,
or
suffering
for
it
after
that
rate
without
any
satisfactory
Evidence
of
it
.
Here
,
in
short
,
we
must
believe
that
such
a
Doctrine
as
Christianity
,
published
in
such
a
manner
as
it
was
,
should
find
such
an
universal
entertainment
in
so
short
a
time
,
without
any
the
least
rational
proof
or
evidence
of
its
Divine
Authority
.
A
Doctrine
,
the
truth
whereof
depended
entirely
upon
a
matter
of
Fact
,
so
that
if
it
were
false
,
it
could
not
then
have
escaped
confutation
,
and
unless
it
were
undoubtedly
true
could
never
have
obtain'd
any
belief
.
A
Doctrine
so
unkind
to
the
vicious
customs
and
practices
of
the
Age
,
so
contrary
to
the
prejudices
of
Men
and
the
establisht
Religions
of
the
World
,
so
unpleasing
to
Flesh
and
Bloud
,
so
hated
and
so
full
of
danger
.
That
when
this
Doctrine
was
published
by
such
Persons
,
Men
of
mean
Education
,
void
of
Graft
or
Learning
or
Eloquence
,
they
should
without
any
other
help
than
barely
telling
a
false
Story
perswade
such
vast
numbers
of
Men
to
forsake
the
Religions
in
which
they
were
educated
,
and
without
any
hope
of
profit
,
nay
,
with
a
certain
prospect
of
all
the
miseries
of
Life
,
yes
and
Death
it self
,
to
embrace
this
new
,
this
despised
,
this
hated
,
this
persecuted
Forgery
.
Lastly
,
That
great
numbers
both
of
the
most
learned
and
wisest
Men
that
lived
in
the
Ages
next
and
immediately
after
it
,
should
,
after
the
strictest
enquiry
concerning
the
truth
of
these
things
,
not
onely
suffer
themselves
to
be
imposed
upon
by
so
late
and
palpable
a
Fiction
,
but
hazard
,
nay
,
loose
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
its
defence
.
And
yet
this
was
the
case
of
the
primitive
Converts
,
as
I
come
now
to
demonstrate
by
a
review
of
particulars
.
§
XVIII
.
Now
as
for
the
reality
of
the
matter
of
Fact
,
the
speedy
entertainment
of
Christianity
in
all
parts
of
the
World
,
that
is
a
thing
so
unanimously
attested
by
all
Writers
,
that
it
is
rather
to
be
supposed
than
proved
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Eccles.
Hist.
l.
2.
c.
3.
The
Gospel
of
our
Saviour
like
the
Sun
enlightned
all
the
World
at
once
,
and
infinite
multitudes
of
People
both
from
Cities
and
Villages
were
by
the
Apostles
preaching
brought
into
the
Church
like
Corn
crowded
into
a
Granary
:
And
they
who
had
been
long
enslaved
to
the
Superstition
and
Idolatry
of
their
Ancestours
were
set
at
liberty
by
the
preaching
and
miracles
of
the
Disciples
of
Christ
;
and
renouncing
that
rout
of
false
Gods
that
the
merciless
Daemons
had
introduced
into
the
heathen
World
,
return'd
to
the
worship
of
the
onely
one
true
God
the
great
Creatour
of
all
things
.
So
when
Celsus
objects
the
novelty
of
Christianity
,
Origen
answers
that
there
And
so
Justin
Martyr
,
in
his
Conference
with
Trypho
the
Jew
,
affirms
that
there
is
no
It
is
an
excellent
passage
of
Clemens
Alexandrinus
to
the
same
purpose
,
at
the
end
of
his
Socrates
,
Xenocrates
Plato
,
Theophrastus
Aristotle
,
Cleanthes
Zeno
,
every
Master
had
his
own
particular
School
and
Scholars
;
but
our
great
Master's
Philosophy
was
not
confin'd
,
as
theirs
was
,
to
their
own
Country
,
within
Judaea
alone
,
but
spread
it self
over
all
parts
of
the
habitable
World
,
and
was
entertain'd
by
whole
Cities
and
Nations
both
of
Greeks
and
Barbarians
;
it
bore
away
whole
Families
and
Villages
,
and
no
single
Person
could
resist
its
force
,
that
would
but
give
himself
leave
to
hear
its
Wisedom
,
insomuch
that
it
gain'd
over
many
of
the
Philosophers
themselves
.
And
if
any
Magistrate
did
any
where
suppress
the
Grecian
Philosophy
,
it
soon
vanisht
;
whereas
our
Institution
from
the
first
publishing
of
it
has
been
every
where
persecuted
by
Kings
and
Emperours
and
Tyrants
,
by
Presects
of
Provinces
,
by
Commanders
of
Armies
,
and
which
is
more
furious
then
all
the
rest
,
by
the
Multitude
.
These
have
join'd
all
their
power
and
their
malice
utterly
to
extirpate
our
Religion
,
but
still
it
flourishes
more
and
more
,
and
does
not
wither
away
as
it
must
have
done
had
it
been
a
meer
humane
Invention
,
but
it
stands
invincible
as
the
power
of
God
that
nothing
can
restrain
or
alter
,
and
this
notwithstanding
that
it
was
foretold
by
the
Founder
of
it
,
that
all
its
Followers
must
suffer
Persecution
.
And
Tertullian
assures
the
Senate
of
Rome
that
the
Christians
had
fill'd
all
Places
and
Apol.
c.
37.
all
Offices
;
that
they
were
of
strength
enough
to
master
the
Roman
Empire
;
nay
,
that
so
great
were
their
numbers
,
that
if
they
would
but
agree
to
retire
out
of
it
,
the
World
would
stand
amazed
at
its
own
solitude
.
And
in
his
Book
against
the
Jews
,
he
tells
them
that
it
enlarged
And
in
the
same
manner
does
Arnobius
challenge
the
unbelieving
World
.
Methinks
,
It
were
endless
to
heap
up
all
the
Testimonies
that
might
be
collected
out
of
the
primitive
Writers
upon
this
Argument
,
when
it
was
so
known
and
confessed
a
thing
even
by
the
Enemies
of
the
Religion
:
So
that
this
was
the
ground
of
Pliny's
Letter
to
the
Emperour
concerning
the
Christians
,
the
multitude
of
Persons
of
all
conditions
,
which
he
says
was
so
great
that
the
Temples
and
Sacrifices
were
almost
utterly
forsaken
.
And
Tacitus
tells
us
of
an
Ingens
multitudo
,
that
were
put
to
death
by
Nero
in
Rome
alone
for
firing
the
City
,
which
was
not
much
above
thirty
years
after
our
Saviour's
Passion
,
and
in
the
time
of
the
Apostles
,
some
of
whom
suffer'd
in
the
Persecution
;
in
short
the
prevalency
of
the
Christian
Religion
was
so
observable
among
the
Heathens
that
it
was
vulgarly
styled
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
the
Christians
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
the
prevailing
Doctrine
,
and
they
the
prevailing
Sect
;
several
Instances
whereof
are
collected
by
Valesius
out
of
Damascius
,
Annot.
in
Euseb.
p.
62.
Porphyry
and
Julian
.
And
therefore
I
will
add
no
more
Testimonies
to
prove
a
thing
so
unquestionable
,
but
shall
onely
rescue
one
that
is
more
ancient
than
any
of
the
rest
,
from
that
violence
that
has
been
offer'd
to
it
by
some
learned
Men
,
and
that
is
the
Testimony
of
Philo
the
Jew
;
for
whereas
in
his
little
Treatise
concerning
a
Contemplative
Lise
,
he
gives
a
large
description
of
a
certain
Sect
of
Men
and
Women
(
that
he
calls
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
that
were
at
that
time
very
famous
and
numerous
in
the
World
,
especially
in
Egypt
and
about
Alexandria
where
he
chiefly
resided
,
but
most
of
all
in
the
Mareotick
Prefecture
;
this
Eusebius
will
have
to
be
understood
of
the
primitive
Christians
,
and
that
for
this
one
very
good
reason
,
because
it
is
such
an
exact
description
of
their
way
of
Life
,
Worship
and
Discipline
,
that
if
Philo
had
design'd
to
have
done
that
,
he
could
not
have
done
it
more
accurately
;
and
the
truth
is
,
there
is
scarce
in
all
the
Records
of
Antiquity
a
fuller
account
of
the
manners
of
the
primitive
Christians
,
as
to
their
renouncing
the
World
for
the
love
of
Heaven
,
their
parting
with
their
Estates
for
the
benefit
of
the
Poor
,
their
great
Temperance
and
Chastity
,
their
meeting
every
Seventh-day
for
religious
Worship
,
their
Love-feasts
,
their
great
Festivals
of
Easter
and
Pentecost
,
&c.
All
which
as
they
agree
in
every
circumstance
to
the
primitive
Christians
,
so
to
no
other
Sect
,
of
which
we
find
any
other
memory
or
mention
in
all
the
Records
of
Antiquity
;
and
that
,
one
would
think
,
were
Argument
sufficient
to
conclude
that
Philo's
description
appertain'd
to
them
and
none
else
.
But
Scaliger
,
according
to
his
usual
custom
of
quarrelling
with
Eusebius
,
will
not
De
Emend
.
Temp.
l.
6.
have
it
applied
to
the
Christians
but
to
the
Jewish
Essenes
;
of
which
,
he
affirms
,
there
were
two
sorts
,
the
Practical
and
the
Speculative
,
and
that
in
the
former
Book
Philo
treated
of
those
,
of
these
in
this
.
And
the
ground
of
his
mistake
was
Philo's
transition
from
the
first
to
the
second
Book
,
viz.
That
having
in
the
former
given
an
account
of
the
Essenes
,
who
lived
a
practical
Life
and
conversed
in
Cities
,
he
now
came
to
treat
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
of
those
that
live
a
contemplative
Life
,
i.
e.
says
Scaliger
,
of
those
Essenes
;
but
that
without
any
ground
from
the
words
themselves
,
which
being
onely
general
,
of
those
Men
that
live
a
contemplative
Life
,
may
with
as
much
reason
be
understood
of
any
other
Sect
as
appropriated
to
the
Essenes
.
But
what
if
Philo
had
call'd
them
Essenes
,
and
thought
them
so
,
yet
there
is
no
necessity
they
should
hàve
been
so
;
for
seeing
the
Essenes
were
accounted
Men
of
the
strictest
Lives
among
the
Jews
,
when
Philo
saw
this
Society
of
Christians
,
then
newly
founded
by
Saint
Mark
in
those
parts
,
that
so
much
resembled
the
Essenes
in
their
Manners
and
Discipline
,
it
was
easie
for
him
to
suppose
them
a
branch
of
the
same
Sect
,
and
pass
them
under
the
same
name
.
And
yet
after
all
,
this
is
a
distinction
meerly
of
Scaliger's
own
framing
to
salve
his
own
groundless
conjecture
;
for
Philo
no
where
calls
them
Essenes
,
which
he
would
have
done
,
if
Essenes
they
had
been
of
what
sort
soever
;
and
therefore
constantly
giving
those
in
the
former
Book
the
Title
of
Essenes
and
never
giving
it
to
these
,
it
is
plain
that
they
were
of
a
different
Sect
from
all
Essenes
.
Neither
are
there
any
the
least
footsteps
of
these
two
sorts
of
Essenes
in
all
Antiquity
;
and
Josephus
,
though
he
does
more
than
once
give
an
account
of
this
Sect
,
makes
no
mention
of
these
speculative
Essenes
,
which
so
diligent
a
Writer
could
never
have
omitted
,
if
they
had
been
so
famous
and
so
numerous
in
the
World
as
Philo
says
these
Therapeutae
were
.
Beside
that
there
were
no
Essenes
out
of
Judaea
,
as
Philo
himself
more
than
once
informs
us
,
and
expresly
in
the
former
Book
,
whereas
this
Sect
was
spread
,
as
he
affirms
in
this
,
through
all
parts
of
the
World
.
Neither
were
there
any
Women
admitted
among
the
Essenes
,
whereas
both
Sexes
were
indifferently
enter'd
into
this
Sect
,
from
whence
it
is
evident
that
it
must
have
been
of
a
different
Constitution
.
And
for
these
reasons
Valesius
disagrees
with
Scaliger
for
understanding
the
Essenes
Annot.
in
Euseb.
p.
34.
here
,
yet
agrees
with
him
for
not
understanding
the
Christians
,
but
upon
Arguments
so
weak
and
unconcluding
,
that
he
had
as
good
gone
through
with
him
in
the
whole
matter
,
as
leave
him
half
way
to
so
little
purpose
.
As
,
first
,
That
these
Therapeutae
read
the
ancient
Writings
of
the
Authours
of
their
Sect
,
which
could
not
be
understood
of
the
old
Prophets
,
because
they
are
expresly
distinguisht
by
Philo
from
them
;
nor
of
the
Evangelists
and
Apostles
,
because
himself
lived
in
their
time
,
and
therefore
could
not
term
their
Writings
ancient
.
But
,
in
answer
to
this
,
it
is
evident
that
Philo
was
not
thoroughly
acquainted
with
the
Principles
of
this
Sect
,
but
had
onely
been
present
sometime
at
their
Assemblies
,
and
from
what
he
had
there
observed
,
had
drawn
up
this
description
of
them
.
And
therefore
,
finding
that
they
had
peculiar
Books
to
themselves
and
distinct
from
those
of
the
old
Prophets
,
he
might
easily
think
them
more
ancient
than
really
they
were
,
especially
when
they
were
valued
by
the
Christians
,
or
the
Men
that
he
speaks
of
,
as
the
most
authentick
Commentaries
and
Expositions
of
the
Prophets
themselves
.
But
however
,
Antiquity
is
a
relative
term
,
and
therefore
the
Writings
of
the
Evangelists
and
Apostles
,
being
the
first
Records
of
the
Church
,
might
,
nay
,
must
be
term'd
the
most
ancient
;
and
so
Philo
seems
to
expound
himself
when
he
adds
that
they
were
such
as
were
written
by
the
first
Authours
of
the
Sect
,
and
that
they
could
be
none
other
is
plain
enough
,
because
there
were
no
other
Books
beside
those
of
the
Old
Testament
peculiar
to
any
Sect
among
the
Jews
.
But
in
the
next
place
it
is
objected
,
That
Philo
affirms
that
his
Therapeutick
Sect
prayed
onely
twice
a
day
,
whereas
it
is
very
well
known
that
the
primitive
Christians
had
their
several
other
hours
of
Prayer
.
Yes
,
and
so
they
might
have
,
and
Philo
not
know
it
.
However
,
their
most
solemn
seasons
were
Morning
and
Evening
Prayer
,
when
,
as
Philo
tells
us
,
they
resorted
to
their
consecrated
Chapels
,
and
that
being
their
publick
Devotion
,
he
therefore
takes
notice
of
that
alone
;
whereas
their
other
hours
of
Prayer
were
rather
set
apart
for
private
Devotion
,
which
was
more
or
less
frequent
according
to
the
zeal
of
the
Votaries
.
But
Philo
,
says
he
,
affirms
that
this
Sect
composed
Hymns
,
and
those
in
various
Measures
,
and
yet
this
custom
is
very
well
known
not
to
have
been
used
in
the
Christian
Church
till
after
the
Reign
of
the
Antonines
.
It
may
be
so
,
in
the
Greek
and
Latin
Churches
,
but
in
a
Church
purely
Jewish
,
as
it
is
certain
this
was
,
and
is
so
agreed
to
have
been
by
all
hands
,
this
custom
was
used
from
the
beginning
.
Neither
was
it
any
new
Invention
of
the
Christians
,
but
continued
by
them
in
imitation
of
the
ancient
Jewish
Church
.
But
lastly
,
says
he
,
The
Men
of
this
Sect
,
according
to
Philo's
description
,
were
very
numerous
and
scatter'd
all
the
World
over
,
whereas
at
that
time
there
was
but
a
very
small
number
of
Christians
.
And
it
must
be
confessed
that
so
they
were
if
compared
either
to
the
rest
of
Mankind
at
that
time
,
or
to
their
own
multitude
in
after-ages
.
And
yet
their
numbers
were
very
great
if
consider'd
,
as
they
were
by
Philo
,
as
a
philosophick
Sect
,
and
so
at
that
time
Christianity
was
more
observable
than
any
other
Sect
,
spreading
every
where
so
fast
,
and
whereever
it
came
prevailing
so
much
.
But
if
this
great
and
famous
Sect
that
Philo
speaks
of
were
not
Christians
,
our
learned
Authour
would
have
done
very
well
to
consider
,
how
it
is
possible
that
such
a
peculiar
Sect
of
Men
,
should
at
that
time
have
been
disperst
through
all
parts
of
the
habitable
World
,
and
never
be
so
much
as
taken
notice
of
by
any
Writer
of
that
Age
but
onely
in
this
little
Pamphlet
of
Philo.
At
least
considering
the
exact
agreement
of
the
description
it self
to
the
Christians
,
and
the
utter
silence
about
any
other
Sect
to
which
it
might
agree
,
that
seems
to
me
no
less
than
a
demonstrative
proof
that
it
must
be
intended
of
them
,
and
of
them
alone
.
And
beside
the
evidence
of
the
thing
it self
,
the
reason
of
the
Name
is
obvious
enough
;
for
though
,
as
Eusebius
says
,
it
is
not
much
material
to
enquire
whether
Philo
himself
coind
this
Name
,
as
most
agreeing
with
the
manners
of
the
Persons
that
he
describes
;
or
whether
the
Christians
might
not
have
that
Name
given
them
in
that
place
from
the
beginning
,
the
Name
of
Christians
not
being
then
used
in
all
places
,
yet
it
is
but
a
synonymous
word
with
that
of
Christians
,
especially
when
turn'd
out
of
the
Hebrew
into
Greek
,
for
the
word
Jesus
indifferently
signifies
either
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Saviour
or
Healer
;
and
therefore
it
was
easie
for
Philo
,
who
was
an
Hebrew-Greek
,
to
interpret
it
by
the
Name
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Healer
,
especially
considering
its
near
affinity
both
in
sound
and
signification
to
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
heal
,
so
that
the
meaning
of
the
Appellation
is
that
they
were
the
followers
of
Jesus
,
i.
e.
the
Healer
.
And
thus
having
recover'd
this
ancient
Church
from
the
perverseness
of
learned
Men
,
I
shall
conclude
this
Argument
with
an
excellent
passage
of
Irenaeus
,
a
very
early
Writer
in
these
Western
Adv.
Heres
.
l.
1.
c.
3.
parts
of
the
World
.
Though
,
says
he
,
there
is
a
vast
variety
of
Languages
in
the
World
,
yet
the
Tradition
of
the
Christian
Faith
is
one
and
the
same
in
all
places
,
in
Germany
,
in
Spain
,
in
France
,
in
the
East
,
in
Egypt
,
in
Lybia
,
in
the
remote
as
well
as
in
the
middle
parts
of
the
World
;
and
as
there
is
but
one
Sun
in
the
Universe
,
so
are
all
Men
every
where
,
that
are
disposed
,
enlightned
by
the
same
Truth
.
Of
the
Unity
of
this
Tradition
I
shall
discourse
in
its
proper
place
,
at
present
it
is
enough
to
our
purpose
that
we
have
from
hence
a
very
early
Testimony
of
its
Universality
.
§
XIX
.
This
then
being
so
that
the
Christian
Religion
prevailed
as
never
Doctrine
did
,
let
us
a
little
consider
what
extraordinary
advantages
it
had
to
recommend
it self
to
the
good
Opinion
of
Mankind
;
and
here
it
is
at
first
view
apparent
that
it
laboured
under
all
the
possible
disadvantages
in
the
World
,
excepting
onely
its
own
naked
and
unassisted
Truth
;
so
that
had
it
not
been
for
that
undeniable
evidence
of
proof
,
that
it
brought
along
with
it
of
its
Divine
Authority
,
it
was
impossible
it
should
ever
have
gain'd
one
proselyte
over
to
its
belief
.
And
here
the
first
thing
to
be
consider'd
is
that
the
whole
frame
of
the
Christian
Faith
is
built
upon
a
matter
of
Fact
,
and
that
in
it self
so
incredible
,
that
it
could
not
have
been
believed
,
had
it
not
been
vouched
by
some
Testimony
so
unquestionable
,
as
to
surmount
its
own
incredibility
.
For
the
Story
was
plainly
this
,
That
under
the
Prefectship
of
Pontius
Pilate
there
was
a
poor
young
Man
in
Judaea
,
of
mean
Birth
and
no
Education
,
who
pretended
to
be
sent
from
God
to
cancel
that
Law
,
which
God
himself
had
establisht
by
Moses
,
to
reform
all
the
World
,
to
bring
in
a
more
perfect
rule
of
Life
,
and
a
more
excellent
way
of
Worship
;
and
that
for
a
proof
of
his
Commission
he
pretended
to
a
power
of
working
Miracles
,
and
often
cured
the
Blind
,
the
Lame
,
the
Leprous
,
and
sometimes
raised
the
Dead
;
but
by
this
means
drawing
great
multitudes
after
him
,
the
Governours
of
the
Jewish
State
grew
jealous
of
his
designs
,
and
so
apprehended
him
as
a
disturber
of
the
publick
Peace
,
and
an
enemy
to
the
establisht
Religion
;
and
for
those
crimes
condemn'd
him
to
the
ignominious
death
of
the
Cross
,
and
that
they
took
care
that
he
should
suffer
with
all
the
aggravations
of
shame
and
disgrace
,
in
sight
of
all
the
People
of
Jerusalem
;
and
yet
notwithstanding
that
his
heart-bloud
was
let
out
with
a
Spear
,
whilst
he
was
hanging
upon
the
Cross
,
he
rose
again
the
third
day
,
conversed
familiarly
with
his
Disciples
,
and
at
last
in
the
presence
of
great
numbers
of
them
ascended
up
into
Heaven
.
Now
this
Story
was
in
it self
so
strange
and
prodigious
,
so
without
precedent
,
so
full
of
appearing
inconsistencies
,
so
contrary
to
the
prejudices
of
the
Jews
and
the
opinions
of
the
Greeks
,
and
withall
so
publick
and
so
notorious
,
that
if
it
had
not
been
certainly
true
,
it
could
never
have
been
believed
,
and
if
it
had
been
false
,
must
have
been
demonstratively
confuted
.
For
the
passages
and
transactions
of
his
Life
were
open
and
conspicuous
to
the
World
;
he
laid
not
the
scene
of
his
actions
in
a
dark
,
unknown
or
undiscover'd
corner
of
the
Earth
,
but
he
appear'd
in
one
of
the
most
eminent
places
of
all
Asia
;
all
his
Works
were
perform'd
amidst
his
Enemies
,
and
he
chose
the
Jews
,
the
most
jealous
and
the
most
prejudiced
People
in
the
World
,
for
the
Eye-witnesses
of
his
Miracles
,
and
the
Companions
of
his
Conversation
:
But
above
all
,
Jerusalem
it self
,
the
most
famous
City
at
that
time
in
that
part
of
the
World
,
was
the
scene
of
his
most
publick
Actions
;
there
it
was
that
he
was
put
to
death
in
the
presence
not
onely
of
that
City
but
of
the
whole
Nation
;
there
it
was
that
he
rose
from
the
dead
,
there
it
was
that
his
Disciples
first
publisht
his
Resurrection
,
and
there
it
was
that
some
of
them
wrought
undeniable
Miracles
,
in
proof
of
the
Divinity
of
his
Power
and
the
Truth
of
their
own
Testimony
.
And
Origen
has
observed
very
well
that
the
publick
Death
of
Jesus
in
the
sight
of
all
the
There
was
never
Man
born
(
as
Eusebius
Hist.
Eccles.
L.
1.
c.
3.
observes
)
upon
whose
account
the
whole
World
was
so
much
concern'd
as
upon
that
of
Jesus
of
Nazareth
;
Mankind
being
as
it
were
at
first
divided
concerning
him
,
so
that
the
controversie
is
not
improperly
styled
by
Nicephorus
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
struggling
and
concussion
of
the
World
.
Now
't
is
a
likely
matter
and
worthy
our
belief
that
a
few
simple
and
illiterate
persons
should
have
the
confidence
,
but
much
more
the
ability
to
perswade
the
World
into
the
belief
of
a
Legend
so
palpable
and
so
obnoxious
to
contradiction
.
That
they
should
be
so
impudent
as
to
begin
to
publish
the
strange
Story
of
his
Life
and
stranger
one
of
his
Resurrection
,
even
in
Jerusalem
it self
,
and
amidst
his
most
implacable
Enemies
,
where
,
though
it
were
so
easie
to
discover
the
bold
and
manifest
cheat
,
if
a
cheat
at
all
,
that
,
yet
it
should
pass
without
any
contradiction
of
the
matter
of
Fact
,
and
meet
with
such
prodigious
and
unparallel'd
entertainment
in
the
Minds
of
so
many
thousands
of
its
Inhabitants
.
Certainly
they
must
have
been
puissant
and
irresistible
Arguments
wherewith
they
could
so
briskly
bear
down
and
vanquish
Jewish
stubbornness
.
Their
prejudices
were
too
strong
to
be
overcome
by
any
weaker
proof
than
evident
and
undeniable
demonstration
,
and
had
they
not
brought
some
such
thing
along
with
them
,
they
might
to
as
much
purpose
have
preached
to
the
Stones
of
the
Temple
as
to
the
People
of
Jerusalem
.
But
that
,
I
say
,
is
the
wonder
that
they
should
first
publish
this
strange
story
in
the
very
place
where
it
was
acted
,
and
yet
if
it
were
false
,
not
onely
escape
being
convicted
of
Forgery
,
which
it
was
impossible
they
should
upon
supposition
of
its
being
false
;
but
force
great
numbers
of
Persons
against
their
most
stubborn
prejudices
to
own
and
submit
to
the
truth
of
their
Relation
,
and
from
that
very
place
in
a
short
time
to
propagate
the
belief
of
it
all
the
World
over
.
This
is
the
thing
that
I
affirm
not
to
be
at
all
possible
in
the
course
of
humane
Affairs
,
that
a
matter
of
Fact
of
such
a
nature
and
under
these
circumstances
,
if
really
and
indeed
false
,
should
ever
gain
so
great
a
belief
of
its
being
true
.
I
will
grant
that
Mankind
may
be
imposed
upon
in
matters
of
meer
Opinion
,
as
much
as
any
Man
can
require
,
but
matter
of
Fact
is
of
a
quite
different
nature
,
that
depends
not
so
much
upon
Mens
Understandings
as
their
Senses
,
and
the
Senses
of
all
Mankind
are
alike
,
here
is
no
difference
between
the
learned
and
the
unlearned
.
And
though
a
false
Story
may
for
a
while
be
imposed
upon
the
common
People
,
yet
unless
it
appear
to
prove
it self
true
with
an
evidence
proportionable
to
its
weight
,
it
either
dyes
and
vanishes
of
its
own
accord
,
or
is
convicted
of
Forgery
by
the
more
wise
and
judicious
,
when
they
come
to
enquire
into
its
grounds
and
pretences
.
And
yet
this
Story
the
more
it
was
enquired
into
the
more
firmly
it
was
believed
,
and
learned
Men
every
where
and
of
all
persuasions
,
when
they
came
to
examine
into
it
,
could
not
bring
their
Minds
to
any
issue
concerning
it
,
till
at
length
they
were
forced
to
resign
up
themselves
to
its
full
belief
.
I
have
indeed
heard
some
witty
Gentlemen
,
as
our
phantastick
Age
very
much
abounds
with
such
shrew'd
persons
,
compare
the
first
propagation
of
Christianity
in
those
parts
of
the
World
,
with
that
of
the
late
growth
and
spreading
of
the
folly
of
Quakerism
in
England
,
than
which
nothing
could
be
more
enormously
surmised
;
for
setting
aside
a
thousand
other
defects
in
the
comparison
,
it
is
notorious
that
that
wild
and
enthusiastick
Sect
did
not
set
up
upon
the
pretence
of
a
new
Revelation
,
but
onely
pretended
to
raise
some
foolish
and
fanatique
conceits
of
their
own
upon
supposition
of
the
truth
of
an
old
one
.
But
if
the
leaders
of
that
Rabble
,
when
they
first
appear'd
about
thirty
years
since
at
York
and
Bristol
,
had
pretended
to
have
wrought
in
those
great
Cities
such
kind
of
Miracles
as
are
recorded
of
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
no
Man
can
doubt
but
that
they
had
been
long
since
buried
in
contempt
and
oblivion
.
And
yet
that
is
the
case
of
Christianity
,
that
such
a
matter
of
Fact
as
that
was
gain'd
such
a
firm
belief
in
the
place
where
it
was
first
published
and
acted
too
,
and
from
thence
all
the
World
over
onely
by
the
undeniable
evidence
of
its
own
Proofs
and
Miracles
.
For
the
Men
of
that
Age
were
every
whit
as
cautious
and
incredulous
as
the
Wits
of
ours
,
and
,
as
I
shall
shew
anon
,
their
Minds
were
prepossest
with
stronger
prejudices
of
Atheism
and
Infidelity
.
How
then
could
this
Story
of
Jesus
prevail
so
effectually
upon
them
but
by
the
undeniable
evidence
of
its
truth
and
certainty
,
and
when
it
carried
with
it
nothing
in
the
World
whereby
it
might
bribe
their
belief
,
nay
,
when
it
labour'd
under
all
other
objections
but
onely
evidence
of
Truth
,
I
will
challenge
any
sober
Man
to
frame
any
the
least
tolerable
Hypothesis
how
it
was
so
much
as
possible
that
it
should
prevail
,
had
not
its
truth
been
vouched
by
the
most
undoubted
and
unquestionable
proofs
in
the
World
.
§
XX.
This
is
the
first
invincible
Impediment
of
Christianity
,
supposing
it
had
been
false
;
but
whether
true
or
false
it
labour'd
under
many
other
great
disadvantages
,
that
it
could
never
have
surmounted
,
but
by
the
irresistible
evidence
and
certainty
of
its
truth
.
And
the
first
is
its
contrariety
to
the
Vice
and
Wickedness
of
that
Age
in
which
it
was
first
divulged
.
The
World
being
at
that
time
,
as
is
evident
from
the
Records
that
are
left
of
it
,
extreamly
debaucht
both
in
its
Manners
and
Principles
.
For
Julius
Caesar
having
violated
all
the
Laws
of
his
Countrey
,
and
overthrown
the
old
Government
,
that
had
always
kept
up
a
generous
sense
of
Vertue
and
Integrity
,
and
by
that
means
chiefly
raised
it self
to
that
vast
Greatness
,
that
afterwards
so
much
exposed
it
to
the
attempts
of
ambitious
Men.
(
For
though
that
spirit
began
to
work
in
the
time
of
Marius
,
and
passed
down
through
all
the
great
Men
,
Cinna
,
Sulla
and
Pompey
,
all
of
them
struggling
for
the
sole
Sovereignty
of
so
vast
an
Empire
,
the
design
was
never
compleatly
compassed
but
by
the
boldness
and
activity
of
Julius
Caesar.
)
Now
the
success
of
the
Caesarean
Faction
,
that
were
generally
Atheists
and
Epicureans
,
against
the
Patriots
of
the
old
State
,
that
were
as
generally
eminent
for
Worth
and
Honour
,
Vertue
and
Integrity
,
and
Zeal
for
the
publick
Good
,
made
the
thriving
Principles
and
Practices
quickly
come
into
Fashion
and
Reputation
with
the
World
.
And
after
the
Death
of
Brutus
,
we
find
no
such
thing
as
an
ancient
Roman
,
but
what
he
said
in
passion
was
seriously
and
universally
embraced
as
a
great
truth
,
That
Vertue
was
nothing
but
an
empty
name
.
So
that
if
we
survey
the
Roman
History
before
and
after
the
Usurpation
of
Caesar
,
it
does
not
look
like
the
History
of
the
same
Nation
;
the
former
abounding
with
the
bravest
examples
of
Gallantry
and
Magnanimity
,
whereas
in
the
latter
we
are
generally
entertain'd
with
no
other
politicks
than
Fraud
and
Treachery
.
Even
the
admired
wisedom
of
the
great
Augustus
himself
was
no
better
than
craft
and
dissimulation
:
And
though
his
Successour
,
Tiberius
,
be
particularly
remarqued
for
that
Vice
,
it
was
onely
because
he
was
not
able
to
act
his
part
so
artificially
as
his
Predecessour
had
done
,
who
dyed
with
that
particular
comfort
to
himself
that
he
had
so
skilfully
played
the
Comedy
of
humane
Life
;
and
certainly
of
all
Princes
upon
Record
he
had
the
most
subtile
faculty
of
appearing
highly
honest
,
without
any
design
of
ever
being
so
.
In
short
,
under
his
Reign
all
the
Principles
of
Atheism
and
Impiety
were
prevalent
in
the
Court
of
Rome
,
that
then
prescribed
Manners
to
the
best
part
of
the
then
known
World
,
neither
were
their
Practices
disagreeing
to
their
Principles
;
for
as
they
cast
off
all
restraints
of
Vertue
and
Modesty
,
so
they
entirely
devoted
themselves
to
Luxury
and
Sensuality
,
and
studied
nothing
else
than
to
emprove
their
bruitish
Pleasures
to
the
utmost
extravagance
of
Enjoyment
.
And
as
was
the
great
Court
of
Rome
,
so
were
all
the
other
lesser
Courts
of
their
several
Prefects
and
Governours
.
And
that
not
onely
by
imitation
but
by
the
natural
baseness
of
the
Men
themselves
.
Scarce
any
but
the
worst
of
Men
,
that
is
,
Epicureans
and
Vilains
by
Principle
being
prefer'd
by
J.
Caesar
to
Authority
in
the
Empire
;
though
things
grew
much
worse
under
the
Tyranny
of
Mark
Anthony
,
a
Man
kneaded
up
of
Lust
and
Malice
,
and
the
onely
reason
why
he
was
not
more
of
each
was
because
he
was
all
both
;
for
he
would
never
,
unless
for
the
sake
of
his
Lust
,
quit
his
Cruelty
;
nor
ever
,
unless
to
satisfie
his
Cruelty
,
forsake
his
Lust
:
and
as
himself
was
made
up
of
all
manner
of
Baseness
,
so
he
would
advance
none
to
preferment
but
such
as
had
recommended
themselves
to
his
good
liking
by
their
more
than
ordinary
Wickedness
.
And
for
that
reason
it
was
that
Judaea
and
the
parts
about
it
,
were
at
that
time
more
over-run
with
Vice
and
Debauchery
than
in
any
former
Age
;
in
that
Herod
,
one
of
the
vilest
Men
that
ever
lived
,
had
,
by
the
patronage
of
Mark
Anthony
,
obtain'd
their
Government
,
and
by
a
long
Reign
over
them
after
his
Patron
's
Death
under
Augustus
,
had
familiarised
all
manner
of
the
most
licentious
Wickedness
to
the
People
,
even
so
much
that
one
half
of
the
leading
Men
even
among
the
Jews
themselves
,
that
had
been
so
famous
through
all
Ages
for
their
reverence
to
their
Religion
,
were
no
better
than
open
and
avowed
Atheists
.
Now
how
was
it
possible
for
such
a
Doctrine
as
Christianity
,
that
consists
of
Precepts
of
Chastity
and
Sobriety
,
of
Truth
and
Honesty
,
of
Kindness
and
Charity
,
and
of
renouncing
the
Pleasures
of
this
Life
for
the
Rewards
of
another
,
to
make
its
way
into
such
a
wicked
World
as
this
?
Men
of
atheistical
Principles
are
of
all
others
the
most
stubborn
and
inflexible
,
they
scorn
all
manner
of
better
Information
,
and
will
not
endure
to
enquire
into
the
truth
of
any
thing
that
might
possibly
undeceive
them
;
so
that
there
is
no
way
to
overcome
Persons
so
prejudiced
and
so
conceited
,
unless
we
can
by
the
meer
evidence
of
things
force
them
into
conviction
.
And
as
for
Men
of
luxurious
Lives
,
they
have
neither
Mind
nor
Leisure
to
attend
to
any
thing
that
may
reclaim
them
.
It
is
Pain
to
them
to
think
of
parting
with
their
Pleasures
,
they
will
labour
to
preserve
them
upon
any
terms
,
and
as
long
as
they
are
able
to
resist
,
no
information
shall
be
able
to
fasten
on
them
;
and
therefore
when
the
Christian
Religion
so
suddenly
reformed
infinite
numbers
from
all
sorts
of
Vices
,
it
must
have
brought
along
with
it
a
real
Evidence
equal
to
its
pretended
Authority
;
for
as
it
pretended
to
a
Divine
Commission
,
by
virtue
whereof
it
required
strict
Obedience
to
all
its
Commands
,
so
it
must
have
proved
the
reality
of
its
Commission
by
such
certain
Evidence
that
it
was
not
possible
for
the
most
refractory
Persons
to
withstand
its
force
;
and
therefore
when
we
find
such
multitudes
so
wonderfully
prevail'd
upon
to
quit
their
most
beloved
Lusts
and
Vices
,
we
have
reason
from
thence
onely
to
conclude
,
that
they
were
more
than
convinced
of
the
undeniable
truth
of
its
pretences
.
§
XXI
.
The
next
disadvantage
of
Christianity
was
its
bold
and
open
defiance
to
the
establisht
and
inveterate
Religions
of
the
World
.
For
of
all
prejudices
those
of
Religion
are
the
strongest
,
and
the
older
they
are
,
the
deeper
root
they
take
.
And
therefore
when
its
Enemies
could
plead
the
antiquity
of
many
hundred
years
against
it
,
it
could
not
but
be
a
very
difficult
task
to
perswade
them
out
of
such
an
ancient
Prescription
.
It
s
meer
Novelty
was
an
Objection
of
no
small
force
,
but
when
a
new
and
upstart
Religion
would
not
be
content
with
its
own
Authority
,
but
must
disgrace
all
the
settled
Religions
in
the
World
,
and
refuse
its
own
settlement
,
unless
they
may
be
utterly
extirpated
;
this
could
not
but
seem
too
sawcy
a
demand
,
especially
to
Princes
and
great
Men
,
to
require
of
them
not
onely
to
give
way
to
an
upstart
Sect
,
but
to
renounce
the
Religion
of
their
Ancestours
,
confirm'd
as
well
by
their
own
Laws
as
ancient
Custom
;
and
submit
themselves
and
their
power
to
the
Authority
of
a
few
Galilaean
Fishermen
;
and
this
the
Authours
of
that
Age
say
was
the
main
reason
why
the
Christian
Religion
was
at
all
adventure
rejected
by
the
Roman
Senate
,
because
it
would
allow
none
other
beside
it self
.
And
first
as
for
the
Jewish
Religion
,
beside
its
very
great
Antiquity
,
it
was
establisht
by
Divine
Authority
,
and
therefore
with
plausible
appearance
of
reason
believed
by
the
Jews
to
be
of
eternal
Obligation
,
at
least
not
otherways
reversible
but
with
the
same
dreadfull
signs
and
appearances
of
the
Divine
Presence
,
wherewith
it
was
at
first
enacted
;
and
therefore
when
a
young
Man
should
take
upon
him
to
cancel
the
onely
true
way
of
worshipping
the
onely
true
God
,
that
design
seem'd
so
like
to
Blasphemy
and
Idolatry
,
that
his
very
pretending
to
it
,
without
any
farther
enquiry
,
was
,
whatever
he
could
say
or
doe
,
an
invincible
prejudice
and
an
unpardonable
crime
.
This
is
evident
through
the
whole
History
of
his
Life
,
that
the
Jews
every
where
concluded
him
an
Impostor
,
because
he
set
up
against
Moses
,
and
then
let
him
work
what
Miracles
he
would
,
they
would
regard
neither
him
nor
them
.
And
particularly
this
was
the
case
of
the
Controversie
when
he
cured
the
Man
that
was
born
Blind
,
when
the
matter
of
Fact
was
evident
beyond
all
contradiction
by
the
Testimony
of
his
Parents
,
and
by
the
confession
of
all
the
Neighbours
,
who
knew
him
to
have
sat
and
begged
in
a
certain
place
for
many
years
;
yet
notwithstanding
all
this
the
Pharisees
concluded
against
his
doing
any
Miracles
,
because
he
was
a
Sinner
,
that
is
,
as
they
thought
,
a
Blasphemer
of
Moses
Law
;
and
when
the
blind
Man
argues
with
them
that
it
was
such
a
Miracle
as
had
never
been
done
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
before
,
it
was
all
one
for
that
,
they
answer
all
with
this
peremptory
Assertion
,
We
know
that
God
spake
unto
Moses
;
as
for
this
fellow
we
know
not
from
whence
he
is
.
So
that
whatever
Miracles
he
worked
,
they
were
not
to
be
regarded
,
because
he
derogated
from
the
Authority
of
Moses
.
And
therefore
Origen
very
well
observes
that
the
difficulty
of
our
Saviour's
Work
But
of
the
prejudices
of
the
Jews
I
shall
give
a
farther
account
,
when
I
come
to
shew
the
reasons
of
their
Infidelity
,
notwithstanding
the
Gospel
brought
all
that
evidence
along
with
it
,
that
we
pretend
it
did
.
And
then
as
for
the
Religion
of
the
Gentiles
,
beside
its
proud
pretence
to
the
greatest
Antiquity
,
it
now
valued
it self
upon
a
much
prouder
title
of
being
the
Religion
of
the
Empire
;
and
by
reason
of
the
vast
extent
of
that
,
it
was
rooted
in
all
parts
of
it
with
more
strength
and
unity
than
it
could
have
been
under
several
Governments
,
and
there
is
nothing
that
can
make
People
more
fond
of
their
Religion
than
to
possess
them
with
a
belief
of
its
Universality
.
Now
when
a
Religion
so
Catholick
was
settled
by
the
Laws
,
was
own'd
by
the
Emperours
,
and
was
made
the
onely
Religion
of
Power
and
Interest
in
the
World
,
its
Votaries
could
not
endure
to
see
it
treated
with
scorn
and
dishonour
by
an
upstart
Sect
of
Men
destitute
of
all
Power
and
Authority
.
And
for
this
reason
is
it
that
Pliny
,
Tacitus
and
Suetonius
inveigh
against
Christianity
with
so
much
scorn
and
indignation
,
not
that
they
had
any
concern
for
Religion
themselves
being
profest
Epicureans
,
and
so
inwardly
as
great
despisers
of
Paganism
as
the
Christians
could
pretend
to
be
.
But
they
were
angry
that
a
Religion
abetted
by
the
Emperours
,
and
the
great
Statesmen
,
such
as
themselves
were
or
pretended
to
be
,
should
be
so
dishonourably
born
down
by
a
company
of
superstitious
and
despicable
Jews
.
And
that
proved
another
very
great
disadvantage
to
Christianity
,
the
force
of
Laws
and
the
interest
of
Government
against
its
reception
.
In
that
Statesmen
are
ever
jealous
of
all
Innovations
in
Religion
as
dangerous
to
the
present
Government
:
so
that
though
themselves
look
upon
all
Religion
as
a
meer
design
of
State-craft
,
yet
they
are
very
zealous
for
that
which
they
find
already
establisht
,
as
that
by
which
they
enjoy
their
present
security
,
and
therefore
vigilant
against
all
alterations
as
naturally
tending
to
the
subversion
of
the
Civil
State
.
So
that
it
is
none
of
their
business
to
enquire
into
the
pleas
of
a
new
Religion
,
but
its
being
new
is
with
them
a
sufficient
reason
of
proceeding
against
it
,
as
being
Sedition
,
ipso
facto
,
against
the
establisht
Law
.
And
this
was
the
main
reason
of
most
of
those
many
severe
Edicts
and
Rescripts
of
several
Emperours
against
the
Christians
,
who
looked
upon
their
numerous
Assemblies
upon
pretence
of
Religion
as
dangerous
Associations
against
the
State
of
the
Empire
:
and
particularly
Trajan
,
a
wise
and
politick
Prince
,
who
,
either
because
he
would
not
give
the
Christians
the
advantage
of
pleading
Religion
or
suffering
for
it
;
or
rather
out
of
his
particular
jealousie
and
fear
of
Tumults
,
put
in
execution
against
them
the
Law
against
the
Heteriae
,
which
forbad
all
manner
of
numerous
Meetings
,
upon
what
account
soever
,
though
onely
of
Friendship
or
Good-fellowship
,
for
which
those
Heteriae
were
first
instituted
,
so
that
upon
pretence
of
this
Law
he
seem'd
not
to
proceed
against
them
upon
the
account
of
Religion
,
but
as
unlawfull
Riots
and
Tumults
against
the
State
.
§
XXII
.
Now
from
the
concurrence
of
all
these
mighty
prejudices
against
Christianity
,
it
met
with
all
the
opposition
that
Mankind
could
make
it
;
it
was
forced
to
encounter
the
Fury
of
the
Multitude
,
the
Zeal
of
Superstition
,
the
Hatred
of
the
Jews
,
the
Contempt
of
the
Greeks
,
the
Power
of
the
Romans
,
the
Pride
of
Philosophers
,
and
the
Policy
of
Statesmen
;
and
by
all
these
together
,
that
is
,
by
all
means
possible
was
it
every-where
harrassed
with
all
the
outrage
and
cruelty
of
Persecution
.
No
other
party
of
Men
in
the
World
were
ever
hunted
with
that
keenness
of
Malice
,
or
sacrifised
with
that
cheapness
and
contempt
of
humane
Bloud
;
and
as
the
Enemies
to
Christianity
supposed
it
to
be
a
new
thing
in
the
World
,
they
resolved
its
Punishments
should
be
so
too
;
invented
new
methods
of
Torment
,
studied
all
the
arts
of
Pain
,
and
were
not
satisfied
with
the
death
of
Christians
,
unless
they
might
tire
them
out
of
their
Lives
with
length
and
variety
of
Tortures
.
In
short
,
it
wanted
not
the
utmost
opposition
that
could
be
made
against
it
by
Men
or
Devils
;
if
we
suppose
(
as
we
may
for
argument
sake
)
that
there
are
any
such
malignant
Beings
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
all
disadvantages
it
grew
and
flourished
after
such
a
rate
all
the
World
over
,
as
if
it
had
met
with
all
the
contrary
ways
and
methods
of
encouragement
.
Now
what
could
be
the
reason
of
all
this
?
There
is
no
other
imaginable
account
to
be
given
of
it
,
but
that
irresistible
force
of
evidence
that
it
gave
of
its
Truth
and
Divine
Authority
.
For
when
every
thing
else
was
against
it
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
it
prevailed
so
wonderfully
by
the
power
of
its
own
truth
,
it
must
be
clear
of
all
doubt
and
suspicion
that
could
bear
away
the
Minds
of
Men
with
so
great
a
force
against
all
Arguments
and
Motives
in
the
World
beside
.
For
I
do
not
urge
this
at
present
as
an
argument
of
God's
Providence
being
concern'd
in
its
propagation
,
but
for
the
reasonableness
of
the
thing
it self
:
viz.
that
a
Doctrine
labouring
under
all
these
mighty
and
unparallel'd
disadvantages
should
ever
have
prevaild
with
such
suddain
and
admirable
success
,
had
it
not
come
attested
with
the
clearest
and
most
irresistible
Proofs
.
For
is
it
not
utterly
incredible
that
an
Institution
so
destitute
of
secular
Power
and
Interest
,
so
uncouth
to
the
Principles
and
Prejudices
of
Education
,
so
contrary
to
the
Vices
and
Inclinations
of
Men
,
so
contradictory
to
the
settled
Laws
,
and
(
what
was
much
more
considerable
)
to
the
establisht
Religions
of
Common-wealths
,
so
much
opposed
by
all
the
Power
,
all
the
Wit
,
and
all
the
Zeal
in
the
World
,
should
yet
so
effectually
bear
away
all
resistence
,
and
force
the
strugling
World
in
spite
of
all
their
opposition
to
yield
up
all
that
was
dear
to
them
to
the
evidence
of
its
Divine
Authority
?
For
seeing
it
could
have
nothing
else
to
recommend
it
to
the
World
,
nay
,
seeing
it
had
all
other
things
to
oppose
it
,
and
yet
found
such
strange
and
otherwise
unaccountable
entertainment
,
that
alone
,
I
say
,
is
a
demonstrative
proof
of
its
infinite
evidence
and
certainty
.
Neither
am
I
ignorant
that
learned
Men
both
Ancient
and
Modern
usually
ascribe
it
to
the
Almighty
and
miraculous
Power
of
God
overruling
the
Minds
of
Men
:
And
the
truth
is
,
the
thing
was
so
prodigious
,
that
it
is
scarce
accountable
how
it
could
be
done
without
a
Miracle
.
But
though
I
do
not
doubt
of
the
secret
and
inward
workings
of
the
Spirit
of
God
upon
the
Minds
of
Men
,
yet
I
can
by
no
means
allow
the
reason
of
any
thing
to
be
resolved
into
that
alone
;
for
if
that
be
the
onely
reason
of
any
Man's
assent
,
then
his
assent
is
unreasonable
,
and
all
the
account
he
can
give
of
his
Faith
is
that
he
finds
himself
vehemently
inclined
to
believe
he
knows
not
why
.
But
that
is
not
a
proper
way
of
determining
rational
Creatures
,
and
therefore
we
cannot
suppose
that
God
would
force
the
Minds
of
Men
to
a
stronger
assent
than
the
evidence
of
the
thing
assented
to
requires
;
for
that
instead
of
helping
the
Understandings
of
Men
would
utterly
destroy
them
.
And
therefore
how
strong
soever
the
influences
of
the
Spirit
of
God
were
upon
the
Minds
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
as
no
doubt
they
were
very
extraordinary
,
yet
the
outward
and
rational
evidence
that
he
gave
them
of
the
truth
of
Christianity
was
still
proportionable
to
that
inward
confidence
that
he
wrought
upon
their
Minds
,
otherwise
they
had
more
confidence
than
they
had
reason
for
;
and
then
all
that
they
had
over
and
above
was
unreasonable
.
Seeing
therefore
their
Faith
was
so
infinitely
confident
,
I
shall
demonstrate
that
the
grounds
and
motives
that
they
had
for
it
were
equal
to
their
greatest
assurance
,
and
they
were
chiefly
these
two
,
undeniable
Miracles
,
and
undoubted
Tradition
;
from
both
which
they
had
so
great
an
assurance
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
that
it
was
not
possible
for
them
to
be
deceived
;
and
if
they
had
so
much
,
they
had
as
much
as
can
be
desired
,
because
no
Man
can
have
more
.
§
XXIII
.
I
have
already
shewn
in
the
beginning
of
this
Discourse
the
great
and
unparallel'd
credibility
of
the
Apostles
Testimony
,
taken
by
it self
,
as
it
stands
upon
their
own
naked
Reputation
,
in
that
we
have
all
the
evidence
in
the
World
that
they
were
sincere
and
serious
in
their
Design
,
so
that
meerly
by
virtue
of
their
own
Authority
they
might
justly
chalenge
the
Faith
of
Mankind
.
But
to
the
undoubted
Integrity
of
the
Witnesses
,
God
was
pleased
to
adde
a
more
forcible
Testimony
of
his
own
,
by
enduing
them
with
a
power
of
working
Miracles
;
and
thereby
demonstrating
to
the
World
that
as
they
who
pretended
to
be
his
Ambassadours
were
serious
and
in
good
earnest
in
their
Design
,
so
was
he
too
.
And
in
truth
,
unless
he
had
endued
them
with
this
power
from
above
,
they
could
never
have
had
the
courage
so
much
as
to
have
undertaken
the
work
;
but
instead
of
travelling
into
all
parts
of
the
World
,
to
tell
a
Story
to
the
People
,
of
which
they
could
not
understand
one
word
,
as
being
utter
Strangers
to
the
Language
in
which
they
spake
,
they
must
have
concluded
it
a
wiser
course
to
resolve
upon
mending
their
old
Nets
,
and
betaking
themselves
to
their
old
Trade
.
But
this
Eusebius
has
excellently
represented
to
us
in
their
own
Persons
.
In
that
when
our
Saviour
commanded
them
Praep.
Evang.
Lib.
3.
Sect.
6.
to
go
and
teach
all
Nations
,
they
ought
to
have
replied
upon
him
,
how
is
this
possible
,
that
we
who
are
unlearned
Persons
and
understand
onely
our
mother
Tongue
,
should
discourse
in
their
several
Languages
to
the
Romans
,
Grecians
,
Egyptians
,
Persians
,
Armenians
,
Chaldeans
,
Scythians
,
Indians
,
and
all
the
other
numberless
Nations
of
the
barbarous
World
:
And
if
we
cannot
(
as
without
a
Miracle
we
cannot
)
to
what
purpose
is
it
to
travel
from
Pole
to
Pole
,
and
tell
an
unintelligible
Story
to
the
People
.
Nay
,
how
can
we
so
much
as
dream
that
it
is
possible
for
us
to
perswade
them
to
renounce
their
Country
Gods
,
and
to
worship
a
new
and
unknown
Deity
?
What
eloquence
,
what
unheard
of
power
of
words
must
we
be
inspired
with
,
to
encourage
us
to
set
about
such
an
Undertaking
,
to
reverse
all
the
ancient
Laws
and
Religions
in
the
World
,
and
to
introduce
every
where
not
onely
a
different
but
a
contrary
state
of
things
?
These
things
(
says
he
)
if
they
should
have
objected
,
he
could
have
return'd
them
no
other
answer
,
had
he
not
prevented
the
Objection
by
the
promise
of
his
miraculous
Assistance
.
And
therefore
,
when
they
were
obedient
to
his
command
,
it
is
evident
that
they
were
already
,
by
his
Divine
Works
,
convinced
of
his
Divine
Authority
.
For
that
they
believed
in
him
must
be
granted
in
that
they
so
readily
obeyed
him
,
in
a
little
time
leaving
their
own
native
Country
to
instruct
the
World
in
the
Faith
of
Jesus
,
and
soon
saw
the
promise
of
his
Divine
Assistance
not
onely
made
good
,
but
abundantly
exceeded
by
their
incredible
success
.
But
when
they
went
about
such
a
Work
as
this
,
after
what
manner
think
you
did
they
address
themselves
to
the
People
?
Did
they
go
into
the
Market-place
,
and
there
summon
up
an
Auditory
of
all
Passengers
,
or
did
they
apply
themselves
to
particular
Persons
?
Take
which
you
please
,
I
pray
which
way
did
they
win
their
Attention
,
when
they
began
their
Story
at
the
most
ignominious
Death
of
their
Master
,
whom
they
set
forth
as
the
onely
Instructour
of
Mankind
,
the
Son
of
God
,
and
Saviour
of
the
World
?
For
if
they
had
conceal'd
that
part
of
his
History
that
related
to
his
Passion
and
Sufferings
,
and
onely
trumpeted
out
his
great
Vertues
and
much
greater
Miracles
,
it
had
been
very
difficult
to
overcome
the
Faith
of
Mankind
to
a
report
so
very
strange
and
in
it self
incredible
.
And
yet
if
they
had
done
this
,
they
might
have
kept
their
Story
within
some
bounds
of
probability
.
But
when
they
acknowledged
that
the
same
Person
,
whom
they
magnified
as
a
God
,
lived
like
a
miserable
Man
,
encountred
perpetual
Affronts
and
Contumelies
,
and
at
last
suffer'd
the
Death
of
the
worst
and
most
ignominious
Malefactours
,
who
that
heard
them
,
would
not
laugh
at
the
gross
contradiction
of
their
own
Story
?
Or
at
least
how
could
any
Man
be
so
credulous
,
as
upon
the
bare
report
of
unknown
Persons
to
believe
that
a
Person
so
shamefully
executed
,
should
be
so
conspicuously
risen
from
the
dead
and
ascended
into
Heaven
,
when
he
was
not
able
to
rescue
himself
from
so
dishonourable
an
Execution
?
However
who
could
have
been
so
easie
as
to
forsake
the
Religion
of
their
Countrey
,
and
that
way
of
Worship
that
had
been
used
,
as
they
believed
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
,
by
the
meer
Authority
of
a
company
of
mean
and
ignorant
Mechanicks
and
a
crucified
Malefactour
,
who
,
notwithstanding
his
contemptible
Life
and
dishonourable
Death
,
would
bear
himself
out
as
the
onely
Son
of
God
?
While
(
says
he
)
I
revolve
these
things
in
my
Mind
,
and
consider
the
improbability
of
the
Story
in
it self
,
I
cannot
imagine
how
it
is
possible
meerly
by
their
own
bare
report
to
prevail
upon
the
Faith
of
any
one
Man
.
And
yet
when
I
reflect
upon
the
strange
Effect
of
their
Endeavours
,
and
that
such
despicable
Persons
as
they
were
in
themselves
should
prevail
upon
such
innumerable
multitudes
of
Men
,
and
that
not
in
barbarous
and
obscure
places
onely
,
but
in
the
most
famous
Cities
of
Rome
,
Alexandria
,
Antiochia
;
nay
,
in
all
parts
of
the
World
,
Europe
,
Asia
and
Africa
,
I
am
forced
to
enquire
into
the
rational
Account
of
so
strange
an
Event
,
and
find
that
nothing
could
ever
have
brought
it
about
but
a
manifest
Divine
Power
,
whereby
they
were
able
when
they
pleased
,
as
we
find
in
their
Records
,
to
work
Miracles
,
and
that
alone
was
more
than
enough
to
vanquish
and
subdue
the
minds
of
Men
to
their
Authority
.
For
when
they
saw
their
Miracles
,
they
could
not
but
be
concern'd
to
enquire
by
what
Means
they
wrought
such
Effects
:
And
when
they
were
told
that
they
were
empower'd
by
Jesus
,
and
did
whatever
they
did
by
virtue
of
his
Authority
,
that
alone
over-ruled
their
Minds
,
and
without
farther
proof
commanded
entire
submission
to
his
Doctrine
.
So
that
it
was
not
the
evidence
of
the
thing
it self
,
nor
the
credit
of
their
Testimony
,
but
the
undeniable
power
of
God
discovering
it self
in
their
miraculous
Actions
,
that
so
easily
subdued
the
World
before
them
.
And
it
is
impossible
(
as
Origen
observes
)
that
the
Apostles
of
our
Lord
without
these
Thus
the
first
time
that
they
appeared
in
publick
,
after
their
Commission
to
preach
the
Gospel
to
the
utmost
parts
of
the
Earth
,
was
at
the
great
Festival
of
Pentecost
,
when
Proselytes
of
all
Nations
resorted
to
Jerusalem
,
to
whom
they
preached
in
their
several
Languages
;
and
this
being
noised
abroad
that
a
few
illiterate
Fishermen
were
all
on
a
sudden
inspired
with
the
gift
of
speaking
all
the
Languages
of
the
known
and
habitable
World
,
curiosity
brought
great
multitudes
to
hear
them
,
and
when
the
multitude
was
convinced
of
and
amased
at
the
Miracle
,
then
was
it
a
proper
time
for
Saint
Peter
to
begin
his
Sermon
of
the
Resurrection
of
Jesus
,
and
prove
it
by
their
own
Testimony
.
This
Jesus
hath
God
raised
up
,
whereof
we
are
all
Witnesses
.
That
is
,
we
that
are
,
as
you
see
,
endued
with
this
miraculous
gift
of
speaking
all
Languages
,
in
order
to
our
preaching
in
the
name
of
Jesus
to
all
Nations
,
do
here
assure
you
that
we
were
no
less
than
Eye-witnesses
of
his
Resurrection
.
And
there
lay
the
main
strength
and
efficacy
of
Saint
Peter's
Sermon
,
it
was
the
Miracle
that
so
soon
converted
thousands
to
his
Doctrine
.
So
again
,
when
it
was
blazon'd
abroad
that
the
famous
Cripple
,
that
was
so
well
known
to
every
Boy
in
the
City
to
have
kept
for
so
many
years
together
his
begging
stage
at
the
chief
Gate
of
the
Temple
,
styled
Beautifull
,
because
made
,
as
Josephus
informs
us
,
of
Corinthian
Brass
,
was
so
De
Bello
Jud.
l.
7
,
12.
miraculously
healed
by
one
of
the
company
onely
by
a
word
speaking
,
this
could
not
but
enflame
their
curiosity
,
and
every
Man
was
concern'd
to
satisfie
himself
in
the
truth
or
falshood
of
a
report
so
near
and
yet
so
prodigious
.
And
when
they
had
(
as
it
was
an
easie
matter
)
assured
themselves
of
its
truth
and
reality
,
this
could
not
but
provoke
them
to
an
eager
enquiry
after
the
meaning
of
so
strange
a
thing
.
And
when
they
were
assured
that
the
Miracle
was
wrought
by
the
Followers
of
that
Jesus
,
who
was
lately
crucified
,
and
that
they
declared
themselves
Eye
witnesses
of
his
Resurrection
from
the
dead
,
and
withall
professed
that
they
were
endued
with
this
power
of
Miracles
from
Heaven
,
onely
for
an
undoubted
evidence
and
confirmation
of
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
,
they
had
not
power
to
withstand
the
force
of
such
a
mighty
and
astonishing
demonstration
.
And
it
was
this
demonstration
of
the
Spirit
and
of
Power
(
as
Saint
Paul
styles
it
)
rather
than
the
strength
of
their
Arguments
,
as
cogent
as
they
were
,
that
first
baffled
the
unbelieving
World
into
Christianity
,
and
forced
in
the
assents
of
Men
to
the
truth
and
Divine
Authority
of
its
Doctrine
.
They
did
not
put
their
Auditours
to
the
trouble
of
examining
the
validity
of
their
Testimony
,
but
prevented
all
enquiries
by
this
infallible
confirmation
.
The
evidence
of
their
Miracles
was
such
an
irrefragable
Argument
of
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
,
as
surmounted
the
power
of
all
other
demonstration
.
And
what
rational
Man
would
stay
to
expect
any
other
proof
of
a
Divine
Testimony
,
that
has
seen
it
unquestionably
attested
by
a
Divine
Power
?
Or
who
could
doubt
and
dispute
,
after
he
had
seen
Devils
dispossest
,
the
Sick
healed
,
and
the
dead
raised
?
This
was
such
an
almighty
attestation
to
their
preaching
,
that
it
upbraided
away
their
Scruples
,
and
bore
away
their
Understandings
.
And
by
this
means
it
was
that
the
Gospel
prevail'd
so
easily
and
so
speedily
over
all
the
World
.
Its
first
preachers
converted
whole
Cities
and
Nations
in
a
moment
,
and
founded
new
Churches
upon
one
undeniable
Miracle
;
and
nothing
less
,
considering
all
circumstances
of
things
,
and
all
the
disadvantages
under
which
it
laboured
,
could
so
soon
have
propagated
the
Gospel
over
all
the
World
.
And
thus
if
we
trace
the
Apostolical
History
,
we
scarce
find
any
thing
transacted
without
a
Miracle
,
insomuch
that
the
People
at
length
familiarly
resorted
to
them
for
the
cure
of
all
kind
of
Diseases
,
Acts
5.
12.
And
this
power
was
so
vulgarly
known
at
that
time
,
that
Saint
Paul
insists
upon
it
as
the
proof
of
his
true
Apostleship
,
Rom.
15.
18
,
18.
2
Cor.
12.
12.
which
had
been
too
absurd
a
thing
to
alledge
to
his
Followers
in
confutation
of
his
Enemies
,
if
it
had
been
a
meer
Fiction
;
for
if
it
were
they
knew
it
to
be
so
,
when
he
appeals
to
the
Signs
and
Wonders
he
had
already
wrought
among
them
,
and
if
he
had
wrought
none
they
could
not
but
convict
him
of
falshood
.
But
though
I
have
already
proved
the
certainty
of
the
Records
of
the
New
Testament
,
and
so
might
from
thence
rationally
enough
make
out
the
truth
of
these
Apostolical
Miracles
;
and
though
I
have
in
part
proved
the
sufficiency
of
the
Tradition
of
the
Church
to
attest
both
them
and
all
things
contained
in
them
,
and
shall
anon
more
distinctly
shew
the
undoubted
and
uninterrupted
conveyance
of
it
from
the
very
Apostles
themselves
,
so
that
if
they
had
not
been
true
,
they
could
never
have
gain'd
belief
;
yet
in
this
present
Argument
I
will
not
build
upon
these
or
any
other
suppositions
:
and
indeed
if
I
suppose
them
,
this
Argument
would
be
needless
;
for
once
granting
the
Scriptures
to
be
true
and
authentick
Records
of
the
Apostles
actions
,
to
what
purpose
is
it
to
go
about
to
prove
that
they
were
endued
with
a
power
of
Miracles
,
when
the
Record
alone
is
an
undoubted
proof
of
it
?
And
therefore
I
onely
argue
from
the
nature
of
the
thing
it self
,
viz.
That
it
is
impossible
the
Christian
Faith
,
lying
under
all
those
disadvantages
above
represented
,
could
ever
have
been
propagated
with
that
speed
and
facility
that
it
was
all
the
World
over
,
any
other
way
than
by
this
power
of
working
Miracles
;
and
on
the
contrary
,
that
supposing
this
evidence
that
they
gave
the
World
by
their
Miracles
,
that
then
it
was
natural
and
almost
necessary
that
they
should
meet
with
the
success
they
did
.
Here
then
lies
the
force
of
my
present
Argument
,
that
when
it
was
impossible
they
should
compass
their
design
any
other
way
,
and
when
it
was
natural
,
if
they
took
this
course
,
to
succeed
in
it
,
and
when
it
is
certain
that
they
had
such
wonderfull
success
,
that
is
a
manifest
Argument
that
they
were
endued
with
such
a
power
of
Miracles
as
is
reported
of
them
.
And
therefore
I
did
not
produce
those
Testimonies
of
Scripture
but
now
alledged
as
proofs
to
justifie
the
truth
of
the
Argument
,
but
onely
as
instances
to
exemplifie
the
practice
of
it
,
v.
g.
how
incredible
it
is
that
3000
People
,
when
they
heard
the
Apostles
affirm
at
Whitsontide
that
the
same
Jesus
,
whom
they
had
seen
so
shamefully
executed
at
Easter
,
was
risen
from
the
Grave
and
ascended
into
Heaven
,
should
so
immediately
believe
them
upon
their
bare
Report
;
but
when
they
beheld
that
miraculous
effect
of
the
Holy
Ghost
in
them
,
whereby
such
illiterate
Persons
were
enabled
to
speak
all
manner
of
Languages
,
that
alone
could
not
but
satisfie
them
of
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
.
So
that
I
argue
not
from
the
truth
of
the
Record
but
from
the
nature
of
the
thing
it self
,
which
could
not
have
been
done
any
other
way
than
as
it
is
recorded
to
have
been
done
.
I
might
here
also
confirm
the
truth
of
their
Miracles
by
the
confession
of
their
greatest
Enemies
,
in
that
I
do
not
find
that
ever
any
of
them
denied
them
to
have
been
done
,
but
instead
of
that
ascribe
them
to
the
power
of
Magick
,
though
how
foolish
that
evasion
is
I
shall
shew
when
I
come
to
consider
their
evasions
to
this
Argument
;
at
present
this
very
surmise
is
a
plain
confession
of
the
reality
of
the
thing
it self
,
and
that
goes
a
great
way
as
to
evidence
when
coming
out
of
the
mouth
of
an
Adversary
;
but
this
having
suggested
,
I
shall
not
farther
insist
upon
it
.
§
XXIV
.
Onely
there
is
one
thing
remaining
that
adds
great
force
to
the
strength
of
this
Argument
,
viz.
That
this
power
was
not
meerly
confined
to
the
Apostolical
Age
,
but
was
continued
down
to
the
next
Ages
of
the
Church
;
which
if
true
,
it
is
an
undeniable
Evidence
of
the
truth
of
the
Apostolical
Miracles
in
particular
,
and
of
the
Divinity
of
the
Christian
Religion
in
general
.
And
yet
of
the
truth
of
these
we
have
no
one
thing
for
which
we
have
better
Records
.
It
is
unanimously
attested
by
all
Writers
of
those
times
,
and
that
in
such
a
publick
and
extraordinary
way
,
as
raises
their
Testimony
up
to
certain
demonstration
,
for
they
do
not
barely
report
it
,
but
they
upbraid
it
to
all
their
Adversaries
as
a
thing
undeniable
;
they
challenge
Emperours
,
Proconsuls
,
the
whole
Senate
in
their
Apologies
and
publick
Writings
to
convince
them
by
experiment
;
they
urge
it
in
their
Disputes
with
learned
Men
,
and
dare
them
to
contradict
it
;
and
not
onely
offer
to
cast
the
whole
Controversie
upon
this
one
proof
,
but
their
Lives
too
.
Now
all
this
they
could
never
have
been
so
foolish
or
so
impudent
to
have
done
,
if
it
had
not
been
true
;
or
if
they
were
,
they
could
not
have
escaped
that
disgrace
that
was
due
to
their
folly
and
impudence
.
And
yet
they
were
so
far
from
being
ever
convicted
of
forgery
,
that
it
was
chiefly
by
virtue
of
these
challenges
that
the
Christian
Faith
so
wonderfully
prevail'd
in
all
places
.
Many
and
pregnant
are
the
passages
to
this
purpose
in
the
Writings
of
Just
in
Martyr
,
Irenaeus
,
Tertullian
,
Saint
Cyprian
,
Saint
Austin
,
Origen
,
Arnobius
,
Lactantius
,
Minutius
Felix
,
Prudentius
,
Firmicus
,
and
indeed
all
,
that
appear'd
in
defence
of
the
Christian
Faith
in
the
first
Ages
of
the
Church
:
and
though
most
of
them
have
been
often
alledged
by
modern
Authours
,
yet
being
of
a
peculiar
use
as
to
my
Argument
,
when
join'd
to
the
Apostolical
Miracles
,
it
will
be
very
requisite
to
represent
at
one
view
the
most
material
passages
to
this
purpose
.
I
begin
with
Just
in
Martyr
,
who
lived
in
the
next
Age
to
the
Apostles
,
who
tells
the
Pontius
Pilate
,
and
that
at
this
very
time
they
still
cured
them
.
And
the
same
thing
he
frequently
upbraids
to
Trypho
the
Jew
in
their
personal
Conference
,
which
,
had
it
been
a
meer
Fable
,
he
could
never
have
done
with
so
much
confidence
;
or
if
he
had
,
he
could
not
have
passed
without
confutation
,
especially
when
in
a
short
time
after
he
published
it
to
the
World
.
And
in
the
same
Age
Irenaeus
proves
against
the
Hereticks
the
right
succession
of
Adv.
Haeres
.
l.
2.
c.
56
,
57.
the
Catholick
Church
to
the
Apostles
from
their
power
of
working
the
same
Miracles
,
as
casting
out
Devils
,
foretelling
things
to
come
,
curing
the
Sick
by
imposition
of
hands
,
and
raising
the
Dead
,
many
whereof
,
he
says
,
conversed
among
them
many
years
after
;
beside
innumerable
other
Gifts
,
which
the
Church
throughout
the
World
does
every
day
freely
exercise
in
the
name
of
Jesus
Christ
crucified
under
Pontius
Pilate
,
for
the
benefit
of
Mankind
.
But
Tertullian
,
as
his
manner
is
,
speaks
Apol.
c.
23.
very
daringly
,
for
having
convinced
the
Heathens
of
their
folly
in
worshipping
their
Gods
,
by
Argument
,
he
challenges
them
to
doe
it
by
matter
of
Fact
.
Set
,
says
he
,
before
your
publick
Seats
of
Judgment
any
person
possessed
,
as
you
suppose
,
by
some
Demon
,
and
there
let
any
Christian
onely
command
him
to
confess
what
he
is
,
and
the
Spirit
shall
as
certainly
acknowledge
himself
to
be
a
Devil
,
as
at
other
times
he
confidently
pretends
to
be
a
God
.
Nay
,
take
any
person
that
you
suppose
inspired
by
any
of
your
greatest
Deities
,
be
it
Ceres
or
AEsculapius
,
and
if
they
do
not
confess
themselves
to
be
Devils
,
not
daring
to
lie
to
a
Christian
,
let
that
foolish
Christian
,
that
undertakes
it
and
fails
of
doing
it
,
pay
for
his
confidence
with
his
bloud
.
What
can
be
more
evident
than
this
matter
of
fact
?
What
more
satisfactory
than
this
kind
of
proof
?
The
certainty
of
the
truth
lies
before
you
,
it
s
own
power
will
maintain
it self
,
for
it
is
a
ridieulous
thing
to
suspect
that
this
can
be
done
by
any
magick
tricks
,
believe
not
one
word
that
I
say
,
if
your
own
Eyes
and
Ears
do
not
force
you
to
it
.
What
a
bold
challenge
is
here
to
appeal
to
the
Senses
of
their
Enemies
,
and
that
with
the
hazard
and
pawn
of
their
Lives
?
It
is
such
an
height
of
assurance
as
I
think
nothing
can
exceed
,
though
his
appeal
to
Scapula
seems
to
equal
it
,
when
he
refers
him
to
the
Officers
of
his
own
Court
,
some
of
whose
Servants
had
been
healed
by
Christians
;
but
not
to
insist
,
says
he
,
upon
inferiour
People
,
I
could
name
persons
of
Quality
and
Reputation
that
have
been
so
cured
,
and
particularly
Severus
the
Father
of
the
Emperour
Antoninus
Caracalla
,
who
was
so
cured
by
Proculus
,
whom
he
ever
after
highly
esteemed
,
and
entertain'd
him
in
his
Court
till
his
Death
.
And
to
this
he
subjoins
the
Testimony
of
M.
Aurelius
concerning
the
Miracle
of
the
Christian
Souldiers
in
the
German
Expedition
,
That
when
the
Imperial
Army
was
reduced
to
great
streights
,
and
ready
to
perish
through
thirst
,
and
in
that
extremity
of
weakness
forced
to
Battel
by
the
Enemy
,
the
Christians
,
by
the
power
of
their
Prayers
,
immediately
drew
down
great
showrs
of
Rain
upon
their
own
Camp
,
and
Thunder
and
Lightning
upon
the
Enemies
.
This
he
here
urges
upon
the
President
Scapula
as
a
thing
vulgarly
known
;
and
in
his
Apology
to
the
Senate
proves
it
by
the
Letters
that
the
Emperour
had
not
long
before
sent
to
themselves
.
Which
certainly
he
could
never
have
been
so
presumptuous
as
to
have
done
,
had
there
then
been
no
such
Letters
extant
:
and
yet
Scaliger
,
Si
Literae
M.
Aurelii
requirantur
,
If
you
make
search
after
the
Letter
of
M.
Aurelius
,
from
whence
he
infers
that
Tertullian
himself
never
saw
it
,
because
of
his
hypothetical
way
of
expression
.
But
't
is
a
strange
thing
that
so
great
a
Critick
as
Scaliger
should
not
know
that
there
is
no
one
form
of
Speech
more
vulgar
with
all
kind
of
Writers
,
than
when
they
are
most
assured
of
any
thing
,
to
express
it
hypothetically
,
and
thereby
refer
what
themselves
certainly
know
to
the
farther
enquiry
of
others
;
so
that
the
most
natural
meaning
of
the
words
is
this
,
viz.
As
to
this
matter
I
need
not
take
pains
to
satisfie
you
,
which
you
may
do
your selves
,
if
you
please
,
by
examining
the
Emperour
's
own
Letter
to
your
own
House
.
Neither
is
his
suggestion
much
more
weighty
when
he
infers
that
this
Letter
was
not
extant
in
the
time
of
Eusebius
,
because
if
it
had
,
so
diligent
a
Writer
would
have
preserved
a
Copy
of
it
.
And
so
it
is
very
likely
he
would
,
had
it
been
extant
in
the
Greek
Tongue
,
but
being
written
in
the
Latin
to
which
he
was
a
stranger
,
it
lay
out
of
the
compass
of
his
diligence
.
Yes
,
but
,
says
he
,
it
was
the
custom
of
Eusebius
to
translate
Latin
Monuments
into
the
Greek
Tongue
,
as
he
has
several
passages
out
of
Tertullian
.
One
would
think
that
Eusebius
had
familiarly
cited
the
Writings
of
Tertullian
,
whereas
he
never
quoted
but
one
short
Book
of
his
,
and
that
is
his
Apology
,
which
it
is
very
probable
that
Eusebius
himself
did
not
translate
,
but
made
use
of
another's
translation
,
especially
when
it
is
plain
by
those
few
passages
that
he
has
made
use
of
,
that
it
is
very
short
of
the
usual
care
and
diligence
of
Eusebius
.
So
that
though
Scaliger
have
proved
the
Letter
now
extant
at
the
end
of
Justin
Martyr
to
be
spurious
,
as
is
too
evident
from
its
unskilfull
inscription
,
yet
that
there
were
such
Letters
then
written
is
as
evident
from
this
Appeal
of
Tertullian
to
the
Senate
it self
not
long
after
the
thing
was
done
.
However
,
as
for
the
substance
of
the
Story
,
that
was
so
well
known
as
to
be
painted
upon
Tables
,
some
whereof
Themistius
says
he
saw
in
his
time
,
the
Emperour
himself
being
drawn
with
his
Hands
and
Eyes
lift
up
,
and
the
Souldiers
receiving
the
Rain
in
their
Head-pieces
.
Neither
is
it
less
vouched
by
Heathen
than
by
Christian
Writers
,
as
Dion
,
Julius
Capitolinus
,
Claudian
,
Lampridius
,
who
attribute
it
partly
to
the
Emperour
's
own
prayers
to
Jupiter
,
but
chiefly
to
the
enchantments
of
Chaldean
or
Jewish
Magicians
,
i.
e.
Christians
,
who
by
the
Heathens
were
looked
upon
as
no
other
than
Jews
,
and
were
at
that
time
generally
esteemed
Magicians
for
those
strange
things
that
were
reported
to
be
done
by
them
.
So
that
these
very
Writers
have
unwittingly
cast
the
honour
of
this
Miracle
upon
the
Christians
alone
,
in
that
onely
they
,
at
least
no
other
Jews
were
at
that
time
famous
for
Magick
,
by
which
these
Writers
suppose
it
to
have
been
effected
.
However
the
matter
of
Fact
being
put
past
question
by
so
unanimous
an
attestation
of
it
,
I
leave
it
to
the
judgment
of
any
Man
of
common
sense
whether
it
were
done
by
Magick
or
by
Miracle
.
But
with
as
much
assurance
as
Tertullian
insists
upon
the
Miracles
of
Christians
,
Origen
,
if
it
be
possible
,
out-does
him
,
sending
numberless
challenges
upon
this
point
.
Here
he
begins
both
his
i.
e.
Prophesies
and
Miracles
;
and
of
the
truth
of
the
latter
beside
many
other
Proofs
we
have
this
assured
evidence
that
we
see
Instances
of
it
even
at
this
day
.
And
when
Celsus
After
him
follows
Minatius
Felix
a
famous
Advocate
at
Rome
,
who
with
the
same
assurance
appeals
to
the
very
Senses
of
his
Adversaries
.
Every
Man
knows
(
says
he
)
and
you
your selves
,
that
the
Devils
,
whenever
they
are
tortur'd
and
vexed
out
of
the
Bodies
that
they
possess
,
by
the
Prayers
of
Christians
,
are
forced
to
confess
themselves
to
be
but
Devils
;
even
Saturn
,
Serapis
and
Jupiter
,
and
whatsoever
other
Demon
you
worship
are
forced
to
confess
what
they
are
,
and
you
may
be
sure
that
they
would
not
belie
themselves
especially
in
your
presence
;
and
therefore
we
onely
desire
you
to
take
their
own
Testimony
and
their
own
confession
.
For
when
they
are
adjured
by
the
name
of
the
onely
true
God
,
it
puts
them
into
tremblings
and
convulsion
fits
,
and
forces
them
to
quit
their
possession
.
And
in
the
same
manner
does
Saint
Cyprian
challenge
Demetrian
,
a
stubborn
and
a
prejudiced
Enemy
,
to
come
and
see
the
Demons
whom
he
worshipt
how
they
were
as
it
were
whipt
by
Christians
out
of
the
Bodies
that
they
possessed
,
when
,
weeping
and
howling
they
confess
that
the
time
of
their
Judgment
is
come
,
come
you
and
satisfie
your self
that
what
I
affirm
,
is
true
.
But
there
is
no
end
of
these
challenges
in
the
primitive
Writers
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
I
am
tired
with
so
often
tranfcribing
the
same
thing
,
and
therefore
if
any
Man
desire
it
,
he
may
reade
it
repeated
in
Eusebius
contra
Hieroclem
,
c.
1.
in
Lactantius
de
Justitiâ
,
l.
2.
c.
15.
l.
4.
c.
27.
l.
5.
c.
21
,
22.
in
Firmicus
de
Errore
profanae
Religionis
,
in
Prudentius
Apotheof
.
in
Theodoret
de
curand
.
Graec.
affect
.
Serm.
3.
And
now
after
all
,
it
is
no
doubt
very
credible
that
such
a
number
of
learned
and
sober
Men
,
that
lived
in
such
remote
and
distant
places
,
should
be
such
impudent
Sots
and
Fools
,
as
to
publish
the
truth
of
such
things
upon
their
own
certain
knowledge
,
to
appeal
to
the
Senses
of
their
greatest
Adversaries
,
to
challenge
them
to
convince
them
by
trial
and
experiment
,
and
to
devolve
the
issue
of
the
whole
cause
upon
the
event
,
and
that
with
the
pawn
of
their
Lives
,
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
in
their
publick
disputes
with
Philosophers
,
and
Apologies
to
Emperours
and
Proconsuls
,
't
is
likely
(
I
say
)
that
they
should
doe
all
this
,
had
it
all
been
a
manifest
and
palpable
Fiction
.
§
XXV
.
This
is
that
mighty
demonstration
of
power
,
to
which
the
primitive
Christians
constantly
appeal'd
with
the
greatest
assurance
of
Mind
to
the
very
face
of
their
fiercest
Enemies
.
How
then
could
they
avoid
its
force
?
by
denying
it
?
Never
,
nay
they
confess
it
as
a
thing
undeniable
.
Thus
Hierocles
freely
grants
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
In
the
next
place
the
Emperour
Julian
does
not
deny
but
diminish
the
wonder
of
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
in
that
there
is
nothing
so
very
remarkable
recorded
of
him
,
unless
to
cure
the
Lame
and
the
Blind
,
and
to
cast
out
Devils
in
the
Towns
of
Galilee
may
be
reckoned
among
the
works
of
greatest
magnificence
.
But
this
is
objected
rather
like
an
Emperour
than
a
Philosopher
.
For
,
as
Huetius
Demonst.
Evang.
prop.
9.
cap.
39.
sect.
2.
very
well
replies
to
it
,
it
is
the
greatest
work
of
ambitious
Princes
to
raise
Armies
,
to
dispeople
Nations
,
to
erect
prodigious
Buildings
,
here
to
demolish
a
great
City
,
and
there
to
reedifie
a
greater
.
But
alas
these
are
works
within
the
power
of
Art
and
Nature
,
and
are
to
be
wrought
out
by
the
wit
or
the
industry
of
Men
,
whereas
those
that
were
wrought
by
Jesus
were
quite
of
another
stamp
,
and
such
as
could
never
have
been
effected
by
any
power
less
than
Divine
.
These
are
works
truly
magnificent
and
becoming
the
greatness
of
the
Son
of
God
,
and
therefore
it
was
very
weakly
objected
of
a
great
pretender
to
Philosophy
that
he
did
nothing
so
extraordinary
,
when
to
raise
one
Man
from
the
Grave
proceeds
from
a
power
that
infinitely
exceeds
that
of
Alexander
or
Caesar
in
sending
so
many
millions
thither
.
But
the
most
usual
shifts
made
use
of
to
evade
the
force
of
this
Argument
,
is
either
to
ascribe
all
this
train
of
Miracles
to
the
power
of
Magick
,
or
to
vye
against
them
the
wonderfull
works
of
other
Men
,
that
never
made
any
such
lofty
pretences
.
And
at
this
lock
we
find
Celsus
at
every
turn
,
and
whenever
he
is
pressed
hard
,
he
still
takes
shelter
in
one
of
these
evasions
,
and
for
that
reason
we
cannot
avoid
to
take
notice
of
them
.
And
first
as
for
the
pretence
of
Magick
,
it
s
own
vanity
is
its
own
confutation
,
for
if
he
were
such
a
Magician
as
is
pretended
,
Dem.
Ev.
l.
3.
§
6.
then
either
himself
was
the
first
Inventour
and
Master
of
his
own
Art
,
or
he
learnt
it
from
others
;
if
he
had
no
Teacher
,
and
yet
acquired
the
skill
of
doing
things
so
extraordinary
,
that
alone
seems
something
divine
and
wonderfull
,
that
a
young
Man
without
Learning
,
without
Books
,
without
Tutours
,
without
Instructions
,
should
by
the
strength
of
his
own
Faculties
arrive
to
an
higher
degree
of
knowledge
than
all
the
learned
Men
in
the
World
beside
;
for
it
cannot
be
denied
that
the
Actions
recorded
of
him
infinitely
exceed
the
very
pretences
of
all
others
.
Yes
but
,
say
they
,
he
had
Masters
in
Egypt
from
whom
he
learnt
all
those
Magick
Mysteries
,
by
which
he
afterward
made
himself
so
famous
in
Judaea
.
But
why
then
do
we
hear
of
no
such
eminent
Magicians
at
that
time
either
in
Egypt
or
any
where
else
beside
himself
?
Why
was
there
no
fame
of
them
in
the
World
before
his
Accusation
?
Why
was
there
not
any
the
least
memory
of
them
preserved
,
whilst
his
Name
is
so
universally
celebrated
?
or
when
did
any
Magician
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
,
either
among
the
Greeks
or
Barbarians
doe
such
things
as
he
did
?
But
what
need
I
say
more
,
our
Saviour's
works
themselves
are
the
fullest
confutation
of
this
vain
pretence
,
for
whatever
the
powers
of
Magick
may
be
,
no
Man
can
ever
believe
that
any
thing
less
than
a
Divine
Power
could
with
a
word
speaking
cure
all
manner
of
Diseases
,
give
sight
to
Men
born
Blind
,
recover
dying
Persons
at
a
distance
,
and
raise
the
Dead
themselves
.
To
ascribe
such
actions
as
these
meerly
to
Magick
is
a
conceit
so
utterly
extravagant
,
that
it
were
an
affront
to
the
understanding
of
Mankind
,
at
least
at
this
time
,
to
think
it
needed
any
other
confutation
beside
its
own
impossibility
.
Though
if
any
Man
will
be
so
humoursomly
credulous
in
his
Infidelity
as
to
pretend
some
such
suspicion
,
I
shall
onely
refer
him
to
a
smart
Discourse
of
Shem
Hamporash
,
or
the
Name
of
God
written
in
its
proper
Characters
,
which
they
say
it
was
not
lawfull
for
them
vulgarly
to
doe
,
and
by
virtue
of
that
was
enabled
to
work
all
kind
of
Miracles
,
it
is
a
Fable
so
very
despicable
,
that
I
am
ashamed
to
repeat
it
,
and
therefore
much
more
scorn
to
confute
it
.
§
XXVI
.
Their
next
evasion
to
this
Argument
is
to
vye
other
Stories
with
that
of
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
and
thereby
to
abate
either
their
wonder
or
their
credit
;
and
this
they
chiefly
doe
as
to
the
Resurrection
,
especially
Celsus
,
who
The
first
and
chiefest
of
them
is
that
of
Aristeas
Proconnefius
,
who
is
reported
by
Herodotus
to
have
often
died
and
lived
again
.
But
upon
what
Authority
?
Nothing
but
an
old-wives
Tradition
among
the
People
.
But
to
whom
did
he
appear
?
First
to
the
People
of
Proconnesus
,
and
between
two
or
three
hundred
years
after
to
those
of
Metapontum
.
How
then
was
any
Man
at
that
distance
of
time
able
to
affirm
that
it
was
the
same
Man
?
But
as
vain
a
Fable
as
it
is
,
it
is
not
,
as
Huetius
Demonst.
Evang.
c.
142.
§
6.
conjectures
,
without
some
ground
of
History
,
in
that
there
was
such
a
Man
as
Aristeas
of
great
Authority
in
the
Town
of
Proconnesus
about
the
Reign
of
Cyrus
;
but
beside
him
there
was
another
in
the
fabulous
Age
,
the
Son
of
Apollo
,
whom
the
Poets
feign'd
to
have
taken
a
sudden
flight
to
Heaven
;
now
it
was
easie
to
report
of
the
one
what
was
feign'd
of
the
other
,
especially
by
his
own
Country-men
,
it
being
the
custom
of
the
Greeks
to
apply
the
deeds
of
their
Gods
to
the
honour
of
their
own
Citizens
;
and
here
they
had
an
especial
advantage
from
the
Identity
of
their
Names
,
and
that
is
the
most
natural
foundation
of
the
whole
story
,
that
he
was
Namesake
with
one
of
whom
these
things
had
been
fabled
of
old
time
.
Another
is
,
that
there
was
a
Poem
call'd
Arimaspea
falsely
ascribed
to
this
Aristeas
;
where
the
Poet
begins
,
as
the
usual
manner
of
Poets
is
,
with
the
imagination
of
his
being
conveyed
out
of
himself
by
Apollo
to
a
certain
place
where
he
might
have
the
most
convenient
Prospect
of
what
he
was
to
describe
.
Now
what
he
thus
spake
in
a
Poetick
Scheme
,
they
afterward
understood
in
rigour
of
Speech
,
and
when
once
the
mistake
was
raised
,
it
easily
supported
it self
among
the
common
People
,
from
whom
Herodotus
,
as
himself
confesses
,
a
long
time
after
received
it
.
Now
is
not
this
a
worthy
story
to
vye
with
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
,
when
this
has
all
the
proofs
in
the
World
of
its
truth
and
certainty
;
that
not
one
,
but
on
the
contrary
all
the
signs
of
folly
and
fiction
?
And
it
were
easie
to
give
the
same
Account
of
Cleomedes
,
Hermotimus
,
Epimenides
,
but
the
stories
are
so
apparently
fabulous
,
and
so
utterly
void
of
all
original
Authority
,
and
so
very
like
meer
Mythology
,
that
seriously
to
confute
them
were
to
betray
my
own
Understanding
and
affront
my
Readers
.
But
beside
these
Romances
of
Antiquity
they
insist
upon
some
few
Miracles
of
a
later
date
,
but
those
too
so
slenderly
attested
,
that
onely
to
compare
them
is
enough
to
destroy
them
.
Those
of
most
seeming
credit
are
the
stories
of
Vespasian
and
Apollonius
Tyanaeus
.
As
for
Vespasian
,
he
was
strangely
befool'd
with
the
Ambition
of
being
the
Messias
,
that
is
as
he
understood
it
,
the
Monarch
of
the
World
,
which
some
say
was
the
first
rise
and
occasion
of
his
Glory
;
for
being
naturally
inclined
to
an
easie
belief
of
Prophesies
and
Predictions
,
and
there
being
at
that
time
(
as
the
Roman
Historians
attest
)
a
strong
and
unanimous
Opinion
among
the
Eastern
People
of
an
Universal
Monarch
,
that
was
foretold
by
some
ancient
Prophets
about
that
time
to
come
out
of
Judaea
,
he
first
applies
this
Prophesie
to
himself
and
then
applies
himself
to
fulfill
it
.
Percrebuerat
Oriente
toto
(
says
In
Vitâ
Vespas
.
Suetonius
)
vetus
&
constans
Opinio
,
esse
in
fat
is
ut
eo
tempore
Judaeâ
profecti
rerum
potirentur
.
And
so
Tacitus
,
Pluribus
persuasio
inerat
antiquis
And
then
beside
the
Prophesies
themselves
,
he
was
grosly
abused
(
as
vain-glory
is
sufficiently
credulous
)
by
the
flatteries
of
Josephus
,
who
accommodated
all
the
Characters
and
Descriptions
of
the
Messias
to
his
Person
and
the
circumstances
of
his
Affairs
.
And
not
onely
so
,
but
he
added
great
authority
to
his
Prediction
by
his
great
confidence
,
presevering
in
his
flattery
in
spite
of
Vespasian's
unkindness
;
for
when
he
had
cast
him
into
Prison
,
Josephus
made
light
of
it
,
and
assured
himself
and
his
Friends
,
that
he
should
in
a
short
time
be
delivered
by
Vespasian
himself
,
but
that
it
should
not
be
done
till
after
he
was
possest
of
the
Empire
,
Unus
ex
nobilibus
captivis
Josephus
,
cum
conjiceretur
in
vincula
,
constantissimè
Eccles.
Hist.
l.
3.
c.
12.
conceit
of
his
Messiahship
,
that
he
is
said
to
have
searched
after
and
slain
all
that
pretended
to
have
been
of
the
posterity
of
David
,
thereby
to
secure
the
Title
to
himself
against
all
Rivals
and
Competitours
.
Flusht
with
these
pleasing
Omens
in
Judaea
,
but
much
more
with
some
answerable
success
,
finding
all
his
Competitours
removed
but
onely
Vitellius
,
whom
he
feared
least
of
all
,
he
repairs
to
Rome
,
and
by
the
way
visits
Egypt
to
secure
those
parts
,
or
to
fulfill
a
Sibyllan
Prophesie
;
and
here
he
was
more
abused
with
the
flatteries
of
Apollonius
Tyanaeus
than
he
had
been
before
by
Josephus
;
for
he
was
no
sooner
come
to
Alexandria
(
where
that
wandring
Pedant
hapned
to
be
at
that
time
)
but
he
beggs
of
him
his
confirmation
of
those
Omens
that
he
brought
along
with
him
from
Judaea
,
begging
of
him
upon
his
Now
what
wise
Man
could
compare
this
one
theatrical
piece
of
Court-flattery
with
all
the
Miracles
of
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
?
the
meer
suspicion
of
these
pretended
Cripples
being
counterfeits
,
at
least
the
absolute
uncertainty
of
it
,
destroys
its
credit
;
whereas
the
impossibility
of
suspecting
any
fraud
or
flattery
in
our
Saviour's
Miracles
is
an
undoubted
demonstration
of
their
reality
.
Beside
that
,
the
Emperour
was
assured
by
the
Physicians
that
the
Men
were
not
past
a
natural
Cure
,
and
so
not
to
be
compared
with
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
most
whereof
were
done
upon
Persons
naturally
incurable
.
But
to
wave
this
,
I
cannot
give
so
much
credit
to
a
story
that
smells
so
rankly
of
imposture
as
to
suppose
the
possibility
of
its
truth
,
and
therefore
I
shall
onely
desire
the
Reader
to
compare
it
as
he
finds
it
under
so
many
disadvantages
of
suspicion
,
with
the
credibility
of
all
those
motives
of
belief
that
we
have
produced
for
the
History
of
our
Saviour's
Life
,
Death
and
Resurrection
,
and
then
leave
it
to
his
own
ingenuity
to
judge
whether
it
be
reasonable
to
oppose
one
story
so
miserably
suspicious
to
a
thousand
others
guarded
with
all
the
advantages
of
proof
against
all
possible
cavils
and
exceptions
.
§
XXVII
.
But
the
Man
of
Wonders
is
Apollonius
Tyanaeus
of
whom
they
boast
and
insult
as
the
true
Heathen
Messias
;
in
that
he
wrought
not
,
as
Vespasian
did
,
one
or
two
chance
Miracles
,
but
his
whole
Life
was
all
prodigy
,
and
equal
to
our
Saviour's
both
for
the
number
and
the
wonder
of
his
Works
.
But
here
first
we
have
in
part
already
shewn
what
undoubted
Records
we
have
of
the
Life
of
Jesus
,
whereas
all
the
credit
of
Apollonius
his
History
depends
upon
the
Authority
of
one
single
Man
,
who
,
beside
that
he
lived
an
hundred
years
after
him
,
ventured
nothing
,
as
the
Apostles
did
,
in
confirmation
of
its
truth
,
but
onely
composed
it
in
his
Study
,
thereby
,
as
appears
from
his
frequent
digressions
,
to
take
occasion
of
communicating
all
the
learning
he
had
raked
together
to
the
World
.
Nay
,
so
far
was
he
from
incurring
any
loss
by
the
Work
,
that
he
was
set
upon
it
by
a
great
Empress
,
whose
religious
Zeal
in
the
Cause
would
be
sure
to
see
him
well
rewarded
.
And
though
he
made
use
of
the
Commentaries
of
Damis
,
the
inseparable
Companion
of
Apollonius
,
yet
he
confesses
that
Damis
himself
never
publisht
his
own
Commentaries
,
but
that
a
Friend
of
Damis
communicated
them
to
the
Empress
,
which
himself
might
probably
have
forged
(
as
is
common
in
Courts
)
to
pick
her
pocket
.
However
,
as
for
Damis
himself
it
is
evident
,
from
Philostratus
his
whole
Story
,
that
he
was
a
very
simple
Man
,
and
that
Apollonius
onely
pickt
him
up
as
a
fit
Sancho
Panche
to
exercise
his
Wit
upon
,
so
that
upon
all
occasions
we
find
him
not
onely
baffling
the
Esquire
in
Disputes
but
breaking
Jests
upon
him
,
which
he
always
takes
with
much
thankfulness
and
more
humility
,
still
admiring
his
Master's
Wisedom
but
much
more
his
Wit.
But
after
all
,
what
the
Story
of
Damis
was
,
or
whether
there
were
ever
any
such
Story
,
we
have
no
account
unless
from
Philostratus
himself
,
and
therefore
we
must
resolve
it
all
into
his
Authority
alone
.
And
there
it
is
evident
that
he
was
neither
a
God
nor
a
Divine
Man
,
as
his
Friends
boasted
,
nor
a
Magician
or
Conjurer
as
his
Enemies
imagin'd
,
but
a
meer
fanatick
and
pedantick
Pythagorean
,
that
for
the
honour
of
his
Sect
travel'd
,
as
many
others
have
done
,
into
all
parts
of
the
World
,
and
when
he
return'd
home
told
his
Country-men
that
all
Men
renown'd
for
Wisedom
all
the
World
over
were
of
the
Sect
of
the
Pythagoreans
;
and
then
for
the
advancement
of
their
Authority
told
strange
and
prodigious
tales
of
their
wonder-working
Power
.
Though
here
either
he
or
his
Historian
has
acquitted
himself
so
awkardly
as
utterly
to
spoil
the
tale
and
defeat
the
design
.
This
Eusebius
has
shewn
at
large
in
his
Book
against
Hierocles
,
by
taking
apieces
all
parts
of
the
Story
,
and
discovering
all
its
flaws
and
incoherences
;
but
I
shall
content
my self
with
proving
the
vanity
of
the
whole
from
the
notorious
falshood
of
one
particular
Narration
,
upon
which
depends
all
that
extraordinary
power
that
he
pretends
to
,
and
that
is
his
conversation
with
the
Indian
Brachmans
,
from
whom
,
if
we
may
believe
his
account
of
himself
,
he
learnt
all
that
he
could
doe
more
than
the
common
Philosophers
of
Greece
.
And
if
this
prove
a
Romance
,
all
the
rest
of
the
History
must
unavoidably
follow
its
fortune
;
and
for
this
little
proof
will
serve
the
turn
,
when
most
of
the
Stories
are
so
very
mean
and
childish
as
to
be
more
contemptible
than
those
little
tales
wherewith
Nurses
are
wont
to
quiet
little
Children
.
For
what
could
be
contrived
more
unphilosophically
than
the
Bramans
keeping
Tubs
of
Rain
,
John
Mandevil
himself
for
incredible
Monsters
and
Fables
,
describing
Men
and
Beasts
of
strange
shapes
,
that
were
never
seen
by
any
Man
but
himself
,
as
a
sort
of
Women
half
Black
,
half
White
;
a
Nation
of
Demonst.
Ev.
c.
147.
§
4.
that
all
the
substantial
Miracles
are
stoln
out
of
the
Gospels
and
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
,
and
that
for
the
most
part
in
the
very
words
and
phrases
of
Saint
Luke
.
And
this
he
has
endeavour'd
to
make
good
by
a
great
variety
of
parallel
Instances
,
and
then
thinks
it
a
manifest
discovery
both
of
the
vanity
of
Philostratus
and
the
Imposture
of
Apollonius
,
when
he
is
onely
adorn'd
with
borrowed
Feathers
,
but
a
great
accession
to
the
credit
of
our
Saviour
,
that
when
his
Enemies
would
frame
the
Idea
of
a
Divine
Man
,
they
were
forced
to
steal
their
best
Features
from
his
Picture
;
so
that
,
he
says
,
it
was
no
wonder
that
Hierocles
should
so
confidently
compare
the
Miracles
of
Apollonius
to
those
of
Jesus
,
when
those
of
Jesus
were
with
so
little
disguise
clapt
upon
Apollonius
.
This
were
a
pretty
Discovery
if
it
stood
upon
good
grounds
,
but
alas
most
of
the
Parallelisms
are
so
forced
,
or
so
slender
,
or
so
far
fetched
,
that
it
were
easie
to
make
as
many
and
as
probable
between
any
other
Histories
whatsoever
.
And
indeed
,
in
such
a
design
as
this
of
Philostratus
,
viz.
To
make
up
a
Story
as
full
of
strange
things
as
he
could
well
contrive
,
it
is
scarce
possible
not
to
have
hit
upon
some
things
like
some
of
those
Miracles
that
are
recorded
in
the
Gospels
.
So
that
in
some
few
of
them
there
may
be
some
resemblance
,
as
particularly
there
seems
to
be
in
that
of
the
Gadarean
Demoniack
and
the
Corcyrean
Youth
,
yet
it
is
very
obvious
to
apprehend
that
this
might
happen
not
by
design
but
by
chance
.
And
whereas
Huetius
will
needs
have
it
that
to
torment
,
so
that
they
could
no
more
avoid
that
in
Greek
than
we
could
this
in
rendring
it
into
English
.
Nay
,
setting
aside
this
one
Story
,
I
find
so
little
resemblance
between
the
History
of
Philostratus
and
that
of
the
Gospels
,
that
I
scarce
know
any
two
Histories
more
unlike
.
For
it
is
obvious
to
any
Man
that
reads
Philostratus
that
his
whole
design
was
to
follow
the
train
of
the
old
Heathen
Mythology
,
and
that
is
the
bottom
of
his
folly
by
his
Story
to
gain
historical
Credit
to
the
Fables
of
the
Poets
;
so
that
it
is
a
very
true
and
just
censure
that
Ludovicus
Vives
has
given
of
him
,
that
as
he
had
endeavour'd
to
imitate
Homer
,
so
he
had
abundantly
out-lyed
him
.
For
there
is
scarce
any
thing
extraordinary
reported
in
the
whole
History
,
in
which
he
does
not
apparently
design
either
to
verifie
or
to
rectifie
some
of
that
blind
Ballad-singers
Tales
.
But
especially
in
conjuring
Achilles
out
of
his
Tomb
and
discoursing
with
him
about
the
old
Stories
that
were
told
of
the
Trojan
War
.
And
yet
after
all
,
few
of
Apollonius
his
Miracles
are
sufficiently
vouched
even
by
his
own
History
,
v.
g.
the
last
that
I
mention'd
of
the
Apparition
of
Achilles
,
that
had
no
other
Testimony
but
of
Apollonius
himself
,
who
stubbornly
refused
to
have
any
Companion
or
Witness
of
the
Fact
;
beside
many
other
absurdities
in
the
Story
it self
,
as
his
rising
out
of
the
Tomb
five
Foot
long
,
and
then
swelling
to
twice
the
length
,
his
being
forced
to
vanish
away
at
Cock-crowing
,
and
the
Nymphs
constantly
visiting
of
him
.
And
so
again
,
he
pretended
to
understand
all
Languages
without
learning
any
,
and
yet
when
he
came
to
the
Indian
King
he
was
forced
to
converse
with
him
by
an
Interpreter
.
And
whereas
the
Story
tells
us
of
the
Devils
being
cast
out
of
a
young
Man
by
a
Mandate
from
the
Bramans
,
yet
it
gives
us
no
account
of
the
event
of
it
,
onely
they
pretended
to
doe
it
,
but
whether
it
were
effectually
done
we
do
not
find
that
either
Apollonius
or
Damis
ever
enquired
.
But
the
great
faculty
he
pretended
to
was
the
understanding
of
the
Language
of
Birds
and
Beasts
,
which
,
he
says
,
he
learnt
from
the
Arabians
,
and
the
Citizens
of
Paraca
in
India
,
who
acquired
it
by
eating
Dragons
Hearts
.
Now
all
Stories
of
Dragons
are
very
hard
of
belief
,
but
especially
of
his
Indian
Dragons
,
that
,
he
says
,
were
as
commonly
hunted
by
the
Inhabitants
as
Hares
in
other
Countries
.
But
granting
there
were
so
great
numbers
of
them
in
his
time
,
though
since
that
they
were
never
seen
by
any
Man
,
it
is
very
hard
to
believe
that
the
meer
eating
a
piece
of
their
Hearts
should
inspire
Men
with
such
an
odd
and
singular
faculty
.
Though
the
great
Miracle
of
all
was
his
vanishing
away
at
his
Tryal
before
Domitian
in
the
presence
of
all
the
great
Men
of
Rome
,
but
then
though
our
Historian
be
very
desirous
we
should
believe
it
,
yet
he
faulters
afterward
like
a
guilty
Lyer
in
his
confidence
;
for
whereas
at
first
he
positively
vanishing
away
.
Though
the
truth
is
,
if
he
had
stood
to
it
,
it
must
unavoidably
have
proved
it self
a
Lye
,
for
it
is
utterly
incredible
that
so
strange
a
thing
as
that
should
have
been
done
in
so
great
a
presence
as
that
,
and
yet
never
any
notice
be
taken
of
it
.
But
in
the
last
place
the
Historian
would
fain
bid
at
something
of
his
Hero's
appearing
after
Death
,
yet
he
does
it
so
faintly
,
that
in
the
conclusion
of
all
it
comes
to
nothing
,
especialy
when
he
tells
us
that
the
time
of
his
Death
was
altogether
unknown
,
and
that
the
uncertainty
of
it
took
in
no
less
than
the
compass
of
thirty
years
,
and
then
they
that
were
so
utterly
at
a
loss
as
to
the
time
of
his
decease
,
and
that
for
so
long
a
space
,
were
likely
to
give
a
very
wise
account
of
the
certain
time
of
any
thing
that
he
did
after
it
.
But
how
or
to
whom
did
he
appear
?
And
now
,
upon
review
of
this
whole
History
,
it
seems
evident
to
me
that
this
Man
was
so
far
from
being
endued
with
any
extraordinary
or
Divine
Power
that
he
does
not
deserve
the
reputation
of
an
ordinary
Conjurer
.
For
though
Huetius
has
taken
some
pains
to
prove
him
so
,
yet
he
gives
no
evidence
of
it
beside
the
Opinion
of
the
common
People
;
and
if
that
were
enough
to
make
a
Conjurer
,
there
is
no
Man
of
an
odd
and
a
singular
humour
(
as
Apollonius
affected
to
be
)
who
is
not
so
thought
of
by
the
common
People
.
And
therefore
when
he
was
accused
for
it
before
Domitian
the
Emperour
when
he
came
to
hear
the
cause
,
slighted
both
him
and
his
accusers
,
and
dismist
him
the
Court
for
an
idle
and
phantastick
fellow
.
And
it
is
manifest
from
the
whole
series
of
his
History
that
he
was
a
very
vain
Man
,
and
affected
to
be
thought
something
extraordinary
,
and
so
wander'd
all
the
World
over
in
an
odd
Garb
to
be
gazed
at
and
admired
,
and
made
himself
considerable
in
that
Age
by
Wit
,
Impudence
and
Flattery
,
of
all
which
he
had
a
very
competent
share
.
But
for
his
Wonder-working
Faculty
which
he
would
needs
pretend
to
,
he
fetcht
that
as
far
off
as
the
East
Indies
,
that
is
the
farthest
off
as
he
thought
from
confutation
.
And
yet
the
Account
that
he
has
given
of
those
parts
is
so
grosly
fabulous
,
that
that
alone
convicts
his
whole
Life
of
imposture
and
impudence
.
And
this
may
suffice
to
make
good
this
part
of
the
demonstration
of
our
Saviour's
Divine
Authority
from
the
certain
Evidence
both
of
his
own
and
his
Apostles
Miracles
,
and
to
set
it
above
the
reach
of
all
manner
either
of
Objection
or
Competition
.
§
XXVIII
.
But
though
the
History
of
Jesus
of
Nazareth
have
this
advantage
of
all
others
,
in
that
the
Tradition
,
whereby
it
has
been
conveyed
down
to
us
,
has
proved
the
truth
of
its
own
Testimony
by
plain
and
undeniable
Miracles
;
yet
if
we
set
aside
this
peculiar
Divine
Attestation
,
and
consider
the
Tradition
by
it self
as
meerly
Humane
,
and
deliver'd
down
in
the
ordinary
course
of
things
;
it
has
been
so
constant
,
so
catholick
and
so
uninterrupted
as
to
be
its
own
demonstration
.
For
if
there
had
been
no
such
thing
as
the
Story
of
Jesus
of
Nazareth
in
that
Age
,
there
could
never
have
been
any
such
Tradition
;
or
if
there
were
,
it
was
so
early
,
that
if
it
had
been
false
,
it
must
immediately
have
perished
as
a
manifest
Lye
,
in
that
when
it
comes
so
near
the
very
time
in
which
the
thing
it self
was
acted
,
nothing
but
undoubted
Truth
could
ever
have
maintain'd
its
Authority
.
For
though
it
is
easie
at
a
distance
to
tell
strange
stories
of
the
times
of
old
,
as
we
find
by
those
many
idle
and
incredible
Legends
added
to
the
History
of
the
primitive
Church
in
the
after-ages
of
ignorance
and
superstition
;
yet
to
raise
a
story
so
strange
and
remarkable
as
that
of
Jesus
of
Nazareth
and
his
Apostles
,
without
any
ground
or
foundation
for
it
,
nay
,
against
the
certain
knowledge
of
those
who
lived
in
the
place
where
it
was
first
broacht
,
and
to
gain
Proselytes
to
such
a
notorious
Fiction
,
is
a
thing
not
possible
in
the
course
of
humane
Affairs
.
For
to
pass
by
all
the
other
disadvantages
that
I
have
already
represented
,
that
this
Tradition
must
labour
under
if
it
rise
not
up
to
the
very
time
that
it
pretends
to
,
especially
that
of
its
being
a
matter
of
Fact
,
which
must
unavoidably
have
destroyed
it
,
if
false
;
that
which
I
have
already
proposed
and
come
now
to
prosecute
seems
as
insuperable
as
any
of
the
rest
,
viz.
That
great
numbers
of
learned
and
wise
Men
,
who
lived
in
the
Ages
next
and
immediately
after
it
,
should
,
after
the
strictest
enquiry
concerning
its
truth
,
not
onely
suffer
themselves
to
be
imposed
upon
by
so
late
and
palpable
a
Fiction
,
but
lay
down
their
Lives
in
defence
of
it
.
This
is
not
credible
unless
they
were
fully
assured
of
the
undoubted
certainty
of
the
thing
it self
,
and
their
assurance
alone
is
to
us
a
sufficient
demonstration
of
it
.
But
though
that
be
enough
,
yet
I
will
undertake
more
,
viz.
To
give
an
account
of
the
grounds
and
reasons
of
their
Assurance
,
by
tracing
up
the
certain
Tradition
of
the
thing
it self
to
the
very
times
of
the
Apostles
,
and
from
them
deriving
it
down
to
after-ages
through
the
hands
of
wise
,
learned
and
judicious
Men
;
and
that
,
as
I
take
it
,
will
make
a
new
and
distinct
demonstration
of
the
infallible
certainty
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
Now
this
Tradition
is
conveyed
two
manner
of
ways
,
either
by
a
succession
of
Churches
or
of
single
Persons
.
First
by
a
succession
of
Churches
:
and
this
way
of
conveyance
is
insisted
upon
by
the
Ancients
themselves
in
justification
of
the
Catholick
Truth
both
against
Hereticks
and
Insidels
.
Thus
the
Apostolical
Tradition
,
says
Irenaeus
,
is
spread
Adv.
Haeres
.
l.
3.
c.
3.
all
the
World
over
,
and
this
every
Man
that
pleases
may
find
in
every
Church
;
and
we
are
able
to
reckon
up
all
those
that
were
appointed
by
the
Apostles
to
be
their
Successours
and
Bishops
in
the
Churches
of
Christ
down
to
our
own
time
.
But
because
it
would
be
too
tedious
in
such
a
Discourse
as
this
to
enumerate
the
Succession
of
all
Churches
,
I
shall
onely
instance
in
those
great
,
ancient
and
famous
Churches
that
were
founded
at
Rome
by
those
two
glorious
Apostles
Saint
Peter
and
Saint
Paul
,
hereby
to
shew
the
Tradition
of
that
Faith
that
was
preached
by
the
Apostles
,
to
have
been
safely
conveyed
by
the
Succession
of
Bishops
down
to
our
own
time
.
And
I
choose
to
exemplifie
this
thing
in
this
Church
rather
than
any
other
,
because
of
its
great
preheminence
and
resort
from
all
parts
of
the
World
,
upon
which
account
its
Tradition
must
needs
be
more
publick
and
better
known
.
The
blessed
Apostles
therefore
having
laid
the
Foundations
of
the
Church
,
delivered
the
oversight
of
it
to
Linus
,
of
whom
Saint
Paul
makes
mention
in
his
Epistle
to
Timothy
,
to
him
succeeds
Anacletus
,
then
Clemens
,
who
familiarly
conversed
with
the
Apostles
,
and
had
their
Preaching
still
sounding
in
his
Ears
,
and
their
Tradition
before
his
Eyes
.
In
whose
time
there
hapned
a
great
Schism
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
to
allay
which
the
Church
of
Rome
directed
an
excellent
Epistle
to
them
,
in
which
she
exhorts
them
to
Peace
and
Unity
,
rubs
up
their
memory
of
the
primitive
Faith
,
and
sets
before
them
the
fresh
Tradition
of
the
Apostles
themselves
.
To
him
succeeds
Evaristus
,
to
Evaristus
Alexander
,
and
then
Sixtus
,
Telesphorus
,
Higinus
,
Pius
,
Anicetus
,
Soter
,
and
now
Eleutherius
in
the
twelfth
place
from
the
Apostles
.
This
is
a
clear
and
an
accurate
account
of
the
Apostolical
Succession
of
that
Church
,
so
that
it
is
impossible
to
understand
how
there
should
ever
have
been
a
Bishop
in
it
,
unless
we
begin
the
Succession
from
the
Apostles
,
and
then
this
is
an
undeniable
proof
of
the
certainty
of
their
Tradition
,
as
in
all
other
places
,
so
particularly
in
that
great
and
populous
City
.
And
this
very
Argument
Epiphanius
insists
upon
against
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
5.
c.
12.
succession
of
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
.
So
that
here
is
no
real
difficulty
or
labyrinth
as
to
the
succession
,
and
all
that
seems
to
be
,
is
onely
occasion'd
by
an
easie
and
obvious
mistake
of
some
later
Writers
against
the
more
ancient
and
unquestionable
Authority
.
After
the
same
manner
does
Tertullian
triumph
over
the
Hereticks
,
by
challenging
Praescript
.
Haeret.
c.
32.
them
to
prescribe
for
their
Opinions
from
the
beginning
,
as
the
Catholicks
were
able
to
doe
for
theirs
.
The
truth
,
says
he
,
will
appear
from
its
Antiquity
:
that
is
true
and
delivered
by
the
Lord
himself
that
we
find
most
ancient
,
but
that
is
foreign
and
false
that
was
brought
in
afterwards
;
and
if
they
shall
dare
to
pretend
to
the
Apostolical
Age
,
let
them
produce
the
Originals
of
the
Churches
,
let
them
describe
the
succession
of
their
Bishops
,
and
so
derive
it
from
the
beginning
,
as
that
the
first
Bishop
should
have
succeeded
to
some
Apostle
or
some
Apostolical
Man
that
conversed
with
the
Apostles
.
For
in
this
way
it
is
that
the
Apostolical
Churches
prove
their
Original
,
as
the
Church
of
Smyrna
will
produce
Policarp
placed
there
by
Saint
John
,
the
Church
of
Rome
Clement
ordain'd
by
Saint
Peter
;
and
so
for
all
other
Churches
they
shew
you
the
Men
that
were
settled
in
their
Episcopal
Office
by
the
Apostles
themselves
,
and
conveyed
down
their
Doctrine
to
Posterity
.
And
again
,
this
is
the
onely
Testimony
of
the
truth
,
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
5.
c.
12.
particularly
informs
us
concerning
the
succession
of
Jerusalem
,
that
he
transcribed
it
out
of
their
own
Archives
.
Though
setting
aside
the
information
that
he
received
thence
,
the
History
of
the
succession
is
sufficiently
preserved
by
other
Writers
.
That
of
Rome
is
already
cleared
,
that
of
Antioch
is
as
clear
,
onely
some
Men
are
willing
to
raise
a
dispute
about
the
immediate
Successour
to
the
Apostles
,
whether
it
were
Euodius
or
Ignatius
,
probably
it
might
be
both
as
it
was
at
Rome
;
but
if
Euodius
were
the
first
,
it
is
enough
that
his
Successour
,
Ignatius
,
was
an
Apostolical
Man
,
and
familiarly
acquainted
with
the
Apostles
,
and
that
from
him
the
succession
runs
clear
and
undisputed
down
to
the
Council
of
Nice
,
to
which
Eustathius
its
then
present
Bishop
was
summon'd
;
and
as
he
was
a
Man
of
eminent
learning
,
so
he
bore
a
considerable
sway
in
it
.
As
for
Alexandria
the
succession
runs
so
clear
there
,
that
I
do
not
find
that
the
most
sceptical
Adversaries
in
this
point
dare
so
much
as
question
it
;
and
indeed
the
succession
of
learned
Men
in
that
Church
was
so
early
and
so
uninterrupted
,
that
it
was
no
more
possible
for
them
to
be
ignorant
of
the
succession
of
their
Bishops
,
than
it
is
for
any
learned
Man
now
not
to
know
the
succession
in
the
See
of
Canterbury
from
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
.
To
these
it
were
easie
to
add
many
more
if
it
were
not
too
tedious
,
but
though
I
do
not
meet
with
any
reasonable
suspicion
of
an
interrupted
succession
in
any
eminent
Church
,
yet
I
shall
instance
onely
in
two
,
that
,
next
to
those
already
mention'd
,
most
deserve
our
notice
,
that
is
,
the
Churches
of
Corinth
and
Athens
;
an
account
of
whose
succession
we
have
from
Dionysius
a
learned
M.
Antoninus
,
as
indeed
we
have
of
many
other
Churches
in
his
Epistles
to
them
;
as
for
his
own
Church
it
were
a
vain
thing
to
demand
a
particular
account
of
its
succession
,
when
himself
was
so
near
the
fountain
head
,
and
has
withall
accidentally
let
us
understand
his
knowledge
of
what
was
transacted
there
before
his
own
time
,
and
particularly
by
his
account
of
Saint
Clement's
Epistle
.
As
for
the
Church
of
Athens
he
expresly
affirms
that
Dionysius
the
Areopagite
was
their
first
Bishop
,
and
after
him
mentions
Publius
and
Quadratus
,
so
that
it
was
not
possible
there
should
be
any
unknown
interruption
in
so
short
an
interval
.
This
may
suffice
for
a
brief
specimen
of
the
certain
succession
in
the
most
eminent
Churches
from
the
Apostles
,
and
by
consequence
of
their
undoubted
Tradition
.
§
XXIX
.
The
next
part
of
the
Argument
is
to
prove
its
more
particular
conveyance
down
from
the
very
time
of
the
Apostles
through
the
hands
of
a
great
many
wise
and
learned
Men
:
And
for
this
reason
it
was
that
Clemens
Alexandrinus
after
Strom.
l.
1.
p.
201.
he
had
passed
through
the
Discipline
of
several
Masters
and
several
Sects
,
acquiesced
at
last
,
without
any
farther
search
,
in
the
Christian
Institution
,
because
they
that
preserved
the
Tradition
of
this
heavenly
Doctrine
,
received
it
immediately
from
Peter
,
James
,
and
John
,
and
Paul
,
the
holy
Apostles
,
as
a
Son
succeeds
a
Father
,
and
by
the
Providence
of
God
have
brought
it
down
to
us
,
planting
those
seeds
of
Doctrine
which
they
derived
from
their
Ancestours
and
the
Apostles
.
And
it
is
a
very
good
reason
and
becoming
the
wisedom
of
that
learned
Man
,
supposing
the
matter
of
Fact
to
be
true
;
and
that
it
is
,
is
evident
from
the
succession
it self
,
in
that
the
first
Witnesses
of
Christianity
next
to
the
Apostles
familiarly
conversed
with
the
Apostles
themselves
or
with
Apostolical
Men.
As
Saint
Clemens
Bishop
of
Rome
,
who
wrote
an
excellent
Epistle
to
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
received
with
great
veneration
in
the
Christian
Church
,
valued
next
to
the
holy
Scriptures
,
and
therefore
read
with
them
in
several
Churches
,
but
especially
the
Church
of
Corinth
.
And
as
it
was
the
most
ancient
next
to
the
Apostolical
Books
,
so
was
it
the
most
undoubted
Writing
of
the
Christian
Hist.
l.
3.
c.
16.
38.
Church
;
it
was
,
says
Eusebius
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
received
without
controversie
.
And
it
is
cited
by
Dionysius
,
Bishop
of
Corinth
,
a
short
time
Hist.
l.
4.
c.
23.
after
,
who
affirms
that
it
was
then
read
in
that
Church
every
Lord's
Day
;
It
is
magnified
by
Irenaeus
not
onely
for
its
Adv.
Haeres
.
l.
3.
c.
3.
own
strength
and
piety
,
but
for
the
primitive
Antiquity
of
its
Authour
,
who
,
he
says
,
was
conversant
with
the
Apostles
,
received
his
Christianity
from
them
,
had
their
preaching
still
fresh
in
his
memory
,
and
their
customs
and
traditions
in
his
eye
,
as
divers
others
there
were
then
living
,
that
were
taught
by
the
Apostles
themselves
.
And
Clemens
Alexandrinus
quoting
this
Epistle
(
as
he
often
does
)
Strom.
l.
4.
gives
him
the
Title
of
Apostle
for
his
primitive
Antiquity
.
But
beside
that
it
was
unanimously
attested
by
the
Ancients
,
it
was
never
call'd
in
question
by
any
of
our
modern
Criticks
,
who
though
they
have
taken
infinite
pains
to
destroy
or
impair
,
as
much
as
in
them
lay
,
the
credit
of
all
the
ancient
monuments
of
the
Church
,
yet
have
passed
this
Epistle
as
undoubtedly
genuine
with
an
unanimous
approbation
.
Now
this
supposes
the
owning
and
the
settlement
of
the
Christian
Religion
in
the
World
,
it
asserts
particularly
the
truth
and
certainty
of
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
,
and
,
beside
several
other
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
quotes
the
first
Epistle
of
Saint
Paul
to
the
Corinthians
,
in
which
the
Apostle
proves
its
undoubted
certainty
by
the
Testimony
not
onely
of
himself
and
the
Apostles
,
but
of
above
five
hundred
Witnesses
beside
,
most
whereof
were
then
alive
.
Beside
this
he
tells
us
of
the
great
labours
and
martyrdoms
of
Saint
Peter
and
Saint
Paul
in
asserting
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
the
great
patience
and
constancy
of
vast
numbers
more
for
the
same
cause
;
and
this
he
speaks
of
as
a
thing
present
.
Let
us
,
says
he
,
consider
the
generous
and
worthy
Examples
of
our
own
Age
:
through
emulation
and
envy
the
faithfull
Pillars
of
the
Church
were
persecuted
even
unto
a
most
grievous
Death
.
Let
us
place
before
our
Eyes
our
holy
Apostles
;
and
so
he
proceeds
to
the
acts
and
sufferings
of
Saint
Peter
and
Saint
Paul
.
Now
how
could
this
have
been
done
at
that
time
if
Christianity
had
been
a
meer
Fable
,
or
what
more
unquestionable
Tradition
can
we
have
of
its
truth
,
especially
of
the
Resurrection
,
when
he
quotes
the
Gospels
in
which
it
is
recorded
,
the
Epistle
of
Saint
Paul
in
which
it
is
proved
by
such
a
number
of
Eye-witnesses
,
the
Testimony
of
the
Apostles
and
innumerable
others
that
lived
at
the
same
time
,
and
laid
down
their
Lives
out
of
that
undoubted
assurance
they
had
of
its
truth
and
certainty
?
We
may
now
with
much
more
reason
doubt
of
what
was
done
to
his
late
Majesty
in
January
,
1648.
than
they
could
at
that
time
of
the
Testimony
of
the
Apostles
concerning
the
Passion
and
Resurrection
of
Jesus
.
Neither
did
the
current
of
this
Tradition
stop
here
in
the
Corinthian
Church
,
but
as
it
came
down
from
the
first
Witnesses
,
so
it
descended
in
the
same
chanel
to
after-times
:
for
as
the
Apostolical
Writings
are
own'd
by
this
Epistle
,
so
is
this
Epistle
by
those
who
could
not
but
be
certain
of
its
Authority
,
especially
Dionysius
Bishop
of
that
Church
to
whom
it
was
written
;
for
as
Saint
Clement's
Epistle
was
written
not
long
after
the
time
of
the
Apostles
,
probably
in
the
Reign
of
Domitian
;
so
was
that
of
Dionysius
written
not
at
a
greater
distance
from
Saint
Clemens
;
for
he
flourished
in
the
time
of
M.
Aurelius
,
and
had
full
assurance
of
its
being
authentick
,
from
its
having
been
constantly
read
in
the
Corinthian
Church
.
So
that
the
Tradition
of
the
Apostles
Testimony
was
as
certain
in
that
Church
in
the
time
of
that
Emperour
,
who
began
his
Reign
about
the
year
,
161.
as
it
was
in
their
own
time
;
so
that
if
the
Corinthians
who
lived
in
the
time
of
Dionisius
had
been
contemporary
to
the
Apostles
themselves
,
they
could
not
have
had
a
more
satisfactory
and
unquestionable
information
of
the
truth
of
those
things
that
they
preached
,
than
was
given
them
from
so
clear
and
uninterrupted
a
Tradition
:
for
that
being
so
entirely
free
from
all
manner
of
doubt
and
suspicion
,
the
distance
of
time
made
no
alteration
as
to
the
certainty
of
the
thing
.
§
.
XXX
.
To
the
Testimony
of
this
Apostolical
Man
we
may
joyn
that
of
Ignatius
,
Policarp
,
Papias
and
Quadratus
,
as
having
all
conversed
with
the
followers
and
familiars
of
our
Saviour
.
And
first
,
as
for
Ignatius
,
he
was
educated
under
the
Apostles
themselves
,
and
by
them
constituted
Bishop
of
the
great
City
of
Antioch
,
where
he
sate
many
years
,
and
govern'd
his
charge
with
extraordinary
zeal
and
prudence
,
and
at
last
with
infinite
courage
and
alacrity
suffer'd
Martyrdom
for
the
Testimony
of
his
Faith
.
There
have
been
great
Controversies
of
late
in
the
Christian
World
concerning
his
Epistles
,
though
with
how
little
reason
on
their
side
that
oppose
them
I
have
accounted
elsewhere
,
and
though
I
shall
by
and
by
make
use
of
their
Authority
and
make
it
good
too
,
yet
our
present
Argument
is
not
concern'd
in
that
dispute
;
for
whether
these
Epistles
that
at
this
time
pass
under
his
name
be
genuine
or
counterfeit
,
it
is
certain
that
there
was
such
a
Man
and
that
he
wrote
such
Epistles
;
and
if
so
,
then
he
is
another
competent
Witness
of
the
truth
of
the
Apostolical
Testimony
;
and
his
great
sense
of
Immortality
,
and
earnest
desire
of
Martyrdom
shew
his
great
assurance
of
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
,
upon
which
they
were
founded
;
so
that
he
is
another
undoubted
Witness
of
the
Apostolical
Tradition
,
viz.
That
the
Christian
Faith
descended
from
the
Apostles
,
and
that
they
gave
that
proof
of
their
Testimony
that
is
recorded
of
them
in
the
holy
Scriptures
.
And
by
his
Testimony
of
the
truth
of
all
that
Christianity
pretends
to
,
is
the
Tradition
of
the
Apostles
connected
with
the
certain
History
of
after-times
,
so
as
to
leave
no
dark
and
unknown
Interval
,
wherein
the
Story
,
pretended
to
have
been
formerly
acted
by
the
Apostles
,
might
have
been
first
obtruded
upon
the
World
,
but
on
the
contrary
to
make
it
undeniably
evident
that
there
could
never
have
been
any
such
Story
,
had
it
not
first
descended
from
the
Apostles
.
But
though
this
be
enough
to
my
purpose
for
attesting
the
truth
of
the
Apostolical
History
by
such
a
near
and
immediate
Witness
to
make
the
Tradition
of
the
Church
certain
and
uninterrupted
,
yet
I
will
not
wave
that
advantage
that
I
have
from
this
glorious
Martyr's
Epistles
,
because
they
breathe
so
much
the
genuine
spirit
of
the
ancient
Christianity
,
especially
as
to
the
undoubted
assurance
of
a
future
Immortality
,
which
shews
what
mighty
satisfaction
they
had
of
the
reality
of
the
thing
,
that
they
so
firmly
believed
and
so
vehemently
desired
.
And
as
for
the
Epistles
themselves
they
are
so
strongly
and
unanimously
attested
by
the
Records
of
the
ancient
Church
,
that
they
had
never
been
so
much
as
question'd
but
for
their
resolute
Opposition
to
some
Mens
Prejudices
;
for
they
being
resolved
in
their
own
Innovation
of
Church-government
contrary
to
that
of
the
Apostolical
and
primitive
Constitution
,
which
these
Epistles
so
zealously
assert
,
and
that
as
establisht
by
the
command
of
God
,
and
thereby
made
necessary
to
the
peace
of
the
Christian
Church
;
they
had
no
way
left
but
stubbornly
,
I
ought
to
have
said
impudently
,
to
reject
their
Authority
.
But
alas
that
is
so
admirably
vouched
as
if
the
Providence
of
God
had
purposely
design'd
to
secure
their
credit
for
ever
;
And
particularly
in
the
first
place
by
his
Friend
Policarp
,
who
sent
a
Copy
of
them
to
the
Church
of
Philippi
with
a
Letter
of
his
own
,
now
Policarp's
Epistle
was
never
question'd
,
nay
,
it
was
for
some
hundred
years
after
publickly
read
in
the
Churches
of
Asia
,
how
then
is
it
possible
to
avoid
so
clear
and
certain
a
Testimony
as
this
?
they
have
no
other
way
but
onely
by
saying
that
this
particular
passage
was
foisted
in
,
without
any
shadow
of
ground
for
the
surmise
;
nay
,
contrary
to
the
common
sense
of
Mankind
,
that
an
Epistle
so
universally
known
to
the
learned
and
the
unlearned
should
be
so
easily
corrupted
,
and
the
corruption
never
taken
notice
of
,
and
when
this
counterfeit
passage
was
thrust
into
it
contrary
to
the
faith
of
all
the
publick
Books
,
it
should
pass
down
uncontroul'd
and
unquestion'd
to
all
after-ages
.
Nay
,
farther
,
if
it
were
forged
,
it
must
have
been
before
the
time
of
Eusebius
,
who
gives
an
account
of
it
and
believes
it
genuine
,
and
yet
himself
affirms
that
it
was
at
his
time
publickly
read
in
Churches
,
as
Saint
Jerome
afterwards
that
it
was
in
his
;
now
it
is
a
very
probable
thing
that
Eusebius
would
be
imposed
upon
by
one
private
Copy
contrary
to
the
faith
of
all
the
publick
Books
,
or
that
he
should
impose
the
mistake
upon
all
that
followed
him
,
when
the
same
Books
were
preserved
in
the
same
publick
manner
till
the
time
of
Saint
Jerome
.
But
beside
this
they
have
another
shift
altogether
as
groundless
and
not
less
bold
,
viz.
That
it
is
true
that
there
had
been
such
Epistles
of
Ignatius
that
Policarp
speaks
of
,
but
that
a
little
before
Eusebius
his
time
the
true
ones
were
lost
,
and
a
counterfeit
Copy
put
upon
the
World
;
which
as
it
is
nothing
but
meer
conjecture
for
the
sake
of
a
desperate
cause
,
and
void
of
all
pretence
of
probability
,
so
it
is
incredible
in
it self
,
and
not
possible
in
the
course
of
humane
Affairs
that
such
a
famous
Writing
of
such
an
ancient
and
apostolical
Bishop
,
of
such
an
eminent
and
glorious
Martyr
,
written
at
such
a
time
,
at
the
very
point
of
his
dissolution
,
as
his
Legacy
to
the
Christian
Church
,
communicated
to
several
Churches
,
publickly
and
vulgarly
known
,
attested
by
Saint
Policarp
,
Irenaeus
,
Clemens
of
Alexandria
,
and
not
long
since
by
Origen
,
't
is
not
possible
that
all
the
Copies
of
such
a
Writing
as
this
should
be
lost
about
one
and
the
same
time
,
and
that
a
false
one
should
immediately
rise
up
in
their
stead
,
and
that
Eusebius
,
a
Man
so
familiarly
acquainted
with
the
choicest
Libraries
of
that
part
of
the
World
should
embrace
so
late
and
so
gross
a
Forgery
,
and
put
the
mistake
upon
all
learned
Men
that
followed
after
him
.
The
Man
that
can
satisfie
himself
with
such
wild
surmises
and
suppositions
as
these
,
there
is
nothing
so
absurd
but
he
may
easily
swallow
its
belief
,
nor
so
demonstratively
proved
but
he
may
withstand
its
evidence
.
Now
the
Authority
of
these
Epistles
being
vindicated
(
and
I
am
apt
to
think
that
they
will
never
more
be
call'd
in
question
)
they
are
a
brave
and
generous
Assertion
of
the
truth
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
being
written
with
that
mighty
assurance
of
Mind
,
that
shews
the
Authour
of
them
to
have
had
an
absolute
certainty
or
a
kind
of
an
infallible
knowledge
of
the
things
that
he
believed
.
In
every
Epistle
his
Faith
is
resolved
into
that
undoubted
evidence
that
he
had
of
our
Saviour's
Death
and
Resurrection
;
and
particularly
in
that
to
the
Church
of
Smyrna
he
protests
that
he
could
no
more
doubt
of
its
reality
than
of
his
own
chains
,
and
again
positively
affirms
that
he
knew
it
to
be
true
.
And
yet
not
withstanding
that
all
the
ancient
Copies
and
all
the
quotations
of
the
Ancients
out
of
him
agree
in
this
sense
,
that
he
knew
Jesus
to
be
in
the
flesh
after
his
death
,
because
in
Saint
Jerom's
Translation
(
who
excuses
himself
for
the
haste
and
carelesness
of
the
work
)
it
is
rendred
that
he
saw
Jesus
in
the
flesh
,
this
is
made
use
of
by
the
learned
Men
of
our
new
Church
of
Geneva
as
a
sufficient
Objection
to
overthrow
the
Authority
of
all
these
Epistles
.
It
is
possible
indeed
he
might
have
seen
Jesus
in
the
flesh
but
it
is
not
probable
,
neither
is
it
his
design
to
affirm
it
in
this
place
,
seeing
he
proves
its
truth
from
the
Testimony
of
the
Apostles
as
Eye-witnesses
,
and
not
from
his
own
immediate
knowledge
;
but
when
he
onely
says
that
from
them
he
knew
it
to
be
true
,
to
put
this
assertion
upon
him
that
he
saw
it
with
his
own
eyes
,
against
the
reading
of
all
the
ancient
Books
from
a
careless
Translation
,
proves
nothing
but
the
invincible
stubbornness
of
prejudice
and
partiality
.
But
the
truth
is
,
these
Men
have
been
so
zealous
for
their
Faction
as
not
to
care
how
in
pursuit
of
it
they
endanger'd
,
nay
,
destroyed
their
Religion
.
For
whereas
one
of
the
greatest
Pillars
of
the
Christian
Faith
is
the
Testimony
of
the
Ancients
in
the
Age
next
to
the
Apostles
,
in
that
it
is
hereby
particularly
proved
that
it
is
no
figment
of
an
unknown
time
,
and
that
the
Records
of
it
were
of
that
Antiquity
that
they
pretend
to
be
,
yet
because
they
do
as
positively
assert
the
original
Constitution
of
the
Christian
Church
,
which
this
faction
of
Men
have
hapned
to
renounce
,
they
have
labour'd
with
indefatigable
industry
utterly
to
overthrow
all
their
Authority
,
but
,
thanks
be
to
God
,
with
that
ill
success
,
that
by
their
endeavour
to
shake
our
Faith
,
they
have
onely
made
it
to
take
the
better
root
;
for
by
this
occasion
the
most
ancient
Tradition
of
the
primitive
Church
has
been
much
more
inquired
into
and
better
clear'd
,
than
if
it
had
passed
without
any
dispute
or
contradictition
.
But
to
keep
close
to
our
Ignatius
,
what
has
been
the
bottom
of
all
the
zeal
and
fury
against
his
Epistles
,
but
his
earnest
pressing
all
good
Christians
to
submit
to
the
government
of
the
Church
as
to
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
or
rather
because
he
describes
the
Constitution
of
the
primitive
Platform
so
accurately
as
to
condemn
their
Discipline
of
folly
and
rashness
in
departing
from
the
prescription
of
God
himself
.
And
yet
all
the
ancient
Doctours
of
the
Church
have
done
the
same
thing
,
laying
as
great
a
stress
as
he
has
done
upon
the
duty
of
Obedience
to
their
Ecclesiastical
Governours
as
set
over
them
by
Divine
Institution
.
For
as
there
was
nothing
of
which
they
were
then
more
tender
than
the
Peace
and
Unity
of
the
Church
,
so
they
thought
it
could
be
no
other
way
preserved
than
by
submission
to
those
Guides
and
Governours
that
Christ
had
set
over
it
.
This
it
were
easie
to
make
evident
out
of
their
Writings
,
especially
Saint
Cyprian's
,
who
as
he
was
a
Person
of
very
great
prudence
and
discretion
,
so
is
he
full
as
peremptory
in
this
point
as
Ignatius
.
But
I
shall
onely
instance
in
the
Epistle
of
Saint
Clement
because
of
its
greater
Antiquity
.
For
if
that
assert
a
certain
form
of
Church
government
establisht
by
our
Saviour
and
observed
by
the
Apostles
,
that
prevents
and
confutes
the
groundless
conjecture
of
an
unknown
time
immediately
after
the
Apostles
,
in
which
the
whole
power
of
the
Church
devolved
upon
the
Presbyters
,
because
they
had
appointed
no
one
particular
and
perpetual
form
of
Government
.
And
this
Saint
Clement
asserts
in
these
positive
words
:
The
Apostles
were
appointed
to
preach
the
Gospel
to
us
from
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
and
Jesus
Christ
from
God
himself
:
Christ
being
sent
by
God
,
and
the
Apostles
by
him
;
the
sending
of
both
was
in
an
orderly
manner
after
the
will
of
God
.
For
the
Apostles
receiving
their
command
,
and
having
a
full
confidence
through
the
Resurrection
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
and
faith
in
the
word
of
God
,
with
an
assurance
of
the
Holy
Spirit
,
went
forth
publishing
the
Gospel
of
the
Kingdom
of
God
,
which
was
erecting
.
They
therefore
preached
the
Word
through
divers
Countries
and
Cities
,
ordaining
every
where
the
first
fruits
of
such
as
believed
,
having
made
proof
and
trial
of
them
by
the
Spirit
,
to
be
Overfeers
and
Deacons
to
minister
unto
them
that
should
afterwards
believe
.
So
that
it
seems
they
were
so
far
from
neglecting
to
provide
Governours
for
the
future
state
of
the
Church
,
that
they
were
carefull
beforehand
to
provide
Governours
for
future
Churches
.
And
this
he
affirms
the
Apostles
did
because
they
understood
by
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
that
strife
and
contention
would
arise
about
the
Title
of
Episcopacy
,
for
this
cause
therefore
,
having
absolute
knowledge
beforehand
thereof
,
they
ordained
the
forenamed
Officers
,
and
for
the
future
gave
them
moreover
in
command
,
that
whensoever
they
should
dye
,
others
well
approved
of
should
succeed
into
their
Office
and
Ministery
.
So
that
it
is
evident
that
the
Apostles
themselves
by
virtue
of
our
Saviour's
order
observed
and
prescribed
a
particular
form
of
Government
to
be
continued
down
to
future
Ages
.
And
though
our
Authour
does
not
express
the
several
distinct
Orders
by
the
common
names
of
Bishop
,
Priest
and
Deacon
,
yet
he
describes
them
as
expresly
by
allusion
to
the
Jewish
Hierarchy
,
under
the
names
of
High-priest
,
Priest
and
Levite
.
However
,
it
is
evident
from
hence
that
the
Apostles
settled
a
perpetual
form
of
Church
government
,
to
which
all
Christian
people
were
indispensably
bound
to
conform
;
and
then
,
if
that
form
were
Episcopacy
,
and
if
they
settled
that
by
our
Saviour's
own
advice
with
an
Eye
to
prevent
Schisms
and
Contentions
,
the
case
is
plain
that
Ignatius
his
pressing
all
Churches
so
earnestly
to
obedience
to
their
Bishop
,
was
nothing
else
but
a
prosecution
both
of
our
Saviour's
and
their
command
.
And
then
,
that
it
was
Episcopacy
is
so
evident
from
the
unanimous
and
unquestionable
Testimony
of
all
Antiquity
,
that
it
is
positively
asserted
by
all
the
Ancients
and
not
opposed
by
any
one
;
but
that
would
be
too
great
a
digression
from
the
present
Argument
,
and
therefore
I
shall
not
pursue
it
,
though
I
have
gone
thus
far
out
of
my
way
to
shew
for
what
reasons
some
Men
have
endeavour'd
to
impair
the
credit
of
the
Records
of
the
ancient
Church
,
not
for
any
real
defect
and
uncertainty
that
they
found
in
them
,
but
because
they
give
in
such
clear
and
undeniable
Witness
against
their
fond
and
unwarrantable
Innovations
.
And
therefore
I
would
advise
these
Gentlemen
,
as
they
value
the
peace
either
of
the
Church
or
their
own
Consciences
,
that
they
would
cease
to
struggle
any
longer
against
their
own
convictions
,
renounce
their
Errour
,
when
they
can
neither
defend
nor
deny
it
,
and
not
be
so
headstrong
as
rather
than
part
with
a
wrong
Notion
or
confess
a
Mistake
,
endeavour
what
in
them
lies
to
blow
up
the
very
foundations
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
Or
,
to
bespeak
them
in
the
Words
of
Saint
Clement
:
Is
there
any
one
then
that
is
bravely
spirited
among
you
?
Is
there
any
one
that
hath
compassion
?
Doth
any
one
abound
in
Charity
?
Let
him
say
,
if
this
Sedition
or
Contention
or
Schism
be
for
me
or
by
my
means
;
I
will
depart
,
I
will
go
my
way
whither
soever
you
please
,
I
will
do
what
the
Society
commands
,
onely
let
the
Sheepfold
of
Christ
enjoy
peace
with
the
Elders
that
are
placed
over
it
.
He
that
shall
doe
so
,
shall
purchase
to
himself
great
glory
in
the
Lord
.
Thus
they
doe
,
and
thus
they
will
doe
,
who
leade
their
lives
according
to
the
rules
of
God's
policy
.
This
was
the
gentle
and
peaceable
temper
of
the
primitive
Christians
,
but
if
they
thought
it
their
duty
to
quit
their
Country
,
rather
than
occasion
the
disturbance
of
the
Churches
peace
,
how
much
more
to
forgoe
a
false
or
an
ungrounded
Opinion
?
And
therefore
to
deal
plainly
with
them
I
shall
load
their
Consciences
with
this
one
sad
and
serious
truth
,
that
when
Men
have
once
rashly
departed
from
the
Church
that
they
live
under
,
and
persevere
in
their
Schism
in
spite
of
the
most
evident
conviction
,
they
have
renounced
together
with
the
Church
their
Christian
Faith
,
and
are
acted
meerly
by
the
spirit
of
Pride
,
i.
e.
the
Devil
.
And
therefore
I
do
with
all
compassion
to
their
Souls
request
such
Men
among
us
impartially
to
reflect
upon
themselves
and
their
actions
,
and
if
they
are
convicted
in
their
own
Consciences
of
having
made
causless
Schisms
in
the
Christian
Church
(
as
I
know
they
must
be
by
those
peevish
pitifull
pretences
that
they
would
seem
to
plead
in
their
own
excuse
)
with
all
possible
speed
to
beg
pardon
of
God
and
his
Church
;
and
as
they
would
avoid
the
Judgment
and
displeasure
of
Almighty
God
against
Pride
,
Envy
,
Peevishness
,
Contention
and
Sedition
,
to
make
publick
confession
of
their
fault
to
all
the
People
that
they
have
drawn
after
them
into
the
same
sin
,
and
with
all
humility
and
lowliness
beg
to
be
admitted
into
the
bosom
and
communion
of
this
truly
ancient
and
Apostolick
Church
.
But
my
tender
Charity
to
these
poor
Men
that
I
see
driving
with
so
much
fury
,
self-conceit
and
confidence
to
utter
destruction
has
again
drawn
me
out
of
my
way
,
to
perswade
them
if
it
be
possible
to
turn
back
into
the
way
of
peace
and
salvation
:
however
it
is
high
time
for
me
to
return
to
my
Discourse
.
§
XXXI
.
After
this
great
and
glorious
Martyr
,
the
next
eminent
Witness
of
the
original
Tradition
of
the
Christian
Faith
is
his
dear
Friend
and
fellow
Disciple
Saint
Policarp
;
who
as
he
was
educated
together
with
him
under
the
Discipline
of
Saint
John
,
so
he
out-lived
his
Martyrdom
about
sixty
years
,
and
by
reason
of
his
very
great
Age
was
able
to
give
his
Testimony
not
onely
to
that
but
to
the
next
period
of
time
;
so
that
as
he
conversed
with
Saint
John
,
Irenaeus
conversed
with
him
,
and
withall
gives
an
account
of
his
Journey
to
Rome
in
the
time
of
Anicetus
,
and
of
his
Martyrdom
under
M.
Aurelius
,
which
was
not
till
the
year
167.
So
that
through
the
great
Age
of
Saint
John
and
Saint
Policarp
the
Tradition
of
the
Christian
Church
was
by
them
alone
delivered
down
to
the
third
Century
,
for
Irenaeus
lived
into
the
beginning
of
it
,
not
suffering
Martyrdom
himself
by
the
earliest
account
till
the
year
202.
And
this
is
the
peculiar
advantage
of
his
Testimony
beyond
all
others
that
as
it
was
as
early
as
any
,
so
it
continued
into
the
most
known
times
of
the
Christian
Church
,
for
it
was
under
the
reign
of
M.
Aurelius
that
the
greatest
part
of
the
Christian
Apologists
flourisht
,
and
beside
that
his
great
courage
and
constancy
in
suffering
for
the
Faith
proves
the
great
and
undoubted
certainty
of
his
Tradition
.
He
was
familiarly
conversant
with
the
Apostles
and
Eye
witnesses
of
our
Lord
,
and
therefore
Ignatius
recommended
to
him
the
care
of
his
Church
,
as
knowing
him
to
be
a
truly
Apostolical
Man
,
and
so
he
continued
his
care
of
the
Christian
Church
for
many
years
with
great
Faith
and
Resolution
,
and
at
last
seal'd
his
Faith
with
his
Bloud
.
I
shall
not
need
to
give
a
particular
account
of
his
Life
,
it
is
enough
that
,
as
he
declared
at
his
Trial
,
he
had
faithfully
served
his
Lord
and
Master
fourscore
and
six
years
;
but
among
the
Records
of
his
Life
there
is
none
more
certain
or
more
remarkable
than
his
own
Epistle
to
the
Church
of
Philippi
,
and
the
Epistle
of
the
Church
of
Smyrna
concerning
his
Martyrdom
,
in
both
which
is
shewed
his
great
assurance
of
Immortality
:
In
the
first
,
he
bottoms
his
Exhortation
to
an
holy
Life
upon
no
other
principle
than
the
certain
evidence
of
their
Saviour's
Resurrection
and
firm
belief
of
their
own
;
in
the
second
,
he
cheerfully
resigns
up
his
last
breath
with
the
greatest
assurance
of
Mind
concerning
it
in
this
short
and
excellent
Prayer
:
O
Lord
God
Almighty
,
the
Father
of
thy
well-beloved
and
ever-blessed
Son
Jesus
Christ
,
by
whom
we
have
received
the
knowledge
of
Thee
;
the
God
of
Angels
,
Powers
and
of
every
Creature
,
and
of
the
whole
race
of
the
Righteous
,
who
live
before
Thee
;
I
bless
Thee
that
Thou
hast
graciously
condescended
to
bring
me
to
this
day
and
hour
,
that
I
may
receive
a
portion
in
the
number
of
thy
holy
Martyrs
,
and
drink
of
Christ's
Cup
for
the
Resurrection
to
eternal
Life
both
of
Soul
and
Body
in
the
incorruptibleness
of
the
Holy
Spirit
.
Into
which
number
grant
I
may
be
received
this
day
,
being
found
in
thy
sight
as
a
fair
and
acceptable
Sacrifice
,
such
an
one
as
Thou
thy self
hast
prepared
,
that
so
Thou
mayest
accomplish
what
Thou
,
O
true
and
faithfull
God
,
hast
foreshewn
.
Wherefore
I
praise
Thee
for
all
thy
Mercies
,
I
bless
Thee
,
I
glorifie
Thee
,
through
the
eternal
high
Priest
,
thy
beloved
Son
Jesus
Christ
;
with
whom
,
to
thy self
and
the
Holy
Ghost
,
be
glory
,
both
now
and
for
ever
.
Amen
.
To
this
eminent
Martyrdom
of
Saint
Policarp
and
the
Asiaticks
,
I
cannot
but
subjoin
that
of
Pothinus
Bishop
of
Lyons
and
his
Companions
,
in
that
they
suffer'd
under
the
same
Prince
,
with
the
same
Christian
Courage
and
Resolution
,
especially
because
Pothinus
also
was
of
a
very
great
Age
,
and
almost
as
near
the
Apostolical
times
as
Policarp
,
and
probably
sent
by
him
into
these
Western
parts
;
and
lastly
,
because
it
is
attested
by
publick
and
undoubted
Epistles
sent
from
the
Church
of
Lyons
by
Irenaeus
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
and
the
Churches
of
Asia
,
of
both
which
Epistles
Scaliger
himself
has
Now
what
can
be
the
meaning
of
these
things
,
that
such
Men
as
Policarp
and
Pothinus
(
to
whom
I
should
have
added
Pionius
,
that
suffer'd
gallantly
about
the
same
time
)
who
lived
so
near
the
time
of
our
Saviour
,
who
had
such
opportunity
to
search
into
the
truth
of
those
things
that
were
reported
of
him
,
should
thus
frankly
resign
their
Lives
upon
any
less
account
than
the
full
assurance
of
the
truth
of
those
things
that
they
believed
?
But
though
this
be
sufficient
to
make
good
the
Evidence
of
the
first
and
apostolical
Tradition
of
the
Church
from
the
Testimony
of
these
two
eminent
Martyrs
,
yet
before
I
quit
it
,
it
will
be
convenient
to
clear
off
one
Objection
,
in
which
,
as
the
ancient
Church
in
general
,
so
Policarp
in
particular
is
concern'd
,
and
that
is
the
contradictory
Tradition
about
the
observation
of
Easter
,
both
Parties
pretending
to
derive
their
different
Customs
from
the
Apostles
;
Policarp
and
the
Churches
of
the
lesser
Asia
from
Saint
John
,
the
Church
of
Rome
from
Saint
Peter
.
Now
if
this
be
so
,
why
should
it
not
destroy
the
credit
of
their
Tradition
,
when
they
make
so
little
Conscience
as
to
fasten
contradictions
upon
the
Apostles
themselves
.
Great
use
has
of
late
been
made
of
this
Objection
by
all
the
Enemies
of
the
primitive
Church
:
Mr.
Hales
in
the
time
of
his
peevishness
and
before
he
was
reconciled
to
the
Church
of
England
has
with
great
scorn
upbraided
its
grossness
and
folly
.
And
it
is
one
of
Daille's
Topicks
against
the
use
and
authority
of
the
Fathers
,
and
how
often
it
has
been
since
objected
by
others
it
is
needless
here
to
repeat
.
And
yet
when
all
is
done
it
proves
nothing
but
that
some
Men
have
a
very
great
Itch
to
be
finding
fault
,
for
otherwise
this
grossness
and
folly
,
this
phantastick
hurry
in
which
all
the
World
were
Schismaticks
,
as
Mr.
Hales
is
pleased
to
speak
of
it
with
a
great
many
other
good
words
,
is
a
very
remarkable
instance
both
of
the
faithfulness
,
the
wisedom
and
the
temper
of
the
primitive
Christians
.
For
that
the
custom
of
the
Eastern
and
Western
Church
in
this
thing
was
different
from
the
beginning
is
evident
from
their
different
practice
,
and
so
must
have
descended
from
the
Apostles
themselves
,
who
might
in
this
as
well
as
other
things
casually
and
without
design
prescribe
different
Usages
,
Saint
John
in
those
parts
of
Asia
where
he
resided
continuing
Easter
after
the
manner
of
the
Jewish
Passover
;
Saint
Peter
and
Saint
Paul
in
other
places
,
to
prevent
too
much
Judaising
in
its
observation
,
making
the
same
little
alteration
in
its
time
as
was
made
in
the
Sabbath
;
and
in
this
matter
of
complying
with
or
changing
Jewish
Customs
,
the
Apostles
varied
their
Orders
according
to
circumstances
of
time
and
place
,
sometime
coming
up
closer
to
them
,
sometime
keeping
at
a
greater
distance
,
according
to
the
judgment
of
their
own
discretion
.
Now
these
different
Customs
about
Easter
being
once
casually
settled
in
the
Church
,
in
process
of
time
they
began
to
be
matter
of
contention
among
the
People
,
as
we
know
the
common
People
are
always
zealous
for
their
own
Customs
,
whatever
they
are
.
And
therefore
to
stifle
this
fire
that
was
broke
out
among
them
,
Policarp
,
a
Man
of
the
greatest
Authority
in
Asia
,
undertakes
a
Journey
to
Rome
,
if
possible
to
allay
and
compose
the
Controversie
:
where
,
upon
debate
between
him
and
Anicetus
,
they
conclude
it
the
most
proper
course
that
could
be
taken
for
the
peace
of
the
Church
,
that
both
Parties
should
retain
their
own
Customs
,
without
any
breach
of
Charity
or
Communion
,
and
to
declare
this
to
the
World
they
communicate
together
at
the
holy
Sacrament
,
Policarp
consecrating
the
Eucharist
in
the
Church
of
Anicetus
,
and
so
they
parted
lovingly
,
and
continued
ever
after
good
Friends
.
This
is
all
the
grossness
and
folly
that
I
know
of
that
these
good
Men
were
guilty
of
in
their
management
of
this
Controversie
.
Though
it
seems
it
was
afterward
revived
by
the
indiscretion
of
one
Man
,
Victor
Bishop
of
Rome
,
who
would
needs
take
upon
him
to
command
the
Asiaticks
to
conform
to
the
practice
of
his
and
all
other
Churches
,
under
the
penalty
of
Excommunication
.
To
this
they
return
him
a
sober
Answer
,
represent
the
inconvenience
of
changing
so
ancient
a
Custom
,
disclaim
his
Power
and
Jurisdiction
over
them
,
and
advise
him
rather
to
consult
the
Peace
and
Unity
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
than
to
impose
upon
them
particular
Customs
contrary
to
the
practice
of
their
Ancestours
.
Neither
was
this
done
by
them
alone
but
by
almost
all
the
Bishops
of
the
Christian
World
,
though
they
were
of
his
own
way
,
unanimously
condemning
his
heat
and
rashness
in
so
trivial
a
thing
;
and
among
the
rest
Irenaeus
,
having
convened
a
Synod
in
France
,
writes
him
a
Synodical
Epistle
to
this
purpose
;
That
he
agreed
with
him
in
his
Observation
of
Easter
but
not
in
the
Necessity
of
it
;
that
it
was
a
very
unadvised
thing
to
think
of
excommunicating
whole
Churches
,
for
observing
the
ancient
Customs
derived
down
to
them
from
their
Ancestours
;
that
there
was
as
little
agreement
among
themselves
concerning
the
manner
of
the
preparatory
Fast
before
Easter
,
and
yet
this
variety
being
of
long
standing
among
them
,
no
Man
thought
himself
obliged
to
impose
his
own
particular
conceit
upon
others
in
such
an
indifferent
thing
;
and
last
of
all
minds
him
of
the
prudence
and
moderation
of
his
Predecessours
,
especially
Policarp
and
Anicetus
,
who
did
not
so
much
as
go
about
to
perswade
one
another
to
change
the
ancient
custom
of
their
Church
.
And
the
effect
of
these
Epistles
from
all
places
,
especially
of
this
of
Irenaeus
probably
was
this
,
that
they
diverted
Victor
from
pursuing
his
design
.
For
we
do
not
find
that
he
ever
actually
excommunicated
the
Asian
Churches
,
but
onely
that
he
threatned
it
.
But
whether
he
did
or
did
not
,
it
is
a
worthy
piece
of
ingenuity
to
charge
the
folly
of
one
furious
and
intemperate
Man
upon
the
whole
Church
,
and
that
in
spite
of
their
own
protestation
against
it
.
And
yet
this
is
all
the
grossness
and
folly
wherewith
our
Innovatours
have
made
so
much
noise
against
them
.
And
thus
having
removed
this
poor
Objection
,
which
I
could
not
avoid
,
because
it
has
of
late
appear'd
among
us
with
so
much
huff
and
confidence
,
I
proceed
to
the
remaining
Witnesses
of
our
primitive
Tradition
.
And
here
I
cannot
pass
by
Papias
,
for
though
he
were
a
Person
of
no
great
Learning
or
Judgment
,
yet
he
was
a
Man
of
clear
Honesty
and
Simplicity
,
and
living
near
the
time
of
the
Apostles
themselves
,
did
not
search
after
their
Story
in
Books
,
but
made
it
his
particular
business
to
enquire
of
their
familiar
acquaintance
after
their
Sayings
and
Customs
.
If
any
came
in
my
way
,
says
he
,
that
was
§
XXXII
.
This
is
the
first
file
of
Witnesses
next
and
immediately
after
the
Apostles
,
though
I
might
have
reckoned
the
following
rank
into
the
same
Catalogue
,
because
they
are
twisted
with
them
as
they
are
with
one
another
;
for
as
these
that
I
have
already
mentioned
are
not
all
precisely
of
the
same
Age
,
yet
being
of
Antiquity
enough
to
be
competent
Witnesses
of
the
Tradition
of
the
Apostles
,
may
be
join'd
together
into
one
complicated
Testimony
of
it
;
so
their
next
Successours
followed
them
by
the
same
degrees
as
they
followed
one
another
;
for
Succession
is
not
conveyed
down
like
a
Chain
by
certain
Links
,
but
like
a
Cord
by
the
same
continued
interweaving
,
every
part
being
some
part
of
the
part
above
it
;
And
though
the
Ages
of
the
Church
are
distinguisht
by
Centuries
,
yet
the
Lives
of
Men
are
not
,
and
the
beginning
of
the
next
series
lived
with
some
of
the
former
as
they
lived
with
the
first
that
lived
with
the
Apostles
,
so
that
there
is
no
possibility
of
making
an
Interruption
any
where
between
the
Chanel
and
the
Fountain
head
,
whereever
we
find
the
Stream
that
alone
will
certainly
lead
us
up
to
its
own
Original
.
But
this
will
appear
more
distinctly
by
the
degrees
of
its
Conveyance
;
having
therefore
brought
the
Tradition
down
to
the
time
of
M.
Aurelius
,
that
is
a
considerable
time
beyond
that
of
Trajan
,
to
which
time
Scaliger
and
some
others
are
pleased
to
complain
of
a
defect
of
Records
,
but
with
what
reason
we
have
in
part
already
seen
,
and
shall
now
further
discover
by
our
following
Witnesses
,
who
were
not
onely
able
to
testifie
of
their
own
times
but
of
the
foregoing
Ages
.
Among
whom
Hegesippus
deserves
the
first
place
,
not
onely
for
his
great
antiquity
but
for
his
manner
of
writing
as
an
Historian
,
and
so
not
concern'd
meerly
to
give
an
account
of
the
Affairs
of
his
own
Age
,
but
to
make
a
diligent
enquiry
into
the
Records
and
Transactions
of
former
times
.
He
wrote
five
Books
of
Ecclesiastical
History
,
which
Commentaries
of
the
Acts
of
the
Church
,
wherein
he
has
in
a
plain
and
familiar
style
given
an
account
of
the
Tradition
of
the
Church
and
the
most
remarkable
passages
in
it
from
our
Lord's
Death
till
his
own
time
,
which
was
about
or
rather
before
the
Reign
of
M.
Aurelius
;
for
he
says
he
came
to
Rome
and
stayed
there
till
the
time
of
Anicetus
,
now
Anicetus
,
according
to
the
latest
computation
,
succeeded
in
that
See
at
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Aurelius
,
but
,
according
to
the
earlier
account
,
under
Antoninus
Pius
,
so
that
it
is
probable
that
he
was
at
Rome
before
Policarp
.
And
this
description
he
has
given
of
his
Voyage
,
that
coming
to
Rome
he
met
with
many
Bishops
,
and
found
them
all
This
is
a
singular
Testimony
of
the
sincere
Tradition
not
onely
of
one
or
two
or
a
few
Churches
,
but
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
And
as
he
described
the
Ecclesiastical
Succession
every
where
,
so
has
he
the
rise
and
birth
of
Heresies
,
and
particularly
in
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
.
After
that
James
,
sirnamed
the
Just
had
suffer'd
Martyrdom
,
his
Uncle
Simeon
the
Son
of
Cleophas
was
chosen
Bishop
,
being
preferred
by
the
unanimous
Vote
of
all
,
because
he
was
the
Lord's
Kinsman
.
And
hitherto
that
Church
was
call'd
a
pure
Virgin
,
because
as
yet
it
had
not
been
deflour'd
with
any
false
Doctrines
.
But
Thebalis
being
displeased
that
he
was
not
chosen
Bishop
secretly
endeavour'd
to
debauch
it
,
from
whom
sprang
those
many
Heresies
that
he
afterward
reckons
up
,
and
so
having
elsewhere
described
the
Martyrdom
At
these
passages
I
must
stop
a
little
,
because
,
though
they
are
a
great
Testimony
of
the
purity
of
the
primitive
Church
,
yet
,
I
find
them
very
confidently
made
use
of
by
Innovatours
as
unanswerable
Arguments
for
rejecting
its
Authority
.
Thus
Gittichius
,
an
eager
Socinian
,
contending
with
For
these
Men
,
finding
errours
and
corruptions
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
instead
of
reforming
them
as
they
ought
to
have
done
according
to
the
Constitution
of
the
primitive
Church
,
they
fall
to
contriving
new
Models
and
Bodies
of
Divinity
out
of
their
own
brains
.
And
among
others
Socinus
disliking
the
Calvinian
Theology
,
as
contrary
,
not
onely
to
the
holy
Scriptures
,
but
,
to
the
first
principles
of
natural
Religion
,
sets
up
a
new
Divinity
of
his
own
contrivance
,
without
ever
enquiring
into
the
Doctrine
and
Discipline
of
the
ancient
Church
;
and
being
advised
of
his
flying
so
wide
of
it
,
he
,
together
with
his
followers
,
rather
than
part
with
their
own
fine
new
Notions
,
of
which
they
had
the
honour
to
be
the
first
Authours
and
Abettours
,
will
by
no
means
allow
of
any
such
thing
as
a
true
and
uncorrupted
Church
ever
since
the
time
of
the
Apostles
.
But
with
what
vanity
and
arrogance
it
is
none
of
my
present
task
to
enquire
,
onely
in
answer
to
this
Objection
I
must
reply
,
that
it
is
a
very
wide
,
and
I
am
sure
very
far
from
a
civil
,
Inference
,
to
conclude
that
,
because
there
were
Heresies
in
the
primitive
Church
,
there
was
nothing
else
.
And
they
might
with
as
much
reason
have
applied
the
Objection
against
the
Apostolical
Church
it self
,
because
then
,
as
the
Apostles
themselves
complain
,
the
Tares
were
sowing
,
though
it
seems
not
so
openly
and
so
impudently
as
afterwards
.
Nay
,
upon
these
terms
it
is
impossible
their
should
ever
be
any
such
thing
as
a
true
Church
in
the
World
;
for
as
long
as
there
are
such
things
as
Pride
and
Vanity
among
Mankind
,
there
will
be
such
Men
in
all
Societies
as
will
be
tainted
with
their
own
idle
dreams
and
conceits
,
and
then
rub
their
itch
upon
the
common
People
.
But
though
there
were
Heresies
in
the
primitive
Church
,
which
,
I
say
,
was
not
to
be
avoided
as
long
as
it
consisted
of
Men
,
yet
they
were
never
able
to
prevail
,
but
,
after
some
struggling
for
admittance
,
were
sooner
or
later
utterly
stifled
.
And
we
have
as
certain
a
Tradition
of
the
Birth
,
Growth
and
Death
of
Heresies
,
as
we
have
of
the
true
Doctrines
of
the
Church
;
and
it
is
very
considerable
that
all
the
ancient
Doctours
of
the
Church
overwhelm
the
Hereticks
with
this
one
Argument
,
by
convicting
them
of
apparent
Innovation
,
and
deriving
down
their
own
Doctrines
from
the
Apostles
themselves
.
So
that
though
there
were
Heresies
in
the
primitive
Church
,
yet
its
Apostolical
Tradition
was
never
mixt
or
tainted
with
them
,
but
run
down
in
a
pure
and
clear
chanel
by
it self
.
And
therefore
it
is
a
very
childish
as
well
as
disingenuous
Objection
against
its
Authority
,
that
there
were
some
Men
in
it
that
would
have
been
corrupting
the
purity
of
its
Doctrine
,
but
were
never
able
to
compass
their
design
;
especially
when
they
were
so
far
from
passing
undiscover'd
or
uncontroul'd
,
that
we
have
as
certain
an
account
both
of
the
Men
,
and
of
their
Opinions
,
and
their
inconsistency
with
the
Apostolical
Tradition
,
as
we
have
of
the
new fangled
conceits
of
our
own
present
Innovatours
.
And
therefore
there
is
no
more
danger
of
our
swallowing
down
old
Heresies
together
with
the
Tradition
of
the
Church
,
than
there
is
of
sucking
in
their
new
ones
whilst
we
adhere
faithfully
to
that
.
And
thus
having
,
upon
occasion
of
this
particular
passage
of
this
ancient
Authour
,
cleared
the
Authority
of
the
ancient
Church
in
general
,
it
remains
that
I
make
good
the
credit
of
his
own
Testimony
in
particular
,
that
has
been
assaulted
by
the
great
Scaliger
with
too
fierce
and
concern'd
a
keenness
;
for
though
he
is
a
very
diligent
reprover
of
Eusebius
,
yet
he
is
much
more
severe
upon
Hegesippus
,
for
what
reason
I
cannot
imagine
,
unless
that
by
reason
of
his
so
very
great
nearness
to
the
Apostolical
times
he
was
an
unexceptionable
Witness
of
the
primitive
Tradition
,
for
that
seems
to
have
been
Scaliger's
main
design
,
to
weaken
its
Authority
by
picking
out
faults
and
oversights
in
its
Records
;
and
for
what
end
he
has
been
so
diligent
in
it
is
shrewdly
to
be
suspected
,
though
perhaps
it
was
not
out
of
any
bad
intention
,
but
onely
to
gratifie
his
critical
pride
,
which
naturally
delights
in
nothing
so
much
as
the
humour
of
correction
.
The
particular
passage
that
he
has
cull'd
out
for
the
exercise
of
his
critical
faculty
is
the
Narrative
of
the
Martyrdom
of
James
the
Just
,
As
for
his
particular
exceptions
they
are
chiefly
these
;
First
,
That
out
of
respect
to
the
singular
holiness
of
James
the
Just
,
he
should
be
familiarly
admitted
into
the
Holy
of
Holies
,
whereas
,
says
Scaliger
,
it
was
not
lawfull
for
any
to
be
admitted
thither
but
onely
the
High-priest
,
and
that
,
as
every
one
knows
,
but
once
a
year
.
But
this
whole
exception
proceeds
from
a
meer
mistake
of
Scaliger's
:
for
Hegesippus
does
not
say
that
he
was
admitted
into
the
Holy
of
Holies
,
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
holy
place
,
viz.
That
part
of
the
Temple
in
which
the
Mercy-seat
,
the
Shew-bread
the
Candlesticks
and
the
Altar
of
Incense
were
placed
,
where
it
was
ordinarily
lawfull
for
the
Priests
alone
to
come
,
and
that
they
did
in
their
daily
ministrations
.
And
this
is
it
that
Hegesippus
observes
as
a
remarkable
Testimony
from
the
Jews
themselves
of
the
singular
holiness
of
this
good
Man
,
that
purely
out
of
respect
to
that
,
though
he
were
not
of
the
priestly
Order
,
yet
in
the
worship
of
God
he
was
admitted
a
place
among
the
Priests
themselves
,
which
was
a
very
unusual
dignity
,
and
peculiarly
remarked
as
such
by
Hegesippus
.
To
which
I
might
add
the
observation
of
Petavius
that
it
was
no
unusual
thing
for
the
Ancients
to
give
the
title
of
Holy
of
Holies
to
this
place
that
was
peculiar
to
the
Priests
Station
,
but
the
former
answer
does
so
utterly
blow
up
the
foundations
of
the
Objection
as
to
make
this
needless
.
Secondly
,
to
say
nothing
of
James's
wearing
the
priestly
Habit
,
because
that
is
the
same
with
the
former
Objection
,
Scaliger
excepts
against
the
Gentiles
meeting
together
with
the
Jews
at
the
Passover
as
Hegesippus
affirms
,
whereas
the
Gentiles
never
resorted
to
that
Feast
.
But
here
our
learned
Critick
does
not
onely
fall
into
a
gross
absurdity
himself
,
but
betrays
manifest
ignorance
,
when
every
child
knows
that
the
Gentile
Proselytes
attended
the
worship
of
the
Temple
as
constantly
as
the
Jews
,
and
had
a
peculiar
Court
to
themselves
erected
for
that
purpose
,
and
this
he
might
have
learnt
concerning
the
Passover
from
Saint
John
himself
,
And
there
were
certain
Greeks
among
them
,
that
came
up
to
worship
at
the
Feast
.
Nay
beside
this
express
Text
he
might
have
been
inform'd
of
it
out
of
his
own
Josephus
,
out
of
whom
Valesius
has
Annot.
in
Euseb.
p.
40.
noted
several
Examples
of
it
.
The
third
Objection
is
,
That
the
twelve
Tribes
should
be
said
to
be
present
at
this
action
of
the
Martyrdom
of
Saint
James
at
the
time
of
the
Passover
,
whereas
it
is
well
known
that
there
were
but
two
remaining
,
the
other
ten
being
long
since
lost
in
Captivity
.
But
I
am
sure
it
is
as
well
known
that
this
was
then
the
vulgar
phrase
for
all
the
People
of
Israel
;
for
though
the
main
Body
of
ten
Tribes
were
transported
,
yet
many
that
were
left
behind
and
many
that
return'd
back
mixed
with
the
two
that
remained
,
and
so
kept
up
the
name
and
title
of
the
twelve
Tribes
,
and
therefore
Saint
James
directs
his
Epistle
to
the
twelve
Tribes
,
i.
e.
to
all
the
People
of
the
Jews
:
and
Saint
Paul
,
in
his
defence
before
King
Agrippa
,
pleads
thus
,
And
now
I
stand
and
am
judged
for
the
hope
of
the
Promise
made
of
God
unto
our
Fathers
:
unto
which
promise
,
our
twelve
Tribes
instantly
serving
God
day
and
night
,
hope
to
come
.
In
the
fourth
place
,
It
is
objected
that
at
Saint
James's
declaring
Jesus
to
be
the
Messias
,
the
People
cryed
out
Hosanna
to
the
Son
of
David
,
which
the
Critick
says
they
were
never
wont
to
doe
unless
at
the
Feast
of
Tabernacles
.
But
though
that
might
be
the
first
rise
of
this
custom
,
yet
it
grew
afterwards
,
as
Io
Paean
among
the
Greeks
,
to
be
the
common
form
of
joy
and
exultation
,
and
so
was
used
by
the
People
at
our
Saviour's
entrance
into
Jerusalem
.
But
this
Acclamation
,
says
our
learned
Man
,
could
not
be
given
to
James
;
though
why
he
might
not
be
saluted
the
Son
of
David
I
know
not
,
when
he
was
so
very
near
akin
to
our
Lord
.
But
however
to
save
our selves
the
trouble
of
answering
this
little
scruple
,
this
Acclamation
was
not
made
to
James
himself
,
but
to
our
Lord
upon
his
confession
of
him
.
But
in
the
next
place
,
Hegesippus
quotes
a
Text
out
of
Esaias
,
that
he
ought
to
have
cited
out
of
the
Wisedom
of
Solomon
,
viz.
Let
us
remove
the
just
Man
because
he
is
an
offence
or
reproach
unto
us
.
But
this
at
worst
is
but
a
slip
of
memory
,
to
which
all
our
Authours
are
liable
,
and
yet
it
is
not
so
much
,
but
it
is
to
be
punctually
read
in
the
third
Chapter
of
the
Prophet
Esaias
,
from
whom
the
Authour
of
the
Book
of
Wisedom
borrowed
it
.
But
Hegesippus
says
James
the
Just
was
a
Nazarene
and
neither
ate
Flesh
nor
drank
Wine
,
which
,
if
true
,
says
Scaliger
,
he
could
not
have
eaten
the
last
Supper
with
our
Lord
and
his
Apostles
.
But
this
is
as
slender
as
all
the
rest
,
for
though
the
Nazarenes
in
their
common
course
of
life
neither
ate
flesh
nor
drank
Wine
,
yet
they
abstein'd
not
from
the
rites
and
solemnities
of
their
Religion
,
but
ate
the
Paschal
Lamb
as
all
other
Jews
did
,
in
that
it
was
indispensably
injoyn'd
them
by
God
himself
antecedently
to
their
Vow
.
But
one
of
the
Priests
a
Recabite
,
says
Hegesippus
interposed
to
save
James
from
the
fury
of
the
People
.
But
this
says
Scaliger
could
not
be
,
for
the
Recabites
were
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah
and
so
uncapable
of
the
Priesthood
.
As
if
the
Original
constitution
of
either
had
been
exactly
observed
at
that
time
,
especially
of
the
Priesthood
when
it
is
so
well
known
,
that
ever
since
the
time
of
Herod
the
Great
,
those
Offices
even
of
the
High-Priesthood
it self
were
entirely
disposed
of
by
their
Governours
,
who
at
pleasure
put
them
in
and
out
as
they
did
any
other
Officers
of
State
.
But
they
placed
him
says
Hegesippus
on
the
Pinacle
of
the
Temple
,
whither
great
numbers
of
the
People
went
up
to
cast
him
down
,
which
says
Scaliger
they
could
not
do
,
because
it
was
,
as
Josephus
tells
us
,
so
very
thick
set
with
pointed
Irons
,
as
to
keep
the
Birds
from
setling
upon
it
.
And
so
it
is
probable
the
greatest
and
highest
Battlement
of
all
was
,
but
it
is
very
far
from
being
in
the
least
probable
that
James
should
be
placed
there
to
Preach
to
the
People
,
when
it
was
impossible
to
be
heard
from
so
great
an
height
,
or
that
he
should
not
be
dasht
apieces
when
he
was
cast
thence
,
instead
of
falling
alive
upon
his
Knees
as
the
Historian
reports
.
And
therefore
this
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
signifies
any
covering
or
Battlement
,
must
have
been
some
lower
frame
of
building
,
from
which
he
might
be
most
conveniently
heard
of
the
People
.
Now
as
from
these
Objections
,
says
Scaliger
,
we
may
learn
what
to
think
of
this
Hegesippus
;
so
say
I
from
these
Replies
to
them
,
may
we
learn
what
to
think
of
this
Scaliger
,
that
upon
such
poor
surmises
as
these
,
will
not
stick
to
destroy
and
villifie
the
best
and
most
Ancient
Records
of
the
Christian
Church
.
And
now
the
credit
of
this
Ancient
Author
being
fully
Vindicated
,
it
does
not
only
make
good
his
own
Testimony
,
but
of
all
others
that
were
Recorded
in
his
History
between
our
Saviour's
time
and
his
own
;
and
to
mention
no
more
,
his
account
of
the
Bishops
of
Jerusalem
goes
a
great
way
;
For
next
to
James
the
Just
he
informs
us
that
Simeon
the
Son
of
Cleophas
and
Cousen
German
to
our
Lord
succeeded
in
the
Bishoprick
,
and
sat
there
till
the
Reign
of
Trajan
,
under
whom
he
suffered
Martyrdom
only
for
the
old
jealousie
of
Vespasian
and
Domitian
,
of
being
of
the
Line
of
David
,
and
so
a
Rival
to
the
Empire
.
So
that
here
the
Tradition
of
the
Church
was
conveyed
down
to
that
time
by
as
short
a
Succession
as
we
have
already
shewn
it
to
have
been
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
from
St.
Paul
to
Clement
,
and
from
Clement
to
Dionysius
;
and
in
the
Asian
Church
,
from
the
Apostles
by
Policarp
to
Pothinus
and
Irenaeus
.
§
XXXIII
.
Next
to
Hegesippus
follows
Justin
Martyr
,
though
had
not
the
other
been
an
Historian
,
he
might
,
as
being
somewhat
his
Senior
,
have
gone
before
him
,
being
converted
to
Christianity
in
the
time
of
Adrian
,
about
the
end
of
the
First
Century
after
our
Saviour's
Passion
,
and
within
Eight
years
after
addrest
an
excellent
Apology
to
Antoninus
Pius
in
behalf
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
afterwards
a
Second
to
M.
Aurelius
his
Son
and
Successor
.
He
was
a
Person
of
Eminent
Parts
and
Learning
,
the
most
judicious
Philosopher
of
his
time
,
that
had
Surveyed
all
the
Tenets
of
the
several
Sects
,
and
studied
all
kinds
of
useful
Learning
for
the
settlement
and
satisfaction
of
his
own
mind
;
and
having
passed
through
the
Schools
of
the
Stoicks
,
the
Peripateticks
,
the
Pythagoreans
,
and
the
Platonists
,
of
which
himself
hath
given
a
pleasant
account
in
the
beginning
of
his
Dialogue
with
Trypho
,
he
was
at
last
advised
by
an
unknown
Grave
Old
Man
,
that
met
him
in
his
retired
Walks
,
to
consider
the
Christian
Philosophy
,
to
which
he
had
no
sooner
applyed
himself
,
but
he
found
it
the
only
certain
and
satisfactory
Philosophy
.
In
short
,
he
was
such
a
Proficient
in
all
kinds
of
Learning
,
that
his
own
Writings
make
good
Photius
his
Character
of
him
,
that
as
he
was
admirably
furnisht
with
all
sorts
of
Reading
and
History
,
so
he
was
arrived
to
the
Perfection
both
of
the
Christian
and
Heathen
Philosophy
,
and
therefore
immediately
after
his
Conversion
gave
a
Learned
and
Rational
account
of
the
Vanity
of
the
Gentile
Religion
.
As
afterwards
in
his
Apologies
and
his
other
Writings
he
did
of
the
certain
truth
and
Divine
Authority
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
both
from
the
undoubted
Miracles
that
in
his
time
were
wrought
for
the
demonstration
of
it
,
and
from
the
certain
Proof
of
our
Saviour's
Resurrection
,
and
the
uninterrupted
conveyance
of
it
down
to
his
own
time
.
And
the
assurance
of
his
Faith
he
frequently
avows
with
the
greatest
freedom
and
courage
of
mind
,
and
at
last
Seal'd
it
with
his
Blood
.
And
though
he
foresaw
and
foretold
it
,
not
from
any
Spirit
of
Prophesie
that
he
pretended
to
in
it
,
but
from
the
probable
course
and
most
natural
event
of
things
,
yet
notwithstanding
this
,
he
did
not
in
the
least
slacken
his
Zeal
for
the
Christian
cause
,
but
went
on
with
all
assurance
of
mind
in
its
defence
,
till
it
brought
him
to
the
encounter
of
Death
,
which
he
did
not
only
meet
with
his
Eyes
open
,
but
with
all
Joy
and
Alacrity
,
as
being
Arrived
at
the
end
of
his
hopes
,
and
the
beginning
of
his
happiness
,
Next
to
Justin
Martyr
,
Irenaeus
follows
in
order
,
who
lived
much
about
or
a
little
after
the
same
time
;
but
of
him
I
shall
need
to
say
the
less
,
because
I
have
already
shewn
the
certainty
of
the
Tradition
that
he
had
of
the
things
that
he
believed
from
Policarp
and
Pothinus
,
and
his
acquaintance
with
other
Apostolical
men
;
only
some
few
Remarks
remain
to
make
up
his
perfect
Character
,
and
make
out
his
perfect
knowledge
,
and
for
this
that
excellent
Epistle
of
his
to
Florinus
,
deserves
to
be
consider'd
in
the
first
place
.
This
Doctrine
of
thine
(
O
Florinus
)
that
I
may
frankly
declare
the
truth
,
savoureth
not
of
the
sincere
Faith
,
disagreeth
from
the
Church
,
and
betrayeth
such
as
listen
to
it
into
extream
Impiety
.
This
Doctrine
no
not
the
Hereticks
which
were
out
of
the
Church
durst
ever
Publish
,
this
Doctrine
such
as
were
Elders
before
us
,
and
Disciples
of
the
Apostles
never
delivered
unto
thee
.
I
saw
thee
when
I
was
yet
a
Youth
with
Policarp
in
the
lesser
Asia
,
living
Gorgeously
in
the
Emperour's
Palace
,
and
mightily
buisying
thy self
to
get
into
favour
and
credit
with
him
.
For
I
remember
better
the
things
of
old
than
latter
affairs
;
for
the
things
we
learn
in
our
younger
years
,
sink
deepest
into
our
minds
and
grow
together
with
us
.
So
that
I
particularly
remember
the
very
place
where
Policarp
sate
when
he
taught
,
his
going
out
,
and
his
coming
in
,
his
course
of
life
,
the
figure
and
proportion
of
his
Body
,
the
Sermons
he
made
to
the
People
,
the
report
he
made
of
his
Conversation
with
John
and
others
which
knew
the
Lord
;
how
he
remembred
their
sayings
,
and
what
he
heard
from
their
mouths
concerning
the
Lord
,
his
Power
,
and
his
Doctrine
,
reciting
his
Commandments
and
all
other
things
agreeable
to
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
out
of
their
very
mouths
(
I
say
)
who
had
seen
with
their
Eyes
the
word
of
Life
incarnate
.
These
things
at
that
time
through
the
mercy
of
God
which
wrought
in
me
,
I
diligently
marked
,
and
Printed
,
not
in
Paper
but
my
heart
,
upon
which
continually
through
the
Grace
of
God
I
Ponder
and
Meditate
.
And
I
am
able
to
testifie
before
God
,
that
if
that
Holy
and
Apostolick
Elder
had
heard
any
such
thing
as
you
Teach
,
he
would
immediately
have
disavowed
it
,
and
after
his
manner
stopping
his
Ears
cryed
out
,
Good
God
into
what
times
hast
thou
reserved
me
,
that
I
should
hear
and
suffer
such
Discourses
!
Yea
,
and
would
straight
have
quitted
the
Place
where
he
had
heard
them
.
In
short
,
this
is
evident
from
the
Epistles
which
he
wrote
to
Neighbour
Churches
or
to
particular
Brethren
.
And
beside
Policarp
he
frequently
quotes
in
all
his
Books
Apostolical
Ancients
,
though
he
does
not
mention
their
names
.
He
was
a
diligent
Enquirer
into
the
Records
of
the
Church
,
and
has
particularly
described
the
order
and
occasion
of
the
Writing
of
the
Four
Gospels
,
to
which
might
be
added
his
knowledge
of
the
Epistles
of
St.
Clement
,
Ignatius
,
the
Books
of
Justin
Martyr
,
his
searching
into
the
Records
of
the
most
Famous
Churches
,
his
enquiring
into
the
Writings
and
Traditions
of
the
most
Eminent
Doctors
,
and
with
this
Argument
putting
to
silence
the
Hereticks
,
by
demonstrating
to
them
,
what
was
and
what
was
not
derived
from
the
Apostolick
times
.
All
which
considered
,
how
could
we
have
a
more
sufficient
Witness
of
the
Primitive
Tradition
?
for
allowing
him
some
very
few
small
slips
and
mistakes
,
which
must
be
allowed
to
all
Humane
Writers
in
the
World
,
his
knowledge
as
to
all
the
material
parts
of
the
Christian
Doctrine
was
built
upon
the
most
complicated
and
uninterrupted
Tradition
.
And
the
certainty
of
his
own
knowledge
he
has
Recorded
with
all
possible
assurance
,
discovering
in
all
his
Writings
a
vehement
zeal
and
a
Spirit
highly
prepared
for
Martyrdom
,
which
he
at
last
suffered
with
the
same
Christian
courage
that
appeared
in
all
that
went
before
him
.
And
that
is
a
mighty
accession
to
the
weight
of
their
Testimony
,
as
if
it
had
been
peculiarly
design'd
by
the
Providence
of
God
,
that
as
they
proved
the
certainty
of
their
Faith
by
undoubted
Tradition
,
so
they
seal'd
its
sincerity
with
their
Blood
.
Though
the
Testimony
of
these
Witnesses
be
so
abundantly
satisfactory
,
both
from
their
number
,
their
quality
,
and
their
agreement
,
that
I
need
produce
no
more
,
and
the
truth
is
,
I
should
have
been
very
thankful
for
half
so
many
,
but
could
never
have
had
the
confidence
to
ask
for
more
;
yet
because
a
great
number
beside
offer
themselves
,
we
cannot
in
civility
altogether
refuse
their
kindness
,
but
that
I
may
not
be
too
tedious
,
I
shall
at
present
onely
give
in
a
List
of
their
Names
,
that
any
man
may
examine
them
at
his
leisure
.
About
this
time
then
there
was
beside
those
that
I
have
mention'd
,
a
great
concourse
of
Learned
men
,
that
were
not
only
Confessors
but
Defenders
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
as
Athenagoras
the
Christian
Philosopher
of
Athens
,
Theophilus
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
Melito
Bishop
of
Sardis
,
Apollinaris
Bishop
of
Hierapolis
,
Tatian
the
Assyrian
and
Scholar
to
Justin
Martyr
,
who
all
wrote
in
the
time
of
M.
Aurelius
.
And
in
the
Reign
of
Commodus
,
Pantoenus
,
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
Miltiades
,
Tertullian
,
who
were
closely
followed
by
Origen
,
Minutius
Felix
,
Arnobius
,
St.
Cyprian
,
all
men
of
Learning
,
who
diligently
enquired
into
the
truth
and
falsehood
of
things
,
and
have
given
their
reasons
of
renouncing
Heathenism
and
embracing
Christianity
;
in
short
,
they
have
all
maintain'd
it
with
their
Pens
,
and
most
of
them
with
their
Blood
.
And
most
of
their
works
being
still
remaining
,
it
were
an
easie
task
,
were
it
not
too
tedious
,
to
give
an
account
of
every
man's
performance
,
but
there
is
enough
of
that
said
already
,
and
to
say
more
,
were
only
so
much
needless
repetition
of
the
same
matter
of
fact
upon
the
same
Argument
:
And
the
most
material
passages
of
Record
extant
in
these
Authors
,
I
have
either
alledged
already
,
or
shall
have
occasion
so
to
do
hereafter
.
Therefore
all
that
is
requisite
to
be
done
at
present
,
is
only
to
suppose
that
there
were
such
Writings
of
such
men
,
and
that
I
may
easily
do
,
because
they
are
so
very
common
,
and
so
very
well
known
at
this
day
,
and
then
upon
that
supposition
to
argue
the
certain
conveyance
of
the
Christian
Tradition
through
their
hands
,
and
that
compleats
the
demonstration
of
its
truth
and
Divine
Authority
.
For
when
I
have
proved
the
certainty
of
its
Original
from
the
undoubted
Testimony
of
the
Apostles
;
and
the
Tradition
of
their
Testimony
by
the
complicated
attestation
of
others
that
lived
either
with
or
immediately
after
them
,
and
so
downward
from
age
to
age
,
and
that
by
very
short
Periods
of
time
into
the
Third
Century
(
for
beyond
that
it
were
very
impertinent
to
pursue
the
Argument
)
if
I
say
this
be
performed
in
the
premises
,
I
do
not
understand
how
any
man
can
in
reason
or
modesty
demand
a
greater
Evidence
,
and
more
satisfactory
demonstration
of
his
Faith
.
§
.
XXXIV
.
But
if
Christianity
came
into
the
World
attended
with
all
this
variety
and
train
of
proof
that
I
have
represented
,
how
came
it
to
pass
that
such
great
numbers
of
the
men
of
that
Age
lived
and
dyed
in
Infidelity
?
If
the
evidence
were
so
full
and
free
from
all
exception
as
is
pretended
,
how
was
it
possible
for
any
man
that
had
eye-sight
enough
to
discern
the
mid-day
Sun
,
not
to
submit
to
its
Conviction
?
Much
less
,
how
could
such
Creatures
as
men
endued
with
Rational
faculties
,
be
so
utterly
blind
or
extravagantly
mad
,
that
when
Almighty
God
had
given
such
undeniable
Proofs
of
his
own
Divine
Authority
,
they
should
hate
,
oppose
and
persecute
this
Religion
?
Mear
stupidity
or
want
of
Enquiry
might
have
left
men
in
Infidelity
,
though
the
State
of
things
had
been
as
evident
as
we
say
it
was
,
but
when
men
concern'd
themselves
with
all
their
Zeal
and
Power
to
root
it
up
,
they
must
understand
what
it
was
that
they
so
eagerly
opposed
.
Neither
was
this
done
by
the
ordinary
sort
of
Mankind
alone
,
but
by
the
Wise
and
the
Learned
,
who
did
not
only
reject
it
as
an
idle
Fable
,
but
bestir'd
themselves
with
all
their
might
,
to
suppress
it
as
pernicious
to
the
peace
and
quiet
of
the
World
.
This
is
an
Objection
in
appearance
very
great
,
for
it
cannot
but
look
very
strange
,
that
men
Learned
and
wise
should
be
so
foolish
and
so
Ignorant
as
not
to
perceive
such
evidence
of
demonstration
,
nay
to
scorn
and
to
despise
it
.
And
yet
as
big
as
this
Objection
is
in
shew
,
it
is
in
reality
none
at
all
,
and
if
it
were
any
is
abundantly
answered
by
the
Premises
.
For
it
is
plainly
impossible
that
so
great
a
part
of
the
World
,
especially
the
Learned
and
Inquisitive
should
ever
have
been
prevail'd
upon
to
embrace
such
a
Story
,
in
all
those
circumstances
and
under
all
those
disadvantages
that
I
have
described
,
if
it
had
been
nothing
but
mear
falsehood
and
forgery
.
And
yet
by
reason
of
those
very
many
and
great
disadvantages
,
let
its
evidence
have
been
never
so
bright
,
it
is
possible
for
men
either
not
at
all
to
see
or
to
wink
at
it
.
So
that
at
best
this
is
but
a
Negative
Testimony
opposed
to
an
Affirmative
,
and
in
this
particular
case
and
under
these
circumstances
,
though
it
were
in
it self
not
altogether
useless
,
of
no
force
at
all
.
For
unless
Christianity
were
true
,
it
could
never
have
been
vouched
as
it
is
;
and
though
it
were
as
certainly
true
as
we
pretend
it
was
,
yet
there
was
no
necessity
imposed
upon
all
Mankind
to
yield
to
its
belief
.
Especially
when
it
had
all
the
disadvantages
of
present
Interest
to
weigh
against
naked
Truth
;
and
Interest
alone
,
as
is
too
well
known
by
experience
,
has
a
more
forcible
influence
upon
most
mens
minds
than
Integrity
.
So
that
here
I
might
again
run
through
all
the
foremention'd
particulars
,
and
shew
what
force
each
of
them
singly
,
much
more
all
joyntly
might
have
to
hinder
men
from
believing
or
owning
the
Christian
Faith
,
notwithstanding
all
that
Evidence
that
it
gave
of
its
Divine
Authority
;
and
particularly
I
might
declaim
upon
the
wonderful
power
of
prejudice
in
this
case
,
and
make
a
long
common
place
of
it
,
to
shew
the
equality
of
its
strength
to
Truth
it self
.
But
I
shall
make
shorter
work
of
it
,
and
consider
only
the
matter
of
fact
and
the
History
of
the
thing
,
and
shew
that
whatever
Opposition
Christianity
met
with
in
the
World
,
was
from
unreasonable
men
,
and
upon
unreasonable
grounds
.
And
if
that
be
proved
no
man
can
think
the
Opinion
of
such
men
ought
to
weigh
any
thing
by
it self
,
but
much
less
against
all
that
evidence
of
Reason
and
Record
that
we
have
laid
together
in
the
premises
.
And
this
I
shall
now
make
good
.
But
for
our
clearer
method
of
proceeding
,
I
shall
divide
my
discourse
into
these
particulars
.
First
to
give
an
Account
of
the
unreasonable
Infidelity
of
the
Jews
;
and
of
this
first
as
to
the
whole
Nation
,
secondly
,
as
to
their
several
Factions
,
first
Saducees
,
secondly
Pharisees
.
And
then
I
shall
proceed
in
the
second
place
to
the
Heathens
,
and
shew
how
all
unbelief
in
them
proceeded
meerly
from
the
blindness
either
of
Atheism
or
Superstition
,
and
this
I
shall
demonstrate
both
as
to
the
publick
Persecutions
and
Private
Oppositions
that
Christianity
met
with
;
and
thus
when
I
have
taken
the
Objection
into
pieces
,
from
the
emptiness
of
each
part
,
it
will
appear
that
there
is
nothing
in
the
whole
.
And
first
the
grand
reason
of
the
Infidelity
of
the
Jews
,
notwithstanding
the
demonstrative
Evidence
of
the
truth
of
Christianity
,
was
their
invincible
prejudice
in
honour
of
Moses
,
so
that
they
would
not
care
to
hear
any
thing
that
might
derogate
from
him
,
much
less
our
Saviour
that
pretended
to
excell
him
.
And
the
truth
is
,
this
prejudice
had
some
reasonable
force
in
it self
,
that
when
Almighty
God
had
in
such
a
miraculous
way
deliver'd
the
Law
by
Moses
,
and
by
virtue
of
that
Law
kept
up
his
own
true
Worship
in
opposition
to
Idolatry
,
that
prevail'd
every
where
but
only
in
Judaea
;
and
when
it
was
enacted
with
some
expressions
,
that
seem
to
imply
its
perpetual
and
unalterable
obligation
,
and
lastly
when
it
had
flourisht
so
many
years
,
and
notwithstanding
all
that
opposition
that
was
made
to
it
by
the
Heathen
World
,
it
was
so
far
from
abating
its
force
,
that
it
prevail'd
upon
its
Enemies
,
and
brought
over
great
numbers
of
Proselytes
from
Heathenism
to
the
Jewish
Church
.
After
all
which
,
at
first
sight
it
could
not
but
appear
very
strange
,
that
an
obscure
Person
,
a
Galilaean
,
a
Carpenpenters
Son
,
should
without
any
Appearances
of
Thunder
and
Lightning
,
take
upon
him
so
confidently
to
repeal
this
Ancient
,
this
Divine
,
this
Venerable
Law
.
The
very
pretence
could
not
but
seem
an
unanswerable
Objection
to
it self
;
for
what
could
his
design
be
in
throwing
down
the
Law
of
Moses
that
was
the
only
Bulwark
against
Idolatry
,
than
to
let
in
all
the
Idolatry
of
the
Heathen
Nations
upon
them
?
Besides
,
if
Moses
acted
by
Divine
Commission
,
whatever
was
spoken
to
the
disparagement
of
Moses
reflected
upon
God
himself
,
so
that
this
Person
by
pretending
to
enact
a
more
perfect
Law
than
that
,
seem'd
to
make
himself
wiser
than
his
Maker
.
Such
Objections
as
these
were
so
natural
and
so
obvious
to
the
prejudiced
People
of
the
Jews
,
as
to
keep
them
back
from
so
much
as
making
enquiry
after
such
wild
and
Frantick
Pretences
.
And
this
as
I
have
already
intimated
from
Origen
,
was
the
peculiar
difficulty
of
our
Saviour's
work
,
and
as
appears
from
the
whole
History
of
his
Life
,
was
objected
against
all
his
Miracles
,
as
I
have
particularly
shewn
concerning
the
cure
of
the
Man
that
was
Born
blind
;
so
that
though
they
saw
the
truth
of
the
Miracle
,
yet
they
would
not
believe
it
,
because
it
was
impossible
that
any
man
should
come
from
God
,
who
could
be
so
daringly
Blasphemous
as
to
prefer
himself
to
Moses
.
And
this
Objection
our
Saviour
confesses
so
forcible
,
as
to
acknowledge
that
nothing
could
answer
it
but
his
unparallel'd
Miracles
,
John
15.
24.
If
I
had
not
done
among
them
the
works
which
never
any
man
did
,
they
had
not
had
sin
:
but
now
have
they
both
seen
,
and
hated
both
me
and
my
Father
.
That
is
,
they
had
been
excuseable
in
rejecting
him
and
his
pretences
of
Establishing
a
new
Religion
,
if
his
Miracles
had
not
exceeded
those
of
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
whom
yet
they
believed
to
have
been
sent
from
God
;
but
now
when
they
have
seen
me
do
such
works
as
none
but
God
can
do
,
curing
all
manner
of
Diseases
,
feeding
thousands
with
a
few
Loaves
,
raising
the
Dead
,
and
all
only
by
the
power
of
a
Word
as
God
at
first
Created
the
World
,
after
all
this
if
they
reject
me
,
it
is
plain
that
they
affront
him
too
.
And
so
again
when
he
cured
the
man
that
was
Blind
and
Dumb
;
because
they
could
not
deny
the
Miracle
,
they
Blaspheme
it
,
and
say
,
it
was
done
by
the
help
of
the
most
powerful
of
all
the
Devils
,
for
who
else
could
assist
the
man
that
opposed
Moses
,
and
therefore
our
Saviour
having
demonstrated
by
rational
proof
,
that
he
acted
not
by
the
power
of
Belzebub
,
he
tells
them
that
it
is
evident
from
his
Miraculous
works
,
that
the
Kingdom
of
God
is
come
to
them
,
that
is
,
the
Reign
of
the
Messias
;
as
it
is
called
Daniel
11.
14.
And
adds
that
all
calumnies
are
pardonable
,
but
only
that
against
the
Holy
Ghost
,
that
is
,
the
Power
of
God
,
by
which
he
discover'd
his
will
to
Mankind
,
by
which
they
barr'd
their
minds
against
all
the
means
of
Information
,
and
if
they
would
not
acknowledge
that
,
when
they
saw
it
in
his
Works
,
it
was
not
possible
for
him
to
make
any
impression
upon
them
as
men
,
and
so
they
thereby
put
themselves
into
a
state
of
impenitence
,
and
an
utter
incapacity
of
Pardon
.
Now
it
is
plain
,
that
this
obstinacy
of
the
Jews
,
though
it
was
grounded
upon
the
Divine
Authority
of
Moses's
Law
,
was
in
it self
very
unreasonable
,
in
that
as
Almighty
God
had
confirm'd
the
Law
of
Moses
by
Signs
and
Wonders
,
so
he
vouched
all
that
our
Saviour
either
taught
or
pretended
to
beyond
that
,
by
enduing
him
with
a
much
greater
power
of
Miracles
,
than
was
ever
given
to
Moses
or
the
Prophets
.
And
yet
that
they
might
be
guilty
of
it
,
is
obvious
enough
to
any
man's
apprehension
,
if
we
consider
the
strange
power
of
religious
prejudices
,
and
upon
what
plausible
grounds
theirs
were
bottom'd
,
the
natural
stubborness
of
the
Jewish
Nation
,
but
most
of
all
the
pride
and
waywardness
of
Superstition
.
For
that
as
I
shall
shew
afterwards
in
the
case
of
the
Pharisees
,
was
the
bottom
of
all
their
rage
and
indignation
against
our
Saviour
,
in
that
he
so
freely
upbraided
their
degeneracy
from
the
Law
of
Moses
,
and
convinced
them
of
the
folly
and
the
childishness
of
those
Superstitious
conceits
that
they
had
made
out
of
it
,
upon
the
Observation
whereof
they
so
highly
valued
themselves
.
This
is
evident
through
the
whole
History
of
the
Gospels
,
but
in
no
one
case
more
than
that
of
the
Sabbath
,
which
as
it
was
at
first
commanded
by
God
,
so
they
observ'd
it
with
infinite
Superstition
.
And
for
that
reason
our
Saviour
set
himself
to
controul
them
in
it
,
and
therefore
wrought
most
of
his
Miracles
on
that
day
,
and
yet
they
were
so
foolish
as
to
think
that
a
sufficient
objection
against
his
Divine
Authority
.
And
though
one
would
think
no
man
could
be
so
absurd
,
when
he
had
seen
a
Blind
man
cured
only
by
commanding
him
to
open
his
Eyes
,
as
to
slight
,
nay
,
find
fault
with
the
Miracle
meerly
because
it
was
done
on
the
Sabbath
day
,
yet
this
was
the
common
case
of
the
Jews
,
so
invincible
above
all
other
things
is
the
power
and
prejudice
of
Superstition
.
§
.
XXXV
.
The
Second
was
a
very
dazling
prejudice
,
and
that
was
the
magnificent
State
and
Glory
,
in
which
they
expected
their
Messias
should
appear
.
For
the
whole
World
was
at
that
time
fill'd
with
expectations
of
a
mighty
Prince
;
all
the
Ancient
Prophesies
concerning
the
Messias
were
Glorious
and
Wonderful
,
and
their
descriptions
of
his
Kingdom
seem'd
to
exceed
that
of
the
Roman
Greatness
;
the
Glory
of
Augustus
was
to
be
Eclips't
by
the
Appearance
of
a
Greater
Monarch
;
the
Grandeur
of
his
Court
,
and
vastness
of
his
Empire
,
were
but
ordinary
things
in
comparison
to
those
that
were
foretold
of
this
Prince's
Universal
Government
.
The
splendour
of
these
great
Prophesies
flusht
and
abused
the
ambition
of
the
great
Spirits
of
the
Empire
,
and
every
hopeful
and
aspiring
Prince
of
the
Family
of
the
Caesars
pushed
forward
for
an
Universal
Monarchy
.
And
every
prosperous
Commander
of
the
Roman
Armies
,
flattered
himself
with
hopes
that
it
might
be
he
,
that
was
design'd
to
be
indeed
,
and
not
in
Title
onely
,
Lord
of
the
whole
World
.
And
particularly
this
as
I
have
shewn
out
of
his
own
Historians
,
was
the
first
rise
and
occasion
of
Vespasian's
Glory
.
And
this
was
the
thick
conceit
of
the
Jews
as
well
as
the
Gentiles
,
as
Celsus
discourses
in
the
Person
of
a
Jew
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Orig.
adv.
Celsus
l.
2.
That
the
Person
foretold
by
the
Prophets
,
that
was
to
come
,
should
be
a
mighty
King
,
a
Leader
of
great
Armies
,
Lord
of
all
the
Kingdoms
and
Nations
of
the
Earth
.
And
after
the
same
manner
does
Trypho
the
Jew
argue
against
our
Saviour's
being
the
Messias
from
the
meanness
dial
.
cum
Tryp
.
p.
249.
of
his
Condition
,
whereas
the
true
Messias
was
to
be
a
mighty
and
Renowned
Person
,
and
to
receive
from
the
Ancient
of
days
a
perpetual
Kingdom
.
They
imagin'd
their
Messias
to
be
such
another
fighting
Man
as
his
Father
David
,
that
should
break
the
Power
of
the
Romans
,
and
by
his
Victorious
Arms
redeem
the
People
of
God
from
Heathen
Tyranny
and
Oppression
.
They
hoped
the
time
would
come
,
when
a
Circumcised
King
should
keep
his
Court
in
Augustus's
Palace
,
and
when
the
Sanhedrin
should
possess
the
Senate-house
,
and
there
Issue
out
Decrees
for
the
Circumcision
of
all
People
,
Nations
,
and
Languages
.
And
this
confidence
in
the
Messias
seems
to
have
been
the
great
support
of
the
pride
and
ill
nature
of
the
Jews
;
for
when
he
came
they
were
resolved
to
take
their
fill
of
Revenge
upon
the
Gentile
World
for
all
those
Insolences
,
wherewith
they
had
affronted
Gods
own
People
.
And
this
(
as
the
Historians
of
that
Age
observe
)
was
the
ground
of
their
frequent
Tumults
and
Rebellions
about
that
time
,
and
at
last
of
the
utter
destruction
of
their
Common-wealth
.
They
were
grown
impatient
in
the
Expectations
of
their
Messias
,
and
were
no
longer
able
to
endure
the
reproach
of
being
subject
to
the
pride
and
power
of
uncircumcifed
miscreants
.
And
all
the
Nation
of
the
Jews
were
so
fully
and
impregnably
possest
with
this
Dream
of
a
Temporal
Prince
,
that
the
Apostles
themselves
seem'd
at
first
to
have
followed
our
Saviour
for
hopes
of
present
preferment
;
nothing
less
could
serve
the
Sons
of
Zebedee
,
than
to
sit
the
one
at
his
right
and
the
other
at
his
left
hand
in
his
Kingdom
;
to
be
the
Grandees
,
and
chief
Favourites
of
his
Court
,
his
Agrippas
and
Mecoenas'es
,
they
were
not
content
with
being
Heads
of
Tribes
,
unless
they
might
have
the
principal
place
next
to
the
Royal
Throne
.
And
perhaps
St.
Peter
,
till
he
understood
better
things
,
promised
himself
for
a
reward
of
his
zeal
,
no
less
Dominion
than
what
his
pretended
Successours
claim
from
him
;
so
that
when
upon
his
Confession
of
our
Saviour's
being
the
true
Messias
,
our
Saviour
immediately
declares
the
speedy
approach
of
his
death
,
Mat.
16.
21.
Peter
remonstrates
to
that
as
inconsistent
with
the
whole
design
,
and
when
our
Saviour
continues
from
time
to
time
to
warn
them
of
the
set
time
when
he
was
to
be
betrayed
,
he
very
faithfully
buys
him
a
Sword
to
fight
in
his
defence
,
And
St.
John
being
so
great
a
Favourite
,
could
be
no
less
than
Principal
Secretary
of
State
,
and
Judas
no
doubt
expected
no
less
office
than
of
Lord
Treasurer
.
And
the
Women
too
counted
to
have
no
small
share
in
the
Government
,
as
appears
by
Old
Zebedee's
Wife
.
And
as
some
were
to
manage
affairs
at
Court
,
so
others
were
to
have
their
Governments
and
Provinces
abroad
,
Herod
and
Pilate
were
to
be
displaced
,
and
one
was
to
be
President
of
Judaea
,
and
another
of
Galilee
;
and
if
there
were
any
one
more
modest
than
the
rest
,
it
is
likely
he
contented
his
ambition
with
being
Lord
Mayor
of
Capernaum
.
And
this
conceit
was
so
deeply
rivetted
in
their
Fancies
,
that
all
our
Saviour's
discourses
were
not
able
to
dispossess
it
;
and
though
he
so
often
Preached
to
them
the
Doctrine
of
his
Death
and
Passion
,
in
the
plainest
and
most
Familiar
words
,
yet
they
were
so
Drunk
and
Light-headed
with
it
,
that
they
understood
him
no
more
,
than
they
did
the
Language
of
Moses
and
Elias
at
his
Transfiguration
.
For
though
he
taught
his
Disciples
and
said
unto
them
,
the
Son
of
man
is
deliver'd
into
the
hands
of
men
,
and
they
shall
kill
him
,
and
after
that
he
is
kill'd
,
he
shall
rise
the
Third
day
,
yet
they
understood
not
that
saying
,
Mark
.
9.
3.
One
would
think
the
saying
were
as
plain
as
words
could
make
it
,
but
though
they
understood
the
Grammatical
sense
of
them
,
yet
they
were
so
possest
with
this
Jewish
Prejudice
of
his
being
a
great
Temporal
Prince
,
that
nothing
that
seem'd
inconsistent
with
it
could
enter
into
their
heads
;
so
that
the
meaning
of
those
words
,
they
understood
not
that
saying
,
is
that
they
understood
not
how
they
could
be
reconcil'd
to
those
Prophesies
that
they
had
of
the
Kingdom
of
the
Messias
.
And
therefore
upon
occasion
of
all
such
Discourses
,
they
still
minded
him
of
the
recovery
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
when
those
hopes
were
buried
in
his
Grave
,
then
all
their
expectations
utterly
dyed
together
with
him
.
Saint
Peter
thinks
of
returning
And
we
trusted
,
say
the
two
Disciples
,
that
it
had
been
he
which
should
have
redeemed
Israel
,
Luke
24.
21.
And
after
they
were
assured
of
his
Resurrection
the
very
first
thing
they
were
sure
to
put
him
in
mind
of
was
the
interest
of
his
Crown
,
Lord
wilt
thou
not
at
this
time
restore
again
the
Kingdom
to
Israel
,
Acts
1.
6.
These
were
the
big
and
swelling
expectations
of
the
whole
Nation
of
the
Jews
concerning
their
Messias
,
but
whilst
they
were
eagerly
gazing
upon
the
outward
pomps
and
glories
of
the
World
,
the
Providence
of
God
so
orders
it
,
that
their
Prince
should
slip
into
it
cloathed
in
all
the
dresses
of
meanness
and
humility
,
that
he
might
have
nothing
to
recommend
him
to
Mankind
but
meer
evidence
of
truth
.
Every
circumstance
of
his
Birth
,
Life
and
Death
was
design'd
cross
to
all
the
Grandeur
and
Vanity
of
the
World
.
Thus
was
he
born
,
not
at
Jerusalem
the
Imperial
City
,
but
,
at
Bethlehem
,
the
least
among
the
Cities
of
Judah
;
not
in
the
Town
,
but
in
the
Suburbs
,
in
a
poor
Cottage
,
not
in
the
dwelling
House
but
in
the
Stable
among
Beasts
and
Beggars
;
Rags
were
his
onely
Imperial
Robes
,
and
his
first
Throne
a
Manger
.
And
instead
of
posting
away
Curriers
to
the
Courts
of
Rome
or
Persia
,
the
Message
of
his
Birth
is
imparted
to
a
few
plain
and
honest
Pesants
;
they
were
Shepherds
,
a
simple
and
innocent
sort
of
People
,
that
made
the
first
Address
,
and
did
the
first
Homage
to
this
Infant
Prince
.
And
the
whole
progress
of
his
Reign
was
but
agreeable
to
this
humble
Coronation
,
he
was
subject
to
his
poor
Parents
,
and
as
some
,
who
were
no
incompetent
Witnesses
,
tell
us
,
wrought
at
his
Fathers
Trade
,
and
got
his
living
by
making
of
Ploughs
and
Yokes
.
And
after
he
enter'd
upon
his
Office
and
declared
who
he
was
,
he
chose
for
the
principal
place
of
his
residence
Galilee
,
the
most
ignoble
part
of
all
Judaea
,
not
onely
because
it
lay
most
remote
from
Jerusalem
,
the
place
of
their
Court
and
Temple
,
but
because
it
was
inhabited
by
a
mixt
sort
of
People
,
and
thence
commonly
styled
Galilee
of
the
Gentiles
;
partly
in
that
lying
next
to
them
and
having
more
commerce
with
them
,
they
were
not
so
coy
of
admitting
them
into
their
Kindreds
as
the
other
Jews
,
and
partly
in
that
it
was
inhabited
by
some
of
those
Jews
that
return'd
from
the
Captivity
,
who
settled
there
among
the
Gentiles
,
that
had
,
during
the
Captivity
,
placed
themselves
in
it
;
so
that
the
Galileans
were
lookt
upon
as
a
sort
of
Mungril
Jews
,
and
a
Galilean
was
little
better
than
a
name
of
reproach
,
whence
the
Proverb
Shall
Christ
come
out
of
Galilee
?
And
as
he
chose
the
worst
part
of
his
Country
for
the
chief
place
of
his
Residence
,
though
at
times
he
shewed
himself
in
other
places
,
but
still
under
the
disadvantage
of
a
Galilean
,
so
he
chose
the
meanest
of
his
Country-men
for
the
Ministers
of
his
Kingdom
,
Fishermen
,
a
poor
and
beggarly
sort
of
People
,
and
yet
they
were
made
so
much
the
poorer
by
being
his
Disciples
.
We
have
left
all
(
says
Peter
)
to
follow
thee
:
and
this
mighty
all
was
nothing
but
a
few
tatter'd
Nets
,
but
yet
with
them
were
they
able
to
get
a
small
maintenance
for
their
Families
,
whereas
when
they
left
their
Trade
to
follow
him
,
they
became
perfect
Beggars
,
for
the
Foxes
have
holes
,
&c.
Nay
,
what
was
still
a
greater
condescension
,
he
conversed
not
onely
with
the
meanest
,
but
,
as
his
Office
required
,
with
the
worst
of
Men
,
Publicans
and
Sinners
,
the
most
hated
and
most
scandalous
Persons
,
insomuch
that
his
Enemies
took
advantage
from
it
to
reproach
himself
as
a
Person
that
lived
a
Life
of
Looseness
and
Debauchery
.
And
thus
he
past
on
through
perpetual
Affronts
,
Reproaches
and
Calumnies
,
till
he
purposely
went
up
to
Jerusalem
to
deliver
up
himself
into
the
hands
of
his
Enemies
;
and
with
what
Scorn
,
Insolence
and
Cruelty
he
was
there
treated
,
and
with
what
Meekness
,
Patience
and
Humility
he
there
behaved
himself
I
need
not
here
represent
.
They
indeed
put
upon
him
a
royal
Robe
,
but
it
was
in
Derision
,
they
crown'd
him
,
but
it
was
with
Thorns
,
they
bowed
the
Knee
before
him
,
b●●
it
was
in
Mockery
,
and
they
writ
him
King
of
the
Jews
,
but
it
was
upon
his
Cross
,
where
he
suffer'd
himself
to
be
executed
with
two
Thieves
,
and
that
in
the
midst
of
them
as
the
greatest
Villain
of
the
three
.
All
which
as
he
suffer'd
for
other
weighty
ends
,
so
not
least
of
all
in
order
to
his
Resurrection
;
partly
,
because
that
being
design'd
as
the
ground-work
of
his
Religion
,
the
Providence
of
God
took
particular
care
to
make
it
stand
upon
its
own
unassisted
Evidence
,
and
for
that
purpose
not
onely
laid
it
so
very
deep
,
but
clear'd
away
every
thing
that
might
seem
to
give
it
the
least
Assistance
:
partly
,
because
being
the
most
material
Article
of
our
Faith
,
and
withall
most
difficult
to
be
believed
,
God
was
pleased
to
confirm
its
truth
by
sensible
Experience
.
As
Arnobius
has
very
well
observed
,
Cumque
novitas
rerum
,
&
inaudita
promissio
audientium
When
the
strangeness
of
the
Doctrine
,
and
the
greatness
of
the
promise
of
immortal
Happiness
amazed
Men's
Minds
and
stumbled
their
Belief
,
the
Lord
of
all
Power
and
Conquerour
of
Death
permitted
his
humane
Nature
to
be
slain
,
that
from
his
Resurrection
and
those
things
that
followed
after
his
Death
,
they
might
be
assured
of
the
truth
of
their
Faith
as
to
the
future
Salvation
of
their
Souls
.
Now
this
humble
Appearance
of
Jesus
being
design'd
so
utterly
cross
to
the
proud
and
revengefull
expectations
of
the
Jews
,
who
thirsted
for
the
coming
of
their
Messias
,
onely
to
be
avenged
of
all
their
Enemies
,
it
did
not
onely
raise
their
prejudice
●ut
their
indignation
against
him
.
But
especially
when
he
took
upon
him
the
great
Prerogative
of
the
Messias
,
and
would
have
all
their
mighty
expectations
fulfill'd
in
himself
alone
,
and
yet
disclaim'd
all
temporal
Power
,
and
taught
that
the
Kingdom
of
the
Messias
was
not
a
Kingdom
of
this
,
but
another
World
;
so
strange
a
disappointment
as
this
could
not
but
work
in
them
a
fierce
and
angry
aversation
both
to
his
Person
and
to
his
Doctrine
.
For
by
this
very
thing
all
their
hopes
of
being
deliver'd
from
the
Roman
Yoke
were
utterly
defeated
,
and
yet
that
was
the
onely
benefit
that
they
expected
from
their
Messias
.
And
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
that
they
entertain'd
him
with
so
little
kindness
,
when
,
by
his
pretence
of
being
the
Messias
,
he
not
onely
fail'd
their
expectations
of
himself
,
but
destroyed
all
their
hopes
for
ever
.
To
all
which
may
be
added
the
extream
Wickedness
of
the
Jews
at
that
time
;
their
manners
being
universally
debaucht
under
the
Reign
of
Herod
,
and
their
chief
Men
tainted
with
Principles
of
Atheism
and
Irreligion
;
but
of
that
I
have
partly
discoursed
already
,
and
shall
doe
so
again
under
the
next
Head
when
I
come
to
treat
of
the
Sect
of
the
Sadducees
,
and
therefore
at
present
I
shall
onely
refer
to
Josephus
his
History
of
that
time
,
from
whence
it
will
appear
that
they
were
faln
from
all
sense
of
common
Humanity
;
that
they
were
more
barbarous
than
Canibals
or
Banditi
;
and
that
no
History
in
the
World
can
equal
those
Instances
of
Cruelty
that
were
committed
by
the
Jews
among
themselves
at
the
Siege
of
Jerusalem
.
Now
such
degenerate
Brutes
as
these
,
whose
delight
and
trade
it
was
to
be
cutting
throats
were
very
likely
to
give
audience
to
the
mercifull
Institution
of
Jesus
,
and
leave
off
their
former
high-way
practices
to
take
up
his
Cross
and
follow
him
.
§
XXXVI
.
These
are
the
most
general
and
obvious
Prejudices
that
might
bar
up
the
Minds
of
the
Jews
against
the
entertainment
of
Christianity
,
notwithstanding
all
that
Evidence
that
it
brought
along
with
it
;
The
more
particular
Prejudices
are
those
that
relate
to
the
chief
Factions
and
leading
Sects
among
them
,
that
is
,
the
Sadducees
and
the
Pharisees
,
who
beside
the
Prejudices
common
to
them
with
all
other
Jews
,
were
blinded
by
some
others
peculiar
to
themselves
.
And
in
truth
these
were
the
onely
Enemies
that
opposed
themselves
to
the
Doctrine
of
Jesus
;
for
it
was
they
that
made
use
of
the
forementioned
Prejudices
of
the
People
thereby
to
raise
their
rage
and
fury
against
him
.
So
that
whatever
opposition
was
made
by
them
,
proceeded
not
directly
from
themselves
,
but
was
set
a
work
and
managed
by
these
Mens
instigation
;
and
therefore
if
we
would
find
out
the
true
ground
of
the
opposition
that
was
made
to
the
Christian
Doctrine
by
the
Jewish
Nation
,
we
must
discover
the
reasons
,
motives
and
designs
upon
which
these
leading
Men
proceeded
.
And
they
will
appear
so
unjust
and
so
unreasonable
,
as
that
,
instead
of
reflecting
any
disparagement
upon
the
cause
they
oppose
,
its
being
opposed
upon
such
accounts
will
it self
be
no
small
Evidence
of
its
Truth
and
Goodness
.
And
first
,
as
for
the
Sadducees
,
the
case
is
plain
that
they
were
no
better
than
rank
and
avowed
Atheists
.
For
though
they
pretended
to
own
some
parts
of
the
Jewish
Religion
,
yet
that
was
onely
to
pass
a
complement
upon
the
common
People
,
that
would
not
in
former
times
endure
any
such
thing
as
open
and
downright
Atheism
.
But
otherwise
to
what
purpose
is
it
to
talk
of
any
such
thing
as
Religion
whilst
they
deny
the
future
state
of
the
Souls
of
Men
,
without
which
all
pretences
to
Vertue
and
Piety
are
meer
contradictions
to
themselves
,
false
braggs
and
empty
talk
.
And
though
Grotius
Now
this
Sect
of
Men
being
thus
detein'd
by
this
Principle
,
they
were
not
concern'd
to
enquire
into
the
truth
of
any
matter
of
Fact
that
might
overthrow
it
.
But
their
custom
was
to
jeer
and
flout
at
it
as
a
ridiculous
Story
,
and
when
they
came
to
argue
with
our
Saviour
about
it
,
they
seem
to
have
design'd
rather
to
make
themselves
merry
,
than
to
enter
into
any
serious
discourse
with
him
.
Atheists
are
always
proud
and
conceited
People
,
and
scorn
to
make
any
enquiry
after
any
thing
that
may
convince
them
;
they
confute
all
with
the
impossibility
of
the
thing
it self
,
and
when
Men
once
think
themselves
secure
of
that
,
it
is
in
vain
to
tell
them
any
story
against
it
,
for
without
ever
enquiring
into
its
truth
or
credibility
,
they
are
aforehand
undoubtedly
assured
of
its
forgery
.
And
this
was
the
particular
case
of
the
Sadducees
,
their
main
Argument
against
a
future
state
was
the
impossibility
of
the
thing
,
and
after
that
when
Men
reported
that
to
have
been
done
,
which
they
knew
impossible
to
be
done
,
what
followed
but
away
with
them
for
idle
Cheats
and
Lyars
.
And
therefore
without
ever
examining
them
they
thrust
them
into
Prison
with
all
manner
of
scorn
and
indignation
,
Acts
5.
17
,
18.
Secondly
,
as
for
the
Pharisees
,
who
were
of
the
greatest
power
and
reputation
with
the
People
,
they
were
a
strange
sort
of
ignorant
,
supercilious
and
conceited
Fanaticks
.
And
there
is
no
temper
of
Mind
so
fixed
and
stubborn
as
religious
Pride
and
Self-conceitedness
;
't
is
of
all
Illusions
the
most
delightfull
to
the
minds
of
Men
,
and
when
they
are
once
throughly
possest
with
it
,
it
barrs
up
their
Understandings
against
all
Arguments
,
it
takes
away
the
use
of
their
natural
Faculties
,
and
to
go
about
to
convince
them
of
their
folly
and
hypocrisie
,
is
onely
to
provoke
their
rage
and
choler
.
This
was
the
state
of
the
case
between
our
Saviour
and
the
Pharisees
.
They
pretended
to
the
strictest
Piety
,
and
valued
themselves
at
a
mighty
rate
beyond
all
other
Men
for
the
singularity
and
exactness
of
their
devotion
.
And
yet
this
they
placed
not
in
any
conformity
to
the
Divine
Laws
,
but
in
the
observation
of
some
vain
Customs
and
Traditions
derived
from
their
Forefathers
.
Now
this
being
so
gross
and
so
foolish
an
Imposture
,
our
Saviour
set
himself
particularly
to
represent
its
vanity
,
and
took
all
occasions
to
convince
them
that
they
had
utterly
forsaken
the
Law
of
Moses
,
for
which
they
pretended
so
much
reverence
,
and
that
the
Customs
they
were
so
fond
of
,
were
no
part
of
his
Religion
,
because
no
where
injoin'd
in
his
Law
,
but
meer
arbitrary
conceits
of
their
own
devising
.
And
this
it
was
that
raised
their
displeasure
against
him
to
so
great
an
height
of
hatred
and
indignation
,
that
a
Person
who
pretended
to
so
great
an
Office
and
Authority
as
that
of
the
Messias
,
should
represent
them
so
contemptibly
in
his
publick
and
constant
discourses
to
the
People
.
And
therefore
instead
of
considering
the
nature
and
truth
of
his
Doctrine
,
they
all
along
set
themselves
to
trapan
him
in
his
Discourses
,
and
minded
nothing
else
but
to
pursue
their
revenge
against
him
,
and
never
rested
till
they
had
wrecked
all
their
malice
upon
him
as
the
mortal
Enemy
of
their
Sect.
Now
't
is
no
wonder
that
Persons
of
this
complexion
were
so
strangely
blinded
against
all
that
evidence
that
our
Saviour
gave
of
his
Divine
Commission
.
For
none
so
blind
as
those
that
will
not
see
,
and
none
so
wilfull
as
those
that
are
in
love
with
themselves
,
and
no
self-love
so
doting
as
that
which
is
grounded
upon
a
false
conceit
of
Sanctity
and
Religion
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
this
,
some
of
the
more
ingenuous
among
them
,
as
Nicodemus
and
Joseph
of
Arimathea
were
overcome
by
the
Divinity
of
his
Works
,
and
afterward
even
Gamaliel
himself
was
startled
at
them
.
For
the
advice
he
gave
to
let
the
Apostles
alone
seem'd
to
have
proceeded
meerly
from
the
unsettledness
of
his
own
Mind
,
that
was
not
then
throughly
satisfied
concerning
the
truth
or
falshood
of
their
pretences
.
And
the
truth
is
his
advice
took
with
the
Sanhedrin
not
from
the
reason
of
the
thing
but
the
authority
of
the
Man
,
for
otherwise
it
was
but
very
foolish
Counsel
,
that
if
this
Work
be
of
Men
it
would
of
its
own
accord
come
to
nought
,
for
by
that
principle
they
must
give
liberty
to
all
the
Impostors
in
the
World
to
disturb
,
as
much
as
in
them
lies
,
the
publick
peace
and
quiet
of
Mankind
.
But
when
it
was
doubtfull
,
as
it
then
seem'd
to
him
,
lest
haply
by
punishing
§
XXXVII
.
And
thus
having
described
the
several
unreasonable
Prejudices
that
withheld
so
many
of
the
Jewish
Nation
from
embracing
of
the
Christian
Faith
;
we
proceed
now
in
the
last
place
to
the
grounds
that
the
Heathens
went
upon
in
their
Opposition
to
it
.
And
these
were
as
much
more
absurd
and
unreasonable
than
those
of
the
Jews
as
was
their
Religion
.
For
that
the
Jews
had
some
appearance
of
pretence
against
our
Saviour's
alteration
in
Religion
we
have
already
shewn
,
in
that
it
was
own'd
by
himself
to
have
been
establisht
by
Divine
Authority
.
But
as
for
the
War
that
the
Heathen
World
raised
against
it
,
they
grounded
it
upon
such
false
Principles
,
as
,
though
Christianity
it self
had
been
false
,
betray
their
own
folly
and
absurdity
.
Atheism
and
Contempt
of
God
and
all
Religion
was
their
master-objection
against
the
Christians
,
and
the
onely
thing
they
set
up
and
contended
for
in
opposition
to
it
,
was
their
own
wretched
Idolatry
and
Superstition
,
both
which
are
too
great
demonstrations
of
an
invincible
prejudice
and
inflexible
partiality
.
And
they
are
both
so
very
absurd
,
that
which
is
most
so
,
't
is
very
hard
to
determine
.
For
whatever
the
Christians
were
guilty
of
,
it
is
certain
that
they
were
at
the
greatest
distance
from
Atheism
of
any
party
of
Men
in
the
World
.
And
as
for
the
Religion
of
the
Gentiles
,
it
was
so
grosly
wicked
and
foolish
,
that
it
was
impossible
for
any
wise
Man
to
embrace
it
without
affronting
both
God
and
his
own
Conscience
.
This
was
the
true
state
of
the
Controversie
between
them
,
they
never
enter'd
into
the
debate
of
the
matter
of
Fact
,
or
so
much
as
once
enquired
into
the
merits
of
the
Cause
,
but
for
this
reason
alone
they
reputed
all
Christians
as
vile
and
profligate
Persons
,
because
they
would
not
join
with
them
in
their
Atheistical
Idolatry
.
And
this
was
the
grand
motive
of
all
their
persecutions
against
them
,
in
which
they
proceeded
upon
no
other
Article
than
that
they
refused
to
sacrifice
to
their
Gods
.
So
that
if
the
Heathen
Religion
were
absurd
,
and
it
is
certain
that
nothing
could
be
more
so
;
and
if
all
their
hatred
to
Christianity
were
founded
meerly
upon
their
zeal
to
that
,
this
gives
a
plain
account
of
the
unreasonableness
of
their
opposing
the
Christian
Faith
,
notwithstanding
the
undeniable
evidence
of
its
Divinity
.
And
this
I
shall
endeavour
to
prove
,
as
I
have
in
the
case
of
the
Jews
,
from
the
matter
of
Fact
it self
.
And
thereby
it
will
appear
not
onely
that
the
Assertion
is
a
probable
but
a
certain
truth
,
and
so
will
not
onely
answer
but
confute
the
Objection
,
by
proving
that
all
the
reason
that
Men
had
to
oppose
Christianity
was
their
being
grosly
unreasonable
.
And
this
I
shall
make
good
,
first
as
to
publick
Persecutions
,
secondly
private
Oppositions
.
The
first
Persecution
was
raised
by
Nero
,
a
Prince
sufficiently
branded
for
all
manner
of
Folly
and
Wickedness
,
but
above
all
for
his
brutish
and
inhumane
Cruelty
,
and
therefore
it
ought
to
be
no
wonder
that
a
Person
so
barbarous
to
all
Mankind
,
even
to
his
dearest
Friends
and
nearest
Relations
,
should
vent
some
of
his
fury
upon
the
Christians
.
But
as
bad
as
he
was
,
and
I
do
not
remember
any
Prince
unless
Caligula
more
wild
and
extravagant
in
his
manners
,
and
will
allow
the
truth
of
that
Character
which
Suetonius
gives
of
him
,
It
a
degenerasse
à
suorum
Virtutibus
Neronem
,
ut
tamen
Vitia
cujusque
quasi
tradita
&
ingenita
retulerit
,
That
he
lost
all
the
Vertues
of
his
Ancestours
and
retain'd
all
their
Vices
,
yet
for
all
that
I
cannot
but
think
him
to
have
been
painted
a
much
greater
Monster
than
he
deserved
.
I
will
indeed
grant
his
Folly
to
have
exceeded
the
ordinary
rate
of
Madness
,
especially
his
Vanity
of
Fidling
,
Singing
and
acting
of
Plays
,
for
which
he
so
highly
valued
himself
,
and
was
so
ridiculously
flattered
by
others
,
and
for
the
glory
of
it
neglected
all
Affairs
of
State
,
left
Rome
to
shew
his
skill
in
the
Cities
of
Greece
,
return'd
home
with
triumphal
Pomp
in
the
habit
of
a
Player
and
with
the
shews
of
all
his
Victories
.
In
short
,
he
was
not
so
jealous
of
a
Rival
in
the
Empire
as
of
a
skilfull
Comedian
,
and
at
his
fall
was
much
more
grieved
to
be
upbraided
with
being
a
bad
Fidler
than
a
bad
Emperour
.
Neither
was
he
less
exorbitant
in
his
Lust
than
in
his
Vanity
,
and
it
was
both
together
that
so
much
exposed
him
to
the
publick
scorn
and
hatred
of
the
People
.
But
for
the
Vice
of
Cruelty
,
wherewith
he
is
so
severely
charged
,
and
of
which
no
doubt
he
was
highly
guilty
,
I
cannot
but
think
him
overloaded
by
the
Historians
.
It
was
indeed
a
wild
Paradox
attempted
by
Cardan
,
though
wittily
perform'd
,
to
write
an
Encomium
of
his
great
Vertues
,
but
above
all
,
his
Clemency
,
in
which
he
will
have
him
to
have
excelled
the
best
of
the
Roman
Emperours
;
yet
that
he
was
not
so
bloudy
as
he
is
usually
represented
,
appears
as
by
many
other
Acts
of
Mercy
towards
his
Enemies
,
so
particularly
,
as
tender
as
he
was
of
his
Reputation
,
by
not
punishing
,
as
most
other
Emperours
were
wont
to
doe
,
the
known
Libellers
against
his
Person
and
Government
with
capital
Penalties
.
And
as
for
his
other
Severities
,
this
at
least
is
to
be
pleaded
in
his
behalf
,
the
prodigious
and
unparallel'd
Wickedness
of
the
Age
,
that
was
so
universally
debauched
,
that
there
was
scarce
a
Man
in
it
of
reputation
enough
to
give
Testimony
against
him
:
So
that
though
he
were
both
hated
and
condemned
by
the
Senate
it self
,
yet
the
ground
of
the
contention
between
them
was
who
should
have
the
greatest
Empire
in
Wickedness
,
and
his
restraint
of
their
Enormities
,
particularly
their
inhumane
Extortion
,
is
no
improbable
account
of
their
great
displeasure
against
him
.
And
for
this
reason
the
number
of
his
Executions
is
no
proper
Objection
against
his
Government
;
for
that
might
come
to
pass
not
from
his
cruelty
,
but
from
their
own
wicked
practices
,
and
therefore
nothing
can
be
determin'd
from
that
against
him
but
by
inquiring
into
the
cause
of
those
that
suffer'd
,
and
unless
it
appear
(
as
it
does
not
)
that
they
were
falsely
accused
and
unjustly
condemned
,
their
being
executed
proves
nothing
either
for
or
against
him
.
And
as
for
his
cutting
off
so
many
of
his
nearest
Kindred
,
the
question
is
,
whether
themselves
forced
him
not
to
it
in
his
own
defence
,
and
if
they
did
,
then
it
was
not
choice
but
necessity
.
And
whatever
he
did
for
reason
of
State
was
,
according
to
the
practices
of
those
times
,
very
allowable
.
As
for
the
Death
of
his
Father
Claudius
there
is
no
evidence
that
he
had
any
hand
in
it
;
that
was
wholly
the
Wickedness
of
Agrippina
.
And
though
he
seem'd
too
ungratefull
to
his
memory
by
speaking
reproachfully
of
him
,
it
is
apparent
that
he
was
put
upon
it
by
the
instigation
of
Seneca
,
whom
it
seems
that
dull
Emperour
had
disobliged
.
As
for
Agrippina
,
she
was
a
Woman
of
intolerable
Pride
and
unheard
of
Cruelty
;
she
had
poison'd
her
Husband
to
derive
the
Crown
upon
her
Son
,
she
had
threatned
to
poison
him
and
transfer
it
to
Germanicus
;
in
short
,
she
would
not
suffer
him
to
enjoy
any
share
or
any
quiet
in
the
Government
.
Now
what
was
to
be
done
with
a
Woman
of
this
temper
?
Indeeed
to
kill
her
,
she
being
his
Mother
,
how
wicked
soever
,
was
inhumane
and
unnatural
,
yet
however
her
practices
could
not
but
force
him
to
some
undecent
severity
.
At
least
it
is
plain
that
at
first
he
used
her
with
due
respect
,
and
bore
her
insolence
with
extraordinary
patience
,
till
he
saw
both
his
Life
and
his
Empire
attempted
,
and
then
it
was
but
time
to
secure
himself
,
though
he
ought
to
have
done
it
some
gentler
way
than
by
putting
her
to
Death
.
In
short
,
if
Agrippina
were
so
bad
as
the
Historians
represent
her
to
have
been
,
Nero
was
not
,
because
his
cruel
usage
of
her
was
in
a
great
measure
forced
by
her
own
wickedness
.
As
for
Germanicus
,
he
must
dye
,
not
onely
as
a
declared
Rival
to
the
Empire
,
but
as
the
true
and
rightfull
Heir
of
the
Crown
.
And
this
practice
was
grown
so
familiar
,
that
there
was
not
an
Emperour
but
either
got
the
Crown
or
secured
it
by
murther
.
All
which
came
to
pass
by
the
prodigious
dotage
of
Augustus
,
who
,
after
all
his
great
craft
,
instead
of
securing
the
Empire
to
his
own
nearest
Kindred
,
onely
obliged
his
Successours
to
murther
them
for
their
own
security
.
For
when
he
passed
over
the
right
Heirs
to
settle
the
Empire
upon
Tiberius
,
it
was
obvious
that
Tiberius
could
never
think
himself
secure
in
his
Throne
,
till
all
that
had
an
antecedent
right
to
it
were
removed
out
of
the
way
.
So
that
the
blame
of
Tiberius
his
Cruelty
is
in
a
great
measure
to
be
charged
upon
Augustus
his
Folly
,
who
,
by
his
preposterous
settlement
of
the
Crown
upon
him
,
made
it
necessary
upon
reason
of
State
,
and
that
he
too
well
knew
in
his
Court
outweighed
all
other
considerations
.
And
hence
came
that
constant
succession
of
Murthers
in
the
Empire
,
whereby
all
of
his
own
Family
were
in
the
first
place
cut
off
,
and
afterwards
all
his
Kindred
.
So
imprudent
a
thing
is
it
to
think
of
disposing
of
Crowns
against
the
Right
of
Inheritance
,
it
certainly
entails
Murthers
upon
the
Royal
Family
and
Civil
Wars
upon
the
Kingdom
.
But
to
return
to
Nero
,
these
are
the
main
Instances
of
Cruelty
wherewith
he
is
usually
branded
,
some
others
there
are
that
I
shall
here
pass
by
,
and
onely
concern
my self
in
that
he
is
charged
with
against
the
Christians
.
Against
whom
it
is
evident
that
he
proceeded
not
either
from
any
enquiry
into
their
cause
or
any
voluntary
cruelty
of
his
own
,
but
deliver'd
them
up
to
the
Peoples
fury
,
onely
to
deliver
himself
from
it
.
For
the
City
happening
to
be
destroyed
by
a
sudden
Fire
,
Nero's
Enemies
,
to
render
him
more
odious
,
cast
reports
among
the
People
that
he
was
the
Authour
of
the
mischief
,
and
the
more
to
exasperate
them
add
that
he
beheld
the
sad
sight
from
Mecoenas
his
Tower
with
no
small
joy
and
pleasure
,
singing
the
destruction
of
Troy
.
Whether
this
report
were
true
or
false
it
matter'd
not
,
the
People
were
ready
enough
to
run
away
with
any
thing
in
their
rage
and
anguish
,
and
though
it
was
,
for
any
thing
that
appears
,
altogether
groundless
and
malicious
,
it
was
then
believed
and
is
so
to
this
day
.
And
therefore
Nero
,
to
bring
himself
off
,
transfers
the
Odium
upon
the
Christians
,
whom
he
knew
to
be
sufficiently
hatefull
to
the
common
Rabble
,
as
despisers
of
their
Gods
and
their
Religion
,
and
by
turning
them
loose
to
their
rage
and
cruelty
,
diverted
,
or
at
least
somewhat
asswaged
,
their
fury
against
himself
.
Neither
does
this
seem
to
have
been
Nero's
own
device
,
but
rather
to
have
been
first
prompted
by
the
People
themselves
:
for
it
is
more
than
likely
that
the
Idol
Priests
,
upon
occasion
of
so
sad
a
Calamity
,
should
blow
the
suspicion
into
the
Peoples
heads
,
that
it
came
from
the
Christians
,
who
as
they
hated
their
Gods
,
hated
their
Temples
too
,
and
so
would
not
stick
to
set
the
City
on
fire
on
purpose
to
destroy
them
.
And
such
a
suggestion
as
this
being
once
kindled
among
the
Common
People
,
it
would
quickly
prevail
like
the
flames
themselves
,
and
in
the
extremity
of
their
anguish
transport
them
to
the
utmost
excess
of
rage
and
indignation
.
And
therefore
,
as
the
Historian
observes
,
they
did
not
think
simple
punishment
enough
,
unless
they
added
scorn
to
their
cruelty
,
and
so
would
not
suffer
them
to
be
put
to
death
in
the
shape
of
men
,
but
worried
them
with
Dogs
,
in
the
skins
of
Wild
Beasts
.
But
whether
Nero
fired
the
City
or
not
;
or
whether
he
contrived
this
device
to
save
himself
,
or
onely
made
advantage
of
the
folly
of
the
People
,
it
is
certain
that
neither
he
nor
they
proceeded
against
them
upon
any
mature
deliberation
,
but
that
they
were
Sacrificed
meerly
to
the
outrage
of
the
Rabble
.
And
this
is
the
plain
account
of
the
Neronian
Persecution
,
in
which
the
Prosecutors
were
so
far
from
entring
into
the
merits
of
the
cause
,
that
it
was
wholly
managed
by
popular
Tumult
,
that
was
raised
by
Calumny
,
and
enraged
by
Superstition
.
So
that
the
Christians
in
it
suffer'd
not
as
Christians
,
but
onely
upon
occasion
of
this
accident
,
the
People
fell
foul
upon
them
as
Enemies
to
their
Idol-Gods
.
And
that
was
natural
for
the
blind
and
furious
Rabble
to
doe
,
whatever
the
Christian
cause
might
be
,
for
without
enquiring
into
that
,
they
were
onely
zealous
for
their
old
Superstition
.
And
therefore
their
Opposition
to
Christianity
can
be
no
objection
against
it
,
for
though
we
suppose
its
truth
and
Evidence
,
yet
notwithstanding
that
,
it
could
not
have
avoided
their
displeasure
.
And
yet
in
most
of
the
other
Persecutions
it
will
appear
that
they
were
both
set
on
foot
and
carried
on
onely
by
the
folly
and
fury
of
the
Multitude
.
§
.
XXXVIII
.
The
Second
Persecution
was
raised
by
Domitian
,
the
Second
to
Nero
for
fierceness
and
cruelty
,
though
neither
did
he
proceed
in
it
upon
any
account
of
Religion
,
but
purely
out
of
jealousie
of
State
.
For
as
he
exceeded
all
other
Princes
in
suspicion
and
ill-nature
,
so
upon
the
least
shadow
of
pretence
he
would
never
stick
at
any
cruelty
to
secure
himself
.
Thus
he
Murthered
Metius
Domitianus
for
no
other
reason
than
because
Sueton.
in
Domit.
c.
10.
he
was
Born
,
as
the
Astrologers
affirm'd
,
under
an
Imperial
Horoscope
:
And
slew
his
own
Unkle
Flavius
Sabinus
,
because
when
he
was
chosen
Consul
,
the
Clark
whose
Office
it
was
to
declare
the
choice
to
the
People
,
by
mistake
pronounced
him
Emperour
instead
of
Consul
.
And
though
it
was
commonly
said
that
he
slew
his
Kinsman
Flavius
Clemens
.
whose
two
Sones
he
had
adopted
to
succeed
him
in
the
Empire
,
upon
the
score
of
Christianity
,
yet
it
is
much
more
probable
that
his
displeasure
was
suddenly
taken
up
upon
some
pretence
of
State
,
as
Suetonius
expresly
affirms
,
Repentè
ex
tenuissimâ
suspicione
tantum
non
ipso
ejus
consulatu
And
this
,
as
we
have
the
Story
from
Hegesippus
,
was
the
true
Original
cause
of
Euseb.
l.
3.
c.
20.
his
troubling
the
Christians
:
Against
whom
he
did
not
proceed
in
general
as
Christians
,
but
onely
against
some
of
our
Saviour's
Kindred
,
who
were
accused
before
him
as
descending
from
the
Royal
Line
of
David
,
out
of
which
the
Messias
or
Universal
Monarch
was
to
come
,
of
whom
Domitian
,
sayes
the
Historian
,
was
not
less
jealous
than
Herod
himself
.
But
upon
Examination
,
finding
both
the
Poverty
and
the
Innocence
of
the
Persons
,
he
dismist
them
,
and
by
a
Publick
Edict
for
bad
all
farther
Prosecution
against
the
Followers
of
Jesus
.
Thus
far
Hegesippus
,
and
it
is
one
would
think
a
plain
and
an
easie
Story
,
and
Recorded
by
a
Person
that
lived
very
near
the
time
in
which
it
was
Transacted
;
and
yet
our
great
Scaliger
in
pursuit
of
that
Scholastick
Authority
,
which
he
has
taken
to
himself
of
correcting
Domitian
,
Scaliger
could
have
no
motive
to
make
the
Objection
,
but
onely
to
empty
his
Common-place-book
of
two
or
three
Rabinical
Quotations
.
But
yet
his
next
Exception
is
much
worse
,
viz.
that
there
was
no
such
Person
as
Judas
of
the
Kindred
of
our
Lord
mention'd
in
the
Gospels
.
But
suppose
there
were
no
such
upon
Record
,
it
seems
very
hard
dealing
with
an
Ancient
Writer
,
that
lived
so
near
the
times
that
he
Writes
of
,
and
had
opportunity
of
enquiring
into
the
Genealogy
of
the
Family
,
when
he
affirms
that
there
was
such
a
Branch
of
it
,
to
deny
the
truth
of
the
matter
of
Fact
,
onely
because
it
hapned
not
to
be
mention'd
in
the
Gospels
;
whereas
nothing
is
better
known
than
that
divers
more
material
passages
relating
to
our
Saviour's
Family
are
there
omitted
,
their
design
being
to
describe
his
own
descent
from
David
,
and
not
to
give
any
account
of
the
several
present
Branches
of
the
Family
.
And
yet
after
all
Scaliger's
confidence
that
there
was
no
such
Man
upon
Record
,
do
we
find
him
expresly
reckoned
among
our
Saviour's
nearest
Kindred
,
Mat.
13.
15.
Is
not
this
the
Carpenters
Son
?
Is
not
his
Mother
called
Mary
?
And
his
Brethren
James
,
and
Joses
,
and
Simon
,
and
Judas
?
So
blind
is
the
humour
of
Criticising
,
as
to
overlook
the
most
obvious
passages
rather
than
loose
the
Glory
of
one
new
discovery
.
This
passage
I
have
vindicated
not
because
that
it self
was
at
all
needful
to
my
purpose
,
but
onely
to
maintain
the
credit
of
Hegesippus
;
for
if
there
were
no
such
Story
,
that
saves
our
labour
of
giving
any
account
of
it
;
if
there
were
,
then
we
must
take
it
as
we
finde
it
in
Hegesippus
,
according
to
whose
account
it
was
no
Persecution
for
Religion
,
but
onely
a
jealousie
of
State
.
Neither
is
it
to
be
wondred
at
that
Domitian
(
though
of
all
men
most
suspicious
)
should
be
so
strongly
tainted
with
it
,
when
the
same
conceit
had
for
a
long
time
been
of
so
great
force
among
his
Predecessours
.
For
it
is
very
obvious
from
the
Histories
of
those
time
,
that
the
Jewish
Notion
of
their
Messias
had
got
deep
footing
in
the
Gentile
World
,
from
the
Authority
of
the
Sybilline
Oracles
;
in
that
the
Old
Books
of
the
Sybils
,
that
had
been
for
many
Ages
Religiously
preserved
in
the
Capitol
were
together
with
the
Capitol
it self
burnt
about
Eighty
years
before
our
Saviour's
Birth
,
and
to
retreive
their
loss
,
three
Ambassadours
were
about
Seven
years
after
when
the
Capitol
was
rebuilt
,
dispatcht
into
Asia
,
to
gather
together
what
Records
they
could
there
find
of
those
Prophesies
,
and
brought
back
with
them
about
a
thousand
Verses
.
By
whom
they
were
first
Composed
I
am
not
concern'd
to
enquire
,
though
it
is
probable
(
as
the
Learned
Isaac
Vossius
conjectures
)
that
they
were
Collected
by
the
Jews
out
of
the
Ancient
Prophets
,
as
appears
from
their
agreement
with
the
Holy
Writings
,
and
especially
in
the
great
Prediction
of
a
Messias
or
Universal
Monarch
.
Which
it
seems
was
so
plainly
foretold
by
them
,
that
in
a
little
time
it
alarm'd
the
Senate
it self
to
forbid
the
reading
of
them
,
and
that
for
very
good
reason
too
.
When
they
found
every
aspiring
Spirit
in
the
Common-wealth
to
apply
them
to
himself
.
For
this
was
one
of
the
Foundations
of
Catiline's
Conspiracy
,
as
Tully
informs
us
concerning
Leutulus
in
his
Third
Oration
against
Catiline
.
And
when
Caesar
had
made
himself
Master
of
all
,
it
was
vulgarly
believed
to
have
been
the
effect
of
this
Prophesie
,
as
the
same
Author
Triumphantly
tells
us
in
his
Second
Book
of
Divination
,
which
was
written
immediately
after
Caesar's
fall
.
Cum
Antistitibus
agamus
,
&
quidvis
potius
ex
illis
libris
quàm
:
Regem
proferant
,
quem
Romae
,
posthaec
nec
Dii
nec
homines
esse
patientur
.
The
great
thing
that
offended
the
zealous
Common-wealths
Man
in
them
was
the
name
of
a
great
King
.
And
if
we
may
believe
Suetonius
or
his
Author
Julius
Marathus
,
the
same
year
Augusta
c.
94.
that
Augustus
Caesar
was
Born
,
the
Senate
upon
the
account
of
this
Prediction
,
Regem
populo
Romano
naturam
parturire
,
that
nature
was
then
in
labour
with
a
King
of
the
Romans
.
Decreed
nequis
illo
anno
genitus
educaretur
.
Not
unlike
the
practice
of
Herod
,
when
he
Murther'd
the
Children
of
Bethlehem
to
secure
the
Title
of
Shiloh
to
himself
,
which
some
of
the
Atheistical
Jews
of
the
Sect
of
the
Sadducees
had
flatteringly
applyed
to
him
,
and
were
for
that
reason
stiled
Herodians
.
And
this
conceit
himself
cherished
with
very
great
care
among
the
Jews
,
as
the
fulfilling
of
Jacob's
Prophesie
upon
the
departure
of
the
Scepter
from
Judah
to
himself
,
thereby
to
conciliate
the
greater
reverence
and
Authority
to
his
Government
.
And
this
probably
was
the
reason
,
as
very
an
Atheist
as
he
was
,
of
his
building
so
magnificent
a
Temple
,
because
the
Jews
expected
such
a
glorious
work
from
their
Messias
.
Now
this
conceit
being
so
familiarly
entertain'd
in
the
minds
of
men
in
that
Age
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
all
that
were
in
actual
possession
of
Authority
,
(
whether
themselves
believed
it
or
not
)
were
so
watchful
against
all
pretenders
to
it
,
but
much
less
in
such
a
suspicious
Prince
as
Domitian
,
especially
as
to
the
Family
of
David
,
who
by
the
consent
of
the
Jews
,
that
were
the
great
Masters
of
these
Prophesies
,
had
the
first
Title
to
this
great
Prerogative
.
And
yet
it
was
not
so
much
,
but
onely
as
far
as
appears
by
Story
,
they
were
presented
by
some
flattering
and
officious
Informers
to
the
Emperour
,
which
occasion'd
some
trouble
both
to
themselves
and
the
followers
of
Jesus
;
but
when
the
jealous
Emperour
came
to
enquire
into
their
Claims
,
he
was
so
satisfied
of
the
Innocence
of
the
men
,
that
he
immediately
dismist
the
Inditement
as
frivolous
,
and
revoked
all
Edicts
against
the
Christians
as
Partisans
in
the
same
cause
.
This
is
the
true
account
of
all
his
proceedings
against
them
,
though
if
he
had
proceeded
upon
other
reasons
,
all
his
reasons
could
be
nothing
but
reasons
of
State
,
and
all
his
executions
nothing
but
acts
of
Savageness
and
Cruelty
.
But
whatever
they
were
,
there
is
no
evidence
of
his
entring
into
the
merits
of
the
cause
,
and
if
he
did
not
,
his
brutal
Tyranny
can
be
no
objection
.
Nay
if
he
did
,
all
that
can
be
inferr'd
,
is
that
Christianity
was
not
pleasing
to
one
of
the
worst
of
Princes
,
and
that
is
the
best
that
can
be
made
of
his
Persecution
,
and
there
we
leave
it
,
that
as
Nero
was
the
first
so
Domitian
was
the
second
Enemy
to
Christianity
,
and
conclude
with
Tertullian
.
Consulite
commentarios
vestros
,
illic
reperietis
primum
Neronem
in
hanc
sectam
cum
maximè
Romae
orientem
Caesariano
gladio
ferocisse
.
Sed
tali
dedicatore
damnationis
nostrae
etiam
gloriamur
.
Qai
enim
scit
illum
,
intelligere
potest
non
nisi
grande
aliquod
bonum
à
Nerone
damnatum
.
Tentaverat
&
Domitianus
,
portio
Neronis
de
crudelitate
;
sed
qua
&
homo
,
facile
coeptum
repressit
,
restitatis
etiam
quos
relegaverat
.
If
you
search
your
own
Records
you
will
find
that
Nero
was
the
first
Emperour
that
imbrued
his
hands
in
Christian
Blood
,
but
we
glory
in
the
hatred
of
such
an
Enemy
as
Nero
,
for
whoever
knows
the
Man
,
cannot
but
know
that
it
must
be
some
very
great
good
thing
,
that
Nero
hates
.
And
Domitian
too
a
piece
of
the
same
cruelty
made
the
same
attempt
,
but
having
in
him
either
some
little
humanity
or
the
inconstancy
of
Mankind
(
for
which
of
these
Tertullian
means
by
his
qua
&
homo
is
altogether
ambiguous
)
he
desisted
from
his
design
,
and
revoked
his
own
proscriptions
.
§
XXXIX
.
The
Third
Persecution
hapned
under
the
Reign
of
Trajan
,
and
was
set
on
foot
upon
variety
of
designs
,
all
which
were
very
remote
from
any
fair
Inquiry
into
the
cause
of
Christianity
it self
.
The
first
was
the
old
jealousie
of
our
Saviour's
Kindred
and
the
Line
of
David
,
and
this
as
Hegesippus
informs
us
,
was
started
by
Apud
Euseb.
l.
3.
c.
32.
the
Jews
and
the
Gnosticks
against
Symeon
the
Son
of
Cleophas
the
Brother
of
Joseph
,
then
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
,
and
that
at
a
time
when
all
the
Royal
Family
of
Judah
wer
sought
after
,
and
dispatched
out
of
the
way
as
pretended
Rivals
of
the
Empire
.
And
for
this
reason
was
this
good
Old
man
put
to
death
in
the
Hundred
and
one
and
twentieth
year
of
his
Age.
The
Second
motive
of
this
Persecution
was
the
Emperour's
great
jealousie
of
those
Societies
call'd
Heteriae
,
that
had
often
created
great
mischief
and
trouble
to
the
Empire
,
and
therefore
for
the
prevention
of
such
disturbances
,
he
strictly
forbad
all
manner
of
associations
and
publick
meetings
;
and
in
this
point
of
Government
he
was
so
peremptory
,
that
when
Pliny
moved
him
to
erect
a
Corporation
of
Smiths
at
Nicomedia
,
as
a
great
convenience
to
the
City
,
he
would
by
no
means
be
induced
to
allow
it
.
Now
the
Assemblies
of
Christians
being
grown
numerous
,
they
fell
under
the
edge
of
this
Law
,
and
it
was
accordingly
executed
against
them
by
the
Governours
and
Pro
consuls
in
their
several
Provinces
.
It
is
commonly
supposed
that
this
Edict
against
these
Illegal
Societies
,
was
published
on
purpose
to
ensnare
the
Christian
Meetings
,
and
it
is
possible
it
might
be
so
;
yet
there
is
no
ground
for
it
in
History
,
but
on
the
contrary
it
is
manifest
that
this
Emperour
was
possest
with
a
particular
jealousie
against
all
kinds
of
Assemblies
,
as
appears
in
the
foremention'd
case
of
the
Smiths
of
Nicomedia
.
And
that
he
had
no
particular
design
against
the
Christians
is
evident
from
his
answer
to
Pliny's
Letter
,
by
which
he
inform'd
the
Emperour
how
he
had
executed
this
Edict
in
his
Province
against
them
,
and
what
numbers
he
had
punished
for
their
obstinacy
against
the
Law
,
but
having
made
enquiry
into
the
design
of
their
meetings
,
he
was
sufficiently
satisfied
of
the
innocence
of
the
men
,
and
therefore
desires
directions
from
him
after
what
manner
he
should
proceed
against
them
,
or
whether
at
all
.
The
Emperour
upon
this
account
that
he
received
of
the
peaceableness
of
the
Christians
,
takes
off
the
severity
of
his
Edict
against
them
,
and
gives
instructions
,
that
they
should
not
be
sought
for
as
being
really
innocent
,
yet
if
they
were
accused
and
Convicted
,
they
should
be
punished
according
to
Law
,
that
is
,
for
the
good
example
of
Government
.
This
seems
to
have
been
all
that
Emperour's
design
in
his
Laws
and
Proceedings
against
the
Christians
,
otherwise
certainly
he
would
never
have
remitted
the
Execution
of
a
Law
,
of
which
he
was
so
tender
,
onely
for
their
sakes
.
But
because
this
was
the
first
Prosecution
,
in
which
we
meet
with
any
thing
like
legal
Proceedings
against
the
Christians
,
I
shall
give
an
account
of
all
the
unjust
and
unreasonable
methods
of
procedure
against
them
,
both
in
this
and
the
following
Persecutions
;
and
so
without
troubling
the
Reader
with
a
distinct
Narrative
of
every
one
,
give
him
a
true
State
of
the
grounds
and
reasons
of
all
,
and
from
thence
it
will
evidently
appear
that
they
proceeded
not
upon
any
sober
enquiry
,
but
were
meerly
driven
on
by
brutish
folly
and
madness
.
The
heads
of
their
accusation
then
were
either
real
or
feigned
,
the
feigned
were
apparently
the
contrivances
of
malice
,
and
the
real
were
as
apparently
the
charges
of
folly
,
as
I
shall
shew
in
each
particular
.
The
first
and
great
charge
of
all
was
the
Christians
contempt
of
their
Gods
and
Religion
.
But
here
the
cause
of
Paganism
was
so
foul
and
brutish
,
that
it
was
the
most
dishonourable
abuse
that
ever
was
put
upon
humane
nature
;
and
were
not
the
matter
of
fact
undeniably
evident
,
it
would
have
been
incredible
that
Mankind
should
ever
sink
into
such
a
senseless
stupidity
.
The
Barbarous
People
whom
the
Greeks
and
Romans
so
much
despised
,
Worshipped
onely
the
Heavenly
Bodies
,
but
these
Polite
,
these
Civilised
,
these
Philosophical
Nations
deified
the
worst
of
things
and
the
worst
of
men
,
and
replenisht
Heaven
with
such
a
rout
of
Deities
,
as
made
it
look
more
like
a
Jail
full
of
Rogues
and
Villains
,
than
an
Habitation
of
Gods
;
and
they
relate
such
foul
things
of
them
,
that
one
would
scarce
believe
such
ill
reports
of
the
vilest
of
Men
;
and
if
their
Enemies
would
have
set
themselves
to
have
contrived
Stories
,
that
might
render
them
odious
and
contemptible
,
the
blackest
calumnies
they
could
have
fastned
upon
them
must
have
fall'n
short
of
the
extravagance
of
their
own
Reports
.
And
as
were
their
Gods
,
such
was
their
Worship
too
,
all
lewdness
and
Debauchery
,
and
such
things
were
acted
in
their
Temples
as
were
not
allowed
in
the
publick
Stews
.
The
foulest
uncleannesses
were
their
highest
Devotions
.
How
lascivious
and
obscene
were
the
Ceremonies
of
Cibele
,
Priapus
,
Flora
,
and
Venus
,
who
were
Worshipt
with
nothing
but
the
vilest
Lust
and
Wantonness
?
So
foul
and
beastly
were
the
celebrated
Mysteries
of
Bacchus
,
that
the
Senate
of
Rome
it self
was
at
last
forced
to
banish
them
out
of
Italy
,
as
the
foulest
example
of
Lust
and
Debauchery
.
In
short
,
the
prodigious
Stories
that
they
told
of
their
greatest
Deities
,
Saturn
,
Jupiter
,
Ceres
or
the
Mother
of
the
Gods
as
much
exceeded
the
wickedness
of
Mankind
,
as
Heaven
is
higher
than
the
Earth
.
Though
the
truth
is
,
they
represented
them
much
worse
than
they
were
,
whilst
they
made
them
work
Miracles
to
compass
their
brutish
ends
,
for
when
all
is
done
,
they
were
neither
better
nor
worse
than
Mortal
Men.
Saturn
and
Jupiter
were
known
Tyrants
in
Crete
,
Apollo
a
common
Fidler
,
the
Muses
Servant
Maids
,
AEsculapius
a
Tooth
drawer
in
Arcadia
,
Venus
a
known
Strumpet
to
Cinyras
King
of
Cyprus
not
long
before
the
Trojan
War
.
These
and
like
these
were
the
Gods
they
Worshipt
,
and
how
this
folly
first
began
it
is
not
easie
to
imagine
,
but
it
must
certainly
have
been
in
the
most
Brutish
and
Barbarous
Age
of
the
World
,
and
so
afterwards
gain
Authority
onely
by
virtue
of
Ancient
prescription
.
For
otherwise
it
was
so
monstrous
and
ridiculous
in
it self
,
that
its
most
zealous
Patrons
could
make
no
better
defence
for
it
,
and
were
at
last
forced
to
turn
it
into
Allegories
,
contrary
to
the
Faith
of
their
own
Histories
.
And
though
the
Primitive
Christians
insisted
very
severely
upon
this
Argument
against
the
Heathens
,
of
Worshipping
dead
men
for
Gods
,
I
do
not
find
that
any
of
the
Heathens
that
opposed
Christianity
,
ever
took
upon
them
its
defence
,
but
all
their
Writings
against
the
Vanity
of
the
Pagan
Religion
past
uncontroul'd
,
so
uncapable
was
it
of
any
defence
,
that
no
Man
durst
so
much
as
undertake
it
.
And
nothing
was
done
for
it
,
but
onely
by
force
of
Law
and
Government
it
was
setled
in
the
Empire
,
and
therefore
must
be
complyed
with
,
and
object
what
you
please
against
its
Impiety
,
that
concerns
not
Statesmen
,
the
Laws
must
be
preserved
.
And
now
upon
this
account
it
chiefly
was
that
the
Primitive
Christians
suffer'd
,
it
was
not
so
much
for
any
thing
that
was
charged
against
their
own
Religion
,
but
onely
for
refusing
to
comply
with
the
Heathen
Idolatry
.
That
was
their
form
of
Tryal
,
Will
you
Sacrifice
to
the
Gods
?
If
they
did
,
that
alone
absolved
them
;
if
they
did
not
,
that
was
certain
death
.
Now
if
this
were
the
case
of
the
Christians
,
what
was
to
be
done
?
to
comply
with
the
Heathen
Worship
were
in
them
downright
Atheism
,
and
if
they
would
not
comply
,
it
was
so
in
the
Opinion
of
their
Enemies
,
and
so
they
were
vulgarly
esteem'd
,
and
put
to
death
as
Enemies
to
all
Religion
.
But
if
this
were
the
State
of
the
Heathens
proceedings
against
the
Christians
,
it
is
evident
that
they
concern'd
not
themselves
to
enquire
after
the
Christian
pretences
,
it
was
matter
enough
for
Condemnation
,
that
they
would
not
Worship
their
Gods
.
§
XL.
Neither
were
these
Tryals
and
Executions
set
on
foot
so
much
by
the
Governours
themselves
,
as
by
the
rage
and
fury
of
the
People
,
that
for
the
most
part
forced
the
Emperours
and
Pro-consuls
to
put
the
Laws
in
Execution
.
Romani
nec
ulli
magis
depostulatores
Christianorum
It
is
the
Vulgar
Rabble
(
sayes
Tertullian
)
that
are
the
vehement
Accusers
of
Christians
,
the
other
orders
are
civil
and
courteous
in
their
respective
Offices
,
neither
the
Senate
nor
the
Knights
,
nor
the
Camp
nor
the
Court
breath
out
any
hostility
against
us
.
And
this
was
the
meaning
of
Trajan's
Rescript
to
Pliny
,
that
he
cared
not
that
the
Christians
should
be
sought
for
,
but
if
the
People
accused
them
,
the
Laws
must
be
Executed
.
And
though
his
Successour
Adrian
,
under
whose
Reign
the
next
Persecution
Commenced
,
were
as
great
a
Zealot
for
the
Grecian
Rites
,
as
he
was
a
Pretender
to
their
Learning
,
and
was
himself
initiated
into
their
Eleusinian
Mysteries
,
yet
he
was
rather
the
occasion
than
the
cause
of
the
Persecution
.
For
that
zeal
that
he
had
shewn
to
the
rites
of
Greece
,
encouraged
the
Common
People
to
fall
foul
upon
the
Christians
,
and
therefore
Eusebius
ascribes
the
beginning
of
this
Persecution
,
not
to
the
Emperour
but
to
the
forwardness
of
some
ill-minded
men
.
But
the
fury
of
the
People
run
so
high
,
that
the
Government
was
forced
to
give
a
stop
to
it
,
in
so
much
that
Serenius
Granianus
Pro-consul
of
Asia
,
wrote
to
the
Emperour
in
behalf
of
the
Christians
,
that
it
was
very
unjust
that
for
no
Crime
,
but
onely
at
the
out-cry
of
the
People
they
should
be
put
to
death
.
For
that
was
grown
the
common
Custom
to
Sacrifice
them
to
popular
Tumults
and
Meetings
at
the
publick
Theatre
,
which
is
the
meaning
of
that
Proverbial
saying
,
Christianos
ad
Leones
,
viz.
that
if
the
People
askt
it
at
the
publick
Shews
,
the
Pro-consuls
and
Presidents
were
forced
to
yield
to
their
demands
,
as
they
did
not
onely
in
this
but
innumerable
other
cases
:
Nothing
being
more
common
both
at
Rome
and
in
the
several
Provinces
,
than
for
the
People
to
extort
what
they
pleased
from
their
Governours
at
these
Tumultuary
meetings
.
And
therefore
to
prevent
their
Barbarity
upon
these
occasions
against
the
Christians
,
the
Emperour
returns
this
serious
and
severe
Answer
to
Minutius
Fundanus
,
that
immediately
succeeded
Granianus
.
I
received
the
Letters
which
were
sent
me
by
the
most
excellent
Serenius
Granianus
your
Predecessour
.
Nor
do
I
look
upon
it
as
a
matter
fit
to
be
passed
over
without
due
enquiry
,
that
the
Men
may
not
be
needlesly
disquieted
,
nor
Informers
have
occasion
and
encouragement
of
fraudulent
accusations
Ministred
unto
them
.
Wherefore
,
if
the
Subjects
of
our
Provinces
be
able
openly
to
appear
to
their
Indictments
against
the
Christians
,
so
as
to
answer
to
them
before
the
Publick
Tribunal
,
let
them
take
that
course
,
and
not
deal
by
Petition
and
meer
noise
and
clamour
;
it
being
much
fitter
,
if
any
accusation
be
brought
,
that
you
should
have
the
Cognisance
of
it
.
If
any
one
shall
prefer
an
Indictment
,
and
prove
that
they
have
transgressed
the
Laws
,
then
give
you
sentence
against
them
according
to
the
quality
of
the
crime
.
But
if
it
shall
appear
that
he
brought
it
onely
out
of
spite
and
malice
,
take
care
to
punish
that
Man
according
to
the
mischief
of
his
own
Intention
.
A
Copy
of
which
Epistle
he
sent
to
several
other
Governours
of
Provinces
;
from
whence
it
appears
that
the
Magistrates
themselves
were
so
far
from
being
satisfied
with
any
rigorous
proceedings
against
the
Christians
,
that
they
did
it
onely
to
gratifie
the
clamours
of
the
People
,
and
interposed
their
Authority
to
skreen
them
from
their
fury
.
And
Tertullian
reckons
up
several
Presidents
to
Scapula
,
who
either
avoided
or
refused
to
proceed
against
the
Christians
and
particularly
Pudens
out
of
regard
to
this
Reseript
.
But
though
it
was
able
to
check
and
bridle
their
fury
during
that
Emperour's
Reign
,
yet
it
broke
out
again
in
the
time
of
his
Successour
Antoninus
Pius
,
and
extorted
from
him
a
more
severe
Letter
to
the
States
or
Common
Council
of
Asia
,
Prohibiting
all
such
Wild
and
Barbarous
proceedings
against
the
Christians
.
But
still
.
the
Laws
are
in
force
,
and
ready
to
be
seized
upon
at
all
turns
by
publick
zeal
or
private
malice
,
and
so
they
were
under
the
succeeding
Reign
of
M.
Aurelius
.
For
whilst
himself
was
busie
in
his
Wars
,
several
Persecutions
were
raised
in
several
Parts
of
the
Empire
,
at
Smyrna
where
Policarp
,
at
Rome
where
Justin
Martyr
,
and
at
Lyons
where
Pothinus
suffer'd
.
Policarp
was
meerly
Sacrificed
to
the
Out
cry
of
the
People
.
Away
with
the
Atheists
,
let
Policarp
be
sought
for
,
upon
which
being
apprehended
by
a
Fanatick
and
hot-headed
Justice
of
Peace
,
he
was
put
to
death
by
virtue
of
the
Law
that
commanded
to
Sacrifice
to
the
Gods
,
and
to
swear
by
the
Emperour's
Genius
.
Justin
was
Prosecuted
by
Crescens
the
Cynick
Philosopher
,
a
Man
proud
and
Ignorant
,
and
according
to
the
humour
of
his
Sect
ill-natur'd
and
implacable
,
and
as
Tatian
,
who
was
very
intimately
acquainted
with
him
and
his
manners
,
describes
him
,
given
up
to
all
manner
of
Vice
and
Wickedness
.
Now
it
hapned
that
Justin
in
publick
Disputes
,
had
exposed
the
extream
Childishness
and
Ignorance
of
this
vain-glorious
Pedant
,
who
to
be
revenged
of
him
,
accuses
him
before
the
Prefect
of
the
City
,
who
after
he
had
in
vain
taken
some
pains
to
perswade
him
to
renounce
his
Saviour
and
to
Sacrifice
to
the
Gods
,
pronounced
this
Sentence
against
him
and
Six
more
.
They
who
refuse
to
do
Sacrifice
to
the
Gods
,
and
to
obey
the
Imperial
Edict
,
let
them
be
first
Scourged
,
and
then
Beheaded
according
to
the
Laws
.
The
Persecution
at
Lyons
began
at
the
Rabble
,
as
it
is
plainly
described
in
the
Epistle
of
that
Church
to
the
Churches
of
Asia
and
Phrygia
.
In
the
first
place
(
say
they
)
they
encountred
with
admirable
courage
and
patience
,
all
the
outrages
and
indignities
of
the
promiscuous
Rabble
,
as
Tumultuous
Out-cries
,
Scourgings
,
Draggings
,
Spoiling
,
Stoning
,
and
Fettering
,
and
whatsoever
else
the
Heady
and
Savage
Multitude
are
wont
to
practise
against
their
most
hated
Enemies
.
And
by
them
were
they
haled
before
the
Governour
's
Tribunal
,
and
by
him
deliver'd
back
to
their
fury
,
which
they
Executed
upon
them
with
all
the
Arts
and
Circumstances
of
Fanatick
Zeal
and
Barbarous
Cruelty
.
This
I
say
was
the
usual
Method
to
Sacrifice
the
Christians
to
the
outrage
of
the
Superstitious
Rabble
,
and
if
at
any
time
any
Prince
engaged
himself
in
the
opposition
of
Christianity
,
it
was
because
that
opposed
the
Pagan
Religion
.
But
that
was
such
an
exorbitant
contradiction
to
the
common
sense
of
Mankind
,
and
to
all
the
first
Principles
of
good
and
evil
,
that
it
was
impossible
any
Man
could
be
in
love
with
it
,
after
any
fair
and
impartial
enquiry
about
it
.
So
that
what
such
Men
acted
against
Christianity
,
proceeded
not
from
any
rational
and
sober
Counsel
,
but
meerly
from
vulgar
custom
and
prejudice
.
And
therefore
if
M.
Aurelius
or
any
other
Emperour
,
that
ought
to
have
had
more
wit
and
temper
than
the
Common
People
,
shewed
any
zeal
against
the
Christian
Religion
,
their
judgment
is
as
little
to
be
regarded
in
this
case
as
that
of
the
multitude
,
because
it
is
evident
that
they
were
acted
meerly
by
superstitious
zeal
and
folly
.
If
indeed
they
had
opposed
Christianity
originally
upon
its
own
account
,
the
reasons
of
it
might
have
deserved
some
consideration
,
but
when
the
ground
of
all
their
displeasure
against
it
was
founded
upon
their
love
of
Paganism
,
the
meer
absurdity
of
that
cause
is
too
great
an
exception
against
their
understandings
in
this
Controversie
.
Thus
supposing
that
M.
Aurelius
himself
was
as
forward
as
the
People
in
his
zeal
against
Christianity
,
it
is
evident
that
he
was
as
wise
too
.
For
whatever
he
was
beside
,
he
was
a
great
Superstitionist
,
and
to
a
degree
of
stupidity
zealous
for
the
Pagan
Follies
,
out
of
that
vain
affectation
that
had
possest
him
,
to
be
accounted
the
second
Numa
of
Rome
,
which
one
conceit
transported
him
to
a
more
than
childish
zeal
for
the
old
Rites
and
Ceremonies
of
their
Religion
.
And
this
seems
to
have
been
the
case
of
Decius
and
Dioclesian
in
setting
on
foot
the
eighth
and
tenth
Persecutions
,
to
which
they
were
hurried
by
a
vehement
and
unlearned
zeal
for
the
Pagan
Religion
.
This
,
in
short
,
is
the
truest
account
that
I
can
find
of
all
the
Persecutions
,
by
which
it
plainly
appears
that
Christianity
was
not
so
much
opposed
by
its
greatest
Enemies
for
any
thing
they
had
to
object
against
it self
,
as
because
it
so
shamefully
exposed
the
bruitishness
of
their
Idolatry
.
And
yet
as
absurd
as
the
Worship
of
the
Heathen
Gods
was
,
the
giving
Divine
Worship
to
their
Emperours
was
much
worse
.
For
though
their
Gods
were
nothing
better
than
dead
Men
,
yet
having
lived
in
Ages
remote
and
almost
unknown
,
and
thereby
gain'd
the
advantageous
reverence
of
Antiquity
,
the
common
People
were
not
aware
of
their
Original
,
but
finding
them
in
the
possession
of
their
Divinity
,
they
gave
them
the
Worship
due
to
that
Title
.
But
to
give
Divine
and
Religious
Worship
to
the
Roman
Emperours
,
whose
Deaths
and
whose
Vices
were
so
fresh
in
the
memories
of
Men
,
was
such
an
unmanly
piece
of
flattery
,
as
any
Man
that
had
any
sense
of
Generosity
ought
not
to
submit
to
,
but
every
Man
that
had
any
sense
of
God
or
Religion
ought
to
defie
.
And
yet
so
infinitely
were
those
Men
besotted
with
Pride
and
Insolence
,
that
they
all
had
their
Temples
and
Priests
dedicated
to
their
own
Divinity
,
excepting
onely
Tiberius
,
who
,
being
a
great
dissembler
himself
,
chose
to
refuse
so
gross
a
flattery
,
and
would
not
so
much
as
permit
his
Statue
to
be
placed
among
the
Images
of
the
Gods
,
but
onely
among
the
Ornaments
of
private
Houses
.
But
as
for
all
the
rest
,
they
either
took
to
themselves
all
the
Titles
and
Dignities
of
Divinity
,
or
had
them
conferr'd
on
them
by
their
Successours
:
And
when
they
were
once
advanced
among
the
Gods
,
all
Men
were
required
under
pain
of
Death
to
pay
them
Divine
honour
.
Nay
,
as
Tertullian
too
truly
upbraids
them
,
they
were
more
religious
toward
their
Emperours
than
their
supreme
Deity
,
Majore
formidine
&
callidiore
timiditate
Caesarem
observatis
quàm
ipsum
de
Olympo
Jovem
.
And
all
this
though
it
were
scarce
a
greater
blasphemy
against
God
than
an
affront
to
Mankind
,
yet
so
base
and
degenerate
were
the
spirits
of
Men
at
that
time
,
that
they
refused
not
to
submit
to
so
dishonourable
a
flattery
.
Onely
the
Christians
,
out
of
that
serious
regard
they
had
to
the
honour
of
their
Creatour
,
unanimously
scorn'd
it
with
open
and
publick
defiance
.
And
for
their
generous
freedom
herein
they
were
as
familiarly
proceeded
against
as
for
the
contempt
of
their
Gods
.
But
now
if
this
were
another
ground
of
the
Heathens
acting
against
the
Christians
,
it
is
so
far
from
being
any
reasonable
pretence
,
that
it
is
one
of
the
greatest
shames
of
humane
Nature
.
So
that
setting
aside
all
that
Evidence
that
is
to
be
produced
in
behalf
of
Christianity
,
the
opposition
made
to
it
upon
this
or
any
of
the
foremention'd
accounts
,
cannot
reflect
the
least
shadow
of
disadvantage
upon
the
truth
or
the
goodness
of
its
Cause
.
§
XLI
.
These
were
the
real
Articles
of
accusation
in
their
charges
against
the
Christians
,
but
they
were
not
so
frivolous
as
their
forged
and
counterfeit
pretences
were
malicious
.
For
the
Heathen
Priests
thought
it
not
enough
to
enflame
the
rage
of
the
People
with
fanatick
Zeal
,
unless
they
fed
their
Malice
(
as
all
Impostors
do
)
with
Lies
and
Calumnies
.
But
when
Men
are
once
reduced
to
this
low
and
dirty
Artifice
in
defence
of
any
Cause
,
it
is
a
sign
they
are
drawn
down
to
the
very
dregs
of
Malice
.
For
it
is
onely
for
want
of
Argument
that
they
are
forced
to
make
use
of
Slander
,
which
the
natural
ingenuity
of
Mankind
would
scorn
if
they
could
support
themselves
and
their
Party
without
it
.
So
that
in
the
true
account
of
things
,
when
Men
betake
themselves
to
this
Weapon
against
any
Cause
,
it
is
a
plain
confession
that
it
is
liable
to
no
real
exception
.
And
if
the
Heathens
had
thought
that
they
were
furnisht
with
matter
of
sufficient
Argument
against
Christianity
it self
,
they
would
never
have
loaded
it
with
the
pretended
bad
practices
of
its
Professours
,
but
for
want
of
more
material
Objections
they
were
forced
upon
these
indirect
courses
.
For
what
is
it
to
the
truth
or
falshood
of
the
Religion
it self
whether
those
that
pretend
to
it
live
not
up
to
its
Principles
?
If
indeed
the
Principles
themselves
were
bad
,
then
the
Practices
that
follow
from
them
were
a
pertinent
Objection
against
their
entertainment
;
but
otherwise
if
Men
that
own
good
Principles
live
bad
Lives
,
that
concerns
not
their
Principles
but
themselves
.
And
therefore
if
the
Accusations
against
the
Christians
had
been
true
,
they
are
of
no
concernment
in
the
Cause
of
Christianity
it self
,
and
so
deserve
no
consideration
in
this
Argument
.
Yet
because
they
were
made
use
of
to
blind
the
Eyes
of
the
People
,
by
possessing
them
with
an
hatred
of
all
those
that
might
convince
them
,
I
shall
give
a
brief
account
of
them
,
because
that
will
be
another
distinct
reason
for
the
unbelief
of
so
many
Men
in
the
first
Ages
of
the
Church
,
notwithstanding
that
evidence
of
demonstration
that
Christianity
brought
along
with
it
.
I
shall
say
nothing
of
the
out-cry
of
Atheism
,
though
that
made
the
greatest
noise
,
because
I
have
accounted
for
that
already
;
onely
I
cannot
but
observe
that
the
imputation
of
this
crime
to
the
Christians
was
not
more
absurd
than
their
method
of
convicting
them
was
unjust
.
For
their
crime
was
so
much
taken
for
granted
,
that
they
never
so
much
as
enquired
after
any
proof
,
but
the
meer
name
of
a
Christian
was
taken
for
a
full
conviction
,
and
if
any
Man
own'd
it
,
that
without
any
farther
trial
passed
for
a
confession
of
Atheism
.
And
this
it
is
that
all
the
Christian
Apologists
complain
of
,
that
onely
the
name
should
be
persecuted
,
and
for
that
alone
they
should
be
exposed
to
all
the
malice
and
cruelty
of
their
Enemies
.
Though
upon
the
vulgar
supposition
that
the
name
of
a
Christian
was
synonymous
with
that
of
an
Atheist
,
it
was
crime
enough
,
so
that
in
the
result
of
all
that
absurd
supposition
was
their
onely
crime
.
But
beside
this
they
charged
the
Christians
with
all
manner
of
brutishness
and
immorality
,
Thyestaean
Feasts
or
eating
their
own
Children
at
their
private
Meetings
,
promiscuous
Lust
,
Incest
,
and
every
thing
that
was
beastly
and
immodest
.
Things
so
incredible
in
themselves
that
they
could
never
gain
any
serious
belief
with
wise
Men
;
but
any
thing
will
serve
turn
to
abuse
the
Rabble
,
for
great
is
the
power
of
Lying
,
as
we
of
this
Age
know
by
too
sad
experience
,
that
have
not
long
since
seen
an
establisht
Church
and
State
meerly
belyed
into
confusion
.
But
though
the
Adversaries
of
Christianity
were
ashamed
to
make
use
of
these
Calumnies
in
their
publick
Writings
,
yet
they
easily
served
to
transport
the
People
into
tumults
against
the
Christians
,
and
so
justifie
any
illegal
and
barbarous
proceedings
against
them
.
Thus
when
Justin
Martyr
at
the
beginning
of
his
Conference
challenges
Trypho
the
Jew
,
whether
he
really
believed
that
the
Christians
ate
Man's
flesh
,
and
put
out
the
Candles
at
their
Meetings
to
run
together
into
promiscuous
Lust
:
the
Jew
,
being
a
pretended
Philosopher
,
scorns
the
mention
of
such
wild
stories
as
unworthy
any
wise
Man's
regard
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
that
these
very
stories
did
the
business
with
the
People
upon
all
occasions
.
Thus
in
that
famous
French
Persecution
,
in
which
the
People
exceeded
their
own
usual
bounds
of
Barbarity
,
they
first
raised
these
reports
against
the
Christians
,
and
then
rackt
some
of
That
they
used
the
Feasts
of
Thyestes
,
and
the
Incest
of
Oedipus
,
with
divers
other
enormities
that
can
neither
be
thought
of
nor
exprest
with
modesty
,
nor
so
much
as
be
believed
to
have
been
ever
practised
among
Mankind
;
and
yet
when
these
very
things
were
bruited
abroad
among
the
the
People
,
they
were
with
one
consent
so
enraged
and
incensed
against
the
Christians
,
that
those
who
,
upon
the
account
of
Neighbourhood
or
Kindred
,
had
before
behaved
themselves
with
some
civility
,
were
hereby
transported
into
the
greatest
excess
of
violence
and
outrage
.
Neither
did
they
design
by
these
Calumnies
to
cheat
the
People
onely
,
but
,
as
Athenagoras
complains
in
his
Embassie
to
the
Emperours
,
by
the
greatness
and
horrour
of
those
crimes
that
were
so
vulgarly
reported
of
them
,
they
kindled
the
hatred
and
displeasure
of
great
Men
,
Princes
and
Governours
.
And
that
was
the
main
design
of
that
excellent
Apology
to
demonstrate
that
the
Christians
were
meerly
slandered
into
Accusations
,
and
that
the
slanders
wherewith
they
were
so
confidently
loaded
,
were
as
false
as
wicked
.
And
this
was
the
unanimous
petition
of
all
the
Christian
Apologists
,
that
the
crimes
objected
against
them
might
be
examin'd
,
and
if
any
Man
that
pretended
to
be
a
Christian
were
found
guilty
,
that
he
might
be
punisht
with
the
utmost
severity
of
Law
;
but
if
they
proved
meer
malicious
tales
without
any
evidence
of
proof
,
that
for
the
time
to
come
the
Government
would
be
pleased
to
secure
them
from
such
barbarous
wrongs
and
injuries
.
We
onely
beseech
you
(
says
Justin
Martyr
)
that
those
things
charged
Athenagoras
,
Theophilus
,
Tatianus
,
Arnobius
,
Lactantius
and
Tertullian
frequently
complaining
of
such
proceedings
,
and
onely
requesting
so
much
humanity
from
them
that
they
might
have
the
favour
that
was
allowed
all
other
Malefactours
,
to
have
their
crimes
examin'd
and
be
proceeded
against
according
to
evidence
of
Fact
.
Nay
,
Tertullian
proceeds
so
far
as
to
make
himself
merry
with
the
folly
of
their
Tales
,
and
tells
them
it
would
be
a
work
worthy
the
zeal
of
some
officious
President
,
to
find
out
such
a
Lundsford
Christian
that
had
already
devoured
at
least
an
hundred
fat
Boys
for
his
own
share
.
O
quanta
illius
Proesidis
gloria
,
si
eruisset
aliquem
,
qui
centum
jam
infantes
comedisset
.
I
know
that
the
Fathers
pleaded
many
other
thingsin
vindication
of
their
Innocence
,
but
I
would
not
stuff
my
Discourse
with
more
quotations
than
are
necessary
to
my
Argument
,
and
this
one
thing
that
I
have
represented
is
a
manifest
demonstration
of
the
injustice
and
unreasonableness
of
their
Enemies
in
their
proceedings
against
them
,
and
that
is
the
onely
thing
that
I
am
here
obliged
to
make
good
,
viz.
That
all
the
Opposition
that
was
made
to
Christianity
was
made
upon
unreasonable
grounds
and
by
unreasonable
Men.
§
XLII
.
This
may
suffice
for
the
Grounds
and
Reasons
of
the
publick
Persecutions
that
were
raised
against
Christianity
;
but
as
for
that
private
Opposition
that
it
met
with
from
Philosophers
and
pretendedly
learned
Men
,
it
was
so
very
contemptible
that
it
scarce
deserves
consideration
.
For
though
one
would
expect
to
have
found
all
the
learned
World
engaged
in
a
Controversie
that
concern'd
the
whole
World
,
yet
they
were
very
few
that
concern'd
themselves
against
the
Christian
Cause
;
and
those
that
did
so
,
onely
pelted
at
it
with
remote
and
far-fetcht
cavils
,
but
never
came
up
to
the
matter
of
Fact
,
which
is
the
onely
pertinent
subject
in
this
Enquiry
;
and
if
that
stand
firm
,
all
other
Opposition
falls
short
of
the
Argument
,
and
breaks
its
own
force
upon
it self
,
by
endeavouring
to
disparage
the
truth
of
a
thing
that
it
cannot
deny
,
or
to
prove
the
same
thing
to
be
false
that
it
cannot
but
confess
to
be
true
.
Nay
,
so
far
were
they
from
putting
the
matter
of
Fact
to
the
question
,
that
they
were
all
forced
to
take
it
for
granted
.
Porphyry
and
Celsus
impute
our
Saviour's
Miracles
to
Magick
;
Hieroles
and
Trypho
say
onely
that
the
Christians
make
too
much
of
them
,
by
making
a
God
of
a
divine
Man
;
Julian
tells
us
that
he
did
no
such
great
matters
,
but
onely
cure
the
Lame
and
the
Blind
.
So
that
it
seems
none
of
them
were
at
that
time
hardy
enough
so
much
as
to
think
of
controuling
the
reality
of
our
Saviour's
Actions
for
fear
of
too
much
disadvantage
in
the
Controversie
.
Now
after
this
it
is
easie
to
foretell
with
what
trifling
pretences
they
must
satisfie
themselves
;
and
they
were
so
very
trifling
,
that
it-will
require
but
very
little
pains
to
shew
their
Vanity
.
All
the
Opposition
then
that
was
made
to
it
this
way
,
proceeded
meerly
either
from
gross
Superstition
or
avowed
Atheism
.
The
first
is
coincident
with
the
former
account
of
the
publick
Persecutions
,
and
was
nothing
else
than
a
meer
fanatick
zeal
for
the
old
Pagan
Idolatry
.
And
this
was
chiefly
managed
by
the
Pythagoreans
,
the
onely
superstitious
Sect
among
all
the
Philosophers
,
who
were
all
along
so
zealous
of
the
Grecian
Rites
,
that
they
may
properly
be
styled
the
Monks
and
Friers
of
that
Religion
.
This
humour
they
derived
from
their
first
Founder
Pythagoras
himself
,
who
having
learned
that
part
of
natural
Philosophy
from
Thales
and
Anaximander
,
that
explain'd
the
mechanical
contrivances
of
Matter
and
Motion
,
to
which
alone
those
Philosophers
pretended
,
he
quickly
perceived
,
either
by
the
sagacity
of
his
own
Mind
,
or
the
instruction
of
Pherecides
,
that
there
was
some
intelligent
Being
in
Nature
,
that
was
the
cause
of
the
order
and
harmony
of
Things
.
And
it
was
this
that
so
strongly
possest
him
with
the
notion
of
a
Deity
,
whom
he
defined
to
be
a
Mind
diffused
through
all
Nature
,
from
whom
all
things
receive
their
Life
and
Activity
.
As
not
being
able
to
understand
how
the
natural
effects
that
are
constantly
and
every
where
visible
in
the
World
,
could
be
brought
to
pass
but
by
the
present
and
immediate
assistance
of
such
a
power
.
And
now
having
his
Mind
thus
throughly
touched
with
a
sense
of
the
Divinity
,
and
finding
the
Orphean
Rites
and
Constitutions
,
at
that
time
,
the
most
sacred
Solemnities
of
Religion
in
the
World
,
he
grew
very
zealous
of
them
as
the
most
religious
Symbols
of
Divine
Worship
.
Neither
was
his
zeal
satisfied
with
the
superstition
of
his
own
Country
,
but
he
travel'd
into
all
parts
of
the
World
,
to
inform
himself
of
their
several
ways
of
worshipping
their
Gods
.
And
then
composed
a
Service
of
his
own
,
partly
out
of
the
Orphean
,
partly
out
of
the
AEgyptian
,
partly
out
of
the
Chaldean
,
partly
out
of
the
Eleusinian
,
and
partly
(
to
mention
no
more
)
out
of
the
Samothracian
Rites
,
which
together
with
his
own
theurgick
Ceremonies
must
make
up
a
compleat
Rhapsodie
of
all
the
Superstition
and
Idolatry
of
the
Heathen
World
.
And
though
some
of
his
Followers
,
Leucippus
,
Democritus
and
Epicurus
apostatised
so
far
from
his
Institution
,
as
to
fall
into
the
rankest
and
most
audacious
Atheism
,
yet
all
that
persevered
in
their
Master's
Discipline
,
were
sure
no
doubt
to
be
most
of
all
strict
in
his
Religion
.
And
it
was
onely
this
Sect
of
Philosophers
(
who
were
Men
rather
devout
than
learned
)
that
all
along
gave
authority
and
reputation
to
the
old
Heathen
Idolatry
.
And
therefore
when
Christianity
began
to
bear
it
away
,
it
could
not
be
expected
but
that
they
should
appear
the
most
forward
Champions
to
defend
their
Fanes
and
their
Temples
,
their
Altars
and
their
Oracles
against
the
new
and
prevailing
Religion
.
The
first
and
the
ablest
Champion
was
Porphyrie
,
a
Man
at
that
time
eminent
for
Wit
and
Learning
,
but
so
entirely
eaten
up
with
fanatick
zeal
for
his
Religion
,
that
he
had
not
patience
so
much
as
to
hear
of
any
thing
that
opposed
it
,
and
this
set
him
all
on
fire
against
Christianity
.
For
being
by
nature
of
a
fierce
and
angry
temper
,
insomuch
as
he
attempted
to
cut
his
own
Throat
(
as
he
describes
himself
in
the
Life
of
Plotinus
)
and
withall
very
much
inclined
to
Austerity
and
Devotion
,
(
for
he
was
a
very
strict
observer
of
the
Pythagorean
Rules
)
this
fixt
him
in
his
fanatick
and
superstitious
zeal
,
than
which
there
is
nothing
more
insuperable
.
Though
when
this
happens
to
be
join'd
with
a
natural
eagerness
of
temper
,
it
grows
into
meer
fury
and
outrage
,
and
so
transports
Men
out
of
the
use
of
their
natural
Understandings
.
And
this
seems
to
have
been
the
case
of
Porphyrie
,
not
onely
from
that
description
that
he
gives
of
himself
,
and
that
account
that
his
Friends
give
of
his
Life
,
but
also
by
that
Character
that
is
given
of
his
Writings
against
the
Christians
,
which
is
described
by
the
most
impartial
Writers
as
full
of
rage
and
bitterness
.
Though
how
he
performed
what
he
undertook
is
not
so
certainly
determinable
,
in
that
not
onely
his
own
Book
,
but
all
those
that
were
written
against
it
are
utterly
perisht
.
But
by
those
fragments
that
remain
of
it
in
the
Writings
of
the
Ancients
,
it
does
not
at
all
appear
that
he
ever
ventur'd
to
deny
the
matter
of
Fact
of
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
but
granted
them
so
far
as
to
impute
them
to
the
power
of
Magick
.
But
how
vain
that
pretence
is
we
have
already
shewn
,
at
least
the
whole
of
the
Controversie
depends
upon
the
truth
of
the
matters
of
Fact
,
that
are
recorded
of
our
Saviour
,
none
of
which
I
do
not
find
that
he
ever
undertook
to
controul
,
and
as
long
as
that
stands
firm
,
all
other
Opposition
is
but
trifling
.
However
he
was
a
Person
so
infinitely
superstitious
that
his
Opinion
can
be
no
prejudice
against
the
cause
of
Christianity
,
because
he
was
at
no
liberty
to
make
any
enquiry
into
the
truth
of
its
pretences
.
And
of
the
same
Kidney
was
Hierocles
,
especially
if
he
were
(
of
which
there
is
little
doubt
)
the
same
zealous
Person
,
that
was
first
Judge
at
Nicomedia
,
and
afterward
Prefect
of
AEgypt
under
Dioclesian
,
and
a
great
Agent
in
his
bloody
Persecution
;
however
he
was
a
zealous
Orphean
,
and
extreamly
addicted
to
the
old
Pythagorick
Superstition
.
But
whatever
he
was
otherwise
,
his
work
against
the
Christians
was
so
contemptible
,
that
it
was
slighted
as
none
of
his
own
,
and
made
up
altogether
of
borrowed
Feathers
out
of
other
Mens
Writings
,
which
he
was
not
ashamed
to
transcribe
word
for
word
into
his
own
Rhapsodie
,
especially
out
of
Celsus
,
insomuch
as
Eusebius
sticks
not
to
affirm
that
there
is
but
one
passage
in
all
his
Book
,
that
was
not
answer'd
aforehand
by
Origen
.
And
that
was
his
parallel
between
our
Saviour
and
Apollonius
Tyanaeus
,
but
how
evenly
that
runs
we
have
already
consider'd
.
And
therefore
here
I
need
say
no
more
,
onely
that
from
hence
it
appears
that
he
did
not
so
much
as
question
,
much
less
deny
our
Saviour's
Miracles
;
but
onely
vyed
the
unvouched
Stories
of
that
pedantick
Impostor
with
the
so
well
voucht
History
of
Jesus
.
Nay
,
he
was
so
far
from
gainsaying
their
truth
that
he
was
forced
to
yield
that
he
was
a
Divine
Man
,
and
the
onely
thing
for
which
he
was
so
much
offended
against
the
Christians
was
,
that
nothing
less
would
serve
their
turn
unless
he
might
be
reputed
a
God
too
.
So
that
his
whole
Opposition
to
the
cause
of
Christianity
amounts
to
nothing
less
than
a
clear
confession
of
the
truth
of
the
matter
of
Fact
;
and
that
is
all
that
at
present
I
am
concern'd
to
prove
.
And
then
as
for
the
Emperour
Julian
,
as
he
was
the
fiercest
of
all
the
Enemies
to
Christianity
,
so
was
he
the
most
impotent
too
,
being
too
angry
and
passionate
to
make
any
just
enquiry
into
the
cause
,
and
withall
of
a
strange
lightness
and
vanity
of
Nature
,
which
those
Historians
,
that
would
most
admire
him
remark
as
the
most
predominant
principle
in
all
his
actions
,
this
hurried
him
,
according
to
the
eagerness
of
his
temper
,
against
the
Christians
,
because
their
Doctrine
brought
contempt
upon
all
the
old
Constitutions
of
Greece
,
of
which
he
was
so
fond
.
And
this
was
the
main
of
his
Argument
in
his
Book
against
the
Christians
,
that
they
disparaged
the
Heathen
Gods
and
the
Heathen
Philosophers
.
So
that
the
bottom
of
all
his
zeal
was
nothing
but
pedantry
and
superstition
.
For
he
valued
himself
not
a
little
upon
the
Opinion
that
he
had
of
his
skill
in
the
Grecian
Learning
,
and
especially
the
mystical
Philosophy
of
Plotinus
,
lamblicus
and
the
latter
Platonists
;
but
much
more
upon
his
zeal
for
the
old
Superstition
,
of
which
he
was
so
childishly
fond
,
that
it
exposed
him
even
to
the
contempt
of
the
superstitious
Rabble
it self
,
that
flouted
him
as
if
he
design'd
the
utter
extirpation
of
Oxen
as
well
as
Christians
.
And
as
he
was
so
vain
as
to
think
himself
Alexander
the
Great
,
according
to
the
Pythagorean
Doctrine
of
the
transmigration
of
Souls
,
which
put
him
upon
his
unfortunate
Persian
Expedition
,
as
not
doubting
to
return
with
the
same
honour
and
success
as
he
had
done
before
;
so
was
he
most
ambitious
of
imitating
Marcus
Aurelius
,
as
he
was
of
Numa
,
in
his
zeal
for
the
Worship
of
the
Gods
.
And
it
was
this
wild
zeal
lighting
upon
his
temper
,
that
was
naturally
hot
to
a
degree
of
madness
,
that
transported
him
into
all
his
extravagant
attempts
against
the
Christians
.
But
as
he
was
not
naturally
capable
of
any
sober
reasoning
,
so
much
less
in
this
case
,
in
which
he
was
so
much
blinded
with
pride
and
passion
.
And
it
is
too
evident
with
what
little
reason
he
opposed
Christianity
,
when
the
main
thing
that
he
always
charged
upon
it
was
Atheism
,
the
very
falshood
and
disingenuity
of
which
charge
is
a
manifest
indication
of
his
passion
and
partiality
.
And
as
for
his
Book
that
he
wrote
against
it
with
all
possible
keenness
and
indignation
,
he
dares
not
so
much
as
come
near
the
matter
of
Fact
concerning
our
Saviour's
Actions
,
but
plays
aloof
off
against
the
Jews
of
old
and
the
Christians
of
his
own
time
.
But
as
for
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
upon
which
the
whole
Controversie
depends
,
he
does
not
so
much
as
undertake
to
contradict
them
,
but
onely
says
that
it
was
no
such
wonderfull
thing
in
him
to
cure
the
Lame
and
the
Blind
.
Seeing
therefore
he
has
not
so
much
as
meddled
with
the
main
Argument
of
Christianity
,
the
matter
of
Fact
,
the
evidence
of
that
alone
must
of
it self
baffle
all
other
Attempts
.
At
least
till
that
is
consider'd
,
all
other
considerations
are
short
of
the
Argument
,
so
that
this
alone
may
suffice
as
an
answer
to
all
his
Cavils
,
to
refer
him
to
the
matter
of
Fact
,
and
if
that
prove
it self
true
,
he
can
prove
nothing
,
but
if
it
do
not
,
he
need
prove
nothing
,
it
sinks
of
its
own
accord
.
§
XLIII
.
However
,
if
they
have
any
cavils
that
may
seem
to
have
any
appearance
of
reason
in
them
,
they
are
all
raked
together
by
Celsus
the
Epicurean
,
who
,
of
all
the
Enemies
to
Christianity
,
was
both
the
boldest
and
the
ablest
,
as
appearing
with
less
folly
and
more
malice
.
For
being
an
Atheist
,
and
so
not
at
all
tainted
with
their
superstitious
conceits
,
he
escaped
all
those
disadvantages
into
which
they
run
themselves
by
their
fanatick
zeal
.
But
being
an
Epicurean
too
,
he
was
the
more
exasperated
against
the
Christian
cause
,
because
that
confuted
all
his
wisedom
by
sensible
experiment
,
which
was
the
onely
proof
of
things
that
they
would
admit
of
in
their
Philosophy
.
And
therefore
when
they
had
so
bravely
deliver'd
all
wise
Men
,
that
is
,
themselves
,
from
the
fear
of
a
Divine
Providence
and
the
care
of
a
future
State
,
it
could
not
but
be
a
very
grating
provocation
upon
Men
of
their
proud
,
peevish
and
ill-natur'd
Principles
,
to
have
so
clear
a
baffle
put
upon
all
their
wisedom
,
and
that
in
their
own
way
.
And
as
this
was
the
main
motive
of
the
peculiar
displeasure
of
the
Sadducees
against
the
Apostles
among
the
Jews
,
so
no
doubt
it
wrought
the
same
effect
upon
Men
of
the
same
Principles
among
the
Heathens
.
But
of
all
others
Celsus
seems
to
have
been
most
angry
at
the
defeat
,
and
therefore
lays
about
him
to
load
it
with
all
the
cavil
and
calumny
that
wit
or
malice
can
invent
.
And
for
the
greater
plenty
of
Objection
,
he
takes
upon
himself
a
double
Person
,
of
a
Jew
and
of
an
Heathen
.
Though
the
truth
is
,
he
personates
the
Jew
full
as
awkerdly
as
the
Ass
did
the
Lion
in
the
Lion's
Skin
,
his
Epicurean
Ears
every
where
shew
themselves
through
his
Jewish
Livery
.
And
he
is
so
eager
in
his
pursuit
of
Christianity
,
that
at
every
turn
he
forgets
the
Person
he
bears
,
and
falls
as
foul
upon
the
Jews
themselves
as
the
Christians
.
We
shall
engage
him
in
both
his
shapes
,
and
leave
it
to
any
impartial
,
either
Jew
or
Heathen
,
to
judge
of
the
reasonableness
and
validity
of
his
Discourse
.
His
two
great
battering
Engines
,
that
he
plants
in
all
parts
of
it
,
we
have
already
dismounted
,
viz.
His
imputing
our
Saviour's
Miracles
to
the
power
of
Magick
,
and
his
vying
the
Resurrection
of
others
in
Heathen
Story
with
that
of
our
Saviour
.
And
by
this
means
we
have
already
dispatched
the
greatest
part
of
our
business
;
for
being
conscious
to
himself
of
the
slightness
of
most
of
his
Cavils
,
he
at
every
turn
claps
one
or
both
of
these
upon
them
to
make
up
the
Objection
.
And
yet
beside
that
they
are
a
confession
of
the
matter
of
Fact
it self
,
they
are
things
of
which
he
was
obliged
by
his
Principles
to
entertain
as
little
belief
as
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
For
the
power
of
Magick
supposes
some
Spirits
or
Beings
distinct
from
Matter
and
Motion
,
and
the
Resurrection
of
Men
from
the
Grave
supposes
Souls
distinct
from
Bloud
and
Brains
,
both
which
are
meer
contradictions
to
the
Epicurean
Philosophy
.
And
therefore
he
could
not
design
to
oppose
them
to
the
cause
of
Christianity
for
any
truth
that
he
supposed
in
them
,
but
onely
thereby
to
intimate
that
as
they
were
Fables
,
so
might
that
too
.
Which
is
such
a
slender
way
of
arguing
as
onely
betrays
its
own
weakness
;
for
when
I
have
demonstrated
the
truth
of
a
thing
with
all
the
Evidence
that
any
matter
of
Fact
is
capable
of
,
is
it
not
a
poor
come
off
onely
to
reply
,
That
yet
there
are
the
same
kind
of
Stories
that
neither
I
nor
perhaps
any
Man
else
believes
.
There
are
so
,
but
then
the
difference
is
this
,
that
the
Story
that
I
believe
is
vouched
with
all
the
Testimony
in
the
World
,
and
that
is
the
reason
of
my
belief
;
but
the
Stories
that
I
do
not
believe
,
are
on
the
contrary
destitute
of
all
manner
of
Attestation
,
and
that
is
the
reason
of
my
disbelief
;
so
childish
is
this
great
and
shrewd
reflection
of
this
witty
Philosopher
.
But
beside
these
,
there
are
several
other
passages
that
we
have
already
consider'd
,
and
therefore
shall
not
here
repeat
,
neither
is
it
fit
to
pursue
every
bubble
that
he
has
blown
up
,
but
whatsoever
is
any
way
pertinent
to
the
matter
of
Fact
,
that
is
indeed
to
the
Argument
,
though
never
so
remotely
,
I
shall
give
it
as
much
confutation
as
,
and
perhaps
more
than
,
it
deserves
.
And
when
I
have
done
,
that
will
make
up
a
new
demonstration
of
the
truth
of
Christianity
,
for
thereby
we
shall
see
how
little
its
greatest
Enemies
were
able
to
object
against
it
.
The
Cavils
of
his
first
Book
then
are
such
as
these
,
viz.
Their
clancular
Meetings
against
the
Laws
;
their
being
a
barbarous
Sect
,
as
springing
from
the
Jews
and
not
the
Grecians
,
Moses
not
being
so
ancient
as
is
pretended
,
the
World
not
being
created
as
he
relates
,
because
eternal
,
and
his
teaching
the
Jews
to
worship
Angels
;
our
Saviour's
being
a
Magician
,
himself
being
poor
,
and
his
Disciples
ignorant
.
First
then
they
kept
clancular
Meetings
against
the
Laws
.
Against
what
Laws
?
Why
against
such
as
forbid
the
Worship
of
the
onely
true
God
,
and
in
its
stead
injoin
the
Worship
of
Idols
and
dead
Men.
But
as
for
the
publick
Laws
against
the
Christians
I
have
already
given
a
sufficient
account
of
their
Iniquity
.
Though
,
as
Celsus
has
managed
the
Cavil
,
it
needs
no
reply
,
because
it
is
a
vain
thing
meerly
to
urge
the
Laws
,
unless
he
had
vindicated
their
goodness
and
justice
,
in
that
there
may
be
bad
as
well
as
good
Laws
.
And
therefore
unless
he
would
have
undertaken
to
make
good
the
piety
of
those
Laws
that
command
the
Worship
of
their
Heathen
Gods
(
that
himself
knew
to
be
no
better
than
very
bad
Men
)
he
had
much
better
have
let
the
Laws
alone
.
But
in
the
next
place
,
the
Christians
are
a
Barbarous
Sect
,
that
had
their
beginning
among
the
Jews
,
not
the
Grecians
.
But
't
is
no
matter
whence
they
sprang
,
so
they
bring
a
good
evidence
of
the
truth
of
their
cause
,
and
of
this
Origen
tells
him
,
they
had
from
the
very
beginning
to
that
very
day
,
a
demonstration
that
exceeds
all
their
pretended
Learning
,
and
that
is
the
demonstration
of
power
,
or
the
power
of
Miracles
.
But
alas
this
objection
of
Barbarity
is
nothing
more
than
meerly
an
Instance
of
the
Pedantick
pride
of
the
Greeks
,
who
valued
themselves
above
the
common
rate
of
Mankind
,
and
looked
down
with
intolerable
scorn
and
contempt
upon
all
the
World
beside
.
But
as
for
their
great
improvements
in
learning
above
other
Nations
,
of
which
they
so
much
boasted
among
themselves
,
I
need
here
say
nothing
,
though
I
must
confess
I
find
nothing
so
valuable
among
their
choicest
Philosophers
,
but
when
I
lookt
for
the
reasoning
of
Men
,
I
could
find
little
better
in
any
of
them
than
Childish
tricks
and
sports
of
Sophistry
.
But
however
to
pass
that
by
,
I
am
sure
no
Nation
in
the
World
ever
equall'd
the
Greeks
in
the
Barbarity
of
their
Religion
,
and
though
with
this
Celsus
and
his
Companions
were
at
that
time
sufficiently
upbraided
,
yet
it
is
too
well
known
that
they
could
never
be
prevail'd
with
so
much
as
to
undertake
its
defence
.
But
in
the
next
place
,
Christianity
(
he
sayes
)
gives
no
Laws
of
Morality
,
but
such
as
the
Philosophers
taught
and
were
common
to
Mankind
before
.
To
this
Origen
replyes
,
't
is
very
true
,
in
that
there
could
be
no
exercise
for
the
Justice
and
Providence
of
God
,
or
obligation
of
the
duty
of
Men
,
without
a
sense
and
knowledge
of
the
Laws
of
good
and
evil
.
And
therefore
it
was
requisite
to
have
the
Seeds
of
those
Moral
Notions
,
which
God
taught
by
his
Prophets
and
his
Son
,
planted
in
the
hearts
and
consciences
of
all
Mankind
,
that
in
the
final
judgment
,
every
Man
might
be
justly
call'd
to
an
account
for
the
faithful
discharge
of
his
duty
.
But
beside
,
is
not
this
a
fit
objection
to
follow
that
of
Barbarity
,
or
their
Ignorance
in
the
Grecian
Philosophy
,
that
the
Christian
Church
agreed
in
all
their
main
points
and
Doctrines
with
the
Schools
of
the
Philosophers
?
The
next
thing
objected
is
credulity
and
contempt
of
humane
Learning
.
But
the
charge
of
credulity
is
already
answer'd
by
those
undenyable
proofs
that
are
produced
for
the
Divine
Authority
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
And
as
for
the
humane
learning
that
they
despised
,
it
was
nothing
but
the
Pedantry
of
the
Grecian
Philosophers
,
who
whilst
they
pretended
to
the
height
and
perfection
of
all
Wisdom
,
fell
into
the
extreamest
ignorance
and
folly
.
And
to
mention
no
more
,
what
thinks
he
of
the
celebrated
Founder
of
his
own
Séct
,
who
with
abundance
of
pride
and
arrogance
boasted
,
that
he
had
rid
the
World
of
a
God
and
a
Providence
,
but
with
such
trifling
reasonings
as
are
below
the
Bablings
and
Follies
of
Children
.
Let
them
therefore
cease
to
upbraid
the
Christians
with
the
neglect
of
their
Learning
,
when
there
cannot
be
a
greater
Argument
of
true
wisdom
and
a
right
understanding
of
things
than
to
see
through
its
folly
.
And
in
the
next
place
as
for
the
Antiquity
of
Moses
,
he
had
as
good
have
let
that
alone
too
,
when
Porphyrie
or
any
other
Learned
Man
conversant
in
Histories
of
Ancient
times
could
have
told
him
that
nothing
is
more
evident
or
undenyable
than
that
Moses
lived
many
Ages
before
Linus
or
Orpheus
,
or
any
other
the
most
Ancient
Writers
among
the
Grecians
.
But
it
is
the
custome
of
Epicureans
to
be
confident
upon
the
slightest
Enquiries
;
Otherwise
if
he
had
taken
never
so
little
pains
in
searching
and
comparing
Ancient
Records
,
he
could
never
have
put
such
a
trick
upon
himself
,
as
to
think
of
bringing
down
the
History
of
Moses
below
the
known
times
of
Greece
.
As
for
the
Eternity
of
the
World
,
which
follows
next
,
I
shall
not
answer
him
here
,
because
if
it
were
true
as
I
have
elsewhere
proved
it
false
,
it
runs
too
far
from
the
present
Argument
of
the
truth
of
our
Saviour's
History
.
And
as
for
Moses
his
commanding
the
Jews
to
Worship
Angels
,
I
scorn
to
answer
it
,
because
it
is
so
impudently
false
,
when
the
great
Commandment
of
his
Law
is
to
Worship
one
God
alone
,
and
when
himself
had
but
a
very
little
before
objected
this
as
a
singularity
in
the
Jews
against
all
the
World
beside
.
And
then
as
for
our
Saviour's
being
a
Magician
,
I
hope
I
may
now
let
that
pass
too
without
being
suspected
as
guilty
of
any
Omission
.
And
as
for
his
Meanness
and
Poverty
,
I
think
I
have
sufficiently
accounted
for
that
too
already
,
in
that
it
was
but
suitable
to
the
design
of
the
Divine
Providence
,
that
he
should
be
sent
into
the
World
stript
of
all
Worldly
advantages
,
that
he
might
subdue
it
purely
by
the
power
of
Truth
.
And
therefore
that
alone
is
to
be
consider'd
in
this
Enquiry
,
whether
he
wrought
such
Miracles
in
Confirmation
of
his
Doctrine
,
or
not
;
if
he
did
,
the
meanness
of
his
condition
is
no
objection
against
the
truth
of
his
Miracles
;
if
he
did
not
,
he
is
to
be
rejected
for
a
much
worse
objection
.
Nay
this
is
so
far
from
bringing
any
real
disadvantage
upon
the
Christian
cause
,
that
it
brings
a
considerable
accession
to
its
demonstrative
proof
and
evidence
.
In
so
much
that
without
it
,
it
must
have
ever
been
lyable
to
suspicion
;
for
if
he
had
appear'd
with
Kingly
splendour
,
and
all
the
advantages
of
earthly
power
,
the
strange
and
wonderful
entertainment
of
his
Doctrine
might
have
been
imputed
to
Worldly
Interest
and
not
to
the
force
of
truth
,
and
Men
would
have
followed
him
for
politick
Ends
,
and
not
for
any
Conscience
of
Religion
.
And
therefore
to
be
secure
of
the
Integrity
of
his
Disciples
,
he
gives
them
no
secular
Encouragement
,
nay
on
the
contrary
ensures
to
them
all
the
miseries
of
humane
life
in
their
propagation
of
the
Christian
Faith
.
His
Institution
was
pure
Religion
,
and
conscience
towards
God
was
its
onely
Obligation
,
and
therefore
it
was
but
agreeable
to
its
own
intention
,
that
it
should
carry
along
with
it
no
other
recommendation
.
And
thus
I
remember
when
Julian
objects
the
meanness
of
our
Saviour's
condition
,
In
the
next
place
he
flouts
at
the
Relation
of
the
appearance
of
the
Holy
Ghost
and
the
voice
from
Heaven
at
our
Saviour's
Baptism
,
as
a
thing
in
it self
absurd
and
incredible
.
But
here
the
Epicurean
forgets
that
he
is
a
Jew
,
in
that
there
are
many
Relations
of
such
appearances
in
the
Old
Testament
,
which
yet
if
this
objection
hold
good
,
every
Jew
is
bound
to
believe
false
and
impossible
.
But
to
treat
with
him
as
an
Epicurean
,
why
is
it
impossible
?
Because
all
Stories
of
God's
concerning
himself
in
Humane
affairs
are
undoubted
Fables
.
An
admirable
way
this
of
confuting
a
matter
of
fact
,
onely
by
saying
that
it
is
impossible
upon
a
precarious
Principle
of
our
own
.
So
that
the
last
result
of
this
rude
objection
against
the
Faith
of
the
Evangelists
is
onely
this
,
that
it
cannot
be
true
,
because
there
is
no
such
thing
as
a
Divine
Providence
.
But
he
adds
that
there
was
no
witness
of
it
,
but
onely
John
the
Baptist
,
his
Companion
in
wickedness
.
And
this
is
another
unhappy
mistake
of
a
Man
that
sustein'd
the
Person
of
a
Jew
,
when
all
the
Jewish
Nation
,
even
the
greatest
Enemies
to
Jesus
,
had
a
very
great
Reverence
for
John
the
Baptist.
And
yet
it
is
not
his
Testimony
that
we
rely
upon
for
the
truth
of
the
Story
,
but
the
truth
of
the
Evangelists
that
have
Recorded
it
,
they
knew
what
Evidence
they
had
of
its
reality
,
and
we
know
what
evidence
we
have
of
their
sincerity
.
And
now
having
discharged
all
his
little
Topicks
of
Calumny
against
our
Saviour's
own
Person
,
in
the
last
place
he
falls
foul
upon
his
Apostles
,
and
that
with
the
same
unhappy
success
.
For
as
little
as
he
gain'd
by
objecting
the
meanness
of
our
Saviour's
condition
,
he
gains
just
as
much
by
insulting
over
their
Ignorance
,
that
is
but
another
enhancing
circumstance
of
his
Divine
Authority
.
For
as
it
was
a
wonderful
thing
for
so
obscure
a
Person
to
make
such
an
alteration
in
the
World
,
so
was
it
much
more
so
to
effect
it
by
such
contemptible
Instruments
.
For
no
Man
that
ingenuously
considers
the
prodigious
success
of
the
Apostles
,
can
ever
impute
it
to
any
other
cause
,
than
either
some
Divine
and
extraordinary
Power
,
or
the
great
and
irresistable
evidence
of
the
thing
it self
.
In
that
by
the
Objection
it self
,
it
is
plain
that
they
were
destitute
of
all
the
Arts
of
Eloquence
and
Learning
,
by
which
it
was
possible
that
they
might
perswade
,
or
deceive
the
People
into
any
belief
:
Whereas
if
Jesus
had
chosen
the
Learned
and
the
Eloquent
for
the
propagation
of
his
Doctrine
,
he
might
have
been
justly
suspected
of
the
same
design
with
the
Philosophers
of
erecting
a
new
Sect
by
the
Power
of
wit
and
Rhetorick
.
But
when
a
few
Fisher-men
that
wanted
all
the
improvements
of
Learning
and
Education
,
as
the
Evangelists
Record
,
and
Celsus
objects
,
effected
it
with
such
prodigious
success
,
it
is
not
conceivable
how
they
should
do
it
any
other
way
than
by
Miracle
either
in
their
words
or
actions
.
And
thus
all
along
the
more
they
object
the
contemptibleness
of
the
means
,
the
more
the
strangeness
of
the
Event
returns
upon
themselves
,
so
that
if
there
had
not
been
something
more
than
Humane
in
the
design
,
it
could
never
in
the
way
,
in
which
it
was
Prosecuted
,
have
taken
any
effect
.
In
the
Second
Book
the
counterfeit
Jew
first
rates
his
Country-men
for
quitting
the
Laws
of
their
own
Nation
to
follow
this
Innovatour
.
But
setting
aside
the
answer
of
Origen
,
that
the
Christians
did
by
no
means
forsake
the
Religion
of
Moses
,
but
pursue
and
improve
it
.
Still
this
is
short
of
the
Argument
,
and
comes
not
up
to
the
reasons
,
for
which
they
did
it
.
If
they
had
none
,
their
lightness
was
justly
blameable
;
but
whether
they
had
,
or
had
not
,
it
concern'd
not
this
Atheist
to
enquire
.
And
then
this
becomes
Celsus
the
Jew
and
the
Epicurean
very
well
;
that
when
the
Epicurean
had
begun
his
discourse
with
a
disparagement
of
the
Impostor
Moses
,
the
Jew
should
make
this
an
Argument
against
the
Christians
,
that
they
renounced
the
Man
,
that
his
Friend
had
proved
an
Impostor
.
In
the
next
place
,
when
he
objects
our
Saviour's
Cowardise
,
that
he
fled
and
hid
himself
,
and
such
other
trash
,
it
is
equal
malice
and
folly
,
without
ground
or
pretence
;
in
that
there
was
no
History
of
Jesus
extant
beside
the
Evangelists
,
who
all
affirm
that
he
went
up
to
Jerusalem
purposely
to
deliver
up
himself
into
the
hands
of
his
Enemies
.
Now
,
sayes
Origen
,
I
leave
it
to
any
Man
of
common
sense
to
judge
,
which
is
most
reasonable
to
believe
,
these
unvouched
and
vagabond
surmises
,
invented
out
of
meer
hatred
to
the
Christians
;
or
to
believe
things
as
they
are
deliver'd
by
the
Evangelists
,
who
pretended
either
to
have
been
Eye-witnesses
,
or
to
have
had
a
full
information
of
the
matter
of
fact
,
and
were
ready
to
seal
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
with
their
blood
.
This
strange
constancy
and
resolution
even
to
death
it self
,
is
not
like
Men
who
were
conscious
to
themselves
of
having
forged
a
false
Story
,
but
on
the
contrary
a
clear
and
manifest
Argument
,
that
they
were
serious
and
very
well
satisfied
in
the
truth
of
the
things
that
they
Recorded
.
Is
not
this
then
an
ingenuous
way
of
proceeding
,
to
oppose
the
truth
of
their
History
with
flying
Reports
,
that
have
neither
Author
nor
Authority
,
and
indeed
such
,
that
whilst
there
is
malice
in
the
World
,
no
true
Story
can
escape
?
But
,
sayes
Celsus
,
though
he
was
pleased
not
openly
to
shew
his
Divinity
before
,
yet
at
least
he
ought
to
have
done
it
,
by
vanishing
miraculously
from
the
Cross.
No
,
no
Celsus
,
he
had
a
farther
design
to
demonstrate
not
onely
his
own
Divinity
but
Man's
Immortality
.
If
he
had
onely
disappear'd
,
you
might
have
imputed
that
to
a
trick
of
Magick
,
but
when
he
arose
from
the
dead
,
after
he
had
been
so
publickly
executed
,
this
was
both
an
undeniable
proof
of
his
Divine
Authority
,
and
a
full
assurance
to
Mankind
of
their
capacity
to
subsist
after
Death
.
And
though
there
were
other
indispensable
reasons
,
why
he
suffer'd
himself
to
be
sacrificed
upon
the
Cross
,
yet
if
it
were
for
these
alone
,
he
had
sufficient
reason
to
suffer
what
he
did
.
Especially
when
himself
had
,
through
the
whole
course
of
his
Life
,
referr'd
the
proof
of
his
Authority
to
his
Resurrection
,
so
that
if
he
had
,
according
to
Celsus
his
advice
,
withdrawn
himself
from
the
Cross
,
he
had
apparently
defeated
his
own
design
,
that
he
had
laid
through
the
whole
History
of
the
Gospel
.
But
beside
this
by
his
Death
,
Passion
and
Resurrection
he
has
demonstrated
to
Mankind
that
the
Divine
Providence
has
reserved
the
happiness
of
humane
Nature
to
another
Life
,
and
clear'd
up
the
future
existence
of
Souls
by
an
undeniable
Experiment
:
And
that
is
the
thing
that
so
much
frets
the
Epicureans
,
that
he
has
put
so
clear
a
basfle
upon
their
Impiety
.
But
as
for
his
next
Cavil
he
is
really
to
be
pitied
,
when
he
asks
,
Why
we
do
not
Worship
all
other
crucified
Malefactours
?
It
is
an
Objection
worthy
the
wisedom
and
gravity
of
a
learned
Philosopher
;
but
yet
for
his
satisfaction
it
is
fit
to
let
him
know
that
we
Worship
all
such
Malefactours
as
our
Saviour
was
,
who
own'd
himself
to
be
the
Son
of
God
,
and
then
suffer'd
himself
to
be
murther'd
,
to
prove
it
by
his
Resurrection
.
But
,
he
says
,
his
Disciples
forsook
him
,
and
would
dye
neither
with
nor
for
him
.
They
did
so
by
sudden
surprise
,
but
what
did
the
same
Disciples
immediately
after
upon
his
Resurrection
?
They
that
were
but
a
little
before
seised
with
so
much
Cowardise
,
feared
then
no
danger
to
attest
it
to
the
World
,
and
most
of
them
dyed
for
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
.
So
that
this
Objection
of
Cowardise
in
the
Apostles
is
just
such
another
advantageous
circumstances
to
the
cause
of
Christianity
as
that
of
their
ignorance
and
want
of
learning
.
For
as
it
is
an
Argument
of
the
great
Evidence
of
their
Cause
,
when
Men
neither
learned
nor
eloquent
were
able
so
successfully
to
propagate
it
among
Mankind
,
in
that
they
could
give
it
no
more
advantage
than
it
brought
along
with
it
:
So
when
Men
so
timerous
and
cowardly
should
afterward
grow
so
very
fearless
in
asserting
it
even
to
the
Death
,
that
is
an
unquestionable
evidence
that
they
were
abundantly
satisfied
in
the
truth
of
what
they
attested
.
But
as
for
Celsus
his
insinuation
that
the
Apostles
onely
dream't
and
fancied
that
they
saw
Jesus
after
his
Resurrection
:
as
it
may
be
applied
to
any
matter
of
Fact
in
the
World
,
and
turn
even
all
the
actions
of
his
own
Life
into
dream
and
fancy
;
so
if
it
be
compared
with
all
the
peculiar
circumstances
as
to
this
thing
,
they
prevent
the
folly
of
so
ridiculous
a
surmise
.
And
he
has
no
ground
to
bear
him
out
in
it
,
but
onely
his
Epicurean
conceit
that
the
Resurrection
from
the
dead
is
a
thing
impossible
.
But
as
for
that
we
will
not
dispute
it
with
him
at
present
,
though
it
is
evident
that
,
according
to
the
Principles
both
of
their
own
and
all
Philosophy
,
it
is
altogether
as
easie
and
conceivable
as
the
generation
of
a
Man
.
The
matter
of
Fact
what
has
been
,
is
the
onely
Argument
of
our
debate
,
and
we
will
not
go
so
far
about
as
to
dispute
its
possibility
,
when
we
have
demonstrated
its
actual
certainty
.
And
yet
in
the
conclusion
of
all
,
Celsus
,
after
he
has
taken
so
much
pains
,
and
that
in
the
Person
of
a
Jew
,
to
prove
the
impossibility
of
a
Resurrection
,
is
so
wretchedly
sottish
as
to
declare
his
own
belief
of
the
Resurrection
even
of
the
Body
to
eternal
Life
,
and
that
the
first
proof
and
specimen
of
it
is
to
be
given
to
the
World
by
the
Messias
.
In
the
third
Book
he
begins
to
dispute
in
his
own
Person
,
and
first
objects
that
the
dispute
between
the
Christians
and
Jews
was
of
no
moment
,
in
that
both
believed
that
there
was
to
be
a
Saviour
of
the
World
,
and
onely
differ'd
in
this
,
whether
he
were
already
come
or
were
yet
to
come
.
And
yet
this
,
beside
the
gross
absurdity
of
the
Objection
it self
,
is
a
meer
contradiction
to
all
the
former
Discourse
by
the
personated
Jew
.
For
if
the
difference
between
the
Jews
and
the
Christians
were
so
small
as
he
pretends
,
then
all
the
sad
out-cries
and
invectives
of
the
Jew
against
the
Christians
were
onely
clamorous
Nothings
.
But
this
is
objected
like
an
Atheist
,
that
lookt
upon
these
and
all
other
differences
about
Religion
as
trifling
Fooleries
.
And
therefore
Origen
in
answer
to
it
shews
him
the
excellency
of
both
in
the
Worship
of
the
supreme
Deity
,
as
opposed
to
the
folly
and
impiety
of
the
Heathen
Idolatry
.
But
beside
that
,
as
for
the
difference
between
the
Jews
and
the
Christians
concerning
our
Saviour
,
nothing
but
extreme
ignorance
could
have
objected
its
Vanity
.
For
is
it
nothing
whether
he
were
the
promised
Messias
,
the
Son
of
God
,
the
Saviour
of
the
World
,
the
Judge
of
Mankind
,
as
the
Christians
believed
:
or
whether
he
were
a
bold
Impostor
that
pretended
to
these
great
Titles
onely
by
virtue
of
magick
Art
,
as
the
Jews
believed
?
If
the
first
were
true
,
that
commands
the
obedience
of
all
Mankind
to
his
Laws
,
as
the
onely
terms
of
Salvation
;
and
if
so
,
then
nothing
could
more
concern
them
than
to
be
satisfied
in
its
truth
and
reality
.
So
that
it
is
so
far
from
being
a
trifling
Controversie
,
as
Celsus
foolishly
objects
,
that
there
was
never
any
Controversie
started
in
the
World
of
greater
concernment
to
Mankind
.
But
the
Epicurean's
real
meaning
is
that
all
Controversies
about
Religion
are
trifling
,
because
all
Religion
is
a
Cheat
,
and
if
it
be
so
,
then
indeed
it
is
but
a
childish
thing
to
contend
about
it
.
But
otherwise
,
if
there
be
a
Providence
that
governs
the
World
,
then
certainly
,
if
any
thing
in
the
World
does
,
it
highly
concerns
all
Men
to
inform
themselves
of
those
certain
rules
of
Duty
that
he
has
prescribed
to
their
practice
.
But
against
both
Religions
the
Epicurean
objects
that
they
began
in
Sedition
,
the
Jewish
against
the
Egyptians
,
and
the
Christian
against
the
Jews
.
But
in
the
first
he
supposes
the
Jews
to
have
been
originally
Egyptians
,
which
,
because
it
is
a
vain
and
proofless
presumption
,
can
prove
nothing
.
And
yet
it
is
much
more
vain
to
charge
Christianity
with
Sedition
,
because
all
Sedition
either
designs
or
acts
some
violence
against
the
Government
,
whereas
it
is
evident
that
our
Saviour
allowed
no
Weapons
to
his
Followers
but
Sufferings
,
and
has
threatned
no
one
offence
with
greater
severity
than
endeavours
of
disturbance
to
the
civil
State
under
pretence
of
Religion
.
So
that
it
is
plain
that
if
his
Religion
be
true
,
it
could
not
have
been
brought
in
more
inoffensively
to
the
powers
of
the
World
:
And
therefore
it
cannot
with
any
ingenuity
be
charged
with
Sedition
,
till
its
truth
or
falsehood
be
first
determin'd
.
For
that
is
the
onely
Controversie
in
this
matter
,
which
if
Celsus
and
his
Partisans
had
but
the
courage
to
undertake
,
they
would
have
had
no
need
of
these
petty
and
remote
reflections
.
The
next
Cavil
is
that
the
Christians
affected
nothing
but
singularity
.
Very
likely
this
,
when
so
many
of
them
travel'd
into
all
parts
of
the
World
with
the
extreme
hazard
of
their
Lives
,
to
convert
,
if
it
were
possible
,
all
Mankind
to
Christianity
.
But
though
they
seem'd
to
agree
at
first
,
they
afterward
divided
into
Factions
.
But
this
is
an
objection
against
the
levity
of
humane
Nature
,
not
the
truth
or
excellency
of
Christianity
.
For
beside
what
Origen
answers
,
that
there
was
never
any
thing
of
great
reputation
in
it self
,
or
usefulness
to
the
World
,
about
which
Men
did
not
raise
disputes
and
make
parties
:
I
would
onely
ask
him
,
Whether
,
supposing
the
truth
of
Christianity
,
it
was
not
in
the
power
of
Men
to
raise
Controversies
about
it
;
if
it
was
,
then
their
doing
so
is
no
objection
against
it
;
if
it
was
not
,
that
is
to
say
no
Religion
can
be
true
unless
it
bring
a
fatal
necessity
upon
all
that
pretend
to
it
to
be
both
wise
and
honest
;
which
is
such
an
awkerd
condition
of
things
,
as
destroys
,
not
onely
all
the
Principles
of
Religion
,
but
of
humane
Nature
it self
.
But
,
says
he
,
they
scare
the
People
with
Fables
and
Bugbears
.
Tell
what
,
says
Origen
,
beside
future
Rewards
and
Punishments
.
We
indeed
believe
that
there
is
a
sovereign
Governour
of
Mankind
,
and
that
hereafter
he
will
sit
in
Judgment
upon
all
our
Actions
.
And
in
this
belief
we
instruct
the
People
out
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
and
exhort
them
to
live
as
they
ought
,
that
must
give
an
account
of
themselves
to
the
great
Governour
of
the
World
.
These
indeed
are
Fables
to
an
Atheist
and
an
Epicurean
,
but
not
to
any
Man
that
believes
any
thing
of
the
Providence
of
God
or
the
Obligations
of
Religion
.
And
that
is
the
thing
that
Celsus
writes
against
,
not
meerly
Christianity
,
onely
he
is
fiercest
in
his
opposition
to
that
,
because
it
is
so
full
a
check
to
his
impiety
,
though
otherwise
the
main
of
his
Objections
,
that
he
levels
against
that
,
aim
as
directly
against
all
Religion
.
And
thus
the
Bugbears
of
a
future
State
with
which
he
here
upbraids
Christianity
,
are
common
to
all
Mankind
but
onely
his
own
Sect.
And
though
he
would
make
us
believe
that
he
would
not
for
all
the
World
take
away
the
Opinion
of
Rewards
and
Punishments
in
the
next
Life
,
this
Vizor
is
too
ridiculously
put
upon
an
Epicurean
,
't
is
too
gross
a
contradiction
to
himself
,
and
he
renounces
his
first
Principle
to
impose
upon
the
People
;
but
though
they
indeed
may
easily
be
imposed
upon
by
any
thing
(
as
they
were
by
his
Master
Epicurus
,
who
frequented
their
publick
Sacrifices
,
to
make
himself
sport
at
home
with
the
folly
of
their
Superstition
)
yet
he
should
never
have
been
so
fool-hardy
as
to
publish
it
to
the
World
,
because
he
could
not
but
expect
that
wise
Men
should
take
notice
of
and
expose
his
Hypocrisie
.
But
whatever
himself
was
pleased
to
believe
,
I
am
sure
if
there
be
no
future
Rewards
and
Punishments
,
that
then
there
is
no
Religion
;
if
there
are
,
let
Celsus
tell
if
he
can
with
what
other
Bugbears
Christianity
scares
the
People
.
From
hence
he
falls
into
his
old
Stories
of
Heathen
Miracles
,
for
this
Topick
makes
up
one
half
of
every
Book
.
But
beside
what
I
have
already
shewn
that
they
prove
nothing
against
Christianity
,
his
insisting
upon
them
with
so
much
stubbornness
is
an
argument
of
nothing
but
his
own
confidence
.
For
if
he
believes
them
not
,
they
are
nothing
to
his
purpose
;
if
he
does
,
he
shews
a
strange
partiality
in
believing
things
so
ill
vouched
in
comparison
of
the
History
of
our
Saviour
.
But
whether
he
does
or
does
not
,
he
plainly
contradicts
either
himself
or
his
design
.
For
when
he
tells
us
of
several
Miracles
wrought
in
several
Temples
of
Greece
;
if
he
believes
that
some
Daemon
or
Herae
,
that
could
doe
such
things
as
exceeded
humane
Power
,
inhabited
in
those
places
,
then
farewell
to
his
Epicurean
Doctrine
,
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
Daemons
or
Spirits
.
If
he
believes
it
not
(
as
he
does
not
)
it
is
very
ridiculous
in
him
to
argue
from
the
supposition
of
the
truth
of
those
Stories
which
he
not
onely
supposes
,
but
(
as
himself
thinks
)
knows
to
be
false
.
Though
he
is
still
more
and
more
unhappy
,
when
he
compares
the
Apotheosis
of
Antinous
Adrian's
Boy
with
that
of
our
Saviour
.
All
the
Christian
Apologists
indeed
luckily
enough
upbraided
the
Heathens
with
this
fresh
Instance
of
their
Idolatry
,
as
an
exemplification
of
the
rise
and
preferment
of
all
their
more
ancient
Deities
;
and
to
this
purpose
they
mind
them
of
many
horrid
and
foul
Stories
of
Bacchus
,
Venus
,
Cupid
,
Ceres
,
Proserpine
,
that
exceeded
all
the
lust
and
debauchery
of
later
times
.
But
to
compare
this
impure
Beast
,
that
was
made
a
God
to
the
shame
of
Mankind
,
with
our
Saviour
,
who
if
he
were
worshipt
for
a
Deity
,
could
obtain
that
honour
by
nothing
but
his
divine
and
miraculous
Actions
,
very
well
becomes
both
the
modesty
and
ingenuity
of
an
Atheist
.
From
hence
he
falls
into
his
old
Calumny
(
for
now
we
have
little
but
repetition
)
that
the
Christians
were
Enemies
to
all
Learning
.
But
the
ground
of
this
is
their
neglect
of
the
dull
and
atheistical
Philosophy
of
the
Greeks
,
that
could
not
arise
to
the
contemplation
of
any
thing
above
matter
.
But
as
for
that
true
Philosophy
that
,
from
the
contrivance
of
visible
and
material
things
,
leads
on
to
the
discovery
of
the
Wisedom
,
Goodness
and
Providence
of
God
,
it
was
most
of
all
studied
and
emproved
by
the
Christian
Philosophers
.
The
remaining
Calumnies
,
that
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
Christianity
,
God
accepts
onely
of
bad
Men
and
refuses
the
good
,
and
that
because
it
allows
Repentance
to
the
worst
of
Sinners
,
it
allows
them
too
in
the
worst
of
Sins
,
they
are
so
apparently
disingenuous
,
splenetick
and
malicious
,
that
they
onely
reflect
back
shame
and
dishonour
upon
the
Man
,
that
blushes
not
to
vent
such
impudent
forgeries
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
.
And
thus
have
I
given
a
sufficient
Specimen
of
this
pretended
Philosophers
way
of
disputing
against
Christianity
,
whereby
the
Reader
may
perceive
that
he
opposed
it
not
with
any
rational
or
true
philosophical
Principles
but
meer
Cavils
and
Calumnies
.
And
now
being
tired
out
with
so
much
dulness
,
I
shall
travel
no
farther
in
him
,
because
all
that
follows
is
of
the
same
Nature
,
and
for
the
most
part
the
same
materials
too
,
so
that
there
is
very
little
new
,
and
that
which
is
so
,
is
either
very
remote
or
very
trifling
.
And
therefore
I
shall
here
put
an
end
not
onely
to
my
engagement
with
him
,
but
to
my
whole
Undertaking
;
and
upon
this
true
and
impartial
representation
that
I
have
made
,
on
one
hand
of
all
that
variety
of
demonstration
that
accompanied
the
Gospel
into
the
World
;
and
on
the
other
of
the
weakness
and
impotency
of
all
that
Opposition
that
could
be
made
against
it
by
Learning
or
Power
,
by
Zeal
or
Malice
,
by
Wit
or
Prejudice
,
by
Philosophy
or
Superstition
,
I
leave
it
to
the
Reader
to
think
with
himself
which
way
it
was
possible
for
the
Providence
of
God
,
if
he
had
intended
to
set
such
a
design
on
foot
,
to
have
given
a
greater
assurance
of
its
truth
and
authority
to
the
World
.
Let
him
lay
all
the
premises
fairly
together
,
and
then
I
once
more
leave
him
to
his
own
thoughts
to
make
his
own
conclusion
.
§
XLIV
.
And
when
he
has
done
so
,
I
must
desire
him
to
make
one
more
,
and
that
is
to
govern
the
constant
course
and
tenour
of
his
Life
according
to
the
dictates
of
his
own
Conviction
.
Though
one
would
think
that
this
consequence
is
so
unavoidable
,
that
it
were
needless
to
put
Men
in
mind
of
its
force
;
and
so
the
Ancients
thought
,
as
Clemens
Alexandrinus
concludes
his
Exhortation
to
the
Gentiles
,
that
if
he
could
but
once
bring
them
over
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
he
was
then
secure
of
their
Obedience
to
the
Christian
Law
.
For
when
all
is
done
,
says
he
,
As
a
Man's
Thoughts
or
Designs
are
,
so
are
his
Words
;
as
his
Words
,
so
are
his
Actions
;
and
as
his
Actions
,
so
is
the
habitual
course
of
his
Life
;
so
that
the
whole
Life
of
every
Man
that
is
seriously
a
Christian
,
cannot
but
be
conformable
to
the
Laws
of
his
Religion
,
i.
e.
universally
good
and
vertuous
.
For
,
considering
the
greatness
of
the
Rewards
and
Punishments
propounded
in
the
Gospel
,
it
is
not
to
be
conceived
how
any
Man
,
who
seriously
believes
them
,
can
be
in
any
doubt
or
suspence
which
way
to
determine
his
choice
,
much
less
that
he
should
be
so
strangely
wild
and
extravagant
,
as
peremptorily
to
prefer
Misery
and
Destruction
before
everlasting
Happiness
.
And
thus
Athenagoras
,
when
he
had
described
the
great
and
eminent
Vertues
of
the
Christians
,
gives
this
rational
account
of
their
Actions
.
This
we
doe
,
says
he
,
because
we
are
assured
that
there
is
a
God
who
takes
notice
of
the
actions
of
Men
,
and
who
created
both
us
and
the
whole
World
;
and
because
we
know
that
we
must
give
an
account
to
him
of
all
the
passages
of
our
Lives
,
therefore
we
choose
the
most
moderate
,
humble
,
kindest
,
and
,
as
may
appear
to
the
greatest
part
of
Mankind
,
the
most
contemptible
course
of
Life
.
For
we
are
peremptorily
agreed
that
no
evil
in
this
Life
,
not
loss
of
Life
it self
can
be
great
enough
to
weigh
against
that
unconceivable
happiness
,
that
we
expect
from
the
great
Judge
of
all
Men
,
which
he
has
promised
to
such
as
are
of
an
humble
,
kind
and
gentle
deportment
.
And
so
it
was
supposed
in
those
days
that
Mankind
had
so
much
sense
as
to
conform
their
Practices
to
their
Principles
,
and
the
supposition
was
thought
so
just
and
reasonable
,
that
by
the
experience
of
its
truth
the
Christian
Apologists
gain'd
the
advantage
of
confuting
all
the
Slanders
and
Calumnies
of
their
Enemies
,
viz.
That
those
wicked
Practices
that
were
charged
upon
them
were
too
grosly
inconsistent
with
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
,
and
so
Athenagor
as
tells
the
Emperour
plainly
that
it
is
no
less
than
impossible
for
a
Christian
to
be
a
bad
Man
,
unless
he
were
an
Hypocrite
and
a
meer
Dissembler
.
And
for
a
farther
proof
they
still
appeal'd
to
the
undeniable
innocence
of
their
own
Lives
and
Conversations
.
They
challenged
the
strictest
Trials
of
their
Enemies
,
and
even
forced
from
them
publick
confessions
of
their
Vertue
and
Integrity
.
And
though
they
were
strictly
religious
towards
God
,
yet
they
accounted
that
no
Worship
was
acceptable
to
him
,
but
what
is
recommended
by
a
just
,
an
honest
and
an
usefull
Life
.
He
that
is
carefull
to
preserve
his
Innocence
,
says
Minutius
Felix
,
honours
his
Lord
;
he
that
observes
Justice
in
his
dealings
offers
Sacrifice
to
God
;
he
that
absteins
from
Fraud
presents
a
Peace-offering
;
he
that
relieves
his
Neighbour
brings
an
ample
Expiation
;
these
are
our
Sacrifices
and
these
the
Solemnities
of
our
Devotion
,
and
with
us
he
passes
for
the
most
religious
Man
that
is
the
most
honest
.
And
thus
they
rated
their
Piety
chiefly
by
the
usefulness
of
their
Lives
,
and
the
first
things
they
sacrificed
to
Heaven
were
their
own
Lusts
and
Passions
.
They
did
not
think
it
enough
in
those
days
to
say
their
Prayers
,
unless
they
lived
them
too
,
that
is
,
unless
their
Actions
were
conformable
to
their
Devotions
in
a
constant
and
uniform
obedience
to
the
Laws
of
their
Religion
.
In
short
they
knew
no
other
terms
of
Salvation
but
the
habitual
practice
of
Piety
and
Devotion
,
of
Justice
and
Honesty
,
of
Mercy
and
Charity
,
of
Humility
and
Meekness
,
of
Temperance
and
Sobriety
,
of
Continence
and
Chastity
,
of
Obedience
and
Subjection
to
Government
,
of
Unity
and
a
peaceable
Disposition
among
themselves
,
but
above
all
of
Heavenly
mindedness
and
contempt
of
the
World
,
and
Courage
and
Constancy
in
suffering
for
their
Religion
.
Now
it
is
evident
that
these
Men
were
serious
and
in
good
earnest
in
their
profession
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
that
may
be
added
to
all
that
accumulation
of
Argument
that
I
have
laid
together
in
this
Discourse
to
demonstrate
the
infinite
truth
of
Christianity
,
that
Persons
who
by
their
nearness
of
Age
to
its
beginning
had
so
much
advantage
of
enquiring
into
it
,
were
satisfied
with
an
undoubted
assurance
of
its
Divine
Authority
,
when
it
made
such
a
prodigious
and
otherwise
unaccountable
change
in
all
parts
of
their
Lives
and
Conversations
.
And
as
by
it
they
shewed
themselves
sincere
Christians
,
so
rational
Men
too
in
pursuing
the
natural
consequence
of
their
Principles
.
For
upon
supposition
of
the
certain
truth
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
it
was
infinitely
reasonable
,
that
they
should
give
the
exactest
and
most
punctual
obedience
to
the
Christian
Laws
.
Nay
,
they
then
thought
that
it
was
impossible
to
doe
otherwise
,
and
though
they
made
allowances
for
the
lapses
and
infirmities
of
humane
Nature
,
yet
they
lookt
upon
a
Christian
that
was
habitually
vicious
as
the
grossest
of
contradictions
;
and
the
truth
is
,
nothing
can
be
more
apparently
absurd
and
enormous
,
if
we
onely
consider
the
greatness
of
those
Rewards
and
Punishments
wherewith
the
Laws
of
Christianity
are
enacted
.
The
most
difficult
Duty
that
it
requires
is
that
of
Martyrdom
,
yet
even
that
whilst
it
is
undergone
within
the
prospect
of
Heaven
and
Immortality
is
a
very
easie
,
not
to
say
an
eligible
thing
.
And
so
the
learned
Clemens
of
Alexandria
discourses
in
the
Fourth
Book
of
his
Collections
.
The
Man
that
truly
loves
our
Lord
,
cannot
but
be
very
willing
to
be
deliver'd
out
of
this
Life
,
so
as
to
account
himself
beholden
to
his
Accuser
as
the
cause
of
his
escape
,
because
he
gave
him
a
lawfull
occasion
,
which
he
could
not
give
himself
,
to
shew
his
love
to
his
Lord
,
and
for
it
be
welcom'd
by
him
into
the
place
of
Happiness
:
and
excellently
to
the
same
purpose
does
that
wise
,
that
pious
,
that
couragious
Prelate
Saint
Cyprian
discourse
to
the
But
what
do
I
talk
of
the
wonders
of
Martyrs
and
Confessours
,
the
effects
of
an
extraordinary
assistance
for
an
extraordinary
work
,
when
it
would
be
wonder
big
enough
for
our
degenerate
Age
,
if
we
could
but
see
the
common
fruits
of
Christianity
.
But
alas
,
we
are
entertain'd
with
a
greater
,
at
least
a
more
unaccountable
prodigie
than
all
the
Miracles
that
have
been
represented
for
the
demonstration
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
when
we
daily
see
such
vast
numbers
of
Men
,
that
are
seriously
and
passionately
concern'd
to
believe
the
Truth
of
the
Gospel
,
and
yet
so
utterly
unconcern'd
to
obey
its
Precepts
,
for
this
can
be
no
less
than
a
direct
and
barefaced
affront
to
the
Authority
of
God
himself
,
to
own
and
yet
disobey
his
Laws
.
Our
blessed
Saviour
imputes
it
as
an
unpardonable
sin
of
disingenuity
to
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
,
that
when
they
were
convinced
by
the
evidence
of
the
matter
of
Fact
of
the
Divine
Power
of
his
Miracles
,
they
yet
disbelieved
the
Divine
Authority
of
his
Doctrine
.
But
how
much
greater
violence
do
these
Men
offer
to
the
convictions
of
their
own
Reason
and
Conscience
,
that
submit
to
the
Authority
,
and
yet
despisé
the
Obligation
of
his
Laws
?
This
is
more
palpable
Blasphemy
,
and
the
Man
that
is
guilty
of
it
is
so
much
worse
than
a
professed
Infidel
as
Judas
was
worse
than
a
common
Pharisee
.
He
in
some
measure
believed
his
Master
to
be
the
true
Messias
,
and
yet
betrayed
him
,
and
so
is
every
vicious
Christian
guilty
of
the
same
traiterous
Wickedness
:
He
believes
our
Saviour
to
be
the
Son
of
God
and
the
Saviour
of
the
World
,
and
yet
behaves
himself
towards
him
as
if
he
really
believed
him
a
Cheat
and
an
Impostor
.
This
Man
sins
knowingly
against
all
the
Obligations
of
his
Duty
and
his
Conscience
;
and
every
act
of
disobedience
is
not
onely
an
Affront
to
his
Reason
as
it
was
in
the
Pharisees
,
but
to
his
Faith
as
it
was
in
Judas
.
What
a
strange
contradiction
is
a
vicious
Christian
both
to
himself
and
his
Profession
?
'T
is
so
great
,
that
to
me
,
I
must
confess
,
it
is
an
unconceivable
instance
of
Sottishness
,
that
any
Man
should
in
good
earnest
believe
that
the
Divine
Providence
should
,
after
such
a
miraculous
manner
,
engage
it self
for
the
contrivance
and
procurement
of
Man's
Felicity
,
and
that
to
this
purpose
the
Son
of
God
himself
should
come
into
this
lower
World
to
carry
on
the
work
of
our
Redemption
,
and
should
suffer
all
the
Agonies
of
an
ignominious
Death
for
the
expiation
of
our
Sins
,
and
when
he
had
recover'd
us
into
a
capacity
of
Happiness
,
and
put
us
into
a
condition
of
peaceable
entercourse
with
his
Father
,
he
should
prescribe
to
us
some
Laws
of
Life
to
keep
and
continue
us
in
that
state
,
into
which
he
had
redeemed
us
;
and
that
(
to
secure
all
)
he
had
enforced
them
by
the
most
powerfull
motives
of
obedience
,
and
establisht
their
obligation
upon
no
less
Sanction
than
the
certain
assurance
of
Happiness
or
Misery
in
the
Life
to
come
.
I
say
,
to
me
it
is
an
unconceivable
brutishness
that
any
Person
who
seriously
believes
these
things
,
should
act
so
grosly
against
his
own
Interest
,
against
all
the
reasons
of
things
,
and
against
the
strongest
inducements
both
of
his
Hopes
and
Fears
,
as
to
live
in
a
daring
and
habitual
disobedience
to
any
of
the
Laws
of
Christianity
.
What
an
intolerable
aggravation
must
it
be
of
their
Wickedness
,
whilst
it
is
committed
against
all
the
endearments
of
Love
and
Goodness
,
and
all
the
inducements
of
Interest
and
Ingenuity
,
i.
e.
against
all
the
obligations
,
that
it
is
possible
to
lay
upon
the
Minds
of
Men.
And
to
this
purpose
the
Apostle
discourses
very
appositely
,
Heb.
2.
3
,
4.
How
shall
we
escape
if
we
neglect
so
great
Salvation
,
which
at
the
first
was
published
by
the
Lord
,
and
was
confirm'd
unto
us
by
them
that
heard
him
;
God
also
bearing
witness
to
them
with
signs
and
wonders
,
and
with
divers
miracles
and
gifts
of
the
Holy
Ghost
?
Here
lay
the
emphasis
that
aggravated
the
neglect
of
their
Salvation
,
that
God
had
sent
his
own
Son
into
the
World
to
preach
and
to
procure
it
:
that
he
had
given
us
the
greatest
assurance
of
it
by
the
undoubted
Testimony
of
Eye-witnesses
;
and
that
he
had
farther
confirm'd
the
truth
of
their
Testimony
by
the
wonderfull
gifts
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
the
undeniable
power
of
Miracles
.
After
all
these
Motives
and
all
this
Assurance
,
if
any
Man
can
be
so
wretched
as
to
neglect
so
easie
conditions
of
so
great
Salvation
,
how
is
it
possible
he
should
escape
the
just
reward
of
his
desperate
and
incurable
stupidity
?
For
what
should
prevail
upon
such
Minds
as
are
proof
against
such
Motives
?
And
yet
as
strange
as
this
appears
,
what
do
we
find
more
vulgar
?
when
a
wicked
Believer
is
so
far
from
being
thought
a
Monster
in
our
Age
,
that
there
is
scarce
a
greater
Prodigie
in
it
than
an
entire
true
Christian.
The
true
spirit
of
our
Religion
seems
to
be
fled
to
Heaven
with
its
primitive
Professours
,
and
there
is
scarce
any
such
thing
as
real
Christianity
to
be
found
in
the
World
,
i.
e.
a
serious
and
habitual
conformity
to
all
its
Laws
,
and
whatever
Men
may
doe
or
pretend
without
this
,
it
may
be
Humour
or
Faction
,
or
any
thing
but
Religion
.
No
design
(
how
great
soever
)
less
than
this
was
worthy
our
Saviour's
Embasly
,
and
when
the
Son
of
God
was
sent
on
an
Errand
into
the
World
,
it
could
not
be
of
any
less
concernment
than
its
Reformation
.
The
last
scope
of
all
the
mystery
of
Godliness
is
onely
to
oblige
all
Mankind
to
be
good
and
vertuous
,
and
the
Man
that
will
not
be
so
,
defeats
all
the
love
and
wisedom
of
Heaven
in
sending
the
Holy
Jesus
into
the
World
.
And
therefore
let
me
challenge
my
Reader
,
as
he
would
not
frustrate
the
whole
design
of
our
Saviour's
Birth
,
as
he
would
not
baffle
the
truth
of
all
those
Prophesies
concerning
the
innocence
and
the
purity
of
the
Lives
of
Men
under
the
reign
of
the
Messias
,
and
as
he
would
not
hereafter
with
that
his
Saviour
had
never
been
born
,
nor
himself
neither
,
that
he
would
be
carefull
for
his
own
part
to
answer
the
end
of
his
Incarnation
,
and
let
him
see
by
the
vertue
and
holiness
of
his
Life
,
that
he
was
born
to
some
purpose
and
that
he
died
not
in
vain
.
Nay
let
me
challenge
all
Christendom
not
to
give
him
occasion
to
complain
,
Have
I
deserted
Heaven
and
all
its
glories
,
and
exposed
my self
to
all
the
shame
and
misery
upon
Earth
,
have
I
wrestled
with
all
the
malice
of
Men
and
Devils
,
have
I
lived
and
died
in
disgrace
,
and
suffer'd
all
sorts
of
affronts
and
ill
usages
,
to
restore
the
practice
and
reputation
of
Vertue
to
this
lower
World
?
And
is
this
all
the
Issue
of
the
travel
of
my
Soul
,
that
I
have
onely
founded
a
new
Faction
of
Men
in
the
World
,
that
are
not
to
be
distinguisht
from
the
rest
of
Mankind
by
any
thing
else
than
that
they
signalize
themselves
by
the
name
of
Christians
?
Is
this
all
the
purchase
of
my
Bloud
,
to
be
onely
followed
by
a
few
wicked
and
vicious
Proselytes
?
I
had
as
good
have
suffer'd
the
World
to
continue
in
its
degenerate
state
of
Heathenism
,
as
doe
and
suffer
all
that
I
have
done
onely
to
give
a
new
name
to
those
parts
of
it
call'd
Christendom
,
without
reforming
their
old
manners
.
I
neither
design
nor
accept
any
other
separation
of
my
Church
from
other
parts
of
Mankind
than
what
is
made
by
the
Vertue
,
the
Innocence
and
the
Holiness
of
their
Lives
.
Without
this
all
their
pretended
Faith
in
and
Zeal
for
my
Institution
is
to
me
no
better
than
scandal
and
impudent
Hypocrisie
,
and
serves
to
no
other
purpose
than
to
aggravate
their
Impiety
and
increase
their
Punishment
.
And
in
truth
what
can
more
provoke
our
Saviour's
displeasure
than
Christian
Wickedness
?
This
brings
disgrace
and
dishonour
upon
his
Religion
,
and
prostitutes
it
to
the
scorn
of
Atheists
and
Infidels
.
It
breaks
through
all
the
best
Rules
of
Duty
and
strongest
Obligations
to
Obedience
,
't
is
aggravated
with
all
the
circumstances
that
can
heighten
its
baseness
,
't
is
without
all
plea
of
excuse
or
palliation
.
And
this
certainly
is
the
true
account
of
the
unexemplified
severity
of
the
Divine
Justice
against
Christendom
.
For
never
was
any
part
of
the
World
harass't
with
such
remarkable
Plagues
and
Judgments
as
this
has
been
;
in
that
their
biggest
Impieties
were
but
ordinary
things
if
compared
to
the
vileness
of
our
Apostasie
.
The
times
of
their
ignorance
(
as
the
Apostle
discourses
)
God
winked
at
,
but
now
that
his
wrath
is
so
clearly
revealed
against
all
ungodliness
and
unrighteousness
of
Men
,
if
they
shall
at
any
time
persevere
in
hardness
and
impenitence
,
they
cannot
but
treasure
up
to
themselves
anguish
and
tribulation
and
wrath
against
the
day
of
wrath
,
and
be
still
heaping
up
stores
of
vengeance
till
some
time
or
other
the
flood-gates
shall
be
opened
upon
them
,
and
overwhelm
them
in
irrecoverable
ruine
and
destruction
.
At
least
to
conclude
with
my
believing
Reader
(
for
if
he
be
an
Infidel
,
I
turn
him
back
to
the
premises
of
this
Discourse
)
our
Saviour
has
a
second
coming
,
when
he
shall
,
as
he
has
said
he
will
,
once
more
rise
up
from
his
Throne
of
Majesty
,
shall
put
on
the
Robes
of
Justice
,
and
return
accompanied
with
an
innumerable
Army
of
blest
Spirits
,
to
destroy
the
wicked
and
disobedient
,
and
take
vengeance
of
his
open
Enemies
,
but
much
more
of
his
disloyal
and
treacherous
Friends
.
And
if
so
,
I
shall
onely
desire
him
to
consider
what
horrour
and
anguish
must
then
seize
all
guilty
Souls
;
with
what
trembling
and
infinite
amazement
must
every
careless
and
disobedient
Christian
appear
before
all
this
dreadfull
Glory
?
And
how
will
even
their
spirits
dye
away
under
an
intolerable
fear
and
confusion
of
Conscience
?
Who
can
conceive
the
bitterness
and
the
agonies
of
guilty
Minds
,
whilst
they
receive
their
last
Sentence
?
What
a
wild
and
stupid
thing
is
Man
,
that
can
believe
and
yet
forget
these
things
,
and
sleep
careless
under
the
expectations
of
a
day
of
Doom
?
For
't
is
as
certain
that
our
Saviour
will
once
come
to
condemn
the
World
as
he
once
came
to
redeem
it
;
and
if
he
be
the
true
Messias
,
't
is
then
past
question
that
he
shall
be
our
Judge
,
and
yet
after
all
this
,
how
do
Men
who
seriously
think
that
they
seriously
believe
these
things
,
live
as
if
they
were
secure
that
they
should
never
be
call'd
to
any
future
account
,
careless
and
forgetfull
of
all
things
but
a
few
vanishing
pleasures
and
trifles
here
below
,
with
slender
regard
or
total
neglect
of
their
eternal
Condition
.
In
brief
,
the
terrours
of
a
future
Judgment
,
and
the
different
portion
of
woe
or
bliss
hereafter
are
so
evidently
declared
in
the
Gospel
,
that
for
any
Man
,
who
believes
it
,
to
live
careless
of
them
,
is
in
truth
a
sottishness
that
I
can
neither
conceive
nor
express
,
much
less
load
or
upbraid
with
any
higher
aggravation
than
barely
its
own
folly
;
and
therefore
I
shall
onely
leave
this
great
Meditation
upon
the
Minds
of
my
Christian
Readers
,
and
conjure
them
all
to
a
serious
and
habitual
practice
of
Vertue
and
Piety
,
as
they
hope
for
any
benefit
from
our
Saviour's
first
coming
,
and
desire
to
escape
the
terrour
of
the
second
.
THE
END
.