CHAP.
IX
.
Which
Treats
of
the
Power
of
the
Prince
;
and
is
divided
into
Eight
Sections
.
SECTION
.
I.
The
Prince
must
be
Powerful
,
to
be
Respected
by
his
Subjects
and
by
strangers
.
POWER
being
one
of
the
most
necessary
Ingredients
towards
the
Grandor
of
Kings
,
and
the
prosperity
of
their
Governments
;
those
who
have
the
chief
Management
of
Affairs
,
are
particularly
oblig'd
not
to
omit
any
thing
,
which
may
contribute
to
Authorise
their
Master
so
far
as
to
make
all
the
World
Respect
him
.
As
goodness
is
the
object
of
Love
,
Power
is
the
cause
of
Dread
:
and
it
is
most
certain
,
that
among
all
the
Princes
who
are
capable
to
Stir
a
State
,
Fear
grounded
upon
Esteem
and
Reverence
,
has
so
much
Force
,
that
it
ingages
every
one
to
perform
his
Duty
.
If
this
Principle
is
of
great
Efficacy
in
respect
to
the
internal
Part
of
States
,
it
is
to
the
full
as
prevailing
abroad
:
Subjects
and
Strangers
looking
with
the
same
Eyes
upon
a
formidable
Power
,
both
the
one
and
the
other
abstain
from
offending
a
Prince
,
whom
they
are
sensible
is
in
a
condition
to
hurt
them
,
if
he
were
so
inclin'd
.
I
have
observ'd
by
the
by
,
that
the
ground
of
the
Power
I
am
speaking
of
,
must
be
Esteem
and
Respect
;
I
add
,
that
it
is
now
a
thing
so
necessary
,
that
when
it
is
grounded
upon
any
other
Principle
,
it
is
very
dangerous
;
in
that
case
instead
of
creating
a
reasonable
Fear
,
it
inclines
Men
to
hate
Princes
,
who
are
never
in
a
worse
condition
than
when
it
turns
to
public
aversion
.
The
Power
which
induces
Men
to
respect
and
fear
Princes
with
Love
,
is
of
many
different
kinds
;
It
is
a
Tree
which
has
five
divers
Branches
,
which
all
draw
their
nutriment
and
substance
from
one
and
the
same
Root
.
The
Prince
must
be
powerful
by
his
Reputation
.
By
a
reasonable
Army
always
kept
on
Foot
.
And
by
a
notable
Sum
of
Money
in
his
Coffers
,
to
supply
unexpected
exigencies
,
which
often
come
to
pass
when
they
are
least
expected
.
Finally
,
by
the
Possession
of
his
Subjects
hearts
,
as
we
may
easily
see
.
SECTION
II.
The
Prince
must
be
powerful
by
his
Reputation
;
and
what
is
necessary
to
that
End
.
REputation
is
the
more
necessary
in
Princes
,
in
that
those
we
have
a
good
opinion
of
,
do
more
by
their
bare
words
than
those
who
are
not
esteem'd
,
with
Armies
.
They
are
oblig'd
to
value
it
beyond
Life
;
and
they
ought
sooner
to
venture
their
Fortune
and
Grandeur
,
than
to
suffer
the
least
Breach
to
be
made
in
the
same
,
since
it
is
most
certain
that
the
least
diminution
a
Prince
receives
,
tho
never
so
slight
,
is
the
step
which
is
of
most
dangerous
consequence
for
his
ruin
.
In
consideration
of
which
I
declare
freely
,
that
Princes
ought
never
to
esteem
any
Profit
advantagious
,
when
it
reflects
in
the
least
upon
their
honour
:
and
they
are
either
blind
,
or
insensible
to
their
true
Interests
,
if
they
receive
any
of
this
nature
.
And
indeed
History
teaches
us
,
that
in
all
Times
and
in
all
States
,
Princes
of
great
reputation
are
always
happier
than
those
,
who
being
inferior
to
them
in
that
Point
,
have
surpass'd
them
in
Force
and
Riches
,
and
in
all
other
Power
.
As
they
cannot
be
too
jealous
of
it
,
their
Counsellors
can
never
be
too
careful
,
to
cry
up
the
good
Qualities
they
possess
.
Those
who
will
form
their
Conduct
upon
the
Rules
and
Principles
contain'd
in
this
present
Testament
,
will
undoubtedly
acquire
a
Name
which
will
be
of
no
small
weight
in
the
mind
of
their
Subjects
and
of
their
Neighbours
,
particularly
if
being
Religious
towards
God
,
they
observe
the
same
Rule
towards
themselves
.
That
is
,
in
being
true
to
their
word
,
and
faithful
to
their
Promises
;
conditions
which
are
so
absolutely
necessary
for
the
reputation
of
a
Prince
,
that
as
he
who
is
destitute
of
them
can
never
be
esteem'd
by
any
body
,
so
it
is
impossible
for
him
who
does
possess
them
not
to
be
reverenc'd
and
credited
by
all
the
World
.
I
could
instance
many
Examples
of
this
Truth
;
but
as
I
do
not
design
this
Work
for
a
Common
Place
,
easy
to
be
perform'd
by
all
sorts
of
Men
,
who
will
extract
good
Books
;
I
will
only
instance
such
as
are
so
certain
and
so
clear
,
that
all
sensible
Persons
will
find
the
Proof
of
them
in
their
own
Reason
.
SECTION
.
III.
The
Prince
must
be
Powerful
by
the
force
of
his
Frontiers
.
NONE
but
such
as
are
depriv'd
of
common
sence
,
can
be
unsensible
how
necessary
it
is
for
great
States
to
have
their
Frontiers
well
Fortify'd
.
It
is
a
thing
the
more
necessary
in
this
Kingdom
,
in
that
,
that
tho
the
Levity
of
our
Nation
should
make
it
incapable
of
making
great
Conquests
;
their
Valour
would
render
them
Invincible
,
in
their
defence
;
having
considerable
Places
,
so
well
fortify'd
,
and
so
well
provided
with
all
things
,
that
they
may
be
able
to
show
their
Courage
,
without
being
exposed
to
suffer
great
hard-ships
,
which
are
the
only
Enemies
they
have
to
overcome
.
A
Frontier
well
fortify'd
is
capable
either
to
discourage
Enemies
from
the
designs
they
might
have
against
a
State
,
or
at
least
to
stop
the
Course
of
the
same
,
and
their
Impetuosity
,
if
they
dare
venture
to
do
it
by
open
force
.
The
subtil
motions
of
our
Nation
stand
in
need
of
being
secured
against
the
Terrour
they
might
receive
in
an
unexpected
attack
,
if
they
did
not
know
that
the
entrance
into
the
Kingdom
has
such
strong
Ramparts
,
that
no
foreign
Impetuosity
can
be
capable
to
take
them
by
Storm
,
and
that
it
is
impossible
to
overcome
them
,
without
a
considerable
Time
.
The
new
method
of
some
of
the
Enemies
of
this
State
being
more
to
starve
the
Places
they
besiege
than
to
take
them
by
force
of
Arms
,
and
to
ruin
the
Country
they
invade
by
a
great
number
of
horse
,
than
to
advance
by
degrees
into
it
with
a
considerable
body
of
Foot
,
as
was
done
antiently
;
it
is
clear
,
that
Frontier
Places
are
not
only
useful
to
resist
such
Efforts
,
but
also
to
secure
States
,
in
the
Bowels
of
which
it
is
impossible
for
Enemies
to
make
any
great
Progress
if
they
leave
Places
behind
them
to
cut
off
the
communication
of
their
Countrys
and
their
Convoys
together
.
These
considerations
oblige
me
to
represent
,
that
it
is
not
sufficient
to
fortify
Places
,
and
to
put
such
Provisions
and
Ammunitions
into
〈◊〉
,
as
may
serve
to
resist
brisk
attacks
,
but
also
to
●●●●ish
them
with
all
things
necessary
for
a
year
at
least
,
which
is
a
sufficient
time
to
relieve
them
conveniently
.
I
am
●●nsible
that
it
is
almost
impossible
for
great
Kings
,
to
provide
many
Citadels
thus
;
but
it
is
not
to
with
great
Towns
in
whichi
the
Society
of
Men
produces
a
great
store
of
many
things
,
which
a
particular
Governor
cannot
make
a
sufficient
provision
of
,
and
it
is
easie
to
oblige
the
Inhabitants
to
provide
Provisions
for
a
Year
,
which
will
always
suffice
for
six
Months
and
more
,
if
they
turn
out
useless
Mouths
,
as
reason
requires
.
I
am
so
far
from
pretending
that
this
Order
should
exempt
Princes
from
having
publick
Magazins
,
that
on
the
contrary
I
am
of
opinion
that
they
can
never
have
too
many
,
and
that
after
having
provided
them
,
they
must
establish
such
good
Orders
to
preserve
,
them
that
the
Governors
,
to
whom
the
disposition
of
the
same
belongs
,
may
not
have
the
Liberty
to
dissipate
them
in
vain
,
either
out
of
negligence
,
or
a
desire
to
convert
them
to
their
own
Uses
.
I
do
not
particularly
specify
the
Number
of
Cannons
The
Antients
having
observ'd
very
well
,
that
the
real
Strength
of
Towns
consists
in
the
number
of
Men
,
I
cannot
forbear
adding
,
that
all
Fortifications
are
useless
,
unless
the
Governor
and
the
Officers
,
who
command
in
a
place
,
have
a
Courage
equal
to
the
Strength
of
the
Walls
and
Ramparts
,
and
unless
the
Number
of
Men
is
proportion'd
to
the
Largeness
of
the
place
,
and
the
quantity
of
the
Posts
that
are
to
be
defended
.
Experience
has
show'd
us
in
divers
occasions
,
that
the
least
Holds
are
impregnable
by
the
steadiness
of
the
courage
of
those
who
defend
them
,
and
that
the
best
Citadels
make
no
great
resistance
,
when
those
that
are
in
them
have
not
a
Courage
suitable
to
their
Force
.
Therefore
Princes
can
never
be
too
careful
in
choosing
those
to
whom
they
intrust
Frontiers
,
since
the
Welfare
and
repose
of
the
State
depends
chiefly
on
their
Fidelity
and
Vigilancy
,
their
Courage
and
Experience
,
and
that
often
the
lack
of
one
of
these
Qualifications
costs
millions
to
States
,
if
it
does
not
prove
the
absolute
cause
of
their
Ruin
.
SECTION
.
IV.
Of
the
Power
a
State
ought
to
have
by
its
Land-Forces
.
This
Section
has
several
Subdivisions
,
upon
the
account
of
the
abundance
of
matter
it
contains
,
which
will
be
specify'd
in
the
Margin
.
THE
most
potent
State
in
the
World
cannot
boast
of
injoying
a
certain
Peace
,
unless
it
be
in
a
condition
to
secure
it self
at
all
times
,
against
an
unexpected
Invasion
,
or
Surprise
.
In
order
thereunto
it
is
necessary
that
so
great
a
Kingdom
as
this
is
,
should
always
keep
a
sufficient
Army
on
Foot
to
prevent
the
designs
which
hatred
and
envy
might
form
against
its
Prosperity
and
Grandeur
,
when
't
is
look'd
upon
to
be
in
a
secure
Repose
,
or
at
least
to
stifle
them
in
their
Birth
.
Who
has
Force
,
has
commonly
Reason
on
his
side
;
and
he
that
is
Weak
,
is
commonly
thought
in
the
wrong
in
the
Judgment
of
most
Men.
As
a
Souldier
who
do's
not
always
wear
his
Sword
is
lyable
to
many
inconveniences
;
that
Kingdom
which
do's
not
always
stand
on
its
Guard
,
and
keep
it self
in
a
condtion
to
prevent
a
sudden
surprise
,
is
in
great
danger
.
Public
Interest
obliges
those
who
have
the
management
of
States
to
Govern
them
so
,
as
not
only
to
secure
them
against
all
the
Evil
which
may
be
avoided
,
but
also
from
all
apprehensions
of
it
.
[
*
](A57253-e31220-b)
*
The
Power
of
Princes
is
the
only
means
that
can
produce
that
Effect
and
therefore
it
only
remains
to
know
what
Forces
ought
to
be
kept
on
Foot
in
this
Kingdom
.
As
Reason
requires
a
Geometrical
Proportion
,
between
that
which
sustains
,
and
that
which
is
sustained
,
it
is
certain
that
there
must
be
considerable
Forces
,
to
sustain
so
great
a
Body
as
this
Kingdom
.
Those
that
are
necessary
to
so
great
an
End
,
may
and
ought
to
be
of
a
different
Nature
,
that
is
,
that
among
the
Men
design'd
for
the
preservation
of
this
State
,
some
must
be
listed
to
be
ready
on
all
occasins
,
and
others
actually
in
Arms
,
in
order
always
to
be
in
readiness
to
make
a
good
defence
.
[
*
](A57253-e31250-b)
*
The
Number
of
Men
which
ought
to
be
kept
on
foot
in
this
Kingdom
.
In
order
to
provide
for
the
Frontier
Towns
,
and
to
keep
a
Body
on
foot
to
oppose
all
unexpected
Designs
,
it
is
necessary
to
keep
at
least
four
thousand
Horse
,
and
forty
thousand
Foot
actually
in
Arms
at
all
times
,
and
it
is
easie
without
burthening
the
State
,
to
keep
ten
thousand
Gentlemen
,
and
fifty
thousand
Foot
listed
,
ready
to
be
rais'd
on
all
Emergencies
.
It
may
perhaps
be
urg'd
that
the
Defence
of
the
State
does
not
require
such
great
Preparations
,
but
whereas
the
said
Establishment
is
so
far
from
being
a
Burthen
to
France
,
that
on
the
contrary
the
Nobility
and
the
People
will
receive
a
Benefit
by
it
;
I
say
,
that
it
is
necessary
to
make
War
,
when
ever
the
Good
of
the
State
will
require
it
.
[
*
](A57253-e31290-b)
*
War
is
sometimes
receslary
.
In
the
opinion
of
the
most
judicious
,
War
is
sometimes
an
unavoidable
Evil
;
and
on
other
occasions
,
it
is
absolutely
necessary
and
advantagious
.
States
stand
in
need
of
it
at
certain
times
,
to
purge
their
ill
humours
,
to
recover
what
belongs
to
them
,
to
revenge
an
Injury
,
the
Impunity
of
which
draws
on
another
,
to
free
Allies
from
Oppression
,
to
put
a
stop
to
the
Progress
of
a
Conqueror's
Pride
,
to
prevent
the
Evil
one
is
threaten'd
with
,
when
there
is
no
other
way
to
avoid
them
,
or
,
in
fine
,
to
prevent
many
other
Accidents
.
I
maintain
,
and
it
is
an
undoubted
Truth
,
that
no
War
can
be
happy
unless
it
be
just
,
and
that
not
being
so
,
tho
the
Event
should
prove
favourable
according
to
the
World
,
yet
an
account
must
be
given
for
it
at
the
Tribunal
of
God
.
Therefore
the
first
thing
to
be
done
,
when
a
Prince
is
forc'd
to
take
Arms
,
is
to
examin
the
Equity
of
the
Cause
for
which
they
are
taken
,
which
must
be
done
by
Doctors
of
Capacity
and
Probity
.
This
Foundation
suppos'd
,
the
means
to
carry
it
on
vigorously
must
be
consider'd
,
and
to
time
it
well
,
is
not
one
of
the
least
Material
.
There
is
this
difference
betwixt
him
who
pursues
revenge
with
Anger
,
and
he
who
does
it
with
Reason
,
that
the
first
does
mischief
,
at
the
venture
of
receiving
the
same
,
chusing
rather
to
suffer
himself
than
to
lose
an
opportunity
to
prejudice
his
Enemy
;
and
the
last
dissembles
his
resentment
,
until
he
finds
an
occasion
to
punish
him
who
has
wrong'd
him
,
without
sharing
his
Sufferings
.
The
first
acts
like
a
Beast
,
according
to
the
Impulse
of
Nature
;
and
the
last
behaves
himself
like
a
Man
,
suffering
himself
to
be
guided
by
reason
.
In
order
to
succeed
in
War
,
it
is
not
sufficient
to
chuse
a
fit
opportunity
,
to
have
a
strong
Army
,
abundance
of
Money
,
of
Provisions
,
and
warlike
Ammunitions
,
the
main
point
is
to
have
Men
fit
for
the
Service
they
are
design'd
for
,
to
know
how
to
make
them
observe
a
good
Discipline
,
to
make
them
live
regularly
,
and
to
manage
ones
Money
,
Provisions
and
Ammunitions
prudently
.
It
is
easy
to
set
down
these
general
Principles
,
but
the
practice
of
them
is
difficult
,
and
yet
in
case
it
be
neglected
,
the
Success
of
a
War
cannot
be
happy
,
unless
by
chance
or
miracle
,
which
wise
Men
must
never
trust
to
.
There
is
no
Nation
in
the
World
so
unfit
for
War
as
ours
;
their
Levity
and
Impatience
in
the
least
hardships
,
are
two
Principles
which
are
but
too
well
known
.
Tho
Caesar
says
,
that
the
French
understand
two
things
,
the
Military
Art
,
and
that
of
Speaking
,
I
own
that
hitherto
,
I
have
not
been
able
to
apprehend
upon
what
ground
he
attributes
the
first
of
these
Qualifications
to
them
,
since
Patience
in
Labour
and
Sufferings
,
a
Qualification
absolutely
necessary
in
War
,
is
but
seldom
found
among
them
.
Were
this
Qualification
joyn'd
to
their
Valour
,
the
Universe
would
be
too
little
to
bound
their
Conquests
,
but
as
the
great
heart
God
has
given
them
,
makes
them
fit
to
overcome
whatever
opposes
them
by
force
,
their
Levity
and
Laziness
make
them
incapable
of
overcoming
the
least
Obstacles
,
which
the
delays
of
a
subtle
Enemy
opposes
to
their
Eagerness
.
This
is
the
reason
why
they
are
not
fit
for
Conquests
which
require
time
,
nor
to
preserve
those
they
might
make
in
an
instant
of
Time
.
They
are
not
only
inconstant
,
impatient
,
and
little
inur'd
to
Faituges
,
but
moreover
they
are
accus'd
of
never
being
pleas'd
with
their
present
condition
,
and
to
have
no
great
Affection
for
their
Country
:
and
the
said
Accusation
is
so
well
grounded
,
that
no
body
can
deny
,
that
there
are
more
among
them
who
are
wanting
in
those
Duties
which
their
Birth
exacts
from
them
,
than
among
all
the
other
Nations
of
the
World
.
There
are
few
who
wage-War
against
France
,
without
having
French
Men
in
their
Army
,
and
when
they
are
Arm'd
for
their
Country
,
they
are
so
indifferent
in
what
relates
to
its
Interest
,
that
they
do
not
use
the
least
Endeavours
to
overcome
their
Natural
Defects
to
it's
advantage
.
They
run
an
hundred
Leagues
to
seek
a
Battle
,
and
yet
would
not
expect
the
occasion
of
one
a
week
,
the
Enemy
tires
them
out
,
even
before
they
have
begun
to
work
.
They
are
not
afraid
of
Peril
,
but
they
will
expose
themselves
to
it
without
any
Pains
;
the
least
delays
are
insupportable
to
them
,
they
have
no
Flegm
to
tarry
one
moment
for
their
happiness
,
and
they
are
tir'd
even
with
the
continuation
of
their
Prosperities
.
At
the
beginning
of
their
Enterprise
,
their
eagerness
is
not
common
,
and
indeed
they
are
more
than
Men
that
moment
,
but
they
cool
by
degrees
,
so
that
they
become
equal
to
those
who
have
but
a
common
Vertue
,
and
in
process
of
Time
,
they
are
disgusted
and
grow
effeminate
,
insomuch
that
they
are
less
than
Men.
They
still
retain
Courage
enough
to
fight
;
provided
they
are
put
to
't
immediately
,
but
they
do
not
keep
so
much
of
it
as
to
tarry
for
an
occasion
;
tho
their
Hon
the
Reputation
of
their
Country
and
the
Service
of
their
Master
requires
it
.
They
can
neither
improve
a
Victory
,
nor
resist
the
Fortune
of
a
Victorious
Enemy
;
Prosperity
blinds
them
beyond
other
Men
,
and
yet
they
have
neither
Courage
,
nor
Judgment
in
Adversity
,
and
in
Labour
.
In
fine
,
They
are
subject
to
so
many
faults
,
that
it
is
not
without
reason
,
some
judicious
Persons
wonder
how
this
Monarchy
has
been
able
to
subsist
from
it's
Birth
,
since
that
as
it
has
always
found
faithful
Children
for
it's
Defence
,
it
has
never
been
attack'd
but
it's
Enemies
have
found
Sectators
in
it's
Bosom
,
who
,
like
Vipers
,
have
us'd
their
utmost
Endeavours
to
gnaw
the
Bowels
of
their
Mother
.
I
am
sensible
at
the
same
time
that
the
French
have
good
Qualifications
to
counterpoise
those
Imperfections
;
They
are
Valiant
,
full
of
Courage
and
Humanity
;
their
Heart
is
void
of
Cruelty
,
and
so
free
from
Rankor
,
that
they
are
easily
reconcil'd
.
But
tho
these
Qualifications
are
the
Ornaments
of
Civil
Society
,
and
Essential
to
Christianity
;
yet
it
is
certain
,
that
being
destitute
of
Flegm
,
of
Patience
,
and
of
Discipline
,
they
are
exquisite
Victuals
serv'd
without
Sawce
to
relish
them
.
I
am
not
ignorant
that
the
Providence
of
God
,
which
is
admirable
in
all
things
,
is
particularly
so
,
in
having
counterpois'd
the
ill
Qualities
of
every
Nation
,
by
other
advantages
which
make
amends
for
their
defects
.
If
the
French
Nation
is
inconstant
and
impatient
,
their
Valour
and
Impetuosity
often
makes
them
do
that
at
the
first
Onset
,
which
others
are
a
long
time
about
.
If
their
uneasiness
hinders
them
from
remaining
long
in
Armies
willingly
;
God's
Providence
has
made
it
so
abounding
in
Men
,
that
there
are
always
abundance
of
them
,
who
being
mov'd
by
the
same
Principle
of
Levity
,
are
ready
to
supply
the
room
of
those
who
are
desirous
to
come
home
again
,
and
these
are
ready
to
go
back
,
before
those
who
have
succeeded
them
,
are
weary
.
If
their
want
of
affection
for
their
Country
inclines
them
some
times
to
take
Arms
against
their
King
,
the
Inconstancy
and
sudden
Motions
,
to
which
they
are
subject
,
not
permitting
any
body
to
rely
upon
them
,
they
do
themselves
more
harm
than
they
are
capable
of
doing
to
their
Country
.
'T
is
most
certain
,
that
the
Spaniards
surpass
us
in
Constancy
and
Steadiness
,
in
Zeal
,
and
in
Fidelity
for
their
King
and
Country
;
but
in
exchange
,
that
Kingdom
is
so
barren
and
so
desart
in
some
Places
,
and
so
little
abounding
in
Men
,
that
were
it
not
for
their
Constancy
,
it
would
often
be
abandon'd
by
itself
.
Moreover
,
if
among
the
French
,
some
particular
Persons
ingage
against
their
Master
,
the
Spaniards
some
times
mutiny
and
revolt
in
Bodys
in
their
Armys
.
If
the
Emperor
has
the
advantage
to
govern
a
Nation
,
which
is
the
Nursery
of
Souldiers
,
he
has
the
disadvantage
,
that
they
easily
change
their
Party
and
Religion
together
,
besides
that
they
are
very
much
addicted
to
Drunkenness
,
and
far
more
unruly
than
ours
in
the
Field
.
In
a
Word
all
Nations
have
there
defects
,
and
the
most
prudent
are
those
who
endeavour
to
acquire
by
Art
,
what
Nature
has
deny'd
them
.
It
is
more
easy
to
add
Flegm
,
Patience
,
and
Discipline
,
to
the
Courage
,
Valour
,
and
Courtesy
of
the
French
,
than
to
inspire
that
Fire
in
Flegmatic
Nations
,
which
they
have
not
naturaly
.
The
French
are
Capable
of
every
thing
,
provided
their
Commanders
are
Capable
to
teach
them
what
they
are
to
do
.
Their
Courage
,
which
inclines
them
to
seek
out
War
all
the
World
over
,
Justifys
this
Proposition
:
Since
they
live
like
Spaniards
in
their
Armys
,
like
Sweedes
in
their
Country
,
like
Crawats
when
they
are
listed
among
them
,
and
like
Hollanders
in
their
States
.
They
observe
their
several
Disciplines
;
which
shows
,
that
if
they
keep
their
Natural
Imperfections
in
their
Country
,
it
is
because
they
are
tolerated
,
and
that
their
Officers
do
not
know
how
to
Correct
them
.
If
they
live
in
this
Kingdom
without
Discipline
,
it
is
not
so
much
their
fault
,
as
the
fault
of
their
Leaders
,
who
commonly
content
themselves
with
making
fine
Ordinances
,
and
do
not
take
so
much
care
as
they
should
do
to
cause
them
to
be
observ'd
.
Nothing
can
be
more
easy
than
to
prescribe
Rules
to
live
well
,
and
nothing
more
difficult
then
to
put
them
in
practice
;
however
it
is
not
impossible
.
Endeavours
must
be
us'd
to
show
the
Justice
of
them
by
reason
,
and
then
no
mercy
must
be
shown
to
those
who
Violate
them
.
If
one
,
two
,
or
three
Examples
of
Punishment
do
not
put
a
stop
to
Disobedience
,
the
continuance
of
it
will
do
't
;
and
I
dare
assure
your
Majesty
,
that
if
you
find
Chiefs
worthy
to
command
,
you
will
never
want
Subjects
fit
to
obey
.
It
is
most
certain
,
that
the
general
Opinion
of
the
World
,
That
the
French
are
incapable
of
Rule
and
Discipline
,
has
no
other
Foundation
than
the
Incapacity
of
their
Commanders
,
who
do
not
know
how
to
chuse
necessary
means
for
the
Ends
they
propose
.
The
Siege
of
Rochel
,
in
which
during
thirteen
Months
an
Army
of
25000
Men
receiv'd
Orders
,
and
obey'd
like
Monks
bearing
Arms
,
and
the
Expedition
of
Pignerol
,
where
they
did
the
same
,
plainly
demonstrate
what
I
have
said
.
But
the
General
must
be
a
Man
of
Resolution
,
and
no
respecter
of
Persons
,
and
known
to
be
so
;
for
it
is
certain
that
unless
he
has
so
much
steadiness
as
to
remain
inflexible
in
the
Rigor
of
the
Rule
he
has
prescrib'd
,
no
Man
will
think
himself
oblig'd
to
observe
it
;
or
at
least
many
will
venture
to
break
it
,
in
hopes
of
a
Pardon
.
But
when
a
General
persists
as
much
in
punishing
as
the
Delinquents
in
their
Faults
;
his
steadiness
will
stop
the
course
of
our
excessive
Levity
;
and
without
such
a
Remedy
it
is
in
vain
to
expect
to
keep
so
hot
and
so
impetuous
a
Nation
as
ours
is
,
within
the
Bounds
of
Reason
.
The
Punishments
of
Marillac
and
of
Montmorency
,
have
reduc'd
all
the
Grandees
of
the
Kingdom
to
their
Duty
in
an
instant
of
time
;
and
I
dare
affirm
,
that
the
same
being
practis'd
against
Ten
Officers
,
and
Fifty
Souldiers
,
will
maintain
the
Armys
in
Discipline
,
and
in
a
condition
to
perform
whatever
will
be
desir'd
of
them
.
Punishing
those
thus
,
who
shall
be
wanting
in
the
Performance
of
their
Duty
,
few
Men
will
be
punish'd
,
since
few
will
venture
to
expose
themselves
to
ruin
,
finding
it
inevitable
,
and
by
the
Death
of
a
small
Number
,
the
Lives
of
many
will
be
preserv'd
,
and
Order
observ'd
in
all
things
.
The
Defects
of
this
Nation
never
appear'd
more
than
under
your
Majesty's
Reign
,
which
being
signaliz'd
by
great
Prosperity
and
Power
by
your
Conduct
,
will
also
be
signaliz'd
in
the
opinion
of
the
most
judicious
,
for
many
Infidelities
you
have
suffer'd
,
and
by
a
World
of
Attempts
against
your
Service
.
After
having
made
divers
Inquiries
into
the
Reasons
of
both
,
I
am
not
afraid
of
saying
,
That
they
proceed
from
the
Weakness
of
your
Majesty's
Minority
,
during
which
Men
have
so
insensibly
accustom'd
themselves
to
all
sorts
of
Licentiousness
,
that
they
thought
they
might
continue
the
same
under
your
Reign
with
the
same
Impunity
as
heretofore
.
The
first
is
,
that
as
there
are
more
Colleges
of
Religious
Orders
,
more
Officers
of
Justice
,
and
of
the
Finances
than
for
the
time
past
,
there
are
not
near
so
many
Souldiers
,
for
which
reason
the
desertion
of
those
who
retire
from
the
Armies
is
more
apparent
,
because
there
are
not
so
many
found
as
formerly
,
to
supply
the
room
of
those
who
forsake
their
Duty
.
The
second
,
that
Souldiers
advanc'd
their
Fortune
more
,
formerly
than
in
these
Times
,
in
which
the
Officers
of
the
Finances
,
and
the
[
*
](A57253-e31980-b)
*
Those
that
farm
the
Public
Revenue
.
Partisans
reap
all
the
Fat
,
to
the
great
disgust
of
those
who
are
constrain'd
to
expose
their
Lives
almost
to
no
purpose
.
The
third
,
that
Generals
are
less
careful
in
our
days
of
military
Discipline
,
and
less
levere
in
chastising
those
who
swerve
from
it
than
our
Fore-fathers
were
.
The
fourth
,
that
the
long
discontinuation
the
French
have
had
of
Foreign
Wars
,
in
which
they
had
powerful
Enemies
to
encounter
,
had
almost
made
them
forget
the
Trade
,
and
disus'd
them
from
the
Fatigues
they
are
little
capable
of
,
tho
they
must
go
through
many
,
when
they
have
brisk
and
potent
Enemies
to
deal
with
.
I
add
to
these
considerations
,
that
your
Majesty's
health
has
not
always
permitted
you
to
be
in
the
Army
,
and
that
the
Injustice
of
the
French
is
so
great
,
that
they
are
never
satisfy'd
in
a
Place
,
where
they
venture
their
Life
,
unless
they
see
their
King
,
whose
presence
they
fancy
does
in
some
measure
secure
it
.
None
but
the
Enemies
of
this
State
can
make
War
successfully
by
their
Lieutenants
;
the
Flegm
of
their
Nation
gives
them
that
advantage
;
but
the
French
are
the
most
unfit
for
it
of
any
other
Nation
,
because
the
eagerness
of
their
Courage
and
the
desire
of
fighting
gives
them
an
Impatience
,
which
can
never
be
vanquish'd
,
but
by
the
presence
of
their
King
.
If
at
any
time
any
great
Enterprise
has
met
with
Success
under
Lieutenants
,
it
will
either
be
found
that
those
who
have
had
that
good
Fortune
,
were
Men
of
very
great
Authority
,
by
the
Trust
repos'd
in
them
by
their
Master
,
and
by
their
particular
Merit
,
or
that
those
Wars
were
not
so
lasting
,
as
to
oblige
them
in
overcoming
the
Enemies
also
to
vanquish
the
humour
of
the
French
.
It
is
no
small
Trouble
to
me
to
be
oblig'd
in
this
Place
to
discover
the
defects
your
Majesty
has
often
observ'd
in
your
Nobility
;
yet
they
are
so
public
,
that
it
is
impossible
to
conceal
them
.
The
Affection
I
have
for
that
Order
,
obliges
me
to
examin
them
,
to
find
out
Examples
and
to
endeavour
to
remedy
the
same
.
The
esteem
they
were
in
heretofore
will
hardly
permit
one
to
believe
,
that
they
have
committed
faults
on
some
occasions
in
your
Reign
;
but
I
will
discover
the
reason
of
them
to
those
who
have
beheld
their
Effects
.
All
Men
easily
apprehend
,
that
there
is
a
great
deal
of
difference
between
the
Spirits
,
which
naturally
ascend
on
high
,
and
the
grosser
Parts
of
their
Bodies
which
remain
below
.
The
excellency
of
the
Nobility
which
love
War
,
are
those
Spirits
which
ascend
on
high
,
esteem'd
by
all
the
World
;
and
those
who
only
follow
it
,
because
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
constrain
them
so
to
do
,
are
if
not
the
Lees
,
at
least
the
Wine
which
drops
out
of
the
Cask
,
which
is
hardly
fit
for
Servants
.
There
are
no
Communities
in
which
there
are
not
more
ill
Subjects
than
good
ones
;
and
whereas
a
little
Tare
is
capable
to
spoil
several
heaps
of
Wheat
it
is
no
wonder
if
,
when
the
Nobility
is
assembled
,
the
greater
number
corrupts
the
less
,
tho
better
;
and
as
the
best
Wine
mix'd
with
the
Lees
is
nought
,
so
the
Service
of
the
best
Nobility
is
not
only
useless
but
prejudicial
,
when
joyn'd
with
the
Lees
which
alters
it
.
[
*
](A57253-e32160-b)
*
Arriere
Ban.
This
Discourse
ingaging
me
to
speak
of
the
Ban
,
and
Arriere
Ban
,
I
cannot
forbear
saying
that
it
is
an
Assembly
of
Gentry
,
which
having
no
Head
with
any
Authority
,
governs
it self
without
Rule
,
and
lives
without
Discipline
.
—
An
Assembly
the
subsistance
of
which
has
so
little
certainty
,
that
the
fickleness
,
cowardice
,
malice
or
disgust
of
three
or
four
Persons
,
is
capable
to
diffipate
it
in
a
moment
.
An
Assembly
which
ruins
the
Places
through
which
it
passes
far
more
than
the
regular
Forces
,
which
ruining
your
Majesty's
Country
pay
part
of
what
they
spend
,
whereas
those
pay
nothing
at
all
.
They
never
perform
any
Guard
in
an
Army
,
which
produces
a
double
Ill
,
Laziness
and
the
Disgust
it
creates
in
others
.
Unless
they
fight
at
their
first
Arrival
,
as
they
are
quick
in
coming
,
they
are
speedy
in
going
back
,
and
threaten
it
every
moment
;
in
retiring
they
do
not
only
debauch
many
by
their
ill
Example
,
but
the
most
ingenious
among
them
,
invent
whatever
Craft
can
suggest
to
cover
their
Infamy
,
and
to
persuade
that
they
do
not
retire
without
reason
;
so
that
they
both
weaken
and
astonish
Armies
at
one
and
the
same
time
.
Your
Majesty
being
much
better
acquainted
with
these
Truths
,
of
which
you
have
seen
the
practice
,
than
I
am
,
without
insisting
on
the
defects
of
an
Order
,
the
Perfections
of
which
I
have
represented
,
my
Conscience
obliges
me
to
declare
freely
,
that
Princes
must
never
have
any
recourse
to
such
a
Succour
,
which
is
much
more
prejudicial
than
useful
to
the
State
.
But
that
this
Kingdom
may
not
be
depriv'd
of
the
Service
of
the
Nobility
,
which
has
always
been
the
Principal
Sinew
of
it
,
and
is
oblig'd
to
serve
it
in
time
of
War
,
upon
the
accounts
of
the
Fiefs
which
have
been
granted
them
on
that
condition
,
and
of
the
advantages
they
injoy
over
the
People
in
time
of
Peace
:
It
will
be
necessary
to
tax
all
the
Fiess
in
every
Bailywick
,
according
to
their
Revenue
,
to
form
regular
Troops
with
the
said
Money
,
into
which
such
as
had
rather
serve
in
Person
,
than
to
pay
the
Contribution
of
the
Fiefs
shall
be
admitted
,
provided
they
ingage
to
perform
the
Conditions
of
their
Obligation
.
Prudence
requires
that
Men
should
be
imploy'd
according
to
their
capacity
,
and
that
the
defects
of
Nature
should
be
supply'd
by
Art
;
and
for
that
reason
it
is
necessary
to
make
this
use
of
the
Body
of
the
Nobility
,
in
order
to
derive
some
advantage
by
them
.
Next
to
this
Observation
,
proceeding
on
,
I
am
oblig'd
to
observe
,
that
it
is
almost
impossible
to
undertake
great
Wars
with
Success
with
the
French
alone
.
[
*
](A57253-e32290-b)
*
Strangers
necessary
.
Foreigners
are
absolutely
necessary
to
maintain
the
Body
of
Armies
,
and
if
the
French
Horse
are
good
to
fight
,
there
is
no
being
without
Foreigners
to
perform
the
Guards
,
and
to
support
the
Fatigues
of
an
Army
.
Our
Nation
,
tho
hot
and
eager
in
Combats
,
is
neither
vigilant
to
guard
it self
,
nor
proper
to
form
Designs
or
Enterprizes
,
which
require
toyl
and
labour
.
One
half
of
the
French
Armys
were
formerly
Compos'd
of
Foreigners
,
and
we
have
experienc'd
how
advantageous
it
is
to
use
them
,
to
supply
the
defect
of
our
Nation
,
besides
that
the
good
qualifications
of
those
by
whom
we
may
be
assisted
may
in
some
measure
correct
our
Imperfections
.
But
whereas
if
we
want
well
disciplin'd
Souldiers
,
steady
and
constant
in
their
Duty
,
we
are
yet
in
greater
want
of
Commanders
,
qualifi'd
as
they
ought
to
be
;
it
will
be
needless
to
remedy
one
of
these
Evils
,
unless
we
also
correct
the
other
.
There
are
but
few
of
them
in
the
World
,
and
less
in
France
than
in
any
other
part
,
who
do
not
suffer
themselves
to
be
blinded
by
Prosperity
,
and
do
not
lose
their
Courage
and
Judgment
in
Adversity
.
Nevertheless
it
is
necessary
there
should
be
Men
imploy'd
in
the
administration
of
the
State
,
and
in
the
Command
of
Armys
free
from
these
defects
,
otherwise
we
should
be
in
danger
of
never
improving
the
favourable
occasions
,
which
God
may
offer
us
,
and
of
being
considerable
losers
by
the
first
frowns
of
Fortune
.
Tho
the
Head
guides
the
rest
of
the
Body
,
and
Judgment
is
the
most
Essential
Part
of
him
who
Commands
,
Nevertheless
I
prefer
a
great
deal
of
Courage
and
Indifferent
Parts
in
a
General
,
before
a
great
deal
of
Wit
,
and
an
indifferent
Heart
.
Many
perhaps
will
wonder
at
this
proposition
,
because
it
is
contrary
to
the
opinion
of
many
,
but
the
reason
of
it
is
Evident
.
Those
who
have
a
great
deal
of
Coruage
are
never
astonish'd
in
danger
,
and
make
use
of
all
the
Wit
and
Judgment
God
has
indued
them
with
on
such
occasions
;
whereas
those
who
have
but
little
Courage
being
easily
astonish'd
,
are
so
much
dismay'd
in
the
least
danger
,
that
let
them
have
never
so
much
Wit
,
it
is
absolutely
useless
to
them
,
fear
not
allowing
them
to
Use
it
.
I
make
but
little
difference
between
giving
the
management
of
the
Finances
to
a
Thief
,
and
the
Command
of
an
Army
to
a
Man
of
mean
Courage
.
As
Avarice
,
and
the
desire
the
first
has
of
getting
an
Estate
,
hinders
him
from
improving
the
occasions
to
increase
his
Master's
Fund
,
so
the
second
,
having
a
desire
to
preserve
his
Life
,
and
to
avoid
many
Perils
,
which
are
only
such
in
his
Imagination
,
commonly
loses
and
avoids
many
advantageous
occasions
to
imploy
his
Arms
;
and
thus
if
the
first
is
capable
of
committing
faults
out
of
a
desire
to
fill
his
Purse
,
the
last
is
lyable
to
do
the
same
,
in
order
to
secure
his
Life
.
Among
Men
of
Courage
,
some
are
naturally
Valiant
,
and
others
are
only
so
by
reason
;
The
first
are
fitter
to
be
Soulders
than
Captains
,
by
reason
that
their
Valour
is
commonly
accompany'd
with
Brutality
;
but
the
last
are
good
to
make
Commanders
:
Nevertheless
it
is
always
to
be
wish'd
that
their
reasonable
Valour
may
not
be
void
of
Natural
Courage
,
because
otherwise
it
were
to
be
fear'd
,
that
the
consideration
of
many
incoveniences
which
may
happen
,
and
yet
do
not
happen
,
might
hinder
him
who
proceeds
with
too
much
caution
from
undertaking
that
which
might
succeed
in
others
with
less
Wit
and
more
boldness
.
Want
of
Judgment
contributes
considerably
towards
the
Valour
of
some
Men
,
who
perform
Actions
which
are
the
more
hazardous
,
in
that
they
are
not
sensible
of
the
Peril
to
which
they
expose
themselves
.
Judgment
is
of
no
small
use
to
others
to
feign
a
great
boldness
on
some
occasions
,
which
tho
dangerous
in
appearence
,
are
neither
so
in
Effect
,
nor
in
the
opinions
of
those
,
whom
God
has
indued
with
more
knowledge
than
others
.
As
a
General
's
Valour
must
not
be
destitute
of
Judgment
:
So
tho
he
be
Prudent
and
Judicious
to
the
highest
degree
he
must
have
sincerity
to
hinder
him
from
making
Artifices
pass
for
Actions
of
Courage
.
Men
disguise
themselves
so
many
different
ways
,
that
it
is
almost
Impossible
to
distinguish
the
Effects
which
proceed
from
the
head
from
those
which
proceed
from
the
Heart
.
There
are
Men
so
naturaly
Valiant
,
that
they
continue
so
to
their
dying
day
.
Others
,
which
not
being
so
,
make
an
Effort
in
their
Youth
to
appear
such
,
to
gain
some
Reputation
,
in
favour
of
which
they
may
pass
their
Life
without
Infamy
.
These
last
have
no
sooner
obtain'd
their
Ends
,
but
the
Effects
of
their
Valour
disappear
,
because
they
have
what
they
desire
,
and
that
Artifice
is
the
Sourse
of
their
Courage
,
and
not
their
natural
Inclination
.
Great
Care
must
be
taken
not
to
chuse
a
Chief
of
that
Nature
,
remembring
that
Craft
is
as
dangerous
in
those
who
Command
,
as
Judgment
and
Courage
is
necessary
.
Those
two
qualityes
ought
almost
to
keep
an
even
pace
,
but
they
must
be
accompany'd
with
many
others
.
Great
enterprizes
not
being
Childrens
Play
,
they
require
a
ripe
Age
in
those
who
perform
them
;
but
as
the
maturity
of
Judgment
which
advances
with
years
is
useful
to
form
a
design
,
the
Fire
of
Youth
is
no
less
necesseary
to
put
it
in
execution
,
and
it
is
most
certain
that
Fortune
often
Smiles
on
Youth
,
and
Frowns
on
Age.
Therefore
it
is
fit
to
observe
,
that
there
is
a
great
deal
of
difference
between
a
Novice
,
a
young
Man
,
and
an
old
one
.
It
is
difficult
to
be
good
and
bad
at
once
.
To
be
Excellent
,
it
is
necessary
to
be
young
in
years
,
but
not
in
Service
and
Experience
.
For
tho
Old
Men
are
commonly
the
Wisest
,
they
are
not
the
best
to
undertake
,
because
they
are
often
destitute
of
the
fire
of
youth
,
which
is
requisite
in
such
occasions
.
In
conclusion
,
Courage
,
Wit
,
and
good
Fortune
are
three
qualifications
so
Essential
in
a
General
,
that
tho
there
are
but
few
who
possess
them
altogether
,
it
is
difficult
to
expect
without
hazard
great
events
from
those
who
are
destitute
of
either
of
them
.
But
if
a
Prince
be
so
happy
as
to
find
any
,
in
whom
these
qualifications
are
met
,
it
will
be
easy
to
remedy
the
defects
of
those
who
shall
be
committed
to
their
Conduct
.
One
of
those
which
do's
most
harm
,
as
I
have
observed
,
is
the
Inconstancy
of
our
Nation
,
which
rendering
it
almost
incapable
of
remaining
long
in
the
same
State
,
an
Army
is
no
sooner
Rais'd
,
but
one
half
of
it
dwindles
away
.
[
*
](A57253-e32600-b)
*
A
Remedy
to
make
Armys
Subsist
.
I
have
thought
sometimes
that
the
best
Expedient
that
could
be
taken
to
make
Souldiers
Subsist
,
and
to
maintain
them
in
Discipline
,
would
be
to
restore
the
Establishment
of
Legionarys
,
formerly
practis'd
in
this
Kingdom
,
adding
some
particular
Orders
to
it
,
altogether
necessary
to
make
it
safe
;
but
Reason
and
Experience
have
alter'd
my
mind
.
Reason
,
in
that
it
shows
clearly
that
what
is
committed
to
the
care
of
many
,
is
the
less
certain
,
in
that
every
one
lays
the
blame
upon
his
Companion
,
and
that
the
Elections
which
are
made
by
the
advice
of
Communities
,
are
rarely
made
by
the
bare
motive
of
Reason
,
because
that
tho
there
are
many
Persons
of
Wisdom
,
and
Probity
among
them
,
the
number
of
Fools
,
and
of
Knaves
is
always
the
greatest
.
Experience
,
in
that
it
Teaches
every
body
,
that
no
money
is
laid
out
worse
than
that
of
Communities
.
[
*
](A57253-e32650-b)
*
This
Truth
is
so
well
Justify'd
by
the
male
administration
of
the
Summs
raised
for
the
Reparation
of
Citys
and
Churches
.
Besides
that
I
may
say
with
Truth
,
that
when
ever
the
urgent
necessitys
of
the
State
have
constrain'd
your
Majesty
to
imploy
Forces
sent
by
Princes
,
led
and
paid
by
their
own
Officers
,
which
I
have
seen
Twice
during
this
last
War
;
they
have
always
cost
double
,
and
have
committed
as
much
and
more
disorder
than
the
others
,
and
have
done
less
service
than
those
which
were
rais'd
at
the
same
Time
,
and
conducted
by
particular
Persons
at
your
Charge
.
Those
considerations
have
convinced
me
that
instead
of
Charging
the
Provinces
with
the
Raising
and
maintaining
of
Souldiers
;
Soveraigns
ought
to
take
the
Care
of
it
,
and
that
they
may
make
them
subsist
with
order
if
they
will
use
proper
means
to
that
end
,
according
to
the
following
order
.
All
Souldiers
must
be
Listed
,
their
Names
,
place
of
Birth
,
and
of
abode
,
Enter'd
,
that
in
case
they
should
run
away
from
their
Colours
,
they
may
be
the
sooner
found
again
.
The
Register
of
every
Place
must
be
charg'd
with
the
number
of
those
that
shall
be
rais'd
within
his
Precinct
,
and
the
Judges
oblig'd
to
use
their
endeavours
for
the
apprehending
and
punishing
,
according
to
the
Ordinances
,
all
those
who
shall
come
back
from
the
Armys
without
leave
;
on
pain
of
the
said
Judges
being
turn'd
out
of
their
Offices
,
upon
proof
of
their
having
receiv'd
Information
of
the
return
of
your
Souldiers
without
having
prosecuted
them
for
the
same
.
For
the
Listing
of
Souldiers
,
every
one
must
be
oblig'd
to
serve
three
Years
without
demanding
to
be
dismiss'd
,
unless
in
the
Case
of
an
Evident
Ilness
,
on
condition
that
the
said
Term
being
expir'd
it
shall
not
be
lawful
to
refuse
it
them
,
when
demanded
.
This
condition
is
very
necessary
,
by
reason
that
when
the
French
think
themselves
constrain'd
,
and
kept
against
their
Will
,
they
commonly
think
of
nothing
but
running
away
,
tho
they
were
to
lose
a
thousand
Lives
,
if
they
had
so
many
,
whereas
when
they
are
at
Liberty
to
retire
,
it
is
likely
they
will
freely
remain
in
the
Armies
,
Nature
commonly
inclining
Men
to
have
a
less
desire
for
what
they
are
allow'd
to
do
,
than
to
do
that
which
is
forbidden
them
.
Whatever
Souldier
shall
obtain
his
dismission
,
shall
be
oblig'd
to
enter
the
same
into
the
Register
of
the
Jurisdiction
in
which
he
was
rais'd
.
The
Chiefs
and
Officers
of
a
Regiment
shall
not
be
allow'd
on
any
pretence
whatever
,
to
receive
Souldiers
of
another
,
on
pain
of
being
degraded
of
Arms
,
nay
more
,
of
their
Gentility
,
if
they
are
Gentlemen
.
And
the
Souldiers
who
shall
abandon
their
Captains
without
leave
,
shall
be
sent
to
the
Galleys
without
Mercy
,
at
whatever
time
they
are
taken
,
neither
shall
any
change
of
Place
,
or
of
condition
exempt
them
from
the
same
.
No
Furlow
or
Dismission
shall
be
allow'd
of
,
unless
sign'd
by
the
Colonel
,
or
Commander
in
Chie●
in
his
Absence
,
and
seal'd
with
the
Seal
of
the
Regiment
.
Every
Regiment
shall
have
a
Provost
,
a
Commissary
,
a
Comptroller
,
and
a
Pay
Master
,
who
shall
all
be
obliged
to
follow
the
Regiment
;
on
pain
not
only
of
being
cashier'd
,
but
also
of
Exemplary
Punishment
.
In
case
any
disorders
happen
,
and
the
Provost
do's
not
Punish
the
offenders
according
to
the
Laws
of
Arms
he
shall
be
punished
himself
,
as
soon
as
the
said
Complaint
is
brought
to
your
Majesty
,
or
to
the
Generals
.
In
case
the
Regiment
is
not
Compleat
,
and
the
Comptroller
or
Commissary
do
not
give
Notice
thereof
,
they
shall
be
answerable
for
it
themselves
,
and
be
severely
punished
.
If
the
Men
are
unpay'd
by
the
Pay-Master's
fault
,
either
by
his
imbezeling
the
King's
Money
,
by
bare
put offs
or
delays
,
or
other
failures
,
he
shall
be
liable
to
pay
the
quadruple
,
and
to
be
exemplarily
punish'd
.
The
said
Officers
shall
only
be
imploy'd
by
way
of
Commission
,
Experience
having
shewn
that
nothing
spoils
the
King's
Officers
more
,
particularly
in
Military
Affairs
,
than
to
give
them
Places
for
Life
,
which
properly
speaking
,
is
nothing
but
a
Title
to
steal
with
Impunity
.
Those
who
command
the
Forces
,
shall
be
oblig'd
to
put
them
in
Battalia
whenever
it
shall
be
requir'd
by
the
Commissaries
.
To
the
end
that
those
who
shall
have
such
Commissions
,
may
perform
them
faithfully
;
the
Commissary
shall
have
200
Livers
a
month
,
the
Comptroller
150
Livers
,
the
Provost
100
Livers
,
his
Clerk
50
Livers
,
and
every
one
of
his
Men
30
Livers
.
And
whereas
it
would
be
to
no
purpose
to
regulate
the
Souldiers
and
inferiour
Officers
,
without
prescribing
the
Order
which
must
be
observ'd
by
the
principal
Officers
.
The
Colonels
,
Captains
,
Serjeants
Major
,
Lieutenants
and
Ensigns
,
shall
not
be
allow'd
to
quit
their
Posts
,
without
leave
from
their
Generals
,
and
Commanders
of
the
Forces
,
or
from
your
Majesty
:
and
in
case
any
shall
infringe
the
said
Regulation
,
they
shall
be
Cashier'd
,
Degraded
of
their
Gentility
and
Arms
,
if
they
are
Gentlemen
,
or
barely
Cashier'd
if
they
are
not
,
without
any
prejudice
to
greater
punishments
.
It
will
be
fit
for
Your
Majesty
to
impose
this
Law
upon
Your Self
,
never
to
grant
them
any
such
leave
in
time
of
War
,
without
a
Lawful
Cause
:
but
when
they
are
in
Garison
,
Your
Majesty
may
be
so
kind
as
to
grant
furlows
to
a
third
part
of
the
Officers
for
four
months
,
to
the
end
,
that
in
a
years
time
they
may
have
it
all
in
their
turn
.
If
with
this
good
Rule
,
which
cannot
be
thought
too
Austere
,
even
by
those
who
may
suffer
by
it
,
particular
care
be
taken
of
the
Souldiers
:
If
Bread
be
given
them
all
the
year
round
,
six
Musters
and
a
Suit
of
Cloathes
:
If
the
Military
Missions
be
continued
which
were
practis'd
in
1639.
to
prevent
their
falling
sick
:
If
when
they
are
ill
,
Hospitals
be
provided
to
follow
the
Army
in
all
places
,
as
it
was
done
in
the
said
year
,
and
a
livelyhood
secur'd
for
those
who
shall
be
maim'd
in
the
King's
Service
,
in
the
Commandery
of
St.
Lewis
design'd
to
that
end
;
I
dare
answer
,
that
the
Infantry
of
this
Kingdom
will
be
well
Disciplin'd
for
the
future
.
[
*
](A57253-e32880-b)
*
Cavalry
.
It
will
be
the
same
with
the
Horse
,
if
raising
them
with
the
same
Order
,
(
which
I
do
not
repeat
,
to
avoid
a
tedious
Narration
)
every
Trooper
be
obliged
to
keep
two
Horses
for
Service
and
a
Sumpter
:
If
they
are
made
to
observe
the
Ordinances
rigorously
,
which
oblige
them
never
to
be
without
Arms
:
and
if
in
time
of
Peace
they
are
put
in
Garison
in
close
places
,
to
prevent
the
disorders
which
it
is
impossible
to
secure
the
People
against
,
when
Souldiers
are
Quarter'd
in
the
open
Countrey
.
They
have
behav'd
themselves
so
ill
in
these
last
Wars
;
that
in
case
they
should
remain
in
the
same
condition
,
they
would
be
no
longer
fit
for
any
Service
.
The
true
cause
of
their
decay
is
the
vast
number
that
has
been
rais'd
in
these
latter
times
,
to
oppose
the
Cavalry
of
Foreigners
who
make
all
sorts
of
Men
Troopers
indifferently
.
For
which
reason
it
has
been
impossible
to
raise
them
among
the
Gentrey
of
Courage
and
Activity
as
formerly
,
and
the
Officers
have
been
oblig'd
to
take
not
only
old
Souldiers
,
but
also
raw
young
Men
of
all
conditions
,
whose
Courage
or
Strength
had
never
been
Try'd
.
If
in
imitating
Strangers
who
receive
all
sorts
of
Men
in
their
Cavalry
,
ours
had
learnt
also
to
support
Fatigues
as
well
as
theirs
,
tho'
they
had
lost
part
of
their
ancient
Valour
,
which
made
them
recommendable
,
we
should
have
some
reason
to
comfort
our selves
;
but
the
Inconstancy
and
love
of
ease
which
reigns
almost
among
all
conditions
in
our
Nation
,
having
quite
alter'd
them
;
they
have
lost
the
best
qualification
they
had
without
acquiring
that
which
they
had
not
.
Tho'
Physicians
esteem
the
cure
of
a
Distemper
in
a
very
fair
way
,
when
the
cause
of
it
is
known
;
I
own
that
notwithstanding
the
source
and
reason
of
the
Evil
in
question
be
known
,
the
cure
is
nevertheless
very
difficult
.
If
none
but
Gentlemen
are
admitted
into
the
Cavalry
,
it
will
be
impossible
to
raise
a
sufficient
number
of
them
,
to
oppose
that
of
the
Enemies
;
and
if
all
sorts
of
Men
be
receiv'd
among
them
,
it
is
impossible
they
should
be
such
as
History
represents
the
French
Horse
.
The
only
expedient
that
can
be
taken
,
in
my
Opinion
,
in
this
Extremity
,
is
to
exhort
the
Captains
to
get
as
many
Gentlemen
in
their
Troops
as
can
be
got
,
to
make
an
Order
that
none
of
them
shall
be
admitted
to
Muster
,
unless
one
half
of
them
are
Gentlemen
.
To
oblige
all
those
of
that
Birth
being
20
years
of
Age
,
to
bear
Arms
,
declaring
them
incapable
of
any
Imployments
or
Dignities
,
unless
they
have
actually
served
three
years
in
Your
Majesty's
Forces
.
To
forbid
all
Officers
of
Horse
to
List
any
Souldiers
in
their
Troops
,
not
being
Gentlemen
,
unless
they
be
above
25
years
of
Age
,
and
have
born
Arms
in
the
Foot
at
least
three
years
.
Finally
,
to
cause
the
ancient
Military
Orders
to
be
put
rigorously
in
execution
,
which
ordaint
all
Troopers
who
shall
abandon
their
Commander
in
a
Combat
,
to
be
disarm'd
upon
the
bare
knowledge
of
the
said
fault
.
If
this
Regulation
is
Religiously
observ'd
,
I
do
not
doubt
,
but
the
French
Horse
will
regain
its
former
Reputation
,
and
Your
Majesty's
Infantry
and
Cavalary
being
well
Disciplin'd
,
you
will
be
able
to
boast
your
being
strong
in
Arms
,
at
any
time
whatever
,
and
in
a
condition
to
give
your
Subjects
in
time
of
Peace
as
much
safety
as
terror
to
your
Enemies
.
It
now
remains
to
know
whether
this
State
will
be
able
to
bear
the
expence
of
so
great
a
Body
of
Men
,
as
that
which
I
have
drawn
a
Project
of
.
Which
will
be
examin'd
hereafter
.
In
the
mean
time
tho'
there
is
reason
to
hope
that
by
means
of
so
useful
a
Regulation
,
and
so
easie
to
be
observ'd
,
as
that
which
I
propose
,
the
Armies
will
subsist
for
the
future
,
according
to
our
wishes
;
or
at
least
that
they
will
behave
themselves
a
great
deal
better
than
heretofore
;
I
will
nevertheless
make
six
Remarks
which
will
be
the
more
necessary
in
a
great
War
,
in
that
Prudence
requires
many
expedients
in
important
Affairs
,
that
Men
may
never
fall
short
of
their
Measures
.
[
*
](A57253-e33050-b)
*
Remarks
to
make
Armies
subsist
,
and
to
make
War
advantagiously
.
The
first
is
,
that
in
order
to
have
50000
effectual
Men
,
it
is
necessary
to
raise
a
hundred
,
reckoning
upon
a
Regiment
of
20
Companies
which
ought
to
consist
of
a
hundred
Men
,
only
as
a
thousand
.
The
second
,
that
it
is
necessary
to
refresh
Armies
often
by
new
Levies
,
without
which
though
they
are
strong
upon
the
Rollo
,
they
will
be
weak
in
Effect
.
The
third
,
that
such
Refreshments
ought
rather
to
be
made
by
frequent
Recruits
of
old
Regiments
,
which
must
be
preserv'd
tho'
absolutely
decay'd
,
than
by
raising
of
new
ones
,
which
nevertheless
must
be
done
on
certain
pressing
occasions
,
because
Souldiers
love
to
List
themselves
under
new
Officers
.
The
fourth
,
That
when
Forces
are
ruin'd
,
it
is
better
to
pay
them
on
the
foot
on
which
they
are
,
than
to
disband
them
,
because
it
is
impossible
to
do
it
without
losing
excellent
Officers
and
good
Souldiers
.
I
am
sensible
,
that
the
remaining
Souldiers
may
be
put
into
other
Regiments
.
But
it
is
not
practicable
,
the
kindness
Souldiers
have
for
their
Captains
,
giving
them
a
pretence
to
retire
,
or
at
least
of
covering
their
inconstancy
in
so
doing
.
I
am
also
sensible
that
in
reforming
Regiments
,
one
might
imitate
the
Spaniards
who
do
not
only
initiate
the
Souldiers
into
old
Regiments
,
but
the
Officers
also
.
But
tho'
it
be
easie
to
resolve
upon
such
an
Order
,
no
severity
will
be
sufficient
to
put
it
in
execution
;
the
ambitious
,
inconsiderate
humour
of
our
Nation
,
not
permitting
them
to
suffer
themselves
to
be
commanded
,
after
having
commanded
,
whatever
advantage
they
might
receive
by
such
an
Obedience
.
The
Fifth
,
that
it
is
absolutely
Impossible
in
Wars
which
require
extraordinary
Efforts
,
to
pay
the
musters
of
the
Forces
that
are
rais'd
regularly
,
as
it
may
be
done
in
an
Enterprize
which
do's
not
exceed
the
Power
of
a
State
:
But
in
such
a
case
these
two
Expedients
may
serve
to
remedy
such
a
defect
,
The
first
consists
in
making
so
good
a
Provision
that
the
Souldiers
may
never
want
Bread
.
The
Second
,
to
oblige
the
Commanders
,
who
being
satisfyed
,
have
too
much
Interest
to
preserve
the
Men
under
their
Command
,
not
to
use
their
utmost
Endeavours
in
order
thereunto
;
whereas
when
they
are
misus'd
their
Complaints
and
Negligence
give
way
to
the
Licentiousness
of
their
Souldiers
,
and
give
them
a
desire
to
run
away
,
tho
otherwise
they
would
not
think
on
't
of
their
own
accord
.
However
I
must
not
forget
to
observe
,
that
to
do
well
,
it
is
necessary
to
make
three
Musters
,
during
the
Campaign
,
besides
five
Months
of
Winter
Quarters
which
the
Forces
must
have
regularly
.
And
whereas
nothing
is
more
material
towards
the
subsistance
of
Armys
,
and
the
success
of
all
the
designs
that
can
be
undertaken
,
than
to
take
such
measures
that
Provision
may
never
fail
them
.
I
add
for
the
sixth
remark
,
that
the
said
care
is
one
of
the
chief
that
is
to
be
taken
,
and
that
Oeconomy
and
Policy
are
the
chief
qualifications
of
Generals
.
Armys
hardly
fight
once
in
a
year
:
But
they
must
live
daily
,
and
subsist
with
order
;
which
cannot
be
done
without
an
extraordinary
Oeconomy
,
and
Policy
.
History
affords
us
the
Example
of
more
Armys
that
have
perished
for
want
of
Bread
,
and
Policy
,
than
by
the
effort
of
the
Enemys
Arms
;
and
I
am
a
faithful
Witness
,
that
all
the
Enterprizes
which
have
been
made
in
my
dayes
,
have
only
miscarry'd
upon
that
account
.
Those
who
have
no
Experience
,
commonly
think
they
have
done
all
when
they
have
rais'd
Armys
,
and
provided
for
their
Pay
;
but
let
them
be
paid
never
so
well
,
unless
they
are
in
a
Place
where
they
may
live
conveniently
,
their
Money
is
of
no
use
to
them
,
and
cannot
hinder
them
from
perishing
.
Therefore
I
must
needs
say
,
that
it
is
dangerous
to
rely
upon
the
Faith
of
a
Purveyor
who
obliges
himself
to
provide
all
the
bread
of
an
Army
.
The
Life
of
such
Men
is
too
poor
a
security
for
the
mischief
their
negligence
may
occasion
,
to
rely
upon
their
Faith
.
The
Care
of
the
Provisions
ought
to
be
committed
to
Persons
of
Quality
,
of
known
Vigilancy
Fidelity
and
Capacity
;
since
the
Welfare
of
Armys
and
often
of
States
depends
upon
it
.
No
men
can
be
too
great
to
be
imploy'd
in
such
Places
.
[
*
](A57253-e33270-b)
*
A
Waggon
with
four
Horses
must
carry
Seven
or
eight
Septiers
of
Wheat
in
all
Countrys
,
amounting
to
1500.
pound
weight
.
Every
Septier
weighing
240
in
Bread
it
ought
to
carry
1000
Rations
which
must
weigh
500
pounds
,
in
Bisket
it
will
carry
2000
Rations
,
thus
15
good
Waggons
will
carry
Bread
for
a
fortnight
for
a
tthousand
Men
,
and
Bisket
for
three
Weeks
,
and
consequently
225.
Waggons
will
carry
bread
for
25.
days
and
Bisket
for
30
for
an
Army
of
15000
Men.
In
order
not
to
be
mistaken
in
our
reckoning
,
in
putting
an
Army
on
Foot
,
the
Provisions
must
be
settled
so
,
that
every
Regiment
of
a
thousand
Men
may
have
15.
Waggons
to
carry
Bread
for
a
Fortnight
which
is
partly
as
much
as
is
required
for
a
considerable
Enterprize
:
Moreover
it
is
necessary
to
have
a
hundred
or
two
,
over
and
above
the
common
Calculation
,
otherwise
one
might
fall
short
.
Special
care
must
also
be
taken
to
carry
Mills
and
Ovens
,
for
tho
Commonly
the
use
of
them
is
not
good
,
yet
it
is
necessary
to
have
some
,
to
make
use
of
them
in
certain
Places
in
which
it
would
otherwise
be
impossible
to
subsist
,
and
in
which
it
may
happen
that
a
stay
of
four
days
may
give
the
Enemys
a
great
advantage
,
over
an
Army
which
wants
Provision
.
As
the
least
things
ought
to
be
consider'd
in
great
designs
,
the
General
of
an
Army
must
take
a
particular
care
of
every
thing
belonging
to
his
Train
.
He
must
know
that
a
Cart
is
not
so
cumbersom
as
a
Waggon
which
turns
with
more
ease
in
narrow
Passes
;
but
on
the
other
hand
that
they
are
sooner
overthrown
,
and
that
the
overturning
of
one
is
capable
to
stop
a
Train
a
long
while
.
Therefore
it
behoves
him
to
consider
the
Places
he
is
to
march
through
,
to
make
use
of
the
one
or
of
the
other
,
according
as
he
will
think
it
most
proper
.
He
must
also
know
that
there
are
two
ways
of
carrying
the
Bread
,
either
in
Carriages
which
are
very
heavy
and
cumbersom
,
or
in
Carts
plaited
on
the
sides
and
cover'd
with
cere
Cloths
which
are
more
Convenient
.
After
these
six
Remarks
,
I
have
only
two
Councels
to
give
to
those
who
Command
our
Armys
.
The
first
is
,
always
to
be
the
first
in
the
Field
,
because
it
is
difficult
for
an
Army
,
tho
never
so
considerable
to
make
any
progress
,
when
they
find
another
ready
to
oppose
them
,
and
often
very
easy
for
those
that
come
first
into
the
Field
to
secure
a
good
success
.
The
Second
is
to
attack
,
when
it
may
be
done
without
rashness
,
rather
than
to
stand
upon
the
defensive
;
by
reason
that
,
besides
that
he
who
has
the
boldness
to
attack
gives
some
Impression
of
fear
to
him
he
attacks
,
the
Imparient
and
Inconstant
Temper
of
the
French
,
is
as
unfit
for
the
defensive
part
,
as
their
fire
and
first
eagerness
qualifys
them
to
perform
their
duty
in
the
first
.
Experience
makes
me
speak
thus
,
and
I
am
persuaded
that
those
who
are
perfect
Commanders
will
say
the
same
.
SECTION
.
V.
Of
Naval
Power
.
THE
Power
of
Arms
do's
not
only
require
that
the
King
should
be
strong
a
shore
,
but
also
potent
at
Sea
.
When
Anthony
Perez
was
receiv'd
in
France
by
the
late
King
your
Father
,
and
that
in
order
to
soften
his
misery
he
had
secured
him
a
good
Pension
:
That
stranger
being
desirous
to
express
his
Gratitude
to
that
great
King
,
and
to
show
him
that
tho
he
was
unfortunate
he
was
not
ungrateful
,
gave
him
three
Councels
in
three
Words
which
are
of
no
small
Consideration
,
Roma
,
Consejo
,
Pielago
.
The
advice
of
this
old
Spaniard
consummated
in
Affairs
,
is
not
so
much
to
be
looked
upon
for
the
Authority
of
him
that
gave
it
,
as
for
its
own
weight
.
We
have
already
mention'd
the
Care
Princes
ought
to
take
to
have
a
good
Council
,
and
to
be
authorised
at
Rome
,
it
now
remains
to
show
how
it
behoves
the
King
to
be
Potent
at
Sea
.
The
Sea
is
,
of
all
Heritages
that
in
which
Soveraigns
pretend
to
have
the
greatest
share
,
and
yet
it
is
that
on
which
the
Rights
of
every
body
are
least
agreed
upon
.
The
Empire
of
that
Element
was
never
well
secur'd
to
any
.
It
has
been
subject
to
divers
Revolutions
according
to
the
inconstancy
of
its
nature
,
so
subject
to
the
Wind
that
it
submits
to
him
who
Courts
it
most
,
and
whose
Power
is
so
unbounded
that
he
is
in
a
condition
to
possess
it
with
violence
against
all
those
who
might
dispute
it
with
him
.
In
a
word
,
the
old
Titles
of
that
Dominion
are
Force
and
not
Reason
,
a
Prince
must
be
Powerful
to
pretend
to
that
Heritage
.
To
proceed
with
Order
and
Method
in
this
point
,
we
must
consider
the
Ocean
and
the
Mediterranian
seperately
,
and
make
a
distinction
between
the
Ships
which
are
of
use
in
both
those
Seas
,
and
of
the
Gallies
,
the
use
of
which
is
only
good
in
that
which
Nature
seems
to
have
reserv'd
expresly
betwixt
the
Lands
to
expose
it
to
less
Storms
,
and
to
give
it
more
shelter
.
A
great
State
must
never
be
in
a
condition
to
receive
an
injury
without
being
able
to
revenge
it
.
And
therefore
England
being
situated
as
it
is
,
unless
France
is
powerful
in
Ships
,
the
English
may
attempt
whatever
they
please
to
our
prejudice
,
without
the
least
fear
of
a
return
.
They
might
hinder
our
Fishing
,
disturb
our
Trade
,
and
in
blocking
up
the
mouth
of
our
great
Rivers
,
exact
what
Toll
they
please
from
our
Merchants
.
They
might
Land
without
danger
in
our
Islands
,
and
even
on
our
Coasts
.
Finally
,
The
Situation
of
the
Native
Countrey
of
that
haughty
Nation
,
not
permitting
them
to
fear
the
greatest
Land-Forces
,
the
ancient
Envy
they
have
against
this
Kingdom
,
would
apparently
encourage
them
to
dare
every
thing
,
should
our
weakness
not
allow
us
to
attempt
some
thing
to
their
prejudice
.
Their
Insolence
in
the
late
King
your
Father's
time
towards
the
Duke
of
Scily
,
obliges
us
to
put
our selves
in
a
posture
never
to
suffer
the
like
again
.
That
Duke
being
chosen
by
Henry
the
Great
for
an
extraordinary
Embassy
into
England
,
Embarking
at
Callis
in
a
French
Ship
with
the
French
Flag
on
the
Main
Top
Mast
,
was
no
sooner
in
the
Channel
,
but
meeting
a
Yacht
which
came
to
receive
him
,
the
Commander
of
it
Commanded
the
French
Ship
to
strike
.
The
Duke
thinking
his
Quality
would
secure
him
from
such
an
affront
,
refus'd
it
boldly
;
but
his
refusal
being
answer'd
with
three
Cannon
shot
with
Bullets
,
which
piercing
his
Ship
,
pierc'd
the
Heart
of
the
French
;
Force
constrain'd
him
to
do
,
what
Reason
ought
to
have
secur'd
him
from
,
and
whatever
Complaints
he
could
make
,
he
could
get
no
other
reason
from
the
English
Captain
,
than
that
as
his
Duty
oblig'd
him
to
honour
his
Quality
of
Ambassador
,
it
oblig'd
him
also
to
compel
others
to
pay
that
respect
to
his
Master's
Flag
,
which
was
due
to
the
Soveraign
of
the
Sea
.
If
King
James's
words
prov'd
more
civil
,
yet
they
produc'd
no
other
effect
than
to
oblige
the
Duke
to
seek
for
satisfaction
in
his
own
Prudence
,
feigning
himself
cur'd
,
when
his
pain
was
most
smarting
,
and
his
wound
incurable
.
The
King
your
Father
was
oblig'd
to
dissemble
on
that
occasion
;
but
with
this
Resolution
another
time
to
maintain
the
Right
of
his
Crown
by
the
Force
,
which
time
would
give
him
means
to
acquire
at
Sea
.
I
represent
this
Great
Prince
to
my
mind
projecting
in
that
occurence
,
what
your
Majesty
must
now
put
in
Execution
.
Reason
obliges
to
take
an
Expedient
,
which
without
ingaging
any
of
the
Crowns
,
may
contribute
towards
the
preservation
of
the
good
understanding
which
is
desirable
among
the
Princes
of
Christendom
.
Among
many
that
might
be
propos'd
,
the
following
are
in
my
opinion
the
most
practicable
.
It
might
be
agreed
upon
,
that
French
Ships
meeting
English
Ships
upon
the
Coast
of
England
,
should
Salute
first
,
and
strike
the
Flag
;
and
that
when
English
Ships
should
meet
French
Ships
upon
the
French
Coast
,
they
should
pay
them
the
same
Honors
,
on
condition
that
when
the
English
and
French
Fleets
should
meet
beyond
the
Coasts
of
both
Kingdoms
,
they
should
both
steer
their
Course
without
any
Ceremony
,
only
sending
out
their
respective
Long-Boats
to
hail
each
other
,
coming
no
neerer
than
within
Cannon
shot
.
It
might
also
be
agreed
upon
,
that
without
having
any
respect
to
the
Coasts
of
France
or
England
,
the
greater
number
of
Men
of
War
should
be
Saluted
by
the
smaller
,
either
in
striking
(
the
Flag
or
otherwise
.
Whatever
Expedient
is
found
out
on
that
subject
,
provided
it
be
equal
on
all
parts
,
it
will
be
juste
if
your
Majesty
is
strong
at
Sea
,
that
which
is
real
sonable
,
will
be
thought
so
by
the
English
who
are
so
much
blinded
on
that
subject
,
that
they
know
no
Equity
but
Force
.
The
advantages
the
Spaniards
,
who
are
proud
of
being
our
Enemies
at
present
,
derive
from
the
Indies
,
oblige
them
to
be
strong
on
the
Ocean
.
The
reason
of
a
sound
Policy
does
not
allow
us
to
be
weak
there
;
but
it
obliges
us
to
be
in
a
condition
to
oppose
the
designs
they
might
have
against
us
,
and
to
cross
their
enterprizes
.
If
your
Majesty
be
potent
at
Sea
,
the
just
apprehension
Spain
will
lay
under
of
your
attacking
their
Forces
,
the
only
Source
of
their
Subsistance
:
of
your
making
a
Descent
on
their
Coasts
,
which
have
upwards
of
six
hundred
Leagues
Circumference
:
your
surprising
some
of
their
places
,
which
are
all
weak
,
and
in
great
number
:
that
just
apprehension
,
I
say
,
will
oblige
them
to
be
so
powerful
at
Sea
,
and
to
keep
such
strong
Garisons
,
that
the
major
part
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Indies
will
be
consumed
in
Charges
,
to
preserve
the
whole
,
and
if
the
remainder
suffices
to
preserve
their
States
,
at
last
it
will
produce
this
advantage
,
that
they
will
no
longer
he
able
to
trouble
their
Neighbours
,
as
they
have
done
hitherto
.
[
*
](A57253-e34040-b)
*
Compat
of
Gattary
.
Had
your
Majesty
been
as
weak
as
your
Predecessors
,
you
could
not
have
reduc'd
to
Ashes
,
in
the
midst
of
the
Waters
,
all
the
Forces
Spain
could
assemble
in
1638.
on
the
Ocean
.
That
proud
haughty
Nation
,
could
not
have
been
constrain'd
to
suffer
the
checking
of
their
Pride
,
not
only
within
sight
of
Italy
,
but
also
before
the
Eyes
of
all
Christendom
,
which
seeing
the
Isles
of
St.
Marguerits
and
of
St.
Honorat
snatch'd
out
of
their
hands
by
open
force
,
whereas
they
had
only
got
them
by
surprize
,
has
beheld
at
once
and
with
the
same
Eye
,
the
shame
of
that
insolent
Nation
,
and
the
Glory
and
Reputation
of
yours
.
You
could
not
finaly
have
fought
that
famous
Combat
of
the
Gallies
,
on
the
Seas
of
Genoa
,
which
striking
your
Enemies
with
Terror
,
increas'd
the
Love
and
Esteem
of
your
Allies
,
and
imprinted
so
much
Reverence
in
the
indifferent
,
that
the
weight
of
respect
ingag'd
them
absolutely
on
your
side
.
Your
Majesty
having
Allies
so
distant
from
this
Kingdom
,
that
it
is
impossible
to
have
any
Communication
with
them
but
by
Sea
,
if
they
found
France
destitute
of
necessary
means
to
succor
them
on
certain
occasions
,
it
would
be
easie
for
those
who
are
Enemies
of
the
happiness
of
both
sides
,
to
sow
the
same
Division
in
the
minds
,
which
is
between
the
States
;
whereas
your
Naval
Forces
being
considerable
,
tho'
divided
as
to
place
,
they
will
remain
strictly
united
in
Heart
and
Affection
to
this
State
:
Nature
seems
to
have
offer'd
the
Empire
of
the
Sea
to
France
,
by
the
advantagious
Situation
of
her
two
Coasts
,
equally
provided
with
excellent
Havens
,
on
the
Ocean
,
and
on
the
Mediterranean
.
Britanny
alone
contains
the
finest
in
the
Ocean
;
and
Provence
,
which
has
but
160
Miles
extent
,
has
many
larger
and
safer
than
Spain
and
Italy
together
.
The
separation
of
the
States
,
which
form
the
Body
of
the
Spanish
Monarchy
,
renders
the
preservation
of
them
so
difficult
,
that
Spain
has
no
other
way
to
keep
them
in
some
Union
,
than
by
keeping
a
great
number
of
Ships
on
the
Ocean
,
and
of
Gallies
in
the
Mediterranean
,
which
by
their
continual
going
backwards
and
forwards
,
may
in
some
measure
preserve
the
Union
between
the
Members
and
the
Head
,
transporting
to
and
fro
whatever
is
necessary
for
their
subsistance
;
as
Orders
for
whatever
is
to
be
undertaken
,
Officers
to
Command
,
Souldiers
to
Execute
,
Money
,
which
is
not
only
the
Sinew
of
War
,
but
also
the
Fat
of
Peace
;
from
whence
it
follows
,
that
obstructing
the
Liberty
of
such
passages
,
those
States
which
cannot
subsist
of
themselves
,
can
never
be
able
to
avoid
confusion
,
weakness
,
and
all
the
desolations
wherewith
God
threatens
a
divided
Kingdom
.
And
whereas
the
Western
Coast
of
this
Kingdom
,
separates
Spain
from
all
the
Territories
possess'd
by
their
King
in
Italy
,
so
the
Providence
of
God
,
which
will
keep
an
even
Balonce
,
seems
to
have
been
pleas'd
to
separate
the
Territories
of
Spain
,
by
the
Situation
of
France
,
to
weaken
them
by
their
Division
.
If
your
Majesty
constantly
keeps
forty
good
Men
of
War
well
Rigg'd
and
Equip'd
,
ready
to
put
out
to
Sea
on
all
occasions
,
that
number
will
be
sufficient
to
secure
you
against
all
Injuries
,
and
to
make
you
fear'd
on
all
the
Seas
,
by
those
who
have
hitherto
despis'd
your
Forces
there
.
As
Men
of
War
are
necessary
to
that
end
in
the
Ocean
,
Gallies
which
are
light
Ships
,
and
can
make
great
Courses
with
their
Oars
in
Calms
,
which
are
more
usual
in
the
Mediterranian
than
elsewhere
,
are
as
useful
in
the
Levant
.
With
thirty
Gallies
your
Majesty
will
not
only
balance
the
Power
of
Spain
,
which
by
the
assistance
of
their
Allies
can
put
fifty
in
a
Body
,
but
you
will
overcome
them
by
the
reason
of
Union
,
which
reodubles
the
Power
of
the
Forces
it
unites
.
As
your
Gallies
may
remain
in
a
Body
,
either
at
Marseilles
or
Toulon
,
they
will
always
be
in
a
condition
to
oppose
the
conjunction
of
those
of
Spain
,
which
are
so
much
separated
by
the
Situation
of
this
Kingdom
,
that
they
cannot
assemble
without
passing
in
sight
of
the
Ports
,
and
Roads
of
Provence
,
and
even
sometimes
without
Anchoring
there
,
by
reason
of
the
Storms
which
surprize
them
half
way
the
Chanel
,
which
those
light
Ships
are
not
able
to
bear
without
great
hazard
,
in
a
troublesome
passage
in
which
they
are
very
frequent
.
The
Gulph
of
Leon
is
the
most
dangerous
passage
in
all
the
Seas
of
the
Levant
;
the
inconstancy
and
contrariety
of
the
Winds
,
which
commonly
reign
there
,
render
the
passage
of
it
very
difficult
,
whatever
way
it
is
undertaken
.
All
stormy
weather
is
very
dangerous
there
,
and
unless
our
Coasts
are
favourable
to
those
who
pass
by
them
,
they
seldom
have
a
safe
passage
.
The
true
reason
of
the
hazard
of
this
passage
,
proceeds
from
the
contrariety
of
Winds
,
occasion'd
by
divers
Aspects
of
the
Coasts
.
The
more
a
Coast
is
Mountainous
and
elevated
,
the
more
it
raises
Winds
,
when
the
heat
of
the
ground
is
oppos'd
by
the
coldness
and
moisture
of
the
water
,
or
of
the
Snow
it
is
covered
with
.
This
is
the
reason
that
the
Coasts
of
Provence
which
are
of
this
nature
,
being
ever
moisten'd
during
the
Winter
with
Rain
or
Snow
,
are
never
free
from
Wind
,
which
blowing
from
the
Shore
,
are
always
contrary
to
those
who
have
a
mind
to
land
there
.
And
tho'
those
Winds
are
contrary
to
the
approach
of
Vessels
,
yet
they
are
not
strong
enough
to
carry
them
back
to
the
places
from
whence
they
come
,
because
they
commonly
meet
with
other
shore
Winds
which
drive
them
back
again
;
in
so
much
that
the
contrariety
of
Winds
from
our
Coasts
,
and
from
those
of
Spain
,
force
the
Ships
into
the
Gulph
,
where
generally
by
Tempestuous
Weather
their
ruine
proves
inevitable
.
All
Ships
and
Gallies
going
from
Spain
into
Italy
,
always
set
Sail
from
the
Cape
of
Quiers
,
and
from
the
Gulph
of
Roses
,
and
commonly
tarry
for
a
Werstern
and
North-west
Wind
,
safely
to
reach
the
Coast
of
Genoa
,
or
Morgues
which
is
their
first
landing
place
;
but
tho'
they
put
out
with
a
fair
Wind
,
it
changes
as
soon
as
they
come
to
the
Gulph
.
If
the
Wind
turns
to
the
S.
W.
or
S.
S.
W.
they
must
of
necessity
make
for
the
Coast
of
Provence
,
and
if
it
turns
to
the
South
East
and
by
East
,
it
is
impossible
for
the
Gallies
and
Ships
which
are
near
our
Coasts
,
either
to
reach
Italy
,
or
to
turn
back
to
Spain
,
and
in
hard
weather
it
is
a
Miracle
if
they
are
not
lost
on
the
Banks
of
our
Coasts
.
On
the
other
hand
,
the
Ships
which
go
from
Italy
into
Spain
,
set
sail
commonly
from
Morgues
,
which
is
the
last
Port
of
Italy
.
In
order
to
have
a
good
Passage
,
they
tarry
for
a
North
West
and
Northerly
Wind
,
but
they
are
never
half
way
the
Gulph
,
before
the
Weather
changes
,
and
without
their
being
in
Peril
;
because
a
South
Fast
or
a
Southern
Storm
renders
their
loss
inevitable
,
unless
our
Ports
are
open
to
receive
them
.
Therefore
France
being
strong
in
Gallies
and
in
Gallions
,
they
can
have
no
certain
Passage
,
since
they
can
never
undertake
to
make
the
middle
of
the
Chanel
in
the
Winter
time
,
without
running
the
hazard
of
being
lost
,
either
on
our
Coasts
,
or
in
Barbary
,
if
the
Wind
turns
wholly
to
the
North.
And
even
when
the
North
East
and
by
Nore
drives
them
towards
Majorca
and
Minorca
,
and
the
North
West
and
by
Nore
drives
them
into
Corsica
and
Sardinia
,
the
violence
of
the
Storms
often
breaks
and
destroys
them
before
they
can
reach
the
shelter
of
the
Isles
that
are
favourable
to
them
.
And
if
to
avoid
that
Peril
they
resolve
to
tarry
for
a
fair
Wind
to
sail
along
our
Shores
,
it
will
not
happen
once
in
thirty
times
,
that
they
will
pass
safely
,
without
striking
by
some
ill
Weather
,
within
our
sight
.
And
tho'
they
should
meet
with
such
favourable
Winds
,
as
to
escape
all
the
dangers
of
the
Sea
,
the
least
advice
we
have
of
their
Passage
,
will
enable
us
to
cross
it
,
the
more
easily
,
in
that
we
may
always
put
out
to
Sea
,
and
put
in
again
without
Peril
,
whenever
the
Weather
threatens
us
,
by
reason
of
the
Neighbourhood
of
our
Ports
,
which
they
dare
not
come
near
.
Thirty
Gallies
will
afford
your
Majesty
this
advantage
,
and
if
to
such
a
Body
you
add
10
Gallions
,
true
Citadels
of
the
Sea
,
formidable
to
Gallies
,
when
they
have
a
favourable
Wind
,
because
their
Body
bears
no
proportion
to
the
weakness
of
those
light
Ships
,
and
that
they
are
not
afraid
of
them
even
in
the
greatest
Calms
,
by
reason
that
being
provided
with
as
good
Guns
as
their
[
*
](A57253-e34770-b)
*
The
Guns
plac'd
in
the
Gallerys
of
the
Gallies
.
Coursiers
,
they
are
capable
to
do
them
a
great
deal
of
harm
if
they
come
too
near
them
.
Tho
the
King
of
Spain
should
increase
his
Forces
of
one
half
in
that
Sea
,
which
he
cannot
do
without
a
great
Expence
,
he
would
not
be
in
a
condition
to
repair
the
harm
we
could
do
him
,
by
reason
of
the
Union
of
our
Forces
and
the
Division
of
his
.
Such
a
Body
may
attempt
any
thing
,
it
may
attack
the
Spanish
Armies
in
their
Ports
,
when
they
are
assembling
there
,
experience
having
convinc'd
us
in
the
retaking
the
Isles
of
St.
Marguerit
and
St.
Honorat
,
that
floating
Fortresses
,
prevail
over
the
most
secure
of
the
Sea
,
when
Men
know
how
to
use
them
boldly
.
By
this
means
your
Majesty
will
preserve
the
Liberty
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
who
have
been
hitherto
as
it
were
,
Slaves
to
the
King
of
Spain
.
You
will
incourage
those
who
have
endeavour'd
to
cast
off
the
Yoke
of
that
Tyranny
,
which
they
only
bear
because
they
cannot
free
themselves
from
it
,
and
foment
the
Faction
of
those
who
are
Frenchmen
in
their
Hearts
.
The
late
King
your
Father
,
having
order'd
Monsieur
d'
Alincourt
to
make
reproaches
to
the
Great
Duke
Ferdinand
,
for
having
made
a
new
engagement
with
Spain
,
notwithstanding
the
Aliance
he
had
contracted
with
him
,
by
the
Marriage
of
the
Queen
your
Mother
:
The
Great
Duke
after
having
given
a
patient
hearing
to
what
he
said
to
him
upon
that
subject
,
made
an
answer
which
signify'd
much
in
few
words
,
and
which
must
be
consider'd
by
your
Majesty
and
by
your
Successors
;
Had
the
King
had
forty
Gallies
at
Marselles
,
I
would
not
have
done
what
I
have
done
.
The
Passage
Pignerol
gives
your
Majesty
into
Italy
,
being
well
preserv'd
,
if
you
open
another
by
Sea
,
time
and
the
steadiness
which
will
be
observ'd
in
your
Councils
,
the
inconstancy
of
which
is
fear'd
upon
the
account
of
the
Levity
of
our
Nation
,
will
alter
the
Hearts
of
many
Italians
,
or
rather
will
incourage
them
to
shew
what
they
have
been
all
along
.
Italy
is
look'd
upon
as
the
Heart
of
the
World
,
and
indeed
it
is
the
noblest
part
of
the
Empire
of
the
Spaniards
,
it
is
the
place
where
they
dread
most
be
be
attack'd
and
troubl'd
,
and
that
in
which
it
is
most
easie
to
obtain
great
advantages
over
them
,
provided
we
go
about
it
as
we
should
do
.
And
consequently
,
tho'
one
had
no
design
to
do
them
any
harm
,
nevertheless
it
is
necessary
to
be
in
a
condition
to
give
them
a
Counter
:
stab
so
near
the
Heart
whenever
they
shall
attempt
any
thing
against
France
,
that
their
Arms
may
no
longer
have
strength
enough
to
attempt
any
malicious
designs
against
us
.
That
Force
will
not
only
keep
Spain
in
Awe
,
but
it
will
oblige
the
Grand
Seignior
and
his
Subjects
who
only
measure
the
Power
of
distant
Kings
,
by
that
which
they
have
at
Sea
,
to
be
more
careful
than
they
have
been
hitherto
,
to
keep
the
Treati●s
they
made
with
them
.
Algier
,
Tanis
,
and
all
the
Coast
of
Barbary
,
will
respect
and
fear
your
Power
,
whereas
,
they
have
despis'd
it
hitherto
with
an
incredible
infidelity
.
In
that
case
the
Barbarians
will
either
live
willingly
in
Peace
with
your
Majest's
Subjects
,
or
if
they
are
not
so
wise
as
to
do
it
,
they
will
be
compell'd
to
do
that
by
Force
,
which
they
have
refused
to
do
by
Reason
.
Whereas
at
present
tho'
we
think
we
have
no
War
with
them
,
we
receive
all
the
Evils
of
it
,
and
we
neither
enjoy
Peace
,
nor
the
advantage
we
ought
to
reap
by
it
;
We
will
find
Calm
and
Safety
in
War
,
which
is
very
advantageous
with
Men
whose
natural
Infidility
is
so
great
,
that
there
is
no
way
to
avoid
it
but
by
Force
.
It
now
remains
to
examine
the
Expence
,
which
will
be
necessary
for
the
maintenance
of
the
number
of
Ships
above
projected
,
which
tho
never
so
great
will
be
inconsiderable
in
comparison
of
the
advantages
we
will
receive
by
it
;
And
yet
it
may
be
done
with
two
Millions
and
five
hundered
thousand
Livers
,
according
as
it
will
appear
by
the
Settlement
which
will
be
inserted
at
the
end
of
this
Work
.
SECTION
.
VI.
Which
Treats
of
Trade
,
as
a
dependency
of
the
Power
of
the
Sea
,
and
specifies
those
which
aremost
Convenient
.
IT
is
a
Common
but
a
very
true
saying
,
that
as
States
often
are
Inlarg'd
by
War
,
so
they
are
commonly
inriched
in
time
of
Peace
by
Trade
.
The
Wealth
of
the
Hollanders
,
which
properly
speaking
are
only
a
handful
of
Men
reduc'd
into
a
Corner
of
the
Earth
,
in
which
there
is
nothing
but
Waters
and
Meadows
,
is
an
Example
and
Proof
of
the
usefulness
of
Trade
,
which
admits
of
no
contestation
.
Tho
that
Country
produces
nothing
but
Butter
and
Cheese
,
yet
they
furnish
all
the
Nations
of
Europe
with
the
greatest
part
of
what
is
necessary
to
them
.
Navigation
has
made
them
so
famous
,
and
so
powerful
throughout
the
whole
World
:
That
after
having
made
themselves
Masters
of
the
Trade
of
the
East
Indies
,
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Portugueze
who
had
been
long
settled
there
;
they
have
cut
out
a
great
deal
of
Work
for
the
Spaniards
in
the
West
Indies
,
where
they
injoy
the
Major
part
of
Brasil
.
As
in
England
the
greatest
part
of
those
whose
Circumstances
are
the
least
easy
maintain
themselves
by
common
Fisherys
the
most
Considerable
drive
a
greater
Trade
in
all
the
Parts
of
the
World
,
by
the
Manufactures
of
their
Cloth
,
and
by
the
Sale
of
Lead
,
Tynn
,
and
Sea
Cole
,
which
are
productions
of
their
Country
.
The
Kingdom
of
China
,
the
Entrance
into
which
is
allow'd
to
no
body
,
is
the
only
Country
in
which
that
Nation
has
no
Place
settled
for
their
Trade
.
The
City
of
Genoa
which
only
abounds
in
Rocks
makes
so
good
a
Use
of
its
Trade
,
that
I
may
safely
affirm
that
it
is
the
Richest
City
in
Italy
,
if
the
succors
of
Spain
.
[
*
](A57253-e35350-b)
*
The
Manuscript
is
defective
in
this
place
.
—
France
only
abounding
too
much
within
it self
,
has
hitherto
neglected
Trade
,
tho
they
are
as
conveniently
seated
for
it
as
their
Neighbours
,
and
might
free
themselves
of
the
assistance
they
receive
from
them
on
that
account
at
their
own
Cost
.
The
Fisheries
of
the
Ocean
are
the
easiest
,
and
most
useful
Commerce
,
which
can
be
made
in
this
Kingdom
.
It
is
the
more
necessary
,
in
that
there
is
no
State
in
the
World
so
well
Peopled
as
France
.
That
the
Number
of
those
who
are
out
of
the
Road
to
Heaven
,
is
very
inconsiderable
compar'd
to
the
Catholics
,
who
living
under
the
Laws
of
the
Roman
Church
,
abstain
the
third
part
of
the
year
from
the
use
of
Meat
.
And
that
none
of
the
dispensations
practised
in
Spain
are
used
there
,
to
eat
Meat
at
all
times
under
a
specious
pretence
.
Trade
will
be
the
easyer
for
us
,
in
that
we
have
a
great
number
of
Sea
Men
,
who
heitherto
have
been
oblig'd
to
seek
out
imployment
among
our
Enemyes
,
having
none
at
home
,
and
we
have
made
no
other
use
of
them
hitherto
but
to
get
salt
Fish
and
Herrings
.
But
having
wherewith
to
imploy
our
Mariners
,
instead
of
being
Constrained
to
strengthen
our
Enemies
,
by
weakning
our selves
,
we
will
be
able
to
carry
into
Spain
and
other
Countrys
,
that
which
they
have
hitherto
brought
to
us
,
by
the
assistance
of
our
Men
who
serve
them
.
France
is
so
fertile
in
Corn
,
so
abounding
in
Wine
,
Flax
and
Hemp
to
make
Cloth
and
Riggings
so
necessary
for
Navigation
,
that
Spain
,
England
,
and
all
other
Neighbouring
States
,
must
have
recourse
thither
.
And
provided
we
know
how
to
improve
the
advantages
which
Nature
has
given
us
,
we
will
get
money
of
those
who
have
occasion
for
our
Goods
,
without
troubling
our selves
much
with
their
Commoditys
which
are
of
little
use
to
us
.
Spanish
,
English
and
Dutch
Cloths
,
are
only
superfluous
;
we
may
make
them
as
good
as
theirs
,
getting
Wool
from
Spain
as
they
doe
.
Moreover
we
may
have
them
more
conveniently
,
upon
the
account
of
our
Corn
,
and
Linen
Cloths
,
if
we
will
exchange
them
to
make
a
double
gain
.
[
*
](A57253-e35550-b)
*
The
Draps
de
Sceau
,
are
made
at
Roan
,
and
the
Draps
de
Meunier
at
Remorantin
,
and
Elbaeuf
.
Our
Kings
having
made
a
shift
with
Draps
de
Berry
,
we
may
very
well
make
a
shift
now
with
Draps
de
Sceau
,
and
de
Meunier
or
Millers
Cloth
,
which
are
now
made
in
France
,
without
having
recourse
to
those
that
are
made
abroad
,
the
use
of
which
will
be
abolish'd
by
this
means
,
as
well
as
the
Serges
of
Chalons
and
of
Chartres
have
abolish'd
those
of
Milan
.
And
indeed
the
Draps
de
Sceau
are
insomuch
request
in
the
Levant
,
that
next
to
those
of
Venice
made
with
Spanish
Wool
,
the
Turks
preferr
them
to
all
others
;
and
the
Citys
of
Marselles
,
and
of
Lyons
.
have
heitherto
driven
a
very
great
Trade
in
them
France
is
Industrious
enough
,
Not
to
stand
in
need
of
the
best
Manufactures
of
our
Neighbours
such
fine
Plushes
are
made
at
Tours
,
that
they
are
sent
into
Spain
,
Italy
and
other
foreign
Countrys
,
the
Plain
Tafetas
which
are
made
there
also
,
are
so
much
in
Vogue
throughout
France
,
that
there
is
no
need
to
look
for
any
elsewhere
.
Red
,
Purple
and
Spotted
Velvers
,
are
made
finer
there
now
than
at
Genoa
:
It
is
also
the
only
place
in
which
Silk
Serges
are
made
.
Mohair
is
made
as
good
there
as
in
England
;
the
sinest
Cloths
of
Gold
are
made
finer
there
,
and
Cheaper
than
in
Italy
.
So
that
we
may
easily
forbear
that
Trade
,
which
only
serves
to
foment
our
Laziness
,
and
to
feed
our
Pride
,
to
stick
solidly
to
that
which
may
increase
our
Wealth
,
and
imploy
our
Mariners
,
insomuch
that
our
Neighbours
may
not
improve
our
labours
at
their
cost
.
Over
and
above
those
above
specify'd
which
are
the
best
in
the
Ocean
,
many
others
may
be
made
.
The
Skinners
Trade
of
Canada
is
the
more
necessary
,
because
there
is
no
need
of
carrying
Money
there
,
and
that
they
take
such
Commodities
in
Exchange
,
as
scizzer
Cases
,
Knives
,
small
Pen-knives
,
Needles
,
Pins
,
Bills
,
Hatchets
,
Watches
,
Hat-bands
,
Points
,
and
other
sorts
of
Mercery
Wares
.
That
of
the
Coast
of
Guiny
in
Africa
,
in
which
the
Portgueze
have
long
possess'd
a
place
call'd
Castel
de
Mine
,
which
the
Hollanders
of
the
West-India-Company
have
taken
from
them
within
these
2
or
3
years
is
of
the
same
nature
,
in
that
the
only
Goods
exported
there
,
are
Pedlars
Wares
,
Canvass
and
course
Linen
Cloths
,
in
exchange
of
which
the
Negroes
give
Golden
Powder
.
The
Merchants
of
Roans
have
formerly
driven
a
Trade
of
Linen
and
Woolen
Cloths
in
the
Kingdom
of
Fez
and
of
Morrocco
,
by
means
of
which
they
got
a
great
deal
of
Gold
.
Were
the
King's
Subjects
strong
in
Shipping
,
they
might
ingross
all
the
Trade
of
the
North
,
which
the
Dutch
have
got
,
by
reason
that
the
North
standing
absolutely
in
need
of
Wine
,
Vinegar
,
and
Brandy-Wine
,
of
Chesnuts
,
of
Pruens
,
and
of
Nuts
;
all
Commodities
in
which
the
Kingdom
abounds
,
and
which
cannot
be
consum'd
in
it
,
it
is
easie
to
make
a
considerable
Trade
of
them
,
and
the
better
in
that
returns
may
be
made
of
Wood
,
of
Copper
,
of
Pitch
and
Tar
;
things
not
only
useful
for
our selves
,
but
necessary
for
our
Neighbours
,
who
can
not
get
them
from
them
without
our
Goods
,
unless
they
will
lose
the
fraight
of
their
Ships
in
going
thither
.
I
do
not
enter
into
the
particulars
of
the
Trade
which
may
be
driven
in
the
East-Indies
,
and
in
Persia
,
by
reason
that
the
humour
of
the
French
being
so
hasty
,
that
they
will
see
the
effects
of
their
desires
as
soon
as
they
have
conceiv'd
them
:
Long
Voyages
are
not
suitable
with
their
temper
.
However
as
abundance
of
Silks
and
Carpets
are
brought
from
Persia
,
many
Curiosities
from
China
,
and
all
manner
of
Spices
from
divers
places
in
those
parts
of
the
World
,
which
are
of
great
use
to
us
,
that
Trade
is
not
to
be
neglected
.
To
make
a
good
Settlement
,
it
would
be
necessary
to
send
two
or
three
Ships
into
the
East
,
Commanded
by
Persons
of
Quality
,
Prudence
,
and
Wisdom
,
with
Patents
and
necessay
Powers
,
to
Treat
with
those
Princes
,
and
to
Make
Allyances
with
the
People
on
all
sides
,
as
the
Portugueze
,
English
,
and
Dutch
have
done
.
This
design
would
succeed
the
better
,
by
reason
that
those
who
have
taken
a
footing
in
those
Nations
,
are
very
much
hated
by
them
at
present
,
either
because
they
have
deceiv'd
them
,
or
because
they
have
subdued
them
by
Force
.
As
to
the
West
,
there
is
no
great
Trade
to
be
expected
there
,
Drake
,
Thomas
Cavendish
,
Sperberg
,
L'Hermite
,
le
Maire
,
and
the
late
Count
Maurice
,
who
sent
twelve
Ships
thither
of
500
Tuns
,
on
purpose
to
Trade
there
,
either
by
way
of
Friendship
,
or
by
Force
,
not
having
been
able
to
make
any
settlements
there
;
there
is
but
little
to
be
hop'd
for
on
that
side
,
unless
a
Military
Force
be
sent
thither
to
take
possession
of
the
places
Spain
possesses
there
at
present
.
The
little
Isles
of
St.
Christopher
,
and
others
seated
at
the
Head
of
the
Indies
may
yield
some
Tobacco
,
some
Skins
,
and
other
things
of
small
consequence
.
THERE
NOW
REMAINS
TO
KNOW
WHAT
MAY
BE
DONE
IN
THE
MEDITERRANEAN
.
Trade
of
the
Mediteranean
.
Memorial
of
the
different
Trades
driven
in
the
Levant
.
Napoli
de
Romania
.
The
French
carry
some
Goods
there
and
Money
,
and
bring
back
Silks
,
Goats
Leather
,
Wool
,
Wax
,
and
Cheefe
,
part
of
which
is
destributed
and
sold
in
Italy
.
Satalia
.
The
French
only
carry
Money
there
,
and
bring
back
Cotton
,
Wax
,
and
all
manner
of
Goat
Skins
.
Smyrna
.
The
French
carry
more
Goods
there
than
Money
,
abundance
of
Merchandise
going
off
there
,
for
Chio
,
the
Archipelago
and
Constantinople
.
The
Goods
carry'd
there
,
are
Paper
,
Caps
,
Draps
de
Paris
,
and
of
Languedoc
,
Brasil
Wood
,
Cutchaneal
,
Spices
,
Satins
made
at
Lyons
;
and
sometimes
they
bring
back
Persian
Silks
,
and
Rubarbs
,
which
the
Persians
bring
thither
,
Cottons
spun
into
Thred
,
Wax
,
Mastick
,
and
course
Carpets
.
Scala
Nova
.
Sometimes
our
Ships
take
in
Wheat
and
Legumes
there
.
Constantinople
.
The
French
carry
abundance
of
Goods
there
,
which
are
the
same
that
are
carry'd
to
Smyrna
,
excepting
Gold
,
Silver
,
and
Silk
Stuff
,
and
very
seldom
Money
;
they
bring
back
Leather
and
Wool
,
there
being
nothing
else
;
and
often
not
finding
Commodities
for
the
Goods
that
have
been
sold
there
,
they
are
oblig'd
to
send
the
said
Money
to
Smyrna
to
be
imploy'd
there
,
or
else
it
is
remitted
by
Bills
of
Exchange
to
Aleppo
,
there
are
always
abundance
of
Goods
to
be
bought
there
to
carry
into
Christendom
.
Isle
of
Cyprus
.
In
which
there
are
divers
Ports
;
Money
is
carry'd
thither
,
some
Cloths
and
Caps
;
and
in
return
we
take
Cotton
spun
into
Thred
,
Silks
made
in
the
said
Isles
,
and
some
Drugs
.
Alexandria
and
the
Port
of
Aleppo
.
Abundance
of
Merchandice
and
Money
are
carry'd
thither
from
France
.
Those
Goods
are
the
same
which
are
carry'd
to
Smyrna
.
And
vast
quantities
of
Silks
and
Drugs
are
taken
in
there
,
all
sorts
of
Cottons
,
Oak
Apples
,
Goat
Skins
,
which
they
stile
of
the
Levant
,
Red
,
Yellow
,
and
Blue
,
Callicos
,
and
sometimes
Indian
Goods
,
which
are
brought
there
from
Persia
.
Before
the
English
,
and
Dutch
went
into
the
Indies
,
all
Persian
Silks
,
Drugs
,
and
other
Goods
were
brought
to
Aleppo
,
from
whence
they
were
brought
to
Marseilles
,
and
from
thence
they
were
afterwards
sold
throughout
France
,
England
,
Holland
and
Germany
.
And
now
the
said
English
and
Hollanders
,
have
taken
away
the
said
Trade
from
us
,
and
do
not
only
furnish
all
France
with
Persian
Goods
,
but
also
with
those
they
buy
on
the
Grand
Seignior's
Territories
,
which
they
carry
through
Persia
to
Goa
,
where
they
lade
.
The
Goods
that
are
brought
from
the
Levant
,
are
dispos'd
of
in
Sicily
,
Naples
,
Genoa
,
Leghorn
,
Majorca
,
and
throughout
Spain
,
Flanders
,
and
Germany
.
Seyda
,
the
Port
of
Tripoly
,
Barut
,
and
St.
John
d'Acre
.
The
French
carry
some
Commodities
thither
,
and
for
the
most
part
Money
;
they
bring
back
from
thence
Silks
,
spun
Cottons
,
Ashes
to
make
Soap
,
Drugs
which
come
from
Damascus
,
sometimes
they
take
in
Rice
,
and
when
they
have
a
good
Crop
of
Wheat
,
they
suffer
our
Ships
to
take
lading
of
it
.
Alexandria
,
the
Port
of
Aegypt
and
Grand
Cairo
.
The
French
carry
several
French
Commodities
thither
,
as
Cloth
,
Paper
,
Brasil
,
Cochaneal
;
but
more
Money
than
Goods
;
they
take
in
their
Natron
,
Drugs
of
divers
sorts
,
and
most
of
the
Goods
which
sell
in
Italy
or
in
Spain
.
Formerly
all
sorts
of
Spices
were
brought
to
Alexandria
through
the
Red
Sea
,
which
were
carry'd
to
Marseilles
;
but
now
the
English
and
Hollanders
go
into
the
Indies
,
we
must
buy
them
of
them
.
Tunis
.
Wine
is
transported
thither
from
Marseilles
,
Hony
,
Tartar
,
Cloth
,
Paper
,
and
other
Goods
,
and
seldom
any
Money
,
and
Leather
and
Wax
is
taken
in
there
.
Algiers
and
the
adjacent
Ports
.
The
same
Commodities
are
often
carry'd
thither
from
Marseiles
which
are
carry'd
to
Tunis
,
and
Leather
and
Wax
,
are
also
brought
from
thence
.
I
own
I
have
been
long
deceiv'd
in
the
Trade
the
Proveneals
drive
in
the
Levant
.
I
was
of
opinion
with
many
others
,
that
the
said
Trade
was
prejudicial
to
the
State
,
thinking
according
to
the
common
notion
of
the
World
,
that
it
exhausted
the
Money
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
exchange
of
Goods
no
wise
useful
,
and
only
fit
to
indulge
the
Luxuriousness
of
our
Nation
.
But
having
made
an
exact
enquiry
into
the
Nature
of
that
Trade
,
condemn'd
by
the
publick
voice
,
I
have
alter'd
my
opinion
upon
such
solid
grounds
,
that
whoever
will
know
them
,
will
certainly
think
I
have
done
it
with
Reason
.
It
is
certain
that
we
stand
in
absolute
need
of
most
of
the
Commodities
of
the
Levant
,
as
Silks
,
Cottons
,
Wax
,
Goat
Skins
,
Rubarb
,
and
several
other
Drugs
which
are
necessary
to
us
.
It
is
also
certain
that
if
we
do
not
fetch
them
,
Strangers
will
bring
them
to
us
,
and
get
the
profit
,
we
might
get
our selves
.
It
is
likewise
certain
that
we
do
not
carry
near
so
much
.
Money
into
the
Levant
,
as
French
Commodities
:
our
Hemp
,
our
Linen
Cloath
,
our
Timber
to
build
Ships
are
in
greater
request
there
than
Money
.
Those
who
understand
the
Trade
of
the
Levant
,
know
that
the
Money
which
is
carry'd
thither
,
is
not
of
the
growth
of
France
,
but
Spain
,
from
whence
we
draw
it
by
the
Trafick
of
those
very
Commodities
we
bring
from
the
Levant
;
which
is
very
observable
.
They
are
moreover
sensible
that
the
more
the
City
of
Marseilles
Trades
into
the
Levant
,
the
richer
it
is
in
Money
.
That
the
Silks
and
spun
Cotton
which
are
the
principal
Commodities
which
come
from
the
Levant
,
are
wrought
in
France
,
and
from
thence
transported
into
Foreign
Countries
,
with
a
profit
of
Cent.
per
Cent
upon
the
buying
of
the
said
Manufacture
.
That
the
said
Trade
maintains
a
vast
number
of
Workman
,
and
that
it
preserves
us
.
That
it
imploys
abundance
of
Seamen
,
useful
in
time
of
Peace
,
and
necessary
in
War
.
Finally
,
That
the
Customs
of
the
said
Trade
amount
to
a
great
deal
of
Money
.
And
therefore
it
is
evident
that
the
said
Trade
is
not
only
advantageous
,
but
absolutely
necessary
.
Whatever
advantages
may
accrue
by
the
Trade
of
the
two
Seas
,
the
French
will
never
apply
themselves
to
it
with
delight
,
unless
the
means
appear
as
easie
to
them
,
as
the
end
is
useful
.
One
of
the
best
expediments
to
incourage
them
for
their
own
good
,
is
that
your
Majesty
would
be
pleas'd
yearly
to
fell
them
some
of
your
Ships
at
an
easie
rate
,
on
condition
that
they
shall
imploy
them
for
Trade
,
and
not
sell
them
out
of
the
Kingdom
.
This
Medium
applying
a
Remedy
to
their
impatience
,
which
does
not
permit
them
to
tarry
for
the
building
of
a
Ship
,
to
make
use
of
it
,
will
be
the
more
agreeable
to
them
,
in
that
it
will
enable
them
to
reap
almost
as
soon
as
they
have
sown
.
Beside
the
profit
that
will
thereby
accrue
to
private
persons
,
the
State
will
receive
a
considerable
advantage
by
such
an
Order
;
by
reason
that
the
Merchants
will
be
very
considerable
in
six
years
time
by
the
number
of
their
Ships
,
and
in
a
condition
to
assist
the
Kingdom
in
case
of
need
,
as
it
is
practis'd
in
England
,
where
the
King
makes
use
of
his
Subjects
Ships
,
in
time
of
War
,
without
which
he
would
not
be
so
powerful
at
Sea
,
as
he
is
.
Moreover
the
number
of
Ships
your
Majesty
designs
to
keep
,
will
not
be
lessen'd
by
it
,
since
the
Publick
Docks
you
have
been
pleas'd
to
re-establish
,
will
furnish
you
yearly
as
many
as
you
please
.
There
is
no
State
in
Europe
fitter
to
build
Ships
than
this
Kingdom
,
abounding
in
Hemp
,
Linen
Cloth
,
Iron
,
Rigging
,
and
in
Workmen
whom
our
Neighbours
commonly
debauch
from
us
,
because
they
are
not
imploy'd
at
home
.
The
Rivers
Loire
and
Garrone
have
such
convenient
places
for
Docks
,
that
Nature
seems
to
have
design'd
them
for
that
use
.
The
cheapness
of
Victuals
for
the
Workmen
and
the
conveniencies
of
divers
Rivers
which
disburthen
themselves
into
them
,
and
bring
all
manner
of
necessaries
,
justifie
the
said
Proposition
.
If
next
to
this
Expedient
,
your
Majesty
will
think
fit
to
grant
Merchandising
some
Prerogatives
to
give
a
Rank
to
Merchants
,
whereas
your
Subjects
are
oblig'd
to
obtain
it
by
divers
Offices
,
which
are
only
good
to
maintain
their
idleness
,
and
to
please
their
Wives
,
you
will
restore
Trade
to
that
degree
,
that
every
one
,
and
all
in
general
will
be
advantag'd
by
it
.
In
fine
,
if
besides
those
two
Favours
,
you
will
be
pleas'd
,
to
take
a
particular
care
to
clear
these
two
Seas
from
Pirates
,
which
may
easily
be
done
;
France
will
soon
add
to
its
Natural
Plenty
,
what
Trade
affords
to
the
most
barren
Countries
.
Six
Guard
Ships
of
two
hundred
Tuns
,
and
six
Pinnaces
well
Arm'd
,
will
be
sufficient
to
secure
the
Ocean
,
provided
the
said
Ships
keep
constantly
at
Sea
.
And
in
order
to
secure
the
Sea
of
the
Levant
,
it
will
also
be
sufficient
to
put
out
to
Sea
yearly
towards
the
month
of
April
,
a
Squadron
of
ten
Gallies
,
steering
their
Course
towards
the
Isles
of
Corsica
and
Sardinia
,
cruising
all
along
the
Coast
of
Barbary
,
unto
the
Streights
,
steering
the
same
Course
back
again
,
not
to
come
home
again
until
the
Weather
compels
them
to
it
,
at
which
time
six
Ships
well
Equip'd
shall
put
out
to
Sea
in
their
room
,
to
perform
their
Caravan
in
the
Winter
time
.
SECTION
VII
.
Which
shows
that
Gold
and
Silver
are
one
of
the
principal
and
most
necessary
supporters
of
the
State
;
declares
the
means
to
make
this
Kingdom
Powerful
in
that
kind
:
shows
the
revenue
of
the
same
at
present
,
and
how
it
may
be
improv'd
for
the
Future
,
in
discharging
the
People
of
three
parts
in
four
of
the
Burthen
which
overwhelms
them
at
this
Time
.
IT
is
an
old
saying
,
that
the
Finances
are
the
sinews
of
a
State
;
and
it
certainly
is
the
point
of
Archimedes
which
being
firmly
settled
,
Inables
to
move
all
the
World
.
A
necessitous
Prince
can
never
undertake
a
Glorious
Action
,
and
necessity
ingendring
Contempt
.
He
can
never
be
reduced
to
that
condition
without
being
exposed
to
the
Efforts
of
his
Enemys
and
of
those
who
are
Envious
of
his
Grandeur
.
Gold
and
Silver
,
are
the
Tyrants
of
the
World
,
and
tho'
their
Empire
is
unjust
in
it self
,
it
is
sometimes
so
reasonable
,
that
we
must
suffer
the
Dominion
of
it
;
and
sometimes
it
is
so
extravagant
that
it
is
impossible
not
to
detest
the
yoke
of
it
,
as
all-together
Insupportable
.
There
must
be
,
as
I
have
already
observ'd
it
,
a
proportion
between
what
the
Prince
draws
from
his
Subjects
,
and
what
they
can
give
him
,
not
only
without
ruining
themselves
,
but
without
a
notable
Inconvenience
.
As
it
is
reasonable
not
to
exceed
the
Power
of
those
that
give
,
neither
can
less
be
exacted
than
what
the
necessity
of
the
State
Requires
.
None
but
Pedants
,
and
the
real
enemys
of
the
State
,
can
say
,
that
a
Prince
ought
not
to
exact
any
thing
from
his
Subjects
,
and
that
his
sole
Treasure
ought
to
lay
in
the
Hearts
of
those
who
are
submitted
under
his
Dominion
.
But
at
the
same
time
,
none
but
Flatterers
,
and
the
true
Plagues
of
the
State
,
and
of
the
Court
,
can
Insinuate
to
Princes
,
that
they
may
exact
what
they
please
,
and
that
in
that
Case
their
Will
is
the
Rule
of
their
Power
.
Nothing
can
be
more
easy
than
to
find
plausible
Reasons
,
to
raise
Money
even
when
there
is
no
necessity
for
it
;
neither
is
any
thing
less
difficult
than
to
produce
apearent
arguments
,
to
Condemn
the
same
tho
never
so
necessary
.
Men
must
lay
aside
all
Passions
,
to
be
able
to
Judge
,
and
to
decide
,
what
is
reasonable
on
such
occasions
,
and
there
is
no
small
difficulty
to
find
the
dertain
point
of
a
just
Proportion
.
The
Expences
which
are
absolutely
necessary
for
the
subsistance
of
the
State
,
being
fix'd
,
the
less
a
Prince
can
raise
among
the
People
is
the
best
.
In
order
not
to
be
forc'd
to
raise
great
summs
,
it
is
necessary
to
spend
little
,
and
the
best
way
to
make
moderate
expences
,
is
to
banish
all
Profusion
,
and
to
Condemn
whatever
may
tend
to
that
end
.
France
would
be
too
Rich
,
and
the
People
too
abounding
,
if
it
did
not
suffer
the
dissipation
of
the
public
Revenue
,
which
other
States
spend
with
rule
.
They
lose
more
,
in
my
opinion
,
than
some
Kingdoms
who
pretend
some
Equality
with
us
,
Commonly
spend
.
A
Venetian
Ambassador
told
me
,
one
day
,
wittily
upon
this
Subject
,
speaking
of
the
Wealth
of
France
,
that
in
order
to
make
us
perfectly
happy
,
he
only
wish'd
we
knew
as
well
how
to
spend
that
well
,
which
we
dissipate
without
reason
,
as
the
Republic
knew
how
to
lay
out
every
Quatrain
,
without
waste
,
and
without
overmuch
husbandry
.
If
it
were
possible
to
regulate
the
appetite
of
the
French
,
I
would
think
that
the
best
way
to
manage
the
King's
purse
,
were
to
have
recourse
to
that
expedient
;
but
as
it
is
impossible
to
prescribe
bounds
to
the
greediness
of
our
Nation
,
the
only
way
to
contain
them
is
to
use
them
as
Physicians
do
famish'd
Pationts
,
whom
they
constrain
to
use
abstinence
,
by
keeping
all
manner
of
Victuals
from
them
.
To
that
end
it
is
necessary
to
reform
the
Finances
,
by
the
suppression
of
the
chief
means
,
by
which
Men
get
money
unlawfully
out
of
the
King's
Coffers
.
Among
them
all
,
none
are
so
dangerous
as
that
of
the
[
*
](A57253-e38030-b)
*
Persons
imploy'd
to
pay
private
services
.
Comptans
,
the
abuse
of
which
is
grown
to
that
heigth
,
that
not
to
remedy
it
,
and
to
ruin
the
State
is
one
and
the
same
thing
.
Tho
it
is
useful
to
use
them
on
some
occasions
,
and
that
it
seems
necessary
in
others
,
nevertheless
the
great
inconveniences
,
and
the
abuses
which
arrise
by
it
do
so
far
surpass
their
usefulness
,
that
it
is
absolutely
necessary
to
abolish
them
.
Whole
Millions
will
be
sav'd
by
this
means
,
and
a
thousand
conceal'd
profusions
will
be
redress'd
,
which
it
is
impossible
to
discover
as
long
as
the
secret
ways
of
spending
the
public
Treasure
will
be
in
use
.
I
am
sensible
that
some
will
urge
that
there
are
some
foreign
expences
,
which
by
their
Nature
must
be
kept
secret
,
and
which
the
State
may
receive
considerable
advantages
by
,
which
it
will
be
depriv'd
of
whenever
those
in
favour
of
whom
they
may
be
made
,
will
think
they
can
get
no
more
Money
out
of
them
.
But
so
many
robberys
are
committed
under
that
Pretence
,
that
I
am
of
opinion
upon
mature
deliberation
,
that
it
is
better
to
lose
some
advantages
which
may
accrue
by
it
,
than
to
be
thereby
exposed
to
all
the
abuses
which
may
be
daily
committed
to
the
ruin
of
the
State
.
However
not
to
Obstruct
the
means
of
making
some
secret
Expences
to
the
advantage
of
the
State
,
a
million
of
Gold
may
be
allowed
for
the
said
private
expences
,
on
condition
that
the
laying
of
it
out
shall
be
sign'd
by
the
King
himself
,
and
that
those
who
shall
have
a
share
in
it
,
shall
give
acquittances
for
the
same
.
If
any
one
urges
that
these
Comptans
are
necessary
for
the
remitments
which
are
in
use
,
I
say
that
it
is
one
of
the
reasons
,
for
which
it
is
fit
to
remove
them
.
Since
Men
have
liv'd
in
former
ages
without
the
aforesaid
Comptans
,
the
same
may
be
done
again
,
and
if
in
laying
aside
the
use
of
them
,
the
use
of
Farming
were
also
abrogated
,
instead
of
doing
any
harm
,
it
will
do
a
great
deal
of
good
.
Some
perhaps
may
wonder
,
why
,
since
I
know
the
use
of
the
[
*
](A57253-e38150-b)
*
Persons
imploy'd
to
pay
private
services
.
Comptans
to
be
of
ill
consequence
,
I
did
not
retrench
it
in
my
time
.
The
great
Henry
was
sensible
of
the
evil
establish'd
in
his
Predecessor's
time
,
and
could
not
remove
it
.
The
Troubles
,
and
Intestine
broils
,
the
foreign
Wars
,
and
consequently
the
great
Expences
,
and
the
extraordinary
Farms
the
King
has
been
oblig'd
to
make
and
to
let
out
to
raise
Money
,
have
not
permitted
the
thinking
on
the
Execution
of
so
good
an
advice
.
The
ruining
the
Huguenot
Party
,
abating
the
Pride
of
the
Grandees
,
maintaining
a
great
War
against
Powerful
Enemys
,
in
order
to
secure
the
future
Tranquillity
of
the
State
by
a
good
Peace
,
are
all
means
which
have
been
used
to
reach
the
ends
proposed
,
since
that
is
the
way
to
remove
the
Causes
of
the
Toleration
of
those
abuses
.
The
Subject
of
the
Comptains
,
having
given
me
an
occasion
to
speak
of
the
letting
out
of
extraordinary
Farms
,
I
cannot
forbear
saying
that
the
great
augmentations
of
the
revenue
,
which
may
be
made
that
way
are
so
far
from
being
advantageous
to
the
State
,
that
on
the
Contrary
they
are
very
prejudicial
,
and
Inpoverish
it
,
instead
of
Inriching
it
.
Perhaps
this
proposition
may
be
looked
upon
at
first
as
a
Paradox
;
but
it
is
impossible
to
examin
it
carefully
,
without
discovering
the
Justice
and
Truth
thereof
.
The
King's
Revenue
can
only
be
increas'd
by
the
augmentation
of
the
Impositions
which
are
laid
on
all
sorts
of
Commoditys
,
and
therefore
it
is
evident
that
increasing
the
revenue
that
way
,
Expences
are
increased
at
the
same
time
,
since
those
things
must
be
bought
dearer
,
which
were
bought
cheaper
before
.
If
Mear
grows
dearer
,
if
the
Price
of
Stufs
,
and
of
other
things
rises
,
the
Souldiers
will
not
be
able
to
maintain
themselves
,
and
consequently
it
will
be
necessary
to
augment
their
Pay
,
and
the
salary
of
all
Workmen
will
be
greater
than
it
was
before
,
which
will
make
the
increase
of
the
Expence
answerable
to
the
augmentation
of
the
Revenue
and
tho
it
will
be
a
great
grievance
to
the
People
,
the
Prince
will
be
but
very
little
the
better
for
it
.
Poor
Gentlemen
whose
Estates
consist
in
Land
will
not
improve
their
Revenue
by
such
Impositions
;
the
Fruits
of
the
Earth
,
will
hardly
rise
in
Price
,
at
least
for
their
advantage
,
and
if
the
Times
make
them
dear
the
less
of
them
will
be
sold
,
so
that
at
the
Year's
end
,
the
poor
Gentry
will
find
no
augmentation
in
their
Revenue
,
tho
a
very
considerable
one
in
their
Expences
,
by
reason
that
the
new
subsidys
will
raise
the
Price
of
all
those
things
which
are
necessary
for
the
maintenance
of
their
Families
,
which
they
will
make
shift
to
maintain
at
home
,
tho'
poorly
,
but
they
will
be
no
longer
able
to
send
their
Children
into
the
Armies
,
to
serve
their
King
and
Country
,
according
to
the
obligation
of
their
Birth
.
If
it
be
true
,
as
it
is
most
certain
,
that
the
sale
of
those
Commodities
which
your
Subjects
deal
in
,
diminishes
according
to
the
increase
of
Impositions
,
it
may
happen
that
such
augmentations
will
lessen
your
Majesties
Duties
instead
of
increasing
them
.
If
we
consider
such
as
are
imploy'd
in
the
Kingdom
,
it
is
certain
that
when
Goods
are
at
a
reasonable
price
,
People
buy
,
and
really
spend
more
,
than
when
the
price
of
them
is
excessive
,
for
then
they
retrench
even
those
which
are
most
necessary
.
If
on
the
other
hand
we
consider
those
Commodities
which
are
carry'd
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
it
is
plain
that
Foreigners
who
have
hitherto
been
incourag'd
to
buy
them
because
they
were
cheap
,
will
provide
their
stores
elsewhere
,
if
they
can
better
themselves
,
which
will
leave
France
abounding
in
the
Fruits
of
the
Earth
,
but
unprovided
of
Money
:
whereas
the
Impositions
being
moderate
,
the
great
quantity
of
Fruits
which
will
be
Exported
by
Foreigners
,
will
recompense
the
loss
some
may
fancy
by
the
moderation
of
Subsidies
.
Moreover
the
increase
of
Impositions
is
capable
to
reduce
a
considerable
number
of
the
King's
Subjects
to
idleness
,
since
it
is
certain
that
the
major
part
of
the
poor
People
and
Workmen
imploy'd
in
Manufactures
,
will
rather
be
idle
and
do
nothing
,
than
consume
their
whole
life
in
an
ungrateful
useless
labour
,
if
the
unreasonableness
of
the
Subsidies
hindering
the
sale
of
the
Fruits
of
the
Earth
,
and
of
their
Labour
,
hinders
them
at
the
same
time
from
receiving
what
they
have
earn'd
by
the
sweat
of
their
Body
.
To
resume
the
thred
of
my
Discourse
,
after
having
condemn'd
the
abuse
of
the
[
*
](A57253-e38330-b)
*
Persons
imPloy'd
to
pay
Private
Services
.
Comtans
,
and
demonstrated
that
the
augmentation
of
Subsidies
,
is
sometimes
not
only
uselss
,
but
often
prejudicial
;
I
say
that
there
ought
to
be
a
Geometrical
proportion
between
the
Subsidies
and
the
necessities
of
the
State
,
that
is
,
that
no
Impositions
ought
to
be
made
but
such
as
are
absolutely
necessary
for
the
subsistance
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
its
Grandeur
and
Glory
.
Those
last
words
signifie
much
,
since
they
show
not
only
that
it
is
lawful
to
raise
that
upon
the
People
which
is
requisite
to
preserve
the
Kingdom
whatever
condition
it
may
be
in
,
but
also
to
raise
that
which
may
be
necessary
to
maintain
it
with
Lustre
and
Reputation
.
Nevertheless
care
must
be
taken
not
to
extend
those
last
conditions
so
far
,
as
to
think
that
the
Prince's
bare
Will
should
be
,
under
that
pretence
,
the
Rule
of
those
Impositions
,
Reason
must
be
the
only
Rule
in
those
cases
;
and
if
the
Prince
exceeds
those
bounds
,
exacting
more
from
his
Subjects
than
he
ought
to
do
,
tho'
even
in
that
case
they
owe
him
Obedience
,
he
will
be
answerable
for
it
before
God
,
who
will
call
him
to
a
strict
account
for
the
same
.
Moreover
Reason
and
Policy
,
can
never
allow
the
increasing
of
the
Peoples
burthen
,
to
receive
no
benefit
by
it
:
those
that
do
it
,
draw
publick
Maledictions
upon
their
Heads
,
which
are
attended
with
very
ill
consequences
,
since
it
is
certain
that
the
Prince
who
exacts
more
than
he
should
do
from
his
Subjects
,
only
exhausts
their
Love
and
Fidelity
,
which
are
far
more
necessary
towards
the
Subsistance
of
the
State
,
and
the
Perservation
of
his
Person
,
than
the
Gold
and
Silver
he
may
hoard
in
his
Coffers
.
I
am
very
sensible
that
in
a
great
State
it
is
always
necessary
to
have
a
Fund
to
supply
unexpected
occasions
;
but
that
Fund
must
be
proportion'd
to
the
Riches
of
the
State
,
and
to
the
quantity
of
the
Coyn'd
Gold
and
Silver
which
is
in
the
Kingdom
;
and
unless
it
be
regulated
by
that
,
the
Riches
of
the
Prince
,
would
prove
his
Poverty
,
since
his
Subjects
would
no
longer
have
any
Fund
themselves
,
either
to
keep
up
Trading
,
or
to
pay
the
lawful
Duties
they
owe
their
Sovereign
.
As
a
Prince
ought
to
be
careful
to
lay
up
Money
to
supply
the
necessities
of
the
State
,
and
Religious
in
preserving
it
,
when
there
is
no
necessity
to
lay
it
out
,
he
must
be
liberal
in
imploying
it
when
Publick
good
requires
it
,
and
in
doing
it
in
due
time
;
for
delays
in
such
cases
are
often
dangerous
to
the
State
,
and
time
thus
lost
,
is
never
to
be
retriev'd
.
We
have
examples
of
Princes
who
to
preserve
their
Money
,
have
lost
both
it
and
their
States
together
,
and
it
is
most
certain
that
those
who
lay
out
their
Money
with
regret
,
commonly
spend
more
than
others
,
because
they
do
it
too
late
:
It
requires
a
great
deal
of
Judgment
to
know
the
most
important
hours
and
moments
,
and
some
may
be
capable
to
lay
up
,
who
not
knowing
how
to
lay
out
,
may
occasion
unutterable
misfortunes
.
But
whereas
general
Maxims
are
always
useless
,
unless
a
proper
application
be
made
of
them
;
there
now
remains
to
see
,
What
the
revenue
of
this
Kingdom
may
amount
to
.
What
the
Expence
of
it
may
be
.
What
Fund
is
necessary
to
be
kept
in
the
Coffers
;
and
to
what
degree
the
People
may
be
eas'd
.
The
Revenue
of
this
Kingdom
may
be
consider'd
in
two
respects
.
Either
as
it
may
be
in
time
of
Peace
,
without
altering
the
advance
of
Money
which
is
drawn
at
present
out
of
the
general
Receipts
and
Farms
,
making
no
other
augmentation
save
that
which
may
be
made
in
reducing
the
old
Rents
which
will
be
preserv'd
,
to
six
per
Cent
,
as
well
as
the
Salary
of
certain
Officers
,
who
will
rather
suffer
the
Diminution
of
the
same
,
than
the
Suppression
of
their
Places
with
reimbursements
.
Or
,
as
it
may
be
,
in
making
certain
alterations
,
thought
so
reasonable
,
and
so
useful
,
by
those
in
whose
Hands
I
have
seen
the
Management
of
the
Finances
,
that
in
their
opinion
no
other
opposition
is
to
be
fear'd
but
that
of
Novelty
.
[
*
](A57253-e38510-b)
*
Rents
created
upon
the
City
,
at
8
per
Cont.
Salt
,
one
Million
231411
Livers
.
Aids
851000
Livers
.
General
Receipts
474184
Livers
.
All
these
Rents
have
been
constituted
from
the
year
1551
until
1558.
No
Rents
have
been
created
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
4th
nor
even
in
that
of
Henry
the
3d.
There
are
23
Generalities
;
in
every
Office
24
Officers
,
which
are
in
all
552.
every
one
of
which
having
1000
Crowns
Salary
,
the
third
part
thereof
amounts
to
552000
Livers
.
By
the
first
Settlement
,
the
Exchequer
m●y
expect
to
receive
35
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
according
to
the
following
acount
.
By
the
Taille
,
17
Millions
350000
Livers
.
By
all
the
Gabelles
,
5
Millions
250000
Livers
.
By
the
Aids
,
one
Million
400000
Livers
.
By
the
Reduction
of
Rents
to
6
per
Cent
,
one
Million
.
By
the
Reduction
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
to
two
thirds
of
their
Salary
,
which
they
will
willingly
consent
to
,
provided
they
are
freed
from
the
new
Taxes
they
are
daily
plagu'd
with
,
552000
Livers
.
Des
Parties
Casuelles
,
which
is
the
Income
the
King
receives
by
the
Sale
of
Offices
,
and
the
Annual
Duty
paid
him
out
of
the
same
,
two
Millions
.
By
the
Farm
of
Bourdeaux
,
800000
Livers
.
By
3
Livers
per
Muid
of
Wine
for
the
entrance
into
Paris
,
700000
Livers
.
By
the
ancient
30
Pence
and
the
new
addition
of
ten
more
for
entrance
upon
every
Muid
of
Wine
brought
into
Paris
,
503000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
45
Pence
instead
of
the
Tolls
,
503000
Livers
.
By
the
9
Livers
18
Pence
per
Tun
of
Picrady
,
154000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
Brouage
,
250000
Livers
.
By
the
Exportation
of
Goods
from
Languedoc
,
Spices
and
Drugs
from
Marseilles
,
and
two
per
Cent
from
Arles
,
380000
Livers
.
By
the
third
additional
Tax
of
Lyons
,
60000
Livers
.
By
the
five
great
Farms
,
two
Millions
400000
Livers
.
By
the
new
Impositions
of
Normandy
,
240000
Livers
.
By
those
of
the
River
Loire
225000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
Iron
,
80000
Livers
.
By
the
Sales
of
common
Woods
,
550000
Livers
.
By
the
Demeans
,
550000
Livers
.
By
the
second
Settlement
,
discharging
the
People
absolutely
of
the
17
Millions
of
Livers
,
which
the
King
receives
at
present
by
the
Tailes
,
the
Receipt
may
amount
to
50
Millions
,
as
the
following
account
will
clearly
justifie
.
By
an
Imposition
to
be
put
upon
Salt
,
or
upon
the
Fens
,
in
all
the
Provinces
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
King
may
receive
all
Charges
being
paid
20
Millions
.
By
a
Penny
per
Liver
upon
all
the
Merchandise
and
Commodities
of
the
Kingdom
,
12
Millions
.
By
the
Aids
,
one
Million
400000
Livers
.
By
the
Reduction
of
the
price
of
the
Rents
constituted
on
the
[
*
](A57253-e39090-b)
*
Like
Guild-Hall
.
Hostel
de
Ville
,
six
Millions
.
By
the
Reduction
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
550
thousand
Livers
.
By
the
Income
the
King
receives
by
the
Sale
of
Offices
and
the
Annual
Duty
paid
him
for
the
same
,
two
Millions
.
By
the
Farm
of
Bourdeaux
,
1800000
Livers
.
By
the
three
Livers
per
Muid
of
Wine
entrance
into
Paris
,
by
a
new
Imposition
,
700000
Livers
.
By
the
ancient
30
Pence
,
and
the
new
addition
of
ten
more
for
the
entrance
of
every
Muid
of
Wine
into
Paris
,
580000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
45
Pence
instead
of
the
Tolls
and
Grants
,
530000
Livers
.
By
the
9
Livers
18
Pence
per
Tun
of
Piccardy
,
174000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
Brouage
,
254000
Livers
.
By
the
Exportation
of
Goods
from
Languedoc
,
Spices
and
Drugs
from
Marseilles
,
two
per
Cent
from
Mies
,
380000
Livers
.
By
the
additional
Tax
of
Lyons
,
60000
Livers
.
By
the
five
great
Farms
,
two
Millions
400000
Livers
.
By
the
new
Impositions
of
Normandy
,
250000
Livers
.
By
those
of
the
River
Loire
,
225000
Livers
.
By
the
Farm
of
Iron
,
80000
Livers
.
By
the
Sale
of
common
Woods
,
550000
Livers
.
By
the
Demeans
,
550000
Livers
.
Summ
Total
,
50
Millions
483000
Livers
.
I
am
very
certain
that
this
Settlement
being
well
understood
,
will
be
found
just
and
reasonable
by
all
those
who
have
any
Experience
and
Capacity
in
the
direction
of
States
.
Among
the
several
super-intendants
of
the
Finances
in
my
time
,
I
have
known
some
of
the
most
learn'd
in
what
relates
to
the
Treasury
,
who
equal'd
the
bare
Imposition
upon
Salt
,
or
upon
the
Fens
,
to
the
King
of
Spain's
Indies
,
and
who
preserv'd
that
secret
as
the
true
foundation
of
the
ease
of
the
People
,
of
the
Reformation
,
and
of
the
Wealth
of
the
State
.
And
indeed
let
Men
be
never
so
dull
,
they
must
needs
be
sensible
that
it
is
impossible
to
express
the
discharge
,
and
satisfaction
the
People
would
receive
,
if
they
were
allow'd
to
use
Salt
as
they
do
Wheat
,
every
one
buying
no
more
than
he
thought
fit
,
and
could
imploy
.
It
is
certain
that
the
suppression
which
would
be
made
of
the
great
number
of
Officers
,
which
are
established
for
the
Imposition
of
the
Salt
,
and
the
deliverance
of
the
Disputes
and
Law-Suits
they
often
commence
to
discharge
their
Trust
,
and
sometimes
out
of
Malice
,
to
constrain
the
People
to
take
the
Salt
that
is
impos'd
upon
them
,
would
be
a
wonderful
ease
to
them
.
It
is
moreover
certain
,
that
one
might
easily
recompence
the
Provinces
,
which
hitherto
have
injoy'd
the
Exemption
of
Salt
,
by
such
a
discharge
of
Tailles
,
that
if
for
the
future
they
were
oblig'd
to
buy
it
dearer
than
they
have
done
heretofore
,
the
Diminution
of
the
Taille
would
be
equivalent
to
the
augmentation
of
the
price
of
the
Salt
,
to
which
they
would
be
liable
,
tho'
they
should
buy
it
freely
.
It
is
also
certain
,
that
tho'
it
may
be
said
,
that
the
Diminutions
of
the
Tailles
only
relate
to
the
People
,
and
that
the
augmentation
of
the
price
of
Salt
,
which
has
hitherto
been
sold
in
the
Provinces
without
any
Imposition
,
would
concern
the
Clergy
,
the
Nobility
,
and
those
who
are
free
.
All
of
them
would
receive
the
benefit
of
the
Diminution
of
the
Tailles
,
bp
reason
that
the
Revenue
of
the
Tailles
being
taken
off
,
the
Revenue
of
Estates
would
increase
according
as
the
Farmers
who
rent
them
were
discharg'd
of
the
Impositions
which
are
laid
on
the
Estates
,
they
Farm
.
Finally
,
It
is
certain
,
that
notwithstanding
the
difficulties
of
such
an
Establishment
,
might
prove
great
,
yet
they
might
be
overcome
.
If
after
having
consider'd
this
Establishment
of
the
Salt
,
we
examine
that
of
the
Penny
per
Liver
,
it
will
be
found
the
more
just
,
in
that
it
is
established
in
many
Countries
,
and
that
it
has
already
been
resolv'd
upon
twice
,
by
the
Body
of
the
State
,
under
the
Great
King
Francis
,
and
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Notables
at
Roans
,
under
the
Great
Henry
of
Eternal
Memory
.
Nevertheless
whereas
Suspicions
are
so
natural
in
the
People
,
and
in
communities
,
that
they
commonly
place
their
principal
safety
in
their
dissidence
,
which
ever
induces
them
to
fear
that
what
is
most
useful
for
them
,
will
prove
disadvantagious
,
and
that
great
alterations
are
for
the
most
part
liable
to
dangerous
Revolutions
.
Instead
of
advising
such
an
establishment
,
I
presume
to
advise
the
contrary
,
and
the
more
boldly
,
because
such
Novelties
must
never
be
attempted
,
unless
they
are
ablolutely
necessary
.
Now
France
is
so
far
from
being
under
such
circumstances
,
that
on
the
contrary
I
am
of
opinion
that
it
will
be
much
easier
to
ease
the
People
,
and
to
inrich
the
State
,
without
having
recourse
to
such
expedients
,
than
in
putting
them
in
practice
:
seeing
that
tho'
there
is
no
difficulty
in
it
but
what
may
be
overcome
;
yet
undoubtedly
much
greater
would
be
met
with
,
in
having
recourse
to
such
alterations
.
In
order
to
verifie
this
proposition
,
it
will
be
sufficient
to
examine
the
Expences
one
may
make
a
shift
with
in
time
of
Peace
,
and
to
see
what
improvement
may
be
made
with
the
Money
the
times
will
allow
to
lay
up
.
The
Safety
and
Grandeur
of
the
Kingdom
will
allow
no
diminition
of
the
expences
of
War
,
above
mentioned
,
which
will
amount
near
unto
twelve
Millions
.
The
Charge
of
the
usual
Garisons
,
which
amounts
yearly
to
three
Millions
,
might
be
suppress'd
,
both
because
the
major
part
of
the
Forces
which
will
then
be
maintain'd
by
the
State
will
be
quarter'd
in
the
said
Garisons
,
and
by
reason
that
the
best
part
of
the
said
three
Millions
are
only
taken
out
of
the
King's
Purse
,
to
inrich
the
Governour
's
,
who
commonly
keep
but
ten
Men
,
when
they
should
have
a
hundred
.
But
whereas
it
is
difficult
,
not
to
have
some
Privileg'd
places
of
such
consequence
,
that
it
would
be
impossible
to
refuse
the
Governors
of
the
same
,
some
particular
Garisons
,
to
enable
them
the
better
to
answer
for
them
,
as
being
of
their
own
choice
;
In
my
opinion
it
will
be
proper
to
retrench
two
thirds
of
the
said
Expence
,
to
reduce
it
to
one
Million
.
The
Expence
of
the
Western
and
Eastern
Sea
,
cannot
be
less
than
of
two
Millions
500000
Livers
,
as
it
appears
by
the
particular
Settlements
of
the
same
.
That
of
the
Artillery
will
amount
to
600000
Livers
.
That
of
the
King
's
,
the
Queen's
,
and
Monsieur's
Housholds
,
to
three
Millions
500000
Livers
.
The
Pensions
paid
to
the
switzers
,
which
cannot
be
retrench'd
in
honour
,
amounts
to
400000
Livers
.
The
Buildings
will
cost
300000
Livers
.
AMbassadors
250000
Livers
.
The
Fortifications
600000
Livers
.
All
the
Pensions
might
absolutely
be
retrench'd
,
which
cost
the
King
four
Millions
;
but
as
it
is
impossible
to
pass
from
one
extream
to
another
without
a
medium
,
and
that
the
Court
of
France
is
not
us'd
to
resist
importunities
,
tho'
never
so
unjust
;
I
am
of
opinion
that
it
will
be
sufficient
to
retrench
one
half
of
them
.
Which
is
the
more
necessary
,
in
that
it
is
advantagious
for
the
Publick
,
that
the
Idleness
of
Courtiers
may
meet
with
no
roward
,
and
that
they
may
be
all
annexed
to
the
Perils
of
the
War
,
and
thus
Pensions
and
Salaries
will
only
amount
to
two
Millions
for
the
future
.
The
King's
Gentlemen
in
Ordinary
,
50000
Livers
.
Warrants
for
the
payment
of
certain
summs
400000
Livers
.
Casual
Accounts
,
and
the
King's
Progresses
,
two
Millions
.
Arrears
of
Duties
,
150000
Livers
.
The
King
's
Privy
Purse
,
300000
Livers
.
All
these
Expences
amount
only
to
25
Millions
,
which
being
deducted
out
of
35
to
which
the
Receipt
amounts
;
there
will
remain
ten
,
which
for
the
first
year
shall
be
imploy'd
towards
the
diminution
of
the
Tailles
.
The
true
way
to
inrich
the
State
,
is
to
ease
the
People
,
and
to
discharge
both
of
their
Burthens
:
In
lessening
the
Charges
of
the
State
,
the
Tailles
may
be
diminish'd
,
and
no
otherwise
;
and
therefore
it
is
the
chief
end
which
ought
to
be
propos'd
in
the
Regulation
of
this
Kingdom
.
[
*
](A57253-e39930-b)
*
Of
44
Millions
to
which
all
the
different
sorts
of
Leveys
,
which
are
rais'd
upon
the
People
by
virtue
of
the
brief
of
the
Taille
amount
;
thereare
26
Millions
imployed
towards
the
payment
of
the
Charges
settled
upon
the
Taille
,
which
consist
in
Rents
,
or
in
Salaries
and
Taxation
of
Offices
,
or
in
Rights
which
have
been
engag'd
to
them
.
Tho'
the
Farm
of
the
Aids
produces
yearly
4
Millions
,
there
is
but
400000
Livers
return'd
out
of
it
into
the
Exchequet
.
The
Rents
Salaries
,
Taxationis
,
and
Rights
ingag'd
upon
the
said
Aids
,
consume
all
the
rest
,
which
is
upwards
of
three
Millions
and
a
half
.
Notwithstanding
all
the
Gabelles
produce
near
19
Millions
,
there
is
only
five
Millions
500000
and
odd
Livers
of
the
same
return'd
into
the
Exchequer
,
because
the
remaindor
which
amounts
to
near
13
Millions
is
imploy'd
towards
the
payment
of
the
Rents
created
upon
the
said
Gabelles
,
or
towards
the
Salaries
,
Taxations
and
Duties
of
the
Officers
of
the
Magazins
of
Salt
,
or
towards
the
Salaries
of
the
Parliament
of
Paris
,
Chamber
of
Accounts
,
Court
of
Aids
,
Grand
Council
or
the
King's
Secretaries
.
Although
all
the
other
Farms
of
the
State
produce
twelve
Millions
,
the
King
receives
but
ten
of
them
,
because
upwards
of
two
Millions
must
be
deducted
out
of
the
same
which
are
settled
for
the
payment
of
some
Rents
.
Salary
of
Officers
,
Taxations
and
alienated
Duties
.
In
order
to
take
true
measures
in
an
Affair
of
that
consequence
,
it
is
necessary
to
know
that
tho'
all
the
Levies
which
are
made
in
this
Kingdom
amount
to
near
80
Millions
;
upwards
of
45
of
the
same
are
imploy'd
in
Charges
,
which
may
be
so
well
husbanded
,
that
whereas
we
may
say
at
present
,
that
the
said
Charges
prove
the
King's
Ruine
:
I
dare
affirm
that
the
King
will
be
eas'd
and
inrich'd
by
the
means
thereof
.
Many
without
doubt
will
be
of
opinion
,
that
it
would
be
fit
to
ease
the
State
of
all
that
burthen
,
but
as
it
is
impossible
to
make
agreat
Body
subsist
without
divers
Expences
absolutely
necessary
for
its
maintenance
.
As
the
weight
of
all
these
Charges
together
cannot
be
born
by
the
State
,
so
the
intire
suppression
of
the
same
cannot
be
desir'd
with
reason
.
Three
means
may
be
propos'd
for
the
diminution
of
the
said
Charges
.
The
first
is
grounded
on
the
over
long
injoyment
which
private
persons
have
had
of
the
King's
Money
,
upon
the
Fund
they
have
disburs'd
to
acquire
the
Rents
,
Offices
,
and
Rights
they
enjoy
.
I
am
sensible
that
it
would
be
easie
to
dispossess
some
of
the
said
persons
of
the
Rents
and
Duties
they
receive
,
by
making
a
true
supputation
of
the
Summs
they
have
receiv'd
,
in
which
besides
the
Interest
allow'd
by
the
Laws
,
it
would
be
easie
to
find
the
reimbursement
of
the
price
at
first
laid
down
by
them
for
the
same
.
But
tho'
the
Justice
of
the
said
expedient
were
allow'd
of
,
Reason
would
not
permit
the
making
use
of
it
,
since
that
in
so
doing
,
it
would
be
impossible
for
the
future
to
find
out
Money
to
supply
the
necessities
of
the
State
,
Whatever
securities
were
offer'd
.
Therefore
it
is
necessary
to
observe
that
a
thing
may
not
be
unjust
,
and
yet
contrary
to
Reason
,
and
sound
Policy
,
and
to
take
care
never
to
have
recourse
to
any
expedient
,
which
without
violating
Reason
,
would
nevertheless
violate
publick
Faith
.
If
any
urges
that
the
publick
must
be
preferr'd
to
private
Interest
,
allowing
his
proposition
,
I
desire
him
to
consider
that
in
the
discussion
of
this
point
,
those
different
kinds
of
Interests
are
not
in
the
least
concern'd
,
but
that
those
of
the
publick
,
are
counter-pois'd
by
others
of
the
same
nature
,
and
that
as
the
future
has
a
far
greater
Latitude
than
the
present
,
which
passes
in
an
instant
,
those
Interests
which
relate
to
the
time
to
come
,
must
be
respected
before
those
of
the
present
,
contrary
to
the
custom
of
sensual
Men
,
who
prefer
what
is
at
the
least
distance
from
them
,
because
the
sight
of
their
Reason
has
no
greater
extent
than
that
of
their
Senses
.
If
we
consider
publick
Faith
in
this
point
,
as
I
think
it
absolutely
necessary
,
the
State
will
be
far
more
eas'd
by
it
than
it
would
be
,
tho'
part
of
its
Charges
should
be
suppress'd
without
making
any
new
Lives
,
in
that
it
will
remain
Master
of
the
Purses
of
its
Members
on
all
occasions
,
and
yet
will
considerably
increase
its
revenue
.
The
second
means
to
diminish
the
Charges
of
the
Kingdom
consists
in
the
reinbursement
of
the
Money
which
was
actually
paid
by
private
persons
;
but
the
verification
of
it
would
prove
difficult
,
since
that
in
order
to
facilitate
the
Sale
of
what
the
necessity
of
the
State
has
oblig'd
to
alienate
that
has
often
been
given
at
four
years
purchase
which
appears
to
be
ingag'd
at
six
.
This
medium
tho
justin
it self
,
is
not
practicable
without
giving
a
pretence
to
many
complaints
,
tho'
ill
grounded
.
The
third
means
for
the
Diminution
of
the
Charges
of
the
State
,
consists
in
reimbursing
those
that
are
not
necessary
,
at
the
same
price
at
which
they
are
sold
among
private
persons
:
Reimbursing
the
Owners
of
the
Offices
of
the
Rents
and
of
the
Duties
which
will
be
thought
necessary
to
be
suppress'd
in
this
manner
,
they
will
receive
no
prejudice
,
and
the
King
will
not
make
use
of
the
common
advantage
he
has
with
private
persons
,
who
have
the
liberty
to
free
themselves
of
the
said
Debts
,
when
they
are
able
to
pay
them
at
the
rate
they
are
commonly
sold
at
.
This
medium
which
is
the
only
one
that
can
be
us'd
,
may
produce
its
effect
divers
ways
,
either
in
many
years
time
,
by
the
bare
management
of
the
injoyment
of
the
said
Charges
,
or
in
one
only
,
by
an
immense
sum
of
Money
which
must
be
had
ready
by
the
supply
of
an
extraordinary
Fund
.
The
natural
Impatience
of
our
Nation
,
not
allowing
us
to
hope
,
that
we
will
be
able
to
persevere
15
or
20
years
in
the
same
resolution
:
The
first
way
which
requires
so
much
time
,
is
nowise
receivable
.
The
great
Fund
which
is
necessary
to
reimburse
all
at
once
such
immense
Charges
as
those
of
the
State
,
would
make
this
second
proposition
as
ridiculous
as
impossible
,
and
so
the
third
only
remains
practicable
.
In
order
to
make
use
of
it
,
with
so
much
Justice
,
that
no
body
may
have
cause
to
complain
,
it
is
necessary
to
consider
the
charges
which
it
will
be
necessary
to
suppress
in
three
different
manners
,
according
to
the
divers
rates
at
which
they
are
sold
.
[
*
](A57253-e40220-b)
*
The
Major
part
of
the
Rents
constituted
upon
the
Taille
since
1612
are
still
in
the
hands
of
the
Grand-Farmers
,
of
their
Heirs
,
or
of
those
to
whom
they
have
made
them
over
,
and
they
have
purchas'd
them
at
so
low
a
Rate
,
that
they
dayly
expect
the
retrenchment
of
them
,
which
would
be
a
far
greater
greivance
to
them
than
the
Reimbursement
of
the
same
,
at
the
common
Price
.
The
new
Rents
established
upon
the
Aids
,
are
only
sold
at
seven
years
Purchase
,
and
they
amount
to
two
Millions
.
The
new
Rents
upon
the
Gabelles
are
sold
at
seven
years
and
a
half
Purchase
,
and
they
amount
to
five
millions
260
thousand
Livers
.
The
first
Rents
constituted
upon
the
Taille
which
are
commonly
sold
at
five
years
purchace
,
ought
only
to
be
consider'd
and
reimburs'd
at
that
rate
,
according
to
which
their
Injoyment
of
the
same
makes
the
Reimbursement
of
them
in
seven
years
and
a
half
.
The
other
Rents
constituted
upon
the
Taille
since
the
late
King's
Death
,
which
are
paid
either
in
the
Elections
,
or
in
the
General
Receipts
,
must
be
reimbursed
at
the
rate
of
six
years
purchace
,
which
they
are
sold
at
,
the
Injoyment
of
which
will
only
reimburse
them
in
eight
years
and
a
half
.
The
Offices
of
Elections
with
salaries
,
Taxations
of
Offices
and
other
Rights
which
they
injoy
must
be
reimbursed
at
the
rate
of
eight
years
Purchace
,
which
is
the
common
Price
of
such
Places
.
Reason
requires
the
taking
of
the
same
method
for
the
Reimbursement
of
the
charges
constituted
upon
the
Aids
,
upon
all
the
Gabelles
,
upon
the
five
great
Farms
,
upon
the
Foreign
Farm
of
Languedoc
and
of
Provence
,
upon
the
Customs
of
Lyons
,
upon
the
Convoy
of
Bourdeaux
,
the
Custom
of
Bayone
,
the
Farm
of
Brouage
,
and
such
Reimbursements
can
only
be
made
by
the
bare
Injoyment
in
eleven
years
time
.
I
am
sensible
that
Rents
of
that
kind
are
daily
sold
for
less
than
eight
years
Purchace
;
but
I
propose
the
Reimbursement
of
them
at
this
Rate
,
for
the
satisfaction
of
the
partys
concern'd
,
being
sensible
that
if
in
an
affair
of
that
importance
,
there
must
be
a
loss
,
it
is
better
it
should
fall
upon
the
King
than
upon
them
.
The
Rate
of
all
the
Reimbursements
which
can
be
made
,
being
justly
establish'd
;
it
is
necessary
to
consider
that
there
are
some
Charges
so
necessary
in
this
Kingdom
,
or
ingaged
at
so
high
a
Rate
,
that
I
do
not
place
them
among
those
of
which
the
Reimbusement
is
to
be
thought
on
,
by
the
way
I
am
proposing
.
Those
are
the
salarys
of
the
Parliaments
and
other
sovereign
Courts
,
of
the
Presidials
and
royal
Courts
,
of
the
King's
Secretarys
,
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
and
receivers
General
.
Not
that
I
think
that
no
suppression
ought
to
be
made
in
those
kind
of
Offices
;
that
's
far
from
my
thoughts
:
But
to
proceed
with
order
towards
the
diminution
of
the
Charges
of
the
Kingdom
,
Reason
requires
that
one
should
begin
by
the
Reimbursement
of
those
which
are
sold
at
lower
rates
,
and
which
are
inconvenient
to
the
Public
.
For
that
reason
,
I
prefer
the
suppression
of
the
Rents
establish'd
upon
the
Tailles
,
and
that
of
many
Places
of
assessors
,
to
all
others
.
That
of
those
sorts
of
Rents
,
by
reason
of
the
lowness
of
their
Price
,
and
that
of
the
assessors
,
because
those
offices
are
the
true
source
of
the
People's
Misery
,
both
upon
the
account
of
their
Number
which
is
so
Excessive
,
that
it
amounts
to
upwards
of
four
Millions
in
Exemptions
,
as
also
of
their
Male-administrations
which
are
so
Common
,
that
there
is
hardly
any
one
Assessor
who
do's
not
discharge
his
own
Parish
;
that
many
draw
considerably
out
of
those
they
have
nothing
to
do
with
,
and
that
some
of
them
are
such
abandon'd
wretches
,
that
they
are
not
affraid
of
loading
themselves
with
crimes
,
by
adding
Impossitions
on
the
People
,
which
they
convert
to
their
own
use
.
That
very
consideration
is
the
only
one
which
hinders
me
at
present
from
speaking
of
the
suppressions
of
many
Offices
of
judicature
,
the
Multitude
of
which
is
useless
their
Price
being
as
extraordinary
as
their
salarys
are
Inconsiderable
,
it
would
be
an
ill
piece
of
husbandry
to
meddle
with
them
,
upon
the
account
of
the
present
necessity
.
When
it
will
be
thought
fit
to
lessen
the
Number
of
them
,
the
best
way
in
order
thereunto
will
be
to
make
so
good
a
Regulation
of
the
[
*
](A57253-e40510-b)
*
The
Annual
Duty
the
said
Officers
pay
to
the
King
.
Paullette
,
that
the
said
Offices
being
reduc'd
to
a
moderate
Price
,
the
King
may
be
able
when
they
become
vacant
,
to
Reimburse
them
to
the
owners
,
and
suppress
them
at
once
,
Neither
do
I
as
yet
include
in
the
number
of
the
suppressions
,
the
Colleges
of
the
King's
Secretarys
,
the
Offices
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
,
and
the
Receivers
General
,
not
upon
the
account
of
the
smalness
of
their
Profit
,
which
is
pretty
considerable
;
but
upon
the
account
of
the
summs
they
have
paid
for
the
same
which
are
not
small
.
Neither
do
I
put
in
the
old
Rents
which
have
been
created
in
the
time
of
your
Majesty's
Predecessors
which
are
paid
in
the
Office
of
the
City
of
Paris
,
both
by
reason
that
the
actual
summs
disburs'd
by
the
Purchacers
,
are
greater
than
that
of
all
the
rest
,
and
because
it
is
fit
that
the
interest
of
Subjects
should
in
some
manner
be
mix'd
with
those
of
their
Soveraigns
,
as
also
because
they
are
devolv'd
to
several
Religious
Houses
,
Hospitals
,
and
Communitys
,
towards
the
maintenance
of
which
they
are
necessary
;
and
that
having
been
often
divided
in
Familys
,
they
seem
to
be
settled
there
in
such
a
manner
that
it
would
be
difficult
to
remove
them
without
disturbing
their
settlements
.
Nevertheless
in
order
not
to
omitt
any
husbandry
that
may
be
made
with
reason
,
to
the
advantage
of
the
State
,
I
must
observe
two
things
in
this
place
.
The
first
is
that
the
Office
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
remaining
,
a
third
part
of
their
Salarys
may
be
retrench'd
,
since
they
will
think
themselves
very
favourably
used
in
the
general
Reformation
of
the
Kingdom
,
if
in
securing
them
against
all
new
Taxes
their
Salary
is
redu'd
to
two
thirds
of
what
they
have
injoy'd
hitherto
,
and
had
by
their
first
Creation
.
The
second
is
that
in
not
suppressing
the
Rents
establish'd
upon
the
Town
House
,
in
the
late
King's
time
,
which
are
all
Created
at
the
rate
of
eight
per
Cont
,
which
will
be
the
more
reasonable
in
that
as
no
private
Persons
do
allow
above
six
,
the
owners
of
the
said
Rents
settled
upon
the
Town-House
,
will
by
your
Majesty's
favour
get
two
per
Cent
more
,
in
the
injoyment
of
those
of
this
Nature
.
And
as
they
will
find
an
advantage
by
this
,
the
King
will
do
the
same
by
reason
that
the
Rents
charg'd
upon
the
State
,
will
be
more
coveted
than
those
of
private
Persons
,
supposing
they
be
paid
exactly
without
any
deduction
,
as
in
reason
they
ought
to
be
.
In
order
to
pay
the
said
Rents
as
well
as
the
Salary
of
divers
Officers
either
absolutely
necessary
or
at
least
which
cannot
be
suppressed
in
these
Times
,
I
am
of
opinion
that
it
will
be
fit
to
suppress
thirty
Millions
out
of
the
fourty
five
this
Kingdom
is
at
present
charged
with
,
leaving
the
rest
to
acquit
the
remaining
charges
.
[
*
](A57253-e40640-b)
*
The
Rents
of
which
the
Courant
price
is
seven
years
purchace
,
will
amount
justly
to
six
Millions
812
thousand
Livers
,
Viz.
six
Millions
which
have
been
settled
out
of
the
eight
allienated
Millions
upon
the
Tailles
in
the
month
of
February
1634.
415
thousand
Livers
settled
by
Le
Sr.
Gaillard
and
his
Partners
in
the
month
of
January
1634.
And
112
thousand
Livers
settled
by
an
Edict
of
the
month
of
March
of
the
said
year
,
by
the
Creditors
of
Moyssel
and
Payen
.
Out
of
the
thirty
Millions
which
are
to
be
suppress'd
,
there
are
near
seven
,
the
Reimburstment
of
which
being
only
to
be
made
at
the
rate
of
five
years
Purchace
,
the
suppression
of
the
same
will
be
perform'd
in
seven
years
and
a
half
's
time●
by
the
bare
Injoyment
of
the
same
.
As
many
will
be
found
,
out
of
the
remaining
twenty
four
,
which
being
to
be
reimburs'd
at
the
rate
of
six
years
Purchace
,
which
is
the
Currant
price
of
them
,
will
be
suppress'd
in
eight
years
and
a
half
's
time
,
by
the
bare
injoyment
.
But
whereas
,
as
abovesaid
,
long
Winded
designs
are
not
the
safest
in
this
Kingdom
,
and
that
upon
that
account
it
is
necessary
to
reduce
all
the
suppressions
which
are
fit
to
be
made
to
a
number
of
years
not
exceeding
the
compass
of
our
Patience
;
in
order
to
accomplish
the
Reimbursments
which
will
be
undertaken
at
the
same
time
in
which
the
Rents
which
are
sold
at
five
years
purchace
will
be
suppress'd
by
the
very
income
of
the
same
,
an
extraordinary
Fund
must
be
rais'd
to
the
Value
of
a
sixth
part
of
the
currant
price
of
the
Rents
,
which
amounts
exactly
to
seven
Millions
once
paid
,
for
the
suppression
of
as
much
revenue
.
To
accomplish
the
suppression
of
the
thirty
Millions
propos'd
,
there
still
remains
16
to
be
reimburs'd
,
which
must
be
done
at
the
rate
of
eight
years
purchace
,
because
it
is
the
common
price
of
them
.
And
whereas
the
reimbursement
of
those
sixteen
Millions
,
cannot
be
perform'd
under
twelve
years
time
by
the
bare
enjoyment
of
the
same
,
and
that
it
is
necessary
to
shorten
that
time
,
to
reduce
the
said
suppression
to
the
term
of
seven
years
,
as
well
as
that
of
the
fourteen
preceeding
Millions
,
out
of
eight
parts
three
must
be
supply'd
by
extraordinary
Funds
,
amounting
to
48
Millions
.
Tho'
the
greatness
of
the
said
summ
may
surprize
at
first
;
those
who
are
acquainted
with
the
facility
of
Affairs
of
that
nature
in
this
Kingdom
,
will
not
question
the
feasibleness
of
the
same
,
considering
that
it
is
only
to
be
paid
in
seven
years
time
.
And
Peace
will
be
no
sooner
settled
,
but
the
practice
of
[
*
](A57253-e40800-b)
*
Farming
part
of
the
Revenue
.
Parties
,
which
is
usual
at
this
time
to
find
out
Money
,
being
abolish'd
,
those
who
are
bred
in
those
sort
of
Affairs
,
not
being
able
to
alter
their
former
way
of
living
all
of
a
sudden
,
will
willingly
convert
all
their
Industry
,
to
destroy
what
they
have
rais'd
,
by
the
same
means
they
did
use
to
establish
it
at
first
;
That
is
,
to
extinguish
and
suppress
by
virtue
of
the
Bargains
they
will
make
to
that
effect
,
the
Rents
,
Rights
and
Offices
,
the
creation
of
which
they
have
promoted
by
virtue
of
other
Bargains
.
Thus
the
Kingdom
may
be
eas'd
in
seven
years
time
,
of
thirty
Millions
of
common
Charges
which
it
bears
at
present
.
The
People
being
actually
discharg'd
of
the
22
Millions
of
Taille
,
which
is
one
half
of
what
they
bear
at
present
;
The
Revenue
of
the
Kingdom
will
be
found
to
amount
to
57
Millions
,
as
the
following
Settlement
will
justifie
.
RECEIPT
-
Of
the
Tailles
,
22
Millions
.
-
Of
the
Aids
,
4
Millions
.
-
Of
all
the
Gabelles
,
19
Millions
.
-
Of
all
the
other
Farms
12
Millions
.
-
Total
,
57
Millions
.
Out
of
which
deducting
17
Millions
,
which
will
be
yearly
put
into
the
Exchequer
,
the
said
summ
must
be
look'd
upon
to
be
so
considerable
,
that
there
is
no
State
in
Christendom
which
lays
up
half
so
much
,
all
the
Charges
of
it
being
deducted
before
.
If
next
to
these
suppressions
,
which
will
make
many
persons
liable
to
the
Tailles
,
without
their
having
any
reason
to
complain
of
it
,
all
Offices
are
suppressed
which
are
officiated
by
Inrollment
or
by
bare
Commissions
;
if
the
number
of
Notaries
be
regulated
,
not
only
such
as
are
Royal
,
but
those
of
common
Jurisdictions
,
it
will
ease
the
People
considerably
,
both
in
that
they
will
thereby
be
deliver'd
of
so
many
leeches
,
and
that
as
there
are
upwards
of
100000
Officers
of
this
kind
to
be
turn'd
out
,
those
who
will
sind
themselves
deprived
of
their
usual
imployments
,
will
be
constrain'd
to
follow
the
Wars
,
to
ingage
into
Trade
,
or
to
turn
Labourers
.
If
in
the
next
place
all
Exemptions
are
reduc'd
to
the
Nobility
,
and
to
the
Officers
in
ordinary
of
the
King's
Houshold
,
it
is
most
certain
that
the
Cities
,
and
Communities
which
are
exempted
,
the
Soveraign
Courts
,
the
Offices
of
the
Treasurers
of
France
,
the
Elections
,
the
Salt
Magazines
,
the
Offices
of
Waters
and
of
Forests
,
of
the
Demain
,
and
of
the
Tithes
,
the
Intendants
and
Receivers
of
Parishes
,
which
compose
a
Body
of
upwards
of
100000
exempted
persons
,
will
discharge
the
People
of
more
than
one
half
of
their
Tailles
;
it
being
also
certain
that
the
Richest
,
which
are
liable
to
the
greatest
Taxes
,
are
those
who
get
exemptions
by
dint
of
Money
.
I
am
sensible
that
it
will
be
urg'd
,
that
it
is
easie
to
make
such
Projects
,
like
unto
those
of
Plato's
Commonwealth
,
which
tho'
fine
in
his
Ideas
,
is
a
real
Chimera
.
But
I
dare
affirm
,
that
this
design
is
not
only
so
reasonable
,
but
so
easie
to
execute
,
that
if
God
pleases
to
grant
your
Majesty
a
speedy
Peace
,
and
to
preserve
you
for
this
Kingdom
with
your
Servants
,
of
which
I
esteem
my self
one
of
the
meanest
,
instead
of
leaving
this
Advice
by
Testament
,
I
hope
to
accomplish
it
my self
.
SECTION
.
VIII
.
Which
shews
in
few
words
,
that
the
utmost
point
of
the
Power
of
Princes
must
consist
in
the
Possession
of
their
Subjects
Hearts
.
THe
Finances
being
manag'd
as
above
written
,
the
People
will
be
absolutely
eas'd
,
and
the
King
will
be
Powerful
by
the
Possession
of
his
Subjects
Hearts
,
who
considering
his
care
of
their
Estates
,
will
be
inclin'd
to
love
him
out
of
Interest
.
[
*
](A57253-e41100-b)
*
Philip
de
Valois
.
Formerly
the
Kings
thought
themselves
so
happy
in
the
Possession
of
their
Subjects
Hearts
,
that
some
were
of
opinion
that
it
was
better
by
this
means
to
be
King
of
the
French
than
of
France
.
And
indeed
this
Nation
had
formerly
such
a
Passion
for
their
Princes
,
that
some
Authors
praise
[
*
](A57253-e41150-b)
*
Ammian
Marcellin
Lib.
16
and
17.
them
,
for
being
always
ready
to
spill
their
Blood
,
and
to
spend
their
Estates
for
the
Service
and
Glory
of
the
State
.
[
*
](A57253-e41180-b)
*
That
Policy
was
grounded
upon
the
saying
of
a
great
Prince
,
who
tho'
depriv'd
of
the
Light
which
consists
in
Faith
,
nevertheless
was
so
clear
sighted
by
Reason
,
that
he
thought
he
could
never
want
Money
in
his
necessities
,
since
he
was
belov'd
by
his
People
,
who
had
enough
for
him
.
Cyrus
and
Xenophon
,
Book
the
5th
of
his
Institution
.
Under
the
Kings
of
the
first
,
second
,
and
third
Race
,
until
Philip
le
Bell
,
the
Treasure
of
Hearts
was
the
only
publick
Wealth
that
was
preserv'd
in
this
Kingdom
.
I
am
sensible
that
former
times
have
no
relation
nor
proportion
to
the
present
;
that
what
was
good
in
one
Age
,
is
often
not
permitted
in
another
.
But
tho'
it
is
certain
that
the
Treasure
of
Hearts
cannot
suffice
at
present
,
it
is
also
very
certain
that
the
Treasure
of
Gold
and
Silver
is
almost
useless
without
the
first
:
both
are
necessary
,
and
whoever
shall
want
either
of
them
,
will
be
necessitous
in
Wealth
.