REMARKS
Upon
the
most
Eminent
of
our
Antimonarchical
Authors
AND
THEIR
WRITINGS
.
VIZ.
1.
The
brief
History
of
Succession
.
2.
Plato
Redevivus
.
3.
Mr.
Hunt's
Postscript
.
4.
Mr.
Johnson's
Julian
.
5.
Mr.
Sidney's
Papers
.
6.
Vpon
the
Consequences
of
them
,
Conspiracies
and
Rebellions
.
Publish'd
long
since
;
and
what
may
serve
for
Answer
to
Mr.
Sidney's
late
publication
of
Government
,
&c.
Sold
by
the
Booksellers
of
London
and
Westminster
.
1699.
The
Contents
.
-
INtroductory
Remarks
.
Page
1
-
CHAP.
I.
Historical
Remarks
on
the
brief
History
of
Succession
.
20
-
CHAP.
II.
Remarks
upon
their
Plato
Redevivus
.
145
-
CHAP.
III.
Remarks
upon
Mr.
Hunt's
Postscript
.
350
-
CHAP.
IV.
Remarks
upon
Mr.
Johnson's
Julian
.
445
-
CHAP.
V.
Remarks
upon
Mr.
Sidney's
Papers
.
449
-
CHAP.
VI.
Remarks
upon
their
Plots
and
Conspiracles
.
672
Introductory
Remarks
.
FEW
Persons
amongst
the
mighty
numbers
that
have
writ
,
shall
condemn
more
the
Vanity
of
Writing
;
tho'
I
hope
as
few
have
used
it
less
in
Vain
:
The
first
Design
of
my
putting
Pen
to
Paper
,
was
only
to
correct
the
Licentiousness
of
Paper
and
Pen
,
and
to
supply
with
a
timely
animadversion
,
the
Expiration
of
a
temporary
Act
;
't
was
Time
sure
,
't
was
high
Time
for
every
Loyal
Heart
to
use
his
Ink
,
when
they
had
almost
scribled
us
all
into
Blood
;
and
to
weeld
his
Pen
in
the
defence
of
the
Government
,
when
the
Knife
was
at
our
Throats
,
and
their
Swords
drawn
:
I
know
the
weakness
of
the
dint
of
Argument
against
the
power
of
Steel
:
And
the
Impertinence
of
persuasion
where
the
Law
can
Compel
;
but
since
the
Pen
has
the
power
of
provoking
a
Rebellion
,
and
that
experienced
,
't
is
as
warrantable
an
experiment
to
turn
its
Point
;
and
make
the
same
Wand
to
lay
the
Devil
that
it
raises
;
and
since
the
Laws
were
almost
silenced
only
with
their
threatning
Arms
:
'T
was
time
to
animate
the
dead
Letter
:
To
make
it
know
its
force
and
exert
its
power
;
and
to
strengthen
a
Government
:
That
seem'd
but
too
weak
for
its
self
,
and
unhappily
distrusted
its
own
security
;
And
that
to
this
purpose
the
power
of
the
Pen
has
not
been
ineffectual
,
will
appear
from
these
subsequent
Observations
;
Which
the
comfortable
success
will
better
justify
,
than
their
prosperous
Rebellion
could
have
been
made
again
Just
;
and
which
I
'le
assure
you
now
't
is
some
Comfort
to
observe
:
Especially
to
those
that
were
so
bold
as
to
be
concerned
,
that
dared
to
stem
the
torrent
of
Schism
and
Sedition
,
when
't
was
but
a
dangerous
Duty
;
and
embarqu'd
with
the
Government
,
in
a
storm
;
when
the
Waves
rose
and
raged
horribly
,
and
the
gathering
of
the
People
,
was
like
the
noise
of
many
Waters
.
It
is
observable
that
upon
the
first
dissolution
of
the
Westminster
Parliament
,
that
which
might
be
as
well
called
the
healing
one
;
whose
sober
debates
had
superseded
the
sullen
unadvisedness
of
the
subsequent
:
closed
the
wounds
of
an
Intestine
War
,
cemented
the
Government
of
Church
and
State
;
Compact
,
and
firm
;
for
about
twenty
years
;
beyond
what
the
force
of
Rebellion
could
devide
;
or
Plot
and
Treachery
undermine
;
That
Parliament
which
they
Libelled
,
Publisht
for
Pensionary
;
only
because
it
would
not
take
pay
of
the
People
,
where
perhaps
,
they
would
have
been
truly
paid
.
That
Parliament
which
with
regret
they
call
the
long
:
And
all
honest
Hearts
resent
as
too
short
;
whose
unhappy
dissolution
rivall'd
almost
the
fatality
of
the
late
perpetual
sitting
;
whose
Prudent
Progress
gave
some
probability
of
sounding
a
Plot
:
which
others
inconsiderate
rashness
hath
left
without
a
bottom
;
if
not
beyond
belief
or
Foundation
,
by
proceedings
unwarantable
and
bold
.
'T
is
observable
,
I
say
,
that
then
the
Serpent
of
Sedition
,
that
like
the
Primitive
one
was
curst
in
the
Restoration
,
forc't
to
creep
on
its
Belly
,
and
crawle
upon
the
Dust
,
began
first
to
raise
its
Venom'd
head
;
and
with
audacious
Libels
,
spit
its
Poyson
in
the
very
face
of
Majesty
:
We
know
we
had
Plots
before
,
and
that
Oats
his
too
;
not
as
a
Discoverer
,
but
as
prime
Rebel
,
and
Conspirator
;
not
as
an
informer
of
Popish
ones
but
a
Ring-leader
of
a
Republican
:
we
know
we
had
then
too
our
Tongues
that
were
hanged
for
Treason
;
as
well
as
those
that
could
since
get
Traytors
Hang'd
:
yet
still
midst
all
those
unsuccessful
attempts
to
Rebel
,
Sedition
never
grew
fo
much
and
succeeded
,
that
blessed
Interval
of
near
twenty
years
quiet
,
tho
oft
endeavoured
to
be
interrupted
,
never
afforded
so
much
Treason
from
the
Press
,
as
for
the
last
five
years
has
been
Publisht
in
their
Prints
;
Libels
lookt
as
if
they
had
been
Licensed
for
a
Lustrum
;
and
as
if
the
temporary
Printing
Act
had
expired
seasonably
,
't
was
never
resolved
amongst
all
their
Orders
to
be
revived
;
't
was
opposed
even
when
moved
,
unanimously
,
that
Treason
too
might
be
Publisht
with
a
Nemine
contradicente
;
't
was
presumed
,
I
suppose
,
the
better
Pen-men
were
their
own
;
and
I
grant
them
the
more
pestilent
;
that
could
spread
their
Contagion
as
fast
as
the
Plague
,
and
to
the
Monarchy
as
mortal
;
for
almost
five
years
the
Distemper
was
Epidemick
;
and
the
State
Empericks
had
poysoned
the
body
Politick
almost
beyond
the
Antidote
of
true
Medicine
and
Art
,
it
Sympathis'd
with
Pestilence
in
the
Natural
,
almost
incurable
;
reigned
most
populously
in
Towns
and
Cities
;
and
turned
every
Corporation
into
a
politick
Pest-House
:
Appeals
,
vox
Patriae
,
Liberties
of
England
;
Fundamental
Rights
,
were
exposed
in
Capital
Letters
upon
every
Stall
;
and
that
dedicated
to
Representatives
;
and
some
Penn'd
by
them
too
;
for
the
Information
of
the
People
;
or
in
a
less
prepostorous
Phrase
for
their
Confusion
;
Sedition
seemed
to
be
countenanced
with
suffrages
,
and
seconded
,
as
they
thought
,
with
the
supream
power
of
the
Nation
.
They
expected
Treason
should
have
been
enacted
for
Law
;
and
Laws
repealed
that
had
declared
High
Treason
.
'T
is
almost
preposterous
and
incredible
,
tho'
unhappily
too
true
,
that
more
Sedition
was
fomented
from
the
discovery
of
this
Popish
Plot
,
than
all
the
Jesuits
in
Hell
could
have
raised
,
while
yet
undiscovered
,
we
forged
out
one
anothers
ruin
from
the
very
deliverance
;
and
to
fall
with
harder
fate
the
less
to
be
lamented
;
by
our
selvs
,
and
just
escapt
the
storm
we
strove
to
perish
more
miserably
in
the
Port.
Such
was
the
state
of
affairs
,
when
some
of
our
Loyal
Hearts
first
ventured
to
stem
the
Tide
,
the
fierce
influx
of
an
Impetuous
Rebellion
;
that
like
a
true
torrent
came
rolling
on
with
noise
and
clamor
;
and
threatned
ruin
from
afar
:
The
first
that
opposed
the
Great
Goliahs
of
their
Cause
,
that
defyed
too
even
the
Armies
of
the
living
God
;
and
the
strength
of
his
Anointed
;
was
he
who
from
his
Youth
had
serv'd
the
Crown
,
with
his
Pen
as
well
as
his
Sword
;
and
before
him
too
did
their
Dagon
fall
;
one
whom
they
had
designed
formerly
for
a
Victim
,
when
they
sacrificed
,
their
Prince
;
whom
Providence
reserved
for
their
Scourge
,
and
for
which
since
some
of
them
have
publickly
curst
its
dispensation
,
Libelled
him
in
their
Emblematical
Representations
,
(
in
which
,
I
consess
,
they
neither
spared
their
King
)
breaking
his
Halter
like
a
Dog
,
and
running
for
his
Life
and
Neck
;
and
that
by
the
very
same
hands
of
Villains
that
had
forfeited
their
own
to
the
Government
,
and
were
afterward
faster
noosed
.
How
Zealous
were
our
Popular
Patriots
against
the
least
animadversion
that
was
made
on
the
most
audacious
Libel
,
and
even
Judges
themselvs
arraigned
,
for
dering
to
execute
those
Laws
,
the
meanest
villain
,
could
daily
dare
to
violate
:
How
curious
to
enquire
for
the
least
accusation
against
the
worthy
Person
above
described
,
and
only
because
he
dared
to
do
his
duty
;
when
〈◊〉
dangerous
to
do
so
:
It
was
a
pretty
sort
of
expedient
,
tho
the
most
absurd
Politicks
,
for
the
countenancing
of
the
Popish-Plot
,
to
bring
every
one
concerned
in
it
,
that
would
not
swallow
the
whole
Mass
of
it
raw
,
crude
and
undigested
;
and
that
before
they
had
cook'd
it
up
with
Nartative
too
;
while
their
Protestant
rashness
at
the
same
time
precipitated
them
but
into
a
Romish
Doctrin
,
of
Resignation
to
their
Senate
instead
of
a
Church
,
and
believing
their
house
of
Commons
with
a
Faith
implicite
;
yet
this
was
all
done
too
,
and
this
Gentleman
whose
Writings
only
declared
him
a
little
〈◊〉
in
matters
of
belief
;
(
when
even
by
the
most
〈◊〉
in
all
Ages
,
it
has
been
allowed
to
doubt
;
and
by
the
Great
Des
Cartes
the
wisest
Philosopher
as
a
step
to
the
knowledg
of
the
Truth
.
)
Him
't
was
expedient
to
Metamorphose
,
with
the
power
of
an
Oath
;
which
was
then
Omnipotent
,
from
an
avowd
Protestant
,
into
a
profest
Papist
:
I
use
that
poetical
Expression
,
because
they
might
as
well
have
sworn
him
through
all
the
transformations
of
Ovid
,
into
Bull
,
Bear
;
or
Dragon
,
born
a
prosest
Son
of
the
Church
,
conformed
through
all
his
Life
,
to
all
its
Ceremonies
;
a
Champion
for
her
with
his
Pen
,
and
with
it
a
publisht
Enemy
to
Rome
,
even
in
his
own
Works
;
having
about
him
Eyes
,
Nose
,
Ears
:
And
from
Head
to
Foot
all
the
true
shapes
of
a
Protestant
Humane
Creature
;
but
the
Spell
of
Affidavit
beyond
that
of
Circe
,
turned
Him
all
into
the
Beast
of
Babylon
;
all
his
Hair
vanisht
into
a
shaven
Crown
;
The
Whore
came
riding
on
his
very
back
,
and
the
fleecy
Cowl
of
Priests
came
tumbling
o're
his
Shoulders
;
and
the
Common-Prayer
he
held
in
his
Hand
,
ran
all
into
red
Letters
,
and
the
Mass-book
:
His
being
a
Papist
,
and
a
Priest
,
was
as
much
credited
as
the
Plot
it self
;
and
might
have
had
the
Resolution
of
the
House
of
Commons
to
the
point
of
his
Religion
as
well
as
the
truth
of
the
Conspiracy
;
not
a
Member
but
was
well
satisfyed
of
his
Apostacy
,
and
could
Menace
him
in
Publick
with
a
Topham
or
a
Tyburn
.
And
he
the
first
Instance
,
that
under
a
Government
yet
establisht
,
a
Religion
then
Laboured
for
with
Zeal
,
who
for
Writing
in
the
defence
of
both
,
was
fore't
to
fly
for
his
security
and
Preservation
,
tho
as
publickly
cleared
from
the
perjur'd
Accusation
,
before
his
King
,
before
his
Council
,
as
good
Judges
at
least
as
the
Credulous
Commons
;
these
careful
Patriots
being
often
abused
by
their
Country-men
,
for
whom
they
were
so
Zealous
;
Oaths
,
Assidavits
,
and
that
Cloud
of
Witnesses
,
had
almost
obscured
the
light
of
Reason
and
Vnderstanding
.
Another
Worthy
Person
,
tho'
unknown
,
that
at
the
same
time
blest
our
Land
with
the
Benefit
of
his
Pen
,
while
with
the
bounteous
river
he
hid
his
head
;
whose
Ingenious
Dialogues
only
Corrected
their
sawey
Libels
;
with
a
smile
and
with
a
pleasant
reproof
of
their
Falshoods
made
them
feel
the
smartness
of
his
Truth
:
Him
they
Libelled
too
for
Popish
,
Mercenary
,
Pensioner
to
the
Party
:
So
Zealous
were
they
for
the
subverting
of
the
Government
,
that
they
could
damn
all
that
did
but
dare
to
assert
it
;
Break
the
very
Laws
of
society
in
their
Censures
;
and
what
they
could
not
prove
with
their
Affidavits
condemn
upon
Presumption
.
With
what
sawcy
;
Petulant
Animadversions
did
they
treat
the
Dean
of
Paul's
Sermon
of
Separation
;
A
piece
penn'd
with
that
Judgment
and
Moderation
,
that
it
was
only
envyed
for
being
so
;
commended
and
applauded
by
the
Pen
,
even
of
one
of
their
most
virulent
Scriblers
,
that
had
engaged
Himself
for
the
vilifying
of
the
Church
,
in
which
he
was
Christned
;
and
fighting
against
the
Banner
of
his
Christ
,
for
which
he
had
vowed
himself
a
Souldier
;
*
And
All
that
I
can
arrogate
to
my self
,
is
but
what
I
shall
always
be
proud
of
,
of
having
done
my
Duty
,
and
that
to
my
Soveraing
,
as
well
as
his
Subjects
,
in
a
seasonable
Animadversion
on
as
damnable
a
piece
of
Treason
,
as
ever
was
brooded
by
the
most
perjur'd
heads
that
ever
;
hatcht
a
Rebellion
:
That
specious
pretext
of
an
Association
,
That
Covenant
to
Rebel
against
the
Life
and
Honor
of
their
Prince
,
with
Scripture
warranty
;
and
in
the
fear
of
God
;
tho'
the
very
Text
tells
them
,
touch
not
mine
Anointed
;
And
next
to
fearing
their
God
,
follows
honouring
their
King
.
I
cannot
say
I
was
Instrumental
in
the
following
Abhorrences
;
but
hope
the
God
of
Heaven
,
blest
my
poor
endeavours
so
far
as
to
encourage
but
an
Abomination
of
the
draught
of
Hell
,
which
I
hope
too
,
I
there
represented
as
black
as
the
Devil
that
contriv'd
it
,
or
to
give
it
its
true
Colour
,
almost
in
its
own
blackness
;
my
foreboding
thought
shewed
me
in
it
like
a
Glass
,
all
the
Villanies
and
Treasons
that
have
since
succeeded
,
tho'
not
prospered
;
The
very
Scheam
and
Embryo
of
this
teeming
Plot
;
The
very
Metaphor
of
the
Trojan
horse
that
carryed
Fire
and
Sword
in
its
Belly
,
brought
within
the
Walls
of
our
House
of
Commons
,
as
they
themselvs
assure
us
;
I
am
sure
as
unhappily
Postscript
Reflexion
.
As
to
my
being
Mercenary
,
whoever
condemn
me
for
that
,
are
as
Ignorant
in
their
Censures
,
as
unreasonable
;
for
I
did
for
the
Prevention
even
of
that
very
Callumny
decline
the
taking
of
a
single
Penny
;
the
least
sort
of
gratuity
,
for
any
Copy
,
or
single
Letter
;
that
in
the
plain
,
Litteral
Sense
,
I
might
be
said
to
serve
the
Government
for
nought
;
I
thank
my
God
that
has
allowed
me
that
Competency
,
that
I
can
write
with
pure
Affection
,
and
not
for
Bread
,
with
the
sense
of
my
Soul
;
not
of
my
Belly
:
Tho'
it
has
appeared
on
Evidence
,
that
the
great
Patron
of
their
Cause
kept
open
entertainment
for
the
pampering
Sedition
;
and
feeding
the
flames
of
Rebellion
with
the
very
sops
of
his
Table
;
discommending
little
favouring
Rebellion
.
And
as
for
the
Presumption
of
my
being
set
a
work
,
of
which
they
have
accused
me
too
in
their
Prints
,
that
's
more
false
than
it
is
truly
malicious
;
the
villains
thought
none
bold
enough
of
himself
to
defend
the
Government
,
when
they
could
with
so
much
Impudence
invade
it
,
I
was
so
far
from
being
instigated
by
Persuasion
,
that
even
my
own
acquaintance
,
my
most
familiar
Friends
,
were
unconsulted
;
and
my
Person
at
this
very
time
unknown
to
any
single
Person
of
that
Court
Party
they
would
have
me
to
serve
,
I
urgd
this
to
let
them
know
the
falseness
of
their
sordid
Suggestions
,
and
the
real
truths
of
their
most
malicious
falsehoods
,
and
moreover
and
above
,
all
,
the
goodness
and
equity
of
that
Cause
,
I
shall
ever
defend
,
and
that
more
willingly
with
all
my
dearest
blood
,
than
one
drop
of
Ink
;
that
Persons
resusing
profit
or
,
emolument
,
without
application
for
interest
or
preferment
,
discourag'd
,
disgusted
,
and
hardly
dealt
with
,
even
by
some
of
those
seats
of
Literature
,
where
they
say
the
Doctrine
is
nothing
but
absolute
Dominion
;
and
the
best
of
teaching
Tyrany
,
tho
indeed
,
nothing
but
the
solid
Seminaries
of
true
learning
and
Loyalty
.
But
to
satisfy
such
;
themselvs
,
and
their
Treasons
,
set
me
a
work
,
both
black
anough
to
have
exasperated
the
dullest
Soul
;
And
even
a
Dumb
Son
would
break
into
Speech
,
to
see
the
Father
of
his
Countrey
ready
to
be
slain
.
But
besides
one
whose
age
will
scarce
permit
him
to
be
prejudiced
with
much
reading
,
or
Authority
,
having
had
but
little
time
to
Consult
much
;
so
that
whatever
my
sentiments
are
,
they
must
proceed
from
the
agreeableness
of
so
good
a
Government
,
to
pure
,
natural
;
and
unprejudiced
;
Reason
;
to
the
Principles
and
Instinct
of
uncorrupted
Nature
it self
,
and
the
very
well
Being
of
an
Humane
and
Civil
Society
.
But
for
this
Gentleman
,
or
rather
that
spattering
Scavenger
,
who
for
Expressions
of
an
unfeighned
and
hearty
Loyalty
,
only
for
a
specimen
of
his
profession
,
would
return
to
his
throwing
of
Dirt
;
and
stampt
my
Character
,
as
they
did
then
themselvs
and
their
Treasons
in
Print
,
I
shall
scarce
retort
his
calumnies
for
fear
of
wearing
the
badg
of
his
Office
in
a
filthy
stile
and
foul
Fingers
;
't
is
enough
to
repeat
them
;
and
his
own
stroaks
will
return
best
in
the
rebound
.
I
were
more
Zealous
than
Wise
to
turmoyl
in
a
thing
never
owned
by
any
Person
,
and
calls
it
a
hard
shift
to
beg
a
Question
.
As
for
my
Zeal
I
will
even
acknowledg
to
Him
,
for
my
Wisdom
shall
submit
to
better
Judges
;
but
if
the
Sot
had
not
been
so
silly
,
as
to
be
beyond
the
sence
of
Impudence
;
his
Countenance
of
hardened
Brass
,
could
never
have
called
that
begg'd
which
was
sworn
upon
the
Bible
,
and
openly
produc'd
;
and
that
not
by
Beggars
,
rak't
out
of
their
own
Dunghils
,
their
dirty
Bogs
of
Irish
Affidavit
,
fitter
to
be
carried
out
with
our
night
Weddings
,
than
woed
as
they
were
to
come
over
for
the
drudgery
,
for
sending
a
poor
Priest
,
and
a
Plunket
to
our
Tyburn
;
But
when
at
last
they
were
like
to
stick
in
their
own
Mudd
,
then
their
own
Mercenaries
,
with
an
Ingenious
Malice
were
fob'd
off
for
our
Hirelings
,
tho
they
knew
they
were
shipt
over
by
their
Patron
,
the
Noble
Peer
,
wretches
that
were
tied
up
afterward
to
their
own
Gallows
in
Ireland
;
I
am
not
tender
of
the
poor
Priests
Person
,
tho
his
case
was
hard
;
the
Kindness
I
have
for
my
Protestant
Religion
may
make
me
less
compassionate
for
Men
of
different
persuasions
;
but
the
profession
of
any
Law
,
will
make
a
man
concerned
for
Common
equity
,
that
a
criminal
cleared
by
his
own
Natives
,
the
best
Judges
of
Circumstantial
Truths
,
and
Humane
Probability
,
should
be
found
guilty
by
Forreigners
,
exposed
to
the
delusions
of
a
Probable
Lye
:
But
if
the
wretch
has
the
Considence
,
to
survive
his
Conviction
;
can
he
call
it
now
Begg'd
,
when
the
Gentleman
at
whose
door
't
was
laid
,
there
powerful
Patriot
,
their
deifyed
darling
,
has
appeared
since
the
very
Devil
of
Rebellion
,
double
dyed
in
Treasons
,
designed
Murders
of
the
Royal
Line
,
and
intended
Massacre
of
the
best
of
People
;
and
that
beyond
the
Contradiction
of
Impudence
it self
;
Having
transcribed
all
that
Rebellious
Scheam
into
the
graphical
Plan
of
his
Conspiracy
;
raised
upon
its
Foundations
,
an
Insurrection
as
sure
as
Plot
and
Treachery
could
contrive
;
the
train
laid
,
the
match
ready
,
and
only
because
his
Fauxes
were
not
so
forward
to
give
Fire
,
burns
with
indignation
at
the
dulness
of
his
own
miscreants
,
that
unlike
the
true
Machival
Assassin
,
did
not
dare
to
dispatch
quickly
,
but
tamely
sufferd
villanies
to
miscarry
for
want
of
Courage
,
and
his
being
failed
,
Conscious
of
his
undiscovered
guilt
,
and
bigg
with
acted
Treason
,
seeks
for
safety
where
't
was
only
left
,
in
flight
,
flies
to
a
forreign
,
what
he
designed
to
set
up
at
home
,
A
Rebellious
Republick
;
seals
his
hatred
to
the
Government
there
with
his
latest
breath
,
and
his
last
Will
;
and
leaves
for
a
Legacy
the
success
of
his
Conspiracy
;
that
's
Blood
,
and
Slavery
,
to
his
kind
Countrymen
for
creating
him
a
Patriot
.
Vid.
Truly
the
Gentleman
is
very
I
thank
him
kindly
for
his
Bit
and
Knock
,
which
had
their
Villanies
succeeded
the
one
would
scarce
have
been
a
Morsel
of
Bread
,
the
other
a
good
thump
with
a
Stone
,
or
their
sanctifyed
Flayle
;
but
there
was
none
found
guilty
of
framing
it
;
nor
indeed
like
to
be
,
when
the
Jury
themselves
were
associated
against
the
Government
,
and
transcribed
the
very
Crime
of
their
Criminal
into
practice
;
That
Jury
who
by
an
early
Anticipation
of
his
Guilt
,
might
perhaps
have
saved
the
blood
of
some
,
their
own
Darlings
,
before
it
had
been
so
deeply
tainted
with
the
Venom
of
that
old
Serpent
;
whom
now
his
fallen
Angels
Curst
too
for
Concomitancy
:
and
in
their
dying
words
,
as
the
Author
of
their
Ruin
,
That
Jury
that
might
have
prevented
the
danger
of
the
Kings
Life
,
only
by
exposing
that
of
a
Traytors
,
and
of
whose
Royal
Blood
they
must
have
been
guilty
by
Consequence
,
had
the
villany
not
been
blasted
by
Providence
,
and
are
now
only
Innocent
by
a
miracle
,
and
without
Repentance
still
guilty
.
And
I
have
that
Charity
to
believe
that
the
subsequent
discoveries
,
have
given
some
of
them
a
sight
and
sence
too
,
of
their
error
;
that
they
were
only
blinded
with
an
Ignoramus
,
because
in
the
Dark
;
and
that
they
are
satisfyed
the
God
of
Heaven
has
brought
now
the
Contrivance
of
Hell
to
Light
:
And
yet
for
a
little
Animadversion
on
these
,
amongst
whom
some
I
hope
are
ready
to
condemn
themselves
,
the
Reflecter
represents
me
as
furious
,
ignorant
,
uncharitable
;
but
with
what
face
can
he
urge
that
none
abetted
the
Paper
,
unless
with
such
an
one
as
his
own
Conscience
must
fly
in
,
who
himself
abetts
it
as
far
(
as
the
popular
Pedant
is
pleased
to
call
it
)
the
Peccant
part
,
that
is
,
the
cunning
Knave
would
adhere
to
Treason
,
as
far
he
could
without
Hanging
;
But
was
not
the
Paper
abetted
at
the
very
Bar
,
and
that
by
Bernadiston
;
that
shamm'd
off
that
Treason
on
the
Parliament
,
as
he
would
have
done
since
the
Plot
it self
on
the
Abhorrers
:
And
for
which
we
have
Reason
to
thank
him
,
and
not
his
House
of
Commons
,
It
could
not
have
been
believed
that
such
a
thing
could
have
been
offerea
in
such
an
Houorable
Assembly
,
had
it
not
been
kindly
insinuated
by
their
Civil
Interrogatories
;
but
then
the
Gentleman
would
have
us
believe
for
the
sake
of
his
Innocent
Jury
.
They
never
heard
of
or
saw
the
thing
,
till
Printed
by
the
Loyal
Stationers
with
the
Covenant
,
Jigg
by
Joul
,
(
as
his
clumsy
Phrases
have
it
)
but
did
ever
a
more
malicious
Proceedings
at
the
Old-Bayly
.
p.
14
,
15.
Ass
forge
such
falsehood
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
against
Evidence
as
clear
as
the
Lamp
of
Heaven
it self
:
When
the
same
to
a
syllable
was
all
read
to
them
in
open
Court
,
the
same
that
himself
insists
to
be
Printed
in
Collums
with
the
Covenant
?
I
have
but
one
thing
more
to
observe
upon
him
;
(
if
any
thing
he
has
said
can
be
worth
Observation
)
not
so
much
in
my
own
defence
,
as
of
that
which
I
shall
ever
be
ready
to
defend
with
my
last
Breath
,
and
my
latest
Blood
;
The
Church
whose
Ministerial
,
and
sacred
Officers
,
I
am
sorry
should
suffer
through
the
Ignorance
of
such
a
Sot
,
and
for
the
sake
of
one
so
little
related
to
their
Function
,
and
so
much
their
Friend
,
whom
the
Wretch
Libels
thus
:
Why
he
should
Hyperbolize
in
such
an
hot
headed
Stile
,
&c.
no
Reason
can
be
given
,
unless
it
were
some
young
Crape-Gown
Levite
,
that
had
a
mind
to
be
dabling
in
Gall
,
and
Ink
;
of
those
there
are
two
,
for
among
that
sort
of
People
there
are
many
for
want
of
Education
,
very
malapart
to
others
,
and
for
want
of
what
in
them
should
be
most
Conspicuous
,
good
Example
,
and
out
of
a
Cruel
and
Bonner-like
Disposition
,
most
Remarkably
,
uncharitable
:
And
then
in
the
next
Paragraph
,
calls
it
Pulpit-Rhetorick
,
and
Crape-Gown
Extasie
.
The
Warmness
of
the
Stile
,
which
he
the
more
furious
Fool
is
pleased
to
call
hot
,
certainly
was
warrantable
.
When
their
Zeal
was
burning
,
the
Fire
kindled
;
and
they
had
already
put
the
Nation
in
a
Flame
:
When
they
were
ready
to
turn
our
flourishing
Sion
again
into
a
perfect
Babylon
,
a
Land
of
Confusion
and
Captivity
;
When
in
the
very
Literal
Words
they
cryed
down
with
her
even
to
the
Ground
;
Would
they
have
us
verify
the
Desolation
of
it
too
,
by
hanging
our
Harps
upon
the
Willows
,
having
only
recourse
to
sadness
for
our
assistance
,
and
only
quench
their
aspiring
Flames
in
our
humble
Tears
?
They
can't
have
recourse
to
Moderation
,
and
pray'r
;
to
avert
those
Foolish
Fears
of
an
easie
Government
;
but
Burlesque
the
very
Bible
,
traduce
the
Doctrines
of
all
Primitive
Christianity
,
for
to
warrant
an
immoderate
Rebellion
;
and
can
such
unreasonable
Souls
tax
us
for
want
of
Moderation
in
the
Defence
of
an
Establisht
Government
,
that
most
immoderately
blaspheme
God
and
their
King
for
the
undermining
it
?
The
fixing
of
his
pitiful
and
pedantick
Terms
on
the
Venerable
Gown
explains
sufficiently
the
Veneration
he
has
for
the
Church
,
the
dulness
of
his
Sense
and
Stile
betrays
his
very
dissenting
from
it
,
and
his
Ignorance
the
best
Evidence
of
his
Nonconformity
;
't
is
the
best
Argument
of
his
absurdity
to
talk
of
their
want
of
being
well
Educated
,
who
have
such
Seminaries
,
so
well
endowed
,
for
a
learned
and
liberal
Education
.
Tho'
I
confess
,
they
want
your
Lobbs
,
Ferguson
and
Casteers
for
their
Tutors
,
and
are
not
trained
up
into
Treason
from
their
youth
,
and
pampered
into
Faction
with
their
Food
.
But
for
their
Disposition
to
Cruelty
,
so
far
from
Truth
,
that
it
is
only
an
elaborate
task
he
takes
to
give
himself
the
Lye
.
With
what
Mildness
and
Moderation
have
some
of
our
Divines
of
late
controverted
the
debates
,
enough
to
have
melted
He
Tygers
,
while
their
own
Party
had
no
more
Commiseration
than
those
Milk
;
Saw
like
so
many
sharp
sighted
Linces
,
the
Depredations
of
the
Wolf
,
the
worrying
of
the
Sheep
;
while
still
their
attempts
were
on
the
true
Guardians
of
the
Flock
:
His
Bonner-like
dispositions
affirms
now
in
plain
English
our
Church
to
be
Popish
,
and
is
but
the
Counterpart
of
Oats
his
Affidavit
,
that
there
's
not
a
Protestant
Bishop
in
the
Kingdom
.
But
if
he
will
have
true
Specimens
of
a
devout
Cruelty
,
and
bloody
Patterns
of
uncharitable
Divines
,
let
him
Consult
the
Dissenters
sayings
,
and
only
the
single
Instance
of
Baxter's
inhumanity
,
to
a
mangled
Carkass
,
when
he
helpt
to
Murder
the
Major
for
the
Medal
of
his
Majesty
,
and
wiped
his
Mouth
in
Blood
,
to
commit
Sacriledg
:
[
4
](A58510-e2490-b)
4
Vid.
vernon
in
the
Life
of
Dr.
Heylin
.
I
have
done
,
and
that
with
a
Fellow
,
as
full
of
folly
as
Faction
,
and
for
the
prefixing
to
his
Impertinence
,
the
Parliament
Speeches
,
he
shall
hardly
receive
the
thanks
of
the
House
;
when
in
some
of
them
,
I
shall
shew
he
has
publisht
Principles
of
a
Republick
,
open
Sedition
,
and
an
implyed
Plot.
THE
TRIUMPH
OF
OUR
MONARCHY
,
&c.
T
IS
not
so
long
since
the
poor
Nation
,
was
tortur'd
with
an
intestine
War
,
that
she
should
forget
her
torment
;
when
such
too
as
reduced
her
to
her
last
Convulsions
,
and
her
latest
gasp
.
When
also
the
Symptoms
of
a
Relapse
has
grip'd
her
ever
since
,
and
Sedition
grumbled
in
her
Bowels
:
Her
Body
Politick
so
far
sympathizing
with
the
Natural
,
that
it
will
find
another
such
a
fit
Mortal
;
't
is
but
Charity
to
a
languishing
State
,
to
give
the
truest
Judgment
of
her
Distemper
,
to
prevent
its
return
:
It
has
the
Proverbial
Authority
of
an
undoubted
Aphorism
,
That
the
knowledg
of
a
Disease
The
design
of
this
ensuing
Treatise
is
to
examine
all
those
sophisticated
drugs
of
false
Opinions
;
and
how
they
have
been
continually
rectifyed
and
amended
with
right
Reason
and
Truth
;
the
Treasonable
positions
of
Buchanan
,
Napthali
,
Dolman
and
Milton
,
those
Epidemick
and
most
damnable
Quacks
of
the
Kingdom
;
have
been
by
many
,
and
that
by
most
elaborate
pieces
consuted
beyond
answer
and
reply
,
unless
from
such
as
are
as
much
beyond
Conviction
:
The
Latter
of
which
,
in
spight
of
all
his
smooth
Tropology
,
the
gaudy
grinding
of
his
words
,
had
his
damnable
Doctrines
for
Domestick
Rebellion
,
as
Ingenuously
refuted
by
a
forreign
Pen
;
and
what
ever
Kindness
his
Countrey
can
have
for
the
Dust
of
her
Native
Milton
,
I
am
sure
,
't
is
more
obliged
to
also
History
of
English
and
Scotch
Presbytery
by
a
French
Divine
.
the
Ashes
of
an
Alien
;
and
tho
some
are
so
much
for
building
him
his
Monument
,
I
shall
still
much
more
reverence
the
Memory
of
Salmasius
.
'T
is
a
little
Prodigious
that
Persons
not
so
much
as
allyed
to
the
Clime
,
should
have
such
Kindness
for
a
Government
,
to
which
they
are
no
way
subjected
:
while
those
that
are
born
to
obey
it
,
and
have
pawned
their
souls
for
But
these
forementioned
Miscreants
have
been
lately
too
as
learnedly
refuted
by
the
Judicious
Pen
of
his
Majesties
advocate
in
Scotland
;
those
that
will
chiefly
fall
under
the
Animadversion
of
mine
,
shall
be
such
as
within
this
five
years
,
too
long
a
Lustrum
for
allow'd
Treason
,
have
retrived
those
Doctrines
for
Truth
in
so
little
time
,
and
with
Impunity
,
that
will
remain
false
to
all
Eternity
,
and
have
been
Condemned
by
all
ages
.
I
shall
take
them
in
their
Order
as
they
have
Printed
,
Publisht
and
Practised
Treason
:
They
shall
take
their
turn
with
me
as
they
ought
,
at
Tyburn
,
when
by
Justice
overtaken
,
where
they
ought
to
have
the
aim
of
their
Ambition
in
their
end
;
where
every
ones
more
forward
Rebellion
,
should
have
given
him
his
more
timely
preferment
,
and
by
his
vilany
be
entitled
to
precedency
.
Tho'
the
Title
insinuates
,
their
Plots
should
be
first
treated
on
,
and
the
Rebels
come
first
upon
the
Stage
,
that
serves
rather
for
the
runnings
of
the
words
than
the
Reason
of
the
Work
,
and
though
the
Stile
of
the
first
Page
may
seem
to
promise
the
rest
shall
be
proposterous
,
I
shall
take
Care
the
method
shall
be
more
Natural
,
and
〈◊〉
we
shall
begin
with
the
Principles
of
our
late
Republicans
as
the
productions
of
the
Plots
of
Rebells
,
the
result
of
which
has
been
verifyed
beyond
the
Reason
of
Philosophy
,
and
the
Effects
of
necessary
Agents
do
not
more
naturally
follow
the
Cause
;
and
will
all
along
Demonstrate
,
as
clear
as
Euclid
,
how
the
one
has
been
always
baffled
by
Reason
,
the
other
continually
blasted
by
Providence
.
The
number
of
all
our
most
Licentious
,
and
Libellous
Authors
,
who
can
pretend
to
merit
Animadversion
,
(
for
the
rest
are
innumerable
)
whose
Pestilent
Pens
do
most
provoke
it
,
whose
Papers
deserve
the
fate
of
the
Noble
Peers
,
and
their
Persons
at
least
the
Pillory
,
I
shall
reduce
to
five
,
the
Quinque-primi
,
as
the
Romans
reckoned
them
amongst
their
Senators
,
whose
more
virulent
Essays
shall
give
these
the
preeminence
too
,
amongst
our
Republicaus
,
who
have
been
absolute
Monarchs
of
their
Pens
for
the
last
Quinqennium
,
and
exercised
that
Tyranny
over
mens
minds
,
beyond
what
they
could
fear
even
from
the
worst
of
Government
over
their
Bodies
.
These
five
chosen
Gamesters
at
the
Pen
exercised
themselves
like
those
in
the
Olympicks
;
each
had
his
Portion
in
the
Quinquatria
,
and
his
prevaling
part
allotted
him
in
their
first
Feast
of
Faction
.
The
first
was
their
bold
Author
of
the
brief
History
of
Succession
;
and
the
first
,
I
dare
swear
,
that
under
a
Government
beyond
dispute
for
600
years
Hereditary
,
dared
to
controvert
the
Succession
of
its
Heir
;
and
truly
't
was
a
prudent
sort
of
Expedient
in
their
Politicks
,
to
raze
the
Foundations
of
Monarchy
,
before
they
would
offer
to
build
up
a
Republick
:
The
prime
Introducers
of
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
were
bound
in
prudence
to
get
Pens
to
justify
their
Proceedings
in
Parliament
;
which
otherwise
might
not
have
been
so
well
relisht
by
the
People
,
by
being
barely
Parliamentary
,
as
well
as
it
is
since
evident
,
they
set
a
work
some
of
their
Chaplains
to
eradicate
the
very
Notions
of
Passive
Obedience
,
till
Rebellion
took
so
deep
a
root
in
some
of
the
Patrons
,
that
it
anticipated
worse
sufferings
then
what
they
feared
,
and
from
the
vain
dread
of
dying
Smithfield
Martyrs
,
made
them
truly
suffer
for
Plot
,
for
Treason
,
in
Lincolns-Inn-Fields
.
The
second
prize
they
play'd
was
for
a
Common-wealth
;
which
was
naturally
the
next
blow
,
when
they
had
so
'
fairly
struck
at
the
Monarchy
:
and
then
rises
up
the
Ghost
of
old
Plato
,
an
Image
or
Appearance
as
much
unlike
the
Divines
,
as
the
Spectrum
of
old
Hector
was
like
himself
when
soiled
with
Dust
and
Dirt
;
the
living
original
was
the
sublimed
Essence
of
exalted
Love
it self
,
and
this
copy
of
this
degenerate
Ghost
,
the
dull
extract
of
deadly
malice
,
the
true
Devil
of
a
Republick
:
the
English
of
it
was
,
they
knew
they
had
formerly
usurpt
upon
our
Crown
,
and
brought
it
to
the
Common-wealth
of
England
.
They
had
made
it
an
Ilium
of
Fire
and
Confusion
,
tho'
to
their
dire
thoughts
a
pleasant
sort
of
an
Interregnum
,
they
still
take
that
Epoche
of
their
Slavery
for
the
date
of
their
Deliverance
;
and
then
it
was
no
way
preposterous
for
the
retrieving
of
a
sad
Platonick
year
,
to
raise
up
a
Plato
redivivus
.
Their
third
Combatant
of
their
Cause
,
and
who
in
his
own
rank
will
fall
under
my
reflexion
;
is
a
Creature
of
another
Complexion
,
and
that
Hunt
in
his
Postscript
,
upon
whom
I
shall
observe
all
,
what
is
pertinent
to
this
purpose
,
whose
cunning
Insinuations
have
all
the
palliated
Knavery
of
the
Ballad
,
of
the
Cloak
,
and
with
the
pretty
defence
of
its
Praelates
,
Libels
the
whole
Church
it self
,
and
this
very
peice
as
naturally
succeeded
the
preceding
;
for
when
the
state
was
to
be
turned
into
a
Protestant
Republick
,
't
was
time
to
make
the
Clergy
,
Papists
;
when
the
Common
Prayer
was
to
be
abolisht
,
't
was
time
to
vilify
those
that
were
ordained
to
read
it
;
when
the
sign
of
the
Cross
,
was
become
as
offenfive
as
a
Crucifix
,
't
was
time
to
traduce
those
that
waited
on
the
Altar
;
and
to
plead
slily
for
a
Directory
,
tho'
penned
in
blood
,
when
all
our
Litany
was
run
down
into
red-Letters
,
and
a
Mass-book
.
After
all
this
,
lest
the
Devil
of
delusion
should
have
been
unsuccessful
against
the
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
,
lest
some
might
still
honour
their
King
for
the
fear
of
God
,
and
Christians
be
obliged
by
the
blood
of
a
Crucifyed
Saviour
,
and
the
badg
of
their
Profession
the
Cross
;
a
devout
Incendiary
a
Divine
Rebel
Apostatizes
from
his
Faith
,
only
to
give
the
better
Character
of
an
Apostate
,
and
fairly
suffers
himselfto
renounce
his
Christianity
;
only
to
confute
the
Doctrine
of
sufferance
.
This
damnable
position
of
Resistance
,
did
most
naturally
follow
those
Principles
of
Rebellion
they
had
publisht
before
,
when
they
had
proved
that
their
Interest
did
most
infallibly
oblige
them
to
Rebel
,
and
that
they
had
certainly
the
Devil
on
their
side
;
they
knew
they
should
soon
be
secure
of
Peoples
Purses
,
when
they
had
mastered
their
Consciences
,
and
made
a
party
of
God
and
Religion
.
This
made
them
back
the
Lawyers
Arguments
,
with
that
of
the
Divine
;
out
comes
this
Johnson
upon
Hunt
,
or
Hunt
upon
Julian
,
sworn
Associates
for
the
perverting
of
Divinity
and
Law
,
both
designed
,
without
doubt
,
for
the
best
and
highest
Preferment
in
their
new
Government
of
Church
and
State
;
the
one
must
have
been
our
Metropolitan
,
the
other
after
so
many
disappointments
,
Chief
Justice
;
and
truly
two
such
Instruments
of
Hell
would
have
been
only
fit
to
preside
in
such
a
State
that
would
have
look't
like
the
damn'd
,
full
of
Confusion
,
full
of
Contention
,
full
only
of
Johnson's
primitive
Rebellion
;
the
Devils
,
They
only
past
for
two
pieces
,
tho
in
truth
,
but
one
new
Dialogue
,
between
the
Doctor
and
Student
;
both
agreed
in
their
Divinity
and
Law
,
superviz'd
each
others
Sedition
,
and
corrected
Treason
for
the
Press
;
lest
their
Quotations
for
Authentick
,
Religious
,
and
Statutable
Rebellion
,
should
fail
them
from
the
Bible
,
or
the
Year-books
;
The
Gospel
that
once
〈◊〉
the
Law
by
these
Jews
is
made
to
Confirm
it
,
and
the
new-Testament
to
warrant
that
Rebellion
,
which
the
Old
had
damned
for
worse
then
Witchcraft
,
both
these
Incendiaries
the
very
Counterparts
of
two
late
〈◊〉
,
that
lived
,
lov'd
,
were
Sentenced
,
and
hanged
together
.
The
Judg
has
condescended
to
second
Cook
the
Sollicitor
,
and
in
his
squinting
Reflections
almost
demanded
Judgment
on
his
King
.
The
spiritual
Advocate
makes
up
an
Hugh
Peters
the
second
,
and
tells
us
We
have
not
yet
resisted
unto
Blood
.
)
But
if
this
Gentleman
would
be
tryed
by
the
Word
of
God
,
as
his
Predecessor
,
in
his
Tryal
desired
to
be
,
he
would
find
the
Bible
the
best
Confutation
of
his
Book
.
The
fifth
and
last
of
these
prime
Senators
in
our
designed
Republick
was
the
mighty
Sidney
,
whose
seditious
Pen
was
the
last
too
that
would
have
acted
its
Tragick
part
on
this
Bloody
Stage
,
which
lay
ready
behind
the
Curtains
,
waiting
only
for
the
success
of
the
Plot
;
but
they
happened
to
be
drawn
,
and
he
forc't
to
enter
before
his
time
,
by
its
being
blasted
and
unsuccessful
;
his
final
Determinations
had
prepared
to
Crown
all
with
the
described
happiness
of
a
Republick
;
and
the
experienced
Holiness
of
a
Commonwealth
for
fear
lest
after
the
Butchering
of
the
best
of
Kings
,
they
should
improvidently
set
up
,
but
for
a
resemblance
of
〈◊〉
Sovereignty
,
tho
in
the
spurious
issue
of
a
〈◊〉
Monarchy
,
and
the
arbitrary
Management
of
an
Illigitimate
Prince
.
He
would
have
had
no
shadow
of
a
Monarch
to
succeed
our
Matchless
Charles
,
not
as
the
Athenians
suffered
that
:
Government
to
〈◊〉
with
their
Codrus
,
because
his
goodness
was
unimitable
:
He
had
prepared
the
draught
of
Hell
,
and
true
Roman
hatred
for
its
〈◊〉
,
and
made
a
Tarquin
,
a
Tyrant
,
and
a
meer
Monster
,
of
a
pure
Miracle
of
Mercy
:
The
whole
Scheam
of
his
Rebellious
Principles
,
which
he
still
denyed
with
his
last
Breath
,
and
still
owned
with
the
same
,
with
all
the
Impudence
of
Jesuits
,
and
their
Equivocations
too
;
he
would
not
own
it
absolutely
,
lest
he
should
acknowledg
the
Justice
of
the
Nation
;
he
would
not
deny
it
positively
,
because
the
Nation
should
know
he
could
answer
Filmer
:
The
whole
we
can't
animadvert
on
,
because
thought
perhaps
too
dangerous
to
be
publisht
;
but
what
was
taken
at
the
Bar
,
and
delivered
on
the
Scaffold
,
was
too
much
the
Truth
of
a
Republican
,
too
much
Treason
to
be
divulged
,
and
what
can
never
be
too
much
discountenanced
,
and
refuted
.
And
here
you
have
the
chain
of
a
parcel
of
rebellious
Libellers
linkt
in
an
orderly
Combination
,
for
the
shackling
of
us
into
Slavery
,
and
the
binding
our
Kings
and
Nobles
again
,
with
Fetters
and
Iron
:
I
shall
begin
with
the
first
factious
Fellow
in
the
Front
,
and
that
's
the
Historian
.
CHAP.
I.
Historical
Remarks
,
on
the
brief
History
of
Succession
.
I
Don't
Design
here
a
particular
answer
to
each
Paragraph
of
his
Historical
Discourse
;
which
probably
has
been
as
much
falsify'd
,
as
any
thing
the
contrary
of
which
could
be
verify'd
on
Record
,
and
perhaps
cramb'd
with
as
many
lyes
as
ever
could
be
Corrected
with
truth
;
it
would
be
And
truly
in
the
first
place
all
Historians
agree
that
our
English
History
was
uncertain
before
the
coming
of
the
Romans
,
and
without
doubt
we
had
reason
to
want
the
Tradition
of
it
;
when
needs
we
must
,
when
we
had
nothing
of
Learning
or
Knowledg
to
deliver
it
down
;
unless
we
would
imagin
the
silly
simple
Souls
could
have
left
ustheir
own
Skins
for
a
Chronicle
;
and
transmitted
the
painted
Constitution
of
their
Government
in
the
Colours
and
Hieroglyphicks
of
their
Bodys
.
But
since
that
Author
owns
,
and
that
from
the
good
Authority
he
quotes
,
that
the
Nature
of
it
was
uncertain
;
but
that
they
The
Druids
,
as
may
be
gathered
out
of
Caesars
Commentaries
,
had
in
those
Ignorant
days
all
the
Learning
,
and
the
Law
;
But
too
little
alass
to
let
us
know
whether
their
Princes
were
absolute
So
also
Caesar
,
Bell.
Gall.
Lib.
6.
Monarchs
or
limited
,
Hereditary
or
Elective
;
though
't
is
to
be
suspected
they
were
both
unconfined
in
their
power
as
well
as
succeeded
by
their
blood
,
those
poor
Embryo's
of
Knowledg
,
the
very
primitive
Priests
of
Barbarous
Heathens
;
that
in
their
highest
felicity
were
no
happier
than
the
first
asserters
of
the
Gospel
,
under
Misery
and
Persecution
;
their
reverend
Hermitages
,
but
the
Woods
,
the
Dens
,
and
Caves
of
the
Earth
,
were
far
sure
from
disputing
the
right
of
Sovereignty
,
when
only
capacitated
to
obey
;
far
from
transmitting
to
us
the
frame
of
their
Monarchy
,
unless
they
had
known
the
Egyptian
learning
of
writing
on
the
Barks
of
Trees
,
and
made
their
Libraries
of
the
Groves
in
which
they
dwelt
:
The
Princes
and
Monarchs
of
their
Times
were
wont
to
frequent
those
pious
places
for
Worship
and
Adoration
;
and
had
a
Veneration
too
without
doubt
,
for
those
reverend
Bards
that
sacrificed
;
but
were
far
I
believe
from
subjecting
their
Regal
Authority
to
that
Divinely
Pagan
,
tho'
then
the
sacred
Jurisdiction
;
tho'
't
is
reported
that
upon
Caesar's
invading
them
,
the
very
power
of
Life
,
and
Death
,
and
the
Punishment
for
all
manner
of
offences
;
was
in
their
sacred
Breast
,
and
such
as
would
not
stand
to
their
award
,
were
forbidden
their
Sacrifices
:
which
Interdiction
then
was
the
same
,
I
believe
,
in
effect
,
with
the
modern
power
of
our
Church
to
Excommunicate
;
but
besides
another
reason
,
and
the
best
too
,
why
we
have
nothing
delivered
from
those
sacred
Oracles
of
Religion
and
Law
;
why
the
History
of
those
times
is
still
uncertain
,
and
was
never
transmitted
,
is
because
they
were
expressly
forbidden
to
transfer
any
thing
to
Posterity
,
or
to
commit
it
to
Books
and
Letters
,
tho
somewhat
of
that
sort
of
Communicating
,
must
be
supposed
by
that
Inhibition
to
have
been
Imparted
to
them
from
the
Egyptians
,
Greeks
,
Romans
,
those
Eastern
Climes
through
which
Learning
and
Letters
had
their
first
Progress
.
But
whether
their
Ignorance
,
or
such
a
prohibition
were
the
Causes
why
nothing
descends
to
us
of
the
Government
of
our
old
Britains
,
't
is
granted
by
all
,
and
by
this
Author
himself
,
that
it
was
Monarchical
,
that
Kings
Reigned
here
ab
origine
,
if
not
Jure
divino
;
Though
I
look
on
their
Antiquity
no
small
Argument
of
their
Divine
Right
,
and
for
the
probability
of
their
Haereditary
Succession
,
which
I
insinuated
above
,
can
,
I
confess
,
since
we
are
so
much
in
the
dark
,
be
only
guessed
by
the
light
of
Reason
,
and
that
I
shall
make
to
warrant
the
Conclusion
,
from
the
present
Practise
and
Constitution
of
all
barbarous
Nations
,
where
the
next
of
blood
still
mounts
the
Throne
,
unless
interrupted
by
Rebellion
,
and
that
's
but
the
best
Argument
of
our
Author
for
the
Power
of
his
Parliaments
;
and
if
only
for
this
certain
Reason
,
we
have
more
Authority
to
conclude
it
was
then
Haereditary
,
then
he
only
from
the
uncertainty
of
the
Story
,
has
to
conclude
it
otherwise
.
In
the
next
place
,
I
see
no
reason
why
his
Sentiments
should
determine
other
Peoples
thoughts
,
and
why
we
should
not
think
that
the
following
Heptarchy
of
the
Saxons
,
(
tho
they
had
their
seven
Kings
)
yet
still
might
agree
in
one
rule
of
Succession
,
nay
tho
their
Laws
were
so
different
too
as
he
would
insinuate
,
which
is
not
absolutely
necessary
to
suspect
neither
;
for
they
being
all
one
Nation
,
and
then
but
just
called
from
their
home
by
our
British
King
Vortiger
for
his
assistance
:
may
probably
be
supposed
to
have
retained
for
the
Main
the
general
Rules
and
Laws
of
their
own
Countrey
;
tho
when
divided
into
those
seven
Kingdoms
they
might
also
make
a
sort
of
private
by-Laws
according
to
the
different
Emergences
of
particular
affairs
that
occurred
in
their
several
Governments
.
Can
he
prove
that
the
Succession
of
the
Saxons
in
their
own
Countrey
was
not
Hereditary
,
when
they
inhabited
in
their
small
Dukedom
of
Holstein
;
and
that
consequently
they
retained
the
same
sort
of
Election
,
in
their
new
acquired
Government
here
,
that
they
left
in
their
own
at
home
?
this
he
does
not
undertake
to
suggest
,
because
not
able
to
prove
,
there
having
been
a
probable
Monarchy
all
along
Hereditary
,
if
Paternal
Right
was
wont
to
descend
so
:
for
that
is
proved
by
most
learned
Pens
,
and
these
Saxons
are
believed
to
have
been
the
relict
of
the
race
of
Cimbrians
,
that
inhabited
that
Chersonese
,
so
called
from
its
Inhabitants
,
of
whom
Gomer
the
Son
of
Japhet
was
the
Original
Father
or
Prince
.
But
what
ever
was
their
Government
before
,
he
allows
them
to
have
set
up
seven
Monarchies
here
:
only
can't
think
they
agreed
in
one
Rule
of
Succession
,
because
governed
by
different
Laws
,
which
tho
granted
,
is
so
ridiculous
an
Infinuation
,
that
greater
Differences
,
atpresent
,
between
greater
Kingdoms
and
Nations
,
far
more
remote
in
Place
,
far
more
different
in
Religion
,
contradicts
the
Suggestion
;
who
for
the
most
part
,
now
over
the
whole
World
,
agree
in
an
Hereditary
Succession
to
the
Crown
;
and
the
Argument
would
have
been
as
strong
,
and
as
apparently
foolish
(
if
he
design'd
it
for
a
Specimen
of
his
folly
,
)
that
since
France
,
and
Spain
,
Sweeden
and
Denmark
,
are
govern'd
by
different
Laws
,
we
can't
imagin
them
to
have
one
sort
of
Succession
:
Which
very
Rebound
of
his
own
Pen
wounds
his
Cause
,
more
than
any
direct
stroak
of
his
Adversaries
,
for
since
we
see
those
more
different
,
more
distant
Nations
agree
in
one
Rule
,
't
is
sure
a
Logical
Inference
a
Majori
,
that
those
that
were
less
different
might
.
And
for
the
Changes
and
Consusions
of
those
Times
,
which
he
urges
as
an
Argument
of
their
uncertain
Succession
:
that
is
in
effect
,
his
very
Alpha
and
Omega
;
and
his
praefatory
Suggestion
only
proved
through
his
whole
History
,
that
in
times
of
Confusions
and
Rebellions
,
Succession
is
uncertain
;
and
so
is
all
Property
,
and
Common
Right
,
all
meum
,
and
tuum
;
all
that
the
Law
of
God
or
Man
can
make
his
own
.
But
as
obscure
as
he
makes
our
Succession
before
the
Romans
came
,
't
is
not
so
dark
and
unintelligible
,
but
that
we
may
gather
light
enough
from
it
to
have
been
Hereditary
.
We
won't
rely
on
the
Stow's
Annals
,
contends
mightily
for
such
a
story
citing
all
our
antient
Authors
,
for
its
Authority
,
and
Cambden
amongst
the
Modern
.
Fable
of
Brute
,
and
the
Catalogue
of
near
68
Kings
,
that
are
said
to
have
Reigned
Successively
here
before
the
coming
of
the
Romans
,
yet
allowing
it
an
entire
Fable
,
we
may
draw
from
it
this
Moral
,
at
least
,
that
a
Fabulous
Tradition
sometimes
has
somewhat
of
reality
for
its
ground
,
as
the
patching
up
a
Centaure
,
a
Chymera
with
a
thought
,
results
from
several
Objects
that
are
simply
real
abstracting
from
the
compounded
Fiction
:
And
tho
we
might
not
have
68
Kings
successive
before
the
Roman
Conquest
,
yet
that
there
were
several
appears
,
and
he
owns
;
and
I
conclude
Hereditary
,
from
the
common
rule
in
all
Barbarous
Nations
,
when
ever
discovered
,
in
which
the
further
back
we
run
in
the
History
of
the
Old
World
,
the
more
we
are
confirmed
;
as
also
the
more
forward
we
go
in
discovering
the
New
.
But
tho
from
the
Roman
Invasion
he
leaps
presently
into
the
Saxon
Heptarchy
,
yet
we
may
read
too
,
there
were
many
petty
Kings
that
they
suffered
here
after
their
Conquest
,
it
being
the
Roman
Pride
of
having
Kings
their
Subjects
;
and
why
those
might
not
still
retain
an
Hereditary
Succession
,
I
cannot
understand
,
especially
since
Dr.
Heylin
reckons
up
16
Kings
that
succeeded
after
the
Roman
Forces
had
left
them
naked
;
as
indeed
they
were
without
a
Metaphor
to
the
incursion
of
the
Pict
;
the
first
five
or
six
of
them
lineally
After
the
consolidating
of
that
Heptarchy
,
into
a
single
Monarchy
,
the
learned
Man
whom
I
before
have
cited
,
has
shown
this
disingenuous
Author
unfortunately
to
have
stumbled
in
the
very
Threshold
,
and
proved
by
Authentick
Citation
,
that
his
elected
Egbert
was
the
next
of
kin
to
the
Royal
Stock
,
that
all
the
following
Succession
of
the
Saxon
and
Danish
Monarchs
ran
in
the
blood
,
or
was
disposed
of
by
the
Will
and
Testament
of
the
deceased
Prince
.
The
renowned
City
of
London
,
as
he
calls
her
,
is
obliged
to
him
for
his
Civilities
,
and
I
shall
thank
him
too
for
his
Complement
,
in
letting
her
know
that
her
Approbation
had
heretofore
no
small
Influence
on
the
Succession
:
And
for
the
securing
the
Crown
on
the
right
head
,
't
is
recorded
to
their
Glory
;
and
may
that
glorious
act
of
their
Ancestors
be
still
perpetuated
in
our
lasting
Annuals
,
and
imitated
too
by
the
Posterity
of
her
present
Inhabitants
;
who
then
adhered
to
King
Edmond
their
Lineal
and
Lawful
Prince
,
and
that
because
they
knew
he
was
so
;
A
Prince
Worthy
of
a
better
time
,
and
who
had
he
found
more
faithful
,
and
but
better
Subjects
,
might
have
been
in
Condition
to
have
made
it
so
:
His
Citizens
then
clave
to
him
,
when
his
very
Clergy
〈◊〉
him
;
but
their
Religion
in
those
days
was
too
little
to
expect
their
Loyalty
much
;
whereas
ours
now
,
as
the
best
Argument
of
their
being
truly
Religious
,
still
show
themselves
as
eminently
Loyal
.
The
Citizens
then
,
(
for
I
shall
insist
upon
it
for
their
Encouragement
now
)
would
not
concur
with
Canute's
Election
Legends
M
,
Westminster
,
Paris
,
nor
any
other
Authentick
Historians
ancient
enough
,
so
much
as
mention
it
,
and
our
modern
Baker
says
expresly
upon
〈◊〉
Death
,
his
third
Son
,
Edmund
,
call'd
Iron-Side
;
but
the
Eldest
living
at
his
Fathers
Death
succeeded
,
and
was
Crowned
at
Kingston
upon
Thames
;
That
a
great
part
of
the
Nobility
favoured
the
Dane
,
because
they
feared
him
;
but
the
Londoners
stood
firm
to
Edmund
,
and
〈◊〉
the
Authors
of
his
Election
,
and
upon
his
very
using
of
the
word
here
,
I
can't
but
observe
,
what
the
worthy
Dr.
has
sufficiently
proved
too
;
how
common
among
Historians
that
word
Election
is
used
only
for
a
Confirmation
or
acknowledgment
of
the
Right
,
and
how
against
Reason
he
still
misapplies
it
to
Choice
:
why
did
he
not
undertake
to
prove
from
Baker
too
,
that
this
Prince
was
elected
by
the
Londoners
;
only
because
he
says
,
they
were
the
cause
of
his
Election
,
which
perhaps
he
would
have
done
,
but
that
he
found
he
must
have
made
that
Author
contradict
himself
;
(
as
I
believe
he
has
done
the
rest
,
)
who
tells
us
just
before
,
he
was
Crown'd
at
Kingston
,
as
the
eldest
living
at
his
Fathers
Death
.
And
the
Interest
of
that
Metropolis
for
the
right
Line
was
such
,
and
so
considerable
,
together
with
that
Princes
own
Courage
and
Conduct
,
that
he
remained
Conqueror
in
three
several
Battels
,
and
had
been
so
in
the
fourth
too
,
the
last
I
believe
the
Dane
would
have
dared
to
offer
,
had
not
that
false
Edric
,
the
Traytor
to
his
Father
,
acted
o're
the
same
Treason
to
the
Son
,
and
revolted
in
the
fight
,
when
the
Forces
of
the
Foe
,
where
on
the
point
of
flying
.
The
taking
but
half
his
Kingdom
at
that
Duel
and
Accommodation
in
the
Isle
of
Alney
,
was
more
〈◊〉
than
fortunate
,
when
still
his
trusty
Citizens
would
have
fought
for
the
whole
,
and
spent
their
last
blood
for
the
right
Line
,
they
had
first
espoused
;
the
parting
with
some
of
his
right
was
quickly
succeeded
with
the
losing
of
all
,
and
his
Life
to
the
Bargain
,
and
England
might
well
be
too
weak
for
its
self
,
when
't
was
made
half
Denmark
,
so
dangerous
is
it
to
Princes
to
forgo
the
least
of
their
right
,
which
only
introduces
the
loss
of
a
greater
share
,
or
to
part
with
a
piece
of
Prerogative
,
for
the
patching
up
some
popular
divisions
,
whose
twisted
Interest
like
Cords
that
are
a
twining
,
if
it
catch
but
the
Skirts
of
the
Purple
,
will
soon
wind
away
the
whole
robe
;
the
Observation
is
here
verified
upon
our
old
Records
,
and
been
newly
transcribed
in
Blood
,
in
our
latter
days
;
and
the
Son
of
our
Royal
Martyr
treads
the
best
Politicks
for
the
Prevention
,
in
that
unfortunate
Testimony
of
his
Father
;
and
if
Soveraignty
be
somewhat
that
is
Divine
,
a
Subjects
robbing
of
the
Crown
must
be
next
to
that
of
a
Church
,
and
a
sin
that
savours
as
much
of
sacriledg
.
But
to
let
you
know
,
in
short
,
the
design
of
this
Historian's
Complement
,
upon
which
we
have
dwelt
too
long
,
the
pretty
Parenthesis
was
applyed
to
another
purpose
;
't
was
publisht
at
a
time
when
the
City
was
Influencing
an
House
of
Commons
that
were
for
altering
Succession
;
and
they
as
great
an
Influence
with
the
City
:
At
a
Banquet
of
Politicks
after
their
Parliament
Feast
;
and
His
time
to
let
them
know
,
the
Approbation
of
that
renowned
City
,
had
then
mentions
not
one
word
of
this
Athelstan's
Illegitimacy
;
and
his
own
Author
whom
he
cites
for
the
falsehood
relates
it
but
as
a
Fable
,
by
which
Daniel
too
was
deceived
.
no
little
Influence
on
the
Succession
.
And
besides
in
the
very
same
Page
he
had
prepared
for
them
the
pretty
President
of
the
Saxons
,
preferring
a
brave
and
deserving
Bastard
,
before
a
cruel
and
Legitimate
Prince
:
He
means
that
Athelstan
,
whom
he
resolves
rather
erroniously
to
suppose
Illegitimate
,
than
Ingeniously
to
allow
him
,
as
he
truly
was
,
the
Lawful
Heir
:
But
Baker
and
others
tell
us
the
Truth
;
tho'
he
will
not
,
and
say
this
Athelstan
was
the
Eldest
,
and
no
way
spurious
:
But
the
telling
of
the
Truth
,
would
have
prevented
this
malicious
Authors
Factious
insinuation
of
the
D.
Temper
;
which
to
make
the
more
remarkable
,
he
must
mark
out
in
Emphatical
Italicks
,
only
to
save
the
crying
Monmouth
and
York
.
But
the
Card
is
turned
there
now
,
and
the
Loyal
Heart
,
Trump
,
instead
of
his
Clubs
;
and
to
be
hoped
they
'l
make
good
the
best
part
of
the
Observation
,
which
he
never
designed
they
should
,
stand
and
fall
with
their
Loyal
Progenitors
,
in
the
defence
of
the
right
Line
and
the
Royal
Blood
.
In
short
,
upon
the
whole
united
,
and
happy
union
of
the
Monarchy
of
the
Saxons
,
give
me
leave
to
observe
this
great
next
Heir
of
the
Royal
Blood
;
and
most
of
them
too
,
the
Successors
of
the
next
immediate
Brother
;
to
their
present
Prince
,
no
less
than
four
several
Brothers
Sons
to
Ethelwolf
the
second
sole
Sovereign
of
the
Saxons
,
succeeding
one
another
;
and
then
with
what
Face
,
unless
with
one
more
lasting
,
then
I
〈◊〉
his
corrupted
History
,
by
being
all
Brass
,
with
what
a
Front
,
but
such
an
one
,
can
such
a
Libel
,
and
All
the
shadow
that
he
has
of
any
thing
of
Election
,
was
that
of
the
first
Saxon
King
Egbert
,
whom
he
would
have
no
way
related
to
Brissicus
the
last
King
of
the
West-Saxons
;
but
whom
a
more
worthy
Author
proves
from
Westminster's
own
words
,
that
he
was
the
sole
surviving
branch
of
the
Royal
Stemm
;
and
that
he
was
banisht
into
France
;
and
that
only
for
fear
of
his
Right
.
But
granting
then
what
he
is
resolved
The
great
point
of
〈◊〉
,
and
Dr.
B.
cites
the
same
out
of
Sim.
Dunielm
and
〈◊〉
.
to
suppose
;
still
right
Reason
will
confute
his
Impertinence
even
in
complying
in
unreasonable
Concession
;
the
Question
here
is
of
the
Succession
of
our
Establisht
Monarchy
:
And
he
brings
us
an
Instance
before
the
Monarchy
was
Establisht
,
owns
that
the
History
of
that
Heptarchy
was
uncertain
;
and
yet
very
certainly
determins
the
point
of
his
Election
;
and
that
we
must
take
too
upon
an
ipse
dixit
of
this
Dogmatical
Historians
,
for
his
being
no
way
related
,
he
cites
just
no
body
,
and
while
,
for
his
near
alliance
,
you
have
the
Authority
of
so
many
.
That
other
only
broken
Reed
that
in
all
these
Reigns
he
has
to
rely
on
,
and
that
like
AEgypts
too
is
ready
to
run
into
his
side
,
so
false
,
so
dangerous
to
trust
too
;
which
is
Edreds
being
crown'd
in
the
Minority
of
his
Nephews
;
when
all
the
Historians
say
,
it
was
only
for
their
being
Minors
:
And
the
diligent
Baker
says
he
was
not
then
made
Protector
:
only
because
that
Authority
was
not
then
come
into
use
;
but
crowned
as
King
with
purpose
to
resign
,
when
the
right
Heir
should
come
of
age
.
But
lest
his
Modern
Authority
may
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
he
was
〈◊〉
on
But
as
a
〈◊〉
.
be
not
sufficient
with
those
that
malign
any
thing
,
that
makes
for
the
Monarchy
;
let
them
consult
even
the
most
of
the
Antients
,
and
they
all
agree
they
were
only
set
aside
for
their
Nonage
.
But
this
Royal
Protectorate
soon
expired
,
as
if
Providence
laboured
to
prevent
an
Vsurpation
;
and
provided
for
the
right
Heir
,
who
succecded
in
his
paternal
Inheritance
,
before
arrived
even
to
the
Romans
civil
age
of
Puberty
14.
And
the
malicious
Perverter
might
as
well
say
as
great
a
stress
,
as
you
'll
find
afterwards
he
truly
does
upon
Richard
the
thirds
Butchery
and
Usurpation
;
the
breaking
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
for
a
Crown
:
All
the
difference
is
.
Here
were
only
two
Nephews
for
a
while
debarred
,
there
Butchered
;
and
shall
such
bloody
Miscreants
pass
upon
the
World
for
credible
Authors
,
who
for
robbing
of
a
Divine-right
,
can
cite
you
Murder
;
and
for
the
breaking
of
our
Humane
Laws
,
the
blackest
Crime
in
the
Declogue
.
And
since
this
Antimonarchical
Zealot
,
has
shown
himself
thus
elaborately
studious
,
to
rake
every
musty
Record
of
those
Reigns
for
a
Rebellious
remark
;
give
me
leave
only
from
the
same
times
to
make
this
last
and
Loyal
Observation
;
where
Providence
seemed
to
shew
it self
remarkably
concerned
for
its
crowned
Head
;
and
that
in
the
subsequent
Judgment
upon
the
Proto-Martyrdom
of
the
Saxon
Edward
;
as
well
as
what
we
suffered
since
for
our
Martyr'd
Charles
;
tho
there
't
was
only
for
anticipating
a
right
by
blood
;
but
ours
a
bloody
Usurpation
of
those
that
had
no
right
at
all
.
Ethelred's
passage
to
his
Reign
was
but
before
his
time
,
and
the
Almighty's
;
yet
the
Government
suffered
for
it
as
many
Pangs
,
till
it
quite
miscarried
;
within
fifty
years
the
new
Monarchy
fell
quite
asunder
,
rent
and
torn
by
two
several
Conquests
:
He
himself
meets
with
the
Defection
of
all
his
Nobility
,
forc't
to
raise
his
Danegelt
,
and
his
Subjects
into
Rebellion
by
it
;
prepared
his
Navies
,
only
to
be
shattered
with
a
tempest
,
or
consumed
with
Fire
;
both
Elements
p.
86.
and
Heaven
it self
,
seemed
to
conspite
to
make
him
Miserable
:
Famine
and
Mortality
were
the
dismal
attendants
of
his
Wars
,
the
Depredations
of
Invaders
would
not
allow
peace
;
the
Reign
that
begun
in
a
Murder
,
ended
in
a
Massacre
:
The
incensed
Danes
soon
invade
him
,
the
perjured
Edric
falsely
forsakes
him
;
he
languishes
a
long
time
,
as
well
he
might
,
under
Guilt
and
Misfortune
;
and
to
put
the
only
period
to
You
see
how
little
success
this
Author
met
with
among
the
Saxons
Sovereigns
for
altering
Succession
;
how
much
of
Imposture
his
Reader
may
there
meet
with
in
him
,
and
you
shall
as
soon
see
,
he
deals
as
disingeniously
with
the
Danes
.
And
here
thorough
his
double
diligence
,
this
Parliament
Historiographer
has
not
omitted
an
Argument
for
his
purpose
,
much
of
the
same
strength
as
those
that
he
has
used
,
viz.
That
Knute
was
no
kin
to
Edmund
,
or
Ethelred
:
And
the
Dane
no
way
related
to
the
Line
of
the
Saxon
,
that
is
,
the
poor
conquered
England
,
was
not
Consin
German
to
Denmark
the
Conqueror
,
and
yet
the
Title
of
the
latter
was
preferred
,
and
their
King
,
acknowledged
ours
.
I
can't
conceive
what
necessity
of
Relation
an
Invader
needs
to
the
poor
Prince
he
Invades
;
and
whether
that
be
not
a
pretty
sort
of
an
Argument
for
altering
Succession
,
to
say
the
Kingdom
was
Conquered
;
Swayn
had
before
cut
out
a
fine
Title
for
his
Son
with
the
Sword
:
The
North
,
West
,
and
some
of
the
South
part
of
England
had
submitted
frightned
with
his
revengeful
Cruelties
,
which
their
own
had
provoked
:
Canute
himself
after
his
Fathers
Death
,
lands
as
soon
at
Sandwich
with
a
Navy
of
two
hundred
,
gave
our
English
a
great
overthrow
,
possest
himself
of
what
Swayn
had
before
harassed
;
the
West
;
and
because
the
Nobility
favoured
only
whom
they
feared
,
and
set
him
up
in
Competition
for
the
Crown
,
whom
they
could
not
keep
down
from
being
a
Competitor
;
ergo
,
therefore
the
Succession
must
not
run
in
the
right
Line
,
and
why
?
because
here
it
did
not
;
if
more
absur'd
Inferences
,
can
be
drawn
from
matter
of
Fact
,
or
greater
Solecisms
from
Historical
Observation
,
I
'le
forfeit
all
the
little
Right
I
have
to
Reason
;
and
with
an
Implicit
Faith
,
believe
the
Legend
,
for
a
Bible
,
and
his
History
for
the
Revelations
.
But
yet
this
Prince
,
though
by
Conquest
and
Composition
,
he
got
half
the
Kingdom
,
and
upon
Edmunds
Death
the
whole
,
foresaw
what
Power
the
pleas
of
Right
,
and
Succession
might
have
for
animating
an
Interest
in
the
defence
of
the
poor
injured
Heirs
;
and
therefore
took
all
the
ways
to
ingratiate
himself
with
his
wavering
People
;
his
young
and
unexperienced
Subjects
,
and
all
manner
of
means
for
preventing
the
Lawful
Heirs
,
for
attempting
for
their
Right
;
sticking
at
neither
Murder
,
Malice
,
and
Treachery
;
and
in
order
to
the
first
,
he
made
a
shew
of
governing
,
with
more
Justice
,
then
he
conquered
,
and
took
mildness
for
the
best
means
of
his
Establishment
;
and
to
let
the
Nation
know
he
designed
only
to
subdue
them
,
sends
away
his
Mercenaries
,
ships
away
his
Navy
;
and
for
a
popular
Specimen
of
an
Heroick
Kindness
,
to
the
memory
of
the
Saxons
he
succeeded
,
as
a
Satisfaction
to
their
injured
Dust
,
prefers
Edricks
perjured
Head
,
to
the
highest
place
on
the
City
Gate
;
and
with
that
Expedient
,
reconciled
himself
at
once
to
his
own
promise
,
deserved
Justice
,
and
the
Peoples
favour
;
and
yet
for
securing
himself
from
any
danger
,
from
the
Lawsul
Heirs
,
so
politickly
Cruel
,
that
all
the
Royal
Blood
felt
of
his
Injustice
;
sent
the
two
Sons
of
his
late
Co-partner
in
the
Kingdom
,
to
be
murdered
abroad
,
and
got
his
Brother
to
be
butchered
at
home
;
such
an
experienced
truth
is
it
,
that
Powers
usurpt
,
Successions
altered
,
like
the
blackest
Villanies
can
only
be
Justifyed
and
defended
by
committing
more
.
At
his
Death
't
is
true
he
disposed
of
his
Crowns
,
by
Testamentary
Bequest
,
and
well
he
might
,
when
there
was
so
little
known
for
Kingdoms
of
Feudatory
Law
,
and
private
Estates
then
far
from
being
entailed
;
yet
in
that
very
Legacy
you
can
observe
,
what
Power
the
Consideration
had
with
him
of
Right
and
Blood
;
for
he
leaves
his
own
Paternal
Dominions
,
Norway
,
to
his
Eldest
son
Swayn
,
and
to
his
Youngest
Hardicanute
his
conquered
England
;
considering
his
Mothers
Blood
,
which
was
Emma
,
Wife
to
the
late
King
Ethelred
,
might
(
as
indeed
it
did
)
give
him
some
precedency
to
his
middle
Brother
Harold
;
the
one
having
somewhat
of
Saxon
in
him
,
the
other
all
Dane
;
especially
,
if
he
was
,
as
some
say
Illegitimate
,
tho'
Baker
calls
him
an
Elder
Brother
by
a
former
Wife
;
so
that
upon
the
whole
,
the
Contest
that
rose
about
the
Succession
,
was
but
whether
he
had
Right
,
and
when
at
last
Harald
was
preferred
,
't
was
upon
the
Resolution
of
his
being
Legitimate
;
so
that
here
his
own
Inference
contradicts
the
end
for
which
't
was
brought
;
and
instead
of
altering
the
discent
,
shows
they
industriously
contended
to
keep
it
in
the
right
Channel
;
and
allowing
they
were
mistaken
in
their
Opinions
of
his
Birth
,
the
Lords
to
make
amends
for
their
error
,
streight
on
his
Death
fetch
home
Hardicanute
;
who
dying
without
Issue
,
the
Right
of
Blood
prevailed
again
,
and
the
Saxon
entred
in
Edward
the
Confessor
,
Edmunds
Son
only
being
past
by
because
his
very
being
was
unknown
;
and
so
they
can
only
be
blamed
,
for
not
seeking
for
the
right
Heir
among
the
supposed
Dead
:
Yet
when
this
Edward
had
found
him
out
,
he
designed
both
him
says
they
did
him
wrong
,
and
always
it
occasion'd
civil
War
.
and
his
Son
Atheling
for
successive
Monarchs
,
whose
very
name
imported
Hereditary
,
and
next
of
kin
,
as
much
as
our
Prince
of
Wales
,
while
the
second
Harold
,
but
usurpt
upon
him
,
against
the
sense
of
the
Clergy
,
who
even
then
lookt
upon
it
as
a
Violation
of
the
Right
of
the
Heir
,
and
also
of
their
Holy
Rites
:
and
tho
Harald
suggested
that
Edward
had
appointed
him
to
be
Crown'd
,
Historians
say
,
that
it
was
only
to
make
him
during
the
Minority
of
this
Edgar
;
a
Regent
,
and
not
an
absolute
King
,
and
Mat.
Paris
,
speaking
of
Edgar
Atheling
in
the
very
first
Leafe
of
his
History
,
in
these
very
words
,
says
;
that
to
him
belonged
the
Right
to
the
Kingdom
of
England
;
and
if
Birth
could
then
give
a
Right
,
I
don't
see
how
then
,
or
now
,
any
Power
can
defraud
a
Prince
justly
of
his
Birth-right
.
And
now
we
'l
begin
our
Remarks
on
the
Norman
Line
,
upon
which
the
very
first
words
of
Baker
are
these
,
There
were
six
Dukes
of
Normandy
,
in
France
,
in
a
direct
Line
,
succeeding
from
Father
to
Son
,
and
yet
this
Inquisitive
Monarch-maker
,
lays
his
mighty
stress
,
his
weighty
Consideration
on
the
single
Suggestion
of
Duke
William's
being
a
reputative
Bastard
;
be
it
so
,
have
we
not
here
the
Majority
of
six
to
one
,
that
succeeded
,
〈◊〉
,
Legitimately
,
and
is
not
these
then
,
like
all
the
rest
of
their
Objections
against
the
Government
,
rather
industrious
Cavil
,
then
real
Argument
?
or
allowing
it
still
,
is
it
not
most
impertinently
applyed
to
his
present
purpose
,
to
tell
us
that
William
the
Conqueror
was
himself
Illegitimate
,
and
yet
succeeded
his
Father
in
the
Dutchy
of
Normandy
?
And
therefore
must
we
have
another
Natural
,
and
Illegitimate
Duke
to
wear
the
Crown
of
England
?
or
was
the
Suggestion
only
made
because
they
had
such
a
Duke
in
Readiness
,
that
had
already
run
the
Popular
Gantlet
of
Ambition
;
and
been
sooth'd
into
the
Prospect
of
a
Scepter
,
with
the
false
Tongues
of
Flatterers
and
Sycophants
?
or
else
was
the
Nomination
of
the
Normans
to
supersede
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
our
Nation
;
And
our
England
a
Dependent
,
a
Tributary
to
that
Crown
before
the
Conquest
?
these
Paradoxes
must
be
reconciled
by
Miracle
before
such
a
ridiculous
Instance
can
pass
for
Reason
,
or
Common
Sense
,
or
vindicate
the
false
suggester
from
Folly
and
Impertinence
.
But
even
here
too
his
very
Assertion
fails
him
,
and
this
Pretender
to
Truth
both
abuses
his
Reader
with
false
Application
,
and
telling
a
Lye
:
For
this
Duke
William
,
tho'
a
Bastard
Born
,
was
not
illegitimated
,
so
as
to
be
barred
the
Crown
,
and
incapacitated
for
Inheritance
;
for
it
appears
,
as
Baker
says
by
many
Examples
,
that
Bastardy
was
then
no
Bar
to
Succession
,
and
by
the
Canon
and
the
Law
of
the
Church
that
then
obtain'd
,
the
Children
born
before
Wedlock
,
were
de
facto
truly
legitimated
,
if
he
afterward
espoused
his
Concubine
;
and
this
his
Factious
Assistant
,
Hunt
himself
allows
;
when
the
The
Donation
to
William
Rufus
was
again
clearly
Testimentary
;
which
might
be
allowed
sure
to
a
Conqueror
,
whose
will
only
gave
what
his
Sword
had
gotten
;
says
,
he
obtained
it
according
to
his
Fathers
will
.
pag.
44.
of
Old
Britain
,
observ'd
the
same
sort
of
Bequest
,
and
left
Normandy
his
Fathers
Inheritance
,
and
his
own
to
Robert
,
to
whom
it
appertain'd
in
Reason
and
Right
;
both
these
Instances
,
no
small
Demonstration
,
shewing
how
the
Precedency
of
Blood
even
in
those
days
obtained
;
and
with
those
too
whom
our
Factious
Innovator
,
would
have
not
to
value
it
;
for
their
giving
to
any
Son
besides
their
Eldest
what
was
theirs
by
Arms
,
is
no
more
than
what
we
our selves
do
now
by
Laws
;
and
tho
the
Fewds
now
obtain
,
and
Entailments
,
yet
still
what
's
our
own
by
purchase
is
unconfined
,
and
not
ty'd
to
descend
by
Primogeniture
;
but
at
an
arbitrary
Disposition
of
the
Lord
and
Purchaser
,
and
which
is
commonly
disposed
of
too
by
the
Father
to
some
of
the
Younger
Sons
;
and
a
Conqueror
that
purchases
all
by
Blood
,
and
Wounds
,
must
needs
be
allowed
as
much
Liberty
,
as
the
Miser
that
obtains
it
by
his
Wealth
,
or
a
Land
Pedler
that
buyes
his
purchase
for
a
Penny
.
But
tho
this
might
be
a
warrantable
Donation
,
yet
you
may
observe
(
as
if
the
donor
had
not
been
in
it
altogether
Just
)
so
it
never
at
all
prospered
with
the
Donee
;
the
very
Gist
it self
,
like
Pandora's
Box
,
was
most
fatal
to
those
that
received
it
;
a
Vice
like
Virtue
is
oft
a
Punishment
to
it self
as
that
other
a
reward
;
the
not
suffering
the
Crown
to
descend
by
entail
;
entailed
what
was
worse
a
War
,
and
both
Brothers
assault
the
Testamentary
Usurper
at
once
;
as
looking
upon
it
notwithstanding
the
specious
pretext
of
a
Will
,
but
a
plain
wrong
;
and
where
this
prejudiced
Historian
,
makes
this
Rufus
to
rely
on
the
consent
of
the
Nobles
,
for
the
Confirmation
of
his
Fathers
Will
,
't
is
evident
he
only
called
them
together
,
that
by
Largesses
and
Corruptions
,
fair
Words
,
and
Promises
,
he
might
win
them
from
assisting
his
Brother
Robert
,
whose
Right
he
feared
,
notwithstanding
the
advantage
he
had
by
his
Fathers
Will
might
make
the
Game
that
he
had
to
play
more
than
even
,
or
give
Robert
the
better
by
their
deserting
this
Rufus
.
And
that
notwithstanding
all
his
Artifices
they
did
;
and
Odo
Bishop
of
Bayeux
leads
the
dance
,
and
notwithstanding
says
Paris
,
that
he
was
their
last
Edition
London
.
crown'd
King
,
their
sworn
King
,
and
they
must
be
perjur'd
for
it
,
they
raised
a
War
against
their
King
William
,
and
set
up
Robert
the
First-Born
for
their
King
,
all
declaring
the
Right
belonged
to
him
,
and
this
the
Opinion
of
several
of
the
Nobility
,
Lords
,
Spiritual
and
Temporal
;
Persons
alway
I
fancy
qualified
to
recognise
a
Right
,
if
Religious
or
Lay-Judges
could
decide
it
;
and
so
well
assured
were
they
of
the
goodness
of
the
Cause
that
they
Henry
the
first
,
who
being
in
new
Forrest
when
his
Brother
was
killed
,
did
not
stay
long
to
consider
the
disaster
,
or
to
get
the
Carcass
Coacht
home
,
instead
of
Carted
,
but
rides
to
Winchester
,
seizes
the
Treasure
;
and
that
soon
helpt
him
to
put
on
the
Crown
:
The
Purple
Robes
soon
followed
those
Golden
Regalia
,
and
the
Power
absolutely
Usurpt
,
will
irresistibly
force
a
Coronation
;
Mat.
Paris
tells
us
in
the
first
Lines
of
this
Kings
Life
,
that
the
Nobility
being
first
Born
,
and
that
for
that
very
Reason
he
declared
the
Right
of
the
Kingdom
belong'd
to
him
,
assoon
as
they
heard
those
Allegations
of
his
unanswerable
Right
,
promised
him
their
best
advice
,
and
to
lend
him
their
Assistance
;
which
they
did
too
,
and
Robert
came
over
,
forc't
his
Brother
to
a
Composition
for
3000
Marks
yearly
,
and
at
least
,
made
the
Vsurper
but
a
Tributary
King
;
and
all
the
Argument
out
of
this
Reign
,
that
our
Elector
here
fetches
for
his
making
English
Monarch
a
King
of
Poland
,
is
this
Usurpers
courting
the
great
Council
to
confirm
it
to
his
Son
;
but
so
would
a
Cromwell
,
the
Parliament
for
the
Succession
of
his
Son
Richard
,
and
sure
such
Creatures
have
need
to
anticipate
all
sorts
of
security
for
their
Sons
Succession
,
that
have
gotten
all
their
Right
by
Anticipation
of
anothers
,
or
absolute
wrong
;
but
the
parallel
holds
still
between
that
antient
Usurper
,
and
the
more
Modern
I
mentioned
;
they
both
felt
their
Consciences
prickt
in
their
unjust
obtaining
of
a
Mat.
Paris
1106.
sentiens
Conscientiam
Cauteriatam
,
Judicium
Dei
formidare
,
&c.
Kingdom
,
they
both
feared
the
Judgments
of
the
Almighty
,
both
as
unhappy
in
their
designed
Heirs
,
one
born
to
be
Drowned
,
the
other
to
be
a
Fool
;
and
as
their
Fame
stunk
above
Ground
,
so
did
both
their
Bodies
before
they
went
under
,
and
Paris
tells
us
the
first
committed
Murder
after
he
was
Dead
,
and
poysoned
his
Doctor
before
they
could
get
him
down
into
the
Dust
;
tho
he
smartly
observes
this
was
the
last
The
last
remark
I
shall
make
on
this
Mans
Reign
is
,
but
what
this
malicious
Historian
has
made
very
Remarkable
,
and
that
is
from
an
Author
that
he
cites
,
for
saying
that
this
Robert
had
discovered
too
much
of
the
Cruelty
of
Disposition
,
of
his
averseness
to
the
English
Nation
,
and
his
proneness
to
revenge
,
and
this
Character
must
be
most
Emphatically
markt
out
,
that
they
might
not
miss
of
his
meaning
another
Duke
;
a
Prince
to
whose
Valour
and
Conduct
the
Wretch
ows
his
Freedom
from
a
Forreign
Yoke
,
and
the
Nation
her
safety
and
security
,
and
so
far
does
his
malice
transport
the
Sot
that
he
falsisies
for
it
the
very
Latin
he
translates
,
Perversus
,
contrarius
et
Innaturalis
:
He
makes
cruelty
Proneness
to
revenge
,
not
one
Syllable
in
the
whole
Citation
,
and
then
besides
the
words
of
the
Author
he
cites
are
the
same
verbatim
,
which
this
Henry
the
first
used
against
his
Brother
,
when
he
makes
a
Speech
to
his
Nobles
,
to
make
him
odious
,
from
whom
this
Author
I
believe
borrowed
it
,
and
his
as
meer
revgene
It
is
here
evident
that
this
Gentlemans
Principles
and
Perswasions
are
clearly
Democratical
,
and
writ
with
a
perfect
design
to
please
the
People
,
as
plain
as
if
the
rabble
beast
,
the
Monster
Mobile
were
seen
sawning
upon
this
KEEPER
of
their
LIBERTIES
,
and
you
saw
the
Sycophant
spitting
in
its
mouth
;
his
Papers
are
the
very
Picture
of
this
piece
,
and
the
Representation
of
Rebellion
with
a
Pen.
The
next
that
Mounts
the
Throne
is
STEPHEN
,
and
the
little
Right
(
tho
some
)
Relation
he
had
to
the
Crown
,
to
be
sure
won't
be
past
by
:
when
this
Author
for
the
sake
of
his
sinking
Cause
,
has
caught
at
every
Plank
to
hold
up
her
Head
in
that
desperate
Condition
,
and
where
he
could
not
meet
the
least
solid
substantial
Argument
,
graspt
at
every
empty
Shadow
;
And
truly
here
he
tells
us
,
that
STEPHEN
acknowledg'd
his
Election
in
the
very
Words
of
a
Charter
,
from
the
People
,
and
so
would
any
man
that
had
no
better
Title
;
and
tho
I
shall
condemn
his
Usurpation
,
can
allow
of
his
Politicks
,
in
letting
them
know
how
much
he
was
beholden
to
them
,
and
yet
that
People
were
strong
enough
to
pull
off
his
Crown
too
,
which
his
own
hands
rather
says
he
was
repulsed
by
them
of
Dover
,
shut
out
by
them
of
Canterbury
,
and
unjustly
took
upon
him
the
Crown
of
England
.
had
put
on
;
for
as
Bradshaw
told
the
King
,
The
People
of
England
had
constituted
them
a
Court
,
when
that
unanswerable
Martyr
observed
not
half
their
Consents
did
concur
,
or
were
askt
;
so
also
in
this
Case
,
many
of
the
Nobility
,
most
of
the
Commonalty
lookt
upon
it
,
as
a
manifest
Usurpation
,
and
those
whose
Concurrence
he
had
,
were
but
an
handful
of
his
Friends
,
and
at
his
Coronation
had
but
three
Bishops
,
few
of
the
Nobility
,
and
not
one
Abbot
,
and
also
,
as
Historians
observe
,
those
very
And
the
revengeful
Cruelties
of
the
Scot
lookt
somewhat
like
a
Judgment
for
their
Perjury
;
when
they
spar'd
neither
the
Gray-Hair
,
for
whom
Reverence
might
plead
,
nor
the
Tender-Infant
for
whom
its
Innocence
,
but
Butchered
the
one
in
their
Beds
,
the
other
on
their
Mothers
Breasts
,
the
Barbarity
of
Mat.
Paris
in
ultionem
Imperatricis
cui
idem
Rex
Fidelitatem
juraverat
.
An.
1138.
those
avengers
is
as
horribly
describ'd
in
Mat.
Paris
.
But
agen
,
I
cannot
see
why
he
was
not
as
much
an
Invader
,
as
his
Grandfather
the
Conqueror
,
only
that
came
from
Normandy
,
this
out
of
Boleign
,
that
was
forct
to
fight
,
first
with
Harold
an
hardy
Foe
;
this
his
Invasion
facilitated
by
the
Weakness
of
a
Woman
;
but
as
weak
as
she
was
,
He
knew
her
Title
to
be
strong
,
and
as
strong
as
this
Author
would
have
him
with
the
People
,
yet
he
found
himself
too
weak
,
only
with
the
pretence
of
his
Election
to
defend
his
Vsurpation
,
found
an
Army
of
Flemmings
would
give
him
a
better
Title
to
the
Crown
,
than
all
this
Power
of
Parliament
to
the
Peopledom
,
and
that
a
good
Garrison
would
hold
out
longer
in
his
defence
than
our
Authors
House
of
Commons
;
and
in
truth
his
being
so
good
a
Souldier
would
not
suffer
him
to
be
long
a
precarious
King
,
an
hundred
thousand
Pound
of
the
good
old
Kings
Treasure
,
did
him
more
good
than
all
their
suffrages
;
it
brought
Men
and
Arms
out
of
Britany
and
Flanders
,
and
built
so
many
Castles
for
those
sort
of
Monarch-makers
,
till
the
whole
Kingdom
seemed
all
over
but
one
CITADEL
,
and
all
its
Government
but
an
entire
Garrison
.
Yet
as
secure
as
he
thought
himself
ibid.
Paris
.
both
in
Subjects
and
his
Strength
,
the
prevalency
of
Right
and
Justice
soon
encompast
him
with
as
many
Dangers
:
His
Nobility
begin
to
be
incensed
against
him
,
and
that
out
of
a
sence
of
his
having
injured
an
Heir
;
The
provok't
Empress
Lands
with
a
strong
party
,
and
her
presence
soon
proclaimed
the
Justice
of
her
Cause
,
and
made
that
Oath
they
had
swallowed
for
her
,
without
any
Operation
or
Effect
,
to
work
,
now
as
strongly
;
a
pitcht
Battle
and
a
fierce
one
too
is
fought
;
his
Souldiers
forsook
him
at
last
,
as
well
as
his
People
,
and
he
forc't
to
sight
so
desperately
,
for
a
cause
that
was
ever
as
desperate
,
till
himself
is
taken
a
Prisoner
,
by
her
from
whom
he
took
the
Crown
;
and
tho
she
brought
a
War
for
her
Right
,
was
received
peaceably
,
entered
Her
Capital
City
in
Triumph
,
and
by
her
Loyal
Londoners
welcom'd
with
Acclamation
and
Joy
.
And
pray
what
was
the
Consequence
now
of
this
debarred
Right
,
but
what
always
attends
it
,
BLOOD
;
the
Scots
had
with
a
Savage
sort
of
a
Revenge
shed
some
for
her
before
,
she
spilt
a
great
deal
before
she
came
to
this
,
and
before
the
ground
which
had
drunk
so
much
Gore
could
be
said
to
be
dry
,
at
Winohester
't
is
moistened
with
a
fresh
supply
,
and
that
too
with
a
War
of
Women
;
MATIL'D
the
Queen
invades
Maud
the
Empress
,
the
worst
cause
,
as
it
is
wont
,
(
prevails
best
)
and
here
the
Right
Heir
is
again
driven
from
the
enjoyment
of
her
Right
,
by
that
which
commonly
does
it
,
the
SWORD
;
and
Mat.
Paris
Justitia
de
Caelo
prospiciente
.
then
at
last
after
all
the
various
events
of
WAR
,
which
whatever
the
Fortune
be
,
must
still
end
in
the
loss
of
Lives
;
that
Just
Astrea
which
then
too
seemed
to
have
left
the
Earth
,
and
upon
it
nothing
Paris
his
own
Words
1153.
but
wrong
look't
down
from
Heaven
;
this
fierce
King
in
fuller
Assembly
than
in
what
he
was
chose
,
acknowledges
that
Hereditary
Right
against
which
he
had
fought
,
and
Henry
in
the
Right
of
his
Mother
Maud
to
be
the
Lawful
Successor
.
And
one
would
think
now
this
succeeding
Monarch's
Right
should
have
been
allowed
Hereditary
beyond
dispute
,
beyond
Contradiction
,
when
so
much
Blood
had
been
spilt
in
the
Defence
of
it
;
when
acknowledged
so
by
this
Popular
Advocates
,
own
People
,
and
before
them
owned
too
by
him
that
had
interrupted
the
Succession
,
and
excluded
the
Right
and
Lawful
Heir
.
But
what
cannot
Malice
suggest
,
or
Faction
invent
?
till
this
transport
against
Government
;
this
rage
of
Rebellion
suspends
the
calm
Operations
of
the
Soul
,
and
the
dictates
of
common
Sense
,
till
it
hurry
these
blind
Pretenders
to
verity
into
the
greatest
falsehoods
,
transports
them
into
perfect
Lyes
and
Absurdities
,
and
to
labour
even
against
the
Contradictions
of
Truth
and
Reason
:
Here
he
still
impudently
tells
us
against
plain
matter
of
Fact
,
the
Confessions
of
his
own
Creatures
the
People
,
and
the
Acknowledgment
of
his
own
Favourite
the
Vsurper
;
That
in
all
these
Transactions
there
was
no
Consideration
of
any
Right
,
but
what
universal
consent
conferr'd
.
And
his
Exception
to
our
Henry
the
Second's
Right
must
also
now
result
from
his
Mother
Mawds
Title
before
;
I
am
glad
we
can
get
him
to
tolerate
any
such
thing
,
as
Title
at
all
;
but
I
would
ask
this
Gentleman
(
if
he
has
any
thing
to
dispose
of
,
)
whether
he
might
not
cedere
de
bonis
,
as
the
Civilians
in
another
Case
Phrase
it
,
only
for
the
letting
his
Successor
and
Heir
Inherit
it
,
or
whether
upon
such
a
Cession
,
or
making
it
over
,
his
Son
should
not
succeed
into
this
Patrimony
,
till
he
had
knockt
his
bountiful
Father
in
the
head
,
or
he
was
pleased
to
step
aside
into
the
next
World
,
to
let
his
Successor
have
more
Room
in
this
.
I
fancy
he
would
be
glad
such
a
Resignation
might
pass
,
without
an
Attournment
of
his
LIFE
too
.
Maud
the
Empress
was
sufficiently
pleased
only
with
the
Succession
of
her
Son
,
and
as
Writers
say
,
quitted
her
Title
too
,
which
was
apparently
acknowledged
in
letting
him
succeed
.
Is
the
Mothers
Right
ever
the
less
,
when
the
Son
does
succeed
in
her
Right
,
and
is
there
no
Difference
between
altering
a
Succession
,
and
a
refusing
to
succeed
?
Matt.
Paris
makes
her
live
thirty
years
after
Stephen's
Death
;
time
enough
to
have
resented
her
wrong
,
if
she
thought
she
had
sustein'd
an
Interruption
of
her
Right
,
and
she
must
be
supposed
to
be
willing
to
consent
to
those
Conditions
of
peace
,
being
all
concluded
with
her
privity
,
and
she
having
suffered
sufficiently
with
a
troublesom
War
in
England
,
went
over
to
Normandy
for
Peace
.
This
Henry
knowing
his
Right
to
the
Crown
was
resolved
to
secure
the
same
Right
of
Succession
to
his
Son
;
and
this
Barons
Bishops
and
Abbots
to
let
them
know
he
would
have
him
to
be
secured
his
Successor
,
by
making
him
a
Copartner
in
the
Government
,
and
to
prevent
his
being
wronged
after
his
Death
,
was
resolved
to
see
him
enjoy
part
of
his
Right
in
his
Life
;
therefore
from
these
fine
Premises
he
draws
this
Illogical
Conclusion
,
that
he
was
elected
by
their
Consent
,
and
when
from
Gervas
himself
whom
he
Cites
it
appears
,
they
were
by
the
Kings
express
Command
call'd
to
his
Coronation
;
and
Paris
says
't
was
at
his
Summons
they
came
to
Crown
his
Son
,
and
by
his
Fathers
own
bidding
;
and
if
this
Parliamentary
choice
.
But
if
any
thing
could
be
condemned
p.
132.
And
Baker
says
the
same
.
p.
55.
in
this
unhappy
Solicitation
for
his
Sons
security
to
succeed
,
't
was
only
in
making
him
a
King
before
he
came
to
be
a
Successor
,
by
defrauding
himself
upon
a
sollicitous
distrust
,
of
part
of
that
Divine
Right
,
when
he
was
by
God
entrusted
with
the
whole
,
and
making
his
Son
to
Anticipate
that
by
his
forwardness
,
for
which
he
should
have
waited
the
Almighty's
leisure
:
The
Nature
of
Monarchy
being
inconsistent
with
a
Duum-Virate
,
units
may
be
as
well
divided
;
And
the
very
Etymon
of
the
Word
contends
for
the
sole
Soveraignty
it
expresses
.
And
the
very
sad
effects
of
this
contradictory
none
at
all
,
they
soon
animated
the
young
Monarch
against
his
Old
Father
,
and
let
him
know
that
't
was
absurd
for
any
one
to
be
called
a
King
,
and
to
have
nothing
of
Government
that
is
essential
to
it
in
the
Kingdom
.
Daniel
calls
it
the
making
the
Common-wealth
a
Monster
with
two
Heads
(
and
what
then
must
it
be
with
many
;
)
but
withal
tells
us
't
was
only
the
effect
of
jealousie
that
this
King
feared
from
his
Mothers
Example
,
and
that
some
of
his
false
Subjects
might
also
break
all
Oaths
of
Fealty
to
his
Son
,
(
as
well
as
this
perjur'd
Author
has
that
of
his
Allegiance
to
his
Sovereign
,
)
and
I
believe
this
alone
made
this
King
so
carefully
Praecipitous
,
as
to
prevent
the
Expiration
of
his
Reign
,
with
an
Anticipation
of
the
Grave
,
and
a
Resignation
of
his
Rule
,
with
a
POLITICAL
DEATH
;
for
this
Crown'd
Son
was
soon
by
LEWIS
of
France
embolden'd
to
that
insolency
from
having
the
half
,
that
in
plain
Terms
he
demanded
the
whole
,
and
what
the
too
bountiful
Father
had
no
Reason
to
grant
by
fair
means
,
the
ungrateful
Son
resolves
to
obtain
by
foul
,
sides
with
the
King
of
France
,
and
many
of
the
divided
Kingdom
with
Him
,
and
are
all
in
Arms
ready
for
Ruin
and
Destruction
;
neither
did
they
lie
down
their
Swords
,
till
it
ended
as
all
Alterations
in
a
Monarchy
,
in
BLOOD
,
and
the
Coparcenary
King
shortly
after
,
his
Life
;
but
a
little
before
reconciled
to
his
too
provident
Father
.
I
am
sure
this
shows
even
the
Participation
of
the
Royal
Power
dangerous
,
tho
by
those
that
had
Right
to
Succession
;
and
if
such
an
Alteration
in
the
Government
can
prove
so
fatal
,
much
more
then
an
altering
the
Succession
it self
,
and
if
a
Crown
can't
like
a
common
Conveyance
with
fafety
be
made
over
in
trust
;
I
dare
say
't
will
be
less
secure
to
cut
off
entail
.
The
next
Reign
that
we
have
Reason
to
reply
upon
,
is
that
of
Richard
the
First
,
and
with
that
his
irrational
Inferences
have
dealt
as
unreasonably
;
for
he
there
by
his
own
Confession
has
no
other
Authority
for
his
Election
(
as
his
own
words
de
Daeto
he
quotes
tho
it
should
be
de
Diceto
,
who
oficiated
at
his
Coronation
,
Haereditario
jure
promovendus
,
are
his
words
〈◊〉
fore
.
have
it
)
but
the
words
of
his
Historian
,
and
yet
this
very
Historian
,
whom
he
there
most
impudently
traduces
and
abuses
,
acknowledges
his
Hereditary
Right
to
the
Crown
;
by
which
he
was
to
be
promoted
;
before
ever
he
tells
you
of
the
solemn
Election
of
the
People
;
which
beyond
contradiction
confirms
what
the
Worthy
Dr.
B.
has
as
significantly
suggested
,
that
the
common
acceptation
of
Election
amongst
ancient
Authors
,
imply'd
nothing
less
than
what
our
factious
insinuators
apply
it
to
,
and
that
they
meant
nothing
else
but
Confirmation
or
Acknowledgment
;
for
first
,
would
such
a
Learned
Authority
as
he
cites
,
only
labour
under
a
learned
Contradiction
,
and
tell
you
such
an
one
was
promoted
for
his
Hereditary
Right
,
and
then
in
the
very
subsequent
words
declare
it
was
by
solemn
Election
:
Certainly
such
Immortal
Authors
could
never
wage
with
Sense
and
Reason
a
Mortal
War
;
and
he
himself
is
so
favourable
to
their
pious
Memory
,
as
to
omit
all
the
seeming
Contradiction
,
because
not
reconc
leable
to
his
prejudic'd
Interpretation
:
and
when
Historians
tell
you
of
any
thing
of
Election
,
(
which
he
would
have
popular
,
)
be
sure
he
omits
what
ever
they
say
of
Hereditary
Succession
before
;
so
has
he
done
here
:
so
in
most
of
the
Citations
elsewhere
.
And
next
also
he
tells
us
,
that
his
Father
had
gotten
the
Succession
confirm'd
to
him
in
his
Life
.
Of
which
many
of
our
modern
Historians
are
totally
silent
,
and
afterwards
that
he
was
again
Elected
by
the
People
,
of
which
in
his
sense
,
none
truly
speak
:
nether
is
it
reconcileable
how
they
shou'd
twice
solemnly
choose
him
for
their
King
,
when
even
in
Poland
it self
once
will
serve
:
but
besides
,
before
his
Solemn
Coronation
,
(
or
as
he
wou'd
have
it
)
his
popular
Election
,
immediately
after
his
Fathers
Hereditary
Right
,
he
exercised
as
he
might
well
do
,
and
as
has
been
since
resolv'd
any
King
of
ours
may
,
absolute
Power
of
a
King
before
this
Solemn
Ceremony
of
Coronation
;
for
presently
he
seizes
upon
his
Fathers
Treasure
in
France
,
Imprisons
,
Fetters
,
Manacles
the
late
Kings
Treasurer
to
extort
the
uttermost
penny
.
I
think
Crowned
King
:
He
is
there
girt
by
the
Arch-Bishop
with
a
Sword
;
takes
fealty
both
of
Clergy
and
Lay
;
makes
a
Truce
with
the
King
of
France
,
and
all
this
before
ever
he
came
into
England
to
be
Crown'd
or
Elected
.
And
shou'd
we
yield
to
this
perverse
Imposture
,
the
signification
of
his
word
for
which
he
has
so
long
labour'd
,
yet
all
this
while
we
find
his
very
People
more
willing
to
Elect
him
that
had
an
Hereditary
Right
,
than
a
spurious
Invader
that
had
none
at
at
all
,
and
did
actually
Confirm
him
in
his
Succession
:
unless
the
more
powerful
Usurper
terrifi'd
them
from
their
Loyal
Intentions
,
and
truly
the
mistaken
Gentleman
might
have
as
well
prov'd
that
he
was
the
third
time
Elected
too
;
when
after
his
Imprisonment
that
he
suffer'd
from
Henry
the
Sixth
,
the
German
Emperor
,
after
he
came
home
,
and
had
held
a
Parliament
at
Nottingham
,
he
was
again
recognis'd
for
their
King
,
and
Crown'd
at
Winchester
.
But
what
can
be
better
Evidence
of
the
precedency
that
was
allow'd
to
the
nearest
of
blood
in
a
Lineal
Descent
,
then
But
in
spight
of
all
Adoption
and
Right
,
JOHN
as
great
an
Usurper
as
any
,
laid
hold
of
the
Scepter
and
held
it
too
,
only
as
some
of
our
Tenures
in
Law
,
by
primer
occupancy
;
he
had
his
Brothers
Army
in
the
field
,
and
that
was
then
enough
to
have
made
a
King
of
a
Cromwel
an
Hewson
,
a
Brewer
or
a
Cobler
,
actually
did
homage
to
France
as
King
of
England
.
powerful
Arms
that
filence
any
Law
.
But
still
the
Nobility
were
for
maintaining
the
Right
of
Succession
in
Arthur
,
and
as
they
call'd
it
the
usual
Custom
of
Inheritance
;
most
of
his
Provinces
in
France
stood
firm
to
him
,
and
so
did
the
King
of
it
;
and
had
Fortune
favor'd
him
,
upon
whom
for
the
most
part
it
frowns
the
Justest
pretender
,
he
had
not
been
made
a
Prisoner
to
his
Uncle
,
to
whom
he
was
a
King
;
and
been
murder`d
by
him
after
the
Siege
of
Mirabel
.
But
the
Barons
rebellious
Insurrection
soon
aveng'd
the
Barbarous
Butchery
,
and
but
bloody
consequences
here
too
attended
the
Debar'd
Right
.
He
is
forsaken
of
all
his
People
;
and
the
French
Kings
Son
a
perfect
Forreigner
invited
in
for
a
King
;
and
his
end
at
the
last
as
unnatural
,
as
the
death
he
gave
to
his
Nephew
.
And
here
upon
the
Coronation
of
this
intruding
King
John
,
the
factious
Historian
rehearses
the
Clause
of
Hubert
the
Bishop
of
Canterbury's
Speech
,
that
declar'd
the
right
to
the
Crown
to
consist
only
in
the
Election
of
the
People
;
but
disingenuously
omits
the
very
reason
of
the
self
same
Prelate
;
who
when
he
was
pincht
with
the
Interrogatory
why
he
would
preach
up
such
pernicious
Principles
,
own'd
it
more
a
Design
of
Policy
,
than
the
Sense
of
Henry
the
Third
,
a
Prince
too
young
to
know
his
Right
,
much
less
to
be
able
himself
to
take
Possession
of
it
;
was
presently
upon
his
Fathers
Death
Crown'd
King
.
Certainly
upon
the
Consideration
of
his
Hereditary
Right
,
or
the
Testamentary
Donation
of
his
Father
,
whom
Paris
says
he
appointed
Hereditary
Right
;
especially
when
the
same
Author
in
the
beginning
of
the
young
Kings
Reign
says
;
they
only
came
together
,
to
Exalt
him
to
the
Throne
of
his
Father
;
and
not
one
word
of
their
Suffrages
or
Election
:
therefore
what
could
not
be
proved
from
matter
of
Fact
,
must
be
suggested
with
an
Innuendo
;
and
because
the
good
Earl
Marshal
in
a
perswasive
Speech
exhorted
them
to
adhere
to
their
lawful
Sovereign
,
it
imply'd
the
Consent
of
the
People
requir'd
:
if
such
an
Assent
shall
make
the
Kingdom
Elective
,
't
will
be
hard
to
proveany
Hereditary
;
for
all
people
that
do
not
actually
Rebel
and
Oppose
,
must
in
that
sense
be
said
to
Consent
and
Elect
;
and
when
ever
our
Kings
are
Crown'd
,
't
is
so
far
with
the
Consent
of
the
people
,
that
they
do
not
interrupt
the
Coronation
.
But
can
he
prove
in
any
of
his
pretended
Elections
,
much
less
here
,
that
ever
in
England
they
balloted
for
the
Crown
,
or
drew
Lots
for
the
Kingdom
;
that
they
had
ever
any
certain
number
of
Electors
as
in
Germany
,
or
carried
it
by
Majority
of
suffrages
as
in
Poland
;
'
tho
I
believe
some
of
them
would
make
no
more
of
his
Majesty
than
a
Bourrought
Representative
,
or
a
County
Knight
,
and
〈◊〉
allow
him
the
Freedom
of
a
Pole
.
But
with
what
face
can
he
urge
it
p.
175.
here
,
when
the
whole
drift
of
Pembrokes
Oration
was
only
to
satisfy
them
the
Succession
belong'd
to
the
Son
,
and
that
the
French
Usurper
Lewis
would
be
the
ruin
of
the
Realm
?
which
Speech
was
so
effectual
too
;
that
several
of
the
Principal
of
the
Barons
not
withstanding
that
open
hatred
to
his
Father
,
in
spight
of
Obligation
of
an
Oath
to
Lewis
,
they
still
thought
their
Loyalty
,
and
Allegiance
more
obliging
,
and
revolt
from
the
French-man
:
till
all
at
last
,
deserted
of
all
,
he
abjures
his
claim
and
the
Kingdom
together
.
After
he
had
been
first
routed
by
Land
at
Lncoln
by
Pembroke
the
Protector
,
and
his
fresh
supplys
at
Sea
near
Dover
,
by
Hubert
the
Gouernour
:
Matt.
Paris
,
who-told
him
that
if
his
Master
was
dead
he
had
left
Sons
and
Daughters
alive
.
And
the
bold
Speech
of
that
stout
Souldiers
,
to
this
powerfull
Prince
,
when
he
demanded
Dover
on
the
Death
of
King
John
,
was
a
better
Evidence
what
sense
the
people
had
of
a
Lawful
〈◊〉
,
than
he
from
the
Marshals
can
evince
that
he
succeeded
by
Election
and
against
the
Laws
of
Descent
;
and
all
that
he
can
pertinently
draw
from
the
Protectors
Oration
,
is
,
that
an
Infant
King
did
not
speak
for
himself
.
But
if
ought
be
a
blot
in
his
Succession
,
't
is
what
this
praejudiced
Historian
I
am
sure
does
not
care
to
Hit
,
and
that
is
the
weakness
of
his
Fathers
Title
that
forc't
him
to
strenghten
his
Sons
with
a
Donation
:
And
Elenor
the
Sister
of
his
Cousen
Arthur
who
had
a
Stronger
right
,
did
not
that
too
little
,
a
well
guarded
Prison
,
too
weak
to
hold
a
Legitimate
Prince
,
and
that
from
thence
too
they
have
Mounted
the
Throne
.
To
the
Succession
of
his
Son
Edward
the
first
,
one
would
have
thought
all
his
diligent
malice
or
the
Devils
could
never
have
afforded
an
Objection
;
for
it
seems
he
can't
find
so
much
as
his
own
old
dear
word
Elected
,
here
amongst
his
abus'd
Authors
;
but
another
False
suggestion
must
supply
the
defect
:
And
where
his
Trope
of
Inversion
can't
pervert
the
Truth
,
another
part
of
Rhetorick
must
serve
the
Turn
;
Invention
,
and
a
Lye
:
for
so
is
that
which
he
would
have
us
believe
,
that
his
Second
Brother
Edmund
was
the
First
;
(
And
truly
I
believe
he
could
Invert
the
Course
of
Nature
too
as
well
as
Blood
,
would
it
serve
his
turn
;
)
and
this
we
must
take
for
unquestion'd
Authority
from
the
pretensions
of
the
House
of
Lancaster
that
descended
from
him
,
and
say
he
was
only
rejected
for
his
Deformity
;
truly
were
there
nothing
to
refute
it
but
only
their
pretentions
,
the
prejudice
and
partiality
of
the
Pretenders
were
sufficient
to
render
it
suspected
;
which
aspiring
Line
Labour'd
as
much
in
its
Genealogy
,
as
ever
any
Welsh
Gentleman
in
his
Pedigree
:
But
the
best
of
it
is
,
matter
of
Fact
contradicts
it
,
Historians
deny
it
,
and
none
but
himself
would
assert
Ed.
mund
An.
1246.
it
.
It
Appears
from
Paris
that
this
primitive
Lancastrian
was
no
less
than
Six
years
younger
.
And
he
an
Author
that
Liv'd
in
the
same
Reign
and
resided
in
year
of
his
Reign
.
Edm.
in
29.
So
Daniel
says
&
Baker
:
Fecit
Iurare
Fidelitatem
&
Ligeantiam
Edwardo
primogenito
,
suo
,
Paris
An.
1240.
Vid.
Bisp
.
Carlisle
speech
,
Rich.
2d
.
in
Baker
or
Trussel
,
who
says
he
was
neither
Elder
or
deform'd
.
the
very
same
Court
,
and
says
that
the
Londoners
swore
Allegiance
to
the
First-born
Edward
but
a
year
old
,
and
then
before
the
Second
was
so
much
as
born
.
And
for
his
deformity
that
he
only
gathers
from
the
shallower
Argument
of
his
Name
being
Crouch-back
,
which
as
Baker
observes
,
was
rather
from
his
wearing
a
Cross
upon
his
Back
,
and
this
I
look
upon
as
better
Authority
then
Buck's
in
the
accomplishment
and
polishing
of
Richard
the
third
,
and
the
cleering
of
him
from
his
crookedness
;
and
yet
I
believe
our
good
Natur'd
Historian
will
readily
credit
that
,
because
spoken
in
commendation
of
a
Usurper
,
a
Tyrant
,
and
a
Murderer
;
and
one
that
came
to
the
Crown
,
as
he
will
have
it
,
by
the
consent
of
the
People
,
tho
this
of
ours
must
by
no
means
be
believed
,
because
it
no
way
makes
for
his
purpose
.
The
last
was
but
little
,
and
now
the
next
Reign
is
as
much
for
the
Gentleman's
purpose
,
and
that
's
a
Rebellion
of
a
Parliament
,
an
actual
Deposition
of
the
present
King
,
and
the
Murdering
of
his
Sovereign
,
and
of
that
,
he
makes
as
good
use
too
,
as
if
he
designed
not
only
to
transmit
it
with
his
Papers
to
posterity
;
but
with
his
Pen
for
the
present
Age
to
transcribe
it
into
Practice
,
and
what
the
Devil
himself
would
have
condemned
in
an
History
;
has
this
Impious
Wretch
made
a
damnable
President
:
It
must
be
his
Design
,
from
the
Season
of
its
Publication
,
from
the
Proceedings
of
his
Parliament
,
and
from
the
subsequent
Discoveries
,
the
whole
piece
was
nothing
else
in
every
Paragraph
,
but
a
Vindication
of
the
Parliaments
Power
over
Kings
,
and
here
in
this
he
has
made
the
Deposition
of
his
King
,
like
their
ordinary
Proceedings
warrantable
by
President
;
why
did
he
not
tell
them
too
,
Painted
Chamber
Their
own
Journal
Book
Fol.
116.
Monday
the
29.
ordered
a
warrant
be
drawn
for
Executing
the
King
in
the
open
Street
before
White-Hall
.
Sir
Arthur
Haslerig
Reports
from
the
Committee
,
Sons
of
the
late
King
should
dye
without
Mercy
wheresoever
they
should
be
found
.
And
he
had
certainly
brought
down
his
History
to
this
too
had
the
Times
been
but
black
enough
to
bear
it
;
for
the
subsequent
sacrificing
of
Richard
the
Second
is
as
much
his
popular
Theam
;
his
Power
of
Parliaments
,
and
his
Election
of
the
People
:
He
tells
them
their
Ancestors
were
weary
of
this
Kings
Irregular
and
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
the
malicious
Wretch
found
some
of
their
present
Posterity
,
as
uneasie
under
a
mild
,
and
merciful
Reign
;
he
tells
them
their
Parliament
publickly
read
a
Paper
containing
Instances
of
the
Kings
Misgovernment
,
Encroachments
and
Vsurpation
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
of
following
such
Orders
as
shall
from
Time
to
Time
be
received
from
this
present
Parliament
,
or
the
Major
part
of
the
Members
,
when
it
shall
be
Prorogu'd
or
Dissolved
,
and
obey
such
Officers
as
they
shall
set
over
us
,
Certainly
his
making
this
unfortunate
Edward's
Deposition
a
Parliamentary
President
has
unmaskt
our
Treasons
Historiographer
,
superseded
even
with
men
but
of
common
Sense
his
designed
Impositions
,
registred
himself
an
inveterate
Traytor
with
his
own
hand
,
and
Chronicl'd
his
lasting
Treason
to
Posterity
,
which
will
blush
at
the
reading
of
those
Villanous
Infinuations
,
which
his
most
Licentious
Pen
could
Publish
without
;
't
was
then
in
that
Kings
Reign
too
,
as
appears
in
their
Ordinances
they
made
,
the
Tumultuous
and
Rebellious
Fol.
20.
Barons
;
(
for
the
Commons
were
then
not
so
considerable
as
to
raise
a
Rebellion
,
)
upon
the
Pretence
of
Gods
Honour
and
the
Church
;
the
Honour
of
the
King
and
his
Realm
;
made
〈◊〉
to
remove
evil
Councellors
,
reform
the
Court
,
and
to
force
the
King
to
let
them
name
all
the
Judges
of
the
Bench
,
and
the
chief
Officers
of
the
Crown
;
how
near
they
then
agreed
with
some
of
our
late
Transactions
,
and
how
well
those
have
been
copy'd
since
,
I
need
not
observe
.
And
that
the
Narrative
the
Author
of
this
piece
presents
to
the
Parliament
was
offered
only
for
the
Designs
I
have
suggested
,
appears
also
from
this
Instance
,
being
no
way
pertinent
,
to
what
ought
to
be
the
right
purport
of
his
History
,
whose
Subject
should
have
been
but
of
Succession
;
But
that
he
found
was
not
to
be
disputed
here
in
this
Reign
,
it
being
Hereditary
beyond
Contradiction
,
and
't
is
now
an
unanswerable
Confirmation
that
those
who
are
so
much
for
altering
the
discent
of
the
Crown
,
are
as
much
for
the
deposing
of
him
that
wears
it
;
't
is
now
an
attested
Truth
under
their
own
hands
,
and
they
must
give
themselves
the
Lye
to
confute
it
.
But
whatever
were
the
pardonable
faults
of
this
unhappy
Prince
,
tho
our
can
do
no
wrong
:
The
greatest
that
Daniel
condemns
and
must
it
be
criminal
to
a
King
to
have
a
Friend
?
)
But
however
in
his
History
calls
it
the
first
Example
of
a
deposed
Prince
,
no
less
dishonourable
to
the
State
than
to
him
;
〈◊〉
calls
the
Bishop
of
Hereford
,
that
Mischievous
Embassador
;
and
pray
what
was
the
Fate
of
those
that
were
the
first
Leaders
of
the
Rebellion
,
and
the
most
mutinous
.
The
mighty
Duke
of
Lancaster
was
by
his
own
Peers
condemned
to
be
Hang'd
and
Quartered
,
and
was
only
Beheaded
,
and
several
Barons
besides
,
and
afterward
Mortimer
the
Queens
own
Minion
and
Favourite
,
was
impeached
in
Parliament
of
Edward
the
Third
,
for
making
Dissention
between
the
late
King
and
Queen
;
for
murdering
of
his
Sovereign
,
and
accordingly
was
drawn
,
Hanged
and
Quartered
for
it
with
several
of
his
Adherents
.
But
as
Unanimous
and
as
Clamorous
cited
p.
Dr.
B.
as
they
seemed
for
his
Deposition
,
the
greatest
Contenders
for
it
as
some
of
our
Historians
affirm
,
lamented
it
with
regret
when
it
was
done
,
and
Stow
tells
us
,
that
when
the
Queen
understood
seemed
to
be
full
of
sorrow
,
as
it
were
almost
out
of
her
Wits
,
and
the
Son
lamented
too
,
and
swore
,
that
against
his
Fathers
Will
,
he
would
never
take
the
Crown
.
And
after
all
,
what
succeeded
this
most
unjust
Deprivation
and
Imprisonment
of
a
King
but
what
still
is
its
immediate
subsequent
,
the
Barbarous
Murder
;
this
was
verified
in
the
following
fate
of
King
Richard
,
this
was
the
unfortunate
Consequence
of
our
late
confined
Martyr
;
Mattrevers
Iron
soon
followed
the
firsts
Imprisonment
in
Corse
and
Berkley
Gastle
;
Exton`s
Poll-ax
as
quickly
dispatcht
the
Second
at
Pomsret
,
and
the
Block
at
White-Hall
too
soon
attended
the
Confinements
of
the
last
Martyr
in
Carisbrook
and
Holmby
,
confirming
even
with
his
last
breath
,
and
verifying
in
his
latest
Blood
this
too
fatal
Aphorism
;
that
a
Death
soon
follows
but
a
little
distance
between
the
Prisons
,
and
the
Graves
of
Princes
.
And
now
the
next
that
enters
this
Theater
Royal
,
is
Edward
the
Third
,
a
Son
too
forward
to
accept
of
a
Crown
,
before
't
was
his
due
;
But
notwithstanding
this
Rebellious
Instance
he
hath
given
,
not
so
formally
chosen
,
as
to
make
the
Kingdom
Elective
,
for
their
very
chusing
of
his
Son
,
and
that
the
Eldest
,
insinuates
that
in
spight
of
their
obstinate
dissobedience
,
their
resolute
Rebellion
,
they
were
still
toucht
with
a
sense
of
right
,
and
priviledge
of
Primogeniture
,
and
the
small
remainders
of
Majesty
,
the
bare
Right
they
had
,
left
him
,
awd
them
so
far
,
as
to
think
it
necessary
to
palliate
their
too
open
villanies
,
with
the
formality
of
a
Resignation
,
neither
would
the
Son
accept
it
,
neither
was
he
proclaimed
,
or
Crown'd
,
till
his
〈◊〉
had
resigned
;
and
let
the
bold
audacious
force
they
used
for
it
;
lie
at
their
Door
that
vindicate
it
;
his
resigning
entitled
his
Son
,
and
he
had
a
sort
of
Right
in
Civil
Law
besides
Hereditary
,
pro
derelicto
.
Here
't
is
pretty
remarkable
,
the
fine
sort
of
Observation
he
makes
on
the
Bishop
of
Canterbury's
Text
;
vox
Populi
,
But
can
ever
Wretches
show
more
industrious
Malice
towards
the
Government
,
when
they
shall
close
with
the
Doctrines
of
their
worst
of
Enemies
,
and
which
they
would
be
thought
so
damnably
to
detest
;
to
do
it
an
Injury
,
cite
you
the
Authority
of
the
most
Zealous
Catholicks
,
when
it
will
make
against
the
Monarchy
,
yet
baffle
,
and
burlesque
the
very
Bible
,
when
it
makes
for
it
;
the
malitious
Miscreant
knows
the
Clergy
then
were
all
bound
by
their
Oaths
,
besides
their
Opinions
,
to
be
the
Bigots
of
Rome
:
He
knows
the
Popes
supremacy
,
then
would
not
admit
of
the
Kings
:
He
knows
the
pleasing
of
the
People
,
was
then
the
best
Expedient
for
the
promoting
the
Pope
,
that
from
them
came
all
the
Penny
's
,
that
paid
them
for
their
Pater-nosters
,
and
that
this
beast
of
Babylon
,
(
against
which
our
Zealots
pretend
too
as
much
Brutal
rage
)
then
only
trampled
upon
the
Necks
of
Kings
,
not
only
had
Her
stirrops
held
by
them
;
but
rid
upon
the
very
backs
of
Princes
,
and
that
only
because
the
poor
People
were
so
Priest-ridden
;
would
he
have
had
that
Popish
Prelate
preach
to
them
the
Kings
Supremacy
,
told
them
he
was
not
to
be
toucht
,
because
jure
divino
;
when
themselves
make
it
the
Doctrin
of
their
Church
to
dethrone
them
;
certainly
such
Sycophànts
dissemble
when
they
cry
up
the
Reformation
,
that
rely
so
much
upon
the
Religion
of
those
times
before
they
were
Reform'd
.
The
Bishop
,
as
he
thinks
,
having
now
Westm.
Pol.
Virg.
Lib.
5.
pretty
well
asserted
the
Peoples
supremacy
by
making
them
Divine
;
he
brings
in
as
prettily
Polidore
Virgil
,
proving
them
to
be
all
Princes
,
so
that
we
have
now
but
one
Subject
left
,
and
that
's
the
King
;
but
by
his
leave
the
Governments
bark
must
be
wrackt
in
a
Rebellion
and
a
storm
,
before
they
can
come
to
Reign
like
so
many
Trincaloes
in
the
Tempest
:
The
Gentleman
sure
read
Shakespear
instead
of
Virgil
,
and
thinks
our
Isle
enchanted
too
;
but
to
be
serious
in
matters
of
Blood
,
and
Right
,
and
that
when
both
Royal
,
could
any
Person
of
sober
sense
be
so
simply
sollicitous
,
as
from
an
Author
forreign
,
unknowing
our
Constitutions
,
calling
some
of
our
Subjects
Principes
to
suggest
their
Supremacy
,
their
Superiority
;
we
know
as
well
as
he
,
what
he
means
by
it
,
or
what
he
must
mean
,
that
they
were
some
of
the
chief
of
the
Realm
,
and
will
that
make
them
Rulers
too
:
the
Latin
Idiom
sometimes
applies
the
word
Princeps
,
to
subordinate
supremacy
,
as
well
as
to
those
that
are
sole
Supream
:
But
even
the
Authority
that
he
cites
for
this
silly
Suggestion
,
and
others
;
P.
Virgil
himself
is
sufficiently
secluded
Henry
Savill
.
The
next
Factious
Insinuation
that
follows
,
is
that
John
De
Gaunt
,
this
Edward
the
Thirds
fourth
Son
;
but
the
Eldest
surviving
,
disputed
the
Succession
:
But
this
,
as
a
Learned
,
and
Loyal
Author
observes
,
so
far
from
Truth
,
that
he
was
at
the
latter
end
of
his
Fathers
Life
,
made
Lieutenant
of
the
Realm
,
and
Protector
of
it
,
during
Richard
his
Minority
;
certainly
had
his
Competition
come
in
Question
,
they
would
have
been
but
dangerous
Trusts
,
and
against
the
Laws
of
all
Nations
and
our
own
;
for
the
Civil
takes
sufficient
Care
for
the
removing
of
all
suspected
Tutors
,
and
our
Common
ordained
upon
And
here
since
this
Historian
has
already
cited
two
or
three
Popish
Archbishops
,
for
the
Countenancing
of
his
Puritanism
,
and
the
Doctrine
of
Bellarmin
for
the
Counterpart
of
Buchanan
,
conspiring
in
a
perfect
Harmony
for
the
Deposition
of
their
Kings
,
and
their
Murder
;
I
'le
tell
him
of
another
Canterbury
too
,
that
blew
the
Trumpet
to
the
dethroning
of
the
next
King
,
and
the
sacrificing
of
his
Sovereign
upon
that
Altar
of
his
Lips
.
For
the
first
thing
that
the
first
Usurper
attempted
,
that
aspiring
Prince
when
he
landed
,
was
the
causing
of
Arundel
,
then
the
Metropolitan
,
to
preach
down
King
Richard
;
the
Prelate
had
ready
a
Bull
procured
from
Rome
,
promising
Remission
of
Sins
to
all
those
that
should
aid
the
said
Henry
,
and
after
their
death
to
be
placed
in
Paradice
;
which
preaching
as
our
Author
says
,
very
Poyson
of
his
deadly
Foes
,
only
to
spit
the
venom
,
in
the
Face
of
the
Government
.
But
with
what
face
can
he
tell
us
of
a
Parliament
,
here
drawing
up
a
Form
of
Resignation
;
which
was
just
as
much
a
Parliament
as
their
late
Major
part
of
Members
that
were
to
be
obey'd
in
their
Association
:
An
Invader
,
Usurper
and
a
banisht
Subject
takes
upon
him
in
the
name
of
his
Sovereing
to
Summon
it
;
and
so
did
our
late
Rebels
,
fight
and
fire
at
his
Majesty
:
but
still
with
his
own
good
Leave
and
Authority
,
this
Convok't
that
Parliament
,
as
Cromwel
secluded
his
,
with
an
Army
at
his
heels
;
only
those
had
secured
their
King
in
the
Tower
,
these
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
;
and
shall
these
their
Journals
of
Rebellion
,
make
up
a
Book
of
Presidents
?
Is
such
a
fellow
fit
to
breath
under
a
mild
Government
,
that
calls
for
Blood
,
where
there
is
so
much
Mercy
?
that
Recommends
to
your
reading
an
Impeachment
of
his
King
,
and
refers
you
to
the
Charge
,
and
Articles
that
were
drawn
up
for
his
Deposition
,
as
a
worthy
Subject
and
well
deserving
to
be
read
:
Why
did
he
not
tells
us
too
?
as
well
deserving
to
be
imitated
,
Jan.
20
,
48.
The
Sollicitor
Cook
presented
the
Charge
against
CHARLES
STEWART
Engrost
,
ordered
that
it
be
returned
to
him
to
be
exhibited
.
Preposterous
Lump
of
Law
and
It
is
a
Maxim
in
Law
Rexest
Principium
Caput
,
&
Finis
Parliamenti
.
Logick
revers'd
!
that
prints
himself
the
Contradiction
to
common
Equity
and
Reason
;
can
such
a
Body
Politick
justly
convene
it self
,
only
to
Rebel
against
its
head
,
and
to
take
away
that
Breath
from
whence
it
needs
must
have
its
being
;
But
as
to
the
matter
of
Fact
it self
,
you
shall
see
what
Sence
some
of
the
Times
had
of
it
:
The
King
of
France
Resolved
the
King
makes
Laws
by
the
Assent
of
Lords
and
Commons
.
was
so
sensible
of
this
Injurious
Proceeding
,
that
it
ran
him
into
a
fit
of
Frenzy
;
Richard
being
related
to
him
by
the
Marriage
of
his
Daughter
,
he
acquaints
his
Lords
with
his
Resolution
of
Revenge
;
and
they
shew'd
themselves
as
ready
to
take
it
too
,
but
were
prevented
here
in
England
,
by
their
taking
away
his
Life
;
which
made
them
desist
,
not
able
to
serve
him
after
his
Death
.
This
is
but
an
Evidence
how
the
Villany
was
resented
abroad
,
and
you
may
find
they
were
as
much
upbraided
with
it
at
home
,
and
that
to
their
very
face
,
when
a
Parliament
was
sitting
,
and
their
Usurper
on
the
Throne
,
by
the
Loyal
Prelate
of
Carlisle
;
whose
Memory
may
it
live
as
long
as
Loyalty
can
flourish
,
or
our
Annals
last
:
so
solid
and
〈◊〉
were
the
Suggestions
,
so
significant
the
Sense
of
this
pious
agree
in
the
same
of
the
Bishops
Speech
.
Soul
,
that
it
silenc'd
all
the
Senate
that
was
sitting
;
and
nothing
but
the
prospect
of
some
private
or
publick
Favor
and
Preferment
hindred
their
Conviction
:
their
King
was
cool
enough
in
prosecuting
of
his
bold
Truths
,
being
scarce
warm
in
his
own
Government
;
yet
at
last
upon
Debate
,
and
Consultation
;
they
confin'd
the
bold
Bishop
for
a
while
,
for
the
Liberty
that
he
took
;
and
could
only
condemn
his
bold
Indiscretion
for
shewing
them
so
much
the
badness
of
their
Cause
.
Hollinshed
tells
us
this
poor
Prince
was
most
unthankfully
us'd
of
his
Subjects
.
In
no
Kings
days
were
the
Commons
in
greater
Wealth
,
or
the
Nobility
more
cherisht
:
how
near
some
of
our
pamper'd
Jesuruns
that
are
satten'd
to
rebel
;
confirm
the
danger
of
too
much
Luxury
and
ease
;
the
present
fears
from
their
experienced
Attempts
can
best
attest
.
But
the
fatality
that
befel
that
unhappy
Prince
,
affords
us
the
best
politicks
for
the
prevention
of
the
like
Fate
.
And
now
for
his
Henry
the
Fourth
,
he
is
forc't
to
〈◊〉
for
his
depending
on
the
Parliaments
choice
,
when
in
Henry
the
coming
in
by
Conquest
,
and
Conquest
is
one
of
the
first
claims
he
puts
in
at
his
Coronation
,
and
as
Haward
But
neither
did
the
success
of
a
prosperous
Wickedness
Countenance
this
Usurpation
;
for
he
was
soon
made
sensible
that
a
Crown
seldom
sits
easie
on
that
Head
,
where
it
has
so
little
Right
to
sit
,
and
indeed
before
it
could
be
well
setled
,
his
Lords
conspired
against
him
at
Westminster
,
set
up
Maudlin
the
Counterfeit
,
send
to
the
King
of
France
for
assistance
;
Glendour
stirrs
up
the
Welsh
to
rebel
;
the
Nobility
fell
from
him
,
drew
up
the
following
Articles
against
himself
,
viz.
for
having
Articl'd
himself
against
his
Sovereign
;
for
having
falsified
his
Oath
in
medling
with
the
Kingdom
and
the
Crown
,
for
taking
Arms
against
his
King
,
Imprisoning
,
Murdering
Him
;
that
he
unjustly
kept
the
Crown
from
the
Earl
of
March
,
to
whom
of
Right
it
belonged
,
and
vowed
the
Restoration
of
Him
,
and
His
Destruction
;
and
our
Author
well
deserving
to
be
read
,
and
one
thing
more
that
deserves
as
much
Observation
;
that
this
his
good
Peoples
Election
,
was
the
prime
Principal
Cause
Speed
Lib.
9.
Chap.
14.
Philip
De.
Comines
which
wrote
then
,
says
to
his
Remembrance
80.
of
Blood
Royal
dy'd
.
If
they
long
for
the
draught
of
Slaughter
and
Blood
that
followed
this
their
Election
of
the
Line
of
Lancaster
,
then
look
upon
the
lamentable
List
at
the
end
of
Trussel
.
of
losing
of
Millions
of
Lives
,
and
an
Ocean
of
Blood
;
here
entred
that
Line
of
Lancaster
that
had
almost
left
the
Nation
Childless
;
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
that
escap'd
the
Sword
,
were
still
by
the
prevailing
Party
chopt
off
or
gibbited
,
and
in
the
space
of
about
thirty
year
and
somewhat
upwards
,
they
dreined
more
Blood
in
England
,
then
e're
was
spent
in
the
Conquest
of
France
,
or
would
have
been
spilt
had
it
been
again
attempted
,
and
that
too
never
have
been
lost
by
their
Henry
the
Sixth
,
had
it
not
been
for
an
altered
Succession
,
and
an
injured
Heir
,
and
the
Bloody
Consequences
of
a
debarr'd
Right
.
And
now
at
last
,
he
is
forc't
to
allow
an
instance
of
a
Prince
,
that
succeeded
without
the
least
shadow
of
Election
;
and
that
in
Henry
the
Fifth
,
to
whom
himself
owns
they
swore
Allegiance
without
staying
for
his
being
declared
;
we
are
obliged
to
him
for
this
fair
Concession
;
but
this
Kindness
is
only
because
he
finds
it
as
clear
as
a
Postulatum
in
the
Mathematicks
,
beyond
his
own
Impudence
to
contradict
;
but
however
,
he
must
malitiously
observe
that
it
was
a
thing
strange
,
and
without
President
,
and
why
so
?
because
his
Polidore
tells
him
,
such
an
extraordinary
Kindness
was
never
shown
to
any
King
before
;
t
is
strange
that
his
Italian
should
understand
more
of
our
own
Government
,
than
all
our
own
English
Authors
;
't
is
no
wonder
sure
,
if
he
that
was
a
Stranger
to
our
Affairs
,
should
Write
as
strangely
of
it
,
and
make
our
Mighty
Monarchs
of
Britain
,
no
more
then
some
petty
Prince
of
his
own
Italy
,
and
as
Elective
as
their
Duke
of
Venice
:
But
this
perverse
Gentleman
shall
know
it
was
not
without
President
,
and
that
by
several
Instances
.
And
first
Richard
the
First
presently
on
his
Fathers
Death
without
staying
for
their
suffrages
,
seised
on
his
Father's
Treasure
,
was
girt
with
the
Sword
of
the
Dutchy
of
Normandy
,
took
fealty
both
of
Clergy
and
Lay
,
and
exercised
all
the
Authority
that
Sovereign
power
cou'd
allow
before
he
came
to
be
recogniz'd
2.
Hoveden's
Account
that
he
gives
of
King
John's
coming
to
the
Crown
,
which
as
some
Writers
say
,
is
the
extant
,
says
they
swore
Fealty
to
him
when
he
was
out
of
England
,
without
mentioning
any
thing
of
Preceding
Election
;
and
he
had
his
better
Title
,
his
Brothers
Army
then
in
the
field
;
by
which
he
cou'd
have
made
himself
soon
their
King
,
had
they
not
been
so
ready
to
receive
him
.
3.
Upon
the
Death
of
Henry
the
3d.
the
States
Assembled
at
the
New-Temple
,
and
proclaimed
his
Son
Edward
King
:
when
they
knew
not
swear
Fealty
to
him
,
and
cause
a
New-Seal
to
be
made
.
Here
sure
are
some
presidents
of
Allegiance
before
their
Election
,
unless
he
'll
make
Declaring
or
Proclaiming
to
be
so
;
and
then
in
Gods
Name
in
that
sense
,
let
them
as
he
contends
for
be
Elected
;
for
I
think
all
will
allow
they
are
proclaim'd
.
But
suppose
on
the
death
of
a
Predecessor
there
was
no
convention
of
any
of
the
Nobility
de
facto
dissolv'd
.
If
,
I
say
,
there
were
none
met
to
Declare
or
Proclaim
his
Succes
must
the
common
Maxim
be
contradicted
and
the
King
dye
too
,
for
want
of
their
Popular
Breath
to
give
him
Life
?
or
do
our
Laws
admit
that
this
interval
between
his
Predecessors
expiration
and
the
proclaiming
or
crowning
his
Successor
shall
be
call'd
an
Interregnum
?
they
know
the
Constitutions
of
our
Government
admit
no
more
of
this
than
an
Exclusion
.
They
know
that
immediately
by
Descent
King
James
was
declar'd
to
be
completely
and
absolutely
Vid
,
also
Calvins
Case
,
Cokes
Rept
.
part
7.
King
,
and
that
by
all
the
Judges
of
the
Kingdom
.
I
know
the
Kings
Successor
is
always
immediately
proclaim'd
upon
his
death
;
and
that
perhaps
is
more
for
the
proceedings
of
judicial
Processes
;
and
that
Writs
may
presently
run
in
his
name
:
But
were
such
a
Proclamation
obstructed
,
I
am
satisfi'd
he
commenc'd
an
absolute
King
upon
the
very
Minute
of
his
Predecessors
Expiration
;
and
if
the
Law
Maxim
won't
allow
an
Haeres
viventis
;
there
can
be
no
Heir
at
all
,
if
he
begin
not
to
be
so
presently
upon
his
Predecessors
Death
;
and
for
an
Evidence
of
Fact
,
as
well
as
Reason
,
this
very
King
of
whom
we
now
treat
,
catcht
at
the
Crown
,
while
his
Father
was
catching
at
his
last
breath
;
seised
it
as
his
own
,
as
being
his
and
Trussel
.
In
fine
vit.
Hen.
4.
Right
assoon
as
the
gasping
Monarch
did
but
seem
dead
,
who
only
reviv'd
to
let
him
know
how
little
that
Right
was
by
which
he
claim'd
,
and
so
sealed
the
wrong
he
had
done
with
his
last
breath
,
the
Successor
declaring
his
own
Sword
should
maintain
what
his
Fathers
had
got
.
Immediately
upon
this
Henry
the
Fifths
Death
,
his
Son
Henry
the
Sixth
succeeded
:
This
Author
himself
can
talk
of
nothing
of
Election
here
neither
,
but
that
he
succeeded
as
his
Fathers
Heir
;
but
to
make
the
power
of
Parliament
prevail
in
this
Kings
Reign
,
he
is
forc't
to
fly
to
a
President
,
that
prevents
any
other
Confutation
of
his
whole
History
;
for
whereas
he
has
contended
all
alone
for
a
Parliamentary
priviledge
for
altering
the
Succession
,
here
he
has
brought
upon
the
Stage
one
that
condemns
it self
,
for
doing
so
;
here
we
find
a
Duke
of
York
too
,
by
the
power
(
as
this
Gentleman
would
have
it
of
a
full
Recognition
of
the
Right
of
the
Lawful
Heir
,
and
that
no
foregoing
Act
is
of
any
force
to
foreclude
the
Right
Inheritor
of
the
Crown
,
and
the
Parliament
approving
of
a
Duke
of
York
for
their
Sovereign
,
as
a
Right
Heir
,
by
Lineal
discent
from
King
Richard
the
Second
.
And
now
the
Succession
of
this
next
King
Edward
the
Fourth
,
was
the
greatest
Confirmation
of
the
discent
of
the
Crown
to
be
by
Proximity
of
Blood
,
that
the
most
devout
Heart
the
most
zealous
Contender
for
this
undoubted
right
,
cou'd
wish
or
desire
.
Here
we
have
the
very
Parliaments
,
those
omnipotent
Powers
of
the
People
,
the
God
Almighties
of
these
Idolatrous
Adorers
themselves
acknowledging
;
that
such
a
Succession
is
agreeable
to
the
Laws
of
God
;
Nature
,
and
Nations
;
Human
and
Divine
;
and
is
this
now
as
this
factious
Impostor
would
insinuate
,
only
the
Doctrine
of
Lambeth
?
The
position
of
our
Lawds
and
the
Principle
of
our
Prelate
?
The
first
thing
that
was
done
,
in
the
first
of
this
Edward
the
Fourth
,
was
the
repealing
of
all
the
proceedings
against
Richard
the
Second
,
and
all
the
three
following
Lines
of
Lancaster
,
declar'd
absolute
Vsurpers
:
That
Henry
the
Fourth
rashly
,
against
Right
and
Justice
,
by
Force
and
Arms
,
against
his
Faith
and
Allegiance
,
rais'd
War
against
King
Richard
,
usurpt
and
intruded
on
the
Royal
Power
,
that
the
Tyrant
Imprison'd
,
murder'd
his
Anointed
,
Crowned
,
Consecrated
King
,
against
Gods
Law
,
and
Mans
Allegiance
;
and
that
there
moving
of
the
last
Vsurper
was
according
to
the
Laws
and
Custom
of
the
Realm
:
Most
of
the
proceedings
of
Parliaments
in
there
former
Reigns
were
all
null'd
and
vacated
;
and
the
Intrusion
of
the
first
Lancaster
into
the
Throne
,
declar'd
an
Occasion
of
the
ruine
of
the
Realm
;
and
the
ground
of
all
the
Civil
and
Intestine
Wars
that
followed
.
But
refractory
Rebels
may
reply
,
This
was
after
he
had
obtain'd
his
Right
again
with
the
Sword
,
and
all
the
Kingdom
then
his
own
Creatures
:
But
still
these
prejudic'd
Souls
can't
reflect
that
most
if
not
all
of
those
Elections
,
Vsurpations
,
that
they
cite
on
their
side
,
were
only
then
the
Sense
of
their
Parliaments
,
when
they
did
not
dare
to
think
otherwise
,
and
when
they
were
fright'ned
into
Faction
with
the
Terror
of
the
Sword
;
and
forc't
to
comply
for
the
fear
of
Arms
:
and
are
not
their
Votes
and
Suffrages
,
their
Resolves
,
and
Orders
;
as
warrantble
for
the
declaring
of
an
undoubted
Right
,
as
for
an
asserting
of
an
absolute
Wrong
?
But
even
such
a
suggestion
is
as
really
simple
,
as
't
is
truly
false
,
and
so
fails
them
too
;
for
their
own
Author
tells
us
,
that
the
Duke
of
York
did
not
think
it
worth
the
contending
for
,
till
his
Title
was
declar'd
in
Parliament
,
and
that
was
done
when
the
last
of
the
Usurpers
was
in
a
flourishing
Condition
,
at
the
head
of
his
House
of
Peers
,
and
in
the
hearts
of
his
People
.
And
the
rejecting
6.
Stow
p.
409.
To
which
they
after
diligent
deliberation
had
and
approved
.
Rot.
Parl.
39.
H.
6.
of
their
Intruder
,
so
far
from
being
done
by
force
,
that
they
took
all
the
Care
,
Counsel
and
Deliberation
imaginable
:
as
soon
as
the
Duke
put
in
his
Claim
,
they
reply'd
't
was
an
high
matter
,
and
not
to
be
consider'd
without
their
Kings
consent
,
to
whom
all
their
Lords
present
it
,
himself
orders
it
to
be
examin'd
,
his
own
Title
as
far
as
could
be
found
out
to
be
defended
;
accordingly
they
send
for
all
the
Judges
who
declin'd
(
without
doubt
out
of
distruct
)
the
discussing
it
;
then
all
the
Serjeants
are
sent
for
,
and
they
do
the
same
,
till
forc't
by
their
Superiors
into
these
three
or
four
extorted
Objections
.
1.
The
Oath
they
had
takento
this
King
.
2.
The
Entails
made
to
the
Heirs
of
Henry
the
Fourth
.
3.
That
he
claim'd
as
Inheritor
to
Henry
the
Third
.
The
Replies
of
the
Duke
.
That
no
Oath
was
obligatory
for
the
suppressing
of
a
Right
.
That
the
Entails
were
made
only
to
supply
the
defect
of
a
better
Title
.
And
that
Records
would
contradict
his
discent
,
from
Henry
the
Third
:
So
sufficiently
satisfied
that
honourable
Assembly
,
that
they
presently
recognise
his
Right
,
and
that
for
eschewing
the
many
In
conveniences
that
might
ensue
,
upon
an
Exclusion
.
And
for
saving
a
little
of
their
Kings
Honor
,
as
they
call'd
it
,
let
the
poor
Usurper
turn
a
Tenant
for
his
Life
;
and
that
prov'd
but
afterwards
at
the
Courtesie
of
the
Heir
.
Does
not
this
blind
implicit
Adorer
of
his
deify'd
Creatures
,
this
idolatrous
Admirer
of
his
own
created
Gods
,
see
in
these
particulars
,
and
even
in
his
own
presidents
that
he
cites
the
mutability
of
Mens
minds
,
and
the
contradictory
Conclusions
of
this
his
infallible
Council
,
while
Right
it self
must
still
remain
the
same
,
and
the
decrees
of
Heaven
can't
be
cancell'd
,
since
the
very
Laws
of
the
Persians
could
not
:
and
still
when
our
own
in
this
point
of
Succession
were
repeal'd
,
we
find
it
turn'd
all
into
Confusion
and
a
Hell
;
and
for
a
more
sudden
alteration
in
this
vein
and
humor
of
Parliament
,
observe
but
this
single
Instance
,
and
that
in
the
very
season
of
which
we
are
discoursing
.
In
the
38
of
this
Henry
the
sixth
,
a
Parliament
very
next
year
,
of
his
Reign
,
the
very
same
Coventry
Parliament
declar'd
by
another
,
to
be
a
devillish
Councel
,
celebrated
for
the
destruction
of
the
Nobility
;
never
elected
,
unduly
returned
;
desiring
the
destruction
rather
than
the
Advancement
of
the
Commonwealth
.
And
now
can
the
most
popular
advocate
of
the
Party
,
from
the
perusal
of
We
have
seen
several
Subjects
against
all
Reason
ruin'd
with
an
Act
of
Parliament
;
and
therefore
shall
we
think
it
alway
to
do
Right
?
What
Reason
can
we
give
that
our
Courts
of
Equity
are
still
the
same
,
but
that
they
can't
be
controll'd
by
the
mutability
of
their
Statute-Law
;
and
granting
this
their
Bill
of
Exclusion
had
past
into
Statute
,
that
it
had
been
Enacted
a
Royal
Heir
must
be
debarr
d
of
his
Birthright
,
I
am
sure
the
general
Council
of
the
world
,
would
quickly
have
given
their
Opinions
against
this
great
one
of
our
Nation
.
And
tho
their
Codes
and
Digests
don't
obtain
with
us
,
yet
I
cannot
see
why
a
Prince
shou'd
be
deny'd
the
priviledge
of
a
private
Person
;
And
the
Brother
of
our
King
,
the
claiming
his
Right
in
Equity
,
what
is
allow'd
the
meanest
Subject
when
forecluded
by
the
Law
.
The
next
immediate
Succession
of
the
Crown
descends
as
immediately
to
the
R.
3d
reign
no
good
Authority
,
who
contradicts
his
Murdering
of
his
Nephews
'
and
makes
him
no
way
deform'd
,
against
the
sense
of
all
Historians
.
But
that
prejudic'd
Author
might
well
flatter
the
Tyrantwhen
one
of
his
own
name
and
family
was
the
Monsiers
minion
and
favorite
by
his
own
Confession
.
next
of
Blood
,
and
as
for
the
most
part
it
has
done
since
the
time
of
the
Saxons
,
from
Father
to
Son
;
the
Fifth
Edward
,
as
hopeful
as
unfortunate
,
and
the
more
in
affording
our
Factious
fellow
,
another
president
for
an
Assembly
of
Rebels
,
that
prefer'd
the
very
Murderer
of
their
Soveraign
,
and
a
pretended
Parliament
that
plac't
the
Butcher
of
his
Brothers
Children
on
the
Throne
:
And
truly
this
Monster
might
be
said
to
be
Elected
by
the
People
,
whom
no
God
or
Nature
design'd
for
the
Crown
;
and
who
was
forc't
to
break
the
Laws
of
both
to
come
at
it
;
and
a
sort
of
Election
it
was
like
those
we
had
of
late
in
the
City
,
with
Rout
,
and
Ryot
,
and
that
in
the
same
place
too
at
their
Guild-hall
,
where
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
very
solemnly
convenes
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
and
there
propounds
to
them
and
the
rabble
,
their
new
King
Richard
,
and
it
was
like
Roll
of
Rebellion
acknowledges
his
right
by
Lawful
Inheritance
,
grounded
upon
the
Laws
of
Vid.
1.
R.
3.
the
whole
Record
in
the
Exact
Abridgment
fol.
712.
Nature
and
Custom
,
and
God
himself
;
also
this
which
was
rather
a
Convocation
of
Rebels
than
a
Convention
of
States
,
acknowledgd
what
this
inconsiderate
Author
cites
them
to
Contradict
,
the
Lineal
and
Legal
discent
of
the
Crown
by
Proximity
of
Blood
,
but
in
this
acknowledging
of
an
Usurper
the
good
Bishop
of
Ely
then
oppos'd
and
for
it
was
Committed
to
Buckingham's
Custody
,
and
Stow
calls
it
all
a
meer
mock-Election
.
And
here
enters
all
in
blood
,
&
that
of
the
Blood
Royal
and
Innocents
,
the
meer
Monster
of
a
man
,
that
beyond
her
intention
,
seem'd
to
crawl
into
the
World
while
nature
lay
asleep
,
with
a
distorted
Body
the
proper
receptacle
for
as
perverse
a
Soul
;
and
in
him
the
third
great
Example
that
our
Impious
Author
vouches
for
the
Practicable
Presidents
,
of
a
Parliaments
abetting
the
plain
Usurpation
of
a
Rebel
to
the
Rebellious
deposition
of
a
King
that
Reign'd
;
and
consequently
,
the
subsequent
Murders
of
those
that
had
the
right
,
and
those
damnable
Proceedings
against
Edw.
2d
.
and
Richard
2d
.
and
these
poor
Infants
has
he
more
Elaborately
handled
than
all
the
rest
of
his
abominable
Treatise
;
and
the
Contradictory
Wretch
calls
the
Murder
of
the
Nephews
Barbarous
,
yet
pleads
for
the
power
of
a
Parliament
that
Introduc'd
the
Tyrant
for
their
Murder
,
for
they
were
as
much
dispatch't
by
their
suffrages
in
the
senate
,
as
by
Tyrrel
in
the
Tower
;
they
were
the
Ministers
of
Injustice
that
sentenc'd
them
out
of
their
Right
,
and
that
other
only
an
Executioner
to
dispatch
them
of
their
Life
;
for
the
History
of
all
Nations
,
and
too
sadly
that
of
our
own
,
verifies
it
for
an
experienc'd
truth
,
that
the
Destruction
of
those
that
have
right
,
certainly
follows
in
all
Monarchies
,
the
bloody
Vsurpation
or
the
popular
Election
of
him
that
has
none
,
an
Association
will
needs
follow
an
Exclusion
,
for
whom
they
have
expell'd
,
they
must
destroy
,
for
such
Murders
as
are
grounded
upon
MAXIMS
of
State
,
must
as
necessarily
follow
the
Foundations
upon
which
they
are
lay'd
;
for
whatever
Usurpers
undermine
an
old
frame
of
Government
,
their
Interest
obliges
them
to
remove
as
rubbish
all
that
shall
obstruct
the
raising
of
the
new
;
and
the
dangers
and
fears
from
excluded
deposed
Princes
,
or
the
poor
injur'd
Heirs
,
soon
makes
it
absolute
necessity
to
cement
the
Walls
with
their
Blood
.
The
best
remarks
that
can
be
gathered
from
the
following
Reign
of
Harry
the
Seventh
,
are
to
be
found
in
the
Lord
Bacon's
History
,
the
best
account
of
that
King
,
and
he
tells
us
he
had
no
less
then
three
Titles
to
the
Crown
whatever
that
Italian
States-man
Commines
could
conceive
to
the
contrary
;
first
his
Title
in
〈◊〉
of
the
Lady
Elizabeth
whom
he
was
resolv'd
to
marry
;
secondly
that
of
the
Line
of
Lancasters
long
disputed
both
by
Plea
and
Arms
;
thirdly
,
the
Conquest
by
his
own
:
But
the
Learned
Historian
observes
the
first
was
look't
on
the
fairest
,
and
Yorks
line
,
been
always
lik't
as
the
best
Plea
in
the
Crowns
descent
,
and
for
Confirmation
of
it
the
Learned
Lord
tells
us
,
that
this
Henry
knew
the
Title
of
Lancaster
Condemn'd
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
7.
p.
3.
Ibid.
page
12.
and
prejudic'd
in
the
Common
opinion
of
the
Realm
,
and
that
the
root
of
all
the
Mischiefs
that
befel
him
was
the
discountenancing
of
the
house
of
York
,
whom
the
General
body
of
the
Kingdom
still
affected
;
and
whatever
stress
and
reliance
this
Prince
might
place
in
the
PARLIAMENT's
power
,
this
able
states-man
observes
there
is
still
a
great
deal
of
difference
'twixt
a
King
that
holds
by
civil
Act
of
State
,
and
him
that
holds
Originally
by
the
Law
of
NATURE
,
and
DISCENT
of
BLOOD
,
so
that
we
have
here
a
Person
vers'd
in
our
own
Laws
,
an
excellent
and
allowed
Scholar
by
the
whole
World
,
and
not
only
Lauds
,
and
Bishops
,
as
our
bigotted
Author
would
have
it
,
allowing
a
Divine
right
by
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
and
(
who
I
am
sure
was
so
good
a
Naturalist
as
best
understood
her
Laws
,
)
and
that
Natural
discent
by
blood
to
be
much
more
preferable
,
than
any
other
Human
title
given
by
such
Inferiour
powers
of
a
Parliament
,
whom
the
most
zealou's
adorerssure
won't
acknowledg
more
Omnipotent
then
the
God
of
Nature
himself
.
I
shall
observe
another
Historical
Instance
that
a
true
lineal
discent
was
then
taken
for
the
best
title
,
and
even
in
those
times
had
the
greatest
Influence
,
which
was
the
Lord
Stanley's
Case
,
who
tho
the
very
Person
that
plac'd
the
Crown
on
this
Princes
head
,
yet
suffer'd
the
loss
of
and
that
if
he
was
sure
the
Children
of
Edward
were
alive
he
would
not
bear
Arms
against
them
;
so
mightily
did
the
sense
of
the
right
blood
prevail
with
him
that
he
sacrified
all
his
own
for
it
,
and
rather
than
recant
what
he
so
well
resolv'd
,
seem'd
no
way
sollicitous
for
his
Life
.
But
that
which
this
Historian
might
have
observ'd
too
,
in
this
Reign
as
a
discouragement
to
the
designs
of
some
of
their
popular
Patriots
then
afoot
,
when
he
pen'd
this
his
presumptuous
piece
,
was
the
ill
success
that
two
several
impostures
met
with
in
their
pretensions
to
a
Crown
to
which
they
were
not
〈◊〉
,
no
great
Inducement
certainly
for
any
one
to
bepersuaded
to
personate
the
Royal
Heir
,
to
set
up
for
a
Lambert
or
a
Perkin
,
only
for
their
misfortune
and
fate
.
Lastly
,
I
shall
conclude
my
remarks
upon
this
Kings
Reign
,
with
an
Animadversion
upon
a
Paragraph
or
two
that
conclude
his
piece
,
very
pertinent
to
this
place
,
since
it
relates
to
the
times
of
which
we
treat
;
and
that
is
the
resolution
of
the
Judges
,
upon
the
Case
of
this
their
King
;
that
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
,
purged
all
his
defects
,
and
attainder
.
This
their
opinion
he
refutes
p.
17.
as
Frivolous
,
Extrajudicial
,
and
here
Impertinent
;
but
I
hope
to
show
this
Point
a
most
material
one
,
the
Resolution
to
be
a
good
Judgment
,
and
their
reply
much
to
the
present
purpose
.
First
,
sure
it
was
a
matter
and
that
of
a
high
Nature
to
know
how
he
was
qualify'd
to
sit
in
the
House
,
that
was
to
preside
in
it
as
the
head
:
And
tho
he
might
in
some
sense
be
said
to
have
won
the
Crown
with
Arms
,
yet
he
knew
it
would
wear
much
Better
,
sit
much
Easier
,
if
setled
,
and
establish't
according
to
Law
;
and
tho
a
Conquerer
that
has
the
Sword
in
his
hand
,
can
soon
capacitate
himself
to
sway
the
Scepter
;
yet
he
'l
soon
find
the
most
regular
Proceedings
tend
most
to
the
Establishment
of
his
Reign
;
this
made
Henry
the
Seventh
who
had
a
Triple
Plea
for
the
Crown
,
and
that
one
by
discent
from
the
Lancasters
consult
his
Oracles
of
the
Law
,
how
far
an
Attainder
past
in
the
Reign
of
the
Yorks
,
would
still
taint
his
Blood
;
and
make
it
less
Inheritable
.
Secondly
,
their
Resolution
that
all
preceding
defects
were
purg'd
in
the
discent
,
was
a
Judgment
both
equitable
,
and
reasonable
;
for
't
was
sure
but
equal
that
an
Heir
to
whom
an
Inheritance
and
that
ofa
Crown
was
allowed
to
discend
should
be
qualify'd
to
take
too
;
for
if
he
was
a
King
,
no
Bill
of
Attainder
could
touch
him
,
that
was
past
too
when
he
was
none
:
And
if
he
was
no
King
,
de
Facto
capable
whom
they
would
capacitate
,
if
he
allows
the
Latter
then
he
must
an
Interregnum
too
;
extinguish
that
Monarchy
for
a
while
,
of
which
the
very
Maxim
says
the
Monarch
can't
dye
,
and
place
that
Supream
power
in
the
People
,
which
all
our
Fundamental
Laws
have
put
in
the
King
.
Thirdly
,
this
Resolution
is
very
pertinent
to
the
present
purpose
to
which
't
is
commonly
now
apply'd
;
and
that
is
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
:
But
his
passion
,
and
prejudice
;
would
not
permit
him
to
Examin
the
little
difference
there
is
between
them
.
For
certainly
that
ability
that
can
discharge
any
attainder
,
is
as
efficacious
for
the
voiding
and
nulling
any
Bill
that
shall
hinder
the
descent
for
a
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
would
have
been
but
a
Bill
or
an
Act
of
the
House
for
disabling
the
next
Heir
;
And
an
Attainder
can
do
the
same
;
and
is
as
much
the
Houses
Act
;
and
to
distinguish
that
in
an
Exclusion
the
Discent
it self
is
prevented
by
a
Law
,
makes
just
no
difference
,
for
whoever
is
Attainted
has
his
Discent
prevented
by
a
Law
too
,
and
that
antecedently
also
,
before
the
Descent
can
come
to
purge
him
;
so
that
they
only
differ
in
this
formal
sort
of
Insignificancy
,
In
an
Exclusion
,
the
Discents
prevention
would
be
the
sole
Subject
of
the
Bill
,
in
an
Attainder
it
is
by
Consequence
and
Common
Law
prevented
,
and
so
the
disability
being
but
the
same
in
both
,
the
defects
by
the
same
means
may
and
must
be
purged
.
The
president
the
Judges
cite
to
justify
tainted
blood
:
'T
is
strange
to
me
why
a
York
now
,
and
such
an
one
too
;
in
whom
both
those
so
long
disputed
Titles
Terminate
and
Concenter
,
should
be
Disabl'd
for
ever
by
that
Expedient
,
which
was
resolv'd
unable
to
prevent
the
Succession
so
long
agon
.
For
Argument
that
an
Attainder
hinders
the
Crowns
Discent
,
has
this
presumptious
Interpreter
of
the
Law
brought
the
most
impertinent
piece
of
Application
,
that
the
defect
of
sense
could
suggest
,
and
so
has
as
little
reason
,
as
But
as
his
Villanous
heart
,
had
falsely
forg'd
before
that
the
Learned
in
King
John's
time
invited
Lewis
over
only
because
they
thought
his
Attainder
had
incapacitated
him
to
take
the
Crown
:
when
all
the
while
they
made
nothing
but
their
Magna
Charta
and
their
priviledges
the
pretence
for
their
Rebellion
,
and
would
have
been
certainly
glad
of
such
a
suggestion
,
when
they
were
so
well
Resolv'd
to
Rebel
,
(
tho
I
look
upon
this
Inviting
in
of
the
French-man
rather
as
a
Retribution
of
a
Remarkable
Providence
,
that
retaliated
on
his
head
the
same
sufferance
from
his
Rebel
Subjects
,
which
his
Soveraign
and
own
Father
had
suffered
from
himself
as
Rebellious
a
Son
,
who
sided
against
Henry
the
Second
with
Philip
of
France
the
Successor
of
a
Lewis
,
as
these
did
with
a
Lewis
a
Philips
Successor
.
)
With
the
same
falsehood
and
forgery
would
he
have
the
world
believe
that
the
Line
of
Lancaster
was
so
long
approv'd
,
only
because
that
of
Yorks
was
Attainted
;
which
when
purg'd
in
Parliament
,
he
says
,
they
then
presently
forsook
the
Lancastrian
:
But
if
he
pleases
to
Consult
my
Lord
H.
7.
Bacon
he
'l
find
that
Learned
Historian
tell
him
another
tale
;
and
that
the
Lancaster
Line
was
always
the
less
esteem'd
by
the
people
,
and
how
the
Parliament
could
purge
the
Duke
of
York
only
by
declaring
him
Heir
Apparent
I
cannot
apprehend
;
for
whatever
can
be
warrantably
past
by
a
Parliament
to
warrant
Obedience
,
must
be
what
is
past
into
an
Act
too
;
unless
one
of
their
Order'd
and
Resolv'd
shall
resolve
it self
into
a
Law
,
for
such
a
Statute
must
,
(
tho
it
were
for
the
declaring
an
Heir
Apparent
to
the
Crown
,
)
have
the
Royal
Sanction
of
some
Lawful
King
,
which
could
never
be
Consistent
here
,
with
this
their
most
inconsistent
Declaration
;
for
the
granting
the
Duke
of
York
to
be
their
Heir
Apparent
,
in
the
same
Breath
pronounc'd
Henry
the
Sixth
an
Usurper
;
and
the
very
words
that
declar'd
York
an
Apparent
Heir
,
made
him
de
facto
their
Lawful
King
;
for
they
must
either
allow
that
he
was
the
Crowns
Heir
,
and
then
that
had
devolv'd
to
him
long
before
by
Blood
and
Inheritance
from
Lionel
Duke
of
Clarence
,
Elder
Brother
to
John
of
Gaunt
,
from
whom
the
Lancasters
claimed
,
or
else
they
declared
their
Lineal
,
Lawful
King
,
an
Intruders
,
Vsurpers
Heir
it
is
an
unavoidable
Dilemma
;
if
the
first
,
then
an
acknowledgment
,
of
an
irreparable
wrong
,
done
to
their
Lineal
Soveraign
that
had
an
unquestionable
right
,
if
the
Latter
,
then
most
absur'd
and
contradictory
in
making
him
an
Heir
to
the
Crown
from
that
Henry
,
that
himself
never
had
the
least
Title
to
the
wearing
it
.
From
whence
I
conclude
,
that
any
such
supposed
Act
(
and
it
must
be
allowed
that
if
not
an
Act
that
then
it
signified
nothing
too
,
)
that
purged
Richard
Duke
of
York
from
his
Attainder
,
could
never
have
the
Royal
Assent
,
unless
most
absurdly
from
one
that
was
no
King
;
for
either
it
must
be
past
by
Henry
the
fixth
,
and
then
the
thing
he
past
un-King'd
him
;
or
else
by
the
Duke
the
declar'd
Heir
,
and
then
but
a
suppos'd
Subject
in
the
very
Declaration
,
or
rather
a
Lawful
and
allow'd
King
in
admitting
him
to
pass
a
Bill
,
and
so
superseded
such
a
fuperfluous
and
Declaratory
Act.
Lastly
,
even
in
this
very
point
the
Seditious
Author
supersedes
the
pains
of
any
Loyal
pen
for
the
Confutation
of
the
false
Position
he
would
prove
,
and
in
the
very
same
Paragraph
baffles
himself
to
prevent
an
Answer
,
and
tells
us
that
Richard
Duke
of
York's
Corruption
was
purg'd
when
declar'd
Heir
Apparent
by
the
Parliament
,
and
that
therefore
the
People
forsook
the
Lancastrians
,
and
set
the
House
of
York
in
the
Throne
;
shall
the
being
declar'd
but
an
Heir
Apparent
purge
an
Attainder
?
And
shall
not
an
actual
discent
of
the
Crown
take
away
the
same
defects
?
shall
here
be
thought
the
bare
opinion
of
a
Parliament
sufficient
to
clear
a
Corrupted
Blood
?
And
shall
Stows
Ann.
page
409.
406.
not
for
the
same
the
resolution
of
all
the
Judges
suffice
?
But
as
this
contradicts
all
right
and
reason
,
so
the
very
next
Line
all
History
and
Truth
;
for
it
appears
from
all
the
Chronicles
that
can
be
consulted
,
that
the
house
of
York
was
rather
own'd
by
the
Parliament
,
for
fear
of
the
People
,
then
that
the
People
were
prevail'd
upon
by
the
Parliaments
opinion
:
for
this
Parliament
of
his
had
not
above
half
a
year
before
at
Coventry
declar'd
the
Duke
and
all
his
Adherents
Traytors
,
Disinherited
,
and
Excluded
him
and
his
Heirs
.
Ludlow
a
Town
that
belong'd
to
him
sack't
to
the
bare
Walls
,
and
as
a
Member
in
the
late
Houses
moved
for
the
〈◊〉
of
Popish
Women
too
;
so
did
the
Parliamentary
rigor
of
those
Times
extend
also
to
that
Sex
;
and
the
Dutchess
suffer'd
then
the
same
severe
Exile
with
the
Duke
,
and
as
our
Author
says
,
was
spoiled
of
all
her
Goods
,
yet
〈◊〉
rigorous
as
they
show'd
themselves
in
〈◊〉
violent
Votes
against
him
and
all
that
was
his
,
his
Hereditary
right
was
so
rooted
in
the
Peoples
Hearts
,
that
it
form'd
for
him
an
Army
,
fought
for
him
at
Northampton
;
and
brought
both
the
Usurper
and
his
Parliament
to
a
Composition
for
the
Crown
.
Thus
much
for
the
refuting
of
his
little
Reason
,
and
his
less
Law
upon
the
And
truly
the
Case
will
admit
of
no
better
defence
;
the
badness
of
his
cause
can
never
be
made
good
,
but
with
such
a
Justification
as
is
much
worse
.
He
verifies
that
Aphorism
of
the
Tragedian
,
that
to
secure
your self
in
your
Villanies
,
you
must
commit
more
,
and
't
is
the
Politicks
too
of
a
Matchiavel
as
well
as
a
Seneca
,
and
But
this
President
if
allow'd
,
would
still
to
the
present
purpose
be
as
Impertinent
,
as
't
is
Treasonable
;
for
the
Question
is
what
was
Law
since
H.
7.
time
,
and
he
Labours
to
Confute
it
with
what
was
said
some
three
years
before
;
and
to
Bassle
the
Resolution
of
all
the
Judges
of
the
Kingdom
;
with
the
Suffrages
of
the
Parliament
,
that
even
of
their
own
Laws
have
no
right
to
Judge
,
much
less
by
any
Preceding
determinations
of
their
house
to
Bind
all
the
Succeeding
Judges
of
the
Realm
;
let
him
first
prove
a
even
Vsurper's
Parliaments
opinion
Law
,
and
then
proceed
to
refute
the
resolutions
of
the
Judges
of
a
Lawful
King
.
In
short
,
nothing
can
be
Law
there
but
what
is
Enacted
,
if
Clarence
his
Attainder
did
not
take
away
the
Discent
,
the
resolution
of
the
Judges
since
is
certainly
the
more
just
;
if
it
did
then
,
yet
still
their
opinion
never
the
less
Justifiable
now
;
for
the
opinion
of
that
Parliament
neither
was
or
could
be
made
Law
,
for
if
they
would
have
made
it
an
Act
it
must
have
been
done
before
Richard
was
in
the
Throne
,
and
then
void
for
want
of
Royal
Assent
,
if
after
they
had
Crown'd
their
Usurper
,
then
sure
too
late
to
be
enacted
,
unless
they
would
have
made
the
Tyrant
his
own
Judge
:
And
himself
to
have
Attainted
the
second
Pair
of
Nephews
,
as
well
as
he
Butcher'd
the
First
.
But
as
fearless
as
(
he
says
)
the
Monster
was
from
the
pretensions
of
the
D.
of
Clarence
his
Children
,
whose
Minority
might
well
make
the
poor
Infants
not
very
formidable
,
yet
he
did
not
think
the
Duke
himself
so
Barr'd
with
his
Attainder
,
but
that
he
might
still
have
been
a
Bar
against
his
Horrid
Usurpation
;
that
truly
sent
the
poor
Prince
to
Malmsey
Butt
.
The
discent
to
Henry
the
8
was
both
by
Blood
and
Entail
,
and
so
beyond
contradiction
,
and
with
their
own
concession
Hereditary
;
but
where
that
objection
to
the
Birth-right
fails
them
,
there
to
be
sure
some
subsequent
Act
of
that
Kings
Reign
shall
be
sifted
,
and
made
to
Countenance
their
suggested
falsehoods
,
tho
the
Succession
of
the
Prince
himself
contradicts
it
;
who
had
all
the
Consolidated
Titles
in
him
,
that
had
been
so
long
disputed
,
all
that
his
Mothers
Blood
,
and
his
Fathers
Arms
,
and
the
Law
could
Invest
him
with
,
but
because
his
Exorbitant
proceedings
,
his
Arbitrary
power
and
predominancy
which
themselves
condemn'd
him
for
over
Parliaments
awd
them
into
an
altering
the
Succession
as
often
as
he
was
pleas'd
to
Change
his
bed
or
chop
off
a
Wife
,
therefore
must
we
conclude
Parliaments
to
have
a
Power
to
do
that
by
Right
,
which
against
all
right
perhaps
they
were
compell'd
to
do
?
why
does
he
not
prove
it
a
president
for
Polygamy
,
and
Murder
;
because
that
furious
Prince
still
sacrificed
Women
to
his
Lust
,
and
Men
to
his
Anger
?
But
yet
allowing
them
such
a
Power
of
medling
with
the
Succession
,
which
certainly
does
not
follow
from
their
having
some
time
Vsurp't
it
,
or
been
put
upon
that
Usurpation
by
their
very
Prince
,
for
't
is
against
reason
to
make
that
a
right
,
only
because
they
can
plead
Prescription
for
doing
a
wrong
;
but
here
those
several
alterations
were
all
caus'd
to
be
made
for
the
securing
of
a
Lineal
,
Legitimate
and
lawful
Succesior
to
the
Throne
;
for
as
a
Reverend
Author
says
,
Title
and
Succession
and
Lawful
Inheritance
.
Three
years
are
scarce
past
till
the
28
of
his
Reign
repeals
almost
all
that
the
25
had
Enacted
,
their
Protestant
Queen
Elizabeth
made
as
well
as
the
Popish
Mary
,
plain
Bastard
,
and
tho
our
prejudic'd
Author
may
make
the
same
Anne
Boleyn's
unknown
impediments
,
confess
't
sine
to
Canterbury
.
But
whatever
they
were
,
the
Canons
of
the
Church
,
tho
born
before
Marriage
,
and
since
after
the
very
Laws
of
the
Land
did
make
her
Legitimate
.
But
however
,
this
greater
piece
of
Injustice
to
this
good
Protestant
Queen
,
(
which
they
'l
say
,
now
proceeded
581.
Baker
288.
Stat:
35.
H.
8.
from
the
Kings
putting
the
Parliament
upon
too
much
Power
,
)
was
palliated
all
along
with
the
pretence
of
providing
a
Legitimate
Lawful
Successor
,
and
so
the
clear
Reverse
and
Contradiction
of
the
proceedings
of
our
late
Patriots
,
to
whose
Privileges
those
sort
of
presidents
were
apply'd
,
for
those
Parliamentary
Kat.
Howard
his
5th
Queen
.
Powers
secluded
but
Bastards
to
make
room
for
Heirs
Lawful
and
Legitimate
,
with
us
an
Issue
truly
Legitimate
should
have
been
EXCLUDED
,
for
the
setting
up
of
a
SPURIOUS
ONE
.
But
then
at
last
comes
the
35th
of
his
Reign
,
and
that
like
a
Gunpowder
Plot
in
the
Cellars
,
blows
up
all
the
former
foundations
of
the
whole
House
;
both
the
two
former
Stat.
for
Disabling
,
Illegitimating
,
are
null
,
voy'd
,
repeal'd
,
the
LADY
MARY
,
Sister
Elizabeth
,
in
those
seven
years
,
suffered
my
Lord
Bacons
transmutation
of
Bodys
;
and
were
turned
all
into
new
matter
;
and
what
was
Spurious
,
Illegitimate
,
and
in
Capable
,
with
the
single
Charm
of
be
it
enacted
was
become
truly
Lawful
Lineal
Heir
of
the
Crown
,
and
Capacitated
to
succeed
in
an
HEREDITARY
DISCENT
;
and
so
far
from
Invading
the
Prerogative
,
so
full
of
giving
were
the
bountiful
Parliaments
of
those
times
,
that
they
Impower
their
too
Powerful
Prince
to
dispose
of
his
Crown
by
Letters
Pattents
;
or
an
Arbitrary
,
Testamentary
disposition
,
an
Oblation
I
think
his
present
Majesty
might
esteem
too
great
to
be
accepted
,
who
knows
his
Successor
to
be
the
Crown
's
Heir
,
scarce
his
own
,
much
less
the
PARLIAMENTS
.
Edward
the
Sixth
upon
his
Fathers
death
succeeded
,
an
Heir
,
Lineal
,
Legal
,
and
Testamentary
,
yet
the
first
thing
this
Author
observes
upon
him
is
the
greatest
falsehood
;
viz.
That
he
took
upon
him
a
power
what
surely
no
King
ever
had
,
to
dispose
of
his
Crown
by
Will
:
When
in
the
very
Preceeding
president
his
own
Father
by
his
Will
manifested
he
had
the
Power
,
and
left
it
him
by
his
last
.
But
his
he
'll
say
was
a
Power
given
him
by
Parliament
.
But
that
is
not
so
plain
neither
both
from
the
Preamble
,
and
the
purport
of
both
the
dissonant
Acts
of
28
,
and
35
for
the
designs
of
both
were
only
for
the
settling
the
Succession
,
and
then
upon
supposition
of
the
failure
of
issue
from
those
upon
whom
it
was
setled
,
they
fairly
leave
it
to
his
last
Will
or
his
Letters
Pattents
;
but
supposing
this
Liberty
had
not
been
allow'd
,
can
he
imagin
that
a
King
that
had
got
them
to
alter
the
succession
at
his
pleasure
in
his
Life
time
,
would
not
upon
the
failure
of
the
Limited
Heirs
have
dispos'd
of
it
by
Will
at
his
death
,
but
that
none
but
this
Edward
of
our
Kings
took
this
power
upon
him
is
utterly
false
,
from
these
several
instances
.
First
the
very
first
King
of
his
name
,
in
the
Saxon
succession
,
left
it
so
to
his
Son
to
succeed
:
And
Athelstan
,
Danes
,
Canutus
did
the
same
;
bequeath'd
Norway
to
Swain
his
eldest
,
and
England
to
his
youngest
Son
;
and
for
the
Norman
Succession
,
the
very
first
King
,
and
who
had
the
most
right
to
do
so
from
the
Sword
,
left
to
Rufus
the
right
but
of
an
Heir
Testamentary
,
tho
followed
by
his
Son
Henry
the
first
,
And
Richard
that
had
less
reason
so
to
do
,
for
his
Daughter
Maud
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
would
have
been
his
Heir
without
the
Legacy
;
and
so
would
to
the
latter
his
Nephew
Arthur
,
and
tho
both
were
by
Rebellion
rejected
,
yet
still
sure
their
right
remain'd
.
But
for
this
Edward
the
6th
disposing
it
by
Will
,
it
was
not
only
against
the
Customary
Discent
of
the
Realm
in
a
right
blood
;
but
of
an
Express
Entail
in
several
Acts
of
Parliaments
.
I
am
so
far
of
this
Authors
opinion
,
that
I
believe
it
was
no
way
warrantable
,
but
never
the
sooner
for
his
Parliaments
settlement
,
had
it
not
been
at
last
upon
the
right
Heirs
;
for
tho
those
Princes
of
ours
heretofore
took
upon
them
to
leave
Successors
by
Will
,
they
still
nominated
those
that
by
Blood
were
to
succeed
without
such
a
Nomination
,
so
that
the
bequest
was
more
matter
of
Form
,
then
Adoption
;
only
to
let
the
Subjects
know
whom
they
look't
upon
to
have
the
right
of
Succession
,
rather
than
to
superadd
any
thing
of
more
right
,
and
that
's
the
reason
(
or
ought
to
be
)
that
we
properly
call
the
next
in
Blood
the
Kings
Successor
,
but
the
Crowns
Heir
.
'T
is
a
little
prodigious
Paradox
to
me
,
that
it
must
be
such
a
receiv'd
Maxim
that
a
Parliament
can
do
no
wrong
,
and
that
in
plain
Terms
they
tell
us
it
can
do
any
thing
;
mollifying
it
only
with
an
Exception
that
they
can't
make
a
Man
a
Woman
,
yet
that
they
bid
pretty
fair
for
too
in
these
Presidents
of
Harry
the
8th
,
when
they
made
Bastard
Females
of
those
that
were
Legitimate
and
then
Legitimis'd
again
the
same
Bastards
;
and
't
is
as
mighty
a
Miracle
to
men
unprejudic'd
,
that
our
Parliament
Patriots
should
contend
for
the
disordering
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
,
who
still
labour
for
the
Lineal
Discent
of
their
own
Common
Inheritance
,
〈◊〉
I
will
appeal
to
the
breast
of
the
most
〈◊〉
contender
for
this
Power
,
whether
an
Act
made
for
the
disabling
one
of
their
own
Sons
,
or
design'd
Successors
,
would
not
by
themselves
be
look't
on
as
〈◊〉
if
not
utterly
defeasible
;
and
then
〈◊〉
sure
prodigiously
strange
where
so
many
Learned
Heads
tell
us
of
a
sort
of
〈◊〉
from
a
power
Divine
,
where
the
〈◊〉
Custom
of
the
Kingdom
has
〈◊〉
a
constant
course
of
Lineal
Discent
,
〈◊〉
,
as
has
been
shown
,
a
perfect
〈◊〉
interven'd
:
And
where
themselves
〈◊〉
this
sort
of
Succession
has
〈◊〉
sometimes
by
Statute
entail'd
,
yet
〈◊〉
they
should
think
that
but
Justice
〈◊〉
their
Kings
Successor
,
which
they
〈◊〉
resent
as
an
Injury
to
their
own
:
〈◊〉
they
may
vouch
for
it
,
the
common
〈◊〉
of
Recoveries
from
a
right
Heir
,
with
too
Cunning
sort
of
vouching
,
and
〈◊〉
too
much
practis'd
;
but
I
am
sure
no
way
agrees
with
the
Laws
of
Forraign
Nations
,
and
has
been
a
little
〈◊〉
by
some
learned
Heads
in
our
own
,
〈◊〉
some
that
have
brought
it
into
〈◊〉
seem
to
have
rais'd
a
Devil
,
not
Ordinance
of
Man
,
and
the
〈◊〉
Consent
with
his
Parliaments
to
〈◊〉
the
Point
,
yet
still
the
great
〈◊〉
would
call
for
a
little
longer
〈◊〉
than
a
Common
Recovery
,
〈◊〉
not
presently
to
cut
off
the
right
of
Heir
to
three
Kingdoms
,
only
〈◊〉
commonly
done
at
Westminster
of
〈◊〉
to
so
many
Cottages
;
and
besides
,
〈◊〉
that
has
been
practis'd
so
long
,
and
〈◊〉
the
test
of
Time
,
and
this
their
〈◊〉
would
have
been
the
first
President
.
And
at
last
what
has
silenc'd
their
Advocates
for
ever
,
the
non-concurrence
of
the
King
and
his
Lords
,
whose
consent
was
by
themselves
suppos'd
to
be
necessary
because
requir'd
;
and
will
like
those
recognitions
of
some
of
our
former
Parliaments
for
an
Hereditary
Succession
perpetuate
that
right
,
in
spight
of
the
Laws
of
others
that
were
made
for
altering
it
,
and
should
the
Commons
ever
get
such
a
Bill
to
pass
;
't
is
enough
to
say
't
was
once
rejected
by
the
Peers
,
unless
they
can
prove
that
the
Question
was
put
again
,
Whether
the
lower
House
should
take
advice
of
the
Lords
in
the
Legislative
power
,
and
that
't
was
Resolved
that
the
House
of
carried
in
the
Neg.
p.
15.
voices
.
Peers
was
useless
,
dangerous
,
and
ought
to
be
abolish't
,
and
Order'd
that
an
Act
be
brought
in
for
that
purpose
.
Queen
Mary
succeeds
her
Brother
Right
of
Blood
,
with
all
the
Law
of
God
,
and
Man
too
on
her
side
;
for
whatever
the
Parliament
pretended
,
they
could
never
〈◊〉
that
which
was
begotten
in
Matrimony
,
celebrated
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Church
and
the
Realm
;
for
whatsoever
defect
there
was
found
subsequent
to
the
Consummation
of
the
Marriage
in
common
reason
and
equity
ought
not
to
have
extended
to
the
making
that
Issue
spurious
,
which
had
all
the
requisites
to
the
making
it
truly
Legitimate
;
〈◊〉
perhaps
the
subsequent
discoveries
〈◊〉
be
sufficient
to
cause
a
Divorce
;
and
in
the
too
Common
Case
of
Adultery
,
't
would
be
severe
,
far
from
Equity
to
make
Bastards
of
all
that
were
born
before
the
Conviction
of
the
Fact
;
but
it
may
be
reply`d
to
this
,
That
these
were
such
Impediments
as
related
to
the
Contract
ab
Juitio
,
and
where
that
's
〈◊〉
there
the
Children
begotten
after
〈◊〉
be
suppos'd
Lawful
Heirs
when
the
Contract
it
self
is
against
Law
;
but
tho
〈◊〉
I
shall
look
upon
that
as
a
rigorous
resolution
;
when
I
think
Innocents
and
Infants
ought
to
be
more
favour'd
,
especially
when
there
is
a
Maxim
in
the
But
what
ever
power
they
had
of
Nullifying
this
and
making
Mary
spurious
,
't
is
certain
another
,
and
latter
Act
Vid.
Bishop
of
Hereford's
last
year
of
E.
6.
whose
Son
had
but
just
Married
Suffolk's
Daughter
the
designed
Queen
;
yet
〈◊〉
then
〈◊〉
the
truly
Loyal
Bishop
and
as
true
a
(
Protestant
,
of
which
his
〈◊〉
to
the
right
of
the
Crown
was
the
best
testimony
,
tho
now
't
is
made
but
a
preposterous
Emphatical
expression
of
that
Religion
to
invade
it
;
)
that
worthy
Prelate
tho
he
suffer'd
in
the
Succeeding
flames
of
a
real
Persecution
,
when
demanded
by
these
State
Projectors
his
sense
of
the
setting
up
of
this
Testamentary
Queen
,
declar'd
it
was
no
way
agreeable
to
Equity
to
disinherit
the
two
Sisters
,
and
that
the
Succession
could
not
be
Lawfully
alter'd
upon
any
pretence
;
tho
Religion
then
too
,
was
the
very
thing
pretended
;
the
Bishop
of
Hereford
that
was
as
good
a
Protestant
observes
upon
the
Suffolk
men
siding
with
Queen
Mary
,
tho
they
knew
she
was
for
setting
up
of
Popery
,
says
that
our
English
are
in
their
respects
to
their
Prince
so
Loyally
Constant
,
that
no
regard
,
no
pretext
of
Religion
,
can
extenuate
their
Affections
to
their
Prince
and
Lawful
Soveraign
.
And
he
writ
it
in
a
Time
when
the
most
malitious
can't
object
it
was
to
flatter
a
suspected
Successor
,
and
when
most
of
the
Prelates
themselves
were
so
far
from
Rome
,
that
there
was
scarce
an
Arminian
.
Upon
the
death
of
her
Sister
;
Doctor
Health
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
presently
right
Lawful
Inheritor
;
and
presently
she
was
proclaimed
in
Westminster-hall
;
and
in
the
next
vote
they
do
declare
moreover
in
full
Assembly
Lords
and
Commons
,
That
this
own'd
Hereditary
,
by
some
subsequent
Act
of
his
own
to
make
himself
Elective
,
and
for
this
he
cites
you
the
13
of
this
Queen
;
the
purport
Parliamentary
Power
,
is
just
as
pertinent
as
that
of
palliating
the
Treason
of
their
late
Covenant
,
with
the
Title
and
Pretence
of
an
Association
,
made
in
her
Time
too
with
her
own
Consent
,
and
for
the
same
purpose
that
this
Act
was
past
,
both
being
contriv'd
in
opposition
to
the
pretences
of
the
Queen
of
Scots
;
and
must
the
only
thing
that
has
Blacken'd
her
clear
Integrity
with
Injustice
,
and
Blemish't
her
Virgin
Innocency
with
Blood
,
be
brought
upon
the
Stage
for
an
Imitation
to
our
State
,
and
because
the
Grand-mother
suffer'd
with
a
Bill
of
EXCLVSION
and
an
AXE
,
and
the
Father
with
the
same
Fate
,
must
the
Son
too
that
has
experienc'd
exile
,
dangers
,
and
all
but
death
from
this
power
of
Parliament
,
Succeed
only
in
their
Misfortune
,
and
his
Blood
be
made
Hereditary
only
in
being
Split
?
All
that
he
says
of
King
James
is
but
Lineal
,
Lawful
,
Liege
Lord
,
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
Man
;
this
may
suffice
for
my
sense
of
his
History
;
and
all
honest
hearts
will
concur
with
my
Sentiments
,
his
subsequent
observations
are
but
the
same
with
the
Principles
of
his
ASSOCIATES
that
follow
,
where
I
shall
reflect
upon
them
together
as
they
are
combin'd
.
And
here
only
give
him
an
omitted
Instance
,
as
pertinent
as
the
Presidents
he
has
propos'd
,
to
bring
down
his
Narrative
to
the
Times
.
Charles
the
first
;
notwithstanding
his
proximity
of
Blood
,
his
possession
of
the
Crown
,
and
his
pretended
right
from
God
,
〈◊〉
the
Parliament
imprison'd
him
,
MVRDERED
him
,
and
put
the
Power
in
the
People
.
And
now
what
can
any
Rational
Soul
own
Journals
,
declar'd
by
Special
Acts
,
REBELS
and
TRAYTORS
;
and
then
no
wonder
if
the
poor
People
are
encourag'd
to
Rebel
,
when
the
very
Presidents
of
TREASON
,
shall
be
publish't
as
a
Parliamentary
Practise
;
the
deluded
filly
Souls
,
don't
so
soon
consider
,
that
if
every
Seditious
Senate's
determination
,
shall
decide
too
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
,
that
this
consequence
which
even
themselves
may
blush
to
own
,
must
as
inevitably
follow
,
that
from
the
Vnion
of
the
Seven
under
Egbert
,
to
our
present
Soveraign
the
first
Born
Heir
,
to
our
Three
Vnited
Kingdoms
;
there
never
was
,
or
could
ever
be
,
a
REBELLION
,
or
ever
one
USURPER
in
the
whole
Catalogue
of
Kings
.
Henry
of
Bullingbrook
,
by
this
unreasonable
sort
of
supposition
,
had
as
much
right
to
the
Crown
,
as
that
Unfortunate
Richard
from
whom
it
was
rent
and
torn
;
Edward
the
Third
but
a
Son
;
Intitl'd
to
the
wearing
it
,
before
his
Father
had
done
with
it
himself
,
and
that
Butcher
of
his
Brothers
Babes
,
and
the
Monster
of
Men
,
as
Lawful
a
King
as
his
Nephew
that
he
Murder'd
:
That
Arch-Rebel
that
of
late
mounted
the
Throne
,
Cromwel
himself
,
as
much
right
to
sit
there
;
as
a
Charles
the
best
of
Monarchs
they
Martyr'd
;
all
these
were
by
Parliament
power
of
Parliament
fol.
107.
Pryn
himself
,
)
have
still
plac't
the
Discent
of
the
Crown
in
the
right
Heirs
at
Common
Law
;
and
who
himself
Confesses
that
Acts
of
Parliament
have
translated
it
from
them
,
to
others
who
had
no
good
Title
;
and
then
certainly
such
a
translation
at
best
can
be
but
bad
,
and
Evidences
that
there
is
somewhat
else
requir'd
besides
their
Power
to
the
making
of
a
King
;
so
powerful
and
prevalent
are
the
Dictates
of
Truth
and
reason
that
they
force
their
Confessions
sometimes
from
the
very
Mouths
of
those
that
Labour
to
give
them
the
Lye
,
drop
from
them
unawares
,
and
steal
from
their
unadvised
Lips
.
Lastly
,
'T
is
most
prodigiously
Strange
that
such
Seditious
Sycophants
as
fawn
upon
this
Parliamentary
Power
,
for
altering
the
Succession
,
and
asserting
of
an
absolute
wrong
;
yet
are
such
unreasonable
Souls
as
not
to
Consider
the
several
Acts
of
the
self-same
Powers
that
have
declar'd
it
unalterable
,
and
maintain'd
the
Monarchs
Vnquestionable
right
.
Edward
de
Facto
,
which
implys
'
its
contrary
,
to
be
just
,
and
that
some
de
jure
must
be
Kings
;
they
know
the
first
of
James
declares
his
Royal
Office
an
Heritage
Will
.
Prynn
,
I
all
such
Acts
made
by
Consent
of
Vsurping
Kings
,
bind
the
right
Heirs
of
the
Crown
that
Reign
by
a
just
Title
:
That
all
such
Acts
oblige
them
is
utterly
false
,
for
one
of
them
is
commonly
for
their
Exclusion
;
but
that
some
are
admitted
to
bind
is
as
really
True
,
but
that
is
rather
upon
a
Political
account
of
their
being
serviceable
to
the
Publick
and
the
Country's
Good
.
And
is
it
not
now
an
unaccountable
boldness
;
that
the
very
same
Cases
of
Usurpers
upon
the
Crown
,
that
this
Indefatigable
piece
of
Faction
publish't
against
the
Father
they
fought
,
and
Murder'd
;
should
be
retrieved
against
the
Son
whom
the
kind
Heavens
ev'n
by
Miracle
so
lately
restor'd
?
But
at
last
allowing
those
palpable
falsehoods
they
so
much
Labour
for
;
falsehoods
so
gross
that
they
can
be
felt
,
to
be
matter
of
Fact
,
contradict
the
true
sense
of
all
Chronicle
;
with
a
Seditious
Supposition
;
to
be
secur'd
of
Truth
,
give
all
the
Laws
of
the
Land
the
Lye
;
raze
Rolls
and
Records
,
the
better
to
rise
a
Rebellion
;
and
grant
the
Kings
of
England
have
been
all
Elected
,
all
almost
from
that
Union
of
the
Heptarchy
in
the
Saxon
;
to
that
of
our
three
Kingdoms
in
the
Scot
,
(
and
sure
no
Soul
living
can
conclude
with
them
in
a
fairer
Concession
than
in
granting
the
very
Postulate
they
require
)
yet
since
they
then
in
the
End
of
K.
James
,
tho
but
so
lately
had
settled
the
Succession
and
made
it
Hereditary
;
can
with
men
of
Common
sense
the
Presidents
of
its
having
been
formerly
Elective
,
prevail
for
an
utter
Subversion
of
such
a
Settlement
?
Popery
was
once
in
England
by
Law
Establish't
,
and
must
it
therefore
again
be
Establish't
by
Law
?
Certainly
all
succeeding
Reformation
,
must
null
and
abolish
that
from
which
they
Reform
;
and
a
Repealing
Act
will
hardly
be
made
Declaratory
of
the
very
Statute
it
Repeals
;
if
these
be
but
their
best
Arguments
,
the
same
you
see
will
reason
us
back
into
the
very
Religion
of
Rome
;
we
have
seen
several
Rebellions
,
and
some
even
of
late
to
have
lain
the
Land
in
Blood
;
and
can
such
sad
Sufferance
be
made
to
Prescribe
for
our
Misery
,
warrant
some
such
as
Bloody
to
succeed
;
but
since
all
this
suppos'd
suggestion
,
must
vanish
like
to
soft
Air
,
since
the
Succession
has
been
settled
for
so
many
several
ages
;
to
rake
every
musty
Record
only
for
a
sad
Review
of
some
Time
of
Confusion
,
is
certainly
but
an
Impious
Industry
to
Confound
the
work
of
the
very
God
of
Order
:
We
may
as
well
be
discontented
at
the
Frame
of
his
World
he
so
well
digested
,
and
plead
for
Prescription
the
Primitive
Chaos
.
CHAP.
II.
Remarks
upon
Plato
Redivivus
.
THE
best
Animadversion
that
I
can
make
on
his
whole
first
days
Discourse
,
is
,
that
it
wants
none
;
that
it's
Impertinence
has
superseded
reproof
;
and
the
fulsome
flattering
Dialogue
as
unfit
for
a
serious
Answer
,
as
a
Farce
for
a
Refutation
out
of
a
Sermon
.
The
great
acquaintance
these
pretending
Platonicks
would
be
thought
to
have
with
that
Sect
of
Philosophers
,
did
not
oblige
them
to
be
so
morosely
reserv'd
as
to
know
none
other
;
and
they
may
remember
an
Ephesian
Sophy
I
believe
as
Learned
too
in
his
Politicks
,
that
was
never
so
much
tickl'd
,
as
when
he
saw
the
dull
Animal
mumbling
of
the
cross-grain'd
unpalatable
Thistle
;
the
disputing
against
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Light
of
Reason
,
they
'l
find
as
uneasie
,
as
absurd
;
and
the
latter
as
Impious
and
Profane
,
and
which
deserves
to
be
assimulated
to
a
more
serious
sort
of
Obstinacy
,
that
of
so
many
Sauls
kicking
against
the
Pricks
;
but
the
Pleasant
and
Ridicnlous
Disputants
put
in
for
another
pretty
Quality
of
that
insensible
Brute
,
the
length
of
their
sordid
and
stupid
Flattery
outdoes
their
Original
Beast
,
and
the
sad
Sophister
would
force
one
Smile
more
,
to
see
three
of
the
same
sort
of
Creatures
for
a
whole
day
clawing
one
another
.
Certainly
whatever
they
fancy
the
Dialogues
of
Plato
,
whatever
the
Favourers
of
his
Principles
can
suggest
,
surely
they
were
never
fill'd
with
such
Fustian
:
But
that
good
old
Philosopher
did
as
plainly
cloath
his
Disputes
as
well
as
himself
in
an
honest
homely
Drugget
of
Athens
:
Tho
I
confess
they
tell
us
of
his
rich
Bed
,
and
his
affectation
of
State
,
which
a
Soul
so
sublime
could
not
but
Contemn
;
while
these
Sectaries
are
such
refin'd
Academicks
,
so
much
polisn't
with
Travel
and
the
breeding
of
the
Times
,
That
all
the
Fops
of
France
,
the
Dons
of
Spain
,
his
Adulano
of
Italy
,
seem
melted
down
into
one
Mass
of
Impertinence
;
they
can't
pass
by
the
thin
Apartments
of
a
Page
without
a
Congee
Bon-Grace
,
and
a
formal
Salutation
upon
one
anothers
Excellencies
,
the
Doctor
claws
the
Patient
with
his
Lenitives
,
Frications
,
Emollients
of
Praise
and
Adulation
,
and
the
Patient
(
who
in
the
literal
sence
must
be
said
to
suffer
with
such
a
Doctor
,
(
if
not
in
Body
Natural
,
I
am
sure
in
the
Politick
)
as
in
Cordial
Affection
and
Common
Civility
he
is
obliged
;
returns
him
the
reputation
of
his
Book
De
Corde
;
for
the
tickling
the
very
Auricula's
of
his
Heart
;
(
for
Praise
must
certainly
be
Pleasant
for
an
AEsculapius
that
sets
up
for
a
Matchiavel
;
)
confutes
Solomon
and
the
Bible
,
as
he
says
,
for
saying
,
the
Heart
is
unsearchable
,
tho
but
Euclid's
Postulates
that
has
a
greater
reference
to
their
mighty
Three
:
In
Those
that
agree
in
one
Third
,
must
needs
agree
among
themselves
.
The
Venetian
Claws
the
Doctor
,
the
Dr.
our
English
man
;
and
he
the
Doctor
and
Venetian
,
one
of
them
must
be
somewhat
of
the
Ass
among
them
;
and
then
't
is
Demonstrable
they
have
a
great
share
in
it
all
,
and
because
the
great
Galen
of
the
Times
,
is
so
bold
with
his
Catharticks
as
to
set
up
for
his
Purging
of
the
Court
of
Chancery
;
tho
I
Political
Spagyrist
,
perhaps
will
call
it
Saturn
and
Mercury
,
here
this
Author
with
the
help
of
the
Fire
of
his
hot
Brain
,
has
incorporated
his
volatile
thoughts
and
his
dull
ones
together
,
gay
Compliments
and
Air
,
Faction
,
and
Hell
in
a
lump
:
And
tho
this
homely
Physician
won't
allow
himself
to
have
been
abroad
,
tho
the
courteous
Venetian
contended
for
his
breeding
in
Padua
,
In
the
Second
day
they
wisely
agreed
not
to
play
the
Fool
;
and
〈◊〉
well
they
〈◊〉
upon
't
for
the
sake
of
their
Senses
,
and
the
first
Observation
of
the
Venetian
is
as
long
as
his
Noble
gown
,
down
to
the
very
heels
of
two
Pages
,
but
for
brevity
you
shall
have
it
in
as
many
words
.
Why
that
our
English
Nation
signifies
so
little
abroad
,
yet
makes
such
a
great
sight
at
home
;
our
Author
having
been
so
much
Conversant
with
Dons
and
French
can't
forbear
falling
to
his
Formality
agen
,
and
after
a
soft
sort
of
Compliment
to
the
Courteous
Stranger
and
the
Government
,
thus
Thunders
out
his
Negative
Reason
:
Evil
Counsellors
,
Pensioner
Parliament
,
Thorough
pac'd
Judges
,
Flattering
Divines
,
designing
Papists
,
French
Councils
.
So
I
have
seen
at
another
sort
of
Cabal
where
such
Disputants
use
to
assemble
for
Edification
,
and
Doctrine
,
not
Dialogue
and
Dispute
;
the
Jack-Pudding
of
their
Pulpit
has
seem'd
to
whisper
his
God
Almighty
in
the
Ear
as
a
common
Zany
does
his
Mountebank
for
Instruction
;
and
then
raves
out
to
the
list'ning
and
Attentive
Rabble
,
his
Choledochons
,
Phlegmagogons
,
Balms
of
Gilead
,
Conscience
Salve
,
Curse
ye
Meroz
,
Sword
of
Gideon
;
and
for
this
Enthusiasm
too
those
Harleqins
of
their
Assemblies
the
Burlesques
of
the
Bible
;
shall
Blaspheme
with
the
very
Book
,
and
vouch
the
Almighties
coming
to
them
in
a
still
voice
,
and
sometimes
in
a
rushing
wind
,
and
the
Devil
of
Sedition
shall
be
countenanced
with
the
word
of
God
;
I
should
hardly
pardon
my self
the
Liberty
of
sullying
the
sacred
Text
with
so
much
as
the
repetition
of
such
a
Simile
,
did
not
I
know
the
Zealots
themselves
had
vouch't
it
for
a
Iustification
of
their
sudden
Raptures
and
Inspiration
;
and
for
this
Preacher
of
the
Politicks
,
tho
I
never
saw
him
in
his
Geer
and
Gestures
,
I
am
sure
he
makes
just
such
another
Figure
in
his
Speech
,
on
a
sudden
't
is
all
Aposeiopesis
soft
and
fair
,
and
assoon
all
in
Exclamation
〈◊〉
Ecphone
,
and
these
heats
and
lucid
Interval's
of
raving
,
run
through
his
whole
Work
.
But
first
for
his
Forreigner
,
with
his
Observation
,
is
it
a
Mathematical
Postulate
that
our
Nation
is
so
despicable
with
our
Neighbour's
,
that
it
must
be
granted
assoon
as
ask't
?
or
has
he
rather
beg'd
the
Question
;
or
can
the
Noble
Student
from
his
Geometry
,
measure
the
same
and
reputation
of
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Earth
;
but
whatever
his
skill
be
in
the
Doctrine
of
Triangles
,
I
am
sure
he
is
much
out
here
in
his
Measures
,
and
whatever
reputation
England
has
at
Venice
,
or
a
compleat
Monarchy
with
a
mixt
Republick
,
I
am
sure
with
better
Governments
it
has
as
much
esteem
;
and
when
ever
it
loses
any
,
it
must
proceed
from
the
Scandals
and
Infectious
breath
of
such
Authors
and
Seditious
Vipers
,
that
wound
the
Reputation
as
well
as
the
Bowels
of
their
Dam.
But
that
matter
of
Fact
may
contradict
what
Malice
does
but
suggest
;
near
the
very
same
Time
this
most
Impudent
by-word
to
the
Heathen
,
and
a
Scandal
even
to
the
revolted
Holland
?
did
not
the
very
Turks
bless
themselves
at
the
Villany
,
and
the
Dutch
since
in
Derision
cut
off
the
Tails
of
their
Currs
,
to
let
us
know
we
made
less
of
a
Kings
head
,
than
a
Dogs
Neck
?
But
this
we
mean
to
apply
related
to
it's
reputation
upon
a
League
too
;
this
was
a
Scandal
also
brought
upon
it
by
a
Parliament
;
this
was
the
effect
of
unjustly
altering
the
Succession
.
And
this
was
in
the
Time
of
Henry
the
8
,
when
the
Princes
of
the
Empire
would
have
made
him
Head
of
the
Protestant
League
,
but
upon
hearing
of
his
Extravagant
Parliamentary
Proceedings
,
of
their
repudiating
what
Wives
he
pleas'd
;
and
allowing
a
more
cruel
Divorce
of
a
Pious
Protestant
Queen
from
her
Life
as
well
as
his
Bed
,
and
severing
her
Head
from
her
Shoulders
,
as
well
as
the
Crown
;
when
they
saw
the
Senate
of
England
so
Inconsistent
with
themselves
as
to
Legitimate
Bastards
,
and
then
make
Bastards
of
those
they
thought
Legitimate
:
Then
began
our
Nations
Reputation
to
be
low
with
our
Neighbours
?
Then
began
our
Parliament's
to
be
look't
upon
as
insignificant
,
and
the
Supream
Power
of
our
〈◊〉
Assembly
,
to
Forreign
Councils
seem
inconsistent
,
and
their
mighty
Credit
so
mean
that
they
could
not
be
trusted
;
and
thereupon
all
the
Leaguer's
〈◊〉
rejected
Henry
whom
they
had
preposed
for
their
Head
.
And
well
might
they
distrust
the
Councils
of
such
a
State
,
that
while
they
pretended
the
Reformation
of
Religion
could
chop
off
the
Head
of
the
most
zealous
Reformer
,
and
as
Baker
calls
her
first
Countenancers
of
the
Gospel
;
make
her
Issue
spurious
,
that
was
like
to
and
afterwards
did
prove
the
most
Protestant
Princess
,
and
all
this
but
to
please
a
Lididinous
King
that
could
make
her
suffer
for
his
constant
Crime
,
Inconstancy
,
when
that
too
was
so
little
prov'd
and
her
Innocency
so
much
;
whatever
pag.
157.
Viz.
The
Protestant
Queen
.
prospect
these
pretenders
of
Reformation
gave
to
the
Princes
of
the
Empire
that
they
should
think
of
making
the
head
of
this
dissembling
Parliament
that
of
their
League
too
;
I
am
sure
they
must
all
of
them
as
Oates
did
when
he
took
the
Mass
,
the
Sacrament
for
his
Religion
,
only
pretend
it
;
and
tho
they
made
the
World
and
Forreign
Princes
think
well
of
their
affections
to
Reform
,
tho
they
had
excluded
the
Pope
,
still
they
and
their
King
could
remain
Papist's
;
and
a
Reverend
Author
that
has
had
the
thanks
of
the
House
,
says
that
a
Parliament
was
Summon'd
that
was
resolv'd
to
destroy
her
;
so
that
we
see
a
Parliament
could
then
contrive
to
make
our
Nation
signifie
so
little
abroad
,
and
that
our
present
King
without
one
,
signifies
so
much
,
that
he
stands
the
sole
Arbitrator
of
War
,
and
Peace
,
and
Europe
only
debar'd
of
the
benefits
of
it
,
by
the
very
Faction
;
that
upbraids
the
Government
with
its
being
disesteem'd
,
and
this
Noble
Traveller
,
not
only
taken
the
Liberty
to
Lye
with
Fame
,
but
given
Fame
it self
the
Lye
.
After
he
has
Thunder'd
out
his
Anathema's
Evil
Councellors
,
Pensioner
Parliament
,
thorough
pac'd
Judges
,
which
still
the
most
malitious
Soul
can't
allow
to
be
the
true
Reasons
of
our
Maladies
and
Distempers
:
But
however
the
State
Negromancer
,
with
his
Rosacrucian
the
Doctor
,
knew
these
terrible
Names
with
the
Populace
are
swallow'd
like
his
Pills
without
chawing
,
and
which
they
understand
no
more
than
his
Catharticks
with
which
they
are
compos'd
with
that
unhappy
effect
too
;
that
they
can
no
more
discern
the
bitter
cheat
,
when
these
Prepossessions
are
got
into
the
Guts
of
the
Brain
,
then
that
of
the
drug
when
in
those
of
the
Belly
;
but
like
Persons
absolutely
possess'd
rave
and
rail
only
with
the
same
words
that
are
dictated
by
their
Devil
,
yet
,
after
all
this
,
and
having
Libel'd
Courtiers
that
contrary
to
the
true
meaning
of
the
Law
,
as
well
in
this
Kings
time
as
in
that
of
the
Late
,
they
have
got
Parliaments
Dissolv'd
,
20
,
21.
Plato
Red.
Proroug'd
,
for
the
keeping
of
the
Governments
Life
and
Soul
together
;
after
all
these
Seditious
suggestions
still
he
defines
but
Negatively
,
that
none
of
these
are
the
Causes
,
but
the
effects
of
some
Primary
Cause
that
disturbs
it
;
but
I
am
afraid
this
Primary
Cause
,
to
him
is
yet
an
occult
one
,
unless
the
Discovery
of
our
late
Plots
,
has
so
far
illuminated
his
Understanding
,
as
to
disclose
it
,
or
he
consulted
his
Doctor
,
for
his
Diagnosticks
;
and
got
him
to
make
a
better
Crisis
and
Judgment
of
the
distemper
of
the
State
.
But
for
those
Acts
by
which
he
thinks
his
Majesty
is
oblig'd
to
call
a
Parliament
,
for
the
Triennial
one
,
I
think
runs
with
a
Clause
and
a
Proviso
that
it
may
be
oftner
call'd
and
within
the
Term
if
occasion
be
;
and
pray
who
shall
be
Judg
of
that
occasion
;
the
King
who
calls
them
,
or
the
People
who
would
be
call'd
;
and
what
if
it
be
Judg'd
an
occasion
,
not
to
call
them
at
all
?
the
Preservation
of
the
Prerogative
may
as
well
exclude
the
force
of
this
,
as
some
new
Emergencies
,
which
themselves
plead
for
upon
a
necessity
;
and
for
the
Common-wealth
and
Peoples
Benefit
and
Advantage
can
Invalidate
others
;
but
for
that
obligation
,
and
Law
for
the
Parliaments
sitting
in
the
late
Kings
time
,
that
which
he
would
truly
have
reinforc'd
,
is
their
taken
off
their
King
.
But
after
our
English-man
has
been
so
tedious
in
his
Impertinence
,
so
Fulsom
in
his
Complement
,
that
the
Venetian
is
forc't
to
condemn
his
troublesome
Civility
(
that
is
)
our
Author
begins
to
be
asham'd
of
himself
:
Why
then
we
come
to
know
,
that
before
this
great
Secret
that
occasions
our
Disquiet
,
can
be
disclosed
before
we
can
come
to
know
the
Distemper
,
that
disturbs
our
own
.
We
must
Discourse
of
Government
in
general
;
and
for
the
Original
of
it
,
the
Gentleman
is
resolv'd
to
doubt
:
And
why
?
Because
this
Government
must
be
Antecedent
to
such
Authors
as
could
give
us
an
account
of
it
,
and
the
matter
of
History
,
as
I
suppose
he
must
mean
,
did
occur
long
before
they
could
get
Historians
to
transmit
it
to
Posterity
:
as
for
particular
Governments
,
he
is
forc't
to
allow
the
Knowledg
of
their
Originals
to
be
possibly
transmitted
,
and
truly
,
that
he
might
well
in
Civility
consent
to
,
what
in
Modesty
he
could
not
contradict
,
and
Rome
and
Athens
will
be
found
what
they
were
in
their
Primitive
But
when
the
Gentleman
is
so
cruel
to
himself
as
to
keep
close
to
the
Text
,
that
there
is
no
Origen
of
Original
Primitive
Government
known
(
for
in
truth
,
these
last
mention'd
might
be
Modern
,
and
I
believe
that
Rome
and
Athens
were
never
heard
of
,
when
Sodom
and
Gomorrah
were
burnt
with
Brimstone
,
)
then
he
is
forc't
to
give
himself
the
Lye
,
and
the
word
of
Truth
it self
,
God
and
the
Bible
;
and
that
he
does
in
excepting
Moses
from
the
number
of
those
that
had
the
Help
,
and
Information
of
any
Constitution
Antecedent
;
as
the
Founders
of
the
foremention'd
Monarchies
that
were
Establisht
so
long
after
,
might
well
be
supposed
to
have
had
for
their
Instruction
;
and
yet
does
that
sacred
Penman
inspired
by
God
himself
,
almost
Coaeval
with
the
World
,
give
us
a
clear
account
of
all
Original
Government
,
from
the
time
that
there
was
a
Man
to
Rule
,
or
a
Beast
to
be
governed
;
and
that
too
of
an
absolute
Monarchical
Empire
:
So
that
all
what
the
sublime
Speculations
,
of
this
refin'd
Politician
can
cavil
at
,
is
only
,
that
we
can't
give
him
an
account
what
was
done
before
Adam
,
what
truly
was
the
Constitutions
of
their
Government
,
and
Pag.
29.
whether
the
Prae-Adamites
liv'd
like
our
English-men
under
a
true
Monarch
,
or
like
the
Venetian
Republick
,
under
an
insignificant
Duke
:
For
this
certainly
must
be
the
Consequence
of
his
Inconsiderate
Assertion
,
that
Original
Government
is
unknown
,
at
the
same
time
that
he
excepts
Moses
from
the
Number
of
those
that
Establisht
a
Particular
one
;
which
by
the
Consequence
of
his
own
Concession
must
be
the
first
General
and
Original
,
unless
he
allow
another
before
it
,
dis-believe
the
very
Bible
,
and
give
his
God
the
Lye
:
But
he
is
not
the
first
Author
that
has
fancyed
Prae-Adamites
,
and
writ
about
them
too
:
Besides
his
Brother
Heathen
the
Stagyrite
,
as
great
a
Philosopher
as
his
Plato
,
tho
not
so
Dogmatical
,
makes
it
more
than
an
Hypothesis
,
one
of
his
Principles
that
our
World
was
Eternal
;
and
then
indeed
we
shall
be
puzzled
for
this
Original
of
Government
in
General
,
for
lack
of
a
Creation
;
when
the
Bible
shall
be
baffled
,
and
Books
of
Moses
at
a
loss
.
But
I
wonder
since
he
allows
that
Primitive
Penman
,
to
be
one
inspired
by
God
;
and
excepts
him
too
from
the
Number
of
those
that
have
transmitted
an
account
of
the
Original
of
particular
Governments
,
which
must
imply
that
he
did
of
that
which
was
General
,
and
so
contradict
his
first
Position
,
(
That
we
wanted
such
a
Tradition
;
)
that
yet
all
the
while
he
won't
take
notice
what
is
the
account
he
gives
,
and
what
's
the
first
,
this
Moses
mention'd
,
without
doubt
he
knew
the
very
Consideration
of
it
would
confute
him
,
and
that
he
would
be
confounded
by
the
very
First
Chapter
of
〈◊〉
:
And
therefore
he
presently
takes
it
for
granted
that
Politicians
〈◊〉
,
(
tho
none
but
such
as
himself
)
that
nothing
but
Necessity
Beast
of
the
Field
,
and
Fowls
of
the
Air
,
and
every
Living
thing
that
then
moved
upon
the
Face
of
the
Earth
?
or
ought
it
not
in
Reason
be
applyed
to
those
Beings
too
that
should
be
hereafter
the
product
of
those
Beasts
,
and
that
of
his
own
Loyns
;
but
even
God
himself
confirm'd
the
Donation
of
this
power
afterward
,
to
make
it
more
sure
,
made
him
Ruler
In
an
〈◊〉
Subjection
over
his
Wife
Eve
,
and
afterward
subjected
Abel
in
a
subordinate
one
to
his
Brother
Cain
.
'T
is
strange
and
prodigious
to
me
,
that
Men
professing
Christianity
,
Protestants
even
to
a
fault
,
in
being
fill'd
with
Fury
instead
of
a
sober
Zeal
,
yet
should
so
warmly
contend
for
the
Doctrines
of
profest
Atheists
,
and
pursue
with
heat
the
Principles
of
avow'd
Papists
.
Does
not
Mr.
Hobbs
teach
us
our
only
Mr.
Hobbs
says
,
Fear
,
this
Fellow
,
calls
it
Necessity
made
the
first
Government
,
Hobbs
de
cive
ch.
〈◊〉
Original
State
?
was
that
of
War
?
and
this
Political
Atheist
tells
us
as
much
,
that
Man
was
first
born
like
a
Beast
,
〈◊〉
to
prey
upon
one
another
;
does
not
Bellarmin
declare
by
Nature
all
Men
were
equal
,
and
this
Pseudo-Protestant
informs
us
,
Every
Man
has
a
Right
to
every
thing
.
What
can
this
Harmony
mean
with
the
profest
Foes
to
all
Religion
,
and
avow'd
Enemies
of
our
own
;
but
that
these
Sycophants
dissemble
with
their
very
God
,
when
they
declare
for
his
Worship
,
and
would
close
with
the
Devil
for
its
Extirpation
?
'T
is
plain
,
they
do
with
the
Positions
of
the
rankest
Jesuites
,
and
the
Fiends
in
Hell
can't
be
made
more
black
than
themselves
do
commonly
paint
that
Society
,
whom
I
am
afraid
,
as
the
Indians
do
their
Gods
,
they
only
make
the
more
ugly
for
Adoration
:
In
the
next
place
,
all
Paternal
Right
Powers
are
ordain'd
by
God
,
and
there
are
none
but
what
are
from
him
:
But
they
'll
say
this
may
be
applyed
to
any
Democracie
which
is
a
Power
too
:
But
then
it
may
be
as
boldly
replyed
,
That
they
are
not
of
his
Ordination
;
for
we
have
the
Authority
for
the
sole
Sovereignty
of
every
Father
of
a
Family
,
from
the
very
first
Original
of
the
World
,
and
that
of
their
Popular
Supremacie
,
never
commenced
,
but
by
some
Division
in
a
Tribe
or
Family
,
and
even
then
they
made
some
Head
in
that
Division
,
which
was
no
more
than
what
we
now
call
Rebellion
and
Vsurpation
.
The
first
Original
of
Monarchy
,
he
resolves
Corruption
of
the
Times
,
which
the
preposterous
Statesmen
ought
rather
to
have
made
the
product
of
their
Purity
,
at
least
of
their
desire
to
be
bettered
and
purg'd
,
for
allowing
what
he
says
,
some
better
Government
(
tho
the
greatest
Opposers
of
the
Divine
Right
,
grant
that
of
a
King
to
be
the
best
)
might
degenerate
,
upon
the
disorder
of
Times
and
Debauchery
of
Manners
,
into
Monarchy
,
(
which
the
resolute
Republican
is
resolv'd
shall
be
the
worst
;
)
yet
still
his
own
very
Argument
shall
contradict
his
reasoning
;
and
in
spight
of
his
Villanous
Principles
prove
it
the
best
:
For
if
manners
be
deprav'd
under
another
Form
of
Government
,
and
that
the
People
grow
so
careless
as
to
neglect
the
Constitution
and
Frame
of
it
,
as
not
worth
the
keeping
,
and
so
uneasie
under
it
as
to
admit
any
Usurpation
and
Intrusion
of
a
sole
single
Soveraignty
;
certainly
they
must
have
a
very
bad
Esteem
of
their
preceding
Government
to
suffer
it
to
be
utterly
abolish't
,
and
somewhat
at
least
of
a
good
opinion
of
that
new
Soveraignty
in
a
single
Person
,
so
easily
to
admit
〈◊〉
;
for
the
depravity
of
Mens
manners
can
never
arise
to
such
an
Acme
of
transcendent
Wickedness
,
as
only
for
mischief
sake
to
undermine
a
Government
they
think
the
best
,
and
for
an
Instance
,
their
own
Malitious
Accusations
as
common
as
they
are
False
,
fly
in
the
very
Face
of
this
Conjecture
;
for
they
make
now
the
most
Debauch't
Atheists
at
present
,
the
greatest
Sticklers
,
for
our
Government
.
Now
if
the
Depravity
of
their
manners
would
make
them
neglect
the
Monarchy
they
love
,
I
am
sure
we
have
such
a
Number
of
true
Profligate
Villains
on
their
side
that
as
Mortally
hate
it
,
that
we
should
soon
have
it
undermin'd
:
'T
is
a
strange
Paradox
that
a
Republick
which
was
always
the
result
of
a
Rebellion
,
and
which
is
restless
till
it
return
to
that
Government
from
which
it
revolted
;
should
be
lookt
upon
by
these
prejudic'd
,
preposterous
Politicians
,
for
a
piece
of
〈◊〉
,
which
can
proceed
from
nothing
else
,
but
from
the
Turbulent
Hunjour
,
and
discontents
of
some
restless
Spirits
,
that
dislike
the
Constitution
of
that
under
which
they
were
Born
;
and
would
that
of
any
to
which
they
are
Subjected
,
yet
still
can
Fancy
that
Monarchy
which
they
will
have
Establish't
by
the
common
Consent
of
the
People
,
to
proceed
from
a
Corruption
of
their
Manners
;
when
this
their
Peoples
Consent
,
and
Unanimous
Agreement
for
it
,
should
determine
him
at
least
to
think
it
eligible
for
the
best
:
And
if
the
People
that
in
a
defection
from
a
Government
(
who
must
be
supposs'd
the
least
Number
,
)
shall
be
allow'd
to
reform
for
the
better
by
running
into
a
Republick
;
as
I
know
he
thinks
of
the
Rebellious
Dutch
;
yet
why
should
not
even
there
the
Universal
Consent
of
almost
all
the
King
of
Spains
Subjects
in
retaining
of
their
Monarchy
make
it
preferable
;
much
Over-ballance
the
Scales
,
against
the
revolt
of
an
handful
of
Rebels
?
unless
he
Fancies
the
Nevills
,
the
Sydneys
,
the
Harringtons
,
&c.
the
Wisest
and
the
most
Honest
part
of
the
World
.
And
that
they
are
always
among
such
Renegadoes
.
And
can
in
Reason
three
or
four
petty
Common-wealths
,
most
of
them
in
Europe
too
,
and
such
as
by
the
Machinations
of
some
of
these
sort
of
〈◊〉
Contents
,
and
by
the
Poison
of
their
Principles
,
were
Debauch't
in
their
Loyalty
,
and
animated
to
Rebel
;
be
so
prevalent
an
Argument
as
to
perswade
Men
in
their
Wits
,
that
the
Monarchy's
in
which
almost
all
our
Christian
World
Conspires
,
and
all
the
Heathen
agrees
as
far
as
it
is
known
;
and
which
Government
we
have
still
found
even
in
those
unknown
parts
as
far
,
and
as
fast
as
they
have
been
Discover'd
;
that
this
all
the
while
must
be
the
worse
Frame
,
only
from
it's
being
by
so
few
rejected
,
and
so
generally
receiv'd
?
But
to
Convince
any
reasonable
Soul
unprejudic'd
,
that
these
Democratical
Devil
's
wont
stick
to
give
their
God
the
Lye
,
and
set
themselves
a
Contradiction
to
all
History
and
Truth
,
this
Daemon
of
Plato
(
as
an
Ingenious
Author
and
Answerer
of
his
Diabolical
Principles
has
Naturally
nam'd
him
;
)
let
him
but
consider
this
〈◊〉
Falsehood
of
his
Factious
Heart
,
tho
that
I
believe
fails
him
too
,
in
asserting
this
Impudent
Paradox
:
That
Moses
,
Theseus
,
Romulus
,
were
the
Founders
of
Democracies
,
when
for
the
First
his
own
God
,
if
he
believe
any
,
and
against
whom
he
Rebels
too
if
he
do
,
had
appointed
him
the
Supream
Ruler
,
and
also
a
Judge
,
to
lead
The
Survivors
of
those
discontented
Mutineers
upbraiding
Moses
for
destroying
of
that
Rebellious
Brood
,
whom
God
only
in
his
Judgments
had
destroy'd
,
the
Almighty
would
have
Consum'd
them
too
in
a
moment
;
neither
was
his
Anger
stay'd
till
Fourteen
Thousand
fell
in
a
Plague
,
our
Land
has
Labour'd
under
all
these
Judgments
;
but
because
the
Almighty's
resentments
of
our
Rebellious
Practices
;
are
not
declar'd
to
us
as
of
old
,
out
of
a
Cloud
,
and
he
does
not
reveal
himself
now
to
his
Vice-gerent
,
as
then
to
his
Servant
Moses
;
and
the
Glory
of
the
Lord
discends
not
in
a
visable
Brightness
upon
our
Tabernacle
,
Must
we
therefore
be
so
vainly
blind
as
to
think
they
were
not
sent
us
for
those
Sins
that
have
most
deserv'd
them
,
our
Conspiring
against
our
Rulers
;
especially
when
the
manner
of
our
Punishments
has
been
so
Remarkably
the
same
with
their
sufferings
,
as
well
as
our
transcrib'd
Villanies
the
very
Copy
of
their
Crimes
?
For
that
of
Theseus
we
have
the
good
Authority
of
an
Authentick
Historian
that
writ
his
Life
,
who
tells
us
when
he
first
went
to
reduce
them
to
one
City
,
and
the
Government
of
ONE
;
the
Common
Ordinary
people
were
well
enough
pleas'd
with
his
Proposal
:
And
which
in
their
Greek
,
was
Tyrannical
,
)
if
they
would
allow
him
for
their
King
;
this
prevail'd
he
says
upon
them
too
,
either
out
of
Fear
of
his
Force
,
or
the
Power
of
his
Perswasions
;
now
can
such
a
False
and
Factious
Imposture
,
can
such
a
Wretch
Insinuate
well
his
being
no
King
,
that
calls
himself
so
;
and
only
because
he
Consulted
their
Opinions
in
Weighty
Affairs
make
it
a
Democracy
?
then
we
need
not
contend
here
for
a
Republick
,
our
King
still
Consulting
his
great
Council
in
Arduis
Regni
.
And
for
Romulus
his
founding
his
Imposture
;
Florus
in
the
very
First
line
of
his
Prologue
calls
him
King
Romulus
,
and
in
the
same
tells
us
Rome
in
it's
first
Age
and
Infancy
,
for
about
two
hundred
and
fifty
years
,
was
Govern'd
by
Kings
:
Tacitus
too
in
his
very
Sext.
Aur.
vict
.
says
absolute
Prince
;
yet
still
here
is
still
matter
,
and
Evidence
enough
to
make
him
a
Monarch
,
and
the
Government
of
Rome
Monarchical
:
which
surely
Contradicts
his
extravagant
Assertion
,
That
it
was
a
Democracy
;
unless
he
can
reconcile
the
Contradiction
of
,
Sole
Soveraignty
with
the
Government
of
a
numerous
Senate
.
Another
of
his
pretty
Paradoxes
is
,
that
all
Empire
is
founded
in
Dominion
and
Property
;
and
that
must
be
understood
too
of
a
Propriety
in
Lands
;
so
that
where
a
Prince
has
not
a
foot
of
Land
,
he
can't
have
twelve
Inches
of
Power
,
a
Position
that
would
confine
some
Princes
Authorities
in
the
Dimension
of
a
Span
;
notwithstanding
Kings
are
said
to
have
such
long
Arms
;
but
pray
let
this
positive
Politician
tell
me
,
How
it
comes
to
pass
that
the
Property
of
an
owners
Land
is
so
inconsistent
with
the
Prerogative
of
a
Prince
over
those
very
Lands
that
he
owns
,
or
why
those
that
have
the
greatest
Interest
in
this
his
property
must
presently
have
the
greatest
Portion
too
of
Power
and
Property
,
in
the
Government
;
that
is
(
only
to
contract
his
Absurdity
)
why
the
Peasant
that
has
two
Acres
of
Land
,
and
the
Prince
that
has
but
one
,
should
not
presently
be
prefer'd
to
be
the
Prince
,
and
the
Prince
Condescend
to
be
the
Peasant
?
The
Question
might
be
soon
answer'd
with
another
Quere
,
Why
this
King
cannot
be
as
well
Born
an
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
as
his
Countryman
to
the
Cottage
,
tho
the
latter
commonly
has
Land
about
it
when
perhaps
a
Crown
may
have
none
;
For
certainly
according
to
his
Position
,
a
King
must
have
but
an
Insignificant
Power
,
that
has
not
a
Foot
of
Crown-lands
,
and
then
to
have
it
to
any
purpose
,
to
extend
his
Empire
over
all
his
Subjects
,
the
Hereditary
Lands
of
the
Crown
;
must
by
his
own
Rule
necessarily
make
up
more
Acres
then
all
the
Kingdom
besides
;
and
as
he
observes
,
that
within
this
200
years
the
Estates
Platonick
Dogma
these
Plebeians
must
have
the
Power
and
Authority
of
our
Nobles
;
that
is
a
Rich
Commoner
must
presently
run
up
into
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
a
Lord
perhaps
less
wealthy
descen'd
into
their
lower-House
,
for
they
must
allow
their
Lyes
more
power
in
our
House
of
Peers
,
they
being
a
Court
of
Judicature
,
which
the
other
can't
〈◊〉
too
.
The
Disorders
,
Confusions
,
and
Revolutions
of
Government
,
〈◊〉
would
ensue
from
the
placing
this
Empire
,
and
Power
,
only
in
Dominion
and
Property
;
which
according
to
his
own
extravagant
Position
,
I
think
may
be
better
render'd
Demesn
,
would
be
altogether
as
Great
,
as
those
absur'd
Consequences
of
this
Foolish
Maxim
are
truly
ridiculous
;
for
we
must
necessarily
have
new
Governours
as
often
as
a
new
Demesn
Polilick
〈◊〉
,
has
wander'd
so
much
in
the
wide
World
,
that
his
Wits
are
a
straggling
too
;
so
full
of
Forreign
Governments
that
he
has
forgot
the
〈◊〉
of
his
own
.
Is
it
not
a
receiv'd
Maxim
in
our
Law
,
that
there
is
no
Property
grows
greater
,
encroach
the
further
upon
his
Power
and
Praerogative
?
none
but
our
Elect
Saints
must
shortly
set
up
for
our
Governours
,
and
I
know
this
Factious
States-man
can't
but
favour
his
Friends
Anabaptists
and
Quakers
,
his
absurrd
Politicks
here
Extraordinarily
suit
with
some
of
their
mad
extravagant
Principles
,
he
lets
them
know
,
Empire
is
founded
in
Dominion
;
and
they
thank
him
,
kind
Souls
,
and
tell
him
Dominion
is
founded
in
Grace
.
Two
or
Three
whole
Leaves
the
Copious
Vulgar
Error
;
that
't
is
thought
their
Profession
to
be
so
;
I
mean
the
Doctor
in
his
Dialogue
,
interrogates
his
Matchiavel
what
he
thinks
of
our
Clergy
,
why
truly
't
is
answer'd
:
He
could
wish
that
there
never
had
been
any
,
the
Christian
Religion
would
have
done
much
better
without
.
He
presumes
much
it
seems
upon
his
own
Divinity
,
but
if
that
be
no
sounder
then
his
Politicks
either
of
them
is
enough
to
send
him
to
the
Devil
;
and
on
he
goes
,
in
a
tedious
railing
against
the
Frauds
and
Rogueries
of
our
Church
when
t
was
Romish
,
all
impertinently
apply'd
to
the
present
,
that
is
now
so
much
reform'd
.
But
would
not
the
most
refractory
And
't
is
〈◊〉
wonder
now
,
that
such
irreligious
Impostors
,
who
have
so
little
veneration
for
the
Church
,
should
broach
such
pernicious
Doctrines
against
our
State
;
to
which
,
after
so
long
and
preliminary
Impertinence
that
half
the
piece
is
made
a
Preface
,
the
Courteous
Traveller
is
at
last
arriv'd
.
And
first
he
begins
with
their
old
Factious
assertion
that
the
Soveraign
power
of
England
is
in
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
making
his
Majesty
but
one
of
their
three
States
:
we
all
know
when
this
pernicious
principle
was
first
set
a
foot
,
what
it
terminated
in
,
BLOOD
,
and
that
in
the
Destruction
of
the
best
of
Governments
,
with
the
best
of
Kings
;
we
quickly
saw
,
when
once
they
had
made
their
Prince
Co-ordinate
,
they
soon
set
up
their
own
Supremacy
,
and
then
assoon
made
him
none
at
all
.
Did
this
prophetick
Daemon
foresee
from
his
Astrological
Judgments
,
that
his
House
of
Commons
were
drawing
another
Scheam
of
Rebellion
,
and
that
they
had
prepar'd
a
draught
of
a
second
Covenant
not
only
for
making
our
King
Co-ordinate
but
Leveling
the
Monarchy
with
the
Ground
;
yet'twas
convincing
enough
to
me
before
that
the
broaching
of
the
very
same
principles
,
did
as
really
design
the
same
subversion
of
the
State
;
this
Plot
might
as
well
have
been
seen
in
80.
when
this
Author
and
as
great
Incendiaries
appear'd
in
publick
,
and
so
popular
;
and
well
might
a
late
House
of
Commons
animadvert
on
our
Judges
for
suppressing
such
Seditious
Libels
,
which
were
so
Zealously
kind
,
and
impudently
bold
,
as
to
set
up
their
Supremacy
,
it
had
been
ingratitude
not
to
stand
by
those
Villains
that
for
their
sakes
had
forfeited
their
Necks
.
This
very
same
Principle
of
the
Subjects
Soveraignty
was
Printed
,
and
publish't
in
43.
preparatory
for
the
Covenant
,
which
the
Commons
had
then
call'd
for
out
of
Scotland
;
and
up
rises
this
Ghost
again
in
81.
as
if
even
then
it
had
heard
,
(
for
Spirits
are
very
Intelligent
)
of
an
Association
talk't
off
in
Parliament
;
but
I
'll
tell
him
in
short
why
the
Soveraign
Power
of
England
,
is
not
in
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
;
because
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
are
not
all
Soveraigns
,
may
not
our
Monarchy
be
call'd
Mixt
in
Opposition
to
its
being
Absolute
,
and
Tyrannical
;
without
making
it
a
meer
Hotch-potch
,
that
if
our
King
will
have
any
thing
of
his
right
of
a
Soveraign
power
,
he
must
put
it
in
Medley
with
that
of
his
Subject
,
as
our
Sisters
are
oblig'd
in
Co-parcenary
:
But
tho
he
take
his
Treasonable
Maxim
,
for
Reason
,
and
Truth
,
without
shewing
the
least
Law
or
Reason
,
I
shall
shew
him
from
all
of
them
,
that
it
is
both
Irrational
,
Illegal
,
and
a
Lye
.
First
,
'T
is
against
Reason
to
Imagin
there
can
be
three
such
Powers
Co-ordinate
to
make
up
one
Soveraignty
;
and
that
our
King
can
at
the
same
time
pass
for
a
Monarch
,
for
Soveraignty
is
inseparable
from
a
King
,
and
that
's
the
Reason
without
doubt
we
promiscuously
Does
not
the
very
Etymon
of
Monarchy
it self
express
the
sole
Soveraignty
of
that
Government
they
would
make
so
preposterously
Mixt
,
and
even
Archon
alone
,
which
was
the
next
Titular
Appellation
,
the
Loyal
Athenians
gave
to
the
Son
and
Successor
of
their
Matchless
English
Monarch
,
but
a
Duke
of
Venice
;
formidable
,
frightful
,
at
the
same
time
that
their
holding
the
Reins
shall
render
it
all
Hobby-Horse
,
Ridiculous
and
Contemptible
.
Secondly
,
I
'll
shew
that
this
their
confounded
principle
of
perfect
Confusion
,
is
not
only
against
the
Fundamental
Law
of
the
Land
,
but
against
the
sense
of
every
Law
,
that
ever
was
made
in
it
.
Every
preamble
,
of
an
Act
;
and
that
ofevery
Proviso
there
,
runs
with
A
,
Be
it
Enacted
by
the
Kings
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
by
and
with
the
CONSENT
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
in
the
present
Parliament
Assembled
.
And
then
let
any
sober
person
Judge
where
lies
the
Soveraignty
,
would
it
be
suffer'd
to
be
thus
exprest
were
they
not
satisfy'd
they
were
not
all
Soveraigns
,
or
if
they
were
,
ought
it
not
according
to
this
Rebel
and
Republican
,
run
,
We
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
Enact
,
but
I
'll
let
him
know
how
and
what
the
Libertine
would
again
have
that
Enacting
part
of
an
Act
of
Parliament
to
be
,
tho
the
Politick
Knave
;
fear'd
it
was
too
soon
yet
to
declare
plainly
for
an
Usurpation
,
viz.
Be
it
Enacted
and
ordained
Charles
Stewart
,
Son
of
the
Lale
Tyrant
,
and
his
Forces
invading
this
Nation
,
do
Enact
,
&c.
That
our
Kings
in
the
time
of
the
Saxons
,
Danes
,
and
some
part
of
the
Normans
had
more
absolute
Power
over
their
Subjects
,
than
some
of
their
Successors
〈◊〉
,
himself
can't
deny
,
the
Charter
of
Liberties
being
made
but
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Third
;
and
when
the
People
had
less
of
Priviledges
,
the
Kings
must
be
supposed
to
have
had
more
of
Praerogative
;
therefore
we
shall
examine
only
what
and
where
the
Supremacy
is
at
present
,
and
where
the
Laws
of
the
Land
;
not
the
Will
of
the
Prince
do
place
it
.
In
the
Parliament
that
was
held
at
York
in
Edward
the
Seconds
time
,
The
Rebellious
Barons
that
The
Kings
Royal
Power
was
restrain'd
,
against
the
Greatness
of
his
Seigniory
Royal
,
contrary
to
the
State
of
the
Crown
,
and
that
by
Subjects
Provisions
over
the
Power
Royal
of
the
Ancestors
of
our
Lord
the
King
,
Troubles
and
Wars
came
upon
the
Realm
:
I
look
upon
this
as
an
absolute
Acknowledgment
of
a
Royal
Power
,
which
is
sure
the
same
with
his
Soveraign
;
sufficiently
distinguisht
here
from
the
Parliaments
,
or
the
Peoples
co-ordinate
Supremacy
,
for
those
condemn'd
Ordinances
were
lookt
upon
as
Usurpations
upon
the
Kings
Supremacy
,
which
they
call
the
Power
Royal
of
his
Ancestors
,
and
not
as
our
Author
would
have
too
,
of
the
Sovereign
power
of
Lords
and
Commons
.
At
the
Convention
of
the
three
Estates
first
of
Richard
the
Third
,
where
King
Co-ordinate
with
themselves
;
made
themselves
,
declared
themselves
,
three
States
without
him
,
and
acknowledged
their
King
the
Sovereign
and
Supream
.
That
Act
that
punisht
appeals
to
Rome
with
a
premunire
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
gives
this
Reason
why
is
an
Empire
,
that
the
King
the
Supream
Head
has
the
Dignity
,
and
Royal
Estate
of
the
Emperial
Crown
,
unto
whom
a
body
Politick
divided
into
Terms
and
Names
of
Spirituality
and
Temporality
,
been
bounden
〈◊〉
next
to
God
,
humble
Obedience
,
&c.
Who
has
furnisht
him
with
Plenary
,
Entire
,
Power
,
〈◊〉
,
Authority
,
Prerogative
,
and
Jurisdiction
:
Here
his
Body
Politick
is
devided
into
Spiritual
,
and
Temporal
,
here
he
is
called
the
supreme
Head
,
and
here
I
think
is
a
full
Recognition
of
his
sole
Sovereignty
:
And
't
is
strange
that
what
a
Parliament
did
in
Opposition
to
Popery
,
should
be
so
zealously
contradicted
by
such
Sycophants
that
pretend
so
much
to
oppose
it
.
In
the
next
place
,
he
tells
us
of
an
error
he
lay
under
,
that
he
thought
our
Commonalty
had
not
formally
assembled
in
Parliament
,
before
Henry
the
Thirds
time
;
but
of
that
now
is
fully
our
own
,
all
that
was
,
or
ever
will
be
rak't
up
for
justifying
a
Rebellion
,
and
restoring
a
Republick
,
from
falsifyed
Roll
,
and
Record
;
from
perverted
History
,
and
Matter
of
Fact
;
by
Pens
virulent
,
and
Factious
,
with
all
the
Art
and
Industry
,
and
whatever
thought
could
invent
for
its
Ruine
and
Destruction
,
has
been
Printed
and
Publisht
;
such
an
Universal
Conspiration
,
of
Men
of
several
Faculties
,
each
assisting
with
what
was
his
Excellency
,
his
Talent
in
Treason
,
which
seemed
to
be
the
Task-Master
of
the
Town
,
and
Monopolizer
of
Trades
.
But
our
Politician
might
return
to
his
old
Opinion
again
;
did
he
but
consult
other
Authors
,
I
believe
as
learned
Antiquarians
;
I
am
sure
more
Loyal
Subjects
:
who
can
shew
him
that
the
Saxons
Councils
call'd
the
Witena
Gemotes
had
in
them
no
Commons
:
That
the
Conqueror
call'd
none
of
them
to
his
great
Councils
,
none
in
those
of
his
two
Sons
that
succeeded
,
nor
none
in
any
of
the
Parliaments
down
to
Henry
Sinoth
,
Michel
,
or
Witena
Gemote
,
which
he
says
implyed
the
Great
Court
or
Meeting
of
the
King
,
and
all
his
Wise
Men
:
And
also
sometimes
of
the
King
with
his
Council
of
his
Bishops
,
Nobles
,
and
the
Wisest
of
the
People
;
and
unless
from
the
wisest
of
the
People
,
and
all
his
Wise
Men
,
they
can
make
up
an
House
of
Commons
;
I
am
sure
from
this
Authority
,
they
can
have
no
proof
,
and
from
Wise
Men
can
be
gathered
nothing
,
but
such
as
were
Noble
,
or
chief
of
the
Realm
;
for
the
meaner
sort
,
and
that
which
we
now
call
the
Commonality
,
were
then
far
enough
from
having
any
great
share
of
Learning
,
or
common
Understanding
;
and
then
besides
these
Wisest
of
the
People
were
only
such
whom
the
King
should
think
Wise
,
and
admit
to
his
Council
,
far
from
being
sent
by
their
Borroughs
as
elected
Senators
,
King
Alfred
had
his
Parliament
,
and
a
great
one
was
held
by
King
Athelstan
at
Grately
'
which
only
tells
us
there
were
Assembled
some
Bishops
,
Noble-Men
,
and
the
Wise-Men
whom
the
King
called
,
which
implies
no
more
then
those
he
had
a
mind
should
come
.
But
the
Antiquity
of
a
Parliament
,
or
that
of
an
House
of
Commons
is
not
so
much
the
thing
these
Factious
Roll
and
Record
Mongers
contend
for
,
't
is
its
Superiority
,
Supremacy
;
and
there
endeavours
to
make
them
antient
is
but
in
order
to
the
making
their
Power
Exorbitant
,
and
not
to
be
controul'd
by
that
of
their
King
;
whom
in
the
next
place
,
this
Re-publican
can
scarce
allow
the
power
of
calling
them
at
his
Pleasure
,
and
dissolving
them
when
he
pleases
:
But
so
great
is
the
Power
of
Truth
,
and
the
Goodness
of
the
Cause
he
Opposes
;
that
he
is
forc't
to
contradict
himself
to
desend
his
Paradoxes
.
For
he
tells
us
the
King
is
obliged
with
an
hear
say
Law
,
which
his
learned
in
the
Faculty
and
Faction
can't
find
out
yet
,
none
can
begin
,
continue
or
dissolve
a
Parliament
but
by
the
Kings
Authority
:
Himself
that
which
is
undoubtedly
the
Kings
Right
is
to
call
and
dissolve
Parliaments
.
'T
is
impertinent
to
labour
to
contradict
that
which
he
here
so
plainly
confutes
himself
,
the
Statesman
being
so
big
with
his
Treasonable
Notions
,
so
full
of
his
Faction
that
his
Memory
fails
him
,
makes
him
forget
his
own
Maxims
,
and
makes
his
subsequent
Pages
wrangle
with
the
Concessions
of
those
that
went
before
.
His
next
Observation
is
a
perfect
Comment
upon
his
Text
that
had
in
it
implicit
Treason
before
;
he
tells
us
in
Justification
of
the
Barons
Wars
,
which
all
our
Historians
represent
as
a
perfect
Sovereign
power
,
when
they
had
gotten
their
Sovereign
to
suffer
himself
to
be
sworn
out
of
his
Supremacy
,
they
might
well
have
armed
their
Vassals
then
;
when
they
had
got
his
Majesties
leave
to
commence
Rebels
,
and
Traytors
,
for
the
Protection
of
his
Person
,
and
the
Preservation
of
his
Crown
and
Dignity
:
But
these
humble
Boons
were
no
more
〈◊〉
that
Bill
must
have
begged
;
and
these
kind
Concessions
,
no
more
than
was
expected
from
the
Grant
of
a
King
so
Gracious
,
a
Petition
that
might
well
have
been
answered
like
that
of
Bathsheba's
,
by
bidding
them
ask
the
Kingdom
also
.
The
Barons
standing
in
open
defiance
stood
up
too
so
much
for
them
)
:
He
calls
the
Peers
keeping
their
Greatness
,
and
this
is
the
Sovereign
Power
the
Rebel
would
have
them
again
set
up
for
,
to
be
great
in
their
Arms
,
as
well
as
Quality
,
and
demand
with
the
Sword
again
the
Prerogative
of
their
Kings
,
and
the
grant
of
the
Regalia
;
which
in
their
preposterous
Appellations
;
was
abused
with
the
pretence
of
priviledge
,
and
right
,
and
which
the
force
of
the
Field
can
soon
make
of
the
greatest
〈◊〉
and
to
your
Arms.
He
tells
us
after
they
had
obtained
the
framing
of
their
Charters
,
and
I
think
they
were
as
much
as
the
most
condescending
Monarchs
could
grant
,
or
the
most
mutinous
malecontents
require
;
Then
arose
another
grievance
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
for
:
This
was
the
Intermission
of
Parliaments
,
which
could
not
be
called
but
by
the
Prince
,
and
he
not
doing
it
,
they
ceast
for
some
years
to
be
Assembled
;
if
this
had
not
been
speedily
remedied
,
The
provoking
Rebel
,
(
for
certainly
he
is
as
much
so
,
that
Animates
a
Rebellion
,
as
he
that
is
actually
engaged
in
it
,
and
is
by
Law
so
declared
)
tells
us
the
Barons
Bill
of
Exclusion
were
past
,
(
which
was
more
we
see
than
the
most
mildest
Monarch
could
grant
,
or
even
our
House
of
Peers
,
sure
the
better
part
of
our
Nation
;
could
in
Modesty
require
;
)
yet
still
there
was
more
work
to
be
done
,
and
a
Reformation
to
be
made
in
the
Church
,
as
well
as
the
State
:
The
Patriot
was
prepared
to
lanch
out
in
such
kind
of
Extravagancies
,
and
told
the
truth
of
the
Plot
before
his
time
,
had
not
calmer
Heads
interposed
and
cool'd
his
hot
one
into
common
Sense
:
several
of
the
Speeches
spoken
in
Parliament
,
for
which
its
Publisher
deserves
to
be
Pillor'd
,
if
not
Authentic
and
True
;
and
brought
before
them
on
his
Knees
at
least
for
his
Presumption
if
they
are
:
It
being
here
as
Criminal
to
Print
Truths
at
all
times
without
an
Imprimatur
,
as
't
is
to
tell
it
without
leave
,
even
inseveral
of
those
Speeches
Publisht
in
that
Paper
I
reflected
on
in
the
beginning
,
where
the
Pedantick
Author
has
exposed
me
in
the
Tail
of
his
History
,
that
If
at
the
same
time
we
endeavour
to
secure
our selves
against
Popery
,
we
do
not
also
do
something
to
prevent
Arbitrary
Power
,
it
will
be
to
little
purpose
;
I
think
nothing
can
prevent
that
better
than
frequent
Parliaments
,
and
therefore
I
humbly
move
,
that
a
Bill
for
securing
frequent
Parliaments
be
taken
into
Consideration
,
can
any
thing
be
more
Expressive
than
that
the
Bill
so
much
clamour'd
for
,
was
only
the
burden
of
the
Song
,
and
that
the
Ballad
it self
must
have
been
all
to
the
Tune
of
41.
when
Arbitrary
Power
never
ceased
its
Cry
,
till
the
Parliament
was
made
Frequent
,
its
Frequency
never
sufficient
,
till
standing
and
perpetual
;
which
proyed
too
as
dangerous
as
a
standing
Army
;
never
restless
till
it
had
really
raised
one
too
,
and
the
Kings
Head
from
his
Shoulders
;
Crown'd
Head
,
and
frighten
him
from
their
Frequency
,
when
some
of
their
most
popular
Members
have
been
since
found
in
an
actual
Conspiracy
,
for
p●lling
the
Crown
〈…〉
Sir
.
G.
H.
I
do
agree
a
Bill
for
Banishing
Papists
may
do
well
:
But
I
hope
if
you
Banish
the
Men
you
'll
Banish
some
Women
too
,
consider
how
to
prevent
the
Royal
Family
marrying
Popish
Women
;
—
No
man
can
doubt
but
the
Protestant
Interest
has
been
much
praejudiced
by
his
Majesties
marrying
a
Princess
of
that
Religion
,
Popish
Instruments
having
〈◊〉
themselves
under
her
Protection
:
The
Country
Gentleman
wanted
the
Civilities
of
the
Court
being
a
declared
Enemy
to
all
Ladies
;
but
this
shows
plain
their
aims
were
beyond
that
of
the
Duke
,
and
that
it
was
the
Sense
of
some
of
the
House
,
the
Queen
was
in
the
Plot
,
as
well
as
the
Opinion
and
Asseveration
of
Oats
his
Oath
,
against
his
exprest
Testimony
given
before
,
Sir
E.
H.
—
Have
we
not
ordered
several
good
Bills
to
be
brought
in
for
the
securing
us
against
Arbitrary
Power
;
and
shall
we
now
lay
aside
all
those
,
and
be
content
with
the
Exclusion
Bill
only
?
which
I
think
will
be
worth
nothing
unless
you
can
get
more
,
and
what
some
of
those
more
are
is
explain
W.
G.
—
I
do
admire
no
body
does
take
notice
of
〈◊〉
standing
Army
,
which
if
not
〈…〉
such
a
Number
as
may
be
but
convenient
for
Guards
,
and
limited
as
they
may
not
be
encreased
:
All
your
Laws
signify
nothing
;
the
words
of
that
Hellish
Association
only
differ
thus
,
when
they
swear
more
modestly
only
to
endeavour
entirely
to
disband
all
such
Mercenary
Forces
as
are
kept
up
in
and
about
the
City
of
LONDON
.
These
are
some
of
the
very
Words
as
our
Author
relates
them
as
they
were
spoken
in
his
House
of
Commons
;
I
do
them
only
that
Justice
,
that
this
Historian
has
done
to
their
Honours
,
or
they
to
themselves
:
so
if
these
accounts
are
Authentick
;
(
tho
I
remember
when
dangerous
to
Question
even
the
Authority
of
an
unlicensed
piece
of
Sedition
;
)
then
〈◊〉
see
that
many
of
our
late
malecontents
of
the
Commons
,
as
'
well
as
our
Plato's
Rebellious
Barons
,
were
not
like
to
be
contented
any
more
with
our
Kings
granting
them
all
the
security
themselves
could
ask
for
their
Religion
;
then
these
Imperious
Lords
were
after
all
their
Liberties
were
fortyfied
with
an
extorted
Charter
,
and
made
as
firm
as
Fate
,
〈◊〉
their
foresight
could
provide
.
But
that
nothing
would
satisfy
,
unless
both
lopt
off
the
best
Limb
of
their
Prerogative
,
and
allowed
them
to
have
Parliaments
,
without
Intermission
;
or
at
least
frequent
enough
for
an
Usurpation
of
all
the
Power
that
is
Regal
;
for
as
the
Doctor
of
Sedition
observes
,
upon
the
Kings
being
allowed
to
Call
and
Dissolve
them
,
That
our
Liberties
Rights
signify
just
nothing
:
So
might
〈◊〉
this
politick
Pis-pot
have
remarked
,
That
when
once
it
comes
to
the
Power
of
the
People
to
summon
themselves
;
or
sit
so
long
a
Season
,
till
their
own
Order
shall
determine
the
Session
;
that
truly
their
Venetian
Doeg
would
be
a
Prince
to
the
Monarch
of
Great
Britain
,
and
we
should
soon
have
less
left
of
a
King
in
England
,
than
such
implacable
Republicans
have
of
Loyalty
;
for
I
am
sure
we
must
in
reason
have
better
Ground
to
dread
those
dangers
,
and
utter
Subversion
of
the
State
from
their
too
much
sitting
,
that
has
been
experienced
,
than
they
for
that
panick
fear
of
Tyranny
from
their
〈◊〉
so
often
Dissolved
,
which
they
never
yet
felt
.
But
to
see
the
boldness
of
such
Villains
for
encouraging
an
Insurrection
:
The
briskness
of
their
Barons
that
rebelled
,
for
a
Charter
,
and
frequent
Parliaments
,
was
most
providentially
brought
upon
the
Stage
,
when
they
knew
they
had
forfeited
most
of
their
own
by
their
Faction
;
and
made
their
House
of
Commons
,
from
their
obstinate
proceedings
,
not
likely
to
be
soon
summoned
when
once
Dissolved
:
so
that
here
was
a
plain
downright
Encouragement
of
a
resolute
Rebellion
as
Occasion
should
serve
;
and
letting
the
People
know
they
must
put
on
their
Armour
as
well
as
the
Barons
,
and
be
as
brisk
upon
Intermission
of
Parliaments
.
How
far
this
good
Exhortation
encouraged
an
Assassination
of
our
Sovereign
,
and
the
succeeding
Plot
,
may
be
gathered
from
their
attempts
to
put
it
in
Execution
;
and
for
which
both
Author
and
Publisher
Merit
full
as
well
the
Fate
of
those
that
dyed
for
the
practising
those
Principles
that
they
the
more
primitive
Traytors
had
instill'd
.
In
short
,
to
insist
no
longer
on
this
black
Topick
of
plain
Treason
,
With
what
Faith
and
〈◊〉
,
with
what
Face
and
Countenance
,
can
he
call
that
perfect
Conspiracy
of
a
parcel
of
Faithless
Peers
,
a
Defence
of
the
Government
,
that
putting
on
their
Armour
,
made
it
imitate
an
AEgypts
Plague
,
and
Anticipate
the
very
Judgments
of
the
Almighty
,
by
purpling
her
Rivers
with
the
Slain
?
can
the
Defence
of
a
Kingdom
consist
with
its
Destruction
,
or
those
be
said
to
stand
up
for
their
Country
that
invited
an
Invader
,
and
swore
Allegiance
to
Lewis
a
Frenchman
,
against
him
that
was
their
Liege
Lord
:
I
am
sure
this
was
making
over
their
Faith
to
a
Foreigner
,
and
many
may
think
it
as
much
to
bee
condemned
as
that
of
their
King
his
Crown
to
a
Saracen
:
especially
when
that
by
some
Historians
is
doubted
;
but
their
falsehood's
confirmed
by
all
:
Then
was
our
England
like
to
have
been
truly
France
,
which
they
now
but
so
vainly
Fear
.
In
the
next
place
,
he
is
pleased
to
grant
the
Militia
to
be
in
his
Majesty's
Power
;
But
't
is
only
until
such
a
sort
of
Rebels
have
strength
enough
to
take
it
out
;
for
he
tells
us
the
Militia
being
given
but
for
an
Execution
of
the
Law
,
if
it
be
mis-imployed
by
him
to
subvert
it
,
't
is
a
Violation
of
the
Trust
,
and
making
that
power
unlawful
in
the
Execution
:
And
that
which
shall
violate
this
Trust
,
has
he
reduced
to
three
of
the
most
Villanous
Instances
,
that
the
most
Excrable
Rebel
could
invent
,
or
the
most
bloody
Miscreant
concelve
,
the
Murder
of
three
Kings
by
their
Barbarous
and
Rebellious
Subjects
:
And
in
all
three
their
strength
and
Militia
were
first
taken
away
,
and
then
their
Lives
;
first
he
tels
us
Edward
the
second
forfeited
his
Executive
Power
of
the
Militia
;
In
misapplying
his
revenue
to
Courtiers
and
Sycophants
:
Richard
the
Second
for
〈◊〉
Worthless
People
to
the
greatest
places
.
And
Charles
the
First
,
in
the
Case
of
Ship
Money
;
can
now
the
most
virulent
Democraticks
hug
such
a
piece
without
Horrour
at
its
Inhumanity
?
or
the
vilest
of
the
Faction
preserve
it
from
the
Flames
:
can
those
popular
Parliamentarians
,
and
the
most
mutinous
of
all
our
murmering
Members
,
of
whom
my self
have
known
some
that
could
Countenance
this
very
Book
?
can
they
here
defend
iusinuated
Treason
,
when
Stanley
Humane
Nature
permit
such
precedents
to
prevail
,
that
terminated
in
the
miserable
Murder
of
as
many
Monarchs
?
'T
is
remarkable
,
and
't
is
what
I
remember
;
these
very
Papers
were
Publish'd
near
about
one
of
their
late
Sessions
wherein
they
were
nibbling
again
at
the
Milittia
;
and
could
so
merciless
a
Miscreant
be
put
in
the
pocket
of
a
Member
of
Parliament
,
much
less
then
into
his
Heart
,
and
drop
from
his
unadvised
Lips
?
can
those
that
come
to
give
their
consent
for
the
making
Laws
,
be
thus
Ignorant
of
those
that
are
already
made
?
has
not
the
Military
power
,
for
above
this
500
years
been
absolutely
in
the
Crown
?
and
almost
by
their
Parliament
it self
declared
so
in
every
Reign
,
was
it
ever
taken
out
,
but
when
they
took
away
the
Life
of
their
King
too
?
was
ever
his
Head
protected
from
Violence
,
when
this
,
the
Guard
of
his
Crown
,
was
gone
?
or
can
any
Hand
long
sway
the
Scepter
,
when
it
wants
the
Protection
of
the
Sword
?
1st
.
Edward
3d.
Chap
3.
The
King
willeth
that
no
man
be
charged
to
Arm
himself
otherwise
than
he
was
wont
in
the
time
of
his
Progenitors
Kings
of
England
,
In
H.
7.
declared
by
Stat.
:
All
Jacob.
1.
and
so
of
force
in
this
King
,
now
,
as
well
as
when
they
deny'd
it
to
his
Father
.
2.
Ed.
6.
2.
C.
2d
.
Cook
2.
Inst.
30.
Car.
2.
C.
6.
to
Muster
her
Subjects
,
and
array
as
many
as
they
shall
think
fit
:
The
Subjects
holding
by
Serjeantry
heretofore
all
along
to
serve
their
Sovereigns
in
War
in
the
Realm
,
and
a
particular
Act
obliging
them
to
go
within
or
without
,
with
their
King
;
He
and
only
He
has
the
ordering
of
all
the
Forts
and
Holds
,
Ports
and
Havens
of
the
Kingdom
,
confirmed
to
this
very
King
,
and
Cook
tells
us
no
Subject
can
build
any
Fortress
Defensible
,
Cook
Litt.
p.
5.
And
since
some
of
our
late
Members
of
the
lower
House
were
so
tickled
with
this
Authors
soothing
them
with
the
Kings
Executive
Power
of
War
forfeitable
;
I
'll
tell
them
of
an
Act
expressly
made
in
some
Sense
against
their
Assuming
it
;
and
for
another
Reason
too
;
because
some
mutinous
Heads
would
argue
to
my
Knowledge
for
their
Members
comming
armed
to
the
Parliament
at
Oxford
;
and
which
was
actually
done
too
by
Colledge
and
his
Crew
.
It
was
made
in
Edward
the
First
's
time
,
Parliaments
,
Treatises
,
and
other
Assemblies
,
every
Man
should
come
without
Force
,
and
Armour
;
and
of
this
the
King
acquainted
the
Justices
of
the
Bench
:
and
moreover
that
the
Parliament
at
Westminster
,
had
declared
that
to
us
belonged
straightly
to
desend
Force
of
Armour
,
and
all
other
Force
against
our
Peace
,
at
all
times
when
it
shall
please
us
,
and
the
Judges
were
ordered
to
get
it
read
in
the
Court
,
and
enroll'd
.
And
now
can
it
with
common
Reason
or
Sense
be
suggested
,
that
the
letting
Favourites
have
some
of
the
Treasures
of
the
Kingdom
,
or
Courtiers
,
as
he
calls
it
,
the
Revenue
,
or
the
preferring
of
such
Persons
as
they
shall
think
Worthless
and
Wicked
,
which
with
such
Villains
as
himself
are
commonly
the
most
deserving
;
that
this
shall
be
a
sufficient
violating
(
as
he
terms
it
,
)
of
a
Kings
Trust
,
to
the
forfeiture
of
his
Power
of
putting
the
Laws
in
Execution
,
with
which
the
common
consent
,
of
almost
all
the
Laws
,
and
all
Ages
,
have
invested
their
King
,
as
an
absolute
,
〈◊〉
,
singular
Right
of
the
Crown
.
Certainly
such
an
Opinion
is
as
extravagant
,
as
Treasonable
,
and
could
enter
into
the
Head
of
nothing
but
a
Madman
,
the
Heart
of
none
but
a
Traytor
.
Next
we
meet
with
another
Assertion
as
false
as
Hell
,
and
then
its
clear
contrary
nothing
but
the
God
of
Heaven
is
more
True
;
He
tells
us
,
(
after
having
hardly
allowed
His
Majesty
a
Negative
Voice
,
at
least
as
such
an
Insignificant
one
,
as
not
to
be
made
use
of
)
That
Parliamentary
requests
produced
the
Baron's
Wars
,
and
our
last
dismal
Combustions
;
when
I
'll
demonstrate
to
him
,
as
plain
as
a
Proposition
in
Euclid
,
that
nothing
but
their
too
gracious
and
unhappy
Concessions
,
to
their
perfidious
and
ungrateful
Subjects
,
made
those
mighty
Monarchs
miscarry
:
read
but
any
of
our
Histories
,
tho
pen'd
by
the
most
prejudiced
,
and
those
that
ware
at
best
but
moderately
Popular
,
of
our
first
Civil
Wars
.
The
Barons
,
Daniel
that
speaks
that
neither
side
got
but
Misery
and
Vexation
:
We
see
that
notwithstanding
as
often
as
their
Charter
,
and
Liberties
were
confirm'd
;
notwithstanding
all
the
Concessions
of
those
two
yielding
Monarchs
,
still
more
Hugo
de
Burg.
and
he
must
be
removed
,
during
the
pleasure
of
the
two
Houses
,
an
Act
of
Concession
which
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Prince
could
himself
call
,
(
as
〈◊〉
it
was
)
unparallel'd
by
any
of
his
a
Ground
for
the
House
to
proceed
upon
for
Peace
.
Lastly
had
he
not
granted
to
his
Inveterate
Foes
,
whose
Necks
were
forfeited
to
the
Gibbet
,
the
Heads
of
some
of
his
best
Friends
,
till
he
had
none
left
to
dispose
of
but
his
own
,
and
that
at
the
last
must
be
brought
to
the
Block
.
And
can
such
an
impudent
Daemon
,
the
very
spawn
of
the
Father
of
Lyes
,
thus
confidently
now
declare
that
obstinacy
,
Denyal
in
the
late
King
was
his
Ruin
;
but
his
misery
and
misfortune
,
has
unhappily
left
tho
for
us
happy
(
could
a
Nation
be
said
so
under
such
a
loss
)
such
Politicks
written
in
his
Blood
,
that
all
those
of
such
Rebels
and
Republicans
can
never
undermine
.
In
the
next
place
the
State
Empirick
comes
upon
the
Stage
and
that
only
to
vilify
our
Court
of
Chancery
,
which
with
all
Persons
that
can
but
distinguish
Equity
from
the
Rigour
of
the
Law
,
must-be
had
in
Estimation
;
the
greatest
Objection
his
utmost
Malice
can
asperse
it
with
,
is
only
,
That
it
may
be
Corrupted
,
and
so
may
the
best
of
things
,
whose
Corruption
is
the
worst
.
There
may
be
Roguery
in
Clerks
,
he
thinks
,
Mercurius
dulcis
;
and
such
a
Villany
in
his
Art
,
is
sure
more
fatal
then
the
worst
that
can
occur
in
their
faculty
,
that
at
the
worst
can
but
bereave
you
and
that
long
first
of
your
Estate
.
This
Ruffian
in
a
Moment
robs
you
of
your
Life
;
and
I
should
chuse
to
live
a
little
in
the
World
,
tho
a
Beggar
,
than
be
sent
out
like
a
Rat.
The
Ridiculousness
of
his
Objections
can't
be
answer'd
,
but
with
such
Merry
ones
as
I
make
.
But
to
let
him
know
I
can
defend
the
Constitution
of
the
Court
in
Good
Earnest
,
so
far
is
it
from
Obstructing
his
right
by
the
Common-Law
as
he
Ignorantly
Objects
,
that
it
's
a
〈◊〉
Commonly
never
to
relieve
him
here
when
he
can
have
his
Remedy
there
,
but
always
in
Justice
and
Equity
renders
him
that
right
which
the
Rigour
of
the
rest
many
times
forecludes
him
off
,
where
the
Common
can't
Compel
a
man
to
an
agreement
this
will
enforce
it
,
Recoveries
of
Legacies
,
Performance
of
Wills
;
otherwise
Irrevocable
,
and
not
to
be
Compel'd
shall
be
obtain'd
here
.
It
enforces
the
Husband
to
give
the
Wife
Alimony
,
and
perhaps
the
Doctor
dislikes
it
for
that
,
and
Common
Law
,
should
Injure
their
Petition
of
Right
or
Invade
the
Liberty
of
Magna
Charta
.
But
that
which
is
more
Ridiculous
Country
in
the
World
had
such
a
way
of
Judging
.
For
the
first
,
(
should
we
not
consider
the
prudence
and
Integrity
of
that
Honourable
Person
that
presides
in
it
at
present
whose
Equitable
determinations
were
sufficient
to
supersede
and
silence
such
a
〈◊〉
suggestion
)
it
is
morally
impossible
there
to
meet
with
Injustice
;
where
nothing
is
decreed
but
upon
a
Fair
,
and
Full
Examination
of
Witnesses
and
the
Judges
hearing
what
can
be
alleaged
by
Counsel
on
both
sides
.
All
the
Panick
fear
that
Alarms
him
,
is
that
the
Prince
(
for
such
is
the
Malice
of
a
Republican
that
nothing
can
be
thought
Wicked
enough
for
a
King
,
)
may
put
in
a
Person
that
may
Act
against
Right
and
Reason
,
carried
away
by
Passion
and
Prejudice
,
and
at
best
but
a
Tool
for
the
State
.
If
the
possibility
of
such
vain
suggestions
shall
prevail
for
an
Extirpation
of
an
Officer
of
Justice
Co-oeval
,
if
Replications
,
Exceptions
,
here
are
Answer
and
Demurrer
.
They
pronounce
Contumax
and
Ex-communicate
.
Here
goes
out
Attachment
and
Commission
of
Rebellion
,
through
the
whole
process
the
same
Practise
observ'd
the
same
Rules
as
in
all
Forreign
Courts
of
Civil
Judicature
;
where
the
Decretum
finale
,
or
Sententia
Definitiva
,
is
in
the
sole
Breast
of
a
single
Person
as
our
Common
Decres
in
Chancery
.
But
what
is
the
Law
of
all
Nations
Republican
Soul
would
be
loth
to
venture
there
it
's
Human
Body
notwithstanding
it's
Equal
Distributive
Justice
,
which
he
would
make
Arithmetical
too
,
by
makeing
it
so
exactly
proportionable
to
the
Crime
,
should
he
be
found
there
as
great
a
Criminal
against
that
State
,
as
his
Publisht
Treasons
have
here
render'd
him
to
our
own
,
he
would
hardly
come
to
know
his
Fault
there
till
he
came
to
feel
the
punishment
,
and
would
find
a
Banditi
with
them
to
make
the
best
Executioner
;
't
is
there
Sedition
,
and
the
Defamation
of
the
Government
is
punisht
assoon
as
Information
is
receiv'd
,
and
that
with
nothing
less
than
Death
,
and
commonly
drowning
;
no
Tryal
per
Testes
and
Examinants
,
but
Ferry'd
away
in
one
of
their
Gondola's
,
which
must
prove
your
Infernal
Boat
too
,
and
the
first
sight
of
your
Sin
is
with
that
of
a
Confessor
,
and
a
Hangman
,
and
thesesure
must
be
most
Malicious
,
Inveterate
Villains
,
that
can
commend
such
Judicatures
that
are
rather
shambles
,
for
Butchery
and
Murder
,
before
those
of
their
own
Nation
;
where
a
Penny
property
can't
be
taken
away
without
a
Tryal
per
pares
,
and
the
Law
,
much
less
their
Life
.
But
if
our
Republican
when
he
commends
so
much
the
Justice
of
that
State
,
means
only
what
is
distributed
in
their
Decemviral
Council
which
is
the
Supream
,
let
him
for
a
Confirmation
of
his
Error
and
Folly
Consult
only
the
Antonio
Foscarini
one
of
their
own
Senate
;
whom
upon
the
bare
Testimony
of
too
profligate
Russians
,
that
he
held
correspondence
with
the
Spanish
Embassador
,
(
which
with
any
forreign
one
for
a
Senator
is
their
Death
by
the
Law
,
)
without
any
Collateral
or
Circumstantial
Proof
,
without
seeing
his
Accusers
,
was
seiz'd
,
muffl'd
up
,
clapt
in
a
dark
Dungeon
,
and
in
a
few
days
sentenc'd
to
be
strangl'd
,
and
which
was
done
accordingly
;
the
Conspiracy
of
the
Witness
was
soon
afterward
detected
,
his
Innocency
declar'd
;
and
the
poor
Gentleman
for
want
of
a
due
process
at
Law
,
plainly
Murder'd
;
and
all
the
Conviction
I
wish
to
such
unjust
reproachers
of
the
Constitution
of
any
of
our
Courts
of
Judicature
,
that
they
may
never
have
the
benefit
of
those
Laws
they
Condemn
,
and
only
have
the
Fate
to
Fall
by
that
Justice
of
the
Republick
they
so
much
extol
.
The
Villains
that
sign'd
the
Warrant
for
our
late
Kings
Execution
;
did
not
more
Sacrifice
his
Person
,
than
this
Impious
Wretch
has
Murder'd
him
again
in
Effigie
,
with
a
redoubl'd
Cruelty
,
to
blast
that
unblemishable
reputation
;
which
if
Dearer
than
Life
,
must
be
the
greater
Treason
:
He
tells
us
the
Parliament
never
made
War
upon
him
,
because
by
Law
,
(
says
the
Sycophant
)
He
can
do
no
wrong
,
but
this
shall
not
be
allow'd
for
a
Maxim
with
such
Malecontents
when
it
makes
for
the
Monarch
:
But
what
if
a
Parliament
of
Rebels
,
put
out
in
their
Declaration
,
that
He
has
wrong'd
the
Law
,
and
vote
that
he
Levies
War
to
destroy
the
Fundamental
Liberty
of
the
People
,
to
set
up
Arbitrary
Government
;
send
down
a
Traytor
to
keep
him
out
of
his
own
Garrisons
,
when
their
Guards
could
not
secure
his
Life
from
the
rage
of
the
London
Rable
instigated
too
by
that
Villanous
Assembly
that
made
his
Repairing
to
Hull
for
the
Preservation
of
himself
,
an
Insurrection
of
their
King
for
the
Destruction
of
the
People
:
And
can
such
a
senseless
piece
of
Sedition
imagin
that
undistinguishing
Bullet
they
brought
into
the
Field
,
could
be
commanded
to
take
off
none
but
Evil
Councellors
and
Seducers
;
or
that
ARMS
which
soon
silence
all
LAWS
,
especially
when
lifted
against
their
Soveraign
,
would
favourable
consider
his
Right
,
and
a
Maxim
of
our
own
that
he
could
do
no
wrong
.
He
tells
us
the
King
was
displeas'd
for
parting
with
his
Power
to
dissolve
Parliaments
,
and
took
unheard
of
ways
to
demand
Members
with
Arms
:
Most
Inhumane
Wretch
even
to
the
Pious
Memory
of
so
good
a
Prince
,
to
give
him
the
Lye
in
his
Grave
;
does
not
himself
tell
us
,
as
if
his
Prophetick
Soul
had
foreseen
the
suggestion
of
such
a
Rebel
,
in
his
making
it
his
deepest
plaint
,
The
Injury
of
all
Injuries
is
,
that
some
will
Falsely
divulge
,
that
I
repining
at
the
Establishment
of
the
Parliament
endeavour'd
by
force
and
open
Hostility
;
to
undo
what
by
Royal
assent
I
had
done
.
While
at
the
same
time
the
Contradictory
Wretches
would
asperse
him
for
a
resolv'd
,
and
a
wilful
occasioner
of
his
ruin
;
but
for
the
demand
of
the
Members
,
so
far
from
Irregularity
:
That
this
Malicious
Accuser
,
is
a
double
Traytor
to
his
Memory
,
by
being
an
Abetter
of
those
,
that
were
truly
so
;
and
representing
it
False
,
the
King
was
advis'd
in
Scotland
of
those
Conspirators
having
Invited
that
Nation
to
come
into
ours
Arm'd
:
And
shall
not
bringing
in
a
Foreign
Power
,
an
Actual
Levying
War
be
allow'd
Treason
:
He
had
his
Witnesses
ready
for
the
proving
every
Article
;
his
Attorny
had
drawn
up
all
their
Impeachments
,
and
could
not
their
King
have
the
benefit
of
those
Laws
,
he
gives
Life
too
?
Could
not
their
King
Impeach
a
Commoner
?
when
they
themselves
can
any
Lord
.
He
order'd
Him
to
inform
the
House
of
Peers
with
the
Matter
of
the
Charge
,
and
a
Serjeant
at
Arms
to
accuse
them
to
the
Commons
:
did
they
,
or
could
they
call
this
an
unheard
of
way
,
or
Irrogular
Proceeding
?
and
will
the
protection
of
their
House
extend
to
an
Inditement
for
High-Treason
,
as
well
as
Industrious
Author
might
have
cited
too
his
Majestys
Murder
out
of
their
Journal
.
But
let
them
blush
at
their
late
Arbitrary
Proceedings
against
their
Fellow
Subjects
,
and
Remember
what
they
deny'd
their
King
.
Here
was
an
obstruction
of
Justice
,
that
was
already
a
Rebellion
against
the
Executive
Power
of
the
Law
,
such
an
one
,
as
only
their
next
Ordinance
for
seizing
the
Militia
,
could
make
it
more
so
;
the
Serjeant
that
was
sent
to
Arrest
their
Persons
is
countermanded
,
and
if
again
attempted
,
't
is
Order'd
,
and
Resolved
they
'll
stand
upon
their
Desence
,
and
make
Resistance
;
how
should
the
Mildest
Father
of
the
most
Merciful
Son
,
Mollifie
so
many
Tygers
Tugging
for
the
Praerogative
,
with
the
pretence
of
Privileges
.
Why
he
tells
us
,
himself
went
attended
with
some
Gentlemen
his
followers
,
much
short
of
his
Ordinary
Guard
;
to
desire
he
might
proceed
against
Traytors
only
in
a
free
,
and
Legal
Tryal
,
that
he
had
furnisht
himself
with
proof
and
wanted
nothing
for
that
Evidence
which
he
could
have
produced
:
But
what
(
I
am
sure
they
were
resolv'd
to
deny
their
Soveraign
)
even
what
they
made
the
Rabble
clamor
for
against
himself
,
JUSTICE
;
the
Chronicle
tells
us
,
none
of
his
Followers
mov'd
farther
than
the
Stairs
,
but
only
he
himself
with
the
Palsgrave
enter'd
the
House
,
demanded
whom
before
he
had
Accus'd
,
and
the
Villains
themselves
so
Conscious
of
his
Equitable
demand
,
and
their
own
Guilt
,
that
they
fear'd
their
very
delivery
from
their
Friends
,
and
that
Death
I
doubt
they
had
so
justly
deserv'd
,
the
Criminals
were
fled
,
he
renews
his
Charge
and
so
satisfy'd
,
returns
;
but
so
were
not
those
whom
nothing
could
Content
at
last
but
his
Life
,
they
load
it
with
all
the
Obloquies
,
and
Exasperations
imaginable
,
such
Protectors
of
Liberties
could
only
think
Treason
against
him
worthier
of
Protection
,
then
their
injur'd
King
;
an
Execution
of
Law
,
is
Voted
a
Breach
of
Priviledge
,
the
demanding
the
Benefit
of
it
by
him
that
gives
it
it's
being
;
they
made
MURDER
,
the
City
Guards
are
set
up
in
several
places
,
the
Train-Bands
are
Commanded
down
to
Westminster
,
a
greater
Army
sure
then
only
the
Kings
Retinue
to
protect
Impeacht
Traytors
,
and
with
the
late
Hosanna's
of
our
Old-Baily
they
lead
in
Triumph
,
that
Primitive
Council
of
Six
accus'd
for
High-Treason
,
and
what
Security
had
this
present
King
that
the
like
Cabal
should
not
have
been
as
well
Secur'd
from
his
Justice
,
had
they
been
but
detected
in
some
of
their
late
Sessions
,
they
were
all
Members
too
,
the
Difference
between
our
King
and
Commons
in
as
high
a
ferment
,
the
Charge
that
then
was
given
to
the
Lords
,
the
Articles
that
were
offer'd
to
the
Commons
appear
upon
Record
but
the
Counterpart
of
this
Kings
Declaration
;
only
there
they
had
not
come
so
far
as
to
contrive
his
Murder
,
their
Accusation
was
,
for
aspersing
of
his
Majesties
Government
and
altering
the
affections
of
his
People
,
Countenancing
Tumults
against
him
,
inviting
a
Foreign
Nation
,
the
Scots
,
as
too
this
Actually
did
,
and
Conspiring
to
Levy
War
,
as
these
did
to
Raise
an
Insurrection
:
And
might
not
any
Jealous
Soul
fear
such
Parliaments
,
that
protected
such
Traytors
?
and
might
not
such
Traytors
been
again
protected
by
such
Parliaments
,
when
the
City
too
was
their
own
again
,
the
Guards
set
,
the
Watches
plac'd
,
the
Streets
Chain'd
,
and
that
when
they
could
accuse
no
King
for
Breach
of
Priviledge
or
Coming
to
their
House
with
Arms
,
and
the
having
a
Guard
for
their
house
was
offer'd
at
now
when
nothing
but
their
King
was
again
in
danger
?
and
can
the
retrieving
the
Memory
of
those
immediate
Forrunners
of
our
first
Misfortunes
be
made
a
Crime
?
And
the
most
Flagitious
Villains
utterly
false
,
but
that
some
of
the
late
Members
have
actually
design'd
it
since
,
is
Certainly
true
,
't
is
attested
in
their
Sufferings
and
Seal'd
in
their
Blood
:
The
Honour
of
that
Assembly
may
be
no
way
Tainted
,
tho
both
Blood
and
Issue
of
some
that
did
sit
in
it
,
is
since
at
present
so
by
Law
;
a
man
of
Common
Sense
can
apprehend
the
Constitution
of
a
Body
Politick
to
be
one
thing
,
and
the
Constituent
Members
another
,
and
this
without
the
help
of
Metaphysicks
or
Abstraction
,
I
am
Sworn
,
besides
that
Natural
affection
I
still
shall
have
for
my
Soveraign
,
to
be
Faithful
to
my
Liege
Lord
,
and
should
I
fail
in
my
Faith
,
I
should
be
for-sworn
;
I
know
the
privilege
of
having
a
Parliament
is
the
Interest
of
every
Subject
,
and
should
I
contend
against
that
,
I
should
be
a
Fool
;
but
because
there
is
a
necessity
of
obeying
your
King
,
does
the
same
Obligation
tye
you
to
an
Vsurper
.
A
Parliament
is
a
great
Privilege
to
a
Nation
,
but
not
so
when
it
Vsurps
all
sorts
of
Privileges
,
that
you
saw
took
away
it's
head
,
lay'd
the
Land
of
it
all
in
BLOOD
.
I
'll
maintain
with
my
last
Breath
that
a
Parliament
is
the
Subjects
Birth-right
;
but
God
forbid
we
should
be
Born
to
all
sort
of
Parliaments
,
that
would
make
us
Traytors
by
a
Law
,
and
we
have
many
besides
what
in
this
Kings
were
declar'd
,
by
Statute
Treasonable
.
But
to
return
to
what
is
the
Blackest
piece
of
Treason
our
PLATO
,
was
the
Glorious
Martyr
the
First
aggressor
too
,
or
did
they
first
seize
his
Militia
,
when
they
could
not
have
it
by
Consent
?
was
the
withdrawing
of
the
King
,
Treason
to
his
Parliament
?
or
were
the
Parliament
the
Traytors
that
made
him
to
withdraw
?
did
the
King
Rebel
against
his
own
Garrison
at
Hull
,
or
was
Hotham
the
Rebel
that
kept
out
his
King
,
let
even
prejudice
here
determine
,
what
the
worst
of
Malice
can
suggest
:
Does
Matchiavel
he
cites
,
countenance
the
Licentiousness
of
the
People
,
or
rather
allow
too
much
Liberty
to
his
Prince
,
and
make
an
Hero
,
of
a
Tyrant
,
an
Agathocles
,
and
Grotius
whom
Roman
Velite
,
has
held
our
Monarchy
his
Foe
in
play
,
all
in
the
front
of
the
Book
,
he
begins
to
rout
it
entirely
when
he
comes
up
with
the
Body
,
to
the
Battle
,
and
the
Rear
,
there
he
tells
us
plainly
the
Sweetness
the
profitableness
,
of
a
Common-wealth
,
that
only
't
is
not
to
be
during
these
Circumstances
,
that
is
,
't
is
too
soon
,
to
Rebel
yet
,
and
he
has
found
out
better
expedients
;
the
King
has
too
much
Power
,
the
Presidents
of
John
and
Henry
the
Third
,
are
trumpt
up
again
for
being
Compell'd
to
give
it
away
,
the
Murder
of
Edward
,
and
Richard
the
Second
,
at
least
the
Deposition
,
of
which
that
is
an
absolute
Consequence
,
is
two
or
three
times
again
Recommended
for
Instruction
;
and
now
he
tells
the
Parliament
plainly
what
Branches
of
the
Praerogative
,
they
must
insist
upon
,
Power
of
making
War
and
Peace
,
Treaties
and
Allyances
,
which
the
Kings
wicked
Ministers
have
made
Destructive
to
the
Interest
of
our
English
Nation
:
You
have
here
the
best
of
Kings
in
effect
,
tho
apply'd
to
the
Courtiers
,
of
which
I
think
he
must
be
the
Chief
,
resembl'd
to
the
very
Rebel
that
Vsurpt
upon
his
Crown
;
as
if
it
were
design'd
by
him
as
well
as
a
Cromwel
,
(
that
had
no
right
to
maintain
himself
in
the
Throne
,
but
the
Power
of
the
Sword
)
to
Crave
aid
from
FRANCE
,
to
keep
Vnder
his
People
of
ENGLAND
.
The
Militia
must
be
granted
them
,
because
out
of
Parliament
,
or
Session
,
it
being
in
his
hand
they
cannot
raise
the
County
Bands
,
nor
those
of
the
City
to
Guard
themselves
,
that
some
irusty
Members
whom
if
the
King
pleases
may
take
care
of
his
Houshold
,
that
a
Parliament
Act
of
Parliament
,
I
appeal
to
the
most
Haereditary
Discent
,
struck
at
in
the
Duke
?
was
not
the
Militia
offer'd
at
in
some
of
their
Votes
?
Frequency
of
Parliaments
which
would
have
been
as
good
as
without
intermission
,
Clamour'd
for
in
some
of
their
Speeches
;
the
Nomination
of
some
of
the
Officers
of
Power
by
the
People
.
And
lastly
was
it
not
agreed
to
meet
without
Writ
and
Summons
,
when
the
Major
part
of
Members
were
to
be
conven'd
after
Dissolution
,
and
can
any
still
say
that
an
alteration
of
the
Government
was
never
design'd
,
by
those
that
were
then
so
busily
concern'd
,
and
when
some
of
the
most
popular
and
Active
,
have
been
since
Actually
Convicted
for
the
Compassing
all
this
,
by
the
Blood
of
their
King
,
which
they
dispair'd
of
obtaining
from
his
Le
Roy
vult
:
But
't
is
to
be
hop'd
that
the
God
of
Heaven
,
who
has
brought
to
Light
the
Darkness
even
of
Hell
,
has
so
much
illuminated
Peoples
understanding
as
well
as
Eyes
,
that
the
next
Assembly
that
shall
constitute
this
Politick
Body
,
truly
Honourable
,
adsolutely
Necessary
in
it's
Constitution
,
will
be
such
,
as
will
transcend
,
what
has
been
one
of
their
best
Presidents
;
An
healing
one
;
and
that
of
those
wounds
such
〈◊〉
and
Doctors
have
scarifi'd
instead
of
clos'd
,
and
with
a
merited
Vote
Condemn
such
Devils
to
their
own
Element
the
Fire
,
that
have
so
Seditiously
set
three
Kingdoms
in
a
Flame
.
But
tho
this
refin'd
Statesman
,
this
polisht
piece
of
the
most
accomplisht
Treason
,
may
perhaps
value
himself
upon
the
Product
and
Invention
of
his
own
Villany
,
proud
of
the
being
reputed
a
witty
Republican
,
whose
greatest
Glory
here
is
to
be
at
the
best
,
but
an
Ingenious
Rebel
;
yet
his
very
Reputation
,
tho
it
be
but
in
his
Roguery
,
must
sink
too
.
When
you
consider
(
what
I
shall
soon
satisfy
any
sober
Person
in
,
any
Soul
that
has
but
so
much
Sense
as
to
distinguish
an
Author
from
a
Plagiary
a
Man
of
Honesty
from
a
Thief
,
)
that
even
the
very
Notions
and
Principles
he
Prints
for
the
establishing
this
Government
were
formerly
Publisht
,
and
proposed
by
the
very
Villains
that
actually
subverted
it
;
not
one
Expedient
in
all
his
Politicks
,
but
what
was
by
sad
Experience
the
very
Propositions
of
declar'd
Traytors
:
The
Blessed
Wit
would
rob
the
Records
of
an
old
Rebellion
;
and
that
only
to
put
in
for
an
Inventor
of
a
new
;
the
worst
of
Felons
,
and
in
Forreign
parts
punisht
as
the
greatest
that
Steals
his
Fellow
from
the
Gibbet
:
His
Book
has
not
only
borrowed
all
from
Harrington
,
I
'll
allow
it
him
with
all
my
Heart
,
and
that
A
Parallel
between
the
Propositions
sent
the
late
King
by
the
Rebel
Parliament
,
and
the
Rebellious
Proposals
of
our
Plato
Redivivus
.
|
PARLIAMENT'S
.
|
PLATO'S
.
|
|
1.
That
all
the
Kings
Privy
Council
,
great
Officers
and
Ministers
of
State
may
be
put
out
,
excepting
such
as
the
Parliament
shall
approve
,
and
to
assign
them
an
Oath
.
|
1.
His
Majesties
Power
to
nominate
,
and
appoint
as
he
pleases
all
the
Officers
of
the
Kingdom
,
one
of
the
Powers
in
the
Crown
,
that
hinder
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
Plat.
p.
239.
why
may
we
not
begin
by
removing
all
his
Majesties
present
Council
by
Parliament
?
Page
232.
|
|
2.
That
all
Affairs
of
State
be
managed
by
the
Parliament
;
except
such
Matters
as
are
by
them
transferred
to
their
Privy
Council
.
|
2.
That
his
Majesty
exercise
the
Four
great
Magnalia
of
Government
with
the
consent
of
Four
several
Councils
appointed
for
that
end
,
the
Councils
to
be
named
in
Parliament
,
Page
240
,
241.
|
|
3.
That
all
great
Officers
of
the
Kingdom
be
chosen
by
Parliaments
and
their
Approbation
.
|
3.
That
the
Election
of
the
great
Officers
be
by
those
Councils
;
and
those
Councils
to
be
chosen
by
the
Parliament
,
p.
258
,
259.
|
|
4.
If
any
place
fall
void
in
the
Interval
of
Parliament
,
the
Major
part
of
this
Council
to
chuse
one
to
be
confirmed
at
the
next
Session
of
Parliament
.
|
4.
Preserving
to
themselves
the
Approbation
of
the
great
Officers
,
as
Chancellor
,
Judges
,
Generals
of
the
Army
,
p.
ibid.
|
|
5.
To
reform
Church
Government
as
the
Parliament
shall
advise
,
to
concur
with
the
People
in
depriving
the
Bishops
of
their
Votes
.
|
5.
That
the
Clergy
,
quatenus
such
,
had
,
and
will
have
a
share
in
the
Sovereignty
,
and
Inferiour
Courts
in
their
own
Power
called
Ecclesiastical
;
this
is
and
will
ever
be
a
Solaecism
in
Government
,
p.
178.
|
|
6.
Marriages
and
Allyances
to
be
concluded
in
Parliament
.
|
6.
The
Kings
absolute
Power
of
making
War
and
Peace
,
Treatises
and
Allyances
,
one
of
the
Powers
in
the
Crown
,
that
binder
our
Happiness
and
Settlemene
,
p.
327.
|
|
7.
To
settle
the
Militia
as
the
Parliament
have
ordered
it
.
|
7.
The
Kings
disposing
,
and
ordering
the
Militia
,
one
of
the
Powers
in
the
Crown
that
hinders
our
Happiness
,
p.
239.
|
|
8.
All
Forts
and
Castles
to
be
in
the
disposal
of
the
Parliament
.
|
8.
The
King
enjoying
the
Power
of
garrisoning
and
fortifying
Places
,
one
of
the
Powers
that
binder
our
Happiness
,
ibid.
|
|
9.
To
imploy
only
such
People
about
him
as
the
Parliament
might
confide
in
.
|
9.
That
those
of
the
Four
Councils
appointed
by
Parliament
,
if
his
Majesty
pleases
to
have
the
ordering
his
oeconomy
and
Houshold
,
&c.
pag.
242.
|
|
10.
No
Peer
hereafter
to
be
made
to
sit
in
Parliament
without
their
consent
.
|
10.
That
for
the
future
no
Peer
shall
be
made
,
but
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
pag
252.
|
These
made
the
Substance
of
those
Seditious
Propositions
,
that
they
prest
upon
the
poor
Prince
,
with
which
they
would
have
forc't
our
Charles
the
First
,
to
the
Misfortune
and
Fate
of
a
Richard
the
Second
;
the
most
aggravated
Misery
that
can
befal
a
Monarch
,
the
deposing
of
himself
.
These
were
they
that
filled
their
Parliament
Papers
and
Proposals
to
their
King
at
York
,
the
most
Insolent
that
could
be
proposed
surely
to
a
Prince
,
that
was
then
in
a
Condition
more
likely
to
demand
with
Arms
,
what
he
was
denied
against
Law
,
whom
they
might
expect
to
see
as
they
did
soon
after
at
the
Head
of
good
Souldiers
,
as
well
as
in
the
Hearts
of
Loyal
Subjects
;
such
Insolencies
as
would
have
been
Insufferable
had
they
tryed
,
and
gained
,
what
was
afterward
so
unhappily
gotten
that
unlucky
Fortune
of
the
Day
,
had
they
then
,
(
what
their
Prosperous
Villany
did
at
last
effect
,
)
made
their
Mighty
Monarch
their
Peoples
Slave
,
and
a
meer
Captive
of
a
King
.
Carisbrook
,
and
the
Isle
of
Wight
could
not
have
born
with
of
much
Indignity
,
as
was
offered
to
him
here
;
when
even
at
Nottingham
and
York
,
their
Non
Addresses
when
his
Person
was
in
the
Castle
,
were
less
hard
,
than
such
an
Address
when
his
Standard
was
in
the
Field
:
These
were
those
that
provok't
even
the
Mildest
Prince
to
Protest
in
That
if
he
were
their
Prisoner
,
he
would
never
stoop
so
low
;
These
were
those
by
which
he
must
have
made
Himself
,
what
our
Republican
would
have
him
now
made
,
of
a
King
of
England
,
but
a
Duke
of
Venice
;
and
with
These
did
they
never
cease
to
perplex
his
unshaken
Heart
,
his
unmoved
Soul
,
continually
upon
all
their
Messages
,
Treatises
and
Remonstrances
and
Petitions
,
These
still
the
Subjects
of
their
demands
,
when
their
Commissioners
were
sent
to
Oxford
after
their
Newbury
Battle
;
these
when
the
perfidious
Scot
had
gotten
him
in
their
Power
and
Hands
at
Newark
and
New-Castle
,
but
bandied
then
only
for
the
better
buying
of
their
King
,
whom
his
own
Country
as
basely
sold
;
then
offered
rather
to
make
matter
of
delaying
War
then
truly
design'd
for
Peace
,
that
there
might
be
somewhat
in
Agitation
till
the
Summ
was
agreed
upon
,
and
his
Majesty
diverted
with
the
small
Hopes
of
being
at
last
a
Titular
King
,
while
they
were
selling
him
to
Foreigners
for
an
absolute
Slave
.
Lastly
,
with
these
did
they
Plague
and
Pester
the
Poor
Prince
,
when
they
had
made
him
a
perfect
Prisoner
at
Hampton
Court
,
and
how
well
these
Proposals
of
the
late
Rebels
,
agree
with
the
Politicks
of
this
present
Republican
,
I
'll
submit
even
to
the
most
partial
Person
of
the
Party
,
upon
the
perusal
of
this
Parallel
.
And
what
could
be
the
design
then
,
at
such
a
Season
,
of
Publishing
such
a
piece
,
of
our
Mutinous
Members
hugging
in
their
Hearts
,
and
applauding
with
their
Tongues
,
Printed
and
Publisht
Treason
?
But
that
what
was
offered
in
their
Plato
,
was
once
presented
in
Parliament
,
that
the
Politick
Rebel
,
could
be
pickt
even
out
of
the
Journals
of
their
House
:
That
they
had
Presidents
there
too
for
a
Common
Wealth
,
as
well
as
in
Starkey's
Shop
;
and
hoped
to
see
her
Revive
again
by
Vote
,
as
well
as
by
Book
.
But
these
blessed
Expedients
,
tho
but
proposed
out
of
the
Press
,
are
the
more
Pernicious
;
at
the
same
time
,
its
Publisher
makes
them
pertinent
to
what
I
have
here
applyed
them
,
the
Propositions
of
a
Parliament
;
for
he
tells
us
he
would
open
War
,
and
then
send
him
Propositions
for
Peace
,
and
the
making
him
a
Slave
.
And
since
some
of
our
Seditious
Souls
have
not
only
a
great
Veneration
left
for
these
Parliamentary
Projects
,
and
as
great
esteem
for
this
Statesman
,
for
the
reviving
them
in
his
Politicks
;
since
some
that
would
be
thought
Persons
sober
and
moderate
,
can
think
the
Kings
Complyance
in
some
of
these
Grants
and
Concessions
somewhat
necessary
,
and
a
Trifle
of
the
Crowns
prerogative
to
be
pared
from
the
State
,
as
requisite
as
a
Surplice
,
or
Ceremony
to
be
parted
with
in
the
Church
;
since
the
Propositions
of
that
Rebel
Parliament
,
and
the
Politicks
of
this
rank
Republican
,
make
up
so
perfect
a
Parallel
;
It
will
supersede
some
separate
labour
and
pains
,
to
be
able
to
animadvert
upon
them
together
,
and
at
once
;
(
His
Answerer
will
be
somewhat
obliged
to
his
Authors
being
but
a
Thief
,
)
and
will
shew
,
(
that
whatever
some
think
,
that
such
pieces
of
Power
might
be
par'd
from
the
Crown
like
some
sappy
Excrescencies
from
the
Trunks
of
Trees
,
for
the
better
Nourishment
of
the
Stock
,
)
that
all
,
and
every
one
of
them
strike
directly
at
the
very
Root
:
That
the
Government
cannot
well
subsist
without
them
,
all
;
and
that
all
of
them
are
inseperably
settled
in
the
Crown
,
by
all
,
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
all
the
Land
.
The
first
that
feels
the
reforming
Privy
Council
;
and
what
is
that
?
why
their
own
Oracle
of
the
Law
will
assure
them
,
the
most
Noble
,
most
Honorable
and
reverend
Assembly
,
consulting
for
the
publick
good
,
and
that
the
number
of
them
is
altogether
at
the
King's
Will
:
And
shall
those
be
numbered
now
,
and
regulated
at
the
Will
of
a
Parliament
,
whom
their
own
Acts
,
Statutes
,
Rolls
,
declare
,
acknowledge
and
confess
to
depend
upon
the
Nomination
,
Power
and
Pleasure
of
the
Prince
?
would
they
repeal
those
Laws
of
their
Ancestors
enacted
even
according
to
the
greatest
Reason
,
only
for
an
Introducing
their
own
Innovations
against
all
Reason
and
Law
?
Can
it
be
consonant
to
common
Sense
,
that
those
whom
their
King
is
to
Consult
,
and
Sit
with
at
his
Pleasure
;
and
that
according
to
the
very
express
Words
of
Authentick
Rolls
and
Records
,
that
those
〈◊〉
Superintend
as
to
set
a
Council
?
can
they
think
that
even
the
Spartan
Ephori
would
have
ever
been
Constituted
,
had
their
Kings
by
as
strong
Presidents
of
the
Laws
Roman
Tribunes
,
the
Demarchi
,
the
Decemviral
at
Athens
,
had
he
been
assured
that
their
Decrees
and
Edicts
had
all
along
placed
it
in
the
power
of
their
Prince
to
be
advised
by
whom
he
pleased
?
and
this
Rebellious
Project
we
now
are
examining
,
I
am
sure
would
prove
a
greater
Scourge
,
and
curb
,
to
our
own
Kings
,
than
ever
the
Romans
,
or
Athenians
had
for
the
management
of
theirs
;
we
must
turn
about
even
the
very
Text
,
and
invert
our
Prayers
to
the
Almighty
;
when
a
Parliament
shall
come
to
Counsel
his
Counsellors
and
teach
his
Senators
Wisdom
;
when
it
shall
be
in
the
Subjects
power
to
set
himself
at
his
Soveraigns
Table
,
you
may
swear
he
'll
be
first
served
too
,
and
that
with
his
own
Carving
;
and
therefore
were
they
not
forc't
to
rase
Rolls
and
Records
for
the
making
such
a
Reformation
in
the
State
;
Reason
it self
is
sufficiently
the
Faction's
Foe
,
and
as
much
on
the
side
of
those
that
are
the
Kings
Friends
.
For
let
any
sober
Person
but
consider
,
whether
the
greatest
Confusion
,
Disorder
and
Disturbance
in
the
State
,
would
not
be
the
Consequence
of
this
very
distracted
Opinion
;
do
we
not
already
too
much
experiment
the
disquiet
of
a
divided
Kingdom
to
be
most
dangerous
,
when
but
a
tumultuous
part
of
a
Parliament
too
much
Predominates
,
this
Gentlemans
Quarantia
,
Triennial
Act
of
the
late
King
,
confirmed
[
*
](A58510-e48950-b)
*
4.
〈◊〉
.
p.
54.
Oath
,
where
he
swears
to
keep
Secret
the
Kings
Counsel
;
for
by
such
a
Constitution
they
would
be
obliged
to
make
a
Report
from
the
Council-Board
to
some
Chair-man
of
a
Committee
;
a
better
Expedient
,
I
confess
,
than
an
order
for
[
‖
](A58510-e49010-b)
‖
Parl.
25.
Car.
1.
just
so
took
upon
them
to
search
the
Signet
Office
,
and
that
of
the
Secretary
,
whereof
the
King
as
justly
complain'd
.
Vid.
〈◊〉
Coventry
speach
to
the
Commons
.
Sr.
Stephen's
bringing
in
the
Books
:
And
indeed
none
of
the
Kings
Services
should
be
then
called
Secret
,
they
would
be
soon
Printed
with
their
Votes
,
and
hardly
be
favoured
voured
with
some
of
their
own
Affairs
of
Importance
,
to
be
referred
for
the
more
private
Hearing
,
to
a
Committee
of
Secrecy
;
the
good
advise
his
Majesty
might
expect
from
such
Councils
,
might
be
much
like
those
of
late
from
his
Petitioners
,
And
he
again
told
to
be
the
mightiest
Monarch
,
by
condescending
to
be
the
puny
Prince
:
My
Lord
Cook
tells
us
,
those
Councils
are
there
best
proposed
for
the
Kingdom
,
when
so
that
it
can't
be
guess'd
which
way
the
King
is
enclined
,
for
fear
,
I
suppose
,
of
a
servile
Complyance
;
but
here
the
knowledge
of
his
Inclination
,
would
be
the
most
dangerous
to
the
King
;
which
to
be
sure
would
be
opposed
,
and
only
because
known
;
the
good
the
King
would
receive
from
such
Counsellors
might
be
put
in
his
Eyes
,
and
the
Protection
the
Nation
could
receive
from
such
a
King
,
must
be
but
in
good
Wishes
,
and
are
we
come
to
deny
our
Soveraign
at
last
,
what
every
Subject
can
Consult
,
his
own
Friends
.
But
tho
this
bold
Gentleman
as
arrogantly
tells
us
,
that
this
Privy
Council
is
no
part
of
the
Government
;
(
his
imagined
one
he
must
mean
)
a
Common-wealth
;
And
that
the
Laws
great
Oracle
tells
us
too
,
who
is
so
far
from
letting
them
have
no
part
in
the
Government
,
that
he
tellsus
they
have
a
very
great
part
even
That
they
are
incorporated
to
the
King
himself
.
His
true
Treasurers
,
and
the
most
profitable
Instruments
of
the
State
:
And
without
doubt
this
great
part
they
had
always
in
Publick
administrations
made
them
of
old
so
much
esteem'd
,
that
in
all
Rolls
,
and
Acts
of
State
,
they
were
mention'd
with
so
much
reverence
and
respect
;
certainly
had
they
been
no
constitution
allow'd
of
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
our
Land
,
they
would
never
have
been
transmitted
to
posterity
,
with
such
veneration
to
their
Memories
,
and
that
too
through
every
Reign
and
all
the
Records
of
Time
;
let
them
have
but
the
benefit
and
priviledge
of
a
Common
Burrough
,
and
let
their
President
,
an
Office
as
old
as
King
John's
Time
,
and
that
Publick
Administration
;
were
they
not
allow'd
by
the
people
so
much
as
to
be
Ministers
for
the
Publick
good
;
and
such
Honour
was
given
them
too
by
our
Ancestors
;
such
Semblance
of
Soveraignty
to
their
Persons
,
that
their
Houses
had
in
some
sense
,
the
self-same
privilege
of
the
very
Kings
Palace
and
Verge
;
wherein
if
no
part
of
the
Government
.
And
lastly
,
to
prove
this
proposition
of
our
Republican
,
but
a
Rebels
Plot
;
and
a
fair
progress
towards
a
Rebellion
,
I
'll
shew
this
presumptious
projector
,
how
vainly
he
presumes
upon
his
parts
and
Invention
,
that
he
is
a
double
Plagiary
,
not
only
borrow'd
this
〈◊〉
project
against
the
present
Privy
Council
from
these
proposals
of
our
Seditious
Senate
in
England
,
but
his
very
Quarantia
of
Venice
was
set
up
,
long
before
he
could
for
an
Author
,
by
those
Zealots
that
were
so
resolutely
resolv'd
to
Rebel
in
Scotland
;
and
he
shall
see
those
Daemagogues
too
,
those
Devils
of
Sedition
,
look't
upon
it
even
then
as
a
praeparatory
project
and
the
best
Expedient
for
their
Invading
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Crown
.
Their
Edenburgh
,
their
Metroprolis
,
as
truly
great
,
that
it's
Faction
and
Villany
was
Commensurate
even
with
it's
very
Walls
:
And
those
too
,
when
Casually
fallen
were
not
suffer'd
to
be
built
;
as
if
they
would
have
let
the
World
known
by
praediction
,
their
Ominous
Treason
was
to
extend
further
:
't
was
here
that
the
Sycophants
at
the
same
time
they
pretended
so
much
for
their
Kings
preservation
,
that
they
protested
against
the
pious
Prince's
Proclamation
only
for
the
dispersing
of
that
dangerous
Rabble
that
seem'd
to
denounce
with
an
Omen
,
what
too
fatally
follow'd
,
his
Death
and
Destruction
;
his
Majesties
sincerity
to
them
and
their
Religion
,
was
repeated
in
it
,
often
with
assurances
;
but
what
was
as
Sincerely
promis'd
from
a
King
by
these
Monsters
of
the
People
was
as
Rebelliously
Ridicul'd
with
scorn
and
derision
;
and
that
the
Government
might
be
satisfy'd
with
a
sure
report
of
their
Sedition
,
Will
.
Dugdale's
short
view
.
45.
&
p.
48
,
49
,
50.
they
made
those
Heralds
that
proclaim'd
their
Princes
pleasure
,
to
witness
how
much
it
displeas'd
his
Rebel
Subjects
,
and
in
defiance
to
their
very
Faces
read
their
own
Protestation
.
Big
thus
with
Rebellion
;
and
Labouring
with
their
teeming
Treason
,
at
last
they
are
fairly
deliver'd
of
the
same
Rebel
Brat
,
this
Republican
would
adop't
for
his
own
,
a
QVARANTIA
:
they
Covenant
and
agree
(
and
't
was
time
to
Vnite
for
a
Justification
of
those
Villanies
,
which
nought
but
a
Combination
could
defend
;
)
for
erecting
four
principal
Tables
;
and
't
was
time
too
to
set
up
their
own
Councils
,
when
they
had
so
Seditiously
resisted
their
Kings
.
To
pursue
the
Contempt
of
this
Proclamation
,
which
by
his
Majesties
Council
and
Command
was
publish't
;
for
a
further
Violation
of
the
Regal
Authority
they
set
up
this
truly
Popular
,
the
first
of
their
four
Councels
to
consist
of
their
Nobility
;
the
second
of
the
Gentry
,
the
third
of
their
Burgesses
,
and
the
fourth
of
their
Ministry
;
and
the
Decrees
of
these
their
principal
and
general
Tables
(
as
they
call'd
them
,
)
as
if
as
Universally
to
be
receiv'd
as
Moses
his
Two
of
Stone
,
what
Negative
Confession
;
their
Band
,
their
Covenant
impos'd
on
all
sorts
of
People
,
with
artiside
,
force
,
and
Blood
it self
:
And
can
a
Test
now
establish't
by
Authority
and
Law
,
be
look't
upon
an
Imposition
even
by
those
that
impos'd
Oaths
Vnlawful
and
Rebel'd
against
both
?
it
being
by
them
expressly
declar'd
in
two
several
And
what
did
this
Venetian
Government
terminate
in
in
Scotland
,
but
a
plain
Confederacy
to
confound
all
,
and
tho
the
Civil
and
Courteous
contriver
of
our
Ruin
and
Subversion
minces
the
matter
with
making
his
Majesty
to
Exercise
his
four
Magnalia
with
the
consent
of
these
four
Councils
,
't
would
puzzle
his
Politicks
to
tell
me
the
distinction
between
them
and
those
principal
Tables
of
the
Scot
,
what
should
confine
them
from
Confederating
against
their
own
placeing
,
when
every
one
of
them
would
be
their
own
Masters
,
and
out
of
his
power
to
displace
?
what
should
hinder
those
from
protesting
with
their
old
Rebellious
Assembly
in
Scotland
against
all
their
Kings
desires
,
intentions
,
and
Inclinations
for
the
publick
good
,
while
they
presume
their
own
Maxims
the
wisest
,
and
their
measures
the
best
?
and
to
tell
us
that
these
are
to
give
Account
and
to
be
answerable
to
such
a
Parliament
,
who
chuses
them
,
is
to
say
a
Sidney
is
the
best
Judge
of
the
Misdemeanor
of
a
Nevil
,
most
qualifi'd
to
answer
his
Quaere
whether
this
project
be
not
a
better
Expedient
than
the
Justitia
of
Arrogan
,
or
the
Spartan
Ephori
,
or
to
The
second
Proposition
in
the
Parallel
is
,
that
Affairs
of
State
be
managed
by
the
Parliament
,
or
by
such
Councils
as
they
shall
appoint
:
The
true
Spirit
,
the
Life
,
the
Soul
of
Sedition
,
that
informes
,
and
animates
the
whole
Body
of
the
Faction
,
speakes
here
the
Dictates
of
this
Daemon
this
Devil
of
a
Republick
;
that
has
possest
the
Nation
for
this
five
years
,
with
greater
Phrensy
then
e're
he
did
before
the
Restoration
,
when
by
the
very
Finger
of
God
he
was
first
ca
lt
out
;
and
would
now
return
too
with
more
worse
than
himself
,
only
because
he
finds
it
swept
and
garnisht
:
For
I
defie
the
most
diligent
Perusers
of
the
most
pernicious
Libels
that
were
Printed
in
His
Majesty
upon
the
presenting
these
a
Duke
of
Venice
;
and
that
they
only
dared
to
do
,
when
they
had
bid
him
defyance
to
his
Face
,
and
made
him
fly
for
refuge
to
his
Friends
,
when
they
had
a
fund
for
Rebellion
in
the
City
;
A
General
,
and
an
Army
in
the
Field
;
but
here
we
have
a
single
Republican
declaring
expressly
for
the
good
Government
of
the
Venetian
,
Arraigning
of
our
Monarchy
,
condemning
of
our
Courts
,
reforming
of
our
Councils
,
only
to
set
up
their
Republick
,
for
the
framing
their
Decemviral
,
the
constituting
their
Quarantia
,
the
making
every
Member
of
Parliament
;
Noble
Man
of
Venice
,
and
his
Mighty
Prince
,
that
presides
in
it
by
Law
as
a
Principal
Head
,
but
a
plain
puny
Doeg
;
and
all
this
at
a
time
the
Government
stood
firm
upon
its
Foundations
,
and
the
best
of
Basis
its
Fundamental
Law
,
to
what
an
height
of
exalted
Insolence
was
the
very
Soul
of
Sedition
then
aspired
to
,
to
suffer
such
a
Serpent
to
see
the
Light
that
hist
at
the
sight
of
a
Soveraign
,
and
spit
its
Venom
in
the
very
Face
of
Majesty
.
And
whatever
Recommendation
this
virulent
Republican
gives
us
of
the
Venetian
Justice
,
he
would
find
sufficient
severity
,
sublim'd
Cruelty
,
instead
of
Law
,
distributed
to
such
daring
Offenders
,
as
should
offer
at
a
Monarchy
there
,
tho
but
a
mixt
;
and
of
which
they
seem
to
have
some
necessitated
resemblance
in
their
constant
creating
of
a
Duke
,
as
if
there
were
yet
some
remains
of
Royalty
left
which
they
could
not
extirpate
;
and
like
Nature
it self
whom
all
the
Art
of
Man
can
never
expel
;
the
Libeller
would
not
be
long
then
without
an
Halter
;
Jealous
State
would
soon
send
him
the
sight
of
his
Sin
,
and
Sentence
together
,
and
that
by
the
Hands
of
his
Hangman
,
and
some
little
Gondula
to
Ferry
him
to
the
deep
.
No
Magna
Charta
,
no
Petition
of
Right
,
no
privilege
of
a
Tryal
of
Peers
,
or
even
a
Plea
allowed
to
the
Prisoner
;
and
whom
with
a
Praevious
Sentence
too
,
they
many
times
dispatch
assoon
as
seiz'd
:
And
shall
a
Monarchy
here
founded
upon
I
confess
,
when
they
were
arriv'd
here
to
their
Acme
of
Transcendent
Villany
,
when
Vice
had
fixt
her
Pillars
here
,
and
that
in
an
Ocean
too
,
but
of
Blood
;
when
they
had
washt
their
Hands
even
in
Insuperable
Wickedness
,
and
shed
that
of
their
Prince
,
when
by
a
Barbarous
Rebellion
they
had
subverted
thebest
of
Civil
Governments
,
our
Monarchy
,
and
establisht
their
own
Anarchy
,
a
Common
Wealth
,
then
they
might
well
be
so
bold
,
as
to
write
their
Panegyricks
upon
their
own
Usurpation
,
when
they
were
to
be
paid
for
it
by
the
Powers
instead
of
Punishment
.
Then
they
might
tell
us
(
as
indeed
they
did
;
)
that
the
greatest
of
Crimes
was
the
committing
of
High
Treason
against
the
Majesty
of
the
People
:
That
the
Romans
gave
us
good
Presidents
for
Rebellion
,
Scottish
Tyrant
,
were
but
the
same
sort
of
Usurpers
upon
the
power
of
the
People
.
All
this
with
much
more
Execrable
Treason
was
Printed
,
Publish'd
,
and
Posted
through
the
Kingdom
,
with
Approbation
of
Parliament
,
and
which
we
shall
in
its
proper
place
represent
in
its
own
blackness
,
black
as
Hell
it self
,
the
seat
of
such
Seditious
Souls
,
full
of
Anarchy
and
Confusion
;
But
why
we
should
now
have
so
lately
left
us
such
daring
desparadoes
to
retrieve
to
us
the
same
Doctrine
,
to
tell
Affairs
of
State
must
be
managed
by
a
Parliamentary
;
that
is
in
their
own
Phraseology
a
meer
popular
Power
,
could
proceed
certainly
from
nothing
but
the
deepest
,
the
most
dangerous
Corruption
of
the
Times
;
from
the
desperate
Condition
of
a
Government
,
ready
to
be
undermined
,
by
Treachery
,
Plot
,
and
Machination
,
brought
so
low
;
that
it
did
not
dare
to
defend
it self
;
and
its
boldest
Assertors
so
far
frightened
into
a
dishonest
and
imprudent
sort
of
Diffidence
,
as
to
distrust
the
strength
of
their
own
Cause
;
and
that
was
evident
too
,
from
the
sad
servile
Complyance
of
some
fearful
Souls
,
otherwise
well
affected
,
that
seemed
to
give
up
their
Government
like
a
Game
lost
,
that
had
rather
sink
then
swim
against
the
Tyde
.
But
for
a
more
direct
Answer
to
this
Proposition
we
shall
shew
,
that
Affairs
of
State
must
be
managed
by
our
Monarch
;
that
matter
of
Fact
has
prov'd
it
by
Prescription
;
that
it
is
our
Kings
Prerogative
by
the
Lands
Law
,
and
his
unquestionable
Right
,
by
the
force
of
Reason
.
For
the
first
't
is
evident
from
History
,
that
for
above
600.
years
,
near
a
thousand
before
the
Conquest
,
we
had
Kings
that
had
an
Absolute
and
Soveraign
sway
over
their
Subjects
,
as
appears
from
the
Gildas
B.
who
was
born
Anno
493.
most
Antient
Writer
of
our
British
History
;
it
is
apparent
that
all
our
Monarchs
,
Britains
,
Saxons
and
Danes
exercis'd
unlimited
Jurisdiction
without
having
their
Affairs
Govern'd
by
any
estabisht
Council
much
less
a
Parliament
,
and
that
to
be
prov'd
beyond
Contradiction
from
the
several
Authors
,
that
Asserius
Menev.
who
writ
the
Acts
of
King
Alfred
.
Colemannus
Ang.
who
liv'd
in
the
time
of
the
Danes
and
Harold
the
first
.
Vortiger
the
British
King
on
his
own
Head
,
call'd
in
the
Sax
,
on
without
his
Subjects
consent
.
Egbert
an
absolute
Monarch
of
the
Saxons
over
all
the
Isle
.
Canutus
as
absolute
among
the
Danes
,
call'd
only
his
Convention
of
Nobles
at
Oxford
about
1017.
Lived
,
Wrote
,
and
were
Eye
Witnesses
,
of
the
manner
and
Constitution
of
their
Government
,
and
then
sure
must
be
suppos'd
to
understand
that
to
which
they
were
Subjected
,
from
those
good
Authorities
can
be
easily
gather'd
that
the
power
of
Peace
and
War
was
always
in
the
Prince
,
that
they
were
Govern'd
by
him
Arbitrarily
and
at
his
Will
,
that
he
call'd
what
Councils
,
of
whom
,
when
,
and
where
he
pleased
;
so
far
from
being
Limited
,
that
the
most
popular
Parliamentarians
would
be
loth
his
present
Majesty
should
prescribe
to
such
an
Absoluteness
,
and
which
nothing
but
the
kind
Concessions
of
some
of
his
Predecessors
,
to
their
Clamourous
Subjects
has
given
from
the
Crown
and
dispens'd
with
that
power
and
right
enjoy'd
by
their
Royal
Ancestors
.
'T
is
strange
and
unaccountable
that
those
which
stretch
their
Wit
and
Invention
for
this
power
of
Parliament
,
and
run
through
all
the
Mazes
of
Musty
Records
,
for
the
proving
it
so
Ancient
,
yet
will
not
allow
that
of
their
King
so
long
a
standing
,
and
which
after
all
their
fruitless
Labour
lost
proves
at
last
nothing
but
the
Council
of
their
King
,
those
Noble
and
Wise-men
he
would
please
to
Assemble
;
their
Gemotes
the
name
of
that
most
Ancient
Assembly
implying
nothing
more
,
as
appears
even
from
discreet
men
mention'd
in
Stat.
of
Marlbrigd
.
52.
H.
3.
But
all
the
Commonalty
is
said
summon'd
in
the
praeamb
.
to
Stat.
West
.
1.3
.
E.
1.
In
Stat.
Bigamy
4.
Ed.
1.
Stat.
Mortemain
7.
E.
1.
Art.
sup.
Chart.
28.
E.
1.
Stat
Escheat
.
29.
E.
3.
not
summon'd
,
34.
E.
no
Law
to
be
made
without
Kt.
and
Burg.
their
own
Cook
himself
,
and
their
Commons
whom
this
Author
would
have
now
so
great
as
to
Govern
his
King
;
far
from
having
the
least
concern
in
publick
Administrations
,
there
being
in
all
Historical
Accounts
of
〈◊〉
Antient
times
no
mention
of
them
in
those
very
Conventions
;
whereas
Nobles
Bishops
,
and
Abbots
are
expresly
nam'd
.
The
greatest
Colour
they
have
for
'
its
Conjecture
is
only
from
the
word
Wites
or
wise-men
which
Constituted
their
Witena
;
and
the
Prefaces
or
preambles
to
all
their
Laws
imply
that
they
were
with
the
assistance
of
the
Wise-men
,
made
by
their
King
;
but
can
any
person
of
sence
and
Impartial
,
conceive
this
Term
the
more
applicable
to
the
Common
sort
of
People
and
meer
Laymen
,
than
to
the
Nobles
the
Bishops
,
the
Lords
;
and
then
as
we
may
well
believe
the
most
Learned
of
the
Land
;
their
Literature
sure
was
then
but
little
,
and
then
I
am
sure
that
of
the
meaner
Layity
must
be
less
,
certainly
the
word
Wites
will
import
no
more
than
an
Expressive
Character
of
those
Qualifications
,
such
Nobles
were
suppos'd
to
have
that
are
still
expressly
said
to
be
summon'd
;
But
were
it
granted
,
what
the
Faction
so
furiously
contend
for
,
that
Commoners
Exorbitant
:
M.
P.
must
Print
their
Rights
,
and
that
at
a
time
when
they
were
even
ready
to
Rebel
,
and
with
a
superfluous
piece
of
Sedition
tell
them
of
their
Power
,
too
much
.
Hunt
must
Harangue
upon
their
Integrity
to
their
Prince
,
and
State
,
when
some
have
since
suffered
,
been
proved
Principal
Actors
for
the
Destruction
of
both
:
These
like
the
Roman
Velites
,
were
fain
to
Skirmish
in
the
Front
,
and
entertain
the
good
Government
their
Foe
,
with
a
little
light
Charge
,
of
the
Commons
power
and
priviledge
,
faithfulness
and
sincerity
;
't
is
a
Plato
they
permit
to
bring
up
the
Body
to
the
Battle
,
and
assail
it
with
the
Subjects
supremacy
,
and
making
the
Commons
a
standing
Council
for
the
management
of
Affairs
of
State
,
and
the
better
Government
of
their
King
,
poor
prejudic'd
Souls
,
that
to
please
a
party
contradict
themselves
,
give
all
History
the
Lye
,
and
then
constrain
themselves
to
believe
they
tell
a
Truth
;
you
say
And
as
it
will
from
those
Authors
cited
before
plainly
appear
,
that
the
old
Britains
,
the
Saxons
,
and
Danish
Princes
were
far
more
absolute
than
of
late
our
succeeding
Sovereigns
:
so
was
the
Conqueror
,
the
Norman
too
for
several
Gulielm
.
Pictaviens
.
that
writ
a
Treatise
of
his
Life
;
who
tho
an
absolute
Prince
by
Conquest
and
Arms
,
yet
themselves
will
allow
that
he
governed
by
Laws
,
and
that
our
English
ones
too
;
yet
those
very
Laws
,
were
then
of
such
a
Latitude
,
that
they
allowed
him
what
his
Parliament
of
Lords
would
never
have
allowed
had
he
been
obliged
to
consult
them
,
he
singly
ordeined
,
what
of
late
William
the
Second
layd
his
own
Taxes
ne
Exeat
,
a
Writ
and
Process
at
Law
,
confirmed
,
as
all
others
are
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
Henry
the
First
had
as
great
a
power
and
prerogative
,
and
exercised
it
too
;
punishments
King
Stephen
what
he
wanted
,
and
was
forc't
to
spare
in
Taxations
,
which
were
not
then
granted
by
the
suffrages
of
the
Common
People
,
tho
they
commonly
bear
the
greatest
burden
of
it
;
tho
he
did
not
according
to
the
Power
he
was
then
invested
with
,
raise
great
Sums
upon
his
Subjects
,
and
the
greatest
Reason
,
because
he
could
not
,
the
Continual
Wars
having
impoverisht
them
as
well
as
their
Prince
;
and
it
has
the
proverbial
Authority
of
necessitated
Truth
,
That
even
where
it
is
not
to
be
got
,
the
King
himself
must
foregoe
his
Right
;
yet
this
mighty
Monarch's
power
was
such
;
that
Confiscations
supplyed
,
what
he
could
High
Treason
.
find
those
that
can
preach
him
down
for
a
Rehoboam
,
or
some
Son
of
Nebat
that
makes
Israel
to
Sin
.
Henry
the
Second
resum'd
by
his
own
Act
all
the
Crown
Lands
that
had
been
sold
or
given
from
it
by
his
〈◊〉
,
and
this
without
being
questioned
for
it
,
much
less
deposed
or
murdered
,
whereas
when
our
Charles
the
First
attempted
only
to
resume
the
Lands
of
Religious
Houses
,
that
by
special
act
of
the
Parliament
in
Scotland
,
had
been
settled
on
the
Crown
;
but
by
Usurpation
were
shared
among
the
Lords
,
when
't
was
only
to
prevent
their
Scandalous
defrauding
of
the
poor
Priest
,
and
the
very
box
of
the
poor
,
to
keep
them
from
an
〈◊〉
,
and
even
a
cruel
Lording
it
over
the
poor
Peasant
,
in
a
miserable
Vassallage
beyond
that
of
our
antiquated
Villains
;
and
when
he
endeavoured
all
this
only
by
the
very
Law
of
all
the
Land
,
by
an
Act
of
Renovation
,
Legal
Process
,
and
a
Commission
for
the
just
surrendring
Superiorities
and
Tyths
,
so
unjustly
detain'd
from
the
Crown
:
but
our
modern
Occupants
of
the
Kirks
Revenue
,
had
far
less
Reverence
for
the
State
,
chose
much
rather
to
Rebel
against
their
Prince
,
for
being
,
as
they
would
Phrase
it
,
Arbitrary
,
than
part
with
the
least
power
over
their
poor
Peasants
,
which
themselves
exercised
even
with
Tyranny
:
This
was
the
very
beginning
of
the
first
Tumults
in
that
Factious
Kingdom
,
and
't
is
too
much
to
tell
you
in
what
they
ended
.
Richard
the
First
had
a
trick
I
am
sure
would
not
be
born
with
now
,
he
pretends
very
cunningly
to
have
lost
his
Signet
,
and
puts
out
a
Proclamation
,
that
whoever
would
enjoy
what
he
had
under
the
former
,
must
come
and
have
it
confirmed
by
the
new
,
and
so
furnisht
himself
with
a
fine
fund
;
he
could
fairly
sell
and
pawn
his
Lands
for
the
Jerusalem
Journey
,
and
as
fouly
upon
his
return
resume
them
without
pay
:
And
all
this
the
good
peaceable
Subject
could
then
brook
,
without
breaking
into
Rebellion
,
and
a
bloody
War
;
and
as
they
had
just
then
none
of
their
Great
Charter
,
that
made
afterward
their
Kings
the
less
;
so
neither
had
they
such
Rebellious
Barons
,
that
could
not
be
contented
even
with
being
too
Great
:
as
they
were
then
far
from
having
granted
so
gracious
And
these
warrantable
proceedings
of
our
Princes
,
whose
power
in
all
probability
was
unconfin'd
before
the
Subjects
Charter
of
Priviledges
was
confirm'd
,
must
needs
be
boundless
,
when
there
were
yet
no
Laws
to
Limit
them
;
yet
these
two
Presidents
were
as
impertinently
applyed
(
by
the
Common
Hackney
Goose
quils
,
whose
Pens
were
put
upon
by
the
Parliament
to
scribble
Panegyricks
upon
a
Common-wealth
,
)
to
prove
Here
I
hope
is
sufficient
Testimony
,
and
that
too
much
to
Demonstrate
that
our
Kings
of
old
,
by
long
Prescription
were
so
far
from
being
guided
and
governed
by
a
Parliament
,
as
our
Factious
Innovator
would
have
them
now
,
that
in
truth
they
never
had
any
such
Constitution
;
and
the
People
then
insisted
so
little
on
their
own
Priviledges
,
that
they
could
not
tell
what
they
were
;
and
the
Princes
Prerogative
so
great
,
that
even
their
property
could
hardly
be
called
their
own
:
But
these
being
but
Presidents
before
their
Charters
were
granted
,
or
the
Commons
came
in
play
,
tho
these
preceding
Kings
might
deviate
from
the
common
Custom
of
the
Realm
,
in
many
,
that
some
may
call
irregular
Administrations
;
yet
the
Customs
of
the
Kinge
then
,
as
this
piece
of
Sedition
does
now
,
that
their
Nobles
were
to
manage
their
Affairs
of
State
,
as
well
as
he
would
have
even
a
Council
of
Commons
.
We
come
to
consider
now
whether
per
advisam
entum
Concilii
.
Vid.
Bract.
Parl.
4.
Inst.
p.
4.
and
shall
they
suppress
those
by
whose
advice
they
are
call'd
.
not
allow
them
to
be
called
in
either
of
their
Reigns
,
not
so
much
as
to
be
mentioned
in
any
of
their
Councils
,
and
that
even
to
the
18
of
Edward
the
First
;
wee
'll
see
I
say
now
whether
from
these
,
as
they
count
them
the
most
happy
times
,
That
blessed
Epoche
wherein
their
Kings
were
first
confined
,
down
to
those
which
Posterity
will
blush
at
,
the
Period
of
Villany
,
when
this
Proposition
was
among
the
rest
proposed
,
whither
ever
the
Parliament
pretended
(
unless
when
they
actually
rebelled
as
they
did
here
,
)
to
manage
their
King
,
and
his
Affairs
of
State
.
The
greatest
Lawyer
,
and
the
most
Equitable
over
all
that
are
in
Council
for
the
managing
of
his
Affairs
,
or
assuming
In
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
First
the
Supream
power
to
be
his
proper
and
peculiar
Prerogative
,
and
so
far
from
taking
upon
them
to
manage
Him
,
or
His
Affairs
,
or
the
setting
a
Council
over
Him
as
a
superintendent
.
In
Edward
the
Second's
time
,
they
per
An.
and
I
think
that
allowed
him
to
be
his
own
Adviser
,
when
it
put
him
into
an
absolute
Condition
to
Command
.
But
I
confess
,
his
Seditious
and
Rebellious
Subjects
,
afterward
served
Him
just
as
these
our
Proposers
did
their
Soveraign
;
took
upon
themselves
to
reform
his
Council
,
managed
His
Affairs
till
they
did
all
the
Kingdom
too
;
deposed
him
with
that
power
of
the
Sword
,
they
themselves
had
several
times
in
his
very
Reign
put
in
his
Hand
,
as
ours
also
denyed
His
Majesty
the
Commission
of
Array
,
In
the
following
Reign
of
this
unfortunate
Prince's
Son
,
too
forward
to
[
*
](A58510-e56390-b)
*
Vide
Jenkins's
Lix
Terrae
first
Edit.
p.
5.
political
Capacity
,
that
is
,
making
Allegiance
no
longer
Law
,
than
their
King
could
maintain
his
Authority
with
Arms
,
for
that
must
be
the
meaning
of
such
Treasonable
Metaphysicks
;
for
if
they
'll
owe
but
Obedience
upon
that
political
account
of
his
being
a
King
,
assoon
as
they
can
but
find
out
some
blessed
Expedient
for
the
proving
of
him
none
,
that
is
,
Misgovernment
,
[
†
](A58510-e56490-b)
†
Vid.
Parl.
Declarations
.
41.
p.
4.
Arbitrary
Power
,
[
‖
](A58510-e56520-b)
‖
And
Proceeding
of
L.
〈◊〉
in
the
Old-Bayly
.
Popish
Inclinations
,
and
the
like
pretty
Pretences
to
make
him
fairly
forseit
it
;
why
then
truly
all
the
Majesty
vanishes
like
a
Shadow
,
before
this
New
Light
;
and
if
he
can't
hold
his
Scepter
in
his
Hand
with
the
power
of
his
Sword
;
why
they
have
Metamorphosed
Him
into
a
common
Man
,
and
may
pluck
it
out
with
theirs
.
And
truly
the
le
Corps
natural
.
Son
Corps
politick
&
natural
sont
indivisible
Ceux
Deux
Corps
Sont
as
encorporate
une
Person
.
Peoples
Politick
Capacity
is
such
,
they
will
soon
make
their
Kings
uncapable
;
when
once
they
are
grown
so
strong
in
the
Field
as
not
to
fear
it
:
Here
was
the
Rise
of
that
Rebellious
reasoning
that
run
all
indispensable
Obligation
of
our
Obedience
to
the
Prince
,
into
the
Capricious
and
Arbitrary
Conjecture
of
the
People
,
whose
Title
,
and
Deposition
must
depend
upon
his
own
Demeanor
,
and
that
to
be
decided
according
to
the
diversity
of
thought
,
which
in
a
discontented
Vulgar
deserves
the
better
Epithet
of
Distraction
:
The
good
King
would
have
a
Right
to
his
Crown
,
as
long
as
his
kind
Subjects
would
be
pleased
to
think
so
;
and
we
have
more
than
once
found
,
their
Politicks
have
too
soon
made
them
uncapable
to
Govern
;
and
then
deposed
,
and
murdered
their
very
Persons
,
for
the
want
of
this
their
politick
Capacity
:
I
am
sorry
to
say
,
and
posterity
will
blush
to
hear
,
that
such
Seditious
,
and
sophisticated
reasoning
obtained
even
to
the
making
[
*
](A58510-e56910-b)
*
Ed.
2.
in
whose
time
't
was
first
started
.
Vid
Lex
Terrae
,
Rich.
2.
because
by
misdemeanours
he
had
made
himself
uncapable
Vide
Trussel
.
Three
mighty
Monarchs
in
a
most
miserable
manner
to
miscarry
;
and
it
appears
still
too
plain
in
their
Prints
;
and
those
too
Charactered
in
Royal
Blood
;
that
they
never
〈◊〉
severing
our
late
[
*
](A58510-e57000-b)
*
Charles
the
1st
.
the
Parliament
declares
because
the
King
had
not
granted
the
Propositions
;
(
i.
e.
)
deposed
himself
,
he
could
not
Exercise
the
Duties
of
his
place
.
Answer
of
the
Com.
to
the
Scots
Com.
p.
20.
and
the
Scots
expound
their
preserving
the
Kings
Person
in
the
Covenant
;
but
as
it
related
to
the
Kingdom
(
i.
e.
)
in
English
,
if
they
please
they
may
destroy
him
.
Soveraign's
Person
from
his
Crown
,
till
at
last
his
Head
too
from
his
Shoulders
.
I
could
not
but
with
some
passionate
Digression
reflect
upon
this
pernicious
Principle
;
and
so
the
best
of
it
is
,
I
can
be
but
pardonably
impertinent
;
but
which
I
would
apply
pertinently
to
this
Republicans
and
Parliamentary
Proposition
for
their
managing
all
State
Affairs
is
one
of
the
Consequences
that
may
be
drawn
,
and
which
those
Sycophants
,
the
Spencers
did
actually
craw
from
this
their
damnable
Doctrine
,
for
so
they
did
conclude
from
it
too
(
as
well
they
might
)
That
in
default
of
him
their
Liege
Lord
,
his
Lieges
should
be
bound
to
govern
the
Affairs
of
State
;
and
what
Newes
now
does
this
Devilish
Democratick
tells
us
?
Why
the
very
Doctrine
of
two
damnable
Parasites
,
whom
themselves
have
condemned
for
above
two
or
three
hundred
years
agon
,
who
to
cover
their
own
Treason
(
as
they
then
too
call'd
it
)
committed
against
the
People
;
and
that
but
in
[
*
](A58510-e57400-b)
*
Vid.
Cook
4.
Inst.
C.
2.
Evil
Counselling
of
their
King
,
invented
very
cunningly
this
popular
Opinion
,
to
preserve
themselves
,
and
please
the
Rabble
they
had
so
much
〈◊〉
.
And
could
after
so
many
Centuries
,
after
so
long
a
series
of
time
,
the
Principles
even
of
their
execrated
Enemies
,
by
themselves
too
;
be
put
into
practice
,
and
what
is
worse
still
,
shall
the
sad
effects
that
succeeded
the
practising
it
so
lately
,
encourage
our
Seditious
Libellers
for
its
Reimpression
?
if
this
most
Rebellious
Nonsense
must
re-obtain
,
all
their
declaratory
Statute
,
the
determin'd
Treasons
of
their
good
King
[
†
](A58510-e57570-b)
†
25.
Ed.
3.
Edward
may
pass
for
a
pretty
piece
of
Impertinence
;
they
may
do
,
as
once
they
truly
did
,
they
may
Fight
,
Shoot
at
,
Imprison
,
Butcher
the
Natural
Body
,
the
Person
of
their
Soveraign
,
and
tell
us
the
Laws
designed
them
only
for
Traytors
,
when
they
could
destroy
him
in
his
politick
.
The
same
Laws
make
it
Treason
to
compass
his
Queens
Death
,
or
Eldest
Sons
;
and
must
it
be
meant
of
their
Monarchs
being
Married
in
his
politick
Capacity
;
as
well
as
murdered
,
or
of
his
Heirs
that
shall
be
born
by
pure
political
Conception
:
they
might
e'n
set
up
their
Common-wealth
then
,
if
these
were
to
be
the
Successors
to
the
Crown
.
But
yet
with
the
same
sort
of
silly
Sophistry
,
that
they
would
separate
the
Kings
natural
Capacity
from
his
political
;
did
the
same
Seditious
Rebels
as
Iremember
,
make
their
own
personal
Relation
to
a
politick
Body
Inseparable
?
Rebellious
Lumps
of
Contradiction
!
shall
not
your
Soveraigns
sacred
Person
be
preserved
by
that
Power
and
Authority
derived
even
from
the
〈◊〉
?
and
whose
very
Text
tells
us
,
touch
not
mine
Anointed
;
and
yet
could
your selves
plead
it
as
a
Bar
to
Treason
,
because
perpetrated
under
a
political
Denomination
,
and
a
Relation
only
to
that
Lower
House
of
Commons
,
that
was
then
,
only
an
incorporated
Body
of
Rebels
and
Regicides
?
and
this
was
told
us
by
that
Miscreant
[
*
](A58510-e57880-b)
*
Vid.
Tryal
of
the
Regicides
.
page
50.
Harrison
,
the
most
profligate
,
the
vilest
,
the
most
virulent
,
of
all
the
Faction
concerned
in
that
bloody
Villany
,
the
MURDER
OF
A
KING
;
the
silly
Sot
had
it
infused
by
his
Councel
as
Senseless
,
as
Seditious
:
That
it
was
an
Act
of
the
Parliament
of
England
,
and
so
no
particular
Members
questionable
for
what
was
done
by
the
Body
.
I
consess
the
good
excluded
Members
,
and
the
bubbl'd
Presbyterian
Senate
would
not
allow
it
for
a
Parliamentaty
Process
;
and
why
?
because
themselves
did
not
sit
in
it
;
and
truly
upon
that
unexpected
and
most
blessed
Revolution
,
might
hugg
themselves
,
and
shrink
up
in
a
silent
Joy
,
that
they
were
kept
out
:
And
I
cannot
but
smile
to
see
[
*
](A58510-e58050-b)
*
Vid.
Ibid
pag.
52.
two
or
three
sit
upon
the
Bench
,
and
upbraiding
the
Prisoner
,
for
pulling
them
out
of
the
Parliament
,
and
making
themselves
none
;
[
†
](A58510-e58080-b)
†
This
was
pleaded
too
by
Carew
p.
76.
Treasonable
words
sworn
against
Scot.
spoken
in
Parliament
,
he
pleads
Priviledges
of
the
House
for
speaking
Treason
,
tho
't
is
expressly
declared
not
pleadable
,
no
not
so
much
as
for
the
breach
of
the
Peace
.
17.
Ed.
4.
Rot.
Parliament
.
N.
39.
Persons
whom
Policy
had
only
placed
there
,
when
the
poor
Prince
was
forc't
to
compound
with
a
party
for
a
Crown
,
forc'd
to
prefer
those
that
had
dethroned
his
Father
before
,
only
the
better
to
settle
himself
in
it
,
and
to
compass
more
easily
the
punishment
of
those
that
murdered
him
after
,
Persons
,
(
and
a
great
one
too
,
that
I
could
name
,
)
that
have
serv'd
him
as
ungratefully
since
,
and
been
as
deservedly
rejected
;
Persons
,
that
had
his
late
Majesty's
Arms
,
been
but
as
Victorious
as
his
Cause
was
good
,
had
been
as
much
liable
to
the
Laws
,
and
their
Crimes
as
Capital
for
fighting
him
in
the
Field
with
an
Ordinance
of
the
House
,
as
those
that
brought
him
to
the
Scaffold
,
and
Butchered
him
on
the
Block
;
from
the
time
that
their
Tumults
forc'd
him
to
fly
from
their
Houses
,
they
were
no
more
a
Parliament
,
than
those
were
afterward
that
pulled
them
out
,
and
it
lookt
a
little
loathsome
to
see
some
sit
a
simpering
,
and
saying
,
all
Acts
must
be
past
by
the
King
,
who
themselves
once
had
helpt
the
two
Houses
)
then
the
Criminal
at
the
Bar
by
his
Relation
to
the
Rump
.
I
have
their
own
Authority
for
it
,
their
very
[
*
](A58510-e58440-b)
*
Answer
of
the
Commons
to
the
Scots
Com.
that
the
King
had
〈◊〉
the
executing
the
Duties
of
his
Place
,
and
therefore
could
not
be
left
to
go
where
he
pleased
.
Anno.
1646.
Imprint
.
Lond.
p.
20.
Houses
Act
,
that
they
declared
,
designed
,
and
actually
made
their
King
a
Prisoner
:
For
they
told
the
persidious
Scot
,
that
his
denying
their
Propositions
,
(
and
what
were
those
but
Expedients
to
destroy
Him
?
)
had
debar'd
him
of
his
Liberty
;
and
that
they
verifyed
too
,
(
when
they
had
got
their
poor
purchase
at
Holdenby
)
in
a
usage
of
their
Prince
,
with
a
restraint
,
that
would
have
been
Cruelty
to
a
Peasant
;
and
which
even
his
very
Murderers
enlarged
when
their
Joyce
took
him
from
his
Jaylers
:
And
I
am
sure
t
is
provided
,
that
to
Imprison
him
till
He
assent
to
Proposals
,
shall
be
[
*
](A58510-e58650-b)
*
Parliam
.
Roll.
Num.
〈◊〉
.
Lex
&
Consuetudo
Parl.
25.
Ed.
3.
El.
1
Jac.
High-Treason
by
particular
Act
,
as
well
as
to
Murder
him
,
is
made
so
by
the
25.
And
whatever
the
Mildness
of
[
‖
](A58510-e58680-b)
‖
H.
post
.
sc.
p.
89.
Mr.
Hunt
,
the
Moderator
of
Rebellion
would
have
this
Mystery
of
Iniquity
,
would
not
have
it
so
much
as
remembered
;
it
was
these
his
own
darling
Daemagogues
,
whom
he
defends
and
adores
;
and
that
even
for
[
†
](A58510-e58720-b)
†
Ibid
p.
〈◊〉
Restorers
;
who
stript
him
in
his
politick
Capacity
,
anticipated
his
Murder
,
and
then
left
his
naked
Person
to
be
persued
by
the
[
*
](A58510-e58780-b)
*
Salmasius
has
the
same
sort
of
simile
.
page
353.
defensio
〈◊〉
.
Wolves
that
worried
it
;
they
had
turned
their
House
into
a
Shambles
,
and
that
of
Slaughter
;
and
were
the
Butchers
the
less
Bloody
,
that
only
bound
Him
,
and
left
to
their
Boys
the
cutting
of
his
Throat
:
yet
this
Barbarity
must
be
defended
;
this
extenuated
by
them
,
and
the
help
of
their
Hunts
,
and
such
Advocates
;
the
guilt
not
to
devolve
to
each
individual
Member
,
because
an
Act
of
an
Aggregated
House
.
But
base
Caitiff's
(
to
use
even
the
very
[
*
](A58510-e58920-b)
*
Hunt.
page
94.
Lawyers
own
Language
,
)
your selves
know
that
a
politick
Body
may
be
guilty
of
a
most
political
Treason
,
and
tho
the
[
†
](A58510-e58950-b)
†
21.
Ed.
4.
13
,
14.
and
noted
.
Cat●●●'s
Case
.
Laws
tell
us
it
has
no
Life
or
Soul
,
and
so
can't
suffer
;
yet
it
s
constituent
Members
may
lose
both
,
be
Hang'd
and
Damn'd
in
their
proper
Persons
,
and
that
for
committing
it
too
against
such
another
political
Constitution
.
It
would
otherwise
be
a
fine
Plea
for
Corporators
,
that
have
been
many
times
Defendants
in
the
Case
,
when
their
King
has
been
Plaintiff
:
And
against
whose
more
dangerous
Sedition
there
was
lately
made
special
Provision
by
a
particular
[
‖
](A58510-e59130-b)
‖
Act
for
Regulating
Corporations
,
where
they
particularly
swear
,
they
abhor
the
Trayterous
Proposition
of
raising
Arms
by
His
Majesties
Authority
against
His
Person
.
Oath
.
Lastly
,
to
conclude
the
Confutation
of
this
sad
silly
sort
of
Sophistry
,
this
Seditious
Nonsense
,
't
is
shrowdly
to
be
suspected
that
from
the
same
sort
of
Sophisters
,
fallacious
Inferences
was
first
insinuated
that
prejudicial
Opinion
(
I
call
it
so
,
because
it
looks
like
a
Doctrine
of
some
concerned
party
)
That
Societies
were
not
punishable
in
the
next
World
for
the
Villanies
they
had
committed
in
this
:
That
is
,
the
Members
were
not
to
suffer
there
,
for
what
they
had
acted
in
Relation
to
such
a
BODY
here
:
this
Religious
Absurdity
has
been
publisht
by
some
Seditious
Pens
from
the
Press
,
I
wish
I
could
say
not
imposed
upon
Loyal
ones
too
,
both
from
that
and
the
Pulpit
;
for
Errors
,
especially
when
coloured
with
the
bait
of
Interest
,
tho
first
hatcht
by
the
Brooders
of
all
bad
Principles
,
till
well
examined
may
delude
the
very
best
:
I
know
it
may
be
returned
with
some
seeming
Reason
,
that
Crimes
committed
here
,
as
a
Member
of
a
body
politick
,
can't
well
in
Justice
be
laid
to
the
Charge
of
any
particular
Person
hereafter
;
for
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
natural
one
,
the
Relation
to
such
a
Community
●●asing
,
the
Guilt
and
Crime
contracted
should
dye
too
:
But
the
Judge
of
Heaven
has
declared
he
won't
be
mockt
,
tho
they
thought
those
of
the
Land
might
.
How
contentedly
would
some
of
the
Regicides
have
given
up
the
Ghost
,
could
they
have
pleaded
to
the
Almighty
their
Innocence
of
the
Royal
Blood
,
from
the
shedding
it
in
Parliament
?
But
tho
National
Sins
,
may
require
reasonably
the
sufferings
of
a
Nation
,
and
no
more
than
what
for
this
very
Sin
,
our
own
has
since
suffered
;
therefore
to
suggest
the
single
Individual
,
the
singular
Sinner
shall
escape
with
Impunity
hereafter
,
because
not
punisht
here
,
or
that
because
several
of
them
suffered
here
for
that
Martyrs
Blood
;
and
the
Treasons
of
an
Vniversal
Body
seem'd
to
be
punisht
in
as
general
Conflagration
;
that
therefore
the
Criminals
have
superseded
their
sufferings
in
Hell
,
and
may
now
dare
Heaven
;
for
my
part
,
seems
an
Opinion
as
ridiculous
as
the
Popish
Purgatory
,
and
their
being
saved
by
a
fantastick
Fire
:
T
is
almost
an
Irreligious
excuse
for
all
manner
of
Crimes
and
Immoralities
;
the
Constitutions
,
Circumstances
of
Men
being
so
various
,
that
I
dare
avow
scarce
any
Villany
,
but
may
be
committed
by
Communities
,
or
the
Politick
Relation
of
the
private
Person
to
some
publick
Society
.
In
short
such
Law
,
and
such
Divinity
,
would
make
the
worst
of
〈◊〉
,
(
that
is
incorporated
ones
)
fear
Hell
no
more
than
they
would
the
Hangman
,
and
baffle
the
Devil
,
as
well
as
the
Gibbet
.
And
I
may
well
here
so
warmly
condemn
these
sort
of
damnable
Doctrines
,
when
they
were
so
hotly
maintained
by
the
rankest
of
our
Rebels
and
Republicans
;
and
this
very
Daemon
,
this
Devil
of
Sedition
,
can
only
countenance
his
Rebellious
Positions
with
the
making
use
of
His
Majesties
Authority
for
the
Ratification
of
his
Proposals
,
that
is
,
the
Destruction
of
his
own
Person
:
For
't
is
a
great
Truth
,
I
wish
I
could
not
say
an
experimented
one
,
that
the
granting
them
these
Regalia
,
would
not
only
be
an
Act
to
bereave
him
of
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
but
would
pass
his
very
Person
into
the
Donative
;
a
yielding
up
of
his
last
Breath
,
the
making
himself
his
own
Executioner
,
as
well
as
a
Betrayer
of
his
Trust
:
This
Project
is
only
the
pernicious
Principle
improved
;
the
late
Rebels
falsely
assumed
His
Authority
,
for
the
Fighting
against
His
Person
;
but
the
prevailing
upon
him
for
these
Destructive
Grants
,
would
make
Him
truly
Fight
against
Himself
.
In
all
the
Reigns
of
the
three
following
Henries
,
their
Soveraign's
Supremacy
was
still
〈◊〉
,
and
that
over
Parliaments
too
,
tho
one
of
them
was
but
an
Usurper
on
the
Crown
,
and
then
I
am
sure
as
great
an
one
upon
their
Privileges
;
and
tho
themselves
had
placed
the
First
in
the
Throne
,
themselves
also
acknowledged
[
*
](A58510-e60110-b)
*
1.
H.
4.
the
Regality
of
the
Crown
of
England
to
be
Subject
to
none
but
God
:
To
the
[
‖
](A58510-e60140-b)
‖
2
H.
5.
Cap.
6.
Second
,
they
acknowledged
that
to
Him
only
belonged
the
Management
of
Foreign
Affairs
,
with
Foreign
Princes
:
To
the
[
†
](A58510-e60170-b)
†
32.
H.
6.
13.
〈◊〉
.
334.
Third
,
that
he
could
constitute
County
Palatines
,
and
grant
any
Regal
Rights
per
Letters
Patents
.
And
these
were
Matters
and
Affairs
,
themselves
then
declared
they
could
not
pretend
to
,
tho
this
Gentleman
would
now
have
them
or
their
Counsel
manage
all
.
In
Edward
the
Fourth
,
and
the
〈◊〉
time
,
't
was
always
received
Law
,
then
made
,
and
should
I
hope
,
hold
still
,
that
State
Affairs
were
to
be
manag'd
by
the
Prince
;
for
it
was
then
allowed
for
[
*
](A58510-e60300-b)
*
22.
Ed.
4.
Law
,
That
if
all
the
Common
People
of
England
should
break
a
League
,
by
agreement
with
any
Foreign
Nation
,
it
shall
still
be
reputed
firm
and
unviolated
if
without
his
consent
:
And
in
his
very
[
‖
](A58510-e60360-b)
‖
1
Edw.
5.
fol.
2.
Sons
that
Succeeded
,
resolved
by
all
the
Judges
and
Serjeants
,
that
he
was
the
only
Person
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
could
do
no
wrong
;
which
sufficiently
declares
him
above
all
them
that
could
;
and
then
who
so
fit
for
all
absolute
Power
in
all
publick
Administrations
,
than
whom
the
very
Law
presumes
always
to
do
Right
?
and
whom
Reason
tells
us
must
be
most
impartially
concerned
for
the
publick
good
;
having
no
dependance
upon
any
Superiors
,
from
whom
an
Apprehension
of
Fear
,
or
hopes
of
Favour
might
prevail
upon
to
degenerate
into
that
servile
and
sordid
Complyance
,
to
prefer
his
own
private
Interest
before
the
publick
good
,
Whatever
Presumption
the
Law
had
of
it
then
,
I
am
sure
they
have
a
Prince
that
justifies
the
Supposition
now
;
and
then
the
most
ungrateful
Paradox
,
and
against
Sense
it self
,
for
our
Seditious
Souls
to
suggest
,
and
insinuate
his
Real
Intentions
for
their
Good
,
to
be
nothing
but
Design
and
Plot
upon
them
for
Ill.
An
ORDER
of
Council
,
with
such
Sycophants
is
turned
into
a
trick
of
Court
;
And
their
Kings
Proclamations
are
〈◊〉
only
because
they
cannot
conveniently
,
resist
,
as
if
the
whole
Board
was
packt
only
to
please
a
designing
Prince
.
But
,
base
Villains
,
your selves
know
that
his
aims
have
ever
been
for
the
publick
Peace
and
Prosperity
,
even
at
the
same
time
your
dangerous
disorders
have
made
it
almost
inconsistant
with
his
own
safety
,
and
security
:
You
see
your
Soveraign
Sit
and
Act
in
a
Sphere
,
(
and
that
only
He
)
where
Favour
cannot
charm
,
or
Fear
frown
into
Compliance
:
And
who
can
be
supposed
,
then
,
besides
him
,
less
prejudic'd
,
or
more
concerned
for
your
good
?
Would
you
have
your
Gentlemen
of
the
Shop
and
Yard
take
their
Measures
of
the
State
too
?
We
have
experimented
already
that
those
made
the
very
Government
a
Trade
also
;
and
by
those
your
very
Properties
and
Lives
too
,
would
be
bought
and
sold
,
we
too
lately
saw
some
Symptoms
of
that
state
Distemper
;
when
some
of
the
Seditious
Souls
had
but
gotten
the
Government
of
a
single
City
;
and
that
but
under
a
Soveraign
their
Supream
;
and
sure
't
is
an
Argument
unanswerable
that
those
Salesmen
of
his
Prerogative
would
assoon
Barter
your
Properties
.
See
the
sad
experienced
result
of
all
the
Democracies
since
their
first
Institution
;
what
was
left
the
poor
Lacedaemonians
upon
putting
in
Execution
,
that
popular
Project
,
their
[
*
](A58510-e60920-b)
*
So
also
in
Syracuse
.
Petalism
,
or
Impoverisht
Athens
her self
upon
such
another
Order
of
her
〈◊〉
?
why
both
were
beggar'd
of
their
Nobility
,
the
Scum
,
the
Scoundrels
of
the
Town
turn'd
the
Mighty
Massinello's
of
the
State
:
The
Tod-Pole
Train
,
the
product
of
those
beggarly
Elements
Mud
and
Water
,
Lorded
it
even
over
all
the
Land
,
And
those
Rulers
naturally
retaining
in
this
Medley
,
this
Mixture
of
Sway
,
the
Native
Principles
of
that
Abject
Matter
from
whence
they
came
,
still
as
mean
as
the
one
,
and
restless
as
the
other
,
could
never
reduce
them
to
composed
States
,
till
they
had
recalled
the
good
Governours
they
had
Banisht
before
.
[
‖
](A58510-e61180-b)
‖
Vid
Mercur
.
polit.
June
17.
1652.
you
know
all
this
is
too
true
,
and
your selves
too
,
vile
Caitiffs
,
have
owned
it
in
Prints
.
Lastly
,
Let
your
Lords
too
be
allowed
for
once
,
your
only
,
as
well
as
it
is
your
beloved
Government
:
Let
Aristocracy
for
once
obtain
for
the
best
,
and
Banish
your
Monarch
;
set
up
that
Idol
,
and
fall
down
to
the
Gods
of
your
own
Hands
,
that
good
Government
must
still
be
of
many
,
still
of
as
much
divided
Interest
;
there
would
still
be
many
then
to
mind
the
making
their
own
Hay
in
the
fair
Sun-shine
;
whereas
should
your
Prince
perjure
himself
for
the
minding
only
his
private
concern
,
and
neglecting
the
publick
good
;
which
he
must
do
if
ever
he
is
Crown'd
,
where
an
Oath
is
administred
for
his
very
disavowing
it
;
yet
still
here
would
be
pursued
but
the
Interest
of
a
single
Person
,
there
of
so
many
.
When
the
rash
and
unadvised
Romans
had
upon
that
bandied
Argument
,
the
Dissoluteness
of
their
Tarquin
,
the
popular
president
of
the
Party
,
for
the
Banishing
of
all
Kings
;
(
as
if
the
Practice
of
a
Rebellious
Rome
against
a
single
dissolute
Prince
,
and
that
so
long
since
,
could
with
the
same
Reason
prevail
at
present
,
for
an
extirpating
the
Government
even
under
the
best
of
Princes
;
)
yet
this
very
precipitous
Act
of
Rage
,
and
Rashness
,
was
afterward
even
by
the
relenting
Romans
,
as
much
repented
of
,
and
their
Error
,
best
understood
in
their
following
Misfortunes
;
and
of
which
they
were
soon
sensible
too
,
soon
saw
it
in
their
subsequent
sufferings
;
for
the
first
Frame
of
Government
they
constituted
after
this
Expulsion
,
was
the
[
*
](A58510-e61540-b)
*
Rosin
.
Ant.
Rom.
L.
7.
C.
9.
Consular
;
and
one
would
think
that
being
but
of
two
of
the
〈◊〉
among
them
,
that
it
might
have
lasted
,
as
indeed
the
best
sort
of
Aristocracy
,
coming
within
an
Ace
of
a
Monarch
,
a
Duumvirate
:
yet
even
from
those
they
suffered
more
,
than
from
the
first
Constitution
they
had
abolisht
;
their
more
immoderate
power
broke
the
Laws
more
[
†
](A58510-e61630-b)
†
Consulum
immoderata
〈◊〉
omnes
metus
Legum
〈◊〉
.
Liv.
Lib.
2.
immoderately
,
than
the
Lustful
,
Licentious
,
and
Lewd
Monarch
,
they
made
to
fly
with
his
Fugitive
Government
:
We
shall
in
some
other
place
consider
the
restless
Revolutions
they
ran
through
,
from
their
turning
out
this
Monarchy
,
till
they
tumbled
into
it
again
.
This
serves
only
to
let
us
see
that
publick
Administrations
,
even
in
the
hands
but
of
two
of
the
best
of
the
People
,
are
not
always
the
best
managed
.
What
pray
better
can
be
expected
,
when
the
Optimacy
is
made
up
of
so
many
more
?
And
where
then
?
into
what
form
?
to
whom
,
shall
we
run
for
the
best
maintaining
of
this
popular
Darling
?
this
dangerous
Violation
that
has
been
clamoured
for
,
rebelled
and
fought
for
,
the
Peoples
RIGHT
,
but
to
that
Soveraignty
,
which
our
very
Laws
say
can
do
no
wrong
,
to
a
Monarchy
,
where
Mechanicks
can
never
meddle
with
Affairs
of
State
,
to
make
them
truckle
to
their
own
;
or
the
Nobility
so
powerful
as
to
be
all
Soveraigns
;
and
under
what
Prince
can
we
better
acquiesce
for
this
enjoyment
,
than
the
present
,
that
has
so
often
declared
for
its
Protection
?
And
shall
the
Speech
of
some
Noble
Peer
be
better
assurance
,
promise
more
,
than
the
word
of
a
King
?
All
Subjects
under
him
have
either
Riches
or
Honor
for
their
private
Aim
,
to
make
them
act
more
partially
for
the
publick
;
and
which
the
Laws
presume
therefore
they
may
injure
,
and
have
therefore
made
the
greatest
punishable
,
But
him
exempted
from
all
[
*
](A58510-e61890-b)
*
He
can't
so
much
as
be
a
disscisor
4.
El.
2.
4.6
.
The
King
has
no
Pcer
in
the
Land
,
and
so
cannot
be
Judged
,
3.
Ed.
3.
19.
Statutes
that
are
Penal
:
And
these
sort
of
Arguments
,
I
can
assure
them
,
their
King
himself
has
used
to
prove
the
publick
Interest
his
own
;
and
that
he
alone
of
all
the
Kingdom
can
be
presumed
most
impartially
concerned
for
the
good
of
the
publick
.
A
Reason
worthy
of
so
good
a
King
,
and
which
the
worst
,
the
most
Seditious
Subjects
cannot
Answer
.
Did
not
the
Parliament
,
in
Richard
the
Third's
Time
,
give
even
that
Vsurper
an
Arbitrary
Power
greater
than
any
they
can
dread
now
from
their
most
Lawful
Soveraign
?
Did
not
[
*
](A58510-e62040-b)
*
Vid.
Exact
Abridgment
fol.
713.
they
declare
him
their
Lawful
King
by
Inheritance
,
tho
they
knew
they
made
him
Inherit
against
all
Law
?
Did
not
they
declare
it
to
be
grounded
upon
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
and
the
Customs
of
the
Realm
?
whereas
we
now
can
oppose
this
Divine
Right
,
from
the
panick
fear
of
making
our
true
Legal
King
too
powerful
,
and
the
Succession
of
a
Right
Heir
must
be
questioned
by
our
Parliaments
now
,
when
their
Predecessors
declared
it
unalterable
even
in
a
wrong
.
Did
[
†
](A58510-e62170-b)
†
Vid.
〈◊〉
717.
they
not
to
him
but
an
Usurper
,
a
Tyrant
,
own
themselves
Three
Estates
without
including
himself
,
and
say
that
by
them
is
meant
the
Lords
Spiritual
,
and
Temporal
and
Commons
?
and
shall
the
Press
be
pestered
under
our
undoubted
Soveraign
,
and
the
mildest
Prince
,
to
make
him
Co-ordinate
with
the
People
?
Did
they
not
make
particular
Provision
in
[
*
](A58510-e62250-b)
*
1.
R.
C.
15.
Parliament
,
for
the
preservation
of
His
Person
,
that
was
the
very
Merderer
and
Destroyer
of
His
Subjects
?
And
shall
our
〈◊〉
ones
Associate
for
the
Destruction
of
the
mildest
Monarch
,
whose
greatest
Care
is
their
Protection
?
Was
this
Monster
ever
questioned
or
censured
for
the
Murder
of
several
of
His
Subjects
,
as
well
as
the
more
Barbarous
Butchery
,
the
spilling
almost
of
his
own
Blood
in
his
Nephews
?
and
must
our
most
gracious
one
stand
the
mark
of
Malice
,
and
Reproach
,
and
that
only
for
desending
that
of
his
Brothers
?
who
Reigned
more
Arbitrary
,
and
managed
all
Affairs
more
Monstrously
,
than
this
very
Monster
of
Mankind
?
And
must
a
Parliament
,
be
now
the
Manager
of
the
mildest
Monarch
?
and
think
him
dangerous
if
not
governed
,
by
themselves
?
The
two
Succeeding
[
*
](A58510-e62390-b)
*
H.
7.
H.
8.
Henries
had
their
Power
as
much
confirmed
:
Henry
the
7th
.
had
his
Negative
Voice
,
the
thing
,
those
Seditious
discontented
Grumblers
,
so
much
repine
at
,
maintained
,
asserted
,
for
his
undoubted
Prerogative
.
It
is
at
present
by
the
Law
of
[
‖
](A58510-e62430-b)
‖
12.
H.
7.
20.
7.
H.
7.
14.
his
Time
,
no
〈◊〉
if
the
King
assent
not
:
A
Prince
beloved
and
favoured
,
only
because
he
was
their
King
;
who
tho
he
had
as
many
subsidies
granted
,
more
than
any
before
him
,
His
Subjects
you
see
never
thought
it
a
Grievance
then
to
contribute
to
their
〈◊〉
being
Great
:
but
acknowledged
his
Supremacy
even
under
their
greatest
pressure
:
His
〈◊〉
upon
penal
Statutes
[
*
](A58510-e62490-b)
*
Vld.
4.
Inst.
Baker
page
248.
Historians
call
and
the
Law
,
the
most
〈◊〉
way
for
raising
of
Money
that
was
ever
used
;
yet
still
had
he
the
Hearts
of
his
People
,
as
well
as
their
Purses
:
They
thought
Rebellion
then
could
not
be
justifyed
with
clamor
of
Oppression
,
as
since
by
Ship-money
and
Lone
,
tho
levyed
by
a
King
whom
themselves
had
Opprest
.
The
simplicity
of
those
times
made
them
suffer
like
good
Subjects
and
better
Christians
,
when
the
refined
Politicks
of
such
Authors
,
and
a
〈◊〉
age
,
can
tell
them
now
to
be
Wise
,
is
to
Rebel
.
I
need
not
tell
him
who
managed
Affairs
in
Henry
the
[
†
](A58510-e62640-b)
†
H.
8.
Eighth's
Time
,
when
Parliaments
seemed
to
be
frightned
into
Compliance
with
a
Prown
,
and
Bills
preferr'd
more
for
the
pleasure
of
the
Prince
,
than
the
profit
of
the
People
:
Their
Memberships
then
so
far
from
medling
with
the
measures
of
the
State
,
that
they
seemed
to
take
them
for
their
sole
Measures
;
so
far
was
then
an
Order
of
the
House
from
controuling
that
of
the
Board
:
And
I
can't
see
that
the
Peoples
[
*
](A58510-e62720-b)
*
1
Car
3.
Petition
of
Right
has
since
〈◊〉
away
too
the
King's
Prerogative
;
yet
it
was
affirmed
for
[
‖
](A58510-e62760-b)
‖
25.
H.
8.
C.
21.
Law
in
this
King's
Time
,
that
he
had
full
power
in
all
Causes
to
do
Justice
to
all
Men.
If
the
Parliament
or
their
Council
shall
[
†
](A58510-e62790-b)
†
Plato
.
manage
Affairs
,
let
them
tell
me
what
will
become
of
this
Power
and
Law
.
His
Son
Edward
succeeded
him
,
and
tho
a
Minor
,
a
Prince
whose
Youth
might
have
given
the
People
an
opportunity
for
an
Encroachment
upon
his
Power
;
and
the
Subject
commonly
will
take
advantage
of
the
Supremacy
,
and
that
sometimes
too
much
,
when
the
Soveraign
knows
but
little
,
what
it
is
to
be
a
King
:
I
am
sure
they
were
so
Seditiously
Wise
in
that
Infancy
of
Henry
the
Third
;
and
yet
he
had
Protectors
too
,
as
well
as
this
:
But
notwithstanding
such
an
Opportunity
for
the
robbing
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
;
you
shall
see
then
they
took
the
first
occasion
for
the
asserting
them
:
In
the
very
First
year
of
his
Reign
,
it
was
resolved
that
all
Authoritie
and
Jurisdiction
,
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
is
derived
from
the
King
;
but
this
Republican
has
found
out
another
Resolution
of
resolving
it
into
the
power
of
the
Parliament
.
And
in
this
very
[
‖
](A58510-e63000-b)
‖
5
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
c.
11.
Reign
too
,
it
was
provided
as
the
common
Policy
and
Duty
of
all
Loving
Subjects
,
to
restrain
the
Publishing
all
manner
of
Shameful
Slanders
against
their
King
,
&c.
upon
whom
dependeth
the
whole
Unity
and
Universal
weal
of
the
Realm
;
what
Sentence
then
would
the
Parliaments
of
those
times
have
past
upon
Appeals
to
the
City
,
vox
patriae's
,
and
a
Plato
Redivivus
,
upon
a
Libel
that
would
prove
the
[
†
](A58510-e63040-b)
†
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
117.
Kings
Executive
power
of
War
forfeitable
,
and
that
the
[
*
](A58510-e63060-b)
*
pag.
237.
Prerogative
which
is
in
the
Crown
,
hinders
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
;
tho
I
am
sure
those
very
Laws
are
the
best
Asserters
of
the
Prerogative
?
there
next
resolve
would
have
been
to
have
ordered
such
an
Author
to
the
〈◊〉
,
by
the
Hands
of
the
Hangman
,
instead
of
that
Honorable
Vote
,
the
thanks
of
the
House
.
In
Queen
Mary's
Time
too
,
the
Law
left
all
to
her
Majesty
,
tells
her
all
[
*
](A58510-e63160-b)
*
1.
Mar.
c.
2.
Jurisdiction
does
,
and
of
Right
ought
to
belong
to
her
.
In
Queen
Elizabeth's
[
‖
](A58510-e63180-b)
‖
1
El.
c.
1.
Time
,
what
was
Law
before
;
they
were
obliged
even
to
Swear
to
be
so
.
Every
Member
of
the
House
before
qualified
to
sit
in
it
,
forc'd
to
acknowledg
his
Soveraign
SVPREAM
,
in
all
Causes
,
over
all
Persons
:
And
were
their
Memberships
to
be
modelled
according
to
the
Common-wealth
of
this
Plato
,
their
Oath
must
be
repealed
or
they
perjur'd
.
Their
very
Constitution
would
be
Inconfistant
with
his
Supremacy
;
they
must
manage
and
Command
at
the
same
time
they
Swear
to
submit
.
and
obey
.
Was
there
ever
a
more
full
acknowledgment
of
Power
and
Prerogative
,
than
was
made
to
King
[
†
](A58510-e63350-b)
†
Jac.
c.
1.
James
upon
his
first
coming
to
the
Crown
?
And
tho
I
confess
they
took
upon
them
to
manage
Affairs
,
in
his
Son
and
Successors
time
:
yet
this
was
not
until
they
had
openly
bid
him
defyance
to
his
Face
,
and
actually
declared
War
against
His
Person
;
then
they
might
well
set
up
their
Votes
for
Law
,
when
they
had
violated
the
Fundamental
ones
of
the
Land
;
yet
themselves
even
in
that
Licentious
,
and
tumultuous
time
,
could
own
[
‖
](A58510-e63440-b)
‖
K.
〈◊〉
his
Collect.
〈◊〉
.
1.
part
〈◊〉
.
728.
that
such
Bills
as
His
Majesty
was
bound
even
in
Conscience
and
Justice
to
pass
,
were
no
Laws
without
his
Assent
:
What
then
did
they
think
of
those
Ordinances
of
Blood
,
and
Rebellion
,
with
which
themselves
past
such
Bills
afterward
?
so
unconscionable
,
so
〈◊〉
:
Here
it
was
,
I
confess
,
these
Commons
of
this
pernicious
Projector
,
took
upon
them
the
management
of
the
State
;
their
Councils
,
their
Committees
,
set
up
for
regulating
the
Kings
:
Then
their
[
†
](A58510-e63550-b)
†
Vid.
wil.
Prynns
〈◊〉
.
right
to
elect
.
privy
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Pillor'd
Advocate
that
lost
his
ears
,
as
this
with
his
Treasonable
Positions
,
should
his
Head
;
Publisht
the
very
same
Proposal
in
his
pestering
Prints
;
the
very
Vomit
of
the
Press
,
to
which
the
dangerous
Dog
,
did
in
the
Literal
Sense
return
to
lick
it
up
,
still
discharing
again
the
same
choler
he
had
brought
up
before
,
in
a
Nauseous
Crambe
:
A
Wretch
that
seemed
to
Write
for
the
Haberdashers
and
Trunk-makers
instead
of
the
Company
of
Stationers
that
Elaborate
Lining
the
Copious
Library
for
Hat-cases
,
and
Close-stools
,
that
Will
with
a
whisp
,
whose
fuming
Brains
were
at
last
illuminated
for
the
leading
Men
into
Boggs
and
Ditches
,
Rebellion
and
Sedition
.
The
Confusion
of
others
only
for
the
confounding
of
himself
,
[
‖
](A58510-e63780-b)
‖
Vid.
his
Memento
to
Juncto
,
for
the
for
a
King
,
for
the
[
†
](A58510-e63810-b)
†
2d
.
his
Parliaments
Soveraigns
Power
.
For
the
Parliament
,
for
the
[
*
](A58510-e63830-b)
*
3d.
his
Lords
,
Bishops
,
none
of
the
Lords
,
Bishops
or
the
Buckle
of
the
Canonical
Girdle
turned
behind
.
Presbyters
,
for
every
thing
,
for
nothing
,
but
that
ONE
thing
Scribble
.
Compare
the
power
of
his
Parliaments
,
and
his
Vnparliamentary
Juncto
;
the
meer
Lumps
of
distorted
Law
,
or
Legal
Contradiction
,
with
the
25th
.
of
Edward
.
He
first
deposes
his
King
,
and
even
there
then
finds
his
Deposition
Treason
.
Their
Divine
Baxter
never
baffled
himself
more
with
the
Bible
,
and
the
Gospel
,
than
this
Elaborate
Legislator
with
the
Statute
,
and
the
Law
.
William
Writ
against
Pryn
too
,
in
one
Page
proves
his
King
Supream
,
in
the
other
his
Parliaments
Supremacy
,
the
most
Mutinous
Member
would
needs
be
Loyal
,
when
it
was
to
late
;
and
the
most
Malitious
Miscreant
at
the
Pen
,
Publisht
his
Memento
,
when
his
Money
with
his
Membership
was
sequestred
from
his
own
Home
,
as
well
as
his
self
from
the
Parliaments
House
,
and
then
palliated
it
with
a
piece
against
his
Majesties
Murder
:
I
the
more
Liberally
enlarge
upon
this
,
because
his
party
the
Presbyter
would
appropriate
to
themselves
from
some
〈◊〉
Papers
,
the
Vindication
of
their
King
;
but
what
I
am
sure
in
sincerity
was
their
own
Revenge
,
They
,
the
Scot
,
and
the
Todpole
Spawn
of
both
;
that
Independant
,
made
use
of
unanimously
the
Defence
of
their
Prince
for
the
Destruction
of
his
Person
,
and
then
the
differing
Daemagogues
,
with
the
very
same
[
*
](A58510-e64220-b)
*
Vid.
Answer
of
our
English
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
the
Scots
Commissioners
.
The
Scots
reply
from
their
Camp
at
Newark
.
The
Members
to
the
Army
.
The
Armies
Answer
to
the
Members
.
The
Scots
Remonst.
to
the
Army
.
The
Armies
reply
.
Pretences
strove
to
put
upon
each
other
,
that
is
,
both
alike
,
full
of
the
same
falshood
,
both
alike
,
fancyed
their
own
Integrity
:
they
seemed
to
Labor
for
the
two
sublimated
Vices
,
Hypocrisie
and
self-conceit
,
whereof
the
one
made
them
twice
Villains
,
the
other
double
Fools
:
And
this
Confounder
of
Paper
,
as
well
as
the
People
,
Publisht
then
,
‖
the
very
same
Lastly
were
not
the
Parliament
very
tender
of
this
last
,
this
present
Princes
Power
and
Prerogative
,
when
they
enacted
a
new
[
*
](A58510-e64540-b)
*
Act
for
Regulating
Corporations
.
Oath
,
to
be
taken
by
all
in
Office
,
for
the
Renouncing
the
Trayterous
Position
,
of
resisting
his
〈◊〉
,
with
his
own
Authority
:
And
this
Rebellious
Proposal
of
our
Republican
is
to
make
even
the
Parliament
it self
to
make
use
of
his
[
†
](A58510-e64580-b)
†
Vid.
Plat.
Parl.
of
Commons
begun
with
H.
3.
within
400
y.
Kings
in
Caesars
time
1000
y.
since
.
Authority
,
even
for
an
Usurpation
upon
his
Prerogative
;
and
when
once
they
come
to
Manage
that
,
they
may
be
sure
they
'll
be
his
Masters
too
,
and
I
hope
't
is
now
in
some
Measure
proy'd
even
in
the
several
particulars
,
I
undertook
should
be
so
,
that
our
Monarchs
had
heretofore
an
absolute
Management
of
Affairs
,
without
an
Interfering
of
Parliaments
,
which
then
had
not
so
much
as
Being
,
and
which
were
,
since
they
had
it
never
called
,
as
their
very
Writs
express
it
,
but
to
[
‖
](A58510-e64640-b)
‖
Deliberaturi
de
arduis
.
4
Inst.
2.
p.
consult
,
that
they
never
offer'd
to
set
a
Council
over
their
King
,
much
less
themselves
(
as
this
[
*
](A58510-e64680-b)
*
Plato
.
popular
Pedant
calls
it
)
to
Manage
his
Militia
,
and
demonstrated
this
as
was
designed
,
from
Prescription
,
even
beyond
Chronicle
,
from
the
Laws
of
every
Reign
,
and
my
little
Light
of
Reason
.
All
the
following
Propositions
are
as
much
against
Reason
and
Law
,
for
the
third
is
,
that
the
Judges
be
nominated
by
Parliament
;
which
as
it
would
divest
the
King
of
part
of
his
Supremacy
;
so
it
would
make
themselves
in
effect
,
both
Judges
,
and
party
,
for
those
,
then
their
own
Creatures
,
would
have
the
Exposition
of
those
Laws
,
which
themselves
had
made
:
The
[
‖
](A58510-e64830-b)
‖
Cook
5.
fol.
62.
9.
Ed.
4.
Cook
8.
f.
145.
Law
allows
all
the
Four
Courts
at
Westminster
,
to
be
all
Courts
by
Prescription
;
and
then
let
them
tell
me
to
whom
belongs
the
power
of
Electing
those
that
are
to
preside
in
it
,
to
the
Kings
of
England
,
that
can
prescribe
to
their
Government
,
even
from
the
very
Britains
before
Caesar
ever
set
Foot
in
it
,
neer
1700
Years
agon
,
and
with
whom
,
their
Courts
of
Judicature
were
ever
Coeval
?
or
the
Constitution
of
a
Parliament
,
that
first
within
this
four
hundred
years
could
be
said
to
have
a
Being
?
and
so
that
which
themselves
would
now
controul
,
had
a
Priority
even
in
time
to
their
Existence
,
for
near
1300
Years
:
It
is
called
the
Court
of
Kings
Bench
:
Let
them
name
the
Judges
;
it
must
be
no
longer
His
,
but
the
Parliaments
:
'T
is
Rehellion
in
them
to
assume
it
,
for
they
must
at
the
same
time
too
take
the
Soveraignty
,
the
Supremacy
;
and
't
is
that
such
Seditious
Proposals
must
aim
at
,
and
truly
do
;
for
't
is
expresly
declared
for
[
‖
](A58510-e65000-b)
‖
3
El.
Dyer
187.
Cook
4
Inst.
c.
7.
p.
73.
Law
,
that
the
Justices
of
the
Kings
Bench
have
Supream
Authority
;
the
King
himself
sits
there
in
them
,
as
the
Law
intends
,
if
the
Parliament
can
chuse
their
Kings
Representatives
,
they
can
their
King
too
,
and
make
the
most
Hereditary
Kingdom
Elective
,
before
the
Reign
even
of
Edward
the
[
*
](A58510-e65080-b)
*
Ibid.
p.
74.
First
,
the
Chief
Justice
of
this
Court
was
created
by
Letters
Patent
;
't
is
out
,
ever
was
,
and
will
be
out
of
the
Parliaments
power
to
create
per
Patents
,
even
a
petty
Constable
;
't
is
the
King
alone
that
by
these
his
[
†
](A58510-e65120-b)
†
32.
H.
6.
13.
Letters
can
constitute
Courts
,
and
grant
all
Regal
Rights
:
He
can
erect
a
[
‖
](A58510-e65130-b)
‖
Plowden
334.
Court
of
Common
pleas
,
in
what
part
of
the
Kingdom
he
pleases
,
and
shall
he
that
has
a
power
over
the
very
being
of
the
Court
,
not
be
able
to
place
his
Ministers
of
Justice
in
it
?
The
Chancery
is
a
Court
of
such
Antiquity
,
that
long
before
the
Conquest
,
we
have
several
accounts
of
it
,
tho
some
that
were
[
*
](A58510-e65160-b)
*
Pollid
.
Virg.
Foreign
to
our
Laws
as
well
as
Land
,
would
make
it
commence
with
the
Conqueror
.
Our
very
[
†
](A58510-e65200-b)
†
4
Inst.
6.
8.
ibid.
British
Kings
are
said
to
have
had
such
a
Court
,
and
Ethelred
the
Saxon
,
granted
the
[
*
](A58510-e65240-b)
*
Mirror
c.
1.
§.
12.
Fleta
.
l.
12.
c.
1.
Glanvil
.
l.
12.
c.
1.
and
all
the
most
ancient
Lawyers
speak
of
it
.
Chancellorship
even
in
Succession
;
I
need
not
,
it
would
be
Nonsense
to
design
to
prove
Parliaments
had
nothing
to
do
with
such
Affairs
so
long
before
they
themselves
exsisted
;
and
in
this
Monument
of
Antiquity
fam'd
for
the
Distribution
of
the
most
Equal
Justice
(
since
they
cannot
pretend
without
shame
to
the
power
of
Electing
such
an
Antient
Officer
of
the
Crown
;
)
why
,
what
they
can't
presume
to
mend
,
must
Great
Officer
was
the
Peoples
;
tho
that
popular
piece
of
Absurdity
might
have
prov'd
it
too
as
well
he
did
the
rest
from
the
paradox
of
all
our
Princes
being
Elected
;
which
tho
allow'd
them
from
their
perverted
Histories
,
yet
still
those
whom
they
say
were
Chosen
,
had
the
Liberty
of
Chusing
their
own
Ministers
sure
;
they
can't
have
the
least
shadow
for
such
a
silly
Conjecture
,
therefore
this
[
‖
](A58510-e65390-b)
‖
Prvn's
Parl.
right
to
elect
great
Officers
and
Judges
.
Sophister
having
just
so
much
sense
as
to
conceive
from
the
begging
one
false
Principle
the
most
Damnable
Falsehoods
can
be
deducted
,
concludes
,
but
yet
very
Cautiously
,
with
a
(
beleive
so
)
that
since
Kings
were
first
Elected
by
the
People
,
Officers
of
the
Crown
were
so
too
;
that
is
,
first
he
Lyes
like
a
Knave
,
and
then
infers
like
a
Fool.
But
the
Printing
and
Publishing
now
the
Reasons
for
the
rejecting
this
Judicatory
is
only
to
try
how
near
the
natural
Sons
can
tread
in
the
Prints
and
the
very
footsteps
of
the
former
Rebellion
of
their
Fathers
;
for
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Third
;
when
this
Mighty
Parliamentary
Power
was
first
hatcht
,
far
from
being
brought
to
the
Maturity
to
which
Time
and
their
popular
Encroachments
have
since
ripen'd
it
,
then
the
〈◊〉
Embryo
of
State
just
modell'd
and
conceiv'd
.
The
Rebellious
Barons
being
then
the
Parents
;
as
also
a
Rebellion
since
the
Nurse
of
such
Seditious
proposals
;
demanded
the
very
same
piece
of
Praerogative
,
to
have
the
[
*
](A58510-e65560-b)
*
An.
Reg.
H.
3.
22.
Dom.
1230.
Vid.
Baker
p.
84
,
85
,
86.
Vid.
Stow.
Chief
Justice
the
Chancellor
,
and
Treasurers
to
be
chosen
by
themselves
;
and
then
exercis'd
the
power
when
they
had
got
it
like
so
many
Tyrants
too
,
that
Ostracism
upon
the
Kings
Officers
of
State
,
succeeded
no
better
then
that
at
Athens
,
only
to
make
room
for
so
much
worse
;
the
Leaguers
in
[
‖
](A58510-e65620-b)
‖
Vid.
Davila
.
pag.
482.
France
Petition
their
King
to
remove
his
Counsellors
and
Officers
,
that
they
might
put
in
others
of
their
own
,
and
shall
the
Presidents
of
Papists
,
and
that
of
Rebel
ones
obtain
,
even
with
our
Puritans
,
to
Rebel
;
will
they
boldly
own
themselves
Protestants
,
and
not
Blush
in
the
practices
of
those
very
Catholicks
they
condemn
.
Did
not
our
late
Rebels
and
Regicides
show
themselves
more
Modest
,
and
Regular
in
their
Attempts
for
Reformation
,
than
this
more
insolent
Republican
;
they
never
entered
upon
Abolishing
this
Court
,
till
they
had
extirpated
the
Monarchy
;
it
was
the
[
‖
](A58510-e65780-b)
‖
5
Aug.
1653.
Vid.
Scob.
Coll.
Council
of
State
,
that
then
voted
it
down
;
the
Rump
it self
,
the
very
Nusance
of
the
Nation
,
had
but
just
thought
it
convenient
,
among
the
midst
of
all
their
Innovation
,
to
root
out
a
Constitution
so
Old
;
they
had
but
just
Voted
for
the
taking
it
away
,
when
Pride's
Purge
came
aud
scour'd
both
these
Legislators
and
the
Law
,
and
tho
then
,
the
Chancery
was
criminated
with
the
same
Aspersions
;
we
find
lain
upon
it
in
[
*
](A58510-e65880-b)
*
Plat.
Red.
this
Libel
,
for
[
†
](A58510-e65900-b)
†
Vid.
Exact
Relation
of
the
Parl.
Dissolved
.
Decemb.
53.
Chargeableness
,
Dilatories
;
yet
even
by
those
most
virulent
Villains
,
it
was
allowed
,
if
well
managed
,
to
compare
with
any
Court
in
the
whole
World
;
better
;
Livy
tells
us
like
it
,
of
another
such
a
sort
of
rash
Rebellious
Reformers
in
Itaely
,
a
distempered
State
,
that
fell
out
with
their
Aristocracy
,
and
designed
a
Deposition
of
their
Old
Governors
,
and
that
only
to
chose
new
.
But
before
they
could
agree
upon
choice
,
they
found
it
,
I
'll
assure
you
as
difficult
to
get
better
,
as
it
was
easie
to
destroy
whom
they
thought
worse
,
and
,
so
with
a
wise
Acquiescence
,
were
satisfyed
,
and
sate
down
with
an
unintended
Submission
:
It
had
been
well
for
ours
,
had
they
been
so
wise
as
to
have
thought
so
,
and
done
so
too
.
But
so
furious
were
they
here
,
in
this
very
point
of
Reformation
,
that
tho
[
*
](A58510-e66200-b)
*
Vid.
Exact
Relation
of
the
Proceedings
of
the
Parl.
〈◊〉
,
Vid.
Decemb.
12.
53.
they
could
not
agree
upon
what
they
would
Reform
before
the
Term
approacht
,
the
Members
that
had
Voted
for
the
Abolishing
,
(
as
they
call'd
it
,
this
Corrupt
Court
)
would
not
care
to
pass
through
the
Hall
,
while
it
was
sitting
,
but
moved
to
have
its
Jurisdiction
suspended
,
till
they
were
agreed
for
the
manner
of
its
utter
Extirpation
;
and
on
they
went
with
their
Legislative
Swords
,
their
Armed
suffrages
,
till
they
past
that
Second
Vote
for
the
new
modelling
of
all
the
Law
,
and
so
not
only
supprest
the
Chancery
,
but
that
Malignant
party
,
Justice
and
Equity
was
Banisht
by
those
very
Villains
that
had
broke
all
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
.
In
short
,
they
never
did
destroy
these
Judicatures
;
but
when
they
did
〈◊〉
their
King
,
they
never
chose
their
Judges
,
but
when
they
had
〈◊〉
the
Supremaey
,
they
never
can
do
either
without
subverting
the
Monarchy
;
for
't
is
their
own
Soveraign
that
sits
and
presides
in
them
,
and
the
〈◊〉
Officiate
but
for
him
,
because
not
[
‖
](A58510-e66350-b)
‖
Et
pur
ceo
que
nous
ne
〈◊〉
in
nostre
propre
Person
Oyer
&
Terminer
,
&c.
Vide
〈◊〉
.
f.
〈◊〉
.
Vid.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
sufficient
for
it
himself
,
and
therefore
has
committed
all
his
power
of
Judicature
to
these
several
Courts
of
Justice
.
The
King
is
said
to
Judge
by
his
Judges
,
〈◊〉
the
Parliament
elect
them
,
they
are
none
of
his
;
they
chuse
their
Soveraigns
Representatives
,
while
they
would
think
it
hard
his
Majestie
should
make
the
Peoples
,
or
nominate
but
to
a
〈◊〉
Burrough
.
Thus
much
for
their
Management
of
the
State
,
the
next
part
of
the
Proposition
,
is
their
modelling
of
the
Church
,
and
in
that
our
modern
Republican
agrees
with
our
Old
Rebels
,
for
the
depriving
the
Bishops
of
their
Votes
:
That
was
one
of
the
Projects
was
set
afoot
,
as
the
very
forerunner
of
our
former
Troubles
,
that
was
publisht
[
*
](A58510-e66490-b)
*
Vid.
Bishops
Right
,
and
Discousre
of
Peerage
81.
over
again
in
several
Papers
and
Pamphlets
now
,
besides
in
this
very
piece
:
and
could
they
condemn
our
Fears
of
a
Subversion
of
the
Government
,
when
their
Libels
in
&
about
80
,
lookt
only
like
the
new
Editions
of
those
in
[
‖
](A58510-e66500-b)
‖
Vid.
〈◊〉
Libel
on
the
〈◊〉
.
and
〈◊〉
in
England
.
41
,
as
if
printed
Rebellion
was
to
suffer
but
a
〈◊〉
.
You
shall
see
how
they
began
with
the
Bishops
just
before
the
last
War
in
their
Libels
,
and
then
how
of
late
they
began
to
War
upon
Episcopacy
again
in
their
Papers
and
Pamphlets
,
you
shall
see
how
the
Parliament
Espoused
the
Peoples
Quarrel
to
that
Hierarchy
then
;
and
how
near
our
late
House
of
Commons
was
for
falling
upon
the
Prelacy
now
?
Leighton
,
a
virulent
Scotchman
,
led
the
Dance
,
with
a
Zeal
like
that
the
Nation
it self
shewed
afterward
against
that
Apostolical
Order
;
he
told
the
People
plainly
,
they
must
Murder
all
the
Bishops
:
And
in
his
canting
Phraseology
,
[
*
](A58510-e66670-b)
*
Vid.
Leighton's
Sions
Plea
.
〈◊〉
,
ed
1636.
Smite
them
under
the
fifth
Rib.
'T
is
true
the
Government
of
Church
and
State
,
stood
yet
so
strong
upon
its
Basis
tho
shaken
with
an
undermining
Plot
,
that
it
dared
to
punish
such
an
Execrable
Villain
,
with
the
Pillory
;
and
sentenced
he
was
in
the
Star-Chamber
,
to
be
stigmatised
,
cropt
and
slit
,
and
tho
the
Parliament
had
not
openly
declared
themselves
against
this
good
Government
of
the
Church
,
yet
they
had
shown
such
Symptoms
of
their
Disaffection
to
it
,
that
this
Impudent
Libeller
could
presume
to
make
them
his
Patrons
,
and
present
them
with
his
Plea
.
And
I
ha'n't
found
in
all
their
Journal
,
any
Order
for
so
much
as
the
censuring
him
for
such
a
piece
of
Presumption
.
To
exclude
the
Bishops
from
Voting
in
their
Assembly
,
the
Confederates
of
Scotland
drew
up
a
Libel
against
them
,
one
in
the
Literal
Sense
,
full
of
Scandal
and
Reproaches
:
But
the
denying
them
there
their
Rights
in
Parliament
,
was
soon
seconded
with
the
Robbing
them
of
all
too
they
had
in
the
Church
,
whom
they
had
excluded
,
they
soon
〈◊〉
,
and
then
abolisht
utterly
the
sacred
Order
,
so
did
also
within
two
years
after
the
good
Parliament
of
England
begin
with
the
Prelacy
too
.
Pennington
with
his
packt
Petition
of
Prentices
,
presented
to
them
their
Abhorrence
of
that
Hierarchy
,
the
cunning
and
counterfeit
Commons
;
that
Honse
of
Hypocrisie
,
seemed
a
little
dissatisfyed
with
an
Alteration
of
the
Church
Government
it self
,
(
that
is
)
they
did
not
care
to
pluck
it
up
presently
,
Root
and
Branch
,
but
fell
upon
another
Argument
somewhat
more
plausible
,
tho
to
the
Zealots
less
pleasing
;
but
what
in
truth
was
but
Introductory
to
the
same
thing
they
more
deliberately
designed
,
that
they
might
proceed
somewhat
like
Senators
soberly
to
Sedition
:
and
that
was
about
the
Synod
,
and
Convocation
,
Canons
,
and
Constitutions
Ecclesiastical
,
which
they
soon
resolved
to
be
against
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Land
:
But
these
Lay-Members
were
only
mighty
loth
the
Clergy
should
here
have
their
Representatives
,
as
well
as
the
Laick
;
they
must
otherwise
have
seen
,
that
such
a
Resolution
would
upbraid
them
to
their
Faces
with
a
Lye
;
for
this
their
Court
of
Convocation
,
was
as
much
founded
upon
Law
,
and
more
too
perhaps
,
than
even
that
of
the
Commons
themselves
,
who
with
their
inconsistent
Votes
with
Contradiction
it self
,
condemned
it
.
Exclude
the
Clergy
,
and
the
very
Foundations
of
your
House
must
fall
:
Did
not
former
times
allow
you
Representatives
,
that
every
one
might
have
an
Hand
in
the
Composuion
of
that
,
which
he
had
an
Obligation
to
obey
?
Banish
the
Bishops
,
your
Assembly
,
and
tell
me
by
what
Proxies
the
Church
shall
be
represented
;
and
what
shall
tye
her
to
the
Observation
of
those
Laws
,
to
whose
Constitution
she
gives
no
consent
.
For
a
Thousand
Years
before
they
had
a
being
,
there
were
such
[
*
](A58510-e67070-b)
*
Beda
tells
us
Augustine
the
Monk
called
one
of
the
Britain
Bishops
.
An.
Dom.
686.
King
〈◊〉
,
a
Convocation
of
Cletgy
An.
Dom.
727.
of
the
Saxons
.
Synods
Assembled
,
never
called
but
by
the
King
's
Writ
;
and
they
have
no
other
Authority
for
their
own
Sitting
;
and
might
as
well
have
Voted
,
that
their
own
Assembly
,
as
indeed
it
was
afterward
,
was
[
‖
](A58510-e67170-b)
‖
The
very
Words
of
their
Vote
against
the
Cannons
Vid.
Journal
.
against
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
Prerogative
of
the
King
,
Property
of
the
Subject
,
Right
of
Parliament
,
and
did
tend
to
Faction
and
Sedition
:
And
tho
those
Canons
and
Constitutions
were
streightned
and
limited
in
Henry
the
[
†
](A58510-e67250-b)
†
Register
F.
N.
B.
4.
Inst.
p.
322.
c.
71.
Eight's
Time
;
and
it
was
provided
,
that
none
for
the
future
,
that
had
not
the
Royal
Assent
should
be
put
in
Execution
;
yet
such
Reverence
and
Respect
,
had
the
Parliament
of
those
Times
(
which
I
think
was
made
up
of
a
better
sort
of
Reformers
,
than
what
past
their
suffrages
for
the
setting
aside
this
Synod
)
that
notwithstanding
that
Limitation
,
they
put
in
an
express
Proviso
,
[
*
](A58510-e67290-b)
*
Vid.
25.
H.
8.
for
their
Antiquity
.
see
Bractonl
.
3.
f.
123.
Hol.
303.
6.
H.
3.
Rot
p.
18.
Ed.
3.
that
such
Canons
as
were
made
before
that
Act
,
so
long
as
they
did
not
contradict
Law
,
should
be
still
in
force
after
,
and
this
was
at
a
time
too
,
when
they
were
so
far
from
being
the
Bigots
of
Rome
,
that
they
were
reforming
from
Her
,
and
acknowledged
their
Kings
Supremacy
even
in
[
‖
](A58510-e67330-b)
‖
26.
H.
8.
c.
1.
several
of
those
Convocations
,
tho
whatever
Religion
they
were
of
,
Common
Reason
cannot
make
it
a
Crime
,
the
countenancing
of
the
Churches
Right
;
but
these
Violators
of
her
Privileges
soon
discovered
their
Design
upon
her
Patrimony
too
,
for
in
the
same
Session
,
and
that
soon
after
,
they
that
thus
set
aside
the
Churches
Synod
,
sent
up
an
Impeachment
of
Treason
against
its
Metropolitan
,
and
that
by
the
Hands
of
Hollis
,
a
hot-headed
Member
,
whom
his
Majesty
could
have
made
appear
,
and
within
a
year
after
did
demand
for
a
greater
Traytor
too
:
That
Honoured
Hollis
,
that
lived
so
long
,
and
so
lately
to
Murder
the
Bishops
once
more
in
their
[
†
](A58510-e67400-b)
†
Hls
Discourse
of
Peerage
.
London
1679.
whom
Hunt
himself
could
oppose
.
Peerage
as
well
as
Person
〈◊〉
but
having
gone
so
far
,
what
they
had
scribbled
down
before
with
their
Libels
,
they
soon
damn'd
with
a
Vote
.
And
in
the
same
Year
past
that
Bill
,
that
their
Spiritual
Lordships
should
have
no
suffrages
in
the
Senate
of
Lords
.
And
when
they
were
come
to
this
once
,
to
deprive
them
of
their
prescrib'd
Privileges
,
and
their
Legal
Rights
,
to
send
twelve
of
them
to
the
Tower
,
only
because
they
would
not
tamely
forego
the
very
Church's
Birth-right
,
but
entered
a
Protestation
against
the
betraying
of
their
Trust
,
you
might
think
their
Order
it self
,
tho
never
so
Primitive
,
never
so
much
Apostolical
,
was
not
like
to
be
long
liv'd
;
for
in
the
very
next
Year
,
tho
it
was
the
good
Kings
giving
one
,
when
Star-Chamber
was
abolisht
,
the
High
Commission
put
down
,
Ship
Money
relinquisht
,
with
six
or
seven
several
Acts
besides
for
disclaiming
Privileges
,
still
his
Seditious
Subjects
had
so
little
Sense
of
his
Goodness
,
that
even
in
that
very
season
of
Grace
,
a
*
Bill
was
brought
in
for
Abolishing
Holy
League
[
‖
](A58510-e67590-b)
‖
Mildmay's
Oath
taken
15.
of
Junt
43.
Scob.
Col.
page
42.
in
Imitation
of
the
Scots
solemn
one
,
which
they
afterward
swallowed
up
too
,
and
called
their
Assembly
of
Divines
by
special
Ordinance
;
then
itwas
as
soon
ordained
,
according
to
the
Resolution
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
that
all
that
Hierarchy
,
should
be
utterly
Abolisht
,
as
an
Impediment
to
Reformation
and
Religion
.
Thus
you
see
their
Mar
Prelates
,
their
Pryns
,
their
Leightons
,
with
their
Libels
,
then
first
led
the
Dance
,
for
the
destroying
that
Order
;
and
I
wish
we
had
never
seen
so
great
an
Assembly
as
the
Senate
of
England
seduced
to
follow
them
;
but
shall
we
not
suggest
the
danger
of
a
second
Destruction
,
when
the
same
Designs
were
afoot
?
Did
not
a
Temporal
[
*
](A58510-e67710-b)
*
L.
〈◊〉
,
Letter
.
Peer
some
ten
years
agon
fall
very
foul
upon
these
Spiritual
ones
,
in
a
Libellous
Letter
,
that
laid
all
the
Obloquies
that
Malice
or
Lyes
could
invent
upon
their
Lordships
?
Was
not
there
[
‖
](A58510-e67740-b)
‖
〈◊〉
of
Peerage
16.
89.
p.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
Hollis
.
Papers
Publisht
,
when
the
late
Popish
Peer
was
to
be
put
upon
his
Tryal
,
to
prove
that
they
then
had
not
so
much
as
Right
to
sit
as
Peers
;
tho
they
never
set
themselves
aside
,
but
with
a
salvo
jure
?
Did
not
they
debate
it
even
now
in
Parliament
,
where
such
a
thing
was
never
questioned
,
but
when
the
Order
it self
was
brought
into
Question
?
Did
not
these
[
†
](A58510-e67810-b)
†
Plat.
pag.
237.
the
5.
Proposition
.
very
Republicans
about
the
same
time
,
publish
that
the
Clergys
having
a
share
in
the
Soveraignty
,
would
ever
be
a
Solecism
in
the
Government
?
Was
not
the
Paper
of
Vnion
about
the
same
time
to
be
presented
to
the
Parliament
,
just
such
another
piece
as
Pennington's
Petition
?
Designing
Knaves
!
your selves
supersede
all
such
serious
Expostulation
:
Your selves
are
satisfyed
,
you
had
several
Designs
on
Church
and
State
,
which
you
may
well
disown
now
,
since
the
sad
success
seems
now
to
make
you
Fools
too
;
that
presumed
upon
your
Parliaments
patronizing
,
whatever
the
most
profligate
Person
could
[
*
](A58510-e67870-b)
*
35.
of
〈◊〉
.
petition'd
to
be
〈◊〉
too
in
the
late
Rebellion
,
and
actually
was
〈◊〉
.
Act
for
relief
of
peaceable
〈◊〉
,
against
the
Rigor
of
former
Stat.
27.
sept.
16
57.
propose
;
and
defyed
your
King
for
getting
better
Patriots
;
consider
only
the
sacredness
of
that
Order
,
the
Antiquity
of
the
Constitution
,
and
the
fundamental
Law
upon
which
it
is
founded
.
And
then
tell
me
whether
without
Irreligion
,
Innovation
,
or
Rebellion
,
by
which
it
once
was
,
it
can
be
once
again
abolisht
?
Malitious
〈◊〉
!
those
that
in
the
worst
of
Times
could
in
publick
Parliament
[
‖
](A58510-e67930-b)
‖
Lord
F.
Speech
to
the
Com.
1641.
upon
Commitment
of
the
London
Petition
.
compare
them
to
the
Pharisees
,
to
the
Dog
in
the
Fable
,
to
the
Destroyers
of
Vnity
,
upon
pretence
of
Vniformity
:
yet
those
were
forc'd
to
confess
,
that
the
very
first
Planters
of
Christianity
,
the
Defenders
of
the
Faith
,
against
Heresies
within
,
and
Paganism
without
,
both
with
their
Ink
,
and
with
their
Blood
,
were
all
BISHOPS
.
And
here
I
am
sure
Establisht
even
with
Christianity
it self
,
a
Convention
of
them
being
called
by
Austin
,
the
first
Founder
of
it
here
:
The
[
†
](A58510-e68060-b)
†
L.
Digby's
Speech
to
the
Com.
upon
the
same
.
Noble
Peer
,
that
was
for
Clipping
the
Wings
of
the
Prelates
,
was
compelled
from
the
Suggestion
of
his
own
Conscience
,
to
allow
,
forc't
in
spight
of
Faction
,
to
grant
that
their
The
Sacredness
of
the
Institution
,
you
see
is
sufficiently
declared
;
the
Saviour
of
our
Souls
,
sending
such
to
work
out
our
Salvation
:
His
Embassadors
,
his
own
Apostles
,
sent
their
Successors
,
the
primitive
Martyrs
,
and
least
Laborious
Cavil
and
Industrious
Detraction
,
should
make
these
primitive
Prelates
be
bare
Elders
,
prime
Ministers
,
or
Assembly
Men
,
the
very
Text
,
the
Testament
it self
,
tells
us
,
even
in
all
its
Translations
,
they
were
BISHOPS
:
tells
us
that
was
their
Title
;
his
Disciples
,
his
own
Emissaries
officiated
under
that
Denomination
,
and
all
our
[
‖
](A58510-e68280-b)
‖
Vid.
Eusch.
Lib.
4.
c.
5.
6.
who
tells
us
Constant
〈◊〉
In
his
Expedition
,
against
the
〈◊〉
had
his
Bishops
about
him
to
consult
in
a
Council
of
War
.
and
is
their
judging
now
in
Capitals
a
Crime
?
I
am
sure
that
other
was
a
more
Bloody
Business
.
Ecclesiastick
Writers
deliver
it
down
to
posterity
,
that
by
that
very
order
all
the
Christian
Churches
throughout
all
Asia
,
where
they
were
first
Establisht
,
to
their
Progress
Westward
,
as
far
as
they
were
propagated
,
were
all
under
their
Government
and
Jurisdiction
.
I
need
not
insist
on
it
,
on
their
being
the
most
Divine
,
or
the
most
Antient
Order
in
the
whole
World
,
Envy
,
and
their
Enemies
,
Faction
and
their
very
Foes
confess
it
,
all
that
's
left
is
to
shew
how
the
Laws
of
the
Land
confirm
it
:
And
that
those
of
the
very
Britains
,
〈◊〉
themselves
,
and
Danes
demonstrate
:
the
Brittish
[
‖
](A58510-e68480-b)
‖
An.
Dom.
686.
Cook
4.
Inst.
C.
74.
pag.
322.
Bishops
were
Assembled
in
a
Synod
for
a
thousand
years
agon
;
and
Athelstan
one
of
the
First
Soveraigns
of
the
Saxons
,
(
with
whom
I
am
sure
they
never
then
disputed
the
Legislative
;
)
even
in
his
own
[
*
](A58510-e68540-b)
*
Leg.
A.
thelst
.
C.
11.
Episcopo
jure
pertiner
.
omnem
〈◊〉
promovere
Del
&
seculi
,
omne
Legis
scitum
&
Burgi
mensuram
Spelm.
p.
402.
Laws
allows
them
the
Management
both
of
Matters
Civil
as
well
as
Ecclesiastical
,
from
a
just
Presumption
of
their
Knowledg
in
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
;
they
presumed
as
much
upon
their
Equity
,
and
Justice
,
and
made
them
Managers
of
all
the
Measures
and
Weights
,
and
such
was
their
publick
Administrations
then
,
and
so
since
,
that
they
were
still
made
the
Chief
Ministers
of
State
,
which
made
them
not
only
Famous
in
their
Ages
,
but
beneficial
to
posterity
;
and
tho
I
never
enjoy'd
the
Benefits
of
their
Bounty
,
shall
for
ever
Reverence
their
pious
Memory
.
It
was
from
their
Liberal
Largesses
,
most
of
those
solid
seminaries
of
sound
Learning
and
Loyalty
,
were
first
founded
and
establisht
:
They
can
boast
of
more
Bishops
,
for
their
Founders
,
than
ever
Kings
for
their
nursing
Fathers
,
tho
their
Princes
goodness
was
the
more
to
be
admired
in
preferring
those
that
did
so
much
good
;
and
were
these
,
thou
venom'd
Head
,
the
[
‖
](A58510-e68670-b)
‖
Plat.
p.
101.
Vipers
of
their
Age
?
the
Cheats
,
the
Hypocrites
of
those
Barbarous
Times
,
whose
blessed
,
and
most
Monumental
Labours
,
can
make
the
most
Civil
ones
now
to
Blush
?
In
the
time
of
the
Danes
,
the
first
Harold
himself
,
call'd
Harefoot
,
at
a
Convention
of
the
Princes
and
Prelates
at
Oxford
was
Proclaim'd
,
and
Crown'd
[
*
](A58510-e68800-b)
*
Vid.
1.
Inst.
p.
110
for
five
hundred
years
before
the
Conquest
;
and
for
above
two
hundred
after
,
Bishops
and
Abbots
,
made
up
the
best
part
of
those
petty
Parliaments
,
and
that
so
long
before
these
Contenders
for
their
excludeing
them
their
suffrages
,
ever
sate
in
that
Assembly
as
part
of
the
Senate
.
And
that
antient
piece
that
tells
us
of
the
[
‖
](A58510-e68810-b)
‖
Modus
tenend.
Parl.
manner
of
holding
Parliaments
,
tells
us
too
,
that
such
Ecclesiasticks
were
always
summoned
.
Seditious
Souls
!
let
those
that
are
to
take
Care
of
them
too
,
have
the
same
Subjects
Liberty
,
you
so
much
Labour
for
:
Let
Bishops
be
allowed
their
Birth-Right
,
as
well
as
your
Lay-Lord-ships
too
;
your
[
†
](A58510-e68860-b)
†
Vid.
Magna
.
Charta
the
1st
.
thing
in
the
first
Chap.
Articuli
cleri-Vid
.
Cook
Com.
on
both
2.
Inst.
Magna
Charta
,
was
made
for
the
Loyal
Bishops
as
well
as
the
Rebellious
Barons
,
and
that
expressly
declares
the
Church
shall
enjoy
all
her
Rights
inviolate
;
and
tells
us
as
plainly
,
one
of
them
was
to
sit
in
Parliament
;
your selves
know
a
discontented
[
*
](A58510-e68900-b)
*
Stratford
Arch-bishop
.
Ed.
3.
Canterbury
,
and
I
hope
you
'll
side
with
him
because
he
was
so
,
claim'd
for
four
hundred
years
agon
,
his
Privilege
of
Peerage
,
in
Opposition
to
His
Prince
,
petitioned
for
his
Right
,
and
protested
against
the
wrong
,
for
fifteen
hundred
years
,
for
so
long
our
Monarchs
can
be
Chronicl'd
,
can
in
every
Reign
,
the
Clergies
being
concerned
in
Parliament
,
be
proved
upon
Record
,
and
may
they
with
the
Monarchy
last
,
that
with
its
Christianity
commenc'd
:
They
seemed
always
to
sympathize
in
their
very
sufferings
,
never
to
cease
but
by
consent
;
and
Bishops
were
never
excluded
from
their
Votes
;
but
when
their
King
himself
had
never
a
voice
.
The
Sixth
pernicious
Principle
they
propose
is
for
Marriages
,
Alliances
,
Treatises
for
War
and
Peace
to
be
put
in
the
power
of
the
two
Houses
:
And
shall
the
meanest
Subjects
be
Mightier
than
their
Soveraign
?
Not
allow'd
the
Marrying
his
Issue
when
,
where
,
and
to
whom
he
pleases
:
That
the
Parliament
has
presumed
to
intermeddle
with
this
undoubted
Prerogative
of
the
Soveraign
,
(
since
the
Birth-Right
of
the
poorest
Subject
,
)
can
no
more
be
denyed
,
then
that
the
two
Houses
have
also
actually
Rebell'd
too
;
but
they
never
pretended
to
make
Matches
for
their
Monarch
,
but
when
they
were
as
ready
to
make
War
too
:
There
was
somewhat
of
that
Mutinous
Ferment
got
among
the
Members
,
in
the
latter
end
of
King
*
James's
his
Reign
,
who
tho
they
mightily
Popery
,
Power
,
Prerogative
,
and
their
Averseness
forsooth
to
the
Spanish-Match
.
The
pious
Prince
tho
none
of
the
boldest
to
resist
an
invading
People
;
yet
took
the
Courage
to
tell
them
they
took
too
much
upon
themselves
,
very
warmly
forbad
them
farther
to
meddle
with
his
Government
,
[
‖
](A58510-e69300-b)
‖
Dudgdale's
short
View
.
21.
and
deep
Affairs
of
State
;
and
particularly
with
the
Match
of
his
Son
,
with
the
Daughter
of
Spain
:
And
this
account
they
'll
surely
Credit
since
it
comes
from
an
[
*
](A58510-e69360-b)
*
Rusworth
Col.
p.
40.
Author
,
a
partial
and
popular
Advocate
for
this
power
of
Parliament
.
And
did
not
the
Commons
intermeddling
with
an
other
Spanish
Match
of
Queen
Mary's
,
send
their
Memberships
into
the
Country
to
mind
their
own
Business
,
and
were
presently
Dissolv'd
for
meddling
so
much
with
their
Soveraign's
:
And
this
I
hope
will
be
as
[
†
](A58510-e69420-b)
†
Burnet's
Abridgm
.
236.
Authentick
since
it
comes
from
an
Author
that
has
had
the
Thanks
of
the
House
.
But
this
Disposal
of
the
Kings
of
his
own
Children
,
and
the
Marrying
them
to
what
Princes
he
pleases
,
has
such
an
absolute
Relation
,
to
the
making
Leagues
and
Allyances
;
that
the
Laws
;
which
have
declared
the
latter
to
be
solely
in
the
Soveraign
,
are
as
Declaratory
that
the
other
is
so
too
;
and
this
power
of
the
Prince
of
making
War
and
Peace
,
Leagues
and
Allyances
,
is
so
settled
in
him
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
that
till
they
are
subverted
,
it
can
never
be
taken
out
.
In
Henry
the
Fifth's
Time
,
a
Prince
under
whose
Courage
and
Conduct
the
Nation
,
I
think
,
was
as
Flourishing
at
Home
,
as
it
was
formidable
Abroad
:
A
Prince
that
kept
a
good
Sway
over
his
Subjects
,
and
wanted
nothing
to
the
making
him
a
good
Monarch
,
but
a
better
Title
;
though
his
Expensive
War
in
France
,
cost
his
People
a
great
deal
of
Money
,
as
well
as
Blood
;
yet
they
were
far
from
being
animated
into
an
Invading
this
part
of
Prerogative
;
but
declared
,
as
appears
by
the
Law
of
his
Time
,
that
to
their
King
belonged
only
to
make
Leagues
with
Foreign
Princes
;
and
so
fully
does
this
Fundamental
Law
of
the
Land
place
this
power
in
the
Prince
,
that
it
absolutely
excludes
all
the
Pretences
of
the
People
;
for
it
tells
us
[
‖
](A58510-e69570-b)
‖
2.
H.
5.
c.
6.
[
‖
](A58510-e69580-b)
‖
22.
Edw.
4.
Fitz.
Jurisd.
expressly
,
that
if
all
the
Subjects
of
England
,
should
break
a
League
,
made
with
a
Foreign
Prince
;
if
without
the
King's
Consent
,
it
shall
still
hold
and
not
be
broken
:
And
must
the
Laws
of
our
own
,
as
well
as
those
of
all
Nations
be
subverted
,
for
the
setting
up
a
Supremacy
of
the
People
,
which
both
declare
is
absolutely
in
the
King
?
The
Seventh
Proposal
about
the
Militia
is
the
most
Impudent
,
because
it
has
been
the
most
confuted
of
any
,
by
Reason
,
and
baffled
above
all
parts
of
the
Prerogative
Establisht
by
〈◊〉
:
History
tells
us
,
ever
since
Chronicle
can
Compute
,
and
that
is
for
almost
Fifteen
Hundred
Years
,
that
the
Power
of
the
Sword
was
ever
in
him
that
sway'd
the
Scepter
;
and
Statute
tells
us
,
even
the
very
First
[
*
](A58510-e69770-b)
*
〈◊〉
Charta
.
that
was
ever
reckoned
among
Acts
of
Parliament
,
That
if
the
King
lead
or
send
his
Subject
to
do
him
Service
,
in
his
Wars
,
that
he
shall
be
freed
from
such
other
Services
,
as
Castle-guard
and
the
like
,
so
that
you
see
that
extorted
Instrument
,
the
result
of
a
REBELLION
reserved
this
piece
of
Prerogative
of
the
Soveraigns
Sole
Right
.
That
the
Members
of
the
two
Houses
should
have
the
Management
of
the
Militia
,
was
undertaken
to
be
proved
too
by
that
Plague
of
the
Press
,
Pryn
himself
,
who
proceeds
upon
his
own
false
Principle
and
Premises
which
he
beggs
,
and
then
may
well
draw
from
them
a
Conclusion
of
an
absolute
Lye
;
for
he
takes
it
for
granted
,
that
by
the
Kingdoms
Suffrages
they
made
their
King
;
and
them
he
could
not
(
as
he
says
)
have
this
[
*
](A58510-e69850-b)
*
Pryn's
Parliam
.
Interest
in
the
Militia
.
Military
power
without
the
Peoples
consent
;
but
why
may
it
not
be
with
less
Presumption
supposed
,
That
a
Parliament
by
special
[
‖
](A58510-e69870-b)
‖
12.
Car.
〈◊〉
.
c.
12.
Act
declared
Traytors
,
pitcht
upon
Him
for
their
Pen-Man
against
the
Prerogative
?
and
then
it
may
be
more
easily
concluded
,
that
Pryn
was
the
most
prejudic'd
,
partial
Person
,
that
ever
put
Pen
to
Paper
;
for
in
spight
of
his
Factious
Heart
,
he
must
be
forc'd
to
confess
,
that
not
only
this
very
Charter
of
Liberties
settled
this
Militia
,
but
that
it
was
confirmed
to
the
King
,
almost
in
every
Reign
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
since
the
Time
the
very
FIRST
was
made
.
To
the
very
Son
and
Successor
of
Henry
,
that
Great
Confirmer
of
the
great
Grant
,
they
declare
,
[
*
](A58510-e69930-b)
*
7.
Ed.
1.
c.
1.
that
to
the
King
belongs
to
defend
Force
of
Armour
,
&c.
All
that
held
by
Knights
Service
,
the
King
could
distrain
them
for
the
taking
up
Arms.
By
the
Laws
of
the
very
next
[
‖
](A58510-e69940-b)
‖
1.
Ed.
2.
Reign
:
And
in
his
Son
and
Successors
that
Usurpt
upon
his
[
†
](A58510-e69950-b)
†
1.
Ed.
3.
Father's
Right
before
it
could
be
call'd
his
own
,
they
declare
the
manner
of
his
Mustering
and
Arraying
the
Subject
;
and
this
they
did
too
to
Henry
[
*
](A58510-e69990-b)
*
4.
H.
4.
the
Fourth
:
A
Prince
that
had
truly
no
other
Title
to
the
Swords
of
his
Subjects
,
than
what
he
had
gotten
by
the
Conquest
of
his
own
;
yet
so
necessary
was
this
inseparable
power
of
the
Prince
,
thought
then
to
be
solely
in
him
by
the
People
;
that
they
Acknowledg'd
it
to
be
absolutely
even
in
him
,
that
could
hardly
pretend
to
the
Crown
;
so
inseparable
from
the
Right
of
Soveraignty
?
did
the
Laws
allow
this
unalterable
part
of
the
Prerogative
,
that
they
have
declared
it
Inherent
even
in
such
a
sort
of
Soveraigns
as
seemed
not
very
well
qualified
for
an
Execution
of
that
Royal
Power
,
which
the
Judgment
of
their
very
Parliaments
decreed
to
be
entirely
theirs
.
They
resolved
it
to
be
the
Right
of
the
Prince
,
in
the
Reign
of
a
[
‖
](A58510-e70080-b)
‖
2.
Ed.
6.
c.
11.
Child
;
They
resolved
it
so
,
when
Subjected
to
the
Government
of
a
[
*
](A58510-e70100-b)
*
4.
5.
Mar.
c.
3.
Woman
.
The
Commission
of
Array
was
revived
again
to
King
[
†
](A58510-e70140-b)
†
1.
Jacob.
James
,
in
whose
Time
they
resolved
it
such
a
Necessary
Right
of
the
Crown
;
that
they
repealed
for
it
the
very
repealing
Statute
of
the
Queen
:
This
their
[
*
](A58510-e70160-b)
*
Lord
Cook
4.
Inst.
Oracle
tells
us
,
and
that
in
those
parts
of
his
Works
,
which
the
Parliament
that
opposed
this
very
power
in
their
King
,
themselves
ordered
to
be
Printed
;
yet
themselves
could
as
impudently
Assert
against
the
Sense
of
the
very
Law
they
Published
,
against
the
very
Law
that
was
reviv'd
,
but
in
his
very
Father's
[
‖
](A58510-e70170-b)
‖
Die
Mer.
12.
maji
.
41.
Vid.
Journal
and
last
p.
Cook
2.
Inst.
Time
;
that
his
Son
and
Successors
,
(
tho
necessitated
for
suppressing
such
Insurrections
as
themselves
had
raised
)
[
†
](A58510-e70180-b)
†
20.
Jun.
exact
Col.
p.
372.
could
not
Issue
out
such
Commissions
of
Array
;
tho
the
very
preamble
of
the
Act
declares
the
very
purpose
of
it
was
to
prevent
and
preserve
the
Prince
from
such
Rebellious
Subjects
.
And
in
truth
the
Rebels
were
Conscious
of
their
Guilt
;
and
that
it
was
which
made
them
resolve
not
to
know
the
Law
:
But
presently
represented
in
a
Declaration
,
that
this
[
‖
](A58510-e70220-b)
‖
This
Declaration
expressly
against
the
very
Words
,
of
11.
H.
7.
Cap.
1.
declared
,
that
it
was
against
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
the
Kings
Subjects
should
be
commanded
to
attend
him
at
his
Pleasure
:
And
ordered
[
*
](A58510-e70230-b)
*
17.
May
exact
Col.
193.
that
if
they
should
be
drawn
in
a
Posture
of
Defence
for
their
Soveraign
,
the
Sheriffs
of
the
County
should
raise
Forces
to
suppress
them
;
and
then
how
can
the
most
prejudiced
partial
Person
presume
to
tell
us
that
this
their
Kings
Commission
,
was
contrary
to
the
Liberty
of
the
Subjects
,
when
they
set
themselves
in
Contradiction
to
all
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
in
the
very
Declaration
that
denyed
him
his
Array
.
Their
Eighth
Proposition
is
for
the
Forts
and
Castles
,
and
that
the
Fortifying
them
be
in
the
Parliaments
power
;
but
even
that
too
,
base
Caitiffs
,
your selves
know
to
be
by
the
very
Letter
of
the
Law
in
the
Kings
,
the
very
Charter
of
their
own
Liberties
,
in
this
point
confirms
also
the
Soveraign's
Right
,
where
it
is
provided
[
‖
](A58510-e70370-b)
‖
Si
nos
ab
duxerlmus
vel
Miserimus
eum
in
exercitum
,
sit
quletus
de
Custodia
Castri
.
char.
c.
20.
Statute
〈◊〉
,
&
2.
Inst.
34.
that
the
King
can
dispence
with
the
Services
that
are
due
for
the
keeping
of
his
Castles
,
when
he
sends
those
that
ought
to
do
them
,
to
serve
in
his
Host
:
By
the
very
[
*
](A58510-e70400-b)
*
Castle-gaurd
an
old
Service
alway
due
to
the
King
,
〈◊〉
.
Inst.
70.
111.
121.
till
such
Services
were
taken
away
12.
Car
2d
.
common
Law
and
Custom
of
the
Realm
before
;
there
was
alway
such
Services
due
to
the
King
,
for
the
keeping
of
Castles
:
And
certainly
they
were
lookt
upon
then
to
be
in
the
Disposal
of
the
Prince
,
when
the
Subject
was
but
a
Tenant
to
serve
him
in
his
Fortifications
;
And
this
Chapter
of
their
very
Charter
I
hope
proves
sufficiently
not
only
that
the
King
can
command
his
Castles
to
be
defended
,
but
send
his
Subjects
any
where
for
his
Defence
,
which
the
Declaration
of
the
Commons
did
as
Rebelliously
deny
.
But
besides
the
taking
of
the
Kings
Castles
,
Forts
,
Ports
or
Shipping
is
resolved
,
and
ever
was
reputed
[
‖
](A58510-e70490-b)
‖
Brook
Treason
24.
Treason
;
and
were
not
the
two
Houses
Traytors
then
by
a
Law
,
before
that
of
this
King
made
them
so
by
Statute
,
when
they
ordered
[
*
](A58510-e70550-b)
*
Parl.
1641.
Vid.
Exact
Coll.
p.
123.
21.
Mart.
22.
Martii
.
upon
the
London
Petition
,
and
that
of
the
Cinque-Ports
,
that
all
his
Majesty's
Forts
and
Castles
should
be
presently
fortified
;
that
no
Forces
should
be
admitted
into
Hull
,
without
the
Consent
of
Lords
and
Commons
,
seized
their
Kings
Shipping
,
and
made
Warwick
Vice-Admiral
of
the
Fleet
;
This
was
a
sort
of
accumulated
Treason
,
whose
every
Individual
Act
was
truly
so
;
as
if
they
designed
that
the
Statutes
should
not
declare
more
things
Treasonable
than
they
could
dare
to
commit
.
My
[
†
](A58510-e70660-b)
†
Cooke
.
1.
Inst.
pag
5.
A.
Lord
Cooke
tells
us
,
whom
they
cannot
but
believe
,
that
no
Subject
can
build
a
Castle
,
or
so
much
as
a
House
of
strength
imbattailed
,
or
any
Fortress
Defensible
without
the
Soveraigns
consent
,
much
less
sure
shall
they
seise
those
that
are
the
Kings
,
and
Fortifie
them
for
the
People
;
and
tells
us
again
the
[
*
](A58510-e70690-b)
*
2d
.
Inst.
Comment.
Chart.
Chap.
15.
same
in
his
Comment
upon
the
very
Charter
of
Liberties
;
and
will
not
that
neither
with
our
Licentious
Libertines
be
allowed
for
Law
?
Is
not
all
the
Military
power
both
by
Sea
and
Land
declared
the
undoubted
Right
of
His
present
Majesty
,
and
that
by
particular
[
‖
](A58510-e70710-b)
‖
13.
Car.
2d
.
Chap
6.
Vid.
the
same
repeated
14.
Car
2.
c.
3.
Act
in
his
own
Reign
?
does
not
the
very
preamble
of
it
seem
to
provide
against
this
very
Proposition
of
such
a
Parliament
or
a
Plato
;
when
it
tells
us
expresly
,
that
all
Forts
,
and
places
of
Strength
,
is
and
ever
was
by
the
Laws
of
England
,
the
Kings
undoubted
Right
,
and
of
all
his
Royal
Predecessors
,
and
that
neither
both
,
or
either
Houses
can
,
or
ought
to
pretend
to
the
same
;
and
declares
that
all
the
late
Principles
and
Practices
that
assumed
the
same
were
all
Rebellious
?
And
could
some
of
our
Mutinous
Members
,
embrace
such
Propositions
from
the
Press
,
that
presumed
to
tell
them
they
had
of
late
made
two
such
Impertinent
Acts
in
the
House
?
[
†
](A58510-e70800-b)
†
Plato
p.
239.
240.
277.
Acts
invading
the
Subjects
Property
;
Acts
betraying
the
Liberties
of
that
very
People
they
represent
.
In
short
,
and
that
in
his
own
Words
,
Acts
,
that
empower
the
Prince
to
invade
the
Government
with
Force
,
Acts
to
destroy
and
ruin
the
State
,
hindering
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
and
the
preventing
our
Happiness
and
Settlement
;
had
they
had
but
the
least
Reverence
for
their
own
Constitution
,
and
that
Honorable
Assembly
wherein
they
sate
,
sure
there
would
have
been
some
Ordered
and
Resolved
for
the
sifting
out
such
a
Pen-man
,
and
sentencing
such
Papers
to
the
Hangman
,
and
the
Flames
;
what
can
be
the
result
of
this
to
sober
Sense
,
or
Common
Reason
,
that
such
Villanous
Authors
should
appear
in
publick
at
such
a
Session
of
Parliament
,
to
Censure
and
Arraign
the
very
Acts
of
their
former
Representatives
;
but
that
they
thought
themselves
secure
from
any
Violent
Prosecution
from
those
that
then
were
sitting
;
and
that
it
was
not
the
Constitution
it self
of
that
most
Honorable
Assembly
,
the
Seditious
Sycophants
were
so
Zealous
for
,
but
only
the
present
Persons
its
Constituent
Members
they
so
much
admired
.
The
last
,
the
Tenth
of
those
pretty
Proposals
that
deserves
particular
Animad
version
,
(
for
several
of
them
Symbolize
with
one
another
,
and
so
are
by
a
general
asserting
of
the
Kings
Supremacy
sufficiently
refuted
)
is
the
Parliaments
Right
to
the
making
Peers
,
the
prettiest
Paradox
,
that
the
Abundance
of
Sedition
,
with
the
want
of
Sense
could
suggest
;
I
have
heard
the
Laws
declare
the
King
to
be
the
Fountain
of
Honor
as
well
as
Justice
;
but
the
Commons
I
think
as
they
are
no
Court
of
Judicature
,
so
were
never
yet
known
to
be
concerned
in
the
making
Lords
.
The
King
whom
only
our
[
‖
](A58510-e70950-b)
‖
3.
Ed.
3.
19.
Law
declares
to
have
no
Peer
,
is
sure
the
only
Person
that
can
make
Peers
;
has
not
this
Power
been
unquestionably
in
the
Prince
ever
since
these
Realms
had
one
to
Rule
?
was
not
the
Title
of
Baron
in
Edward
the
First
's
Time
confined
expresly
to
such
only
as
by
the
Kings
Writ
were
sommoned
to
sit
in
Parliament
;
And
even
when
there
was
an
Innovation
in
this
Point
?
In
[
†
](A58510-e71010-b)
†
11.
Rich.
〈◊〉
.
Richard
the
Second's
Tumultuous
Time
,
this
Power
was
then
not
taken
from
the
King
till
they
took
away
his
Crown
;
did
not
he
take
upon
him
to
confer
the
Peerage
,
and
as
the
first
President
per
his
Letters
Patents
?
And
Beauchamp
Baron
of
Kederminster
the
First
of
that
Creation
;
did
the
Parliament
ever
pretend
to
make
Peers
,
but
when
the
Body
had
rebelled
against
the
Head
and
rejected
their
Prince
?
But
the
Creation
of
Honors
might
well
then
be
inverted
,
when
the
State
it self
was
turned
Topsie
,
It
was
then
I
confess
they
denyed
their
King
too
,
not
only
the
conferring
of
Honors
for
the
future
,
but
passed
an
[
*
](A58510-e71090-b)
*
4
Feb.
1651.
Scob.
Col.
pag.
178.
Act
for
Voiding
all
Titles
,
Dignities
,
and
Precedencies
already
given
by
him
:
But
this
was
done
to
extinguish
the
very
Remains
of
Royalty
,
that
there
might
not
be
left
behind
him
,
the
meer
marks
,
the
Gracious
Dispensations
of
the
very
Favor
of
a
King
;
the
inveterate
Villains
labouring
with
their
Monarch
to
Murder
his
very
Memory
:
And
sure
none
of
the
Nobility
have
great
Reason
to
relie
upon
Parliaments
for
the
maintaining
of
their
Old
Honor
or
creating
New
,
for
the
Privilege
of
their
Peerage
,
or
the
making
Peers
,
when
the
very
First
thing
that
they
did
,
when
they
had
got
the
Power
,
was
an
[
†
](A58510-e71140-b)
†
Vid.
vote
Journal
6.
Feb.
1648.
Vid.
Histindepend
pag.
15.
&
perfect
Diurnal
p.
1250.
Ordered
and
Resolved
,
that
the
House
of
Peers
was
useless
,
dangerous
,
and
ought
to
be
Abolisht
:
And
all
the
Kindness
their
Lordships
could
be
allowed
,
was
to
be
capable
of
being
elected
into
the
Lower
House
;
and
what
an
Honourable
House
of
Lords
was
afterward
Establisht
,
even
by
those
that
had
purged
away
the
Peerage
,
may
be
seen
in
the
Persons
of
those
that
Usurper
put
up
afterward
for
Peers
,
But
under
the
Name
,
the
Notion
of
that
other
House
,
when
they
granted
that
power
of
their
Nomination
to
that
Arch
Rebel
,
which
they
but
so
lately
denyed
their
Lawful
King
,
why
we
had
there
then
[
†
](A58510-e71280-b)
†
See
the
List
of
their
Lordships
in
Dugd.
view
pag.
454.
Lords
of
no
quality
,
no
worth
,
little
Land
,
and
less
Learning
.
Mr.
Hewsons
Lordship
,
that
Honest
Cobler
,
Sir
Thomas
Pride's
Lordship
,
Knight
and
Dray-man
,
My
Lord
James
Berry
Black-Smith
,
My
Lord
Barksted
the
Bodkin-Seller
;
and
the
Cant
of
their
Counterfeit
Cromwell
,
their
Creator
,
might
well
tell
them
from
the
Text
,
not
many
Nobl's
,
not
many
wise
were
called
,
but
a
Creation
according
to
the
very
Notion
of
the
Schools
,
An
House
like
that
of
the
World
too
out
of
nothing
;
framed
by
Him
that
had
Himself
[
*
](A58510-e71370-b)
*
Vid.
Engagement
and
Protectors
Oath
.
Sworn
to
be
true
to
the
Government
without
,
founded
in
the
Perjury
of
him
that
made
them
Peers
,
and
of
Persons
that
would
have
disgrac'd
a
Pillory
:
Persons
prefer'd
for
their
little
Honesty
,
little
Quality
,
little
Sense
,
Persons
whose
Lands
and
Possessions
could
only
qualifie
them
to
be
Noble
,
by
being
purchased
with
the
Blood
of
our
best
Nobility
.
Lastly
,
Persons
that
were
only
famed
for
their
Villanies
,
Mighty
but
in
Mischief
,
making
it
an
House
indeed
,
not
of
Peers
,
but
Correction
,
which
the
very
Law
tells
us
must
be
made
up
of
Beggars
and
Malefactors
.
This
Gentlemen
,
was
the
Peerage
produced
[
†
](A58510-e71610-b)
†
Their
19th
.
Proposition
to
the
King
at
York
.
by
a
Parliament's
Rebellion
to
make
Peers
,
of
which
it
was
too
the
most
natural
Result
;
for
that
very
Act
upon
a
Just
Judgment
,
would
have
Tainted
all
their
Blood
;
but
they
provided
here
for
the
purpose
,
Persons
that
defied
,
superseded
the
Work
of
an
Attaindure
;
Persons
whose
Blood
even
Treason
could
not
more
Corrupt
:
This
,
Gentlemen
,
was
the
product
of
that
most
preposterous
Inversion
,
when
the
[
*
](A58510-e71710-b)
*
The
First
Feb.
6.
1648.
Commons
could
make
Lords
,
and
their
Kings
House
of
Peers
,
with
their
very
Titles
and
Honors
[
‖
](A58510-e71790-b)
‖
The
Second
4.
Feb.
51.
Abolisht
by
an
House
of
Commons
;
they
seemed
to
be
ashamed
of
that
very
Bastard
Honor
,
of
which
they
were
brought
to
Bed
;
and
could
not
tell
how
to
Christen
the
base
Bantling
they
had
begot
;
till
at
last
some
simpering
Gossips
stept
up
and
Named
it
,
an
other
House
(
i.
e.
)
an
House
without
a
Name
.
Distracted
Dolts
!
the
Compounds
of
Madness
and
Folly
;
did
you
for
this
destroy
your
Kings
Nobility
created
by
Law
,
to
dignifie
the
meanest
Men
,
the
Vilest
Villains
against
the
[
†
](A58510-e71890-b)
†
17.
Ed.
4.
an
Act
for
〈◊〉
Nevil
Marquess
Montague
,
Because
not
sufficient
for
the
maintaining
the
Dignity
(
adding
)
that
Men
of
mean
Birth
preferred
to
Honor
,
promote
all
manner
of
Injustice
.
Statutes
of
the
Land
?
did
not
you
confess
that
of
the
Kings
Lords
to
be
a
Lawful
Government
,
and
the
best
by
recalling
it
,
tho
compounded
of
Wretches
,
the
very
worst
,
poor
Prodigals
!
whose
Repentance
only
rendered
you
more
Miserable
,
and
reverst
the
Fate
of
him
that
fed
on
Husks
,
who
returned
to
Herd
with
Swine
.
Have
we
not
had
heretofore
Peers
by
particular
†
Act
degraded
for
being
a
disgrace
to
their
Peerage
:
Lords
whom
the
Kings
Law
made
Honorable
,
only
their
Lands
could
not
maintain
their
Lordships
Honors
,
and
that
tho
Blood
and
Descent
,
had
entitled
them
to
it
;
whereas
many
of
these
their
Parliament
Peers
,
had
neither
Law
,
Land
,
Blood
or
Money
to
make
them
so
:
Did
not
the
Parliament
,
that
very
Parliament
that
Abolisht
afterward
our
English
Peers
,
Petition
the
[
‖
](A58510-e71990-b)
‖
2.
Car.
1.
King
against
Scots
and
Irish
Titles
,
and
told
him
to
this
purpose
,
that
it
was
Novelty
without
president
,
that
persons
should
possess
Honor
,
where
they
possess
nothing
else
;
and
have
a
Vote
for
the
making
Laws
,
where
they
have
not
a
Foot
of
Land
;
had
their
own
Objection
been
afterward
applyed
to
some
of
their
own
Country
,
and
that
pitiful
Peerage
of
their
own
chusing
,
they
must
have
Blusht
upon
the
Reflection
of
their
own
Thoughts
,
when
they
remember'd
with
what
they
upbraided
their
King
.
The
possessions
of
their
Noble
Peers
,
being
Just
none
at
all
;
or
what
was
worse
than
nothing
,
the
purchase
of
their
Villanies
.
It
is
recorded
,
I
remember
,
in
the
Conqueror's
Time
,
that
Hugh
Lupus
,
Earl
of
Chester
,
upon
special
Favor
of
his
Prince
,
being
the
Son
of
his
own
Mother
,
by
a
Second
Husband
,
Arlott
having
Marryed
Harlowin
,
a
Noble-Man
of
Normandy
,
that
his
Earldom
was
granted
him
by
William
the
First
,
with
as
ample
Jurisdiction
as
himself
,
held
the
Crown
:
A
power
I
think
beyond
any
of
our
present
Palatinates
,
upon
which
he
presumed
to
make
three
or
four
Barons
;
but
Historians
observe
it
was
such
an
Honorable
Concession
,
as
never
any
Subject
before
or
since
enjoyed
;
and
how
they
can
presume
to
pretend
to
it
now
,
I
cannot
Apprehend
.
It
was
alway
a
particular
piece
of
Providence
amongst
all
Nations
,
not
to
render
that
pitiful
and
Contemptible
to
the
People
;
which
they
resolved
should
be
Reverenced
and
Esteemed
,
and
unless
we
can
imagine
our
Idolaters
of
the
Peoples
Peers
,
would
like
some
Infidels
adore
their
Wooden
Deities
,
only
for
beeing
Ugly
and
Deform'd
;
or
like
the
Israelites
Worship
Calves
of
their
own
Rearing
,
I
am
sure
that
empty
Title
,
with
which
their
Honors
of
that
other
House
were
only
full
,
could
draw
no
other
Reverence
and
Respect
,
than
that
Ass
in
the
Apologue
from
an
Image
that
it
carried
:
This
I
remember
was
the
result
of
the
Petition
of
the
Portugals
to
Philip
the
Second
of
Spain
;
and
he
I
think
obtained
that
Kingdom
too
,
as
our
Republicans
did
once
,
and
would
again
ours
,
with
the
Subversion
of
its
Laws
,
and
the
Force
of
Arms
;
it
was
their
request
,
that
he
would
not
make
their
Nobility
,
(
of
which
they
are
not
a
little
proud
)
pitiful
and
contemptible
,
by
preferring
such
to
that
Degree
:
whose
Quality
could
not
deserve
it
,
what
Peers
we
had
when
pickt
by
the
Council
of
State
,
What
Lords
when
cullyed
out
by
the
Commons
?
let
those
remember
who
are
so
ready
to
forget
it
.
Seditious
Sots
!
have
not
the
Laws
of
all
Nations
,
as
well
as
our
own
,
provided
that
this
power
be
the
peculiar
prerogative
of
the
Prince
,
and
must
these
Politicks
would
Be
's
,
be
wifer
now
,
than
the
wide
World
?
Do
not
the
Digests
declare
;
those
Civil
Sanctions
whose
Authority
obtain
with
all
Civiliz'd
Subjects
(
i.
e.
)
with
almost
all
besides
our
own
,
and
whose
Reason
can't
be
refuted
by
the
best
of
the
Rebellious
Republicans
that
so
little
regard
those
,
that
their
so
much
admired
Legislators
,
their
Solon
or
Licurgus
never
saw
the
like
,
Laws
that
must
be
allowed
the
most
Rational
by
being
so
generally
received
,
those
[
†
](A58510-e72620-b)
†
Postquam
ad
Curam
Principis
Magistratuum
creatio
pertinere
cepit
,
&c.
D.
48.
141.
Ordinis
vero
cujusque
arbitrium
primo
Penes
Imperatorem
.
Zouch
.
de
jure
milit.
nobilitat
.
pars
2.
Sect.
2.
tell
us
,
and
the
World
,
that
the
conferring
of
Dignities
,
depends
upon
the
Sole
care
of
the
Soveraign
;
that
the
Subjects
ought
not
to
dispute
it
;
and
such
a
Religious
Observance
of
this
settled
Soveraignty
do
those
sacred
Sanctions
recommend
,
that
they
Censure
it
for
a
Crime
,
as
great
as
[
†
](A58510-e72640-b)
†
Sacrllegli
instar
sit
dubitare
An
is
Dignus
sit
quem
Princeps
elegit
C.
19.20.3
.
Sacrilege
it self
,
to
suspect
his
insufficiency
whom
the
Prince
should
prefer
;
some
of
those
Laws
were
the
Constitutions
of
Heathens
,
as
well
as
other
of
those
that
afterward
learnt
Christ
;
and
had
not
the
Doctrine
of
his
Disciples
declared
Kings
even
an
Ordinance
of
God
;
the
pious
Pagans
always
esteemed
their
Princes
Sacred
:
and
such
a
source
of
Honor
,
was
in
their
Soveraign
Emperors
,
that
even
against
their
very
Laws
,
they
could
allow
them
to
continue
those
Noble
,
whom
the
Marriage
with
a
Plebeian
,
had
degraded
from
their
Nobility
,
as
Antonius
Augustus
did
for
his
Neece
Julia.
'T
is
Nonsense
I
confess
to
talk
of
the
Laws
of
all
Nations
,
to
those
that
cannot
obey
their
own
;
or
the
Decrees
of
Emperors
,
for
the
Preservation
of
their
Majesty
,
to
those
that
will
break
Statutes
to
Libel
their
King
;
yet
still
it
serves
to
shew
that
even
in
this
very
point
,
the
Laws
so
long
before
ours
,
[
†
](A58510-e72810-b)
†
Vid.
Coke
Calv.
Case
.
fol.
15.
Coke
7.
fol.
33.
None
but
Peers
of
the
Realm
to
sit
In
House
of
Peers
,
〈◊〉
Peer
to
be
made
but
by
the
King
.
allowed
this
power
to
be
the
peculiar
prerogative
of
the
Prince
;
and
tho
we
are
bound
only
to
submit
to
the
Singular
Laws
and
Customs
of
our
little
Land
;
yet
still
(
if
in
our
Senses
)
we
must
be
Subject
to
such
Laws
as
are
founded
upon
an
Universal
Reason
;
and
for
these
Republicks
that
have
revolted
from
that
Regal
Government
,
from
whence
they
must
derive
their
Honors
,
we
find
the
best
of
their
Nobility
to
be
but
Burghers
.
And
the
very
Nobleman
of
Venice
,
this
Courteous
Author
so
much
Caresses
and
Admires
,
one
that
must
make
himself
so
,
and
at
best
but
equivalent
;
(
if
such
great
things
according
to
the
Latin
Aphorism
may
be
compared
with
small
)
to
a
Gentleman
of
England
,
who
wears
only
a
shorter
Coat
,
while
the
other
a
longer
Gown
.
'T
is
a
solecism
in
Sense
to
imagin
,
that
Plebeians
can
concur
in
conferring
that
on
others
which
themselves
have
not
the
least
Tincture
of
:
A
Title
of
Honor
.
Or
that
any
thing
,
besides
somewhat
that
is
Soveraign
,
can
really
communicate
it
to
a
Subject
:
And
we
have
seen
,
when
it
was
Usurpt
,
what
a
sort
of
singular
good
Lordships
and
precious
Peers
were
put
upon
us
;
The
Thebans
would
not
so
much
as
admit
a
Merchant
into
their
Government
,
till
they
deserted
their
calling
for
ten
Years
,
while
the
meanest
Mechanicks
were
made
Members
of
our
House
,
and
a
Tinker
of
the
Army's
,
just
taken
from
his
Tool
:
The
Bishop
of
Ely
was
accused
only
in
Richard
the
First
's
Time
,
for
putting
in
pitiful
Officers
into
publick
places
of
Trust
;
and
't
is
but
a
little
since
,
a
Parliament
intrusted
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
the
vilest
Hands
.
And
lastly
,
this
very
Libel
Lashes
one
of
our
[
*
](A58510-e72990-b)
*
Rich.
2d
.
Plat.
pag.
116.
Kings
for
the
preferring
Worthless
Persons
,
and
makes
it
even
a
forfeiture
of
the
power
of
the
Sword
;
at
the
same
time
that
he
contends
for
the
People
in
this
point
,
who
were
never
yet
known
to
prefer
any
other
.
An
Italian
State
,
as
Tumultuous
as
our
own
,
took
upon
them
once
to
create
a
new
Nobility
;
but
assoon
as
the
popular
Faction
,
or
if
you
please
the
Convention
of
the
People
had
set
themselves
,
for
the
Preservation
of
their
Liberties
to
make
Lords
;
why
truly
the
Election
was
like
to
be
of
such
senseless
Scoundrels
;
you
may
suppose
a
Barksted
,
or
an
Hewson
,
some
mender
of
Shooes
,
or
a
maker
of
Bodkins
:
But
so
sensible
were
those
Seditious
Souls
,
that
they
were
like
to
set
up
their
Servants
,
that
they
wisely
resolved
to
retain
their
old
Masters
:
And
I
think
were
not
some
of
us
so
wicked
,
we
should
all
be
so
wise
too
,
since
we
saw
our
own
distracted
Nation
was
never
at
rest
,
Till
our
Rulers
were
restored
to
us
as
at
the
FIRST
,
and
our
Councellors
as
at
the
BEGINNING
.
And
last
of
all
only
let
me
take
the
Liberty
in
this
last
and
dismal
scene
of
Sedition
to
represent
,
but
a
bloody
prospect
of
that
Harmonious
concurrence
there
is
between
all
sorts
of
Rebellious
Principles
,
tho
projected
by
Persons
of
different
Persuasions
;
Persons
that
differ
in
Manners
and
Customes
of
their
Countries
;
Rebels
remote
from
one
another
in
Time
;
Rebels
as
remotely
allyed
in
the
Lands
;
wherein
they
live
:
As
if
the
Sea
it self
,
could
not
separate
such
Seditious
Subjects
,
In
their
Principles
and
Practices
;
that
had
defiled
their
Land
with
such
a
mutual
Conspiration
in
the
Murdering
of
their
Soveraigns
;
and
let
in
an
Inundation
of
Blood
upon
the
Subjects
;
and
this
Bloody
Correspondency
between
the
practice
of
primitive
Rebels
,
as
well
as
modern
,
between
the
Proceedings
of
Foreign
Rebellions
,
as
well
as
our
Domestick
,
must
result
from
the
Reasons
,
any
sort
of
Subjects
have
to
resist
their
Soveraign
,
which
we
shall
see
were
at
all
times
,
with
all
sorts
still
the
same
;
that
is
,
just
none
at
all
,
and
that
appears
,
in
that
People
of
such
several
sorts
,
were
all
forc'd
to
pitch
upon
the
same
Pretences
for
the
Justifying
their
Treasons
:
And
to
make
use
of
the
same
Cavil
and
Calumny
against
their
Princes
;
when
they
saw
they
could
never
ground
any
real
Accusation
.
And
lastly
,
to
promote
the
same
Projects
,
and
Propositions
,
almost
in
a
Literal
Transcript
for
the
levelling
,
the
raising
the
Foundations
of
their
several
Monarchies
,
and
making
themselves
the
Masters
of
the
Crown
;
or
rather
,
this
Seditious
Harmony
of
all
Rebels
,
proceeds
from
their
having
ever
been
animated
,
and
instructed
by
the
self
same
Agent
of
Hell
:
the
primitive
Prince
of
Faction
,
the
Devil
;
and
this
parity
of
pernicious
Principles
,
Practices
,
and
Propositions
,
will
appear
in
the
perfect
parallel
,
that
there
is
between
the
Proceedings
of
our
old
Rebellious
Barons
in
England
,
And
the
later
Rebellion
of
the
late
Leaguers
in
France
,
and
the
clear
conformity
of
the
Proposals
of
our
Parliament
,
and
the
polticks
of
this
Plato
to
both
:
I
'll
place
them
in
their
turn
as
they
succeeded
in
their
time
,
and
let
them
that
would
prescribe
to
Treason
,
be
proud
of
the
Precedency
.
For
the
First
,
the
Barons
being
greedy
of
Rule
,
the
Commons
of
Liberty
;
(
as
a
learned
Author
and
*
Antiquary
le
ts
us
view
of
Henry
3d.
know
,
)
some
of
the
popular
Lords
began
with
the
plausible
pretext
of
the
Peoples
Liberty
,
when
to
suppress
these
Troubles
,
and
supply
the
Kings
Extremities
,
a
Parliament
is
call'd
;
but
such
an
one
,
as
prov'd
much
to
the
liking
of
the
Lords
,
and
as
little
meant
to
relieve
their
King
,
much
less
to
redress
the
People
:
The
Clamor
was
of
Encroachment
upon
their
Liberty
:
To
silence
that
,
the
Charter
is
several
times
confirmed
:
But
they
finding
what
a
power
the
Kings
Necessities
put
in
their
Hands
,
were
resolved
to
supply
him
with
so
little
,
that
it
might
well
keep
their
King
from
being
Great
;
they
[
*
](A58510-e73690-b)
*
M.
Paris
pag.
807.
force
him
to
the
very
sale
of
his
Lands
and
Jewels
for
Bread
,
and
to
turn
out
of
his
Palace
,
because
not
able
to
sustain
himself
in
it
;
they
seised
upon
Dover
his
Castle
,
and
the
Kingdoms
Key
,
which
was
Treason
for
that
account
,
to
deliver
to
a
Foreigner
,
and
than
a
Fortiori
for
a
Subject
to
take
,
made
Head
against
their
Soveraign
,
called
in
French
to
subdue
him
:
Which
when
they
had
done
,
(
in
which
Actions
none
more
Zealous
than
the
Loyal
Londoners
for
his
Destruction
)
what
was
the
Event
?
Why
our
Historians
tell
us
,
(
and
what
are
still
the
unfortunate
Effects
of
a
prosperous
Rebellion
)
Murder
,
and
Sacrilege
,
and
Sword
.
And
the
Victorious
Barons
Lorded
it
like
so
many
[
†
](A58510-e73780-b)
†
Baker
p.
86.
Tyrants
too
,
till
Providence
in
a
more
signal
Victory
restored
their
Lawful
King
,
and
the
Subject's
Liberty
.
As
the
Baron's
Wars
began
in
King
Henry's
encreas'd
the
Distemper
,
they
told
the
French
too
of
their
Taxes
and
Impositions
,
and
accus'd
their
King
of
Misgovernment
for
imposing
them
;
as
our
Lords
combin'd
,
so
these
Leagued
for
the
redressing
of
Grievances
,
and
were
first
Aggressors
in
seising
Verdun
and
Tull
,
two
Towns
in
France
,
as
those
did
Dover
and
Hull
in
England
;
[
*
](A58510-e73970-b)
*
See
their
History
written
in
Italian
,
by
D'avila
,
in
Lat.
by
Touanus
;
in
French
by
D'
Aubigm
;
in
English
a
Translation
by
Mr.
〈◊〉
.
their
Henry
was
forc'd
to
flie
from
Paris
,
his
Principal
City
,
His
Metropolitan
,
also
of
Sedition
,
and
that
by
Tumult
too
:
And
what
did
it
terminate
in
,
but
in
the
Murder
of
their
King
too
?
The
calling
in
of
the
Spaniard
,
that
was
like
to
inslave
the
People
to
a
Foreign
Yoke
;
and
at
last
weary
of
the
Usurpt
Dominion
of
the
Duke
of
Mayne
,
that
had
imposed
on
them
a
Council
of
State
too
,
the
Tyrannous
Assembly
conven'd
by
Conspiraors
,
was
confusedly
Dissolv'd
in
as
much
Distraction
and
Disorder
:
And
the
recovered
Nation
return'd
to
their
Lawful
Lord
.
And
did
not
our
own
late
lamentable
Distraction
Commence
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
,
and
put
all
in
Combustion
in
Charles
the
First
;
did
not
[
*
](A58510-e74190-b)
*
Vid.
even
Rushw.
Coll.
p.
40.
Father
to
make
Peace
,
and
then
denyed
the
Son
the
supplies
of
War
:
A
Parliament
is
summoned
too
here
,
and
that
serves
him
just
as
the
two
preceding
Ones
did
their
Soveraign
with
Remonstrances
of
Oppressions
:
For
this
the
petition
of
Right
was
granted
them
,
as
Gracious
an
Act
as
that
of
the
great
Charter
;
but
nothing
could
serve
unless
like
that
too
,
't
was
sealed
in
Blood
;
and
for
that
they
began
by
Degrees
to
be
so
Tumultuous
,
till
this
Prince
was
forc'd
to
fly
his
Capital
City
,
and
that
also
,
as
in
the
others
,
prov'd
the
Head
to
the
Rebellion
that
succeeded
;
upon
their
[
‖
](A58510-e74310-b)
‖
Exact
Coll.
p.
123.
21.
Mart.
Petition
the
War
was
first
began
;
And
Hotham
sent
to
surprize
Hull
,
as
in
the
two
former
were
Verdun
,
and
Dover
;
and
now
was
all
in
Arms
,
and
Blood
,
which
ended
at
last
too
in
that
of
their
King
:
The
Scots
called
in
here
,
as
in
the
former
the
French
and
Spaniard
;
the
People
enslaved
by
those
that
set
up
for
their
Protectors
:
The
Council
of
State
,
set
up
here
as
well
as
in
France
,
and
the
ruin'd
Realms
never
at
rest
,
till
they
had
returned
to
that
Soveraignty
from
which
they
revolted
.
It
is
sad
even
to
see
the
least
thing
[
*
](A58510-e74470-b)
*
Plot
in
Carol
2d
.
now
that
looks
like
a
prelude
,
to
such
a
sort
of
Tragedy
:
The
clamors
of
Sedition
still
the
same
;
Parliaments
that
are
Assembled
to
redress
them
;
[
‖
](A58510-e74480-b)
‖
Vid.
com
.
Remonstrances
.
79.
80.
Remonstrating
against
Grievances
they
never
yet
felt
;
Subjects
[
†
](A58510-e74490-b)
†
Proceeding
Old-Bayly
.
Associating
against
their
Prince
,
for
his
Preservation
;
the
draught
,
the
Scheam
and
abstract
of
the
Baron's
Combination
,
The
French
League
;
the
Scotch
Covenant
:
so
far
from
an
Abhorrence
of
either
,
as
to
pitch
upon
a
Compound
of
all
three
.
Designs
discovered
and
detected
,
for
the
seising
of
strong
Holds
;
the
[
*
](A58510-e74570-b)
*
Rouse's
Tryal
.
Tower
instead
of
an
Hull
;
and
the
[
‖
](A58510-e74600-b)
‖
Sydney's
Tryal
.
Scot
invited
once
more
to
pass
the
Tweed
for
a
better
booty
:
The
Treason
of
such
Practices
is
never
the
less
,
because
the
Providence
was
so
great
,
as
to
prevent
its
Execution
:
Had
that
not
interposed
the
Parallel
Lines
I
am
sure
would
have
led
us
on
further
;
but
all
their
draught
beyond
it
must
have
been
Blood
.
A
Comparison
between
the
Demands
of
our
English
Barons
,
and
the
Desires
of
the
French
Leaguers
,
from
whence
they
have
copyed
as
Counterparts
.
The
Propositions
of
our
Parliament
,
and
the
Proposals
of
Plato
.
|
English
Barons
.
|
French
Leaguers
.
|
|
1.
That
the
King
hath
wronged
the
publick
State
by
taking
into
his
private
|
1.
That
the
Disposals
of
Places
,
of
Office
,
and
Trust
in
the
Kingdom
,
|
|
Election
,
the
Justice
,
Chancellor
,
and
Treasurer
;
and
require
that
they
be
chosen
by
the
common
Council
of
the
Realm
;
Parl.
Tent.
22.
H.
3.
|
be
in
the
Leaguers
,
vid.
Henry
the
3d.
of
France's
Answer
to
their
Manifesto
,
who
told
them
't
was
against
the
Prerogative
of
all
his
Predecessors
.
|
|
2.
That
it
be
ordained
that
24
of
the
most
grave
and
discreet
Peers
be
chosen
by
the
Parliament
as
Conservators
of
the
Kingdom
,
Baker
pag.
8.
Ann.
D.
1238.
Regn.
H.
3.22
.
|
2.
That
the
number
of
their
Kings
Council
should
be
limited
to
24.
D'avila
pag.
341.
our
Propositions
were
not
to
exceed
25.
or
under
15.
|
|
3.
That
those
Conservators
be
sworn
of
his
Majesties
Council
,
and
all
Strangers
removed
from
it
.
|
3.
The
City
of
Paris
set
up
a
Council
of
16.
of
themselves
,
〈◊〉
their
Kings
,
was
to
admit
Persons
whom
they
should
chuse
.
|
|
4.
That
two
Justices
of
the
Kings-Bench
,
two
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
,
and
one
Justice
for
the
Jews
,
be
likewise
chosen
by
the
Parliament
,
ibid.
|
4.
These
sixteen
so
managed
the
Judges
of
their
King
upon
a
Presumption
of
their
favoring
their
Soveraign
;
that
they
got
three
of
them
strangl'd
without
process
.
|
|
5.
They
brought
with
them
Consciences
sull
of
Error
and
Schism
,
against
the
Laws
,
and
the
Canons
,
|
5.
That
there
should
be
a
Reformation
in
the
Church
,
and
no
Hugonots
,
|
false
Prophets
fomenting
Heresies
against
the
Vicars
of
Christ
.
Mat.
West
.
pag.
332.
|
favored
.
|
|
6.
They
would
not
have
this
Henry
the
3d's
Daughter
marryed
to
Alexander
King
of
the
Scots
,
and
for
a
long
time
would
give
him
no
aid
,
which
at
last
with
much
ado
they
did
.
|
6.
That
his
Allyance
and
Truce
with
the
Kingof
Navar
was
against
the
Interest
of
his
Subjects
.
|
|
7.
At
Lewes
they
took
upon
them
so
much
of
the
Militia
,
that
they
made
their
Prince
a
Prisoner
.
|
7.
That
the
strength
of
Provence
,
be
put
in
the
hands
of
the
Duke
D'Aumarle
,
or
such
others
as
they
should
nominate
.
|
|
8.
The
24.
to
dispose
of
the
King's
Castles
,
and
no
Peace
,
till
all
the
Forts
and
Castles
be
delivered
to
the
keeping
of
the
Barons
.
|
8.
Leaguers
seiz'd
upon
the
King's
City
,
Castles
,
and
strong
Holds
D'avila
pag.
328.
|
9.
His
Councellors
elected
by
the
Parliament
,
allowed
him
such
a
pitance
for
his
Houshold
;
that
they
starv'd
him
out
of
his
Palace
.
M.
Par.
807.
|
9.
That
the
Kingdom
could
not
be
safe
so
long
as
the
King
was
environed
with
Non-confiding
Persons
.
|
|
10.
They
chose
their
own
Peers
called
the
Peeres
Douze
.
|
10.
That
they
might
have
the
Disposal
of
all
Honor
,
vid.
their
King's
Answer
to
their
Manifesto
.
|
This
Parliament
of
those
Rebellious
Barons
,
my
Lord
Cook
,
that
had
as
much
Veneration
as
any
Man
for
that
Honorable
Assembly
,
called
the
[
*
](A58510-e75770-b)
*
Parl.
〈◊〉
Cook
's
Insti
.
part.
3.
p.
2.
mad
Parliament
,
the
reverse
of
that
of
Edward
the
3d.
which
he
calls
the
[
‖
](A58510-e75810-b)
‖
50.
Ed.
3.4
.
Inst.
p.
2.
good
one
.
And
I
am
sure
the
Propositions
of
that
in
41
,
would
have
made
the
Learned
Lawyer
,
(
had
he
lived
to
see
them
proposed
,
)
pronounced
that
Senate
as
distracted
too
,
as
that
Oxford
one
of
Henry
the
3d's
;
but
it
may
suffice
that
special
[
†
](A58510-e75860-b)
†
12.
Car.
2.
Cap.
12.
Act
since
supposed
them
in
their
Witts
,
in
declaring
them
what
was
worse
;
TRAITORS
.
CHAP.
III.
Remarks
upon
Mr.
Hunt's
Postscript
.
THIS
Disingenuous
Author
,
with
his
Hypocritical
Apology
,
for
the
Church
of
England
,
has
just
done
her
as
much
Mischief
,
as
that
of
Bishop
Jewels
sincere
one
,
did
her
Good
.
That
pious
Prelate
with
his
unanswerable
Arguments
,
had
defended
her
against
all
the
powers
of
the
Pope
;
and
this
with
his
Argument
,
which
he
Answers
himself
,
has
made
her
all
Popish
.
Never
did
an
Hypocrite
pretend
to
so
much
Candor
,
and
Sincerity
,
that
had
so
little
Shadow
for
such
a
Pretention
:
His
Falshoods
look'd
as
if
he
designed
,
and
thought
,
he
could
have
imposed
upon
the
Government
and
his
God
;
and
,
in
spight
of
Providence
,
to
have
secured
himself
from
the
Justice
of
that
which
was
established
;
and
at
the
same
time
made
sure
of
the
favor
of
those
that
were
for
undermining
it
.
The
one
was
to
be
blinded
with
his
being
Author
of
the
Bishop's
Right
:
The
other
imposed
upon
with
his
Penning
the
Postscript
.
But
however
he
deceives
himself
,
the
Almighty
will
still
make
good
his
own
Word
,
That
he
won't
be
mock'd
.
He
has
denounced
express
Judgment
against
a
double
Heart
,
and
the
Nation
now
deserv'd
Justice
,
To
such
a
Sycophant
.
With
what
Face
can
such
a
Rumper
tell
us
in
the
tayl
of
his
Postscript
,
that
no
Passion
or
prejudice
perverts
him
against
the
State
of
the
Kingdom
;
when
all
know
that
it
's
being
thus
established
,
not
only
lost
him
a
place
in
the
Law
;
but
disappointed
him
of
being
an
Irish
Judge
;
and
thus
the
virulency
of
his
Pen
,
betrays
the
truth
of
His
Passion
,
which
he
would
Apologize
against
with
a
lye
,
and
that
it
can
rise
as
high
as
any
Furies
,
for
as
deep
a
resentment
of
an
esteemed
Injury
;
when
the
Government
all
the
while
was
far
from
doing
him
any
wrong
:
But
if
it
should
meet
with
him
now
,
I
dare
swear
would
do
him
Right
:
And
this
is
altogether
Reasonable
the
World
should
know
,
that
the
best
of
our
Rebellious
Male-contents
,
tho'
they
strive
to
palliate
their
Passions
and
Prejudices
against
their
Governors
,
with
a
show
of
being
impartial
and
indifferent
;
that
't
is
but
a
meer
shadow
to
cloud
the
Fire
that
Glows
within
,
while
truly
still
implacable
,
impatient
,
and
impossible
to
be
govern'd
,
and
that
those
that
pretend
but
with
Moderation
to
discommend
many
things
in
our
Monarchy
,
have
nothing
in
them
,
but
the
meer
Malice
and
Spirit
of
Republicans
.
And
this
will
appear
from
his
very
first
Paragraph
that
provokes
my
Pen
,
He
lets
us
know
that
the
Church
of
England
is
like
to
fall
into
that
of
Rome
,
[
*
](A58510-e76210-b)
*
pag.
8.
9.
by
the
unpresidented
folly
of
some
of
her
Sons
;
Fall
,
by
a
Divine
Fate
,
(
as
he
makes
his
Holyness
to
say
)
for
her
folly
.
That
is
,
(
as
he
must
mean
by
Consequence
)
for
maintaining
a
Divine
Right
.
For
to
this
purpose
(
says
he
,
(
Sir
Robert
Filmer's
Books
were
reprinted
,
and
others
for
the
same
.
And
truly
,
I
am
so
far
of
this
Gentleman's
Opinion
,
that
the
good
man
the
Pope
may
very
likely
call
it
a
very
foolish
thing
,
and
laugh
at
the
Doctrine
of
any
Kings
Divinity
,
that
endeavors
to
set
himself
above
all
Kings
,
so
that
unkind
even
to
himself
,
and
his
Friends
,
the
Dissenters
;
he
unawares
ties
them
up
together
with
the
Tenents
of
the
rankest
Jesuits
of
the
Romish
Religion
,
and
endeavors
with
the
self
same
Arguments
and
Objections
,
to
set
up
the
popular
Supremacy
,
that
those
Impostures
do
the
Papal
.
But
first
only
let
me
beg
a
postulate
or
two
from
him
that
pretends
to
be
a
Christian
,
which
an
Infidel
or
Heathen
won't
deny
,
much
less
then
one
that
has
the
Bible
,
for
an
asserting
it's
belief
,
viz.
1.
That
power
in
general
without
appropriating
it
to
any
particular
Government
,
is
somewhat
that
is
Divine
,
not
barely
(
as
it
is
exercised
by
some
Humane
Beings
below
;
)
but
as
it
is
communicated
to
such
from
their
God
above
,
that
is
all
so
,
and
hath
it
as
one
of
his
Attributes
,
any
of
which
is
Infinite
,
and
adequate
to
the
Divinity
it self
.
2.
That
this
power
is
actually
communicated
to
some
Being
here
below
for
their
better
Government
and
Subsistence
,
No
Humane
Beings
,
but
such
as
desire
to
live
like
Beasts
,
can
well
deny
,
3.
That
this
part
of
God's
Attribute
,
so
communicated
to
Man
from
his
[
*
](A58510-e76420-b)
*
1.
Gen.
verse
18.
own
Mouth
Dominion
imparted
cannot
cease
to
be
Divine
,
notwithstanding
such
a
Communication
,
though
to
a
Creature
Humane
,
all
that
understand
the
least
part
of
Divinity
will
assert
;
and
without
any
supernatural
Illumination
,
even
from
this
natural
simile
of
the
Sun
's
Light
,
can
easily
comprehend
,
which
tho'
it
dart
its
rays
through
almost
an
Infinite
Darkness
;
yet
wheresoever
they
are
extended
still
remain
Light
,
neither
is
his
own
by
the
Kindness
of
such
a
Communication
the
less
.
So
that
taking
it
for
granted
which
must
be
,
that
a
power
of
Government
is
communicated
to
us
here
below
by
the
God
that
Governs
this
and
all
above
,
and
this
so
communicated
,
remains
still
Divine
whereever
it
is
lodged
,
the
Question
is
reduced
to
this
,
Whether
it
appertains
to
a
Multitude
as
many
,
or
a
Soveraign
Sole
,
whether
with
their
St.
[
†
](A58510-e76520-b)
†
1.
Pet.
2.
13.
Peter
,
't
is
seated
in
the
Ordinance
of
Man
,
or
the
Powers
with
[
‖
](A58510-e76550-b)
‖
Rom.
C.
13.
2.
St.
Paul
are
ordained
of
God
.
That
this
Divine
Power
and
Right
is
in
Kings
,
he
has
superseded
my
Labor
to
prove
,
by
letting
us
know
't
is
the
Opinion
of
most
of
our
Orthodox
Divines
,
and
their
Sentiments
are
sufficient
to
determine
the
point
,
especially
in
Matters
to
be
proved
from
the
Bible
,
whose
best
Explanation
one
would
think
must
be
found
amongst
those
whose
Profession
it
is
to
expound
,
unless
you
would
imagine
the
Bishops
the
better
Readers
upon
the
Statute
.
Hunt
and
his
Casuists
the
most
Conversant
among
the
Critiques
.
That
this
power
Divine
is
placed
in
the
People
,
I
'll
shew
it
is
the
Opinion
both
of
viiolent
Jesuits
,
and
the
most
virulent
Phanaticks
,
and
their
Seditious
conspiring
in
the
same
sense
,
the
most
powerful
persuasive
with
me
that
their
Sentiments
are
Erroneous
,
their
Position
a
Lye
.
Bellarmine
[
*
](A58510-e76670-b)
*
Bellarmine
de
Laicis
l.
3.
c.
6.
tells
us
,
God
has
made
all
Men
by
Nature
equal
,
and
therefore
the
Power
is
given
to
the
People
.
[
†
](A58510-e76690-b)
†
Buch.
de
Jure
Regni
p.
11.
Buchanan
tells
us
,
That
they
have
the
Power
,
and
from
them
their
Kings
derive
their
Right
.
[
‖
](A58510-e76710-b)
‖
Doleman
l.
1.
C.
3.
Parsons
proves
,
Kings
have
been
Lawfully
chastised
by
their
Subjects
.
[
*
](A58510-e76730-b)
*
Knox
Hist.
372.
343.
Knox
says
,
Princes
for
just
Causes
may
lawfully
be
deposed
,
or
bridled
by
the
Nobility
[
*
](A58510-e76760-b)
*
Suarez
defen.
Fid.
Cath.
l.
3.
C.
3.
Suarez
shows
,
the
Power
of
Deposing
a
King
,
to
be
in
the
Pope
,
or
the
Common-wealth
.
[
‖
](A58510-e76790-b)
‖
Calvin's
preface
to
instit.
2d
.
Edit.
And
Calvin
seems
for
suppressing
the
rage
of
unruly
Kings
,
as
well
as
the
Ephori
did
those
of
Lacedaemon
.
[
†
](A58510-e76840-b)
†
Mariana
de
Reg.
&
Reg.
Inst.
l.
1.
C.
6.
59.
Mariana
a
Jesuit
of
Spain
,
says
.
The
Common-wealth
,
from
whence
the
Kings
have
their
power
,
can
call
their
King
to
an
account
.
[
*
](A58510-e76890-b)
*
Bez.
60.
216.
Confessions
:
Beza
,
Calvin's
Successor
at
Geneva
,
tells
us
,
The
States-men
of
the
Kingdom
must
restrain
the
fury
of
their
Tyrants
,
or
they
are
Traitors
to
their
Country
.
These
few
Instances
may
serve
of
four
or
five
rank
Romish
Priests
,
that
have
been
transcrib'd
almost
to
a
word
in
the
Writings
of
some
of
the
false
Reformers
of
our
late
Times
,
and
those
that
truly
reformed
our
Religion
so
long
agon
,
who
so
far
agreed
with
the
Romanist
,
from
whom
they
dissented
.
But
whose
Errors
in
such
pernicious
Principles
in
themselves
might
be
imputed
to
the
multiplicity
of
Matters
,
then
to
be
reformed
,
which
might
make
them
want
time
for
all
Amendments
,
and
that
Rome
,
from
which
they
did
well
,
for
the
more
purity
of
Worship
,
to
withdraw
,
was
(
as
an
old
Aphorism
tells
us
)
never
built
in
one
day
.
But
to
see
now
,
those
that
have
had
all
the
Advantages
of
time
,
Instruction
of
the
former
Ages
,
experience
of
this
,
and
of
what
Positions
still
were
the
promoters
of
Rebellion
in
both
:
those
whose
fury
against
the
Romish
Faith
,
sometimes
has
exceeded
the
Moderation
of
the
Christian
,
and
whose
Zealous
Rage
has
made
them
preposterously
judge
,
the
best
reformed
Church
in
the
World
,
our
own
,
Antichrist
,
't
is
matter
of
Astonishment
to
see
such
espousing
her
Doctrines
,
wedded
to
her
Principles
,
whom
in
their
canting
Tropologies
,
they
still
represent
as
a
Whore
:
Yet
still
love
for
her
Lewdness
.
The
Restauration
of
the
King
was
brought
about
,
he
tells
[
*
](A58510-e77120-b)
*
Postscr
.
p.
10
,
11.
us
,
without
the
Assistance
of
any
of
the
Cavalier
party
,
and
the
recovered
Nation
obliged
a
wary
General
.
The
Suggestion
is
somewhat
Impudent
so
boldly
to
deny
truth
,
when
the
memory
of
man
can
give
him
the
Lye
:
prethee
did
the
recovered
Nation
oblige
the
Wary
General
,
or
the
Wary
General
compel
the
Nation
not
yet
recovered
:
't
was
well
he
had
an
Army
at
his
Heels
,
and
that
at
his
Devotion
too
,
or
else
his
long
Parliament
would
hardly
have
Dissolved
so
soon
,
and
then
it
would
have
been
long
before
we
should
have
had
a
free
one
.
The
Parliament
upon
the
returning
of
the
secluded
Members
,
was
made
up
of
meerly
Presbyterian
,
and
how
likely
they
would
have
brought
in
the
King
,
had
their
Session
continued
to
Sit
,
may
be
guest
from
their
expiring
Votes
,
(
and
sure
you
may
believe
the
Words
of
dying
Men.
)
ORDERED
that
the
General
give
no
Commission
to
any
Officer
,
who
will
not
declare
,
that
the
War
undertaken
by
the
Parliament
against
the
Forces
of
the
King
,
was
just
and
Lawful
.
ORDERED
that
they
further
declare
,
that
they
believe
the
Magistracy
,
and
Ministry
to
be
the
Ordinances
of
God
.
ORDERED
that
they
and
their
Sons
,
who
have
assisted
the
King
against
this
Parliament
,
be
made
incapable
to
serve
in
the
next
.
And
had
not
some
of
the
Honest
Cavaliers
,
in
spight
of
this
Exclusion-Bill
crept
into
the
next
Senate
:
Had
not
that
Honourable
Person
,
that
eminent
Instrument
of
the
Restauration
,
the
present
Earl
of
Bath
,
(
whose
bold
and
Loyal
Undertakings
,
may
they
last
beyond
our
Annals
,
and
be
as
they
merit
eternal
)
been
ready
to
sollicite
His
Majesties
Cause
,
whose
Goodness
could
not
but
incline
so
good
a
General
;
't
is
shrewdly
to
be
suspected
,
these
his
Presbyterians
,
that
cursed
then
His
Majesty
with
their
expiring
breath
;
in
that
blessed
Vote
that
sanctified
all
their
Rebellion
against
his
Father
,
that
those
that
cryed
Crucifie
him
to
the
last
,
would
hardly
have
brought
him
into
the
City
,
with
their
Hosannah's
:
But
when
the
Net
was
spread
for
them
,
't
is
no
wonder
they
did
their
Garments
,
and
when
the
Birds
that
had
lived
so
long
wild
within
their
Wood
,
were
once
Caged
,
they
might
well
be
for
cutting
down
their
Branches
in
the
way
,
and
their
greatest
glory
is
;
they
cryed
out
then
,
their
O
King
Live
for
ever
!
when
't
was
too
late
to
Vote
[
*
](A58510-e77500-b)
*
Vid.
Journal
Mar.
1648.
again
,
the
Sons
of
Charles
Steward
should
dye
without
Mercy
.
A
[
†
](A58510-e77550-b)
†
From
p.
13.
to
28.
Leaf
or
two
,
this
Gentleman
spends
upon
the
Reflections
that
have
been
made
,
upon
the
Censures
that
have
been
past
upon
the
Procedings
of
some
of
our
late
Parliaments
,
and
upon
the
Forgeries
that
have
been
contrived
for
the
creating
a
belief
of
a
Protestant
Plot
;
but
I
hope
as
much
possest
as
he
was
,
the
Devil
of
Sedition
has
left
him
now
,
as
he
does
Witches
and
Wizzards
,
when
he
has
got
them
in
the
hold
,
and
brought
them
to
the
Stake
,
sure
his
Eyes
are
illuminated
now
by
the
discovering
so
many
Deeds
of
Darkness
,
and
he
was
only
blinded
then
with
too
much
Light
,
that
of
Phrensy
,
or
he
that
was
co-eval
almost
with
the
Transactions
of
the
last
Rebellious
Parliaments
,
would
have
observed
somewhat
to
make
him
suspect
the
Loyalty
of
some
of
the
late
.
Did
not
that
begin
with
an
Impeachment
against
the
Duke
of
Bucks
,
and
these
with
the
Banishment
of
a
nearer
Duke
?
Was
not
the
late
King
by
that
accused
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
Popery
?
and
were
not
both
these
Accusations
level'd
at
our
present
in
several
[
*
](A58510-e77720-b)
*
Vide
Printed
Votes
of
the
House
of
Comm.
Votes
?
Was
there
not
an
actual
Plot
of
Papists
discovered
only
from
finding
some
Letters
of
a
poor
Priest
in
Clerkenwell
?
and
have
we
not
had
a
notable
one
now
,
as
deep
as
Hell
,
that
none
but
Heaven
can
sound
the
bottom
?
Was
not
the
good
old
Queen
brought
into
the
Conspiracy
?
and
was
not
Her
present
Majesty
sworn
into
this
?
Did
they
not
declare
the
King
seduced
by
Evil
Councellors
,
and
impeached
several
of
the
Seducers
?
Were
not
several
of
the
Council
now
impeached
,
and
declared
Seducers
of
the
King
?
Were
not
the
Judges
then
impeacht
,
and
Jenkins
clapt
in
the
Tower
?
Were
not
Articles
drawn
against
Scroggs
,
and
some
of
the
rest
declared
Arbitrary
?
Were
not
the
Spiritual
Lords
excluded
from
their
Right
in
Temporals
?
and
did
they
not
now
again
dispute
the
Bishop's
Right
?
Were
not
the
Ecclesiastical
Courts
then
to
be
Corrected
,
and
that
now
taken
into
Examination
?
Was
not
Manwaring
and
Montague
censured
in
the
House
?
Thompson
and
several
of
our
Clergy
,
now
brought
on
their
Knees
?
Was
there
not
a
Councill
of
Six
,
whom
the
good
old
King
impeached
for
bringing
in
the
Scots
?
and
have
we
not
had
Six
of
the
Senators
that
have
suffered
or
fled
Justice
for
the
same
Conspiracy
?
Was
not
the
Militia
aimed
at
now
,
and
taken
away
then
?
Was
not
the
House
of
Peers
Voted
useless
,
and
now
Betrayers
of
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
?
Lastly
,
did
not
the
whole
House
take
the
Covenant
at
St.
Margarets
,
and
the
Major
part
to
have
subscribed
an
Association
now
?
and
last
of
all
,
Did
not
the
Junto
at
Westminster
pass
an
Act
for
the
King's
Tryal
,
and
sign
a
Warrant
for
his
Execution
?
and
now
a
remnant
of
a
disbanded
House
,
propose
horrid
Things
,
that
made
even
some
of
the
Conspirators
[
*
](A58510-e78130-b)
*
Vid.
Russel's
Speech
.
fly
out
,
upon
which
ensued
a
discovered
Assassination
of
their
Soveraign
;
and
was
there
no
danger
of
a
Parliament
?
no
sign
of
a
Protestant
Plot
?
Only
,
because
the
King
did
not
leave
Whitehall
,
and
go
down
to
Hampton
Court
,
because
there
was
no
Essex
in
the
Field
,
as
well
as
the
Plot
,
no
King
secured
at
Oxford
,
as
well
as
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
that
there
was
no
High-Court
,
erected
at
Westminster
,
but
only
a
better
expedient
found
out
at
the
Rye
.
If
these
are
Arguments
to
render
an
House
of
Commons
unsuspected
,
and
a
Plot
of
the
Protestants
unimaginable
;
if
because
here
are
perfect
Parallels
of
Proceedings
as
even
as
if
drawn
with
a
Compass
,
Mathematical
,
and
which
according
to
their
proper
Definition
,
I
could
draw
to
infinity
;
yet
still
there
must
be
presumed
a
great
Disparity
between
the
Subversion
of
the
Government
,
that
was
actually
compast
,
and
the
Destruction
of
it
;
now
that
was
so
lately
intended
.
If
there
be
the
least
Difference
between
what
led
to
the
last
setting
up
an
Usurper
,
an
Arch-Rebel
,
in
the
Throne
,
and
these
late
Machinations
of
Hell
to
retrieve
the
same
Usurpation
(
bating
but
the
Providence
that
interposed
against
its
Accomplishment
)
Then
will
I
own
what
this
Villainous
Author
will
have
taken
for
granted
:
That
those
that
have
the
least
Suspicion
of
Parliaments
are
the
greatest
Villains
;
that
a
Plot
of
Protestants
proved
by
Confession
is
still
a
Paradox
,
and
that
my self
deserve
,
what
he
has
merited
,
a
PILLORY
.
The
Pages
that
he
spends
in
declaiming
against
trifling
Wit
,
supersedes
all
answer
and
Animadversion
,
which
himself
has
prevented
in
being
Impertinently
Witty
,
upon
the
very
thing
he
condemns
:
The
stress
of
his
Ingenuity
is
even
strained
in
the
very
declaiming
against
it
:
And
Settle
has
not
so
much
answered
Himself
,
as
Hunt
here
his
own
Harangue
.
That
Gentleman
sate
down
a
while
for
his
second
Thoughts
;
but
this
preposterous
Prigg
sets
himself
in
his
own
glass
at
the
same
time
a
Contradiction
to
his
own
Writings
.
His
[
*
](A58510-e78600-b)
*
pag.
39.
Observations
upon
the
perjuries
of
the
Popish
Priests
is
so
severe
,
that
the
absolute
Argument
of
their
Guilt
is
drawn
from
their
very
denyal
,
their
Superstition
I
abhor
as
much
as
the
Treasons
they
dyed
for
;
but
I
pity
their
Obstinacy
,
which
till
I
am
better
satisfied
I
shall
not
condemn
;
his
inhumanity
is
hard
,
which
unless
he
had
good
Assurance
,
by
Christians
must
be
blamed
;
there
is
not
a
Criminal
of
our
latter
Conspiracy
I
will
declare
Guilty
beyond
his
own
Confession
,
and
then
there
is
not
one
that
dyed
but
whom
I
can
well
think
Guilty
.
His
next
[
‖
](A58510-e78700-b)
‖
pag.
49.
Observation
that
is
worth
Ours
,
Is
that
upon
the
Legislative
Power
;
and
there
he
makes
each
of
the
two
Houses
to
have
as
much
of
it
as
the
King
,
and
that
I
deny
with
better
Reason
than
he
can
assert
;
that
the
two
Houses
are
concurrent
to
make
a
Law
,
I
'll
willingly
grant
,
't
is
my
Interest
,
't
is
my
Birth-Right
:
But
that
which
I
look
upon
to
be
truly
Legislative
,
is
the
Sanction
of
the
Law
,
and
that
still
lies
in
the
breast
of
our
Soveraign
.
If
Mr.
Hunt
that
in
many
places
is
truly
Pedantick
,
will
rub
up
his
Priscian
,
the
Grammatical
Etymology
will
make
it
but
Legem
ferre
,
and
then
I
believe
his
House
of
Commons
,
will
be
most
Legislative
,
't
is
their
Duty
,
their
Privilege
rather
to
bring
and
offer
up
all
Bills
,
fit
for
Laws
;
and
the
King
still
I
hope
will
have
his
Negative
in
passing
them
,
the
Commons
pray
,
petition
to
have
them
past
,
and
that
implies
a
consent
Superiour
to
be
required
that
can
absolutely
refuse
.
[
‖
](A58510-e78910-b)
‖
Vid.
quel
Impositions
le
Roy
poit
grant
sans
Parlm
.
Roll.
Abr.
171.
Le
Roy
poit
Charge
le
sujet
lou
per
benefit
del
Sujet
sans
Parl.
1.
H.
4.
14.
Roll.
2d
.
Abr.
171.
Les
Commons
Priont
was
wont
to
be
a
Form
Croke
.
2d
.
part.
37.
the
King
can
with
out
Parliament
charge
the
Subject
where
't
is
thought
for
their
Benefit
,
and
allowed
to
dispence
with
a
Statute
that
concerns
his
own
;
resolv'd
by
all
the
Justices
,
the
King
by
himself
might
make
Orders
and
Laws
for
the
regulating
Church
Government
in
the
Clergy
,
and
deprive
them
if
they
did
not
obey
,
22.
Ed.
3.
says
,
the
King
makes
the
Laws
by
the
Assent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
and
so
in
truth
does
every
Act
that
is
made
,
and
every
clause
in
it
.
[
*
](A58510-e78980-b)
*
Bract.
Lib.
1.
C.
2.
Bracton
says
the
Laws
of
England
,
by
the
Kings
Authority
,
enjoyn
a
thing
to
be
done
,
or
forbid
the
doing
.
These
are
Arguments
that
our
King
sure
has
somewhat
more
than
a
bare
Concurrence
in
the
Legislative
:
If
not
,
he
must
be
co-ordinate
,
and
then
we
have
three
Kings
(
which
is
what
they
would
have
)
and
then
as
well
may
three
hundred
.
I
love
my
Liberty
better
than
our
Author
,
who
has
forfeited
his
;
yet
I
remember
when
too
much
freedom
,
made
us
all
Slaves
.
The
Extent
of
the
Legislative
Power
is
great
;
but
then
I
hope
't
is
no
greater
,
than
the
King
shall
be
graciously
pleased
to
grant
it
shall
extend
:
And
then
I
hope
it
must
be
allowed
that
Equity
and
Justice
must
always
determine
the
Royal
Sanction
too
,
which
cannot
of
it self
make
all
things
Equal
and
Just
,
should
it
stamp
a
Le
Roy
vult
,
at
the
same
time
upon
Acts
inconsistent
and
contradictory
,
upon
such
as
were
against
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
all
Reason
;
such
would
be
de
facto
void
:
'T
is
hard
to
be
imagined
such
Error
and
Ignorance
in
so
wise
an
Assembly
;
but
what
has
but
bare
possibility
in
Argument
must
still
be
supposed
:
but
that
it
has
actually
been
done
,
will
I
prove
possitively
,
and
not
with
some
of
their
illogical
Inferrences
suggest
that
a
thing
must
be
so
only
from
a
bare
possibility
of
Being
.
Be
it
therefore
enacted
by
the
Kings
most
excellent
Majesty
,
and
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
(
't
was
then
first
those
,
that
were
by
special
Act
since
declared
Traytors
made
their
King
[
*
](A58510-e79310-b)
*
Lords
Spiritual
,
Lords
Temporal
,
and
Com.
the
three
Estates
.
Cook
.
4.
Inst.
of
Par.
the
very
first
Leaf
and
Line
,
and
won't
they
believe
their
own
Oracle
?
co-ordinate
,
assumed
to
themselves
so
much
of
the
Legislative
,
that
they
left
out
the
Fundamental
form
,
by
and
with
the
consent
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
and
Commons
,
)
that
the
said
Earl
of
[
‖
](A58510-e79390-b)
‖
Strafford's
Bill
of
Attainder
.
Strafford
be
adjudged
and
attainted
of
high
Treason
;
provided
that
no
Judge
or
Judges
shall
adjudge
or
interpret
any
Act
or
thing
to
be
Treason
;
then
as
he
or
they
should
or
ought
to
have
done
,
before
the
making
of
this
Act
,
as
if
this
Act
had
never
been
made
.
This
piece
of
Paradox
,
the
Contradiction
to
Common
Law
,
Common
Sense
,
and
Reason
,
had
all
the
Consents
,
all
the
Concurrences
that
could
if
possible
have
made
it
truly
Law
,
and
even
his
unhappy
Majesties
forc'd
,
extorted
Complyance
.
But
will
any
Creature
that
is
barely
distinguish'd
from
a
Brute
,
that
can
only
offer
at
the
mere
privilege
of
his
being
Rational
,
debase
his
very
Nature
so
much
as
to
call
it
Justice
?
Would
they
ascribe
an
Omnipotency
to
this
their
power
of
Parliaments
,
beyond
that
of
the
Almighty
,
and
blasphemously
allow
to
this
their
Created
God
,
what
the
Schools
would
not
the
Divinity
it self
,
to
reconcile
Contradiction
?
but
still
these
Statute
Mongers
,
that
can
make
any
Miscellanies
of
Parliameut
for
their
turn
,
this
they
will
defend
to
be
Legal
,
only
because
it
was
past
into
a
Law
:
Let
it
be
so
,
but
still
there
must
be
much
difference
between
this
their
Legality
,
(
which
now
in
their
Sense
can
be
nothing
,
but
the
power
of
making
Laws
,
)
and
common
Justice
,
which
must
be
the
Reason
,
for
which
they
are
made
,
and
what
is
contrary
to
that
,
and
all
Reason
,
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
all
Nations
must
be
null
and
void
,
otherways
the
most
Barbarous
Immoralities
that
an
Heathen
would
blush
at
;
by
such
an
indefinite
Legislative
would
be
truly
Legal
,
only
because
they
are
past
into
a
Law
;
Murder
it self
made
Statutable
as
soon
as
ever
those
that
have
the
power
have
Sign'd
it
for
an
Act.
These
Suggestions
of
Consequences
are
far
from
being
extravagant
,
because
at
,
present
,
the
Principles
that
lead
to
them
,
are
what
but
very
lately
have
been
Printed
and
Publish'd
;
and
the
very
Practices
themselves
,
not
long
since
put
in
Execution
.
This
[
*
](A58510-e79760-b)
*
Postser
.
p.
55.
Author
I
am
handling
has
made
his
Legislative
not
to
be
confined
;
and
that
Plato
,
we
have
pretty
well
examined
,
allows
his
People
can
pass
any
thing
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
;
and
then
it
may
Polygamy
too
,
because
it
was
practis'd
in
his
Republick
,
and
is
now
tolerated
amongst
the
Turks
;
and
what
some
Waggs
tell
us
,
an
indiscreet
Member
was
once
moving
for
here
:
But
that
we
can
have
Parliament
Murders
too
,
for
I
cannot
call
it
less
,
since
the
Law
has
declared
the
Contrivers
of
them
[
‖
](A58510-e79830-b)
‖
Parl.
12.
Ch.
2d
.
C.
12.
Traitors
,
the
Case
of
Strafford
,
the
Martyrdom
of
their
King
,
are
too
terrible
Testimonies
,
that
our
Legislative
has
been
strein'd
to
make
the
greatest
Injury
Law
,
and
Treason
it self
the
Statute
of
the
Land
,
for
they
past
an
Act
for
the
Tryal
of
their
Soveraign
,
and
then
declared
it
Legal
,
because
it
was
past
.
Their
God
Almighty
of
the
Law
,
[
†
](A58510-e79940-b)
†
Cook
4.
Inst.
C.
1.
p.
36.
huic
nec
metas
rerum
,
nec
tempora
〈◊〉
Cook
himself
,
(
whose
Words
with
them
,
is
all
Gospel
too
)
tho
he
in
his
Pedantick
Phraseology
,
puts
no
period
to
this
Power
of
Parliament
,
yet
in
the
very
[
*
](A58510-e79980-b)
*
pag.
37.
next
Page
condemns
the
self
same
sort
of
Proceeding
;
and
that
was
in
the
Case
,
that
hard
Fate
too
,
of
an
other
Earl
as
Innocent
perhaps
also
,
and
as
unfortunate
:
[
‖
](A58510-e80000-b)
‖
Earl
of
Essex
35.
H.
8.
Cromwell
was
attainted
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
much
after
the
same
manner
my
Lord
Strafford
was
in
Charles
the
First
;
but
only
if
so
great
Injustice
can
be
extenuated
,
the
latter
was
more
Inhumane
:
For
tho
the
First
was
Sentenc'd
and
suffer'd
by
Parliament
without
being
admitted
to
Answer
,
(
A
Proceeding
against
our
[
*
](A58510-e80080-b)
*
Magna
Charta
C.
29.
5.
Edw.
3.
C.
9.
28.
Edw.
3
C.
5.
own
Laws
,
those
of
all
[
‖
](A58510-e80090-b)
‖
The
Manner
of
the
Romans
,
was
to
see
Accusers
Face
to
Face
,
and
Answer
,
(
if
you
believe
the
Bible
)
Acts
25.
v.
16.
Matt.
Paris
vita
R.
Johan.
275.
incivile
videtur
&
contra
Canones
in
absentem
ferre
Sententiam
.
Nations
,
and
of
[
†
](A58510-e80140-b)
†
Deutrinomy
Chapter
xjx
.
Verse
jv
.
The
Almighty
provides
for
the
Prisoner's
Defence
.
Heaven
it self
,
against
all
that
was
Humane
or
Divine
;
yet
Wentworth's
Measure
was
more
hard
,
whom
they
made
to
suffer
with
an
Attainder
after
he
had
argued
for
his
Life
,
confounded
his
Accusers
,
and
convicted
some
of
his
own
[
*
](A58510-e80190-b)
*
My
Lord
Digby
,
with
several
others
.
Judges
:
The
same
sort
of
Severity
Sir
John
Mortimer
met
with
from
this
Parliamentary
Po
upon
whom
they
past
a
Judgment
without
so
much
as
permitting
him
to
be
arraigned
;
but
these
Barbarities
of
Mr.
Hunt's
unlimited
Legislative
,
were
condemn'd
even
by
this
their
learn'd
Lawyer
:
(
tho'
he
would
not
,
did
not
,
or
dared
not
question
their
Authority
;
)
yet
damned
them
(
in
his
own
Words
)
[
*
](A58510-e80240-b)
*
But
of
these
says
he
,
Auferat
Oblivio
(
si
potest
)
si
non
,
ut
cunque
silentium
tegat
4
Inst.
p.
37.
Postscript
p.
74.
if
it
were
possible
to
dark
Oblivion
,
if
not
to
be
buried
in
Silence
;
but
this
more
Dogmatical
Judge
with
his
Postscript
,
has
rather
Encouraged
such
Injustice
and
Severity
,
and
represented
to
his
Parliament
a
power
they
have
of
Proceeding
more
unwarrantably
,
when
he
tells
them
,
tho
the
Succession
of
our
Crown
be
Hereditary
,
they
can
alter
the
whole
Line
,
and
Monarchy
it self
,
by
their
unlimited
power
of
their
Legislative
Authority
.
But
I
shall
also
shew
him
that
his
Legislative
power
,
as
it
cannot
justly
extend
to
such
great
and
impious
Extravagancies
(
yet
,
but
what
we
see
it
has
been
actually
stretch'd
to
,
)
so
neither
can
it
to
some
other
things
that
are
less
so
.
In
King
Edward
the
Third's
Time
,
there
were
several
Acts
past
,
that
took
away
the
power
of
Pardons
from
the
Prince
;
yet
all
these
made
void
by
the
Common
[
‖
](A58510-e80330-b)
‖
Stanford
2.
101.
Law
,
because
against
the
Prerogative
of
their
King
:
And
it
was
resolved
by
the
Judges
in
King
James
[
†
](A58510-e80390-b)
†
2.
Jacob.
Term.
Hill
.
Cook
.
Lib.
7.
his
Reign
,
that
Himself
could
not
grant
away
the
power
of
Dispensation
with
the
Forfeitures
upon
the
Penal
Laws
,
because
annext
to
his
Royal
Person
,
and
the
Right
of
his
Soveraignty
:
And
if
what
is
only
Derogatory
from
the
Crown
's
Right
,
and
King's
Prerogative
,
shall
be
actually
voided
by
the
Common
Law
,
as
we
see
it
did
to
the
nulling
three
several
Statutes
;
I
cannot
see
how
this
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
had
it
past
into
an
Act
,
would
not
have
been
as
much
null
and
void
;
unless
it
can
be
proved
that
our
Hereditary
Descent
of
the
Crown
,
is
not
so
much
the
King's
Prerogative
that
wears
it
,
as
the
Pardoning
of
a
Felon
,
or
the
remitting
a
Fine
:
And
that
I
believe
will
be
difficult
to
be
cleared
by
those
that
have
spent
so
much
Pains
and
Paper
for
its
Justification
,
and
our
Author
himself
so
much
Labors
for
;
so
that
even
the
Common
Law
it self
will
anticipate
the
Work
of
the
Statute
:
and
perhaps
his
Highness
need
not
have
stayed
till
that
of
Henry
the
[
‖
](A58510-e80590-b)
‖
1.
Henry
the
Seventh
Fol.
4.
Que
Le
Roy
est
Person
dis
charge
D'ascun
Attainder
.
quil
prist
sur
luy
le
Reign
&
estre
Roy.
Seventh
,
had
taken
away
his
Exclusion
,
as
well
as
Attainder
,
and
purged
away
all
his
Defects
,
and
framed
in
capacities
by
his
coming
to
the
Crown
.
I
have
but
two
Cases
more
with
which
I
'll
conclude
Mr.
Hunts
great
point
of
Legislative
.
In
[
†
](A58510-e80640-b)
†
5.
Ed.
3.
Edward
the
Third's
Time
,
an
Act
was
purposely
declared
void
that
was
past
,
and
the
King
had
declared
to
give
his
consent
to
it
.
But
it
seems
upon
some
oversight
,
or
error
,
it
was
not
actually
done
:
And
in
the
First
of
[
*
](A58510-e80660-b)
*
1.
Jacob.
King
James
,
when
they
recogniz'd
his
Right
,
they
petition
him
to
put
his
own
Acknowledgement
too
,
without
which
it
would
not
be
compleat
and
perfect
,
from
which
I
shall
infer
,
upon
the
First
;
here
was
an
Act
past
,
upon
the
King
's
declaring
,
he
would
give
his
consent
;
had
there
been
nothing
else
but
his
bare
Assent
required
,
that
declaring
that
he
would
,
might
have
been
taken
for
granted
;
and
his
not
opposing
it
afterward
sufficient
,
not
to
have
rendered
it
all
null
and
void
,
and
the
great
Imprimaturs
the
other
two
Houses
had
given
it
,
with
their
Legislative
have
might
in
some
Sense
made
it
somewhat
Obligatory
:
But
here
't
is
absolutely
declared
void
as
wanting
the
very
Sanction
,
that
makes
it
a
Law
,
or
any
thing
besides
waste
Paper
.
Mr.
[
‖
](A58510-e80790-b)
‖
Posticr
.
pag.
〈◊〉
.
Hunt
tells
us
,
we
would
not
say
an
House
of
Commons
can
make
a
Prince
of
Wales
,
because
the
Prince
of
Wales
was
once
confirmed
by
an
House
of
Commons
:
And
I
'll
tell
Mr.
Hunt
,
just
such
another
Tale
;
The
King
cannot
make
his
Coin
without
Metal
and
Allay
,
but
does
therefore
the
Metal
and
Allay
make
the
Kings
Coin
,
't
is
his
Royal
Stamp
,
't
is
his
own
Impression
that
makes
the
Money
Currant
as
well
as
the
Laws
.
From
that
of
King
James
we
may
Soveraign
Sanction
.
In
short
,
't
is
the
Privilege
of
all
our
three
States
,
Lords
Spiritual
,
Temporal
,
and
Commons
;
't
is
their
Birth-right
,
and
that
of
every
Subject
to
have
a
Concurrence
in
the
making
all
Laws
;
(
and
why
should
I
,
be
thought
to
Love
my
Native
Right
less
than
Mr.
Hunt
?
)
yet
still
this
Peoples
concurrence
need
not
to
be
Co-ordinate
with
their
Kings
,
or
their
Kings
,
but
a
bare
Concurrence
with
the
People
:
'T
is
a
Solecism
to
sober
Sence
,
to
say
Subjects
can
be
Co-ordinate
with
him
,
to
whom
they
are
Subjected
;
and
as
absurd
when
they
would
salve
it
with
saying
,
As
such
a
Senate
,
they
are
not
Subordinate
,
when
even
for
that
their
politick
Existence
,
they
depend
upon
the
breath
of
their
Soveraign
.
'T
is
Remarkable
to
see
,
and
observe
,
how
Providence
has
defeated
,
not
only
all
their
Attempts
upon
the
Government
,
but
even
their
most
Malicious
Hector
Boethius
,
an
Author
that
lived
at
his
University
,
when
he
writ
,
far
from
the
place
where
the
Records
were
kept
(
as
a
Learned
and
Ingenuous
Author
of
that
Nation
observes
)
which
were
the
only
things
that
could
inform
an
Historian
well
in
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
?
or
from
the
prejudic'd
Writings
of
Buchanan
,
whom
none
but
one
so
partial
as
himself
;
such
an
Enemy
to
our
own
Government
,
as
that
was
to
the
Scots
,
would
have
consulted
in
any
thing
that
related
to
the
Crown
,
and
that
only
to
make
his
Soveraign
descended
from
a
Bastard
:
He
might
from
that
[
*
](A58510-e81270-b)
*
Buch.
〈◊〉
Reg.
p.
〈◊〉
.
62.
Author
have
told
us
too
;
The
Scotish
Kings
have
all
their
Power
from
the
People
,
and
therefore
the
People's
above
the
King
:
that
the
Multitude
have
the
same
power
over
Kings
,
that
they
have
over
the
Multitude
,
who
can
depose
him
,
and
if
he
won't
submit
to
their
Charge
,
they
can
raise
War
against
him
,
or
any
private
Person
kill
him
.
But
how
has
Time
and
Truth
convinced
the
World
that
his
Assertion
is
plain
lye
?
and
I
am
sure
without
it
,
his
Inferrence
had
been
false
;
the
King
's
Learn'd
Advocate
there
has
shewn
from
Records
:
That
Robert
the
First
King
of
the
Stewarts
there
,
was
married
to
this
Elizabeth
Mure
,
that
she
was
his
first
Wife
,
that
from
a
copy
of
an
Act
of
Parliament
held
at
Scoon
:
the
Succession
was
recognised
to
the
Sons
he
had
in
his
first
Marriage
,
which
were
the
same
,
Hunt
has
made
first
Spurious
,
and
then
would
not
allow
them
Legitimized
by
the
second
Marriage
,
because
the
first
intervened
,
contrary
to
the
Canon
of
the
Church
,
that
then
obtained
,
and
the
Opinion
of
[
†
](A58510-e81500-b)
†
Hottom
.
de
〈◊〉
.
L.
cum
quis
C.
16.
de
natur
.
Lib.
all
Civilians
at
present
,
and
as
he
might
have
found
it
in
the
very
Codes
of
Justinian
;
With
what
Face
can
he
now
behold
his
own
Impostures
,
or
turn
over
a
Leaf
of
his
Seditious
falshood
without
trembling
?
The
most
adequate
punishment
I
believe
would
be
to
confine
him
to
read
his
own
Works
:
Blushes
and
Shame
,
If
he
be
not
proof
against
both
,
must
torment
him
more
in
the
review
,
than
he
rack'd
his
tortured
thought
in
the
Penning
it
;
the
sham
of
the
Black-Box
may
as
well
be
credited
by
the
next
Age
,
as
this
has
done
that
of
the
Black-Plaister
,
when
such
Hunts
shall
Write
their
History
of
King
Charles
his
Court
,
after
the
same
rate
that
Welden
has
that
of
King
James
;
when
they
shall
not
〈◊〉
contend
at
the
same
time
to
make
Bastards
of
those
that
are
Legitimate
,
but
Legitimate
those
that
are
truly
Bastards
;
and
the
one
all
against
Record
,
Charter
,
Statutes
Ancient
;
the
other
against
the
many
Modern
and
Express
Declarations
of
their
present
King
:
This
piece
of
this
Seditious
and
Discontented
Lawyer
;
these
now
unquestionable
Falshoods
,
will
be
rever'd
by
the
next
age
as
a
Revelation
,
if
not
sufficiently
exploded
in
this
;
and
I
know
that
Welden
is
hugg'd
at
present
by
the
Faction
as
an
Oracle
of
Truth
,
only
for
giving
of
his
God
the
Lye
,
and
reputed
as
an
Author
sacred
only
for
Libelling
of
his
Soveraign
,
that
was
truly
so
,
and
representing
that
Providence
as
a
[
*
](A58510-e81810-b)
*
Vid
Welden's
Court
ad
finem
.
Plague
to
his
Royal
Progeny
,
that
has
signaliz'd
it self
in
nothing
more
than
in
Miracles
for
its
Preservation
.
Most
of
the
rest
of
his
sublimated
Sedition
is
spent
in
exposing
the
Divine
Right
of
Kings
,
the
Right
of
their
Succession
,
and
in
truth
of
the
Bible
,
and
its
Author
,
the
Almighty
;
he
begins
to
confute
[
‖
](A58510-e81890-b)
‖
Postscr
.
l.
p.
63.
St.
Paul
with
that
bandied
Argumentation
out
of
St.
Peter
that
Kings
are
the
Ordinance
of
Man
,
and
with
that
very
Text
on
the
Front
does
that
Devilish
piece
de
jure
Magistratuum
,
in
one
of
its
Editions
begin
:
So
Mr.
Hunt
enters
upon
the
Stage
of
his
Argumentation
with
a
perverted
Text
,
as
[
*
](A58510-e82100-b)
*
P.
68.88
.
He
tells
us
with
Passion
and
transport
,
that
this
Opinion
of
a
Divine
Authority
in
Kings
,
renders
us
all
Traytors
,
and
this
Doctrine
of
their
Divinity
is
dangerous
to
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
pregnant
with
Wars
.
Nothing
but
a
Zeal
that
had
overcome
his
Senses
,
could
precipitate
him
upon
such
Paradoxes
,
the
only
thing
that
prevails
most
with
me
(
and
I
believe
with
all
that
are
not
open
Enemies
to
the
State
,
or
fled
from
its
Justice
)
for
an
entertaining
of
this
Religious
Principle
of
our
Loyalty
,
is
that
nothing
can
possible
with
Christians
be
a
better
Argument
for
their
living
peaceable
under
so
good
a
Government
;
or
were
it
not
so
good
,
than
to
believe
that
those
that
are
their
Rulers
have
Authority
from
their
God
,
and
sure
his
Anointed
is
preserved
the
sooner
from
being
toucht
,
from
the
regard
an
Heathen
would
have
to
any
thing
that
has
a
power
Sacred
and
Divine
:
what
can
be
a
stronger
Conviction
to
a
Reasonable
Soul
of
the
good
,
the
peaceable
Consequences
of
such
a
pious
Doctrine
,
than
that
those
that
contend
so
much
against
it
,
are
still
found
to
be
Disturbers
of
our
Peace
?
Can
he
prove
that
the
Consecration
of
a
Church
,
and
the
very
presence
of
God
in
the
Tabernacle
shall
be
an
Encouragement
for
Sacrilege
,
and
an
Invitation
for
a
Villain
to
rob
it
of
its
Candlestick
,
Chalices
,
Offerings
and
Oblations
:
Only
that
he
may
break
the
Tables
before
the
Face
of
his
God
,
that
gave
the
Law
.
But
whenever
our
Peace
is
interrupted
by
this
Doctrine
,
It
is
only
by
such
Sacrilegious
Desperado's
,
as
dare
attempt
Majesty
,
and
that
upon
the
same
account
,
for
Plunder
and
Prey
.
At
the
last
[
*
](A58510-e82400-b)
*
Pag.
148
,
149.
he
is
mighty
tender
of
his
Fanaticks
,
and
their
Throats
from
the
Papists
;
but
sure
he
may
be
now
less
concerned
,
when
we
can
match
them
with
an
intended
Massacre
of
their
own
,
as
clearly
proved
as
the
noon-day
,
but
may
well
be
disbelieved
by
such
who
can
not
only
side
with
the
Turks
in
their
Arms
,
but
almost
most
in
their
Infidelity
:
But
I
can
tell
them
a
more
Ingenuous
,
a
better
way
of
denying
their
Plot
,
by
confessing
it
,
by
owning
what
indeed
it
was
,
a
bare-fac'd
Conspiracy
,
a
Resolute
Rebellion
.
Hitherto
Mr.
Hunt
has
been
animadverted
on
,
as
his
Lewd
Expressions
,
and
the
more
abominable
Principles
in
a
Person
pretending
to
so
much
sincerity
lay
scattered
promiscuously
;
so
that
our
Remarks
must
have
made
a
Miscellany
,
as
well
as
his
Book
;
but
its
whole
substance
of
Sedition
,
I
shall
reduce
now
to
three
several
Heads
.
First
,
*
That
Assertion
of
the
Legisative
King
.
Secondly
,
That
Divine
Right
which
he
would
rather
place
in
the
People
.
Thirdly
,
That
Succession
of
the
Crown
to
depend
upon
a
Parliament
,
or
the
power
of
both
.
The
first
Reason
that
he
gives
for
the
first
,
is
from
his
Rule
,
and
Inferrence
in
Arithmetick
;
where
a
Unite
added
to
two
makes
a
Third
.
And
the
Conclusion
is
,
because
none
can
say
therefore
,
those
two
do
not
go
to
the
making
that
number
,
and
what
then
?
Therefore
the
King
hath
not
the
Legislative
,
and
this
is
the
Logick
of
this
Body
of
Law
,
when
it
sets
up
for
the
Mathematicks
,
and
would
demonstrate
the
King's
Co-ordinacy
as
plain
as
a
Probleme
,
and
he
might
have
told
us
too
,
without
turning
pedant
in
his
Latinisms
of
Vnites
and
Triads
,
that
one
and
two
makes
three
,
which
no
body
can
deny
(
as
the
burden
of
the
Ballad
has
it
,
)
and
here
upon
the
strength
of
his
Performance
,
he
has
found
out
this
wonderful
discovery
:
I
know
not
what
kind
of
Figure
he
would
make
of
the
King
here
;
but
I
am
sure
such
kind
of
Seditious
Souls
could
with
all
their
Hearts
make
him
pass
for
a
Cypher
,
I
could
find
in
my
Heart
to
cap
the
pretty
fimile
with
another
as
silly
;
A
three
legg'd
Stool
,
take
away
one
and
all
tumbles
to
the
Ground
;
they
being
all
Equal
and
Co-ordinate
powers
,
for
the
supporting
of
this
Supremacy
in
Cathedra
,
which
sounds
as
well
as
their
Curia
or
Camera
,
their
old
musty
Metaphysicks
that
distinguisht
once
the
King
from
his
Crown
.
And
this
obliging
Metaphor
,
will
serve
Mr.
Hunt's
turn
much
better
;
For
here
every
foot
of
this
Magisterial
Stool
,
is
commonly
made
of
the
same
Matter
and
Mold
,
joint
Supporters
of
the
tripple
Dignity
,
whereas
his
Unite
even
amongst
Mathematicians
is
allowed
somewhat
of
Precedency
,
and
to
be
the
First
,
the
Foundation
of
all
number
.
But
to
be
serious
(
if
possible
)
in
an
Inference
so
silly
,
must
he
not
suppose
in
such
a
simile
of
two
Figures
,
which
by
the
Accession
of
an
Unite
is
made
a
Triad
,
and
the
two
concurring
as
much
to
the
making
that
number
,
as
well
as
that
one
,
must
he
not
suppose
(
I
say
)
this
to
result
from
the
equality
of
every
single
Unite
,
so
that
one
can
not
confer
more
to
the
Composition
of
this
Triad
than
another
:
If
they
be
not
equally
concerned
or
impowered
;
then
one
would
concur
more
to
the
making
up
that
〈◊〉
than
the
rest
;
so
that
this
Law
Philosopher
,
this
Cook
upon
Hereboord
will
be
reduced
to
this
Dilemma
,
either
they
do
not
equally
go
to
the
making
up
that
number
,
or
they
do
:
If
they
do
not
,
he
denies
his
own
Supposition
,
and
gives
himself
the
Lye
:
if
he
grant
they
do
,
then
his
simile
is
Nonsense
in
the
Application
,
and
a
very
begging
of
the
Question
:
For
we
say
that
our
Monarch
,
who
,
if
he
please
,
shall
be
the
Vnite
for
once
,
is
more
than
either
of
the
other
Two
;
and
if
the
peevish
Malecontent
won't
be
angry
,
I
'll
tell
him
more
than
Both
?
his
Assent
is
such
an
One
,
as
is
attended
with
a
power
to
deny
,
and
neither
of
them
will
pretend
to
the
Negative
;
and
that
is
the
true
Reason
we
find
all
our
Republicans
so
furiously
contending
,
for
the
taking
away
the
Kings
.
It
was
for
this
,
[
*
](A58510-e83230-b)
*
Pryn's
power
of
Parliam
.
Pryn
Printed
and
Pestered
the
Press
:
For
this
he
trump'd
up
his
Treatise
,
That
his
Majesty
's
had
not
an
absolute
Negative
Voice
to
deny
Bills
of
Common
Right
:
For
this
[
‖
](A58510-e83270-b)
‖
Plato
Red.
Plato
tells
us
,
That
His
Majesty
having
it
,
evacuated
the
very
ends
of
Government
:
For
this
Hunt
Harangues
,
and
says
,
He
is
so
bold
[
*
](A58510-e83360-b)
*
pag.
47.
He
tells
us
,
when
a
matter
is
moved
in
Parliament
by
the
King
,
the
Commons
consent
last
,
and
are
therefore
the
Commons
Co-ordinate
with
their
King
?
Or
does
that
only
signifie
,
the
Candid
Custom
of
the
Proceedings
in
Parliament
?
The
King
is
presumed
upon
his
own
Proposal
of
any
matter
;
the
Party
;
and
they
being
consulted
is
only
for
their
[
‖
](A58510-e83390-b)
‖
Consilium
impensuri
.
the
Words
of
the
Barons
Writ
.
4.
Inst.
p.
4.
Advice
,
as
the
very
Words
of
the
Writ
expresly
have
it
,
by
which
they
are
called
,
and
the
very
Etymology
of
their
very
Name
,
the
great
Council
expresses
.
Controversies
in
such
Cases
will
be
Eternal
,
until
the
Disputants
agree
in
the
same
Notion
of
the
Thing
,
they
so
much
dispute
:
For
otherways
it
is
but
making
of
Words
,
instead
of
Arguments
;
if
they
mean
by
the
Legislative
of
the
two
Houses
,
a
power
of
Concurrence
with
their
King
in
the
making
Laws
,
and
that
their
Consent
is
to
be
required
,
they
labor
to
prove
just
nothing
,
or
what
they
may
have
without
so
much
pains
,
and
to
so
little
purpose
:
If
they
will
insist
upon
the
Natural
Etymology
of
the
very
Word
,
they
will
find
the
Derivative
Legislative
to
be
deduced
as
above
,
from
the
Latinism
,
Legem
ferre
;
and
then
in
God's
Name
,
let
the
two
Houses
enjoy
even
of
that
an
Arbitrary
power
,
and
bring
in
what
Bills
they
please
,
so
long
as
they
will
not
again
force
upon
us
,
an
Ordinance
or
Vote
for
Law
,
and
the
Statute
of
the
Land
;
but
if
their
Sense
of
this
Legislative
power
must
signifie
,
That
their
Commons
,
have
as
much
of
it
as
their
King
,
and
That
't
is
that
which
makes
their
King
Co-ordinate
with
his
Commons
,
as
is
sufficiently
clear
from
their
Writings
,
that
it
is
;
then
I
affirm
't
is
against
Law
,
against
Reason
,
and
a
Lye
:
For
the
King
by
the
very
Law
it self
hath
power
to
dispence
with
Statutes
;
his
Proclamation
is
a
Law
,
and
an
Edict
,
and
as
much
as
any
of
the
Decrees
of
the
Roman
Emperor's
;
with
the
Advice
of
his
Judges
,
he
will
dispence
with
the
rigor
of
the
Laws
,
if
too
severe
,
and
resolve
their
meaning
if
Ambiguous
.
Have
their
two
Houses
,
whom
they
would
have
these
mighty
Law
makers
,
the
power
of
repealing
,
or
so
much
as
altering
those
very
Laws
they
make
,
without
their
Kings
consent
?
And
tho
this
Laborious
Lawyer
observes
,
That
neither
their
King
can
pass
any
thing
he
proposes
without
theirs
;
yet
this
his
power
,
and
that
when
they
have
not
so
much
as
a
Being
,
Evinces
the
Prince
,
at
least
supream
in
the
Legislative
.
The
Learned
in
other
Laws
besides
our
own
,
tell
us
,
a
Legislative
power
may
partly
be
delegated
to
other
Persons
,
tho
Subjects
,
and
yet
remain
in
the
Prince
even
entirely
,
notwithstanding
such
a
Communication
;
I
confess
the
Opinion
of
Canonists
and
Civilians
may
not
be
so
Authentick
with
some
,
that
abhor
their
very
Names
;
yet
Grotius
himself
is
of
that
Opinion
,
and
he
a
Person
that
our
[
‖
](A58510-e83800-b)
‖
Plato
Redivivus
.
Republicans
can
cite
even
on
their
own
Side
;
but
our
own
[
*
](A58510-e83830-b)
*
Vid.
Brit.
Fol.
1.4
.
Inst.
70.
Laws
allow
it
,
or
else
I
think
our
Judges
too
might
make
themselves
Co-ordinate
;
because
their
King's
Commission
communicates
to
them
all
the
power
of
destributive
Justice
,
that
is
in
the
King
:
We
are
told
the
King
has
committed
all
his
power
Judicial
,
some
in
one
Court
,
some
in
another
,
and
therefore
the
Judgements
run
,
Consideratum
est
per
Curiam
,
&c.
and
[
‖
](A58510-e83860-b)
‖
8.
H.
4.
19.
'T
is
resolved
,
That
if
one
should
render
himself
to
the
King
's
own
Judgement
,
it
would
be
of
none
effect
;
yet
for
all
this
it
would
be
false
to
affirm
,
That
he
does
not
do
justice
,
because
he
has
delegated
it
to
others
to
be
done
.
The
King
does
not
put
in
Members
of
Parliament
as
he
does
Judges
;
yet
Peers
he
makes
,
and
calls
them
to
Sit
;
and
Commons
cannot
come
without
his
Writs
for
Election
;
but
certain
it
is
that
our
Kings
once
had
a
more
absolute
Legislative
;
for
they
all
know
their
Lower
House
commenced
but
so
late
;
and
heretofore
their
Nobles
and
Bishops
,
but
such
as
the
King
should
be
pleased
to
call
:
And
I
cannot
imagine
that
when
our
Princes
admitted
the
Commonalty
to
be
concerned
in
the
making
Laws
,
they
then
designed
he
should
lay
aside
his
own
Legislative
,
or
put
it
in
Common
as
they
do
their
Land
in
Coparcenary
;
or
in
their
great
[
*
](A58510-e83880-b)
*
Coke
1st
.
Inst.
Corp.
Coke's
,
the
learned
Lawyers
Language
,
make
an
Hotchpotch
,
a
Pudding
of
his
Prerogative
.
If
every
Politick
Body
,
that
has
but
a
share
in
this
Legislative
,
must
also
be
presum'd
to
participate
as
much
of
it
as
the
King
,
I
can
prove
to
them
every
petty
Corporation
,
Co-ordinate
with
their
great
Convention
of
States
;
and
even
a
poor
Parish
,
as
great
Legislators
as
an
House
of
Parliament
;
for
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
even
those
can
make
their
By-Laws
without
Custom
or
Prescription
,
if
they
be
but
for
the
good
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e84010-b)
*
Pour
Reparation
del'
Eglise
d'an
haut
voy
,
&c.
44.
Edw.
3.
19.
Publick
,
and
if
they
can
but
prescribe
to
it
,
may
pass
any
private
Acts
for
their
own
:
The
Civilians
make
their
Law
to
be
the
Will
,
and
pleasure
of
their
Prince
:
But
tho
our
[
‖
](A58510-e84050-b)
‖
Bracton
l.
1.
c.
9.
Antient
Lawyers
would
not
expound
that
absolutely
for
our
[
†
](A58510-e84060-b)
†
Fleta
l.
1
c.
17.
own
,
yet
they
seem
to
make
it
but
little
less
;
only
say
it
must
not
be
meant
with
us
of
his
unadvised
Will
,
but
such
an
one
as
is
determined
upon
the
Deliberation
and
Advice
of
His
Council
.
Pryn
,
that
preposterous
Assertor
of
this
their
Legislative
,
has
furnished
them
sufficiently
with
as
contradictory
Arguments
,
as
absurd
as
irrational
Inferrences
for
its
defence
.
He
tells
us
in
his
Treatise
[
*
](A58510-e84110-b)
*
Pryn's
Treatise
for
the
Peoples
Legislative
.
that
Kingdoms
were
before
Kings
,
and
then
the
People
must
needs
make
Laws
;
(
that
I
confess
setting
aside
the
very
Contradiction
that
there
is
in
Terms
:
For
certainly
the
Word
Kingdom
was
never
heard
of
,
till
there
were
Kings
to
Govern
;
He
might
as
well
have
told
us
of
a
Derivative
,
that
was
a
long
time
before
the
Primitive
)
but
bating
this
Solecism
in
Sense
and
Speech
;
well
meaning
Will
,
designed
it
perhaps
for
the
Word
Country
that
was
;
(
I
believe
as
well
as
he
)
antecedent
to
the
King
,
but
must
it
be
inferred
,
because
the
Land
was
once
without
Kings
;
therefore
now
no
Kings
must
govern
the
Land
?
For
the
Conclusion
is
as
absurd
to
say
,
That
therefore
the
People
have
the
Legislative
,
and
their
Prince
no
Negative
;
they
do
not
consider
the
result
of
such
rash
Inferences
,
which
return
upon
themselves
more
stronger
in
the
rebound
,
and
that
even
upon
their
tenderest
places
,
which
they
can
hardly
suffer
to
be
touched
.
Kings
and
Lords
did
a
long
time
meet
in
Parliament
before
Commons
in
that
Convention
were
so
much
as
thought
of
,
and
therefore
must
none
now
be
convened
?
The
Papists
proudly
tell
us
,
their
Religion
was
long
before
Luther
,
and
must
we
not
now
profess
our
Protestant
Religion
?
Another
of
the
same
Nature
,
and
as
much
Nonsense
,
is
[
*
](A58510-e84340-b)
*
Ibid.
this
,
They
infer
from
the
possibility
of
the
King
's
dying
without
Heir
,
and
the
Government
returning
to
the
People
who
then
would
be
the
Sole
Legislators
?
That
therefore
they
must
have
much
now
of
the
present
Legislative
,
and
be
at
least
Co-ordinate
that
have
a
possibility
of
being
Supream
.
The
Supposition
sounds
somewhat
like
the
Song
of
the
Children
,
When
all
the
Land
is
Paper
,
&c.
Tho
it
spoils
another
good
Proverb
,
That
no
Man
dyes
without
an
Heir
;
but
the
silly
Souls
do
not
consider
,
that
by
the
same
Solecism
and
Supposititious
Reason
,
not
a
Subject
has
a
Right
to
a
Foot
of
His
Land
:
For
the
Law
says
,
All
that
is
in
England
belongs
to
the
King
as
[
‖
](A58510-e84430-b)
‖
12.
H.
7.
20.
Ceke
1.
Inst.
p.
1.
Lord
,
which
if
the
owners
dye
without
Heirs
must
escheat
to
the
Crown
,
and
sure
't
is
as
possible
for
any
Subject
to
dye
without
Heirs
as
his
Soveraign
,
when
the
[
†
](A58510-e84470-b)
†
25.
Ed.
3.
Treason
to
destroy
the
Heir
of
the
Crown
.
Law
has
taken
special
Care
for
them
;
and
then
't
is
but
turning
their
possibility
of
a
Right
into
an
actual
one
,
and
they
will
be
the
most
obliging
Subjects
to
the
Crown
,
that
bring
such
Arguments
against
it
.
Another
of
[
*
](A58510-e84530-b)
*
Pryn
his
Treatise
ibid.
Pryn's
pretty
Paradoxes
,
is
the
very
same
with
[
‖
](A58510-e84570-b)
‖
〈◊〉
pag.
51.
Hunt's
impudent
Assertion
.
I
may
with
Modesty
call
it
so
;
since
himself
says
,
he
dares
to
be
so
bold
to
assert
it
.
It
is
that
our
Kings
anciently
always
consented
to
Bills
offered
for
the
publick
good
,
and
the
Postscript
that
never
any
Bill
was
lost
,
or
wanted
the
Royal
Assent
promoted
by
the
GENERAL
DESIRES
of
the
People
:
That
Bills
have
been
rejected
they
'll
find
upon
Record
,
and
in
the
Journals
of
almost
every
Session
;
and
whatever
is
presented
in
Parliament
must
be
supposed
the
Desires
of
the
People
,
who
Sit
themselves
there
in
Representative
;
but
the
mistaken
Gentleman
,
meant
it
of
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
to
be
the
Peoples
General
Desire
:
but
that
at
last
he
finds
a
Lye
too
,
and
that
the
Generality
have
for
the
most
part
protested
against
it
in
Addresses
declaring
more
the
Sense
of
a
People
,
than
a
prevailing
Party
in
an
House
of
Commons
,
when
the
best
part
of
the
Nation
too
,
the
Lords
did
not
concur
.
But
did
not
in
[
*
](A58510-e84720-b)
*
Vid.
Camb.
vit.
Eliz.
106.
Edocta
suit
quantum
emineat
a
successore
designato
periculum
.
Queen
Elizabeth's
Time
;
and
that
even
so
lately
,
the
Parliament
,
and
even
every
Individual
in
the
Nation
,
desire
her
to
declare
her
Successor
,
I
am
sure
with
greater
Sollicitation
,
and
a
more
general
Unanimity
,
than
they
could
be
said
to
desire
that
Exclusion
of
the
present
King's
;
did
not
the
two
Houses
offer
her
four
subsidy
Bills
upon
that
very
Consideration
,
and
she
as
resolutely
reject
both
?
And
could
the
refusing
to
shew
even
a
Kindness
to
her
next
Successor
,
upon
the
importunity
of
all
her
People
,
with
Money
in
their
Hands
,
be
less
resented
?
And
shall
the
King
,
for
declaring
only
against
a
Bill
that
was
never
tendered
him
,
for
declining
to
concur
in
this
deepest
Injury
to
his
own
BROTHER
and
Heir
,
and
to
pleasure
those
only
that
denyed
to
part
with
a
Penny
,
be
reproached
and
condemned
so
much
more
?
Did
not
the
Parliament
tender
to
King
James
three
several
subsidies
to
break
of
the
Match
with
Spain
,
and
the
Treaty
of
the
Palatinate
,
and
he
refuse
tho
tempted
with
what
is
seldom
the
Subjects
Bait
,
Money
?
How
many
Bills
of
Rebellion
did
the
Mutinous
Members
,
and
that
in
the
Name
of
all
the
People
prefer
in
their
Propositions
to
our
Martyred
Soveraign
,
to
which
the
poor
Prince
prefer'd
the
most
Ignominious
Death
,
rather
than
condescend
with
his
Veult
or
Avisera
.
[
*
](A58510-e84930-b)
*
Hunt's
Phraseology
,
pag.
94.
Base
Caitiff
!
(
forgive
but
your
own
Billings-Gate
)
should
these
neither
have
wanted
the
Royal
Assent
,
because
offered
in
the
name
of
all
the
People
of
England
,
and
as
the
general
Desire
of
the
Subject
;
if
that
Suggestion
must
have
extorted
his
Assent
;
then
,
mighty
Miscreant
!
he
must
have
past
an
Act
for
his
own
Tryal
,
Sign'd
a
Warrant
for
his
Murder
,
for
in
that
name
he
was
Arraign'd
,
[
*
](A58510-e85040-b)
*
Vide
Bradsh
.
K.
Tryal
.
in
that
name
he
was
Sentenced
,
and
in
that
he
dyed
.
Poor
prejudic'd
Soul
!
whose
discontent
and
Transport
makes
his
own
Maxims
undermine
the
very
Cause
he
would
defend
:
Is
then
this
general
desire
of
the
People
,
such
an
absolute
infallible
Determination
of
Matters
of
Religion
,
and
Descent
of
the
Crown
,
(
the
very
only
points
he
labors
for
,
)
that
if
their
Desires
be
but
promoted
,
put
up
in
a
Parliamentary
way
,
by
Bill
or
Petition
,
it
must
presently
oblige
the
Royal
Assent
?
Be
it
so
,
base
Creatures
!
your
own
Arguments
as
basely
betray
your
own
Religion
;
your
own
Arguments
will
help
truly
to
subvert
,
that
which
you
seek
to
Establish
with
such
a
furious
,
but
false
Zeal
,
for
ought
I
know
the
Protestant
Religion
had
been
so
setled
in
its
Infancy
,
in
its
first
Reformation
in
the
Reign
of
him
,
that
was
the
first
Defender
of
our
Faith
,
that
it
could
never
have
been
so
soon
interrupted
with
a
succeeding
Persecution
,
had
but
Henry
the
Eighth
refused
the
Bill
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e85180-b)
*
31.
H.
8.
Six
Articles
,
prest
upon
him
by
both
Houses
,
this
was
Judged
a
just
and
necessary
Bill
from
Hunt's
General
desire
of
the
People
;
but
had
it
not
been
better
?
had
it
not
saved
the
Blood
,
perhaps
of
all
the
mighty
Book
of
Martyrs
?
had
the
sturdy
Prince
rejected
this
as
he
did
many
other
general
Desires
?
It
was
this
Royal
Assent
alone
,
which
would
to
God
it
had
been
wanting
:
And
this
Sycophant
would
have
wish'd
so
too
,
did
he
really
love
the
Religion
,
he
so
salsely
labors
for
.
It
was
the
Le
Roy
vult
,
the
Result
of
the
Peoples
importunity
that
then
establish'd
Popery
by
a
Law
,
which
had
it
been
but
then
neglected
,
that
new
moulded
Mass
of
Idolatry
,
standing
upon
its
last
Legs
,
had
quite
languish'd
,
dropt
into
the
Grave
,
and
been
buryed
in
the
Ruins
and
Rubbish
of
its
own
Idol
Houses
they
demolish'd
:
For
in
the
latter
end
of
his
Reign
,
so
enraged
did
he
seem
against
some
Persons
of
that
Perswasion
,
that
he
acted
,
as
if
he
would
have
executed
their
very
Religion
;
[
*
](A58510-e85330-b)
*
Vid.
Burnet's
Abr.
hanging
up
some
iCarthusians
even
in
their
Habits
,
and
mmured
nine
Monks
in
their
own
Monastery
,
where
they
dyed
.
This
was
it
that
so
settled
what
they
call
Superstitious
Worship
,
that
it
survived
the
short
liv'd
Reign
of
the
pious
Edward
,
and
in
Spight
of
all
his
providential
care
for
it's
exterpation
,
run
only
like
the
Guaronne
that
Miracle
of
a
River
in
one
of
their
Climates
of
Popery
,
(
if
their
Histories
of
their
Country
be
not
Legends
too
,
)
only
through
a
little
Province
in
silent
darkness
underground
,
but
rose
again
,
and
that
with
greater
rage
in
the
next
Region
:
This
good
Kings
Laws
about
Religion
would
never
have
been
so
soon
repealed
,
the
Commons
House
never
have
been
so
forward
,
as
the
[
*
](A58510-e85450-b)
*
Barnet's
〈◊〉
.
C
!
3.
229.
Divine
Doctor
,
whom
themselves
have
thankt
for
it
,
does
make
them
,
for
the
sending
up
a
Bill
for
the
punishing
all
such
as
would
not
return
to
the
Sacraments
after
the
old
Service
.
Had
the
Six
Articles
been
but
past
by
in
stead
of
being
past
into
an
Act
;
they
would
have
had
no
such
Service
to
return
to
;
they
would
have
been
Strangers
to
Rome
and
it's
Religion
,
and
tho
they
were
repealed
in
Edward
the
Sixth's
time
,
his
Fathers
ratifying
them
made
them
take
such
root
,
that
his
short
Reign
could
never
Eradicate
;
that
left
so
many
Catholicks
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
Commendone
the
Popes
Legate
,
might
well
come
over
to
reconcile
her
Highness's
Crown
to
his
Holyness's
See
.
And
here
had
not
the
Queen
(
if
such
a
thing
could
have
been
expected
from
a
Sister
of
that
Church
so
Zealous
)
done
much
better
,
had
she
refused
the
Bills
of
both
Houses
,
brought
her
for
introducing
the
Pope's
power
and
Supremacy
?
your selves
,
Seditious
Souls
!
reproach
this
Royal
Assent
with
Reflections
,
so
scurrilous
upon
her
Memory
that
the
worst
of
Monarchs
could
never
Merit
,
and
then
only
give
but
Loyal
Ones
,
leave
to
think
that
your
Excluding
Bill
,
tho
never
so
much
the
General
Desires
might
have
been
as
much
cursed
by
posterity
,
when
it
had
entailed
upon
it
Misery
and
Blood
,
the
common
Consequences
of
a
debar'd
Right
.
To
come
now
,
after
this
Ecclesiastical
point
of
the
Church
,
to
that
Civil
one
of
the
State
,
that
other
thing
this
Lawyer
Labors
for
,
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
;
Shall
the
Peoples
general
Desires
in
this
too
terminate
the
Will
of
the
Prince
?
why
then
that
Monster
of
Mankind
as
well
as
Monarchs
did
mighty
well
too
,
to
pass
that
Murdering
[
*
](A58510-e85740-b)
*
1
Rich.
3.
Bill
presented
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
to
make
good
his
own
Title
to
the
Crown
,
by
the
Butchering
of
those
Babes
in
the
Tower
;
for
no
less
could
be
expected
,
when
it
was
once
taken
up
by
the
Tyrant
,
than
their
Destruction
for
the
Maintaining
it
;
so
that
this
Peoples
Desires
dispatch'd
them
in
the
Senate
before
ever
they
were
strangled
by
Tyrril
in
the
Tower
:
Had
it
not
been
a
much
greater
Honor
to
the
Prince
to
have
refused
such
a
Barbarous
Bill
,
than
turned
Usurper
and
a
Butcher
for
it's
acceptance
?
Had
it
not
left
a
less
Blot
in
our
English
Chronicle
as
well
as
upon
the
Nation
less
Blood
?
[
‖
](A58510-e85940-b)
‖
28.
H.
c.
7.
Rast.
4.
Did
not
both
Houses
exhibite
a
Bill
even
for
the
making
Elizabeth
the
best
of
their
Queens
a
Bastard
.
And
does
Mr.
Hunt
say
this
desire
of
the
People
too
,
did
mighty
well
to
prevail
(
as
it
always
ought
)
upon
the
King
?
Did
not
that
Royal
Assent
so
blacken
his
Person
,
and
brought
the
Nations
repute
so
low
,
that
the
very
Protestant
Princes
left
him
out
of
their
League
,
whom
they
had
designed
for
its
Head
,
and
look'd
upon
our
England
as
a
lump
of
Inconsistancy
,
whom
such
Vnanimous
Leaguers
could
not
Trust
?
And
was
it
not
in
his
Reign
,
That
a
Zealous
[
*
](A58510-e86080-b)
*
This
was
the
Opinion
of
Sir
Thomas
Moor
too
,
and
the
Brief
History
might
have
cited
this
too
,
as
he
does
another
Opinion
of
this
prevaricating
Papist
for
his
purpose
.
Papist
said
,
It
was
the
Parliaments
Power
to
make
a
King
or
deprive
him
?
a
fortiori
then
,
a
Popish
Principle
to
destroy
,
or
exclude
his
Successor
.
But
as
bold
as
this
Gentleman
thinks
himself
,
when
he
dares
to
say
,
Never
any
[
†
](A58510-e86170-b)
†
Vid.
Brief
History
p.
18.
Burnets
Abrig
.
p.
313.
King
denyed
to
pass
those
Bills
which
the
People
pitcht
upon
to
present
:
'T
is
none
of
his
own
Politick
asseveration
,
tho
it
be
but
a
piece
of
Sedition
:
It
is
no
more
than
what
a
Seditious
Senate
[
‖
](A58510-e86230-b)
‖
Page
50.
Vid.
Declaration
of
Lords
and
Commons
about
the
Kings
Coronation
Oath
Parl.
41.
told
their
King
long
agon
;
A
Senate
that
sate
brooding
on
the
pure
Elements
of
Treason
,
and
of
which
Pryn
himself
was
a
principal
Member
;
A
Senate
that
sowed
so
much
Sedition
in
one
age
,
that
all
the
Succeeding
will
hardly
eradicate
.
A
Senate
that
sate
drawing
out
the
Scheams
and
Platforms
of
a
Common-wealth
.
A
Senate
that
assumed
to
themselves
indeed
the
Legislative
the
Nomothetical
Disposition
of
the
Law
,
but
they
proved
such
a
Confounded
sort
of
Architects
in
the
State
,
that
they
drew
a
perfect
plan
,
a
confus'd
Ichonography
for
Rebels
to
build
upon
their
Babel
.
Those
told
us
in
plain
Terms
what
[
*
](A58510-e86360-b)
*
Hunt
and
Pryn.
these
more
cautious
Coxcombs
insinuate
with
a
silly
Circumlocution
,
That
the
King
is
bound
by
His
Coronation
Oath
to
grant
them
all
those
Bills
their
Parliament
shall
prefer
.
And
that
they
gather
from
their
contradictory
conclusion
,
that
bandy'd
Banter
they
have
Box'd
about
in
both
Reigns
for
almost
these
two
Ages
,
the
[
‖
](A58510-e86410-b)
‖
〈◊〉
justas
legis
esse
tenendas
,
&c.
Quas
Vulgus
elegerit
.
Rot.
Parl.
H.
4.
VULGUS
ELEGERIT
.
I
am
sorry
to
find
these
Seditious
Souls
not
only
to
want
Sense
,
but
Grammar
Lilly
would
have
told
them
more
of
the
Law
,
and
his
Constrctuion
and
Concord
,
made
a
better
Resolution
than
their
Coke
upon
the
Case
.
But
as
the
People
when
they
have
got
the
Power
,
will
soon
decide
on
their
side
the
Supremacy
;
so
these
Times
did
here
assoon
turn
the
Tenses
,
and
transfer
the
past
Laws
into
the
Future
:
and
't
is
no
wonder
that
those
that
did
the
Statutes
of
their
Prince
,
could
dare
to
break
the
Head
of
a
Priscian
.
Is
not
the
perfect
Tense
much
more
agreeable
to
Sense
and
Reason
,
here
than
the
Future
:
The
question
is
,
Whether
it
shall
be
meant
of
those
Laws
,
the
People
shall
Chuse
,
or
have
Chosen
?
I
won't
object
here
Our
Kings
being
absolute
and
compleat
Monarchs
without
so
much
as
taking
such
an
Oath
,
without
so
much
as
being
[
*
](A58510-e86650-b)
*
Coke
7.
106.
11.
Calvin's
Case
.
Watson
&
Clarks
1.
Jae
.
Coke
7.
fol.
30.
Crowned
,
which
is
the
Time
it
is
to
be
taken
;
tho
of
that
the
Law
has
in
several
Cases
satisfied
the
most
Seditious
and
so
resolved
their
silly
Suggestion
,
The
resolution
I
shall
give
is
the
Strength
of
Reason
,
and
that
must
at
least
be
as
Strong
as
the
Law
.
Let
it
be
but
once
allow'd
,
That
their
King
by
this
Clause
is
obliged
to
pass
all
Bills
that
shall
be
brought
,
why
truly
then
he
Swears
with
an
implicite
Faith
,
to
Repeal
all
the
Laws
if
the
People
please
;
for
the
bare
possibility
in
such
a
sort
of
Argumentation
may
be
supposed
,
and
we
as
well
imagine
(
for
my
Lord
Coke
tells
us
we
have
had
[
‖
](A58510-e86780-b)
‖
Vid.
3.
Inst.
his
Parliamentum
insanum
.
Mad
Parliaments
)
such
a
Senate
may
prefer
Bills
for
the
Repealing
all
the
Old
Laws
,
as
well
as
for
the
passing
any
single
New
;
and
I
am
sure
't
is
no
more
than
what
has
actually
been
done
in
[
*
](A58510-e86830-b)
*
Car.
1.
An.
Parl.
41.
one
,
since
that
Learned
Lawyer
lived
,
even
to
the
Subversion
of
[
‖
](A58510-e86840-b)
‖
Vid.
their
19.
propositions
.
all
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
;
so
that
this
positive
Oath
in
their
sense
,
may
Labour
under
an
implicite
contradiction
,
for
while
he
swears
in
the
latter
Clause
,
to
confirm
all
the
Bills
they
shall
bring
,
It
may
be
extended
to
cancel
all
Custom
and
Common-Law
,
he
is
in
the
former
sworn
to
defend
;
Mr.
Hunt's
General
Desire
of
the
People
may
be
for
the
Repealing
the
35th
of
Edward
,
as
well
as
that
of
Elizabeth
;
and
leave
no
Law
in
the
Land
to
punish
Treason
,
as
well
as
Recusants
,
only
that
they
may
commit
it
with
impunity
;
for
one
of
those
Bills
has
[
†
](A58510-e86960-b)
†
Regn.
Car.
1.
Car.
2.
twice
been
brought
into
the
House
,
and
both
may
be
to
save
their
Bacon
.
And
should
the
King
with
their
Elegerit
be
obliged
(
especially
so
mild
an
one
)
with
an
anticipated
Mercy
to
Pardon
Villains
〈◊〉
the
cutting
of
his
Throat
;
and
leave
no
Law
to
punish
perhaps
a
Rumbold
,
or
the
Ruffians
at
the
Rye
;
certainly
were
his
Right
not
in
the
least
Divine
this
would
contradict
all
Sense
and
Reason
:
Suppose
Richard
the
Second
took
this
Oath
as
well
as
the
rest
of
his
Successors
since
,
and
afterwards
the
general
desire
of
his
Parliament
,
we
all
know
,
was
that
he
would
depose
himself
.
Senseless
Sots
!
was
,
that
King
sworn
too
even
in
his
Coronation
to
confirm
his
own
Deposition
.
In
short
,
must
not
this
senseless
Suggestion
put
upon
the
Royal
Authority
the
greatest
absurdity
against
all
Sense
and
Reason
,
must
it
not
make
him
swear
to
confirm
those
Laws
that
have
not
so
much
as
BEING
;
and
that
before
he
knows
whether
they
will
be
,
good
or
bad
;
Is
it
not
Resolved
and
that
upon
Record
in
the
King's
Exchequer
,
where
the
Words
run
with
some
Signification
,
That
the
King
keep
the
Laws
and
Customes
,
which
the
Lords
and
Commons
HAVE
chosen
,
&c
,
But
grant
them
their
own
Sense
(
that
is
)
Silliness
,
That
Oath
,
these
Malignants
of
our
Monarchy
object
was
made
first
for
an
[
*
](A58510-e87230-b)
*
1.
H.
4.
absolute
Usurper
that
came
to
the
Crown
by
the
Suffrages
of
such
a
Seditious
Senate
,
not
much
Inferior
in
Villainy
to
the
late
long
Parliament
,
that
labored
so
much
in
this
business
of
the
Legislative
,
or
rather
less
Villains
only
in
deposing
a
King
,
whom
the
latter
Murdered
,
and
why
a
Lawful
King
should
be
bound
by
that
Oath
,
(
did
the
Laws
oblige
him
to
take
it
,
)
which
was
first
offered
to
an
Vsurper
,
I
cannot
apprehend
?
That
aspiring
Prince
swore
too
in
his
Coronation
,
that
he
held
his
Crown
by
the
Sole
Consent
of
the
People
,
shall
our
present
Soveraign
do
the
same
,
whom
the
[
*
](A58510-e87330-b)
*
1.
Jacob.
Statutes
acknowledge
to
hold
from
none
but
God
?
But
do
not
in
that
very
Oath
,
the
Words
they
so
much
labor
in
,
confute
them
also
(
in
my
poor
Reason
)
beyond
reply
;
is
not
Leges
,
the
Word
Laws
expresly
used
;
that
it
is
Laws
that
the
King
swears
to
Confirm
,
Corroborate
,
Maintain
and
Protect
:
And
were
the
Commons
ever
allowed
,
or
presumed
without
a
Rebellion
to
Elect
LAWS
?
There
is
not
the
least
of
a
Bill
mentioned
in
that
Oath
,
and
sure
they
'll
offer
to
elect
no
more
,
and
in
Gods
Name
let
them
chuse
to
send
up
as
many
of
those
as
they
please
.
And
sure
then
these
Leges
here
must
relate
to
those
that
are
really
so
,
and
have
had
the
Royal
Sanction
already
,
so
that
they
must
be
reduced
to
this
Dilemna
,
If
they
'll
apply
their
Vulgus
elegerit
to
the
Lower
House
,
't
is
certain
they
can
make
no
Laws
;
if
to
that
of
the
Lords
,
't
is
as
certain
they
can't
be
called
Vulgus
.
Lastly
,
Laborious
Drudges
of
Sedition
!
let
but
these
Laws
ye
long
to
subvert
while
you
'd
seem
to
defend
decide
betwixt
you
and
your
King
;
Is
it
not
established
by
[
*
](A58510-e87570-b)
*
2.
H.
5.
1.
Jacob.
1.
1.
Car.
1.
c.
7.
Statute
it self
,
that
the
King
hath
absolute
power
to
Dissent
to
any
Bill
though
agreed
upon
by
both
Houses
.
But
yet
in
spight
of
all
this
Reason
and
Law
,
they
tell
us
that
the
King
cannot
deny
to
pass
any
Bills
for
the
publick
good
,
and
which
perhaps
never
can
a
good
King
;
for
his
Refusal
of
his
Royal
Sanction
determines
their
Goodness
,
and
they
cease
to
be
necessary
when
the
King
thinks
there
is
no
need
of
them
;
for
if
upon
this
their
presumptive
Goodness
,
and
the
Prince
as
it
is
his
undoubted
Prerogative
to
do
,
denying
his
Assent
,
the
People
should
presume
they
could
with
their
Legislative
,
because
their
King
is
refractory
,
as
they
would
call
it
,
pass
some
Bills
into
Law
from
their
Assurance
of
their
being
good
;
that
power
wou'd
enable
them
to
make
bad
ones
too
,
and
allow
their
two
Houses
to
Judge
when
to
make
but
one
Law
,
they
are
as
good
Judges
to
make
one
thousand
,
or
as
many
as
they
please
,
and
no
end
of
such
a
distracted
Usurpation
;
and
that
we
saw
when
they
began
with
that
Ordinance
for
the
Militia
,
which
was
the
first
thing
they
presumed
to
make
Law
from
their
Kings
(
as
their
Seditious
absurd
Phraseology
would
word
it
)
Refractory
,
refusing
(
i.
e.
)
that
courageously
maintaining
his
just
Right
;
when
they
had
thus
once
broke
the
Damm
,
no
wonder
if
the
deluge
of
an
absolute
Rebellion
overwhelmed
;
for
upon
the
same
ground
the
Lords
might
have
Excluded
both
King
and
Commons
for
not
concurring
with
them
in
what
Bills
and
Acts
they
thought
good
,
and
the
Commons
(
as
[
*
](A58510-e87840-b)
*
Vid.
Hist.
Independeny
.
pag.
115.
17.
March
48.
Scob.
Coll.
ptg.
7
,
8.
indeed
they
did
)
both
King
and
Lords
,
for
being
obstinate
to
such
BILLS
as
themselves
had
offered
.
But
yet
notwithstanding
the
Kings
Refractoriness
(
as
our
Republican
Phrases
it
)
is
now
trumpt
up
again
for
the
warranting
the
Peoples
assuming
(
as
they
would
have
it
)
a
sort
of
necessitated
Power
,
and
that
of
calling
themselves
to
Parliament
;
for
this
the
[
*
](A58510-e87930-b)
*
Postscr
.
page
8.
Lawyer
in
his
Postscript
Labors
with
his
Innuendo's
:
For
this
,
[
‖
](A58510-e87950-b)
‖
Plat.
page
109
Plato
tells
us
,
the
Barons
did
well
to
put
on
their
Armour
,
that
it
is
an
Omission
that
ruins
the
very
Foundations
of
Government
;
and
Hunt
will
not
have
them
so
much
as
discontinued
,
for
it
renders
such
Conventions
illusory
.
Seditious
Sycophants
!
Your selves
know
this
power
of
their
Discontinuance
and
Dissolution
,
is
the
best
security
the
Crown
has
for
its
support
:
Was
it
not
miserably
rent
and
torn
from
the
Head
,
but
of
our
own
Soveraign's
Father
,
and
that
only
because
he
could
not
Dissolve
them
,
but
had
in
effect
signed
his
Destiny
with
their
Bill
of
Sitting
during
the
Pleasure
of
the
two
Houses
?
Base
Hypocrites
!
't
is
not
a
Parliaments
Sitting
you
contend
for
,
but
the
Sitting
of
such
a
Parliament
,
that
good
honest
Parliament
,
the
late
long
and
〈◊〉
one
,
which
their
virulent
Villains
Libelled
for
Popish
Pensionary
,
perhaps
because
it
would
not
take
the
Peoples
pay
,
long
enough
might
,
that
have
been
discontinued
or
Prorogued
,
wen
ever
heard
then
of
the
Statutes
of
Edwards
,
and
the
Triennial
Acts
,
but
their
Pens
were
employed
then
to
prove
even
that
〈◊〉
that
discontents
them
now
so
much
.
'T
is
not
above
Eight
years
since
their
[
*
](A58510-e88230-b)
*
Vide
Considerations
upon
the
Question
London
1677.
The
dissolver
.
The
Letter
of
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
.
Pamphlets
would
demonstrate
a
Parliament
dissolved
for
being
but
for
Fiveteen
Months
Prorogued
;
and
were
we
but
assured
of
having
such
another
,
the
Press
had
never
been
pestered
for
the
calling
one
,
with
their
impertinnent
prints
,
nor
any
Petitions
prefer'd
for
their
Frequency
.
Would
you
perswade
the
World
your
purses
are
so
〈◊〉
,
so
free
too
,
that
you
long
for
a
Subsidy
to
fill
up
the
Kings
?
Dissembling
Souls
!
the
Parliament
they
clamour
for
,
can
proceed
from
nothing
else
,
but
a
presumption
of
one
to
be
their
Patrons
,
to
patronize
all
their
Irregularities
and
Refractoryness
to
the
State
,
to
countenance
all
those
gross
abuses
they
put
upon
the
Government
;
they
told
us
this
to
our
faces
and
Menaced
men
to
make
them
fear
them
.
Is
this
the
way
to
have
them
Convencd
to
make
them
formidable
?
For
Gods
sake
can
you
credit
that
honorable
Assembly
with
making
them
the
pretended
Abettors
of
all
your
Scandalous
Actions
:
The
only
felicity
we
have
in
such
a
Senate's
sitting
,
is
,
That
the
King
must
summon
them
to
sit
,
they
are
Rebels
by
a
[
‖
](A58510-e88510-b)
‖
35.
Ed.
3.
Law
if
they
convene
without
;
they
must
meet
and
Associate
,
and
the
Kings
happiness
consists
in
his
being
able
to
Dissolve
and
Discontinue
.
And
this
furious
,
and
indefatigable
Scribler
might
have
omitted
the
mentioning
of
those
[
†
](A58510-e88560-b)
†
4.
Ed.
3.
c.
14.
Statutes
they
have
beaten
so
bare
,
been
baffled
in
so
much
,
and
may
now
blush
to
bring
upon
the
Stage
;
but
he
shall
have
his
answer
here
to
this
too
,
That
nothing
of
Mr.
Hunt's
like
his
managed
Mungrel
,
[
*
](A58510-e88580-b)
*
Vid.
Courantier
4.
Volum
.
Numb.
30.
Julian
,
may
be
call'd
Vnanswerable
.
For
the
First
;
it
is
the
4th
of
this
[
‖
](A58510-e88630-b)
‖
4.
Ed.
3.
c.
3.
14.
Edward
.
And
I
confess
in
as
few
words
:
That
a
Parliament
be
holden
once
every
year
,
and
more
often
if
NEED
BE.
It
is
all
the
Letter
of
the
Law
and
every
Line
of
it
:
But
they
might
as
well
tell
us
too
;
that
before
the
Conquest
,
and
for
some
time
after
Parliaments
were
held
three
times
in
one
year
.
They
had
then
their
Easter
Parliaments
,
their
Whitsunday
Parliaments
,
their
Christmas
Parliaments
;
but
they
know
then
that
they
were
but
so
many
Conventions
of
that
Nobility
and
Clergy
their
King
should
please
to
call
;
And
which
they
did
Arbitrary
at
their
Will
more
frequently
or
less
,
as
they
thought
convenient
,
and
the
[
†
](A58510-e88740-b)
†
Mirror
C.
1.
Lib.
3.
Books
tell
us
,
they
many
times
were
held
but
twice
a
year
:
now
if
these
Gentlemen
will
tell
us
so
much
of
old
Statute
Laws
,
why
should
not
Custom
which
is
Resolved
by
the
very
Books
to
be
the
[
*
](A58510-e88770-b)
*
Le
common
Ley
est
common
Usage
Plowdens
Com.
195.
Common
,
decide
the
case
too
for
the
King
as
well
as
the
other
,
which
is
their
own
,
must
for
the
People
;
and
then
we
find
Our
Kings
had
the
sole
power
of
Convening
Parliaments
by
a
long
prescription
,
of
whom
,
where
,
and
as
often
as
they
pleased
.
Are
not
all
our
Judicial
Records
,
Acts
of
Parliament
,
Resolved
to
be
but
so
many
Declarations
of
the
Common
Law
,
and
that
by
all
our
Lawyers
;
even
concerning
the
Royal
Government
,
which
they
make
the
very
Fundamental
Law
of
the
Land
;
and
tell
us
[
‖
](A58510-e88840-b)
‖
Dr.
and
Stud.
2.
c.
2.
lib.
That
by
Common
Law
is
understood
such
things
as
were
Law
before
any
Statute
by
general
and
particular
Customs
and
Maxims
of
the
Realm
:
Now
if
Statute
must
be
but
Declaratory
of
these
Customs
of
the
Kingdom
how
can
it
be
concluded
,
but
that
such
Acts
as
directly
contradict
any
of
them
must
be
absolutely
void
;
for
by
the
same
Reason
,
that
they
can
with
a
Be
it
enacted
void
any
part
of
it
,
they
may
the
whole
:
With
the
same
Reason
that
they
can
invade
any
part
of
the
Prerogative
of
their
Prince
,
(
which
the
[
*
](A58510-e88910-b)
*
2d
part
.
Inst.
496.
tells
us
so
in
terminis
.
By
the
Common
Law
it
is
the
Kings
Prerogative
,
quod
nullum
Tempus
occurret
L.
Coke
Lit.
p.
344.
Book
tells
us
is
the
principal
part
of
the
Common
Law
)
they
may
abolish
the
whole
;
make
Killing
no
Murder
,
and
except
Persons
from
the
Punishment
of
Treason
:
Does
not
this
Common
Law
it self
void
any
Statutes
,
that
are
made
against
the
Prerogative
of
their
King
?
Was
it
not
in
this
very
[
‖
](A58510-e88960-b)
‖
Stanfor
.
l.
2.
101.
Edward
the
3ds
.
time
,
that
it
was
so
Resolved
,
even
to
the
nulling
three
several
Acts
,
that
put
Pardons
out
of
the
Princes
power
?
The
boldest
of
these
Anti-monarchical
Zealots
cannot
deny
but
that
by
the
Common
Customs
of
the
Realm
,
it
always
was
Our
Kings
undoubted
Prerogative
,
to
call
and
dissolve
their
Parliament
when
they
pleased
:
Chronicle
confirms
it
,
[
*
](A58510-e88990-b)
*
Speed
645.
Inst.
27.
2.
Law
Resolves
it
,
&
may
practice
for
ever
maintain
it
.
Now
I
cannot
see
why
these
Statutes
that
contradict
the
Customs
of
the
Realm
in
determining
their
King
to
call
Parliaments
,
which
the
Common
Law
hath
left
at
his
Liberty
,
should
not
be
as
much
void
as
[
†
](A58510-e89010-b)
†
2.
Ed.
3.
c.
2.
of
King's
not
pardoning
Felons
so
Also
4.
Ed.
3.
c.
13.
The
〈◊〉
of
that
other
.
others
that
upon
the
like
Reasons
have
been
Resolved
so
.
And
if
the
Common
Law
can
avoid
any
particular
Act
of
Parliament
against
the
Prerogative
of
the
Prince
,
as
we
see
it
did
more
than
one
(
If
Stanfords
Authoty
be
Law
)
then
the
Conclusion
is
unavoidable
,
That
for
the
same
Reason
it
can
any
or
all
.
And
in
my
poor
apprehension
,
that
Act
it self
of
the
late
Kings
,
which
reasonably
repeals
that
of
his
[
*
](A58510-e89100-b)
*
16.
Cap.
2.
c.
1.
that
repeals
16.
Car.
1.
c.
1.
Martyred
Fathers
,
that
Act
with
which
these
reproachful
fellows
upbraided
in
their
prints
their
deceased
King
,
is
so
far
from
countenanceing
their
clamorous
Cause
,
that
it
corroborates
and
confirms
our
own
Case
,
for
it
tells
us
the
very
Reason
of
repealing
those
Statutes
:
To
prevent
intermission
of
Parliaments
.
And
what
is
that
?
but
what
we
say
the
Common
Law
would
of
it self
void
[
‖
](A58510-e89140-b)
‖
Vid.
Preamble
to
16.
Car.
2.
c.
1.
an
Act
(
as
they
say
)
in
derogation
of
his
Majestys
just
Rights
and
Prerogative
inherent
in
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
for
the
Calling
and
Assembling
of
Parliaments
:
Nay
they
tell
us
besides
of
Mischiefs
and
Inconveniences
(
the
two
main
matters
the
Law
labours
to
avoid
)
might
be
the
Result
of
such
an
Act
,
and
endanger
the
safety
even
of
King
and
Subject
.
And
what
pray
now
was
this
Statute
of
Charles
the
First
,
but
what
some
even
of
these
[
‖
](A58510-e89240-b)
‖
Vid.
Seasonable
Question
and
an
useful
Answer
,
Printed
about
77.
by
a
Bencher
of
the
Temple
.
Factious
Fellows
themselves
confess
,
only
a
Reinforcement
of
the
two
Edwards
:
If
it
were
no
more
,
by
the
same
Reason
they
are
gone
too
,
as
being
against
the
King's
Prerogative
,
and
in
Derogation
of
his
Right
.
But
Factious
Fools
!
that
baffle
themselves
before
they
can
be
confuted
by
others
,
the
Statute
they
repealed
,
did
reinforce
indeed
those
of
Edward
;
but
it
was
with
a
Witness
even
as
they
[
*
](A58510-e89310-b)
*
16.
Car.
2.
resolved
it
,
with
an
invading
the
Rights
of
the
King
,
and
endangering
the
Ruin
of
the
People
;
but
still
't
is
true
in
that
latter
clause
of
their
repealing
Act
they
prevail
upon
their
King
to
grant
them
a
Triennial
one
;
how
far
obliging
I
leave
their
Oracles
of
the
Law
to
Judge
:
For
if
our
Kings
have
had
it
by
their
prerogative
indefinitely
to
call
Parliaments
by
Custom
or
Common
Law
;
't
is
as
much
against
both
for
him
to
be
obliged
to
convene
them
in
three
year
,
as
two
,
one
,
or
without
Intermission
:
And
I
cannot
see
,
how
the
last
enacting
Clause
is
consonant
to
the
Repealing
Preamble
which
is
so
mighty
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Prerogative
;
and
we
well
know
under
what
Circumstances
of
State
,
Affairs
then
stood
:
the
People
could
not
have
more
than
so
good
,
so
gracious
a
King
,
was
even
in
Policy
ready
to
grant
;
it
was
within
a
year
or
two
of
his
being
placed
upon
the
Throne
of
his
Father
;
And
a
Turbulent
Faction
as
furious
again
to
pull
him
out
;
A
Seditious
[
*
](A58510-e89520-b)
*
Venner
and
his
Fifth
Monarchy
Men.
Sect
had
but
just
then
alarm'd
him
,
that
were
setting
up
their
Christ's
Kingdom
before
his
own
was
hardly
settled
;
Sots
,
that
thought
their
Saviour
(
the
great
pattern
of
a
Passive
Obedience
)
could
be
pleased
with
the
Sacrifice
of
Fools
and
Rebels
,
and
an
active
Resistance
unto
Blood
,
that
has
commanded
us
even
to
suffer
unto
it
,
and
even
in
the
same
Season
and
Session
as
damnable
a
[
*
](A58510-e89650-b)
*
Vid.
Brief
Narrative
of
the
Tryal
of
Tongue
,
Stubs
,
&c.
Lon.
1661.
Conspiracy
detected
as
this
Hellish
one
,
so
lately
discovered
,
Arms
seiz'd
,
the
Tower
to
be
taken
,
and
an
Insurrection
contrived
,
the
parting
at
such
a
juncture
with
his
Prerogative
might
be
the
product
of
his
desire
to
please
the
People
;
't
is
too
much
to
take
the
forfeiture
in
his
own
wrong
,
when
in
this
very
particular
the
same
Law
provides
so
much
for
the
Prince's
Right
.
But
they
'll
tell
us
,
the
King
by
his
passing
such
a
Bill
,
has
parted
with
his
Power
and
Prerogative
;
But
then
do
not
the
Laws
tell
us
,
it
cannot
be
past
away
?
Was
it
not
resolved
by
all
the
Judges
,
but
[
*
](A58510-e89750-b)
*
1.
Jacob.
Term.
Hill
.
Coke
l.
7.
in
his
Grandfathers
time
,
That
himself
could
not
grant
away
the
Power
of
Dispensing
with
the
Forfeitures
upon
Penal
Statutes
,
and
why
?
because
annext
to
his
Royal
Person
,
and
the
Right
of
his
Soveraignty
.
And
shall
it
not
be
so
much
our
Soveraign's
Right
,
which
common
Custom
;
the
Fundamental
Law
of
all
the
Land
has
invested
him
with
,
(
the
convening
of
Parliaments
at
his
pleasure
?
)
But
for
my
part
,
for
my
Life
I
cannot
apprehend
,
(
did
there
lie
such
a
great
Obligation
upon
[
*
](A58510-e89800-b)
*
16.
Car.
2.
his
Majesty
,
from
this
his
own
very
voidable
if
not
void
Act
)
how
't
is
possible
to
bring
him
at
the
same
time
within
the
Letter
of
the
Laws
of
Edward
,
and
by
them
lay
a
necessity
upon
him
to
make
all
their
latter
Act
an
entire
Impertinence
:
For
if
by
those
Laws
he
be
obliged
to
Call
a
Parliament
at
least
every
Year
;
What
signifies
the
latter
that
allows
him
three
Years
for
their
Calling
?
And
if
he
has
three
years
for
their
Calling
,
where
can
lye
the
necessity
for
his
Calling
them
in
one
,
for
a
[
*
](A58510-e89940-b)
*
Cook
himself
says
,
it
is
a
Maxim
in
the
Law
of
Parliament
that
later
Laws
Abrogate
the
former
that
are
contrary
to
them
.
4.
Inst
C.
1.
pag.
43.
Subsequent
Stat.
that
gives
such
a
larger
extent
of
Time
,
tho
it
do
not
actually
repeal
those
Preceding
that
allow
less
,
yet
it
must
at
least
render
them
Illusory
,
and
Vain
:
And
to
tell
us
that
the
latter
is
but
declaratory
of
the
former
Act
,
when
it
contradicts
the
very
Letter
of
that
Law
,
is
as
absurd
as
maintaining
an
Affirmative
may
be
confirmed
with
an
absolute
Negative
.
By
all
the
Rules
of
Reason
,
I
have
met
with
yet
(
and
Logick
is
allowed
sure
to
hold
good
even
in
Law
,
unless
the
Legislators
set
up
for
Brutes
and
Irrationals
)
A
Proposition
of
a
larger
extent
must
include
that
of
a
less
;
which
if
it
does
is
in
this
Case
Exclusive
:
For
should
this
Authority
,
suppose
(
to
bring
the
Argument
home
to
their
Doors
,
and
then
they
can't
say
it
is
far
fetcht
)
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
command
me
to
dance
Attendance
at
their
Bar
de
Die
in
Diem
for
abhorring
or
so
,
and
then
with
a
subsequent
Order
only
demand
it
every
third
:
For
my
part
I
cannot
apprehend
the
Obligation
there
lyes
upon
me
for
the
performing
both
,
but
that
the
former
stands
still
a
Cypher
in
their
Journal
,
and
by
the
latter
is
suspended
,
I
could
assoon
resolve
in
the
Crazyness
of
the
Natural
Body
,
when
't
is
batter'd
with
an
Ague
,
that
a
Quotidian
and
a
Tertian
can
at
the
same
time
assault
it
together
.
But
Mr.
Hunt's
Illustrations
lying
in
another
Science
,
Number
,
and
the
Mathematicks
;
he
may
demonstrate
this
too
,
[
*
](A58510-e90270-b)
*
Hunt
postscript
pag.
46.
48
,
49.
with
his
Vnite
and
Triad
,
and
tell
us
One
and
Two
make
Three
.
But
to
be
serious
,
and
that
in
a
matter
that
so
much
concerns
the
Soveraign
,
(
tho
there
be
no
better
way
of
baffling
Buffoons
;
and
Arguments
of
Fools
must
be
answered
,
but
with
Folly
;
tho
some
may
think
there
may
be
somewhat
of
sound
Reason
in
such
pleasant
Similes
,
for
Sense
and
Nonsense
,
are
become
Terms
now
but
merely
Relative
;
and
every
Author
an
Ass
,
or
an
Animal
of
Reason
,
as
his
Reader
stands
affected
,
we
being
become
parties
in
that
too
,
as
well
as
in
Principles
,
)
if
we
would
truly
know
the
Sense
of
a
Law
;
it
must
be
collected
from
an
Historical
Account
of
that
time
wherein
it
was
enacted
,
and
I
think
my
Lord
Cook
[
‖
](A58510-e90410-b)
‖
Cardinal
of
Winchesters
Case
,
who
came
from
Flanders
to
purge
himself
before
Parliament
,
of
Treason
,
as
only
the
Roll
of
Henry
the
Sixth
says
,
but
Consult
the
History
,
it
appears
he
had
some
of
the
King
's
Jewe's
gaged
to
him
,
which
the
King
stopt
from
going
after
him
,
&c.
4.
Inst.
7.
p.
42.
tell
's
us
as
much
too
,
And
then
turn
but
to
the
story
of
the
Times
,
and
see
there
the
Reasons
of
such
Provisions
,
and
when
those
fail
,
then
must
sure
the
force
of
such
Proviso's
too
;
for
certainly
the
fourth
of
this
Edward
,
was
made
more
for
this
King's
Satisfaction
,
than
the
desires
of
the
People
,
and
that
from
the
sequel
you
'll
see
,
they
were
not
then
clamoring
for
frequency
of
Parliaments
,
when
they
were
to
pay
for
it
too
,
and
have
their
Treasure
exhausted
with
their
Blood
in
frequent
Wars
.
He
had
drawn
the
Scots
upon
his
back
,
who
in
the
War
like
their
Old
Parents
the
Picts
,
were
always
ready
to
invade
us
at
home
,
when
ever
we
attempted
any
thing
abroad
.
He
had
before
him
France
in
the
Front
,
to
whom
he
was
ready
to
give
Battle
:
And
he
perhaps
presuming
his
Subjects
might
be
loth
to
be
convened
for
subsidies
so
often
,
as
such
Exigencies
must
require
,
might
prudently
get
them
to
oblige
him
for
such
an
Annual
Convention
,
which
they
must
the
better
bear
with
,
when
the
result
of
their
own
Act
,
and
none
of
the
stretch
of
his
Prerogative
:
'T
is
true
the
36.
of
his
Reign
is
more
expressive
of
the
Reasons
,
for
which
they
should
be
called
(
i.e.
)
for
the
redressing
of
Mischiefs
and
Grievances
;
but
't
is
evident
that
piece
of
popularity
was
more
for
the
tickling
their
Hearts
and
then
they
might
be
soon
brought
to
turn
out
their
Purses
;
and
those
he
wanted
then
too
,
tho
in
peace
,
having
begun
to
beautifie
and
enlarge
his
Castle
of
Windsor
,
his
best
Delight
,
as
well
as
the
place
of
his
Birth
.
And
his
soothed
Subjects
seconded
it
with
such
singular
kindness
,
that
about
that
time
such
a
three
years
subsidy
was
granted
as
they
resolved
should
be
no
president
for
the
[
*
](A58510-e90740-b)
*
36.
Ed.
3.
cap.
11.
time
to
come
;
and
these
Suggestions
I
submit
to
the
light
of
any
others
Reason
,
for
the
Politicks
of
that
Old
State
can't
be
expected
to
be
clear
in
History
,
since
even
in
Matters
of
Fact
,
in
many
things
't
is
dark
.
And
such
sort
of
Suggestions
seem
to
sound
and
salve
the
Case
much
better
than
that
forced
Solution
upon
the
very
Letter
of
the
Law
,
their
if
need
be
,
or
if
there
be
Occasion
:
For
I
am
satisfied
the
Design
of
those
Statutes
was
to
determine
their
King
,
tho
I
doubt
of
their
Force
,
and
that
those
Conditional
Expressions
must
be
Relative
to
their
Antecedent
Words
,
more
or
oftner
;
and
so
must
be
meant
only
of
their
being
called
inclusively
more
frequently
within
the
Term.
To
leave
now
this
learned
Lunatick
,
this
distemper'd
Body
of
Law
,
and
consider
him
under
another
Denomination
that
of
a
Divine
,
and
zealously
discussing
with
a
Rage
unbecoming
the
calmness
he
professes
as
well
as
the
Character
of
such
a
Profession
,
the
Damnable
Doctrine
(
as
he
would
plainly
prove
it
,
)
of
the
King
's
Divine
Right
:
for
he
makes
it
the
most
[
*
](A58510-e90980-b)
*
Page
60.
69.70
.
86.
87
,
88
,
89.
Mischievous
Opinion
,
the
most
Schismatical
,
the
Destroyer
of
every
Man
's
Right
,
the
Betrayer
of
the
Government
,
Monstrous
,
Extravagant
,
Papal
Opinion
,
Treacherous
,
Impious
,
Sacrilegious
,
Destructive
of
Peace
,
Pregnant
with
Wars
,
produced
our
own
Civil
one
,
and
what
is
worse
Plague
and
Famine
,
and
a
Crucifying
of
Christ
afresh
.
A
Black
charge
indeed
for
a
poor
Criminal
,
that
at
first
sight
seems
so
Innocent
.
He
should
have
made
it
a
Trojan
Horse
too
for
once
,
for
he
has
made
the
Belly
of
it
big
enough
to
hold
an
Army
of
Men
,
or
a
Legion
of
Devils
.
If
this
be
the
Judges
manner
of
Trying
his
King
's
Right
,
he
would
have
made
a
worse
Chief
Justice
for
deciding
the
Subjects
.
I
have
heard
of
some
such
Sycophants
that
have
prov'd
Wolves
in
Sheeps
cloathing
;
but
here
the
Cautionary
Text
is
turned
insideout
,
too
;
and
somewhat
of
the
Lamb
drest
all
in
the
grisly
Garment
of
the
Wolf
:
And
't
is
like
they
had
their
Dogs
ready
to
worry
it
too
,
before
they
would
discover
the
cheat
.
I
am
sure
if
they
won't
allow
this
Doctrine
to
be
Religious
't
is
so
far
from
being
Romish
,
that
those
raging
Zealots
are
at
present
in
a
Conspiracy
with
the
rankest
Papist
for
the
extirpation
of
that
opinion
;
as
well
as
the
Church
,
and
that
is
pretty
well
prov'd
from
their
unanimous
pens
in
the
beginning
of
this
piece
,
and
sure
they
must
think
those
Bigots
are
as
much
concerned
for
the
Popes
Supremacy
as
Mr.
Hunt
for
the
Peoples
;
for
His
Holiness
has
the
help
of
Saint
Peter
to
prove
his
Divine
Right
from
his
Person
,
tho
he
can't
from
His
[
*
](A58510-e91370-b)
*
His
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Pet.
2.
13.
Text.
When
whatever
they
would
gather
from
that
Apostle
,
the
Lawyers
Popelings
have
nothing
left
to
shew
for
theirs
,
unless
the
very
Charter
and
grant
of
their
King
:
yet
tho
this
Doctrine
be
as
far
from
Rome
,
as
they
think
the
Romanist
from
Heaven
,
tho
their
Writers
with
Hunts
own
Brutish
Rage
have
run
it
down
,
tho
it
be
so
directly
destructive
of
the
Papal
power
,
still
has
this
preposterous
piece
of
paradox
,
made
it
Popish
;
and
treated
it
almost
in
the
same
Language
,
the
[
†
](A58510-e91510-b)
†
Fox
Vol.
3.
p.
515.
Piousprelate
did
their
Idol
Church
,
and
[
‖
](A58510-e91530-b)
‖
Vid.
Dissenters
sayings
.
all
the
dangerous
Dissenters
do
our
own
;
Wolves
,
Thieves
Enemies
of
Christ
,
Brood
of
Antichrist
,
Babylonish
Beast
,
Devilish
Drab
,
sink
of
Sodom
,
Seat
of
Satan
.
It
is
a
pretty
way
of
Confutation
indeed
in
the
very
beginning
of
an
Argument
to
beg
the
Question
.
He
takes
it
for
granted
from
the
Text
of
Saint
Peter
,
that
Kings
are
but
an
Ordinance
of
man
,
and
then
stoutly
concludes
that
it
is
impossible
,
that
any
that
is
of
Man's
appointment
can
ever
be
of
God's
Ordination
;
to
be
presumptively
baffled
recommand
me
to
such
a
disputant
:
And
with
that
supposititious
Triumph
does
(
as
some
think
)
a
Jesuit's
Book
,
de
Jure
Magistratuum
enter
the
List
,
full
of
Victory
even
before
the
Battle
;
and
this
perverted
Text
in
one
of
his
Editions
is
turned
into
the
Laurel
and
Lemma
,
to
Crown
the
Forehead
of
that
Impudent
piece
.
This
is
made
the
Goliah
of
those
Philistines
who
not
with
their
bulk
alone
,
but
with
the
very
Letter
of
the
Bible
and
the
Book
of
Life
,
can
defie
the
Living
God
,
for
such
a
Construction
upon
Saint
Peter
by
common
sense
can
never
be
put
;
for
place
this
power
of
Ordaining
Kings
once
in
the
Power
of
SVBJECTS
,
and
all
the
World
can
never
hinder
them
from
being
too
the
SVPREAM
〈◊〉
.
Was
not
this
very
Text
,
actually
turn'd
up
for
the
Supream
Authority
of
the
Parliament
of
England
?
And
was
that
too
,
meant
by
St.
Peter
,
when
in
the
very
next
Line
,
he
calls
the
King
Supream
?
Seditious
Dolts
!
do
not
make
the
Bible
contradict
it self
,
tho
your
Books
do
,
does
not
this
very
Text
take
almost
an
expressive
care
to
prevent
even
with
providence
such
a
silly
construction
,
and
give
a
Signal
Signification
where
this
Supremacy
resides
,
viz.
in
the
King
.
But
to
give
these
well
read
Rebels
rope
enough
,
and
let
them
stretch
their
Treasonable
Positions
as
they
ought
their
Necks
,
I
'll
plead
for
them
,
and
in
that
which
can
be
their
only
Reply
,
viz.
That
this
Supremacy
must
be
understood
,
only
to
be
in
these
Kings
after
they
are
so
chosen
by
the
People
:
But
no
,
their
own
Text
won't
allow
that
neither
;
for
in
the
very
next
Verse
it
tells
us
also
of
such
persons
as
are
Commission'd
,
sent
under
him
,
(
as
ours
has
it
)
Governors
,
and
some
other
Versions
,
Captains
,
Judges
,
and
sure
had
theirs
been
the
Apostles
sense
too
,
He
would
have
more
expresly
let
us
known
,
That
Kings
were
first
Commissionated
and
sent
by
the
People
,
before
that
they
could
send
out
the
Peoples
Governors
,
and
if
we
can
Credit
some
of
these
Gentlemens
own
Writings
,
Their
KINGS
and
this
Apostles
are
not
all
of
a
piece
,
and
so
their
Principles
and
the
Text
wont
hang
well
together
,
for
their
Kings
,
which
they
'll
have
to
be
of
Man's
send
Governors
under
them
,
but
as
*
Pryn
positively
tells
us
,
that
People
that
Elect
their
King
,
must
chuse
also
the
Judges
and
Officers
,
if
the
Kings
have
had
such
a
choice
't
is
but
by
the
Peoples
permission
,
that
such
Officers
,
are
the
Peoples
.
And
that
his
Brother
Bodin
(
you
must
know
a
great
politician
)
says
;
That
the
sending
them
is
not
the
Right
of
the
Sovereign
,
but
in
the
Subject
:
So
that
those
Kings
,
whose
Divine
Right
they
deny
,
must
needs
be
of
another
kind
,
than
those
mentioned
in
Saint
Peter
,
for
he
makes
his
Kings
so
Supream
,
that
they
send
Governors
themselves
,
and
that
for
the
punishment
of
such
Evil
doers
.
But
to
come
homer
to
Mr.
Hunt
,
that
I
know
values
himself
upon
his
much
Law
and
his
mighty
Learning
,
his
Remarks
upon
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
will
tell
us
he
understood
as
much
Greek
as
that
came
to
,
when
he
was
at
School
.
Yet
betrays
his
little
understanding
of
the
Greek
Fathers
,
his
very
Schrevelius
would
have
shown
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
might
be
taken
for
Creature
as
well
as
Creation
,
but
his
Scapula
;
that
more
especially
it
is
to
be
taken
so
in
the
[
*
](A58510-e92470-b)
*
Galat.
6.
vers.
15.
Epistles
.
And
this
has
been
the
Resolution
of
one
of
the
first
Reformers
of
our
Religion
,
(
And
I
hope
sure
they
'll
favour
him
)
That
the
general
signification
of
this
word
in
Scriptural
Expression
is
taken
for
all
Vniversal
expressions
are
only
applicable
to
some
particular
things
they
would
express
;
so
that
when
he
tells
us
,
Be
Subject
to
all
mankind
or
to
all
the
Sons
of
Men
,
is
easily
understood
all
those
of
them
to
whom
we
owe
Subjection
,
and
,
as
if
the
good
Apostle
,
whom
these
miscreants
would
so
much
abuse
,
did
design
to
prevent
such
an
imputation
,
and
even
dissipate
the
Difficulty
and
doubt
together
;
even
he
explicates
that
General
Expression
of
that
one
Text
,
by
telling
us
particularly
to
whom
our
Submission
is
to
be
paid
both
in
that
and
the
[
*
](A58510-e92800-b)
*
Verse
14.
other
viz.
Kings
as
Supream
and
their
Governors
as
sent
.
And
Lastly
can
any
Soul
that
has
but
Common
Sense
,
fancy
from
the
complicated
consideration
of
that
part
of
the
Apostle's
that
thus
pressingly
inculcates
Obedience
to
Governors
,
that
it
did
design
the
least
room
for
such
a
Latitude
,
that
not
only
would
leave
them
Indifferent
to
obey
,
but
such
an
one
as
they
have
made
of
it
since
;
even
an
encouragement
to
Rebel
,
sure
that
submissive
Preacher
of
the
Cross
,
so
much
his
Saviours
Disciple
that
he
suffer'd
on
one
too
,
and
that
without
resistance
to
a
persecuting
power
;
that
great
Assertor
of
his
Soveraign's
Supremacy
,
that
in
the
very
next
Lines
,
next
to
fearing
his
God
,
commands
Honoring
Divine
Right
,
the
Throne
of
his
King
to
the
very
dunghill
of
the
People
.
And
were
this
Doctrine
not
to
be
countenanced
by
the
Word
of
GOD
,
(
we
have
only
Mr.
Hunt's
Word
for
it
,
that
it
is
so
dangerous
)
the
only
danger
such
Seditious
Souls
can
see
in
it
,
is
,
That
it
would
oblige
them
to
be
truly
Loyal
,
and
dread
Rebellion
,
like
the
Sin
of
Witchcraft
.
And
is
it
dangerous
now
to
be
kept
from
being
damn'd
or
running
to
the
Devil
?
Where
is
this
mighty
[
*
](A58510-e93250-b)
*
Posts
.
p.
60.
Mischief
that
will
ensue
upon
this
Opinion
?
But
a
Veneration
for
our
Governors
next
to
God
,
by
whom
they
Rule
,
will
not
his
having
his
Right
from
above
,
the
sooner
preserve
him
from
sustaining
any
wrong
below
?
are
things
the
sooner
to
be
violated
,
only
because
they
are
the
more
sacred
?
and
will
the
Light
of
this
illuminated
Lawyer
,
resolve
us
Sacrilege
to
be
a
lesser
Sin
than
single
Felony
?
Had
those
Sects
of
Seditious
Rebels
that
ruined
the
best
of
Kings
,
and
that
only
by
debasing
this
his
Right
,
and
setting
up
their
own
for
Divine
?
Had
they
,
or
could
they
have
been
so
sacrilegiously
wicked
under
a
Presumption
,
That
his
Person
was
sacred
,
or
even
a
belief
of
their
Bibles
,
that
their
Lord
's
Anointed
,
was
not
to
be
Touch'd
?
yes
,
they
could
,
(
and
if
we
believe
this
Impudent
[
*
](A58510-e93470-b)
*
Hunt
p.
85.
Imposture
)
it
was
that
only
,
which
made
them
so
,
And
if
such
Opinions
had
never
been
broacht
,
the
War
had
never
ensued
.
Mighty
Madman
!
whom
discontent
distracts
,
I
can
Fathom
his
Foolish
Innuendo's
to
be
as
false
,
Divines
did
,
and
as
I
think
was
then
their
Duty
,
preach
up
this
Doctrine
;
but
did
not
the
two
Houses
threaten
Destruction
long
before
a
Manwaring
,
or
a
Sibthorp
was
so
much
as
censured
?
Had
not
Leighton
Libell'd
both
King
and
Bishops
long
before
?
And
did
the
telling
the
People
,
they
were
Jure
Divino
,
exasperate
them
the
more
against
the
Prelates
,
and
the
pious
Prince
that
governed
,
whom
these
Devils
must
needs
deal
withal
the
worse
,
only
from
their
being
told
their
Governors
were
sent
them
from
their
God
?
Mr.
Hunt
certainly
himself
can't
imagine
it
,
he
has
too
great
a
Veneration
for
the
Religious
Dust
,
the
pious
Memory
of
those
Rebels
and
Regicid's
,
to
think
they
were
arrived
to
that
Acme
of
Transcendent
Atheism
,
to
[
*
](A58510-e93700-b)
*
Actually
done
too
in
Westminster-Hall
by
the
instigation
of
Hugh
Peters
.
Vid.
Dugdales
view
p.
370.
spit
in
the
very
Face
of
the
Almighty's
Image
,
only
because
it
represented
a
thing
so
Sacred
:
No
,
it
was
of
that
they
could
never
be
satisfied
,
they
were
Religiously
taught
the
Jus
Divinum
of
the
People
,
(
that
is
)
to
Rebel
most
Religiously
.
Tell
me
Mighty
Murmerer
!
why
must
this
Bugbear
of
Arbitrary
,
this
Monster
of
Absoluteness
,
and
[
*
](A58510-e93860-b)
*
Posts
.
p.
88.
Bloody
War
,
be
the
Consequences
of
this
Doctrine
of
Peace
?
Is
your
King
bound
to
turn
Cruel
,
only
because
he
Rules
by
a
Right
from
the
very
God
of
Mercy
,
and
a
King
too
,
de
facto
,
not
long
since
almost
merciful
to
a
Crime
:
If
you
talk
only
in
Theory
of
what
another
may
be
,
then
perhaps
your
Fears
are
as
Panick
as
the
Objection
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
:
For
Usurpers
commonly
of
the
People's
Choice
,
(
as
appears
even
in
our
[
‖
](A58510-e93980-b)
‖
H.
4.
〈◊〉
.
3.
own
History
)
have
always
been
the
greatest
Tyrants
too
,
who
were
so
far
from
having
the
Jus
Divinum
,
that
they
had
no
Right
at
all
:
And
tho
[
*
](A58510-e94030-b)
*
Vid.
Paper
at
his
Execution
.
Sidney
suggests
this
Doctrine
,
would
attribute
to
any
sort
of
Usurper
the
same
Right
,
I
shall
consider
him
in
his
proper
place
,
and
this
may
suffice
for
Mr.
Hunt
,
whose
larger
Comment
upon
this
Text
,
I
shall
enlarge
upon
too
,
when
I
come
to
that
Gentleman's
Papers
,
with
whom
they
so
much
agree
,
and
't
is
pity
but
his
Fate
should
do
so
too
:
It
may
suffice
I
have
here
attempted
his
Bulwark
,
and
upon
which
they
would
build
their
Babel
,
tho
in
the
Burlesque
of
the
best
of
Books
,
(
as
if
neither
the
Bible
had
its
Jus
Divinum
)
and
will
close
with
him
since
he
is
so
pleased
with
St.
Peter
,
with
a
[
*
](A58510-e94140-b)
*
Verse
15.
Neighbouring
Text
,
not
so
much
turned
,
and
misapplyed
.
Mr.
Hunt
has
done
his
worst
,
and
I
hope
we
with
well
doing
,
may
put
to
silence
the
Ignorance
of
such
Foolish
Men.
The
third
Doctrinal
Case
of
this
Divine
Lawyer
,
or
what
is
drawn
from
the
other
two
,
is
the
Parliament's
Power
upon
the
Succession
;
and
that
he
has
proved
he
presumes
beyond
Answer
and
Reply
,
when
the
two
Preliminary
points
,
The
Parliaments
Legislative
,
and
The
Peoples
Divinity
by
his
mighty
Performances
are
made
unquestionable
:
But
when
he
has
begged
the
other
two
he
may
expect
to
have
this
third
for
asking
;
and
the
first
Presumption
,
that
must
so
proposterously
warrant
even
that
most
Vnwarrantable
Proceeding
,
is
the
Gorgon
of
the
Party
,
that
for
this
forty
year
has
frightned
the
Nation
,
The
fear
of
Popery
:
And
like
that
Monstrous
Head
of
Medusa
been
represented
gastly
,
full
of
Venom
and
Viper
(
only
not
to
charm
us
into
Stones
and
Stupidity
)
but
the
setting
all
in
Combustion
and
a
Flame
.
Therefore
he
tells
us
if
this
can
be
but
kept
out
,
(
which
the
Lord
knows
has
been
I
don't
know
how
long
coming
in
.
)
We
ought
And
have
we
not
Laws
sufficient
in
force
,
and
that
for
the
keeping
out
allthe
powers
of
the
Pope
,
tho
His
Pilgrims
landed
here
with
a
Legion
?
Have
we
not
Oaths
,
Tests
,
two
several
Acts
of
Parliaments
against
Priest
,
proselytes
and
Recusants
?
Have
we
not
the
best
Bulwark
the
Bishops
and
the
greatest
assurance
,
the
word
of
a
King
?
But
in
short
;
the
danger
was
then
a
Successor
,
and
nothing
could
serve
less
than
a
new
Law
:
And
what
was
that
?
why
,
for
Excluding
an
Heir
to
a
Crown
for
Fifteen
Hundred
years
Hereditary
.
That
Parliaments
have
presumed
to
alter
the
discent
of
the
Crown
,
is
as
true
as
that
the
same
Convention
of
States
have
Rebel'd
against
the
Crown
it self
:
And
scarce
one
Instant
of
the
Presidents
he
has
giv'n
us
,
but
serve
to
prove
my
purpose
as
well
as
his
own
,
that
they
either
actually
Rebel'd
when
they
medled
with
the
Succession
,
or
else
that
it
was
for
settling
it
on
the
Right
Heirs
after
such
a
Rebellion
.
It
was
[
*
](A58510-e94710-b)
*
Postscript
p.
52.
all
the
following
Casesmost
absurdly
apply'd
,
and
all
make
against
his
own
Cause
.
Richard
the
Second's
;
that
was
a
Parliament
indeed
,
that
did
more
than
meddle
with
the
Succession
when
they
actually
deposed
their
Sovereign
.
That
of
[
‖
](A58510-e94770-b)
‖
7.
H.
4.
c.
2.
Hen.
4th
entails
declar'd
void
viz.
upon
the
Claim
of
Richard
Duke
of
York
.
Henry
the
Fourth
,
so
far
from
a
Parliament
that
they
had
no
King
.
And
that
was
told
them
to
their
faces
by
the
Loyal
Prelate
of
[
†
](A58510-e94850-b)
†
Vid.
B.
Carlisles
Speech
,
H.
4.
in
Baker
and
Trussel
,
H.
4ths
Deposers
,
Traytors
within
25
Coke
Treason
.
Carlisle
.
Henry
the
Sixth
,
the
Successor
of
one
that
had
no
Right
,
and
to
whose
Heir
then
they
could
never
do
any
wrong
.
Edward
the
[
*
](A58510-e94980-b)
*
Vid.
1.
Ed.
4.
Rot.
par.
9.
10
,
11
,
12.
Fourth
was
for
securing
the
Descent
in
the
Right
Line
,
and
declaring
all
that
of
the
Lancasters
Rebels
;
and
that
in
spight
of
all
those
Entails
this
Lawyer
lies
his
mighty
stress
upon
,
and
which
even
in
his
Fathers
claim
,
(
tho
he
never
lived
to
enjoy
the
benefit
of
his
Right
,
)
The
[
‖
](A58510-e95040-b)
‖
Vid.
Rot.
par.
39.
H.
6.
n.
11.
Parliament
of
the
Usurper
himself
did
with
blushes
and
shame
acknowledge
,
That
his
Title
could
not
be
defeated
;
that
those
Entails
were
only
made
for
want
of
a
better
Title
,
and
very
fairly
made
their
Vsurper
a
enant
for
Life
,
and
that
to
an
Excluded
Duke
of
York
,
and
further
did
they
force
their
Loyalty
when
his
Son
,
their
Lawful
Soveraign
came
to
the
Crown
,
they
tell
him
in
the
first
of
his
Reign
as
appears
in
the
[
*
](A58510-e95150-b)
*
1.
Ed.
4.
Rot.
ut
supra
.
Roll
:
That
this
Henry
the
Fourth
upon
whom
Mr.
Hunt
triumphs
that
an
Entail
was
made
,
was
an
Vsurper
Traytor
and
Murderer
of
his
Soveraign
.
And
for
his
next
Instance
of
Richard
Ed
3d
Inst.
c.
1.
Treason
.
the
Third
,
would
any
one
besides
a
Butcher
and
as
Barbarous
a
Beast
as
the
Precedent
he
brings
;
tell
us
of
an
Entail
they
made
upon
his
Heirs
,
which
was
only
a
Settlement
of
Blood
so
much
and
Treason
upon
them
and
their
posterity
Bless
me
!
that
men
of
Sense
should
be
so
inconsiderately
besotted
;
so
Foolishly
wicked
:
sure
Mr.
Hunt
knows
that
that
Bloody
Senate
could
never
have
boggled
to
settle
a
Crown
upon
the
posterity
of
a
Tyrant
that
they
themselves
had
advanced
to
the
Throne
in
the
Blood
of
his
Nephews
.
They
might
well
settle
the
Crown
on
Henry
the
Seventh
,
that
came
to
it
by
three
several
pleas
,
Blood
,
Arms
,
and
the
Law
,
and
is
the
Settling
it
upon
a
Lawful
Soveraign
a
President
for
Excluding
another
against
All
Law
,
and
those
Entailments
were
but
so
many
Recognitions
,
Officious
,
affirmatory
Kindnesses
to
the
Crown
whereas
their
Exclusion
must
have
been
an
Invading
it
.
His
Acts
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
were
such
as
all
the
World
blusht
at
,
and
any
English
man
may
be
ashamed
to
own
,
Inconsistent
,
contradictory
,
Fruitless
,
and
illusory
,
that
made
Protestants
desert
us
,
that
designed
us
for
their
Leaders
in
a
League
;
the
shame
of
Europe
and
the
Opprobrium
of
our
Nation
.
Did
not
his
25th
on
default
of
Male
?
Entail
the
Crown
on
the
Lady
Elizabeth
,
and
made
Mary
Spurious
?
Did
not
his
28th
make
the
same
Lady
,
the
Protestant
Princess
Illegitimate
,
on
whom
it
was
Entailed
before
,
and
with
his
35th
.
reinstated
them
both
again
,
and
that
both
in
Birth
and
Tail
?
And
lastly
,
that
of
Queen
Mary's
Entail
,
was
by
a
biggoted
House
of
Commons
,
that
brought
in
that
very
Popery
they
now
so
much
,
and
so
vainly
fear
;
and
were
like
to
have
Entailed
their
Religion
and
Laws
to
the
Vassalage
of
Rome
,
as
well
as
the
Crown
to
the
Heirs
of
Spain
.
And
is
this
thy
Loyalty
,
(
Seditious
Sycophant
!
)
this
thy
Religion
?
to
bring
us
presidents
for
Rebellion
from
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
the
Statutes
of
Apostates
,
for
the
Establishing
Popery
.
The
[
‖
](A58510-e96000-b)
‖
13.
Eliz.
13.
of
Elizabeth
is
such
an
one
too
,
as
none
but
a
[
†
](A58510-e96030-b)
†
Hunt's
Postscript
page
51.
Defier
of
Sense
could
have
design'd
for
Application
.
It
is
apparent
that
it
was
a
Design
to
Secure
the
Crown
to
Her
the
Right
Heir
;
and
that
tho
by
an
Indirect
means
.
An
Act
which
she
doubted
her self
whether
with
all
her
Parliament
she
could
pass
,
but
was
assured
all
her
Subjects
would
like
it
when
it
was
;
done
upon
a
double
Design
to
Secure
her
Title
against
the
Pope
and
the
Pretensions
of
the
Queen
of
Scots
,
[
*
](A58510-e96140-b)
*
Cambd.
vit.
Eliz.
Cambden
the
best
Account
of
her
Life
,
makes
it
a
Trick
of
Leicester's
,
[
‖
](A58510-e96180-b)
‖
Besides
had
he
Consulted
other
Books
before
he
writ
his
own
,
by
what
appears
by
Keeble
Stat.
that
very
Act
is
expir'd
,
ofno
Force
;
and
so
he
has
made
himself
a
Knave
in
Fact
,
as
well
as
Fool
in
Application
.
but
let
them
Lye
for
it
for
once
,
and
raze
the
Sacred
Truth
of
History
,
and
Record
,
(
which
the
Law
makes
Felony
;
)
even
in
their
own
sense
,
it
was
enacted
for
securing
a
Lineal
Descent
to
those
that
they
thought
the
Right
Heir
.
But
theirs
would
have
been
a
Difinheriting
of
one
they
knew
to
be
so
.
It
is
Prodigiously
strange
to
me
that
those
that
contend
so
much
for
this
Parliamentary
Power
over
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
,
that
this
Judge
Advocate
for
the
Parliament
,
[
*
](A58510-e96300-b)
*
Postscript
p.
71
,
72.
Hunt
himself
,
that
tells
us
plainly
't
is
not
establisht
by
any
Divine
Right
,
but
is
governed
according
to
the
presumed
Will
of
the
People
,
that
these
Sycophants
do
not
consider
they
do
the
greatest
Disservice
to
that
Honorable
Assembly
,
put
the
greatest
abuse
upon
that
Ancient
and
truly
venerable
Constitution
,
they
give
the
Lye
to
several
Acts
of
Parliament
made
in
the
best
of
times
,
and
make
those
Legislators
the
morst
of
Villains
,
or
the
greatest
Fools
;
or
in
his
own
phraseology
Wicked
,
Impious
,
Sacrilegious
,
for
have
not
they
in
several
Reigns
by
Special
Act
recognized
even
a
Divine
Right
as
well
as
an
Hereditary
?
In
the
first
of
[
‖
](A58510-e96470-b)
‖
1.
Ed.
4.
〈◊〉
.
p.
n.
9
,
10
,
&c.
Edward
did
they
not
declare
that
their
Soveraigns
Title
to
the
Crown
was
by
Gods
Law
,
and
the
Law
of
Nature
?
Did
they
not
even
to
a
Tyrant
,
a
Murderer
,
one
fit
only
to
be
the
Peoples
Creature
,
whom
no
Nature
or
God
did
design
for
the
Throne
?
Did
they
not
resolve
his
Right
to
be
both
by
God
and
Nature
?
[
‖
](A58510-e96570-b)
‖
Exact
Abridg.
fol.
713.
Rot.
R.
3.
Tell
me
was
it
thought
so
Divine
so
natural
so
Sacred
,
THEN
,
even
in
the
worst
of
Men
,
and
must
it
be
impious
,
Sacriligious
in
the
best
of
Princes
?
Did
not
their
best
of
[
*
](A58510-e96660-b)
*
1.
Elz.
c.
3.
Queens
,
receive
her
Crown
with
a
Recognition
of
it's
Descent
to
be
by
the
Laws
of
God
?
And
lastly
look
upon
that
of
King
[
†
](A58510-e96690-b)
†
1.
Jac.
c.
1.
James
,
where
with
unspeakable
Joy
they
acknowledge
he
Reign'd
by
the
Laws
of
God
.
And
as
[
*
](A58510-e96730-b)
*
Posts
.
p.
87.
new
as
he
calls
the
Doctrine
,
for
five
hundred
year
agon
both
by
Divines
and
Lawyers
it
was
allowed
of
and
maintained
.
[
‖
](A58510-e96750-b)
‖
Gervasius
Doroberbensis
Coll.
133.
30.
Gervase
the
Monk
tells
us
,
it
is
manifest
the
Kings
of
England
,
are
obliged
to
none
but
GOD
,
and
[
†
](A58510-e96800-b)
†
Bracton
l.
4.
c.
24.
Sect.
5.
Bracton
that
lived
and
wrote
in
the
same
Reign
of
Henry
tells
us
,
their
King
was
then
only
under
God
;
and
will
neither
Law
nor
Gospel
,
History
Ancient
and
Modern
,
Rolls
,
Acts
and
Acknowledgements
of
Parliaments
themselves
satisfy
them
,
that
they
have
nothing
to
do
with
the
[
*
](A58510-e96890-b)
*
Dr.
Burnet
tells
us
H.
8.
declared
upon
a
dispute
about
Ecclesiastical
〈◊〉
very
warmly
,
that
by
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
he
was
King
,
Hist.
Reform
.
l.
1.
pt.
1.
fol.
17.
Either
the
Dr.
lyes
,
or
Harry
the
8th
,
or
this
Doctrine
is
not
so
new
,
but
200.
year
old
.
SUCCESSION
?
Never
could
any
Person
that
had
not
Proclaimed
open
War
with
Reason
and
broke
all
Truce
with
Sense
suggest
as
he
does
that
the
difference
between
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
and
that
of
a
Private
Estate
,
are
Reasons
for
altering
the
Succession
,
which
is
one
of
the
best
Arguments
for
it's
being
Vnalterable
.
Does
not
the
Law
provide
that
but
one
Daughter
shall
succeed
to
the
Crown
,
and
that
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Monarchy
;
which
must
be
but
of
one
and
no
Co-partners
of
a
Kingdom
?
And
so
also
the
Son
of
a
Second
Venter
to
prevent
the
want
of
Succession
shall
be
admitted
to
the
Throne
;
when
he
shall
be
Excluded
an
Estate
:
His
fancy
of
the
Royal
Families
being
Extinct
,
and
that
then
the
Majesty
of
the
People
commences
,
was
long
since
the
pretty
conceit
of
Will
.
Pryn
too
.
In
which
they
tell
us
as
I
've
told
them
before
,
just
as
much
as
an
old
Aphorism
,
When
the
Sky
falls
,
and
spoil
another
good
Proverb
,
that
No
man
dyes
without
an
Heir
:
But
suppose
what
can
be
,
may
be
:
Would
not
all
this
mighty
Constitution
of
Parliament
be
gone
too
,
when
there
was
no
Successor
of
a
King
to
Summon
it
.
His
[
*
](A58510-e97230-b)
*
Postscr
.
pag.
〈◊〉
.
Majesty
of
the
People
might
set
up
another
Policy
of
Government
they
think
if
it
pleased
:
But
would
not
their
Majesty
of
the
People
,
find
it
more
agreeable
to
Divine
Institution
to
agree
upon
the
same
Government
in
another
person
in
an
Extremity
?
for
would
it
not
be
more
agreable
even
to
their
own
Interest
,
to
prefer
that
under
which
they
had
enjoyed
so
long
,
such
an
Experienced
Happiness
,
since
the
Almighty
does
not
Reveal
himself
as
he
did
of
old
to
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
and
bid
them
arise
and
Anoint
him
a
King
over
his
Israel
?
But
as
Mr.
Hunt's
private
Estates
(
tho
I
know
not
with
what
equity
a
mere
Fiction
in
Law
,
robs
a
man
of
so
much
Realty
)
are
frequently
recovered
with
fine
at
Common
Law
against
the
Right
Heirs
,
he
won't
pretend
therefore
sure
a
Parliament
shall
,
a
Kingdom
and
a
Crown
against
a
Royal
Successor
.
His
own
Reason
for
it
is
the
best
Refutation
,
for
I
say
too
,
the
Crown
is
[
‖
](A58510-e97440-b)
‖
Postscr
.
l.
p.
72.
Governed
by
other
Rules
than
a
private
Estate
,
and
the
Romans
who
were
Governed
by
those
Civil
Sanctions
,
that
have
since
the
whole
World
,
tho
by
those
they
had
a
Dominion
over
their
Issues
,
Heirs
,
and
Estates
,
yet
those
will
not
grant
even
to
Kings
,
the
power
of
Disenheriting
their
own
Successors
:
Nay
such
Favorers
were
they
then
of
the
Right
Heirs
,
that
they
would
not
permit
their
Common
Citizens
,
to
be
disinherited
at
the
Arbitrary
Will
of
the
Parent
,
but
obliged
them
to
observe
De
Exhaeredatione
.
such
certain
express
Rules
in
their
Exhaeredation
.
And
heretofore
,
some
of
the
Writers
of
our
own
Law
could
affirm
,
that
the
Inheritance
that
descended
from
their
Ancestors
was
scarce
ever
suffer'd
to
be
disposed
by
Will
,
but
to
the
next
Heir
,
for
my
part
I
look
upon
the
word
Heir
not
to
have
the
same
Relation
in
case
of
the
Royal
end
,
that
it
has
in
that
of
a
Subject
,
who
always
claims
his
Estate
from
his
Ancestor
,
Common
whereas
the
other
Heir
is
call'd
more
properly
the
Kings
SUCCESSOR
,
but
the
Crown
's
HEIR
.
And
it
will
be
hard
then
to
make
him
pass
for
the
Parliaments
.
I
won't
tell
Mr.
Hunt
here
,
of
the
Blood
and
Miseries
,
the
common
Calamities
,
the
dismal
Attendants
of
a
Royal
Heir
being
bar'd
of
his
Right
:
How
many
Millions
of
Lives
?
how
much
Blood
it
has
cost
us
already
?
(
And
if
any
thing
,
of
〈◊〉
would
have
frightned
us
,
)
for
Excluding
a
Duke
of
York
too
;
but
it
seems
Blood
did
not
terrifie
Mr.
Hunts
Members
of
Parliament
,
to
whom
their
[
*
](A58510-e97760-b)
*
Coke
4.
Inst.
p.
19.
3.
Oracle
gives
all
the
properties
of
an
Elephant
,
and
then
they
must
be
only
provok'd
at
Red
,
't
is
the
Justice
of
it
;
and
every
Moral
Action
that
must
direct
Communities
as
well
as
Common
Persons
,
and
a
Mighty
Parliament
as
well
as
a
single
Peasant
If
Expediency
shall
come
to
warrant
Injustice
in
Aggregate
Bodies
;
every
Individual
may
as
well
commence
Villain
for
Convenience
.
[
‖
](A58510-e97920-b)
‖
Consult
these
Daemagogue
;
Darling
,
Coke
himself
on
the
Case
.
4.
Inst.
c.
1.
page
3.
are
his
own
words
.
The
more
high
and
absolute
the
Jurisdiction
of
this
Court
is
;
the
more
just
and
Honourable
it
ought
to
be
in
it's
proceeding
,
and
give
Example
of
Justice
to
the
Inferior
Court
.
Away
with
that
Paradox
of
Folly
and
Faction
;
that
a
Parliament
can
do
no
wrong
,
since
we
have
seen
such
a
numerous
Senate
transported
like
one
Man
with
rage
and
Folly
even
to
the
Ruin
of
Three
Kingdoms
.
And
with
what
Justice
an
Exclusion
which
wou'd
here
have
been
the
greatest
Punishment
next
to
Capital
that
a
Crowns
Heir
could
suffer
,
could
well
be
past
,
and
that
for
punishing
an
Offence
Antecedent
to
the
Law
,
I
leave
,
such
Legislators
to
Judge
.
It
looks
so
much
like
their
Bills
of
[
*
](A58510-e98010-b)
*
Mortimers
2.
Harry
the
6.
Cromwells
32.
Hen.
8.
Attainder
,
that
I
am
loth
to
tell
them
such
an
one
even
in
this
[
‖
](A58510-e98060-b)
‖
Strafford
5.
Car.
1.
reverst
14.
Car.
2.
c.
29.
Kings
time
was
reversed
with
Ignominy
and
Reproach
,
and
for
a
Repealing
of
the
Infamy
,
the
very
Records
of
it
raz'd
from
the
File
,
and
should
the
Crowns
Heir
too
have
suffer'd
by
a
subsequent
Law
he
cou'd
never
Transgress
?
Would
they
have
given
their
God
the
Lye
,
and
made
Transgression
where
there
was
no
Law
?
Did
the
Seminary
Priest
suffer
here
,
for
Officiating
,
before
that
Statute
was
in
being
?
Should
CHAP.
IV.
Remarks
upon
Julian
.
THat
this
Author
was
a
better
States-man
than
a
Christian
that
he
consulted
more
the
Security
of
his
Person
,
than
the
Purity
of
his
Religion
;
that
he
had
much
rather
burn
his
Bible
that
suffer
but
a
[
*
](A58510-e98290-b)
*
Vid.
Foxe's
Martyrology
.
pag.
1534.
Tomkin's
Finger
into
the
Flame
,
are
such
undenyable
Truths
,
that
you
must
suspend
your
own
reason
and
give
your
own
Writings
the
Lye
but
to
suspect
them
;
but
how
far
this
Doctrine
of
self
preservation
is
always
consistent
with
the
Gospel
;
and
whether
a
man
may
never
deny
himself
to
Confess
his
Christ
,
requires
.
I
believe
,
not
an
absolute
determination
of
School
Divines
,
but
may
be
Collected
from
the
Practical
Inferences
that
may
be
drawn
from
many
a
Text
in
the
New
Testament
.
How
far
our
Saviour's
Suffering
on
the
Cross
,
should
influence
those
that
profess
themselves
his
Disciples
to
Suffer
:
How
much
the
precepts
of
their
great
Master
was
Imitated
,
by
those
Christians
that
were
truly
Primitive
,
is
a
Disquisition
proper
for
a
Divine
.
And
has
been
as
industriously
enquired
unto
by
several
hands
engaged
in
that
Holy
Function
,
the
tide
is
turned
at
last
with
the
Time
,
and
Jovian
remains
as
〈◊〉
,
as
his
Julian
was
thought
to
be
〈◊〉
Answer
,
that
Learned
and
Loyal
Author
has
fixt
the
Pillars
to
the
Controversie
,
and
if
this
adventurer
,
with
the
Second
part
of
his
[
*
](A58510-e98490-b)
*
An
Esq
in
Divinity
,
or
the
Divine
Squire
,
one
Ramsey
(
that
writ
himself
so
,
and
B
,
D.
beside
I
remember
)
Printed
the
first
,
a
pretty
piece
of
popular
Nonsense
.
Julians-ship
will
force
beyond
it
,
he
may
discover
to
us
a
new
faith
,
a
new
Bible
,
but
can
never
confute
him
from
either
of
the
old
,
most
of
my
Remarks
shall
be
upon
his
Political
.
Observations
,
for
what
he
would
Reform
,
in
the
Doctrine
of
the
Church
is
only
as
it
relates
to
Matters
and
Affairs
in
the
State
.
The
Loyal
Addressers
feel
the
first
Effort
of
his
fury
,
and
the
〈◊〉
of
Mahomet's
Hobgoblins
are
placed
even
within
their
Brows
,
for
expressing
(
he
thinks
)
their
contradictory
Protestations
;
but
such
Bugbears
will
hardly
frighten
them
from
following
the
Precepts
of
their
Saviour
,
that
still
inculcate
on
sufferance
and
Subjection
,
but
only
may
deter
such
as
prefer
the
Crescent
of
that
Imposture
,
to
the
Cross
in
Baptism
,
that
can
baffie
their
Bibles
,
where
it
restrains
their
Liberty
,
or
admit
an
Alcoran
of
the
Turks
to
tolerate
Licentiousness
,
it
might
well
be
a
Grievance
to
such
disaffected
Creatures
to
see
the
good
Effects
of
his
Majesty's
Declaration
,
and
that
all
his
good
Subjects
,
had
gotten
an
opportunity
of
shewing
that
Affection
and
hearty
Loyalty
which
was
over-awed
by
the
Tumultuousness
of
a
Faction
from
discovering
it self
,
they
knew
their
own
Party's
power
had
been
prevalent
a
long
time
in
putting
up
Petitions
,
and
in
those
Numbers
augmented
too
with
Artifice
,
as
well
as
Sedition
,
had
placed
a
Confidence
which
they
saw
failed
them
,
and
themselves
foiled
with
a
Weapon
not
much
unlike
their
own
in
its
make
,
tho
the
Mettal
and
Matter
of
Another
and
better
temper
:
Here
in
truth
lay
the
contrariety
,
the
Contradiction
that
confounded
them
,
more
than
in
the
Nature
,
and
tendency
of
such
Addresses
,
which
if
this
prejudic'd
Divine
had
examined
he
would
have
found
no
more
Zeal
in
them
,
than
what
was
consistent
with
their
Loyalty
and
Religion
,
Their
Allegiance
which
they
had
sworn
(
and
of
which
some
of
our
Protestants
make
as
little
account
as
if
a
Jesuits
Equivocation
would
absolve
them
from
a
positive
Oath
)
that
obliged
them
to
declare
for
the
Kings
Heirs
and
Successors
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
might
still
be
maintained
under
any
perswasion
of
their
Prince
,
unless
the
Nation
was
obliged
to
believe
their
Politick
presumptions
in
a
piece
[
*
](A58510-e98940-b)
*
Their
Association
.
of
Treason
,
for
Gospel
,
and
as
infallible
as
a
Creed
;
and
that
because
their
Associated
Excluders
in
a
Scheam
of
Rebellion
,
tell
us
,
Queen
Mary
proved
the
Wisest
Laws
insignificant
to
keep
out
Popery
;
therefore
it
must
be
concluded
it
connot
now
be
kept
out
.
This
Gentleman
knows
,
(
that
I
believe
chopt
up
so
much
Logick
with
his
Commons
at
the
University
,
if
Educated
there
,
where
commonly
better
principles
use
to
be
Instill'd
,
)
that
it
is
a
most
false
Inference
from
a
Particular
to
conclude
absolutely
and
Vniversal
,
and
when
besides
Henry
the
8th's
Reforming
,
Edwards
the
6th
short
Reign
,
had
hardly
settled
the
Reformation
,
there
being
more
Romanists
then
in
the
Kingdom
,
than
such
as
had
truly
Reformed
,
it
was
never
truly
begun
or
throughly
perfected
till
Queen
Elizabeth's
Reign
;
which
might
be
easily
observed
from
the
Parliaments
so
soon
declaring
for
Popery
in
Queen
Mary's
first
entrance
upon
the
Throne
:
yet
however
he
might
observe
,
tho
the
Suffolk
Men
set
her
up
as
undoubted
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
which
as
the
Bishop
of
[
*
](A58510-e99140-b)
*
Godwin
in
vita
Mariae
.
Hereford
in
the
History
of
her
Reign
says
,
was
then
so
prevalent
with
our
Englishmen
,
that
no
pretence
of
Religion
was
a
sufficient
Suggestion
for
opposing
such
a
Right
,
Yet
they
soon
deserted
her
when
they
saw
her
bent
for
introducing
a
new
one
,
and
such
a
defection
might
have
endangered
her
establishment
,
had
not
the
generality
of
the
Nation
been
then
of
her
perswasion
.
But
what
Maxims
of
State
should
now
move
another
Prince
of
that
Religion
to
endeavour
it's
establishment
,
when
All
the
Kingdom
's
so
bent
against
it
,
when
the
Protestant
has
been
rooted
here
for
above
this
hundred
year
,
&
we
have
a
King
,
whom
God
preserve
,
that
has
promis'd
,
and
may
live
yet
many
to
defend
it
.
They
must
imaginesuch
a
Successor
seduced
against
his
Interest
,
his
Councils
besotted
to
set
him
upon
such
Measures
now
as
must
certainly
disturb
the
Quiet
of
his
Government
,
tho
the
Faction
cannot
Overturn
it
;
so
that
this
great
point
will
come
to
this
;
Whether
having
more
contingencies
than
one
of
having
such
a
Religion
introduced
,
as
first
the
great
Casualty
there
was
of
his
not
coming
to
the
Crown
,
which
might
have
been
prevented
by
a
Natural
death
,
without
their
Expedients
at
the
Rye
,
their
unhuman
,
and
unnatural
Barbarities
:
and
then
imagining
such
an
Actual
Succession
,
that
Improbability
of
making
such
a
sudden
Alteration
,
in
Religion
,
only
for
his
own
Disquiet
,
and
without
any
Probability
of
Establishment
in
his
Reign
which
according
to
the
Course
of
Nature
must
betoo
short
,
(
tho
I
shall
still
pray
for
any
of
the
Lines
longest
Life
,
)
and
the
little
continuance
it
can
expect
should
it
be
introduced
when
all
that
are
to
succeed
him
are
profest
Protestants
.
These
being
such
Casualties
as
upon
good
Conjecture
and
Probability
may
interpose
,
the
question
is
;
Whether
in
prudence
or
Policy
we
ought
to
have
Involv'd
our
State
in
certain
danger
,
only
to
prevent
a
contingent
one
.
I
could
never
get
any
one
yet
to
prove
that
to
be
matter
of
Expediency
for
the
good
of
the
Publick
:
That
such
an
Exclusion
would
have
been
certainly
dangerous
our
Annals
too
sadly
Testifie
,
and
any
one
need
but
to
turn
back
to
my
Remarks
upon
our
History
and
he
'll
find
it
Chronicled
in
Blood
.
And
that
any
danger
of
our
Religion
is
but
merely
Contingent
must
be
allow'd
by
all
that
think
it
not
Predestinated
to
be
changed
:
And
what
now
have
these
good
Subjects
done
to
be
thus
reviled
by
the
bad
?
Why
!
they
have
declared
in
their
Addresses
to
Assert
that
Right
,
which
in
their
Oaths
they
have
Sworn
to
defend
.
And
a
Pious
Divine
that
has
dispensed
with
them
,
Libels
them
for
not
being
Perjur'd
for
company
.
His
[
*
](A58510-e99490-b)
*
p.
7.
distinction
of
the
Religion
being
Establisht
by
Law
is
far
from
creating
any
difference
,
for
the
question
is
here
,
what
is
the
Doctine
of
the
Gospel
,
and
it
can't
be
imagin'd
any
sort
of
Christians
upon
the
Privilege
of
any
Political
Establishment
,
are
enabled
to
dispense
with
the
precepts
oftheir
Religion
;
and
confute
their
Bibles
with
the
Statute
Book
.
Saint
Paul's
sufferings
are
so
far
from
discountenancing
such
a
Doctrine
,
that
they
are
alone
the
best
,
the
clearest
Confirmation
of
it
:
he
was
beaten
,
suffer'd
Imprisonment
,
and
all
for
the
sake
of
his
Saviour
:
he
told
them
after
his
durance
to
whom
they
had
done
it
,
and
the
greatest
Sticklers
for
Passive
Obedience
,
will
allow
Mr.
I.
to
plead
his
Magna
Charta
;
if
he
won't
with
the
Barons
beat
it
into
the
Head
of
his
Soveraign
with
Club
Law
,
or
knock
out
the
Brains
of
an
Imprisoned
[
*
](A58510-e99690-b)
*
So
they
murder'd
at
Pomfret
Rich
2d
.
King
for
it
with
a
[
‖
](A58510-e99710-b)
‖
Vid.
Baker
p.
155.
Stow
says
,
it
was
with
a
kind
of
death
never
heard
of
here
p.
325.
tho
Walsingham
would
have
it
with
Pining
.
Battle-axe
,
his
Breath
can
plead
his
defence
without
Resisting
unto
Blood
,
Paul
could
have
pleaded
his
privilege
of
being
a
Roman
and
uncondemned
,
sure
as
available
before
his
Sufferings
,
had
he
not
thought
it
is
duty
to
suffer
,
and
he
may
read
in
the
same
Book
of
those
that
went
away
Rejoycing
that
they
were
counted
Worthy
of
it
for
his
Name
.
A
man
may
be
born
to
a
great
deal
of
Right
when
't
is
none
of
his
Birth-right
to
Rebel
;
and
that
against
the
very
Monarchy
it self
.
His
case
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e99880-b)
*
p.
9.
Pursivant
,
is
as
much
to
the
Purpose
as
if
he
had
pitch't
upon
the
First
in
the
Report
,
there
was
an
Arrest
of
a
Body
by
such
an
Officer
,
to
bring
him
to
appear
before
them
,
that
constituted
them
,
an
[
‖
](A58510-e99910-b)
‖
Erected
1.
Eliz.
p.
Letters
,
Pattents
.
High
Commission
Court
.
And
as
often
it
happens
,
in
Execution
of
the
Law
many
times
there
is
Opposition
made
,
sometimes
Maiming
is
the
Result
,
many
times
Murder
;
here
it
hap'ned
that
the
[
†
](A58510-e99960-b)
†
One
Johnson
Simpson's
Case
at
the
Assizes
of
North.
ampton
.
Officer's
Assistant
was
kill'd
,
and
the
Law
that
makes
it
but
Manslaughter
in
a
Common
Fray
,
in
an
Execution
of
an
Office
makes
it
Murder
,
and
that
must
depend
upon
the
Authority
of
that
Court
from
whence
such
Officer
receives
his
Writ
,
Warrant
or
Commission
;
't
is
[
*
](A58510-e100010-b)
*
Coke
R.
12.
pt.
p.
49.
Vid.
also
the
same
Case
,
4.
Inst.
Cap.
74.
p.
333.
But
as
quick
as
Mr.
Johnson
jumbles
up
the
the
business
,
the
〈◊〉
defer'd
their
Judgment
till
the
next
Assize
,
and
then
perhaps
the
emulation
there
is
,
and
always
was
between
the
two
Courts
;
made
their
Lordships
at
last
a
little
Partial
.
Brownlows
2d
pt.
p.
15.
〈◊〉
Case
42.
Eliz.
adjudg'd
in
the
Case
that
they
might
have
cited
to
Appearance
,
and
upon
Contumacy
to
have
proceeded
to
Excommunication
,
and
then
have
arrested
upon
their
Writ
of
Capias
;
but
that
they
could
not
Arrest
him
outright
upon
a
Surmise
.
That
a
Man
may
resist
an
Authority
,
that
is
not
Lawful
any
man
will
allow
,
for
it
is
the
same
as
if
he
resisted
none
at
all
,
however
if
Murder
be
the
Consequence
of
such
a
Resistance
;
all
his
Expositors
upon
the
sixth
Commandment
will
hardly
help
him
to
distinguish
it
into
Man-slaughter
.
And
tho
my
Lord
[
*
](A58510-e100130-b)
*
Vid.
Pleas
of
the
Crown
Hales
.
Hales
,
whose
Memory
will
still
be
pious
for
his
equal
destributions
of
Justice
was
a
great
Latitudinarian
in
allowing
too
much
scope
for
premeditated
Malice
;
yet
the
Decalogue
will
make
that
Murder
,
for
which
the
Law
will
allow
him
the
Benefit
of
his
Clergy
,
and
did
in
Harry
the
Eight's
time
without
distinction
to
all
sort
of
shedding
of
Blood
,
and
then
the
Book
that
he
talks
of
was
dedicated
to
Cromwel
,
would
have
been
Authoriz'd
by
the
Law
,
which
in
some
sort
it self
then
,
made
all
Killing
no
Murder
:
neither
in
an
equitable
sense
was
this
Homicide
excused
from
being
a
Murderer
,
because
he
resisted
unto
blood
before
the
jurisdiction
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e100270-b)
*
Besides
't
is
observable
the
Judges
at
that
time
had
a
particular
pique
to
the
power
of
that
Court
which
they
thought
invaded
theirs
,
and
might
be
very
ready
to
give
Judgment
against
them
in
Criminal
Matters
;
as
well
as
Plague
y'm
with
their
Prohibitions
in
Civil
and
as
they
were
then
great
Foes
;
so
my
Lord
Coke
in
his
discourse
upon
the
Court
is
but
little
their
Friend
.
Court
was
Resolved
,
and
to
him
in
a
Moral
sense
't
was
as
much
Guilt
as
if
that
Authority
had
been
Absolutely
Legal
,
and
tho
he
tells
us
he
does
not
descend
to
salse
Arrests
,
yet
I
thank
him
for
his
Condescension
,
't
is
to
such
a
matter
as
is
no
way
distinguishable
from
it
,
for
an
Arrest
without
Authority
is
equivalent
to
a
false
,
and
is
as
much
Tortius
and
Force
as
what
is
done
upon
a
Forged
Warrant
.
The
Cases
reported
by
those
two
Lawyers
he
cites
,
one
of
them
but
a
Protonothary
,
that
other
our
great
Oracle
,
in
my
Conscience
were
never
designed
for
proofs
against
Passive
Obedience
.
By
their
Resistance
here
of
the
Law
was
never
understood
that
which
was
forbidden
in
the
Gospel
,
besides
it
was
but
the
Resolution
of
the
Judges
against
the
[
*
](A58510-e100480-b)
*
So
much
were
the
people
postest
against
the
Power
of
that
Court
,
in
King
Charles
the
First
's
time
,
that
2000.
Brownists
broke
into
St.
Pauls
where
it
was
sitting
,
beat
down
all
the
Benches
,
and
Bawling
No
Bishops
,
No
Commission
.
Vid.
Dugd.
view
.
Power
of
that
Court
,
which
to
be
sure
they
did
not
care
to
favour
,
and
those
two
Authorities
he
has
cited
,
none
of
the
best
,
in
Matters
of
Allegiance
and
Loyalty
,
that
part
of
Coke
is
looked
upon
not
very
favourable
to
the
Government
,
and
Brownlow
first
Printed
when
there
was
none
.
But
his
Triumphant
Distinction
between
his
Religion
Established
by
Law
,
and
that
which
has
no
Law
for
it's
Establishment
,
is
not
only
far
from
creating
a
Difference
here
as
I
have
shown
before
,
because
the
precepts
of
the
Gospel
(
which
must
be
more
immutable
sure
than
a
Persian
decree
)
are
still
the
same
,
and
are
now
the
Question
;
but
the
Offering
here
of
such
a
distinction
is
in
Truth
as
impertinently
applyed
,
as
it
is
really
none
at
all
,
for
whenever
he
can
imagin
here
,
which
God
will
avert
,
any
Sufferance
for
the
sake
of
his
Religion
;
it
must
be
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
or
else
he
'll
never
be
brought
to
suffer
,
I
'll
secure
his
Carkass
for
a
Farthing
and
be
bound
to
supply
it
with
my
own
for
the
stake
;
if
ever
his
be
tyed
to
it
,
without
reviving
of
the
〈◊〉
de
Comburendo
.
All
the
Martyrdoms
in
[
*
](A58510-e100740-b)
*
In
Q.
Mary's
Reign
first
the
Parliament
supplicated
the
Pope
for
pardon
and
promise
a
Return
to
Popery
.
Vid
,
both
Baker
and
Burnet
.
Queen
Mary's
Reign
,
were
but
so
many
Executions
of
the
Law
,
and
that
Writ
de
〈◊〉
he
'll
find
in
Fitz
Herbert
as
well
as
a
Common
Capias
:
so
that
himself
must
first
without
Charity
(
which
won't
sure
,
then
begin
at
home
)
Give
his
Body
to
be
burnt
with
his
Imply'd
suffrage
in
an
House
of
Commons
,
(
〈◊〉
I
believe
He
is
not
likely
to
be
a
Bishop
)
before
fire
and
faggot
can
come
upon
him
to
singe
his
Hair
or
touch
his
Garment
for
the
sake
of
his
Religion
,
and
how
likely
we
are
ever
to
meet
with
such
a
Parliament
,
to
Sacrifice
themselves
again
to
the
Flames
;
himself
best
knows
who
I
believe
does
not
fear
it
:
so
that
here
his
Foundation
of
Law
Establishment
,
has
nothing
to
support
it
,
and
then
all
his
Privileges
of
Saint
Paul
,
his
own
Magna
Charta
,
his
Case
of
Commissions
all
fall
to
the
Ground
;
and
his
very
supposition
of
his
Religion
being
Establisht
by
Law
,
and
at
the
same
time
against
all
Law
to
suffer
for
it
,
is
more
contradictory
than
his
Horns
or
Addresses
,
for
it
can't
be
supposed
,
but
that
the
Power
that
punishes
him
for
an
Heretick
will
have
Repealed
all
those
old
Laws
that
would
have
protected
him
for
being
such
,
and
enacted
new
ones
to
make
him
suffer
for
his
Perseverance
:
and
't
is
always
remarkable
and
a
great
Truth
,
that
the
laying
down
one
single
false
Position
,
can
never
be
defended
but
with
as
many
Lyes
.
And
this
forces
him
to
maintain
,
the
Christians
suffer'd
contrary
to
Law
,
in
the
time
of
Julian
:
Certainly
,
he
knows
but
little
of
Justinian
,
and
the
Codes
;
however
his
Hunt
help't
him
to
so
much
of
our
Cases
out
of
Cook
.
The
Constitutions
of
the
Jmperial
Law
were
but
the
Decrees
of
their
Emperors
,
as
well
as
the
Corpus
the
Collection
of
one
of
them
,
all
the
civil
Law
that
governed
then
is
called
[
*
](A58510-e101160-b)
*
Pacius
In
Instit.
Prolegom
.
p.
1.
Caesaria
,
Imperatoria
,
because
their
Caesars
,
their
Emperors
where
the
Authors
of
it
;
and
how
can
he
plead
for
them
their
Charters
,
that
had
nothing
else
to
trust
to
but
the
Will
and
Edict
of
their
Prince
?
The
Testamentary
Donation
of
Edward
the
Sixth
he
brings
for
an
Argument
for
Excluding
the
Right
Heir
;
which
makes
but
very
little
for
his
own
,
and
as
much
for
the
cause
he
contends
against
,
not
so
Insignificant
neither
as
he
suggests
,
only
because
they
could
not
well
avoid
an
Act
of
Succession
in
Harry
the
Eight's
time
,
for
whether
that
Act
had
been
made
or
not
;
Queen
Mary
must
have
Succeeded
by
Proximity
of
Blood
,
as
next
Heir
after
her
Brother
.
And
't
was
that
inherent
and
unalterable
Right
,
that
made
the
Nation
the
more
Zealous
in
her
Cause
,
tho
there
were
enough
too
as
Warm
for
her
Religion
;
he
very
well
knows
,
how
that
Will
was
extorted
from
a
weak
and
dying
Prince
,
by
the
Powerful
Importunities
of
Northumberland
,
for
the
sake
of
Jane
the
Eldest
of
the
House
of
Suffolk
,
whom
one
of
his
younger
Sons
had
Marry'd
,
he
knows
nothing
but
self
Interest
and
Ambition
promoted
it
,
he
may
Read
that
both
the
Learned
in
the
[
*
](A58510-e101430-b)
*
Sir
James
Hales
Judge
Court
Com.
Pleas
Sir
John
Baker
.
Chancel
.
Excheq
.
Vid.
〈◊〉
pag.
311.
Law
,
and
as
emiment
of
the
[
‖
](A58510-e101480-b)
‖
Goodwin
in
Vitâ
Mariae
.
Divines
were
against
it
,
Bishop
Goodwin
tells
us
of
Cranmer
himself
present
that
he
opposed
it
,
and
that
for
the
same
Reasons
all
good
Subjects
do
now
,
because
he
thought
no
pretence
of
Religion
could
warrant
an
excluding
the
Right
Heir
.
This
was
the
Sense
of
a
Protestant
so
Zealous
,
that
he
afterward
suffer'd
for
it
,
but
the
power
of
the
great
Northumberland
prevailed
with
him
at
last
for
his
Consent
,
of
which
himself
afterwards
heartily
repented
to
the
Queen
,
tells
her
he
never
liked
it
,
that
nothing
griev'd
him
more
,
and
that
he
wish't
he
could
have
hinder'd
it
.
And
the
ill
success
that
Attempt
had
is
alone
sufficient
one
would
think
to
discourage
such
another
:
'T
is
strange
that
the
very
thing
that
has
once
brought
a
Calamitous
War
upon
the
Kingdom
,
that
in
this
very
Instance
terminated
in
the
Confusion
of
all
the
Attempters
,
brought
Northumberland
to
be
Executed
and
to
Penitence
too
,
for
having
offended
,
and
poor
Lady
Jane
(
as
her self
said
)
to
suffer
justly
only
for
accepting
of
a
Crown
so
unjustly
offer'd
.
'T
is
Prodigious
that
such
contradictory
Mediums
should
be
urged
for
countenanceing
a
thing
to
which
they
are
so
much
repugnant
?
Did
not
a
Parliament
here
of
Protestants
declare
for
a
Popish
Successor
,
and
as
Bishop
Goodwin
says
the
Suffolk
men
set
her
up
tho
they
knew
her
a
Papist
?
Did
not
a
Popish
Parliament
after
her
death
declare
for
Queen
Elizabeth
,
tho
they
knew
her
a
Protestant
,
and
were
not
in
all
these
sudden
Revolutions
the
Right
Heirsstill
preferr'd
,
notwithstanding
their
Religion
was
not
the
same
that
was
profess'd
?
how
then
can
men
that
offer
at
such
a
piece
of
Injustice
,
touch
upon
those
times
for
the
Justifying
so
much
wrong
,
where
they
see
that
under
the
same
Circumstances
they
still
asserted
their
Princes
Right
?
The
next
pretty
Notion
of
this
Ecclesiastical
novice
in
the
Law
,
that
we
shall
now
pass
our
Notes
upon
,
is
a
quaint
conceit
relating
to
our
Oath
of
Allegiance
:
what
it's
form
was
of
old
;
and
what
he
would
have
implyed
in
the
word
HEIR
therein
mentioned
to
whom
we
a
Quirk
in
Law
,
viz.
That
the
King's
Heir
in
possibility
cannot
be
meant
in
our
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
because
't
is
a
Maxim
forsooth
in
our
Law
,
[
*
](A58510-e101990-b)
*
Non
est
Haeres
Viventis
.
that
no
Man
can
have
an
Heir
while
he
is
living
.
And
with
this
silly
Solaecism
,
a
sort
of
Sense
merely
Sophisticated
this
Elaborate
Gospeller
in
the
Law
lays
himself
out
in
the
pains
of
two
or
three
Pages
,
to
prove
the
prettiest
Postulate
,
which
we
would
have
granted
,
but
for
an
asking
,
that
in
this
our
Oath
we
did
not
swear
Actually
Allegiance
to
the
D.
of
Y.
And
truly
I
am
much
of
his
opinion
too
in
that
point
,
and
that
he
was
not
then
our
Soveraign
,
tho
he
had
a
possibility
to
Succeed
.
But
can
ever
a
more
Senseless
Inference
be
made
,
by
a
pretender
to
Sense
,
or
a
more
Jesuitical
Evasion
by
the
most
dexterous
Manager
of
an
Oath
?
First
I
would
ask
him
what
he
thinks
was
the
Design
of
its
first
Imposition
?
what
was
the
Reason
of
Inserting
,
including
the
Kings
Heirs
and
Successors
in
those
Oaths
of
SVPREMACY
and
ALLEGIANCE
?
Was
it
to
perpetuate
or
acknowledge
an
Hereditary
Succession
,
or
to
warrant
an
Exclusion
of
the
Right
Heirs
?
Did
the
Parliament
design
in
the
framing
them
,
the
Lineal
Discent
of
the
Crown
when
they
Swear
to
defend
the
Authority
of
the
Kings
Lawful
Successor
,
as
well
as
his
own
?
or
did
they
then
reserve
to
themselves
a
power
of
declaring
who
should
be
his
Successors
by
Law
?
But
if
the
Divine
Gentleman
would
have
reason'd
pertinently
and
to
the
purpose
(
tho
it
would
have
been
but
an
absurd
sort
of
Reasoning
)
this
he
must
have
inferr'd
,
that
because
we
there
swear
only
to
be
faithful
to
the
Kings
Heirs
when
they
come
to
Succeed
;
therefore
this
Oath
non
Obstante
,
we
are
left
at
Liberty
to
prevent
any
Heir
from
his
Succession
,
and
then
I
would
have
this
Political
Casuist
tell
me
,
What
would
be
the
Difference
between
this
Evasion
and
a
direct
Perjury
,
for
we
swear
to
be
faithful
to
the
King's
Heir
that
shall
Succeed
him
,
and
truly
in
the
mean
while
we
make
them
our
own
,
suffer
only
whom
we
please
,
or
just
noneat
all
to
Succeed
;
for
by
the
same
Law
,
Equity
and
Reason
,
that
we
interrupt
the
Succession
of
one
,
we
may
that
of
one
thousand
too
,
and
still
be
true
to
our
Oath
;
[
*
](A58510-e102310-b)
*
And
even
that
is
allow'd
by
Hunt
in
his
Postscript
,
pag.
74.
if
we
abolisht
the
whole
Line
of
Succession
,
for
then
those
Juglers
with
a
turn
of
hand
and
a
Presto
will
tell
us
very
readily
,
why
truly
we
swore
to
obey
his
Majesties
Heirs
and
Successors
;
but
must
needs
be
absolved
now
,
since
there
are
none
that
do
succeed
.
And
such
were
the
Casuistical
Expositions
of
some
of
our
Late
Divine
Assemblies
,
even
in
this
very
point
,
when
they
had
Murdered
their
Prince
,
and
denounced
Death
His
Heirs
,
and
were
urged
with
their
Allegiance
:
But
is
not
this
first
Perjuring
themselves
to
Commit
a
Crime
,
and
then
justifieing
its
Commission
by
their
being
Perjur'd
?
May
we
not
as
well
Murder
one
that
would
be
the
Successor
,
and
then
plead
our
Innocence
,
we
did
not
suffer
him
to
Succeed
?
or
truly
did
they
not
design
such
an
Impious
and
Execrable
countenancing
of
the
Villany
,
when
they
Associated
for
his
Destruction
and
swore
to
destroy
him
?
would
not
they
then
too
have
Absolved
themselves
thus
in
Johnson's
Sense
and
the
Jesuits
;
from
any
obligation
to
this
his
Majesties
Heir
,
because
the
Law
Maxim
did
not
yet
allow
him
to
be
so
,
and
they
had
helpt
him
now
from
being
so
for
ever
?
Will
a
Nice
point
of
this
his
Law
resolve
does
he
think
as
tender
a
Case
of
Conscience
?
This
his
Law
makes
it
but
Manslaughter
where
a
person
is
kill'd
without
Malice
Propense
;
but
will
this
be
no
shedding
of
Blood
to
be
required
at
his
hands
by
the
Judge
of
Heaven
,
because
he
had
his
Clergy
allowed
here
upon
Earth
?
can
he
Prescribe
with
the
Laws
of
the
Land
to
impunity
from
the
Decalogue
;
and
tell
the
Almighty
some
Killing
is
no
Murder
?
Here
his
God
,
his
Saviour
is
invoked
in
a
Solemn
and
Sacred
Oath
upon
the
Gospel
,
and
one
that
should
be
a
Divine
Expositor
of
both
,
consults
upon
it
the
Readings
of
Mr.
Hunt
,
and
a
Resolution
of
Common
Law
;
here
he
Swears
to
the
plain
meaning
of
the
Words
without
any
Mental
Reservation
whatsoever
,
and
yet
this
Mungrel
in
Divinity
,
means
now
to
take
it
in
his
mind
,
according
to
a
ereiv'd
Maxim
in
the
Law
.
And
this
Libeller
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
looks
like
an
Apostate
that
was
as
Primitive
;
who
kept
pointing
to
the
papers
he
put
upon
his
Breast
,
while
he
was
Swearing
to
others
that
he
held
in
his
hand
.
But
yet
I
dare
Appeal
even
to
his
own
Breast
who
without
doubt
had
often
taken
these
Oaths
being
graduated
in
an
University
,
and
Ordain'd
a
Divine
,
(
tho
unworthy
of
both
)
whether
the
Words
Heirs
and
Successors
,
were
not
understood
by
himself
of
such
as
were
to
Succeed
by
an
Hereditary
Right
by
Birth
and
Blood
to
the
Crown
;
and
whether
that
he
did
then
Reserve
to
himself
only
such
as
did
Actually
succeed
by
Consent
of
Parliament
,
and
whether
he
did
not
think
,
that
by
them
he
was
not
only
obliged
to
obey
those
Heirs
when
they
came
to
the
Crown
,
but
also
to
do
all
that
in
him
lay
to
promote
in
the
due
time
their
coming
to
wear
it
;
certainly
to
confine
their
Sense
only
to
those
that
shall
de
facto
succeed
,
is
but
Swearing
an
Implyed
Allegiance
to
any
Rebel
or
Vsurper
,
and
the
word
Lawful
,
that
still
accompanys
Successors
,
will
not
mend
the
Matter
with
such
men
,
for
all
is
presently
Legal
and
just
with
them
,
that
has
but
the
shadow
of
a
Parliamentary
power
for
it's
pretence
:
And
I
am
well
assured
,
That
those
that
would
have
thought
such
an
Exclusion
just
and
equal
,
with
their
King
's
passing
it
,
would
have
thought
it
as
Legal
could
they
havesate
,
till
they
had
made
it
pass
without
.
The
good
old
King
at
first
disputed
his
Militia
as
hard
with
them
,
and
who
could
have
believed
any
sort
of
men
could
have
thought
it
the
Parliament's
without
his
Consent
?
But
assoon
as
the
Rebel
House
,
had
made
their
Ordinance
for
the
Seizing
it
,
which
of
those
Miscreants
did
not
think
it
as
much
Law
?
And
the
more
than
probable
project
at
Oxford
shrewdly
Insinuates
they
would
have
warranted
an
EXCLVSION
,
without
their
Kings
leave
,
Legal
,
had
they
been
allo'w
but
a
further
progress
in
their
[
‖
](A58510-e103210-b)
‖
Vid.
King's
Speech
to
the
Parliament
there
.
Vnwarrantable
Proceedings
.
But
as
much
as
Mr.
Johnson
Triumph's
with
this
his
Maxim
of
the
Law
,
[
*
](A58510-e103260-b)
*
Julian
pag.
19
,
20.
as
if
he
were
the
first
Divine
that
had
discover'd
this
deceitful
Evasion
;
this
Jesuitical
interpretation
of
his
Protestant
Oath
.
Tho
he
and
his
Hunt
,
and
all
his
Lawyers
in
the
Hall
should
tell
us
Ten
Thousand
times
of
this
Seditious
sort
of
〈◊〉
,
this
Senseless
Sophistry
upon
the
plain
word
Heir
,
as
well
as
he
Presumptive
,
Apparent
,
Actual
,
possible
,
will
be
nothing
more
than
what
the
late
Rebels
that
had
Actually
Murder'd
the
best
of
Monarchs
made
their
defence
;
to
Justifie
Treason
and
Sacrilege
it self
;
so
that
all
this
Divine's
Sophistry
savours
not
only
of
Nonsense
and
Sedition
,
but
of
an
old
,
odious
,
rank
Rebellion
;
and
for
to
satisfie
him
,
that
the
Suggestion
is
serious
,
and
founded
upon
Matter
of
Fact
,
(
if
he
can
find
among
all
his
Seditious
Papers
he
has
habituated
himself
to
peruse
;
and
what
if
he
pleases
I
can
lend
him
for
his
perusal
)
such
an
old
obsolete
piece
,
as
was
publisht
after
they
had
Butcher'd
the
best
of
Kings
,
[
*
](A58510-e103390-b)
*
A
Treatise
perswading
Obedience
in
Lawful
things
;
to
Authority
tho
,
unlawful
.
Printed
London
about
1649
Ibid.
wherein
they
endeavour'd
to
persuade
the
people
to
be
subject
to
their
Tyrannous
Usurpation
;
there
will
he
find
the
very
two
Pages
that
he
spends
to
promote
the
Quaint
Conceptions
of
his
Noddle
about
nothing
,
or
what
is
worse
,
Faction
and
Folly
;
for
tho
he
tells
us
these
tales
Fifteen
Hundred
times
over
,
they
told
us
so
much
for
Forty
years
agon
;
and
that
to
satisfie
Tender
and
Malignant
Consciences
that
there
lay
no
Obligation
from
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
upon
them
to
adhere
to
the
right
Heirs
of
Charles
Stewart
;
because
that
those
Branches
of
the
Oath
which
the
Providence
of
God
,
had
made
Impossible
to
be
observed
,
must
be
lay'd
aside
;
and
then
they
go
on
to
shew
,
that
Heirs
and
Successors
must
[
*
](A58510-e103540-b)
*
Vid.
Also
a
Religious
Demurrer
about
submission
to
the
present
Power
Printed
London
.
1649.
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
having
kept
the
Heir
of
Charles
Stewart
from
succeeding
his
Father
,
had
made
,
say
they
,
that
part
of
the
Oath
Impossible
to
be
Observ'd
,
and
so
the
power
must
now
be
Obey'd
Actively
in
what
hands
soever
it
be
.
Seditious
Soul
!
'T
is
too
much
to
be
Senseless
too
;
Consider
but
upon
this
Occasion
;
a
Case
your self
have
[
*
](A58510-e103570-b)
*
Julian
,
pag.
12.
Cited
,
't
is
that
of
the
Lady
Jane
?
Did
not
the
Laws
adjudge
it
Treason
in
that
poor
imposed
Princess
for
endeavouring
to
hinder
the
True
Heir
from
being
Actual
Successor
;
and
to
say
Queen
Mary
was
then
already
Succeeded
will
not
salve
the
Matter
,
for
it
was
resolv'd
Treason
too
in
her
Father
Northumberland
his
Contrivance
of
the
Will
for
the
Queens
Exclusion
;
which
confirm'd
as
it
was
by
the
Privy-Council
was
as
much
an
Act
of
State
as
the
Bill
by
which
our
present
Heir
was
to
be
Excluded
:
and
then
what
they
did
was
but
in
pursuance
of
that
Will
after
Edward's
Death
,
and
as
the
Duke
told
Arundel
that
Arrested
him
,
that
he
had
Acted
only
by
the
Council
and
Commission
of
King
Edward
:
Yet
all
was
adjudg'd
a
defence
Insufficient
;
and
I
cannot
see
why
the
same
Law
would
not
have
made
those
Traytors
(
had
the
Bill
past
,
)
that
rebell'd
upon
pretence
of
such
an
Act
of
Parliament
;
as
well
as
it
did
others
,
that
resisted
upon
the
pretext
of
a
Will
Confirm'd
in
Council
;
and
which
*
themselves
would
Act
of
state
.
'T
is
strange
that
men
that
would
be
thought
so
mighty
Rational
.
should
not
only
argue
against
the
known
Rules
in
all
Logick
but
against
the
very
Inferences
of
Common
Reason
,
a
man
of
Ordinary
Sense
without
the
help
of
his
Hereboord
will
allow
that
any
Vniversal
and
General
Assertion
,
in
includes
all
Particulars
.
And
shall
we
when
we
swear
Faith
and
Obedience
to
the
Kings
Heirs
and
Successors
,
Generally
Reserve
an
Exception
of
such
whom
the
Parliament
shall
Exclude
.
It
would
prove
but
a
senseless
Solaecism
in
Common
Speech
,
and
must
sure
be
of
more
dangerous
consequence
in
a
Sacred
Oath
:
But
I
remember
these
same
sort
of
Disputants
in
another
[
*
](A58510-e103900-b)
*
Vid.
〈◊〉
.
Case
managed
the
Reverse
of
the
Rule
after
the
same
manner
:
They
tell
us
Popery
cannot
be
kept
out
under
a
Successor
Popish
,
because
not
long
since
Queen
Mary
prov'd
it
so
:
Their
first
Irrational
Argumentation
from
a
proposition
(
and
that
even
in
a
Solemn
Vow
)
clearly
Vniversal
,
would
except
our
Obligation
to
some
Particulars
,
and
the
latter
absur'd
Inference
from
a
Particular
Instance
draws
a
conclusion
Vniversal
,
sure
men
of
unprejudiced
Reason
would
not
infer
against
all
the
Rules
of
it
;
it
must
be
nothing
but
Passion
and
prejudice
that
can
prevail
upon
their
Sense
and
Soul
when
they
dispute
against
the
very
dictates
of
both
.
And
as
Irrational
are
his
Inferences
upon
our
Old
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
when
by
the
Statute
we
have
had
since
establisht
a
new
,
he
cites
us
for
a
refutation
of
Passive
Obedience
,
but
a
part
of
the
poor
[
‖
](A58510-e104080-b)
‖
Julian
p.
11.
younglings
Oath
to
be
taken
in
a
Court
Leet
,
and
because
't
is
there
said
by
the
Minor
,
and
Sworn
only
,
I
'll
be
Obedient
to
the
King's
Laws
,
Precepts
and
proceedings
from
the
same
:
And
what
then
,
Therefore
that
Doctrine
alters
our
faith
of
Allegiance
,
and
gives
it
new
Measures
of
Obedience
.
So
that
the
Consequence
must
be
this
,
That
if
we
do
but
perform
that
Obedience
to
the
Kings
precepts
,
and
to
processes
out
of
a
Court
Leet
,
we
are
all
very
good
Subjects
,
and
that
's
sufficient
;
and
truly
a
Little
of
Loyalty
,
and
less
Sense
,
with
such
Gentlemen
may
suffice
;
for
certainly
for
any
Consequence
that
can
be
drawn
from
this
clause
of
the
Minors
Oath
against
his
Doctrine
of
the
Bowstring
and
the
Doctors
Obedience
;
he
might
as
well
have
told
us
too
,
that
the
[
*
](A58510-e104230-b)
*
Wilkinsou
of
Court
〈◊〉
4th
Edit
p.
298.
Tithing-man
is
there
sworn
to
be
Attendant
on
the
Constable
;
and
the
Ale-Taster
make
Oath
,
He
will
serve
the
King's
Majesty
,
and
the
Lord
of
the
Leet
in
the
Tasting
of
Good
Ale
and
Beer
:
But
he
might
have
been
so
fair
here
too
,
as
to
have
let
us
known
what
follows
,
even
in
this
Oath
too
of
the
Youngling
;
and
I
Swear
that
I
'll
be
a
true
Liegeman
and
true
Faith
and
Truth
bear
to
Our
Soveraign
that
now
is
;
and
his
Highness
Heirs
and
Lawful
Successors
,
Kings
or
Queens
of
this
Realm
,
&c.
Assoon
as
any
Treason
shall
come
to
my
knowledge
,
I
shall
make
the
same
to
be
known
to
the
King's
Highness
his
Heirs
and
Successors
.
And
even
the
first
part
of
this
very
Clause
,
he
is
pleased
at
last
to
recite
in
another
[
*
](A58510-e104350-b)
*
Jul.
p.
20
,
21.
page
,
where
he
thinks
it
makes
for
his
Sophisticated
Sense
,
because
(
as
I
suppose
)
after
the
Word
Successors
,
follows
Kings
and
Queens
ofthis
Realm
:
But
because
God
only
knows
(
as
he
says
)
who
shall
come
to
be
so
,
is
it
therefore
no
breach
of
our
Oath
to
his
Majesties
Heirs
to
barr
any
one
for
ever
from
being
King
,
God
knows
too
who
will
live
to
Succeed
him
,
and
may
we
therefore
without
Perjury
Associate
to
secure
his
Destruction
,
Swear
to
expel
and
destroy
him
,
because
he
is
but
a
possible
Successor
.
All
these
things
may
be
done
,
and
justified
,
but
so
has
too
the
Deepest
Treason
,
and
a
Damn'd
Rebellion
,
let
but
any
Impartial
Soul
consider
the
Sense
of
that
Supremacy
,
that
Allegiance
he
Swears
to
his
present
Soveraign
,
and
he
'll
find
all
along
he
makes
at
the
same
time
an
Actual
Promise
,
an
〈◊〉
Faith
to
those
too
,
that
are
Possible
Heirs
,
and
even
PROBABLE
ones
according
to
the
Ordinary
descent
of
the
Crown
by
Birth
and
Blood
,
without
any
of
the
least
Relation
or
Reference
to
any
Extraordinary
Settlement
of
Parliament
,
Interruption
or
Exclusion
:
and
tho
in
strict
propriety
of
Speech
,
a
man
cannot
be
said
to
be
an
Heir
to
him
that
is
Living
and
in
possession
,
of
that
to
which
he
is
to
be
an
Heir
after
his
Death
,
yet
I
humbly
conceive
a
man
may
be
an
Actual
Heir
to
a
Right
,
tho
he
be
but
a
possible
one
to
the
Possession
;
and
't
is
that
unalterable
Right
to
the
Crown
we
Swear
to
defend
,
Inherent
in
the
Blood
ofthose
that
as
yet
have
but
a
Possibility
to
the
wearing
it
.
The
Common
Recoveries
now
too
Commonly
suffer'd
to
be
really
just
;
sure
supposes
some
Actual
Heir
,
and
one
to
have
some
Right
,
tho
he
is
living
to
whom
he
is
to
make
himself
so
;
for
if
there
be
no
such
Heir
,
then
also
this
feigned
Recovery
must
be
just
against
no
Body
;
if
they
will
allow
such
an
Heir
to
be
,
then
there
must
be
also
of
one
that
's
living
:
And
I
look
upon
the
Crowns
Customary
descent
stronger
than
any
Tail
.
His
case
of
Excise
is
just
such
another
Tale
of
a
Tub
,
and
only
tells
us
that
tho
't
is
granted
to
the
King
and
his
Heirs
,
the
possible
Successor
can't
put
in
at
present
for
a
Penny
,
a
pretty
piece
of
Impertinence
and
well
apply'd
,
and
were
this
all
they
would
have
Excluded
his
Highness
from
,
I
believe
they
might
have
got
his
Vote
to
the
Bill
;
and
so
we
say
too
,
that
he
could
not
have
put
in
then
for
the
Crown
,
but
if
he
would
have
consulted
the
Sense
and
meaning
of
those
Legislators
that
past
that
very
Act
,
it
would
soon
appear
to
him
that
what
they
designed
for
the
Revenue
of
the
Royal
Heirs
in
General
must
as
well
be
design'd
for
's
R.
H.
in
Particular
,
if
ever
he
came
to
be
an
Actual
Heir
,
and
so
he
might
as
well
have
told
us
,
that
had
his
Parliament
excluded
the
D.
from
being
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
they
had
shut
him
out
too
from
the
Hopes
of
the
Revenues
that
belong'd
to
it
,
and
in
my
Conscience
those
that
had
pay'd
him
off
with
such
a
Bill
;
would
never
have
pay'd
him
a
Penny
Excise
.
The
last
Remark
I
shall
make
upon
this
their
[
*
](A58510-e105000-b)
*
Non
est
Haeres
Viventis
.
Maxim
in
the
Law
,
and
this
that
our
Florishing
Divine
celebrates
so
much
for
making
those
Heirs
mentioned
in
our
Oath
,
to
be
meant
only
of
such
as
Actually
succeed
at
our
Soveraigns
death
,
because
they
will
have
it
according
to
their
Exposition
,
that
he
can
have
none
while
he
Lives
,
is
only
by
way
of
Civil
interrogatory
,
what
they
think
is
meant
by
the
word
Heir
in
that
[
*
](A58510-e105070-b)
*
25.
Ed.
3.
cap.
2.
Act
that
Declares
it
High-Treason
to
compass
the
Death
of
the
Kings
Eldest
Son
and
HEIR
,
for
if
their
formidable
thundering
Aphorism
,
must
be
play'd
so
furiously
upon
us
,
we
'l
for
once
force
their
own
Engine
upon
our
Foes
.
If
the
King
has
no
Heir
while
he
is
Living
,
why
is
it
made
here
Treason
to
destroy
him
;
if
Heir
must
be
here
meant
of
him
only
that
will
be
so
Hereafter
,
then
that
whole
word
Heir
is
impertinent
,
for
it
would
be
Treason
without
it
,
for
he
would
be
then
de
Facto
King
;
if
Heir
Relates
to
Eldest
Son
,
then
even
the
Statute
too
,
understands
it
so
as
an
Heir
Possible
,
for
an
Eldest
Son
is
no
more
at
the
most
,
and
then
we
see
that
even
in
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
the
word
Heir
shall
refer
to
one
,
that
only
may
probably
or
Possibly
be
so
in
Futuro
,
as
well
as
to
those
that
are
de
Facto
such
,
and
so
agrees
with
the
very
common
acceptation
,
Afortiori
then
we
may
(
even
,
with
the
Consent
of
our
Reverend
Reader
,
the
Divine
Lawyer
)
And
whether
they
will
allow
him
so
or
no
,
for
any
thing
they
can
say
to
the
contrary
,
a
Collateral
Heir
may
be
within
the
Statute
,
tho
not
exprest
in
the
very
Letter
of
the
Law
.
I
don't
doubt
,
but
that
the
same
Intention
they
had
of
preserving
the
King's
Eldest
Son
and
Heir
,
the
same
had
those
Legislators
for
the
preservation
of
the
next
Heir
of
the
Crown
,
whether
Lineal
or
Collateral
;
and
where
their
Intention
may
be
presumed
the
same
,
there
the
Remedy
without
doubt
wasdesign'd
the
same
too
;
and
that
Intention
of
all
Law-makers
must
beonly
gathered
from
the
parity
of
Reason
for
the
making
such
a
Law
:
Now
if
there
be
the
same
Reason
for
the
securing
the
Person
of
any
Collateral
Heir
as
well
as
the
Kings
Eldest
Son
and
Heir
,
as
doubtless
there
is
,
for
the
perpetuating
the
Succession
of
the
Monarchy
,
then
we
have
Reason
to
believe
too
,
that
such
an
Heir
was
also
intended
,
especially
if
we
consider
that
but
just
before
this
Statute
of
the
25th
,
[
*
](A58510-e105610-b)
*
Vid.
Britton
,
&
Coke
cap.
Treason
.
it
was
held
,
That
Killing
anyof
the
Kings
Children
was
Treason
;
all
of
them
having
a
possibility
of
being
Heirs
Apparent
and
supplying
the
Crown
with
a
Succession
:
'T
is
true
ther
's
nothing
expressive
of
a
Collateral
Heir
in
the
Letter
of
the
Law
;
so
neither
is
there
anything
exprest
of
a
Second
Son
,
or
a
Third
,
when
they
should
be
come
Eldest
,
yet
allthese
are
allowed
to
be
intended
too
;
and
if
Eldest
shall
extend
to
any
that
shall
afterward
become
so
,
I
don't
see
why
the
word
Heir
,
which
I
am
sure
is
there
more
extensive
might
not
without
much
stretching
refer
to
any
that
may
become
the
first
Heir
,
(
Admitting
it
otherways
)
they
must
admit
;
that
this
Law
in
this
point
is
mighty
Superfluous
,
the
very
thing
which
it
always
endeavours
to
avoi'd
,
for
if
the
Prince
must
be
only
understood
,
why
then
that
word
would
have
exprest
it
better
;
or
else
Eldest
Son
alone
as
well
,
and
since
Heir
is
superadded
,
and
a
Rule
in
Law
that
Letter
of
it
must
have
it's
full
Emphasis
in
Explication
:
I
cannot
apprehend
but
the
word
Heir
,
there
must
signifie
somewhat
more
than
Eldest
Son
:
There
is
no
Provision
made
for
the
Queen
Regent
in
that
Statute
,
Consort
being
only
named
;
yet
the
resolution
has
been
,
That
she
is
within
that
Statute
,
as
well
as
the
King
,
and
that
for
the
Parity
of
Reason
.
And
for
my
Life
I
could
never
apprehend
the
little
Lords
Sophistry
of
a
Brother
or
Collateral
Heir
,
being
but
a
Presumptive
one
;
it
look't
like
a
piece
of
State
Metaphysicks
,
to
distinguish
his
Highness
out
of
his
Title
with
a
Diminution
;
and
that
in
order
for
Excluding
him
from
the
Crown
:
Time
always
best
resolves
the
Sense
of
such
States-men
,
whose
Politicks
are
best
understood
from
the
Measures
they
take
,
and
who
seem
many
times
Fools
in
the
dark
,
till
they
disclose
themselves
to
be
the
greatest
Villains
.
When
I
saw
him
settled
for
Excluding
the
Crown
's
Heir
;
we
soon
saw
the
meaning
of
Presumptive
,
which
before
seem'd
in
so
great
a
Man
a
little
nonsense
:
But
I
can
tell
them
of
one-sense
more
it
might
have
had
.
That
is
,
the
Duke
was
but
his
Presumptive
Heir
,
because
he
presumed
he
should
Destroy
him
:
Some
men
of
the
Law
would
laugh
at
such
Sophisters
of
the
Faction
.
And
truly
they
even
at
themselves
,
should
they
maintain
the
Youngest
Son
in
Burrough
English
,
was
no
Heir
Apparent
,
who
can
be
dispossest
by
latter
Birth
,
as
well
as
a
Brother
or
Collateral
;
but
it
was
the
want
of
his
Lordships
Law
that
made
him
abound
with
so
much
Sophistry
,
and
so
little
Sense
:
For
my
Lord
[
‖
](A58510-e106130-b)
‖
3.
Ins.
l.
1.
p.
9.
Coke
lets
us
know
that
a
Collateral
Heir
is
as
much
an
Apparent
one
,
as
the
Eldest
Son
;
but
only
this
says
he
is
not
within
the
Statute
.
Tho
as
[
*
](A58510-e106180-b)
*
My
Lord
Hales
Pleas
of
the
Crown
Ist.
Edit.
great
a
Judge
and
as
good
,
was
not
so
Dogmatical
in
this
point
,
who
as
he
had
Reason
,
so
he
left
room
too
for
doubt
,
tho
the
Quaere
in
his
first
Edition
has
been
very
industriously
omitted
in
the
second
.
I
have
been
the
longer
upon
this
,
to
let
the
Divine
see
that
he
may
be
much
out
in
his
Law
,
and
that
tho
he
would
have
Excluded
the
late
Collateral
Heir
from
his
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
his
preservation
might
have
been
brought
in
within
the
[
†
](A58510-e106330-b)
†
25.
Ed.
3.
Statute
of
Treason
,
and
the
Doctor
if
he
pleas'd
might
be
Hanged
for
him
as
well
as
Perjur'd
.
'T
is
pretty
pleasant
to
me
to
Observe
how
men
of
these
sort
of
principlescan
prevaricate
for
the
Promoting
of
their
own
Cause
,
and
the
Divinest
of
them
all
run
to
the
Devil
with
a
Lye
in
their
Mouth
at
the
same
time
they
in
their
Conscience
believe
the
contrary
to
be
true
.
No
Soul
Living
but
will
believe
this
Libeller
when
so
near
Ally'd
to
the
Gentleman
of
the
Law
we
so
lately
left
,
would
entertain
assoon
the
Damnable
Doctrin
of
a
Muggletonian
,
as
dispense
with
the
belief
of
a
Divine
Right
(
since
his
Associate
in
their
Hotch-potch
,
of
Scrible
,
Hunt
has
rendered
it
altogether
as
Devilish
)
yet
what
that
Lawyer
won't
allow
,
this
[
*
](A58510-e106500-b)
*
Vid
Jul.
pag.
19.
Body
of
Divinity
is
forced
at
last
to
prove
,
viz.
That
even
the
Roman
Emperors
Reigned
with
a
Right
Divine
,
and
that
all
their
Empire
was
Hereditary
,
and
this
he
is
seriously
bound
to
maintain
too
,
as
the
only
Basis
,
and
foundation
for
his
Rebellious
Book
,
so
that
these
prevaricating
Jugglers
,
with
a
turn
of
an
hand
can
make
the
two
several
Extreams
serve
for
the
same
purpose
,
when
it
will
make
for
their
Cause
they
shall
make
those
Crowns
Hereditary
whom
all
Authors
and
all
the
World
acknowledge
Elective
;
let
it
but
cross
the
Interest
of
the
Faction
,
the
same
pens
shall
prove
you
a
most
Elective
Monarchy
,
from
one
absolutely
Hereditary
.
The
Roman
Empire
was
certainly
from
Caesar
their
first
,
to
this
Julian
himself
,
and
even
the
very
last
of
their
Emperors
uncertain
in
it's
Succession
;
sometimes
a
Right
Heir
would
interpose
,
or
an
adopted
,
one
but
still
,
either
set
up
by
the
Souldiers
,
or
depended
upon
their
permission
.
And
how
it
could
otherwise
well
,
be
no
man
can
well
imagin
,
when
their
standing
Armies
were
continually
in
the
Field
,
and
a
new
Monarch
commonly
created
with
a
Shout
and
Salutation
of
a
Legion
;
so
uncertain
was
their
Succession
;
that
they
seldom
had
so
much
as
Certainty
for
their
Lives
:
Look
upon
the
List
which
I
have
leisurably
examined
;
and
you
'll
find
from
Caesar
that
was
stab'd
in
the
Senate
,
to
their
Apostate
Julian
,
whom
they
would
have
a
Christian
assassinate
in
Persia
,
I
am
sure
half
,
if
not
more
were
Murdered
or
destroy'd
by
some
prevalent
Faction
,
or
a
mutinous
Army
,
and
most
of
the
Purples
they
wore
were
dy'd
in
their
own
Blood
,
Julian's
[
*
](A58510-e106950-b)
*
Vid.
Jrlian
the
Apostate
.
Caesars
are
just
as
well
apply'd
here
to
the
Succession
of
our
Prince
of
Wales
;
as
the
Postscript
has
the
Confirmation
On
the
other
side
our
own
Monarchy
for
fifteen
hundred
years
.
Hereditary
,
and
that
to
be
proved
from
all
Chronicle
and
History
,
have
the
same
sort
of
Pens
(
and
whom
this
Author
vindicates
too
with
his
[
*
](A58510-e107090-b)
*
Brief
History
of
Succession
.
own
)
endeavoured
to
make
merely
Elective
.
I
can't
resolve
this
Spirit
of
Contradiction
into
any
thing
less
than
an
absolute
Conspiracy
among
themselves
for
the
Vindicating
rather
Pagans
and
Infidels
,
the
Government
of
Rome
or
Constantinople
,
before
the
Constitution
of
our
Church
,
or
the
Establisht
Monarchy
.
Upon
the
Publishing
this
pernicious
piece
and
its
falling
into
my
hands
,
I
remember
(
tho
not
much
read
in
the
History
of
the
Church
,
or
the
works
of
a
Socrates
,
or
a
Sozomen
)
that
I
had
casually
lighted
in
one
of
them
heretofore
upon
the
passage
of
Jovian's
(
this
Apostat's
immediate
Successor
)
being
saluted
Emperor
;
where
the
pious
Prince
told
them
,
he
would
never
Reign
over
Pagans
;
upon
which
they
Reply'd
they
were
all
Christians
,
and
as
such
,
had
submitted
and
not
opposed
the
Government
of
a
Julian
,
because
their
Lawful
Emperor
;
a
President
so
directly
contradictory
to
those
he
brings
,
that
it
was
a
sufficient
Prepossession
to
me
against
the
profest
Sincerity
of
the
piece
.
Paganism
is
as
much
obliged
to
this
Apostate
Church-man
,
as
the
Christian
Religion
has
receiv'd
from
him
the
greatest
disservice
;
he
represents
to
us
in
several
places
his
Pagan
Emperor
even
with
the
Meekness
Ammianus
Marcellinus
,
so
full
of
Magnanimity
and
all
the
highest
Expressions
of
a
Moral
Vertue
,
that
of
an
Expiring
Pagan
,
he
seem'd
to
me
the
most
like
a
dying
Christian
:
But
on
the
other
side
,
those
Pious
Souls
,
those
Glorious
Martyrs
,
fam'd
for
their
Primitive
Meekness
and
Moderation
,
that
in
the
midst
of
Tortures
have
accounted
it
worthy
to
suffer
for
the
sake
of
their
Saviour
,
blest
their
Persecutors
,
in
Groans
,
in
imperfect
sounds
,
and
unarticulated
accents
of
Agony
and
Anguish
,
that
tir'd
the
Invention
of
their
Tormentors
,
as
well
as
baffl'd
their
Tortures
,
and
with
exalted
Affection
of
Spirit
,
Triumph'd
in
the
midst
of
Flames
:
These
has
he
〈◊〉
represented
for
the
most
Malicious
,
Seditious
and
Rebellious
Brood
of
Christians
,
that
ever
breath'd
under
any
Government
altogether
Pagan
.
What
good
the
Protestant
Religion
can
receive
from
such
a
Representation
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
must
be
in
pleading
prescription
to
a
warrantable
Rebellion
;
and
what
Obligation
Christianity
it self
has
to
such
a
Protestant
,
is
the
making
her
much
worse
than
the
Wildest
Paganism
.
Had
he
consider'd
how
unreasonable
it
was
only
from
the
selected
Instances
of
some
Turbulent
Spirits
;
how
Irreligious
and
Vncharitable
it
is
from
a
few
furious
provok'd
Persons
to
have
cast
such
an
industrious
blemish
and
blot
upon
the
Practices
of
all
the
Primitive
Christians
of
those
Times
;
certainly
he
would
have
found
it
much
unbecoming
his
Profession
,
more
his
Religion
?
Why
does
he
not
conclude
from
thence
too
that
in
those
days
we
never
had
any
Martyrs
;
or
that
all
Fox's
mighty
Martyrology
is
nothing
but
a
mere
Romance
,
for
he
'll
find
Her
Majesty
the
persecuting
Mary
;
in
many
places
as
severely
handled
?
Why
does
he
not
tell
us
in
her
time
Wyat
,
Crofts
,
and
Rudston
REBELL'D
:
And
then
conclude
we
had
no
Cranmer
,
[
†
](A58510-e107930-b)
†
22.
Aug.
1554.
Latimer
,
and
Ridly
that
suffer'd
:
Why
does
he
not
tell
us
of
the
Protestant
Tumults
of
her
time
,
that
there
were
those
then
could
throw
Stones
and
Daggers
at
a
Bonner
,
or
a
Bourn
,
and
not
a
word
of
the
more
Meeker
men
;
a
Bradford
[
‖
](A58510-e108040-b)
‖
Vid
Burnets
Abridgment
2d
.
pt.
3.
l.
or
a
Rogers
that
bid
them
be
Patient
and
appeased
them
,
for
his
Maiden
Virgin
that
Reviled
Julian
,
he
could
tell
us
too
that
of
one
Crofts
,
a
Maid
,
that
Mutter'd
out
as
much
Sedition
against
Queen
[
*
](A58510-e108140-b)
*
Baker
,
p.
329.
Mary
from
the
Wall
;
and
let
him
but
deal
as
disingenuously
in
Conclusions
here
too
,
the
Reform'd
Protestant
will
be
as
little
Obliged
to
him
as
the
Primitive
Christian.
In
short
,
if
Julian
abounded
with
such
a
Spirit
of
Meekness
;
(
as
he
in
many
places
makes
him
to
demonstrate
)
where
then
was
this
Terrible
Persecution
,
with
which
he
makes
such
a
dismal
din
?
If
they
were
really
Persecuted
and
Opprest
,
how
came
they
to
be
so
powerful
,
as
to
make
such
a
signal
resistance
?
If
his
Old
man
in
[
*
](A58510-e108220-b)
*
Jul.
p.
39.
Berea
,
was
only
rebuk'd
by
him
,
for
raging
so
hotly
against
his
King
and
his
Religion
;
and
only
bid
by
his
Prince
,
in
so
much
mildness
as
,
Friend
forbear
railing
;
if
at
the
Reproaches
of
the
Antiochians
,
he
only
declared
against
seeing
them
any
more
,
if
as
in
his
ridiculous
Instance
of
old
Father
Gregory's
kicking
of
his
King
,
he
[
†
](A58510-e108320-b)
†
Vid
〈◊〉
Inquiry
B.
R.
Dog
,
Devil
,
and
Traytor
;
because
M.
〈◊〉
.
himself
suffers
now
a
deserv'd
Imprisonment
,
for
representing
now
his
own
most
Christian
King
for
[
*
](A58510-e108350-b)
*
Jul.
ten
times
as
great
a
Persecutor
as
the
worst
of
the
Pagan
Emperors
;
or
because
Protestant
Subjects
actual
Rebels
and
in
Arms
against
their
Soveraign
;
with
an
Arch-Traytor
Attainted
long
since
legally
,
have
publisht
in
his
〈◊〉
of
a
Declar'd
Rebellion
,
that
their
Liege
Lord
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
;
that
is
Seated
in
the
Throne
of
his
Ancestors
,
by
the
Protection
and
Providence
of
God
;
tho
so
much
endeavour'd
to
be
Destroy'd
and
Excluded
by
the
Plots
and
Practices
of
these
Devils
,
and
that
because
such
Rebel
Subjects
have
declared
this
their
undoubted
and
Merciful
Soveraign
,
an
Vsurper
,
and
a
Tyrant
:
Our
The
very
Rebel
Books
that
are
so
much
Consulted
by
our
Asserters
of
a
Common-wealth
;
and
the
Favourers
of
a
Republick
,
because
they
make
a
Monarch
so
Mean
,
and
Contemptible
,
even
those
have
largely
treated
of
the
same
Subject
;
that
Mr.
Johnson
thinks
he
himself
has
only
so
〈◊〉
handl'd
.
The
Author
of
the
Rights
of
Magistrates
Establisht
by
Law
;
the
point
in
which
he
deluded
unhappily
his
Patron
the
late
Lord
Russel
;
then
he
tells
us
the
[
*
](A58510-e108540-b)
*
〈◊〉
meretrico
Sanguinariā
.
p.
98
,
99.
beast
,
whore
and
Bloody
Harlot
,
that
it
sounds
too
much
like
the
Language
of
the
Disciplinarians
of
those
times
;
which
were
nothing
else
but
what
we
now
call
the
Fanaticks
of
our
own
,
)
yet
this
very
piece
sufficiently
pernitious
;
by
both
parties
disown'd
and
discommended
;
wont
allow
them
to
resist
the
Soveraign
when
he
alters
the
Religion
,
only
by
[
*
](A58510-e108640-b)
*
Jul.
p.
5.
Fires
and
his
Fumes
:
But
yet
in
this
his
own
Case
,
had
our
Author
oblig'd
himself
but
upon
a
great
penalty
;
not
to
use
his
preparation
of
Pitch
and
Tar
to
prevent
the
distemper
,
I
fancy
he
would
run
the
risk
of
an
Infection
rather
then
have
than
forfeited
the
Condition
:
And
I
should
think
an
Oath
taken
to
be
true
to
the
Crowns
Heir
should
oblige
as
much
,
prevail
upon
his
Soul
as
well
,
not
to
use
such
means
and
methods
as
would
make
him
forsworn
,
tho
it
were
for
the
prevention
of
an
ascertain'd
danger
.
And
I
cannot
see
how
such
a
Bill
that
dissolv'd
the
very
band
of
our
Allegiance
;
could
be
call'd
any
thing
less
,
then
an
Act
of
Parliament
for
a
Statutable
Perjury
;
for
none
but
a
Johnson
or
a
Jesuit
will
allow
that
the
same
Lawful
Authority
that
impos'd
an
Oath
to
be
taken
,
can
command
its
violation
after
it
is
took
,
and
that
sticks
so
much
at
present
with
some
of
our
moderate
Covenanters
;
that
they
cannot
think
themselves
by
special
Act
of
their
Lawful
King
,
absolved
from
an
Oath
of
Rebellion
administer'd
by
none
but
Rebels
and
Usurpers
.
And
tho
this
Gentlemans
Oracle
of
the
Law
,
was
pleas'd
to
call
them
but
Protestant
Oaths
,
I
might
as
well
tell
them
they
are
Christian
ones
too
,
if
they
believe
the
Testament
to
which
they
swear
.
And
as
this
Gentleman
agrees
with
,
and
perhaps
has
borrow'd
from
this
old
Disciplinarian
,
several
of
his
Doctrines
;
so
has
also
Brutus's
But
from
that
Excellent
Author
our
Julian
might
not
only
have
prov'd
the
Doctrine
of
Resistance
to
be
the
practice
of
the
Primitive
Christians
;
but
that
it
was
much
Older
,
and
Commanded
by
God
himself
to
the
Jews
;
and
as
the
former
[
‖
](A58510-e108760-b)
‖
De
jure
Magis
trattuum
.
Author
his
Predecessor
,
can
only
from
the
Text
tell
us
of
the
Kings
of
Israel
being
oblig'd
to
propagate
the
true
Religion
,
such
as
David
,
Solomon
,
Asa
,
Johosaph
,
Hezekiah
,
Josiah
,
&c.
All
Foreign
to
the
Question
,
so
does
this
Brutus
tell
us
an
idle
tale
:
and
the
Fancy
of
his
own
Brain
;
that
therefore
the
People
of
Israel
fell
with
[
*
](A58510-e108810-b)
*
1.
Sam.
31.
Saul
because
they
would
not
oppose
him
when
he
violated
the
Laws
of
God
;
that
the
People
suffer'd
Famine
for
their
not
opposing
his
persidiousness
to
the
[
†
](A58510-e108830-b)
†
2.
Sam.
c.
2.
Gibeonites
,
that
they
were
punish'd
with
the
Plague
because
they
did
not
resist
[
‖
](A58510-e108850-b)
‖
Sam.
c.
ult.
David's
numbring
of
the
People
;
and
that
the
People
suffer'd
for
[
†
](A58510-e108870-b)
†
2.
Chro.
c.
21.
2.
Chron.
c.
33.
Manasses
poluting
of
the
Temple
because
they
did
not
oppose
it
;
But
where
stilldo
any
of
these
prove
,
that
the
People
did
resist
their
Kings
,
or
were
commanded
so
to
do
?
't
is
but
an
Irreligious
Presumption
to
think
the
Almighty
should
punish
his
chosen
,
only
because
they
did
not
Rebel
against
his
Anointed
;
when
that
Rebellion
even
by
the
same
sacred
Text
is
declared
worse
than
Witchcraft
;
and
that
primitive
one
of
Corah
and
his
Accomplices
was
so
remarkably
punish'd
:
But
I
know
these
Authors
will
tell
us
,
That
Eliah
destroyed
the
Priests
of
Baal
,
notwithstanding
that
Ahab
their
King
countenanced
their
Idolatry
;
That
Jehoida
the
Priest
set
Joas
on
the
Throne
,
and
not
only
rebelled
against
his
Mother
Athalia
,
but
destroyed
her
to
restore
the
Worship
she
had
abolish'd
:
But
in
both
these
Instances
they
may
do
well
to
consider
:
1.
That
what
was
done
here
was
by
the
express
Direction
of
the
true
Spirit
of
God
in
his
Prophets
;
to
which
when
our
inspired
Enthusiasts
,
our
Oracles
only
of
Rebellion
,
can
prove
their
right
,
as
well
as
they
but
pretend
it
;
they
shall
be
better
qualified
to
Judge
their
King
when
he
offends
against
the
Laws
of
his
God
.
And
does
not
the
Text
tell
us
upon
these
very
Occasions
always
,
That
the
Word
of
God
came
to
his
Servants
:
2.
Athalia
here
,
whom
the
People
resisted
,
deposed
,
and
slew
,
had
no
Title
to
the
Crown
,
but
what
she
waded
through
in
the
Blood
of
all
the
seed
Royal
:
Religion
was
not
there
the
rise
of
the
Rebellion
,
but
the
right
of
the
Crown
's
Heir
,
which
was
in
the
young
King
Joas
,
whom
they
set
on
the
Throne
of
his
Father
Ahaziah
,
and
for
which
Heavens
had
preserved
him
;
notwithstanding
the
〈◊〉
,
and
Design
there
was
to
destroy
him
:
3.
If
Religion
were
the
Occasion
of
such
Insurrection
,
as
it
really
was
not
;
yet
the
Worship
then
introduced
was
altogether
Pagan
,
which
by
the
express
Command
of
God
,
they
were
bound
to
extirpate
.
And
whatever
our
Apostate
fansies
in
his
Comparison
of
Paganism
and
Popery
,
my
Charity
will
oblige
me
,
as
a
Christian
,
not
to
look
upon
the
Professors
of
the
same
God
and
Saviour
like
to
so
many
Turks
and
Mahometans
,
unless
they
can
prove
to
me
from
the
Text
,
that
by
the
Worshipping
of
Baal
is
only
meant
the
Catholick
Faith
,
and
to
believe
in
Christ
is
to
be
an
Infidel
.
In
the
fourth
place
they
do
not
consider
,
that
even
their
own
Arguments
make
all
such
Applications
to
all
ourpresent
Kings
altogether
impertinent
:
For
these
[
*
](A58510-e109090-b)
*
Junius
.
Brutus
quest.
2.
p.
37.
Republicans
that
maintain
these
Doctrins
;
tell
us
too
that
the
Kings
of
Israel
were
always
to
be
regulated
by
the
seventy
Elders
,
as
those
of
Lacedaemon
by
their
Ephori
;
that
to
these
seventy
the
high
Priest
did
always
preside
as
Judg
of
the
most
difficult
Affairs
;
so
that
Arguments
and
Presidents
brought
from
such
Topicks
,
where
they
make
the
Kings
to
be
govern'd
by
their
Subjects
,
can't
be
applyed
to
Monarchs
that
are
Modern
and
more
absolute
,
tho
this
their
very
Assertion
that
makes
against
their
own
Application
is
no
less
than
a
great
Lye
:
For
we
find
both
the
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
from
the
Chronicles
,
the
very
Records
of
those
times
to
be
Princes
altogether
absolute
,
and
to
have
executed
too
that
unlimited
Jurisdiction
.
I
have
related
these
few
passages
,
out
of
the
fore
mentioned
Authors
to
let
this
unanswerable
Julian
see
,
as
I
promised
in
the
preceding
Section
,
that
this
his
Case
,
had
been
Controverted
long
before
he
could
Read
or
Write
,
and
defended
only
by
such
Pens
,
as
have
Publish'd
themselves
and
their
Principles
both
infamous
to
posterity
;
such
as
have
endeavoured
to
prove
and
promote
Rebellion
,
not
only
from
the
practice
of
the
Primitive
Christians
;
but
the
Privileges
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e109200-b)
*
Haec
scriptura
nobis
definiet
,
&
quod
populo
Judaico
licuit
;
imo
quod
in
〈◊〉
fuit
nemo
negabit
quin
idem
populo
Christiano
,
&c.
Junius
Brutus
quaest
2.
Jews
,
the
words
of
the
Book
of
Life
,
and
the
very
precepts
of
the
Living
God
.
His
Comparison
of
Popery
and
PAGANISM
,
might
be
as
well
returned
with
a
Parallel
of
Johnson
and
the
Jesuit
,
for
in
many
principles
of
Sedition
they
agree
:
and
he
takes
(
in
some
Sense
)
a
little
pains
to
prove
his
Kindness
to
the
Pagan
;
that
has
thus
traduced
the
Religion
of
the
Christian.
And
we
see
that
some
sort
of
Modern
Protestants
could
not
only
side
with
the
Turk
in
his
Arms
,
but
almost
in
his
Insidelity
:
The
Religion
of
the
Romanists
I
shall
for
ever
dislike
;
yet
still
I
would
retain
more
Charity
,
for
the
〈◊〉
of
the
same
God
and
Saviour
,
than
for
an
Heathen
that
is
ignorant
of
both
.
It
was
falsely
inferr'd
from
a
Person
at
Fishers
Conference
;
That
the
Church
of
Rome
was
the
more
Secum
and
Eligible
for
allowing
no
Salvation
out
of
theirs
;
whereas
ours
did
out
of
our
own
,
a
choice
both
Irrational
and
Vnbecoming
a
Christian
,
who
from
the
Charitableness
only
of
our
own
might
have
thought
it
more
eligible
and
safe
:
But
our
avenging
Priest
here
has
pay'd
them
off
with
their
own
Spirit
of
POPERY
;
and
for
their
Damning
of
HERETICKS
,
has
sent
them
all
to
the
DEVIL
.
CHAP.
V.
Remarks
upon
Mr.
Sidney's
Papers
.
COULD
the
Principles
and
Positions
of
such
implacable
Republicans
be
Buried
with
their
Authors
,
or
cut
off
with
the
venemous
heads
,
in
which
the
Vipers
are
both
hatcht
and
harbour'd
,
our
subsequent
Observations
would
be
superseded
with
an
Execution
of
the
Law
;
Treason
and
Sedition
it self
best
silenc'd
with
the
Tongues
of
the
Traytors
,
and
the
Stroke
of
Justice
:
But
Since
we
have
seen
a
Most
mighty
Flourishing
Monarchy
,
with
these
Undermining
Maxims
,
of
our
dangerous
Democraticks
,
Usurpt
upon
by
the
very
,
dregs
of
the
People
;
tho
these
Principles
of
Anarchy
,
and
Confusion
,
were
Damn'd
even
by
some
of
those
Misguided
Miscreants
,
that
were
of
late
deceived
into
an
Actual
Rebellion
;
a
Calamitous
War
,
led
into
a
Labyrinth
of
almost
an
endless
Misery
:
Tho
the
God
of
Heaven
restor'd
us
that
Government
with
a
Miracle
,
which
these
Instruments
of
Hell
had
undermin'd
with
Treacherie
and
Plot
;
tho
the
promoters
of
these
Principles
that
procur'd
that
dismal
and
utter
dissolution
of
the
State
,
for
the
most
part
long
since
expir'd
either
with
a
dry
Death
which
the
Authors
of
so
much
Blood
and
Misery
did
hardly
deserve
,
or
fell
Victims
to
the
Justice
of
the
restor'd
Monarchy
,
which
they
might
be
better
said
to
merit
;
yet
still
we
see
their
Positions
to
survive
their
persons
,
and
their
Monumental
mischiefs
more
than
any
Marble
must
adorn
their
Tombs
.
The
Doctrines
of
these
Devils
of
Sedition
,
are
transmitted
to
their
posterity
,
with
as
much
Veneration
and
Deference
as
of
old
the
deliver'd
Oracles
of
the
Deities
of
Rome
;
or
the
murmering
Israelites
their
Prototypes
of
Primitive
Rebellion
and
Plot
,
or
even
themselves
do
the
Decalogue
it self
.
And
this
Asseveration
is
so
far
from
the
Product
of
Passion
,
that
I
can
prove
it
in
it's
several
particulars
;
[
*
](A58510-e109720-b)
*
Junius
Brutus
,
Vindiciae
contra
Tyrannos
,
1577.
Brutus
his
Vindiciae
was
only
the
great
Copy
,
and
as
exactly
transcrib'd
,
from
his
immediate
Predecessor
in
Sedition
;
that
Daemocratical
Dogmatist
de
jure
[
†
](A58510-e109760-b)
†
Ficleny
de
Mag.
1576.
Magistratuum
,
Pryn
;
and
[
‖
](A58510-e109780-b)
‖
Harringtons
Oceana
.
Harrington
here
in
our
own
soil
,
had
his
[
†
](A58510-e109810-b)
†
Needham's
,
Merc.
Pol.
Needham
to
succeed
him
;
or
rather
as
nearly
Cotemporaie's
to
support
him
in
his
Political
Treason
:
In
our
next
age
we
are
pester'd
with
a
Nevil
,
a
[
‖
](A58510-e109850-b)
‖
Plato
Redivivus
.
Plato
(
i.
e.
)
A
Plague
to
any
Government
that
requires
a
Subjection
;
and
the
very
Subject
of
our
present
animadversion
a
[
†
](A58510-e109880-b)
†
Sidney's
Systeme
.
Sidney
his
Associate
,
all
agreeing
in
every
Syllable
,
in
the
same
unanimous
Absurdity
,
the
same
Seditious
Nonsense
,
the
same
Confus'd
Notions
of
an
Anarchy
.
I
shall
show
the
Congruity
of
these
Conspirators
,
(
for
I
cannot
call
themless
,
and
there
cannot
be
greater
Villains
(
than
what
set
up
for
Common-Wealth's
men
,
under
an
Establisht
Monarchy
.
)
I
will
shew
their
agreableness
from
their
own
several
Citations
in
a
perfect
Parallel
of
each
Politician's
particular
positions
;
and
this
work
will
be
most
apposite
and
proper
for
this
place
,
and
such
a
Section
;
where
Mr.
Sidney
must
make
the
Subject
a
Person
that
valued
himself
for
his
Antimonarchical
principles
;
at
a
time
when
he
was
to
be
[
*
](A58510-e109940-b)
*
Vid.
his
Tryal
p.
23.
Try'd
for
Treason
;
at
[
‖
](A58510-e109950-b)
‖
Vid.
Paper
at
his
Execution
.
a
time
when
he
was
to
suffer
for
it
too
,
or
in
his
own
Phraseology
;
singl'd
out
as
a
Witness
of
the
Truth
;
tho
some
〈◊〉
Subjects
might
believe
it
,
persisting
in
a
great
Lye
:
A
Person
that
seem'd
to
suggest
his
Salvation
,
his
Soul's
safety
to
consist
in
asserting
the
Seditious
positions
of
a
rank
Re-publican
;
(
as
if
Heaven
it self
had
been
Concern'd
for
his
answering
Filmer
.
)
In
short
a
Person
the
most
Eminent
Anti-Monarchist
of
our
present
Age
,
and
as
he
says
from
his
Youth
;
fam'd
and
engag'd
for
it
in
the
past
,
of
a
designing
Head
,
and
a
discontented
Heart
,
that
would
have
been
dangerous
even
to
that
Democracy
he
did
adore
.
But
as
I
don't
design
to
write
the
Life
of
a
person
,
that
was
the
Daedalus
of
his
own
Destruction
,
that
drew
down
upon
himself
an
Ignominious
as
well
an
unfortunate
death
,
and
Sacrific'd
himself
to
the
Bigotted
Sentiments
of
his
own
Brain
,
which
might
have
been
less
dangerous
too
to
its
Natural
Head
,
had
it
not
been
busied
so
much
about
the
Nations
Politick
Body
,
and
might
have
left
behind
it
a
more
lasting
Monument
of
its
Wit
and
Parts
;
so
happy
to
be
as
Loyal
as
it
desir'd
to
be
thought
had
it
been
Learn'd
,
and
the
disgrace
will
ever
supersede
the
Glory
of
the
greatest
parts
;
when
it
can
be
said
they
were
exercised
only
in
being
so
Seditiously
Witty
:
I
design
no
personal
Reflection
on
his
Name
,
or
Family
;
wherein
the
Exemplary
Loyalty
of
some
of
his
best
,
his
Noblest
Blood
;
can
almost
restore
and
attone
for
his
own
's
being
tainted
;
and
their
stedfastness
to
support
the
Throne
;
can
make
amends
for
his
Faction
to
subvert
it
;
and
as
I
should
be
very
loath
to
give
the
least
offence
to
the
Living
,
so
I
delight
as
little
to
disturb
the
Ashes
of
the
Dead
:
I
am
satisfied
't
is
the
most
uneharitable
as
well
as
it
will
prove
but
a
rude
draught
to
design
upon
the
dust
,
to
disquiet
their
Peaceful
Urnes
,
who
are
said
to
rest
from
their
Labours
;
but
the
same
Text
tells
us
too
their
Works
will
follow
them
;
and
't
is
those
his
principles
,
his
positions
I
profess
to
censure
and
refute
,
tho
I
am
sure
this
Gentleman
,
and
his
Hunt
,
have
hardly
been
so
Charitably
Fair
to
the
Fame
and
Memory
of
their
Filmer
.
And
the
first
that
fall
in
our
way
,
are
his
first
lines
that
were
produc'd
upon
his
Tryal
,
wherein
he
Labours
to
Vindicate
the
[
*
](A58510-e110180-b)
*
Vid.
Tryal
.
pag.
23.
Paradox
of
the
Peoples
right
of
being
their
own
Judges
,
and
deciding
the
Controversie
between
themselves
and
their
King
;
but
tho
they
are
told
ten
thousand
times
,
that
this
would
make
the
very
[
‖
](A58510-e110210-b)
‖
Generali
Lege
decernitur
nemidem
sibi
esse
Judicem
6.
3.
5.
1.
party
to
be
the
Judge
,
and
produce
the
most
preposterous
and
unequitable
destribution
of
Justice
,
such
as
a
Barbarous
Nation
would
blush
at
;
tho
both
our
Common
Law
,
and
Common
Equity
;
tho
both
the
Canon
and
Civil
,
provide
even
against
all
[
*
](A58510-e110220-b)
*
Nemo
Idoneus
testis
in
re
〈◊〉
Intelligitur
D.
22.
5.
10.
Prejudic'd
Evidence
,
and
must
then
a
Fortiori
,
against
a
Judge
that
is
so
,
and
tho
this
Equitable
process
is
provided
even
in
Favour
of
this
People
,
yet
cannot
these
perverse
implacable
Republicans
,
think
the
same
Common
Justice
necessary
in
the
Case
of
their
very
King
.
And
then
I
hope
they
will
allow
〈◊〉
Soveraigns
Cause
to
be
〈◊〉
by
Witnesses
as
well
as
their
own
;
and
then
who
shall
give
in
Evidence
the
matter
of
Fact
in
which
he
has
〈◊〉
his
trust
?
why
they
must
tell
us
again
,
the
People
;
so
that
the
People
〈◊〉
is
Party
,
Judge
,
Evidence
,
and
all
;
and
no
wonder
then
if
among
the
People
too
,
we
find
a
pack
of
Perjur'd
Oates's
,
that
can
impeach
their
Prince
.
But
it
is
not
really
the
Reason
of
the
thing
they
so
much
rely
on
;
for
that
I
shall
refute
anon
beyond
Answer
and
Reply
;
unless
it
be
from
such
as
are
resolv'd
to
Rebel
against
Sense
,
as
well
as
their
Soveraign
;
but
that
which
truly
determines
these
dangerous
Democraticks
,
is
the
tradition
of
their
positions
;
which
(
as
I
observ'd
)
are
deliver'd
down
to
their
posterity
,
and
rever'd
for
Revelation
:
The
Principles
of
a
Republick
like
the
root
of
Rebellion
it self
run
in
a
Blood
,
or
are
receiv'd
like
the
Plague
,
from
the
Company
they
keep
by
way
of
Contagion
:
They
are
loth
to
dissent
from
their
Friends
and
Relations
,
or
Condemn
the
resolution
of
their
pious
Predecessors
.
But
sometimes
the
Seditious
Souls
are
Seduc'd
and
Prejudic'd
with
the
Approbation
of
an
Author
;
whom
they
shall
as
much
perhaps
pervert
,
as
they
little
Comprehend
,
sometimes
impos'd
upon
with
a
pretended
Antiquity
of
their
opinion
and
policy
,
with
which
too
they
would
delude
others
,
so
for
the
first
we
saw
not
long
since
a
Plato
Redivivus
dealt
with
the
Devil
he
would
have
raised
in
the
Ghost
of
his
Philosopher
,
and
endeavored
to
obtrude
upon
the
World
the
lewdest
Sedition
,
for
the
Dogma
Platonis
;
so
did
also
the
Leviathan
of
the
Usurper
,
that
took
his
pastime
in
his
unfathomable
Oceana
;
(
i.
e.
)
a
political
piece
of
Paradox
,
deep
and
un-intelligible
;
besides
the
quaintness
of
its
pretty
Style
,
that
renders
it
a
Composition
of
Pedantry
,
and
Romance
,
That
Illuminato
was
perswaded
,
(
among
the
wonders
in
his
deep
,
)
that
he
had
discovered
what
had
been
so
long
buryed
in
the
Floods
;
the
old
Model
of
the
very
Primitive
Common-wealth
,
(
as
if
his
Idaea
of
Government
,
had
determin'd
the
Deity
,
or
at
least
had
been
concurrent
with
the
Design
of
the
Creator
,
when
he
fram'd
a
World
to
be
govern'd
)
for
the
bold
Gentlemen
being
very
Opiniative
(
and
I
think
one
might
say
a
little
impious
too
,
)
[
*
](A58510-e110480-b)
*
Ocaeana
p.
15.
Appeals
to
God
,
whither
the
Sentiments
of
this
Oliver's
Architeck
,
do
not
suit
exactly
,
with
the
very
Protoplasts
,
the
Almighty's
Mind
;
and
whither
his
Model
(
which
all
must
acknowledge
the
result
of
a
most
unnatural
Rebellion
)
was
uot
the
very
Common-wealth
of
Nature
?
And
this
his
Prototype
of
the
Primitive
Republick
,
the
Pragmatical
Dogmatist
is
pleas'd
to
call
,
the
[
†
](A58510-e110540-b)
†
Ibid
p.
20.
Doctrine
of
the
Antients
,
or
Antient
Prudence
,
but
if
such
(
as
he
says
)
were
the
Government
before
the
Flood
,
I
shall
only
conclude
it
so
;
because
its
Lewdness
and
Sedition
,
might
occasion
the
deluge
;
and
might
have
been
preserv'd
for
them
in
the
Ark
too
,
since
there
was
Beast
in
it
of
every
kind
;
and
their
admir'd
Aristotle
will
allow
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
be
Communicable
to
an
Ant
,
an
Ape
,
or
an
Ass
as
well
as
a
Man
.
This
opinion
of
the
Peoples
deciding
between
themselves
and
their
King
,
you
shall
see
is
not
only
Mr.
Sidney's
,
but
the
Doctrine
of
all
the
Democraticks
,
all
the
rank
Republicans
that
ever
writ
;
[
*
](A58510-e110600-b)
*
Junius
〈◊〉
vind.
cont.
Tyran
.
Intelligimus
Magistratus
,
quasi
Regum
Ephoros
,
&c.
〈◊〉
in
Regno
Israelitico
,
denique
Praefectos
,
Centuriones
&
Caeteros
.
Vid.
6.
37.
Quaest.
2.
Rex
Qui
pactum
perfide
violat
,
hujus
faederis
seu
pacti
Regni
officicurii
Vindices
&
Custodes
sunt
.
Quaest.
4.
pag.
169.
Brutus
in
his
Vindiciae
makes
the
Magistrates
whom
the
People
shall
Authorize
(
by
whom
he
understands
their
Representatives
,
their
Dyets
,
or
Parliament
;
or
else
such
as
was
the
Ephori
of
the
Lacedaemonians
,
the
Seventy
Elders
among
the
Israelites
,
the
Praefecti
,
with
the
Centurians
among
the
Romans
,
these
makes
not
onlythe
Judges
,
but
the
Avengers
of
the
Perfidiousness
,
(
as
they
call
it
)
of
their
Princes
;
upon
their
presumption
that
they
have
Violated
the
Laws
.
About
a
year
before
the
Publishing
of
that
Pernicious
piece
,
some
say
a
Romish
Priest
,
a
Catholick
,
others
a
Reform'd
one
,
A
Calvinist
;
maintain'd
the
same
Doctrine
,
in
a
Treatise
concerning
the
Soveraigns
right
over
the
Subject
,
and
the
Subjects
Duty
towards
his
Soveraign
;
for
there
he
tells
us
(
tho
it
be
a
Common
Objection
that
the
King
has
no
other
Judge
but
God
himself
,
and
the
Example
of
David
as
commonly
objected
,
whose
Murder
and
Adultery
no
less
Laws
could
punish
than
the
Almighty's
,
)
he
[
‖
](A58510-e110780-b)
‖
Populi
ordines
jus
sibi
retinuisse
fraenandorum
Principum
,
&c.
Quod
ni
secerint
perfidi
in
Deum
&
patriam
habeantur
.
De
Jure
Magistratuum
.
Quaest.
6.
pag.
73.
Edit.
Francfurt
.
Answers
to
it
very
positively
,
that
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
always
retain'd
a
power
of
Judging
and
Bridling
their
King
;
which
if
they
do
not
do
they
are
Traytors
to
God
,
and
their
Country
;
he
would
resolve
the
Case
of
King
David
,
(
whom
the
People
could
not
Judge
for
his
more
than
Ordinary
Crimes
)
to
result
from
his
sins
and
offences
but
being
Personal
ones
;
and
(
as
he
must
mean
I
suppose
)
not
perpetrated
against
the
Welfare
of
the
Mr.
Harrington
whom
his
advocate
,
and
his
Plagiary
too
,
in
his
[
*
](A58510-e110960-b)
*
Publisher
to
the
Reader
.
Plato
Redivivus
is
pleas'd
to
recommend
for
his
Learning
,
least
the
Notion
of
the
Balance
that
he
borrow'd
from
him
should
be
taken
for
a
Fool
's
,
as
well
himself
〈◊〉
for
it
there
,
and
play'd
the
Knave
;
why
truly
that
Learned
Gentleman
Chimeson
in
the
same
Din
of
the
Peoples
Judicial
power
,
(
and
these
drudges
of
Sedition
like
the
Common
Pack-horses
pursue
all
the
same
Track
,
and
the
leading
Bell
;
for
he
tells
us
too
,
[
‖
](A58510-e111040-b)
‖
Harrington
in
his
Epitome
of
the
whole
Common-wealth
.
Oceana
pag.
278.
the
People
,
or
Praerogative
(
all
one
with
them
,
)
are
also
the
Supream
Judicatory
of
this
Nation
,
having
Power
to
determine
all
appeals
from
the
Magistrate
;
and
to
question
him
for
his
Administration
.
In
the
next
place
,
that
[
*
](A58510-e111100-b)
*
Marchion
.
Needham
,
the
supposed
Author
of
Merc.
Pol.
Independant
Brute
,
that
Assertor
of
his
Free
State
,
as
he
calls
it
,
(
i.
e.
)
to
be
unconfin'd
,
and
live
like
Savages
:
In
Mr.
Hobbs
his
Language
,
The
State
of
Nature
;
or
if
you
please
,
in
Mr.
Harringtons
,
The
Balance
of
Beasts
.
This
inveterate
Villain
,
that
vilifi'd
our
Monarchy
,
(
tho
that
Heaven
instituted
it self
,
after
its
own
Theocracy
,
)
that
debused
this
Divine
Institution
,
even
below
their
Human
Invention
,
and
[
†
](A58510-e111230-b)
†
The
Brutish
Principles
of
Monarchy
.
Merc.
Pol.
Numb
.
92.
March
11.
1652.
calls
its
Principles
Brutish
;
That
Panegyrist
of
the
Usurpation
,
some
of
whose
most
Villanous
Expressions
,
I
may
hereafter
revive
,
for
the
Reproach
of
the
last
Age
,
that
suffer'd
such
a
Miscreant
to
Murder
Monarchy
it self
from
the
Press
,
when
they
had
Butcher'd
it
before
on
the
Block
;
and
for
the
Information
of
this
,
that
think
themselves
so
hardly
dealt
with
,
when
only
their
own
Treason
,
and
Sedition
,
is
less
severely
handled
:
That
Opprobrium
of
Man
,
as
well
as
Subject
,
That
pursued
the
Sons
of
the
Martyr'd
Soveraign
,
in
such
scandalous
Satyr
,
and
bitter
Invective
;
such
Satyr
,
as
themselves
would
think
but
rudeness
,
if
offer'd
,
only
to
the
very
mark
of
Infamy
;
their
Perjur'd
Evidence
,
or
their
Pillor'd
Oates
;
such
Invective
,
as
themselves
would
think
Inhuman
,
were
it
past
upon
Beasts
,
or
their
own
more
Barbarous
Regicides
:
This
most
unnatural
lump
of
Anarchy
,
whom
but
to
name
,
is
to
digress
into
necessitated
Horror
,
and
Detestation
;
he
publish'd
too
,
this
very
same
position
,
only
in
plainer
Words
,
and
more
expressive
Treason
,
viz.
That
the
People
were
not
only
Judge
,
of
his
Majesty
,
but
That
it
be
made
an
unpardonable
Crime
,
to
incur
the
guilt
of
TREASON
,
against
the
MAJESTY
of
the
PEOPLE
,
[
*
](A58510-e111470-b)
*
Ibid.
and
notwithstanding
those
gaudy
things
call'd
MONARCHS
,
the
PEOPLE
always
made
a
shift
to
bring
them
to
an
Accountable
Condition
,
For
this
the
Plato
Redivivus
,
or
the
Politick
Plagiary
[
‖
](A58510-e111510-b)
‖
Plat.
Red.
page
39.
founds
all
his
Empire
,
and
Dominion
,
in
Property
,
according
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
Ancients
,
or
Oliver's
old
Oceana
,
only
a
new
Babel
built
upon
Rebellion
:
For
by
this
their
own
Maxim
of
Balance
,
or
Property
,
the
People
must
be
the
supream
Judges
of
their
King
,
and
so
the
only
deciders
of
their
own
Case
;
for
tho
the
King
may
be
said
to
have
,
and
surely
has
more
of
this
Property
,
than
any
single
Subject
;
yet
they
are
satisfi'd
,
he
can
never
come
to
have
more
than
all
,
unless
we
could
imagin
he
had
in
actual
Demesne
,
the
Major
part
of
every
foot
of
the
Land
in
his
whole
Dominions
;
tho
I
think
I
have
shown
in
some
foregoing
Section
,
in
what
Sense
even
the
Law
will
allow
the
Soveraign
to
have
some
sort
of
propriety
over
all
:
So
that
this
their
Ancient
Prudence
,
or
Empire
in
property
will
allow
the
Collective
Body
of
Subjects
,
to
be
the
best
Judges
of
their
own
Case
;
nay
necessitate
them
to
be
so
,
tho
not
some
certain
Subjects
.
But
then
tell
me
,
Seditious
Dolts
,
the
disparity
between
these
Eternal
Truths
,
and
the
Doctrine
of
a
Brutus
,
or
a
Pryn
,
the
very
Words
of
our
Modern
Common-wealths-Men
,
which
almost
all
the
World
will
allow
to
be
great
Lyes
?
and
what
does
Hunt's
Harangue
tend
to
,
but
to
maintain
all
the
very
same
Position
of
this
Peoples
judicial
Power
?
Does
he
not
for
this
tell
us
,
That
no
[
*
](A58510-e111810-b)
*
Postscr
.
page
71.
Civil
Establishment
,
but
is
controlable
to
the
publick
Weal
:
[
‖
](A58510-e111830-b)
‖
Page
73.
That
the
Crown
is
the
Peoples
Right
?
and
in
a
word
,
in
the
very
words
of
that
Monster
;
in
his
Mercury
I
mention'd
above
:
A
Miscreant
that
did
not
dare
to
see
the
Light
,
till
the
Monarchy
it self
was
involv'd
in
its
darkest
Cloud
;
and
in
his
lewd
Language
,
does
this
illuminated
Lawyer
open
too
,
even
in
this
very
Case
,
(
viz.
)
That
Treason
,
(
may
very
well
be
committed
against
the
Majesty
of
the
People
;
and
the
same
says
,
The
Counterpart
of
this
excellent
Lawyer
[
‖
](A58510-e111890-b)
‖
Ibid
pag.
73.
Will
.
〈◊〉
against
the
King's
〈◊〉
voice
.
Wil.
Pryn
in
one
of
his
Treasonable
Treatises
,
Pamphlets
or
wast
Papers
.
Here
you
see
the
Harmony
,
and
agreeableness
between
the
several
sorts
of
these
Seditious
Demagogues
,
that
is
,
the
Seducers
of
the
People
,
according
to
the
very
Literal
Etymology
of
that
very
word
they
so
much
delight
in
;
and
Mr.
Sidney
,
when
he
says
,
there
being
no
Judge
between
King
and
People
,
that
therefore
the
Case
admitting
no
other
,
they
must
needs
be
Judges
of
things
happening
between
them
and
him
,
is
just
no
more
than
what
you
see
,
all
those
I
have
cited
before
,
have
all
,
all
to
a
syllable
said
.
Could
I
distort
my
Soul
,
and
my
little
Sense
so
much
,
as
to
wrest
it
for
a
while
,
to
play
the
Republican
,
(
i.
e.
)
to
be
Senseless
,
and
Seditious
;
sure
common
Prudence
would
prevail
with
me
not
to
labor
so
much
in
such
a
Subject
,
where
the
most
sublimated
Wits
,
with
their
most
exalted
Sense
,
can
never
say
any
thing
that
is
really
new
,
any
thing
besides
what
has
been
as
much
baffl'd
of
old
,
especially
where
the
pains
must
be
as
unprofitable
,
as
the
argument
dangerous
,
and
well
it
may
,
that
sets
up
for
a
Common-Wealth
,
under
a
Monarchy
so
well
establish'd
.
But
since
we
have
here
seen
all
what
such
a
series
of
time
,
and
such
a
number
of
Sedulous
and
indefatigable
Authors
have
said
upon
this
point
,
they
surely
cannot
but
forgive
us
,
only
for
asserting
this
point
of
the
Government
,
which
they
with
less
Reason
are
so
ready
to
oppose
;
when
our
attempt
,
if
it
merit
nothing
,
cannot
be
condemned
from
any
Law
,
only
for
desending
its
own
Establishments
;
and
theirs
for
disturbing
the
publick
Peace
,
must
be
liable
to
be
punish'd
by
the
Laws
of
any
Civil
,
or
Human
Society
:
But
to
take
no
advantage
from
our
having
the
better
end
of
the
Argument
;
consider
the
Case
only
in
the
absolute
Abstract
of
pure
and
unprejudic'd
Reason
and
Equity
;
Mr.
Sidney
says
,
[
‖
](A58510-e112110-b)
‖
Ibid.
p.
23.
The
words
of
a
late
learn'd
&
Loyal
Lawyer
of
our
own
,
are
expresly
,
the
same
;
Persons
must
not
be
Judg'd
and
〈◊〉
.
Jenkins
Lex
.
〈◊〉
Ed.
〈◊〉
48.
Page
16.
'T
is
a
most
absurd
folly
,
to
say
a
Man
might
not
in
some
places
kill
an
Adulterous
Wife
,
or
a
disobedient
Son
or
Servant
,
because
he
would
there
be
both
party
and
Judge
,
(
tho
the
Romans
for
that
Reason
would
have
kill'd
him
,
that
ston'd
his
Son
to
Death
)
I
don't
know
what
Civil
Society
allows
of
such
a
sort
of
Severity
,
or
what
Barbarous
one
he
had
been
bred
in
,
but
I
am
satisfi'd
,
that
for
that
very
Reason
,
they
being
the
Parties
most
offended
,
have
therefore
sure
the
less
Reason
to
animadvert
on
the
Offence
,
unless
we
could
imagine
them
God
Almighties
too
,
as
well
as
Governors
,
that
had
Injustice
for
their
all
,
their
Attribute
;
and
nothing
of
Human
Passion
,
or
Frailty
,
from
their
suffering
injury
to
transport
,
or
deceive
them
in
their
executive
power
,
beyond
the
Measures
of
its
Administration
:
The
Sons
of
Brutus
had
sav'd
once
their
ungrateful
Rome
from
a
Foreign
Foe
,
as
well
as
the
Father
had
delivered
it
from
the
Domestick
Slavery
,
(
as
the
Democraticks
of
those
times
termed
too
,
their
Rebelling
against
their
perpetual
Tyrant
,
their
Caesar
or
their
Prince
;
)
yet
so
transported
were
the
People
,
with
the
unsuccessful
Attempts
of
those
unhappy
Youths
,
only
for
the
thought
of
restoring
that
much
better
piece
of
Polity
,
the
Monarchy
,
they
had
help'd
but
so
lately
to
subvert
,
that
without
the
least
Consideration
of
their
past
Services
they
soon
sentenc'd
them
to
suffer
:
But
were
it
granted
them
,
That
in
some
places
,
the
Parties
are
permitted
to
be
the
Judges
;
Does
that
argue
for
the
Reason
,
and
the
equity
of
the
thing
that
they
must
be
so
in
all
others
?
't
is
sure
a
very
sorry
sort
of
an
Argument
,
that
will
conclude
from
a
particular
wrong
,
to
an
universal
Right
.
'T
is
such
an
one
,
as
themselves
would
not
allow
of
in
the
like
Case
,
when
it
makes
for
the
Monarchy
:
For
when
't
is
objected
to
them
,
that
God
in
the
Sin
of
his
Servant
David
,
did
somewhat
signifie
he
reserv'd
the
judging
of
KINGS
I
shall
grant
this
renown'd
Republican
,
more
than
he
'll
be
willing
to
accept
of
,
especially
in
one
of
his
Instances
of
the
Father
,
tho
party
to
have
heretofore
been
judge
even
in
Capital
of
his
Sons
Offence
,
tho
against
himself
;
but
that
was
when
the
Government
of
almost
all
the
World
was
purely
Patriarchal
,
and
then
he
had
the
same
Despotical
power
over
his
Wife
and
Servant
,
his
whole
Tribe
and
Family
;
and
even
as
their
Aristotle
,
a
Common-wealth
man
insinuates
to
us
in
his
Politicks
,
those
ruling
But
to
give
a
farther
Confutation
to
this
first
Maxim
of
this
Antimonarchist
,
tho
it
be
really
no
more
than
what
was
Printed
in
the
Rebellion
,
in
another
pernicious
piece
,
besides
what
we
have
mention'd
above
;
It
went
under
the
Name
of
a
Treatise
of
Monarchy
,
and
its
Author
Anonymous
,
who
very
fairly
puts
it
in
the
very
power
of
every
Man
to
Judge
the
Illegal
Acts
of
his
Monarch
;
[
*
](A58510-e112710-b)
*
Treatise
of
Monarchy
,
p.
28.
But
yet
will
not
admit
it
to
argue
a
superiority
of
the
Persons
Judging
,
over
him
that
is
Judged
;
and
indeed
't
is
such
an
Inference
,
as
seems
to
be
just
as
full
of
Folly
as
Faction
,
only
they
that
would
make
the
People
supream
for
it
,
are
the
more
lying
Knaves
;
and
this
that
would
make
them
decide
the
matter
without
,
the
more
Factious
Fool
:
for
when
you
ask
these
Sophisters
in
policy
,
if
a
Soveraign
transcends
his
Bounds
,
who
shall
be
Judge
.
of
that
excess
of
Soveraignty
?
why
themselves
tell
us
there
is
no
Judge
,
and
yet
will
have
the
People
and
the
Party
to
be
so
;
but
what
if
I
should
for
once
force
them
upon
some
shadow
of
Argument
,
and
tell
them
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Land
,
to
be
the
best
Judge
?
Yet
still
they
be
at
a
loss
for
this
THEIR
Judicatory
;
for
the
King
who
is
the
Fountain
of
all
the
Laws
,
is
the
best
Judge
too
of
their
being
violated
.
But
besides
the
very
Supposition
of
such
a
Violation
of
the
Laws
,
by
our
own
〈◊〉
,
is
as
false
in
Fact
,
as
't
is
expresly
against
those
very
Laws
to
suppose
it
;
for
by
[
*
](A58510-e112910-b)
*
Vid
4.
Eliz.
2.
46.
Ne
poet
estre
diseisor
ne
faire
ascun
tort
.
also
4.
Ed.
4.
25.
B.
those
he
is
declar'd
to
be
never
able
to
do
any
wrong
,
and
so
his
Subjects
cannot
be
injur'd
by
him
,
or
the
Statutes
violated
,
when
by
those
very
municipal
Sanctions
,
he
is
still
presumed
to
do
right
;
but
besides
,
Regal
Authority
cannot
in
Reason
be
subject
to
the
Penalty
of
any
positive
Laws
;
tho
it
may
perhaps
be
oblig'd
to
the
Observances
:
And
this
made
as
[
‖
](A58510-e112940-b)
‖
Sir
Walt.
Raleigh
.
History
of
the
World
.
So
the
Civilians
(
as
Baulus
says
)
the
Prince
does
do
well
to
observe
those
Laws
to
which
he
is
not
〈◊〉
.
Learn'd
a
Person
,
as
any
our
Land
bred
,
to
distinguish
this
Royal
Obligation
into
the
directive
and
coercive
part
;
to
the
first
,
he
thinks
them
somewhat
subject
,
tho
never
to
be
compell'd
with
the
latter
:
Consult
but
your
Bibles
,
and
the
most
curious
the
giving
them
a
King
in
his
Wrath
;
yet
that
serves
sufficiently
to
satisfie
these
mighty
Murmerers
,
that
the
Nature
,
the
Constitution
of
Monarchy
was
look'd
upon
then
to
be
much
more
Arbitrary
,
than
themselves
,
the
most
Seditious
Subjects
,
would
well
allow
,
or
our
present
Soveraign
aim
at
or
offer
:
For
he
tells
cry
out
because
of
their
;
yet
even
this
,
after
he
was
by
the
same
Prophet
anointed
,
and
endowed
with
all
that
formidable
Power
,
he
so
fearfully
represented
,
we
don't
find
even
him
reproach'd
for
a
Tyrant
,
or
upbraided
for
violating
the
Laws
,
or
any
breach
of
Trust
;
whereas
their
Brutus
,
in
his
Description
of
a
Tyrant
,
calls
it
Tyranny
Foreigners
for
his
Gaurd
;
and
then
our
Haringtons
,
Hunts
,
Nevels
,
and
Needhams
,
might
have
made
it
Treason
too
against
the
Majesty
of
the
People
;
for
our
Kings
that
have
suffered
several
French
Souldiers
in
their
Troops
:
I
say
seriously
they
might
have
made
use
of
such
a
Ridiculous
Argument
of
this
Authors
,
for
accusing
our
Princes
of
their
Arbitrary
Power
,
as
well
as
they
have
borrowed
from
the
same
Senseless
Soul
,
as
silly
and
Seditious
stuff
.
But
least
our
Republicans
,
as
they
really
do
,
should
rely
too
much
upon
Samuel's
frightful
Description
of
an
Arbitrary
Prince
,
(
which
they
now-a-days
too
much
make
the
Bugbear
of
the
People
,
as
if
their
Dogs
can
worry
the
best
Government
,
when
drest
in
a
Bear-Skin
;
)
't
is
the
Sense
of
some
Learned
Men
,
that
the
Prophet
gave
them
only
this
draught
of
a
Monarch
,
to
let
them
know
the
extent
of
his
power
,
and
as
Sir
Walter
says
,
to
teach
the
Subject
to
suffer
with
patience
any
thing
from
the
Dissembling
Flatterer
of
Kings
,
as
Brutus
representsany
one
that
defends
his
Soveraign's
Right
,
for
a
Traytor
Betrayer
In
the
next
place
,
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
of
all
Nations
,
and
particularly
our
own
;
all
absolutely
exclude
the
People
from
being
Judges
in
the
Case
of
their
King
:
For
the
first
,
It
is
the
most
Preposterous
and
Unnatural
Inversion
in
the
World
,
that
inferior
Subjects
should
be
invested
with
such
a
Power
,
as
common
Sense
will
not
admit
to
be
Antient
Prudence
:
The
God
of
Heaven
,
who
by
all
,
unless
they
be
Barbarous
[
‖
](A58510-e113470-b)
‖
And
even
Homer
a
Heathen
was
of
that
Opinion
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hom.
Il.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hos.
Theog
.
v.
96.
Heathens
,
is
allowed
to
be
but
one
,
and
he
himself
is
pleased
to
call
Kings
his
very
Vice-gerents
here
on
Earth
;
and
the
very
Polytheists
of
Old
Rome
,
that
had
their
Gods
for
almost
every
day
,
as
numerous
as
they
say
,
the
Modern
Romanist
,
in
his
Calendar
of
Saints
;
yet
they
among
the
many
Deities
they
ador'd
,
still
lodg'd
the
Supremacy
in
one
,
and
ascrib'd
all
the
Government
,
all
the
sole
Supream
Power
,
to
their
Mighty
Jove
:
For
this
he
framed
Rule
by
Day
,
and
a
Moon
by
Night
:
For
this
he
Justified
that
paternal
Right
,
in
one
Man
,
which
even
their
Aristotle
,
a
Heathen
Born
,
bred
under
a
Republick
,
reckons
for
a
sort
of
Monarchy
;
But
I
confess
such
a
sort
of
Argument
,
can
not
be
concluding
with
Men
that
will
oppose
Heaven
it self
,
and
all
the
Harmony
of
its
Creation
,
rather
than
be
convinced
,
That
their
own
Models
end
commonly
in
Consusion
,
and
are
best
represented
in
the
Primitive
Chaos
.
For
the
Second
;
Consult
but
the
Imperial
Laws
,
and
the
Codes
of
Justinian
;
Laws
that
were
Collected
from
other
Nations
,
as
well
as
made
by
their
own
,
Laws
that
their
Solon
and
Lycurgus
,
with
all
their
Attick
Legislators
;
all
the
great
Republicks
of
Greece
,
which
these
Seditious
Souls
so
much
extol
,
could
never
have
reform'd
;
and
you
'll
find
what
provisions
those
make
for
the
Supream
Magistrates
being
the
sole
Judge
:
The
resolutions
of
some
of
those
Heathens
of
the
Royal
Authority
,
their
Humble
Submission
to
the
Supream
Jurisdiction
;
in
all
Causes
,
and
over
all
Persons
,
(
as
our
Protestant
Oaths
have
it
;
)
one
would
think
should
make
the
boldest
of
our
Christians
blush
,
that
can
run
up
resistance
,
at
the
same
time
they
are
Sworn
to
submit
and
obey
;
these
their
Laws
,
which
for
their
equity
have
obtain'd
even
thro
the
universe
,
these
tell
us
,
That
the
[
*
](A58510-e113740-b)
*
Imperator
solus
&
Conditor
,
&
interpres
Legis
,
Zouch
.
Element
.
part
4.
§.
4.
p.
103.
and
c.
1.
14.
12.
King
is
both
the
Maker
,
and
sole
Interpreter
of
the
Laws
;
that
what
ever
[
‖
](A58510-e113760-b)
‖
Quod
princi
.
placuit
Legis
vigorem
habet
,
D.
1.
4.
1.
pleases
the
Prince
has
the
Power
,
and
efficacy
of
a
Law
;
and
that
't
is
a
Crime
equivalent
to
[
*
](A58510-e113770-b)
*
Sacrilegii
instar
est
principis
rescripto
obviare
C.
1.
23.
5.
Sacrilege
it self
,
to
resist
a
Proclamation
,
or
Edict
of
their
Soveraign
,
that
he
himself
is
bound
by
no
Law
;
and
then
I
am
sure
can't
be
judg'd
by
any
;
and
that
he
is
[
†
](A58510-e113790-b)
†
In
〈◊〉
Imperatoris
excipitur
fortuna
,
cui
ipsas
Leges
Deus
Subjecit
,
Nov.
105.
2.
exempted
from
them
,
here
on
Earth
;
because
Subject
to
none
but
the
Judge
of
Heaven
.
[
*
](A58510-e113890-b)
*
Quod
principi
〈◊〉
Dig.
1.
4.
1.
The
words
of
Bracton
Chief
Justice
in
Henry
the
3d's
time
.
Rex
&
non
alius
debet
Judicare
,
and
in
another
place
.
Illius
est
Interpretari
cujus
est
Condere
.
Pleasure
of
the
Prince
;
only
qualifies
it
with
this
Insignificant
Restriction
.
That
it
must
not
be
understood
of
an
Absolute
Will
and
Ungovernable
,
but
such
as
is
guided
and
regulated
by
good
advice
;
and
the
Rules
of
Equity
,
and
Reason
;
and
if
this
be
a
Warrantable
Resolution
,
(
and
I
warrant
you
the
rankest
Republican
will
take
his
Authority
to
be
good
;
should
it
in
any
place
favour
their
Anarchy
;
then
it
must
be
unavoidably
concluded
,
that
where
the
Law
is
the
Princes
[
‖
](A58510-e113950-b)
‖
Britton
that
Bishop
of
Hereford
;
by
order
of
Ed.
1.
pen'd
a
Book
of
Laws
,
tells
us
't
is
the
Kings
will
that
his
jurisdiction
and
Judgment
be
above
all
in
the
Realm
.
Will
;
none
of
his
People
neither
as
aggregate
,
or
Jndividuals
,
can
be
Judges
of
its
Violation
;
neither
can
it
according
to
common
Sense
,
without
the
greatest
Solecism
,
and
Absurdity
;
be
said
,
by
him
to
be
violated
at
all
;
for
where
the
Custom
of
the
Kingdom
(
as
it
must
be
in
all
absolute
Monarchies
)
has
plac'd
the
sole
Legislative
Power
in
that
which
is
Supream
:
There
the
same
Will
,
or
Moral
Action
of
the
Sovereign
,
that
breaks
an
old
Edict
;
is
nothing
else
but
an
Enacting
of
a
new
;
and
the
Common
Objection
,
that
our
Republicans
Flourish
withal
against
this
,
is
,
That
then
Murder
and
Sacrilege
might
be
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
because
perhaps
it
has
been
heretofore
the
pleasure
of
our
own
[
*
](A58510-e114030-b)
*
Hen.
8.
Prince
.
But
as
such
Observations
are
full
of
Venom
,
and
Spight
,
so
they
are
as
much
impertinent
,
and
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
for
whether
our
own
old
English
Lawyers
had
restrain'd
the
meaning
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Nero
,
and
Domitian
,
were
as
much
Tyrants
,
and
by
their
own
Authors
so
are
term'd
,
as
And
therefore
I
cannot
but
smile
to
see
the
Ridiculous
Insinuations
of
some
of
our
Republicans
,
endeavouring
to
maintain
that
by
such
silly
suggestions
,
which
they
can't
defend
with
Sense
and
Reason
;
for
rather
than
want
an
Objection
they
'll
put
us
too
suppose
some
Kings
endeavouring
to
destroy
their
Subjects
,
and
alienating
of
their
Kingdoms
;
and
then
put
their
Question
,
Whether
the
People
shall
not
Judge
,
and
Punish
them
for
it
?
but
in
this
they
deal
in
their
Argumentation
against
their
King
,
as
some
Seditious
Senates
of
late
indeavoured
to
Impose
upon
him
to
pass
Bills
,
by
tacking
two
together
:
A
popular
encroachment
,
with
an
Asserting
the
Prerogative
:
Just
such
another
business
was
bandied
about
,
by
that
baffler
of
himself
;
that
pretious
piece
of
Contradiction
,
Will
.
Prin.
Who
tells
us
out
of
Bracton
;
That
GOD
,
the
Law
,
and
the
Kings
Courts
,
are
above
the
King
;
where
if
you
take
all
the
Connexion
Copulatively
;
't
is
not
to
be
contradicted
,
because
no
King
but
will
allow
his
God
to
be
above
him
,
under
whom
he
Rules
;
yet
even
there
it
may
be
observ'd
,
that
the
Lower
House
,
he
so
much
Labour'd
for
,
is
not
so
much
as
mention'd
.
So
do
these
Sophisters
in
the
Politick's
here
,
proceed
just
like
those
Jugglers
in
the
House
;
they
couple
a
supposititious
piece
of
Premis'd
Nonsense
;
and
then
draw
with
it
,
a
pretty
plausible
Conclusion
;
for
what
man
can
Imagin
,
if
he
be
but
in
his
Wits
,
that
his
Monarch
,
unless
he
be
quite
out
of
them
,
and
Mad
,
would
destroy
those
over
whom
he
is
to
Reign
,
none
but
the
Bosan
in
the
Tempest
,
with
his
Bottle
of
Brandy
,
was
so
besotted
as
to
think
of
Ruling
alone
;
and
setting
up
for
a
Soveraign
without
so
much
as
a
single
Subject
;
so
that
should
these
peevish
Ideots
,
have
their
silly
Supposition
granted
,
still
they
would
be
prevented
from
obtaining
their
end
at
which
they
aim
,
for
first
if
we
must
suppose
all
the
Subjects
to
be
destroy'd
;
where
would
there
be
any
left
to
judge
this
Author
of
their
Destruction
?
if
they
'll
suffer
us
only
to
suppose
the
Major
part
,
or
some
few
certain
Persons
to
besacrific'd
to
his
Fury
,
then
still
that
Soveraign
,
that
would
destroy
the
most
part
,
or
some
certain
number
of
his
Subjects
without
Sense
,
or
Reason
,
must
at
the
same
time
be
suppos'd
to
be
out
of
his
Senses
,
and
then
no
Law
of
any
Land
will
allow
the
People
to
punish
a
Lunatick
:
But
if
a
King
must
be
call'd
a
Destroyer
of
his
People
only
for
letting
the
Laws
pass
upon
such
Seditious
Subjects
,
that
would
destroy
him
;
which
is
all
the
Ground
they
can
have
here
,
for
branding
with
it
their
present
Princes
;
and
for
which
these
exasperated
rebels
really
suggest
it
;
then
,
in
Gods
name
,
let
the
Latin
[
*
](A58510-e114340-b)
*
Fiat
Justitia
ruat
Coelum
.
Aphorism
take
place
too
:
Then
let
such
Justice
for
ever
be
done
upon
Earth
;
and
trust
the
Judgments
of
Heaven
for
their
falling
:
Then
let
them
deprecate
,
as
a
late
[
‖
](A58510-e114370-b)
‖
Vid.
Paper
of
the
Proceedings
upon
Armstrong
his
Outlawry
.
Lady
did
,
the
Vengance
of
the
Almighty
,
upon
the
Head
of
the
Chief
Minister
of
the
Kings
;
but
let
there
be
more
such
Hearts
to
administer
as
much
Justice
,
and
the
hands
will
hardly
receive
much
harm
for
holding
of
the
Scales
.
And
for
that
others
silly
supposition
of
these
Seditious
Simpletons
,
of
a
Kings
Alienating
of
his
Kingdom
;
[
*
](A58510-e114410-b)
*
'T
is
a
receiv'd
rule
among
civil
Lawyers
,
and
may
be
well
among
our
own
:
That
a
King
can't
in
Law
alienate
his
Crown
;
and
that
if
it
were
Actually
done
it
were
de
Facto
void
;
besides
if
the
Subject
was
freed
in
that
Case
,
it
would
be
the
result
of
the
Soveraigns
Act.
they
must
suppose
him
at
the
same
time
,
as
simple
as
themselves
that
suggest
it
;
and
could
they
give
us
but
a
single
Instance
,
or
force
upon
us
any
President
;
all
they
would
get
by
it
,
is
this
,
That
as
their
supposition
was
without
sense
;
so
their
Application
would
be
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
for
such
a
matter
of
Fact
of
their
Kings
would
make
him
de
Facto
none
at
all
:
I
know
they
can
tell
us
of
one
of
our
[
‖
](A58510-e114450-b)
‖
That
alienation
of
King
John
was
suppos'dto
have
been
an
Act
of
State
,
and
it
has
been
adjudg'd
particularly
by
particular
Parliaments
,
That
even
a
Statute
for
that
purpose
made
would
be
of
no
〈◊〉
:
It
was
resolv'd
〈◊〉
Scotland
too
.
own
that
lies
under
that
Imputation
,
of
making
over
his
to
the
Moor
:
And
of
others
,
that
in
the
time
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
resign'd
themselves
with
submission
to
the
Holy
See
;
for
the
first
,
the
most
Authentick
Historians
not
so
much
as
mention
it
;
and
were
it
truly
matter
of
Fact
,
that
King
had
really
nothing
to
resign
;
for
the
Republicans
of
those
times
,
were
the
good
Barons
that
Rebel'd
;
and
had
seated
themselves
in
a
sort
of
〈◊〉
before
;
in
short
if
it
were
solemnly
done
,
it
would
look
like
the
Act
of
a
Lunatick
;
if
not
at
all
,
as
is
much
more
likely
,
their
Historians
Labour
in
a
lye
;
and
for
the
other
,
we
never
had
a
Soveraign
that
Submitted
the
Power
of
his
Temporal
Government
of
the
state
to
the
Pope's
See
:
but
only
as
it
related
to
the
Spiritual
Administration
of
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Religion
of
the
Times
.
These
sort
of
Suppositions
have
so
much
Nonsense
in
them
,
especially
when
apply'd
to
Human
Creatures
,
and
more
then
when
to
Monarchs
,
that
have
commonly
from
Birth
and
Education
,
more
Sense
than
common
Mortals
;
that
there
is
not
so
much
as
a
Natural
Brute
,
but
will
use
what
he
can
manage
as
his
own
,
with
all
imaginable
Care
and
Discretion
.
How
tender
and
fond
are
the
most
stupid
Animals
?
how
do
they
most
affectionately
express
that
paternal
Love
for
the
Preservation
of
their
little
Young
?
how
abundantly
do
they
Evidence
that
Natural
[
*
](A58510-e114530-b)
*
Posts
.
C.
p.
113.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
with
which
Mr.
Hunt
gives
us
such
a
deal
of
impertinent
disturbance
?
and
why
cannot
the
King
of
a
Country
,
whom
the
Civil
and
Imperial
Sanctions
represent
as
the
[
‖
](A58510-e114560-b)
‖
Princeps
.
Pater
patriae
est
,
D.
1.
4.
1.
Atrocius
est
Patriae
parentem
quam
〈◊〉
occi
dere
,
Cicero
.
in
Philip.
2d
.
Father
of
it
too
,
be
supposed
to
retain
as
much
a
paternal
Care
for
its
Conservation
?
we
do
not
find
even
in
that
their
Free-State
of
Nature
,
or
that
Common-wealth
of
Wars
,
the
Republick
of
unruly
Beasts
,
where
there
is
the
least
Relation
,
or
resemblance
;
tho
perhaps
they
have
power
and
opportunity
,
that
they
delight
to
devour
and
destroy
,
and
much
less
do
they
covet
the
ruin
of
that
,
from
which
they
can
reap
somewhat
of
Advantage
by
its
Preservation
,
why
then
should
we
fancy
Human
beings
,
and
the
best
of
Mankind
Monarchs
themselves
,
whom
th'
Almighty
has
made
[
*
](A58510-e114590-b)
*
I
've
said
yee
are
Gods
.
Psalms
.
Gods
too
,
to
be
guilty
of
so
much
Madness
and
Inhumanity
?
Where
do
we
find
the
worst
of
Fools
,
designedly
to
destroy
their
Patrimony
,
though
many
times
through
Ignorance
,
they
may
waste
them
?
and
that
tho
there
were
no
Laws
to
terrifie
them
from
turning
Bankrupts
,
or
punishing
them
for
Beggers
,
when
they
have
embezell'd
their
Substance
:
Away
then
,
Malicious
Miscreants
!
with
such
sordid
Insinuation
,
such
silly
Suggestions
against
your
own
Soveraigns
,
which
your selves
no
more
believe
them
likely
to
be
guilty
of
,
than
that
they
would
set
Fire
to
all
their
Palaces
,
and
Sacrifice
themselves
and
Successors
in
the
Flames
.
But
to
Return
to
our
Argument
,
they
'll
tell
us
perhaps
,
What
signify
the
Sanctions
of
the
Imperial
Laws
,
and
the
Constitutions
of
an
Absolute
Empire
to
a
Common-wealth
,
or
a
Council
of
three
States
that
are
Co-ordinate
,
or
at
most
but
a
Monarchy
Limded
and
mixt
,
and
where
whatever
power
the
Supream
Magistrate
has
,
must
have
been
first
Confer'd
upon
him
by
the
People
;
where
the
Parliaments
have
a
great
part
of
the
Legislative
,
and
their
Soveraign
in
some
sense
but
a
Precarious
Prerogative
?
what
signifies
the
Authority
of
a
Britton
,
or
a
Bracton
,
whose
very
works
by
this
time
are
superannuated
,
who
wrote
perhaps
when
we
had
no
Parliaments
at
all
;
at
least
[
‖
](A58510-e114640-b)
‖
Hunt
allows
that
himself
posts
.
p.
95.
none
such
as
now
Constituted
?
I
won't
insist
upon
in
answer
to
all
this
to
show
the
Excellency
of
the
Civil
Institutions
that
obtain
o're
all
Nations
that
are
but
Civiliz'd
:
I
wont
prove
to
them
because
already
done
,
That
we
don't
Consist
of
three
States
Co-ordinate
in
the
Legislative
;
or
that
our
Monarchy
is
Absolute
,
and
not
mixt
,
as
I
shortly
may
:
But
yet
I
'll
observe
to
them
here
,
[
†
](A58510-e114680-b)
†
Postquam
populus
Romanus
Lege
Regiâ
in
principem
omne
suum
Imperium
&
potestatem
solum
Contulit
,
ex
illâ
non
,
sub
diti
sed
etiam
Magistratus
ipsi
subiiciuntur
.
Zouch
.
Elem.
p.
101.
That
the
Romans
themselves
,
tho
by
what
they
call'd
their
Royal
Law
they
look't
upon
the
power
of
the
Prince
to
be
conferr'd
upon
them
by
the
people
;
yet
after
it
was
once
so
transferr'd
they
apprehended
all
their
right
of
Judging
and
Punishing
was
past
too
.
And
for
their
vilifying
these
Antient
Authors
,
and
Sages
of
Law
,
who
,
did
they
Favour
these
Demagoges
,
would
be
with
them
of
great
Authority
,
and
as
mightyly
searcht
into
,
and
sifted
:
Should
I
grant
them
they
were
utterly
obsolete
,
and
fit
only
for
Hat-cases
,
and
Close-stools
,
that
they
both
writ
before
the
Commons
came
in
play
,
for
their
further
satisfaction
I
'll
cite
the
same
from
latter
Laws
,
not
two
hundred
years
old
,
and
that
our selves
will
say
was
since
their
Burgesses
began
.
And
therefore
to
please
,
(
if
possible
)
these
Implacable
Republicans
,
I
'll
demonstrate
what
I
've
undertaken
to
defend
;
from
the
several
Modern
Declarations
of
our
Law
:
For
in
[
*
](A58510-e114720-b)
*
Edward
the
3d.
Edward
the
Third's
it
was
resolv'd
that
the
King
could
not
be
Judged
:
And
why
?
because
he
has
no
Peer
in
his
Land
;
and
't
is
provided
by
the
very
first
Sanctions
of
our
Establisht
Laws
,
by
the
great
[
‖
](A58510-e114760-b)
‖
Magn.
Chart.
cap.
29.
No
Freeman
will
we
Imprison
,
or
Condemn
,
but
by
Lawful
Judgment
of
his
Peers
.
Per
parium
juorum
Legale
Judicium
:
And
my
Lord
Coke
tells
us
they
are
to
be
understood
of
Peers
of
the
Realm
only
when
a
Peer
is
to
be
try'd
.
Comment
upon
the
very
words
.
2.
Inst.
which
he
more
fully
explains
in
's
Comment
,
on
the
14.
Chap.
of
Char.
where
he
says
pares
is
by
his
Peers
or
Equals
,
for
as
the
Nobles
are
understood
by
that
word
to
be
all
equal
;
so
are
all
the
Commons
too
,
ib.
p.
29.
Where
note
the
form
of
this
very
Charter
runs
all
in
the
sole
〈◊〉
of
the
King
.
Charter
it self
,
their
Act
of
Liberty
,
they
so
much
Labour
in
:
that
not
the
meanest
Subject
can
be
Try'd
or
Judg'd
unless
it
be
by
his
Peers
&
Equals
;
much
less
so
mighty
a
〈◊〉
that
has
none
:
and
a
Fortiori
then
with
lesser
Reason
by
those
that
are
his
own
Subjects
,
so
far
from
being
his
Peers
,
or
Equals
,
that
they
are
together
his
Inferiors
,
which
has
made
me
think
many
times
,
these
preposterous
Asserters
of
so
much
Nonsense
,
these
Seditious
Defenders
of
those
Liberties
they
never
understood
,
did
apprehend
by
the
word
Pares
in
the
Law
,
not
the
common
Acceptation
of
it
in
the
Latin
;
but
only
the
abused
Application
of
it
,
of
our
own
English
,
only
to
our
House
of
Lords
:
And
conclude
the
King
might
be
Judg'd
by
those
we
commonly
call
PEERS
,
because
they
sit
in
that
Honorable
House
,
and
at
the
same
to
be
Judg'd
according
to
Magna
Charta
,
that
all
Judgements
be
per
pares
:
But
does
not
each
Dunce
and
every
Dolt
understand
that
the
very
Letter
of
the
Law
looks
after
this
only
,
that
every
Person
be
tryed
at
the
least
by
those
that
are
of
his
own
Condition
;
and
that
in
the
Legal
Acceptation
of
the
Word
,
every
Commoner
of
the
Lower
House
,
nay
every
one
of
their
Electors
,
is
as
much
a
Peer
,
as
the
greatest
Person
of
the
House
of
Lords
:
In
short
,
they
must
put
some
such
silly
Seditious
Exposition
upon
the
plainest
Letter
,
when
they
pretend
to
Judge
their
King
,
or
else
from
the
very
Law
of
their
own
Liberty
they
labor
in
,
allow
that
their
King
has
no
Judges
.
In
that
Act
against
Appeals
that
was
enacted
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
8th
.
[
†
](A58510-e115060-b)
†
Vid.
1.
Ed.
5.
fol.
2.
all
the
Judges
and
Serjeants
of
the
time
,
to
whose
Opinion
it
was
submitted
?
was
it
not
upon
the
same
Reason
,
a
Resolution
of
[
*
](A58510-e115120-b)
*
Coke
Comon
.
West
.
1.
2.
Inst.
p.
158.
least
it
should
be
vainly
fear'd
they
should
reflect
upon
the
King
's
own
Misgovernment
,
all
the
fault
should
rest
upon
the
Officers
and
Ministers
of
his
Justice
.
Does
it
not
appear
from
the
[
‖
](A58510-e115150-b)
‖
Stat.
to
pursue
suggestious
,
37.
E.
3.
c.
18.
38.
Ed.
3.
c.
9.
Statutes
of
Edward
the
third
,
that
notwithstanding
the
strict
Provision
of
the
Charter
,
for
the
Tryal
by
Peers
,
that
the
King
was
still
look'd
upon
as
a
Judge
with
his
Council
and
Officers
to
receive
Plaints
,
and
decide
Suggestions
;
and
tho
,
that
,
and
the
subsequent
of
the
next
year
provide
against
false
ones
;
yet
it
confirms
still
the
power
of
the
King
,
to
hear
and
determine
them
whether
false
or
true
?
Have
they
not
heretofore
answered
,
touching
Freehold
,
even
before
their
King
and
Council
;
and
a
Parliament
2d
.
That
did
deserve
to
be
deposed
,
as
well
as
the
Articles
of
his
Depositions
to
be
read
:
[
†
](A58510-e115270-b)
†
Plato
Rediviv
.
p.
116.
234.
a
King
that
forfeited
the
executive
Power
of
his
Militia
,
for
prefering
worthless
People
,
and
was
himself
of
little
worth
;
or
as
the
most
Licentious
,
and
Lewdest
Libel
of
a
longer
date
has
it
:
[
†
](A58510-e115290-b)
†
Plato
Rediviv
.
p.
116.
234.
a
King
that
found
Fuel
for
his
Lust
in
all
Lewd
and
uncivil
Courses
:
Now
tho
Needham
,
Merc.
Polit
.
n.
65.
Sept
4.
1651.
we
have
the
Authority
of
the
best
of
our
Historians
,
for
the
good
Qualities
of
this
Excellent
,
tho
but
an
unhappy
Prince
;
and
who
could
never
have
fell
so
unfortunately
,
had
his
Subjects
served
him
more
faithfully
;
tho
Mr.
Hollinshed
But
whatever
were
the
vices
of
that
Prince
,
with
which
our
virulent
Antimonarchists
,
would
blast
and
blemish
his
Memory
;
yet
we
see
from
the
President
Ed.
Coke
.
Treason
.
that
deposed
the
same
Prince
,
did
ever
Object
;
for
if
their
Free-hold
can't
be
call'd
their
Birth-Right
,
then
there
's
hardly
any
thing
of
Right
,
to
which
they
can
be
born
:
And
yet
we
see
,
that
the
King
and
his
Council
,
had
heretofore
Cognizance
even
of
that
,
as
it
appears
from
the
Commons
Petitioning
him
against
it
,
and
his
Answer
,
which
was
,
That
tho
he
would
remand
them
to
the
Tryal
of
their
Right
by
the
Law
,
and
not
require
them
there
to
answer
peremptorily
;
yet
he
did
reserve
the
power
,
at
the
suit
of
the
Party
to
Judge
it
,
where
by
Reason
of
Maintenance
,
or
the
like
,
the
Common
Law
,
could
not
have
its
Course
;
then
we
may
conclude
,
that
the
judicial
power
was
absolutely
in
the
King
;
and
this
was
also
at
a
time
,
when
this
Richard
the
2d
.
was
but
a
Minor
,
no
more
than
thirteen
years
old
,
and
so
this
his
Answer
,
without
doubt
by
the
Advice
of
the
wisest
of
his
Council
,
and
the
most
learned
of
the
Land
.
And
for
this
reason
;
(
notwithstanding
it
is
provided
by
that
Chapter
of
the
Great
[
*
](A58510-e115690-b)
*
Mag.
Chart.
9.
H.
3.
c.
29.
&
Cap.
14.
Charter
,
none
shall
be
Diseised
of
his
Fre
hold
but
by
Lawful
Judgment
of
his
Peers
;
tho
the
Right
was
tryed
before
that
sort
of
Statute
,
by
common
Law
as
my
Lord
[
‖
](A58510-e115700-b)
‖
2
Inst.
pag.
49.
Coke
observ's
upon
it
;
by
the
verdict
of
12
Peers
,
or
equal
men
,
)
yet
still
I
look
upon
the
King
to
remain
sole
Judge
in
every
Case
whether
Civil
or
Criminal
;
for
these
Peers
are
never
allow'd
to
try
any
more
than
bare
matter
of
Fact
,
and
the
Soveraign
always
presides
in
his
Justices
to
decide
matter
of
Equity
and
Law
:
And
those
[
†
](A58510-e115720-b)
†
The
writ
of
Conviction
was
the
same
with
an
Attaint
,
and
that
was
by
Common
Law
too
.
Coke
2.
Inst.
p.
130.
Vid.
3.
Inst.
p.
222.
&
1.
Inst.
pag.
294.
13.
and
tho
this
Judgment
is
given
by
no
stat.
yet
there
are
several
Stat.
that
〈◊〉
penalty
and
that
even
in
trespass
where
damages
but
40.
sh.
5.
E.
3.
Chap.
7.
Vid.
also
〈◊〉
.
E.
3.
c.
8.
〈◊〉
.
E.
3.
c.
4.
13.
R.
2.
and
several
other
Stat.
in
H.
4
,
5
,
6
,
7
,
8th
.
times
about
it
.
very
Laws
to
which
he
gives
Life
too
;
and
whose
Ambiguities
he
resolves
,
themselves
also
sufficiently
terrifie
the
Jurors
from
pretending
to
give
their
own
Resolutions
,
by
making
them
liable
to
the
severe
Judgment
of
an
Attaint
,
if
their
Verdict
be
found
false
,
(
i.e.
)
to
have
their
Goods
,
Chattels
,
Lands
,
and
Tenements
forfeited
,
their
Wives
and
Children
turn'd
from
their
home
,
and
their
Houses
Levell'd
;
and
their
Trees
pluckt
up
by
the
Roots
;
and
their
Pastures
turn'd
up
with
the
Plough
,
and
their
Bodies
Imprison'd
:
A
sort
of
severity
sufficient
one
would
think
to
frighten
the
Subject
from
assuming
to
himself
to
decide
the
judicial
part
of
the
Laws
;
and
for
this
Reason
,
in
all
dubious
Cases
,
for
fear
of
their
bringing
in
a
verdict
False
;
they
only
find
the
Fact
specially
,
and
leave
the
determination
of
it
to
the
King
in
the
Judges
that
represent
him
.
And
as
this
was
resolved
for
Legal
,
even
from
the
Common
Usage
and
Custom
of
the
Land
;
confirm'd
as
you
see
by
several
Acts
of
Parliament
;
so
was
it
maintain'd
also
by
those
very
Villains
that
had
subverted
the
Government
it self
,
and
violated
all
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
all
the
Land
;
for
when
Lilburn
,
a
Levelling
,
and
discontented
Officer
,
a
Lieutenant
of
Oliver's
Army
,
was
put
upon
his
[
*
](A58510-e115800-b)
*
Vid.
Lilburn's
Tryal
.
24.
Oct.
1649.
Printed
the
28.
of
November
1649.
Page
3.
Tryal
for
Treason
,
only
for
Scribling
against
the
Usurpation
for
which
he
had
fought
;
and
as
he
boasted
to
the
Bench
,
to
the
very
butt
end
of
his
Musket
;
against
his
Majesty
at
the
Battel
of
Brainford
;
and
the
mutinous
wretch
only
Troubled
and
Disgusted
because
he
had
not
a
greater
share
in
that
Usurp'd
Power
;
for
which
he
had
hazarded
his
Life
,
and
Fortune
,
when
he
came
to
be
pinch'd
too
,
with
that
Commission
of
High
Court
of
Justice
,
himself
had
help'd
up
for
the
Murdering
of
his
Soveraign
,
and
his
best
of
Subjects
;
no
Plea
would
serve
him
,
but
this
popular
one
,
which
the
Lieutenant
laboured
in
most
mightily
;
that
his
Jury
were
by
the
Law
,
the
Judges
of
that
Law
,
as
well
as
Fact
;
and
those
A
Damnable
Blasphemous
Heresie
,
never
heard
in
the
Nation
before
;
and
says
,
'T
is
enough
to
destroy
all
the
Law
of
the
Land
;
and
that
the
Judges
have
interpreted
it
,
ever
William
Pryn
,
of
his
Parliaments
Right
to
it
since
there
was
Laws
in
England
;
and
Keeble
,
another
of
the
Common-wealth-Commissioners
,
told
him
,
'T
was
as
gross
an
error
,
as
possible
any
Man
could
be
guilty
off
;
and
so
all
the
Judges
even
of
a
power
absolutely
Usurp'd
,
and
wherein
they
profest
so
much
the
Peoples
Privilege
,
over-rul'd
the
Prisoner
in
his
popular
Plea
.
'T
is
true
,
Littleton
,
as
Lilburn
observ'd
mere
Right
of
a
meum
and
tuum
among
themselves
.
Several
other
Instances
,
both
the
Books
&
Rolls
abound
with
,
that
Evidence
our
Kings
the
only
Judges
of
the
Law
in
all
Causes
and
over
all
Persons
,
for
in
the
13th
.
year
of
the
same
[
†
](A58510-e116150-b)
†
13.
R.
2.
Richard
the
Second
,
the
Commons
Petition'd
again
the
King
,
that
his
Council
might
not
make
any
Ordinance
against
the
Common
Law
;
and
the
King
Graciously
granted
them
;
but
with
a
salvo
to
the
Regalities
of
the
Crown
and
the
right
of
his
Ancestors
.
The
Court
of
Star
Chamber
,
which
the
worst
of
times
Abolish'd
,
and
my
Lord
Coke
makes
almost
the
[
†
](A58510-e116210-b)
†
It
is
the
most
Honorable
Court
,
the
Parliam
.
excepted
that
is
in
the
Christian
World
,
of
Honorable
Proceeding
,
just
Jurisdiction
;
A
Court
that
kept
all
England
in
quiet
,
Coke
4
Inst.
p.
65.
and
so
it
did
till
abolish'd
by
the
Tumults
of
a
Parliam
.
best
of
Courts
,
had
heretofore
Cognizance
of
property
,
and
determin'd
a
Controversie
,
touching
Lands
contain'd
in
the
Covenants
of
a
Joynture
,
as
appears
in
the
Case
of
the
Audleys
,
Rot.
Claus.
41.
Edward
the
3d.
There
the
King
heard
too
a
Cause
against
one
Sir
Hugh
Hastings
,
for
with-holding
part
of
the
Living
of
the
poor
of
St.
Leonard
in
York
,
as
is
Evident
from
the
Roll.
8.
Edward
4.
p.
3.
And
tho
the
Proceedings
of
this
Court
,
were
so
much
decryed
by
those
that
clamor'd
so
long
for
its
Suppression
,
till
they
left
no
Court
of
Justice
in
the
Land
,
unless
it
were
that
of
Blood
and
Rebellion
,
their
High
one
;
tho
the
King
in
his
giving
year
was
so
gracious
,
that
he
made
the
very
Standard
,
[
‖
](A58510-e116380-b)
‖
Coke
4.
Inst.
C.
5.
and
confirm'd
afterward
,
per
[
†
](A58510-e116410-b)
†
3.
H.
7.
c.
1.
Act
of
Parliament
;
yet
[
‖
](A58510-e116420-b)
‖
Cambden
Britt.
130.
Cambden
,
our
Historian
,
as
well
as
our
Coke
,
our
Lawyer
,
could
commend
it
for
the
most
Honorable
,
as
well
as
the
most
Ancient
of
all
our
Judicatories
;
and
if
they
'll
have
the
Reason
,
Why
it
treated
of
Matters
so
high
,
as
the
Resolution
even
of
Common-Law
,
and
the
Statute
,
it
may
be
told
them
in
the
weighty
Words
of
their
own
Oracle
;
Because
the
King
in
Several
other
Citations
I
could
here
set
down
,
to
prove
the
Subjection
of
the
very
Common-Law
,
to
the
Soveraign
Power
;
as
Henry
the
Sixth
superseding
a
Criminal
Process
,
and
staying
an
Arraignment
[
‖
](A58510-e116570-b)
‖
'T
is
that
which
gives
them
Life
as
I
have
shown
before
,
and
makes
them
any
thing
besides
waste
Paper
,
And
the
Judicious
Hooker
in
his
politicks
,
seems
to
be
of
the
same
opinion
,
when
he
says
,
Laws
take
their
force
not
from
those
that
devise
them
;
but
from
the
power
that
gives
them
the
strength
of
Laws
.
Sanction
,
must
of
necessity
submit
,
and
acknowledge
a
subjection
to
the
same
Power
,
and
that
I
think
we
have
sufficiently
prov'd
already
upon
several
occasions
,
both
from
the
Letter
of
the
Laws
themselves
,
and
our
little
light
of
Reason
;
both
from
Arguments
,
and
[
†
](A58510-e116600-b)
†
The
seven
Kingdoms
of
the
Saxons
,
had
all
their
Laws
made
by
their
7.
several
Soveraigns
,
of
which
confuss'd
number
the
Confessor
cull'd
out
the
best
,
and
call'd
them
after
his
own
name
,
St.
Edward
;
so
did
also
the
other
Saxon
and
Danes
Kings
their
own
;
after
theirs
,
as
you
see
in
Lambert's
Book
of
Laws
.
Laws
that
have
evidenc'd
their
own
Resolutions
to
be
reserv'd
to
the
King
;
and
that
we
had
Kings
long
before
fore
the
Commons
Commenc'd
,
Conven'd
'
or
Concur'd
in
their
assent
to
such
Laws
.
'T
is
prodigiously
strange
to
me
,
that
these
mighty
Maintainers
of
the
Peoples
Legislative
,
and
their
Judicial
Power
,
eeven
over
their
own
Soveraigns
,
cannot
be
guided
by
those
very
Laws
they
would
have
to
govern
their
Kings
,
thus
you
shall
see
a
Needham
,
a
Nevil
,
or
a
Sidney
amongst
our selves
,
in
all
their
Laborious
Libels
,
that
the
drudges
of
Sedition
(
who
seem
to
verify
the
Sacred
Text
,
in
drawing
Sin
it self
with
a
Cart-Rope
,
)
in
all
that
they
tugg
,
toil
and
labour
in
;
you
〈◊〉
see
that
they
cite
you
so
much
as
a
single
Statute
on
their
side
;
or
if
they
do
,
only
such
an
one
as
is
either
Impertinently
apply'd
,
or
as
Industriously
perverted
:
And
in
the
same
sort
does
the
Seditious
Scot
,
Buchanan
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Books
of
their
discontented
Demagogues
)
;
that
[
‖
](A58510-e116760-b)
‖
Omne
malum
ab
aquilone
.
Northern
Mischief
,
that
threaten'd
us
always
with
a
Proverbial
Omen
,
till
averted
of
late
by
the
Loyalty
of
their
latter
Parliaments
,
that
have
aton'd
even
for
the
last
age
and
the
persidiousness
,
and
Faction
of
the
former
)
those
all
in
their
Libels
,
hardly
Name
you
so
much
as
one
single
Law
of
their
Nation
,
to
countenance
the
Popular
Paradox
,
the
pleasing
Principle
of
the
Peoples
Supremacy
;
which
the
poor
Souls
,
when
prescrib'd
by
those
Mountebanks
of
the
State
,
must
take
too
like
a
Common
Pill
;
only
because
't
is
gilded
with
the
pleasant
Insinuations
of
Natural
Freedom
,
Free-State
,
Subjection
of
the
Soveraign
,
Power
of
the
People
,
and
all
the
dangerous
Delusions
that
lead
them
directly
to
the
designs
of
these
devilish
Republicans
(
i.e.
)
a
damnable
Rebelion
;
whereas
would
they
but
submit
their
Senses
to
the
Sanctions
of
the
Laws
of
their
several
Lands
,
their
Libels
they
would
find
to
be
best
baffl'd
by
the
Statute
Books
,
as
well
as
their
Authors
to
be
punisht
by
them
,
for
their
Publication
.
'T
is
strange
,
that
should
not
obtain
in
this
Controversy
,
which
prevails
in
all
polemical
disputes
,
that
is
,
some
certain
Maxims
and
Aphorisms
,
Postulates
and
Theorems
not
to
be
disputed
;
these
determin
our
Reason
even
in
Philosophy
and
the
Mathematicks
;
and
why
should
not
the
Laws
then
in
Politicks
too
,
and
where
they
are
positive
?
sure
't
is
Impudence
,
as
well
as
Capital
perhaps
to
oppose
.
And
yet
we
see
these
Gentlemen
,
of
so
little
Law
,
to
Labour
so
much
in
a
dispute
that
is
only
to
be
decided
by
it
;
what
Authority
is
the
singular
assertion
of
a
Republican
,
or
a
[
*
](A58510-e116860-b)
*
pag.
21.
Plato
Redivivus
,
that
the
House
of
Commons
is
the
only
part
of
the
old
Constitution
of
Parliament
that
is
left
us
;
or
the
single
sense
of
[
‖
](A58510-e116880-b)
‖
Tryal
.
p.
23.
§.
2.
Mr.
Sidney
,
that
the
Senate
of
England
is
above
its
Soveraign
;
against
the
form
of
the
very
first
Act
of
State
that
remains
upon
Record
,
the
very
[
†
](A58510-e116910-b)
†
Magn.
Chart.
9.
H.
3.
know
ye
that
we
of
our
mere
will
have
given
&c.
Chart.
Forest.
9.
H.
3.
begins
also
with
a
we
will
.
Stat.
Hiber
.
14.
H.
3.
only
a
mere
Order
of
the
King
to
the
Son
of
Maurice
his
Judge
there
;
the
words
we
command
you
,
Witness
my self
.
Note
that
was
even
concerning
Free-hold
;
and
a
Case
of
Co-parcenary
.
The
Stat.
Bisex
.
21.
H.
3.
tho
concerning
pleading
,
and
Common
Law
,
but
an
Order
of
the
King
to
his
Judges
;
for
the
words
are
we
ordain
and
Command
you
.
Stat.
Assiza
.
51.
H.
3.
The
King
to
whom
all
these
shall
come
greeting
.
de
scacc
.
the
King
Commandeth
.
Charter
these
Democraticks
adore
;
against
the
form
of
the
following
one
of
the
Forest
,
and
Consult
but
the
Style
of
the
Statute
Book
,
and
all
the
Antient
Acts
,
down
to
Richard
the
Second
,
and
you
'll
find
not
so
much
as
one
,
but
what
expressly
points
out
in
its
Enacting
part
,
the
sole
power
of
the
Soveraign
by
which
it
was
Enacted
;
all
in
these
repeated
Expressions
of
Absolute
Majesty
.
We
the
Kings
of
England
of
our
free
will
have
given
and
granted
;
it
is
our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
the
King
Commands
,
the
Kings
Wills
;
our
Lord
the
King
has
establisht
,
the
Lord
the
King
hath
ordain'd
.
And
most
of
them
made
in
the
manner
of
Edicts
,
or
Proclamations
,
as
in
the
Margin
will
appear
,
and
tho
't
is
thought
now
such
a
piece
of
Illegality
to
be
concluded
by
an
Order
of
Council
;
and
even
his
Majesties
late
command
for
the
Continuance
of
the
Tunnage
,
and
the
Resolution
of
the
Judges
about
that
part
of
the
Excise
which
expir'd
;
has
by
some
of
our
murmurers
been
repin'd
at
,
tho
by
all
Loyal
ones
it
was
as
chearfully
assented
to
;
and
as
punctually
paid
;
yet
they
shall
see
that
the
People
heretofore
paid
,
such
a
deference
even
to
an
Edict
of
the
Prince
that
they
nearly
rely'd
as
much
upon
it
as
the
Romans
did
upon
their
Imperial
Institutions
;
who
as
I
before
shew'd
,
lookt
upon
it
as
a
crime
like
to
Sacrilege
but
to
disobey
.
And
this
will
appear
from
an
[
†
](A58510-e116990-b)
†
31.
Hen.
8.
c.
8.
Stat.
Mert.
6.
The
King
our
Lord
providing
,
hath
made
these
Acts
,
2d
.
Inst.
p.
101.
Westm.
1.
3.
Ed.
1.
1.
The
King
willeth
and
commandeth
.
Stat.
Gavelet
even
of
altering
the
writ
,
which
they
say
can't
be
done
but
in
Parliament
,
Enacted
by
the
King
and
his
Justices
.
10.
E.
2.
Stat.
E.
3.
several
say
;
we
will
,
we
ordain
so
also
several
,
R.
2.
Act
of
Parliament
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
;
which
provided
;
obstinate
Persons
,
and
oppos'd
by
the
willfullness
of
froward
Subjects
that
don't
consider
what
a
King
by
his
Royal
Power
may
do
;
and
all
that
disobey'd
were
to
be
punisht
according
to
the
Penalty
exprest
in
the
Proclamation
;
and
if
any
should
depart
the
Realm
,
to
decline
answering
for
his
Contumacy
and
Contempt
,
he
was
to
be
adjudg'd
a
Traytor
;
and
tho
the
Statute
limited
it
to
such
as
did
not
extend
to
the
Prejudice
of
Inheritance
,
Liberties
or
Life
;
yet
the
King
was
left
,
the
Judge
,
Whether
they
were
Prejudicial
or
not
;
and
these
Kings
Edicts
by
this
very
Act
were
by
particular
Clause
made
as
binding
,
as
if
they
had
been
all
Acts
of
Parliaments
;
and
that
it
may
not
be
said
to
be
an
Inconsiderate
and
Vnadvised
deed
of
the
Parliament
,
to
give
the
King
such
a
Power
;
(
tho
't
is
hard
to
say
so
of
a
Senate
,
whom
the
[
*
](A58510-e117100-b)
*
Coke
4.
Inst.
c.
1.
Parl.
writ
that
convokes
them
says
,
they
are
call'd
to
deliberate
.
)
To
avoid
that
imputation
,
I
must
tell
them
it
was
very
Solemnly
a
Second
time
Confirm'd
again
,
within
three
[
†
](A58510-e117130-b)
†
34.
H.
8.
c.
25.
years
after
;
and
by
that
Power
given
to
nine
of
the
Kings
Council
,
to
give
Judgment
against
〈◊〉
Offenders
of
the
former
,
and
〈◊〉
this
was
repeal'd
in
the
following
〈◊〉
of
King
[
‖
](A58510-e117140-b)
‖
1.
Ed.
4.
c.
12.
Edward
a
Minor
,
and
almost
a
Child
,
A
time
(
wherein
not
withstanding
there
is
such
a
woe
denounc'd
against
a
People
that
have
such
a
King
;
)
the
Subjects
seldom
fail
of
Invading
something
of
the
Prerogative
;
yet
still
we
see
tho
the
Law
be
not
now
in
〈◊〉
,
plain
matter
of
Fact
,
that
there
was
〈◊〉
such
a
Law
;
that
our
Kings
〈◊〉
were
once
by
express
words
of
the
Statute
made
as
valid
as
the
very
Act
of
State
it self
that
made
them
so
;
that
the
Judicial
Power
of
the
Prince
was
〈◊〉
less
limited
,
and
that
〈◊〉
Libels
And
let
any
one
but
leisurably
examine
,
as
I
have
particularly
,
the
several
Acts
of
each
King's
Reign
;
and
he
'll
find
that
from
this
Richard
the
Second
,
to
whose
time
,
the
Stile
of
the
Statutes
as
you
see
was
in
a
manner
absolutely
Majestick
down
to
King
Charles
the
Martyr
,
El.
Jac.
1.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
his
Lords
Spiritual
,
and
〈◊〉
,
at
the
special
Instance
,
and
〈◊〉
of
the
Commons
;
or
The
〈◊〉
by
and
with
the
Assent
of
his
Lords
Spiritual
,
〈◊〉
,
and
Commons
;
and
as
if
the
past
Parliaments
,
〈◊〉
would
have
provided
against
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
a
〈◊〉
Age
,
which
they
could
hardly
be
thought
to
〈◊〉
,
since
it
savors
so
much
of
almost
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
Sedition
,
as
if
〈◊〉
Anoestors
,
had
feared
least
some
of
their
prostigate
posterity
,
seduced
with
the
Corruptions
of
a
Rebellious
Age
,
should
impose
upon
the
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
,
with
any
such
Subtil
〈◊〉
of
their
King
's
making
but
Wil.
〈◊〉
Power
of
Parliam
.
one
of
the
three
States
,
and
by
Consequence
conclude
,
as
they
actually
did
,
that
the
two
being
greater
than
him
〈◊〉
,
could
be
his
Judges
,
and
their
own
Soveraign's
Superiors
;
why
to
prevent
these
very
Rebels
and
Republicans
,
in
such
Factious
Inferences
,
did
they
,
for
two
hundred
years
agon
,
in
the
first
of
Richard
the
Third
,
Resolve
what
was
signified
by
the
three
Estates
of
the
Realm
:
For
say
they
,
That
is
to
say
,
the
Lords
Spiritual
,
Temporal
,
and
Commons
;
and
even
long
since
that
,
much
more
lately
,
but
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
in
that
Act
of
Recognition
of
her
Right
,
where
they
endeavor
to
advance
her
Royalty
as
much
as
possible
they
can
,
and
to
make
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
as
much
Imperial
,
there
they
tell
her
,
'T
is
WEE
,
your
Majesties
most
faithful
,
and
THREE
ESTATES
of
your
Realm
of
England
;
and
therefore
in
King
James
,
and
Charles
the
First
's
time
,
when
the
Commons
began
to
be
mutinous
,
and
encroach
upon
the
Crown
;
then
they
having
with
the
help
of
their
numerous
Lawyers
,
which
were
once
by
particular
Act
,
excluded
the
House
;
and
Car.
〈◊〉
.
only
by
the
Authority
of
the
Parliament
,
by
the
Kings
Majesty
,
Lords
and
Commons
;
yet
upon
the
Restauration
of
Charles
the
Second
,
the
Words
,
With
the
consent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
were
again
reviv'd
;
and
afterward
THREE
STATES
,
and
this
runs
on
through
all
the
Acts
of
his
Reign
,
and
even
in
several
of
them
the
Commons
humbly
beseech
the
King
,
that
it
may
be
so
enacted
.
I
thought
it
necessary
to
bring
home
three
States
;
But
when
the
King
was
returned
to
his
〈◊〉
,
and
they
to
their
Obedience
,
the
old
form
was
retrieved
,
The
King
with
advice
and
consent
of
.
to
our
present
,
tho
most
profligate
time
,
as
much
Acknowledgement
as
possible
I
could
of
my
Kings
Prerogative
,
from
the
Laws
of
our
Land
,
and
the
very
Statutes
themselves
,
because
that
some
great
Advocates
for
the
power
of
the
People
,
some
times
pretend
to
plead
for
them
too
from
Acts
of
Parliaments
,
tho
I
think
in
this
last
,
lewd
and
Libellous
Contest
against
the
Crown
,
that
lasted
for
about
five
year
,
in
that
Lustrum
of
Treason
;
there
was
but
one
that
was
so
laboriously
Seditious
,
so
eminently
popular
,
as
to
endeavour
to
prove
the
Peoples
Supremacy
from
Rolls
,
and
Records
,
and
Acts
of
State
,
and
for
that
recommend
me
to
the
good
Author
of
the
Right
of
the
Commons
Asserted
,
tho
I
should
rather
approve
of
such
an
undertaking
,
when
endeavored
to
be
done
from
the
tracing
the
dark
and
obscure
tracts
of
Antiquity
,
and
the
Authority
of
a
Selden
,
than
the
single
Assertion
of
a
Sidney
,
and
the
mere
Maxims
of
some
Modern
Democraticks
,
that
have
no
other
Foundation
for
their
Establishments
,
than
the
new
Notions
of
their
Rebellious
Authors
,
and
that
ipse
dixit
of
such
Seditious
Dogmatists
:
But
I
am
satisfied
too
,
that
this
Gentleman
who
has
laboured
so
much
in
vindicating
the
Commons
Antiquity
,
and
their
constituting
an
essential
part
of
our
Saxon
Parliaments
,
did
design
in
it
much
more
an
Opposition
of
our
Antient
Monarchy
,
and
the
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
,
than
a
mere
clearing
the
dark
foot-steps
of
our
Old
Chronicle
,
and
a
real
defence
of
Matter
of
Fact
,
and
the
Truth
:
And
this
is
too
clearly
to
be
prov'd
from
the
pestilent
Pen-man's
,
P-tyts
own
Papers
,
that
were
publish'd
at
such
a
time
,
when
there
was
no
great
need
of
such
an
Asserting
the
Commons
Right
,
when
themselves
were
more
likely
to
have
Usurp'd
upon
the
Crown
,
and
(
as
Mr.
Sidney
and
his
Associates
would
have
it
,
)
made
themselves
and
the
People
Judges
of
their
own
wrong
:
For
to
see
such
a
task
undertaken
at
a
time
,
when
we
are
since
satisfied
such
dangerous
designs
were
a-foot
,
looks
only
like
a
particular
part
of
that
general
Plot
and
Conspiracy
that
has
been
since
discovered
,
and
that
all
sorts
of
Pens
were
imployed
,
as
well
as
all
Heads
,
Hearts
,
and
Hands
at
work
,
for
the
carrying
on
Mr.
Sidney's
OLD
CAVSE
,
(
as
indeed
all
this
Gentlemans
Works
tended
to
,
)
for
which
the
Almighty
was
supposed
so
often
to
have
declared
and
signaliz'd
himself
:
and
illustrates
only
this
,
That
there
was
not
any
Person
qualified
for
undermining
of
our
Monarchy
,
either
from
his
Wit
or
Parts
,
Boldness
or
Courage
,
from
his
Virulency
in
Satyr
,
or
his
Knowledge
in
History
,
from
his
skill
in
any
Science
,
or
Profession
,
but
what
some
or
other
of
the
most
eminent
was
made
Serviceable
to
this
Faction
,
and
contributed
his
Talent
to
the
carrying
on
the
Design
,
according
to
the
gift
and
graces
that
they
had
in
their
several
Abilities
to
promote
it
;
neither
can
this
Gentleman
think
himself
libell'd
in
this
Accusation
,
unless
he
would
give
his
own
works
the
Lye
;
for
who
but
him
that
had
such
a
Design
for
the
subverting
our
Monarchy
,
would
,
at
a
season
when
the
Succession
of
our
Crown
was
struck
at
in
the
Commons
Vote
;
a
Succession
that
several
Laws
of
our
Land
have
declared
to
be
Hereditary
even
by
that
of
God
?
who
but
one
so
Seditious
,
would
not
only
have
encouraged
such
unwarrantable
William
Rufus
,
and
several
others
were
Elected
,
that
is
,
Henry
the
First
,
King
Stephen
,
King
John
;
tho
I
am
satisfied
,
that
consent
of
the
Clergy
and
People
,
they
so
much
rely
upon
,
was
nothing
more
than
the
Convention
of
those
Persons
that
appeared
upon
the
solemn
Coronation
,
or
at
least
,
the
Proclaiming
of
the
King
.
Themselves
are
satisfied
all
our
old
Statutes
clearly
confirm'd
the
sole
Legislative
Power
of
the
Prince
,
and
therefore
they
won't
,
when
they
are
objected
to
them
,
allow
them
to
be
Statutes
at
all
,
because
made
I
suppose
only
by
their
King
;
but
so
my
Lord
Coke
says
,
they
said
of
the
Statute
of
Edward
Great
CHARTER
,
to
the
last
grant
of
our
late
King
CHARLES
.
But
our
Author
Triumph'd
,
as
he
thought
,
over
his
Adversaries
in
forcing
back
their
own
Argument
upon
his
Foes
;
for
says
Mr.
Sidney
,
if
no
man
must
be
à
Fortiori
;
for
he
supposes
the
Absurdity
to
be
such
;
that
if
the
King
in
his
own
Case
must
Judge
the
People
,
and
not
the
People
the
King
in
theirs
,
that
this
Contradictory
Consequence
would
be
as
much
conclusive
;
That
the
Servant
entertain'd
by
the
Master
must
Judge
him
;
but
the
Master
by
[
*
](A58510-e118570-b)
*
Vid.
Paper
at
his
Execution
.
He
has
too
that
Old
Seditious
Aphorism
us'd
by
Junius
Brutus
,
&
all
the
rest
of
the
Republicans
,
Singulis
〈◊〉
.
Tryal
.
p.
23.
tho
in
the
next
paragraph
,
he
is
no
more
than
any
of
his
Subjects
.
Sidney
says
,
the
Soveraign
being
but
a
Servant
to
his
Subjects
;
a
Creature
to
these
God
Almightys
of
the
People
the
Creators
of
their
King
;
truly
this
they
are
resolv'd
we
shall
grant
;
or
as
resolutely
suppose
we
cannot
Contradict
,
and
so
put
upon
us
their
presumptive
absurdities
for
our
own
;
and
make
them
the
Consequence
of
those
Concessions
that
were
never
yeilded
;
who
taught
this
Gentleman
,
who
granted
him
that
the
Magistrate
was
the
Peoples
Creature
,
but
a
Brutus
in
his
Vindiciae
,
or
that
as
a
bominable
a
Book
De
[
‖
](A58510-e118660-b)
‖
This
Gentleman
seems
only
to
have
translated
that
Authors
own
words
,
non
populus
〈◊〉
Magistratus
sed
Magistratus
prop
〈◊〉
po
ulum
fuisse
creatos
.
jure
Magistratuum
?
and
for
this
must
it
follow
that
Filmer
is
so
absurd
,
only
because
he
does
not
suppose
the
very
pernicious
principles
of
those
very
Rebels
and
Republicans
he
endeavours
to
refute
?
It
is
an
easy
sort
of
a
Conquest
,
and
you
may
soon
prove
your
Foes
to
be
[
‖
](A58510-e118740-b)
‖
16.
R.
2.
c.
5.
under
none
but
God
;
and
in
all
places
acknowledge
him
above
all
the
People
;
and
is
not
the
absurdity
on
their
side
,
and
a
Contradiction
even
in
Terms
,
when
they
contend
for
the
contrary
?
And
as
that
Author
,
of
the
Right
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
like
writings
of
the
most
Eminent
Republicans
led
on
and
seduc'd
Mr.
S.
in
some
Points
;
so
has
also
so
his
predecessor
,
or
Co-eval
(
for
I
think
they
liv'd
in
an
Age
)
W.
Pryn
,
imposed
upon
him
in
others
;
and
I
am
sorry
to
see
Mr.
S.
that
valu'd
himself
upon
his
parts
to
rely
upon
that
which
that
pest
of
the
press
plac'd
so
much
confidence
in
,
and
that
are
the
words
of
[
*
](A58510-e118790-b)
*
Deum
Legem
&
Parliamentum
.
Bracton
,
where
he
says
,
as
Mr.
S.
would
have
it
,
God
the
Law
and
the
Parliament
are
the
Kings
three
Superiors
:
But
even
Pryn
himself
,
the
perverter
of
all
that
was
not
for
his
purpose
,
does
not
deal
so
disingeniously
as
this
Gentleman
in
the
Case
;
for
he
recites
it
more
Exactly
as
it
is
in
Bracton
,
which
is
,
the
Kings
Court
instead
of
the
Parliament
,
which
in
the
time
that
Antient
Author
writ
,
very
probably
consisted
only
of
his
prelates
and
Lords
;
so
that
if
granted
them
,
Pryn's
Commons
,
and
Mr.
S.
his
People
of
England
,
are
not
comprehended
in
the
words
of
that
old
writer
,
and
then
besides
it
is
the
opinion
of
some
,
that
those
words
the
Laws
,
and
the
Kings
Courts
;
were
not
originally
in
the
writings
of
that
Loyal
Lawyer
,
who
in
several
other
places
of
his
works
,
carries
up
the
Divine
Right
of
his
King
,
and
that
absolute
Power
of
his
Prince
,
as
high
as
any
of
the
most
Modern
whom
[
‖
](A58510-e118930-b)
‖
Postscript
.
Mr.
Hunt
has
represented
and
libell'd
,
as
first
introducers
of
this
new
Notion
,
this
dangerous
,
and
damnable
Doctrine
;
for
that
grave
Judge
for
above
4
or
5
hundred
years
agon
;
told
us
our
[
†
](A58510-e118950-b)
†
Hen.
the
3d's
time
Bracton
.
lib.
4.
cap.
24.
§
5.
Rex
sub
nullo
nisi
tantum
Deo
.
and
l.
5.
tract.
3.
non
habet
superiorem
nisi
Deum
;
satis
habet
ad
paenam
quod
Deum
expectat
ultorem
.
King
was
under
none
but
God
;
that
he
had
none
above
him
but
God
,
and
that
he
had
God
alone
for
his
Avenger
;
and
it
seems
somewhat
Improbable
a
person
of
his
Loyalty
and
Judgment
should
not
only
detract
from
the
Supremacy
of
his
Soveraign
,
which
he
seems
so
much
to
maintain
,
but
also
in
direct
opposition
to
what
himself
had
asserted
,
and
besides
were
they
the
sense
as
well
as
the
words
of
that
Author
,
they
are
only
true
(
as
I
have
before
shown
)
when
they
are
taken
collectively
&
in
a
complicated
Sentence
,
and
so
seems
a
sort
of
Sophistry
which
the
Logical
heads
call
a
fallacy
in
Composition
:
But
yet
from
that
does
Mr.
S.
conclude
,
That
the
power
is
Originally
in
the
People
,
and
so
by
Consequence
in
the
Parliament
,
only
as
they
are
their
Representatives
.
For
my
part
,
I
cannot
Imagine
this
Gentleman's
large
Treatise
to
be
any
thing
else
but
a
Voluminous
Collection
,
of
all
the
Rebellious
Arguments
that
were
publisht
in
our
late
War
;
for
as
in
this
little
Merc.
Politicus
:
out
of
the
Author
of
the
Treatise
of
Monarchy
,
has
he
made
a
shift
to
borrow
,
or
else
by
chance
very
harmoniously
to
agree
〈◊〉
the
pernicious
Position
,
That
our
Monarchy
is
not
only
Limited
and
Mixt
;
(
for
that
wont
content
them
alone
)
but
that
this
Limitation
has
oblig'd
the
Soveraign
to
be
Subject
to
the
Judgment
and
Determination
of
Parliament
,
for
says
that
more
Antient
Antimonarchist
,
this
Limitation
Secondary
Original
Constitution
(
i.
e.
)
(
if
my
little
Sense
will
let
me
Comprehend
the
saying
of
a
Politician
that
has
none
at
all
)
somewhat
like
a
Figure
in
Speech
;
the
Country-man
calls
his
Bull
;
us'd
when
the
Speaker
can't
express
himself
Intelligibly
:
A
Secondary
Original
,
sounds
not
much
unlike
the
Nonsense
of
an
Original
Copy
;
or
a
second
first
,
)
yet
from
this
senseless
Sophistry
it
must
be
concluded
;
that
the
Soveraign
being
limited
by
this
Original
Constitution
;
or
as
they
call
it
;
After
Condiscent
,
and
Secondary
Original
;
what
then
?
therefore
every
Mans
[
‖
](A58510-e119130-b)
‖
So
the
Roman
Senate
when
Augustus
was
not
so
much
as
present
freed
him
from
all
obligations
.
Romans
Common-wealth
)
what
I
hinted
before
was
the
Sense
of
the
very
Romans
,
when
according
to
their
own
Notion
of
Original
Monarchy
;
the
People
of
that
Common-wealth
,
first
conferr'd
their
Power
of
Government
upon
a
single
Soveraign
;
why
,
their
very
Laws
tell
us
,
That
notwithstanding
those
Contracts
and
Limitations
,
(
of
which
there
were
very
likely
some
exprest
even
in
that
their
very
Celebrated
,
and
Glorious
[
*
](A58510-e119190-b)
*
The
Lex
Regia
princeps
legibus
solutus
est
l.
princ
.
de
legibus
.
Law
,
that
first
made
that
Government
Imperial
,
)
yet
when
once
it
〈◊〉
so
Conferr'd
,
by
that
very
Act
,
all
Magistracy
;
(
i.e.
)
all
power
of
Judging
that
the
Subject
had
before
was
past
over
too
:
And
were
our
own
Monarch
by
the
Compact
,
and
condiscent
of
his
first
Ancestors
,
such
a
precarious
Prince
as
they
would
make
him
;
have
not
our
own
Statutes
I
have
cited
,
long
since
resolv'd
his
Crown
to
be
Independant
,
and
himself
accountable
to
none
but
God
?
And
then
abstracting
from
that
Advantage
we
have
of
the
Resolution
of
the
Law
;
Reason
it self
,
against
which
our
Republicans
rebell
too
,
that
also
will
refute
the
absurdity
of
such
a
Position
;
For
first
,
where
for
God's
sake
would
they
fix
this
their
preposterous
power
of
Judicial
Process
?
if
in
some
single
Persons
,
then
the
Concession
of
their
own
renowned
Aphorism
will
fly
in
their
Face
;
for
that
allows
the
Soveraign
to
be
much
superior
to
Junius
Brutus
,
Vindic.
de
Jur.
Mag.
Will
.
Pryn
Parliam
.
Right
.
Buchanan
.
Sidney
Tryal
p.
23.
any
Selected
number
of
his
Subjects
;
and
they
won't
be
such
Senseless
Sots
sure
,
as
to
say
,
That
those
whom
themselves
acknowledge
to
be
altogether
inferior
,
should
be
invested
with
that
Judicial
Power
,
which
is
the
highest
token
,
and
〈◊〉
of
Supremacy
,
if
they
'll
place
it
as
Mr.
Sidney
forsooth
does
in
the
Original
power
of
the
People
,
delegated
unto
Parliament
,
then
should
that
be
granted
them
,
when
ever
this
Parliament
is
dissolv'd
,
if
their
King
be
never
so
great
a
Delinquent
,
(
for
I
think
they
may
assoon
make
their
King
so
,
as
they
did
foolishly
those
that
followed
him
in
the
late
Wars
,
when
the
word
implies
a
Deserting
,
and
the
Law
only
calls
them
so
Mr.
Sidney
was
so
wittily
Seditious
,
as
to
foresee
such
a
Consequence
,
and
for
that
Reason
very
resolutely
does
deny
what
some
of
our
more
moderate
Republicans
will
allow
,
That
Then
in
the
next
place
,
if
this
Original
power
of
this
People
be
delegated
to
this
Parliament
,
it
would
have
been
much
to
the
purpose
for
some
of
them
,
to
have
shown
us
from
whence
this
People
had
this
Original
Power
:
Certainly
,
if
any
,
it
must
be
deriv'd
from
God
,
Nature
,
or
somewhat
that
's
Soveraign
:
But
for
the
Almighty
;
In
all
the
sacred
Texts
,
there
's
not
a
syllable
of
such
a
Legacy
left
them
,
but
abundance
of
the
bequest
of
it
that
is
made
to
Kings
:
For
Nature
,
there
is
nothing
from
it
more
evident
,
than
a
whole
series
of
Subordination
,
and
that
to
single
Soveraignty
,
(
setting
aside
even
the
paternal
among
Human
Creatures
,
)
almost
to
be
made
out
among
Insects
and
Animals
,
Bees
and
Beasts
.
And
if
some
King
indulged
this
their
People
to
appropriate
to
themselves
all
the
Supream
Power
,
(
which
we
never
heard
of
any
of
ours
that
did
;
or
to
participate
part
of
their
Prerogative
,
which
we
know
many
Indulgent
ones
of
ours
to
their
Parliaments
have
done
,
)
then
still
this
their
power
can't
be
Original
,
because
't
is
derivative
;
and
I
dare
swear
no
Prince
ever
granted
them
a
power
of
being
Superiors
,
as
they
must
be
if
they
would
Judge
him
,
or
ever
accepted
a
Crown
upon
that
Condition
,
supposing
it
were
as
they
would
have
it
,
conferr'd
:
For
the
very
Act
of
being
such
a
Conditional
King
,
would
absolutely
make
him
none
at
all
;
and
therefore
those
whom
the
Lacedaemonians
compounded
withal
to
be
regulated
by
their
Ephori
,
were
in
effect
not
so
much
as
the
Dictators
of
Rome
,
and
so
not
to
be
reckon'd
to
Reign
as
Crown'd
Heads
,
or
mentioned
among
those
that
we
call
our
Monarchs
.
In
the
third
place
,
if
by
this
Original
Spartan
Ephori
,
and
the
seventy
of
the
Israelites
,
meanest
People
;
so
that
now
we
have
a
Parliament
,
that
has
an
Original
,
Natural
,
Liberty
of
the
People
,
tho
their
very
Constitution
it self
,
commenc'd
from
the
very
Grant
,
Grace
,
and
Favor
of
the
King
.
I
could
never
meet
with
any
Record
yet
;
that
rehearsed
these
Privileges
of
Parliament
;
But
we
have
many
extant
,
and
Presidents
even
of
the
House
of
Commons
themselves
,
that
their
Privileges
,
and
much
of
their
Power
proceeds
from
the
Liberalities
of
their
Prince
,
more
than
this
Natural
Liberty
of
the
People
;
not
to
mention
,
that
their
very
being
was
first
the
result
of
such
an
Act
of
his
Grace
;
for
from
whom
,
pray
,
had
they
that
freedom
of
Speech
,
they
upon
every
Session
desire
by
their
Speaker
,
but
from
that
King
before
whom
they
are
to
Speak
?
who
is
it
that
fills
their
Chair
,
those
that
present
him
;
or
the
King
,
that
accepts
or
disapproves
whom
they
have
presented
?
who
is
it
that
gives
them
access
to
his
Person
;
the
Commons
that
desire
it
,
or
he
from
whom
't
is
desir'd
?
2.
Lastly
,
who
impowers
them
to
consent
to
a
Bill
;
those
that
supplicate
his
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
enact
,
or
his
Majesty
that
says
,
Be
it
enacted
?
could
this
Natural
Original
power
of
the
People
be
communicated
to
their
Representatives
,
the
dispute
about
the
Commons
Right
would
be
carried
for
ever
on
their
side
;
and
we
need
not
date
their
Original
from
Henry
the
Third
,
or
the
Barons
Wars
,
or
from
the
Saxon
Heptarchy
it self
;
to
be
sure
they
then
had
their
Representatives
;
assoon
as
they
had
this
Power
,
and
this
Power
it
seems
was
assoon
as
they
were
a
People
:
And
by
this
Original
Power
,
which
they
delegate
,
for
ought
I
see
they
may
by
the
same
rule
,
as
well
retain
it
,
suffer
no
Representatives
at
all
,
but
assemble
themselves
,
and
exercise
the
Soveraignty
.
If
the
People
delegate
an
Original
power
,
and
a
Natural
Liberty
to
this
Parliament
;
it
cannot
certainly
be
comprehended
how
these
Parliaments
as
now
constituted
,
could
commence
by
the
Grants
and
Concessions
of
the
Prince
;
and
yet
all
will
allow
,
tho
they
disagree
in
the
time
,
that
they
did
begin
at
first
to
be
so
Assembled
by
the
Bounteous
Permission
of
the
King
,
and
that
all
the
Privileges
they
claim
,
were
the
result
of
an
entire
Favour
of
the
Soveraign
,
and
not
the
Original
freedom
of
the
Subject
;
if
they
'll
call
that
an
Original
Power
to
send
Representatives
,
it
must
be
somewhat
like
that
Author
's
Secondary
Original
we
so
lately
consider'd
;
and
that
tho
they
prescribe
to
it
for
this
seven
hundred
year
,
as
well
as
they
cannot
for
above
four
or
five
100
,
still
it
will
recurr
to
this
,
That
this
first
power
was
the
Grant
of
the
Crown
.
And
these
prescriptions
as
themselves
allow
,
being
whenever
they
begun
,
the
result
of
the
Soveraigns
Bounteous
Permission
;
I
cannot
see
why
those
Immunities
may
not
be
resign'd
to
the
same
Crown
,
from
which
they
were
once
receiv'd
,
or
those
Franchises
(
for
prescription
it self
in
this
case
is
properly
no
more
)
may
not
be
Absolutely
forfeited
,
by
those
that
at
best
can
but
be
said
to
hold
them
on
Condition
.
I
know
the
Common
Law
Favours
a
Prescription
so
far
,
as
in
Inheritances
,
to
let
it
have
the
force
of
a
Right
,
when
their
cannot
be
made
out
any
other
Title
;
but
this
I
look
upon
to
be
of
another
Nature
,
when
the
Original
of
what
they
prescribe
too
,
by
their
own
Concessions
was
the
Grant
of
their
King
,
and
even
this
Common
Law
;
commonly
in
all
its
Customary
Rules
,
excepts
the
Prerogative
of
the
King
;
nay
this
very
Prerogative
of
his
,
by
that
very
Law
is
allowed
to
be
the
Principal
[
*
](A58510-e119960-b)
*
Case
of
〈◊〉
.
Coke
,
〈◊〉
.
344.
B.
The
Prerogative
of
the
King
is
given
by
the
Common
Law
,
and
is
part
of
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
.
3.
Instit.
p.
〈◊〉
.
Stamf.
pl.
Cr.
62.
a
Prerog
.
5.
part
of
it
.
I
urge
this
because
it
is
both
apposite
here
,
and
a
Case
upon
our
late
Elections
much
〈◊〉
,
and
to
say
as
some
〈◊〉
,
That
such
a
Prescription
cannot
be
forfeited
,
proceeds
from
a
confounding
of
the
word
in
this
Case
,
with
that
Prescription
;
by
which
some
of
them
have
a
Title
to
their
Estate
:
for
their
Common
Objection
about
this
their
Elective
power
is
,
That
the
King
may
as
well
deprive
them
of
their
Birth-right
:
when
this
their
Birth
right
might
commence
by
an
Original
Right
,
but
the
Power
of
this
Electing
must
Necessarily
,
and
Originally
first
come
from
the
Crown
:
But
yet
they
know
too
,
that
this
their
very
Birth-right
,
is
in
many
Cases
forfeitable
by
their
own
Act
to
the
Crown
;
and
for
their
Burgage
it self
,
should
we
abstract
Coke
〈◊〉
.
164.
〈◊〉
.
from
that
Elective
power
that
attends
it
,
nothing
else
but
an
〈◊〉
tenure
of
their
very
King
.
And
if
in
the
Saxons
time
(
as
the
popular
advocates
would
persuade
us
,
)
the
Commons
were
call'd
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
't
is
certain
they
could
not
come
as
Burgesses
too
,
for
all
that
Borhoe
in
their
Toungue
signified
,
(
if
we
can
believe
my
Lord
[
‖
](A58510-e120080-b)
‖
Ibid.
Our
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
Scotland
had
Parliaments
not
above
700.
years
agon
,
and
even
their
Republicans
will
allow
they
had
Kings
long
before
,
that
call'd
only
the
Preceres
;
as
a
worthy
.
Author
of
theirs
observes
,
Sir
G.
M.
Jus.
Reg.
That
their
old
Laws
run
just
like
ours
here
;
the
Kings
only
Acts
,
and
that
their
.
〈◊〉
did
not
begin
,
till
about
300.
year
agon
.
Which
makes
it
more
likely
that
our
own
was
not
summon'd
much
long
before
;
for
tho
they
were
different
Kingdoms
,
yet
Neighbouring
Nations
,
and
might
nearly
follow
our
Innovations
,
when
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
that
must
be
lik'd
by
all
Subjects
.
Coke
)
and
from
which
the
word
Burgh
was
since
deriv'd
:
its
signification
was
only
this
.
Those
ten
Companies
,
or
Families
,
that
were
one
anothers
pledge
;
and
so
should
they
prove
it
to
us
as
clear
as
the
Sun
,
as
well
as
they
have
left
it
much
in
the
〈◊〉
;
still
those
their
Commons
could
never
be
of
those
that
had
any
Right
to
come
;
but
only
such
as
the
Grace
of
the
King
should
call
:
and
even
in
Edward
the
first
's
time
,
those
very
Barons
,
(
some
say
)
that
were
only
most
wise
,
were
summon'd
by
the
King
,
and
their
Sons
,
if
they
were
not
thought
so
prudent
as
their
Fathers
were
not
call'd
to
Parliament
after
their
Fathers
death
.
Therefore
since
Prescription
,
since
Parliament
it self
depended
all
heretofore
upon
the
pleasure
of
the
Prince
,
I
cannot
see
how
the
Subject
shall
ever
be
able
to
make
it
his
Original
Right
,
and
tho
some
are
so
bold
as
to
say
,
such
a
prescription
cannot
be
forfeited
or
resign'd
by
the
Subject
,
resum'd
or
restor'd
to
the
Crown
;
(
for
they
must
maintain
those
propositions
,
or
else
they
have
no
reason
for
their
Murmering
,
since
there
has
been
none
alter'd
,
or
destroy'd
;
but
what
has
been
by
Inquiry
of
the
Kings
Quo
Warranto
,
or
their
own
Act
of
Resignation
)
yet
sure
if
the
Common
Law
did
not
favour
the
King
in
this
Case
,
Common
Equity
would
,
since
those
Priveleges
were
but
the
very
Grant
of
his
own
Ancestors
:
But
if
we
must
consider
nothing
but
Mr.
Sidney's
Original
Power
and
Right
,
and
all
that
lodg'd
in
his
good
People
of
England
,
it
may
be
their
Birth-right
too
to
Rebel
,
they
may
and
must
Murder
their
Monarch
,
and
that
by
their
own
Maxims
,
when
they
think
him
not
fit
to
Govern
,
or
Live
.
I
have
heard
it
often
said
,
that
the
Members
in
Parliament
represent
the
people
,
and
for
that
Reason
are
call'd
their
Representatives
,
but
if
this
Original
Power
which
is
delegated
to
them
upon
such
a
Representation
;
must
Subject
their
Soveraign
,
(
as
Mr.
S.
will
have
it
;
to
these
his
Judges
of
the
particular
Cases
arising
upon
such
a
Subjection
;
)
then
they
must
e'en
represent
their
King
too
,
and
every
Session
of
Parliament
that
he
Summons
;
is
but
an
unhappy
Solemnity
,
whom
himself
Assemblies
for
his
own
deposition
:
if
such
positions
should
obtain
,
't
is
those
that
indeed
would
make
the
Monarch
fearful
of
Parliaments
,
and
not
those
idle
Suggestions
of
Mr.
[
‖
](A58510-e120210-b)
‖
posts
.
p.
92.
Hunt
;
that
the
Weekly
Pamphlets
were
endeavouring
to
make
him
forego
them
,
and
it
was
this
very
opinion
that
promoted
the
last
War
,
which
he
would
not
have
so
much
as
mention'd
.
Lastly
,
if
this
Original
Power
of
the
People
be
delegated
to
their
Representatives
;
this
People
that
did
so
Communicate
it
,
can
at
their
pleasure
[
*
](A58510-e120240-b)
*
Quia
qui
mandatam
Jurisdictionem
suscepit
,
proprium
nil
habet
,
sed
ejus
qui
mandavit
Jurisdictione
utitur
;
Zouch
.
Elem.
pars
.
5.
§
4.
recall
it
,
and
exercise
it
themselves
,
for
that
is
essential
to
the
Nature
of
a
Communicated
Power
;
for
upon
supposition
of
the
peoples
having
such
a
Power
,
it
would
be
of
the
same
Nature
that
their
Kings
is
;
(
for
Power
of
Supremacy
wherever
it
be
lodg'd
is
still
the
same
;
)
and
you
see
that
the
Power
which
the
King
has
is
often
Commission'd
to
the
Judges
in
his
several
Courts
of
Justice
;
and
yet
I
cannot
see
,
how
his
Majesty
by
Virtue
of
such
a
[
‖
](A58510-e120250-b)
‖
Quamvis
more
majorum
Jurisdictio
transfertur
,
merū
Imperium
quod
Lege
datur
,
non
transit
.
D.
1.
21.
1.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Commissionating
of
his
Servants
,
does
Exclude
himself
from
the
Administration
of
those
Laws
,
that
he
has
only
allow'd
others
to
Administer
,
or
from
a
recalling
of
that
power
to
himself
which
he
has
only
delegated
to
another
,
for
't
is
a
certain
Maxim
in
reason
;
that
whatsoever
Supream
does
empower
others
with
his
Authority
,
does
still
retain
more
than
he
does
impart
,
tho
I
know
't
is
a
Resolution
in
our
[
*
](A58510-e120280-b)
*
Coke
4.
Inst.
c.
7.
p.
71.
Law
Books
,
that
if
any
one
would
render
himself
to
the
Judgment
of
the
King
it
would
be
ofnone
effect
;
because
say
they
,
all
his
power
Judicial
is
Committed
to
others
;
and
yet
even
they
,
themselves
will
allow
in
many
Cases
their
lies
an
Appeal
to
the
King
.
But
what
ever
was
the
Sense
of
my
Lord
〈◊〉
in
this
point
,
who
has
none
of
the
fewest
Faults
and
failings
,
tho
his
Voluminous
Tracts
are
the
greatest
ease
and
Ornament
of
the
Law
,
his
resolution
here
is
not
so
agreeable
to
Common
Equity
and
Reason
;
therefore
I
say
in
reason
it
must
follow
,
That
Mr.
Sid.
people
having
but
delegated
their
Power
to
the
Parliament
,
still
retain
a
power
of
concurring
with
,
preventing
,
or
revoking
of
that
power
they
have
given
but
in
charge
to
their
Representatives
;
and
if
so
,
then
they
can
call
them
to
an
Account
for
the
ill
exercise
of
that
power
they
have
intrusted
them
with
;
set
up
some
High
Court
of
Justice
again
,
(
for
upon
this
very
principle
the
last
was
erected
)
not
only
for
the
Tryal
of
their
King
,
but
for
hanging
up
every
Representative
that
has
abus'd
them
(
as
they
are
always
ready
to
think
)
in
the
exercise
of
that
Original
power
,
with
which
he
was
by
his
Electors
intrusted
;
these
sad
Consequences
which
necessarily
flow
from
this
lewd
Maxim
,
would
make
their
house
of
Commons
very
thin
;
and
they
would
find
but
few
Candidates
so
ready
to
spend
their
Fortunes
in
Borough
Beer
,
only
for
the
Representing
of
those
that
might
hang
them
when
they
came
home
upon
the
least
misrepresentation
of
their
proceedings
:
and
these
sad
suggestions
of
the
sorrowful
Case
of
such
precarious
representatives
,
are
〈◊〉
Consequences
,
from
the
very
〈◊〉
of
our
Republican
,
even
in
those
very
Arguments
that
he
uses
for
the
subjection
For
certainly
by
the
same
Reason
that
they
cannot
Judge
and
Punish
〈◊〉
whom
they
have
Commission'd
to
represent
them
,
because
they
have
delegated
and
transferr'd
to
them
their
〈◊〉
power
;
by
the
same
Argument
,
and
that
a
fortiori
,
have
they
excluded
themselves
from
their
natural
Power
of
being
Judges
of
their
King
,
because
they
have
conferr'd
upon
him
the
SVPREAM
.
Neither
can
they
help
themselves
here
with
their
Imaginary
and
imply'd
Conditions
upon
which
Mr.
Sidney
says
,
our
Soveraign
must
be
supposed
to
have
first
accepted
his
Crown
:
For
there
never
was
any
Representatives
yet
elected
;
but
as
many
Conditions
and
Obligations
are
implyed
and
supposed
,
and
by
the
same
Reason
must
be
required
and
exacted
;
such
as
the
serving
their
Electors
faithfully
,
the
representing
of
their
just
grievances
,
the
promoting
the
Interest
,
and
profit
of
the
place
they
serve
for
;
and
if
Mr.
Sidneys
good
People
must
be
Judges
of
the
Violation
of
any
of
these
Trusts
,
(
as
they
must
by
the
Maxims
of
their
own
making
)
then
the
Representatives
,
and
the
poor
Parliament
fare
as
bad
,
and
fall
in
the
common
fate
of
their
King
,
into
the
fearful
Sentence
of
Mr.
Sidney's
own
Words
,
That
Performance
will
be
exacted
,
and
revenge
taken
by
those
they
have
betrayed
.
And
for
to
show
them
that
my
Conclusions
are
grounded
upon
matter
of
Fact
,
as
well
as
Sense
,
and
Reason
,
and
not
like
their
lewd
Arguments
,
upon
nothing
but
some
Factious
Notions
,
and
Seditious
Opinions
,
I
desire
them
to
consider
,
whether
they
did
not
themselves
find
it
so
,
in
several
Instances
.
In
the
year
fourty
seven
Mr.
Sidney's
Original
Novem.
3d.
40.
Power
of
the
People
;
in
his
own
Sense
,
was
in
the
Senate
and
Representatives
of
that
which
we
since
call
the
long
Parliament
;
but
they
having
as
Rebelliously
,
as
well
as
impudently
,
put
the
Sword
into
the
Peoples
Hand
,
that
had
put
their
Original
Power
into
the
Parliaments
,
they
found
all
that
but
a
Complement
,
they
soon
saw
what
an
insignificant
sort
of
Representers
they
had
made
of
themselves
;
and
that
their
stout
Electors
,
for
all
their
buying
of
their
Burgesships
with
so
much
Bees
,
and
Beer
,
would
allow
them
to
be
no
longer
such
,
Delinquency
,
Corruption
and
abuse
of
the
State
ought
not
to
sit
in
it
:
and
to
let
them
see
that
for
all
Mr.
Sidneys
delegated
Power
,
they
retain'd
enough
not
only
to
revoke
their
Commissionated
Authority
,
but
to
chastise
those
whom
they
had
Authoriz'd
;
They
prefer
an
Impeachment
of
High-Treason
against
no
less
than
eleven
of
their
most
eminent
Legislators
;
one
of
which
,
(
for
For
so
closely
did
they
pursue
their
Suffragans
in
the
Senate
,
not
only
upbraiding
them
with
ordinary
〈◊〉
,
but
fairly
laying
to
their
charge
,
Treason
,
Treachery
,
and
breach
of
Trust
;
That
the
Sitting
Parliament
should
be
Dissolv'd
:
That
there
should
be
another
manner
of
Distribution
os
Burrough's
for
better
Elections
;
and
that
the
People
from
thenceforth
were
to
be
declared
the
Supream
Power
;
whereunto
;
that
,
and
all
the
future
Representatives
should
be
subordinate
and
accountable
.
And
here
I
hope
,
I
have
proved
it
home
with
a
Witness
,
from
matter
of
Fact
,
as
well
as
the
force
of
Reason
;
that
Mr.
Sidney's
placing
his
Original
Power
in
the
People
,
made
it
impossible
to
be
delegated
to
the
Parliament
any
longer
than
just
as
the
People
pleas'd
,
that
this
Position
made
every
Member
of
it
dayly
run
the
danger
of
his
Head
,
and
that
upon
his
Foundation
't
is
impracticable
for
any
State
of
Government
to
be
establish'd
:
for
to
be
sure
,
the
People
will
seldom
be
any
longer
pleased
with
those
Delegates
themselves
have
empowred
;
then
while
they
want
a
Power
to
re-assume
the
same
that
they
delegated
,
it
would
puzzle
almost
Arithmetick
,
and
a
good
Accountant
,
to
tell
us
how
many
Revolutions
of
Government
,
this
confused
Principle
,
of
perfect
Anarchy
,
coufounded
us
with
all
:
This
Original
power
was
delegated
as
Mr.
Sidney
says
,
to
the
Parliament
,
and
so
it
was
indeed
to
the
Long
one
in
49
:
But
there
you
see
they
pull
it
out
of
their
Hands
,
and
plac'd
it
in
the
Rump
;
but
that
prov'd
at
last
so
unsavory
,
they
could
relish
it
no
longer
;
and
so
the
Original
Power
forsooth
is
resolv'd
into
a
Council
of
State
,
from
that
it
runs
into
no
where
,
how
the
People
retriev'd
it
again
,
and
lost
it
they
could
not
tell
how
,
how
they
recovered
it
from
the
Committee
,
to
whom
it
was
lost
,
and
then
forc'd
to
leave
it
at
last
to
him
,
from
whom
't
was
first
taken
,
their
King
:
But
this
I
hope
is
sufficient
to
satisfie
any
Soul
,
that
this
Supream
Power
when
plac'd
in
the
People
,
will
be
always
resolv'd
into
that
part
of
it
,
that
has
the
Supream
Strength
:
That
this
Maxim
of
Republicans
,
Rebels
against
the
very
Parliaments
they
so
much
admire
:
That
it
always
ruins
the
very
Collective
Body
of
People
,
in
which
these
Democraticks
themselves
would
place
it
,
and
resolves
it self
into
some
single
Persons
,
that
by
force
or
fraud
can
maintain
So
from
what
has
been
premis'd
,
this
must
be
concluded
,
that
since
we
see
they
can't
punish
,
or
Judge
even
their
own
Representatives
,
only
their
Suffragans
in
an
house
of
Commons
;
when
they
have
delegated
to
them
their
Original
power
,
(
which
for
once
we
'l
suppose
them
able
to
delegate
)
much
less
shall
they
their
Soveraign
,
tho
they
did
,
as
they
will
have
it
,
confer
upon
him
the
power
that
he
has
,
for
the
Members
of
the
lower
House
represent
only
the
Commons
of
the
Kingdom
;
whereas
the
Soveraign
is
in
some
Sense
the
whole
Kingdoms
Representative
.
Since
we
have
seen
this
Original
Power
of
the
People
wheresoever
it
has
been
delegated
to
have
created
nothing
but
Usurpation
and
wrong
;
where
can
this
Power
be
better
plac'd
,
but
in
the
King
that
can
alone
pretend
to
a
Right
,
and
tho
we
are
so
unhappy
,
as
to
have
presidents
wherein
they
can
prove
to
us
that
their
Representatives
were
once
call'd
to
an
Account
by
the
People
that
sent
them
;
that
is
so
far
from
proving
that
they
have
a
natural
,
or
Original
right
so
to
do
;
that
it
shows
the
danger
of
such
a
position
that
they
may
do
it
,
and
that
when
in
the
late
Rebellion
,
they
presum'd
upon
this
their
Right
in
Equity
,
they
made
it
appear
to
be
nothing
else
but
the
power
of
the
Sword
;
for
in
respect
of
a
Right
;
they
are
really
so
far
from
being
able
to
censure
their
Representatives
whom
they
send
,
that
themselves
are
punishable
for
medling
in
those
Parliamentary
concerns
with
which
they
have
enrusted
others
;
What
force
this
has
in
the
Case
of
their
Commons
;
holds
a
Fortiori
in
that
of
their
King
?
In
the
last
place
,
give
me
leave
to
close
this
their
Rebellious
Argument
of
their
Monarch
being
accountable
to
the
Majesty
of
the
people
,
with
some
few
more
Reasons
against
this
Damnable
Doctrine
;
that
has
within
the
Memory
of
man
,
desolated
and
destroy'd
three
Kingdoms
:
A
Doctrine
that
confounded
us
in
the
last
,
confus'd
us
in
this
;
and
will
be
Condemn'd
by
all
Ages
:
A
Doctrine
that
places
the
Divine
right
in
the
People
,
and
then
indeed
such
an
one
as
Mr.
Hunt
makes
it
,
Impious
,
Sacrilegious
[
*
](A58510-e121210-b)
*
H.
posts
.
p.
68.
Treasonable
,
Destructive
of
Peace
,
Pregnant
with
Wars
;
and
what
absolutely
produc'd
the
Civil
one
of
England
,
and
Sacrific'd
its
Soveraign
Head
,
to
the
Fury
of
an
[
‖
](A58510-e121250-b)
‖
Sidney's
Tryal
p.
〈◊〉
.
Headless
Multitude
.
This
Principle
is
the
very
Basis
upon
which
all
their
Babel
of
Confusion
,
of
a
Common-wealth
,
of
Anarchy
;
is
all
Built
and
Establisht
:
And
I
shall
never
look
upon
it
as
loss
,
to
have
Labour'd
in
it
so
long
,
if
we
can
at
last
but
undermine
its
very
Foundation
:
And
that
is
laid
even
by
the
Libel
of
Mr.
Sid.
upon
the
Contract
and
Condition
,
upon
which
they
'll
suppose
he
receiv'd
the
Crown
,
which
he
must
be
made
to
renounce
,
if
he
does
not
Perform
when
Accepted
.
And
in
answer
to
this
we
'll
suppose
for
once
what
the
most
Seditious
Souls
themselves
can
suggest
,
and
that
this
part
of
the
Rebellious
position
,
abounds
both
with
Sense
,
Truth
,
and
Reason
;
that
our
Kings
have
but
a
Conditional
bargain
of
it
,
which
indeed
would
be
but
a
bad
one
too
;
and
such
I
dare
Swear
as
the
Greatness
of
our
present
Soveraigns
Soul
would
hardly
submit
to
,
and
if
we
'll
but
believe
his
own
word
,
as
firm
as
fate
,
that
never
fail'd
his
Friends
,
and
surely
will
not
then
be
first
violated
for
a
debasing
of
himself
,
and
a
gratifying
of
his
Foes
,
that
has
told
us
,
or
decreed
,
that
he
will
not
suffer
his
Government
,
and
his
Crown
to
be
Precarious
:
And
I
am
apt
to
think
that
he
that
stemn'd
the
Tide
,
the
fierce
influx
of
Blood
and
Rebellion
,
as
well
as
without
a
Metaphor
withstood
the
noise
of
many
Waters
;
and
baffl'd
the
Billows
of
the
main
,
will
hardly
,
when
Seated
at
last
in
a
Peaceful
Throne
;
be
regardless
of
it's
[
‖
](A58510-e121350-b)
‖
Ibid
p.
4.
Right
and
Prerogative
,
which
even
his
meritorious
sufferings
have
deserv'd
,
should
we
bate
his
Virtue
,
and
Birth
were
not
in
the
Ballance
.
And
't
is
much
unlikely
that
he
that
kept
his
Grandeur
when
a
Duke
of
York
,
should
dwindle
into
that
of
Venice
;
and
that
too
,
when
a
King
of
Great
Britain
:
'T
is
their
Doeg
I
confess
that
accepts
upon
Condition
,
't
is
their
Duke
with
whom
they
do
Contract
,
our
Crown
as
I
have
shown
has
been
resolv'd
an
Imperialone
,
from
the
Letter
of
its
own
Laws
,
and
the
very
Statutes
of
the
Land
;
Theirs
from
the
very
Constitution
it self
Subject
to
the
Senate
,
Ours
from
its
Foundation
RESOLVD
not
to
be
Precarious
,
as
well
as
now
too
,
from
the
Resolution
of
its
Prince
.
But
in
answer
to
this
position
of
our
Republicans
;
I
shall
depone
this
as
a
principle
,
that
notwithstanding
such
a
Contract
upon
Conferring
the
Supremacy
,
the
same
cannot
be
Dissolv'd
even
by
the
Consent
of
all
those
that
Constituted
it
:
I
wont
repeat
to
them
,
the
Reason
I
have
already
urg'd
from
the
[
*
](A58510-e121530-b)
*
Rex
Legia
.
Royal
Law
of
the
Romans
;
which
one
of
their
very
Republicans
says
,
was
not
without
[
‖
](A58510-e121550-b)
‖
Certis
〈◊〉
Limitibus
,
nec
sine
Exceptione
probata
,
jure
Magist
.
Quest.
6.
Condition
,
or
Limitation
;
which
if
so
,
then
we
see
that
both
Augustus
,
for
whose
Establishment
in
the
first
true
Imperial
Throne
of
their
Rebellious
Rome
that
very
Law
was
first
founded
,
as
also
the
Emperor
Vespasian
for
whom
it
was
again
Confirm'd
;
both
these
from
all
the
Famous
Historians
of
their
Times
,
unless
we
'll
believe
them
,
like
the
late
Writers
of
the
new
Rome
to
be
all
Legends
too
)
both
appear'd
absolute
in
their
power
,
unlimited
in
their
Jurisdiction
;
notwithstanding
those
Conditions
they
will
have
Exprest
in
that
Law
,
neither
did
the
People
pretend
to
their
deposition
upon
their
Non
performance
:
Julius
himself
that
was
not
absolutely
prefer'd
to
be
the
Royal
Emperor
,
for
he
liv'd
before
that
Law
was
made
,
yet
was
allowed
such
a
perpetual
Dictatorship
;
as
may
be
well
resolv'd
into
what
our
Republicans
reproach
with
their
present
Soveraign
,
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
And
he
too
whom
the
Miscreant
we
before
mention'd
,
says
was
[
‖
](A58510-e121640-b)
‖
Jure
〈◊〉
,
qd.
nimis
Multas
dignitates
〈◊〉
ibid.
p.
38.
justly
Murdered
;
and
why
?
only
because
he
dignify'd
himself
too
much
(
as
if
it
were
a
Crime
for
a
King
to
be
Great
)
even
he
was
not
depos'd
and
dispatcht
by
the
suffrages
of
the
people
;
but
by
a
Perjur'd
band
of
Conspirators
and
Assassinates
in
the
Senate
;
and
whom
the
very
people
[
*
](A58510-e121670-b)
*
Plebs
statim
a
funere
ad
domum
Bruti
,
&
Cassii
tetendit
,
Cinnam
Per
〈◊〉
nominis
occidet
,
caputque
prefixum
hastae
circumtulit
,
columnā
parenti
patriae
statuit
,
in
scripsit
;
〈◊〉
care
per
〈◊〉
jurare
perseveravit
in
deonumerum
relatum
,
percussorū
nullus
ficca
morte
obiit
.
〈◊〉
.
p.
51
,
52.
too
pursu'd
for
the
Fact
,
and
even
ador'd
their
deceas'd
Emperor
tho
Heathens
,
and
their
Empire
was
not
Hereditary
,
to
the
shame
of
some
of
our
good
Christian
Subjects
that
live
under
a
Monarchy
that
is
so
,
acquies'd
more
quietly
under
their
oppressions
of
their
Lawless
Emperors
,
then
some
of
ours
under
the
good
Government
of
their
Gracious
Kings
,
who
as
they
have
often
promis'd
,
so
have
still
Govern'd
according
to
Law
:
The
depositions
and
Barbarous
Butcherys
of
some
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
was
never
an
Act
of
State
,
of
the
Citizens
,
or
the
people
;
but
the
Force
,
and
Fury
of
a
Faction
in
the
Army
;
(
and
't
is
with
that
excuse
I
am
sure
our
Presbyter
with
his
good
Excluded
Members
,
would
wipe
his
mouth
of
the
Blood
of
his
Soveraign
)
for
those
were
several
times
[
‖
](A58510-e121710-b)
‖
As
〈◊〉
,
Claudius
,
Galba
,
Vitelsius
,
Otho
.
Vid.
Sueton.
set
up
by
the
Souldiers
;
and
assoon
pull'd
to
pieces
by
those
that
had
plac'd
them
on
the
Throne
,
which
effusion
of
Royal
Blood
was
the
clear
effect
of
their
not
claiming
it
by
an
Absolute
Inheritance
of
that
Blood
Royal
,
for
those
Adoptions
they
many
times
made
,
ware
of
little
force
against
the
salutations
of
a
Legion
,
and
the
powers
of
the
Field
,
and
therefore
[
*
](A58510-e121740-b)
*
Unde
Apparet
ipsos
etiam
Caesares
Juridice
damnari
,
&
coerceri
potuisse
;
de
jure
Magistrat
.
p.
38.
that
Author
when
he
says
even
those
Caesars
were
Legally
,
and
justly
Condemn'd
)
as
if
the
Romans
too
,
had
once
their
High
Court
of
Justice
)
abuses
the
world
both
with
a
Factious
infinuation
,
and
in
the
very
matter
of
Fact
.
In
the
next
place
,
they
must
consider
,
that
if
there
was
such
a
Contract
and
Agreement
among
the
People
to
accept
of
such
an
one
for
their
King
upon
his
performance
of
such
Conditions
;
(
〈◊〉
I
am
sure
his
Deposition
or
Censure
in
our
Kingdom
were
never
formally
annext
to
the
Penalty
of
the
Bond
for
his
Non-performance
;
neither
can
they
show
us
in
all
their
Charter
of
Liberties
,
such
a
Conditional
License
to
Rebel
)
yet
yet
still
it
must
be
supposed
the
consent
of
every
individual
Subject
,
(
which
was
somewhat
difficult
to
be
〈◊〉
)
was
required
to
such
an
Agreement
,
for
upon
the
first
Constitution
of
our
Government
,
't
is
certain
we
had
no
such
Parliaments
,
wherein
they
could
delegate
their
Suffrages
to
some
few
Representatives
:
and
then
by
the
same
Reason
we
must
have
the
Concurrence
of
all
the
particular
Persons
in
the
Land
when
we
would
Judg
of
the
breach
of
that
Covenant
,
upon
which
all
their
Ancestors
were
supposed
to
have
accepted
their
King
:
And
then
I
think
from
the
Result
of
their
own
Seditious
Reasoning
our
Soveraign
may
sit
pretty
safely
,
and
he
rule
as
Arbitrary
as
he
pleases
,
when
it
must
be
carried
against
him
with
a
true
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
not
a
single
Subject
left
in
the
Land
to
befriend
him
with
his
Vote
.
For
upon
such
a
conferring
off
the
Supream
Power
,
it
must
be
supposed
that
the
several
Subjects
have
bound
themselves
to
one
another
,
to
suffer
such
an
one
to
be
their
Soveraign
,
and
made
a
contract
too
with
one
another
in
some
such
implied
Sense
,
that
A.
confers
his
Right
to
Power
and
Government
,
upon
B.
as
Supream
Governor
,
upon
Condition
that
C.
does
so
too
upon
the
same
Person
(
now
to
put
it
in
the
terms
of
our
own
Law
)
the
Subjects
A.
and
C.
here
are
both
mutual
Obligors
,
and
Obligees
to
one
another
,
and
both
Obligors
to
B.
the
Soveraign
Obligee
:
Now
't
is
certain
that
A.
cannot
recal
this
power
he
has
confer'd
,
on
B.
without
the
consent
of
C.
his
joint
Obligor
,
but
it
must
be
with
a
breach
of
Covenant
to
his
Fellow
Subject
,
as
well
as
of
Faith
,
and
contract
to
B.
his
Soveraign
,
and
this
mutual
Obligation
between
two
to
a
third
,
will
extend
as
well
to
two
Millions
:
And
I
hope
we
may
make
at
length
the
terms
of
our
Law
plead
Loyally
,
tho
I
've
heard
an
eminent
Council
at
the
Bar
,
(
but
commonly
for
none
of
the
best
Clyents
,
)
Assert
Loyalty
to
be
nothing
else
but
an
adhering
to
the
Letter
of
the
Law
,
with
this
good
〈◊〉
,
as
if
that
would
contradict
the
common
Acceptation
of
the
word
among
the
Royalists
,
who
make
it
to
signifie
an
Asserting
the
King's
Prerogative
,
whereas
in
their
Law
French
,
they
would
confine
the
word
Loyalty
to
express
nothing
else
but
bare
Legality
:
And
be
it
so
,
I
believe
they
'll
be
but
little
the
better
for
the
quaintness
of
the
Criticism
;
for
I
dare
avow
that
he
that
will
be
truly
legal
in
their
Sense
,
must
be
as
heartily
Loyal
in
ours
,
for
nothing
we
see
runs
But
to
come
to
the
Nature
of
this
political
Contract
,
this
Stipulation
of
Monarchy
as
they
would
make
it
,
which
will
be
better
exprest
in
the
Language
of
a
Civilian
,
when
the
Subject
it self
is
about
Civil
Government
,
and
an
Imperial
Crown
:
In
this
Case
rhere
is
also
a
Convention
(
as
they
call
it
)
of
:
two
Parties
;
the
Subject
,
and
he
that
is
to
be
the
Soveraign
;
one
upon
such
a
contract
,
stipulates
to
Govern
,
the
other
to
〈◊〉
Now
in
such
Stipulations
it
is
a
receiv'd
Rule
,
that
no
man
stipulates
but
for
himself
;
And
this
carrying
it
by
a
Majority
is
against
the
Nature
of
their
Original
Liberty
;
for
we
see
that
even
in
all
Seditious
Assemblies
,
and
tumultuary
Meetings
;
every
Man
would
have
every
thing
carried
his
own
way
,
but
the
being
concluded
by
the
Major
part
;
has
always
been
the
result
of
some
civil
Institution
in
the
Government
,
that
thought
it
reasonable
things
should
be
so
carried
for
an
avoiding
of
Confusion
and
Disorder
,
so
our
Representatives
in
Parliament
are
chosen
by
the
Majority
of
their
Electors
;
and
they
pass
their
Bills
when
elected
by
pluralities
of
Voices
;
but
this
proceeds
from
President
;
Regulation
,
Institution
,
Custom
,
and
Law
,
and
yet
we
see
that
many
times
,
notwithstanding
these
receiv'd
Rules
,
and
tacit
Agreements
,
to
which
all
have
submitted
,
they
are
loth
in
their
Elections
to
stand
to
their
own
accord
in
such
Cases
,
and
that
those
that
have
lost
the
day
,
or
the
Cause
by
some
few
voices
,
are
restless
,
tumultuary
;
and
their
natural
Liberty
that
is
in
herent
in
every
individual
,
so
prevalent
,
that
what
they
have
lost
by
Law
,
they
endeavour
to
compass
by
force
or
fraud
,
and
from
that
has
proceeded
those
Riotous
forcible
Decisions
of
some
of
our
Elections
,
those
clan
destine
and
fraudulent
ones
of
others
,
from
that
proceeded
in
our
late
Confusions
even
in
Parliamentary
Now
tho
the
plurality
of
Voices
(
tho
against
their
Natural
Power
of
the
People
for
they
don't
like
it
even
in
Parliaments
now
,
since
things
are
not
carried
all
to
their
liking
,
)
may
be
allowed
to
determine
the
Debates
in
a
great
Senate
,
conven'd
by
the
Soveraign
Power
;
yet
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
the
Majority
here
too
shall
carry
it
for
an
abolishing
that
very
power
that
called
them
;
unless
we
can
imagin
the
Supream
Power
had
summoned
them
on
purpose
to
be
deposed
;
and
that
this
politick
BODY
was
Assembled
,
(
as
once
they
were
too
sadly
in
the
natural
Sence
)
to
cut
off
its
And
from
these
Reasonings
and
Suggestions
(
which
I
submit
to
Men
of
more
Sense
and
Reason
;
)
I
dare
to
draw
this
Conclusion
,
that
even
from
their
own
Principles
;
Their
Contract
with
their
King
,
or
as
Sidney
says
,
The
Condition
upon
which
he
receives
the
Crown
,
he
can
not
possibly
be
punish'd
or
depos'd
,
because
't
is
almost
impossible
that
every
one
of
his
Subjects
should
concur
in
such
an
Act
;
and
the
Major
part
must
by
no
means
determine
it
,
by
their
own
Maxims
of
Natural
Liberty
,
even
in
affairs
of
lesser
Moment
.
2.
Because
't
is
no
Consequence
,
that
because
they
have
confer'd
the
Supremacy
upon
some
single
Person
,
that
therefore
they
may
reassume
it
too
,
tho
it
were
forfeitable
even
on
Condition
,
which
l
've
shown
the
Romans
themselves
,
never
pretended
to
,
tho
their
own
[
†
](A58510-e122440-b)
†
De
jure
Magistrat
.
Quest.
6.
Democraticks
tell
us
,
their
very
Lex
Regia
was
Conditional
;
and
[
‖
](A58510-e122470-b)
‖
Dig.
50.
12.
2.
D.
50.
12.
1.
their
Laws
which
by
all
Nations
are
allowed
the
most
equal
resolve
it
;
that
tho
with
them
bare
promises
if
made
to
private
Persons
were
were
not
Obligatory
;
yet
when
offer'd
to
the
publick
they
oblige
,
and
that
in
a
Monarchy
is
always
the
King
;
and
what
then
must
it
be
when
there
's
Oath
made
,
Faith
pawn'd
,
and
fealty
sworn
:
And
those
Laws
resolve
it
too
,
as
reason
must
,
that
when
the
Supream
Power
was
confer'd
on
the
Prince
,
all
Magistracy
was
I
have
taken
this
Course
,
as
the
best
way
for
the
Confutation
of
such
Principles
;
not
that
I
can
really
grant
them
the
Concessions
I
have
made
,
for
I
could
assoon
believe
Mr.
S.
dy'd
a
Loyal
Subject
,
as
be
satisfy'd
with
the
positions
he
has
lain
down
;
but
I
therefore
grant
them
their
own
Hypothesis
,
that
they
may
confute
themselves
,
that
they
may
see
their
own
Babel
of
Anarchy
will
not
be
built
upon
the
very
Basis
and
Foundation
of
those
Foolish
positions
they
maintain
;
that
the
work
never
was
,
or
will
be
carried
on
far
,
without
terminating
as
that
of
their
Fore-fathers
,
in
Confusion
;
(
and
by
that
they
mean
perhaps
a
Common-wealth
,
)
and
have
I
hope
in
some
Measure
manifested
,
that
even
by
their
own
wicked
assertion
of
the
Peoples
Divine
,
Natural
and
Original
power
they
cannot
really
pretend
toany
Right
of
Judging
;
Punishing
,
or
deposing
their
King
,
what
force
can
do
;
we
have
both
felt
,
and
fearfully
,
to
our
Terror
seen
,
but
in
all
Arguments
of
this
Nature
,
the
Question
is
of
the
Reason
,
and
Right
,
and
not
of
any
Fact
that
may
be
justify'd
by
wrong
;
and
the
refuting
them
from
their
own
Maxims
,
must
be
more
effectually
convincing
,
then
the
maintaining
of
ours
;
for
one
opinion
in
Politicks
,
is
not
absolutely
destroyed
,
because
some
Persons
can
maintain
another
;
no
more
than
the
Systeme
of
Plolomy
was
presently
False
,
only
because
Copernicus
had
invented
his
for
True
;
for
the
bare
contradiction
,
and
Clashing
of
positions
,
convinces
no
more
than
the
giving
the
Lye
,
but
when
it
is
prov'd
upon
them
in
one
,
that
even
from
their
own
Principles
and
Premisses
,
they
cannot
draw
the
very
Conclusion
they
design
;
as
it
was
since
in
the
other
,
that
from
their
own
Hypothesis
they
could
not
solve
all
the
Phrases
,
and
Phaenomenons
themselves
would
make
to
appear
,
then
certainly
they
must
allow
that
themselves
are
in
the
wrong
tho
they
will
not
Confess
their
Foes
in
the
Right
.
And
now
having
at
lenght
examin'd
their
Original
Power
of
People
;
let
us
a
little
consider
how
long
,
and
from
whence
our
Kings
have
had
their
Original
.
If
we
must
make
words
only
instead
of
an
Argument
;
and
cavil
about
an
Idiom
in
Speech
,
(
as
some
of
their
critical
Contenders
about
this
Origen
of
Kings
have
very
vainly
,
and
as
Foolishly
quarrel'd
at
;
then
we
must
consult
our
Dictionaries
,
and
the
Dutch
Tongue
;
for
without
doubt
till
the
Saxons
settled
here
they
had
some
other
appellation
;
and
were
only
from
them
call'd
Konyngs
and
since
Kings
,
but
if
we
consider
the
Nature
of
the
Government
,
it
is
that
which
from
the
Greeks
we
call
Monarchy
,
which
from
its
own
Etymology
best
signifies
and
expresses
the
Sense
that
it
bears
,
which
is
the
Governing
part
,
and
the
Supream
power
plac'd
in
the
sole
hands
of
some
single
Person
,
and
then
the
Queston
will
be
only
this
,
how
long
that
has
obtain'd
in
the
World
;
by
whom
first
instituted
,
and
in
whom
it
first
commenc'd
?
For
the
first
;
't
is
undeniable
that
its
Original
was
with
that
of
the
World
,
and
God
himself
gave
it
by
the
Name
of
[
*
](A58510-e122820-b)
*
1.
Gen.
v.
28.
Dominion
to
his
Adam
he
had
Created
,
which
in
express
Terms
was
given
him
first
over
all
the
Living
Creatures
,
and
then
over
the
Paternal
Right
from
whence
will
result
the
Divine
;
we
'll
consider
what
it
is
,
Mr.
Sidney
and
his
Advocates
can
say
against
it
;
and
see
if
there
be
any
such
absurdities
in
it
,
as
they
more
Seditiously
;
then
with
any
Sense
and
Reason
suggest
;
first
for
the
right
of
Primogeniture
,
that
themselves
will
allow
;
but
't
is
only
because
not
able
to
contradict
,
and
besides
as
they
imagin
,
it
makes
for
them
,
and
their
Cause
;
for
by
that
course
of
descent
,
they
think
our
Asserters
of
a
Divine
right
,
are
oblig'd
to
deduce
their
Pedigree
of
their
Kings
form
the
Creation
of
the
World
in
a
right
Line
;
and
therefore
Mr.
[
‖
](A58510-e123010-b)
‖
Vid.
Paper
at
Execut
.
Sidney
says
that
such
a
supposition
makes
no
King
to
have
a
Title
to
his
Crown
;
but
what
can
deduce
his
Pedigree
from
the
Eldest
Son
of
Noah
.
But
for
that
absurdity
which
is
truly
their
own
,
by
supposing
it
ours
,
when
it
can't
be
truly
deduced
from
the
Doctrine
and
defence
of
a
Divine
Right
;
we
shall
answer
anon
when
we
come
to
treat
of
the
Paternal
.
That
Primogeniture
had
the
Preheminence
in
the
very
Worlds
Infancy
;
(
if
we
do
but
believe
the
word
of
God
,
which
tells
us
,
that
himself
told
Cain
,
he
should
Rule
over
his
younger
Brother
;
we
cannot
doubt
of
the
truth
of
it
,
besides
Abraham's
being
a
Prince
,
and
having
a
Precedence
to
his
Brother
Lot
,
is
also
there
recorded
;
and
Esau
[
‖
](A58510-e123140-b)
‖
25.
Gen.
v.
34.
selling
of
his
Birth-right
,
Condemn'd
as
a
Contempt
of
that
preheminence
,
to
which
God
,
and
Nature
had
prefer'd
him
;
and
which
himself
only
disposed
of
when
he
presum'd
he
was
upon
the
point
to
dye
;
and
for
his
disregard
of
this
Priviledge
,
was
he
punisht
too
in
the
prevention
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e123160-b)
*
C.
27.
Blessing
,
and
which
is
perhaps
the
only
Instance
in
Sacred
writ
where
a
Lineal
Discent
,
and
the
Succession
was
interrupted
;
and
this
too
only
occasion'd
by
his
own
Act.
[
‖
](A58510-e123170-b)
‖
And
we
are
expressly
told
the
first
born
must
not
be
disinherited
,
no
not
for
Private
Affection
.
〈◊〉
.
21.
v.
15.
If
a
man
have
two
Wives
,
the
one
hated
the
other
lov'd
;
and
the
first
born
be
of
her
that
was
hated
,
he
may
not
make
the
Son
of
the
belov'd
,
first
born
,
before
the
Son
of
the
hated
that
is
indeed
the
first
born
;
but
must
give
him
a
double
Portion
,
because
the
beginning
of
his
strenght
,
and
the
Right
of
the
first-born
is
his
,
vers.
15
,
16
,
17.
And
that
God
himself
did
appropiate
this
precedency
to
the
first-born
,
may
be
gathered
out
ofall
the
History
of
the
Old
Testament
,
the
only
account
that
is
extant
,
and
from
which
Authors
gather
all
the
Authentick
Relation
of
the
two
first
Epooches
and
most
Memorable
Periods
,
or
Interals
of
time
,
viz.
That
from
the
[
†
](A58510-e123220-b)
†
First
Period
contain'd
An.
1656.
2d
.
1518.
Secundū
Intervallum
a
Varrone
Mythicum
appellatur
.
Creation
to
the
Flood
;
and
from
the
Flood
to
the
first
Olympiad
(
i.e.
)
to
Ann.
Mund.
3174.
for
the
profane
History
of
those
times
is
accounted
Fabulous
;
and
by
Historians
call'd
so
,
and
from
those
Sacred
Oracles
it
will
appear
that
all
their
Kings
of
[
*
](A58510-e123270-b)
*
So
Jehoram
succeeded
his
Father
Jehoshaphat
,
tho
he
had
several
younger
brothers
,
Chro.
21.
v.
2.
And
after
him
Ahaziab
his
young
Son
,
because
says
the
text
all
the
Elder
were
slain
.
Ibid.
Chap.
22.
v.
1.
Which
implies
that
they
had
succeeded
if
alive
by
Birth
and
Primogeniture
.
Israel
and
Judah
succeeded
according
to
this
Right
of
Primogeniture
,
or
where
that
fail'd
by
[
‖
](A58510-e123370-b)
‖
Numb.
27.
v.
9.
Proximity
of
Blood
;
And
as
the
Almighty
Countenanc'd
such
a
Succession
;
So
does
Nature
it self
,
which
among
Heathens
was
distinguisht
from
the
Deity
;
and
may
be
so
amongst
Christians
too
,
if
they
consider
it
asthe
Work
and
Order
of
the
Divine
will
,
for
if
she
shall
decide
it
,
she
presumes
the
Eldest
in
years
,
to
be
always
the
wisest
too
;
and
't
is
not
Nature
,
but
a
chance
preternatural
when
it
happens
to
be
otherwise
,
for
if
we
should
conceive
no
disparity
between
Brothers
and
Sons
,
then
all
Right
and
Superiority
must
be
decided
by
Lot
;
but
Nature
giving
a
precedency
by
Birth
,
makes
Naturalist
to
call
Primogeniture
the
Sors
naturalis
:
In
the
next
place
the
Laws
confirm
it
,
and
the
Practise
of
most
Nations
as
well
our
own
;
so
that
when
Mr.
H
,
tells
us
the
Succession
to
Arist.
de
Rep.
l.
1.
c.
2.
For
every
house
says
he
was
Govern'd
,
(
&
as
the
Greek
imply's
)
after
the
manner
of
a
King
by
the
Eldest
in
it
.
Blood
;
even
by
almost
all
Civil
Institutions
is
allowed
the
precedency
,
and
that
even
in
the
Discent
of
Common
Inheritance
,
and
Private
Estates
,
and
as
I
have
said
before
I
look
upon
the
Crown
to
have
a
stronger
Entail
and
more
oblig'd
to
discend
in
a
direct
Line
,
if
it
were
not
from
any
Divine
Institution
of
God
;
but
from
a
bare
Human
Policy
,
to
prevent
the
Blood
and
Confufion
that
attends
always
a
Competition
of
disputable
Titles
,
which
will
needs
be
the
result
of
any
alter'd
Succession
;
and
what
now
do
these
Laws
affirm
,
to
which
Mr.
H.
must
affix
his
discent
of
the
Crown
by
his
own
words
,
when
he
says
't
is
of
a
Civil
Nature
;
why
the
Civil
and
Imperial
't
is
true
differ
from
our
own
in
this
,
that
with
them
he
is
lookt
upon
an
Heir
,
[
†
](A58510-e123510-b)
†
Heredis
institutio
nihil
aliud
est
quam
ultima
voluntas
testatoris
,
Pacius
Anal
.
Inst.
p.
26.
de
hered
.
Inst.
Tit.
14.
that
is
left
so
by
the
Testator
in
his
Will
,
and
by
them
a
Testamentary
Succession
was
more
esteem'd
then
a
Legitimate
and
Lawful
one
;
yet
even
that
imply'd
there
was
one
that
was
Legitimate
or
born
so
,
and
the
Reason
why
they
rely'd
so
much
upon
Testamentary
Inheritances
was
I
[
*
](A58510-e123520-b)
*
Tit.
Digest
de
.
verb.
signif.
l.
130.
Quandiu
possitvalere
testamentum
tamdiu
legitimus
non
admittitur
,
Tit.
Dig.
de
divers
.
Regis
jur
.
l.
89.
believe
because
those
were
confirm`d
by
the
very
Legitimate
Succession
.
Laws
of
their
12.
Tab.
which
was
their
first
and
Fundimental
;
and
therefore
as
long
as
the
Testamentary
was
valid
they
would
by
no
means
admit
the
Legitimate
one
:
But
still
even
in
those
Testamentary
donations
,
I
believe
they
for
the
most
part
〈◊〉
most
of
their
Patrimony
to
the
Eldest
;
as
well
as
we
see
among
our selves
,
our
Tenants
in
fee
simple
,
that
have
as
absolute
a
disposition
of
it
by
Will
;
or
those
that
have
recover'd
against
the
tail
,
by
fine
or
the
like
;
still
leave
their
Eldest
their
Heir
,
tho
Impower'd
to
give
it
to
whom
they
please
:
And
then
for
our
own
Law
,
the
very
Custom
of
the
Realm
;
by
which
we
must
be
more
immediately
Govern'd
;
that
makes
the
[
‖
](A58510-e123570-b)
‖
Doct.
&
Stud.
l.
1.
c.
7.
he
E'dest
as
badg
of
his
birth-right
shall
bear
his
Fathers
arms
without
differrence
,
because
more
worthy
of
blood
,
Cok.
Litt.
p.
140.
Non
hominem
,
sed
Deum
heredes
facere
asserunt
.
Cowels
Instit.
de
Hered
.
Tit.
14.
p.
120.
Brct.
l.
2.
c.
33.
Britt
.
118.
119.
Eldest
Son
the
only
Heir
to
his
Ancestor
,
or
else
the
next
of
Kin
to
the
Predecessor
deceas'd
;
and
that
is
the
Reason
an
old
Aphorism
obtain'd
even
with
our
own
Antient
Lawyers
,
that
expressly
insinuates
such
an
Hereditary
Succession
,
to
be
by
Divine
Institution
,
when
they
tell
us
that
't
is
not
mankind
but
the
Almighty
makes
them
Heirs
:
I
know
that
the
saying
more
properly
refers
to
the
Order
or
appointment
of
the
Divine
Will
,
that
such
an
one
shall
be
the
First-Born
,
because
it
makes
him
to
come
into
the
World
first
;
but
if
it
can
be
prov'd
from
the
Text
,
as
in
many
places
it
may
,
and
in
some
we
have
shown
,
that
God
himself
in
express
Terms
made
the
younger
Subject
,
we
may
be
so
bold
to
say
that
he
instituted
too
such
a
Subjection
,
to
be
paid
to
the
Eldest
.
And
now
let
us
consider
the
paternal
Right
,
which
our
Republicans
so
much
deride
,
which
Mr.
Sidney
in
ridicule
Eldest
Son
of
Noah
;
which
Plato
Redivivus
would
expose
in
the
Empire
of
Reuben
,
the
Brief
History
calls
a
new
Notion
of
the
present
Age
,
and
Mr.
Hunt
laughs
at
in
King
Father
,
't
is
true
the
most
Sacred
and
Divinest
truth
,
may
be
made
Ridiculous
,
only
by
laughing
at
it
,
and
the
World
has
not
wanted
even
such
a
Blasphemous
Buffoon
,
to
burlesque
the
whole
Bible
;
but
I
shall
shew
them
here
as
in
the
most
proper
place
,
in
what
Sense
those
Fathers
might
be
said
to
be
Kings
,
and
that
the
Absurdities
they
suggest
,
are
sar
from
any
Consequences
of
such
a
Supposition
:
And
why
for
Gods
sake
must
we
be
put
to
prove
,
(
only
for
Asserting
that
the
first
Man
had
a
Monarchichal
Dominion
,
tho
it
were
at
first
over
Beasts
?
)
why
must
we
therefore
make
out
too
,
that
he
kept
up
his
Majesty
after
the
manner
of
our
Kings
?
And
that
Adam
in
his
Garden
of
Eden
,
in
the
first
Year
of
the
World
,
had
built
him
an
House
like
a
Solomon
,
that
was
hardly
finish'd
in
Fifteen
:
That
he
that
had
but
Fig-Leaves
Many
things
are
clear
from
Analogy
of
Reason
,
tho
they
cannot
be
demonstrated
to
Sense
;
the
naturalist
and
Chymical
Operators
may
well
conclude
,
that
the
mineral
Vermilion
is
made
by
some
〈◊〉
,
Subterraneous
heat
,
that
〈◊〉
the
sumes
of
Mercury
and
Sulphur
;
in
which
Mines
't
is
found
,
from
their
being
able
to
make
the
Cinnabar
its
Resemblance
,
by
an
Artificial
〈◊〉
out
of
the
Butter
of
Antimony
,
in
which
is
both
Sulphur
and
Mercury
,
tho
If
we
must
be
put
upon
such
a
piece
of
Impertinence
,
as
the
Postscript
would
have
it
,
to
find
out
this
King
Adam's
Court
too
;
I
'll
just
take
the
Liberty
to
put
them
to
just
such
another
task
,
They
will
have
their
instituted
Common-wealth
to
Commence
from
the
World's
insancy
,
even
before
that
of
Israel
,
before
[
‖
](A58510-e124240-b)
‖
One
of
their
Republicans
much
countenances
the
Notion
of
Kings
being
but
Fathers
,
or
Fathers
Kings
.
Prisci
Reges
vocabantur
Abimilech
,
quod
Hibraice
sonat
Pater
meus
Rex
.
Jun.
Brut-Vindiciae
Quest.
3.
Patriarchal
Kings
was
no
more
than
that
of
a
Burgher
in
the
Town
of
Amsterdam
,
or
that
the
Cities
that
were
several
of
them
then
erected
,
and
where
the
sacred
writ
expresly
says
,
Kings
and
Princes
Reign'd
,
that
those
were
nothing
else
,
but
as
perfect
Republicks
,
as
Venice
,
Geneva
,
or
the
united
Provinces
in
the
Netherlands
.
And
cannot
our
Seditious
Souls
be
convinc'd
that
this
their
Patriarchal
Power
was
Monarchical
,
unless
we
can
prove
every
patriarch
a
Crown'd
King
;
should
we
oblige
them
to
make
out
their
Common-wealths
of
those
days
after
the
same
manner
their
Modern
ones
are
now
Establish'd
,
they
would
be
put
to
find
out
in
those
primitive
times
some
general
revolt
of
a
Rebellious
people
from
their
Lawful
prince
:
For
that
was
the
first
Foundation
of
their
〈◊〉
Republick
It
is
a
pleasant
sort
of
Diversion
to
see
Mr.
Hunt
Harangue
out
half
of
his
Treatise
in
an
impertinent
pains
to
prove
the
Father
of
every
Family
at
present
,
not
to
be
the
King
of
it
,
we
would
have
granted
it
him
quietly
,
and
the
postulate
should
have
been
his
own
in
peace
,
without
raising
upon
his
War
of
Words
,
Levit.
C.
20.
V.
9.
Right
to
govern
those
very
Children
they
have
begot
,
(
as
this
Gentleman
with
his
mighty
performances
thinks
he
has
perfectly
prov'd
;
)
that
I
think
will
be
found
at
last
to
be
the
greater
paradox
,
if
not
a
perfect
Lye
:
For
first
the
very
fear
,
(
i.e.
)
fear
those
parents
in
whom
the
Almighty's
Law
had
lodged
such
a
power
:
and
then
if
we
consider
it
in
the
Abstract
from
any
positive
Law
of
God
,
or
Divine
precept
,
if
we
look
upon
it
in
a
pure
natural
State
,
as
the
result
of
Generation
;
for
all
whatever
the
postscript
impertinently
suggests
with
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
all
the
distracted
noise
that
he
makes
with
the
procreation
work
being
such
an
Act
of
Affection
,
and
mere
impetus
of
Love
,
I
cannot
see
,
why
by
that
darling
work
that
delights
Mr.
Hunt
so
much
,
the
power
of
governing
those
very
Children
he
has
begot
should
be
superseded
:
The
Gentleman
among
his
many
Melancholy
moods
,
had
it
seems
some
pleasant
Fancies
:
For
in
effect
he
tells
us
no
more
than
this
,
that
Coition
being
an
Act
of
Love
to
the
Mother
,
the
Government
over
the
Child
that
she
bears
him
,
must
by
no
means
be
call'd
a
power
;
and
if
this
be
not
indeed
a
puzzl'd
,
senseless
Opinion
,
I
submit
to
persons
that
abound
with
more
sense
,
and
if
it
have
the
least
shadow
of
a
consequence
,
I
will
forfeit
all
my
Right
to
Reason
,
might
it
not
be
as
well
infer'd
too
,
that
every
Father
that
chastises
his
froward
Child
,
is
an
absolute
Tyrant
,
because
that
sort
of
severity
savors
of
Anger
,
and
fury
,
but
the
Generation
work
obliged
him
never
to
exercise
it
,
because
that
was
an
Act
of
extream
Love
.
But
besides
that
precept
in
the
Decalogue
,
Honouring
our
Parents
,
is
an
Eternal
Law
of
Nature
engraven
in
our
Hearts
,
as
well
as
it
was
in
the
two
Tables
of
Stone
,
and
whereever
there
is
a
Natural
Veneration
;
there
is
at
the
same
time
an
imply'd
subjection
,
for
those
we
always
reverence
most
,
to
whom
we
are
most
Subjected
;
I
know
there
are
inferior
Objects
upon
which
many
times
we
place
our
affection
,
and
may
in
some
sense
be
said
to
have
for
them
an
Esteem
;
but
that
cannot
be
properly
call'd
Honour
,
but
is
better
exprest
by
the
Name
of
Love
;
and
this
is
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
that
Friends
have
for
one
another
tho
they
are
Equals
,
or
Parents
to
their
Children
tho
Subject
to
their
power
;
but
if
we
consider
the
word
Honouring
it self
,
(
which
in
all
the
Versions
of
the
Decalouge
is
still
render'd
so
,
as
if
it
would
remember
us
of
the
subjection
we
owe
to
those
we
are
commanded
to
Honour
,
)
that
very
word
it self
implys
Power
in
the
Person
that
is
to
be
Honoured
,
for
if
we
abstract
our selves
from
any
prepossessions
and
Engagements
of
Love
,
we
still
find
we
still
Honor
those
most
,
that
are
also
most
in
power
,
thus
our
Nobility
are
respected
by
us
as
Honourable
,
because
they
are
in
great
places
of
Power
and
Trust
:
And
our
King
more
Honoured
by
us
agen
,
because
the
very
Fountain
of
Power
it self
.
And
lastly
what
strikes
us
more
into
a
Venerable
Horror
of
the
Majesty
of
Heaven
,
but
that
awful
attribute
of
his
being
Almighty
;
so
that
uncorrupted
Nature
it self
from
the
Rules
of
Common
gratitude
obliges
us
to
Honour
our
Parents
,
as
well
as
the
express
precept
of
the
Divine
will
;
and
then
by
Consequence
subjects
us
to
those
whom
we
are
requir'd
to
respect
so
much
and
esteem
;
for
Nature
as
it
never
(
according
to
the
Maxim
of
the
Naturalists
And
this
agrees
even
with
the
very
[
†
](A58510-e124840-b)
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Ethic.
lib.
8.
c.
12.
That
an
Empire
or
Monarchy
,
(
or
according
to
the
Literal
Greek
)
a
Kingdom
will
be
a
Paternal
Government
;
and
one
would
think
the
Authority
of
such
Antiquity
,
should
at
least
have
prevail'd
upon
Mr.
Hunt
and
his
Historian
,
not
to
have
Libell'd
the
Hypothesis
for
Novel
or
new
;
but
agreeable
to
this
his
position
,
does
that
wise
Heathen
define
Honour
,
in
the
same
Sense
as
I
have
Suggested
aboue
,
(
i.
e.
)
that
it
does
imply
wherever
it
is
paid
a
Power
,
and
Subjection
in
him
that
pays
it
;
for
he
makes
all
his
Honour
,
peculiarly
,
properly
,
in
his
[
‖
](A58510-e124940-b)
‖
Aristot.
Polit.
lib.
3.
cap.
7.
and
then
agen
lib.
5.
cap.
6.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
are
the
same
that
he
expresses
in
other
places
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Politicks
to
signify
nothing
else
but
Empire
and
Magistracy
,
and
in
other
places
by
those
that
are
in
HONOR
;
he
understands
the
same
persons
,
whom
at
other
times
he
dignifies
with
the
Title
and
appellation
of
those
that
are
in
POWER
,
which
has
made
me
many
times
think
,
that
as
the
Romans
receiv'd
the
first
rudiments
of
their
Learning
from
the
Greeks
,
so
they
might
retain
some
roots
of
their
Language
and
mixt
them
among
their
own
,
as
we
see
among
our selves
those
Modern
Nations
do
at
present
that
Correspond
;
and
then
we
may
imagin
(
since
their
Sense
and
Etymology
is
not
so
wide
and
irreconcilable
,
)
that
the
Latinisms
Timor
and
Timeo
,
were
but
borrow'd
from
the
Greeks
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
for
whom
we
fear
we
must
Honour
,
and
whom
we
Honourwe
fear
;
I
know
that
it
is
but
a
sorry
sort
of
reverence
that
is
the
result
of
our
being
afraid
;
but
yet
we
oblige
our selves
to
pay
it
,
tho
it
be
but
with
reluctancy
;
so
that
I
can
confirm
the
position
I
lay'd
down
,
and
return
to
the
very
words
of
what
was
first
asserted
,
and
that
with
none
of
the
worst
Syllogism
in
Logick
,
a
sort
of
Sorites
,
or
Gradual
Climax
.
i.e.
Where
ever
there
is
any
Natural
Honor
,
there
always
will
be
an
awful
fear
,
and
wherever
there
is
any
thing
of
awful
fear
,
it
is
of
somewhat
what
that
has
an
absolute
Power
.
And
then
in
my
poor
Apprehension
,
it
is
almost
as
natural
an
inference
in
the
Rules
of
Logick
,
from
the
proposition
of
A
,
being
the
Father
of
B
,
that
therefore
he
is
his
Lord
and
Master
too
,
as
it
is
in
the
Common
Conclusion
that
is
made
among
Logicians
,
of
B's
being
an
Animal
,
from
the
Proposition
,
that
he
is
a
man
;
for
tho
Dominion
be
not
absolutely
exprest
in
the
definition
of
a
Father
,
yet
it
is
so
apparently
Imply'd
,
that
it
makes
an
essential
part
of
him
from
the
Closeness
of
the
Connexion
;
neither
can
Mr.
H.
overthrow
the
notion
with
his
Fruitless
Labours
about
the
sublim'd
Love
that
exerts
it self
in
the
work
of
Generation
,
for
it
is
not
the
bare
procreation
that
Entitles
the
Father
to
this
Dominion
;
for
then
the
Mother
too
would
at
least
have
as
great
a
Power
over
the
Production
,
being
as
much
contributory
to
its
being
produc'd
,
and
for
some
reason
more
Right
and
Jurisdiction
over
her
Infant
,
as
being
the
Fruit
of
her
own
Womb
;
as
being
she
,
that
[
‖
](A58510-e125130-b)
‖
Pater
is
est
quem
nuptiae
demonstrant
,
D.
2.
4
,
5.
determines
it
to
such
a
Father
,
as
she
that
has
commonly
the
sole
care
and
concern
of
its
Education
;
till
it
is
grown
more
Adult
and
fit
for
to
be
form'd
into
manners
by
the
Management
of
the
Father
;
and
therefore
not
only
according
to
the
Maxim
and
Sanction
of
the
Imperial
Law
,
not
only
in
a
Civil
and
Political
Sense
,
[
‖
](A58510-e125170-b)
‖
Quicquid
acquirit
filius
,
acquirit
pa.
tri
suo
,
&
servus
domino
.
Inst.
2.
9.
1.
Coke
Littl.
§.
172.
Dr.
&
Stud.
l.
1.
c.
8.
Common
too
resolve
,
into
the
Power
and
Possession
of
the
Master
and
Parent
:
And
then
with
what
an
Impertinent
sury
;
with
what
an
insignificant
Folly
does
the
renowned
Lawyer
Labour
and
lay
out
his
Lungs
against
Sir
Rohert
〈◊〉
?
[
‖
](A58510-e125200-b)
‖
Posts
.
p.
113.
In
making
him
a
Monster
,
and
persuading
Mankind
to
Sacrifice
their
Sons
unto
Moloch
,
in
depraving
Human
Nature
worse
than
the
Leviathan
;
I
confess
the
Furious
fellow
might
as
well
fasten
this
upon
that
Loyal
Persons
position
of
a
Paternal
Right
,
as
they
have
several
other
propositions
full
of
absurdity
upon
the
Doctrine
of
the
Divine
;
which
still
have
been
nothing
else
but
the
durt
and
dust
of
their
own
raising
;
but
is
it
a
Crime
at
last
with
some
of
our
Rebellious
Christians
to
become
Loyal
,
because
the
Leviathan
whom
themselves
will
make
but
an
Infidel
has
lent
them
so
many
Lessons
to
learn
them
Obedience
;
or
is
not
a
reproacht
rather
anough
to
make
the
boldest
republican
to
blush
,
that
believes
but
a
Deity
,
to
see
a
Monarchy
so
well
maintain'd
even
by
a
Reputed
Atheist
?
if
the
Asserters
of
a
paternal
Right
concur
with
him
in
such
positions
as
render
them
good
Subjects
;
I
am
sure
these
opposers
of
it
,
agree
with
him
in
every
point
from
whence
they
can
draw
but
the
least
countenance
for
Rebels
.
These
Venemous
heads
the
Spiders
of
the
publick
,
that
spin
their
Notions
into
Cobwebs
,
into
such
fine
nonsense
that
they
cannot
hang
together
;
have
here
also
that
other
good
Quality
of
that
virulent
Creature
,
to
suck
up
all
the
Venom
and
Poyson
of
Mr.
Hobs
,
and
prey
upon
the
very
principles
of
his
Corrupted
Air
,
and
the
Infectious
depravations
even
of
Human
Nature
:
his
Origination
of
Society
out
of
Fear
,
his
definition
of
Right
to
Consist
in
Power
,
his
Community
in
Nature
,
his
Equality
in
persons
;
all
the
very
Contradictions
of
himself
;
reproaches
of
his
Reason
,
the
Opprobriums
of
his
Sense
,
the
Pest
and
Plague
of
the
People
,
are
priz'd
with
our
Republicans
as
the
Philosophers
and
the
Schools
do
their
propositions
of
Eternal
truths
;
they
imbibe
the
Poyson
,
and
exalt
,
improve
it
too
,
they
sublimate
the
very
Mercury
of
Mr.
Hobs
;
and
whereas
he
equals
us
only
in
a
state
of
Nature
,
our
Levellers
will
lay
us
all
Common
,
under
the
Inclosures
of
a
Society
,
and
the
several
restrictions
of
so
many
Civil
Laws
.
But
to
what
tends
this
their
turning
all
the
Power
of
a
Parent
into
Tyranny
;
as
if
a
Father
could
not
have
an
Authority
over
his
Child
,
unless
he
be
bound
to
make
it
his
Slave
,
as
if
the
Chastisement
of
a
Father
could
not
Evidence
his
Supremacy
over
his
Son
,
unless
like
the
Saturn
of
the
Easterlings
,
he
Sacrifice
him
to
the
Fire
,
and
torment
it
in
the
Flame
.
But
this
paternal
Right
of
the
Father
,
must
suffer
by
these
Factious
Fools
,
from
the
same
sort
of
Inferrences
they
bring
against
the
Divine
Right
of
their
King
,
which
may
only
serve
with
some
Loyal
Hearts
to
confirm
the
great
sympathy
there
is
between
them
;
for
as
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
a
Father
can't
be
said
to
injure
his
Son
,
so
neither
by
those
of
the
Land
,
can
our
Soveraign
wrong
his
Subjects
:
For
,
say
these
Seditious
ones
,
your
Divinest
Monarchs
by
that
Doctrine
,
can
Hang
,
Burn
,
Drown
all
their
Subjects
,
(
they
should
put
in
Damn
too
for
once
,
since
they
may
as
well
infer
from
it
,
his
sending
them
to
the
Devil
:
(
but
cannot
common
Sense
obtain
amidst
these
transports
of
Passion
?
can
they
not
apprehend
a
Father
to
have
any
paternal
Authority
over
his
Family
,
unless
he
be
able
to
Murder
every
Man
of
it
?
The
Civil
Laws
,
the
municipal
ones
of
his
Land
,
(
if
a
Member
of
a
Society
supersede
such
a
feverity
,
and
if
a
Patriarchal
Prince
must
be
supposed
,
(
as
were
several
of
old
after
the
〈◊〉
,
then
the
Affection
of
But
since
they
would
make
this
Empire
of
a
paternal
Power
so
〈◊〉
in
Reason
,
let
us
see
how
it
has
all
along
〈◊〉
in
the
Letter
of
the
Law
;
and
if
it
has
there
〈◊〉
been
〈◊〉
upon
as
a
Notion
so
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
.
The
most
illuminated
Reason
of
our
eminent
〈◊〉
,
must
submit
to
be
much
in
the
dark
:
The
[
‖
](A58510-e125520-b)
‖
〈…〉
est
civilum
Romanorum
nulli
〈◊〉
homines
talem
potestatem
habent
.
Inst.
1.
&
9.
Romans
from
the
result
of
their
Imperial
Sanctions
,
look'd
upon
themselves
to
have
such
an
absolute
Power
and
Authority
over
their
Sons
and
Daughters
,
that
they
tell
us
expressly
,
it
was
a
peculiar
Prerogative
,
and
privileg'd
of
the
Citizens
of
Rome
,
and
that
there
was
no
other
Nation
that
could
Exercise
such
a
Jurisdiction
,
they
could
〈◊〉
for
ever
,
by
this
Power
de
Jure
till
their
Fathers
were
de
facto
dead
:
And
tho
〈◊〉
in
his
Comment
on
that
part
of
the
Institution
,
says
,
They
became
sui
Juris
at
25
from
their
Manner
and
Custome
;
yet
concludes
the
Law
of
Nature
oblig'd
them
still
to
their
Parent
,
which
no
civil
one
could
disanull
:
The
Duty
that
their
[
‖
](A58510-e125680-b)
‖
D.
22.
3.
8.
Digests
say
,
was
due
to
this
Paternal
power
,
which
they
〈◊〉
almost
as
Sacred
,
was
exprest
by
the
word
piety
,
and
a
[
*
](A58510-e125700-b)
*
Ridley's
part
.
4.
C.
2.
learn'd
Civilian
of
our
own
laments
,
that
there
is
no
more
provisions
〈◊〉
in
our
English
Laws
,
for
the
Duty
of
the
Child
,
and
the
protection
of
the
Parent
,
and
with
them
so
great
was
the
crime
of
parricide
,
that
they
could
not
a
long
time
invent
an
adequate
punishment
,
for
such
an
unproportionable
Guilt
,
tho
they
had
one
for
Treason
against
the
Prince
.
And
tho
our
own
Laws
do
not
make
the
Paternal
power
savour
so
much
of
Soveraignty
,
yet
we
shall
see
they
sufficiently
evince
that
the
Parent
has
a
power
very
Analogous
too
it
;
whereas
Mr.
Hunt
will
not
allow
it
to
have
the
least
Relation
,
which
remisness
of
our
Civil
Institutions
might
well
proceed
from
a
presumption
of
our
knowledge
of
the
express
command
in
the
Decalogue
,
of
which
the
Romans
were
ignorant
;
tho
we
have
no
formal
[
‖
](A58510-e125760-b)
‖
Yet
Servants
were
heretofore
with
us
formally
Emancipated
,
Qui
servum
Liberat
inmercato
vel
hil
lumdredo
Lanceam
&
gladium
quae
liberorum
sunt
arma
in
manibus
ponat
,
Lex
H.
1.
78.
Lamb.
p.
206.
Vid.
Bract.
l.
1.
c.
10.
Flet.
l.
1.
c.
7.
Lex
AEthelst
.
70.
Lamb.
p.
54.
Emancipation
now
in
use
,
which
does
imply
a
power
of
Government
,
yet
our
old
Lawyer
tells
us
still
,
that
Children
are
in
the
power
of
their
Parents
,
till
they
have
extrafamiliated
them
by
giving
them
some
portion
or
Inheritances
;
and
the
Custody
of
them
,
while
minors
which
〈◊〉
went
to
the
King
,
upon
the
presumption
I
suppose
of
his
only
ability
to
be
a
second
Father
,
that
was
settled
in
the
Parent
,
both
by
Common-Law
and
Statute
:
for
there
lay
a
good
action
against
any
one
for
seducing
a
Mans
Son
as
well
as
Servant
out
of
his
power
,
which
does
imply
that
there
is
a
power
out
of
which
he
may
be
seduced
,
and
thus
I
have
endeavor'd
to
shew
;
the
first
Foundation
of
power
to
have
been
in
the
Fathers
of
Families
:
And
it
signifies
nothing
,
whither
every
Father
of
it
Reigns
in
it
as
a
King
now
;
and
therefore
Mr.
Hunt
his
impertinence
is
inconclusive
,
and
part
of
his
Assertion
a
plainly
,
And
for
the
Statute
of
the
25
,
which
And
can
it
be
imagin'd
that
even
a
regular
,
or
secular
Priest
,
whose
Subjection
to
his
Primate
,
or
Rector
;
is
only
the
result
of
the
Statutes
of
the
Society
,
or
the
resolution
of
the
Common
Law
,
can
denote
more
Soveraignty
,
then
the
Filial
Obedience
;
required
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
Nations
;
the
citing
this
Statute
of
Edward
,
for
having
omitted
the
making
Parricide
Petty-Treason
;
because
it
argues
they
had
no
opinion
of
the
Soveraignty
of
the
Father
,
is
the
greatest
Argument
that
they
had
;
for
since
they
have
suppos'd
a
Soveraign
Power
,
(
which
from
the
suggestiing
of
such
an
Argument
here
themselves
do
seem
to
allow
,
and
tacitly
to
Confess
)
in
those
Authorities
,
the
Destroying
of
which
is
made
Treason
by
this
Act
;
they
〈◊〉
conclude
a
greater
So
,
veraignty
to
reside
in
him
that
has
really
a
GREATER
POWER
,
then
those
that
in
that
Act
are
exprest
;
for
were
it
〈◊〉
any
impartial
Person
living
.
Whether
a
Man
has
not
a
greater
Power
over
his
Son
,
then
his
Wife
,
or
Servant
,
it
would
soon
be
resolv'd
that
he
has
;
he
being
impower'd
only
from
some
civil
Constitutions
to
govern
the
latter
,
but
the
former
from
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
and
Nations
both
;
so
that
in
Common
Reason
,
and
Common
Equity
,
Parricide
must
be
concluded
in
the
Chapter
of
Treason
,
according
to
the
receiv'd
Rule
of
Natural
as
well
as
Artificial
Logick
;
that
every
greater
Crime
must
be
Punishable
by
that
Law
;
that
punishes
a
less
of
the
like
Nature
;
and
the
true
Reason
why
in
this
very
Case
the
Judges
do
not
make
the
like
Conclusion
from
the
Similitude
or
Aggravation
of
the
sin
,
is
as
my
Lord
Coke
[
*
](A58510-e126130-b)
*
Chap.
Treas.
p.
20.
Et
pur
ceo
plus
semblable
Treason
,
&c.
25.
E.
3.
c.
2.
〈◊〉
p
1.
Mar.
Cap.
1.
Insinuates
because
the
words
of
the
Act
it self
declare
,
that
nothing
but
what
is
their
〈◊〉
and
exprest
shall
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
but
even
that
very
Act
,
foreseeing
they
might
have
〈◊〉
several
things
that
[
‖
](A58510-e126180-b)
‖
Paper
at
his
Exec.
own
words
,
a
construction
agreeable
to
Reason
,
or
Common
Sense
must
conclude
that
he
certainly
is
as
much
a
Traytor
that
Murders
his
own
Father
;
as
the
Servant
that
kills
his
Soveraign
Master
,
or
a
Priest
that
makes
away
with
his
Lord
the
Prelate
.
But
besides
if
this
Letter
of
our
Law
does
not
include
the
〈◊〉
of
the
Parent
in
Petty-Treason
;
yet
the
〈◊〉
of
my
Lord
[
†
](A58510-e126240-b)
†
3.
Inst.
p.
20.
Coke
upon
this
Case
will
go
near
to
conclude
it
,
for
he
says
't
is
out
of
the
Statute
〈◊〉
,
the
Son
serve
the
Father
for
Wages
,
Meat
,
or
Drink
,
or
Apparel
,
and
I
cannot
see
how
any
Son
,
till
he
is
Emancipated
by
〈◊〉
,
or
Marriage
,
or
the
like
,
can
be
said
to
be
any
other
then
his
Fathers
Servant
and
that
for
all
four
;
for
as
the
Father
requires
of
him
filial
Obedience
,
so
he
can
,
and
they
Commonly
do
Command
their
Sons
in
the
Offices
of
Servants
,
and
that
Arbitrarily
in
whatsoever
he
pleases
,
and
find
him
accordingly
the
fore-mention'd
necessarys
to
the
performance
of
his
duty
;
and
above
all
this
,
it
is
the
opinion
of
a
good
Historian
,
recorded
by
my
Lord
Coke
;
that
before
this
Statute
Parricide
[
‖
](A58510-e126340-b)
‖
Si
quis
falsaverit
sigillum
domini
sui
de
cujus
familia
fuit
.
Flet.
l.
1.
c.
22.
Britton
.
fol.
16.
to
〈◊〉
,
or
〈◊〉
the
〈◊〉
or
Signet
of
the
Lord
of
the
Family
wherein
he
liv'd
;
a
Signature
of
Royalty
indeed
,
and
almosta
mark
of
Majesty
it self
,
and
the
Reason
my
[
*
](A58510-e126370-b)
*
Coke
3.
Ins.
fol.
20.
Lord
Coke
resolves
it
into
;
their
own
omission
of
this
Reasonable
part
of
the
Statute
,
is
so
far
from
the
Postscript
impertinency
,
of
the
Parliaments
opinion
against
the
paternal
Power
;
that
he
says
those
Law
makers
could
never
imagin
that
any
Child
could
be
guilty
of
such
a
sort
of
Barbarity
,
and
seems
to
insinuate
the
pretermission
to
have
been
the
result
of
such
a
probable
piece
of
presumption
;
and
that
I
remember
was
the
very
reason
among
the
Romans
,
that
there
was
no
punishment
for
such
a
sin
as
superseded
a
Sentence
.
They
had
a
[
‖
](A58510-e126410-b)
‖
〈…〉
.
Law
supposed
to
be
made
in
〈◊〉
.
Caesar
the
Dictators
time
against
those
that
attempted
Majesty
,
and
a
severe
one
too
besides
its
being
Capital
,
[
*
](A58510-e126440-b)
*
Dig.
ad
.
leg
.
Jul.
maj.
l.
ult.
Vid.
〈◊〉
.
&
〈◊〉
.
l.
6.
ff.
d.
pub
.
to
have
his
Goods
confiscated
,
his
Children
〈◊〉
,
and
his
very
Memory
damn'd
;
and
one
would
think
it
might
have
serv'd
for
Parricide
too
,
but
they
〈◊〉
upon
that
Treason
so
gross
,
such
a
Traytor
so
great
,
that
for
a
〈◊〉
time
he
superseded
even
the
Invention
of
a
Torment
from
his
Insuperable
quiet
.
Mr.
Hunt
would
do
well
,
and
like
himself
;
that
,
is
to
〈◊〉
very
Foolishly
,
even
from
this
too
,
that
the
Romans
had
once
no
Regard
,
no
respect
,
for
this
paternal
Right
,
because
the
Punishment
of
Parracide
was
once
left
out
of
their
Laws
;
and
yet
at
last
that
it
might
be
no
longer
unpunishable
only
upon
the
same
presumption
that
there
could
not
be
found
such
Criminals
;
one
Cnej.
Pompeius
is
said
to
have
been
the
Author
and
Inventor
of
a
Natural
Punishment
,
if
possible
,
for
a
Crime
,
so
unnatural
;
that
is
,
as
he
had
Rebell'd
against
the
Laws
of
Nature
in
this
his
Crime
;
so
he
should
Cornelius
Sylla
.
the
〈◊〉
.
ibid
§.
510.
by
this
time
I
hope
I
may
with
modesty
maintain
,
whatever
our
mighty
〈◊〉
do
say
to
disprove
〈◊〉
that
I
've
shown
the
Paternal
Power
,
in
the
begining
of
the
World
to
have
been
patriarchal
,
and
Absolute
:
And
in
all
succeeding
Ages
to
have
been
sub
ordinately
Soveraign
,
in
the
respective
Families
,
and
several
Households
in
which
the
Parent
does
preside
,
and
that
asserted
from
the
very
Civil
〈…〉
that
establish
a
Supream
〈◊〉
Paramount
;
and
some
Measure
demonstrated
this
from
the
very
Word
of
God
;
the
course
of
Nature
,
Light
of
Reason
,
Laws
of
Nations
,
and
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
.
And
as
I
've
done
with
this
paternal
Right
in
Fathers
,
so
I
shall
consider
now
in
the
next
place
the
Divine
of
my
King
;
a
Right
that
none
but
Republicans
dispute
,
none
but
Rebels
will
really
oppose
,
and
they
deal
with
this
Divine
Doctrine
not
so
kindly
as
some
Indians
are
said
to
do
with
the
Devil
,
who
paint
him
most
ugly
and
〈◊〉
only
that
he
〈◊〉
be
the
more
ador'd
;
whereas
these
dress
up
somewhat
of
Divinity
it self
in
the
most
frightful
form
,
to
make
it
〈◊〉
and
Contemn'd
,
they
tell
us
't
is
Monstrous
,
Trayterous
,
Papal
,
Divelish
;
Robert
Filmer
.
Thus
Sidney
says
,
[
‖
](A58510-e126720-b)
‖
Dig.
22.
4.
2.
D.
48.
2.
7.
Civil
Law
;
they
were
forc't
to
subscribe
their
accusations
and
be
〈◊〉
if
their
Falsehoods
were
detected
,
with
a
retaliation
,
and
our
own
[
†
](A58510-e126730-b)
†
37.
Ed.
3.
18.
38.
Ed.
3.
9.
Statutes
of
King
Edward
provided
once
against
such
false
suggesters
with
an
incurring
the
like
Punishment
,
they
would
have
brought
others
to
suffer
;
and
〈◊〉
pity
but
those
〈◊〉
ones
,
or
the
like
should
be
revived
for
the
prevention
of
Perjury
;
it
would
be
no
discouragement
to
good
Evidence
,
tho
deterring
to
the
bad
;
and
these
detractors
and
false
Accusers
of
a
person
in
his
principles
,
deserve
in
a
Moral
Sense
as
much
Animadversion
,
as
those
Perjur'd
ones
in
the
Civil
?
why
did
not
Mr.
〈◊〉
or
the
〈◊〉
their
subscription
too
?
Why
were
they
not
so
fair
as
to
cite
the
〈◊〉
out
of
Filmer
;
wherein
these
puzzel'd
Senseless
positions
were
asserted
?
The
Substance
,
the
whole
design
of
that
Loyal
and
〈◊〉
piece
,
is
only
to
expose
the
Natural
Liberty
of
the
People
,
or
as
they
would
make
〈◊〉
the
Subjects
Divine
〈◊〉
to
〈◊〉
us
the
Royal
Authority
of
the
〈◊〉
before
the
Flood
,
that
Fathers
were
first
,
Kings
of
Families
,
that
the
People
were
not
concern'd
as
far
as
can
be
learnt
from
the
Scriptures
in
the
chusing
of
Kings
:
That
Monarchy
has
been
always
found
more
excellent
〈◊〉
Democracy
,
and
popular
Government
more
Bloody
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
That
People
cannot
[
‖
](A58510-e126790-b)
‖
Nemo
Dominum
suum
judicet
,
vel
judicium
proseret
super
eum
cujus
ligius
sit
,
Lex
Hen.
1.
Lamb.
187.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
punish
their
Kings
;
That
neither
those
of
Israel
or
Judah
were
bound
by
their
Law
,
but
were
always
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
that
our
own
have
always
been
so
too
:
This
is
the
Substance
that
by
all
the
acquaintance
I
have
had
with
his
works
,
I
could
ever
collect
out
of
them
,
and
as
I
remember
from
some
particular
passages
,
he
tells
us
,
That
he
does
not
quarrel
at
the
Privileges
and
Immunities
of
the
People
,
but
only
question
whither
they
have
them
from
a
Natural
And
then
what
must
be
meant
by
this
Divine
Right
?
but
what
is
consistent
with
the
safety
of
the
Subject
,
and
the
Will
,
and
Intimation
of
the
Almighty
:
That
God
has
made
it
part
of
the
Decalogue
,
That
Moses
had
it
delivered
to
him
in
his
Tables
on
the
Mount
,
that
it
is
a
positive
Divine
Precept
,
that
all
the
wide
World
should
be
govern'd
by
nothing
else
but
a
Succession
of
absolute
Kings
,
(
and
as
they
would
make
every
Monarch
,
)
by
a
Divine
Entailment
of
perpetual
Tyrants
:
these
are
only
the
Conclusions
of
rage
,
and
transports
of
those
that
are
〈◊〉
and
prejudic'd
against
such
a
Notion
or
opinion
,
the
rants
of
our
implacable
Republicans
,
that
are
pleas'd
with
nothing
that
recommends
a
Monarchy
,
no
tho
it
be
the
very
Bible
,
and
the
Book
of
the
Almighty
:
Cannot
those
silly
Souls
that
are
transported
out
of
Sense
conceive
that
there
is
a
difference
in
Assertion
to
say
,
That
Monarchy
is
by
Divine
Right
;
and
that
every
Monarch
Rules
by
the
same
Right
Divine
;
then
indeed
we
should
run
into
Sidney's
Absurdities
of
making
every
Rebel
that
could
but
reach
at
a
Crown
,
a
Cromwell
,
or
a
Monmouth
,
as
much
a
Divinity
Monarch
,
as
our
best
and
Lawful
Soveraign
;
tho
it
must
be
granted
that
those
Successions
even
of
Lines
,
that
have
for
a
long
time
descended
lineally
,
do
intimate
to
us
somewhat
of
the
Divine
Will
that
it
shall
so
succeed
,
and
even
the
paternal
Successions
in
this
sort
of
Royal
Government
,
was
given
us
for
our
Instruction
that
God
approv'd
of
it
from
the
time
he
gave
the
Children
of
Israel
and
Judah
their
first
Kings
,
who
throughout
all
the
History
of
the
Bible
,
succeeded
from
Father
to
Son
:
but
that
which
garbles
,
and
really
grieves
our
Republicans
,
is
that
even
the
Divine
Right
of
Monarchy
it self
can
be
Asserted
,
that
we
have
so
much
as
the
Intimation
of
the
Will
of
God
,
any
Reason
to
conclude
from
his
Word
,
that
he
has
given
the
Approbation
to
the
Kingly
Government
,
any
preference
to
Monarchy
it self
,
they
quarrel
at
the
very
Bible
for
mentioning
so
much
as
a
King
or
Prince
;
and
they
would
make
the
version
Libel
the
Original
,
when
it
makes
a
Melchisideck
the
King
of
Salem
,
or
Hamor
the
Hivite
;
Prince
of
the
Country
,
they
would
have
their
INDEX
too
,
and
expunge
a
whole
Chapter
of
Genesis
entire
Apocripha
that
does
but
mention
a
Monarch
:
And
for
this
,
[
‖
](A58510-e127200-b)
‖
Plato
Redivivus
page
23.
Plato
tells
us
plainly
,
that
Moses
made
them
all
Commonwealths
,
These
Rebels
to
the
Majesty
of
their
King
,
are
as
refractory
to
what
the
Divine
Majesty
has
approved
,
they
damn
the
very
History
of
the
Creation
,
and
the
Original
composure
,
and
Constitution
of
Nature
,
because
it
once
made
a
Monarch
in
a
single
Man
,
and
has
puzl'd
them
to
find
out
any
more
of
Adams
Common
wealth
but
among
his
Beasts
,
they
Curse
the
Dispensations
of
Providence
,
for
preserving
a
Monarchical
Government
throughout
the
Universe
,
and
has
left
them
nothing
but
two
or
three
Rebellious
States
,
they
condemn
the
deluge
for
not
destroying
Noah
too
;
but
left
so
much
of
Regal
Authority
to
remain
in
the
Ark
,
this
makes
them
when
they
are
perplext
with
the
pesterings
of
some
Loyal
Positions
,
to
put
us
upon
deducing
John's
Coll.
in
Oxford
:
I
'll
promise
them
there
,
if
they
'll
be
but
pleafed
,
there
they
shall
see
even
the
most
everlasting
Line
drawn
down
from
the
Garden
of
Eden
to
White-Hall
,
from
the
first
Adam
to
their
present
Soveraign
K.
James
,
and
if
they
don't
like
the
Heraldry
,
let
them
dispute
it
with
the
Painter
;
I
cannot
tell
how
to
gratify
the
Impertinence
of
their
demands
,
but
with
as
pleasant
a
message
.
But
if
a
Man
can
be
serious
among
such
Buffoons
;
I
must
tell
them
't
is
one
thing
to
say
that
Noah
and
Adam
Rul'd
by
a
Right
Paternal
,
and
another
that
every
Monarch
must
have
the
same
Paternal
Right
from
Adam
and
Noah
:
'T
is
one
thing
to
say
that
God
approv'd
of
Princes
to
Govern
,
and
another
that
he
appointed
to
every
Prince
the
same
Right
of
Government
,
the
form
of
Regal
Government
I
hope
from
the
Royal
Authority
of
the
Patriarchs
may
be
Justified
to
be
of
Divine
Institution
;
tho
the
Succession
of
the
whole
series
of
Succeeding
Soveraigns
,
be
not
resolv'd
all
into
the
same
Title
;
I
can
tell
them
of
not
only
an
absurdity
,
but
a
plainlye
would
be
the
Consequence
of
such
a
position
;
for
then
there
must
have
been
no
Battels
Fought
after
the
Flood
,
no
Vniversal
Empire
design'd
,
that
won't
allow
there
was
ever
a
particular
one
Establish'd
;
That
tell
us
no
general
revolts
of
a
Nation
can
be
call'd
Rebellion
,
and
then
I
am
sure
[
*
](A58510-e127800-b)
*
De
Jure
Magistratuum
:
sic
Dani
Christiernum
,
&c.
sic
Sueci
Sigismundum
;
But
this
Author
extends
it
too
to
absolute
,
Hereditary
Kingdoms
,
as
well
as
Mr.
Sidney
.
Sic
Scoti
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&
perpetuo
carcere
damnarunt
,
rectius
,
audeo
dicere
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
fuisse
,
si
meritas
paenas
〈◊〉
eam
exercuissent
.
D.
Jure
Mag.
p.
47.
That
the
Danes
imprisoning
their
King
Christien
,
to
his
dying
day
;
the
Swedes
rejecting
their
Sigismund
,
for
his
persisting
in
the
Romish
Religion
,
were
no
Rebels
;
I
confess
their
Monarchys
admitting
so
much
mixture
of
Democracy
,
may
make
the
people
there
to
have
a
greater
power
in
publick
Administrations
;
but
certainly
cannot
well
extend
to
impower
them
to
subvert
the
very
publick
Weal
it self
,
which
must
be
said
to
consist
in
the
supream
head
of
it
,
the
King
;
and
tho
they
will
seperate
his
Person
,
from
that
publick
political
Consideration
,
and
say
they
may
maintain
the
Monarchy
,
tho
they
depose
such
a
particular
King
,
this
will
not
mend
the
matter
,
for
those
that
have
a
power
to
reject
ONE
Prince
,
are
as
much
empowr'd
to
refuse
to
Elect
another
;
and
then
the
result
of
it
must
be
this
,
that
our
Republicans
will
admit
no
more
of
a
particular
Empire
then
a
Vniversal
.
In
short
,
those
that
had
but
the
least
Inclinations
to
be
Loyal
,
and
did
but
Love
,
and
like
,
an
Establisht
Monarchy
;
that
were
not
resolutely
resolv'd
to
Rebel
against
the
Light
of
Nature
as
well
as
the
Resolution
of
the
Laws
,
would
soon
see
,
and
be
satisfy'd
of
the
Solid
Reasonableness
,
the
Innocent
Truth
of
these
three
several
Propositions
I
have
so
lately
Labour'd
in
.
First
,
that
Primogeniture
obtain'd
by
the
Institution
of
the
Almighty
and
his
continued
Approbation
in
the
Bible
;
both
in
Paternal
discent
and
Regal
ones
;
and
that
the
Laws
and
Practise
of
Nations
have
confirm'd
it
in
both
since
;
and
that
home
to
our
Doors
.
Secondly
,
that
Paternal
Right
and
Power
,
by
the
same
Authority
of
the
Almighty
has
been
prefer'd
,
by
the
Laws
of
Nature
Maintain'd
,
and
by
the
Civil
Sanctions
of
all
Nations
Confirm'd
.
Thirdly
,
that
Monarchy
or
Kingly
Government
isso
far
of
a
Divine
Institution
,
as
it
has
receiv'd
from
God
Constantly
Visible
from
all
the
Phaenomenons
of
Vnalterable
Nature
;
and
as
it
has
been
Continually
transmitted
to
posterity
by
the
special
Appearances
of
providence
for
its
preservation
.
And
Last
of
all
,
let
me
but
only
subjoyn
the
Excellency
of
this
truly
ancient
,
venerable
,
and
divine
Form
of
Government
,
a
Monarchy
;
and
then
the
many
Mischiefs
that
attend
the
popular
one
,
a
Democracy
;
and
then
let
the
most
prejudic'd
and
partial
person
judge
,
not
only
which
of
the
two
has
been
always
reputed
most
Eligible
;
but
which
of
them
he
himself
would
most
affect
to
Chuse
:
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
,
as
Learned
an
Head-piece
perhaps
of
the
last
Age
,
as
any
that
he
hath
left
behind
him
in
this
,
a
Person
rather
prejudic'd
against
Monarchy
;
than
bigotted
for
it
,
no
such
Court-Favourite
as
the
[
*
](A58510-e128310-b)
*
Merc.
polit.
Mercury
makes
of
Salmasius
,
A
Dirty
Dissolute
Parasite
of
Kings
,
and
Pander
of
Tyranny
;
this
Learned
[
‖
](A58510-e128340-b)
‖
History
of
the
World
,
cap.
9.
§.
2.
Historian
lets
us
know
,
That
the
first
,
the
most
ancient
,
the
most
general
and
most
approved
Government
is
that
of
one
Ruling
by
just
Laws
call'd
Monarchy
;
and
whatever
wits
our
more
modern
Commonwealths-men
pretend
to
be
;
this
Gentleman
;
that
was
more
sage
than
the
wisest
of
them
,
does
not
make
paternal
Right
such
a
ridiculous
thing
as
they
would
represent
it
;
but
tells
us
,
that
in
the
beginning
the
Fathers
of
Nations
were
then
the
Kings
,
and
the
Eldest
of
Families
the
Princes
,
and
of
such
an
Excellency
is
its
Form
,
that
it
is
the
clear
result
of
unprejudic'd
Reason
,
and
most
agreeable
to
the
sense
and
security
of
Mankind
:
For
as
the
natural
Intellect
it self
(
by
which
I
mean
bare
humane
understanding
)
when
,
in
the
infancy
of
the
World
,
people
were
guided
more
by
their
own
Fancies
,
and
the
Paternal
Power
,
which
then
was
all
the
Regal
,
from
the
tenderness
it
might
be
suppos'd
to
have
towards
those
that
were
their
natural
issues
as
well
as
their
civil
subjects
,
had
indulg'd
vice
,
and
been
less
rigorous
in
Executing
impartial
Justice
on
Offenders
;
whereby
people
were
left
more
at
Liberty
,
I
say
Nature
then
,
and
Necessity
it self
,
made
them
find
the
Inconvenience
even
of
too
much
Toleration
;
and
made
even
the
most
foolish
fellows
apprehend
as
well
as
the
wise
,
that
the
Condition
of
reasonable
men
would
be
more
miserable
than
that
of
brute
beasts
;
that
an
Inundation
of
Anarchy
and
Confusion
,
would
overwhelm
them
more
than
the
first
Flood
,
Did
they
not
,
by
a
general
Consent
,
submit
to
Government
,
and
obey
those
that
were
set
over
them
to
Govern
?
For
they
found
that
when
they
were
most
mighty
to
oppress
,
others
might
in
time
grow
more
so
,
and
do
them
as
much
mischief
:
And
those
that
were
equal
in
their
strength
,
found
themselves
equally
dangerous
and
mischievous
one
to
another
;
and
that
the
most
unbounded
Licenciousness
prov'd
always
,
to
some
or
other
,
the
most
miserable
Bondage
and
Slavery
.
And
this
natural
Reason
inclin'd
them
too
to
acquiesce
under
those
Monarchical
Forms
,
that
were
then
the
Government
of
the
Times
,
and
which
the
Israelites
themselves
desired
in
a
more
special
manner
,
tho'
they
were
forwarn'd
of
its
Absoluteness
,
and
told
by
Samuel
,
that
it
would
be
Tyranny
it self
:
for
the
same
necessity
,
convenience
,
reason
,
and
natural
instinct
that
persuaded
them
,
to
submit
to
Government
in
General
,
did
also
suggest
to
them
the
Excellency
of
Monarchy
in
Particular
:
For
as
by
want
of
all
Government
,
their
reason
told
them
they
could
not
long
possess
any
right
,
and
that
Liberty
being
only
a
License
to
do
what
they
list
,
and
so
left
nothing
to
be
wrong
:
So
the
same
reason
suggested
,
that
these
their
Rights
were
best
defended
,
and
soonest
decided
by
some
single
Person
,
that
was
Supreme
,
than
when
a
Multitude
had
the
Supremacy
;
for
in
that
there
being
so
many
suffrages
as
there
are
men
,
accordingly
there
might
be
so
many
several
interests
and
factions
;
which
must
both
hinder
any
sudden
determination
,
as
well
as
make
the
sentence
liable
to
more
partiality
and
injustice
,
when
it
is
determin'd
.
This
made
the
Senate
of
Rome
so
tedious
always
in
its
determinations
,
and
the
people
as
uneasie
and
unsatisfied
in
their
Decrees
:
Their
Praetores
,
Quaesitores
,
Judices
Quaestionum
&
selecti
,
some
of
them
having
de
Jud.
l.
2.
c.
4.
&
de
Jure
Rom.
lib.
2.
c.
18.
under
them
no
*
less
than
an
hundred
Commissioners
,
might
be
said
to
confound
Causes
instead
of
determining
them
.
Their
Agrarian
Laws
that
were
made
for
the
Division
of
their
Fields
,
most
of
them
having
been
given
by
Romulus
,
and
the
rest
of
their
Kings
,
resolv'd
their
rights
to
them
with
Justice
and
satisfaction
to
the
people
,
while
their
Kings
Reign'd
that
gave
them
,
and
were
the
sole
Judges
of
their
own
Laws
.
But
when
they
were
confounded
into
a
Commonwealth
,
and
the
Senate
set
themselves
to
decide
the
divisions
of
their
Commons
,
and
their
Fields
;
what
Seditions
,
Confusions
,
and
Unsettlement
did
they
create
?
So
that
the
Reasonable
presumption
there
is
,
of
a
more
Equitable
and
speedy
distribution
of
Justice
from
a
single
Sovereign
,
because
suppos'd
to
be
less
prejudic'd
,
and
less
unable
to
be
prevail'd
upon
by
favour
or
affection
,
may
very
well
be
thought
to
have
recommended
at
first
,
a
Monarchical
Form
,
&
afford
us
now
asmuch
reason
for
the
retaining
it
.
In
the
next
place
,
A
King
being
a
perpetual
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
insomuch
that
the
Politick
Laws
suppose
him
never
to
dye
,
and
when
in
a
natural
sense
he
does
,
the
Crown
still
descends
to
his
immediate
Successor
:
This
will
make
him
〈◊〉
to
preserve
the
Rights
of
it
inviolate
,
and
perpetuate
the
same
Prerogative
to
his
Posterity
:
Whereas
the
people
,
in
all
their
popular
〈◊〉
,
administer
only
for
years
,
or
at
most
for
Life
;
and
what
should
hinder
them
then
from
defrauding
that
Publick
,
whose
Administration
they
must
either
soon
quit
,
or
at
last
leave
to
those
to
whom
they
no
way
relate
.
I
allow
in
most
such
Communities
,
there
is
commonly
special
provisions
made
by
their
Laws
,
that
an
abusing
that
power
,
with
which
they
are
intrusted
,
or
a
robbing
the
Common-wealth
of
part
of
its
Revenue
,
shall
be
punish'd
with
some
grievous
Fine
,
or
perhaps
made
Capital
;
for
which
the
Romans
had
their
several
rules
and
regulations
for
their
Magistrates
and
men
in
Office
:
But
there
being
so
many
ways
to
be
injurious
to
the
Publick
,
that
can
so
easily
,
by
those
that
administer
its
affairs
,
be
kept
private
and
conceal'd
;
it
must
certainly
be
concluded
,
that
those
that
have
an
Hereditary
Power
of
Publick
Administration
,
as
all
Kings
,
and
they
alone
have
,
that
their
Interest
obliges
them
to
preserve
its
rights
inviolate
,
from
an
unwillingness
,
that
nature
it self
will
implant
in
them
,
to
injure
their
own
Sons
,
Successors
and
Posterity
.
Whereas
the
same
Interest
,
which
certainly
is
the
most
powerful
Promoter
either
of
good
or
evil
,
will
incite
Senators
in
a
Commonwealth
more
industriously
,
more
seriously
to
endeavour
to
serve
them selves
.
It
is
the
most
prodigious
piece
of
Paradox
,
to
see
some
of
our
Seditious
Republicans
to
rail
at
Ministers
of
State
,
and
Mr.
Sidney
of
all
Men
had
the
least
reason
to
have
reflected
for
his
Sufferings
upon
those
that
sate
on
the
Bench
,
with
the
rest
of
the
Rabble
of
his
Democraticks
,
who
of
late
in
these
tumultuous
times
have
talkt
of
nothing
less
than
the
punishing
of
those
that
held
the
Sword
of
Justice
,
threatned
146.
Rich.
11.
them
with
the
Fates
of
Tresilians
,
Fulthorps
,
Belknaps
,
with
the
Gallows
,
Fines
and
Imprisonments
;
whereas
these
two
were
only
punisht
in
the
Reign
of
a
King
,
wherein
they
actually
rebell'd
and
deposed
their
Prince
;
but
were
they
the
worst
of
Men
that
officiated
in
Publick
Administration
under
their
King
,
such
Republicans
have
the
least
reason
to
find
fault
,
when
always
in
their
Usurpations
the
greatest
Fools
aswel
as
Knaves
have
been
commonly
preferr'd
:
What
more
Illiterate
Blockheads
did
ever
blemish
a
Bench
than
some
of
those
that
sate
upon
it
in
our
Rebellion
?
and
for
that
consult
the
Tryal
of
Lilburn
they
Arraigned
,
where
you
'l
find
a
clamorous
Souldier
silence
,
and
baffle
them
with
his
Books
,
and
invert
the
Latin
Aphorism
in
a
litteral
sense
,
by
making
the
Gown
yield
to
the
Sword
.
And
for
their
Villany
,
let
Bradshaw
alone
:
And
for
that
only
be
the
best
of
Presidents
.
The
very
Beggars
and
Bankrupts
of
the
Times
,
that
bawl'd
most
for
Property
,
when
they
had
hardly
any
to
a
penny
or
a
pin
,
were
set
up
to
dispose
of
the
peoples
Fortunes
and
Estates
.
Princes
,
as
they
are
above
all
Men
,
so
generally
make
those
their
Ministers
that
excel
others
in
Desert
or
Vertue
,
because
their
persons
are
to
be
represented
by
them
:
And
they
may
aswel
imagine
a
King
would
croud
his
Courts
with
Clowns
,
to
shew
his
Magnificence
,
as
fill
his
Judicatories
with
Fools
or
〈◊〉
.
Orat.
pro
Monarch
.
Knaves
to
distribute
his
Justice
.
'T
is
enough
for
an
Oceana
,
an
Oliver
,
or
a
Common-wealth
to
set
up
such
ridiculous
Officers
;
Brutes
beneath
the
Ass
in
the
Apologue
,
that
will
not
so
much
as
be
reverenced
for
the
Image
they
bear
:
but
even
the
best
of
Common
Men
,
whenthey
are
rais'd
to
some
supreme
Government
,
prove
like
Beggars
on
Horse-back
,
unable
to
hold
the
Reins
,
or
riding
off
their
necks
;
the
wisest
,
in
their
own
ordinary
administrations
,
prove
but
foolish
Phaetons
when
they
are
got
into
the
Chariot
,
set
all
in
combustion
and
confusion
:
The
not
being
born
to
Govern
,
or
educated
under
the
Administrations
of
a
state
,
makes
them
either
meanly
submissive
in
the
midst
of
their
Grandeur
,
or
insolently
proud
of
their
Office
,
which
renders
them
as
ridiculously
Great
;
whereas
Princes
from
an
Hereditary
VERTUE
,
(
that
consists
alway
in
a
MEAN
)
or
their
nobler
Education
that
instructs
them
in
the
Mode
,
preserves
them
too
from
running
into
the
sordid
absurdities
of
such
Extremes
.
Many
of
such
like
preferable
Conveniences
might
be
reckoned
up
,
that
make
a
Commonwealth
less
Eligible
;
but
for
Confirmation
of
it
,
it
is
better
to
have
recourse
to
matter
of
Fact
:
When
did
their
Rome
ever
flourish
more
than
under
the
Government
of
their
Kings
?
by
that
it
was
[
*
](A58510-e129040-b)
*
Vid.
Tacit
.
l.
1.
p.
1.
Lucius
Florus
,
p.
1.
Founded
,
by
that
it
was
most
Victorious
,
and
with
that
it
alway
fell
.
Romulus
himself
first
gave
them
their
Religion
and
their
[
†
](A58510-e129080-b)
†
Lact.
de
fals.
rel.
l.
1.
c.
22.
God
,
as
well
as
the
Government
;
and
,
with
the
assistance
of
his
Numa
,
brought
them
to
observe
some
Ceremonies
which
the
Trojans
had
taught
them
;
under
whom
did
their
City
Triumph
more
,
both
in
fame
,
riches
,
tranquility
and
ease
,
than
under
the
Empire
of
Augustus
?
And
one
would
think
that
when
the
Controversie
upon
his
coming
to
the
Crown
was
then
in
Debate
,
it
should
have
been
decided
by
the
two
famous
Wits
of
their
time
,
in
their
Dialogue
,
Maecenas
and
Agrippa
:
It
was
submitted
to
their
determinations
,
and
we
see
what
was
the
result
,
A
MONARCHY
.
[
‖
](A58510-e129170-b)
‖
Dictator
quoniam
dictis
ejus
totus
parebat
populus
,
Rom.
Antiq.
p.
170.
of
his
Name
implying
,
that
all
were
bound
to
obey
his
Edicts
:
he
had
his
Magister
Equitum
,
an
Officer
,
in
effect
the
same
with
the
Praefectus
Vrbis
,
which
under
their
King
was
his
Mayor
.
And
after
that
rash
Rebellion
of
theirs
against
Royal
Government
,
after
so
many
Revolutions
of
Tribunes
,
Triumvirs
,
Quaestors
,
AEdils
,
Praefects
,
Praetors
and
Consuls
,
were
never
at
rest
or
quiet
,
'till
they
were
setled
again
in
their
Caesars
.
Themselves
know
best
,
what
the
Sedition
of
Sylla
and
Marius
cost
them
,
how
many
lives
of
Consuls
and
Senators
,
besides
the
blood
of
the
Commons
:
Let
them
consult
Plutarch
,
and
see
the
bloody
Scene
of
Butchery
and
Murder
.
Pray
tell
me
,
mighty
Murmurers
!
in
which
was
your
Rome
most
bless'd
,
or
suffer'd
least
,
with
the
bloody
War
between
Caesar
and
Pompey
,
or
the
settlement
of
it
in
Julius
himself
?
Did
it
not
bleed
and
languish
as
much
with
the
Civil
Wars
of
Augustus
,
Antony
and
Lepidus
,
as
it
flourish'd
when
reduc'd
to
the
only
Government
of
Octavius
?
And
would
it
not
have
been
much
better
,
had
those
succeeding
Emperors
been
all
Hereditary
,
when
we
find
,
that
for
the
most
,
the
Multitude
and
Soldiers
were
the
makers
and
setters
up
of
the
bad
,
and
the
destroyers
and
murderers
of
the
best
?
'T
is
too
they
set
up
.
Alexand.
Aurelianus
,
Probus
they
murder
d.
much
to
tell
you
the
story
of
our
own
Chronicles
,
as
well
as
their
Annals
,
how
happy
our
Land
was
for
a
long
time
in
a
Lineal
Descent
of
Hereditary
Kings
,
how
miserably
curst
in
the
Commonwealth
of
England
,
what
blood
it
cost
to
establish
it
,
what
Misery
and
Confusion
it
brought
us
,
when
unhappily
establish'd
?
And
as
an
Argument
that
the
Romans
flourish'd
most
under
those
Emperors
,
see
with
what
Veneration
their
Imperial
Sanctions
speak
of
their
power
;
they
make
it
[
*
](A58510-e129430-b)
*
Sacrilegii
instar
est
,
&c.
C.
1.
23.
5.
Sacriledg
to
disobey
it
;
they
made
the
very
memory
of
those
that
committed
Treason
against
them
to
be
rooted
out
,
the
very
[
‖
](A58510-e129440-b)
‖
Quisque
vel
cogitavit
.
C.
9.
8.
5.
Thought
of
it
they
punish'd
with
as
much
severity
as
the
Commission
;
all
his
Children
,
Servants
,
and
whole
Family
were
punish'd
,
though
unknowing
of
the
Crime
.
They
punish'd
those
with
the
same
severity
that
Conspired
against
any
Minister
of
State
,
because
relating
to
the
Imperial
Body
,
and
that
if
they
did
but
think
of
destroying
them
;
and
even
those
that
were
found
but
the
movers
of
[
†
](A58510-e129470-b)
†
Ibid.
Sedition
were
Gibbeted
or
Condemned
to
their
Beasts
.
And
as
[
*
](A58510-e129490-b)
*
33.
Ed.
3
10.
H.
7.
16.
own
declare
the
King
capable
of
all
Spiritual
Jurisdiction
,
in
being
Anointed
with
Sacred
Oyl
;
by
which
they
give
him
all
power
in
Ecclesiasticals
too
,
to
render
his
Person
the
more
Venerable
,
and
call
the
[
†
](A58510-e129510-b)
†
Coke
Litt.
Sect.
1.
fol.
1.
B.
The
Possessions
of
the
King
are
call'd
Sacra
Par
trimonia
.
Lands
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e129600-b)
*
Justin.
l.
16.
36.
Justin
can
tell
us
in
one
of
his
Books
:
And
for
making
their
Monarchy
more
Divine
,
did
Romulus
and
Numa
,
the
Founder
of
their
Religion
as
well
as
of
Rome
,
Officiate
in
it
sometimes
too
.
So
much
did
the
Fathers
of
old
prefer
Monarchy
to
a
Popular
Walter
Rawleigh
tells
us
of
the
saying
of
St.
Chrysostom
,
that
recommended
even
a
Tyrant
before
no
King
at
all
;
and
that
is
〈◊〉
with
a
Sentence
of
Tacitus
,
who
tells
us
,
If
the
Prince
be
never
so
wicked
,
yet
still
better
than
none
:
And
for
that
of
a
Commonwealth
,
it
was
as
bravely
said
by
Agesilaus
to
a
Citizen
of
Sparta
,
discoursing
about
Government
,
That
such
a
one
,
as
a
common
Cobler
would
disdain
in
his
House
and
Family
,
was
very
unfit
to
Govern
a
Kingdom
.
In
short
,
all
the
Presidents
that
Mr.
Sidney
has
given
us
,
of
the
Romans
driving
out
their
Tarquins
,
of
the
French
rejecting
the
Race
of
Pharamond
,
of
the
Revolt
of
the
Low-Countries
from
Spain
,
of
the
Scots
killing
James
the
Third
,
and
Deposing
Queen
Mary
,
are
all
absolute
Rebellions
,
were
ever
Recorded
so
in
History
,
and
will
be
Condemned
for
such
by
all
Ages
.
He
should
have
mention'd
for
once
too
,
the
murder
of
our
Martyr'd
Sovereign
,
for
to
be
sure
he
had
the
same
sense
of
that
upon
which
he
was
to
have
sate
.
But
if
any
thing
can
recommend
their
Commonwealth
,
it
must
be
only
this
,
That
it
cannot
be
so
soon
dispatch'd
,
it
being
a
Monster
with
many
Heads
;
to
which
Nero's
Wish
would
not
be
so
cruel
,
That
it
had
but
one
neck
,
to
be
cut
off
at
a
blow
.
The
clamour
this
Republican
made
against
Monarchs
in
general
,
was
,
whatever
he
suggests
,
appli'd
to
our
own
in
particular
,
when
he
tells
in
the
very
same
Page
,
of
the
Power
of
the
People
of
England
;
and
though
he
exclaims
,
and
all
others
do
,
against
this
Arbitrary
Power
of
Kings
,
't
is
certain
themselves
would
make
the
People
as
Arbitrary
:
The
Question
is
not
,
whether
there
shall
be
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
but
the
Dispute
is
who
shall
have
it
,
there
never
was
,
nor
ever
can
be
a
People
govern'd
without
a
Power
of
making
Laws
,
and
that
Power
(
so
long
as
consonant
to
reason
)
must
be
Arbitrary
,
for
to
make
Laws
,
by
Laws
;
is
Nonsense
.
These
Republicans
,
by
confession
,
would
fix
it
in
many
,
and
the
Multitude
;
in
Aristocracy
't
is
fix'd
in
a
few
,
and
therefore
in
a
Monarchy
must
be
setl'd
in
ONE
.
CHAP.
VI.
Remarks
upon
their
Plots
and
Conspiracies
.
AND
now
that
they
may
not
think
I
have
foully
Libell'd
them
in
a
Mis-representation
of
the
dangerous
Principles
of
their
Republicans
,
I
'll
be
so
fair
as
to
prove
upon
them
too
,
the
natural
product
of
their
own
Notions
;
and
that
is
,
the
Plots
of
the
same
Villains
assoon
as
they
have
been
pleas'd
to
set
up
for
Rebels
.
And
these
will
appear
from
Chronicle
and
History
,
the
Records
of
Time
,
and
the
best
Tryers
of
Truth
;
these
will
not
be
falsified
with
Reflection
,
but
be
founded
upon
matter
of
Fact
:
And
of
these
,
this
will
fall
in
our
way
as
the
first
.
About
the
Year
1559
,
there
was
promoted
in
France
,
a
Plot
and
Conspiracy
against
their
King
,
and
that
founded
upon
the
same
pretext
;
so
many
of
ours
have
been
of
late
in
England
,
that
is
,
Religion
,
but
truly
fomented
by
what
has
been
always
the
spring
,
the
very
fountain
of
Blood
and
Rebellion
,
discontent
and
disgust
toward
the
Government
:
For
upon
the
death
of
Henry
the
Second
,
and
the
Succession
of
Francis
his
eldest
Son
to
the
Throne
,
the
Princes
of
the
House
of
Bourbon
,
thinking
themselves
neglected
and
despised
,
thrust
out
of
Office
and
Employment
at
Court
,
and
finding
the
Family
of
the
Guises
still
prefer'd
,
whom
they
always
as
mortally
hated
,
resolved
to
revenge
themselves
upon
the
Crown
,
(
that
is
)
to
turn
Rebels
.
Of
these
Vendosme
and
Conde
were
the
principal
Engagers
,
and
drew
in
the
two
Castillions
,
the
[
*
](A58510-e130350-b)
*
Gasper
de
Collign
,
&
Mr.
D'
Andelot
.
Admiral
and
his
Brother
,
who
for
the
removal
of
the
Duke
De
Montmorency
,
their
relation
from
that
Court
,
to
which
he
had
prefer'd
them
,
were
as
full
also
of
resentment
against
the
Crown
,
as
those
that
came
to
engage
them
with
an
invitation
to
invade
it
;
and
after
all
their
several
seditious
Assemblies
,
after
all
the
many
Meetings
they
had
made
,
after
all
the
Treasonable
Consultations
they
had
held
,
no
design
was
look'd
upon
by
them
more
likely
to
prove
effectual
,
than
the
making
themselves
Head
of
the
Hugenots
.
And
so
hot
were
they
upon
this
Project
,
the
pursuit
of
another
kind
of
Holy
War
,
(
that
among
our
modern
Crusadoes
has
been
nothing
else
but
a
Religious
Rebellion
)
that
notwithstanding
the
coldness
of
the
King
of
Navarr
,
they
drew
in
most
of
the
Protesting
part
of
France
to
be
truly
Rebels
,
for
the
sake
of
their
Seducers
,
while
they
made
them
believe
they
had
only
engag'd
themselves
to
fight
for
the
Religion
of
those
they
had
so
wickedly
seduc'd
:
And
so
conducing
then
were
the
principles
of
a
Republick
to
a
Rebellions
Plot
,
that
one
[
†
](A58510-e130460-b)
†
Alias
Godfry
de
la.
Bar.
〈◊〉
that
was
forc'd
to
turn
Renegado
to
his
Country
,
for
Misdemeanors
committed
in
it
,
and
fled
to
Geneva
,
as
a
Sanctuary
for
Sedition
,
after
he
had
lurk'd
there
like
a
concealed
Criminal
abroad
;
upon
his
Return
sets
up
for
an
open
Rebellion
at
Home
,
after
he
had
layn
so
long
in
the
lake
,
the
sink
of
Democracy
;
you
may
be
sure
was
well
instructed
how
to
resist
a
Monarch
.
He
soon
blows
the
coals
that
could
easily
keep
up
the
Blood
of
the
warm
Princes
that
was
already
set
so
well
a
boyling
:
Him
they
pitch
upon
as
the
fittest
tool
to
work
out
their
design
;
and
in
my
conscience
,
coming
from
that
Common-wealth
,
the
Statsemen
judged
not
amiss
,
when
they
took
him
for
an
able
Artist
.
With
his
help
,
and
their
own
,
it
went
so
far
,
that
Moneys
,
Men
and
Amunition
was
provided
;
and
a
Petition
drawn
for
a
Toleration
of
Religion
,
though
indeed
but
a
Treacherous
vell
to
cover
their
Intended
Treason
,
which
was
to
seize
upon
the
Young
King
,
upon
his
denyal
of
what
they
knew
he
would
not
grant
;
surprize
the
Queen
that
still
opposed
them
;
and
put
the
Guises
to
the
Sword
,
whom
she
favoured
.
But
the
Court
being
advised
of
the
Conspiracy
,
had
retired
to
the
Castle
of
Amboise
;
and
so
far
did
they
prosecute
their
Plot
,
that
their
Petitioners
were
admitted
into
it
,
though
their
Arm'd
Accomplices
that
were
without
,
were
compelled
to
fight
for
their
Lives
;
which
Renaudie
,
with
the
rest
of
the
Ring-leaders
of
them
lost
;
and
the
Rabble
to
save
theirs
,
was
forc'd
to
fly
.
[
*
](A58510-e130590-b)
*
To
renew
another
about
the
end
of
this
unhappy
War
,
were
publisht
those
Treasonable
Tracts
,
De
jure
Magist.
&
Brutus
his
Vindiciae
:
With
another
as
pernicious
a
piece
,
a
Dialogue
composed
(
as
pretended
)
by
one
Eusebius
Philadelphus
:
Libels
that
expos'd
Majesty
to
the
Publick
,
like
a
piece
of
Pageantry
,
only
to
be
look'd
upon
,
and
shouted
at
.
Vid.
Heylin's
Hist.
〈◊〉
.
pag.
68.
This
was
the
praeliminary
Plot
,
and
an
unhappy
prelude
to
a
long
and
bloody
Civil
War
,
fomented
first
by
the
fury
of
a
Faction
that
set
up
for
Rebels
;
only
because
not
favoured
(
as
they
thought
)
sufficiently
by
the
Court
,
and
then
seconded
even
to
an
Assaulting
of
the
Crown
in
the
Siege
of
Paris
,
and
almost
the
Subversion
of
the
Monarchy
,
as
some
Learned
Historians
surmise
,
from
the
secret
Emissaries
of
the
Republick
of
Geneva
.
I
need
not
touch
on
the
particulars
in
which
the
fatal
War
at
last
was
forc'd
to
terminate
;
't
is
too
much
to
tell
you
't
was
in
a
torrent
of
Blood
:
And
what
was
worse
,
that
of
most
of
the
Protestants
,
whom
a
transported
Faction
First
engag'd
to
fight
for
Religion
,
when
their
own
real
Quarrel
was
only
a
revengeful
resentment
against
the
Court
,
and
the
Crown
;
and
whom
a
Holy
Common-wealth
,
the
Republick
of
Geneva
,
still
animated
against
the
Kingdom
of
France
.
It
was
upon
the
Preaching
up
of
these
principles
by
their
[
*
](A58510-e130710-b)
*
Ursinus
.
Pareus
.
Professors
at
Hydelberg
,
and
their
Inculcating
that
old
Aphorism
of
Trajan
,
when
he
bid
his
Centurion
draw
his
Sword
in
his
Defence
,
[
*
](A58510-e130760-b)
*
Si
bene
prome
si
male
con
tra
,
me
stringito
.
if
he
Governed
well
;
but
if
ill
,
then
Against
him
:
A
saying
that
is
Registred
in
every
Piece
that
I
have
yet
seen
publisht
by
a
Republican
;
as
if
in
it
were
founded
their
very
Bottom
and
Basis
of
all
Rebellion
.
Building
upon
these
Positions
,
and
the
dangerous
Doctrines
of
Democraticks
,
the
Divines
of
Germany
Invited
the
Palatine
Princes
,
and
others
of
the
Empire
,
to
promote
the
Rebellion
in
France
;
and
Casimir
,
second
Son
of
the
Elector
,
was
sent
to
accompany
Conde
into
that
Country
.
Instigated
by
these
principles
,
in
Suevia
and
Franconia
,
[
†
](A58510-e130900-b)
†
Sleid.
Com.
fol.
57.
forty
thousand
Peasants
took
Arms
,
under
Muncer
their
Leader
;
Rebell'd
against
the
From
these
Doctrines
were
the
flames
of
Civil
War
kindled
in
Flanders
,
and
Tumults
and
Disorders
their
daily
practice
;
for
at
Valenciennes
they
would
commonly
rescue
the
Prisoners
of
the
State
,
when
condemned
to
dye
by
Legal
process
;
force
the
Officers
to
fly
for
their
preservation
;
and
with
a
number
of
two
thousand
break
open
the
Doors
of
their
Common
Goal
,
knock
off
the
Shackles
of
those
that
were
in
it
,
and
so
send
them
to
their
several
Dwellings
.
The
like
happen'd
at
Antwerp
,
upon
the
Execution
of
one
Fabricius
a
Priest
.
From
these
principles
it
was
,
that
about
the
Year
1565
,
that
these
Hollanders
,
9
of
their
protesting
Lords
,
not
at
all
Officers
of
State
,
conven'd
at
Breda
,
drew
up
a
form
of
an
Association
,
which
they
call'd
too
,
their
Covenant
(
and
what
has
been
since
so
well
copy'd
by
our
English
Rebells
)
which
they
all
Subscrib'd
,
and
sent
about
by
their
Emissaries
,
through
all
the
several
Provinces
for
Subscription
.
And
as
from
these
Principles
,
these
Tumults
and
Disorders
;
Leagues
and
Covenants
were
created
in
the
Low
Countries
:
So
followed
also
from
them
,
an
entire
Defection
from
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
and
a
Rebellious
Revolt
of
the
United
Netherlands
.
For
though
Mr.
[
†
](A58510-e131140-b)
†
Tryal
p.
25.
Sidney
would
impute
it
only
to
the
Tyranny
of
the
Duke
of
Alva
;
yet
by
his
leave
they
were
in
Rebellion
before
ever
he
was
sent
,
and
perhaps
was
therefore
design'd
for
the
reducing
them
to
Obedience
,
because
of
his
austerity
and
cruel
disposition
;
for
Rebells
that
resolve
commonly
to
shew
no
Mercy
,
are
not
reducible
to
their
Allegiance
,
but
with
as
much
severity
,
I
will
grant
them
,
that
by
this
Rebellion
they
laid
the
foundation
for
the
flourishing
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
their
new
erected
Common-wealth
:
Nay
,
and
will
pray
that
it
may
long
there
flourish
,
as
well
as
under
our
own
Monarchy
at
Home
.
But
yet
I
cannot
find
from
all
the
Divinity
of
the
Bible
,
or
the
Schools
,
that
Blood
and
Treason
,
Murder
and
Sacrilege
(
all
which
were
the
result
of
that
Defection
)
could
be
sanctified
into
the
doing
God
good
Service
,
or
for
the
sake
of
his
Gospel
;
nay
,
though
it
were
for
an
Apostatizing
from
Paganism
it self
,
which
my
Charity
will
not
permit
me
(
though
some
Peoples
fury
may
transport
them
)
to
bring
it
in
competition
with
Popery
,
and
the
Professors
of
the
same
God
and
Saviour
.
That
the
Protestant
Religion
is
a
promoter
of
such
Seditious
practises
,
none
but
besotted
Pagans
,
or
bigotted
Papists
will
assert
.
But
why
in
France
,
and
these
Parts
of
the
Netherlands
,
by
such
Sedition
it
was
promoted
,
my
little
reason
will
resolve
into
nothing
less
,
but
that
in
those
Parts
it
was
chiefly
propagated
by
the
Emissaries
of
Geneva
,
a
pure
and
perfect
Republick
;
who
,
at
the
same
time
they
infused
the
principles
of
a
sound
Religion
,
insinuated
too
the
positions
of
their
Seditious
Politicks
,
and
mingl'd
Poyson
,
not
with
common
Meat
,
but
their
very
spiritual
Food
:
For
Luther
sure
will
be
allowed
the
Name
of
a
Reformer
,
as
wel
as
,
and
before
Mr.
Calvin
;
and
yet
we
see
the
Protestant
Religigion
flourisht
under
his
way
of
propagating
it
,
without
any
Rebelling
for
it
,
unless
from
that
See
of
Rome
,
from
which
it
wisely
Reformed
.
It
was
that
very
thing
endear'd
it
to
the
Princes
of
the
Empire
;
and
I
believe
reconcil'd
them
to
receive
it
the
sooner
,
when
they
found
nothing
in
it
of
the
positions
of
a
[
*
](A58510-e131280-b)
*
His
Book
burnt
,
even
by
the
Sorbonist
,
at
Paris
,
A.
D.
1610.
Mariana
,
and
the
principles
of
a
Society
of
Seditious
Jesuites
,
that
could
subject
the
Civil
Government
so
much
to
the
Ecclesiastical
,
as
to
make
an
Excommunicated
Prince
,
like
a
Branded
Cain
,
to
be
killed
by
every
one
he
met
;
or
the
Doctrine
of
our
too
severe
Calvinists
,
that
can
make
every
Town
a
Lacedaemon
;
set
up
their
Ephori
,
even
in
every
Monarchy
,
and
make
all
Kings
accountable
to
their
People
.
And
this
will
appear
somewhat
probable
from
the
next
Historical
Account
we
have
of
the
effects
of
the
principles
of
these
Democraticks
,
which
is
in
that
of
Knox
of
Scotland
,
a
Fellow
as
Factious
and
Seditious
,
as
Humane
thought
can
Imagine
,
or
his
own
heart
could
have
wisht
;
a
Fellow
that
had
the
Misfortune
(
which
he
call'd
Happiness
)
to
carry
War
and
Confusion
wherever
he
went
.
We
had
several
Protestants
of
our
own
Nation
,
fled
from
a
real
Persecution
of
our
bigotted
Queen
,
to
[
*
](A58510-e131400-b)
*
Vid.
Troubles
at
Frankfort
,
Edit.
Ann.
Dom.
1642.
Frankfort
,
a
Town
in
Germany
,
and
there
lived
quietly
,
with
submission
toward
the
Supream
Magistrate
,
till
this
Geneva
Gentleman
no
sooner
arrived
,
but
he
sets
all
in
Combustion
;
is
accused
of
High
Treason
James
,
p.
15.
toward
the
Emperor
,
for
comparing
him
in
Print
(
in
some
of
Mr.
Sidney's
Similitudes
)
to
a
Tarquin
,
Nero
,
Caligula
;
for
which
he
was
forc'd
to
fly
the
Town
,
and
Post
away
;
to
what
could
only
bear
with
as
well
as
breed
such
Vermin
,
the
Lake
or
their
Commonwealth
of
Italy
.
Aboutthe
Year
1558
,
the
Queen
Regent
of
Scotland
,
when
the
Reformation
was
but
in
the
beginning
,
as
a
special
Act
of
Favour
,
for
so
it
must
be
call'd
,
because
then
,
not
only
contrary
to
her
own
Religion
,
but
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
allow'd
the
Congregators
(
which
were
Conventiclers
then
too
,
as
well
as
now
,
because
the
general
Worship
establisht
,
was
not
theirs
)
the
Bible
in
their
own
Language
.
But
they
no
way
contented
with
an
Act
of
Grace
from
the
Crown
,
and
Instigated
by
this
Incendiary
;
this
Scandal
of
the
Reformation
,
Knox
,
that
had
taught
them
,
they
might
Demand
with
their
Swords
,
what
was
deny'd
them
by
Law
;
fell
a
reviling
her
,
even
for
such
a
signal
favour
;
and
when
she
sent
for
some
of
the
more
furious
of
the
Faction
,
they
came
all
,
attended
with
a
multitude
of
Favourites
and
Force
,
that
for
her
Preservation
she
was
compell'd
to
Command
them
to
depart
:
And
the
best
of
Governors
might
well
fear
the
worst
from
such
an
audacious
Assembly
:
but
this
was
so
much
the
more
offensive
to
them
,
only
because
they
were
Commanded
to
offend
her
less
,
that
they
throng'd
into
her
Privy
Chamber
,
threatned
her
with
their
Arms
,
till
she
was
constrained
to
pleasure
them
against
Law
.
And
as
they
then
menac'd
a
Force
,
so
they
afterward
made
it
good
with
as
much
violence
;
for
away
they
went
,
pulling
down
Monasteries
,
and
[
*
](A58510-e131670-b)
*
St.
Andrew's
Scone
.
Sterling
.
Edeuburg
,
&c.
〈◊〉
pag.
123
,
124.
Churches
;
and
seconding
their
Sedition
with
what
could
only
succeed
it
,
Sacrilege
,
that
is
,
from
Traytors
to
their
Soveraign
,
to
be
Rebels
to
their
God
.
And
this
by
that
Sanctified
Beast
,
that
invited
them
to
debase
themselves
to
Brutes
,
to
be
divested
of
Humanity
,
was
call'd
,
a
Purging
of
the
Temple
;
as
if
our
Saviour
Christ
had
countenanced
an
Extirpation
of
the
Religion
of
some
Christians
:
But
though
the
Queen
at
last
granted
them
the
free
and
publick
exercise
of
their
Religion
;
though
at
last
she
only
begg'd
the
private
use
of
her
own
,
that
was
by
such
Seditious
Subjects
,
thought
a
boon
too
great
to
be
begg'd
,
by
their
Soveraign
;
they
Protest
against
it
,
Preach
against
it
,
Print
against
it
,
and
Assault
her
House
of
Worship
;
break
the
Wax
Candles
,
with
the
Windows
of
her
Chappel
;
force
their
Queen
Regent
to
fly
to
Dunbar
,
and
then
as
fairly
Depos'd
her
for
being
fled
;
though
at
the
same
time
they
profest
against
her
Deposition
.
And
if
we
'll
believe
a
Loyal
,
and
Learned
[
*
](A58510-e131850-b)
*
〈◊〉
,
p.
31.
Author
,
they
proceeded
so
far
in
their
petulant
piece
of
Reformation
,
that
they
Religiously
Reform'd
the
very
Petticoats
of
the
Queen
,
and
the
Ladies
of
the
Court
,
which
they
look'd
upon
as
too
fine
for
the
plainness
or
simplicity
of
the
Kirk
:
How
near
our
present
Pretenders
,
that
have
taken
Arms
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
will
tread
in
the
steps
of
their
Reforming
Predecessors
,
must
be
Collected
from
the
Precedents
they
give
us
of
their
being
but
Implacable
Republicans
;
especially
when
we
have
nothing
now
to
be
Reform'd
〈◊〉
what
they
deny'd
to
the
Grandmother
of
our
present
Soveraign
,
that
their
King
himself
shall
not
be
〈◊〉
to
exercise
by
himself
the
Religion
he
professes
,
at
the
same
time
he
Protests
to
defend
all
his
Subjects
in
the
establish'd
Profession
of
theirs
.
The
Actions
of
the
late
Rebel
Scot
,
of
the
last
Age
,
they
say
,
squinted
like
their
Argyle
that
headed
them
,
working
one
way
,
when
they
profest
to
design
another
;
and
they
might
have
had
as
much
reason
to
distrust
the
Promises
of
his
late
Declaration
,
the
Sincerity
of
his
Son
,
that
succeeded
him
,
even
in
a
Rebellion
.
In
the
Year
1565
,
when
the
Queen
of
Scots
was
married
to
Henry
Stewart
Lord
Darnly
,
The
Rebel-Lords
instigated
from
the
Preachings
and
Principles
of
this
Knox
,
the
Ferguson
of
his
Age
,
who
rail'd
at
the
Government
,
and
reflected
upon
the
King
;
betook
themselves
to
Arms
,
and
brake
into
open
Rebellion
:
Lord
Darnly
,
upon
this
Match
being
proclaim'd
King
,
marcht
against
the
Rebels
,
who
fled
into
England
;
and
though
through
Intercession
this
Rebellious
Business
was
Reconcil'd
,
yet
within
two
Years
after
,
the
King
was
barbarously
Butcher'd
and
Dispatcht
;
but
by
whom
,
because
their
Historians
do
not
agree
in
it
,
can
be
only
best
determined
by
Conjecture
;
and
must
probably
lye
at
their
Doors
that
could
Rebel
against
their
Sovereign
in
an
open
War
,
and
then
(
sure
)
as
likely
to
set
upon
Him
in
a
secret
Affassination
;
especially
when
their
Principles
instructed
them
in
both
;
and
their
Preachers
had
made
the
Murder
of
their
King
,
an
Oblation
to
their
God
:
And
besides
,
when
they
rebell'd
also
against
Bothwell
,
the
Queens
second
Husband
too
,
as
well
as
the
first
;
whom
they
forc'd
to
fly
into
Denmark
;
seiz'd
on
the
forsaken
Queen
;
secur'd
her
in
an
[
*
](A58510-e132130-b)
*
Isle
of
Lochlevin
.
Island
;
compell'd
her
to
resign
her
Crown
;
and
if
we
'll
credit
an
Authentick
[
*
](A58510-e132150-b)
*
Sanders
.
History
of
K.
James
pag.
52.
Historian
,
were
not
so
well
satisfied
with
her
Resignation
of
her
Sovereignty
,
but
that
they
consulted
too
to
deprive
her
of
her
Life
;
and
very
likely
to
have
prevented
her
loving
Cousin
Elizabeth
in
England
.
Upon
the
same
Principles
the
same
Seditious
Daemocraticks
proceeded
against
her
Son
and
Successor
,
that
was
after
ward
our
own
Sovereign
,
K.
James
,
then
a
young
Prince
about
12
Years
old
,
whom
they
[
†
](A58510-e132230-b)
†
Vid.
Spotwoods
Hist.
p.
323
,
324.
seiz'd
at
Ruthen
,
carried
in
Triumph
and
Constraint
to
Edenburgh
;
from
which
he
was
forc'd
to
contrive
an
Escape
,
which
he
made
by
the
Means
of
Collonel
Stewart
a
Captain
of
his
Guards
;
but
shortly
afterward
[
*
](A58510-e132290-b)
*
An.
1503.
(
incited
by
the
Seditious
Insinuations
of
their
Geneva
Principles
brought
them
home
fresh
,
hot
,
and
reeking
with
Blood
and
Rebellion
;
by
one
Melvill
that
had
come
from
thence
but
a
few
years
before
,
to
supply
not
only
Knox's
stock
of
treasonable
Positions
,
but
to
succeed
him
in
his
Place
of
an
implacable
Incendiary
,
his
Predecessor
expiring
a
Year
or
two
before
he
came
over
)
by
this
Factious
Fellow
's
and
his
Associates
Seducements
;
did
I
say
,
shortly
after
the
Earl
of
Gowry
,
conspire
against
the
King
and
break
out
into
an
open
Rebellion
,
which
he
deservedly
suffered
for
,
with
the
loss
of
his
Head
.
Then
is
this
succeeded
by
Bothwells
Rebellion
;
who
had
contriv'd
to
seize
the
King
at
Halyrood-House
,
but
unsuccessful
forc'd
to
fly
,
and
returning
better
assisted
,
the
second
time
effected
,
what
only
he
design'd
at
first
:
But
the
King
escaping
to
Sterling
,
Bothwell
is
pronounced
a
Rebel
by
the
States
,
but
yet
is
so
well
befriended
by
these
Disturbers
of
all
Kingly
Government
,
that
they
gave
him
the
very
Moneys
they
had
collected
for
their
beloved
Brethren
in
the
Republick
of
Geneva
;
by
which
,
with
other
Assistances
,
they
enabled
him
to
fight
his
King
in
the
Field
.
Then
is
that
succeeded
with
a
second
of
the
Gowry's
,
the
Son
of
him
that
rebell'd
before
,
where
they
contriv'd
to
get
the
King
to
dine
in
their
House
at
Perth
,
seduc'd
him
up
into
some
higher
Chamber
,
and
there
left
him
to
the
mercy
of
an
Executioner
,
from
which
his
Cry
,
and
the
timely
Assistance
of
his
Servants
only
rescued
Him
.
These
were
the
Confusions
,
Distractions
,
and
even
Subversions
of
some
States
that
were
occasion'd
by
the
restlesness
of
Implacable
Republicans
,
Emissaries
of
Geneva
,
throughout
France
,
Flanders
,
Scotland
,
and
Germany
:
You
shall
see
now
in
the
next
place
what
disturbances
they
have
created
us
here
in
our
own
Isle
,
what
Plots
and
Conspiracies
their
Principles
have
promoted
in
England
,
as
if
in
that
expostulatory
[
†
](A58510-e132510-b)
†
Que
regio
in
terris
,
&c.
Virg.
AEneid
.
Verse
of
Virgil
,
there
was
no
Region
upon
Earth
but
what
must
be
fill'd
with
their
diffusive
and
elaborate
Sedition
.
Queen
Elizabeth
was
no
sooner
setl'd
in
her
Throne
,
but
they
as
seditiously
endeavour'd
to
subvert
it
;
They
libell'd
her
Person
,
set
their
Zealots
tumultuously
to
meet
in
the
Night
,
invading
Churches
,
defacing
Monuments
,
and
so
full
at
last
of
the
Rebellious
Insolencies
of
that
Italian
Republick
,
to
which
they
commonly
repair'd
to
receive
Instruction
,
that
her
Majesty
thought
fit
to
hang
up
Hacket
,
with
a
half
dozen
more
of
them
,
as
dangerous
Subjects
to
her
Sovereign
Crown
and
Dignity
.
[
†
](A58510-e132580-b)
†
In
a
Speech
to
her
Parliament
dissolv'd
,
An.
1585
,
and
of
her
Reign
27
,
She
declared
them
dangerous
to
Kingly
Rule
,
vid.
Holingshed
&
Stow.
When
King
James
,
who
succeeded
her
,
came
to
our
Crown
,
did
these
Malecontents
that
had
molested
him
so
much
in
Scotland
,
disturb
his
Government
here
too
,
as
much
.
Melvil
,
that
Northern
Incendiary
,
was
as
busie
with
his
Accomplices
here
too
,
to
set
Fire
to
Church
and
State
,
and
for
that
purpose
publish'd
several
Libels
against
both
;
for
which
(
being
then
at
London
)
he
was
sent
to
the
Tower
:
And
so
far
had
those
darling
Daemagogues
insinuated
themselves
,
that
the
Hydra
of
a
Popular
Faction
began
to
shew
its
fearful
Faces
,
in
the
very
first
Parliament
of
his
Reign
,
though
[
*
](A58510-e132730-b)
*
1
Jacob
1.
in
that
they
had
so
fully
formerly
recogniz'd
his
Right
:
For
in
some
of
those
several
Sessions
of
which
that
consisted
,
one
of
the
Seditious
Senators
had
the
Confidence
to
affirm
in
the
open
Assembly
,
[
†
](A58510-e132760-b)
†
Fowlis
Hist.
pag.
65.
That
the
giving
the
King
Moneys
might
empower
him
to
the
cutting
the
Members
Throats
;
an
Insolency
that
some
of
our
Modern
Mutineers
upon
the
same
Occasions
have
[
*
](A58510-e132790-b)
*
Vid.
Printed
Votes
H.
Com.
That
the
giving
the
King
Money
,
&c.
as
seditiously
express'd
.
King
James
Dissolv'd
that
Parliament
,
call'd
another
,
and
that
as
Refractory
as
the
former
,
which
instead
of
answering
the
Kings
Request
,
draw
up
their
own
in
a
Remonstrance
,
[
†
](A58510-e132840-b)
†
Vid.
even
Rustworth
.
C
〈◊〉
p.
40.
c.
16.
E.
second
it
with
a
Protestation
for
Priviledges
;
representation
of
Religion
and
Popery
,
intermedling
with
his
Match
of
Spain
,
and
several
Affairs
of
State
;
so
that
he
was
forc'd
to
dissolve
that
Politick
Body
too
,
and
soon
after
suffer'd
a
Dissolution
of
his
own
Natural
one
,
dying
under
the
Infirmities
of
Old
Age
,
and
leaving
behind
him
an
old
Monarchy
rather
weakned
with
Innovations
of
Republicans
,
with
the
worst
of
Legacies
to
his
Son
and
Successor
;
A
discontented
People
,
an
Empty
Purse
,
with
a
Costly
War
,
into
which
he
was
not
so
much
engag'd
,
as
betray'd
.
And
now
we
are
arriv'd
to
what
all
the
Stirs
and
Tumults
of
our
Seditious
Souls
,
our
discontented
Daemocraticks
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
,
did
aim
at
and
design
,
the
Destruction
of
the
Monarchy
,
which
they
could
not
accomplish
till
this
of
King
Charles
,
in
that
they
never
left
till
they
laid
such
a
Plot
,
that
at
last
laid
all
the
Land
in
Blood
,
and
made
an
whole
Kingdom
an
Akeldama
:
For
that
they
first
quarrell'd
at
the
Formality
of
his
Coronation
,
because
in
the
Sacred
Part
of
it
,
the
Prayer
for
giving
him
Peter's
Key
,
was
first
added
:
This
some
silly
Sots
suggested
to
savour
of
Popery
tho'
,
it
struck
purposely
at
the
very
Popes
Supremacy
it self
.
For
that
they
begun
to
Tax
their
King
for
taking
his
Tonnage
without
an
Act
,
and
yet
refus'd
to
pass
one
,
that
he
might
take
it
by
Law
,
unless
he
would
accept
of
it
in
Derogation
of
his
Royal
Prerogative
,
for
Years
,
or
precariously
,
during
the
Pleasure
of
the
Two
Houses
,
when
most
of
his
Ancestors
enjoy'd
it
for
life
.
Turner
and
Coke
led
up
the
dance
to
Sedition
,
and
reflect
upon
their
King
in
their
Speeches
:
The
Commons
command
his
Secretary
Office
and
Signet
to
be
searcht
,
and
might
as
well
have
rifled
his
Cabinets
too
:
They
clamour
against
his
favouring
of
Seminary
Priests
,
tho'
he
had
sent
home
the
very
Domesticks
of
the
Queen
,
and
that
even
to
a
disgust
to
France
,
and
a
rupture
with
that
Crown
:
They
upbraid
him
for
dissolving
Parliaments
,
tho'
grown
so
insolent
,
as
to
keep
out
the
Black-Rod
,
when
he
came
to
call
them
to
be
Dissolv'd
,
tho'
their
King
(
notwithstanding
the
provocations
)
assembled
another
assoon
,
and
that
tho'
he
had
the
fresh
President
of
the
then
King
of
France
,
That
had
laid
aside
his
for
a
less
presumption
:
Thus
they
call'd
all
his
Miseries
and
Misfortunes
,
Misgovernments
and
Faults
,
when
themselves
had
made
him
both
faulty
and
unfortunate
.
They
accuse
him
for
favouring
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
tho'
the
first
disorders
in
Dublin
were
,
by
his
diligence
,
so
vigorously
supprest
;
their
Goods
confiscated
,
their
Lands
seiz'd
,
their
Persons
imprisoned
,
and
such
severities
shew'd
them
by
his
Commissioners
there
,
that
two
Priests
hang'dthemselves
,
to
prevent
what
they
call'd
a
Persecution
.
The
Scot
Mutinies
,
upon
the
King
's
restoring
the
Lands
to
the
Church
,
of
which
,
but
in
the
minority
of
his
Father
,
it
had
been
robb'd
;
assail
the
Ministers
in
the
Church
,
in
the
very
administration
of
the
Sacrament
,
because
according
to
the
Service-Book
:
Protest
against
their
King's
Proclamations
;
set
up
their
four
Tables
at
Edenburgh
(
that
is
)
their
own
Councils
in
opposition
to
their
King
's
:
Hamilton
had
promised
them
as
Commissioner
to
convene
an
Assembly
;
they
come
and
call
a
Parliament
by
themselves
;
which
,
tho'
dissolv'd
,
they
protest
shall
sit
still
,
then
desperate
in
a
Sedition
,
break
out
into
open
War
,
Invite
Commanders
from
abroad
,
seize
Castles
at
home
,
agree
to
Articles
of
Pacification
;
and
then
break
all
with
as
much
Perjury
.
Lowden
their
Commissioner
sent
to
propose
Peace
:
At
the
same
time
treats
with
the
French
Ambassadour
for
War
;
bring
their
Army
into
Northumberland
and
Durham
,
and
prey
upon
those
Counties
they
had
promised
to
protect
;
while
the
Parliament
at
London
will
not
give
their
King
leave
,
or
the
Citizens
lend
a
penny
for
opposing
those
that
came
to
pull
him
out
of
his
Throne
.
At
the
Treaty
of
Rippon
,
they
quarrel
with
their
King
for
calling
them
Rebels
,
that
had
invaded
his
Realm
;
the
Commissioners
of
the
Scots
conspire
with
the
English
,
who
then
fall
upon
Impeaching
his
Privy
Counsellers
;
and
the
unfortunate
Strafford
suffers
first
,
because
so
ready
to
Impeach
some
of
them
;
and
they
make
that
Treason
in
a
Subject
,
against
the
King
,
which
was
heard
,
known
and
commanded
by
the
Soveraign
.
Then
follows
Lawd
,
a
Loyal
,
Learned
Prelate
,
and
that
only
for
defending
his
Church
from
Faction
and
Folly
:
As
they
posted
the
Straffordians
,
and
repair'd
in
Tumults
to
their
King
,
for
the
Head
of
that
Minister
of
State
;
so
Pennington
with
his
pack
of
Aprentices
,
petition'd
against
the
Bishops
and
the
Pillars
of
the
Church
:
Then
Starchamber
must
down
,
High
Commission
be
abolisht
:
Forest
bounds
limited
,
yet
all
too
little
to
please
,
when
the
Irish
Rebellion
followed
,
to
which
the
Scots
had
led
the
Dance
;
no
Moneys
to
be
levied
in
England
for
suppressing
it
,
till
the
King
had
disclaim'd
his
power
of
Pressing
Soulders
,
and
so
disarm'd
himself
;
that
is
,
he
was
not
to
fight
for
his
defence
,
till
they
had
disabl'd
him
for
Victory
:
They
quarrel
with
him
,
because
he
would
not
divide
among
them
the
Lands
of
the
Irish
before
they
were
quell'd
and
subdued
,
at
the
same
time
they
had
quite
incapacitated
him
to
Conquer
and
Subdue
them
.
Then
Acts
must
be
past
for
Annual
,
Triennial
,
and
at
last
,
perpetual
Parliaments
:
And
whereas
the
Law
says
,
The
King
never
Dies
,
they
made
themselves
all
Dictators
more
Immortal
:
They
were
summon'd
in
November
,
and
by
the
time
that
they
had
sate
,
to
May
,
they
had
made
of
a
Mighty
Monarch
,
a
meer
precarious
Prince
:
And
in
August
following
,
supposing
he
had
sufficiently
oblig'd
the
most
Seditious
Subjects
(
which
I
think
he
might
Imagine
,
when
he
had
made
himself
no
King
)
he
sets
out
for
Scotland
,
to
satisfie
them
as
much
there
,
while
the
Senate
of
Sedition
,
that
he
left
to
sit
behind
him
,
resolv'd
it self
into
a
sort
of
Committee
of
Conspiracy
,
and
that
of
almost
the
whole
House
;
made
a
Cabal
among
themselves
,
to
to
cast
off
the
Monarchy
,
which
the
Knaves
foresaw
could
not
be
done
but
by
the
Sword
,
and
therefore
cunningly
agreed
to
second
one
another
,
for
the
putting
the
Kingdom
into
a
posture
of
Defence
against
those
dangers
abroad
,
,
which
they
themseves
should
think
fit
to
feign
and
fancy
at
home
.
To
carry
on
their
Plot
against
the
Bishops
,
they
put
in
all
probability
that
lewd
Leighton
,
upon
writing
of
his
Plea
,
which
was
,
Bring
out
those
Enemies
and
slay
them
before
him
;
to
smite
those
Hazaels
under
the
fifth
Rib
:
For
which
in
the
Starchamber
he
was
Fin'd
and
Imprison'd
;
but
for
his
Sufferings
,
and
the
Dedication
of
his
Book
to
the
Commons
,
they
Vote
him
Ten
thousand
pound
.
Upon
the
Kings
return
from
his
Northern
Expedition
,
which
was
to
procure
Peace
only
with
a
shew
of
War
,
they
having
had
a
competent
time
for
Combination
and
Plot
,
were
arriv'd
to
that
exalted
Impudence
;
that
notwithstanding
he
was
received
with
Acclamations
from
all
the
common
People
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
People
whom
they
were
bound
to
represent
,
the
welcome
from
his
Parliament
was
to
present
him
with
Remonstrances
;
and
Petitions
(
which
against
his
very
express
order
they
Printed
and
Publisht
)
of
such
sort
of
Grievances
;
that
sufficiently
declared
they
were
griev'd
at
nothing
more
than
his
being
their
King
.
They
put
upon
his
Account
the
thirty
thousand
pounds
they
had
pay'd
the
Scots
,
for
Invading
England
;
that
is
,
they
gave
them
the
Moneys
for
Fighting
of
their
King
;
and
then
would
have
had
the
King
paid
his
own
Subjects
for
having
against
him
so
bravely
Fought
:
They
should
for
once
too
have
made
him
responsible
,
and
his
Majesty
their
Debtor
for
the
two
hundred
thousand
pounds
they
paid
the
same
Fellows
at
Newark
to
be
gone
,
whom
with
their
thirty
thousand
pounds
they
had
invited
in
before
:
They
should
have
made
the
King
pay
for
his
own
purchase
,
and
answerable
for
the
Price
the
Parliament
had
set
upon
his
Head
.
This
seem'd
such
an
unconscionable
fort
of
Impudence
,
that
their
hearts
must
needs
have
been
Brass
,
and
seer'd
as
well
as
their
Foreheads
in
offering
it
:
An
Impudence
that
none
but
such
an
Assembly
were
capable
of
:
Impudence
,
the
Diana
of
these
Beasts
of
Ephesus
,
the
Goddess
of
all
such
designing
Democraticks
[
*
](A58510-e133930-b)
*
Aude
aliquid
brevibus
〈◊〉
&
carcere
dignum
si
vis
esse
aliquid
,
Juvenal
.
Satyr
.
that
to
be
somewhat
,
in
the
true
sense
of
the
Satyrist
,
must
defie
a
Dungeon
.
These
their
Petitions
they
seconded
with
Tumult
and
Insurection
;
sent
the
Justices
of
Peace
to
the
Tower
,
only
for
endeavouring
to
suppress
these
Forerunners
of
a
Civil
War
,
when
they
had
taken
the
Liberty
to
Impeach
some
of
the
King
's
best
Subjects
for
Traytors
,
yet
deny'd
their
Soveraign
to
demand
their
Members
that
had
committed
High
Treason
.
About
the
twenty
eighth
of
January
,
1641
,
they
humbly
desire
the
Soveraignty
;
and
their
Petition
that
BEGUN
,
Most
Gracious
Soveraign
;
ENDED
only
in
this
,
Make
us
your
Lords
;
for
they
1st
.
demand
the
Tower
of
London
.
2ly
.
All
other
Forts
.
3ly
.
The
Militia
;
and
they
should
have
put
in
the
Crown
too
.
The
stupid
Sots
had
not
the
sense
to
consider
,
or
else
the
resolv'd
blindness
,
that
they
would
not
see
,
that
those
that
have
the
power
of
the
Army
must
be
no
longer
Subjects
,
but
the
Supream
power
:
The
King
,
you
may
be
sure
,
was
not
very
willing
to
make
himself
none
,
and
might
well
deny
the
deposing
of
himself
,
tho'
he
after
consented
,
even
to
this
for
a
time
;
but
what
he
would
not
grant
with
an
Act
,
they
seiz'd
with
an
Ordinance
;
and
though
they
took
the
Militia
,
which
was
none
of
theirs
,
by
Force
and
Arms
,
yet
Voted
against
their
King's
Commission
of
Array
that
was
settled
upon
him
by
Law
;
they
force
him
to
fly
to
the
Field
,
and
then
Vote
it
a
Deserting
the
Parliament
;
they
necessitate
him
to
set
up
his
Standard
at
Nottingham
,
and
then
call
it
a
Levying
War
;
they
Impeach
nine
Lords
for
following
their
King
,
and
yet
had
so
much
nonsense
,
as
to
call
them
Delinquents
,
which
the
[
*
](A58510-e134190-b)
*
Vid.
Com.
Lit.
1
Jnst.
p.
26.
B.
For
adherencv
to
the
Kings
Enemy
without
the
Realm
,
the
Delinquent
to
be
attained
of
High
Treason
.
Law
says
none
are
but
what
adhere
to
his
Enemies
:
they
send
out
their
General
,
fight
their
King
,
and
after
various
events
of
War
,
force
him
to
fly
to
the
perjur'd
Scot
,
to
whom
they
had
paid
an
hundred
thousand
pounds
to
come
in
,
and
were
glad
to
give
two
to
get
out
;
and
for
that
they
got
the
King
into
the
bargain
:
An
Act
of
the
Scot
that
was
compounded
of
all
the
sublimated
Vices
that
the
Register
of
Sins
,
or
Catalogue
of
Villanies
can
afford
;
feigned
Religion
,
forc'd
Hypocrisie
,
Falshood
,
Folly
,
Covetousness
,
Cowardize
,
Perjury
and
Treason
;
for
upon
his
refusal
to
Sign
their
Proposals
,
they
tell
him
the
defence
of
his
Person
in
the
Covenant
,
must
be
understood
only
as
it
relates
to
the
safety
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
upon
the
English
profering
them
the
Moneys
,
they
wou'd
prettily
perswade
him
,
that
the
promise
their
Army
made
him
for
his
preservation
,
could
not
be
kept
;
because
the
Souldiers
and
the
Army
were
different
things
,
and
the
Army
might
promise
what
the
Souldiers
might
refuse
,
and
were
unwilling
to
perform
.
But
this
purchase
of
their
double
Perjury
was
punisht
with
as
much
perfidiousness
;
their
Army
got
into
their
hands
for
nothing
;
the
poor
Prince
,
the
Parliament
thought
they
paid
for
too
dear
:
And
as
that
Seditious
Senate
sought
their
Soveraign
in
the
Name
of
King
and
Parliament
,
so
now
the
Souldiers
of
Fairsax
set
themselves
to
fight
the
Senate
,
for
the
sake
(
forsooth
)
of
the
Parliament
and
Army
:
Good
God!
Just
Heavens
!
that
could
visit
such
Vipers
,
such
Villains
,
in
the
same
villany
they
committed
;
and
make
such
Seditious
Hypocrites
suffer
by
as
much
Treason
and
Hypocrisie
.
Their
Agitators
menace
the
King
with
Death
and
Deposition
;
they
make
him
their
Prisoner
;
move
in
the
House
their
non-addresses
;
make
it
Treason
to
confer
with
their
King
;
set
up
an
Ordinance
for
his
Tryal
,
and
there
Sentence
,
that
against
which
Treason
could
only
be
committed
as
a
Traytor
to
the
State
.
And
here
then
,
With
what
face
can
the
Faction
justify
such
a
Barbarous
Rebellion
,
or
accuse
their
King
for
the
beginning
of
the
War
?
Yet
such
a
sort
of
Seditious
Democraticks
does
our
Land
afford
:
[
*
](A58510-e134430-b)
*
Vid.
Tryal
,
p.
26.
Sidney
says
,
Such
a
general
revolt
of
the
Subjects
can
not
be
call'd
a
Rebellion
:
And
[
†
](A58510-e134480-b)
†
Plato
Redivivus
,
p.
167.
Plato
,
Our
Parliament
never
did
as
they
pretended
make
War
upon
the
King
.
Till
such
persuasions
are
rooted
up
out
of
their
Rebellious
hearts
as
well
as
they
are
in
them
,
no
Prince
under
the
Heavens
can
protect
himself
from
such
resolute
Rebels
as
will
destroy
all
Subjection
in
the
World
,
and
make
the
blackest
Treason
our
own
Civil
War
but
a
prudential
act
of
State
,
and
even
of
Loyalty
it self
;
the
[
*
](A58510-e134570-b)
*
Ibid.
rescuing
the
King
only
out
of
those
Mens
hands
that
led
him
from
his
Parliament
:
But
do
not
they
tell
us
even
by
his
own
concession
in
one
of
their
Votes
,
That
it
was
the
King
that
was
seduc'd
;
and
must
it
not
be
the
King
too
that
they
would
reduce
;
and
by
what
means
,
why
therefore
they
say
they
take
up
Arms
;
and
did
they
design
to
command
their
Bullets
and
Ball
not
to
meddle
with
the
King
that
was
only
seduc'd
,
but
only
to
take
off
the
evill
Counsellors
that
were
his
Seducers
?
I
confess
,
could
they
have
promis'd
his
Majesty
so
much
,
he
might
have
took
them
for
good
Gunners
,
but
must
still
have
believ'd
them
bad
Subjects
that
would
have
put
it
to
the
venture
:
But
with
this
Gentleman
it
seems
it
was
a
sort
of
proclaimed
War
of
the
King
's
,
to
take
that
[
*
](A58510-e134670-b)
*
Ibid.
unfortunate
resolution
of
seizing
the
five
Members
:
Most
Factious
Fool
!
did
the
King
rebell
against
his
Subjects
,
only
when
he
came
to
seize
actual
Rebels
,
whom
himself
desired
only
to
be
Try'd
for
Treason
,
and
that
of
the
deepest
dye
;
for
inviting
in
a
Forreign
Foe
,
the
Scots
,
must
not
the
Parliament
without
the
King
be
the
Supream
power
,
if
the
King
can
be
said
to
Rebel
against
the
Parliament
?
but
this
Republican
that
expresly
makes
them
[
*
](A58510-e134720-b)
*
Ibid.
168.
Co-ordinate
,
may
as
well
call
them
Supream
;
for
these
Gentlemen
paid
off
the
King
for
his
unfortunate
resolution
,
and
declare
that
his
coming
to
their
House
was
High
Treason
:
And
well
might
the
King
shift
for
himself
,
when
they
had
made
his
Majesty
reside
in
the
House
of
Commons
.
Prethee
for
thy
senses
sake
,
who
levy'd
War
first
?
those
that
seiz'd
upon
the
King's
Forts
,
Magazines
,
Towns
,
Ships
and
Revenues
,
levy'd
Soldiers
;
or
the
King
that
had
nothing
of
Military
left
him
but
the
power
,
and
not
a
single
Company
of
Horse
or
Foot
that
he
had
rais'd
:
It
was
the
twentieth
of
October
,
1641.
they
brought
the
Trainbands
into
the
Palace
Yard
,
to
protect
themselves
;
that
is
,
to
terrify
their
King
:
It
was
the
eighth
of
January
,
1641.
that
forty
thousand
of
the
Inhabitants
of
London
put
themselves
in
Arms
,
to
fight
fifteen
hundred
of
the
King's
Horse
,
that
were
to
come
and
surprize
the
City
;
the
one
were
actually
Arm'd
,
the
other
never
came
or
design'd
to
come
:
They
riggout
the
Navy
on
March
the
2d
.
the
King's
Militia
is
seiz'd
,
and
new
Lieutenants
set
by
their
Ordinance
,
the
〈◊〉
of
March
,
1641.
and
on
the
twenty
third
of
April
they
deny'd
him
entrance
into
his
own
Garrison
at
Hull
;
the
tenth
of
May
the
Citizens
are
Mustering
twelve
thousand
Men
in
Finsbury
Fields
;
the
King
does
not
summon
his
Yorkshire
Gentlemen
till
the
twelfth
of
May
;
did
not
grant
out
his
Commission
of
Array
till
the
twentieth
of
June
,
when
they
had
sent
out
their
Orders
and
Proposals
for
Men
and
Horse
,
Money
and
Arms
,
the
tenth
;
did
not
set
up
his
Standard
at
Nottingham
till
after
the
twelfth
of
August
,
when
their
Parliament
had
rais'd
their
Army
the
seventh
of
July
:
And
this
Vote
of
their
King
's
being
seduc'd
by
wicked
Counsel
,
from
which
this
Sediious
Daemagogue
would
infer
the
King
declared
to
them
War
before
,
was
made
on
the
twentieth
of
May
,
which
was
after
they
had
seiz'd
his
Forts
and
Militia
,
his
Shipping
and
Navy
,
and
Muster'd
their
Citizens
in
the
Field
.
And
a
Month
before
the
King
sent
out
his
Commissions
of
Array
,
and
above
two
Months
before
his
Standard
was
set
up
.
That
this
is
exactly
truth
,
Consult
even
the
Exact
Collection
:
And
whether
this
Seditious
assertion
be
not
a
Devilish
lye
;
but
your
own
Breast
:
And
as
they
begun
this
War
of
Weapons
in
their
House
,
so
they
did
that
of
Words
too
;
and
invading
the
Prerogative
before
the
least
breach
of
Priviledge
.
One
[
*
](A58510-e135050-b)
*
Vid.
Baker
,
p.
435.
A.
D.
1625.
Turner
a
Physician
,
under
a
pretence
of
reflecting
on
Buckingham
,
abuses
the
best
of
Kings
:
Cook
,
amongst
other
Invectives
,
says
openly
,
It
was
better
to
dye
by
a
Forreign
Foe
,
than
be
destroyed
at
home
.
These
were
but
preludes
to
the
Liberty
the
licentious
Villains
took
afterward
,
when
Martin
declared
to
the
House
,
[
*
](A58510-e135150-b)
*
So
Plat.
Red.
p.
117.
That
the
King's
Office
was
forfitable
;
when
[
†
](A58510-e135190-b)
†
Vid.
The
Royal
,
and
the
Royalist's
Plea
,
printed
,
A.
D.
1647.
Sir
Henry
Ludlow
said
to
the
same
effect
,
That
his
Majesty
was
not
worthy
to
be
King
of
England
:
And
Prideaux
was
at
last
come
to
make
his
Speech
there
,
for
Abandoning
Monarchy
;
it
was
so
early
too
that
they
were
so
forward
to
Usurp
upon
the
Crown
,
that
even
in
this
Year
,
1625.
they
offer'd
to
search
the
King's
Signet
Office
,
and
examin'd
the
Letters
of
his
Secretary
of
State
;
all
this
was
offer'd
at
in
the
very
first
Parliament
that
he
summon'd
,
all
of
which
the
King
complain'd
to
them
of
by
[
*
](A58510-e135260-b)
*
Vid.
Lord
Keeper's
Speech
to
the
Parliament
,
A.
D.
1625.
Finch
then
the
Lord
Keeper
,
as
things
unwarrantable
and
unusual
;
they
prosecuted
too
Buckingham
with
the
more
violence
,
only
because
the
King
had
told
them
,
That
he
acted
nothing
of
publick
Employ
without
his
special
Warrant
;
That
he
had
discharged
his
trust
with
fidelity
;
That
he
had
merited
it
by
desert
,
and
that
it
was
his
express
Command
for
them
to
desist
from
such
an
unparliamentary
disquisition
:
And
for
my
part
I
cannot
apprehend
,
how
according
to
common
sense
and
reason
both
in
this
case
and
Strafford's
that
succeeded
;
they
could
make
those
Traytors
to
their
King
,
of
whom
their
King
declar'd
they
had
never
betray'd
their
trust
:
It
was
such
a
sort
of
Treason
against
their
King
,
which
their
King
knowing
and
approving
did
not
think
High
Treason
,
and
the
person
against
whom
it
could
only
be
committed
,
apprehending
no
Commission
of
it
at
all
.
But
those
Statesmen
were
so
unhappy
as
to
live
in
an
age
that
made
Treason
as
unlimited
as
ever
it
was
before
Edward
the
[
*
](A58510-e135460-b)
*
1.
Mar.
twenty
fifth
,
and
the
first
of
Mary
,
restrained
Treason
to
conspiring
against
the
King
,
and
the
Laws
of
all
the
World
makes
it
a
Crime
only
of
[
†
](A58510-e135510-b)
†
Lex
Julia
Inst.
4.
18.
3d.
Laesae
Majestatis
,
they
could
bring
it
now
to
a
levying
War
against
the
Majesty
of
the
[
*
](A58510-e135580-b)
*
Merc.
Polit.
People
.
A
hard
fate
for
many
Ministers
of
State
,
that
are
sacrific'd
sometimes
,
only
for
serving
too
well
.
But
these
proceedings
against
the
King
were
long
I
hope
,
before
the
King
proceeded
only
to
take
Traytors
out
of
an
House
of
Commons
;
this
was
seditiously
done
in
twenty
five
,
the
other
not
lawfully
attempted
till
forty
one
.
And
judg
now
malitious
Miscreants
!
where
,
when
,
and
by
whom
were
the
first
provocations
given
to
discontent
,
and
who
were
the
first
Agressors
in
a
barbarous
and
a
bloody
Civil
War
?
Why
don't
they
tell
us
too
our
present
Soveraign
invaded
first
the
Rebels
in
Scotland
,
and
those
that
〈◊〉
at
Lime
?
The
next
age
may
as
well
be
brought
to
believe
this
,
as
the
present
that
.
All
that
their
best
Advocates
(
unless
absolute
Rebellious
)
can
urge
in
their
defence
,
is
,
the
Parliament
seiz'd
only
upon
the
King's
Forts
,
for
fear
he
should
fortify
them
against
the
Parliament
:
very
good
,
that
is
,
they
first
made
War
upon
him
,
for
fear
he
should
make
War
upon
them
;
that
's
the
English
trick
of
it
:
And
I
can
tell
it
them
in
a
Spanish
one
too
;
so
Gondamor
got
Raleigh's
Head
he
told
them
,
not
for
the
mischief
he
had
done
them
,
but
for
that
which
he
might
do
.
But
had
not
the
Laws
provided
so
particularly
for
the
King
,
this
would
be
madness
and
cruel
injustice
even
among
common
Subjects
;
reduce
us
both
into
Hobs's
his
state
of
nature
and
his
fear
,
to
kill
every
one
we
meet
,
for
fear
of
being
kill'd
;
or
set
our
Neighbours
House
a
fire
,
for
fear
it
should
catch
of
it self
and
consume
our
own
.
And
now
be
witness
even
the
worst
and
the
most
warm
Assertor
of
a
Common-wealth
;
in
this
case
be
for
once
what
you
so
much
affect
,
Judge
between
you
and
your
King
.
The
King
had
his
Court
of
Starchamber
constituted
by
[
a
](A58510-e135970-b)
a
4
Institutes
,
c.
5.
Common
Law
,
and
confirmed
by
special
[
b
](A58510-e136000-b)
b
Reg.
Hen.
7.
Act
of
Parliament
:
The
Commons
they
send
up
a
[
c
](A58510-e136020-b)
c
The
9th
of
June
,
1641.
Vote
and
Bill
for
suppressing
it
:
The
High
Commission
was
establisht
by
the
[
d
](A58510-e136050-b)
d
1
El.
c.
1.
Statute
of
the
Queen
,
the
Commons
come
and
would
put
it
down
with
a
[
e
](A58510-e136070-b)
e
The
ninth
of
June
,
1641.
Vote
:
The
Court
of
Wards
and
Livery
,
the
tenures
of
which
were
even
[
f
](A58510-e136090-b)
f
4
Inst.
p.
192.
before
the
Conquest
,
and
drew
Ward
and
Marriage
after
it
;
was
establisht
by
particular
[
g
](A58510-e136130-b)
g
32.
H.
8.
c.
46.
Act
;
the
Commons
clamour
to
have
it
supprest
,
which
to
please
them
is
done
.
The
King
had
several
priviledges
that
belong
to
the
Clerk
of
his
Market
,
confirm'd
by
ancient
[
h
](A58510-e136160-b)
h
4
Inst.
c.
61
Custom
,
and
[
i
](A58510-e136180-b)
i
Ed.
1.
Hen.
8.
R.
2.
H.
5.
several
Statutes
,
abolisht
by
the
Parliament
in
the
Year
1641.
The
[
k
](A58510-e136190-b)
k
Chart.
Forest.
King
had
the
Courts
of
his
Forests
,
his
Judge
in
it
constituted
of
old
by
Writ
,
then
by
[
l
](A58510-e136200-b)
l
27.
H.
8.
c.
24.
Letters
Pattents
:
This
was
a
grievance
which
was
never
before
,
and
therefore
must
,
and
was
supprest
with
the
rest
:
The
[
m
](A58510-e136230-b)
m
Magn.
char.
c
29.
and
their
Petiton
of
Right
.
Law
required
no
person
was
to
be
Imprisoned
,
or
put
out
of
his
Lands
but
by
due
course
and
custom
:
None
to
be
adjudged
to
Death
but
by
the
Law
establisht
:
they
[
n
](A58510-e136250-b)
n
Dug
.
view
.
p.
68.
19.
April
confined
several
of
the
Kings
Subjects
,
send
the
Bishops
by
order
of
the
House
to
the
Tower
;
and
by
special
Bill
attaint
Strafford
;
and
Behead
Laud
[
o
](A58510-e136290-b)
o
10.
Jan.
1644.
with
an
Ordinance
.
Resolved
by
all
the
Judges
in
Queen
Elizabeths
time
,
that
to
levy
War
to
remove
evil
Counsellors
is
High
Treason
against
the
King
;
they
past
a
Vote
;
[
p
](A58510-e136320-b)
p
May.
20.
Exact
Coll.
p.
259.
that
the
King
was
seduc'd
by
evil
Counsellors
against
whom
they
levied
War
to
remove
.
There
is
a
[
q
](A58510-e136350-b)
q
12.
H.
7.
c.
1.
special
Statute
that
says
expresly
that
the
Subjects
that
aid
the
King
shall
not
be
molested
or
questioned
:
They
publisht
their
Declaration
,
[
r
](A58510-e136390-b)
r
17.
May.
Ex.
〈◊〉
.
p.
〈◊〉
.
That
it
was
against
the
Laws
and
Liberty
of
the
Kingdom
to
assist
the
King
,
that
the
Sherriff
of
the
County
ought
to
suppress
them
:
The
[
s
](A58510-e136430-b)
s
Coke
Lit.
p.
164.
Law
makes
those
Delinquents
that
adhere
to
the
King's
Enemies
:
they
[
t
](A58510-e136450-b)
t
20.
May.
Vote
those
that
serve
him
in
such
Wars
Traitors
by
a
Fundamental
Law
:
The
[
u
](A58510-e136490-b)
u
Ed.
2.
Statute
provides
that
the
Parliaments
should
assemble
peaceably
;
they
by
particular
order
bring
Horse
and
Foot
into
the
Palace
Yard
.
In
short
,
The
Parliament
first
seizes
the
Militia
,
against
an
express
[
x
](A58510-e136510-b)
x
7.
Ed.
1.
Act
that
setl'd
it
solely
on
the
King
:
The
King
sent
out
after
his
Comission
of
Array
,
for
which
he
was
impower'd
by
[
y
](A58510-e136540-b)
y
5.
H.
4.
Act
of
Parliament
:
The
Parliament
order
the
raising
an
Army
against
the
K.
declared
Treason
by
special
[
z
](A58510-e136560-b)
z
25.
E.
3.
Act
:
The
King
then
Summons
his
Subjects
to
his
assistance
at
[
a
](A58510-e136580-b)
a
5
July
,
42.
Exact
.
Coll.
York
,
and
comes
and
sets
up
his
Standard
at
Nottingham
,
&
for
that
was
warranted
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
[
b
](A58510-e136620-b)
b
1.
Ed.
2.
de
.
mi.
litibus
,
7.
Ed.
1.
several
Statutes
of
the
Realm
.
I
have
taken
this
pains
both
to
prove
that
bloody
War
,
that
general
Revolt
,
to
be
a
plain
Rebellion
;
and
that
the
War
it self
was
begun
by
those
that
were
the
only
Rebels
,
the
Parliament
;
because
you
see
that
both
those
positions
have
been
laid
down
among
our
[
*
](A58510-e136710-b)
*
Sidney's
Tryal
,
p.
26.
Plato
Redivivus
,
p.
167.
Republicans
;
either
of
which
should
it
gain
credit
,
is
enough
to
run
us
again
all
into
Blood
:
And
both
together
as
false
as
Hell
,
and
can
be
the
Doctrine
of
none
but
what
's
the
Author
of
all
Sedition
;
the
Devil
.
These
were
the
Plots
which
they
practis'd
upon
that
poor
Prince
,
whose
Sincerity
was
always
such
,
that
he
could
not
suspect
in
Nature
such
a
sort
of
designing
Villains
;
nor
humane
Wit
,
well
imagine
such
ingrateful
Monsters
,
that
for
their
King
's
continual
Concessions
to
better
the
Conditions
of
his
Subjects
,
should
still
Plot
upon
him
to
render
his
own
the
worse
.
Here
we
saw
what
all
these
Positions
,
Principles
,
Practises
;
all
their
Preaching
,
Praying
,
Printing
did
tend
to
,
and
terminate
in
;
the
People
enslav'd
,
the
Monarch
murder'd
,
the
Government
undermin'd
:
But
as
these
Maxims
of
our
Democratick's
were
destructive
to
our
Monarchy
,
and
produc'd
(
as
you
have
seen
)
those
Plots
and
conspiracies
that
subverted
it
,
so
shall
we
see
by
subsequent
Events
,
and
be
inform'd
from
as
much
Matter
of
Fact
,
what
I
have
heretofore
insinuated
,
only
from
the
force
of
Reason
,
that
the
same
Principles
after
they
had
set
up
their
Commonwealth
,
made
them
Plot
too
upon
one
another
.
When
the
Parliament
had
imprison'd
their
King
,
whom
they
bought
for
a
Slave
,
confin'd
him
with
a
merciless
Cruelty
at
Holdenby-house
,
then
a
Castle
and
Garrison
;
and
by
that
Act
made
him
no
more
a
Monarch
,
but
a
Prisoner
of
War
;
themselves
no
more
his
Subjects
,
but
his
Masters
and
Sovereigns
;
the
Parliament
having
had
so
far
the
End
of
their
Plot
upon
the
King
,
now
the
Army
take
their
Turn
to
Plot
upon
the
Parliament
,
who
when
they
had
made
their
Monarch
accountable
to
their
Memberships
,
might
as
well
sure
expect
by
their
Servants
to
be
call'd
to
account
.
The
Parliament
when
they
had
wrested
the
Sword
out
of
the
King's
Hand
,
knew
themselves
the
Supream
Power
,
and
were
as
certain
they
could
as
soon
send
him
packing
with
his
Supream
Right
:
The
Soldiers
now
are
sensible
that
the
Members
of
the
Army
have
that
Sword
in
their
Hand
,
which
the
Parliament
took
out
of
the
King
's
,
and
see
no
reason
why
they
may
not
make
themselves
the
Supream
Parliament
;
(
for
this
their
Original
Right
of
the
People
over
the
Magistrate
,
will
always
I
warrant
you
,
be
appropriated
to
that
part
of
it
that
has
an
Actual
Power
)
and
that
they
found
,
for
Cromwel
conspires
with
his
Adjutators
,
who
(
like
provok'd
Beasts
)
begin
to
be
warm'd
into
a
perception
of
their
own
Strength
;
which
even
when
a
Horse
comes
to
know
,
to
be
sure
,
he
'll
throw
his
Rider
:
For
this
he
fools
his
Fellow-Senators
with
a
Suggestion
of
his
readiness
to
suppress
any
Soldiers
Insurrection
,
at
the
same
time
that
he
set
them
on
to
rise
.
The
Parliament
had
plotted
by
Subscription
and
Petitioning
,
to
advance
their
Power
upon
the
King
;
their
humble
Servants
the
Soldiers
now
subscribe
,
petition
that
the
Parliament
would
be
pleas'd
to
submit
to
their
Power
,
send
to
the
Good
Houses
at
Westminster
the
[
*
](A58510-e137080-b)
*
Histor.
Independ.
p.
27.
Representation
of
their
Army
,
that
they
(
forsooth
)
were
the
Delinquents
now
,
and
that
they
be
speedily
purg'd
of
such
Members
as
for
Delinquency
were
not
to
sit
there
:
They
make
eleven
of
them
Traytors
,
[
†
](A58510-e137140-b)
†
Ibid.
impeach
them
of
High-Treason
to
the
Army
,
when
both
Impeachers
,
and
Impeach'd
,
had
forfeited
their
Heads
to
the
King
:
They
had
Counterplotted
this
with
an
[
*
](A58510-e137150-b)
*
Ibid.
Ordinance
of
the
House
for
the
Disbanding
the
Army
;
but
the
Army
found
they
had
a
more
fearful
Ordnance
for
them
in
the
Field
;
they
had
under
their
Command
the
Militia
of
the
Camp
,
and
so
resolve
to
command
that
too
of
the
City
:
The
Contrivance
for
this
is
first
Fairfax
his
Remonstrance
,
to
which
the
Commons
[
†
](A58510-e137200-b)
†
Ibid.
p.
40.
submit
;
but
for
that
the
Apprentices
that
had
served
them
before
against
their
King
,
come
now
in
as
[
*
](A58510-e137220-b)
*
Ibid.
tumultuous
a
manner
,
and
frightn'd
them
into
a
Flight
to
the
Army
,
that
so
their
City
might
retain
its
Militia
.
The
Westminster-men
that
stay'd
,
plot
against
the
Men
at
Windsor
that
were
fled
,
call
in
the
Members
that
their
Army
had
impeach'd
;
for
this
the
[
†
](A58510-e137250-b)
†
Ibid.
p.
44
,
45
,
46
,
47
,
48.
Soldiers
sign
an
Engagement
,
send
a
Remonstrance
,
and
themselves
as
soon
conspire
to
follow
;
march
toward
the
City
,
draw
up
at
Hownslow-heath
;
send
their
General
with
a
Party
to
make
a
new
Parliament
,
or
patch
up
the
old
.
To
prevent
the
Personal
Treaty
with
the
King
,
they
drew
up
their
Agreement
of
the
PEOPLE
,
resolv'd
on
their
Votes
of
Non-addressing
,
which
recall'd
,
they
again
re-extorted
,
rejected
the
Lords
for
refusing
to
Judge
their
King
,
whom
having
dispatcht
,
there
remain'd
the
Rump
,
that
is
,
the
remnant
of
the
Commons
;
the
Creatures
,
or
rather
Created
Council
of
an
Army
,
and
all
the
late
flourishing
Democracy
of
the
long
Parliament
and
the
two
Houses
,
turn'd
into
a
perfect
Oligarchy
of
Officers
:
And
all
what
those
Devils
had
possest
themselves
of
by
Treason
before
,
torn
from
their
hands
by
a
Legion
of
worse
,
with
as
much
Treachery
and
Plot.
And
one
would
think
that
all
Plotting
,
that
all
conspiring
should
have
been
over
now
;
but
you
shall
see
that
the
same
principles
that
prevail'd
upon
the
Rebels
to
ruin
the
Monarchy
,
and
run
it
into
a
Republick
;
that
promoted
the
Army
to
destroy
the
then
Democracy
,
and
so
set
up
their
own
Oligarchy
;
did
also
incite
a
single
Usurper
among
those
few
to
set
up
for
himself
,
and
turn
it
into
true
Tyranny
:
Their
own
positions
first
plac'd
the
Supremacy
in
the
Parliament
;
because
the
two
States
were
greater
than
the
King
that
made
but
one
:
The
Army
places
the
supremacy
in
their
Sword
,
because
it
was
greater
in
the
Field
than
the
two
States
in
the
House
;
and
then
comes
Cromwel
and
setl'd
the
supremacy
on
himself
;
because
the
sole
Commander
of
all
the
Army
:
his
success
at
Dunbar
,
and
the
routing
of
the
Scot
,
did
so
much
his
business
,
that
there
could
remain
but
little
opposition
of
a
Rump
;
and
a
Man
that
is
made
by
a
weaker
power
but
once
a
General
,
can
soon
make
himself
by
his
own
strength
the
Generalissimo
;
he
had
formerly
been
so
prevalent
as
to
procure
Petitions
,
Addresses
,
Remonstrances
,
for
the
establishment
of
that
patch'd
piece
of
Parliament
(
and
all
our
Metaphysicks
will
allow
,
that
what
can
create
,
can
as
soon
annihilate
)
he
found
his
Omnipotency
in
this
point
,
he
knew
he
had
set
them
up
against
all
Right
,
and
therefore
had
the
more
to
run
them
down
without
Wrong
,
and
that
as
he
did
design
,
so
he
effected
too
.
It
was
indeed
a
Parliament
of
Soldiers
,
and
he
serv'd
them
like
a
General
,
only
by
signifying
to
them
to
Disband
,
and
they
not
daring
to
deny
,
determin
their
sitting
to
be
on
the
fifth
of
November
following
:
But
he
not
willing
to
tarry
so
long
a
Servant
to
those
he
could
command
to
obey
;
those
that
would
not
so
soon
Disband
;
he
comes
and
Cashiers
by
April
,
1653.
and
with
his
Lambert
and
Harrison
sends
packing
that
everlasting
Parliament
.
And
now
here
is
the
result
of
their
principles
in
a
second
Plot
upon
themselves
,
and
a
new
model
of
Government
;
for
the
former
they
had
abolisht
was
but
the
Government
of
a
few
,
an
absolute
Oligarchy
,
tho'
they
were
pleas'd
to
call
it
the
Common-wealth
of
England
,
as
if
it
had
been
but
Democratical
,
when
not
the
tenth
part
of
the
People
were
represented
by
those
Administrators
;
but
so
they
had
the
confidence
to
call
them
a
Parliament
too
;
but
their
words
had
commonly
as
much
sense
in
them
as
their
actions
had
Loyalty
.
But
Oliver
having
Plotted
them
out
of
all
,
had
now
no
great
need
of
any
Politick
Plot
for
himself
:
It
would
puzzle
now
our
Politicians
to
tell
me
where
at
this
time
was
their
[
*
](A58510-e137790-b)
*
Sidney's
Tryal
,
p
23.
Supream
original
power
of
the
People
,
their
natural
Liberty
,
and
that
Delegatory
right
they
are
to
communicate
to
Representatives
:
There
was
no
King
,
no
Parliament
,
no
Rump
,
and
as
yet
no
Protector
:
The
Disciples
of
Mr.
Sidney's
Doctrine
must
say
,
forsooth
,
The
Supream
Power
was
then
in
the
People
;
(
but
as
the
Devil
would
have
it
)
Cromwel
had
got
the
supream
strength
:
Strength
and
power
I
confess
,
are
mighty
different
,
and
just
distinguisht
by
the
same
Metaphysicks
the
Scots
put
upon
the
King
at
Newark
,
when
they
would
persuade
him
,
The
Army
was
one
thing
,
and
the
Soldiers
of
it
another
;
but
if
this
People
had
then
the
supream
power
,
why
did
they
not
assemble
themselves
into
a
Parliament
,
since
there
was
no
Writ
from
above
to
call
them
to
the
Assembly
?
But
our
History
tells
us
,
Oliver
call'd
it
,
and
what
for
?
why
say
our
Republicans
,
That
the
People
might
confer
upon
him
their
supream
original
Power
,
which
he
could
not
assume
without
their
consent
;
very
good
:
So
Cromwel
was
willing
this
supream
power
should
be
settl'd
upon
him
by
Parliament
;
therefore
he
calls
the
Parliament
;
i.e.
gives
it
the
supream
power
,
&
they
in
common
Civility
could
not
avoid
to
give
it
him
again
:
But
where
but
a
grain
of
sense
settle
this
Supremacy
,
in
him
that
call'd
them
to
assemble
,
or
in
those
that
were
assembl'd
at
his
call
;
I
confess
,
if
the
cunning
Canary
Birds
could
but
contrive
,
as
once
they
did
design
,
such
a
rare
Parliament
,
that
like
the
Bird
of
Asia
,
should
rise
from
the
ashes
of
it's
Ancestors
,
we
might
have
one
then
,
not
only
long
,
but
everlasting
.
But
even
this
,
tho'
then
,
attempted
to
have
been
enacted
,
would
have
been
but
Nonsense
and
absurd
,
and
sit
only
to
have
past
in
that
Parliament
which
he
call'd
;
who
made
many
[
*
](A58510-e138090-b)
*
Oliver's
first
Parliament
made
the
silly
Acts
about
Marriages
.
Laws
just
as
ridiculous
,
for
thosethat
have
a
power
to
dissolve
themselves
,
by
the
same
reason
would
have
a
power
to
summon
another
,
and
then
must
is
sue
out
their
Writs
either
before
their
dissolution
,
or
after
;
if
after
,
then
it
is
without
authority
,
and
by
no
part
of
the
Government
;
and
if
before
,
then
a
new
one
must
be
summoning
before
the
old
is
dissolv'd
;
and
if
the
Writs
should
be
but
of
force
from
the
time
of
dissolution
,
the
Country
Electors
must
be
said
to
be
conven'd
by
the
supream
Authority
that
is
dissolv'd
.
Cromwel
and
his
Conspirators
foresaw
they
would
be
confounded
with
such
absurdities
,
and
they
found
themselves
plung'd
into
as
much
confusion
;
and
then
,
pray
,
what
did
they
do
with
this
Sidney's
supream
original
power
that
they
did
not
know
what
to
make
of
,
or
how
to
use
,
tho'
it
lay
upon
their
hands
?
why
,
they
surrender
it
to
a
single
person
,
from
whom
they
thought
they
had
it
,
and
so
the
Usurper
had
his
design
The
next
Plot
was
,
how
they
could
play
the
Knaves
to
get
that
Power
again
,
which
they
thought
they
had
parted
with
like
Fools
:
Cromwel
was
cunning
enough
to
hold
what
he
had
gotten
,
and
never
parted
with
it
but
with
his
Breath
;
tho'
the
Levellers
,
the
Anabaptists
and
Fifth-Monarchy
Men
conspir'd
for
Insurrections
,
and
Lambert
himself
left
little
undone
to
supplant
him
.
But
when
his
Son
succeeded
,
whose
silliness
only
made
him
not
sit
so
long
a
Usurper
,
they
soon
found
opportunity
to
set
him
aside
:
As
they
had
pleas'd
Oliver
with
making
him
a
[
*
](A58510-e138270-b)
*
Protector
.
Mock
King
,
so
he
to
pleasure
them
had
mock't
them
with
an
[
†
](A58510-e138310-b)
†
The
other
House
.
House
of
Lords
:
And
Richard's
first
Parliament
,
being
made
up
of
most
Commonwealthsmen
,
fall
foul
upon
that
new
Constitution
which
was
indeed
as
filthy
,
they
take
themselves
,
without
the
Protector
and
that
other
House
,
to
be
the
Supream
Power
:
Lambert
and
Fleetwood
that
first
upon
the
Principles
of
these
Rebels
and
Republicans
had
promoted
the
Affairs
of
the
Father
,
fall
now
to
Plotting
upon
the
same
grounds
of
LIBERTY
(
which
with
Daemocraticks
is
to
do
what
they
list
)
to
depose
his
Son
;
and
't
is
no
wonder
that
those
should
fail
in
their
Faith
to
a
Rebel
,
that
had
revolted
from
their
Prince
:
For
this
therefore
they
have
freequent
Meetings
at
Wallingford
House
,
and
the
Parliament
seeming
as
uneasie
under
him
as
they
,
and
they
as
uneasie
under
the
Parliament
,
they
send
Desborough
to
get
its
dissolution
to
be
signed
by
the
Protector
;
at
the
same
time
they
make
their
Messenger
to
dissolve
it
by
themselves
.
Richard
signs
it
,
and
presently
after
is
forc'd
to
his
own
Resignation
,
and
that
to
just
no
Body
;
and
all
is
brought
to
what
all
such
Principles
and
Practises
always
tend
to
,
perfect
Anarchy
and
Confusion
:
The
Protector
here
quarrels
with
the
Parliament
and
the
Army
,
the
Parliament
with
the
Army
and
Protector
,
the
Army
with
the
Protector
and
Parliament
;
till
at
last
they
leave
us
neither
Parliament
,
Protector
,
or
Army
.
When
they
had
brought
the
Government
to
be
just
no
where
,
Richard
having
been
Plotted
upon
to
resign
to
just
no
Body
,
some
of
the
rebel
Rump
,
with
Lenthal
their
Speaker
,
Lambert
their
Officer
take
it
up
as
Scavengers
do
a
piece
of
Silver
they
find
in
the
kennel
,
or
dropt
in
the
street
;
these
by
the
Army
are
declared
a
Parliament
,
because
they
resolv'd
themselves
to
be
so
first
,
and
the
People
at
present
could
not
tell
where
to
find
out
another
;
the
secluded
Members
offer'd
to
run
in
too
,
but
were
Fools
for
their
pains
,
and
repuls'd
with
as
much
violence
;
for
they
might
well
have
foreseen
and
imagin'd
,
that
those
that
threw
them
out
before
,
had
their
Swords
in
their
hands
still
,
and
to
be
sure
were
much
rather
for
their
room
than
their
company
;
and
that
they
found
,
when
they
set
their
Souldiers
with
their
Swords
drawn
to
keep
them
out
,
and
their
most
Legislative
Arms
soon
suspended
them
from
the
medling
in
the
making
of
Laws
.
Thus
re-instated
and
establisht
into
that
Oligarchical
Tyranny
that
first
turn'd
off
all
Monarchy
,
and
took
off
the
King's
Head
,
and
this
re-establishment
of
the
most
desperate
Rebels
confirmed
with
the
approbation
of
the
Army
;
one
would
have
thought
their
very
Master
,
the
Devil
,
could
never
have
undermin'd
or
made
them
again
to
miscarry
.
But
yet
so
it
happen'd
;
for
these
Principles
of
our
Republicans
,
having
made
all
obedience
meerly
precarious
,
and
utterly
defac'd
the
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
,
to
be
subject
for
Conscience
sake
,
as
well
as
repeal'd
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
that
required
them
to
be
so
by
Law
:
Why
now
,
they
were
left
at
liberty
,
and
truly
did
as
licentiously
practise
;
the
〈◊〉
any
frame
themselves
had
establisht
,
and
that
too
,
before
they
had
consider'd
what
to
set
up
.
I
won't
insist
for
it
here
,
upon
the
Insurrection
of
the
Cheshire
men
,
and
the
business
of
Booth
,
which
by
my
little
light
of
reason
,
and
the
not
unlikely
Remarks
to
be
made
from
the
least
History
I
have
read
,
was
really
a
design
to
supplant
this
restored
Rump
:
Headed
by
one
of
the
most
eminent
of
the
secluded
Members
,
that
probably
in
meer
revenge
resolved
upon
a
Free
Parliament
;
that
is
,
because
they
had
not
the
Freedom
to
sit
with
them
that
secluded
them
:
But
that
Plot
which
gave
them
the
lift
again
now
,
was
that
of
Lambert
himself
that
had
lifted
them
into
the
Saddle
;
where
himself
design'd
they
were
not
to
sit
long
:
For
Oliver
,
having
taught
him
the
way
to
a
Protectorate
,
as
well
as
(
't
is
thought
)
promised
him
in
it
a
Succession
,
was
resolv'd
to
leave
nothing
unessay'd
to
settle
himself
in
that
power
,
to
which
he
once
thought
he
should
otherwise
succeed
:
and
being
Commission'd
by
these
Masters
he
had
made
,
and
sent
to
suppress
this
Presbyterian
Insurrection
,
which
he
did
with
success
;
he
found
it
too
the
most
seasonable
time
to
carry
on
his
design
,
and
so
carresses
his
Soldiers
into
a
Seditious
Tumultuous
Petition
for
a
General
to
be
set
over
the
Army
out
of
the
Soldiers
themselves
,
for
these
Swords-Men
could
not
relish
that
the
Gown
,
the
Speaker
,
a
Lenthal
(
that
then
lookt
like
the
Generalissimo
)
should
Lord
it
over
Arms
,
that
is
in
English
,
be
above
their
Lambert
.
The
Men
of
Westminster
made
a
shift
to
keep
up
so
much
Courage
as
to
make
this
Remonstrance
dangerous
to
the
Commonwealth
,
and
Vote
the
Commissions
of
the
Wallingford
Men
to
be
void
:
But
Lambert
,
that
had
shuffl'd
so
well
,
and
pact
his
Cards
with
Oliver
,
knew
how
to
play
them
now
as
well
for
himself
;
and
therefore
as
[
*
](A58510-e139010-b)
*
Hist.
Indep
.
Pt.
4.
p.
66
,
67.
Cromwel
had
turn'd
them
out
of
the
House
before
,
he
comes
and
keeps
them
from
getting
in
,
insomuch
that
when
Lenthal
came
to
the
[
†
](A58510-e139160-b)
†
An.
Dom.
1659.
Oct.
26.
Hist.
Indep
.
Pt.
4.
p
68.
Committee
of
safety
,
in
which
to
be
sure
himself
must
sit
as
President
.
In
the
next
place
they
fell
a
Ploting
to
get
themselves
in
,
that
had
been
so
often
at
in
and
out
;
and
for
this
they
put
up
Petitions
for
a
free
Parliament
from
all
Parts
:
〈◊〉
runs
down
to
Portsmouth
,
which
Revolts
,
and
those
that
were
sent
to
reduce
it
turn
Renegadoes
;
Lawson
and
his
Fellows
in
the
Navy
declare
against
the
Committee
;
Fairfax
favours
the
Rump
,
and
raises
Forces
,
and
they
fell
secretly
to
the
Listing
of
Soldiers
in
Cornwal
and
the
Western
Counties
;
and
't
was
time
then
for
this
Council
of
Safety
to
look
to
save
themselves
:
but
nothing
frighted
them
more
into
the
re-admission
of
the
Rump
,
but
the
unresistible
march
of
the
mighty
Monk
;
that
Fabius
of
our
Isle
,
that
like
the
Roman
Cunctator
,
restor'd
us
our
King
by
his
prudential
delays
,
for
these
Rumpers
〈◊〉
return'd
again
into
the
House
,
were
far
enough
from
declaring
for
a
free
Parliament
,
which
they
still
cla
mour'd
for
so
much
when
they
were
shut
out
:
Nay
,
they
would
not
so
much
as
suffer
the
secluded
to
sit
among
them
now
neither
,
till
the
good
General
came
and
settl'd
them
himself
;
and
now
,
tho'
all
the
Villains
were
in
again
that
had
begun
the
War
,
unless
such
as
dy'd
in
the
Rebellion
;
tho'
they
saw
all
the
sad
effects
and
confusions
they
had
brought
upon
the
Kingdom
;
yet
so
far
were
the
Rebels
from
remorse
,
that
they
justify
by
[
*
](A58510-e139450-b)
*
Baker's
Chron.
p.
694.
Vote
the
War
with
his
Majesty
,
and
past
two
more
out
of
a
perfect
Plot
and
Design
to
keep
the
Royalist
from
being
returned
in
the
Parliament
,
that
was
to
ensue
their
Dissolution
;
but
Dissolv'd
they
were
,
and
that
in
effect
by
the
good
General
;
and
their
Plotting
Votes
against
the
Royalist
and
the
Restauration
prov'd
as
illusory
and
vain
.
Thus
the
Principles
and
Positions
of
these
discontented
Democraticks
,
and
implacable
Republicans
,
made
them
still
uneasie
under
those
very
Establishments
they
set
up
,
confounded
them
so
,
that
they
did
not
know
how
to
please
themselves
,
but
still
kept
Plotting
one
anothers
Ruin
and
Destruction
.
The
King
was
by
miracle
restored
,
whom
Heavens
by
its
repeated
Providence
had
preserv'd
;
and
one
would
have
thought
such
a
signal
signification
of
the
concern
God
himself
had
for
so
good
a
Government
,
should
have
made
even
the
Devil
himself
despair
to
undermine
it
,
when
founded
even
by
a
divine
fate
;
and
to
destroy
the
Monarchy
,
look'd
like
a
Design
to
circumvent
the
Almighty
.
But
no
sooner
was
our
Sovereign
Seated
in
his
Throne
,
but
they
Plot
again
to
pull
him
out
.
And
the
first
was
that
of
Venner
and
his
Fift-Monarchy
Men
;
their
Leader
a
silly
Cooper
that
had
liv'd
sometime
in
New-England
,
but
come
home
,
set
up
a
Conventicle
in
Coleman
street
,
and
made
their
consult
of
Conspiracy
in
the
very
place
they
came
to
pay
their
Devotions
,
endeavouring
to
reconcile
as
near
as
they
could
their
very
Religion
to
be
Rebellion
.
On
Sunday
the
sixth
of
January
,
the
Cane
Wood.
But
on
the
Wednesday
morning
after
they
return
to
renew
their
Rebellious
design
;
they
divided
themselves
into
Parties
,
and
about
Leaden-Hall
fought
it
out
obstinately
,
and
too
stoutly
with
the
Trainbands
:
But
some
of
the
Guards
,
Commanded
then
by
the
Duke
of
York
(
and
now
our
present
Sovereign
,
whom
Heaven
protect
to
defeat
all
Rebellions
)
with
the
General
and
his
more
disciplin'd
Soldiers
soon
made
them
give
ground
and
retreat
,
and
at
last
run
away
in
as
much
confusion
.
Colonel
Corbet
routs
another
Party
of
them
about
Wood-street
;
and
such
inveterate
Villains
had
the
Preaching
these
Principles
render'd
them
;
that
when
they
were
broken
and
dispers'd
,
they
would
refuse
Quarter
;
sixteen
or
seventeen
being
taken
,
were
at
the
Old
〈◊〉
Try'd
,
Convicted
,
Sentenc'd
,
five
or
six
Pardon'd
,
andthe
rest
Executed
.
In
December
was
detected
another
William
Hill
,
one
of
the
Accomplices
,
or
a
pretender
to
be
so
,
discovers
it
.
A
Plot
they
had
of
confounding
the
Rogues
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
at
Whitehall
,
imparted
to
him
by
one
Baker
,
one
of
Oliver's
Yeomen
of
the
Guard
,
upon
presumption
that
he
would
side
with
them
,
who
brings
him
acquainted
with
the
rest
of
the
Conspirators
;
their
Design
was
with
four
or
sive
hundred
Men
to
surprize
the
Castle
of
Windsor
:
Riggs
,
one
of
the
Conspirators
told
him
of
the
Arms
lodg'd
in
Crutchet
Friers
,
that
five
hundred
had
been
dispers'd
,
that
they
design'd
a
desperate
assault
on
Whitehall
〈◊〉
.
Wil.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
prefixt
to
their
Tryal
.
to
deliver
them
from
the
Tyranny
of
that
Outlandish
Dog
,
for
so
they
call'd
the
King
:
That
〈◊〉
was
to
be
their
General
;
that
all
other
Officers
were
agreed
on
;
that
the
Tower
was
to
be
betrayed
to
them
;
Letters
dispersed
to
amuse
the
People
with
a
Massacre
from
the
Papists
,
one
of
which
,
on
the
Tryal
of
the
Conspirators
,
was
produced
in
the
Court
;
they
told
him
they
determin'd
to
rid
themselves
of
King
,
Queen
,
Dukes
,
Bishops
,
all
should
go
one
way
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
and
the
Insurrection
was
to
be
on
the
Lord
Mayor's
Night
:
Upon
this
Discovery
one
Tongue
and
five
more
were
Arraigned
,
of
which
one
Phillips
,
and
Hind
confest
the
Fact
on
their
knees
at
the
Bar
,
were
pardoned
,
the
other
four
Convicted
,
Condemned
and
Executed
.
In
March
,
1663.
a
Plot
was
Discovered
in
the
North
of
England
;
the
principal
Contrivers
of
it
being
imparted
to
the
King
,
were
secured
from
proceeding
further
.
And
in
1666.
when
the
King
returned
from
Windsor
to
Oxford
(
the
Pestilence
being
abated
,
tho'
the
Plague
&
product
of
their
Pestilential
principles
remained
as
raging
.
)
Another
Conspiracy
of
discontented
Officers
is
detected
,
for
Conspiring
the
Death
of
the
King
,
Plotting
the
surprisal
of
the
Tower
,
Firing
the
City
:
They
had
two
Councils
sitting
,
one
in
London
,
to
issue
out
all
Orders
upon
the
place
;
and
another
in
Holland
,
that
assisted
them
with
Instructions
;
the
third
of
September
was
sworn
to
be
the
day
of
Design
,
for
which
eight
several
Persons
were
Sentenc'd
,
and
suffer'd
Death
.
In
the
same
Year
the
Rebellion
broke
out
in
Scotland
at
Pentland
Hills
,
where
the
Covenanters
fought
the
King's
Forces
,
and
were
defeated
.
In
1675.
the
late
Lord
Shaftsbury
,
a
Person
eminent
even
in
the
late
Combustions
,
and
the
Civil
War
;
a
person
that
was
but
just
before
preferr'd
by
his
Prince
,
notwithstanding
the
many
Services
he
did
to
the
Rebels
,
and
an
actual
being
in
Arms
for
the
Parliament
:
But
he
thinking
himself
too
little
obliged
by
the
Crown
,
that
had
never
deserv'd
the
least
obligation
,
Plots
for
the
Dissolution
of
that
Parliament
,
that
as
it
had
settl'd
,
so
preserv'd
the
very
frame
of
the
Government
from
being
dissolv'd
;
and
because
he
could
not
compass
it
from
the
King
,
contrives
that
it
should
pass
currant
,
that
it
was
Dissolv'd
of
course
,
because
Prorogu'd
for
fifteen
Monhs
,
contrary
to
the
Acts
of
King
Ed.
the
Third
,
that
required
one
to
assemble
,
once
at
least
in
twelve
:
The
Duke
of
Bucks
is
made
to
move
it
in
the
House
,
seconded
by
Shaftsbury
,
Salesbury
and
Wharton
,
and
for
that
all
four
sent
to
the
Tower
;
but
however
had
dispers'd
the
Design
so
far
,
that
the
Stalls
were
all
cover'd
with
Papers
and
Pamphlets
to
prove
them
Dissolv'd
,
which
had
it
been
then
effected
,
had
only
reduc'd
us
to
those
Confusions
that
the
unhappy
Dissolution
in
four
years
after
did
unfortunately
bring
about
.
In
March
,
1679.
the
same
Incendiary
,
the
Beautefeu
of
both
Kingdoms
,
contrives
a
most
silly
,
canting
,
ridiculous
Speech
,
and
said
to
be
spoken
by
Shaftsbury
in
the
House
of
Lords
;
the
[
*
](A58510-e140300-b)
*
Vid.
The
whole
,
in
an
〈◊〉
Account
〈◊〉
the
Proceedings
in
the
Parliament
at
London
,
1679.
substance
of
it
being
a
declaiming
against
the
Sufferings
of
Scotland
;
many
Copies
of
which
were
as
Seditiously
sent
thither
,
&
so
animated
and
incensed
the
zealous
Scots
,
that
they
soon
after
set
upon
the
Bishop
of
St.
Andrews
,
barbarously
Murder'd
him
;
and
our
Seditious
Senate
,
the
Lower
House
,
seconding
that
Lord's
Speech
with
a
Remonstrance
against
Lauderdale
,
they
soon
resolv'd
for
open
Rebellion
;
and
that
they
begin
at
Ragland
in
Scotland
,
where
they
come
and
Proclaim
the
Covenant
,
burn
Acts
of
Parliament
,
attack'd
Glascow
;
but
the
result
of
that
was
,
that
by
Bothwel
Bridg
the
Rebels
were
defeated
,
all
running
away
upon
the
playing
of
the
King's
Cannon
in
a
perfect
Rout
and
Confusion
.
At
the
Sitting
of
the
late
Parliament
[
*
](A58510-e140490-b)
*
Vid.
Coll.
Tryal
,
p
1.
9.
Stephen
Colledg
the
Joyner
,
at
Oxford
,
who
was
sworn
to
have
imparted
it
to
the
Evidence
,
and
that
he
rid
down
for
that
purpose
thither
Arm'd
;
for
which
and
several
other
Treasonable
contrivances
he
was
Arraign'd
,
upon
full
Evidence
Convicted
,
Condemned
,
and
accordingly
there
suffer'd
.
That
Plot
being
prevented
at
Oxford
by
the
Providence
of
God
and
the
Kings
;
the
Faction
still
pursu'd
the
Conspiracy
,
for
which
many
Consults
were
held
at
the
late
Lord
Shaftsbury's
House
;
which
upon
suspicion
was
searcht
,
and
himself
,
upon
Information
and
Evidence
to
the
King
and
Council
,
was
seiz'd
;
the
result
of
which
was
,
they
found
a
Paper
in
his
own
〈◊〉
,
Intituled
,
An
[
†
](A58510-e140570-b)
†
〈◊〉
.
Proceedings
at
the
Old-Baily
.
24.
Novem.
1681.
Association
,
the
Plot
and
Design
of
which
was
,
that
since
they
could
not
Exclude
the
next
Heir
of
the
Crown
by
Bill
and
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
they
would
get
Subscriptions
,
to
do
it
among
themselves
;
that
is
,
set
their
Hands
and
Seals
to
a
Rebellion
;
for
the
concluding
Clause
was
absolute
Treason
,
and
oblig'd
them
to
Swear
Obedience
to
their
Fellow-Subjects
,
and
that
they
would
Obey
the
Major
part
of
Members
after
the
dissolution
of
the
Parliament
;
for
this
he
was
Indicted
,
as
also
for
designing
to
compel
the
King
to
pass
the
Bill
at
Oxford
;
for
conferring
with
Booth
,
Hains
,
Smith
,
and
other
of
the
Evidences
,
in
Treasonable
Consults
;
for
saying
,
The
King
ought
to
be
Deposed
,
and
,
that
he
would
never
desist
,
till
he
had
brought
England
to
a
Common-wealth
:
All
agreeable
to
the
very
Principles
he
profest
,
to
the
Practises
and
Designs
he
had
before
Engag'd
in
,
and
the
Discoveries
of
his
Treasons
that
have
follow'd
since
;
but
the
Grand
Inquest
being
pact
by
Papilion
a
Partial
Sheriff
,
and
compos'd
of
Jurors
as
much
prejudic'd
,
the
Bill
of
Indictment
was
brought
in
Ignoramus
;
an
apparent
Rebel
acquitted
,
and
carried
off
in
Triumph
with
the
Shouts
and
Shoulders
of
the
Rabble
.
In
July
,
1683.
was
Discover'd
the
bottom
of
all
these
Preliminary
Plots
and
Conspiracies
,
in
the
Design
of
the
most
barbarous
Butchery
of
the
best
of
Kings
,
our
late
Sovereign
,
Charles
the
Second
,
with
the
Assassination
of
his
Royal
Brother
,
our
present
Sovereign
:
For
this
they
had
engag'd
in
the
Consults
,
Men
of
all
sorts
of
Conditions
,
Lords
,
Knights
,
Gentlemen
,
Lawyers
,
Malsters
,
Olymen
,
Clergy
and
Lay
;
the
first
Contrivance
was
,
for
Assassinating
the
Royal
Brothers
as
they
past
by
the
Rye
,
the
House
of
one
Rumbald
,
coming
from
New-Market
:
but
Heaven
turn'd
a
Judgment
even
into
an
act
of
Mercy
for
their
Deliverance
;
and
the
Fire
hapning
there
,
made
them
prevent
the
Rebels
in
their
return
.
Then
the
Play-House
was
propos'd
to
be
the
Shambles
for
this
Butchery
,
and
several
other
places
,
but
the
Conspirators
disagreeing
in
their
Approbation
,
hinder'd
its
execution
so
soon
;
upon
the
Discovery
of
one
Keeling
,
an
Accomplice
,
touch'd
with
remorse
,
or
apprehension
of
danger
:
All
the
Conspirators
fly
,
from
whom
Shaftsbury
,
that
Arch-Rebel
,
was
before
At
the
Tryal
of
my
Lord
Russel
,
the
very
Morning
he
was
Arraigned
,
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
Committed
for
the
same
Conspiracy
,
whether
out
of
sense
of
Ingratitude
to
his
Royal
Sovereign
,
by
whom
he
had
been
preferr'd
to
the
highest
station
of
a
Subject
,
even
that
of
being
his
Vice-Roy
,
or
whether
out
of
fear
of
his
fate
,
and
fearful
of
an
Ax
,
dispatcht
himself
with
a
Razor
:
For
Defaming
of
the
Government
the
next
Plot
is
to
make
this
a
Murther
of
State
,
and
one
Braddon
,
out
of
Seditious
industry
,
deals
with
one
Edwards
a
School-Boy
to
Testify
,
he
saw
a
Hand
throw
a
Razor
out
of
the
Window
;
with
this
matter
well
manag'd
,
King
,
and
Council
,
Sir
Henry
Capel
,
and
then
the
whole
Kingdom
must
be
canvast
for
;
and
he
having
an
Indefatigable
Desire
to
fasten
a
Scandal
on
the
Government
,
as
well
as
an
Impudence
not
to
be
baffl'd
or
defeated
,
to
solicite
the
business
farther
,
one
gets
Speke
,
a
known
Favourer
of
any
thing
that
is
Factious
,
a
warm
spark
that
would
be
soon
hot
in
any
such
pursuit
,
to
lend
him
a
Letter
of
Recommendation
to
a
Country
Knight
,
but
with
both
their
bold
fronts
,
they
could
put
no
such
bad
face
upon
the
business
:
for
it
was
Discover'd
to
be
the
basest
Design
the
most
malicious
Miscreants
could
undertake
,
and
they
both
Try'd
upon
an
To
second
this
Unsuccesful
Plot
,
about
Christmas
last
they
disperse
the
their
being
then
walking
in
the
Tower
;
and
can
the
most
Factious
Fool
Imagine
?
Can
but
bare
Humane
Sense
be
so
silly
,
as
to
think
the
Contrivers
of
such
a
suppos'd
〈◊〉
would
be
present
at
its
Execution
,
and
look
upon
it
as
the
likeliest
way
to
keep
it
private
,
was
to
appear
in
it
publickly
?
Preposterous
Sots
!
Do
not
contradict
the
best
Evidence
,
that
of
Common
sense
,
tho'
you
would
the
Coroners
:
Another
is
,
from
the
Discovery
of
one
Haly
,
that
was
found
Murther'd
,
to
be
the
Warder
,
in
whose
House
the
late
Lord
of
Essex
lay
,
upon
which
the
Libeller
in
a
long
,
tedious
,
impertinent
Discourse
,
Iasinuates
the
probability
of
that
Fellow
's
being
dispatch'd
,
for
fear
of
telling
Tales
;
but
how
does
Heaven
infatuate
those
Fools
that
it
would
destroy
?
The
〈◊〉
perjur'd
Wretch
is
forc'd
to
beg
the
World
Pardon
,
in
his
own
Postscript
,
and
to
tell
us
the
truth
,
in
spight
of
his
design
to
lye
;
that
this
Unfortunate
Fellow
that
was
found
Dead
,
was
none
of
this
Warder
that
he
meant
,
and
that
only
the
similitude
of
the
Name
made
the
mistake
,
then
from
the
disagreeableness
of
Bomeny's
Testimony
with
the
other
Informant
,
because
not
verbatim
he
says
the
same
,
therefore
they
must
be
both
〈◊〉
:
Seditious
Sot
!
Why
so
senseless
too
?
Will
not
Common
reason
for
that
very
thing
,
confirm
them
both
to
be
the
more
truth
,
for
when
there
is
a
Conspiracy
,
to
make
Affidavit
of
a
lye
;
there
they
can
soon
confer
,
and
commonly
do
too
agree
in
words
as
well
as
substance
,
and
sense
might
well
suggest
,
they
had
learn'd
their
Lessons
pretty
perfect
,
upon
such
a
verbal
Agreement
:
But
this
Masterpiece
of
most
Malicious
Plot
,
was
with
more
sublimated
Malice
,
contracted
into
a
Compendium
,
only
that
it
might
be
propagated
the
sooner
,
spread
the
farther
when
in
short
,
of
which
Condensed
or
Abstracted
Treason
,
the
Spirit
and
Essence
of
Sedition
,
one
Danvers
was
Discovered
to
be
the
Author
;
a
Villain
,
whom
the
Devil
in
Design
,
could
not
render
more
vile
,
an
Anabaptist
for
Profession
,
an
Officer
of
Olivers
,
for
Rebellion
,
and
now
a
Fugitive
,
for
fear
of
Apprehension
;
for
whom
a
Warrant
was
issued
out
,
Posted
,
publisht
in
the
Gazette
,
and
an
Hundred
pounds
proffer'd
for
any
to
take
him
.
As
these
late
Plots
and
Conspiracies
were
contriving
all
along
in
England
,
so
did
the
Scots
carry
on
the
same
Treason
:
Argyle
,
an
Hereditary
Rebel
,
that
seem'd
to
have
his
Soul
and
Treason
from
Ex
traduce
,
being
attainted
by
the
Law
of
their
Land
,
for
a
Factious
Explanation
of
the
Test
,
and
tho'
Justly
Sentenc'd
to
Suffer
,
yet
the
Government
that
had
given
him
his
Estate
,
had
no
design
upon
his
Life
;
makes
his
Escape
out
of
Prison
,
in
which
in
effect
he
enjoy'd
his
Liberty
before
,
gets
over
into
Holland
,
confers
with
our
English
Fugitives
,
then
sends
Letters
from
.
thence
to
the
Scots
,
to
incite
them
to
Rebel
,
some
of
which
were
Intercepted
upon
Major
Holms
,
and
known
to
be
his
own
Hand
,
Spence
and
Castares
,
his
own
Emissaries
Confessing
the
Correspondence
they
had
with
their
Rebel
Friends
in
England
;
and
the
Cochrans
,
Melvil
,
Baily
,
are
found
to
have
been
here
in
England
,
and
Agitating
the
Conspiracy
,
for
which
,
upon
full
Evidence
,
the
said
Robert
Baily
was
[
*
](A58510-e141830-b)
*
Decemb.
24
,
1684.
〈◊〉
.
Discoveries
in
Scotland
,
Printed
by
〈◊〉
late
Majesties
Command
;
as
also
,
the
Account
come
out
in
this
King's
Reign
,
by
Order
of
the
late
,
Printed
by
Authority
.
Convicted
,
had
his
Arms
Expung'd
,
himself
Hang'd
,
and
his
Body
Quarterd
.
But
notwithstanding
all
this
Evidence
,
as
clear
as
the
Sun
,
and
all
their
deeds
of
Hellish
darkness
brought
into
as
much
light
,
as
the
Lamp
of
Heaven
it self
affords
:
Their
infatuated
Fools
were
still
so
much
blinded
and
besotted
,
as
to
represent
it
all
for
a
Plot
of
the
State
,
only
for
involving
some
of
them
in
a
Conspiracy
;
and
the
King
must
be
presum'd
to
design
upon
himself
,
only
to
trepan
them
into
Treasonable
Designs
:
For
this
,
several
Letters
are
dispers'd
into
the
Country
,
some
of
which
being
Intercepted
,
were
found
to
be
one
Sir
Samuel
Bernadiston's
,
a
wealthy
Citizen
,
whose
Estate
,
with
a
great
deal
of
Money
,
and
as
little
Wit
,
serv'd
only
to
make
him
more
wickedly
,
and
less
wisely
Seditious
;
for
nothing
but
the
pride
of
a
Purse
,
or
the
not
valuing
of
a
Fine
,
could
have
made
a
Man
guilty
of
so
much
Folly
,
at
a
Season
when
they
were
in
an
hot
pursuit
of
an
Hellish
Conspiracy
,
and
the
Blood
Guild-Hall
,
London
,
Feb.
14.
1683
/
4.
of
those
that
had
suffer'd
for
it
,
hardly
cold
:
For
he
lets
them
know
that
the
Protestant
Plot
is
confounded
,
quite
lost
,
that
the
Evidence
of
it
,
the
Lord
Howard
was
to
be
sent
to
the
Tower
,
and
that
all
the
Prisoners
that
lay
there
for
the
same
,
were
discharged
;
that
Sidney
that
Suffer'd
for
it
,
was
Pardon'd
;
that
Braddon
that
was
Fin'd
for
it
,
was
no
farther
Prosecuted
;
all
rank
Lyes
,
as
well
as
lewdly
Seditious
:
And
though
his
kind
Council
was
pleas'd
to
mitigate
the
Information
,
as
if
the
Malice
was
not
so
apparent
;
that
will
not
mince
the
matter
;
for
tho'
the
circumstances
,
and
the
plain
matter
of
Fact
,
make
it
the
most
malitious
piece
of
Faction
〈◊〉
,
yet
moreover
,
the
very
mass
of
his
Blood
was
tainted
with
as
much
malice
,
and
his
very
Relations
actual
Rebels
,
and
in
Arms
against
their
Sovereign
;
our
Sir
Thomas
Bernadiston
being
a
Colonel
of
a
Foot
Regiment
of
Rebels
,
at
the
Siege
of
Colchester
,
which
I
can
make
appear
from
an
old
Map
of
the
Siege
,
where
he
may
see
his
Father
or
his
Brother
,
Firing
upon
his
Majesties
Subjects
.
But
these
Factious
Papers
being
prov'd
upon
him
from
his
own
Hand
,
and
the
Testimony
of
his
Servant
that
Superscrib'd
them
;
they
found
him
Guilty
without
going
from
the
Bar
,
for
King's
Bench
,
he
was
afterward
Fin'd
Ten
thousand
Pounds
to
the
King
,
Bound
to
be
of
the
Good
Behaviour
during
Life
,
and
to
be
Committed
till
't
was
paid
.
But
after
all
,
as
if
they
did
endeavour
to
silence
their
own
Advocates
in
their
Defence
,
and
that
Impudence
it self
might
not
endeavour
to
smother
their
secret
Conspiracies
,
they
break
out
into
that
open
Rebellion
,
for
which
they
had
Conspired
,
and
Invade
the
Kingdom
,
as
if
they
design'd
only
to
prove
the
Plot
:
For
in
April
,
1685.
Argyle
lands
,
with
Men
and
Amunition
brought
from
Holland
;
in
one
of
the
South-West
Isles
of
Scotland
,
call'd
Yyle
,
or
Ila
,
and
their
seizes
all
the
Arms
,
Horses
,
Men
,
and
other
Necessaries
to
make
up
an
Army
,
some
of
his
Heretors
come
in
for
Assistance
,
with
some
few
of
his
Dependants
and
Relations
,
of
which
of
the
most
note
,
were
his
Sons
,
and
one
Achinbreck
,
of
which
Name
there
is
a
Castle
or
Town
near
those
Isles
:
For
a
Month
or
two
they
kept
Sailing
about
Boot
,
Cantire
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Islands
thereabouts
,
sometime
landing
,
then
setting
out
again
:
But
about
the
nineteenth
of
June
,
the
Lord
Dunbarton
having
notice
that
the
Rebels
had
past
the
River
Levin
,
above
Dumbarton
Town
,
and
taking
their
way
towards
Sterling
,
overtook
them
in
the
Parish
of
Killerne
,
but
being
late
in
the
Evening
,
did
not
Attack
them
;
but
by
the
Morning
,
the
Rebels
were
march'd
off
toward
the
River
Clyde
,
which
on
the
seventeenth
they
past
,
but
pursu'd
by
the
King's
Forces
,
and
Cochran
carrying
them
by
mistake
into
a
Bogg
,
they
soon
disorder'd
and
dispers'd
:
The
late
Argyle
was
set
upon
in
his
flight
towards
the
Clyde
,
by
two
of
Greynock's
Servants
,
receiving
a
Wound
on
his
Head
,
dismounted
his
Horse
,
and
ran
into
the
Water
,
where
a
Countryman
fell'd
him
,
so
the
Soldiers
carried
him
to
their
Commander
,
from
thence
to
Glascow
,
and
then
to
Edenburgh
:
Among
these
Rebels
,
were
several
of
the
blackest
Conspirators
of
England
,
that
were
fled
for
the
same
,
Rumbold
himself
,
the
Malster
at
the
Rye
,
by
whose
House
his
late
Majesty
was
to
be
Murder'd
;
as
also
one
Captain
Ayloff
,
mention'd
in
the
King's
Declaration
,
were
both
there
taken
;
Rumbold
fought
desperately
,
and
Ayloff
so
despair'd
,
that
he
ript
up
his
Belly
.
Rumbold
was
afterward
Arraigned
for
Invading
the
Kingdom
with
the
rest
of
the
Rebels
,
had
Sentence
as
in
Cases
of
High
Treason
,
and
was
accordingly
[
a
](A58510-e142580-b)
a
Jun.
29.
Hang'd
and
Quarter'd
;
and
the
next
day
the
late
Lord
Argyle
,
their
Arch-Traytor
,
[
b
](A58510-e142620-b)
b
Jun.
30.
Beheaded
.
And
now
that
their
Plot
might
be
prov'd
as
plain
in
England
too
:
About
the
beginning
of
June
,
Monmouth
landed
at
Lime
in
Dorsetshire
,
of
which
he
possest
himself
,
having
with
him
three
Ships
,
brought
into
Town
about
two
hundred
Men
;
some
of
the
Seditious
Souls
,
and
as
silly
,
of
the
Country
,
ran
in
to
his
Assistance
;
upon
falling
of
the
Tide
(
as
t
is
thought
)
they
made
an
Excursion
upon
the
Sands
,
to
the
Town
of
Bridport
,
which
they
enter'd
by
the
Back-side
,
and
surprised
in
it
,
Mr.
Wadham
Strangways
,
one
Mr.
Coker
,
and
Mr
Harvey
,
Officers
for
the
King
,
the
two
former
they
kill'd
,
wounded
the
latter
,
seiz'd
some
Horses
,
and
went
back
to
their
Quarters
at
Lime
,
where
while
they
lay
there
,
a
Party
of
the
King
's
met
some
of
the
Rebels
,
had
a
Ran
counter
,
kill'd
about
twenty
three
,
aud
made
them
retire
:
From
thence
they
march
toward
Taunton
,
seizing
all
the
Horses
they
could
meet
with
;
no
Gentleman
of
Note
came
in
to
their
Assistance
;
Trenchard
,
being
clapt
in
the
Tower
for
a
Traytor
in
the
Conspiracy
,
but
escap't
Hanging
for
want
of
an
Evidence
more
,
which
the
Law
required
,
is
said
to
have
run
into
the
Rebels
,
having
ran
from
the
King's
Messenger
before
,
&
if
so
,
proves
his
Treasonable
part
in
the
Plot
,
which
none
of
his
Party
would
believe
,
by
turning
an
absolute
Arm'd
Rebel
.
About
the
twentieth
of
June
,
Captain
Trevanion
,
Commander
of
some
of
his
Majesties
Ships
,
found
a
Dogger
and
a
Pink
os
the
Rebels
Ships
lying
at
the
Cob
of
Lime
,
forty
Barrels
of
Powder
,
Back
,
Breast
and
Head-Pieces
for
ten
thousand
Men
in
the
Town
,
which
were
all
secur'd
,
and
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Albemarle
sent
into
it
three
Companies
:
The
Rebels
rambl'd
about
Glassenbury
,
in
Somerset
,
and
some
part
of
Wiltshire
,
Plundering
,
and
taking
all
the
Horse
they
could
,
and
calling
in
as
many
Foot
:
And
both
these
Invaders
,
to
publish
themselves
Rebels
in
Print
,
as
well
as
Arms
,
put
out
their
Declarations
,
of
their
King
's
being
an
Vsurper
,
and
a
Tyrant
;
that
had
Succeeded
to
the
Crown
,
by
all
the
Laws
of
God
as
well
as
Man
:
One
William
Disney
,
Esq
was
taken
with
his
Wench
in
his
Bed
,
and
Monmouth's
Declarations
Printing
in
his
House
;
Try'd
for
the
Treason
in
Southwork
,
upon
full
Evidence
found
Guilty
,
Sentenc'd
,
and
accordingly
[
*
](A58510-e143040-b)
*
June
,
29.
1685.
Executed
.
And
the
[
†
](A58510-e143060-b)
†
June
.
25.
1685.
Parliament
it self
,
by
special
Act
,
Attaint
James
Scot
for
a
Rebel
,
and
a
Traitor
,
set
Five
thousand
Pounds
upon
his
Head
,
and
by
another
Bill
,
make
the
Asserting
the
Plot
of
his
Legitimacy
,
High
Treason
:
The
Rebels
for
some
time
continued
forraging
and
rambling
about
the
Western
Counties
,
Wilts
,
and
Somerset
:
At
Wells
they
say
they
Plunderd
and
defac't
the
Church
,
that
had
escap'd
the
Fury
,
even
of
the
last
Rebellion
;
out
of
the
Sacred
Chalice
they
Drank
the
prophanest
Healths
,
and
upon
its
very
Altar
sacrific'd
Women
to
their
Lust
;
but
This
being
but
Report
,
I
don't
rely
on
.
From
Wells
they
went
to
Bridgwater
,
there
Fortifying
themselves
a
little
;
but
finding
the
L.
Feversham
come
up
to
them
,
&
more
Forces
of
the
King
's
following
,
they
resolv'd
to
surprise
him
in
his
Camp
;
march'd
accordingly
in
the
Night
,
and
by
two
or
three
in
the
[
a
](A58510-e143230-b)
a
July
6.
Morning
set
upon
him
,
whom
yet
they
found
ready
to
receive
them
,
the
late
L.
Grey
,
Commanding
their
ill
manag'd
Horse
,
was
soon
disorder'd
,
and
ran
away
;
the
Foot
fought
it
desperately
,
but
at
last
defeated
by
the
King's
Cannon
and
Horse
,
were
slain
about
two
thousand
.
The
late
Lord
Grey
was
[
b
](A58510-e143270-b)
b
July
7.
taken
in
Disguise
at
Ringwood
about
the
Borders
of
Dorsetshire
,
and
secured
by
my
Lord
Lumley
;
and
the
late
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
the
next
Morning
met
with
in
some
Covert
thereabouts
,
and
put
into
the
same
Hands
:
Manmouth
on
the
[
a
](A58510-e143340-b)
a
July
13.
Munday
after
,
with
his
Associate
Grey
,
was
brought
to
the
Tower
,
and
the
former
the
following
[
b
](A58510-e143390-b)
b
July
15.
Wednesday
,
on
the
Hill
Beheaded
.
By
this
you
have
seen
the
very
Basis
,
the
Foundations
upon
which
they
build
their
Principles
,
somewhat
shaken
,
and
I
wish
I
could
with
modesty
say
,
utterly
undermin'd
:
I
have
set
my
Shoulders
to
the
work
,
and
had
I
the
strength
of
some
Sampson
,
would
pull
down
their
Pillars
,
confound
the
Babel
these
Rebels
have
built
,
tho'
I
were
sure
to
fall
and
be
buried
in
its
Ruines
.
By
this
you
have
seen
the
Multiplicity
of
their
Plots
,
so
Hellish
,
and
so
many
,
that
like
the
Devil
(
that
Seduces
our
Democraticks
into
such
Damnable
Designs
)
their
Name
is
Legion
;
but
of
those
Devices
the
Almighty
,
who
always
was
,
will
ever
be
the
Detector
and
Confounder
:
And
here
I
profess
by
that
Heaven
(
which
I
only
beg
to
Bless
my
poor
Endeavour
against
the
Designs
of
Hell
)
that
nothing
but
a
sincere
hatred
of
their
pernicious
Principles
,
and
a
certain
Assurance
of
the
truth
of
all
these
Conspiracies
they
have
promoted
,
has
put
me
upon
this
undertaking
,
to
refute
the
Folly
and
Falshood
of
the
one
,
as
well
as
represent
that
Bloody
work
&
Wickedness
of
the
other
.
If
they
'll
condemn
the
warmness
of
my
style
,
which
[
a
](A58510-e143630-b)
a
Postcript
to
the
History
of
the
Association
,
Printed
for
Janeway
,
London
.
one
has
already
Libell'd
as
hot
,
let
them
but
give
me
leave
to
be
as
zealous
for
the
promoting
of
good
Principles
,
as
the
vilest
of
their
Villains
,
the
most
venomous
of
their
Vipers
have
been
,
for
infecting
us
with
the
poyson
of
bad
:
Let
me
be
allow'd
to
write
as
affectionately
for
my
Sovereign
,
while
he
is
Seated
in
his
Throne
,
as
their
Faction
did
most
furiously
against
him
,
when
by
Rebellion
they
had
pull'd
him
out
;
and
for
this
,
be
pleas'd
but
to
remark
a
little
matter
of
Fact
:
For
the
first
,
Has
not
Hunt
(
whom
even
they
would
make
a
moderate
Man
)
Libell'd
his
Antagonists
with
the
Name
of
[
b
](A58510-e143770-b)
b
Post.
p.
94
,
69
,
70
,
83
,
93.
Base
Caitiffs
,
Traytors
,
Knaves
,
Betrayers
of
the
Peoples
Right
,
Wicked
,
Impious
,
Sacrilegious
,
Monsters
,
and
Mad
?
Does
not
an
Inconsiderate
Coxcomb
,
that
sets
himself
up
for
a
Considerer
,
call
his
Opposers
,
[
a
](A58510-e143840-b)
a
Considerations
Consider'd
,
p.
1
,
5
,
14.
Arrogant
Fools
,
silly
Knaves
,
Ruffians
,
Trislers
;
besides
his
Non-sense
and
Pedantick
terms
of
Insensatus
Galata
,
and
Effrontery
,
with
all
the
Controversie
manag'd
in
the
style
of
a
Carman
,
or
the
blessed
Language
of
the
Bawds
at
Billingsgate
:
And
yet
these
(
I
'll
assure
you
)
with
the
Party
,
all
applauded
〈◊〉
.
For
the
second
,
consult
but
the
Papers
of
that
prosligate
Villain
,
the
Penner
of
the
Political
Mercury
,
and
see
how
the
meanest
Traytor
treats
his
Exil'd
Sovereign
,
and
Majesty
it self
;
Young
Scot
,
〈◊〉
Interest
of
Young
Stewart
,
accursed
Family
,
Little
Queen
,
their
curst
foul
and
bloody
House
,
its
Name
odious
in
Chronicle
,
Young
Tarquin
,
Perkin
Warbeck
,
pretended
King
,
King
of
Beggars
,
Royal
Puppet
,
the
Grand
Tyrant
,
the
Great
Pyrate
;
And
so
barbarous
were
these
Beasts
in
their
Reflections
,
that
he
represented
his
Banish'd
Prince
(
whom
themselves
had
put
to
those
unhappy
necessities
)
for
a
Clipper
and
a
Coiner
in
the
French
King's
Court
:
Is
not
this
Virulency
now
?
this
Venome
?
and
that
of
such
a
Villanous
Viper
,
to
whom
the
Old
Serpent
,
the
Devil
himself
would
be
an
Antidote
?
and
all
this
even
against
God's
Vicegerent
?
Is
not
the
dust
of
such
a
Damnable
Democratick
,
enough
to
pollute
the
Land
wherein
it
lies
?
and
of
which
the
Grave
will
be
asham'd
when
she
comes
to
give
up
her
Dead
:
These
are
the
Barbarities
,
Hunt
would
not
have
so
much
[
a
](A58510-e144120-b)
a
Post.
p.
89.
remember'd
,
that
is
,
not
abhor'd
,
and
which
I
cannot
forbear
to
mention
and
remin'd
,
to
let
the
present
Age
see
,
to
what
an
Acme
of
Villany
the
preceding
was
arriv'd
,
to
let
the
Faction
be
forc'd
to
remember
,
what
they
so
labour
to
forget
;
for
what
they
can
so
hardly
be
brought
to
detest
,
is
also
as
difficult
by
repetition
,
to
be
render'd
too
detestable
:
These
Printed
Treasons
,
that
have
been
so
long
out
of
the
Press
,
may
well
want
a
New
Imprimatur
,
when
they
are
brought
to
believe
they
were
never
in
it
:
To
this
pass
of
the
Politicus's
would
our
Protestants
,
Domesticks
,
Packets
,
Advices
,
Courantiers
,
Janeway's
,
Care
's
,
Vile's
and
Curtise's
,
all
have
come
,
and
a
Nevil
now
,
that
abhors
the
thoughts
of
a
COMMON-WEALTH
,
as
[
a
](A58510-e144350-b)
a
Plato
Redivivus
,
p.
209.
Circumstances
are
now
,
would
be
their
Needham
(
I
warrant
you
)
when
a
Civil
War
had
Banisht
again
the
best
of
Kings
,
and
one
that
writ
his
Brief
History
of
Succession
,
not
long
since
,
only
to
make
our
Monarchs
Elective
,
would
then
have
told
us
,
that
[
b
](A58510-e144450-b)
b
Vid.
History
of
the
Succession
,
writ
by
Merc.
Politicus
,
Number
64
,
65.
All
from
the
Conquest
were
perfect
Tyrants
,
that
Richard
the
Second's
Blood
ought
rather
to
have
been
spilt
on
a
Publick
Scaffold
,
than
by
a
Private
Assassination
in
Pomsret
Castle
,
and
that
Charles
the
First
was
Executed
as
a
Traytor
;
and
so
given
us
in
just
such
another
Catalogue
.
How
can
our
Seditious
Souls
think
themselves
hardly
dealt
with
,
in
those
late
Loyal
Animadversions
that
have
been
made
upon
their
lewd
Libels
?
or
,
What
severity
now
has
the
Observator
(
that
Learned
piece
of
Loyalty
)
exprest
in
his
Pages
,
which
their
own
Papers
have
not
deserv'd
,
&
heretofore
,
in
a
barbarous
manner
,
even
to
the
best
of
Kings
and
Subjects
shown
:
and
as
they
cannot
condemn
him
,
or
any
other
honest
Heart
,
for
exposing
(
in
the
most
severest
manner
)
the
Principles
and
Practises
of
these
dangerous
Democraticks
,
since
they
dealt
so
severely
themselves
with
their
Sovereign
,
and
all
Assertors
of
his
Monarchy
;
so
neither
can
such
discommend
him
,
or
any
other
,
for
such
seasonable
Remarks
on
their
Pretensions
to
CONSCIENCE
,
and
as
rigorous
Reflections
on
their
Men
of
MODERATION
:
the
two
tender
points
(
they
say
)
must
not
be
medl'd
with
,
or
,
at
most
,
but
gently
touch'd
on
.
The
very
Suggestion
flies
in
their
Faces
,
and
upbraids
the
Faction
with
the
same
proceedings
against
one
another
;
for
this
famous
Political
Mercurial
Scribler
lets
us
understand
,
that
[
a
](A58510-e144690-b)
a
Merc.
Politicus
,
Num.
59.
July
24.
1651.
The
Presbyterians
pretended
Principle
of
Conscience
,
is
no
competent
Plea
in
his
behalf
,
for
then
this
Plea
and
Pretence
might
serve
to
Justifie
the
late
Tyrant
,
and
all
his
Cavalry
;
it
might
Justifie
Ravillac
,
for
Murthering
Henry
the
Fourth
,
Faux
,
Catesby
,
and
the
rest
,
for
the
Powder-Plot
;
not
a
Pritst
or
Jesuite
but
hath
the
same
Pretension
,
nor
shall
there
be
any
Traytors
in
all
Ages
hereafter
:
Away
with
this
Clergy
Pretence
,
not
to
be
named
once
among
Christians
,
but
exploded
as
the
very
Pest
of
Civil
Society
.
And
I
pray
mark
only
the
Godly
Preacher
to
the
Parliament
[
a
](A58510-e144790-b)
a
Sermon
Preach'd
to
the
Parliament
,
November
5.
1651.
I
have
desir'd
in
my
Prayers
to
GOD
,
for
the
opening
of
Mens
Eyes
to
see
,
that
the
same
Spirit
of
CONSCIENCE
,
which
lay
in
the
polluted
Bed
of
PAPACY
,
meets
them
in
the
prophaned
Bed
of
PRESBYTERY
;
that
The
highest
Godlinesses
,
and
the
highest
Wickednesses
,
are
those
that
are
most
Spiritual
;
that
The
Fornications
and
Sorceries
of
this
Whore
are
then
greatest
,
when
most
Mysterious
;
that
She
is
able
to
bewitch
those
that
have
attained
to
a
great
degree
of
Spirituality
:
To
this
purpose
,
I
have
represented
the
same
Spirit
which
dwells
in
PAPACY
,
when
it
enters
into
the
purer
Forms
of
PRESBYTERY
,
as
fuller
of
Mystery
,
so
fuller
of
Despight
and
Danger
;
so
far
the
good
Man
,
for
Conscience
Plea
:
And
now
,
if
you
please
,
to
tell
you
their
sense
of
the
TRIMMER
and
MODERATE
Men
of
their
Times
.
[
a
](A58510-e144930-b)
a
Merc.
Politicus
,
Num.
63.
August
21.
1651.
No
sort
of
Men
can
be
more
dangerous
,
than
those
Phlegmatick
Souls
,
of
the
MODERATE
MIDDLE
Temper
,
who
,
whilst
they
pretend
to
be
of
a
Party
,
are
not
able
to
concoct
those
reasons
of
State
,
that
are
absolutely
necessary
for
its
Preservation
:
Men
of
this
Humour
may
do
well
in
a
Civil
War
,
where
the
differing
Interest
may
be
reduc'd
to
agree
in
one
third
;
but
when
they
are
stated
in
as
vast
a
contrariety
as
God
and
Belial
,
Light
and
Darkness
,
Liberty
and
Slavery
,
then
those
Men
are
like
Sand
without
Lime
,
neither
good
in
the
Foundation
,
nor
fit
for
the
building
of
a
Republick
;
such
Interests
are
best
preserv'd
when
like
Mathematical
Points
,
in
the
Extremity
of
Latitude
,
they
are
placed
at
the
remotest
distance
,
admitting
no
intermedial
mixture
of
Affections
with
any
things
,
Persons
or
Pretences
,
that
may
have
but
the
least
Collateral
Relation
to
the
opposite
Party
:
And
then
for
their
MERCY
to
the
Dissenters
of
those
Times
,
and
the
matter
of
VNION
.
[
b
](A58510-e145000-b)
b
Merc.
Politicus
,
Num
,
59.
But
perhaps
,
the
sparing
of
the
Traytor
,
may
he
a
means
,
to
reconcile
those
of
his
own
Opinion
,
and
bring
them
to
an
UNION
with
the
Common-wealth
;
Why
?
Let
them
,
in
the
first
place
,
take
shame
to
themselves
,
by
an
Acknowledgment
of
their
Offences
:
Let
their
Repentance
be
as
loudly
,
and
openly
profes'd
in
the
Pulpit
,
as
their
former
Follies
;
and
then
afterwards
,
't
is
possible
,
there
may
be
an
UNION
,
but
an
UNION
,
carried
on
upon
any
other
terms
,
speaks
only
some
Clerical
Design
,
under
a
specious
outside
.
And
[
a
](A58510-e145060-b)
a
Case's
Sermon
before
the
Court-Martial
,
London
,
1644.
Case
,
Discoursing
about
MERCY
,
to
those
that
had
Fought
for
their
King
,
whom
he
makes
all
Unpardonable
Murtherers
,
nay
,
tho'
they
had
not
kill'd
a
Man
;
for
says
he
,
Though
God
forgive
Sin
against
himself
,
yet
he
commands
his
Deputies
,
not
to
pardon
Trespass
against
the
Publick
State
,
as
in
the
case
of
Murther
,
for
even
PREPAR'D
and
PROJECTED
Murther
,
God
makes
uncapable
of
Civil
Mercy
;
for
here
the
Delinquent
has
kill'd
as
much
as
in
his
power
to
kill
;
it
was
his
purpose
,
he
〈◊〉
killed
,
though
the
Patient
be
not
kill'd
,
and
the
Design
and
Intention
should
Hang
him
.
God
deliver
us
from
the
Mercy
of
such
Casuists
,
the
Government
and
Rule
of
such
unreasonable
Men
,
that
whilst
they
exclaim
against
Idols
,
commit
Sacriledg
;
while
they
condemn
others
for
want
of
Moderation
in
their
Censures
and
Animadversions
,
Satyrize
and
Libel
even
one
another
most
Immoderately
:
These
are
the
hardships
in
which
they
think
they
are
most
griev'd
,
and
yet
those
the
very
points
in
which
they
have
shewn
themselves
the
most
rigorous
,
and
opprest
better
Subjects
than
themselves
,
with
a
greater
grievance
.
This
is
my
sense
of
their
Writings
,
and
for
the
opinion
of
others
,
about
my
own
,
am
as
little
solicitous
;
I
am
satisfy'd
of
my
own
Integrity
,
and
wish
I
could
be
as
well
assur'd
of
theirs
;
the
[
†
](A58510-e145310-b)
†
Statuimus
quod
omnes
〈◊〉
Regni
nostri
,
sint
Fratres
conjurati
ad
Monarchiam
nostram
pro
viribus
suis
pefendendam
,
Lex
.
Gal.
Conq.
59.
Lamb
,
p.
171.
Defending
of
the
Right
of
the
Crown
,
I
am
sure
,
is
no
more
than
to
what
I
am
Sworn
,
and
their
laborious
Drudgery
,
to
detract
from
the
Prerogative
is
perhaps
,
but
a
Learned
Expedient
of
being
more
Elalaborately
PERJUR'D
.
As
I
ever
〈◊〉
that
Royal
Line
,
which
I
always
look'd
upon
to
be
unalterable
,
and
which
none
now
but
Rebels
or
Republicans
will
endeavour
to
Interrupt
,
so
I
shall
ever
as
much
Revere
this
NAME
and
FAMILY
of
STEWART
,
in
which
the
truly
Lineal
Descent
of
our
Crown
was
as
intirely
united
and
preserv'd
:
A
Name
that
will
be
Sacred
to
Posterity
,
as
well
for
the
short
Succession
it
is
too
sadly
like
to
leave
us
in
England
,
as
well
as
the
long
Series
of
Successors
,
that
are
to
be
number'd
in
the
Catalogue
of
the
Scots
;
and
't
is
with
regret
that
we
are
like
to
reckon
of
it
but
two
Royal
Pairs
,
of
JAMES
,
and
CHARLES
:
A
Name
,
that
none
but
a
Monster
of
Mankind
would
have
made
[
a
](A58510-e145550-b)
a
Mere.
Politicus
,
Number
62
,
79.
odious
and
accurs'd
,
which
maugre
their
own
Rebellions
has
made
our
Islands
Blest
:
And
lastly
,
a
Name
which
even
Rebels
might
Revere
,
for
so
long
and
lasting
a
Succession
in
Scotland
,
and
that
in
both
Kingdoms
,
now
there
is
but
one
left
.
And
for
that
Impostor
,
which
some
poor
Souls
,
as
silly
,
as
seditious
,
would
feign
have
put
upon
us
,
and
set
up
:
Consider
but
the
sad
success
two
such
Presidents
and
just
as
pretty
Projects
,
met
with
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Seventh
:
Consider
how
unsuccesful
this
present
Attempt
prov'd
,
which
terminated
in
the
ruin
of
all
its
Undertakers
:
Consider
but
the
Folly
,
as
well
as
the
Wickedness
of
such
an
undertaking
,
which
could
it
have
met
with
success
,
must
have
been
but
by
the
Blood
of
the
present
Age
,
and
an
entailment
of
it
to
Posterity
;
too
dear
a
purchase
,
only
to
make
us
the
Scorn
and
Derision
of
the
Word
,
Traytors
to
our
King
,
and
Rebels
to
our
God
.
What
I
've
done
,
has
been
in
satisfaction
to
my self
,
without
design
of
Applause
;
my
Duty
to
my
Sovereign
,
without
insisting
on
desert
,
my
Resentment
against
Rebels
,
without
fearing
of
their
force
,
for
then
I
desire
to
fall
,
when
so
good
a
Government
cannot
stand
;
my
Misfortune
from
them
would
have
been
the
best
of
Fate
,
and
my
very
Foes
the
most
Friendly
and
Obliging
.
I
have
scarce
Breath'd
under
a
Vsurpt
Government
yet
,
and
should
hardly
have
been
brought
to
begin
now
,
to
be
subject
to
an
Vsurpation
:
If
in
these
Essays
,
I
have
done
the
least
Service
to
my
Sovereign
Lord
,
or
his
Liege
Subjects
,
I
shall
look
upon
it
as
having
answer'd
the
Ends
of
my
little
Studies
,
both
towards
God
,
as
well
as
Man
;
for
there
is
seldom
a
good
Subject
that
makes
a
bad
Christian
,
and
I
have
always
observ'd
the
greatest
Atheists
among
the
Rebellious
.
If
(
whatever
sincerity
I
pretend
)
they
'll
upbraid
me
still
for
that
itch
of
Writing
,
I
'll
as
sincerely
protest
to
them
,
they
have
cur'd
me
of
the
scab
,
and
thank
them
too
for
being
my
Physicians
without
a
Fee
:
They
themselves
have
superseded
all
future
Animadversions
of
my
Pen
,
by
being
able
to
make
no
farther
progress
in
their
VILLANY
,
I
truly
profess
,
never
more
to
refute
their
bad
PRINCIPLES
,
till
they
can
find
out
worse
,
and
as
heartily
promise
,
never
again
to
be
their
Plague
,
till
they
can
Invent
a
more
Hellish
PLOT
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A58510-e390
Notes for div A58510-e2530
Notes for div A58510-e3980
Notes for div A58510-e29860
Notes for div A58510-e75890
Notes for div A58510-e98180
Notes for div A58510-e109650
Notes for div A58510-e130090