PART
I.
SECT.
I.
UPon
the
Dissolution
of
the
Roman
Tyranny
,
under
which
all
Christendom
had
groan'd
for
many
Ages
;
infinite
were
the
disputes
and
controversies
,
that
were
immediately
every
where
raised
about
the
true
Constitution
of
the
Ecclesiastical
State
and
Government
.
Some
ou●
of
an
over-vehement
loathing
of
their
late
Bondage
,
were
out-ragious
for
its
utter
Abolition
,
so
as
to
leave
every
man
to
his
own
liberty
,
and
folly
too
,
to
teach
and
practise
what
himself
pleases
in
matters
of
Religion
,
without
being
accountable
to
any
Superior
,
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
for
any
misdemeanours
therein
.
Others
are
as
fierce
to
have
all
Ecclesiastical
Officers
(
though
immediately
Commission'd
by
our
Saviour
for
the
Government
of
his
Kingdom
through
all
Ages
)
stript
of
all
manner
of
Authority
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
all
Government
of
Religion
vested
only
in
the
Civil
Magistrate
.
Others
again
were
neither
for
its
utter
Extirpation
,
nor
confining
the
whole
exercise
of
its
Jurisdiction
to
the
Secular
Powers
,
but
for
dividing
it
into
its
several
Provinces
,
assigning
some
part
of
it
to
the
Clergy
,
and
some
to
the
Civil
State
.
Because
Religion
being
Instituted
chiefly
for
these
two
great
ends
,
viz.
The
advancement
of
the
present
Peace
and
Welfare
of
Mankind
in
this
World
,
and
their
safe
Conduct
and
Passage
to
the
State
of
Bliss
and
Happiness
in
the
World
to
come
:
so
far
as
it
relates
to
the
present
quiet
of
humane
Society
,
it
is
but
fit
and
necessary
it
should
be
subject
to
the
Authority
of
the
Supreme
Powers
over
them
,
whose
proper
Duty
,
Trust
,
and
Office
it
is
to
provide
for
the
settlement
and
preservation
of
the
Publick
Peace
.
And
therefore
seeing
that
Religion
has
a
prime
and
over-ruling
influence
upon
that
,
so
as
either
to
establish
or
disturb
it
by
its
good
or
bad
management
,
it
concerns
them
in
the
first
place
to
encourage
such
Doctrines
and
Principles
,
as
in
their
own
nature
tend
to
the
Peace
and
Quiet
of
Government
,
and
to
root
out
such
false
Notions
,
as
incline
or
induce
men
to
any
Turbulent
and
Seditious
practices
under
any
pretences
or
mistakes
of
Religion
.
And
if
any
such
there
be
,
or
if
any
such
there
have
been
;
nay
,
if
any
such
there
can
be
,
it
cannot
be
denyed
by
the
boldest
Libertines
,
but
that
in
such
cases
the
Supreme
Magistrate
must
be
allowed
power
to
defend
him●●lf
and
his
Government
against
their
Errors
or
Follies
,
by
the
force
and
execution
of
present
Laws
and
Penalties
.
But
then
as
the
Christian
Religion
aims
at
the
future
happiness
of
the
Souls
of
men
,
its
Conduct
and
Government
is
left
to
a
peculiar
Order
of
men
,
to
whom
its
Founder
has
entrusted
the
care
of
Souls
,
and
for
which
they
are
accountable
to
him
alone
.
For
seeing
the
Kingdom
that
he
establisht
was
altogether
different
in
its
Constitution
from
worldly
Empire
:
Seeing
he
appointed
Officers
void
of
all
Secular
Power
to
preside
over
it
by
virtue
of
his
own
immediate
Authority
:
And
seeing
he
has
engaged
a
peculiar
Providence
to
be
assistant
to
them
in
the
Government
of
his
Church
through
all
Ages
,
the
case
is
plain
to
all
Men
that
believe
his
Institution
,
that
all
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
whatever
it
is
,
that
concerns
the
welfare
of
Mens
Souls
in
the
World
to
come
,
is
entirely
vested
in
the
spiritual
Guides
and
Governors
of
the
Church
.
It
being
therefore
so
manifest
,
past
all
contradiction
,
that
in
all
Christian
States
,
there
are
and
must
be
from
the
Nature
both
of
Government
and
Christianity
,
two
distinct
Powers
,
the
only
difficulty
will
be
so
to
determine
the
Bounds
of
●●ch
,
that
they
neither
interfere
in
the
exercise
of
their
Jurisdiction
,
nor
any
way
incroach
upon
each
others
Authority
.
An
undertaking
that
has
been
often
attempted
by
learned
Men
,
but
generally
with
that
vehement
biass
and
partiality
either
way
,
that
has
made
it
a
Controversie
not
for
truth
but
interest
.
For
it
being
chiefly
managed
by
Divines
and
Canonists
in
behalf
of
the
Church
,
and
by
Statesmen
and
Lawyers
in
behalf
of
the
Common-wealth
,
each
Party
have
not
so
much
endeavour'd
to
assign
the
real
Bounds
of
Truth
,
as
to
propagate
their
own
Empire
and
Dominion
.
And
for
this
reason
is
it
that
the
Writers
of
the
Church
of
Rome
so
eagerly
and
universally
advance
the
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
(
the
omnipotent
Soveraignty
of
which
they
settle
in
the
Pope
alone
)
as
to
raise
it
above
the
Power
of
all
Sovereign
Princes
,
and
all
the
Powers
of
the
Earth
.
Neither
are
they
content
to
make
it
Superior
to
all
their
Authority
,
but
swell
it
to
that
exorbitant
Greatness
,
till
they
swallow
up
all
Empire
into
its
Jurisdiction
.
And
for
this
very
reason
the
learned
that
have
generally
opposed
themselves
to
these
high
and
wild
pretences
,
have
as
generally
run
into
the
other
Extreme
,
so
as
to
take
all
Ecclesiastical
Authority
not
only
from
his
Holiness
and
his
Court
,
but
from
all
Ecclesiastical
Officers
,
to
whom
it
was
consign'd
by
our
Blessed
Saviour
,
to
the
utter
destruction
of
any
such
thing
as
a
Christian
Church
.
So
that
in
this
Partial
and
in
reality
Prophane
way
of
managing
this
great
Controversie
,
they
contend
not
about
the
true
and
just
grounds
of
each
Province
,
but
both
fight
for
the
possession
of
the
whole
.
In
which
way
of
waging
War
,
no
other
event
of
it
can
be
expected
,
then
of
that
irreconcileable
fewd
between
Hannibal
and
the
great
Scipio
,
that
either
Rome
or
Carthage
must
be
destroyed
,
and
the
Empire
of
one
intirely
subdued
to
the
Dominion
of
the
other
.
And
though
some
very
few
have
treated
of
these
things
with
somewhat
more
temper
and
moderation
,
so
as
to
acknowledge
some
kind
of
Bounds
to
their
respective
Jurisdictions
,
yet
they
scarce
ever
set
and
determine
them
with
that
Justice
and
Equality
,
that
the
security
both
of
Government
and
Religion
requires
;
but
apparently
warp
to
their
own
side
,
as
they
incline
to
,
or
depend
upon
the
interest
of
the
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
State
.
And
therefore
that
is
the
great
and
only
advantage
that
I
can
ensure
to
my self
above
those
many
so
very
much
more
learned
Men
,
that
have
labour'd
in
this
weighty
Argument
,
that
I
know
my self
to
undertake
it
without
being
engaged
by
any
prejudice
,
or
biassed
by
any
Interest
,
or
hired
by
any
Reward
then
purely
the
discharge
of
a
good
Conscience
(
without
which
the
highest
pleasure
and
satisfaction
that
humane
life
can
afford
,
were
not
a
tolerable
thing
;
but
with
it
an
ordinary
State
of
life
with
health
,
is
a
present
Paradice
,
and
state
of
Happiness
.
)
So
that
how
much
soever
I
come
behind
others
(
and
I
am
sensible
of
a
very
great
distance
)
in
the
advantages
of
Wit
and
Learning
,
yet
I
shall
give
place
to
no
Man
in
freedom
and
integrity
of
Judgment
.
And
that
alone
I
am
sure
is
enough
to
make
me
Master
of
my
Argument
;
for
if
Men
would
only
consider
the
Nature
of
the
thing
it self
,
and
abstract
it
from
interest
and
prejudice
,
that
alone
would
bring
them
into
a
right
understanding
of
it
.
But
when
instead
of
looking
directly
upon
their
Object
as
they
ought
,
they
labour
to
squint
and
pervert
their
own
Eye-sight
,
it
is
their
own
sault
that
they
lose
its
natural
representation
.
And
this
is
the
very
thing
that
fills
the
World
with
so
many
disputes
to
so
little
purpose
,
because
Men
in
their
Enquiries
will
not
follow
the
guidance
of
things
themselves
;
whereas
if
they
would
but
be
pleased
to
do
so
,
the
truth
of
every
thing
is
as
clear
and
visible
to
a
diligent
Enquirer
as
Light
it self
.
There
is
not
any
one
Argument
that
is
thought
more
intricate
,
obscure
,
and
difficult
then
this
that
I
am
now
undertaking
,
and
therefore
it
is
for
the
most
part
baulkt
by
the
Wise
Men
of
the
World
,
as
a
point
too
touchy
to
be
handled
,
especially
because
such
great
and
powerful
interests
are
engaged
in
the
Contest
,
and
they
are
sure
to
be
jealous
(
as
they
ought
to
be
)
of
their
own
Prerogatives
,
and
will
hardly
so
much
as
endure
to
have
them
touched
,
much
less
fetter'd
and
confin'd
.
So
that
this
dispute
is
not
only
supposed
difficult
but
dangerous
,
in
that
it
is
thought
so
hard
a
matter
for
the
Undertaker
not
to
incur
some
way
or
other
the
displeasure
of
his
Superiours
,
by
his
best
and
most
honest
performance
.
And
yet
after
all
this
wariness
and
wisdom
,
if
Men
would
but
state
the
thing
only
as
that
states
it self
,
there
is
scarce
any
one
Controversie
that
can
be
more
safe
or
more
easie
then
its
determination
.
For
things
are
so
wonderfully
order'd
by
the
wise
Providence
of
God
in
settling
Christianity
in
the
World
,
that
by
determining
the
power
of
the
Church
and
State
,
as
they
are
determin'd
by
his
own
original
Settlement
,
both
Parties
may
have
their
own
utmost
demands
,
and
particularly
the
Civil
Power
more
then
otherwise
it
could
have
.
demanded
.
And
I
doubt
not
but
before
I
have
done
to
give
satisfaction
to
the
highest
Pretenders
either
way
,
especially
on
the
side
of
the
State
without
any
invasion
of
the
Churches
Power
.
To
assign
an
inherent
and
independent
Power
in
the
Church
,
distinct
from
that
of
the
State
,
and
immediately
derived
,
not
from
the
Prince
,
but
our
Saviour
,
and
that
I
am
sure
is
as
much
as
the
highest
claims
to
Ecclesiastical
Power
can
,
with
any
modesty
,
or
without
rank
dishonesty
challenge
.
But
then
this
being
granted
,
I
shall
demonstrate
,
That
there
is
as
full
and
unabated
Supremacy
in
Sovereign
Powers
over
all
manner
of
Ecclesiastical
Authority
,
as
if
it
had
been
entirely
derived
from
their
own
special
Grant
and
Commission
:
And
that
certainly
is
as
high
a
Prerogative
as
any
Prince
can
care
to
demand
,
to
have
a
Sovereign
Power
over
all
the
Powers
within
his
own
Dominions
:
So
that
whether
they
are
derived
from
his
Authority
or
not
,
they
shall
be
as
entirely
Subject
to
it
,
as
if
they
had
subsisted
by
no
other
Charter
.
And
that
is
as
high
a
Supremacy
as
Mr.
Hobbs
himself
has
been
pleased
to
challenge
for
Sovereign
Princes
,
when
he
took
away
all
Power
from
the
Church
to
vest
it
in
them
;
for
though
it
is
a
very
gross
prophaneness
in
him
to
allow
no
Authority
for
Religion
it self
,
then
as
it
is
enjoyn'd
and
made
Law
by
them
;
yet
that
Authority
that
is
in
the
Church
by
Divine
Right
,
is
as
absolutely
Subject
to
their
Dominion
,
as
it
could
have
been
,
had
it
been
establisht
as
Mr.
Hobbs
contends
,
only
by
their
own
Authority
.
And
this
State
of
the
Controversie
,
if
it
can
be
made
good
,
I
am
certain
will
satisfie
all
Parties
that
can
claim
any
share
or
degree
of
Government
in
Church
or
State
,
but
most
of
all
the
Supreme
Powers
,
to
whose
Soveraignty
all
Power
,
whatsoever
it
is
,
or
whencesoever
derived
,
is
indispensibly
Subjected
.
As
for
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Church
as
settled
by
Divine
Right
,
and
nothing
else
;
I
have
discoursed
of
that
in
former
Treatises
,
and
proved
that
it
is
immediately
derived
from
our
Saviour
himself
,
and
settled
unalienably
by
him
upon
the
Apostles
,
and
their
Successors
the
Bishops
forever
;
so
that
here
I
must
suppose
the
Constitution
of
the
Christian
Church
within
it self
,
and
all
that
I
am
bound
to
do
at
present
,
is
,
That
supposing
its
distinct
and
independent
Authority
for
granted
,
to
explain
how
it
accommodates
and
submits
it self
to
the
Civil
State
,
and
comes
under
the
common
obligation
of
all
good
Subjects
to
true
Allegiance
and
Loyalty
to
the
Sovereign
Prince
.
§.
II.
And
here
the
first
and
chiefest
thing
to
be
consider'd
is
,
That
Christianity
supposes
the
Power
of
Princes
,
Civil
Government
being
settled
in
the
World
from
its
beginning
by
the
general
Providence
of
God
,
and
antecedently
to
our
Saviour's
particular
Institution
.
And
therefore
as
the
first
thing
that
our
Saviour
openly
declared
,
when
he
enter'd
upon
his
Office
,
was
the
erection
of
his
own
new
Kingdom
;
so
the
next
thing
that
he
took
care
to
instruct
his
Subjects
in
,
was
,
that
this
his
Kingdom
was
no
Kingdom
of
this
World
.
So
that
from
thence
it
is
evident
,
that
he
left
the
Government
of
the
Kingdoms
of
this
World
in
the
same
posture
in
which
they
had
ever
stood
,
be
ore
he
came
into
it
.
And
therefore
there
could
be
no
alteration
,
much
less
abatement
of
the
Civil
Government
any
where
upon
the
score
of
his
Authority
,
otherwise
the
Institution
of
his
Kingdom
had
been
a
breach
upon
the
Ancient
Rights
of
those
Sovereign
Powers
,
in
whose
Dominions
it
was
erected
,
which
was
the
first
thing
that
our
Saviour
whilst
himself
conversed
upon
Earth
,
was
careful
to
avoid
.
This
therefore
is
to
be
set
down
in
the
first
place
,
as
the
Fundamental
Article
of
his
Religion
,
that
neither
himself
,
nor
any
of
those
that
he
has
deputed
for
the
Government
of
it
,
challenge
any
Temporal
Power
to
themselves
,
or
any
exemption
from
the
Authority
of
those
that
have
it
.
Neither
is
this
to
be
lookt
upon
only
as
a
positive
duty
,
but
it
is
necessary
in
it self
from
the
nature
and
the
design
of
Christianity
,
which
was
to
settle
a
pure
Religion
in
the
World
by
the
strength
of
its
own
truth
and
goodness
,
without
any
help
of
worldly
power
,
or
mixture
of
worldly
interest
,
as
I
have
elsewhere
shewn
at
large
from
the
whole
story
of
its
first
settlement
.
And
therefore
agreeable
to
this
great
Observation
it
is
very
remarkable
,
That
our
Saviour
himself
whilst
he
convers'd
upon
Earth
,
did
not
only
never
challenge
any
kind
of
Civil
Authority
to
himself
,
but
seiz'd
all
occasions
to
defie
and
disclaim
it
,
as
absolutely
inconsistent
with
his
Commission
.
Thus
John
6.
15.
When
the
People
,
supposing
him
to
be
that
Temporal
Messias
that
they
expected
,
would
have
forced
him
to
take
the
Kingdom
upon
himself
,
he
immediately
withdrew
into
a
Solitude
to
shift
their
importunity
.
And
Luke
12.
13
,
14.
When
one
solicited
him
only
to
take
upon
him
the
Authority
of
an
Arbitrator
,
he
perfectly
disavows
it
,
as
if
he
were
solicitous
not
to
give
them
the
least
pretence
of
Objection
against
him
for
his
intermedling
with
the
Civil
Government
.
And
yet
he
might
lawfully
have
done
●t
,
according
to
the
received
custom
of
the
Jews
at
that
time
;
for
in
the
Babylonish
Captivity
,
to
avoid
the
scandal
of
Contention
before
Heathens
,
they
referred
all
their
Controversies
to
the
Rabbies
and
Doctors
of
the
Law
(
and
such
an
one
this
Jew
supposed
our
Saviour
to
have
been
,
as
appears
by
his
giving
him
their
proper
Title
of
Master
)
and
whoever
refused
to
stand
to
their
award
,
he
was
Excommunicated
their
Society
,
as
a
scandal
to
the
Jewish
Nation
.
And
this
priviledge
of
being
their
own
Judges
among
themselves
,
was
granted
to
them
by
the
Romans
,
and
for
a
long
time
continued
by
the
Christian
Emperors
themselves
.
And
therefore
though
our
Saviour
might
have
undertaken
this
Office
by
the
allowance
and
permission
of
the
Civil
Government
;
yet
to
avoid
all
suspicions
of
any
such
imputation
,
he
protests
against
it
as
unbecoming
his
own
Office
and
Person
:
And
the
case
is
the
very
same
as
to
the
Woman
taken
in
Adultery
,
Joh.
8.
3.
of
whom
he
declares
that
he
had
no
such
Authority
,
as
they
imagin'd
,
to
pass
any
Sentence
upon
her
,
according
to
their
Law
;
so
that
if
she
were
not
legally
condemn'd
before
they
brought
her
before
him
,
she
was
at
liberty
for
any
such
Power
that
he
had
to
pass
Sentence
upon
her
.
But
the
most
remarkable
passage
for
his
disclaiming
all
Earthly
Power
,
is
in
his
Examination
before
Pontius
Pilate
,
Joh.
18.
36.
to
whom
he
freely
confesses
,
that
he
is
a
King
,
but
to
prevent
his
jealousie
or
mistake
,
he
both
immediately
declares
that
his
Kingdom
is
not
of
this
World
,
*
and
clearly
explains
what
in
Evang.
Johan
.
Tract.
115.
he
means
by
it
:
For
,
If
my
Kingdom
were
of
this
World
,
then
would
my
Servants
fight
,
that
I
should
not
be
deliver'd
to
the
Jews
.
From
which
words
we
understand
his
evident
meaning
when
he
professes
that
his
Kingdom
is
not
of
this
World
,
that
it
is
not
endued
with
any
power
of
the
Sword
.
So
that
for
any
of
his
Officers
or
Subjects
,
to
make
any
resistance
to
the
Civil
Power
by
the
Sword
,
in
defence
of
his
Kingdom
,
is
to
destroy
the
very
nature
of
it●
Constitution
,
that
consists
in
this
,
that
it
is
to
be
govern'd
by
the
power
of
Truth
,
and
is
distinguisht
from
the
Kingdoms
of
this
World
,
in
that
it
is
a
Kingdom
without
the
power
of
the
Sword
.
And
therefore
for
any
Officers
in
it
to
pretend
to
any
such
Power
by
virtue
of
any
Authority
or
Commission
from
him
,
is
at
onc●
both
to
dethrone
and
renounce
his
Kingly
Power
,
because
it
is
a
contradiction
to
his
whole
design
in
the
World
,
to
have
either
such
a
Kingdom
or
such
Subjects
.
And
that
he
further
declares
to
be
nothing
else
then
the
Institution
of
Christian
Truth
in
it
,
by
virtue
of
its
own
Goodness
.
To
this
end
was
I
born
,
and
for
this
cause
came
I
into
the
World
,
that
I
should
bear
Witness
unto
the
Truth
;
every
one
that
is
of
the
Truth
heareth
my
Voice
.
That
is
,
all
Men
that
are
lovers
of
true
Goodness
will
voluntarily
come
into
my
Kingdom
,
and
submit
themselves
to
my
Doctrine
and
Discipline
:
for
that
is
the
evident
meaning
of
that
phrase
,
They
that
are
of
the
Truth
,
they
that
are
ingenuous
and
sincere
lovers
of
it
,
as
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Romans
,
c.
2.
v.
8.
They
that
are
of
the
Contention
,
i.
e.
Persons
that
are
given
up
to
Contention
.
So
that
there
is
the
true
State
of
Christ's
Kingdom
,
that
it
is
a
Kingdom
without
force
within
it self
,
and
has
no
true
Subjects
but
such
as
freely
and
of
their
own
accord
submit
themselves
to
it
out
of
love
to
the
Goodness
of
its
Government
.
So
that
whereas
all
other
Kingdoms
subsist
by
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
his
,
taken
by
it self
,
and
as
not
complicated
with
the
Civil
Government
,
cannot
subsist
with
it
.
And
therefore
when
St.
Peter
drew
his
Sword
in
defence
of
his
Master
,
he
commands
him
to
sheath
it
,
because
it
was
a
Method
inconsistent
with
his
Design
,
Matth.
26.
53.
Thinkest
thou
that
I
cannot
now
pray
to
my
Father
,
and
he
shall
presently
give
me
more
then
Twelve
Legions
of
Angels
?
If
that
had
been
the
proper
method
to
compass
his
design
,
and
to
settle
his
Kingdom
,
he
could
easily
have
done
it
by
an
Army
of
Angels
,
but
that
would
have
spoil'd
the
whole
work
,
had
he
betook
himself
to
any
forcible
defence
,
who
was
to
establish
an
Institution
in
the
World
by
no
other
means
then
its
own
Truth
and
Goodness
.
Many
reasons
are
given
of
our
Saviour's
reproof
to
St.
Peter
by
learned
Men
of
all
Factions
,
to
enhance
,
or
abate
its
obligation
;
but
the
only
true
reason
is
,
that
which
himself
has
here
given
,
that
it
was
utterly
inconsistent
with
the
nature
of
his
Institution
.
This
was
the
sense
of
the
Doctors
of
the
Church
,
through
all
Ages
down
to
the
very
time
of
Gratian
himself
in
the
year
1150
,
an
hundred
years
and
more
,
after
the
time
of
Pope
Gregory
the
Seventh
;
so
that
though
he
had
declared
and
practised
against
it
,
it
seems
his
Doctrine
could
not
speedily
obtain
any
great
footing
in
the
Christian
Church
:
who
treating
of
the
power
of
the
Sword
to
whom
it
belongs
,
determines
from
this
very
passage
,
that
of
all
Men
the
Officers
of
the
Church
have
nothing
to
do
with
it
.
De
Episcopis
As
for
Bishops
and
all
Orders
of
the
Clergy
,
it
is
evident
that
they
ought
not
to
take
up
Arms
either
by
their
own
,
or
the
Pope's
Authority
.
For
when
Peter
the
Prince
of
the
Apostles
brandish't
the
material
Sword
,
to
defend
his
Master
from
the
violence
of
the
Jews
,
he
heard
a
Voice
,
Put
up
thy
Sword
into
its
Scabbard
,
for
all
that
take
the
Sword
shall
perish
by
the
Sword
.
As
if
he
had
expresly
said
,
hitherto
it
has
been
allowed
thee
and
thy
Predecessors
(
i.
e.
I
suppose
the
High
Priests
under
the
Old
Testament
)
to
punish
the
Enemies
of
God
with
the
Corporal
Sword
,
but
from
this
time
forward
I
command
thee
to
sheath
it
for
an
example
of
Patience
,
and
use
the
Spiritual
Sword
,
which
is
the
Word
of
God
,
to
Sacrifice
the
lusts
of
the
old
life
.
For
all
beside
him
,
or
the
Authority
of
him
,
who
is
endued
with
legal
Power
,
and
who
,
as
the
Apostle
says
,
bears
not
the
Sword
in
vain
,
and
to
whom
every
Soul
ought
to
be
Subject
,
every
Man
,
I
say
,
that
draws
the
Sword
without
his
Authority
,
shall
perish
by
it
.
And
this
state
of
the
question
he
proves
from
the
Authority
of
divers
ancient
Councils
and
Popes
,
which
I
here
forbear
to
recite
,
because
I
intend
(
if
God
permit
)
to
consider
them
in
their
proper
Times
and
Places
,
for
that
is
my
design
as
I
proceed
to
reap
the
whole
field
of
Church
Records
,
and
not
Glean
,
as
the
common
Custom
is
,
its
scatter'd
fragments
.
Only
this
passage
of
the
Father
of
the
Canonists
I
have
here
dropt
in
,
to
let
his
modern
Followers
,
that
are
one
and
all
base
flatterers
of
the
Roman
Court
against
all
Sovereign
Powers
,
see
how
enormously
they
wander
from
the
Text
of
their
own
Law
,
as
well
as
the
Holy
Bible
.
But
to
return
,
our
Saviour
having
declared
to
the
President
what
his
Kingdom
was
not
,
i.
e.
a
Kingdom
destitute
of
Force
and
the
Power
of
the
Sword
;
he
proceeds
to
declare
what
it
was
,
viz.
a
Kingdom
of
Truth
.
Which
Pilate
taking
to
be
some
kind
of
Stoical
Kingdom
,
for
such
a
thing
the
Stoicks
pretended
to
at
an
high
rate
by
virtue
of
their
Philosophy
,
he
asks
him
what
is
the
Truth
that
he
professes
.
But
reflecting
,
it
seems
,
with
himself
,
that
it
was
not
pertinent
for
a
Judge
upon
the
Bench
to
enter
into
a
Philosophick
dispute
with
a
Prisoner
at
the
Bar
,
he
lets
fall
the
Question
by
not
staying
for
an
Answer
.
But
beside
these
evident
passages
in
our
Saviour's
conversation
for
disclaiming
all
Civil
Soveraignty
,
there
is
one
Text
,
that
is
usually
by
mistake
applyed
to
this
purpose
,
though
it
relate
to
a
very
different
matter
,
[
*
](A56396-e3640-b)
*
Barclay
contra
Monarchom
.
l.
3.
p.
157.
Salmas
.
defens
.
Reg.
cap.
3.
and
that
is
Matth.
17.
27.
where
our
Saviour
is
supposed
to
pay
Tribute
to
the
Roman
Collectors
,
and
that
is
owning
his
subjection
to
their
Government
.
But
the
Didrachma
,
the
Money
there
demanded
of
him
,
was
not
Tribute
money
paid
to
the
Roman
Publicans
,
for
we
never
read
of
any
such
Tax
,
but
Temple-money
paid
to
the
Jewish
Priests
and
their
Collectors
,
for
the
Use
and
Service
of
the
Temple
,
and
this
continued
till
the
time
of
Vespatian
,
who
,
as
Josephus
relates
it
,
imposed
upon
the
Jews
this
Tax
of
two
Drachms
,
that
they
had
hitherto
paid
towards
the
repairs
and
annual
expences
of
the
Temple
at
Jerusalem
,
for
the
use
of
the
Capitol
at
Rome
.
And
this
explains
the
true
meaning
and
reason
of
our
Saviour's
demur
to
its
payment
,
when
he
asks
Peter
,
Whether
Princes
are
wont
to
take
Tribute
of
their
own
Children
;
because
this
Tax
for
the
Temple
Service
was
gather'd
in
God's
Name
,
and
was
called
God's
Tax
;
as
Josephus
more
then
once
expresses
it
,
and
therefore
it
was
as
improper
for
our
Saviour
,
who
was
the
Son
of
God
,
and
as
it
were
Prince
of
the
Temple
,
to
pay
this
kind
of
Tribute
,
as
it
is
for
an
Heir
of
the
Crown
to
be
Taxed
by
the
King
his
Father
,
after
the
same
rate
with
his
other
Subjects
.
But
though
these
Gentlemen
have
grosly
mistaken
the
Text
,
their
Antimonarchical
Adversaries
prophanely
abuse
it
when
they
pretend
,
as
they
unanimously
do
,
That
our
Saviour
paid
this
Tax
for
himself
and
Peter
(
as
they
conceit
,
to
Herod
,
who
had
converted
the
Revenue
of
the
Temple
to
his
own
use
)
purely
to
avoid
offence
,
yet
they
were
not
bound
to
do
it
,
and
if
Peter
,
because
a
Disciple
of
Christ
was
here
made
free
from
paying
burthensom
Taxes
,
so
are
all
Christians
as
free
as
he
,
and
may
legally
refuse
to
submit
to
such
Tyrannous
Impositions
.
As
if
our
Saviour
were
such
a
Prophet
as
Mahomet
,
who
headed
the
Rebellion
of
the
Soldiers
against
the
Emperor
Heraclius
;
or
rather
such
another
Messias
as
Judas
of
Galilee
,
who
pretended
to
be
sent
of
God
to
instruct
his
People
,
that
they
ought
not
to
pay
Tribute
to
the
Romans
;
and
as
Rabbi
Gamaliel
informs
us
,
Act.
5.
37.
drew
away
much
People
after
him
,
whose
blood
Pilate
mingled
with
their
Sacrifices
to
stop
the
Contagion
of
their
seditious
Doctrines
,
and
declared
it
High
Treason
for
any
Man
to
teach
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
it
is
not
lawful
to
pay
Tribute
to
Caesar.
And
that
very
probably
was
the
true
ground
why
the
Jews
made
it
the
chief
Article
of
our
Saviour's
Accusation
before
Pilate
,
That
he
perverted
the
Nation
,
forbidding
them
to
pay
Tribute
to
Caesar
.
And
it
is
evident
,
that
it
was
the
craft
of
the
Pharisees
and
Herodians
,
when
they
went
about
to
entangle
him
with
this
Question
,
Whether
it
was
Lawful
to
give
Tribute
unto
Caesar
or
not
,
that
they
might
expose
him
to
the
Roman
Officers
,
expecting
that
he
would
have
declared
himself
an
Assertor
of
the
Jewish
Liberty
,
agreeable
to
the
present
Doctrine
of
the
Zealots
and
the
Gaulonites
,
that
it
was
not
lawful
to
be
Subject
to
any
Power
but
God
alone
.
But
he
very
wisely
avoids
their
snare
by
answering
,
That
they
might
serve
God
,
and
pay
Tribute
to
Caesar
too
;
and
therefore
seeing
it
appeared
by
the
Inscription
upon
the
Coin
,
that
Caesar
was
their
Sovereign
Prince
,
it
was
not
only
lawful
,
but
their
bounden
Duty
to
pay
him
Tribute
,
because
it
was
only
to
render
him
what
was
his
Due
.
And
in
reality
,
this
whole
Transaction
between
our
Saviour
and
these
Trapanning
Enquirers
,
is
the
clearest
state
of
his
Doctrine
against
resistance
to
the
worst
of
Princes
,
upon
any
pretence
of
Religion
whatsoever
:
For
Tiberius
was
then
the
present
Emperor
,
a
Man
infamous
to
all
Ages
for
his
Falshood
and
Cruelty
,
Lust
,
and
Debauchery
,
whose
whole
Reign
was
nothing
but
Fraud
and
Oppression
;
but
above
all
he
was
most
severe
to
the
Jews
,
and
their
Religion
,
banisht
them
Rome
,
J●s
.
de
B●lso
Judaico
;
l.
2.
c.
14.
and
dispersed
them
into
the
worst
Parts
of
the
Empire
.
And
yet
when
our
Saviour
is
askt
his
Opinion
concerning
submission
to
so
brutal
a
Prince
,
he
has
no
regard
to
his
Personal
Qualifications
,
but
to
the
Rights
of
Soveraignty
:
Whatever
the
Man
is
,
it
is
enough
that
he
is
your
Prince
,
and
after
that
there
is
no
room
left
to
resist
his
Impositions
.
And
here
it
is
farther
to
be
observed
,
that
the
Question
and
the
Answer
is
general
,
not
Whether
it
were
lawful
to
pay
Tribute
to
Tiberius
only
,
but
to
Caesar
,
to
any
Emperor
;
to
which
the
Answer
is
round
and
peremptory
,
Whoever
is
your
Sovereign
you
are
bound
to
submit
to
his
Impositions
,
and
therefore
seeing
you
own
the
Emperor
for
your
Sovereign
by
using
the
Coin
stampt
with
his
Image
(
which
is
the
very
badge
of
Soveraignty
in
all
Nations
)
you
are
as
well
bound
in
Duty
to
submit
to
his
Commands
,
as
you
are
to
obey
God's
;
and
as
it
is
your
Duty
to
Worship
God
,
so
is
it
to
pay
Tribute
to
the
Emperor
.
But
according
to
our
new
Hildebrandine
and
Antichristian
Divinity
,
our
Saviour
ought
to
have
answered
with
more
caution
,
and
distinguisht
concerning
the
Legality
of
Caesar's
Impositions
,
and
demurr'd
upon
the
Qualifications
of
his
Person
:
If
he
be
a
good
Man
,
and
govern
according
to
Law
,
I
would
advise
you
to
pay
him
Tribute
:
But
otherwise
,
if
he
be
an
Oppressor
,
and
his
Tax
immoderate
,
resist
and
take
up
Arms
against
the
Tyrant
;
and
as
you
will
be
faithful
to
your
Country
,
your
Religion
,
and
your
Liberties
,
deliver
them
from
the
burden
of
his
Tyrannical
Government
.
This
one
Principle
is
the
result
of
all
the
Antimonarchical
Pleas
and
Apologies
to
warrant
Resistance
;
and
no
doubt
it
would
make
wise
work
in
the
World
,
if
every
Subject
might
lawfully
take
up
Arms
against
his
Prince
,
as
oft
as
he
is
pleased
in
his
own
wisdom
to
find
fault
with
his
Government
.
And
yet
that
,
I
say
,
is
the
bottom
of
all
Antimonarchical
Pretences
,
that
they
may
,
and
ought
to
defend
their
Liberties
by
force
of
Arms
against
the
Sovereign
Prince
,
if
he
do
not
Govern
according
to
Law
:
And
so
this
very
Text
is
glossed
by
one
of
the
wittiest
Patrons
of
the
Cause
,
Cum
Dei
simus
,
i.
e.
verè
liberi
,
ob
eamque
causam
soli
De●
reddendi
,
profecto
Caesari
nos
,
i.
e.
homini
,
&
praesertim
Injusto
,
Improbo
,
Tyranno
in
servitutem
tradere
sine
piaculo
,
&
quidem
maximo
Sacrilegio
non
possumus
.
When
we
are
God's
Subjects
,
and
truly
free
,
and
are
to
be
accountable
to
God
alone
,
we
cannot
deliver
up
our selves
into
Caesar's
servitude
,
who
is
but
a
Man
,
but
especially
if
he
be
Unjust
,
Wicked
,
Tyrannical
,
without
Villainy
and
Sacriledge
.
A
very
gentle
Gloss
this
,
upon
our
Saviour's
Text
,
to
make
it
so
far
from
any
suspition
of
sin
to
Rebel
against
unjust
,
or
wicked
Princes
,
that
not
to
destroy
them
and
their
Tyranny
were
Villainy
,
Sacriledge
,
and
Treason
against
God
himself
.
And
thus
,
if
this
Gloss
be
once
admitted
,
is
our
Saviour
made
an
open
Gaulonite
,
declaring
himself
and
all
his
followers
free
from
the
unjust
exactions
of
Sovereign
Powers
:
which
is
only
to
charge
him
with
that
very
Crime
that
his
most
implacable
Enemies
would
have
fastened
upon
him
.
So
prophane
are
these
Men
forced
to
be
in
their
wickedness
,
as
to
justifie
Treason
by
Blasphemy
,
and
no
Blasphemy
can
be
ranker
then
to
make
our
Saviour
a
Patron
of
Rebellion
.
But
because
this
Gloss
looks
too
bold
,
they
have
an
evasion
to
shift
the
Text
,
viz.
That
our
Saviour
did
not
Answer
,
but
only
baulk
and
involve
the
Question
,
in
that
there
is
no
consequence
that
the
Money
was
Caesar's
because
stampt
with
his
Impression
,
for
then
all
that
we
have
would
for
the
same
reason
be
Caesar's
too
.
But
as
the
Gloss
accuses
our
Saviour
of
breach
of
honesty
,
by
making
him
invade
the
Power
of
the
Sword
when
he
had
disclaim'd
it
;
so
this
evasion
charges
him
with
defect
of
understanding
,
as
if
our
Saviour
had
been
so
weak
as
to
argue
Caesar's
Title
of
Propriety
from
his
Inscription
.
Whereas
any
Man
of
Common
sense
,
if
he
will
not
industriously
pervert
it
,
cannot
but
understand
that
our
Saviour
argues
from
the
known
Custom
of
all
Nations
in
the
World
,
to
stamp
their
Coin
with
their
King's
Image
,
so
that
the
piece
of
Money
that
they
shewed
him
bearing
Caesar's
Picture
,
that
was
an
Evidence
that
he
was
their
Sovereign
Lord
,
and
therefore
were
they
bound
to
submit
to
him
in
all
his
Commands
that
were
not
inconsistent
with
the
Law
of
God
;
and
paying
of
Tribute
not
being
so
,
it
was
not
only
no
sin
,
but
a
necessary
Duty
,
or
,
as
St.
Paul
expresses
it
,
in
pursuance
of
his
Masters
Precept
,
Conscience
sake
,
and
because
it
is
due
.
This
Sense
is
so
very
plain
and
unavoidable
,
that
nothing
but
malitious
difingenuity
could
pervert
it
;
and
the
truth
of
it
is
,
this
sort
of
men
seem
to
take
a
kind
of
Pride
and
Delight
in
insulting
ever
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
make
them
ridiculous
by
their
own
imperious
glosses
to
avoid
their
force
,
as
we
shall
see
as
we
proceed
.
But
at
present
to
give
one
example
for
all
,
there
are
among
them
that
blush
not
to
prove
our
Saviour's
Civil
Dominion
over
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
from
the
blessed
Virgins
Song
.
He
hath
defeated
the
Proud
in
the
imagination
of
their
hearts
,
he
hath
put
down
the
Mighty
from
their
Seat
,
and
hath
exalted
the
humble
and
meek
.
In
which
words
she
glorifies
the
Goodness
and
Wisdom
of
God
,
that
he
was
pleased
that
his
Son
should
be
born
of
a
poor
despised
Maid
,
and
not
as
the
great
Men
of
the
World
expected
,
of
them
that
sate
upon
the
Thrones
of
the
Earth
;
from
which
humble
and
grateful
piece
of
Devotion
to
infer
,
that
she
rejoyced
and
triumphed
in
the
Prospect
of
that
Confusion
that
her
Son
should
bring
upon
the
World
,
by
subverting
and
pulling
down
all
the
establisht
Governments
in
it
,
and
erecting
every
where
new
Kingdoms
and
Principalities
by
his
own
Prerogative
;
't
is
so
rude
an
imposing
,
not
only
on
this
particular
passage
,
but
upon
the
whole
Tenor
of
the
Gospel
it self
,
and
the
nature
of
our
Saviours
Office
,
as
argues
a
strange
height
either
of
Pride
or
Prophaneness
.
For
nothing
can
be
more
evident
from
all
the
preceding
passages
,
and
the
whole
Scope
of
the
Gospel
,
then
our
Saviour's
disclaimour
of
any
pretence
to
any
Temporal
Authority
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
if
he
had
laid
claim
to
any
such
Power
,
his
Religion
had
stood
upon
no
better
Foundation
than
that
of
Mahomet
,
that
was
at
first
planted
and
propagated
,
and
has
hitherto
been
maintain'd
by
nothing
but
the
power
of
the
Sword
.
Whereas
the
Design
of
our
Saviour's
Institution
was
pure
and
unmixt
Religion
,
and
therefore
abetted
it self
and
its
Laws
by
no
other
Sanctions
,
then
only
the
rewards
and
punishments
of
the
life
to
come
.
And
the
same
Power
that
he
claim'd
and
exercis'd
himself
,
and
no
other
,
he
devolved
upon
his
Apostles
,
from
them
to
descend
to
their
Successors
to
the
end
of
the
World
;
so
that
all
their
power
,
whatever
it
is
,
being
derived
from
him
,
is
of
the
same
nature
with
that
,
which
himself
whilst
on
Earth
challenged
as
Head
of
his
Church
.
And
yet
it
is
plain
that
as
Head
of
his
Church
he
was
so
far
from
challenging
any
superiority
over
the
Powers
of
the
World
,
that
he
profest
nothing
more
frankly
than
an
entire
subjection
to
them
.
And
therefore
Sovereign
Princes
cannot
be
properly
said
to
be
vested
with
any
power
under
our
Saviour
as
such
,
for
as
it
is
evident
that
they
are
vested
with
a
Supremacy
of
Power
antecedent
to
his
Institution
,
so
is
it
as
evident
that
he
never
gave
them
any
Commission
for
the
Government
of
his
Kingdom
.
That
power
was
given
to
his
Apostles
,
that
were
as
much
subject
to
the
Civil
Government
,
as
himself
had
ever
been
;
so
that
as
he
could
give
them
no
Temporal
Power
because
he
had
,
or
rather
would
have
none
,
it
is
plain
that
neither
they
nor
their
Successors
could
pretend
to
any
by
vertue
of
his
Commission
.
What
he
enjoys
in
Heaven
as
the
Son
of
God
,
whatever
it
is
,
is
peculiar
to
himself
upon
the
account
of
his
Divinity
,
but
he
has
communicated
no
other
to
his
Church
on
Earth
,
then
what
himself
claim'd
whil'st
he
remain'd
in
it
,
which
was
purely
spiritual
in
order
to
a
Future
State
,
but
void
of
all
Temporal
Power
and
Coercion
.
So
that
it
is
but
a
crude
expression
(
not
to
call
it
prophane
,
because
it
is
so
common
by
customary
mistake
)
to
affirm
that
Kings
are
Supream
Governors
under
Christ
.
They
are
and
ever
were
so
under
God
,
but
so
as
to
be
superiour
to
Christ
,
as
Christ
is
Head
of
his
Church
within
their
Dominions
.
For
as
Head
of
his
Church
he
ever
own'd
himself
subject
to
the
Temporal
Powers
.
And
therefore
what
absoluteness
of
power
soever
he
enjoys
by
vertue
of
his
Divine
Nature
,
yet
as
the
Messias
or
the
Mediator
of
the
new
Covenant
(
for
as
such
he
was
man
,
1
Tim.
2.
5.
)
or
as
the
Head
and
Founder
of
the
Christian
Society
,
he
strips
both
himself
and
his
Officers
of
all
pretences
to
,
and
advantages
of
Temporal
Power
.
The
reason
of
it
we
must
carry
with
us
all
along
,
because
it
is
the
Essential
thing
peculiar
to
his
Institution
,
that
it
might
be
able
to
subsist
purely
upon
its
own
strength
,
and
maintain
it self
purely
by
vertue
of
its
own
Goodness
,
and
that
not
only
without
the
Assistance
,
but
against
the
utmost
Opposition
of
all
Worldly
Power
.
And
therefore
the
wise
Providence
of
God
so
order'd
things
,
that
it
was
sent
into
the
World
under
all
disadvantages
,
but
only
of
its
own
Truth
and
Goodness
.
And
by
that
alone
it
prevailed
over
all
the
World
,
before
it
had
the
least
countenance
from
the
Civil
Powers
,
nay
whilst
it
was
with
all
their
strength
,
zeal
,
and
malice
opprest
by
them
.
And
this
is
the
only
thing
that
made
it
pure
Religion
,
and
distinguisht
it
from
all
other
Religions
in
the
World
;
whereas
had
it
any
certain
Temporal
advantage
annext
to
it
as
such
,
men
had
been
invited
to
embrace
it
as
matter
of
Interest
,
and
not
of
Conscience
,
and
then
it
had
become
Worldly
Policy
,
and
ceased
to
have
been
Religion
.
That
then
is
the
first
Principle
upon
which
our
whole
Christianity
lies
,
that
all
the
Advantages
,
Priviledges
,
and
Preheminences
,
that
the
Church
can
pretend
to
derive
from
our
Saviour
are
purely
Spiritual
,
relating
only
to
the
State
of
Souls
in
the
World
to
come
.
And
if
the
Church
any
where
enjoy
any
other
Dignities
or
Jurisdictions
,
it
derives
them
wholly
from
the
Grants
and
Charters
of
Soveraign
Princes
,
who
may
endow
them
with
what
Priviledges
themselves
think
convenient
,
as
they
may
any
other
Order
of
their
Subjects
.
And
what
Powers
or
Priviledges
all
States
that
profess
Christianity
,
are
bound
by
that
profession
to
settle
upon
the
Church
,
I
shall
shew
in
its
proper
place
,
but
whatever
they
are
,
the
Church
cannot
challenge
them
by
it's
Original
Charter
.
So
that
if
any
Church
shall
be
so
presumptuous
as
to
pretend
to
any
such
Power
,
which
way
soever
it
comes
in
,
whether
directly
or
indirectly
,
by
vertue
of
our
Saviour's
Commission
,
that
is
not
only
a
Contradiction
to
the
Nature
of
Christianity
,
but
an
Atheistical
Abuse
put
upon
the
whole
Design
of
the
Institution
.
But
as
to
pretend
to
any
such
Power
from
our
Saviour
only
over
Subjects
,
is
no
less
then
Blasphemy
against
him
;
so
to
pretend
to
it
over
Soveraigns
,
doubles
the
Blasphemy
by
adding
the
Sin
of
Rebellion
to
that
of
Impiety
,
and
utterly
destroys
not
only
the
Being
and
Constitution
of
a
Christian
Church
,
but
of
all
humane
Societies
.
So
that
how
many
Marks
soever
there
may
be
of
a
true
Church
,
this
alone
is
an
infallible
Note
of
a
false
one
.
And
therefore
every
Church
that
refuses
to
disclaim
any
Temporal
Power
over
Princes
,
renounces
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
forfeits
all
the
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
a
Christian
Church
;
but
if
it
should
be
so
vain
as
openly
to
claim
any
such
power
,
it
bids
open
defiance
to
our
Saviour
,
and
quits
him
and
his
Religion
to
follow
Mahomet
.
So
that
there
is
no
one
thing
in
the
World
can
so
effectually
unchurch
a
Church
,
as
its
claiming
any
Temporal
Authority
to
it self
,
especially
over
Soveraign
Powers
.
And
this
I
doubt
will
light
very
severely
upon
the
Bishops
of
Rome
ever
since
the
Hildebrandine
Apostacy
,
viz.
That
the
Pope
as
Vicar
of
Christ
,
has
a
power
of
deposing
Soveraign
Princes
,
and
absolving
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
;
this
they
have
own'd
whenever
they
durst
,
and
put
in
practice
whenever
they
could
,
and
would
never
be
brought
upon
any
Terms
to
condemn
it
,
which
Doctrine
certainly
is
the
greatest
unkindness
that
they
can
do
themselves
,
and
the
worst
thing
that
their
greatest
Enemies
could
desire
to
object
against
them
;
and
if
any
thing
can
prove
his
Holiness
to
be
Antichrist
,
this
is
the
thing
,
because
it
is
an
utter
Subversion
of
the
whole
State
of
Christianity
,
and
makes
our
Saviour
a
false
Christ
by
making
him
a
Temporal
Messias
,
and
placing
him
in
the
head
of
an
Army
to
subdue
the
Princes
and
Nations
of
the
World
into
subjection
to
himself
.
I
am
sure
for
this
very
reason
does
the
Learned
Cardinal
Baronius
make
Mahomet
the
Type
of
Antichrist
,
because
he
promoted
his
Religion
over
several
parts
of
the
World
by
force
of
Arms
,
Quod
armorum
§.
III.
But
then
secondly
it
must
be
granted
too
,
that
the
Power
of
Princes
,
how
great
soever
in
Church
matters
,
supposes
the
Spiritual
Authority
of
the
Church
,
that
was
as
much
settled
by
our
Saviour
,
without
any
dependency
on
the
Authority
of
the
State
,
as
the
Authority
of
the
State
was
settled
by
the
Providence
of
God
,
before
there
was
any
such
thing
as
a
Christian
Church
in
the
World
.
So
that
it
is
undeniably
evident
from
its
original
Constitution
,
that
the
Church
subsists
no
more
upon
the
State
as
to
its
proper
Power
,
then
the
State
upon
the
Church
.
For
as
the
Christian
Church
came
into
the
World
,
after
the
Civil
Government
of
States
was
entirely
settled
in
it
,
so
did
the
World
come
into
the
Church
after
its
Government
was
as
entirely
fixed
within
it self
.
And
therefore
as
Christianity
by
its
coming
into
the
World
ought
no
manner
of
way
to
abate
the
Civil
Power
of
the
State
,
so
neither
when
the
Powers
of
the
World
come
into
the
Church
,
ought
they
to
diminish
any
thing
of
that
Authority
,
that
it
enjoyed
by
Divine
Commission
before
they
came
into
it
.
For
they
are
received
into
it
upon
the
same
terms
with
all
other
Proselytes
of
the
Christian
Faith
,
that
they
submit
themselves
to
it
as
our
Soviour's
own
Institution
.
So
that
as
our
first
point
is
,
That
all
Sovereign
Princes
have
,
or
ought
to
have
,
an
Imperial
Supremacy
over
all
Ecclesiastical
Persons
,
and
in
all
Ecclesiastical
Causes
;
Our
second
is
,
That
this
Supremacy
,
which
is
the
highest
Power
that
can
be
on
Earth
,
is
no
Ecclesiastical
,
but
a
Civil
Supremacy
.
For
beside
that
,
it
would
be
a
dishonour
to
degrade
a
Sovereign
Prince
to
the
Priestly
Office
:
The
Ecclesiastical
Power
is
purely
Spiritual
,
and
that
is
a
Power
that
was
never
challenged
by
any
Prince
,
nor
directly
given
by
any
Man
(
though
it
is
so
by
plain
and
undeniable
consequence
by
all
that
disown
an
Inherent
Authority
in
the
Church
,
from
our
Saviour's
own
Commission
)
but
only
Mr.
Hobbs
,
who
as
he
made
the
Prince
his
own
Priest
,
made
him
his
own
God
too
.
Now
these
two
Principles
laid
together
,
clear
up
the
Nature
and
Title
of
the
Supremacy
of
Sovereign
Princes
,
That
it
is
none
of
that
Spiritual
Power
that
is
lodged
in
the
Church
,
but
a
Temporal
Supremacy
over
all
the
Spiritual
Power
of
it
,
within
his
own
Dominions
.
And
now
if
these
two
Principles
,
that
are
as
certain
as
Christianity
it self
,
were
but
calmly
attended
to
,
they
would
perfectly
silence
all
the
clamours
of
both
the
extreme
Parties
in
this
Controversie
.
Those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
must
cease
their
noise
,
that
we
make
the
King
a
Bishop
,
by
acknowledging
his
Supremacy
in
all
Ecclesiastical
Causes
,
and
over
all
Ecclesiastical
Persons
,
when
upon
this
State
of
the
Question
such
a
Supremacy
over
all
things
and
persons
within
their
Dominions
,
is
inseparable
from
all
Sovereign
Power
,
and
Christianity
,
and
all
the
Power
that
it
brings
along
with
it
,
comes
into
the
World
upon
its
supposition
:
So
that
by
it
we
are
so
far
from
making
the
King
a
Priest
,
that
without
it
,
we
cannot
own
him
to
be
our
King
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
when
we
assert
a
Spiritual
Power
to
the
Church
,
distinct
from
,
though
subject
to
the
King's
Supremacy
,
others
cry
out
Popery
,
Praemunires
,
and
I
know
not
what
hard
names
,
they
would
soon
let
fall
their
out-cry
,
if
they
would
consider
that
it
is
such
a
Power
as
never
any
Prince
exercised
,
or
wittingly
challenged
(
though
it
is
possible
that
some
may
have
run
upon
it
by
mistake
)
and
is
neither
Temporal
nor
Foreign
Jurisdiction
.
And
in
those
two
points
lies
the
malignity
of
the
pretended
Supremacy
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
for
as
it
is
Temporal
,
it
plainly
subjects
the
Regal
Authority
to
its
Empire
;
and
as
it
is
Foreign
,
it
makes
the
whole
Kingdom
Feudatory
,
and
brings
us
into
the
form
of
a
Province
under
an
Italian
Prince
;
both
which
are
such
abuses
of
Government
,
as
evidently
subvert
it
.
Nay
farther
,
as
a
Foreign
Temporal
Jurisdiction
is
inconsistent
with
the
English
Monarchy
;
so
is
all
kind
of
Foreign
Jurisdiction
,
though
meerly
Spiritual
,
irreconcileable
with
the
Prerogative
Royal.
The
reason
and
the
account
whereof
,
I
shall
give
in
its
proper
place
,
when
I
come
to
state
that
easie
,
but
yet
undiscover'd
Point
of
the
Divine
Authority
of
National
Churches
.
All
that
I
am
obliged
to
at
present
is
to
shew
the
difference
between
that
Authority
that
we
assign
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
that
which
the
Bishop
of
Rome
would
Usurp
;
against
which
though
there
were
nothing
else
to
be
objected
but
its
being
Foreign
,
for
that
reason
alone
it
ought
to
be
banisht
the
Nation
as
an
Enemy
to
the
Civil
Government
.
Whereas
the
Authority
of
the
Church
of
England
is
seated
in
the
King
's
own
Subjects
,
who
can
call
them
to
an
account
for
it
,
if
they
use
it
to
his
own
or
his
Subjects
prejudice
,
and
can
as
well
punish
them
for
any
disorders
in
the
abusive
Exercise
of
it
,
as
he
can
any
of
his
own
Officers
for
their
misdemeanors
in
their
trust
in
the
Common-wealth
.
So
that
so
far
is
the
King's
Supremacy
,
as
it
is
stated
in
the
Church
of
England
,
from
entrenching
upon
the
proper
Power
of
the
Church
,
as
the
Romanists
cavil
,
that
it
only
protects
it
in
the
due
exercise
of
its
Jurisdiction
:
And
so
far
is
the
proper
power
of
the
Church
from
disclaiming
or
abating
any
thing
of
the
King's
Supremacy
,
as
the
other
Factions
clamour
,
that
it
first
Establishes
that
upon
the
most
lasting
Foundations
of
Divine
Institution
,
before
it
makes
any
claim
to
its
own
Power
,
and
when
it
does
,
it
does
it
upon
no
other
Terms
then
of
entire
submission
to
its
Supreme
Authority
.
And
now
that
Man
must
wilfully
dream
,
that
can
imagine
such
a
power
as
this
in
the
Church
,
can
be
any
way
prejudicial
to
,
or
detractive
from
the
Civil
Government
;
and
yet
that
such
a
Power
there
is
,
is
an
assertion
worth
no
less
then
our
Christianity
it self
,
that
stands
or
falls
with
it
.
For
if
our
Saviour
have
not
entrusted
his
Church
with
a
Power
within
it self
,
sufficient
to
maintain
it self
by
vertue
of
his
own
Authority
,
then
it
stands
upon
no
stronger
Foundation
then
the
Will
of
the
Sovereign
Power
.
And
then
as
that
can
Establish
,
so
it
can
Abrogate
its
whole
Obligation
;
which
is
plainly
to
say
,
that
it
is
no
True
Religion
,
for
it
is
certainly
none
if
it
relye
only
upon
humane
Authority
.
So
that
all
that
can
be
concluded
in
this
case
is
,
that
upon
supposition
that
our
Christian
Faith
is
an
Imposture
,
there
can
be
no
Power
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
that
for
a
very
good
reason
,
because
then
the
Church
can
be
no
Church
.
But
upon
supposition
that
our
Saviour
founded
it
by
Divine
Authority
,
the
peculiar
Power
of
the
Church
derived
meerly
and
immediately
from
himself
,
without
any
interposition
of
humane
Authority
,
is
the
first
thing
to
be
believed
as
absolutely
necessary
to
its
Being
and
Subsistence
.
But
this
will
appear
with
a
brighter
evidence
,
if
we
consider
the
several
branches
of
Jurisdiction
,
that
as
they
are
complicated
with
the
supposition
of
Christianity
,
so
are
they
such
acts
of
Power
as
no
Sovereign
Power
ever
challenged
,
or
can
with
any
decency
exercise
.
As
the
Power
of
Preaching
the
Gospel
through
all
Nations
of
the
World
,
in
the
Name
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
God
:
The
Power
of
granting
,
or
with-holding
the
Instruments
of
Grace
,
the
Sacraments
of
Baptism
and
the
Eucharist
:
The
Power
of
the
Keys
,
or
judging
who
are
fit
to
be
admitted
into
the
Society
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
who
ought
to
be
cast
out
of
it
for
non-performance
of
the
Conditions
undertaken
at
their
Admittance
:
The
Power
of
instructing
the
People
in
the
Duties
of
Religion
,
or
guiding
and
directing
them
in
the
safest
way
to
Salvation
:
The
Power
of
Ordaining
,
Consecrating
,
and
Constituting
Ecclesiastical
Officers
,
to
succeed
in
the
Government
of
the
Church
through
all
Ages
.
These
are
the
several
points
of
their
Commission
,
and
are
granted
to
be
so
by
Mr.
Hobbs
himself
,
and
that
at
the
very
time
Leviath
.
part.
3.
cap.
42.
when
he
undertakes
to
demonstrate
,
that
all
these
acts
of
Power
are
no
acts
of
Authority
.
And
that
is
one
of
his
choisest
methods
of
Demonstration
in
all
things
,
to
bear
down
the
undenyable
Truth
of
all
things
by
meer
force
of
Assertion
;
thus
here
he
reckons
up
the
chief
Acts
of
Authority
in
the
Apostle's
Commission
,
and
then
will
bear
us
down
that
they
are
no
Acts
of
Authority
,
only
by
saying
so
,
and
that
against
the
Common
Sense
of
Mankind
.
For
if
they
had
a
Commission
from
our
Saviour
to
do
these
things
,
then
were
they
Empowred
and
Authorised
by
their
Commission
to
do
them
.
So
absurd
a
thing
is
it
to
talk
of
acting
by
Commission
without
acting
by
Power
,
whereas
every
Commission
as
such
,
is
granting
so
much
Power
.
And
therefore
if
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
were
Commissioned
by
our
Saviour
to
these
several
Acts
of
their
Office
(
as
he
grants
,
because
it
cannot
be
denyed
)
every
Act
is
an
effect
of
that
Power
that
is
settled
upon
them
by
virtue
of
their
Commission
.
And
is
it
not
strange
,
that
this
witty
Gentleman
should
begin
all
this
Extravagant
discourse
against
all
Power
Ecclesiastical
as
such
,
with
this
very
Assertion
,
That
the
Power
Ecclesiastical
was
at
first
in
the
Apostles
,
and
after
them
in
such
as
received
it
from
the
Apostles
by
successive
laying
on
of
hands
.
What
thickness
of
Contradiction
is
this
,
A
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
and
yet
no
Power
at
all
?
Why
then
if
it
be
no
Power
,
it
is
no
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
and
if
it
be
a
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
then
it
is
some
Power
.
And
then
again
a
Power
by
virtue
of
our
Saviour's
Commission
,
i.
e.
a
Power
warranted
by
Divine
Authority
;
and
to
say
that
this
is
no
Power
,
is
plainly
to
aver●
,
That
there
is
no
such
thing
as
Divine
Authority
.
And
upon
this
supposition
that
lies
at
the
bottom
of
all
this
witty
Authors
folly
and
Philosophy
,
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
there
can
be
no
Ecclesiastical
Power
over
the
Christian
Church
,
either
in
the
Clergy
or
any
Man
else
,
because
upon
it
there
is
neither
Christian
Church
nor
Christian
Religion
,
and
then
it
is
certain
,
that
there
can
be
no
Power
over
nothing
.
So
vain
are
all
the
Attempts
against
that
Authority
that
our
Blessed
Saviour
has
granted
to
the
Apostolical
Succession
,
that
it
cannot
be
removed
by
any
other
Principles
,
then
what
directly
overthrow
Christianity
it self
,
upon
those
Terms
it
must
be
parted
with
,
but
upon
no
other
.
And
though
Mr.
Hobbs
speaks
out
more
boldly
then
his
Neighbours
,
yet
all
the
followers
of
Erastus
,
and
all
that
will
own
●
certain
Form
of
Government
establisht
in
the
Church
by
Divine
Right
,
cannot
avoid
the
Church
of
Leviathan
.
And
therefore
to
proceed
with
him
as
Fore-man
to
speak
for
all
the
rest
,
it
is
evident
that
beside
the
Authority
,
by
which
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
act
,
every
act
that
they
are
enabled
to
by
their
Commission
,
is
in
its
own
Nature
,
and
as
such
an
Authoritative
Act.
First
,
such
is
the
power
of
Preaching
,
and
Teaching
,
i.
e.
the
power
of
publishing
the
Laws
of
the
Gospel
to
all
Nations
,
and
requiring
all
Mens
Obedience
to
them
under
the
sanction
of
the
greatest
Rewards
and
Penalties
.
And
if
Mr.
Hobbs
can
affirm
that
exacting
Obedience
upon
such
terms
be
no
piece
of
Authority
,
it
is
in
vain
either
to
reason
with
himself
,
or
any
other
Man
of
his
Kidney
or
Understanding
.
But
he
proves
it
to
be
so
,
because
The
Apostles
were
Preachers
,
and
Preachers
are
Cryers
,
and
Cryers
have
no
right
to
Command
.
Among
the
many
bad
qualities
in
this
Author's
way
of
writing
,
his
contempt
of
other
Mens
understandings
is
none
of
the
least
,
for
if
he
had
not
a
very
low
Opinion
of
their
intellectual
Abilities
,
he
could
never
have
presumed
to
impose
upon
them
by
such
childish
pretences
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
he
talks
,
not
as
if
he
discoursed
to
Men
,
but
to
Magpies
,
Parots
,
and
Jackdaws
,
that
are
to
learn
to
chatter
his
Dictates
by
Rote
.
For
is
it
not
a
strange
grossness
of
Confidence
,
that
when
our
Blessed
Saviour
came
from
God
to
publish
a
new
Law
to
the
World
,
and
enforce
it
with
the
severest
Penalties
,
and
when
he
gave
the
same
Commission
to
his
Apostles
that
himself
had
received
from
his
Father
,
to
publish
this
Law
to
the
World
,
though
they
do
it
with
all
this
Authority
to
infer
,
that
they
do
it
with
none
at
all
,
because
when
they
declare
their
Message
,
they
open
their
mouths
as
Cryers
do
when
they
make
Proclamations
,
and
so
the
original
Word
signifies
any
kind
of
publick
Declaration
.
And
what
if
it
were
the
proper
term
for
the
Cryers
Office
,
it
may
for
all
that
,
in
common
Speech
be
applyed
to
any
other
way
of
Publication
;
it
will
be
hard
to
find
out
any
one
word
in
the
World
so
severely
stinted
to
its
original
Import
.
However
every
School-boy
could
have
inform'd
the
old
Philosopher
that
this
word
is
not
so
confin'd
,
and
that
it
is
not
,
is
evident
from
the
very
passage
it self
,
because
the
Apostles
that
are
said
to
Proclaim
or
Cry
the
Gospel
to
all
Nations
,
do
not
make
a
simple
Proclamation
,
but
require
Obedience
to
what
they
publish
under
the
most
forcible
obligation
of
Rewards
and
Punishments
.
And
such
Proclamation
as
that
,
whatever
the
term
Proclaiming
may
signifie
in
its
naked
sense
,
brings
with
it
as
much
Authority
as
it
is
possible
for
Government
to
put
in
practice
.
But
he
farther
affirms
,
in
proof
of
no
Authority
in
the
Church
,
That
the
Apostles
and
other
Ministers
of
the
Gospel
are
our
School-Masters
,
and
not
our
Commanders
.
But
beside
that
this
is
an
Arbitrary
Assertion
of
his
own
devising
to
assign
them
the
Office
of
School-Masters
,
for
the
Scripture
no
where
does
so
:
The
Authority
of
a
School-Master
is
some
Authority
,
for
though
he
have
not
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
he
has
that
of
the
Rod
,
and
that
is
as
effectual
for
his
purpose
among
Boys
,
as
the
other
among
Men.
So
that
there
is
no
Logique
in
the
Argument
,
neither
can
I
believe
so
witty
a
Man
to
have
been
so
weak
as
to
have
brought
it
for
that
purpose
,
but
rather
because
he
thought
the
comparison
was
a
witty
slur
upon
Christianity
,
as
if
it
were
as
childish
and
contemptible
an
Office
to
instruct
men
in
it
,
as
it
is
to
teach
Boys
and
Children
their
Elements
of
Speech
.
That
is
a
shrewd
hint
,
though
the
next
comparison
is
much
more
poinant
,
That
our
Saviour
compares
Preaching
to
Fishing
,
i.
e.
to
winning
Men
to
Obedience
,
not
by
coertion
and
punishing
,
but
by
perswasion
,
and
therefore
our
Saviour
calls
not
Apostles
hunters
of
Men
,
but
fishers
of
Men.
Now
though
his
endeavour
to
prove
that
there
is
no
Authority
in
the
Officers
of
the
Church
,
because
they
have
no
Civil
Authority
,
is
altogether
vain
and
trifling
,
because
he
only
presumes
what
no
Man
will
grant
him
,
that
there
is
no
other
Authority
in
the
World
;
yet
here
his
way
of
demonstration
is
somewhat
more
then
usually
pleasant
,
viz.
That
they
were
endued
with
no
power
of
Coertion
,
because
our
Saviour
has
constituted
them
,
not
his
Huntsmen
,
but
his
Fishermen
:
Where
I
think
it
would
require
the
Acuteness
of
Mr.
Hobbs's
wit
to
make
it
out
,
why
there
is
less
Coertion
in
Fishing
,
then
in
Hunting
,
especially
in
Net-fishing
,
which
was
their
former
Trade
,
to
which
he
knows
our
Saviour
there
alludes
;
when
this
mighty
difficulty
is
cleared
up
,
I
may
come
to
understand
the
force
of
the
Argument
,
but
till
then
,
I
must
confess
it
is
above
my
reach
.
But
hitherto
it
is
evident
that
notwithstanding
all
this
Gentleman
's
Grammatical
Demonstrations
from
Cryers
,
School-Masters
,
and
Fishers
,
that
the
Commission
granted
to
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
to
preach
the
Gospel
,
did
not
only
carry
proper
Authority
in
it
,
but
the
highest
sort
of
Authority
,
because
enforced
with
the
greatest
Rewards
and
Penalties
,
and
that
every
man
knows
is
the
very
Life
and
Soul
of
all
Power
.
The
next
branch
of
their
Commission
is
to
Baptize
in
the
Name
of
the
Father
,
the
Son
,
and
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
though
the
Philosopher
would
here
make
himself
merry
,
not
only
with
the
Sacrament
,
but
with
the
Holy
Trinity
,
in
whose
Name
it
is
Administred
,
yet
after
all
his
pains
to
prove
it
no
Authority
,
he
fairly
confesses
,
That
it
is
an
Authority
either
to
Baptize
,
or
refuse
to
Baptize
,
because
Baptism
is
the
Sacrament
of
Allegiance
,
of
them
that
are
to
be
received
into
the
Kingdom
of
God
.
But
certainly
if
they
have
Power
to
grant
or
deny
them
this
Sacrament
,
i.
e.
to
receive
them
into
the
Kingdom
of
God
,
or
shut
them
out
of
it
,
if
there
be
any
such
thing
as
Power
in
the
World
,
there
cannot
be
a
greater
then
this
.
And
consequent
to
this
Authority
,
he
says
,
is
the
Remission
and
Retention
of
Sins
,
or
the
Power
of
Loosing
and
Binding
,
and
for
this
,
I
must
confess
he
gives
a
pertinent
reason
(
for
so
he
is
forced
to
do
sometimes
,
meerly
by
the
truth
of
things
against
his
own
petulant
design
)
For
seeing
to
Baptize
is
to
Declare
the
reception
of
Men
into
Gods
Kingdom
,
and
to
refuse
to
Baptize
is
to
declare
their
Exclusion
;
it
followeth
,
that
the
Power
to
declare
them
cast
out
,
or
retained
in
it
,
was
given
to
the
Apostles
,
and
their
Substitutes
and
Successors
.
And
so
it
does
unavoidably
,
for
they
being
received
upon
certain
conditions
,
those
that
received
them
upon
promise
of
performing
those
Conditions
,
must
have
a
standing
and
perpetual
Power
to
judge
of
their
performance
,
and
accordingly
either
to
continue
them
in
the
Church
or
Kingdom
of
God
,
or
cast
them
out
.
But
would
not
one
take
the
Man
to
be
bereft
of
his
Wits
,
that
should
rave
and
talk
of
nothing
but
the
Authority
and
Power
of
these
Acts
,
whilst
he
is
eagerly
disputing
against
their
being
Acts
of
Power
and
Authority
.
Such
is
the
inconsistency
of
Mr.
Hobbs's
rovings
,
and
how
can
he
help
it
,
whilst
he
would
make
the
Testimony
of
the
Gospel
to
destroy
Christianity
it self
,
for
that
is
the
folly
of
his
undertaking
in
the
Leviathan
,
that
he
would
make
the
Christian
Faith
appear
a
forgery
,
and
prove
it
so
by
the
Scriptures
.
A
contradiction
so
round
,
as
could
never
have
met
in
any
Mans
head
that
had
not
squar'd
the
Circle
and
Demonstratively
proved
from
one
and
the
same
Topick
,
there
must
,
and
that
there
must
not
be
a
God
.
Both
which
he
hath
confidently
undertaken
,
and
in
his
opinion
perform'd
,
and
I
believe
may
sooner
do
it
,
then
prove
the
greatest
Acts
of
Power
in
the
World
to
be
no
Acts
of
Power
at
all
.
But
after
Mr.
Hobbs
has
,
in
spight
of
himself
,
granted
all
that
Authority
to
the
Church
that
he
would
deny
,
and
that
the
Church
can
demand
,
his
next
work
is
to
render
it
useless
and
ridiculous
.
For
first
he
would
place
it
in
the
People
,
but
that
I
shall
not
at
present
dispute
with
him
or
any
other
,
that
deny
the
distinct
Power
of
the
Church
,
for
whether
it
be
in
the
People
or
not
is
all
one
to
their
Assertion
that
it
is
no
where
,
and
the
Seat
of
it
is
another
question
that
supposes
its
being
somewhere
.
Only
by
the
way
it
is
observable
,
how
Mr.
Hobbs
through
his
whole
Book
shelters
his
Prophaneness
under
the
then
Reigning
Principles
of
Independency
;
and
the
truth
is
,
that
wild
Confusion
of
things
is
a
fit
Protection
for
all
sorts
of
folly
and
wickedness
.
For
when
the
Rabble
are
made
Supreme
Judges
in
any
Cause
,
as
they
are
by
the
Independent
Principles
of
all
Causes
both
in
Church
and
State
,
that
is
breach
wide
enough
for
the
Trojan
Horse
to
enter
,
and
leaves
the
Government
of
both
at
the
mercy
of
all
manner
of
Madness
and
Sedition
.
For
the
whole
mystery
of
the
project
concludes
in
this
,
to
leave
every
Man
at
liberty
to
do
what
he
pleases
,
without
being
accountable
for
his
actions
to
any
Superiours
;
and
that
is
in
express
terms
to
abolish
all
Government
,
and
even
break
up
Families
themselves
.
But
though
it
be
advantage
enough
to
subvert
the
Government
,
it
is
much
more
to
invert
it
:
For
all
Resolution
of
Government
into
the
People
sets
the
Feet
upon
the
Head
,
and
the
part
govern'd
above
the
part
governing
:
And
the
result
of
it
,
when
reduced
to
practice
,
is
to
set
up
one
Great
and
Royal
Slave
as
a
mark
for
the
Insolence
of
the
Multitude
.
And
whenever
they
are
put
upon
it
by
Ambitious
Men
to
challenge
their
original
Soveraignty
;
if
the
Prince
have
the
ill
luck
to
fall
into
their
hands
,
they
will
be
sure
to
treat
him
with
a
more
haughty
barbarity
then
they
would
any
other
ordinary
Person
,
thereby
to
shew
the
greatness
of
their
native
Power
.
And
the
wretch
that
durst
be
so
impudent
as
to
spit
in
his
Sovereign's
face
,
perhaps
would
have
scorn'd
to
have
offer'd
the
same
Indignity
to
a
fellow-subject
;
that
had
been
but
a
common
act
of
Power
,
and
only
an
affront
to
an
equal
;
but
to
offer
so
great
an
indignity
to
a
Sovereign
Prince
,
was
truly
becoming
one
that
understood
the
native
greatness
of
his
own
Birth-right
,
being
by
the
original
right
of
Nature
a
more
absolute
Prince
then
the
greatest
Monarch
in
the
World
of
the
Peoples
Creating
.
So
that
upon
these
terms
of
putting
the
Supreme
Power
into
the
Hands
or
the
Heads
of
the
People
,
't
is
to
tell
the
Subjects
,
that
no
Man
has
any
Right
or
Power
to
Govern
them
,
but
as
themselves
think
good
to
be
Govern'd
;
that
is
,
in
a
word
,
that
they
are
under
no
Government
at
all
.
But
secondly
,
Mr.
Hobbs
is
not
content
with
setling
this
Sacred
Power
in
the
prophane
Rabble
,
unless
he
make
it
more
idle
and
ridiculous
,
as
a
Power
of
no
use
and
effect
in
it self
;
because
,
says
he
,
Excommunication
,
which
is
the
only
Penalty
by
which
it
abets
it self
,
is
of
no
effect
upon
an
Apostate
,
having
nothing
of
Damage
or
Terrour
in
it
;
not
of
Terrour
,
because
of
his
unbelief
;
nor
of
Damage
,
because
in
times
of
Persecution
he
is
return'd
thereby
into
favour
with
the
World
:
And
in
the
World
to
come
is
in
no
worse
Estate
,
then
they
which
never
believed
.
It
is
an
hard
task
to
struggle
against
common
Sense
,
it
forces
a
Man
in
every
breath
to
choak
himself
with
swallowing
his
own
words
.
Thus
here
by
Excommunication
,
he
tells
us
,
That
a
Man
is
put
into
an
Estate
,
wherein
his
sins
are
not
forgiven
,
and
so
excluded
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
.
As
great
a
punishment
as
can
be
inflicted
upon
humane
nature
,
if
there
be
any
punishment
in
Hell
;
and
yet
according
to
Mr.
Hobbs
it
is
none
at
all
,
if
Men
will
not
be
afraid
of
it
.
But
whether
they
will
or
will
not
if
Christianity
be
not
a
Lye
(
which
though
he
believed
not
,
he
could
not
suppose
,
for
the
Discourse
,
if
it
be
any
thing
,
proceeds
all
along
upon
that
supposition
)
the
punishment
is
the
same
in
it self
,
and
has
naturally
the
same
effect
.
And
if
some
Men
at
present
are
so
hardy
as
to
despise
it
,
as
some
are
to
out-brave
all
the
punishments
of
this
World
,
till
they
over-reach
them
,
yet
when
it
comes
to
be
actually
inflicted
,
they
feel
its
smart
as
severely
as
the
more
timerous
and
cowardly
Offenders
.
But
when
he
subjoins
,
that
it
can
be
of
no
effect
in
the
World
to
come
,
because
it
puts
them
into
no
worse
Estate
,
then
they
had
been
in
,
if
they
had
never
believed
.
Is
not
that
a
Condition
bad
enough
?
When
by
his
belief
he
obtain'd
Remission
of
his
Sins
,
and
a
Right
to
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
and
when
by
his
Apostacy
he
is
returned
back
into
a
State
of
Condemnation
.
And
is
the
difference
of
these
two
States
so
small
,
that
the
loss
of
one
should
be
no
Damage
,
and
the
suffering
of
the
other
no
Punishment
?
But
beside
this
,
the
State
of
Apostacy
is
much
worse
then
that
of
Infidelity
,
because
Apostates
sin
more
or
less
against
the
Convictions
of
their
own
Conscience
,
and
that
is
the
highest
Aggravation
of
all
sins
,
whereas
Men
may
remain
in
Infidelity
,
through
negligence
,
●●r
want
of
enquiry
,
which
though
a
fault
,
is
by
no
means
so
disingenuous
as
acting
against
knowledge
.
But
as
for
this
Case
of
Apostates
in
time
of
Persecution
,
upon
whom
,
Mr.
Hobbs
says
,
Excommunication
could
have
no
effect
of
Terrour
.
If
indeed
the
Providence
of
God
had
not
given
them
sufficient
evidence
of
their
Faith
,
I
will
grant
it
to
be
true
,
not
only
of
that
,
but
of
all
the
other
Threatnings
of
the
Gospel
.
But
if
God
have
given
sufficient
motives
of
belief
,
(
as
if
the
Gospel
be
not
a
cheat
,
he
has
,
if
it
be
,
all
Mr.
Hobbs's
dispute
is
without
bottom
)
a
Man's
Apostacy
is
no
Fence
against
the
Reflections
of
his
own
Conscience
.
For
though
it
is
in
his
Power
to
deny
his
Faith
for
fear
of
Persecution
,
yet
it
is
not
in
his
Power
to
disbelieve
it
.
So
that
upon
such
a
Man
the
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
by
which
he
is
cast
out
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
lights
with
as
much
Terrour
as
upon
any
other
Believer
.
And
there
is
nothing
more
evident
in
the
History
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
then
the
Efficacy
of
this
Sentence
upon
such
Offenders
.
For
the
greatest
part
of
those
that
fell
in
time
of
Persecution
,
were
by
this
means
alone
recover'd
to
the
Church
,
brought
to
sue
for
pardon
,
and
undergo
very
severe
Penances
,
as
a
satisfaction
for
the
Scandal
.
But
to
what
purpose
do
I
put
my self
to
the
trouble
to
prove
these
things
,
when
all
Mr.
Hobbs's
discourse
upon
this
Argument
,
runs
upon
this
supposition
,
as
if
Christianity
were
but
a
trivial
and
indifferent
thing
,
that
might
,
or
might
not
be
believed
as
Men
variously
fancied
,
or
were
casually
inclined
:
And
upon
that
supposition
I
will
freely
grant
it
to
be
of
as
little
effect
as
he
would
have
it
.
But
if
the
Providence
of
God
hath
given
us
such
a
Demonstrative
Evidence
of
the
Divine
Authority
of
this
Religion
,
that
no
Man
,
who
inquires
into
it
,
can
wink
against
its
Light
,
without
doing
violence
to
his
own
Convictions
,
then
whether
Men
will
or
no
,
it
will
be
a
perpetual
Terrour
to
their
Consciences
.
And
that
this
slight
Opinion
of
the
Evidence
of
Christianity
(
though
upon
what
slight
,
and
indeed
ignorant
pretences
I
have
elsewhere
shewn
)
is
the
bottom
of
Mr.
Hobbs's
meaning
,
is
too
manifest
from
his
next
branch
of
the
Supremacy
of
Sovereign
Powers
,
which
indeed
is
neither
better
nor
worse
then
bare-faced
Blasphemy
.
And
that
is
the
Power
of
making
Scripture
Law
,
i.
e.
Obligatory
:
But
if
that
be
the
state
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
that
it
is
not
at
all
material
,
whether
a
Man
regard
it
or
not
,
for
any
Obligation
or
Authority
in
it self
,
Mr.
Hobbs
is
not
to
be
blamed
,
unless
in
point
of
Prudence
,
for
all
those
irreverend
abuses
,
that
he
has
been
pleased
to
put
upon
it
.
But
if
it
be
made
Law
by
the
Command
of
God
,
as
it
is
,
if
it
be
not
all
imposture
in
pretending
falsly
to
his
Authority
,
then
whatever
the
Sovereign
is
pleased
to
make
of
it
,
Mr.
Hobbs
and
all
his
Followers
,
that
will
allow
it
no
obligation
but
from
Man
,
stand
Convicted
of
the
most
manifest
Treason
and
Blasphemy
against
the
Sovereign
Lord
of
all
,
and
this
part
of
Ecclesiastical
Supremacy
of
making
Scripture
Law
,
that
they
give
to
Kings
,
they
take
away
from
God
himself
.
After
all
this
rank
prophaneness
,
it
is
almost
needless
to
consider
his
last
branch
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
viz.
the
Right
of
Ordaining
,
and
Constituting
Ecclesiastical
Officers
,
not
only
because
it
is
of
the
same
Nature
and
derived
from
the
same
Divine
Authority
,
with
all
the
other
particulars
of
the
Apostolical
Commission
,
but
because
himself
grants
it
in
general
by
placing
it
in
the
People
.
For
if
it
be
any
where
,
that
is
enough
against
himself
,
that
denies
all
manner
of
Power
in
the
Church
,
but
most
of
all
because
he
has
confessed
(
and
no
Man
can
deny
it
)
the
whole
truth
of
the
matter
both
against
the
Hobbist
and
the
Independant
too
;
viz.
That
the
Apostles
conveighed
their
Authority
to
their
Successors
,
whom
themselves
Deputed
and
Ordained
by
Imposition
of
hands
,
and
if
so
,
this
Power
of
constituting
Successors
resided
in
them
alone
,
because
no
Man
could
be
constituted
an
Officer
in
the
Church
,
but
by
their
Imposition
of
hands
,
or
those
to
whom
by
it
they
Transmitted
their
Power
.
So
that
whatever
interest
they
might
permit
the
People
in
their
Choice
or
Nomination
of
their
Officers
,
the
whole
power
of
Constituting
them
in
their
Office
and
Authority
lay
in
themselves
alone
.
§.
IV.
But
Mr.
Hobbs
having
hitherto
treated
of
the
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
as
it
stood
before
the
Conversion
of
Kings
,
and
Men
endued
with
Sovereign
Civil
Power
;
and
after
his
rate
of
Demonstration
proved
it
to
be
no
Power
at
all
whilst
vested
in
the
Pastors
of
the
Church
;
he
comes
now
to
prove
,
that
it
is
lodged
in
Civil
Sovereigns
,
upon
their
Conversion
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
that
when
it
comes
to
them
,
it
becomes
true
and
proper
Power
.
But
before
I
consider
his
small
Arguments
,
I
cannot
understand
why
that
which
was
no
Power
before
,
becomes
Power
now
:
There
can
be
but
one
reason
for
it
,
and
that
is
too
obvious
in
all
Mr.
Hobbs's
Writings
,
viz.
Because
it
is
now
abetted
with
the
Penalties
of
this
life
,
whereas
before
it
was
only
abetted
with
the
Penalties
of
the
life
to
come
;
so
that
the
plain
English
of
the
Assertion
,
if
spoken
out
,
is
this
,
that
there
are
no
penalties
at
all
but
in
this
life
,
and
then
I
must
confess
,
that
the
power
of
the
Church
can
be
no
Power
till
complicated
with
the
Civil
Power
.
But
the
man
that
discourses
upon
such
Principles
as
these
,
has
nothing
to
do
with
the
Christian
Religion
,
or
any
thing
relating
to
it
.
But
secondly
,
Which
way
came
this
Power
into
Civil
Sovereigns
?
Our
Saviour
left
it
to
his
Apostles
,
and
they
delivered
it
down
by
Imposition
of
Hands
to
others
,
who
were
to
conveigh
it
in
the
same
manner
of
Succession
through
all
Ages
,
how
then
came
Civil
Sovereigns
by
it
?
If
any
were
Ordain'd
to
it
,
they
had
it
by
virtue
of
their
Ordination
,
not
their
Right
of
Sovereignty
;
if
they
were
not
,
which
way
could
they
become
possessed
of
a
Power
,
that
was
never
derived
to
them
in
the
way
of
Ordination
,
which
is
the
only
way
in
which
it
can
be
conveighed
,
and
therefore
if
they
have
it
not
that
way
,
they
can
never
have
it
any
other
.
As
for
the
Principle
upon
which
he
founds
this
Power
of
the
Civil
Sovereign
,
though
it
be
true
in
it self
,
yet
it
is
no
proper
reason
for
what
he
would
infer
from
it
,
viz.
That
the
Right
of
judging
what
Doctrines
are
fit
for
Peace
,
and
to
be
taught
the
Subjects
is
in
all
Common-wealths
inseparably
annexed
to
the
Sovereign
Power
Civil
.
This
is
undoubtedly
true
,
that
they
are
the
proper
Judges
of
what
conduces
to
the
peace
and
quiet
of
Government
;
but
then
this
Power
is
common
to
Heathen
as
well
as
Christian
Soveraigns
,
they
are
all
equally
concern'd
,
and
obliged
to
take
care
of
the
Publick
Peace
;
so
that
this
Power
does
not
accrue
to
the
Civil
Sovereign
by
his
becoming
Christian
,
but
was
antecedently
and
inseparably
annex'd
to
the
Sovereign
Power
.
And
therefore
't
is
but
a
vain
distinction
that
Mr.
Hobbs
makes
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Power
of
Princes
,
before
and
after
the
Conversion
of
Civil
Sovereigns
.
When
before
it
,
they
have
all
a
right
of
judging
what
Doctrines
are
fit
for
Peace
,
that
being
inseparably
annex't
to
all
Sovereign
Power
;
and
after
it
,
they
have
no
more
as
Sovereign
Princes
.
And
then
if
the
Ecclesiastical
Power
rested
in
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
before
the
Conversion
of
Civil
Sovereigns
,
it
must
do
so
ever
after
,
for
they
could
not
lose
that
Power
that
was
left
them
by
our
Saviour
,
any
other
way
,
but
by
his
own
actual
transferring
it
to
another
;
which
he
having
not
done
,
it
continues
,
as
and
where
it
was
first
setled
.
So
that
Sovereigns
as
Christian
,
as
they
lose
no
Power
they
gain
none
,
their
Power
is
in
both
Cases
Supreme
from
the
nature
of
Sovereignty
.
But
beside
all
this
,
because
they
have
a
right
to
judge
of
all
things
,
as
far
as
they
concern
the
Civil
Peace
,
it
is
an
inference
that
only
becomes
Mr.
Hobbs's
Principles
,
to
conclude
that
this
gives
them
a
power
of
judging
what
is
fittest
to
promote
the
Salvation
of
their
Subjects
Souls
in
the
World
to
come
.
And
yet
that
is
the
true
and
proper
Province
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
so
to
guide
and
govern
the
Church
in
this
World
,
as
to
bring
the
Members
of
it
to
Heaven
hereafter
.
And
that
is
somewhat
more
then
meerly
to
provide
for
the
Civil
Peace
,
and
therefore
a
right
to
that
,
cannot
give
any
right
to
this
,
especially
when
it
is
by
express
Commission
settled
in
another
order
of
Men.
All
True
Religion
is
indeed
very
serviceable
to
the
Interests
of
Peace
and
Government
,
and
so
far
it
concerns
the
Civil
Power
,
as
such
,
to
abett
its
force
with
Civil
Laws
.
But
then
it
has
a
much
farther
prospect
into
the
World
to
come
,
and
the
care
of
that
is
committed
by
our
Saviour
to
a
particular
Order
of
Men
Consecrated
to
that
Office
.
How
this
Power
comes
not
to
interfere
with
the
Civil
,
but
is
subject
to
it
,
will
be
shewn
in
the
next
place
,
but
our
present
business
is
only
to
assert
its
Right
.
And
that
is
so
apparent
from
the
whole
design
and
nature
of
Christianity
,
that
it
cannot
subsist
without
it
.
For
if
our
Saviour
enacted
the
Christian
Law
and
founded
the
Christian
Church
,
not
by
Civil
but
Divine
Authority
;
if
he
Instituted
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
to
govern
it
,
then
their
Right
of
Government
stands
upon
the
same
bottom
with
the
truth
of
Christianity
.
And
if
it
be
true
that
the
Christian
Church
was
planted
in
the
World
by
Divine
Authority
,
it
is
as
true
,
that
they
have
a
right
to
Govern
it
by
the
same
Authority
.
This
is
so
undeniable
to
common
Sense
,
that
Mr.
Hobbs
has
no
way
to
avoid
it
,
but
by
denying
our
Saviour's
own
Supremacy
at
present
,
in
that
his
Kingdom
is
not
to
begin
till
after
the
Resurrection
.
But
beside
the
falshood
and
the
wickedness
of
the
Assertion
,
whereby
Christianity
is
made
of
no
force
or
use
in
this
World
,
in
that
no
Man
can
be
obliged
to
obey
its
Precepts
,
because
our
Saviour
has
not
power
to
make
it
Law
,
till
he
enters
upon
his
Kingdom
,
and
that
is
not
till
after
the
end
of
the
World
.
Beside
this
,
I
say
,
who
could
think
that
any
Man
that
reads
the
Gospel
,
could
be
so
extravagantly
foolish
as
to
dream
,
that
it
was
not
intended
for
present
Obligation
,
and
that
no
Man
is
bound
to
obey
any
part
of
it
before
the
day
of
Judgment
,
when
that
day
is
appointed
on
purpose
for
the
distribution
of
Rewards
and
Punishments
,
according
to
Mens
discharge
of
their
Duty
towards
it
?
Mr.
Hobbs
would
,
in
my
Opinion
,
have
asserted
with
much
more
modesty
,
that
God
Almighty
had
sent
his
Son
into
the
World
upon
a
sleeveless
Errand
,
though
that
is
as
rank
Blasphemy
as
can
be
vented
;
then
with
so
much
formality
go
about
to
prove
out
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
themselves
,
that
his
coming
into
it
is
to
no
purpose
,
because
it
takes
no
effect
whilst
the
World
lasts
.
This
is
to
fasten
upon
the
Almighty
such
another
piece
of
folly
,
as
his
Politiques
have
run
himself
into
in
another
Case
,
when
he
tells
the
World
,
that
the
serious
belief
of
Religion
is
necessary
to
Government
,
and
yet
that
all
Religion
is
nothing
but
an
Artifice
of
State
;
and
then
it
is
really
no
Religion
,
nor
can
be
seriously
believed
,
and
so
can
do
no
service
to
Government
.
So
here
he
makes
God
himself
to
send
his
Son
into
the
World
to
publish
a
Law
,
by
Obedience
to
which
,
Men
may
purchase
to
themselves
a
State
of
Salvation
in
the
World
to
come
;
and
yet
at
the
same
time
makes
the
same
God
to
declare
that
this
Law
,
for
the
publication
whereof
he
sent
his
Son
into
the
World
,
is
of
no
force
in
this
World
to
which
it
was
publisht
,
and
that
no
Man
whilst
he
lives
is
under
any
obligation
of
Obedience
to
it
.
Upon
this
supposition
would
not
any
Man
conclude
,
that
our
Saviour
might
very
well
have
spared
all
his
pains
,
and
not
have
been
in
so
much
hast
,
and
put
himself
to
so
much
trouble
for
Enacting
a
Law
to
no
purpose
,
but
rather
to
have
deferr'd
its
publication
to
the
next
World
,
in
which
it
was
to
Commence
its
Use
and
Obligation
?
But
the
true
Consequence
of
this
Evasion
is
a
clear
Demonstration
of
the
distinct
power
of
the
Christian
Church
,
when
there
is
no
way
to
take
this
away
but
by
abrogating
our
Saviour's
own
Authority
.
For
if
all
Ecclesiastical
Power
be
in
the
Civil
Sovereign
,
then
he
has
none
,
and
so
Mr.
Hobbs
,
to
be
consistent
with
his
Principle
,
says
he
has
not
,
while
there
are
Civil
Sovereigns
in
the
World
.
But
if
he
have
any
,
he
has
power
to
Depute
what
Officers
he
pleases
,
and
by
virtue
of
their
Deputation
they
have
a
Power
as
independent
upon
the
Sovereign
Power
,
as
that
Authority
from
which
their
Power
is
derived
.
So
that
to
take
away
the
distinct
Power
of
the
Church
,
as
it
was
settled
by
our
Saviour
upon
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
,
is
in
plain
terms
to
deny
his
Power
as
well
as
theirs
.
For
if
they
had
a
right
to
it
at
first
by
his
Grant
,
and
if
his
grant
be
of
any
Validity
,
they
have
the
same
for
ever
.
So
dangerous
a
thing
is
it
if
Men
would
seriously
consider
,
to
disown
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
it
is
no
less
then
renouncing
our
Saviour's
own
Authority
.
And
I
am
confident
no
Christian
Prince
would
ever
accept
of
any
Supremacy
of
Power
upon
such
terms
,
and
yet
if
he
challenge
to
himself
,
though
but
a
share
of
that
Power
,
that
our
Saviour
has
left
to
the
Apostolical
Succession
,
he
must
plainly
invade
that
original
Authority
in
our
Saviour
himself
from
whom
they
hold
it
.
So
tha●●hough
we
could
suppose
any
Prince
so
prophane
,
as
Mr.
Hobbs
would
make
all
Princes
,
yet
we
cannot
imagine
any
Man
so
impudent
as
to
take
up
his
Supremacy
upon
no
better
terms
then
of
Renouncing
his
Saviour
,
for
so
does
every
one
that
denies
his
distinct
Authority
,
and
takes
it
to
himself
.
So
inseparably
is
the
right
of
Governing
the
Christian
Church
annexed
to
the
Apostolical
Office
by
virtue
of
our
Saviour's
Divine
Authority
,
that
to
take
it
from
them
and
place
it
any
where
else
,
is
open
Rebellion
against
the
Soveraignty
of
God
himself
.
Thus
far
have
I
consider'd
the
wild
Consequence
of
that
Opinion
,
that
gives
all
Power
in
the
Christian
Church
to
the
Civil
Magistrate
,
and
shewn
,
not
only
that
it
gives
them
what
no
Prince
was
ever
so
Extravagant
as
to
challenge
,
a
Power
to
Administer
the
Sacraments
,
a
Power
to
Ordain
Ecclesiastical
Officers
,
a
Power
to
do
all
those
Offices
that
are
known
all
the
World
over
to
be
proper
only
to
the
Ecclesiastical
Function
,
but
withal
,
that
it
apparently
takes
away
all
Authority
from
our
Saviour
himself
.
And
this
in
the
Conclusion
of
all
I
must
say
for
Mr.
Hobbs
,
that
though
he
sticks
not
to
own
all
these
bad
Consequences
,
he
affirms
no
more
then
what
he
is
forced
to
by
his
first
Assertion
,
and
whoever
gives
the
proper
Ecclesiastical
Power
to
the
Civil
Sovereign
,
if
he
will
not
own
Mr.
Hobbs
his
Consequences
,
must
quit
his
own
Assertion
.
And
this
I
shall
prove
in
its
proper
place
,
upon
all
the
followers
of
Erastus
,
that
will
not
acknowledge
any
form
of
Ecclesiastical
Government
settled
by
Divine
Right
,
they
must
Renounce
their
Christianity
,
and
be
Baptized
into
the
Church
of
Leviathan
.
§.
V.
And
now
having
avoided
these
two
dangerous
extremes
,
one
whereof
destroys
our
Government
,
and
the
other
our
Religion
,
upon
the
supposition
of
the
Truth
of
the
Premisses
,
there
are
,
and
ever
must
be
in
all
Kingdoms
and
Common-wealths
,
where
Christianity
is
Entertain'd
and
Protected
,
two
distinct
Jurisdictions
,
so
as
that
if
we
confound
them
both
together
,
or
that
either
invade
or
intrench
upon
the
other
,
it
is
as
much
as
our
Christianity
is
worth
,
and
the
wrong
either
way
will
light
at
last
upon
our
Saviour's
own
Authority
.
For
if
the
Priest
challenge
any
Temporal
Jurisdiction
,
as
derived
from
our
Saviour
;
beside
the
violation
of
the
Rights
of
Sovereign
Powers
,
he
directly
affronts
his
Masters
own
Government
,
and
in
effect
disclaims
it
.
For
his
Kingdom
is
purely
Spiritual
,
and
he
becomes
our
Lord
and
Saviour
by
virtue
of
his
Supremacy
over
it
;
and
therefore
to
pretend
to
any
Power
of
another
Nature
from
him
as
head
of
his
Church
,
is
the
thing
that
I
charge
with
turning
Christ
into
Mahomet
,
and
forces
upon
him
in
spight
of
his
own
Protestation
against
it
,
a
Temporal
Dominion
.
Which
is
such
an
abuse
of
his
Institution
,
and
such
a
contradiction
to
his
whole
Design
,
that
to
call
him
Impostor
would
not
be
a
greater
Blasphemy
.
For
this
implies
no
less
then
that
under
pretence
of
such
a
Religious
and
Innocent
design
of
erecting
a
Kingdom
but
not
of
this
World
,
he
really
intended
no
other
Design
then
to
advance
an
Universal
Empire
over
all
the
World
,
and
all
the
Sovereign
Powers
of
it
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
if
a
Sovereign
Prince
shall
assume
to
himself
the
Exercise
of
that
Power
,
that
is
peculiarly
vested
in
the
Governors
and
Officers
of
the
Church
,
and
so
take
upon
him
the
sole
Government
of
it
as
such
,
instead
of
Governing
the
Church
he
destroys
it
,
when
every
Church
as
a
Church
is
capable
of
no
other
Government
,
then
what
was
delegated
to
the
Apostolical
Office
by
our
Saviour's
own
special
Commission
,
after
the
full
settlement
of
the
Rights
of
Sovereign
Princes
.
So
that
after
this
,
for
them
to
take
it
to
themselves
,
is
to
act
not
only
without
,
but
against
our
Saviour's
own
express
Commission
,
when
he
has
so
particularly
appropriated
that
Power
to
another
Order
of
Men.
Neither
is
it
only
an
encroachment
upon
our
Saviour's
own
Authority
,
but
an
assuming
of
it
to
himself
.
In
that
the
Prince
thereby
Challenges
the
Supreme
Government
of
our
Saviour's
Kingdom
,
without
any
Commission
from
him
,
and
then
has
it
by
virtue
of
his
own
Title
,
and
not
of
our
Saviour's
Grant
,
and
then
is
our
Saviour
plainly
turn'd
out
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
another
seated
in
his
Throne
.
Now
this
being
the
true
State
of
the
Christian
Church
,
the
grand
difficulty
that
follows
upon
it
,
and
that
has
hitherto
so
much
puzled
most
Men
in
this
Debate
,
is
the
danger
of
Competition
between
two
Supreme
Powers
.
For
if
they
happen
to
contradict
each
other
,
as
of
later
time
they
have
too
often
done
,
who
shall
over-rule
?
If
a
man
obey
his
Prince
contrary
to
the
Prescription
of
his
Spiritual
Guide
,
he
may
endanger
his
Soul
;
if
he
obey
the
Bishop
,
he
disobeys
his
Prince
,
and
thereby
forfeits
his
Neck
to
Justice
.
This
Knot
is
thought
so
difficult
,
that
instead
of
untying
it
,
it
is
generally
cut
asunder
,
and
the
competition
avoided
by
denying
the
distinction
.
Thus
the
Romanists
that
are
the
high
flying
Assertors
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
unanimously
confine
all
the
Power
of
Sovereign
Princes
to
things
Secular
,
and
take
away
all
Authority
from
them
in
matters
Ecclesiastical
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
the
greatest
part
of
those
that
Assert
the
Royal
Supremacy
,
deny
any
Jurisdiction
at
all
in
Ecclesiastical
Officers
,
making
their
whole
Function
meerly
Ministerial
,
or
nothing
but
a
right
to
perform
and
administer
the
Offices
of
the
Church
,
but
as
for
any
Power
or
Jurisdiction
in
it
,
they
have
none
but
what
is
granted
by
the
Civil
Magistrate
.
But
both
these
run
into
all
the
fore-mention'd
ill
Consequences
,
the
first
by
denying
the
King's
Supremacy
over
all
things
within
his
own
Dominions
:
The
second
by
denying
our
Saviour's
Supremacy
over
his
Catholick
Church
in
all
places
,
by
which
he
has
every
where
settled
a
Power
in
his
Deputies
,
distinct
from
the
Power
of
Princes
;
so
that
either
of
these
Extremes
,
howsoever
minc'd
and
stated
,
still
carry
us
upon
the
same
Precipice
.
Though
this
difficulty
becomes
so
much
the
more
nice
,
because
of
the
more
Ancient
Possession
of
Sovereign
Powers
:
in
that
before
the
Institution
of
the
Christian
Church
they
govern'd
their
Kingdoms
without
Competitors
;
and
therefore
have
reason
to
be
jealous
of
this
new
Authority
,
as
an
encroachment
upon
their
old
Soveraignty
.
For
whereas
before
the
setting
up
of
this
,
the
whole
and
sole
Power
within
their
Dominions
was
in
themselves
,
now
they
seem
to
enjoy
but
a
kind
of
divided
Empire
,
and
see
another
erected
in
it
,
backt
by
no
less
Authority
then
the
immediate
and
miraculous
Power
of
God
himself
,
and
that
is
greater
then
the
greatest
Power
upon
Earth
;
so
that
by
it
they
seem
not
only
to
be
rivall'd
but
over-topt
in
their
Authority
.
That
is
that
Providence
that
had
hitherto
made
them
Supreme
under
it self
within
their
own
Dominions
,
seems
hereby
to
introduce
a
Superiour
Power
over
their
Heads
,
by
his
own
more
immediate
Institution
.
All
which
seems
to
be
an
unavoidable
contradiction
to
the
first
Principle
that
I
have
laid
of
a
Christian
Church
,
that
it
makes
no
alteration
or
abatement
of
the
Rights
of
Sovereign
Princes
.
But
all
these
difficulties
as
big
and
as
dreadful
as
they
may
appear
at
first
view
,
are
clearly
scatter'd
by
one
very
easie
and
obvious
consideration
.
And
that
is
,
that
the
Christian
Church
,
as
it
is
endued
with
no
Temporal
Authority
,
or
Power
of
the
Sword
,
so
all
the
Authority
that
it
has
is
founded
upon
the
Cross
of
Christ
,
and
that
obliges
all
that
own
it
to
a
more
entire
and
resign'd
submission
to
Civil
Government
,
then
Men
could
have
been
brought
under
by
any
other
way
without
its
Institution
.
So
that
the
Erection
of
our
Saviour's
new
Kingdom
within
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Earth
upon
the
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
is
so
far
from
defrauding
Sovereign
Princes
of
their
Ancient
Authority
,
that
it
is
its
greatest
improvement
and
inforcement
;
but
especially
it
makes
the
Power
of
Christian
Sovereign●
more
absolute
then
all
other
Powers
that
are
not
Christian
,
and
even
to
these
it
raises
their
Soveraignty
higher
then
it
was
before
,
over
all
their
Christian
Subjects
,
by
binding
them
to
a
stricter
Allegiance
then
their
own
Laws
;
and
of
all
other
Christians
,
those
that
have
the
highest
Authority
in
the
Church
are
obliged
by
their
very
Office
to
the
most
humble
,
peaceable
,
and
absolute
submission
to
the
worst
of
Governments
.
All
which
considerations
render
Christianity
the
most
easie
of
any
Religion
in
the
World
for
compliance
with
the
peace
and
quiet
of
Government
.
And
first
,
as
for
the
Notion
of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
it
is
singular
to
Christianity
.
For
all
other
Religions
both
of
Jews
and
Gentiles
had
some
Worldly
interest
twisted
with
them
;
but
our
Saviour
to
avoid
all
mixtures
of
Hypocrisie
,
abstracts
his
Institution
from
all
considerations
,
unless
of
the
World
to
come
.
And
therefore
first
Erects
his
Kingdom
,
not
only
without
any
Promise
of
any
advantages
of
this
life
,
but
to
let
his
followers
know
what
they
were
to
trust
to
by
the
Principles
of
his
Religion
,
with
a
certain
assurance
of
the
loss
of
all
the
comforts
of
life
,
and
at
last
life
it self
.
So
evident
is
it
from
the
original
Constitution
of
the
Christian
Church
,
that
it
is
so
far
from
giving
Men
any
claims
of
Worldly
Interest
,
that
meerly
as
they
are
Christians
,
they
are
obliged
,
whenever
they
are
called
to
it
,
to
renounce
them
all
.
And
this
Doctrine
lying
at
the
Foundation
of
Christianity
,
our
Saviour
was
careful
to
settle
it
in
the
first
place
.
When
he
gives
his
Disciples
their
first
Commission
to
preach
the
Gospel
to
all
Nations
,
that
is
the
first
Condition
that
he
teaches
them
to
require
of
all
Proselytes
,
He
that
taketh
not
up
his
Cross
and
followeth
after
me
,
is
not
worthy
of
me
.
i.
e.
He
that
takes
not
up
his
Religion
upon
condition
of
taking
up
the
Cross
too
,
is
no
true
Christian.
By
which
expression
of
taking
up
the
Cross
,
is
signified
the
under-going
of
all
kind
of
Calamities
,
of
which
the
Cross
was
the
greatest
,
being
the
most
shameful
and
most
painful
punishment
that
was
used
at
that
time
:
And
therefore
Plato
in
his
Description
of
a
perfect
good-Man
,
that
nothing
shall
fright
out
of
his
Duty
and
Conscience
,
says
of
him
,
that
when
he
has
suffered
all
miseries
,
he
will
endure
to
be
Crucified
too
.
So
that
the
meaning
of
our
Saviour's
words
is
plainly
this
,
Let
no
Man
expect
any
Worldly
profit
by
following
me
,
and
therefore
not
pretend
that
I
gave
him
any
ground
for
it
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
such
is
the
nature
of
my
Institution
,
that
whoever
will
undertake
it
,
it
must
be
upon
no
less
condition
then
this
,
that
he
be
willing
and
ready
to
suffer
all
manner
of
Persecutions
for
it
,
even
the
scandalous
death
of
the
Cross
it self
.
So
plain
is
it
,
that
Christianity
when
it
meets
with
any
Opposition
,
is
to
maintain
it self
by
nothing
but
suffering
to
use
no
weapon
but
the
Cross
,
and
Men
that
are
indispensably
obliged
to
such
an
absolute
submission
,
are
sufficiently
tyed
up
,
if
any
such
thing
be
possible
,
from
creating
any
disturbance
to
the
Civil
State
;
for
what
greater
security
can
be
contrived
against
that
,
then
that
Men
should
be
bound
by
the
first
Principle
of
their
Religion
,
with
meekness
and
cheerfulness
to
resign
up
their
Lives
to
the
pleasure
of
the
Government
.
So
it
is
in
the
case
of
Christianity
,
they
have
nothing
to
plead
but
their
own
innocence
,
and
if
that
will
not
satisfie
,
they
have
no
Authority
from
our
Saviour
to
upbraid
the
Power
that
condemns
them
,
and
Remonstrate
to
the
Justice
of
the
Court
,
but
instead
of
that
are
obliged
to
undergo
its
Sentence
as
he
did
with
all
manner
of
meekness
and
silence
.
Here
is
no
disputing
the
Commands
of
Princes
,
whether
right
or
wrong
,
nothing
but
absolute
submission
to
their
most
unjust
and
illegal
Proceedings
,
much
less
any
opposition
to
their
most
unwarrantable
Commands
,
nor
any
weapon
of
defence
but
laying
down
their
Lives
after
their
great
Masters
Example
in
submission
to
the
Government
.
This
is
the
true
and
honest
state
of
the
Christian
Church
,
that
every
Man
be
faithful
to
the
Laws
of
his
Religion
,
and
if
he
suffer
for
it
,
he
shall
be
compensated
with
those
Rewards
that
his
Religion
Promises
,
and
that
is
compensation
enough
for
all
that
he
can
suffer
in
this
World
;
and
if
he
take
it
not
up
with
this
condition
,
it
is
not
the
Christian
Religion
that
he
takes
up
,
for
it
is
no
Christian
Religion
without
the
Cross.
And
so
our
Saviour
has
all
along
stated
the
matter
upon
all
occasions
.
And
it
being
so
stated
,
it
is
easie
to
understand
,
how
in
cases
of
the
greatest
competition
,
both
Powers
so
prevail
at
the
same
time
,
as
to
attain
both
their
respective
Ends.
For
by
it
the
Civil
Power
must
over-rule
as
to
all
effects
of
this
life
,
and
when
it
is
to
be
thus
gently
submitted
to
in
its
most
unjust
Decrees
,
that
is
a
full
security
of
the
Peace
and
Quiet
of
this
World
,
and
that
is
the
proper
end
for
which
it
was
instituted
.
And
the
Spiritual
Power
attains
its
effect
,
as
to
the
World
to
come
,
i.
e.
the
salvation
of
the
Souls
of
Men
by
their
Conscientious
Loyalty
to
their
Saviour
and
his
Laws
;
and
that
is
all
that
it
aims
at
,
and
that
every
Professor
of
it
ought
to
pretend
to
.
This
is
so
plain
and
evident
in
the
whole
practice
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
that
one
would
wonder
that
any
Man
should
ever
dream
that
true
Christianity
could
any
way
interfere
with
Civil
Government
.
For
when
the
Powers
of
the
World
at
that
time
,
particularly
the
Governors
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
being
under
a
mistaken
apprehension
that
the
new
Christian
Religion
aim'd
at
Innovation
in
Government
,
endeavour'd
by
all
the
methods
of
Cruelty
to
stop
its
progress
,
the
Christians
who
were
all
bound
openly
to
profess
their
Faith
,
and
some
of
them
to
propagate
it
in
publick
,
notwithstanding
all
that
bloody
opposition
that
was
made
against
it
,
went
on
in
their
work
without
creating
any
the
least
disturbance
to
their
Governors
,
unless
what
they
gave
themselves
by
their
own
needless
outrage
against
them
.
For
all
that
they
did
in
their
own
defence
was
only
to
declare
,
that
how
much
soever
they
were
displeased
with
the
Christian
Religion
,
they
could
have
no
ground
or
provocation
to
persecute
it
,
because
it
was
not
only
by
its
Laws
,
but
by
its
very
Constitution
,
in
the
first
place
tender
of
all
the
Rights
of
Civil
Government
;
but
if
notwithstanding
that
they
were
resolved
to
proceed
against
them
,
they
had
nothing
more
to
say
or
do
for
themselves
,
then
to
lay
down
their
Lives
with
all
possible
meekness
,
in
submission
to
their
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
and
hoped
they
would
not
take
it
for
any
piece
of
stubbornness
or
affected
disobedience
,
that
they
would
not
Renounce
their
Faith
,
nor
quit
their
hopes
in
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
out
of
compliance
with
their
Commands
,
when
they
saw
them
so
much
in
good
earnest
as
to
be
ready
to
lay
down
their
Lives
out
of
pure
submission
to
their
Authority
.
Such
a
competition
as
this
cannot
be
avoided
upon
the
supposition
of
the
real
Truth
of
Christianity
,
but
then
upon
supposition
of
its
Nature
,
it
is
impossible
that
it
can
be
any
way
prejudicial
to
Civil
Government
,
to
which
by
its
obligation
to
peaceable
suffering
under
it
,
it
cannot
avoid
to
discharge
its
whole
duty
of
subjection
to
it
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
though
this
is
the
real
state
of
Christianity
in
it self
,
it
cannot
be
expected
that
its
Professors
should
be
so
perfect
and
so
free
from
passion
,
but
that
they
may
be
provoked
to
resistance
by
Oppression
.
To
this
it
is
easily
answered
,
that
how
much
soever
the
Christian
Religion
allows
for
other
infirmities
of
Flesh
and
Blood
,
this
is
open
defiance
and
contradiction
to
it
;
so
that
the
Man
that
pretends
to
Christianity
,
and
yet
can
be
prevail'd
upon
by
any
Temptation
to
entertain
one
thought
of
it
,
is
a
Villain
,
a
Cut-throat
,
a
Traytor
,
and
a
Rebel
,
not
only
against
his
King
,
but
his
Saviour
.
And
therefore
whenever
Princes
are
encountred
with
any
pretences
whatsoever
of
disturbance
upon
the
account
of
Religion
,
for
that
very
reason
alone
they
ought
to
cut
them
off
as
the
most
incorrigible
and
most
unpardonable
sort
of
Traytors
.
And
if
they
are
Christians
themselves
,
and
have
any
kindness
for
the
honour
of
their
Religion
,
to
make
such
shameless
pretenders
to
it
,
the
Examples
of
their
utmost
severity
,
it
is
the
very
top
of
all
Blasphemy
,
as
well
as
Rebellion
.
In
short
,
there
can
be
nothing
more
evident
then
this
,
that
Christianity
it self
,
as
it
is
founded
upon
the
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
can
never
do
any
harm
to
Civil
Government
,
so
if
it
be
ever
abused
and
prophaned
to
such
designs
,
they
that
do
it
are
the
worst
of
Villains
,
that
deserve
the
utmost
punishment
that
can
be
inflicted
upon
them
in
this
life
,
and
will
be
sure
to
meet
with
it
in
the
life
to
come
.
And
that
I
think
is
all
that
it
is
possible
for
any
Law
to
do
,
to
deterr
those
that
it
would
oblige
from
offending
against
it
,
by
all
the
Penalties
that
God
or
Man
can
inflict
.
§.
VI.
But
secondly
,
beside
this
general
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
that
cuts
up
the
very
Roots
of
all
resistance
to
Lawful
Powers
,
there
are
great
numbers
of
particular
Laws
,
peculiar
to
this
Religion
,
that
lop
off
all
its
Branches
and
Pretences
,
by
advancing
the
Reverence
that
is
due
to
Authority
;
and
requiring
from
all
that
profess
any
Obedience
to
that
,
a
more
accurate
Obedience
and
Subjection
to
their
Governors
,
then
their
Governors
could
have
obliged
them
to
by
their
own
Authority
.
So
that
of
all
Men
the
Christian
must
be
the
best
Subject
by
his
very
profession
;
so
far
is
he
from
being
brought
under
any
probable
Temptation
of
disrespect
to
his
Superiours
by
his
Christianity
,
that
by
that
,
be
his
Governours
what
they
will
,
Caligula's
,
Nero's
or
Domitian's
,
he
is
bound
by
a
new
obligation
,
under
no
less
penalty
than
the
Divine
displeasure
,
to
give
them
the
highest
honour
and
the
lowest
subjection
.
It
were
an
endless
work
to
enumerate
all
passages
in
the
Holy
Scripture
to
this
purpose
,
it
being
more
frequently
and
more
earnestly
urged
then
any
other
duty
,
because
(
as
Mr.
B.
very
well
observes
in
his
Book
of
the
Lawfulness
of
Rebellion
)
Every
Man
is
naturally
selfish
and
proud
,
Holy
Common-wealth
Thes.
377.
and
apt
to
break
the
bounds
that
God
hath
set
us
,
and
to
be
Kings
and
Laws
to
our selves
.
This
Rebelling
disobedient
disposition
therefore
should
be
first
resisted
and
subdued
,
as
a
greater
Enemy
to
the
Peace
of
Nations
,
then
the
faults
of
Princes
are
.
And
therefore
I
shall
alledge
one
or
two
of
the
most
pregnant
Texts
against
it
,
to
shew
both
the
Impudence
and
Impiety
of
those
Men
,
and
himself
in
particular
,
who
dare
Reconcile
any
Pretence
to
Christianity
with
the
least
disrespect
to
Sovereign
Powers
.
And
whilst
they
lay
claims
to
greater
Holiness
and
Purity
then
their
Neighbours
,
are
putting
continual
slights
and
affronts
upon
their
Governours
,
and
whenever
they
can
gain
an
opportunity
by
the
assistance
of
the
Rabble
,
blush
not
with
all
their
demureness
to
wrastle
with
them
for
their
Supremacy
.
Which
is
such
a
rank
piece
of
Blasphemy
,
such
a
bare-faced
appearance
of
Antichrist
,
Mahomet
and
Hildebrand
,
as
no
good
Christian
can
sufficiently
abhor
,
nor
any
wise
Magistrate
sufficiently
punish
.
Though
the
greatest
affront
of
all
,
is
to
the
Holy
Scriptures
themselves
;
for
when
they
have
so
clearly
and
severely
forbidden
all
Resistance
to
Supreme
Powers
;
when
the
Rules
that
they
have
given
in
this
case
are
so
absolute
and
universal
to
prevent
all
Evasion
;
when
beside
the
great
Authority
of
the
Command
it self
,
they
enforce
it
by
its
own
wisdom
and
reasonableness
;
in
a
word
,
when
it
is
tyed
upon
us
by
all
the
strongest
Obligations
both
of
Power
,
Interest
,
and
Ingenuity
,
after
all
this
to
escape
the
force
of
a
Law
so
carefully
Enacted
,
is
to
pass
an
open
slight
upon
the
Wisdom
of
the
Legislator
himself
.
But
to
make
these
very
Precepts
that
were
given
on
purpose
to
cut
off
all
pretences
of
Resistance
,
so
many
Warrants
and
Commissions
given
to
Subjects
for
raising
Rebellion
against
their
Sovereigns
,
as
has
been
done
in
our
Age
,
exceeds
all
the
Impiety
of
Men
,
nay
of
Devils
too
,
in
all
former
Ages
.
For
what
can
be
more
clearly
and
fully
express'd
then
St.
Paul's
Discourse
to
the
Romans
,
chap.
13
,
Let
every
Soul
be
subject
to
the
higher
Powers
;
for
there
is
no
Power
but
of
God
.
The
Powers
that
now
are
,
are
ordain'd
of
God
.
Whosoever
therefore
resisteth
the
Power
,
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
:
and
they
that
resist
shall
receive
to
themselves
Damnation
,
&c.
Here
is
no
Restriction
,
no
Reservation
,
't
is
the
Catholique
Duty
of
all
Mankind
,
and
stands
upon
such
reasons
as
equally
effect
all
.
And
first
from
the
Original
of
all
Authority
,
It
is
from
God
.
It
is
not
said
,
because
those
in
Power
were
either
the
best
or
the
wisest
Men
;
but
be
the
Men
what
they
will
,
they
have
their
Authority
from
God
himself
,
and
for
that
reason
he
requires
subjection
to
them
as
to
himself
,
and
therefore
looks
upon
all
resistance
to
these
his
Vicegerents
,
as
an
affront
to
the
Authority
of
his
own
Commission
:
Whosoever
resisteth
the
Power
,
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
And
then
no
wonder
if
the
Judgment
of
God
follow
upon
it
:
And
they
that
resist
shall
receive
to
themselves
Damnation
.
But
though
this
Argument
from
the
Divine
Original
of
Government
be
so
strong
an
enforcement
of
this
Duty
,
yet
the
Apostle
goes
on
to
tye
it
harder
,
and
that
is
from
its
End
,
the
Good
of
the
Subject
:
For
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
to
thee
for
good
.
And
common
Sense
will
tell
us
,
that
submission
to
the
worst
Princes
,
is
much
more
the
Interest
of
the
Subject
then
Rebellion
against
them
.
So
that
how
much
harm
soever
a
Tyrannical
Prince
may
bring
upon
a
Common-wealth
,
he
does
it
more
good
,
though
it
were
only
by
being
a
Bar
against
the
Miseries
of
War
and
Confusion
.
And
common
experience
will
confirm
the
Wisdom
of
St.
Paul's
Argument
,
that
be
the
Governors
the
worst
that
can
be
,
and
so
they
were
at
that
time
;
yet
their
Government
in
spite
of
their
own
folly
and
wickedness
is
highly
beneficial
to
the
Common-wealth
,
and
in
that
every
private
mans
Interest
and
Property
is
comprehended
.
Now
from
both
these
Premises
the
conclusion
is
unavoidable
:
Wherefore
ye
must
needs
be
Subject
not
only
for
Wrath
,
but
for
Conscience
sake
.
That
is
,
not
only
for
fear
of
the
King
and
his
Laws
,
but
out
of
sense
of
duty
to
that
God
by
whose
Authority
Kings
Reign
,
and
who
has
bound
upon
our
Consciences
the
duty
of
Subjection
to
them
.
Now
one
would
think
it
impossible
for
Men
to
escape
from
the
obligation
of
so
clear
a
Law
;
and
so
it
is
,
till
they
lay
aside
the
natural
Sense
and
Ingenuity
of
Mankind
;
and
then
indeed
Mens
Consciences
are
arm'd
against
all
Conviction
,
and
so
it
happens
among
us
,
that
as
once
much
learning
made
this
great
Apostle
mad
,
so
now
much
Reliligion
makes
him
a
Fool.
For
so
we
are
told
that
we
must
not
think
that
he
would
be
so
silly
as
to
abett
the
Wickedness
of
Tyrants
,
Non
ut
Neronem
aut
Tyrannum
quemvis
alium
supra
omnem
legem
&
paenam
constituendo
,
crudelissimum
unius
Imperium
in
omnes
mortales
constabiliret
;
that
he
would
not
set
up
Nero
or
any
other
Tyrant
above
all
Law
and
Punishment
,
and
establish
the
cruel
Dominion
of
one
above
all
.
And
therefore
we
must
distinguish
between
the
King's
Person
,
as
a
Man
in
Concreto
(
to
express
it
in
Mr.
Rutherford's
words
,
though
it
in
abstracto
,
the
Person
may
be
resisted
,
though
not
the
Office
,
because
if
the
Person
govern
not
by
Law
and
Justice
,
he
ceases
to
be
a
Lawful
Power
.
But
to
what
purpose
is
it
for
God
to
make
Laws
,
if
Men
may
evacuate
their
force
by
such
Metaphysical
Nothings
?
For
how
can
we
submit
to
the
Office
of
a
King
,
but
by
submitting
to
the
King
himself
?
If
the
Office
it self
could
Govern
without
him
,
then
it
might
be
the
safest
way
to
stick
to
the
Abstract
,
but
seeing
it
cannot
subsist
without
the
Concrete
,
he
that
commands
to
submit
to
the
Office
,
commands
us
to
submit
to
the
Man
in
whom
it
is
,
or
he
commands
us
nothing
.
So
that
this
is
really
no
better
then
prophane
trifling
with
the
Word
of
God
,
when
we
are
in
plain
and
express
terms
commanded
to
make
no
Resistance
to
our
Governors
,
to
get
loose
from
so
useful
a
Law
,
by
such
childish
and
senseless
Trifles
as
plainly
contradict
the
Law
it self
.
For
whereas
the
only
design
of
such
Laws
is
to
preserve
the
Peace
of
humane
Societies
,
by
such
evasions
as
these
,
all
Men
are
left
at
liberty
to
disturb
it
as
they
please
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Laws
in
the
World
that
ever
were
,
or
ever
can
be
made
against
it
.
And
therefore
I
would
advise
these
Men
that
can
cheat
and
lullaby
their
own
Consciences
with
such
Rattles
as
these
,
either
to
lay
aside
their
Metaphysicks
or
their
Religion
,
because
such
niceness
and
subtilty
makes
it
a
thing
of
no
Use
in
the
practice
of
the
World
.
For
if
there
were
no
such
Laws
at
all
,
Men
would
be
under
no
greater
restraint
from
the
Sin
,
then
they
are
now
by
the
most
effectual
Laws
,
that
it
is
possible
for
God
himself
to
lay
upon
them
.
Men
that
can
use
such
abusive
and
preva●icating
shifts
to
escape
their
plain
Duty
,
are
arrived
either
to
too
great
Prophaneness
,
or
too
high
Enthusiasm
to
be
admitted
to
the
Rights
of
common
Christianity
.
They
serve
their
Saviour
just
as
they
do
their
Prince
,
they
obey
him
in
abstracto
,
and
Rebell
against
him
in
concreto
;
they
submit
to
his
Laws
when
themselves
think
it
convenient
,
but
when
they
do
not
,
they
then
cease
to
be
his
Laws
.
This
is
the
unavoidable
result
of
these
thin
and
precarious
distinctions
,
that
Religion
,
if
Men
will
,
shall
be
of
no
use
or
force
in
the
practice
of
the
World
.
But
secondly
,
this
is
down-right
Childrens
play
,
and
make
all
Laws
whatsoever
ridiculous
,
when
it
leaves
it
to
those
who
are
commanded
absolute
submission
,
to
judge
when
submission
is
sit
,
and
when
not
.
Do
but
once
allow
that
Liberty
,
and
after
that
all
the
Laws
injoyning
this
Duty
can
never
command
any
thing
.
For
after
they
have
commanded
all
that
can
be
commanded
,
every
Man
will
be
as
much
at
liberty
to
do
what
he
pleases
,
as
he
was
be●ore
,
being
sole
Judge
of
the
fitness
of
his
Subjection
.
But
if
he
be
Judge
of
that
,
he
is
not
bound
,
and
if
he
be
bound
,
he
is
not
Judge
,
but
is
absolutely
bound
.
In
our
present
case
,
what
can
the
Apostles
Command
signifie
,
when
he
peremptorily
and
indefinitly
requires
subjection
to
the
Higher
Powers
?
i.
e.
say
these
Statesmen
to
all
Powers
that
govern
by
Law
,
and
none
else
.
This
makes
the
Subjects
the
Supreme
Judges
of
the
Government
,
not
the
Governors
themselves
;
for
by
it
,
whatever
these
do
or
Command
,
it
is
of
no
Authority
then
as
the
Subjects
judge
it
Legal
,
and
if
they
do
not
,
they
are
at
liberty
to
Resist
and
Rebel
.
And
if
this
be
so
,
St.
Paul
would
deserve
to
be
laughed
at
,
for
being
so
serious
in
enforcing
a
Law
that
can
never
bind
,
whilst
he
commands
Subjection
or
Non-resistance
to
higher
Powers
,
when
the
Subjects
after
that
,
have
full
Power
in
themselves
to
determine
to
what
higher
Powers
they
will
or
will
not
resist
.
Such
Non-sence
lyes
at
the
bottom
of
all
Rebellion
;
for
if
Men
are
at
all
bound
to
submit
to
their
Governours
,
they
are
bound
to
submit
to
all
;
if
not
to
all
,
then
not
to
any
,
because
the
Power
of
Resistance
is
,
by
this
poor
Republican
Principle
,
at
last
wholly
left
to
their
own
Judgment
,
and
then
they
are
subject
to
no
Authority
but
themselves
,
and
their
own
Wills
.
But
thirdly
,
if
a
King
ceases
to
be
the
higher
Power
,
or
to
be
a
Lawful
King
,
whenever
he
does
not
act
according
to
Law
,
or
whenever
his
Subjects
shall
apprehend
so
,
how
is
it
possible
there
should
be
any
settled
Government
or
Society
among
Mankind
;
when
it
is
so
plainly
impossible
,
but
that
there
must
be
miscarriages
as
long
as
Kings
are
Men
;
and
much
more
misapprehensions
of
the
Government
as
long
as
the
People
are
the
People
?
So
that
the
design
of
these
Men
that
advance
such
Niceties
as
these
,
is
apparently
nothing
else
,
then
to
render
all
Government
an
impracticable
thing
.
For
what
security
or
settlement
can
it
ever
have
in
the
World
,
when
by
such
lavish
Principles
as
these
,
Subjects
are
impowred
,
nay
always
Authorised
to
subvert
the
present
Government
?
For
whatever
the
present
Government
is
,
it
will
have
defects
enough
;
and
that
which
is
worse
,
the
fewer
it
has
,
the
more
it
will
be
complained
of
.
For
there
is
never
so
much
noise
of
Grievances
and
Oppressions
,
as
under
the
kindest
and
the
justest
Princes
;
in
such
happy
times
,
I
know
not
by
what
unhappy
fate
Men
run
Mad
with
Insolence
,
out
of
meer
Vanity
and
Wantonness
.
And
it
is
observable
in
all
Histories
,
that
good
Kings
have
suffered
more
from
the
fury
of
the
People
then
Tyrants
and
Oppressors
.
So
unfortunate
and
unruly
a
Beast
is
the
Community
of
Mankind
,
that
nothing
can
make
them
happy
;
and
when
they
enjoy
so
great
a
Blessing
as
a
kind
Government
,
they
will
destroy
both
that
and
themselves
too
,
only
to
trample
upon
its
kindness
.
But
however
upon
this
Principle
that
Kings
may
be
resisted
,
and
so
unking'd
when
they
are
supposed
not
to
govern
according
to
Law
,
both
good
and
bad
must
make
a
daily
forfeiture
of
their
Crowns
;
and
there
never
can
be
any
such
thing
as
Government
in
the
World
,
unless
God
himself
would
be
pleased
to
forsake
Heaven
,
and
settle
a
Visible
Throne
among
us
here
on
Earth
.
And
yet
if
he
should
,
though
he
would
fall
into
no
miscarriages
,
he
could
never
escape
from
the
complaints
and
murmurings
of
such
Men
as
these
.
Their
only
delight
and
happiness
is
to
be
finding
fault
,
and
were
they
in
Heaven
it self
,
they
would
be
peevish
and
discontented
.
Good
God
purge
thy
Church
from
such
sower
Leven
as
this
!
that
has
for
so
many
years
fermented
all
Christendom
into
restless
Tumults
and
Rebellions
,
and
has
at
length
by
its
violent
and
eager
rage
,
work't
out
the
very
Spirit
and
Life
of
Christianity
.
But
lastly
,
this
Principle
does
not
only
lead
to
confusion
,
but
is
confusion
it self
,
because
it
takes
away
the
very
Being
both
of
Government
and
Subjection
.
For
if
the
Subject
may
resist
when
the
Prince
does
not
govern
according
to
Law
,
Who
is
to
be
Judge
of
that
;
if
the
Prince
,
he
will
be
sure
to
judge
for
himself
,
and
that
destroys
the
Principle
that
these
Men
proceed
upon
:
If
the
People
are
the
Supreme
Judges
,
then
they
cease
to
be
Subjects
,
and
are
made
the
Sovereign
,
for
wherever
the
Supremacy
of
Judgment
resides
,
there
is
the
Sovereign
Power
.
So
that
by
this
Principle
,
there
is
no
avoiding
the
absurdity
of
setting
at
the
same
time
the
Prince
above
the
People
,
and
the
People
above
the
Prince
;
and
so
I
remember
Junius
Brutus
has
done
in
the
very
Title
Page
of
his
Book
:
De
Principis
in
Populum
,
Populique
in
Principem
legitimâ
Potestate
.
Of
the
Lawful
Power
of
the
Prince
over
the
People
,
and
the
People
over
the
Prince
.
But
sure
if
one
be
above
the
other
,
then
the
other
can
have
no
power
over
that
which
is
above
it
,
or
if
they
are
both
endued
with
the
Supremacy
of
Power
,
then
they
are
Equals
,
and
Equals
have
no
Power
over
Equals
,
for
if
they
have
,
they
are
not
Equals
.
There
is
no
way
of
Reconciling
this
Reciprocal
Superiority
of
Inferiours
above
Superiours
,
and
Superiours
above
Inferiours
;
but
his
Poets
way
,
who
recommending
this
worthy
work
to
his
dear
Countrey
of
France
,
he
advises
her
for
the
Cure
of
all
her
present
Breaches
and
Distempers
,
to
keep
the
Power
both
of
the
King
and
the
People
within
due
bounds
,
and
then
all
will
be
well
again
.
Haud
aliter
,
legum
populo
dum
fraena
relaxas
,
Dum
Regis
solvis
vincula
,
tota
ruis
.
At
Populum
&
Regem
solitis
tu
siste
lupatis
,
Ilicet
antiquus
restituetur
honos
.
Now
if
the
Poet
or
the
Politician
could
but
have
found
out
such
a
Person
as
France
,
distinct
from
and
Superiour
to
both
King
and
People
,
to
adjust
their
mutual
Rights
,
then
I
must
confess
it
might
have
been
possible
to
reconcile
this
Project
to
common
Sense
,
but
without
it
,
every
Child
can
see
that
it
is
meer
Non-sense
and
Contradiction
.
Mr.
Rutherford
has
one
shift
more
upon
Ib.
p.
275.
this
Argument
,
that
I
will
be
so
ingenuous
as
to
set
down
,
though
I
must
confess
I
know
not
how
to
Answer
it
,
and
I
doubt
no
Man
will
ever
attempt
its
solution
.
And
that
is
this
,
if
this
Proposition
be
Universal
,
that
it
is
unlawful
to
resist
Kings
in
any
Case
,
Then
when
King
David
deflowred
Barthsheba
,
she
might
not
lawfully
have
resisted
him
with
Bodily
Resistance
and
Violence
,
and
if
she
had
,
David
might
have
said
to
Barthsheba
,
because
I
am
the
Lords
Anointed
,
it
is
Rebellion
in
thee
a
Subject
,
to
oppose
any
bodily
violence
to
my
act
of
forcing
thee
;
it
is
unlawful
for
thee
to
cry
for
help
,
for
if
any
shall
offer
violently
to
rescue
thee
from
me
,
he
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
One
would
think
that
these
Men
design'd
nothing
else
,
then
to
prophane
and
ridicule
the
Scriptures
;
for
how
else
could
it
ever
have
come
into
any
Man's
head
to
parallel
Rebellious
Resistance
to
the
Commands
of
Sovereign
Power
,
with
not
yielding
to
a
Rape
?
If
the
Man
had
intended
mirth
and
entertainment
by
the
conceit
,
it
might
have
pass't
for
a
prophane
Jest
;
but
to
be
grave
and
serious
,
nay
fierce
and
eager
in
such
smutty
impertinencies
,
turns
the
whole
matter
into
down-right
folly
and
dulness
.
And
yet
our
great
English
Divine
R.
B.
has
very
much
out-bid
Holy
Common-wealth
Thes.
349.
the
Scotch
Divine
in
the
Emprovement
of
the
Notion
,
inferring
from
hence
(
as
he
says
)
a
fortiori
,
that
we
are
much
more
bound
,
when
unjust
and
unchast
Kings
would
commit
Rapes
upon
their
Parliaments
,
to
rescue
them
by
force
and
violence
from
their
Lascivious
Attempts
.
And
so
it
is
evident
that
in
the
long-Parliament-Rebellion
against
his
late
Majesty
,
they
were
so
far
from
doing
or
intending
any
harm
to
the
King
himself
,
that
they
only
kept
him
off
from
doing
violence
to
the
Chastity
of
the
Houses
.
So
easie
is
it
for
these
sort
of
Men
to
find
pretences
or
excuses
for
Treason
,
that
no
similitude
can
be
so
light
or
trivial
,
but
that
it
shall
have
weight
and
sense
enough
to
bear
them
out
in
all
their
enormities
.
Though
I
must
confess
,
that
of
all
Men
that
ever
I
met
with
,
this
holy
,
this
mortified
,
this
daily
dying
Saint
,
has
exceeded
them
all
in
the
licentiousness
of
his
Principles
,
and
the
prophaneness
of
his
Talk
upon
this
Argument
.
As
for
my
own
part
,
I
cannot
think
what
to
make
of
some
Mens
Consciences
;
for
I
cannot
imagine
that
Men
who
pretend
to
great
zeal
for
Religion
,
and
take
mighty
pains
(
as
they
think
)
to
promote
it
,
who
say
that
they
live
in
a
daily
expectation
of
speedy
death
,
and
a
future
Judgment
,
should
be
stubborn
and
resolute
Atheists
.
And
yet
I
can
as
little
conceive
that
Men
,
who
are
serious
in
the
belief
of
these
things
,
should
through
the
habitual
course
of
their
Lives
,
do
such
things
for
the
disturbance
both
of
Church
and
State
,
as
are
plainly
inconsistent
with
any
sense
or
design
of
integrity
.
I
know
pride
and
passion
may
Transport
Men
into
strange
actions
,
but
then
those
are
as
great
Crimes
themselves
,
as
any
that
they
can
hurry
them
into
.
But
that
they
should
carry
Men
,
that
mean
honestly
,
into
such
a
constant
course
of
life
,
as
no
Charity
can
reconcile
with
any
Principles
of
Integrity
,
is
the
thing
that
I
say
lies
beyond
my
comprehension
.
Thus
in
our
particular
Case
of
Non-resistance
(
which
is
one
of
the
greatest
Cases
of
Conscience
in
the
World
)
thô
there
is
not
,
nor
cannot
be
a
clearer
Precept
in
all
the
Bible
,
then
this
of
St.
Paul's
,
against
all
manner
of
Resistance
to
Sovereign
Princes
;
yet
has
this
unhappy
Man
so
stated
the
bounds
of
due
Obedience
,
and
lawful
Resistance
from
its
Authority
,
as
in
the
result
of
all
,
not
only
to
evacuate
all
its
Obligation
,
but
to
make
it
the
very
Warranty
from
Heaven
of
all
Popular
Rebellions
.
Thus
he
tells
us
plainly
,
that
all
resistance
is
not
here
forbidden
(
though
the
Apostle
says
in
express
terms
,
that
whoever
resists
shall
be
damn'd
,
and
that
I
think
is
all
Resistance
)
For
there
is
a
Resistance
contrary
to
Subjection
,
and
that
is
forbidden
:
And
there
is
a
Resistance
not
contrary
to
Subjection
,
and
that
is
not
forbidden
.
Now
he
that
can
Reconcile
Resistance
and
Subjection
together
,
may
at
the
same
time
be
a
Rebel
and
a
good
Subject
,
especially
as
Mr.
B.
has
stated
it
.
For
having
distinguisht
between
Resistance
lawful
and
unlawful
,
he
makes
it
lawful
in
so
many
Cases
,
and
unlawful
in
so
few
,
as
makes
it
so
in
all
.
Thus
Thes.
340
,
he
says
,
That
if
a
Prince
Command
his
Subjects
beyond
his
Limits
,
resistance
in
such
a
case
is
not
to
resist
the
Power
,
but
the
Will
of
a
private
Man
.
The
very
same
Assertion
with
Rutherford's
,
that
if
he
govern
according
to
Law
,
we
are
bound
to
submit
,
but
if
he
exceed
those
bounds
,
that
the
Law
has
left
him
,
then
Resistance
and
Rebellion
are
no
sins
.
Such
a
wilful
blindness
is
it
in
these
Men
,
that
,
that
they
cannot
see
the
middle
way
of
subjection
that
lies
between
Obedience
and
Resistance
;
for
when
I
cannot
Obey
,
I
can
and
ought
to
Submit
,
but
Resist
I
cannot
without
Rebellion
.
And
that
is
the
Subjects
Duty
in
all
unlawful
Commands
,
though
he
cannot
obey
,
he
can
be
quiet
and
peaceable
,
nay
he
can
do
any
thing
to
remove
or
redress
the
Grievance
,
but
resist
the
Government
.
When
a
Kingdom
is
blest
with
good
Laws
,
it
concerns
Subjects
to
be
tender
of
their
Preservation
by
all
fair
and
regular
means
;
but
if
they
once
Rebel
against
their
Prince
in
defence
of
their
Laws
,
they
lose
both
,
by
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
;
for
when
that
is
gone
,
and
it
is
certain
that
all
Rebellion
aims
at
its
destruction
,
the
Laws
lye
dead
,
and
can
do
them
no
Service
.
And
therefore
there
is
no
one
Law
so
beneficial
to
the
Subject
,
as
the
Fundamental
Law
of
Sovereignty
,
that
it
is
irresistible
;
the
security
of
the
publick
Government
is
the
last
security
of
every
Man's
Liberty
and
Property
.
But
if
it
be
once
invaded
,
we
are
immediately
in
a
state
of
War
,
and
then
no
Man
can
have
any
thing
that
he
can
call
his
own
.
But
of
that
when
I
come
to
discourse
of
the
Reason
,
and
the
Wisdom
of
Non-resistance
;
here
it
is
enough
to
observe
that
these
Men
are
so
perverse
as
to
acknowledge
no
middle
way
between
actual
Obedience
and
actual
Rebellion
;
whereas
the
peculiar
design
of
these
Precepts
is
to
fix
our
duty
,
when
we
cannot
obey
,
in
Submission
or
Nonrestance
.
But
here
Mr.
B.
has
a
subtle
Notion
that
will
baer
out
his
Innocence
,
though
he
wade
up
to
the
Knees
in
Blood
,
and
to
the
Elbows
in
Rebellion
;
and
that
is
,
That
not
obeying
is
the
first
and
chiefest
resisting
,
and
therefore
if
one
be
Lawful
,
so
is
the
other
,
and
then
whenever
we
cannot
Lawfully
Obey
,
we
may
Lawfully
Resist
.
An
admirable
Notion
this
!
to
set
all
the
World
on
fire
,
to
make
no
difference
between
meer
Non-obedience
and
cutting
of
Throats
,
for
that
I
take
it
is
making
some
kind
of
Resistance
,
yet
by
Mr.
B's
Principle
,
bare
not
obeying
is
more
so
,
being
The
first
and
chiefest
act
of
Resistance
.
What
cannot
these
Men
break
their
Consciences
to
,
that
can
out
of
the
duty
of
Passive
Obedience
infer
the
Obligation
,
or
at
least
the
Lawfulness
of
actual
Resistance
,
because
forsooth
Passive
Obedience
is
the
first
and
chiefest
act
of
actual
Resistance
.
I
pray
God
deliver
his
Church
from
such
Apostate
Divines
,
and
his
Anointed
from
such
Rebel
Subjects
.
But
now
are
we
come
to
the
very
Fort-Royal
of
the
Presbyterian
Rebellion
,
Thesis
352.
If
a
Nation
(
that
is
,
as
he
all
along
explains
himself
,
its
representative
Body
)
wrong
their
King
,
it
is
not
Lawful
for
him
to
right
himself
by
War
,
because
it
is
against
the
Common
Good
,
of
which
the
Representatives
are
the
only
Judges
,
by
Thesis
356
,
357
,
358
,
367.
That
is
to
say
,
that
supposing
the
Parliament
of
Forty
One
had
offer'd
the
King
all
those
Injuries
and
Indignities
,
that
he
so
justly
complained
of
;
yet
when
he
went
about
to
recover
and
assert
his
Soveraignty
by
force
of
Arms
,
it
was
fighting
against
the
Common
Good
,
and
Representative
Body
of
a
Nation
,
in
which
all
Men
are
bound
to
Resist
him
,
because
they
are
all
bound
by
nature
to
defend
the
Common
Good
.
How
helpless
and
deplorable
is
the
condition
of
poor
Princes
,
when
they
are
wrong'd
they
may
not
defend
themselves
,
whilst
their
Subjects
may
not
only
take
away
their
Swords
,
but
tye
their
Hands
,
and
if
they
please
to
disable
them
forever
,
cut
them
off
too
for
the
Common
Good
.
This
is
Fourty
One
true
blew
,
and
I
think
a
cast
beyond
it
.
But
what
has
a
King
no
Remedy
?
No
,
none
at
all
against
the
Representative
Body
of
a
Nation
.
Methinks
he
might
Dissolve
them
.
No
,
says
he
,
That
is
but
to
betray
the
Trust
of
the
Common-wealth
.
If
their
injury
be
too
great
to
be
born
,
they
may
lay
down
their
Crowns
at
pleasure
,
Crowns
are
●ot
like
Lands
,
that
Men
hold
primarily
Jure
Domini
:
They
are
not
primarily
the
matter
of
Propriety
.
Government
is
a
means
to
Publick
Good
.
When
any
Man's
possession
of
the
Crown
does
cease
to
be
a
means
to
the
Publick
Good
,
and
this
without
the
Peoples
injury
,
it
is
then
his
Duty
to
resign
it
,
and
no
injury
to
be
deprived
of
it
:
for
the
means
is
no
means
,
when
it
is
against
the
End
.
If
a
Nation
injuriously
deprive
themselves
of
a
worthy
Prince
,
the
hurt
will
be
their
own
,
and
they
punish
themselves
:
but
if
it
be
necessary
to
their
Welfare
,
it
is
no
injury
to
him
.
Thank
you
good
Mr.
B.
this
is
right
Presbyterian
courtesie
to
Kings
,
to
grant
them
leave
to
rid
themselves
of
the
Trouble
of
their
Crowns
,
and
to
revenge
themselves
too
of
their
Rebellious
Subjects
,
by
depriving
them
of
a
worthy
Prince
,
and
punish
them
to
purpose
by
resigning
his
Crown
into
their
own
hands
.
Let
them
take
it
for
a
warning
,
if
he
should
serve
them
such
a
slippery
trick
,
the
hurt
will
be
all
their
own
,
but
not
an
Atom
of
injury
to
himself
.
Revenge
they
say
is
a
sweet
thing
,
but
this
makes
it
sweeter
then
Empire
,
that
Princes
should
part
with
their
Crowns
only
to
vex
their
Rebellious
Subjects
.
However
they
are
much
obliged
to
Mr.
B.
for
his
kind
advice
,
and
I
hope
will
return
him
publick
thanks
for
this
easie
expedient
that
he
has
invented
to
ease
them
of
all
their
troubles
.
And
if
we
should
ever
be
so
unfortunate
and
abandoned
of
the
Protection
of
God's
Providence
,
as
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
another
Presbyterian
Parliament
,
we
are
now
provided
of
a
certain
Remedy
against
all
the
evils
of
a
Civil
War
;
it
is
but
the
King
's
resigning
up
his
Crown
,
and
all
will
be
well
again
:
He
will
be
no
loser
,
the
Nation
will
have
the
worst
of
it
,
but
t
is
no
matter
for
that
,
if
they
will
be
so
foolish
as
to
punish
themselves
by
depriving
themselves
of
a
worthy
Prince
.
Once
more
thank
you
good
Mr.
B.
had
I
any
access
to
,
or
acquaintance
with
Kings
,
I
would
move
them
to
settle
a
Pension
upon
you
for
so
noble
a
piece
of
Service
.
But
in
the
mean
while
,
is
not
this
an
admirable
Commentary
upon
Rom.
13.
and
yet
it
is
the
short
result
of
a
long
discourse
upon
that
very
Text
,
Resist
not
the
higher
Powers
,
i.
e.
says
he
,
Wring
their
Swords
out
of
their
Hands
,
and
fret
them
till
they
throw
away
their
Crowns
too
.
But
as
bad
as
the
Doctrine
is
,
the
Application
is
somewhat
worse
:
For
to
it
he
has
annext
a
Discourse
concerning
the
Lawfulness
of
the
late
Long-Parliament
Rebellion
,
and
the
Reasons
that
moved
himself
to
engage
in
a
War
against
the
King
:
And
in
it
he
is
so
far
from
giving
any
signs
of
Repentance
,
or
so
much
as
confessing
any
fault
,
that
he
frankly
declares
both
his
readiness
and
obligation
to
do
the
same
thing
all
over
again
upon
the
same
opportunity
.
And
professes
that
After
the
strictest
Examination
of
his
own
heart
he
dares
not
repent
of
it
,
nor
forbear
the
same
,
if
it
were
to
do
again
in
the
same
state
of
things
.
And
that
if
he
should
do
otherwise
,
he
should
be
g●ilty
of
Treason
and
Disloyalty
against
the
Sovereign
Power
of
the
Land
.
And
that
if
he
had
taken
up
Arms
against
the
Parliament
in
that
War
,
his
Conscience
tells
him
he
had
been
a
Traytor
,
and
guilty
of
resisting
the
higher
Powers
,
and
incurred
the
danger
of
Condemnation
threatned
to
Resisters
in
the
13th
to
the
Romans
.
And
in
his
Preface
or
Review
,
makes
this
bold
challenge
,
Prove
that
the
King
was
the
highest
Power
in
time
of
Divisions
,
and
that
he
had
Power
to
make
that
Wa●
which
he
made
,
and
I
will
offer
my
head
to
Justice
as
a
Rebel
.
But
this
is
to
piece
out
one
wickedness
with
another
,
not
only
to
rebel
against
the
King
,
but
to
Depose
him
.
Had
he
fought
for
the
King
against
the
Parliament
,
he
had
deserved
to
be
hang'd
for
a
Rebel
,
and
had
violated
that
Command
of
God
,
Let
every
Soul
be
subject
to
the
higher
Powers
,
and
incurred
the
danger
of
that
Condemnation
that
is
there
threatned
to
Resisters
:
Had
been
guilty
of
Treason
and
Disloyalty
against
the
Sovereign
Power
of
the
Land
,
and
had
been
a
Traytor
,
and
guilty
of
resisting
the
higher
Powers
.
From
all
which
it
is
undeniably
plain
,
that
not
the
King
,
but
the
Parliament
are
the
Sovereign
and
Supreme
Power
.
Which
is
such
a
contradiction
to
the
fundamental
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
to
all
the
known
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
to
so
many
reiterated
Acts
and
Declarations
of
Parliaments
from
time
to
time
,
that
as
bold
an
affront
as
it
is
to
the
Law
of
God
,
it
is
a
more
impudent
out-sacing
the
Law
of
the
Land
;
so
that
it
seems
there
is
no
other
way
of
justifying
that
Rebellion
,
then
by
perverting
and
belying
both
.
And
if
Men
can
allow
themselves
such
Liberties
as
these
,
I
know
nothing
that
can
keep
them
in
any
due
subjection
to
the
higher
Powers
,
that
can
dispose
of
the
Supremacy
by
their
own
Arbitrary
Will
and
Pleasure
:
For
where
the
Sovereignty
of
this
Kingdom
resides
,
is
a
thing
so
easily
and
vulgarly
known
,
that
to
search
it
out
requires
no
deep
inspection
,
either
into
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
or
the
Nature
of
Government
.
The
Oath
of
Supremacy
is
so
full
a
Declaration
of
it
,
that
no
Man
,
whoever
took
it
,
can
after
that
,
deny
the
Sovereign
Power
to
reside
in
the
King
alone
without
Perjury
[
That
the
King's
Highness
is
the
only
Supreme
Governour
of
this
Realm
.
]
For
if
he
be
the
only
Supreme
,
there
is
no
other
Supreme
,
much
less
Superiour
.
I
do
not
argue
from
the
bare
Title
of
Supreme
Governor
,
[
*
](A56396-e6440-b)
*
Thes.
363.
because
that
,
say
the
Presbyterians
,
may
be
honorary
,
though
others
may
share
in
the
Power
;
but
from
its
being
appropriated
to
the
King
alone
.
For
we
do
not
only
swear
that
he
is
the
Supreme
Governor
,
but
that
he
is
the
only
Supreme
Governor
,
and
then
we
swear
that
neither
the
Parliament
nor
any
other
State
of
Men
,
whatever
share
they
have
in
the
Government
,
are
the
Supreme
Governors
.
I
shall
not
dispute
with
Mr.
B.
or
any
Man
of
the
Principles
of
Fourty
One
,
of
the
Power
of
Parliaments
,
for
be
it
never
so
great
,
yet
unless
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
be
meer
Perjury
,
I
am
sure
it
is
not
Superiour
nor
Equal
to
the
King
's
,
when
by
it
he
alone
has
the
Supremacy
,
and
then
to
resist
him
by
their
Authority
,
is
Rebellion
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
Damnation
by
the
Law
of
God
.
So
impossible
is
it
to
tye
Men
to
any
Sense
of
Duty
,
that
can
allow
themselves
such
an
unconscionable
liberty
of
perverting
and
falsifying
Laws
;
and
if
this
be
consistent
with
any
tenderness
of
Conscience
,
or
any
Pretences
to
Integrity
,
there
can
never
be
any
such
thing
as
Truth
or
Honesty
in
the
World
.
Mr.
B.
declares
that
he
is
very
desirous
to
Repent
,
if
he
have
sinned
,
that
he
daily
prays
to
God
that
he
would
not
suffer
him
to
dye
impenitently
in
his
Sin
,
and
promises
that
if
he
could
but
be
convinced
of
it
,
he
would
make
publick
Recantation
.
I
verily
believe
that
he
is
serious
in
his
Protestation
,
and
hope
to
live
to
see
it
perform'd
,
and
that
is
my
only
design
here
to
convince
him
(
if
that
be
possible
)
before
it
is
too
late
.
I
intend
not
to
upbraid
him
,
or
others
with
old
Miscarriages
,
or
to
revive
old
Stories
long
since
buried
in
Oblivion
.
For
when
his
Majesty
has
been
pleased
in
his
great
goodness
to
pardon
them
as
to
all
the
Punishments
of
this
life
,
God
forbid
but
that
they
should
enjoy
the
benefit
of
his
Mercy
and
Clemency
.
But
I
call
upon
them
to
think
of
Repentance
out
of
pure
tenderness
and
compassion
to
their
Souls
.
For
God
never
pardons
Absolutely
,
but
always
upon
Conditions
,
and
with
him
,
nothing
less
will
expiate
a
publick
Crime
then
a
publick
Repentance
.
And
therefore
I
hope
to
see
Mr.
B.
before
he
go
hence
,
to
make
good
his
promise
of
making
his
publick
Recantation
,
and
remove
that
scandal
that
he
has
given
to
the
Church
of
God
by
so
foul
a
Mistake
(
as
he
calls
it
)
and
I
hope
it
was
no
worse
.
Though
I
fear
when
this
is
done
,
he
may
find
new
matter
of
Repentance
for
slandering
,
and
traducing
the
whole
Church
of
God
,
and
for
that
end
perverting
,
and
false
representing
all
its
Records
,
as
he
has
done
in
some
late
Books
,
especially
his
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
and
his
History
of
the
Councils
,
that
are
so
full
not
only
of
falsification
,
but
rank
malice
against
all
the
Ancient
Governours
of
the
Christian
Church
(
against
whom
he
could
have
no
other
ground
of
quarrel
then
only
this
,
that
they
were
Bishops
)
that
it
is
such
a
manifest
disclaiming
of
all
Truth
and
Integrity
,
as
no
pride
or
passion
can
excuse
;
and
those
two
great
faults
are
the
only
Pleas
that
can
be
made
to
extenuate
the
rankness
of
his
malice
.
But
here
are
such
numberless
heaps
of
meer
falshoods
and
spiteful
insinuations
,
as
could
proceed
from
nothing
better
then
wilful
dishonesty
,
unless
this
may
be
pleaded
in
his
behalf
,
viz.
his
gross
ignorance
of
the
things
that
he
writes
of
,
and
that
in
good
earnest
is
the
best
and
truest
Apology
for
him
,
for
it
is
evident
from
his
crude
way
of
writing
,
that
none
but
a
very
Novice
in
Antiquity
,
and
an
utter
stranger
to
the
true
Records
of
the
Church
,
could
ever
have
betrayed
himself
to
so
unlearned
a
Performance
.
There
is
not
any
one
Story
in
which
he
has
not
committed
gross
mistakes
,
and
such
as
discover
themselves
to
proceed
from
nothing
but
his
unacquaintedness
with
the
Primitive
Records
.
And
any
one
that
can
but
Translate
any
of
the
Modern
Collections
of
the
Ancient
Councils
without
looking
into
the
Original
Acts
and
Histories
,
(
without
which
no
Man
can
arrive
to
any
competent
knowledge
in
this
learning
)
may
make
just
such
another
Church-Historian
as
R.
B.
And
therefore
I
would
advise
him
,
instead
of
boasting
himself
Father
of
Fourscore
Books
and
upwards
,
to
have
some
patience
and
take
some
pains
,
to
write
one
well-weighed
,
well-digested
,
and
wellreviewed
,
before
he
publish
it
.
And
if
his
heat
could
but
be
prevail'd
with
to
submit
to
so
much
tameness
,
one
such
discourse
would
outweigh
,
not
only
Fourscore
,
but
four
hundred
Books
of
Crudities
.
I
have
insisted
thus
long
upon
this
Apostolical
Precept
,
because
it
is
the
most
effectual
Bulwark
against
Rebellion
,
and
therefore
most
abused
by
the
Hildebrandinists
,
who
would
elude
its
Obligation
by
the
several
fore-mentioned
shifts
to
evacuate
the
Sense
of
the
Law
it self
.
But
now
to
proceed
,
with
the
Doctrine
of
St.
Paul
agreeable
is
that
of
the
other
great
Apostle
St.
Peter
,
1
Epist.
Chap.
2.
from
vers.
13th
to
25th
.
Where
the
same
duty
is
laid
down
fully
in
the
same
express
and
comprehensive
Terms
,
and
with
the
same
regard
of
duty
to
God
,
it
must
be
done
For
the
Lord's
sake
,
and
that
is
the
biggest
thing
that
can
be
said
in
this
or
any
other
Case
,
that
Almighty
God
requires
it
forever
,
and
as
Men
will
own
his
own
Authority
as
an
indispensable
Duty
,
and
this
for
all
the
same
reasons
alledged
by
the
other
Apostle
,
and
some
more
.
Not
only
because
their
Authority
is
from
God
,
and
because
the
Institution
it self
is
for
the
general
Good
of
Mankind
;
and
because
the
great
Governour
of
the
World
commands
Subjection
to
them
as
his
Vice-Roys
,
under
the
severest
Penalties
both
here
and
hereafter
,
but
beside
all
this
it
is
made
necessary
,
because
it
is
for
the
honour
of
their
Religion
,
that
by
a
meek
and
peaceable
submission
to
the
most
unjust
sufferings
,
after
their
great
Master's
Example
,
they
should
prevent
,
and
silence
those
Calumnies
of
his
and
their
Enemies
,
as
if
they
were
disturbers
of
Government
;
so
that
if
they
did
not
submit
with
all
meekness
and
patience
to
their
Superiors
of
what
rank
soever
,
down
from
Kings
to
Masters
of
Families
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
it
would
have
been
a
just
scandal
to
their
Religion
.
But
to
this
Mr.
Rutherford
very
gravely
and
seriously
replies
,
That
patient
suffering
,
and
violent
resisting
,
are
not
incompatible
.
That
is
to
say
,
that
a
Man
may
Resist
in
his
own
defence
,
but
if
he
have
the
ill-fortune
to
be
overcome
,
he
must
then
suffer
patiently
.
This
Patience
per
force
I
see
is
the
right
Presbyterian
Subjection
;
when
their
Superiours
are
too
strong
for
them
,
they
will
crouch
only
because
they
must
.
But
as
long
as
they
are
able
,
Princes
must
pardon
them
if
they
defend
themselves
by
force
of
Arms
,
though
if
they
cannot
,
they
will
be
so
civil
as
to
lay
them
down
.
And
of
the
same
kind
is
the
Submission
of
Servants
to
harsh
and
cruel
Masters
,
when
they
are
beaten
,
to
defend
themselves
with
the
next
Cudgel
that
they
can
seize
on
,
but
if
the
Master
prove
the
more
able
Fencer
,
then
the
Servant
when
he
has
lost
his
defensive
Weapon
,
has
no
remedy
left
but
to
lye
down
and
suffer
himself
to
be
beaten
patiently
,
and
this
Patience
of
a
Turkish
Slave
is
their
only
true
Christian
Subjection
;
though
as
the
Proverb
goes
,
It
is
a
Vertue
more
suited
to
the
Philosophy
of
an
Horse
,
then
the
Religion
of
a
Man
.
And
if
this
be
all
that
is
injoin'd
by
the
Apostle
,
it
is
nothing
at
all
,
for
when
we
are
commanded
to
suffer
patiently
,
or
not
to
resist
,
only
when
we
cannot
help
our selves
;
it
is
a
very
needless
command
,
because
so
we
must
do
,
whether
we
will
or
no
,
and
Patience
per
force
is
no
Patience
at
all
.
But
beside
this
dull
shift
,
we
have
a
more
acute
Evasion
to
elude
the
Text
,
That
these
words
were
not
address'd
to
Subjects
that
had
the
rights
of
their
own
Country
,
but
to
Strangers
residing
and
inhabiting
in
such
places
,
where
they
could
challenge
no
greater
rights
then
meerly
of
Courtesie
and
Civility
.
But
though
this
is
not
so
dull
as
the
Scotch
resistance
,
to
yield
when
we
can
fight
no
longer
,
it
is
but
another
way
of
fooling
against
the
express
Sense
of
the
Words
themselves
.
For
to
say
nothing
of
the
distinction
between
Native
Subjects
and
Strangers
,
between
whom
there
can
be
no
difference
as
to
this
Duty
,
then
that
it
is
stricter
upon
the
natural
Subject
then
the
Foreigner
.
St.
Peter's
reason
,
as
it
makes
no
difference
in
the
Point
,
so
it
admits
none
,
because
it
is
universal
and
unlimited
,
viz.
from
the
peremptory
Command
of
God
,
that
requires
submission
to
Kings
and
all
their
Subordinate
Officers
,
and
upon
this
reason
it
concerns
all
alike
.
And
after
that
to
let
Subjects
loose
from
the
duty
of
Non-resistance
to
their
Prince
,
because
the
Law
was
here
particularly
directed
to
such
as
were
Aliens
,
though
built
upon
,
and
enforced
by
a
reason
common
to
all
Men
,
shews
,
if
not
the
prophaneness
of
the
Men
,
the
badness
of
their
Cause
.
Though
after
all
,
the
Observation
is
as
false
,
as
't
is
trifling
,
when
it
is
so
vulgarly
known
,
that
the
dispersed
Jews
were
for
the
most
part
made
Denisons
of
those
Cities
where
they
inhabited
;
and
there
were
very
few
that
were
not
,
as
well
as
St.
Paul
,
free
of
some
City
or
other
.
And
then
these
Jews
or
most
of
them
,
to
whom
this
Epistle
was
written
,
were
as
proper
Subjects
to
the
Government
,
under
which
they
lived
,
as
if
they
had
been
Natives
of
the
Province
.
Certainly
Men
must
be
arrived
to
a
very
slight
regard
towards
their
own
Consciences
,
that
dare
shuffle
away
the
Obligation
of
such
severe
and
Sacred
Laws
of
God
himself
,
with
so
much
violence
to
their
own
Understandings
.
For
it
was
impossible
that
Men
of
Common
Sense
,
much
less
of
Learning
and
Acuteness
,
could
satisfie
themselves
with
such
trifling
pretences
.
But
so
it
ever
was
,
and
so
it
ever
will
be
,
that
as
certain
as
Religion
is
at
the
top
of
all
Rebellion
,
Atheism
and
Prophaneness
is
at
the
Bottom
.
§.
VII
.
But
to
what
purpose
do
I
take
all
this
pains
to
prove
the
Duty
of
Non-resistance
from
the
Laws
of
God
,
the
Obligations
of
Conscience
,
and
the
Nature
of
Christianity
,
when
that
only
convinces
the
Hildebrandists
of
their
Impiety
and
Apostacy
from
the
Christian
Faith
?
For
what
care
they
for
that
?
Religion
is
the
least
of
their
thought
or
concernment
;
and
though
they
make
it
the
flourish
to
all
their
pretences
,
it
is
not
for
any
kindness
to
that
,
but
only
to
amuse
the
Common
People
,
and
dazle
them
(
as
Men
catch
Larks
with
Looking-Glasses
)
into
their
Party
,
both
against
themselves
and
their
Governours
.
And
it
is
evident
that
the
Patriots
and
Ring-leaders
of
Faction
have
no
other
measures
of
Conscience
in
the
Case
,
then
only
interest
,
reason
of
State
,
and
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
.
And
here
they
applaud
and
admire
themselves
with
one
busie
and
plausible
pretence
,
that
this
Doctrine
of
absolute
Submission
proceeds
from
a
natural
dulness
,
and
want
of
that
Sense
,
that
all
Men
of
wit
and
courage
ought
to
have
of
their
Native
Liberty
,
and
serves
no
End
but
only
the
encouragement
of
Tyranny
,
inviting
Princes
that
are
of
themselves
ill-inclin'd
,
to
insult
over
our
Tameness
,
and
how
much
soever
they
trample
upon
us
,
and
our
Liberties
,
they
know
we
must
not
only
endure
all
,
but
like
Spaniels
resent
it
well
.
Now
though
a
wise
Man
would
not
refuse
Subjection
to
a
good
natur'd
or
a
generous
Prince
,
yet
what
Man
of
any
Spirit
,
can
with
any
patience
see
a
whole
Kingdom
enslaved
to
the
insolence
,
or
the
folly
,
or
the
luxury
of
one
Man
?
That
(
say
they
)
is
not
to
submit
to
Government
,
for
that
always
takes
care
of
the
Publick
Good
,
but
instead
of
that
,
it
betrays
the
Common-wealth
to
Tyranny
and
Arbitrary
Oppression
.
Now
to
give
the
utmost
that
these
Pretenders
to
Politicks
and
Innovation
can
alledge
,
not
only
to
justifie
,
but
to
admire
themselves
,
and
the
wisdom
of
their
Proceedings
,
I
will
freely
grant
that
it
may
,
and
often
does
fall
out
,
that
Princes
may
be
weak
or
wicked
,
or
negligent
,
unskilful
and
unfaithful
in
their
Government
;
that
they
may
injure
Multitudes
of
Private
Persons
,
and
neglect
the
Publick
;
that
their
Follies
and
Vices
may
endanger
a
whole
Nation
;
and
that
the
case
is
somewhat
hard
,
that
all
the
good
People
in
it
must
be
bound
in
Duty
and
Conscience
,
to
assist
and
uphold
that
Power
with
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
that
is
nothing
but
Load
and
Oppression
.
This
indeed
is
an
hard
case
,
and
an
inconvenience
that
must
sometimes
(
though
but
rarely
)
be
felt
by
being
under
,
Government
:
But
alas
!
there
are
many
more
hard
cases
in
the
World
,
and
much
heavier
inconveniences
if
we
cast
it
off
.
So
that
setting
aside
all
regard
to
Duty
,
and
consulting
only
Interest
,
and
though
we
care
not
to
be
honest
,
yet
if
we
will
be
but
a
little
wise
,
and
take
a
true
account
of
our
own
quiet
and
security
,
let
these
shrewd
Men
of
Politicks
,
only
consider
,
whether
it
will
not
be
more
easie
to
bear
this
heavy
Burthen
,
then
to
cast
it
off
with
Violence
to
the
Government
;
and
whether
by
removing
one
present
inconvenience
,
we
do
not
run
our selves
into
more
,
greater
and
more
lasting
.
That
is
the
only
point
of
Wisdom
and
Politiques
in
this
case
,
whether
submission
to
the
worst
Government
be
not
more
easie
to
the
Subject
,
then
War
and
Rebellion
.
And
this
I
think
will
be
evident
to
any
Man
of
Common
Sence
if
we
only
consider
what
we
lose
,
and
what
we
gain
by
it
.
First
we
lose
our
own
safety
,
and
all
that
we
gain
,
is
that
loss
▪
For
all
Government
is
the
first
security
of
every
Man
's
private
Interest
against
the
Injuries
and
Violences
of
all
other
Men
,
and
that
will
make
it
highly
useful
and
beneficial
at
all
times
,
though
never
so
ill
administred
.
For
were
it
not
for
fear
of
Authority
,
every
Man
would
be
exposed
a
Prey
to
all
Men
,
and
all
Mankind
would
unavoidably
fall
into
a
State
of
War
,
then
which
State
,
nothing
can
be
more
defenceless
and
deplorable
,
and
yet
nothing
but
Government
preserves
us
from
it
.
So
that
when
we
shake
off
our
Duty
and
Submission
to
that
,
we
put
our selves
and
our
Families
,
out
of
all
security
against
the
Violence
of
all
the
World
beside
.
And
therefore
it
was
both
a
wise
and
a
witty
custom
that
Sextus
Empiricus
reports
to
have
been
among
Adv.
Math.
l.
2.
the
old
Persians
,
that
the
People
upon
the
death
of
any
of
their
Kings
were
allowed
five
days
Anarchy
,
that
by
the
Mischiefs
,
Slaughters
,
Rapines
,
O●●rages
committed
in
that
short
Interval
,
they
might
be
convinced
of
the
Usefulness
and
Necessity
of
Government
,
and
set
the
greater
esteem
upon
the
succeeding
Prince
.
And
if
Men
would
but
consider
the
great
Usefulness
of
the
worst
Government
,
that
it
is
a
defence
and
protection
of
their
own
private
Interests
against
the
Invasions
of
wicked
Men
;
that
would
soon
prevail
with
them
to
bear
all
the
inconveniencies
of
a
bad
Government
,
rather
then
blow
up
themselves
and
Fortunes
together
with
it
.
For
whosoever
resists
the
Government
,
does
what
in
him
lies
to
destroy
it
,
and
when
that
is
done
,
he
has
not
only
endanger'd
,
but
certainly
lost
his
own
security
.
So
great
a
gainer
is
every
Subject
that
will
take
upon
him
to
reform
the
Government
by
force
,
that
he
pulls
up
the
very
Fence
,
by
which
his
own
Inclosure
and
Propriety
is
secured
.
Nay
though
himself
may
be
so
wise
as
to
sit
down
patiently
under
an
oppressive
Government
;
yet
if
he
do
but
encourage
this
Doctrine
of
the
Lawfulness
of
resistance
to
Princes
,
he
exposes
himself
,
as
well
as
the
Government
to
all
the
Assualts
of
Usurpers
.
For
if
it
be
Lawful
for
other
Subjects
,
though
they
think
it
not
wise
for
themselves
,
to
take
up
Arms
against
the
Prince
,
his
Authority
is
thereby
made
too
weak
and
ineffectual
to
be
their
Protection
;
they
are
exposed
to
the
dangers
of
War
,
and
lye
wholly
at
last
at
the
mercy
of
a
Conquering
Army
,
and
that
is
the
Result
of
all
the
Pleas
for
Resistance
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
,
that
they
all
conclude
in
Anarchy
and
Confusion
.
And
if
we
will
but
take
the
Experience
of
our
own
,
or
other
Ages
,
the
case
will
be
plain
from
that
too
,
as
well
as
common
Sence
,
That
Resistance
to
Authority
,
if
it
were
never
so
Lawful
,
is
such
a
Remedy
as
never
bears
its
own
Charges
;
and
that
no
Nation
ever
made
use
of
it
,
that
did
not
rue
its
own
folly
.
The
Vices
of
a
single
Person
are
finite
,
and
reach
but
to
particular
cases
,
the
most
bloody
Tyrant
that
ever
was
,
never
cut
off
any
great
Numbers
;
and
it
is
truly
observed
by
Cardan
of
Nero
,
that
as
wanton
as
he
was
with
the
Lives
of
Men
,
in
a
very
few
Months
after
his
death
,
there
was
abundantly
more
blood
spilt
,
then
in
all
his
fourteen
years
Reign
.
The
miseries
of
War
are
endless
and
universal
,
and
whatever
the
event
is
,
or
whoever
wins
,
the
Common-wealth
is
sure
to
be
a
loser
,
and
to
pay
a
severe
reckoning
on
all
sides
.
Some
few
of
the
scum
of
the
People
,
may
by
the
strength
of
their
brawny
Arms
signalize
themselves
into
Clowns
of
Eminance
,
whilst
the
Ancient
Gentry
and
Nobility
endanger
all
their
Fortunes
,
and
great
numbers
even
of
the
first
beginners
of
disturbance
lose
their
Lives
,
and
in
short
the
whole
Kingdom
must
be
undone
for
the
advancement
of
a
Cromwel
,
a
Pride
,
an
Hewson
,
or
a
Desborough
,
and
it
rarely
happens
(
and
it
is
pity
but
it
should
be
so
)
but
that
the
first
Contrivers
are
out-reached
in
their
own
Designs
,
and
baulkt
by
other
Men
,
and
other
Councils
,
and
live
to
lament
their
own
folly
in
much
more
good
earnest
,
then
they
did
the
grievances
or
miscarriages
of
the
Government
.
But
when
the
dispute
is
once
raised
,
it
is
not
to
be
determin'd
but
by
the
Sword
,
and
wherever
success
attends
,
that
Nation
is
in
a
sweet
condition
,
when
a
Conquering
Army
comes
with
Swords
drawn
to
rate
the
Merits
of
their
past
Services
,
and
challenge
rewards
equal
to
their
present
Insolence
,
and
that
is
to
take
whatever
they
are
pleased
to
demand
;
and
it
is
a
kindness
in
them
not
easily
to
be
expected
if
they
will
stop
at
any
violence
.
At
least
it
is
certain
,
That
which
side
soever
is
Victor
,
the
generality
of
a
Nation
never
reap
any
thing
by
a
War
,
then
Repentance
,
and
a
little
Wisdom
got
by
dear
bought
Experience
.
But
not
to
mention
a
thousand
other
great
,
publick
and
lasting
Calamities
,
that
Naturally
follow
Resistance
and
Rebellion
,
the
certain
miseries
of
Civil
War
it self
,
infinitely
outweigh
all
the
Burthens
that
the
greatest
Tyranny
can
lay
upon
the
Subject
.
What
a
long
Succession
of
unexampled
Tyrants
must
have
Reign'd
in
England
,
before
they
could
have
committed
so
many
inhumanities
,
as
a
few
years
Civil
War
for
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
brought
upon
it
?
What
one
mortal
Man's
Salvageness
could
ever
have
spilt
half
so
much
Blood
,
as
was
shed
in
any
one
eminent
Battel
?
Let
therefore
the
Patriots
of
Sedition
cease
to
upbraid
Loyalty
with
weakness
of
Understanding
,
when
all
Men
of
common
Sense
,
or
any
Experience
in
the
Affairs
of
the
World
,
cannot
but
see
through
the
delusion
of
fighting
for
their
Liberties
against
their
Prince
,
by
which
they
hazard
,
and
for
the
most
part
lose
both
,
and
at
least
certainly
bring
themselves
into
greater
Slavery
,
then
they
could
have
suffered
,
had
they
been
patient
under
the
worst
of
Governments
.
And
this
brings
to
my
mind
another
instance
of
the
wisdom
of
Submission
,
and
that
is
this
,
that
as
no
wise
Man
that
takes
a
thorough
account
of
his
own
interest
,
would
care
to
draw
himself
into
a
War
against
his
Prince
,
so
it
is
generally
Men
of
the
meanest
understandings
that
are
seduced
by
them
.
And
they
are
drawn
in
by
such
poor
slights
and
delusions
,
that
plainly
shew
the
contempt
that
the
Patriots
have
of
their
shallow
reach
,
and
the
bottom
of
all
their
Politiques
is
,
to
inveagle
the
common
People
into
a
conceit
,
that
in
all
contests
with
the
Government
,
it
is
only
their
interest
that
is
concerned
,
and
as
for
themselves
,
were
it
not
to
assert
their
Liberties
,
they
would
never
undergo
the
frowns
of
the
Court
,
never
expose
themselves
to
the
hazards
of
War
,
nor
venture
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
for
any
thing
less
then
the
preservation
of
their
Country
.
And
all
this
while
the
poor
People
must
be
supposed
so
dull
(
and
so
they
are
)
as
not
to
suspect
,
that
there
is
any
such
thing
as
Revenge
,
Ambition
and
Discontent
in
the
World
,
and
yet
it
is
these
that
have
always
been
the
great
Patrons
of
their
Liberties
.
And
though
their
Seditious
Artifices
are
known
,
and
thread-bare
,
as
often
discovered
as
used
,
and
a
thousand
times
over
and
over
exposed
,
yet
because
the
common
People
have
not
the
advantage
to
know
,
or
make
use
of
the
Experience
of
former
Ages
,
they
are
in
every
Age
as
ready
a
Prey
for
the
Snare
,
as
if
it
had
never
been
set
before
.
So
that
omitting
divers
other
good
reasons
that
might
be
urged
against
all
kind
of
Resistance
,
and
particularly
that
one
,
That
if
it
be
once
allowed
the
common
People
in
any
case
,
there
is
no
stop
of
pretences
,
or
end
of
confusions
.
And
if
Princes
may
,
and
do
abuse
their
Power
,
it
is
much
more
certain
that
the
Rabble
cannot
use
theirs
aright
:
And
therefore
to
prevent
the
vast
inconvenience
of
their
ever
abusing
it
,
it
must
be
stopt
at
first
,
and
without
reserve
,
else
the
mischiefs
that
follow
,
if
it
be
admitted
at
all
,
will
be
infinite
.
I
know
indeed
,
that
learned
Men
suppose
some
Extravagant
cases
in
which
they
will
allow
Resistance
to
be
Lawful
,
Barclay
and
Winzet
suppose
two
,
viz.
Còntra
Monach
.
l.
3.
c.
16.
When
the
Prince
sets
himself
to
destroy
the
Common-wealth
,
or
would
sell
the
Kingdom
to
a
Foreign
Power
.
But
these
wild
suppositions
are
not
to
be
brought
into
the
practice
of
the
World
,
of
which
perhaps
there
are
no
Examples
upon
Record
.
For
what
can
be
more
incredible
then
that
a
King
should
be
fond
of
destroying
his
Kingdom
,
when
by
that
he
certainly
in
the
first
place
destroys
himself
himself
,
or
of
alienating
it
to
another
,
when
by
that
he
as
certainly
enslaves
himself
.
Perhaps
the
thing
may
be
possible
in
Nature
,
but
it
is
so
infinitely
improbable
,
that
it
ought
not
to
be
supposed
in
the
practice
of
the
World
:
Least
by
supposing
such
an
unexampled
madness
,
we
let
Men
loose
from
their
Duty
in
all
other
Cases
;
for
that
is
the
constant
practice
of
all
Incendiaries
,
to
perswade
the
People
that
their
present
Governors
take
the
course
to
destroy
the
Common-wealth
.
So
that
by
this
supposition
of
these
two
Extravagancies
,
these
Learned
Men
utterly
defeat
their
own
Design
,
because
these
are
the
very
Cases
that
are
pretended
in
all
Rebellions
,
and
may
be
applyed
to
all
Cases
,
as
Men
please
to
make
use
of
their
assistance
.
Thus
when
Barclay
argues
,
That
if
the
The
Carlis
King
,
i.
e.
The
King
of
the
Clowns
.
If
he
favour
and
advance
the
Nobility
,
and
they
any
way
oppress
or
disgust
the
Commons
,
it
will
drive
them
into
Tumults
,
and
though
at
first
they
may
be
despised
as
a
cowardly
and
silly
Rout
,
whilst
they
want
a
Leader
;
yet
when
they
are
headed
by
any
bold
Captain
,
there
is
nothing
more
daring
or
more
dangerous
,
for
casting
off
all
fears
and
restraints
,
they
will
mount
out
of
the
lowest
Servitude
to
the
top
of
Pride
and
Insolence
,
especially
if
any
of
the
Nobility
join
with
them
,
and
it
rarely
happens
in
such
cafes
,
but
that
the
People
draw
in
the
Nobles
,
or
the
Nobles
the
People
.
And
yet
there
is
but
one
pretence
for
all
Rebellions
,
the
fault
of
the
Governor
;
and
but
one
design
,
and
that
is
to
save
the
Common-wealth
from
destruction
.
And
this
will
put
it
into
the
Power
of
all
Rebels
,
who
pretend
that
they
are
forced
to
take
up
Arms
against
their
Prince
for
the
Publick
Safety
(
for
all
Rebels
hide
their
wickedness
under
that
Veil
)
and
if
need
be
for
the
same
reason
Depose
him
.
All
which
discourse
,
as
effectual
as
it
is
,
is
clearly
defeated
,
and
a
Gap
opened
to
all
the
liberty
that
Rebels
challenge
by
his
allowing
the
Lawfulness
of
resistance
,
When
the
Prince
goes
about
to
destroy
the
Common-wealth
,
when
by
his
own
observation
it
is
the
standing
Artifice
,
and
only
Pretence
of
all
Rebellions
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
if
it
be
once
granted
in
any
one
case
,
it
may
be
made
as
wide
as
Mens
conveniences
require
.
Thus
Grotius
has
extended
it
to
Seven
or
Eight
Cases
more
,
i.
e.
As
many
as
Holy
Common-wealth
p.
466.
the
Rebellion
against
his
late
Majesty
,
by
recapitulating
the
many
misdemeanours
and
illegal
Acts
of
his
Government
;
or
rather
Transcribing
the
long
Parliaments
Remonstrance
of
the
State
of
the
Kingdom
;
in
which
they
represented
to
the
People
the
great
and
manifest
danger
of
the
utter
Subversion
of
our
Religion
,
our
Laws
,
our
Liberties
,
and
the
Common-wealth
it self
,
under
the
King's
Government
:
And
thus
we
see
that
by
allowing
resistance
to
the
worst
of
Kings
in
any
one
case
,
it
will
serve
for
a
plausible
and
effectual
pretence
for
Rebellion
against
the
best
of
Kings
in
all
Cases
.
And
therefore
it
is
more
for
the
benefit
of
Manking
to
have
this
liberty
denyed
even
in
those
rare
and
extravagant
Cases
,
then
by
granting
it
in
any
to
make
a
pretence
for
all
Rebellions
:
And
if
ever
there
should
be
a
Prince
so
strangely
beside
himself
,
as
to
set
himself
to
destroy
his
own
Kingdom
,
there
would
be
no
danger
of
him
,
and
he
would
be
so
unlikely
to
effect
it
,
that
he
would
first
need
to
be
chain'd
up
for
other
acts
of
madness
,
before
he
could
entertain
such
raving
thoughts
:
However
it
would
be
much
less
mischievous
to
the
World
,
that
such
a
Bedlam
Prince
should
rather
be
suffer'd
to
destroy
the
Common-wealth
without
resistance
from
his
Subjects
,
because
it
is
so
rarely
done
,
then
that
his
Subjects
should
be
permitted
to
rebel
against
him
under
that
pretence
,
because
it
is
so
frequently
done
;
a
thousand
times
for
once
:
And
for
this
reason
is
it
,
that
God
Almighty
has
made
universal
Subjection
such
an
indispensable
Duty
,
because
however
the
World
goes
,
peace
is
at
all
times
most
beneficial
for
the
good
of
Mankind
,
and
that
is
the
end
of
all
his
Laws
.
And
its
universal
obligation
is
so
evident
,
upon
supposition
that
Government
is
of
Divine
Institution
,
that
Grotius
has
no
other
way
to
escape
from
the
Argument
,
but
by
making
it
a
meer
humane
Invention
.
Which
is
to
suppose
that
all
Men
in
the
World
were
once
out
of
Government
,
and
that
is
to
suppose
them
both
uncreated
and
unbegotten
,
as
I
shall
prove
when
I
come
to
discourse
of
the
Original
of
Government
.
But
at
present
,
granting
all
Government
to
be
an
Artificial
invention
of
Men
,
yet
it
was
first
contrived
for
the
common
security
;
and
therefore
it
is
always
as
necessary
to
keep
it
up
,
as
it
was
at
first
to
set
it
up
;
for
if
it
be
at
any
time
taken
down
,
we
are
in
the
same
state
of
War
and
Confusion
▪
that
we
were
in
before
we
agreed
to
submit
our selves
to
it
;
and
therefore
for
the
same
reason
that
we
first
entred
into
it
,
are
we
obliged
to
preserve
its
Rights
inviolable
,
lest
by
breaking
the
present
settlement
,
we
expose
our selves
to
all
those
inconveniences
of
life
,
that
we
design'd
to
avoid
by
its
first
Institution
.
So
that
in
the
conclusion
of
all
,
whether
Government
were
first
instituted
by
God
or
Man
,
it
is
agreed
on
all
sides
,
that
it
is
necessary
to
Society
,
and
Society
to
the
comfort
of
every
Man's
life
;
so
that
to
baulk
or
oppose
the
Government
,
is
to
destroy
the
Society
,
and
to
destroy
that
,
is
to
destroy
every
Man
's
own
Propriety
;
and
after
that
,
all
other
pretences
,
how
big
soever
,
are
too
light
to
be
put
into
the
Balance
against
so
weighty
a
Consideration
.
This
that
I
have
here
in
brief
represented
,
is
enough
to
convince
any
Man
,
that
Submission
to
a
lawful
Government
,
how
ill
soever
managed
,
cannot
be
more
our
Duty
,
then
it
is
our
Wisdom
and
Interest
.
And
therefore
that
it
is
not
want
of
a
good
understanding
or
a
manly
sense
of
things
to
bear
Oppression
,
but
the
Effect
of
true
Prudence
,
and
a
thorough
insight
into
the
consequences
of
things
.
And
I
have
here
dropt
in
this
brief
account
of
the
folly
of
all
resistance
against
a
legal
and
setled
Government
,
only
as
a
present
check
to
the
petulancy
of
Sedition
.
For
be
the
pretences
in
any
case
never
so
strong
and
plausible
,
they
can
never
stand
before
the
force
and
the
light
of
this
one
Consideration
,
That
how
great
,
and
how
many
mischiefs
soever
Resistance
may
think
to
remove
;
it
certainly
creates
many
more
,
and
those
much
heavier
,
and
rarely
ends
in
any
thing
than
universal
destruction
.
But
this
Argument
I
shall
(
by
Gods
assistance
)
prosecute
more
largely
,
when
I
come
to
shew
the
Grounds
and
Reasons
upon
which
this
Duty
of
Universal
Subjection
is
founded
,
and
these
I
shall
demonstrate
from
the
Use
,
the
Nature
,
and
the
Original
of
Government
,
that
cannot
subsist
but
upon
its
supposition
.
And
then
I
shall
take
an
account
of
all
the
republican
and
antimonarchical
Principles
,
and
shew
that
all
their
Hypotheses
concerning
Government
first
contrived
by
the
Common-wealths-men
of
Greece
,
stand
upon
no
firmer
bottom
than
meer
fable
and
poetry
,
and
in
particular
that
their
fundamental
Principle
,
of
deriving
all
Government
from
the
People
,
is
built
upon
no
wiser
supposition
then
this
,
That
the
World
was
once
peopled
with
Men
and
Women
,
that
sprung
out
of
the
Earth
,
both
without
a
Creatour
and
without
Parents
.
And
then
in
the
last
place
shew
,
that
the
Hildebrandinists
of
all
Sects
;
Bellarmine
,
Suarez
,
Mariana
,
Lessius
,
Becanus
,
Boucherius
and
others
on
the
Papal
side
:
Buchanan
,
Junius
Brutus
,
Rutherford
,
Mr.
B.
and
other
of
the
Presbyterian
side
,
all
agree
in
this
one
Principle
of
deriving
the
Government
from
the
People
,
and
make
it
the
last
pretence
of
all
their
pleas
for
resistance
upon
what
account
soever
.
In
the
mean
time
I
proceed
upon
the
Authority
of
the
Scriptures
.
§.
8.
That
is
the
second
advantage
,
that
the
Christian
Religion
brings
along
with
it
for
the
security
of
Civil
Government
,
viz.
the
many
Laws
that
it
has
injoyn'd
to
bind
Subjects
to
an
entire
and
absolute
subjection
.
The
third
is
this
,
That
those
that
are
entrusted
with
highest
Authority
in
the
Church
,
are
most
severely
forbidden
to
challenge
to
themselves
any
temporal
power
or
dominion
,
and
strictly
commanded
to
exercise
their
own
jurisdiction
with
all
manner
of
meekness
and
humility
,
towards
their
Inferiours
,
and
an
exemplary
submission
to
their
Superiours
.
And
this
is
a
new
Tye
upon
them
beside
all
the
former
obligations
from
the
nature
of
Christianity
,
the
doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
the
Precepts
of
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
in
common
to
them
,
with
all
other
Christians
,
to
an
entire
and
unreserved
subjection
.
Thus
when
our
Saviour
had
constituted
the
Apostles
supreme
Governours
in
his
Church
,
he
beats
them
all
off
from
all
Thoughts
of
worldly
pride
and
ambition
;
and
instructs
them
to
exercise
their
Power
,
though
it
were
so
very
great
,
with
that
complyance
and
condescention
,
as
if
they
had
in
reality
none
at
all
.
For
all
our
Saviour's
Precepts
to
his
Apostles
to
avoid
domination
,
relate
wholly
to
the
manner
of
exercising
their
Authority
;
and
not
to
the
Authority
it self
,
as
the
Enemies
to
the
Christian
Church
would
force
them
to
imply
.
For
that
the
Apostles
were
vested
with
true
and
proper
Power
,
is
evident
both
from
their
Office
(
all
the
Acts
whereof
we
have
shewn
to
be
Authoritative
)
and
from
our
Saviour's
own
immediate
Grant
,
in
which
he
expressly
declares
,
That
he
leaves
to
them
and
their
Successours
the
same
Power
,
that
himself
had
received
from
his
Father
.
So
that
if
he
had
any
real
Authority
at
all
,
so
had
they
too
;
and
if
they
had
none
,
neither
had
he
.
And
therefore
those
several
Texts
,
that
are
usually
alledged
to
take
away
the
Power
of
the
Church
,
cannot
be
understood
of
any
thing
but
the
manner
of
its
exercise
,
without
any
pride
or
haughtiness
,
and
with
all
manner
of
gentleness
and
condescention
to
those
that
were
under
their
Authority
.
And
if
we
take
an
Account
of
the
particular
passages
themselves
,
they
will
force
us
to
take
them
in
this
sense
and
no
other
.
Thus
when
they
were
contending
among
themselves
,
our
Saviour
calls
them
to
him
,
and
tells
them
,
The
Princes
of
the
Gentiles
exercise
dominion
over
them
,
and
they
that
are
great
exercise
Authority
upon
them
,
but
it
shall
not
be
so
among
you
:
But
whosoever
will
be
great
among
you
,
let
him
be
your
Minister
;
and
whosoever
will
be
chief
[
or
Ruler
]
among
you
,
let
him
be
your
Servant
,
even
as
the
Son
of
man
came
not
to
be
ministred
unto
,
but
to
minister
.
Which
words
though
they
are
alledged
by
Grotius
in
the
Book
of
his
Youth
,
de
Imperio
,
against
all
manner
of
Authority
in
the
Church
beside
that
of
perswasion
,
which
is
none
at
all
:
Yet
in
his
Notes
upon
the
Gospels
,
he
clearly
shews
the
Vanity
and
the
Falsehood
of
that
Interpretation
.
And
no
wonder
,
when
it
is
done
so
expressly
by
the
Words
themselves
,
in
which
our
Saviour
shews
his
Apostles
,
how
they
may
observe
this
Rule
by
following
his
Example
,
Now
it
is
plain
(
says
he
)
that
it
cannot
be
said
of
him
that
he
had
no
Authority
,
when
he
says
of
himself
that
he
had
all
Power
in
Heaven
and
Earth
,
and
therefore
it
cannot
refer
to
the
Being
of
Authority
it self
,
but
to
its
kind
and
the
manner
of
using
it
.
That
as
he
notwithstanding
the
greatness
of
his
Dignity
,
behaved
himself
rather
like
a
Servant
than
a
Lord
,
and
instead
of
imperious
commanding
his
Subjects
,
condescended
to
the
lowest
Offices
towards
them
,
thereby
to
endear
them
to
himself
and
the
gentleness
of
his
Government
,
so
should
all
Pastours
and
Governours
in
the
Christian
Church
,
not
insult
and
domineer
over
their
Flocks
,
not
govern
them
with
an
arbitrary
Power
,
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
tyrannical
dominion
,
as
Gregory
Nazianzen
expresses
it
;
nor
enslave
them
Antiq.
Jud.
13.
2.
known
by
the
particular
Title
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Benefactours
:
But
to
treat
them
with
all
gentleness
,
and
to
be
so
far
from
using
them
like
Slaves
,
that
they
should
rather
behave
themselves
to
them
like
Servants
,
i.
e.
in
short
,
to
mix
nothing
of
Arrogance
with
their
Authority
.
And
that
truly
becomes
the
Person
and
Dignity
of
a
Christian
Prelate
(
as
St.
Chrysostom
paraphrases
upon
it
)
to
be
affable
and
courteous
,
to
be
kind
and
gentle
,
to
be
familiar
and
condescending
to
the
meanest
Persons
;
this
gains
him
respect
with
all
Men
,
and
makes
his
Authority
much
greater
then
it
would
be
without
it
,
Men
will
much
more
readily
obey
a
Superiour
,
that
obliges
more
then
he
commands
.
Whereas
on
the
contrary
(
says
he
)
if
a
Bishop
be
proud
and
surly
,
or
if
rough
and
peevish
,
or
if
when
he
ought
to
reprove
he
scold
and
braul
,
or
if
when
he
should
command
,
he
huffs
or
domineers
;
or
if
he
affect
to
be
troublesome
to
his
Inferiours
,
and
shew
the
greatness
of
his
Power
,
by
nothing
else
then
being
pert
and
vexatious
,
he
justly
exposes
himself
to
the
contempt
of
all
Men
,
loses
the
respect
due
to
his
Person
,
and
the
Reverence
due
to
his
Place
.
Nothing
so
odious
or
despicable
as
a
Clown
in
any
Authority
,
but
in
Church
Authority
it
is
so
offensive
,
that
the
indignity
of
it
is
not
to
be
express't
,
it
is
so
wide
a
contradiction
to
the
Place
and
Office
.
Now
the
sense
of
this
Text
being
thus
stated
,
as
it
is
by
this
Eloquent
Father
,
it
fixes
the
meaning
of
all
the
rest
;
thus
when
St.
Peter
exhorts
the
Pastors
not
Not
having
Dominion
over
their
Faith
,
for
the
word
Dominion
is
not
always
taken
in
a
bad
Sense
,
but
often
signifies
Lawful
Authority
,
whereas
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
properly
signifies
nothing
but
domineering
,
or
treating
them
as
Masters
do
their
Slaves
,
whom
they
care
not
how
they
use
for
their
own
gain
and
advantage
;
that
is
the
proper
import
of
the
word
,
and
therefore
it
is
very
aptly
joyn'd
by
St.
Peter
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
feed
the
Flock
for
filthy
lucre
,
as
the
Romans
kept
their
Slaves
.
And
to
the
same
purpose
is
the
advice
of
St.
Paul
,
that
a
Bishop
be
no
striker
,
nor
greedy
of
filthy
i.
e.
not
to
run
into
any
of
these
Vices
or
Disorders
in
the
exercise
of
his
Episcopal
Authority
;
but
to
infer
from
hence
,
that
he
has
no
true
and
real
Authority
at
all
,
only
becomes
the
Man
that
knows
no
better
Sanction
of
a
Law
,
then
a
Sword
or
a
Cudgel
.
And
this
very
thing
is
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
moderation
,
that
is
so
frequently
injoin'd
in
the
Apostolical
Writings
,
as
Phil.
4.
5.
T
it
3.
2.
Jam.
3.
17.
It
is
not
,
as
it
is
by
some
Men
very
ignorantly
interpreted
,
an
unconcernedness
and
indifferency
between
dissenting
Parties
,
for
that
may
be
good
or
bad
as
it
happens
;
if
the
controversie
be
trivial
,
it
may
be
an
instance
of
it
,
but
if
it
be
about
a
matter
that
is
setled
either
by
the
Authority
of
God
or
the
Church
,
there
indifferency
and
moderation
is
nothing
else
then
Falshood
and
Treachery
.
But
the
true
meaning
of
the
word
,
is
a
mildness
and
gentleness
in
the
use
of
Authority
,
the
same
that
is
attributed
to
God
himself
in
the
Government
of
the
World
,
Wisd.
of
Solomon
,
c.
12.
v.
18
,
But
thou
Mastering
thy
Power
,
judgest
with
Equity
,
and
orderest
us
with
great
savour
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
judgest
not
by
rigour
of
Law
,
but
with
mercy
and
gentleness
,
and
so
Aristotle
defines
the
vertue
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
that
its
Office
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
correct
and
moderate
the
general
Law
when
it
is
applyed
to
particular
Cases
.
And
all
good
Government
is
ever
more
merciful
then
the
Law
ought
to
be
,
for
that
cannot
be
too
severe
to
deter
Men
from
offending
,
so
that
there
are
not
many
cases
in
which
it
is
broken
,
wherein
the
offender
may
not
require
some
mercy
and
compassion
.
But
as
this
Vertue
is
so
highly
commendable
in
all
Government
,
so
is
it
much
more
in
that
of
the
Church
,
in
which
Almighty
God
shews
more
of
it
in
himself
towards
Mankind
,
the
Gospel
being
nothing
but
a
dispensation
of
his
Mercy
and
Gentleness
to
Offenders
.
And
as
this
is
a
necessary
Qualification
in
the
Governors
of
the
Church
for
guiding
and
rectifying
their
publick
Government
,
so
is
it
most
becoming
their
private
Conversation
,
and
by
gaining
Authority
to
their
Persons
,
doubles
that
of
their
Office
.
So
that
when
our
Saviour
instructs
his
Apostles
in
this
new
way
to
Greatness
,
his
instructions
are
wise
in
a
literal
Sense
,
for
nothing
is
really
so
great
and
commanding
in
the
World
as
true
Humility
.
Whoever
will
be
great
among
you
,
let
him
be
your
Minister
,
and
whoever
will
be
first
among
you
,
let
him
be
your
Servant
,
Matth.
21.
26.
If
any
one
desire
to
be
first
,
the
same
shall
be
last
of
all
,
and
Servant
of
all
,
Mark
9.
35.
He
that
exalteth
himself
,
shall
be
abased
;
and
he
that
will
abase
himself
,
shall
be
exalted
,
Math.
23.
12.
The
common
experience
of
the
World
sufficiently
attests
the
Truth
and
the
Wisdom
of
these
Propositions
,
so
Powerful
is
the
obligation
of
Courtesie
,
Condescention
,
and
Humility
.
But
if
the
Governors
of
the
Church
are
so
strictly
injoin'd
this
Vertue
,
where
they
have
Authority
,
how
much
more
are
they
,
where
they
have
none
?
If
they
may
not
contend
with
one
another
for
Dominion
,
though
they
have
equal
Power
,
how
much
less
with
Sovereign
Princes
,
of
whose
Power
they
have
no
share
,
and
to
whom
they
are
bound
to
a
more
exact
and
exemplary
Obedience
and
Submission
then
other
Subjects
,
by
their
Office
and
Power
.
So
that
our
Saviour
has
taken
all
possible
care
,
as
far
as
Law
can
do
it
,
to
reduce
the
Constitution
of
his
Church
to
an
entire
compliance
with
the
Civil
Government
.
And
though
he
has
instituted
a
distinct
Government
in
it
,
suited
to
the
design
of
his
Religion
,
he
has
so
many
ways
brought
it
into
Subjection
to
Sovereign
Powers
,
that
they
are
much
more
disabled
by
their
very
Authority
to
give
them
any
disturbance
,
then
they
could
have
been
without
it
;
the
very
Authority
it self
being
a
new
and
distinct
Obligation
to
a
stricter
Allegiance
.
But
because
notwithstanding
all
this
Evidence
some
Men
are
jealous
of
granting
any
Authority
to
the
Church
peculiar
to
it self
,
especially
when
all
Power
is
so
apt
to
degenerate
into
abuse
;
and
therefore
though
they
cannot
deny
the
truth
of
it
in
general
,
are
very
shy
of
admitting
it
at
all
,
lest
they
give
it
too
much
advantage
sometime
or
other
to
fix
and
strengthen
an
interest
within
it self
,
against
the
State
(
And
I
must
confess
the
prophane
boldness
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
ever
since
the
Hildebrandine
Apostacy
,
in
justling
and
contesting
with
Princes
,
as
the
Vicars
of
Christ
,
has
given
too
much
ground
for
this
Jealousie
)
I
shall
from
this
general
state
of
the
Christian
Law
,
as
fixt
by
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
proceed
to
its
particular
Precedents
,
when
it
came
to
be
reduced
to
practice
in
the
Primitive
Church
.
Whereby
I
shall
make
it
to
appear
,
after
and
beside
all
these
foregoing
considerations
to
forestal
all
pretences
whatsoever
,
of
resistance
to
the
Civil
State
,
that
thô
this
,
because
all
Power
is
so
,
may
be
liable
to
abuse
,
yet
that
there
is
not
any
one
point
of
Government
more
easie
then
t●
prevent
it
,
and
that
the
danger
is
so
very
little
,
that
no
Government
that
does
not
grosly
forsake
it self
,
can
possibly
suffer
any
thing
from
it
,
and
that
the
abuse
is
so
unlikely
,
and
so
difficult
ever
to
be
put
in
practice
again
,
that
there
is
no
one
thing
in
the
World
that
requires
less
care
to
watch
against
it
;
in
short
,
that
it
can
never
come
to
do
any
harm
without
such
a
long
continued
stupidity
in
the
State
,
as
is
utterly
inconsistent
with
all
Government
of
it
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
the
advantages
that
accrue
to
the
State
by
receiving
the
Church
into
its
protection
,
are
so
great
,
so
certain
,
and
so
universal
,
that
there
cannot
be
a
grosser
faileur
in
Policy
,
then
to
refuse
or
deny
it
.
And
here
I
say
for
our
better
direction
,
as
every
where
else
,
we
must
advise
with
the
practice
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
where
we
shall
find
the
whole
matter
so
fairly
and
so
easily
accorded
,
that
it
is
next
to
a
miracle
how
it
should
ever
be
made
so
great
a
difficulty
in
these
later
times
.
But
it
hapned
in
this
,
as
it
did
in
most
other
things
at
the
time
of
the
Reformation
,
that
men
saw
themselves
wrapt
up
,
they
knew
not
how
,
in
woful
Errours
and
Corruptions
,
but
did
not
,
and
indeed
as
the
World
then
stood
,
could
not
immediately
discover
the
true
original
state
of
the
Church
,
as
it
was
at
first
setled
by
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
and
received
into
protection
by
Constantine
and
the
Christian
Emperours
.
So
that
though
they
had
Eye-sight
enough
(
and
God
knows
very
little
would
serve
their
turn
)
to
discern
the
follies
and
abuses
of
Rome
,
they
were
at
a
loss
how
to
fix
the
right
Reformation
,
and
for
want
of
the
ancient
Records
of
the
Church
,
that
lay
buried
in
dust
and
rubbish
at
that
time
,
could
make
but
slow
improvements
in
it
.
So
that
before
the
true
state
of
the
Church
could
be
clearly
and
fully
discover'd
,
most
of
them
were
setled
in
some
way
or
other
,
and
after
any
new
settlement
,
it
is
very
difficult
to
make
any
Alteration
,
and
therefore
they
continue
in
their
first
posture
to
this
day
.
But
the
Church
of
England
at
the
very
first
Attempt
,
resolving
to
reform
it self
by
the
Example
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
and
having
the
good
fortune
to
retain
the
Apostolical
form
of
Episcopal
Government
in
subordination
to
the
Royal
Power
,
set
it self
in
a
right
way
to
Reformation
.
And
so
as
the
state
of
things
came
to
light
by
degrees
,
brought
its
work
to
some
competent
Perfection
.
For
the
Reformation
of
the
Church
after
such
an
inveterate
degeneracy
,
must
needs
be
a
work
of
so
great
bulk
and
difficulty
,
that
it
is
an
unreasonable
thing
to
expect
that
it
should
be
finisht
at
the
first
stroke
.
So
great
a
design
as
that
must
be
a
work
of
time
and
consideration
,
to
be
reviewed
and
amended
as
the
Master-Workmen
shall
find
most
convenient
.
So
as
that
they
,
who
had
a
Power
first
to
begin
it
,
have
an
inherent
right
,
when
ever
they
think
fit
to
take
an
account
of
their
own
Work
,
and
if
they
find
any
flaws
,
mistakes
,
or
defects
in
it
,
to
make
them
up
by
an
after-care
.
So
that
there
must
be
a
constant
Power
residing
in
the
Church
to
enact
or
abolish
Laws
,
as
it
judges
most
serviceable
to
the
present
state
of
things
.
And
that
is
truly
and
properly
the
Church
of
England
,
the
Governours
of
it
acting
under
the
Allowance
of
the
Sovereign
Power
by
its
establisht
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
with
a
constant
power
residing
in
themselves
,
and
their
Successours
,
to
enact
new
Laws
as
they
shall
judge
most
beneficial
to
the
Edification
of
the
Church
.
And
it
is
a
very
crude
notion
of
the
Church
of
England
(
as
common
as
it
is
)
that
it
is
to
be
found
in
its
Canons
,
Articles
and
Constitutions
,
for
that
is
only
the
Law
and
dead
rule
of
the
Church
of
England
,
but
the
Church
properly
so
call'd
consists
in
its
living
Authority
,
as
setled
by
our
Saviour
,
by
which
these
Laws
were
at
first
enacted
,
and
are
or
ought
to
be
still
executed
,
and
may
in
some
cases
be
alter'd
.
And
that
is
the
great
difference
between
the
Law
and
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
that
one
is
alterable
,
and
the
other
is
not
.
The
Authority
of
the
Church
may
make
new
Laws
and
cancel
old
ones
,
but
that
lasts
the
same
for
ever
.
So
that
for
men
to
talk
of
this
or
that
Church
,
without
a
particular
form
of
Government
setled
in
it
by
our
Saviour's
own
Commission
,
is
to
turn
the
Christian
Church
into
a
Chimaera
and
imaginary
state
of
Fairies
.
But
as
for
the
Church
of
England
,
according
to
the
design
of
its
Reformation
,
it
consists
of
a
National
Synod
of
Bishops
,
together
with
a
select
Convocation
of
Presbyters
representing
the
whole
Body
of
the
Clergy
in
subjection
to
the
Sovereign
Power
,
and
in
communion
with
the
Catholique
Church
all
the
World
over
,
as
far
as
it
can
be
attain'd
.
And
this
is
contrived
so
agreeably
to
the
Primitive
Platform
,
the
Interest
of
Government
,
the
Nature
of
Christianity
,
that
there
is
little
else
defective
in
it
,
then
the
honesty
and
the
confidence
to
own
it self
,
and
put
its
own
Constitution
into
effectual
practice
.
But
of
that
I
shall
discourse
in
its
proper
place
.
§.
9.
At
present
for
the
practice
of
the
Primitive
Churches
Government
within
it self
,
and
as
it
related
to
the
Civil
State
,
it
must
be
consider'd
in
the
two
Periods
;
before
and
after
the
Conversion
of
the
Empire
;
and
by
comparing
the
true
face
and
posture
of
things
in
these
two
so
different
states
,
we
shall
have
an
exact
description
of
the
Rights
of
the
Church
in
all
estates
and
conditions
whatsoever
:
But
most
of
all
of
its
easy
complyance
with
the
Rights
of
Civil
Government
in
Christian
States
;
and
of
the
safest
way
for
Christian
Sovereigns
to
govern
and
protect
the
Church
within
their
Dominions
,
without
invading
its
inherent
and
unalienable
Authority
.
And
then
last
of
all
,
I
shall
compare
that
Royal
Supremacy
,
that
is
acknowledged
and
asserted
in
the
Church
and
Realm
of
England
in
Causes
Ecclesiastical
with
the
sense
of
the
Ancient
Church
,
concerning
the
Authority
of
Emperours
,
and
with
the
Practice
of
Christian
Princes
,
in
the
Exercise
of
this
Authority
.
And
by
shewing
their
compleat
Agreement
,
shall
from
that
Topick
distinctly
prove
that
we
have
in
this
,
as
well
as
in
other
matters
,
attain'd
a
good
degree
of
Reformation
.
First
,
as
for
the
Period
of
time
,
before
the
Conversion
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
there
are
two
things
to
be
consider'd
;
first
their
behaviour
towards
the
Civil
Government
,
whilst
it
supprest
and
persecuted
the
Christian
Faith
:
Secondly
,
the
exercise
of
their
own
Authority
within
themselves
.
From
both
which
it
will
appear
that
the
Church
,
as
a
Society
founded
by
Christ
,
challenged
a
Jurisdiction
distinct
from
and
Independant
upon
the
Civil
State
;
and
that
this
Jurisdiction
was
so
far
from
interfering
with
or
abating
of
the
Sovereignty
of
Princes
,
that
it
bound
them
to
the
strictest
Allegiance
and
Subjection
,
to
the
most
inhumane
Persecutors
.
And
the
Story
of
this
Interval
,
whilst
the
powers
of
the
Church
and
the
World
were
separate
,
and
indeed
(
as
much
as
it
was
possible
)
opposite
,
will
set
before
us
a
much
clearer
State
of
the
Nature
and
Extent
of
the
two
Jurisdictions
,
then
we
can
have
from
the
Practice
of
Christian
States
,
in
which
the
two
Powers
concurring
in
the
same
Acts
of
Government
,
it
is
not
altogether
so
easie
to
discern
their
distinct
influences
:
but
will
withal
give
us
the
fullest
Character
of
true
Christian
Loyalty
from
their
practice
under
the
hardest
usage
and
severest
persecutions
.
But
most
of
all
from
their
Principles
upon
which
they
founded
their
Obligation
to
their
Practice
;
and
when
it
appears
upon
what
grounds
and
reasons
they
submitted
to
the
utmost
cruelty
of
the
Civil
Government
,
that
will
prevent
the
common
shift
made
by
all
Factious
Parties
against
the
Authority
of
their
Example
:
viz.
that
they
submitted
for
want
of
strength
to
make
resistance
,
because
it
will
shew
that
they
thought
themselves
obliged
to
suffer
any
thing
from
the
Government
rather
then
resist
,
by
the
most
Sacred
and
indispensable
Laws
of
their
Religion
.
And
first
,
as
for
their
Patience
and
Submission
under
all
kinds
of
Cruelties
and
Oppressions
,
it
is
so
remarkable
,
so
entire
,
so
without
reserve
or
exception
,
that
,
if
it
were
possible
,
the
height
and
glory
of
their
practice
exceeded
the
Gallantry
of
their
Masters
Precepts
.
And
though
they
were
eminent
for
all
other
Vertues
,
yet
in
this
of
patience
,
cheerfulness
,
and
magnanimity
under
sufferings
they
out-did
themselves
.
It
was
the
hight
and
perfection
of
all
their
goodness
;
it
was
the
wonder
and
astonishment
of
their
Enemies
;
and
the
glory
,
and
if
any
thing
could
be
so
,
the
very
boast
of
their
Religion
.
Numberless
are
both
the
Instances
of
this
Practice
in
the
Records
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Assertions
in
the
Writings
of
the
ancient
Doctors
of
it
,
to
own
and
justifie
their
Obligation
to
it
.
But
to
transcribe
them
would
be
an
endless
work
,
and
would
take
up
the
greatest
part
of
the
Records
of
the
first
three
hundred
years
;
that
are
for
the
most
part
employed
about
these
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
as
Eusebius
In
Praefat.
ad
lib.
5.
stiles
them
)
these
peaceable
Wars
of
Martyrs
and
Confessors
.
It
is
enough
that
in
all
that
time
,
there
is
not
one
instance
of
any
Christians
making
any
forcible
defence
,
or
joyning
in
any
Sedition
against
their
Governors
.
Though
if
there
had
been
any
miscarriages
in
that
kind
,
that
could
have
been
no
objection
against
the
truth
of
the
Doctrine
it self
,
which
is
to
be
taken
from
the
general
Practice
and
Sense
of
the
Church
,
not
from
the
irregularities
of
a
few
private
persons
.
And
yet
so
far
was
it
from
that
,
that
to
me
it
looks
like
Wonder
and
Miracle
that
among
all
the
Primitive
Christians
,
who
lived
under
Pagan
and
persecuting
Emperors
till
the
time
of
Constantine
the
Great
,
which
takes
in
the
Interval
of
three
hundred
and
forty
years
,
there
should
not
be
one
instance
of
any
one
Christian
,
that
either
taught
or
practised
the
Doctrine
of
resistance
in
any
case
whatsoever
;
but
that
on
the
contrary
they
unanimously
both
taught
and
practised
the
Duty
of
Passive
Obedience
,
as
one
of
the
greatest
and
most
indispensable
Laws
of
their
Religion
.
And
first
as
for
the
publick
Records
,
the
Canons
and
Laws
of
the
Church
,
the
case
is
the
same
here
,
as
that
of
Parricide
in
old
Rome
;
the
Crime
was
so
unknown
and
so
unsuspected
that
no
Provision
was
made
against
it
.
For
among
all
the
Canonical
Decrees
and
Censures
of
the
Ancient
Church
,
which
were
all
enacted
to
restrain
some
present
miscarriages
,
there
is
not
one
to
be
found
that
forbids
or
punishes
the
Sin
of
Resistance
to
Lawful
Superiors
.
The
Christians
of
the
Primitive
Church
were
so
firmly
fix't
in
their
Duty
here
by
our
Saviour's
and
his
Apostles
Precepts
,
and
by
the
constant
Instructions
and
Unanimous
Sense
of
their
Pastours
and
Teachers
,
that
they
supposed
that
they
could
not
make
any
resistance
to
the
most
unjust
violence
of
their
Persecutors
,
without
renouncing
Christianity
it self
.
And
that
is
the
reason
why
this
Crime
was
then
never
restrained
by
Ecclesiastical
Censures
,
because
it
was
then
never
committed
.
And
though
there
are
scarce
any
other
Sins
for
which
the
Church
has
not
appointed
proper
Penances
,
because
they
were
some
time
or
other
put
in
practice
,
yet
the
sin
of
Reb●llion
was
the
only
Crime
for
which
it
had
no
Penance
,
because
there
never
was
any
one
instance
of
it
,
to
give
any
●ccasion
for
a
Law
against
it
.
Nay
,
so
far
was
the
Church
from
doing
any
thing
prejudicial
to
the
Rights
of
Sovereign
Powers
,
that
it
was
careful
and
tender
of
the
Interests
of
Families
,
in
pursuance
of
its
Fundamental
Principle
,
that
Christianity
was
to
make
no
alteration
in
any
Civil
Rights
whatsoever
.
And
therefore
in
the
82
Apostolical
Canon
it
is
provided
.
That
no
Servant
be
admitted
into
Holy
Orders
without
his
Master's
consent
,
because
(
as
they
give
the
reason
of
the
Law
)
that
would
be
a
subversion
of
Families
.
And
for
that
reason
it
was
made
one
of
the
Articles
framed
against
St.
Chrysostom
by
his
Adversaries
in
the
Synod
under
the
Oak
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
That
he
had
Ordain'd
other
Mens
Servants
before
they
were
set
at
liberty
.
And
in
the
third
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Gangra
it
is
Decreed
,
That
whoever
teaches
Servants
to
forsake
their
Masters
,
upon
the
account
of
Religion
,
be
Anathematised
.
This
Synod
of
Gangra
was
assembled
against
a
particular
Sect
of
Fanatiques
in
Armenia
,
that
under
the
pretence
of
a
more
refin'd
and
spiritual
Religion
,
became
perfect
Ranters
and
Levellers
,
and
so
subverted
all
Rights
both
Sacred
and
Civil
,
as
they
are
excellently
described
in
an
Epistle
of
the
Bishops
of
the
Synod
to
the
Bishops
of
Armenia
,
prefixt
to
their
Canons
,
and
among
the
many
other
disorders
into
which
these
wild
Enthusiasts
●an
themselves
,
this
was
one
,
that
they
taught
Servants
to
run
away
from
their
Masters
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
upon
the
pretext
of
Godliness
,
which
as
well
as
all
their
other
absurd
Principles
is
here
justly
,
and
as
Zonaras
observes
,
in
pursuance
of
the
Apostolical
Doctrine
,
Anathematifed
.
These
are
all
the
Canons
that
I
know
of
in
the
Ancient
Church
,
that
concern
Mens
Civil
Rights
,
so
rarely
were
they
invaded
or
violated
among
the
Primitive
Christians
;
but
the
first
Canons
that
I
meet
with
against
Rebellion
,
were
the
three
Anathema's
of
the
Council
of
Toledo
,
in
the
year
633
:
When
the
Romans
being
driven
out
of
Spain
by
the
Goths
,
and
they
being
settled
in
the
peaceful
Government
of
the
Country
,
after
the
death
of
Cinthilas
,
who
first
obtain'd
the
Crown
,
and
the
Peoples
consent
to
it
;
Sisinandus
his
Son
summon'd
this
Council
in
the
first
year
of
his
Reign
,
to
Anathematise
all
Persons
,
that
should
any
way
attempt
any
thing
against
his
Crown
,
Life
,
or
Dignity
.
But
this
was
meerly
contrived
for
the
security
of
his
Government
against
the
Romans
,
and
to
preserve
his
new
Subjects
from
Revolting
to
their
old
Masters
,
and
was
not
made
to
condemn
the
Doctrine
of
Resistance
,
as
if
it
had
been
taught
at
that
time
,
but
to
abet
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
for
that
reason
the
Anathema
upon
the
Offender
is
founded
upon
the
sin
of
Perjury
.
The
next
passage
that
I
remember
,
to
provide
against
all
Rebellion
,
is
the
fragment
of
a
Leunclavius
Graeco-Rom
.
Tom.
1.
Lib.
2.
Pag.
118.
Synod
held
by
Alexius
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
,
under
the
younger
Constantinus
Porphyrogenneta
,
who
began
his
Reign
in
the
year
975.
In
which
all
defections
from
,
or
insurrections
against
the
Emperour
are
Anathematised
;
and
so
is
the
Priest
that
gives
absolution
to
any
Rebels
,
before
they
return
to
their
Duty
and
Allegiance
.
The
occasion
of
this
Law
I
know
not
,
but
whatever
it
was
,
I
know
no
other
of
the
same
nature
till
the
Hildebrandine
Apostacy
,
whose
barbarous
proceedings
against
the
Emperour
Henry
the
Fourth
,
were
immediately
censured
and
condemned
by
a
Council
of
Thirty
Bishops
assembled
at
Brixia
in
the
year
1080
,
and
himself
is
Deposed
and
Anathematised
,
as
one
that
destroyed
the
Order
of
the
Church
,
and
disturb'd
the
Peace
of
Christian
Empire
,
and
compass't
the
Death
of
a
Catholique
Prince
,
and
abetted
a
perjured
Usurper
,
and
subverted
the
Peace
of
the
World
.
And
the
same
Sentence
was
ratified
five
years
after
in
a
Council
at
Mentz
,
though
all
in
vain
,
for
they
got
nothing
by
it
,
but
the
Name
and
the
Brand
of
Schismatiques
.
But
what
bloody
work
has
been
made
in
Christendom
by
the
Principles
of
this
Termagant
Pope
from
that
time
to
this
,
will
make
up
a
Volume
of
it self
,
when
we
come
to
those
times
.
But
to
return
to
the
state
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
though
there
are
no
examples
of
any
affront
or
violence
offer'd
to
the
Civil
Magistrate
in
it
,
yet
there
are
numberless
Instances
of
their
quiet
and
peaceable
Submission
,
and
that
too
upon
Principles
of
Duty
and
Obligations
of
Conscience
.
Thus
was
it
bravely
said
of
St.
Polycarp
,
and
worthy
the
greatness
and
wisdom
of
the
Martyr
,
to
the
Pro-Consul
at
his
Tryal
.
We
are
Commanded
,
Sir
,
to
give
all
due
and
decent
honour
E●seb
.
Lib.
4.
c.
15.
to
Princes
and
Magistrates
,
so
far
as
we
can
do
it
,
without
doing
wrong
to
our
own
Consciences
.
They
were
bound
to
comply
with
,
and
submit
to
the
Will
of
their
Governours
in
all
things
but
Sin
,
and
that
by
the
Laws
of
their
Religion
.
But
the
most
magnificent
Account
of
this
is
to
be
seen
in
the
Christian
Apologists
,
who
in
the
very
heat
and
flame
of
Persecutions
,
when
,
if
ever
,
Men
should
be
exasperated
into
Passion
,
Glory
and
Triumph
in
their
great
Zeal
and
Loyalty
to
those
very
Princes
by
whom
they
were
persecuted
.
Just
in
Martyr
is
so
As
for
our
parts
,
we
are
the
most
forward
of
any
Subjects
to
pay
Taxes
and
Contributions
to
the
Emperour
,
as
we
are
Commanded
by
our
Master
,
to
give
unto
God
the
things
that
are
God's
,
and
unto
Caesar
the
things
that
are
Caesar's
.
And
therefore
we
worship
God
alone
,
but
cheerfully
serve
them
in
all
other
things
,
as
well
knowing
them
to
be
Sovereign
Princes
over
Men
;
and
withal
praying
for
them
,
that
God
would
add
Wisdom
to
their
Imperial
Dignity
.
This
is
our
Practice
and
Profession
,
and
if
,
notwithstanding
this
,
you
will
proceed
against
us
,
we
shall
be
no
losers
,
being
assured
,
that
every
Man
must
after
death
give
an
account
of
his
own
Actions
,
and
then
our
Rewards
shall
be
proportion'd
to
our
Sufferings
.
And
after
the
same
manner
,
and
with
the
same
confidence
,
does
his
Scholar
Athenagoras
conclude
his
Eloquent
Oration
to
the
Emperours
,
when
he
had
shewn
the
Innocence
of
the
Christians
in
all
other
particulars
,
when
he
had
wip't
off
all
Calumnies
,
and
when
he
had
represented
their
Piety
,
their
Honesty
,
their
Temperance
,
their
Sobriety
,
he
adds
,
And
now
great
and
worthy
Sirs
,
lend
me
your
Royal
Ear
,
who
think
you
are
more
likely
to
obtain
the
things
that
they
pray
for
,
then
Persons
so
qualified
,
and
yet
we
daily
poure
forth
our
Prayers
for
the
prosperity
of
your
Government
,
and
that
the
Son
may
according
to
right
succeed
the
Father
in
the
Empire
,
and
that
your
Government
may
ever
increase
and
flourish
;
in
short
,
that
all
things
may
fall
out
as
successfully
as
your
hearts
can
desire
,
which
will
be
a
benefit
also
to
our selves
,
that
living
under
your
Reign
a
quiet
and
peaceable
life
,
we
may
readily
obey
your
Commands
.
That
was
the
sum
of
all
their
Apologies
,
and
it
was
suited
to
the
Nature
of
their
Religion
as
it
stood
founded
upon
the
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
we
are
obedient
to
all
your
Commands
,
that
are
not
contrary
to
the
true
worship
of
God
and
the
Laws
of
our
Religion
;
there
we
crave
leave
to
be
excused
,
and
if
that
offend
you
,
we
can
but
suffer
for
it
,
which
we
are
ready
to
do
with
all
manner
of
meekness
and
submission
,
as
being
assured
of
an
●ternal
Reward
for
a
short
calamity
.
Theophilus
Antiochenus
in
his
Address
to
his
Friend
,
discoursing
of
the
Folly
and
Vanity
of
giving
Divine
Worship
to
the
Emperours
,
he
tells
him
,
That
it
is
a
much
greater
honour
to
them
not
to
worship
but
to
pray
for
them
.
I
will
worship
that
God
from
whom
Caesar
received
his
Authority
.
But
you
will
say
,
why
not
Caesar
too
?
Because
he
was
not
set
up
to
be
worshipt
,
but
to
be
paid
that
proper
honour
that
is
due
to
Caesar
,
for
the
King
is
not
the
Deity
but
ought
to
remember
that
he
is
advanced
by
God
to
that
height
of
Dignity
,
not
to
be
worshipt
by
his
Subjects
,
but
to
do
them
Justice
;
for
this
end
the
Divine
Majesty
placed
him
in
the
Imperial
Throne
,
and
therefore
as
Caesar
will
not
suffer
any
of
his
Subjects
to
usurp
the
Caesarean
Title
,
because
it
belongs
to
him
alone
,
neither
let
himself
challenge
that
worship
,
that
is
proper
and
peculiar
to
the
Divine
Majesty
.
And
therefore
O
Man
honour
the
King
,
honour
him
,
I
say
by
loving
him
,
obeying
him
,
and
praying
for
him
,
and
by
so
doing
,
you
will
do
the
will
of
God
,
for
this
is
the
Sum
of
the
Divine
Law
,
my
Son
honour
God
,
and
the
King
,
and
be
not
disobedient
or
refractory
to
either
of
them
.
This
was
the
true
state
of
the
Case
in
his
time
to
shew
all
manner
of
respect
and
honour
to
Sovereign
Princes
as
such
,
only
in
Subordination
to
God
,
so
as
to
obey
them
in
all
things
but
when
their
commands
interfer'd
,
and
then
indeed
they
choose
to
obey
God
in
the
first
place
,
still
preserving
in
all
other
things
the
same
honour
and
duty
to
their
Prince
.
And
after
the
same
there
is
only
one
God
,
that
ought
to
be
worshipt
,
the
Lord
of
all
,
and
he
is
best
appeased
with
devout
Prayers
,
but
the
favour
of
Princes
is
not
to
be
courted
by
such
mean
and
dishonourable
obsequiousness
,
as
is
inconsistent
with
true
Piety
,
or
such
servile
Flatteries
as
are
unworthy
a
generous
man
,
and
one
that
esteems
magna●imity
to
be
the
greatest
of
Vertues
,
but
as
far
as
our
Piety
to
God
will
permit
,
we
are
not
so
frantick
that
we
should
wilfully
exafperate
the
displeasure
of
Kings
,
to
deliver
us
to
torments
and
death
;
for
we
are
so
taught
in
our
Books
,
let
every
Soul
be
subject
to
the
higher
Powers
,
for
there
is
no
Power
,
but
is
of
God
,
therefore
he
that
resisteth
the
power
,
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
And
these
words
are
to
be
understood
in
their
plain
and
natural
sense
.
And
their
Sense
is
so
very
plain
,
that
it
is
impossible
to
fasten
any
other
Sense
upon
them
beside
their
own
.
With
all
these
imminent
Doctors
of
the
Church
agrees
the
Answer
of
that
pious
and
resolute
Prelate
Dyonysius
of
Alexandria
in
his
Examination
before
AEmilianus
Prefect
of
Egypt
,
that
we
worship
one
God
,
the
Maker
of
all
things
,
and
who
bestowed
the
Empire
upon
their
most
Sacred
Majesties
,
Valerianus
and
Gallienus
,
to
him
we
offer
up
our
daily
Prayers
for
the
safety
of
their
Empire
,
that
it
may
continue
firm
and
unshaken
forever
.
§.
10.
And
as
for
the
Latins
they
kept
pace
with
,
not
to
say
that
they
out-ran
the
Greeks
in
the
same
Track
of
Loyalty
.
Irenaeus
Scholar
to
Policarp
writing
against
the
Gnosticks
,
who
taught
that
the
by
whose
command
they
were
born
men
,
by
his
command
they
were
ordained
Kings
,
fit
for
the
times
in
which
,
and
the
people
over
whom
th●y
reign
,
for
some
are
given
for
a
Punishment
,
others
for
a
Blessing
to
their
Subjects
,
all
to
all
People
as
they
deserve
,
the
just
Judgment
of
God
equally
extending
to
all
.
Which
is
a
full
declaration
not
only
of
the
Loyalty
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
but
of
the
Principles
upon
which
it
was
grounded
.
Tertullian
in
the
time
of
Alexander
Severus
under
the
rage
of
the
fifth
Persecution
,
that
was
very
bloody
and
severe
,
writ
his
admirable
Apology
in
imitation
of
Justin
Martyr
,
and
for
a
Foundation
of
his
Plea
,
states
the
true
condition
of
the
Christian
Church
in
this
World
.
Scit
se
peregrinam
in
terris
agere
;
inter
extraneos
facile
inimicos
invenire
;
caeterum
genus
,
sedem
,
spem
,
gratiam
,
dignitatem
in
coelis
habere
.
Unum
gestit
interdum
ne
ignorata
damnetur
.
She
knows
her self
to
be
but
a
Stranger
and
Pilgrim
in
this
World
,
and
cannot
but
expect
to
meet
with
Enemies
in
a
Forreign
Country
;
but
her
Kindred
,
her
habitation
,
her
hope
,
her
favour
,
and
her
honour
all
dwell
in
the
World
to
come
.
She
has
but
one
thing
to
request
or
indeed
to
challenge
,
that
she
may
not
be
condemn'd
unheard
.
Here
is
no
pleading
any
exemption
from
the
Imperial
Judicatures
upon
the
Account
of
Christian
Priviledges
;
but
he
offers
himself
and
his
cause
to
a
fair
and
impartial
Tryal
,
and
he
is
so
confident
of
its
innocence
,
as
to
desire
no
other
favour
but
only
the
Justice
of
being
heard
.
Neither
does
he
any
where
complain
of
their
punishing
such
Actions
as
belonged
not
to
their
cognizance
,
but
only
of
the
Illegality
of
their
Officers
Proceedings
,
in
that
they
were
condemned
unheard
and
unexamined
.
And
though
they
were
so
,
yet
he
no
where
appeals
from
their
Courts
,
but
only
presses
them
to
examine
and
search
into
their
cause
,
and
so
stipulates
in
the
name
of
the
Christian
Church
,
to
stand
or
fall
by
their
Judgment
.
And
as
for
their
strict
Loyalty
to
their
Prince
he
farther
pleads
,
that
they
pray
for
the
Emperors
that
God
would
grant
them
long
Life
,
a
quiet
Reign
,
and
undisturbed
Family
,
Valiant
Armies
,
Faithful
Counsellors
,
Obedient
Subjects
,
and
whatever
else
they
can
desire
either
as
Men
or
Emperors
;
and
then
bids
them
proceed
to
murther
them
,
and
tear
their
Souls
from
their
Bodies
,
whilst
they
are
praying
for
their
Emperors
Happiness
.
And
therefore
you
that
think
that
we
have
no
concern
for
the
Safety
of
Caesar
,
look
into
our
Books
and
learn
from
them
with
what
Redundancy
of
Kindness
we
are
commanded
to
pray
for
our
Enemies
and
Persecutors
,
and
who
are
more
so
than
those
by
whose
Authority
we
are
condemned
as
Criminals
.
But
beside
that
we
are
expresly
injoyn'd
to
pray
for
Kings
,
and
all
that
are
in
Authority
.
We
revere
the
Wisdom
of
God
in
the
Emperors
,
that
sets
them
over
the
Nations
,
we
acknowledge
that
Character
in
them
,
that
God
has
imprest
upon
them
,
and
therefore
we
will
wish
them
safe
,
whom
he
would
have
so
.
But
what
do
I
say
any
more
of
the
Christians
duty
and
even
Religion
towards
the
Emperor
,
whom
they
are
particularly
bound
to
honour
as
one
chosen
by
their
God
?
so
that
I
may
well
say
,
that
Caesar
is
most
of
all
ours
,
as
being
set
over
us
by
our
God
,
&c.
And
a
while
after
he
boldly
demands
,
Whether
there
were
ever
found
among
the
Christians
any
Casfii
,
Nigri
,
and
Albini
,
three
known
Rebels
,
the
first
against
the
Emperor
Verus
,
the
other
two
against
Severus
.
And
in
his
Apology
to
the
Prefect
Scapi●la
,
he
tells
him
that
we
are
slander'd
about
the
Imperial
Majesty
,
and
yet
there
could
never
any
of
the
Albinian
,
Nigrian
,
or
Castrian
Rebels
be
found
among
the
Christians
.
A
Christian
is
no
Mans
Enemy
,
much
less
the
Emperor's
,
for
knowing
that
he
is
apointed
by
God
,
he
cannot
but
Love
,
Reverence
,
and
Honour
him
,
and
pray
for
his
safety
;
and
therefore
we
worship
the
Emperour
,
as
far
as
it
is
lawful
for
us
,
and
convenient
for
him
,
viz.
as
a
Man
next
under
God
,
only
less
then
him
,
and
deriving
his
whole
Authority
from
him
.
It
is
an
excellent
Passage
in
Minutius
Faelix
,
who
lived
not
long
after
Tertullian
,
concerning
the
calm
and
peaceable
Magnanimity
of
Christians
.
How
delightful
a
Spectacle
is
it
to
God
,
when
a
Christian
encounters
Sorrow
,
when
with
a
composed
mind
he
meets
threatnings
and
Torments
,
when
with
smiles
he
insults
over
the
noise
of
Death
,
and
the
dread
of
the
Executioner
,
when
he
asserts
his
liberty
against
Kings
and
Princes
,
and
yields
only
to
God
,
whose
he
is
;
when
with
the
Triumph
of
a
Conquerour
he
has
the
better
of
the
Judge
,
who
gives
Sentence
against
him
,
for
he
overcomes
who
gains
what
he
fights
for
?
That
is
the
only
Christian
Combat
,
Courage
,
and
Submission
.
And
therefore
it
is
very
well
observed
by
the
learned
Lawyer
Baldwin
,
in
his
Prolegomena
to
this
acute
Author
,
that
Caecitius
the
Heathen
,
though
he
were
in
all
other
things
a
very
bold
Calumniator
,
and
insisted
fiercely
upon
all
the
vulgar
slanders
against
the
Christians
,
yet
he
never
durst
charge
them
with
the
least
suspition
of
Disloyalty
or
Rebellion
.
To
which
they
might
have
added
,
That
though
they
were
usually
indicted
of
Treason
by
their
Enemies
,
yet
the
only
proof
of
it
,
was
their
resusing
to
Sacrifice
by
the
Emperour's
Genius
:
And
setting
that
one
act
of
Idolatry
aside
,
there
is
not
any
one
charge
upon
Record
of
any
one
act
of
Disloyalty
,
and
that
(
as
says
the
learned
Lawyer
)
was
the
glory
of
our
Ancestors
,
that
they
would
be
provoked
by
no
injuries
to
any
thought
of
Hostility
against
Lawful
Sovereigns
,
howsoever
barbarously
they
were
treated
by
them
;
or
enter
into
any
Conspiracies
against
them
,
though
at
that
time
they
were
frequent
and
plausible
,
as
being
always
mindful
what
became
their
Patience
,
Meekness
,
Modesty
,
and
Sobriety
;
so
far
were
they
from
being
Turbulent
and
Seditious
,
and
running
mad
with
a
thirst
of
Revenge
.
And
in
reality
if
they
had
behaved
themselves
otherwise
,
they
had
laid
wast
the
very
Foundations
both
of
their
own
Religion
,
and
all
humane
Society
too
.
And
to
mention
no
more
,
St.
Cyprian
None
of
us
,
when
he
is
apprehended
,
resists
,
and
though
our
numbers
are
great
and
considerable
,
we
do
not
think
of
revenging
our selves
against
your
unjust
Oppressions
:
the
Innocent
submit
to
the
Guilty
,
and
sit
down
quietly
under
Pains
and
Tortures
.
And
then
a
little
after
this
he
adds
,
That
though
we
are
treated
thus
barbarously
,
yet
we
cease
not
to
pray
for
the
expulsion
of
your
Enemies
,
for
seasonable
Rains
,
for
removing
or
abating
publick
Calamities
,
begging
of
God
day
and
night
with
the
greatest
importunity
for
your
peace
and
safety
that
are
our
Persecutors
.
And
in
this
time
they
were
so
tender
of
doing
any
thing
offensive
to
the
Civil
Government
,
or
any
way
contrary
to
their
Commands
,
that
they
judged
it
not
lawful
for
a
Christian
,
that
was
banisht
for
his
Religion
,
to
return
into
his
own
Country
without
the
leave
and
warrant
of
Authority
.
So
that
St.
Cyprian
reckoning
Edit.
Ox●n
.
up
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Confessors
in
the
Decian
Persecution
,
divers
scandals
that
some
of
them
had
given
to
the
Christian
Church
,
particularly
of
some
that
lived
in
continual
Debauchery
,
and
Uncleanness
either
from
their
very
Baptisme
or
their
Confession
,
next
to
these
he
tells
them
,
Alius
in
eam
Patriam
,
unde
extorris
factus
est
,
regreditur
,
ut
deprehensus
,
non
quasi
Christianus
,
sed
quasi
nocens
pereat
.
Another
returns
back
into
his
Countrey
,
from
whence
he
had
been
commanded
into
Banishment
,
where
if
he
be
apprehended
,
let
him
know
that
he
suffers
not
as
a
Christian
,
but
as
a
Malefactor
.
From
all
which
passages
it
is
evident
beyond
all
contradiction
,
that
it
was
the
unanimous
sense
of
all
the
most
eminent
Doctors
of
the
ancient
Church
,
that
nothing
was
more
contrary
to
the
whole
frame
and
constitution
of
Christianity
then
resistance
to
the
Civil
Government
in
any
case
whatsoever
,
and
that
in
case
of
Persecution
,
and
Oppression
for
it
,
Passive
Obedience
was
their
indispensable
duty
,
which
upon
any
provocation
to
violate
any
way
,
was
judged
no
less
a
Crime
then
renouncing
the
Christian
Faith
.
It
were
easie
to
have
collected
a
vast
number
of
passages
out
of
the
Writings
of
the
Ancients
to
the
same
purpose
,
and
divers
such
Collections
have
been
made
by
Learned
Men
,
but
I
have
selected
these
peculiar
passages
out
of
my
own
little
observation
,
because
they
do
not
only
give
us
their
Opinion
,
but
the
ground
upon
which
they
build
it
,
from
the
reason
and
the
nature
of
their
Religion
,
and
that
gives
it
a
perpetual
and
unalterable
Obligation
in
all
times
and
cases
;
and
how
various
soever
the
Affairs
of
the
World
may
be
,
yet
this
duty
can
never
be
alter'd
by
any
change
of
circumstances
;
because
it
is
as
unchangeable
as
the
nature
of
our
Religion
;
so
that
as
long
as
Christianity
lasts
,
it
must
for
ever
equally
oblige
all
Christians
under
all
circumstances
and
in
all
conditions
.
Neither
do
they
teach
the
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
meerly
as
Doctors
of
the
Christian
Church
,
&
as
it
is
a
Law
of
their
Religion
,
but
as
Philosophers
,
or
men
that
understood
the
Interest
of
Mankind
,
and
the
Original
of
Government
.
For
the
reason
which
they
unanimously
alledge
for
it
,
is
this
,
that
all
Governments
in
the
World
are
every
where
fix't
by
the
Providence
of
the
Supreme
Governor
of
it
,
and
for
that
reason
they
take
it
to
be
their
Wisdom
,
as
well
as
their
Duty
,
peaceably
to
acquiesce
in
the
settled
and
establish't
Government
,
how
ill
soever
administred
,
and
leave
the
punishment
of
its
ill-administration
by
particular
persons
,
to
him
from
whom
they
received
their
Authority
.
Now
this
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
or
Submission
being
so
universally
taught
,
and
that
upon
such
unalterable
principles
and
reasons
,
one
would
think
it
enough
to
set
it
above
all
manner
of
exception
or
evasion
;
And
yet
such
is
the
perverseness
of
the
several
Anti-Christian
Factions
of
Christendom
,
that
they
break
through
all
these
Restraints
into
all
the
licentiousness
of
Rebellion
.
But
this
they
do
with
that
impudence
against
the
common
sense
of
Mankind
,
and
that
violence
to
their
own
Consciences
,
that
they
would
have
done
much
more
prudently
to
have
wholly
slighted
and
rejected
the
Authority
of
the
ancient
Lacrymists
,
then
admitting
it
,
to
make
so
poor
and
dull
a
mistake
from
its
obligation
.
For
they
all
agree
in
this
one
slender
and
inconsistent
Plea
,
that
this
Doctrine
was
only
suited
to
their
present
necessity
,
because
they
then
wanted
power
to
make
resistance
.
That
is
to
say
in
one
soft
and
friendly
word
,
that
they
were
a
Race
of
the
rankest
Knaves
and
Fools
that
ever
appeared
among
Mankind
.
That
when
our
Saviour
had
strictly
forbid
it
as
inconsistent
with
the
nature
of
his
Religion
,
and
the
Fundamental
Doctrine
of
the
Cross.
That
when
the
Apostles
reinforced
the
same
precept
with
all
the
earnestness
and
all
the
motives
in
the
World
,
particularly
out
of
duty
to
God
and
their
Religion
.
And
that
when
the
whole
succession
of
Christians
from
their
time
to
After-ages
profess'd
and
practiced
the
same
duty
upon
the
same
Principles
.
To
tell
us
after
all
this
,
that
't
is
all
Hypocrisie
and
Dissimulation
,
nothing
but
a
Primitive
Jesuitical
Trick
to
blind
their
Governors
with
fine
Stories
of
the
unlawfulness
of
taking
up
Arms
in
their
own
defence
,
when
the
only
reason
of
it
was
,
that
they
had
no
Arms
to
take
up
,
and
that
it
was
nothing
but
sufficient
strength
and
ability
to
resist
,
that
kept
them
off
from
actual
Rebellion
,
This
is
such
a
contradiction
to
all
their
avowed
Protestations
,
to
the
Notoriety
of
the
matter
of
Fact
itself
,
to
all
their
Apologies
,
and
to
their
own
defiance
of
so
durty
a
surmize
,
as
amounts
to
no
better
account
then
giving
them
all
the
open
Lye
,
and
for
that
reason
I
think
it
would
have
been
much
better
to
have
at
first
once
for
all
trampled
upon
the
Authority
of
such
tame
Creatures
,
then
to
shift
it
off
with
such
a
senseless
and
shameless
Evasion
.
And
upon
that
account
I
suppose
it
was
,
that
it
was
at
last
forsaken
in
our
late
Rebellion
,
and
new
pretences
devised
in
its
stead
;
but
of
such
a
daring
boldness
and
blasphemy
against
Heaven
itself
,
that
they
would
sooner
affright
a
wise
man
to
hear
them
,
then
puzzle
a
Fool
to
answer
them
,
and
those
are
the
prophane
Pleas
of
the
Independants
to
justifie
his
Majesties
Murther
,
viz.
New
Discoveries
and
Revelations
from
Heaven
it self
.
It
seems
the
Villany
was
so
horrid
in
itself
,
that
nothing
less
could
bear
out
their
confidence
in
committing
it
,
then
the
immediate
Authority
of
God
himself
.
And
thus
they
are
not
ashamed
to
tell
us
,
That
the
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
was
not
a
seasonable
priviledge
for
that
age
,
and
therefore
not
discover'd
,
because
it
would
have
hindred
the
birth
of
Antichrist
,
whose
coming
into
the
World
,
God
had
preordained
,
and
for
the
more
easie
letting
of
him
in
,
and
the
appointed
continuance
of
him
in
his
Throne
,
there
was
a
special
necessity
that
no
such
Opinion
as
this
of
the
lawfulness
of
resistance
,
whether
true
or
untrue
,
should
be
taught
and
believed
.
Whereas
now
on
the
contrary
that
the
time
of
God's
preordination
and
purpose
for
the
downfal
of
Antichrist
drawing
near
,
there
is
a
kind
of
necessity
that
those
truths
,
which
have
hitherto
slept
,
should
now
be
awakened
,
as
the
necessary
means
to
ruine
Antichrist
,
particularly
that
God
should
reveal
to
his
faithful
Ministers
and
Servants
the
just
bounds
and
limits
of
Authority
and
Power
,
and
the
just
and
full
extent
of
the
lawful
Liberties
of
those
that
live
in
subjection
.
This
is
the
sum
of
the
new
discoveries
of
John
Goodwin
in
his
Book
Entituled
the
Anti-Cavalier
.
And
there
are
divers
passages
to
the
same
purpose
in
the
Writings
of
John
Owen
about
the
same
time
,
who
has
warranted
all
the
Villanies
of
Cromwel
and
his
Independants
,
even
the
King's
Murther
itself
,
by
pretending
to
new
Lights
and
Revelations
from
Heaven
.
Particularly
,
That
when
God
is
doing
great
things
,
Eben
Ezra
,
p.
14
,
15
,
16.
he
gives
glorious
manifestations
of
his
excellencies
to
his
secret
ones
.
So
that
he
that
is
call'd
to
serve
Providence
in
high
things
without
some
especial
discovery
of
God
,
works
in
the
dark
,
and
knows
not
whither
he
goes
,
and
what
he
does
,
such
an
one
travels
in
the
Wilderness
without
a
directing
Cloud
.
Clear
shining
from
God
must
be
at
the
bottom
of
deep
labouring
with
God
.
What
is
the
Reason
that
so
many
in
our
days
set
their
hands
to
the
Plough
,
and
look
back
again
?
Begin
to
serve
Providence
in
great
things
but
cannot
finish
?
Give
over
in
the
heat
of
the
day
!
They
never
had
such
Revelation
of
the
mind
of
God
upon
their
Spirits
,
such
a
discovery
of
his
Excellencies
,
as
might
serve
for
a
bottom
of
such
undertakings
.
Men
must
know
that
if
God
hath
not
appear'd
to
them
in
brightness
,
and
shewn
them
the
horns
in
his
hand
,
hid
from
others
,
though
they
think
highly
of
themselves
,
they
'l
deny
God
twice
and
thrice
before
the
close
of
the
work
of
this
Age.
Hence
is
the
suiting
of
great
Light
and
great
work
in
our
days
.
Let
new
Light
be
derided
whilst
men
please
,
he
will
never
serve
the
Will
of
God
in
this
Generation
,
who
sees
not
beyond
the
line
of
foregoing
Ages
.
But
what
is
this
new
Light
,
that
was
never
seen
in
the
World
before
?
to
this
it
is
fairly
answered
,
plainly
the
peculiar
Light
of
this
Generation
,
is
that
discovery
which
the
Lord
hath
made
to
his
people
of
the
mystery
of
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Tyranny
.
By
which
a
Monarchy
of
some
hundred
years
continuance
,
always
affecting
,
and
at
length
wholly
degenerating
into
Tyranny
,
was
destroyed
,
pull'd
down
,
and
swallowed
up
:
a
great
and
mighty
Potentate
,
that
had
caused
terrour
in
the
Land
of
the
Living
,
and
laid
his
Sword
under
his
head
,
was
brought
to
punishment
for
Blood
,
as
he
expresses
it
in
his
Thanksgiving
for
his
present
Majesties
overthrow
at
Worcester
,
p.
15
,
where
he
very
familiarly
bestows
upon
him
the
honourable
Titles
of
a
Tyrant
full
of
Revenge
,
a
man
of
Blood
,
a
Son
of
Belial
,
Absalom
,
and
Sheba
the
Son
of
Bichri
.
And
lastly
,
he
encourages
the
Rebels
and
Traytors
the
day
immediately
after
his
late
Majesties
Murther
,
with
a
jacta
est
Alea
,
i.
e.
the
cast
of
a
Dye
thrown
by
the
hand
of
God
himself
,
whose
Providence
(
he
says
)
must
be
served
in
it
,
according
to
the
discovery
made
of
his
own
unchangeable
Will.
But
such
pretences
as
these
are
such
desperate
pieces
of
Villany
in
themselves
,
so
framed
to
serve
any
wickedness
in
the
World
,
such
rank
Blasphemy
and
Rebellion
,
so
destructive
of
all
Government
and
Society
,
that
for
any
man
to
make
use
of
them
is
the
very
height
of
Prophaneness
,
and
when
men
are
come
so
far
,
it
is
in
vain
to
confute
them
,
because
't
is
impossible
to
object
worse
things
against
them
then
they
are
ready
to
own
.
But
however
they
unawares
make
a
fair
confession
that
their
own
Doctrine
and
Practice
is
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
and
the
Practice
of
its
Primitive
Professors
,
and
then
we
care
not
whence
they
receive
it
;
for
whencesoever
it
comes
,
it
makes
them
Apostates
from
the
Christian
Faith
,
that
did
not
only
suppress
it
,
but
expresly
condemn
it
,
so
that
if
their
new
discovery
be
true
,
there
is
an
end
of
the
Gospel
.
To
that
height
of
Prophaneness
were
these
men
blown
up
by
their
success
in
Villany
,
that
they
would
rather
renounce
their
Saviour
openly
before
God
and
the
World
,
then
quit
their
Rebellion
.
Though
the
highest
aggravation
of
it
is
,
that
after
so
daring
a
defiance
to
the
Christian
Religion
,
they
dare
pretend
to
the
highest
claims
of
Gospel
Purity
.
But
that
has
ever
been
the
Policy
of
Enthusiasts
to
piece
out
their
notorious
forfeiture
of
all
Integrity
with
infinite
pride
and
confidence
.
But
thus
we
see
it
is
,
a●d
thus
it
must
be
,
that
if
men
once
forsake
the
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
there
is
no
stopping
till
they
come
to
the
Gospel
of
the
Pigeon
and
the
Scymeter
.
And
thus
having
proved
the
first
Proposition
,
the
Doctrine
and
Practice
of
Submission
and
Passive
Obedience
under
the
severest
Cruelties
and
Per●ecutions
,
I
now
proceed
to
the
second
thing
to
be
consider'd
in
this
Interval
,
viz.
That
notwithstanding
this
absolute
and
entire
submission
to
the
Civil
Powers
under
all
Persecutions
,
they
kept
up
a
strict
Government
and
vigorous
Discipline
within
themselves
by
vertue
of
their
own
Authority
.
And
that
will
be
a
new
demonstration
from
experience
and
matter
of
Fact
,
that
the
highest
exercise
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
(
for
then
it
was
at
the
height
)
is
so
far
from
interfering
with
the
Civil
,
that
it
is
every
way
compliant
with
the
lowest
state
of
Subjection
to
it
.
§.
11.
In
the
first
place
it
is
already
made
evident
that
our
Saviour
by
his
own
appointment
,
setled
Governours
over
his
Church
,
and
that
these
were
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
the
Bishops
through
all
Ages
.
Now
the
proper
office
of
all
Government
,
is
to
see
to
the
execution
of
all
Laws
already
in
force
;
and
to
enact
new
ones
upon
particular
occasions
and
emergencies
,
as
they
shall
judge
most
advantageous
to
the
present
state
of
the
Society
.
And
this
was
the
work
of
the
Apostles
and
Primitive
Bishops
,
always
to
promote
the
Practice
of
their
Masters
own
Laws
among
his
Subjects
,
and
as
oft
as
it
was
needful
,
to
make
occasional
provisions
for
the
peace
and
order
of
the
Church
.
Of
the
former
I
need
say
nothing
,
because
it
is
granted
and
supposed
on
all
hands
,
but
of
the
latter
,
it
will
be
requisite
to
give
a
full
account
,
because
though
it
is
the
only
means
that
our
Saviour
has
provided
for
the
Unity
of
his
Church
,
and
though
by
the
use
of
it
the
Church
was
preserved
in
Peace
and
unity
in
its
best
and
purest
times
,
and
lastly
,
though
without
it
there
can
be
no
Government
in
the
Church
,
nor
any
bar
to
endless
confusions
,
yet
I
know
not
by
what
blind
and
unhappy
fate
it
is
become
a
popular
and
a
reigning
principle
among
us
.
All
Innovators
lay
it
at
the
bottom
of
their
new
Projects
of
Reformation
,
it
is
the
fundamental
Principle
of
Grotius
as
well
as
all
other
Erastians
,
Legislativam
Potestatem
jure
divino
non
competere
ecclesiae
,
that
the
Church
has
no
Legislative
De
Imperio
cap.
8.
§.
10.
Power
by
Divine
Right
.
At
present
to
say
nothing
to
the
falshood
of
the
Proposition
itself
,
yet
methinks
Grotius
,
who
was
so
well
acquainted
with
the
Records
of
the
ancient
Church
,
of
all
men
should
not
have
said
it
,
when
it
was
so
constantly
both
challenged
and
put
in
practice
,
and
that
not
only
all
the
time
before
the
Emperors
became
Christians
,
but
after
.
But
he
was
then
a
young
man
,
and
the
Book
is
written
with
great
rawness
,
and
betrays
lamentable
want
of
consideration
.
It
is
the
very
Foundation
of
all
Independency
,
that
nothing
ought
to
be
imposed
by
the
Governours
of
the
Church
upon
the
Members
of
it
,
but
what
is
clearly
revealed
in
the
word
of
God
.
And
that
there
is
no
other
Rule
of
Unity
then
that
rule
prescribed
by
our
Lord
himself
,
which
is
so
far
from
truth
,
so
inconsistent
with
the
Being
of
a
Church
,
that
it
is
a
meer
contradiction
to
the
Nature
and
the
use
of
Government
,
whose
proper
Office
it
is
to
make
Provisions
for
the
Peace
and
good
Order
of
the
Society
,
upon
all
occasions
,
by
the
common
rules
of
Prudence
and
Discretion
,
and
such
things
it
is
necessary
to
leave
to
the
judgment
and
determination
of
Men
,
because
their
convenience
and
usefulness
is
alterable
with
change
of
times
and
circumstances
,
and
therefore
must
be
left
to
the
liberty
of
the
Governors
of
the
Church
to
impose
or
remove
them
as
they
shall
judge
most
suitable
to
the
present
State
of
things
.
This
was
the
standing
rule
in
the
Primitive
Church
,
that
points
of
Faith
were
unalterable
,
and
when
they
were
once
determin'd
by
the
Judgment
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
they
were
never
after
that
to
be
debated
,
but
as
for
all
Laws
of
Discipline
they
were
alterable
with
change
of
times
and
circumstances
.
And
to
name
one
for
all
,
Regula
quidem
fidei
De
Virgin
.
Vel.
c.
1.
(
says
Tertullian
)
una
omnino
est
,
sola
immobilis
&
irreformabilis
.
Hac
lege
fidei
manente
,
caetera
jam
disciplinae
&
conversationis
admittunt
novitatem
correctionis
.
The
Rule
of
Faith
is
always
the
same
,
this
alone
is
unchangeable
and
unreformable
.
But
as
this
remains
forever
,
so
matters
of
Discipline
and
Government
admit
the
Novelty
of
change
and
amendment
.
So
that
next
to
the
Fundamental
Charter
of
being
a
Church
,
this
is
the
grand
Principle
of
its
Government
,
that
its
Governours
be
endued
with
an
Authority
of
imposing
some
things
that
are
not
required
in
the
Word
of
God
,
because
the
Church
must
be
govern'd
as
all
humane
Societies
are
,
i.
e.
by
men
of
common
sense
,
that
have
Wit
enough
to
judge
what
is
fit
to
be
done
upon
any
emergent
cases
,
and
whose
Authority
is
sufficient
to
oblige
the
Members
of
the
Society
to
their
Decrees
,
and
without
it
there
could
neither
be
Church
nor
Government
.
So
that
this
principle
is
so
little
suited
to
the
state
of
Church-Purity
,
(
as
the
Schismatiques
pretend
)
that
it
is
only
set
up
as
an
impregnable
pretence
for
everlasting
Schisms
and
Divisions
.
For
it
was
never
started
or
so
much
as
thought
of
till
t'other
day
,
when
the
Puritan
Faction
for
want
of
something
more
material
to
object
against
the
Constitutions
of
the
Church
,
were
forced
at
last
to
make
this
their
main
quarrel
,
that
they
were
not
préscrib'd
in
the
Word
of
God
.
And
as
long
as
they
were
resolved
to
stand
to
that
Exception
,
they
were
secure
in
their
Schism
;
for
it
is
an
Objection
not
against
the
particular
Constitutions
of
this
Church
,
but
the
practice
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
the
exercise
of
any
power
in
all
Churches
of
the
World
,
and
therefore
it
being
so
good
a
Fund
for
Confusion
,
it
is
for
that
reason
so
carefully
nursed
by
the
Independant
Faction
at
this
day
;
it
is
the
result
of
all
J.
O's
Books
about
Schism
,
because
it
makes
all
peace
and
settlement
an
impossible
thing
,
when
there
is
no
such
rule
of
worship
or
discipline
as
is
pretended
,
by
attending
to
which
the
Unity
of
the
Church
is
to
be
preserved
;
and
therefore
to
refer
us
to
a
means
of
Peace
that
is
not
in
being
,
is
to
leave
us
remediless
.
And
if
the
Church
may
not
make
occasional
Provisions
to
restrain
some
mens
extravagancies
,
and
to
settle
good
order
,
all
men
are
let
loose
to
all
the
follies
in
the
World
,
and
it
will
look
more
like
a
Bedlam
than
a
Christian
Church
.
In
short
,
it
serves
to
no
other
purpose
then
to
be
an
everlasting
pretence
of
Sedition
,
when
it
takes
away
not
only
from
the
Church
,
but
from
theCivil
Government
too
all
Authority
of
making
any
Laws
for
the
settlement
of
Religion
.
And
yet
this
very
Principle
of
Confusion
,
this
Darling
of
Independency
,
this
bulwark
of
all
Schism
is
crept
into
the
Church
of
England
it self
,
or
some
pretenders
to
it
,
and
is
laid
down
by
our
Reconcilers
and
Peace-makers
as
the
first
Rule
of
Accommodation
between
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
present
Dissenters
.
Though
if
it
were
admitted
,
the
different
Parties
would
be
so
far
from
being
taken
into
the
Bosom
or
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
that
it
would
only
widen
the
differences
,
and
harden
them
in
their
Schisms
.
For
first
the
contest
is
not
primarily
about
unscriptural
Impositions
,
but
about
divine
Commands
;
they
contend
that
their
Form
of
Church
Government
is
of
God's
Institution
,
and
that
the
form
now
establish't
in
England
is
an
humane
Government
set
up
against
it
,
and
destructive
of
it
;
this
is
the
whole
design
of
Mr.
B's
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
and
this
has
ever
been
the
main
controversie
from
the
beginning
of
the
Schism
,
whether
the
Episcopal
or
the
Classical
Government
were
set
up
by
our
Saviour
in
the
Christian
Church
(
for
Men
were
not
so
unthinking
in
those
days
as
to
imagine
he
should
set
up
the
Society
of
his
Church
without
setling
any
Government
in
it
)
and
therefore
it
is
but
an
imperfect
,
a
partial
,
and
a
treacherous
account
of
the
Separation
,
to
state
the
controversie
only
in
Ceremonies
,
when
the
main
controversie
has
been
from
the
beginning
to
this
very
day
about
a
matter
of
Divine
Right
,
and
therefore
to
take
no
notice
of
that
in
the
History
of
the
Schism
,
is
to
intimate
,
that
as
to
that
part
of
the
controversie
,
neither
had
the
better
of
the
other
,
but
they
both
equally
contended
about
what
never
was
,
and
that
all
the
blame
of
the
Separatists
is
their
refusing
to
submit
to
some
lawful
Impositions
:
But
that
reaches
not
their
cause
,
the
ground
of
their
Separation
is
pretended
Divine
Law
,
they
must
be
beaten
out
of
that
,
or
they
must
be
let
alone
.
But
secondly
,
this
Principle
of
accommodation
by
rejecting
unscriptural
Conditions
of
Communion
,
would
be
so
far
from
reconciling
the
Dissenters
to
the
Church
,
that
it
would
only
give
up
the
Churches
Cause
to
their
demands
,
and
justifie
them
in
their
Schism
,
because
they
dissent
not
from
her
in
any
matters
clearly
reveal'd
,
which
alone
the
Church
has
Power
to
impose
;
and
to
charge
the
Church
of
Tyranny
,
for
daring
to
impose
any
other
conditions
of
Communion
,
then
what
are
imposed
by
Divine
Authority
.
An
excellent
way
of
accommodation
this
in
behalf
of
the
Church
of
England
,
to
condemn
her
whole
practice
of
illegal
and
unwarrantable
Usurpation
,
and
allow
the
Pleas
of
the
Dissenters
just
and
reasonable
:
And
,
what
is
worst
of
all
,
to
take
away
all
Government
in
the
Church
for
ever
,
and
the
Church
it self
too
,
when
it
is
evident
from
common
sense
,
that
it
can
never
subsist
without
a
Legislative
Authority
within
it self
,
but
that
I
shall
have
occasion
to
discourse
of
more
copiously
hereafter
,
when
I
come
to
shew
what
injury
is
done
to
the
Church
of
England
by
these
false
Principles
of
accommodation
.
I
shall
at
present
content
my self
with
proving
it
by
experience
,
and
representing
the
particular
Laws
made
by
the
Ancient
Governors
of
the
Church
from
time
to
time
,
to
secure
and
provide
for
its
own
Peace
and
Tranquility
.
And
by
it
I
shall
make
good
these
three
considerable
Points
.
First
,
the
great
Authority
inherent
in
them
,
and
independent
on
any
Civil
Power
.
Secondly
,
their
great
wisdom
in
the
use
and
exercise
of
it
,
for
by
the
particulars
it
will
appear
,
that
they
generally
acted
upon
wise
and
prudent
reasons
.
And
thirdly
,
the
absolute
necessity
of
it
,
when
we
shall
see
by
the
Example
of
every
age
,
that
there
is
no
way
of
preserving
any
manner
of
Peace
in
the
Church
without
it
.
And
to
begin
with
the
first
Decree
made
by
the
Apostles
themselves
,
to
accommodate
the
contrary
prejudices
of
Jews
and
Gentiles
:
If
they
had
obliged
the
Gentiles
to
comply
with
the
whole
Law
of
Moses
,
that
would
have
look't
like
an
attempt
to
bring
them
under
the
old
intolerable
Bondage
,
and
tempt
them
rather
to
renounce
Christianity
then
submit
to
such
a
grievous
Yoke
:
And
if
they
had
wholly
exempted
them
from
the
Mosaick
Law
,
that
would
have
as
much
endangered
the
Apostacy
of
the
Jews
;
thinking
that
they
should
thereby
have
renounced
the
God
of
the
Law
;
for
it
was
not
easie
to
every
capacity
to
distinguish
between
rejecting
the
Law
and
the
Lawgiver
.
And
therefore
to
satisfie
and
avoid
the
prejudices
of
both
Parties
,
they
agreed
To
lay
no
greater
burthens
then
these
necessary
things
,
that
they
abstain
from
Meats
offer'd
to
Idols
,
and
from
fornication
,
and
from
things
strangled
,
and
from
blood
.
Where
by
things
necessary
,
it
is
plain
that
they
mean
things
necessary
at
that
time
and
place
;
for
that
they
were
not
so
in
all
times
and
places
is
evident
,
not
only
from
the
direction
of
their
Synodical
Epistle
to
the
particular
Churches
of
Syria
and
Cilicia
,
but
from
their
not
imposing
the
same
Decree
upon
other
Churches
,
that
were
not
in
the
same
Circumstances
.
In
the
Churches
of
Syria
and
Cilicia
,
that
confined
upon
Judaea
,
the
Jews
were
very
numerous
,
and
therefore
to
avoid
offending
,
i.
e.
tempting
them
to
renounce
the
Christian
Faith
,
it
was
requisite
to
make
it
a
standing
rule
to
them
at
that
time
,
that
all
Christians
abstain
from
the
Oblations
to
Idols
,
and
that
would
wholly
prevent
their
great
fear
of
Idolatry
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
because
the
Church
of
Corinth
consisted
chiefly
of
Gentiles
,
the
same
rule
was
not
made
peremptory
and
universal
to
them
,
but
they
were
left
to
their
own
liberty
to
eat
Meats
offered
to
Idols
,
as
they
judged
most
consistent
with
Christian
prudence
and
charity
,
as
they
are
directed
by
their
Ghostly
Father
St.
Paul
.
This
is
all
that
I
can
make
of
that
great
Council
;
and
though
they
were
endued
with
the
Holy
Ghost
,
yet
they
proceeded
by
no
other
Rule
then
common
prudence
and
discretion
.
And
if
they
had
taken
the
same
method
that
our
Schismatiques
and
Pacificators
would
oblige
the
present
Church
to
,
to
search
for
a
determination
of
this
casual
dispute
in
their
Masters
own
Laws
,
I
doubt
they
would
have
been
very
much
at
a
loss
to
have
found
any
thing
like
such
a
decree
amongst
all
his
Precepts
.
And
yet
there
was
as
much
reason
that
they
should
refer
all
Acts
of
Government
to
be
determin'd
by
his
own
express
Decree
,
as
that
their
Successors
should
refer
them
to
theirs
.
But
next
to
this
Apostolical
Synod
,
the
Apostolical
Canons
are
the
greatest
and
earliest
Demonstration
of
the
Legislative
Authority
of
the
Christian
Church
,
being
compiled
by
their
next
Successors
in
the
second
and
third
Centuries
,
by
which
we
understand
the
true
settlement
of
the
Church
as
the
Apostles
left
it
,
for
all
the
Canons
relating
to
Government
are
no
new
Laws
,
but
only
declarations
of
old
Customs
;
so
that
though
they
were
not
Apostolical
Laws
,
they
were
true
and
early
Records
of
Apostolical
Customs
,
and
by
them
the
practice
of
Church-Government
was
so
entirely
setled
,
that
they
were
ever
after
the
Rule
and
Pattern
to
the
determinations
of
following
Councils
.
And
most
of
the
chief
Canons
,
both
General
and
Provincial
,
were
only
Ratifications
of
these
old
Decrees
,
to
recover
their
just
Authority
,
when
any
of
them
had
been
neglected
or
violated
,
or
additional
provisions
in
pursuance
of
their
general
design
in
new
particular
Cases
.
For
which
it
seems
every
Age
found
matter
enough
to
suppress
some
Mens
extravagant
and
wanton
fancies
;
and
it
was
the
new
rising
of
Schisms
and
Heresies
that
gave
occasion
to
enacting
all
the
Laws
of
the
Church
.
But
these
Apostolical
Canons
being
as
it
were
the
Institutes
or
Magna
Charta
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
and
being
withal
enacted
in
this
Period
of
time
,
that
we
are
now
in
,
by
pure
Ecclesiastical
Authority
,
I
shall
give
a
brief
view
of
them
,
to
let
the
Reader
see
the
exact
Model
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
as
reduced
to
practice
,
and
brought
to
perfection
by
the
Apostles
and
their
immediate
Successors
.
In
the
first
place
therefore
,
because
nothing
has
so
great
an
influence
upon
the
welfare
of
the
Church
,
as
the
setting
up
good
and
wise
Governors
over
it
,
great
care
is
taken
against
rash
Ordination
of
Bishops
;
so
that
though
every
Bishop
has
an
inherent
Right
in
himself
to
conveigh
his
own
Authority
to
another
,
yet
is
it
here
fixt
,
and
has
remain'd
so
through
all
Ages
,
as
a
standing
Law
to
the
Church
,
that
every
Bishop
be
Consecrated
by
three
Bishops
at
least
,
or
two
in
cases
of
necessity
.
Now
though
this
Rule
has
been
observed
and
practiced
in
all
Churches
over
all
the
World
,
and
is
so
highly
useful
to
the
good
Government
of
the
Church
,
by
not
entrusting
a
matter
of
such
weight
to
the
discretion
of
a
single
Person
,
yet
I
believe
it
will
be
a
very
hard
task
to
find
any
thing
like
a
clear
Precept
requiring
it
in
the
Holy
Scriptures
.
So
apparently
repugnant
is
the
principle
of
the
Projectors
of
Accommodation
against
unscriptural
impositions
to
the
very
first
Law
that
was
made
in
the
Christian
Church
after
the
Apostles
,
and
if
they
pleased
it
might
as
well
be
used
to
take
away
this
prudent
Practice
as
any
other
Ceremony
whatsoever
.
Now
the
Bishop
being
with
this
great
care
and
caution
admitted
to
his
Trust
,
he
was
consider'd
in
a
treble
capacity
;
first
in
relation
to
his
own
Diocess
;
secondly
to
the
Bishops
of
the
Province
;
thirdly
to
the
Catholick
Church
.
Within
his
own
Diocess
he
had
the
Supreme
Government
;
for
every
Diocess
,
though
it
be
but
a
Member
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
is
yet
a
distinct
Society
of
it self
,
and
ordinarily
Govern'd
by
a
Jurisdiction
within
it self
,
and
that
was
by
the
Bishop
and
his
Colledge
of
Presbyters
;
in
which
he
enjoyed
such
a
Supremacy
,
that
no
act
of
the
Presbyters
could
be
valid
without
his
Consent
and
Authority
;
and
yet
his
Supremacy
was
so
confin'd
,
that
he
could
as
little
act
without
the
concurrence
of
his
Presbyters
as
they
without
his
.
Now
this
Episcopal
Superiority
acting
only
in
conjunction
with
the
Presbyters
,
was
the
most
proper
method
that
could
have
been
contrived
to
prevent
confusion
on
one
hand
,
and
Tyranny
on
the
other
.
For
where
a
Body
of
Men
act
in
an
equality
of
Power
without
some
real
Authority
above
them
,
nothing
can
be
expected
but
perpetual
Factions
and
Animosities
.
And
on
the
other
side
a
Power
purely
Monarchical
,
without
any
Associates
in
the
Government
,
may
easily
,
if
it
please
,
degenerate
into
Tyranny
,
and
when
it
does
so
,
has
nothing
to
restrain
it
;
and
though
Tyranny
be
an
ugly
thing
in
Civil
Government
,
yet
in
the
Ecclesiastical
it
is
far
more
indecent
,
because
Church
Power
is
founded
upon
the
profession
of
Meekness
and
Humility
.
But
though
the
Bishops
ever
associated
the
Presbyters
in
Authority
with
them
from
the
time
of
the
Apostles
,
yet
I
imagine
that
there
are
no
Footsteps
of
any
Divine
Command
requiring
it
,
though
its
early
practice
may
prove
it
an
Apostolical
Custom
and
Tradition
,
but
if
it
was
,
it
was
(
for
any
thing
we
know
)
their
own
voluntary
act
,
as
becoming
the
modesty
of
Christian
Governors
.
But
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Church
being
thus
seated
in
the
Bishop
and
his
Colledge
of
Presbyters
,
matters
were
so
effectually
ordered
,
that
their
Acts
were
not
only
valid
within
their
own
Precincts
,
but
in
the
Catholick
Church
all
the
(
i.
e.
according
to
the
Language
of
those
times
,
in
another
Diocess
)
without
commendatory
Letters
,
both
he
that
receives
him
Gratian
Distinct.
73.
it
is
somewhat
remarkable
and
very
well
worth
the
perusal
.
But
it
is
plain
that
they
confined
every
Bishops
power
within
his
own
Circuit
,
and
every
Clergy-man
to
his
own
Bishops
Jurisdiction
.
And
all
the
following
Councils
stick
close
to
the
same
principles
of
Discipline
,
though
the
African
Bishops
were
more
strict
then
other
Churches
in
this
as
well
as
all
other
points
of
Government
,
no
Travelling
among
them
without
dimissory
Letters
.
And
if
any
Bishop
But
lastly
,
beside
this
form
of
Provincial
Government
,
in
which
all
matters
of
common
concernment
were
determined
by
the
major
Vote
of
the
Episcopal
Synod
,
and
by
which
all
the
Diocesses
within
the
Province
were
united
and
cemented
into
one
Communion
,
there
was
a
common
tye
of
Government
between
the
Bishops
of
several
Provinces
,
in
whose
Concord
consisted
the
Unity
of
the
Catholick
Church
so
much
talked
of
by
the
Ancients
.
And
this
was
chiefly
kept
up
by
Communication
of
Synodical
Letters
,
which
was
not
an
Arbitrary
correspondence
,
but
an
indispensable
duty
of
every
Church
to
every
Church
,
so
that
whatever
Bishop
neglected
it
,
he
was
for
that
reason
cast
by
all
others
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
by
this
device
every
Act
of
Discipline
in
every
Church
was
of
force
in
all
Churches
all
the
World
over
,
and
whoever
was
taken
in
a
Member
of
one
Church
,
had
a
right
from
it
to
communicate
in
all
Churches
,
and
whoever
was
cast
out
of
the
same
,
stood
excommunicate
to
the
whole
Christian
World
.
And
this
was
done
with
all
security
and
expedition
by
setling
the
power
of
correspondence
in
every
Province
upon
the
Metropolitan
,
and
by
the
mutual
intercourse
of
Metropolitans
,
all
the
general
Affairs
of
the
Church
were
transacted
.
And
therefore
upon
the
choice
of
a
new
Metropolitan
,
it
was
the
custom
to
signifie
his
Election
to
all
the
rest
,
that
they
might
know
to
whom
to
direct
their
corresponding
and
communicatory
Letters
.
Thus
the
Synod
of
Antioch
,
that
deposed
Paulus
Samosutenus
in
the
year
270
,
write
to
Dionysius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
Maximus
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
and
all
other
Churches
through
the
whole
World
,
that
they
had
deposed
Paulus
,
and
placed
Domnus
in
his
stead
,
and
this
,
say
they
,
We
therefore
signifie
to
you
,
that
you
might
write
to
him
,
and
receive
communicatory
Euseb.
hist.
l.
7.
c.
30.
Letters
from
him
.
Thus
both
Cornelius
and
Novatian
,
when
they
contended
for
Carthag
.
Collat.
p.
631.
Editionis
Baldwini
.
Church
was
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
kept
up
the
Catholick
Communion
,
St.
Austin
rebukes
his
presumption
only
by
demanding
of
him
whether
himself
kept
correspondence
with
other
Bishops
by
communicatory
Letters
.
And
when
Pope
Zosimus
took
upon
him
to
constitute
Patroclus
Bishop
of
Arles
,
Metropolitan
of
the
Province
of
Vienna
,
he
declares
that
no
literae
formatae
,
or
corresponding
Letters
shall
be
valid
,
but
what
are
sign'd
by
him
.
And
so
Pope
Vigilius
,
when
he
restored
the
same
Prehominence
to
Aurelius
Bishop
of
Epist.
Vigil.
10.
Arles
,
after
some
considerable
interruption
of
it
,
annexes
this
Authority
to
the
See
,
ne
quis
sine
formatà
tuae
fraternitatis
ad
longinquiora
loca
audeat
proficisci
,
that
no
man
without
his
Certificate
ought
to
be
own'd
in
Forraign
Churches
.
By
all
which
it
appears
that
the
Power
of
granting
Letters
communicatory
out
of
the
Province
,
was
one
branch
of
the
Metropolitical
Jurisdiction
.
And
that
beside
●he
power
of
summoning
Provincial
Councils
was
the
only
thing
that
he
was
empowr'd
to
do
by
his
own
single
Authority
.
For
the
practice
of
it
being
altogether
occasional
and
uncertain
,
and
yet
very
frequent
,
it
was
necessary
to
entrust
it
with
some
single
person
;
and
for
that
,
none
fitter
then
the
chief
Bishop
that
resided
in
the
chief
City
.
And
for
the
discharge
of
his
trust
he
gave
an
account
of
this
as
well
as
all
other
parts
of
his
Jurisdiction
,
in
the
Provincial
Synod
,
that
was
assembled
twice
a
year
,
to
take
a
review
of
all
things
that
concern'd
the
state
of
the
whole
Province
in
reference
to
all
Churches
without
it
,
as
well
as
of
the
Government
of
every
particular
Diocess
within
it
.
And
thus
by
this
subordination
of
Diocesan
Bishops
to
Provincial
Synods
,
and
correspondence
of
Provincial
Synods
with
each
other
,
was
the
Government
and
Discipline
of
every
Church
effectual
in
all
Churches
,
because
no
Member
of
one
Church
could
be
admitted
into
Communion
with
another
without
his
Letters-Testimonial
.
Whereby
it
was
so
order'd
that
whoever
was
admitted
into
one
Church
,
was
admitted
into
all
;
and
whoever
was
excommunicated
out
of
one
,
was
shut
out
of
all
.
And
no
wonder
then
that
the
Canons
of
the
Church
are
so
careful
in
this
part
of
Discipline
between
Church
and
Church
,
when
the
Efficacy
of
all
other
Acts
of
Discipline
depend
wholly
upon
it
.
For
if
a
Sentence
given
in
one
Church
,
were
not
valid
in
every
Church
,
it
was
in
any
mans
power
to
elude
it
,
only
by
slipping
into
the
next
Jurisdiction
.
And
therefore
because
nothing
could
be
more
pernicious
to
the
whole
Discipline
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
then
for
the
Bishop
of
one
Church
to
receive
and
protect
the
Member
of
another
against
the
Sentence
or
without
the
consent
of
his
own
Bishop
,
for
that
reason
it
is
,
that
the
Primitive
Church
was
more
watchful
in
that
part
of
Discipline
then
any
other
,
and
for
the
same
reason
't
is
,
that
I
have
here
traced
its
practice
,
thereby
to
direct
us
to
the
true
way
of
restoring
the
effectual
Discipline
of
the
Ancient
Church
in
Christendom
.
Which
has
for
many
ages
been
with
scandal
and
dishonesty
enough
utterly
defeated
by
one
single
Judicatures
making
it self
a
common
Sanctuary
against
the
Jurisdiction
of
all
other
Churches
.
And
till
this
intolerable
abuse
and
corruption
be
removed
,
it
is
in
vain
to
hope
for
any
amendment
of
the
poor
distressed
and
despised
Estate
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
some
men
have
been
pleased
to
express
it
,
whether
out
of
scorn
or
pity
I
know
not
,
but
if
the
Church
will
crouch
under
such
a
pettifogging
abuse
,
it
deserves
both
.
But
by
the
Premisses
we
see
that
whilst
the
Church
preserved
its
Original
liberty
,
it
was
able
to
preserve
its
Peace
and
Government
too
by
observing
the
Canonical
obligation
to
mutual
Concord
among
all
Christian
Bishops
,
and
that
was
so
far
from
being
arbitrary
,
that
whoever
broke
the
Rule
,
was
by
it
immediately
deprived
of
all
Trust
and
Authority
in
it
.
And
the
practice
of
this
Discipline
was
preserved
entire
and
effectual
in
the
Church
,
till
the
settlement
of
Patriarchates
,
who
swallowed
up
this
Authority
,
as
they
did
all
the
other
Metropolitical
Rights
,
into
themselves
,
till
at
last
the
Pope
swallowed
up
theirs
.
And
then
the
whole
power
of
granting
commendatory
or
dimissory
Letters
,
was
in
all
Provinces
entirely
appropriated
to
their
Legates
,
This
is
a
short
account
of
the
Polity
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
and
in
it
I
think
all
things
are
so
neatly
composed
for
an
easie
,
a
civil
,
and
an
effectual
Government
,
that
I
may
safely
challenge
all
the
great
pretenders
to
Politiques
and
Framers
of
Common-wealths
,
to
find
out
a
more
useful
or
more
artificial
Scheme
of
Government
.
But
beside
these
great
and
more
lasting
Rules
of
prudence
and
good
order
,
they
were
forced
to
make
many
occasional
Laws
to
restrain
some
Mens
particular
follies
,
and
superstitions
.
I
will
for
brevity
sake
instance
only
in
two
Apostolical
Canons
.
In
the
fifth
Canon
,
the
Clergy
of
all
degrees
are
forbid
to
put
away
their
Wives
upon
pretence
of
Religion
,
under
pain
first
of
suspension
,
and
if
they
persist
deprivation
.
The
occasion
of
which
Canon
was
the
Opinion
of
several
Hereticks
,
especially
the
followers
of
Saturninus
,
of
whom
Irenaeus
i.
e.
to
all
other
Churches
for
the
Peace
of
the
whole
.
For
though
a
Church
may
be
at
Unity
within
it self
,
yet
if
it
do
any
thing
injurious
to
the
peace
of
Government
in
any
other
Church
,
it
becomes
Schismatical
to
the
whole
Body
of
the
Catholick
Church
;
presuming
,
as
much
as
in
it
lies
,
to
overthrow
the
Discipline
of
all
other
Churches
.
This
as
I
take
to
be
the
true
State
of
the
Controversie
,
so
to
be
St.
Cyprian's
sense
of
it
.
§.
12.
And
the
first
Principle
that
runs
through
all
his
Writings
,
and
lies
at
the
bottom
of
all
his
Notions
concerning
Church
Unity
,
is
,
that
there
is
but
one
Episcopacy
setled
in
the
Church
by
Divine
Appointment
,
distributed
among
the
several
Bishops
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
every
one
retaining
the
whole
Power
within
his
own
Bishoprick
,
as
he
expresses
it
like
a
Lawyer
,
Episcopatus
unus
est
,
cujus
à
singulis
in
solidum
pars
tenetur
.
There
is
but
one
Episcopacy
,
of
which
every
one
holds
his
own
share
with
full
Title
and
Possession
.
For
the
word
in
solidum
is
a
Law-term
denoting
a
Plenitude
of
Title
;
so
that
though
an
Estate
be
divided
into
two
parts
,
yet
both
inherit
their
own
share
in
solidum
;
and
so
if
two
Men
be
bound
for
the
same
Debt
;
if
they
are
bound
each
Man
in
partem
,
they
are
obliged
to
pay
but
half
share
,
but
if
they
are
obliged
in
solidum
,
either
of
them
is
bound
to
pay
all
.
And
this
is
St.
Cyprian's
State
of
Episcopacy
,
that
though
many
share
the
Authority
,
yet
every
Bishop
has
as
full
possession
of
his
own
share
within
it self
,
as
if
there
were
no
other
.
Seeing
(
as
he
elsewhere
a
Parcel
of
the
Flock
is
allotted
to
the
care
of
its
particular
Pastor
,
which
every
one
is
bound
to
guide
and
govern
,
and
to
account
to
God
for
the
discharge
of
his
Episcopal
Office
.
Neither
was
this
his
singular
Notion
,
but
the
unanimous
and
settled
Sense
of
the
Ancients
:
Thus
the
Author
of
Clement's
Institutions
brings
in
the
Apostles
Writing
after
this
manner
to
all
Christian
Bishops
:
We
being
all
gathered
together
have
written
to
you
this
form
of
Catholique
Doctrine
,
For
the
Confirmation
of
you
to
whom
is
entrusted
the
Catholique
Episcapacy
of
the
Church
.
This
was
the
entire
Sense
of
all
Ignatius
his
Epistles
,
which
suppose
the
full
Jurisdiction
of
every
particular
Church
to
be
placed
in
the
Bishop
and
his
own
Clergy
.
So
Tertullian
,
It
is
necessary
that
so
many
&
great
Churches
should
be
that
one
and
first
derived
from
the
Apostles
,
from
whom
all
are
derived
,
and
therefore
they
are
all
but
one
,
and
yet
several
Apostolical
V.
Can.
Apost.
35.
Churches
.
So
all
the
Ancient
Canons
inhibit
every
single
Bishop
,
even
the
Metropolitan
to
intermeddle
in
anothers
Diocess
,
upon
pain
of
Deposition
.
Neither
is
this
Supremacy
of
Power
in
every
Bishop
any
abatement
of
the
just
Rights
of
Metropolitans
;
For
in
the
Primitive
Church
(
as
I
have
shewn
in
a
former
Treatise
)
Metropolitans
had
no
Power
over
inferiour
Bishops
,
but
in
conjunction
of
the
Synod
of
the
Province
.
So
that
it
was
the
Synod
,
not
the
Metropolitan
,
that
had
the
Superiour
Power
over
every
single
Bishop
.
And
it
is
evident
that
he
was
as
liable
to
the
Sentence
of
the
Synod
,
as
the
meanest
Bishop
of
the
Province
,
as
appears
from
the
case
of
Paulus
Samosatenus
;
and
Metropolitans
,
considering
their
number
,
were
as
often
censured
and
Deposed
as
other
Bishops
.
And
this
is
the
reason
of
St.
Cyprian's
so
earnestly
disclaiming
the
Title
of
Episcopus
Episcoporum
,
because
though
his
own
Metropolitical
Jurisdiction
were
of
great
extent
,
yet
as
a
single
Bishop
he
had
no
Superiority
over
any
other
Bishop
;
no
Authority
to
punish
his
Misdemeanors
;
to
receive
Appeals
from
his
Sentence
;
or
to
order
and
rectifie
any
thing
within
his
Diocess
.
All
such
Power
was
to
be
exerted
only
in
Synodical
Conventions
,
in
which
he
had
the
Honour
and
Authority
of
Presidency
,
but
the
Jurisdiction
was
seated
in
the
Body
of
the
Council
,
without
whose
concurrence
had
he
presumed
to
do
any
thing
more
then
any
other
Bishop
,
his
least
punishment
had
been
certain
Deposition
.
This
was
the
real
State
of
things
in
the
Ancient
Church
,
and
Metropolitans
never
took
upon
them
any
Power
over
their
Collegues
or
Brother-Bishops
by
their
own
single
Authority
till
after
the
Papal
Usurpation
,
neither
then
did
they
challenge
it
as
Metropolitans
,
but
as
Legates
to
the
Pope
,
and
that
was
one
of
the
highest
branches
of
the
Usurpation
.
But
before
that
time
the
Governours
of
the
Church
were
not
more
watchful
against
any
one
thing
then
that
one
Bishop
should
not
claim
any
power
over
another
.
Now
this
Principle
being
first
laid
,
That
the
whole
Episcopal
Authority
is
vested
in
every
Bishop
,
the
next
that
is
consequent
upon
it
,
is
,
That
whoever
separates
from
the
Communion
of
his
Bishop
,
or
sets
up
another
against
him
is
a
Schismatick
:
and
this
was
the
Subject
of
almost
all
his
Epistles
concerning
the
Restitution
of
the
Lapsi
,
or
such
as
fell
in
time
of
Persecution
.
For
they
according
to
the
Ancient
Discipline
of
the
Church
,
were
not
to
be
received
into
Communion
but
by
these
degrees
.
First
they
were
to
Petition
to
be
admitted
to
Penance
,
and
that
upon
confession
of
their
fault
was
granted
,
and
then
having
undergon
the
Penance
imposed
,
they
made
a
publick
Confession
of
their
Crime
before
the
Congregation
;
and
upon
that
they
received
Absolution
by
the
Imposition
of
the
hands
of
the
Bishop
and
C●ergy
,
and
after
that
they
were
admitted
to
the
Holy
Eucharist
or
Full-Communion
.
But
instead
of
this
solemn
severity
of
Discipline
,
some
of
his
own
Presbyters
had
been
so
rash
as
without
the
consent
of
their
Bishop
to
give
them
entire
Absolution
,
and
admit
them
to
entire
Communion
.
This
was
the
opening
of
that
unhappy
Schism
that
afterward
created
so
much
trouble
V.
Baron
.
An.
253.
§.
6.
upon
their
Request
,
because
they
had
by
the
constancy
of
their
sufferings
compensated
for
the
scandal
that
the
others
had
given
by
their
Fall
.
But
instead
of
interceding
for
their
admission
to
Penance
these
well
meaning
men
move
St.
Cyprian
for
their
complete
Absolution
without
it
,
to
which
he
replies
,
that
they
who
had
with
so
much
courage
and
devotion
kept
the
Faith
of
our
Lord
,
ought
to
be
as
●areful
of
keeping
his
Law
and
Discipline
[
†
](A56396-e11610-b)
†
Epist.
16.
per
totum
.
.
But
yet
he
is
willing
to
excuse
them
not
only
because
they
did
it
out
of
ignorance
of
the
Laws
of
the
Church
,
and
out
of
modesty
,
being
meerly
overcome
by
the
importunity
of
others
,
but
because
they
proceeded
no
farther
than
only
to
intercede
with
him
,
in
whom
they
acknowledge
the
Power
and
Authority
of
granting
Absolution
,
whereas
the
Presbyters
had
subverted
all
the
Order
of
the
Church
,
by
presuming
upon
it
without
him
.
These
slighting
that
dignity
and
respect
which
the
Martyrs
&
Confessors
care
fully
observed
,
&
despising
the
Law
of
God
,
which
those
Good
Men
required
to
be
kept
,
before
the
fear
of
Persecution
is
over
,
before
our
Return
,
before
the
very
consummation
of
the
Martyrs
themselves
,
communicate
with
and
give
the
Eucharist
to
the
Apostates
.
And
therefore
at
the
begining
of
this
Epistle
in
which
he
so
candidly
excuses
the
Martyrs
,
he
reproves
the
rashness
and
disorder
of
the
Presbyters
with
more
then
usual
warmth
and
vehemence
of
Expression
.
What
Punishment
ought
we
to
expect
from
the
divine
displeasure
,
when
some
of
the
Presbyters
forgetting
both
the
Gospel
and
themselves
,
neither
regarding
the
future
Judgment
of
God
,
nor
the
Authority
of
their
Bishop
,
Challenge
what
was
never
done
under
our
Predecessors
,
the
whole
Power
of
the
Church
to
themselves
to
the
reproach
and
contempt
of
their
Bishop
:
These
are
very
severe
words
,
and
the
Crime
it
seems
was
look't
upon
as
a
thing
so
horrid
at
that
time
,
that
it
was
till
then
without
Precedent
.
And
therefore
for
the
prevention
of
any
further
mischief
and
scandal
,
he
writes
at
the
same
time
an
earnest
Letter
to
the
People
themselves
to
warn
them
against
the
disorderly
Actings
of
his
Presbyters
.
But
in
his
Rome
.
That
this
did
but
expose
the
Bishops
to
the
hatred
and
envy
of
the
People
,
that
when
they
would
make
particular
enquiry
into
every
mans
case
they
would
seem
to
the
People
to
defraud
them
of
that
favour
that
was
bestowed
on
them
by
the
Martyrs
,
which
had
been
already
the
cause
of
some
Seditions
in
his
Province
,
&c.
And
they
in
an
Eloquent
Epistle
The
Ordination
of
Bishops
and
the
Succession
of
the
Church
run
together
hand
in
hand
through
all
times
and
ages
,
so
as
that
the
Church
is
built
upon
the
Bishop
,
and
every
act
of
the
Church
is
authorised
by
the
Bishops
;
seeing
therefore
this
is
establish't
by
the
Will
of
God
,
I
cannot
but
stand
amazed
at
the
bold
rashness
of
some
[
i.
e.
Lucianus
&
the
Confessors
]
that
dare
write
to
me
that
they
may
give
Letters
of
pardon
in
the
name
of
the
Church
,
when
the
Church
is
made
up
of
the
Bishop
the
Clergy
and
the
faithful
Layity
.
Novatus
the
first
contriver
of
theSchism
seeing
himself
and
his
Party
thus
universally
run
down
,
sets
Faelicissimus
in
the
head
of
it
,
by
his
boldness
and
impudence
to
keep
up
the
sinking
cause
,
though
Baronius
is
here
so
far
mistaken
as
to
make
This
is
the
Novatus
that
first
sowed
the
Seeds
of
Schism
and
Discord
among
us
,
that
separated
the
Brethren
from
their
Bishops
,
that
in
the
very
time
of
Persecution
became
another
Persecution
himself
to
subvert
the
minds
of
our
Brethren
.
It
is
he
that
made
Faelicissimus
the
Hector
his
Deacon
without
my
knowledge
or
permission
,
by
Faction
and
Ambition
.
And
after
this
account
of
the
Author
,
he
lets
us
know
the
occasion
of
the
Schism
:
That
beside
many
other
scandalous
Enormities
committed
by
him
,
Not
long
before
the
breaking
out
of
this
Persecution
,
he
had
so
wounded
his
Wife
by
a
kick
upon
the
Belly
,
that
it
caused
a
miscarriage
.
For
which
bruitish
behaviour
he
was
cited
to
appear
before
his
Bishop
St.
Cyprian
;
but
before
they
came
to
Judgement
,
the
Persecution
overtook
them
,
by
which
means
Donatus
escaped
his
punishment
at
present
,
and
to
avoid
it
for
the
time
to
come
,
sets
afoot
this
Schism
,
to
overthrow
all
the
Discipline
of
the
Christian
Church
.
Such
was
the
Author
and
the
Occasion
of
this
pernicious
Schism
,
and
he
now
seeing
the
Persecution
begin
to
cool
,
and
St.
Cyprian
resolute
to
keep
up
the
Efficacy
of
Discipline
,
cunningly
sets
up
Faelicissimus
to
be
head
of
the
Party
,
who
,
he
knew
,
would
thrust
himself
forward
enough
into
the
quarrel
,
meerly
out
of
his
factious
nature
,
and
for
the
meer
love
of
discord
and
contention
,
as
St.
Cyprian
expresses
it
.
That
out
of
a
natural
instinct
to
disturb
the
quiet
of
his
Brethren
,
he
conspired
with
many
others
,
with
the
rage
and
rashness
of
a
mad
man
to
declare
himself
the
head
of
the
Faction
,
and
Prince
of
the
Seditious
Association
.
And
according
to
this
Temper
of
his
,
when
St.
Cyprian
a
while
after
sent
his
Commissioners
to
Carthage
for
the
settlement
of
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
,
this
Boutefeu
with
his
Rabble
openly
oppose
and
affront
them
,
and
threaten
Excommunication
to
all
that
should
obey
either
them
or
St.
Cyprian
.
Of
which
St.
Cyprian
being
inform'd
,
he
immediately
sends
his
peremptory
Sentence
of
Excommunication
against
him
and
his
accomplices
.
Against
him
,
Because
he
attempted
to
share
the
flock
with
his
Bishop
,
which
is
to
divide
the
Sheep
from
the
Shepherd
,
Children
from
their
Father
,
and
to
disperse
the
Members
of
Christ
.
And
against
them
that
Not
regarding
the
Bishop
or
the
Church
,
they
had
associated
themselves
to
his
Conspiracy
,
and
therefore
had
brought
the
same
Sentence
of
Condemnation
upon
their
own
heads
,
that
his
Schismatical
folly
&
rashness
had
drawn
down
upon
his
,
and
for
that
reason
whoever
joined
with
his
faction
,
was
denounced
excommunicate
from
theChristianChurch
,
as
one
who
had
made
himself
so
by
his
own
separation
.
This
being
done
,
he
signifies
his
Sentence
to
his
People
,
requiring
them
,
as
is
one
God
,
one
Christ
,
one
Church
,
one
Chair
founded
by
our
Lord
's
saying
upon
Peter
;
another
Altar
,
beside
that
one
Altar
&
Priesthood
cannot
be
erected
.
To
divide
from
their
Bishop
,
as
Faelicissimus
had
done
,
was
a
breach
of
the
Unity
of
the
Priesthood
,
and
that
was
a
breach
of
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
which
is
here
expressed
by
the
word
Altar
,
as
it
is
frequently
in
the
Ancient
Writers
of
the
Church
,
but
especially
those
that
writ
against
the
Novatians
and
the
Donatists
.
All
the
Christians
under
one
Bishop
were
said
to
appertain
to
the
same
Altar
,
because
they
belong'd
to
the
same
Communion
;
and
therefore
when
any
separated
from
him
,
they
were
said
to
erect
a
new
Altar
,
because
they
set
up
a
new
Communion
.
And
this
Rebellion
against
the
Bishop
he
farther
aggravates
as
an
utter
Subversion
of
the
Christian
Church
;
It
is
adulterous
,
it
is
prophane
,
it
is
sacrilegious
,
whatever
is
innovated
by
the
passions
of
Men
,
to
the
injury
of
God's
own
Institution
.
And
then
passionately
exhorting
the
People
to
avoid
them
,
he
thus
expresses
himself
:
Let
no
Man
draw
you
Ghristians
from
the
Gospel
of
Christ
,
let
no
Man
take
away
the
Sons
of
the
Church
from
the
Church
,
let
them
perish
alone
,
who
have
a
mind
to
perish
,
let
them
alone
remain
out
of
the
Church
,
who
have
departed
from
the
Church
,
let
them
alone
not
communicate
with
the
Bishops
,
who
have
rebell'd
against
the
Bishops
.
Thus
we
see
how
it
is
all
along
with
him
,
one
and
the
same
thing
to
be
out
of
the
Communion
with
the
Bishop
and
with
the
Christian
Church
,
whilst
the
Bishop
was
in
Communion
with
that
.
But
matters
being
thus
prepared
,
and
the
storm
of
Persecution
laid
,
St.
Cyprian
in
a
little
time
returns
home
,
and
Summons
a
Provincial
Council
,
in
which
the
Cause
of
Faelicissimus
(
whose
zeal
had
now
made
him
proud
of
being
head
of
the
Party
)
and
his
Factious
Associates
,
was
Examin'd
,
and
after
a
full
and
fair
hearing
,
the
former
Sentence
of
Excommunication
by
their
own
Bishop
was
Synodically
ratified
.
But
Schism
never
ends
where
it
begins
;
for
the
Incendiaries
finding
themselves
thus
defeated
in
Africa
,
they
fly
to
Rome
,
and
carry
the
flame
with
them
from
Carthage
thither
,
where
they
found
combustible
matter
enough
at
that
time
to
set
the
whole
Christian
World
on
fire
,
from
the
contest
between
Cornelius
and
Novatian
for
the
Bishopric●
;
for
as
the
Council
of
Carthage
was
held
in
the
Month
of
May
,
so
this
Contest
happned
the
June
following
,
as
the
learned
Annalist
has
made
it
evidently
appear
.
Cornelius
being
chosen
Bishop
by
the
much
greater
Majority
of
Votes
,
Novatian
Remonstrates
to
his
Election
,
loads
him
with
a
great
heap
of
Crimes
that
would
render
him
uncapable
of
the
Episcopal
Office
,
but
chiefly
refuses
Communion
with
him
,
because
he
had
Communicated
with
the
Lapsi
;
and
upon
this
severe
Principle
,
that
they
were
never
to
be
admitted
to
Absolution
he
builds
his
Schism
,
at
which
lucky
juncture
of
time
the
African
Schismaticks
coming
to
Rome
,
they
join
interest
with
him
,
and
set
him
up
Anti-Bishop
against
Cornelius
,
and
by
the
severity
of
their
pretence
drew
into
the
Party
many
well-meaning
Men
,
that
had
been
eminent
Confessors
in
the
late
Decian
Persecution
,
and
by
their
Reputation
for
some
time
kept
up
the
Schism
with
some
credit
and
confidence
.
But
here
the
honesty
of
Schismaticks
is
not
a
little
observable
,
in
that
though
their
Opinions
were
extreme
,
yet
they
join
in
the
same
Schism
against
the
Catholique
Church
.
For
Novatus
and
his
Party
were
so
loose
as
to
be
for
Absolution
without
any
due
course
of
Penance
and
Satisfaction
:
But
Novatian
was
so
severe
as
to
be
against
allowing
any
Absolution
at
all
;
and
yet
in
this
distance
from
one
another
they
both
piec't
together
against
the
Catholique
Church
,
that
taught
and
practised
the
middle
way
of
Absolution
upon
Penance
and
Satisfaction
.
But
the
Opinion
of
Novatian
being
the
most
plausible
(
for
that
of
Novatus
was
a
meer
inlet
to
all
Debauchery
)
it
soon
swallowed
up
the
African
Schismatiques
into
it
;
for
Novatus
having
by
his
Schism
escaped
with
all
his
Crimes
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
,
he
cared
not
what
became
of
his
Opinion
,
Schism
was
his
only
business
,
and
therefore
he
would
quit
his
Opinion
or
any
thing
else
,
to
strengthen
himself
by
a
stronger
Faction
.
And
the
Faction
being
now
emboldned
by
their
strength
and
number
,
they
signifie
the
Election
of
Novatian
to
the
several
Provincial
Churches
,
and
among
others
to
St.
Cyprian
.
But
he
and
his
Collegues
then
assembled
in
Synod
,
having
been
before-hand
certified
of
the
Canonical
Election
of
Cornelius
by
Synodical
Letters
,
like
Men
wise
and
stout
,
are
so
moved
with
the
irregularity
of
the
action
,
that
they
would
not
so
much
as
give
them
Audience
,
but
immediately
throw
them
out
of
all
Communion
.
When
by
their
Letters
and
their
Discourse
,
we
understood
that
Novatian
was
made
Bishop
,
being
provoked
by
such
an
irregularity
of
an
Ordination
made
against
the
Catholick
Church
,
we
immediately
forbid
them
our
Communion
.
And
when
they
press't
that
the
Cause
of
Novatian
and
accusations
against
Cornelius
might
be
publickly
heard
,
the
Council
peremptorily
rejected
the
motion
.
We
judged
it
unbecoming
our
Gravity
that
we
should
suffer
the
honour
of
our
Collegue
already
chosen
,
and
ordain'd
,
and
approved
by
common
suffrage
to
be
farther
prosecuted
by
envious
and
spiteful
men
.
And
this
he
discourses
with
great
wisdom
For
being
mindful
of
our
common
reputation
,
and
bearing
special
regard
to
the
honour
and
dignity
of
the
Priesthood
,
we
refused
to
hear
their
Accusations
sharpened
with
bitter
Reproaches
,
considering
and
weighing
with
our selves
,
that
in
so
great
an
Assembly
of
the
Brethren
,
in
the
presence
of
the
Priests
of
God
,
and
before
the
very
Altar
,
they
were
neither
fit
to
be
read
nor
to
be
heard
.
Neither
are
things
to
be
rashly
and
easily
made
publick
,
that
may
cause
scandal
in
t
he
Hearers
,
and
raise
an
ill
Opinion
of
their
Brethren
,
who
live
at
a
great
distance
off
,
too
great
to
clear
their
own
innocence
.
And
now
having
rejected
the
Schismaticks
with
so
much
contempt
and
dishonour
,
St.
Cyprian
writes
to
the
Confessors
,
who
had
given
reputation
to
the
Schism
and
Scandal
to
the
Church
,
and
very
severely
schools
them
for
their
disorderly
&
&c.
It
grieves
and
troubles
me
,
it
pierces
my
very
heart
with
unspeakable
sorrow
,
when
I
found
that
you
,
even
you
against
all
Ecclesiastical
Constitution
,
against
the
Law
of
the
Gospel
,
against
the
Unity
of
the
Catholick
Church
had
consented
to
the
Creation
of
another
Bishop
,
i.
e.
to
erect
another
Church
,
to
tear
asunder
the
Members
of
Christ
,
to
divide
the
very
Soul
and
Body
of
the
Lords
Flock
.
And
so
goes
on
pathetically
to
exhort
them
,
that
as
they
would
not
lose
the
honour
and
reward
of
their
past
sufferings
,
that
they
would
speedily
return
into
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
and
out
of
that
it
was
in
vain
for
them
so
much
as
to
pretend
to
the
Confession
of
Christianity
.
And
for
their
more
ample
satisfaction
sends
them
his
Book
,
de
unitate
Ecclesiae
.
Where
among
many
other
effectual
Arguments
,
he
represents
to
them
that
their
Schism
is
a
much
more
heinous
Crime
then
that
committed
by
the
Lapsi
,
and
that
they
had
offended
God
less
if
they
had
fallen
in
Persecution
,
then
standing
in
it
to
fall
into
Schism
,
which
he
tells
them
is
a
Crime
not
to
be
expiated
by
Martyrdom
it self
.
Though
they
were
slain
for
the
Confession
of
his
Name
,
yet
their
Sin
is
a
blemish
not
to
be
washt
off
by
their
own
blood
.
The
sin
of
Discord
is
heavy
and
expiable
,
not
to
be
purged
away
by
Martyrdom
it self
.
Neither
can
he
be
a
Martyr
that
is
out
of
the
Church
.
The
Martyrs
being
alarm'd
with
these
and
the
like
discourses
,
(
for
they
received
another
Letter
about
the
same
business
,
and
much
about
the
same
time
from
that
Wise
and
Great
Man
Dyonisius
Bishop
of
Alexandria
)
are
awakened
to
enquire
more
narrowly
into
the
matter
,
upon
which
they
find
that
Letters
full
of
Calumnies
For
this
was
the
thing
(
says
St.
Cyprian
)
that
seduced
some
with
us
,
that
they
followed
the
Communion
of
Confessors
,
which
strong
prejudice
being
removed
they
are
able
to
see
the
Light
,
and
understand
that
the
Peace
and
Unity
of
the
Church
ought
not
to
be
broke
and
divided
,
neither
will
they
be
so
easily
perverted
by
every
furious
Schismatick
for
the
time
to
come
,
when
they
are
now
convinced
by
experience
that
these
brave
Soldiers
of
Christ
,
could
not
long
by
all
the
Arts
of
Craft
and
Subtilty
be
kept
out
of
the
Church
.
But
if
the
Reader
desire
a
more
compendious
Account
of
all
the
Scenes
and
Motions
of
this
Controversy
,
he
may
meet
with
it
in
St.
Cyprian's
admirable
Epistle
to
Antonianus
a
Numidian
Bishop
,
who
not
throughly
understanding
the
state
of
the
Resolutions
concerning
the
Lapsi
,
nor
the
contest
between
Cornelius
and
Novatian
,
writes
to
St.
Cyprian
for
better
information
about
them
both
.
Who
returns
him
a
full
Answer
to
both
,
but
more
especially
to
the
whole
Tragedy
of
the
Contest
between
Cornelius
and
Novatian
,
wherein
he
proves
that
Cornelius
was
lawfully
Elected
and
Consecrated
before
Novatian
,
and
therefore
that
that
alone
was
enough
to
null
the
Title
of
Novatian
.
Et
cum
post
primum
,
&c.
And
seeing
when
there
is
one
Bishop
there
cannot
be
another
,
whoever
pretends
to
be
second
after
a
first
,
who
ought
to
be
alone
,
is
not
the
second
but
none
at
all
.
And
though
he
gives
a
large
Account
of
Cornelius
his
Vertues
,
and
the
Vices
of
Novatian
,
yet
the
Principle
that
he
relyes
upon
is
the
Priority
of
Cornelius
his
legal
Ordination
,
after
which
for
any
other
man
to
thrust
himself
upon
what
pretence
soever
into
the
same
Bishoprick
,
is
really
to
thrust
himself
both
out
of
the
particular
Church
that
he
invades
,
and
out
of
the
Catholick
Church
against
which
he
Rebels
,
because
by
the
Rules
of
both
,
one
Church
is
not
capable
of
receiving
two
Bishops
.
But
the
Martyrs
being
reduced
,
and
the
Schismaticks
scatter'd
and
every
where
rejected
,
St.
Cyprian
sets
himself
to
bring
the
War
to
a
Final
Issue
,
and
for
that
end
summons
a
Council
at
Carthage
to
settle
the
Case
of
the
Lapsi
forever
,
whereas
he
informs
Antonianus
it
was
after
mature
debate
determin'd
with
true
Ecclesiastical
Moderation
.
Scripturis
diu
ex
utrâque
parte
prolatis
,
&c.
The
Scriptures
b●ing
alledged
and
urged
on
either
side
,
we
temper'd
and
pois'd
the
matter
with
an
healing
moderation
,
that
neither
the
hope
of
Restitution
should
be
wholly
denyed
the
Lapsi
,
lest
despair
should
drive
them
into
utter
Apostacy
;
nor
that
the
censure
of
the
Church
should
be
so
loosned
,
that
the
Offenders
should
be
lightly
admitted
to
Communion
,
but
that
upon
due
Penance
and
Humiliation
,
every
mans
particular
cause
and
circumstances
being
examin'd
,
he
should
be
accordingly
treated
.
Which
Decree
being
certified
by
a
Synodical
Epistle
to
Rome
,
Cornelius
at
the
Petition
of
St.
Cyprian
,
as
Labbe
according
to
the
manner
of
the
Romanists
expresses
it
,
allows
his
Confirmation
.
And
for
the
proof
of
it
alledges
St.
Cyprian's
words
to
Antonianus
,
in
which
he
declares
Cornelius
his
Compliance
with
the
Authority
of
his
determination
,
so
that
instead
of
giving
force
to
his
Authority
he
only
followed
it
,
And
as
if
the
number
of
Bishops
in
Africa
were
not
sufficient
,
we
writ
to
Cornelius
our
Collegue
at
Rome
,
who
calling
a
Council
of
a
great
many
Bishops
approved
our
Judgment
with
equal
Wisdom
and
wholsome
moderation
.
The
Schismatiques
being
thus
utterly
routed
at
Rome
,
they
fly
back
into
Africk
,
and
there
associate
to
set
up
another
Bishop
against
St.
Cyprian
,
and
agree
upon
Fortunatus
,
which
being
done
,
Faelicissimus
with
a
Guard
of
rude
and
desperate
Fellows
posts
to
Rome
,
signifies
the
Election
of
their
new
Bishop
to
Cornelius
,
and
demands
Communion
with
him
,
but
is
rejected
with
all
manner
of
scorn
and
disgrace
.
Upon
this
they
huff
and
domineer
,
and
scare
the
old
Bishop
with
their
lowd
threatnings
and
lowder
Lyes
,
particularly
that
this
business
was
transacted
by
the
concurrent
Vote
of
five
and
twenty
Bishops
;
this
puts
Cornelius
to
a
stand
,
and
hearing
nothing
all
this
while
of
it
from
St.
Cyprian
,
writes
to
him
to
know
the
whole
state
of
the
matter
,
who
returns
him
a
large
and
pathetical
Narrative
of
it
,
where
he
states
the
whole
matter
with
that
Heresies
and
Schisms
arise
from
no
other
Fountain
,
then
because
the
Priest
of
God
is
not
obeyed
,
nor
one
Priest
at
a
time
is
thought
to
preside
in
the
Church
as
Christ's
Vicegerent
.
To
whom
if
the
whole
Brotherhood
would
obey
according
to
the
divine
commands
,
no
man
would
move
Sedition
against
the
Colledge
of
Priests
,
no
man
after
the
Sentence
of
God
,
the
good
liking
of
the
People
,
the
consent
of
the
Bishops
,
would
take
upon
him
to
judge
not
the
Bi
shop
but
God
him self
.
That
was
his
case
that
when
he
had
been
Canonically
Elected
and
Constituted
in
the
See
of
Carthage
,
his
own
Presbyters
should
presume
to
out
him
of
his
Bishoprick
that
he
held
for
his
life
by
D●vine
Authority
,
And
therefore
to
Travel
no
farther
into
this
Controversie
,
though
the
Schismatiques
,
according
to
the
restless
Genius
of
such
Men
,
made
some
faint
sallys
to
save
and
redeem
themselves
,
we
plainly
see
that
this
was
the
first
Article
of
St.
Cyprian's
Unity
of
the
Christian
Church
,
the
Unity
of
a
Bishop
in
every
Diocesan
Church
,
and
the
dutiful
and
regular
Communion
of
all
its
Members
with
him
.
§
13.
The
second
grand
Article
,
and
that
which
has
a
more
diffusive
influence
upon
the
Peace
and
Unity
of
the
Church
,
is
the
obligation
upon
all
Christian
Bishops
,
to
preserve
Concord
and
Communion
among
themselves
.
And
as
the
former
unites
every
Christian
to
some
particular
Church
;
so
this
unites
every
particular
Church
to
the
Body
of
the
Church
Catholique
.
And
this
is
that
which
St.
Cyprian
and
the
Ancients
intend
by
the
Catholick
Church
,
viz.
All
Churches
in
the
World
united
into
one
Body
by
the
Concord
of
Bishops
in
the
same
Rules
of
Discipline
and
Government
.
And
this
is
his
meaning
in
those
several
Passages
,
in
which
he
makes
every
Church
both
a
perfect
Church
within
it self
,
and
yet
only
a
Member
of
the
Church
Catholique
,
as
in
the
formention'd
Passage
in
his
Book
De
Unitate
:
Episcopat●s
●nus
est
,
cujus
a
singulis
in
solid●m
pars
tenetur
:
There
is
but
one
Episcopacy
,
of
which
every
Bishop
possesses
his
own
share
with
plenitude
of
Power
.
And
in
his
56
Epistle
,
A
Christo
una
Ecclesia
per
tot●m
orbem
in
multa
membra
d●visa
,
Christ
has
founded
one
Church
,
dispers'd
through
the
whole
World
in
many
Districts
or
Divisions
.
And
in
the
same
Epistle
,
Episcopatus
unus
,
Episcoporum
multorum
concordi
numer
sitate
diffusus
,
There
is
but
one
Episcopacy
spread
every
where
by
the
Concord
of
all
Bishops
.
And
in
the
68th
Epistle
,
Etsi
Pastores
multi
sumus
,
unum
tamen
gregem
pascimus
,
&
oves
universas
,
quas
Christus
sanguine
s●o
&
passio●●
q●aesivit
,
colligere
&
fovere
debemus
:
Though
we
are
many
Pastors
,
yet
we
●eed
but
one
Flock
,
and
we
are
all
bound
to
fold
and
cherish
all
the
Sheep
that
Christ
has
purchased
with
his
Blood
and
Passion
.
By
which
,
and
the
like
passages
,
which
are
very
frequent
in
his
Writings
,
nothing
less
can
be
understood
than
the
Obligation
of
all
particular
Churches
to
mutual
Concord
,
for
the
preservation
of
Peace
and
Unity
in
the
Church
Catholique
.
And
agreeable
to
this
Doctrine
was
his
practice
through
the
whole
course
of
his
Government
,
to
give
an
account
of
his
proceedings
to
Foreign
Churches
for
their
Judgment
and
Approbation
;
and
by
that
means
a
stricter
Unity
of
Discipline
was
at
that
time
kept
up
in
all
Christian
Churches
then
in
any
other
Age.
Thus
when
he
had
cast
Faelicissimus
and
his
Associates
out
of
the
Church
of
Carthage
,
they
could
never
after
it
get
footing
in
any
other
Church
:
And
when
Cornelius
had
cast
Novation
out
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
though
he
made
many
bold
and
plausible
Attempts
to
insinuate
himself
into
divers
other
Churches
,
yet
he
could
never
meet
with
entertainment
in
any
,
but
found
himself
doom'd
to
the
Fate
of
Cain
,
to
be
a
Vagabond
all
the
days
of
his
Life
.
This
Correspondence
of
Discipline
is
the
subject
of
the
greatest
part
of
St.
Cyprian's
Epistles
.
Thus
he
wrote
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
to
give
an
account
of
his
Discipline
and
Diligence
,
Necessarium
duxi
has
ad
vos
literas
facere
,
quibus
vobis
our
Resolutions
that
ought
to
be
uniform
and
agreeable
in
all
things
should
be
dissonant
in
any
.
The
very
same
that
is
done
in
his
Epistle
to
Caldonius
,
in
which
he
tells
That
the
same
Resolution
and
Agreement
in
all
things
might
according
to
our
Lords
Command
be
preserved
in
all
Churches
:
Ut
apud
omnes
unus
Actus
,
&
una
consensio
secundùm
Domini
proecepta
teneatur
.
And
again
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Clergy
of
Rome
,
he
informs
them
of
the
disorderly
Proceedings
of
Lucianus
,
and
other
Confessors
,
in
giving
Absolution
without
his
consent
,
and
desires
their
farther
assistance
,
assuring
them
,
That
their
former
concurrence
with
him
,
had
supported
him
against
that
old
dead
weight
of
Envy
,
and
saved
him
a
World
of
Trouble
:
Laborantes
hic
nos
,
&
contra
invidiae
impetum
,
totis
fidei
viribus
resistentes
Rome
,
Dionysius
of
Alexandria
,
Fabian
of
Antioch
,
and
Cyprian
of
Carthage
,
by
whose
Concord
and
Conduct
the
fury
both
of
the
Antonianus
;
Cùm
sit
à
Christo
una
Ecclesia
per
totum
mundum
,
&c.
When
there
is
but
one
Church
in
the
whole
World
divided
into
many
Parts
,
and
one
Episcopacy
diffused
all
over
by
the
numerous
Concord
of
many
Bishops
,
this
Man
slighting
the
Command
of
God
,
and
the
setled
Unity
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
endeavours
to
erect
an
humane
Church
,
sends
his
new
Apostles
through
divers
Cities
,
to
lay
the
Foundations
of
a
new
Institution
.
And
whereas
there
had
been
of
a
long
time
Bishops
venerable
for
Age
,
Orthodox
in
Faith
,
proved
in
Tryals
,
proscribed
in
Persecutions
,
Ordain'd
in
all
Provinces
and
every
City
,
yet
he
dares
presume
to
set
up
over
them
his
own
False-Bishops
,
as
if
he
resolved
to
vanquish
the
whole
World
meerly
by
his
stubbornness
,
and
by
the
propagation
of
Discord
to
tear
in
pieces
the
whole
Union
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Body
.
That
was
a
plain
dissolution
of
the
Unity
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
the
dividing
the
Body
of
Christian
Bishops
,
in
whose
Concord
and
Agreement
the
true
Catholique
Unity
consisted
.
But
the
most
remarkable
Discourse
in
all
St.
Cyprian's
Writings
And
therefore
when
the
one
Catholique
Church
cannot
be
rent
nor
divided
,
but
is
united
and
combin'd
together
by
the
Cement
of
the
Epis●opal
Concord
▪
He
charges
Pupianus
with
casting
himself
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
by
denying
to
Communicate
with
St.
Cyprian
,
with
whom
all
other
Bishops
communicated
.
And
withal
tells
him
,
That
his
Crime
is
so
great
,
that
he
can
scarce
be
restored
upon
Repentance
and
Satisfaction
,
and
that
for
his
own
part
he
dares
not
do
it
without
some
express
Commission
from
God
himself
.
I
shall
begg
advice
from
God
whether
you
shall
be
restored
[
after
having
made
satisfaction
]
and
that
he
will
be
pleased
to
let
me
know
by
some
sign
and
intimation
of
his
Will
,
whether
he
will
ever
permit
such
an
one
as
you
to
he
received
into
the
Communion
of
his
Church
.
And
this
is
the
thing
that
St.
Cyprian
means
by
a
Bishops
making
himself
Episcopus
Episcopi
,
with
which
he
here
particularly
charges
Pupianus
,
when
one
Bishop
presumes
by
his
single
Authority
to
judge
another
.
Which
was
in
those
days
justly
esteem'd
the
most
unpardonable
breach
of
Catholique
Communion
.
For
upon
that
pretence
,
he
might
if
he
pleased
,
disclaim
and
condemn
every
Bishop
of
the
Christian
World
.
And
therefore
though
any
other
Offender
that
stood
Excommunicate
even
by
a
Council
of
Bishops
might
be
admitted
to
the
peace
of
the
Church
upon
satisfaction
;
yet
in
this
case
St.
Cyprian
doubts
whether
Pupianus
his
Repentance
will
be
ever
accepted
.
Insomuch
that
if
upon
it
he
should
be
received
into
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
his
Absolution
must
not
be
peremptory
as
in
other
cases
,
but
so
as
still
to
refer
him
to
the
fear
and
danger
of
the
Judgment
of
God
.
Si
temeritatis
&
saperbiae
&
insolentiae
tuae
agere
vel
serò
paenitentiam
caeperis
,
si
Deo
&
Christo
●jus
plenissimè
satisfeceris
,
communicationis
tuae
poterimus
habere
rationem
,
manente
tamen
apud
nos
divinae
censurae
respectu
&
metu
.
This
was
a
singular
Severity
in
so
gentle
a
Person
as
St.
Cyprian
,
who
allowed
full
Restitution
to
all
other
Offenders
,
but
in
this
case
he
does
it
with
an
If.
And
in
plain
truth
the
Nature
of
the
Crime
deserved
it
,
for
it
is
an
Eternal
Subversion
of
the
Peace
of
the
whole
Church
,
if
the
Pride
or
the
Peevishness
of
one
single
Man
may
be
suffer'd
to
censure
and
condemn
the
practice
of
the
whole
Catholique
Church
.
For
though
this
pique
of
Pupianus
lay
only
against
St.
Cyprian
,
yet
he
being
(
as
he
tells
him
)
in
Communion
with
all
the
Bishops
and
Churches
through
the
whole
World
,
though
the
blow
were
aim'd
at
him
singly
,
it
lighted
upon
all
,
and
the
whole
Church
was
equally
involved
in
the
Censure
.
Which
was
then
thought
such
a
piece
of
Luciferian
pride
,
that
it
was
by
him
placed
next
to
the
unpardonable
Sin
.
The
passages
in
St.
Cyprian
to
this
purpose
are
innumerable
,
and
there
is
scarce
an
Epistle
,
in
which
he
does
not
expresly
declare
the
Unity
of
the
Catholique
Church
to
lye
in
the
Concord
and
Agreement
of
the
Episcopal
Colledge
;
that
was
a
Succession
to
the
Apostolical
,
between
whom
the
Government
of
the
Church
was
equally
divided
,
yet
so
as
to
agree
all
together
in
one
Catholique
Communion
.
This
is
a
thing
so
easily
to
be
understood
that
I
cannot
but
stand
amazed
to
find
Men
of
Sense
,
Learning
,
and
Ingenuity
pretend
to
be
so
dull
as
not
to
be
able
to
comprehend
,
how
the
Unity
of
the
Church
should
be
reduced
to
practice
by
way
of
external
Policy
,
when
all
the
Lines
of
it
are
so
plainly
traced
out
in
the
Universal
practice
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
and
particularly
in
the
Writings
of
St.
Cyprian
.
It
were
easie
to
give
a
much
larger
account
of
it
by
transcribing
almost
all
the
Records
of
the
Christian
Church
,
the
chief
Affairs
whereof
were
all
along
transacted
by
this
way
of
Epistolary
Correspondence
:
And
therefore
the
best
way
of
attaining
knowledge
in
Ecclesiastical
matters
is
not
by
following
set
and
form'd
Histories
,
so
much
as
by
consulting
particular
Epistles
,
in
which
we
have
a
distinct
account
from
time
to
time
,
of
the
true
Springs
and
Motions
of
all
the
publique
Transactions
of
the
Christian
Church
.
§
14.
But
because
this
Argument
of
Unity
and
Communion
,
by
way
of
external
Polity
in
the
Church
is
become
a
Controversie
among
some
learned
Men
of
our
own
Church
,
though
what
I
have
already
discoursed
in
general
be
more
then
enough
,
or
at
least
as
much
as
is
in
it self
needful
to
state
the
Case
,
yet
unless
I
assoil
some
particular
Arguments
that
are
at
this
time
on
foot
,
notwithstanding
all
that
I
have
said
,
I
shall
leave
some
Readers
under
the
power
of
great
prejudices
,
and
those
prejudices
being
maintain'd
by
the
deserved
Reputation
of
some
good
and
learned
Men
,
they
are
not
to
be
easily
removed
,
not
otherwise
then
by
particular
Confutations
.
The
two
great
Men
at
first
engaged
in
this
Controversie
are
Mr.
Thorndike
,
and
Dr.
Barrow
,
Men
of
equal
value
both
for
Modesty
,
Learning
,
and
Piety
.
Mr.
Thorndike
is
peremptory
for
the
necessity
of
one
United
Government
in
the
Catholique
Church
.
The
Dr.
granting
it
to
be
a
thing
very
desirable
,
and
in
some
rare
cases
practicable
,
as
when
all
Christendom
was
almost
confin'd
within
the
Roman
Empire
,
cannot
conceive
any
Necessity
of
it
,
or
Obligation
to
it
.
But
with
all
due
Reverence
to
the
memory
of
so
great
,
and
so
good
a
Man
,
I
must
make
bold
to
say
,
That
,
however
it
comes
to
pass
,
he
answers
neither
his
usual
Acuteness
or
Ingenuity
in
this
performance
.
Probably
it
might
have
been
an
imperfect
work
,
and
an
Essay
upon
the
Argument
by
way
of
exercise
to
himself
;
or
if
he
were
serious
,
and
the
discourse
were
the
result
of
his
own
Judgment
,
it
will
appear
when
I
come
to
consider
his
way
of
discoursing
it
,
that
he
had
by
no
means
weighed
the
matter
as
he
ought
,
that
he
did
not
comprehend
the
Arguments
that
he
undertook
to
answer
,
that
he
was
not
consistent
with
himself
,
but
expresly
asserts
the
Opinion
that
he
endeavours
to
oppose
.
Of
all
which
unusual
inconsistency
in
so
Acute
a
Man
I
can
give
no
other
Reason
,
then
that
his
great
Zeal
against
the
Unity
of
the
Catholique
Church
by
way
of
Papal
Monarchy
Transported
him
so
far
as
to
make
him
forget
that
obligation
to
Unity
and
Communion
that
lyes
upon
all
Churches
under
their
several
distinct
Governments
.
But
whatever
was
the
ground
of
his
mistake
,
his
reasons
only
concern
us
,
and
here
to
proceed
Methodically
,
I
shall
in
the
first
place
set
down
his
Adversaries
Arguments
,
and
his
Replies
upon
them
;
and
then
his
own
Arguments
,
with
my
Answers
to
them
.
And
first
he
begins
the
dispute
with
an
intimation
of
the
want
of
perspicuity
in
his
Adversaries
Writings
,
and
this
I
know
is
a
popular
Objection
,
and
very
much
in
the
mouths
of
some
Men
,
who
will
by
no
means
allow
him
to
be
an
intelligible
Writer
,
though
for
what
reason
I
cannot
imagine
,
unless
that
it
is
convenient
for
themselves
that
he
should
not
be
understood
;
for
if
once
Men
were
convinced
of
the
true
Constitution
of
any
one
Church
by
Divine
Authority
,
that
would
forever
destroy
all
indifferency
,
or
pretended
moderation
,
between
the
several
different
Parties
among
us
.
And
if
the
Church
of
England
be
constituted
by
Divine
Right
,
then
all
that
separate
from
it
are
both
Heretiques
and
Schismatiques
;
and
all
that
join
with
it
as
the
right
Church
,
and
not
meerly
as
the
Church
in
possession
,
are
obliged
to
declare
them
so
,
and
endeavour
to
have
them
cast
out
of
all
Ecclesiastical
Communion
.
If
indeed
the
difference
were
only
about
Rites
and
Ceremonies
,
there
might
be
some
room
for
good
nature
;
but
when
the
contest
is
about
the
Essential
Constitution
of
a
Christian
Church
,
as
it
was
Established
by
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
those
that
separate
from
it
,
nay
that
endeavour
with
all
their
might
to
destroy
it
,
(
as
our
present
Schismatiques
do
)
cannot
but
incur
the
utmost
displeasure
and
severity
of
all
honest
Men
that
sincerely
love
it
:
In
such
cases
as
these
,
it
is
a
contradiction
to
talk
of
terms
of
Accommodation
:
And
that
is
the
reason
why
some
Men
that
would
keep
fair
with
all
Parties
,
are
so
afraid
of
the
Plea
of
Divine
Right
for
the
Church
of
England
;
for
if
that
be
setled
,
they
are
thereby
obliged
and
determin'd
positively
to
declare
against
the
Schi●●
of
all
other
different
Parties
.
And
not
to
do
it
is
to
partake
of
their
Sin
,
and
in
effect
to
join
with
them
in
it
,
for
not
to
be
for
the
true
Church
is
to
be
against
it
,
our
Saviour
will
accept
of
no
such
lukewarm
and
perfidious
moderation
.
In
short
,
Men
that
Communicate
with
the
Church
of
England
not
as
founded
upon
Divine
Right
,
proceed
upon
no
other
ground
then
that
it
is
the
Church
at
present
in
Possession
,
so
that
whatever
Party
has
the
luck
to
get
uppermost
,
that
is
the
Church
of
England
;
and
then
be
it
Popery
,
Presbytery
,
or
Independendy
we
are
Schismatiques
if
we
separate
from
it
:
For
if
there
be
no
Ecclesiastical
form
of
Government
settled
by
Divine
Law
,
then
none
of
these
can
be
in
themselves
unlawful
,
because
nothing
can
be
so
but
as
it
is
against
the
Law
of
God
,
for
where
there
is
no
Law
there
is
no
Sin
,
and
therefore
it
is
but
a
very
mean
piece
of
Service
to
the
Church
of
England
,
to
assert
the
Lawfulness
of
her
Constitution
;
for
if
that
be
all
,
and
if
it
be
not
necessary
too
as
establisht
by
Divine
Right
,
so
are
all
other
forms
,
then
all
the
difference
is
,
that
the
State
has
thought
good
to
annex
the
Ecclesiastical
preferments
to
this
way
;
but
setting
them
aside
,
the
Separatists
are
as
much
the
Church
of
England
as
our selves
,
and
if
the
State
should
be
pleased
to
settle
all
the
Emoluments
of
the
Church
upon
Presbytery
or
Independency
,
yes
or
Popery
it self
,
then
all
that
is
pleaded
for
the
Lawfulness
of
the
present
Church
of
England
,
will
be
as
pleadable
against
it
for
the
Church
Triumphant
.
So
fatal
and
pernicious
to
the
Being
of
a
Christian
Church
is
this
Principle
that
takes
away
all
Divine
Right
,
it
blows
up
the
very
Foundations
of
the
Church
,
that
can
stand
upon
no
other
bottom
then
the
Authority
of
God
,
and
lets
Men
loose
from
all
other
Obligations
to
Communicate
with
any
Church
,
then
meerly
those
of
courtesie
and
civility
;
for
the
only
reason
it
can
lay
upon
them
,
is
to
Communicate
with
the
Church
they
live
in
,
is
to
do
it
for
convenience
and
peace
sake
,
rather
then
to
be
troublesom
,
otherwise
they
are
lef●
by
the
Law
of
God
to
be
of
what
Church
they
please
,
or
if
they
please
of
none
at
all
;
for
if
there
be
none
by
Divine
Law
,
they
cannot
be
obliged
to
Communicate
with
any
.
But
of
the
ill
Consequences
of
this
fatal
Principle
,
I
shall
give
a
particular
account
in
the
Conclusion
of
this
Design
;
when
after
I
have
made
good
the
true
State
of
the
Church
,
I
shall
be
able
to
convince
all
the
different
Parties
of
their
Deviations
from
it
,
and
amongst
the
rest
I
doubt
this
Sect
of
Men
will
be
found
the
most
guilty
of
any
,
of
perfidiousness
against
the
Catholique
Church
,
for
they
disown
any
such
thing
in
all
times
and
places
;
and
that
is
an
offence
of
a
more
heinous
Nature
,
as
well
as
larger
Extent
,
then
when
committed
only
against
the
particular
Church
of
England
.
Though
the
greatest
aggravation
of
it
is
,
That
it
is
taken
up
precariously
without
ground
or
shadow
of
Reason
,
in
defiance
to
all
the
Records
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
that
all
its
Pleas
pervert
them
with
more
folly
and
grossness
,
then
the
Romanists
pretences
for
Papal
Supremacy
,
as
will
be
shewn
in
due
place
.
In
the
mean
time
to
return
to
our
Learned
Author
,
and
his
complaint
of
Mr.
Thorndike's
obscurity
,
that
was
taken
up
by
him
from
a
vulgar
Opinion
,
and
that
was
first
started
by
others
,
chiefly
to
prevent
the
force
of
his
Arguments
for
the
Divine
Right
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
.
It
must
be
granted
,
that
there
are
some
things
in
his
Epilogue
to
the
Church
of
England
,
that
cannot
but
create
some
difficulty
to
the
less
skilful
Reader
:
As
first
,
the
very
careless
and
uncorrected
Impression
of
it
,
whereby
such
a
multitude
of
faults
have
escaped
,
or
rather
passed
through
the
Press
,
as
cannot
but
very
much
disturb
and
perplex
the
Sense
,
especially
when
the
mistake
is
committed
(
as
it
very
frequently
is
)
in
the
Particles
of
Argumentation
,
whereby
the
plain
coherence
of
the
discourse
is
often
lost
and
inverted
;
both
which
being
added
to
the
obscurity
of
the
stile
it self
,
which
though
it
is
intelligible
enough
to
an
attending
Reader
,
yet
must
be
acknowledged
somewhat
dark
and
involved
,
as
usually
happens
to
over-thoughtful
Men
,
and
that
seems
to
have
been
the
case
of
this
Learned
Man
,
his
former
Writings
upon
the
very
same
Subject
being
much
more
plain
and
perspicuous
.
But
the
thing
that
most
of
all
puts
the
ordinary
Reader
to
a
●oss
,
is
his
frequent
and
large
digressions
,
for
being
a
compleat
Master
of
Ecclesiastical
Learning
,
he
could
not
confine
himself
to
his
proper
Argument
,
but
upon
every
turn
runs
out
into
other
Subjects
.
And
the
method
of
the
connexion
not
appearing
,
the
common
Reader
loses
the
design
of
the
whole
.
To
give
an
instance
or
two
,
his
chief
Arguments
for
the
Unity
of
the
Catholick
Church
being
taken
from
the
Unity
of
Baptism
,
and
the
Lord's
Supper
;
beside
making
out
his
Conclusion
,
he
enters
into
large
Discourses
concerning
the
Use
and
Necessity
of
Baptism
against
the
Socinians
,
and
the
presence
of
Christ's
Body
in
the
Eucharist
,
and
the
Sence
of
the
Church
about
it
in
all
Ages
against
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
by
that
time
the
less
diligent
Reader
has
travell'd
through
these
long
Digressive
Controversies
,
he
forgets
the
first
Conclusion
,
of
the
Unity
of
the
Church
from
the
Unity
of
right
to
these
two
Sacraments
in
it
.
But
if
the
Reader
would
distinguish
between
the
direct
Course
and
Tenor
of
the
Discourse
it self
,
and
these
occasional
Salleys
,
the
whole
Method
of
proceeding
would
appear
plain
and
perspicuous
enough
to
an
ordinary
understanding
.
And
for
the
proof
of
this
I
shall
only
refer
him
to
his
first
Book
upon
this
Argument
,
which
was
the
substance
and
groundwork
of
his
other
larger
Treatises
.
And
that
is
his
discourse
of
the
Right
of
the
Churches
in
a
Christian
state
.
In
which
keeping
close
to
his
Argument
,
he
has
stated
this
and
all
other
matters
that
he
t●eats
of
with
that
clearness
and
coherence
of
Reason
,
that
whoever
will
be
at
the
pains
to
run
through
that
little
Book
can
never
complain
of
any
Obscurity
in
his
following
Writings
.
Thus
in
his
first
Chapter
,
he
lays
the
Foundations
of
the
one
Catholick
Church
upon
the
right
of
holding
publick
Assemblies
for
the
Worship
of
God
by
Divine
Authority
,
upon
which
he
infers
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
and
from
thence
the
power
of
granting
Baptism
,
which
suppose
a
settled
Authority
of
taking
into
or
casting
out
of
the
Society
of
the
Church
,
and
unless
those
that
are
taken
in
are
taken
into
the
whole
Society
,
and
those
that
are
cast
out
are
cast
out
of
the
same
,
they
are
of
no
effect
to
the
purpose
to
which
they
are
design'd
.
For
unless
a
Man
that
is
baptised
in
a
particular
Church
have
a
right
of
Communicating
with
the
whole
Christian
Church
,
if
he
change
his
Habitation
,
he
must
leave
his
Christianity
behind
him
,
or
his
right
of
holding
publick
Assemblies
in
the
Church
.
And
unless
a
man
that
is
Excommunicate
in
a
particular
Church
,
be
thereby
cast
out
of
Communion
with
all
other
Churches
,
it
is
but
changing
his
Habitation
,
and
he
that
was
cut
off
as
a
corrupt
Member
from
the
Body
of
Christ
,
shall
elude
the
just
Sentence
of
the
Church
,
and
not
withstanding
his
Excommunication
have
as
full
a
right
to
all
Christian
Priviledges
as
if
he
had
never
been
proceeded
against
.
This
is
the
main
stress
of
his
Argument
upon
this
Subject
,
which
he
farther
shews
by
the
power
of
inflicting
and
abating
Pennance
,
that
is
connected
with
the
Authority
of
Excommunication
or
inflicting
Censures
.
And
the
force
of
this
Argumentation
is
so
evident
and
unavoidable
,
that
I
must
confess
my self
not
a
little
surprised
how
it
was
possible
that
our
Learned
Adversary
could
any
way
baulk
or
shift
the
Evidence
of
its
Conviction
.
Especially
when
himself
saw
so
clearly
that
an
Ecclesiastical
Unity
of
Government
in
the
Church
is
absolutely
necessary
to
its
preservation
;
for
though
he
founds
it
only
upon
the
Confederation
and
consent
of
Churches
and
not
any
divine
Command
,
yet
he
founds
that
Consent
upon
its
necessity
to
the
Peace
of
the
Church
.
This
course
(
says
he
)
was
very
prudential
Now
is
not
this
a
very
fair
concession
for
one
who
is
labouring
only
to
prove
that
this
Unity
of
Government
among
several
Churches
is
not
necessary
to
the
Church
,
when
without
it
Christianity
must
have
certainly
perish't
.
But
this
dropt
from
his
own
natural
sense
and
ingenuity
,
that
could
not
but
acknowledge
the
Evidence
of
so
clear
a
truth
.
But
though
it
was
an
utter
subversion
of
his
whole
design
,
yet
it
seems
he
was
so
intent
in
the
pursuit
of
the
Argument
,
that
he
had
undertaken
,
that
he
overlook't
even
his
own
thoughts
when
they
stood
in
his
way
.
And
now
after
this
it
is
so
easie
to
overthrow
every
particular
part
of
his
discourse
,
that
were
it
not
for
his
Authority
,
it
would
be
needless
.
But
because
by
reason
of
that
it
must
be
done
,
I
shall
do
it
with
all
possible
brevity
.
First
then
,
the
name
of
Church
is
attributed
to
the
whole
body
of
Christiaans
,
which
implyeth
Unity
.
And
this
he
confesses
it
does
,
but
determines
not
the
kind
or
ground
thereof
,
there
being
several
kinds
,
any
whereof
may
suffice
to
ground
that
comprehensive
Appellation
.
But
this
by
his
own
Confession
is
most
apparently
false
,
for
it
determines
it self
to
that
kind
that
consists
in
an
Unity
of
Government
,
and
the
ground
of
that
determination
of
it
is
its
necessity
to
the
Peace
and
Welfare
of
the
Church
,
and
therefore
without
this
kind
of
Unity
,
no
other
sort
will
suffice
to
ground
the
Appellation
,
because
without
it
there
can
be
no
other
Unity
,
this
is
necessary
to
all
other
sorts
,
and
therefore
without
it
they
are
not
capable
of
that
name
.
But
to
deal
plainly
,
the
Argument
is
not
here
sairly
represented
,
for
Mr.
Thorndike
does
not
argue
merely
from
the
name
of
the
Church
,
but
from
the
nature
of
the
thing
to
which
the
name
is
applied
,
the
Church
being
a
Society
or
Body
Politick
,
which
is
the
first
thing
to
be
either
proved
or
supposed
in
this
dispute
,
and
that
being
made
out
,
then
upon
that
supposition
the
Argument
is
very
clear
,
that
one
Church
is
one
Society
.
And
therefore
when
the
name
Church
is
frequently
given
in
Scripture
,
not
only
to
particular
Churches
,
but
to
the
whole
Catholique
Church
,
that
must
be
one
Society
united
under
one
Government
,
for
without
Government
there
is
no
Society
,
and
therefore
one
Society
founds
one
Government
.
Now
the
Argument
being
thus
laid
,
its
force
lyes
in
the
nature
of
things
,
not
an
empty
name
,
and
it
makes
its
own
way
by
its
own
reasonableness
.
Especially
when
we
consider
the
Bond
of
this
Society
,
viz.
The
Communion
in
Divine
Offices
,
to
which
every
Member
of
the
Catholick
Church
having
a
right
,
the
right
of
all
must
consist
in
that
one
Communion
,
and
that
one
Communion
cannot
subsist
without
one
Government
,
so
perspicuously
does
the
Unity
of
the
Catholick
Church
infer
and
inforce
an
Unity
of
Government
in
it
.
The
next
Argument
and
Answer
are
to
the
same
purpose
,
viz.
from
our
Belief
of
the
Holy
Catholique
Church
,
from
whence
Mr.
Thorndike
infers
its
Political
Unity
but
our
Author
:
says
,
it
may
as
well
be
understood
of
any
other
kind
of
Unity
.
But
to
that
it
is
easily
answered
,
that
as
long
as
it
is
a
Society
(
and
so
must
all
multitudes
of
men
,
if
they
are
not
riots
)
it
cannot
be
understood
without
this
Unity
.
And
therefore
it
is
not
precariously
assumed
and
obtruded
as
is
pretended
,
but
warrants
it self
by
the
reason
it
brings
along
with
it
,
that
determines
it
to
this
special
kind
of
Unity
.
But
he
adds
,
the
genuine
sense
of
the
meaning
of
this
Article
may
be
,
our
profession
to
adhere
to
the
Body
of
Christians
,
and
to
maintain
Charity
and
communicate
in
holy
Offices
with
them
,
and
to
be
willing
to
observe
the
Laws
and
Orders
Establish't
by
the
Authority
or
consent
of
Churches
.
This
is
very
true
,
and
very
false
,
for
if
we
are
under
no
Obligation
to
all
this
,
then
all
this
meaning
is
Non-sence
,
and
all
these
kinds
of
Unity
are
nothing
;
for
if
we
make
this
profession
of
our
own
free
choice
and
accord
,
then
we
may
choose
whether
we
will
do
all
this
or
no
,
and
it
is
all
one
whether
we
adhere
to
the
body
of
Christians
,
in
Charity
,
Communion
,
and
Obedience
to
the
Laws
of
the
Church
,
or
whether
we
refuse
it
;
for
if
it
be
no
duty
by
vertue
of
Obligation
,
then
it
may
be
left
undone
as
well
as
done
.
But
if
all
Christians
and
all
Churches
are
obliged
to
it
,
then
indeed
,
't
is
true
but
then
are
they
United
under
one
Common
Government
,
and
the
making
and
keeping
of
this
Profession
is
not
voluntary
,
but
it
is
bound
upon
them
by
the
indispensable
Laws
of
Christianity
.
3.
The
Apostles
delivered
one
Rule
of
faith
to
all
Churches
,
the
embracing
of
which
,
was
a
necessary
condition
to
admission
into
the
Church
,
therefore
Christians
are
combin'd
together
in
one
political
Body
.
But
it
is
answered
;
First
,
That
from
hence
can
only
be
infer'd
,
That
Christians
should
consent
in
one
Faith
.
Yes
,
but
an
obligation
to
consent
in
one
Faith
makes
them
one
Political
Body
,
for
what
if
any
Church
forsake
this
Rule
,
are
they
not
punishable
for
it
by
other
Churches
?
If
they
are
,
they
are
then
combined
together
in
one
Political
Body
:
If
they
are
not
,
then
there
is
no
remedy
against
Schisms
and
Heresies
;
and
beside
that
,
there
may
be
as
many
different
Faiths
as
Churches
,
and
therefore
if
all
Christians
are
obliged
to
an
Unity
of
Faith
,
and
if
they
cannot
be
so
without
an
Unity
of
Government
,
then
the
consequence
is
very
strong
from
the
Unity
of
one
to
infer
the
Unity
of
the
other
.
But
Secondly
,
By
this
reason
all
mankind
must
be
United
in
one
Political
Body
,
because
they
are
all
bound
to
observe
the
same
Lawes
of
Justice
and
Humanity
.
To
make
short
of
it
,
so
they
are
;
all
Kingdoms
and
Common-wealths
are
as
much
bound
to
mutual
Justice
,
as
private
Persons
under
one
and
the
same
Government
.
And
if
any
Prince
violate
this
Law
by
Invading
his
Neighbours
Rights
,
he
is
or
ought
to
be
looked
upon
,
by
Gods
natural
Law
,
that
equally
provides
for
the
good
of
all
,
as
an
Enemy
and
Traytor
to
the
Society
of
Mankind
,
and
it
is
the
duty
as
well
as
interest
of
all
other
Princes
not
only
to
oppose
his
attempts
,
but
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
to
proceed
against
him
as
an
Enemy
to
Humane
Society
,
and
endeavour
his
Extirpation
out
of
it
.
This
upon
the
supposition
of
that
one
Law
of
Nature
,
that
provides
for
the
wellfare
and
happiness
of
all
mankind
,
is
an
unavoidable
consequence
,
&
so
is
it
upon
supposition
of
Unity
ofFaith
,
that
all
that
are
bound
to
it
,
must
be
under
one
common
Government
.
But
because
the
World
is
ill-Govern'd
,
it
is
an
unhappy
way
of
arguing
to
make
that
a
Precedent
,
that
the
Church
should
be
so
too
.
Arg.
4
God
has
granted
to
the
Church
certain
Powers
as
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
a
Power
to
Enact
Laws
,
a
power
to
Excommunicate
,
a
Power
to
hold
Assemblies
,
and
a
power
to
ordain
Governours
.
But
to
all
this
it
is
answered
,
that
these
Powers
are
granted
to
particular
Churches
,
not
to
the
whole
as
distinct
from
the
parts
.
They
are
granted
to
both
,
to
every
particular
Church
over
its
own
Members
,
and
to
the
whole
Church
over
every
particular
Church
,
and
whether
as
such
it
be
distinct
from
all
its
parts
,
is
a
dispute
too
Metaphysical
for
me
to
undertake
;
but
as
consisting
of
them
all
,
it
has
a
Power
over
every
one
,
and
if
there
were
no
such
Power
common
to
all
,
it
were
in
vain
to
grant
any
of
these
powers
to
each
particular
Church
,
because
without
that
these
would
be
utterly
defeated
of
their
Force
and
Efficacy
;
for
example
,
supposing
a
power
in
a
particular
Church
to
punish
an
Offender
by
Excommunication
,
unless
the
force
of
that
Excommunication
reach
to
other
Churches
,
it
loses
its
effect
,
for
notwithstanding
that
,
he
has
a
Right
to
Church-Membership
in
all
the
Churches
through
the
whole
World
beside
.
And
then
he
is
as
much
cast
out
of
the
Church
as
àny
man
would
be
out
of
England
,
that
is
driven
from
any
one
Village
.
So
that
from
the
right
of
exercising
Discipline
in
each
particular
Church
,
the
consequence
is
unavoidable
,
to
infer
the
same
common
power
in
the
Church
Catholick
.
And
that
by
our
Authors
leave
was
St.
Cyprian's
Inference
.
Not
merely
from
these
common
Grants
to
infer
this
right
in
particular
Churches
,
but
to
infer
the
same
power
in
every
part
over
it self
,
and
in
the
whole
over
every
part
.
And
St.
Cyprian
is
so
perpetually
beating
upon
this
Argument
,
that
I
cannot
enough
wonder
how
it
is
possible
that
this
learned
Man
should
here
so
foully
mistake
him
,
as
if
he
had
confined
the
exercise
of
all
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
to
each
particular
Church
.
But
the
falsehood
of
it
I
have
sufficiently
shewed
above
.
And
beside
what
I
have
already
alledged
,
there
is
one
pregnant
passage
in
his
Epistle
to
Steven
Bishop
of
Rome
,
against
Marcian
Bishop
of
Arles
to
this
Therefore
,
most
dear
Brother
,
is
the
body
of
the
Priesthood
so
large
combin'd
together
by
the
cement
of
concord
and
bond
of
Unity
,
that
if
any
of
our
Colledges
shall
attempt
to
raise
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
the
rest
ought
to
come
in
,
and
as
watchful
and
tender
Pastors
reduce
the
Lords
Sheep
to
his
Flock
.
Every
Bishop
was
to
watch
over
his
own
Flock
,
but
the
whole
Body
or
Colledge
of
Bishops
over
every
Bishop
,
and
therefore
the
power
lodged
in
them
all
,
was
but
one
common
power
seated
in
the
Catholick
Church
,
so
far
was
St.
Cyprian
from
dreaming
of
the
consinement
of
its
exercise
to
particular
Churches
.
As
for
the
following
Arguments
and
Answers
,
they
are
to
the
same
purpose
with
these
I
have
already
examined
,
and
are
for
the
most
part
repetitions
of
the
same
,
and
run
into
the
same
principles
,
that
all
Unity
is
nothing
but
either
Unity
of
Faith
,
or
voluntary
Agreement
,
both
which
are
already
so
often
proved
to
be
no
Unity
without
an
Unity
of
Government
,
that
to
avoid
being
tedious
I
shall
say
no
more
but
proceed
to
examine
our
Learned
Author
's
own
Arguments
,
and
in
them
he
is
more
unhappy
then
in
his
Answers
,
for
they
are
so
many
very
good
Arguments
against
himself
.
First
then
,
This
being
of
so
great
weight
would
have
been
declared
in
Holy
Scripture
.
And
so
it
is
,
and
nothing
more
so
to
any
man
of
common
sense
.
I
will
challenge
all
the
World
to
shew
me
any
one
thing
more
earnestly
enjoyn'd
and
frequently
recommended
then
the
preservation
of
Unity
among
Christians
,
and
then
if
without
an
Unity
of
Government
,
no
other
could
be
possibly
preserv'd
,
as
our
Author
has
proved
from
common
sense
and
common
experience
,
that
must
be
the
thing
principally
commanded
by
all
those
injunctions
.
But
such
arguings
as
these
suppose
all
men
very
great
Blockheads
,
as
if
they
were
not
able
to
understand
any
thing
unless
it
were
beaten
into
them
,
whereas
the
Scripture
supposes
Mankind
endued
with
common
sense
,
that
can
apply
general
Laws
to
particular
cases
,
without
being
guided
,
like
Beasts
,
every
step
they
take
.
And
thus
our
Saviour
having
instituted
the
Society
of
his
Church
,
and
established
Governors
in
it
,
when
he
enjoins
them
to
be
careful
to
preserve
Unity
,
no
Man
can
be
so
dull
as
not
to
understand
,
that
he
thereby
requires
them
to
make
use
of
all
means
of
obtaining
it
,
but
especially
such
as
are
necessary
to
its
preservation
in
all
Societies
.
And
therefore
whether
this
Unity
of
Government
be
injoin'd
in
express
words
in
Scripture
,
I
will
not
concern
my self
to
enquire
,
because
't
is
as
clear
there
to
all
Men
of
common
Sense
,
as
if
it
were
so
injoined
,
and
that
is
enough
.
But
Secondly
,
There
appears
no
such
thing
in
the
Apostolical
practice
.
What
,
did
not
the
Apostles
keep
Unity
among
themselves
?
Did
they
not
Govern
the
Church
,
as
much
as
they
could
,
by
common
consent
?
Did
not
every
particular
Apostle
give
an
account
of
his
own
Churches
to
the
whole
Colledge
?
Did
they
not
advise
together
upon
Emergent
Controversies
?
And
was
not
every
Man
concluded
by
the
Vote
of
the
whole
Council
?
It
is
strange
to
me
to
see
it
affirm'd
,
that
they
observed
no
such
Polity
in
founding
Christian
Societies
,
when
there
is
no
one
thing
more
observable
in
their
whole
History
,
then
their
great
care
to
maintain
Peace
,
Love
,
and
Unity
among
all
Churches
,
and
that
is
the
very
establishment
of
this
Polity
;
for
a
duty
or
obligation
common
to
several
Societies
,
supposes
one
Government
common
to
them
all
,
to
which
every
Society
is
accountable
for
the
discharge
of
its
Duty
.
Every
passage
that
recommends
Union
among
the
Members
of
that
Body
,
of
which
Christ
is
Head
,
is
an
express
Command
to
this
Duty
;
for
he
is
Head
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
and
the
Catholique
Church
is
his
whole
Body
,
and
therefore
particular
Churches
are
only
Members
of
it
;
and
therefore
as
such
,
they
are
obliged
by
such
Precepts
to
keep
the
Unity
of
the
whole
.
If
our
Learned
Author
mean
,
that
this
Communion
was
not
establisht
between
all
Churches
in
the
Apostles
time
;
I
will
grant
it
,
because
it
was
impossible
that
it
should
,
till
the
settlement
of
Christianity
in
the
World
was
brought
to
some
perfection
,
and
till
then
such
a
Confederation
in
Discipline
could
not
be
established
in
all
places
.
For
some
of
them
travelling
into
remote
Parts
and
Founding
Churches
there
,
such
distant
Churches
could
not
keep
up
any
common
Discipline
among
themselves
,
for
want
of
convenient
Correspondence
.
But
as
far
as
this
design
could
be
put
in
practice
,
it
was
pursued
by
the
Apostles
,
keeping
Peace
and
Unity
among
all
Neighbour
Churches
.
But
Thirdly
,
The
Fathers
make
the
Unity
of
the
Church
to
consist
only
in
the
Unions
of
Faith
,
Charity
,
Peace
,
not
in
this
Political
Union
.
First
,
suppose
they
do
,
yet
if
a
Political
Union
be
necessary
to
preserve
those
other
Unions
,
that
must
be
implyed
in
them
.
But
Secondly
,
What
Fathers
make
it
to
consist
only
in
those
Unions
?
Does
any
Father
affirm
that
there
is
no
other
Union
in
the
Church
,
but
only
of
Faith
,
Charity
and
Peace
?
that
were
to
the
purpose
;
but
because
they
sometime
speak
of
those
Unions
,
to
conclude
that
they
affirm
that
there
is
no
other
,
only
shews
a
miserable
scantiness
of
proof
,
and
yet
beside
this
the
chief
Passages
that
he
alledges
out
of
them
refer
to
this
Political
Union
.
His
first
Instance
of
the
Church
of
Rome's
refusing
to
receive
Marcion
to
Communion
,
because
he
was
Excommunicated
by
his
own
Father
the
Bishop
of
Sinope
,
a
small
Diocess
in
P●ntus
,
is
the
most
remarkable
Precedent
of
this
Unity
of
Discipline
that
he
could
have
pitched
upon
in
all
the
Records
of
the
Ancient
Church
,
for
if
they
were
●
bliged
not
to
admit
him
into
Communion
in
one
Church
,
when
he
was
Excommunicate
in
another
,
then
they
were
under
some
Law
of
Government
common
to
both
;
how
else
should
the
Church
of
Rome
be
obliged
to
put
in
execution
a
censure
of
the
little
remote
Church
of
Synope
?
And
yet
too
without
this
obligation
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
would
be
utterly
defeated
,
for
what
had
become
of
that
,
if
it
had
not
been
of
force
at
Rome
,
and
every
where
else
,
as
well
as
at
home
.
And
of
the
same
nature
is
the
known
and
famous
case
of
Synesius
,
who
,
when
he
had
Excommunicated
Andronicus
and
his
Companions
,
requires
of
all
Bishops
in
the
World
not
to
receive
them
to
Communion
under
pain
of
Excommunication
,
as
dividing
that
Unity
of
the
Church
which
Christ
has
appointed
.
Though
this
was
only
for
the
greater
caution
,
for
though
he
had
not
given
this
notice
,
they
were
all
obliged
under
the
same
penalty
of
Excommunication
not
to
admit
them
to
Communion
,
without
their
Bishop's
Certificate
or
Communicatory
Letters
;
and
as
long
as
that
rule
was
observed
,
which
was
till
the
time
of
the
Usurpation
,
the
Discipline
of
every
particular
Church
was
without
any
trouble
effectual
in
all
Churches
all
the
World
over
.
But
to
return
to
Marcion
,
the
reason
,
says
our
Author
,
why
the
Roman
Church
refused
Communion
to
Mercion
,
when
he
was
Excommunicated
by
his
Father
,
was
because
his
Father
and
they
were
of
one
Faith
,
and
one
Mind
.
And
let
it
be
the
reason
if
he
pleases
,
for
what
can
follow
thence
,
then
that
Unity
of
Faith
obliges
to
Unity
of
Discipline
?
And
that
too
is
expresly
enough
infer'd
in
the
following
words
,
which
he
has
omitted
,
We
cannot
,
i.
e.
we
ought
not
to
act
contrary
to
our
fellow
Minister
.
But
after
all
we
need
only
refer
this
whole
matter
to
our
Learned
Author
's
own
decision
,
who
has
given
his
judgment
of
it
in
these
words
:
It
is
a
rule
grounded
upon
apparent
Equity
,
And
this
he
proves
by
the
Canon
of
the
African
Fathers
against
Appeals
to
Rome
,
by
the
proceedings
against
Marcion
,
by
St.
Cyprian's
repulse
of
Maximus
,
and
Novatian
,
and
Cornelius
of
●aelicissimus
,
by
the
punishment
of
Dioscorus
,
who
was
deposed
for
it
,
and
by
the
Mandate
of
Synesius
to
all
Christian
Churches
against
Andronicus
!
And
what
can
we
desire
more
then
this
,
That
as
this
Rule
was
a
standing
Law
of
the
Christian
Church
,
so
it
was
grounded
upon
apparent
Equity
;
and
such
Laws
are
Obligatory
all
the
World
over
,
because
their
Violation
is
apparent
Iniquity
;
in
short
,
it
was
no
Arbitrary
Rule
,
but
such
an
one
as
was
its
own
obligation
by
its
own
intrinsick
Goodness
and
Usefulness
.
As
for
our
Authors
Passages
out
of
Tertullian
,
they
do
him
as
little
Service
as
this
Precedent
of
Marcion
:
For
they
expresly
assert
this
Unity
of
Discipline
in
the
Catholique
Church
.
We
are
one
Body
by
our
agreement
in
Religion
,
our
Unity
of
Discipline
,
and
our
being
in
the
same
Covenant
of
hope
.
What
can
be
more
evident
then
that
he
makes
the
Unity
of
the
Christian
Body
to
consist
in
an
Unity
of
Discipline
as
well
as
of
Faith
?
And
to
the
same
purpose
are
all
his
other
Passages
out
of
the
Ancients
,
that
from
the
Unity
of
Faith
in
all
Churches
infer
this
Unity
of
Discipline
,
as
is
obvious
to
any
one
that
will
but
peruse
them
.
The
Fourth
Argument
is
only
a
Repetition
of
the
two
first
,
and
therefore
is
already
consider'd
.
And
so
is
the
fifth
,
viz.
That
this
Unity
could
not
comport
with
the
Apostolical
State
of
the
Church
,
when
Christian
Churches
were
founded
in
such
distant
places
,
as
could
not
with
convenience
correspond
.
That
is
to
say
,
it
was
not
reduced
to
practice
till
it
was
practicable
,
and
that
I
must
acknowledge
it
was
not
in
all
places
till
after
the
Apostles
,
but
as
far
as
it
could
be
obtain'd
it
was
carefully
observed
from
the
beginning
.
The
Sixth
Argument
taken
from
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
liberty
of
particular
Churches
to
govern
themselves
,
I
have
answered
in
the
foregoing
Discourse
,
by
shewing
its
Consistency
with
its
Subjection
to
the
Catholique
Church
,
because
as
our
Learned
Author
here
very
well
observes
,
The
Peace
of
the
Church
was
preserved
by
Communion
of
all
parts
together
,
not
by
the
subjection
of
the
rest
to
one
part
.
But
the
truth
is
,
in
prosecuting
this
Argument
,
he
has
not
only
answered
that
but
all
the
rest
,
by
confessing
the
absolute
necessity
of
this
Political
Verity
;
so
that
without
it
Christianity
must
have
perished
,
by
referring
the
judgment
of
the
cause
to
St.
Cyprian
,
and
by
acknowledging
a
double
relation
or
capacity
in
every
Bishop
,
one
toward
his
own
Flock
,
another
toward
the
whole
Church
,
and
that
is
all
the
Political
Union
we
contend
for
.
But
Seventhly
,
This
Political
Unity
does
not
accord
with
the
nature
of
the
Gospel
,
because
it
would
bring
too
much
Worldly
State
and
Grandeur
into
the
Church
,
as
appears
by
the
Papal
Monarch
And
that
is
true
,
a
Monarchical
Unity
would
naturally
bring
in
a
Worldly
Kingdom
,
but
not
such
an
Unity
as
consists
in
the
Communion
of
all
Parts
together
,
and
not
in
the
Subjection
of
the
rest
to
one
part
,
as
our
Author
expresses
it
,
or
as
Mr.
Thorndike
often
repeats
it
,
That
not
the
infinite
Power
of
one
Church
,
but
the
Regular
Power
of
all
,
is
the
mean
provided
by
the
Apostles
for
attaining
Unity
in
the
Whole
.
This
is
the
state
of
the
Question
between
us
,
and
therefore
all
our
Authors
flourishes
about
the
Papal
Tyranny
are
nothing
but
flourish
,
because
it
is
so
far
from
being
that
Catholick
Unity
that
we
own
,
that
it
is
the
whole
design
of
this
work
to
prove
,
that
it
is
a
most
execrable
and
impudent
subversion
of
it
.
The
8th
and
9th
Arguments
proceed
upon
the
same
Supposition
of
a
Papal
Monarchy
.
The
tenth
upon
its
no
Necessity
,
against
our
Authors
own
confession
.
The
11th
and
12th
because
such
an
Unity
was
never
in
fact
attain'd
.
If
he
means
in
full
perfection
,
no
more
was
ever
any
Government
,
and
therefore
it
is
not
to
be
required
in
this
World
;
but
if
he
means
that
it
was
never
put
in
practice
,
so
as
in
good
measure
to
attain
its
end
,
the
whole
History
of
the
Church
,
down
to
the
Papal
Usurpation
contradicts
it
,
as
appears
by
the
whole
Series
of
this
Discourse
.
This
is
all
that
this
learned
Man
has
alledged
upon
this
Argument
,
and
from
it
the
Reader
I
hope
is
sufficiently
satisfied
,
how
little
that
has
to
alledge
for
it self
,
for
he
was
a
person
of
that
comprehensive
mind
that
he
never
omitted
any
thing
pertinent
to
his
design
,
was
never
in
debt
to
any
cause
that
he
undertook
,
nor
ever
fail'd
that
,
but
when
that
fail'd
him
,
and
therefore
when
we
see
so
great
a
man
able
to
say
so
little
in
defence
of
this
uncatholick
Assertion
,
that
is
the
strongest
proof
that
we
can
have
,
and
perhaps
stronger
then
any
we
could
have
had
without
it
,
that
it
is
utterly
indefensible
.
PART
II.
SECT.
I.
HAving
in
the
former
Part
of
this
Discourse
set
down
the
practice
of
the
Church
,
both
as
to
the
Exercise
of
its
own
Jurisdiction
within
it self
,
and
its
entire
subjection
to
the
Civil
Powers
,
whilst
it
subsisted
meerly
upon
its
own
Charter
,
without
any
Assistance
or
Protection
from
them
:
We
are
now
arrived
at
a
new
state
of
things
,
as
they
stood
under
Christian
Emperors
.
And
here
we
shall
find
that
the
Government
,
and
the
Constitution
of
the
Church
continued
,
as
it
had
ever
been
within
it self
;
and
that
the
Christians
,
when
the
Empire
was
on
their
side
,
own'd
the
same
kind
of
Subjection
,
and
that
upon
the
same
Principles
of
Duty
,
to
the
Civil
Government
,
that
they
had
ever
done
in
the
times
of
Persecution
;
and
when
I
have
made
good
both
these
,
it
will
make
up
a
compleat
Demonstration
both
of
the
unalienable
Power
of
the
Church
within
it self
,
and
of
the
Sense
of
the
Catholique
Church
,
unanimously
condemning
all
resistance
against
the
Civil
Government
in
any
case
,
but
most
of
all
in
the
case
of
Religion
.
Under
Constantine
the
Great
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
that
they
were
forward
enough
in
their
Loyalty
and
Obedience
to
his
Government
,
for
all
Men
are
for
the
Government
,
when
the
Government
is
for
them
;
and
therefore
this
part
of
the
Enquiry
concerning
the
Peaceable
behaviour
of
Christians
under
his
Reign
is
wholly
superseded
,
because
if
they
did
their
Duty
;
they
had
no
motive
or
temptation
not
to
do
it
,
submission
to
his
Government
being
no
less
their
Interest
then
their
Duty
,
and
therefore
it
was
no
matter
of
Praise
or
Vertue
in
them
,
if
they
own'd
and
honour'd
that
Power
that
was
their
peculiar
Deliverance
and
Protection
.
So
that
this
side
of
the
Controversie
I
shall
altogether
wave
in
this
place
,
and
only
consider
the
Ecclesiastical
State
of
things
under
his
Government
,
where
I
once
intended
to
have
Exemplified
the
due
Exercise
of
Regal
Supremacy
in
the
Christian
Church
from
his
Example
.
First
,
As
a
Sovereign
Prince
.
Secondly
,
As
a
Christian
Sovereign
.
And
that
First
,
In
matters
of
Faith
and
Christian
Doctrine
.
Secondly
,
In
matters
of
Discipline
and
Christian
Government
,
and
here
particularly
,
First
,
Of
his
Power
in
Summoning
Councils
,
as
Supreme
Governor
of
a
N●tional
Church
.
Secondly
,
Of
that
Obligation
that
he
brings
upon
himself
,
by
becoming
a
Christian
.
First
,
To
abet
the
Power
of
the
Church
with
his
own
Secular
Authority
.
Secondly
,
To
endow
it
with
a
Revenue
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Service
of
God
,
and
those
that
attend
upon
it
.
But
upon
more
mature
deliberation
I
thought
it
much
more
adviseable
to
forbear
all
such
Reasonings
and
Discourses
,
till
I
had
first
set
down
the
whole
matter
of
Fact
,
as
things
stood
,
not
only
under
his
Reign
,
but
all
the
Succeeding
Emperors
,
where
we
shall
find
Precedents
enough
to
make
up
a
Demonstration
of
all
the
fore-mentioned
Principles
.
But
because
this
is
the
first
Instance
of
Uniting
Church
and
State
into
one
Body
,
and
because
this
Wise
and
Prudent
Emperor
seems
to
have
exerted
his
Power
in
both
exactly
,
according
to
the
Rules
both
of
Religion
and
Government
,
I
shall
the
more
curiously
consider
the
management
of
Affairs
under
his
Reign
,
whereby
will
be
fully
exemplified
how
this
Union
may
be
reduced
to
practice
,
without
any
Diminution
of
either
Power
;
or
Confusion
of
one
with
another
,
and
that
will
plainly
demonstrate
wherein
consists
the
Original
Rights
of
the
Church
in
a
Christian
State
,
and
the
due
Exercise
of
the
Supremacy
of
Christian
Kings
over
all
Ecclesiastical
Persons
,
Rights
,
and
Powers
.
Now
because
the
Supreme
Power
in
all
Government
is
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
is
the
thing
most
disputed
in
this
Controversie
,
I
shall
shew
that
he
was
so
far
from
annexing
this
Power
in
the
Church
to
the
Imperial
Crown
,
that
he
expresly
asserted
its
inherent
Right
,
and
Protected
it
in
its
Exercise
within
it self
,
with
all
his
zeal
and
ability
.
In
that
whenever
he
had
a
mind
to
have
any
Ecclesiastical
Laws
Enacted
,
he
never
presumed
to
do
it
by
his
own
Authority
,
which
he
ever
declared
would
have
been
no
less
Crime
then
to
invade
the
Power
of
God
himself
,
but
always
referred
the
matter
to
the
Bishops
in
Council
,
and
by
their
Canons
he
framed
his
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
but
never
made
any
without
or
against
them
.
And
that
is
a
full
and
clear
acknowledgement
of
that
antecedent
Authority
that
they
enjoyed
by
our
Saviour's
appointment
,
when
he
constituted
the
Apostles
and
their
Successors
,
Supreme
Governors
of
his
Church
to
the
End
of
the
World
.
So
that
in
all
Changes
and
Revolutions
of
things
,
their
Government
must
remain
unalterable
and
indefeasible
,
and
whatever
Assistance
or
Opposition
it
met
with
from
the
Powers
of
the
World
,
it
still
kept
close
to
its
own
Original
Jurisdiction
.
But
then
again
,
though
this
Emperour
permitted
the
Church
the
just
Exercise
of
its
inherent
right
of
Enacting
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
yet
he
did
it
so
as
to
preserve
to
himself
his
own
Imperial
Prerogative
of
Supervising
all
their
Acts
and
Proceedings
,
and
either
to
give
their
Decrees
force
of
Law
,
or
wholly
to
reject
them
,
as
seem'd
good
to
his
Royal
Wisdom
.
The
two
great
Controversies
of
the
Church
in
his
time
(
and
the
greatest
that
ever
were
at
any
time
)
were
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
and
the
Heresie
of
the
Arians
;
one
concerning
a
point
of
Doctrine
,
and
another
of
Discipline
;
both
which
he
referred
not
to
his
Senate
,
his
Privy
Council
,
or
his
Praefecti-Praetorio
,
but
to
the
Judgment
and
Determination
of
Ecclesiasticks
,
to
settle
the
Debates
as
they
were
directed
by
the
Rules
of
Faith
,
and
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Church
,
but
so
as
to
reserve
to
himself
Supreme
Inspection
of
the
whole
matter
,
as
far
as
it
concerned
the
Peace
of
Church
and
State
:
Which
in
all
Christian
Common-wealths
is
the
same
thing
,
for
there
all
Ecclesiastical
Schisms
are
really
so
many
breaches
of
the
Civil
Peace
.
First
,
As
for
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
it
broke
out
about
the
beginning
of
Constantine's
Reign
,
most
say
the
very
same
year
306
,
upon
occasion
of
the
Laws
concerning
the
Restitution
of
the
Lapsi
,
by
which
any
Clergy-man
that
had
fallen
in
Persecution
,
or
committed
any
other
enormous
Crime
,
was
to
be
punished
by
perpetual
deposition
,
so
that
though
upon
Penance
and
Satisfaction
he
might
be
received
to
Lay-Communion
,
yet
he
was
never
to
be
restored
again
to
his
Office
in
the
Church
.
Thus
one
of
the
three
Italian
Bishops
,
that
had
been
decoyed
to
the
Consecration
of
Novatian
in
order
to
a
Canonical
pretence
for
his
Schism
,
was
upon
submission
and
confession
of
his
fault
,
received
by
Cornelius
into
Lay-Communion
,
as
he
declares
in
his
Synodical
Epistle
to
Fabian
of
Antioch
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Apud
Euseb.
l.
6.
cap.
43.
And
so
Trophimus
a
Bishop
,
that
had
promoted
the
same
Schism
in
the
Roman
Church
,
was
upon
his
Repentance
absolved
,
but
yet
only
admitted
to
Lay-Communion
,
as
St
Cyprian
declares
in
his
Epistle
to
Antonianus
,
Sic
tamen
admissus
est
Trophimus
ut
Laicus
communicet
,
non
quasi
locum
Sacerdotis
Usurpet
.
Trophimus
was
so
received
,
that
he
might
communicate
as
a
Laick
,
not
that
he
might
Usurp
the
place
of
a
Priest
.
And
so
the
same
St.
Cyprian
with
great
I
am
grievously
troubled
to
hear
that
Fortunatian
heretofore
your
Bishop
,
should
after
so
foul
a
fall
,
presume
to
take
upon
himself
the
Episcopal
Office
.
And
so
in
the
Case
of
Basilides
and
Martialis
Spanish
Bishops
,
that
had
sacrificed
,
and
yet
challenged
their
Bishopricks
,
he
sets
it
down
as
a
judged
Case
.
That
it
is
in
vain
for
such
men
to
endeavour
to
hold
their
Episcopal
Office
,
when
it
is
evident
that
they
are
neither
fit
to
preside
over
the
Church
of
God
,
not
to
offer
sacrifice
to
him
.
Especially
when
long
since
it
was
agreed
by
all
the
Bishops
in
the
whole
World
,
and
particularly
Cornelius
our
Collegue
,
a
good
and
peaceable
Bishop
,
whom
it
pleased
our
Lord
to
honour
with
the
Crown
of
Martyrdom
,
that
such
Offenders
might
be
admitted
to
the
Priviledge
of
Penance
,
but
never
to
the
Order
of
the
Clergy
and
sacerdotal
honour
.
Now
this
being
the
received
and
settled
Discipline
of
the
Christian
Church
,
it
happened
that
under
the
Persecution
by
Dioclesian
and
Maximinian
,
the
Christians
were
put
to
a
new
sort
of
Tryal
,
for
whereas
the
old
way
was
to
bring
them
to
sacrifice
the
Idol
Gods
,
in
this
Rescript
of
these
Emperors
they
were
required
upon
pain
of
death
to
deliver
up
their
Bibles
,
whence
they
that
did
so
,
had
the
name
of
Traditores
,
and
were
justly
esteem'd
by
the
Church
Guilty
of
the
same
Crime
of
Apostacy
as
those
that
sacrificed
,
and
therefore
lyable
to
the
same
punishment
.
And
this
it
was
that
gave
occasion
to
the
Schism
of
the
Donatists
,
viz.
That
Caecilian
Bishop
of
Carthage
was
either
himself
a
Traditor
,
and
so
uncapable
of
receiving
holy
Orders
,
or
that
he
was
ordain'd
by
Faelix
Bishop
of
Aptung
a
Traditor
,
and
so
uncapable
of
giving
them
.
And
had
their
pretence
been
true
,
and
so
judged
by
the
Church
,
the
Donatists
had
been
no
Schismaticks
,
because
by
the
customary
Laws
of
the
Church
,
Caecilian
must
have
been
excluded
from
any
capacity
of
Office
in
it
.
And
therefore
this
controversie
that
created
so
much
trouble
to
the
Christian
World
,
was
not
at
first
about
any
difference
of
Opinion
:
for
both
parties
were
agreed
that
no
Traditor
could
be
ordain'd
to
the
Office
of
a
Bishop
,
and
that
every
Bishop
that
was
a
Traditor
,
ought
to
be
deposed
from
it
.
But
the
only
dispute
was
whether
the
Persons
accused
,
were
really
guilty
of
the
Crimes
laid
to
their
Charge
.
If
they
were
innocent
,
and
so
pronounced
by
the
Judgment
of
the
Church
,
then
after
that
the
Accusers
were
apparent
Schismaticks
,
in
dividing
Communion
from
their
lawful
Bishop
.
This
was
the
only
point
at
the
first
Rupture
,
but
when
an
open
Schism
was
made
the
Schismaticks
soon
run
into
all
the
extravagancies
of
the
Novatians
,
and
there
was
then
no
pure
Church
in
the
World
but
their
own
,
and
all
Christians
that
were
not
of
their
Faction
were
no
better
then
Jews
and
Heathens
,
whilst
all
that
came
from
other
Churches
into
theirs
,
thereby
became
the
only
true
Children
of
God
.
And
for
that
reason
they
admitted
Converts
from
the
Catholicks
to
their
Communion
upon
the
same
terms
that
they
did
the
Heathens
.
If
they
were
in
Orders
,
they
re-ordain'd
them
,
if
Laicks
,
they
rebaptised
them
,
because
whatever
was
done
in
the
Catholick
Communion
could
be
of
no
Effect
,
as
being
done
out
of
the
Christian
Church
.
These
and
a
great
many
more
Enormities
we
shall
find
in
their
History
,
because
as
their
Faction
grew
in
strength
,
so
it
emproved
in
Insolence
,
till
it
run
it self
into
all
manner
of
rudeness
and
outrage
,
and
at
last
perisht
in
meer
Rebellion
.
For
that
was
the
Case
of
this
Schism
,
that
when
there
was
once
a
form'd
party
set
up
against
the
Civil
Government
,
all
people
of
perverse
tempers
naturally
flock't
into
it
,
not
for
any
love
of
Religion
,
put
purely
to
rub
and
gratifie
the
Scab
of
their
innate
peevishness
,
especially
when
they
were
flatter'd
into
an
Opinion
of
higher
Priviledges
and
Prerogatives
then
their
Neighbours
,
and
thereby
enjoyed
that
drunken
and
transporting
pleasure
of
looking
down
upon
them
with
holy
scorn
and
disdainful
Pity
.
And
by
this
Artifice
they
drew
almost
all
Africa
after
them
,
the
Africans
being
of
all
People
most
addicted
to
Innovation
,
and
though
the
People
were
outragious
in
their
zeal
,
yet
for
what
they
never
understood
nor
enquired
.
Insomuch
that
the
Leaders
and
Writers
themselves
,
that
followed
after
,
were
utterly
ignorant
of
the
Nature
and
the
Rise
of
the
Quarrel
,
as
Optatus
plainly
proves
that
Parmenian
himself
was
,
though
he
was
the
Metropolitan
of
the
Schism
.
And
in
the
Conference
at
Carthage
under
Honorius
,
when
they
were
only
put
to
it
to
shew
in
what
they
differ'd
from
the
Catholicks
,
and
upon
what
grounds
they
divided
,
the
Party
was
so
amazed
and
surprized
with
their
own
want
of
Pretence
,
that
they
were
utterly
vanquisht
only
because
they
could
not
tell
what
they
would
have
.
But
of
the
Progress
of
this
Schism
we
shall
account
afterwards
,
as
for
its
Birth
,
●●
sprung
from
no
better
Original
then
Pride
and
Peevishness
,
supporting
it self
with
a
bold
and
bottomless
Lye
.
Some
few
persons
had
in
pursuance
of
their
own
private
Piques
and
Passions
,
set
up
a
Faction
against
their
Bishop
,
and
then
to
justifie
themselves
load
him
with
all
the
foul
Stories
that
they
could
invent
,
no
matter
whether
true
or
false
,
that
is
all
one
to
the
Rabble
,
who
easily
run
away
with
any
thing
that
is
Factious
or
ill-natur'd
,
and
if
they
can
but
once
get
in
numbers
enough
to
make
up
a
Faction
,
all
Factions
are
Snow-Balls
.
The
Story
is
this
,
upon
the
death
of
Mensurius
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
Caecilian
was
chosen
by
the
Majority
of
Votes
to
succeed
against
the
competition
of
Botrus
and
Celesius
,
and
received
his
Consecration
from
Faelix
Bishop
of
Aptung
,
and
some
of
the
Neighbour
Bishops
of
the
same
Province
,
but
from
none
of
Numidia
,
which
Optatus
says
,
was
done
by
the
contrivance
of
the
Competitors
,
presuming
to
carry
the
Plurality
of
Votes
;
but
St.
Austin
says
it
was
done
in
complyance
with
an
immemorial
custom
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Carthage
was
always
ordain'd
by
the
Bishops
of
his
own
Neighbourhood
;
but
because
he
brings
no
proof
of
his
Assertion
,
I
am
afraid
it
is
one
of
his
bold
and
lavish
sayings
,
when
he
is
in
hast
or
distress
;
for
next
to
St.
Jerom
,
his
loose
and
fluent
way
of
Writing
,
has
occasion'd
more
mistakes
in
the
Records
of
the
Church
,
then
any
other
of
the
Ancients
,
and
men
that
are
so
voluminous
and
write
so
quick
,
cannot
avoid
stumbling
into
multitudes
of
hasty
and
careless
slips
.
And
therefore
the
Authority
of
Optatus
is
here
rather
to
be
followed
,
that
the
disgust
was
taken
by
the
Numidian
Bishops
because
they
were
not
call'd
to
the
Consecration
,
&
this
is
made
the
more
probable
by
the
peculiar
state
of
the
African
Church
,
for
though
other
Provinces
were
Govern'd
by
their
own
Provincial
Synods
,
by
whom
their
own
Metropolitans
were
ordain'd
,
yet
this
Church
,
notwithstanding
that
it
consisted
of
three
Provinces
,
Africa
properly
so
call'd
,
Numidia
and
Mauritania
,
as
they
reckoned
up
in
the
Council
under
St.
Cyprian
about
rebaptizing
Hereticks
,
kept
so
close
a
Communion
among
themselves
,
as
if
they
had
been
but
one
Province
.
And
we
find
them
all
along
not
acting
apart
,
but
all
together
,
as
one
Common-Council
.
And
that
I
guess
to
be
the
Sense
of
the
words
in
St.
Cyprian's
Epistle
to
Cornelius
,
Latiùs
fusa
est
nostra
Provincia
;
habet
etiam
Numidiam
&
Mauritanias
duas
sibi
coherentes
.
Where
the
mention
of
the
Mauritaniae
duae
is
supposed
by
the
Learned
to
have
crept
into
the
Text
out
of
some
Marginal
Notes
,
and
so
it
must
have
done
,
for
there
was
no
such
division
of
that
Province
,
that
we
ever
read
of
,
till
Constantine's
new
division
of
the
Empire
,
and
therefore
the
true
ancient
reading
must
have
been
this
,
habet
etiam
Numidiam
&
Mauritaniam
sibi
coherentes
;
but
take
which
reading
we
will
,
St.
Cyprian's
plain
meaning
can
be
no
other
then
this
,
That
beside
his
own
peculiar
Province
of
Africk
properly
so
called
,
of
which
Carthage
was
the
Metropolis
,
he
had
two
other
Provinces
,
Numidia
and
Mauritania
,
inseparably
annex't
to
his
Communion
,
by
which
means
he
tells
Cornelius
that
he
was
able
to
do
him
so
great
service
in
Africk
.
So
that
the
words
are
not
to
be
understood
,
as
they
commonly
are
,
as
if
he
had
been
the
Metropolitan
of
those
three
Provinces
,
but
that
he
was
Metropolitan
of
that
Province
,
to
which
the
two
other
were
United
in
a
particular
Communion
.
But
to
let
pass
these
Critical
Conjectures
,
Caecilian
is
no
sooner
entered
upon
his
See
,
but
he
demands
of
the
Presbyters
of
his
Church
the
Goods
that
he
found
delivered
to
them
in
an
Inventory
left
by
his
Predecessor
Mensurius
.
But
they
having
embezell'd
the
whole
Treasury
of
the
Church
,
and
finding
themselves
in
danger
to
be
call'd
to
a
severe
reckoning
▪
joyn
Faction
with
his
defeated
Competitors
,
and
conspire
to
renounce
Communion
with
him
.
To
this
Lucilla
a
Rich
,
a
Proud
,
and
a
Factious
Lady
joyns
her self
,
her
Zeal
,
and
her
Money
,
out
of
revenge
to
Caecilian
,
who
whilst
he
was
a
Presbyter
had
reproved
her
for
some
affectedness
and
singularity
in
devotion
,
and
that
sort
of
People
if
once
they
are
any
way
disobliged
,
are
of
all
others
the
most
implacable
,
and
therefore
St.
Jerom
puts
her
in
his
Famous
Catalogue
of
Female
Hereticks
.
Simon
Magus
had
the
Father
of
uncleanness
a
whole
Regiment
of
Gossips
,
Marcian
sent
a
woman
before
him
to
Rome
,
to
prepare
the
minds
of
the
People
for
receiving
his
Imposture
.
Apelles
had
his
Philumine
,
Montanus
by
Prisca
and
Maximilla
debauches
the
Women
first
with
Gold
and
then
with
Heresie
.
And
to
come
nearer
our
own
time
,
Arius
that
he
might
deceive
the
World
,
inveagles
the
Emperors
Sister
;
and
Donatus
that
he
might
gain
Proselytes
to
his
Schism
in
Africk
,
is
assisted
by
the
wealth
of
Lucilla
.
These
were
the
Amazons
and
the
Penthesileas
of
their
several
Sects
,
and
by
them
we
may
see
,
that
it
has
ever
been
the
Policy
of
all
Impostors
to
put
their
main
strength
in
their
Female
Forces
,
knowing
their
Cause
to
be
better
maintained
by
noise
and
talk
,
then
sense
and
reason
.
I
remember
Livy
somewhere
tells
us
,
that
the
Romans
in
times
of
great
Pestilence
and
Mortality
,
when
they
burnt
their
dead
bodies
not
in
single
Urns
,
but
in
vast
Heaps
and
Piles
,
were
careful
to
intermix
the
womens
bodies
with
the
men
,
as
being
more
unctuous
and
combustible
in
themselves
,
and
so
more
apt
to
conveigh
the
fire
to
the
other
Corpses
,
that
otherwise
would
have
burnt
but
slowly
without
them
.
This
is
the
very
practice
of
the
Incendiaries
of
the
Church
in
all
Ages
,
when
they
would
enflame
the
men
into
a
Combustion
,
they
always
first
set
fire
on
the
women
,
and
when
they
would
burn
down
the
House
,
they
thrust
the
Firebrand
into
the
Thatch
,
that
both
easily
takes
Fire
it self
,
and
certainly
conveighs
it
to
the
solid
Timber
.
But
to
proceed
in
our
History
.
The
party
being
thus
cemented
together
by
Ambition
,
Covetousness
,
and
Revenge
,
they
write
to
Secundus
Primate
of
Numidia
,
&
to
the
otherBishops
of
that
Province
that
were
not
invited
to
the
Election
and
Consecration
of
Caecilian
,
to
depose
him
as
having
been
ordain'd
by
a
Traditor
.
They
met
at
Cirta
afterwards
call'd
Constantina
,
upon
pretence
of
Electing
a
new
Bishop
of
that
Diocess
,
and
having
chosen
one
Paulus
a
very
ill
man
,
and
a
known
Traditor
,
they
proceed
V.
August
.
contra
Crescon
.
lib.
3.
cap.
26
,
27
,
28.
to
the
deposition
of
Caecilian
.
But
before
they
can
pass
sentence
against
him
,
they
were
first
obliged
to
clear
themselves
of
the
Crime
.
But
upon
Examination
of
every
particular
Person
,
they
all
Convict
one
another
of
Guilt
,
and
absolve
one
another
by
mutual
consent
.
This
being
done
,
they
adjourn
to
Carthage
,
summon
Caecilian
to
appear
before
them
,
but
he
refuses
,
they
being
only
a
Combination
of
his
profess't
Enemies
,
and
upon
it
they
immediately
depose
him
for
his
Obstinacy
,
and
put
Majorinus
,
who
was
Chaplain
to
Madam
Lucilla
,
in
his
place
,
and
send
their
Encyclical
Letters
to
all
the
Bishops
in
Africa
,
to
signifie
that
they
had
renounced
Communion
with
Caecilian
and
all
his
Adherents
as
Traditors
.
And
this
being
done
,
the
people
were
told
that
Caecilian
was
no
Church-Officer
,
that
under
him
they
could
have
no
true
Sacraments
,
nor
enjoy
any
means
of
Salvation
,
but
were
in
the
same
forlorn
condition
with
Pagans
and
Idolaters
.
But
with
themselves
were
the
pure
Gospel
Ordinances
,
and
all
that
were
Members
of
their
Church
,
were
made
Holy
without
spot
or
wrinkle
.
Amongst
them
the
most
forward
of
the
Faction
was
Donatus
à
Casâ
Nigrâ
,
who
being
the
first
that
set
up
a
Conventicle
,
gave
name
to
the
Schism
.
And
he
having
a
Natural
Faculty
of
Canting
and
Insinuating
into
the
Affections
of
the
Rabble
,
soon
inveigled
so
great
a
number
into
his
Party
,
that
they
forsook
their
private
Meetings
,
and
built
publick
Churches
,
and
there
inveighed
openly
against
the
Idolatry
of
Caecilian
and
the
Catholicks
(
for
that
is
the
custom
of
all
Fanaticks
to
improve
every
thing
into
Idolatry
)
bemean
the
miserable
state
of
all
that
would
not
leave
that
to
joyn
with
them
,
and
scare
the
People
with
perpetual
Alarms
of
certain
ruine
and
destruction
if
they
will
not
come
out
of
Babylon
.
By
these
Arts
they
prevail
every
where
,
and
the
Schism
is
on
a
suddain
spread
all
over
Africk
,
so
as
not
only
to
enflame
the
Church
,
but
to
endanger
the
publick
Peace
.
About
which
time
Constantine
having
vanquish't
Maxentius
,
he
thereby
added
Italy
and
Africk
to
his
Government
,
and
for
the
encouragement
of
Christianity
in
Africa
,
he
sends
Caecilian
large
sums
of
Money
to
be
distributed
by
him
among
the
Clergy
of
the
three
Provinces
,
and
grants
them
immunities
from
all
publick
Burthens
.
And
about
the
same
time
,
the
Donatists
finding
themselves
over
power'd
by
the
Catholicks
,
present
Anulinus
the
Pro-Consul
with
a
Petition
of
Appeal
to
the
Emperor
;
and
though
afterward
,
when
they
found
themselves
check't
by
the
Civil
Government
,
their
great
Clamour
was
,
Quid
Christianis
cum
Regibus
?
Aut
quid
Episcopis
cum
Palatio
?
What
have
Christians
to
do
with
Kings
,
or
Bishops
with
the
Court
?
Yet
they
were
(
as
St.
Austin
justly
upbraids
their
dis-ingenuity
)
the
first
Christians
that
ever
fled
from
the
Judgment
of
the
Church
,
to
the
Civil
Government
.
Though
as
for
this
first
Appeal
,
this
is
to
be
said
for
them
,
that
they
did
not
Appeal
to
the
Emperour
's
own
Judgment
,
but
only
Petition'd
him
,
That
he
would
be
pleased
to
appoint
them
Judges
of
the
Cause
in
the
Church
of
France
,
because
that
Church
having
wholly
escaped
the
Persecution
,
the
Bishops
of
it
would
be
more
unconcern'd
,
and
impartial
Judges
of
the
Cause
of
the
Traditors
.
Whereas
themselves
were
so
divided
and
engaged
at
home
,
that
it
was
not
possible
to
have
any
fair
determination
in
Africa
.
And
though
the
Request
hitherto
was
not
very
unreasonable
,
yet
the
Emperour
was
highly
displeased
at
it
,
out
of
that
tender
care
and
solicitude
that
he
ever
had
for
the
Peace
and
Concord
of
the
Christian
Church
.
But
however
for
once
he
Commissions
three
French
Bishops
,
together
with
Melchiades
Bishop
of
Rome
,
to
hear
the
Cause
,
who
calling
fifteen
other
Italian
Bishops
to
their
Assistance
,
undertake
its
judgment
,
in
order
to
which
Ten
Bishops
of
each
Party
are
commanded
from
Africa
to
attend
the
Council
at
Rome
.
Where
three
days
are
spent
in
Examination
of
Witnesses
,
but
the
Donatists
bringing
no
proof
against
Caecilian
himself
,
the
Council
declare
him
innocent
.
And
whether
Faelix
,
who
Ordain'd
him
,
were
a
Traditor
or
not
,
they
would
not
enter
into
the
Enquiry
,
as
altogether
remote
from
the
cause
of
Caecilian
,
because
though
he
were
to
be
deposed
by
the
Canons
of
the
Church
,
yet
till
those
Canons
were
put
in
Execution
by
the
Sentence
of
the
Church
,
all
the
Acts
of
his
Office
were
good
and
valid
.
But
on
the
other
side
,
Caecilian
plyed
the
Donatists
so
home
with
their
own
Weapon
of
Accusation
,
and
their
foul
dealings
at
Cirta
,
and
the
briberies
of
Madam
Lucilla
,
that
they
were
forced
to
quit
the
Council
.
And
yet
that
was
so
moderate
in
the
Sentence
against
them
,
that
it
Excommunicated
none
of
them
,
but
only
Donatus
à
Casis
Nigris
,
that
was
found
guilty
of
divers
other
foul
Crimes
,
and
the
Author
of
all
this
mischief
.
But
the
rest
were
invited
to
return
to
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
and
offer'd
the
continuance
of
of
whatever
preferments
they
had
in
it
,
though
they
had
been
Ordain'd
by
Majorinus
,
or
any
others
in
a
State
of
Schism
.
§.
II.
But
here
happens
such
an
unfortunate
halt
in
the
Story
,
as
leaves
Learned
Men
at
an
utter
loss
what
chase
to
follow
,
and
every
one
takes
his
own
way
,
so
as
that
by
the
great
variety
of
Opinions
they
have
run
the
whole
matter
into
confusion
.
All
which
is
occasioned
by
a
Chasm
in
Optatus
his
History
,
for
here
it
breaks
off
and
skips
over
the
whole
Transaction
of
the
great
Council
of
Arles
,
and
hearing
at
Milan
.
Of
which
it
is
certain
that
Optatus
could
not
be
ignorant
,
who
has
so
accurately
described
all
the
less
material
parts
of
the
Story
,
and
as
Baronius
argues
very
well
,
Tot
tantaque
Concio
toto
Orbe
a
tam
celebri
Things
so
many
and
so
great
,
done
in
so
famous
a
Council
of
Bishops
known
all
the
World
over
,
and
publick
Edicts
made
by
the
Emperor
against
the
Donatists
,
could
not
possibly
be
altogether
unknown
to
Optatus
.
And
therefore
this
part
of
the
story
must
needs
have
been
lost
,
either
through
injury
of
time
,
or
the
fraud
of
the
Donatists
,
which
is
most
likely
,
for
there
was
not
any
one
Ancient
Book
,
whose
Copies
were
so
corrupt
and
confused
as
this
of
Optatus
,
as
Baldwin
justly
complains
.
But
which
way
soever
it
came
to
pass
,
this
part
of
the
story
being
lost
,
and
so
the
Transactions
that
hapned
some
years
after
,
as
the
Appeal
of
the
Donatists
from
the
Council
of
Arles
,
to
Constantine
at
Milan
,
and
his
detaining
Caecilian
at
Bress
,
immediately
following
in
this
place
,
they
are
supposed
to
have
been
done
at
this
time
,
though
they
hap'ned
not
till
after
the
Council
of
Arles
.
Thus
Baronius
having
procured
from
Petrus
Pithaeus
Constantine's
Letter
to
the
Catholique
Bishops
upon
the
Donatists
Appeal
to
himself
,
after
the
Sentence
against
them
at
Arles
,
and
divers
other
Papers
relating
to
that
Council
,
because
in
Optatus
they
immediately
follow
the
Council
of
Rome
,
he
has
thrust
them
in
there
,
to
the
great
confusion
of
the
story
,
as
if
they
had
been
done
immediately
after
that
Council
,
when
they
ought
to
have
been
placed
after
the
Council
of
Arles
.
And
this
is
evident
enough
from
the
words
themselves
,
that
immediately
follow
the
Sentence
of
Melchiades
.
Sufficit
ergo
&
Donatum
tot
Sententiis
esse
percussum
,
&
Caecilianum
tanto
judicio
esse
purgatum
,
&
tamen
Donatus
appellandum
esse
ab
Episcopis
credidit
.
Ad
quam
Appellationem
Constantinus
Imperator
sic
respondit
,
ô
rabida
furoris
audacia
;
sicut
in
causis
Gentilium
fieri
solet
,
Appellationem
interposuerunt
.
Now
beside
that
this
Answer
of
Constantine
is
certainly
known
to
have
been
made
upon
their
Appeal
from
Arles
,
the
Tot
Sententiae
against
Donatus
here
mentioned
,
could
not
be
till
after
the
judgement
of
that
great
Council
;
for
before
that
,
there
was
but
one
Sentence
against
him
,
viz.
by
the
small
Council
at
Rome
,
and
therefore
these
Appeals
from
so
many
Judgments
,
and
so
great
a
Judicature
(
as
Optatus
speaks
of
)
must
have
been
after
the
Council
of
Arles
.
And
that
puts
an
end
to
the
dispute
among
Learned
Men
,
when
the
Donatists
first
Appeal'd
to
the
Emperor
from
the
Episcopal
Judgment
,
whether
after
the
Council
at
Rome
,
or
not
till
after
the
Council
at
Arles
.
Baronius
,
Binius
,
Petavius
,
Labbè
and
others
will
have
the
first
Appeal
to
have
been
from
the
Council
at
Rome
,
because
it
immediately
follows
so
in
Optatus
.
But
this
is
confuted
by
Valesius
(
a
Man
learned
and
curious
)
with
many
pregnant
passages
out
of
St.
Austin
,
expresly
attesting
that
the
Donatists
only
complain'd
against
the
first
Council
at
Rome
,
but
Appeal'd
from
the
second
at
Arles
.
And
their
different
behaviour
towards
these
Councils
is
every
where
so
carefully
remarked
by
him
,
that
the
Testimonies
cannot
be
avoided
.
But
then
the
Learned
Man
knows
not
how
to
bring
off
Optatus
,
but
by
leaving
him
under
an
enormous
mistake
of
Memory
,
applying
that
which
was
done
after
the
Council
of
Arles
to
the
Council
of
Rome
;
or
by
some
defect
and
corruption
in
the
Copies
,
which
he
only
suspects
without
assigning
any
ground
or
reason
for
his
suspition
.
But
if
he
had
only
a
little
consider'd
that
the
whole
Story
of
the
Council
of
Arles
is
omitted
in
the
Books
of
Optatus
;
and
that
this
Passage
of
the
Appeal
to
Constantine
relates
to
divers
Sentences
,
which
could
not
be
till
after
the
Sentence
at
Arles
,
he
could
not
but
have
easily
seen
where
lay
the
defect
of
the
Copies
.
To
which
might
be
added
,
that
this
defect
reaches
not
to
the
Council
of
Arles
alone
,
but
to
some
part
of
the
Council
of
Rome
;
for
whereas
that
consisted
of
a
double
Sentence
,
the
Absolution
of
Caecilian
,
and
the
Condemnation
of
Donatus
,
the
latter
part
is
wholly
wanting
in
Optatus
,
and
immediately
after
the
Sentence
of
Absolution
follow
the
words
Sufficit
ergo
Donatum
tot
Sententiis
esse
percussum
,
&c.
From
all
which
it
is
put
past
all
doubt
where
lyes
the
breach
of
the
Copies
,
and
how
far
it
extends
,
viz.
From
the
absolving
Sentence
of
Caecilian
at
Rome
to
the
Appeal
of
the
Schismaticks
from
the
Council
at
Arles
.
And
this
being
observed
,
the
story
runs
smoth
and
clear
,
that
has
hitherto
been
so
confused
and
involved
,
as
to
be
thought
to
report
the
same
Appeal
from
both
Councils
,
though
it
is
evident
that
it
can
agree
but
to
the
last
.
Now
this
one
difficulty
being
overcome
,
our
Passage
after
it
will
be
easie
and
pleasant
,
all
the
rest
of
the
story
lying
in
its
due
and
proper
order
.
And
what
effect
the
Sentence
of
the
Council
at
Rome
had
upon
the
Schismatiques
,
we
have
a
distinct
account
in
the
Emperors
own
Letter
to
AElasius
,
or
rather
AElianus
,
his
Praefect
of
Africa
.
For
whereas
we
might
reasonably
have
expected
,
that
they
should
have
acquiesced
in
the
Authority
of
so
fair
,
so
grave
and
so
gentle
a
Sentence
,
they
return
home
exasperated
with
rage
,
and
swoln
with
insolence
,
raise
new
Tumults
,
perpetually
tease
the
Emperor
with
fresh
Tales
,
and
Complaints
against
Caecilian
,
and
represent
him
as
utterly
unworthy
of
any
Office
in
the
Christian
Church
.
And
when
the
Emperor
replies
that
this
was
all
in
vain
with
him
,
because
the
whole
business
had
been
so
fairly
determin'd
,
by
fit
and
unexceptionable
Judges
;
they
cry
out
,
That
their
cause
had
not
a
legal
Tryal
,
that
the
Council
was
packt
,
that
the
proceedings
were
clancular
,
and
the
Judgment
partial
.
The
Emperour
,
such
was
the
clemency
of
his
Nature
,
and
his
tender
care
of
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
condescends
to
their
importunity
,
and
Summons
the
famous
Council
at
Arles
,
of
a
much
greater
number
of
Bishops
,
and
more
unknown
to
each
other
,
as
coming
out
of
the
distant
parts
of
Christendom
,
to
review
the
Decree
of
the
Council
at
Rome
.
This
Council
meets
in
the
year
314
,
where
the
Schismaticks
repeat
their
old
Stories
against
Caecilian
,
but
without
any
other
proof
then
Popular
Report
raised
by
themselves
;
and
therefore
were
not
only
condemn'd
by
the
Council
,
but
rejected
with
scorn
and
derision
.
And
to
prevent
the
like
attempts
of
Forgery
for
the
time
to
come
,
they
make
Canons
to
suppress
that
general
way
of
Accusation
,
as
Canon
the
13th
,
they
Ordain
,
That
no
Man
shall
be
Convicted
of
having
been
a
Traditor
by
bare
Testimony
,
but
by
publick
Acts
and
Records
,
and
if
any
Man
from
that
time
be
so
Convicted
,
that
then
he
shall
be
degraded
from
his
Holy
Orders
;
but
if
before
his
Conviction
he
have
Ordain'd
any
,
that
his
Crime
shall
be
no
prejudice
to
the
validity
of
his
Ordination
.
And
Canon
the
14th
they
Decree
,
That
whoever
falsely
Accuse
their
Brethren
(
as
the
Schismaticks
had
Caecilian
and
Faelix
)
should
not
be
received
into
Communion
even
at
the
hour
of
death
,
which
was
the
severest
Sentence
in
the
Christian
Church
.
This
shameful
overthrow
makes
great
numbers
of
the
Schismaticks
quit
the
Faction
,
and
reconcile
themselves
to
their
Bishop
:
But
the
more
stubborn
and
Seditious
are
not
ashamed
to
Appeal
(
as
it
is
their
first
Appeal
)
in
the
Council
it self
to
the
Emperor
,
and
this
is
signified
by
the
Council
to
him
by
Letter
,
to
know
his
farther
will
&
pleasure
.
From
whence
it
is
evident
that
the
Emperor
himself
was
not
present
in
Council
,
as
't
is
commonly
supposed
;
and
Baronius
,
Binius
,
and
most
of
the
Roman
Writers
,
are
so
civil
to
him
as
to
excuse
his
presence
,
though
a
Lay-man
,
because
the
controversie
was
not
about
any
matter
of
Faith
,
but
a
particular
matter
of
Fact
concerning
Caecilian
.
And
it
is
agreed
among
them
,
that
of
all
such
matters
Lay-men
are
as
competent
Judges
as
Bishops
.
But
however
that
may
be
,
and
what
Right
Sovereign
Princes
have
of
sitting
in
Council
,
whatever
the
matter
of
Debate
may
be
,
I
shall
discourse
in
its
proper
place
.
It
is
certain
here
that
the
Emperor
was
not
present
in
Council
,
because
they
signified
their
proceedings
to
him
by
Letter
,
which
if
he
had
been
present
,
they
could
or
need
not
have
done
.
And
beside
that
,
the
thing
is
more
then
plain
enough
by
the
Appeal
it self
,
for
if
Constantine
had
been
there
present
,
to
what
purpose
was
it
for
the
Donatists
to
remove
the
Cause
to
him
,
that
would
have
been
only
to
Appeal
from
himself
to
himself
.
But
he
being
inform'd
of
the
design
by
the
Letter
from
the
Council
,
replies
to
it
,
with
great
detestation
of
the
Schismaticks
Obstinacy
and
Perverseness
,
and
wonders
how
they
dare
to
Appeal
to
his
Judgment
,
when
they
were
already
Condemn'd
by
the
Judgment
of
God
in
the
Votes
of
the
Bishops
,
who
in
these
matters
judged
in
God's
stead
,
and
by
his
appointment
.
And
therefore
he
esteems
their
Appeal
as
no
less
then
Treason
and
Rebellion
against
God
himself
.
But
however
he
advises
them
to
patience
,
and
to
give
the
Schismaticks
some
time
to
consider
,
and
if
they
persisted
in
their
stubbornness
,
to
give
themselves
no
farther
trouble
about
them
,
but
to
repair
to
their
several
Homes
.
And
seeing
the
Schismatiques
had
been
so
prophane
as
to
make
their
Appeal
to
him
,
he
would
take
care
to
provide
them
Guards
for
their
safe
Conduct
to
his
Court
,
Ut
ibi
sibi
mortem
pervideant
,
which
whatever
it
signifies
,
is
a
very
high
threatning
.
So
that
after
all
,
I
do
not
find
that
Constantine
ever
in
the
least
accepted
of
their
Appeal
,
looking
upon
it
as
no
less
sin
then
an
affront
to
God
himself
,
but
only
resolved
now
to
proceed
against
them
,
as
a
Sovereign
Prince
,
with
all
severity
,
as
factious
and
seditious
Persons
in
the
Empire
.
And
about
this
time
was
the
business
of
Faelix
of
Aptung
examin'd
by
AElian
the
Proconsul
of
Africa
;
for
though
it
is
generally
supposed
that
this
was
done
before
the
Council
of
Arles
,
yet
it
is
evident
by
the
Acts
of
the
Court
,
that
it
was
done
the
same
year
,
and
it
is
certain
that
there
was
no
notice
taken
of
it
in
the
Council
,
and
therefore
the
first
account
of
it
,
that
was
return'd
to
the
Emperour
,
must
have
been
after
its
dissolution
.
And
this
it
was
,
The
Schismaticks
making
such
perpetual
Clamours
about
Faelix
his
being
a
Traditor
,
and
though
it
was
nothing
to
the
Cause
of
Caecilian
,
yet
the
Emperour
having
caught
them
in
so
many
Factions
and
Stories
,
suspects
every
thing
that
they
say
of
falshood
,
and
therefore
writes
to
his
Proconsul
,
to
enquire
into
the
matter
of
Fact
upon
the
place
where
it
was
transacted
.
He
accordingly
Examines
all
the
Officers
,
that
had
belonged
to
the
Court
of
Inquisition
at
Aptung
under
Dioclesian
,
at
which
time
and
place
the
Fact
was
laid
against
Faelix
,
who
all
acquit
him
from
any
such
Crime
.
And
whereas
the
main
Accusation
was
taken
from
some
passages
in
a
Letter
of
one
Caecilian
a
Duumvir
of
the
City
of
Aptung
to
Faelix
,
Ingentius
a
publick
Notary
confesses
,
That
he
was
hired
and
suborn'd
by
the
Schismatiques
to
forge
the
Epistle
,
and
foist
it
into
the
Records
of
the
Court.
Upon
which
he
is
Committed
to
close
Prison
,
and
an
account
of
the
whole
matter
return'd
to
the
Emperour
,
who
now
supposing
that
after
so
fowl
a
discovery
,
if
it
were
made
publique
over
the
Christian
World
,
it
would
so
shamefully
expose
the
wickedness
of
the
Schismatiques
,
that
they
could
never
have
the
confidence
to
appear
more
in
a
Cause
so
foul
and
base
.
But
what
method
to
take
he
could
not
suddenly
resolve
,
one
while
he
thinks
of
sending
Commissioners
,
but
then
considering
the
Obstinacy
of
the
Schismaticks
,
he
fears
nothing
will
be
effectually
done
,
but
by
himself
,
and
therefore
resolves
upon
a
Journey
into
Africk
,
to
settle
the
whole
matter
there
,
but
upon
what
occasion
I
know
not
,
he
changes
his
mind
and
summons
the
Parties
concern'd
to
appear
before
himself
at
Rome
,
and
writes
to
the
present
Proconsul
Probianus
to
send
Ingentius
thither
with
a
good
Guard
,
That
he
might
publickly
shame
those
seditious
and
troublesom
People
,
that
have
the
confidence
to
make
continual
Clamours
,
and
raise
false
Stories
against
their
Bishop
,
that
so
these
Animosities
and
Contentions
being
quell'd
,
the
People
may
be
brought
to
attend
the
Devotion
of
the
Church
,
with
due
Reverence
,
and
without
brawls
and
discords
.
They
are
the
Emperour
's
own
words
;
but
for
what
cause
't
is
not
Recorded
:
Caecilian
appears
not
,
and
the
Donatists
that
came
,
either
finding
themselves
discovered
by
the
coming
of
Ingentius
,
or
for
some
other
reason
,
endeavour
to
make
their
escape
,
but
some
of
them
are
detain'd
by
force
and
sent
in
close
custody
to
Milan
.
But
those
that
Recover'd
AEgypt
,
raised
such
Tumults
there
,
as
put
the
whole
Country
into
an
Uproar
,
of
which
the
Emperour
is
informed
by
Celsus
the
Governor
,
who
orders
him
at
present
to
take
no
notice
of
their
disorders
,
but
to
hasten
Caecilian
and
his
Accusers
to
Milan
.
And
here
I
have
a
strong
fancy
ought
to
have
come
in
the
mutilated
Story
of
Caecilian's
consinement
at
Brixia
in
Optatus
;
for
as
it
follows
after
the
Chasm
,
in
which
the
whole
Story
of
the
Council
of
Arles
is
lost
,
so
it
agrees
with
Constantine's
account
with
the
variety
of
his
own
Resosolutions
,
and
the
Transactions
at
Milan
.
For
Brixia
or
Bress
lay
not
far
from
that
City
,
so
that
both
of
them
might
make
up
the
Scene
of
this
Affair
.
And
therefore
when
the
Schismatiques
gain'd
leave
to
return
home
,
and
procured
Caecilian
to
be
detain'd
,
it
was
probably
upon
their
dismission
,
upon
some
change
of
the
Emperour's
Resolutions
.
But
when
they
came
home
,
they
betake
themselves
to
the
constant
Artifice
of
all
Schismaticks
,
to
keep
up
their
Faction
by
tricks
and
lyes
.
And
therefore
they
raise
mighty
brags
of
their
great
Victory
,
and
tell
the
People
that
Caecilian
was
Condemn'd
,
and
Imprison'd
by
the
Emper●ur
,
and
when
once
they
had
raised
this
lye
among
the
Party
,
it
was
easie
to
keep
it
up
for
ever
,
insomuch
that
we
find
it
confidently
insisted
upon
,
in
the
Conference
at
Carthage
,
an
hundred
years
after
.
Upon
this
Caecilian
gets
leave
to
return
home
for
undeceiving
the
People
,
by
which
means
the
Factions
are
raised
,
and
the
Tumults
enflamed
,
and
that
occasions
two
Letters
from
the
Emperor
,
the
former
to
Celsus
,
to
send
Caecilian
and
his
Accusers
,
the
latter
dated
from
Brixia
to
the
Donatist
Bishops
,
commanding
their
immediate
appearance
,
and
withal
assuring
them
,
that
if
they
can
but
make
good
any
one
Article
against
Caecilian
,
it
should
weigh
as
much
with
him
,
as
if
they
had
proved
the
whole
Charge
,
and
this
I
suppose
produced
the
Meeting
at
Milan
,
but
whatever
becomes
of
this
conjecture
of
mine
,
and
fragment
of
Optatus
;
it
is
certain
that
there
they
met
,
where
all
the
foul
dealings
of
the
Donatists
,
especially
the
forgery
of
Ingentius
being
openly
exposed
,
it
is
needless
to
tell
what
was
the
event
,
when
it
could
be
no
other
then
that
the
Emperor
should
publickly
declare
the
innocence
of
Caecilian
,
and
scoure
away
the
Schismaticks
as
a
combination
of
incorrigible
Knaves
.
But
here
St.
Austin
is
concern'd
to
excuse
the
Emperour
for
judging
an
Ecclesiastical
cause
after
the
Episcopal
Judicature
,
and
a
thousand
excuses
are
invented
for
him
by
the
Roman
Writers
;
as
his
being
then
but
a
Novice
in
the
Faith
,
and
not
sufficiently
inform'd
of
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
;
or
his
being
tired
out
by
the
restless
importunity
of
the
Donatists
,
so
that
he
could
enjoy
no
quiet
till
he
yielded
to
it
.
These
things
may
be
true
,
but
they
are
needless
,
for
though
it
may
not
be
proper
for
a
Lay-man
to
judge
in
Ecclesiastical
Causes
,
yet
it
may
not
be
altogether
unlawful
,
especially
when
the
Peace
of
the
State
depends
upon
them
,
and
that
was
the
Emperour's
case
at
this
time
,
all
Africa
was
in
an
Uproar
,
and
in
danger
to
be
lost
by
the
Sedition
;
and
therefore
it
highly
concern'd
him
to
exert
his
own
Power
,
as
he
would
secure
so
great
a
part
of
his
Empire
,
and
upon
that
reason
he
might
take
the
Judgment
upon
himself
,
thereby
to
restrain
the
Donatists
from
raising
Disturbances
and
Seditions
in
the
State
.
Though
when
all
is
done
,
it
is
certain
that
the
Emperour
never
accepted
the
Appeal
,
nay
that
he
protested
against
it
,
as
an
affront
to
the
Divine
Authority
,
and
setting
up
his
own
Power
above
God's
,
appears
not
only
from
his
Epistle
to
the
Bishops
at
Arles
,
but
his
perpetual
Declarations
of
it
.
And
therefore
it
is
not
to
be
supposed
that
he
would
be
prevail'd
with
to
take
upon
himself
a
Judgment
that
he
so
solemnly
disavowed
.
And
therefore
his
design
in
hearing
the
Cause
after
Judgment
,
was
not
to
judge
,
but
to
expose
the
Schismatiques
,
or
to
suffer
them
to
expose
themselves
.
For
the
cause
was
already
so
fully
and
clearly
determin'd
at
the
Council
,
that
it
could
not
admit
any
Review
,
but
because
they
were
so
restless
to
have
it
re-heard
before
the
Emperour
himself
,
he
at
last
seem'd
to
condescend
to
their
importunity
,
when
he
knew
it
would
prove
their
fatal
overthrow
,
for
it
is
observable
that
he
would
not
meddle
with
the
business
at
all
,
till
he
had
the
discovery
of
Ingentius
his
Forgery
in
his
Pocket
,
with
which
they
were
so
surprised
,
that
instead
of
following
their
Suit
,
it
utterly
dispersed
them
.
And
for
the
very
same
reason
,
he
gave
them
other
Hearings
after
his
own
Imperial
Judgment
,
only
to
give
them
the
greater
scope
to
lay
open
themselves
and
their
dishonesty
to
the
World
,
as
will
appear
anon
in
the
foul
discovery
of
Nundinarius
the
Deacon
.
§.
III.
But
after
the
Imperial
Sentence
against
them
,
instead
of
submitting
to
so
great
an
Authority
and
such
clear
Conviction
,
they
raise
high
clamours
of
injustice
and
oppression
,
and
when
they
return
home
put
the
People
into
Riots
and
Tumults
,
and
seize
a
Church
in
Numidia
belonging
to
the
Catholicks
,
and
of
the
Emperors
own
Foundation
.
Of
which
when
complaint
was
made
to
the
Empeperor
by
the
Bishops
of
the
Province
;
such
was
then
the
fury
of
the
Schismaticks
,
and
the
disorder
of
the
times
,
that
at
that
time
he
could
send
them
no
other
relief
,
then
by
exhorting
them
to
patience
,
and
bestowing
a
new
Church
upon
them
,
not
daring
to
inflict
any
punishment
upon
the
Offenders
for
so
long
a
Train
of
Sedition
,
but
leaving
them
(
as
himself
speaks
)
to
the
Judgment
of
God
.
And
as
he
had
not
long
before
witten
to
his
Lieutenant
Celsus
,
that
he
should
forbear
them
a
while
,
till
himself
could
have
leisure
to
visit
Africa
,
s●re
now
assures
them
,
that
when
he
comes
,
the
Schismaticks
shall
feel
the
Event
of
his
Abused
Patience
,
and
that
he
doubted
not
,
when
he
came
to
convince
them
of
such
manifest
Villany
,
that
would
utterly
spoil
all
their
Glory
of
Martyrdom
.
For
that
they
gave
out
to
justifie
their
stubborness
against
the
Imperial
Edicts
,
that
whatever
punishments
the
Emperor
decreed
against
them
,
they
were
ready
to
undergo
as
Martyrs
for
the
truth
of
God
,
and
therefore
that
they
were
so
far
from
dreading
any
severity
,
that
they
desired
the
Execution
of
Penal
Laws
against
them
.
And
so
they
persist
railing
at
the
Emperor
for
denying
Justice
,
and
reviling
the
Catholicks
for
inciting
him
to
Persecution
.
Till
at
length
he
is
forced
to
Enact
severe
Laws
against
them
,
and
first
of
all
,
all
their
Meeting-houses
are
confiscated
to
the
Crown
,
and
accordingly
seized
on
,
and
it
hapned
very
luckily
at
that
time
that
one
Nundinarius
a
Deacon
of
the
Donatists
,
who
was
privy
to
the
first
contrivance
of
the
Schism
,
at
their
meeting
at
Cirta
,
discovers
the
whole
Conspiracy
to
Zenophilus
the
Pro-Consul
of
Numidia
,
and
proves
both
by
publick
Records
,
and
a
great
number
of
Witnesses
,
that
Silvanus
,
whom
they
had
made
Bishop
of
Cirta
,
and
the
most
facti●●s
man
of
the
whole
Party
,
was
a
Traditor
,
and
that
my
Lady
Lucilla
had
given
the
Numidian
Bishops
a
great
sum
of
Money
to
depose
Caecilian
,
and
bestow
his
Bishoprick
upon
her
Ladyships
Chaplain
.
And
this
discovery
being
signified
by
Zenophilus
to
the
Emperor
,
together
with
a
Catalogue
of
the
Seditious
Practices
of
Silvanus
,
he
condemns
both
Silvanus
,
and
all
the
other
Ring-leaders
of
the
Faction
,
to
perpetual
Banishment
,
and
that
is
the
utmost
severity
that
he
ever
proceeded
to
,
for
though
some
of
them
were
sentenced
to
death
,
yet
such
was
his
natural
Clemency
,
that
he
turn'd
it
into
banishment
and
thus
by
seising
their
Conventicles
and
sending
away
their
Leaders
,
he
gave
himself
ease
and
quiet
for
some
time
from
their
disturbances
.
But
now
behold
the
constant
ingenuity
of
all
Schismaticks
,
to
be
sure
to
beleager
the
State
,
when
ever
they
find
it
in
any
distress
,
and
to
gain
their
own
ends
out
of
the
publick
Necessities
,
and
to
make
what
demands
they
please
,
when
the
Government
is
not
in
a
condition
to
contend
with
them
.
And
thus
about
this
time
the
War
between
Constantine
,
and
Licinius
breaking
out
,
the
Donatists
presently
accost
the
Emperor
with
a
bold
Petition
,
both
for
granting
liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
recalling
Silvanus
and
his
Collegues
from
Banishment
,
are
so
confident
as
to
tell
him
in
broad
expression
,
that
they
would
suffer
a
thousand
deaths
before
they
would
be
reconciled
to
that
Prelatical
Knave
of
his
,
Caecilian
.
And
yet
so
involved
were
the
Emperors
Affairs
at
that
time
,
that
he
was
forced
to
grant
whatever
they
demanded
,
and
orders
Verinus
his
Vice-Roy
in
Africk
to
leave
them
to
their
own
Liberty
.
And
that
they
used
with
all
manner
of
Insolence
,
whilst
the
Civil
War
lasted
,
neither
now
would
they
be
satisfied
with
their
own
Liberty
at
home
,
but
endeavour
to
spread
their
Schism
into
all
parts
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
poyson
all
the
Emperors
Dominions
with
the
Spirit
of
Faction
and
Sedition
.
What
Emissaries
they
sent
into
other
Churches
is
not
so
well
known
,
but
to
Rome
they
send
one
Victor
as
Titular
Bishop
of
that
See
,
who
took
upon
himself
all
●piscopal
Authority
over
his
Party
,
and
had
many
Successors
in
his
Usurpation
,
but
not
having
Liberty
to
keep
their
publick
meetings
in
the
City
,
they
betook
themselves
to
Field
Conventicles
,
and
Assembled
in
the
Roks
and
Mountains
,
and
from
thence
were
commonly
call'd
Montenses
,
Campitae
,
and
Rupitani
.
This
is
all
that
we
have
recorded
of
them
in
this
Emperors
Reign
;
for
he
having
overcome
Licinius
,
and
being
Master
of
the
whole
Empire
,
was
big
with
a
resolution
to
settle
the
Peace
of
the
Church
as
well
as
the
State
,
and
once
more
to
quell
the
Obstinacy
of
the
Shism
by
the
Authority
of
a
General
Council
.
But
whilst
he
is
designing
this
great
and
pious
work
,
news
is
brought
him
of
a
worse
Flame
broke
out
at
Alexdria
,
by
means
of
the
Heresy
of
Arrius
,
that
had
already
engaged
not
only
all
Egypt
,
but
was
blown
over
into
Asia
,
and
for
the
suppression
of
this
dangerous
Schism
(
for
so
at
first
he
look't
upon
it
,
and
therefore
only
endeavoured
to
reconcile
the
Parties
)
he
Summons
the
Great
Council
of
Nice
,
to
which
among
the
other
Famous
Bishops
that
were
present
at
it
,
Caecilian
was
summon'd
,
but
no
Bishops
of
the
Pars
Donati
,
as
supposing
them
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
But
after
this
Council
we
hear
little
or
no
thing
of
the
Donatists
in
this
Emperor's
Reign
,
himself
and
the
Christian
Bishops
being
wholly
employed
,
in
quenching
that
more
fatal
and
pernicious
Heresie
,
and
how
effectually
and
speedily
he
rooted
up
the
Heresie
it self
,
by
the
Authority
of
the
Church
abetted
with
the
Imperial
Power
,
we
shall
demonstrate
in
its
proper
place
.
For
though
after
the
Heresie
it self
was
vanquish't
by
this
Council
,
the
Hereticks
or
rather
their
Friends
,
created
him
infinite
trouble
about
it
,
by
Oblique
Arts
and
for
other
ends
;
yet
this
I
affirm
,
and
shall
prove
,
that
they
durst
never
own
the
Heresie
it self
,
not
only
in
his
time
but
in
all
the
time
of
his
Son
Constantius
till
the
end
of
his
Reign
.
And
now
here
I
ought
to
break
off
the
Story
of
the
Donatists
with
this
Emperors
History
,
but
their
Progress
in
Schism
after
his
indulgence
,
is
such
a
natural
representation
of
the
growth
and
improvement
of
Peevishness
,
if
once
left
to
its
own
l●berty
,
that
I
cannot
forbear
to
represent
their
whola
Story
at
one
View
,
especially
because
it
suits
a
Parallel
case
that
lyes
at
our
own
doors
,
so
exactly
,
that
two
Indentures
cannot
be
more
like
then
these
two
Schisms
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
all
Schisms
are
but
the
same
,
for
though
they
are
raised
about
different
matters
,
yet
they
all
move
in
the
very
same
track
of
Sedition
,
till
from
meer
peevishness
they
advance
to
the
heighth
of
Cruelty
,
and
end
in
Rebellion
;
and
it
is
nothing
else
then
the
natural
method
of
ill-nature
and
passion
,
if
but
suffered
to
pursue
the
bent
of
its
own
Inclinations
.
And
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
if
all
Schismaticks
,
howsoever
distant
in
Time
,
Place
,
or
Interest
,
follow
one
another
so
accurately
in
the
very
same
steps
,
when
they
are
all
acted
by
one
and
the
same
Principle
of
Nature
,
then
it
is
for
Colts
to
be
wild
in
all
Parts
of
the
World
,
if
never
brought
under
the
Whip
and
Bridle
.
And
that
is
the
greatest
benefit
of
Government
,
to
be
a
curb
to
the
ill-natur'd
Passions
of
Mankind
;
for
without
that
Man
would
be
the
most
unruly
of
all
Beasts
,
especially
the
meaner
sort
of
the
kind
,
the
Rabble
,
that
are
ever
drawn
in
,
to
be
the
chief
Actors
in
these
Religious
Tumults
.
And
that
is
the
reason
,
that
these
are
more
Cruel
and
Barbarous
then
other
Seditions
,
because
they
are
carried
on
by
the
wildest
part
of
Mankind
,
that
have
heightned
and
enflamed
their
natural
Salvageness
,
with
the
heats
of
Enthusiasm
,
and
Principles
of
false
Religion
.
All
which
will
evidently
appear
,
by
comparing
what
our selves
have
seen
and
felt
,
with
what
these
wild
Schismatiques
acted
Thirteen
hundred
years
since
.
The
actions
of
both
suiting
so
exactly
to
each
other
,
that
had
they
been
the
very
same
Men
,
they
could
not
have
acted
more
like
themselves
.
The
Twins
that
were
so
like
,
that
their
own
Mother
could
not
distinguish
them
,
were
not
more
so
,
then
these
two
Schisms
though
born
at
such
a
distance
of
Time
and
Place
.
§.
IV.
The
Donatists
then
having
by
the
Emperours
forced
Indulgence
,
and
the
Diversion
given
him
by
the
Arians
,
gain'd
so
much
ease
and
quiet
,
as
not
only
to
encrease
their
Schism
at
home
,
but
to
carry
it
into
foreign
Parts
,
it
happened
that
about
the
year
331
,
Donatus
,
Surnamed
the
Great
,
succeeded
Chaplain
Majorinus
;
a
Man
of
incredible
Pride
and
Insolence
,
that
pretended
to
familiarity
with
God
,
and
Inspiration
from
Heaven
;
that
could
Cant
,
could
Lye
,
could
Bl●spheme
,
shift
his
Face
and
Pretences
,
with
all
Turns
of
Affairs
,
when
the
Government
was
in
any
Streight
,
threaten
it
with
the
Numbers
of
his
Party
;
but
when
his
Party
was
low
,
could
write
Pleas
for
Peace
and
forbearance
,
from
the
weakness
of
the
Faction
,
and
meekness
of
its
Principles
.
And
upon
any
great
occasion
he
had
his
new
Lights
and
Discoveries
from
Heaven
,
and
when
ever
he
pleased
God
appear'd
to
him
in
Brightness
,
and
shewed
him
the
horns
in
his
hands
,
to
direct
him
for
serving
his
Will
in
that
Generation
.
But
above
all
,
he
had
an
implacable
spight
against
a●l
S●periours
and
Governors
,
but
most
particularly
he
set
himself
(
so
accursed
was
the
Envy
of
his
Pride
to
all
that
were
above
him
)
to
revile
and
trample
upon
the
Imperial
Majesty
it self
;
and
to
say
all
the
ill
that
can
be
said
of
one
Man
in
one
word
,
he
was
the
very
I.
O.
of
that
Re●ellious
and
Schismatical
Age.
Under
him
were
spawn'd
the
C●rcumcellians
,
a
sort
of
Levellers
or
Army
Saints
,
whom
he
stil'd
the
Captains
of
the
Godly
,
and
made
them
not
only
his
own
Life-Guard
,
but
an
Army
against
the
Power
of
the
Empire
.
These
wandred
up
and
down
the
Country
in
great
Bodys
,
and
pretended
to
reform
the
Government
by
Plunder
and
Robbery
,
and
wherever
they
came
,
set
Apprentices
free
from
their
Masters
,
and
Debtors
from
their
Creditors
,
if
they
would
but
join
with
them
,
to
pull
down
Idolatry
and
Arbitrary
Government
:
And
force
poor
Men
to
deliver
up
their
Bonds
and
Indentures
to
save
their
Lives
.
And
yet
all
this
while
they
were
a
very
praying
People
,
and
sought
the
Lord
for
direction
in
all
their
Villanies
.
And
now
it
is
no
wonder
if
Men
of
these
desperate
Principles
,
and
managed
by
such
a
Guide
as
Donatus
,
proceeded
to
the
heighth
both
of
folly
and
outrage
;
insomuch
that
whilst
they
were
in
the
heat
of
their
Bloód
and
Zeal
,
they
feared
no
danger
,
out
of
Ambition
of
being
Martyrs
for
the
cause
of
God
,
and
some
of
them
were
so
wildly
transported
,
as
to
hang
drown
,
and
stabb
themselves
for
the
Glory
of
the
Lord
.
And
thus
for
many
years
they
harassed
Africa
with
their
Insolence
and
Cruelty
,
and
made
the
habitable
parts
of
the
Country
more
salvage
then
the
Deserts
themselves
.
No
Man
could
dwell
in
his
own
House
,
or
Travel
abroad
about
his
business
with
any
safety
,
but
all
was
exposed
to
the
Rapine
of
these
merciless
Robbers
.
Till
at
length
,
after
unspeakable
Patience
,
complaint
being
made
by
the
Catholicks
to
the
Emperor
Constans
,
of
their
deplorable
condition
,
he
sent
two
Commissioners
,
Paulus
and
Macarius
,
with
a
shew
of
dividing
the
Emperors
bounty
among
the
poor
and
distressed
,
and
by
that
means
to
soften
them
from
that
fierceness
,
that
they
had
contracted
by
this
wild
Schism
,
to
some
sense
of
Duty
towards
their
Superiors
,
and
of
Humanity
towards
their
Neighbours
.
The
Commissioners
coming
into
Africa
consult
with
the
Bishops
what
course
was
fitest
to
be
taken
:
But
the
Party
of
Donatus
Combine
one
and
all
to
hinder
all
their
endeavours
of
Concord
,
and
dispatch
Letters
and
Messengers
into
all
Parts
aforehand
,
forbiding
their
People
to
receive
any
thing
of
the
Emperor's
Bounty
,
it
being
a
scandal
to
the
People
of
God
to
receive
any
Alms
from
Sinners
.
And
beside
this
,
the
Rabble
are
frighted
with
flying
Reports
and
Stories
,
that
the
Commissioners
brought
along
with
them
the
Emperors
Images
,
that
were
to
be
placed
upon
the
high
Altar
,
at
the
time
of
Celebrating
the
Eucharistical
Sacrifice
;
that
so
the
People
might
be
drawn
in
,
to
give
Divine
Worship
to
the
Imperial
Image
,
and
so
become
guilty
of
Idolatry
,
and
from
this
time
the
words
Pagan
and
Idolator
were
the
two
most
common
Titles
that
they
bestowed
upon
the
Catholicks
.
Nay
farther
then
all
this
,
when
the
Commissioners
acquaint
the
great
Donatus
with
their
Message
,
he
replies
with
his
usual
scorn
and
rage
,
Quid
est
Imperatori
cum
Ecclesiâ
?
reviles
the
Emperor
himself
with
sawcy
and
taunting
Language
,
and
tells
them
,
that
they
might
give
themselves
,
if
they
pleased
,
the
pleasure
of
travelling
through
the
African
Provinces
,
but
he
had
taken
care
to
save
their
Masters
Money
.
And
another
Donatus
Bishop
of
Bagaia
,
when
the
Commissioners
came
to
his
City
,
gathers
together
Troops
of
Circumcellians
from
all
Parts
,
perhaps
into
a
Malt-house
,
to
Assassinate
the
Commissioners
.
But
they
to
defend
themselves
,
upon
the
discovery
of
the
Conspiracy
,
send
for
a
Party
of
the
Emperor's
Forces
,
some
few
whereof
being
upon
the
Guard
,
abused
and
affronted
by
the
Fanatick
Rabble
,
that
were
Assembled
in
great
Numbers
,
acquaint
their
Fellow-Soldiers
with
the
Indignity
,
who
,
do
what
their
Officers
could
,
fall
upon
them
with
great
fury
,
kill
some
and
disperse
the
rest
.
And
now
the
Donatists
had
the
beloved
clamour
of
all
Schismaticks
to
cry
out
Persecution
,
only
because
some
of
them
perish'd
in
a
Tumult
of
their
own
raising
.
But
it
is
no
matter
who
began
the
fray
,
the
People
are
to
be
incensed
against
the
Catholiques
with
the
Blood
of
their
Party
.
And
therefore
what
Tragical
Stories
do
we
ever
after
,
from
this
slight
Occasion
,
hear
of
the
Macarian
Times
,
as
if
this
one
Accident
,
by
which
they
punish'd
themselves
,
had
exceeded
the
Cruelty
of
the
Ten
Persecutions
.
But
in
short
,
the
Commissioners
finding
there
was
no
Peace
to
be
settled
in
Africa
,
whilst
Donatus
and
his
Associates
remained
in
it
,
they
sent
them
all
into
Banishment
,
and
so
they
continued
till
the
time
of
Julian
the
Apostate
;
but
in
the
mean
time
the
Ring-leaders
being
removed
out
of
the
way
,
the
People
were
soon
at
quiet
,
and
betook
themselves
to
to
their
Callings
,
and
kept
their
Parish-Churches
.
And
upon
this
a
Council
was
called
by
Gratus
Arch-Bishop
of
the
Catholique
Communion
at
Carthage
,
to
give
God
thanks
for
their
Deliverance
,
and
to
take
care
for
the
effectual
settlement
of
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
that
lasted
till
the
Donatists
broke
loose
under
Julian
.
Who
designing
Quib.
succedens
Julianus
desertor
Chrsti
&
inimicus
,
Supplicantibus
vestris
R●gatiano
&
Pontio
,
libertatem
parti
Donati
permisit
;
denique
tunc
reddidit
Basilicas
Haereticis
,
quando
Templa
Daemoniis
:
eo
modo
putans
Christianum
nomen
posse
perire
de
terris
,
si
unitati
Ecclesiae
,
de
quâ
lapsus
fuerat
,
invideret
,
&
Sacrilegas
dissensiones
liberas
esse
permitteret
.
by
all
ways
to
destroy
Christianity
thought
nothing
so
effectual
to
that
end
,
as
to
encourage
Schisms
and
Divisions
,
and
destroy
the
Discipline
and
Unity
of
the
Church
;
and
therefore
when
this
Schism
was
almost
extinguisht
by
the
care
of
Constantine
and
his
Sons
,
he
took
as
much
care
by
granting
liberty
to
the
Donatists
to
blow
it
up
into
a
greater
flame
.
And
yet
they
on
the
other
side
were
forward
enough
to
prevent
the
Apostates
Zeal
,
by
presenting
him
with
a
flattering
address
,
so
that
though
the
other
day
under
Christian
Emperours
,
their
word
was
,
Quid
Imperatori
cum
Ecclesiâ
?
now
under
an
Apostate
,
a
mortal
and
avowed
Enemy
to
Christianity
,
the
whole
Discipline
of
the
Church
is
to
be
submitted
to
his
disposal
,
and
sacrificed
to
his
malice
;
and
he
accordingly
finding
what
eager
Zeal
they
had
to
disturb
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
gives
them
all
the
liberty
that
they
can
desire
,
and
permits
them
to
r●build
their
Conventicles
,
at
the
same
time
that
he
opened
the
Idol
Temples
,
and
(
as
Optatus
upbraids
them
)
let
them
and
the
Devil
loose
together
.
And
that
is
another
ill
quality
of
all
Schismaticks
,
that
they
care
not
what
becomes
of
the
common
Christianity
,
so
the
Faction
thrives
.
This
Rescript
of
Julian
to
the
Donatists
is
lost
,
but
it
seems
it
was
so
very
scandalous
,
that
the
Emperour
Honorius
many
years
after
,
when
he
was
resolved
upon
their
Extirpation
,
caused
it
to
be
publisht
in
all
places
,
to
let
the
People
see
the
baseness
and
perversness
of
the
Faction
.
But
they
now
finding
that
they
had
got
the
upper
hand
of
the
Catholiques
,
though
by
the
malice
of
this
Apostate
Emperor
,
are
not
satisfied
with
their
own
liberty
,
but
fall
soul
upon
the
Catholiques
,
and
treat
them
with
all
manner
of
outrage
and
cruelty
,
pull
down
their
Churches
,
murther
their
Priests
at
the
Altar
,
overthrow
the
Altars
themselves
,
and
cast
their
Idolatrous
Eucharist
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
to
the
Dogs
,
dig
the
Catholiques
out
of
their
Graves
,
with
many
more
outrages
,
that
may
be
seen
in
Optatus
his
second
and
sixth
Books
.
And
so
they
go
on
to
keep
up
the
Faction
by
Tumults
and
Stories
,
and
making
challenges
of
Disputes
,
and
then
declining
them
,
and
the
like
methods
of
Schism
till
the
death
of
Donatus
,
about
the
year
368
,
and
the
fifth
of
Valentinian
and
Valens
.
To
Donatus
succeeds
Parmenianus
,
who
publishes
a
vehement
Book
against
the
Catholicks
,
stuft
with
the
old
Fables
of
Faelix
,
Caecilian
,
and
the
Macarian
Persecution
;
for
as
they
first
founded
their
Schism
upon
a
Lye
,
so
they
resolv'd
to
continue
it
to
the
last
,
and
perhaps
by
this
time
they
were
in
good
earnest
,
and
had
lyed
so
long
,
till
they
at
length
believed
themselves
,
or
at
least
(
as
Optatus
tells
him
)
they
were
utterly
Ignorant
of
the
History
of
the
Schism
,
and
to
that
end
he
wrote
his
Books
to
rebuke
all
their
wild
Fictions
by
publick
Records
,
and
Imperial
Rescripts
.
But
to
what
purpose
do
you
tell
the
Common
People
of
legal
Proceedings
?
No
Argument
so
prevalent
with
them
,
as
a
blind
Story
in
a
Corner
,
tagg'd
with
dirty
Reflections
upon
the
Government
.
And
therefore
notwithstanding
all
these
checks
,
the
Ring-leaders
of
the
Faction
Lye
on
,
though
we
hear
little
of
them
till
the
tenth
year
of
the
same
Reign
,
Anno
Domini
373
,
when
Valentinian
publisht
a
Rescript
against
their
Re-baptising
;
which
was
renewed
by
Gratian
four
years
after
,
in
the
year
Three
hundred
Seventy
seven
.
§.
V.
The
next
news
that
we
hear
of
them
(
and
it
is
very
strange
,
that
we
heard
it
no
sooner
)
is
,
That
they
fall
out
among
themselves
,
divide
and
subdivide
into
new
Factions
and
Animosities
.
For
upon
the
death
of
Parmenian
they
cannot
agree
upon
a
Successor
,
some
are
for
Maximianus
,
and
some
for
Primianus
,
and
so
both
being
chosen
,
they
divide
Communions
,
make
Decrees
,
and
throw
out
Anathema's
against
each
other
,
and
which
is
most
of
all
disingenuous
,
stir
up
the
Civil
Magistrate
to
put
the
same
Imperial
Laws
,
that
were
made
against
themselves
,
in
Execution
against
their
Brethren
:
And
what
but
t'other
day
was
Tyranny
and
Persecution
in
the
Catholicks
,
is
in
themselves
Law
and
Justice
.
And
so
they
go
on
to
load
one
another
with
all
the
foul
Stories
and
ill
Language
,
that
they
were
wont
to
bestow
upon
the
Catholiques
,
and
their
Sentences
of
Excommunication
are
more
fierce
and
heavy
,
than
any
that
were
ever
denounced
by
any
other
party
of
Christians
.
Some
were
fatal
,
cutting
off
all
power
of
Absolution
:
The
most
gentle
were
limited
to
a
certain
time
,
after
which
the
Decree
was
irrecoverably
pass'd
upon
them
,
and
so
they
proceeded
cursing
and
damming
each
other
,
till
every
Sect
spawn'd
a
new
Litter
of
Vipers
to
eat
out
its
own
Bowels
.
And
so
they
crumbled
on
,
till
they
had
made
the
Church
no
bigger
than
it
was
at
first
,
a
small
grain
of
Mustard
Seed
:
For
every
Party
confin'd
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
to
its
Conventicle
.
This
dividing
humour
of
theirs
is
very
well
described
by
St.
Austin
.
The
Faction
of
Donatus
is
crumbled
into
very
small
parcels
,
all
which
little
particles
condemn
this
much
greater
part
of
Primianus
for
allowing
the
Baptism
of
the
Maximianists
.
And
every
part
eagerly
contends
,
that
they
alone
retain
the
true
Baptism
,
and
that
there
is
no
other
any
where
,
neither
in
all
the
World
,
over
which
the
Catholick
Church
is
spread
,
nor
in
the
larger
nor
the
lesser
parts
of
the
Faction
of
Dcnatus
,
but
in
themselves
alone
that
are
least
of
all
.
But
as
fierce
as
they
were
against
each
other
,
they
were
always
one
united
Body
against
the
Catholique
Church
,
and
upon
all
occasions
of
Disturbance
or
Sedition
in
the
State
,
they
were
a
form'd
Body
against
the
Government
,
as
will
appear
by
numberless
Instances
in
the
next
Reign
of
Arcadius
and
Honorius
,
under
whom
they
vented
their
utmost
fury
,
and
they
on
the
other
side
,
resolved
to
quell
and
break
them
,
and
at
last
by
strict
Laws
diligently
executed
,
so
took
down
their
stomach
,
and
their
stubbornness
,
that
the
Faction
dwindled
into
an
inconsiderable
rout
,
and
was
never
able
to
attempt
any
disturbance
either
in
Church
or
State
.
They
being
under
no
greater
restraint
in
the
time
of
Theodosius
the
Great
,
then
the
forfeiture
of
Ten
Pounds
,
and
the
Execution
of
that
Law
being
either
stifled
or
hamper'd
by
the
Emperors
Officers
,
(
that
commonly
divert
such
Mulcts
to
their
own
gain
,
and
the
damage
of
the
Prosecutor
)
grew
so
bold
in
their
out-rage
against
the
Catholicks
,
as
to
offer
violence
to
their
Clergy
at
Divine
Service
,
which
insufferable
Indignity
the
young
Emperors
Arcadius
and
Honorius
resented
with
that
just
indignation
,
as
to
publish
a
Rescript
in
the
year
398
,
to
Theodorus
Praefect
of
Africk
,
requiring
him
to
bring
De
Epist.
&
Ecclesi
l.
31.
such
Offenders
to
Capital
Punishments
,
and
if
they
at
any
time
offer'd
to
make
any
Tumultuary
resistance
,
not
to
stand
upon
forms
of
Law
,
but
to
fall
upon
them
with
the
Military
Power
.
And
this
Law
,
as
severe
as
it
may
appear
,
was
but
seasonable
and
indeed
necessary
,
as
St.
Austin
tells
the
Donatists
,
when
they
complain
of
Severity
.
You
have
no
reason
to
complain
of
us
;
for
the
Gentleness
of
the
Catholicks
had
always
forborn
the
Execution
of
such
Laws
,
had
not
your
own
Preachers
with
their
Circumcellians
by
their
barbarous
Cruelties
and
Outrages
against
us
,
made
them
necessary
for
our
own
security
.
For
before
those
bate
Laws
;
of
which
you
complain
,
came
into
Africa
,
they
waylaid
our
Bishops
upon
the
Road
,
they
beat
our
Clergy
most
barbarously
,
put
intolerable
abuses
upon
the
Laicks
,
fired
our
Houses
&
our
Churches
.
With
great
numbers
more
of
particular
Out-rages
,
that
he
recites
there
,
and
up
and
down
his
other
Writings
,
as
the
murther
of
Restitutus
and
Innocentius
Presbyters
of
Hippo
,
putting
out
the
Eyes
of
some
,
cutting
off
the
hands
,
and
pulling
out
the
Tongues
of
others
.
And
as
for
St.
Austin
himself
,
they
continually
watched
for
his
life
,
and
exhorted
the
People
to
kill
him
as
they
would
a
Wolf
,
to
preserve
the
Flock
,
and
assure
them
that
God
would
forgive
all
their
Sins
,
how
great
soever
,
for
so
good
a
piece
of
Service
.
And
this
they
did
to
him
in
requital
of
all
his
kindness
towards
them
,
who
all
along
interceded
with
the
Governors
to
spare
their
lives
,
till
at
last
being
convinced
by
Experience
that
they
abused
all
mercy
,
and
would
be
reduced
by
nothing
but
the
greatest
Severity
,
he
changed
his
mind
,
as
he
declares
in
his
Epistle
to
Vincentius
,
in
which
he
excellently
discourses
the
necessity
of
the
About
this
time
happened
the
War
with
Gildo
the
African
Rebel
,
a
Man
infinitely
Debauch'd
,
and
barbarous
in
his
Manners
,
and
a
bitter
Enemy
to
Christianity
;
with
him
the
Donatists
and
Circumcellians
join
,
and
serve
in
his
Rebellion
against
the
Emperor
,
according
to
the
constant
practice
of
all
Schismaticks
,
whenever
there
is
an
opportunity
to
turn
Rebels
.
And
particularly
there
was
one
Optatus
a
Bishop
of
the
Party
,
so
remarkable
in
the
Army
for
fighting
and
forwardness
,
that
he
was
surnamed
Gildonianus
,
and
after
ten
years
Rebellion
lost
his
life
in
the
Service
.
But
when
Gildo
was
at
length
overcome
,
the
Donatists
bated
nothing
of
their
wonted
insolence
,
and
the
Emperor
Honorius
(
to
whose
particular
Government
Africa
appertained
)
being
incensed
with
continual
complaints
of
their
disorders
,
resolves
by
any
severity
to
break
the
Faction
.
And
first
he
exposes
their
knavery
to
all
the
Christian
World
,
by
which
he
hoped
at
least
to
take
down
their
confidence
,
and
preserve
the
People
from
being
any
more
deluded
by
their
fair
pretences
.
And
therefore
in
the
year
400
he
sends
forth
the
forementioned
Decree
to
his
Praefect
in
Africk
,
to
be
publish'd
in
all
places
concerning
the
Transactions
of
the
Donatists
with
Julian
,
and
his
Rescript
on
their
behalf
,
that
De
H●reticis
leg.
37.
thereby
the
World
might
see
the
constancy
of
the
Catholicks
to
their
Principles
,
and
the
falshood
and
treachery
of
the
Donatists
to
their
Religion
.
And
this
was
done
,
either
upon
one
or
both
of
these
Occasions
,
either
as
Baronius
most
probably
thinks
,
that
the
Donatists
persisting
in
their
old
Clamours
,
as
Petilian
had
lately
done
,
against
the
Catholicks
,
For
instigating
the
Civil
Magistrate
And
the
Year
following
the
Church
seem'd
to
imitate
the
Emperor's
Design
,
of
convincing
them
by
meer
shame
,
and
reducing
them
by
the
foulness
of
their
own
Actions
:
for
among
divers
other
Methods
proposed
for
the
settlement
of
the
Church
,
this
Device
is
at
last
pitcht
upon
,
to
fend
to
all
the
Judges
and
Governors
of
Provinces
,
who
had
the
command
and
keeping
of
all
publick
Records
,
Concil.
Afric
.
cap.
36.
that
they
would
search
out
all
the
Acts
,
by
which
the
prevailing
Party
of
the
Donatists
cut
off
the
Maximinianists
from
their
Communion
,
and
after
that
restored
them
to
it
again
.
After
which
they
send
A●bassadors
to
the
several
Churches
of
the
Donatists
,
to
inform
the
People
what
a
nothing
it
is
that
their
Leaders
have
to
say
against
the
Catholick
Church
;
but
chiefly
to
make
it
evident
by
all
the
Records
of
Court
,
how
they
treated
the
Maximinianists
in
their
sub-separation
,
from
whence
,
say
they
,
will
be
pointed
out
,
as
it
were
by
an
Hand
from
Heaven
,
that
they
first
departed
from
the
Unity
of
the
Church
,
upon
as
unreasonable
Grounds
,
as
▪
they
now
clamor
that
the
Maximinianists
made
a
Schism
from
themselves
.
Of
whom
yet
they
have
received
divers
to
Communion
without
new
Baptism
.
That
so
they
may
see
how
absurdly
they
oppose
the
peace
of
the
universal
Church
,
when
they
do
that
for
the
Pars
Donati
,
without
thinking
themselves
polluted
by
their
Communion
,
for
which
they
condemn
us
and
the
whole
Catholick
Church
,
as
polluted
by
the
Communion
of
those
that
they
have
for
a
long
time
accused
;
but
could
never
yet
convince
of
any
Crime
.
And
this
was
a
choquing
Argument
,
either
that
they
ought
not
to
have
received
the
Maximinianists
for
peace
sake
,
or
that
for
the
same
reason
they
ought
to
enter
into
a
Treaty
of
Peace
with
the
whole
Christian
World
.
And
accordingly
in
a
greater
Council
the
year
following
,
every
Bishop
is
ordered
to
treat
with
the
Leaders
of
the
Donatists
in
their
own
Diocess
;
But
all
in
vain
,
for
they
teturn
them
no
other
Answer
,
then
Scorn
and
foul
Language
.
Such
was
their
Pride
and
Petulancy
,
that
it
barr'd
up
their
Minds
against
all
Conviction
:
particularly
Possidius
undertaking
Crispinus
a
leading
Man
of
the
Faction
,
after
all
his
Pains
is
thrown
off
with
this
slight
and
haughty
Answer
.
Hanc
responsionem
meam
patriarchali
sermone
definio
:
Recedant
à
me
impii
,
vias
eorum
nosse
nolo
.
This
is
my
peremptory
Answer
to
all
your
Talk
,
that
the
People
of
God
ought
not
to
have
any
Entercourse
,
or
enter
into
any
Conference
with
the
Wicked
.
And
in
stead
of
fair
Proceedings
,
in
a
few
days
after
they
beset
his
House
,
break
in
upon
him
,
and
beat
him
,
the
Riot
is
taken
notice
of
by
the
Pro-consul
,
and
the
Ring-leader
fin'd
ten
Pounds
,
that
yet
was
remitted
at
the
Intercession
of
Possidius
.
But
the
Schismatick
is
so
haughty
,
that
he
will
not
accept
of
the
Kindness
,
and
so
appeals
to
the
Emporors
,
and
is
by
them
condemned
,
as
falling
under
the
Law
enacted
by
their
Father
Theodosius
the
Great
,
in
the
Year
392
,
against
all
Hereticks
or
Recusants
De
Haereti●is
leg.
21.
of
what
Sect
soever
,
that
whoever
of
them
gave
or
received
Holy
Orders
,
should
be
fin'd
ten
Pounds
toties
quoties
,
and
wherever
they
kept
a
Conventicle
,
the
house
should
be
confiscated
to
the
Emperor
;
but
if
the
Owner
of
the
House
were
not
privy
to
it
,
that
then
the
Tenant
should
be
fin'd
the
ten
Pounds
,
and
if
he
were
a
Servant
,
or
so
poor
that
he
could
not
pay
it
,
he
was
to
be
Whipt
and
Transported
.
This
Law
was
applyed
by
Honorius
to
the
Donatists
,
which
they
pleaded
was
not
intended
against
them
,
because
they
were
only
accounted
Schismaticks
and
not
Hereticks
.
No
,
says
the
Emperor
,
I
and
my
Laws
will
allow
of
no
such
Tricks
and
Distinctions
,
whoever
is
divided
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
upon
what
Pretence
soever
,
we
are
not
concern'd
to
inquire
,
he
is
to
us
a
Recusant
and
an
Heretick
,
his
Crime
is
not
adhering
to
this
or
that
Party
,
but
his
division
from
us
.
And
though
the
Fathers
of
the
Affrican
Council
interceded
with
the
Emperor
that
the
Law
might
be
applyed
only
to
such
Donatists
,
as
were
convicted
of
any
actual
Violence
or
Sedition
,
and
that
others
,
that
were
peacable
,
might
not
be
punish't
meerly
for
their
Opinion
.
Yet
the
Emperor
look't
upon
the
very
siding
with
a
seditious
Party
,
to
be
Sedition
it self
,
and
therefore
Commands
it
to
be
strictly
and
universally
put
in
Execution
.
Especially
having
been
incensed
by
their
late
disorders
in
divers
other
Places
,
driving
Bishops
from
their
Sees
,
and
particularly
the
horrible
Murther
of
Maximian
Bishop
of
Bagaia
,
and
this
says
St.
Austin
made
our
Intercession
ineffectual
.
Jam
enim
lex
fuerat
promulgata
ut
tantae
Immanitatis
Haeresis
donatistaram
,
cui
crudelius
parci
videbatur
,
quàm
ipsa
saeviebat
,
non
tantum
violenta
esse
,
sed
omnino
esse
,
non
sineretur
impune
.
That
is
,
because
he
had
now
resolved
upon
this
Law
,
that
a
Sect
of
so
much
Barbarity
,
whom
to
tolerate
were
a
greater
cruelty
then
the
worst
that
they
themselves
could
commit
,
should
not
only
not
be
suffer'd
in
their
Violence
,
but
not
be
suffer'd
to
be
at
all
.
But
yet
for
all
this
,
many
of
the
Schismaticks
persist
in
their
Pride
and
Stubbornness
,
scorn
to
enter
into
any
Conference
with
the
wlcked
,
and
threaten
the
Catholicks
with
their
lives
,
if
they
ever
offer'd
to
undeceive
their
People
.
Recedite
à
plebibus
nostris
,
si
non
vultis
ut
interficiamus
vos
.
Either
leave
our
August
.
E●ist.
166.
People
or
your
own
Lives
.
But
because
they
rebaptised
all
Converts
to
their
Party
,
the
Emperor
resolved
to
bar
up
that
passage
,
and
therefore
Enacts
a
Law
against
Rebaptising
under
so
many
and
so
severe
Penalties
,
as
soon
broke
the
whole
Faction
.
viz.
Forfeiture
of
Estate
,
Outlawry
,
A●gust
.
Ep.
129
ad
Olimpium
Comitem
,
A
Courtier
whom
he
informs
of
the
whole
Business
.
purely
by
the
design
of
Stilicho
,
without
the
Emperors
consent
,
and
therefore
as
if
their
Authority
had
dyed
together
with
their
Author
,
they
break
out
into
their
old
Out-rages
against
the
Catholicks
.
Which
coming
to
the
Emperors
knowledge
,
he
immediately
dispaches
a
Rescript
to
Curtius
the
Prefect
of
Rome
,
De
Hareticis
leg.
43.
declaring
that
it
was
his
Imperial
Will
that
all
the
Laws
against
the
Donatists
,
Heathens
,
and
Hereticks
should
continue
in
full
force
,
strictly
requiring
him
and
all
his
Officers
,
to
put
them
in
effectual
Execution
.
And
this
was
followed
by
another
Rescript
to
Donatus
Prefect
of
Africa
,
who
obey'd
it
with
that
rigour
,
that
St.
Austin
was
forced
out
of
his
meer
good
nature
to
write
to
him
to
spare
their
lives
.
Ex
occasione
terribilium
Judi●um
ac
legum
ne
aeterni
judicii
paenas
Upon
occasion
of
the
dreadful
Laws
and
Executions
against
them
,
we
cannot
but
desire
,
lest
they
should
fall
into
everlasting
punishment
,
that
they
may
be
chastised
but
not
kill'd
,
that
Discipline
may
be
exercised
upon
them
,
but
that
they
may
not
be
punish't
with
the
utmost
Justice
that
they
deserve
,
and
therefore
so
correct
their
sins
,
that
they
may
not
be
past
the
State
of
Repentance
.
And
we
beseech
you
that
when
you
hear
the
causes
of
the
Church
,
though
you
will
find
it
assaulted
and
oppressed
with
intolerable
injuries
,
forget
then
that
you
have
the
power
of
life
and
death
.
But
still
the
Emperour
De
hereticis
,
l.
51.
his
former
Decree
,
that
had
been
extorted
from
him
by
the
necessity
of
the
times
,
and
now
probably
being
afresh
incensed
by
their
fawcy
behaviour
in
his
affliction
,
makes
the
Schism
it self
Capital
,
or
to
be
punished
paenâ
&
proscriptionis
&
sanguinis
.
For
before
this
time
none
were
to
be
put
to
death
,
but
those
that
had
deserved
it
by
their
Tumults
,
Disorders
,
and
Infurrections
,
but
now
the
very
frequenting
their
Meetings
was
forbidden
under
no
less
Penalty
.
§.
VI.
But
being
now
resolved
to
put
an
end
to
the
trouble
that
they
had
given
him
from
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
he
resolved
in
the
first
place
to
try
if
it
were
possible
to
do
any
good
upon
them
,
by
a
friendly
Conference
,
which
(
as
himself
says
)
he
did
by
the
perswasion
of
the
African
Bishops
,
and
it
was
chiefly
devised
by
St.
Austin
to
undeceive
the
People
.
For
their
Leaders
still
persisted
to
abuse
them
with
old
Tales
and
Stories
,
notwithstanding
that
they
had
been
so
shamefully
exposed
an
hundred
years
since
;
but
that
was
beyond
the
memory
,
and
by
consequence
the
knowledge
of
the
People
,
and
therefore
St.
Austin
concluded
that
the
most
effectual
way
to
reduce
them
,
was
to
let
the
People
know
what
was
done
in
Constantine's
time
,
in
the
Synods
of
Rome
,
and
Arles
,
and
before
the
Emperour
himself
at
Milan
,
and
the
shameful
discoveries
of
their
Forgeries
about
Caecilian
and
Faelix
of
Aptung
,
by
Ingentius
the
Notary
,
and
Nundinarius
the
Deacon
.
And
this
he
doubted
not
would
make
them
see
through
the
whole
Cheat
,
that
had
been
put
upon
them
from
the
beginning
;
and
forever
expose
the
impudence
and
dishonesty
of
their
Leaders
.
Quod
verò
ante
centum
fermè
A●gust
.
lib.
3
,
contra
Julianum
▪
annos
Majores
nostri
cum
iis
[
Donatistis
]
egerant
,
jam
populorum
memoria
non
tenebat
;
haec
igitur
necessitas
compulit
,
at
saltem
Gestis
nostrâ
Collatione
confectis
,
eorum
contunderemus
inverecundiam
,
&
reprimeremus
Audaciam
.
Seeing
it
was
beyond
the
memory
of
the
People
,
what
was
transacted
almost
an
hundred
years
since
with
the
Schismaticks
;
necessity
compelled
us
,
that
producing
the
matters
of
Fact
at
our
Conference
,
we
should
rebuke
their
strange
boldness
and
immodesty
.
To
this
purpose
Marcellinus
,
a
Man
eminent
both
for
Wisdom
,
Learning
,
and
Piety
,
Quod
ad
mores
nostros
As
for
my
Life
and
Conversation
,
it
is
known
to
those
with
whom
I
live
,
but
our
business
is
about
Christian
Truth
;
that
is
the
cause
,
not
I
;
if
you
have
any
thing
against
me
,
in
God's
Name
Indict
me
according
to
Law
,
but
otherwise
it
is
a
base
and
helpless
shift
,
when
you
are
Convicted
by
Argument
,
to
betake
your selves
to
idle
Tales
and
Slanders
,
for
that
is
the
last
Machine
of
all
Hereticks
.
And
therefore
't
is
no
wonder
that
the
Schismaticks
stuck
so
long
at
this
point
,
for
to
Persons
of
that
Kidney
,
Calumny
is
much
dearer
then
their
Opinion
.
And
it
was
a
long
while
before
Marcellinus
with
all
his
Art
and
Temper
,
could
bring
them
out
of
this
Hold
,
but
being
at
last
forced
out
of
it
,
they
in
the
next
place
wrangle
about
matters
,
that
they
pleaded
ought
to
be
preliminary
to
the
Conference
:
And
first
they
cavill'd
and
excepted
against
the
time
,
viz.
That
the
time
limited
by
the
Emperour's
Summons
was
past
;
to
which
cavil
they
are
Answer'd
,
That
the
Meeting
was
adjourn'd
to
the
present
time
by
their
own
Consent
.
Then
they
except
against
Marcellinus
,
and
the
Form
of
proceeding
,
viz.
That
Ecclesiastical
matters
ought
not
to
be
determin'd
after
the
manner
of
the
Secular
Courts
,
but
by
the
Holy
Scriptures
.
To
this
Marcellinus
replies
,
both
that
he
does
not
take
upon
himself
the
Office
of
a
Judge
,
and
withal
that
things
should
be
determin'd
by
the
Rule
of
Scripture
as
they
desired
.
And
beside
this
the
Catholick
Bishops
satisfie
them
by
exhibiting
the
Injunctions
,
that
they
had
given
to
those
Bishops
,
that
were
to
manage
the
Conference
,
that
they
had
taken
sufficient
care
of
that
matter
.
But
then
this
the
Donatists
turn'd
into
a
new
Cavil
,
that
they
would
not
trust
their
Cause
to
a
few
Mens
management
,
but
would
be
all
Speakers
,
which
they
knew
could
not
be
done
in
so
great
a
Multitude
,
without
turning
the
whole
business
into
Tumult
and
Confusion
.
And
therefore
it
is
with
much
ado
over-ruled
,
that
Seven
of
each
Party
should
manage
the
Conference
,
of
whom
St.
Austin
and
Petilian
were
the
chief
of
each
side
.
But
in
the
next
place
the
Mandate
of
the
Catholicks
to
their
Commissioners
being
signed
by
286
Bishops
,
the
Donatists
object
that
there
were
not
so
many
present
,
and
pretend
that
to
encrease
the
number
they
had
set
down
false
names
,
and
therefore
require
that
every
Bishop
should
answer
to
his
own
name
.
But
all
this
trifling
being
at
last
past
through
,
Marcellinus
with
Hat
in
hand
,
desires
the
Company
that
they
would
be
pleased
to
take
their
Seats
,
but
the
Donatists
insolently
refuse
his
Civility
,
grumbling
out
among
themselves
that
of
the
Psalmist
,
Odi
Ecclesiam
Malig●antium
&
cum
impiis
non
se●●bo
.
Then
the
Instrument
of
the
Donatists
to
their
Commissioners
is
read
,
which
consists
all
of
Accusation
against
the
Catholiques
,
both
as
Traditors
and
Persecutors
;
and
here
they
are
immediately
snapt
in
their
own
●nare
,
having
subscribed
many
Names
to
it
of
Men
that
were
not
in
Being
,
and
among
the
rest
of
one
,
that
upon
the
discovery
they
now
pretended
dyed
on
the
way
,
though
before
they
had
declared
,
that
it
was
drawn
up
after
they
came
to
Carthage
,
and
that
was
all
the
Event
of
the
first
days
Conference
,
that
they
ensnared
themselves
in
two
or
three
grand
Falshoods
.
The
second
Conference
was
spent
in
the
same
trifles
and
cavils
with
the
first
,
and
so
came
to
nothing
.
But
at
the
third
Meeting
Marcellinus
keeps
them
close
to
the
point
,
and
after
long
strugling
and
much
patience
with
them
,
causes
all
the
Records
relating
to
the
whole
matter
to
be
read
,
especially
concerning
the
Cause
of
Caecilian
and
Faelix
of
Aptung
.
And
here
the
Donatists
were
quite
undone
at
the
first
shock
,
and
had
no
shift
to
escape
,
only
to
the
Absolution
of
Caecilian
by
Melckiades
they
have
the
Impudence
now
to
say
,
that
Melchiades
himself
was
a
Traditor
.
Which
as
it
was
a
new
lye
invented
at
so
great
a
distance
of
time
,
so
was
it
utterly
groundless
,
and
without
any
pretence
of
Authority
then
only
their
own
Report
,
and
therefore
could
not
pass
.
In
short
,
the
Schismaticks
having
nothing
to
except
against
the
unquestionable
Evidence
of
publick
Records
,
but
repeating
the
same
Cavils
and
Calumnies
,
the
Verdict
is
given
against
them
,
and
themselves
are
brought
to
subscribe
the
truth
of
all
the
Acts
of
the
Conference
,
as
we
now
have
them
,
which
otherwise
they
would
afterward
have
pleaded
to
be
false
,
so
that
they
had
now
no
shif●
left
but
their
old
one
,
to
complain
of
the
Partiality
of
Marcellinus
.
Unless
it
were
to
Appeal
from
the
Emperor
(
to
whom
themselves
first
appealed
)
to
the
Scriptures
.
Thus
upon
this
shameful
overthrow
Primianus
a
chief
Man
among
them
cryes
out
,
Illi
port
ant
muliorum
Impera●orum
Sacras
,
nos
sola
portamus
Evangelid
.
And
they
were
then
the
two
Tribes
that
continued
Loyal
to
the
true
Religion
,
whilst
the
Catholicks
,
by
whom
they
were
so
much
over-voted
,
were
the
other
Ten
Tribes
that
followed
Jeroboam
into
his
Idolatry
.
But
so
it
was
that
things
were
managed
with
that
clearness
of
Conviction
,
that
though
the
Ring-leaders
went
on
in
their
old
stubbornness
,
yet
the
greatest
part
of
the
People
,
hereby
understanding
the
true
merits
of
the
Cause
,
Contr●
gaudentium
,
l.
1.
cap.
29.
forsook
them
forever
;
and
as
St.
Austin
says
,
great
Numbers
of
the
Circumcellians
return'd
to
their
Callings
and
Parish
Churches
,
and
as
for
the
Number
of
the
more
sober
People
of
all
States
and
Conditions
that
were
reduced
,
he
says
it
was
so
great
that
it
was
not
to
be
numbred
.
And
to
settle
the
business
more
effectually
St.
Austin
prevails
with
Marcellinus
to
publish
the
Acts
of
the
Conference
,
the
truth
whereof
was
subscribed
by
both
Parties
,
that
all
the
World
after
that
,
might
be
satisfied
of
the
foulness
and
disingenuity
of
the
Schismaticks
:
And
then
the
African
Bishops
agree
among
themselves
for
keeping
up
the
memory
of
the
thing
fresh
against
them
,
to
have
them
publickly
read
in
all
Churches
on
the
last
Sunday
in
Lent
.
And
because
the
Acts
themselves
were
too
long
for
the
People
,
St.
Austin
drew
up
his
Breviculum
for
that
use
.
Upon
this
great
overthrow
the
Emperor
resolves
to
push
on
the
Victory
,
and
immediately
publisht
such
a
severe
Rescript
against
the
Party
,
that
soon
broke
their
Obstinacy
and
vanquisht
the
Schism
,
strictly
commanding
them
to
return
to
the
Catholick
Church
,
first
under
De
Haeret.
l.
52.
the
Penalty
of
an
high
Fine
according
to
every
mans
Estate
and
Quality
;
Secondly
,
Inflicting
the
same
punishments
upon
all
Persons
that
should
conceal
them
;
Thirdly
,
Requiring
all
diligence
in
all
Officers
to
discover
them
;
Fourthly
,
If
notwithstanding
they
continued
stubborn
,
all
their
Goods
were
to
be
seized
and
sold.
Fifthly
,
All
Landlords
and
Masters
are
to
see
that
their
Servants
and
Tenants
conform
to
the
Catholick
Church
under
the
same
Penalties
.
Sixthly
,
All
their
Preachers
are
to
be
banisht
into
distant
places
.
Clerici
vero
ministrique
corum
ac
perniciosissimi
sacerdotales
ablati
de
Africano
solo
,
quod
ritu
sacrilego
polluerunt
,
in
exilium
viritim
ad
singulas
quasque
regiones
sub
idoneâ
prosecutione
mittantur
.
And
lastly
,
Their
Churches
and
all
Profits
and
Revenues
belonging
to
them
,
are
to
be
delivered
up
to
the
Catholicks
.
Here
are
all
the
severities
that
can
be
inflicted
except
death
it self
,
for
though
the
Emperor
had
threatned
them
with
that
immediately
after
his
Conquest
of
the
Barbarians
,
upon
some
rude
Provocation
,
that
they
had
given
him
in
his
distress
,
yet
now
in
his
cooler
and
more
deliberate
thoughts
,
he
resolves
to
spare
their
blood
,
but
resolves
to
spare
nothing
else
.
And
what
milder
course
could
be
taken
with
such
men
,
that
out
of
meer
extravagance
,
and
wantonness
,
had
put
off
all
sense
of
their
natural
humanity
.
And
so
upon
this
,
those
few
that
would
not
be
reduced
,
betook
themselves
to
the
Fields
and
the
Woods
,
and
wandred
up
and
down
the
Country
in
Arm'd
Troops
,
doing
all
manner
of
mischief
and
violence
in
all
places
,
usually
having
one
of
their
Teachers
for
the
Captain
of
each
Rout
,
such
an
one
was
Macrobius
one
of
their
Bishops
,
that
St.
Austin
says
,
roved
up
and
down
in
his
Neighbourhood
,
Stipatus
cuneis
perditorum
utriusque
sexûs
,
guarded
or
followed
with
Troops
of
desperate
People
of
both
Sexes
.
But
it
hap'ned
that
the
year
following
,
Heraclian
the
Emperor's
Vice-Roy
in
Africk
that
had
done
the
good
service
to
Conquer
the
Goths
,
breaks
out
into
Rebellion
,
and
Invades
Italy
with
the
greatest
Navy
that
perhaps
ever
was
,
consisting
of
3700
Ships
,
whereas
Xerxes
his
so
samed
Navy
had
no
more
then
1200.
But
he
being
surprised
and
overthrown
by
Marinus
at
his
first
landing
,
and
by
him
pursued
into
Africk
,
the
Donatists
inform
Marinus
at
his
very
first
coming
,
that
Marcellinus
was
one
of
those
that
had
sided
with
Heraclian
in
the
Rebellion
,
him
therefore
in
his
rage
,
or
hast
,
or
upon
some
worse
account
he
puts
to
De
Haeret.
l.
55.
up
among
the
publick
Records
,
that
they
might
be
secure
from
being
ever
imbezel'd
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
he
renews
his
former
severe
Law
with
the
addition
of
some
new
Penalties
,
and
,
more
then
that
,
Ibid.
l.
54.
though
he
had
damn'd
all
the
other
Acts
of
Government
under
Heraclian
,
●uch
was
his
just
fury
against
these
treacherous
and
bloody
Saints
,
that
he
renews
the
Rescript
of
punishing
them
with
death
,
that
he
had
sent
in
his
rage
to
Heraclian
Ibid.
l.
56.
in
the
year
311
,
and
that
is
the
reason
why
this
Law
bears
Heraclian's
name
,
though
it
were
not
publisht
till
after
his
death
.
Though
it
was
never
put
in
Execution
,
but
the
other
of
banishing
the
Preachers
was
vigorously
prosecuted
,
and
the
Emperor
sent
Dulcitius
into
Africa
with
a
new
Office
for
that
very
purpose
,
viz.
Of
Executor
of
the
Rescript
against
the
Donatists
,
that
was
his
whole
and
sole
Commission
.
And
he
pursued
it
so
effectually
,
that
about
thirty
of
their
Leaders
finding
that
there
was
no
way
left
of
being
conceal'd
,
and
resolving
neither
to
quit
their
Churches
nor
go
into
Banishment
,
agree
to
murther
themselves
and
so
dye
Martyrs
,
and
some
of
them
burnt
themselves
with
that
mad
resolution
,
as
put
Dulcitius
to
a
stand
,
who
therefore
out
of
meer
tenderness
writes
to
St.
Austin
to
know
what
he
would
advise
him
to
do
with
such
desperate
people
.
And
he
though
he
had
ever
been
importunate
to
save
their
lives
,
now
returns
this
frank
Answer
,
That
it
is
no
great
matter
if
the
small
handfull
of
Banditi
,
who
put
the
whole
Wo●ld
into
disorder
,
perish
by
their
own
hands
,
and
when
they
are
gone
,
th●
World
will
be
at
quiet
.
And
●o
ended
this
boisterous
Schism
that
had
wasted
the
Church
of
Africa
,
for
more
then
an
hundred
years
.
For
Baldwin
and
Baronius
place
the
Ordination
of
Chaplain
Majorinus
,
from
whence
the
Schism
commences
,
in
the
year
306
,
but
Vale●ius
more
truely
in
the
year
311
,
and
it
was
in
the
year
414
,
in
which
they
are
rooted
out
of
Africk
by
Dulcitius
.
And
though
some
small
scatterings
of
it
continued
many
years
after
,
even
to
the
time
of
Gregory
the
Great
,
as
we
find
by
som●
of
his
Epistles
,
which
was
near
200
year●
after
this
time
,
yet
after
this
time
it
was
never
considerable
,
and
we
hear
very
little
of
them
,
either
in
the
Records
of
the
Church
or
the
Imperial
Laws
.
They
are
but
once
mentioned
in
a
Law
of
Theodosius
the
next
Emperour
,
but
then
it
is
in
a
List
of
the
whole
Rout
of
Hereticks
that
ever
were
,
in
which
the
same
Penalties
are
inflicted
upon
all
,
that
were
Executed
by
Honorius
against
the
Donatists
.
And
it
is
observable
that
the
Imperial
Laws
ever
after
followed
the
same
method
,
being
convinced
of
its
necessity
by
the
experience
of
the
thing
it self
,
so
that
though
the
Coercive
Power
of
the
Prince
in
abetting
the
Church
had
been
own'd
and
used
all
along
,
yet
it
seems
not
to
have
been
throughly
understood
▪
till
after
this
experiment
of
Honorius
upon
the
Donatists
.
And
thus
have
I
shewn
in
this
one
Instance
the
natural
Progress
of
Schism
,
How
little
Leaven
leaveneth
the
whole
Lump
,
so
that
a
National
Madness
may
be
no
more
a●
bottom
then
a
Malt-house
Conspiracy
,
thirty
or
forty
ill-natur'd
men
put
all
Africk
into
a
distraction
for
above
one
hundred
years
,
and
when
they
were
removed
out
of
the
way
,
those
many
thousands
that
were
drawn
in
to
follow
their
Frenzy
,
were
restored
to
their
natural
sense
and
sobriety
.
So
that
if
as
small
a
number
as
those
few
,
that
were
so
desperate
as
to
destroy
themselves
a●
last
,
had
been
banisht
at
first
,
all
that
trouble
that
this
Schism
gave
the
Empire
,
had
been
certainly
prevented
,
and
that
is
all
that
any
Prince
can
●
gain
by
his
kindness
to
such
men
,
tha●
if
he
will
not
punish
them
at
first
,
they
themselves
will
force
him
to
do
it
at
last
.
§.
VII
.
As
for
the
Arian
Controversie
,
though
it
were
at
first
but
a
private
dispute
in
the
School
of
Alexandria
(
that
was
then
the
only
Christian
University
in
the
World
)
yet
it
soon
over-run
the
whole
body
of
the
Christian
Church
,
if
we
may
believe
St.
Jerom
,
who
speaks
thus
of
it
,
Arius
in
Alexandria
una
scintilla
fuit
,
sed
quia
non
statim
oppressa
est
,
Ad
Galat.
15.
totum
Orbem
ejus
flamma
populata
est
.
And
indeed
it
spread
so
suddainly
▪
that
its
motion
was
not
so
much
like
Fire
as
Lightning
,
all
the
World
was
all
in
a
flame
in
an
instant
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Hist.
Ecclis
.
l.
2.
p.
7.
according
to
his
usual
dullness
and
ingenuity
infers
,
that
the
whole
World
was
become
Arian
,
and
indeed
St.
Jerom
gives
some
countenance
to
it
,
by
his
lavish
expression
of
totus
orbis
;
but
he
is
so
full
of
his
whole
Worlds
every
where
,
as
proves
nothing
more
then
that
he
was
very
much
taken
with
the
Grandeur
of
the
Phrase
,
neither
does
he
apply
it
to
the
Reign
of
Constantine
(
as
this
ignorant
pretender
to
History
does
)
but
of
Constantius
;
what
strength
it
then
had
,
we
shall
see
when
we
come
to
that
time
,
but
under
the
Reign
of
Constantine
,
as
great
Commotions
as
it
occasion'd
in
the
Christian
Church
,
it
spread
not
much
farther
then
some
few
of
the
Clorgy
beside
Women
,
of
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
as
will
appear
by
the
Progress
of
the
Story
,
which
runs
in
order
after
this
manner
,
Arius
and
his
Complices
were
upon
Conviction
Canonically
proceeded
against
and
cast
out
of
the
Church
by
their
Metropolitan
and
Provincial
Synod
,
not
only
for
the
Heresie
of
their
Opinion
,
but
Ap●●●●●●
l.
1.
c.
4.
the
scandal
and
looseness
of
their
lives
,
as
himself
informs
us
in
his
Epistle
to
Alexander
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
and
beside
his
Epistles
to
divers
particular
Bishops
,
he
signified
the
Excommunication
of
the
Arians
by
an
encyclical
Epistle
to
all
the
Bishops
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
in
the
beginning
whereof
he
excellently
describes
that
Unity
of
Discipline
that
was
then
preserv'd
in
it
.
Whereas
we
are
taught
in
the
Holy
Scriptures
that
the
Body
of
the
Catholick
Church
is
one
,
that
thereby
we
may
keep
the
bond
of
Peace
and
Concord
the
more
firmly
,
it
is
but
agreeable
to
this
that
we
should
communicate
with
one
another
by
Letters
,
that
all
may
know
what
is
done
by
every
one
,
that
so
we
may
all
suffer
and
rejoyce
together
.
By
which
last
Phrase
the
Ancients
usually
expressed
the
agreement
of
Discipline
in
all
Churches
,
in
allusion
to
St.
Paul's
expression
to
the
Church
of
Corinth
in
the
Case
of
their
incestuous
Offenders
.
This
was
the
Custom
of
all
Churches
at
that
time
,
though
that
dull
Fanatique
Arian
Apud
Theod.
l.
c.
4.
Epistle
,
and
loads
Eusebius
with
the
violation
of
the
Apostolical
Canon
,
viz.
the
33d
,
which
injoyns
that
no
Clergy-man
Excommunicate
by
his
own
Bishop
,
be
received
to
Communion
by
another
.
But
Eusebius
,
being
a
man
of
a
proud
Spirit
,
regards
it
not
(
neither
was
this
his
first
breach
of
the
Canons
,
having
skipt
out
of
one
Bishoprick
into
another
,
which
is
there
severely
forbidden
,
and
he
was
the
first
man
,
that
I
know
of
,
who
was
guilty
of
that
boldness
against
that
Sacred
Law
of
the
Church
)
but
instead
of
desisting
from
his
Schismatical
proceedings
,
endeavours
to
spread
the
Schism
as
far
as
he
could
,
and
his
Letters
fly
abroad
every
where
to
engage
the
Bishops
to
his
Faction
,
by
which
means
,
he
being
then
a
great
Man
and
a
Favourite
of
the
Emperour
,
the
Court
then
residing
at
Nicomedia
,
all
the
Bishops
in
the
World
were
in
a
moment
engaged
on
one
side
or
other
(
not
upon
the
account
of
Arius
but
Eusebius
whose
Pride
and
Ambition
was
the
only
cause
of
all
this
confusion
)
this
so
alarms
Constantine
,
that
he
dispatches
away
his
great
Favourite
Osius
of
Corduba
with
his
Letters
to
Alexandria
,
if
it
were
possible
to
allay
the
heats
of
both
Parties
.
Though
Baronius
is
very
earnest
in
it
,
that
Osius
was
first
sent
by
Pope
Silvester
,
as
his
Legate
into
the
East
,
Ad
ann.
318.
N.
88.
Ad
an.
319
N.
22.
26.
to
Constantine
,
by
whom
he
was
arm'd
with
Letters
to
Alexandria
,
where
he
wrought
great
wonders
by
vertue
of
his
Legantine
Authority
.
And
in
this
the
Cardinal
is
very
vehement
,
and
often
repeats
it
with
extraordinary
assurance
,
though
there
is
not
the
least
intimation
of
it
in
all
the
ancient
Historians
,
who
make
not
any
mention
of
the
Pope
in
all
this
business
,
but
impute
the
whole
transaction
to
Constantine's
own
care
and
management
.
Now
the
Scope
of
the
Emperors
Letters
was
to
perswade
and
exhort
them
wholly
to
lay
aside
the
Controversie
as
nice
,
and
unnecessary
,
and
not
of
weight
enough
to
deserve
a
determination
.
Though
as
Sandius
tells
the
story
,
the
vain
Question
,
as
he
calls
it
.
And
as
for
the
Letter
it self
I
shrewdly
suspect
it
to
have
been
the
contrivance
of
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
,
who
was
very
intimate
with
the
Emperour
,
and
impos'd
upon
him
all
along
in
this
whole
Affair
.
I
am
sure
the
Scope
of
the
Letter
is
exactly
agreeable
with
Eusebius
his
whole
carriage
in
this
Controversie
,
which
was
not
to
have
it
determin'd
either
way
,
but
only
silenced
as
an
over
curious
speculation
.
I
know
indeed
that
he
is
on
all
hands
represented
as
a
Ring-leader
of
the
Arian
Faction
,
but
it
is
a
mistake
that
has
brought
confusion
upon
the
whole
History
,
and
made
the
Arian
Heresie
seem
of
a
much
greater
extent
then
it
ever
was
,
whereas
Eusebius
and
his
Party
were
no
less
Enemies
to
the
Arians
then
to
the
Orthodox
,
and
yet
it
was
they
that
all
along
made
the
greatest
shew
and
noise
in
the
Contest
.
And
as
for
the
Arian
Faction
it
was
wholly
supprest
by
the
Nicene
Council
,
and
all
the
Tumults
that
were
made
after
that
,
are
owing
to
the
Eusebians
,
who
were
as
forward
as
the
Orthodox
to
anathematize
the
Arians
,
but
then
they
must
have
the
Decree
of
the
Nicene
Council
reverst
,
and
what
work
they
made
about
it
we
shall
see
when
we
come
to
the
Reign
of
Constantius
,
all
whose
Persecutions
of
the
Catholicks
were
meerly
raised
by
these
mens
wise
indiscretion
,
and
had
it
not
been
for
their
unseasonable
tampering
,
prudence
,
and
moderation
,
the
Arian
Heresie
could
never
have
lift
up
its
head
more
after
the
Nicene
Council
.
But
to
return
to
Constantine
,
who
finding
the
Contest
too
hot
at
Alexandria
to
be
allayed
by
the
mediation
of
Hosius
,
and
withal
the
flame
too
far
spread
into
other
Churches
to
be
quench't
by
one
mans
industry
,
he
resolves
upon
a
General
Council
to
compose
this
and
some
other
spreading
Controversies
,
particularly
that
concerning
the
time
of
Easter
,
which
though
it
had
slept
ever
since
Pope
Victor
,
began
now
to
raise
new
heats
in
several
parts
of
Christendom
.
The
Council
being
met
at
the
time
and
place
appointed
,
he
entertains
them
with
an
Oration
exhorting
to
Peace
and
Unity
,
but
neither
prescribes
nor
commands
any
thing
,
only
desires
them
to
examine
things
impartially
,
and
by
their
Authoritative
determination
of
the
present
Controversies
,
to
settle
the
Peace
of
the
Church
forever
,
as
appears
not
only
from
the
Tenour
of
the
Speech
it self
,
and
the
Emperours
behaviour
in
the
Council
,
but
from
the
challenge
of
St.
Ad
Valent●
Ambrose
to
Valentinian
,
si
conferendum
de
fide
,
sacerdo●um
debet
esse
ista
c●ll●tio
,
sicut
factum
est
sub
Constantino
augustae
memoriae
principe
,
qui
nullas
leges
ante
praemisit
,
sed
liberum
dedit
judicium
Sacerdotibus
.
If
there
be
a
consultation
about
the
Faith
,
that
is
the
work
o●
the
Priesthood
as
it
was
managed
under
the
Emperor
Constantine
of
Glorious
Memory
,
who
prescribed
no
Laws
beforehand
,
but
allowed
freedom
of
judgment
to
the
Bishops
.
And
the
Council
being
fairly
left
to
the
free
use
of
that
Authority
,
that
thev
had
received
from
our
Saviour
,
they
proceeded
as
fairly
in
the
Exercise
of
it
.
And
in
the
first
place
,
The
Acts
of
the
Council
at
Alexandria
against
Arius
are
produced
,
and
the
interposition
of
Athanas.
Apol.
2.
Eusebius
in
his
behalf
inquired
into
,
whereby
it
appear'd
which
side
had
act●d
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Arians
are
,
after
a
fair
hearing
,
with
very
little
Debate
condemn'd
by
the
Unanimous
Vote
of
the
Council
,
though
Sandiu●
affirms
,
from
no
Authority
So●
.
l.
1.
c.
14.
Anathema
against
the
Arians
,
because
they
did
not
think
them
so
bad
as
they
were
represented
.
But
here
again
our
honest
Arian
Histori●grapher
tells
us
from
Eutychius
and
other
Oriental
Monuments
,
Sand.
l.
2.
p.
20.
i.
e.
Modern
and
Barbarous
Arabick
Pamphlets
,
that
there
were
above
2000
Bishops
present
at
the
Council
,
and
that
all
exceptingonly
31●
(
which
was
the
full
number
of
the
Council
according
to
all
the
true
Records
)
voted
for
Arius
,
but
that
Constantine
himself
over-ruled
the
whole
business
by
violence
and
force
of
Arms.
And
then
whereas
the
Emperor
to
abet
the
Decree
of
the
Council
,
commands
the
Arian
Books
to
be
burnt
,
and
especially
Arius
his
Thaleia
,
upon
pain
of
death
;
and
banish't
some
of
the
Arians
into
Illiricum
;
Soc.
l.
1.
c.
9.
And
thus
had
this
prophane
Heresie
been
for
ever
quell'd
by
the
Authority
of
this
Council
,
had
it
not
been
supported
by
the
pretended
moderation
of
the
Eusebians
,
and
their
various
carriage
in
the
Debate
is
the
most
observable
thing
in
all
the
Transactions
of
this
Council
.
The
whole
Controversie
was
reduced
to
the
word
Consubstantial
,
which
the
Eusebians
at
first
refused
to
admit
,
as
being
no
Scripture
Word
,
but
without
its
admission
nothing
else
would
satisfie
the
Council
,
and
good
reason
they
had
for
it
,
because
to
part
with
that
Word
after
the
Controversie
was
once
raised
,
would
have
been
to
give
up
the
cause
;
for
it
was
unavoidable
,
that
if
the
Son
were
not
of
the
same
Substance
with
the
Father
,
he
must
have
been
made
out
of
the
same
Common
and
Created
Substance
with
all
other
Creatures
,
and
therefore
when
the
Scriptues
give
him
a
greater
Dignity
of
Nature
then
to
any
created
Being
,
they
thereby
make
him
of
the
same
uncreated
Substance
with
the
Father
,
so
that
they
plainly
assert
his
Consubstantiality
,
though
they
use
not
the
Word
.
But
when
the
Truth
it self
was
denyed
by
the
Arian
Hereticks
,
and
the
Son
of
God
thrust
down
into
the
rank
of
created
Beings
,
and
defined
to
be
a
Creature
made
out
of
nothing
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whence
they
were
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
was
time
for
the
Church
to
stop
this
Heresie
,
by
such
a
Test
as
would
admit
of
no
Prevarication
,
which
was
effectually
done
by
this
word
,
and
as
cunning
and
shufling
as
the
Arians
were
,
they
were
never
able
to
swallow
or
chew
it
,
and
therefore
it
was
but
a
weak
part
of
the
Eusebians
to
shew
so
much
Zeal
against
the
word
,
when
they
professed
to
allow
the
thing
;
for
if
our
Saviour
were
not
a
meer
Creature
,
he
must
be
of
the
same
uncreated
substance
with
the
Father
,
because
there
is
no
middle
between
created
and
uncreated
Substance
;
so
that
whoever
denyed
his
Consubstantiality
could
not
avoid
the
Heresie
of
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
which
yet
the
Arians
themselves
professed
to
defie
,
for
if
he
were
a
meer
Creature
,
it
is
no
matter
how
soon
or
how
late
he
was
created
.
And
therefore
Eusebius
of
Caesarea
,
a
wise
and
understanding
Man
soon
discern'd
the
folly
of
this
Scruple
,
for
though
he
at
first
opposed
the
word
Consubstantial
in
the
Council
,
and
tendred
a
Creed
without
it
,
yet
upon
farther
consideration
he
easily
embraced
it
,
because
as
himself
gives
an
account
of
it
to
his
Diocess
,
it
signifies
the
same
thing
as
to
say
,
that
he
is
of
the
Father
,
which
the
Orthodox
Doctrine
teaches
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
therefore
he
declares
that
he
freely
subscribed
to
it
,
not
only
for
Peace
sake
,
but
that
he
might
not
incur
the
scandal
of
Heresie
.
And
as
for
the
Anathema's
against
Arius
,
he
says
,
that
he
readily
subscribed
them
,
because
they
were
but
a
just
Sentence
against
his
Prophane
Novelties
,
without
any
Authority
from
the
Scriptures
,
from
whence
proceed
all
the
disturbances
of
the
Church
,
seeing
therefore
no
Scripture
uses
such
expressions
,
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
it
is
by
no
means
allowable
that
such
expressions
should
be
used
or
taught
.
And
so
concludes
,
I
thought
fit
to
give
you
this
account
,
that
you
might
understand
with
what
judgment
I
first
doubted
,
and
then
consented
;
for
though
I
was
at
first
offended
at
some
words
,
yet
when
I
had
impartially
weighed
their
true
meaning
,
I
found
that
they
agreed
exactly
with
those
expressions
that
I
used
in
my
own
Confession
of
Faith
.
This
is
a
rational
and
consistent
account
of
his
whole
behaviour
;
for
when
he
had
once
said
in
his
Creed
,
That
the
Son
was
God
of
God
,
't
is
the
same
thing
,
as
if
he
had
said
,
that
he
was
of
the
same
Substance
with
the
Father
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
this
fair
and
ingenuous
Confession
of
Eusebius
,
and
his
more
full
Declaration
of
his
real
sense
and
meaning
in
his
Books
against
Marcellus
,
with
what
an
unanimous
Vote
,
both
of
Ancients
and
Moderns
,
is
he
condemned
as
a
Ring-leader
of
the
Arian
Heresie
,
as
St.
Jerom
rashly
stiles
him
?
But
he
can
spare
no
Man
a
good
word
,
that
had
any
kindness
for
Origen
,
and
that
was
the
ground
of
his
displeasure
against
Eusebius
;
I
confess
that
he
never
could
heartily
like
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
it
being
a
new
word
,
and
not
found
in
Scripture
,
it
gave
the
Arians
advantage
of
exception
against
the
old
Truth
,
yet
he
always
declared
as
expresly
against
the
Arian
Assertions
,
as
Athanasius
himself
.
But
of
all
Writers
those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
are
most
implacable
to
his
Memory
,
for
what
reason
I
cannot
imagine
,
unless
it
be
that
his
plain
account
of
the
true
State
and
Polity
of
the
Primitive
Church
is
so
irreconcileable
with
the
present
Grandeur
and
Power
of
their
Church
.
As
for
the
unkind
usage
he
has
met
with
from
Baronius
,
Bellarmine
,
Binius
,
and
such
like
Writers
,
it
is
not
to
be
wondred
at
,
because
they
treat
all
other
Authors
and
Records
after
the
same
Rate
,
that
do
not
suit
their
turn
,
so
that
they
are
more
offended
with
him
as
an
Historian
,
then
as
an
Heretick
,
and
Baronius
cannot
forbear
blabbing
out
the
true
ground
of
his
displeasure
against
him
,
in
that
he
too
much
betrayed
that
he
bore
no
good
Will
to
the
See
Apostolick
.
But
as
for
Petavius
,
a
Man
of
a
more
free
and
impartial
enquiry
,
who
does
not
make
it
his
business
,
as
they
do
,
to
force
the
Ancient
Records
of
the
Church
to
comply
with
its
present
State
,
but
takes
things
as
he
finds
them
;
for
him
,
I
say
,
to
handle
this
great
Man
more
roughly
then
the
Italian
Parasites
,
looks
like
an
unkindness
without
Provocation
.
He
has
De
Trinitate
lib.
1.
c.
11
,
12.
taken
great
pains
to
prove
this
by
divers
looser
Passages
out
of
his
Books
written
before
the
Nicene
Council
,
which
is
by
no
means
ingenuous
,
because
himself
has
confessed
,
That
he
was
not
aware
of
the
ill
consequences
of
his
own
Notions
,
till
the
Debates
of
the
Council
discovered
them
to
him
,
and
as
for
the
Passages
that
he
has
raked
together
out
of
the
Books
against
Marcellus
,
I
cannot
find
that
any
of
them
reach
his
purpose
,
and
if
any
look
towards
Arianism
,
they
are
at
worst
but
unwary
expressions
,
when
the
whole
design
of
those
Books
is
levell'd
against
the
Heresie
;
and
it
is
very
hard
when
he
has
there
so
often
declared
against
the
great
Arian
Assertions
,
especially
of
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
the
Sum
of
all
that
Heresie
,
that
he
should
be
charged
not
only
for
an
Heretick
,
but
a
Prevaricator
.
Though
the
hardest
piece
of
disingenuity
is
his
turning
Eusebius
his
ingenuous
confession
into
guile
and
falshood
,
but
with
what
justice
or
candor
I
dare
leave
the
Reader
to
judge
from
the
words
themselves
,
as
I
have
o●ted
them
above
,
that
give
,
as
far
as
I
can
discern
,
as
prudent
and
rational
account
of
the
true
State
of
the
Controversie
,
as
any
that
we
have
upon
Record
.
But
Petavius
has
met
with
his
own
Measure
,
for
after
all
the
pains
that
he
has
taken
against
the
Arian
Heresie
,
he
stands
vehemently
suspected
of
Treachery
to
his
own
Undertaking
.
Sandius
is
very
proud
of
his
company
,
and
lays
no
small
stress
upon
the
assistance
of
his
Authority
.
And
though
this
Rhapsodist
,
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
1.
p.
217
,
218.
&
l.
2.
p.
19.
He
braggs
that
Petavius
in
l.
1.
c.
6.
§.
5.
calls
all
the
Fathers
of
this
Councii
dunces
and
fools
,
tho
there
is
no
such
thing
in
the
place
quoted
.
whoever
he
was
,
was
apparently
a
thing
of
no
judgment
,
yet
others
that
want
not
understanding
complain
,
That
he
has
done
the
Doctrine
of
the
Trinity
no
great
kindness
by
his
defence
of
it
,
but
has
betrayed
the
constant
Tradition
of
the
Church
about
it
;
and
it
is
what
I
have
often
heard
objected
by
some
that
would
be
learned
Men
in
common
Discourse
,
though
upon
what
ground
I
cannot
devise
,
unless
it
be
that
some
Men
pass
their
censures
upon
Books
only
by
skimming
over
Indexes
and
Contents
of
Chapters
,
instead
of
perusing
the
Books
themselves
;
for
I
am
sure
no
Man
that
has
Examin'd
Petavius
his
performance
upon
this
Argument
,
can
ever
suspect
him
of
a
design
to
betray
his
cause
,
that
he
has
defended
with
so
much
Judgment
,
Learning
,
and
Industry
;
but
so
it
is
,
that
some
Body
turning
over
the
heads
of
the
Chapters
,
finds
a
Catalogue
of
Fathers
before
the
Council
of
N●ce
,
that
held
different
Opinions
from
the
Catholique
Rule
,
Saltem
loquendi
usu
(
as
he
speaks
,
)
from
thence
it
is
shrewdly
insinuated
that
he
leaves
them
under
suspition
of
Arianism
,
which
is
so
far
from
being
true
,
that
he
had
before-hand
cleared
them
from
all
such
suspition
as
to
the
substance
of
the
Doctrine
,
and
proved
the
constant
Tradition
of
it
through
all
Ages
of
the
Church
from
the
Apostles
.
And
sums
up
his
Evidence
of
the
whole
matter
in
this
one
positive
Assertion
.
Omnes
in
eo
Scriptores
illi
Praefa●
.
c.
6.
conveniunt
;
esse
unum
Deum
,
unamque
Deitatem
:
non
autem
plures
Deos
aut
Deitates
.
Deinde
tres
esse
,
qui
Divinitatem
illam
habent
;
quique
singula
quâ
nomen
ipsum
obtinent
Dei
,
quâ
proprietates
,
&
ut
Groeci
Philo●ophi
nominant
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
quae
nulli
alteri
,
quàm
soli
ac
verè
proprieque
dicto
Deo
tribuuntur
.
Sic
in
eo
rurfus
congruunt
,
ut
unum
de
tribus
fontem
,
&
originem
caeterorum
constituant
;
eumque
patrem
nuncupent
illius
,
qui
proximè
ab
hoc
numeratur
,
appellaturque
filius
,
qui
&
genitus
ab
illo
dicitur
;
ac
tum
Deus
est
,
tum
homo
pro
Nativitate
duplici
:
quarum
una
seculis
est
anterior
omnibus
ab
solo
patre
Deo
:
Altera
in
tempore
,
sola
itidem
ex
Matre
foeminâ
.
Haec
fere
de
Deo
ac
Trinitate
profiteri
sigillatim
illos
reperies
:
idque
alios
aliis
clarius
ac
disertius
eloqui
.
Quae
si
sola
considerentur
,
ex
iis
reliqua
deinceps
necessariò
sequuntur
,
quae
de
hoc
mysterio
post
Nicaenam
Synodum
in
Ecclesia
sancita
sunt
,
post
vehementes
ac
diuturnos
conflictus
:
&
ad
convincendos
ac
refutandos
Arianos
aliosque
religionis
hostes
idonea
sunt
ex
sese
.
Now
if
all
the
Fathers
agreed
(
as
he
says
they
did
)
in
this
Confession
of
Faith
,
it
is
impossible
to
charge
them
with
the
least
suspition
of
Arianism
,
only
because
some
of
them
Platonised
too
much
in
some
Forms
of
Expression
;
and
when
he
says
(
as
he
does
once
)
that
they
were
of
the
same
Opinion
with
Arius
,
it
is
when
he
makes
Arius
not
of
the
same
Opinion
with
himself
,
and
thinks
him
a
Genuine
Platonist
,
but
if
he
were
,
that
was
not
his
proper
Heresie
,
the
peculiar
poison
whereof
consisted
in
this
,
That
the
Son
of
God
was
created
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
which
,
as
Sozomen
declares
,
and
Petavius
Soz.
l.
1.
c.
17.
De
Trinitate
l.
1.
c.
8.
§.
2.
too
,
no
Man
ever
affirm'd
before
Arius
,
so
that
if
he
were
a
Platonist
,
he
might
be
in
another
Error
,
but
that
was
not
Arianism
;
and
if
any
of
the
Ancients
might
seem
to
come
too
near
him
in
some
Platonick
Expressions
,
yet
they
are
all
clear
by
Petavius
his
account
from
all
suspition
of
Arianism
.
This
I
thought
good
to
interpose
in
behalf
of
Petavius
,
that
so
learned
a
Man
might
not
be
loaded
with
such
a
disingenuous
surmise
,
for
no
other
reason
that
I
can
see
,
then
that
he
has
deserved
better
of
his
Argument
then
any
other
Writer
whatsoever
,
excepting
only
the
great
Athanasius
himself
.
But
to
return
to
Constantine
,
and
the
Nicene
Council
,
after
the
Condemnation
of
Arius
,
the
other
Controversie
concerning
the
time
of
Easter
was
easily
decided
the
very
same
day
,
and
all
Churches
are
commanded
to
observe
the
Festival
in
the
same
form
and
time
.
And
here
the
difference
that
St.
Athanasius
De
Synod
.
pag.
873.
has
observed
between
these
two
Decrees
of
the
Council
is
very
observable
,
That
when
they
Enact
concerning
the
Paschal
Controversie
,
they
say
it
seems
good
to
the
Council
,
&c.
And
set
down
the
day
of
the
Month
,
and
the
year
of
the
Council
in
which
it
was
Enacted
,
thereby
intimating
that
the
way
of
observing
Easter
,
became
Obligatory
by
the
Authority
of
their
Decree
.
But
when
they
set
down
their
Faith
,
they
neither
say
it
seems
good
,
nor
add
any
date
,
but
express
it
in
this
Form
,
that
so
and
so
the
Catholique
Church
believes
,
thereby
declaring
,
That
it
is
not
a
New
but
an
Apostolical
Faith
,
and
therefore
to
be
received
by
all
Christians
.
And
this
is
seconded
by
a
Rescript
from
the
Emperor
,
and
recommended
partly
as
a
thing
fit
and
decent
,
that
the
practice
of
almost
the
whole
Catholique
Church
should
over
rule
the
Customs
of
particular
Churches
,
and
in
pursuance
of
this
general
Decree
,
it
was
farther
Enacted
,
That
on
all
Sundays
in
the
year
,
and
on
all
days
from
Easter
to
Whitsontide
,
Christians
should
every where
pray
not
kneeling
but
standing
,
a
Custom
that
had
been
practised
in
the
Church
from
the
Beginning
(
and
't
is
reckoned
by
the
Fathers
among
their
immemorial
Traditions
)
as
a
Symbol
of
our
Saviour's
Resurrect●on
at
that
time
,
which
being
not
observed
by
those
Churches
who
kept
Easter
after
the
manner
of
the
Jews
,
thereby
to
distinguish
themselves
from
other
Christians
,
the
Custom
therefore
of
standing
is
here
injoin'd
to
be
observed
uniformly
in
all
places
,
and
so
the
Council
expresses
the
intent
of
their
Decree
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
all
things
may
be
performed
with
Uniformity
in
all
D●ocesses
.
But
the
main
thing
that
the
Emperour
enforces
its
Practice
with
,
is
the
Divine
Authority
of
the
Councils
determination
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Socrat.
●●
1.
c.
9.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Wherefore
matters
standing
thus
,
it
is
requisite
that
you
readily
receive
this
Order
as
a
true
divine
Command
,
for
whatever
is
agreed
on
in
the
Holy
Councils
of
Bishops
,
is
to
be
taken
as
the
Will
of
God
.
But
then
it
is
remarkable
that
the
Emperour
only
imposes
this
Decree
of
the
Council
by
its
own
Authority
,
and
does
not
back
it
,
as
he
does
that
against
Arianism
,
with
secular
Penalties
,
for
what
reasons
himself
best
knew
▪
it
is
enough
that
it
was
not
needful
,
for
by
the
bare
Authority
of
the
Council
the
controversie
was
laid
asleep
forever
,
nor
do
I
remember
that
after
that
time
we
hear
of
any
material
Contention
about
it
.
Now
by
the
whole
management
of
this
business
the
Conclusion
is
evident
that
the
Emperour
thought
that
Laws
Ecclesiastick
ought
to
be
made
by
the
Ecclesiastick
State
,
and
when
they
were
so
,
that
they
were
Valid
and
Obligatory
by
their
own
Authority
,
though
himself
had
power
to
enfor●e
them
with
Civil
Snactions
,
as
he
judged
it
serviceable
to
the
advancement
of
Religion
and
the
Peace
of
Government
.
§.
VIII
.
And
so
the
Great
Council
was
dismist
as
well
as
summon'd
by
the
Emperour
with
that
success
he
desired
,
in
the
unanimous
Condemnation
of
the
Arian
Heresie
,
insomuch
that
in
that
great
number
of
Bishops
,
that
were
there
present
,
there
were
no
more
then
two
that
refused
to
subscribe
the
Decrees
of
the
Council
,
Secundus
and
Theonas
,
as
Eusebius
himself
informs
us
both
in
the
life
of
Constantine
,
and
in
his
Epistle
to
Nicomedia
,
Theognis
of
Nicaea
,
Maris
of
Calcedon
,
and
Eusebius
of
Caesare●
;
but
though
it
be
true
that
these
were
the
great
Sticklers
at
first
against
the
admission
of
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
into
the
Faith
,
yet
is
it
certain
from
Eusebius
his
own
account
of
it
,
that
they
all
at
last
acquiesced
in
the
determination
of
the
Council
,
and
Athanasius
is
witness
of
D●
D●cret
.
●●●●
Syn.
l.
1.
c.
8.
this
not
only
for
this
Eusebius
of
Caesarea
,
but
his
Namesake
of
Nicomedia
.
And
here
even
Philostorgius
himself
who
is
miserably
lost
th●●●●
this
whole
Story
,
and
every
where
betrays
his
ignorance
by
his
confusion
of
times
,
places
,
and
persons
,
as
well
as
his
imperfect
and
false
Relations
,
yet
here
I
say
he
happens
to
report
the
matter
accurately
enough
,
though
his
Disciple
Sandius
(
who
always
takes
great
pains
to
be
in
the
wrong
)
forsakes
both
him
and
all
the
ancient
Historians
to
follow
the
imperfect
Story
of
Nicet●s
;
who
sets
down
twenty
two
Dissenters
,
and
among
them
Eusebius
of
Caesarea
.
But
on
the
other
hand
St.
Jerom
Porphyrians
i.
e.
Enemies
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
that
his
Books
should
be
burnt
upon
pain
of
death
.
But
beside
that
,
is
there
had
been
any
signs
of
Repentance
in
Arius
,
we
should
certainly
have
had
an
account
of
it
in
the
Synodical
Epistle
of
the
Council
to
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
whereas
on
the
contrary
they
bemoan
the
Calamity
into
which
he
had
not
only
cast
himself
,
but
drawn
after
him
Theonas
and
Secundus
(
two
Egyptian
Bishops
,
and
t●e
only
two
Bishops
that
stuck
to
the
Arian
cause
)
into
the
same
Pit
of
Destruction
.
And
that
could
be
nothing
else
but
banishment
,
as
appears
from
the
words
immediately
following
,
in
which
they
congratulate
to
the
Churches
of
Egypt
,
their
deliverance
from
those
wicked
and
turbulent
men
,
and
accordingly
the
Historians
Socrates
and
Sozomen
tell
us
,
that
Arius
was
recall'd
from
banishment
not
long
after
the
Council
,
and
not
long
after
him
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
,
and
Theognis
of
Nicaea
,
who
had
been
banisht
from
their
Sees
by
the
Emperous
,
not
at
the
time
of
the
Council
with
Arius
,
but
some
time
after
,
as
is
evident
from
the
Emperours
own
Epistle
to
the
Nicomedians
,
in
which
he
declares
the
reasons
of
their
banishment
,
viz.
That
though
they
had
subscribed
the
Nicene
Faith
,
yet
after
their
return
home
they
had
received
some
Arians
into
Communion
,
that
the
Emperour
had
removed
from
Alexandria
for
the
security
of
the
Peace
of
that
Church
,
and
that
wasthefault
of
the
Eusebians
in
this
whole
affair
,
that
though
they
were
not
Arians
,
they
thought
that
they
might
communicate
with
them
,
as
it
is
evident
from
the
Synodof
Alexandria
in
their
excellent
Synodical
Epistle
,
who
A●●●as
.
Apol.
2.
p.
738.
do
not
in
the
least
accuse
the
Eusebians
of
Arianism
,
but
only
of
holding
Communion
with
them
.
Not
long
after
the
just
Banishment
of
these
two
trimming
Bishops
,
Arius
is
upon
his
submission
restored
into
the
bosom
of
the
Church
,
but
with
a
peremptory
command
never
to
return
to
Alexandria
,
upon
which
the
banish't
Bishops
are
awakened
and
encou●aged
to
endeavour
their
own
Restitution
,
Soc.
l
1.
c.
14.
Soz.
l.
2.
c.
16.
Theod.
l.
●
.
c.
19.
20.
in
that
(
as
they
plead
in
their
own
behalf
)
when
the
person
really
guilty
was
absolved
,
themselves
who
had
never
followed
his
Heresie
,
but
embraced
the
Decrees
of
the
Council
in
all
things
and
subscribed
the
Faith
of
Con-Substantial
,
could
not
but
be
concern'd
at
least
to
de●●ver
themselves
from
the
very
suspicion
of
that
Here●●e
that
they
never
own'd
,
and
therefore
as
they
had
before
subscribed
the
●●●th
of
the
Council
,
with
which
they
●●y
the
Council
was
then
well
satisfied
without
subscribing
the
Anathema
,
so
now
when
they
were
ready
to
give
an
entire
assent
and
subscribe
even
that
too
as
well
as
the
Form
of
Faith
,
they
hope
't
it
would
not
only
give
them
complete
satisfaction
,
but
move
them
to
intercede
with
the
Emperour
for
their
Restitution
.
And
that
was
easily
obtain'd
from
him
,
who
was
desirous
of
nothing
more
then
the
Peace
and
Concord
of
the
Church
.
But
Eusebius
being
of
an
haughty
and
implacable
Spirit
,
Studies
nothing
but
revenge
against
Athanasius
,
who
was
the
chief
man
,
though
in
an
inferiour
station
,
that
had
born
down
himself
and
his
whole
Party
in
the
Council
.
And
beside
his
particular
spite
against
the
person
of
Athanasius
,
his
Party
could
not
digest
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
Socrates
relates
,
and
therefore
raised
a
new
War
about
it
,
notwithstanding
l.
1.
23.
that
they
agreed
with
the
Catholicks
about
the
whole
Doctrine
of
the
Trinity
;
When
both
affirmed
(
says
he
)
one
Godhead
subsisting
in
Three
Persons
,
yet
I
know
not
how
it
came
to
pass
they
were
always
contending
about
it
.
And
this
we
shall
find
exactly
true
that
after
the
Council
of
Nice
they
never
in
the
least
appeared
in
behalf
of
the
Arian
Doctrine
,
but
their
whole
fury
was
bent
against
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
Athanasius
,
And
knowing
the
invincible
courage
of
the
Man
,
they
first
set
upon
him
with
Calumnies
and
Accusations
,
not
doubting
but
that
if
they
could
by
any
means
remove
him
and
some
few
of
his
Friends
out
of
the
way
,
that
they
might
easily
overcome
the
Word
.
But
this
they
durst
not
attempt
during
the
Reign
of
Constantine
,
who
would
never
endure
to
hear
of
any
the
least
change
of
the
Nicene
Faith
,
To
be
men
void
of
faith
,
Schismaticks
and
Enemies
to
Apol.
p.
731.
the
Church
,
neither
was
this
their
first
practice
in
this
.
Trade
,
but
they
were
old
and
experienced
Plot-makers
,
they
had
conspired
against
their
Holy
Bishop
Peter
the
Martyr
,
and
after
him
they
Accused
his
Successor
Achillas
,
and
then
Alexander
,
whom
they
prosecuted
even
into
the
Emperour's
Courts
,
and
being
thus
versed
and
practised
in
Contriving
Plots
,
they
now
hook
in
Athanasius
,
doing
nothing
strange
to
their
old
wickedness
,
and
though
their
Calumnies
against
their
former
Bishops
proved
ineffectual
,
yet
now
at
last
they
had
their
end
by
the
assistance
of
the
Eusebians
.
With
whom
these
Good
Men
(
as
Mr.
Baxter
very
prudently
and
feasonably
for
the
Credit
of
his
Party
observes
)
joyn'd
Interest
,
notwithanding
that
they
knew
them
to
be
Arians
,
just
as
if
the
Nonconformists
at
this
time
should
seek
by
the
favour
of
the
Papists
to
be
delivered
from
the
silencing
and
destroying
Prelates
upon
condition
of
Common
Liberty
,
the
cases
are
not
much
unlike
.
You
may
safely
take
his
word
for
it
,
and
for
the
reality
of
the
matter
of
Fact
too
,
and
it
is
one
of
the
fairest
Confessions
of
Presbyterian
Integrity
that
I
have
met
with
,
though
it
is
not
the
only
Knavish
Plot
against
the
Church
of
England
,
that
Mr.
B's
indiscretion
has
betrayed
,
as
will
appear
in
its
due
place
little
to
the
reputation
of
some
mens
honesty
,
who
have
been
very
busie
without
any
Authority
from
their
Superiours
to
Trim
and
Plot
away
every
thing
of
the
Church
of
England
but
its
Revenues
.
But
the
Plot
,
being
laid
against
Athanasius
,
they
first
tell
a
blind
Story
of
a
kind
of
Nags-Head
Ordination
,
that
he
was
privately
ordein'd
by
no
more
then
six
or
seven
Bishops
against
the
Vote
of
the
Provincial
Synod
and
the
Suffrage
of
the
People
.
But
And
yet
Philostorgius
has
been
so
dull
as
to
record
this
Story
for
an
undoubted
truth
,
notwithstanding
those
many
clear
Testimonies
of
its
falshood
still
extant
,
particularly
the
Synodical
Epistle
of
the
AEgyptian
Bishops
,
written
on
purpose
for
its
confutation
,
l.
3.
c.
11.
this
was
right
Mareotick
dulness
,
and
was
soon
contradicted
by
all
the
Bishops
of
Egypt
and
all
the
Inhabitants
of
Alexandria
,
who
were
so
far
from
opposing
his
Election
,
that
they
had
almost
run
themselves
into
Tumults
to
hasten
his
Consecreation
.
Then
Stories
are
told
of
his
Arbitrary
exactions
of
Money
from
the
People
,
but
Macarius
one
of
his
Presbyters
happening
to
be
present
at
the
Tale
,
informs
the
Emperor
that
it
was
nothing
but
an
usual
Collection
to
repair
and
adorn
the
Church
.
Upon
this
Macarius
is
not
long
after
Accused
of
Conspiring
with
Athanasius
to
send
Money
to
Philumenus
,
that
was
to
murther
the
Emperor
,
but
they
both
appear
at
Constantinople
,
and
so
satisfie
him
of
their
Innocence
,
and
the
absurdity
of
the
Accusation
,
in
that
they
had
never
known
nor
seen
the
Man
(
for
in
former
times
Men
that
were
Strangers
to
each
other
were
not
wont
to
enter
into
such
Plots
,
that
if
discover'd
must
certainly
cost
them
their
lives
)
and
therefore
the
Emperour
being
assured
that
they
were
no
familiar
acquaintance
with
the
Traytor
,
does
not
only
acquit
them
but
sends
them
home
with
commendatory
Letters
.
But
these
defeats
instead
of
abating
the
impudence
of
the
Eusebians
,
do
but
more
exasperate
their
rage
,
and
therefore
they
now
resolve
to
stab
home
,
Eusebius
having
gotten
a
new
Evidence
fit
for
the
purpose
,
one
Ischiras
a
debauch't
pretended
Priest
,
that
had
fo●ged
his
Holy
Orders
,
whom
Athanasius
in
his
l●st
Visitation
had
deposed
,
and
forced
to
fly
the
Country
;
he
repairs
to
Eusebius
,
and
offers
him
his
Service
as
an
Evidence
,
he
receives
him
as
a
true
Presbyter
into
his
protection
,
and
gives
him
the
promise
of
a
Bishoprick
,
if
he
will
swear
home
against
Athanasius
,
he
immediately
Swears
that
Athanasius
had
Assaulted
his
Church
(
though
he
never
had
any
)
in
an
Hostile
manner
,
and
that
either
himself
or
his
Presbyter
M●cari●●
(
for
he
would
not
be
positive
as
to
Persons
)
had
in
their
rage
overturn'd
the
Communion
Table
,
broke
in
pieces
the
mystical
Cup
,
(
so
they
call'd
it
to
make
it
appear
more
terrible
)
and
burnt
the
Bibles
.
But
all
this
would
proceed
no
farther
then
Deposition
,
and
therefore
he
adds
,
that
Athanasius
had
with
his
own
hands
murthered
Arsenius
a
Bishop
,
and
shews
a
Man's
hand
,
that
was
cut
off
by
Athanasius
,
when
the
Fact
was
done
,
and
Arsenius
himself
being
of
the
Confederacy
was
to
abscond
by
consent
,
till
Athanasius
was
dispatched
out
of
the
way
.
But
so
it
happened
very
unfortunately
,
that
Ischyras
his
Conscience
(
it
seems
Perjury
in
that
Age
was
not
grown
to
its
full
assurance
)
misgave
him
,
so
that
he
confessed
the
forgery
of
the
whole
Plot
in
a
Letter
to
Athanasius
himself
,
subscribed
in
the
presence
of
a
great
number
of
Clergy
;
but
the
Caufe
had
been
referred
by
the
Emperor
to
Dalmatius
the
Governor
of
Egypt
;
and
before
the
Tryal
Athanasius
had
the
good
luck
to
find
out
the
murthered
Arsenius
,
and
had
him
forth-coming
at
the
Tryal
;
and
though
at
first
he
pleaded
ignorance
of
himself
,
and
denyed
himself
to
be
the
Man
,
and
would
have
sworn
himself
out
of
himself
,
yet
being
Convicted
by
a
cloud
of
Witnesses
,
he
confessed
the
Conspiracy
,
and
upon
the
shame
of
so
clear
a
Conviction
(
for
modesty
had
not
then
quite
left
the
Earth
)
both
he
and
John
a
Ring-leading
Bishop
among
the
Miletians
confess
all
the
Villany
,
beg
Athanasius
his
Pardon
,
and
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
This
the
good
Man
could
not
but
think
enough
to
secure
his
Innocence
against
the
like
attempts
forever
,
and
therefore
with
all
hast
he
dispatches
away
his
faithful
Presbyter
Macarius
to
acquaint
the
Emperor
with
all
that
had
passed
,
and
upon
the
information
Constantine
breaks
up
the
Court
,
clears
Athanasius
,
and
by
his
Letters
to
Alexandria
declares
the
Villainy
of
the
Meletians
.
And
here
the
Plot
slept
for
near
two
years
before
Eusebius
durst
revive
it
,
but
having
with
great
pains
and
promises
recover'd
his
Evidence
,
he
and
his
Party
insinuate
to
the
Emperor
,
That
Athanasius
had
taken
off
Bishop
John
by
great
sums
of
Money
,
and
had
so
threatned
the
poor
Meletian
Nonconformists
(
for
so
Mr.
B.
calls
these
plotting
Schismaticks
)
that
they
durst
not
appear
to
give
in
their
Evidence
against
him
;
That
the
shew
of
Arsenius
was
all
a
rank
cheat
,
and
that
the
Person
that
appeared
in
his
stead
was
hired
by
Athanasius
,
and
attested
only
by
a
few
of
his
own
Combination
.
The
Emperor
is
both
tired
and
amused
with
all
this
intrigue
,
and
therefore
summons
a
Council
at
Tyre
to
find
out
the
bottom
of
these
Plots
,
and
unravel
the
whole
Information
on
both
sides
.
Where
Athanasius
accompanied
with
the
Bishops
of
his
Province
,
appears
with
that
boldness
and
security
that
became
his
Innocence
;
for
though
flying
Stories
may
gain
credit
among
the
multitude
,
whilst
they
are
no
more
then
Stories
,
yet
when
they
are
brought
to
a
publick
Examination
before
Judges
,
though
themselves
be
Parties
,
they
so
visibly
●●●●
their
own
folly
,
that
few
Men
have
confidence
enough
to
protect
and
support
their
falshood
.
And
so
it
happened
here
,
for
Dionysius
,
who
was
appointed
President
to
see
that
all
things
were
fairly
carried
,
was
himself
of
the
Eusebian
Faction
,
and
the
Bishops
that
sat
were
of
Dionysius
and
Eusebius
his
own
packing
,
and
yet
for
all
that
the
Plot
was
lost
in
the
management
,
and
came
to
nothing
;
and
indeed
so
defective
and
unfortunate
was
it
in
its
Evidence
,
that
no
disingenuity
in
the
Judges
could
piece
it
up
.
The
Counterfeit
Priest
Ischiras
is
re-produced
,
and
in
hopes
of
his
Bishoprick
,
swears
all
over
again
that
he
had
before
forsworn
,
but
it
seems
though
he
stood
not
Convicted
of
Perjury
,
the
Court
was
ashamed
of
his
Evidence
,
for
by
the
Imperial
Law
a
Man
that
swore
manifest
Contradictions
was
supposed
to
have
sworn
himself
a
perjured
Person
without
the
formality
of
any
other
Conviction
.
But
after
this
they
bring
upon
the
Stage
such
a
Plot
,
that
if
Athanasius
had
not
broken
through
it
by
a
very
lucky
Counter-Comedy
,
must
have
ensnared
him
beyond
all
relief
.
On
the
sudden
comes
in
a
beautiful
Woman
,
a
common
Strumpet
,
that
had
wit
and
impudence
enough
to
act
her
part
,
and
she
with
abundance
of
Tears
,
and
all
the
Solemnities
of
Grief
declares
,
That
when
she
had
devoted
her self
to
Virginity
,
she
was
ravisht
by
Athanasius
.
And
now
here
you
may
think
that
the
Eusebians
were
confident
they
had
him
fast
enough
,
but
they
were
strangely
out-witted
,
for
Athanasius
stands
careless
,
and
like
a
Person
unconcern'd
,
and
Timotheus
one
of
his
Presbyters
that
stood
next
to
him
,
immediately
takes
the
Accusation
upon
himself
,
and
with
great
seriousness
and
passion
Expostulates
with
the
Woman
,
where
and
when
he
had
ever
been
in
her
Company
,
at
which
she
directing
her
discourse
to
him
,
and
pointing
directly
at
him
,
answers
,
Yes
Sir
it
was
you
,
you
I
say
,
that
offer'd
me
this
dishonourable
violence
and
rudeness
,
with
other
foul
form●
of
Speech
,
that
are
usual
with
such
Persons
in
like
cases
.
And
yet
though
this
dash't
the
Court
somewhat
out
of
countenance
,
and
Athanasius
requested
that
the
Woman
might
be
secured
for
farther
Examination
,
yet
was
●he
dismissed
so
as
never
to
be
found
more
;
and
he
is
told
that
there
are
much
blacker
Crimes
still
behind
,
of
which
he
should
be
convinced
,
not
by
his
Ears
but
his
Eyes
,
and
so
out
comes
the
hand
of
Arsenius
,
for
they
now
supposed
themselves
secure
of
him
;
being
fled
for
fear
of
his
life
(
for
the
Eusebians
had
threatned
,
that
if
ever
they
could
reach
him
,
they
would
make
him
pay
dear
for
his
discovery
.
)
But
such
was
the
diligence
,
and
so
great
the
Correspondence
of
Athanasius
,
that
he
still
had
him
in
his
Pocket
,
brings
him
into
Court
,
demands
whether
they
knew
the
Man
,
and
he
being
own'd
to
be
the
same
,
both
by
the
Judges
and
the
Evidence
,
he
turns
back
first
one
side
of
his
Cloak
and
shews
one
hand
,
but
they
cry
that
it
was
the
other
hand
that
was
Soc.
l.
1.
c.
29.
cut
off
,
and
to
give
them
encouragement
he
keeps
them
in
some
suspence
;
but
after
a
while
,
when
they
began
to
be
confident
,
he
turns
back
the
other
side
and
brings
out
the
other
hand
,
saying
,
You
see
that
Arsenius
has
his
two
hands
,
and
that
is
as
many
as
God
made
him
,
but
from
whence
the
third
hand
was
cut
off
,
I
hope
the
Evidence
will
prove
;
and
yet
for
all
this
his
Enemies
,
though
(
as
Theodoret
observes
)
they
ought
for
meer
shame
to
have
wished
the
Earth
to
swallow
them
up
quick
,
finding
themselves
so
wofully
defeated
,
they
send
some
of
the
rankest
Members
of
the
Committee
of
Secrecy
to
Mareotis
for
new
Evidence
;
and
in
the
mean
while
continue
their
Sessions
Soc.
l.
2.
c.
25.
from
time
to
time
,
where
all
things
are
carried
with
Tumult
and
Confusion
,
the
Evidence
which
were
numerous
,
and
the
Rabble
crying
out
and
raving
for
his
blood
,
the
Emperours
Officers
that
were
sent
thither
to
secure
the
Peace
,
fearing
lest
(
as
is
usual
in
Seditions
)
the
Rabble
should
take
head
,
and
tear
him
in
pieces
before
their
faces
,
conveigh
him
out
of
the
Council
;
and
he
being
tired
with
all
these
foul
dealings
,
and
finding
that
they
were
resolved
upon
his
ruine
,
conveighs
himself
from
Tyre
,
and
repairs
to
the
Emperor
at
Constantinople
,
to
complain
of
his
hard
usage
,
and
implore
his
protection
against
all
that
inhumanity
that
he
had
suffered
in
the
Council
;
but
the
Emperor
was
so
prejudiced
that
he
would
neither
see
nor
hear
him
,
and
withal
so
guarded
by
the
Eusebians
that
Athanasius
could
get
no
admittance
into
his
presence
,
and
is
forced
to
accost
him
in
the
Streets
,
but
the
Emperor
regards
him
not
,
scarce
gives
him
any
hearing
but
no
answer
;
in
the
mean
time
the
Committee
return
from
Ma●eotis
with
Cloak-bags
full
of
fresh
Evidence
,
not
to
be
Communicated
any
farther
then
the
Committee
of
Secresie
,
and
though
all
Accusations
,
whatever
they
were
,
were
abundantly
controuled
,
and
over-power'd
by
several
unexceptionable
Certificates
from
the
place
,
in
behalf
of
Athanasius
,
and
though
even
Dionysius
himself
was
at
length
ashamed
of
the
whole
business
,
as
he
intimates
in
his
Letter
to
the
Eusebians
,
perhaps
frighted
to
it
by
the
bold
conclusion
of
In
Concil.
Max.
Tom.
2.
p.
455.
a
Letter
from
the
Clergy
of
the
Diocess
of
Alexandria
,
wherein
they
tell
the
Council
,
That
they
had
sent
Copies
of
it
to
the
Emperor
himself
,
that
so
they
might
not
suppress
it
,
as
by
all
their
unworthy
and
unjust
actings
they
had
too
much
reason
to
suspect
they
would
,
but
yet
for
all
this
,
the
Committee
pretending
that
they
were
satisfied
of
the
whole
matter
,
Athanasius
is
in
his
absence
Deposed
and
Excommunicated
,
the
Meletians
Absolved
,
and
Ischiras
made
Bishop
of
his
own
Village
,
and
a
Church
built
on
purpose
in
it
for
his
Cathedral
;
and
to
compleat
the
Extravagance
of
the
Scene
,
Arsenius
himself
was
taken
into
the
Council
;
and
the
Soc.
l.
1.
●
.
32.
Man
that
was
slain
by
Athanasius
,
voted
his
Deposition
,
and
subscribed
it
with
the
very
hand
that
was
cut
off
.
§.
IX
.
But
Constantine
considering
with
himself
the
modesty
and
reasonableness
of
Athanasius
his
request
,
only
that
he
would
be
pleased
to
hear
him
before
the
Judges
that
had
condemned
him
,
it
at
length
put
him
into
some
choller
,
and
so
confident
an
Appeal
made
him
suspect
some
foul
dealing
,
and
therefore
he
Summons
them
in
high
terms
,
immediately
to
appear
before
himself
,
to
give
an
account
of
their
proceedings
.
But
they
being
conscious
to
themselves
of
the
foulness
of
their
actions
,
send
only
a
few
of
the
Court-Bishops
,
who
craftily
wave
all
their
old
and
bafled
Accusations
at
Tyre
,
amuse
and
surprise
the
Emperor
with
a
new
Story
,
That
Athanasius
should
threaten
to
stop
the
Victualling
Ships
from
Alexandria
,
and
boast
that
it
was
in
his
power
to
starve
the
City
of
Constantinople
:
This
was
a
very
tender
point
with
the
Emperor
,
that
touch't
his
own
darling
City
,
and
this
they
very
well
knew
,
he
having
not
long
before
put
Apol.
p.
805.
took
fire
,
he
immediately
fell
into
a
rage
,
and
without
any
hearing
the
cause
,
or
without
any
form
of
Judgment
,
commanded
my
speedy
banishment
into
France
.
And
shortly
after
the
Emperor
dies
,
of
whose
intention
his
Eldest
Son
,
that
best
knew
it
,
informs
us
,
That
his
Father
only
removed
Athanasius
for
a
time
,
to
rescue
him
from
the
rage
of
blood-thirsty
Men
,
that
were
resolved
to
have
his
life
,
intending
in
a
little
time
to
restore
him
to
his
Bishoprick
,
but
was
prevented
by
death
.
And
therefore
the
young
Emperor
declares
,
That
it
was
in
pursuance
of
his
Fathers
Will
,
that
he
commanded
his
Restitution
.
And
Athanasius
himself
is
so
far
from
Accusing
the
But
here
our
faithful
Arian
Historians
Philostorgius
and
Sandius
,
are
so
wise
and
ingenuous
as
to
say
no
more
of
the
Stories
of
Ischiras
,
Arsenius
,
and
all
the
other
parts
of
the
Tyrian
Plot
,
then
that
Athanasius
was
accused
in
Council
of
all
the
Crimes
charged
against
him
,
and
by
them
found
Guilty
,
and
that
when
the
Commissioners
from
the
Council
appear'd
before
the
Emperor
,
they
so
convinced
Athanasius
of
all
the
Crimes
laid
to
his
charge
,
and
so
satisfied
the
Emperor
of
his
guilt
,
that
he
immediately
sentenced
him
to
banishment
;
these
are
worthy
Historians
,
and
proper
Advocates
for
the
management
of
the
Eusebian
Cause
,
that
have
the
confidence
to
out-face
publick
and
undeniable
Records
;
the
foulness
of
all
these
proceedings
was
made
evident
by
the
Acts
of
Court
yet
extant
,
and
the
Confessions
of
the
Witnesses
themselves
,
particularly
Ischiras
,
under
Hand
and
Seal
,
and
all
this
within
short
time
after
the
Transactions
themselves
,
published
to
the
whole
World
by
Athanasius
himself
in
the
face
of
his
Enemies
without
any
contradiction
:
And
now
when
the
whole
forgery
was
thus
shamefully
exposed
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
and
stood
so
upon
Record
to
all
Ages
,
are
not
these
wise
Men
to
think
that
they
are
able
to
slur
so
clear
an
Evidence
only
by
their
trifling
it
?
as
if
all
the
World
were
so
blind
or
so
foolish
as
to
read
or
believe
nothing
but
their
Fables
.
And
yet
this
incredible
confidence
is
all
the
strength
of
these
daring
Historians
.
This
is
the
true
State
of
the
Arian
Controversie
,
during
the
Reign
of
Constantine
,
and
by
all
the
premisses
it
is
evident
,
that
the
Heresie
it self
could
never
openly
appear
after
the
Nicene
Council
,
and
that
all
the
stirs
,
that
were
raised
after
that
,
were
occasion'd
by
the
folly
and
malice
of
the
Eusebians
,
who
profess't
themselves
Catholiques
;
and
that
their
contest
with
Athanasius
was
not
about
points
of
Faith
,
but
his
own
particular
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
,
of
which
they
falsely
and
wickedly
accused
him
to
the
Emperor
.
So
that
his
actings
against
Athanasius
,
after
the
Nicene
Council
proceeded
not
from
any
change
of
mind
in
him
concerning
the
Faith
(
as
some
surmise
)
for
it
is
evident
through
his
whole
Reign
that
he
was
highly
tender
of
that
as
it
was
settled
by
the
great
Council
,
and
only
proceeded
against
Athanasius
as
a
Person
of
a
Turbulent
and
unquiet
Spirit
,
as
he
was
represented
to
him
by
the
Calumnies
of
his
Enemies
.
Though
how
he
could
be
so
long
imposed
upon
after
such
discoveries
as
were
made
of
the
Villar●ies
of
the
Meletians
appears
somewhat
unaccountable
.
For
what
can
be
more
so
,
then
that
men
Convicted
of
Forgery
in
open
Court
,
should
ever
after
be
admitted
as
Witnesses
in
the
same
Cause
and
the
same
Court
?
But
yet
if
we
observe
the
matter
carefully
,
all
this
was
done
without
the
Emperours
knowledge
,
for
after
the
first
discovery
that
was
made
to
him
by
Athanasius
,
all
the
rest
was
transacted
by
his
Officers
,
for
he
knew
nothing
of
the
whole
Comedy
of
the
Council
of
Tyre
,
in
which
the
whole
business
was
managed
,
neither
durst
the
Managers
themselves
acquaint
him
with
any
thing
of
theStory
,
but
when
they
appear
before
him
at
his
angry
Summons
that
he
sent
only
upon
suspicion
of
their
injustice
,
they
on
a
suddain
surprise
and
divert
his
rage
upon
Athanasius
by
a
new
and
unexpected
Accusation
,
that
they
very
well
knew
by
experience
he
could
not
bear
,
having
for
the
same
thing
destroyed
the
man
he
loved
.
And
therefore
as
Constantine
was
not
only
not
Privy
to
the
Plot
himself
,
so
neither
was
he
guilty
of
that
remisness
in
its
Examination
,
as
is
commonly
supposed
;
for
beside
his
ignorance
of
the
transactions
in
the
Tyrian
Council
,
the
whole
mystery
of
it
lay
in
the
secret
Confederacy
between
the
Eusebians
and
the
Meletians
,
that
the
Emperour
could
have
no
ground
to
suspect
in
the
Council
,
for
the
Meletians
were
an
obscure
and
contemptible
handful
of
men
in
a
remote
and
neglected
part
of
the
Empire
,
and
who
could
suspect
a
Conspiracy
between
these
poor
wretches
,
and
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
and
some
of
his
own
Courtiers
?
And
yet
this
one
unsusspected
piece
of
Villany
was
the
bottom
of
all
Athanasius
his
Calamities
.
Neither
do
I
think
the
Emperour
alone
innocent
in
this
whole
matter
,
but
several
of
the
Judges
and
Prosecutors
,
that
were
imposed
upon
by
the
Forgery
;
for
it
is
not
every
one
that
Acts
in
a
Plot
that
is
privy
to
its
Contrivance
:
that
is
kept
within
the
close
Cabal
;
and
National
Plots
in
which
vast
variety
of
Persons
unknown
to
one
another
are
engaged
,
are
not
to
be
found
in
every
age
,
for
it
is
but
seldom
that
mankind
are
so
madly
extravagant
as
to
venture
their
lives
at
so
cheap
a
rate
.
At
least
in
the
days
of
Constantine
men
were
somewhat
more
wary
,
and
if
any
man
had
sworn
a
Story
of
such
a
Plot
,
the
very
absurdity
of
his
own
Tale
would
have
Convicted
him
of
Forgery
.
And
therefore
we
may
be
sure
that
at
that
time
the
secret
was
kept
among
a
few
,
who
till
it
was
discover'd
and
brought
into
the
Light
,
might
draw
in
many
others
to
act
very
enormous
things
with
fair
and
plausible
Pretences
.
This
I
take
to
be
the
peculiar
Apology
that
wholly
clears
Constantines
innocence
in
this
Matter
,
his
utter
ignorance
of
the
Plot
,
and
the
little
ground
he
had
to
suspect
it
,
though
beside
that
,
there
are
divers
other
Pleas
that
though
they
will
not
wholy
justifie
,
will
very
much
excuse
his
Actions
.
As
first
the
great
lenity
and
gentleness
of
his
Nature
,
that
was
abused
and
imposed
upon
by
ill
men
,
who
insinuated
themselves
into
his
favour
by
a
counterfeit
Zeal
for
Christianity
,
and
by
that
means
gain'd
the
greatest
places
of
Trust
and
Dignity
in
the
Empire
,
and
such
men
would
be
sure
to
abuse
their
Power
to
the
ruine
and
oppression
of
the
People
.
This
is
remarqued
as
the
peculiar
blot
of
his
Reign
by
the
Historians
of
all
Parties
,
Ammianus
Marcellinus
says
,
that
it
was
the
Emperour
himself
that
opened
the
devouring
Jaws
of
his
And
Aurelius
Victor
says
,
that
under
him
the
exaction
of
Taxes
was
raised
to
the
highest
Oppression
,
and
(
though
an
Heathen
)
that
his
Reign
was
in
all
other
things
like
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
had
not
the
Chief
Offices
of
State
been
given
to
unworthy
Men
,
which
Miscarriages
though
they
are
often
committed
,
yet
in
a
Great
Prince
and
Good
Government
,
even
small
Vices
appear
a
great
blemish
.
Eutropius
observes
the
very
same
defect
,
and
Eusebius
himself
has
The
two
great
Calamities
of
his
time
were
the
intollerable
Oppression
of
wicked
and
covetous
men
,
that
devoured
all
parts
of
the
Empire
,
and
the
false
and
hypocritical
pretence
to
Christianity
,
to
sweep
away
all
the
best
preferments
,
and
to
this
miscarriage
the
Emperours
own
good
nature
and
the
assurance
of
his
own
integrity
betrayed
him
,
so
that
he
would
trust
any
man
that
did
but
dissemble
Christianity
,
or
pretend
any
Zeal
to
his
own
service
,
and
by
this
means
many
shameful
and
dishonest
things
were
done
,
as
if
the
Devil
had
out
of
meer
envy
to
his
Glory
dasht
this
blot
upon
his
other
Vertues
and
Praises
.
And
the
two
remarkable
instances
of
this
defect
in
his
Reign
are
Ablavius
in
the
State
,
and
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
in
the
Church
,
two
as
bad
men
as
usually
any
age
produces
,
and
the
great
power
and
wickedness
of
Eusebius
,
was
the
great
infelicity
of
the
Church
under
Constantine
,
for
as
Baronius
has
very
well
observed
,
(
and
I
will
say
that
for
him
he
To
all
which
we
may
add
the
Emperour's
impatient
desire
of
Peace
and
Concord
in
the
Christian
Church
,
as
it
is
visible
through
his
whole
Reign
,
and
of
this
Athanasius
was
all
along
represented
to
him
as
the
only
Obstacle
and
therefore
Sozomen
leaves
it
doubtful
whether
the
Emperour
banisht
him
because
he
believed
ib.
c.
31.
of
Discord
and
Sedition
,
for
these
were
the
Crimes
(
says
the
Historian
)
that
his
Adversaries
chiefly
objected
against
him
,
because
the
Emperour
of
all
men
in
the
World
most
hated
men
of
that
temper
.
And
therefore
because
John
the
Meletian
Bishop
was
the
head
of
the
other
Faction
,
he
sent
him
into
banishment
too
,
supposing
that
when
the
Leaders
were
out
of
the
way
,
the
Schism
would
dye
of
its
own
accord
.
Now
if
we
lay
all
these
things
together
,
we
shall
have
no
reason
to
lay
any
hard
usage
or
foul
dealing
to
Constantine
in
this
whole
affair
,
and
they
that
best
understood
it
,
altogether
acquit
him
,
as
we
have
seen
from
the
Council
of
Alexand●ia
,
from
Athanasius
himself
,
and
from
Constantine
the
younger
.
And
Theodoret
pleads
in
his
excuse
,
agreeable
to
what
That
he
was
apparently
circumvented
in
the
whole
transaction
by
trusting
to
the
honesty
of
some
Bishops
,
that
hid
their
Malice
and
Wickedness
under
great
shews
of
Piety
And
therefore
it
is
but
a
rash
conclusion
of
St.
Jerom
and
Lucifer
Calaritanus
,
that
Constantine
before
his
Death
turn'd
Arian
.
When
his
zeal
for
the
Nicene
Faith
was
so
evident
through
all
the
Actions
of
his
life
,
when
the
Eusebians
themselves
,
by
whom
he
was
deceived
,
were
great
pretenders
against
the
Arian
Heresie
,
and
when
he
would
not
be
reconciled
to
Arius
till
he
had
upon
Oath
profest
the
Catholick
Faith
,
and
when
himself
was
careful
to
tye
on
the
Obligation
of
the
Oath
with
all
possible
severity
,
telling
him
,
if
your
faith
be
right
your
Oath
is
good
,
but
if
Heretical
and
yet
you
have
sworn
,
know
this
that
God
will
judge
you
from
Heaven
.
All
which
is
very
far
from
looking
any
thing
like
Arianism
,
but
St.
Jerom
was
an
hasty
man
,
and
abounds
too
much
with
these
harsh
and
heedless
censures
,
and
Lucifer
Calaritanus
though
he
were
a
Catholick
was
a
very
peevish
man
,
and
out
of
meer
peevishness
turn'd
Schismatick
from
the
Catholicks
,
and
is
the
firstCatholick
Christian
that
I
can
find
upon
Record
,
that
ever
spoke
rudely
and
indecently
of
a
Sovereign
Prince
as
he
did
of
Constantius
,
before
his
Apostacy
from
the
Church
.
For
immediately
after
his
Restitution
he
utterly
forsook
its
Communion
,
because
the
Catholicks
admitted
the
Arian
Clergy
into
it
upon
Repentance
,
and
is
so
stubborn
in
his
Schism
,
that
to
keep
it
up
he
forsakes
his
Bishoprick
in
Sardinia
,
flies
into
Africa
,
the
Soil
of
Schisms
as
well
as
Monsters
,
and
there
joyns
Faction
though
not
Communion
with
the
Donatists
,
for
though
they
never
communicated
with
each
other
,
yet
they
United
Interests
against
the
Catholicks
.
And
therefore
his
rudeness
to
the
Emperour
Constantius
,
and
his
Calumny
of
Constantine
though
done
by
him
whilst
a
Catholick
,
proceeded
from
his
Spirit
of
Donatism
,
that
was
discovered
by
his
after-Actions
.
And
now
having
thus
far
set
down
the
true
Story
of
the
Arian
Cont●oversie
under
this
Emperour
as
to
matter
of
Fact
,
and
from
it
exemplyfied
both
the
Authority
and
Duty
of
Christian
Princes
in
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
I
shall
forbear
making
any
remarks
or
reflections
upon
it
,
till
I
have
given
an
Historical
account
of
the
exercise
of
the
same
power
,
by
his
Successors
in
the
following
Ages
of
the
Church
,
whereby
we
shall
find
that
the
example
of
this
Great
Prince
was
set
up
as
the
best
Standard
of
Government
,
&
that
those
Princes
that
were
most
careful
to
discharge
their
Conscience
towards
the
Church
,
and
most
prudent
in
the
exercise
of
their
power
over
it
,
propounded
his
example
to
themselves
for
the
Pattern
of
their
Reign
,
and
that
those
swerved
more
or
less
from
the
right
Rule
of
Government
,
who
forsook
his
Method
to
set
up
new
Politicks
of
their
own
devising
;
from
whence
we
shall
not
only
exemplifie
the
right
and
wrong
exercise
of
Regal
Supremacy
in
the
Christian
Church
,
but
withal
discover
the
several
Grounds
and
Reasons
,
upon
which
the
power
of
Princes
(
though
not
Ec●lesiastical
)
comes
to
be
so
far
interessed
in
matters
of
the
Church
,
as
to
be
superiour
to
its
own
proper
power
,
and
that
I
hope
is
sufficient
to
settle
this
Argument
.
§.
X.
After
the
death
of
Constantine
the
Great
,
the
Empire
is
divided
between
his
three
Sons
,
and
that
,
as
't
is
most
commonly
supposed
upon
the
Authority
of
Eusebius
,
by
his
last
Will
and
Testament
,
De
Vitâ
Constant.
l.
4.
c.
51.
though
if
we
consult
the
passage
it self
,
it
is
only
a
loose
expression
fitted
to
a
Panegyrick
rather
then
an
History
;
and
so
are
all
his
four
Books
of
the
Life
of
Constantine
,
and
amounts
to
no
more
then
this
,
That
he
left
the
Empire
divided
like
a
Patrimony
between
his
three
Sons
,
but
that
any
division
was
formally
made
by
Will
,
is
an
Addition
of
his
Translator
Ruffinus
,
who
indeed
is
the
first
Founder
of
the
Story
,
and
for
that
reason
we
must
pass
it
among
his
other
numberless
Crudities
.
For
though
his
Story
is
pretended
to
be
nothing
else
then
a
Translation
of
Eusebius
,
yet
he
has
perform'd
it
after
that
bold
and
careless
rate
,
as
almost
to
have
turn'd
the
History
into
a
Romance
by
flourishing
it
with
variety
of
circumstances
of
his
own
invention
.
And
therefore
where
he
adds
any
thing
to
Eusebius
,
he
is
to
be
turn'd
off
,
as
an
Author
of
no
Credit
,
for
no
worse
reason
then
this
,
because
he
speaks
without
Authority
,
for
now
he
can
have
but
that
of
Eusebius
.
So
that
whatever
he
has
given
us
over
and
above
what
Eusebius
has
given
him
,
must
pass
for
an
extravagant
Dream
and
Vision
of
his
own
over
hot
Brain
.
And
such
is
this
passage
,
that
Constantine
himself
made
by
Will
the
Division
of
the
Empire
between
his
three
Sons
,
whereas
Eusebius
makes
no
mention
of
any
Will
,
but
only
affirms
in
general
terms
,
and
that
in
a
Panegyrical
Stile
,
that
he
divided
the
Empire
,
that
is
,
left
it
divided
to
his
Sons
as
it
were
a
Paternal
Inheritance
,
which
Ruffinus
has
boldlytranslated
[
liberis
de
successione
Romani
Orbis
Testamento
haeredibus
scriptis
]
And
this
bold
rendring
is
all
the
ground
of
this
Conceit
,
for
as
for
the
Story
of
Constantines
delivering
his
Will
to
an
Arian
Presbyter
,
it
looks
so
like
an
Arian
Fiction
,
and
is
so
utterly
destitute
of
any
timely
Authority
,
that
as
it
can
deserve
no
credit
,
so
I
cannot
think
it
worth
any
Examination
.
Especially
when
it
is
so
evident
that
he
was
so
far
from
making
the
Dividend
between
his
Sons
before
his
death
,
that
there
was
an
intrigue
after
it
for
three
Months
and
an
half
,
all
which
Ed.
Petav.
p.
60.
75.
himself
in
his
Panegyrick
to
Constantius
,
where
he
commends
the
Brothers
for
agreeing
so
amicably
among
themselves
in
the
Division
of
the
Empire
,
in
that
they
had
done
as
the
Sons
of
Darius
of
old
,
who
referred
the
like
Controversie
to
the
Arbitration
of
Friends
instead
of
deciding
it
by
the
Sword
;
now
this
prudence
and
moderation
had
been
very
little
commendable
in
Constantius
and
his
Brothers
,
if
every
mans
lot
had
been
before-hand
legally
settled
and
determin'd
by
their
Father
,
at
least
their
reiterated
Commendation
for
agreeing
so
fairly
among
themselves
in
sharing
the
Empire
,
shews
that
it
was
their
own
Act
and
Deed
,
and
not
their
Fathers
settlement
.
Though
after
all
the
most
likely
conjecture
is
,
that
every
man
kept
that
part
,
of
which
he
was
in
possession
as
Vice-Roy
at
his
Eathers
death
;
for
it
is
certain
that
at
the
time
of
his
death
the
Government
of
the
Empire
under
him
was
shared
among
them
after
the
same
manner
,
as
it
ever
after
continued
,
and
therefore
it
was
but
a
chance
that
the
eldest
Brother
succeeded
in
that
part
that
came
from
the
Grandfather
,
in
that
he
then
happened
to
be
the
present
Vice-Roy
of
it
;
and
it
is
but
a
lavish
conceit
that
some
would
Collect
from
the
Panegyrick
of
Eusebius
,
that
he
succeeded
to
it
as
Heir
of
the
Family
,
whereas
Eusebius
affirms
nothing
more
,
then
that
the
eldest
Son
had
that
part
that
came
from
the
Grandfather
;
but
upon
what
account
it
was
allotted
to
him
he
says
nothing
,
and
therefore
it
is
most
probable
that
as
he
succeeded
not
by
right
of
Inheritance
,
(
for
there
was
no
such
thing
at
that
time
in
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
if
there
had
,
he
must
have
inherited
his
Fathers
Empire
as
well
as
his
Grandfathers
;
)
so
neither
by
Will
or
Testament
,
for
then
his
Father
had
dealt
very
unkindly
by
his
Eldest
Son
to
leave
him
but
a
younger
Brothers
Portion
,
viz.
one
half
of
the
Western
Empire
,
and
that
the
worst
too
,
the
Transalpine
Provinces
;
but
meerly
by
the
Casual
Title
of
Possession
which
he
was
forced
to
accept
of
,
because
his
Younger
Brothers
would
part
with
none
of
their
demeans
,
and
therefore
which
way
soever
the
Lot
was
cast
,
he
was
so
dissatified
with
his
own
division
,
that
he
invaded
his
younger
Brothers
Dominions
,
Italy
,
and
Africk
,
but
perisht
in
the
attempt
:
So
that
though
he
was
a
friend
to
the
Orthodox
Faith
,
yet
he
lived
not
long
enough
to
do
it
any
considerable
Service
,
only
he
recall'd
Athanasius
from
banishment
speedily
after
his
Father's
death
,
in
that
he
subscribes
his
Letter
to
the
Alexandrians
,
commanding
his
reception
,
by
the
name
of
Caesar
,
which
must
be
within
the
three
Months
before
the
division
,
and
that
shews
the
forwardness
of
his
zeal
in
the
cause
.
Though
Sandius
,
the
Arian
that
would
be
,
if
he
Constantine
,
Athanasius
immediately
returned
to
Alexandria
without
any
Warrant
from
Authority
;
and
is
so
shameless
,
or
rather
stupid
,
as
to
cite
for
it
those
very
Chapters
in
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
and
Theodoret
,
where
the
Princes
Letters
,
by
which
he
was
recall'd
with
all
expressions
of
kindness
,
are
Recorded
,
and
this
is
to
prove
that
he
return'd
to
Alexandria
in
contempt
of
that
Authority
by
which
he
was
banisht
,
and
th●
these
Letters
are
so
full
of
respect
and
honour
to
Athanasius
,
yet
this
modest
Man
blushes
not
to
set
down
the
Prince
that
sent
them
for
a
Patron
of
Arianism
.
I
find
strange
dealing
with
the
Records
of
the
Church
by
all
Factions
,
that
will
not
or
dare
not
be
honest
;
but
this
Man
's
whole
story
is
nothing
better
then
a
meer
blot
dasht
upon
them
all
,
and
yet
because
his
Tale
,
though
it
be
as
dull
as
false
,
is
cross
to
the
received
Opinion
of
the
Church
,
from
the
Council
of
Nice
to
this
very
day
,
it
is
embraced
as
a
great
and
weighty
discovery
,
and
the
silly
Scribler
Canonised
among
the
Wits
and
the
Worthies
of
this
discerning
Age
,
and
therefore
though
,
whoever
he
was
,
he
be
a
very
contemptible
thing
of
himself
,
yet
because
he
has
got
the
Authority
of
a
fashionable
Vogue
,
I
am
forced
all
along
as
I
proceed
in
this
Story
,
to
expose
his
want
of
common
Sense
as
well
as
common
Honesty
,
only
to
let
the
unlearned
Scepticks
of
the
Age
see
by
what
woful
Dunces
they
are
cheated
out
of
their
Religion
.
And
next
to
insorming
them
of
the
real
Truth
of
things
,
I
take
this
way
of
checking
their
pride
and
folly
to
be
the
best
method
to
reduce
them
to
Sobriety
.
But
to
leave
this
Pedant
,
and
return
to
my
Story
:
Upon
the
death
of
Constantine
the
younger
,
the
whole
Western
Empire
falls
to
his
Brother
Constans
,
and
so
came
in
that
fatal
division
both
of
the
Empire
and
the
Church
,
that
at
last
proved
the
utter
ruine
and
destruction
of
both
.
For
after
this
time
we
read
of
nothing
so
much
as
Wars
and
Dissentions
between
the
two
States
,
and
Schisms
and
Divisions
between
the
two
Churches
(
unless
now
and
then
when
the
Empire
hapned
to
be
united
in
one
wise
Prince
,
as
in
Valentinian
,
Theodosius
,
and
Marcian
,
)
till
at
last
the
Empire
was
swallowed
up
by
its
own
divisions
,
and
the
incursions
of
the
Barbarians
,
and
the
Church
split
asunder
by
an
irreconcileable
Schism
between
the
Greeks
and
Latins
.
The
first
Foundation
of
which
breach
was
laid
by
these
two
Brothers
,
who
unhappily
divided
the
Clergy
of
the
Empire
as
well
as
the
Civil
State
:
For
Constantius
siding
with
the
Eusebians
in
the
East
,
and
Constans
with
the
Athanasians
in
the
West
,
which
was
now
become
the
quarrel
,
the
cause
of
Arius
being
wholly
laid
aside
by
both
Parties
,
and
the
only
contest
now
was
,
Whether
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
ought
to
be
cashier'd
as
offensive
,
because
unscriptural
,
as
the
Eusebians
contended
,
or
to
be
preserved
as
a
necessary
defence
against
the
Arian
Heresie
,
as
Athanasius
and
his
friends
truly
maintain'd
.
Now
each
Party
having
the
Power
of
the
Empire
to
abet
and
support
its
interest
,
and
the
Division
being
become
a
kind
of
a
State-Faction
;
this
to
be
sure
made
the
breach
wider
,
and
the
quarrel
fiercer
then
a
meer
Ecclesiastical
Schism
could
have
come
to
,
insomuch
that
it
sometime
came
very
near
to
a
Civil
War
between
the
two
Brothers
.
All
which
was
chiefly
occasioned
by
the
folly
of
Constantius
,
who
being
the
more
zealous
and
serious
of
the
two
(
for
Constans
gave
himself
more
up
to
his
pleasure
and
luxury
)
he
was
so
much
the
more
busie
in
the
advancement
of
his
Faction
,
and
it
is
an
astonishing
thing
to
observe
how
childishly
he
spent
his
whole
Reign
in
Metaphysical
wranglings
about
Religion
,
as
he
is
justly
and
too
truly
censur'd
by
Ammianus
Marcellinus
.
Christianam
religionem
absolutam
He
debauch't
the
Christian
Religion
,
that
was
plain
and
easie
in
it self
,
into
Old-wives
Superstition
,
and
by
being
more
nice
then
wise
in
his
Enquiries
and
Speculations
about
it
,
he
so
entangled
it
into
endless
Knots
and
Controversies
about
meer
words
,
that
he
wore
away
the
publick
High-ways
,
and
his
own
Carriages
by
conveighing
Bishops
backward
and
forward
to
Councils
,
when
after
all
he
took
upon
himself
to
determine
all
controversies
by
his
own
Arbitrary
resolution
of
all
things
.
And
this
Character
is
truer
then
the
Pagan
Soldier
,
who
understood
not
the
particulars
,
could
be
aware
of
,
for
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
was
the
only
object
of
his
fury
,
and
as
St.
Athanasius
somewhere
expresses
it
,
he
spent
more
pains
upon
it
,
then
in
all
his
Persian
War
;
what
numbers
of
Councils
,
like
so
many
Armies
,
did
he
summon
to
encounter
and
cashiere
it
,
and
after
what
an
Arbitrary
and
unprincely
manner
did
he
behave
himself
in
them
to
have
his
Will
of
it
?
Instead
of
calling
free
Councils
,
and
allowing
free
Conference
in
them
,
he
takes
upon
himself
the
Power
of
presiding
and
determining
all
by
his
own
imperious
Commands
,
and
at
length
tired
out
himself
with
vain
struglings
against
the
Churches
Authority
,
and
after
Five
and
Twenty
years
War
against
one
poor
single
De
Synodis
every
where
charges
so
home
upon
them
,
that
they
troubled
themselves
to
call
so
many
Councils
,
and
compose
so
many
Creeds
to
settle
what
was
already
done
to
their
hands
by
the
Nicene
Fathers
.
And
they
are
gaul'd
with
the
same
objection
by
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
in
his
smart
Letter
to
the
Eusebians
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
It
is
an
affront
(
says
he
)
to
the
Synod
,
and
all
the
Bishops
that
sate
in
it
,
if
what
they
with
so
much
Pains
and
Piety
,
God
himself
as
it
were
being
present
,
resolved
,
should
be
slighted
by
us
as
a
thing
of
no
Authority
.
And
this
to
them
was
a
cutting
Argument
,
for
they
all
profess't
great
Reverence
to
the
great
Council
,
and
therefore
ought
to
have
acquiesced
in
it
.
And
as
it
was
in
that
case
,
so
is
it
in
all
cases
,
when
once
a
Controversie
is
determin'd
by
the
Church
,
it
ought
to
conclude
all
Christians
within
it
.
Not
because
the
Church
is
infallible
,
or
any
Council
how
great
soever
,
but
because
its
determinations
are
Authoritative
,
and
bind
by
virtue
of
a
divine
Commission
in
all
cases
that
are
are
not
against
the
clear
,
express
,
and
immediate
Commands
of
God
himself
;
so
that
if
any
Man
dare
presume
to
gainsay
or
disobey
any
Law
of
the
Church
,
he
ought
to
have
an
extraordinary
assurance
to
warrant
his
dissent
:
But
if
he
be
refractory
upon
Surmises
and
remote
Inferences
,
or
about
matters
of
no
great
Weight
,
or
little
Evidence
,
he
plainly
runs
himself
into
the
sin
of
Schism
in
this
World
,
and
the
punishment
of
it
in
the
World
to
come
.
And
that
will
fall
upon
him
with
so
much
the
heavier
Load
,
because
the
Practice
flowing
from
this
Principle
is
of
all
things
most
destructive
of
that
which
God
of
all
things
most
loves
,
the
Peace
and
Tranquility
of
his
Church
.
For
that
cannot
possibly
be
any
other
way
preserved
than
by
a
yielding
and
submissive
Temper
in
all
things
,
where
himself
has
not
apparently
determin'd
us
by
an
antecedent
Countermand
.
And
such
cases
can
rarely
happen
,
whilst
the
Primitive
Constitution
of
the
Christian
Church
is
any
where
preserved
,
and
at
least
it
is
clear
,
that
this
was
the
case
of
the
Eusebians
,
who
raised
so
thick
a
dust
against
what
was
determin'd
by
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
only
because
they
supposed
the
determination
unnecessary
and
imprudent
;
but
what
then
?
and
granting
it
were
so
,
it
was
not
unlawful
,
unless
it
had
expresly
contradicted
something
that
was
necessary
.
But
that
themselves
had
not
the
confidence
to
pretend
,
and
if
they
had
not
,
then
it
is
plain
that
they
ought
not
to
have
quarrell'd
with
it
,
but
to
have
quietly
submitted
to
it
,
though
not
for
its
truth
,
yet
for
the
Peace
,
and
out
of
respect
to
the
Sacred
Authority
of
the
Christian
Church
.
And
that
would
have
saved
and
prevented
all
that
Turmoil
that
they
brought
both
upon
it
and
the
Empire
too
for
so
many
years
,
only
to
persist
in
a
peevish
and
(
at
best
)
a
needless
animosity
against
its
Legal
and
Canonical
determination
.
§.
XI
.
But
to
descend
to
particulars
,
Athanasius
being
arrived
at
Alexandria
with
all
expressions
of
joy
from
the
People
,
and
settled
in
the
quiet
possession
of
his
See
,
the
Eusebians
return
to
all
their
old
Arts
of
undermining
his
Peace
and
Settlement
.
And
to
this
end
they
deal
with
all
the
three
Emperors
to
have
the
Sentence
of
the
Tyrian
Council
Executed
upon
him
.
But
all
in
vain
,
for
both
Constantine
and
Constance
are
better
informed
of
the
Plot
,
and
acquainted
with
the
whole
Train
of
the
Eusebian
Villanies
,
though
Constantius
his
Ears
are
wholly
possess
't
by
his
Women
,
Eunuchs
and
Courtiers
;
as
his
Character
is
too
truly
and
shrewdly
set
down
by
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
Uxoribus
ac
spadonum
gra●ilentis
Vocibus
,
&
Palatinis
quibusdam
N.
comedia
,
to
be
managed
for
his
own
ends
,
though
the
first
Opportunity
that
he
could
seize
to
compass
his
long'd-for
design
upon
the
Deposition
of
Athanasius
,
was
given
him
by
the
Solemnity
of
dedicating
the
great
Church
at
Antioch
,
that
was
founded
by
the
Emperor's
Father
,
and
finisht
by
himself
,
at
which
were
present
Ninety
Bishops
,
which
Meeting
Eusebius
craftily
turn'd
into
a
Council
,
and
in
it
deposed
Athanasius
.
And
in
truth
it
was
but
high
time
to
seise
the
advantage
,
for
the
year
before
they
had
as
craftily
referred
the
cause
to
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
to
which
Judgment
Athanasius
had
according
to
the
constant
simplicity
and
assurance
of
his
own
Conscience
,
submitted
himself
.
But
the
Eusebians
finding
that
after
they
had
told
their
Story
there
,
all
their
tricks
were
too
well
understood
,
and
that
they
could
not
avoid
a
very
shameful
bafle
,
move
for
a
general
Council
of
Eastern
and
Western
Bishops
to
be
assembled
at
Rome
.
And
now
the
Western
were
accordingly
met
,
where
Athanasius
attended
in
Person
,
and
whither
his
Enemies
were
summon'd
by
virtue
of
their
own
Appeal
,
to
appear
to
make
good
their
Charge
against
him
;
but
Eusebius
,
the
grand
contriver
of
all
,
mistrusting
the
cause
,
takes
this
advantage
of
the
Meeting
at
Antioch
,
and
puts
an
end
to
the
Appeal
to
Rome
and
the
Western
Bishops
,
by
passing
the
final
Sentence
upon
him
at
home
.
But
by
what
subtilty
they
got
it
to
pass
the
Council
is
not
easie
to
discover
,
and
it
is
,
commonly
apprehended
from
the
supposed
Authority
of
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
that
the
intrigue
was
managed
only
by
Thirty
six
of
the
whole
number
,
that
was
in
all
Ninety
,
but
this
mistake
is
founded
meerly
upon
a
false
Translation
of
Julius
his
Words
,
viz.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
Baronius
,
and
they
that
follow
him
understand
of
the
Votes
of
Thirty
six
Bishops
only
;
whereas
it
signifies
Thirty
six
days
Journey
,
as
Valesius
renders
it
,
Quia
viginti
sex
mansionibus
.
And
that
is
Julius
his
proper
reproof
of
the
Ordination
of
Gregory
,
that
it
was
not
done
at
Alexandria
,
as
the
Canons
required
,
but
at
Antioch
,
which
was
Thirty
six
Mansions
,
or
so
many
days
Journey
,
or
nights
Lodging
from
Alexandria
.
And
of
this
use
of
the
Phrase
Valesius
alledges
many
Parallel
Passages
in
the
Writers
of
that
time
,
and
then
the
sense
of
the
whole
Passage
runs
clearly
thus
,
I
pray
you
who
acted
most
against
the
Canons
?
We
that
upon
such
convincing
information
received
the
Man
[
Athanasius
]
to
Communion
,
or
you
that
at
Antioch
,
that
is
distant
Thirty
six
days
Journey
from
Alexandria
,
choose
a
Stranger
[
Gregory
]
to
be
Bishop
of
that
City
,
and
place
him
in
his
See
by
Military
force
?
So
that
from
this
Passage
rightly
Translated
there
is
no
ground
of
supposing
any
,
either
stealth
or
division
of
Votes
in
the
Council
;
neither
is
there
any
need
of
it
,
in
that
for
any
thing
we
know
the
greatest
part
might
either
be
Eusebians
or
Orthodox
.
But
whatever
they
really
were
,
they
all
at
least
pretended
to
be
Orthodox
,
for
the
Eusebians
themselves
did
not
only
quit
but
Anathematise
the
Arian
Heresie
,
as
't
is
evident
from
all
the
four
Creeds
,
that
were
framed
in
this
Council
,
in
which
they
detest
and
Anathematise
all
the
branches
of
it
,
particularly
in
the
last
,
which
they
sent
as
the
result
of
all
to
the
Emperor
Constans
,
We
Anathematise
all
those
who
say
that
the
Son
existed
out
of
nothing
,
or
out
of
any
other
subsistence
,
and
not
out
of
God
himself
,
or
that
there
was
a
time
when
he
was
not
.
And
yet
for
all
this
express
declaration
,
modest
Mr.
Sandius
boldly
tells
us
,
That
this
And
in
truth
the
whole
business
was
so
involved
by
the
Craft
of
Eusebius
from
the
time
of
the
Tyrian
Council
,
that
Athanasius
,
which
way
soever
he
turn'd
to
clear
his
Innocence
,
found
himself
insnared
by
the
Canons
themselves
.
For
as
he
was
deposed
in
Council
,
so
he
could
not
be
Canonically
restored
but
by
Council
;
and
that
is
it
they
press
upon
him
notwithstanding
the
Emperour's
Restitution
,
in
that
though
he
had
power
to
call
him
from
banishment
,
yet
he
had
none
to
take
off
the
Censure
of
the
Church
.
And
the
Plea
had
held
good
if
there
had
not
been
so
much
and
so
exorbitant
Villany
at
the
bottom
,
though
by
it
we
may
see
,
by
laying
one
ill
Action
for
a
Foundation
,
what
a
vast
Pile
of
Dishonesty
may
be
built
upon
it
.
For
granting
the
Sentence
of
the
Tyrian
Council
to
be
good
(
as
it
would
have
been
,
had
it
not
been
so
enormously
base
)
Athanasius
was
,
which
way
soever
he
moved
,
catch't
in
the
Canons
,
and
therefore
in
all
his
Pleadings
he
is
so
wise
as
to
refer
his
whole
Cause
to
the
Acts
of
that
Council
,
and
that
at
last
got
him
the
Victory
by
making
known
their
Villany
.
But
granting
them
Valid
,
his
Restitution
by
the
Emperour
was
Canonically
void
,
as
to
any
exercise
of
his
Episcopal
Function
,
and
that
was
the
point
that
they
urged
to
the
Emperour
Constantius
in
order
to
his
Second
banishment
,
but
fearing
lest
if
he
should
make
enquiry
into
the
whole
matter
,
all
their
Forgeries
should
come
to
light
,
they
carry
their
Cause
a
great
way
off
,
as
far
as
Rome
,
and
that
with
a
mighty
shew
of
fair
dealing
and
ingenuity
on
their
part
,
that
they
were
so
far
from
desiring
any
partial
Judgment
,
that
they
would
refer
it
to
Judges
utterly
unconcern'd
,
and
therefore
send
it
into
the
other
Empire
.
And
now
when
this
was
done
with
so
much
plausibility
,
Eusebius
all
on
the
suddain
huddles
up
a
Council
at
home
,
and
dispatches
the
business
before
the
Council
at
Rome
could
publish
their
Sentence
;
and
by
that
trick
he
very
artificially
ensconst
himself
and
his
Cause
in
a
new
Quarrel
,
that
would
engage
one
half
of
the
Christian
Church
on
his
side
.
For
now
it
was
become
the
Quarrel
of
the
Eastern
Church
against
the
Western
,
because
when
they
had
sentenced
a
Cause
at
Antioch
,
what
power
had
they
to
reverse
the
Decree
at
Rome
.
This
must
be
an
Invasion
of
the
Liberties
of
the
Oriental
Church
,
and
no
less
then
an
Attempt
to
bring
them
into
subjection
to
the
Western
Bishops
,
and
thus
were
they
all
drawn
in
by
this
Crafty
Man
to
back
his
own
Quarrel
.
And
therefore
it
is
observable
that
this
Cause
was
ever
after
managed
by
this
very
pretence
,
and
it
was
the
very
Complaint
of
the
Eusebian
Bishops
,
that
parted
from
Sardica
and
sat
at
Philippi
,
against
the
Sardican
Council
,
that
they
endeavour'd
to
introduce
a
new
Law
,
that
the
Eastern
Bishops
should
be
subject
to
the
judgment
of
the
Western
.
And
thus
by
this
Artifice
did
this
subtle
man
remove
his
Tyrian
Villany
out
of
the
sight
,
and
then
he
might
go
forwardwithout
fear
or
danger
,
for
nothing
else
but
the
discovery
of
that
could
ever
expose
himself
,
ruine
his
Cause
,
and
defeat
his
Malice
.
But
the
most
cunning
Stratagem
of
all
was
that
at
the
same
time
that
they
proceeded
with
so
much
seeming
Christian
Severity
against
Athanasius
,
they
either
Enacted
or
Ratified
so
many
excellent
Laws
of
Discipline
,
that
yet
were
but
so
many
Snares
to
Athanasius
and
his
Friends
after
his
Tyrian
deposition
,
especially
the
fifth
,
eleventh
,
and
twelfth
.
In
the
fifth
it
is
decreed
that
if
a
Presbyter
refuse
to
Communicate
with
his
Bishop
,
he
shall
after
three
Admonitions
be
deposed
forever
,
and
be
punisht
by
the
Civil
Magistrate
as
a
Seditious
Person
,
a
very
good
Canon
in
it self
,
but
at
that
juncture
of
time
it
was
only
a
Rod
for
the
Orthodox
Clergy
of
Alexandria
,
who
the
Eusebians
too
well
knew
,
would
peremptorily
refuse
all
Communion
with
their
new
Bishop
Gregory
,
that
was
thrust
upon
them
by
this
Council
and
a
Military
Force
in
the
place
of
Athanasius
their
true
and
lawful
Bishop
.
In
the
eleventh
and
twelfth
Canons
all
Appeals
from
Ecclesiastical
Censures
to
the
Emperour
are
strictly
forbidden
under
pain
of
Deposition
,
and
it
is
farther
provided
that
if
any
Bishop
be
Synodically
deposed
,
he
is
not
to
be
restored
but
by
a
greater
Synod
of
Bishops
.
This
reach't
Athanasius
to
the
quick
for
his
flying
from
the
Tyrian
Council
to
Constantine
,
and
withal
cut
off
his
Restitution
by
the
Imperial
Mandate
.
Now
these
had
been
good
Laws
in
ordinary
Cases
,
but
in
the
Case
of
Athanasius
they
were
nothing
but
Rods
and
Snares
;
And
so
it
is
always
,
when
injustice
has
got
the
upper
hand
,
the
Execution
of
Laws
then
becomes
nothing
but
Tyranny
and
Oppression
.
If
the
Proceedings
against
Athanasius
at
Tyre
had
been
any
way
fair
and
legal
,
though
he
had
been
hardly
used
,
yet
his
Appeal
was
against
the
Ecclesiastical
Rule
,
and
it
would
have
been
more
decent
and
becoming
Christian
Modesty
,
to
have
sate
down
under
an
hard
Sentence
,
then
to
have
made
a
breach
upon
the
Order
and
Discipline
of
the
Church
.
But
when
it
was
all
rank
Villany
and
open
Forgery
contriv'd
on
purpose
to
take
away
his
life
,
it
was
then
proper
for
him
to
take
Sanctuary
in
the
justice
of
his
Sovereign
Prince
for
a
common
Subjects
Protection
.
And
indeed
wherever
injustice
is
become
shameless
and
enormous
,
men
are
not
bound
to
that
punctual
niceness
of
Rule
,
that
they
are
bound
to
observe
in
common
and
ordinary
Cases
.
And
so
it
was
here
,
their
Proceedings
at
Tyre
were
so
prodigiously
base
and
impudent
,
that
they
exceeded
the
common
Villany
of
Mankind
,
and
so
were
by
their
own
wickedness
put
out
of
the
Protection
of
the
Laws
.
I
have
the
longer
insisted
upon
this
Transaction
because
it
is
an
extraordinary
Case
,
and
has
nothing
like
it
in
all
the
Records
of
the
Church
in
the
worst
and
most
degenerate
times
,
and
though
there
have
been
several
of
the
later
Popes
both
wicked
and
cunning
enough
,
yet
none
of
them
could
ever
match
either
the
Malice
or
the
Artifice
of
Eusebius
in
the
management
of
his
Contest
with
Athanasius
.
But
whilst
he
was
contriving
and
plotting
his
designs
against
him
at
Antioch
,
the
Council
at
Rome
proceeds
to
a
fair
Tryal
,
and
after
the
Examination
of
the
Acts
of
the
Tyrian
Council
,
and
of
divers
Witnesses
clearing
Athanasius
from
the
Calumnies
fast'ned
on
him
,
they
pronounce
him
innocent
,
receive
him
to
Communion
,
and
restore
him
to
his
Bishoprick
.
And
thus
are
they
according
to
the
Plot
of
Eusebius
engaged
in
a
new
War
,
that
he
knew
would
swallow
up
the
old
Controversie
,
of
which
the
two
heads
were
the
two
great
Bishops
of
the
two
great
Imperial
Cities
,
Julius
of
Rome
,
and
Eusebius
of
Constantinople
,
for
before
this
time
he
had
violently
thrust
himself
into
that
See
,
and
these
were
the
first
Seeds
of
that
long
War
between
these
two
ambitious
Sees
,
that
I
have
described
at
large
in
a
former
Treatise
.
But
Athanasius
leaves
them
to
manage
their
own
Fray
between
themselves
,
and
makes
all
hast
to
repair
to
his
own
Church
of
Alexandria
,
where
he
arrives
before
Gregory
could
come
from
Antioch
,
to
the
great
joy
of
the
City
,
but
soon
after
comes
Gregory
,
and
what
havock
he
made
by
the
assistance
of
Philagrius
the
Prefect
an
Apostate
Christian
,
may
be
seen
at
large
in
Athanasius
his
encyclical
Epistle
to
the
Orthodox
Bishops
,
and
as
he
describes
it
,
it
exceeds
all
the
Heathen
Persecutions
in
rudeness
and
barbarity
.
But
in
short
,
Athanasius
is
forced
to
fly
for
his
life
,
and
takes
Sanctuary
at
Rome
a
second
time
,
where
he
knew
himself
safe
,
as
being
out
of
Constantius
his
Dominions
.
And
about
the
same
time
the
Popes
Legates
Elpidius
and
Philoxenus
,
having
been
from
time
to
time
retein'd
and
delayed
by
the
Craft
of
Eusebius
,
return
from
the
Council
of
Antioch
,
as
with
no
satisfaction
to
themselves
,
having
been
Eye-Witnesses
of
so
much
foul
dealing
,
so
with
an
huffing
and
scornful
Letter
of
Defiance
to
their
Master
Pope
Julius
and
all
the
Bishops
of
the
Western
Church
.
And
by
that
Character
that
Julius
gives
of
it
in
his
answer
to
it
(
for
the
Letter
it self
is
not
now
extant
)
it
breaths
the
very
Spirit
of
Eusebius
:
but
as
taunting
as
it
was
,
and
as
bad
as
their
Actings
were
,
he
is
forced
to
return
a
milder
Anfwer
then
indeed
was
fitting
,
because
he
too
well
knew
that
they
relyed
upon
the
power
and
assistance
of
the
Emperour
to
bear
them
out
in
their
Enormities
.
But
as
civilly
as
he
treats
them
,
he
deals
as
plainly
with
them
as
they
deserved
,
and
unravels
the
whole
Plot
of
Lyes
,
Perjuries
,
and
Calumnies
against
Athanasius
from
the
beginning
to
that
very
day
,
and
so
plainly
lays
open
to
the
Christian
World
the
foulness
of
all
their
Proceedings
,
as
to
demonstrate
to
all
men
,
that
notwithstanding
they
had
endeavoured
to
get
the
Canons
on
their
own
side
by
shifts
and
juglings
,
they
had
most
scandalously
broke
all
the
most
Sacred
and
inviolable
Laws
,
not
only
of
Christian
Discipline
,
but
of
common
honesty
.
The
Epistle
it self
is
extant
in
Athanasius
his
second
Apology
,
and
it
is
a
perfect
Narrative
of
his
Cause
and
defence
of
his
Innocence
,
written
with
equal
judgment
and
smartness
.
It
is
large
,
but
the
main
head
of
it
is
in
Answer
to
their
great
complaint
that
they
should
be
cited
to
Rome
.
To
which
he
replyes
,
that
in
some
cases
it
is
agreeable
to
the
Canons
,
that
what
is
determined
by
one
Council
,
should
be
reviewed
in
another
;
but
however
that
was
,
he
minds
them
that
when
they
sent
their
Agents
,
after
they
had
been
pleased
to
refer
the
Cause
to
him
,
to
manage
the
Evidence
against
Athanasius
,
they
were
so
shamefully
bafled
in
the
whole
business
,
that
they
had
no
way
left
to
escape
a
final
overthrow
,
but
by
moving
for
a
general
Council
of
Eastern
and
Western
Bishops
to
be
held
at
Rome
;
and
now
when
the
Council
was
call'd
at
their
motion
to
pretend
offence
at
its
being
call'd
,
as
it
argued
very
great
Guilt
in
themselves
,
so
it
could
not
but
raise
very
odd
suspitions
in
others
.
And
whereas
they
plead
it
as
an
Universal
Rule
,
that
what
is
determined
in
one
Council
ought
not
to
be
reverst
by
another
,
he
asks
them
how
then
dare
you
to
alter
the
Faith
of
the
Great
Nicene
Council
,
that
when
the
Bishops
of
the
Christian
World
were
so
unanimously
concern'd
to
root
out
the
Arian
Heresie
,
they
should
so
far
slight
their
Authority
as
to
reject
those
Provisions
that
they
had
made
against
it
.
And
lastly
(
to
pass
by
their
smaller
Cavils
)
he
lets
them
see
the
necessity
of
this
review
,
by
ripping
up
all
the
Villanies
of
the
Tyrian
Plot
,
and
so
plainly
discovers
the
gross
dishonesty
of
the
whole
matter
,
as
must
make
them
cautious
of
ever
reviving
it
for
the
time
to
come
.
And
the
Story
is
told
so
fully
,
so
plainly
,
and
so
reflectingly
upon
the
Persons
Guilty
,
that
perhaps
it
was
the
dishonour
of
this
Conviction
that
broke
Eusebius
his
proud
heart
,
for
he
dyed
[
†
](A56396-e32520-b)
†
Socratis
Testimonium
This
is
the
exactest
Narrative
of
all
this
Affair
,
that
I
can
discover
either
by
tracing
and
comparing
the
Relations
out
of
the
Antients
of
it
,
or
the
Observations
of
the
Moderns
upon
it
.
Valesius
indeed
has
used
great
subtilty
to
tell
the
Story
another
Eusebians
de
bene
esse
till
he
could
enquire
into
the
merits
of
the
Cause
.
For
the
Eusebians
were
under
no
Sentence
,
and
therefore
were
to
be
received
in
course
,
but
Athanasius
being
under
Censure
,
he
could
not
be
received
till
that
was
taken
off
.
But
this
is
still
more
evident
from
the
account
that
Julius
gives
of
the
reasons
of
his
Proceedings
,
viz.
that
having
taken
an
exact
Examination
of
all
the
particular
Accusations
against
Athanasius
(
and
so
reckons
up
the
Calumnies
and
Perjuries
one
by
one
)
he
asks
them
which
was
most
agreeable
to
the
Canons
,
to
Condemn
him
,
as
they
had
done
,
or
absolve
him
as
he
had
done
.
And
if
after
all
this
,
admitting
an
Accused
Person
to
Commun●on
be
not
absolution
upon
legal
Process
,
I
know
not
what
is
.
And
if
it
is
,
then
the
Story
hitherto
runs
clear
as
I
have
set
it
down
,
but
by
Valesius
his
over
nice
account
it
is
so
involved
,
that
I
must
confess
that
I
cannot
trace
the
Method
of
the
History
by
it
,
nor
reconcile
it
with
the
Accounts
of
the
Antients
.
§.
XII
.
But
Eusebius
being
dead
,
matters
were
very
little
alter'd
or
amended
by
his
fall
,
for
his
five
Confederates
,
Theognis
of
Nice
,
Maris
of
Calcedon
,
Theodorus
of
Heraclea
,
Ursacius
and
Valens
succeeded
him
in
the
Emperours
favour
and
the
management
of
all
Affairs
.
And
,
if
it
were
possible
,
these
Commissioners
Acted
with
greater
violence
in
deposing
and
banishing
of
Bishops
then
the
old
Tyrant
had
ever
done
,
insomuch
that
we
immediately
find
several
of
the
Eastern
Bishops
in
Exile
,
and
particularly
Paul
of
Constantinople
,
who
,
poor
man
!
was
all
along
second
to
Athanasius
in
the
Eusebian
Per●ecution
,
and
had
suffer'd
almost
as
much
from
the
Ambition
of
Eusebius
,
as
Athanasius
had
from
his
malice
.
For
Paul
having
been
Canonically
chosen
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
Eusebius
had
a
strong
fancy
to
his
Bishoprick
,
and
therefore
gets
Macedonius
one
of
Paul's
Presbyters
,
a
man
of
a
very
factious
and
fiery
temper
,
to
bring
in
a
general
Accusation
against
him
for
an
ill
liver
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
upon
which
meer
formality
of
a
general
Charge
without
enquiring
after
any
particular
proofs
,
he
is
thrust
out
of
his
See
and
Eusebius
immediately
leaps
into
it
.
Though
,
here
the
lying
Philostorgius
says
,
that
Eusebius
immediately
succeeded
upon
the
death
of
Alexander
,
ut
aiunt
,
i.
e.
as
it
is
reported
,
which
is
much
worse
,
especially
when
all
good
men
ever
report
him
to
have
been
a
very
Religious
and
Pious
Prelate
;
and
even
Macedonius
himself
at
the
very
time
that
he
Accused
him
,
for
form-sake
to
oblige
Eusebius
,
is
well
known
to
communicate
with
him
,
which
he
ought
not
to
have
done
,
had
he
believed
his
own
Accusation
.
By
such
little
shufflings
as
these
we
may
see
how
dully
and
slightly
these
Arian
Advocates
prevaricate
with
the
Records
of
the
Church
.
But
to
proceed
,
upon
the
death
of
Eusebius
,
the
Constantinopolitans
fetch
home
Paul
,
against
whom
the
Eusebian
Faction
set
up
that
Firebrand
Macedonius
,
this
brings
the
matter
to
high
Tumults
,
upon
which
Constantius
being
then
at
Antioch
,
sends
Hermogenes
Master
of
his
Horse
to
Constantinople
to
force
Paul
out
of
the
City
,
but
the
Rabble
taking
head
,
he
is
unfortunately
murthered
in
a
Tumult
,
to
the
great
scandal
and
dishonour
of
their
Cause
,
for
which
Paul
,
as
if
he
good
man
had
been
the
Author
of
the
Sedition
,
is
banisht
and
imprisoned
,
and
kept
in
Chains
till
Constantius
was
forced
to
deliver
him
together
with
the
other
banisht
Bishops
for
fear
of
his
Brother
Constans
,
who
threatned
War
upon
him
if
he
did
not
restore
them
,
and
so
the
good
man
quietly
enjoyed
his
Bishoprick
all
the
Reign
of
Co●stans
,
but
upon
his
death
,
the
Eusebians
being
back't
with
the
great
power
of
the
5
Commissioners
grew
more
furious
then
ever
,
&
prevail
with
Constantius
to
banish
Paul
again
,
neither
would
that
content
them
,
but
he
is
kept
in
close
Prison
at
Cucusus
in
Cappadocia
,
to
be
starved
to
death
,
&
at
last
because
after
six
days
fasting
,
they
find
him
alive
,
they
strangle
him
.
Having
laid
the
Story
of
this
poor
injur'd
man
together
,
I
return
back
to
our
new
Commissioners
,
who
finding
that
though
they
had
framed
four
several
Creeds
,
in
their
first
Council
at
Antioch
,
none
of
them
would
satisfie
the
Western
Bishops
,
they
Summon
a
second
Council
to
the
same
City
in
the
Year
344
,
and
draw
up
a
long
new
Creed
,
for
the
most
part
consisting
of
Anathema's
against
all
Branches
of
the
Arian
Heresie
,
and
send
it
to
the
Western
Bishops
then
Assembled
at
Milan
,
but
they
unanimously
reject
it
,
for
this
very
reason
,
that
they
were
resolved
to
acquiesce
in
the
Decrees
of
the
Nicene
Council
,
and
not
be
so
curious
as
after
the
Authority
of
their
determination
,
to
make
any
farther
enquiry
;
though
learned
Mr.
Sandius
says
,
they
laid
it
But
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
finding
things
grow
worse
,
and
the
Schism
between
the
Eastern
and
Western
Churches
made
daily
wider
,
he
Petitions
the
Emperor
Constans
to
move
his
Brother
Constantius
to
join
with
him
for
a
general
Council
,
to
which
Constantius
agrees
,
and
the
most
Convenient
place
pitch't
upon
for
their
Meeting
was
Sardica
in
Illyricum
,
being
the
Confines
of
both
the
Empires
,
where
in
the
year
347
met
at
the
time
appointed
280
Western
,
and
76
Eastern
Bishops
.
But
they
are
no
sooner
met
,
then
they
break
in
pieces
;
for
the
Eastern
Bishops
refuse
to
sit
unless
Athanasius
and
the
other
Parties
Accused
may
be
first
removed
out
of
the
Council
;
whereas
the
Western
will
have
them
treated
(
as
they
ought
to
be
)
as
innocent
Persons
till
they
are
Canonically
Convicted
.
Upon
this
,
after
divers
inter-messages
the
Easterns
forsake
the
City
,
and
sit
at
Philippopolis
;
and
it
is
more
then
likely
that
they
never
came
with
any
design
of
agreement
,
and
pick't
this
quarrel
only
to
baulk
the
Council
.
And
this
is
roundly
charged
upon
them
by
the
Council
it self
,
in
their
Encyclical
Epistle
,
extant
in
Athanasius
his
second
Apology
,
as
done
by
Compact
;
the
Passage
is
very
remarkable
,
and
because
it
is
so
,
though
it
be
somewhat
long
,
I
shall
give
the
Reader
the
sense
of
it
,
as
briefly
as
I
can
:
It
is
not
without
cause
that
these
Men
,
though
often
cited
,
would
never
appear
,
but
by
their
constant
shifting
a
fair
hearing
through
the
guilt
of
their
own
Conscience
,
confirm'd
both
the
suspition
of
their
own
forgeries
,
and
gave
ground
to
believe
that
the
Accusations
against
themselves
were
but
too
true
.
And
therefore
because
beside
this
shuffling
,
they
have
not
only
restored
but
advanced
such
as
were
Deposed
for
the
Arian
Heresie
,
in
which
design
the
chief
Men
after
Eusebius
,
Theodorus
of
Heraclea
,
Narcissus
of
Neronias
in
Cilicia
,
Stephanus
of
Antioch
,
George
of
Laodicea
,
Acacius
of
Caesarea
in
Palestine
,
Menaphantus
of
Ephesus
,
Ursacius
of
Singido
in
Mysia
,
and
Valens
of
Mursa
in
Panonia
are
now
the
chief
Ring-leaders
.
These
Men
therefore
suffer'd
not
any
of
those
who
came
with
them
out
of
Asia
to
Communicate
with
the
Church
here
,
or
so
much
as
to
come
to
the
Council
,
and
in
their
journey
call'd
several
Meetings
in
the
Form
of
Councils
,
in
which
they
by
their
threat'nings
forced
the
Company
to
enter
into
a
Solemn
Covenant
among
themselves
,
that
when
they
come
to
Sardica
they
should
peremptorily
refuse
the
Authority
of
the
Council
,
and
never
appear
before
it
,
or
sit
in
it
;
but
as
soon
as
they
came
thither
,
when
they
had
made
a
formal
shew
of
appearance
;
should
immediately
vanish
.
This
Treachery
is
attested
by
Macarius
of
Palestine
,
and
Asterius
of
Arabia
,
who
were
all
along
present
at
their
proceedings
,
and
who
being
offended
at
so
much
baseness
,
discover'd
to
the
Council
at
their
first
coming
,
under
what
force
they
were
detain'd
,
and
with
what
wickedness
things
were
to
be
managed
.
Adding
withal
that
there
were
great
numbers
of
Orthodox
Bishops
in
their
parts
,
but
that
these
Men
kept
them
at
home
by
force
,
and
with
the
bloodiest
threat'nings
if
they
should
dare
to
appear
;
and
for
all
possible
Security
of
all
that
came
,
they
obliged
them
all
to
lodge
in
the
same
house
,
that
so
no
Man
might
any
way
be
ticed
and
drawn
away
from
the
Conspiracy
.
So
far
the
Council
,
and
nothing
more
evident
all
along
then
that
the
Eusebians
dreaded
nothing
more
then
a
fair
hearing
of
the
Indictments
of
their
own
framing
;
and
therefore
by
all
the
Arts
and
Methods
of
disingenuity
broke
all
Opportunities
that
were
offered
them
for
it
.
So
that
though
they
were
forced
to
make
an
Appearance
at
Sardica
,
by
the
Emperor's
Command
,
yet
they
came
with
this
resolution
,
never
to
suffer
the
matter
to
come
to
any
Issue
:
And
withal
finding
themselves
so
over
numbred
that
they
could
not
obstruct
it
,
they
wisely
take
pet
and
quit
the
Council
.
But
the
Western
Bishops
for
all
that
proceed
,
and
reduce
the
Debate
to
these
three
Heads
(
as
they
have
drawn
it
up
in
their
Epistle
to
Pope
Julius
.
)
First
,
The
settlement
of
the
Faith
.
Secondly
,
The
Examination
of
Witnesses
,
that
had
been
illegally
rejected
in
former
Councils
.
3dly
,
An
enquiry
after
all
those
various
injuries
,
and
violences
that
had
been
done
to
the
Orthodox
Clergy
by
the
Eusebians
.
As
to
the
first
,
It
is
unanimously
Voted
to
frame
no
new
Creed
,
but
to
acquiesce
in
the
sufficiency
of
the
Nicene
Faith
.
As
to
the
Second
,
They
unravel
all
the
Forgeries
and
Tergiversations
of
the
Eusebians
in
former
Councils
,
and
in
an
Encyclical
Epistle
certifie
all
the
Bishops
of
the
Christian
World
of
the
several
Perjuries
that
had
been
made
use
of
,
to
raise
an
Accusation
against
Athanasius
and
other
Orthodox
Bishops
;
and
then
of
their
several
disingenuous
and
dishonest
Methods
,
to
shift
the
proof
of
their
own
Indictment
,
particulary
of
their
running
away
from
their
own
Appeal
to
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
but
most
of
all
of
their
awkerd
behaviour
in
this
Council
,
where
they
would
not
be
prevail'd
with
by
any
importunity
or
intreaty
to
proceed
to
Tryal
,
which
the
Council
imputes
not
only
to
their
knowledge
of
the
defect
of
their
Accusations
against
others
,
but
to
the
Conscience
of
their
own
guilt
.
Seeing
great
numbers
of
Persons
there
present
,
that
were
ready
to
testifie
of
their
various
Cruelties
,
and
tell
sad
Stories
of
their
Imprisoning
,
Banishing
,
Beating
,
Starving
,
Strangling
Persons
in
Holy
Orders
,
only
for
refusing
to
Communicate
with
the
Aria●
Hereticks
.
And
though
the
Criminals
refused
to
appear
,
the
Witnesses
were
Examined
,
and
they
Deposed
,
and
both
the
Emperors
written
to
,
that
their
Majesties
would
be
pleased
to
set
all
such
at
liberty
,
that
were
still
under
restraint
,
and
to
order
their
Officers
for
the
time
to
come
,
not
to
use
any
force
or
violence
against
the
Clergy
for
their
Faith
,
but
leave
them
first
to
be
tryed
by
the
Ecclesiastical
Judicature
.
In
the
next
place
the
whole
Intrigue
against
Athanasius
is
re-examined
,
the
Stories
of
Arsenius
and
Ischiras
farther
proved
by
fresh
Witnesses
,
and
so
both
himself
and
the
rest
of
the
Deposed
and
Banish't
Bishops
are
restored
,
and
the
Intruders
thrust
not
only
out
of
their
Sees
,
but
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Christian
Church
.
And
then
in
the
last
place
they
enact
some
Rules
of
Discipline
useful
and
almost
necessary
for
the
Present
State
of
the
Church
,
as
against
the
practice
of
Eusebius
and
other
Bishops
of
the
Faction
,
that
invade
other
Mens
Bishopricks
,
and
though
such
Offenders
were
only
sent
back
to
their
own
Sees
by
the
Canon
of
the
Nicene
Council
,
this
Council
is
so
severe
as
not
only
to
Depose
but
Excommunicate
them
,
so
as
not
to
be
capable
of
being
admitted
to
Lay-Communion
even
at
the
hour
of
death
.
Another
Canon
they
made
against
the
wandring
of
Bishops
,
and
that
reach't
Ursacius
and
Valens
,
who
left
their
own
Diocesses
to
carry
on
the
Eusebian
Faction
in
other
Provinces
.
A
third
Canon
was
,
That
if
a
Bishop
were
oppress
't
by
his
Com-provincials
,
he
might
have
leave
to
make
his
complaint
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
who
might
judge
whether
he
ought
to
have
a
new
hearing
or
not
,
and
this
(
beside
some
secret
reasons
)
was
to
relieve
the
Eastern
Bishops
from
the
Oppression
of
the
Eusebians
,
who
carried
all
before
them
by
force
and
foul
dealing
.
Though
the
Romanists
will
have
it
to
have
been
made
particularly
to
justifie
Athanasius
in
his
Appeal
to
Rome
;
but
beside
that
if
it
were
true
,
it
would
do
their
Cause
no
service
;
it
is
certain
that
Athanasius
made
not
the
Appeal
himself
,
but
that
his
Cause
was
first
referr'd
thither
by
the
Eusebians
,
and
that
too
with
no
other
design
then
to
remove
it
as
far
as
they
could
from
their
own
doors
for
fear
of
discovery
.
§.
XIII
.
But
as
vigorously
as
the
Western
Bishops
proceeded
at
Sardica
,
the
Eastern
out-stript
them
at
Philippopolis
,
they
first
take
to
themselves
the
Title
of
the
Council
at
Sardica
,
they
draw
up
a
new
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
call
it
the
Sardican
Creed
,
in
which
they
Anathematise
all
the
Positions
of
Arius
,
and
only
omit
the
word
Consubstantial
.
And
as
for
Athanasius
they
cunningly
load
him
with
the
Authority
of
the
Tyrian
Council
,
and
the
Sentence
of
Constantine
upon
it
,
Qui
omnia
ejus
flagitia
recognoscens
suâ
illum
sententiâ
in
exilium
deportavit
,
Who
examining
into
all
his
Crimes
,
banish't
him
by
his
own
Sentence
,
as
they
blush
not
to
aver
,
as
if
the
abused
Emperor
had
been
acquainted
with
all
the
juglings
of
that
Council
,
when
it
was
their
only
care
to
keep
their
proceedings
altogether
in
the
dark
from
him
.
But
from
this
they
proceed
to
infer
that
Athanasius
being
condemn'd
by
the
Suffrage
of
so
many
Bishops
,
and
the
Judgment
of
the
Emperor
,
it
was
now
but
a
trick
to
move
for
a
new
Tryal
,
when
so
many
of
the
Judges
,
Accusers
,
and
Witnesses
were
dead
,
and
therefore
they
must
have
the
old
Sentence
allowed
and
ratified
before
they
would
act
,
least
(
as
they
plead
)
They
should
bring
in
that
prophane
Innovation
,
Quam
horret
vetus
consuetudo
Ecclesiae
,
ut
in
concilio
Orientales
Episcopi
quicquid
forte
statuissent
,
ab
Episcopis
Occidentalibus
refricaretur
&
vice
versa
,
That
the
Ancient
Custom
of
the
Church
abhors
,
that
the
Decrees
of
the
Eastern
Church
should
be
reversed
by
the
Western
,
and
so
on
the
contrary
.
That
was
the
point
they
would
still
be
at
,
that
whatever
was
done
in
the
Eastern
Church
should
not
be
submitted
to
the
Judgment
of
the
Western
Bishops
,
and
then
that
secured
the
Authority
of
the
Tyrian
Council
,
and
as
long
as
that
stood
firm
,
so
did
their
Cause
too
.
But
to
make
short
work
of
it
(
for
there
are
vast
numbers
of
odd
casts
of
disingenuity
in
their
Epistle
)
they
Excommunicate
Athanasius
,
Paul
of
Constantinople
,
Julius
of
Rome
,
Osius
,
Marcellus
,
and
all
that
had
any
hand
in
the
Absolution
of
Athanasius
,
and
this
they
signifie
in
an
Encyclical
Epistle
written
in
the
Name
of
the
Council
of
Sardica
,
to
their
friends
in
all
Parts
of
the
World
;
and
among
many
others
it
is
directed
to
Donatus
the
Schismatical
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
Gratus
the
Catholique
Bishop
of
that
City
,
with
36
other
African
Bishops
being
present
at
the
Council
of
Sardica
,
and
joining
with
it
against
the
Philippopolitans
,
who
therefore
think
to
strengthen
their
Party
,
by
courting
the
Schismaticks
to
their
side
.
And
among
other
sweet
flowers
flatter
them
with
their
own
dear
Expression
,
viz.
That
they
durst
not
join
with
the
Sardican
Council
,
Ne
proditores
fidei
Traditoresque
Scripturarum
dicamur
;
Lest
we
should
be
esteemed
Traytors
of
the
Faith
,
and
Traditors
of
the
Scriptures
;
thereby
insinuating
an
approbation
of
their
Schism
from
the
Catholicks
upon
that
pretence
.
And
this
took
so
luckily
,
that
the
Schismatiques
pleaded
it
in
the
days
of
St.
Austin
,
to
prove
that
they
had
ever
been
in
Communion
with
the
Eastern
Church
.
But
both
parties
having
done
the
business
,
that
they
came
about
,
especially
the
Eusebians
,
whose
only
project
it
was
to
shun
the
Council
,
and
make
the
breach
more
general
with
the
whole
Western
Church
,
they
break
up
their
Assembly
,
and
where-ever
they
come
put
to
death
all
that
refuse
Communion
with
them
,
particularly
they
make
a
great
Massacre
at
Adrianople
,
where
they
cut
off
the
Bishop's
hands
,
and
after
that
his
head
,
with
innumerable
other
outrages
recited
by
Athanasius
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Monks
.
But
as
for
the
Sardican
Council
,
having
settled
things
as
well
as
they
could
,
they
acquaint
both
the
Emperors
with
the
Issue
of
their
Proceedings
,
and
send
three
Bishops
.
Arm'd
with
Letters
from
the
Emperor
Constans
to
his
Brother
Constantius
to
intercede
for
the
restitution
of
the
banish't
Bishops
.
But
whilst
they
attended
the
Emperor
at
Antioch
,
Stephen
Note
that
this
soul
Story
is
carefully
omitted
by
Sandius
,
p.
85.
the
Eusebian
Bishop
of
that
place
by
his
Instruments
,
conveighs
a
common
Strumpet
by
night
stark
naked
into
the
Chamber
of
Euphratas
,
that
was
the
most
eminent
Man
of
the
Embassy
,
and
famous
for
his
great
Vertue
and
Piety
;
but
the
Woman
who
expected
some
debauch't
young
Gallant
for
her
Companion
,
as
soon
as
she
saw
the
grave
old
Bishop
asleep
,
and
altogether
ignorant
of
the
matter
,
being
surprised
,
and
withal
confounded
with
his
venerable
look
,
cries
out
so
loud
of
the
abuse
,
and
force
put
upon
her
as
made
a
disturbance
in
the
Court
,
and
so
the
whole
business
came
to
light
,
and
Stephen
is
found
guilty
of
the
Contrivance
,
and
is
by
the
Emperour
's
own
special
Command
thrust
out
of
his
Bishoprick
.
And
this
was
the
first
thing
that
opened
his
Eyes
,
though
they
soon
closed
again
,
for
by
this
(
says
Athanasius
)
he
was
induced
to
suspect
is
●ilent
here
too
.
Court
in
order
to
his
restitution
,
and
it
is
a
great
while
before
he
will
trust
him
,
after
the
Experience
of
so
many
Treacheries
;
but
having
all
the
Security
that
the
Word
or
the
Oath
of
a
Prince
could
give
him
,
he
at
length
repairs
to
Antioch
,
where
the
Emperor
then
lay
in
attendance
upon
his
Persian
War
,
and
where
he
is
entertain'd
by
him
with
mighty
kindness
and
friendship
,
and
at
last
dismist
with
his
own
commendatory
Letters
to
Alexandria
,
and
assured
by
the
most
Sacred
and
Solemn
Promises
,
That
for
the
time
to
come
he
will
never
give
Ear
to
any
Tales
and
Stories
against
him
.
And
at
his
parting
only
makes
this
request
,
that
of
that
vast
number
of
Churches
that
were
under
his
Jurisdiction
,
he
would
be
pleased
to
grant
one
for
the
use
of
those
who
dissented
from
him
;
Athanasius
replies
,
That
he
is
ready
to
obey
all
his
Majesties
Commands
,
only
he
requests
the
same
favour
for
the
Dissenters
at
Antioch
,
i.
e.
the
Orthodox
,
who
would
rather
set
up
a
separate
Communion
,
then
Communicate
promiscuously
with
the
Arians
,
as
the
Eusebians
did
This
request
was
so
reasonable
that
the
Emperor
could
not
deny
it
;
but
the
Eusebians
immediately
stifle
the
motion
,
as
well
knowing
that
they
should
loose
more
by
this
liberty
to
the
Orthodox
at
Antioch
,
then
they
should
gain
to
themselves
or
their
Cause
by
granting
it
to
the
Arians
at
Alexandria
.
And
so
the
banisht
Bishops
are
restored
to
to
their
several
Sees
,
and
they
quietly
enjoy
them
till
the
unfortunate
death
of
the
Emperour
Constans
,
who
in
the
year
350
,
was
barbarously
murthered
by
his
Rebel
slave
Magnentius
,
who
was
the
first
man
pretending
to
Christianity
,
that
ever
thought
of
Rebelling
against
his
Sovereign
Prince
,
though
it
is
Evident
,
that
he
was
at
best
but
a
counterfeit
Christian
,
in
that
as
soon
as
he
had
got
the
Empire
he
endeavoured
the
Restitution
of
Idolatry
,
as
appears
from
the
Law
of
Constantius
to
abolish
the
night
sacrifices
,
that
De
Paganis
.
l.
5.
(
as
Theodoret
informs
us
were
made
for
the
dead
)
that
were
allowed
by
Magnentius
,
contrary
to
the
Law
of
Constantine
the
Great
,
who
had
taken
them
quite
away
.
And
Athanasius
affirms
,
(
that
he
[
*
](A56396-e35050-b)
*
V.
Juliani
Orat.
ad
Constantium
.
by
the
Character
that
all
the
Historians
of
all
sides
give
of
him
,
scarce
a
Brute
,
cruel
and
bloody
in
all
his
Actions
,
sparing
nothing
in
his
rage
,
nor
scarce
out
of
it
,
inhumane
in
his
very
luxury
,
and
at
last
completing
all
the
Villanies
of
his
life
in
the
murder
of
his
Family
,
and
(
perhaps
to
expiate
all
the
rest
)
in
his
own
.
But
Athanasius
having
lost
his
Patron
before
he
recovered
Alexandria
,
the
Eusebians
threaten
him
afresh
,
so
that
Constantius
himself
was
forced
to
write
him
Letters
of
encouragement
and
give
him
new
assurances
of
security
.
Upon
which
he
goes
forward
and
is
in
all
places
,
received
with
all
the
expressions
of
joy
and
triumph
,
and
in
a
little
time
is
saluted
with
Communicatory
Letters
from
above
400
Bishops
,
and
his
Enemies
everywhere
fall
upon
their
knees
before
him
and
implore
his
Pardon
,
particularly
those
two
vile
wretches
Valens
and
Ursacius
confess
themselves
perjur'd
Villains
,
do
publick
Penance
in
a
Council
at
Milan
and
then
before
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
[
†
](A56396-e35160-b)
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
my
Eternity
,
and
concluded
that
God
Almighty
approved
all
his
past
Actions
by
blessing
him
with
so
much
success
as
to
make
him
Lord
of
the
whole
World
,
upon
which
Lucifer
Calaritanus
writ
his
Book
of
the
Apostate
Kings
of
Israel
,
to
prove
that
worldly
Pro●perity
was
not
entailed
on
the
Pious
,
but
that
the
worst
of
the
Race
met
with
as
much
Prosperity
in
this
World
as
the
good
and
the
religious
.
Upon
this
new
encrease
of
Insolence
the
Shops
of
Calumny
(
as
Zosimus
expresses
it
)
were
opened
anew
,
and
though
it
had
been
a
[
†
](A56396-e35600-b)
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epist
,
ad
Solit.
p.
829.
upon
pain
of
deposition
.
About
which
time
Arrived
the
Popes
Legates
,
and
when
they
came
to
treat
with
the
Eusebians
or
Court
Bishops
,
they
refuse
all
manner
of
dispute
about
the
Faith
,
and
the
only
point
they
stand
upon
,
is
the
Excommunication
of
Athanasius
,
and
by
the
help
of
the
Emperours
threatnings
prevailed
so
far
upon
them
,
that
at
length
they
subscribed
his
Condemnation
.
Upon
which
Liberius
immediately
dispatches
away
new
Legates
,
of
whom
Lucifer
Calaritanus
was
chief
,
whose
zealous
temper
he
might
safely
trust
,
and
they
prevail
for
a
Council
at
Milan
,
but
because
of
the
death
of
Gallus
and
other
incumbrances
of
the
Emperours
Affairs
,
it
was
not
summon'd
till
the
year
following
,
viz.
An.
Dom.
355.
And
when
they
met
,
Constantius
being
now
resolved
to
quell
the
Athanasians
,
carries
all
things
by
Force
and
Violence
.
So
that
the
Legates
refused
to
sit
,
and
so
did
Eusebius
of
Verselles
who
was
joyned
with
them
,
but
they
are
commanded
into
the
Council
by
the
Emperour
,
where
Eusebius
at
his
first
entrance
throws
down
the
Nicene
Faith
upon
the
Table
,
and
tells
them
that
he
will
comply
with
all
other
things
,
if
they
will
but
secure
that
,
Dyonisius
Bishop
of
Milan
takes
it
up
and
offers
to
subscribe
,
but
Valens
(
who
now
with
his
Companion
Ursacius
were
return'd
to
their
old
Trade
of
open
Villany
)
shatches
it
out
of
his
hand
,
and
cryes
out
that
it
was
none
of
the
business
of
their
meeting
.
This
comes
to
a
scuffle
and
that
to
a
kind
of
Tumult
,
upon
which
the
Eusebians
according
to
their
usual
Craft
leave
the
Council
and
meet
at
Court
,
where
the
Emperour
in
effect
takes
upon
himself
the
determination
of
all
things
,
commands
the
Bishops
to
subscribe
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
,
banishes
as
many
as
refused
,
and
when
they
pleaded
in
their
own
behalf
against
the
Credit
of
the
Testimony
of
Valens
and
Ursacius
,
that
were
then
and
there
his
only
Accusers
,
he
replyes
,
what
is
that
to
them
,
it
is
enough
that
himself
was
his
Accuser
,
and
therefore
requires
it
of
them
at
their
utmost
Peril
,
by
this
means
he
gets
30
Subscriptions
in
all
,
then
banishes
two
of
the
Legates
and
whips
the
third
(
in
which
worthy
Exploit
those
worthy
men
Valens
and
Ursaicus
were
the
chief
Actors
)
endeavours
to
perswade
Eusebius
of
Versetles
and
Dionysius
of
Milan
to
subscribe
,
but
they
tell
him
that
it
is
against
the
Canons
,
to
which
he
replyes
,
[
†
](A56396-e35890-b)
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epist.
ad
Solitar
.
p.
831.
That
his
Will
shall
be
the
Canon
.
For
which
rashness
they
boldly
reprove
him
,
but
he
gives
them
no
hearing
,
storms
,
rages
,
draws
his
Sword
,
swears
and
curses
them
into
Exile
.
This
is
the
Story
as
it
is
told
by
the
Ancients
,
but
as
Sandius
tells
it
,
it
§.
XIV
.
Things
having
been
thus
violently
transacted
in
Council
,
the
Emperour
resolves
to
follow
his
own
will
abroad
with
the
same
heat
,
and
therefore
sends
his
Commissioners
into
Africk
to
take
subscriptions
against
Athanasius
,
with
express
Authority
to
banish
all
Ab●orrers
,
and
sends
one
of
his
Eunuchs
,
[
†
](A56396-e36030-b)
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Epist.
ad
Sol.
p.
834.
by
whom
he
was
chiefly
managed
,
and
who
were
the
grand
instruments
of
all
these
mischiefs
,
with
bribes
and
threatnings
to
Liberius
,
to
induce
him
to
a
Subscription
,
but
he
peremptorily
refusing
,
is
sent
for
by
force
,
and
by
the
discourse
that
past
between
them
,
which
Theodoret
has
set
down
at
large
,
we
may
discover
by
what
[
†
](A56396-e36260-b)
†
Theodoret
l.
2.
c.
17.
that
Faelix
was
no
Arian
himself
,
but
a
Stickler
for
the
Nicene
Faith
,
only
allowing
the
Arians
a
capacity
of
Communion
with
the
Church
.
And
that
is
the
thing
that
I
affirm
all
along
to
have
been
the
Eusebian
Cause
,
not
to
restore
Arianism
,
but
to
piece
up
the
Peace
of
the
Church
by
comprehending
all
in
one
Communion
or
by
mutual
forbearance
.
So
that
notwithstanding
that
vehement
out-cry
that
has
been
hitherto
made
of
the
Universal
Predominancy
of
Arianism
under
Constantius
,
especially
at
this
very
moment
of
time
,
I
do
not
find
it
hitherto
so
much
as
own'd
,
nor
any
man
preferr'd
upon
the
account
of
his
being
an
Arian
.
Auxentius
,
that
was
at
this
very
time
thrust
into
the
place
of
Dionysius
of
Milan
,
has
as
bad
a
Character
as
any
man
of
the
time
,
yet
St.
Hilary
himself
(
though
he
were
apt
enough
to
make
Arians
by
Consequences
)
says
of
him
,
that
he
always
openly
disclaim'd
Arianism
,
though
he
suspects
that
it
was
because
he
d●rst
not
own
it
,
so
that
whatever
was
at
bottom
,
it
is
evident
that
the
Arian
Heresie
it self
in
all
this
Controversie
never
appear'd
at
top
.
And
those
very
Bishops
that
are
represented
as
the
most
zealous
Arians
,
were
rather
Atheists
then
Heretiques
.
The
Head
and
Founder
of
the
Party
was
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
,
and
what
a
worthy
Saint
he
was
,
already
appears
from
the
Tenour
of
his
whole
life
.
But
when
by
his
unfortunate
favour
at
Court
,
he
had
got
the
Power
of
the
Church
into
his
own
hands
,
especially
the
disposal
of
Bishopricks
,
and
made
that
the
only
qualification
for
Preferment
,
to
join
with
him
and
his
malice
against
Athanasius
;
in
this
case
it
is
no
wonder
if
the
vilest
of
Men
flockt
in
to
his
Party
in
as
great
sholes
,
as
Irish
Evidences
to
a
Plot.
And
such
were
Valens
and
Ursacius
,
Men
Educated
in
Villany
,
and
so
hardened
in
their
wickedness
,
that
they
were
past
shame
at
its
very
discovery
,
and
when
they
could
not
stand
out
a
Perjury
,
they
would
impudently
confess
it
,
and
then
●ace
it
out
,
and
ask
Pardon
with
as
little
remorse
as
modesty
,
and
when
they
had
unsworn
a
Perjury
,
they
would
the
next
opportunity
swear
it
all
good
again
.
And
such
an
one
was
Epictetus
,
as
he
is
described
by
Athanasius
,
a
Neophite
,
Gregory
Nazianzen
his
Countrey-man
)
the
most
notorious
Villain
of
the
Age
:
●●●●
laudibu●
Athanasii
.
See
the
same
Character
in
Epiphan.
Har●s
.
76.
&
Anmian
.
Marcel
.
l.
22.
c.
11.
He
was
a
Monster
bred
up
in
the
Borders
of
our
Country
,
of
an
ill-bred
,
but
a
worse
Temper
,
a
Slave
,
and
a
waiter
at
other
Mens
Tables
,
and
so
of
no
value
;
that
he
was
sold
for
a
Bushel
of
Corn
,
and
by
this
baseness
he
was
inured
to
do
or
say
any
thing
for
Bread
,
till
at
length
he
crept
into
some
publick
Employment
,
though
the
vilest
that
could
be
,
to
be
Hoggard
to
the
Army
,
which
he
discharged
with
so
much
cheating
and
knavery
that
he
was
forced
to
fly
,
and
so
wandred
up
and
down
the
World
,
till
at
length
he
setled
at
Alexandria
,
where
though
he
had
made
an
end
of
his
Travels
,
he
did
but
begin
his
mischiefs
,
and
though
he
were
contemptible
in
all
points
,
of
no
Learning
,
no
Wit
,
no
Conversation
,
not
so
much
as
pretending
to
a
shew
of
Piety
,
fit
for
nothing
but
to
make
mischief
and
disturbance
,
he
outed
so
great
a
Man
as
Athanasius
,
and
as
vile
a
Wretch
as
he
was
,
presumed
to
get
himself
placed
in
his
Episcopal
Throne
.
And
yet
this
very
Wretch
is
vehemently
recommended
to
the
Alexandrians
by
the
Emperour
's
V.
Athanas.
Apol.
p.
6●5
.
B.
&
Ep.
ad
solit.
p.
859.
D.
own
Letter
,
as
one
of
the
best
Divines
in
the
World
.
So
miserably
did
his
Eunuchs
abuse
the
good
meaning
of
this
poor
Emperor
,
as
to
put
the
vilest
of
Men
into
the
best
of
Preferments
for
Money
;
and
as
he
got
it
,
so
he
used
it
,
not
like
a
Bishop
,
but
a
Publican
,
till
his
Oppressions
cost
him
his
life
,
for
which
he
had
the
good
fortune
in
the
barbarous
Ages
of
the
Church
to
be
Canonised
among
the
Principal
Saints
and
Martyrs
:
For
in
all
the
timely
Records
of
the
Church
,
I
can
find
no
other
St.
George
then
this
.
And
this
was
the
peculiar
miscarriage
of
this
Emperour
's
unhappy
Reign
,
that
the
Preferments
were
got
into
wicked
hands
,
and
then
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
wicked
Men
would
get
into
the
Preferments
,
and
things
were
so
basely
carried
at
last
,
that
nothing
seem'd
to
keep
up
the
good
old
V.
Athanas.
Ep.
ad
Solit.
p.
810.
D.
&c.
Eusebian
Cause
,
but
the
advantage
that
it
gave
ill
Men
for
Ecclesiastical
Plunder
and
Sequestration
.
But
to
return
to
the
train
of
the
Story
,
Liberius
the
Bishop
of
the
great
City
being
dispatcht
,
the
last
Enemy
to
be
overcome
was
the
great
Hosius
,
that
Father
of
Councils
,
who
by
reason
of
that
high
Authority
that
he
had
acquired
in
the
Christian
Church
,
both
by
his
Age
and
Wisdom
,
was
able
by
himself
alone
to
keep
up
the
Orthodox
Faith
against
all
the
Power
of
the
Emperor
.
And
therefore
he
is
Summon'd
to
Court
,
and
courted
to
join
in
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
,
but
he
satisfied
the
Emperor
so
well
by
his
reasons
to
the
contrary
,
that
he
is
dismist
with
all
Civility
;
but
by
the
importunity
of
the
Eunuchs
,
who
feared
that
this
escape
would
make
an
ill
Precedent
,
he
is
immediately
followed
with
a
furious
Epistle
,
commanding
him
to
comply
,
or
to
expect
the
fortune
of
his
Companions
;
to
which
the
good
old
Man
,
nothing
daunted
,
returns
a
bold
but
yet
a
civil
Answer
,
lays
before
the
Emperor
at
one
view
the
whole
Train
of
Villany
against
Athanasius
,
that
had
been
so
often
proved
,
and
then
leaves
it
to
himself
to
consider
,
whether
it
became
his
Majesty
at
that
time
of
the
day
to
suffer
himself
to
be
made
a
Tool
by
such
Perjur'd
Wretches
as
Valens
and
Ursacius
,
and
so
in
short
he
denies
all
compliance
,
and
defies
his
threatnings
,
and
upon
it
he
is
immediately
seized
and
conveyed
to
Sirmium
,
and
there
kept
in
custody
till
the
meeting
of
a
Council
in
that
City
the
year
following
.
And
though
the
fury
of
the
Emperour
's
,
or
rather
his
Eunuchs
Persecution
in
these
European
Parts
,
is
here
somewhat
interrupted
by
the
Incursions
of
the
barbarous
Nations
into
Gaul
,
yet
he
rages
so
much
the
more
fiercely
in
AEgypt
,
especially
at
Alexandria
,
sending
Syrianus
with
some
Legions
of
Soldiers
to
murther
Athanasius
,
who
besets
his
Church
in
the
night
,
where
the
People
were
then
Assembled
,
and
are
commanded
by
Athanasius
in
the
Name
of
God
to
depart
quietly
,
and
himself
by
a
kind
of
Miracle
makes
his
escape
through
the
body
of
the
Soldiers
that
had
encompassed
him
at
the
Altar
,
but
he
being
fled
and
lying
conceal'd
in
the
Deserts
,
Constantius
is
prevail'd
with
to
put
that
Learned
Divine
(
as
he
calls
him
)
George
into
his
Room
,
but
what
a
notorious
Villain
he
had
ever
been
is
already
described
;
but
now
being
got
into
Authority
he
commits
all
manner
of
outrages
in
the
City
,
makes
divers
slaughters
in
the
Churches
themselves
,
imprisons
Virgins
,
Widows
and
Orphans
,
seizes
on
the
Orthodox
Christians
by
night
,
and
throws
them
into
Goal
;
ejects
all
Bishops
throughout
AEgypt
and
Lybia
,
that
refuse
to
subscribe
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
,
and
of
these
some
he
banishes
,
others
he
imprisons
,
in
short
,
he
sweeps
all
away
before
him
like
a
Land-flood
,
and
bears
away
all
the
Orthodox
Clergy
out
of
their
Possessions
in
the
Church
,
Athanasius
reckons
up
no
less
then
Ninty
Bishops
ejected
in
AEgypt
,
whereof
Sixteen
were
banisht
.
But
the
worst
of
all
is
still
behind
,
their
Bishopricks
are
sold
to
Heathens
,
Soldiers
,
or
any
Chapmen
that
would
bid
most
Money
for
them
;
and
so
all
ill
Men
of
what
Profession
or
Religion
soever
,
or
rather
of
none
at
all
,
crowded
into
the
Party
for
the
purchase
of
a
Bishoprick
;
and
so
was
the
whole
Church
put
into
the
hands
of
wicked
and
debauch't
Men
,
who
could
do
no
service
in
it
,
but
in
the
way
of
out-rage
and
cruelty
;
and
in
short
,
the
sury
of
this
Persecution
through
all
Africk
is
described
by
Athanasius
,
not
only
to
have
equall'd
,
but
exceeded
any
of
the
Heathen
Persecutions
,
both
for
rudeness
and
cruelty
.
But
still
himself
was
the
Man
aim'd
at
in
it
all
,
great
rewards
are
promised
by
publick
Edicts
to
the
Man
that
shall
slay
him
,
and
blood-hounds
are
sent
out
into
all
Parts
to
scent
out
his
Form
,
but
by
a
great
wonder
of
Providence
he
lyes
undiscovered
all
the
time
of
Constantius
.
And
in
this
retirement
he
did
himself
and
the
World
that
right
,
as
to
write
those
two
excellent
Discourses
in
his
own
Vindication
,
viz.
his
Epistle
to
the
Monks
,
and
his
first
Apology
to
Constantius
;
in
both
which
he
has
with
that
clearness
of
Reason
,
and
evidence
of
Record
laid
open
the
wickedness
of
the
Eusebians
,
in
the
contrivance
of
all
his
Troubles
from
the
time
of
the
Council
of
Nice
to
that
very
day
,
that
it
is
not
so
properly
an
History
as
a
Demonstration
,
for
he
has
related
nothing
that
he
has
not
proved
by
undeniable
Records
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
he
is
the
only
valuable
Historian
of
his
own
Actions
,
for
all
the
Historians
are
so
confused
in
their
account
of
him
,
that
as
they
are
not
to
be
at
all
trusted
when
they
differ
from
him
,
so
are
they
very
little
to
be
relied
upon
in
any
Report
,
that
is
not
vouch't
by
his
Authority
.
§.
XV.
Thus
far
has
this
long
Controversie
been
carried
on
between
the
Eusebians
,
and
the
Ab●ttors
of
the
Nicene
Faith
,
but
now
the
Arian
Cause
is
again
brought
upon
the
Stage
in
another
guise
by
Photinus
Bishop
of
Sirmium
,
who
revives
the
old
exploded
Heresie
of
Paulus
Samosatenus
,
that
differs
from
Arianism
only
in
this
one
Circumstance
,
That
it
affirms
the
Son
of
God
not
to
have
been
Created
till
the
time
of
his
Nativity
;
whereas
Arius
will
have
him
to
have
been
the
first-born
of
all
Creatures
,
yet
they
both
agree
in
the
main
Poison
of
the
Heres●e
,
That
he
was
a
Being
Created
out
of
Nothing
,
and
then
it
is
not
much
material
in
it self
,
how
soon
or
how
late
it
was
brought
to
pass
.
But
yet
however
this
new-vampt
Hypothesis
appearing
more
bold
,
and
tending
to
bring
down
the
Son
of
God
into
the
same
rank
with
every
ordinary
Son
of
a
Woman
,
whereas
Arius
allowed
him
great
share
in
the
Creation
of
the
Universe
,
and
an
eminency
of
Power
,
and
Dignity
over
all
other
Creatures
.
This
therefore
alarms
all
Parties
,
Catholicks
and
Eusebians
,
and
a
Council
is
call'd
at
Sirmium
&
dissert.
de
Photini
damnation●
.
for
its
Condemnation
.
And
here
the
Learned
Petavius
is
as
over-nice
to
disturb
the
plain
History
of
this
Council
,
as
I
have
shewn
Valesius
to
have
been
in
reforming
the
History
of
the
Council
at
Rome
,
and
the
Absolution
of
Athanasius
.
For
as
he
there
took
a
great
deal
of
pains
to
make
but
one
Council
of
two
,
so
has
our
Learned
Jesuite
here
to
make
two
of
one
.
For
though
there
is
mention
of
no
more
then
one
in
all
the
Ancient
Records
of
the
Church
,
yet
he
has
lately
found
out
another
that
(
he
says
)
has
hitherto
lain
buried
under
the
ruins
of
St.
Hilary's
Fragments
;
but
alas
they
are
so
imperfect
and
confused
,
that
nothing
can
with
any
assurance
be
built
upon
their
single
Testimony
,
much
less
upon
remote
inferences
from
them
,
which
yet
is
all
the
light
that
this
Learned
Man
is
able
to
strike
out
of
that
Rubbish
.
Neither
indeed
is
it
tanti
to
spend
so
much
Learning
upon
such
a
lean
and
barren
Enquiry
,
for
whether
there
were
two
or
one
Sirmian
Councils
,
they
were
call'd
upon
the
same
Errand
,
and
(
as
I
shall
prove
)
were
of
the
same
mind
,
and
what
that
is
we
sufficiently
know
by
the
Records
of
that
which
he
would
have
to
be
the
second
,
whereas
the
most
that
we
can
know
of
the
first
beside
this
,
is
only
that
there
was
such
a
Council
,
and
if
that
be
all
,
I
cannot
see
what
Temptation
the
Learned
Man
could
have
,
to
be
so
proud
of
his
discovery
,
and
to
take
so
much
pains
to
make
out
a
nicety
of
so
little
weight
.
I
must
confess
with
him
and
Father
Labbe
,
That
there
is
no
part
of
Ecclesiastical
History
more
involved
,
then
that
which
relates
to
the
Transactions
of
this
Council
,
but
then
the
difficulty
arises
not
from
any
confusion
of
the
two
Councils
as
they
imagine
,
but
upon
the
defect
of
some
Records
,
that
they
have
not
observed
,
though
they
are
grounded
upon
an
evident
mistake
,
as
I
shall
shew
in
the
progress
of
the
Story
.
In
the
first
place
,
as
for
the
time
of
the
sitting
of
this
Council
,
it
is
become
a
great
Controversie
among
the
Learned
,
Baronius
places
it
in
the
year
357
,
Petavins
,
and
after
him
Valesius
,
in
the
year
351
,
though
I
cannot
see
any
reason
that
they
have
for
it
,
then
only
to
serve
the
Hypothesis
of
a
double
Council
.
And
as
for
the
reasons
that
Baronius
gives
for
his
Chronology
,
they
are
evident
from
the
very
Story
,
of
that
time
,
viz.
that
the
Council
of
Sirmium
was
call'd
after
the
Council
of
Milan
,
the
Banishment
of
Liberius
,
and
the
Confinement
of
Hosius
at
Sirmium
,
and
three
years
after
the
Council
of
Arles
by
St.
Hilary
,
&
the
Orthodox
Bishops
against
Saturninus
,
all
which
fall
in
exactly
with
this
time
.
To
which
might
have
been
added
,
that
it
was
but
a
little
time
before
the
Council
of
Ancyra
,
where
the
Bishops
that
had
been
present
at
this
Council
of
Sirmium
,
were
surprised
with
the
news
of
the
bold
proceedings
of
Valens
and
his
Companions
,
against
their
Decrees
at
Sirmium
;
and
yet
it
is
evident
,
and
proved
by
Petavius
himself
,
that
the
Council
of
Ancyra
met
in
the
year
358
,
whereas
by
his
Hypothesis
there
must
have
been
Seven
years
distance
between
the
two
Councils
,
which
is
utterly
inconsistent
with
the
whole
Train
of
the
Story
.
And
as
for
the
Arguments
of
Baronius
,
though
they
are
rejected
by
Petavius
,
yet
I
do
not
find
that
he
has
any
way
attempted
either
to
answer
or
disprove
them
,
unless
by
opposing
to
them
the
Authority
of
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
who
place
it
in
the
year
after
the
Consulship
of
Sergius
and
Nigrinianus
,
and
that
is
the
year
351.
But
to
me
it
looks
very
strange
,
that
these
Learned
Men
should
lay
so
much
stress
upon
the
Authority
of
these
Writers
in
a
point
of
Chronology
,
when
themselves
so
well
knew
,
and
have
so
well
proved
too
,
that
there
is
scarce
a
Transaction
in
the
whole
History
,
that
they
have
not
Mis-timed
,
Ante-dating
,
or
Post-dating
every
thing
And
that
they
did
so
here
,
is
evident
from
the
whole
Series
of
the
History
,
especially
the
time
of
the
banishment
of
Hosius
,
after
the
Council
of
Milan
,
in
the
first
place
,
which
could
not
be
till
some
years
after
the
year
351
,
in
that
the
Council
of
Milan
it self
was
not
held
till
the
year
355.
And
in
the
next
place
the
meeting
of
the
Convention
at
Ancyra
in
the
year
358
,
upon
the
first
news
of
the
disorderly
proceedings
of
Valens
and
his
Faction
against
the
Sirmian
Council
,
which
could
scarce
take
up
a
years
time
,
but
much
less
seven
years
,
which
it
must
have
done
if
the
first
sitting
of
the
Council
had
been
in
the
year
351.
But
beside
both
these
evident
Demonstrations
,
there
is
another
proof
of
as
great
force
out
of
the
Historians
themselves
,
of
which
Valesius
Annot.
in
Socrat.
hist.
l.
2.
c.
29.
has
taken
notice
,
but
over-lookt
the
Consequence
.
i.
e.
That
several
Bishops
that
they
affirm
to
have
been
present
at
the
Council
,
were
not
Bishops
till
some
years
after
the
year
351
,
particularly
George
of
Alexandria
,
and
Hypatianus
of
Heraclea
,
who
came
not
to
their
Bishopricks
till
the
year
356.
And
then
I
hope
no
Man
can
doubt
but
that
it
was
an
evident
mistake
to
make
them
Bishops
in
the
year
351.
Now
the
time
being
rightly
stated
against
the
over-curious
amendment
of
these
Learned
Men
,
the
whole
Series
of
the
Story
will
run
smooth
and
easie
:
For
the
Emperor
coming
to
Sirmium
in
his
Wars
against
the
Barbarians
,
as
Ammianus
[
*
](A56396-e37840-b)
*
Ecce
Photinus
hominem
tantum
profitetur
Dei
filium
;
dicit
illum
non
fuisse
ante
beatam
Mariam
:
tua
quoque
haec
est
professio
.
Quod
enim
ante
omnia
quidem
,
hoc
est
ante
Caelos
,
Terram
,
Mare
,
&
omnia
quae
in
eis
sunt
,
Filius
Dei
sit
,
sed
quod
extiterit
ex
nihilo
,
sed
quod
sit
creatura
;
quid
interesse
Arbitraris
inter
te
&
Paulum
Samosatenum
,
veleum
,
tum
ejus
Discipulum
tuum
Conscotinum
,
nisi
quia
tu
ante
omnia
dicis
,
ille
verò
post
omnia
?
Caeterùm
una
vobis
credulitatis
&
incredulitatis
mens
est
,
ut
diceretis
non
habere
Deum
verum
silium
.
Lucifer
Calaritanus
,
that
if
they
would
allow
Communion
with
the
Arians
,
there
was
no
avoiding
it
,
but
that
they
must
grant
it
too
to
the
Samosatenians
.
This
being
the
Master
objecti
on
against
them
,
which
they
could
never
avoid
,
though
they
would
never
submit
to
it
;
and
now
finding
the
Samosatenian
Heresie
brought
in
upon
them
,
they
are
more
concern'd
then
any
other
Party
to
appear
against
it
,
both
to
clear
themselves
of
the
objection
and
to
vindicate
their
own
Reputation
:
That
the
main
Body
of
the
Council
consisted
of
Eusebians
is
evident
from
the
Subscriptions
of
the
Council
of
Ancyra
,
whereof
all
were
present
at
this
,
and
from
the
Presidency
of
Basilius
,
who
was
both
an
Eminent
Eusebian
,
and
the
Chairman
and
chief
Actor
in
this
Council
.
Neither
is
there
the
name
of
any
one
Orthodox
Bishop
that
was
present
at
this
Council
upon
Record
,
but
only
Hosius
,
who
was
there
by
compulsion
.
Now
to
give
a
cast
of
their
Zeal
both
against
the
new
and
the
old
Heresie
,
they
revive
the
fourth
Creed
of
the
Council
of
Antioch
,
which
that
Council
sent
to
the
Emperor
Constans
to
clear
themselves
from
all
suspition
of
the
Arian
Heresie
;
and
wherein
they
endeavour'd
to
express
the
sense
of
the
Nicene
Fathers
,
and
make
an
effectual
bar
against
Arianism
,
without
the
word
Homoousios
.
And
then
to
their
own
Declaration
of
Faith
,
in
which
they
affirm
,
That
the
Son
existed
out
of
no
other
Substance
then
God
himself
,
they
annex
27
Anathema's
against
every
branch
both
of
the
Arian
and
P●otinian
Heresie
.
All
which
Anathema's
are
carefully
omitted
by
our
saithful
Historian
Sandius
,
because
he
is
resolved
to
make
all
the
Fathers
of
this
Anti-Arian
Council
rank
Arians
.
But
this
Creed
was
thought
so
satisfactory
in
those
days
,
that
it
is
recommended
by
St.
Hilary
among
the
Orthodox
Creeds
,
subscribed
by
Liberius
,
and
approved
by
Athanasius
,
Valens
,
Ursacius
and
their
Associates
,
that
were
more
warping
to
Arianism
then
was
suspected
,
and
indeed
had
been
secret
Arians
all
along
,
as
will
appear
by
the
sequel
of
the
Story
,
that
they
draw
up
another
Creed
among
themselves
,
and
give
it
out
to
the
World
under
the
name
of
the
Sirmian
Creed
.
In
which
they
condemn
and
reject
the
use
of
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
the
Christian
Church
,
both
because
not
warranted
by
Scripture
,
and
because
such
Mysteries
transcend
the
knowledge
and
comprehension
of
humane
Understandings
.
The
consequence
of
which
(
as
St.
Hilary
truly
observes
)
was
,
that
by
shutting
out
the
word
Homoousios
,
it
must
be
Decreed
either
that
he
was
a
Creature
made
out
of
nothing
,
or
out
of
another
Substance
uncreated
,
and
distinct
from
the
Divine
Nature
.
And
by
the
profession
of
our
ignorance
of
his
Divine
Generation
,
that
we
plainly
declare
,
that
we
do
not
certainly
know
that
he
is
the
Son
of
God
,
both
which
consequences
being
so
dangerous
,
and
so
evident
,
it
could
not
but
encrease
the
Zeal
not
only
of
the
Orthodox
Fathers
,
but
the
Eusebians
,
against
such
an
undermining
Creed
.
But
the
Valentians
having
now
discover'd
themselves
,
endeavour
to
make
their
Party
as
strong
as
they
can
,
and
among
other
confiding
friends
send
their
Creed
to
Eudoxius
,
a
very
ill
Man
that
had
by
the
Patronage
of
the
Eunuchs
seized
the
great
Bishoprick
of
Antioch
,
as
the
sense
of
the
Western
Church
,
and
with
the
Title
of
the
Sirmian
Faith
,
and
he
being
an
eager
admirer
of
Aetius
,
that
had
outbid
the
Photinian
Heresie
in
daring
and
boldness
,
embraces
it
with
great
greediness
,
and
calls
a
Council
at
Antioch
to
abet
and
ratifie
this
Western
Faith
,
and
writes
back
Letters
of
thanks
to
Valens
and
Ursacius
for
settling
the
right
Faith
in
those
Parts
.
Of
all
which
proceedings
George
Bishop
of
Laodicea
,
an
Eminent
Eusebian
,
informs
Basilius
of
Ancyra
,
and
the
Bishops
that
were
then
Assembled
with
him
upon
occasion
of
Consecrating
a
new
Church
there
founded
by
him
,
and
begs
that
they
would
give
their
assistance
to
deliver
the
Church
of
Antioch
,
and
indeed
the
whole
Christian
Church
from
a
such
malignant
Heresie
.
With
all
which
they
being
surprised
,
supposing
that
all
things
had
been
duly
and
fully
setled
in
their
late
Council
at
Sirmium
,
but
instead
of
that
they
now
find
a
forged
and
counterfeit
Creed
thrust
upon
The
faithful
Sand.
takes
no
notice
of
all
this
,
but
only
says
that
they
con●●●●
both
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
them
,
and
therefore
they
immediately
condemn
it
in
Twelve
smart
Propositions
,
draw
up
a
new
Creed
,
in
which
they
restore
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
the
sorged
Creed
of
Valens
had
exploded
,
and
affirm
the
Son
to
be
like
the
Father
both
in
Substance
and
in
all
things
;
send
it
by
Basilius
and
other
Legates
to
the
Emperor
,
with
a
request
that
the
determinations
of
the
Sirmian
Council
might
be
ratified
by
Imperial
Edict
,
he
receives
both
it
and
them
with
all
possible
kindness
,
is
in
a
great
passion
against
Valens
and
his
Conventicle
,
and
damns
their
forged
Consession
by
publick
Edict
.
From
all
which
it
is
more
then
evident
,
That
this
Creed
of
Valens
was
not
drawn
up
in
the
Sirmian
Council
,
as
the
Historians
unanimously
mistake
;
but
after
its
dissolution
by
a
rump
Faction
that
continued
in
the
City
,
and
that
appears
plain
enough
without
all
this
proof
by
the
Preamble
to
it
,
viz.
Seeing
a
Dispute
about
the
Faith
has
been
thought
convenient
,
all
things
have
been
diligently
Examin'd
and
Discuss't
at
Sirmium
in
the
presence
of
Valens
,
Ursacius
,
Germinius
and
others
.
So
that
it
was
not
the
Act
of
the
Council
,
but
of
a
few
Bishops
that
protested
against
it
,
who
by
it
so
netled
the
Eastern
Bishops
that
had
been
present
at
the
Council
,
that
they
immediately
meet
again
in
Council
to
condemn
the
Imposture
and
restore
the
true
Sirmian
Faith
.
And
yet
for
all
this
it
is
unanimously
agreed
by
all
Writers
both
Ancient
and
Modern
,
even
those
who
acknowledge
that
this
Second
Creed
was
not
made
till
after
the
Council
,
that
this
was
the
very
Creed
subscribed
by
the
great
Hosius
in
the
Council
.
But
methinks
though
we
had
wanted
this
forcible
exception
against
it
,
that
he
could
subscribe
no
such
Creed
in
Council
because
none
such
there
was
to
be
subscribed
,
yet
such
an
enormous
Apostacy
should
not
be
so
easily
believed
of
a
Man
so
Great
,
so
Good
,
so
Wise
,
the
very
Father
of
the
Church
in
that
Age
,
that
had
for
so
many
years
managed
all
the
great
Affairs
of
Christendom
,
presided
in
all
the
great
Councils
Eastern
and
Western
,
should
at
last
quit
the
faith
,
that
he
had
so
long
contended
for
.
And
therefore
Baronius
bemoans
his
fall
with
Basilius
,
Silvanus
In
Fragm.
Hil.
p.
458.
and
others
who
were
so
far
from
subscribing
that
Creed
,
that
they
were
not
present
when
it
was
framed
,
and
as
soon
as
they
heard
of
it
,
condemned
it
with
as
much
detestation
as
St.
Hilary
himself
.
Neither
indeed
could
this
drop
from
St.
Hilarie's
own
Pen
,
who
very
well
knew
and
has
given
the
most
accurate
account
of
the
Proceedings
of
Basilius
,
Silvanus
and
others
at
Ancyra
against
the
false
Creed
of
Sirmium
,
and
therefore
could
not
possibly
so
far
forget
himself
as
to
set
it
down
for
their
contrivance
.
So
that
this
addition
must
have
been
foisted
in
by
some
peevish
and
unskilful
follower
of
Lucifer
Calaritanus
,
who
was
angry
with
the
reconciliation
of
the
divided
Parties
,
and
equally
offended
both
with
the
Orthodox
and
with
the
Eusebians
that
had
United
against
the
Anomaeans
,
and
I
am
very
apt
to
suspect
that
most
of
the
reflecting
passages
in
St.
Hilary
were
foisted
in
by
some
such
hand
,
and
particularly
the
Title
prefixt
to
this
Creed
,
Exemplum
blasphemiae
apud
Sirmium
per
Osium
&
Potamium
conscriptae
;
for
there
is
no
such
Title
in
any
other
Author
,
it
is
set
down
b
th
by
Athanasius
and
Socrates
without
any
mention
of
the
name
of
Hosius
.
But
however
that
is
,
it
is
evident
from
Athanasius
himself
,
that
the
imposture
of
the
second
Sirmian
Creed
was
not
then
well
understood
,
for
he
sets
it
down
in
the
second
Creed
made
by
the
same
Council
that
drew
up
the
first
,
whereas
it
was
made
by
a
Faction
in
defiance
of
it
,
and
imposed
upon
the
World
under
the
false
Title
of
the
Sirmian
Creed
,
which
it
seems
was
swallowed
by
Athanasius
in
Africk
as
it
was
by
St.
Hilary
in
Asia
,
but
that
it
was
the
Creed
of
Hosius
is
the
singular
Dream
of
St.
Hilary
or
his
forging
Luciferian
,
for
that
it
was
not
St.
Hilary's
own
Censure
appears
from
a
surly
passage
annexed
to
it
.
Sed
de
eo
[
Hosio
]
nihil
queror
:
qui
idcirco
est
reservatus
,
ne
judicio
humano
ignoraretur
qualis
antè
vixisset
.
But
I
shall
not
complain
of
him
,
seeing
he
was
preserved
,
to
let
the
World
know
what
a
life
he
has
lived
.
Which
implyes
him
to
have
been
a
wicked
and
scandalous
Person
,
which
St.
Hilary
nor
no
man
else
unless
a
railing
Luciferian
could
ever
say
of
Hosius
,
which
one
dirty
reflection
is
enough
to
spoil
the
Credit
of
the
whole
Story
,
in
that
it
betrays
the
hand
from
whence
it
dropt
,
and
the
same
is
to
be
said
of
his
Book
against
Constantius
,
where
we
find
the
same
Calumny
repeated
.
For
how
Learned
Men
came
to
let
that
Book
pass
among
St.
Hilary's
Genuine
Works
I
cannot
understand
,
when
it
so
plainly
betrays
its
own
Forgery
,
first
in
that
the
Author
of
it
excuses
himself
for
having
never
appear'd
before
in
this
Controversie
,
whereas
St.
Hilary
had
written
his
12
Books
de
Trinitate
,
his
Book
de
Synodis
,
and
two
Apologies
to
Constantius
.
Secondly
,
It
is
pretended
to
have
been
written
after
the
death
of
Constantius
,
and
yet
it
speaks
of
things
that
were
transacting
at
the
time
of
its
writing
[
*
](A56396-e39200-b)
*
At
nunc
pugnamus
contra
persequutorem
,
fallentem
,
contra
hostem
blandientem
,
contra
Constantiā
Antichristum
.
as
done
in
the
time
of
his
reign
.
Thirdly
,
a
considerable
part
of
it
is
stoln
out
of
Lucifer
Calaritanus
,
viz.
Where
he
justifies
his
rudeness
to
the
Emperour
by
the
Example
of
the
Maccabees
.
Fourthly
,
the
Author
of
it
has
filch't
a
passage
out
of
St.
Athanasius
his
own
Apology
,
in
which
he
tells
the
Emperour
that
he
had
taken
more
pains
against
Athanasius
then
against
the
Persians
;
and
therefore
it
must
have
been
written
by
some
later
Rhapsodist
when
Athanasius
his
Books
were
grown
common
,
whereas
St.
Hilary
does
not
seem
to
have
been
at
all
acquainted
with
them
.
Lastly
[
*
](A56396-e39280-b)
*
Mandas
tibi
subscriptiones
,
Afrorum
,
quibus
blasphemia
Ursacii
et
Valentis
condemnaverant
,
reddi
:
renitentibus
comminaris
,
&
postremum
ad
diripiendos
mittis
.
he
charges
Constantius
with
owning
and
abetting
with
all
his
power
the
Creed
of
Valens
and
Ursacius
,
when
it
is
so
very
well
known
that
he
used
all
his
power
to
oppose
it
.
But
beside
all
these
reasons
,
though
I
am
no
Critick
,
yet
I
cannot
but
discern
that
Treatise
to
be
so
utterly
unlike
the
Spirit
and
Genius
of
that
Father
,
that
if
he
would
have
set
his
own
Wit
to
mock
and
burlesque
his
own
way
of
writing
,
he
could
not
have
writ
so
unlike
himself
.
As
will
appear
to
any
one
that
will
but
compare
it
with
the
remaining
fragments
of
his
two
other
Apologies
.
For
beside
the
scabby
imitation
of
his
Stile
,
the
roughness
of
the
matter
was
utterly
inconsistent
with
his
smooth
and
gentle
way
of
Address
,
and
perfectly
betrays
the
rough
hand
of
some
Luciferian
Esau.
For
all
the
Schismaticks
of
that
Splenetick
Sect
kept
up
the
rudeness
of
their
Founder
,
and
so
were
very
abusive
in
all
their
Writings
,
and
particularly
sawcy
in
their
expressions
to
Sovereign
Princes
:
but
most
of
all
addicted
to
forge
and
divulge
ill-natur'd
Stories
against
all
that
they
hated
,
but
of
all
men
they
both
owed
and
paid
their
greatest
spite
to
the
Memory
of
Hosius
,
because
he
was
the
first
man
that
condescended
to
an
accommodation
with
the
Euselians
,
upon
their
anathematising
the
Arian
Heresie
.
Whereas
Lucifer
Calaritanus
the
Father
of
their
Sect
,
was
so
far
from
submitting
to
any
terms
of
Reconciliation
,
that
he
would
not
so
much
as
accept
them
to
Communion
upon
repentance
,
and
upon
this
account
separated
himself
from
the
Catholick
Communion
,
and
made
that
ill
natur'd
Schism
,
that
his
petulant
followers
were
ferced
to
keep
up
by
Stories
and
Calumnies
against
the
Catholicks
;
but
as
for
Hosius
the
head
of
their
Enemies
,
he
must
not
only
do
wicked
things
,
but
he
must
be
punish't
for
them
by
the
immediate
hand
of
God
,
and
of
this
we
have
a
remarkable
Story
still
remaining
in
Isidore
Hispalensis
,
that
after
his
Apostacy
and
Prevarication
at
Sirmium
,
Gregory
a
Luciferian
Bishop
of
El●beris
refused
Communion
with
him
at
his
return
home
,
at
which
he
falls
into
a
Passion
,
resolves
to
procure
his
Banishment
,
and
in
order
to
it
goes
about
to
Excommunicate
him
,
but
as
he
is
denouncing
the
Sentence
,
he
is
struck
dead
by
Gregory's
Prayers
.
But
though
the
Learned
Annalist
has
left
this
great
Man
under
the
guilt
of
his
Apostacy
,
Sulpitius
Severus
,
I
regard
them
not
either
in
this
or
any
●ther
part
of
the
Arian
History
,
especially
the
latter
who
has
committed
as
many
faults
through
carelesness
,
as
Philostorgius
and
his
Lacquey
Sandius
have
through
w●llful
dishonesty
.
I
have
insisted
the
longer
upon
this
particular
Subject
because
it
grieved
me
to
see
the
reputation
of
so
great
a
Man
that
had
shined
so
long
in
the
Christian
Church
to
be
thought
at
last
to
set
in
so
much
dishonour
,
and
that
so
great
a
blemish
should
so
easily
pass
upon
him
through
all
Ages
meerly
through
mistake
and
carelesness
.
But
having
so
fully
clear'd
him
of
the
foul
Calumny
laid
to
his
Charge
,
I
may
now
proceed
to
do
what
Service
I
can
of
the
same
nature
to
Pope
Liberius
,
who
too
Poor
Man
!
has
had
much
harder
usage
upon
this
occasion
then
he
really
deserved
,
and
that
from
the
same
Fountain
,
viz.
A
blind
Testimony
of
St.
Hilary
and
a
bold
Lye
of
Valens
and
his
Faction
,
the
first
has
let
fly
three
Anathema's
for
his
Apostacy
,
to
which
Baronius
replies
,
that
they
were
none
of
his
,
but
foisted
into
him
by
some
later
hand
:
It
may
be
so
,
and
in
truth
very
little
stress
is
to
be
laid
upon
those
confused
Fragments
,
but
then
he
might
have
pleaded
the
same
thing
in
behalf
of
Hosius
,
whereas
he
has
taken
great
pains
to
condemn
Hosius
,
and
acquit
Liberius
by
the
Authority
of
St.
Hilary
,
which
is
by
no
means
fair
dealing
,
when
by
the
same
shift
wherewith
he
eludes
the
Testimony
of
Liberius
,
he
might
if
he
had
pleased
have
taken
off
the
Evidence
against
Hosius
,
which
yet
he
has
urged
with
the
utmost
severity
against
him
,
though
with
what
candour
and
justice
is
evident
from
the
Premisses
.
And
as
their
case
was
the
same
as
to
the
Testimony
of
St.
Hilary
,
so
was
it
as
to
the
lyes
and
slanders
of
the
Eusebians
,
who
at
the
same
time
when
they
boasted
of
Hosius
his
rejecting
the
Consubstantiality
,
if
we
may
believe
Sozomen
,
they
make
the
very
same
braggs
of
Liberius
,
§.
XVI
.
Valens
and
his
Conventicle
having
put
that
impudent
Sham
upon
the
Council
,
as
to
contrive
a
new
Creed
,
that
discarded
all
the
bars
against
Artanism
,
and
publish
it
to
the
World
under
the
Authority
of
the
Council
it self
,
this
so
gauled
Basi●ius
and
the
old
Eusebians
,
who
flatter'd
themselves
with
this
conceit
,
that
after
all
their
Travels
they
had
now
at
last
settled
all
things
,
and
united
all
Parties
by
asserting
a
likeness
though
not
an
Identity
in
substance
,
against
the
new
Sect
of
the
Anomaeans
,
who
were
so
far
from
owning
any
thing
like
to
equality
between
Father
and
Son
,
that
they
held
a
perfect
dissimilitude
of
Natures
(
●o
endless
a
thing
is
Metaphysicks
,
when
Men
have
a
mind
to
be
peevish
or
wanton
)
And
here
begins
the
new
Controversie
(
as
Epiphanius
observes
)
of
Homousians
and
Homoiousians
against
the
Anomaeans
.
And
indeed
it
[
*
](A56396-e40490-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
unchangeable
Image
of
the
Divinity
and
Substance
of
the
Father
.
But
from
the
time
of
the
Sirmian
Council
this
new
Controversie
is
carried
on
both
by
the
Homousians
and
Homoiousians
against
the
Anomaeans
,
and
it
was
but
high
time
when
they
began
to
out-bid
the
Arians
,
especially
when
Aetius
had
about
this
time
vented
his
new
Heresie
,
viz.
That
the
Son
was
so
far
from
being
either
of
the
same
or
the
like
Substance
with
the
Father
,
that
he
was
unlike
him
in
all
things
,
in
which
the
bold
Mechanick
went
beyond
all
the
former
Anomaeans
,
that
held
only
a
dissimilitude
of
Nature
,
but
a
likeness
of
Will
,
whereas
this
new
Heretique
positively
avers
an
unlikeness
both
of
Nature
and
Will.
He
was
by
Trade
a
Goldsmith
in
Antioch
,
but
being
a
very
pert
and
conceited
Citizen
,
and
troubled
as
Photius
expresses
it
in
the
description
of
him
,
with
a
certain
Disease
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
an
intemperance
of
prating
,
he
would
needs
set
up
for
a
thing
of
Learning
,
and
having
got
a
little
smattering
in
Aristotle's
Logique
,
the
next
thing
was
to
be
an
Heretique
too
,
and
so
first
declares
for
Arius
,
and
spends
his
time
in
running
up
and
down
to
dispute
with
the
Divines
of
the
City
,
and
at
length
grew
so
troublesome
and
impertinent
in
all
Company
that
the
Pedant
was
kickt
out
of
Town
.
But
having
the
honour
of
a
publick
Affront
,
instead
of
being
out
of
countenance
,
he
grows
proud
that
he
should
be
so
considerable
as
to
be
at
all
taken
notice
of
,
and
so
resolves
to
leave
his
Master
Arius
,
and
set
up
a
new
Heresie
of
his
own
,
and
so
became
the
very
Muggleton
of
the
Age.
His
great
Admirers
Philostorgius
and
Sandius
are
so
foolish
as
to
tell
us
strange
Stories
of
his
profound
skill
in
Philosophy
,
and
all
the
Learned
Languages
;
and
yet
in
the
same
page
tell
us
again
,
That
after
he
was
driven
and
affronted
out
of
Antioch
,
he
fled
to
Anazarbus
in
Cilicia
,
and
there
learnt
his
Grammar
till
his
School-Master
kickt
him
again
out
of
doors
for
his
sawcy
and
malepert
behaviour
towards
him
;
after
which
he
wanders
up
and
down
to
brawl
and
dispute
with
all
Men
of
same
for
Learning
,
and
having
the
misfortune
to
be
once
overcome
at
disputation
in
the
Isle
of
Sicily
,
he
resolved
(
to
be
short
)
to
hang
himself
,
had
he
not
been
warned
by
an
Angel
in
a
Vision
,
that
he
should
be
endued
with
invincible
Wisdom
,
and
never
more
be
vanquisht
in
disputation
.
Upon
this
he
takes
heart
and
repairs
to
Alexandria
,
to
encounter
the
great
.
Aphthonius
,
the
then
admir'd
Man
,
both
for
Subtilty
and
Eloquence
,
and
at
the
very
first
Rencounter
disputes
him
to
death
.
And
when
the
mighty
Hero
had
Conquer'd
all
the
Giants
of
disputation
,
he
grows
so
generous
as
to
turn
Quack
,
and
kill
of
tree-cost
.
And
last
of
all
he
creeps
into
Deacons
Orders
by
the
help
of
Eudoxius
,
who
was
lately
made
Bishop
of
Antioch
by
the
help
of
the
Eunuchs
,
and
being
an
ignorant
and
unlearned
Man
,
had
the
ill-fortune
to
admire
this
Mechanick
Fop
,
but
being
got
into
Orders
,
he
leaves
his
own
Countrey
to
reside
at
Alexandria
,
because
it
was
necessary
,
forsooth
,
that
some
body
should
be
there
,
who
was
able
to
cope
with
the
great
Athanasius
;
and
after
a
while
he
is
falsely
accused
to
Gallus
,
by
Basilius
and
Eustathius
,
two
great
Bishops
that
he
had
bafled
in
disputation
,
but
he
acquited
himself
so
well
,
that
Gallus
took
him
for
his
own
Chaplain
,
after
whose
death
these
spightful
Bishops
accuse
him
again
to
Constantius
as
privy
to
Gallus
his
Conspiracy
against
him
,
and
he
being
deliver'd
by
the
Emperor
into
their
hands
,
they
banish
him
to
Pepuza
in
Phrygia
.
This
Tale
,
as
ridiculous
as
it
is
,
is
the
fairest
Story
that
they
could
raise
to
the
memory
of
this
litt●e
Heretique
.
Thô
the
Truth
of
the
whole
matter
is
,
that
he
was
a
meer
Fanatique
,
for
being
conscious
to
himself
of
his
want
of
Education
,
and
having
a
mind
to
be
thought
something
in
the
World
,
he
pretends
an
immediate
Revelation
from
God
of
all
things
that
he
had
kept
secret
from
the
Apostles
,
particularly
a
perfect
knowledge
of
the
Divinity
,
viz.
That
the
Son
was
so
far
from
being
of
the
same
or
the
like
Substance
with
the
Father
(
as
the
Church
had
taught
from
the
time
of
the
Apostles
)
that
he
was
unlike
him
in
all
things
.
Now
Basilius
and
the
old
Eusebians
being
alarm'd
partly
with
the
spreading
of
this
new
Heresie
by
the
Patronage
of
Eudoxius
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
and
partly
with
the
late
prevarication
of
Valens
and
his
Companions
,
but
most
of
all
by
that
League
that
they
were
making
among
themselves
,
they
certifie
the
Emperor
of
all
these
bold
endeavours
to
break
in
pieces
his
late
settlement
of
Union
,
of
which
he
was
so
fond
,
and
had
endeavoured
so
many
years
,
at
present
he
declares
against
them
with
all
possible
keenness
of
Zeal
,
but
in
order
to
their
final
Extirpation
resolves
once
more
upon
a
general
Council
,
and
first
appoints
it
to
meet
at
Antioch
,
but
before
the
set
time
of
Meeting
the
City
was
destroyed
by
an
Earth-quake
,
which
(
says
Philostorgius
according
to
his
Partial
and
Fanatique
way
of
writing
)
befell
them
as
a
Judgment
from
Heaven
,
because
most
of
the
Inhabitants
of
the
City
were
Homousians
.
But
upon
its
destruction
several
other
places
are
mention'd
,
though
none
could
be
agreed
on
,
so
that
the
very
place
for
the
Council
became
a
tedious
matter
of
debate
;
and
Basilius
with
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
by
whose
motion
it
was
resolved
upon
,
are
sent
for
by
the
Emperor
to
Sirmium
to
advise
about
it
,
where
they
luckily
meet
with
Valens
and
his
Western
Associates
,
and
falling
into
a
Conference
before
the
Emperor
about
the
present
Controversies
,
after
a
long
dispute
till
late
at
night
,
they
at
last
by
the
Emperours
Motion
agree
upon
a
new
accommodation
to
gratifie
all
Parties
among
themselves
,
i.
e.
Not
to
Germinii
●●p
.
in
Hi●ar
.
frag
.
p.
455.
affirm
the
Son
to
be
like
the
Father
in
Substance
:
And
this
was
to
please
Valens
and
his
Party
,
who
had
exploded
the
word
Substance
out
of
their
Creed
,
but
to
be
like
him
in
all
things
;
and
this
could
not
but
satisfie
Basibius
and
his
Party
,
for
if
he
were
like
him
in
all
things
,
he
must
be
so
in
Substance
,
and
upon
this
they
agree
upon
the
Reconciling
Creed
,
commonly
called
the
third
Sirmian
Creed
,
for
which
they
were
so
much
laughed
at
,
and
of
which
they
were
so
soon
ashamed
,
for
dating
it
according
to
the
year
of
the
Consuls
,
Eusebius
and
Hypatius
,
whereas
all
former
Councils
were
never
wont
to
set
any
Date
to
their
Creeds
,
thereby
implying
their
settlement
from
the
Beginning
.
But
these
piecings
never
hold
firm
,
for
when
they
came
to
subscribe
their
Creed
,
Valens
would
have
shuffled
,
writing
only
,
that
Epipha●
.
Heres
.
73.
N.
22.
the
Son
was
like
the
Father
,
but
was
forced
by
the
Emperor
to
add
in
all
things
,
and
Basilius
suspecting
the
fraud
that
might
lye
under
these
general
words
,
subjoins
to
his
own
Subscription
,
When
I
say
that
the
Son
is
like
the
Father
in
all
things
,
I
mean
not
in
Will
only
,
but
in
Substance
.
But
that
was
no
more
then
his
own
protestation
,
for
Valens
having
gain'd
a
Creed
without
the
word
Substance
,
he
had
gain'd
his
point
,
and
so
lays
it
up
safe
till
he
had
occasion
to
use
it
for
his
own
purpose
.
After
this
they
agree
to
divide
the
Council
into
two
parts
,
probably
out
of
Jealousie
one
of
another
,
one
to
sit
at
Ariminum
for
the
ease
of
the
Western
Bishops
,
and
the
other
at
Seleucia
in
Isauria
for
the
ease
of
the
Eastern
.
At
Ariminum
meet
above
400
Bishops
,
though
Sandius
,
like
Soz.
l.
4.
c.
17.
and
move
for
the
Union
and
Satisfaction
of
all
Parties
,
that
all
former
Creeds
might
be
abolisht
,
and
that
their
late
Creed
agreed
upon
at
Sirmium
,
and
approved
by
his
Imperial
Majesty
,
might
be
establisht
for
ever
,
and
that
for
the
time
to
come
no
such
strict
Inquisition
should
be
made
into
Mens
Opinions
,
that
does
but
breed
Quarrels
and
Animosities
in
the
Church
.
But
the
Fathers
being
too
well
satisfied
by
so
many
experiments
that
had
been
made
in
this
Princes
Reign
,
that
nothing
would
ever
be
able
to
stop
out
the
Arian
Heresie
,
but
the
Nicene
Faith
,
and
now
seeing
all
those
fences
that
had
been
raised
against
it
by
so
many
Councils
broke
down
and
leapt
over
,
and
the
Christian
Church
like
to
be
turn'd
into
a
Common
for
the
entertainment
of
all
Heresies
without
restraint
or
distinction
,
resolve
to
make
short
work
of
it
,
and
therefore
tell
them
,
that
they
came
not
there
to
make
new
forms
of
Faith
,
but
were
satisfied
with
the
Faith
that
they
had
received
from
their
Fore-fathers
,
and
that
their
present
business
was
to
make
enquiry
whether
any
thing
were
innovated
against
it
,
and
remove
it
,
and
therefore
demand
of
them
for
clearing
themselves
of
any
such
design
to
subscribe
the
Condemnation
of
the
Arian
Heresie
,
which
they
refusing
,
the
Synod
proceeds
,
to
have
the
Nicene
Faith
,
and
that
alone
Establisht
for
ever
,
and
Decree
that
for
the
time
to
come
it
should
never
be
call'd
in
question
,
it
being
an
absurd
thing
to
be
always
making
new
Faiths
,
as
if
they
were
but
now
beginning
to
believe
.
Their
Resolution
,
and
the
Title
prefixt
to
it
being
very
remarkable
,
I
shall
set
them
down
in
their
own
words
.
The
Title
runs
thus
,
Incipit
definitio
Catholica
Apud
Frag.
Hilarii
,
p.
488.
habita
ab
omnibus
Catholicis
Episcopis
,
priusquam
per
terrenam
potestatem
territi
,
Haereticorum
consortio
sociarentur
in
Concilio
Ariminensi
.
The
Decree
thus
,
Sic
credimus
placere
omnibus
posse
Catholicis
à
Symbolo
accepto
nos
recedere
non
oportere
,
quod
in
collatione
apud
omnes
integrum
recognovimus
:
nec
à
fide
recessuros
,
quam
per
Prophetas
à
Deo
Patre
per
Christum
Dominum
nostrum
,
docente
Spiritu
Sancto
,
&
in
Evangeliis
&
in
Apostolis
omnibus
suscepimus
,
ut
per
traditionem
Pa.
trum
secundum
successionem
Apostolorum
usque
ad
tractatum
apud
Nicaeam
habitum
,
contra
haeresin
quae
tunc
temporis
exurrexerat
,
positum
nunc
usque
permanet
.
Quibus
omnibus
nec
addendum
aliquid
credimus
nec
minui
posse
manifestum
est
.
Placet
ergo
nihil
novum
fieri
;
substantiae
quoque
nomen
&
rem
à
multis
sanctis
scripturis
insinuatam
mentibus
nostris
obtinere
debere
sui
firmitatem
.
Quam
rem
cum
suo
nomine
Ecclesia
Catholica
cum
doctrinâ
deificâ
semper
confiteri
&
profiteri
consuevit
.
This
is
a
brave
resolution
,
and
becoming
the
courage
of
such
a
Venerable
Assembly
,
if
they
had
stood
to
it
.
To
this
Decree
they
demand
Valens
and
his
followers
to
submit
themselves
,
but
they
refuse
and
stand
upon
their
late
Imperial
Faith
,
and
so
are
all
deposed
.
Of
all
which
they
certifie
the
Emperour
in
a
Synodical
Epistle
,
in
which
they
give
him
this
reason
of
their
resolution
of
sticking
to
the
Nicene
Faith
.
Quae
sola
hostis
&
interfectrix
Arianae
Haereseos
,
in
quâ
certè
&
addere
aliquid
temerarium
est
,
&
auferre
periculosum
quorum
si
alterutrum
fiat
,
erit
hostib●s
quidlibet
agendi
libera
facultas
.
Because
that
alone
cut
the
Throat
of
the
Arian
Heresie
,
so
that
to
add
any
thing
to
it
or
diminish
any
thing
from
it
,
would
open
a
gap
to
the
Enemies
to
break
down
all
;
and
of
the
same
Opinion
was
St.
Hilary
at
last
,
though
he
had
been
formerly
for
framing
new
Creeds
to
way-lay
new
Heresies
,
Fides
quae
apud
Nicaeam
ordinata
est
,
plena
at
que
perfecta
est
,
&
omnibus
undique
In
Frag.
Hil.
p.
447.
quibus
irrepere
haeretici
solent
,
aditibus
obsetatis
,
inviolabili
inter
Patrem
&
Filium
aeternae
unitatis
soliditate
connectitur
.
This
was
the
result
of
this
Great
Council
,
and
yet
though
there
are
so
many
clear
and
undoubted
Records
of
it
,
Philostorgius
and
Sandius
are
so
infatuated
as
to
tell
us
that
the
Fathers
of
this
Council
unanimously
agreed
in
rejecting
the
Homoousian
Faith
,
and
Sandius
adds
,
that
they
condemned
the
Council
of
No
Faith
after
the
Nicene
,
Valens
and
his
Associates
leave
the
Council
,
and
before
the
Legates
could
come
to
the
Emperour
,
they
inform
him
of
the
stubborness
of
the
Council
in
rejecting
his
own
Imperial
Creed
,
and
to
aggravate
the
affront
setting
up
against
it
his
old
Enemy
Homoousios
,
so
that
after
twenty
years
War
that
his
Majesty
had
waged
against
it
,
they
had
given
it
much
greater
Strength
and
Authority
then
it
ever
had
before
,
by
Voting
it
perpotual
and
unchangeable
.
Upon
this
finding
his
project
that
he
had
been
so
long
in
hatching
,
and
as
he
thought
had
brought
to
some
life
,
so
unexpectedly
dash't
to
nothing
,
it
swells
his
Choler
into
Rage
and
Madness
,
and
he
now
vows
never
more
to
be
bafled
,
and
though
he
was
always
as
Ammianus
describes
him
,
inexorabilis
suae
Authoritatis
vindex
,
an
implacable
exacter
of
Obedience
,
from
this
time
forward
his
Reign
was
nothing
but
Force
and
Tyranny
.
And
in
the
first
place
he
will
neither
admit
the
Legates
of
the
Council
into
his
presence
,
nor
dismiss
the
Council
it self
,
but
writes
a
surly
Letter
,
in
which
he
only
bids
them
to
wait
for
an
Answer
till
his
return
from
the
War
with
the
Barbarians
,
[
*
](A56396-e41670-b)
*
●Theodor
.
l.
2.
c.
19.
which
was
done
by
the
advice
and
contrivance
of
Valens
and
his
Associates
to
tire
out
the
poor
old
Bishops
that
desired
to
return
home
to
their
Charges
,
and
at
length
to
demolish
this
new
Sconce
that
they
had
raised
against
the
Heresie
.
But
all
in
vain
,
for
by
this
rough
and
careless
answer
they
sufficiently
understood
his
meaning
,
and
so
Soc.
l.
2.
c.
29.
send
a
bold
and
peremptory
Letter
to
assure
him
,
that
let
him
do
what
he
would
they
were
resolved
never
to
depart
from
their
resolution
,
and
therefore
Petition
to
be
immediately
dismist
.
But
for
all
that
he
leaves
them
in
Council
all
Winter
to
blow
their
Fingers
,
and
cool
their
Resolutions
till
his
return
from
the
War
.
In
the
mean
time
at
the
Request
of
Valens
and
his
fifty
Men
he
commands
themselves
to
Theod.
l.
2.
c.
21.
repair
to
the
City
of
Nice
in
Thrace
,
namesake
to
that
in
Bithynia
,
and
decoy
along
with
them
as
many
Bishops
as
they
could
pick
up
through
weakness
or
Cowardise
,
and
there
Vote
his
own
Form
for
the
standing
and
unalterable
rule
of
Faith
with
the
advantage
of
the
Name
of
the
Nicene
Faith
.
All
which
is
accordingly
done
,
only
they
put
a
new
trick
upon
his
Credulity
,
for
whereas
his
own
Creed
run
thus
,
that
the
Son
was
like
the
Father
in
all
things
,
they
only
set
it
down
in
the
words
of
Valens
as
he
would
have
subscribed
it
before
the
Emperour
at
Sirmium
,
that
he
was
like
the
Father
.
This
being
done
,
they
inform
the
Emperour
that
The
Council
being
dissolved
,
Valens
and
Ursacius
and
the
other
Associates
of
their
wickedness
spread
their
Plumes
,
boasting
that
they
had
not
denyed
the
Son
of
God
to
be
a
Creature
,
but
to
be
like
the
other
Creatures
,
then
was
the
Name
of
Substance
abolish't
,
then
was
the
overthrow
of
the
Nicene
Faith
proclaimed
,
then
did
the
whole
World
groan
and
admire
to
see
it self
become
Arian
.
But
were
they
so
?
No
so
far
from
that
,
that
as
soon
as
the
Cheat
was
discovered
,
they
run
about
like
so
many
mad
Men
,
tearing
their
hair
and
taking
the
Sacrament
upon
it
,
that
by
suspecting
no
harm
they
were
merely
over-reacht
by
wicked
men
,
and
abhorred
that
ill
use
that
Valens
and
his
Villains
had
madeof
their
Condescention
,
and
begg'd
pardon
of
the
World
for
their
Folly
and
Easiness
.
Concurrebant
Episcopi
qui
Ariminensibus
§.
XVII
.
But
as
ill
as
the
Council
of
Ariminum
concluded
,
that
of
Seleucia
ended
worse
,
and
came
to
nothing
but
bawling
,
tumult
,
and
confusion
,
for
it
consisted
of
two
Parties
,
that
fearing
one
anothers
Accusations
they
both
endeavour'd
to
disturb
all
Proceedings
,
till
that
point
of
enquiring
into
Mens
lives
was
laid
aside
,
and
that
being
obtain'd
they
proceed
to
enquire
and
determine
of
Faith
,
but
as
the
Council
of
Arminium
consisted
of
Catholicks
and
Arians
,
this
was
made
up
of
Acacians
,
that
followed
the
Blasphemy
of
Aetius
,
and
the
old
Eusebians
that
approved
all
things
in
the
Council
of
Nice
,
but
the
word
Consubstantial
,
whereas
the
Acacians
defied
the
Council
it self
and
all
its
Decrees
,
and
must
have
not
only
the
word
Consubstantial
but
that
of
Substance
too
abolisht
.
But
to
prevent
this
the
Eusebians
at
the
motion
of
Silvanus
set
up
the
Antiochian
Creed
for
the
Standard
of
Orthodoxy
,
and
depose
all
that
refuse
subscription
to
it
,
Acacius
and
his
Party
on
the
contrary
give
in
a
Libel
in
which
they
equally
condemn
all
unscriptural
words
,
&
anathematise
their
own
Doctrine
of
Dissimilitude
,
that
they
might
the
better
condemn
their
Adversaries
,
for
that
they
knew
would
take
with
the
Emperour
to
take
away
the
discriminating
words
of
all
Parties
.
But
when
this
new
Faith
was
read
,
Sophronius
an
Eusebian
cryes
out
,
if
we
must
be
making
new
Faiths
every
day
,
in
a
little
time
we
shall
have
none
at
all
But
to
that
it
is
replyed
by
Acacius
,
If
you
laid
aside
the
Nicene
Faith
for
yours
at
Antioch
,
why
may
not
we
lay
aside
yours
for
one
more
unexceptionable
?
and
thus
were
they
caught
in
their
own
Snare
for
not
acquiescing
in
the
first
determination
of
the
Church
,
and
after
the
infinite
turmoil
of
so
many
Councils
they
are
now
convinced
of
their
own
folly
.
But
however
they
proceed
on
to
wrangle
so
intemperately
that
Leonas
,
who
was
appointed
by
the
Emperour
to
see
things
fairly
managed
,
was
so
out
of
all
patience
,
that
he
turn'd
them
out
of
doors
,
and
bid
them
go
trifle
among
themselves
.
So
both
Parties
had
their
ends
,
having
escaped
each
others
Accusations
,
and
establisht
their
own
Doctrine
with
the
formality
of
a
Council
.
This
being
done
both
post
to
Constantinople
to
tell
their
own
Story
,
but
the
Acacians
coming
first
they
so
prepossess
the
Emperour
with
prejudice
against
his
old
friends
as
to
engage
him
on
their
side
against
himself
and
his
own
opinion
.
They
tell
him
that
Basilius
and
the
other
Party
were
stiff
and
inflexible
in
their
own
determinations
,
and
would
yield
nothing
for
the
reconciling
of
Dissenting
Parties
,
nor
remove
any
of
the
Offensive
Words
that
were
the
cause
of
all
these
Dissentions
,
not
so
much
as
that
of
Dissimilitude
;
now
they
knew
the
Design
of
reconciling
to
be
the
Emperour's
Darling
and
the
Doctrine
of
Dissimilitude
his
particular
aversation
.
Upon
this
he
in
great
haste
and
fury
calls
a
Council
at
Constantinople
of
Fifty
Bishops
,
where
these
crafty
men
gain
more
ground
for
themselves
by
seeming
to
promote
his
great
reconciling
project
,
in
order
to
which
they
present
him
with
a
Creed
wide
enough
to
take
in
all
Parties
,
in
which
they
banish
not
only
the
word
,
Substance
,
and
Consubstantial
,
but
that
of
Hypostasis
,
and
though
they
held
a
Dissimilitude
in
Substance
themselves
,
yet
to
blind
him
they
now
dissemble
it
,
and
by
leaving
it
undetermined
they
serve
his
design
of
comprehension
,
and
therefore
instead
of
his
own
Sirmian
Creed
,
That
the
Son
was
like
the
Father
in
all
things
,
they
put
him
off
with
this
general
and
ambiguous
Form
,
That
the
Son
is
like
the
Father
in
the
sense
of
the
Scriptures
,
i.
e.
as
they
believed
,
in
Will
,
but
not
in
Substance
.
Now
this
Creed
was
a
meer
contrivance
to
let
in
Aëtianism
,
of
which
of
all
Heresies
the
Emperour
had
the
greatest
abhorrence
,
yet
such
was
his
dotage
and
infatuation
to
compass
his
long
look't
for
project
,
that
he
embraces
it
with
both
his
hands
,
and
all
his
heart
.
And
grows
so
fond
of
the
new
Darling
,
that
when
his
old
Friends
Basilius
and
Silvanus
and
the
rest
came
he
refused
to
hear
them
,
and
when
Basilius
thought
he
might
freely
discourse
with
him
as
he
was
wont
to
do
,
he
commands
him
silence
at
his
Peril
as
a
disturber
of
the
Churches
Peace
.
Upon
this
Eustathius
takes
the
confidence
to
inform
the
Emperour
that
those
Men
were
not
the
Men
that
he
took
them
to
be
,
but
were
Aëtians
,
and
held
the
Blasphemy
of
Dissimilitude
,
and
this
he
proves
particularly
upon
Eudoxius
of
Antioch
.
This
turns
the
Tide
of
his
Fury
,
and
puts
him
into
such
a
Storm
that
Eudoxius
to
appease
it
is
forced
to
throw
his
Friend
Aëtius
into
it
,
by
laying
the
Book
that
Eustathius
had
laid
to
his
own
Charge
at
Aëtius
his
door
.
Upon
this
Aëtius
is
immediately
sent
for
to
Court
,
whither
he
repairs
with
all
joy
and
speed
,
thinking
of
nothing
but
the
praise
that
the
Emperour
would
give
him
for
his
subtle
knack
at
disputing
,
and
no
sooner
comes
into
to
the
presence
but
upon
the
first
question
greedily
owns
himself
Father
of
the
Brat
,
and
upon
it
is
immediately
banisht
into
Phrygia
[
*
](A56396-e42570-b)
*
Though
Philostorgius
is
so
weak
as
to
tell
us
that
the
only
thing
that
provok't
the
Emperour
to
this
severity
,
because
Aëtius
had
bafled
his
Friend
Basilius
.
.
All
his
Adherents
are
required
either
to
anathematise
his
Heresie
or
follow
his
Fortune
,
but
they
chose
to
quit
both
their
friend
and
their
opinion
rather
then
their
Bishopricks
.
But
then
they
are
soon
quit
with
the
Eusebians
for
putting
the
Emperour
upon
this
Test
,
by
propounding
another
for
them
that
they
knew
would
not
pass
,
viz.
to
renounce
the
words
Substance
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
this
immediately
takes
the
Emperour
,
and
done
it
must
be
out
of
hand
.
To
put
this
off
Silvanus
propounds
that
the
Acacians
may
be
made
to
renounce
all
the
Arian
Phrases
,
but
they
stick
at
nothing
,
and
abjure
them
all
.
But
then
their
Adversaries
must
abhor
too
,
which
refusing
stifly
to
do
are
thrust
into
banishment
.
But
here
the
conclusion
of
all
these
Contests
is
very
observable
,
for
the
last
words
that
were
spoke
by
Silvanus
in
behalf
of
himself
and
his
Brethren
,
for
not
renouncing
their
own
words
,
were
these
.
If
God
the
Son
exist
neither
from
nothing
,
nor
from
any
other
substance
,
then
he
must
be
of
the
same
substance
with
the
Father
.
And
thus
after
all
our
tedious
and
long
travel
,
are
we
just
where
we
were
at
the
beginning
,
for
this
was
the
very
Argument
approved
by
the
Council
of
Nice
for
setling
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
now
after
twenty
years
contest
against
it
,
are
those
very
Men
that
have
all
along
made
such
stirs
about
it
,
forced
to
take
it
up
again
,
and
are
convinced
by
so
long
experience
that
if
they
once
quit
the
settled
faith
,
there
is
no
putting
any
stop
to
the
Progress
of
extravagant
Opinions
.
And
after
this
Athanasius
notwithstanding
D●
Synodis
p.
915.
D.
all
the
troubles
that
they
had
so
unjustly
given
him
,
and
all
the
ill
Names
that
he
had
so
justly
given
them
,
owns
friendship
with
them
and
gives
them
the
Title
of
Brethren
,
that
he
says
differ
from
the
Catholick
Faith
not
in
sense
but
in
words
;
for
when
they
acknowledge
the
Son
to
be
of
the
Substance
of
the
Father
,
and
not
of
any
other
Substance
,
nor
a
Creature
out
of
nothing
,
but
the
true
Natural
and
Eternal
Son
of
the
Father
,
they
are
at
a
very
little
distance
from
owning
the
word
consubstantial
.
But
the
Emperour
is
so
in
love
with
this
new
Acacian
Faith
,
and
so
eager
in
pursuit
of
his
old
Homoousian
Enemy
,
that
he
at
last
quits
the
Party
that
he
had
all
his
life-time
with
so
much
vehemence
abetted
,
to
joyn
in
with
these
very
Men
that
he
had
always
and
even
at
this
very
time
detested
.
And
they
having
got
him
into
their
possession
,
they
resolve
to
make
their
best
bargain
of
him
,
and
so
fall
to
the
old
work
of
the
Eusebians
,
Plunder
and
Sequestration
,
tell
the
Emperour
Tales
and
Stories
of
their
Enemies
that
had
fat
Bishopricks
,
and
prevail
with
him
to
put
his
own
friends
out
and
put
themselves
in
.
And
in
the
first
place
they
turn
Macedonius
that
Seditious
Incendiary
out
of
Constantinople
,
and
place
Eudoxius
of
Antioch
,
the
very
Hugh
Peters
of
that
age
for
prophaneness
,
luxury
&
debauchery
,
in
his
See
.
And
after
the
same
manner
that
the
Eusebians
had
ejected
the
Catholiques
,
so
did
they
displace
Soz.
l.
4.
c.
24.
them
,
as
Basilius
of
Ancyra
,
Eustathius
of
Sebasta
,
Eleusius
of
Cizicum
,
Dracontius
of
Pergamus
,
Silvanus
of
Tarsus
,
Sophronius
of
Pompeiopolis
,
&c.
And
for
their
Mal●ce
they
stood
in
l●ttle
need
of
forger●es
,
the
Eusebians
being
generally
ill
men
,
that
came
into
the
Church
only
for
ease
and
preferment
,
no
wonder
then
if
they
were
so
easily
expell'd
by
these
new
Sycophants
,
when
they
were
so
obnoxious
to
the
grossest
imoralities
,
and
such
were
the
crimescharged
upon
them
,
as
they
are
set
down
by
Sozomen
in
the
place
above-cited
.
And
thus
after
all
these
windings
and
turnings
to
get
loose
from
the
Nicene
Creed
,
is
the
cause
run
away
by
this
upstart
Sect
,
the
very
dreggs
of
Mankind
,
the
Acacians
being
only
the
Rump
of
the
Eusebians
,
that
had
supplanted
them
,
as
they
had
the
Catholiques
by
out-reaching
them
in
their
own
craft
and
wickedness
,
and
that
is
the
natural
event
of
all
sorts
of
Sedition
,
that
the
first
Authors
of
it
are
at
last
devoured
by
their
own
spawn
.
But
these
Wretches
having
got
the
Power
into
their
hands
,
as
Philostorgius
himself
tells
the
story
,
they
fall
out
among
themselves
,
and
endeavour
to
destroy
each
other
Eudoxius
,
Eunomius
and
Acacius
accuse
one
another
,
Eudoxius
falls
foul
upon
Eunomius
,
and
Eumonius
upon
him
,
and
Acacius
upon
both
,
and
slanders
them
to
the
Emperour
,
supposing
that
only
to
accuse
without
proof
wasenough
with
him
,
as
it
ever
had
been
,
to
procure
their
condemnation
;
but
he
hapning
in
a
grave
fit
to
enquire
into
the
merits
of
the
cause
,
and
Acacius
having
no
proof
to
back
his
tale
was
forced
to
disappear
.
So
that
the
Emperor
still
finding
himself
abused
by
a
new
pack
of
Cheats
,
resolves
after
all
his
disappointments
to
try
one
Council
more
,
but
whilst
that
was
in
consultation
Julian
rebells
,
and
Constantius
his
heart
breaks
.
And
thus
by
his
unskilful
tampering
with
the
Church
,
he
leaves
it
at
last
buried
and
lost
in
its
own
confusions
,
for
instead
of
making
up
the
breaches
of
the
Church
,
by
this
comprehensive
and
indefinite
Creed
of
the
Acacians
,
it
was
every
where
broke
into
tumult
and
civil
War
.
In
all
Cities
the
People
siding
some
with
the
ejected
Bishops
and
some
with
the
Intruders
,
andeach
party
esteeming
the
other
Hereticks
,
though
for
what
neither
knew
,
they
set
up
distinct
Communions
,
and
that
soon
fills
all
places
with
Noise
,
Dispute
,
and
Contention
,
and
oftentimes
with
the
fury
and
outrage
of
the
Rabble
.
But
the
Acacians
having
got
the
mastery
,
they
put
off
all
disguise
,
and
now
publickly
declare
both
for
A●t●anism
and
A●ianism
.
For
Meletius
one
of
their
own
party
,
whom
they
had
made
Bishop
of
Antioch
for
his
zeal
to
the
cause
,
turning
Orthodox
as
it
were
out
of
spite
,
and
preaching
up
the
Ni●ene
Faith
,
they
assemble
there
in
the
year
360
in
order
to
his
deposition
,
and
under
that
pretence
take
the
opportunity
of
drawing
up
a
new
form
of
Faith
.
In
which
they
not
only
dash
out
the
likeness
of
the
Son
to
the
Father
,
as
it
was
in
their
former
Creed
,
but
expresly
declare
a
dissimilitude
both
in
substance
and
will
,
this
was
the
end
of
all
this
fatal
Tragedy
,
and
above
thirty
years
contention
about
one
word
against
the
Authoritative
determination
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
after
all
parties
had
tired
themselves
,
A
tius
a
pert
and
ignorant
Mechanick
carrys
away
the
ball
.
Thus
far
,
says
Athanasius
,
have
they
trifled
away
D●
Synod
.
p.
9●7
.
our
Religion
,
and
into
what
wild
conceits
they
will
wander
no
man
can
foresee
,
for
there
is
no
stop
to
be
set
to
their
Extravagance
,
till
they
shall
return
to
themselves
and
say
,
let
us
return
to
our
Fathers
,
Abhor
the
Arian
Heresy
and
embrace
the
Nicene
Faith
,
for
it
is
clear
that
all
contention
against
this
,
let
Men
pretend
what
they
will
at
top
,
is
for
the
sake
of
that
at
bottom
,
and
if
men
will
not
stick
to
the
sacred
determination
,
there
is
no
way
left
to
keep
out
the
Heresy
.
Nor
indeed
all
the
follys
in
the
world
,
for
when
once
the
Authority
of
the
Church
is
despised
,
and
this
Itching
humour
of
dispute
broke
out
among
the
People
,
though
the
Civil
Government
keep
their
nails
never
so
short
,
they
will
be
always
scratching
and
drawing
blood
of
the
Church
.
And
thus
was
it
here
,
for
though
the
definition
of
the
Council
against
the
Heresy
would
have
put
an
everlasting
end
to
the
Controversy
,
as
it
did
during
the
reign
of
Constantine
,
yet
when
it
was
once
laid
aside
by
Constantius
,
to
oblige
and
comprehend
,
(
as
he
dream't
)
the
Dissenters
by
some
abatement
,
what
endless
factions
did
it
create
?
Eusebians
,
Aetians
,
Photians
,
Eudoxians
,
Acacians
,
Eunomians
,
Macedonians
,
Psatyrians
,
and
Dulians
,
and
that
was
the
lowest
folly
that
men
could
sink
into
;
for
after
all
the
divisions
and
subdivisions
of
one
from
another
,
some
of
them
came
at
last
to
affirm
that
Jesus
Christ
was
so
far
from
being
the
Son
of
God
,
that
he
was
only
his
Serving-man
.
And
this
Philostorgius
But
beside
these
wild
Opiniatours
,
the
Church
by
this
Liberty
was
ove●run
with
Swarms
of
Enthusiasts
,
the
most
dangerous
of
all
Vermin
;
and
this
broke
out
chiefly
among
the
Monks
,
and
men
of
Devotion
.
In
Egypt
there
was
a
Sect
that
thought
it
unlawful
to
void
their
Excrements
,
from
that
Text
in
St.
Matthew
15.
11.
Not
that
which
goeth
into
the
m●uth
defileth
a
man
,
but
that
which
cometh
out
of
the
mouth
.
So
easy
is
it
to
defile
and
prophane
a
sacred
Text
by
applying
it
to
the
wrong
end
,
and
against
these
Athanasius
writ
his
Epistle
to
Ammon
the
Monk
.
And
others
there
were
in
Palestine
,
that
beside
many
other
freaks
had
this
peculiar
to
themselves
,
that
it
was
not
lawful
to
pray
,
unless
alone
,
from
that
passage
of
our
Saviour
,
Matth.
6.
6.
When
thou
prayest
enter
into
thy
Closet
,
and
when
thou
hast
shut
thy
door
,
pray
to
thy
Father
which
is
in
secret
.
But
not
to
follow
the
whole
swarm
of
Breezes
,
the
two
Magots
of
great
Note
and
Magnitude
at
that
time
were
the
Massalians
in
Mesopotamia
,
and
the
Eustathians
in
Armenia
.
The
Massalians
first
set
up
with
this
one
Principle
,
That
they
were
obliged
to
pray
always
,
and
so
do
nothing
else
,
from
that
passage
of
our
Lord
in
the
Gospel
of
St.
Luke
.
18.
1.
That
Men
ought
always
to
pray
and
not
to
faint
.
From
this
conceit
naturally
issued
such
a
swarm
of
absurdities
,
as
eat
up
all
other
parts
of
Religion
;
for
if
this
was
the
only
necessary
thing
(
and
so
they
applyed
that
saying
of
our
Saviour
to
Martha
)
the
two
Sacraments
and
all
other
Dutys
became
useless
,
and
they
grew
so
drunk
with
self-conceit
,
that
they
pretended
to
see
the
Holy-Trinity
with
their
bodily
Eyes
,
and
to
be
equal
with
Christ
himself
;
sometimes
they
would
dance
upon
the
Devils
,
and
sometimes
they
would
shoot
at
them
,
and
sometimes
be
taken
with
suddain
frantick
fits
,
in
which
they
converst
with
Angels
,
and
foresaw
things
to
come
,
they
dissolved
all
the
bonds
of
humane
Society
,
made
perjury
lawful
,
cancell'd
all
obligations
between
Husband
and
Wife
,
Parents
and
Children
,
and
lastly
admitted
none
to
their
Society
,
but
such
as
were
mark't
out
by
a
visible
descent
of
the
Holy-Ghost
upon
them
,
and
they
were
so
fond
as
seriously
to
fancy
that
they
familiarly
saw
such
appearances
.
As
for
the
Eustathians
or
rather
Eutachtans
(
for
Baronius
I
think
has
very
Ad.
An.
361.
n.
45.
&c.
well
proved
that
not
Eustathius
Bishop
of
Sebasta
but
one
Eutactus
was
the
Father
of
the
Sect
)
I
have
given
some
account
of
them
above
,
that
they
were
a
wild
sort
of
Phanaticks
that
under
pretence
of
a
more
refined
Godliness
degenerated
into
perfect
Ranters
,
and
Levellers
,
and
the
Practice
of
all
kinds
of
Debauchery
.
But
the
fullest
Description
of
them
is
best
to
be
seen
in
the
Canons
of
the
Council
of
Gangra
,
by
which
they
were
condemned
,
viz.
that
they
Abhorr'd
Marriage
as
unlawful
,
and
eating
of
flesh
unless
it
were
strangled
or
offered
to
Idols
:
that
they
set
loose
all
servants
from
subjection
to
their
Masters
;
that
they
refused
to
receive
the
Eucharist
from
a
married
Priest
,
that
they
despised
Churches
and
all
Assemblies
in
them
as
Superstitious
,
that
they
set
up
Meetings
separate
from
the
Bishop
,
that
they
refused
to
make
the
usual
Offerings
,
or
to
be
present
at
the
Love-feasts
:
That
they
distinguisht
themselves
from
others
by
a
peculiar
Habit
,
and
would
not
Communicate
with
any
that
did
not
wear
it
:
that
they
required
women
to
shave
their
hair
,
and
wear
Mens
apparel
,
to
forsake
their
Husbands
,
and
neglect
their
Children
,
and
Children
to
take
no
notice
or
Care
of
their
Parents
:
that
they
fast
on
the
Lords
day
,
and
despise
the
Festivals
of
the
Church
;
in
short
,
they
seem
to
have
held
nothing
unlawful
in
humane
life
but
marriage
,
nor
decent
in
the
worship
ofGod
but
contradiction
to
the
practice
of
the
Church
.
And
thus
when
our
schism
grows
too
strong
for
discipline
,
the
Common
People
never
leave
wandring
till
they
have
tired
themselves
with
roving
through
all
imaginable
Exorbitances
,
for
these
kind
of
doctrines
are
not
peculiar
to
that
time
or
place
,
but
are
the
flye-blows
of
disputacity
and
the
natural
effects
of
unbridled
liberty
all
the
world
ever
.
§
XVIII
.
This
that
I
have
described
as
accurately
as
I
could
by
comparing
the
best
Records
of
those
times
,
was
the
true
state
of
the
Christian
Church
under
the
Reign
of
Constantius
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
those
perpetual
Enormities
committed
by
him
through
his
whole
Government
,
the
two
great
Articles
that
I
am
proving
,
viz.
the
inherent
right
of
determining
Controversies
within
the
Church
it self
by
its
own
Governours
,
and
its
entire
submission
to
the
Civil
Powers
howsoever
oppressed
by
them
,
were
nicely
and
religiously
observed
by
both
Governments
.
The
first
evidently
appears
from
the
Emperour
's
summoning
so
many
Councils
to
gratifie
his
own
Will
.
For
his
only
design
was
to
amend
and
reform
the
Nicene
Creed
for
the
reconciling
of
all
Parties
,
which
if
he
had
thought
that
he
might
have
done
by
his
own
Imperial
Authority
,
to
what
purpose
need
he
have
broke
up
all
the
High-ways
in
Christendom
by
conveying
Bishops
to
and
from
Councils
?
He
might
have
proclaimed
down
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
one
Imperial
Rescript
,
if
he
had
supposed
that
a
proper
Authority
for
it
.
So
that
when
he
summoned
such
Variety
of
Councils
,
by
the
Countenance
of
their
Authority
to
compass
his
Will
,
that
demonstrates
it
to
be
a
fixt
Principle
with
him
,
that
the
Controversies
of
the
Church
ought
to
be
decided
by
the
Authority
of
the
Church
.
And
therefore
though
it
was
scarce
ever
more
oppressed
or
abused
by
any
Prince
then
himself
,
yet
his
very
illegal
Actions
are
the
highest
acknowledgement
,
that
is
upon
record
of
that
religious
reverence
that
is
due
to
that
power
,
that
was
setled
by
our
Saviour
upon
his
Apostles
and
the
Bishops
their
Successours
forever
.
For
though
it
so
frequently
crost
his
own
design
,
yet
he
durst
never
directly
invade
or
usurp
it
,
but
was
forced
from
time
to
time
to
solicite
their
compliance
with
his
own
wicked
Will
,
or
rather
misinform'd
judgement
.
And
though
he
carried
things
with
so
rough
a
violence
,
yet
he
would
never
attempt
any
thing
against
the
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
unless
he
could
bear
himself
out
by
the
Authority
of
a
Council
.
But
if
he
so
much
own'd
that
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
the
Ancients
charge
him
so
highly
for
usurping
it
,
particularly
Athanasius
,
Hosius
,
St.
Hilary
,
and
Liberius
,
who
freely
and
boldly
reproved
him
for
it
to
his
own
face
?
And
so
they
did
,
and
that
too
upon
very
just
grounds
;
for
though
he
did
not
challenge
the
Authority
of
the
Church
to
himself
,
yet
he
endeavoured
to
over-rule
it
by
down-right
force
and
violence
,
which
is
in
effect
to
destroy
it
.
And
that
is
the
ground
of
their
complaints
,
that
they
were
not
allowed
freedom
in
Council
,
but
that
himself
and
his
Prefects
took
upon
them
to
forestall
the
Judgement
of
the
Church
by
Restraints
and
Threatnings
.
This
is
the
standing
complaint
of
Athanasius
and
all
the
Orthodox
Bishops
in
all
their
Writings
.
It
is
the
grievance
insisted
upon
by
the
Synod
of
Alexandria
in
their
Synodical
Epistle
in
behalf
of
Athanasius
against
the
Apolog.
p.
728.
Tyrian
Council
.
With
what
forehead
could
they
call
that
a
Council
,
over
which
a
temporal
Lord
presided
;
and
where
Spies
,
and
Notaries
were
placed
where
his
Lordship
determined
,
and
the
Officers
of
the
Church
were
silenced
,
or
rather
lacquied
to
his
Decree
?
Where
what
was
voted
by
the
Bishops
,
was
over-ruled
by
him
?
He
carried
all
things
by
Power
,
we
were
govern'd
by
the
Guards
,
or
rather
the
pleasure
of
the
Eusebians
,
whose
Tool
and
Instrument
was
the
Secular
President
.
And
a
little
after
,
These
worthy
Eusebians
shelter
Ibid.
p.
730.
their
forgeries
(
speaking
of
the
Villany
of
Arsenius
)
under
the
pretence
of
a
Council
,
where
all
things
were
carried
by
the
Emperour's
Will
,
where
one
of
his
Lords
presided
,
and
the
Bishops
were
under
the
custody
of
the
guard
,
and
compell'd
to
say
whatever
the
Emperour
commanded
.
The
very
same
Complaint
is
made
by
Athanasius
himself
against
the
Council
of
Antioch
.
That
when
upon
the
Appeal
or
rather
Reference
made
to
Rome
by
the
Eusebians
,
he
had
repair'd
thither
,
and
the
time
of
hearing
the
cause
was
appointed
,
as
soon
as
they
heard
they
were
likely
to
meet
with
an
Ecclesiastical
judgement
,
where
the
Secular
Governour
was
not
to
be
present
,
nor
the
Guards
to
keep
the
Council
doors
,
nor
all
things
to
be
overul'd
by
the
Commands
of
Caesar
,
by
which
methods
and
no
other
they
had
hitherto
born
down
the
Bishops
,
and
without
which
security
they
durst
never
have
made
any
appearance
,
were
so
astonisht
and
surprised
,
that
they
had
no
way
of
escape
but
to
shift
off
their
own
Appeal
.
And
this
is
the
Account
that
he
gives
of
their
lying
off
from
the
Synod
of
Sardica
,
That
when
they
had
And
to
transcribe
no
more
,
the
same
complaint
is
perpetually
repeated
by
him
in
all
his
Writings
as
the
fundamental
miscarriage
,
v.
p.
833.
844.
845.
861.
862.
This
was
the
enormity
of
his
Reign
,
though
he
fell
not
so
grosly
into
it
till
after
the
overthrow
of
Magnentius
or
the
Murther
of
Gallus
.
They
were
the
Actions
of
that
time
that
these
good
men
particularly
complain
of
,
and
no
wonder
when
he
did
all
things
more
like
a
Mad-man
then
a
Prince
,
and
Govern'd
both
the
State
and
himself
too
as
wildly
as
the
Church
.
As
his
Extravagance
at
that
time
is
described
by
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
Quo
ille
Studio
blanditiarum
exquisito
As
for
the
Council
of
Antioch
,
that
was
the
meer
contrivance
of
the
Nicomedian
Eusebius
and
his
Eunuchs
to
prevent
the
Council
at
Rome
in
the
cause
of
Athanasius
.
In
which
it
does
not
appear
that
the
Emperor
had
any
other
concernment
,
farther
then
to
put
their
Sentence
in
Execution
.
And
was
in
all
probability
imposed
upon
,
as
the
good
Bishops
of
the
Council
were
in
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
.
For
it
was
all
grounded
upon
the
Acts
of
the
Tyrian
Council
,
and
had
they
been
legal
his
Deposition
had
been
but
just
,
so
that
their
validity
being
(
as
here
it
was
)
supposed
,
no
wonder
that
the
Bishops
Vote
so
freely
against
him
,
though
for
the
most
part
neither
Arians
nor
Eusebians
.
The
Council
at
Sardica
was
a
full
and
free
Council
,
and
though
the
Eusebians
were
forced
to
be
cross
and
peevish
in
their
own
defence
,
yet
all
things
were
managed
in
the
Council
it self
fairly
and
candidly
,
without
any
appearance
of
force
or
fraud
in
the
Emperor
,
insomuch
that
when
the
banisht
Bishops
were
restored
to
the
Exercise
of
their
Function
by
the
Decree
of
the
Council
,
he
restored
them
too
to
the
possession
of
their
Bishopricks
,
by
his
Imperial
Rescript
.
The
first
Synod
at
Milan
was
wholly
Western
,
and
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Emperour
Constans
,
where
they
had
all
free
liberty
both
of
debating
and
determining
as
they
pleased
.
So
that
hitherto
all
Powers
,
Priviledges
,
and
Jurisdictions
in
the
Church
were
preserved
,
as
far
as
the
Emperours
were
concern'd
,
but
after
the
death
of
Constans
,
the
overthrow
of
Magnentius
,
and
the
murther
of
Gallus
,
when
Constantius
run
mad
either
through
guilt
or
insolence
,
we
read
of
nothing
but
Fury
and
Tyranny
.
For
in
the
year
355
,
when
Gallus
was
murthered
,
he
summons
,
or
rather
musters
a
Council
at
Arles
for
the
Condemnation
of
Athanasius
,
commands
the
Bishops
to
subscribe
it
,
and
banishes
Paulinus
of
Trevers
for
refusing
the
Subscription
.
In
the
same
year
meets
the
second
Council
at
Milan
,
and
that
for
the
same
purpose
,
in
which
Eusebius
of
Verselles
,
Liberius
of
Rome
,
and
at
last
Hosius
of
Corduba
are
sent
on
the
same
Errand
after
Paulinus
for
the
same
Offence
.
In
the
year
357
follows
the
Council
of
Sirmium
,
where
,
as
we
have
seen
,
all
things
were
carried
by
Force
.
Then
comes
the
Council
of
Ariminum
in
the
year
359
,
where
a
Council
of
near
400
Bishops
are
compelled
to
subscribe
and
submit
to
the
pleasure
of
Valens
and
his
fifty
Men.
The
Council
of
Seleucia
came
to
the
worst
end
of
all
,
being
only
a
contest
between
the
Eusebians
and
Acacians
,
who
finding
themselves
over-numbred
,
appeal
to
the
Emperor
,
and
are
received
by
him
,
draw
up
a
new
Creed
,
in
which
they
not
only
cashiere
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
(
as
they
phrased
them
)
all
other
Exotick
words
.
And
this
indefinite
Faith
is
imposed
upon
all
Christian
Bishops
by
an
Imperial
Rescript
upon
pain
of
banishment
;
by
which
the
Acacians
outed
the
Eusebians
,
and
so
got
themselves
into
the
best
and
fattest
Preferments
.
In
the
year
360
comes
the
last
Conventicle
of
Antioch
,
in
which
Meletius
Bishop
of
Antioch
was
deposed
for
asserting
the
Nicene
Creed
,
and
that
against
the
Publick
Faith
of
the
Emperour
,
given
him
under
Hand
and
Seal
for
his
Security
.
These
were
wild
actings
in
the
Church
,
but
they
all
followed
the
Magnentian
and
Gallian
madness
,
and
that
is
the
excuse
that
is
made
for
him
by
Athanasius
himself
,
that
after
Let
Athanas.
Ep.
ad
Solit.
p.
833.
●
.
there
be
an
Ecclesiastical
Synod
Summon'd
,
but
not
to
Court
,
where
neither
the
Emperor
himself
,
nor
any
of
his
Lords
,
or
Judges
commands
by
threatning
,
but
where
the
fear
of
God
alone
determines
all
things
.
And
for
sticking
to
this
Proposition
,
and
refusing
to
act
in
an
Ecclesiastical
Sentence
,
till
it
was
granted
,
he
is
sent
into
banishment
.
In
the
same
year
,
and
upon
the
same
occasion
it
was
that
the
wise
Hosius
gave
him
that
famous
advice
.
Tibi
Deus
Imperium
commisit
,
nobis
quae
sunt
Ecclesiae
concredidit
.
Et
quemadmodum
qui
tuum
Imperium
malignis
oculis
carpit
,
contradicit
ordinationi
divinae
:
Ita
&
tu
cave
,
ne
quae
sunt
Ecclesiae
ad
te
trahens
,
magno
crimini
obnoxius
fias
;
neque
enim
fas
est
nobis
in
terris
Imperium
tenere
,
neque
tu
thymiatum
&
sacrorum
potestatem
habes
,
Imperator
.
God
has
committed
the
Empire
to
you
,
the
Church
to
us
,
and
as
he
would
rebel
against
God
,
that
should
malign
your
Authority
,
so
take
heed
left
by
drawing
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
to
your self
,
you
prove
guilty
of
the
same
Rebellion
:
for
as
it
is
a
sin
in
us
to
challenge
any
temporal
Authority
;
so
know
,
O
Emperor
,
that
you
have
not
the
power
of
the
holy
Function
.
This
was
plain
dealing
,
and
but
necessary
at
that
time
,
when
he
had
made
so
foul
an
inrode
upon
the
Jurisdictions
and
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
and
overborn
all
its
Divine
Authority
by
Military
force
and
sury
.
So
that
his
meaning
was
not
,
as
the
Romanists
would
have
it
,
to
cut
off
the
Emperor
from
all
interposing
in
Church
Affairs
,
because
he
that
had
been
so
much
employed
in
them
under
Constantine
,
could
not
think
it
unlawful
in
it self
.
But
though
that
be
no
fault
but
a
duty
,
yet
to
use
his
Authority
with
meer
force
and
violence
,
to
destroy
the
Judgment
of
the
Governors
of
the
Church
by
compulsion
in
matters
of
Faith
,
and
to
take
upon
himself
the
determination
of
them
,
as
he
had
in
effect
done
,
and
that
in
contradiction
to
the
Authority
of
a
General
Council
,
was
such
a
bold
contempt
of
our
Saviour's
Institution
,
and
such
an
Invasion
of
the
rights
of
his
Kingdom
,
that
the
good
Bishop
could
do
no
less
then
threaten
it
with
the
Terrors
of
the
last
day
.
About
the
same
time
St.
Hilary
address't
his
Apology
in
behalf
of
the
Catholicks
to
the
Emperor
,
where
among
divers
other
abuses
,
that
he
Petitions
to
be
redress't
,
this
is
none
of
the
least
.
Provideat
&
decernat
Clementia
vestra
,
ut
omnes
ubique
Judices
,
quibus
Provinciarum
administrationes
creditae
sunt
,
ad
quos
sola
cura
&
solicitudo
publicorum
negotiorum
pertinere
debet
,
à
religiosa
se
observantia
abstineant
:
neque
posthac
praesumant
,
atque
usurpent
,
&
putent
se
causas
cognoscere
Clericorum
&
innocentes
homines
variis
afflictationibus
,
minis
,
violentià
,
terroribus
frangere
atque
vexare
.
That
was
the
deplorable
State
of
the
Church
at
that
time
,
that
the
Emperor's
Prefects
and
Officers
took
upon
them
a
Power
of
Summoning
the
Orthodox
Clergy
to
their
Tribunals
to
give
an
account
of
their
Faith
,
and
to
banish
them
if
they
refused
compliance
with
the
Emperor's
Will
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
to
take
the
Accusations
of
their
Enemies
against
them
,
and
right
or
wrong
,
and
without
any
regard
to
Justice
,
or
understanding
the
merit●
of
the
Cause
,
inflict
upon
them
their
own
Arbitrary
punishments
.
This
just
complaint
of
St.
Hilary
,
and
the
oppress
't
Catholiques
so
wrought
with
the
Emperor
,
that
notwithstanding
his
outrage
against
them
,
because
his
Affairs
in
France
were
then
embroil'd
by
the
Incursions
of
the
Barbarous
Nations
,
he
publishes
that
seemingly
kind
Rescript
in
Answer
to
their
Request
.
Mansuetudinis
nostrae
lege
prohibemus
in
Judiciis
De
Episc.
&
Cle●
.
l.
12.
Episcopos
accusari
,
&c.
Commanding
that
the
Accusations
of
Bishops
should
not
be
brought
before
Secular
Magistrates
,
lest
it
should
give
too
much
encouragement
to
wicked
Men
to
oppress
them
with
slanders
,
and
therefore
if
any
Man
have
a
complaint
against
them
,
let
it
be
Examin'd
before
the
Bishops
,
that
so
every
cause
might
be
determin'd
by
its
proper
Judicature
.
This
is
a
singular
Law
,
and
has
scarce
any
other
parallel
with
it
in
the
whole
Code
,
for
though
there
are
divers
Laws
of
other
Emperors
,
that
refer
all
Controversies
about
Religion
to
the
Episcopal
Audience
,
yet
as
for
the
Criminal
causes
of
Ecclesiastical
Persons
,
I
do
not
remember
any
beside
this
that
wholly
exempted
them
from
the
cognisance
of
their
own
Courts
.
And
therefore
that
this
Emperor
should
grant
such
an
Universal
exemption
seems
a
courtesie
more
then
ordinary
,
and
is
thought
to
have
been
meerly
extorted
by
the
importunity
of
the
Catholick
Bishops
,
and
the
present
difficulty
of
his
own
Affairs
.
And
that
they
then
insisted
upon
the
exemption
of
Ecclesiastical
Persons
as
well
as
Causes
,
it
was
for
a
reason
peculiar
to
the
State
of
the
Controversie
at
that
time
,
that
was
then
managed
,
not
so
much
by
Arguments
as
Accusations
,
though
that
weapon
was
chiefly
employed
against
the
great
Athanasius
,
into
whose
single
Person
the
Controversie
was
at
last
contracted
,
and
the
Parties
were
distinguisht
by
nothing
but
subscribing
and
refusing
his
Condemnation
.
For
he
being
the
great
Pillar
of
the
Catholick
Cause
,
the
Eusebians
knew
well
enough
that
if
they
could
but
blow
him
up
,
the
cause
must
fall
with
him
,
and
for
that
reason
is
it
that
they
all
along
labour'd
so
hard
to
overwhelm
him
with
Criminal
Accusations
.
And
therefore
the
Catholicks
perceiving
their
fraud
,
interposed
as
vehemently
in
defence
of
Athanasius
as
of
their
Faith
because
all
the
blows
that
were
levell'd
at
him
were
supposed
to
aim
at
that
,
insomuch
that
to
subscribe
his
Condemnation
was
the
same
thing
as
to
quit
the
Party
,
as
we
have
seen
in
the
case
of
Pope
Liberius
.
And
for
this
reason
chiefly
it
was
necessary
at
that
time
,
that
the
Emperor
if
he
would
refer
the
Ecclesiastical
Controversie
then
on
foot
to
the
Bishops
,
he
should
do
the
same
as
to
the
Criminal
Causes
of
the
Clergy
,
because
they
were
then
universally
join'd
together
.
And
yet
as
kind
as
this
Law
might
appear
to
be
in
relieving
them
from
the
oppressions
of
the
Imperial
Courts
,
it
was
but
a
fraudulent
favour
,
and
only
design'd
to
ensnare
the
Catholicks
.
For
this
gracious
Rescript
was
publisht
in
the
same
year
,
in
which
he
call'd
the
violent
Council
at
Milan
,
that
was
on
purpose
packt
out
of
the
fiercest
Eusebians
,
to
carry
things
thorough
with
an
high
hand
,
and
without
any
contradiction
.
So
that
when
in
this
Rescript
he
refer'd
the
Orthodox
Bishops
to
an
Ecclesiastical
Judgment
,
he
designed
nothing
but
their
Oppression
in
this
mad
Council
;
and
that
it
is
evident
,
was
so
far
from
any
kindness
,
that
it
was
the
sharpest
severity
he
could
have
contrived
against
them
:
For
if
they
had
just
ground
of
complaint
against
the
unjust
actings
of
the
Secular
Courts
,
because
they
were
not
their
proper
Judicatures
,
yet
when
they
were
so
rudely
outraged
in
Council
,
as
it
was
done
in
the
proper
Court
,
so
was
it
at
their
own
request
;
and
that
both
took
away
all
ground
of
complaint
,
and
left
them
without
any
means
of
relief
.
Gothofred
has
a
Conjecture
,
that
this
Rescript
was
Enacted
not
before
but
after
the
Council
,
and
that
in
favour
of
the
Eusebians
,
who
were
overcome
by
the
Orthodox
at
their
own
weapon
of
Accusation
;
and
yet
by
the
partiality
of
the
Council
were
protected
,
whilst
the
Catholicks
were
oppressed
and
denyed
the
very
formalities
of
Justice
;
this
,
says
the
Learned
Man
,
might
provoke
them
to
make
their
Appeals
to
the
Secular
Courts
,
where
they
might
at
least
hope
to
meet
with
some
humanity
and
regard
to
the
Laws
:
And
therefore
the
Emperor
to
spoil
this
shift
,
brings
them
all
back
to
the
Ecclesiastical
Judicature
,
that
if
they
would
come
thither
,
there
they
might
be
heard
,
but
no
where
else
.
But
this
contradicts
the
whole
state
of
Affairs
at
that
time
,
when
the
partiality
and
oppression
of
the
Secular
Judges
was
the
universal
Groan
of
the
Catholicks
,
and
when
this
Rescript
was
enacted
upon
or
at
least
after
their
reiterated
complaints
against
it
,
and
therefore
there
is
no
ground
to
imagine
that
the
Catholicks
,
how
much
soever
oppressed
in
Council
,
would
think
of
seeking
relief
there
.
But
whatever
was
the
intent
of
the
Rescript
(
and
no
doubt
it
was
malicious
enough
)
it
is
certain
that
it
was
at
least
pretended
to
be
granted
upon
the
complaint
of
the
Catholicks
against
the
Secular
Courts
for
taking
to
themselves
the
Judgment
of
Controversies
of
Faith
,
whereas
they
ought
to
have
referred
them
to
the
Synods
of
Bishops
,
whom
our
Saviour
had
appointed
to
be
the
proper
Guides
and
Judges
in
those
matters
.
And
that
is
the
meaning
of
Hosius
and
the
rest
in
their
reproofs
of
the
Emperor
,
not
that
he
used
his
Authority
in
the
Church
,
but
that
he
abused
it
by
opposing
it
to
the
determination
of
a
general
Council
,
by
whose
advice
he
ought
both
as
a
wise
Man
and
a
good
Christian
,
to
have
been
directed
in
the
use
of
his
Power
in
such
matters
.
And
that
was
the
grand
miscarriage
of
his
Reign
,
that
he
would
not
sit
down
satisfied
under
the
Auth●ntique
and
Sol●mn
determination
of
so
great
a
Council
;
which
if
he
had
done
as
his
Father
did
,
he
had
escaped
all
that
tedious
risk
of
trouble
,
which
he
created
both
to
himself
and
to
the
Church
through
his
whole
Reign
.
But
however
it
is
evident
from
all
the
Premisses
,
that
how
enormously
soever
he
abused
his
own
Power
in
the
Church
,
he
never
attempted
to
Usurp
the
Churches
Power
,
and
he
never
took
upon
him
to
make
any
Alterations
in
the
Faith
,
till
they
were
first
made
and
decreed
in
Council
;
and
though
he
destroyed
the
Use
and
Authority
of
Councils
by
denying
freedom
of
Vote
,
yet
that
was
an
abuse
of
his
Power
,
not
an
usurpation
of
theirs
.
For
that
he
ever
own'd
with
a
Religious
regard
in
his
most
unwarrantable
Oppressions
.
And
as
I
have
observed
at
the
beginning
he
shewed
greater
respect
to
the
Power
of
the
Church
then
any
Emperor
in
the
whole
Succession
,
when
he
called
such
sholes
of
Councils
,
only
to
have
his
Will
of
one
Man
,
and
one
Word
,
which
he
durst
not
controul
himself
,
because
they
had
been
own'd
and
justified
by
the
Churches
Authority
.
And
if
we
carefully
observe
his
motions
,
we
shall
find
him
a
cordial
friend
both
to
the
Church
and
to
Religion
,
and
the
end
of
all
his
mistaken
Zeal
was
the
lasting
settlement
of
Peace
and
Concord
,
that
was
the
word
that
he
had
always
in
his
mouth
;
all
the
misfortune
was
,
that
he
fell
into
ill
hands
,
and
by
their
advice
endeavour'd
it
the
wrong
way
.
His
high
Opinion
of
the
honesty
of
some
ill
Church-Men
,
was
the
Principle
that
exposed
him
to
all
that
abuse
that
was
put
upon
him
all
his
life
time
.
It
was
his
confidence
in
Eusebius
and
his
Partisans
that
did
drive
him
into
that
unhappy
course
that
he
took
for
the
attainment
of
his
desired
Peace
.
All
their
advice
was
Oracle
to
him
,
and
made
him
both
deaf
and
blind
to
all
other
information
.
But
otherwise
setting
aside
this
unhappy
oversight
of
being
over-rul'd
by
ill
Men
,
he
seems
to
have
been
so
far
from
all
thoughts
of
robbing
the
Church
of
its
own
inherent
rights
,
that
he
thought
he
could
never
shew
it
kindness
enough
,
by
heaping
continual
favours
of
his
own
upon
it
,
he
granted
it
more
Priviledges
and
greater
Immunities
then
any
other
Emperor
;
and
whereas
his
Father
Constantine
only
exempted
Ecclesiasticks
from
all
Personal
burthens
in
the
Common-wealth
,
he
has
in
divers
Rescripts
freed
them
from
all
manner
of
Taxes
and
Impositions
whatsoever
;
and
a
very
little
time
before
his
death
he
publisht
an
Edict
to
Establish
the
perpetual
security
of
all
his
former
Grants
,
with
this
reason
at
the
end
of
it
,
as
it
were
his
dying
words
,
Gaudere
●nim
&
gloriari
ex
De
Episc.
Eccl●s
.
&
Cler.
l.
16.
side
semper
volumus
:
scientes
,
magis
Religionibus
quàm
Officiis
&
Labore
corporis
,
vel
sudore
nostram
rempublicam
contineri
,
i.
e.
as
Gothofred
paraphrases
it
,
We
freely
grant
all
these
Immunities
to
the
Ministers
of
Religion
,
as
knowing
that
the
Publick
Weal
will
lose
nothing
by
all
their
exemptions
from
its
service
,
but
gain
greater
blessings
from
their
Prayers
and
Devotions
,
then
they
could
have
contributed
to
it
by
any
other
way
of
Attendance
.
And
this
very
thing
is
all
along
upbraided
to
him
by
the
counterfeit
Hilary
,
in
his
Book
against
him
,
that
whilst
he
pretended
so
much
kindness
to
the
Christian
Church
and
Clergy
,
he
by
his
ill
Government
betrayed
the
one
and
oppress
't
the
other
.
Auro
reipublicae
Sanctum
Dei
honoras
,
&
vel
detracta
templis
,
Gregory
Nazianzen
,
because
he
was
of
himself
a
true
lover
of
Religion
,
and
designed
nothing
but
the
Peace
and
settlement
of
the
Church
,
though
under
that
plausible
pretence
his
good
nature
and
integrity
were
imposed
upon
by
wicked
Men
,
to
compass
their
own
wicked
designs
against
the
true
peace
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
And
that
was
the
folly
and
misfortune
that
they
drew
him
into
,
not
to
acquiesce
in
the
Authoritative
determination
of
the
Church
,
in
so
great
a
Council
as
that
of
Nice
,
which
had
he
done
,
it
had
continued
in
the
same
Peace
,
and
Tranquility
,
in
which
his
Father
left
it
.
But
when
instead
of
that
he
endeavoured
to
remove
the
setled
Foundation
,
as
it
was
laid
by
the
true
and
proper
Builders
;
it
is
no
wonder
if
the
whole
Fabrick
fell
upon
his
own
head
,
and
buried
his
whole
Reign
under
its
Ruins
.
And
it
is
very
likely
that
his
impatience
under
so
awkerd
a
Burthen
,
when
he
could
not
clear
himself
of
it
,
put
him
at
last
upon
those
angry
courses
,
that
he
took
to
obtain
his
Will.
And
as
at
last
it
perplext
,
so
it
debaucht
his
Government
,
for
till
the
Conquest
of
Magnentius
he
seem'd
to
have
behaved
himself
like
a
wise
and
able
Prince
,
but
had
not
leisure
to
attempt
,
much
less
perform
any
thing
great
,
by
reason
of
his
perpetual
attendance
upon
this
Controversie
.
And
that
may
be
a
warning
to
all
Princes
,
That
when
a
Controversie
of
Religion
is
once
laid
by
a
fair
and
legal
decision
,
to
beware
how
they
suffer
it
to
rise
again
,
lest
it
prove
too
strong
and
stubborn
to
submit
to
a
second
Exorcism
.
However
by
the
different
behaviour
of
these
two
Princes
in
interposing
in
the
Controversies
of
the
Church
,
and
the
different
event
of
their
actings
in
it
,
we
have
before
our
Eyes
clear
examples
of
right
and
wrong
methods
of
Government
.
Constantine
when
he
found
a
Faction
in
the
Church
,
settles
peace
by
the
Authority
of
the
Church
,
without
putting
any
restraints
upon
it
;
and
what
that
determin'd
he
first
made
a
Law
to
himself
,
and
then
to
his
Subjects
,
and
would
never
after
permit
it
to
be
call'd
in
question
;
and
by
this
means
he
quell'd
a
dangerous
Faction
,
and
freed
himself
from
any
direct
disturbance
from
it
all
his
own
Reign
.
But
his
Son
Constantius
on
the
contrary
not
acquiescing
in
the
Canonical
determination
of
the
Church
,
broke
down
all
the
Banks
of
Government
,
and
let
in
that
Inundation
of
Dispute
that
overwhelm'd
his
whole
Reign
But
being
sensible
of
the
trouble
that
he
had
brought
upon
himself
by
having
once
dismantled
the
Churches
Authority
,
he
thought
to
help
himself
out
by
retrieving
its
force
,
but
still
the
more
he
strugled
the
more
he
entangled
himself
,
because
instead
of
setling
things
by
fair
and
free
Councils
(
and
unless
they
are
so
,
they
are
no
Councils
of
Christs
Officers
,
but
meer
Executioners
of
the
Princes
Commands
)
himself
ever
endeavour'd
to
over-rule
all
the
Councils
that
he
call'd
,
either
by
fraud
or
violence
.
And
then
no
wonder
when
they
were
so
hamper'd
,
if
they
were
not
able
to
attain
the
end
of
their
Institution
.
And
that
was
the
fatal
miscarriage
of
his
Reign
,
his
garbling
the
Authority
of
Councils
,
turning
them
into
Courts
of
Guards
,
and
abetting
forty
or
fifty
Seditious
Men
against
the
whole
Body
of
Catholick
Bishops
,
otherwise
if
they
had
been
permitted
the
free
exercise
of
their
own
proper
Authority
,
all
things
had
been
carried
with
that
gravity
and
decency
that
became
the
Christian
Church
,
as
we
see
by
the
great
Councils
of
Sardica
and
Ariminum
,
that
had
effectually
setled
the
Nicene
Faith
,
had
not
the
Emperor
cut
asunder
their
Decrees
with
his
Sword
,
and
set
up
an
Eusebian
Rump
in
defiance
and
opposition
to
the
whole
Council
.
And
therefore
whereas
some
Men
are
pleased
to
upbraid
the
Churches
Authority
with
the
miscarriages
of
these
Councils
under
Constantius
,
they
might
have
been
pleased
too
to
consider
,
that
the
main
Body
of
Christian
Bishops
discharged
their
duty
with
entire
faithfulness
and
integrity
,
and
that
it
was
only
the
Emperor
and
his
Court-parasites
that
were
guilty
of
all
the
Exorbitancies
committed
in
the
Church
in
his
time
,
which
he
committed
so
altogether
without
the
Churches
consent
,
that
by
them
he
oppressed
it
with
all
the
outrage
and
violence
of
Persecution
.
But
from
this
clamour
raised
against
the
Authority
of
the
Church
upon
this
account
,
and
kept
up
at
this
very
day
with
so
much
confidence
(
for
we
find
it
among
the
dole●ul
invectives
of
R.
B.
against
the
ancient
Bishops
in
his
Book
of
Crudities
,
)
we
may
see
what
a
pleasure
and
satisfaction
it
is
to
men
of
some
tempers
to
be
venting
their
ill
nature
against
the
true
old
Christian
Church
.
But
Secondly
,
as
the
Emperour
in
all
his
exorbitant
actings
own'd
and
supposed
the
power
of
the
Church
,
so
the
Catholicks
submitted
to
all
their
sufferings
under
him
with
the
same
patience
and
upon
the
same
Principle
that
they
did
to
the
Heathen
Emperours
.
And
this
is
most
remarkable
in
the
Case
of
Athanasius
,
who
though
he
was
persecuted
and
provoked
beyond
all
Patience
for
the
Establisht
Religion
of
the
Empire
,
but
among
infinite
other
slanders
that
were
loaded
upon
him
,
is
charged
with
Treason
and
Disloyalty
,
yet
for
all
this
he
is
nice
and
punctual
in
his
Obedience
to
all
the
Emperours
commands
even
against
himself
,
and
does
with
the
greatest
indignation
detest
the
least
thought
of
disrespect
or
disloyalty
to
his
Sovereign
Lord
.
Thus
when
his
Enemies
had
slandered
him
to
the
Emperour
Constantius
for
having
spoken
ill
things
of
him
,
and
done
ill
Offices
between
him
and
his
Brother
Constans
,
he
defies
the
Calumny
a
thousand
times
over
[
*
](A56396-e45230-b)
*
Apol.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
p.
674.
as
only
sit
to
be
laid
upon
a
distracted
Man
,
and
calls
God
and
his
Holy
Angels
to
witness
,
how
far
it
was
from
his
thoughts
and
his
Principles
to
speak
the
least
ill
word
of
a
Sovereign
Prince
.
And
when
in
the
second
place
they
charged
him
for
having
held
correspondence
with
the
Rebel
Magnentius
,
here
he
professes
himself
amazed
and
consounded
with
the
greatness
of
the
Lye
,
and
wonders
how
any
man
should
be
so
strangely
beside
himself
,
as
to
●eign
such
an
incredible
Calumny
against
him
[
*
](A56396-e45280-b)
*
Apol
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
p.
●78
.
D.
.
He
be
such
a
Beast
as
to
be
friend
to
such
a
Monster
as
had
Rebell'd
against
and
Murther'd
his
Royal
Master
!
No
,
he
would
rather
dye
Ten
Thousand
Deaths
then
be
guilty
of
one
such
Disloyal
Though
.
[
†
](A56396-e45330-b)
†
ib.
p.
681.
C.
And
beseeches
the
Emperour
that
he
would
never
entertain
such
an
hard
opinion
of
the
Christian
Church
,
as
if
it
were
possible
for
Christians
,
but
much
more
Bishops
to
entertain
any
thoughts
like
Disloyalty
,
and
invokes
the
God
of
Heaven
and
Earth
,
who
gave
the
Empire
to
Constantius
,
and
to
whom
alone
he
could
appeal
from
him
as
being
his
only
Superiour
,
to
clear
his
innocence
from
so
foul
a
Calumny
.
And
whereas
in
the
third
place
they
object
,
that
when
the
Emperour
commanded
his
departure
from
Alexandria
,
he
refused
to
obey
it
.
To
this
he
answers
[
*
](A56396-e45380-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
&c.
p.
686.
B.
God
forbid
that
I
should
be
such
a
wretch
as
to
slite
any
of
his
Majesties
Commands
.
No
,
he
made
Conscience
of
refusing
Obedience
but
to
the
Questor
of
a
City
,
much
more
to
his
Sovereign
Lord
the
Emperour
.
[
*
](A56396-e45410-b)
*
Ib.
687.
D.
Then
discovers
to
him
how
the
Eusebians
had
forged
Letters
in
the
Emperours
Name
for
his
Banishment
,
and
tells
him
that
it
was
upon
the
assurance
of
the
Forgery
that
he
refused
complyance
,
but
otherwise
assures
him
that
he
is
not
so
mad
as
to
disobey
any
of
his
own
Commands
whatsoever
,
so
that
if
he
had
been
pleased
to
Command
him
from
Alexandria
,
he
would
have
been
gone
at
the
first
notice
,
and
prevented
the
Command
by
the
promptness
of
his
Obedience
.
The
sense
of
all
which
is
,
that
it
is
no
less
then
downright
madness
for
any
man
that
pretends
to
Christianity
to
make
resistance
to
any
Commands
of
his
Sovereign
Prince
,
and
this
he
writes
whilst
he
was
forced
for
the
security
of
his
life
to
lye
conceal'd
in
the
Wilderness
,
after
he
had
been
persecuted
by
Constantius
with
the
utmost
rancour
,
and
a
thousand
times
worse
then
a
Mid-night
Robber
for
above
twenty
years
together
,
and
in
truth
had
suffered
such
things
from
his
hands
,
as
never
any
other
Subject
did
from
any
Prince
.
For
his
Case
is
singular
and
has
nothing
like
it
in
Story
,
Constantius
his
treating
of
him
exceeded
the
injustice
and
cruelty
of
all
the
Heathen
Tyrants
;
and
yet
after
all
this
prodigious
and
unparallel'd
Provocation
,
not
only
against
the
Laws
of
the
Empire
but
of
all
Humanity
,
how
tender
is
this
great
spirited
Man
of
making
the
least
abatement
of
respect
and
duty
to
his
Prince
?
However
he
was
pleased
to
treat
him
,
he
was
obliged
by
his
Religion
as
he
would
acquit
himself
from
madness
,
not
so
much
as
to
entertain
a
thought
of
the
least
resistance
to
any
of
his
Commands
;
in
shortc
,
onsidering
the
strange
usage
he
had
met
with
from
the
Emperour
through
his
whole
life
,
his
Story
is
the
greatest
instance
and
demonstration
of
a
religious
Sense
of
Loyalty
,
that
is
upon
Record
.
It
is
true
that
Lucifer
Calaritanus
bestowed
his
rude
Language
upon
the
Emperour
liberally
enough
,
but
he
was
a
man
of
a
prodigiously
fierce
&
implacable
nature
,
as
appears
by
the
Schism
that
he
made
in
the
Church
,
leaving
its
Communion
rather
then
be
reconciled
to
any
of
the
Arian
or
Eusebian
Clergy
upon
their
repentance
and
submission
,
which
was
such
a
piece
of
sowreness
and
austerity
,
as
could
not
but
eat
up
all
Sense
of
civility
and
good
manners
,
and
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
if
a
man
of
such
a
splenetick
temper
were
so
free
of
his
Contumelious
Language
without
respect
of
Persons
,
especially
when
his
natural
rudeness
was
heightned
and
emproved
by
that
false
Principle
,
that
Christian
Bishops
might
treat
Heretick
Princes
after
the
same
rate
,
that
the
Prophets
in
the
Old
Testament
did
Apostate
Princes
,
and
by
that
he
answers
Constantius
his
complaint
of
rudeness
and
insolence
against
him
.
Dixisti
passum
te
De
non
parcendum
&
Deum
Delinq
.
p.
1.
ac
pati
a
nobis
contra
monita
sacrarum
scripturarum
contumeliam
,
dicis
nos
insolentes
extitisse
circa
te
,
quem
honorari
decuerit
,
quasi
quisquam
dei
cultorum
pepercit
Apostatis
:
You
complain
that
we
have
given
you
contumelious
language
against
the
commands
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
you
say
that
we
behave
our selves
after
an
insolent
manner
towards
you
,
whom
we
ought
to
honour
,
as
if
any
Servant
of
God
were
to
spare
Apostates
.
And
then
proceeds
to
a
Catalogue
of
all
the
prophetick
burthens
against
Apostate
and
Idolatrous
Princes
in
the
Old
Testament
.
But
I
am
not
at
all
concern'd
to
excuse
him
when
he
quitted
the
Catholick
Communion
and
joyned
Faction
with
the
Rebel
Puritans
the
Donatists
,
as
we
have
seen
above
.
Though
this
is
to
be
said
for
him
,
that
how
far
soever
he
might
proceed
in
foul
Language
,
he
was
so
far
from
making
any
invitation
to
proceed
to
violent
Actions
,
that
he
concludes
his
whole
Book
with
a
passionate
exhortation
to
Patience
and
Martyrdom
.
So
that
hitherto
the
Doctrine
of
resistance
to
Sovereign
Princes
,
in
any
circumstances
whatsoever
,
or
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
,
but
especially
of
Religion
is
an
utter
Stranger
to
the
Catholick
Church
.
§.
XIX
.
And
now
are
we
Arrived
at
a
strange
and
surprizing
Revolution
of
things
under
the
Reign
of
Julian
,
who
no
sooner
came
to
the
Crown
,
then
he
endeavour'd
by
all
the
ways
of
fraud
and
force
to
destroy
the
Establish't
Religion
of
the
Empire
in
order
to
the
Reduction
of
the
old
Paganism
and
Idolatry
.
And
considering
the
shortness
of
his
Reign
,
he
was
a
fiercer
and
more
outragious
Enemy
to
the
Christian
Church
,
then
any
or
indeed
all
the
ancient
Persecutors
put
together
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
all
the
wildness
of
his
fury
,
they
think
themselves
obliged
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
their
Religion
to
pay
him
the
same
duty
of
Loyalty
and
Allegiance
,
that
they
payed
to
the
Christian
Emperours
.
But
the
History
of
his
Reign
has
of
late
been
made
the
Subject
even
of
popular
discourse
,
and
that
will
in
a
great
measure
prevent
me
in
this
part
of
my
undertaking
,
the
Trifle
of
Julian
having
received
sufficient
Correction
,
and
much
more
then
it
deserved
,
and
I
doubt
the
Jest
is
now
spoil'd
,
and
the
jolly
Doctrine
prevented
from
being
popular
,
by
its
unhappy
Application
.
But
notwithstanding
that
I
shall
proceed
in
my
old
Method
to
shew
,
first
how
the
Church
took
care
to
Govern
and
preserve
it self
by
its
own
Authority
against
all
the
Apostates
Opposition
,
and
by
the
right
and
effectual
exercise
of
it
,
was
too
hard
for
all
his
Politicks
against
it
.
And
Secondly
what
a
tender
and
a
religious
sense
of
Duty
and
Loyalty
they
profest
and
practised
towards
him
in
spight
of
his
unparallel'd
Provocations
.
Of
which
I
shall
endeavour
so
to
discourse
,
as
not
to
repete
or
interfere
with
other
Mens
Observations
.
As
for
the
first
,
it
is
highly
observable
that
when
the
Apostate
came
to
the
Empire
,
he
was
all
on
fire
for
the
destruction
of
Christianity
out
of
it
,
for
though
he
had
suppress't
his
Apostacy
all
the
time
of
Constantius
,
yet
his
zeal
was
perpetually
boiling
in
his
Breast
,
and
impatient
to
burst
into
open
Liberty
.
And
therefore
the
very
first
moment
of
Opportunity
,
that
it
had
to
discover
it self
,
it
broke
forth
(
as
Gregory
Nazianzen
often
compares
it
)
like
fire
from
its
confinement
.
He
immediately
commands
all
the
Heathen
Temples
to
be
opened
,
and
the
Sacrifices
to
be
brought
to
the
Altars
,
solemny
renounces
his
Christianity
,
and
purges
away
his
Baptism
with
the
Blood
of
Sacrifices
,
is
immediately
install'd
into
the
old
and
abrogated
dignity
of
Pontifex
Maximus
,
and
officiates
at
the
Heathen
Rites
in
his
own
Person
.
So
that
tho
the
former
Emperours
took
it
to
themselves
only
as
a
Title
of
Honour
,
he
ridiculously
takes
the
Office
too
,
and
acts
all
the
Phantastick
Postures
and
Pageantries
of
the
Heathen
Priests
.
And
the
fury
of
his
zeal
swell'd
so
high
,
that
nothing
less
would
serve
his
turn
then
to
be
created
a
Priest
of
the
Eleusinian
Mysteries
,
because
those
were
esteemed
the
most
sacred
and
recondite
part
of
their
Religion
.
And
then
he
goes
on
every
where
to
re-edifie
and
adorn
the
Heathen
Temples
,
and
to
place
Heathen
Priests
in
them
.
And
having
thus
in
the
first
place
taken
all
speedy
care
for
the
re-settlement
of
his
own
Religion
,
his
next
thought
is
how
to
contrive
the
utter
extirpation
of
the
Galilaeans
,
as
he
always
stil'd
the
Christians
in
contempt
and
derision
.
The
best
and
most
obvious
Policy
that
he
could
pitch
upon
for
that
,
was
to
bring
confusion
into
the
Church
.
For
which
purpose
he
grants
Liberty
of
Conscience
to
all
Factions
,
calls
back
all
the
banish't
Bishops
,
particularly
Athanasius
,
Eusebius
of
Verselles
,
and
St.
Hilary
,
restores
all
the
Hereticks
,
particularly
Aetius
,
whom
he
invites
to
Court
,
and
returns
all
their
Churches
to
the
Novatian
Schismaticks
,
and
what
mighty
endearments
there
were
between
the
Apostate
and
the
Donatists
,
we
have
seen
above
in
their
History
.
Now
from
an
uncontroll'd
licentiousness
granted
to
such
a
vast
variety
of
quarrelsome
People
,
he
doubted
not
to
make
the
Church
contemptible
to
all
the
World
by
turning
it
into
a
Counter-scuffle
.
For
he
look't
upon
the
Christians
as
the
most
contentious
Sect
in
it
,
usually
saying
.
[
*
](A56396-e45730-b)
*
Nullas
infestas
hominibus
bestias
,
ut
sunt
sibi
ferales
plerique
Christia●orum
.
Am.
Marcel
.
l.
22.
c.
5.
that
no
wild
Beasts
were
so
fierce
against
men
,
as
Christians
were
against
one
another
.
And
this
Character
of
the
contentiousness
of
Christians
among
themselves
he
could
not
but
take
up
from
his
Observation
of
the
Cruelty
and
merciless
behaviour
of
the
Eusebians
towards
the
Orthodox
under
his
Predecessor
,
that
indeed
exceeded
the
salvageness
of
all
wild
Beasts
.
But
supposing
them
never
so
tame
,
nothing
less
then
everlasting
confusion
could
be
expected
from
such
an
unbounded
licentiousness
.
As
Sozomen
observes
that
it
was
not
done
For
after
the
death
of
George
the
Saint
(
who
was
barbarously
Murthered
by
the
Heathens
for
affronting
their
Religion
,
or
rather
robbing
their
Temples
,
)
as
't
is
attested
both
by
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
and
all
the
Christian
Historians
,
but
most
expresly
by
Julians
own
Letter
to
the
Alexandrians
,
where
he
bespeaks
the
Actors
as
true
Worshippers
of
the
Gods
,
and
blames
them
for
having
committed
And
now
here
the
first
question
is
,
as
in
all
other
Persecutions
,
concerning
the
Lapsi
,
or
those
Bishops
that
had
joyn'd
with
the
Arians
or
Eusebians
in
any
of
Constantius
his
Councils
,
whether
upon
their
return
to
the
Catholick
Church
,
they
should
be
received
in
their
Episcopal
Capacity
,
or
only
according
to
rigour
of
Canon
,
be
admitted
to
Lay-Communion
.
But
here
the
Fathers
incline
to
the
milder
i.
e.
Valens
and
his
Party
,
yet
that
was
kept
secret
among
themselves
,
and
honest
well
meaning
Men
had
no
ground
to
suspect
it
,
because
it
was
always
protested
against
.
And
it
is
certain
that
the
greatest
part
of
them
had
no
such
design
,
for
Basilius
and
all
his
Party
,
who
so
fiercely
opposed
the
Acacians
,
when
they
turn'd
Arians
,
had
been
all
along
vehement
Eusebians
and
Enemies
to
Consubstantiality
.
And
therefore
it
is
evident
that
their
zeal
against
that
was
not
at
all
for
any
love
of
Arianism
,
but
only
of
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
which
they
conceived
to
be
obstructed
by
that
unscriptural
and
unwarrantable
Word
.
And
therefore
it
was
no
such
kindness
to
receive
such
Persons
,
as
had
innocently
join'd
with
them
,
upon
such
easie
terms
,
when
by
it
they
were
not
in
the
least
tainted
with
the
Heresie
it self
,
and
so
St.
Jerom
himself
states
it
.
Post
reditum
Confessorum
After
the
Return
of
the
Confessors
from
banishment
,
it
was
decreed
in
a
Synod
at
Alexandria
,
That
excepting
the
Authors
of
the
Heresie
,
that
no
surprise
can
excuse
,
the
Repenting
Bishops
should
be
received
,
not
that
they
could
be
Bishops
,
that
had
been
Hereticks
,
but
because
it
was
evident
that
they
that
were
received
had
not
been
Hereticks
.
And
as
for
their
depriving
the
Authors
and
Ring-leaders
of
the
Heresie
forever
,
so
as
never
to
be
raised
above
Lay-Communion
,
that
was
no
severity
,
but
agreeable
to
the
standing
discipline
of
the
Church
.
And
in
the
next
place
whereas
there
had
been
lately
started
an
unhappy
Controversie
between
the
Greeks
and
Latins
,
concerning
the
Words
Hypostasis
and
Persona
,
because
the
word
Hypostasis
being
Synonimous
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
when
the
Greeks
profess't
the
belief
of
three
Hypostases
,
they
seem'd
to
the
Latins
to
own
three
distinct
Substances
:
And
the
Latins
,
who
rejected
that
word
,
and
in
lieu
of
it
used
the
word
Persona
,
seem'd
not
to
assert
any
thing
real
,
but
a
meer
relative
distinction
,
the
word
Persona
being
generally
used
to
denote
not
the
Man
himself
,
but
his
Office
and
Relation
.
This
contest
run
very
high
,
as
Nazianzen
informs
us
,
to
the
endangering
a
breach
between
the
Churches
,
and
therefore
St.
Athanasius
prudently
proposes
that
both
words
should
be
promiscuously
used
in
both
Churches
,
and
that
would
effectually
take
away
the
Jealousie
on
both
sides
,
and
so
it
did
,
for
it
silenced
the
controversie
forever
,
and
it
continues
so
settled
to
this
very
day
.
And
lastly
,
whereas
some
Men
cryed
up
the
Confession
of
Faith
presented
by
the
Eusebian
Party
to
the
Council
at
Sardica
,
as
if
the
Council
had
approved
of
it
,
they
declare
that
it
was
utterly
rejected
by
the
Council
,
and
that
it
refused
to
alter
any
thing
of
the
Nicene
Faith
.
These
Decrees
,
with
some
other
,
they
draw
up
in
an
Encyclical
Epistle
to
the
Bishops
of
the
Christian
World
.
And
after
the
same
manner
that
Athanasius
bestir'd
himself
for
the
settlement
of
the
Church
in
Africa
,
St.
Hilary
labours
for
the
Restitution
of
the
Church
of
France
,
where
he
procures
frequent
Councils
,
particularly
one
at
Paris
,
to
condemn
the
proceedings
at
Ariminum
,
and
restore
the
Church
to
that
Ancient
State
,
that
it
enjoyed
before
Constantius
his
Invasion
upon
its
Liberties
,
and
here
they
unanimously
declared
,
That
when
they
subscribed
the
Creed
of
Ariminum
,
in
which
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
was
omitted
,
they
were
meerly
over-reach't
,
and
take
the
Sacrament
upon
it
,
that
they
suspected
no
harm
,
and
abhorred
the
consequences
that
were
made
out
of
it
by
ill
Men
,
and
therefore
desire
pardon
of
the
World
for
what
they
had
been
surprised
into
by
meer
ignorance
,
and
in
this
they
were
so
unanimous
,
that
there
was
but
one
dissenting
Bishop
in
all
France
,
that
is
Saturninus
of
Arles
,
whom
they
deposed
,
and
thus
Illud
apud
omnes
constitit
,
unius
Hilarii
beneficio
Gallias
nostras
piaculo
haeresis
liberatas
.
Sulp.
Sev.
l.
2.
says
the
Historian
,
was
all
France
purged
of
Heresie
by
the
Authority
of
one
Man
.
And
the
same
thing
was
done
at
the
same
time
in
the
Eastern
Church
,
as
appears
by
the
Synodical
Epistle
of
the
French-Bishops
to
the
Oriental
Bishops
,
which
is
nothing
else
then
an
answer
to
their
Epistle
,
declaring
their
concurrence
with
their
Proceedings
.
And
thus
was
this
Evil
Spirit
of
Arianism
,
that
had
for
so
many
years
possess
't
and
tormented
the
Christian
Church
,
and
that
Constantius
had
in
vain
taken
so
much
pains
to
exorci●e
by
his
own
Authority
,
thus
I
say
it
was
at
last
easily
cast
out
by
the
Power
and
Efficacy
of
the
Apostolical
Rod.
But
the
Apostate
finding
the
Peace
of
the
Christian
Church
so
well
setled
,
he
grows
into
a
rage
to
see
both
his
wit
and
his
malice
so
dexterously
defeated
,
and
now
can
dissemble
no
longer
,
pulls
off
his
Vizor
of
pretended
Kindness
,
and
turns
open
Persecutor
.
And
in
the
first
place
he
flies
upon
Athanasius
,
who
had
with
wonderful
success
advanced
Christianity
in
Alexandria
,
and
therefore
upon
pain
of
death
he
must
immediately
leave
the
City
.
This
the
Emperor
with
Juliani
Epist
.
6.
&
27.
great
fierceness
commands
both
the
Citizens
of
Alexandria
,
and
Ecdicius
the
Prefect
of
Egypt
,
to
put
in
Execution
under
the
severest
Penalties
.
And
here
he
brings
off
his
former
seeming
Lenity
to
the
Galilaean
or
Christian
Bishops
,
that
he
had
restored
from
Banishment
,
with
this
slender
sham
,
that
he
only
gave
them
leave
to
return
to
their
own
Countries
,
but
never
intended
to
restore
them
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
their
Churches
.
And
therefore
Athanasius
,
having
presum'd
to
usurp
his
Episcopal
Seat
without
the
Imperial
Grant
,
must
once
more
be
gone
.
And
accordingly
he
withdraws
,
with
this
comfort
to
his
friends
,
that
were
weeping
at
his
departure
,
that
it
was
but
a
flying
shower
,
and
would
●oon
be
over
.
But
if
he
had
not
made
hast
,
it
had
not
only
wet
him
to
the
skin
,
but
overwhelm'd
him
forever
,
for
now
the
Apostate
becomes
Treacherous
and
Cruel
,
and
privately
sends
his
Assassinates
to
cut
his
Throat
.
Of
this
Athanasius
being
inform'd
,
he
immediately
takes
Boat
for
Thebais
,
but
being
close
pursued
by
the
Murtherers
,
instead
of
Landing
and
Sheltring
himself
in
the
Woods
,
as
his
friends
advised
him
,
he
according
to
his
usual
readiness
of
Wit
,
commands
the
Boat-man
to
row
back
to
Alexandria
,
and
meeting
with
the
other
Boat
that
pursued
him
,
the
Captain
of
the
Cut-throats
calls
to
them
,
to
know
whether
they
met
Athanasius
,
and
how
far
off
they
might
suppose
him
to
be
?
Athanasius
himself
answers
,
That
he
knew
him
very
well
,
and
that
he
was
hard
by
,
bids
them
row
hard
,
and
then
there
could
be
no
doubt
but
that
they
must
overtake
him
,
and
so
for
that
time
he
escapes
to
Alexandria
,
and
there
lyes
hid
till
the
Storm
was
over
.
But
the
Prefects
seeing
the
Emperour
's
mighty
Zeal
,
and
being
themselves
great
Pat●iots
of
the
Superstition
(
he
having
displaced
all
Constantius
his
Prefects
,
and
put
in
Bigots
of
his
own
Religion
)
having
so
fair
an
Example
from
their
Master
,
resolve
,
as
it
always
happens
in
such
Cases
,
to
outrun
his
leading
Zeal
.
And
therefore
in
all
places
prosecute
the
Christians
with
all
kind
of
Cruelty
and
Oppression
:
And
if
they
complain'd
to
the
Emperor
himself
,
they
had
no
redress
,
but
were
only
flouted
with
that
silly
and
prophane
Sarcasm
,
That
suffering
was
the
duty
of
their
Religion
.
And
that
was
his
daily
practice
,
and
much
becoming
the
gravity
of
an
Emperor
and
a
Philosopher
too
,
to
play
such
childish
and
perverse
Glosses
upon
our
Saviour's
Precepts
.
But
he
rested
not
here
,
but
when
he
resolved
upon
his
Persian
Expedition
,
he
imposes
a
Tax
upon
all
that
refused
to
Sacrifice
to
the
Gods
,
according
to
the
ability
of
the
Person
,
for
the
maintenance
of
the
War
,
and
if
any
complain'd
of
the
Exactions
of
his
Officers
,
then
his
standing
Jest
was
,
That
Poverty
was
not
only
their
duty
but
their
advantage
.
And
when
he
rob'd
the
Church
of
its
Treasury
,
he
season'd
his
Sacriledge
with
this
abusive
Sarcasm
,
Se
Christianos
expeditiores
face●e
ad
Regnum
Caelorum
,
quia
Galilaeus
M●gister
ipsorum
dixerit
;
beatos
esse
pauperes
,
quoniam
talium
est
regnum
Caelorum
:
That
he
only
did
it
,
to
conveigh
the
Christians
with
the
more
ease
to
Heaven
,
because
the
Galilaean
their
Master
declared
,
that
blessed
are
the
Poor
,
for
of
such
is
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
.
But
besides
this
,
he
disbands
all
Officers
that
refuse
to
Sacrifice
,
and
hereupon
Valentinian
and
Valens
,
that
were
then
great
Commanders
,
and
afterwards
Emperors
,
peaceably
laid
down
their
Arms
,
declaring
themselves
ready
to
suffer
any
thing
,
rather
then
wrong
their
Consciences
or
betray
their
Religion
.
Whereas
those
who
profess't
it
in
the
time
of
Constantine
and
Constantius
,
only
for
Worldly
Interest
and
Advantage
,
readily
complyed
with
all
his
Impositions
,
and
among
these
that
famous
Weather-cock
Ecebolius
the
Sophist
marched
in
the
first
rank
:
Before
Julian's
time
he
was
a
Zealous
Christian
;
under
him
a
furious
Pagan
;
after
him
a
Christian
again
to
that
sneaking
degree
,
that
he
would
lye
bellowing
upon
the
threshold
of
the
Church
doors
,
begging
all
Christians
,
that
passed
over
him
,
to
trample
upon
him
as
infatuated
Salt
.
And
thus
in
short
(
to
pass
by
many
more
arts
of
Oppression
)
he
pursued
the
Christians
with
as
vehement
Outrage
,
but
much
more
provoking
Contempt
then
any
of
the
old
Persecutors
.
Continually
breaking
Jests
,
not
only
upon
their
Religion
but
their
Miseries
:
which
is
not
only
to
wound
a
Man
,
but
to
rub
Salt
and
pour
Vinegar
upon
his
Sores
,
a
piece
of
Barbarity
that
was
peculiar
to
Julian
alone
.
And
no
Man
,
but
the
greatest
Pedant
in
the
World
(
and
so
was
he
)
could
have
condescended
to
so
mean
a
piece
of
malice
and
revenge
.
And
as
he
for
his
short
Reign
out
Outraged
all
his
Predecessors
,
in
the
[
*
](A56396-e46930-b)
*
V.
Soz.
c.
5
,
8
,
9
,
10.
11.
Chrysostom
de
Juven
.
&
Max.
Greg.
Na●
.
Ino.
1.
p.
86.
&
.
fury
and
madness
of
his
Persecution
,
so
the
Christians
resolved
to
out
do
their
Ancestors
in
Patience
and
Passive
Obedience
under
all
his
abusive
Tyranny
.
And
though
they
had
the
strength
and
the
Law
of
the
Empire
on
their
side
,
yet
being
Christians
they
scorn'd
to
make
use
of
any
other
Weapons
in
defence
of
their
Religion
than
Prayers
and
Tears
.
But
though
this
is
the
bravest
Example
of
the
Doctrine
and
Practice
of
the
Passive
Obedience
of
Christians
,
that
we
have
upon
Record
in
all
the
Annals
of
the
Church
,
yet
the
World
has
been
of
late
bless't
with
a
new
discovery
of
I
know
not
what
strange
undutiful
,
unchristian
,
inhumane
,
and
disloyal
behaviour
towards
him
,
as
exceeding
the
salvageness
of
Cannibals
and
Barbarians
in
contempt
and
insolence
,
treating
him
with
more
roughness
then
a
Mid-night
Thief
,
or
a
High-way
Robber
.
§.
XX.
But
first
,
if
it
were
true
,
it
is
a
very
poor
and
impertinent
Precedent
to
Warrant
the
new
Christian-duty
of
our
modern
Apostates
(
for
all
Rebel-Christians
renounce
Christianity
with
much
more
dishonour
to
it
,
then
Julian
himself
ever
did
)
of
Resistance
and
Rebellion
to
Sovereign
Princes
.
For
what
if
the
Christians
at
that
time
had
been
really
guilty
of
any
miscarriages
in
that
kind
,
what
objection
is
that
one
miscarriage
against
the
constant
Doctrine
and
Tradition
of
the
Christian
Church
in
all
Ages
?
This
is
to
be
taken
from
its
general
practice
and
sense
,
and
not
from
the
irregularities
of
a
few
private
Persons
,
for
it
is
too
hard
to
expect
that
all
Men
should
live
up
to
their
Principles
,
and
that
every
one
that
profess't
himself
a
Christian
,
should
be
free
from
all
misdemeanours
against
his
own
Profession
.
That
is
too
great
a
persection
to
be
required
in
this
life
.
There
is
no
Church
but
that
in
Heaven
without
some
miscarriages
and
faulty
Members
,
and
therefore
it
is
but
a
mean
and
childish
undertaking
,
that
argues
great
malice
,
and
little
wit
,
though
it
were
true
,
to
find
out
in
all
the
Records
of
the
Church
one
or
two
instances
of
old
,
in
which
the
Christians
did
not
behave
themselves
with
that
decency
,
as
they
ought
and
profess't
to
owe
to
their
Governors
.
For
what
if
it
be
true
?
What
does
that
prove
,
but
that
they
were
so
much
Men
,
as
sometimes
to
have
fall'n
short
both
of
their
Duty
and
Profession
?
What
is
that
against
the
general
and
declared
Sense
of
the
Church
?
Upon
the
same
terms
the
Primitive
Christians
may
be
loaded
with
all
the
Crimes
in
the
World
,
because
some
that
professed
Christianity
,
some
time
or
other
fell
into
all
but
this
.
What
then
,
if
it
were
true
that
the
behaviour
of
some
Christians
towards
the
Apostate
,
was
not
such
as
became
their
duty
towards
their
Sovereign
,
what
is
that
to
the
Sense
of
the
Catholick
Church
in
all
Ages
before
,
and
for
many
after
,
to
the
year
1073
?
Can
it
reasonably
be
expected
that
in
so
long
a
Tract
of
time
there
should
not
be
one
instance
of
the
miscarriage
of
Christians
in
this
kind
?
and
yet
this
at
the
best
is
the
case
of
this
wonderful
Precedent
,
to
overthrow
the
whole
Catholick
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
.
But
Seditious
Persons
are
fond
of
any
Pretence
,
and
will
rather
forfeit
their
Understanding
,
then
not
gratifie
their
ill-nature
,
how
else
could
any
Man
be
so
transported
out
of
his
common
Sense
from
one
miscarriage
to
warrant
our
imitation
of
it
,
against
the
constant
sense
of
the
Church
for
so
many
Ages
?
And
yet
with
what
joy
and
greediness
has
this
poor
trifle
been
embraced
,
as
a
new
discovery
dropt
from
Heaven
;
and
how
confident
are
we
that
the
Primitive
Christians
,
were
no
such
softly
fools
(
as
they
have
been
hitherto
represented
)
as
to
preach
and
practise
that
Sheepish
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
?
Which
only
shews
how
ready
some
Parties
of
Men
among
us
are
for
seizing
any
pretences
for
Resistance
and
Rebellion
.
Otherwise
certainly
if
Men
would
Judge
impartially
,
and
without
Faction
,
of
this
mighty
work
,
the
whole
Mystery
of
it
is
no
more
then
this
,
that
an
Industrious
Searcher
into
the
Records
of
the
Church
has
at
last
found
out
one
instance
,
in
which
some
Christians
failed
of
their
Duty
to
their
Prince
.
A
great
performance
this
!
worthy
the
applause
and
admiration
of
this
learned
Age
;
and
therefore
to
deal
civilly
with
it
,
I
care
not
though
I
grant
the
truth
of
the
Assertion
,
but
then
I
must
crave
leave
to
let
them
know
,
that
this
is
the
only
instance
of
this
kind
that
hap'ned
in
Eleven
hundred
years
.
For
that
is
the
thing
that
I
have
undertaken
to
maintain
,
That
from
the
beginning
of
Christianity
down
to
the
time
of
Pope
Gregory
the
Seventh
,
who
was
the
159th
Pope
,
and
succeeded
not
till
the
year
1073
,
no
one
Christian
of
the
Western
Church
,
no
not
a
Pope
,
or
taught
or
put
in
practice
the
Doctrine
of
Resistance
to
Sovereign
Princes
,
or
disown'd
the
duty
of
Passive
Obedience
,
under
the
worst
of
Persecutors
,
and
after
this
much
good
may
this
little
Story
of
Julian
do
them
.
For
they
cannot
but
see
what
a
mean
and
foolish
design
it
is
to
set
up
one
single
Tale
as
a
pro●f
of
the
Sense
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
when
it
stands
all
alone
,
and
is
contrary
to
the
declared
Sense
of
the
Catholick
Church
for
so
many
Ages
.
So
that
they
gain
so
little
advantage
to
their
Cause
by
this
admired
Performance
,
that
it
proves
the
most
unlucky
Argument
,
that
could
have
been
contrived
against
it
.
For
this
is
a
demonstration
to
all
the
World
,
that
there
is
in
all
the
Records
of
the
Church
but
one
Precedent
of
Christian
disrespect
or
disobedience
to
persecuting
Princes
.
And
that
is
but
a
single
exception
to
its
universal
practice
,
and
if
it
be
,
it
confesses
its
own
Enormity
from
it
.
So
that
methinks
Men
that
design'd
to
preach
up
Resistance
and
Rebellion
from
the
Precedents
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
should
rather
have
taken
any
other
method
to
abuse
the
People
,
then
by
telling
them
this
single
Story
of
Julian
:
For
hereby
they
are
brought
to
understand
that
they
have
no
more
then
one
Tale
for
their
Cause
,
and
that
if
it
were
true
,
it
is
controuled
by
the
universal
practice
of
all
Churches
in
all
Ages
,
and
that
I
think
is
as
much
as
any
reasonable
Man
can
desire
to
shame
and
bafle
the
Assertion
.
Especially
when
it
is
so
evident
,
that
Christians
before
this
time
were
become
in
a
great
measure
like
other
Men
,
because
when
Christianity
became
the
Religion
of
the
Empire
,
and
the
darling
of
Princes
,
all
Men
would
equally
embrace
it
for
present
Advantage
and
Preferment
.
And
in
these
circumstances
bad
Men
will
be
sure
to
appear
as
forward
in
their
Zeal
as
the
best
Christians
,
and
generally
to
outstrip
them
in
outward
Appearance
.
So
that
if
at
that
time
there
had
been
any
Christians
found
guilty
of
disloyalty
towards
their
Prince
,
what
wonder
is
it
,
when
such
Numbers
came
into
the
Church
,
not
for
any
love
of
the
Religion
,
but
for
other
ends
and
designs
of
their
own
?
And
such
Men
were
as
effectually
loose
from
all
the
Obligations
of
Christianity
,
as
if
they
had
never
own'd
it
.
And
therefore
the
true
Sense
of
Christians
ought
not
to
be
taken
from
their
practice
,
after
it
had
been
the
thriving
Religion
,
for
then
it
was
made
a
Trade
,
but
from
their
Professions
in
such
times
,
when
they
had
no
other
Motive
to
embrace
it
but
it self
,
for
then
it
is
certain
that
all
that
did
so
,
were
in
good
earnest
.
It
being
then
so
evident
that
the
Christians
through
all
Ages
down
to
Constantine
profess't
and
practiced
the
duty
of
Non-resistance
,
or
Passive
Obedience
to
all
Princes
,
without
reserves
and
exceptions
,
as
an
indispensible
Law
of
their
Religion
,
that
is
a
clear
,
full
,
and
unanswerable
declaration
of
the
Sense
of
the
Primitive
Church
in
this
matter
,
however
any
might
fall
into
a
contrary
behaviour
in
times
of
ease
and
prosperity
.
For
then
it
is
impossible
but
that
there
would
be
many
in
the
Church
,
that
were
not
of
it
,
as
we
have
shewn
above
from
the
complaint
of
Eusebius
and
others
,
how
the
Credulity
of
Constantine
was
abused
by
pretended
Converts
,
to
the
great
dishonour
of
his
Government
,
and
Oppression
of
his
People
.
And
yet
I
think
no
Man
could
think
it
reasonable
to
upbraid
Christianity
with
their
Scandals
,
and
if
Julian
found
multitudes
of
such
Men
in
the
Church
,
when
he
came
to
the
Empire
,
what
wonder
would
it
be
if
Men
that
were
in
reality
no
Christians
,
made
any
unchristian
Attempts
against
him
?
So
that
granting
our
Apostates
the
truth
of
their
Plea
,
from
the
behaviour
of
Christians
towards
Julian
,
this
one
thing
utterly
barrs
their
Conclusion
,
that
this
was
the
avowed
practice
of
Christians
at
that
time
,
when
at
the
time
that
he
came
to
the
Empire
,
there
were
as
many
in
the
Church
,
that
were
not
,
as
that
were
Christians
.
But
because
it
is
to
be
supposed
that
the
Counterfeits
fell
off
with
the
Apostate
;
I
will
allow
the
Plea
,
that
if
the
Christians
who
persevered
in
the
Faith
,
committed
any
of
those
disloyal
and
Seditious
pranks
,
that
the
Apostates
charge
upon
them
,
that
then
the
blame
shall
lye
at
the
Church
door
.
And
yet
so
as
not
to
make
a
Precedent
for
imitation
,
because
it
is
a
single
Enormity
both
from
the
plain
Laws
of
the
Religion
,
and
the
universal
Practice
of
all
its
Professors
,
and
after
that
it
is
a
very
impertinent
way
of
arguing
to
draw
any
Conclusion
from
such
an
Example
.
And
yet
secondly
as
impertinent
as
it
is
,
it
is
much
more
false
,
for
there
is
not
any
one
instance
of
any
one
Christian
in
all
his
Reign
,
that
ever
made
any
resistance
to
any
one
of
his
Commands
.
And
then
whatever
they
did
beside
to
affront
him
,
that
is
nothing
to
warrant
the
practice
of
Resistance
,
and
shews
,
that
in
whatsoever
hatred
and
contempt
they
held
his
Person
,
yet
notwithstanding
that
,
they
thought
themselves
bound
in
duty
to
an
entire
Submission
to
his
Government
.
And
therefore
of
their
ill
manners
,
and
uncourtly
behaviour
towards
him
,
I
shall
discourse
by
it self
,
because
that
concerns
not
the
Argument
of
Resistance
,
and
shall
at
present
only
shew
that
they
were
so
far
from
putting
any
such
design
in
practice
,
that
they
all
expresly
disclaimed
and
defied
it
,
as
utterly
inconsistent
with
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
;
and
then
I
wonder
what
our
new
Apostates
can
gain
by
minding
us
of
the
Julian
Christians
.
And
if
their
case
was
particular
,
in
that
they
had
the
Laws
on
their
side
(
as
't
is
falsely
and
ignorantly
pretended
)
and
yet
for
all
that
taught
the
same
Doctrine
of
Submission
and
Passive
Obedience
under
him
,
and
that
upon
the
same
unalterable
Principle
,
as
they
did
under
all
their
former
Persecutions
,
that
will
be
the
greatest
demonstration
of
the
universality
of
their
Doctrine
,
and
set
it
above
all
manner
of
exception
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
.
The
Apostates
first
fury
was
vented
among
the
military
Men
,
Men
that
from
the
very
nature
of
their
Profession
are
most
apt
to
resent
and
revenge
Injuries
:
and
though
he
provoked
them
more
by
the
Contempt
and
Indignity
of
his
Persecution
,
then
by
its
Severity
,
yet
they
would
rather
swallow
and
digest
an
Affront
,
the
hardest
Point
in
the
World
to
a
Soldier
,
then
repulse
it
with
the
least
rudeness
,
much
less
violence
to
their
Sovereign
Lord
.
And
first
he
caused
the
Images
of
the
Heathen
Deities
to
S●zom
.
l.
5.
c.
17.
be
engraven
with
his
own
,
that
were
set
,
as
the
Emperors
Statues
were
wont
to
be
,
in
publick
Places
;
that
if
the
People
shewed
the
usual
Honor
to
his
Statue
,
they
might
be
supposed
to
worship
the
Idols
;
and
if
for
the
Idols
sake
they
should
refuse
to
take
notice
of
his
Image
,
he
might
punish
them
for
breach
of
old
Customs
and
Roman
Laws
in
doing
honour
to
the
Imperial
Majesty
.
And
that
was
another
peculiar
Enhancement
of
his
Persecution
,
never
to
punish
the
Christians
as
Christians
,
but
as
Criminals
,
and
to
the
old
Cruelties
of
Persecution
to
add
this
new
one
of
Calumny
,
first
martyr
their
Innocence
,
and
then
themselves
.
And
though
by
this
little
device
he
deceived
some
into
shews
of
respect
to
his
Deities
,
yet
the
wiser
easily
seeing
through
so
slight
a
design
,
refused
to
give
any
Signs
of
Honor
,
and
so
by
their
Example
soon
put
an
end
to
the
little
Stratagem
;
and
yet
neither
they
that
were
cheated
into
the
Folly
,
nor
they
that
were
fraudulently
punisht
for
withstanding
it
,
made
any
other
resistance
to
his
Commands
,
or
shewed
any
other
disrespect
to
his
Person
.
His
next
Stratagem
was
somewhat
more
fine
then
this
:
It
was
an
old
Custom
among
the
Romans
,
for
the
Emperors
on
their
own
Birth-days
,
or
other
Holy
days
,
to
give
Donatives
to
their
Soldiers
,
and
this
Julian
does
,
but
so
orders
it
,
that
near
his
Throne
where
he
sat
,
was
placed
a
Fire
with
Incense
,
some
of
which
the
simple
Soldiers
were
told
,
as
they
came
to
receive
their
Donative
,
by
some
that
were
set
there
for
that
purpose
,
they
were
bound
by
ancient
Custom
to
sprinkle
into
the
Fire
.
And
so
,
great
numbers
were
ignorantly
drawn
in
to
offer
his
kind
of
Sacrifice
,
but
coming
afterward
to
understand
the
Cheat
,
they
run
up
and
down
the
Streets
and
Market-places
crying
out
,
That
they
are
Christians
and
ever
were
so
,
that
they
were
over-reacht
and
meerly
drawn
in
it
,
and
they
had
sacrificed
with
their
Hands
,
they
had
not
with
their
Hearts
,
and
so
they
address
to
the
Emperor
in
a
Body
,
and
request
him
to
take
his
Gold
again
,
and
if
he
pleased
,
to
put
them
to
death
,
for
they
were
resolved
never
to
renounce
their
Religion
,
but
were
ready
to
lay
down
their
Lives
for
it
.
To
this
Relation
Theodoret
adds
,
That
the
Emperor
immediately
commanded
them
to
be
beheaded
,
and
they
were
conveyed
out
of
the
City
to
the
place
of
Execution
,
whither
they
went
with
extraordinary
courage
and
cheerfulness
,
requesting
the
Heads-man
to
dispatch
the
youngest
first
,
lest
by
beholding
the
bloody
Execution
of
others
,
his
courage
might
faint
,
and
so
one
Romanus
is
first
prepared
,
and
his
head
laid
upon
the
Block
,
but
just
before
the
blow
was
to
be
given
,
a
Messenger
from
the
Emperor
cries
out
at
a
great
distance
to
stop
it
;
at
which
the
young
man
sighing
says
,
Romanus
was
not
thought
worthy
to
be
a
Martyr
of
Christ
.
I
conceive
this
is
as
high
an
Example
of
Passive
Obedience
,
as
any
we
have
upon
Record
in
all
the
former
Persecutions
,
and
indeed
exceeds
that
of
the
Thebaean
Legion
,
for
they
were
only
decimated
at
first
,
and
so
the
greatest
part
were
sure
to
escape
,
but
here
the
whole
Body
submit
themselves
one
and
all
to
the
Ax
of
the
Executioner
,
without
speaking
an
angry
or
a
reproachful
word
against
the
Emperor
.
And
for
this
very
act
of
Christian
Loyalty
they
are
particularly
commended
by
St.
Austin
.
And
yet
these
very
Men
(
one
would
scarce
believe
it
)
are
produced
as
one
of
the
most
remarkable
instances
of
the
ill-behaviour
of
the
Christians
towards
Julian
.
His
next
attempt
was
at
Constantinople
,
to
reform
his
own
Praetorian
Bands
,
where
he
Disbands
all
Officers
that
refuse
to
sacrifice
in
the
Temple
of
Fortune
,
upon
which
Valentinian
and
Valens
two
of
his
chief
Commanders
,
and
divers
others
peaceably
laid
down
their
Arms
,
declaring
themselves
not
only
ready
to
part
with
their
Swords
,
but
their
Lives
for
their
Religion
.
And
to
these
Socrates
adds
Jovian
,
though
I
doubt
In
the
next
place
finding
all
the
old
Temples
at
Caesarea
,
the
Metropolis
of
Cappadocia
,
decayed
and
demolisht
,
and
disgraceful
punishment
(
says
Palladius
)
he
endured
with
all
patience
and
returned
thanks
to
the
Emperor
for
the
honour
,
as
he
had
it
from
his
own
mouth
.
But
whatever
his
Persecution
was
against
their
Persons
,
it
was
much
more
then
all
others
against
their
Religion
,
for
beside
those
perpetual
shams
that
he
put
upon
it
to
make
it
ridiculous
;
he
dugg
at
the
Foundations
by
rooting
up
the
Clergy
,
that
so
the
People
having
no
Publick
Assemblies
for
Divine
Worship
,
they
might
in
time
grow
barbarous
and
lose
their
Religion
.
And
his
pretence
against
them
was
their
raising
Seditions
.
And
thus
he
banisht
Seleusius
and
his
Clergy
from
Cyzicum
,
because
the
Christ●ans
were
so
numerous
in
the
City
,
that
it
was
in
vain
to
attempt
reducing
them
any
other
way
.
And
so
he
commanded
the
Magistrates
of
Bostra
to
expel
Titus
their
Bishop
,
and
threatned
,
that
if
the
People
made
any
Sedition
,
he
would
lay
the
blame
and
the
punishment
of
it
upon
the
Bishop
and
his
Clergy
;
upon
this
Titus
presents
him
an
humble
Address
,
shewing
that
though
the
Christians
were
an
overmatch
for
the
Heathens
,
yet
he
need
not
fear
any
Tumult
from
them
,
because
he
knew
that
they
would
follow
his
Exhortations
to
Peace
and
Patience
.
Upon
this
the
Apostate
spitefully
and
childishly
writes
to
the
People
to
instigate
them
against
their
Bishop
for
slandering
their
Loyalty
,
as
if
they
were
not
peaceable
of
their
own
accord
,
but
were
only
wheedled
into
it
by
his
Wit
and
Eloquence
.
To
such
mean
and
dirty
Arts
did
his
malice
stoop
by
any
ways
to
do
mischief
:
but
yet
instead
of
provoking
them
to
any
disturbance
by
all
his
abuses
,
we
find
nothing
else
preached
even
at
this
time
then
the
old
superannuated
and
unseasonable
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
.
The
Apostate's
last
pranks
against
the
Christians
were
plaid
at
Antioch
,
the
great
Scene
of
his
shame
and
folly
.
Hither
at
his
first
coming
Artemius
an
old
Commander
under
Constantine
,
and
who
for
his
good
Services
had
obtain'd
a
good
Theod.
lib.
3.
c.
17.
Government
in
AEgypt
under
Constantius
,
is
sent
for
by
the
Emperor
,
under
pretence
of
serving
in
the
Persian
Expedition
,
but
when
he
comes
he
is
suddenly
put
to
death
upon
pretence
of
Treason
▪
though
the
real
Crime
was
,
that
he
had
been
the
chief
Agent
under
the
Christian
Emperors
in
the
destruction
of
Idols
.
Artemius
is
followed
by
the
two
famous
Captains
Juventinus
and
Maximus
,
who
bemoaning
the
Restitution
of
Idolatry
,
are
by
the
Emperor
cast
into
Prison
upon
the
sham
of
Treason
,
where
divers
attempts
are
made
upon
them
to
betray
their
Religion
,
but
all
in
vain
,
their
constant
answer
is
,
That
they
are
always
ready
to
lay
down
their
Lives
but
never
their
Religion
,
and
so
at
length
they
are
privately
beheaded
.
This
is
all
the
harm
that
we
know
of
them
,
and
yet
they
are
exhibited
to
the
World
among
that
Pack
of
Julian
Christians
,
that
pursued
their
Prince
,
as
if
he
were
a
midnight
Thief
,
or
an
High-way-Robber
.
The
next
Set
of
bloody
Conspirators
against
the
Apostate's
life
,
were
Abbass
Publia
and
her
Quire
of
Virgins
,
that
persisted
to
sing
Anthems
against
Idolatry
,
at
such
times
as
his
Majesty
passed
by
their
Chappel
,
at
which
he
was
at
last
so
enraged
,
that
he
very
honourably
commanded
one
of
his
Souldiers
to
beat
the
old
Woman
that
was
Mistress
of
the
Quire
,
so
that
he
made
her
nose
bleed
.
Which
contumelious
Usage
(
says
the
Historian
)
she
received
as
the
highest
honour
,
as
the
Apostles
did
,
when
they
were
beaten
too
,
that
they
were
accounted
worthy
to
suffer
shame
for
Christ
.
And
therefore
the
old
Woman
and
her
Maids
were
so
far
from
pursuing
him
as
a
Thief
and
a
Robber
,
that
they
did
not
so
much
as
return
him
any
warm
Language
.
These
are
all
the
instances
of
Rebellion
against
the
Apostate
that
I
know
of
,
unless
we
may
add
that
very
credible
Romance
of
an
old
decrepit
Bishop
,
threatning
to
kick
the
Emperor
in
the
head
of
his
Praetorian
Bands
,
at
which
the
great
Soldier
that
had
fought
so
many
Battels
,
was
so
scared
,
that
he
was
forced
to
betake
himself
to
his
Heels
.
These
are
all
those
numberless
Instances
,
in
the
great
variety
whereof
a
man
may
almost
lose
himself
,
which
may
be
given
of
the
Christians
hatred
and
contempt
of
Julian
when
he
was
Emperor
.
How
they
reproached
him
and
hi●
Religion
to
his
very
beard
;
beat
his
Priests
before
his
face
,
and
had
done
him
too
,
if
he
had
not
got
out
of
the
way
.
But
whatever
becomes
of
all
the
other
Outrages
,
there
is
no
other
instance
of
the
danger
of
his
own
being
beaten
,
but
by
this
old
man
that
had
lost
the
use
of
his
Limbs
,
who
yet
it
seems
would
have
kick't
him
before
his
own
Guards
,
had
he
not
run
away
.
Any
Passive
Obedience
,
how
sneaking
soever
,
would
have
been
much
more
Manly
and
Heroick
,
then
to
kick
one
that
was
so
great
a
Coward
,
that
in
the
head
of
his
Troops
,
had
not
courage
enough
to
stand
the
brunt
against
the
impotent
fury
of
Fourscore
and
Ten.
But
what
shall
we
say
to
the
other
objection
,
That
if
the
old
Bishops
did
not
beat
him
,
yet
the
young
Divines
jear'd
him
,
gave
him
Nick-names
,
and
Lampoon'd
him
to
his
beard
?
This
I
must
confess
is
a
great
fault
to
offer
any
indignity
to
the
Person
of
a
Sovereign
Prince
,
and
reflects
scorn
and
contempt
upon
his
Government
:
But
yet
I
hope
there
is
some
distance
between
breaking
an
indiscreet
jest
,
and
breaking
out
into
open
Rebellion
.
For
that
is
our
design
to
prove
,
that
in
the
days
of
Julian
,
the
Doctrine
and
Duty
of
Passive
Obedience
was
out
of
doors
,
and
that
the
Christians
,
who
would
have
quietly
submitted
to
the
Laws
under
a
Nero
or
a
Dioclesian
,
pursued
Julian
as
a
midnight
Thief
,
or
an
High-way
Robber
.
That
is
,
plainly
,
that
they
thought
it
Lawful
to
resist
and
pursue
him
by
force
,
and
that
I
think
is
Rebellion
;
though
indeed
ther●
was
no
need
of
such
broad
Expressions
,
as
of
hunting
a
Thief
or
a
Robber
;
for
if
the
obligation
to
Passive
Obedience
be
once
taken
off
,
active
Resistance
immediately
takes
place
,
and
that
again
is
actual
Rebellion
.
Now
what
a
strange
leap
in
arguing
is
this
,
from
a
jest
upon
a
Princes
Beard
,
to
raise
an
Army
to
cut
his
Throat
?
For
that
is
the
inference
here
,
to
prove
that
the
Christians
in
his
time
thought
it
Lawful
to
resist
and
rebel
against
his
Government
,
because
they
Lampoon'd
his
Whiskers
.
But
certainly
men
must
have
a
very
sharp
stomach
to
Rebellion
,
that
can
encourage
themselves
to
fall
on
upon
such
slender
Invitations
.
But
to
state
the
matter
aright
between
the
Imperial
Beard
,
and
its
sawcy
Subjects
;
if
it
met
with
any
rough
and
uncivil
usage
,
it
may
thank
its
Owner
for
it
,
who
indeed
brought
that
rude
treatment
into
fashion
by
Lampooning
all
his
Predecessors
.
And
if
Princes
will
condescend
so
low
as
to
write
Libels
themselves
,
they
must
pardon
the
Poets
if
they
give
them
as
good
as
they
bring
,
for
there
is
no
King
of
Wit.
And
therefore
this
Pedantick
Prince
putting
himself
upon
such
an
equal
Level
with
his
Subjects
,
by
vying
Wit
or
rather
Buffoonry
with
them
,
which
no
Prince
beside
himself
ever
did
,
it
can
scarce
amount
to
an
act
of
Treason
if
they
made
so
bold
with
his
Beard
.
And
the
truth
of
it
is
,
his
Beard
was
so
very
singular
and
remarkable
,
that
no
Stoick
could
well
pass
it
by
without
a
fling
at
it
,
for
it
was
the
very
Comet
of
a
Beard
upon
a
Boys
face
,
and
that
alone
was
a
very
provoking
and
ridiculous
sight
.
[
*
](A56396-e47720-b)
*
V.
Baron
.
Anno
362.
N.
27.
And
let
but
the
Reader
peruse
his
Coins
,
especially
that
in
which
his
young
self
is
drawn
with
the
old
Goddess
Serapis
,
and
then
I
may
challenge
him
to
forbear
smiling
if
he
can
.
And
long
before
this
Beard
was
assaulted
by
the
ill-bred
Antiochian
Citizens
,
it
had
been
Canonised
,
when
he
was
much
younger
,
in
the
Court
of
Constantius
,
Ammianus
Marcellinus
his
Panegyrist
informs
us
,
he
was
Nick-named
the
Goat
for
his
long
Beard
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
a
pratling
Mole
,
a
Monkey
in
Purple
,
a
Greek
Pedant
.
All
which
the
Historian
imputes
to
their
Envy
of
his
great
Glory
,
and
parallels
his
Case
with
Cimons
,
that
Envy
accused
of
Luxury
,
and
with
Scipio's
that
it
charged
with
too
much
love
of
Ease
,
and
with
Pompey's
,
that
was
blamed
for
too
much
neatness
.
These
are
little
defects
incident
to
great
Men
,
that
their
spiteful
Enemies
might
take
advantage
of
to
Eclypse
the
Glory
of
their
Vertue
,
with
the
Rabble
,
but
as
for
these
Pedantick
Affectations
,
for
which
Julian
was
so
highly
despised
,
they
could
not
be
incident
to
any
Man
,
that
was
not
a
remarkable
Fopp
.
But
beside
all
this
,
we
must
consider
to
what
sort
of
Men
the
Antiochian
Provocation
was
given
,
and
that
was
to
the
Poets
,
by
his
discountenancing
and
discouraging
the
Play-Houses
,
by
which
they
were
undone
,
and
they
are
a
sort
of
men
,
whose
Wit
ought
to
be
allowed
some
indulgence
of
Revenge
upon
their
Enemies
,
especially
when
he
sharpned
the
Provocation
by
keeping
them
hungry
as
well
as
poor
,
having
occasion'd
a
great
scarcity
of
Provisions
in
the
City
by
an
imprudent
Edict
.
Now
laying
all
these
things
together
,
the
Royal
Beard
had
no
such
great
reason
to
complain
,
considering
how
much
its
Owner
exposed
both
it
and
himself
,
of
so
much
hard
usage
,
as
if
it
had
been
pursued
like
a
midnight
Thief
,
or
an
High-way
Robber
.
But
after
all
,
it
does
not
appear
that
these
Libellers
were
Christians
,
Julian
indeed
upbraids
them
,
that
their
City
was
over-run
with
the
Galilaean
Superstition
,
that
had
wrought
too
great
an
indifferency
for
the
Worship
of
the
Gods
,
and
that
for
the
sake
of
Constantius
their
great
Benefactor
and
Patron
,
they
had
too
much
kindness
for
,
or
rather
too
little
zeal
against
the
Religion
.
But
that
the
Libellers
were
Heathens
is
very
probable
from
the
cause
of
the
quarrel
;
the
chief
ground
whereof
was
his
discouraging
of
the
Plays
,
of
which
the
Christians
of
those
times
were
so
far
from
being
very
fond
,
that
it
was
accounted
no
less
then
Idolatry
to
frequent
them
,
because
their
Scenes
were
really
nothing
else
then
representations
of
the
old
Heathen
Impieties
.
But
yet
beside
the
singularity
of
the
Beard
it self
,
it
was
made
somewhat
more
ridiculous
,
and
contemptible
by
the
humour
of
the
man
that
wore
it
,
who
in
a
word
was
the
very
Hudibras
of
his
Age.
And
,
as
himself
tells
us
,
the
singularity
of
his
humour
was
the
thing
that
made
him
the
common
Laughing-Stock
to
the
Antiochians
.
He
was
by
nature
Gregory
Nazianzen
Orat.
4ta
,
p.
122.
says
he
made
a
right
guess
what
he
would
prove
,
when
he
saw
him
a
young
Student
at
Athens
:
By
his
dancing
Shoulders
,
his
wild
and
wandring
Eye
,
his
shufling
and
restless
feet
,
his
continual
Grinning
,
and
abusive
Conversation
,
the
variety
of
his
Looks
,
and
sudden
alterations
of
his
Countenance
,
nodding
this
way
,
and
in
the
same
moment
that
way
,
and
that
at
nothing
,
asking
impertinent
Questions
without
staying
for
any
Answer
:
with
a
great
number
more
of
indecencies
of
behaviour
,
that
plainly
betrayed
an
odd
Constitution
of
Nature
.
And
this
natural
lightness
was
very
well
improved
by
a
careful
Education
,
he
was
throughly
instructed
in
all
the
Greek
Pedantry
,
he
had
upon
every
occasion
a
Verse
out
of
Hesiod
or
Homer
,
he
could
not
so
much
as
muster
his
Soldiers
without
dispersing
amongst
them
some
Apothegms
out
of
Plato
or
Aristotle
.
But
the
most
apish
Deformity
in
him
,
was
his
ill
favour'd
Imitation
of
great
Men
,
and
therefore
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
when
he
conjures
up
all
the
M.
Aurelius
,
whom
he
chiefly
endeavoured
to
imitate
in
all
his
Actions
,
and
for
the
truth
of
that
we
may
take
Julian's
own
Word
,
for
in
an
Epistle
to
Themistius
he
declares
himself
Rival
to
Alexander
the
Great
for
Courage
,
and
to
M.
Aurelius
for
Vertue
;
so
that
by
equalling
both
in
their
several
Perfections
,
he
might
exceed
both
in
real
Worth
and
Greatness
.
And
he
was
so
apish
in
his
imitation
of
Alexander
,
that
he
spent
all
his
Nights
in
the
same
hardship
that
the
old
Romantick
Historians
say
he
spent
his
,
one
third
part
in
Sleep
,
another
in
Business
,
and
a
third
in
Study
,
which
continual
watchfulness
added
to
the
natural
warmth
of
his
Brain
must
unavoidably
heat
it
into
ridiculous
frenzies
,
and
make
every
passage
of
his
Life
very
phantastick
and
affected
.
Now
when
such
a
Pigmee
and
Pedant
as
Julian
was
,
would
swell
and
strut
and
look
big
,
and
really
believe
himself
of
equal
Bulk
to
the
greatest
Gyants
,
and
affect
to
make
every
Step
he
takes
as
large
as
theirs
,
it
must
be
a
sight
so
comical
and
pleasant
,
as
could
not
but
work
through
the
dullest
Spleen
of
the
Spectators
.
And
this
,
as
Ammianus
Marcellinus
himself
reports
it
,
was
one
thing
that
made
the
Antiochians
merry
.
Ridebatur
ut
Circops
,
homo
brevis
,
humeros
extentans
angustos
,
&
barbam
prae
se
ferens
●ircinam
,
grandiaque
incedens
tanquam
Oti
frater
&
Ephialtis
,
quo●um
proceritatem
Homerus
in
immensum
tollit
.
In
short
,
his
whole
Life
was
nothing
but
Vanity
and
Affectation
,
he
imposed
upon
himself
the
hardships
of
the
old
Law-makers
,
he
eat
by
the
Laws
of
Lycurgus
,
and
the
Sayings
of
old
Cato
,
he
would
never
be
induced
to
a
second
Marriage
out
of
fondness
to
a
saying
of
Plato
,
nor
cared
to
have
his
Exchequer
full
,
for
meer
love
of
that
Sentence
of
Alexander
,
That
he
cared
for
no
other
Treasury
then
what
was
laid
up
in
the
Bosom
of
his
Friends
.
His
vices
as
they
are
set
down
by
Ammianus
Marcellinus
That
he
was
of
a
light
wit
,
and
was
so
sensible
of
it
himself
,
that
he
desired
his
friends
to
watch
him
when
he
run
into
any
indecency
;
of
a
loose
Tongue
,
and
scarce
ever
silent
;
much
addicted
to
Prophesies
,
unmeasurably
Superstitious
,
sacrificing
Beasts
without
end
or
number
,
greedy
of
the
Applauses
of
the
Rabble
,
an
insatiable
hunter
of
praise
from
the
smallest
matters
,
and
out
of
meer
desire
of
Popularity
,
would
make
himself
cheap
and
familiar
with
the
meanest
of
the
People
.
After
this
description
of
him
,
whatever
good
qualities
he
might
have
beside
,
must
be
ridiculous
.
Thus
whereas
he
admires
him
for
his
Clemency
,
his
affectation
of
it
was
so
awkerd
and
preposterous
,
that
he
would
let
the
most
barbarous
Crimes
go
unpunished
for
the
glory
of
it
,
in
so
much
that
when
the
Parents
of
a
ravisht
Maid
complain'd
to
him
of
the
injury
,
though
by
Law
the
punishment
was
death
,
he
dismissed
the
Offender
without
any
Penalty
;
upon
which
the
Parents
complaining
of
it
as
a
dishonour
to
their
Family
,
let
the
Laws
(
says
he
)
find
fault
with
Clemency
,
it
becomes
a
Courteous
Emperor
to
be
more
civil
then
the
Laws
.
This
foolish
action
is
the
only
instance
that
the
Historian
gives
of
this
vertue
in
him
.
And
whereas
he
was
a
great
pretender
to
Philosophick
patience
,
there
was
never
any
Man
so
Extravagant
and
intemperate
in
his
passion
,
as
't
is
described
by
Gregory
Nazianzen
.
Is
not
this
highly
commendable
in
our
Philosopher
,
that
he
was
ta
,
pag.
121.
so
free
from
passion
,
and
so
far
above
the
Turbulent
Motions
of
the
Mind
,
like
those
famous
Princes
of
former
times
,
who
were
renown'd
for
the
greatness
of
their
Temper
,
that
whatever
befell
them
,
never
changed
their
countenance
,
or
shew'd
the
least
appearance
of
disturbance
,
that
when
he
sate
in
Judgment
,
he
fill'd
the
Court
with
his
own
noise
and
clamour
,
and
was
outragious
in
his
passion
beyond
all
expression●
Who
knows
not
that
when
even
poor
Peasants
,
that
publickly
made
their
Addresses
to
him
,
to
ask
such
things
as
Men
are
wont
to
beg
of
the
Emperor
,
that
he
was
wont
in
a
violent
manner
to
fall
upon
them
,
beat
them
with
his
fist
,
and
kick
them
,
and
they
were
glad
if
they
could
scape
so
?
But
the
greatest
subject
for
contempt
of
him
was
his
immense
Superstition
,
which
in
a
Learned
Philosopher
we
may
suppose
much
more
ridiculous
then
in
an
old
woman
,
the
description
of
it
in
Ammianus
Marcellinus
is
very
pleasant
,
lib.
22.
cap.
12.
beside
several
other
strange
Stories
of
his
Euthusiasms
,
to
which
Gregory
Nazianzen
is
so
so
kind
as
to
impute
all
his
madness
,
and
it
is
certain
that
he
was
so
hot-headed
as
to
pretend
to
Visions
and
Correspondence
with
the
Gods
,
and
I
doubt
not
but
he
believed
himself
.
When
he
took
upon
him
the
Title
of
Augustus
,
i.
e.
when
he
Rebelled
Am.
Marcel
.
lib.
20.
cap.
5.
against
Constantius
,
he
had
a
Vision
of
the
Publick
Genius
,
that
Commanded
him
to
do
it
against
his
own
Inclinations
,
Idem
lib.
21.
cap.
2.
and
when
he
went
with
his
Army
towards
Rome
,
he
had
at
Vienna
another
Vision
from
all
his
Puppet
Gods
to
assure
him
of
success
.
But
to
forbear
the
endless
Catalogue
of
his
Follies
,
I
shall
only
set
down
an
Account
of
one
of
his
Pious
Processions
at
Antioch
,
as
it
is
described
by
St.
Chrysostom
,
who
was
an
Eye-witness
of
it
.
He
Published
an
Edict
Now
after
all
this
Evidence
and
Demonstration
of
folly
can
any
Man
be
so
hard-hearted
as
to
impose
such
a
rigid
severity
upon
the
pleasant
Gentlemen
of
Antioch
,
as
not
to
enjoy
some
mirth
from
so
much
folly
?
Nay
,
though
they
were
Christians
,
that
did
not
keep
their
Gravity
as
they
were
wont
to
do
,
they
were
to
be
indulged
in
their
sport
,
though
it
were
for
nothing
else
then
the
great
pleasure
and
satisfaction
that
they
must
take
,
in
seeing
the
greatest
Enemy
to
their
Religion
,
the
greatest
fool
in
the
World
.
But
however
if
they
jear'd
him
they
did
no
more
,
and
therefore
from
their
breaking
Jests
upon
himself
,
his
Beard
,
and
his
Superstition
;
to
infer
the
Lawfulness
of
making
assaults
upon
his
Government
,
only
proves
what
an
aking
Tooth
some
Men
have
to
be
at
their
own
Conclusion
,
but
I
hope
by
this
time
it
is
drawn
out
:
And
now
having
thus
far
brought
down
the
contrary
both
Doctrine
and
Practice
of
the
Christian
Church
from
its
first
beginning
to
the
end
of
this
Reign
,
through
all
Varieties
and
Vicissitudes
of
condition
,
I
shall
at
present
here
break
off
,
because
it
is
enough
for
its
own
Demonstration
.
Though
if
it
please
God
to
send
me
life
and
health
,
and
if
my
Superiours
think
the
Work
worth
encouragement
and
acceptance
,
I
shall
trace
it
down
through
the
following
Ages
.
FINIS
.