Curia
Politiae
.
IF
the
hearts
of
all
men
in
general
(
as
the
Scriptures
testifie
)
are
so
unsearchable
that
none
but
God
can
find
them
out
,
or
penetrate
and
discover
the
secrets
thereof
.
Certainly
the
hearts
of
Princes
are
so
profound
Abysses
,
as
all
the
subtlety
of
the
People
cannot
sound
or
fathom
:
The
hearts
of
Kings
are
in
the
hands
of
God.
It
is
Gods
own
assurance
,
and
he
alone
is
able
to
discern
and
know
them
.
As
Kings
reign
by
him
alone
,
so
he
alone
knows
by
what
Maxims
he
will
have
them
rule
.
The
distance
is
so
far
betwixt
us
and
the
Prima
Mobilia
,
that
their
motions
are
indiscernable
to
us
;
they
train
and
lead
us
on
after
them
,
but
we
neither
know
how
nor
why
we
follow
them
:
And
as
they
are
infinitely
above
us
,
so
if
our
curiosity
should
soare
aloft
to
discover
the
wayes
and
ends
of
their
Revolutions
,
the
most
elevated
spirits
would
find
themselves
infinitely
low
and
short
in
their
capacities
.
If
God
(
as
he
names
himself
)
be
an
invisible
God
,
Princes
who
are
the
living
Images
of
God
,
are
in
that
attribute
like
unto
him
.
The
Israelites
sometimes
said
,
We
have
seen
the
living
God
,
we
shall
dye
and
not
live
.
It
is
little
less
dangerous
to
peep
and
prye
into
the
secrets
of
Princes
.
If
God
be
a
consuming
fire
,
and
is
concealed
in
the
fiery
flaming
bush
,
the
Majesty
of
Soveraigns
hath
a
near
resemblance
to
this
inaccessible
light
,
which
never
suffers
it self
entirely
visible
no
more
then
God
himself
.
And
if
the
splendor
of
the
Celestial
Majesty
commanded
the
Cherubims
to
cover
their
faces
with
their
wings
:
the
glory
of
terrestrial
Soveraignty
is
so
illustrious
and
bright
,
that
it
not
only
transcendeth
,
but
diminisheth
all
inferiour
lights
and
luminations
.
The
strongest
sighted
Eagles
are
too
weak
to
dare
to
look
stedfastly
on
these
glorious
Suns
.
These
mortal
Deities
may
then
say
(
but
in
all
humble
reverence
to
the
great
King
of
Heaven
,
)
I
am
what
I
am
,
without
a
farther
discovery
of
themselves
,
and
their
Royal
pleasure
.
And
the
derrogation
is
less
,
or
none
at
all
;
seeing
the
holy
Scriptures
have
admitted
Kings
to
be
stiled
Gods
on
Earth
.
The
Fable
of
Prometheus
teacheth
little
less
,
but
that
it
is
highly
dangerous
to
desire
to
know
the
depth
of
Princes
thoughts
,
and
so
to
have
a
will
to
resemble
those
most
sublime
Persons
.
Give
me
what
you
please
,
(
said
a
sage
Courtier
to
his
Lord
and
Master
)
seeing
you
give
me
not
leave
to
have
a
share
in
your
secrets
.
Notwithstanding
the
great
danger
of
tasting
the
forbidden
fruit
,
there
is
a
natural
Curiosity
in
all
men
to
know
Good
and
Evil
;
which
hath
derived
it self
from
the
first
man
to
all
posterity
.
As
for
the
concealments
of
secrets
,
they
enflame
the
mind
to
a
greater
ardor
of
knowing
them
:
And
it
is
received
as
a
common
Maxim
,
In
great
enterprises
,
it
is
noble
enough
to
dare
to
wish
them
.
And
the
more
Princes
endeavour
to
conceal
their
thoughts
,
the
more
the
people
labour
to
divine
them
.
Physick
is
not
the
sole
Art
,
which
may
be
termed
,
The
Art
or
Mystery
of
Conjectures
:
Vulgar
Policie
hath
no
other
Foundations
,
and
worketh
by
no
other
Principles
.
Tiberius
thought
fit
to
conceal
himself
amongst
the
Rocks
of
the
Isle
of
Caprea
,
and
to
envelop
his
true
resentment
of
affairs
,
under
the
veil
of
ambiguous
terms
:
and
out
of
these
equivocal
notions
,
Rome
toiled
to
explicate
his
most
enigmatical
obscurities
,
and
mysterious
Oracles
.
When
the
Thunderbolt
fell
on
Sejanus
head
,
the
most
ignorant
of
all
the
people
took
the
vanity
to
brag
and
boast
,
that
they
foresaw
the
tempest
long
before
that
accident
arived
.
And
that
Tiberius
had
not
so
much
as
a
thought
in
his
solitude
,
which
they
had
not
formerly
divined
in
the
Capitol
,
or
foreseen
at
the
foot
of
Mount
Aventine
:
so
true
it
is
,
that
every
one
hath
a
strong
opinion
of
his
worth
and
great
abilities
,
and
boldly
presumes
to
censure
rashly
the
intentions
of
Princes
.
In
conclusion
,
it
may
be
said
to
this
purpose
,
that
a
Kingdom
hath
as
many
Ministers
of
State
,
as
men
;
and
that
all
are
assistants
to
the
highest
Councels
,
and
impart
their
opinions
to
the
deliberations
of
Peace
and
War
;
and
that
the
great
Engine
of
Government
hath
no
results
so
secret
,
but
what
are
absolutely
discovered
;
This
is
the
infirmity
and
disease
of
all
Countries
and
Ages
;
but
if
it
was
ever
Epidemical
and
spreading
over
the
earth
,
if
ever
Curiosity
did
exercise
the
Parts
and
Policie
of
the
most
refined
Wits
,
or
the
less
ingenuous
,
and
provoked
the
whole
world
to
admire
and
talk
.
It
was
doubtless
then
,
when
the
Emperor
Charls
the
Fifth
voluntarily
surrendred
his
Empire
to
his
brother
,
and
his
Kingdom
into
the
hands
of
his
son
.
All
men
were
amazed
to
see
a
soul
so
ambitious
of
true
Renown
,
freely
to
renounce
Glory
and
Granduer
,
to
pass
from
a
Throne
to
an
Hermitage
,
and
from
the
high
quality
of
a
puissant
Soveraign
,
to
the
low
Fortune
of
a
Private
Person
.
And
as
they
stood
at
gaze
,
so
each
one
desired
to
search
into
the
intentions
of
this
Prince
,
and
to
guess
at
those
reasons
which
transported
him
to
an
Action
so
extraordinary
.
Now
as
sometimes
the
grave
Sages
please
to
intermix
themselves
with
the
common
people
,
and
in
their
condescentions
permit
themselves
to
be
trod
on
in
a
croud
;
let
us
presume
to
make
our
conjectures
of
him
,
who
lives
not
in
our
Age
,
and
whose
action
is
above
the
reach
of
our
knowledge
.
And
let
us
observe
this
most
Illustrious
Prince
(
now
in
his
solitude
)
speaking
to
the
Queens
his
Royal
Sisters
,
who
were
his
companions
in
his
voyage
,
when
he
passed
out
of
Flanders
into
Spain
,
after
this
grand
Action
.
portrait of Charles V
PROGENIES
DIVVM
QVINTVS
SIC
CAROLVS
ILLE
IMPERII
CAESAR
LVMINA
ET
ORA
TVLIT
AETAT
.
SVAE
XXXI
.
ANN.
M.D.
XXXI
.
Imperium
oceano
:
famam
qui
terminat
astris
.
Lombart
Sculpt
.
londre
.
THE
DISCOVERSE
OF
THE
EMPEROVR
CHARLES
THE
FIFTH
,
TO
THE
QUEENES
HIS
DEAR
SISTERS
.
I
Doubt
not
but
that
at
this
instant
the
whole
world
is
ready
to
Descant
on
that
stupendious
action
I
have
undertaken
;
and
that
the
greatest
contemplators
imploy
(
at
present
)
their
deepest
Policy
,
Morality
,
and
Reason
to
divine
and
search
out
the
causes
of
my
resolutions
.
This
action
is
of
such
an
admirable
and
extraordinary
nature
,
as
may
render
astonishment
to
the
curiosity
of
the
most
profound
and
most
capeable
understandings
;
In
the
undertaking
whereof
,
and
although
I
live
in
an
Age
wherein
I
have
these
more
illustrious
&
great
Personages
to
beare
witnesse
with
me
;
Philip
King
of
England
;
Maximilian
King
of
Bohemia
,
Elianor
Queene
of
France
and
Portugall
,
Mary
Queene
of
Hungarie
,
Emanuell
Philibert
Duke
of
Savoy
,
Christiana
Daughter
to
the
King
of
Denmarke
and
Dutches
of
Lorraine
:
All
the
Knights
of
the
Order
of
the
golden
Fleece
,
all
the
Grandees
of
Spaine
;
all
Persons
of
Eminent
condition
in
Flanders
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
other
people
;
yet
I
may
say
,
and
my
reason
tells
me
,
that
I
may
well
doubt
,
whether
posterity
can
bee
perswaded
to
beleeve
,
what
I
have
undertaken
to
effect
.
All
Ages
furnish
us
with
too
many
examples
of
Vsurpers
of
Empires
and
Crownes
;
and
of
Princes
who
have
left
their
Scepters
:
but
in
the
universall
history
of
times
,
it
is
most
rare
to
heare
of
any
,
who
voluntarily
quitted
Soverainty
without
constraint
:
I
shall
onely
except
the
Emperour
Dioclesian
;
and
(
perhaps
)
I
shall
have
none
to
imitate
me
.
The
world
sees
that
I
have
transferred
to
my
Son
,
all
the
Kingdomes
,
Provinces
,
and
Isles
,
of
which
I
was
Soveraigne
,
both
in
the
new
,
and
old
World
,
that
I
have
dispatched
the
Prince
of
Aurange
to
my
Brother
Ferdinando
King
of
the
Romans
,
to
present
him
with
the
Scepter
and
Crowne
Imperiall
;
I
have
(
already
)
been
observed
to
with-draw
from
a
Royall
Palace
,
and
to
have
retired
to
a
private
house
at
Bruxells
,
and
thence
to
have
descended
to
an
humble
Hermitage
:
But
(
it
is
possible
)
that
thousands
can
never
judge
rightly
,
nor
search
directly
into
the
motives
of
so
great
a
change
;
If
I
had
lost
many
famous
Battailes
,
If
the
Turkes
and
Barbares
had
invaded
the
Provinces
of
the
Empire
;
or
had
they
all
disloyally
revolted
,
then
might
men
have
said
or
censured
,
that
I
had
discreetly
quitted
,
what
I
had
not
been
able
longer
to
protect
and
guard
;
and
that
I
had
done
well
to
abandon
voluntarily
,
that
which
might
have
beene
violently
forced
from
me
.
But
the
whole
earth
knows
,
That
since
my
age
of
sixteene
yeares
,
(
when
first
I
bore
a
Scepter
)
to
the
age
of
fifty
sixe
yeares
(
when
at
last
I
surrendred
them
all
)
my
life
and
all
my
Adventures
,
were
nothing
else
,
but
a
Concatenation
of
victories
and
Tryumphes
,
and
a
glorious
continuation
of
most
renowned
successes
;
I
have
enjoyed
forty
yeares
the
Royalties
&
Kingdomes
of
my
Father
;
which
I
have
now
conferred
on
my
Son
,
and
thirty
sixe
yeares
the
Majesty
of
the
Empire
,
which
I
have
surrendred
to
my
Brother
with
such
successe
and
glory
,
that
I
dare
say
(
without
vanity
)
amongst
the
greatest
Caesars
,
of
all
my
predecessors
,
Charles
the
great
onely
beares
comparison
with
Charles
the
fifth
.
In
effect
,
what
Prince
can
be
preferred
before
Charles
,
since
Charles
was
preferred
before
Francis
?
This
high
Soule
(
whom
glory
inflam'd
to
become
my
mortall
Enemy
;
and
whom
the
Renown
of
my
victories
so
oft
amaz'd
,
aspir'd
to
the
Empire
as
well
as
I
;
and
left
nothing
unattempted
that
might
make
his
way
lesse
difficult
;
he
moved
by
all
secret
engines
to
gaine
intelligence
,
&
make
his
party
in
Germany
,
he
allarm'd
the
towns
along
the
River
of
Rheine
,
with
the
great
numbers
of
his
Forses
and
Armies
,
the
more
to
terrifie
and
dispirit
the
Princes
Electors
;
notwithstanding
the
Genius
of
Augustus
was
more
prevalent
then
that
of
Anthony
,
although
that
of
Anthony
was
more
subtill
then
those
of
other
Men
,
yet
(
mauger
all
despite
of
this
illustrious
Rivall
)
I
obtained
the
Empire
to
which
hee
pretended
,
and
gained
the
Throne
with
more
honour
,
(
as
all
Europe
knowes
)
then
my
competitor
:
This
was
not
the
sole
advantage
which
fortune
crowned
me
with
in
degrees
above
my
mortall
enemies
;
But
on
the
contrary
,
shee
seem'd
willing
that
I
should
bee
borne
in
such
an
Age
,
that
should
chiefly
serve
for
my
renowne
;
And
the
Tryumphs
of
Charles
,
had
not
received
their
compleate
ornament
,
if
this
illustrious
conquest
had
not
attended
his
Royall
Chariott
.
I
know
not
(
my
deare
sister
)
if
it
may
not
prove
an
errour
in
my
judgement
,
or
a
blemish
to
my
wisedome
to
remember
you
(
at
this
reencounter
)
of
the
imprisonment
of
your
husband
;
first
,
because
that
he
is
not
now
alive
,
and
then
because
he
was
my
prisoner
:
yet
the
relation
is
a
sweet
temptation
to
a
soule
so
ambitious
of
true
glory
,
as
that
of
mine
;
and
to
silence
it
,
is
not
an
ordinary
difficulty
.
And
now
(
to
discourse
the
passages
as
they
fall
)
to
take
Prisoner
a
King
with
his
sword
in
his
hand
,
in
the
midst
of
the
field
,
the
battaile
being
all
inveloped
in
blood
and
fire
,
the
forces
routed
,
and
invironed
,
the
Colours
torne
,
the
Squadrons
flying
,
and
the
maine
body
in
confusion
;
some
dying
,
and
others
slaine
outright
;
such
a
King
(
I
say
)
though
intirely
vanquished
,
is
no
lesse
glorious
then
his
conquerer
.
Permitt
mee
then
(
sweet
Sister
)
to
call
to
my
memory
that
Battaile
of
Pavie
,
as
one
of
the
most
eminent
Actions
of
all
my
Raigne
,
and
if
you
sadly
call
to
mind
that
this
Prince
(
whom
Italy
and
Spaine
saw
my
Prisoner
)
was
your
husband
;
yet
forget
not
(
if
you
please
)
that
I
am
also
your
Brother
;
But
now
to
passe
from
Forraine
to
Domestick
affaires
,
from
Warres
abroad
to
civill
Dissentions
,
and
so
from
Spaine
to
Flanders
;
what
honour
did
I
not
gain
;
when
I
did
chastise
the
Revolted
City
of
Gaunt
,
this
Rebellion
was
so
great
,
that
the
consequence
might
have
been
terrible
,
and
yet
to
see
this
fire
extinguished
,
before
the
flame
grew
higher
,
I
was
forced
to
have
confidence
in
an
Antient
Enemy
newly
reconciled
;
and
enter
into
a
Province
of
a
Prince
,
whom
I
remitted
out
of
Prison
,
and
to
take
assurance
from
one
whom
I
had
forced
to
pay
a
Ransom
:
In
a
word
,
J
was
constrained
to
adventure
the
hazard
of
losing
all
,
that
by
my
bold
endeavours
I
might
preserve
Flanders
;
no
Policy
(
more
suspicious
then
mine
)
could
well
overcome
such
scruples
in
this
conjuncture
when
(
during
the
time
after
deliberation
)
the
Rebels
found
out
wayes
to
foment
new
Revolts
,
and
to
corroborate
their
unjust
usurpation
.
As
for
me
,
I
used
all
waies
,
and
meanes
;
and
as
soon
as
my
reason
discovered
,
that
I
could
not
suffer
the
contempt
of
that
Rebellious
Town
without
great
disgrace
,
and
much
dishonour
,
I
commended
Caesar
and
his
Fortune
to
the
mercy
of
the
Wind
and
Waves
;
I
slighted
that
which
others
thought
I
had
cause
to
fear
;
I
marched
throughout
all
France
Heroickly
,
and
at
last
chastised
this
Popular
City
;
and
reduced
her
to
her
Devoirs
.
Truly
Francis
used
generosity
well
beseeming
him
;
(
But
I
think
I
may
say
in
this
occasion
)
my
courage
well
beseemed
me
.
Now
to
return
from
Flanders
into
Spain
,
if
we
look
toward
Font-Arabia
,
what
new
Trophies
hath
not
she
discovered
.
This
Siege
cost
me
no
more
dayes
,
then
many
believed
it
would
have
expended
years
.
And
it
fell
out
there
,
what
Caesar
once
said
(
veni
vidi
vice
)
But
(
my
most
dear
Sister
)
that
which
I
relate
to
you
alone
,
my
wisdome
obliges
me
to
deny
to
all
Europe
:
Your
discretion
hath
merited
this
Confidence
,
and
he
who
hath
trusted
you
with
his
life
,
shall
never
fear
to
trust
you
with
any
secret
.
We
tell
you
then
that
the
gaining
of
Rome
addeth
a
marvellous
lustre
to
our
renown
,
which
others
would
endeavour
to
obscure
.
It
is
at
her
Capitoll
where
Caesars
and
the
Emperours
ought
to
Tryumph
,
and
it
is
just
to
make
this
imperious
City
(
the
Mistrisse
of
the
World
)
to
stoop
to
the
power
and
puissance
of
her
chiefe
Lords
and
Masters
But
if
vertue
be
scrupulous
(
in
this
conjunction
)
and
that
any
thing
seem
too
much
to
struggle
with
,
or
disturbe
her
victorious
magnificence
;
let
us
leave
Rome
,
and
turne
our
eyes
towards
Boloyn
,
which
saw
us
receive
the
Imperiall
Crown
from
the
Soveraign
Bishop
;
and
yet
,
if
she
can
expect
a
further
sacrifice
to
pacifie
and
appease
;
and
so
to
cause
her
utterly
to
forget
the
sacking
of
Rome
;
she
may
(
if
she
please
)
follow
us
into
Austria
,
where
she
shall
see
we
have
proved
the
Buckler
of
Christendom
in
repulsing
the
forces
of
invincible
Solyman
;
who
was
the
greatest
Emperour
of
the
Turks
;
shee
shall
see
us
make
head
against
our
greatest
Enemy
,
and
to
damme
up
that
dangerous
Torrent
,
which
threatned
the
Ruine
of
all
Germany
,
&
(
Possibly
)
of
all
Europe
;
but
if
the
Ladie
Vertupl
ease
to
march
with
me
out
of
Europe
into
Affrica
,
shee
may
look
on
me
there
Grapling
with
the
same
Enemies
;
That
is
,
the
Mahometans
,
the
greatest
Foes
to
Christianity
.
Who
hath
not
heard
of
the
taking
and
sacking
of
Gouletta
?
and
what
Climate
is
so
remote
from
the
Coast
of
Barbary
,
as
hath
not
talked
of
this
grand
Action
;
seeing
that
almost
all
Christians
were
spectators
on
the
effects
of
this
Warre
;
where
I
alone
caused
the
Roman
Eagle
to
fly
in
Tryumph
,
in
those
places
where
she
never
appeard
since
the
defeat
of
Hannibal
,
and
the
victory
of
Scipio
?
Who
hath
not
understood
of
the
flight
of
Cairadden
Barbarossa
,
that
famous
,
and
formidable
Pirate
,
who
so
enriched
that
abhominable
Town
of
Algiers
,
and
made
so
many
Slaves
?
he
was
the
terrour
of
all
our
Coasts
,
and
kept
all
our
Navall
Force
in
subjection
:
he
stiled
one
of
his
Ships
the
Dragon
of
the
sea
;
notwithstanding
this
Dragon
flew
before
the
Eagle
:
And
if
the
Pirate
lost
not
his
Navy
,
his
Life
,
nor
his
Liberty
,
yet
he
lost
his
Honour
,
which
he
ought
to
have
prized
above
them
all
.
This
famous
Thief
fled
from
his
mighty
Wealth
,
and
wee
had
the
honour
to
pursue
him
flying
,
who
was
the
Tyrant
of
the
Sea
.
Who
hath
not
heard
of
the
fame
of
the
taking
of
Tunis
,
the
most
important
,
and
capitall
City
of
that
whole
Kingdome
?
Have
wee
not
cause
to
hope
(
as
the
effect
of
so
great
Atchievements
)
that
Fez
,
and
Morocco
,
shall
have
the
same
destiny
?
That
Algiers
it self
shall
fall
within
our
power
?
And
that
all
Assrick
shall
yeeld
entirely
to
the
fortune
of
our
Victories
?
Yes
(
my
dear
Sisters
)
we
have
cause
to
hope
,
and
the
successe
had
been
infallible
,
according
to
expectation
,
if
the
Affairs
of
Europe
had
not
stop'd
our
progresse
in
Barbary
,
and
that
wee
had
not
been
constrain'd
to
returne
speedily
to
Sea
.
It
is
true
,
I
changed
the
climate
,
and
encountered
with
a
new
sort
of
Enemies
,
but
lost
not
the
least
point
of
good
fortune
;
Victory
followed
me
from
Affrica
to
Germany
;
and
the
Duke
of
Cleve
found
that
I
became
speedily
a
Terrible
Enemy
;
I
defied
him
and
all
his
Troops
,
took
him
and
all
his
Towns
:
And
if
my
Clemencie
had
not
equalized
my
Valour
,
I
had
buried
him
under
the
Ruines
of
his
own
Territories
.
Then
the
Error
of
Luther
had
infected
Germany
,
and
I
could
no
lesse
then
with
Fire
and
Faggot
oppose
the
birth
of
that
dangerous
Monster
.
How
many
Towns
did
fortifie
themselves
against
our
victorious
Armies
,
which
saw
their
own
Walls
thrown
down
,
and
demolished
by
the
succesfull
strength
of
our
puissant
Forces
:
Ulmes
yeelded
first
,
Auspurgh
followed
quickly
after
;
Halle
was
willing
to
imitate
the
one
&
the
other
;
and
above
thirty
Towns
more
submitted
likewise
:
at
last
Strasbourg
,
with
her
famous
Clock
(
of
which
all
Europe
talketh
)
remembers
the
hour
of
her
surprise
,
and
that
of
my
Triumph
.
What
shall
I
tell
you
of
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
the
dangerous
head
of
that
party
,
that
violent
Defender
of
the
Impostures
of
Luther
,
who
set
all
Germany
in
Armes
,
and
all
the
Countries
of
the
Empire
in
confusion
?
Did
it
not
turn
to
his
dishonour
,
and
my
glory
,
that
God
conducted
Caesar
and
his
fortune
?
Having
so
good
,
so
great
a
Pilot
,
his
Ship
could
not
perish
?
Did
not
all
Europe
see
the
very
foundation
of
this
Heresie
imprisoned
within
my
power
?
and
hath
not
that
Prison
clearly
seen
,
that
the
Cause
which
I
defended
was
that
of
Heaven
,
and
that
a
Robbing
of
mee
,
was
a
Robbing
of
God
?
and
seeing
that
God
will
be
for
us
,
we
may
demand
,
Quis
erit
contra
nos
?
Who
dare
be
against
us
?
Thus
(
my
dear
Sisters
)
I
have
had
this
particular
fortune
,
that
almost
alwayes
those
who
dared
to
attaque
my
Person
,
or
Forces
,
have
not
onely
lost
the
hopes
of
Conquering
me
,
but
even
themselves
,
their
Forces
,
their
Armies
,
their
Estates
,
and
their
Liberties
.
It
is
now
that
this
very
thought
calls
to
memory
the
imprisonment
of
Francis
le
Grand
,
and
his
imprisonment
,
the
great
advantages
which
I
obtained
with
those
good
successes
which
attended
:
I
shall
conclude
with
a
Narration
of
my
Successes
,
as
the
chiefest
Honour
to
my
greatest
actions
.
Hedin
did
offer
Sacrifice
to
my
memory
,
and
desired
permission
to
be
inserted
in
the
Schedule
of
my
Triumphs
.
Teroune
being
taken
appeares
no
little
ornament
;
and
many
other
Towns
,
which
I
subdued
in
France
,
humbly
craved
the
same
favours
.
But
(
most
dear
Ladies
)
I
shall
yet
in
this
discourse
mount
higher
then
I
have
before
.
Then
know
that
I
caused
Paris
to
tremble
,
whi●h
alone
●s
able
to
shake
a
Kingdome
;
Paris
that
vast
and
superbe
City
,
which
could
(
as
antient
Rome
)
levy
Armies
in
an
instant
;
Paris
(
I
say
)
which
the
whole
Earth
considers
now
,
as
the
Abridgment
of
the
World
,
and
as
the
wonder
of
the
Universe
.
After
this
(
dear
Ladies
)
I
shall
not
dare
to
speak
any
thing
,
of
what
I
have
done
in
Europe
and
in
Africk
;
But
,
(
as
a
device
and
a
well
drawn
intention
presented
to
me
)
which
fansied
me
to
passe
beyond
Hercules's
Pillars
.
Remember
yet
(
if
you
please
)
that
it
was
under
my
auspitious
conduct
and
Authority
that
Perew
was
first
discovered
.
This
inexhaustible
source
of
Gold
and
treasure
,
and
this
new
World
,
the
old
World
never
knew
;
and
of
this
mavellous
masse
of
Riches
,
my
successours
may
more
truly
glory
,
then
ever
Pompey
did
,
and
raise
Troopes
of
Armed
Men
,
stamping
their
feete
upon
the
Earth
as
oft
as
they
please
.
Yes
(
my
deare
Ladies
)
it
is
this
that
will
cause
the
Renowne
of
Sp●ine
to
be
illustrious
to
all
posterity
,
and
render
her
formidable
to
all
the
Earth
.
And
to
present
you
with
an
Epitomy
of
my
life
since
my
age
of
seaventeen
years
,
I
have
made
nine
voiages
into
Germany
,
six
into
Spain
,
seaven
into
Italy
,
four
into
France
,
ten
into
the
Low-countries
,
two
into
England
,
two
into
Affrica
,
besides
eleaven
times
traversing
the
Main
Ocean
.
What
shall
I
say
any
more
,
I
have
made
Warres
,
Truces
,
Peace
and
Alliances
,
equally
honorable
,
And
(
except
the
Enterprize
of
Algiers
,
and
the
Seige
of
Marcelles
)
you
shall
finde
that
my
Reign
was
a
continued
prosperity
;
and
that
that
antient
Captaine
,
which
the
Greekes
stiled
the
Towntaker
,
gained
not
so
many
as
I.
But
(
perhaps
you
will
say
unto
me
)
since
all
these
affaires
succeed
so
favourably
,
and
that
you
appeared
like
a
Star
situated
in
the
Heavens
,
attended
with
fortunate
aspects
,
thereby
inabled
to
Regulate
your
own
destinies
,
wherefore
will
you
abandone
the
Helme
of
that
great
vessell
which
you
have
so
prosperously
governed
,
transferring
those
great
affairs
to
a
young
Pilot
;
who
hath
not
so
large
experience
as
you
?
his
high
endeavours
may
be
as
great
,
or
more
,
yet
,
't
is
possible
,
not
so
successfull
.
O
(
most
honoured
Sisters
)
it
is
the
desire
of
immortall
Glory
that
caused
me
to
quit
this
transient
splendor
;
and
to
live
eternally
in
the
memory
of
men
,
that
I
cease
to
Reign
.
It
is
true
,
that
(
to
this
instant
)
fortune
hath
been
ever
propitious
to
me
,
that
she
hath
followed
my
Standard
that
she
never
was
unconstant
unto
my
party
;
Nay
her
favours
surpassed
my
expectations
,
and
seconded
all
my
Ambitions
:
But
I
know
well
this
is
not
allwaies
her
nature
,
and
I
am
equally
perswaded
that
I
ought
not
to
be
too
confident
;
for
having
placed
me
upon
the
very
highest
step
of
glory
(
to
which
degree
no
man
ascended
before
me
)
she
hath
withall
elevated
me
so
high
;
that
on
the
view
of
the
circumference
where
I
stand
,
I
am
invironed
with
precipices
which
are
able
to
amaze
the
greatest
courage
.
Though
I
walk
securely
,
(
accustomed
to
behold
those
dangers
without
fear
;
)
yet
one
false
step
may
cause
all
the
glory
of
my
renown
to
be
dasht
in
peeces
,
and
hazard
all
the
travailes
of
my
whole
life
to
be
lost
in
an
unfortunate
moment
.
Yes
(
my
dear
Sisters
)
as
I
know
the
inconstancy
of
Fortune
,
so
I
understand
the
injustice
and
malice
of
men
,
and
how
they
look
on
Conquerours
:
They
would
not
that
they
should
be
sometime
successfull
,
but
constantly
and
alwaies
;
it
is
not
by
precedent
noble
actions
,
but
by
the
last
events
that
they
censure
and
judge
of
the
Grandeur
of
all
former
Enterprizes
;
and
when
fortune
forsakes
them
,
renown
takes
leave
with
her
,
and
reputation
dies
and
followes
no
farther
;
some
will
say
that
meer
chance
gave
them
their
advantages
,
and
that
their
own
imprudence
destroy'd
all
:
and
truly
if
Alexander
himself
,
after
he
had
gained
the
Battell
of
Granique
,
had
lost
that
of
Arbella
,
he
had
returned
without
honour
into
Macedonia
,
Although
(
effectively
)
he
had
been
neither
lesse
wise
nor
valiant
.
Why
should
not
I
then
fixe
a
naile
in
the
wheele
of
this
inconstant
Chariot
;
to
stop
her
instability
?
and
why
should
the
World
think
it
no
danger
to
expose
to
losse
such
high
renown
obtained
with
so
much
industry
?
were
it
not
better
that
I
should
quit
the
Company
of
this
mutable
Lady
,
then
that
shee
should
(
coylie
)
forsake
me
?
And
that
I
should
rather
descend
voluntarily
from
the
Throne
,
then
to
expose
my self
to
the
hazard
of
a
precipitious
fall
?
A
man
ought
not
to
flatter
and
deceive
himselfe
in
an
affaire
so
important
as
this
,
my
Throne
is
not
more
secure
then
that
of
Bajazet
,
and
as
for
Tamberlain
,
was
not
Barbary
alone
capable
to
confound
him
and
all
his
Power
?
There
are
fewer
Crowns
and
Scepters
intire
(
in
all
the
Earth
)
then
those
which
lie
bruised
and
broken
under
the
feet
of
Fortune
.
This
grand
&
sadobject
may
teach
all
Princes
(
who
strike
their
Subjects
with
fear
)
to
be
daunted
and
tremble
themselves
.
It
is
then
with
the
strength
of
reason
,
and
a
consideration
so
high
,
that
I
arrive
safely
on
shore
,
having
hitherto
sayled
so
fortunately
,
and
so
much
the
sooner
;
because
I
can
be
no
greater
then
I
am
(
or
could
)
reasonably
desire
more
;
should
I
then
vainly
expose
my selfe
to
Storms
,
Rocks
,
Sands
,
and
Shipwrack
it selfe
?
Besides
,
as
Kings
have
not
the
immortality
of
the
Gods
(
if
a
Christian
may
be
admitted
to
use
this
Phrase
)
so
they
have
not
their
Power
:
But
(
on
the
contrary
)
are
subject
to
the
most
feeble
casualties
and
all
infirmities
of
other
men
.
I
am
remembred
by
my
diseases
,
which
daily
increase
upon
me
,
to
take
order
for
my
Supream
and
last
affaires
,
for
fear
of
being
prevented
,
and
to
remit
the
Scepter
of
Government
(
which
I
cannot
longer
well
support
)
to
the
shoulders
of
a
Prince
more
young
and
vigorous
then
I
,
and
consequently
,
more
capable
to
bear
up
so
great
a
weight
with
all
the
Royall
dignity
of
the
Empire
.
The
Soul
and
body
(
my
dear
Sisters
)
are
so
chained
together
,
that
the
weaknesse
of
the
one
must
needs
communicate
infirmitie
to
the
other
,
and
then
,
when
the
constitution
of
the
one
is
altered
(
it
is
very
possible
)
that
the
operation
of
the
other
must
admit
a
change
:
Judge
then
,
after
so
many
People
,
and
so
many
Princes
have
listned
to
my
voice
,
as
to
an
Oracle
;
and
followed
my
opinion
as
decrees
of
Heaven
(
if
I
had
done
well
to
have
exposed
my
infirmities
to
the
eyes
of
all
the
World
?
)
No
,
the
pangs
of
the
Gout
are
so
sharpe
and
picquant
,
that
they
force
my
Patience
to
sighs
and
Groans
;
It
must
needs
be
then
greater
wisdome
that
those
cryes
shall
Echo
no
where
but
in
the
desart
,
and
where
noe
person
shall
over-hear
them
.
Would
Men
,
that
I
should
do
like
Tiberius
,
who
to
preserve
the
shadow
of
his
former
Power
,
was
obliged
to
disguise
his
misery
in
an
Island
,
where
he
was
confined
by
dispatching
daily
Warrants
to
Rome
for
the
death
of
some
Citizen
,
for
no
other
end
but
that
Rome
might
know
Tiberius
was
still
living
?
No
,
this
Barbarous
proceeding
becomes
not
a
Christian
,
a
Prince
,
nor
a
Man
,
and
I
hate
to
practice
it
.
For
that
time
that
I
have
had
my
health
,
I
conceive
J
have
governed
my
Subjects
in
such
a
fashion
,
that
none
(
except
my
Enemies
)
can
be
displeased
that
I
either
lived
,
or
reigned
.
But
seeing
my
strength
failes
me
,
I
shall
not
farther
prefer
mine
ambition
above
the
safety
of
my
Subjects
.
Other
Princes
leave
their
Crowns
to
their
Children
onely
at
that
instant
when
they
dye
,
that
is
,
when
they
are
not
fit
to
weare
the
Diademe
any
longer
.
But
as
for
me
,
I
was
never
willing
that
Death
should
make
this
present
to
my
Sonne
;
but
rather
,
that
he
should
receive
,
and
hold
this
Blessing
from
me
;
and
as
I
was
a
means
to
make
him
live
,
so
(
before
I
dyed
)
I
would
be
a
meanes
to
make
him
Reign
,
and
thereby
oblige
him
to
me
more
entirely
.
Moreover
(
not
to
conceal
any
of
my
thoughts
)
I
know
wel
that
most
people
of
the
Earth
imitate
the
Injustice
of
the
antient
people
of
Libya
,
who
adored
the
Rising
Sun
,
but
regard
not
the
Sun-setting
.
Yes
(
Royal
Ladies
)
the
flourishing
age
of
Philip
withdraws
the
Subjects
hearts
from
the
gray
haires
of
Charles
;
they
would
regard
the
latter
years
of
my
Reign
as
an
unseasonable
cloud
which
interposed
the
bright
beams
of
this
new
star
,
and
attend
with
impatience
a
thing
which
(
rationally
)
they
ought
to
fear
;
and
if
the
more
moderate
party
be
pleased
with
their
attendance
;
yet
others
indiscreet
,
are
inflamed
with
their
new
desires
;
and
will
not
spare
to
make
unjust
vows
,
to
hasten
a
birth
to
their
expectations
.
The
humours
of
men
,
who
●●eat
in
an
eternall
change
,
and
dwell
in
a
continued
instability
,
never
satisfied
with
the
present
condition
of
affairs
,
fancie
new
felicities
in
their
imaginations
of
things
to
come
.
It
may
be
said
of
the
People
,
as
of
those
who
are
sick
,
who
think
they
shall
receive
a
Refreshment
by
change
of
the
Scituation
,
or
place
where
they
lye
;
and
,
how
good
soe'r
a
Prince
is
,
we
may
easily
discern
fewer
sighs
and
groans
at
his
Funerals
,
then
cries
,
or
acclamations
of
joy
at
the
Coronation
of
his
Successor
.
Then
they
fancy
to
themselves
the
Golden
Age
,
and
the
innocency
of
former
dayes
,
when
their
new
Master
begins
to
Reign
;
and
six
Moneths
after
(
perhaps
)
regrett
the
death
of
the
former
Prince
,
repine
,
and
murmur
at
him
that
is
alive
:
David
,
who
was
according
to
Gods
own
heart
,
yet
was
not
so
in
the
eyes
of
Shim●i
and
Absalon
:
And
who
knows
(
in
imitation
of
the
latter
)
if
the
Maladie
of
Rebellious
spirits
shall
not
prove
contageous
in
the
evill
Counsels
of
Sycophants
,
and
that
Flatterers
may
not
infect
the
Soul
of
Philip
?
He
is
well
born
,
but
young
;
he
is
my
Son
,
but
a
Prince
;
and
as
I
am
not
wiser
then
David
,
so
(
it
is
possible
)
he
may
prove
no
more
obedient
then
Absolon
.
I
know
that
men
have
observed
his
sad
complaint
in
England
of
the
condition
of
his
Fortune
,
and
I
am
not
ignorant
of
what
his
Confederates
have
counselled
to
exasperate
him
,
in
regard
the
English
would
not
entitle
him
their
King
,
but
the
Husband
of
their
Queen
.
(
Madams
)
would
men
that
I
should
hear
that
this
young
Lyon
had
broken
his
Chains
,
and
that
his
fury
had
enraged
him
to
trouble
the
course
of
my
prosperities
?
Have
I
not
encountered
enough
with
Forreign
Warres
,
but
that
I
must
be
embroyled
in
a
Civill
?
And
would
they
that
I
should
commit
my self
to
a
condition
more
hatefull
then
death
?
to
be
at
dissention
with
my
own
Sonne
,
whom
I
love
more
then
mine
own
life
?
Should
I
expose
my self
to
the
danger
of
a
War
,
where
the
victory
and
the
defeat
would
prove
equally
funeste
,
and
direfull
to
me
?
Where
if
I
were
conquered
I
must
be
vanquished
by
a
Paricide
?
Or
if
I
should
prove
the
Conquerour
,
should
be
constrain'd
to
sacrifice
mine
own
Sonne
as
an
Oblation
to
the
Empire
?
And
so
blot
out
the
high
crime
of
Treason
with
blood
flowing
from
mine
own
veins
?
No
,
no
,
Herod
,
and
Charles
follow
not
the
same
Maximes
,
if
Herod
caused
his
children
to
die
,
I
love
rather
to
cause
mine
to
Reign
:
And
as
the
innocency
of
Philip
is
like
to
that
of
those
young
Princes
,
I
have
been
willing
to
provide
that
hee
should
not
bee
able
to
lose
it
.
To
this
end
,
that
I
might
preserve
my self
from
imitating
that
unfortunate
Polititian
,
I
beleeve
that
few
Princes
will
copy
out
my
example
,
as
I
have
had
much
difficulty
to
find
out
any
to
imitate
of
former
Ages
.
However
Posterity
will
commend
my
design
,
when
they
shall
understand
how
much
my
Sonne
hath
merited
;
I
having
done
a
thing
so
extraordinary
.
And
I
wish
,
with
all
my
heart
,
that
Philip
may
have
children
so
wise
and
hopefull
,
that
hee
may
doe
for
them
,
as
I
am
about
to
doe
for
him
,
and
that
he
may
voluntarily
surrender
his
Empire
without
any
constraint
at
all
.
All
these
reasons
(
honoured
Sisters
)
are
(
as
seemes
to
me
)
forcible
enough
to
oblige
me
to
act
as
I
have
done
.
Yet
(
if
without
ostentation
and
vanity
I
shall
discover
the
secret
of
my
soul
)
I
vow
to
you
I
am
in
part
stript
from
the
Empire
by
a
deep
sence
of
Piety
,
and
Devotion
to
Religion
:
For
why
?
the
rest
of
my
life
past
hath
been
mixed
in
the
Tumults
of
Armies
,
and
with
Managerie
of
War
,
where
he
who
is
stiled
Dominus
exercituum
hath
not
been
so
adored
as
he
ought
.
And
I
cannot
but
know
that
hee
(
from
whom
all
their
puissance
springs
)
will
demand
an
exact
account
of
their
Administration
:
And
that
they
who
have
judged
Nations
and
People
,
shall
(
at
last
)
be
judged
themselves
.
Yes
(
Sisters
)
as
I
know
how
the
ambition
of
Francis
,
and
mine
have
troubled
all
Europe
,
and
interrupted
the
repose
of
all
Christendom
;
I
fear
,
that
this
ardent
desire
of
Renown
,
which
hath
so
animated
us
both
,
will
not
prove
a
cause
and
ground
sufficient
and
lawfull
before
the
undoubted
Tribunal
of
the
Justice
of
GOD
:
Seeing
then
,
that
the
wisdome
of
men
is
but
foolishness
before
him
,
their
vanity
can
be
no
other
then
criminal
abhomination
.
I
tell
you
,
I
have
a
fearfull
sence
of
the
blood
of
so
many
Souldiers
slain
,
of
the
outcries
of
so
many
people
ruined
,
and
of
the
flames
of
so
many
Towns
burned
,
lest
they
should
mount
to
the
Throne
of
Heaven
,
and
there
cry
for
vengeance
against
me
.
But
if
that
be
true
(
which
we
must
not
doubt
,
since
Truth
it self
speaks
it
)
that
the
Righteous
fall
seven
times
a
day
,
how
often
offendeth
he
who
is
not
just
at
all
?
This
reflection
(
my
dear
Sisters
)
hath
caused
me
to
look
on
Scepters
,
Crowns
,
Kingdomes
,
and
Empires
,
as
common
obstacles
of
my
Salvavation
;
and
made
me
resolve
to
lose
them
,
to
find
out
means
to
save
my
Soul.
An
old
Captaine
of
mine
one
day
entreating
my
Passe
,
and
Congè
,
told
me
that
one
ought
to
have
some
space
and
time
betwixt
the
affairs
of
this
life
,
and
the
day
of
death
.
This
piercing
word
stroke
so
deeply
within
my
Soul
,
that
it
can
never
be
blotted
out
:
And
since
that
fortunate
hour
,
wherein
that
sage
Captain
admonished
me
,
even
to
this
instant
,
I
have
imitated
his
prudence
;
nor
hath
that
pious
Memento
slipt
out
of
my
memory
.
No
(
virtuous
Ladies
)
it
was
not
in
a
rude
Tumult
that
I
concluded
this
Grand
action
;
I
examined
it
a
hundred
times
before
I
undertook
it
;
and
after
that
,
I
submitted
my
own
blindness
to
the
inspirations
of
Heaven
.
Yet
if
besides
this
so
just
cause
of
my
Retreat
,
I
may
be
permitted
to
adde
another
reason
,
which
shall
be
the
last
end
of
my
discourse
:
I
vow
freely
,
that
the
death
of
Francis
the
first
,
seemed
to
say
to
Charles
the
fifth
,
that
it
was
high
time
for
him
to
cease
to
live
,
or
at
least
,
longer
to
Reign
;
in
effect
it
were
not
just
that
this
great
person
should
enjoy
repose
in
his
Tombe
,
and
that
I
should
continue
still
in
trouble
:
Seeing
that
our
travelis
are
alike
,
it
is
fit
(
in
some
respect
)
that
our
recompence
should
be
proportionable
;
and
as
some
illustrious
Persons
buried
him
when
he
was
dead
,
I
am
content
(
in
some
sort
)
to
bury
my selfe
alive
.
All
the
Earth
cannot
now
afford
an
Enemy
worthy
of
Charles
,
after
the
death
of
Francis
,
and
the
youth
of
Henry
hath
not
the
proportion
of
years
to
that
age
,
to
which
I
am
reduced
,
he
ought
first
to
have
made
three
hundred
Sieges
,
and
gained
more
then
twenty
Battailes
,
before
he
be
fit
to
enter
the
Lists
equally
with
me
:
It
were
not
just
to
expose
lightly
the
Glory
of
an
old
Captain
to
the
fortune
of
a
young
Souldier
;
I
have
too
much
to
lose
,
and
I
see
too
little
to
gain
,
to
prevent
me
from
a
game
so
hazardous
,
and
I
should
not
have
lesse
Testimony
of
imprudence
then
of
courage
.
If
I
should
longer
be
pertinaciously
confident
,
the
Seige
of
Metz
hath
cleared
mine
eyes
,
and
makes
me
see
perspicuously
that
fortune
,
like
Ladies
,
loves
to
court
beautifull
youth
.
Let
not
then
men
think
it
strange
,
if
I
retire
my self
from
her
service
,
and
commend
my
Son
to
her
favour
.
In
a
word
,
Charles
opposed
Francis
as
long
as
he
lived
,
and
I
leave
Philip
to
grapple
with
Henry
as
long
as
he
Reignes
.
It
shall
suffice
for
my
renown
,
that
I
leave
off
to
Reign
then
,
when
I
have
most
absolute
power
,
and
hence
all
the
World
shall
be
in
an
amaze
;
shall
dispute
and
doubt
,
which
Act
shall
be
more
glorious
,
either
to
have
Reigned
so
soveraignly
,
or
acquitted
the
Empire
so
freely
.
Seeing
therefore
that
the
Empires
of
the
chiefest
Caesars
were
not
more
glorious
then
that
of
mine
,
it
is
fit
that
having
excelled
all
others
,
I
should
at
last
conquer
my self
,
quitting
my
Ambition
with
my
Crowns
,
and
Scepters
,
and
so
with
this
new
kind
of
Victory
obtain
an
unheard-of
glory
,
which
all
posterity
shall
not
equallize
,
but
with
much
difficulty
.
Let
us
go
on
then
(
most
incomparable
Ladies
)
let
us
go
on
to
honour
the
Trees
of
my
desart
,
and
store
my
Wildernesse
of
retirement
,
with
the
Monuments
and
glorious
Trophies
of
so
many
Nations
;
and
we
will
make
the
whole
Earth
confesse
,
that
he
that
had
power
to
quit
so
many
Crowns
and
Scepters
,
was
not
unworthy
to
wear
them
.
The
Censure
.
CErtainly
it
is
not
lesse
difficult
to
quit
Crowns
and
Scepters
,
then
to
gaine
and
Conquer
them
:
and
those
who
say
it
is
lawfull
to
violate
the
Lawes
to
gain
a
Soveraign
Crown
,
had
no
regard
of
giving
approbation
to
that
Act
which
the
Emperour
Charles
the
fifth
effected
in
this
unparalell'd
example
and
Resolution
.
That
wicked
woman
who
caused
her
Chariot
to
wheele
over
the
body
of
her
own
Father
,
to
make
her
way
more
easie
to
his
Throne
,
never
thought
of
a
voluntary
resignation
of
a
Crown
as
Charles
did
.
An
effect
so
stupendeous
and
extraordinary
,
that
it
surprises
all
the
World
:
Many
will
give
no
credit
to
it
,
some
admire
it
,
others
(
without
judgement
)
slight
the
Action
as
not
worthy
imitation
;
some
attribute
this
Act
to
the
Grandeur
of
his
courage
,
others
(
if
I
durst
say
it
)
to
his
pusillanimity
,
His
own
Son
(
and
so
Strada
doth
assure
us
)
could
not
abstain
from
a
gallant
and
ingenious
Raillery
,
for
when
one
told
him
he
had
the
hap
of
a
good
year
when
the
Emperour
his
father
surrendred
his
Crown
,
he
replyed
that
his
Father
might
have
another
when
to
repent
it
.
This
sentence
was
a
certain
prognostick
of
the
humor
of
Philip
the
second
.
And
these
different
discourses
of
the
Father
and
Son
,
makes
it
evident
to
the
World
that
Philip
would
not
appear
of
the
temper
of
Charles
;
And
that
it
should
never
be
said
of
him
,
that
antiquity
related
of
a
Noble
Grecian
,
that
,
Tydides
was
better
then
his
Father
.
This
subtle
and
cunning
Polititian
resolved
not
to
be
so
kind
to
Philip
the
third
as
his
Father
had
been
to
him
;
who
through
the
infirmities
of
age
,
and
the
Gout
,
and
the
thoughts
of
death
,
conceived
himselfe
obliged
to
surrender
a
Scepter
he
bad
born
so
long
.
Our
Lewis
the
eleventh
,
likeed
not
a
Maxime
and
resolution
of
this
Nature
;
who
,
as
long
as
he
could
retain
his
soul
within
his
body
,
held
fast
all
the
markes
of
Royalty
with
Soveraign
Power
.
It
is
true
that
he
commended
them
(
at
the
last
moment
of
his
death
)
to
his
Son
,
but
he
sent
them
in
such
a
fashion
,
as
a
man
may
easily
believe
the
Act
was
rather
to
tast
his
inclination
,
then
to
oblige
his
Son
,
and
rather
to
discover
the
Daulphins
resentment
,
then
to
expresse
his
own
paternall
tendernesse
.
A
man
may
say
that
this
Prince
seemed
to
have
a
long
time
to
live
,
because
he
desired
to
prolong
his
Reign
,
he
used
all
endeavours
to
cause
his
miseries
to
dye
,
that
men
might
know
that
he
was
yet
alive
,
he
fortified
the
Castles
of
Plessis
,
and
Tours
rather
against
death
then
any
other
Enemy
;
he
experienced
the
choicest
and
rarest
remedies
to
renew
Old
Age
,
and
cure
his
Consumption
:
And
if
his
Christianity
had
not
sweetned
the
Asperity
of
Policie
,
it
may
be
well
beleeved
,
that
he
would
have
ordained
when
he
was
a
dying
,
what
once
a
great
Polititian
appointed
,
that
he
would
have
showers
of
tears
run
plentifully
at
his
Funerals
,
thereby
(
if
it
were
possible
)
to
cause
the
living
to
resent
his
power
when
he
was
in
the
grave
.
And
now
,
considering
all
the
precedent
Affairs
,
I
may
be
justly
permitted
to
honour
,
and
commend
a
Spaniard
(
if
a
Prince
born
in
Flanders
may
bear
that
name
)
and
dare
venture
to
say
,
the
action
of
the
Emperour
CHARLES
the
fifth
,
was
Grand
,
Glorious
,
truly
Noble
,
and
Heroick
:
For
he
freely
parted
with
that
which
the
losse
and
ruin
of
ten
bloody
Battels
could
not
force
him
to
.
He
understood
(
at
last
)
the
vanities
of
those
Grandeures
which
he
had
so
much
courted
;
and
deprived
Fortune
of
all
power
of
robbing
him
of
any
thing
,
and
as
his
Motto
was
,
Plus
ultra
,
so
he
concluded
he
had
something
to
endeavour
beyond
his
Empire
,
and
earthy
Kingdomes
to
look
after
:
This
great
soul
found
out
(
at
last
)
that
the
whole
Earth
was
but
as
a
point
,
or
prick
in
comparison
of
Heaven
:
Without
doubt
the
blessed
Spirit
which
guides
the
hearts
of
Kings
(
and
so
a
great
King
tells
us
)
infused
this
generous
Resolution
.
And
though
this
Action
have
no
example
but
that
of
Dioclesian
(
whom
the
Primitive
Christians
permitted
not
to
be
ranged
amongst
good
Princes
,
yet
we
may
confesse
and
avow
,
it
was
a
sublime
,
and
high
Act
,
worthy
of
greatest
admiration
,
and
most
worthy
of
those
happy
times
,
when
men
said
,
Philosophi
sunt
Reges
,
&
Reges
Philosophantur
.
To
conclude
,
it
is
not
lesse
rare
to
see
a
King
become
an
humble
Hermite
,
then
to
see
a
poor
Gardiner
advanced
to
be
a
King
,
as
Abdolominus
was
,
whom
Alexander
commanded
to
be
crowned
.
Now
as
it
is
rare
and
admirable
to
see
one
surrender
,
and
quit
a
Crown
,
as
CHARLES
the
fifth
,
so
it
is
no
lesse
to
be
admired
to
see
one
assume
,
and
take
it
up
,
as
one
of
our
Kings
did
,
who
was
LEWIS
the
fourth
.
His
Father
was
dead
in
prison
,
his
Subjects
in
rebellion
,
and
(
at
the
same
time
)
he
an
Exile
in
England
,
but
the
successe
of
time
changed
the
fate
of
all
affairs
,
and
strock
a
deep
sense
into
the
Rebels
thoughts
,
so
that
they
(
who
so
evill
intreated
●he
Father
)
called
home
the
Son
to
elevate
him
to
the
Royall
Throne
.
Behold
here
that
gallant
young
Prince
at
the
sea
side
,
and
in
the
view
of
those
vessels
wherein
he
sailed
from
Dover
to
Callis
thus
congratulating
his
subjects
,
before
he
accepted
the
present
of
his
Scepter
.
portrait of King Louis IV
Lewis
the
4th.
King
of
France
.
LEWIS
THE
FOVRTH
To
his
Revolted
Subjects
.
BEfore
I
shall
receive
your
Oath
of
Fidelity
,
which
I
may
justly
demand
,
and
you
ought
dutifully
to
take
,
I
shall
let
you
know
,
you
have
recalled
(
this
day
)
a
Prince
(
who
during
his
Exile
)
had
nothing
else
to
doe
,
but
to
study
how
to
Rule
and
Reign
;
and
hereby
I
shall
enforce
you
to
believe
that
you
shall
not
be
able
to
make
a
Royal
Throne
a
passage
into
my
Fathers
Prison
:
And
after
you
have
presented
me
with
a
Crown
,
to
dare
to
wish
me
so
much
ill
,
as
once
to
think
of
Chains
and
Irons
.
I
know
well
,
that
this
discourse
will
surprise
you
,
and
that
you
did
not
beleeve
when
you
presented
mee
with
a
Scepter
,
that
I
should
not
rather
have
received
it
with
Thanks
,
then
Reprehensions
;
but
this
act
is
extraordinary
in
its
commencement
,
in
its
progress
,
and
in
its
conclusion
;
and
it
is
just
that
all
circumstances
should
be
proportionable
.
Let
it
then
suffice
you
onely
to
know
,
that
if
I
be
ignorant
to
what
point
Subjects
are
to
pay
their
obeisance
,
yet
I
am
not
ignorant
to
what
degree
Soveraigns
may
extend
their
clemencie
:
Notwithstanding
there
is
this
difference
betwixt
them
,
that
the
Subjects
have
no
limits
for
the
first
,
but
Soveraigns
have
for
the
latter
.
The
People
are
obliged
to
the
Princes
wills
,
both
by
their
Bir●h
,
and
their
Laws
.
They
owe
them
their
goods
,
their
lives
,
and
their
liberties
;
and
their
Princes
owe
them
nothing
but
Justice
,
which
can
hardly
pardon
Traitors
.
If
these
Truths
,
and
Maximes
had
been
equally
understood
,
and
followed
by
the
late
King
my
Soveraign
,
and
you
his
People
,
affaires
had
not
been
in
that
sad
condition
as
they
now
are
.
The
State
had
not
been
reduc'd
to
such
confusion
;
the
Provinces
had
not
been
Cantonized
;
Germanie
had
not
been
so
full
of
Factions
;
Italy
had
not
been
so
divided
;
all
the
Cities
of
the
kingdom
had
not
had
so
many
Kings
as
they
now
have
Governors
;
you
had
not
been
guilty
of
the
crime
of
Treason
,
in
elevating
an
Usurper
to
the
Throne
,
the
King
my
Father
might
still
have
Reigned
,
or
(
at
least
)
I
might
have
received
the
Crown
from
his
hands
,
and
not
from
yours
;
his
Tomb
might
have
been
bedewed
with
my
tears
,
his
Scepter
had
not
been
prophaned
,
his
Hearse
might
have
been
covered
with
Trophies
,
and
not
with
Chains
.
And
(
to
speak
all
in
a
few
words
)
you
might
have
been
happy
and
innocent
.
But
as
his
Clemencie
,
and
your
Rebellion
were
the
sole
causers
of
all
these
evils
,
so
your
Obedience
,
and
my
Justice
,
are
the
onely
means
to
make
reparation
.
Consider
a
little
(
I
pray
you
)
(
that
you
fall
not
back
in
the
same
estate
wherein
you
were
)
in
what
Relation
you
now
stand
;
and
in
what
condition
I
am
.
First
,
you
have
violated
all
sorts
of
Rights
in
the
person
of
your
King
,
you
have
raised
a
Warre
against
him
,
you
have
assaulted
him
,
and
afterwards
poysoned
him
;
you
have
abused
the
confidence
he
had
in
you
,
you
have
detained
him
prisoner
with
as
great
Treason
as
Injustice
,
with
as
great
insolencie
as
cruelty
:
an
injury
which
was
never
offered
(
hardly
)
to
the
person
of
an
ordinary
Herald
.
Thus
you
have
violated
,
and
impudently
abused
your
King
;
you
have
detained
him
prisoner
during
a
Treaty
of
Peace
,
for
five
years
together
led
him
from
prison
to
prison
;
you
have
forced
him
not
onely
to
set
by
his
Militia
,
and
to
depose
his
Crown
;
but
you
have
constrain'd
him
with
violence
to
transferre
it
into
other
hands
then
mine
.
To
conclude
;
you
put
him
to
death
,
and
you
have
reduced
my self
to
a
strict
necessity
,
to
search
my
safety
in
my
flight
,
and
to
goe
and
shew
my
misery
beyond
the
Seas
.
Yet
this
is
not
all
,
you
have
done
one
thing
which
never
any
did
before
;
it
hath
been
seen
sometimes
that
the
Grandees
of
a
Kingdom
have
interposed
themselves
against
a
Tyrannie
,
and
have
destroyed
it
;
but
't
was
never
seen
that
they
themselves
elevated
a
Tyrant
to
the
Throne
as
you
have
done
:
In
these
kind
of
crimes
the
Abettors
may
be
said
to
be
more
criminall
then
he
who
hath
received
all
the
fruit
:
For
if
each
one
of
you
in
particular
had
aspired
to
set
the
Crown
upon
his
own
head
,
you
might
have
been
more
excusable
,
then
to
have
snatcht
it
from
your
lawfull
Prince
to
place
it
on
the
head
of
an
Usurper
.
But
you
'll
say
to
me
,
the
Prince
that
bore
it
was
not
able
to
suppert
it
.
To
that
I
shall
answer
,
As
I
have
the
honour
to
be
his
Son
,
and
was
his
Subject
,
it
belongeth
not
to
me
to
determine
what
he
could
,
or
what
he
could
not
:
seeing
hee
was
my
Father
,
I
ought
not
to
presume
to
be
his
judge
,
and
seeing
hee
was
my
King
,
I
ought
not
to
be
so
impudent
to
censure
,
much
lesse
to
condemn
his
actions
;
he
being
not
obliged
to
render
an
account
to
any
,
But
God
alone
.
Believe
then
,
the
same
respect
I
have
for
his
memory
,
you
ought
to
have
had
for
his
person
,
he
was
your
King
as
well
as
mine
:
seeing
then
that
Kings
'
are
called
the
Fathers
of
the
People
;
Their
Subjects
are
obliged
to
have
for
them
a
true
resentment
of
respect
,
which
their
very
birth
may
infuse
into
them
;
Bsiedes
as
Soveraignes
are
the
●●ue
Images
of
God
,
and
that
the
splendor
of
their
puissance
is
a
beam
and
ray
of
his
power
;
Subjects
ought
to
have
an
equall
submission
to
their
Soveraigns
wil.
When
then
you
see
a
Comet
appear
,
the
Sun
eclipsed
,
the
Thunder
bolt
fall
on
innocent
heads
,
when
you
see
Floods
drown
whole
Townes
,
by
their
inundation
,
and
the
Sea
(
passing
his
bounds
,
and
swallowing
whole
Provinces
in
the
bottome
of
the
deep
)
devour
them
up
;
When
you
see
an
Earthquake
make
Kingdoms
tremble
,
and
cause
horrid
devastations
of
whole
Countries
;
then
(
I
say
)
it
is
permitted
to
the
People
to
murmure
?
Do
you
not
discern
the
contrary
,
how
in
these
occurrences
they
redouble
their
vowes
&
prayers
,
and
that
they
are
never
more
obedient
to
God
,
then
at
such
a
time
,
as
if
God
had
forsaken
his
providence
of
the
Universe
?
and
when
it
shall
so
happen
,
that
Heaven
(
for
the
punishment
of
your
sinns
)
gives
you
a
Prince
under
whose
Reign
policy
and
prudence
are
not
well
observed
,
during
whose
Government
Forraign
and
Civill
Warrs
devour
all
with
cruell
ravages
;
it
belongeth
not
then
to
you
to
reprehend
and
condemn
your
Soveraign
;
for
,
is
he
feeble
?
then
you
ought
to
sustain
him
:
is
he
unfortunate
?
you
ought
to
bemoane
him
:
is
he
wicked
?
you
ought
to
looke
upon
him
as
a
scourge
and
chastisement
sent
from
Heaven
,
and
to
waite
with
Patience
for
a
remedy
from
that
hand
,
which
hath
caused
your
evill
.
For
when
a
Prince
commands
an
Army
,
and
gives
Battail
;
if
it
so
happen
that
the
Souldiers
perform
not
their
devoires
and
duty
,
that
his
squadrons
yeild
,
the
main
body
be
broken
,
and
(
in
the
end
)
after
he
hath
done
even
miracles
in
his
person
,
he
be
yet
constrained
to
quit
the
field
,
and
to
retreat
from
his
Enemies
?
●s
it
not
the
Prince
that
loseth
the
Battail
?
Is
it
not
the
Prince
that
suffers
the
disgrace
?
Is
it
not
the
Prince
that
is
reputed
vanquisht
?
And
that
bears
the
losse
and
infamie
of
the
day
?
Notwithstanding
,
that
by
his
own
particular
actions
he
hath
merited
to
be
conqueror
?
seeing
it
is
thus
,
why
will
not
you
(
in
such
conjunctions
)
bear
with
the
infirmities
,
and
misfortunes
of
your
Princes
,
as
well
as
they
do
with
yours
?
Or
(
to
speak
something
yet
nearer
to
the
quick
)
who
do
you
not
repair
these
disorders
by
your
own
more
exact
obedience
?
The
Prince
alone
is
obvious
in
a
Battail
to
the
infamy
,
Couardise
and
misfortnue
of
his
whole
Army
,
and
you
are
thousands
,
who
are
obliged
to
strengthen
the
Authority
and
Honour
of
your
King-which
he
cannot
support
with
his
single
valour
.
Believe
me
,
if
all
Subjects
would
be
loyall
,
no
Kingdome
could
be
miserable
:
and
if
all
Princes
thought
more
of
severity
then
of
clemency
,
there
would
not
be
so
many
Subjects
Rebells
.
Moreover
if
it
were
permitted
to
the
Capritious
people
to
take
and
give
Crowns
,
when
they
fancied
a
change
;
I
conceive
there
is
not
a
Shepheard
but
might
hope
to
be
a
King
,
and
not
a
King
but
might
be
reduced
to
be
a
Shepheard
;
so
unruly
and
uncertain
are
their
floating
Judgements
.
But
(
to
speak
the
truth
to
you
)
these
things
ought
not
thus
to
pass
:
we
are
your
Masters
,
and
you
ought
not
to
become
ours
.
It
is
not
that
I
am
ignorant
that
God
disposeth
of
Scepters
and
Crowns
,
as
he
pleaseth
,
and
gives
them
as
he
listeth
,
and
bestowes
them
on
,
or
takes
them
from
whom
he
will
,
and
what
he
alwaies
doth
is
without
all
injustice
;
sometimes
permitting
that
the
people
shall
elevate
to
the
Throne
,
these
who
never
pretended
to
such
a
high
degree
.
But
when
such
an
accident
happeneth
,
it
is
usually
in
favour
to
those
extraordinary
persons
in
whom
Virtue
hath
imprest
a
Royall
Chararacter
so
visible
,
that
it
were
almost
injustice
not
to
admit
them
Kings
.
To
conclude
,
that
which
precedes
,
and
that
which
followes
,
ought
to
be
sufficient
to
justifie
the
effect
,
and
it
became
Charles
Martel
,
Pepin
,
and
Charlemain
puissantly
to
erect
a
Throne
,
which
was
not
founded
upon
a
line
of
right
succession
,
yet
even
in
this
reencounter
you
well
see
the
event
to
this
present
hath
not
authorized
your
design
.
The
Engine
of
of
this
enterprize
,
hath
been
slain
in
battail
;
The
Arch-Bishop
of
Rhemes
preserved
not
his
life
,
but
three
daies
after
he
had
anointed
the
usurper
.
But
it
is
not
seasonable
(
to
day
)
to
exaggerate
the
injustice
of
your
proceedings
;
I
am
not
willing
to
particularize
other
things
,
and
I
shall
satisfie
my self
with
telling
you
,
in
generall
,
that
Kings
ought
not
to
lose
their
Crownes
,
but
with
their
lives
,
and
that
nothing
can
dispense
Subjects
from
the
respect
,
and
loyallty
,
which
they
owe
to
their
Soveraigns
,
nor
any
pretense
(
Whatsoever
)
Authorize
Treason
and
Rebellion
.
If
sacred
persons
may
notenjoy
their
particular
priviledge
,
(
which
is
derived
from
none
but
God
)
they
shall
be
exposed
,
more
then
others
,
to
all
sorts
of
miseries
;
Their
guards
will
appear
to
them
instead
of
Enemies
,
their
Thrones
will
rather
seem
a
direfull
precipice
then
a
place
of
honour
,
and
safety
;
a
King
(
of
this
kind
)
is
no
better
then
an
illustrious
slave
,
when
he
shall
have
as
many
Masters
as
Subjects
.
This
first
disorder
will
quickly
cause
a
second
,
for
,
when
the
Nobles
of
a
Kingdome
faile
in
their
duty
to
their
Prince
,
their
own
Vassalls
,
and
Tenants
will
forfeit
their
feality
to
them
,
and
then
Rebellion
communicated
from
the
Grandees
to
the
Commons
,
and
so
descending
from
one
Soul
to
another
,
an
universall
confusion
swells
and
devours
all
.
Every
one
will
command
,
and
no
person
obey
,
and
(
in
this
resentment
of
Levelling
equality
)
each
person
proves
a
slave
to
his
own
ambition
,
and
no
one
,
either
rationally
Commands
himselfe
or
others
.
In
effect
,
this
is
the
most
sad
condition
that
a
Kingdome
can
fall
into
,
when
there
is
no
subjection
,
and
where
(
for
their
punishment
)
the
Prince
hath
not
force
to
reduce
the
people
to
their
obedience
.
For
mine
own
part
,
when
I
consider
my self
to
be
the
Sonne
of
a
King
,
the
successour
of
so
many
Kings
,
and
yet
,
notwithstanding
that
I
immediately
succeed
not
my
Father
;
This
Idea
imprints
in
me
,
a
strange
confusion
as
towards
you
,
and
an
extreame
grief
as
towards
my self
;
for
when
I
reflect
how
the
same
Subjects
who
inchained
Charles
in
Fetters
,
and
gave
the
Crown
to
Robert
,
placed
Lewis
on
the
Throne
,
the
malice
which
they
bore
to
the
Father
,
may
it
not
easily
fall
upon
the
Son
?
and
may
not
they
fear
that
the
Son
will
revenge
the
outrages
committed
against
the
Father
?
but
yet
(
may
someone
say
,
)
those
who
have
searcht
after
you
,
and
passed
the
Seas
to
present
you
with
a
Scepter
,
they
need
not
fear
that
the
memory
of
their
antient
injustice
will
oblige
you
to
punish
them
;
They
have
reason
rather
to
believe
,
that
this
last
submission
should
blot
out
the
memory
of
the
first
disservice
:
It
is
certain
,
in
the
exact
Rule
of
iustice
,
no
Noble
Action
ought
to
passe
without
his
recompence
:
and
it
is
really
as
true
;
That
no
Crime
ought
to
escape
without
his
punishment
.
After
all
these
reasons
,
what
ought
you
not
to
fear
?
and
what
not
to
hope
?
you
have
recalled
me
to
the
Throne
,
t
is
true
,
but
if
you
had
not
,
had
you
not
been
as
Criminall
against
Lewis
,
as
you
had
been
against
Charles
?
he
who
gives
to
another
,
that
which
he
hath
taken
from
him
,
restores
without
doubt
that
which
he
hath
taken
,
but
his
restoration
is
not
a
free
present
,
&
he
ought
not
to
expect
thanks
for
an
Action
of
that
nature
.
No
,
it
sufficeth
if
one
punish
not
the
first
,
without
intending
any
recompence
for
the
second
.
I
may
say
also
,
that
you
understand
not
rightly
all
my
present
concernments
;
for
why
?
because
you
have
not
left
me
still
in
exile
,
because
you
have
rendred
what
justly
appertained
to
me
,
Because
you
understood
that
I
came
to
re-demand
mine
own
,
not
with
a
powerfull
Army
;
and
(
being
tyred
with
your
crimes
and
miseries
)
you
believe
you
may
probably
disarm
the
fury
of
Heaven
,
by
this
Act
of
justice
;
No
,
no
,
confide
not
in
any
of
these
pretenses
,
for
if
I
had
not
stronger
considerations
then
these
,
I
should
commence
my
Reign
with
the
punishment
of
your
treasons
,
I
should
send
them
to
prison
,
who
restrained
the
person
of
my
Father
,
and
expose
them
to
the
most
cruell
tortures
,
who
contrived
and
caused
his
death
,
with
the
greatnesse
of
his
misfortunes
.
Those
black
crimes
are
such
which
nothing
can
exterminate
;
Repentance
and
teares
for
common
errours
,
where
humane
frailty
may
plead
excuse
,
and
not
for
Traitors
and
Rebells
,
nor
for
those
,
who
have
destroyed
●hrones
and
Scepters
,
inchained
Kings
,
and
created
and
protected
Tyrants
.
Think
not
then
,
that
by
taking
an
Oath
of
fidelity
(
which
i●
your
duty
)
that
I
am
thereby
ingaged
not
to
do
what
becomes
a
King.
No
,
I
scorn
a
Throne
where
I
should
be
a
slave
,
and
I
had
rather
be
obscured
in
Prison
,
as
my
Father
was
,
then
not
to
Reign
as
Soveraign
.
Those
people
with
whom
Loyalty
is
elective
,
forbear
not
to
make
their
Kings
absolute
,
because
they
could
have
no
pretence
of
Justice
to
do
otherwise
:
Judg
then
,
if
those
who
hold
their
Crowns
from
Heaven
ought
to
acknowledge
their
subjects
for
their
Masters
,
and
whether
they
ought
not
rather
to
Punish
,
or
Pardon
,
as
best
agreeth
with
their
pleasure
.
In
a
word
,
I
find
it
far
more
glorious
to
be
a
loyall
Subject
,
then
to
be
a
King
disobeyed
.
Prepare
then
your selves
to
render
mee
all
that
obedience
which
you
owe
me
,
and
(
without
farther
informing
you
whether
you
are
to
hope
more
for
Clemencie
or
Justice
)
resolve
your selves
to
an
absolute
submission
.
I
know
well
some
peevish
Polititians
will
censure
,
that
I
act
not
as
I
ought
in
this
conjuncture
,
and
that
I
should
reflect
on
former
passages
with
some
sweetnesse
,
and
gratifie
you
with
Presents
,
to
encourage
you
with
future
hopes
,
but
I
presume
my
Policie
is
more
generous
,
and
more
secure
then
theirs
;
for
if
I
had
so
perswaded
you
,
perhaps
you
would
have
beleeved
me
to
have
been
more
fit
to
wear
my
Fathers
Irons
then
his
Crown
;
and
would
have
more
suspected
me
of
weaknesse
and
dissimulation
;
this
excessive
indulgence
would
give
you
more
of
fear
,
and
me
lesse
of
honour
and
estimation
:
I
(
being
then
so
far
from
following
such
Maximes
)
tell
you
once
more
,
that
I
declare
my self
to
be
your
King.
And
(
without
farther
capitulation
with
you
)
I
ascend
the
Throne
by
the
steps
of
mine
own
Authority
as
Soveraignly
,
as
if
not
recalled
by
you
at
all
.
Hitherto
I
have
let
you
know
I
am
not
ignorant
how
far
the
duty
of
Subjects
ought
to
bend
:
But
moreover
I
judge
it
fit
to
acquaint
you
to
what
degree
Soveraign
Clemencie
may
extend
it self
;
to
this
end
,
that
by
that
resentment
,
you
may
reasonably
know
what
to
fear
and
what
to
hope
.
Know
then
,
that
although
a
Prince
may
justly
punish
Traitors
,
he
may
likewise
pardon
penitent
offendors
,
principally
then
,
when
he
discernes
his
pardon
shall
reclaime
insolencie
to
obedience
,
and
fidelity
:
For
,
seeing
Kings
are
the
Fathers
of
the
people
,
they
ought
not
alwaies
to
be
too
severe
in
Justice
;
and
seeing
that
a
Prince
may
afford
grace
and
pardon
to
his
enemies
,
he
may
without
doubt
shew
pitty
and
mercie
to
his
own
Subjects
:
He
cannot
well
punish
them
all
,
but
must
(
in
part
)
enfeeble
himself
;
nor
sluce
out
their
blood
without
emptying
his
own
veins
;
wherefore
he
ought
to
spare
them
as
far
as
Reason
and
Justice
can
make
the
way
passable
.
When
then
a
particular
accident
grows
up
against
a
Prince
,
or
State
,
it
may
suffice
that
the
heads
of
some
chief
offendors
be
sacrificed
to
a
reparation
,
and
that
by
some
severe
examples
others
may
be
instructed
with
examplarie
terrour
.
But
seeing
that
the
number
of
the
offendors
may
prove
infinite
,
and
if
all
should
be
punisht
,
a
desolation
of
entire
Provinces
might
succeed
,
and
consequently
more
men
be
lost
then
15
main
Battails
could
devour
,
so
that
the
piles
of
dead
corps
should
make
mountains
,
and
severe
execution
of
revenge
cause
Rivers
of
blood
:
In
such
considerations
(
I
say
)
it
may
be
better
to
use
a
greater
example
of
Clemencie
,
then
of
Justice
,
and
hazard
something
,
rather
then
to
lose
the
lives
of
so
many
miserable
soules
;
and
there
cannot
be
a
greater
Victory
then
to
vanquish
ones
own
Passion
in
such
dangerous
conjunctures
.
Fear
not
then
that
I
shall
abuse
my
Authority
,
since
if
I
should
punish
all
who
have
offended
,
I
should
reduce
my
Kingdome
to
a
forlorne
Desart
:
For
who
is
there
among
you
that
hath
not
failed
of
his
duty
?
Some
have
done
mischief
,
others
have
desired
it
,
or
at
least
permitted
it
to
be
acted
;
some
have
assisted
Robert
,
others
have
directly
fought
against
their
King
;
some
have
most
perfidiously
laid
their
hands
upon
their
Anointed
Lord
,
&
committed
a
sacred
person
into
Prison
;
and
others
have
(
at
least
)
forsaken
him
.
The
publique
good
is
the
pretext
of
all
things
,
but
Rebellion
alone
is
the
Mother
of
that
horrid
Monster
.
The
Nobles
agitated
(
as
they
did
)
for
their
own
interest
,
and
the
people
by
their
madnesse
,
and
unadvisednesse
,
seconded
their
fury
,
and
put
in
execution
the
intentions
of
the
Paricides
:
Your
Wives
and
your
Children
are
not
exempt
from
these
crimes
,
seeing
(
without
doubt
)
they
made
vowes
for
their
Parents
offending
,
and
prayers
against
their
Prince
.
Whereas
then
I
cannot
punish
you
all
,
but
that
I
must
utterly
exterterminate
you
;
it
resteth
at
my
choice
,
whether
I
would
become
a
King
without
Subjects
,
or
to
pardon
you
out
of
pure
grace
and
bounty
,
and
not
by
Obligation
.
It
may
be
that
during
your
lives
you
may
repent
you
of
your
ancient
crimes
,
and
become
as
faithful
as
you
have
been
disobedient
.
But
(
perhaps
you
will
tell
mee
)
as
to
our selves
,
we
have
repented
formerly
before
wee
sent
to
you
to
come
,
and
receive
the
Scepter
which
belongs
to
you
.
'T
is
true
,
it
may
bee
as
you
have
said
,
and
that
I
have
considered
your
Addresses
to
mee
were
to
make
reparation
of
what
formerly
passed
,
and
that
with
those
hands
you
would
advance
to
the
Throne
his
Son
whose
Father
you
had
barbarously
removed
.
But
(
after
all
)
whosoever
can
abandon
the
path
of
Virtue
to
make
choice
of
that
of
Vice
,
can
again
embrace
that
occasion
if
presented
.
Wherefore
you
owe
greater
obligation
to
me
then
I
can
confidence
to
you
;
for
had
I
not
resolved
to
shew
Grace
and
Pardon
,
the
great
number
of
Nobles
which
the
King
of
England
,
my
Unckle
,
hath
presented
to
me
to
attend
my
person
,
had
not
come
without
Souldiers
;
each
one
of
these
who
incircle
me
have
Troopes
at
their
command
;
and
I
would
not
have
received
my
Fathers
Crown
but
in
the
head
of
a
victorious
Army
,
in
the
midst
of
a
Field
covered
with
dead
,
and
dying
men
,
bedewed
with
the
blood
of
ten
thousand
Rebels
;
I
would
have
been
the
Conqueror
of
my
Kingdome
,
and
not
have
mounted
unto
the
Throne
supported
by
the
same
hands
who
snatcht
it
from
my
Fathers
head
.
But
I
call
to
mind
I
am
your
King
,
as
you
are
also
my
Subjects
,
and
in
this
relation
I
can
love
you
yet
,
as
guilty
as
you
are
;
I
can
have
pitty
for
your
errors
,
and
kindnesse
for
your
obstinacie
;
and
I
will
not
put
my self
into
a
condition
of
sadnesse
after
the
Victory
:
I
am
then
come
to
you
without
an
Army
,
to
receive
what
is
mine
.
This
Action
(
without
doubt
)
is
hardy
,
bold
,
and
wel
deserveth
glory
;
and
is
sufficiently
obliging
to
demerit
your
acknowledgement
in
all
degrees
of
fidelity
.
Before
that
you
were
criminous
,
the
Divine
and
humane
right
conjured
you
not
to
forsake
your
Prince
;
but
this
day
a
new
obligation
chaineth
you
to
more
strict
obedience
.
It
is
not
enough
alone
to
be
faithfull
,
so
to
satisfie
your
dutie
;
but
it
is
your
part
to
blot
out
the
memory
of
what
is
past
,
and
to
justifie
what
is
present
;
you
ought
not
to
look
on
me
meerly
as
your
King
,
but
as
a
King
of
your
own
choice
,
as
a
King
who
hath
pardoned
you
,
as
a
King
who
confideth
in
you
,
who
now
is
commending
his
person
into
your
hands
,
and
commits
the
very
care
of
his
life
to
your
protection
,
next
to
Heaven
:
Study
then
to
gratifie
such
pressing
endearments
,
and
provoke
not
the
wrath
of
Heaven
upon
your
heads
by
new
Rebellions
.
Those
who
have
examined
your
by
past
actions
,
approve
not
(
doubtlesse
)
that
resolution
that
I
have
taken
to
return
into
Franc●
as
I
have
done
;
for
(
they
will
tell
me
)
what
confidence
can
you
have
in
those
who
have
had
no
regard
to
their
lawfull
Soveraign
?
They
pretend
much
to
desire
your
presence
,
but
their
feares
exceed
their
desires
:
And
it
is
rather
to
secure
your
person
,
then
to
advance
your
Scepter
;
that
though
you
are
this
day
recalled
,
yet
as
long
as
your
youth
continued
,
they
suffered
you
to
live
in
exile
,
and
obeyd
Robert
;
but
he
being
dead
(
at
present
)
and
they
seeing
that
you
were
in
a
condition
to
obtain
by
force
that
which
they
now
offer
,
they
seeme
to
repent
,
not
so
much
regarding
your
losse
,
as
themselves
.
Behold
the
reasons
which
have
here
contested
with
my
resolution
,
which
(
seeing
they
are
not
without
some
rationall
ground
)
I
have
not
desisted
to
perswade
my selfe
,
and
in
that
double
choice
,
whether
to
make
a
War
with
you
,
or
confide
in
you
,
I
have
chose
the
latter
as
more
glorious
,
and
I
love
rather
to
hazard
my
person
then
the
destruction
of
all
my
Kingdomes
.
Those
who
taught
me
the
art
to
Reign
,
have
well
foreseen
the
Exigencies
to
which
I
am
now
reduced
,
and
therefore
without
doubt
they
took
so
much
care
to
advise
me
what
I
ought
to
doe
in
justice
,
and
what
I
might
be
allowed
to
do
in
Clemency
;
These
two
Vertues
appear
as
contraries
,
but
are
not
;
they
accord
easily
in
the
heart
of
a
Prince
.
They
mutually
give
place
each
one
to
the
other
in
the
Empire
of
his
Soul
,
according
to
the
divers
occasions
which
are
presented
,
for
he
ought
alwaies
to
abound
in
Clemency
,
and
he
ought
not
likewise
to
be
ever
too
severe
with
the
strict
measure
of
justice
.
Mercy
and
justice
are
two
excellent
Virtues
,
but
prudence
ought
to
imploy
them
both
:
And
the
Princes
sole
Will
,
ought
to
be
the
onely
rule
to
guide
them
.
Having
then
conjured
you
to
an
equall
confidence
in
me
,
as
I
have
in
you
,
let
an
Act
of
oblivion
pass
,
and
let
us
remember
no
more
former
crimes
,
unlesse
it
be
to
prevent
relapses
.
Let
us
not
look
on
the
Tombe
of
Charles
,
but
meerly
to
bedew
it
with
the
teares
of
tender
repentance
:
Not
to
make
it
an
Altar
whereupon
to
sacrifice
his
Enemies
;
let
us
Raze
to
the
ground
those
horrid
Cells
which
served
for
his
imprisonment
,
thereby
(
if
possible
)
to
destroy
the
memory
,
and
not
to
leave
a
mark
or
point
to
posterity
of
those
black
crimes
;
let
us
ascend
the
Throne
with
as
much
splendor
as
if
it
had
never
been
prophaned
,
and
let
us
Reigne
(
if
possible
)
with
more
honour
and
tranquillity
then
the
late
King
my
Soveraign
did
.
But
do
not
think
I
shall
be
able
to
effect
it
without
the
aid
and
succours
of
my
Subjects
;
deceive
not
your selves
,
the
valour
and
prudence
of
the
Prince
are
not
sufficient
of
themselves
to
make
a
Kingdome
happy
:
The
Subjects
ought
to
contribute
their
proportions
.
The
Nobles
are
to
offer
their
loyall
obedience
,
and
the
people
to
follow
their
good
example
,
and
both
degrees
ought
to
be
united
in
virtue
:
for
otherwise
he
who
giveth
Victory
and
Masters
Fortune
,
will
approve
the
virtue
of
the
Prince
in
punishing
the
vice
of
the
Subjects
.
Those
who
are
valiant
,
do
not
alwaies
gain
the
Battail
;
and
those
who
are
wise
,
are
not
allwaies
for●unate
:
However
let
us
place
our selves
in
such
a
capacity
,
that
we
may
be
successfull
,
though
we
cannot
merit
it
.
See
here
what
your
Prince
hath
said
unto
you
,
who
in
Liew
of
punishing
you
,
hath
pardoned
you
;
instead
of
fighting
with
you
,
prepares
to
defend
you
;
instead
of
being
your
Enemie
,
becomes
your
Conservator
,
and
who
by
his
own
birth
and
your
choice
,
is
now
your
Lord
,
your
Master
,
and
your
King.
These
two
qualities
permit
me
not
to
Capitulate
farther
with
you
:
It
sufficeth
that
I
onely
adde
this
;
That
I
admit
you
to
hope
for
clemency
,
whilest
I
Reigne
,
as
I
wish
you
to
fear
allwaies
my
justice
,
and
beware
that
you
put
not
your selves
in
a
condition
to
make
triall
of
the
second
,
or
of
losing
the
former
.
The
Censure
on
LEWIS
the
Fourth
.
I
Doubt
not
but
many
will
censure
that
in
this
discourse
I
have
confounded
two
great
Virtues
,
and
that
I
have
mistaken
generosity
for
prudence
.
Others
will
conclude
this
Action
of
our
LEWIS
the
fourth
,
as
savouring
more
of
the
fiercenesse
and
impetuosity
of
youth
,
then
of
the
Sage
and
orderly
conduct
of
a
skillfull
polititian
.
And
they
may
seem
to
speak
truly
(
if
their
examination
of
the
passages
be
onely
superficiall
and
slight
)
and
the
Objection
appear
equitable
;
And
then
(
consequently
)
that
I
could
not
handsomly
range
this
illustrious
Prince
amongst
those
who
have
exactly
followed
the
Precepts
and
Rules
of
true
policy
,
which
is
the
Mistriss
that
guideth
Royall
affairs
with
least
danger
.
What
State-prudence
(
will
some
Polititian
object
)
counselled
this
young
Monarch
to
speak
to
his
Subjects
so
high
,
when
he
was
so
low
?
and
having
scarse
got
well
on
horseback
,
thus
to
salute
his
Subjects
,
who
had
their
Arms
in
their
hands
?
Rebels
,
Subjects
,
who
had
lately
tumbled
his
Father
from
the
Throne
;
who
had
torne
the
Crown
from
off
his
sacred
head
,
changed
his
Scepter
into
Chaines
,
and
his
Palace
into
a
Prison
?
might
not
this
bold
entrance
to
the
Throne
have
rather
provoked
them
to
desperation
then
obedience
?
and
raised
a
new
tempest
which
could
not
be
appeased
,
without
much
difficulty
?
might
not
this
noise
have
served
to
awaken
them
to
fresh
jealousies
and
feares
,
which
their
own
prudence
should
have
taught
them
?
Certainly
this
objection
(
at
first
view
)
seemes
invincible
,
that
Lewis
did
not
appear
so
discreet
and
judicious
as
his
condition
required
:
And
that
I
was
little
less
,
who
presumed
to
ranke
and
reckon
this
Frince
amongst
those
,
who
had
exactly
learned
the
Art
of
Reigning
over
a
Kingdome
.
Notwithstanding
,
he
failed
not
in
his
Kingly
craft
,
and
(
if
my
reason
deceive
me
not
)
I
am
not
guily
of
any
mistake
in
this
decision
;
for
whosoever
shall
examine
this
great
Action
from
the
bottome
,
and
weigh
the
Arguments
maturely
,
will
be
convinced
of
this
opinion
,
and
neither
condemn
my
judgment
,
nor
the
Resolution
of
Lewis
in
this
eminent
Action
.
The
Counsells
of
Prudence
prove
different
according
to
several
conjunctures
of
occasions
,
and
ought
to
change
their
countenances
according
to
the
present
diversities
,
and
important
alterations
of
affairs
.
And
,
as
hardy
and
bold
resolutions
are
not
alwaies
seasonable
,
so
neither
are
timorous
and
fearfull
proceedings
ever
wise
and
safe
;
That
Polititian
who
trembles
,
and
is
not
confident
;
who
dares
do
nothing
generously
and
stoutly
for
fear
he
may
prove
too
rash
&
inconsiderate
,
shall
be
seldome
fortunate
;
he
is
too
speculative
a
Contemplator
,
and
proves
rarely
quick
&
active
.
And
whiles
he
amuseth
himself
with
curious
considerations
whether
he
should
,
or
should
not
undertake
the
enterprize
,
whether
he
should
speak
or
be
silent
,
be
an
industrious
actor
,
or
a
dull
flegmatique
Spectator
;
The
opportunity
(
by
this
time
)
may
be
well
lost
,
the
Starrs
change
their
scituations
,
Aspects
alter
,
and
so
the
fatal
moment
whereon
depended
the
good
or
ill
successe
of
a
grand
design
slip
clean
away
without
advantage
.
That
Philosopher
(
whom
some
censured
as
over-wise
)
found
that
his
tedious
doating
on
too
much
consideration
brought
forth
no
fruit
,
but
folly
;
and
that
his
most
subtile
conclusions
,
were
no
better
than
fancies
and
dreams
of
one
newly
awaked
out
of
sleep
.
The
Augurs
telling
an
old
Captain
that
the
Pullets
would
not
eat
;
he
quickly
discern'd
the
mystery
,
and
answered
,
If
they
would
not
eat
except
they
drank
,
they
should
have
their
fill
,
and
so
caus'd
them
to
be
flung
into
the
Sea
;
at
which
summons
he
gave
battail
to
his
Enemies
&
gain'd
the
day
.
An
old
Souldier
told
his
General
,
the
Enemies
were
twentytimes
more
then
they
;
but
he
replyed
gallantly
;
And
for
how
many
dost
then
account
me
?
Another
told
his
Generall
that
the
Enemie
darted
Arrowes
like
showres
of
Haile
;
he
replyed
instantly
,
t
is
so
much
the
better
for
us
,
we
shall
fight
against
empty
quivers
,
and
but
shadowes
of
men
.
The
Policy
of
high
borne
Heroes
,
and
low
hearted
Peasants
is
not
the
same
.
The
Mariners
dispute
in
one
fashion
aboard
their
Ships
,
and
the
Commanders
and
Souldiers
after
another
in
their
Trenches
.
And
as
these
persons
are
very
distinct
,
and
different
in
their
qualities
,
so
are
they
in
their
Counsels
,
and
Agitations
.
Those
who
walk
on
dangerous
Precipices
,
ought
to
march
boldly
,
if
they
intend
to
passe
securely
.
And
in
those
Attempts
,
he
who
staies
to
measure
the
depth
of
perill
in
his
way
,
either
will
prove
so
fearfull
as
not
to
adventure
;
or
else
will
be
in
great
danger
of
a
ruinous
fall
.
To
judge
then
of
the
Action
of
Lewis
the
fourth
,
a
man
ought
to
consider
what
this
Prince
preponderated
,
how
his
Fathers
gentlenesse
and
civility
was
his
ruin
:
That
he
spoke
to
the
same
Rebels
who
had
ravisht
his
Fathers
Crown
from
his
head
,
and
depriv'd
his
person
of
his
liberty
:
And
that
by
the
same
capricious
humour
they
recall'd
the
Son
who
had
destroy'd
the
Father
;
and
lest
that
might
ranckle
and
swell
again
,
and
so
infect
and
destroy
the
Sonne
as
it
had
the
Father
,
it
concern'd
him
then
to
let
them
know
,
that
he
came
now
to
inherit
his
Fathers
Kingdom
,
and
not
his
infirmities
:
That
though
first
impressions
may
exchange
,
or
obliterate
ill
humours
,
yet
it
is
with
great
hazard
and
difficulty
.
Wherefore
it
was
more
important
to
his
purpose
to
strike
deeper
at
the
rootat
first
,
to
gain
better
advantages
.
If
Lewis
his
feet
had
been
seen
to
tremble
when
he
was
to
ascend
the
throne
,
he
must
then
have
discovered
a
capacity
to
fall
again
.
If
he
had
received
the
crown
with
a
dull
and
phlegmatick
deportment
,
he
had
been
rather
made
a
King
by
his
Lords
and
Masters
then
his
Subjects
;
and
he
would
have
unfolded
to
his
People
the
passion
of
cowardly
fear
,
rather
then
have
procured
due
regard
from
them
.
We
may
conclude
then
,
that
this
Prince
was
wise
,
in
being
stout
and
gallant
in
this
occasion
;
that
his
Policie
was
not
indiscreet
,
and
(
coping
with
Souldiers
,
and
men
of
Armes
and
Valour
)
his
discourse
was
not
improper
,
as
containing
nothing
that
might
give
the
shock
to
Soveraign
prudence
;
but
rather
on
the
contrary
what
well
became
the
Grandeur
,
and
Majesty
of
a
King.
Yet
perhaps
some
will
say
unto
me
,
such
harsh
and
rigorous
proceedings
have
not
alwayes
had
the
best
successe
;
if
Caesar
had
well
observed
the
predictions
of
his
death
,
if
he
had
better
regarded
his
words
,
who
answered
him
,
That
the
Ides
of
March
could
not
passe
,
and
were
not
yet
come
:
If
he
had
read
the
Note
presented
to
him
as
he
entered
into
the
Senate
,
it
is
to
be
presumed
he
had
not
been
stabbed
.
If
the
Duke
of
Guise
instead
of
an
haugty
reply
to
what
he
found
under
his
Napkin
,
had
speedily
taken
post
,
and
fled
from
Blois
,
he
had
not
satisfied
the
States
Generall
with
his
own
Ruine
,
nor
signed
his
death
at
Cayere
with
his
own
blood
.
All
this
is
true
,
I
must
needs
consess
:
But
suppose
it
so
happens
once
,
it
is
not
necessary
that
it
prove
so
alwayes
:
And
it
is
more
perillous
to
be
stupidly
silent
,
then
to
discourse
heroickly
,
for
such
reasons
chiefly
which
I
formerly
mentioned
.
He
declared
his
courage
,
and
his
constancie
:
And
Lewis
did
nothing
in
this
conjuncture
but
what
well
became
a
truly
noble
,
and
wise
Prince
.
Nor
did
this
glorious
action
rellish
of
any
thing
but
what
beseemed
an
Illustrious
Hero
,
and
a
prudent
Politician
:
O
,
that
Kings
would
more
observantly
regard
the
infusions
and
mo●ions
of
their
Tutelarie
Angels
,
who
guard
their
Kingdomes
,
and
not
incline
,
nor
listen
to
Parasites
and
Flatterers
,
who
divert
their
good
disposuions
by
the
insinuations
of
persidious
,
and
pernitious
Counsels
.
This
truth
found
a
great
example
in
the
person
of
MATHIAS
CORVIN
,
that
famous
King
of
Hungarie
,
whose
name
was
Illustrious
through
all
the
earth
,
in
so
much
that
he
ascended
to
such
a
height
,
that
his
renown
cannot
but
be
derived
to
posterity
with
much
honour
and
glory
.
The
Venetians
were
formerly
in
league
with
the
Turks
against
the
Hungarians
:
they
aided
them
to
the
ruin
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
reduced
that
Country
almost
to
a
desolation
.
And
having
been
the
cause
of
the
death
of
two
of
their
Kings
,
of
which
the
grand
HUNNIADES
,
Father
of
MATHIAS
was
the
last
;
yet
notwithstanding
(
seeing
themselves
afterwards
all
in
flames
by
the
Turks
their
Allies
,
and
ready
to
be
consumed
by
a
bloo●y
War
)
:
They
sent
Ambassadors
to
Hungary
,
to
implore
succours
from
this
famous
MATHIAS
CORVIN
,
who
after
he
had
afforded
them
an
honourable
Audience
,
answered
them
speedily
after
this
sort
.
MATHIAS
CORVIN
To
the
Ambassadors
of
the
Republick
of
VENICE
.
IF
the
Habits
you
wear
,
and
the
Language
you
speak
,
did
not
convince
me
that
you
were
Venetians
,
I
could
hardly
beleeve
that
you
were
Ambassadors
sent
from
that
Country
.
And
if
the
Robes
I
carry
,
and
my
Accents
did
not
clearly
assure
you
that
I
am
King
of
Hungary
,
I
beleeve
you
would
take
me
for
some
other
;
and
that
all
that
you
have
discoursed
had
not
been
addrest
to
me
:
For
what
pretence
can
you
have
to
dream
of
the
effect
of
your
desire
,
and
expectation
,
after
so
great
an
affront
and
injury
,
as
we
have
received
from
you
?
And
if
ye
had
no
just
cause
to
hope
(
as
without
doubt
,
ye
had
not
)
why
hath
your
Senate
sent
you
on
an
Embassy
so
unprofitable
?
Truly
the
great
reputation
which
your
prudent
conduct
of
Affairs
hath
gained
you
,
seemes
strongly
founded
:
And
the
flourishing
estate
of
your
Illustrious
Republick
,
which
hath
been
known
through
so
many
Ages
to
have
preserved
her
glory
,
and
grandeur
,
is
an
undoubted
argument
of
your
great
abilities
in
such
weighty
matters
.
Notwithstanding
I
am
obliged
to
let
you
know
(
on
this
occasion
)
that
though
you
seem
to
abound
in
judgement
,
yet
you
seem
to
bee
but
of
a
short
and
failing
memory
.
Consider
(
I
say
)
former
passages
,
and
the
request
you
make
this
day
:
Is
it
possible
that
you
should
have
intirely
lost
the
remembrance
of
that
miserable
estate
out
of
which
this
Kingdome
is
hardly
as
yet
recovered
?
and
that
ignoble
denial
which
your
Republique
made
Uladislaus
my
Predecessor
?
The
great
Storm
and
Tempest
which
was
raised
at
Constantinople
,
and
designed
to
fall
on
Hungarie
,
was
taken
notice
of
,
and
talked
of
in
all
Countries
;
and
the
formicable
portrait of Mathias Corvin
Mathias
Corvin
King
of
Hungary
power
of
the
Turks
,
as
a
swelling
Inundation
,
threatned
to
overflow
,
and
drown
whole
Provinces
.
The
Turk
armed
Affrica
,
a
great
part
of
Asia
,
and
of
Europe
against
us
,
and
it
appeared
very
probable
that
we
should
have
been
swallowed
up
under
the
numbers
of
those
great
Forces
,
so
prodigious
,
and
unequall
to
ours
.
Hungary
having
been
as
the
Buckler
to
all
Christendome
,
and
an
impregnable
wall
,
which
was
continually
battered
,
and
dashed
against
,
by
the
savage
Waves
of
this
unruly
Torrent
:
This
insatiable
Usurper
swore
solemnly
to
rend
this
Buckler
into
shivers
,
and
to
levell
this
Rampart
to
the
ground
,
which
had
ever
resisted
the
violence
of
his
Inundations
.
In
this
mischievous
conjuncture
,
the
young
,
and
valiant
Vladislaus
let
slip
no
advantage
that
might
fortifie
and
strengthen
his
party
to
preserve
them
from
perishing
and
ruine
.
And
as
he
knew
how
,
that
besides
the
Interest
in
generall
,
of
all
the
Christians
in
this
publick
affair
,
you
had
particular
cause
in
respect
of
Friuli
,
which
you
were
Lords
of
in
the
Main
Continent
,
and
the
Isles
which
you
possessed
in
the
Archipelagus
,
he
made
and
raised
his
Forces
to
greater
strength
and
magnitude
,
to
oblige
you
the
rather
to
make
a
League
with
him
,
both
Offensive
,
and
Defensive
against
this
irreconcileable
Enemy
.
To
this
purpose
he
dispatched
his
Ambassadors
to
you
to
Venice
,
and
by
them
represented
to
the
Senate
,
what
that
Republique
owed
to
the
honour
and
name
of
Christians
and
put
them
in
mind
of
the
ancient
Alliance
and
Amitie
betwixt
the
Crown
of
Hungary
and
that
State.
The
Pope
(
as
a
common
Father
to
the
Christians
)
joyned
his
importunities
with
our
requests
,
and
used
all
endeavours
to
perswade
you
to
a
thing
in
which
you
had
(
certainly
)
no
lesse
interest
then
we
our selves
:
And
to
the
undertaking
of
which
,
Virtue
,
and
Equitie
seemed
naturally
to
oblige
,
and
enjoyn
assistance
.
Notwithstanding
the
force
of
all
perswasions
,
and
endeavours
,
we
prevailed
not
,
but
advised
,
and
treated
in
vain
,
and
you
had
the
hard
heartednesse
neither
to
listen
to
our
Counsels
,
nor
regard
our
Remonstrances
,
and
so
refused
absolutely
to
aid
us
with
those
Succors
,
or
Auxiliaries
we
desired
,
as
necessary
,
and
with
which
we
had
so
much
reason
to
hope
to
be
supplyed
.
The
excuse
which
you
alleaged
was
,
That
it
was
neither
fair
,
nor
just
to
declare
against
a
Prince
who
had
not
injur'd
you
;
and
that
you
were
not
obliged
to
that
.
Nay
,
your
cruell
policy
was
not
contained
in
these
termes
and
bounds
,
a
bare
Neutrality
was
not
sufficient
for
you
to
secure
your
own
safeties
.
Nor
did
it
suffice
you
to
be
meer
spectators
of
our
miseries
,
but
you
were
willing
to
augment
them
.
If
so
be
that
you
had
neither
declared
for
the
one
nor
the
other
,
probably
your
Forces
might
have
given
at
least
a
suspition
to
the
Turk
,
and
possibly
caused
his
Armies
to
have
marched
more
slowly
,
in
a
designe
of
such
high
importance
.
But
instead
of
an
act
of
such
a
nature
,
you
made
an
infamous
and
horrid
Alliance
at
that
time
,
and
utterly
to
remove
away
all
suspitions
and
jealousies
,
that
he
might
not
dread
your
Forces
,
you
let
him
see
your
fears
,
you
signified
to
him
,
that
we
were
not
in
hopes
of
assistance
of
any
person
.
In
brief
,
you
(
as
much
as
in
you
lay
)
exposed
us
to
their
rage
and
fury
,
and
to
the
eminent
perill
of
all
misfortunes
,
or
(
to
speak
freely
)
not
onely
Hungary
,
but
all
Christendome
,
and
your
very
selves
also
.
Now
to
what
a
height
of
Miseries
your
forsaking
us
hath
brought
us
,
and
what
sad
events
this
unfortunate
Warre
hath
produced
,
which
we
alone
were
forced
to
encounter
,
You
(
Venetians
)
well
kn●w
,
and
all
the
earth
is
full
of
the
reports
of
our
miser●es
,
though
we
(
of
all
others
)
more
sensibly
find
,
and
feel
the
sad
effects
;
since
the
wounds
which
we
received
,
yet
bleed
a
fresh
,
and
time
hath
not
had
dayes
and
years
enough
to
obliterate
the
memory
,
nor
to
obumbrate
and
deface
the
representation
and
gastly
sight
of
those
evill
,
and
mischievous
Conjunctures
:
It
so
happened
then
with
forces
so
unequall
,
and
through
the
inconsiderate
Counsels
of
perfidious
flatterers
,
that
the
brave
,
yet
unfortunate
Uladislaus
lost
two
Battailes
on
the
other
side
of
the
River
Danubius
,
where
anin
finite
number
of
Souldies
and
persons
of
great
Condition
were
slain
,
or
made
slaves
in
the
battail
which
was
lost
,
in
the
plaines
of
Varne
,
and
after
that
in
the
Battail
of
Cosobe
,
in
the
Country
of
the
Trebelliens
.
It
fell
out
also
that
Valiant
Vadalislaus
lost
his
life
fighting
magnanimously
:
And
these
two
Plaines
were
covered
with
the
blood
of
Christians
:
At
which
time
the
whole
Kingdome
was
filled
with
horror
and
confusion
,
many
thousands
were
made
poor
Widdowes
,
which
have
sighed
out
their
Prayers
,
and
sent
their
cryes
to
Heaven
against
you
,
in
regard
of
the
losse
of
their
dear
Husbands
;
thousands
of
Orphans
cry
for
their
Fathers
,
and
Fathers
for
their
slain
Children
.
And
it
might
have
so
fallen
out
,
that
all
Christendome
had
been
in
hazard
and
danger
to
have
been
swallowed
up
,
if
the
bounty
and
favour
of
God
,
(
which
much
exceeded
the
horrour
of
your
crime
)
provoked
with
jealousie
for
the
defence
of
his
own
Altars
,
for
his
own
Glory
,
and
for
the
protection
of
the
name
of
Christian
had
not
raised
up
the
invincible
Hunniades
my
Soveraign
King
and
Father
.
But
alas
,
these
misfortunes
which
attended
us
with
such
horror
and
cruelty
,
were
not
alone
;
other
sad
effects
and
dangerous
consequences
succeeded
in
the
midst
of
those
great
losses
.
I
sustained
the
chiefest
in
mine
own
particular
;
so
that
the
Honour
of
that
Scepter
I
bear
,
and
that
Crown
I
enjoy
are
not
able
to
poize
my
griefe
with
equall
consolation
of
glory
and
renown
.
Shall
I
tell
you
?
or
am
I
able
to
speake
?
or
be
silent
on
this
subject
?
The
great
and
invincible
Hunniades
hath
lost
his
owne
life
by
those
glorious
wounds
which
he
received
in
that
unhappy
Warre
,
wherein
you
were
ambitious
spectators
.
He
repelled
the
Turkes
a
hundred
times
with
his
Victorious
sword
,
but
at
last
not
able
longer
to
resist
the
slashes
of
their
Symetars
,
he
died
with
those
fatall
strokes
.
Victory
attended
him
a
thousand
times
,
but
at
length
(
alas
!
)
she
forsooke
her
Champion
.
He
was
a
long
time
a
Rampart
to
Christianity
,
but
in
the
end
that
Bulwarke
was
levelled
as
strong
as
it
appeared
.
He
Combated
,
Vanquished
,
and
Triumphed
;
yet
after
so
many
Conquests
he
was
forced
to
submit
to
fortune
.
He
met
with
a
good
hour
to
ascend
a
Throne
,
but
that
high
steppe
was
but
a
stair
to
descend
to
an
humble
Tombe
.
He
made
himself
a
King
with
his
noblenesse
and
Valour
,
but
he
ceased
to
be
a
man
by
the
unworthy
Cowardize
of
those
that
forsook
him
.
Hee
obtained
immortall
honour
,
but
(
alas
!
)
hee
came
not
to
this
immortality
,
But
at
his
death
.
To
conclude
,
Hungary
lost
her
King
,
Christianity
lost
her
Protector
,
Europe
lost
her
most
glorious
Jewell
,
and
Mathias
(
from
whom
you
now
implore
assistance
)
lost
his
Soveraign
and
Father
.
Judge
then
,
you
Venetians
(
if
you
have
not
utterly
lost
the
memory
of
my
great
losses
,
and
your
own
in
humanity
)
whither
you
have
any
cause
to
hope
for
succour
from
me
as
you
now
desire
.
Consider
if
you
have
not
ground
to
believe
that
the
blood
of
a
Father
(
such
a
Father
as
Hunniades
)
be
not
more
loud
then
you
,
and
more
perswasive
then
your
eloquent
Oration
.
Oh!
if
the
Lawes
of
Nations
were
not
inviolable
betwixt
Princes
,
who
make
profession
of
Honor
and
Faith
;
If
the
persons
of
Embassadors
were
not
sacred
amidst
the
most
barbarous
and
least
civilized
people
;
The
impudency
which
you
have
made
appear
in
your
discourse
and
requests
,
might
justly
hazard
your
safety
;
your
fears
might
cause
you
to
tremble
,
and
make
you
dispair
of
my
Clemency
,
which
findes
much
difficulty
to
withold
from
revenge
.
But
as
you
are
Embassadors
,
you
are
in
a
Sanctuary
which
covers
your
heads
from
the
just
rage
of
indignation
:
Yet
since
Vengeance
belongs
to
God
,
who
knowes
how
and
when
to
exercise
it
;
And
that
there
is
none
but
he
who
punisheth
the
Children
for
the
iniquity
of
their
Fathers
to
the
third
Generation
.
Seeing
allso
that
time
hath
closed
up
that
wound
which
you
have
thought
to
open
,
and
that
which
is
the
end
of
all
things
,
hath
calmed
my
displeasure
,
and
removed
the
Gall
of
my
resentment
,
we
will
not
raise
those
appeased
Waves
,
but
letting
the
Tempest
and
the
winds
sleep
,
we
will
examine
without
Rancour
or
Passion
former
passages
,
and
so
judge
better
of
what
you
now
desire
,
viewing
with
a
disinteressed
eye
the
injustice
of
mine
own
reproaches
,
and
of
your
unworthy
Actions
.
It
is
certain
(
and
experience
of
all
ages
doth
teach
and
shew
)
That
next
to
the
immediate
Power
of
Almighty
God
)
this
great
and
marvellous
Frame
of
the
Universe
,
knowes
no
other
motives
to
set
and
put
all
her
rationall
desires
into
action
,
then
those
three
Grand
Engines
of
Jucundum
,
Honestum
,
and
Utile
.
And
how
different
soever
mens
intentions
may
be
,
it
must
necessarily
follow
that
their
thoughts
tend
to
one
of
these
three
.
Seeing
then
from
the
lowest
to
the
highest
condition
of
men
,
all
do
operate
upon
one
of
these
Principles
,
and
that
no
designe
hath
its
originall
from
any
other
motive
;
seeing
all
degrees
of
men
,
and
orders
of
Creatures
,
Rationall
or
Irrationall
propose
these
as
their
chiefest
ends
,
(
as
the
Voluptuous
designe
their
pleasure
,
the
ambitious
their
glory
,
the
Covetous
their
treasure
)
Let
us
see
by
which
of
these
three
motives
your
mercilesse
Republique
could
be
obliged
to
such
unnaturall
proceedings
towards
us
,
and
to
be
so
full
of
inhumanity
(
in
so
great
a
danger
)
to
refuse
us
.
For
the
first
;
What
appearance
was
there
,
that
a
people
,
Friends
to
Europe
,
a
people
civilized
,
and
professing
Christianity
,
could
be
so
barbarous
as
to
take
pleasure
in
the
desolation
of
our
Provinces
,
and
the
ruine
of
our
Towns
?
in
the
prophaning
of
our
Temples
?
the
defeates
of
our
Armies
?
and
the
murthering
of
our
Souldiers
?
What
?
was
prey
and
Pillage
,
Fire
and
sword
,
teares
and
blood
,
wounds
and
death
,
pleasant
Objects
for
your
diversions
?
Could
you
take
delight
in
ugly
and
extravagant
pleasure
?
in
things
capable
to
strike
horror
and
pitty
in
the
most
insensible
Soules
?
the
Mountaines
of
men
slaine
,
and
the
Earth
covered
with
wounded
bodies
,
old
men
pulled
by
their
beards
and
hair
,
and
stabbed
before
their
Children
,
Infants
snatcht
from
their
mothers
pappes
,
and
dashed
against
the
walles
,
and
mothers
dragged
by
the
hair
,
and
so
piercing
the
Heavens
with
their
hideous
cryes
;
Virgins
miserably
exposed
to
the
insolency
of
the
Janizaries
,
and
the
bloud
of
grand
and
brave
Kings
powred
out
to
the
last
drop
,
The
howses
of
God
dishonoured
,
his
Priests
murthered
,
his
Altars
defaced
,
and
all
those
sacred
things
in
the
hands
of
the
prophane
and
sacrilegious
Turks
?
Could
all
this
,
and
such
like
objects
,
yeeld
you
any
pleasure
,
and
content
?
and
could
you
look
on
all
this
misery
,
not
onely
with
a
dry
eye
,
but
with
an
eye
ambitious
of
such
crueltie
?
as
pleased
with
such
horrid
objects
,
and
deigning
such
miseries
no
compassion
?
Do
not
men
speak
of
Nero
as
a
Monster
of
Nature
,
and
shame
of
Mankinde
,
who
could
looke
on
Rome
on
Fire
without
regret
and
grief
?
You
have
seen
a
Kingdom
on
Fire
without
the
least
touch
of
Compassion
.
And
shall
not
you
passe
under
the
censure
of
Monsters
,
as
not
worthy
to
behold
the
light
,
and
fit
to
lose
that
blessing
with
as
much
grief
as
ignominy
?
Judge
your selves
,
did
ever
Christians
see
their
fellow
Christians
perish
and
moulder
into
crums
under
the
Infidels
Swords
and
Simeters
,
and
become
so
perfectly
inhumane
,
as
to
rejoyce
at
their
desolation
?
Did
the
Italians
when
they
stormed
the
walls
of
the
Lestrigoes
,
and
the
Cannibals
,
and
(
as
it
were
)
eat
those
Men-eaters
(
or
at
least
saw
them
torne
,
and
rent
in
pieces
)
find
any
content
in
such
objects
of
misery
which
they
were
forced
to
make
?
No
,
no
,
as
barbarous
as
you
have
been
,
and
as
extreamly
rigorous
as
we
judge
you
,
we
shall
not
beleeve
that
men
,
that
Vene●ians
,
that
Christians
could
laugh
at
our
Tears
,
bath
themselves
in
our
blood
,
and
rejoice
at
our
disgrace
.
Those
that
are
uncapable
of
committing
such
grand
offences
,
cannot
but
think
they
may
receive
ayd
from
others
,
and
their
innocency
makes
them
judge
of
others
by
themselves
;
nothing
being
able
to
incline
their
judgements
contrary
to
those
naturall
inclinations
upon
which
they
are
founded
;
we
cannot
beleeve
then
that
it
was
jucundum
quid
,
a
delectable
object
which
you
proposed
in
refusing
your
assistance
,
and
so
exposing
us
to
the
barbarous
Mahometans
;
it
being
farre
from
all
appearance
that
you
should
conceive
a
thought
,
or
finde
any
pleasantnesse
in
things
so
contrary
to
humanity
,
and
directly
opposite
to
all
that
may
pretend
to
give
any
joyfull
content
or
pleasant
satisfaction
.
Seeing
then
,
that
Jucundum
quid
was
not
the
object
that
united
you
,
let
us
examine
if
it
were
hon●stum
,
honourable
for
you
to
act
as
you
did
;
and
if
it
were
by
this
motive
,
that
you
would
expose
us
as
a
prey
to
the
rage
of
the
Turks
,
and
that
you
thrust
all
Hungary
,
and
all
Christendom
on
such
a
precipice
of
danger
;
and
(
if
I
may
so
say
)
within
two
fingers
bredth
of
an
universall
ruin
.
Those
who
have
most
seriously
examined
the
consistance
of
the
true
glory
of
Princes
,
having
discussed
the
question
so
many
severall
waies
,
and
well
observed
the
biasses
of
different
interests
,
have
all
agreed
in
this
,
that
it
consists
principally
in
this
Maxime
,
To
protect
the
more
feeble
,
and
to
resist
the
more
puissant
.
Yea
it
is
in
this
alone
,
wherein
consists
true
generositie
.
It
is
in
this
disinterested
virtue
,
wherein
Princes
do
finde
their
greatest
splendor
.
It
is
this
unspotted
reputation
which
they
ought
to
endeavour
all
their
life
.
A
beam
of
true
honour
,
and
which
they
ought
to
prefer
above
that
of
their
Scepter
and
Crown
.
In
effect
,
all
their
other
actions
(
how
glorious
and
beautifull
soever
they
appear
in
the
eyes
of
the
world
)
may
meet
with
an
ill
construction
,
and
without
this
receive
an
inglorious
interpretation
.
Conquerors
may
be
deemed
to
be
ambitious
,
Peacemakers
may
be
censured
to
be
timid
,
severe
Princes
passe
for
cruell
,
Clement
may
be
suspected
to
be
feeble
,
Liberal
accused
to
be
prodigalls
,
Provident
accounted
covetous
,
Valiant
stiled
rash
,
and
the
Prudent
lazie
.
The
Majesty
of
Princes
may
be
censured
Pride
,
their
Facility
Basenesse
:
If
they
are
too
grave
,
the
people
will
not
love
them
:
If
too
familiar
,
their
Subjects
scorn
them
;
If
gay
and
glorious
,
they
are
reviled
as
incompassionate
;
if
Melancholy
,
then
nothing
will
oblige
them
;
If
Prudent
,
then
too
full
of
craft
and
subtilty
;
If
Frank
and
Ingenious
,
then
imprudent
and
indiscreet
.
In
a
word
,
all
their
thoughts
,
words
,
and
actions
are
subject
to
receive
an
evill
interpretation
from
the
envie
and
malice
of
men
.
There
is
nothing
then
but
the
protection
of
the
feeble
(
when
it
is
offered
)
being
free
,
and
without
private
interest
,
which
hath
no
cause
for
an
Apologie
:
And
there
is
nothing
more
truly
noble
then
this
generous
resistance
,
which
(
opposing
over-powerfull
enemies
)
is
rewarded
with
generall
approbation
:
And
in
a
design
of
this
nature
there
needs
no
Reasons
or
Manifestoes
to
authorize
the
Armies
of
such
illustrious
Captaines
.
The
thing
speaks
it self
,
each
oppressed
soul
implores
aid
from
heaven
upon
Auxiliary
Troops
.
And
their
high
enterprises
are
not
condemned
of
any
person
,
no
not
of
their
very
enemies
.
The
publick
vogue
of
the
people
gives
to
such
generous
Princes
the
glorious
titles
of
the
Defenders
of
their
Liberties
,
the
Protectors
of
their
Innocencie
,
the
Supporters
of
to●tering
Thrones
,
the
Restorers
of
Estates
,
and
the
Scourge
of
Tyrants
.
Posterity
preserves
their
names
,
and
reverences
their
memories
,
as
things
which
virtue
hath
consecrated
,
and
never
ought
to
perish
:
The
Marble
is
polisht
,
and
engraved
to
eternize
their
glory
;
Bookes
and
Histories
(
of
all
Nations
)
speak
of
them
in
their
own
Languages
;
Fathers
tell
their
Children
,
and
Children
prattle
,
and
after
talk
to
their
Posterity
:
And
so
by
this
immortall
and
glorious
Tradition
,
the
honour
and
reputation
of
virtuous
Princes
passeth
from
Age
to
Age
,
to
eternize
their
Fame
over
all
the
World.
And
if
ever
any
Senate
found
favourable
opportunity
,
that
of
yours
might
have
seasonably
afforded
us
protection
which
we
so
earnestly
demanded
,
and
you
so
cruelly
refused
:
We
were
weak
,
our
Enemies
were
puissant
;
they
were
the
Invaders
,
we
the
Defenders
of
our
Rights
;
they
would
have
usurped
our
Kingdome
,
we
strove
to
defend
our
Country
;
they
had
no
right
in
their
pretensions
,
and
we
no
injustice
in
our
Defence
:
What
shall
I
say
more
?
They
were
Turks
,
and
wee
Christians
;
they
were
ancient
and
naturall
Enemies
,
we
your
Friends
,
Allies
,
and
Brothers
:
And
above
all
(
as
I
said
before
)
they
were
strong
and
puissant
,
we
weake
and
feeble
;
which
argument
was
sufficient
to
have
obtained
your
Protection
,
if
you
had
been
truly
Noble
,
and
had
aspired
to
true
glory
.
And
what
honour
could
you
ever
have
obtained
so
great
as
that
?
to
have
opposed
and
suppressed
vigorously
this
torrent
,
and
to
have
extinguished
the
violence
of
Fire
and
Sword
,
which
came
to
ravage
two
Empires
,
and
ten
Kingdomes
?
What
a
glory
would
it
have
been
to
you
to
have
arrested
their
Force
,
and
to
have
got
Victories
from
that
Monster
who
overthrew
the
Throne
of
Constantine
the
great
,
and
extinguished
the
Race
of
the
noble
Paleologus
?
What
Reputation
had
you
not
gained
in
revenging
new
Rome
,
and
the
Insolencies
of
these
Barbars
?
and
what
estimation
had
you
not
deserved
in
the
support
of
our
weak
condition
against
so
great
an
Enemy
?
To
oppose
those
that
doe
evill
,
and
to
defend
those
which
suffer
,
is
a
Lesson
which
Nature
it self
inspires
,
and
is
taught
without
a
Tutor
.
And
(
if
Passions
blind
us
not
,
nor
disorder
Natures
conduct
)
It
is
impossible
to
those
who
are
nobly
born
,
not
to
range
themselves
on
the
weaker
side
,
and
not
to
oppose
the
unjust
Violence
of
oppressors
.
A
naturall
instinct
presseth
us
,
compassion
forceth
us
,
reason
leadeth
us
,
and
(
as
we
apprehend
in
our selves
)
such
an
Action
of
incompassion
would
seeme
very
rude
.
And
humanity
directeth
us
,
that
we
could
not
endure
that
ignoblenesse
in
an
other
.
Certainly
they
are
not
men
,
but
cold
statues
,
and
such
as
the
frozen
hearted
Venetians
,
who
stand
still
in
such
a
Rencounter
without
motion
and
action
:
They
deserve
not
the
names
of
men
,
who
can
be
insensible
in
such
conjunctures
;
and
he
seemes
not
a
rationall
soul
,
nor
scarce
a
meer
Animal
,
but
a
senselesse
stone
,
who
can
refuse
succour
to
the
oppressed
when
they
implore
,
and
are
in
necessity
.
If
it
be
a
shame
to
refuse
assistance
when
men
are
implored
,
and
not
to
oppose
the
injustice
of
them
who
oppresse
;
how
much
more
shamefull
is
it
then
,
not
onely
to
see
the
feeble
perish
,
not
onely
to
deny
them
succours
,
not
onely
to
resist
their
violence
,
who
devour
them
,
but
rather
to
strengthen
the
oppressours
,
and
(
cowardly
)
to
joyne
themselves
to
them
who
were
too
strong
alone
?
Oh
(
Venetians
)
there
hath
been
too
much
of
basenesse
and
inhumanity
in
these
ignoble
proceedings
:
and
this
action
hath
been
very
black
and
fowle
,
relishing
of
as
little
honour
and
honesty
as
delight
and
pleasure
,
unworthy
to
have
engaged
you
in
such
an
enterprize
;
which
being
utterly
incapable
to
render
you
any
glory
,
will
eternally
cover
you
with
the
Clouds
of
Reproach
and
infamie
.
For
if
you
were
our
Enemies
,
why
did
you
not
publiquely
declare
and
tell
us
,
as
the
Turks
did
?
and
if
you
were
our
Friends
,
why
did
you
joyn
with
the
Barbars
,
and
so
aide
them
to
ruine
us
?
No
,
No
,
true
honour
was
not
the
object
of
so
base
and
black
an
Action
,
nor
could
true
content
or
satisfaction
be
enjoyed
in
an
enterprize
so
bloudy
and
cruell
.
Seeing
then
that
your
undertakings
were
neither
founded
on
that
which
may
be
rightly
judged
Jucundum
or
Honestum
,
let
us
see
if
Utile
,
profit
,
and
avarice
hath
obliged
you
to
a
cowardly
acquitting
of
your
Allies
.
When
that
Maxime
proves
true
which
is
ever
false
:
That
Kings
,
Soveraign
Princes
and
Republicks
,
ought
not
absolutely
to
consider
any
thing
but
the
repose
of
their
own
estates
,
and
their
particular
utility
:
When
(
I
say
)
naturall
equity
,
civill
society
,
the
Alliances
of
Crowns
,
the
Conformity
of
Religions
,
Common
interest
,
Glory
and
Honor
,
shall
be
valued
as
things
indifferent
:
Yet
you
shall
not
finde
really
the
Utile
you
may
pretend
to
in
this
unworthy
Action
,
wherein
you
appeared
.
Is
there
any
one
who
knowes
the
principles
of
Policy
,
and
of
that
art
which
teacheth
Kinges
to
raigne
?
and
understands
not
,
that
a
powerfull
neighbour
is
ever
terrible
?
That
it
is
very
advantagious
,
that
Seas
and
Mountaines
separate
their
estates
from
ours
;
To
that
end
,
That
both
the
one
and
the
other
may
be
as
bounds
to
resist
their
avarice
and
ambition
?
and
if
a
Prince
lesse
powerfull
then
he
,
both
in
respect
of
the
numbers
of
his
Subjects
,
and
in
the
extent
of
his
Dominions
,
lye
in
the
way
as
a
guard
to
our
Frontires
,
and
be
scituate
in
the
midst
of
two
Potentates
as
an
eternall
obstacle
to
the
unjust
Usurpation
both
of
the
one
and
the
other
;
is
there
not
a
clearer
possibility
of
security
?
Were
it
not
much
better
for
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
that
the
Thrones
of
the
Kings
of
Hungary
shall
not
be
toucht
or
shaken
,
and
that
the
Valour
of
those
Princes
shall
be
able
to
protect
the
Country
:
Then
to
see
those
Dominions
invironed
with
Janizaries
,
and
the
Colours
of
Mahomets
Crescents
Flourishing
amidst
the
standards
of
Saint
Marke
?
Know
you
not
that
their
very
neighbourhood
hath
begot
an
eternall
jealousie
?
And
that
jealousie
of
a
Rivall
(
so
prevalent
and
too
potent
for
us
may
possesse
us
with
fears
?
Do
you
not
consider
how
that
such
an
irreconcileable
Enemie
will
never
want
pretexts
to
demand
?
And
that
successe
will
dayly
feed
new
expectation
;
Finding
fortune
so
favourable
,
our
resistance
so
weak
,
and
our
losse
so
infinite
?
Will
such
accesses
tempt
a
soul
more
moderate
then
such
a
one
as
lodgeth
in
a
M●ho●etans
breast
?
Do
you
not
discern
that
the
formidable
power
of
the
Otto●ans
is
like
unto
a
contagious
disease
,
which
is
best
prevented
or
healed
at
a
distance
?
Can
you
Venetians
believe
that
the
Turks
should
prove
better
neighbours
then
the
Christians
?
And
that
the
Policy
of
the
Alcoran
is
more
perswasive
then
the
Moralls
of
the
Gospell
?
Have
you
not
experienced
that
antient
Friends
make
more
firm
Amity
then
new
?
And
how
that
the
body
politique
is
like
the
body
naturall
,
in
which
every
mutation
proves
dangerous
?
Do
you
not
finde
that
the
ambition
of
Conquerors
is
like
the
Waves
of
the
Vast
Ocean
,
which
is
neither
willingly
limited
with
Bancks
nor
Bottome
?
And
that
the
ambition
of
Mahomet
the
second
runns
as
a
devouring
Fire
,
which
hastens
to
consume
so
many
Empires
,
and
so
many
Kingdomes
?
What
security
then
can
you
have
in
the
amity
of
a
Prince
of
so
haughty
an
humor
?
And
what
great
advantage
can
you
gain
by
this
new
Alliance
,
to
ingage
you
to
such
Obligations
?
Can
you
hope
that
this
proud
Turke
can
admit
you
to
share
in
his
Conquests
?
Can
you
pretend
to
expect
a
proportion
in
the
spoiles
of
Hungary
?
Do
you
not
know
that
the
Warres
of
Nations
Civilized
,
are
waged
chiefly
for
the
obtaining
of
Glory
and
true
Renown
?
And
how
the
Warrs
of
Barbarous
Nations
are
raised
in
a
design
of
Pillage
and
Plunder
?
As
the
sole
marke
of
their
enterprizes
,
and
object
of
their
Armies
,
who
in
their
Conquests
regard
not
the
auxiliaries
of
their
Victory
?
and
those
whose
ambition
is
insatiable
,
finde
all
too
little
to
satisfie
themselves
,
having
no
thoughts
of
contenting
others
?
Who
knowes
not
that
avarice
as
well
as
ambition
,
and
Cruelty
,
arries
on
the
Turkes
with
a
predominant
inclination
?
that
that
Nation
never
acts
by
any
other
Principle
?
And
who
can
be
ignorant
,
but
that
your
new
Allies
will
(
at
length
)
leave
you
in
the
lurch
?
On
the
the
other
side
,
In
the
Condition
wherein
Hungary
and
Christendom
then
were
,
might
not
Mahomet
the
second
easily
discern
that
you
joyned
your
forces
unto
him
out
of
a
particular
interest
;
And
therein
rather
sought
your
own
safety
then
his
glory
?
That
you
left
us
,
to
preserve
your selves
?
And
that
you
begged
his
amity
,
to
avoid
his
wrath
?
that
base
feares
made
your
progresse
,
and
not
true
Friendship
or
love
?
That
(
in
truth
,
and
purely
)
you
onely
regarded
your
owne
advantage
,
and
therefore
made
a
shamefull
alliance
,
with
one
,
whom
you
as
much
hated
as
feared
?
What
Obligation
can
be
stronge
in
a
matter
of
this
nature
?
and
what
reason
have
you
to
hope
for
any
thing
under
the
pretence
of
such
a
favour
?
Moreover
,
when
he
shall
observe
how
cruelly
you
have
forsaken
(
and
that
in
extremity
)
your
antient
Allies
,
your
neighbours
,
and
your
brethren
,
connected
to
you
by
the
Ligaments
of
the
same
Religion
,
Lawes
and
Manners
,
what
assurance
can
you
fancy
that
Mahomet
shall
have
in
your
promises
,
having
seen
you
violate
such
sacred
obligations
?
And
what
credit
shall
he
give
unto
your
words
,
having
known
you
so
notoriously
to
forfeit
your
Faith
?
We
may
adde
yet
,
if
that
which
ratifieth
treaties
,
renders
alliances
assured
,
and
peace
durable
,
is
,
That
,
treaties
,
Alliances
,
and
Peaces
,
are
equally
advantagious
to
Kings
,
Soveraigns
,
Princes
or
Republicks
,
Who
make
them
because
that
equality
is
necessary
,
and
reciprocall
advantages
oblige
the
one
and
the
other
to
an
exact
observation
of
the
Articles
concluded
betwixt
them
;
What
proportion
then
of
equality
can
there
be
between
the
Republick
of
Venice
and
the
Vast
Empire
of
Turkie
?
What
advantage
can
the
Turks
receive
from
your
feeble
Troops
,
who
is
a
Conqueror
attended
with
so
many
Millions
of
Souldiers
?
what
profit
think
you
to
gain
from
him
who
swallowes
Scepters
and
Crownes
as
little
morsells
?
Who
depopulates
more
Kingdomes
and
Empires
then
you
have
Townes
in
your
Dominions
?
Whose
formidable
Armies
cover
the
largest
Campanies
,
and
traversing
the
mighty
Plaines
,
drink
up
whole
Rivers
where
they
are
encamped
?
Is
not
this
your
alliance
as
the
oblation
of
a
shallow
Brook
to
the
Ocean
,
when
you
joyne
your
slender
Troopes
to
his
mighty
Armies
?
and
is
not
this
a
signall
error
,
to
dream
that
your
handfull
of
Forces
should
be
considerable
amongst
such
infinite
numbers
?
Can
you
believe
that
Mahomet
should
religiously
observe
Articles
of
confederation
wherein
he
could
finde
neither
the
increase
of
his
profit
or
glory
?
To
adde
nothing
else
from
the
dangerous
example
that
you
(
Venetians
)
have
given
him
;
what
alliances
may
not
the
Turke
violate
without
all
scruple
?
Is
it
possible
that
the
history
of
the
Turks
is
so
utterly
a
stranger
to
you
,
that
you
know
not
how
that
impious
and
barbarous
Nation
make
publick
profession
of
infidelity
,
and
how
they
frame
to
themselves
such
maxims
,
that
,
it
is
lawfull
for
them
to
break
all
Articles
of
what
condition
soever
?
to
recede
from
any
Oaths
,
and
to
violate
Faith
and
all
ingagements
?
and
to
jeere
at
the
Lawes
and
rights
of
Nations
?
Have
you
never
heard
them
call
the
Christians
,
Jaours
,
that
is
,
Doggs
?
and
from
that
injury
raise
an
argument
,
and
consequently
conclude
that
they
are
not
obliged
to
keeep
their
words
with
doggs
?
Do
they
not
barbarously
breake
Faith
and
promises
with
those
of
their
own
Nation
,
as
well
as
with
their
Enemies
?
How
perfidious
was
Baiazet
,
who
,
after
the
death
of
his
Father
,
sent
to
seek
for
Soloman
his
elder
Brother
,
upon
pretence
of
a
desire
to
have
him
Crowned
;
And
having
abused
the
facility
of
that
Prince
,
caused
him
inhumanely
to
be
strangled
,
and
so
introduced
a
barbarous
example
into
the
Family
of
the
Ottomans
,
which
hath
been
but
too
often
imitated
since
that
horrid
precedent
?
Orchan
the
second
,
Emperour
of
the
Turkes
,
feigned
an
argreement
with
some
Princes
of
Asia
,
thereby
more
easily
to
delude
some
others
;
And
after
he
had
devoured
his
first
Contractors
,
with
lesse
difficulty
destroyed
the
others
according
to
the
Stratagems
of
his
own
devices
.
Did
you
never
read
(
in
the
Roman
History
)
the
remarkable
Embleme
of
the
bundle
of
arrowes
?
which
bound
up
together
were
not
easily
broken
,
but
taken
asunder
,
each
single
arrow
was
frangible
by
the
weakest
arme
?
Have
you
been
so
little
conversant
in
the
terrestriall
Globe
,
that
ye
knew
not
your selves
heretofore
too
near
neighbours
to
that
Prince
on
the
Coast
of
the
Archipelagus
;
But
that
you
must
likewise
desire
to
border
upon
Friult
and
Dalmatia
?
the
Fountaines
and
the
Rivers
which
divide
themselves
into
lesser
streames
,
are
not
much
considerable
:
But
united
into
one
great
body
,
they
compose
and
make
up
an
Ocean
which
may
terrifie
the
boldest
adventurers
.
You
may
conclude
,
that
if
Christian
Princes
and
Republiques
held
a
Faithfull
Correspondency
and
firme
Union
,
both
the
one
and
the
other
might
without
doubt
resist
the
Turkish
Power
,
and
stop
the
progresse
of
his
dangerous
Conquests
,
with
great
facility
:
But
when
we
see
the
Christians
themselves
divided
,
this
potent
Enemy
may
with
more
ease
destroy
them
all
,
singling
out
each
Kingdome
or
Republick
apart
.
Oh
,
you
Venetians
,
none
of
these
just
considerations
have
prevailed
to
perswade
you
,
being
transported
with
the
Violence
of
particular
Interests
.
The
present
condition
of
affaires
was
more
Prevalent
with
you
then
to
admit
a
Praevision
of
future
dangers
:
and
your
Caecity
was
so
great
,
that
you
have
desperately
cast
your selves
into
an
Abysse
;
thinking
thereby
to
avoide
a
precipice
.
Observe
then
the
justice
of
God
upon
the
heads
of
the
offenders
.
They
(
on
the
grounds
of
falsehood
&
imprudence
)
Contriving
vainly
to
preserve
themselves
from
one
perill
,
have
cast
themselves
headlong
into
another
;
Their
impious
craft
seducing
them
to
deceive
others
,
deluded
themselves
.
Their
subtile
policy
seemed
to
teach
them
perfectly
the
art
of
Government
,
when
the
events
discover'd
the
errors
of
their
maximes
.
It
is
true
then
(
as
the
Scripture
witnesseth
)
that
God
insatuateth
the
wicked
in
their
own
designes
,
and
disperseth
them
as
a
Clowd
,
and
causeth
them
to
Vanish
as
smoake
.
By
all
that
I
have
said
,
it
appears
thereby
,
that
Jucundum
,
Honestum
,
and
Utile
,
were
not
the
arguments
which
perswaded
you
to
this
Savage
action
.
I
may
rightly
conclude
then
,
that
by
a
meer
inclination
to
an
evill
end
,
you
were
willing
to
destroy
us
,
and
have
found
a
Malignant
rejoycing
in
our
sorrowes
without
the
Knowledge
of
that
wherein
consists
true
joy
.
Why
was
this
evill
undertaken
by
you
;
Unlesse
you
had
been
borne
to
do
no
good
?
But
seeing
this
excuse
is
not
sufficient
for
rationall
men
,
who
act
not
as
beasts
,
but
according
to
reason
and
election
of
what
they
voluntarily
choose
,
equally
inclined
to
good
or
evill
,
vice
,
or
Virtue
:
Are
not
we
in
a
just
expectation
of
a
Vicissitude
,
and
Change
;
that
Vindicative
Justice
may
recompence
all
your
evills
?
We
well
understand
that
Martiall
Lawes
admit
Letters
of
Reprizall
;
the
most
rigorous
of
the
moralists
,
allow
us
to
resist
Invaders
,
to
defend
us
from
their
Violence
,
and
to
repell
their
Forces
;
And
if
the
Law
of
God
ordained
an
eye
for
an
eye
,
and
life
for
life
in
the
punishment
of
Crimes
,
ought
not
we
imitate
your selves
,
seeing
the
day
is
changed
,
and
affaires
have
a
better
presence
?
May
not
we
now
go
and
contract
an
alliance
with
Mahomet
the
second
,
and
refuse
to
aid
you
,
who
denyed
succours
first
to
us
?
Might
not
we
joyn
our
Forces
with
his
,
giving
him
assistance
with
our
Counsells
and
Souldiers
,
whereby
we
might
impower
him
to
ravage
your
Frontiers
,
defeat
your
Armies
,
storme
your
strongest
Townes
,
inslave
your
Generalls
,
chase
you
not
onely
from
the
main
Continent
,
but
even
from
all
the
Isles
you
hold
in
the
Archipelagus
?
This
favourable
Conjuncture
may
afford
us
an
obligation
to
mix
our
Colours
with
his
ensignes
,
and
so
magnanimously
march
against
that
superbe
Town
,
and
those
aspiring
Ramparts
which
obumbrate
the
Adriatique
Sea
,
and
command
imperially
all
the
adjacent
shores
.
Yes
(
without
doubt
)
we
are
obliged
:
and
as
far
as
humane
reason
can
reach
to
judge
,
in
the
fresh
memory
of
your
greater
cruelty
,
you
merit
to
be
destroyed
,
and
we
revenged
,
and
Venice
deserves
to
be
inslaved
and
chastised
severely
,
as
a
spectacle
to
all
ages
to
come
,
to
teach
all
Republicks
not
to
refuse
,
so
barbarously
,
and
cowardly
,
their
assistance
to
their
ancient
Allies
.
Wee
might
listen
now
to
these
sweet
temptations
,
&
chiefly
to
that
to
which
the
greatest
souls
are
most
inclin'd
,
Haughty
and
pleasant
Revenge
.
The
occasion
is
now
favourable
:
And
Fortune
seems
to
answer
us
with
plenary
satisfaction
:
You
have
refused
your
succours
,
we
may
then
justly
deny
ours
:
You
have
made
Alliance
with
our
Enemy
,
we
may
(
as
justly
)
doe
the
like
with
yours
:
You
joyned
your
Troops
with
his
,
we
may
as
equally
joyn
our
Armies
:
You
aided
him
to
our
defeat
,
wee
can
aid
him
to
your
utter
ruin
:
You
thought
you
could
destroy
our
Kingdome
,
we
are
assured
we
could
make
your
Republick
a
desolation
:
You
have
been
the
cause
of
the
sad
death
of
two
of
our
Kings
,
and
we
are
able
(
if
we
please
)
to
sacrifice
upon
their
Tombes
your
Duke
and
Senators
:
You
aided
our
Enemie
to
rout
our
Armies
on
the
Plains
of
Var●ey
and
Cosola
,
we
are
able
to
demolish
your
high
Walls
,
to
burn
your
fair
City
,
and
to
force
you
to
flye
into
the
same
Rocks
and
Caves
where
your
Ancestors
did
hide
themselves
to
lie
more
secure
from
the
violence
of
the
Hunnes
:
Yes
(
Venetians
)
we
can
do
this
,
nay
in
some
sort
we
ought
;
but
God
is
pleased
to
moderate
our
wills
.
That
which
you
have
done
heretofore
strikes
us
with
such
horror
,
that
we
cannot
imitate
you
:
If
you
can
forget
that
we
are
men
,
yet
we
cannot
forget
that
you
are
Christians
.
He
who
pleased
to
command
us
to
love
our
enemies
,
cannot
but
approve
us
in
pardoning
our
Allies
,
how
criminous
soever
they
have
been
.
Seeing
then
(
to
make
relation
of
affairs
as
they
are
)
we
have
an
opportunity
of
Revenge
,
what
can
be
more
Illustrious
to
the
greatest
spirits
,
then
to
see
those
who
have
offended
them
,
reduced
to
a
sharp
necessity
,
and
become
humble
Petitioners
?
This
sufficeth
(
Venetians
)
and
is
enough
to
cause
us
to
lay
down
our
Armes
,
or
rather
to
take
them
up
,
thereby
to
protect
you
against
that
enemy
which
now
assaults
you
.
We
do
not
desire
your
blood
to
wash
away
your
crimes
,
your
tears
shall
serve
to
expiate
.
Those
two
great
Princes
which
your
rigour
hastened
to
Heaven
,
and
layd
in
their
Tombes
,
will
not
condemne
our
Clemencie
,
who
,
though
they
have
lost
their
Terrestriall
Crowns
,
yet
parted
with
them
to
become
glorious
Martyrs
;
an
honour
more
precious
then
all
earthly
glory
:
Who
,
as
they
are
in
the
state
of
Immortality
,
have
no
thoughts
of
Revenge
:
And
it
cannot
but
agree
with
their
Celestiall
Judgement
to
be
least
Vindicative
in
the
way
to
Glory
:
They
have
poured
out
their
bloud
,
and
lost
their
lives
for
the
good
of
Religion
,
and
will
approve
(
without
question
)
that
we
blot
out
the
memory
of
our
own
misfortunes
,
as
well
as
your
Errors
,
in
relation
to
the
wellfare
of
the
same
Religion
.
Seeing
therefore
these
happy
Saints
have
received
that
recompence
which
their
services
have
purchased
for
them
,
and
that
they
enjoy
a
felicity
which
shall
never
terminate
,
but
be
coaeternall
with
the
memory
of
those
grand
actions
they
accomplished
:
since
they
have
received
within
the
Church
Triumphant
those
glorious
Palmes
which
their
atchievements
purchased
in
the
Church
Militant
;
and
that
they
more
perfectly
know
in
God
(
where
all
things
are
known
)
the
Justice
of
that
Cause
they
defended
:
That
they
blesse
God
every
moment
for
the
wounds
which
they
received
,
and
the
death
they
suffered
for
so
good
a
cause
:
And
seeing
that
all
good
is
communicable
in
its
own
nature
,
and
that
they
cannot
but
concurre
in
approbation
to
what
we
now
shall
doe
in
our
resolution
of
so
holy
and
generous
an
ambition
so
suitable
to
Christianity
:
We
shall
not
refuse
to
aid
you
with
succours
,
as
you
now
doe
desire
,
nor
faile
to
support
you
in
so
just
an
enterprise
.
But
,
on
the
contrary
,
wee
are
ready
to
passe
with
you
over
the
Danube
,
nay
to
march
before
you
to
destroy
the
Turkish
Territories
,
and
we
shall
dispatch
one
of
our
Heraulds
to
denounce
a
Warre
against
them
,
as
soon
as
the
Spring
approacheth
.
We
hope
the
issue
will
be
succesfull
,
however
wee
shall
not
faile
of
our
duty
,
and
we
shall
employ
all
our
Forces
,
and
all
that
depends
on
us
to
this
purpose
.
But
you
must
likewise
for
your
part
(
all
the
same
time
)
advance
to
Peloponesus
to
cause
a
diversion
,
and
to
amuse
our
enemies
,
being
at
the
same
instant
at
severall
places
to
be
attempted
.
See
(
Venetians
)
what
our
Resolutions
are
for
the
Republick
of
Venice
,
in
favour
to
that
Senate
because
Christian
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
sacrifice
the
memory
of
our
particular
injuries
for
the
good
of
the
generall
affairs
,
and
private
losses
for
publick
safety
.
The
Censure
.
THose
who
conclude
that
the
greatest
Victories
are
most
glorious
,
resolve
withall
,
That
it
is
the
hardest
difficulty
to
command
and
conquer
ones
self
.
And
when
a
favourable
occasion
is
presented
of
sweet
revenge
:
That
passion
tempteth
a
moderate
soul
,
and
shaketh
the
affections
of
the
best
temper
.
And
if
the
means
of
revenge
be
so
uncertain
,
and
rare
to
be
found
,
it
is
more
incomparably
difficult
to
refuse
the
occasion
when
it
freely
offer
it self
.
It
is
in
this
rencounter
when
the
Spaniard
makes
that
prayer
,
Guarda
me
Dios
de
mi
,
God
defend
me
from
my self
.
And
it
is
truly
necessary
;
for
if
a
soul
be
not
guarded
with
the
shield
of
Virtue
:
It
must
(
without
doubt
)
yeeld
in
such
a
dangerous
combat
.
And
if
any
particular
obstacles
prove
more
violent
:
How
outragious
then
are
the
passions
of
Princes
!
And
those
who
fancy
to
themselves
,
that
they
can
will
nothing
but
what
they
ought
?
And
when
able
to
act
what
they
will
,
being
in
power
,
are
not
they
most
apt
to
destroy
and
ruinate
those
who
have
provoked
them
?
To
restraine
then
the
Thunderbolt
from
falling
on
the
heads
of
the
offendors
,
is
something
Divine
,
or
(
at
least
)
above
ordinary
humane
power
.
Execution
belongs
to
the
Hangman
;
but
grace
and
pardon
to
the
Gods.
And
certainly
the
Theorie
of
this
science
is
more
facile
then
the
Practice
.
Princes
seldome
forget
(
in
such
affaires
)
that
Justice
is
divided
into
two
parts
;
and
that
part
which
is
called
Vindicative
,
is
no
whit
lesse
equitable
then
that
other
,
because
it
seems
lesse
humane
.
Those
who
say
they
would
punish
if
they
were
not
in
choler
,
are
as
rare
as
the
Phoenix
;
and
History
(
in
generall
)
makes
no
mention
more
of
the
one
,
then
the
other
;
that
is
,
it
speaks
little
or
nothing
but
of
the
first
:
For
it
is
very
difficult
for
the
same
person
to
be
mild
,
and
mighty
;
to
be
able
to
punish
,
and
yet
to
pardon
;
to
be
in
a
capacity
to
revenge
,
and
yet
rather
to
relieve
:
It
is
very
difficult
,
instead
of
destroying
of
an
Enemy
,
to
study
,
and
adventure
for
his
preservation
.
From
all
these
arguments
wee
rightly
understand
how
perfectly
that
Prince
was
accomplished
,
how
great
his
Virtue
,
how
magnificent
his
Generosity
,
of
whom
we
have
spoken
.
Doubtless
he
understood
not
only
the
Philosophy
of
Aristotle
,
and
Seneca
,
but
likewise
the
Morals
of
Christianitie
,
which
(
without
all
exception
)
are
the
most
excellent
and
surest
Foundations
.
He
well
knew
that
the
King
of
Kings
is
called
the
God
of
Vengeance
,
who
reserves
that
punishment
(
primely
)
to
himself
,
as
being
onely
capable
to
render
it
without
passion
,
and
to
punish
without
interest
.
He
understood
that
the
sight
of
his
Enemies
,
prostrate
at
his
feet
,
was
far
more
glorious
then
to
see
them
in
their
Graves
;
and
to
lock
on
them
weeping
with
their
eyes
,
then
weltring
in
their
blood
.
That
to
have
a
power
to
revenge
is
as
equally
satisfactory
as
revenge
it self
.
Certainly
with
what
ever
eye
we
view
this
grand
action
,
we
must
conclude
,
that
it
was
very
Glorious
;
which
was
not
as
the
Painters
Art
,
who
by
optical
delusions
,
change
the
face
of
things
according
to
the
diversities
of
severall
Viewes
.
But
on
the
contrary
which
way
soever
wee
look
,
this
action
was
semper
eadem
,
and
most
admirable
:
Yet
if
wee
look
into
the
exact
rules
of
Policie
(
without
any
consideration
to
the
Maxims
of
Religion
)
according
to
those
Principles
,
who
doubts
not
,
but
that
this
Prince
did
ill
,
and
that
his
Progresse
herein
,
was
more
generous
then
prudent
?
He
was
fully
satisfied
●hat
the
Turks
held
not
for
his
enemies
onely
the
Greekes
,
Hungarians
,
and
Venetians
;
but
likewise
all
Christians
;
and
that
he
designed
a
publicke
ruine
to
them
all
.
This
moved
him
to
a
generous
Consideraration
,
and
from
former
unkind
passages
to
raise
and
accomplish
future
advantages
;
thereby
avoiding
to
make
himselfe
a
sad
example
to
ruine
his
own
Kingdomes
,
by
endeavouring
a
revenge
upon
the
Venetians
.
This
great
Prince
acted
as
became
him
:
In
which
noble
work
his
wisedome
and
bounty
equally
proposed
and
obtained
an
immortall
Commendation
in
the
mouths
of
all
men
.
There
are
who
say
that
Valour
operateth
in
the
Soul
,
as
the
heat
of
the
Sun
in
Plants
and
other
Vegetables
.
For
as
the
Sun
exhaleth
Poison
from
Hemlock
and
Aconite
,
and
maketh
who
some
remedies
with
the
Virtues
of
other
herbes
;
So
doth
Valour
produce
divers
effects
in
different
Soules
.
She
makes
the
Lyon
generous
,
but
the
Tiger
cruell
.
I
conceive
we
may
place
Mahomet
the
second
amongst
the
Savage
Tygers
both
for
his
ferocity
and
rage
;
whose
power
wasted
two
Empires
,
and
tw●nty
Kingdoms
,
and
consumed
the
proude
infortunate
City
of
Constantinople
;
with
whose
spoyles
,
was
presented
unto
him
a
beautifull
unparallell'd
Lady
:
She
used
her
choicest
skill
to
please
him
,
and
he
seemed
to
love
and
adore
her
.
(
For
Tygers
will
love
,
though
it
last
not
)
He
treated
this
beauty
with
the
variety
of
all
delights
.
His
courage
was
turned
to
sighes
,
his
Valour
inchanted
with
imbraces
,
which
infram'd
him
day
and
night
with
inextinguishable
sparkes
of
love
.
At
last
,
this
insolent
Conqueror
was
vanquisht
by
his
own
slave
,
and
was
a
Vassall
to
that
lovely
Greek
:
In
the
mean
time
his
greedy
Souldiers
(
fed
with
prey
and
Pillage
)
began
to
murmure
at
their
Emperours
stupidity
,
and
to
revile
him
as
an
inglorious
Commander
.
This
Tyger
(
at
last
)
awaked
w●i●
the
taunts
and
scornes
of
the
rude
multitude
,
and
his
rage
being
newly
incensed
,
(
shall
I
be
able
to
speak
,
much
lesse
to
believe
so
horrid
a
Fact
)
he
tore
in
peeces
this
innocent
and
unfortunate
beauty
,
caused
her
head
to
be
cut
off
with
a
Symeter
,
whom
he
had
adored
as
a
Goddesse
,
and
to
whom
he
had
offered
the
Victime
of
his
heart
a
hundred
times
,
he
became
strangly
cruel
,
and
with
his
own
hand
stroke
off
the
head
of
her
who
had
enamoured
his
heart
.
And
,
notwithstanding
his
love
streamed
betwixt
her
blood
and
teares
;
He
then
said
,
here
(
O
Souldiers
)
behold
the
subject
of
your
discontents
,
made
now
your
sacrifice
in
my
displeasure
.
portrait of Mahomet II
MAHOMET
the
Greate
,
who
was
the
greatest
scourge
to
Christendome
of
all
the
Turkishe
Emperours
.
He
subdued
Mentesia
,
wined
Constantinople
,
overcame
Craia
,
Subdued
Pera
,
Peleponesus
,
and
Castria
,
tooke
Otrunto
,
and
soe
in
going
against
the
Caramanian
King
,
died
.
Anᵒ.
1483.
MAHOMET
THE
SECOND
,
To
his
JANIZARIES
.
I
Have
ever
believed
,
that
thorough
all
the
extents
of
my
Empire
,
I
have
none
to
my
Subjects
but
Slaves
and
Vassalls
;
That
I
am
the
Soveraign
Judge
of
the
actions
of
all
men
,
who
live
under
my
power
:
and
that
no
person
whatsoever
dares
to
judge
of
me
,
The
sacred
Character
,
which
distinguisheth
Crowned
heads
from
those
of
others
,
ought
to
be
in
violable
in
my
person
.
It
belongs
not
to
them
who
are
to
obey
,
to
dare
to
Command
,
nor
is
it
for
the
People
to
intermedle
with
their
Lords
,
who
by
all
Rights
may
dispose
of
their
lives
as
they
please
;
And
if
Soveraign
Princes
be
their
Masters
and
Commanders
(
which
is
a
right
unquestionable
)
they
are
not
(
in
any
Case
)
to
be
their
Judges
.
These
two
qualities
are
utterly
incompatible
;
It
is
then
undeniably
necessary
that
there
must
be
either
no
Th●ones
,
or
an
alsolute
obedience
to
them
,
without
all
dispute
or
reserves
;
otherwise
,
there
will
be
neither
Slaves
nor
Subjects
,
Tributaries
nor
Vassalls
;
This
were
to
usurpe
Soveraign
authority
over
all
Princes
;
to
disgrace
and
dissolve
the
Power
and
splendor
of
Crownes
,
and
Scepters
;
To
admit
of
as
many
Subjects
as
Kings
,
and
as
many
Masters
as
men
.
Which
disorder
once
permitted
,
a
generall
confusion
must
speedily
and
inevitably
succeed
.
But
(
to
speake
the
truth
without
ostentation
)
I
beleeve
few
Princes
have
better
learn't
the
Art
of
Government
then
my selfe
.
It
is
true
,
I
could
not
alwaies
obstruct
you
from
that
insolency
which
once
broke
forth
,
sawsily
to
censure
and
condemn
my
actions
,
after
you
had
so
many
thousand
times
extolled
and
commended
my
enterprizes
,
which
heaped
Glory
on
you
.
As
for
my self
(
I
freely
protest
)
I
know
no
just
cause
for
your
rash
temerity
:
For
If
you
respect
me
as
your
lawfull
Prince
,
and
as
descended
from
the
antient
Ottomans
;
What
respects
do
yee
not
,
by
the
bonds
of
nature
,
owe
me
?
And
if
you
consider
me
as
a
Conqueror
,
and
behold
me
amidst
my
Trophies
,
where
I
am
attended
with
so
many
Scepters
and
Crownes
which
I
have
obtained
with
so
much
illustrious
fortitude
and
Gallantry
;
what
veneration
ought
you
not
to
pay
me
?
Or
if
you
look
upon
me
as
meerly
your
Prince
,
whose
inclination
is
rather
to
exactnesse
of
justice
,
then
to
any
softnesse
or
mercy
;
And
whose
authority
is
laid
in
the
Foundation
,
&
tempered
in
the
blood
of
those
who
have
been
nearest
to
me
(
though
the
Grandees
of
my
Empire
)
what
fear
and
reverence
ought
not
to
possesse
you
?
And
having
advanced
so
much
plenty
to
your
Provinces
,
having
Conquered
twelve
Kingdoms
,
and
two
entire
Empires
,
gained
two
and
thirty
Field
Battailes
,
and
fought
in
person
more
then
in
an
hundred
reencounters
;
Having
given
such
solemn
examples
of
my
Iustice
,
which
hath
ever
appeared
to
be
very
near
allied
to
Cruelty
(
Especially
to
those
who
would
not
know
how
unlimited
our
bounds
were
)
After
(
I
say
)
all
these
effects
the
splendor
of
my
Actions
,
the
Grandeur
of
my
Triumphs
,
the
acknowledgement
of
my
Victories
,
the
dread
&
fear
of
my
Chastisements
,
could
not
all
these
restrain
you
from
base
and
rude
repinings
,
but
that
you
must
needs
carry
seditious
fire
to
my
Seraglio
?
and
after
so
many
Warrs
,
so
many
hazards
,
so
much
pain
and
travell
,
because
mine
eyes
glanced
upon
a
Beauty
to
murmur
at
my
repose
,
enchanted
with
the
sweet
charmes
of
her
pleasant
conversation
?
But
as
unjust
and
impudent
as
you
are
,
see
how
after
I
have
conquered
others
,
I
can
as
easily
conquer
my self
:
Behold
the
sad
Victory
that
I
here
present
;
and
by
the
Victors
tears
guess
at
the
difficulty
which
I
met
with
grapling
with
such
a
soul-inchanting
Enemy
.
You
(
cruell
villaines
)
know
,
that
this
fair
and
unfortunate
person
,
without
arms
,
and
without
offence
,
hath
given
me
more
trouble
then
the
most
potent
Enemies
.
Not
able
to
satisfie
your
rage
with
the
removall
of
my
affections
,
I
have
taken
away
her
life
,
and
with
one
blow
of
a
Cymeter
cut
off
her
head
to
satisfie
your
unjust
desires
.
To
establish
my
Throne
I
have
rended
my
heart
from
my self
.
Doe
you
not
thinke
that
this
faire
blood
which
I
have
spilt
to
gratifie
your
thirsty
lusts
,
shall
(
sometime
or
other
)
extract
brackish
tears
from
your
eyes
?
No
,
no
,
you
shall
not
be
discharged
at
so
easie
a
rate
.
You
will
say
(
perhaps
)
you
would
have
your
Prince
intirely
without
the
affections
of
Love
,
and
to
aym
at
nothing
but
ambition
:
You
wish
for
War
,
and
you
shall
have
enough
;
I
shall
leade
you
into
such
eminent
dangers
,
that
you
shall
see
that
hee
shall
have
honour
that
dares
to
follow
me
;
where
,
if
you
be
not
Cowards
,
you
shall
satisfie
with
your
blood
for
that
which
you
have
forced
mee
to
spill
.
I
must
sacrifice
at
least
a
hundred
crowned
heads
,
if
I
shall
proportion
Oblations
equall
to
what
you
have
seen
me
offer
;
and
I
ought
to
offer
up
my self
if
I
intend
to
expiate
the
fault
of
those
who
have
constrained
me
to
commit
an
action
so
barbarous
.
Yet
seeing
in
sacrificing
my self
I
might
lose
vengeance
fit
for
you
,
it
is
necessary
that
I
survive
to
punish
you
,
to
the
end
to
make
insolent
Subjects
know
how
to
respect
Princes
with
greater
honour
,
and
to
teach
Kings
how
to
chastize
barbarous
vassals
.
Those
who
shall
refuse
to
pay
to
their
Soveraigns
just
Tributes
,
are
more
excusable
then
those
who
dare
to
censure
their
Actions
,
and
to
pass
their
judgement
on
their
Soveraigns
Government
.
It
is
a
thing
very
naturall
to
love
and
keep
Gold
,
Pearls
,
and
Diamonds
,
which
inrich
a
Family
,
and
serve
for
the
conveniency
of
Life
:
But
to
ravish
Majesty
of
her
Glory
,
and
explicate
Royall
Intentions
with
opprobrious
Insolencie
,
is
a
crime
as
far
from
pardon
as
excuse
:
It
could
bring
no
advantage
to
the
offendors
,
and
therefore
the
more
irremissible
.
Should
Kings
dive
and
search
into
the
crimes
and
errors
of
their
Subjects
,
how
ugly
would
they
appear
?
Is
there
any
one
of
you
whom
love
,
hatred
,
avarice
,
revenge
,
ambition
,
or
envy
,
hath
not
transported
to
commit
a
hundred
faults
?
which
because
they
have
not
offended
civill
societie
,
and
have
not
been
complained
of
to
me
,
you
have
not
so
much
as
been
reproached
.
And
why
then
(
unjust
Censurers
as
you
are
)
should
I
deigne
to
answer
before
you
(
not
for
any
crimes
)
For
as
towards
you
Kings
cannot
commit
them
.
Yet
(
not
being
insensible
of
what
is
past
)
What
if
I
suffered
my self
to
bee
caught
with
the
most
accomplisht
Beauty
that
ever
was
borne
under
Heaven
?
Trouble
not
your selves
at
the
occasion
of
this
accident
,
that
glance
is
over
;
you
shall
never
more
complaine
of
my
effeminate
tendernesse
:
As
is
was
the
first
in
your
observation
,
it
shall
be
the
last
in
my
passion
.
In
the
mean
time
learne
from
this
lesson
(
sealed
with
innocent
blood
)
that
I
have
passed
from
one
extremity
to
another
;
be
instructed
(
by
this
faire
Head
separated
from
her
body
)
that
there
is
not
one
of
you
who
may
not
fall
by
the
same
destinie
:
And
by
this
high
,
and
great
example
,
learne
to
serve
and
fear
those
who
can
as
easily
destroy
you
.
Of
all
the
Crimes
which
Subjects
can
commit
,
that
which
you
have
perpetrated
is
(
without
doubt
)
more
directly
opposite
to
Soveraignty
.
To
passe
a
censure
,
or
to
whisper
sediticusly
against
the
Actions
of
Princes
,
is
a
sinne
so
notorious
,
as
none
but
you
durst
presume
to
fancie
.
As
for
all
other
things
which
you
might
conceit
against
him
,
hee
can
preserve
himselfe
.
If
you
should
attempt
his
life
,
his
Guards
and
personall
Valour
might
prevent
your
Treason
and
mischiefe
;
But
from
malitious
tongues
there
is
no
protection
.
Yet
know
,
the
more
envious
you
are
towards
your
Prince
,
the
more
you
you
eternize
his
glory
.
And
when
your
Prince
(
in
his
solitary
thoughts
)
is
most
serious
for
your
prosperity
;
it
is
then
(
usually
)
when
you
censure
his
carefull
retirements
,
laziness
,
or
idlenesse
.
Not
considering
how
much
his
active
soul
contributes
towards
your
quiet
,
nor
his
care
to
your
repose
.
Think
not
that
the
sacred
Character
of
Princes
(
which
distinguisheth
them
from
their
Vassals
)
consisteth
meerly
in
the
magnificence
of
their
attendance
,
the
puissance
of
their
Armies
,
and
in
the
riches
of
their
Treasures
.
No
,
it
is
not
all
this
that
compleateth
the
Majesty
of
Kings
,
nor
doe
these
royal
occurrences
onely
command
your
obedience
,
and
make
Kings
to
raign
.
But
it
is
an
honour
and
obedience
seated
in
the
very
foundations
of
your
soules
,
in
which
garb
you
ought
to
approach
to
their
throne
with
adoration
.
And
you
are
bound
to
beleeve
(
as
toward
yourselves
)
that
your
Prince
cannot
erre
as
towards
his
vassals
.
This
may
teach
you
not
to
intermeddle
with
his
actions
,
not
to
resist
his
Government
,
not
to
demand
or
Peace
,
or
Warre
,
to
will
what
he
liketh
,
and
to
believe
that
his
pleasure
is
not
unjust
.
It
is
upon
this
Basis
of
Loyalty
and
obedience
that
the
foundation
of
Majesty
is
built
;
and
whereby
it
is
solely
preserved
:
Who
ever
failes
in
this
originall
duty
may
easily
fail
in
all
others
.
It
is
the
Commencement
of
all
Seditions
,
the
ground
of
all
Revolts
,
the
Platform
of
all
Paricides
,
Rebellions
,
and
Treasons
.
It
is
most
important
then
for
all
Princes
to
keep
their
subjects
strictly
to
their
duty
,
which
entertaineth
a
true
tranquility
of
their
Estates
:
And
makes
them
raign
&
live
as
Kings
.
The
marvellous
harmony
which
governeth
the
Universe
,
may
serve
as
a
rule
to
all
Princes
and
people
of
the
World
:
Since
the
beginning
of
all
ages
,
the
Rivers
have
glyded
quietly
without
retortion
towards
their
Fountaines
.
The
Sea
containes
it self
within
its
bounds
,
the
Heavens
are
constant
and
infallible
in
their
motions
,
the
whole
course
of
nature
orderly
obeys
their
primi●ive
Commands
,
those
streames
which
passe
over
the
Gravell
and
Sand
,
are
not
envious
at
those
which
flow
over
the
flowry
Meadowes
.
The
serpents
crawle
on
the
Earth
,
without
envie
to
the
birds
which
fly
in
the
air
,
each
Creature
continues
satisfied
in
that
degree
to
which
it
hath
been
first
assigned
by
its
Soveraign
;
quietly
resolved
by
native
obedience
,
to
render
that
honour
to
the
Creator
which
is
due
:
And
I
wish
that
all
people
would
render
to
their
Princes
(
whom
Heaven
hath
designed
to
be
their
Lords
and
Masters
)
that
which
is
due
to
them
from
their
Subjects
as
their
birthright
naturally
obligeth
them
.
Then
(
without
dispute
)
they
might
be
more
happy
in
their
qualities
;
And
if
the
Prince
be
more
vertuous
,
their
obedience
will
but
render
them
more
fortunate
and
glorious
:
If
evill
and
wicked
,
the
Subjects
are
bound
the
more
to
conceal
and
obscure
his
vices
and
errours
,
or
(
at
least
,
)
so
to
compose
themselves
,
as
that
they
will
not
discern
●ny
infirmities
or
imperfections
in
their
Prince
to
his
prejudice
and
dishonor
.
For
as
there
is
no
virtue
,
but
a
vice
attending
,
hath
some
resemblance
to
it
which
every
moralist
cannot
suddainly
distinguish
:
So
is
it
with
the
Subject
,
they
cannot
discern
what
is
exact
Justice
:
Or
that
Vice
which
so
much
resembles
it
,
which
is
Cruelty
:
They
cannot
conclude
rightly
whether
their
Prince
be
Prodigall
or
Liberall
,
whether
he
loveth
Peace
or
feareth
Warre
,
whether
timorous
or
prudent
,
rash
or
Couragious
,
Provident
or
Covetous
.
And
therefore
Princes
who
every
moment
dispose
of
their
lives
,
ought
not
to
be
subject
to
their
judgement
,
nor
submit
to
their
Censure
.
Their
businesse
,
is
chiefly
to
study
vertue
,
to
practice
Obedience
,
and
to
referre
the
Government
to
their
Princes
pleasure
;
Commending
themselves
to
Common
Providence
of
succeeding
Events
.
Murmurs
and
reprehensions
of
Vassalls
never
reform
Princes
.
And
they
who
dare
to
use
such
improper
addresses
,
are
like
those
who
throw
stones
up
into
the
air
,
which
fall
on
the
heads
of
those
which
cast
them
;
who
,
if
they
wound
not
themselves
,
yet
are
they
in
danger
,
or
else
they
fall
to
no
purpose
.
But
(
perhaps
you
will
say
to
me
)
our
Complaints
,
our
Murmurs
,
our
Cryes
have
rowsed
your
Valour
from
being
longer
lull'd
and
charmed
with
the
imbraces
of
love
:
And
that
you
have
not
onely
quitted
the
object
of
your
passion
,
destroyed
and
removed
it
,
but
likewise
sacrificed
that
which
we
contended
that
you
should
forsake
:
at
least
we
have
gained
this
advantage
,
that
we
have
our
desires
and
more
then
we
expected
.
To
all
this
I
reply
,
that
I
have
done
as
much
as
you
say
,
but
do
you
withall
know
the
reason
of
this
proceeding
?
It
is
to
teach
you
with
some
terror
,
never
to
presume
to
censure
any
Actions
again
:
For
(
I
lye
not
)
in
this
Conjecture
you
have
most
deceived
your selves
,
you
believed
that
love
had
banished
the
thoughts
of
honour
from
my
heart
;
That
the
wanton
pleasures
of
peace
had
robbed
me
of
the
desires
of
Glory
in
Warre
;
And
that
I
had
been
so
accustomed
to
prostrate
my
will
to
the
beauty
of
a
fair
slave
,
that
I
had
forgotten
the
art
to
Command
and
rule
men
;
And
when
I
lead
the
Damsell
to
the
Scaffold
,
you
(
doubtlesse
)
conceived
that
I
ascended
thither
to
make
an
Apologie
as
Captivated
intirely
by
that
fair
Lady
,
and
slain
by
the
darts
of
her
beautifull
eyes
.
But
understand
once
more
,
You
are
too
low
and
ignorant
to
be
my
judges
,
and
that
it
belongs
to
me
to
be
yours
.
I
doubt
not
but
that
you
will
(
with
much
difficulty
)
digest
the
strangnesse
of
this
accident
,
and
that
now
you
acknowledge
your selves
not
to
be
my
Judges
,
but
witnesses
to
approve
the
Action
which
I
have
done
in
your
presence
.
Some
may
presume
in
their
thoughts
to
account
this
as
barbarous
,
others
will
say
that
the
fair
bloud
which
I
have
spilt
,
will
blemish
the
brightnesse
of
mine
honor
:
Some
will
conclude
that
by
this
Action
I
have
gained
more
then
by
a
Battail
;
And
in
others
let
thoughts
be
free
.
If
I
be
not
deceived
,
they
dare
not
speak
but
what
pleaseth
me
,
or
else
they
do
but
whisper
very
low
.
This
example
is
high
enough
to
strike
a
terrour
into
those
who
have
vapoured
of
their
owne
insolencie
in
murmuring
against
mee
,
and
to
perswade
all
Kings
,
that
It
is
better
policie
to
render
themselves
formidable
,
and
to
live
more
in
their
Subjects
fear
,
then
in
their
love
.
But
if
any
one
shall
object
,
the
severity
of
Justice
is
speedily
transformed
into
Cruelty
:
I
answer
;
It
is
much
better
to
think
too
little
,
then
too
much
of
Clemencie
.
I
confesse
,
Cruelty
may
make
the
Subjects
miserable
,
but
Clemencie
may
make
them
criminall
:
A
severe
Prince
banisheth
Vice
from
his
Estate
:
When
the
indulgent
doth
tollerate
and
authorize
it
,
and
makes
it
his
usuall
recompence
.
It
were
better
then
that
Subjects
should
complaine
of
their
Princes
,
then
that
they
should
bee
forced
to
complaine
of
their
Subjects
.
Murmur
then
(
you
Vassals
)
at
my
severity
if
you
have
cause
.
In
the
resolution
I
am
in
,
your
accusation
will
rather
prove
an
honour
then
an
injurie
.
I
have
been
severe
to
my self
in
taking
away
her
life
who
was
the
chiefest
satisfaction
to
my
owne
.
And
I
doe
not
thinke
that
any
Age
(
heretofore
)
can
present
us
so
rare
an
example
.
It
is
now
our
pleasure
to
resolve
you
that
the
Charmes
of
love
,
and
the
thoughts
of
honour
lodge
not
in
my
breast
at
the
same
instant
;
Concluding
the
repose
of
our
present
estate
to
be
rendred
more
secure
by
so
strange
a
precedent
.
If
I
had
admitted
this
fair
Greek
to
attend
me
in
a
March
,
and
that
her
dalliances
had
separated
mee
from
the
Councels
and
dangers
of
Warre
,
then
you
might
have
murmured
.
If
I
had
lockt
her
within
my
Seraglio
,
the
Jealousies
of
my
Sultanaes
might
have
attempted
her
person
,
and
your
hands
revenged
their
Jealousie
.
And
if
you
had
been
her
Executioners
,
I
had
still
justified
my self
as
Emperour
and
Conquerour
of
what
I
possesse
,
though
she
were
destroyed
.
But
rather
see
this
inevitable
Fate
and
Tragedy
acted
by
my selfe
in
person
.
I
did
beleeve
it
farre
better
that
shee
should
fall
by
such
an
illustrious
hand
,
then
to
expose
her
(
whom
my
soul
so
loved
)
to
your
prophane
rudenesse
.
And
as
we
read
of
some
Fathers
who
have
sacrificed
their
own
children
gloriously
for
the
interest
of
their
Country
,
I
may
do
the
like
,
and
cause
my
Mistris
to
dye
for
my
glory
,
and
the
Interest
of
mine
own
Empire
,
without
suspition
of
fear
or
ignominy
.
This
act
is
nothing
else
but
the
cutting
off
the
thread
of
her
life
,
not
the
shortning
of
mine
;
the
destroying
of
her
beauty
,
not
of
my self
;
the
closing
up
the
splendour
of
her
eyes
,
not
the
obscuring
of
mine
own
;
and
though
I
be
robbed
of
her
for
ever
,
yet
am
I
not
deprived
of
the
variety
of
other
pleasures
.
Now
as
Kings
live
not
onely
to
themselves
,
but
must
render
an
account
of
their
actions
,
not
to
their
subjects
,
but
to
their
Posterity
,
and
Kings
their
Successors
,
(
I
hope
)
in
sacrificing
this
object
of
my
love
,
I
have
sufficiently
testified
,
that
all
things
ought
to
submit
to
true
honour
and
renown
:
That
this
sole
interest
ought
to
supersede
all
others
:
And
that
no
other
consideration
should
bee
able
to
interpose
in
a
soul
truly
Heroick
.
To
bend
towards
the
conclusion
,
A
Prince
who
acts
not
with
a
noble
resentment
above
all
others
,
is
not
worthy
of
the
quality
of
that
high
condition
:
And
whosoever
refuseth
an
occasion
(
fitly
offered
)
merits
not
to
have
it
.
It
is
by
so
fair
a
temptation
wherein
you
were
so
fouly
criminous
,
that
I
omitted
not
to
listen
to
your
murmurings
.
Having
then
so
cruelly
commenced
a
Warre
against
my selfe
,
it
becomes
me
to
continue
it
against
mine
enemies
with
an
equall
valour
;
and
it
is
your
duty
to
repair
your
crime
by
their
defeat
;
and
so
to
merit
your
lives
(
which
I
give
you
)
by
taking
away
theirs
,
by
pouring
out
their
bloud
for
sparing
of
yours
;
and
that
you
expiate
a
pittiful
death
with
an
illustrious
Victory
.
Pardon
(
sairslave
)
him
who
hath
pardoned
thine
Enemies
,
our
of
meer
consideration
to
his
honour
:
I
have
been
an
Infidell
to
true
renown
for
love
of
thee
.
I
have
abandoned
the
design
of
new
Conquests
,
not
revenged
the
hatred
of
mine
Enemies
,
and
retarded
the
desire
of
Victory
:
But
this
imperious
Mistresse
of
Heroick
soules
(
whose
Domination
is
so
absolute
)
could
not
suffer
thee
longer
to
be
her
Rivall
.
She
demands
from
me
my
heart
intirely
,
and
I
have
not
power
to
resist
her
:
She
hath
possessed
me
from
my
infancy
,
and
she
will
enjoy
me
to
my
end
:
I
have
forsaken
thee
,
(
t
is
true
)
but
t
is
for
that
,
for
which
Alexander
,
the
Caesars
,
and
all
Princely
Heroes
of
Antiquity
have
se●rched
to
the
d●a●h
.
Be
contented
then
that
I
am
rendred
an
Infidell
to
my
promise
for
a
moment
,
and
that
I
find
it
not
ill
to
be
longer
inchanted
or
imprisoned
in
thy
beauty
.
T
is
true
,
thy
life
must
be
short
,
but
thy
Hearse
shall
be
the
more
Magnificke
,
and
thy
Memory
more
illustrious
,
when
I
shall
make
the
spoiles
of
Kingdoms
pendants
●o
thy
Tomb
:
Come
then
(
brave
Souldiers
)
Come
,
let
us
March
to
graspe
their
Standards
and
Ensignes
in
our
hands
.
And
all
those
Trophies
of
Honour
and
Triumph
which
make
Victories
more
bright
and
glorious
in
the
peoples
eyes
.
You
shall
see
that
the
Passions
of
love
cannot
cause
me
to
forget
the
honour
of
Warre
;
But
that
I
know
still
how
to
Command
and
fight
:
And
I
pray
Heavens
that
you
have
not
(
for
your
part
)
forgot
to
follow
and
to
obey
me
,
having
in
so
high
a
degree
already
forgot
your
duty
.
Know
(
Souldiers
)
that
I
caused
not
this
fair
Lady
to
dye
,
but
as
I
found
her
a
Cloud
and
Obstacle
to
the
splendor
of
my
name
.
Look
to
it
then
,
that
your
Cowardice
Eclips
not
the
beams
of
my
honour
:
For
if
such
an
accident
shall
arrive
,
nothing
shall
be
able
to
preserve
you
from
my
indignation
,
nor
from
the
most
exquisite
punishments
.
I
shall
then
recompence
two
horrid
Crimes
at
one
time
;
Consider
then
,
and
be
not
lesse
hardy
with
your
hands
,
then
you
have
been
sawcy
with
your
tongues
.
I
know
well
(
according
to
ordinary
Custome
)
instead
of
threatning
you
,
I
should
gently
intreat
you
to
the
Warrs
,
and
suffer
your
affronts
:
But
in
this
Conjuncture
my
Prudence
is
more
fit
and
usefull
.
For
if
you
shall
prove
Cowards
,
my
Enemies
will
punish
you
more
severely
then
if
you
dyed
in
the
Battail
.
And
if
you
are
brave
Spirits
,
and
gain
the
Field
,
you
may
expiate
your
Crimes
,
and
obtain
your
Pardon
.
When
one
person
offends
,
he
is
to
be
punished
(
without
dispate
)
to
terrifie
others
from
being
Malefactors
;
but
when
Multitudes
become
criminous
,
it
is
wisdome
to
draw
advantage
from
their
strength
,
rather
then
to
exterminate
their
persons
.
Those
who
have
taken
the
boldnesse
to
rebell
against
their
Prince
being
Soveraignly
commanded
,
may
prove
stout
and
Valiant
against
his
Enemies
when
there
is
a
power
above
them
to
force
their
endeavours
.
Come
then
(
Souldiers
)
come
I
pray
let
us
march
and
fight
.
But
as
I
have
engaged
in
the
word
of
your
Emperour
,
I
will
fight
with
as
much
resolution
as
any
private
Souldier
,
and
expose
my self
to
equall
danger
.
I
shall
pretend
that
you
beat
the
Enemy
,
and
whilest
I
gain
the
Victory
,
you
shall
raise
new
Trophies
to
our
Crown
.
Such
a
successe
may
redeem
your
Crimes
from
the
Guilt
of
innocent
bloud
which
you
have
spilt
,
and
recover
you
to
that
Innocency
which
you
have
lost
:
Such
an
act
may
appease
the
rage
of
your
displeased
Prince
,
and
discharge
you
from
that
Odium
,
Infamie
and
Tortures
,
which
your
black
Rebellion
hath
contracted
upon
you
.
You
know
well
that
I
have
confined
my
Clemency
to
limits
of
restraint
,
but
my
Justice
never
.
Place
not
then
your
hopes
in
the
former
,
but
your
Dread
and
Fear
in
the
latter
.
Souldiers
(
who
are
generous
)
ought
to
fear
nothing
more
then
dishonor
,
and
to
hope
for
no
other
thing
then
Victory
.
You
may
yet
avoid
the
one
,
and
obtain
the
other
:
But
you
shall
not
be
able
to
escape
my
revenge
if
you
prove
Cowards
,
not
faile
to
meete
with
death
if
you
be
not
Victorious
.
The
Censure
.
I
Shall
cause
this
fair
head
to
be
cut
off
when
I
please
,
said
the
Cruell
Emperour
,
to
the
Mistris
of
his
affections
,
when
he
seemed
violent
in
his
Caresses
and
imbraces
;
yet
as
barbarous
as
his
expression
was
,
there
can
be
no
Compare
betwixt
the
verball
terror
of
a
lust
full
Tyrant
,
and
the
savage
action
of
this
Tiger
Mahomet
;
The
language
of
the
first
was
but
like
a
flash
of
lightning
,
quickly
over
.
But
the
wrath
of
the
second
was
the
destroying
Thunderbolt
.
The
first
motions
of
the
souls
and
hasty
rash
words
slip
often
from
us
inconsiderately
,
and
yet
are
notranked
in
the
number
of
mortall
sinns
:
No
not
by
the
most
severe
and
strictest
Casuists
.
It
is
confessed
,
that
a
good
man
may
have
wicked
thoughts
,
and
yet
those
(
quickly
dying
)
grow
not
up
to
the
shape
of
sinns
;
though
their
Conceptions
be
abominable
,
yet
in
a
second
reflection
the
soul
disliking
them
,
and
the
will
renouncing
such
sinfull
Cogitations
,
it
may
be
fairly
granted
that
sinfull
thoughts
,
and
rash
words
suddainly
repented
,
are
very
pardonable
.
There
is
no
imagination
so
pure
which
our
fantasies
can
present
,
but
conceived
in
a
tumult
,
as
well
have
their
pardon
as
imperfection
:
But
within
a
soul
,
which
radically
preserves
Innocency
,
abortive
Cogitations
vanish
away
as
Clouds
:
They
are
as
the
Creatures
Ephemeroy
,
which
dye
the
same
day
they
are
born
:
Or
yet
if
they
have
any
being
,
it
is
so
exiguous
,
that
it
is
scarce
visible
.
But
as
for
this
Action
of
this
Monster
Mahomet
,
it
was
not
of
that
nature
;
He
compleated
his
Vilany
by
acting
what
he
had
thought
,
and
spoke
:
Circumstancing
his
Cruelty
,
with
deiberation
,
making
no
use
of
time
to
repent
or
return
from
what
he
intended
.
What
his
imagination
conceived
,
his
understanding
examined
,
and
his
will
approved
as
good
:
Commanding
his
hand
to
commit
the
Crime
,
which
that
member
could
not
have
acted
,
but
by
the
impetuous
pleasure
of
the
will
.
It
was
his
disordered
ambition
that
transformed
the
Emperour
to
become
the
Executioner
;
Love
was
not
then
the
predominant
passion
,
he
submitted
his
soule
to
another
affection
more
powerfull
and
Tyrannick
;
And
the
fear
of
exposing
his
authority
to
a
hazard
,
supplyed
him
with
courage
to
perpetrate
that
which
I
am
hardly
able
to
leave
in
History
;
So
highly
doth
this
Action
(
in
my
judgement
)
deserve
to
be
concluded
Barbarous
and
unnaturall
.
Policy
is
a
most
necessary
guide
to
Government
;
And
it
is
then
best
,
when
regulated
by
the
Maxims
of
Religion
,
whose
sacred
direction
permits
not
power
to
transgresse
beyond
the
bounds
of
reason
,
truth
and
equity
:
Otherwise
Policy
is
but
like
a
keen
sword
in
the
hand
of
a
furious
Mad-man
.
The
thoughts
of
a
wise
man
(
where
Religion
is
wanting
)
grow
up
into
horrid
Crimes
.
And
that
which
Philosophers
and
Legislators
propose
as
an
universall
good
,
turnes
to
evill
,
and
proves
a
plague
and
punishment
to
particular
persons
.
This
Prince
(
of
whom
we
have
spoken
)
(
if
one
so
barbarous
deserve
so
noble
a
name
)
caused
it
to
be
written
upon
his
Tomb
,
That
his
design
was
to
ruin
Rhodes
,
and
stately
Italy
.
Let
us
not
admire
then
,
if
one
who
designed
that
his
ambition
should
live
on
his
Sepulcher
when
he
was
dead
,
stuck
not
to
take
away
that
life
which
he
feared
might
bee
an
obstacle
to
his
fatall
ambition
.
Such
proceedings
as
these
are
much
like
to
those
of
angry
Lions
,
who
usually
strangle
them
whom
they
most
caresse
and
court
.
Those
then
whom
such
Tyrants
love
,
ought
to
fear
:
for
it
is
a
question
not
easily
decided
,
whether
their
love
or
hatred
carry
greater
danger
.
Now
from
this
act
of
horror
let
us
turne
our
eyes
to
a
spectacle
worthy
of
Compassion
,
and
from
this
ugly
Monster
(
who
dissembled
Reluctancie
upon
the
Scaffold
)
let
us
contemplate
upon
a
King
of
better
merit
,
and
so
divert
our
thoughts
with
more
relations
of
varieties
.
FERDINANDO
King
of
Castile
,
was
so
far
from
being
austere
and
cruell
to
persons
whom
he
affected
,
that
he
hated
to
be
unjust
to
his
very
enemies
.
One
of
his
Captaines
named
Corrall
,
having
defrauded
the
King
of
Granada
,
and
unworthily
gained
vast
summes
of
money
by
the
too
much
confidence
which
he
had
plac'd
in
his
fidelitie
,
FERDINAND
his
Master
esteemed
himselfe
obliged
in
honour
to
requite
the
injury
:
And
upon
this
score
restored
to
the
King
of
Granada
divers
places
of
his
Dominions
which
he
had
formerly
taken
from
him
.
And
so
soon
as
he
understood
how
much
the
treachery
of
this
Gentleman
of
Castile
had
abused
the
credulitie
of
the
Moorish
King
,
he
committed
him
to
prison
,
he
sent
for
that
Generall
(
who
commanded
his
Armies
in
the
Frontiers
of
Granada
)
to
the
Court
,
and
spake
unto
him
as
followeth
.
FERDINANDO
KING
OF
CASTILE
TO
THE
DVKE
OF
NAGERA
.
IF
the
inconsiderate
zeal
of
Corrall
did
not
excuse
(
in
some
degree
)
as
well
as
condemne
;
and
if
I
did
not
judge
of
his
Actions
more
by
his
intentions
then
by
the
unhandsome
effect
which
followed
,
I
should
teach
him
by
a
punishment
(
as
rigorous
as
just
)
not
to
trespasse
any
more
so
rashly
against
the
honour
,
reputation
,
and
glory
of
his
Prince
,
nor
to
trangresse
his
orders
,
or
exceed
his
Commission
,
whatsoever
advantage
his
deluded
reason
perswaded
him
to
beleeve
,
that
hee
might
doe
,
or
had
power
to
effect
.
Seeing
then
that
some
shadow
of
good
appears
mixt
with
that
which
is
evill
,
and
his
slight
crime
rellished
of
some
tincture
of
Virtue
,
and
that
Clemencie
is
a
Royall
quality
as
well
as
Justice
,
towards
which
the
dictate
of
my
naturall
inclination
is
very
pliable
:
I
have
resolved
to
pardon
him
,
upon
condition
neverthelesse
;
That
you
(
Duke
of
Nagera
,
who
in
this
case
appear
more
just
then
either
he
or
I
,
by
detaining
him
prisoner
,
at
the
instant
when
he
was
culpable
)
shall
make
him
know
at
his
deliverance
,
that
he
hath
at
least
merited
a
perpetuall
imprisonment
:
That
a
hundred
actions
which
a
noble
Spirit
(
as
hee
was
)
might
effect
,
can
never
countervail
his
failings
:
And
that
if
I
did
not
as
well
call
to
mind
that
I
am
the
Father
of
my
Subjects
as
their
King
,
I
should
in
his
person
imprint
such
a
bloudy
and
signall
mark
of
my
anger
and
displeasure
,
that
all
others
who
are
inconsiderate
should
be
terrified
by
his
example
,
and
become
more
wise
,
declaring
to
posterity
,
that
I
never
consented
to
a
thing
so
unworthy
the
Grandeur
and
Majesty
of
Kings
.
If
this
offendor
(
Noble
Duke
)
had
endeavoured
to
breed
division
in
the
breasts
of
Ferdinando
,
and
Isabella
,
and
to
sow
dissention
and
disorder
in
the
Royall
Family
;
if
he
had
withdrawn
my
Subjects
from
their
duty
,
raised
Forces
in
our
Provinces
,
and
armed
my
people
against
me
:
I
shall
say
yet
further
,
had
he
held
intelligence
with
the
King
of
Granada
,
whom
he
abused
,
and
had
falsly
sold
him
more
Towns
then
hecheated
him
of
by
his
treachery
;
had
he
filled
our
whole
Kingdome
with
blood
,
horrour
,
and
confusion
,
(
I
shall
yet
mount
a
degree
higher
)
If
he
had
attempted
the
life
of
my
Children
,
my
Queen
,
and
self
,
he
had
lesse
offended
me
,
and
had
been
more
pardonable
then
for
that
crime
which
I
mention
here
:
For
in
those
affairs
he
had
onely
troubled
my
repose
,
and
shaken
my
power
,
but
had
not
obscured
my
glory
,
or
stained
my
reputation
.
I
should
have
esteemed
him
unfortunate
,
but
not
so
criminous
;
hee
should
have
appeared
mine
Enemie
,
not
my
Confident
.
But
hee
offended
with
greater
dishonour
then
in
all
these
Circumstances
:
And
if
I
had
both
lost
my
Crown
and
my
life
,
my
honour
should
have
been
still
entertained
(
dearer
to
me
then
both
)
which
he
hazarded
to
ruine
.
Oh
(
Noble
Duke
)
those
who
say
that
Princes
love
not
Traitors
,
but
their
treasons
,
know
not
rightly
the
secret
inclinations
of
Princes
;
nor
the
deformity
of
Treason
,
nor
well
understand
what
they
say
:
However
I
well
know
that
the
heart
of
Ferdinando
,
is
not
capable
of
designes
so
base
and
Cowardly
;
And
he
can
safely
swear
,
that
he
equally
detesteth
the
Traitor
and
the
Treason
.
It
is
not
because
I
am
ignorant
how
for
many
ages
,
interested
and
Cowardly
Polititians
have
established
,
or
(
at
least
)
endeavoured
to
settle
as
an
infallible
Maxime
in
the
affaires
of
State
;
that
it
is
permitted
to
sow
●he
Fox
skin
to
the
Lyons
Tail
(
that
is
)
to
unite
Craft
to
power
,
with
design
to
prosper
equally
from
them
both
,
as
Fortune
&
occasion
shal
present
.
They
will
say
,
the
Objects
of
all
Kings
is
their
Grandeur
and
Puissance
,
and
that
they
ought
not
to
loose
any
opportunity
to
inlarge
their
power
,
or
forget
any
Circumstance
which
may
serve
their
design
.
They
may
yet
adde
,
that
it
is
pertinent
to
use
any
meanes
that
may
facilitate
their
arrivall
to
their
ends
;
(
It
matters
not
by
what
Mediums
obtained
)
That
all
paths
which
lead
to
the
Soveraignty
of
a
Throne
are
fair
,
and
it
little
imports
whether
their
Frontiers
are
guarded
,
or
their
limits
planted
in
fair
weather
or
foul
,
whether
by
Force
of
Armes
,
or
snatcht
from
others
in
the
night
by
subtlety
or
craft
;
when
the
pretenses
have
been
Innocency
,
and
the
designs
Ambition
.
In
a
word
,
such
evill
Judges
of
humane
actions
,
have
confounded
noble
Conquerors
with
Robbers
,
Usurpation
with
just
titles
,
Good
actions
with
bad
,
glory
with
Infamy
.
Such
Statesmen
permit
,
that
it
is
lawfull
to
destroy
,
and
to
conceal
the
destroyer
:
They
are
not
ashamed
to
allow
that
execrable
Maxim
,
that
nature
hath
made
nothing
in
vain
,
nor
created
poisons
without
their
end
.
See
(
Duke
)
the
wicked
rules
and
horrid
Counsells
of
worldly
Polititians
;
But
these
are
not
the
guides
that
lead
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
:
Who
,
before
we
conceive
evill
thoughts
,
or
at
least
,
dash
them
not
in
peeces
in
their
birth
,
pray
with
all
our
hearts
to
God
that
he
would
rather
take
away
our
Scepter
and
our
life
.
How
great
and
magnificent
soever
a
King
may
be
(
though
a
Conqueror
)
I
hold
a
man
of
honour
,
and
a
Christian
,
of
all
persons
most
highly
excellent
.
Innocency
and
true
noblenesse
are
things
of
most
pretious
quality
,
and
more
full
of
Majesty
then
Robes
of
Purple
or
Crowns
of
Gold.
The
quiet
and
tranquillity
which
springs
from
a
good
Conscience
,
gives
a
sweet
relish
and
satisfaction
to
the
Soul
,
which
no
Throne
of
its
own
Vertue
can
afford
:
And
whosoever
is
toucht
with
a
desire
of
true
generosity
and
noblenesse
,
can
never
meet
with
it
,
but
in
a
participation
and
possession
of
a
Candid
and
unspotted
mind
.
If
the
indiscreet
and
ill
advised
Corrall
,
instead
of
those
prisoners
which
he
made
me
return
without
Ransome
had
brought
the
King
of
Granada
in
fetters
;
If
instead
of
the
Silver
which
he
stole
from
him
,
he
had
brought
to
me
all
the
gold
which
Christopher
Columbus
of
Genoa
pretends
to
be
within
his
New-found
World
;
If
instead
of
those
places
which
his
Treason
would
have
given
me
,
he
had
effectively
delivered
to
me
the
proud
Castle
of
Halambra
:
If
(
I
say
)
he
had
subdued
unto
me
the
whole
Kingdome
of
Granada
,
surprized
that
great
City
which
gave
nomination
to
the
whole
Kingdome
,
chased
all
the
Moores
out
of
Spain
,
and
driven
those
Monsters
into
Affrica
:
If
all
these
Great
actions
had
not
been
done
by
lawful
meanes
;
I
should
have
disavowed
them
,
as
wel
as
that
which
he
hath
unworthily
effected
;
and
have
refused
those
Crownes
and
Kingdoms
,
as
well
as
those
Townes
&
that
Treasure
,
which
he
so
basely
and
Cowardly
obtained
:
But
perhaps
(
will
some
one
say
)
that
the
Theologie
of
Kings
ought
not
to
be
so
very
scrupulous
;
For
as
their
Condition
is
more
eminent
and
high
then
others
,
so
the
Conduct
of
their
affairs
is
the
like
:
that
what
is
prohibited
to
private
subjects
,
is
permitted
to
Soveraignes
:
And
it
matters
not
so
much
whether
the
design
be
lawfull
and
honorable
,
provided
it
prove
possible
and
profitable
.
Suppose
we
should
yeild
,
(
as
having
suspended
our
reason
)
to
such
Maxims
of
so
dangerous
error
:
Doth
not
the
Polititian
(
in
this
Case
)
finde
perfidious
utility
,
black
and
odious
?
And
when
that
position
(
which
is
certainly
ever
false
)
shall
prove
true
;
that
Princes
never
ought
to
Act
,
but
for
their
particular
interest
:
What
advantage
may
I
look
for
,
or
what
good
successe
may
I
attend
?
Nay
,
rather
what
evill
doth
not
my
reason
perswade
me
to
fear
,
and
justly
expect
?
Publick
Faith
,
the
Lawes
of
Nations
,
naturall
equity
ought
to
be
sacred
,
and
inviolable
Bonds
,
which
in
all
ages
and
all
Nations
ought
most
religiously
to
be
observed
:
These
are
as
antient
as
the
World
,
and
will
not
terminate
but
with
it
;
And
whosoever
transgresseth
these
limits
of
justice
,
is
not
lookt
upon
onely
as
mischievous
,
but
as
monstrous
;
an
Enemy
to
civill
society
,
and
a
Common
Perturbator
of
publick
peace
.
Such
a
one
is
a
horror
to
Heaven
and
Earth
,
and
each
soul
lookes
upon
him
as
an
impious
and
sacriligious
person
,
who
deserves
not
the
Element
of
Fire
or
Water
;
but
being
an
odious
offence
to
Nature
,
ought
justly
to
have
all
creatures
to
fight
against
him
.
All
People
have
certain
Lawes
and
Customes
which
they
hold
,
as
their
particular
proprieties
,
not
like
beasts
intercommoning
with
each
others
;
Those
Lawes
of
the
Persians
are
not
those
of
the
Turks
,
those
of
the
Italians
are
not
those
of
the
French
,
those
of
the
Spaniards
are
not
those
of
the
English
;
Nor
those
of
Poland
those
of
the
Muscovits
:
So
may
it
be
said
of
all
other
Nations
.
In
this
variety
each
person
may
be
observant
to
their
own
Lawes
without
interruption
to
others
,
or
infesting
peace
and
repose
of
the
universe
;
Nay
without
so
much
as
a
verball
Contradiction
.
But
it
cannot
be
said
so
of
publick
Faith
,
of
Jus
Gentium
,
and
naturall
equity
;
These
are
things
that
are
universally
reverenced
of
all
people
and
all
Countries
:
And
by
Consequence
,
those
who
violate
them
cannot
expect
but
to
be
detested
of
all
men
in
generall
.
If
I
should
then
have
approved
the
odious
Action
of
Corrall
,
my
Faith
,
my
Word
,
my
Integrity
may
come
to
be
slighted
,
or
at
least
suspected
by
all
the
Princes
of
the
Earth
.
Which
of
my
Allyes
,
in
Leagues
of
peace
might
not
fear
my
perfidious
underminings
?
And
which
of
my
Enemies
(
during
Warre
)
would
give
Faith
to
my
Paroll
,
or
affie
in
my
Treaties
?
My
most
genuine
and
freest
proceedings
would
undergoe
the
suspition
of
treachery
and
deceit
;
they
would
look
upon
my
promises
&
engagements
as
baites
to
allure
their
Credulity
;
and
listen
to
my
propositions
as
Fables
and
lies
:
They
would
credit
that
all
my
discourse
comprised
under
it
a
secret
and
malitious
sence
,
they
would
strictly
examine
all
my
words
,
scorne
every
particular
syllable
,
and
after
an
exact
and
rigorous
discussion
of
my
thoughts
,
they
would
conclude
,
that
they
cannot
be
assured
of
any
thing
they
pretend
to
;
And
for
fear
of
exposing
the
grandeur
and
security
of
their
estates
to
the
hazard
of
Falshood
,
they
would
resolve
to
trouble
me
eternally
.
All
persons
are
either
my
superiours
,
more
powerfull
then
I
,
or
my
equals
,
or
my
inferiours
:
And
amongst
these
three
orders
of
men
,
not
only
my
neighbors
,
but
all
Princes
of
the
Universe
are
comprehended
:
And
it
is
undoubtedly
true
that
the
first
wil
resolve
certainly
rather
to
oppresse
me
,
then
injudiciously
to
expose
themselves
to
perill
,
and
to
be
anticipated
by
me
.
In
the
choice
of
acting
or
suffering
In
justice
,
there
are
but
few
generous
men
that
will
choose
the
latter
way
.
And
although
the
purity
of
Christianity
hath
left
us
a
precept
of
perfection
,
yet
there
are
but
few
Christians
,
and
rarely
any
Prince
who
is
perswaded
to
obey
that
eternall
truth
,
and
to
follow
(
upon
any
occasion
)
such
disinterested
Counsels
.
To
speak
then
the
truth
of
things
(
as
they
ought
)
there
is
no
Prince
who
could
,
or
ought
to
believe
,
if
I
had
committed
such
infidelity
,
that
my
ruin
had
not
been
very
necessary
;
or
(
for
a
generall
good
)
who
would
not
think
it
a
brave
action
to
endeavour
all
his
power
to
hasted
my
fatall
moment
?
As
for
the
second
rank
,
of
those
who
are
equall
in
power
with
me
,
their
perpetuall
observations
of
my
infidelity
howerly
arming
them
,
will
never
suffer
mee
to
be
in
any
repose
,
nor
make
any
League
or
accord
with
mee
.
The
least
alteration
between
their
Subjects
and
mine
will
speedily
bee
made
a
matter
of
State
:
The
least
disorder
which
shall
arise
in
the
Commerce
of
Trade
will
be
interpreted
as
an
injury
to
the
Soveraign
:
The
least
Banke
which
shall
be
in
dispute
towards
the
Frontiers
betwixt
particulars
,
will
Alarum
all
the
Country
into
Commotions
,
as
if
I
incroached
upon
their
Provinces
.
And
(
in
conclusion
)
it
will
fall
out
,
that
the
hazard
of
a
Battaile
may
decide
the
differences
,
and
that
the
good
fortune
of
the
Victorious
,
or
ill
of
the
Vanquished
may
bring
ruine
to
both
parties
,
and
so
calme
their
inquietudes
,
and
all
their
misapprehensions
.
For
the
last
sort
,
which
are
the
weakest
,
though
they
appear
most
contemptible
,
they
oftentimes
prove
most
formidable
.
For
as
they
know
themselves
to
be
in
danger
to
lose
all
,
so
they
deport
themselves
more
cunningly
crafty
to
defend
themselves
against
the
oppression
they
feare
,
or
misdoubt
:
Hereupon
they
endeavour
to
sow
the
seeds
of
discord
and
division
amongst
the
Subjects
of
an
unfortunate
Prince
whom
they
fear
;
they
incite
the
Male-contents
,
and
quicken
their
capricious
humours
;
they
complain
and
murmur
with
seditious
spirits
,
and
interest
them
to
their
party
for
mutuall
assistance
of
each
other
:
Then
they
decry
the
present
Government
,
reproaching
the
Prince
,
as
unjust
and
tyrannicall
,
and
so
struggle
to
shake
off
the
yoak
of
their
obedience
,
and
abandon
his
protection
.
And
if
Princes
bee
too
strong
for
these
factious
Boutefeus
,
then
they
gather
,
and
assemble
in
Conventicles
;
first
whispering
their
mischief
in
secret
,
and
after
breake
out
into
open
Confederacies
and
Rebellions
:
In
the
end
these
unquiet
,
and
turbulent
spirits
,
(
hurried
away
with
giddy
apprehensions
)
redouble
their
naturall
activity
;
and
having
a
specious
pretence
for
their
enterprize
,
never
cease
,
but
change
and
tumble
untill
they
reduce
all
things
into
confusion
and
disorder
.
And
having
runne
into
that
extremitie
,
ingender
(
at
length
)
such
grosse
clouds
and
opinions
upon
the
Prince
,
that
hee
is
judged
criminall
;
and
outrages
daily
encreasing
,
the
rude
multitudes
,
like
Thunder-claps
,
and
Lightenings
,
threaten
a
terrible
desolation
.
It
is
in
vaine
in
such
an
unfortunate
conjuncture
of
evils
to
expect
any
succours
from
Neighbours
;
who
(
if
not
professed
Enemies
)
rather
become
Newters
then
Parties
,
or
Assistants
.
This
perfidiousness
strikes
as
well
an
odium
,
as
a
horror
to
all
who
observe
it
,
and
gaineth
pitty
from
no
person
:
Nay
,
it
is
a
condition
which
scarce
procureth
attention
,
much
lesse
compassion
to
the
saddest
complaints
;
and
the
most
scrupulous
persons
seeme
satisfied
,
being
spectators
of
the
disgraces
of
a
faithlesse
Prince
:
Conceiving
themselves
to
merit
respects
,
if
they
augment
not
their
misfortunes
,
and
dishonour
.
This
is
not
all
,
but
how
great
soever
their
miseries
bee
in
a
visible
apparance
,
the
acts
of
Injustice
prepare
other
exquisite
and
certain
evils
.
Princes
are
ordinarily
the
rules
of
their
Subjects
actions
:
And
are
as
the
Primum
mobile
to
all
their
motions
:
Their
great
examples
are
imitated
,
and
followed
by
the
people
;
each
one
sees
,
observes
,
and
strives
to
follow
their
Prince
as
their
guide
;
Complacency
commenceth
this
imitation
,
and
a
submissive
habitude
doth
continue
it
.
If
the
Prince
be
virtuous
,
the
people
are
of
that
inclination
:
If
wicked
,
and
vitious
,
the
Subjects
are
apt
Scholars
to
such
a
bad
lesson
.
And
as
the
Throne
is
highly
elevated
above
ordinary
ranks
and
degrees
,
so
are
the
Princes
errors
least
concealed
,
and
(
by
consequence
)
the
people
speedily
learn
to
imitate
them
,
or
study
revenge
against
him
.
If
it
bee
so
,
then
what
fidelity
or
confidence
can
that
Prince
have
in
his
Subjects
,
who
wanteth
fidelity
himselfe
?
Will
not
such
a
faithlesse
Governour
,
who
failes
to
regard
his
own
word
,
teach
his
people
the
same
practice
?
And
will
the
people
beleeve
that
Rebellion
can
be
a
greater
sinne
in
them
,
then
falseness
can
be
in
their
Prince
?
Doth
he
think
that
by
teaching
of
them
that
the
Laws
of
Nations
are
not
sacred
and
inviolable
,
he
doth
not
likewise
teach
the
way
of
dishonour
,
and
disloyalty
to
Princes
?
Doth
he
beleeve
(
abusing
the
equity
of
Nature
her self
)
that
the
people
can
have
any
respect
for
his
injustice
?
May
he
not
expect
that
his
false
and
cowardly
dealing
wi●h
his
equals
will
perswade
fear
and
hatred
in
his
inferiours
?
In
brief
,
if
good
Princes
have
so
great
a
trouble
to
raign
happily
,
how
can
evil
Princes
but
expect
to
be
destroyed
with
ignominie
?
When
none
of
these
accidents
shall
arrive
,
our
neighbour
Princes
shall
live
without
ambition
,
our
Subjects
without
revolt
,
as
having
nothing
to
feare
on
earth
,
and
shall
stand
in
dread
of
nothing
but
him
who
rules
in
heaven
;
their
love
shall
make
them
loyall
,
and
their
Princes
Justice
secure
.
Do
not
I
know
that
God
hateth
the
faithlesse
,
and
their
infidelity
?
that
oathes
cannot
be
broke
without
a
sinne
?
And
is
not
the
right
of
Nations
(
in
some
divine
Relation
)
near
to
heaven
?
Have
not
I
learned
,
that
I
should
not
take
the
name
of
God
in
vain
?
And
must
we
not
then
conclude
,
That
in
all
Treaties
which
Princes
make
,
their
words
and
intentions
are
as
common
witnesses
of
their
Treaties
;
whereby
they
warrant
and
establish
engagements
to
each
other
?
And
shall
not
hee
who
is
Lord
of
Lords
,
and
Lord
of
hosts
,
as
he
is
full
of
power
,
bee
esteemed
equally
full
of
Justice
?
Can
I
beleeve
he
will
approve
the
Injustice
of
any
in
the
service
of
those
Armies
where
he
himself
is
General
?
And
will
authorize
their
perfideousness
(
who
violate
their
promises
)
without
Revenge
?
Ought
we
not
(
in
reason
)
not
onely
to
fear
,
but
to
beleeve
(
as
a
thing
infallible
)
that
he
will
remit
me
to
the
power
and
fortune
of
mine
Enemies
,
and
hurle
upon
my
head
the
vials
of
his
wrath
and
indignation
?
And
that
he
will
(
through
mine
own
misery
)
render
me
a
sad
spectacle
of
his
justice
for
the
enormitie
of
such
a
Crime
?
Oh
(
my
Lord
Nagera
)
had
I
no
other
consideration
but
this
alone
,
I
could
not
but
detest
(
as
I
have
done
)
the
unworthy
action
of
Corrall
;
and
disavow
his
unjust
proceedings
.
Yet
(
it
may
be
)
Corrall
may
say
(
as
endeavouring
to
disguise
and
extenuate
his
fault
,
and
in
some
kinde
to
paint
over
the
Uglinesse
of
his
infidelity
)
That
had
he
dealt
with
generous
Enemies
,
who
had
had
a
sacred
reverence
for
their
word
and
honour
,
he
would
have
had
more
regard
to
his
Faith
:
But
knowing
that
(
by
many
experiences
)
the
Africk
of
our
age
is
the
same
with
that
of
the
former
,
and
that
the
Punick
faith
(
sometimes
so
decried
)
is
the
same
which
the
Moores
observed
to
this
day
to
deceive
the
credulity
of
other
people
;
Yet
their
fraud
and
falsnesse
is
no
example
to
any
person
of
Honor
.
He
could
not
believe
himself
to
have
erred
in
imitating
them
;
But
rather
that
in
this
he
committed
a
high
act
of
Justice
in
making
use
of
the
same
weapon
(
of
treachery
)
with
which
they
so
frequently
(
though
unjustly
)
assayl
others
to
punish
themselves
.
But
in
what
School
distinction
could
Corral
learn
,
that
it
was
not
lawfull
to
make
choice
of
evill
things
for
present
advantages
?
If
he
who
leades
the
way
,
throw
himself
voluntarily
upon
a
Precipe
,
can
he
oblige
others
to
follow
him
?
If
the
Moores
have
been
perfidious
,
ought
the
Christians
to
be
so
too
?
No
,
no
,
the
Alcoran
and
the
Evangile
teach
not
the
same
Maxims
.
Jesus
Christ
and
Mahomet
have
not
commended
to
the
World
the
same
precepts
.
Wee
are
not
then
to
act
according
to
that
Doctrine
,
which
wee
detest
as
abhominable
,
and
which
wee
believe
to
have
sprung
from
Hell.
These
cowardly
Actions
,
and
infamous
Treasons
,
ought
to
have
imprinted
a
horror
in
Corrall
,
and
not
to
have
engendred
in
his
soul
the
imitation
of
a
design
so
Criminous
.
He
ought
to
have
remembred
that
he
was
born
in
Spain
,
not
in
Morocco
,
and
to
have
consider'd
that
he
was
a
Christian
,
and
not
a
Moor
,
he
ought
not
to
have
forgotten
the
names
of
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
,
which
certainly
are
to
be
distinguish't
from
Abindarrais
and
Fatime
;
And
that
they
detested
to
approve
an
action
which
their
Religion
did
condemn
,
and
directly
shakes
the
Honor
,
renown
,
and
Laws
of
Nations
,
and
which
(
though
the
Moores
perfidiously
admit
)
all
Christian
Princes
abhorre
.
To
speak
truth
,
the
Moore
and
Christian
(
in
this
conjuncture
)
have
exchanged
their
Principles
:
Have
not
men
seen
the
Franknesse
and
ingenuity
of
the
King
of
Granada
in
this
whole
proceeding
?
And
can
any
eye
be
shut
at
the
Treason
and
perfidiousnesse
of
Corrall
?
I
am
astonished
that
Corrall
did
not
onely
not
blush
at
his
insolency
,
but
that
he
dyed
not
for
shame
in
the
horror
of
his
own
confusion
;
which
he
had
done
,
had
he
but
had
sence
to
consider
that
all
the
Earth
must
know
,
that
a
Moore
was
saithfull
,
and
that
a
Spaniard
,
a
Gentleman
,
and
a
Christian
had
the
basenesse
to
become
a
Coward
and
a
Cheat.
But
he
hath
not
onely
deceived
the
King
of
Granada
,
but
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
also
:
He
had
the
boldnesse
,
after
he
had
abused
the
generall
;
(
And
in
that
Action
affronted
you
also
who
Command
our
Armies
in
the
Frontires
,
)
to
injure
his
Masters
as
impudently
;
And
to
ingage
them
in
his
persidious
Acts
and
disgracefull
carriage
.
For
when
he
addressed
to
me
to
obtain
power
to
treat
with
the
King
of
Granada
,
he
spake
not
to
me
of
any
thing
more
then
what
your
letters
imported
,
mentioning
no
foul
design
at
all
.
He
onely
moved
that
he
might
have
leave
to
treat
upon
the
Ransome
of
some
Prisoners
,
and
the
rendition
of
some
places
:
And
I
was
pleased
to
invest
him
with
Conditionall
power
,
which
he
abused
in
deceiving
that
Prince
.
In
the
mean
time
,
who
could
have
believed
a
Subject
should
have
attempted
so
rashly
a
matter
of
so
high
a
nature
,
and
without
order
and
consent
from
his
Master
?
Or
rather
who
will
not
doubt
but
that
I
had
the
unworthinesse
of
Concurrence
,
if
I
had
not
byassed
my
Course
another
way
,
by
disavowing
and
detesting
what
Corrall
did
?
Now
if
we
have
found
that
men
have
slain
their
own
Sonnes
for
giving
battail
without
order
(
although
they
were
victorious
over
their
Enemies
)
What
severe
punishment
hath
this
undiscreet
Commander
merited
,
who
did
not
onely
this
action
without
my
order
,
but
hath
committed
a
most
horrid
fact
,
which
is
not
onely
covered
with
Infamie
,
but
which
he
basely
designed
to
obtrude
on
my
Shoulders
?
(
Sir
)
if
I
had
in
this
action
observed
reason
and
justice
,
Clemency
and
pitty
would
have
found
no
place
,
and
the
offendor
should
have
received
the
wages
,
and
recompence
of
his
deserts
.
And
now
who
knowes
whither
the
restitution
which
I
am
about
to
give
,
will
salve
the
breach
,
and
fully
make
reparation
to
mine
honor
?
or
whither
posterity
wil
judge
candidly
of
my
intentions
?
or
rather
not
conclude
them
culpable
?
And
that
these
second
resolutions
are
but
the
effects
of
some
remorse
or
poling
?
and
yet
the
glory
of
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
is
not
of
so
little
Fame
,
but
that
some
Princes
out
of
envy
would
be
glad
to
taint
and
obscure
it
with
so
black
and
foul
a
cloud
.
Yet
Cerrall
may
plead
,
those
whom
I
deceived
are
Moores
.
I
answer
,
those
whom
thou
dist
abuse
,
were
Men
better
deserving
then
thy self
;
because
they
had
Faith
,
and
thou
wert
false
.
It
matters
not
whether
those
we
treat
with
wear
a
Hat
,
or
a
Turbant
,
a
Rapier
,
or
a
Cimeter
,
whether
Christians
or
Infidells
,
whether
they
love
or
hate
;
The
obligation
of
Faith
is
the
chiefest
Bond
amongst
persons
of
Honor
:
It
is
the
very
Ligament
of
Nature
and
all
society
.
During
peace
,
what
Commerce
without
faith
?
and
during
Warre
,
what
Capitulations
without
treaties
?
and
without
which
men
would
be
transfo●med
into
a
condition
worse
then
Tygers
and
Lyons
?
besides
,
the
petty
subtile
falsities
and
treacheries
of
private
persons
,
are
not
compatible
with
the
Grandeur
and
Noblenesse
of
Princes
.
Such
poor
Artifices
become
not
Kings
and
Soveraignes
.
Frugality
in
a
Prince
may
be
censured
Avarice
,
and
a
vice
,
which
in
a
subject
may
be
justly
commended
as
a
piece
of
prudence
,
and
a
vertue
.
In
a
condition
then
so
high
,
base
and
low
thoughts
are
not
to
be
admitted
,
nor
any
thing
acted
not
beseeming
the
quality
of
a
King.
And
I
shall
incomparably
loose
the
best
advantage
,
if
I
should
but
hazard
that
of
mine
honour
;
Which
once
forfeited
,
instead
of
a
Triumphant
Chair
in
the
midst
of
glorious
Armies
,
and
famous
Townes
,
I
should
obscure
my self
in
forlorne
deserts
as
unworthy
to
be
in
the
view
of
the
World
,
or
for
ever
to
see
Sun.
The
lives
of
glorious
Princes
ought
to
be
as
unspotted
as
the
purest
Christall
,
and
mine
is
not
to
be
defaced
with
the
black
stain
of
falsity
:
For
t
is
certain
,
if
a
Prince
loose
his
honour
,
that
losse
is
irreparable
for
ever
.
The
Crimes
of
private
persons
may
be
concealed
in
the
obscurity
of
their
quality
,
and
buried
in
oblivion
as
well
as
their
memory
.
But
the
actions
of
Princes
whether
good
or
bad
survive
to
posterity
.
As
Pilots
observe
the
Rocks
in
the
Sea
,
to
avoid
them
,
so
do
the
people
the
evill
actions
of
Princes
.
And
as
Fathers
in
the
presence
of
their
Children
more
severely
punish
their
slaves
to
deterre
their
offspring
from
their
faults
:
So
History
immortalizeth
the
lives
of
monstrous
Kings
to
prevent
successors
from
their
crimes
.
Their
memory
proves
an
execration
to
all
the
Earth
:
Those
who
never
knew
them
,
live
to
hate
them
:
Those
,
whom
they
never
offended
,
survive
to
prosecute
them
,
&
wil
not
permit
their
ashes
to
sleep
in
quiet
;
which
is
a
common
Charity
to
all
others
,
dead
in
their
graves
:
They
are
deprived
from
all
protection
,
living
or
dead
,
and
their
Carcasses
are
insecure
,
and
not
sure
to
moulder
quietly
in
their
Tombes
.
Let
them
then
who
are
resolved
to
set
holy
Temples
on
fire
,
and
commit
notorious
crimes
,
that
their
infamous
Acts
may
be
longer
lived
,
follow
the
examples
of
Corrall
,
and
approve
,
what
his
Consideration
undertook
.
But
as
for
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
,
who
aime
at
glorious
immortality
,
and
abhorre
unworthy
actions
,
they
shall
alwaies
detest
and
condemn
Corralls
ignoble
treachery
.
And
they
should
as
well
condemn
the
offender
as
the
crime
,
if
his
Valour
did
not
plead
for
Grace
for
his
imprudence
,
if
Clemency
were
not
a
Virtue
Royall
as
well
as
Justice
,
and
did
not
(
of
the
two
)
more
incline
to
humanity
.
But
seeing
no
Kings
are
so
perfect
,
either
in
their
Offices
or
persons
;
but
have
cause
to
addresse
to
Heaven
for
pardon
for
many
offences
:
They
are
not
to
refuse
others
,
humbly
imploring
favour
and
remission
,
nor
be
inexorable
for
what
they
pray
themselves
.
They
ought
rather
to
apprehend
by
their
own
infirmities
how
to
use
grace
and
mercy
towards
others
;
And
if
Princes
expect
their
Subjects
should
tollerate
their
errors
and
imperfections
,
there
is
a
kind
of
a
necessity
for
them
to
be
propitious
to
their
Subjects
,
or
at
least
to
correct
but
gently
,
seeing
they
are
the
Fathers
of
the
people
.
That
Corrall
lives
then
,
who
is
so
unworthy
,
it
is
a
reprive
onely
to
render
him
capable
to
endeavour
a
Reparation
of
his
Crime
,
by
better
actions
,
and
thereby
to
wash
off
the
infamy
of
his
perfidiousnesse
:
And
(
in
some
degree
)
he
may
justifie
and
manifest
to
all
the
World
the
splendor
and
clearnesse
of
that
honor
and
reputation
of
his
King
which
he
had
so
basely
abused
.
Return
then
(
Duke
Nagera
)
to
the
Frontiers
,
where
you
commanded
my
Armies
:
make
restitution
to
the
King
of
Granada
,
of
all
those
places
surprised
by
perfidious
Corrall
;
satisfie
him
out
of
my
own
Treasury
for
the
Ransome
of
all
the
Prisoners
delivered
,
&
command
Corral
to
remain
Prisoner
till
he
have
surrendred
all
the
treasure
he
basely
robbed
from
the
King
of
Granada
.
To
this
purpose
dispatch
a
Trumpet
with
one
of
our
Heraulds
to
the
King
of
Granada
to
make
an
Apologie
,
and
to
excuse
the
insolent
affronts
of
Corrall
,
and
to
assure
him
(
at
the
same
instant
)
that
I
have
no
need
of
such
ignoble
meanes
and
waies
to
vanquish
my
Enemies
;
Nor
shall
such
treacherous
falsities
be
the
degrees
to
my
advantages
.
Faile
not
in
your
duty
to
our
Commands
:
For
I
intend
that
all
the
Earth
shall
understand
,
that
I
scorn
to
steal
,
or
use
treachery
to
gain
a
Victory
,
or
to
increase
my
grandeur
by
dishonorable
and
ignoble
means
.
The
Censure
.
CErtainly
this
great
action
did
well
become
Alexander
the
great
,
from
whom
Ferdinando
borrowed
the
last
words
of
this
d●scourse
.
And
I
doe
not
wonder
that
a
Prince
so
high
did
so
greatly
value
his
honour
;
nor
that
his
Conquests
proved
correspondent
to
his
courage
.
The
pe●tie
Artifices
,
and
evill
waies
of
unworthy
Actors
,
may
serve
sometimes
to
enrich
the
projectors
with
more
facility
;
and
such
sobbs
and
cheats
are
more
tollerable
(
if
ever
)
in
persons
of
mean
fortunes
,
and
base
conditions
,
where
the
obscurity
of
their
birth
may
conceale
a
part
of
their
shame
,
and
an
extreame
necessity
place
them
below
the
cognisance
of
the
Law
:
Both
these
qualities
may
frame
excuse
,
and
(
in
some
kinde
)
tollerate
,
if
not
authorize
the
injustice
of
their
proceedings
.
But
for
Princes
,
Kings
,
and
Monarchs
,
who
have
no
other
objects
for
their
designes
but
true
renown
,
these
base
,
and
ignoble
actions
in
them
cannot
but
bee
famed
horrid
and
shamelesse
crimes
.
Those
Martiall
Laws
which
have
warranted
Heraulds
boldly
to
denouncea
Warre
,
have
decreed
their
persons
to
be
sacred
,
and
the
same
Lawes
doe
condemne
Spyes
to
death
.
Those
Captaines
,
who
after
the
Battell
imbrace
,
and
caresse
their
Enemies
prisoners
,
ordaine
exact
punishment
for
them
that
keep
not
their
Paroll
.
In
a
word
,
as
the
Lightning
still
precedes
the
Thunder
,
so
Kings
ought
not
basely
to
surprize
their
Enemies
by
perfidious
Treachery
unworthy
their
Grandeur
.
Those
whom
Fortune
hath
elevated
to
a
Throne
are
so
rich
and
powerfull
,
that
in
their
Wars
they
ought
not
to
have
any
other
end
,
or
object
,
but
honour
,
and
reputation
;
and
what
valuation
can
they
expect
by
a
perfidious
interest
,
or
by
a
base
,
and
ugly
Artifice
?
It
was
the
speech
of
an
ordinary
Officer
to
his
King
,
I
would
use
deceit
if
I
were
in
thy
place
;
and
it
was
a
Princely
Answer
,
I
might
perhaps
use
it
if
I
were
in
thy
condition
.
The
darke
and
lesser
Starres
as
they
are
obscured
with
every
Cloud
,
so
their
spots
are
not
visible
to
every
eye
;
but
the
least
Ecclipse
of
the
Sunue
is
discerned
by
all
the
Earth
.
It
is
so
with
Kings
;
as
the
ascent
of
their
Throne
is
in
the
view
of
all
the
world
,
so
are
their
perfections
or
errors
equally
visible
;
They
cannot
then
be
too
carefull
of
their
Renown
.
And
as
true
lovers
are
ever
apt
to
be
jealous
:
So
Princes
passionatly
amorous
of
true
Glory
,
cannot
be
too
scrupulous
in
its
preservation
.
I
know
it
is
an
Old
Maxime
,
Give
a
flying
Enemy
a
Golden
Bridge
;
And
that
Philip
of
Macedon
said
,
that
no
place
was
impregnable
,
where
a
Mule
loaded
with
Gold
can
climbe
;
And
another
Polititian
asserted
,
That
Children
were
to
be
deluded
with
toyes
,
and
men
with
promifes
.
Yet
I
believe
these
Maxims
are
false
,
and
fallible
,
and
absolutely
unworthy
a
noble
mind
or
a
prudent
statesman
.
But
since
that
Ferdinando
hath
searched
to
the
bottome
the
arguments
of
this
discourse
,
wee
shall
not
further
ingage
in
the
dispute
.
And
seeing
we
are
at
Castile
,
we
intend
to
speak
of
another
King
of
that
Nation
.
Don
Henry
during
the
Civill
Warre
having
blockt
up
a
rebellious
Fort
,
and
the
besieged
having
made
a
Sally
,
amongst
others
an
Enemy
Cavalier
was
taken
Prisoner
;
who
finding
his
wounds
Mortall
,
prayed
the
Guards
to
give
him
leave
to
go
speak
with
the
King
,
that
before
his
death
he
might
discover
a
secret
of
Grand
importance
;
The
chiefe
Officer
granted
his
request
,
and
in
the
presence
of
the
King
(
before
he
expired
his
last
)
he
related
with
much
regrett
and
testimony
of
repentance
,
that
he
sallied
out
of
the
Town
with
express
orders
(
as
others
)
to
kill
the
King
;
And
according
to
their
joynt
command
,
they
generally
ingaged
;
Then
secretly
whispering
,
he
named
althose
Grandees
,
to
the
King
,
who
had
consented
and
conspired
to
so
evill
a
resolution
;
as
soon
as
the
relation
was
made
,
the
Prisoner
died
.
After
which
action
Don
Henry
would
never
reveal
to
any
one
of
his
Confidents
,
those
whom
that
Cavalier
had
accused
.
And
this
discourse
is
to
justifie
a
silence
so
extraordinary
,
which
denyed
all
importunities
of
his
nearest
friends
and
Counsellors
to
get
discovered
.
DON
HENRY
TO
THE
Count
of
D'ALBA
TORMES
.
I
Know
well
(
Noble
Count
)
that
the
Subject
whereon
I
am
to
discourse
is
not
ordinary
,
but
I
am
satisfied
also
(
if
Prudence
and
Policy
abuse
me
not
)
that
it
is
not
unreasonable
.
In
all
the
accidents
of
a
Kings
Reigne
,
it
stands
with
his
wisdome
to
consult
and
weigh
those
things
he
intends
to
undertake
,
whether
they
be
Just
,
Profitable
,
and
Glorious
;
which
three
Conditions
are
very
necessary
to
Royall
enterprizes
:
and
when
these
three
qualities
are
first
designed
,
it
cannot
be
,
but
that
the
Cooperation
of
all
three
will
be
harmonious
in
the
same
end
.
Iustice
and
true
renown
render
joyes
full
of
Innocence
,
which
voluptuous
pleasure
is
a
stranger
unto
;
and
clemency
in
those
who
know
how
to
practice
it
as
they
ought
,
renders
true
delight
,
which
revenge
is
ignorant
of
,
how
sweet
soever
it
may
appear
to
the
imagination
.
Before
I
can
examine
the
resentment
of
two
objects
so
extreamly
contrary
(
which
is
the
present
task
)
I
must
present
to
your
memory
,
That
a
Cavalier
prickt
with
remorse
of
Conscience
,
desired
to
see
me
,
and
as
he
was
dying
,
to
discourse
to
me
a
design
which
he
had
to
kill
me
,
and
to
reveal
their
names
who
had
imployed
him
in
that
cruell
Office
,
at
which
instant
he
could
nominate
no
other
Authors
of
his
Crime
,
but
mine
own
revolted
Subjects
:
He
sallied
out
of
Valladolid
with
others
,
and
was
not
of
my
Camp
then
,
when
he
undertook
this
barbarous
resolution
.
And
it
is
with
a
well
ballanced
consideration
(
as
I
shall
shew
in
the
sequell
of
this
discourse
)
what
I
have
here
undertaken
:
In
the
mean
time
let
the
spectators
judge
whether
I
have
not
discreetly
managed
my
power
,
being
equally
effective
to
revenge
or
punish
as
Wisedom
and
Policy
have
advised
me
;
or
whether
too
much
compassion
hath
not
suborned
me
to
Clemency
,
or
a
false
representation
of
Glory
hath
not
clouded
my
reason
.
First
to
consider
the
Affaires
in
generall
;
it
is
confessed
that
Revenge
is
sweet
,
and
carries
with
it
a
Character
of
Divinity
,
and
that
it
is
the
most
terrible
Mark
of
the
Power
of
Soveraignes
:
It
is
by
that
wherewith
the
Subjects
hearts
are
possessed
with
fear
and
trembling
;
t
is
revenge
that
bridles
Neighbour
Princes
,
and
confines
them
within
their
own
limits
:
It
is
she
that
aweth
the
people
to
a
continuation
of
peace
;
And
(
in
effect
)
she
makes
Kings
more
formidable
,
to
all
other
sorts
of
subordinate
men
.
But
we
must
admit
(
sometimes
)
of
this
distinction
,
that
amongst
Christian
Princes
it
is
enough
to
be
of
power
to
revenge
those
who
prejudice
the
peace
and
welfare
of
a
Kingdome
;
who
for
some
reasons
sometimes
may
better
be
punished
:
But
to
imagine
that
revenge
is
an
act
permitted
on
all
occasions
,
is
an
erring
Principle
,
which
evill
Princes
have
established
,
as
resolving
whom
they
cannot
make
to
love
,
those
they
will
inforce
to
fear
:
As
often
as
the
Thunder
rattles
over
our
heads
,
it
strikes
a
terrour
;
but
it
falls
not
on
all
the
criminous
,
because
the
world
is
full
of
them
:
The
Sunne
shines
as
well
on
the
wicked
as
the
good
:
God
pardoneth
more
often
then
he
punisheth
;
his
Clemency
spreadeth
more
universally
then
his
Justice
;
which
Attributes
,
though
equall
in
perfection
,
are
not
equally
and
respectively
executed
on
us
.
As
for
Revenge
't
is
to
be
used
as
Physitians
do
Poysons
,
(
that
is
)
in
violent
,
and
dangerous
Maladies
,
where
every
other
remedy
will
be
infective
,
and
where
necessitie
commandeth
to
force
and
drive
away
one
evill
by
another
.
Revenge
may
be
sometimes
convenient
,
though
not
alwaies
.
The
destroyers
of
Cities
,
Provinces
,
and
Kingdoms
,
who
to
destroy
one
enemie
commit
thousand
innocent
persons
to
the
miseries
of
war
,
and
care
not
for
the
prodigall
effusion
of
blood
to
satisfie
their
rage
,
survive
in
History
,
but
in
an
infamous
Character
.
The
innocent
bloud
spilt
dyes
their
crime
in
a
deep
Tincture
:
And
(
in
my
opinion
)
such
bloody
Tyrants
are
not
to
be
ranked
with
noble
Princes
.
But
Clemencie
makes
not
so
great
a
noise
;
She
casts
a
radiant
beam
of
honour
over
them
who
practice
so
divine
a
Virtue
:
She
covers
their
heads
with
a
bright
Ray
of
Splendor
who
are
guided
by
her
,
whiles
the
Plotters
and
Actors
of
Revenge
are
inveloped
in
thick
clouds
of
darknesse
and
blood
.
The
one
engendereth
a
birth
of
Love
,
the
other
of
Hatred
;
the
one
leaves
you
in
tranquillity
,
the
other
moves
you
to
perturbation
;
the
one
procures
you
thousands
of
faithfull
servants
,
and
the
other
stirs
up
millions
of
secret
enemies
;
the
one
intendeth
the
consolation
of
the
miserable
,
and
the
other
is
ever
busie
in
the
invention
of
punishments
.
Revenge
deviseth
Fetters
,
Clemency
considereth
how
to
unloose
them
:
The
one
practiseth
the
filling
of
Tombs
and
Graves
,
the
other
is
recalling
to
life
those
who
have
merited
the
sentence
of
Death
.
To
conclude
then
rationally
this
point
;
Revenge
is
not
to
be
permitted
to
Kings
,
but
when
it
serves
infallibly
for
profit
or
glory
:
And
that
secret
delight
which
is
inseparable
to
those
who
study
revenge
(
as
to
punish
those
who
have
offended
them
)
is
not
considerable
in
the
breast
of
a
noble
and
Christian
Prince
.
It
is
so
then
(
if
occasion
rightly
offer
)
that
if
neither
profit
,
nor
glory
may
be
obtained
,
that
the
exercise
of
revenge
may
be
prudently
suspended
:
And
Justice
(
where
these
considerations
are
)
will
be
no
lesse
satisfied
:
For
that
which
makes
Revenge
glorious
,
is
then
when
a
Prince
hath
in
his
power
a
proud
and
insolent
Enemy
,
who
being
the
head
and
chief
of
a
Faction
or
Conspiracie
,
deserves
severest
punishment
,
whose
example
may
teach
all
his
party
to
tremble
,
and
stand
in
awe
,
when
they
behold
the
most
eminent
and
notorious
Malefactor
amongst
them
so
disgracefully
lose
his
head
:
And
where
Clemency
may
be
interpreted
fear
or
cowardise
,
there
in
the
exact
preservation
of
the
majesty
of
a
Crown
,
it
is
more
prudence
to
incline
to
revenge
then
pitty
:
For
when
one
pardons
,
at
that
time
,
when
it
may
be
conjectured
he
dares
not
presume
to
punish
;
at
such
an
instant
Clemencie
may
be
lookt
on
as
an
ambiguous
Virtue
:
But
when
a
Prince
passeth
an
Act
of
Grace
on
such
considerate
circumstances
as
I
have
done
,
upon
a
poore
Cavalier
,
full
of
mortall
wounds
,
at
the
point
of
death
,
and
already
stretcht
on
the
Beere
,
who
expiring
the
last
minutes
of
his
life
,
closeth
them
up
with
repentance
,
begging
pardon
for
his
traiterous
designe
,
and
then
naming
the
Authors
,
and
Contrivers
of
the
black
conspiracie
;
it
would
not
onely
have
appeared
a
kind
of
cruelty
,
but
likewise
imprudence
to
have
then
augmented
his
torments
which
caused
his
remorse
;
and
to
have
posted
him
to
his
Grave
,
who
had
not
(
possibly
)
but
a
few
moments
longer
to
breath
:
But
I
was
so
farre
from
hastening
his
death
,
that
I
should
rather
have
endeavoured
his
continuance
if
the
cure
of
his
wounds
had
been
as
equally
in
my
power
as
my
disposition
to
pardon
his
offence
:
And
certainly
in
his
great
extremities
the
grief
for
his
crime
against
his
Prince
did
more
sadly
affect
him
then
the
sharpnesse
of
his
wounds
.
These
reasons
well
weighed
,
no
man
can
justly
suspect
that
fear
or
weaknesse
snatched
this
pardon
from
my
hands
,
unlesse
hee
will
affirme
,
that
it
is
a
glory
for
a
Prince
to
take
revenge
on
a
feeble
,
wounded
,
dying
Penitentiarie
,
weeping
,
and
bleeding
for
his
crimes
.
Difficulty
and
danger
equally
set
forth
the
glory
of
revenge
as
well
as
War
.
And
if
Kings
were
obliged
in
policie
to
punish
all
indifferently
who
have
offended
them
,
(
They
being
naturally
for
the
most
part
vindicative
)
they
should
never
want
matter
for
their
displeasure
to
work
on
,
nor
a
plenary
satisfaction
to
their
cruelty
,
if
inclined
to
such
practises
:
For
there
are
too
many
feeble
Criminals
in
all
estates
,
whose
blood
might
he
exhausted
easily
,
and
without
danger
(
their
lives
or
deaths
being
indifferently
in
the
Princes
power
)
as
to
the
repose
and
quiet
of
their
Kingdome
.
Now
if
the
punishment
I
might
have
inflicted
on
this
poore
snake
could
not
be
glorious
,
it
could
not
have
redounded
to
any
advantage
.
I
have
formerly
told
you
that
this
Cavalier
sallied
(
as
others
)
out
of
Valladolid
,
and
that
his
evill
enterprise
was
not
formed
in
our
Camp
;
and
consequently
an
example
so
severe
and
rigorous
was
not
then
necessary
,
either
to
keep
secret
Enemies
in
their
Allegeance
,
or
thereby
to
hinder
the
eruptions
of
their
malice
and
rebellion
:
For
they
were
publick
Enemies
who
were
accused
,
and
who
employed
him
.
And
this
is
(
Generous
Count
)
the
difference
betwixt
the
one
and
the
other
(
if
my
policie
faile
not
)
that
the
one
kind
is
to
be
terrified
with
feare
,
and
the
other
invited
by
the
acts
and
grace
of
love
.
If
a
King
receive
intelligence
that
some
notable
plot
is
designed
against
his
person
,
or
his
royall
Throne
:
And
that
the
things
in
agitation
are
not
come
to
maturitie
and
ripenesse
,
but
depend
on
some
incertainties
,
so
that
his
greatest
Enemies
appeare
loyall
,
as
if
his
friends
:
And
the
Bishops
and
Ecclesiasticks
(
being
of
the
same
complexion
)
have
their
hearts
as
equally
divided
as
their
Miters
(
their
opinions
in
generall
being
dissentaneous
)
and
no
person
having
openly
declared
;
In
such
a
case
an
example
of
punishment
and
revenge
may
be
seasonable
,
and
necessary
:
For
if
a
Prince
be
not
sometimes
active
in
revenge
,
his
people
will
conclude
him
too
timorous
,
or
too
indulgent
;
and
thereby
be
encouraged
to
a
Revolt
,
which
his
severity
might
have
prevented
.
In
occasions
of
this
nature
consideration
ought
to
be
had
to
this
Maxime
of
Policy
,
That
a
seasonable
act
of
Justice
(
and
thereby
an
effusion
of
little
blood
)
sometimes
prevents
an
inundation
of
misery
,
and
takes
away
the
cause
of
ample
pardons
,
and
unlimited
Clemency
.
But
then
when
secret
devices
and
concealed
conspiracies
break
forth
into
publick
Revolts
,
and
open
Rebellions
,
and
such
desperate
resolutions
have
armed
the
Subjects
against
their
Prince
:
It
is
his
businesse
in
such
a
case
to
know
how
to
subdue
Insolencie
with
true
honour
,
and
to
chastise
them
with
the
Sword
,
as
well
as
how
to
pardon
them
.
Revenging
Justice
is
not
alwaies
seasonable
,
publick
punishments
are
most
fit
and
proper
for
the
Battell
;
and
when
Rebels
become
vanquisht
prisoners
,
the
surest
second
Conquest
is
effected
on
them
by
grace
and
pardon
;
thereby
conquering
as
well
those
who
never
came
into
the
field
,
as
those
who
had
the
fortune
to
escape
the
edge
of
the
sword
.
By
this
meanes
some
are
reclaimed
,
others
cheerfully
invited
to
obedience
;
and
the
Consequence
proves
a
double
Victory
.
It
is
confest
,
this
Rule
is
not
infallible
;
and
that
some
are
so
obstinate
and
malitious
,
that
neither
pardon
,
nor
punishment
can
regulate
or
subdue
their
passion
:
And
as
for
Clemencie
,
they
are
(
for
the
most
part
)
deafe
towards
her
mild
and
courteous
voice
(
ingaged
wilfully
to
their
resolutions
with
some
wicked
partie
)
but
I
know
well
that
he
who
is
not
toucht
with
a
just
apprehension
of
his
own
error
or
crime
,
will
hardly
be
convinced
by
the
terrors
of
fear
;
or
,
In
the
beginning
of
a
Civill
War
,
it
is
not
wisdome
to
make
all
those
despera●e
who
are
guilty
:
For
what
greater
misery
can
happen
to
them
,
after
they
are
once
engaged
in
mischief
,
then
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
a
provoked
Prince
,
whose
severity
will
not
hearken
to
a
submissive
Repentance
?
This
is
the
way
to
make
them
resolute
even
to
the
hazard
of
his
own
Army
;
since
it
often
happens
,
that
the
fear
of
an
approaching
death
makes
men
act
things
miraculous
;
and
even
more
then
can
possibly
be
expected
from
humane
power
.
To
rebate
then
the
truth
of
things
;
Revenge
consists
not
solely
in
the
exercise
of
punishment
;
but
to
have
power
to
revenge
,
and
to
be
able
to
undertake
it
with
facility
;
or
(
at
least
)
without
danger
,
is
undoubtedly
the
most
noble
and
highest
satisfaction
in
such
occurrences
:
And
there
is
often
more
content
to
see
an
enemy
obliged
to
your
sweetnesse
,
then
to
see
him
expire
under
the
torments
of
a
rigorous
severitie
.
This
example
then
of
my
moderation
which
I
have
presented
this
day
may
be
an
occasion
to
disarme
those
who
shall
be
most
violent
against
me
in
the
remainder
of
my
life
.
It
may
bee
in
this
very
houre
(
wherein
I
speak
)
some
others
may
repent
,
and
are
consulting
how
to
cast
themselves
at
my
feet
:
And
all
who
have
revolted
,
hearing
of
this
act
,
may
be
toucht
with
shame
,
or
struck
with
confusion
:
But
however
if
they
are
not
yet
made
penitent
and
pliant
,
(
I
said
before
)
how
rigorous
soever
it
may
be
,
shakes
none
but
feeble
and
fearfull
soules
:
But
Clemency
on
the
contrary
is
very
affective
on
generous
mindes
,
more
then
on
others
.
Virtues
are
generally
linked
in
such
a
Concatenation
,
that
what
ever
difference
seemes
to
appear
amongst
them
,
they
are
all
united
in
building
up
the
same
pile
,
and
they
have
(
which
I
cannot
describe
)
a
secret
union
amongst
them
which
causeth
those
who
possesse
any
one
,
to
discerne
that
they
have
an
insensible
cohabitation
with
all
the
rest
.
Thus
the
valiant
Souldier
admires
Justice
in
the
person
of
the
Prince
,
the
Magistrates
honour
Valour
and
Courage
in
the
Commanders
;
all
Noble
minds
,
who
have
Heroick
thoughts
have
a
capacity
and
sence
of
a
virtuous
example
.
But
you
will
tell
me
that
which
astonisheth
us
most
in
this
your
action
,
is
not
that
you
have
pardoned
a
single
Cavalier
,
a
Prisoner
wounded
,
ready
to
dye
,
and
begging
pardon
;
but
that
you
are
pleased
to
conceale
the
names
of
those
who
commended
the
Ponyard
to
his
hand
that
was
to
stabbe
you
,
and
suggested
the
designe
to
attempt
your
life
;
since
which
time
you
have
wrapped
up
that
secresie
in
such
silence
,
that
even
all
your
faithfullest
Subjects
are
intirely
ignorant
of
those
persons
who
were
your
chiefest
Enemies
.
Some
of
you
likewise
may
object
;
what
moves
you
to
be
of
their
party
,
and
so
to
act
against
your selfe
?
Behold
(
noble
Count
)
these
are
the
consultations
and
thoughts
which
I
read
very
legible
in
your
countenances
,
and
those
conjectures
I
daily
observe
through
the
impatience
wherewith
you
have
attended
me
hitherto
.
But
before
I
shall
give
you
any
more
reasons
which
perswaded
me
to
an
action
of
this
kind
,
know
this
,
that
I
shall
be
the
most
faithfull
of
all
my
Conspirators
,
and
that
in
all
my
life
I
shall
never
discover
to
any
one
those
who
had
designed
my
death
.
I
know
this
proceeding
may
bee
as
singular
as
the
example
;
yet
I
cannot
be
disswaded
but
that
my
intentions
are
rationall
;
to
examine
which
with
more
strictnesse
wee
must
seriously
consider
the
interest
of
the
Prince
;
that
of
his
Children
,
that
of
the
Families
of
the
Conspirators
,
and
that
of
the
State
in
general
.
For
the
first
,
it
is
true
that
it
is
possible
that
Posterity
may
not
know
that
there
had
been
a
conspiracie
to
destroy
their
King
;
and
perhaps
it
were
better
if
it
were
so
.
That
History
(
which
professeth
to
be
impartiall
,
faithfull
,
and
exact
)
it
may
thinke
fit
(
without
any
scruple
)
to
silence
those
actions
which
merit
eternall
oblivion
;
and
whereby
the
memory
of
the
Prince
could
receive
no
advantage
:
And
yet
it
is
not
so
,
because
it
is
not
true
,
that
wicked
men
conspire
as
well
against
virtuous
Princes
as
against
Tyrants
.
It
may
be
further
objected
,
that
such
a
Record
were
for
the
shame
of
those
who
lived
in
that
age
,
and
were
Subjects
under
that
Reign
;
and
it
is
doubtlesse
more
glorious
for
Kings
to
suffocate
the
bruit
of
Conspiracies
,
then
to
perpetuate
them
to
Posterity
.
If
this
reason
seeme
not
strong
enough
to
support
my
resolution
,
let
us
examine
what
utilitie
may
redound
by
the
publication
of
that
which
hath
been
revealed
.
You
are
not
ignorant
(
since
wee
are
before
Valladolid
,
where
reside
the
Archbishop
of
Toledo
,
Admirall
Frederick
,
the
Master
of
Alcantara
,
Count
De
Medellin
,
and
the
rest
of
those
Confederates
are
met
)
That
the
Capitall
Conspirators
are
not
in
such
a
place
where
they
can
easily
be
taken
;
That
they
have
their
Swords
in
their
hands
;
That
they
are
in
a
most
strong
Town
,
and
in
the
midst
of
a
considerable
Army
,
and
by
consequence
in
a
condition
insolently
to
deny
,
and
outface
those
evill
designes
which
I
might
publish
,
and
to
secure
themselves
against
all
attempts
.
If
then
(
these
consideratious
first
premised
)
I
should
condescend
to
particularize
the
Attempters
of
my
life
,
how
think
you
would
such
Enemies
after
bee
ever
invited
to
a
Treaty
of
Peace
?
Can
you
imagine
after
such
a
declaration
they
will
ever
have
a
confidence
in
me
?
Again
,
how
resolutely
,
think
you
,
they
will
now
act
?
Or
how
doe
you
suppose
they
ought
to
proceed
to
put
in
execution
that
which
they
shall
know
me
to
understand
?
Really
,
I
think
,
they
would
have
cause
to
make
this
use
of
such
an
action
in
me
:
Nor
could
they
provide
for
their
own
security
otherwise
,
then
by
adding
one
sinne
unto
another
.
The
ignominie
and
danger
which
such
a
Publication
would
throw
upon
them
,
and
lay
them
open
unto
,
could
not
possibly
be
encreased
:
And
being
rendred
thus
desperate
,
can
you
believe
they
would
not
act
further
to
save
those
lives
,
which
for
what
they
have
already
committed
must
certainly
bee
lost
.
No
,
no
(
Noble
Count
)
these
must
necessarily
be
the
events
,
and
therefore
I
shall
not
repent
my
having
been
secret
and
faithfull
to
my
Enemies
.
Crimes
voluntarily
repented
of
,
merit
lesse
of
accusation
,
so
sometimes
shame
directeth
the
offenders
to
the
way
to
vertue
,
whose
persons
would
never
return
if
their
faults
were
published
.
Therefore
we
are
never
to
divulge
a
crime
but
what
we
are
able
(
if
God
please
)
to
punish
.
If
Kings
were
to
act
as
their
Subjects
,
then
undoubtedly
a
truth
of
this
importance
were
not
to
be
concealed
or
disguised
,
because
the
hatred
of
one
particular
person
doth
usually
last
with
his
life
,
and
it
may
be
that
which
he
doth
not
effect
at
one
time
,
he
may
execute
at
another
.
But
it
is
not
so
with
Princes
.
Malice
ordinari●y
is
not
directed
towards
their
persons
,
but
their
power
.
And
conspiracies
designed
against
them
,
are
for
the
most
part
upon
causes
which
continue
not
long
upon
equall
foundations
:
For
we
see
that
Conspirators
themselves
(
according
to
events
)
alter
their
intentions
.
Such
politick
Artists
there
are
,
who
may
attempt
the
life
of
the
Prince
;
And
yet
a
revolution
of
affairs
may
command
them
to
hazard
their
own
for
his
safety
.
As
for
obtaining
their
desires
,
they
are
sometime
wearied
with
them
,
and
they
may
chance
to
loose
their
evill
intentions
,
because
never
publisht
to
the
World
;
and
an
evill
constellation
being
past
,
it
may
so
prove
the
Prince
to
be
no
lesse
in
safety
with
criminall
penitentiaries
,
then
he
hath
been
amongst
his
subjects
who
have
been
alwaies
faithfull
.
Secrecy
and
dissimulation
in
such
points
and
cases
,
is
most
considerable
.
For
if
I
had
accused
the
Conspirators
by
a
Manifesto
(
whether
they
had
the
Grandees
,
Nobles
,
and
Commons
on
their
party
,
or
not
,
)
It
is
certain
they
might
have
answered
(
as
t
is
naturall
)
that
they
loved
not
to
own
and
avow
a
wicked
action
;
they
might
publish
that
this
accusation
(
though
never
so
true
)
was
a
Calumny
to
decry
their
party
,
and
thereby
render
my
integrity
suspected
to
the
greatest
part
of
Europe
.
Besides
,
after
publication
they
might
frame
better
disguises
then
before
,
and
so
with
new
intentions
more
ably
delude
,
and
gaine
their
ends
.
But
as
things
now
are
,
I
have
understood
their
design
by
the
single
report
of
one
who
hath
deciphered
their
intimate
actions
;
and
I
am
advised
which
way
the
wheel
of
their
thoughts
turned
:
which
inspection
they
not
discerning
,
I
shall
read
within
their
hearts
,
and
see
the
most
concealed
of
their
intentions
,
and
destroy
them
(
if
I
please
)
with
great
facility
.
I
may
then
with
prudence
,
silence
their
names
,
and
attend
,
without
danger
,
their
repentance
,
but
not
without
perill
declare
the
Criminalls
.
Yet
may
some
one
say
,
do
you
not
believe
by
their
spies
that
the
Conspirators
know
that
one
of
their
party
hath
conferred
with
you
in
secret
,
and
then
they
cannot
but
imagine
that
it
was
to
betray
their
designes
,
and
consequently
they
conclude
with
themselves
as
much
as
if
you
had
accused
them
openly
?
To
that
I
answer
,
there
is
ever
a
notable
difference
betwixt
ambiguity
and
certainty
.
Those
who
act
not
but
with
some
doubt
,
do
little
more
with
precaution
then
if
they
had
meerly
known
nothing
:
And
those
who
doubt
not
at
all
,
may
perhaps
become
faithfull
to
my
service
by
the
sole
consideration
of
an
action
so
extraordinary
.
I
know
well
that
some
men
may
censure
that
a
piece
of
Artifice
which
in
me
is
an
effect
of
Prudence
and
Bounty
:
Policy
in
this
case
may
be
able
to
serve
to
two
intentions
intirely
different
(
when
I
please
)
to
one
end
,
and
to
explicate
the
most
clear
&
apparent
actions
as
I
shall
judge
fit
.
But
as
Kings
ought
not
to
attribute
so
much
to
common
humane
prudence
,
as
to
secret
assistances
inspired
to
them
from
Heaven
in
the
most
emergent
difficulties
;
I
believe
in
the
election
of
pardon
,
or
punishment
,
secrecy
,
or
discoveries
,
it
is
permitted
indifferently
to
follow
that
way
which
my
reason
tells
me
is
most
noble
,
and
generous
,
as
neither
thwarting
with
the
rules
of
wisdom
,
nor
opposing
the
meanes
of
safety
.
Now
,
if
after
the
consideration
of
the
Princes
interest
it
may
prove
necessary
to
advise
of
the
good
of
his
succession
;
It
is
most
important
to
an
estate
,
that
he
who
is
to
ascend
the
Royall
Throne
ought
to
be
free
from
all
Malice
,
Passion
,
and
Interest
:
And
how
can
that
be
if
the
successor
understand
,
that
the
Inheritors
of
the
most
illustrious
houses
of
his
Kingdome
joyned
in
Conspiracy
to
take
away
his
Fathers
life
?
If
he
be
a
dutifull
Son
,
and
one
who
naturally
honoured
his
Father
,
he
cannot
(
but
with
difficulty
)
forbear
to
extinguish
their
memory
;
and
if
he
be
jealous
and
suspitious
,
he
will
more
hardly
confide
in
their
persons
.
Therefore
Kings
never
ought
to
espouse
particular
interests
,
and
when
they
receive
the
Crown
by
their
Fathers
death
,
it
is
best
to
bury
in
their
Fathers
Tombes
all
their
quarrells
,
their
displeasure
and
revenge
;
and
the
Successor
is
to
guard
nothing
more
choicely
in
his
heart
,
then
a
Paternal
love
to
his
Subjects
.
It
is
then
most
necessary
(
when
it
is
possible
)
to
conceal
conspiracies
from
those
who
are
to
succeed
,
least
a
preoccupant
fear
possesse
their
spirits
,
and
make
them
commit
greater
oversights
in
rendring
those
uncapable
as
to
any
office
or
imployment
,
who
though
they
have
committed
great
Crimes
,
yet
having
repented
,
are
more
fit
and
able
to
exercise
them
then
any
others
,
and
by
this
means
perpetuating
an
Enmity
between
the
Prince
and
his
Subjects
.
Now
as
the
relation
is
necessary
between
the
one
and
the
other
,
it
is
important
as
towards
the
Conspirators
Families
,
that
their
Crimes
be
rather
concealed
then
publick
,
chiefly
when
they
are
so
notorious
,
that
they
not
onely
merit
revenge
,
but
spread
an
Infamy
which
deriveth
a
bitter
taste
to
future
posterity
.
Wherefore
ignominious
blemishes
are
not
to
be
unadvisedly
branded
or
fixed
on
illustrious
houses
,
because
their
race
and
linage
are
the
force
and
strength
which
supporteth
Crownes
.
The
Princes
in
this
case
ought
to
be
tender
of
their
Glory
,
as
a
beam
of
his
own
Majesty
,
and
as
to
this
purpose
a
prudent
concealment
of
their
crimes
may
render
more
advantage
then
a
rash
discovery
;
for
why
,
their
faults
were
personall
,
and
it
may
not
prove
sound
Policy
to
make
their
crimes
so
immortall
,
as
not
to
be
forgotten
in
any
Succession
of
ages
.
This
were
to
render
them
odious
to
the
people
,
and
to
remove
them
from
that
popular
respect
,
which
being
united
to
them
,
may
be
serviceable
to
the
Prince
.
Again
,
as
it
may
prove
no
good
policy
,
so
it
may
be
questioned
whether
it
be
an
act
of
justice
to
make
the
Conspirators
issue
beare
a
part
of
their
Auncestors
punishment
for
their
delinquency
;
which
proceedings
(
unlesse
Affaires
of
state
judge
them
necessary
)
may
prove
very
dangerous
;
For
a
King
alone
formes
not
a
Kingdome
,
he
is
but
the
head
of
that
great
body
;
the
Grandees
(
next
under
him
)
make
up
the
more
noble
parts
:
There
must
then
be
great
Caution
of
dishonouring
and
debasing
too
much
,
and
too
long
those
members
,
which
,
as
the
Armes
and
Shoulders
immediately
bear
up
the
head
.
By
all
this
it
appears
that
whether
we
look
on
the
safety
of
my
person
,
the
splendor
of
my
Renown
,
the
good
of
my
Successor
,
or
that
of
my
Enemies
,
whether
the
advancement
of
Peace
or
of
the
State
:
We
may
easily
judge
and
conclude
it
to
be
more
Prudence
to
conceale
what
hath
(
in
this
case
)
been
concealed
,
then
to
publish
it
to
the
World
,
in
which
respect
I
shall
not
easily
change
my
resolution
.
If
mine
Enemies
shall
continue
obstinate
in
their
Crime
,
I
shall
not
fail
of
other
pretexts
,
whereby
to
punish
them
,
if
it
so
happen
that
they
fall
under
my
power
.
Their
being
in
Rebellion
is
a
Crime
sufficient
to
take
away
their
lives
,
with
Justice
,
without
a
farther
accusation
of
their
being
Paricides
or
Regicides
:
And
if
they
be
capable
to
correct
themselves
,
I
shall
exceedingly
rejoyce
to
have
extracted
so
fair
an
advantage
out
of
their
offence
and
my
own
silence
.
Moreover
if
they
prove
persons
of
such
a
condition
and
more
noble
quality
,
who
have
attempted
my
life
,
without
doubt
I
have
proceeded
judiciously
,
as
not
having
discovered
my
intentions
to
either
pardon
or
punish
:
Seeing
that
as
yet
they
are
not
in
my
power
;
if
the
Conspirators
were
men
of
the
middle
rank
,
it
were
then
superfluous
to
divulge
their
names
,
whose
persons
are
so
obscure
as
scarce
known
,
and
if
they
were
men
of
the
lowest
qualitie
,
it
would
reflect
with
too
much
dishonor
on
Royall
Majestie
,
to
descend
to
an
exact
discovery
of
such
low
shrubbs
,
who
like
Bryers
and
Thornes
have
been
bound
up
together
in
such
a
black
Conspiracy
.
He
who
keepeth
the
hearts
of
Kings
in
his
own
hands
,
reserveth
Lightning
and
Thunder
in
his
own
power
,
which
he
can
let
fall
(
when
he
pleaseth
)
to
their
destruction
who
shall
oppresse
their
Prince
.
It
is
meet
to
referre
some
parts
of
Justice
,
to
the
God
of
Vengeance
,
and
not
to
presume
on
the
exercise
of
all
power
he
bestoweth
on
us
.
I
say
not
this
but
with
resolution
,
that
if
the
authors
of
the
Conspiracy
were
in
my
hands
;
I
should
severely
chastise
them
,
yet
not
for
their
particular
injury
to
my
person
,
but
for
their
impardonable
crime
against
the
King
of
Castile
,
which
punishment
were
not
only
requisite
for
the
safety
of
my selfe
,
but
likewise
of
my
successors
.
So
then
,
if
they
were
in
my
present
power
,
their
punishments
should
be
as
notorious
and
remarkable
as
their
Crime
;
But
seeing
I
am
the
onely
person
alive
,
who
can
accuse
them
,
I
shall
forbear
,
and
rather
prevent
(
if
I
can
)
their
evill
designes
:
As
for
those
who
shall
continue
obdurate
and
obstinate
,
I
shall
be
revenged
on
them
otherwise
,
Taking
pleasure
to
pardon
those
who
do
repent
;
And
I
value
it
not
a
little
satisfaction
to
save
and
preserve
the
honor
of
so
many
great
Families
,
and
the
lives
of
so
many
persons
,
rejoycing
at
the
Conquests
of
my
own
affections
in
this
Provocation
which
renders
to
me
no
small
Victory
.
In
all
other
occasions
it
is
dangerous
to
have
the
Witnesse
to
be
the
Judge
,
but
in
this
case
it
is
most
advantageous
to
my
Enemies
,
that
I
alone
can
accuse
them
of
their
Crimes
,
which
if
known
,
my
secret
could
neither
preserve
them
nor
me
:
I
could
not
longer
be
Master
of
that
particular
,
because
the
Laws
would
importune
my
Justice
.
But
seeing
heaven
is
pleased
,
that
he
who
revealed
their
crime
is
already
dead
,
I
shall
onely
be
the
Arbitrator
of
their
Destiny
,
and
convert
my
power
to
no
other
service
then
to
afford
means
to
amend
,
and
reclaim
them
from
their
wicked
course
.
It
is
true
in
this
Conjuncture
,
that
the
Royall
authority
which
I
have
in
my
hands
leads
me
nearer
to
the
Throne
of
God
,
who
knows
the
most
secret
crimes
of
all
hearts
,
but
forbears
publish
them
.
He
brands
not
the
wicked
with
particular
Marks
,
but
leaves
to
their
Malice
lockt
up
within
the
circle
of
their
own
hearts
.
And
it
often
falls
out
,
that
his
terrible
Judgements
which
cause
us
to
tremble
here
,
foretell
those
great
punishments
which
the
wicked
may
for
their
reward
expect
hereafter
.
Some
say
,
that
secresie
is
one
of
the
most
essentiall
Attributes
of
the
Divinity
,
and
it
is
by
it
alone
whereby
it
is
presented
more
adorable
,
and
more
venerable
with
men
.
Doe
not
admire
then
if
I
onely
be
content
to
know
my
Enemies
without
their
discovery
;
seeing
I
have
learnt
this
practice
from
God
himself
,
who
courteth
us
to
his
curtesies
,
as
well
as
receives
addresses
from
those
who
he
draws
unto
him
;
and
whom
he
is
so
far
from
punishing
,
that
he
promotes
not
so
much
as
a
particular
accusation
against
them
.
Permit
me
then
(
most
generous
Count
)
permit
me
(
I
say
)
to
leave
the
care
of
my
revenge
to
him
who
best
knowes
how
to
use
it
.
If
he
please
that
my
Enemies
shall
be
converted
out
of
shame
,
and
self
confusion
,
he
can
do
it
by
wayes
unknown
to
us
.
And
as
he
hath
given
me
power
to
be
silent
,
he
can
force
them
to
speake
,
and
accuse
each
other
then
when
they
least
dreame
of
it
.
Come
on
then
,
let
us
march
and
fight
without
accusing
them
.
Let
us
not
impede
,
nor
dishonour
the
Victory
at
which
we
ayme
in
discovering
them
to
be
Paricides
:
Let
us
act
with
Princely
resolution
,
and
not
longer
deferre
our
power
:
Let
us
exercise
our
strength
that
we
may
have
occasion
to
use
our
Clemencie
:
And
let
us
make
the
World
see
that
it
is
far
more
glorious
to
conceal
and
conquer
our
secret
adversaries
,
then
barely
to
pardon
our
declared
enemies
.
The
Censure
.
IN
the
diversity
of
opinions
of
severall
judgments
,
when
I
consider
this
action
of
the
King
of
Castile
,
I
confesse
I
agree
with
him
,
and
I
acknowledge
his
Choice
the
better
.
There
are
some
diseases
which
are
not
curable
but
by
gentle
remedies
,
which
(
as
the
Physitians
say
)
will
prove
more
dangerous
with
application
of
Corrosives
.
When
the
body
hath
an
arm
or
legg
putrified
,
the
Chirurgion
may
imploy
his
knife
,
or
seare
with
fire
,
or
cut
off
the
rotten
member
to
preserve
the
rest
;
but
when
the
whole
falls
into
an
indisposition
,
and
that
the
more
noble
parts
are
infected
,
the
Physitian
and
Chirurgion
would
not
onely
be
censured
rash
,
but
mad
,
if
they
should
undertake
to
cure
an
infirmity
or
distemper
above
the
force
of
Art
and
Nature
,
and
which
did
almost
require
a
Miracle
to
recover
it
.
It
is
not
good
to
force
an
Enemy
into
despair
,
if
a
man
have
not
absolute
power
to
destroy
him
.
The
extremity
of
perill
(
as
this
Prince
said
)
causeth
often
the
greatest
Cowards
to
become
desperately
valiant
.
And
many
,
who
would
willingly
make
a
fair
retreat
from
mischief
,
if
they
could
assure
themselves
of
security
by
being
unknown
,
resolve
to
venture
the
worst
of
hazards
if
discovered
.
The
Scripture
counselleth
,
be
ye
wise
as
Serpents
:
and
if
this
Counsell
be
necessary
to
any
,
it
is
principally
to
Kings
;
The
Egyptians
in
their
Hieroglyphicks
placed
an
eye
on
the
top
of
their
Scepter
,
to
represent
Providence
,
and
to
advise
Kings
in
that
Royall
Embleme
:
This
eye
alwaies
open
,
taught
them
that
they
could
not
too
carefully
regard
what
they
intended
to
Act
;
The
King
of
the
Bees
hath
no
sting
(
as
the
naturalists
observe
)
which
teacheth
Princes
not
to
be
transported
with
the
violence
of
their
passions
,
and
to
meditate
rather
on
Clemency
,
as
more
naturall
,
then
on
rigour
which
nature
declines
.
I
know
not
whether
those
who
presented
Iustice
with
a
Ribband
to
blind
her
eyes
have
made
a
judicious
piece
:
For
my
part
I
think
the
contrary
,
that
she
sees
not
too
clear
.
I
should
rather
have
given
her
Argus
eyes
,
then
the
blindnesse
of
Oedipus
,
or
of
Tiresias
,
if
I
had
painted
her
;
and
in
my
opinion
the
Lynx
ought
not
to
see
better
then
Kings
,
who
hold
the
Sword
of
Justice
in
their
hands
:
And
for
Princes
to
strike
when
they
cannot
see
,
and
to
weigh
in
the
Scales
and
not
discern
how
the
Beam
turnes
,
are
actions
that
can
little
satisfie
,
and
rellish
not
of
any
reason
.
I
know
Antiquity
intended
by
this
Ribband
,
that
Justice
ought
to
be
done
without
respect
of
persons
,
but
it
were
bet●er
to
present
her
as
a
Goddesse
,
whose
sight
nothing
could
obstruct
,
and
whose
knowledge
might
whisper
into
her
hearers
continually
a
caution
to
hinder
unjust
proceedings
.
It
is
necessary
then
that
Kings
permit
not
themselves
to
be
blinded
with
their
passions
:
And
they
are
naturally
to
weigh
with
the
Scales
of
Judgement
the
things
which
they
determine
:
And
if
their
Sword
be
usefull
,
it
is
no
otherwise
then
as
that
of
the
Chirurgeons
,
they
may
rescinde
one
member
to
save
the
rest
,
not
destroy
the
whole
to
cut
off
a
part
.
But
as
it
is
now
tru
,
that
I
may
make
use
of
that
Figure
which
Rhetoricians
call
Transition
,
and
passe
from
one
subject
to
another
,
and
so
from
Physitians
and
Chirurgeons
to
diseases
and
cures
;
We
shall
leave
the
discourse
of
DON
HENRY
,
and
visit
a
sick
Prince
who
became
his
own
Physitian
,
DON
SANCHE
,
though
he
never
had
his
health
after
he
came
to
the
Throne
of
Castile
(
equally
afflicted
by
the
evils
of
Fortune
,
and
nature
)
yet
at
length
,
deposed
from
his
Throne
by
the
Injustice
of
his
enemies
,
he
enjoyed
healthfull
dayes
.
In
this
discourse
we
shall
examine
whether
he
gained
or
lost
more
by
this
strange
vicissitude
,
and
whether
the
condition
of
a
private
person
in
health
,
is
preferrable
to
a
Throne
attended
with
continuall
sicknesse
.
DON
SANCHE
TO
COVNT
GARCIA
OF
CABRA
.
I
Acknowledge
as
well
as
you
(
most
Generous
Count
)
that
this
wanton
Fortune
,
who
hath
removed
mee
from
a
Kingdome
,
and
restored
my
health
(
which
I
never
enjoyed
whilst
I
possessed
the
Crown
)
must
as
necessarily
work
extraordinary
alterations
in
my
soul
,
(
Contraries
never
meeting
but
they
effect
something
)
And
with
as
much
reason
as
she
hath
raised
wonder
in
yours
:
&
a
curiosity
which
(
as
I
have
observed
)
I
shall
rather
satisfie
then
condemne
.
Will
you
then
that
I
discover
in
what
condition
I
finde
my
soule
after
so
strange
an
event
?
And
whether
the
griefe
for
what
I
have
lost
,
sinkes
not
deeper
into
my
heart
then
the
joy
for
the
benefit
that
I
have
received
by
the
exchange
?
It
is
certaine
(
to
speake
the
truth
)
that
the
Philosophy
of
the
Stoicks
(
which
teacheth
men
to
be
without
all
Passion
)
is
not
sufficient
to
restrain
all
grief
in
such
a
stupendious
alteration
,
as
falling
from
a
royall
Throne
to
the
low
condition
of
a
private
person
:
Yet
it
is
true
that
a
descent
from
the
highest
degree
of
honour
,
and
power
is
lesse
ingrate
,
and
unpleasant
,
and
more
tolerable
to
a
rationall
mind
,
where
the
condition
chiefly
serveth
for
the
recovery
of
health
,
which
is
a
treasure
so
pretious
to
bee
enjoyed
with
the
least
disgust
or
regret
,
as
being
the
chiefe
comfort
of
mans
life
,
and
therefore
most
universally
sought
after
.
All
the
advantages
of
Fortune
and
Nature
have
not
so
generall
an
estimation
.
We
find
some
ambitious
soules
have
aspired
to
,
and
usurped
Crowns
and
Scepters
;
others
have
refused
these
royall
dignities
,
as
places
too
precivitious
,
and
too
full
of
cares
and
troubles
.
Some
torment
themselves
with
the
gain
of
riches
,
hazarding
their
lives
to
fill
their
baggs
,
which
others
(
as
more
wise
)
doe
lesse
regard
and
value
.
Glory
with
all
its
splendor
is
lesse
regarded
by
persons
devoted
to
piety
;
And
some
as
seriously
shunne
those
glistering
beams
as
others
follow
and
adore
them
.
In
fine
,
Some
look
on
a
Throne
as
a
high
and
dangerous
Rock
;
on
Riches
as
a
bait
to
Vice
;
on
Glory
as
a
disposition
to
pride
,
and
vanity
:
Nay
even
Beauty
(
which
seemes
to
be
a
beam
of
Divinity
it self
)
is
looked
on
but
as
a
great
evill
,
when
it
is
not
accompanied
with
modesty
and
virtue
.
But
for
health
,
it
is
a
Jewell
which
is
of
the
highest
price
with
Prince
and
people
,
with
Philosophers
and
Fooles
;
never
was
there
yet
any
person
found
which
did
not
put
an
infinite
valuation
on
her
above
all
concomitants
of
this
life
.
We
meet
with
one
sort
of
Philosophers
who
had
the
impudency
to
affirme
,
that
there
was
effectively
no
such
thing
as
grief
.
But
without
doubt
the
same
Phisopher
when
he
lost
his
health
,
had
his
Principles
shaken
,
and
his
content
and
joy
were
changed
into
griefe
and
sadnesse
In
the
mean
time
(
to
satisfie
you
more
amply
)
you
are
not
to
consider
me
meerly
as
a
King
,
but
as
a
private
person
to
whom
a
birth
and
death
is
equally
common
with
the
meanest
of
my
subjects
;
in
which
capacitie
our
resentments
are
the
same
.
It
is
true
,
in
relation
to
our
divine
Character
(
which
is
inseparable
from
Royalty
)
wee
are
farre
above
them
.
But
in
respect
of
God
,
and
our selves
,
we
are
sometimes
their
equals
,
and
may
bee
their
inferiors
.
Wee
participate
with
them
of
all
the
infirmities
of
life
,
and
as
we
enjoy
the
same
Sunne
and
Elements
in
common
,
so
we
have
not
other
Armes
then
they
to
guarde
us
from
humane
passions
,
and
the
debilities
of
Nature
.
Guards
of
faithfull
Subjects
may
defend
their
Prince
from
the
Treason
of
a
Paricide
,
but
an
Army
of
thirtie
thousand
men
cannot
hinder
the
stroak
of
death
,
nor
one
fit
of
a
Feaver
:
Death
will
enter
the
stateliest
and
strongest
Palace
(
without
resistance
)
when
she
pleaseth
;
and
the
most
beautifull
,
and
magnificent
glory
cannot
asswage
the
least
pain
or
anguish
:
Diadems
,
Purple
,
and
Crowns
are
unserviceable
ornaments
to
cure
the
diseases
of
the
body
:
And
I
have
found
my self
often
in
a
Princely
Palace
,
in
a
magnifick
Chamber
,
lying
in
a
bed
glittering
all
with
gold
,
environ'd
with
the
Grandees
of
my
Kingdome
,
where
all
my
attendance
designed
nothing
else
but
my
diversions
and
ease
:
When
in
the
midst
of
all
these
seeming
contents
,
I
judged
my self
the
most
miserable
of
all
men
,
envying
the
health
of
the
meanest
of
my
subjects
:
Death
which
I
have
often
contemned
in
the
midst
of
battailes
,
in
this
condition
looked
grim
and
formidable
:
And
when
I
could
neither
fight
nor
retreat
,
give
battail
,
or
resist
the
Enemy
;
I
found
that
I
was
as
well
a
man
as
a
King
;
and
(
upon
just
consultation
with
my self
)
that
it
was
very
difficult
to
be
a
sick
Patient
,
and
a
sound
Polititian
,
to
govern
the
people
,
being
personally
weak
,
and
in
a
great
disorder
;
and
not
to
be
exceeding
miserable
when
all
pleasures
had
a
bitter
rellish
.
Death
(
as
terrible
as
she
is
)
will
command
and
make
Kings
and
Subjects
equall
,
her
businesse
being
to
levell
all
alike
.
But
in
this
case
Kings
are
not
onely
afflicted
as
other
men
being
sick
,
but
more
unfortunate
.
The
chiefest
point
then
(
in
this
condition
)
is
to
seek
after
health
,
which
is
interrupted
by
Secretaries
,
who
interrupt
every
minute
of
repose
,
and
persecute
with
multitude
of
affairs
,
as
well
as
Physicians
with
prescriptions
of
various
remedies
.
The
deprivation
of
pleasure
and
augmentation
of
pain
are
equally
tormenting
.
A
sick
Prince
judgeth
by
the
contenance
of
his
Visitors
the
variety
of
all
their
humours
,
which
rather
encreaseth
then
allayeth
his
passion
;
he
readeth
their
desires
in
their
faces
.
Some
for
their
own
ends
fear
his
death
,
and
others
wish
it
:
In
this
sad
condition
he
is
more
unfortunate
then
any
of
his
Subjects
,
as
not
enjoying
any
pleasure
of
a
King.
The
higher
he
is
advanced
and
elevated
on
the
Throne
,
the
greater
must
his
desires
be
:
The
Crown
seemes
too
heavie
,
yet
he
cannot
when
he
pleaseth
quit
that
burthen
;
the
Scepter
too
ponderous
for
his
feeble
hand
,
and
his
affairs
permit
him
not
honourably
to
part
with
what
he
cannot
hold
but
painfully
.
In
this
quality
he
is
willing
to
act
,
but
cannot
;
to
reign
,
but
is
made
incapable
.
In
these
impossible
contrarieties
he
can
easily
judge
what
is
the
greatest
affliction
can
arrive
to
a
King
,
and
that
is
to
be
deprived
of
health
.
For
imagine
with
your selves
to
what
a
deplorable
extremity
is
a
Prince
reduced
,
when
a
Counsellor
shall
tell
him
(
being
sick
and
sad
with
pain
)
that
his
Subjects
have
revolted
,
that
his
Neighbour
Princes
have
in
vaded
his
Territories
,
that
his
Generall
hath
lost
the
Battell
,
that
many
of
his
Townes
have
surrendred
themselves
to
the
Enemy
,
that
a
pannick
terror
hath
seized
upon
his
people
,
that
his
Troopes
have
disbanded
for
want
of
a
chiefe
Commander
,
that
a
puissant
Army
is
on
their
march
to
besiedge
him
,
that
his
Allies
keep
not
their
faith
,
and
that
within
a
few
daies
(
before
he
could
remove
)
he
should
hear
the
noise
of
the
Canons
playing
before
his
Gates
,
that
his
Palace
shall
become
his
prison
,
and
that
notwithstanding
his
sicknesse
gives
him
neither
free
choice
of
life
or
death
,
he
shall
yet
fall
into
a
lower
extremity
of
misery
,
and
be
reduced
to
the
power
and
pleasure
of
his
enemy
:
Tell
me
(
noble
Garcia
)
if
a
Crown
in
such
a
condition
be
desirable
;
and
Royalty
(
though
never
so
magnificent
)
to
bee
valued
at
such
a
rate
and
degree
worthy
of
envy
?
All
those
who
are
ambitious
to
bee
Kings
are
not
(
doubtlesse
)
without
the
passion
of
desiring
glory
mixt
with
pleasure
,
but
of
what
glory
or
pleasure
is
that
Prince
capable
whose
constant
businesse
is
to
support
his
infirmities
?
And
who
instead
of
the
delights
of
a
Crown
cannot
enjoy
a
moment
of
repose
?
If
the
Prince
be
evill
,
it
is
not
possible
but
a
remorse
for
his
crimes
must
intermixe
with
his
Maladies
to
increase
his
torments
:
If
he
be
good
and
virtuous
,
it
is
impossible
but
that
he
shall
be
afflicted
,
being
incapable
to
act
in
his
Kingly
office
for
the
repose
and
conservation
of
his
people
:
At
least
I
know
well
,
during
this
languishing
condition
,
being
on
the
Throne
,
nothing
can
be
more
insupportable
then
to
understand
that
▪
that
sickness
is
the
infirmity
of
the
State
;
and
that
I
suffer
not
a
single
paine
,
but
that
the
disease
becomes
contageous
to
all
the
subjects
.
It
is
true
these
griefes
of
body
which
daily
obscure
the
light
of
my
understanding
,
(
if
I
may
reason
without
prejudice
to
former
passages
)
I
confess
freely
are
not
onely
insupportable
to
my self
,
but
to
all
my
affairs
,
and
it
may
be
censured
a
fault
,
that
finding
my self
unfit
to
Reign
,
I
did
not
choose
to
govern
by
the
assistance
and
nomination
of
my
Successor
:
but
the
jealousie
which
ordinarily
attendeth
Soveraign
authority
,
prevailed
with
me
in
my
resolutions
,
not
to
nominate
that
to
him
,
whom
I
feared
as
more
worthy
:
I
rather
chose
to
support
a
Scepter
with
a
feeble
and
trembling
hand
,
then
admit
of
a
Coadjutor
,
and
to
suffer
that
to
bee
taken
from
mee
rather
by
violence
,
then
to
be
ecclipsed
by
a
super
officious-assistant
,
who
would
convert
my
Soveraignty
intirely
to
his
own
service
and
splendor
.
Lo
(
most
noble
Count
)
the
crime
for
which
I
am
culpable
,
and
such
a
one
as
all
Kings
ought
to
avoyd
who
are
rendered
uncapable
to
reign
by
their
diseases
,
or
who
shall
find
themselves
imperfect
through
their
owe
infirmities
:
For
a
Prince
(
whom
such
evils
do
obstruct
;
or
who
through
that
lesser
Talent
which
God
hath
given
him
for
the
conduct
of
the
people
,
is
not
able
to
discharge
that
high
office
with
honour
)
is
responsible
before
God
for
all
the
evils
which
may
happen
through
his
defective
Government
,
or
at
least
if
he
choose
not
an
able
Minister
of
State
who
may
supply
a
remedy
in
these
great
failings
:
And
it
is
for
that
reason
(
without
doubt
)
that
Princes
are
obliged
,
whether
they
be
sick
or
well
,
of
stronger
or
weaker
judgements
,
to
have
ever
near
them
faithfull
and
wise
Counsellors
,
to
whom
they
may
communicate
a
beam
of
their
power
,
to
that
end
that
it
may
not
fail
.
That
if
the
Princes
be
weak
,
their
judgement
may
support
them
,
and
if
not
,
that
they
may
refresh
them
,
and
so
contribute
some
leasure
for
their
repose
,
after
their
grand
agitations
,
in
such
great
concernment
.
God
(
whose
Image
are
Kings
)
acts
not
alwaies
by
his
judgements
,
or
those
terrible
means
,
which
seem
more
directly
and
suddainly
to
fall
from
his
hand
:
Those
violent
plagues
which
desolate
whole
Countries
,
come
not
every
year
;
God
imployes
not
alwaies
his
Thunderclaps
,
nor
Famine
,
nor
dreadfull
Earthquakes
,
which
shake
the
foundation
of
the
World
:
Such
punishments
(
being
very
heavy
)
arrive
but
rarely
.
He
serves
himself
sometimes
with
Princes
,
whom
he
commands
to
wage
a
Warre
,
against
those
whom
he
pleaseth
to
prove
or
punish
;
And
then
(
when
hee
pleaseth
also
)
to
be
propitious
to
a
people
or
Country
,
he
doth
not
alwaies
shew
his
mercy
in
causing
Manna
to
raine
on
them
,
or
manifest
himself
by
miracles
.
He
pleaseth
himself
somtimes
to
send
vertuous
Princes
,
appointing
them
to
be
the
distributors
of
his
Blessings
,
as
(
on
other
occasions
)
he
directs
them
to
be
the
Executioners
of
his
Justice
.
Let
Princes
therefore
cease
to
be
jealous
of
their
Authority
;
And
since
God
(
without
any
obligation
)
is
pleased
to
use
them
as
his
instruments
,
let
them
not
scorne
(
especially
since
their
own
necessities
and
concernments
oblige
them
to
it
)
to
make
use
of
Faithfull
Ministers
,
who
are
the
absolute
foundation
of
Thrones
and
Kingdome
.
For
those
Princes
who
are
so
fortunate
as
to
meet
with
them
,
(
of
this
glorious
quality
)
may
defie
Fortune
and
diseases
,
and
not
fear
the
confusion
of
their
Kingdom
,
when
they
languish
on
their
Couches
.
It
is
good
for
a
King
to
resemble
the
Sun
whose
office
is
to
inlighten
all
the
universe
;
Yet
this
Noble
imployment
(
which
the
Creator
hath
given
him
)
doth
not
make
the
illustrious
Creature
jealous
of
the
beames
and
beauty
of
other
stars
,
which
in
their
severall
Spheares
of
their
Activity
distribute
their
light
which
they
have
received
,
as
well
,
though
not
as
bright
as
that
great
eye
of
the
World.
Yet
is
there
a
distinction
to
be
allowed
betwixt
the
chief
Minister
which
the
Prince
chooseth
,
and
another
which
aspireth
to
that
trust
(
moved
by
his
own
ambitious
desires
)
the
first
is
like
a
fixed
Star
,
the
other
as
a
blazing
Comet
,
which
at
present
,
casteth
a
stupendious
and
mervailous
light
,
but
the
flame
borrowed
from
a
wrong
Source
,
is
exstinguisht
in
a
moment
;
On
the
contrary
the
fixed
Star
which
is
luminous
,
retaines
its
splendor
and
brightnesse
as
long
as
the
Originall
light
shall
impart
his
beams
unto
it
.
Things
thus
stated
,
one
may
say
,
that
the
Pompe
and
glory
,
which
the
Sun
receives
,
when
he
is
set
,
(
when
in
the
night
we
see
the
Heavens
adorned
with
radiant
Starts
)
the
Prince
,
when
the
beames
of
his
active
power
are
obscured
with
sicknesse
,
enjoyeth
;
though
he
do
not
act
in
his
own
person
,
but
by
those
to
whom
he
hath
communicated
the
Rayes
of
his
power
;
And
in
them
he
still
retaineth
his
Grandure
and
Honour
:
But
alas
,
I
considered
not
the
depth
of
this
Policy
,
untill
I
had
lost
my
Kingdom
;
And
after
I
was
rendred
into
a
condition
to
be
able
to
do
nothing
else
,
but
examine
my self
whether
I
should
be
more
happy
in
my
health
without
a
Crown
,
or
else
should
continue
a
sick
and
languishing
Prince
.
I
am
assured
(
Generous
Count
)
by
this
discourse
that
you
can
easily
judge
,
that
the
Crown
which
I
wore
was
platted
with
Thornes
;
And
if
I
should
grudge
at
my
losse
,
it
is
not
for
the
deprivation
of
those
pleasures
I
have
received
.
Yet
if
I
had
lost
it
after
the
defeat
of
a
battail
,
if
I
had
then
met
with
this
sad
satisfaction
,
to
make
mine
Enemies
see
(
in
my
couragious
defence
)
that
I
had
deserved
to
wear
it
;
And
that
though
they
gained
the
Victory
,
it
was
because
they
were
more
fortunate
,
and
not
more
Valiant
then
I
;
some
matter
might
have
been
found
for
my
Consolation
.
But
to
have
languished
so
long
a
time
as
you
have
known
me
,
incapable
of
the
pleasure
of
peace
,
and
constrained
to
quit
the
Warre
,
because
not
able
to
be
in
the
head
of
my
Armies
,
and
to
see
my self
stript
of
the
Crown
and
Scepter
without
a
defensive
power
,
to
guard
those
Emblems
of
Royallty
;
This
consideration
affecteth
me
with
griefe
and
pain
unsupportable
.
If
I
were
in
an
active
condition
,
it
may
be
some
signall
occasion
might
make
me
fortunate
so
far
,
as
to
provoke
mine
Enemies
valour
by
mine
own
,
and
to
oblige
them
to
●orce
me
to
hazard
and
loose
my
life
gloriously
.
But
the
infirmities
of
my
body
have
made
me
unfit
to
Reign
,
and
almost
to
live
:
and
nothing
but
a
prodigious
accident
can
recover
my
health
after
that
I
have
lost
all
things
that
are
dear
to
me
.
I
shall
now
relate
to
you
with
what
joy
I
have
seen
this
civill
Warre
of
my
body
to
cease
,
which
continued
my
griefe
for
so
long
a
time
.
It
will
not
prove
so
easie
for
me
to
describe
to
you
the
regrett
I
had
in
the
losse
of
mine
estate
,
if
you
had
not
been
an
eye
witnesse
of
what
I
suffered
.
Imagine
then
your self
,
by
those
troubles
I
endured
,
what
repose
and
tranquillity
I
now
possesse
.
Not
but
that
I
easily
believe
that
the
continuation
of
health
may
abate
much
of
this
high
content
and
joy
which
I
now
feel
;
Nor
that
an
accustomed
subjection
will
not
in
time
make
me
forget
my
being
King.
But
really
if
I
should
be
restored
to
the
Crown
with
the
attendance
of
my
infirmitie
,
I
should
not
accept
it
;
more
valuing
health
without
a
Crown
,
then
to
be
an
infirm
King
unable
to
Reign
.
T
is
true
,
ambition
is
sweet
,
and
that
nothing
is
more
difficult
,
then
for
a
King
to
make
his
Subjects
his
Peers
.
But
when
I
shall
be
as
insensible
as
a
Statue
through
the
violence
of
my
diseases
;
the
interest
of
the
people
and
Christian
Policy
would
teach
me
to
refuse
that
Crown
which
would
as
much
prejudice
them
,
as
it
would
dishonor
my self
.
The
Ambitious
may
object
,
that
it
is
a
great
losse
,
to
be
deprived
of
a
Crown
;
But
to
that
I
answer
,
it
is
no
great
advantage
to
bear
it
without
honor
,
and
to
have
no
Fruits
,
but
distemper
in
such
eminent
dignity
.
They
will
say
,
that
the
torture
of
the
body
may
be
born
up
,
by
the
satisfaction
of
the
mind
;
But
I
answer
to
the
contrary
,
that
the
purest
contemplations
of
the
Soul
are
troubled
by
the
indisposition
of
the
Body
.
There
is
a
bond
of
nature
which
so
strictly
unites
both
parties
,
that
nothing
can
divide
their
interest
,
and
,
if
at
any
time
there
be
any
difference
,
there
is
much
more
from
the
indisposition
of
the
body
,
then
from
the
dissatisfaction
of
the
mind
.
How
many
great
and
noble
Soules
have
we
seen
so
resolved
,
that
the
most
violent
oppositions
could
not
shake
into
disorder
,
and
their
vexations
so
moderated
,
as
not
to
distemper
their
health
to
an
alteration
?
Many
have
lost
their
Children
who
have
never
chang'd
their
countenance
,
and
good
or
bad
Fortune
hath
not
prevailed
against
their
composure
,
because
their
reason
was
not
disturbed
.
But
as
for
Corporall
paine
,
when
it
is
such
,
as
the
Physition
cannot
ease
nor
cure
with
all
his
art
;
It
must
needs
operate
and
have
such
an
influence
upon
the
soul
,
as
fift
give
her
not
an
absolute
distemper
,
it
will
(
at
least
)
shrewdly
shake
the
Patient
.
Servitude
,
Poverty
,
and
Infamy
,
are
more
tollerable
;
but
for
extremities
of
pain
,
they
infallibly
banish
all
pleasure
and
joy
.
Love
,
Ambition
,
Glory
,
can
yeild
no
peaceable
satisfaction
to
a
sick
person
;
and
though
the
Soul
be
the
more
noble
part
,
yet
in
such
violent
fits
,
no
other
vertue
hath
its
operation
,
but
Patience
.
And
how
imperially
soever
the
Soul
may
brag
of
her
Superiour
excellency
;
There
rests
nothing
to
be
acted
(
on
such
occasions
)
but
what
are
the
effects
of
that
vertue
.
Corporall
pain
ariseth
from
a
naturall
or
accidentall
infirmity
in
man
,
but
the
vexations
and
anxieries
of
the
mind
,
are
voluntary
,
and
meerly
depend
on
the
will
.
Soveraignty
not
Royally
managed
,
is
a
supreme
disgrace
,
and
to
have
a
Scepter
which
he
cannot
sway
,
is
as
if
a
Souldier
wear
a
sword
and
cannot
draw
it
.
Policie
which
supporteth
Kingdomes
is
but
a
bad
Physitian
,
and
cates
which
attend
them
are
not
Remedies
and
applications
for
the
recovery
of
health
.
Mortality
is
but
a
weak
Comforter
;
And
as
for
the
Jewell
of
health
,
it
is
not
so
much
prised
as
it
ought
;
all
other
things
are
attended
with
some
inquietude
,
as
Riches
,
Honour
,
power
.
Ambition
is
inflamed
with
new
desires
,
love
is
attended
with
jealousie
,
care
watcheth
the
Rich
mens
Gates
,
who
have
more
vexation
in
their
Possession
then
content
and
satisfaction
;
health
alone
is
observed
ordinarily
with
least
solicitude
and
observation
.
Yet
to
conclude
(
as
one
able
to
judge
,
out
of
a
long
languishing
experience
)
I
cannot
but
preferre
health
above
a
Scepter
,
the
one
causing
me
ever
to
sweat
or
sigh
,
the
other
rendring
me
cheerfull
and
pleasant
,
though
never
so
low
.
Ask
me
not
then
(
Noble
Count
)
whether
choice
I
better
approve
,
seeing
the
Memory
of
those
outcryes
passed
,
force
me
to
praise
God
for
a
more
comfortable
alteration
.
The
Censure
.
IT
is
an
ancient
Aphorism
,
that
If
a
man
did
but
know
the
weightynes
of
a
Crown
,
he
would
not
so
much
as
take
it
up
,
though
he
found
it
in
his
way
.
If
this
opinion
be
true
,
even
in
those
who
merit
well
,
and
are
in
health
;
it
is
no
lesse
for
Princes
that
are
indisposed
:
As
the
gifts
of
Nature
are
more
excellent
then
those
of
Fortune
,
so
are
they
by
every
well
regulated
soul
preserred
before
them
;
nor
are
the
greatest
advantages
of
a
Crown
to
be
put
into
the
ballance
with
the
miseries
that
attend
them
.
The
Diademe
,
the
Scepter
,
the
Crown
,
the
Throne
,
are
glorious
objects
which
tickle
,
and
sweetly
please
the
imagination
:
But
when
the
torments
of
the
Gout
,
the
Colick
,
and
the
extreamities
of
other
diseases
,
wholly
possesse
the
Patient
,
and
are
placed
in
opposition
to
those
glorious
and
lighter
Fancies
,
a
healthfull
Slave
is
far
more
happy
then
a
royall
King.
In
the
midst
of
such
Grandeur
,
Princes
seated
in
such
a
condition
(
though
never
so
illustrious
)
are
like
Tantalus
,
who
in
their
abundance
are
not
admitted
to
taste
of
any
thing
that
may
yeeld
them
ease
,
or
content
:
So
that
what
should
raise
their
felicity
encreaseth
their
punishment
,
being
yet
more
miserable
that
they
can
command
all
things
,
but
nothing
to
their
proper
use
;
when
the
paine
they
suffer
mixeth
gall
and
bitternesse
with
all
sweet
appearances
of
their
Scepters
.
The
Gout
and
Stone
confute
the
Stoicks
,
who
deny
all
paine
and
passion
:
And
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
a
King
(
though
never
so
magnificent
,
)
is
deprived
of
all
earthly
comforts
or
enjoyments
,
suffering
under
the
extremities
of
a
disease
.
I
cannot
but
compare
the
condition
of
sick
Princes
to
those
direfull
Scaffolds
which
are
richly
cover'd
with
black
Velvet
,
and
(
for
greater
state
)
have
the
splendor
of
Torches
to
conduct
a
Prince
to
his
execution
:
This
funeral
pomp
imprints
some
respect
of
his
misfortune
to
all
spectators
,
but
they
do
not
attenuate
his
miseries
.
It
is
thus
with
the
magnificence
of
Princes
,
it
seemes
to
flourish
,
and
causeth
admiration
,
it
attracteth
reverence
,
but
all
this
glory
is
not
sufficient
to
render
him
a
happy
man
who
is
a
sick
King
,
though
he
were
the
Emperour
of
all
the
Universe
.
Grandure
can
have
no
more
then
the
effects
of
Dormant
and
Narcotique
remedies
:
some
intermissive
moments
of
sleep
may
suspend
,
but
cannot
heal
the
violence
of
the
disease
,
which
will
return
,
in
its
Course
.
How
unfortunate
then
is
a
Prince
who
in
great
conjunctures
of
Affaires
,
hath
scarce
leasure
to
be
sick
,
though
he
cannot
meet
with
one
minute
wherein
he
is
sensible
of
health
;
He
bears
a
burthen
so
great
,
that
it
would
cause
Atlas
to
yeild
,
whilst
he
finds
himself
daily
growing
weak
,
and
his
spirits
every
minute
decaying
;
His
occasions
call
him
to
every
part
,
but
his
diseases
oblige
him
constantly
to
his
bed
,
and
whereas
he
ought
to
see
and
seek
about
to
order
and
Command
,
instead
of
these
royall
imployments
,
he
is
able
to
doe
nothing
but
complaine
.
He
is
(
in
fine
)
in
this
condition
,
a
meere
object
of
pitty
or
scorne
;
where
he
ought
to
appear
awfull
and
formidable
;
and
therefore
I
conclude
that
Don
Sanche
had
reason
to
preferre
his
health
above
his
Crown
,
and
to
consolate
himself
in
the
losse
of
the
one
,
by
the
consideration
of
the
Importance
of
the
other
.
A
King
ought
to
die
standing
on
his
feet
,
was
the
speech
of
a
Royall
Prince
,
and
certainly
if
he
ought
to
be
found
dying
in
this
posture
,
much
more
ought
he
to
appear
so
living
;
since
that
without
health
Kings
are
not
easily
obeyed
,
nor
can
their
Reign
be
happy
.
We
find
some
generalls
who
have
gained
battailes
in
their
Litters
:
but
I
think
we
have
not
read
of
any
Monarchs
who
have
raigned
gloriously
on
their
bedds
,
unlesse
it
be
those
Bedds
of
Justice
,
where
Majesty
,
not
Maladies
appear
.
Kings
in
their
Thrones
are
as
that
universall
spirit
which
the
Greeks
called
Endelechia
.
If
their
influence
be
not
over
all
their
Dominions
,
all
goes
ill
,
and
if
they
be
sick
,
all
parts
presently
grow
distempered
.
But
let
us
leave
now
the
Kings
of
Castile
,
and
direct
our
discourse
to
a
King
of
Portugall
.
It
may
be
the
ambitious
will
judge
it
no
lesse
a
Paradox
then
that
of
DON
SANCHE
,
and
that
they
will
believe
him
as
sick
in
mind
as
the
other
was
in
body
.
But
I
conceive
judicious
persons
wil
not
be
of
their
opinion
;
and
that
true
policy
will
condemn
their
errors
.
Emanuell
the
first
leavied
a
most
puissant
Army
,
with
a
design
to
passe
into
Affrica
,
where
Victory
seemed
to
attend
him
:
When
as
being
upon
his
march
,
and
just
ready
to
transport
his
Army
over
those
streights
which
divide
Spain
&
Mauritania
;
The
Venetians
dispatcht
Embassadors
to
intreat
succors
from
him
as
their
Ally
,
against
the
Turk
,
who
had
now
declared
War
against
them
.
This
generous
Prince
resolutely
suspended
his
hopes
of
Conquest
to
assist
his
antient
Friends
,
suddainly
altered
his
design
,
and
sent
his
Army
intirely
to
them
,
deferring
his
enterprise
to
Algiers
to
another
season
.
See
here
the
reasons
which
obliged
this
illustrious
Prince
to
his
resolution
,
and
the
true
Motives
of
so
glorious
an
action
.
EMANVELL
TO
IOHN
DE
MENESAIS
.
IAm
not
ignorant
(
Menesais
)
that
the
design
of
Conquests
is
as
naturall
in
Kings
,
as
life
it self
in
other
men
:
Yet
I
likewise
know
that
Glory
ought
not
to
be
the
only
object
of
their
sublime
passion
:
And
if
they
judge
it
as
proper
to
succour
and
assist
their
Allyes
,
as
to
create
new
subjects
;
Then
the
quality
of
Protectors
is
as
honorable
as
the
Titles
of
Conquerors
.
It
is
in
this
noble
resentment
that
I
have
changed
my
resolution
:
And
though
I
have
ingaged
the
greatest
part
of
my
Grandees
into
Armes
,
and
covered
the
Sea
with
Ships
,
with
a
design
to
extend
my
Dominions
over
all
Barbarie
:
I
am
(
this
day
)
otherwise
resolved
to
succour
the
Venetians
,
and
not
farther
to
intend
my
designed
Conquests
.
But
have
you
well
examined
the
matter
?
(
you
may
tell
me
in
this
occasion
)
It
may
be
,
the
sad
Complaints
of
your
Allyes
have
surprised
your
thoughts
;
whereas
had
you
pursued
your
own
inclinations
,
or
followed
the
heat
of
your
own
ambitions
;
You
had
not
then
quitted
your
former
design
to
take
up
another
,
which
(
probably
)
will
not
increase
but
diminish
your
subjects
with
a
disadvantage
as
unprofitable
as
dangerous
.
No
(
Menesais
)
I
took
not
up
this
resolution
in
a
tumult
of
passions
,
but
have
most
seriously
examined
the
reasons
and
inforcements
to
this
alteration
.
And
after
a
more
solemn
debate
,
I
find
that
Justice
,
Generosity
,
Wisdome
,
and
true
Renown
,
have
possessd
my
heart
,
and
prevailed
with
me
,
in
this
perswasion
,
to
invite
me
to
act
as
I
have
undertaken
.
I
do
avow
withall
,
that
these
mighty
Forces
,
which
I
have
raised
(
though
very
formidable
)
have
not
so
elevated
my
hopes
to
new
Conquests
,
as
my
desires
inflame
me
to
defend
my
Allies
,
though
I
might
with
greater
ease
have
subdued
the
Barbars
,
then
have
protected
the
Christians
.
It
is
most
true
,
the
endeavour
of
Conquests
is
an
honorable
ambition
,
very
active
in
the
hearts
of
all
high
born
and
generous
Princes
.
And
as
the
first
Kings
began
their
Raignes
,
and
inlarged
their
Domination
by
their
Conquests
,
and
have
derived
them
on
the
People
and
Subjects
There
seemes
a
kind
of
Noble
Princelike
necessity
to
oblige
them
to
a
Correspondency
of
their
first
honorable
Cōmencements
.
So
that
(
in
some
degrees
both
of
wisedom
and
Policy
)
Princes
are
bound
to
expatiate
the
Grandure
of
their
Territories
and
Dominions
;
And
it
could
not
but
reflect
as
an
indignity
,
and
some
dishonor
to
Successors
,
to
confine
themselves
within
the
limits
of
their
Ancestors
.
The
alterations
,
and
signall
changes
(
discernable
in
all
Histories
)
seeme
to
authorize
what
is
here
affirmed
.
And
the
successes
of
Ages
(
which
have
seen
the
ruines
of
so
many
Monarchies
,
and
Empires
)
witnesse
to
these
times
,
the
great
numbers
of
Conquerors
which
have
appeared
in
all
Ages
;
so
that
the
Assyrians
,
the
Persians
,
the
Parthians
,
the
Greeks
,
the
Romans
,
advanced
not
their
names
,
nor
inlarged
their
Dominations
but
by
Conquests
;
and
(
at
last
)
were
not
destroyed
but
by
the
same
meanes
that
they
were
established
:
The
fall
of
one
Empire
ever
giving
occasion
to
the
rise
of
another
;
whilst
in
the
great
conjuncture
of
all
disorders
,
it
may
be
said
,
that
either
Princes
became
Tyrants
,
and
were
oppressors
,
or
Subjects
became
Rebels
and
traiterously
oppressed
their
Soveraignes
:
And
in
all
Ages
past
,
the
ambition
of
Conquests
hath
been
the
most
violent
passion
in
all
minds
which
have
aimed
at
Soveraignty
.
Subjects
are
of
more
confined
qualities
,
limited
with
proportions
amongst
their
neighbors
,
inslaved
to
Laws
,
and
limited
to
some
certain
parcels
,
descending
to
them
as
their
Fathers
heirs
,
to
exceed
which
,
were
as
much
danger
as
Injustice
.
But
Soveraigns
are
confined
,
and
their
usurpations
more
tolerable
and
innocent
,
because
of
their
eminent
and
high
degree
above
other
men
,
and
their
proximity
to
supernal
and
coelestiall
power
.
We
declare
then
(
noble
Menesais
)
that
it
is
not
for
petty
considerations
that
we
prefer
the
title
of
Protector
above
that
of
Conqueror
.
And
though
Princes
are
ranked
as
highest
in
quality
,
and
so
above
all
others
;
yet
they
are
not
(
being
Christians
)
so
much
to
regard
their
ambition
as
Justice
.
As
for
titles
,
and
even
those
which
seem
derived
from
the
Princes
greatest
virtues
,
the
subjects
challenge
a
communication
of
them
;
and
they
will
dispute
,
that
JUST
is
an
Epethite
as
wel
belonging
to
a
Magistrate
as
a
royal
Prince
;
that
VALIANT
belongs
as
well
to
a
private
Souldier
as
to
the
Emperour
:
All
the
virtues
are
as
habitable
,
and
as
content
to
dwell
with
the
meanest
Subject
as
the
mightiest
Monarch
;
and
't
is
true
,
that
all
United
cannot
set
forth
the
Majesty
and
splendor
of
a
Soveraign
;
he
who
saies
one
is
Just
,
concludes
not
necessarily
that
he
is
a
King
,
or
that
one
who
is
Valiant
must
needs
be
a
Monarch
;
but
he
who
saith
he
is
a
Conqueror
,
concludes
that
title
which
can
onely
belong
to
an
illustrious
Prince
.
The
power
of
the
Sword
which
protecteth
or
punisheth
,
is
onely
reserved
in
their
hands
who
are
invested
with
supreame
Authority
;
Subjects
are
not
to
transgress
the
Landmarks
of
their
Neighbours
;
they
are
Slaves
to
Laws
,
and
confin'd
to
the
inheritance
and
patrimony
of
their
Fathers
;
the
Prince
alone
hath
liberty
(
with
innocency
more
excusable
)
to
enlarge
his
Territories
.
This
enterprize
then
is
not
grounded
on
slender
considerations
,
that
I
suspend
the
possibility
of
the
title
of
Conqueror
to
merit
that
of
Protector
;
and
though
the
great
splendor
of
that
high
quality
hath
inflam'd
the
Illustrious
Heroes
of
antiquity
,
and
lessened
their
dangers
through
their
ambitious
desires
,
yet
a
Christian
Prince
ought
not
so
much
to
aim
and
attend
on
his
ambition
,
as
to
incline
to
Justice
:
So
then
,
that
which
was
permitted
to
the
Valour
of
Alexander
,
is
here
defended
by
the
courage
of
Emanuel
.
Our
Policy
excludes
not
any
other
particular
virtues
from
our
souls
,
but
so
,
that
in
all
our
enterprises
we
ought
to
be
equitable
,
and
severely
to
banish
Injustice
.
Which
Conclusion
admitted
,
it
was
now
much
more
proper
to
succour
my
Allies
,
then
to
endeavour
a
subjection
of
the
Barbares
:
For
as
it
is
with
all
men
in
generall
,
who
live
in
a
civill
society
,
that
a
mutual
interchange
of
good
offices
is
necessary
amongst
them
;
so
it
is
between
Princes
and
States
,
and
their
Allies
;
a
common
Interest
obligeth
them
to
oppose
the
Enemies
of
their
Allies
,
as
well
as
their
own
;
and
not
to
suffer
those
with
whom
they
have
made
an
undoubted
amity
,
to
be
devoured
by
the
War
,
or
to
forsake
them
at
the
approach
of
danger
and
peril
.
You
doubt
not
(
Menesais
)
but
after
the
compleate
Equipage
of
this
mighty
royall
Navy
,
if
I
should
have
received
advice
,
that
some
of
my
Neighbour
Princes
had
invaded
me
,
I
should
quickly
have
steered
another
course
:
And
why
then
shall
not
the
Interest
of
my
Allies
do
the
same
thing
,
seeing
that
I
am
no
lesse
obliged
to
their
defence
then
to
my
own
?
The
sacred
alliance
which
is
amongst
Princes
cannot
be
violated
without
injury
to
the
rights
and
Laws
of
Nations
;
and
it
were
most
unjust
in
me
to
expect
succours
from
them
to
whom
I
did
not
intend
any
.
Princes
ought
not
to
promise
amity
,
and
after
to
sorfeit
their
sacred
words
with
fraud
,
and
infidelity
;
and
being
able
to
relieve
,
they
cannot
(
with
honour
)
leave
their
friends
to
the
fury
of
their
enemies
,
and
the
haters
of
all
Christianity
.
It
is
true
,
it
is
a
great
glory
to
conquer
,
but
it
is
more
honourable
and
necessary
to
keep
a
royall
promise
inviolable
and
sacred
.
It
is
no
dishonour
to
attempt
a
Conquest
,
though
it
be
not
obtained
:
But
a
man
can
never
violate
his
word
and
promise
without
the
blemish
of
baseness
and
falshood
;
an
act
so
unworthy
of
a
Prince
,
that
he
ought
to
detest
it
above
all
things
.
For
if
he
faile
in
his
Fidelity
to
his
Allies
;
what
doth
he
but
teach
his
Subjects
to
be
as
false
and
fraudulent
as
himself
?
And
I
confesse
as
Justice
pleads
with
me
for
the
Venetians
;
so
Generositie
and
Noblenesse
prevails
with
mee
to
accord
to
their
humble
requests
:
For
(
with
your
good
favour
)
tell
me
with
what
resolution
could
our
Army
march
to
subdue
strangers
,
if
we
had
refused
assistance
where
there
was
so
great
necessity
of
ayd
,
and
such
eminent
peril
of
the
ruin
of
our
friends
?
Should
it
be
said
,
that
I
marched
further
from
an
Enemy
into
other
parts
,
because
hee
came
nearer
towards
our
Allies
?
Or
that
I
durst
not
engage
my
Forces
,
as
if
those
of
the
Enemyes
were
too
formidable
?
Am
I
a
Neighbour
at
such
distance
that
I
cannot
succour
speedily
in
the
accesse
of
their
greatest
calamities
?
Doth
it
concern
me
,
that
I
endeavour
to
pillage
Alcassarquiber
because
Bajazet
intends
to
pillage
Venice
with
his
army
?
all
these
arguments
are
unworthy
a
Christian
Prince
,
who
aspires
after
the
quality
of
Justice
,
as
well
as
that
of
Conqueror
.
Noble
minds
are
not
onely
obliged
to
endeavour
the
Victories
of
Towns
,
Provinces
,
and
Kingdomes
,
but
they
are
likewise
to
gain
the
peoples
hearts
,
and
thereby
obtain
an
universall
approbation
,
which
will
convert
tumults
to
concords
,
and
raise
glorious
acclamations
resounding
to
their
honour
who
know
to
merit
them
.
And
what
action
doe
you
imagine
can
be
so
capable
to
render
a
Crown
immortall
,
as
that
which
relieves
a
Republick
of
Christians
terrified
with
an
army
of
more
then
one
hundred
thousand
Turks
?
Upon
all
other
occasions
,
when
a
Prince
is
engaged
in
War
,
he
cannot
expect
honour
and
commendations
from
all
the
World
:
For
as
for
those
whom
hee
invadeth
,
they
will
stile
him
an
Usurper
,
his
neighbour
Princes
will
censure
his
ambition
,
and
rather
be
spectators
of
his
successes
,
then
be
supplyers
;
and
according
to
event
they
will
speak
in
fear
or
flattery
.
But
in
such
an
action
as
this
,
no
ill
censure
can
succeed
.
Those
who
are
interested
will
estimate
us
as
their
Liberators
;
other
Kings
wil
behold
us
far
more
eminent
for
our
fortune
,
or
more
surpassant
for
our
vertue
and
valour
:
&
Bajazet
himself
(
though
an
Enemy
)
cannot
lesse
esteem
us
.
And
truly
to
relieve
the
oppressed
and
feeble
resistants
,
being
our
Allies
,
is
a
far
more
generous
action
,
then
to
abase
a
puissant
and
formidable
enemy
.
Is
it
not
true
(
Menesais
)
that
if
in
your
journey
you
shall
meet
with
one
man
assaulted
by
three
or
four
,
and
that
he
should
cry
out
for
your
assistance
(
though
he
were
a
stranger
,
and
your
business
urgent
)
could
you
refuse
to
stay
,
or
assist
him
?
ought
not
the
same
noblenesse
of
mind
be
in
a
King
which
is
usuall
in
every
private
person
out
of
the
rules
of
humanity
,
and
naturall
compassion
?
Should
I
then
leave
mine
Allies
in
their
extremity
to
be
a
prey
to
the
fury
of
an
Enemy
?
This
undertaking
presents
a
double
reward
to
the
noble
undertaker
;
the
one
is
,
sustentation
of
the
feeble
;
the
other
is
,
the
suppression
of
the
mighty
:
And
(
if
heaven
please
)
he
shall
repel
the
one
with
as
much
shame
,
as
gain
of
glory
to
his
own
endeavours
.
I
may
adde
moreover
,
that
Justice
and
Generosity
united
,
are
the
most
Royall
virtues
,
the
surest
supporters
,
and
the
wisest
Counsellors
of
a
King.
Some
other
Rules
of
Policy
may
pretend
to
be
the
sole
guides
,
as
instructing
them
whether
to
make
Peace
or
War
,
and
to
give
orders
to
all
their
actions
.
It
is
confest
that
Policy
is
the
royall
Science
,
and
compasseth
her
ends
in
great
undertakings
;
but
her
Maxims
are
dangerous
for
them
who
have
not
righteous
intentions
.
Policy
is
like
love
,
which
changeth
her
form
according
to
their
receptions
who
entertain
her
.
She
proves
unjust
in
a
jealous
preoccupated
spirit
,
she
becomes
furious
in
the
violent
,
she
appeareth
base
and
cowardly
in
a
person
of
lesse
interest
,
but
she
is
alwaies
reasonable
in
a
noble
&
generous
mind
.
In
whatsoever
dress
she
's
found
,
she
courteth
her
expedients
,
and
flatters
those
with
whom
she
consulteth
to
give
a
colour
and
varnish
to
her
designs
.
Yet
in
this
conjuncture
of
affairs
she
cannot
disswade
me
from
aiding
the
Venetians
,
who
,
were
they
ruined
,
what
advantage
should
I
get
,
or
what
danger
incur
?
I
know
well
the
Turks
are
so
remote
in
distance
,
that
I
cannot
rationally
fear
the
enemies
Invasion
can
extend
as
far
as
my
Kingdom
.
But
it
is
the
Interest
of
all
Christian
Princes
to
repell
the
Forces
of
the
Turk
,
who
is
already
too
puissant
over
Christendom
;
and
all
Kings
ought
deeply
to
resent
an
opposition
of
the
Grand
Seigniors
Forces
,
who
is
daily
inriched
with
the
spoyles
and
plunder
of
Christians
:
His
unlimited
ambition
aiming
at
the
destruction
of
all
Kingdomes
,
and
aspiring
to
establish
an
universall
Empire
and
Monarchy
.
It
is
not
onely
for
the
Venetians
sakes
that
mine
armies
shall
march
,
but
as
I
look
on
their
Enemy
as
the
Enemy
of
all
the
Christian
world
.
If
all
Princes
were
so
prudent
as
they
ought
to
be
,
they
would
not
think
that
the
Venetians
were
first
undertaken
,
because
they
were
more
hateful
to
the
Turks
then
others
,
but
it
is
to
make
a
passage
by
them
to
further
extensions
,
to
leave
no
enemy
in
the
rear
to
march
after
,
and
so
to
flank
or
offend
.
In
this
design
then
all
other
Christian
Kings
have
their
common
Interest
,
though
I
(
at
present
)
be
more
active
,
and
more
ready
in
preparation
then
others
.
You
know
(
Menesais
)
when
Kings
make
great
preparations
for
War
,
they
alarum
their
neighbour
Princes
to
arms
,
lest
they
should
be
surprised
,
lest
the
publick
Faith
should
not
prove
sufficiently
puissant
to
assure
and
to
remove
all
fears
and
jealousies
.
It
being
so
then
that
all
Christian
Princes
know
how
that
Bajazet
hath
levied
an
army
of
100000
men
,
why
have
they
not
armed
themselves
as
well
as
he
for
their
Conservation
?
If
they
can
be
so
stupid
as
to
be
false
to
their
Allies
,
or
carelesse
of
their
brethren
and
Christians
.
In
the
meane
time
I
shall
oppose
these
numerous
Forces
,
though
I
march
alone
:
And
by
consequence
I
alone
shall
be
charged
with
the
successe
of
this
Warre
:
Who
,
had
I
refused
,
the
Venetians
might
have
been
justly
condemned
by
other
Princes
,
who
shadowing
their
excuses
with
pretences
and
accusations
of
their
neighbours
might
say
,
had
they
been
in
the
same
posture
as
I
,
they
would
have
done
no
lesse
.
Now
as
the
event
of
Warre
is
ever
ambiguous
,
if
in
stead
of
Conquering
Barbary
,
I
should
miscarry
in
this
enterprise
,
with
what
Clouds
of
shame
shall
I
be
obscured
?
From
the
Honour
of
a
Conqueror
I
may
be
reduced
to
be
a
Prisoner
.
From
the
hopes
of
being
a
Protector
I
may
be
rendred
a
Captive
,
and
instead
of
the
Garland
of
Glory
be
rewarded
with
the
brand
of
infamie
;
my
Friends
and
mine
Enemies
might
equally
scorn
me
,
because
I
provoked
the
one
and
the
other
,
my
discretion
would
be
in
question
,
preferring
an
uncertain
before
an
assured
path
to
true
honour
.
For
there
is
this
infallible
difference
betwixt
the
designes
of
Conquest
and
assistance
to
Allies
:
The
first
cannot
be
glorious
but
with
a
victorious
successe
of
Warre
,
but
the
other
of
it self
is
natively
honourable
,
and
from
thence
springs
a
Fountain
of
reputation
,
though
the
event
prove
not
so
Fortunate
.
I
know
well
that
all
who
promise
to
be
Protectors
of
their
Allies
,
are
not
ever
their
Liberators
in
their
necessity
.
But
though
their
Allies
be
Vanquished
,
and
those
who
strive
to
assist
them
,
yet
their
misfortune
is
honorable
,
and
that
reward
followes
their
memory
,
that
they
share
of
their
danger
onely
,
not
of
their
disgrace
.
And
though
the
Allies
and
their
assistants
have
a
joynt
defeat
,
their
miseries
may
deprive
them
of
their
lives
or
liberties
;
but
they
are
still
faithfull
friends
,
having
gained
a
generous
reputation
in
using
their
best
and
utmost
endeavours
.
If
then
I
preferre
my
March
to
Venice
,
before
my
voyage
to
Affrica
,
I
have
not
done
lesse
honorable
;
for
if
I
should
have
been
invaded
by
mine
Enemies
,
of
whom
should
I
have
expected
succours
in
the
like
condition
?
Of
what
danger
might
this
resolution
have
proved
?
If
I
had
forsaken
the
Venetians
,
and
exposed
to
the
fury
of
the
Turks
,
those
who
are
a
people
that
adore
the
same
God
with
us
;
And
at
the
feet
of
his
Altars
might
powre
out
innocent
imprecations
against
us
for
our
refusall
;
What
might
my
subjects
think
if
I
should
not
compassionate
their
Condition
?
Might
not
they
object
that
if
the
interest
of
Religion
did
not
oblige
me
to
my
duty
,
that
they
might
shake
off
theirs
out
of
the
same
respect
?
It
might
be
that
some
of
our
Provinces
possessed
with
Rebellion
,
might
take
example
from
my selfe
,
and
neglect
and
forsake
me
as
I
might
my
Allies
.
Perhaps
my
design
of
Conquest
of
other
Countries
might
prove
the
occasion
of
losing
mine
own
Royall
Inheritance
,
and
the
abandoning
my
Allies
in
their
extremities
,
and
a
dishonourable
violation
of
the
lawes
of
Nations
,
might
raise
a
provocation
in
all
neighbour
Princes
against
my
person
;
And
(
my
absence
removing
their
fears
)
might
perswade
them
to
invade
a
part
of
(
if
not
all
)
my
Kingdom
.
For
when
Kings
do
leavy
Armies
,
and
intend
to
wage
War
,
they
alwaies
frame
a
pretence
and
reason
for
their
martiall
Comportments
,
in
which
design
common
Policy
never
faileth
,
and
where
envy
is
the
Counsellor
,
infinite
malicious
pretences
are
never
wanting
.
This
rightly
considered
,
a
sage
prevision
finds
it
better
to
commit
a
hundred
things
unprofitable
,
then
to
perpetrate
one
act
injurious
and
offensive
to
an
Equall
.
And
't
is
true
,
the
removall
of
an
injurious
pretence
from
a
Prince
,
might
occasion
the
diversion
of
an
Army
,
which
might
have
been
leavied
against
those
who
had
not
kept
Faith
with
their
Allies
.
All
the
great
revolutions
which
have
arrived
in
Kingdoms
and
Empires
,
have
had
but
petty
and
small
Commencements
.
And
uncertain
Policy
hath
no
such
grounded
rules
as
to
assure
any
security
;
For
when
she
hath
laboured
most
,
and
promised
to
warrant
an
estate
from
a
puissant
enemie
,
and
that
nothing
without
,
or
within
,
should
trouble
or
shake
the
foundations
of
a
Kingdom
;
wee
finde
from
what
little
sparks
mighty
flames
have
thriven
.
Perhaps
the
love
of
a
woman
,
or
a
subject
of
a
mean
quality
made
a
favourite
,
or
some
sharpe
resentment
,
sometimes
a
misprision
or
mistake
hath
set
division
amongst
the
Nobles
;
that
dissention
hath
generated
hatred
and
envy
,
that
envy
hath
introduced
revolt
,
these
revolts
leavied
Armes
,
and
made
Warre
,
and
that
Warre
destroyed
the
Kingdom
.
That
is
,
then
,
true
Policy
,
and
infallible
,
when
all
things
are
foreseen
,
that
need
Prevention
.
But
to
speak
clearly
,
such
an
impossibility
can
never
arrive
,
and
the
profoundest
Polititian
cannot
prevent
the
Contingency
of
strange
Events
.
In
observation
then
to
what
hath
been
presupposed
,
I
have
judged
it
necessary
to
wave
my
Voyage
into
Barbary
,
and
to
march
towards
Venice
:
The
undertaking
of
this
latter
enterprise
presents
no
greater
inconvenience
then
a
deferring
of
our
design
for
Affrick
for
some
farther
time
:
and
the
entertaining
of
this
occasion
may
happily
secure
my
own
Dominions
from
a
Civill
Warre
,
or
forraign
invasion
.
You
see
then
that
Generosity
,
Justice
to
my
promise
,
and
Policy
hath
obliged
me
to
this
election
.
And
as
for
Renown
and
Glory
which
perswadeth
the
most
impetuous
passion
,
and
is
a
most
Soveraign
Mistris
with
all
great
Princes
,
see
how
she
yeilds
,
and
gives
way
to
my
rationall
choice
;
Consenting
that
although
I
took
up
armes
with
a
design
of
Conquest
,
shee
suffers
,
or
rather
inspires
my
resolution
,
to
relieve
and
succour
an
oppressed
People
.
Honour
(
my
Menesais
)
is
not
onely
the
Mistresse
of
vertuous
Men
;
But
hath
likewise
a
particular
priviledge
to
convert
all
things
to
their
advantage
,
who
serve
her
.
Courage
without
Armes
is
utterly
unserviceable
,
liberality
without
Riches
cannot
be
distinguished
well
from
avarice
;
And
all
the
vertues
in
their
particular
Consistencies
have
their
singular
objects
to
manifest
their
effects
in
those
who
are
habituated
with
them
:
But
true
glory
secures
it self
sufficient
in
all
conditions
.
She
is
in
an
equall
valua●ion
,
whether
●n
the
Throne
or
in
a
Prison
;
her
Triumphs
and
her
sufferings
do
both
serve
to
her
renown
,
wheresoever
she
is
sought
or
found
,
she
is
lovely
and
honourable
.
And
we
must
not
imagine
that
onely
Conquerors
possesse
her
,
and
that
Protectors
have
not
their
partage
.
The
Romans
,
who
are
possessors
alone
of
true
renown
,
and
which
they
distributed
with
so
much
equitie
to
all
that
truly
merited
,
bestowed
no
lesse
honour
to
him
who
saved
the
life
of
one
Citizen
,
then
to
him
who
tooke
off
the
head
of
an
irreconcileable
Enemy
:
Let
us
not
fear
then
after
so
noble
an
example
,
but
that
we
may
find
as
great
honour
in
saving
the
Christians
,
as
in
the
destroying
the
Barbarians
,
and
that
the
action
which
we
have
undertaken
is
not
lesse
glorious
,
then
that
which
wee
have
deferred
.
The
titles
of
Conquerors
prove
not
alwaies
so
pleasant
and
plausible
as
Princes
may
expect
;
For
in
the
judgement
of
the
people
,
the
Conquerors
,
though
never
so
moderate
,
are
accounted
usurpers
.
Besides
that
title
is
not
to
be
obtained
but
with
the
subjugation
of
an
intire
Kingdome
,
which
is
attended
with
the
difficulties
of
destroying
Thrones
,
taking
Scepters
,
giving
Crownes
,
besides
the
Souldiers
courage
,
and
the
peoples
submission
;
The
Historians
penns
must
with
acclamations
and
descriptions
declare
the
Conquerors
merit
to
the
World.
But
as
for
him
whose
designes
are
to
be
a
Protector
of
his
Allies
,
he
hath
the
Reines
in
his
own
power
,
he
dependeth
on
his
own
will
,
to
attain
his
undoubted
renown
.
He
who
is
stiled
a
Conqueror
,
perhaps
may
acquire
the
Epithets
of
hardy
,
valiant
,
and
fortunate
;
But
he
who
hath
the
name
of
a
protector
,
enjoyes
not
onely
these
former
qualities
,
but
these
are
added
that
he
is
just
,
faithfull
to
his
Allies
,
noble
and
generous
.
Now
if
the
difficulty
of
undertaking
giveth
addition
to
glory
,
in
any
enterprise
;
Then
certainly
the
Contribution
of
reliefe
in
so
eminent
danger
cannot
but
be
an
act
of
most
transcendent
honour
.
At
present
we
onely
intend
Preservation
to
the
Venetians
,
and
to
encounter
with
a
mighty
Army
of
Turks
,
and
we
may
possibly
get
this
advantage
,
having
first
subdued
our
own
ambition
to
vanquish
this
insolent
Enemy
,
or
at
least
be
able
to
impede
the
designes
of
his
new
Conquest
.
The
honour
which
we
shall
gain
,
will
be
so
clear
and
pure
,
as
not
to
appear
corrupted
with
the
least
suspition
of
self
interest
before
the
Peoples
eyes
.
If
we
shall
not
render
the
Turks
Prisoners
,
we
shall
be
happy
in
preserving
our
Allies
from
being
their
slaves
;
If
we
cannot
beautifie
the
sacred
Altars
,
we
shall
repute
our selves
blest
if
we
can
defend
them
from
the
Turkish
fury
;
and
equally
please
our
ambition
,
and
be
fully
satisfied
,
though
we
be
not
Conquerors
in
Africa
,
to
be
Protectors
in
Europe
of
the
innocency
and
vertue
of
our
Allies
and
our
Religion
.
These
are
honours
to
which
we
may
lawfully
pretend
;
men
in
this
noble
endeavour
are
bound
to
acknowledge
to
us
the
means
of
their
Preservation
:
Fathers
will
have
their
Children
,
and
husbands
their
Wives
protected
in
their
Innocency
and
Modesty
;
our
memory
and
fame
will
grow
up
with
the
little
infants
,
who
by
this
deliverance
,
will
be
taught
to
continue
the
honour
of
their
liberator
to
posterity
:
and
by
a
discharge
from
such
evills
still
prove
firmer
Christians
and
more
faithfully
hate
the
sinnes
and
errrors
of
Mahomet
.
As
for
Conquerors
they
gain
glory
,
but
never
without
effusion
of
much
innocent
blood
,
their
Charriots
of
Triumph
are
a
tended
and
thronged
with
those
who
are
more
miserable
,
then
criminous
;
but
in
this
design
our
Souldiers
draw
no
bloud
,
but
from
the
veines
of
Infidells
,
and
from
those
who
are
the
Christians
Enemies
;
and
as
for
our
honour
in
this
action
,
it
is
as
equally
without
spot
as
Competition
.
The
joyfull
songs
of
innocent
Mirth
shall
not
be
interrupted
with
the
mixtures
of
sighes
and
tears
;
in
our
addresses
of
succour
our
princely
compassion
shall
occasion
publick
joyes
,
and
our
endeavours
break
the
Forces
of
those
,
who
are
violators
of
their
Faith
,
and
oppressors
of
the
Christian
People
.
Of
all
Warrs
the
defensive
is
most
just
and
glorious
;
And
then
chieflly
where
the
successes
is
happy
.
That
right
which
permits
of
a
repulsion
of
force
by
force
,
is
as
antient
as
the
foundation
of
the
World
;
Nature
her selfe
inspires
it
,
the
Lawes
permit
it
,
the
Casuists
dispute
it
,
but
in
conclusion
,
the
best
Divines
authorize
it
,
and
that
Maxime
is
infallible
,
that
what
is
just
,
is
honourable
.
How
great
a
reputation
must
it
prove
then
to
subdue
those
mighty
Armies
which
are
prepared
to
fight
,
and
vaunt
of
being
victorious
?
The
Turks
have
gathered
innumerable
Forces
to
this
purpose
,
laid
their
design
,
advanced
their
march
,
with
an
infallible
expectation
,
that
they
cannot
fail
in
their
enterprise
:
But
if
they
prove
to
be
subdued
and
disappointed
,
their
retreat
must
be
with
great
shame
and
Confusion
.
▪
T
is
true
,
the
Events
of
Warre
are
very
uncertain
,
and
therefore
shame
ought
not
alwaies
pursue
the
Conquered
;
Yet
it
is
ever
more
notorious
and
signall
upon
the
invaders
,
when
they
are
subdued
then
when
the
innocent
Defenders
are
overcome
.
A
strenuous
defence
though
at
last
overpowred
,
is
as
honorable
as
those
who
subdue
,
and
we
find
sometimes
a
place
surrendred
with
as
much
reputation
to
those
who
have
yeilded
as
to
those
who
have
gained
it
,
and
after
a
long
siedge
reduced
vigilant
and
active
Souldiers
.
Oh
(
Menesais
)
we
finde
true
glory
in
this
Warr
,
(
with
what
ever
eye
we
behold
the
design
)
The
cause
is
just
,
the
Enemy
so
mighty
,
that
though
we
fail
to
vanquish
,
yet
we
cannot
fail
of
reputation
;
our
endeavours
(
if
we
have
the
defeat
)
will
take
away
all
shame
and
dishonour
,
how
then
shall
I
desert
these
powerfull
reasons
and
considerations
,
which
so
mightily
perswade
me
?
If
Iustice
alone
commanded
me
,
I
ought
to
undertake
it
for
her
sake
;
For
Kings
owe
that
duty
to
all
the
World
,
as
well
as
to
their
own
subjects
.
Generosity
is
another
promoter
of
this
action
in
my
Soul
,
which
if
I
should
not
observe
,
I
deserved
not
the
name
and
title
of
a
Prince
.
If
I
incline
to
Policy
or
secret
Counsells
of
my
perswaders
;
and
if
I
submit
to
that
inspiration
which
so
inflameth
mine
own
mind
,
the
Beams
of
honour
lead
me
to
this
reliefe
,
which
no
Princes
could
refuse
but
with
an
ill
reflection
to
the
royall
Dignity
:
Justice
,
Generosity
,
Policy
,
and
Renown
,
being
the
four
wheeles
which
carry
my
resolution
;
Seeing
the
first
commands
,
the
second
encourageth
,
the
third
Counselleth
,
and
the
fourth
inflameth
;
we
cannot
but
submit
to
their
united
operations
,
believing
we
cannot
fail
,
guided
by
their
Conduct
and
Counsells
.
These
are
those
Princely
attendants
which
have
honoured
the
Train
of
great
Princes
.
Iustice
cannot
erre
,
Generosity
cannot
be
dishonoured
,
nor
Policy
indiscreet
,
and
as
for
Glory
,
her
brightness
leadeth
and
carrieth
those
splendent
lights
,
which
facilitate
the
way
to
all
noblenesse
:
She
is
a
bright
Torch
that
illuminateth
the
actions
of
Princes
,
she
hateth
vice
,
&
makes
her
flve
,
the
vertues
are
her
followers
,
and
all
her
Companions
Noble
.
These
attend
her
in
peace
and
Warre
.
We
are
now
in
our
March
to
Venice
;
and
doubt
not
but
to
find
her
there
;
all
other
Beams
grow
dark
,
and
are
shadowed
,
when
we
are
obscure
in
the
Chambers
of
death
;
Iustice
can
bring
us
but
to
our
Graves
,
Generosity
serves
us
no
longer
then
whilst
we
live
,
Policy
then
leaves
us
,
and
addresseth
to
our
successour
,
Soveraignty
maketh
choice
to
place
a
Scepter
in
other
hands
,
the
Crown
is
placed
on
another
head
,
Majesty
is
then
buried
in
ashes
,
and
lieth
in
her
Tombe
;
But
Glory
and
renown
flourisheth
on
the
hearse
,
deriving
fome
to
posterity
,
and
so
spreading
over
all
the
World
:
She
recompenseth
with
usury
the
pains
of
former
cares
,
and
those
who
have
sought
her
earnestly
in
the
shortnesse
of
their
dayes
,
she
perpetuates
their
memory
to
all
ages
:
Let
us
follow
then
this
glorious
starre
which
directs
our
course
now
,
not
to
Barbary
but
to
Venice
,
where
we
shall
be
certainly
honoured
with
the
brightnesse
of
true
glory
and
renown
,
whatever
our
successes
prove
.
The
Censure
.
THe
example
of
noble
EMANUEL
(
this
illustrious
Hero
)
may
guide
the
resolutions
of
all
Princes
and
Monarchs
who
aspire
to
sublime
immortality
.
This
action
of
his
was
more
glorious
then
his
Throne
,
and
more
precious
then
the
golden
Scepter
which
he
bore
:
The
Diademes
of
Imperiall
Crownes
are
not
so
sparkling
as
the
Rayes
of
this
illustrious
action
:
The
Purple
,
and
magnificent
garment
Princes
wear
,
represent
not
perfect
Majesty
without
their
inclinations
to
imitate
so
great
a
Prince
,
who
hath
appeared
in
this
not
far
short
of
Alexander
or
Caesar
.
The
high
reputation
of
Conquerors
exceedeth
not
the
generosity
of
an
equitable
and
moderate
Prince
,
who
is
as
glorious
in
the
relief
of
his
Allies
,
as
if
mounted
on
the
chair
of
the
highest
Triumphs
.
And
sometimes
to
refuse
such
glorious
offers
doth
not
rellish
lesse
of
true
renown
,
then
eminently
to
Triumph
.
To
preserve
ones
friends
,
is
no
lesse
prudence
and
honour
then
to
destroy
the
Enemy
.
And
this
is
a
Maxime
as
sage
as
sound
.
Rome
(
which
this
Prince
observed
)
gave
freely
a
Crown
to
him
who
preserved
one
Roman
Citizen
,
and
erected
many
Statues
,
and
honoured
him
with
many
thousand
Trophies
.
To
him
(
I
say
)
who
honourably
preserved
the
Republick
,
and
defended
his
Allies
by
his
generous
actions
,
in
preferring
them
above
his
proper
Interest
.
This
is
advice
fit
for
Princes
,
because
those
who
seem
to
be
above
the
Laws
,
easily
beleeve
they
are
not
obliged
by
any
;
and
it
is
good
to
intimate
to
them
(
from
time
to
time
)
that
they
are
men
as
well
as
Princes
;
and
if
their
condition
do
exempt
them
from
what
they
prescribe
to
others
.
No●hing
can
free
them
from
the
rule
of
humanitie
and
natural
equity
:
And
we
read
that
the
Emperors
of
Rome
had
attendance
and
followers
,
whose
business
was
to
moderate
their
excess
of
pleasure
,
by
the
directions
of
Counsels
;
who
if
irritated
and
inflamed
with
provocation
,
yet
upon
second
notions
,
the
advice
prudently
digested
,
they
became
more
discreet
,
and
of
a
better
temper
.
Some
Princes
have
commanded
that
they
should
be
daily
remembred
with
that
saying
,
Souviene
toy
que
tu
es
mortel
,
least
they
should
forget
it
through
the
splendor
of
their
state
.
'T
is
true
,
Kings
are
to
be
discoursed
with
most
properly
in
soft
and
silken
termes
;
and
imperious
language
sounds
not
well
in
Soveraigns
ears
;
the
sweetness
of
perswasions
are
of
greater
force
then
boysterous
speeches
:
Yet
Thunder
and
Lightning
is
welcome
when
it
changeth
the
corrupted
air
.
In
curing
the
desperate
wounds
of
Princes
,
the
Chirurgeon
obscures
the
instrument
of
Iron
which
must
open
and
heal
,
gives
it
a
perfume
which
may
be
more
pleasant
,
sugars
and
clarifies
the
remedy
to
make
it
more
conducible
,
and
lesse
sharp
and
afflictive
to
the
Patient
.
When
Philosophers
study
Morality
they
finde
Virtue
inviron'd
with
Prickles
and
Thornes
,
scarce
to
be
saluted
without
danger
.
But
when
they
conduct
vertue
to
Court
,
or
would
lead
her
into
Princely
Palaces
,
she
is
adorned
with
all
variety
of
rich
accoutrements
to
make
her
more
lovely
in
the
eyes
of
Majesty
.
It
is
this
beauty
of
Virtue
that
inchanted
this
great
King
of
Portugall
to
preferre
Justum
before
Utile
,
and
the
preservation
of
his
Allies
and
friends
before
the
expectation
of
a
Conquest
.
And
for
my
own
part
were
I
to
follow
my
naturall
inclinations
,
I
should
fill
this
whole
Volumn
with
such
examples
as
this
.
But
the
variety
of
Flowers
is
the
beauty
of
a
Garden
,
and
the
diversity
of
matter
is
the
delectation
of
books
;
we
shall
pass
now
then
from
this
most
generous
Prince
the
King
of
Portugall
to
the
Duke
of
Anjou
,
(
afterwards
Henry
the
third
)
of
France
,
who
disgusted
with
Charles
the
ninth
,
his
brother
,
had
the
Crown
of
Poland
procured
for
him
by
those
who
designed
his
elongation
and
farther
remove
from
Court.
The
subtill
wayes
,
and
secrets
of
Princes
are
not
revealed
to
all
,
and
ordinary
capacities
could
not
pierce
at
the
effects
of
so
strange
an
action
,
that
he
should
elevate
his
brother
to
that
honour
on
whom
he
had
such
constant
jealousies
;
see
here
his
reasons
and
arguments
to
the
Bishop
of
Valence
in
dispatching
him
to
Poland
.
CHARLES
THE
NINTH
,
To
JOHN
DE
MONLUC
,
Bishop
of
VALENCE
.
EXperience
bringeth
the
most
perfect
instruction
,
and
Philosophy
and
Policy
(
though
they
may
vaunt
and
pretend
)
yet
cannot
lead
to
the
right
paths
of
Prudence
without
her
conduct
,
by
whose
means
they
are
chiefly
beaten
,
and
made
plain
:
All
things
which
have
appearance
of
good
,
are
not
therefore
eligible
;
but
present
affairs
are
first
to
be
considered
with
circumstances
which
are
already
passed
.
Prudence
is
the
companion
of
Experience
;
and
an
excellent
guide
under
whose
conduct
we
cannot
easily
erre
:
But
many
who
pretend
to
possesse
that
great
virtue
(
if
really
examined
)
have
little
acquaintance
with
her
:
Self-opinion
being
ordinarily
the
greatest
cheat
in
the
world
.
Old
age
,
which
ought
to
have
her
as
an
inseparable
companion
,
walks
often
alone
,
and
hath
not
Prudence
for
her
familiar
friend
;
whereas
Youth
many
times
is
more
forcunate
in
her
society
:
It
is
not
therefore
long
life
which
is
solely
blessed
by
gaining
Experience
;
since
there
are
many
men
,
nay
even
Princes
,
whose
whole
lives
are
but
a
continued
dream
or
slumber
.
They
who
pourtray
Experience
ought
to
have
lived
longer
then
one
Age
,
seeing
that
all
Kings
and
men
in
their
longest
duration
continue
but
short
moments
of
time
.
The
years
change
,
and
seasons
have
their
alterations
,
but
Kings
(
surfeited
with
Peace
and
Luxury
)
let
time
pass
without
strictness
of
observation
,
to
their
office
;
and
in
an
indulgent
Reign
of
plenty
and
tranquillity
,
their
abundance
causeth
them
to
swell
with
Pride
and
Ease
,
that
they
will
hardly
be
examples
of
Justice
,
much
less
of
Mercy
.
Luxuriant
and
wanton
times
cause
Princes
like
iron
to
rust
for
want
of
use
;
but
when
an
unexpected
Enemy
appears
with
terror
,
or
a
Civill
Warre
breaks
forth
and
imbroyles
a
State
;
when
the
dissention
of
the
Grandees
endeavours
to
dissolve
the
ligaments
of
Government
,
and
secret
Machinations
are
discovered
to
produce
generall
confusions
;
then
Princes
are
forced
to
summon
up
their
best
abilities
,
and
having
mustered
all
faculties
to
their
service
,
they
are
then
unexpectedly
drawn
to
severall
varieties
,
and
strange
hazards
of
necessitous
undertakings
:
Sometimes
to
dissimulate
,
and
counterfeit
kindness
where
they
hate
most
,
and
(
on
other
occasions
)
to
shew
rigour
,
and
severity
towards
them
whom
they
most
love
,
and
honour
:
at
other
times
they
command
to
imprisonment
those
Ministers
and
Favourites
,
whose
company
they
chiefly
honoured
,
and
wish
nothing
more
then
their
liberty
.
Such
occurrences
are
the
familiar
attendances
of
Crowns
,
whereby
Kings
gain
experience
,
and
discern
the
transient
accidents
of
their
Reignes
(
which
obligeth
them
to
the
rules
of
Policy
and
Prudence
)
the
better
to
secure
their
Soveraignty
.
Histories
,
though
they
preserve
a
memory
,
and
treasure
up
the
Actions
of
Kings
,
yet
they
give
not
perfect
instruction
to
them
in
their
royall
offices
;
New
successes
intervene
in
severall
Raigns
,
which
daily
require
new
Counsells
and
fresh
designes
.
He
who
seekes
for
instruction
solely
in
books
,
must
not
think
to
have
his
expectation
satisfyed
by
examining
onely
the
Reignes
of
such
Princes
who
passe
their
times
meerly
in
peace
&
tranquillity
.
The
Reign
of
Tiberius
and
his
Ceurt
of
delicacies
,
may
teach
a
Prince
to
consume
Golden
time
in
airy
vanities
,
and
wanton
Luxury
.
But
the
Reign
of
Marcus
Aurelius
was
in
another
temper
,
where
ensignes
(
the
Emblems
of
honour
)
were
in
highest
request
.
The
history
of
a
soft
and
luxurious
Prince
,
like
a
bed
of
sand
to
the
pilot
,
is
very
dangerous
,
unlesse
the
example
be
avoided
:
But
the
lives
of
hardy
and
valiant
Princes
like
Anchors
if
well
fixed
,
may
preserve
a
Royall
Ship
from
Naufrage
;
the
errors
of
Princes
like
Rocks
in
the
Sea
are
to
be
observed
in
the
Charte
,
that
they
may
be
the
more
securely
avoided
:
But
(
above
all
these
Theories
&
contemplations
)
experience
is
the
chiefest
Mistresse
,
Vertue
consisteth
in
action
,
and
he
raigne●b
most
prosperously
,
who
by
the
observation
of
the
evills
past
,
and
the
judgement
of
those
that
are
present
,
doth
prevent
future
mischiefes
.
To
open
my
thoughts
(
Noble
Prelate
)
to
you
I
am
but
young
,
and
have
not
seen
more
then
a
Quinquennium
of
my
reign
;
I
dare
not
presume
to
brag
of
my
experience
,
yet
I
dare
to
say
,
I
have
seen
those
things
,
since
I
came
to
the
Crown
,
which
I
reserve
in
my
memory
,
and
which
make
me
doubt
whether
I
have
not
outlived
many
of
my
Ancestors
in
the
Kingly
science
.
Certainly
in
the
observation
of
what
hath
arrived
both
in
Court
and
Kingdom
(
though
I
am
but
a
young
Prince
,
and
of
the
age
of
twenty
three
,
yet
)
I
have
recorded
many
Marvellous
and
strange
occurrences
in
this
short
time
,
which
have
whetted
my
resolution
and
reason
to
a
deportment
of
more
vigorous
activity
in
this
dubious
conjuncture
of
mine
affairs
.
It
may
seem
strange
to
you
,
and
all
the
World
,
that
I
bestowed
a
Crown
on
one
I
have
held
in
Jealousie
,
and
great
suspition
,
who
for
his
person
was
a
Prince
,
my
Subject
and
my
Brother
.
And
(
it
may
be
)
you
will
tell
me
if
you
procure
Crowns
for
him
whom
you
suspect
,
what
rewards
will
you
bestow
on
those
who
are
faithfull
?
To
this
objection
Policy
makes
her
answer
,
hat
there
are
conjunctures
when
it
is
more
seasonable
to
prefer
then
punish
,
and
to
remove
an
Enemie
to
a
degree
of
eminent
honour
,
then
to
reward
and
recompence
a
Faithfull
friend
.
And
your
wisdom
teacheth
you
,
that
all
times
are
not
proper
for
the
same
service
.
The
merits
of
some
ought
to
be
in
the
Register
,
though
not
requited
at
present
;
and
the
dangers
of
others
designs
are
considerable
;
And
when
revenge
may
prove
perillous
,
as
well
as
ineffectuall
;
Fidelity
is
to
be
suborned
(
if
possible
)
to
prevent
more
terrible
inconveniencies
.
The
fairest
Flowers
serve
as
well
to
conceal
and
hide
the
Aspes
and
Serpents
,
as
to
beautifie
Chapplets
and
Crowns
of
Kings
,
and
Princes
are
not
obliged
so
much
to
regard
beauty
and
riches
,
as
the
hearts
of
those
whom
they
rule
and
command
.
Great
rewards
are
not
alwaies
the
testimony
of
love
,
but
often
the
effect
of
Policy
,
and
are
not
given
so
much
to
oblige
to
Respects
,
as
to
appease
and
remove
from
wrath
and
revenge
.
It
was
the
Troians
Counsell
(
though
not
received
)
Timeo
Dana●●
&
d●na
ferentes
;
let
not
then
my
liberality
astonish
your
apprehension
,
which
I
shall
endeavour
to
satisfie
by
many
arguments
.
First
I
must
let
you
know
that
all
our
Enemies
are
not
to
be
treated
after
the
same
manner
:
Some
may
be
contemned
,
others
ought
to
be
feared
,
some
actions
of
Princes
ought
to
be
publisht
to
all
the
World
,
and
others
,
to
be
concealed
from
all
eyes
.
Soveraign
Government
admits
as
well
ingeniously
to
dissimulate
,
as
severely
to
punish
.
The
Duke
of
Anjou
is
not
one
of
the
first
ranke
,
but
a
person
more
considerable
then
to
be
despised
;
he
and
his
party
is
rather
more
formidable
,
and
therefore
the
more
to
be
suspected
.
If
my
private
suspition
of
him
were
publickly
declared
to
the
World
,
my
condition
might
grow
more
dangerous
,
and
he
more
puissant
;
because
,
he
is
so
near
to
me
in
bloud
as
a
brother
,
and
so
related
as
visible
heir
of
the
Crown
.
Great
wounds
in
the
more
noble
parts
endanger
the
body
,
and
dissentions
in
the
Royall
Family
are
commonly
more
destructive
and
fa●all
to
the
who●e
line
:
Such
discords
would
be
invitations
to
the
Subjects
▪
to
become
more
insolent
to
repair
their
private
Fortunes
with
the
ruines
of
Royalty
.
If
Henry
and
Charles
were
divided
,
some
would
conceive
in
serving
Charles
they
were
subservient
to
Henry
,
and
others
following
Henry
,
may
be
ambitious
and
violent
to
banish
and
abandon
Charles
.
Fraternall
discords
as
they
are
not
honorable
,
so
they
are
not
safe
.
Charles
was
too
near
in
bloud
for
my
severity
,
being
my
brother
,
who
though
naturally
ambitious
,
might
excite
the
subjects
to
sedition
,
they
having
too
much
proclivity
to
that
crime
;
And
an
execution
of
punishment
on
one
so
near
,
as
it
might
provoke
a
popular
compassion
,
so
it
might
probably
occasion
a
generall
revolt
which
might
shake
the
Foundations
of
my
Monarchy
.
The
Lawes
of
Heaven
as
well
as
those
of
Policy
conspire
in
the
concealment
of
secrecies
,
least
that
what
is
at
present
scarce
an
Embryo
in
the
thought
(
breaking
out
into
action
by
a
discovery
)
prove
an
unruly
Monster
in
the
birth
.
What
remaines
then
,
but
that
I
should
remove
him
to
a
mighty
distance
,
whom
I
could
not
punish
?
and
gratifie
him
with
a
Forraign
Crown
,
the
better
to
secure
mine
own
,
and
to
use
dissimulation
where
I
durst
not
presume
to
chastise
.
But
you
may
object
,
I
understand
you
speak
of
Enemies
and
punishments
sutable
to
their
crimes
;
If
so
,
I
know
not
whom
you
intend
,
nor
what
is
his
crime
whom
you
suspected
;
you
may
farther
reply
,
that
I
ought
to
consider
the
Duke
of
Anjou
is
the
Mounsieur
of
France
,
that
he
is
your
Brother
,
that
he
is
young
,
that
his
inclinations
are
sweet
and
amiable
,
that
he
is
Generall
of
your
Armies
,
that
he
hath
a
great
influence
on
the
Queen
your
Mother
;
And
that
with
his
affability
he
insinuateth
,
and
gaineth
the
hearts
of
all
,
who
addresse
unto
him
.
These
circumstances
do
justly
engender
,
and
beget
great
suspitions
,
and
therefore
rather
may
merit
a
Guard
to
secure
him
,
then
a
Crown
to
oblige
his
haughty
affections
.
To
this
I
reply
,
't
is
true
,
the
Duke
of
Anjou
is
my
Brother
,
and
so
in
that
relation
near
the
Throne
;
Ambition
may
more
easily
transport
him
to
aspire
to
the
Crown
,
and
though
his
heart
were
so
moderate
and
just
,
as
not
to
suggest
to
him
such
ambitious
inspirations
;
yet
doubtlesse
he
hath
a
company
of
Counsellors
and
flatterers
about
him
,
too
apt
to
inflame
him
in
such
desires
,
perswading
with
adulation
,
that
if
he
were
King
,
his
Raign
would
restore
the
Golden
Age
;
objecting
,
that
this
of
mine
was
composed
of
nothing
but
Iron
.
Those
who
are
born
near
to
Crowns
,
are
●oo
prone
to
think
themselves
abused
by
nature
,
who
gave
them
not
a
more
early
birth
to
inherit
the
possession
of
Soveraignty
;
to
which
high
pitch
if
they
cannot
ascend
,
they
commonly
fall
desperate
and
melancholy
.
Alliance
and
blood
are
naturall
bonds
strong
enough
to
oblige
private
interest
,
but
when
their
relations
are
near
a
Crown
,
those
bonds
usually
grow
feeble
:
And
in
the
combate
of
ambition
and
nature
,
the
more
equitable
party
d●th
not
alwaies
prevaile
:
You
tell
me
,
the
Duke
of
Anjou
is
young
;
that
is
the
age
when
passion
is
most
predominant
,
and
most
easie
to
be
perswaded
by
those
who
gild
over
their
own
ambitions
and
self
Interest
,
by
pretending
to
aim
at
nothing
but
his
good
and
advantage
,
who
neverthelesse
though
they
should
make
him
King
,
would
bee
afterwards
as
active
in
deposing
him
,
if
it
were
in
their
power
.
Youth
is
an
age
where
the
acquisitions
of
ill
habits
are
more
facile
then
the
infusions
of
good
&
vertuous
dispositions
;
Yet
it
is
a
vigorous
time
which
rendereth
great
advantage
to
those
whom
it
serveth
:
It
is
the
chiefest
season
to
gaine
hearts
,
and
to
delude
with
hopes
and
lovelinesse
.
If
my
Brother
were
elder
,
I
should
lesse
suspect
his
power
,
and
more
confide
in
his
affections
.
As
for
his
Inclination
which
may
be
sweet
and
amiable
:
Those
qualities
doe
render
him
more
formidable
:
With
these
shapes
of
affability
and
courtship
,
he
will
more
easily
suborn
my
subjects
,
and
reign
more
puissantly
in
their
hearts
by
his
complacencie
then
by
his
gifts
,
his
solicitations
,
or
expense
of
treasure
.
The
fiercenesse
of
my
humor
,
and
the
sweetnesse
of
his
comportment
will
cause
those
to
love
him
who
fear
me
,
and
gladly
to
forsake
so
severe
a
Generall
,
to
follow
,
and
obey
so
complacent
,
and
courteous
a
Commander
;
and
if
there
be
occasion
,
I
am
not
to
doubt
of
their
resolution
to
a
Revolt
,
when
they
are
possessed
with
some
expectation
,
and
hopes
of
him
,
as
a
fit
Successor
,
and
are
so
presently
inchanted
with
his
extream
civilities
.
As
for
that
other
quality
,
his
being
Lieutenant
Generall
of
all
my
Armies
,
it
is
a
relation
and
capacity
wherein
I
may
not
least
suspect
him
:
For
then
when
he
was
but
sixteen
years
of
age
,
after
the
Battaile
of
St.
Denis
,
and
the
Constable
of
France
slain
,
he
was
chearfully
received
Generall
to
that
victorious
Army
,
with
the
unanimous
applause
of
the
greatest
officers
,
who
so
joyfully
submitting
to
him
as
their
chief
,
being
so
young
,
and
after
the
death
of
so
noble
and
experienced
a
Commander
,
made
me
presently
conclude
that
he
was
born
to
be
fortunate
,
and
great
:
And
since
his
advancement
to
bee
Generall
,
doe
you
not
see
how
delightfully
the
Souldiers
flock
and
follow
after
him
?
Doe
they
not
pursue
all
occasions
to
manifest
their
Valour
for
his
honour
,
and
daily
thirst
after
the
happy
hours
of
his
fortunate
conduct
?
He
hath
(
since
his
commands
)
not
onely
beaten
the
Protestants
,
made
the
Queen
of
Navar
to
fly
to
Rochell
,
and
forced
the
Cardinal
Cha●illon
to
escape
for
his
life
to
England
;
but
he
retreated
with
as
much
success
as
generosity
from
his
dangers
in
Poytiers
,
where
both
the
Armies
were
ready
to
quarter
in
the
same
place
,
and
to
fight
,
and
so
surprize
a
Victory
.
To
conclude
,
during
the
continuance
of
this
War
while
he
was
active
for
me
,
he
was
superactive
by
his
successes
for
himselfe
,
by
which
meanes
he
made
many
Creatures
for
his
owne
interest
of
●he
best
rank
of
all
my
Subjects
.
The
glorious
day
which
he
had
at
Bassack
,
where
he
made
an
eminent
Prince
his
Prisoner
,
his
successe
at
Anbeterre
and
Muridan
;
The
second
battaile
which
he
gained
,
whereby
he
reduced
many
places
in
Poitou
,
Saintogne
,
and
Angoulmois
;
and
those
other
noble
acquisitions
even
to
the
taking
of
Saint
John
de
Angelo
.
All
these
circumstances
have
perswaded
me
to
a
suspition
,
and
to
more
stricter
observations
of
his
waies
.
These
fortunate
events
might
inflame
his
expectations
to
sublime
thoughts
of
commanding
all
:
And
as
sometimes
the
strength
of
force
surmounts
,
and
is
prevalent
above
the
Lawes
of
Nature
,
and
the
rights
of
birth
,
his
thoughts
may
be
transported
beyond
those
of
a
subject
,
he
might
conceit
himself
to
have
as
good
a
Title
to
a
great
part
of
France
,
as
Alexander
had
to
Persia
when
he
commanded
there
with
his
Army
.
And
it
is
more
then
probable
,
his
ambition
will
hardly
admit
of
this
difference
,
that
the
Macedonians
,
who
affected
great
Alexanders
Conquests
,
were
his
subjects
:
But
the
French
who
had
compassed
these
illustious
Atchievements
in
the
service
of
their
Generall
,
were
not
his
but
my
subjects
whilst
I
lived
and
reigned
.
As
to
that
relation
,
wherein
you
tell
me
that
he
ruleth
the
Queen
my
Mother
as
he
pleaseth
;
To
that
I
shall
reply
,
t
is
true
,
the
Queen
my
Mother
hath
great
passion
for
my
Brother
,
and
it
may
be
she
is
so
indulgent
in
her
love
to
him
,
that
it
tendeth
much
to
my
prejudice
.
The
honour
and
respect
which
I
owe
to
her
,
(
being
her
Son
)
and
the
quality
of
her
Regency
of
France
which
she
so
bravely
performed
,
commands
me
,
that
I
dare
not
presume
to
examine
severely
that
Article
,
though
I
apprehend
(
sometimes
)
that
my
Mother
preferrs
my
younger
brother
to
more
degrees
of
affection
;
yet
I
am
to
be
pardoned
if
I
be
not
silent
in
that
point
,
nor
easily
raze
it
out
of
my
memory
.
You
know
when
the
Duke
of
Anjou
beseiged
St.
John
de
Angelo
,
he
met
with
more
difficulty
then
he
expected
,
and
the
affairs
were
so
managed
,
that
they
rather
threatned
disgrace
then
honour
.
But
the
Queen
my
Mother
fearing
(
in
this
occasion
)
least
this
action
should
reflect
with
a
disreputation
upon
my
brother
,
and
asperse
with
some
disadvantage
all
his
former
Victories
,
commanded
me
to
march
and
raise
the
Seidge
,
by
which
accident
I
became
liable
to
the
dishonour
of
that
unsuccesful
attempt
.
I
leave
you
then
to
judge
,
whether
I
may
more
rationally
confide
in
him
,
or
whether
I
ought
not
the
more
to
suspect
him
,
since
he
hath
of
his
party
not
only
the
greatest
of
the
Commanders
and
Captaines
,
but
even
a
Princesse
whose
honour
and
justice
are
so
equally
admired
.
But
(
as
I
said
)
I
must
not
scrue
up
this
string
too
high
,
nor
examine
this
point
too
rigorously
:
For
the
Queen
is
my
Mother
,
as
well
as
she
was
Regent
,
and
therefore
of
a
higher
degree
,
then
to
be
treated
as
an
ordinary
subject
;
And
whatsoever
arrives
,
I
shall
be
more
glorious
(
let
her
use
me
as
she
please
)
in
the
effects
of
any
of
her
designes
;
then
if
by
a
disrespective
preparation
I
should
presume
openly
to
oppose
her
.
But
there
is
a
midde
way
(
which
I
choose
to
walke
in
)
so
even
and
inoffensive
,
as
shall
give
her
no
pretence
to
complaine
,
and
yet
shall
remove
all
obstacles
which
can
deprive
me
of
her
affection
.
The
Courting
and
Carressing
of
the
people
,
if
free
(
possibly
)
from
secret
ambition
,
is
not
onely
tollerable
but
comendable
;
but
when
a
young
Prince
is
compliant
and
affable
,
and
studies
to
winne
and
please
,
those
endeavours
being
imployed
to
his
equals
,
and
inferiors
as
fellow
subjects
,
with
as
much
or
more
observation
,
then
to
his
Soveraigne
,
can
it
be
that
one
of
his
Condition
would
make
himself
so
much
a
slave
to
such
persons
,
but
upon
design
thereby
to
become
their
King
?
Certainly
if
this
were
not
his
aime
,
he
would
esteem
it
far
more
conducing
to
his
advantages
to
court
his
Soveraign
upon
whom
he
depends
;
Then
thus
to
fawn
upon
his
Inferiours
.
Liberality
,
on
such
anoccasion
is
but
a
Mercenary
vertue
;
her
giving
is
rather
a
sowing
in
expectation
of
an
Harvest
,
which
may
make
a
return
with
usury
:
And
it
is
these
hopes
which
makes
her
Prodigall
,
who
,
upon
another
score
,
would
have
given
nothing
.
In
the
consultation
then
of
all
these
considerations
that
the
Duke
of
Anjou
is
my
Brother
,
that
he
is
young
,
and
Generall
of
my
Armies
,
that
his
inclinations
are
affable
and
sweet
,
that
the
Queen
my
Mother
so
highly
favours
him
,
and
that
he
hath
no
other
businesse
but
to
gain
the
hearts
of
those
who
addresse
to
him
;
It
were
imprudence
not
to
be
jealous
of
him
:
Yet
all
these
reasons
and
conjectures
seem
weak
and
feeble
in
comparison
of
what
I
shall
farther
add
.
The
Queen
is
of
that
disposition
,
that
she
justifies
all
others
before
me
,
she
authoriseth
all
to
have
suspitions
on
me
;
She
discovers
the
most
concealed
secrets
of
my
trust
to
the
Duke
of
Anjou
,
and
them
of
his
faction
;
she
accuseth
and
convinceth
the
clearest
reasons
,
and
will
not
admit
of
truth
it self
to
oppose
her
pleasure
.
I
have
read
in
history
that
an
old
wise
Rustick
who
confined
his
ambition
within
the
Walls
and
Pallisadoes
of
his
Garden
,
received
a
Crown
from
Alexander
with
some
regrett
,
and
shew
of
Melancholly
:
And
some
Philosophers
have
not
thought
a
Crown
worthy
the
lifting
up
to
their
heads
:
But
I
never
yet
read
that
a
young
Prince
,
whose
inclinations
are
wholly
bent
to
Gallantry
,
and
to
pleasure
(
rather
then
towards
morality
)
would
receive
a
Crown
with
regret
or
discontent
.
When
one
presenteth
me
with
the
newes
of
a
Town
surrendred
,
or
a
battail
won
;
my
presents
were
usually
Chaines
of
Gold
to
those
who
bring
such
happy
tydings
:
And
yet
the
Duke
of
Anjou
hath
scarce
a
common
Civility
for
them
,
who
bring
him
the
assurance
and
tidings
of
a
Crown
and
Kingdom
;
Notwithstanding
that
he
is
ambitious
of
being
reputed
the
most
civill
and
obligeant
Prince
of
all
the
world
:
Nay
when
it
was
told
him
that
Sigismond
was
dead
,
and
consequently
that
he
might
aspire
and
pretend
to
the
Crown
of
Poland
,
he
discovered
more
tears
in
his
eyes
for
the
death
of
Sigismond
,
then
if
he
had
received
the
same
newes
of
me
:
what
variety
of
thoughts
then
may
not
hourly
suggest
to
me
strange
apprehensions
?
May
I
not
think
that
he
who
receives
such
a
Kingdom
with
regret
,
aimes
at
one
more
glorious
?
And
for
what
other
reason
can
it
be
,
that
the
Crown
of
Poland
should
be
inconsiderable
?
I
do
not
think
he
can
easily
compasse
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
his
friends
are
not
so
intelligent
,
as
to
abuse
Philip
the
second
to
serve
him
and
his
design
;
as
for
the
Crown
of
England
,
and
that
Illustrious
Queen
Elizabeth
,
that
Kingdome
is
as
equally
impossible
;
For
the
Queen
will
not
marry
but
dye
a
Virgin.
What
reason
can
there
be
then
alleaged
,
why
my
brother
should
refuse
to
be
a
King
,
unlesse
he
hoped
and
expects
my
death
,
which
might
prove
his
passage
to
a
more
glorious
Throne
?
And
allthough
I
discern
not
his
way
,
it
is
most
evident
,
his
design
is
laid
to
this
haughty
pitch
.
That
mighty
faction
which
I
have
formerly
mentioned
,
will
treat
and
agitate
profoundly
for
his
black
interest
and
criminall
expectations
.
His
name
is
great
,
being
of
the
Royall
Family
,
his
party
proportionable
to
their
great
occasions
:
He
watcheth
all
advantages
,
he
expects
the
fruits
of
his
dangerous
enterprise
,
and
may
plead
no
inclinations
of
his
own
,
but
my
subjects
aversion
to
serve
me
.
To
all
this
the
Duke
of
Anjou
presumes
he
is
assured
of
the
Queens
cordiall
wishes
,
and
his
extremity
of
hatred
to
the
Protestant
party
will
occasion
a
War
,
that
War
keep
up
his
interest
with
the
greatest
Officers
of
the
Army
,
and
Grandees
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
these
interests
still
increase
his
power
.
I
cannot
deny
but
those
of
whom
I
speak
in
their
Qualities
merit
not
a
Kingdom
,
but
though
Fortune
hath
not
given
it
them
,
their
ambition
thirsteth
after
it
,
who
(
without
doubt
)
better
deserve
exile
,
or
a
prison
,
if
it
were
seasonable
to
act
such
an
execution
.
But
as
his
power
cannot
be
shaken
without
ruining
the
Queen
,
and
endangering
the
peace
of
the
whole
Kingdome
;
I
must
not
undertake
what
is
impossible
,
knowing
that
my
Brother
hath
the
strongest
places
of
France
under
his
command
;
and
those
not
ordinarily
fortified
,
but
reinforced
with
the
affections
of
the
people
:
It
is
necessary
in
this
juncture
to
shew
him
a
fair
path
,
and
to
invite
him
with
the
temptation
of
a
Crown
,
to
remove
him
from
his
popular
Authority
;
and
so
to
weane
the
people
from
their
admiration
of
him
to
a
more
proper
object
.
In
this
condition
let
Henry
receive
the
Crown
of
Poland
,
and
confined
to
so
noble
an
Exile
,
act
his
royall
part
on
that
foundation
.
In
his
ascension
to
that
Throne
we
shall
better
establish
our
own
;
and
giving
him
Subjects
,
shall
place
guards
about
him
,
who
shall
assure
us
of
his
person
,
that
he
reigning
more
puissantly
in
Poland
,
we
may
reign
more
gloriously
in
France
,
and
with
more
tranquillity
.
There
is
(
moreover
)
this
advantage
in
this
design
,
that
though
I
arme
mine
enemie
,
yet
there
is
no
fear
that
his
weapons
can
reach
me
,
nor
trouble
my
safety
at
such
a
distance
.
His
Troopes
may
be
discovered
,
if
he
design
any
irruption
;
and
if
we
have
any
War
,
it
is
not
likely
to
be
on
the
Frontiers
of
our
Estates
.
Besides
,
this
Exile
is
so
remote
,
that
his
Creatures
(
left
behind
)
dare
not
presume
to
murmur
,
their
complaints
being
not
able
to
reach
their
Patron
,
or
(
at
least
)
he
not
near
enough
to
revenge
,
or
defend
their
discontents
.
Things
thus
examined
,
I
found
no
way
better
to
discharge
my self
of
this
so
near
a
danger
;
which
if
I
had
longer
deferred
,
the
wound
might
have
been
made
too
wide
for
any
cure
.
Publickly
to
oppose
by
force
those
whose
crime
is
secret
,
is
a
provocation
of
the
peoples
hatred
,
and
a
leavying
of
Forces
for
mine
enemies
:
So
to
act
for
them
who
would
destroy
me
,
or
my
Kingdome
,
and
to
commence
a
War
,
which
may
not
have
an
end
in
a
short
time
,
and
which
may
be
fatall
,
and
destructive
to
the
whole
,
as
well
as
ruin
to
my self
.
To
have
immured
this
young
Lion
in
a
place
where
his
fury
might
have
prevailed
with
popular
aid
,
had
been
a
design
too
dangerous
,
and
it
is
very
difficult
to
find
faithfull
guards
when
he
who
is
imprisoned
is
in
a
condition
to
be
proclaimed
and
declared
a
lawfull
King.
Such
a
Fire
as
cannot
be
extinguisht
,
is
better
to
be
dispersed
.
It
is
then
most
rationall
that
the
Duke
of
Anjou
be
made
King
of
Poland
,
that
I
may
be
my self
.
Surely
he
will
never
have
the
boldnesse
publickly
to
interpret
that
an
unkindnesse
which
deserveth
thanks
.
And
as
for
those
who
serve
him
,
they
dare
not
interpose
in
that
,
which
appears
so
advantageous
to
their
Protector
:
As
for
the
Queen
her self
,
who
is
more
subtile
and
prudent
then
not
to
dissemble
at
least
a
feigned
joy
,
for
that
addition
of
a
Crown
to
her
Sonne
,
though
it
may
inwardly
cause
some
reluctancie
and
griefe
.
What
can
then
oppose
a
design
so
judiciously
and
prudently
consulted
of
?
The
greatest
objections
(
pressed
with
severest
violence
)
must
needs
be
satisfied
in
the
elevation
of
this
young
Prince
to
his
Scepter
;
No
aggravations
can
seduce
the
People
,
but
that
this
honour
agreeth
with
his
qualities
,
though
never
so
noble
.
And
as
for
you
(
Illustrious
Prelate
)
consider
how
in
this
Act
the
Kingdome
is
delivered
from
a
secret
Usurper
;
your
King
is
preserved
from
a
dangerous
and
emulous
Rivall
and
brother
.
The
rootes
of
Rebellion
are
extirpated
,
peace
is
established
throughout
all
France
,
and
never
did
any
person
extract
a
more
illustrious
and
innocent
revenge
from
so
deep
an
injury
:
It
being
certain
,
that
this
is
the
first
time
that
revenge
was
satisfyed
by
the
Coronation
of
an
Enemy
.
The
Censure
.
AMbition
hath
her
Jealousies
as
well
as
love
,
and
the
one
is
no
l●sse
violent
then
the
other
.
Soveraign
power
is
so
delicate
and
tender
,
that
all
things
which
do
approach
near
it
,
occasion
inquietude
,
and
that
which
doth
but
touch
it
,
wounds
it
.
The
very
shadow
and
slight
imagination
accuseth
any
thing
as
culpable
,
which
apprehension
hardly
can
be
altered
or
appeased
.
So
deep
an
impression
,
and
so
profoundly
is
jealousie
ingraved
in
a
Crown
.
The
Greek
Poets
said
,
that
Kings
knew
no
kindred
;
to
signifie
that
bloud
and
Proximity
were
not
considerable
with
those
who
raigned
soveraignly
.
And
as
soon
as
Kings
are
seated
in
the
Throne
of
supream
Authority
(
as
if
in
that
degree
they
had
a
spirituall
addition
)
they
speedily
become
more
jealous
of
their
glory
.
The
more
nature
and
fortune
hath
obliged
them
;
the
more
ambition
disuniteth
and
raiseth
suspitions
in
their
thoughts
.
It
is
true
of
soveraignty
,
as
it
is
of
the
heart
of
man
,
where
all
wounds
are
mortall
.
When
Tiberius
came
to
the
Empire
,
Tacitus
tells
us
that
the
Senate
designed
to
oblige
their
new
Prince
,
by
conferring
a
glorious
title
of
honour
on
his
mother
Livia
,
and
stiling
her
Mater
Patriae
:
but
this
subtill
and
absolute
Polititian
could
not
endure
that
title
in
his
mother
,
but
answered
,
that
Honors
in
women
are
more
properly
to
be
moderated
then
augmented
;
And
(
as
that
famous
Historian
relates
)
that
title
procured
her
a
Guard
,
which
he
appointed
perpetually
to
attend
(
Augustus
being
dead
)
least
her
Grandure
should
lessen
and
diminish
his
;
And
if
Livia
caused
his
restlessnesse
,
what
perturbations
did
Agrippina
increase
;
the
great
acclamations
of
the
Souldiers
as
she
marched
by
the
River
of
Rhine
,
wounded
him
on
the
Banks
of
Tiber.
And
those
testimonies
of
affection
which
those
legions
bestowed
on
her
engendred
not
only
jealousie
,
but
hatred
in
his
heart
.
Now
if
this
cruell
passion
so
tormented
him
,
that
he
was
so
inraged
by
a
woman
,
what
might
not
she
have
endeavoured
to
eternize
the
glory
of
her
husband
?
he
feared
Germanicus
(
much
more
then
the
Barbars
)
he
suspected
him
too
near
to
him
in
Almany
,
&
that
he
was
not
far
enough
from
him
in
Asia
;
and
Piso
was
not
in
suspition
alone
as
to
cause
his
death
.
What
should
I
say
more
?
the
children
should
have
the
same
destiny
with
their
Parents
,
and
if
the
Priests
dared
to
pray
for
themselves
,
though
after
their
Emperor
,
Tiberius
would
take
exception
,
make
an
ill
interpretation
of
their
Devotions
,
and
quarrel
with
the
Pontifical
orders
.
Nay
this
Prince
was
so
infinitely
jealous
of
his
Power
,
that
he
destroyed
himself
in
the
person
of
Seianus
:
he
could
not
endure
the
glory
of
any
others
,
though
after
their
Death
:
and
as
he
opposed
the
honours
tendred
to
his
mother
,
when
she
was
alive
,
he
frowned
at
her
funerall
Pompes
,
and
interrupted
the
kindnesse
and
profusion
of
the
Senate
when
she
was
dead
.
Let
us
not
then
be
astonish't
if
Charles
the
9th
grew
jealous
at
the
vertues
of
his
brother
,
being
a
passion
to
which
all
Princes
are
so
subject
,
and
who
have
as
many
examples
to
follow
as
Soveraigns
,
who
hardly
raign
and
rule
without
this
passion
,
which
is
so
common
amongst
Princes
,
that
Crownes
seem
tempered
as
well
with
Jealousie
as
Glory
.
Yet
there
is
no
rule
but
will
admit
of
some
exception
.
Policy
,
like
Janus
,
hath
two
faces
.
I
shall
now
therefore
present
you
with
the
example
of
a
King
,
whose
resentment
was
clean
contrary
to
CHARLES
the
Ninth
.
DON
RAMIR
,
King
of
Oviedo
,
was
so
far
from
suspition
,
that
he
associated
his
brother
in
the
Empire
,
caused
him
to
sit
with
him
in
the
Royall
Throne
,
cladde
him
in
royall
Purple
,
and
imparted
to
him
the
joynt
fruition
of
his
Crown
and
Scepter
;
an
Action
so
eminent
,
as
well
deserves
our
curiosity
to
discourse
the
Motives
.
We
have
heard
the
reasons
of
CHARLES
the
Ninth
,
who
could
not
endure
a
Rivall
,
or
an
equall
.
Let
us
new
attend
the
discourse
of
DON
RAMIR
,
who
would
not
sit
alone
in
the
Royall
Throne
without
the
Company
of
his
brother
.
And
after
examination
of
both
let
us
iudge
whose
reasons
were
most
efficacious
and
sound
.
DON
RAMIR
TO
THE
ESTATES
GENERALL
OF
HIS
KINGDOM
.
I
Doubt
not
but
most
Capacities
will
be
rather
apt
to
condemn
my
designe
and
intentions
of
the
Co-regency
of
my
brother
with
me
in
the
Throne
,
and
will
not
be
inclined
to
approve
this
unparallell'd
action
.
But
it
matters
not
,
Multitudes
and
tumults
are
not
fit
juries
to
censure
Kings
,
nor
proper
judges
to
sentence
and
condemn
their
pleasures
.
It
sufficeth
me
if
I
satisfie
men
more
rationall
,
and
the
more
eminent
persons
of
my
estate
,
and
thereby
convince
their
judgements
with
those
reasons
which
have
obliged
me
to
an
action
so
rare
,
as
to
communicate
and
make
a
partage
of
mine
authority
.
Those
who
dive
not
deeply
into
the
intentions
of
Heroick
persons
,
(
who
whilst
they
lived
,
were
so
famous
for
their
Atchievements
,
and
whose
Renown
is
descended
through
so
many
ages
to
us
)
may
have
their
eyes
dazelled
,
and
their
reason
startled
at
this
great
example
;
And
may
rashly
conclude
it
as
a
matter
against
all
rules
of
wisdom
,
to
endeavour
a
communion
in
Government
,
where
the
Kingdome
is
but
little
,
and
therefore
the
Crown
more
unfit
for
any
but
one
.
For
(
they
will
say
)
was
it
impossible
for
Caesar
and
Pompey
,
who
were
two
such
mighty
men
,
so
great
friends
,
so
linked
in
Allies
,
to
have
contrived
a
Co-regnation
?
And
doe
you
thinke
that
it
is
possible
to
be
effected
by
you
?
Those
(
I
say
)
who
were
so
incompatible
,
in
the
joynt
fruition
of
Soveraignty
,
that
each
one
would
rather
adventure
the
loss
of
every
drop
of
blood
then
to
be
singly
supreame
?
If
royall
authority
devided
were
for
the
assurance
or
advancement
of
any
good
,
or
(
to
speak
more
plainly
)
if
it
were
a
thing
that
were
possible
,
what
means
had
not
been
endeavoured
for
that
resolution
.
Now
as
Caesar
,
and
Pomp●y
,
rather
abhorred
then
approved
such
a
one
:
So
Alexander
the
Great
condemned
a
Rivall
in
supreme
Authority
before
those
noble
Heroes
.
And
if
such
persons
have
refused
,
who
dare
adventure
to
be
an
example
in
so
strange
,
and
unprincely
participation
of
Royalty
?
They
will
yet
press
further
)
Great
Alexander
was
peaceable
in
his
Kingdom
of
Macedonia
;
Darius
was
neither
his
neighbour
,
nor
his
enemy
;
yet
notwithstanding
to
gain
command
throughout
all
the
Universe
,
he
put
himself
into
a
condition
either
to
destroy
the
Persian
power
,
or
else
(
as
one
ambitious
of
more
illustrious
glory
)
to
fall
in
that
design
.
Thus
Antiquity
relates
and
venerates
united
Soveraigne
authority
;
so
true
it
is
that
a
divided
power
hath
ever
been
the
mother
of
disorders
and
misfortunes
.
Do
we
not
remember
(
will
some
object
)
that
the
Founders
of
Rome
were
Brothers
,
and
Twins
?
Yet
those
who
had
lain
together
in
one
womb
could
not
sit
quietly
together
in
one
Throne
;
and
nothing
could
satisfie
untill
the
blood
of
the
one
was
mingled
in
the
Morter
,
and
laid
in
the
Foundation
of
the
Walls
of
that
glorious
City
.
Silla
and
Marius
never
were
in
peace
,
nor
could
they
rest
while
their
power
was
equall
.
The
Triumvirat
,
a
composition
of
three
choicest
men
,
could
not
continue
long
.
And
Anthony
and
Lepidus
were
forced
to
surrender
to
the
fortune
of
Augustus
:
Marcus
Aurelius
(
with
all
his
Philosophy
and
Wisdome
)
found
it
an
unsupportable
burthen
to
bear
sail
with
the
Factions
of
Lucius
Verus
,
his
Colleague
in
the
Empire
.
Bassianus
Caracalla
was
voluntarily
a
Fratricide
(
to
reign
alone
)
in
the
person
of
Geta.
Balbinus
and
Pupienus
,
those
grave
,
and
sage
Princes
did
adventure
an
equal
perishing
,
aspiring
to
a
superiority
out
of
their
ambitious
spirits
.
Gallus
and
Volusianus
were
massacred
by
their
Souldiers
as
a
reward
of
their
ambitious
dissentions
.
Gallien●s
creating
Odena●e
his
Colleague
hastned
his
own
death
,
with
the
ruin
of
the
Empire
,
the
envie
of
Meonius
determining
his
glory
with
his
life
.
It
is
very
possible
that
Dioclesian
out
of
discontent
to
his
fellow
Consull
,
after
so
many
Victories
and
Triumphs
renounced
his
Empire
to
spend
the
rest
of
his
dayes
in
solitude
.
To
conclude
,
all
examples
of
this
kind
easily
demonstrate
,
that
the
admission
of
a
companion
in
the
Throne
,
is
neither
facile
nor
tollerable
.
These
arguments
may
be
objected
against
my
resolution
,
but
to
answer
;
Examples
doe
rather
illustrate
,
then
demonstrate
,
and
rather
perswade
then
convince
reason
.
Fortune
(
who
is
active
in
most
enterprises
)
causeth
sometimes
good
successes
to
spring
out
of
evill
counsels
,
and
ill
successes
oftentimes
to
be
the
events
of
good
designes
.
Wherefore
,
if
we
rightly
examine
whether
a
thing
be
good
or
ill
,
the
thing
it self
is
to
be
scanned
,
not
the
effects
which
follow
,
which
ordinarily
arrive
not
but
through
strange
causes
,
for
which
there
may
be
no
merit
for
accusation
.
Besides
,
the
apprehensions
of
Kings
,
Princes
,
and
great
persons
,
and
their
actions
differing
from
others
,
deserve
a
more
extraordinary
respect
.
They
are
not
alwaies
regulated
by
a
Law
,
or
necessitated
to
an
example
,
otherwise
they
must
forfeit
their
reason
,
and
their
authority
must
intirely
be
destroyed
.
If
the
Prince
of
Macedonia
had
failed
to
have
been
Master
of
the
Universe
,
his
design
had
been
interpreted
rash
,
and
he
too
ambitious
,
as
rather
aiming
to
make
himself
glorious
,
then
desiring
the
worlds
good
,
which
he
so
much
pretended
.
His
ambition
of
Renown
made
him
so
active
;
and
if
the
people
found
themselves
happy
under
his
domination
;
their
Fortunes
were
the
more
to
be
esteemed
,
meeting
with
a
Prince
of
such
grand
and
noble
inclinations
.
Yet
I
cannot
but
say
that
if
that
Illustrious
Conqueror
had
admitted
a
co-regence
to
som
eminent
Kingdomes
in
his
Soveraignty
,
he
might
better
have
preserved
some
virtues
,
which
he
lost
,
and
not
so
vainly
attempted
some
things
which
have
spotted
his
memory
and
reputation
.
That
stately
Castle
which
he
caused
so
rashly
to
be
burnt
at
Persepolis
;
Those
voluptuous
and
Asiatique
luxuries
which
vitiated
the
noble
Macedonians
;
the
death
of
Cli●us
and
Parmenion
,
and
some
such
other
ignoble
accidents
possibly
had
not
obscured
the
splendor
of
his
glorious
Reign
.
As
to
that
discourse
which
concerned
Caesar
and
Pompey
,
they
did
not
in
their
ambition
aim
at
what
was
better
,
but
what
was
greater
.
Their
envy
,
and
emulation
was
so
high
,
that
in
the
contestation
they
seemed
not
to
contend
so
much
for
the
Scepter
,
as
to
destroy
each
other
;
they
had
not
spirits
so
moderated
,
as
either
joyntly
,
or
successively
to
reign
and
govern
.
And
that
which
is
said
of
Caesar
and
Pompey
may
be
affirmed
of
Silla
and
Marius
their
Ancestors
;
for
Romulus
and
Remus
,
who
e'r
knows
how
they
were
born
,
fostered
,
and
educated
,
may
easily
judge
,
and
have
foreseen
the
ill
fortune
which
arrived
to
them
both
,
the
one
brother
dying
a
violent
death
,
and
the
other
living
a
hainous
Fratricide
:
For
Augustus
,
Antonius
,
and
Lepidus
,
seeing
that
they
were
joynt
Competitors
for
Soveraignty
,
they
could
not
but
be
harrassed
with
unquiet
perturbations
:
But
as
for
Marcus
Aurelius
,
and
Lucius
Verus
,
though
the
Government
was
interrupted
with
some
errors
in
their
Consulship
,
yet
it
became
not
so
unfortunate
under
those
two
,
as
under
many
other
Princes
.
It
is
then
neither
unjust
,
nor
impossible
to
admit
of
a
companion
,
or
assistant
in
Government
.
Marcus
Aurelius
did
nothing
without
reason
,
he
was
prudent
,
discreet
,
and
virtuous
,
to
such
a
degree
,
that
his
example
is
sufficient
to
justifie
my
resolution
.
Caracalla
,
Balbinus
,
Pupienus
,
and
others
,
though
they
have
differed
in
their
judgements
,
yet
have
not
contradicted
my
election
and
choice
.
And
as
for
Dioclesian
and
Maximianus
,
there
was
no
circumstance
in
their
reign
which
yeelds
not
some
assimulation
to
my
purpose
,
their
conversation
was
unanimous
,
they
fought
,
vanquished
,
conquered
,
and
triumphed
alike
:
And
if
any
difference
did
arise
,
it
was
so
prudently
smothered
,
as
not
to
stir
up
any
popular
trouble
,
or
ill
resentment
:
And
(
for
ought
we
know
)
when
Dioclesian
made
choice
of
a
private
life
,
it
was
rather
a
voluntarie
election
to
retirednesse
,
then
any
jealousie
of
Maximianus
,
or
any
injury
from
so
faithfull
a
Colleague
.
Besides
,
in
this
eminent
,
and
great
recession
from
the
Crown
,
Maximian
encountred
with
as
much
trouble
as
Dioclesian
could
with
content
and
quiet
.
That
which
is
said
of
these
Primitive
Emperors
,
may
be
said
of
others
who
ruled
in
Greece
since
Constantine
the
Great
transferred
the
Empire
:
Valentinian
associated
his
brother
Valens
,
and
afterwards
his
son
Gratian
,
who
in
a
succession
continued
the
same
Grace
with
Theodosius
,
and
he
to
his
children
Arcadius
and
Honorius
;
and
when
Honorius
raigned
in
chief
alone
,
he
nominated
Constantius
for
his
Colleague
in
the
Empire
.
Thus
Justinus
made
choice
of
Justinian
his
Nephew
,
and
many
others
of
Princely
quality
proposed
this
way
as
best
for
themselves
,
and
subjects
.
Yet
if
all
the
Reignes
of
these
severall
Princes
were
not
so
fortunate
,
the
evill
consequents
and
effects
are
not
to
reflect
on
my
design
.
The
same
misfortunes
have
attended
them
who
have
governed
Empires
,
solely
,
and
without
a
companion
,
as
it
appears
too
evidently
in
the
said
Reigns
of
Caligula
,
Nero
,
and
Domitian
,
and
many
others
who
have
been
as
wicked
as
great
.
But
as
I
said
before
,
it
is
not
by
illustration
or
examples
,
but
sence
of
reason
that
I
shall
support
my
undertakings
.
Did
I
rely
on
the
precedents
of
History
,
the
Greeks
can
plentifully
furnish
me
with
examples
both
great
and
illustrious
.
In
Sparta
,
where
Morality
and
Policy
seemed
to
have
their
birth
,
and
whose
rules
may
guide
all
others
;
the
command
was
there
legall
and
usuall
for
two
Kings
to
be
of
equall
power
.
But
because
examples
prove
nothing
,
let
us
listen
to
reason
which
most
justly
challengeth
obedience
,
and
is
the
chiefest
authority
to
govern
Princely
actions
:
And
now
let
us
see
whether
she
doth
not
counsel
me
to
place
my
brother
with
me
in
the
throne
,
which
rational
men
must
needs
confesse
an
act
of
greatest
Prudence
,
if
it
tend
to
the
repose
and
safety
of
my
people
.
To
know
this
truth
more
exactly
,
we
must
consider
,
that
Monarchy
is
obvious
to
many
dangerous
Concomitants
;
he
who
is
highest
in
power
,
is
not
alwaies
fittest
for
the
discharge
of
the
greatest
imployments
.
Kings
,
though
they
are
possessors
of
honour
,
they
are
not
alwaies
friends
to
virtue
,
and
often
share
in
vice
more
deeply
then
any
of
their
subjects
.
And
they
who
finde
themselves
ranked
in
that
high
condition
,
that
they
can
doe
what
they
will
,
(
it
is
to
be
feared
)
will
not
alwaies
doe
what
they
ought
.
The
first
motions
of
a
provoked
King
,
or
of
a
Prince
lesse
virtuous
ought
to
be
feared
,
as
much
as
lightning
.
His
rage
and
wrath
are
equally
terrible
;
he
no
sooner
hates
,
but
is
on
fire
with
indignation
;
he
is
no
sooner
displeased
,
but
speedily
punisheth
all
whom
he
suspecteth
to
displease
him
:
Innocency
cannot
stop
his
fury
,
his
executions
are
as
swift
as
his
thoughts
,
his
passion
is
sometimes
so
violent
,
that
it
runneth
headlong
into
a
precipitation
,
where
Reason
is
not
admitted
to
plead
,
nor
Justice
administred
,
but
Clemency
utterly
forgotten
.
'T
is
true
,
a
Kingdom
may
be
unfortunate
where
two
Princes
are
equally
vitious
,
but
if
the
one
have
inclinations
to
virtue
,
they
wil
prevent
the
errors
and
defaults
of
sociall
mistakes
:
But
it
is
rare
in
Nature
to
see
two
men
(
much
less
two
Princes
)
of
the
same
humours
and
tempers
,
yet
some
advantage
may
bee
extracted
out
of
the
diversity
of
their
vices
:
If
one
be
lazie
and
idle
,
it
may
restrain
the
choler
,
and
impatience
of
the
other
;
the
coldnesse
of
the
one
may
serve
to
correct
the
hot
and
passionate
humour
of
his
companion
.
And
hee
who
is
too
slow
may
equally
be
quickened
by
him
who
is
superactive
and
vigorous
:
And
why
should
not
that
noble
emulation
which
inliveneth
skilfull
Artists
,
and
hath
made
great
persons
Competitors
in
Virtues
,
cause
Kings
and
Princes
more
eminent
in
their
Office
and
Government
?
From
such
an
innocent
Contestation
may
arise
the
secure
result
of
peace
to
a
Kingdome
,
greater
Glory
to
the
State
,
abundant
plenty
and
happinesse
to
the
People
.
For
when
a
King
makes
use
of
his
Counsellors
,
which
may
be
sage
,
faithfull
and
wise
,
yet
they
are
of
no
other
use
to
him
then
books
are
to
private
subjects
,
he
consults
with
them
but
when
he
pleaseth
,
admits
no
conference
,
but
when
hee
calleth
,
believeth
as
he
liketh
,
and
acteth
nothing
but
what
agreeth
with
his
inclination
,
and
perhaps
no
part
of
that
which
hath
been
presented
in
advice
;
But
in
this
united
Government
,
affaires
are
not
so
transacted
.
Great
resolves
ought
to
be
at
least
in
the
Consultations
of
two
,
and
the
very
time
of
debate
may
contribute
some
more
exact
advantage
:
The
diversity
of
their
opinions
and
apprehensions
may
serve
to
produce
a
more
perfect
discussion
:
And
these
considerations
(
if
they
effect
not
a
happy
conclusion
)
they
may
at
least
prevent
a
precipitation
and
ruine
to
the
State
,
and
to
preserve
the
Kingdome
from
a
Forraign
invasion
,
or
from
the
combustion
and
broiles
of
Civil
War
,
which
are
not
easily
quieted
without
generall
destructions
.
Weigh
the
conveniencies
with
the
dangers
of
two
equall
in
Government
,
the
condition
will
be
more
secure
,
either
in
Peace
or
War
.
In
a
War
the
one
may
govern
with
Counsell
,
the
other
as
Generall
command
the
Army
:
The
one
in
the
Court
derive
Justice
to
the
People
,
the
other
in
the
Camp
order
Martiall
affaires
to
the
incouragement
of
the
Souldier
,
and
terror
of
the
Enemie
.
It
being
very
difficult
in
such
a
juncture
of
danger
to
preserve
the
Civill
part
from
acts
of
high
injustice
,
and
the
Martiall
from
a
deep
resentment
of
discontent
.
Seditions
and
Conspiracies
are
the
common
mothers
of
Civill
Warres
,
which
(
like
more
Venomous
and
Putredinous
Creatures
generated
farther
from
the
Sun
)
have
their
birth
,
and
are
begotten
in
the
absence
of
their
Kings
.
Where
,
if
the
Beams
of
authority
did
shine
,
the
Government
would
be
more
illustrious
,
and
secure
.
Doe
wee
not
see
both
in
martiall
and
civill
Government
,
both
in
the
Camp
and
Courts
of
justice
,
that
there
are
officers
and
Ministers
who
in
the
absence
of
the
chiefe
Commanders
and
Magistrate
,
are
invested
with
their
authority
?
and
why
may
it
not
be
as
just
and
reasonable
,
for
a
Prince
,
to
have
an
associate
on
the
Throne
?
not
inferior
to
him
,
but
his
equall
,
to
this
end
,
as
not
onely
to
advise
and
counsell
,
but
likewise
to
be
a
sharer
of
his
vast
imployments
,
and
so
thereby
contribute
an
equall
assistance
to
support
the
weight
of
the
Crown
and
Scepter
.
In
this
relation
inferiour
Persons
cannot
serve
but
feebly
,
in
respect
of
those
who
have
the
sacred
Character
.
If
you
will
say
,
subserviency
in
Authority
may
be
equally
usefull
;
I
answer
,
Delega●ion
of
power
is
potent
in
those
who
grant
it
,
but
more
feeble
and
weake
in
those
who
receive
it
:
Inferiour
creatures
(
subject
to
a
change
and
Princely
displeasure
)
have
not
that
Gallantry
and
Noblenesse
of
mind
,
as
those
who
have
the
high
and
Divine
marks
of
Soveraignty
imprinted
on
them
.
Generalls
,
and
great
officers
of
State
,
mind
more
their
private
interest
then
that
of
the
Crown
,
and
commonly
study
more
to
make
themselves
then
their
master
great
.
But
two
Princes
of
equall
interest
in
the
same
Crown
,
as
two
obedient
Sonns
in
one
mother
are
onely
divided
in
their
persons
,
but
not
in
their
desires
;
Their
Glory
is
the
same
,
their
Throne
,
their
Scepter
,
their
Crown
,
their
People
,
their
united
interest
:
And
consequently
in
this
Community
,
they
act
with
greater
order
,
and
proceed
with
greater
Prudence
,
and
enjoy
not
onely
those
preheminencies
which
Monarchy
is
said
to
have
above
other
Governments
,
but
even
those
also
which
seem
to
render
an
Aristocracy
advantagious
.
The
grand
Presence
of
Soveraignty
seemes
divided
,
but
the
Puissance
is
intire
;
They
are
as
two
great
lights
in
the
same
Orb
,
where
the
authority
is
equall
:
The
People
though
they
have
two
Princes
,
yet
they
pay
but
one
tribute
,
and
if
their
judgements
differ
,
the
Government
growes
more
secure
,
and
the
Princes
and
people
in
more
safety
by
their
dissenting
harmony
.
This
capacity
renders
a
Kingdome
more
immortall
,
and
admits
not
an
Interregnum
though
one
dye
:
Nor
those
Confusions
which
are
very
common
at
the
inopine
and
suddain
deaths
of
Princes
.
By
this
means
a
Civill
Warre
may
be
prevented
;
that
power
being
communicated
to
my
brother
,
which
was
derived
to
me
from
my
Unckle
,
wh●
might
study
an
usurpation
,
and
the
Commotions
of
the
Kingdom
,
if
I
had
not
imparted
this
Grace
and
Favour
to
him
.
And
(
if
I
mistake
nor
)
in
this
action
I
shall
gain
this
honour
,
that
I
shall
easily
be
supposed
able
to
overcome
all
other
Passions
after
my
having
been
victorious
over
ambition
,
which
is
so
naturall
to
princes
.
And
who
shall
suspect
me
covetous
after
my
having
admitted
my
brother
to
the
moyety
of
my
Kingdome
?
Nor
do
I
abandone
those
whom
God
hath
committed
to
my
charge
;
But
contrariwise
give
them
a
second
Protector
,
thereby
endeavouring
to
provide
the
more
for
their
safety
.
It
may
be
objected
that
I
am
not
so
discreet
,
parting
with
a
thing
so
puissant
and
pretious
as
a
Scepter
:
Yet
moderation
merits
Elogies
,
as
well
as
ambition
.
Humble
Virtues
are
as
commendable
as
aspiring
and
tumultuous
honour
,
and
to
raigne
in
peace
with
Justice
,
is
as
glorious
as
to
Conquer
triumphantly
in
Warre
.
It
is
fit
for
a
Prince
to
have
the
Theory
of
Violence
and
severity
,
but
not
to
practice
it
,
if
it
be
possible
.
In
this
condition
,
if
the
Moores
shall
invade
us
with
their
Forces
,
our
Armies
and
theirs
ready
to
joyne
,
the
Enemy
may
be
amazed
to
see
two
Crowned
heads
in
the
Front
,
and
body
of
the
Battalia
,
or
the
one
in
Counsell
as
the
other
in
the
Camp
,
and
so
conclude
a
Throne
thus
supported
,
is
with
more
difficulty
destroyed
and
subdued
.
The
Censure
.
DON
RAMIR
hath
used
his
strongest
arguments
for
the
pretences
of
his
Brothers
Co-regency
and
Coronation
,
but
whatever
this
Kings
self
perswasions
were
to
him
,
his
discourse
may
be
justly
censured
a
Paradox
;
And
a
wise
man
(
in
this
resolution
)
would
rather
have
been
o●t
of
his
Kingdome
then
of
his
Counsell
.
As
for
the
Kings
of
Sparta
which
he
proposeth
for
example
,
they
were
rather
the
chief
of
the
Senate
then
Soveraign
Princes
.
And
as
for
the
Lacedemonian
Ephori
,
who
condemned
one
of
their
Kings
to
dye
,
it
is
well
known
that
the
King
of
Lacedemon
was
but
a
painted
and
titular
,
not
an
absolute
King
;
And
as
for
DON
RAMIR
,
he
could
never
have
established
the
ill
custome
of
Sparta
in
the
Kingdom
of
Spain
,
he
might
have
so
concladed
if
he
had
been
a
Prince
,
as
high
in
resolution
as
birth
.
Kings
are
not
to
degenerate
by
liberality
to
Communicate
Soveraignty
,
and
thereby
to
disgrace
,
if
not
to
destroy
Royalty
it selfe
.
That
great
Prince
who
onely
aimed
in
all
his
Conquests
,
to
get
that
he
might
give
,
satisfying
himself
with
fresh
hopes
,
still
reserved
his
Crown
intire
.
The
beams
of
Soveraignty
are
no
longer
radient
then
in
the
presence
of
the
Sun
;
This
Magnanimous
Hero
(
ready
to
dye
)
kept
his
Crown
on
his
Pillow
,
and
being
moved
to
whom
he
would
commend
his
Scepter
,
he
answered
to
him
who
deserved
,
it
best
,
when
I
am
dead
.
And
altheagh
Arideus
his
Brother
was
in
the
head
of
his
Army
,
yet
at
the
point
of
death
he
would
not
name
his
Succcessor
,
to
preserve
his
puissant
Royalty
more
intire
,
to
the
last
moment
of
his
life
.
He
said
truly
on
another
occasion
,
Ephestion
was
another
Alexander
;
but
understood
thereby
that
Alexander
had
given
him
his
heart
,
not
his
crown
;
that
he
made
him
his
favourite
,
and
not
his
equall
.
That
great
Prince
,
who
wrote
to
Darius
that
the
whole
earth
ought
not
to
have
two
Masters
,
no
more
then
the
heavens
two
Suns
,
taught
the
world
another
resolution
then
what
Don
Ramir
practised
;
and
though
he
conquered
Tyre
,
yet
he
would
never
suffer
the
Royal
Robe
of
Purple
to
be
communicated
.
This
action
of
Ramir
is
(
as
Divines
say
)
more
admirable
then
imitable
:
for
Royalty
,
like
a
Mathema●ical
point
ought
to
be
indivisible
,
and
that
body
that
hath
more
then
one
head
,
ought
not
to
be
interpreted
any
other
then
a
monster
.
Philosophy
saith
,
omne
bonum
est
sui
diffusivum
;
but
Fortune
hath
another
Maxim
clean
contrary
.
The
first
speaks
of
intellectuall
goods
,
the
second
admits
not
,
nor
will
suffer
the
community
,
and
participation
of
Crowns
;
she
will
be
rather
offended
to
see
such
an
illustrious
condition
in
a
divident
,
and
cannot
endure
that
any
shall
be
admitted
to
her
glorious
favours
,
holding
them
too
pretious
to
be
rendred
divisible
and
common
.
Pluralities
of
Caesars
can
neither
be
good
for
Prince
nor
people
,
was
a
speech
which
the
Philosopher
Arius
used
to
Augustus
;
when
he
alluded
to
a
verse
of
Homer
,
then
when
after
the
death
of
Anthony
and
Cleopatra
this
Prince
disputed
with
himself
,
whether
it
were
better
to
put
the
young
Caesar
to
death
,
or
save
his
life
.
And
if
the
amity
of
private
persons
ought
to
go
no
higher
then
the
Altar
,
the
grace
and
favours
of
Princes
ought
to
go
no
higher
then
the
Throne
;
although
the
Church
sings
,
Ecce
quam
bonum
&
jucundum
fratres
habitare
in
unum
,
yet
she
intends
the
union
of
private
persons
,
and
not
of
Kings
in
their
high
degrees
;
of
brothers
who
dwell
in
a
house
together
,
and
not
of
them
who
sit
in
Thrones
:
Oh
how
pleasant
is
this
Feast
?
said
a
solitarie
churle
to
one
of
his
humour
,
who
did
answer
as
bitterly
,
Yes
,
if
thou
wert
not
alive
to
enjoy
it
:
That
which
this
hater
of
mankind
said
of
his
Table
,
may
be
rightly
said
of
Soveraignty
,
where
a
Prince
can
never
sit
at
ease
,
or
secure
but
when
he
sits
alone
.
God
made
man
after
his
own
Image
;
and
how
can
Kings
be
said
to
be
his
Image
,
but
in
taking
care
that
they
admit
not
any
to
resemble
them
.
Royalty
like
Rivers
,
if
divided
,
flow
and
fall
into
shallow
streames
,
which
either
quickly
freeze
,
or
are
speedily
dried
up
.
In
this
example
,
Don
Ramir
is
like
a
Rock
in
the
Sea
,
rather
to
be
avoyded
by
Princes
then
imitated
;
if
any
shall
be
so
weak
to
permit
their
reason
to
be
so
deluded
.
Monarchy
(
as
the
Greek
word
hath
the
signification
)
is
not
separable
,
and
the
Scripture
warranteth
,
that
no
one
can
well
serve
two
Masters
.
Having
now
concluded
of
one
too
excessive
in
his
bounty
,
let
us
treat
of
a
Prince
more
judicious
and
wise
;
who
though
he
graced
his
favourite
with
great
honours
,
and
liberall
dignities
,
yet
was
more
morally
and
divinely
prudent
.
JAMES
the
First
,
King
of
England
came
to
that
Crown
by
the
testament
and
death
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
those
,
who
knew
that
her
Majesty
had
put
to
death
the
Queen
of
Scots
,
his
Mother
,
designed
to
oblige
the
King
to
revenge
that
injury
,
by
punishing
those
who
were
the
Ministers
,
and
Counsellors
of
that
violent
and
sad
accident
,
and
so
to
revenge
the
blood
of
Mary
Queen
of
Scots
with
the
blood
of
those
Creatures
who
contrived
her
death
.
It
is
a
subject
so
delicate
and
tender
as
not
to
be
touched
or
decided
without
his
great
judgement
and
reason
,
whose
Kingly
examination
could
determine
so
weighty
a
difference
:
He
was
another
Solomon
,
and
exalted
Reason
and
Philosophy
with
him
to
his
Throne
.
portrait of King James
Kings
have
their
Periods
;
by
Dame
Natures
date
,
The
poore
man
dies
,
so
doth
the
Potentate
;
And
though
to
the
Worlds
eye
Kings
seeme
compleater
,
Their
standing
high
,
makes
but
their
fall
the
greater
.
Vaughn
〈◊〉
KING
JAMES
TO
THE
DVKE
OF
LENOX
.
IF
I
did
not
know
(
most
noble
,
and
faithfull
Cosen
)
that
he
,
who
in
the
Scriptures
is
called
the
God
of
vengeance
,
is
also
stiled
the
God
of
Mercy
;
It
might
prove
a
peece
of
great
difficulty
to
my
reason
what
to
resolve
in
this
tickle
point
,
and
whether
I
were
better
to
endeavour
a
generall
alteration
of
whatsoever
Queen
Elizabeth
setled
,
who
caused
my
Mother
to
be
put
to
death
;
or
to
countenance
and
maintain
those
glorious
actions
,
which
were
done
by
that
Virgin
Queen
,
who
made
me
King
of
England
.
For
as
Soveraignes
are
the
Images
of
Divinity
(
if
the
second
Attribute
corrects
not
the
severitie
of
the
first
)
I
were
obliged
certainly
in
duty
to
require
blood
for
blood
,
and
not
ascend
the
Throne
without
resolving
to
cause
those
to
ascend
a
Scaffold
,
and
there
to
dye
,
through
whose
violent
counsels
she
lost
her
head
,
from
whom
I
received
my
breath
.
But
as
vindicative
Justice
is
not
ever
necessary
,
let
us
examine
curiously
a
circumstance
which
so
equally
concerns
mine
own
glory
,
and
my
Kingdoms
happinesse
.
Let
us
consider
whether
I
had
better
to
punish
,
or
pardon
,
whether
the
works
of
Injuries
ought
to
harbour
in
Princes
breasts
;
or
whether
they
may
not
more
prudently
forget
,
then
chastise
them
.
It
is
not
(
I
protest
)
otherwise
,
but
as
often
as
the
Image
and
memory
of
the
Queen
my
Mother
is
represented
to
my
fancy
,
my
thoughts
are
afflicted
deeply
,
and
I
resent
strongly
,
that
no
Christian
,
nor
prophane
policy
can
permit
me
to
live
with
honour
,
and
without
immortall
infamy
,
if
I
cause
not
those
to
be
put
to
death
,
who
contrived
and
counselled
to
take
away
her
life
;
(
for
when
I
recollect
that
a
Soveraigne
Queen
,
the
Daughter
,
Sister
,
and
Wife
of
great
Kings
;
whose
Infancie
was
protected
under
the
Crown
of
Scotland
,
whose
riper
years
advanced
her
to
the
Crown
of
France
,
who
bore
Illustrious
Diadems
upon
her
head
,
whose
hand
swaied
two
glorious
Scepters
,
who
in
her
Widdowhood
saw
my self
her
Son
a
King
:
Consider
(
I
say
)
a
Princesse
,
attended
with
so
many
heaps
of
glory
,
after
she
was
constrained
to
fly
from
her
own
Kingdome
,
and
was
most
ingloriously
committed
to
prison
,
where
extreamity
forced
her
to
make
her
confinement
her
Asyle
;
where
(
after
the
languishing
of
twenty
years
)
receiving
no
air
but
through
some
windows
,
and
as
if
a
prison
had
been
weary
of
her
company
,
not
to
go
out
but
to
ascend
a
Scaffold
,
and
not
to
bee
discharged
of
her
sufferings
but
by
the
hand
of
an
Executioner
;
and
then
her
head
to
be
cut
off
ignominiously
,
which
had
borne
two
Royall
Crownes
,
the
representation
of
these
circumstances
are
so
terrible
,
that
they
obfuscate
and
trouble
my
reason
,
and
render
me
incapable
to
have
any
other
thoughts
but
what
are
surprized
with
sad
confusions
,
to
behold
such
a
dolefull
spectacle
,
which
possessed
all
my
apprehensions
with
terrour
and
Amazement
.
Yes
(
my
Lord
)
I
see
with
weeping
eyes
this
most
unfortunate
Queen
,
whose
hair●s
have
grown
white
rather
with
griefe
and
discontent
then
age
,
and
that
tears
furrowed
her
beauty
,
and
not
her
length
of
daies
:
How
funest
and
direfull
must
my
conceptions
be
,
looking
upon
her
prison
all
hanged
with
black
,
and
funerall
flames
lighting
her
to
the
Chambers
of
death
,
where
nothing
presented
any
beauty
or
constancy
but
her
Majesty
attended
with
Patience
,
and
the
Vertue
of
a
Divine
Soul.
The
eyes
of
all
the
Spectators
broake
up
,
as
fresh
Fountaines
,
over-swelling
with
tears
of
sorrow
;
her
very
Enemies
,
if
they
did
not
weep
,
yet
blusht
for
shame
,
or
waxt
pale
for
griefe
:
The
whole
World
felt
an
inundation
and
new
floud
of
grief
;
sorrow
,
and
sadnesse
possessed
all
who
considered
of
this
unfortunate
event
,
except
her self
encouraged
by
her
innocency
,
supported
by
her
Majestie
;
the
Executioner
himself
(
by
his
sad
countenance
and
trembling
hand
)
expressed
the
thoughts
of
his
heart
,
his
feares
to
strike
,
his
willingnesse
to
save
her
.
But
in
the
end
(
Maugre
all
this
universal
compassion
)
her
fair
head
fell
to
the
ground
,
her
scarlet
blood
trickled
from
her
veines
,
and
her
pulses
keeping
no
longer
time
,
that
beautifull
Creature
was
rendred
a
dead
Corpes
.
All
these
circumstances
pleade
aloud
in
my
breast
for
vengeance
,
and
remove
my
resolutions
utterly
from
the
thoughts
of
pardon
;
The
Queen
my
dear
Mother
had
a
soul
so
inured
with
afflictions
,
that
she
was
not
terrified
at
the
approach
of
death
,
nor
amazed
with
the
horrour
of
that
punishment
,
which
was
ready
to
surprize
her
with
so
strong
a
violence
,
but
even
in
that
Agonie
expressed
her
maternall
thoughts
and
care
of
me
,
her
generous
▪
kindnesse
was
such
to
me
,
that
her
bitter
afflictions
could
not
obstruct
her
tender
affections
to
her
Son.
No
,
not
when
she
was
ascending
her
infamous
Scaffold
,
it
becomes
me
then
not
to
forget
her
ascending
to
my
Throne
.
Griefe
did
not
seize
upon
her
reason
,
though
Death
upon
her
Body
,
and
it
is
fit
then
that
joy
should
not
now
give
a
chock
to
mine
;
and
though
we
could
not
hinder
her
death
,
wee
cannot
do
lesse
then
punish
those
that
caused
it
.
In
all
these
recollections
,
I
cannot
make
any
reparation
to
her
,
her
recovery
being
impossible
;
nor
to
my self
,
by
the
revolving
over
of
those
occurrencies
,
but
cause
new
additions
of
griefe
and
sorrow
,
which
are
most
naturall
and
proper
for
the
passions
of
a
Sonne
:
It
is
neither
wisedom
nor
Religion
to
be
too
violent
in
any
extreamity
.
To
proceed
then
to
a
more
exact
examination
;
the
Royall
and
Prudent
Queen
Elizabeth
may
incurre
a
censure
in
the
World
as
lesse
politique
and
wise
,
who
permitted
her self
to
be
perswaded
to
so
horrible
an
action
:
And
as
for
this
example
,
it
is
of
too
dangerous
a
Nature
for
Princely
qualities
to
imitate
;
It
is
certain
that
the
persons
of
Kings
and
Queens
,
like
Temples
and
Altars
,
are
more
sacred
,
and
all
care
is
to
be
used
that
they
be
not
demolished
,
no
nor
rudely
touched
;
and
a
resolution
to
summon
such
to
judgement
agrees
not
with
Royall
persons
,
nor
justice
and
reason
.
The
Lawes
,
which
(
without
doubt
)
search
out
Rules
for
the
order
of
all
things
,
and
admit
no
crime
to
passe
without
impunity
,
yet
never
found
out
nor
ordered
any
Castigation
or
punishment
for
Royall
persons
.
The
Lawes
bear
a
respect
to
t●eir
Masters
,
and
Legisla●ors
in
all
Nations
,
and
they
are
not
to
submit
to
their
Severity
;
and
although
they
command
the
rest
of
all
the
whole
universe
,
yet
(
in
their
sence
in
this
matter
)
they
proclaim
to
all
the
World
,
that
their
being
and
dependency
is
of
Kings
,
and
that
Soveraignes
are
not
subordinate
and
dependant
to
them
.
It
belongs
to
Princes
to
punish
the
Crimes
of
their
People
,
and
to
none
but
God
to
punish
the
Crimes
of
Prin●es
.
The
Queen
then
though
Noble
,
and
in
other
things
a
most
excellent
Princesse
,
was
Enormious
and
irregular
in
these
proceedings
,
in
which
she
forbore
not
to
spill
the
blood
of
one
of
equall
quality
with
her self
,
that
cannot
but
perpetuate
to
her
memory
a
black
reputation
,
and
the
example
is
so
exceedingly
strange
,
that
it
findeth
no
president
in
any
Antiquity
.
In
effect
,
if
Kings
are
to
submit
to
ordinary
justice
,
the
Majesty
of
Thrones
is
dissolved
,
when
they
are
forced
to
the
Scaffold
,
their
Scepters
are
prophaned
,
and
Monarchy
growes
transformed
into
Anarchy
,
and
if
such
a
Rigorous
progresse
be
admitted
,
the
foundations
of
Royallty
will
be
everted
,
Princes
will
be
robbed
of
the
respects
and
duty
of
their
people
,
and
they
deprived
of
their
protection
and
be
confounded
;
This
would
Eclips
the
splendor
of
the
most
imperiall
Crownes
,
and
destroy
and
magnificence
of
the
most
secured
Thrones
,
Scepters
,
and
Robes
of
Royallty
be
contemptible
,
and
venerable
Majesty
be
in
no
value
or
estimation
,
the
sacred
Character
(
which
distinguisheth
Crownes
)
would
be
defaced
,
and
Kings
would
not
only
cease
to
retain
their
Royall
Dignity
,
but
surcease
to
be
the
Image
of
God.
After
all
these
considerations
let
us
examine
whether
it
be
consistant
with
my
renown
to
receive
the
Crown
of
England
,
and
to
make
use
of
that
Soveraign
power
to
revenge
these
particular
injuries
:
And
whether
that
hand
which
gave
me
the
Crowne
ought
not
to
be
respected
in
the
person
of
her
cruell
Counsellors
,
who
transported
her
to
cause
the
Queen
of
Scots
to
dye
.
Those
who
judiciously
consider
affairs
without
partiality
,
and
preoccupation
,
can
judge
,
that
Revenge
onely
belongeth
to
God
,
and
that
the
Acts
of
justice
,
not
of
vengeance
belongs
to
Kings
.
Such
judgements
conclude
that
Princes
can
reward
or
punish
,
and
referre
the
vindicative
part
to
God
himself
,
for
Revenge
(
in
what
shape
soever
it
appears
,
)
doth
not
ordinarily
spri●g
or
proceed
,
but
from
the
motion
of
a
violent
passion
,
when
reason
is
in
troubles
and
deprived
of
liberty
;
Fury
is
a
companion
of
Revenge
,
and
throws
down
immoderate
bounds
,
and
limits
;
hatred
exasperateth
fury
,
and
sets
revenge
in
such
an
addresse
as
this
,
effects
not
only
extream
injustice
,
but
likewise
most
horrid
cruelties
It
is
most
j●st
then
to
transfer
the
revenge
of
injuries
to
God
himself
,
who
(
free
from
passion
)
can
punish
without
hat●ed
or
fury
.
If
the
case
be
so
with
all
men
in
generall
,
how
prone
may
Princes
prove
to
outrages
?
their
passions
do
not
like
greater
bodies
turne
with
slower
motions
,
but
are
as
swift
and
terrible
as
lightning
;
they
whose
power
is
greater
,
their
displeasure
is
too
apt
to
grow
more
dangerous
.
yet
(
my
Lord
)
perhaps
you
will
tell
me
this
discourse
is
rather
a
Morall
then
a
Politicall
argument
.
To
that
I
answer
,
that
with
virtuous
Princes
,
these
two
things
,
justice
and
mercy
ought
to
be
inseparable
,
and
as
twins
to
their
mothers
breasts
,
they
are
to
be
equally
admitted
to
Kings
Councells
,
where
they
may
propose
or
dispute
,
but
never
directly
oppose
each
other
:
principally
when
the
Matter
is
important
.
T
is
true
,
Tyrants
call
but
one
of
these
to
their
resolute
deliberations
,
but
a
Christian
Prince
must
have
the
company
of
both
in
the
dispensation
of
all
their
Royall
Offices
;
be
not
you
amazed
then
if
I
admit
her
who
is
more
Sage
and
wise
to
speak
first
,
before
we
admit
the
other
,
who
,
as
we
account
,
is
more
bold
and
hardy
,
and
if
on
this
subject
I
appeal
to
her
,
whose
assistance
I
judge
necessary
to
oppose
the
other
:
It
is
true
,
the
noise
of
the
second
(
who
is
more
loud
)
is
more
commonly
heard
,
but
the
advise
of
both
is
best
,
and
more
conformable
to
Christian
Government
;
But
seeing
there
is
no
matter
which
according
to
the
fancy
of
the
Artists
may
not
be
discoloured
,
and
so
the
Complection
altered
,
what
appearance
(
will
some
one
say
)
presented
it self
to
impress
a
resolution
in
the
Kings
of
France
and
Spain
to
revenge
the
death
of
Mary
Steward
Queen
of
Scots
,
and
can
you
who
are
a
Son
do
lesse
?
what
security
can
you
fancy
your selfe
to
affie
in
those
who
were
in
the
Counsells
,
and
who
drew
up
the
processe
,
and
made
themselves
Peeres
to
a
Soveraign
Queen
,
and
then
to
pronounce
a
sentence
of
death
against
her
?
The
names
of
Thomas
Bromley
Lord
Chancellor
,
of
William
Burleigh
Lord
Treasurer
,
of
Edward
Earle
of
Oxford
Lord
Chamberlaine
,
of
George
Earle
of
Salisbury
Lord
Marshall
of
England
,
of
Ambrose
Earle
of
Warwick
Master
of
the
Ordnance
,
of
Henry
Earle
of
Derby
,
of
George
Earle
of
Cumberland
,
of
Edward
Earle
of
Rutland
,
of
Henry
Earl
of
Pembrook
,
of
Henry
Earle
of
Lincolne
,
and
those
others
,
these
names
(
I
say
)
do
present
not
onely
horrour
to
those
who
then
effectively
condemned
the
Dowager
of
France
and
Queen
of
Scots
to
death
;
but
do
derive
the
same
to
all
those
who
shall
beare
those
titles
,
with
a
black
stain
of
in
justice
and
dishonour
.
Think
you
that
those
who
have
been
so
severe
and
rigorous
to
the
Mother
,
can
ever
be
reduced
to
be
loyall
and
obedient
to
her
Son
?
at
least
,
doe
you
believe
that
you
can
ever
confide
in
them
,
or
they
in
you
,
seeing
that
they
have
been
so
cruel
to
a
Princess
,
&
caused
her
imprisonment
twenty
years
,
who
in
all
right
,
ought
not
to
have
been
under
their
command
?
were
they
not
over
bold
to
lay
their
hands
on
my
most
dear
Mother
,
when
they
considered
that
I
her
Son
was
lawfull
successour
to
that
Crown
?
how
might
I
give
credit
to
their
words
or
counsells
,
but
rather
expect
their
designes
to
ruine
my self
,
my
Queen
and
Children
,
who
had
been
so
barbarous
to
root
up
that
Royall
stock
which
bare
me
?
may
not
I
rather
be
jealous
that
those
who
had
provided
an
Executioner
for
the
Mother
,
would
have
found
out
a
Regicide
for
me
?
and
upon
this
juncto
of
Reasons
,
might
not
they
fear
my
resolutions
,
thus
in
raged
to
exterminate
them
and
their
posterities
?
see
(
my
Lord
Duke
)
those
reasons
which
oblige
me
to
decry
and
destroy
what
ever
Qu.
Eliz.
and
her
party
did
,
in
causing
the
death
of
my
Royal
Mother
:
from
these
arguments
I
can
hardly
resolve
to
maintain
and
countenance
Qu.
Elizabeths
actions
,
though
she
discovered
her
willingnesse
to
my
Succession
,
to
make
me
King
of
England
.
O
(
my
Lord
)
there
is
yet
a
secret
within
my
soul
which
makes
me
conclude
that
it
seems
just
that
I
should
revenge
the
cruelty
of
these
Barbarous
Polititians
,
which
motion
if
I
did
not
restraine
with
more
piety
and
greater
prudence
;
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Eight
,
should
not
be
more
full
of
terrour
and
confusion
,
then
that
of
James
the
First
,
and
England
thereby
see
and
feele
more
strange
alterations
then
ever
it
had
endured
before
.
In
this
Resolution
the
Tombe
of
the
Queen
my
Mother
should
bee
covered
with
the
spoyls
of
her
,
and
my
cruell
Enemies
;
and
revenge
should
be
so
full
of
blood
as
capable
to
inspire
terrour
into
all
,
who
should
be
spectators
of
that
action
.
This
might
be
a
means
more
securely
to
preserve
the
heads
of
all
Kings
from
the
conspiracy
of
such
violent
,
and
evill
Counsellors
.
Though
this
policy
(
at
first
notion
)
might
seem
prevalent
,
●nd
most
forcible
to
perswade
my
resolution
,
yet
other
successes
have
administred
cause
and
reasons
for
other
determinations
.
Seeing
that
very
hand
which
signed
the
Warrant
for
my
honoured
Mothers
death
,
signed
the
Declaration
which
caused
me
to
be
proclaimed
King
of
England
.
And
as
to
this
particular
,
I
am
as
well
bound
to
acknowledge
and
reward
so
high
a
favour
,
as
to
revenge
so
high
an
injury
.
I
am
not
ignorant
how
that
in
this
solemn
action
,
that
Queen
gave
me
no
more
then
what
was
mine
own
by
a
just
inheritance
,
and
succession
;
and
that
by
her
Royall
Testament
she
did
no
more
then
confirm
what
was
declared
to
me
by
King
Henry
the
eight
;
yet
if
this
Princess
had
pleased
,
shee
might
have
declared
that
which
might
not
have
proved
so
advantagious
to
my
expectations
;
shee
might
have
objected
,
that
my
dear
Mother
the
Queen
had
not
been
of
the
Religion
imbraced
in
England
,
that
though
she
were
a
Queen
,
yet
she
was
a
Stranger
:
And
as
for
my self
,
that
I
was
the
Son
of
her
whom
she
had
caused
to
be
destroyed
:
She
might
have
caused
her
Father
King
Henry
his
Will
to
be
cancelled
&
annulled
in
Parliament
,
she
might
have
made
another
,
and
so
have
made
a
Favourite
,
or
(
if
she
had
pleased
)
her
people
her
Heir
:
These
difficulties
might
have
obstructed
my
ascent
,
and
passage
to
the
Crown
.
Besides
,
in
this
Act
,
if
she
did
not
repair
,
and
render
satisfaction
for
her
cruel
error
,
yet
she
manifested
to
all
the
world
her
resentment
and
detestation
of
what
she
had
done
,
by
recompencing
her
evill
for
good
;
and
that
having
been
circumvented
by
persons
as
unjust
as
wicked
,
she
could
elect
,
or
follow
better
counsels
;
and
if
her
jealousie
and
malice
had
so
far
transported
her
,
as
to
cause
her
to
put
my
Royall
Mother
to
death
,
it
was
not
through
those
passions
,
that
she
caused
me
her
Sonne
to
be
crowned
.
The
ill
humour
of
malice
is
not
easily
purged
,
nor
quickly
abandoned
,
it
usually
reacheth
not
onely
the
person
hated
,
but
all
coneomitants
and
relations
near
.
Children
and
Kindred
grow
odious
where
a
Parent
is
in
detestation
,
and
dislike
;
this
infection
reacheth
often
to
those
who
are
of
a
name
;
and
(
perhaps
)
stops
not
,
but
groweth
epidemical
,
and
produceth
odium
to
a
Nation
.
In
the
effects
of
this
Queens
proceedings
I
find
other
operations
,
the
Queen
expresseth
no
malice
to
my
person
,
but
rather
on
the
contrary
,
studies
my
honour
,
and
endeavours
my
Coronation
:
And
from
hence
I
may
most
rationally
conclude
,
that
some
secret
maxim
,
and
policy
of
State
put
a
resolution
to
that
savage
action
;
and
consequently
if
any
duty
binds
me
to
forget
her
memory
who
caused
my
Mother
to
dye
,
or
being
the
Son
of
so
great
a
Queen
;
yet
in
all
the
rules
of
gratitude
and
prudence
,
I
am
bound
to
honour
and
respect
her
Noblenesse
and
great
favours
to
me
,
whom
she
adopted
her
Son
,
and
Successor
to
her
Throne
.
But
(
may
some
one
object
)
will
it
not
be
enough
that
you
eternize
not
her
memory
by
prejudicial
manifestoes
to
her
honour
and
reputation
,
that
you
destroy
not
her
Tomb
,
and
that
you
permit
her
Ashes
to
sleep
quietly
in
repose
,
but
that
you
must
continue
your
Royall
Authority
in
the
hands
of
those
Ministers
which
were
her
creatures
,
and
let
them
stil
enjoy
those
high
offices
wherein
they
exercised
such
unheard
of
inhumanity
,
and
in
persons
,
who
made
no
scruple
to
put
his
Mother
to
death
,
who
was
heir
aparent
to
the
Crown
,
and
could
not
fail
(
if
he
survived
)
to
be
their
soveraign
?
I
confesse
(
my
Lord
)
this
reason
is
very
strong
and
sound
,
and
the
answer
that
I
shall
make
is
no
lesse
.
I
told
you
before
she
acknowledged
me
to
be
her
heir
,
and
adopted
me
her
Son
,
so
that
if
I
should
have
revenged
her
actions
with
severity
,
I
should
most
imprudently
have
presumed
to
have
censured
the
errors
and
deviations
of
my
greatest
benefactor
too
bitterly
,
and
like
impious
children
,
not
onely
have
hated
the
vices
,
but
the
person
of
so
great
a
Queen
:
But
good
Children
,
though
they
may
hate
unjust
proceedings
of
their
Parents
,
are
not
onely
to
forbear
to
punish
,
but
are
obliged
to
cover
and
conceal
their
errours
and
infirmities
;
To
distinguish
perfectly
betwixt
the
crimes
and
the
offendors
,
who
(
though
never
so
Culpable
)
yet
they
can
hold
them
worthy
of
honour
and
admiration
.
We
may
weep
then
bitterly
for
the
death
of
the
Queen
my
Mother
,
and
yet
not
proceed
to
an
accusation
,
or
be
severe
to
Queen
Elizabeth
,
since
the
one
was
my
Mother
by
Nature
and
blood
,
&
the
other
made
me
a
Son
by
her
election
when
she
lived
,
and
her
Testament
(
when
she
dyed
)
left
me
a
Crown
.
Adoption
(
in
all
ages
)
hath
been
received
as
an
action
not
to
be
violated
,
but
with
great
injustice
,
and
venerable
history
(
in
her
antiquity
)
accompanies
truth
with
her
examples
,
and
boldly
tells
us
,
that
we
owe
an
equall
respect
to
those
who
have
adopted
,
as
really
as
to
those
who
have
given
birth
unto
their
Children
.
Adoption
hath
conveyed
Crownes
and
Empires
often
to
those
who
have
beene
received
and
acknowledged
by
all
the
World
in
their
Thrones
and
Soveraignty
:
and
't
is
just
to
imagine
that
the
choicest
respect
is
ever
due
to
the
bounty
of
the
Adopter
.
Parents
who
give
us
our
Nativity
,
do
not
alwaies
leave
us
an
inheritance
,
which
perhaps
fortune
or
ill
events
have
deprived
from
them
;
but
those
who
in
their
Election
freely
transferre
their
estates
to
us
,
their
gift
,
as
it
is
most
admirable
for
its
merit
,
so
it
ought
to
be
more
noble
in
acceptance
,
and
consequently
their
voluntary
choice
may
seem
(
if
possible
)
to
oblige
us
more
,
then
our
Naturall
Parents
.
When
first
we
come
into
the
World
,
our
Parents
cannot
but
incline
with
tender
affection
unto
us
;
the
cause
of
that
passionate
and
tender
quality
is
a
secret
and
mystery
concealed
in
our
bloud
,
and
riseth
from
the
inclinations
of
Nature
,
and
yet
that
amity
(
how
strong
soever
)
seemes
not
to
differ
much
from
the
instinct
of
brutes
,
which
naturally
forceth
their
love
and
care
towards
their
young
ones
.
But
in
Adoption
,
there
is
another
operation
,
there
is
an
affection
and
choice
,
and
that
springs
not
rudely
from
sence
,
but
from
the
strength
of
reasons
,
where
the
Agent
strictly
examines
the
object
,
before
it
fall
in
love
with
it
,
and
dotes
not
with
fancy
,
but
with
wisdome
,
before
it
orders
gifts
or
setleth
possessions
.
In
effect
I
am
very
certain
,
if
Queen
Elizabeth
had
not
believed
that
my
Soul
had
been
more
inclined
to
generosity
then
revenge
,
she
would
not
have
commended
her
Soveraignty
and
Crown
to
me
,
she
would
not
have
acquitted
all
her
favorites
,
and
remitted
her
Scepter
to
my
hands
:
there
would
not
have
been
wanting
persons
,
neither
within
nor
without
the
Kingdome
,
capable
enough
to
support
or
defend
a
Scepter
.
We
may
resolve
then
,
if
she
have
called
me
to
the
Throne
,
it
was
because
she
judged
me
worthy
,
because
she
believed
it
appertained
to
me
,
because
she
hoped
I
would
render
respect
to
her
memory
,
and
never
violate
or
break
those
bonds
of
love
;
and
having
regard
to
the
Noblenesse
of
her
favours
towards
me
,
I
might
be
more
firmly
obliged
from
all
thoughts
of
Revenge
,
in
a
matter
clean
out
of
the
reach
of
reparation
;
and
to
which
,
oblivion
and
silence
prescribed
the
best
remedies
.
Do
not
you
believe
(
my
Lord
)
if
(
at
my
comming
to
the
Crown
)
I
had
filled
the
Prisons
with
the
Grandees
of
the
Kingdome
,
who
were
the
chiefe
Authors
of
my
Mothers
death
,
and
had
commended
to
the
great
Offices
of
the
Kingdome
such
ignorant
persons
,
who
had
had
no
imployment
or
trust
under
Queen
Elizabeth
,
think
you
not
that
such
a
suddaine
alteration
would
have
caused
a
speedy
generall
Confusion
over
all
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
at
my
first
accesse
to
the
Crown
,
I
might
seem
to
govern
neither
with
safety
nor
honour
?
Should
I
have
banished
those
bloudy
Councellors
,
all
the
secrets
and
mysteries
of
State
might
have
been
discovered
to
forraign
Princes
;
some
of
them
were
Ministers
,
and
imployed
under
King
Edward
the
Sixth
,
some
under
Queen
Mary
,
&
others
under
Qu.
Elizabeth
,
who
was
too
wise
to
discharge
those
whom
she
judged
fit
for
continuance
in
such
high
imployments
,
though
they
had
been
prime
parties
in
other
factions
,
and
violent
Enemies
against
her
person
and
interest
.
Yet
(
may
one
object
)
she
had
no
occasion
to
think
on
Revenge
,
for
those
who
caused
her
Mother
Anne
Bullen
to
be
put
to
death
,
and
were
Councellors
and
abettors
of
that
act
,
they
were
dead
long
before
Queen
Elizabeth
began
to
Reign
.
But
I
shall
easily
answer
to
that
:
her
actions
were
chiefly
imployed
for
the
conservations
of
her selfe
,
for
during
the
Reign
of
her
Sister
Queen
Mary
,
she
being
unjustly
suspected
to
have
been
a
conspirator
with
those
who
indeavoured
to
hinder
the
match
with
Spain
;
the
Privy
Councell
concluded
that
shee
deserved
the
same
destiny
as
Jane
of
Suffolk
,
and
was
in
danger
to
have
lost
her
head
;
of
which
result
in
Councell
,
the
Lady
Elizabeth
not
being
ignorant
,
waited
with
patience
her
better
fortune
;
and
after
comming
to
the
Crown
,
she
preserved
in
memory
their
names
,
who
had
been
such
desperate
Councellors
against
her
,
and
in
processe
of
time
,
she
met
with
opportunities
to
revenge
those
particular
injuries
;
but
upon
new
and
fresh
pretences
.
We
are
not
then
to
be
lesse
prudent
then
she
,
whose
dangers
are
as
great
,
and
businesse
as
infinite
:
Besides
,
in
this
action
of
her
adoption
,
she
hath
not
onely
aimed
at
my
renown
,
but
likewise
at
the
repose
and
welfare
of
the
people
,
so
that
her
example
guideth
me
in
the
paths
of
policy
,
and
not
to
provoke
and
anger
the
Hornets
nests
,
when
I
may
passe
by
quietly
(
without
the
least
murmuring
)
to
my
Crown
.
If
then
I
should
be
superactive
in
such
a
dangerous
design
,
in
whose
fidelity
and
strength
might
I
confide
?
the
number
of
the
offendors
is
not
so
inconsiderable
,
as
to
perswade
me
to
dream
that
I
can
destroy
them
in
a
moment
;
and
as
for
relation
to
themselves
,
they
are
not
onely
acquainted
with
all
mysteries
of
State
;
but
they
are
likewise
active
Ministers
of
state
in
the
chiefest
places
of
the
Kingdom
,
wherein
as
they
have
gained
much
Treasure
,
so
doubtlesse
they
have
obtained
the
hearts
of
the
people
,
whereby
a
greater
difficulty
would
arise
if
I
should
contest
rashly
against
such
a
party
.
Besides
to
commence
a
Reign
with
a
Civill
War
,
were
to
put
the
State
and
Kingdom
in
a
capacity
of
desolation
,
and
such
a
violent
motion
might
invite
the
people
to
such
a
hatred
of
me
,
that
they
might
be
hardly
or
never
reconciled
.
If
I
had
resolved
on
this
course
,
an
hundred
thousand
Innocent
persons
might
have
perished
in
the
design
of
a
revenge
of
a
few
notorious
Counsellors
,
this
had
been
to
undertake
a
great
Evill
for
the
bringing
to
effect
a
little
good
.
If
I
should
exterminate
all
,
whom
I
neither
can
,
nor
ought
to
love
,
such
a
Revenge
would
produce
but
a
feeble
satisfaction
.
The
blood
o
Kings
is
to
pretious
too
be
satisfied
with
the
blood
of
Subjects
,
and
all
that
I
might
do
(
in
such
a
re-encounter
)
might
prove
unworthy
of
a
Royall
Prince
,
who
(
as
I
said
before
)
honoureth
Vertue
and
Morality
as
well
as
Policy
.
The
oblivion
of
injuries
is
an
Act
every
way
as
noble
as
revenge
:
And
in
some
cases
more
glorious
,
principally
then
when
one
forgets
not
an
outrage
which
he
dares
not
revenge
,
onely
because
his
wisdome
judgeth
it
not
fit
.
In
this
occasion
,
I
ought
seriously
to
consider
that
I
do
not
onely
receive
the
Scepter
from
the
hands
of
a
Woman
,
but
from
her
who
hath
swayed
it
very
gloriously
,
and
hath
raigned
with
honour
,
from
a
Lady
who
knew
how
to
govern
in
peace
,
and
vanquish
in
War
,
who
could
stop
and
prevent
revolts
as
well
as
defend
her self
from
forraigners
:
And
could
force
her
subjects
and
her
neighbours
to
fear
her
if
they
did
not
love
her
;
and
was
so
fortunate
as
who
triumphed
over
all
who
ever
dared
to
oppose
her
.
I
leave
you
then
to
judge
(
my
Lord
Duke
)
if
a
Prince
whom
so
illustrious
a
Queen
called
to
the
Throne
,
should
begin
his
Reign
by
the
destruction
of
all
,
which
she
had
maturely
established
.
If
I
should
not
give
occasion
to
all
men
to
believe
,
that
the
Kingdom
would
be
speedily
reduced
to
disorders
,
and
confusion
:
And
consequently
nothing
to
be
expected
but
Ruine
and
desolation
.
It
is
very
important
that
the
first
Action
of
Princes
shou●d
presage
the
symptomes
of
their
Reign
,
and
foretell
their
last
conclusions
.
Wherefore
in
the
first
step
to
a
Throne
,
the
Prince
is
obliged
to
depose
and
set
apart
all
passion
,
and
admit
no
company
to
that
Royall
seat
but
tru●
Glory
:
The
memory
of
what
is
past
is
not
so
necessary
as
the
consideration
of
what
is
present
,
and
a
provision
of
what
is
to
come
:
In
which
high
degree
,
it
will
be
an
addition
of
Renown
to
outstrip
and
surpasse
in
vertues
all
who
have
preceded
.
The
Prince
(
if
he
be
wise
)
will
prepare
his
desires
not
to
revive
the
errors
of
his
predecessors
,
nor
to
publish
them
,
but
to
avoide
them
;
and
I
could
not
but
be
guilty
of
injustice
,
if
I
should
dare
to
declare
my self
absolute
Judge
of
the
Actions
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
who
suffered
her
wisedome
to
hearken
to
those
Counsellors
,
whom
she
judged
most
able
for
her
advice
.
Her
Actions
are
not
to
be
examined
by
any
alive
,
but
onely
God
in
his
Tribunall
:
the
same
obligation
which
should
have
preserved
her
from
causing
the
Queen
of
Scots
to
dye
,
forbiddeth
me
to
intermeddle
in
the
censure
of
her
Royall
proceedings
.
So
that
if
I
honour
her
memory
,
it
was
because
she
was
a
Queen
,
if
I
cover
and
hide
her
errors
,
it
is
because
she
made
me
her
Adopted
Son
,
if
I
continue
her
creature
in
the
imployment
of
mine
affairs
,
it
is
because
the
Kingdomes
safety
and
repose
requires
it
.
As
for
private
injuries
,
as
they
are
commonly
betwixt
the
subjects
,
they
are
lesse
considerable
with
Princes
.
That
famous
Roman
spoke
not
amiss
.
Who
said
,
that
Caesars
Erection
of
Pompeys
Statues
might
better
secure
his
own
,
and
makes
me
apprehend
(
in
this
argument
)
that
a
confirmation
of
what
Queen
Elizabeth
did
,
may
better
ratifie
what
I
shall
establish
during
my
Reign
,
and
that
respect
which
I
render
to
her
memory
,
will
be
presented
to
my
person
,
and
that
I
shall
act
nothing
tending
towards
her
honour
,
but
what
shall
reflect
to
mine
advantage
.
The
change
of
great
Officers
in
a
Kingdome
is
little
lesse
dangerous
then
the
change
of
the
Prince
,
which
ought
not
to
be
without
great
and
weighty
considerations
.
Affaires
of
State
ought
not
sleightly
to
be
managed
,
and
if
a
maxime
be
resolved
on
,
it
is
more
safe
to
proceed
then
dishonourably
to
retreat
.
What
Variety
of
dangers
might
I
expose
my self
and
Kingdome
to
,
if
I
should
think
fit
to
banish
those
who
under
the
Queen
have
been
the
chiefe
supporters
and
Governours
of
the
State
?
It
was
not
now
long
since
the
Reformation
of
Religion
,
at
which
time
particular
Interests
(
under
the
shapes
of
devout
pretences
)
promoted
those
terrible
alterations
;
should
I
then
think
of
dying
Thames
in
bloud
,
as
my
Ancestors
had
done
not
long
before
.
I
know
,
I
cannot
(
with
mine
own
honour
)
stain
their
reputation
,
but
I
may
be
defended
if
I
onely
remember
their
errours
the
better
to
avoid
them
;
let
us
then
think
it
fit
,
not
to
hearken
to
that
bloudy
Policy
which
establisheth
not
Thrones
,
but
with
the
ruine
of
those
who
ought
to
support
it
;
Who
pardon
none
with
Clemency
,
but
injustly
condemn
the
least
appearances
of
evill
,
and
in
satisfaction
to
their
owne
ambition
,
bear
no
respect
to
the
highest
quality
of
men
,
and
reverence
no
sex
,
no
lawes
,
nor
virtue
her selfe
:
but
(
on
the
contrarie
)
let
us
hearken
to
that
rationall
Policy
which
foundeth
Thrones
and
Crownes
in
the
preservation
of
the
Grandees
,
which
hath
inclinations
mercifully
to
pardon
and
condemn
not
to
an
extremity
;
who
can
honour
a
Royall
person
in
her
Tombe
,
who
can
reverence
Lawes
and
vertue
to
such
a
degree
,
that
he
hath
respect
for
her
memory
,
who
would
not
be
satisfied
,
but
with
the
bloud
of
his
Mothers
.
I
know
some
are
of
opinion
,
that
a
tempestuous
commencement
prepares
a
way
to
a
more
secure
Reign
,
but
in
my
judgement
(
on
this
occasion
)
that
Policy
is
too
desperate
;
for
if
I
pardon
all
who
have
offended
,
it
is
impossible
but
some
party
should
be
affected
with
my
generosity
;
and
if
I
should
punish
all
,
I
should
inevitably
multiply
mine
Enemies
,
in
their
Kindred
,
in
their
Friends
,
and
their
dependencies
;
who
(
on
such
a
Provocative
pretence
)
might
raise
an
Army
against
me
,
which
(
in
all
probability
)
may
prove
no
lesse
valiant
then
that
sacred
bond
of
the
Antients
,
who
being
armed
,
marched
with
greatest
violence
to
revenge
the
death
of
their
Father
,
their
Brothers
,
and
their
Friends
.
Yet
you
will
answer
me
,
things
of
greatest
difficulty
(
being
effected
)
render
the
most
absolute
duty
.
To
that
I
reply
,
if
they
be
injust
,
they
ought
not
so
much
as
to
be
attempted
.
True
glory
doth
not
ever
attend
the
most
hardy
enterprize
,
and
matters
of
greatest
difficultie
.
Moreover
a
Prince
ought
not
to
expose
the
lives
of
his
subjects
to
the
perill
of
death
,
whether
it
be
in
War
or
Peace
,
without
great
necessity
,
and
prudent
consultation
;
for
their
blood
is
the
most
pretious
and
sole
Jewell
,
of
which
he
ought
to
have
the
most
exactest
care
,
and
hee
had
rather
be
sparing
and
thrifty
of
that
choicest
Treasure
,
then
of
all
other
of
his
Estate
.
For
it
is
for
that
principally
,
for
which
he
shall
render
an
accompt
to
him
who
gave
him
Soveraignty
:
Who
permits
him
not
(
above
all
other
restraints
)
to
be
abusive
and
prodigall
of
his
subjects
blood
.
From
the
considerations
of
these
reasons
,
we
incline
to
save
the
lives
of
our
subjects
,
and
(
at
our
first
coming
to
the
Crowne
)
rather
chose
to
court
our
enemies
with
the
favour
of
Clemency
,
then
to
correct
them
with
the
Rod
of
Justice
.
On
these
grounds
we
shall
render
honour
to
the
memory
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
&
countermanding
our
naturall
affection
with
reason
,
and
policy
we
will
make
the
whole
world
confesse
that
we
are
not
unworthy
to
Reigne
&
to
enjoy
our
Princely
Throne
.
Passing
by
then
our
Royall
Mothers
hearse
,
let
us
look
up
towards
the
Throne
,
to
which
the
Queen
of
England
hath
prepared
and
facilitated
our
ascent
;
let
us
suspend
that
tendernes
of
Soule
which
might
dissolve
us
with
teares
,
and
minde
nothing
more
,
but
true
noblenesse
and
generosity
,
remembring
,
it
belongeth
to
a
Prince
properly
to
pardon
private
injuries
,
and
that
it
is
a
chiefe
point
of
wisdome
not
to
lose
faire
and
fit
occasions
;
for
in
an
observation
so
seasonable
the
Estate
and
publick
good
may
be
more
highly
advanced
,
and
more
solid
Lawes
ordained
for
their
preservation
.
In
these
resolutions
we
embrace
and
welcome
our
present
condition
,
concluding
,
that
the
generall
repose
of
the
Kingdome
requires
it
,
that
mine
owne
glory
consents
to
it
,
and
that
my
Soule
is
resolved
to
maintaine
,
by
a
disinteressed
vertue
all
that
Queen
Elizabeth
established
,
who
though
she
tooke
away
the
life
of
my
Mother
,
commended
a
Crowne
and
Kingdome
to
me
her
Sonne
.
The
Censure
.
IT
is
a
question
very
Problematicall
,
and
a
controversie
much
disputed
among
Politicians
,
whether
Clemency
or
Rigour
be
more
necessary
or
profitable
for
Princes
,
and
which
of
the
two
render
their
Kingdome
more
peacefull
and
glorious
.
Both
opinions
want
not
strong
desendors
;
since
the
World
began
,
this
question
hath
not
received
a
full
resolution
:
some
affirme
't
is
better
to
be
loved
then
feared
;
others
,
that
it
is
better
to
be
feared
then
loved
;
each
one
(
in
the
order
of
his
contention
)
fortifies
his
opinions
and
arguments
;
Rigour
pretends
to
carry
more
of
Majesty
,
Clemency
hath
a
beame
of
glory
,
which
seemeth
to
shine
with
more
humanity
;
the
one
saies
she
rules
more
securely
,
the
other
that
she
raignes
more
honourably
;
both
strive
to
beare
away
the
Palme
.
A
famous
Politician
feared
not
to
say
,
that
a
Prince
ought
to
puffe
at
that
infamy
which
seemeth
to
staine
his
reputation
,
because
he
was
cruell
;
the
reason
is
,
because
that
quality
renders
his
subjects
more
obedient
.
But
(
in
my
opinion
)
this
is
to
set
on
fire
the
Temple
of
Diana
.
When
Machiavell
broached
this
false
proposition
he
prepared
an
infamous
memory
to
himselfe
,
which
his
booke
still
retaines
.
In
effect
,
if
glory
be
certainly
the
proper
object
of
renowned
princes
,
how
can
they
support
infamy
as
a
matter
indifferent
?
And
how
can
that
Prince
who
Reigns
without
honour
live
a
moment
without
danger
?
We
cannot
be
ignorant
of
that
antient
sentence
,
he
who
scornes
his
owne
life
may
easily
become
Master
of
anothers
;
and
what
can
provoke
a
man
to
be
more
violent
and
desperate
,
then
the
cruelty
and
injustice
of
him
who
commands
in
chiefe
?
Machiavell
(
the
malitious
Florentine
)
staide
not
at
his
first
proposition
,
but
he
said
,
't
were
good
for
a
Prince
to
be
loved
&
feared
;
but
seing
it
is
a
thing
impossible
to
enjoy
both
these
passions
at
one
time
,
in
case
either
should
faile
,
it
is
much
better
to
be
feared
then
loved
.
Why
should
that
branded
Polititian
make
feare
and
love
impossible
and
inseparable
?
could
he
be
ignorant
that
all
the
vertues
consist
in
a
concatenation
,
and
are
linked
together
?
Justice
and
Clemency
are
not
incompatible
though
they
seeme
(
almost
)
contrary
.
Did
he
never
read
in
the
holy
Scriptures
,
that
the
feare
of
the
Lord
is
the
beginning
of
Wisdome
?
Or
would
he
conclude
thence
this
abominable
consequence
,
that
because
one
was
obliged
to
feare
God
,
that
therefore
it
was
impossible
to
love
him
?
did
he
pretend
to
teach
the
world
policy
,
and
instead
thereof
produce
Atheisme
?
Did
he
not
know
that
there
is
as
well
a
filiall
as
a
servill
feare
,
which
second
(
though
it
be
without
Love
)
yet
the
first
walkes
with
love
hand
in
hand
?
This
bewitching
Spirit
farther
adds
,
Men
love
according
to
their
owne
pleasure
,
but
they
feare
according
to
the
pleasure
of
their
Prince
,
who
if
judicious
and
wise
,
ought
to
rely
cheerfully
on
that
strength
which
d●pends
on
himselfe
,
and
not
on
that
Transient
humor
which
depends
on
the
people
.
Where
doth
Machiavill
finde
that
the
Prince
is
not
interessed
to
gaine
his
peoples
love
aswell
as
their
feare
?
Are
not
graces
and
favours
as
well
in
his
hands
as
the
Sword
of
justice
?
and
as
for
those
who
feare
him
,
are
they
utterly
uncapable
of
his
honour
and
respect
?
It
is
an
antient
precept
,
if
thou
wilt
be
beloved
thou
must
be
loving
.
This
is
naturall
,
an
innocent
Magicke
and
works
infallibly
as
well
betwixt
Kings
and
subjects
as
private
persons
.
He
who
maketh
freindship
his
treasure
may
be
liberall
,
when
he
pleaseth
without
danger
of
profusion
.
That
Author
was
a
grosse
flatterer
and
spake
little
truth
,
who
stiled
Hanniballs
cruelty
a
vertue
,
for
in
the
same
Argument
he
concluded
Clemency
a
vice
.
The
holy
Scriptures
warrant
that
Abyssus
Abyssum
invocat
,
and
the
Moralists
tell
us
,
that
vices
are
link'd
and
chain'd
together
as
well
as
vertues
.
To
conclude
then
,
this
Juditious
and
wise
King
hath
been
the
disciple
of
a
better
Master
,
and
learned
his
Christian
pollicy
in
a
better
Schooll
;
he
well
understood
that
golden
saying
of
Antiquity
,
Ne
quid
nimis
:
and
he
had
(
doubtlesse
)
read
in
the
French
History
,
that
it
became
not
the
King
of
France
to
revenge
the
quarrels
of
the
Duke
of
Orleance
,
and
likewise
it
consisted
not
with
the
wisdome
of
the
King
of
England
to
revenge
the
quarrells
of
the
Queen
of
Scots
,
and
therefore
this
most
learned
and
prudent
Prince
did
proceed
judiciously
,
and
the
felicity
of
his
raigne
hath
left
an
assured
testimony
of
his
wisdome
to
all
the
World.
But
seeing
we
are
now
in
England
,
let
us
discourse
of
another
famous
King
who
raigned
in
that
Throne
:
and
examine
another
question
as
equally
important
and
of
as
great
curiosity
to
be
determined
:
an
example
which
hath
no●
any
impression
in
histories
of
Antiquity
Henry
the
seventh
,
who
(
before
he
came
to
the
Crown
)
was
stiled
Duke
of
Richmond
,
after
he
had
been
a
long
time
banished
and
an
exile
,
returned
into
England
in
the
head
of
an
Army
:
and
gave
battle
to
Richard
the
third
,
a
Prince
of
the
house
of
Yorke
,
who
had
u●urped
the
Crowne
,
Henry
having
given
an
intire
defeate
slew
the
usurper
,
and
made
himself
absolute
Master
of
the
Kingdome
;
being
then
at
the
point
to
enter
into
London
(
the
Metropolis
of
the
Kingdome
)
he
discreetly
deliberated
how
he
should
receive
the
Crowne
,
whether
as
conqueror
or
lawfull
heir
to
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
or
as
husband
to
Elizabeth
,
Sister
and
Daughter
to
the
la●e
King
of
England
,
over
whom
the
Tyrant
had
usurped
.
See
here
his
reasons
,
in
preference
of
the
second
before
the
other
two
,
to
confirme
a
right
of
succession
without
prejudice
to
that
of
conquerour
,
or
that
Title
of
the
Queen
his
wife
.
HENRY
THE
SEVENTH
TO
THOMAS
STANLEY
.
IT
is
not
enough
for
a
Prince
to
know
how
to
vanquish
(
faithful
and
loyall
Stanley
)
but
it
is
necessary
for
him
to
understand
how
to
make
use
of
his
victory
;
The
Battail
which
I
have
gained
,
must
not
so
transport
me
with
joy
&
exaltation
,
as
to
perswade
me
to
a
security
in
my
present
condition
;
but
that
I
must
think
how
to
make
my
joyes
lasting
and
durable
.
I
know
well
my
Enemy
is
dead
,
his
Army
defeated
,
his
Tyranny
destroyed
,
the
bloud
Royall
revenged
,
that
all
England
rejoyceth
at
my
successes
,
and
that
the
Souldiers
,
by
their
publique
and
generall
acclamations
,
have
proclaimed
me
King
,
that
the
Princesse
Elizabeth
attendeth
for
my
espousall
,
and
that
you
(
brave
Stanley
)
have
put
that
Crown
upon
my
head
which
Richard
Barhawarly
usurped
from
his
innocent
young
Nephew
King
Edward
.
Yet
before
I
receive
this
Royall
Honour
,
it
becomes
me
to
examine
,
by
what
title
and
right
I
may
most
judiciously
entertain
it
.
The
Scepter
appertaineth
to
me
in
severall
and
different
rights
,
which
may
hereafter
prove
as
different
effects
;
therefore
I
judge
it
very
proper
to
advise
what
choice
may
prove
most
necessary
to
mine
advantage
,
and
most
glorious
for
my
renown
.
In
these
different
titles
,
I
am
not
ignorant
that
neither
the
time
nor
the
place
are
(
at
present
)
convenient
for
so
confident
a
debate
in
a
matter
of
so
great
importance
;
Being
yet
in
the
Camp
after
so
bloody
a
battail
,
where
I
am
invironed
with
so
many
dead
and
dying
Friends
,
and
Enemies
,
where
the
outcry
of
some
for
their
wounds
,
and
the
acclamations
of
others
for
victory
,
makes
such
strange
confusion
,
where
some
are
so
elevated
with
joy
and
honour
,
others
are
tumultuously
transported
with
the
spoiles
,
and
prey
of
the
field
,
where
the
Victors
are
so
tryumphant
,
and
the
subdued
Enemies
so
afflicted
and
dispierced
:
I
am
not
ignorant
(
I
say
)
that
it
might
become
me
rather
to
be
Tryumphant
with
my
Army
,
or
to
think
of
my
repose
,
(
after
so
great
a
battail
as
hath
been
fought
)
then
to
amaze
my self
with
reasons
and
arguments
on
this
subject
;
but
I
know
(
most
valiant
Stanley
)
that
Conquerors
are
never
weary
,
and
it
may
be
said
truly
of
me
,
that
I
fought
not
now
singly
for
honour
,
as
illustrious
Romans
have
often
done
,
whom
nothing
perswaded
to
the
War
but
the
design
of
a
Noble
reputation
;
No
,
it
was
for
the
Throne
and
Crown
of
England
that
I
dared
and
fought
with
Richard
,
who
portrait of Henry VII
Titulum
ne
horresce
novantis
,
Non
rapit
Imperium
vis
tua
,
sed
recipit
.
Ausonius
de
Severo
.
now
destroyed
,
it
becoms
me
to
lay
firm
and
sure
foundations
for
my
future
Reign
,
and
Government
:
to
effect
which
thing
with
judgement
,
I
must
examine
how
I
ought
to
receive
the
Crown
,
whether
Tryumphantly
as
Conqueror
,
or
pretending
to
espouse
Elizabeth
the
Daughter
and
Sister
of
the
late
King
of
England
,
or
else
as
Heir
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
receiving
the
rights
of
that
Royall
Family
with
design
of
prejudice
to
that
of
York
,
because
the
Nobles
of
the
Kingdome
had
been
favourable
to
that
house
,
whence
Princess
Elizabeth
descended
,
and
have
condemned
the
Rights
and
title
of
that
of
Lancast●r
in
so
many
Parliaments
.
The
first
is
a
Title
as
hardy
and
bold
as
glorious
,
the
second
was
facile
to
be
effected
,
but
the
third
and
last
is
certainly
the
best
,
though
it
may
appear
more
difficult
and
dangerous
;
but
to
consider
these
three
apart
,
let
us
examine
first
if
that
right
of
Conqueror
may
not
lay
the
foundation
strong
enough
to
bear
up
the
Title
and
Crown
of
the
King
of
England
,
without
a
dependency
and
Co-assistance
of
that
of
Marriage
with
Princesse
Elizabeth
,
or
that
of
Inheritance
and
pretence
to
the
right
of
descent
to
the
house
of
Lancaster
.
I
am
well
assured
(
generous
Stanley
)
that
if
you
shall
demand
my
judgement
and
opinion
in
this
difficulty
(
having
found
the
Crown
which
Richard
woare
amongst
the
booty
and
spoiles
of
the
field
,
and
having
come
to
place
it
on
my
head
)
I
am
assured
(
I
say
)
that
you
wil
conceive
my
judgment
may
conclude
,
that
I
have
no
reason
nor
occasion
to
dream
of
Elizabeths
Title
,
or
to
look
so
far
as
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
nor
to
consider
the
bloud
of
either
house
:
but
that
I
should
receive
the
Crown
as
Conquerour
,
and
the
reward
of
Victory
;
and
so
presented
from
thy
hands
to
him
,
who
came
to
defeate
and
destroy
the
usurper
Richard
,
and
by
this
sole
conquest
could
now
as
easily
mount
unto
the
Throne
,
as
give
the
prey
&
spoils
of
the
field
to
the
Souldiers
of
my
Army
.
In
effect
it
may
be
said
,
that
Force
and
power
are
the
chiefest
supporters
of
Monarchy
,
and
founda●ion
of
Empires
,
these
create
the
Grandure
of
Republiques
,
these
founded
Rome
,
and
made
her
great
and
glorious
,
till
(
at
last
)
she
became
Mistris
of
the
World.
And
as
these
did
put
up
,
so
they
pull'd
down
that
glorious
Empire
;
the
same
fate
raised
the
Monarchies
of
the
Assyrians
,
of
the
Medes
and
Persians
,
of
the
Parthians
,
and
Grecians
,
and
so
many
famous
Governments
,
of
Athens
,
Lacedemon
,
and
Thebes
;
and
of
many
others
,
which
have
commanded
and
ruled
,
and
ceased
to
Reign
by
the
fortune
and
fate
of
force
and
power
,
which
alone
have
raised
and
destroyed
Kingdomes
since
the
first
Creation
of
the
World.
Power
hath
as
well
made
legitimate
Kings
as
barbarous
usurpers
,
and
the
wheele
of
fortune
could
not
turne
to
the
Eversion
of
Crownes
and
Thrones
without
the
conjunction
of
her
assistance
;
and
noble
Titles
,
and
the
way
to
true
Glory
and
renown
,
are
commonly
made
by
her
:
Shee
looks
not
after
Pedigrees
,
nor
searches
after
the
Genealogies
of
Princes
,
who
Reignes
within
this
Title
;
she
hath
no
occasion
of
Manifestoes
to
delude
a
popular
Credulity
,
and
to
deceive
and
amaze
the
Grandees
of
a
Kingdome
.
It
sufficeth
her
to
say
,
I
have
vanquished
,
I
have
gained
the
battail
,
my
Enemy
is
dead
,
his
Throne
belongs
to
me
,
and
if
the
same
force
which
made
me
vanquish
,
can
maintaine
and
support
my
power
,
I
am
King
,
I
will
raigne
gloriously
.
See
(
sage
Stanley
)
what
they
will
say
,
who
be
perswaded
that
force
and
power
makes
a
Title
to
be
just
and
right
.
It
is
true
,
that
some
small
commencements
of
War
have
laid
great
foundations
to
future
hopes
,
and
powerfull
possessions
of
Soveraignety
have
drawne
on
securely
popular
faith
,
and
dutifull
submissions
.
And
certainly
(
I
thinke
)
before
Religion
set
bounds
to
unlimited
ambition
of
Princes
,
this
kind
of
Right
was
not
only
practised
and
permitted
,
but
seemed
most
secure
and
serviceable
:
and
(
as
to
my selfe
)
I
have
had
this
advantage
,
that
I
have
chased
from
the
Throne
him
who
had
usurped
it
by
force
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
basely
by
treason
,
and
the
violent
death
of
his
Prince
and
his
owne
nephews
,
and
by
such
murders
and
execrable
Crimes
,
that
the
very
mentioning
and
remembrance
thereof
,
may
amaze
with
horrour
:
and
it
seemeth
to
me
more
reasonable
&
possible
that
(
these
circumstances
considered
)
a
Conqueror
having
vanquished
so
bloody
an
usurper
,
might
be
well
received
as
a
legitimate
Prince
,
and
yet
how
glorious
soever
this
title
may
seem
,
I
judge
it
fit
to
renounce
it
on
this
occasion
,
rather
then
to
hazard
to
loose
that
which
I
have
now
so
fortunately
and
honourably
gained
.
Who
knowes
not
but
that
those
Souldiers
who
marched
with
me
to
Combat
with
the
Tyrant
might
forsake
me
,
if
I
(
after
the
victory
)
became
as
horrid
an
oppressor
as
Richard.
And
who
knowes
but
that
the
Nobles
and
Grandies
of
the
Kingdome
might
be
as
resolutely
provoked
against
me
as
against
the
usurper
,
to
a
popular
commotion
and
my
Eternall
troubles
,
if
I
tooke
the
Title
,
and
then
(
as
most
necessary
)
subjected
all
things
to
the
Conquerors
will
.
The
right
of
power
belongeth
to
others
as
well
as
to
me
,
and
if
I
had
not
a
Title
more
just
,
I
should
not
have
occasion
to
seek
for
one
that
is
evill
;
which
if
(
at
present
)
it
may
serve
me
,
might
as
well
serve
others
in
their
turne
.
T
is
true
to
begin
to
reigne
with
such
resolution
,
might
have
the
reputation
of
hardy
and
glorious
;
but
such
violence
could
not
continue
to
any
long
duration
of
time
;
an
entire
age
(
at
least
)
might
be
required
to
corroborate
(
with
all
the
arts
of
policy
and
power
of
Sword
)
a
conquest
of
this
kinde
,
and
in
conclusion
(
before
the
people
would
be
reduced
to
obey
without
murmuring
)
a
Prince
would
be
constrained
either
to
quit
his
Throne
or
loose
his
life
,
and
so
cease
to
be
a
King
or
be
alive
,
before
he
could
reape
&
enjoy
the
fruits
of
his
victories
.
Besides
(
as
the
affaires
of
England
stood
)
the
Title
of
Conqueror
might
have
proved
too
terrible
to
the
people
,
and
too
dangerous
to
the
Prince
,
at
that
season
,
when
(
in
all
appearances
)
a
quality
more
equitable
was
more
requisite
,
and
it
was
not
fit
then
to
administer
the
least
pretext
to
the
people
,
that
might
exasperate
their
clamourous
humour
to
decry
their
Princes
marching
towards
,
and
not
as
yet
securely
seated
in
his
Throne
.
It
is
alwaies
an
ill
conjuncture
when
a
subject
renders
his
obeisance
to
his
Prince
,
not
because
he
conceives
it
his
duty
,
but
because
he
dares
doe
no
otherwise
;
a
Prince
is
never
well
served
with
such
forced
devoires
,
nor
the
subject
well
satisfied
with
such
unpleasant
Commands
.
Perhaps
(
Noble
Stanley
)
you
will
tell
me
yet
that
there
is
another
way
whereby
I
may
more
safely
ascend
to
the
Throne
,
which
policy
doth
not
onely
teach
me
to
be
secure
,
but
morality
perswades
me
,
is
very
heroick
and
noble
;
yes
(
faithfull
Stanley
)
I
know
well
if
I
espouse
Princess
Elizabeth
,
I
shall
not
need
to
set
forth
any
declarations
to
manifest
my
Title
and
Right
to
the
Crowne
,
she
being
sister
and
daughter
to
the
late
Royall
Kings
;
the
people
look
upon
her
as
the
true
and
undoubted
heire
of
the
kingdome
,
And
marrying
her
after
my
vanquishing
of
the
Tyrant
who
slew
her
Brothers
,
and
usurped
the
Crown
from
her
,
and
swayed
that
Scepter
which
belonged
to
her
;
I
doubt
not
,
but
for
this
,
I
should
be
honoured
as
the
Liberator
of
the
Estate
,
and
esteemed
as
Heroick
and
Generous
;
that
all
the
People
would
extreamly
honour
me
,
and
that
my
moderation
should
be
admired
as
most
extraordinary
,
and
infinitely
valuable
after
such
victorious
successes
.
But
,
to
speak
truth
,
I
should
doubt
extreamly
if
I
made
choice
of
this
way
,
whether
I
might
be
esteemed
to
have
been
as
Prudent
as
I
had
been
Fortunate
,
and
whether
I
had
not
better
have
received
my
Crown
from
the
hands
of
fortune
in
expectation
of
the
continuance
of
her
favours
,
rather
then
from
the
hands
of
a
Woman
;
for
(
without
doubt
)
it
is
a
high
degree
of
Fortune
to
be
advanced
to
be
a
King
,
but
I
do
not
think
it
a
thing
so
intirely
desireable
to
be
the
husband
of
a
Queen
,
and
(
in
my
present
apprehensions
)
A
Throne
it self
is
lesse
lovely
,
when
I
must
approach
unto
it
onely
as
the
chiefest
subject
of
her
whom
I
must
espouse
.
In
effect
what
obedience
or
loyallty
may
I
expect
from
a
people
who
should
not
acknowledge
me
for
their
Soveraign
?
what
submission
might
I
expect
,
or
honour
from
those
Nobles
,
who
(
were
I
dead
)
might
have
Capacity
to
be
successour
to
my
relation
and
place
;
what
reverence
might
I
expect
from
my
Children
,
who
(
if
my
Queene
should
die
)
may
become
my
Soveraign
,
and
I
their
Subject
?
What
(
Noble
Stanley
)
were
it
fit
for
me
(
having
gained
a
Crown
by
my
prowesse
and
valour
)
to
put
my self
in
such
a
condition
,
that
I
might
be
forced
to
leave
it
?
and
if
my
Queen
should
dye
,
to
wear
a
mourning
weed
instead
of
a
Royall
Diademe
?
If
I
should
accept
a
Throne
upon
these
termes
,
I
might
be
forced
to
depend
upon
mine
own
Childrens
Wills
and
pleasure
;
Or
(
if
I
should
have
none
)
an
other
pretender
might
contest
for
my
removall
,
and
claim
a
right
,
and
so
I
might
be
forced
to
obey
whom
I
had
commanded
.
No
,
no
,
this
choice
could
not
manifest
absolute
power
,
nor
could
this
borrowed
fortune
satisfie
the
Ambition
of
my
Renown
;
this
acceptation
of
Royall
Authority
might
give
me
some
splendor
,
but
not
render
me
truly
glorious
,
these
streames
seem
to
flow
not
from
the
Fountain
of
mine
own
,
but
anothers
soveraignty
.
Kings
ought
to
acknowledge
none
for
their
superiours
but
God.
I
doe
not
conceive
to
be
a
husband
and
a
subject
to
a
Queen
,
are
qualities
compatible
:
In
one
relation
the
husband
is
to
be
the
head
,
in
the
other
the
wife
;
and
if
the
Queen
intend
to
render
her self
,
and
husband
truly
happy
,
it
is
necessary
that
he
be
her
King
,
and
so
her
Chiefe
;
without
which
relations
their
condition
can
neither
have
true
honour
nor
true
content
,
and
without
them
a
Court
were
worse
then
a
Prison
,
and
soveraignty
as
little
lovely
as
servitude
.
Now
if
she
love
her
husband
,
and
that
by
a
most
rare
vertue
,
shee
pleaseth
to
condescend
so
farre
,
as
to
be
ruled
,
and
Reigne
by
him
,
the
Subjects
will
presently
murmur
and
cry
out
,
the
King
's
a
Tyrant
to
his
Queen
,
and
she
but
his
illustrious
slave
.
Some
will
speake
too
boldly
,
others
complain
judiciously
,
and
some
prevaile
to
perswade
too
far
with
insinuations
and
suggestions
:
When
his
Children
shall
grow
up
to
age
,
they
will
not
be
free
from
flattering
inspirations
to
incline
them
to
jealousies
and
suspitions
against
their
Father
;
some
will
dare
to
inform
them
that
he
invades
and
usurpes
the
Crown
,
that
if
the
Queen
dye
,
he
will
neglect
and
have
no
Paternall
respects
for
them
,
and
that
therefore
they
rather
ought
to
Court
the
People
then
honour
their
Father
.
These
suspitions
are
too
apt
(
ordinarily
)
to
grow
reciprocall
,
and
are
fixed
too
naturally
near
the
Souls
of
such
eminent
persons
.
Difference
in
opinion
breeds
dissention
in
resolution
,
dissention
draweth
on
aversion
,
and
aversion
changeth
love
to
hatred
,
and
hatred
breeds
revolts
,
and
revolts
proclaime
open
Warre
;
so
that
by
these
degrees
,
discontents
thrive
to
be
irreconcileable
:
The
people
fall
into
greater
troubles
,
and
the
Kingdom
is
made
more
ready
for
greater
ruines
and
confusions
.
Moreover
do
not
you
think
,
that
whether
the
King
have
Children
or
not
(
if
he
be
noble
and
generous
)
that
he
will
prepare
a
party
in
his
Kingdom
to
serve
his
affairs
,
on
all
occasions
;
&
that
whether
his
Queen
be
kind
,
sweet
,
&
debonaire
in
his
society
or
not
.
Moreover
,
how
conceive
you
a
Kingdom
should
be
governed
without
many
errours
in
the
conduct
,
when
he
must
necessarily
have
his
particular
interest
,
besides
the
publique
,
which
cannot
but
evene
and
happen
on
many
occasions
?
for
in
order
to
the
preservation
of
his
creatures
,
he
will
have
cause
sometimes
to
dissimulate
in
many
things
,
somteimes
hee
will
be
forced
to
recompence
with
rewards
,
those
whose
errours
merit
punishments
,
sometimes
to
punish
them
who
deserve
rather
favours
and
rewards
.
These
accidents
will
make
him
endeavour
to
imbezell
the
treasure
of
the
State
,
and
so
make
up
Bankes
for
private
uses
,
or
to
make
a
Warre
if
there
be
cause
.
And
as
for
peace
,
it
can
never
be
so
perfectly
established
in
a
Kingdome
,
but
a
King
must
ever
politiquely
suspect
either
an
insurrection
of
a
civill
Warre
at
home
,
or
an
invasion
from
abroad
.
And
do
you
(
brave
Stanley
)
but
imagine
in
what
a
pittifull
condition
is
a
King
,
who
is
not
prepared
and
provided
for
such
contingences
.
Hee
ceaseth
not
onely
to
be
a
King
,
but
loses
his
honour
and
reputation
,
as
not
worthy
to
rule
.
And
of
all
the
waies
whereby
Crownes
and
Kingdomes
are
lost
,
as
this
is
most
far
from
remedy
;
So
it
is
the
most
weake
and
farre
from
pitty
.
When
a
Prince
(
in
a
gallant
resistance
)
loseth
a
pitch'd
battail
in
the
field
;
Fortune
can
force
him
to
yeild
,
and
make
him
to
fly
to
some
Asyle
;
if
the
Cities
and
Towns
of
his
Kingdome
doe
revolt
,
and
his
subjects
treacherously
forsake
him
,
he
may
without
all
dishonour
seek
for
refuge
,
and
search
out
for
succour
and
supplies
.
And
in
his
distresse
,
though
the
splendour
of
his
glory
be
obscured
,
it
is
not
extinguished
;
Though
his
Magnificence
and
power
be
abated
,
yet
it
is
not
dissolved
,
nor
so
annihilated
,
but
that
he
may
be
encouraged
with
hopes
,
and
aided
by
his
friends
and
Allies
,
and
so
make
a
just
Warre
,
if
he
can
obtaine
meanes
.
Those
Princes
from
whom
he
implores
succours
,
may
more
possibly
contribute
their
supplies
,
either
through
the
concernment
of
their
own
interests
,
or
their
generosity
;
and
so
though
his
misfortunes
be
great
,
yet
his
ruines
are
not
absolutely
desperate
.
But
to
acquit
a
Crown
without
more
then
one
Combate
,
to
lose
a
Throne
without
a
stroak
,
is
a
misery
as
dishonourable
as
insupportable
,
and
such
a
degree
of
basenesse
and
lownesse
of
spirit
,
as
dwells
not
in
my
Soul.
And
what
dishonours
and
disadvantages
attend
not
a
King
of
base
,
low
and
ignoble
qualities
?
If
he
addresse
to
his
neighbour
Princes
,
they
will
hardly
looke
on
him
as
a
Soveraign
,
or
renowned
person
:
If
he
presume
to
desire
the
aide
of
Auxiliaries
and
Souldiers
,
they
will
not
onely
have
pretences
,
but
despise
&
scorn
the
Motion
:
if
he
continue
in
his
Kingdome
without
Children
,
what
support
can
he
expect
if
one
of
his
Children
be
King
?
how
can
he
resolve
and
humble
himself
to
give
his
Child
obedience
?
For
suppose
the
Queen
his
Consort
shall
(
at
her
death
)
ordaine
by
Testament
,
That
her
Husband
whilst
hee
liveth
,
shall
conserve
,
and
exercise
his
Soveraigne
power
;
with
how
many
Nayles
and
Thornes
will
his
Crown
bee
pierced
;
and
how
full
of
troubles
his
Reign
;
with
what
impatience
will
the
Successour
attend
;
and
with
what
splendor
and
authority
shall
that
Father
rule
,
who
swayes
by
the
will
of
a
dead
Wife
;
and
(
at
no
lesse
)
then
at
the
pleasure
,
or
permission
of
a
living
Son
?
And
if
casually
he
shall
proceed
to
a
second
Marriage
,
with
how
many
fancies
and
jealousies
will
his
Son
be
agitated
?
and
under
this
spetious
pretence
,
to
what
strange
designes
will
he
with
his
creatures
be
transported
?
(
Generous
Stanley
)
to
receive
a
Crown
from
the
hands
of
an
espoused
Princesse
,
were
to
put
on
a
resolution
to
wait
on
her
onely
to
her
Tomb
,
and
then
to
leave
the
Throne
when
she
leaves
her
life
.
And
seeing
that
all
Princesses
(
who
are
Soveraigns
)
have
not
the
same
resolutions
for
their
Husbands
as
Isabella
had
for
her
Ferdinando
:
And
it
was
not
but
with
most
incomparable
virtue
,
that
that
most
rare
Princesse
parted
with
her
power
,
yet
all
that
she
was
able
to
doe
,
was
but
a
participation
;
and
notwithstanding
her
affection
was
so
great
,
and
her
virtues
so
super
excellent
,
yet
where
nothing
could
restrain
her
from
a
contestation
with
her
Husband
in
her
claims
to
her
rights
in
the
Kingdom
of
Leons
,
she
did
it
(
doubtlesse
)
with
the
greatest
Modesty
imaginable
;
yet
with
so
great
security
to
her
ends
,
as
the
breath
of
Ambition
could
inspire
.
For
it
is
apparent
thus
in
all
their
expeditions
,
issuing
forth
in
the
names
of
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
;
and
their
Subjects
never
spake
of
them
but
plurally
,
the
Kings
royall
pleasure
.
A
word
insupportable
,
and
not
to
be
endured
by
so
Princely
a
heart
as
I
bear
▪
Judge
you
then
(
I
pray
)
if
Isabella
(
whom
History
describes
as
a
possessor
of
all
virtues
)
could
suppresse
with
the
greatest
difficultyes
,
and
strip
her
desires
of
Soveraignty
;
how
may
it
be
expected
then
from
a
Princesse
not
so
compleatly
polished
?
What
know
I
(
if
I
become
her
Spouse
)
but
she
may
look
upon
me
with
scorn
,
as
she
considers
me
a
Subject
to
her
Father
and
Brother
?
And
who
knows
,
but
her
elevated
spirit
may
so
use
me
as
if
I
were
her
Subject
?
If
I
were
now
prisoner
to
the
Duke
of
Britany
,
and
Elizabeth
were
glorious
on
her
Throne
,
and
she
had
affections
for
me
to
redeem
me
out
of
Prison
,
and
Crown
me
with
her
Royall
favours
,
and
put
into
my
hands
the
Scepter
,
it
may
bee
the
closenesse
of
my
prison
might
oblige
me
to
desire
liberty
,
and
my
sad
condition
encourage
me
to
receive
the
Crown
of
England
from
her
hands
;
but
seeing
she
hath
no
more
share
in
this
Crown
,
but
that
I
can
with
more
right
give
it
then
accept
it
;
and
that
it
is
the
proper
reward
of
mine
own
valour
;
I
being
now
a
Conquerour
;
and
that
Elizabeth
without
me
could
not
have
enjoyed
her
liberty
,
much
lesse
have
pretended
to
a
Soveraignty
:
It
is
noblenesse
in
me
rather
to
offer
,
then
receive
Royal
Grace
from
the
hands
of
Princesse
Elizabeth
;
and
this
is
all
that
I
can
possibly
doe
,
whereby
the
House
of
Lancaster
(
had
it
not
right
to
the
Crown
of
England
)
hath
for
ever
indeared
,
and
obliged
the
House
of
York
;
and
in
this
act
the
world
must
conclude
me
to
have
been
as
exactly
,
and
scrupulously
obedient
to
the
Princesse
for
morality
and
civility
,
as
to
the
maximes
of
Policie
.
Yet
I
inherit
these
generous
rules
which
have
gallant
and
noble
resolutions
,
and
which
love
rather
to
expose
the
hazard
and
loss
of
all
,
then
not
to
gain
all
,
and
rather
march
undauntedly
,
then
not
satisfie
the
ambition
of
my
renown
.
Rights
and
pretences
to
Crowns
ought
to
be
resolute
principles
never
to
be
abandoned
,
all
other
pretensions
(
in
subordinate
affairs
)
are
admitted
to
their
dispensations
for
change
and
alterations
.
But
to
Renown
,
Soveraignty
,
and
the
Right
to
a
Crown
,
the
resolutions
ought
to
be
so
unchangeable
,
as
not
to
be
shaken
;
and
to
yeeld
,
is
an
indignity
and
basenesse
fit
for
none
of
Princely
birth
;
but
is
a
quality
more
sutable
for
the
most
infamous
and
contemptible
cowards
.
Now
as
to
the
third
way
;
The
title
of
the
House
of
Lancaster
,
you
will
tell
me
(
perhaps
noble
Stanley
)
this
seems
dangerous
and
difficile
,
that
the
Peers
and
Nobles
of
the
Kingdome
have
condemned
the
pretences
and
rights
of
the
Family
of
Lancaster
,
and
that
the
Title
of
York
hath
a
more
popular
preference
in
the
spirits
of
the
people
;
that
the
Kings
of
latter
Reigns
have
gained
their
inclinations
;
so
that
I
may
passe
under
the
censure
,
not
of
a
lawfull
King
,
but
an
Usurper
;
such
a
suggestion
may
prove
a
provocation
to
the
people
,
and
so
faction
beget
a
War
,
and
that
may
continue
as
long
as
I
lived
.
To
this
I
answer
,
as
before
;
the
Rules
of
Policy
I
now
follow
,
are
generous
,
and
hardy
;
wherefore
I
must
not
be
swayed
by
any
consideration
of
perill
;
I
must
make
my
way
through
danger
,
and
not
suffer
a
diversion
in
so
weighty
a
matter
to
my
resolution
.
Think
not
,
that
I
can
easily
perswade
,
nor
prevail
to
turn
the
course
of
that
Royall
bloud
which
runneth
in
my
veins
,
or
to
renounce
solemnly
those
rights
to
that
Crown
which
I
have
conquered
,
as
I
must
(
doubtlesse
)
if
I
should
referre
my selfe
to
the
grace
and
bounty
of
Princesse
Elizabeth
,
and
should
receive
so
Illustrious
a
Diademe
from
the
hand
of
a
woman
:
what
reproach
should
I
not
receive
from
Posterity
,
if
I
should
permit
this
spot
to
lye
on
the
memory
of
my
reputation
?
You
will
yet
tell
me
,
the
right
which
I
pretend
hath
been
exploded
,
and
condemned
solemnly
in
Parliament
.
I
answer
;
this
condemnation
savoured
of
as
much
misfortune
as
injustice
;
Great
thieves
,
and
great
power
robbed
us
of
our
royall
right
:
And
suppose
their
condemnation
were
just
and
equitable
,
the
Rights
of
Conquerours
are
as
equally
Authentique
;
who
if
they
have
force
,
can
justly
cancell
,
and
dissolve
to
nothing
all
former
edicts
and
sentences
of
condemnation
.
Hee
hath
fought
in
vain
who
hath
vanquished
a
Tyrant
,
and
been
a
Liberator
to
the
people
from
Tyranny
,
if
he
have
not
as
equally
freed
himself
from
all
oppression
,
and
can
thereby
maintaine
his
power
to
enjoy
what
he
hath
got
.
As
for
me
,
if
I
should
not
ascend
a
Throne
but
in
the
right
of
Elizabeth
,
I
should
onely
beleeve
that
I
have
changed
my
prison
,
and
but
gilded
my
chains
:
I
can
confesse
no
lesse
out
of
my
internall
repugnancy
to
this
dependant
authority
.
Beleeve
me
then
in
the
Acceptance
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
I
shall
receive
it
either
as
Conquerour
,
or
as
my
right
descending
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
not
from
the
hands
of
Elizabeth
;
and
if
I
admit
her
to
the
Throne
,
I
shall
place
her
on
my
right
hand
,
as
Alexander
did
Darius's
Queen
;
and
yet
not
then
,
until
I
shall
have
the
peaceable
possession
of
the
Crown
without
the
interruption
of
any
of
her
pretences
.
Yet
,
in
this
resolution
,
I
shall
endeavour
to
spare
the
blood
of
my
Subjects
,
for
which
I
have
reasons
;
for
my
Forefathers
have
been
their
Kings
;
and
if
the
last
Prince
of
that
Illustrious
House
of
Lancaster
had
not
been
too
mild
and
gentle
,
and
so
more
unfit
to
beare
up
the
weight
of
so
great
a
Scepter
,
I
should
not
now
lye
in
necessity
to
search
for
reasons
to
palliate
and
authorize
my
present
designes
.
But
seeing
what
is
past
cannot
be
recalled
,
that
which
is
present
must
regulate
that
which
is
to
come
.
I
shall
ascend
then
by
the
successive
way
,
wherein
though
there
may
be
more
of
danger
,
there
may
be
lesse
of
injury
.
In
this
great
action
it
is
just
that
I
forget
not
the
peoples
interest
as
well
as
mine
owne
,
my
Conquest
shall
serve
me
as
to
this
end
the
more
firmly
to
authorize
the
right
of
my
Birth
and
descent
.
And
as
I
am
not
ignorant
how
that
the
house
of
Yorke
hath
prevailed
with
the
whole
Kingdome
to
an
universall
approbation
of
their
title
,
and
caused
the
Reignes
of
those
Princes
to
be
more
peacefull
while
they
ruled
,
more
then
their
wisdome
or
policy
could
have
prevailed
:
I
intend
no
sooner
to
receive
the
Crowne
,
but
speedily
to
incircle
Princesse
Elizabeth
with
me
within
the
Line
of
that
Royall
Circumference
.
But
still
with
this
reserve
and
difference
,
that
she
shall
receive
that
illustrious
honour
from
my
hands
,
and
not
I
from
hers
.
Wherefore
I
shall
take
order
that
there
shall
be
an
interval
&
space
of
time
,
betwixt
my
Coronation
&
my
espousals
,
that
no
person
in
my
Kingdom
may
be
ignorant
with
what
right
I
ascend
my
Throne
.
In
the
meane
time
the
people
that
dive
not
so
deeply
into
the
secrecies
&
mysteries
of
State
,
&
are
more
easily
satisfied
with
spetious
pretences
then
solid
reason
;
will
more
readily
honour
and
applaud
our
actions
,
and
lesse
torment
themselves
with
murmurings
or
discontents
;
those
who
have
affections
and
inclinations
to
the
house
of
Lancaster
will
rejoyce
exceedingly
at
my
advancement
to
the
Crowne
;
and
those
who
still
reserve
their
affections
for
the
house
of
Yorke
cannot
be
better
satisfied
then
to
see
the
Lawfull
heire
of
that
house
to
sit
on
the
Throne
with
me
;
and
if
it
should
so
chance
that
a
civill
Warre
should
rise
,
by
any
who
should
suggest
that
the
Duke
of
Clarence
was
not
dead
,
and
that
he
had
more
right
to
the
Crowne
then
the
Princesse
Elizabeth
;
I
shall
have
this
power
to
oppose
such
falss
impostures
,
and
this
triple
and
different
right
to
defend
my
Crowne
;
and
if
I
owne
it
as
Conqueror
,
as
heire
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
unite
the
title
of
that
of
Yorke
,
what
power
will
be
able
to
give
a
check
to
our
Princely
Resolutions
.
All
the
waies
which
policy
can
invent
to
acquire
and
compasse
great
enterprizes
,
are
either
by
open
and
hostile
forces
,
or
by
secret
and
subtill
craft
,
or
with
plausible
pretences
to
delude
the
people
,
or
with
reason
and
Arguments
to
perswade
the
Sages
and
Grandies
of
a
Kingdome
,
these
are
the
ordinary
engines
of
Policy
.
The
first
is
most
absolute
and
least
resisted
,
the
second
is
perswasive
,
and
effects
what
seemes
almost
impossible
,
the
third
disarmes
the
multitude
,
and
the
last
raiseth
divisions
and
makes
parties
among
great
ones
,
and
prepares
a
disposition
to
hope
for
a
victory
of
the
Enemy
:
And
fortune
is
so
kinde
to
us
to
concenter
all
these
foure
advantages
to
my
designe
.
First
as
to
force
;
I
beleeve
one
cannot
be
more
assured
then
having
gained
a
Battle
and
defeated
the
enemy
;
and
seeing
the
Tyrant
himselfe
could
not
longer
support
his
usurpation
,
who
(
thinke
you
)
dare
be
so
bold
as
to
designe
to
be
an
usurper
?
To
force
I
can
joyn
subtilty
and
craft
,
and
what
could
there
be
better
,
then
to
intermingle
so
neerly
,
and
yet
to
distinguish
my
right
&
title
before
I
did
marry
my
right
to
that
of
Elizabeths
,
so
to
make
my
Authority
as
indivisible
as
independent
by
a
deferring
of
my
intentions
for
her
espousalls
,
untill
my
affaires
perswade
me
:
And
to
this
subtilty
no
pretences
are
wanting
which
may
gain
popular
compliance
and
approbation
;
the
People
in
this
now
fully
satisfied
,
that
I
act
not
meerly
as
Conqueror
,
nor
take
from
any
what
appertaines
to
them
;
In
this
proceeding
they
will
not
onely
be
pleas'd
,
but
seeme
to
enjoy
their
chiefest
desire
.
To
these
if
stronger
reasons
be
required
,
what
can
better
remove
all
scruple
from
the
greatest
Statesmen
or
Grandies
of
the
Kingdome
(
too
inclinable
for
factions
,
especially
in
high
Royall
differences
)
then
to
see
the
union
of
the
two
howses
of
Lancaster
and
York
?
and
thereby
an
extinction
(
by
this
alliance
)
of
those
antient
Quarrells
which
did
descend
with
Ages
,
and
might
have
lasted
to
a
generall
divastation
of
the
Kingdome
.
Besides
all
those
considerations
,
I
find
(
moreover
)
all
the
vertues
satisfied
by
this
harmonious
conclusion
;
Generosity
appeareth
in
my
moderation
,
being
so
well
tempered
after
so
great
a
Victory
:
for
seeing
that
after
the
Conquest
of
a
Crown
,
I
am
so
deliberate
,
it
is
an
infallible
marke
that
Pride
and
Presumption
have
not
elevated
me
above
my selfe
:
my
Bounty
and
goodnesse
,
whereby
I
would
preserve
the
people
and
Kingdome
from
the
possibility
of
a
Civill
Warre
,
render
me
more
reasonable
,
as
being
carefull
of
their
good
equally
,
as
of
my
own
.
The
Justice
which
I
impartially
intend
to
all
,
beginneth
with
Princesse
Elizabeth
,
born
so
near
the
Throne
,
and
renders
my
Heroick
mind
so
famous
,
as
meriting
to
be
approved
by
all
the
World
:
The
boldnesse
whereby
I
have
vindicated
the
title
of
all
my
Ancestors
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
will
speak
me
honourable
in
the
eares
of
generous
persons
,
and
that
I
shall
be
renowned
by
all
those
who
have
a
haughty
inclination
to
true
Magnanimity
.
In
effect
,
A
desire
to
Reign
and
be
a
King
,
is
a
thing
of
it self
so
high
and
noble
,
that
I
believe
there
was
never
yet
any
Heroick
spirit
who
was
not
surprized
and
inflamed
(
above
all
ordinary
degrees
)
with
desire
of
soveraignty
;
yea
(
I
am
fully
perswaded
)
that
one
borne
from
a
Royal
Throne
,
though
his
birth
be
distant
and
in
a
great
remotion
,
yet
it
is
impossible
,
but
his
dependencie
(
as
a
branch
on
that
Royall
stock
)
is
reputed
as
the
most
soveraign
glory
and
comfort
of
all
his
life
,
and
I
believe
persons
of
Princely
descent
,
the
more
they
are
oppressed
,
the
more
the
Royall
Character
is
imprinted
in
their
spirits
:
and
the
more
they
are
forced
to
resent
of
servitude
,
by
so
much
the
more
they
desire
and
thirst
after
domination
and
Soveraignty
:
And
if
the
power
of
command
be
a
naturall
and
universall
affection
in
all
men
,
how
supream
must
their
desires
be
,
whose
birth
and
education
is
so
sublime
?
their
thoughts
cannot
but
be
independant
(
if
possible
to
others
)
and
their
wills
would
be
legislative
.
Think
not
then
strangly
of
me
(
brave
Stanley
)
if
intending
my
possession
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
I
chiefly
preferre
mine
owne
right
,
without
Admission
of
a
partage
,
or
the
least
shadow
of
contestation
for
the
title
:
Fortune
honours
me
with
it
,
as
her
present
,
yet
I
shall
not
accept
it
but
as
a
fruite
,
growing
on
the
stock
of
my
Ancestors
,
and
that
my
birth
hath
now
received
its
right
.
Assist
me
then
(
I
conjure
thy
fidelity
)
to
fortifie
my
reasons
in
a
better
resistance
(
if
there
shall
be
cause
)
of
opposition
:
tell
thy
friends
and
my
subjects
,
that
I
ascend
the
Throne
,
as
their
lawfull
Soveraign
,
and
that
I
shall
have
more
affection
and
tendernesse
for
them
,
as
being
mine
owne
people
,
then
as
if
they
were
Elizabeths
;
let
the
great
ones
know
effectively
,
that
I
am
their
absolute
master
,
and
therefore
have
greater
power
,
as
to
receive
,
so
to
expect
their
services
:
let
my
Souldiers
know
that
I
their
King
,
am
their
Generall
,
and
therefore
,
as
I
shall
lead
,
they
cannot
but
march
with
greater
courage
,
and
that
their
advantage
is
so
much
the
more
considerable
,
as
not
to
be
exposed
to
a
Battail
,
but
for
such
a
Royall
person
,
who
will
adventure
with
them
,
and
bear
them
company
in
their
Noble
Actions
.
And
let
the
Princesse
know
that
if
I
take
the
Crown
,
which
her
Fathers
have
born
,
my
Ancestors
have
worn
it
as
well
as
they
;
and
in
this
quality
her
Grace
may
confesse
that
I
merit
more
gloriously
to
be
her
husband
,
and
to
let
her
see
,
that
without
Scepter
or
Crown
,
she
is
as
dear
and
pretious
to
me
.
To
conclude
(
gallant
Stanley
)
proclaime
to
all
the
world
(
though
I
would
claim
the
Crown
as
Conqueror
)
I
have
forborn
it
,
though
I
might
have
accepted
a
Crown
from
the
hands
of
a
Princesse
,
I
refused
it
,
and
that
I
have
rather
chosen
to
hazard
the
Throne
which
I
have
Conquered
,
then
not
to
possess
it
as
a
legitimate
Prince
,
and
the
issue
and
Heir
of
the
Royall
house
of
Lancaster
.
The
Censure
.
THis
Prince
is
in
the
Records
and
Annalls
of
the
Kings
of
England
accounted
and
honoured
as
one
of
the
most
famous
and
wisest
Polititians
as
ever
sate
on
that
Throne
.
This
is
the
observation
of
the
Lord
Chancellor
Bacon
;
and
as
he
elevated
himself
to
the
Royall
Soveraignty
,
so
hee
established
it
(
in
all
humane
Conjecture
)
with
greatest
honour
and
security
to
himself
and
successors
;
Though
he
might
have
ascended
highly
by
the
effects
of
his
Conquests
(
which
usually
are
not
moderated
to
any
bounds
)
yet
at
that
time
,
Fortune
(
if
ever
)
making
her self
a
slave
to
her
favourite
,
he
waveth
that
interest
as
his
principal
support
;
And
though
the
title
of
this
Princesse
Elizabeth
might
procure
him
popular
applauses
,
and
approbations
;
yet
his
reasons
seem
too
strong
to
be
subjected
to
that
sp●cious
dependant
subordination
:
which
quality
though
it
may
agree
with
the
Genius
of
a
Subject
,
yet
cannot
be
compatible
&
tolerable
in
the
digestion
of
a
victorious
Conqueror
.
Where
a
Queen
hath
the
soveraign
right
,
and
the
King
a
title
onely
by
marriage
,
it
is
not
he
,
but
she
that
ruleth
.
Now
if
a
Crown
be
not
establish't
,
it
hath
not
it's
perfect
beauty
:
if
a
Scepter
be
divided
,
it
is
no
longer
a
Scepter
:
if
two
sit
on
a
Throne
,
it
looseth
its
form
,
and
is
no
longer
a
Throne
.
The
Electors
of
the
Empire
,
and
those
of
Polony
,
entrench
too
deeply
on
the
authority
of
their
Masters
:
if
a
Prince
see
any
interposition
betwixt
him
and
God
,
he
cannot
stile
himself
Absolute
:
and
if
he
have
not
Right
to
say
,
it
is
our
will
and
pleasure
,
and
declare
(
without
farther
Reason
)
and
say
,
stat
pro
ratione
voluntas
;
he
carries
but
the
shadow
of
a
Soveraignty
,
he
may
wear
the
Crown
,
but
others
exercise
the
Royall
Office.
Now
if
this
kind
of
Government
be
not
so
noble
,
then
to
hold
a
Crown
by
the
Right
or
favour
of
a
wife
is
neither
so
safe
nor
so
honourable
.
The
Electors
are
stiled
subjects
,
and
all
Commissions
and
Edicts
are
signed
in
the
Princes
name
,
but
it
is
not
so
where
the
wife
is
supream
.
The
Sun
which
divideth
the
radiant
beames
to
the
universe
in
his
course
,
comprehendeth
all
splendent
lustre
in
his
own
glorious
body
,
and
when
that
is
set
,
no
brightnesse
at
all
appears
,
but
what
is
(
in
its
absence
)
communicated
to
some
lesser
Starrs
to
preserve
the
World
from
utter
darknesse
and
obscurity
.
Thus
,
this
wise
Prince
did
judge
of
Soveraignty
,
which
though
it
communicate
glorious
raies
,
yet
they
are
Originally
united
in
one
illustrious
body
,
and
those
lesser
lights
,
which
as
the
Moon
and
Starrs
radiate
with
more
Glimmering
and
Dusky
Brightnesse
,
they
have
no
native
,
but
mutuations
and
borrowed
light
.
A
quality
utterly
inconsistent
with
a
generous
and
renowned
Soul
,
and
which
agrees
not
with
the
Nature
of
Soveraignty
.
If
this
Prince
had
held
his
Crown
by
the
title
of
Elizabeth
,
he
must
have
depended
on
the
will
and
pleasure
of
his
Wife
;
and
never
been
able
to
sway
and
command
absolutely
.
It
is
our
will
and
pleasure
.
As
the
Crown
of
England
was
an
absolute
Monarchy
,
so
it
had
now
a
King
who
scorn'd
to
lose
the
least
circumstance
or
Punctilio
that
might
grace
the
splendor
and
brightnesse
of
Majesty
.
And
as
for
the
Complication
and
Acts
of
Grace
to
gratifie
his
people
,
he
rather
admitted
and
used
such
pleasant
Popular
baits
,
out
of
Policy
and
deeper
designe
to
prevent
all
stormes
,
or
to
calme
them
if
they
should
rise
,
then
to
diminish
or
extenuate
the
Grandure
of
Majesty
.
Those
condescentions
(
Kings
know
well
)
are
great
Artifices
of
their
own
making
,
which
when
the
fish
is
caught
they
understand
,
&
know
how
to
unrovel
&
break
the
nets
to
their
own
advantage
.
The
Scripture
teacheth
that
the
woman
is
to
be
subject
to
the
man
,
and
not
the
man
to
the
woman
.
Had
not
this
divine
rule
given
liberty
and
dispensation
to
this
Princes
action
and
choice
,
Policy
(
a
more
liberall
,
and
free
dispencer
of
her
counsels
)
would
not
stick
at
the
discouragement
of
such
Resolutions
which
endeavour
to
grasp
at
supreame
Authority
.
The
example
of
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
demonstrate
that
Masculine
Noblenesse
subjected
to
Feminine
fancies
,
and
their
mutable
pleasures
is
neither
so
satisfactory
,
so
honourable
,
nor
so
safe
.
And
that
other
example
of
Philip
the
second
,
who
married
Mary
Queen
of
England
,
manifesteth
,
that
such
a
conjunction
with
an
expectation
of
Soveraignties
as
concomitant
,
proveth
but
a
more
fine
Golden
chaine
to
bind
faster
(
at
pleasure
)
Royall
ambition
;
for
so
was
that
Prince
deluded
and
abused
in
his
expectation
,
who
instead
of
Soveraign
commands
had
onely
the
honour
of
a
Title
,
joyned
in
Commissions
and
Coyns
,
but
had
not
the
power
to
exercise
the
Royal
office
.
It
is
apparent
then
,
a
Scepter
is
onely
fit
for
one
,
and
not
two
hands
,
and
that
a
Crown
(
being
circular
inform
)
is
only
proper
for
one
Soveraign
head
.
The
two
famous
Queens
of
Naples
have
taught
all
the
world
the
dangers
of
pretending
to
hold
Crowns
by
Female
rights
:
And
this
Prince
was
a
person
too
sage
and
prudent
to
expose
his
Royall
advantages
to
such
casuall
alterations
,
having
made
so
noble
a
Conquest
,
he
holdeth
still
fast
his
sword
in
his
hand
,
and
espouseth
Elizabeth
with
all
her
rights
and
possibilities
,
and
wisely
chooseth
and
declareth
none
but
his
own
title
,
keeping
those
others
as
great
Souldiers
doe
their
Reserves
at
distance
,
rather
to
terrifie
,
then
to
fight
,
unlesse
there
be
great
occasion
.
In
this
action
this
King
,
whatever
he
pretended
of
Grace
to
Elizabeth
,
and
so
to
be
a
great
Moralist
,
herein
hath
left
to
the
world
this
testimony
;
That
he
was
acquainted
with
the
deepest
and
most
profound
wayes
of
Policy
;
and
therefore
did
more
prudently
make
his
election
,
and
so
pitch
his
resolution
,
rather
to
reigne
by
his
own
,
then
the
pretence
or
right
of
any
other
.
Now
if
from
an
action
of
such
famous
valour
and
prudence
,
we
alter
our
discourse
to
another
as
eminent
for
fidelity
;
here
is
an
example
in
the
person
of
an
Infidell
Prince
,
which
is
most
remarkable
.
Soliman
the
second
(
that
Prince
who
was
the
glory
of
the
Ottoman
Family
)
promised
to
John
,
King
of
Hungary
,
to
establish
his
Empire
,
to
which
purpose
Soliman
was
earnest
,
constant
,
and
faithfull
to
his
resolution
:
But
the
Warre
being
somewhat
unfortunate
,
or
lesse
succesfull
,
and
having
lost
the
lives
of
an
hundred
thousand
men
,
the
Bassawes
,
and
Turkish
Commanders
would
have
interrupted
,
and
prevented
the
said
Kings
investment
,
and
Inauguration
unto
the
Kingdom
of
Hungary
,
though
Soliman
had
made
his
royall
promise
:
But
see
here
Solimans
discourse
and
reasons
which
caused
that
generous
Monarch
to
keep
his
faith
and
resolution
,
and
to
crown
gloriously
John
in
the
famous
Town
of
Bude
.
portrait of Solyman
SOLYMAN
the
most
Magnificent
Emperour
of
the
Turkes
.
He
wan
the
I
le
Rhodes
and
divers
Ilands
in
the
Mediterranean
sea
,
overan
Hungary
,
conquerd
Babilon
and
the
Countreyes
of
Mesopotamia
:
Tooke
Strigonium
,
and
won
Alba
Regalis
,
and
at
the
seidge
of
Sigeth
died
,
in
Anno
:
1567.
SOLIMAN
TO
RVSTAN
BASSA
.
THE
Counsell
which
you
give
me
might
have
been
approved
by
Mahomet
the
second
,
but
not
by
Soliman
;
that
Prince
who
kept
not
his
word
with
the
Emperour
David
Comineus
,
and
his
Children
,
who
caused
the
death
of
Prince
Bosnie
,
and
Methelin
,
contrary
to
his
promises
;
pursued
those
Maximes
which
agree
not
with
Soliman
.
'T
is
true
,
he
was
certainly
a
great
Conquerour
,
and
the
twelve
Kingdomes
which
he
subdued
,
and
thereby
united
the
two
Empires
,
merit
much
to
his
honour
,
and
free
his
actions
from
being
censured
with
too
much
rigour
and
severity
;
and
by
what
means
he
reigned
so
puissantly
.
And
as
to
my
own
particular
(
because
I
enjoyed
his
Conquests
)
it
may
less
become
me
to
insult
over
his
errors
,
or
to
rail
at
his
proceedings
against
the
rules
of
exact
Justice
;
yet
seeing
truth
and
fidelity
to
my
word
and
unspotted
honour
are
the
marks
I
chiefly
aim
at
,
I
shall
not
judge
it
irrational
nor
injust
to
say
that
Mahomets
forfeiting
of
his
word
and
promise
hath
stained
the
beauty
of
his
Reputation
,
&
if
he
had
been
more
sacred
in
observation
of
his
word
and
promise
with
his
enemies
,
he
had
not
gained
less
true
glory
then
his
conquests
have
rendred
to
his
name
.
I
am
not
ignorant
that
Mahomet
hath
not
been
the
sole
example
of
my
Predecessors
,
who
have
falsified
their
Faith
without
the
least
scruple
,
and
that
many
Polititians
yeeld
and
perswade
,
that
it
is
lawful
to
deceive
those
whom
they
can
delude
,
and
that
fraud
and
fowrbs
are
commendable
and
innocent
instruments
;
and
as
for
sincerity
,
it
is
not
laudable
,
much
less
necessary
,
but
when
advantageous
and
convenient
.
The
Christians
(
as
well
as
the
Turks
)
(
who
seem
to
be
obliged
by
the
bonds
of
Religion
,
and
upon
pains
of
hell
)
permit
these
rules
and
maxims
amongst
them
very
ordinarily
,
and
have
not
kept
their
publique
Faith
inviolable
,
to
compass
and
effect
their
particular
aims
and
designs
;
and
yet
some
of
the
Ottoman
Princes
have
been
most
exact
and
strict
in
keeping
of
their
word
.
Thus
the
magnificent
Selim
(
of
famous
memory
)
though
naturally
haughty
and
ambitious
,
was
most
punctual
in
his
Conditions
and
Articles
with
the
Citizens
of
Damascus
,
who
surrendring
their
Town
,
he
saved
their
lives
,
and
preserved
their
goods
from
pillage
and
plunder
;
nay
he
was
so
exact
to
every
circumstance
,
that
although
his
numerous
forces
had
incamped
,
and
lay
round
about
that
vast
Town
,
wherein
the
prey
and
wealth
was
infinite
,
and
might
have
largely
inriched
the
whole
army
,
yet
Selim
permitted
not
any
one
souldier
to
commit
the
least
insolence
,
nor
so
much
as
to
gather
a
handful
of
fruit
or
herbs
out
of
the
stately
and
luxuriant
Gardens
which
lay
round
about
the
walls
.
And
doest
thou
know
(
Rustan
)
what
advantage
succeeded
this
exact
curiosity
of
his
fidelity
and
Paroll
?
The
inhabitants
of
Damascus
gave
more
by
a
peaceable
surrender
,
and
the
Emperour
received
more
then
he
and
his
Army
could
have
gotten
,
if
they
had
pillaged
the
Town
;
for
by
this
example
of
the
Emperours
exact
law
of
his
word
,
the
towns
of
Barute
,
of
Sidon
,
of
Tripoly
,
of
Ptolomais
,
and
(
speedily
after
)
those
of
Syria
submitted
,
and
surrendred
on
the
faith
and
credit
of
the
Emperours
word
;
by
this
meanes
a
great
hardship
of
War
,
and
an
expensive
,
and
vast
charge
was
saved
,
and
the
lives
of
many
thousands
preserved
from
death
.
But
you
may
tell
me
(
Rustan
)
the
chiefe
meanes
to
inlarge
Territoryes
,
or
to
confirme
,
or
assure
Conquests
,
to
destroy
Enemies
,
to
invade
Townes
,
to
subdue
Provinces
,
and
Kingdomes
,
is
it
not
by
conjoyning
fraud
and
deceit
with
force
and
Armes
?
and
by
pretending
faith
,
but
not
intending
to
keep
it
?
are
not
Townes
surrendred
,
the
Gates
of
Castles
and
Forts
opened
to
spetious
and
smooth
delusions
?
Whereby
great
and
potent
Adversaries
have
committed
themselves
(
in
person
)
to
their
Enemies
?
what
need
we
search
farther
then
into
the
Histories
of
the
first
founders
of
the
Ottoman
family
,
as
well
as
into
the
life
of
the
valiant
Orchan
,
who
succeeded
them
;
we
shall
find
that
if
they
had
not
as
well
used
artificiall
delusions
,
fraud
and
falshood
;
they
had
not
so
frequently
surprized
Townes
,
subdued
Provinces
,
nor
Conquered
Kingdoms
,
nor
laid
such
strong
foundations
to
that
Empire
,
which
I
now
possesse
,
and
which
appears
in
its
present
condition
to
foretell
her
happy
fruition
of
her
victories
to
as
great
glory
and
duration
as
the
Romans
extended
theirs
.
Do
you
not
then
think
that
too
strict
and
punctual
observation
to
your
faith
,
&
word
,
may
be
an
obstacle
to
your
agrandizing
and
future
establishment
of
your
Empire
?
To
all
these
I
answer
,
I
am
of
the
contrary
opinion
,
as
believing
that
an
honourable
Regard
of
ones
word
,
and
a
conservation
of
his
faith
solemnly
and
publiquely
given
,
is
the
best
way
and
meanes
to
begin
,
to
inlarge
,
or
to
establish
a
Soveraignty
.
When
I
call
to
mind
then
,
and
examine
my
faith
and
promise
made
to
King
John
,
and
my
Ingagement
to
use
my
best
indeavours
to
establish
him
in
his
Throne
,
Judge
you
if
I
be
not
obliged
to
keep
my
word
inviolable
:
For
which
all
Mortalls
are
strictly
bound
if
they
resolve
not
to
forget
humanity
and
honour
,
and
true
renown
.
And
if
so
severe
a
tye
be
morally
imprinted
on
the
Soules
of
all
men
,
how
particularly
are
Princes
,
who
are
in
degrees
of
honour
,
as
far
transcendent
to
their
subjects
,
as
the
lesser
Starrs
are
inferiour
to
the
lustre
of
the
Sun.
For
in
the
observation
of
their
Royall
Parole
,
the
Peoples
happinesse
,
and
the
Soveraignes
glory
chiefly
consisteth
.
To
confirme
this
argument
,
and
so
to
know
more
exactly
the
sacrednesse
of
promises
;
you
may
consider
that
the
Religions
of
all
kind
which
ever
were
or
shall
be
,
have
never
restrained
,
nor
ever
shall
oblige
the
people
,
but
by
this
way
.
Heaven
it selfe
is
witnesse
by
the
constancy
of
her
motions
to
what
I
say
.
In
effect
,
what
disorder
and
confusion
would
succeed
to
any
estate
,
if
men
shall
declare
to
make
open
profession
,
that
they
did
not
regard
what
they
did
say
,
or
promise
?
what
would
be
the
disorder
,
and
how
irregular
the
society
in
every
particular
party
?
what
inconveniency
and
a
generall
disturbance
to
all
commerce
?
and
what
union
and
agreement
can
be
expected
or
hoped
for
amongst
the
people
,
which
is
the
very
foundation
,
and
frameth
a
Solidity
to
the
station
,
and
continuance
of
Empires
?
It
is
through
faith
in
promises
that
amity
and
friendship
are
preserved
,
that
all
Artizans
and
labourers
work
with
so
much
curiosity
and
paines
:
this
causeth
the
Marriners
to
imbarque
,
and
so
boldly
to
adventure
their
lives
at
Sea
,
incourageth
the
Souldiers
to
be
so
hardy
and
valiant
in
the
Warrs
:
And
without
this
,
it
would
be
impossible
to
govern
either
in
peace
or
War
.
So
then
the
keeping
of
faith
inviolate
,
conduceth
much
to
the
rule
and
government
of
all
the
universe
,
and
is
as
necessary
to
humane
society
,
as
a
foundation
is
to
a
stately
and
magnificent
structure
.
Without
this
incomparable
bond
,
all
society
would
be
dissolved
into
confusion
,
lawes
be
despised
and
scorned
,
Fathers
would
not
have
any
Reverence
from
their
Children
,
nor
Children
any
kindness
from
their
Parents
,
friends
would
grow
perfidious
,
Commanders
would
trample
on
their
Souldiers
,
and
they
as
insolently
injure
or
forsake
their
Commanders
,
Subjects
would
have
no
assurance
in
their
Princes
,
nor
Princes
any
respect
or
honour
from
their
Subjects
.
You
see
then
(
Rustan
)
that
a
constant
observation
to
ones
faith
and
parole
,
is
not
only
honourable
but
necessary
;
and
without
which
it
were
impossible
but
to
go
into
most
irreparable
misfortunes
.
Moreover
this
quality
is
the
more
noble
,
because
no
creature
is
capable
to
effectuate
in
this
kind
but
onely
rational
,
and
the
incomparable
creature
man
;
as
for
other
qualities
they
may
be
Acquired
by
Habits
,
or
possessed
by
Temperaments
and
natural
Instincts
,
as
appears
in
the
very
Bruits
.
We
find
fidelity
in
Dogs
,
love
in
the
Turtles
,
violent
inclinations
of
tendernes
in
the
Male
and
Female
creatures
towards
their
young
ones
;
the
Lions
have
their
generosity
and
boldness
,
the
Serpents
their
prudence
,
the
Elephant
their
wit
and
memory
,
and
the
little
Ants
their
providence
in
their
Oeconomie
;
but
as
for
the
observation
of
faith
and
promises
,
those
are
actions
onely
belonging
to
Man
,
by
which
he
becometh
Master
of
anothers
will
,
as
well
as
of
his
own
,
so
that
in
these
occasions
it
may
bee
well
said
,
that
there
is
a
necessity
as
indispenceable
to
keep
ones
word
,
as
to
obey
a
Law
before
a
promise
made
;
this
caution
is
ever
to
be
used
,
that
no
man
exceed
the
reall
and
absolute
limits
of
his
own
power
,
not
to
ingage
his
faith
in
any
thing
evill
in
it self
,
or
injurious
to
another
.
These
limitations
first
proposed
,
faith
is
obligatory
,
and
binding
,
and
no
retractation
to
be
admitted
,
which
in
it self
cannot
be
less
then
base
and
dishonourable
.
These
considerations
concerne
persons
of
all
degrees
;
and
as
for
Kings
,
they
are
not
free
from
the
obligation
of
their
Parole
more
then
the
meanest
of
their
Subjects
:
For
if
they
make
a
promise
to
their
equals
,
and
fail
in
it
,
their
equals
may
force
and
compel
them
to
a
performance
;
and
if
to
their
Inferiours
,
justice
and
honour
obliges
them
to
be
exact
to
their
own
will
and
pleasure
,
which
once
ingaged
is
not
longer
free
,
but
hath
a
tye
and
obligation
on
it
,
which
they
have
imposed
and
framed
to
themselves
.
There
cannot
be
then
(
with
justice
and
honor
)
a
failing
in
Faith
,
nor
any
fair
evasion
;
the
very
possibility
which
Princes
have
in
their
own
power
not
to
oblige
themselves
to
any
promise
,
foretels
their
facility
to
observation
,
which
they
cannot
(
but
against
their
own
reason
)
disanul
and
dispence
withall
.
Nay
if
a
Prince
shall
condescend
to
a
resolution
and
solemn
promise
,
to
depose
his
Crown
,
I
cannot
but
judge
it
more
glorious
for
him
to
keep
his
word
,
then
to
hold
his
Scepter
.
Fundamentall
Laws
(
though
in
themselves
sacred
and
inviolable
)
yet
ought
not
to
be
in
so
great
a
veneration
with
a
Prince
as
observation
to
his
own
word
:
For
it
may
so
arrive
in
the
revolution
of
Ages
,
that
Policy
may
permit
and
perswade
to
change
,
and
alter
those
first
ordinances
,
which
have
founded
and
supported
a
Monarchy
;
but
as
for
the
word
of
a
King
,
it
ought
to
be
inchangeable
;
otherwise
,
levity
,
and
falshood
will
so
spot
his
reputation
,
that
he
will
hardly
ever
obliterate
the
stain
of
Infamy
;
and
what
fidelity
,
or
loyalty
can
be
expected
from
Subjects
to
be
paid
to
him
,
who
is
not
noble
and
faithfull
to
himself
?
If
you
object
(
Rustan
)
that
the
King
is
lesse
obliged
because
he
is
so
transcendent
above
them
.
I
answer
;
a
Prince
is
free
before
he
pleaseth
to
promise
;
but
if
he
shall
fail
afterwards
to
gratifie
his
humour
,
or
ambition
,
or
to
give
way
to
his
own
passions
,
he
will
provoke
not
only
his
peoples
hatred
,
but
(
if
possible
)
their
revenge
;
whom
though
they
do
not
command
,
do
expect
that
he
should
obey
the
dictates
of
his
own
will
;
and
if
this
intercourse
should
faile
,
how
should
the
Prince
confide
in
his
people
,
or
they
in
him
?
If
I
should
design
a
noble
recompence
to
my
Bashaws
and
Janizaries
,
in
case
they
should
effect
some
noble
and
grand
enterprise
,
might
I
not
give
a
dangerous
check
to
my
commands
and
power
,
if
I
should
start
from
my
word
,
and
so
they
fail
in
their
reward
?
If
I
were
engaged
with
mine
Army
before
a
Town
,
and
resolved
to
subdue
it
,
and
encouraged
my
Souldiers
to
storm
and
take
it
,
and
gave
them
promise
of
the
prey
,
and
pillage
,
and
then
did
not
prove
noble
and
faithfull
,
and
did
not
recompence
them
,
having
adventured
their
lives
in
the
assault
,
and
breach
with
such
violence
and
mettle
to
get
the
Victory
;
might
not
such
infidelity
not
onely
lose
mine
honour
,
but
provoke
a
mutiny
,
and
hazard
the
losse
of
mine
own
Army
?
Again
,
if
the
Inhabitants
of
a
Town
should
agree
voluntarily
to
submit
,
without
other
conditions
,
but
the
saving
of
their
lives
,
and
after
I
had
received
the
Keyes
of
their
Ports
,
&
the
Gates
were
open
,
then
I
should
suffer
them
to
fall
by
the
Edge
of
the
sword
;
would
not
such
an
Act
obscure
the
honour
of
a
soveraign
Prince
?
and
force
the
remainder
and
survivant
party
to
fight
&
dispute
to
the
last
drop
of
their
bloods
?
and
might
not
such
unworthinesse
cause
mine
owne
Souldiers
to
turn
Cowards
,
or
to
make
them
turn
their
swords
against
their
own
Prince
?
would
not
such
Actions
as
these
increase
the
valour
of
the
Enemy
,
cause
them
to
redouble
their
Guards
,
and
inspire
them
with
new
designes
,
to
deceive
with
falshood
him
whom
they
could
neither
subdue
nor
believe
?
were
not
such
a
Prince
indangered
to
be
censured
as
the
firebrand
of
his
Age
,
and
as
well
born
to
be
the
Enemie
of
his
neighbours
,
and
the
odium
of
his
own
subjects
,
as
well
as
of
his
Enemies
?
and
as
for
Princes
,
if
they
as
well
consider
their
interest
as
their
honour
,
they
are
not
onely
obliged
for
their
advantage
,
to
whom
they
have
promised
,
but
likewise
for
their
own
ends
:
And
it
is
a
great
dispute
,
whether
it
be
of
greater
importance
to
keep
faith
with
friends
or
enemies
;
and
the
most
subtle
Polititians
do
conclude
,
that
in
a
case
of
absolute
necessity
,
a
breach
with
friends
is
more
tolerable
then
with
enemies
,
whose
eyes
are
most
acute
and
exact
,
to
observe
every
scruple
of
conditions
or
Articles
covenanted
to
them
:
For
when
our
Allyes
,
our
friends
,
and
our
subjects
do
affie
in
us
,
they
do
no
more
then
their
duties
and
devoires
;
of
which
if
they
failed
their
neglect
were
injury
,
and
consequently
their
trust
in
us
augmenteth
our
glory
,
and
equitably
obligeth
us
to
keep
our
faith
with
them
:
but
when
it
arriveth
that
our
professed
Enemies
place
their
assurance
in
our
parole
,
this
is
an
infallible
mark
of
that
estimation
which
they
have
of
our
vertue
not
of
our
power
:
And
this
conception
worketh
for
our
glory
,
and
testifieth
so
much
for
our
generosity
,
that
(
I
dare
boldly
say
)
if
it
be
injustice
and
basenesse
to
forfeit
one's
parole
to
his
friend
:
It
is
an
act
of
more
horrid
ignoblenesse
mixt
with
perfideousnesse
and
impudency
,
not
to
keep
faith
with
an
Enemy
.
I
cannot
then
with
my
honour
let
this
opportunity
escape
,
which
fortune
now
presenteth
,
but
I
must
observe
that
which
I
have
promised
to
this
distressed
Prince
;
to
him
(
I
say
)
who
hath
not
forgotten
,
what
ruine
and
ravages
our
armies
have
committed
in
his
Kingdom
.
He
it
is
who
confideth
in
us
,
and
hath
chosen
him
who
was
the
greatest
Enemy
to
this
Kingdome
to
be
the
Protector
of
his
Crown
.
We
cannot
delude
his
hopes
(
Rustan
)
nor
with
any
honour
recede
from
our
promise
.
I
know
well
that
some
rules
of
Policy
oppose
my
design
.
If
I
should
make
use
of
them
,
and
if
I
should
permit
an
interruption
,
many
considerations
will
arise
,
and
you
may
tell
me
(
first
)
that
John
engaged
me
to
this
Warre
,
and
that
the
fates
,
which
go
verns
all
things
,
have
produced
sad
and
black
effects
to
both
parties
,
since
I
have
taken
the
Fortes
of
Bude
and
those
of
Altemberg
,
that
other
of
Komar●
,
of
Wissegrade
,
and
all
other
along
the
Danube
:
My
Army
have
pillaged
all
Syria
,
and
made
an
infinite
number
of
slaves
,
and
have
so
terrified
the
Emperor
Ferdinando
,
that
he
durst
not
presume
,
with
his
Army
once
to
face
my
force
;
&
after
all
these
successes
I
am
at
last
tryumphant
in
the
Towne
of
Bude
,
ready
to
invest
and
re-enthrone
John
King
of
Hungary
;
and
if
that
siege
of
Vienna
,
and
the
extremity
of
the
winter
have
caused
me
to
lose
an
hundred
thousand
men
,
I
might
seem
to
complain
rather
of
this
Prince
then
to
render
to
him
his
Kingdome
,
and
honour
him
with
his
Crown
.
This
may
agree
best
with
your
sence
:
but
it
is
true
,
I
cannot
submit
to
your
Judgement
.
If
instead
of
one
,
I
had
lost
two
hundred
thousand
men
,
I
should
not
have
desisted
from
my
intentions
,
out
of
meer
consideration
to
my
faith
and
promise
.
I
never
suffered
my
profit
and
advantage
to
be
competitors
,
or
comparative
with
my
glory
and
renown
.
And
when
I
shall
faile
to
be
a
strict
observer
of
my
faith
,
I
cannot
judge
my self
worthy
of
respect
or
honour
.
Of
all
the
waies
of
Conquest
these
are
most
sure
,
which
are
effected
with
least
violence
.
In
making
a
King
my
Tributary
and
Vassall
,
I
create
a
more
illustrious
slave
to
be
as
faithful
and
obedient
,
as
if
imprisoned
with
fettered
Chaines
:
The
recognition
of
distresses
relieved
,
oblige
a
Prince
more
powerfully
then
the
strictest
servitude
:
And
those
Tributes
which
are
paid
to
a
King
by
a
voluntary
contribution
,
do
more
inrich
his
treasure
,
then
those
which
are
exacted
.
For
you
cannot
be
ignorant
how
that
in
a
Country
newly
Conquered
,
Garrisons
are
to
be
established
in
the
principall
Forts
and
Townes
;
besides
,
it
is
to
be
provided
that
an
Army
be
ready
to
march
,
on
all
occasions
,
to
be
ready
to
oppose
all
resistance
that
may
arise
,
and
yet
this
care
and
providence
is
to
be
exercised
,
to
see
that
the
people
be
not
utterly
destroyed
as
well
as
subdued
from
the
power
of
Revolts
:
Policy
teaching
that
they
have
not
too
much
liberty
,
least
they
grow
insolent
,
nor
too
severe
a
servitude
,
least
they
grow
desperate
;
a
mixture
of
gentlenesse
with
rigour
is
necessary
in
lawfull
Royalty
,
but
more
absolutely
inseparable
from
the
foundation
of
new
Conquests
.
Moreover
,
in
the
establishment
of
a
Tributarie
Prince
,
more
sweetnesse
and
indulgence
is
tolerable
,
because
he
is
substituted
to
all
care
,
charge
and
paines
,
and
such
a
Conquest
is
as
well
without
inquietude
as
danger
.
If
I
had
intended
otherwise
,
I
must
have
fought
many
battailes
,
besieged
many
Towns
,
and
(
besides
a
hazard
not
to
have
obtained
what
I
now
enjoy
)
I
might
have
lost
honour
and
reputation
.
Moreover
my
violation
of
faith
with
this
Prince
,
might
have
united
and
provoked
other
Princes
to
levy
forces
,
and
march
unanimously
against
me
:
And
what
Grace
or
honour
might
that
Emperor
expect
,
but
rather
a
generall
detestation
from
all
,
who
deserved
to
be
branded
with
ignominy
and
reproach
,
for
being
perfidious
and
false
?
will
not
both
Princes
and
Subjects
act
to
save
their
lives
,
to
defend
their
Country
,
preserve
their
liberties
,
and
revenge
their
Prince
from
a
faithlesse
and
perfidious
person
?
But
you
will
tell
me
(
Rustan
)
after
so
many
battailes
,
and
so
many
signall
Advantages
,
what
need
I
fear
,
and
what
might
I
not
hope
for
?
No
,
no
,
Fortune
is
too
mutable
a
Lady
to
be
confided
in
:
We
are
not
to
abuse
her
favours
,
nor
scorne
her
liberality
,
nor
to
depend
on
the
Constancy
of
her
graces
,
who
is
so
changable
at
her
pleasure
.
She
who
hath
given
us
all
these
Victories
,
hath
power
to
deprive
us
of
them
,
and
as
oft
as
I
think
,
what
great
obstacles
stood
in
the
way
,
to
oppose
the
mighty
successe
of
valiant
Scanderbeg
,
and
Mahomet
,
and
many
of
my
Ancestors
;
I
cannot
prudently
be
over
confident
in
my
own
Armies
,
my
Enemies
weaknesse
,
nor
my
own
valour
.
For
it
is
possible
,
that
the
greatest
Conquerors
may
be
vanquished
,
and
consequently
,
nothing
is
to
be
hazarded
highly
.
The
fortunes
which
attended
Amurath
and
Bajazet
,
may
also
waite
on
me
,
and
another
Castriot
or
Tamerlaines
may
arise
to
prevail
over
me
.
Let
us
not
then
abuse
our
Enemies
in
the
forfeiting
of
faith
,
nor
thereby
occasion
all
the
world
to
oppose
and
hate
us
,
which
they
may
do
without
injustice
,
and
then
the
fates
produce
strange
and
wonderfull
effects
.
Marcellus
stopped
the
Progresse
of
Hannibal
,
when
he
was
highly
ingaged
;
Camillus
preserved
his
Country
,
when
it
was
feared
he
would
have
destroyed
it
.
Besides
all
these
reasons
,
the
Senate
and
Republique
of
Rome
affords
us
examples
of
admitting
Kings
to
be
Tributaries
,
Slaves
,
and
Vassalls
.
And
if
true
Renown
be
so
exceedingly
glorious
in
the
subjection
of
the
Common
People
;
how
superexcellent
,
and
most
illustrious
is
a
command
over
Kings
and
Princes
?
Thus
Antonius
marcht
with
two
and
twenty
Princes
,
(
as
his
Royall
attendance
)
into
Alexandria
.
This
infallible
ensigne
of
honour
declares
to
all
the
world
,
that
the
Romans
made
not
alwaies
their
Enemies
their
Slaves
,
but
gave
them
liberty
to
weare
their
Crownes
,
to
make
their
Royall
Equipage
more
glorious
.
It
is
one
of
the
greatest
secrets
of
Policy
,
so
to
temper
and
manage
affaires
,
as
to
make
our
enemies
serviceable
to
us
.
And
no
advantage
can
be
higher
,
then
to
make
them
fight
for
us
,
who
fought
against
us
.
And
as
for
this
Kingdome
of
Hungary
,
which
is
now
divided
by
the
Factions
of
John
and
Ferdinando
,
it
would
be
(
doubtlesse
)
united
against
me
,
if
I
should
be
perfidious
to
that
party
,
which
I
am
ingaged
to
:
And
so
that
whole
Country
become
mine
enemies
,
which
(
on
these
terms
)
are
reduced
to
be
my
vassals
:
By
this
action
I
shall
either
augment
my
Soveraignty
;
or
,
if
the
division
continues
,
more
infeeble
the
adverse
party
.
Princes
ought
deeply
to
consider
before
they
engage
their
faith
;
but
if
they
value
their
honour
,
they
are
obliged
to
perform
their
promise
,
though
it
succeed
with
the
greatest
loss
.
This
obligation
bindeth
more
essentially
;
because
it
is
a
vow
not
made
to
Subjects
,
but
to
a
Prince
by
one
in
distresse
;
he
who
renders
himself
my
Vassal
,
and
hath
trusted
to
my
word
for
the
safety
of
his
person
.
And
should
my
falshood
make
my
advantage
in
a
Princes
necessity
,
who
relies
on
my
fidelity
,
and
flies
to
me
for
succour
?
When
the
Emperour
Ferdinando
(
who
is
an
enemy
formidable
enough
)
desired
my
Alliance
,
I
publickly
both
refused
and
scorned
his
Amity
:
And
it
had
not
become
me
now
to
have
admitted
this
Prince
to
the
secresie
of
my
promise
and
resolutions
,
if
I
had
not
first
exactly
examined
how
far
I
might
condescend
and
adventure
for
his
protection
.
No
,
no
(
Rustan
)
I
should
rather
choose
to
lose
my
life
,
then
to
forefeite
my
Parole
,
which
I
shall
preserve
so
inviolable
,
that
I
shall
Crown
King
John
with
mine
own
hands
,
that
all
posterity
may
learn
from
me
that
it
is
a
necessary
obligation
(
equally
concerning
the
peoples
good
,
as
well
as
the
Princes
glory
)
to
keep
and
guard
their
promises
,
without
any
fraud
or
violation
.
It
is
by
this
indivisible
chain
that
the
universall
society
of
Mankind
subsisteth
in
that
union
which
inableth
so
many
divers
Nations
to
treat
and
commerce
so
unanimously
in
their
affairs
.
This
is
that
sacred
bond
which
causeth
voluntarily
the
arms
of
so
many
thousands
(
though
enemies
)
peacefully
to
be
laid
down
.
This
is
that
solemn
assurance
which
perswadeth
and
secureth
peace
after
bloody
Wars
.
If
men
should
not
have
a
regard
and
observation
to
their
Parroll
,
Iustice
,
which
is
the
foundation
of
all
virtues
,
would
find
no
place
for
her
feet
to
stand
in
all
the
world
;
and
if
shee
failed
,
all
other
virtues
would
lose
their
grace
and
beauty
;
Justice
it self
would
lose
her
denomination
,
and
be
stiled
rigour
,
or
severity
;
Clemencie
would
be
reputed
too
much
indulgent
levity
.
Liberality
would
be
censured
prodigality
;
and
Valour
(
if
not
succesfull
)
would
be
accounted
rashnesse
,
or
too
much
confidence
.
And
it
is
true
,
though
virtues
consist
in
moderation
,
yet
when
the
action
is
not
seasonable
,
they
seem
to
wear
the
habits
of
vice
.
But
as
for
fidelity
to
ones
Paroll
,
it
admits
of
no
various
explications
,
but
ought
to
be
exactly
observed
,
at
all
times
,
in
all
places
,
and
with
all
persons
;
and
as
to
mine
own
resolutions
(
being
a
Soveraign
Prince
)
I
shall
not
be
false
,
but
faithfull
to
all
,
whether
Kings
or
Shepheards
;
nor
faile
in
that
(
which
seems
most
difficult
)
to
keep
my
Parole
with
mine
Enemy
.
This
Law
is
properly
mine
own
,
because
voluntary
;
therefore
to
be
obeyed
without
all
repugnancie
.
It
is
in
this
resolution
wherein
my
reason
is
so
mightily
convinced
,
that
I
reverence
the
sanctity
of
publick
Faith
;
to
violate
which
becomes
not
men
,
much
lesse
Kings
.
And
as
for
my selfe
,
to
bee
false
to
my
Faith
I
am
incapable
.
The
Censure
.
SEe
here
the
noble
and
generous
resolutions
of
a
Prince
(
who
reverencing
the
Alcoran
,
and
onely
adoring
the
lies
and
fictions
of
Mahomet
)
appeares
a
very
gallant
and
illustrious
soul
,
exceeding
many
Christian
Princes
for
his
fidelity
to
his
Parole
and
promise
.
Divinity
gives
us
leave
to
acknowledge
,
that
those
high
degrees
of
honour
and
felicity
,
which
accompanyed
this
great
Prince
,
were
as
a
temporall
recompence
wherewith
God
was
pleased
to
requite
him
,
and
so
make
more
renowned
his
Morall
virtues
.
Oh
that
this
Emperour
(
though
a
Turk
)
had
been
alive
to
shame
that
dangerous
Politian
,
who
(
though
a
Christian
)
had
the
impudence
to
write
and
publish
to
the
world
;
That
wise
Princes
ought
not
to
observe
their
promises
but
when
they
tend
to
their
utility
and
advantages
.
Who
would
beleeve
that
one
who
wears
a
Turban
,
should
be
more
morall
then
he
who
bears
a
Christian
Crown
?
The
same
Author
saies
;
If
all
men
were
honest
,
that
precept
were
not
necessary
;
but
because
many
are
false
and
wicked
,
it
is
therefore
more
tolerable
,
and
for
that
reason
,
that
they
regard
not
their
Faith
,
Princes
are
not
obliged
to
theirs
;
who
can
never
want
specious
pretences
for
their
failings
.
This
Position
is
as
wicked
as
that
other
;
and
his
warrant
(
though
from
the
Scripture
)
is
not
Logicall
;
it
is
true
,
David
saith
,
all
men
are
lyars
;
but
the
Politician
cannot
conclude
thence
a
dispensation
for
fraud
and
infidelity
;
one
man
judgeth
of
another
by
his
words
or
actions
,
but
God
alone
judgeth
of
the
hearts
.
The
Counsell
of
dissimulation
,
if
it
be
consistent
with
Policie
,
agrees
not
at
all
with
Theological
truth
:
And
is
not
the
being
(
as
well
as
the
appearing
)
to
be
honest
and
just
,
requisi●e
and
necessary
in
a
Prince
?
Or
have
the
Reigns
of
all
good
and
virtuous
Princes
been
miserable
and
unfortuna●e
?
Or
is
there
no
other
means
to
prevent
miseries
and
ill
,
but
by
the
practice
of
a
lesson
(
in
it self
)
so
damnable
?
Is
there
no
other
way
to
uphold
Crowns
,
and
Monarchies
but
by
such
black
,
and
damnable
Maximes
of
State
?
Another
rule
follows
as
dangerous
,
(
as
those
which
went
before
)
which
is
,
that
it
is
not
necessary
for
Princes
really
to
be
what
they
seeme
,
nor
to
keep
Faith
in
any
thing
,
but
what
serves
their
turne
.
Oh
what
horrour
these
Principles
contain
in
them
?
Let
this
dangerous
Florentine
poison
the
World
as
far
as
he
can
with
his
infectious
Principles
;
yet
I
dare
to
say
,
his
Maximes
are
as
empty
and
void
of
reason
as
Religion
.
Fidelity
is
essentiall
to
any
illustrious
Prince
,
without
which
,
he
can
neither
raigne
happily
nor
gloriously
:
and
't
is
certain
,
frequent
dissimulations
,
and
infidelity
in
Princes
to
their
Paroles
,
make
suddain
troubles
,
or
admit
but
of
short
raignes
;
Therfore
they
ought
to
be
kept
inviolable
and
with
more
sacred
reverence
,
though
compacted
with
the
greatest
Enemies
.
For
Princes
are
at
liberty
,
before
they
promise
,
but
once
engaged
,
ought
to
be
subservient
to
their
dictates
,
and
desires
of
their
own
wills
:
And
who
ever
faileth
to
keep
his
faith
,
looseth
his
honour
and
common
honesty
.
And
a
being
not
obliged
by
the
rules
of
Religion
,
giveth
a
Check
to
all
Rights
,
both
humane
and
divine
.
But
I
see
a
great
Champion
,
and
an
illustrious
Commander
contradicting
this
proposition
,
and
urgeth
that
no
rule
is
so
generall
,
but
admitteth
of
some
exception
.
Great
Scanderbeg
gained
so
famous
a
reputation
in
the
World
,
that
he
merits
not
to
be
condemned
before
his
reasons
be
heard
,
and
his
noble
Actions
rightly
considered
.
John
Castriot
his
Father
being
dead
,
and
his
Children
being
hostages
in
the
hands
of
Amurath
the
Turkish
Emperor
;
this
Barbarous
Prince
imprisoned
them
,
thereby
the
better
to
secure
the
Kingdom
of
Albania
to
himselfe
.
Now
as
the
rare
valour
of
George
Castriot
,
(
whom
the
Turkes
called
Scanderbeg
)
was
infinitely
necessary
,
he
omitted
not
the
least
occasion
,
which
might
advantage
his
particular
interest
,
and
therefore
feigned
a
willingnesse
and
resolution
to
surrender
the
Kingdom
to
Amurath
,
with
privy
designe
more
exactly
to
sound
and
bottome
his
intentions
:
And
(
at
length
)
meeting
with
a
fit
opportunity
,
when
the
Turks
gave
battaile
to
the
Christians
,
hee
quitted
the
Turkish
Armies
,
and
faceing
about
charged
fiercely
with
the
Christians
against
the
Turks
,
and
having
given
them
many
desperate
overthrowes
,
he
recovered
his
estate
(
at
last
)
and
the
Throne
of
his
Father
.
Amurath
inraged
with
Choler
and
despatched
one
of
his
Janizaries
(
Chaoux
)
to
reproach
Great
Scanderbeg
,
for
his
falsenesse
to
his
Parole
and
promise
,
and
to
charge
him
with
his
infidelity
:
See
here
this
famous
Commanders
Apologie
,
and
reasons
to
justifie
his
actions
to
all
the
World
:
And
that
it
is
not
dishonorable
nor
inglorious
,
to
break
promise
with
those
who
keep
not
Faith
,
but
are
perfideous
.
portrait of Scanderbeg
GEORGE
CASTRIOT
,
otherwise
called
Scanderbeg
Prince
of
Epirus
,
Scourge
of
the
Turkes
.
He
slew
Fera
Bassa
with
his
owne
hand
,
Cheife
Com̄ander
of
Amuraths
army
,
Overran
the
countrey
of
Madedonia
,
Overthrew
the
Turks
army
consisting
of
40000
,
still
remayning
victor
in
many
battells
by
his
valour
and
pollicie
SCANDERBEG
TO
HIS
COVNCEL
OF
OFFICERS
AND
COMMANDERS
.
THE
Embassador
of
Amurath
(
having
reproached
me
in
the
behalf
of
the
Emperor
his
Master
)
hath
dared
to
charge
my
reputation
,
with
the
ugly
crimes
of
Perfidiousnesse
,
and
Treasons
:
which
scandalls
and
accusations
my
Soule
scornes
and
abhorrs
;
If
all
men
in
the
World
should
not
be
as
equally
guilty
of
those
errois
,
as
my self
;
And
seeing
Alexander
the
Great
loved
not
glory
it selfe
,
but
with
scrupulous
Curiosity
,
and
he
bravely
affirmed
,
that
he
inwardly
abhorred
,
to
steal
a
Victory
,
by
surprising
it
in
obscurity
or
the
night
:
I
presume
I
may
be
admitted
to
conclude
,
that
I
hate
the
thoughts
,
to
have
stolne
that
glory
away
,
which
I
possesse
,
had
I
not
acquired
it
by
noble
and
illustrious
meanes
.
Be
you
then
my
Judges
in
this
point
,
(
although
my
Officers
and
Subjects
)
examine
my
actions
with
the
greatest
rigour
,
that
the
severity
of
Justice
,
or
the
brightnesse
of
true
generosity
can
exact
or
require
,
and
be
not
partiall
(
for
so
I
conjure
you
)
whether
or
no
,
those
may
forfeit
the
glory
of
their
valour
and
faith
justly
,
who
have
been
provoked
by
actions
of
infidelity
from
others
?
and
whether
this
reciprocal
retaliation
,
may
not
be
honourably
supported
and
grounded
on
the
Basis
and
Foundation
of
reason
.
I
know
well
,
that
publick
Faith
ought
to
be
placed
and
ranked
with
the
most
choice
,
and
sacred
things
;
but
not
to
be
sincere
nor
to
keep
Faith
with
him
,
who
hath
first
violated
that
sacred
bond
,
is
not
onely
lawfull
but
commendable
,
and
an
Action
which
seemes
guided
with
reason
,
and
justice
.
This
is
the
chiefest
argument
of
my
discourse
,
which
cannot
but
honourably
patronize
,
what
I
shall
maintaine
and
defend
.
The
Lawes
of
Nations
(
which
doubtlesse
)
approach
nearest
to
Nature
and
Reason
,
have
not
ordaine●
punishment
to
him
,
who
kills
an
Enemie
when
he
assaults
and
would
assasinate
,
but
they
permit
repulsion
of
Force
by
●●●ce
.
And
is
it
not
as
equally
just
to
punish
and
revenge
those
(
who
pretending
to
protect
innocency
)
have
actually
designed
to
ruine
and
destroy
?
Is
not
a
defence
and
preservation
lawfull
,
when
Faith
is
first
violated
,
and
nothing
but
mischiefe
intended
?
Is
power
therfore
just
,
because
't
is
great
?
or
may
men
do
mischiefe
equitably
,
because
they
are
able
?
and
may
not
a
self
defence
,
or
the
destruction
of
a
perfidious
Enemy
be
as
equally
tolerated
?
And
(
if
we
should
now
passe
from
particular
quarrells
to
open
and
publik
Warrs
)
is
it
not
most
true
,
and
that
either
in
hostile
invasions
,
or
intestine
broiles
,
that
one
party
is
more
criminous
and
unjust
then
the
other
;
and
so
the
first
invader
or
disturber
of
peace
?
To
make
more
particular
instance
,
seeing
that
Amurath
hath
invaded
the
Kingdom
of
his
Allie
,
surprized
his
Townes
,
suborned
his
Subjects
,
pillaged
his
Country
,
and
hath
received
the
Prince
and
his
Children
Hostages
,
and
afterwards
broken
and
violated
his
Faith
;
are
not
these
Provocations
too
horrid
and
insufferable
;
and
can
they
justly
expect
any
recompence
,
but
of
wrath
and
revenge
,
if
a
power
offended
,
be
rendred
capable
to
make
such
a
requitall
?
On
these
considerations
,
the
world
cannot
but
discharge
me
,
from
the
guilt
of
being
either
perfidious
or
traiterous
.
He
who
first
violateth
his
Faith
,
and
is
an
invader
of
the
Princely
Soveraignty
of
his
Neighbour
,
authorizeth
his
Enemy
to
all
endeavours
,
to
make
his
highest
revenges
on
him
.
And
he
who
before
was
criminous
,
and
therefore
punished
,
becommeth
innocent
and
just
;
And
that
which
the
Enemy
calleth
treason
,
is
a
sage
conduct
of
affaires
;
that
which
hee
termeth
Cruelty
,
becomes
a
naturall
and
just
defence
.
So
then
,
that
which
is
permitted
by
the
Laws
of
Nations
to
private
persons
,
and
which
injuries
and
bitter
extremities
have
necessitated
,
cannot
but
be
allowed
to
my
just
and
rationall
defence
.
To
this
purpose
,
I
cannot
but
look
on
Amurath
as
my
particular
enemy
,
causing
the
death
of
my
Brothers
whom
he
barbarously
poisoned
,
and
so
as
the
publick
and
common
enemy
of
my
estate
,
which
he
had
most
unjustly
usurped
.
And
if
(
in
my
own
person
)
I
have
most
miraculously
escaped
,
doubtless
my
comportment
,
guarded
me
more
securely
:
For
I
respected
him
ceremoniously
as
a
great
Prince
,
preventing
his
suspitions
with
my
prudence
;
and
if
I
have
learned
to
forfeit
my
Parole
,
I
received
that
direction
from
the
infidelity
and
falshood
of
Amurath
;
by
which
means
I
have
found
a
way
open
to
revenge
the
death
of
my
Brothers
by
slaying
his
Bassaws
;
and
have
requited
the
ruins
of
my
Country
,
with
the
defeats
of
his
armies
.
Yet
if
you
will
make
a
clearer
inspection
,
and
dive
more
deep
to
search
the
reasons
of
my
proceedings
,
I
must
put
you
in
mind
how
antient
Macedonia
(
that
famous
City
)
was
assaulted
by
this
puissant
enemy
;
that
Albania
(
formerly
but
a
Province
)
endured
many
of
his
violences
,
as
other
neighbouring
and
vicine
Territories
.
At
length
King
Iohn
my
Father
(
tired
with
the
continuance
of
the
War
,
and
touched
compassionately
for
the
miseries
of
his
people
)
resolved
to
render
himself
tributary
to
his
Empire
,
and
to
this
purpose
he
committed
his
children
hostages
,
hoping
,
that
when
my
Father
died
;
this
cruell
Monster
would
have
sent
one
of
his
Sons
to
have
been
his
Successor
to
have
reigned
over
his
Subjects
:
But
(
O
just
heavens
)
at
that
very
time
when
I
was
fighting
for
him
,
&
exposing
my
life
for
his
service
in
the
atchievements
of
his
glory
&
renown
,
the
King
my
Father
dying
,
he
dispatched
Sebalick
(
his
creature
)
with
troops
of
Horse
&
Foot
to
seize
on
the
noble
City
of
Croy
,
&
all
the
rest
of
the
chief
Towns
of
Albania
;
at
which
time
he
exiled
the
Queen
my
Mother
to
a
poor
pittance
&
corner
of
the
world
,
without
respect
unto
her
person
,
who
as
she
was
a
Queen
,
so
she
was
the
Daughter
of
the
King
of
Triballieus
;
&
if
he
spared
my
person
(
in
this
juncture
of
affairs
)
it
was
not
through
any
affection
or
resentment
to
humanity
,
or
Justice
,
but
only
for
that
reason
,
because
he
conceived
he
might
make
great
advantage
by
my
conduct
and
employment
in
his
Wars
and
service
:
Which
if
I
had
pleased
to
quit
,
he
might
(
happily
)
have
lost
a
considerable
part
of
his
Army
.
And
hitherto
,
what
hath
Scanderbeg
done
against
Amurath
?
Or
rather
what
offices
of
love
doth
not
Amurath
owe
to
Scanderbeg
?
hath
his
fidelity
in
any
proportion
been
equal
to
mine
?
How
could
I
not
(
if
I
had
thought
fit
)
have
refused
his
first
employments
,
and
continued
my
repose
within
his
Court
?
Hostages
are
more
noble
then
to
be
treated
as
Slaves
:
And
if
I
had
not
been
encouraged
by
the
generosity
of
mine
own
spirit
,
I
would
not
have
exposed
my
life
or
honour
for
his
service
:
And
seeing
that
(
at
that
time
)
he
punctually
kept
conditions
,
agreed
on
by
the
King
my
Father
,
I
had
cause
to
hope
that
he
would
continue
a
succession
to
his
fidelity
.
Grounded
on
this
confidence
,
I
resolved
to
gratifie
his
Commands
with
my
choicest
endeavours
,
expecting
that
when
that
Prince
should
die
,
to
whom
I
was
successor
,
I
might
his
ascend
throne
,
and
so
by
double
obligations
,
he
might
be
more
firmly
bound
to
keep
his
Faith
and
Parole
.
It
was
this
apprehension
that
invited
me
to
take
the
charge
of
Sangiac
,
and
without
being
so
much
as
a
Mahometan
,
I
forbore
not
to
appear
a
rigid
Turk
.
In
the
first
troubles
of
Asia
,
I
commanded
a
party
of
five
hundred
men
,
with
so
good
successe
,
that
the
very
reputation
of
that
service
rendered
me
capable
to
bee
made
Generall
of
his
second
Army
,
wherewith
I
effected
marvellous
advantages
to
the
Empire
.
You
cannot
but
remember
how
Amurath
received
,
or
rather
slighted
me
at
Andrinople
,
then
,
after
so
famous
a
Victory
I
reconducted
his
Army
,
without
the
loss
of
more
then
two
hundred
men
,
when
the
spoils
of
the
enemies
appeared
so
great
,
that
they
amazed
Amurath
,
as
well
as
other
spectators
,
to
behold
so
great
riches
,
so
many
slaves
,
such
a
number
of
Flags
,
Ensigns
,
and
bruised
and
battered
Arms
recovered
from
the
Enemies
;
then
the
multitudes
could
not
be
restrained
from
calling
me
the
Restaura●or
of
his
Empire
.
Besides
this
(
it
may
be
)
you
will
remember
in
what
fashion
I
preserved
the
honour
of
that
Nation
,
when
that
audacious
and
fierce
Scythian
presented
a
defiance
to
the
Sultan
,
to
that
end
that
one
of
his
Court
Champions
might
have
accepted
the
Challenge
,
and
when
no
other
person
was
found
inclinable
and
resolute
,
I
undertook
the
Combat
;
and
if
I
had
not
vanquished
the
insolent
and
furious
Scythian
by
my
magnanimity
,
and
valour
,
the
disgrace
and
shame
would
have
much
reflected
on
the
Emperour
.
At
the
same
time
I
hazarded
my
life
to
all
other
adventures
and
dangers
.
At
the
taking
of
Nicomedia
and
of
Prusia
,
I
was
as
active
and
bold
as
the
meanest
and
desperatest
Souldier
:
And
when
I
thought
of
that
prodigious
action
of
Alexander
the
Great
in
the
City
of
Oxidraques
,
I
leaped
on
the
walls
of
the
Town
,
and
thence
descended
with
equall
courage
,
and
though
I
dare
not
say
I
had
the
valour
of
that
famous
Hero
(
of
whom
I
speak
)
and
though
I
may
be
censured
over
rash
and
bold
,
yet
my
confidence
,
and
temerity
were
not
without
equall
successe
:
For
(
without
vaine
glory
)
I
was
then
the
chief
and
sole
cause
of
surprising
that
Town
;
and
since
then
(
may
I
speake
it
without
ostentation
)
what
eminent
things
have
I
not
done
in
Europe
against
the
Christians
,
as
wel
as
in
Greece
and
Hungary
?
Wherein
I
have
been
a
fortunate
instrument
,
if
not
of
vanquishing
the
Christians
,
yet
of
defending
the
Turks
against
their
powerfull
Armies
.
Do
all
these
actions
merit
neglect
,
or
(
much
less
)
perfidious
infidelity
?
Or
hath
my
fidelity
been
so
great
,
and
my
valour
so
succesfull
,
as
to
cause
Amurath
to
be
perfidious
to
his
promises
?
Hath
he
no
other
reward
(
after
his
solemn
engagements
and
promises
)
but
to
usurp
the
Kingdome
of
my
Father
,
to
exile
the
Queen
my
Mother
,
to
poyson
my
Brothers
,
and
likewise
to
design
me
to
bee
an
Illustrious
slave
?
And
not
to
suffer
me
longer
to
live
;
then
I
might
serve
his
advantages
,
and
by
the
conduct
of
Wars
be
able
to
defeate
his
enemies
,
and
establish
his
Throne
?
Doe
you
beleeve
(
after
such
Treaties
as
these
)
that
I
can
commit
any
act
of
Injustice
in
failing
of
my
faith
to
one
who
so
basely
and
barbarously
abused
our
royall
Family
?
Yet
(
perhaps
)
you
will
tell
me
,
that
Falshood
is
a
thing
so
detestable
,
as
not
to
be
excused
,
much
lesse
justified
.
If
that
rule
and
maxime
be
generall
,
and
admits
no
exception
,
the
Military
art
must
lose
great
part
of
it self
.
Then
there
wil
be
no
farther
use
of
Stratagems
,
nor
Ambuscadoes
;
then
Towns
should
never
be
surprised
,
nor
the
Enemies
interrupted
with
Alarums
;
then
there
would
bee
no
Combats
in
the
night
,
nor
any
occasion
of
Spies
;
we
needed
not
feign
Retreats
to
engage
an
Enemy
to
fight
,
but
it
would
be
necessary
to
number
the
Forces
of
both
parties
,
to
make
the
combats
equall
;
and
Judges
would
be
expedient
in
the
Camp
as
well
as
at
a
Combat
of
Barriers
,
or
Tournies
;
to
see
that
the
Sun
were
not
more
splendent
in
the
eyes
of
the
one
,
then
of
the
other
:
Admit
this
absurdity
and
evill
consequences
,
there
would
be
no
need
of
Generals
in
Armies
,
but
the
valour
of
the
vigorous
and
hardy
Souldiers
would
be
sufficient
to
dispute
and
gaine
the
Field
,
then
the
extraordinary
prudence
,
and
juditious
experience
of
the
greatest
Commanders
would
be
uselesse
and
impertinent
.
Another
objection
may
arise
,
that
these
circumstances
of
Warre
,
are
not
onely
tollerable
but
just
,
and
necessary
,
against
declared
enemies
.
To
that
I
answer
,
Publick
contracts
betwixt
Crowns
are
more
sacred
and
inviolable
then
agreements
betwixt
private
persons
.
And
when
an
Emperour
treateth
with
a
Prince
,
and
keepeth
not
his
Parole
,
he
forceth
him
to
be
his
Enemy
,
and
dareth
him
to
the
height
of
revenge
by
his
perfidious
actions
,
which
are
not
only
resented
by
my self
,
but
appear
clearly
to
all
the
world
how
much
I
have
been
injured
,
and
abused
by
Amurath
;
for
when
my
Father
died
,
and
Amurath
had
exiled
the
Queen
(
my
mother
)
and
had
poisoned
my
Brothers
,
in
a
fained
manner
,
pretending
to
Generosity
,
he
seemed
inclinable
to
offer
me
the
Crown
of
Albania
with
a
reserved
intention
,
if
I
accepted
of
it
,
to
seize
upon
my
person
,
or
to
put
me
to
death
.
These
injust
provocations
as
they
summoned
quickly
my
apprehensions
,
so
they
justifie
me
not
to
be
criminall
:
And
as
for
those
reproaches
of
perfidiousness
and
Treason
,
they
reflect
fully
on
him
who
was
so
barbarous
and
false
.
As
for
my
comportments
(
ever
since
I
came
to
his
Court
)
did
the
misfortunes
of
my
condition
any
whit
lessen
,
or
abate
my
courage
?
Might
I
not
think
after
so
many
actions
of
valour
and
gallantry
,
that
my
thoughts
prompted
mee
to
more
high
,
and
sublime
successes
?
Ought
hee
not
to
have
thought
when
he
first
usurped
the
Kingdom
of
my
Father
,
and
put
my
Brothers
to
death
,
that
he
then
effectively
declared
a
War
,
and
disingaged
my
fidelity
,
which
I
might
have
owed
him
in
the
Quality
of
an
Hostage
;
and
that
all
these
actions
authorised
my
endeavours
to
revenge
?
Could
not
he
understand
that
one
whose
ambition
was
so
●●gh
as
to
aspire
to
Soveraigntie
,
and
bee
a
King
,
had
that
passion
which
is
so
violent
in
all
generous
persons
?
But
chiefly
then
when
they
are
assured
of
a
lawfull
right
to
a
Crown
?
Could
he
not
foresee
that
it
was
impossible
for
me
to
be
faithful
,
or
a
friend
to
one
who
usurped
my
Kingdom
?
All
wars
have
not
their
Commencements
from
the
proclamation
of
the
Heralds
mouthes
.
A
single
action
of
hostility
may
engage
an
Army
.
It
is
not
in
open
War
as
in
private
Combates
.
In
these
latter
we
challenge
,
and
defie
our
Enemie
;
he
accepteth
the
defiance
and
answereth
the
challenge
.
But
as
for
publick
Enemies
they
make
a
Parley
,
and
treat
if
they
please
;
and
Combats
and
Cessations
of
Arms
,
are
actions
equally
voluntary
Generals
of
Armies
are
ever
masters
of
their
wils
regulated
to
no
bounds
nor
circumstances
,
but
what
serves
these
advantages
.
On
these
considerations
Amurath
might
not
think
it
strange
(
after
his
Usurpation
and
Murther
)
if
I
should
attend
all
advantages
,
and
become
his
open
enemie
.
As
for
preparations
of
war
(
when
Princes
are
in
low
condition
)
they
are
not
alwaies
visible
.
And
when
one
is
reduced
to
a
deplorable
condition
,
the
designs
are
onely
in
the
head
,
but
no
ingenious
person
can
sleep
soundly
,
or
rest
securely
,
injured
and
removed
from
Soveraignty
.
And
though
I
was
in
the
power
of
mine
enemie
,
without
an
Army
,
without
a
Souldier
,
without
intelligence
from
any
of
mine
own
Subjects
,
out
of
mine
own
Country
,
without
a
person
that
I
might
confide
or
trust
in
,
and
without
any
resistance
to
so
great
a
design
,
as
I
harboured
in
my
bosome
(
excepting
the
hopes
of
heaven
,
and
mine
own
valour
)
yet
,
if
Amurath
had
well
observed
my
actions
,
he
might
have
easily
discerned
,
that
I
cherished
some
great
reserves
within
my
soul
.
He
might
have
seen
the
violence
of
my
desires
in
a
daily
aspiring
after
glory
and
renown
,
and
he
might
have
read
(
by
the
symptoms
of
my
heart
)
plainly
in
my
countenance
,
that
I
was
not
capable
to
renounce
my
right
to
the
Throne
,
nor
be
contented
to
be
a
slave
all
my
life
,
though
never
so
glorious
,
That
love
and
friendship
which
I
made
with
the
Officers
and
Souldiers
of
the
Army
,
declared
that
I
designed
some
noble
enterprise
for
my self
,
and
perceiving
that
I
was
not
an
unactive
Coward
,
it
was
impossible
,
but
that
he
should
dream
of
my
endeavours
to
revenge
his
Injuries
.
Let
him
then
not
blame
any
but
himself
,
if
his
policy
hath
been
anticipated
,
nor
reproach
me
as
perfideous
,
for
my
desertion
;
of
him
't
was
his
fault
and
injury
,
no
crime
of
mine
.
For
first
,
he
ought
to
have
been
in
preparation
to
prevent
all
danger
:
And
as
for
my self
,
I
did
nothing
but
what
became
an
open
and
noble
Enemy
.
It
was
doubtlesse
just
in
mee
how
to
consult
,
to
re-conquer
Amuraths
Usurpation
,
and
by
what
way
and
means
I
might
attain
to
the
King
my
Fathers
Throne
.
If
I
had
discovered
my
discontents
to
his
unjust
proceedings
,
I
had
been
in
that
moment
made
a
Prisoner
,
and
either
strangled
or
poisoned
the
same
day
.
If
I
had
resolved
to
send
to
my
Subjects
,
and
to
the
Inhabitants
of
Croye
to
require
their
assistance
,
my
designes
might
have
been
discovered
,
and
my
Subjects
thereby
made
more
miserable
,
and
possibly
lesse
usefull
,
or
else
,
from
being
Subjects
(
by
this
meanes
)
might
have
been
terrified
into
enemies
.
Now
to
have
an
absolute
confidence
in
the
love
of
the
Mahometan
souldiers
,
(
with
which
they
courted
my
person
)
was
a
thing
of
great
danger
in
appearance
;
and
to
have
debauched
the
Grand
Seigniors
guards
,
and
with
them
to
have
marched
to
the
Christian
Princes
,
to
implore
their
aide
and
succours
,
was
an
attempt
too
curious
and
perillous
to
be
effected
,
and
if
I
had
prevailed
with
them
,
it
is
uncertain
,
whether
the
Princes
would
have
been
willing
or
able
to
commence
a
War
of
so
great
importance
,
and
to
expose
their
lives
and
Estates
,
to
hazard
,
to
recover
mine
:
And
if
they
had
been
resolute
,
the
event
might
have
been
very
doubtfull
against
so
formidable
an
Enemy
.
I
would
then
in
this
great
juncture
of
misfortunes
,
propose
a
resolution
to
my self
,
to
be
the
sole
Artizan
of
my
successes
;
And
if
I
surprized
Amurath
,
and
converted
his
Forces
to
my
service
:
I
have
not
justly
merited
reproach
and
blame
,
but
rather
deserved
honour
and
renown
.
Seeing
that
I
have
not
done
any
thing
but
by
the
rules
of
Justice
,
nor
enterprized
any
design
but
what
Amurath
might
expect
,
if
ever
able
to
recompence
his
injuries
.
The
great
Cheate
,
and
usurpation
wherewith
he
affronted
me
in
the
eyes
of
all
the
World
,
prepared
me
to
study
revenge
equall
(
if
possible
)
to
his
Cruelty
,
falsenesse
and
Vsurpations
,
onely
with
this
difference
,
when
Amurath
basely
forfeited
his
Faith
with
me
,
he
violated
all
rights
of
honour
and
justice
;
And
what
I
have
done
,
was
on
equall
retortion
to
his
merit
,
to
which
I
was
obliged
,
as
bound
by
nature
to
revenge
the
death
of
my
Brothers
,
the
libertie
of
my
Country
,
mine
own
glory
:
and
of
God
also
,
who
is
Justice
it selfe
:
And
had
I
no
other
consideration
,
but
this
last
within
my
thoughts
,
may
not
I
urge
and
assert
(
noble
Captaines
)
that
God
was
my
Conductor
in
this
action
of
revenge
?
Wherefore
to
have
been
faithfull
to
this
Tyrant
,
(
to
whom
I
was
not
a
Subject
,
)
would
not
have
onely
Corroded
my
Conscience
,
but
dishonoured
that
religion
I
professe
.
And
should
not
I
answer
for
my
Subjects
,
if
I
suffered
them
to
be
allured
to
the
errors
of
Mahumatism
?
And
shall
not
I
be
culpable
,
and
guilty
of
the
demolition
of
all
those
Altars
.
which
the
Turks
have
destroyed
,
and
as
criminous
as
if
I
had
built
those
Mosques
,
wherewith
the
Turks
have
filled
those
Townes
which
belong
to
me
?
If
I
had
longer
served
Amurath
,
should
I
not
have
made
my
own
subjects
greater
Slaves
,
and
so
have
contributed
more
assistance
to
the
Turks
;
farther
to
destroy
those
who
adored
the
God
of
my
Fathers
?
Think
you
that
the
Lord
of
Hosts
could
endure
,
that
he
who
had
been
favoured
with
such
extraordinary
good
successes
,
in
warlike
affaires
,
should
not
imploy
his
best
skill
and
strength
against
these
infidells
?
and
by
adventures
to
make
themselves
Martyrs
,
if
not
Conquerors
?
Oh
no
,
the
chief
est
duty
keeps
us
strictly
in
our
fidelity
to
our
Altars
.
Besides
I
am
clearly
absolved
from
his
reproaches
,
in
the
judgement
of
all
the
World
:
As
for
Amurath
he
had
no
rules
of
Conscience
,
nor
Religion
to
oblige
his
promises
,
but
he
could
dispense
with
all
relations
,
though
never
so
sacred
.
But
these
obligations
did
not
rest
on
me
,
for
I
was
brought
an
infant
to
his
Court
and
he
was
engaged
to
my
Father
;
which
Conditions
,
did
not
(
with
his
succession
)
derive
themselves
on
me
.
Now
if
after
all
those
remarkable
services
,
before
and
since
the
death
of
my
brothers
,
and
those
memorable
victories
,
which
he
gained
,
through
my
Counsells
and
valour
in
the
reconquest
of
Russia
,
without
much
effusion
of
his
souldiers
bloud
;
if
he
were
not
touched
with
honour
,
nor
guided
by
reason
:
am
I
to
be
blamed
if
I
exercise
Justice
to
my selfe
,
which
he
would
not
designe
to
render
me
?
or
could
I
longer
serve
that
Prince
,
who
after
so
many
eminent
Atchievements
of
his
Warres
,
complotted
all
waies
and
means
for
my
destrushion
?
Which
to
have
undertaken
publickly
,
might
seem
too
dangerous
,
because
he
knew
I
had
gained
much
affection
with
the
Souldies
;
And
as
for
my
imprisonment
I
was
too
well
beloved
and
guarded
,
to
be
so
surprized
,
and
my
previsions
were
more
diligent
then
to
be
suddainly
intrapped
;
having
then
possibility
to
kill
me
neither
by
sword
nor
poison
,
he
contrived
a
third
way
,
wherein
hee
aimed
to
dispatch
me
more
honourably
.
Not
long
after
our
last
return
from
victory
,
hee
proclaimed
a
summons
to
all
the
Noble
Heroes
of
his
Empire
,
to
attend
his
Court
,
where
he
made
preparations
for
martiall
exercises
and
famous
Tournies
:
at
●hich
solemn
meeting
,
he
hoped
that
in
the
divers
Combates
wherein
(
possibly
)
I
might
make
re-encounter
,
I
might
receive
a
foile
dishonourably
,
or
fall
fatally
.
(
Brave
Captaines
)
I
vow
to
Heaven
,
this
Treason
is
not
in
the
number
of
any
that
can
be
excused
,
and
serveth
my
turne
to
be
justly
more
active
in
revenge
:
When
I
discerned
the
depth
of
this
perfidions
action
,
as
I
was
dispatched
with
the
Army
into
Hungary
:
I
took
my
resolutions
not
long
to
fight
for
mine
Enemie
Amurath
,
and
began
to
think
of
fighting
for
my self
;
I
resolved
over
my
thoughts
the
power
and
interest
of
a
Generall
,
and
what
it
was
to
march
before
,
and
command
an
Army
:
These
Cogitations
reflected
on
me
with
shame
to
my selfe
,
who
had
so
long
a
time
been
faithfull
to
an
infidell
:
I
began
to
have
a
horrour
,
and
to
be
disswaded
from
drenching
my
hands
in
Christians
blood
:
In
my
march
,
I
approached
near
to
valiant
Huniades
,
who
was
a
Commander
in
that
Army
,
and
he
inspired
into
my
ears
,
what
shame
possessed
his
soul
,
marching
under
the
Turkish
Standard
.
These
discontents
quickned
my
resolutions
;
and
when
I
found
my
opportunity
,
I
quitted
the
Infantry
,
and
withdrew
from
that
Army
:
This
is
that
which
Amurath
calls
Treason
;
but
't
was
a
just
reward
for
a
mortall
Enemie
,
whom
(
I
acknowledge
)
I
served
no
longer
,
and
whom
I
found
would
prove
eternally
faithlesse
and
ingrate
.
After
the
defeat
,
I
retreated
into
my
own
Kingdome
;
you
received
me
honourably
,
assisted
me
couragiously
,
to
chase
and
destroy
the
Common
Enemies
.
And
was
there
any
blacknesse
in
this
action
?
Did
I
contrive
to
take
away
the
life
of
Amurath
ignobly
?
or
by
such
base
waies
and
meanes
as
he
did
mine
?
Did
I
invade
his
Empire
as
heusurped
my
Kingdome
?
May
it
not
be
rather
said
to
the
contrary
,
that
revenge
was
never
taken
more
gentely
,
and
more
justly
.
And
since
I
have
made
the
Conquest
of
my
Kingdome
,
if
I
have
continued
the
Warre
,
or
refused
the
Treaties
of
peace
from
Amurath
;
it
is
not
because
I
love
not
peace
,
but
because
I
cannot
find
fidelity
in
that
Prince
,
with
whom
I
am
to
treat
;
And
that
his
ends
are
not
honourable
,
but
to
disarme
an
Enemy
,
whom
he
feared
,
and
so
to
surprize
(
if
possible
)
his
Credulity
,
who
is
not
to
be
easily
taken
by
spetious
pretences
.
Do
not
I
then
rather
deserve
the
reputation
of
being
faithfull
,
then
perfidious
?
who
so
clearly
manifest
truth
to
my
Enemie
?
and
yet
(
to
judge
a
little
more
exactly
of
this
proceeding
)
recall
into
your
memory
(
valiant
Captaines
)
I
conjure
you
,
all
those
circumstances
of
my
Comportment
,
when
I
was
in
the
head
of
the
Armies
of
Amurath
,
adventuring
my
life
to
inlarge
his
Conquests
,
and
to
advance
his
glory
:
had
not
you
most
friendly
rebuked
me
in
secret
,
and
murmured
against
me
,
and
(
not
diving
into
the
bottome
of
my
heart
)
doubted
whether
I
deserved
to
have
been
the
Son
of
so
excellent
a
Prince
,
and
concluded
that
I
had
abandoned
Christianity
utterly
;
that
the
love
of
my
Country
was
extinguisht
,
and
rooted
out
of
my
Soul
,
and
consequently
,
that
I
was
not
affected
with
any
sence
of
true
noblenesse
,
and
honour
?
And
yet
in
your
very
repinings
,
you
made
Apologies
for
my
actions
,
better
then
I
knew
how
to
make
for
self
:
For
you
concluded
that
I
had
no
other
way
to
manifest
my self
more
clearly
the
Son
of
the
King
my
Father
,
then
by
those
heroick
actions
,
which
I
pursued
in
my
imployment
.
The
world
will
confesse
,
that
men
are
not
equally
obliged
to
be
as
faithfull
to
perfidious
Enemies
as
to
faithfull
Friends
,
to
those
who
exercise
artifice
,
and
and
fraud
,
as
to
those
who
love
sincerity
.
It
is
doubtlesse
great
unworthinesse
and
basenesse
to
forfeit
faith
,
and
break
Parole
by
malice
,
perfidiousnesse
or
mercenary
interest
;
but
to
be
unfaithfull
to
a
Traitor
,
to
an
Usurper
,
to
a
Murderer
,
and
to
quit
his
service
for
the
recovery
of
a
Crown
and
Kingdome
,
for
the
interest
of
a
Country
,
and
preservation
of
Christianity
,
if
this
desertion
may
be
censured
perfideousnesse
by
Amurath
,
in
my
sence
,
and
in
reason
it
rather
deserves
Elogies
and
Panegyricks
then
injuries
and
reproaches
.
And
if
it
be
true
,
that
Fortunate
usurpers
advanced
to
eminent
qualities
,
and
attended
with
successes
,
in
time
become
acknowledged
as
legitimate
Princes
:
Is
it
not
more
reasonable
and
true
,
that
that
Prince
(
to
whom
a
Crown
doth
effectually
appertain
)
deserves
the
highest
honour
,
who
conquers
and
forceth
it
from
his
hands
,
who
hath
most
unjustly
,
and
tyrannously
usurped
it
?
And
are
not
all
means
used
for
the
recovery
allowed
?
and
as
for
the
act
,
doth
it
not
rather
merit
the
opinion
of
glory
and
renown
,
then
the
accusation
of
a
crime
?
No
,
no
,
the
observation
of
ones
Parole
ha●h
as
well
its
bounds
and
limitations
as
all
other
things
.
The
interest
of
ones
Country
and
Religion
are
principall
,
and
high
concernments
,
and
admit
of
dispensations
in
some
degrees
.
We
read
,
that
Rome
hath
been
preserved
,
when
Fathers
have
preferred
her
honour
and
safety
before
the
lives
of
their
own
children
:
But
(
some
may
say
)
this
was
unnaturall
and
a
cruell
act
,
yet
the
wise
Romans
not
onely
permitted
,
but
commended
those
Patriots
who
reverenced
their
Countrie
with
so
great
estimation
above
their
Children
;
and
that
which
seemed
cruelty
,
and
inhumanity
in
private
relations
,
appeared
as
a
laudable
sacrifice
when
it
served
(
in
this
high
obligation
)
to
defend
or
protect
ones
Country
.
It
is
certainly
true
,
that
those
generous
Fathers
have
with
great
zeal
and
deep
affection
,
most
stoutly
fought
for
the
preservation
of
their
children
,
their
liberties
,
lives
,
and
honours
(
on
other
occasions
)
and
have
not
spared
to
hazard
the
last
drop
of
their
blood
.
But
where
the
consideration
of
ones
Country
is
in
competition
with
love
to
children
,
the
publick
interest
hath
ever
prevailed
most
powerfully
,
and
affection
to
children
is
less
vigorous
,
and
Fathers
are
encouraged
to
see
their
children
die
,
when
it
is
for
the
service
of
the
Republique
,
with
less
sorrow
,
and
regret
;
and
such
actions
merit
less
of
blame
,
and
more
of
glory
.
Now
if
Fathers
are
pardonable
,
exposing
their
children
to
death
,
how
tolerable
is
it
for
me
to
violate
my
Parole
,
for
the
redemption
,
and
preservation
of
my
Country
?
Yet
you
will
tell
me
,
that
a
Pagan
example
doth
not
necessarily
produce
a
conclusion
for
a
Christian
:
But
if
Heathens
have
thus
proceeded
for
the
defence
of
their
Country
,
what
may
not
Christians
do
for
the
interest
of
their
Religion
?
which
bond
is
so
sacred
,
as
it
ought
to
be
the
end
and
aim
of
all
their
best
endeavours
:
Besides
what
is
fit
to
regulate
the
Soveraign
actions
of
Princes
,
but
onely
Religion
,
which
confineth
rules
to
their
Policy
,
and
ought
ever
to
sit
President
in
their
Counsells
.
On
these
Principles
,
wee
repent
not
of
our
pretences
to
fidelity
,
having
endured
so
long
a
servitude
to
obtain
so
good
an
end
;
And
we
believe
and
resolve
,
that
it
is
no
dishonour
nor
injustice
to
be
unfaithfull
to
an
infidell
Prince
,
who
hath
given
the
occasion
by
the
violation
of
his
Faith
and
Parole
.
Come
on
(
brave
Souldiers
)
then
,
let
us
march
,
without
remorse
,
and
let
us
vanquish
and
destroy
this
common
Enemy
of
Christianity
,
and
use
all
craft
and
art
,
as
well
as
force
of
Armes
.
Let
us
not
be
so
scrupulous
as
Alexander
the
great
(
that
invincible
Conqueror
)
we
are
not
assured
of
his
Fortune
,
nor
of
his
Valour
,
and
wee
know
certainly
,
that
we
have
not
his
retinue
and
train
:
let
us
use
all
stratagems
for
our
advantage
,
and
be
as
active
in
the
night
as
in
the
day
;
and
if
we
vanquish
,
the
Sun
will
gloriously
shew
us
the
effects
of
our
Conquests
;
and
if
we
be
worsted
in
our
nocturnall
and
more
secret
attempts
.
the
darknesse
will
give
an
umbrage
,
and
obscure
our
shame
and
Cowardise
;
as
well
as
hide
our
misfortunes
.
To
conclude
(
Generous
Captaines
)
we
are
resolved
to
vanquish
and
effect
our
resolutions
,
and
to
attain
our
Conquests
;
we
must
be
heroick
in
our
actions
,
danted
with
no
opposition
,
nor
neglecting
any
occasion
of
advantage
.
Wherefore
prepare
your selves
to
be
practicall
in
the
military
science
,
that
you
may
be
as
successfull
as
valiant
.
For
we
are
but
feeble
and
few
,
and
the
enemies
puissant
,
and
numerous
,
and
if
we
do
not
surprise
them
as
well
as
fight
them
,
their
vast
multitudes
will
suppresse
our
Valour
and
Courage
.
Thus
(
valiant
Captaines
)
you
see
that
our
designes
are
innocent
and
generous
;
and
that
infidelity
it self
to
a
perfidious
Tyrant
(
being
well
managed
)
may
gain
immortall
honour
and
glory
.
The
Censure
.
THE
reason
of
Scanderbeg
appear
powerfull
and
strong
,
yet
amongst
them
all
there
will
be
a
generall
debility
;
if
religion
had
not
been
his
warrant
and
justification
for
his
actions
.
This
Prince
(
through
his
incomparable
valour
)
attempted
many
thousand
glorious
actions
,
and
effected
wonders
,
to
the
amazement
of
that
age
wherein
he
lived
:
he
defeated
Armies
,
which
for
their
vast
multitudes
could
scarce
be
numbred
;
He
dammed
up
that
great
Torrent
which
stopped
not
,
till
it
had
ravaged
the
moiety
and
greater
part
of
the
World
;
he
caused
one
Emperor
to
die
with
shame
,
grief
,
and
dishonor
;
He
forced
Mahomet
the
second
(
who
was
the
Conqueror
of
so
many
Empires
and
Kingdomes
)
to
testifie
,
by
that
excessive
joy
,
which
he
conceived
of
his
death
the
extraordinary
fear
he
had
of
him
during
his
life
.
And
(
not
to
flatter
truth
)
this
great
Generall
Scanderbeg
,
was
(
doubtlesse
)
the
greatest
Heroe
of
these
latter
ages
.
Yet
(
not
to
speak
partially
)
had
not
the
interest
of
Religion
been
considerable
,
all
the
glory
of
his
latter
actions
,
could
not
have
excused
the
violation
of
his
Parole
.
For
to
face
about
and
joyne
with
the
Enemie
,
in
a
Battail
to
faigne
a
flight
for
fear
as
being
too
weak
,
and
to
defeat
those
Troops
that
he
commanded
,
to
serve
the
Enemy
,
are
Circumstances
so
odious
that
they
had
neede
of
all
the
importance
and
Arguments
of
Christianity
to
help
them
to
plead
for
aspecious
pretence
,
and
to
Apologize
.
I
know
well
Saint
Augustine
made
his
retractations
,
and
that
repentance
of
former
crimes
,
is
a
most
essentiall
part
to
Religion
.
I
well
remember
that
a
Cannon
of
the
Counsell
of
Constance
(
where
John
Hus
and
Hierome
of
Prague
were
burnt
.
)
dischargeth
Faith
,
and
obligeth
it
not
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
;
and
thence
some
frame
the
argu-ments
,
that
if
Faith
is
not
to
be
kept
with
them
,
much
lesse
with
infidells
.
But
●as
this
Cannon
savoureth
not
of
Orthodox
Truth
,
so
it
is
not
generally
obliging
,
nor
Catholick
and
Christian
doctrine
(
secundum
fundamenta
)
The
Question
was
in
that
Councel
concerning
the
Pasport
of
Princes
given
to
Hereticks
,
and
whether
they
could
protect
them
in
their
addresses
and
returns
from
Synods
and
Councels
;
where
it
seems
Faction
and
not
truth
concludeth
in
the
negative
,
asserting
,
that
particular
Pasports
and
Conducts
oblige
none
to
keep
faith
but
those
who
grant
the
Pasports
,
and
not
the
Councels
,
which
consent
not
,
and
had
a
separated
power
of
permission
.
It
is
true
,
if
this
Cannon
were
receiv'd
as
a
Conclusion
of
an
Oecume
nick
,
General
Councel
,
then
on
all
occasions
a
man
might
violate
his
Parole
and
faith
to
Infidels
,
but
this
qu●stion
is
rather
Theological
then
Moral
,
and
Political
.
If
this
were
true
on
the
pretense
of
Heresie
,
or
Infidelity
,
no
Faith
would
be
kept
,
and
so
(
consequently
)
humane
society
and
divine
truth
would
be
utterly
destroyed
.
Now
as
for
Morality
and
Policy
,
they
conclude
,
the
Faith
and
Parole
of
Princes
ought
to
bee
inviolable
and
sacred
,
which
if
abused
reflects
ever
upon
the
violators
,
with
the
consequences
of
irreparable
shame
,
or
incomparable
perill
.
By
virtue
of
this
argument
,
the
action
of
Scanderbeg
is
more
liable
to
censure
:
And
if
at
present
this
Prince
had
drawn
his
sword
against
France
in
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
in
favour
of
the
King
of
Aragon
,
and
wore
a
Red
Scarfe
to
distinguish
his
resolutions
against
the
white
ones
of
France
;
and
't
were
so
,
that
the
Wars
were
yet
continued
betwixt
both
Nations
,
it
might
be
concluded
from
Scanderbegs
own
example
,
that
it
were
lawfull
to
be
treacherous
,
and
it
were
no
error
to
insist
on
those
arguments
which
he
used
for
his
own
purpose
:
But
now
from
Albania
let
us
passe
to
the
Kingdom
of
Polonie
,
and
there
see
Henry
the
third
of
France
on
that
Throne
of
Polonie
,
where
we
shall
meet
with
a
question
very
curious
for
its
examination
,
and
most
important
to
be
determined
.
This
Prince
(
being
secretly
advertiz'd
of
the
death
of
CHARLES
the
Ninth
his
Brother
)
consulteth
with
his
Ministers
and
chiefest
Confidents
,
Whether
he
ought
to
prefer
(
in
his
election
)
a
peaceable
,
and
quiet
Kingdom
before
a
Kingdom
full
of
Wars
and
Tumults
,
and
humble
and
obedient
Subjects
,
before
Subjects
revolted
.
And
whether
it
were
just
to
deprive
Polonie
of
his
presence
,
and
to
return
to
France
,
which
he
had
so
voluntarily
abandoned
.
This
is
the
subject
of
the
discourse
,
which
this
eloquent
and
ingenious
Prince
reasoneth
as
it
followeth
.
HENRY
THE
THIRD
TO
PIBRACK
AND
PHILIP
,
DESPOTES
.
THose
who
onely
judge
by
outward
appearances
,
and
by
the
externall
pomp
which
dazelleth
Vulgar
eyes
,
beleeve
not
that
there
can
be
any
difficulty
in
the
choice
and
election
of
Crownes
,
and
imagine
nothing
more
easie
then
to
part
with
one
Scepter
to
receive
another
,
and
to
descend
from
one
Throne
to
mount
to
another
more
glorious
;
concluding
,
that
the
change
of
Diadems
for
others
more
illustrious
,
is
very
acceptable
;
and
that
Soveraignty
is
agreeable
with
generous
minds
,
but
chiefly
then
when
the
Domination
is
inlarged
.
Yet
you
shall
finde
it
most
certaine
,
that
it
is
more
facile
for
a
Prisoner
and
Slave
to
make
choice
of
his
Irons
(
though
all
punishments
are
naturally
unwelcome
)
then
for
Kings
to
make
an
Election
of
different
,
and
severall
Crowns
.
The
Slaves
know
that
the
lightest
chaines
are
alwaies
the
least
incommodious
:
But
it
is
hard
to
determine
whether
the
most
illustrious
,
and
splendent
Crowns
,
and
the
most
elevated
,
and
sublime
Thrones
are
most
desirable
.
As
Royal
Crownes
may
invite
,
so
those
sparkling
Diadems
ought
not
to
dazle
the
eyes
of
those
who
aspire
after
them
.
Scepters
are
as
well
ponderous
and
weighty
,
as
majestick
and
glorious
:
The
Thrones
of
Kings
are
seated
in
high
elevations
,
and
those
who
ascend
them
ought
to
be
sure
that
their
Foundations
are
well
laid
,
and
the
stairs
and
degrees
firm
whereby
they
mount
them
.
Now
in
the
examination
of
these
occurrences
,
it
becometh
me
to
consider
by
what
right
I
am
King
of
Polonie
,
and
what
Rights
I
have
to
the
Crown
of
France
.
To
this
end
,
that
I
may
precisely
determine
to
which
of
my
Subjects
I
owe
my
presence
,
and
to
which
of
these
Kingdomes
I
may
more
properly
bestow
my
assiduous
and
daily
care
;
this
being
the
most
principle
motive
that
should
oblige
my
resolutions
justly
to
afford
them
my
presence
,
and
the
chiefest
cause
that
may
endear
their
loyalty
and
obedience
to
their
Prince
.
As
for
my
Subjects
of
Polonie
,
I
must
confesse
they
have
freely
chosen
me
their
King
,
and
voluntarily
submitted
to
my
Domination
;
and
(
not
to
silence
their
bounty
)
have
presented
me
with
that
Crown
.
My
Birthright
hath
done
the
same
thing
to
me
,
and
Princes
elevated
to
Soveraignty
,
owe
nothing
to
their
Subjects
,
but
hold
their
Scepters
onely
from
God.
Subjects
have
the
birth
of
Subordination
and
Servitude
,
and
Princes
are
of
absolute
Soveraignty
▪
As
for
the
Suffrages
of
the
people
in
the
election
of
a
King
,
they
are
bonds
and
chains
of
their
absolute
obedience
,
riveted
by
their
tongues
in
the
acclamations
which
they
cannot
justly
violate
and
break
.
And
nothing
else
but
expressions
and
unanimous
submissions
to
that
power
whom
some
more
eminent
qualities
&
noblenesse
hath
set
them
above
them
;
who
though
eligible
by
their
consent
,
yet
cannot
be
deposed
or
deserted
without
the
horrid
crimes
of
Rebellion
and
Treason
.
But
I
have
not
any
cause
to
be
jealous
of
my
Subjects
unworthiness
or
disloyalty
;
for
I
am
King
in
Polonie
not
onely
by
legitimate
election
,
but
in
a
continued
approbation
,
being
well
assured
,
that
there
passeth
not
a
day
wherein
I
have
not
the
constant
Vowes
,
Prayers
,
and
hearty
Devotions
of
the
people
,
supplicating
the
Heavens
for
a
continuation
of
my
prosperity
,
and
have
a
daily
assurance
,
and
ratification
of
their
first
Election
by
constancie
of
their
publick
Exultations
.
So
that
I
reign
as
well
in
my
Subjects
hearts
as
in
the
Kingdome
of
Polonie
.
They
feare
mee
reverently
because
they
love
me
;
they
obey
me
dutifully
,
because
I
am
Master
of
their
affections
;
they
strive
to
inlarge
my
Domination
,
and
to
strike
a
terrour
into
others
,
to
make
my
Reign
the
more
secure
,
and
to
present
an
impossibility
to
all
endeavours
,
to
give
a
check
to
the
present
authority
,
peace
,
plenty
,
and
tranquillity
.
My
Reigne
seemes
so
solidly
established
,
that
no
accident
can
shake
the
Foundation
of
so
well-grounded
a
Soveraignty
.
What
then
can
a
Prince
desire
more
then
the
fruition
of
a
glorious
Crown
,
attended
with
the
Fidelity
of
dutifull
,
and
most
loyall
Subjects
?
What
Authority
more
pleasant
then
to
bee
beloved
of
those
whom
wee
command
?
And
to
have
no
other
thoughts
nor
care
for
Justice
,
but
in
considerations
how
to
recompence
faithfull
Subjects
,
and
dutifull
Servants
;
and
to
Reigne
so
prosperously
,
as
to
have
no
cause
to
exercise
the
Royall
virtue
of
Clemencie
;
but
towards
persons
more
unfortunate
then
criminous
?
The
ordinary
meanes
of
establishing
Peace
is
by
the
Ravages
of
Warre
,
and
the
effusion
of
much
blood
;
but
that
which
is
bought
by
others
at
so
hard
a
price
,
cost
not
my
Subjects
a
teare
since
the
first
day
of
my
Election
to
the
Crown
.
And
they
are
so
united
Fraternally
amongst
themselves
,
that
they
are
equally
linked
in
the
common
interest
of
their
Princes
breast
.
And
as
the
Scripture
saith
,
that
God
holdeth
in
his
hands
the
hearts
of
Kings
,
so
may
I
say
(
but
still
with
reverence
)
that
the
hearts
of
my
Subjects
are
in
the
hands
of
my self
,
their
Prince
.
All
these
reasons
(
first
alleadged
)
how
can
I
with
wisdome
quit
my
Kingdome
of
Polonie
?
And
if
ugly
Ingratitude
bee
so
monstrous
a
crime
even
amongst
private
persons
,
how
detestable
and
odious
should
it
appeare
in
the
eyes
of
a
Prince
?
who
is
in
that
sublime
degree
,
and
so
farre
above
others
,
as
not
onely
obliged
to
gratifie
and
recompence
Civilities
,
but
to
heape
honours
and
multiply
Favours
freely
on
persons
capable
of
Princely
bounty
and
Generosity
.
To
abandon
then
those
subjects
,
who
so
freely
chose
me
their
King
,
and
that
Kingdome
which
is
so
abundant
in
peace
,
and
plenty
,
cannot
but
affect
my
thoughts
with
much
trouble
,
and
perplexity
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
to
resolve
to
adventure
to
wear
that
Crown
,
whose
splendor
is
so
much
obscured
,
where
the
Kingdome
is
so
much
divided
,
where
those
who
recall
me
,
feare
me
more
then
love
me
,
or
if
they
seem
to
love
me
,
do
it
more
for
their
own
ends
then
my
service
:
And
(
Farther
)
where
there
are
to
be
found
as
many
Rebells
as
Subjects
,
and
a
civill
Warre
devouring
the
very
heart
of
the
Country
,
where
in
that
great
body
no
one
part
is
intirely
sound
,
or
free
from
the
Epidemick
disease
of
the
State.
These
considerations
may
retard
and
deterre
my
resolutions
from
going
to
France
.
Besides
the
Provinces
of
Poitou
,
Normandie
,
Dauphine
and
Languedock
are
in
armes
against
me
:
Great
seditions
shines
,
and
heresies
are
insolently
spread
,
and
have
generally
infected
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
and
(
perhaps
)
I
may
be
forced
to
the
endeavours
of
a
new
Conquest
,
before
I
may
hope
for
a
quiet
and
peaceable
possession
of
the
Kingdome
;
and
that
(
usually
)
I
should
be
forced
to
make
my
entrance
into
the
most
Famous
Townes
of
France
,
rather
by
the
breaches
which
the
Cannons
might
make
,
then
by
the
Gates
of
the
Townes
,
loyally
lying
open
.
And
so
,
to
march
triumphantly
,
attended
with
such
joyfull
acclamations
as
usually
accompany
Princes
in
their
fresh
addresses
,
and
entrances
to
their
Crowns
.
Imagine
you
what
a
strange
and
unwelcome
alteration
would
that
be
,
to
quit
a
Kingdome
wherein
all
the
Subjects
are
in
repose
,
and
humble
and
affectionate
towards
their
Prince
,
and
to
march
into
another
,
where
the
fields
are
overstrewed
with
dead
corpses
,
where
the
greatest
part
of
the
people
deserve
rather
the
severest
Punition
,
then
pardon
,
or
the
grace
of
Clemency
,
as
having
offended
,
(
and
that
irrepentantly
)
the
just
authority
of
all
divine
and
humane
rights
.
Might
I
not
better
constitute
the
Queen
my
Mother
Regent
of
France
,
and
appoint
my
Lieutenant
Generall
for
the
Conduct
of
my
Martiall
affaires
?
For
I
must
confesse
,
though
I
am
obliged
to
France
for
my
Birth
and
life
:
Yet
I
owe
and
hold
my
Scepter
from
Polonie
:
It
is
in
the
life
and
blood
of
illustrious
●ap●t
,
whereby
I
may
claim
the
Crown
of
France
;
but
it
is
the
Franke
and
voluntary
bounty
of
my
Subjects
hearts
,
wherby
I
hold
the
Scepter
of
Polonie
;
And
how
shall
I
equally
gratifie
the
rights
and
merits
which
both
Crowns
may
challenge
from
me
?
If
I
go
into
France
with
hopes
to
terminate
that
War
,
I
may
very
probably
raise
a
War
in
Polonie
,
where
peace
is
so
well
established
;
And
may
it
be
lawfull
to
attempt
an
uncertain
good
with
an
assurance
certainly
to
cause
some
dangerous
evill
?
(
In
this
weighty
concernment
)
ought
I
not
as
well
to
reflect
on
my
subjects
,
as
on
my selfe
,
and
in
both
relations
,
looke
up
to
Heaven
to
be
better
guided
?
If
I
consider
the
love
of
my
Subjects
of
Polonie
,
I
must
acknowledge
they
presented
me
with
that
Crown
:
Yet
I
must
not
blaspheme
,
It
is
God
alone
that
raiseth
and
pulleth
down
from
the
Throne
,
and
he
maketh
the
elective
as
well
as
the
hereditary
Kings
.
All
Soveraignty
and
Crownes
absolutely
depend
on
his
pleasure
,
and
authority
.
And
it
is
a
Law
indispensable
,
that
all
Crownes
owe
their
Homage
and
duty
to
the
King
of
Kings
.
As
for
the
people
who
honour
Kings
with
their
acclamations
,
they
do
no
more
in
the
Ceremony
of
inauguration
,
then
to
proclaim
their
own
obliga●ions
to
obedience
:
But
it
is
God
who
giveth
the
Soveraignty
of
Kingdomes
,
who
appoints
his
terrestriall
vicegerents
,
and
Ministers
after
his
Caelestiall
Pattern
,
to
exercise
justice
and
mercy
.
It
is
he
to
whom
alone
Kings
owe
account
,
and
it
is
an
inseparable
Comitant
to
the
Royall
Office
,
to
succour
the
pressing
necessities
of
the
subject
impartially
,
without
the
distinction
of
Persons
or
qualities
,
or
injury
to
the
rules
of
Justice
In
these
considerations
,
it
is
evident
to
all
the
World
,
that
whether
I
hold
the
Crown
of
Polonie
or
the
Crown
of
France
,
the
tenure
is
chiefly
and
solely
from
God.
And
as
for
the
People
of
both
Kingdomes
,
they
swell
with
equall
affections
in
my
heart
:
And
whether
I
continue
in
Polony
,
or
advance
towards
France
,
I
am
to
be
as
a
common
Father
,
and
Parent
to
the
Country
,
and
without
respects
of
either
repose
in
peace
,
or
hazard
in
War
,
it
is
my
duty
to
regard
what
is
most
just
and
equitable
;
and
as
to
either
Kingdome
what
may
be
more
commodious
,
and
more
glorious
.
Let
us
see
then
(
I
beseech
you
)
whether
it
be
more
reasonable
to
quit
a
Kingdom
where
my
presence
is
necessary
,
to
prevent
a
War
,
or
to
go
to
another
,
where
it
may
be
very
doubtfull
,
whether
my
person
may
recover
and
establish
a
peace
.
It
is
not
permitted
to
effect
any
evill
,
though
with
a
good
end
,
much
lesse
in
attempt
of
so
uncertain
an
assurance
.
Those
famous
Acts
which
great
and
hardy
spirits
attempt
,
in
usurpations
of
Empires
and
Kingdomes
,
are
no
lesse
criminous
before
God
,
then
the
more
common
horrid
crimes
are
amongst
men
.
And
is
it
not
as
great
an
injury
to
robb
a
King
from
a
Kingdom
,
as
a
Kingdome
from
a
King
?
It
hath
arrived
and
faln
out
sometimes
,
that
Souldiers
have
forsaken
their
Captaines
,
and
Captaines
their
Generalls
,
and
Generalls
their
Princes
and
Masters
,
because
they
have
been
either
base
or
false
;
But
for
a
generous
and
prudent
Prince
to
have
quitted
his
Faithfull
Subjects
,
and
to
make
a
choice
of
others
,
of
whose
fidelity
he
hath
had
no
experience
,
but
rather
danger
,
whether
they
would
prove
dutifull
and
loyall
,
is
an
accident
,
which
(
perhaps
)
hath
never
happened
,
unlesse
in
this
example
of
my
person
.
Notwithstanding
the
tendernesse
and
equity
,
which
causeth
a
Father
to
leave
his
Children
,
who
are
not
in
danger
to
make
hast
and
runne
to
deliver
those
that
are
in
eminent
peril
,
encourageth
my
resolutions
,
in
this
Conjuncture
,
and
invites
me
to
leave
them
,
now
being
more
prosperous
and
happy
,
and
more
able
to
succour
others
who
are
very
miserable
.
When
the
Sea
is
calme
,
every
ordinary
Pilot
doth
presume
to
work
at
the
Helm
,
or
guide
the
ship
:
but
when
the
Sea
is
rough
,
and
the
Waves
wanton
and
furious
;
the
most
skillfull
Seaman
observes
the
Compasse
,
and
steeres
the
Course
.
It
is
he
who
chiefly
grapples
with
the
tempest
,
when
all
the
company
(
with
trembling
eyes
and
eares
)
attend
his
Counsells
,
and
his
motions
:
It
is
he
on
whom
they
depend
to
preserve
the
Ship
from
Rockes
,
and
protect
the
Vessell
from
the
fury
of
the
Rowling
Waves
,
and
(
at
last
)
to
bring
them
safely
to
the
Port
,
and
Harbour
.
Do
not
you
then
so
much
admire
,
if
you
heare
me
preferre
Warre
before
Peace
,
and
rather
expose
my selfe
to
troubles
,
then
to
perpetuate
that
tranquillity
,
which
I
doe
now
enjoy
.
Polonie
is
furnished
with
many
Noble
Personages
,
who
can
easilie
preserve
her
in
that
good
Estate
,
wherein
the
Kingdome
is
now
established
:
But
Faire
France
now
is
rich
in
nothing
but
broiles
and
troubles
,
which
are
(
at
present
)
so
highly
inflamed
,
as
probably
not
to
be
extinguished
without
the
approach
of
my
person
.
A
Prince
is
a
star
in
himself
so
glorious
,
that
it
oftentimes
obscures
by
the
beams
of
Majesty
(
though
arising
a
far
off
)
those
l●sser
and
feeble
ligh●s
,
which
(
in
his
absence
)
shine
bright
in
the
Peoples
eyes
,
and
grow
conspicuous
before
some
eminent
deluded
Grandees
:
But
when
that
petty
splendor
vanisheth
,
their
credit
and
reputation
(
which
hath
shone
in
the
night
of
tumults
and
divisions
)
diminisheth
also
.
And
then
Revolts
and
Seditions
commonly
shaddow
them selves
under
the
Umbrage
of
more
just
protection
,
and
(
recovered
out
of
the
clouds
of
Treason
)
submit
to
the
brightness
of
true
Majesty
,
confiding
there
to
finde
the
Rayes
of
Clemencie
.
You
see
then
my
resolutions
are
not
unreasonable
,
and
that
a
Prince
in
equity
is
not
onely
obliged
to
live
where
he
can
have
most
honour
,
ease
,
and
plenty
,
but
where
hee
may
still
increase
his
renowne
,
and
more
gloriously
exercise
his
royall
dignity
.
And
whereas
it
may
be
objected
,
that
Polonie
may
fall
into
the
miseries
of
War
,
and
so
consequently
some
evils
attend
that
Kingdome
,
by
reason
of
my
motions
,
and
advance
towards
France
;
I
answer
,
the
Generall
of
an
Army
,
who
hath
given
and
gained
a
Battail
,
is
not
responsible
(
by
Martiall
discipline
)
for
the
losse
of
three
or
four
thousand
men
slaine
in
that
re-encounter
;
and
the
Cryes
of
the
Widdows
and
Orphans
(
on
this
occasion
)
cannot
hinder
the
Trophies
and
Triumphs
of
Victory
and
Joy
,
nor
extinguish
the
Bonefires
of
Exultation
.
Where
(
on
the
contrary
)
a
private
Captaine
having
rashly
,
or
imprudently
exposed
his
Company
to
great
danger
,
and
to
no
purpose
,
and
without
order
)
hath
sometimes
been
sentenced
not
onely
to
lose
his
place
,
but
also
his
life
.
Thus
't
is
true
,
the
least
circumstance
of
dishonour
and
imprudence
changeth
the
face
of
things
.
Now
in
Politick
affairs
it
is
sufficient
if
the
design
be
reasonable
,
though
the
effects
succeed
not
;
the
chiefe
Commander
,
though
failing
in
the
enterprise
,
is
free
from
blame
:
Good
Counsels
,
and
good
Intentions
(
though
honest
)
are
not
alwaies
fortunate
;
and
we
are
not
to
judge
of
the
actions
of
Princes
by
successes
and
usuall
events
.
Notwithstanding
I
shall
further
adde
,
that
my
removing
to
the
Crown
of
France
may
contribute
greater
advantage
and
safety
to
the
State
of
Polonie
:
For
thinke
you
not
that
the
Neighbour
Princes
will
continue
their
power
with
more
moderation
,
or
be
in
more
fear
,
when
they
shall
understand
that
he
who
was
King
of
Poland
shall
become
absolute
Master
of
the
first
,
and
greatest
Kingdome
in
Christendom
?
And
that
he
and
his
Allies
may
bee
therefore
more
formidable
to
all
the
Princes
in
the
earth
?
Alexander
the
Great
commanded
Subjects
(
though
remote
and
distanced
)
in
the
farthest
parts
.
The
Senators
of
Rome
,
who
never
budged
out
of
that
Royall
City
,
made
intire
Provinces
to
tremble
,
which
were
no
nearer
the
Capitoll
then
Cracovia
is
to
Paris
.
If
that
great
Conqueror
Alexander
quitted
the
pleasant
scituation
or
Macedonia
for
the
great
riches
and
glory
of
Persia
,
wee
may
conclude
then
that
Dangers
are
companions
of
honour
,
and
agree
with
illustrious
minds
.
On
this
account
I
may
be
permitted
to
leave
Polonie
,
to
goe
and
raign
in
France
.
But
you
will
tell
me
,
the
Macedonians
murmured
when
Alexander
resolved
to
leave
them
,
and
advanced
toward
Persia
.
I
answer
,
Alexander
aimed
at
the
glory
of
that
Empire
,
who
was
a
stranger
and
no
Persian
;
but
I
have
a
more
naturall
right
to
the
Crowne
of
France
,
which
is
not
onely
an
apparent
,
and
casuall
Interest
,
to
ground
my
expectations
and
designes
,
in
the
Government
of
that
Illustrious
Kingdome
.
Wherefore
the
Polanders
and
French
united
in
one
Crowne
,
are
to
bee
incorporated
in
the
mutuall
relations
of
ayde
and
assistance
.
I
cannot
but
esteeme
it
a
degree
of
Inhumanity
to
abandon
those
,
who
presented
mee
with
a
Royall
Crowne
;
and
therefore
I
have
a
contestation
in
my
soul
,
how
to
deport
my selfe
in
an
equall
dispensation
of
Soveraignty
and
favour
to
both
Kingdomes
.
It
is
not
valour
alone
that
causeth
Princes
to
be
renowned
,
but
bounty
,
sweetnesse
,
gratitude
,
and
moderation
.
Virtues
which
make
no
great
noise
,
but
like
deep
streames
glide
smoothly
and
gently
,
gain
the
Subjects
hearts
,
makes
the
Soveraigne
more
glorious
,
his
Government
more
acceptable
,
and
his
renown
more
immortall
:
And
the
Historians
have
not
been
lesse
industrious
in
the
description
of
the
passages
of
Granica
,
and
the
Battail
of
Arbella
,
then
of
the
great
Armies
of
the
Macedonian
Conqueror
over
the
numberlesse
Forces
of
Darius
.
These
things
being
so
,
why
may
I
not
expect
the
reward
of
Honour
?
being
so
generous
as
not
to
resolve
absolutely
to
quit
those
who
love
mee
;
and
still
reserve
so
much
Equity
and
Justice
due
to
them
for
their
Election
of
me
to
bee
their
King
,
that
I
may
not
force
them
to
repent
of
their
Royall
Favour
:
And
if
I
bee
so
bounded
in
my
moderation
as
rather
to
make
choice
of
hardship
and
trouble
with
hopes
of
doing
better
service
,
then
of
dalliance
(
in
the
abundance
of
delicious
plenty
)
where
the
Princes
and
Nobles
are
as
fortunate
and
happy
as
they
can
wish
themselves
;
On
this
ground
I
make
my
resolution
to
advance
towards
those
parts
,
where
true
glory
leads
and
conducts
me
,
and
every
step
of
my
march
(
even
from
the
first
motion
)
shall
be
with
design
of
equal
honour
to
Polonie
and
France
;
towards
which
wee
shall
not
make
more
haste
to
search
out
the
delicacies
and
pleasures
of
that
Kingdome
,
but
proposing
a
Method
and
course
of
Moderation
,
resolve
to
expose
our selfe
to
the
fury
of
a
Civill
Warre
,
with
hopes
to
recover
an
establisht
Peace
in
that
distempered
and
divided
State.
Hee
who
is
resolute
to
leave
repose
to
find
out
trouble
,
the
design
of
his
actions
being
just
,
he
must
needs
be
attended
,
with
honour
and
glory
,
and
in
these
occasions
acting
for
the
preservation
of
Religion
,
and
restauration
of
defaced
Altars
,
fighting
with
ardour
and
zeal
,
cannot
but
be
famous
;
if
he
destroy
that
great
Monster
,
which
(
at
present
)
threatens
the
ruin
and
desolation
of
France
.
It
is
not
then
mine
own
will
that
induceth
me
to
leave
my
Subjects
,
but
a
supernall
,
and
heavenly
interest
that
chiefly
snatcheth
mee
from
them
:
And
Morall
Generosity
is
obliged
to
give
place
,
and
yeeld
to
Divine
Policie
:
And
since
(
to
speake
rationally
)
my
Birth
hath
made
mee
a
King
,
as
to
this
latter
respect
,
I
cannot
with
Justice
and
Honour
quit
the
Priviledges
of
my
Birth-right
,
and
being
advanced
to
so
glorious
a
Crowne
,
I
am
not
only
obliged
to
Reign
,
but
to
rule
with
Justice
,
and
so
to
support
that
great
lustre
,
and
glory
which
is
derived
on
me
from
my
Predecessors
.
As
for
the
quality
of
Elected
Kings
,
the
Successors
are
not
obliged
to
preserve
the
honour
of
those
who
ruled
before
them
;
but
Princes
who
come
to
their
Crownes
by
Inheritance
,
have
Kings
their
Fathers
,
as
well
as
their
Predecessors
;
and
being
naturally
descended
from
them
,
they
are
not
onely
to
endeavour
to
bee
glorious
,
but
likewise
engaged
to
support
the
splendour
and
renown
of
their
Ancestors
.
And
the
Scepter
of
France
hath
been
borne
up
by
so
many
famous
Princes
,
that
as
it
were
ignominious
in
me
to
refuse
so
glorious
a
Birth-right
,
so
it
were
ignoble
not
to
endeavour
by
a
signal
emulation
,
to
imitate
(
if
not
exceed
)
the
chiefest
Virtues
of
those
Illustrious
Princes
;
which
if
I
should
not
undertake
,
my
neglect
would
prove
an
inglorious
declaration
to
all
the
world
,
that
I
tacitely
renounced
a
Royall
Right
and
Scepter
,
and
was
unworthy
or
unable
to
weare
so
splendent
a
Crowne
and
Diademe
,
and
had
not
in
me
the
Valour
and
Virtues
of
mine
Ancestors
:
I
must
part
,
part
(
I
say
)
my
deare
Friends
)
though
with
great
griefe
and
reluctancie
from
those
who
have
received
us
with
so
great
joy
,
and
whose
hearts
are
overwhelmed
with
sorrow
,
at
our
preparations
to
leave
them
.
Oh
Heavens
!
what
an
unparallel'd
conjuncture
am
I
falne
into
?
I
speake
of
my
departure
from
Poland
,
but
doe
not
well
know
how
to
finde
out
the
way
and
meanes
,
being
so
inviron'd
with
the
affections
of
so
many
thousands
,
from
whose
vigilant
love
I
can
scarce
withdraw
my self
.
My
consultations
are
onely
with
my self
,
and
you
my
Friends
;
and
I
am
well
assured
that
he
who
had
so
universall
a
consent
,
and
generall
acclamations
,
when
hee
was
crowned
,
shall
not
have
one
vote
or
voice
to
quit
his
Crown
:
If
hee
shall
referre
his
resolution
to
the
publick
deliberation
of
the
people
.
I
can
easily
(
if
I
will
)
stirre
up
all
the
Kingdome
of
Polonie
into
Armes
,
and
ingage
them
not
to
permit
my
departure
.
So
that
I
can
say
,
I
am
free
,
and
yet
a
Prisoner
,
and
that
which
seemes
more
cruell
,
I
cannot
complaine
of
my
Guards
,
which
have
so
great
passion
to
obey
my
commands
,
that
(
on
the
contrary
)
I
am
obliged
to
love
them
.
And
now
(
after
all
this
conflict
,
and
debate
,
I
must
resolve
to
leave
them
,
and
that
for
ever
:
And
yet
(
which
is
more
cruell
)
without
giving
them
notice
,
or
so
much
as
saying
,
adieu
my
Subjects
,
my
Friends
.
Whoever
read
of
an
accident
so
strangely
tempered
as
this
of
mine
is
?
I
am
gratefull
,
and
thankfull
in
my
soul
to
the
Polanders
for
their
favours
,
and
yet
I
must
appear
to
them
,
and
all
the
world
,
uncivill
and
monstrous
.
Fortune
,
in
this
occasion
,
seems
to
overthrow
,
and
beat
downe
all
her
former
favours
,
and
hath
rather
impoverished
,
then
inriched
me
.
I
could
rather
wish
that
she
bad
never
presented
me
with
the
Crowne
of
Polonie
,
then
so
to
have
snatcht
,
and
ravisht
mee
from
thence
.
But
(
after
all
this
)
I
know
that
Kings
neither
live
,
nor
Reign
for
themselves
,
there
is
a
fatal
Law
and
Decree
,
which
guideth
them
as
wel
as
inferiour
private
persons
;
and
they
are
as
well
bound
up
to
the
rules
of
obedience
,
as
Subjects
to
their
Princes
wills
and
pleasures
.
Policy
doth
often
oppose
Religion
,
but
the
latter
ought
to
bee
the
chiefest
Councellour
of
a
King.
Justice
and
Clemencie
require
things
,
which
seeme
intirely
different
;
the
love
of
peace
,
and
ambition
of
true
Renowne
familiarly
oppose
one
another
:
to
be
a
King
,
and
in
that
Royall
Quality
more
illustrious
,
is
certainly
to
be
something
above
an
ordinary
person
.
Bee
not
you
then
startled
at
the
diversity
of
my
reasons
,
or
difficulty
of
my
resolutions
in
this
point
.
The
paths
which
lead
Princes
to
supremacie
,
are
not
so
directly
beaten
,
as
that
they
may
not
erre
,
and
deviate
from
the
right
way
;
then
principally
when
the
affaires
are
sublime
,
important
,
and
extraordinary
.
Examples
in
Antiquitie
demonstrate
the
truth
in
this
case
,
for
to
bee
a
King
by
election
,
and
to
be
a
King
by
birth
,
and
to
bee
beloved
of
the
first
Subjects
;
and
misapprehended
and
prejudicated
(
for
the
most
part
)
by
others
,
to
leave
those
who
are
experimentally
faithfull
,
and
to
addresse
to
others
who
are
tumultuous
,
insolent
,
and
uncivill
:
to
abandon
the
delights
of
peace
,
and
to
make
choice
of
the
affaires
of
Warre
;
not
to
be
able
to
quit
the
faithfull
without
griefe
,
nor
to
relieve
and
succours
others
without
certain
infamy
and
danger
:
To
conclude
,
to
be
constrained
to
flye
from
a
Kingdome
,
for
fear
of
being
forced
to
raigne
Soveraignly
:
These
are
such
different
varieties
of
concernments
,
as
humane
prudence
rarely
or
never
consulted
with
before
:
and
in
which
,
the
deepest
policy
will
prove
too
shallow
,
to
sound
the
bottome
,
and
make
a
resolution
,
what
to
choose
or
leave
.
But
in
the
extremity
and
streight
,
my
owne
reason
,
and
thoughts
of
true
honour
,
must
be
our
guides
,
what
course
to
steere
,
and
no
other
Pilots
(
how
skillfull
soever
)
can
be
usefull
to
me
in
this
nick
of
so
great
importances
.
I
doubt
not
but
that
my
return
into
France
may
indanger
to
change
,
&
alienate
the
affection
of
my
subjects
in
Poland
(
perhaps
)
into
the
quality
of
as
great
hatred
as
it
was
of
kindnesse
.
For
it
is
the
course
and
effect
of
love
once
irritated
,
to
turn
into
fury
.
But
if
this
misfortune
should
attend
me
,
I
shall
(
at
last
)
gain
this
advantage
,
that
posterity
may
better
judge
of
the
sweetnesse
and
temper
of
my
domination
,
and
Reigne
by
their
resentment
:
and
,
that
election
and
choice
that
they
made
of
me
,
wherein
they
might
(
possibly
)
have
been
abused
.
But
my
heart
hath
been
utterly
incapable
of
unworthinesse
,
or
unthankfullnesse
to
loyall
and
faithfull
Subjects
.
See
(
noble
friends
)
the
reasons
of
my
resolutions
in
the
election
of
an
object
so
extreamly
rare
,
which
have
perswaded
me
to
withdraw
from
the
Polish
Court
,
and
to
addresse
towards
France
.
I
have
nothing
more
to
adde
,
but
onely
that
I
am
a
Prince
,
whom
a
Crown
which
nature
hath
prepared
for
me
,
cannot
so
absolutely
comfort
and
encourage
,
as
the
losse
of
another
,
which
Fortune
,
and
my
own
merits
presented
to
me
,
doth
afflict
and
trouble
me
.
The
Censure
.
THE
fancy
and
device
of
Henry
the
third
,
was
two
Crownes
in
an
Escutcheon
,
representing
that
of
France
,
and
that
of
Polonie
:
And
this
was
the
Soul
and
life
of
the
Motto
:
The
last
I
look
for
in
Heaven
.
But
he
that
invented
this
device
,
did
not
think
to
have
made
so
suddain
a
change
,
nor
so
speedily
to
have
received
the
last
,
which
his
own
invention
and
Mo●to
seemed
to
foretell
,
and
Prophesie
.
On
these
and
such
like
occasions
,
we
may
cry
out
with
St.
Paul
,
Oh
,
the
depth
of
the
riches
of
the
wisdome
and
knowledge
of
God
,
whose
judgements
are
incomprehensible
,
and
his
waies
past
finding
out
?
Who
is
he
that
knoweth
the
thoughts
of
the
Lord
,
and
who
hath
been
his
Counsellor
?
Who
could
have
said
to
Henry
de
Valois
,
when
he
acquitted
his
Crown
of
Polonie
to
return
into
France
,
that
in
the
ascent
to
his
new
Throne
,
he
should
finde
so
suddain
a
degree
,
of
descent
to
his
Tombe
:
and
that
his
entertainment
of
that
Scepter
,
should
prove
a
speedy
means
to
the
losse
of
his
life
,
by
so
violent
and
so
unusuall
a
death
;
And
even
then
,
(
when
his
designes
and
Ambitions
lead
him
to
have
his
head
crowned
with
a
glorious
Diadem
)
he
should
loose
the
sight
and
brightnesse
of
the
Sun.
The
Prophet
and
foreteller
of
such
infallible
tru●h
,
should
have
had
neither
Faith
nor
Favour
for
his
reward
.
'T
is
true
,
he
removed
from
a
Climate
,
where
Ice
,
and
Snow
,
and
thick
Foggs
dwell
eternally
,
and
returned
to
another
aire
,
which
is
more
temperate
,
and
pleasant
,
and
the
diversity
of
seasons
equally
regulated
.
Whence
man
may
see
how
the
great
Creator
of
the
Universe
hath
made
all
things
with
weight
,
number
,
and
measure
.
In
Polonie
this
Prince
encountred
with
extremity
and
sharpnesse
of
cold
:
and
here
in
France
he
became
reproached
by
his
own
Mother
,
who
formerly
so
doted
and
Idolized
her
Son
:
he
acquitted
the
rough
and
savage
Polanders
,
and
returned
to
a
Country
,
where
he
met
with
lesse
civilities
:
he
succeeded
a
King
,
who
was
not
much
loved
,
whose
raign
was
violent
in
Civill
Broiles
.
This
Prince
saw
(
whilst
he
was
Duke
of
Anjou
)
how
he
was
the
Peoples
Darling
,
and
the
Kingdomes
delight
.
And
therefore
his
reason
might
perswade
him
to
return
,
where
(
probably
)
those
Flames
of
affection
could
not
(
as
yet
)
be
extinguished
.
So
that
his
Management
(
upon
this
occasion
)
seemeth
to
be
most
judicious
,
and
his
choice
equitable
,
and
both
these
were
confirmed
to
him
,
by
the
testimonies
of
glory
,
and
triumph
,
which
did
meet
him
,
and
attend
on
him
on
the
Frontiers
of
France
,
and
seemed
to
promise
to
him
a
prosperous
Raigne
,
accompanied
with
much
Felicity
.
But
,
(
oh
the
vanity
of
all
Earthly
Contentations
)
this
temperate
Climate
,
and
fair
Kingdome
,
found
no
entertainment
for
her
King
,
but
outrages
,
and
tempestuous
broiles
:
The
Queen
his
Mother
(
who
so
passionatly
loved
the
Duke
of
Anjou
)
had
no
kindnesse
for
him
when
he
was
King
of
France
.
The
People
civilized
at
some
seasons
,
at
his
approach
,
became
more
barbarous
then
Scythians
:
they
endeavoured
to
asperse
his
honour
,
and
assaulted
his
life
,
and
(
at
last
)
forced
him
from
his
Throne
,
to
which
he
never
made
(
after
his
misfortune
)
a
re-ascent
:
his
Reign
was
almost
as
bloody
as
that
of
his
Predecessors
:
before
his
death
he
discern'd
himself
the
object
of
the
Peoples
scorne
,
and
odium
,
whom
formerly
they
had
so
hugged
in
their
affections
,
and
extolled
with
admiration
:
and
after
a
grappling
with
many
mischievous
reencounters
,
he
was
unfortunately
assassinated
by
an
abominable
Monster
,
a
Jacobin
Frier
.
Kings
by
this
example
may
learne
to
humble
themselves
before
the
Throne
of
the
great
King
of
Kings
;
who
elevateth
them
to
their
Royall
dignities
.
That
God
which
foundeth
,
establisheth
,
and
preserveth
Empires
,
can
shake
their
foundations
,
dissipate
their
forces
,
and
destroy
their
strength
at
his
pleasure
;
and
no
earthly
power
is
so
firm
and
puissant
,
but
he
can
as
easily
break
to
shivers
as
a
Potters
Vessell
.
A
Royal
Scepter
is
but
a
Reed
in
comparison
of
that
Iron
Rod
wherewith
God
chastizeth
:
And
when
Kings
are
thrust
out
of
Gods
Providence
,
Grashoppers
,
and
Frogs
,
shall
prove
enemies
too
formidable
for
their
resistance
:
And
there
is
nothing
so
feeble
,
amongst
all
the
creatures
but
shall
be
strong
enough
(
when
God
is
displeased
)
to
ruinate
and
destroy
them
.
Let
not
then
great
ones
affie
in
their
subtilty
,
nor
trust
in
uncertaine
Riches
,
nor
in
the
numbers
of
Forces
and
Armies
.
These
are
things
so
farre
from
securing
Princes
,
that
they
doe
not
onely
fail
them
,
but
serve
to
pull
down
their
authority
.
These
attendants
are
of
a
mortall
,
and
mutable
condition
,
and
no
security
is
to
be
sought
,
or
setled
but
in
God
alone
,
who
is
unchangeable
.
And
to
this
purpose
the
Morals
of
the
Evangile
are
better
for
Princes
then
the
profoundest
rules
of
Aristotle
,
and
the
deepest
Polititians
;
and
the
dependency
of
a
blessing
from
heaven
transcendeth
all
Princely
experience
,
or
humane
Counsell
.
He
who
takes
care
for
the
Birds
of
the
air
,
forgets
not
Princes
;
but
when
they
first
offend
and
forget
their
Maker
,
their
ruin
is
(
probably
)
not
far
off
.
To
conclude
,
this
name
of
Henry
the
third
of
France
transfers
me
to
another
of
that
name
,
Henry
the
eighth
of
England
,
who
found
himself
much
streightened
what
to
resolve
;
for
having
elevated
Anne
Bullen
to
the
Throne
,
and
having
repudiated
Katherin
,
he
found
himself
constrained
to
put
her
to
death
for
her
Falshood
,
and
Incontinency
:
he
seemed
to
struggle
with
many
difficulties
,
which
gave
a
check
to
his
resolutions
,
but
over-ruled
by
these
reasons
following
,
he
caused
the
Lady
to
die
,
whom
he
professed
to
have
loved
more
dearly
then
his
own
Soul.
portrait of Henry VIII
The
mighty
and
most
magnificent
Prince
,
Henry
the
eight
,
king
of
England
,
Fraunce
,
and
Ireland
.
defender
of
the
faith
etc
He
raigned
37.
yeares
,
and
10
monthes
,
died
at
the
age
of
57.
yeares
.
&
lieth
burie●
at
Windsor
.
F
〈…〉
D
〈…〉
Scu
〈…〉
Are
to
be
Sould
by
William
Peake
HENRY
the
VIII
TO
THOMAS
CROMWELL
Lord
High
Chamberlain
of
ENGLAND
.
AS
I
was
Averse
from
their
Councels
,
and
yeilded
to
my
passion
,
when
I
resolved
to
advance
Anne
Bullen
to
my
Throne
,
so
I
ought
no
more
to
be
attentive
to
their
Importunities
,
who
endeavoured
to
perswade
me
not
to
sacrifice
to
my
revenge
,
this
oblation
which
I
caused
Crown'd
.
For
it
is
expedient
that
this
victime
expiate
her
crime
and
mine
:
it
being
certain
that
I
have
been
no
less
culpable
in
too
much
loving
and
honouring
her
,
then
she
hath
been
false
and
unworthy
towards
me
.
The
nature
of
her
crime
is
of
such
deformity
,
that
it
is
not
capable
of
the
beams
of
Clemency
.
I
am
well
assured
that
Agustus
Caesar
,
who
made
this
vertue
to
appear
so
illustrious
towards
the
latter
end
of
his
reign
,
repented
of
nothing
more
,
but
that
he
had
elected
the
punishment
of
Exile
for
the
correction
of
the
evil
inclination
of
his
daughter
Julia
,
and
had
not
been
more
severe
to
so
notorious
a
crime
:
which
is
most
odious
in
any
of
that
sex
,
but
more
intolerable
and
impardonable
in
a
Queen
then
any
others
.
If
I
were
permitted
to
give
that
sin
a
name
,
I
should
be
much
troubled
how
to
describe
it
;
it
is
so
black
and
foul
.
Had
Anne
no
other
umbrage
to
have
shadowed
her
,
and
prevented
her
from
that
shameless
choice
,
modesty
(
the
common
protection
of
that
sex
)
might
have
guarded
her
chastity
:
and
she
might
have
been
perswaded
,
that
purity
,
and
a
spotless
conversation
would
have
proved
the
greatest
ornament
and
beauty
to
her
;
without
which
,
beauty
it self
becomes
but
an
object
of
scorn
and
aversion
,
a
loose
and
impudent
garb
provoking
rather
an
odium
and
detestation
,
then
love
and
admiration
:
And
as
Ladies
have
nothing
else
to
observe
and
attend
more
then
vertue
and
modesty
,
and
what
may
best
and
most
grace
their
Conversation
;
seeing
their
thoughts
are
not
cumbred
with
the
conduct
of
Armies
,
the
charge
of
the
Magistracy
,
nor
the
hard
study
of
Learning
and
Policy
:
their
whole
duty
ought
to
be
entirely
imployed
in
a
modest
and
vertuous
comportment
.
It
is
that
which
renders
them
most
amiable
and
lovely
,
and
continues
daily
a
Creation
of
new
Charms
,
to
honor
and
adore
their
beauty
.
But
besides
this
general
reason
,
there
are
many
others
,
which
justifie
her
actions
to
have
been
most
detestable
:
Shee
was
not
only
of
that
sex
,
to
whom
Chastity
and
Modesty
is
a
Vertue
necessary
and
essential
,
but
above
these
degrees
;
she
was
a
Queen
,
wife
to
a
famous
King
;
a
Prince
,
who
passionately
loved
her
,
and
so
honoured
her
as
to
put
a
Crown
upon
her
head
;
towards
which
,
had
not
her
Princes
favour
invited
her
she
durst
not
have
presumed
to
have
lifted
up
her
eyes
,
A
Throne
is
a
place
of
Majesty
,
so
highly
elevated
,
that
as
on
the
Sun
,
it
is
not
to
be
lookt
on
by
a
Subject
,
but
with
stupor
and
admiration
;
and
a
Crime
approaching
towards
it
,
is
not
to
be
endured
.
That
place
is
sacred
,
and
not
to
be
prophaned
;
so
base
,
so
foul
an
attempt
to
come
near
so
illustrious
a
presence
,
cannot
,
ought
not
to
be
excused
.
Kings
in
their
greatest
weakness
may
not
digest
so
foul
an
injury
:
There
are
alwayes
some
pretences
at
hand
to
shadow
and
cover
faults
and
errors
.
If
Princes
be
debonaire
,
they
are
flattered
as
peaceful
and
gentle
;
if
weak
,
as
kind
and
indulgent
;
if
cruel
,
they
are
accounted
more
severe
and
jealous
of
their
Authority
;
if
they
have
the
Art
to
rule
and
reign
,
they
are
esteemed
subtle
;
to
have
much
of
the
Fox
,
and
to
be
prudent
.
Thus
Kings
in
their
authority
are
attended
with
Apologies
,
and
their
Power
brings
to
them
fair
glosses
for
all
their
actions
:
But
if
a
Queen
lose
her
honour
and
reputation
,
there
is
no
cure
for
such
a
wound
,
there
is
nothing
to
be
said
more
,
but
that
she
deserves
to
be
removed
from
the
Throne
and
cast
into
her
Tomb
;
where
her
crimes
and
infamie
may
be
buried
with
her
:
which
were
the
more
notorious
in
her
,
because
she
was
advanced
from
so
low
a
Quality
,
to
be
so
great
a
Princess
:
And
having
stained
her
honour
,
nothing
can
be
able
to
expiate
her
offence
,
but
the
streams
of
her
own
blood
.
The
love
of
her
Prince
was
not
passionate
to
an
ordinary
degree
,
but
to
a
kind
of
Idolatry
;
and
consequently
,
her
modesty
should
have
respected
the
majesty
of
the
Throne
.
And
if
the
quality
of
her
husband
had
not
been
sufficient
to
have
obliged
her
to
Vertue
,
and
Fidelity
;
the
abundance
of
his
ardent
affection
might
have
charmed
her
to
mutual
tenderness
:
And
if
this
passion
could
not
prove
predominant
in
her
soul
;
the
relations
of
her
husband
,
her
servant
,
and
her
King
,
who
had
courted
her
with
a
Crown
,
might
have
inveloped
entirely
,
and
swallowed
up
her
ambition
.
And
should
not
all
these
Engagements
have
merited
her
acknowledgments
;
and
preserved
her
from
defiling
the
Royal
Bed
,
and
so
to
dishonour
her self
and
disoblige
her
Prince
?
No
,
all
these
obligations
were
too
feeble
for
this
inconstant
and
immodest
wretch
.
This
woman
advanced
to
be
a
Queen
,
though
the
Soveraign
mistress
of
my
soul
whom
I
crowned
gloriously
with
mine
own
hands
,
became
an
Infidel
to
my
favours
,
and
her
own
faith
;
and
fell
so
low
,
that
she
lodged
within
the
Cabinet
of
her
heart
,
those
unworthy
persons
,
who
deserve
not
to
be
named
,
but
as
to
make
up
an
Aggravation
in
their
mutual
offences
.
Shee
(
I
say
)
who
knew
well
with
what
Contestations
I
wrestled
to
obtain
her
Coronation
,
and
saw
to
what
dangers
and
scorn
I
exposed
my self
for
the
love
of
her
:
Neither
considered
the
Laws
of
God
nor
man
;
slighted
the
peace
and
prosperity
of
my
Kingdom
,
regarded
not
the
repose
of
my
People
,
but
stained
her
own
honour
,
and
my
content
and
Glory
.
Although
I
repudiated
Queen
Katharine
,
who
was
a
vertuous
and
Immaculate
Lady
;
and
caused
her
Death
by
this
second
marriage
,
whereby
I
drew
upon
me
the
rage
and
envy
of
the
Emperour
,
irritated
the
Pope
,
and
seemed
to
scorn
the
Alliance
with
the
Crown
of
France
,
proposed
to
me
by
the
Cardinal
of
York
,
my
Creature
and
Favourite
,
whom
I
disobliged
and
provoked
to
desert
my
service
;
by
whose
Ministry
and
conduct
,
I
so
mightily
prospered
:
Though
the
exigencie
of
Affairs
transported
my
passion
,
and
obscured
my
reason
;
so
that
I
became
A
disturber
of
Religion
,
Sacrilegious
,
violent
,
and
cruel
to
my
Subjects
;
and
grew
so
resolved
as
to
serve
mine
own
lusts
and
Inclinations
,
causing
a
violent
change
;
wherewith
transported
,
I
cruelly
put
to
death
one
of
the
chiefest
of
all
my
Subjects
,
the
Lord
Chancellor
Sir
Thomas
More
;
and
to
prostrate
all
things
in
my
kingdom
to
the
pleasure
of
my self
and
Mistress
;
and
therefore
renouncing
Justice
and
paternal
tenderness
,
preferred
Elizabeth
daughter
of
Anne
Bullen
,
before
Mary
the
daughter
of
Queen
Katharine
;
And
so
carrying
on
my
designs
in
a
tempest
of
Passion
,
I
removed
all
things
out
of
the
way
that
might
seem
to
resist
and
oppose
my
expectations
:
I
punished
some
with
exile
,
others
with
imprisonment
,
and
some
with
death
:
Yet
after
all
these
Circumstances
and
pledges
of
my
love
,
this
base
and
ingrate
person
razed
me
out
of
her
affection
;
forgot
the
debt
she
owed
me
,
and
which
she
ought
to
have
paid
to
her
own
honour
,
and
violently
forced
me
(
which
neither
honour
nor
reason
could
resist
)
to
cause
that
head
cut
off
which
I
had
formerly
crowned
.
But
(
O
heavens
)
can
King
Henry
possibly
consent
,
that
she
,
whom
he
conducted
to
the
Throne
,
should
ascend
a
Scaffold
to
lose
her
head
?
And
that
she
who
kept
my
heart
soveraignly
in
her
power
,
should
submit
and
lay
down
the
greatest
Beauty
in
my
Kingdom
to
be
struck
off
by
the
hand
of
an
Executioner
?
Oh
no
,
these
my
thoughts
are
terrible
,
the
way
forlorn
,
though
the
crimes
are
odious
;
the
person
is
lovely
whom
I
once
so
honoured
;
and
cannot
be
sentenced
to
die
,
but
with
much
regret
.
It
will
be
a
sad
spectacle
to
see
her
bathed
in
her
own
bloud
whom
I
have
so
tenderly
embraced
;
will
it
not
be
sufficient
to
imprison
her
person
,
who
hath
so
wantonly
abused
her
liberty
?
May
not
her
life
in
a
Prison
afflict
her
,
and
better
teach
her
the
difference
which
she
enjoyed
in
the
liberty
and
honour
of
a
Throne
?
Will
not
her
remorse
for
her
faults
be
to
her
as
bitter
as
death
,
and
prove
a
Correction
severe
enough
?
'T
is
true
,
this
use
may
be
made
of
her
alteration
:
But
shall
I
let
slip
or
suffer
to
dye
my
former
Princely
resolutions
?
No
,
I
know
too
well
,
that
offended
honour
grows
implacable
;
her
satisfactions
are
impossible
,
she
must
perish
,
my
Injuries
must
have
revenge
;
and
her
death
must
prepare
my
better
repose
,
when
she
shall
cease
to
be
alive
.
Time
will
raze
her
Image
out
of
my
memory
,
and
then
I
shall
be
more
free
from
the
passions
of
love
and
fear
.
Besides
,
the
resolutions
which
I
take
,
are
not
only
the
effects
of
revenge
,
but
rules
and
reasons
of
Policy
:
For
there
are
a
sort
of
enemies
,
who
either
ought
not
to
be
accused
,
or
if
they
be
,
they
are
not
to
be
pardoned
:
And
prudent
Princes
are
obliged
to
consider
,
whether
those
whom
they
pardon
can
be
ever
able
to
hurt
and
offend
them
.
Policy
teacheth
them
to
depend
more
securely
on
their
own
power
,
then
on
a
penitent
offenders
promise
.
And
may
I
,
in
this
case
,
regard
the
desires
of
Anne
Bullen
,
and
so
dissimulate
her
crime
,
and
let
her
pass
unpunished
?
Or
having
accused
and
imprisoned
this
offendor
,
were
it
not
greater
policy
to
destroy
her
?
When
I
so
much
doted
,
and
adored
her
,
she
might
have
found
opportunity
to
have
been
malitious
or
desperate
,
to
have
used
Poniard
or
Poison
to
my
person
:
Perhaps
she
may
make
an
escape
out
of
Prison
,
and
(
with
her
Partizans
)
levy
Arms
against
me
in
some
part
of
my
kingdom
.
But
you
will
tell
me
that
Anne
is
committed
to
an
inaccessible
Tower
,
where
the
Guards
are
as
faithful
and
couragious
as
vigilant
,
that
she
is
rather
hated
then
loved
of
my
Subjects
;
who
never
had
the
least
approbation
,
but
rather
odium
and
scorn
for
her
marriage
,
and
therefore
(
probably
)
she
may
be
less
dangerous
and
offensive
.
Yet
the
Tower
where
she
is
committed
,
though
strong
,
may
be
too
weak
to
keep
her
:
As
for
the
guards
,
they
may
be
suborned
and
corrupted
.
The
Artifice
and
Inchantments
of
a
woman
,
and
she
a
Queen
,
and
miserable
,
and
unfortunate
,
are
temptations
too
apt
to
provoke
her
to
all
malicious
inventions
,
and
hardly
to
be
resisted
in
her
sex
(
too
inclinable
to
mischief
and
revenge
:
)
Besides
,
Compassion
operateth
on
the
most
obdurate
hearts
;
And
Female
tears
,
like
soft
drops
(
constantly
distilling
)
will
in
time
work
into
tempers
as
hard
as
stones
.
And
(
I
believe
)
it
is
far
more
easie
to
guard
securely
the
wildest
Tygers
and
most
Savage
Lions
,
then
a
fair
and
beautiful
Lady
:
These
fierce
creatures
are
safe
if
their
Cages
and
Dens
be
strongly
traversed
with
iron
bars
,
strong
dores
,
and
locks
:
But
a
Beauty
,
the
more
she
is
loaded
with
chains
,
the
more
she
moveth
her
Keepers
and
Guards
to
compassion
:
Her
tears
(
in
her
affliction
)
her
groans
and
sighs
will
prove
no
less
possible
to
corrupt
and
inchant
her
Jailors
,
then
the
greatest
rewards
and
recompences
:
and
therefore
her
hopes
will
be
fresh
every
day
to
gain
her
enlargment
,
if
not
from
my
clemency
,
yet
from
her
corruptible
and
compassionate
Guards
.
Besides
,
since
her
advance
to
the
Throne
,
she
hath
had
golden
opportunities
to
heap
up
vast
sums
of
treasure
;
which
(
perhaps
)
she
hath
secretly
prepared
to
supply
her
misfortunes
,
in
case
they
should
assault
her
.
And
't
is
true
,
Keys
made
of
gold
do
often
open
iron
gates
;
and
it
is
to
be
suspected
that
beams
of
beauty
,
attended
with
sad
complaints
of
injury
,
sighs
and
tears
,
promises
and
presents
,
may
open
strong
dores
,
intoxicate
vigilant
Souldiers
,
and
by
female
craft
and
subtile
devises
,
Anne
may
procure
her
liberty
,
and
so
gain
more
opportunity
to
endeavour
mischief
,
and
raise
future
troubles
.
I
know
well
that
my
people
love
her
not
,
and
if
she
could
escape
her
Prison
,
she
could
not
but
with
much
difficulty
find
any
succour
or
Azile
,
yet
my
jealousie
and
reason
tells
me
,
that
if
the
people
have
no
kindness
for
her
,
the
Grandees
of
my
Kingdom
would
be
glad
to
countenance
and
engage
in
a
Faction
with
her
.
And
I
do
not
think
it
possible
,
that
if
this
perfidious
and
ingrate
soul
should
address
to
any
part
of
my
kingdom
,
but
that
she
might
endanger
the
most
faithfull
of
my
subjects
either
to
compassion
or
compartnership
in
some
new
and
disloyal
design
against
me
:
my
reign
hath
not
been
so
free
and
calm
from
troubles
,
but
that
a
little
breath
of
potent
malice
and
discontent
might
quickly
stir
up
the
Waves
and
Billows
of
violent
Commotions
.
And
if
this
fair
Beauty
should
prostrate
her self
to
the
most
loyal
Governor
within
any
Forts
of
my
Kingdom
;
when
he
should
see
a
Queen
at
his
feet
,
with
tears
in
her
eyes
,
blub
bering
Beauty
it self
,
and
a
heart
ready
to
break
with
discontent
;
breathing
out
nothing
but
sighs
and
groans
,
he
could
not
possibly
but
be
apt
to
believe
,
and
then
tenderly
to
relieve
a
distressed
Lady
;
The
same
force
and
sweetness
inchanting
his
heart
,
which
bewitched
mine
.
From
this
tenderness
,
kindness
and
respect
would
spring
;
and
from
that
,
ardent
desires
to
serve
her
:
And
then
Hope
and
Ambition
,
the
two
wings
that
support
new
aspirings
,
might
transform
loyalty
to
observation
of
Anne
:
And
this
error
(
not
resisted
)
nor
weighed
in
the
ballance
of
Reason
)
may
change
a
loyal
Subject
of
Henry
the
eighth
,
into
a
Vassal
and
Slave
of
Anne
Bullen
.
The
confusions
and
ruines
of
Kingdoms
arrive
not
always
through
the
ambition
of
Neighbour-Princes
,
or
through
the
hatred
or
division
of
the
People
;
Fond
love
and
violent
passions
have
their
share
often
in
great
disorders
;
And
they
who
extinguish
not
the
sparks
of
these
fi●es
(
if
the
flames
grow
high
)
are
apt
to
put
Kingdoms
into
as
great
Combustion
,
as
the
most
formidable
Invasions
.
We
resolve
then
to
take
a
course
with
this
enemie
;
and
disarming
her
,
render
her
incapable
not
to
offend
us
.
The
suborning
of
my
Guards
,
and
seducing
my
Subjects
,
is
not
only
the
disservice
that
she
may
prove
capable
to
effect
:
for
who
knows
(
if
I
suffer
her
to
live
)
but
that
in
process
of
time
,
I
may
grow
so
feeble
,
as
to
dote
on
that
beauty
,
which
I
so
much
admired
,
and
be
inamoured
with
her
;
and
admitting
her
discourse
,
be
charmed
with
her
Syrenian
voice
?
And
yeilding
a
delightfulness
to
her
company
,
be
so
transported
with
affection
,
as
to
forget
all
her
Injuries
and
Treason
,
which
never
appeared
in
her
countenance
nor
deceitful
looks
.
She
is
still
fair
and
lovely
;
and
though
she
hath
lost
her
prosperitie
,
hath
guarded
her
beautie
:
and
my
heart
hath
been
so
long
subject
to
her
Laws
,
that
she
may
have
a
possibility
to
be
as
great
a
Tyrant
over
me
as
ever
;
and
then
(
in
that
condition
)
what
revenge
might
not
her
malice
execute
?
Judge
then
(
my
Lord
)
how
great
would
be
my
shame
,
and
how
odious
my
infamy
;
what
my
People
would
say
,
and
how
bitterly
murmur
:
certainly
excusing
her
as
innocent
,
and
condemning
my self
as
most
Tyrannical
and
unjust
.
If
I
should
admit
of
such
a
vicissitude
,
and
suffer
Anne
to
be
admitted
to
my
company
,
and
to
return
to
the
Throne
.
No
,
(
my
Lord
)
we
resolve
not
to
expose
royal
Majesty
to
any
such
unworthy
hazard
and
adventure
.
That
which
I
permitted
and
approved
in
my
first
grace
and
favour
,
is
an
example
warranted
by
many
Illustrious
Princes
,
and
not
excepted
against
by
the
most
scrupulous
and
most
vertuous
Moralists
.
The
Emperour
Theodosius
courted
Athenais
to
his
royal
Throne
,
who
was
the
daughter
of
an
humble
and
grave
Philosopher
:
This
was
not
the
first
time
when
Beauty
was
crowned
by
the
hands
of
Love
and
Fortune
;
yet
the
same
Theodosius
,
upon
a
meer
suspition
and
slight
conjecture
,
made
no
difficulty
to
put
Paulina
his
wife
to
death
,
whom
he
had
loved
so
passionately
,
and
to
exile
the
Empress
notwithstanding
the
appearance
of
her
Innocency
.
It
is
so
true
that
Purity
and
Chastity
are
so
absolutely
necessary
in
Princes
.
If
Theodosius
then
thus
proceeded
with
his
Athenais
:
What
?
may
I
not
justifie
my
severest
displeasure
against
Ann
Bullen
,
being
one
whose
crime
is
notorious
;
and
those
who
were
her
Partizans
now
imprisoned
equally
guilty
?
Whose
crimes
were
as
friendless
as
foul
;
and
could
not
find
an
Intercessor
for
Clemency
;
much
less
Orators
and
Advocates
to
plead
for
their
Justification
.
Let
us
not
forget
then
(
in
this
re-encounter
)
how
there
ought
to
be
no
tenderness
for
odious
offenders
;
and
that
the
glory
of
a
State
ought
to
be
the
principal
aim
and
end
of
Royal
Actions
.
If
this
injurious
and
unworthy
Queen
had
made
a
Faction
,
and
publickly
raised
a
party
against
me
in
my
Kingdom
,
or
had
attempted
my
person
openly
,
her
crime
might
have
been
more
pardonable
:
I
might
have
lookt
upon
her
as
a
person
of
greater
spirit
,
and
therefore
less
capable
to
brook
the
conceit
of
an
injury
;
and
possibly
her
reconciliation
might
have
been
more
safe
and
glorious
:
All
subjects
who
make
revolts
(
either
seduced
or
being
fomenters
)
are
not
alwayes
exterminated
.
Those
who
adventure
in
Conspiracies
and
(
in
their
black
designs
)
aim
at
taking
away
the
life
of
the
Prince
,
do
not
alwayes
perish
;
there
are
reasons
why
(
in
some
Conjunctures
)
crimes
are
wink'd
at
,
and
dissimulated
,
and
sometimes
pardoned
as
well
as
punished
.
But
as
for
the
ugliness
of
this
offence
,
it
hath
not
only
injured
the
Prince
,
but
prophaned
his
Throne
,
dishonoured
Royalty
,
violated
Divine
and
Humane
Lawes
,
and
by
her
Incest
and
Adultery
,
she
hath
so
corrupted
the
Fountain
that
the
streams
will
glide
with
nothing
but
shame
and
sin
from
age
to
age
,
to
the
last
posterity
.
This
is
an
evil
which
cannot
be
tollerated
,
an
Ulcer
so
incureable
,
that
nothing
but
her
life
and
bloud
(
which
caused
it
)
can
satisfie
:
all
other
remedies
are
unserviceable
,
and
not
to
be
administred
.
In
this
occurrence
it
is
aequitable
that
I
be
Judge
and
Accuser
in
the
same
thing
:
and
't
is
as
absolutely
necessary
that
I
abandon
pity
and
forget
all
former
affection
;
and
close
mine
eyes
from
the
rayes
of
that
Beauty
,
and
my
ears
from
that
Harmonious
voice
which
so
mightily
had
inchanted
me
.
It
is
for
this
reason
that
I
resolve
not
to
look
on
that
lovely
object
,
whose
crimes
had
so
soiled
her
former
purity
,
that
I
shall
raze
her
memory
out
of
my
heart
:
and
(
at
least
)
by
that
means
cause
,
that
posterity
shall
not
continue
my
shame
and
her
offence
.
By
all
these
reasons
we
may
easily
judge
that
the
life
of
this
unthankful
creature
,
could
neither
be
for
my
content
nor
honor
.
Besides
these
,
there
is
a
principal
respect
due
to
my
People
;
which
is
not
of
an
inconsiderate
consequence
:
their
importunities
are
for
a
Successor
,
a
King
:
they
fear
(
if
I
die
)
that
they
shall
have
a
Queen
to
reign
over
them
:
and
(
notwithstanding
)
their
ardent
desires
for
a
Prince
of
Wales
)
I
beleive
they
are
not
passionate
to
have
that
Prince
the
son
of
Anne
Bullen
.
This
is
another
consideration
of
such
Importance
,
as
I
cannot
but
take
care
to
remove
this
invincible
obstacle
,
intending
so
much
the
publique
felicity
of
the
People
:
so
that
it
is
impartially
necessary
that
she
perish
to
prepare
a
way
to
the
Peoples
greater
good
,
and
the
Kings
greater
glory
.
There
is
this
advantage
more
in
this
design
,
that
little
or
no
trouble
will
survive
to
revenge
her
death
.
As
for
those
who
opposed
her
marriage
,
they
will
not
ranke
themselves
in
Arms
to
fight
her
quarrel
;
and
seeing
Death
is
accustomed
to
disarm
Beauty
,
that
of
Anne
Bullen
can
do
no
more
then
a
beam
of
the
Sun
when
it
is
ready
to
set
,
shine
a
while
,
and
be
no
more
seen
.
In
such
a
dress
She
and
her
Beauty
will
go
together
to
the
Grave
,
and
there
be
buried
in
oblivion
and
dust
.
But
what
shall
I
say
?
I
cannot
but
be
assured
that
her
Memory
and
Image
will
be
much
in
my
Fancie
and
Presence
,
though
she
be
absent
,
and
interred
in
obscurity
.
May
I
not
then
fear
,
least
I
should
repent
the
Sentence
,
and
sorrow
for
the
Execution
?
The
Policy
of
Herod
was
no
less
fortified
then
mine
,
and
his
heart
no
less
tender
;
his
fancie
was
wounded
,
which
represented
unto
him
his
Mariamne
,
who
was
less
criminal
then
her
,
of
whom
I
have
so
justly
complained
.
Notwithstanding
he
repented
of
her
death
,
he
wept
,
he
grieved
;
his
Fancie
was
ever
followed
with
her
Image
;
he
lost
all
content
and
repose
,
and
(
at
last
)
submitted
to
wish
,
that
Death
had
faln
on
him
which
he
executed
upon
her
.
I
may
then
justly
fear
the
exposing
of
my self
to
such
a
continued
torment
of
my
Fancy
and
Imagination
;
and
not
rashly
pronounce
that
sentence
(
which
executed
)
is
irrevokable
.
And
yet
there
is
a
great
difference
and
distinction
betwixt
the
proceedings
of
this
Politician
and
my self
:
Mariamne
was
not
only
his
wife
,
but
his
Soveraign
and
Queen
;
and
though
he
were
her
love
and
husband
,
yet
he
was
her
subject
,
and
a
Tyrant
,
and
(
consequently
)
he
ought
to
have
had
more
regard
and
remorse
,
and
not
to
have
acted
but
with
greater
Wisdom
,
and
more
sage
precaution
:
but
(
on
the
contrary
)
I
am
a
King
,
her
Love
,
and
a
husband
inraged
and
abused
,
by
one
who
was
my
Subject
,
and
to
whom
I
gave
a
Crown
:
finding
then
my
spirit
not
capable
to
digest
so
great
affronts
,
I
will
banish
the
suspicions
of
fear
;
and
being
a
King
(
though
a
Husband
)
I
shall
take
heed
that
I
fall
not
into
such
a
base
and
ignoble
repentance
.
No
,
no
,
my
soul
is
now
free
from
the
irregular
passion
of
Love
,
and
will
not
admit
those
false
delusions
to
trouble
my
Fancy
:
Her
crime
hath
destroyed
her
innocency
,
and
her
offence
will
more
probably
appear
before
my
memory
,
then
her
Beauty
so
foulely
stained
.
I
shall
look
upon
her
(
as
I
ought
)
without
prejudice
to
Justice
and
Glory
;
and
therefore
conclude
,
that
it
is
necessary
she
die
;
yet
if
I
should
deprive
her
of
the
Crown
without
the
retrenchment
of
her
head
,
and
so
render
her
into
her
first
condition
,
it
may
be
that
Love
which
I
had
once
for
her
,
might
plead
for
the
continuance
of
her
life
;
but
as
she
is
a
Crowned
Queen
,
and
Mother
to
my
Daughter
Elizabeth
,
I
cannot
safely
depose
her
from
the
Throne
,
but
I
must
force
her
to
her
Tomb
;
and
when
she
descends
from
the
one
,
she
must
not
stop
till
she
fall
into
her
Grave
.
I
doubt
not
but
posterity
will
be
divided
in
their
judgment
in
the
examination
of
this
Action
:
some
will
say
that
Henry
was
cruel
,
others
that
he
was
stout
and
generous
;
but
after
the
variety
of
Censures
,
it
is
certain
that
Kings
must
act
as
Glory
councels
them
;
which
ought
to
be
far
above
,
and
out
of
the
reach
of
Fear
and
Scandal
.
It
appears
then
to
all
the
world
that
it
was
not
by
a
violent
precipitation
,
which
hatred
might
suggest
that
I
have
proceeded
to
this
resolution
;
Jealousie
did
not
so
enrage
me
as
to
have
recourse
to
Poison
,
or
a
Poniard
;
so
to
have
dispatched
this
infamous
Woman
by
mine
own
hand
:
no
,
if
she
dye
,
the
Laws
do
judge
her
,
and
her
own
crime
condemn
her
;
and
if
I
have
contributed
any
thing
to
her
fall
,
it
is
a
progress
without
injustice
or
reproach
;
seeing
that
I
was
so
passionate
for
her
,
as
to
choose
her
Mistress
of
my
Heart
,
there
to
serve
her
;
and
in
that
affection
my
heart
commanded
my
hand
to
set
a
Crown
upon
her
head
.
These
circumstances
(
doubtless
)
do
declare
and
manifest
Anne
more
culpable
to
all
the
World.
But
my
first
and
last
actions
were
not
grounded
on
the
same
intentions
;
I
proposed
the
Crown
(
which
I
bestowed
upon
her
)
should
have
made
her
glorious
,
not
infamous
;
and
should
have
inspired
into
her
the
apprehensions
of
a
Queen
,
and
not
have
rendred
her
a
person
odious
and
abominable
:
but
seeing
I
am
deceived
in
my
Conjectures
,
it
is
just
that
I
be
punished
for
my
error
,
which
her
beauty
caused
me
to
fall
into
.
Clemency
(
on
this
occasion
)
is
a
vertue
too
indulgent
,
and
not
to
be
used
,
unless
Justice
were
to
be
extruded
out
of
dores
;
and
pity
,
in
this
case
,
were
to
disarm
and
disgrace
Royal
Authority
.
'T
is
true
,
Severity
is
terrible
,
but
Indulgence
and
an
inclination
to
Clemency
more
dangerous
:
when
a
Prince
is
injured
,
and
great
Estates
may
be
destroyed
by
either
,
unseasonably
practised
,
and
(
as
we
see
)
how
the
most
gentle
Rivers
do
very
great
mischief
when
they
overflow
their
bounds
,
as
well
as
impetuous
and
violent
Torrents
:
So
(
in
like
manner
)
excessive
Clemency
may
be
as
offensive
as
the
severest
Cruelty
.
As
I
am
not
then
in
this
action
justly
to
be
accused
of
too
much
fondness
,
so
,
nor
of
too
much
fury
:
for
if
Anne
Bullen
had
not
changed
,
I
had
been
the
same
as
I
was
in
my
espousals
,
and
when
I
solemnized
her
Coronation
with
so
much
honour
and
joy
;
and
if
she
had
not
faln
to
be
disloyal
,
she
should
not
have
found
her
Grave
so
suddainly
.
Now
as
to
the
two
Vertues
,
Justice
and
Clemency
;
the
first
most
firmly
supporteth
the
Kings
Throne
,
and
without
it
the
Royal
Authority
is
shaked
to
nothing
in
an
instant
,
and
she
is
most
essential
to
support
the
Crown
and
Scepter
:
Clemency
may
be
sometimes
called
to
the
Councel
,
but
the
presence
of
Justice
is
more
absolutely
necessary
.
In
this
Act
then
(
my
Lord
)
admire
not
if
I
proceed
as
the
glory
and
renown
of
a
King
requires
,
as
the
Laws
ordain
;
and
with
that
resolution
which
my
passion
and
reason
cannot
be
admitted
to
plead
against
.
It
must
be
so
then
,
that
this
miserable
wretch
cannot
be
exempted
from
the
punishment
she
hath
merited
;
she
must
not
longer
have
any
harbor
in
my
heart
,
there
being
no
person
or
Argument
to
intercede
for
her
defence
;
her
most
detestable
Brother
hath
shamefully
confest
his
horrid
crime
,
his
companions
are
become
his
Accusers
,
her
own
conscience
convinceth
her
,
my
great
favours
aggravate
her
reproaches
,
the
memory
of
her
prosperity
doth
torment
her
,
the
fear
of
her
punishment
doth
cause
her
to
tremble
,
the
representation
of
her
fault
(
so
shameless
and
unparallel'd
)
covers
her
with
confusion
:
what
remains
then
,
but
to
bring
her
to
Execution
,
where
she
may
make
(
if
possible
)
reparation
to
mine
honour
:
where
let
the
ungrateful
wretch
have
an
ignominious
death
,
and
die
with
such
disadvantage
,
as
to
have
no
monument
in
my
memory
,
but
what
she
has
with
all
the
World
,
Scorn
and
Hatred
:
let
her
bloud
deface
those
Characters
of
Love
,
which
were
so
profoundly
engraved
in
my
soul
,
and
(
forgetting
all
her
dalliances
of
Love
and
Beauty
)
let
us
sacrifice
her
and
them
to
our
Honour
and
Renown
.
The
CENSVRE
.
AS
for
this
particular
Action
towards
Anne
Bullen
,
it
meeteth
with
double
Censures
;
as
well
of
those
who
approve
,
as
those
who
condemn
and
dislike
the
Action
.
As
to
the
Parallel
betwixt
this
Prince
and
Herod
,
and
so
betwixt
Mariamne
and
Anne
Bullen
,
it
seems
not
so
just
and
reasonable
;
for
Herod
was
not
as
Henry
,
a
King
by
birth
,
but
by
Mariamnes
means
and
favours
;
and
as
for
the
two
Queens
,
Mariamne
was
innocent
and
vertuous
,
but
Anne
criminous
and
guilty
.
And
therefore
this
violent
Prince
was
less
unjust
(
though
severe
)
because
Majesty
was
so
offended
.
The
Royal
Bed
ought
to
be
kept
as
sacred
and
inviolable
as
the
Imperial
Throne
;
and
of
the
two
,
the
first
is
to
be
attended
with
stricter
and
more
vigilant
Guards
:
as
for
the
Scepter
,
it
may
be
wrested
and
forced
out
of
the
Princes
hand
without
dishonour
;
and
it
may
be
recovered
again
with
advantage
of
greater
renown
:
but
the
the
Royal
Bed
once
stained
,
doth
not
only
enrage
the
Prince
,
but
the
People
;
and
that
injury
spreadeth
to
a
poison
,
which
can
find
no
Antidote
:
and
it
staineth
Majesty
so
deeply
,
as
the
Spot
never
to
be
washed
out
.
Therefore
the
Romans
concluded
,
that
it
was
not
only
necessary
for
Caesars
Queen
to
be
chast
and
innocent
,
but
free
from
Calumny
and
all
Censure
,
and
above
the
reach
of
Scandal
,
which
is
an
inseperable
companion
of
Suspicion
.
And
if
Julius
Caesar
repudiated
his
Queen
on
a
bare
jealousie
,
how
intolerable
is
reproach
and
infamous
scandal
?
much
more
odious
then
,
is
the
crime
of
loosness
and
incontinency
;
The
only
Spot
that
stuck
on
Augustus
his
Successor
(
when
he
was
mounted
far
out
of
the
reach
of
the
cruel
decrees
of
the
Triumvirate
)
't
was
that
he
espoused
Livia
,
being
she
was
great
with
child
,
and
after
she
was
divorced
from
Drucius
Nero
her
husband
,
from
thence
sprang
that
tart
ralliarie
amongst
the
Romans
,
That
all
those
whom
Fortune
favours
,
may
have
such
successes
as
to
have
children
within
three
months
after
marriage
.
Tyberius
his
adopted
son
and
Successor
to
the
Empire
,
was
more
sensible
of
his
honour
;
who
repudiated
Julia
,
Augustus
daughter
,
banished
her
from
Rome
;
and
having
branded
her
name
with
the
mark
of
eternal
infamy
,
condemned
her
to
dye
an
exile
,
and
there
to
bury
her
crime
and
shame
.
This
Grand
Politician
well
understood
that
all
injuries
to
Princes
are
intolerable
,
but
crimes
of
such
infamy
and
dishonour
,
are
to
be
punished
with
the
most
seasonable
and
severest
revenge
:
and
that
the
least
favor
or
mitigation
to
offences
of
this
nature
,
are
as
impardonable
,
as
odious
and
dangerous
.
There
is
nothing
so
much
obscureth
the
Sun
,
as
when
it
is
eclipsed
by
the
Moon
:
and
the
disgrace
is
as
great
as
the
discontent
,
when
a
Queen
is
false
to
her
Lord
and
Soveraign
.
Besides
,
the
dangers
are
imminent
,
and
consequences
very
fatal
.
The
extravagant
marriage
of
Caligula
manifesteth
this
to
all
the
world
;
who
having
espoused
Cesonia
,
his
Court
was
speedily
corrupted
with
great
disorders
,
which
introduced
and
brought
in
shameful
consequences
in
the
Government
of
the
Empire
:
but
if
impudencie
ever
swelled
to
an
excess
and
outcry
,
and
that
vice
met
with
equal
stupid
patience
to
tolerate
it
,
if
not
to
give
it
countenance
;
it
was
when
that
immodest
and
vicious
Messalina
was
the
espouse
and
wife
of
dull
and
ignoble
Claudius
;
during
whose
reign
,
her
deportment
was
as
lascivious
and
vile
,
as
he
was
unworthy
and
altogether
base
.
And
History
only
takes
notice
of
them
as
horrid
disgraces
to
the
times
they
lived
in
.
And
this
was
not
all
,
Messalina
dared
to
quit
Claudius
and
married
another
,
which
high
affront
the
Emperour
endured
:
but
after
a
long
and
prodigious
insensibility
,
he
awaked
at
last
,
and
put
Messalina
to
death
;
and
so
terminated
her
life
and
her
dishonour
.
If
Marcus
Aurelius
the
Philosopher
were
more
uxorious
and
kind
to
his
wife
Faustina
(
though
she
was
a
most
irregular
and
extravagant
woman
)
it
is
to
be
thought
that
his
Philosophy
was
too
much
Stoical
;
and
such
dull
stupidity
became
not
an
Emperour
,
who
had
the
Domination
of
the
World.
We
may
then
conclude
,
that
Henry
the
Eight
did
not
act
against
the
maxims
of
Policy
,
Justice
,
or
Reason
in
punishing
this
infamous
offender
,
and
if
he
gave
occasion
to
the
world
to
blame
him
for
his
six
marriages
;
and
by
reason
of
his
outrages
towards
Churchmen
,
and
great
troubles
in
the
change
of
Religion
;
yet
in
this
lawful
revenge
▪
as
well
as
in
many
other
Acts
of
famous
memory
)
he
merits
the
testimony
of
honour
and
renown
;
and
seeing
that
for
his
book
against
Luther
,
the
Pope
honoured
him
with
the
glorious
title
of
Defensor
Fidei
:
It
is
an
argument
that
the
Actions
of
great
Kings
,
are
not
to
be
censured
with
rashness
and
precipitation
:
for
they
are
as
some
eminent
Stars
which
move
in
such
a
Sphere
,
as
all
the
world
do
not
perceive
;
and
as
their
condition
is
separated
and
transcendent
to
others
,
so
these
visible
Earthly
Gods
have
their
reasons
and
resolutions
apart
.
Such
another
was
that
famous
Prince
Pepin
King
of
France
,
who
hath
been
censured
and
condemned
,
and
his
means
and
wayes
reputed
as
unjust
,
and
utterly
unlawful
to
the
Throne
,
and
his
reign
an
Usurpation
:
but
if
we
will
listen
to
the
reasons
which
he
spake
for
his
defence
,
and
as
an
Apologie
for
the
great
change
of
affairs
;
we
may
(
perhaps
)
alter
our
judgments
,
and
not
prejudicate
Princely
actions
.
Let
us
then
leave
the
discourse
of
Henry
the
Eighth
of
England
,
and
hear
what
Pepin
pleadeth
for
his
justification
,
who
took
the
Crown
of
France
from
off
the
head
of
the
last
of
the
race
of
Clovis
the
Grand
,
and
place
that
Royal
Diadem
on
his
own
head
.
King
PEPIN
TO
THE
ARCHBISHOP
OF
MAIENEE
.
THE
Acclamations
of
the
People
were
so
general
and
loud
;
then
,
when
you
annointed
me
and
gave
me
the
Crown
as
a
present
from
the
States
and
Grandees
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
those
Ecchoes
of
joy
and
exulation
resounded
throughout
all
Europe
,
and
all
parts
of
the
Earth
are
well
satisfied
that
Childrick
(
being
not
longer
able
to
support
the
Royal
Scepter
)
I
was
impetuously
constrained
to
take
it
into
my
hands
,
and
forced
with
a
kind
of
violence
,
to
endeavour
the
preservation
of
that
Glorious
and
Royal
Throne
;
and
not
to
suffer
it
to
fall
with
shame
and
infamie
.
And
yet
(
perhaps
)
many
thousands
are
not
satisfied
with
those
Motives
and
Reasons
which
pressed
me
to
those
high
resolutions
:
and
it
is
a
debate
judiciously
to
be
examined
,
Whether
I
was
rather
to
accept
,
or
refuse
the
Supreme
and
Soveraign
power
of
this
Kingdom
;
the
action
not
meerly
reflecting
upon
my self
,
but
likewise
with
the
effects
of
much
good
or
evil
on
the
people
;
and
so
consequently
,
with
glory
or
dishonour
redundant
to
my self
in
those
mighty
undertakings
.
In
this
Conjuncture
,
a
Prince
ought
to
be
furnished
with
all
advantages
of
Prudence
as
well
as
of
Valour
and
Resolution
.
Those
who
onely
judge
of
content
by
the
external
appearance
of
glistering
objects
,
ambitiously
and
rashly
reach
at
any
thing
that
appeareth
Glorious
;
but
an
Imperial
Diadem
is
not
to
be
accepted
,
but
by
such
great
Heroes
whose
vertues
can
more
illustrate
a
glorious
Crown
.
We
see
that
Infants
and
ignorant
persons
cannot
gather
the
blushing
Roses
without
danger
of
pricking
their
fingers
with
those
little
Thorns
;
which
like
natural
Guards
,
wait
on
those
scarlet
flowers
.
As
for
me
(
whose
Ancestors
have
imployed
their
lives
to
support
the
Throne
,
whereon
I
am
seated
)
I
am
not
ignorant
how
that
all
their
endeavours
were
intirely
devoted
for
the
preservation
of
the
self
same
Crown
.
And
I
cannot
but
confess
,
that
I
am
obliged
to
be
as
diligent
and
active
,
and
so
most
strictly
to
examine
my
abilities
in
managing
the
high
affairs
of
a
Kingdom
,
in
which
I
shall
not
leave
out
any
Circumstance
that
may
render
my self
more
capable
,
or
the
Throne
more
honourable
.
'T
is
true
;
I
am
not
so
fortunate
as
Augustus
,
who
had
the
friendship
and
councel
of
Mecaenas
and
Agrippa
,
to
advise
in
the
danger
of
my
weighty
occasions
:
And
yet
I
shal
not
fail
to
examine
up
,
and
search
into
every
corner
of
my
soul
,
to
present
my
condition
more
fit
for
so
Princely
an
Office
;
and
ballance
all
reasons
judiciously
,
which
may
either
perswade
me
to
,
or
remove
my
thoughts
from
the
acceptance
of
the
Royal
Robe
;
and
I
shall
severely
scan
all
probable
disputes
,
that
my
judgment
and
reason
may
gain
the
greater
victory
:
and
if
I
have
received
the
Crown
,
I
doubt
not
but
I
shall
make
it
appear
that
my
Vertues
have
merited
much
,
as
well
as
my
birth
;
and
it
is
not
an
Addition
to
be
sleighted
,
that
in
receiving
of
the
Diadem
,
I
have
had
so
long
and
so
serious
a
contestation
with
mine
own
soul
.
You
know
well
,
the
solemn
dayes
of
Triumph
are
better
Registred
,
then
easily
to
slip
out
of
memory
;
and
you
were
then
my
Remembrancer
,
that
I
should
declare
my
resentment
and
reasons
,
why
I
embraced
the
Crown
;
that
the
people
as
well
as
my self
,
might
more
clearly
understand
why
I
became
their
Soveraign
,
and
they
my
Subjects
.
To
satisfie
this
great
curiosity
(
I
confess
)
when
I
look
upon
the
height
of
the
Royal
condition
and
quality
of
a
King
,
I
beheld
it
as
those
who
have
in
their
view
a
dangerous
precipice
;
and
I
did
not
lightly
and
ambitiously
so
much
aspire
to
more
transcendent
Eminencie
;
but
likewise
prudently
consider
the
varieties
of
dangers
of
so
high
a
place
:
and
when
I
held
the
Scales
of
both
Honour
and
Danger
in
my
hands
,
and
poised
them
both
together
;
I
discerned
so
many
troubles
and
cares
,
travels
,
hardships
,
wars
,
and
so
many
secret
discontents
following
Royalty
at
her
heels
,
that
through
mine
own
contestations
and
debates
,
without
farther
disputes
,
I
found
it
most
rational
to
repulse
the
motion
and
proposition
of
the
Supreme
Dignitie
,
and
beheld
it
as
an
enemy
to
my
private
repose
,
and
no
friend
(
probably
)
to
my
future
Glory
.
But
in
a
second
reflection
(
the
first
notions
being
corrected
by
the
latter
)
when
I
considered
that
what
was
proposed
,
aimed
at
the
conservation
of
a
mighty
Monarchy
,
I
could
not
but
admit
my
reason
to
farther
consultation
,
resolving
if
any
misfortune
should
arrive
through
my
faults
and
errors
,
I
should
be
only
responsible
to
the
great
Governour
of
all
the
Universe
;
who
requires
from
none
an
account
,
but
of
those
Talents
that
he
bestows
upon
them
,
and
in
this
trust
I
resolved
not
to
fail
.
I
began
then
more
closely
and
attentively
to
pursue
those
great
affairs
;
but
in
this
Commencement
,
I
considered
with
my self
,
as
my
Grandfather
Pepin
,
and
illustrious
Charls
my
Father
,
consulted
with
themselves
:
The
first
would
never
be
perswaded
to
entertain
the
thoughts
of
Soveraigntie
;
and
the
second
did
refuse
it
with
the
title
of
King
;
and
would
not
accept
of
it
but
to
be
stiled
The
French
Prince
:
these
times
and
symptoms
seemed
to
presage
an
alteration
;
and
yet
there
was
no
appearance
that
the
Subjects
were
willing
to
change
their
Master
.
Besides
,
for
many
years
the
Throne
was
not
enjoyed
but
by
Princes
of
more
incapable
and
weaker
judgments
to
reign
and
govern
:
so
that
from
the
reign
of
Dagobert
the
first
,
whose
justice
valour
,
and
pietie
,
were
more
considerable
;
the
Clovises
,
the
Clotairs
,
the
Childericks
,
the
Theodoricks
,
and
the
Childeberts
,
and
Dagobert
himself
the
second
,
rendred
the
State
into
such
pitiful
conditions
,
that
if
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
had
not
been
found
more
capable
to
rule
and
govern
,
it
had
not
been
,
but
that
the
Kingdom
had
faln
oftner
then
once
into
the
hands
of
Foreigners
,
Strangers
,
or
Enemies
.
Notwithstanding
Pepin
was
contented
to
serve
his
Master
,
and
to
obscure
and
support
his
infirmities
.
It
may
be
there
are
some
who
would
say
,
that
this
service
was
for
self
advantage
,
and
to
lay
the
foundations
of
his
own
Royal
Family
;
but
what
could
he
do
otherwise
,
but
as
a
good
and
faithful
Subject
,
causing
Justice
and
Piety
to
flourish
;
and
so
to
attribute
the
Renown
to
his
Prince
during
his
reign
.
But
a
continuation
of
this
service
was
impossible
;
neither
would
the
People
be
satisfied
,
where
the
Prince
was
so
dull
,
and
such
errors
and
dishonour
in
the
Government
.
It
was
by
my
means
that
the
Duke
of
Fryze
(
that
Pagan
)
was
vanquished
;
and
afterwards
obliged
to
be
baptized
,
and
become
Christian
:
that
the
Bishop
of
Utrecht
was
re-establish'd
,
whom
Ebroin
had
chased
from
his
Episcopal
Chair
;
and
that
the
Almains
(
on
both
sides
the
Rhein
)
who
levied
their
Forces
against
the
Crown
of
France
,
were
subdued
:
and
what
endeavours
were
not
used
to
keep
the
Monarchy
from
an
utter
desolation
;
and
to
restore
it
to
its
Pristine
Splendor
and
Honor.
And
if
Pepin
(
in
all
these
actions
)
did
not
propose
and
fancie
Royaltie
in
the
success
of
so
many
atchievements
;
he
were
ingrate
as
well
to
his
fortunes
as
to
his
vertues
.
Charls
Martel
was
not
so
confined
,
who
(
what
ever
he
did
)
conceived
he
merited
,
and
expected
honour
both
from
Prince
and
People
.
And
yet
whilst
these
affairs
were
in
action
the
wayes
and
means
were
facile
and
easie
to
him
to
have
mounted
the
Throne
.
And
't
is
true
that
incomparable
Valour
accompanied
with
Prudence
,
Justice
,
Generositie
,
Clemencie
,
Moderation
,
Piety
,
and
good
Success
,
may
boldly
attempt
any
thing
:
Notwithstanding
some
may
say
,
that
he
drove
a
nail
into
the
Wheel
of
Fortune
;
and
(
maugre
the
Infirmity
of
Dagobert
,
C●ilprick
,
and
Chiderice
,
(
under
whom
he
served
)
or
(
to
speak
more
properly
)
under
whom
he
reigned
)
he
made
then
a
scruple
to
entertain
and
take
a
Scepter
out
of
their
hands
,
from
whom
God
himself
had
seemed
to
snatch
it
;
having
given
them
over
to
their
vices
and
irregularities
:
which
introduced
all
vileness
into
the
Kingdom
,
and
therefore
threatned
a
fatal
desolation
.
I
do
solemnly
profess
the
two
examples
of
my
Grandfather
and
my
Father
had
almost
prevailed
with
me
,
to
make
me
resolve
to
die
,
and
lay
my
fortune
at
Childricks
feet
,
though
I
saw
the
Throne
in
an
apparent
ruine
;
and
if
I
had
not
been
charmed
from
those
thoughts
by
the
importunity
and
universal
suffrages
of
the
people
,
I
had
certainly
perished
,
and
been
buried
under
the
Ruines
of
that
Throne
.
The
injuries
which
I
must
act
to
my
lawful
Prince
(
though
he
were
never
so
weak
,
and
therefore
less
reverenced
by
his
Subjects
)
did
torment
my
thoughts
,
and
I
could
not
but
conjecture
that
the
end
might
be
as
miserable
,
as
the
way
and
means
unjust
and
injurious
;
and
if
I
attempted
to
ascend
the
Throne
by
the
Deposing
of
my
lawful
Prince
,
I
should
not
be
of
better
reputation
with
the
people
,
then
an
Usurper
:
and
it
is
a
vulgar
conclusion
,
He
who
is
an
Usurper
to
his
Master
,
cannot
but
be
a
Tyrant
to
his
Subjects
.
Besides
,
the
people
wil
then
censure
that
all
the
services
of
Pepin
my
Grandfather
,
and
Charls
my
Father
,
were
nothing
else
but
politique
Arts
and
means
to
undermine
the
Crown
;
and
so
more
easily
to
derive
it
on
their
posterity
.
These
thoughts
allayed
the
heat
of
my
ambition
,
and
retarded
that
violence
which
hurrieth
most
mens
desires
in
the
obtaining
of
Soveraign
power
.
Besides
,
if
I
assume
the
Title
of
King
,
may
not
those
hands
who
lift
me
up
,
pull
me
lower
then
ever
I
was
?
may
they
not
dispute
against
my
merits
and
qualities
as
not
agreeing
with
Princely
dignity
?
or
may
they
not
be
outragious
,
and
charge
me
with
ignobleness
and
ingratitude
,
and
murmur
at
all
rewards
,
as
not
proportionable
to
their
demerits
and
service
?
if
so
many
admirable
qualities
are
necessary
for
a
legitimate
and
lawful
Prince
,
what
abilities
can
render
a
Subject
fit
to
reign
?
As
for
those
who
were
my
equals
in
condition
and
merit
,
though
they
have
carried
me
on
their
shoulders
and
lifted
me
to
the
Crown
,
they
cannot
but
speedily
repent
,
unless
they
therefore
elevated
me
to
so
high
a
precipice
,
that
my
fall
might
be
more
certain
,
more
suddain
,
and
more
dangerous
:
and
who
have
been
born
and
lived
with
me
under
the
same
Prince
,
and
same
Laws
,
(
the
Subjects
common
birth-right
)
how
can
they
submit
that
I
should
be
their
Supreme
and
Head
,
who
have
been
my
superiors
or
companions
?
may
not
such
an
ambition
stain
the
reputation
of
all
my
former
services
with
dishonour
and
infidelity
?
and
that
instead
of
concealing
or
supporting
the
infirmities
of
Childrick
,
I
intended
nothing
but
a
direct
establishment
of
Tyranny
in
Pepin
.
Besides
all
this
,
will
not
these
courses
give
a
special
advantage
to
neighbour
Princes
for
Invasions
,
and
raise
immortal
Factions
with
the
Grandees
of
this
Kingdom
;
and
would
not
this
way
foment
and
cherish
a
foreign
and
a
civil
War
?
and
did
I
not
by
these
actions
provoke
the
whole
world
to
an
odium
of
me
,
and
to
devise
conjurations
against
my
life
,
honor
,
and
posterity
?
I
am
not
ignorant
that
many
Sages
(
mentioned
in
Antiquity
)
have
refused
royal
Crowns
.
And
when
I
come
to
consider
my self
,
if
I
receive
the
Scepter
,
I
cannot
but
lose
the
fidelity
of
my
choicest
friends
,
because
they
are
not
now
my
equals
,
and
of
friends
they
must
be
rendered
flatterers
,
and
slaves
to
my
Fortunes
;
and
if
I
shall
expose
my self
to
be
seduced
by
their
cunning
Artifice
,
who
inveagle
and
inviron
Kings
with
their
smooth
Arguments
,
and
so
be
corrupted
to
admit
injuries
and
injustice
:
I
shall
but
prepare
every
one
whom
I
should
command
,
to
curse
me
with
their
Tongues
,
or
strike
me
with
their
hands
.
Moreover
seeing
Princes
are
subject
to
all
errors
and
misfortunes
in
Government
,
I
may
lose
my
reputation
,
and
be
branded
with
the
vices
of
cruelty
and
violence
;
or
else
be
accused
and
thought
guilty
of
rashness
,
ignorance
,
and
imprudence
.
These
consequences
cannot
but
provoke
great
numbers
of
secret
,
as
well
as
publique
enemies
;
and
(
't
is
oft
seen
)
that
discontents
can
unite
all
parties
in
the
destruction
of
an
object
generally
hated
.
These
reasons
may
deter
my
resolutions
from
the
acceptance
of
a
Crown
;
which
high
degree
is
too
apt
,
not
only
to
raise
many
enemies
,
but
to
create
their
rage
and
envy
to
be
implacable
:
and
if
subjects
interpret
the
greatest
bounty
of
their
Prince
but
a
debt
or
(
perhaps
)
a
reward
too
little
to
satisfie
their
expectation
:
how
insatiable
will
the
Subjects
be
in
their
demands
from
such
a
Prince
,
whom
they
have
advanced
from
their
own
condition
?
They
commonly
conclude
that
Kings
are
but
the
great
Treasurers
of
their
Kingdoms
,
and
therefore
are
obliged
to
largeness
and
bounty
;
and
't
is
usual
that
a
denyal
or
a
repulse
(
in
the
least
or
greatest
matter
)
provoketh
bitter
murmurings
or
publique
outrages
.
Nay
,
they
conclude
that
Kings
are
obliged
(
by
Divine
Right
)
to
give
all
that
they
possess
,
and
as
the
Ocean
receiving
her
vast
Tributes
from
the
Inland
Rivers
,
returneth
the
waters
by
secret
passages
,
which
break
up
in
boiling
Fountains
and
pearling
Springs
;
so
they
argue
,
Princes
who
receive
the
publique
Tributes
of
the
People
,
are
but
trusted
to
preserve
them
untill
they
be
to
be
refunded
and
more
abundantly
paid
back
again
.
In
this
similitude
it
is
observable
,
that
although
the
Sea
do
give
leave
that
some
few
Fountains
do
break
up
,
and
so
water
some
places
of
the
earth
,
yet
she
is
unthankful
as
to
the
general
;
and
leaveth
many
vast
parts
,
for
want
of
moisture
,
to
be
altogether
steril
and
barren
:
and
thus
Princes
,
though
they
may
oblige
some
friends
and
favourites
with
the
Dew
and
drops
of
their
bounty
;
yet
the
many
thousands
of
the
people
not
relishing
of
their
liberality
,
rather
become
their
enemies
then
humble
and
obliged
Subjects
.
In
this
argument
what
froward
apprehensions
will
possess
the
People
,
who
are
too
resolute
to
interpret
a
right
of
all
things
in
themselves
;
and
that
their
Prince
,
as
the
Sea
,
is
obliged
to
return
the
waters
more
clear
and
sweet
,
which
his
vast
power
hath
imbittered
and
rendred
less
pleasant
and
more
unwholsome
.
And
although
I
have
alledged
so
many
reasons
for
my
refusal
of
a
Crown
;
yet
these
which
follow
,
appear
more
of
force
,
farther
to
disswade
my
Resolutions
:
for
as
I
am
not
a
King
,
so
neither
am
I
the
son
of
one
;
which
I
conceive
as
the
greatest
obstacle
in
this
design
:
I
know
that
I
have
some
drops
of
Royal
bloud
streaming
in
my
veins
;
and
(
though
far
remote
)
can
claim
a
relation
of
kindred
to
Clovis
the
Grand
:
and
though
I
may
not
be
so
near
in
bloud
,
yet
I
am
not
so
remote
from
his
vertues
and
merit
as
Childerick
:
which
consideration
doth
a
little
more
suppress
all
scruple
and
niceness
.
But
how
can
I
dare
to
approve
the
acclamations
of
the
People
,
in
that
which
I
fear
and
dislike
in
my self
?
my
Ambition
is
to
thinne
a
cover
to
disguise
and
veil
the
Truth
it self
;
and
my
inquietude
(
in
this
contestation
)
as
it
is
restless
in
my
brest
,
so
it
is
unexpressible
in
my
language
;
And
on
one
side
,
I
see
a
Throne
staggering
and
ready
to
fall
;
a
feeble
and
vitious
Prince
,
who
through
his
Vices
and
weakness
hath
shaken
the
foundations
of
a
Royall
Kingdome
:
I
see
the
People
generally
in
Commotions
,
and
the
more
Couragious
already
armed
;
and
in
their
jealousies
and
indignation
.
I
saw
their
eyes
chiefly
fixed
and
directed
towards
me
,
and
all
their
Motions
point
towards
my self
as
the
Center
of
Royalty
,
and
they
were
great
with
expectation
for
a
Soveraign
and
King
,
worthy
of
their
obedience
and
so
glorious
a
Diadem
.
In
this
Conjuncture
I
cannot
but
observe
the
Symptoms
of
a
mighty
change
;
and
in
those
apprehensions
,
I
must
not
be
injurious
to
my
own
fortunes
:
And
(
on
the
other
side
)
I
feel
equitable
intentions
towards
the
People
in
the
motions
of
mine
own
soul
,
concurring
with
their
desires
in
my
advance
.
And
if
in
this
great
expectation
I
still
supported
the
Debillities
of
my
Master
,
I
was
not
certain
whether
the
people
would
longer
suffer
me
to
serve
under
his
name
:
which
consideration
(
if
not
prevented
)
as
it
might
prove
a
certain
ruine
to
Childrick
;
might
(
probably
)
hazard
mine
own
Person
,
and
the
Kingdoms
Peace
.
Seeing
then
the
disorders
of
his
life
,
and
his
Affairs
were
so
irregular
,
and
caused
the
Grandees
to
grow
into
Factions
,
and
the
Commons
to
murmur
;
and
both
resolved
to
quit
and
change
their
Master
;
I
cannot
find
,
but
for
the
Kingdoms
happiness
(
as
well
as
for
mine
own
renown
)
to
use
my
utmost
endeavours
to
govern
so
great
a
Kingdom
;
and
so
to
preserve
it
from
desolation
.
If
we
look
upon
the
whole
Universe
,
all
Countries
and
Kingdoms
make
up
but
one
great
body
,
and
every
particular
Member
is
obliged
to
aid
and
assist
the
whole
.
It
is
thus
in
any
one
Royal
Kingdom
;
all
the
Subjects
are
unanimously
engaged
to
preserve
the
common
good
:
and
the
Members
cannot
but
be
in
confusion
,
and
sick
,
if
the
Head
be
unsound
;
and
if
we
consider
those
enormious
vices
of
those
two
Princes
,
to
whom
my
Grandfather
Pepin
,
and
Charls
my
Father
did
such
eminent
services
;
and
what
were
the
vertues
of
Charls
and
Pepin
:
it
cannot
but
be
confessed
that
our
family
hath
most
highly
merited
,
both
from
King
and
People
:
and
though
the
Descent
,
and
right
in
bloud
ought
to
be
inviolable
,
and
not
to
be
interrupted
;
yet
the
vices
and
inability
of
Kings
,
may
as
well
determine
their
reigns
,
as
desolate
and
dissolve
their
Kingdoms
:
and
the
King
of
Kings
who
first
advanced
Princes
to
reign
,
can
,
when
he
pleaseth
set
a
period
to
their
successors
.
And
as
to
my self
,
I
am
so
well
satisfied
with
the
favour
of
fortune
,
that
as
Subjects
ought
not
to
aspire
to
Crowns
;
so
it
agrees
with
my
honour
not
to
refuse
such
a
Dignity
.
The
vanity
may
be
as
well
in
him
who
Stoically
scorneth
the
splendor
of
Glory
,
as
in
him
who
ambitiously
gapeth
after
it
.
And
History
telleth
us
,
that
those
who
did
not
accept
Alexanders
Presents
,
were
as
deeply
accused
of
Pride
,
as
(
if
they
had
received
them
)
they
might
have
been
taxed
with
Avarice
.
Seeing
then
that
I
am
premonished
by
the
prevision
of
an
universal
desolation
,
that
I
am
encouraged
by
the
popular
acclamations
of
the
Subjects
,
that
the
people
desire
it
,
and
the
Kingdom
is
in
a
necessity
and
exigencie
;
I
cannot
but
wrestle
with
some
considerable
Rights
,
and
embrace
the
Soveraignty
,
which
is
so
sweet
a
Bait
to
human
Ambition
;
and
where
the
necessity
is
so
absolute
,
I
rather
resolve
(
though
with
some
injustice
)
to
ascend
the
Throne
,
then
see
the
Kingdom
perish
.
And
when
I
call
to
mind
how
this
Monarchy
was
founded
by
the
valour
and
courage
of
Pharamond
,
so
much
augmented
by
Meroijee
,
and
rendred
so
formidable
by
Clovis
the
Grand
;
and
after
so
many
incomparable
Princes
,
now
ready
to
be
ruined
,
and
to
fall
into
the
barbarous
hands
of
Saracens
and
Pagans
:
I
am
not
longer
amazed
at
my
own
boldness
,
nor
can
I
plead
against
my
own
ambition
,
if
I
take
upon
me
to
be
the
Soveraign
.
And
if
Childrick
must
lose
it
,
no
Subject
can
be
fitter
then
Pepin
to
wear
the
Crown
of
France
;
whose
Ancestors
(
as
well
as
himself
)
have
so
successfully
served
their
Princes
,
and
so
affectionately
gained
the
Peoples
hearts
.
But
I
must
yet
examine
,
and
have
a
scrutiny
in
the
corner
of
mine
own
heart
;
whether
I
,
who
have
been
so
faithful
and
good
a
subject
,
may
not
prove
a
Tyrannous
and
insufferable
King
;
and
so
may
not
be
suspected
of
injury
and
injustice
to
all
the
People
,
who
have
undermined
and
been
so
unworthy
to
my
own
Prince
.
To
this
I
answer
,
The
Prince
ought
to
be
as
transcendent
in
worth
above
others
,
as
he
is
in
place
and
degree
;
and
to
strip
himself
of
all
predominant
passions
,
to
love
the
Peoples
good
above
his
own
;
to
do
nothing
injust
,
and
not
so
much
as
to
desire
his
own
renown
,
but
by
the
noble
ascents
of
vertue
:
Kings
ought
to
take
pains
and
travail
to
make
their
Subjects
repose
more
secure
and
sweet
,
to
undertake
the
dangers
of
War
;
but
with
no
other
end
,
but
better
to
establish
and
settle
a
peace
;
and
to
imploy
that
peace
,
not
in
Riot
and
Luxury
;
but
for
a
more
exact
course
of
Equity
and
Justice
;
and
thereby
to
cause
the
kingdom
to
flourish
,
and
vertues
to
shine
and
be
triumphant
.
Likewise
it
is
the
office
of
Kings
to
try
before
they
trust
,
least
flatterers
creep
into
great
imployments
,
and
indanger
the
Ruine
of
Prince
and
People
;
their
power
must
not
countenance
them
to
be
severe
;
nor
their
Plenty
to
be
too
indulgent
,
secure
,
and
too
much
inclined
to
clemencie
.
The
desires
of
a
Throne
ought
to
be
principally
for
the
Peoples
good
,
and
with
no
other
design
,
but
for
the
Princes
honour
and
renown
;
which
as
the
Sun
,
should
send
light
and
heat
communicatively
over
all
his
Domination
.
And
he
who
is
invested
with
Majesty
,
ought
to
have
none
but
clear
and
innocent
intentions
,
and
a
soul
,
not
byassed
with
sinister
and
ignoble
ends
;
but
with
honourable
inclinations
to
chastise
the
wicked
,
and
to
prefer
and
recompence
vertuous
and
meritorious
persons
.
For
he
whose
Soveraignty
sets
him
above
the
Laws
,
ought
to
have
a
soul
more
sublime
and
spiritual
,
then
to
be
tainted
with
the
gross
Lees
and
feculencie
of
low
and
base
things
,
as
having
wisdom
and
courage
to
confirm
those
bonds
of
humane
Society
,
and
so
not
to
fear
or
violate
those
rules
of
peace
&
justice
,
which
his
own
power
hath
formed
or
submitted
unto
.
And
as
the
Prince
is
to
live
above
the
reach
of
envy
and
fear
,
so
is
he
not
to
prostitute
his
royal
condition
to
Sycophants
and
flatterers
,
who
are
a
kind
of
poysonous
flyes
,
which
will
cause
the
sweetest
odours
and
ointments
quickly
to
stink
;
and
if
I
now
discerne
(
as
being
near
the
Throne
)
the
breath
of
so
much
subtile
poyson
;
what
Arts
and
Craft
will
not
be
undertaken
to
deceive
and
delude
,
with
golden
language
of
Treachery
and
dissimulation
,
when
I
have
the
royal
Scepter
in
my
hand
?
As
to
this
instant
,
I
never
met
with
any
person
,
who
dared
to
say
to
me
;
Accept
not
of
the
Crown
.
And
if
all
persons
have
bin
so
compliant
before
my
advancement
to
the
Throne
,
how
officious
and
obsequious
will
they
appear
,
when
I
have
the
Scepter
in
my
hands
?
In
the
debate
of
these
affairs
,
I
meet
with
many
invincible
objections
to
disswade
and
discourage
my
resolutions
;
but
fortune
and
my
owne
ambition
have
put
wings
to
my
expectations
,
and
kindled
such
a
fire
in
my
heart
,
as
I
cannot
extinguish
;
and
therefore
I
resolve
to
hazard
my
life
,
honour
,
and
repose
and
abandoning
fear
,
and
suspition
of
dangers
or
dishonour
,
determine
to
accept
the
Crown
,
and
wear
the
royal
Robes
;
so
to
commend
my self
and
successes
to
the
favours
of
fortune
:
Those
who
are
in
the
peril
of
naufrage
,
and
to
be
shipwrackt
in
these
tempestuous
times
,
will
be
well
pleas'd
if
by
working
at
the
helm
,
I
preserve
them
from
perishing
in
the
angry
waves
:
and
if
I
be
not
so
happy
as
to
deliver
them
from
danger
,
they
will
honour
me
for
my
adventures
and
endeavours
.
And
if
it
so
happen
and
fall
out
,
that
my
reign
be
more
prosperous
,
then
the
irregular
Government
of
Childerick
,
I
shall
be
esteemed
more
innocent
as
well
as
more
renowned
;
and
those
who
have
been
my
equals
,
will
more
contentedly
become
my
humble
and
loyal
Subjects
;
as
for
Competitours
and
Rivals
in
my
fortune
(
if
any
)
as
I
am
able
to
step
a
degree
before
them
,
so
I
shall
be
more
enabled
(
in
that
quality
)
to
curb
their
insolency
,
or
chastise
their
discontents
:
though
the
action
be
not
justifiable
,
yet
successful
events
may
render
it
noble
and
honourable
in
the
reputation
of
the
world
;
and
if
the
posterity
of
Pepin
degenerate
,
grow
effeminate
,
foolish
and
base
,
yet
Pepin
will
be
commended
for
his
high
attempts
;
and
the
weakness
and
misgovernment
of
Childerick
and
his
Ancestors
,
will
be
a
step
to
mount
Pepin's
honour
to
a
higher
estimation
in
all
the
Universe
.
It
is
true
,
I
see
not
such
Princely
indowments
in
Charles
my
son
,
as
to
merit
to
wear
a
Crown
,
(
though
his
natural
parts
are
tolerable
)
and
it
will
prove
a
greater
task
for
Charles
to
follow
Pepin
,
then
for
Pepin
to
follow
Childerick
;
but
who
knows
whether
Pepin
may
not
so
deeply
plant
the
foundations
of
respect
in
his
subjects
hearts
,
as
not
onely
to
reign
himself
,
but
to
make
fair
way
for
Charles
to
be
his
successour
;
and
if
he
improve
not
himself
by
his
vertues
and
merits
,
nor
cannot
winn
their
suffrages
;
it
is
not
inglorious
for
Pepin
to
be
a
King
,
though
his
son
succeed
him
not
:
and
yet
I
doubt
not
but
to
be
able
to
remove
that
difficulty
;
for
when
I
find
my self
to
grow
old
or
indisposed
,
I
shall
surrender
the
Crown
to
Charles
,
and
his
possession
of
so
royal
a
fortune
will
(
probably
)
raise
him
strength
and
forces
to
support
his
Soveraingty
;
and
when
I
am
not
fit
to
march
in
the
field
,
I
shall
become
his
Councellor
for
the
better
conduct
of
his
great
affairs
;
and
now
if
by
deposing
an
unworthy
and
luxurious
Prince
,
I
be
ranked
amongst
the
usurpers
of
Crowns
,
the
dishonour
is
the
less
,
because
the
Kingdome
required
an
alteration
,
and
I
cannot
but
reign
with
more
security
and
less
hatred
.
And
if
I
have
ascended
by
an
usurpation
,
yet
it
was
effected
without
a
war
,
or
violence
,
or
causing
a
desolation
to
the
Kingdome
:
And
if
Pharamond
founded
the
Monarchy
,
and
Meroije
enlarged
the
domination
,
and
Clovis
demolished
the
Idol
Altars
;
yet
I
shall
be
renowned
for
the
protection
of
justice
,
innocency
and
vertue
,
and
for
the
abandoning
of
the
distructive
vices
of
a
luxurious
Court
and
Kingdome
.
I
propose
these
glorious
designes
to
my self
,
which
cannot
but
make
my
renown
as
immortal
as
that
of
the
Cesars
,
when
the
subjects
shall
confess
,
that
Pepin
doth
not
only
reign
but
gloriously
,
and
that
he
is
not
so
much
feared
as
loved
;
and
that
he
did
not
ambitiously
mount
himself
,
but
that
the
people
passionately
carryed
and
lifted
him
up
to
the
throne
of
Childericke
;
and
that
it
was
not
Pepin
that
made
himself
a
King
,
but
that
the
weakness
of
unworthy
Princes
,
the
misgovernment
&
miseries
of
their
reign
,
the
services
of
Pepin's
Ancestors
,
the
suffrages
of
the
People
,
together
with
Pepins
owne
vertues
,
and
the
will
of
Heaven
,
set
the
Crown
on
Pepins
head
:
see
(
Sage
Prelate
)
what
were
Pepins
thoughts
before
he
held
the
Royal
Scepter
,
what
were
his
resolutions
when
he
sate
on
the
Throne
,
and
what
he
would
have
the
world
to
think
of
him
,
when
he
had
descended
to
his
Tombe
.
The
CENSVRE
.
How
strong
soever
the
Arguments
,
and
reasons
of
Pepin
may
appear
,
yet
the
effects
of
his
intentions
will
prove
better
warrants
for
his
actions
,
then
his
alegations
&
discourse
for
to
get
a
Crown
,
to
which
none
ought
to
dare
to
aspire
▪
but
he
who
is
a
man
after
Gods
own
heart
;
as
it
was
Davids
case
,
in
deposing
of
wicked
Saul
The
Priviledges
of
a
royal
birth
are
attended
with
somany
difficulties
,
that
who
soever
overcomes
them
cannot
but
be
more
then
an
extraordinary
person
.
T
is
true
,
the
people
are
mutable
and
given
to
change
,
and
voluntarily
to
seek
new
Masters
,
their
judgement
is
not
so
profound
,
as
to
foresee
what
they
usually
lose
by
those
alterations
;
a
capricious
angry
wantonness
quickly
armeth
them
against
their
ancient
Kings
,
but
commonly
they
fight
for
others
and
not
for
themselves
;
and
under
the
pretence
of
gaining
greater
priviledges
,
like
Flyes
in
the
Spiders
web
,
are
more
intangled
:
and
as
for
Princes
,
who
have
surreptitiously
gained
the
Crown
of
others
,
it
is
impossible
but
that
they
must
have
as
great
dangers
in
the
injoyment
of
them
,
as
they
had
difficulties
in
ascending
to
them
;
for
a
Royal
Scepter
is
onely
supported
by
his
hand
,
who
measureth
the
earth
,
and
weigheth
the
mountains
in
the
Scales
,
without
whose
Providence
a
certain
ruine
is
inevitable
.
New
Princes
cannot
but
disoblige
new
subjects
,
whether
they
are
of
the
civil
or
martial
garbe
and
order
;
the
Souldiers
are
necessary
to
watch
and
guard
to
keep
out
fear
and
dangers
;
and
their
humours
are
generally
very
insolent
,
and
not
satisfied
with
common
rewards
,
and
therefore
will
be
apt
to
murmur
and
grow
mutinous
;
the
civil
part
of
the
people
will
cry
out
as
oppressed
with
new
taxations
,
which
are
the
necessary
consequences
of
war
,
and
therefore
will
incline
to
be
seditious
.
Thus
new
dominations
bring
along
with
them
the
traine
of
miserable
and
provocative
effects
.
A
great
Politician
said
(
long
since
)
that
a
Prince
usurping
a
Throne
,
maketh
all
whom
he
injureth
to
be
his
enemies
,
and
he
is
hardly
able
to
preserve
an
amity
even
with
those
who
have
advanced
him
to
the
Throne
,
because
their
expe●●ation
is
insatiable
;
and
as
for
to
use
violent
remedyes
,
it
is
impossible
where
his
suspitions
are
so
many
,
and
his
obligations
so
great
.
Subjects
are
apt
to
frown
and
murmur
to
see
him
who
was
once
their
equal
,
so
highly
elevated
above
them
;
and
(
although
superiority
have
been
the
commencement
of
Monarchies
long
since
,
and
are
of
a
Divine
foundation
)
yet
to
interrupt
or
suppress
a
roy●l
linnage
,
cannot
be
undertaken
without
the
fear
of
as
much
danger
as
dishonour
:
And
whereas
Pepin
and
Hugh
Capet
(
being
so
highly
born
,
and
so
great
Generals
)
were
so
hardy
and
bold
;
It
is
to
be
conjectured
,
that
they
had
rather
an
inspiration
then
ambition
,
whereby
to
follow
the
decrees
of
Heaven
;
and
so
free
from
common
vanity
,
they
rather
referred
themselves
to
divine
providence
,
then
to
an
undiscreet
desire
to
raign
.
The
Royal
Throne
is
so
far
above
the
fortune
of
a
private
person
,
that
he
who
admitteth
that
ambitious
indiscreet
designe
to
be
predominant
in
his
soul
,
doth
but
gripe
at
Thrones
,
walk
on
a
precipice
,
strives
against
the
stream
;
and
although
he
sail
with
the
breath
of
fortune
,
and
more
violently
for
the
present
,
yet
his
obstacles
are
so
many
and
so
certain
,
that
the
foundations
of
a
Crown
exceeds
Hercules
labours
,
and
under
whose
weight
the
greatest
Hero
is
apt
to
lye
down
,
and
to
be
ground
to
powder
.
Atilla
,
who
was
stiled
the
Rod
of
God
,
as
bad
he
was
,
may
teach
us
that
all
Power
comes
from
God
,
and
that
it
continueth
no
longer
then
he
pleaseth
.
The
Assyrians
,
Persians
,
Greeks
,
Parthians
,
and
Romans
have
reigned
,
and
their
vicissitudes
instruct
us
,
that
he
who
never
changeth
,
causeth
an
alteration
of
all
things
else
according
to
his
pleasure
;
and
these
great
mutations
arive
for
reasons
unrevealed
to
us
,
and
that
God
alone
foreseeth
all
things
who
is
invisible
;
let
us
then
adore
,
on
such
occasions
,
whom
we
cannot
comprehend
:
and
seeing
that
we
guide
not
the
Helm
of
the
great
vessel
of
providence
,
let
us
adore
and
honour
him
who
ruleth
all
things
:
It
is
he
who
putteth
the
mighty
from
their
seat
,
and
exalteth
the
humble
and
meek
.
Thus
alterations
succeed
in
Empires
and
Kingdomes
;
and
we
may
conclude
that
greater
bodies
(
when
God
is
pleased
to
permit
it
)
have
their
revolutions
and
changes
,
as
well
as
the
least
and
smallest
Creatures
.
Now
the
discourse
changeth
to
Tamberlane
the
Emperour
of
the
Tartars
,
who
so
tormented
and
ill
treated
Bajazet
;
which
History
acquainteth
us
with
a
more
visible
certainty
of
this
truth
,
That
God
will
have
the
proud
humbled
,
and
the
humble
exalted
.
portrait of Tamerlane
TAMERLANE
Emperour
of
Tartarie
called
the
wrath
of
God
and
terrour
of
the
World
,
He
overthrew
and
tooke
prisoner
BAIAZET
Greate
Emperour
of
the
Turks
,
shutting
him
vp
in
an
Iron
Cage
:
His
Army
consisting
of
100000.
men
.
He
also
Conquered
Mesepotamia
,
Babilon
,
with
the
Kingdome
of
Persia
.
He
died
1402
TAMBERLANE
EMPEROR
OF
THE
TARTARS
,
TO
AXALLA
HIS
LIEVT
.
GENERAL
.
YOU
have
effected
such
noble
Atchievments
under
my
Standard
Royal
,
or
(
to
speak
ingeniously
)
I
have
gained
so
much
by
your
proper
valour
,
that
I
cannot
but
be
much
amazed
,
that
you
who
have
been
so
great
an
instrument
of
my
Glory
,
and
so
free
a
sharer
in
all
my
successes
and
triumphs
,
have
not
been
so
friendly
as
to
take
notice
of
me
in
my
proceedings
;
and
so
to
tax
me
of
less
judgment
,
who
have
sometimes
been
so
extremely
severe
and
rigorous
,
and
sometimes
so
excessively
merciful
and
indulgent
.
You
might
justly
demand
from
me
,
what
reasons
perswaded
me
to
imprison
Bajazet
within
an
iron
Cage
;
and
(
at
that
time
)
to
be
so
gentle
to
his
sons
,
as
not
to
inchain
nor
confine
them
,
but
to
give
them
their
Liberty
,
and
treat
an
Emperor
as
a
common
Slave
;
notwithstanding
I
so
frankly
remitted
all
those
Prisoners
and
Slaves
which
I
took
at
Caramania
.
I
answer
,
(
Axalla
)
you
have
been
my
General
,
my
Companion
,
and
my
Friend
;
yet
you
have
not
so
deeply
sounded
and
fathomed
the
bottom
of
my
heart
,
as
to
prie
into
the
secrets
of
all
my
Councels
and
Resolves
:
and
therefore
your
admiration
may
be
the
greater
,
not
discerning
the
cause
and
reasons
of
such
contrarieties
,
which
(
upon
several
circumstances
)
forced
me
to
such
extremities
,
and
either
to
be
v●olently
severe
,
or
most
abundantly
merciful
.
It
is
true
you
may
wonder
that
I
treated
a
Captive
Prince
with
as
much
rigour
,
as
if
he
had
been
the
meanest
Vassal
;
(
and
,
you
may
say
)
that
the
Conquerour
is
obliged
to
respect
the
qualities
of
his
Prisoners
;
and
so
ought
to
use
personages
of
highest
condition
,
though
enemies
)
with
honour
and
civility
.
I
answer
,
I
have
not
(
in
this
occasion
)
acted
with
Capricious
levitie
,
nor
malicious
cruelty
:
as
for
my
clemencie
and
severitie
,
they
are
not
certain
rules
of
my
prudence
and
policie
;
I
regard
neither
hatred
nor
pity
to
my
actions
;
Reason
alone
is
my
guide
,
which
teacheth
me
to
give
punishment
,
pardon
,
or
promotion
,
as
I
shall
judge
fit
.
And
Reason
alone
which
caused
me
to
chain
and
imprison
Bajazet
,
directed
me
to
set
the
Prisoners
and
Slaves
at
Liberty
.
But
perhaps
you
will
say
those
that
are
born
in
a
Country
where
there
is
little
learning
,
are
less
civil
,
and
have
not
much
veneration
any
where
,
and
their
policie
is
but
rude
and
savage
;
which
though
it
inviteth
them
to
approve
their
own
actions
,
and
that
which
their
passion
doth
inspire
:
but
such
proceedings
relish
neither
of
honour
nor
equity
.
I
must
confess
(
Axalla
)
that
part
of
Europe
(
where
you
were
bred
)
hath
a
great
advantage
for
education
in
relation
to
those
colder
Climates
;
for
Genoa
is
in
Italy
,
and
Italy
is
(
at
this
day
)
what
Greece
was
in
ancient
times
,
the
Mother
of
Sciences
,
and
Fountain
of
Learning
:
yet
it
is
true
,
that
I
am
not
altogether
ignorant
of
the
Royal
Science
which
teacheth
Princes
to
reign
with
Justice
,
or
to
punish
without
Cruelty
,
and
to
pardon
without
weakness
and
fear
;
and
so
to
act
the
one
or
the
other
,
as
it
shall
tend
more
to
mine
advantage
,
or
mine
honour
.
Policie
(
without
doubt
)
is
a
thing
which
may
be
learned
from
books
,
but
Experience
is
a
more
certain
Mistress
,
and
teacheth
her
Schollers
more
effectually
.
Now
to
perswade
you
to
believe
what
I
say
,
as
a
matter
not
falling
out
by
meer
chance
,
but
by
serious
and
laborious
studies
;
I
must
put
you
in
mind
that
this
insolent
and
proud
Prince
Bajazet
,
was
sometimes
called
the
Shepherd
,
by
a
tart
Ralliarie
;
because
of
those
abundant
of
flocks
of
sheep
which
he
fed
in
his
Country
,
a
condition
not
agreeing
with
the
royalty
of
his
birth
.
Yes
(
Axalla
)
you
cannot
but
remember
,
how
at
the
age
of
fifteen
,
the
King
of
Sachatay
my
Father
,
gave
me
a
Kingdom
to
govern
;
and
when
I
was
but
sixteen
,
I
undertoke
the
management
of
the
Wars
against
the
Muscovites
;
who
when
they
were
ranged
in
Battalia
,
were
forced
to
yeild
,
and
I
slew
no
less
then
forty
thousand
of
mine
enemies
:
and
that
memorable
day
reduced
them
to
be
my
tributaries
.
After
that
,
you
know
how
the
grave
Cham
of
Tartary
mine
Uncle
,
caused
me
to
espouse
his
daughter
,
and
thought
me
not
unworthy
to
be
his
Successor
:
notwithstanding
in
my
absence
ambitious
Calix
aspired
to
the
Empire
;
and
knowing
me
(
to
be
at
such
a
distance
)
leavied
Arms
,
and
drew
into
his
parties
the
people
of
Catay
;
but
after
this
injury
,
I
had
the
good
fortune
to
vanquish
this
enemy
,
and
take
him
Prisoner
;
and
in
conclusion
,
resolving
that
his
crimes
should
not
be
unrevenged
,
I
drenched
his
rebellion
in
his
bloud
,
and
caused
him
to
lose
his
head
,
thus
to
fix
more
securely
the
Crown
upon
mine
own
:
and
I
resolved
then
not
to
pardon
,
lest
I
should
have
lost
my self
.
(
Axalla
)
you
are
not
ignorant
when
I
waged
War
against
the
King
of
China
,
how
at
last
I
made
my self
Master
of
that
long
and
prodigious
Wall
,
which
the
Chinaists
had
erected
to
separate
themselvs
insocially
from
the
Tartars
:
how
I
forced
the
Towns
of
Paquinfow
,
of
Paquinohu
,
of
Teauchenoy
,
and
of
Pannihu
;
and
that
I
gave
him
three
great
battails
and
lost
none
.
In
the
last
battail
I
made
him
my
Prisoner
,
and
in
this
success
finding
that
the
practice
of
generosity
would
not
be
dangerous
;
I
made
a
notable
example
of
my
Clemencie
,
and
restored
to
him
his
Kingdom
,
and
his
Liberty
;
contenting
my self
with
a
moderate
tribute
,
as
a
testimony
and
memory
to
my
victories
.
Since
this
effect
(
most
generous
Axalla
,
whom
I
equally
honour
as
my self
)
you
know
that
it
was
through
your
prayers
and
Councels
,
that
I
condescended
to
grant
those
succors
and
auxiliaries
to
the
Emperor
of
Greece
,
to
enable
him
to
resist
the
injust
invasion
of
cruel
Bajazet
,
from
that
Prince
(
I
say
)
who
gloried
in
the
renunciation
of
all
humanity
,
and
concluded
that
Soveraignty
was
given
to
Kings
for
no
other
end
,
but
to
practice
the
highest
injustice
and
cruelty
,
without
all
impunity
;
who
was
as
well
pleased
to
sluce
out
the
bloud
of
the
Mahometans
,
as
the
Christians
,
and
loved
more
to
see
Innocencie
suffer
,
then
to
punish
Vice
:
Whose
ambition
was
such
,
as
not
limited
with
any
bounds
,
of
either
Reason
,
Religion
,
Alliance
with
neighbours
,
or
any
other
sort
of
humane
Rights
;
and
whose
cruelty
was
so
implacable
,
as
not
satisfied
with
revenge
and
bloud
,
though
it
were
of
his
own
brothers
,
or
dearest
friends
.
This
(
Axalla
)
is
that
enemy
which
you
councelled
me
to
encounter
,
and
to
give
protection
to
the
Emperour
of
the
Greeks
;
you
aided
me
in
the
fight
,
when
I
vanquished
and
made
him
prisoner
;
but
I
profess
solemnly
,
you
were
not
of
my
Counsel
to
have
him
fettered
and
bound
in
chains
;
you
were
privy
to
that
secret
,
when
the
Greek
Emperor
(
of
whom
I
spake
and
relieved
on
your
interest
)
conceiving
himself
obliged
to
my
protection
,
sent
to
me
the
offer
of
his
Empire
,
how
that
I
refused
it
.
You
know
at
the
same
time
,
when
I
imprisoned
Bajazet
,
I
delivered
and
set
free
Desp●te
de
Servia
,
without
so
much
as
ransome
,
whom
I
took
in
the
same
Battail
;
and
how
I
treated
the
children
of
Bajazet
with
kindness
and
honor
,
and
that
the
Mahometans
and
Christians
were
equally
satisfied
in
me
,
as
to
their
present
condition
.
Besides
all
this
,
you
remember
how
I
revenged
my self
on
the
Sultan
of
Egypt
,
who
assisted
Bajazet
,
and
having
almost
intirely
conquered
the
Ottoman
Empire
,
how
I
took
in
Damascus
,
Damietta
,
Alexandria
,
Grand
Caire
,
and
the
most
considerable
places
of
his
Estate
;
and
having
been
victorious
in
two
Royal
Battails
,
I
forced
him
and
his
scattered
Troops
to
flye
,
resolving
to
give
him
neither
Truce
nor
Peace
,
nor
a
Cessation
of
Arms
:
you
cannot
likewise
but
remember
that
Arabia
Felix
,
and
a
part
of
Affrica
,
having
voluntarily
submitted
to
me
as
I
marched
,
how
I
treated
them
with
all
sweetness
possible
,
and
how
the
Persians
resisting
,
I
combated
with
them
,
beat
,
and
subdued
them
;
and
having
conquered
the
insolent
numbers
of
that
Grand
Empire
,
I
subjugated
to
my
power
all
the
Glanture
,
and
all
the
Tampestan
;
and
having
mastered
the
great
Town
of
Tauris
,
I
placed
you
my
Lieutenant
General
there
,
as
my
Vice
Roy
in
those
parts
;
(
and
to
your
greater
astonishment
yet
)
passing
by
the
Ardevel
,
on
my
return
to
Semarcant
with
an
infinite
number
of
Slaves
of
Caramania
,
and
of
all
the
vicine
Nations
;
you
cannot
but
recal
to
your
thoughts
how
that
Cheqsapy
,
a
person
of
great
vertue
(
whom
I
honoured
with
a
visit
)
begging
liberty
for
all
his
Slaves
,
I
accorded
without
repugnancie
,
consenting
with
much
joy
,
conceiving
it
just
not
to
refuse
his
request
,
who
was
so
noble
to
ask
so
much
for
others
,
and
so
little
or
nothing
for
himself
.
After
all
this
experience
of
War
,
Conquest
,
and
Success
;
you
cannot
(
faithful
Axalla
)
but
conclude
that
I
have
gained
the
Art
and
Science
how
to
reign
and
rule
;
and
that
my
reasons
are
valid
and
strong
for
the
variety
of
my
different
Conduct
in
such
great
Affairs
;
and
if
I
have
pardoned
humble
Slaves
,
and
punished
a
most
superb
and
insolent
Emperour
,
I
have
learned
this
way
of
Policie
in
the
head
of
my
Army
,
and
from
the
impetuosity
of
mine
enemies
,
that
it
is
most
proper
for
Majestie
to
humble
the
proud
,
and
pardon
the
submiss
.
This
practice
is
not
only
necessary
in
the
times
of
War
,
but
in
the
times
of
Peace
;
a
Rule
to
be
observed
at
all
times
and
all
places
.
Lawful
Princes
ought
to
regard
this
qualification
;
and
as
for
Usurpers
,
they
cannot
reign
without
it
,
this
being
a
means
to
stop
the
rage
of
Civil
Wars
,
and
more
promptly
to
conclude
foreign
Invasions
.
By
this
way
Justice
will
flourish
and
resist
a
greater
inundation
of
popular
vices
;
and
this
will
make
Kings
as
well
feared
as
loved
.
Yes
(
noble
Axalla
)
the
just
mixture
of
sweetness
and
severity
is
the
secret
,
which
renders
Royalty
more
formidable
and
less
hateful
:
for
a
Prince
who
alwayes
is
inexorable
,
imprinteth
nothing
but
fear
and
terror
into
his
Subjects
:
and
he
who
is
too
meek
and
mild
,
doth
with
pardons
and
familiarity
more
easily
provoke
disloyalty
and
disobedience
.
Wherefore
a
prudent
Prince
with
these
two
qualities
,
will
keep
the
world
in
suspense
,
and
make
them
alwayes
serve
his
present
purpose
,
without
rashly
falling
into
either
extremity
.
It
is
not
fit
that
any
person
who
is
proud
should
not
be
corrected
by
the
chastisements
of
Royal
Power
;
and
those
who
are
penitent
and
cordially
humbled
,
should
not
be
cherished
with
the
hopes
of
a
gracious
remission
.
In
this
case
Kings
ought
to
imitate
Thunderbolts
,
which
pass
by
humble
shrubs
,
but
shatter
audacious
and
proud
Oaks
,
whose
high
tops
aspire
to
touch
the
Clouds
.
The
Lion
could
not
have
merited
that
glorious
quality
as
to
be
stiled
the
King
of
Beasts
,
but
because
he
exerciseth
his
fury
against
the
most
insolent
creatures
:
he
sooner
passes
by
the
feeble
and
gentle
Lamb
,
then
the
force
and
fierceness
of
Buls
,
and
the
rage
of
Tygers
.
Those
Princes
who
would
conserve
their
Estates
in
better
security
,
cannot
find
a
more
certain
way
then
by
their
circumspection
towards
the
Grandees
of
their
Kingdom
,
and
to
see
that
they
approach
not
so
near
to
the
Throne
,
as
to
have
but
one
step
more
to
ascend
,
and
so
to
mount
to
Majestie
.
A
wise
King
will
alwayes
keep
as
great
a
distance
between
him
and
his
Lords
,
as
they
are
to
make
between
them
and
the
people
,
if
they
intend
to
preserve
their
honour
:
if
the
Prince
intend
a
super-elevation
to
any
of
his
Subjects
,
his
fore-sight
of
their
humility
ought
to
be
the
first
step
to
their
advancement
;
or
if
they
be
too
superb
and
haughty
,
their
pride
is
to
be
punished
with
severity
and
vindicative
justice
,
that
their
disgrace
might
teach
them
more
humble
obedience
.
Now
if
this
Maxim
be
necessary
for
a
Prince
,
who
is
contented
with
the
inheritance
of
his
Ancestors
,
and
there
to
govern
his
Subjects
in
Tranquility
;
it
is
much
more
important
to
him
who
desires
to
enlarge
his
Territories
,
and
is
ambitious
to
add
Victories
,
Triumphs
,
and
Conquests
to
the
Atchievements
of
his
Ancestors
.
For
if
a
Prince
in
Battalia
kill
the
General
,
he
is
in
great
possibilitie
to
be
Conquerour
;
and
it
arrives
very
rarely
that
fortune
admitteth
these
to
triumph
,
whose
General
and
Head
she
hath
suffered
to
be
taken
away
:
Thus
if
a
Prince
assault
the
Capital
City
of
a
Kingdom
,
and
chance
to
become
Master
;
all
inferiour
Towns
(
probably
)
render
themselves
with
greater
facility
.
It
is
then
most
certainly
true
,
that
it
tendeth
to
greatest
advantage
to
encounter
with
objects
of
greatest
difficulty
.
When
an
Army
marcheth
through
an
Enemies
Country
,
It
stayes
not
before
every
Town
and
Village
of
less
importance
,
but
rather
advanceth
to
such
a
place
that
may
be
worthy
,
or
recompence
a
siege
:
and
when
the
taking
in
of
one
Town
may
be
an
occasion
to
reduce
an
hundred
.
That
which
I
said
before
of
War
and
Justice
in
general
,
I
may
now
say
of
the
reputation
of
Princes
in
particular
:
it
is
from
the
head
,
the
highest
and
most
noble
part
whereon
the
fortune
,
felicity
,
and
glory
of
Kings
depends
.
It
may
be
if
I
had
not
taken
off
the
head
of
Calix
seasonably
,
who
insolently
revolted
against
me
;
that
sole
Traitor
might
have
proved
an
invincible
obstacle
to
my
designs
.
It
might
have
fallen
out
then
,
that
I
might
not
have
been
King
of
Sachetay
,
nor
have
commanded
the
Tarters
,
nor
have
defeated
Bazajet
;
I
might
possibly
not
have
vanquished
so
great
a
part
of
Egypt
,
nor
so
mightily
have
subdued
Persia
;
and
if
I
had
not
been
successful
in
the
Protection
of
the
Grecian
Emperor
(
perhaps
)
I
might
have
been
a
vassall
to
him
whom
I
have
confined
to
his
Chaines
.
Do
not
admire
then
(
brave
Axalla
)
if
I
do
not
pardon
the
insolency
of
Bajazet
;
my
severity
in
this
grand
example
,
cannot
but
make
my
Conquest
more
glorious
and
renowned
:
you
know
that
this
Prince
was
not
onely
in
the
view
of
all
the
earth
,
but
likewise
in
his
Reign
was
the
terrour
of
all
the
universe
;
what
a
noise
then
shall
his
chaines
make
to
all
the
world
?
what
security
and
advantage
may
not
all
men
hope
to
themselves
,
by
the
imprisonment
of
this
horrid
Monster
?
Those
whom
he
so
ill
treated
under
his
tirumphant
and
victorious
Banners
,
will
accompt
themselves
eternally
obliged
to
me
,
that
I
have
chastised
their
enemy
and
taken
revenge
on
him
,
from
whom
they
had
received
so
many
evils
:
those
who
are
yet
mine
enemies
,
will
cease
to
be
severe
in
their
designes
against
me
,
least
they
draw
that
upon
their
owne
heads
,
which
Bajazet
contracted
on
his
,
by
his
unparalleled
cruelties
:
To
conclude
,
I
am
well
assured
,
if
I
should
admit
the
suffrages
of
all
men
into
deliberation
with
me
,
I
should
finde
that
none
would
plead
for
his
ease
or
a
relaxation
,
but
rather
an
augmentation
of
his
shame
and
punishment
,
and
to
dispatch
away
his
life
with
the
most
exquisite
tortures
.
(
Besides
)
in
the
abasing
of
the
proud
,
two
considerable
effects
succeed
;
the
one
in
causing
a
smal
number
of
criminous
persons
to
suffer
,
proveth
the
means
to
preserve
infinite
multitudes
;
who
either
cease
to
be
malicious
,
or
prevent
themselves
to
be
offenders
.
A
second
advantage
is
,
that
in
the
remission
of
an
injury
,
to
those
who
humbly
repent
,
much
glory
is
gained
without
any
danger
:
for
as
in
the
multitudes
of
men
,
greater
numbers
are
more
fearful
then
hardy
and
audacious
;
so
many
thousand
mouths
will
be
quickly
open
to
praise
the
clemency
of
the
Prince
;
when
perhaps
one
or
some
few
malicious
discontents
,
will
murmur
and
repine
against
his
severity
:
to
give
you
an
example
,
these
great
numbers
of
slaves
,
whom
I
have
set
at
liberty
,
and
who
are
now
on
their
return
to
their
several
Provinces
,
are
gone
to
gain
me
the
hearts
of
their
fellow
Citizens
,
and
so
to
establish
my
conquests
by
their
promulgations
of
my
celmency
;
where
(
on
the
contrary
)
Bajazet
alone
,
being
more
unfortunate
,
will
scarce
have
any
companion
to
joyn
with
him
in
complaints
:
thus
consequently
,
I
have
not
acted
against
reason
,
when
I
commanded
the
Prison
gates
to
be
set
wide
open
for
the
Slaves
of
Caramania
;
and
(
at
the
same
time
)
commanded
stronger
Bars
of
Iron
to
confine
and
Cage
up
Bajazet
:
the
insolency
of
a
revolted
subject
is
ever
insupportable
,
the
same
is
as
equally
difficult
in
a
proud
enemy
,
who
hath
his
arms
in
his
hand
;
but
if
that
insolency
be
exorbitant
in
a
vanquisht
enemy
,
he
deserveth
the
highest
punition
;
if
it
be
not
permitted
for
one
in
Triumph
to
vapor
and
insult
over
those
,
whom
he
hath
surmounted
;
how
intollerable
then
think
you
is
the
violent
precosity
of
a
Prisoner
of
warr
,
who
holds
his
life
from
him
who
hath
made
him
his
Captive
,
which
he
can
take
away
at
his
pleasure
.
No
,
no
,
(
Axalla
)
constancy
of
courage
,
and
insolency
of
pride
are
not
the
same
things
;
It
may
well
become
prisoners
of
warr
,
to
carry
their
Irons
with
nobleness
of
mind
,
and
not
to
lose
their
hearts
,
though
they
have
lost
the
victory
:
Martial
discipline
never
permitted
a
lessening
of
that
respect
,
which
the
Captive
oweth
the
Conquerour
,
and
to
retort
upon
him
with
reproach
and
injury
is
a
higher
crime
;
a
Conquerour
may
justly
reflect
upon
himself
seated
in
the
Chair
of
Majesty
and
Tryumph
,
whilst
Captives
and
Prisoners
are
to
follow
the
royal
Train
with
humble
looks
,
and
misfortunate
Comportments
:
so
that
it
is
not
allowed
for
any
Captive
(
though
never
so
great
)
to
act
as
did
insolent
Bajazet
;
whose
Pride
was
as
vainly
elevated
,
as
his
fortune
miserably
abased
.
The
King
of
China
,
whom
I
read
mitted
to
his
Crown
and
Kingdome
,
acted
nothing
(
after
his
misfortunes
)
unworthy
of
his
royal
condition
:
as
he
was
not
base
,
he
was
not
proud
and
insolent
;
when
he
treated
with
Tamberlane
,
he
spake
with
boldness
and
generosity
,
yet
not
fiercely
,
or
impudently
without
respect
,
he
did
nothing
unlike
a
King
,
nor
any
thing
that
exceeded
the
fortune
of
his
present
quality
;
therefore
I
had
reason
to
treat
him
otherwise
then
Bajazet
:
and
I
am
to
be
more
honoured
,
if
I
have
been
indulgent
to
the
one
,
and
not
to
the
other
.
What
do
you
think
,
would
not
this
Tyger
have
attempted
in
his
rage
,
if
he
should
have
been
loosed
from
his
Chains
?
he
would
certainly
first
have
adventured
to
have
torn
him
in
pieces
who
gave
him
his
liberty
(
if
he
had
power
)
and
railing
equally
against
all
men
(
would
,
if
he
were
able
)
become
the
publick
Enemy
of
the
Universe
:
He
would
tell
the
world
his
Subjects
had
betrayed
him
,
that
his
Souldiers
had
forsaken
him
,
that
his
Enemies
had
evilly
treated
him
:
thus
resuming
his
Scepter
in
rage
and
malice
,
he
would
have
designed
a
desolation
to
all
the
earth
,
or
(
at
least
)
would
have
sought
the
means
.
(
No
,
no
,
Axalla
)
he
who
will
not
be
a
good
Prince
(
shall
being
a
Captive
)
whether
he
will
or
no
,
become
a
real
Slave
,
without
hopes
to
return
to
a
Throne
of
Majesty
:
of
which
cruelty
hath
rendered
him
unworthy
,
and
made
him
more
fit
to
carry
Chains
and
Irons
.
Clemency
,
on
this
occasion
,
might
introduce
too
many
dangers
,
and
the
interest
of
so
many
people
concern'd
,
is
not
inconsiderately
to
be
passed
over
.
Severity
to
Bajazet
is
more
necessary
then
royal
Civility
,
to
make
Bazajet
to
see
the
ugliness
of
his
owne
vices
(
and
if
possible
)
to
cause
an
alteration
in
his
savage
humors
.
Besides
,
who
may
not
expect
Pardon
,
if
Bajazet
should
escape
with
any
grace
or
lenity
;
he
who
is
the
curse
and
execration
of
all
the
world
(
and
who
,
though
vanquished
)
speaks
and
acts
such
things
as
are
able
to
enflame
the
most
calm
and
gentle
soul
with
rage
and
fury
.
As
for
the
slaves
I
pardoned
,
they
were
not
capital
,
but
subordinate
enemies
,
ingaged
in
a
party
who
were
against
me
;
perhaps
those
men
in
their
private
condition
quietly
disposed
,
and
unwilling
and
incapable
voluntarily
to
offend
;
and
consequently
such
persons
were
proper
objects
for
a
Princes
Clemency
:
such
an
action
as
this
carries
along
with
it
the
presence
of
splendour
and
honour
;
nay
there
is
a
kind
of
equity
which
pleadeth
pardon
for
those
who
humbly
begg
for
Clemency
,
and
policy
is
not
against
the
proceedings
,
if
it
foresee
not
peril
and
danger
in
the
consequence
.
The
true
bounds
which
are
to
be
given
to
clemency
or
severity
,
are
to
be
measured
and
examined
by
the
rule
of
justice
;
and
she
is
to
be
observed
how
far
she
suffers
the
one
or
the
other
to
appear
:
some
crimes
are
so
horrid
,
as
justice
will
not
allow
them
to
pass
unpunished
;
as
she
will
not
admit
vertues
to
be
deprived
of
their
reward
and
recompence
.
Now
in
this
consideration
,
we
ought
to
judge
whether
Clemency
may
be
of
more
disadvantage
,
or
severity
more
serviceable
;
so
discerning
whether
to
imploy
and
exercise
the
one
or
the
other
,
thus
guided
to
undertake
nothing
but
for
the
publick
interest
or
soveraign
glory
.
The
chiefest
mark
and
note
of
majesty
is
,
the
loyal
submission
of
subjects
,
and
the
highest
mark
of
victory
is
,
the
humble
prostration
of
the
vanquished
,
who
do
not
onely
cast
downe
their
arms
,
but
their
lives
and
liberties
at
the
Conquerours
feet
;
whereas
on
the
contrary
,
those
who
oppose
the
divine
Character
of
Princes
in
their
Soveraignty
,
are
born
up
with
the
excess
of
Pride
and
Arrogancie
:
and
that
provocation
is
more
intolerable
which
springeth
from
the
insolencie
of
a
Captive
,
then
from
the
defiance
of
an
enemy
.
Be
not
then
longer
astonished
(
Axalla
)
if
you
have
observed
me
,
sometimes
so
gracious
,
and
at
other
times
so
severe
;
but
be
perswaded
that
I
have
ever
been
guided
by
the
hand
of
Reason
,
I
have
pardoned
where
I
could
,
and
not
prejudiced
the
advancement
of
my
Conquests
;
I
have
been
inflexible
,
and
not
to
be
moved
,
when
I
foresaw
that
my
Clemencie
might
not
only
prove
unjust
,
but
dangerous
;
either
as
to
the
peoples
good
,
or
to
my
own
designs
.
It
is
an
observation
in
Nature
,
that
she
opposeth
those
things
that
do
resist
her
,
and
gently
yeilds
to
those
things
which
courteously
offer
place
;
so
then
from
the
simple
motions
of
nature
we
cannot
but
accord
to
that
which
is
here
asserted
.
Join
then
with
me
(
Axalla
in
this
Conclusion
,
and
say
,
That
whoever
considereth
the
person
of
Bajazet
,
that
then
cruelty
her self
ceased
to
be
cruelty
;
and
that
it
is
true
that
his
humour
was
insupportable
,
bloudy
,
insolent
,
and
unnatural
,
and
therefore
merited
least
compassion
;
it
was
then
a
judicious
resolution
to
detain
him
within
bars
of
iron
,
whom
reason
could
not
perswade
nor
be
predominant
with
.
To
these
resolutions
,
let
us
perpetuate
a
continuation
,
so
not
think
it
irrational
to
pardon
chearfully
those
who
humbly
submit
to
our
power
,
and
to
punish
with
severity
those
whom
neither
misfortunes
,
nor
captivity
can
reduce
to
a
submission
.
Let
not
our
pardons
be
granted
out
of
fear
and
feebleness
,
and
let
not
our
chastisements
be
provoked
through
preoccupation
and
hatred
.
Thus
to
wind
up
the
clew
of
this
discourse
,
let
us
resolve
neither
to
pardon
nor
punish
,
but
when
reason
shall
conduct
us
for
the
ends
of
the
peoples
greater
good
,
or
the
Princes
more
illustrious
renown
.
The
CENSVRE
.
ANger
is
a
passion
which
reigneth
too
much
in
every
brest
,
but
principally
most
with
Kings
,
who
are
so
high
that
they
ought
to
be
above
those
storms
and
tempests
which
are
condensed
and
formed
in
the
middle
Region
of
the
air
;
as
Princes
surmount
all
others
in
their
titles
,
so
they
ought
to
transcend
them
in
their
vertues
,
so
to
be
less
transported
with
the
heat
of
passion
.
He
who
invented
the
fable
of
Minerva
,
who
broke
her
Pipe
or
Ho-boy
,
when
she
saw
her
visage
in
the
Crystal
Fountain
;
doth
tell
us
that
beholding
her
cheeks
puffed
and
swelled
,
(
which
caused
her
deformity
and
ugliness
)
prudently
brake
that
instrument
which
disfigured
her
beauty
,
and
so
changed
her
countenance
.
This
pretty
Story
represents
that
great
change
and
alteration
which
untamed
passion
transmitteth
suddenly
into
the
soul
,
which
if
she
be
wise
)
she
presently
abandoneth
,
and
on
the
sight
of
the
deformity
,
avoideth
or
suppresseth
more
carefully
.
In
effect
,
those
people
who
caused
their
children
to
look
on
their
slaves
,
when
they
were
debauched
and
drunken
,
to
imprint
into
them
the
horror
of
that
ugly
vice
,
did
likewise
cause
them
to
look
on
their
slaves
in
their
rage
and
choler
,
to
make
them
apprehend
more
perfectly
the
deformities
of
passion
,
and
so
to
cause
in
them
a
greater
caution
and
detestation
of
such
vicious
infirmit●es
.
Such
a
humor
consistent
of
Sulphur
and
Salt
peter
,
becomes
not
a
prudent
soul
;
nor
is
to
converse
with
a
sage
and
rational
Man
.
Xerxes
who
threatned
to
set
bounds
to
the
Sea
,
and
level
the
Mountains
(
if
they
did
not
facilitate
a
passage
to
his
Army
)
appeared
to
all
the
World
more
ridiculous
then
formidable
in
the
extravagancie
of
his
passion
.
Hippocrates
(
the
Prince
of
Physitians
)
saith
,
That
it
is
a
signal
token
of
a
great
Malady
to
see
the
countenance
much
altered
;
and
to
this
purpose
Plutarch
used
these
words
,
that
before
a
man
go
out
of
the
Bath
he
ought
to
behold
himself
in
a
glass
;
if
he
blush
at
his
nakedness
when
he
hath
parted
with
his
cloathes
;
how
ought
he
to
be
ashamed
at
his
passions
,
when
he
hath
parted
with
his
reason
.
But
after
all
these
vertues
and
vices
though
they
have
some
near
resemblances
,
are
not
to
be
rudely
mixed
in
confusion
.
Those
who
are
valiant
are
not
to
be
esteemed
rash
,
nor
those
who
are
liberal
profuse
and
prodigal
,
nor
those
who
are
severe
utterly
unjust
and
cruel
.
We
read
that
Nemesis
and
Adrastia
were
as
well
Deities
as
Jupiter
,
and
that
necessity
as
well
required
Goddesses
of
revenge
,
as
of
power
and
patronage
;
it
is
true
,
that
Justice
as
well
as
Clemency
is
a
Divine
Attribute
;
and
that
the
one
as
well
as
the
other
is
necessary
for
Kings
,
who
present
on
earth
the
Image
of
God.
When
Alexander
asked
Porus
his
generous
Prisoner
how
he
would
treat
him
,
if
Alexander
could
be
unfortunate
:
Porus
answered
he
would
treat
him
like
a
King.
Thus
did
Tamberlane
yeild
to
the
shining
Sun
,
when
no
blustring
Tempest
could
bend
his
inclinations
.
It
is
true
,
as
Sophocles
saith
in
his
Tragedy
of
Antigone
,
That
Reason
and
Understanding
hardly
dwell
with
men
in
misery
,
or
at
least
bears
not
company
so
much
with
them
in
their
misfortunes
;
for
though
men
be
sage
and
stout
in
their
prosperity
,
yet
adversity
is
able
to
diminish
and
weaken
their
best
abilities
.
It
is
Seneca
,
who
speaketh
in
his
Epistles
,
that
he
is
a
perfect
good
man
whom
no
accident
ca●
render
evil
.
And
the
same
Author
saith
in
his
Book
De
Ira
,
That
Vertue
ought
never
to
have
recourse
to
Vice.
In
his
second
Book
De
Clementia
,
That
a
Wise
man
ought
alwayes
to
act
as
intending
the
common
good
of
all
men
.
And
from
all
these
instances
we
may
conclude
,
that
(
on
several
occasions
)
to
punish
and
to
pardon
are
equally
necessary
.
A
Prince
is
to
proceed
in
his
great
affairs
as
a
skilful
Musician
with
his
different
Notes
;
which
(
according
to
the
Air
)
he
changeth
at
pleasure
,
high
or
low
,
to
briefs
,
longs
,
or
flats
,
providing
that
all
alterations
intend
to
effect
better
harmony
,
and
a
sweeter
composure
in
the
Government
of
the
Estate
:
thus
the
proceedings
of
Tamberlane
are
more
justifiable
,
and
the
severe
punishments
he
inflicted
on
Bajazet
were
chastisements
becoming
his
insolency
,
who
so
imprudently
and
outragiously
provoked
so
triumphant
a
Conqueror
.
Hence
we
learn
that
the
examples
of
extreme
severity
and
clemency
may
in
their
seasons
be
equally
important
in
the
affairs
of
Princes
.
She
who
in
the
Scripture
is
stiled
fair
as
the
Moon
,
and
bright
as
the
Sun
,
is
immediately
termed
terrible
as
an
Army
with
Banners
.
Words
which
instruct
Kings
to
have
alwayes
the
two
Royal
Supporters
of
Clemency
and
Justice
to
bear
up
their
Throne
;
these
great
vertues
are
not
to
be
abused
with
Passion
,
but
to
be
guided
by
reason
in
all
their
actions
.
And
now
we
are
from
Tartary
returned
to
France
,
where
we
may
see
Hugh
Capet
,
who
after
he
had
abrogated
the
office
of
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
,
constituted
the
high
trust
and
dignity
of
the
Constable
of
France
,
which
is
a
degree
that
so
nearly
approacheth
to
Soveraignty
it self
.
Here
follow
the
reasons
of
his
resolutions
in
a
matter
of
so
high
concernment
.
This
Hugh
was
the
first
and
chief
of
the
third
race
of
the
Kings
of
France
.
HUGH
CAPET
TO
FREDERICK
COUNT
OF
METS
.
I
Do
not
doubt
but
that
the
high
design
,
I
have
in
hand
,
doth
much
astonish
you
,
and
that
after
my
discharge
of
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
(
which
office
I
have
suppressed
)
yet
thought
it
not
fit
to
conferr
that
place
on
my
son
,
thereby
to
remove
all
pretention
and
expectation
from
the
Grandees
of
my
Kingdom
,
in
the
management
and
disposal
of
my
affairs
,
that
I
have
created
the
Authority
and
Office
of
the
Constable
of
France
;
which
is
a
degree
and
quality
wherein
a
Subject
seems
to
approach
exceeding
close
and
near
to
Soveraignty
it self
.
Perhaps
some
may
say
,
that
in
the
Creation
of
this
Supreme
Officer
,
my
hand
is
tired
,
and
that
I
am
not
longer
able
to
sway
and
support
my
Royal
Scepter
;
or
that
my
elevation
to
the
Throne
hath
so
ravished
my
sense
and
reason
with
the
splendour
of
Majesty
,
that
I
cannot
rule
without
some
immediate
assistance
;
and
that
because
I
judged
the
Majors
of
the
Pallace
(
in
their
office
)
to
be
less
glorious
to
their
Prince
;
therefore
I
caused
a
suppression
of
that
more
intolerable
Authority
,
which
so
much
usurped
over
the
royal
quality
of
some
of
my
Ancestors
in
their
weaker
abilities
,
who
did
precede
famous
Pepin
;
and
in
which
office
I
gained
so
much
honour
and
power
under
Lewis
the
fifth
.
But
this
suppression
of
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
did
not
utterly
remove
my
thoughts
from
all
approbation
of
one
to
be
advanced
to
more
signal
and
high
trust
:
For
as
the
vertues
of
the
Subjects
are
great
advancers
of
vertues
and
worth
in
their
Prince
;
so
are
the
wisdom
and
parts
of
a
prudent
Councellor
or
chief
Minister
of
State
,
of
an
absolute
necessity
for
the
more
glorious
transaction
of
the
illustrious
affairs
of
Kings
.
From
these
considerations
,
I
wish
that
the
Kings
of
France
may
not
be
without
an
eternal
Competitor
,
whose
abilities
may
heighten
and
advance
their
Prince
to
more
glorious
endeavours
;
thereby
to
incline
the
Revolution
of
their
Crown
towards
their
children
,
or
(
if
they
should
be
incapable
)
towards
themselves
.
This
Emulation
in
a
Subject
(
springing
from
nothing
but
true
renown
)
cannot
but
make
the
Prince
and
the
Royal
Family
more
industrious
and
diligent
,
the
better
to
execute
the
Royal
Function
:
and
though
I
create
an
Office
and
Order
of
an
high
and
great
trust
,
yet
I
doubt
not
,
but
with
good
success
;
and
presume
that
hand
of
Providence
which
hath
established
this
Throne
(
although
sometimes
possessed
by
personages
of
greater
weakness
)
will
still
continue
his
protection
,
maugre
the
malice
of
all
enemies
whomsoever
.
Now
to
satisfie
the
world
that
I
act
not
without
reason
,
I
must
let
you
know
that
Royalty
(
which
is
the
first
and
Primum
Mobile
in
an
Estate
or
Kingdom
)
ought
to
be
fortified
and
coroborated
with
some
vicine
and
near
assistance
;
into
which
the
Prince
may
infuse
and
impart
his
pleasure
and
power
:
and
that
effected
,
there
may
succeed
an
activity
and
influence
to
cause
a
communication
to
all
inferior
and
subordinate
orbs
and
motions
to
facilitate
the
Government
of
greater
affairs
.
An
eminent
person
or
Prince
of
quality
nearly
approaching
to
the
condition
of
his
Soveraign
,
is
so
necessary
,
as
without
the
Councels
and
assistance
of
a
chief
Minister
of
State
it
is
almost
impossible
to
enjoy
or
see
a
prosperous
Reign
in
the
Negotiations
of
so
great
a
kingdom
.
The
glorious
body
of
the
bright
Sun
cannot
(
at
the
same
instant
)
communicate
his
beams
,
and
be
radiant
to
all
cantons
and
corners
of
the
earth
;
and
if
the
Sun
did
not
participate
his
lumination
to
the
inferior
Stars
,
the
Semicircle
and
Moiety
of
the
World
would
ever
be
enveloped
in
obscuritie
and
darkness
.
Thus
it
is
not
possible
for
a
Prince
to
Regulate
and
honourably
Govern
his
Estate
without
a
communication
of
his
power
,
being
as
the
Sun
,
to
radiate
and
shine
over
all
the
parts
of
his
Kingdom
at
the
same
time
.
And
as
it
is
with
God
,
so
it
is
with
Princes
,
who
bear
his
Image
;
the
Divine
power
doth
operate
by
second
and
subordinate
causes
in
the
Government
of
the
Universe
;
where
so
many
different
concurrences
do
meet
,
and
a
Kingdom
(
being
a
vast
Body
)
where
so
many
varieties
of
dissenting
affairs
do
convene
.
A
Prince
cannot
effectually
operate
in
them
all
without
a
participation
of
his
trust
and
power
to
some
noble
and
faithful
assistant
.
Besides
,
a
Prince
is
to
the
Body
Politique
and
Kingdom
,
what
the
Soul
is
in
the
Body
Natural
;
and
the
chief
Minister
of
State
,
is
to
be
as
the
most
noble
,
chiefest
part
and
organ
to
convey
his
Princes
royal
pleasure
with
more
ease
and
honour
into
all
the
inferior
parts
and
members
.
Thus
whosoever
observes
accurately
,
and
considers
judiciously
the
office
and
obligations
of
supreme
Power
,
must
rationally
conclude
,
that
Kings
are
not
only
above
their
subjects
in
honor
and
dignity
,
but
in
their
pains
and
cares
:
not
only
conducting
their
affairs
,
but
protecting
their
persons
,
directing
their
people
how
to
enrich
themselvs
;
governing
and
guarding
their
lives
and
fortunes
from
foreign
as
wel
as
from
unnatural
and
civil
wars
.
It
belongeth
to
the
Princes
care
to
pardon
as
well
as
to
punish
;
to
see
that
Piety
and
Peace
may
prosper
,
and
that
Justice
flourish
.
The
least
of
these
duties
is
(
almost
)
a
burden
too
insupportable
for
the
shoulders
of
any
one
,
(
though
never
so
wel
qualified
.
)
Therfore
for
a
more
happy
tranquility
,
publick
welfare
and
repose
,
such
a
creature
is
absolutely
necessary
,
in
whose
person
his
Prince
may
confide
;
who
transferring
a
great
share
of
weighty
affairs
to
his
transaction
and
abilities
,
the
Prince
may
rule
with
more
honour
,
and
the
people
enjoy
more
publique
advantages
.
But
as
a
chief
Minister
may
be
serviceable
to
the
State
,
so
it
infinitely
concerneth
the
Prince
to
be
discreet
and
most
judicious
in
his
choice
:
the
most
noble
and
sagest
of
the
Subjects
best
meriteth
to
be
elevated
and
called
to
his
Royal
Dignity
and
Trust
.
For
it
is
certain
the
Prince
very
plainly
presageth
the
success
and
prosperity
of
his
affairs
and
Government
,
by
his
election
and
choice
of
his
chief
Councellor
and
Minister
of
State
:
who
,
if
of
greater
worth
,
vertue
,
and
illustrious
qualities
,
doth
more
dignifie
his
Master
,
and
better
gratifie
and
content
his
Subjects
.
But
this
care
is
ever
to
be
used
,
that
the
Prince
preserve
his
distance
,
lest
his
Ministers
grow
too
insolent
,
which
might
endanger
to
lessen
the
splendor
of
Majesty
,
or
occasion
injury
and
injustice
towards
the
people
.
'T
was
for
this
reason
why
I
resolved
to
remove
and
discharge
the
Office
of
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
,
who
(
commonly
)
so
much
entrenched
and
encroached
on
the
Priviledges
belonging
to
Royalty
.
Now
in
the
creation
of
this
Order
of
a
Constable
of
France
,
I
intend
nothing
else
but
an
Office
of
Conveniencie
;
which
may
prove
of
great
use
to
the
Prince
and
to
the
Kingdom
:
and
if
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
had
lived
under
Princes
,
who
had
been
able
to
rule
according
to
the
high
priviledges
of
Soveraignty
,
that
Office
might
(
to
this
day
)
have
been
more
toierable
;
but
the
Princes
infirmities
having
given
way
to
them
to
grow
insolent
,
and
too
much
to
usurp
on
Majesty
,
their
discharge
and
a
constitution
of
a
new
Order
of
Constable
is
more
proper
and
agreeable
;
which
place
is
not
inalterable
,
his
Beeing
depending
on
his
Princes
pleasure
.
Yet
it
is
sound
Policie
rather
not
to
elevate
to
high
places
,
then
after
a
Commission
sealed
for
trust
and
honour
,
to
disgrace
and
remove
.
Wherefore
the
Prince
is
not
to
choose
his
prime
Minister
of
State
in
a
tumult
of
passion
,
or
according
to
the
common
delusions
of
popular
vogues
and
suffrages
:
but
after
a
serious
consultation
with
his
own
Reason
,
having
first
glanced
at
the
commendations
and
advice
of
his
best
and
ablest
Councellors
.
It
is
true
,
those
who
by
eminency
of
their
birth
are
born
near
to
the
Throne
,
being
of
Royal
alliance
and
bloud
,
having
their
education
proportioned
accordingly
to
render
them
more
illustrious
and
capable
,
may
expect
before
others
(
who
are
not
their
Peers
,
neither
in
worth
or
birth
)
the
honour
of
this
high
priviledge
:
but
if
their
vertues
be
answerable
to
their
birth
,
equity
is
bound
to
plead
for
their
dignities
and
merits
.
Such
a
condition
is
more
preferrable
,
because
their
persons
and
estates
are
so
nearly
twisted
in
the
interest
of
the
Crown
,
that
they
must
necessarily
flourish
with
it
,
or
else
fall
,
and
so
be
buried
under
the
same
misfortunate
and
fatal
Ruines
.
And
(
to
confess
truth
impartially
)
it
were
a
kind
of
injury
,
where
birth
and
worth
meet
,
that
such
persons
should
not
be
graced
with
the
greatest
Trust
,
the
chiefest
Honour
,
and
highest
qualities
;
nay
,
to
exclude
such
illustrious
Capacities
,
were
not
only
a
discouragement
to
their
Noble
Persons
,
but
to
Vertue
and
Majesty
it self
,
which
requireth
the
service
and
attendance
of
the
greatest
magnificence
.
Yet
this
great
concernment
ought
to
be
of
such
importance
and
care
that
the
Prince
take
notice
,
how
it
is
more
absolutely
necessary
that
the
person
honour
more
his
place
and
office
with
his
vertues
and
abilities
,
then
his
place
honour
him
.
Therefore
an
impartial
judicious
choice
is
most
chiefly
to
be
used
;
and
if
those
of
more
noble
birth
and
extraction
(
degenerating
from
the
vertues
of
their
Ancestors
,
and
utterly
void
of
their
great
abilities
)
are
incapable
,
and
merit
not
so
near
a
relation
to
Soveraignty
:
the
Prince
may
make
his
choice
where
a
more
vertuous
ability
and
a
more
noble
capacity
primely
appeareth
amongst
others
of
his
Subjects
.
For
as
the
King
hath
his
priviledge
to
choose
at
his
pleasure
amongst
so
many
thousands
of
his
people
;
so
each
one
of
them
,
who
is
ingenious
and
vertuous
is
capable
of
his
Princes
Election
and
favour
.
Now
as
for
the
persons
whom
the
Prince
advanceth
to
so
high
imployment
,
they
are
as
Rivers
whose
Channels
are
deep
and
profound
,
whose
Banks
are
distanced
and
large
,
to
that
end
that
the
fierce
Torrents
,
falling
and
streaming
down
,
they
may
not
cause
an
inundation
,
and
so
a
destruction
and
sterility
;
but
gently
watering
the
fields
,
may
cause
them
to
be
more
fruitful
and
luxuriant
:
for
it
is
most
commodious
if
great
Rivers
swell
and
make
their
banks
and
borders
full
,
all
the
excess
in
the
Current
is
to
fructifie
the
Country
where
the
stream
runs
,
then
(
at
last
)
to
empty
it self
with
greater
fulness
into
the
vast
and
mighty
Ocean
.
Thus
the
chief
Minister
is
like
a
pleasant
stream
to
enrich
the
State
,
and
in
the
end
,
to
flow
more
abundantly
with
advantages
and
prosperous
returns
to
Majesty
.
Yet
if
it
so
fall
out
that
the
Prince
be
so
unfortunate
in
his
choice
,
that
he
whom
he
imployeth
be
not
of
a
fit
capacity
,
he
may
justly
fear
those
disasters
in
Government
,
which
are
ordinary
in
the
course
of
Nature
;
and
that
confusion
in
the
State
,
which
an
inundation
causeth
in
the
Country
when
the
Banks
are
broken
down
;
where
,
if
the
breaches
cannot
speedily
be
repaired
,
an
inevitable
danger
may
succeed
to
the
whole
Kingdom
.
On
the
contrary
,
if
the
chief
Councellour
be
fortunate
in
his
conduct
of
affairs
,
and
that
this
imployment
falleth
into
the
hands
of
an
Heroick
and
Noble
soul
;
a
person
in
whom
prudence
and
all
the
vertues
eminently
appear
,
and
who
hath
gained
the
true
Maxims
of
Policie
by
a
long
experience
,
and
whose
ambition
is
inflamed
entirely
for
his
Masters
service
and
the
peoples
welfare
;
in
such
a
condition
the
Prince
may
be
confident
of
his
own
and
of
his
peoples
safety
.
Then
heaping
honours
upon
his
Creature
,
he
may
daily
communicate
to
him
greater
power
.
In
effect
,
if
celestial
providence
had
not
removed
from
the
Throne
the
latter
Kings
,
who
were
leg
itimate
in
their
birth
;
but
unworthy
to
descend
from
Charlemain
by
their
ignoble
qualities
,
I
might
yet
have
been
there
subject
:
and
what
authority
soever
,
and
charge
,
to
be
Major
of
the
Pallace
,
and
to
be
Count
of
Paris
,
Prince
of
France
,
together
with
the
merits
of
Hugh
Le
Grand
my
Father
gave
me
,
I
should
never
have
adventured
to
ascend
the
Throne
if
the
right
heir
to
the
crown
had
not
descended
thence
,
and
if
Charles
of
Lorain
had
not
by
his
actions
renounced
that
right
to
which
he
might
have
pretended
.
All
these
Circumstances
accompanied
with
the
universal
suffrages
of
the
people
and
puissant
Soveraignty
united
,
hath
invited
me
to
accept
what
I
could
not
honourably
refuse
and
resist
.
Let
not
Princes
fear
then
to
impart
and
communicate
their
Authority
,
but
when
it
is
evident
,
and
they
apprehend
it
may
tend
to
their
dishonour
and
disadvantage
.
Princes
are
subject
to
errour
as
well
as
other
men
,
and
therefore
not
without
their
fears
and
jealousies
.
Now
it
is
impossible
but
that
a
Prince
conferring
his
trust
into
the
hands
of
such
eminent
persons
;
their
cheifest
business
will
be
to
respect
their
Masters
,
to
observe
their
Laws
,
and
to
reduce
or
continue
their
people
to
their
obedience
.
Now
as
Kings
are
the
Images
of
God
,
so
the
chief
Ministers
of
State
are
the
Images
of
their
Princes
;
we
must
not
think
then
that
the
honour
bestowed
on
them
is
a
derogation
or
diminution
of
their
Soveraignty
.
No
,
rather
the
more
highly
the
chief
Councellour
is
dignified
,
the
more
the
Prince
himself
is
honoured
.
For
as
Antiquity
reverenceth
the
Oracles
,
and
those
who
were
injurious
to
them
affronted
the
Gods
;
so
the
same
veneration
and
respect
ought
the
Subjects
attribute
to
him
,
who
is
so
highly
trusted
as
well
for
their
own
as
their
Princes
service
.
These
mutual
respects
are
the
Nerves
of
the
State
wherewith
the
Prince
move●●
the
whole
body
of
the
Kingdom
with
greater
facilitie
.
And
as
the
General
of
an
Army
disperseth
his
Orders
and
discovereth
his
design
to
a
faithful
Officer
,
(
selected
from
the
rest
)
for
a
more
prosperous
march
and
conduct
to
the
Army
:
so
doth
a
Prince
intimate
his
directions
(
perhaps
)
but
by
a
Whisper
)
to
his
Minister
,
whereby
he
moveth
all
the
parts
of
the
Kingdom
in
a
course
clean
contrary
to
common
and
general
expectations
.
Therefore
such
an
Officer
is
necessary
,
that
the
Prince
may
not
only
be
eased
and
disburthened
of
so
great
a
charge
,
and
thereby
be
able
to
refresh
and
solace
himself
,
but
likewise
Policie
teacheth
him
to
prepare
a
shelter
betwixt
him
and
the
outragious
tempests
of
the
peoples
envie
and
reproaches
,
who
act
in
that
sort
,
that
if
the
Prince
be
indulgent
to
any
one
person
,
they
become
an
eternal
enemy
to
such
near
approaches
to
Royalty
;
and
the
Minister
of
State
receiving
the
beams
of
Authority
from
his
Prince
,
ought
to
be
like
the
Moon
,
thought
less
luminous
yet
ever
splendent
in
one
degree
or
other
;
and
though
by
his
motions
he
casually
eclipse
the
splendor
of
the
Sun
,
as
to
the
eie
of
the
people
,
yet
as
towards
his
Prince
he
is
still
to
reflect
with
honour
,
and
his
orb
is
speedily
to
move
to
a
more
luminous
satisfaction
of
the
World
:
And
when
it
so
happeneth
that
a
King
enjoyeth
such
an
extraordinary
person
,
who
knoweth
as
equally
to
obey
his
Prince
,
as
to
command
his
people
:
the
loss
of
ten
Battails
ought
to
be
less
considerable
then
of
one
so
eminent
and
so
incomparable
a
creature
.
This
Office
of
the
Constable
I
have
constituted
as
an
aid
and
succour
to
my self
;
and
that
of
the
Marshals
of
France
,
as
Assistants
to
the
Constable
.
And
if
Princes
be
so
injudicious
and
resolute
,
as
in
so
great
a
Kingdom
not
to
admit
a
Minister
of
State
,
but
wrastle
alone
with
those
vast
imployments
,
they
will
find
those
different
affairs
which
follow
the
Soveraignty
,
as
the
shaddow
doth
the
body
,
will
infinitely
oppress
the
Princes
soul
;
who
if
he
mind
his
own
honour
and
the
peoples
repose
,
a
defatigation
and
dispiritedness
will
accompany
that
oppression
;
and
that
will
produce
vexation
and
melancholy
,
which
is
provoked
ordinarily
into
choller
;
and
that
commonly
prepares
high
acts
of
injustice
:
therefore
to
keep
up
the
vigour
of
the
Prince
in
an
equal
proportion
,
the
prudence
and
fidelity
of
a
chief
Minister
of
State
is
incomparably
necessary
.
Soveraign
Princes
are
like
the
Captains
and
chief
Commanders
in
the
Gallies
,
where
the
service
of
the
Pilot
is
of
the
cheifest
importance
to
guide
the
course
;
it
is
his
office
to
foresee
the
tempests
,
to
discover
the
winds
,
to
avoid
the
shelves
and
rocks
;
and
they
rarely
or
never
govern
the
Helm
,
but
when
the
Pilot
is
disobedient
,
or
a
necessity
forceth
:
they
(
at
pleasure
)
observe
the
Carte
,
though
neither
furle
the
Sails
,
handle
the
Ropes
,
nor
tug
at
an
Oar
:
it
is
enough
for
the
Captains
to
give
their
orders
,
to
reserve
themselves
for
their
more
noble
functions
,
which
are
to
fight
and
vanquish
the
enemies
:
yet
in
necessity
the
Captain
ought
to
be
capable
to
exercise
any
place
in
all
the
Vessel
;
either
of
a
skilful
Pilot
,
or
a
private
Sea-man
.
Thus
as
an
exact
Pilot
,
the
chief
Minister
of
State
is
to
be
prudent
and
active
,
either
in
the
quiet
and
calms
,
or
storms
and
tempests
,
when
they
arise
in
the
State.
If
God
would
have
Kings
made
so
perfect
and
absolute
as
that
they
should
need
no
assistance
or
Councellor
,
then
they
had
been
more
by
their
birth
then
men
;
they
might
have
penetrated
their
Subjects
hearts
,
and
been
incapable
of
being
deceived
:
but
seeing
it
hath
pleased
the
Divine
Power
to
make
them
equal
in
their
infirmities
to
the
meanest
of
their
Subjects
,
they
have
great
reason
to
fortifie
their
disabilities
by
addition
of
the
most
rational
helps
and
assistances
:
now
as
some
objects
,
so
the
affairs
of
Kingdoms
may
be
better
seen
by
a
multiplyed
Light.
I
know
well
that
History
(
which
passeth
for
the
best
and
most
impartial
Describer
of
the
Universe
)
teacheth
Kings
something
;
that
more
obscurely
and
imperfectly
in
comparison
of
effective
experience
.
I
may
add
also
that
Customs
,
Manners
,
and
Kingdoms
,
change
as
well
as
times
.
The
Macedonians
are
not
now
those
noble
persons
,
who
fought
under
Philip
and
Alexander
the
Great
;
the
Romans
of
our
age
are
grown
more
soft
and
delicate
,
and
are
not
such
who
lived
under
Romulus
and
Numa
Pompillius
;
the
French
themselves
,
though
hot
and
fiery
,
have
left
that
hardship
and
fierceness
which
they
had
under
the
reign
of
Pharamond
and
Meroije
,
under
Clodion
and
Clovis
,
their
courage
was
then
formidable
to
all
Nations
.
Princes
born
in
the
Purple
Chamber
of
Royalty
,
usually
travail
into
other
Countries
by
their
Maps
and
Charts
;
and
seldom
march
into
other
Territories
,
but
with
puissant
Armies
to
enlarge
their
Conquests
and
Dominions
.
It
is
then
most
advantagious
to
a
Prince
to
have
a
confidence
in
some
eminent
person
who
may
satisfie
his
curiosity
with
truth
,
and
can
experimentally
describe
by
his
travails
,
the
Kingdoms
and
Countreys
of
his
Enemies
,
it
being
almost
impossible
to
make
his
advantages
without
the
advice
of
those
who
have
seen
those
places
with
their
own
eyes
.
And
whereas
Princes
by
reason
of
their
superabundant
affairs
cannot
be
so
contemplative
,
nor
so
much
converse
with
Books
;
and
that
Prudence
is
much
gained
with
travail
and
conversation
with
strangers
:
a
learned
Councellour
of
Estate
may
in
his
discourse
be
used
as
a
walking
Library
.
Besides
,
Splendor
,
Pomp
,
and
Pleasure
,
deprive
a
King
of
a
great
part
of
his
life
;
so
that
it
may
be
said
in
some
kind
,
'T
is
necessary
for
a
Prince
to
have
some
others
to
live
for
him
;
to
advise
him
on
all
occasions
,
and
to
instruct
him
in
those
things
which
his
interrupted
condition
permits
him
not
to
understand
.
And
who
think
you
is
so
fit
to
report
to
his
Prince
those
bold
truths
and
free
expressions
,
which
it
is
necessary
he
should
understand
,
but
he
to
whom
he
hath
given
Commission
,
and
in
whom
he
hath
placed
his
confidence
.
There
are
many
angry
truths
,
which
Kings
ought
to
know
,
and
yet
are
not
to
be
related
to
them
,
but
seasonably
,
and
by
a
skilful
and
learned
faithful
Councellour
;
who
having
first
digested
the
dangers
,
may
direct
his
Master
to
avoid
the
extremities
.
For
the
same
relations
reported
from
an
ignorant
or
an
injudicious
mouth
may
occasion
great
distempers
,
and
many
evils
:
so
that
a
faithful
Minister
compleatly
qualified
with
all
vertues
,
is
the
chiefest
guard
to
the
person
of
his
Prince
.
When
I
look
on
the
Court
,
I
see
it
full
of
flatterrers
and
male
contents
;
some
endeavouring
to
raise
dissentions
,
others
labouring
to
corrupt
with
Sycophancie
and
adulation
:
therefore
in
consideration
of
those
two
different
dangers
and
inconveniencies
;
addresses
are
rather
to
be
applyed
first
to
the
chief
Minister
,
then
to
the
Prince
;
who
as
he
is
a
guard
,
so
he
is
a
buckler
and
spye
to
all
intentions
that
may
surprize
the
King
;
and
these
obligations
indear
his
fidelity
to
his
Master
together
with
his
own
fortune
,
his
life
,
and
honour
.
Now
as
touching
my self
,
these
Reasons
have
been
my
Directors
,
and
I
desire
my
Successors
may
practice
that
which
I
have
given
them
in
example
.
The
Laws
shall
be
my
guide
and
rules
,
and
the
Constable
and
Marshals
of
France
,
on
whom
I
have
conferred
the
Military
affairs
,
shall
force
and
command
them
to
an
observation
.
It
is
by
them
whereby
I
shall
support
my
Throne
,
whereunto
I
am
ascended
;
and
it
is
by
this
discourse
which
I
have
made
,
whereby
I
shall
prevent
my
Successors
from
an
evil
explication
of
my
resolutions
;
and
that
they
may
beleive
that
my
suppression
of
the
Major
of
the
Pallace
,
was
to
make
them
more
absolute
in
the
Regal
Office
,
I
wish
my
Successors
may
reign
with
full
Authority
;
but
I
desire
also
that
they
debar
not
themselves
from
the
prudence
of
a
faithful
Councellor
.
I
would
not
have
them
slaves
to
their
chief
Minister
,
and
yet
I
advise
them
to
submit
to
Experience
and
Reason
;
and
having
found
sage
,
moderate
,
faithful
,
and
vertuous
servants
,
that
they
love
them
,
recompence
,
and
protect
them
,
and
that
they
measure
their
friendshid
,
favours
,
and
bounty
,
with
their
vertue
,
excellency
,
and
perfection
of
their
services
.
THE
CENSVRE
.
KINGS
are
Gods
,
so
saith
the
Scripture
;
but
they
are
such
Gods
,
of
whom
Homer
and
Ovid
speaks
,
who
are
subject
to
anger
,
fear
,
hatred
,
love
,
and
all
humane
Passions
.
As
happy
as
Kingdoms
and
Princes
may
be
,
they
are
content
to
observe
the
Latine
Proverb
,
which
teacheth
them
,
that
two
eyes
see
more
then
one
;
and
therefore
commit
not
their
affairs
absolutely
to
the
dictates
of
their
own
will
,
matters
of
weight
:
Regal
and
high
affairs
require
counsell
and
assistance
;
which
if
Kings
refuse
and
scorn
their
condition
grows
desperate
and
dangerous
.
All
Wisdom
cometh
from
above
,
saith
Ecclesiasticus
,
and
't
is
for
this
reason
why
Kings
ought
not
to
be
ashamed
of
their
consultations
,
meeting
with
so
many
difficulties
.
The
nobleness
of
birth
renders
Kings
illustrious
and
worthy
of
great
esteem
,
and
most
sublime
admiration
:
and
it
is
true
,
Where
the
King
is
,
there
is
the
Court
,
though
it
be
but
in
a
Cottage
.
But
seeing
they
are
men
as
well
as
Kings
,
Monarchs
were
unreasonable
if
they
refused
Councel
and
advice
:
S.
Paul
teacheth
that
Princes
are
to
be
obeyed
though
evil
and
wicked
;
yet
he
never
taught
,
That
Princes
ought
not
to
hearken
to
the
wisdom
of
the
aged
,
to
those
who
have
more
experience
then
they
.
It
is
their
duty
to
do
right
to
the
Meanest
as
well
as
to
the
Mightiest
.
This
is
an
instruction
given
to
all
the
Grand
Masters
of
the
earth
.
And
how
shall
Princes
obey
the
Commandments
of
heaven
if
they
be
ignorant
of
what
is
right
,
and
will
not
hear
their
Councels
who
can
advise
them
?
Plato
saith
in
the
second
Book
of
his
Republique
,
That
it
is
a
high
injustice
to
appear
Righteous
,
and
not
really
to
be
so
.
He
addeth
farther
,
He
is
equally
injust
who
taketh
Councel
from
none
but
himself
;
as
Lewis
the
Eleventh
of
France
,
who
wedded
himself
resolutely
to
his
own
opinion
.
Alexander
the
Great
,
who
was
so
noble
in
his
resolutions
,
that
in
the
Olimpyan
Games
he
would
contest
and
exercise
with
none
but
Kings
,
yet
he
refused
not
to
consult
with
Aristotle
,
who
was
no
King
,
but
a
sage
Philosopher
.
The
sublimity
of
his
condition
did
not
make
him
scorn
or
disdain
the
wisdom
of
his
Councel
.
Solomon
saith
,
In
the
multitude
of
Councellors
consisteth
safety
.
And
that
which
he
taught
he
practised
;
first
choosing
able
and
faithful
Councellours
,
and
then
depending
on
their
fidelity
.
Wisdom
establisheth
a
firm
foundation
(
saith
the
infallible
Oracle
)
and
to
have
such
an
assurance
,
faithful
Councellours
are
to
be
embraced
.
And
though
the
danger
may
be
great
,
when
a
Councellor
proves
unable
or
unfaithful
;
yet
it
is
greater
prudence
to
adventure
such
a
danger
,
then
to
walk
headlong
in
a
certain
path
of
ruine
and
destruction
.
It
is
true
,
Princes
unfortunately
,
sometimes
meet
with
such
false
and
perfidious
Councellours
as
Sejanus
;
but
there
are
to
be
found
likewise
upright
and
judicious
Mordeca's
,
Agrippa's
,
Maecenas's
,
and
Bellisarius
,
that
is
,
such
incomparable
Worthies
,
who
having
no
single
and
private
Interest
,
regard
nothing
above
their
Masters
glory
and
his
Kingdoms
good
.
Such
men
as
these
are
fit
to
sit
at
the
Councel
Tables
with
Kings
;
of
whom
it
may
be
candidly
said
,
as
the
Oracle
did
of
Lycurgus
,
(
though
by
the
mouth
of
a
Sorcerer
)
that
such
as
he
were
beloved
of
the
Gods
,
and
were
rather
(
indeed
)
Gods
then
Men
:
and
as
for
Princes
,
their
ruine
is
never
more
certain
and
near
,
then
when
they
despise
wholsome
Councel
.
Therefore
the
Wise
man
said
,
Rebuke
the
wise
and
he
will
give
thee
thanks
.
Now
as
the
Prince
is
to
hearken
to
his
faithful
Minister
;
so
is
he
to
premeditate
and
guard
his
lips
,
that
they
utter
no
perverse
or
indiscreet
thing
before
the
Prince
;
but
by
wisdom
to
shew
himself
worthy
to
stand
before
Kings
,
and
to
approve
his
worth
in
so
high
a
trust
;
and
so
a
skilful
Pilot
in
so
dangerous
a
Navigation
and
Voyage
.
It
is
requisite
his
Theorie
be
great
but
that
his
Practice
exceed
that
.
He
is
to
keep
himself
within
the
bounds
of
awful
obedience
to
his
Prince
,
to
understand
that
the
Supreme
power
of
Kings
is
not
limited
,
their
anger
is
as
the
roaring
of
a
Lion
,
and
their
Soveraignty
is
as
the
heart
of
man
,
where
every
wound
is
mortal
It
is
with
Soveraignty
as
with
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
,
which
none
ought
to
presume
to
touch
,
though
it
were
to
support
it
.
Having
now
seen
the
reasons
of
Hugh
Capet
and
his
election
of
a
Constable
of
France
,
let
us
travail
more
Northerly
,
and
look
on
a
famous
Hero
,
that
formidable
Conqueror
,
whom
we
may
stile
as
that
Turkish
Emperour
Gulderum
,
that
is
,
the
Lightning
from
Heaven
;
who
when
he
had
passed
over
the
Baltick
Sea
,
and
set
his
feet
in
Germany
being
in
the
head
of
his
Army
;
he
commonly
exposed
himself
to
the
dangers
of
a
private
Souldier
,
not
considering
his
quality
of
being
a
King
,
but
(
when
he
had
occasion
)
to
shew
his
Royal
Grace
and
Mercy
to
his
humbled
and
vanquished
Enemies
.
And
therefore
his
sage
and
faithful
Chancellour
presumed
to
take
the
liberty
to
reprehend
his
Majestie
.
See
here
follow
the
reasons
of
this
Lion-like
couragious
Prince
,
to
authorize
and
justifie
his
Gallantry
and
hardship
in
what
he
usually
attempted
.
portrait of Gustavus Adolphus
The
Most
Illustrious
Puisant
,
and
Victorious
Prince
,
GVSTAVVS
ADOLPHVS
,
by
the
grace
of
GOD
,
King
of
the
Swethens
,
Goths
,
and
Vandals
,
great
Prince
of
Finland
.
Duke
of
Esthonia
&
Carelia
,
Lord
of
Ingria
etc
Tho:
Cecill
sculp
.
Gustavus
Adolphus
TO
HIS
GREAT
CHANCELLOR
OXERSTERN
.
IF
the
Councels
which
you
have
given
me
for
a
safer
guard
to
my self
,
had
not
been
as
dangerous
,
as
my
enemies
to
my
renown
and
honour
;
I
could
have
so
much
valued
your
wisdom
and
fidelity
,
as
to
have
hearkened
to
your
Policie
and
Advice
;
but
my
honour
was
more
precious
to
me
then
the
consideration
of
my
Estate
and
life
,
and
more
nearly
toucheth
my
heart
.
Wherefore
I
think
it
fit
to
satisfie
your
curiosity
(
in
matters
so
highly
important
:
)
I
presume
the
valor
of
Kings
is
not
a
quality
to
be
confined
or
lockt
up
within
the
narrow
bounds
of
any
limits
;
much
less
within
the
prescriptions
which
your
Policy
perswadeth
.
It
is
absolutely
defended
(
as
an
infallible
rule
)
that
Kings
(
if
they
intend
a
victory
or
Conquest
)
are
to
appear
in
the
front
and
head
of
the
Battail
.
You
well
know
it
is
most
difficult
in
all
the
Course
of
Nature
,
to
establish
one
certain
and
infallible
rule
.
The
same
circumstances
are
not
commonly
used
to
the
same
events
,
but
distinct
and
different
means
often
compass
the
same
ends
.
One
Ship
may
come
safely
to
the
Harbour
by
the
Tide
,
and
another
as
prosperously
(
though
against
the
Tide
)
by
a
good
gale
of
wind
.
As
all
Kings
are
not
alike
,
neither
in
their
persons
,
nor
Kingdoms
;
so
their
interests
leave
them
to
the
choice
and
exercises
of
several
actions
and
undertakings
.
There
are
many
Circumstances
most
materially
considerable
in
them
,
as
their
age
,
their
humour
,
their
inclination
.
And
it
is
to
be
observed
that
the
people
are
of
one
temper
,
and
the
Souldiers
of
another
;
those
love
to
loiter
and
shelter
themselves
in
Plenty
and
Peace
;
these
delight
to
hear
the
sound
of
Trumpet
and
Drums
,
and
are
more
ambitious
of
honour
then
of
riches
.
To
these
observations
a
particular
regard
must
be
used
to
the
affairs
of
War
,
to
the
nature
of
the
Enemie
,
and
to
the
designs
of
Conquest
and
Victory
.
And
according
to
the
variety
of
those
objects
in
these
several
circumstances
;
the
life
of
man
(
in
order
to
those
ends
he
aims
at
)
is
to
be
more
or
less
valued
.
To
this
purpose
a
King
is
to
consider
,
whether
it
may
not
be
as
necessary
(
on
some
occasions
)
to
appear
(
as
well
)
a
valiant
and
stout
Souldier
,
as
a
great
Commander
and
General
.
But
not
to
stay
you
any
longer
from
the
more
substantial
Reasons
,
I
hope
you
will
yeild
rationally
,
that
Valour
is
a
quality
,
as
essential
to
a
King
,
as
either
Justice
or
Prudence
;
and
that
(
in
some
degrees
)
it
is
more
advantagious
and
serviceable
to
the
People
,
then
to
the
Prince
,
who
chiefly
gains
honour
and
renown
;
but
as
for
other
Conveniences
,
they
are
as
equally
communicable
to
the
Subjects
(
who
freely
share
in
them
)
as
to
the
Soveraign
.
It
is
true
,
Policy
and
Prudence
may
effect
Victories
with
less
danger
,
and
without
effusion
of
bloud
;
and
those
Conquests
may
be
both
glorious
and
commodious
:
yet
I
shall
speak
freely
and
without
fear
,
although
Justice
and
Prudence
are
chief
preservers
of
a
State
in
peace
,
yet
the
Vallour
and
fortitude
of
the
Prince
is
as
equally
considerable
;
and
contributeth
not
the
least
share
of
advantage
to
the
prosperity
of
a
Kingdom
.
Nay
,
more
valour
chiefly
giveth
the
life
,
success
,
and
fortune
,
and
with
magnanimity
and
courage
the
noblest
minds
do
ever
keep
company
;
't
is
this
vertue
which
maketh
the
greatest
spirits
and
Worthies
most
remarkable
;
she
(
above
all
others
)
advanceth
Kings
and
Princes
.
It
is
by
her
renown
that
Kingdoms
and
Empires
are
constituted
and
formed
;
and
whereby
Conquerours
all
Illustrious
Heroes
are
reputed
worthy
to
merit
Crowns
and
Diadems
:
for
if
we
examine
the
wayes
and
motions
of
these
latter
ages
;
we
shall
find
that
men
who
never
were
disciplined
in
the
Rules
of
Morality
and
Policy
,
out
of
an
instinct
and
direction
from
Nature
,
judged
none
worthy
to
command
,
but
those
whom
they
conceived
most
daring
and
valiant
.
So
true
it
is
,
that
valour
is
a
quality
most
essential
to
Royalty
,
and
consequently
those
who
are
not
endowed
with
this
great
vertue
,
are
utterly
unworthy
and
incapable
of
Crowns
and
Scepters
.
If
Kings
were
only
obliged
to
be
their
Subjects
Lords
and
Masters
,
Prudence
and
Justice
might
be
solely
requisite
to
such
relations
of
Government
;
but
their
royal
office
obligeth
them
farther
to
adventure
for
their
defence
,
not
only
by
their
Commands
,
but
in
their
Persons
.
And
it
is
through
this
noble
quality
that
they
gain
the
glorious
titles
of
victorious
Conquerors
,
and
to
be
stiled
the
Protectors
and
Liberators
of
the
People
.
It
was
in
favour
to
this
more
eminent
vertue
,
that
the
ancient
Romans
(
who
were
such
equal
dispensators
of
Glory
)
conferred
honours
,
and
gave
triumphs
to
those
,
who
by
their
illustrious
Atchievements
had
merited
such
high
renown
.
But
you
will
tell
me
,
all
men
confess
valour
to
be
a
great
ornament
and
Princely
requisite
in
a
Soveraign
:
but
it
is
rendred
less
useful
if
not
limited
with
moderation
and
guided
with
discreet
restraints
.
To
answer
,
I
shall
not
peremptorily
make
a
contradiction
;
yet
I
shall
boldly
affirm
,
that
all
the
vertues
when
idle
and
less
active
,
either
cease
to
be
vertues
,
or
(
at
least
)
appear
not
so
to
be
.
What
where
Clemency
if
she
never
snatched
a
sacrifice
from
the
Altar
of
Justice
?
and
what
were
Justice
if
she
remitted
all
her
victims
to
Clemency
?
There
is
then
a
kind
of
necessity
which
generally
obligeth
them
to
a
Consistency
in
action
;
and
each
particular
is
to
act
according
to
its
Nature
;
and
to
manifest
it self
to
the
people
,
as
that
vertue
which
is
most
eminent
in
the
Prince
,
and
chiefly
seated
in
his
natural
inclinations
.
Now
if
the
Prince
discerneth
that
his
Subjects
do
more
honor
him
,
his
Souldiers
grow
daily
more
valiant
,
and
his
Enemies
more
fear
him
;
it
cannot
but
be
necessary
,
that
he
make
proofs
of
his
courage
to
encrease
the
subjects
loyalty
and
the
Souldiers
valour
,
that
the
Enemies
may
be
possessed
with
more
terrour
and
fear
,
and
the
Estate
be
established
in
a
greater
security
.
Besides
,
where
nature
hath
imprinted
this
noble
heat
and
ardour
of
spirit
,
it
is
proper
to
augment
and
enflame
this
natural
spark
,
by
an
exercise
and
frequency
of
noble
actions
;
and
he
who
passeth
his
dayes
without
peril
,
is
too
rash
or
vain
▪
glorious
,
if
he
brag
much
of
his
courage
.
It
is
not
enough
for
a
Prince
to
hear
the
noise
of
the
Cannons
,
and
to
see
the
smoak
and
flashes
of
fire
from
the
Ramparts
and
Battalians
:
but
valour
leadeth
a
gallant
spirit
within
the
midst
of
the
flaming
clouds
,
and
mingleth
him
boldly
with
the
enemies
troops
;
where
he
can
look
on
death
without
fear
,
and
seeks
glory
when
he
scorns
the
world
:
and
so
walking
betwixt
the
living
and
the
dead
,
gathers
Lawrels
and
Trophies
with
his
own
hands
,
which
he
hath
besprinkled
with
the
sweat
and
bloud
of
his
irreconcileable
Enemies
.
If
this
noble
boldness
were
not
admitted
to
a
Prince
,
his
own
Army
might
as
well
doubt
as
the
Enemies
themselves
of
the
Princes
valour
;
and
the
Souldiers
and
Officers
might
justly
challenge
to
themselves
the
victory
which
crowneth
Kings
.
This
high
quality
is
not
only
necessary
for
a
Prince
in
the
Theorie
and
Speculation
,
but
likewise
in
the
Practice
:
some
other
vertuos
are
commendable
,
but
this
not
only
so
,
but
essential
in
a
Prince
.
Justice
and
Prudence
may
be
inspired
by
the
advice
of
faithful
Councellours
,
but
valour
must
lodge
in
the
Princes
heart
,
which
giveth
life
and
motion
(
as
the
most
noble
part
)
to
all
the
other
Members
.
And
how
can
a
Prince
who
feeleth
not
in
himself
the
height
of
vigour
and
courage
manage
his
affairs
in
either
Peace
or
Wars
?
First
if
he
live
in
the
softness
of
Plenty
,
and
a
peaceful
Estate
,
how
apt
will
such
a
Prince
be
to
be
opposed
and
affronted
by
the
injustice
and
insolency
of
his
own
Subjects
?
how
will
his
neighbour
Princes
and
Estates
domineer
and
encroach
on
his
Royal
Rights
and
Priviledges
?
and
it
he
fall
into
the
tempest
and
broils
of
a
Civil
War
,
or
an
invasion
from
foreign
Enemies
;
how
will
he
be
able
to
preserve
his
own
honour
,
or
his
subjects
Rights
and
Liberties
?
and
what
noble
spirit
will
freely
adventure
his
life
in
his
service
,
who
dare
not
as
freely
hazard
his
own
?
or
how
can
he
be
capable
of
Generous
Councel
,
who
hath
not
courage
nor
valour
to
put
it
in
execution
?
and
how
dare
that
person
think
himself
worthy
of
the
Title
of
King
,
who
hath
not
a
heart
to
fight
(
if
fortune
should
oblige
him
)
in
a
single
Duel
with
his
equal
)
for
the
honour
and
preservation
of
his
Crown
?
By
this
time
(
I
think
)
I
may
impartially
conclude
,
that
valour
is
the
most
Princely
and
most
Royal
ornament
,
and
hath
the
precedency
(
on
the
Throne
)
above
all
other
vertues
,
which
without
this
could
not
render
any
person
fit
to
wear
a
glorious
Crown
.
In
all
great
Battails
she
alone
hath
made
the
Conquerors
most
illustrious
and
fortunate
.
You
cannot
then
(
noble
Chancellor
)
but
acknowledge
that
as
this
vertue
is
necessary
and
glorious
for
the
Prince
:
so
it
is
of
chiefest
advantage
for
the
Peoples
good
and
universal
happiness
.
Now
this
foundation
laid
,
let
us
see
how
this
quality
is
to
be
used
;
and
whether
to
be
unactive
and
out
of
all
imployment
;
So
proposing
to
forget
no
circumstance
that
may
justifie
our
courage
in
these
actions
,
which
I
have
or
shall
undertake
in
exposing
my
life
to
the
most
eminent
perils
of
War
.
It
is
most
certain
,
that
if
it
ought
(
at
any
time
)
to
shine
more
eminently
in
a
Prince
,
it
should
be
at
the
Commenceme●t
of
his
life
,
of
his
reign
,
and
of
his
conquests
:
this
is
the
chiefest
instance
,
when
a
Prince
makes
the
lustre
of
his
Crown
to
shine
,
and
when
he
imprinteth
the
marks
of
honour
in
the
hearts
of
his
friends
and
enemies
;
his
courage
amazing
the
one
,
and
animating
the
others
:
Whoever
hath
a
hand
valiant
enough
to
serve
gloriously
with
his
Sword
,
need
not
fear
or
doubt
but
that
he
may
sway
the
Grandure
of
a
Scepter
;
and
to
this
purpose
(
on
all
occasions
)
a
Noble
Prince
is
obliged
to
give
solemn
testimonies
of
his
valour
.
As
for
all
other
vertues
,
they
cannot
appear
so
eminently
in
him
:
Justice
and
Clemency
may
flow
from
his
invisible
orders
;
but
valour
is
immediately
transcient
from
his
person
.
Experience
maketh
grand
Politicians
and
great
Captains
;
but
they
can
never
gain
the
reputation
of
valour
without
their
own
personal
appearance
.
This
is
a
way
to
honour
,
to
which
an
illiterate
and
private
Souldier
may
be
admitted
to
climb
.
And
how
shall
a
Prince
render
himself
commendable
to
his
Subjects
,
or
formidable
to
his
Enemies
;
who
is
not
furnished
with
this
glorious
quality
?
Kingly
affairs
admit
not
alwayes
leasure
to
books
,
nor
solitary
hours
of
study
and
contemplation
.
His
office
is
ever
to
be
active
,
and
valour
is
a
Native
quality
which
encreaseth
with
exercise
.
This
is
a
guift
of
nature
,
and
falls
from
the
hand
of
Heaven
,
and
is
imbodied
in
the
life
of
man
;
so
consequently
,
being
a
natural
inclination
,
instructeth
that
Prince
so
qualified
,
that
he
imploy
the
vertue
thereof
for
the
good
of
his
Estate
,
and
the
glory
of
his
Renown
.
If
Nature
had
intended
otherwise
,
Prudence
or
Justice
might
have
bin
a
more
early
quality
then
Valour
;
but
we
see
the
contrary
,
and
the
youngest
Infants
sooner
learn
to
shew
their
courage
,
then
to
express
the
vigour
of
any
other
vertues
.
The
order
which
is
established
in
all
the
Universe
is
too
just
to
be
contradicted
;
and
men
can
never
do
more
judiciously
then
by
following
the
rules
of
natural
and
primitive
intentions
.
Agriculture
(
how
fertile
and
fruitful
soever
it
improves
)
expects
not
the
flower
before
the
blossom
,
nor
the
fruit
before
the
flower
.
The
skilful
Gardner
endeavours
to
hasten
the
maturity
of
his
fruits
;
but
not
to
change
or
disorder
their
Nature
.
Those
who
approach
near
the
Thrones
of
Princes
,
ought
not
to
presume
to
infuse
the
Rules
of
Prudence
into
their
Princes
ears
,
before
they
have
given
him
firm
assurances
of
their
courage
;
Crowns
though
they
are
to
be
attended
with
Councellours
,
yet
not
with
Cowards
:
and
Princes
make
their
best
advantage
,
when
(
following
the
direction
of
Nature
)
their
Valour
is
first
discerned
and
most
illustrious
in
them
.
The
suspition
of
not
being
couragious
,
may
disanimate
the
stoutest
Subjects
,
and
encourage
the
basest
and
lowest
Enemies
.
And
if
Valour
alone
effecteth
such
noble
enterprises
,
what
will
not
the
prudently
Couragious
be
able
to
atcheive
?
In
effect
,
that
noble
report
which
dilateth
it self
at
the
Commencement
of
a
Princes
reign
,
is
marvellous
important
to
all
the
concernments
of
his
life
.
As
for
renown
,
she
will
take
more
pleasure
in
proclaiming
of
his
valour
,
then
of
his
bounty
;
and
flying
round
the
world
,
will
more
divulge
and
blazon
his
honour
,
and
the
effects
of
his
courage
,
then
those
of
his
Prudence
and
Justice
.
History
will
charge
her self
voluntarily
with
the
memory
of
his
Victories
which
he
hath
gained
over
his
Enemies
,
and
make
them
to
shadow
his
errors
(
if
any
)
and
the
infirmities
of
his
passion
.
The
rest
of
his
vertues
clad
in
a
more
silent
robe
,
or
lapt
up
in
private
Panegyricks
will
shine
as
they
are
shadowed
from
the
Pencils
of
private
persons
.
But
as
for
all
the
circumstances
of
his
valour
,
they
shall
swell
in
Volums
of
universal
History
.
His
other
qualities
may
be
contented
to
be
confined
to
the
borders
of
his
own
Dominions
and
Countries
:
but
his
valour
will
constantly
travail
over
all
the
Universe
.
His
friends
and
his
enemies
will
both
talk
;
these
out
of
love
,
those
out
of
fear
;
both
will
speak
his
honor
,
and
so
immortalize
the
glory
of
a
valiant
Prince
:
so
that
no
person
shall
be
able
to
detract
or
derogate
from
his
renown
.
In
the
Conduct
of
War
,
much
is
(
ofttimes
)
attributed
to
the
experience
of
the
General
,
or
to
the
Result
of
Councell
:
but
no
dimunition
can
rob
a
valiant
spirit
of
his
honor
.
Aristotle
added
something
to
the
Glory
of
Alexander
,
by
the
infusion
of
sweetness
and
moderation
,
as
Plutarch
did
in
that
kind
,
in
that
of
Trajan
;
but
neither
the
one
nor
the
other
inspired
their
valour
and
generosity
.
All
the
Tracts
which
were
ever
written
,
cannot
present
the
guifts
of
fortitude
.
Heaven
and
Nature
concur
in
the
plantation
of
that
quality
in
the
hearts
of
men
.
The
Battail
of
D'Issus
,
and
that
of
Arbella
,
were
so
much
Alexanders
;
and
that
of
Daces
so
much
Trajans
,
that
the
Combats
and
the
Victories
were
their
own
entirely
:
where
no
person
durst
presume
to
claim
a
share
or
part
in
those
honorable
enterprises
.
It
was
(
without
doubt
)
that
the
Illustrious
Macedonian
(
on
this
sole
occasion
)
would
not
admit
that
Ephestian
should
be
named
with
Alexander
in
that
action
;
it
being
certain
that
Valour
is
the
only
Mistress
,
of
which
all
noble
Heroes
are
tender
and
jealous
.
Now
if
it
be
advantagious
to
a
Prince
to
be
valiant
being
young
,
it
is
much
more
rational
to
be
couragious
when
he
is
first
a
King.
As
for
my self
,
If
I
had
not
rendred
my
reign
more
memorable
by
my
first
actions
against
the
Polanders
and
the
Muscovites
,
it
might
well
have
been
that
I
should
not
have
caused
(
at
this
present
)
the
Empire
,
and
all
Germany
to
tremble
:
but
on
the
contrary
(
perhaps
)
I
might
have
seen
all
mine
own
Territories
invaded
,
or
my self
forced
to
a
shameful
exile
,
or
confined
to
a
base
imprisonment
.
It
is
certain
that
the
most
important
actions
of
a
King
(
in
all
his
life
)
are
those
when
he
first
mounteth
towards
his
Throne
;
&
then
when
he
declares
a
War
against
a
formidable
and
puissant
Enemy
.
And
yet
not
to
leave
the
interest
of
that
noble
Subject
(
of
which
we
speak
)
when
conjunctures
grow
dangerous
,
and
innovations
threaten
a
change
of
Goverment
;
the
Prince
is
then
to
be
most
vigorous
,
and
to
fortifie
his
designs
with
his
courage
.
In
the
suspition
of
great
revolutions
,
terror
and
fear
are
excellent
means
to
keep
the
world
close
to
their
duty
;
and
on
the
contrary
,
timidity
,
slow
and
dull
consultations
do
but
prepare
and
promote
Revolts
,
and
encourage
factions
&
seditions
.
For
though
valor
do
not
always
act
with
her
sword
in
her
hand
;
yet
she
hath
a
constant
influence
and
continued
operation
over
all
the
people
.
She
enters
into
the
Councels
as
wel
as
Prudence
,
and
though
Prudence
give
advice
,
it
is
valor
that
receiveth
and
acteth
the
bold
and
hardy
resolutions
;
and
she
is
the
chiefest
cause
that
inclineth
Princes
to
clemency
.
If
Jul.
Caesar
had
not
bin
truly
valiant
,
he
could
not
have
pardoned
his
greatest
enemies
.
As
for
Fear
it
suffers
not
those
to
live
whom
true
Valour
scorns
,
great
and
terrible
Murders
had
followed
in
the
battails
of
Pharsalia
.
If
that
great
Emperor
had
not
scorn'd
death
,
he
would
have
caused
slain
the
greatest
number
of
the
Romans
.
Augustus
forbore
his
proscriptions
and
Massacres
on
the
Triumvirats
only
on
this
ground
,
being
certain
that
his
valor
&
courage
did
so
transcend
,
that
it
could
cause
his
inclinations
to
mercy
.
It
was
this
that
preserved
Cinna
from
perishing
,
when
his
conspiracies
had
trained
him
to
such
perils
,
and
Livia
so
much
solicited
against
him
for
his
ruine
.
All
noble
Heroes
have
done
nothing
worthy
,
their
memory
wherein
their
valour
hath
not
bin
most
prevalent
in
their
perswasions
&
resolutions
As
for
Cowards
they
dare
not
resolv
whether
to
punish
or
pardon
,
but
in
a
suspence
;
fearing
the
complices
or
the
conspirators
,
they
less
incline
to
pardon
:
&
cruelty
being
their
natural
inclination
,
their
fears
increase
only
,
and
they
desire
to
ruine
all
;
provided
that
that
desolation
might
render
security
and
repose
to
themselvs
.
This
Passion
doth
worse
becom
Kings
,
whom
if
the
Subjects
once
discern
to
be
timerous
,
they
speedily
grow
insolent
&
probably
cause
their
Scepter
to
fal
out
of
their
trembling
hands
.
But
on
the
contrary
a
Prince
should
rather
endeavour
not
only
to
be
terrible
in
the
apprehension
of
his
own
Subjects
,
but
he
is
to
make
his
courage
to
appear
formidable
to
all
the
earth
,
especially
then
when
he
sits
upon
a
Throne
.
At
that
time
this
glorious
quality
imprinteth
his
respect
with
his
Grandees
and
Nobles
,
and
disperseth
an
awful
submission
in
the
hearts
of
his
people
;
and
thus
his
courage
commanding
both
the
one
and
the
other
,
Peace
and
publique
Tranquility
proveth
the
result
and
consequence
.
Will
a
Prince
pardon
a
great
and
eminent
person
,
let
him
do
it
franckly
without
any
regard
to
the
suspition
of
his
Train
or
Party
,
and
look
on
him
as
an
object
of
his
mercy
,
not
of
his
fear
.
And
when
he
resolves
to
punish
a
potent
and
eminent
offender
,
let
him
effect
it
with
equal
courage
,
and
let
his
valour
surmount
all
opposition
and
repugnancie
:
let
him
as
little
fear
death
by
the
hand
of
an
assassinate
,
as
from
the
Army
of
an
Enemy
.
He
hath
true
repose
of
spirit
who
preserveth
his
reason
entire
,
and
neither
lyes
down
nor
riseth
up
in
fear
:
For
Valour
makes
him
vigilant
and
suspicious
,
not
base
and
timerous
.
In
this
condition
,
whether
he
hath
Peace
or
War
,
his
Valour
will
make
him
worthy
to
be
a
King
,
and
to
be
attended
with
honour
.
There
is
a
time
when
young
and
tender
age
tolerates
a
Prince
if
he
be
not
prudent
and
politique
(
that
vertue
is
not
gained
but
with
riper
years
,
and
some
experience
:
)
but
it
is
a
great
imperfection
(
if
not
a
vice
)
for
a
Prince
even
from
his
Cradle
,
not
to
manifest
the
seeds
of
valour
.
It
must
be
then
confessed
clearly
,
that
no
occasion
must
be
omitted
that
may
manifest
the
beauty
of
this
incomparable
vertue
,
which
is
so
precious
at
all
seasons
.
And
if
a
Prince
may
be
permitted
at
any
time
to
take
off
the
edge
,
and
so
suspend
the
splendour
of
his
courage
;
it
is
principally
then
,
when
he
hath
atchieved
his
conquests
;
then
,
when
he
reapeth
the
full
harvest
of
his
victories
;
but
in
his
attempts
he
is
to
be
as
hardy
and
terrible
as
a
Lion
,
that
by
a
fortunate
beginning
he
may
make
his
passage
easie
and
facile
to
his
greatest
future
enterprises
,
and
so
to
be
rendred
formidable
and
victorious
:
it
is
not
only
necessary
to
fight
by
Commission
,
but
in
person
,
as
well
to
encourage
their
own
Armies
,
as
terrifie
and
amaze
the
Enemies
.
By
such
a
Gallant
deportment
the
Reputation
of
a
Prince
wil
march
far
before
the
Prince
himself
,
and
proclaim
farther
the
glory
of
such
a
General
,
then
the
sound
of
Drums
or
Trumpets
.
His
lustre
will
be
seen
farther
then
his
Ensigns
and
Banners
;
and
so
the
very
terrour
of
his
great
and
noble
Name
will
batter
the
Walls
,
and
open
the
gates
of
the
strongest
Forts
and
greatest
Towns.
As
for
those
quiet
and
sleepy
Princes
,
who
have
no
other
thoughts
,
but
for
their
own
defence
;
and
no
other
ambition
but
to
guard
their
own
Dominions
from
the
Invasion
of
their
Enemies
;
a
lesser
proportion
of
this
noble
quality
may
serve
such
thrifty
persons
:
yet
this
high
vertue
,
if
planted
in
brests
of
Soveraign
Power
,
ought
not
to
be
confined
to
such
narrow
bounds
;
for
if
there
be
no
occasion
to
enlarge
their
Domination
,
there
cannot
be
wanting
some
excellent
and
honourable
motive
to
exercise
their
courage
in
relieving
of
some
Noble
Princes
enduring
an
oppression
or
usurpation
.
But
as
for
such
who
after
the
example
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
mind
Heroick
and
Noble
enterprises
;
they
think
it
glorious
to
quit
their
own
Countries
,
preferring
danger
before
a
Bed
of
Down
,
and
the
glory
of
the
Camp
before
the
delicacies
of
the
Court
:
they
can
seat
Majesty
as
high
in
strange
Countries
as
well
as
in
their
own
;
and
create
and
elevate
a
Throne
with
a
few
clods
and
earthie
turfs
,
and
make
that
as
terrible
as
covered
all
over
with
gold
.
Such
noble
and
magnanimous
spirits
adventure
to
seek
Death
abroad
,
and
resolve
either
to
gain
glory
and
an
Empire
,
or
to
scorn
Danger
and
trample
Death
under
foot
.
Such
invincible
minds
as
these
,
are
more
active
and
couragious
,
they
shake
off
dull
and
drowsie
humours
,
kiss
their
Sword
as
their
Mistress
,
look
on
Fame
as
their
Herauld
and
servant
,
and
expect
honour
as
their
reward
.
These
Martial
Heroes
abandoning
fear
will
adventure
their
own
persons
(
which
are
above
and
far
more
precious
then
all
things
else
)
to
gain
what
they
aime
at
,
and
those
who
will
be
superabundantly
and
tediously
wise
,
are
seldome
more
fortunate
or
more
illustrious
then
what
their
birth
and
their
Fathers
valour
hath
made
them
.
Besides
these
Arguments
,
if
I
shall
consider
the
three
ages
of
Man
,
his
youth
,
his
manhood
,
and
his
old
age
;
the
season
wherein
I
have
chiefly
exercised
courage
is
most
suitable
and
proper
,
which
is
equally
distanced
from
the
infirmities
of
the
one
,
and
the
debilities
of
the
other
.
When
the
strength
of
body
accompanied
the
vigor
of
the
mind
,
at
which
conjuncture
it
were
a
thing
more
irrational
,
and
a
kind
of
an
affront
and
abuse
to
Nature
,
not
to
be
then
more
sprightful
and
active
;
and
consequently
more
ambitious
of
an
immortal
and
a
glorious
name
.
If
Experience
be
so
perfect
a
guide
in
great
and
famous
enterprises
,
ought
I
not
then
to
do
now
as
I
have
already
,
so
often
having
so
well
succeeded
?
you
know
how
that
when
I
was
but
seventeen
years
of
age
;
I
was
constrained
(
on
the
same
day
)
to
take
my
Scepter
with
one
hand
,
and
my
Sword
in
the
other
,
and
so
forced
to
defend
my
Crown
:
how
I
was
(
at
those
years
)
invaded
by
the
Danes
,
Polanders
,
and
Muscovites
;
and
while
these
Wars
continued
I
found
it
most
agreeable
with
my
honor
as
well
as
with
my
affairs
to
be
with
the
first
in
the
field
,
and
with
the
last
at
the
retreat
.
I
believe
you
cannot
forget
those
eminent
effects
which
I
accomplished
in
all
these
several
Countries
,
and
with
what
precipitation
and
honourable
danger
I
have
been
(
ofttimes
seen
)
to
pass
the
Frontiers
of
Denmark
,
to
those
of
Muscovie
,
and
from
those
of
Muscovie
to
those
of
Polony
:
and
if
I
had
on
those
occasions
so
much
need
,
I
have
(
at
present
)
equal
invitation
to
the
greatest
activity
of
my
personal
valour
.
For
as
the
design
is
more
high
and
noble
,
so
ought
all
circumstances
which
aim
at
it
.
Besides
some
permission
is
due
to
my
natural
inclinations
,
that
I
may
regulate
my
conduct
according
(
to
my
prevision
and
foresight
)
with
better
successes
.
And
if
I
should
continue
with
the
main
body
of
my
Army
I
might
(
probably
)
not
onely
endanger
and
hazard
my self
,
but
all
.
No
,
it
is
more
proper
that
I
go
my self
and
view
the
countenance
and
squadrons
of
my
Enemies
,
if
I
intend
to
vanquish
them
.
I
shall
thereby
put
more
life
and
resolution
into
my
own
Souldiers
;
and
when
they
fight
I
shall
the
more
ably
discern
how
to
take
a
more
perfect
advantage
on
the
Enemies
forces
,
or
feebleness
,
with
whom
I
am
to
combat
.
And
as
I
have
considered
what
is
most
necessary
in
Order
to
mine
own
interest
,
so
I
am
to
discern
the
inclinations
of
the
People
and
Souldiers
who
follow
me
.
All
Climats
produce
not
the
same
tempers
,
and
my
Souldiers
being
of
a
more
Northerly
birth
and
education
,
expect
a
more
vigorous
and
active
example
for
their
conduct
.
Not
but
that
they
are
valiant
,
stout
,
and
hardy
;
yet
withal
,
they
like
the
adventures
better
,
when
their
Commanders
are
in
the
Vanguard
,
and
the
General
in
the
Front
of
the
Battail
:
and
it
were
great
shame
and
imprudence
,
not
to
be
forward
where
one
noble
Example
may
so
elevate
their
courage
and
resolution
.
The
coldness
of
the
Climate
hath
some
communication
with
their
Nature
,
which
being
warmed
and
throughly
enflamed
by
their
Princes
valour
,
the
Souldiers
scorn
Death
and
Danger
,
and
grow
as
ambitious
of
vanquishing
the
Enemies
,
as
the
Prince
himself
;
and
if
their
courage
be
not
somewhat
quickned
and
advanced
by
some
eminent
and
notable
action
of
their
Prince
,
it
may
fall
out
that
they
may
fail
in
their
duty
;
and
the
Prince
may
(
possibly
)
lose
his
honour
,
with
his
life
,
and
all
that
is
dear
unto
him
.
To
these
reasons
I
may
farther
add
,
that
Prince
who
finds
himself
not
at
the
head
of
an
Army
,
consistent
of
an
hundred
thousand
men
,
but
onely
commands
a
lesser
number
of
Troops
and
Regiments
,
in
case
his
Souldiers
march
slowly
,
and
advance
fearfully
;
such
a
Prince
ought
to
be
able
roundly
to
tell
his
timorous
and
daunted
Souldiers
,
that
his
Royal
Person
is
as
considerable
as
the
vast
numbers
of
the
Enemies
forces
;
otherwise
he
had
done
more
discreetly
not
to
have
commenced
a
War
,
but
rather
lived
securely
in
peace
.
And
it
is
also
as
true
when
a
Prince
taketh
a
view
of
his
Army
,
and
examineth
his
Magazines
of
Ammunition
,
he
ought
at
the
same
time
to
consult
with
his
owne
heart
,
and
not
so
much
depend
on
the
numbers
of
his
Souldiers
,
or
the
strength
and
terrour
of
his
Engines
,
as
on
his
owne
courage
and
magnanimity
.
Moreover
,
if
we
consider
well
who
our
Enemies
are
,
we
shall
finde
they
are
the
very
same
,
who
fought
so
stoutly
,
and
caused
so
many
Roman
Legions
to
perish
and
fall
.
Yes
,
they
are
the
very
same
People
with
whose
force
and
power
Grand
Arminius
(
that
noble
Captain
)
did
so
many
things
.
Most
,
or
all
other
Nations
are
clean
changed
from
those
Martial
and
Warlike
humours
,
wherewith
they
were
so
illustrious
for
their
hostility
.
Rome
is
not
now
what
it
was
in
Julius
Caesars
reigne
,
but
is
grown
more
effeminate
and
delicate
.
Or
if
it
still
continue
glorious
,
it
is
more
for
the
Arts
and
Sciences
which
flourish
best
in
Peace
,
then
for
the
exercise
of
War
;
and
more
honoureth
(
at
present
)
the
Rules
of
Mercury
,
then
of
Mars
.
The
noble
Macedonians
are
grown
dispirited
and
servile
slaves
;
and
the
Empire
of
Greece
,
is
not
what
it
was
under
the
reign
of
Philip
and
Alexander
the
Great
,
but
they
lead
the
lives
of
humble
Vassals
,
contented
with
servitude
and
besotted
ignorance
.
But
Germany
is
still
the
same
,
the
People
as
couragious
and
warlike
as
in
the
times
of
the
Romans
;
as
able
and
resolute
for
resistance
,
and
so
successful
with
their
valour
as
never
entirely
subdued
and
conquered
by
that
mighty
Empire
.
That
very
place
where
Varrus
lost
his
life
as
well
as
the
Battail
,
continues
still
peopled
with
as
many
stout
and
brave
mindes
as
it
was
,
when
it
opposed
all
the
Roman
Forces
.
There
is
onely
this
difference
,
that
our
Arms
and
undertakings
are
more
justifiable
then
theirs
;
and
therefore
if
we
intend
to
vanquish
them
we
must
take
the
same
course
which
they
used
who
conquered
the
World
,
committing
our selves
and
fortunes
voluntarily
to
Providence
;
and
couragiously
exposing
our selves
(
without
all
fear
)
with
hopes
to
attain
that
glorious
end
,
at
which
our
valour
aimeth
.
It
is
for
the
liberties
of
all
Germany
,
that
we
have
taken
up
our
Arms
;
it
is
for
the
repose
and
safety
of
our
Friends
and
Allies
,
it
is
for
a
just
revenge
upon
our
Enemies
,
and
true
glory
and
renown
,
that
we
desire
victory
:
and
consequently
,
such
great
Atchievements
must
be
attended
with
all
diligent
and
noble
Circumstances
that
may
procure
and
facilitate
our
Conquests
.
To
this
purpose
(
if
there
be
occafior
)
I
must
not
refuse
to
be
General
of
the
Army
,
Martial
of
the
field
,
Major
General
,
an
ordinary
Captain
,
Engineer
,
Canoneer
,
or
a
private
Souldier
,
as
well
as
a
King
;
and
thus
according
to
the
diversions
of
my
affairs
,
I
am
to
proceed
and
act
as
an
experienc'd
and
forward
Prince
,
who
know
my
owne
business
as
well
or
better
then
any
who
fight
or
follow
me
.
Those
who
conclude
that
a
Prince
is
the
life
and
soul
of
his
Army
,
are
surely
of
my
judgment
,
and
resolve
where
the
undertakings
are
so
great
and
illustrious
,
the
way
cannot
but
be
dangerous
,
and
therefore
requires
greater
courage
as
well
as
policy
.
The
soul
(
we
know
)
est
tota
in
toto
,
as
the
Philosopher
saith
,
and
so
must
the
Prince
be
in
every
part
of
his
Army
,
giving
life
and
operation
to
every
member
;
so
causing
the
feet
to
march
,
the
hands
to
fight
,
the
ears
to
hearken
,
the
eyes
to
watch
,
and
all
parts
to
perform
their
several
duties
:
have
you
not
observed
with
what
order
and
courage
my
Souldiers
have
followed
me
,
when
I
have
marched
in
the
head
of
my
army
;
specially
then
,
when
I
lead
them
towards
the
very
mouth
of
danger
:
And
think
you
that
if
they
lead
me
and
I
followed
them
,
that
they
would
have
advanced
with
equal
courage
?
No
,
no
,
I
know
that
one
stroke
with
my
Sword
strikes
the
Enemie
as
deep
as
a
thousand
of
others
of
lower
quality
:
And
What
doth
not
shame
,
example
,
emulation
,
hope
of
honour
,
expectation
of
Reward
,
and
recompence
from
the
hands
of
a
King.
What
(
I
say
)
doth
not
such
means
effect
and
operate
?
This
Intuition
and
care
moveth
effectually
every
particular
person
in
the
Army
,
and
causeth
each
one
to
do
his
duty
impartially
;
so
that
some
may
rudely
interpret
that
temerity
which
proveth
greatest
prudence
:
but
(
perhaps
)
you
may
tell
me
;
if
the
Enemy
understand
that
I
am
daringly
in
the
head
of
my
Army
,
they
will
aim
at
none
so
much
,
as
at
my self
;
and
therefore
multiply
their
volleys
against
me
:
to
that
I
answer
,
It
is
no
smal
degree
of
honour
to
be
such
an
object
of
terrour
,
and
such
a
noble
mark
,
which
scorneth
the
enemies
forces
,
though
never
so
numerous
.
Besides
,
my
Souldiers
who
see
my
valour
,
cannot
but
be
so
ambitious
of
my
preservation
,
as
to
guard
me
with
the
wishes
of
their
hearts
,
as
well
as
defend
me
with
the
stoutness
of
their
hands
;
and
whatever
shall
succeed
,
the
presence
of
majesty
cannot
but
make
them
fight
like
Lions
,
when
they
see
their
Prince
ingaged
,
and
compassed
about
with
equal
danger
;
as
for
mine
Enemies
,
such
couragious
On-sets
would
make
them
faint
and
fly
,
or
gallantly
force
their
Pikes
and
Swords
to
fall
from
their
hands
.
Now
as
my
presence
will
inspire
courage
into
those
of
my
Army
,
so
it
will
dispoil
and
strip
the
Enemy
of
that
noble
quality
,
and
so
force
them
to
submit
to
our
invincible
spirit
and
courage
:
where
,
if
I
should
proceed
less
generously
,
I
might
probably
rather
give
incouragement
,
then
gain
so
many
conquests
of
mine
Enemy
.
I
know
the
way
to
honour
is
full
of
difficulties
,
but
it
is
true
,
as
rich
mines
lie
deep
and
dangerous
;
beautiful
Lyllies
grow
in
the
midst
of
Thornes
;
so
is
it
with
true
Renown
and
Glory
.
I
am
not
Ignorant
,
that
death
oft-times
attends
and
arests
as
familiarly
the
greatest
Generals
and
Princes
,
as
the
meanest
Souldiers
;
but
such
a
death
is
most
honourable
,
and
the
Eccho
thereof
resoundeth
to
all
the
Corners
of
the
Earth
.
As
for
mine
owne
resolution
and
humour
,
I
had
rather
lose
the
battel
,
where
I
have
the
honour
to
fight
my self
,
then
to
gain
a
battel
where
I
have
not
fought
with
mine
owne
hands
.
Cease
then
(
noble
Chancellor
)
to
set
any
farther
limits
,
and
to
confine
my
courage
with
any
bounds
,
leave
me
to
the
vigour
and
activity
of
this
noble
vertue
,
which
so
much
animateth
all
the
faculties
of
my
soul
.
Our
Troops
are
feeble
,
our
Enemies
strong
,
our
designs
great
,
the
eyes
of
all
the
earth
observe
our
Motion
,
and
superintend
our
Actions
;
it
becomes
not
us
then
,
to
be
slow
or
short
in
any
part
of
our
duty
;
let
us
fight
couragiously
,
let
us
fall
upon
our
Enemies
like
a
violent
Torrent
,
with
thunder
and
lightning
;
and
not
like
a
gentle
River
move
slowly
and
timerously
;
our
pretentions
are
not
ordinary
,
therefore
our
actions
must
be
generous
:
Let
us
march
through
all
Germany
,
and
manifest
our
courage
through
every
part
of
it
;
and
if
it
shall
so
arrive
,
that
our
valour
be
recompensed
with
a
direful
sad
unfortunate
conclusion
,
we
doubt
not
,
but
that
our
death
will
be
glorious
,
and
our
name
immortal
;
and
if
we
do
not
perfect
our
Conquests
,
the
world
cannot
(
in
justice
)
but
rank
us
in
the
number
and
order
of
the
most
illustrious
Conquerours
.
THE
CENSVRE
.
MUch
veneration
and
honour
is
due
to
the
memory
of
this
great
Prince
,
he
is
to
be
looked
on
as
a
most
noble
Hero
,
and
invincible
Worthy
,
as
the
marvel
and
wonder
of
his
age
:
yet
it
is
true
,
that
Soveraign
Princes
having
such
eminent
fortunes
,
and
so
many
great
affairs
meerly
attending
their
persons
;
it
doth
most
infinitely
concerne
them
,
for
the
general
good
of
their
subjects
and
Souldiers
,
to
be
careful
and
preservative
of
themselves
.
That
famous
,
but
sad
day
,
wherein
the
King
was
slain
,
hath
verified
(
but
too
cruelly
)
this
truth
,
when
this
Prince
lost
his
life
,
by
the
violence
and
Ardor
of
his
owne
opinion
;
when
his
valour
marched
so
forwardly
in
the
Van.
Though
fortune
had
oft-times
presented
him
with
successes
and
victories
,
yet
she
is
not
alwayes
constant
in
her
friendship
.
It
is
to
be
feared
he
was
too
much
assured
of
the
continuation
of
her
favours
,
and
it
may
be
he
depended
too
little
on
prudence
,
and
too
much
on
the
Roman
Proverb
;
which
said
,
that
Destiny
doth
all
;
or
on
Predestination
,
which
(
as
some
say
)
orders
and
determines
both
means
and
ends
,
which
is
the
Doctrine
of
the
Calvinists
and
the
Turks
.
Though
it
is
rather
true
,
that
every
one
is
the
Artist
of
his
own
fortune
.
Philosophy
tels
us
as
well
as
Poetry
,
that
sapiens
dominabitur
astris
;
a
wise
man
is
able
to
resist
the
influence
of
the
Stars
;
which
though
they
incline
,
yet
do
not
force
nor
constrain
the
disposition
.
This
King
,
though
a
most
illustrious
Prince
for
his
valour
,
condescended
very
low
,
and
appeared
too
excessively
couragious
in
the
office
of
a
common
Trooper
:
the
head
and
the
hand
have
two
different
functions
;
fortune
is
not
always
propitious
,
nor
doth
she
make
every
Conquerour
her
darling
,
as
she
did
Alexander
:
that
which
she
did
for
him
in
the
Town
of
Oxidragues
,
and
on
many
re-encounters
,
are
not
examples
to
others
to
adventure
on
Alexanders
dangers
,
or
to
hope
for
his
successes
;
for
her
favours
to
him
may
rather
be
accounted
Prodigies
and
Wonders
,
then
common
degrees
of
fortunes
courtesies
.
Homer
who
was
so
judicious
in
his
Epithites
,
and
knew
how
properly
to
place
them
throughout
his
Illiads
,
commonly
gives
that
of
Sage
or
Prudent
to
Agamemnon
;
but
that
of
Brave
or
Valiant
to
Achilles
:
to
note
the
difference
,
which
in
the
conduct
of
Armies
,
ought
to
be
betwixt
a
royal
Prince
and
a
private
person
.
It
is
true
,
that
a
bed
of
honour
is
as
glorious
and
acceptable
to
a
noble
Prince
,
as
a
throne
of
Ivory
or
Gold
,
and
to
dye
Tryumphantly
and
win
the
battel
,
is
to
live
eternally
in
the
memory
of
men
.
As
for
this
Prince
,
if
he
did
not
(
before
he
dyed
)
confine
his
valour
to
greater
moderation
,
it
was
rather
to
be
imputed
his
misfortune
,
then
his
errour
;
for
having
enjoyed
so
many
glorious
fruits
of
his
dangers
,
his
victories
and
his
tryumphs
;
why
might
he
not
still
have
presumed
on
the
same
success
?
all
the
world
did
favour
him
with
Apologies
;
nay
,
gave
him
the
testimony
of
honour
and
commendations
,
when
he
sostoutly
assaulted
the
Isle
of
Rugen
,
and
at
that
great
attempt
gave
so
grand
a
reputation
to
his
Armies
,
that
he
seemed
to
have
effected
impossibilities
.
Now
if
that
course
which
was
so
fortunate
in
so
many
re-encounters
,
was
not
so
successful
at
the
fatal
battail
of
Lutzen
:
let
the
whole
Earth
confess
it
was
not
great
Gustavus
want
of
conduct
but
of
fortune
:
he
had
already
conquered
above
Ten
Provinces
,
and
subdued
Three
hundred
Towns
:
why
might
not
this
day
have
given
him
leave
to
survive
his
Enemies
,
and
to
have
enjoyed
the
Triumphs
of
his
victories
?
but
in
some
kind
it
may
be
said
of
Wars
,
as
t
is
of
Playes
:
Old
Gamesters
think
it
not
fit
to
hazard
,
and
adventure
all
they
have
gained
at
one
stake
.
But
seeing
things
past
can
not
be
revoked
;
let
us
not
farther
trouble
this
immortal
Hero
,
nor
interrupt
the
repose
of
his
Glorious
Sepulchre
.
The
great
worth
of
this
unparalleld
Prince
is
out
of
the
reach
of
envy
,
and
(
probably
)
of
imitation
.
His
name
is
too
bright
and
glorious
to
be
spotted
with
derogation
,
and
t
is
fit
for
none
to
approach
near
his
Ashes
,
but
such
who
bedew
their
eyes
with
tears
,
and
force
an
amazedness
on
their
souls
with
sighs
,
for
the
loss
of
so
great
a
Champion
:
whose
Trophies
are
so
illustrious
,
and
magnificent
,
that
whoever
considers
his
great
Atchievements
,
may
not
onely
have
an
abundance
of
satisfaction
for
his
curiosity
,
but
be
astonish't
with
admiration
.
FINIS
.