Miscellaneous essays by Monsieur St. Euremont ; translated out of French. With a character / by a person of honour here in England ; continued by Mr. Dryden.

REFLECTIONS Upon the Divers GENIUS'S Of the Roman People , In the different times of the REPUBLICK . CHAP. I.

IT is with the Original of People , as with the Genealogies of private persons , they cannot bear with low and obscure beginnings : these are purely imaginary , those shew themselves in Fables . Men are naturally defective in many things , and naturally vain ; amongst whom the Founders of States , Legislators and Conquerors , little satisfied with their Human condition , whose defects and infirmities they had a sense of , have frequently enquired after the causes of their merits elsewhere ; from whence it comes to pass that the Ancients held themselves obliged to some Deity or other , either upon the account of descending from it , or el●e because they acknowledged a particular Care and Protection from its Tutelary Vertue . Some persons have been under a seeming perswasion thereof , purely for the sake of perswading others , and have made an Ingenious Use of an Advantagious Deceit , which might afford a Veneration for their persons , and a submission to their Authority . There have been those that have flattered themselves with such thoughts , and seem'd to be in earnest ; The Contempt they used men with , and the confident opinion of their own extraordinary qualities , has occasion'd their fantastical search after an Original different from ours ; but it has been more frequent that some Nations to make themselves Honoured , and through a Spirit of Gratitude to those that had rendred them some very important Services , have given occasion for these sort of Fables .

The Romans have not been exempt from this Vanity . They are not contented with their Relation to Venus by AEneas , who led the Trojans into Italy , they have refreshed their Alliance with the Gods by the Fabulous Nativity of Romulus , whom they supposed to be the Son of the God Mars , and whom they Deif●ed himself after his Death .

His Successor Numa had nothing of Divine in his Race , but the Sanctity of his Life afforded him a particular Communication with the Goddess Egeria , which Commerce was of no small assistance to him towards the establishment of his Ceremonies .

In short , if you will believe them , the Destinies had no other cares upon them than the Foundation of Rome , and so far , that Providence seem'd Industrious to adapt the various Inclinations of its Kings , to the different Necessities of that People . I hate admirations founded upon Tales , or established through the Error of false Judgments . There are so many realities to be admired amongst the Romans , that to be willing to advance 'em by Fables , is to do them wrong ; to be truly serviceable to their Memory , is to rescind all vain Commendations : In this design I am inclined to consider them by themselves , without any subjection to such and such opinions , which are not believed , and yet are kept up . It would be a tedious piece of business to give an exact account of every thing , but I shall not amuse my self about the particulars of actions ; I 'l be content with pursuing the Genius of some memorable times , and the different Spirit , wherewith Rome has been observed to be variously animated .

The Kings have had so little a share in the Grandeur of the Roman People , that they don't oblige me to very particular considerations : 'T is with reason that Historians have entituled their Reign the Infancy of Rome , for 't is certain that under them she has had but a very feeble motion . To be convinced of the little Action they were concerned in , it suffices to know that seven Kings at the end of Two Hundred , so many years , have not left behind them a Dominion much larger than that of Parma or Mantua : One single Battel now a days gain'd in very narrow places , would afford a greater extent of Land . As for those various and singular Talents which are ascribed to each of them by a mysterious Providence , there 's nothing of any more consideration , than what has happened to many Princes before ; 't is an extraordinary thing to find a Successor endowed with the same Qualities of his Predecessor : The one Ambitious and Active , thinks nothing of Value but War : Another , who naturally loves Repose , thinks the finest Policy in the World consists in keeping himself in Peace ; this makes Justice his principal Vertue , that Prince is Zealous after nothing , but the observance of Religion ; so that each pursues his own natural Disposition , and is delighted in the exercise of his Talent ; now to make a sort of a Miracle of so ordinary a thing , is it not very ridiculous ? But further , This Difference of Genius is so far distant from procuring any Advantage to the Roman People , that their small encrease under the Kings , in my Judgment , is to be imputed thereto ; certainly nothing can be a greater hindrance to a Progress than this difference of Genius , for it oftentimes is the occasion of quitting the real Interest , which is not understood , by a new Spirit , which would introduce something that one has a better notion of , but which for the most part is inconsistent with the foremention'd advantage .

Allowing you could come at all you intended by these new Institutions , yet it happens many times from the diversity of applications , that several things were fortunately enough begun , without arriving to a happy accomplishment .

The disposition of affairs was all of a piece under Romulus . In Numa's Reign nothing was performed , but the establishment of Priests , and Religious persons . Tu●lus Hostilius found it no easie Province to Convert men from a pleasant amusement , to the application of War ; this Discipline was hardly established , but that Ancu● appeared with inclinations to render the City commodious , and magni●icent .

The first Tarq●in , to give more Dignity to the Senate , and more of Majesty to the Government , invented Ornaments , and gave marks of Distinction .

The Principal Study of Servius , was to have an exact account of the estates of the Romans , and according to those , to divide them by Tribes , that so they might contribute with Justice and Proportion to the Publick Nece●●ities .

Tarquin the Proud , says Florus , was extreamly serviceable to his Countrey , when he gave occasion by his Tyranny to establish the Republick ; this is the Discourse of a Roman , who , although born in the Reign of Emperours , doth not think it ami●s to prefer Liberty to the Empire .

My Opinion is , that the Common-Wealth may be justly admired , without admiring the manner of its Constitution . But to return to these Kings , 't is certain that each had his particular Talent , but not one , a capacity large enough . Rome should have had some of those great Monarchs , that know how to embrace all things by the Advantage of a Universal Genius , and not to be under the necessity of borrowing from different Princes , the divers Institutions , which one might easily have composed , during his particular Life .

The Reign of Tarquin is as well known to the World , as the establishment of their Liberty . Pride , Cruelty , and Avarice , were his chiefest qualities , but he wanted dexterity to manage his Tyranny .

He had much of Injustice and Violence in him , his Designs ill contrived , and his measures ill taken . To define his conduct in a few words , he knew neither how to Govern according to the Laws , nor Reign against them : In a State so violent for the People , and dangerous for the Prince , there was nothing expected , but an opportunity for Liberty , when the death of the miserable Lucretia , presented one to their view .

This Vertuous Lady , so cruel to her self , could not Pardon her self for the Crime of another , she Stab'd her self with her own proper hands , after she had been ravish●d by Sextus , and commended the Revenge of her Honour to Brutus and Collatinus . 'T was then that this constraint of Humours , so long since pen'd up , made the first Rupture .

It is incredible how all people agreed to revenge the death of Lucretia ; the People , to whom the slightest matter relating thereunto served for a specious reason , were more incensed against Sextus for the Violence Lucretia offered her self , than if he had really himself been the Author of it ; and as it generally happens in Tragical events , by the mixture of Pity and Indignation , every one augmented the Horror of the Crime , by a Compassion for this Celebrated , but Unfortunate Vertue .

You may observe in Livy , the very least particulars of the concern and conduct of the Romans , an odd mixture of Fury and Wisdom , very ordinary in great Revolutions , where Violence produceth the same effect● , that Heroick Vertue doth when accompanied with Discipline ; 'T is certain that Brutus made an admirable use of the Dispositions of the People ; but to describe him well , is a Task of no mean difficulty . The Grandeur of a Republick admired by the whole World , occasions an admiration of the Founder thereof without an examination of his Actions .

Every thing that appears Extraordinary , appears Great if it be Successful ; as every thing which is Great , appears Foolish , when there 's a contrary Event . It were necessary to have lived in his time , and to have had some experience of his person , to be perfectly satisfied whether he Kill'd his Sons by a motion of Heroick Vertue , or the hardness of a Cruel and Unnatural Humour .

As for me , I 'm of Opinion that there 's much of his Conduct owing to Design : His profound Dissimulation under the Reign of Tarquin , as well as his industry to chase Collatinus from the Consulship , is to me matter of a convincing nature . It might very well be , that the Sentiments of Liberty made him forget those of Nature : It might also be that his own proper Security prevail'd with him above all things , that in this hard and melancholy choice of undoing himself , or undoing his Children , so urgent an Interest overcame in him the safety of his Family . Who knows if Ambition had not a share in this action ? Collatin ruined himself through a a natural affection for his Nephews ; Brutus rendred himself Master of the Publick by the Rigorous Punishment of his own Sons . That which may with assurance be affirmed is this , that there was something of Cruelty in his Nature , that was the Genius of the time ; a disposition as Savage as it is free , did then , and has very long since produced Vertues , that are not rightly apprehended .

CHAP. IV. Against the Opinion of Livy , upon the Imaginary War which he makes Alexander wage against the Romans .

I Admire to what degree might extend the Opinion , that Livy entertain'd of those ancient Romans , nor can I comprehend , how a person of such excellent sence , could search out an Idea off from his Subject to reason so falsely , upon the imaginary War , wherein he engages Alexander : He makes this Conquerour descend into Italy , with a small number of Forces he then had , when he was no more than a little King of Macedon . He ought to have recollected , that a simple General of the Carthaginians hath pass'd the Alpes with an Army of 80000 men .

And this doth not suffice , he affords as much capacity in War to Papirius Cursor , and to all the Consuls of that time , as to Alexander himself ▪ when to speak the Truth , they had but a very imperfect knowledge thereof : For the Romans at that time made no great Advantage of their Cavalry , their Horses were so little assistant to them , that they used to dismount in the very heat of the Engagement , and mount again to pursue their Foes , when defeated : 'T is certain that th● Romans made their Strength to consist in their Infantry , accounting the benefit , which might be received from the Horse , of little importance . The Legions particularly had in great misprision the Adversaries Horse , till the War of Pyrrhus , where the Thessalians gave 'em sufficient cause to change their Opinions : But the Cavalry of Hannibal occasion'd to them since , great Terror , and those Invincible Legions were for some time so horribly frighted , that they durst not appear upon the least Plain .

To return to the time of Papirius , one was hardly acquainted with the notion of Cavalry , there was no skill either in Posting or Encamping in any Order ; for they themselves acknowledge , that they learn't to form their Camp by the disposition of that of Pyrrhus , and before were used to Encamp always in Confusion : They were no less ignorant of Engines , and other works , necessary to form a considerable Siege ; which proceeded either from the slackness of Invention of a People , not at all Industrious , or else because their Armies were never of a long continuance , whereby there was no opportunity afforded Men , to bring things to Perfection . Rarely was one and the same Army observed to pass from the Conduct of one Consul , to that of another ; and yet more rarely was the Captain of the Legions continued in his Command , after the expiration of his Term ; which management was admirable , for the preservation of the Republick , but very much repugnant to the establishment of a good Army . To let you see that the cause of this , was the Jealousy of Liberty ; you may observe , that after the defeat of Thrasimene , at what time they were obliged to create a Dictator , Fabius had scarce stopt the Torrent of Hannibal by the Wisdom of his Conduct , but they put Consuls in his place : All things to be dreaded from the Fury of Hannibal , nothing to be fear'd from the moderation of Fabius ; and yet the apprehension of a remote Evil , carried them beyond the pre●sent Necessity .

It is most certain , that the two Consuls managed themselves with Prudence in this War , and ruined Hannibal insensibly , as they established the Common-Wealth , when by the same reason Terentius Varro supplied their room , Presumptuous and Ignorant , who gave Battel at Cannae , and lost it , and reduced the Romans to that extremity , that their Vertue , as extraordinary as it was , was not so much instrumental in their preservation , as the carelessness of Hannibal . There was another Inconvenience , which hindred the Conduct of the Armies from being always given to the most Experienced and Capable . The Two Consuls could not be Patricians , and the Patricians would not agree , that both should be of the Plebeian Order . For the Generality it happened , that the first which was nominated , was a person agreeable to the People , who owed his Preferment to Favour ; the other , whom they had a mind to choose for his Merit , was oftentimes excluded , either through the opposition of the People , if he was a Patrician , or by the Intreagues of the Senators , when he was not of their Rank . Amongst the Macedonians the contrary was observed , where the Captains and Soldiers stood together from their first establishment : They were like the Veterans of Philip , that I may so speak , renewed from time to time , and augmented by Alexander , as his occasions required . Here the Courage of the Cavalry equall'd the resolution of the Phalanx , which indeed might be preferr'd to the Legion , inasmuch as the Legions , in the War of Pyrrhus , were afraid to oppose some miserable Phalanxes of the Macedonians got together . Here they were equally expert in the War , relating to a Siege , or the Field . Never was Army concerned against so many Adversaries , or had seen so many different Climates . If so be the diversity of Countreys , wherein War is exercised , and the variety of Nations , which are brought under submission , can form our experience , how should the Romans enter in comparison with the Macedonians , a people that never went out of Italy , nor beheld other Foes than a few inconsiderable Neighbours of their Republick ? The Discipline was in reality great amongst them , but the Capacity of an indifferent nature . Even since the Common-Wealth was become more puissant , they have suffered the disgrace of being defeated , as often as they made War against experienc'd Captains ; Pyrrhus overcame them by the advantage of Conduct , which made Fabricius declare , that the Epirotes did not conquer the Romans , but that the Consul had been Vanquished by the King of the Epirotes .

In the first Carthaginian War , Regulus defeated the people of Carthage in Africk in so many Engagements , that they were already lookt upon as Tributaries to Rome . They were upon Conditions , which seemed insupportable , when Xantippus a Lacedaemonian , arrived with a Body of Auxiliaries . The Graecian a Man of Valour and Experience , informed himself of the Order and Discipline of the Carthaginians , together with the conduct of the Romans . Having fully instructed himself , he found both one and t'other very ignorant in War , and by his frequent discourse thereof amongst the Souldiers , the noise came to the very Senate of Carthage , in what little esteem this Lacedaemonian held their Foes . The Magistrates at length had the curiosity to give attention to him , where Xantippus , after he had given them a sense of their past omissions , encouraged them to put him at the head of their Troops , through a promise of Victory .

In a miserable State where all things are despair'd of , a Man is more easily perswaded rather to confide in another , than himself ; so those Suspicions fatal to the merit of Strangers , came to yield to the present Necessity , and the most powerful , urged with an apprehension of their ruine , abandoned themselves to the Conduct of Xantippus without Envy . I should make a History instead of alledging an Example , to extend my self any further ; it suffices to say , That Xantippus becoming the manager of affairs , altered extreamly the Carthaginian Army , and knew so well how to prevail over the Ignorance of the Romans , that he obtained one of the most entire Victories over them , that ever was won . The Carthaginians out of Danger , began to be ashamed of owing their Preservation to a Stranger , and returning to the perfidiousness of their Nature , they thought to extinguish their disgrace , by ridding themselves of him , who had rid them of the Romans : It is not well known , whether they put him to Death , or that he was so Fortunate as to escape ; but this is most assured , that through the absence of this person , the Romans most easily regain'd the Superiority they had over them before .

If you 'd repair to the second Punick War , you will observe , that the vast advantages , which Hannibal received from the Romans , proceeded from the capacity of the one , and the small ability of the other ; and in effect , when he would put a confidence in his Souldiers , he never said that his Enemies wanted Courage or Resolution , for they experienced the contrary often enough , but he assured them , that they were concerned with a people little dexterous in War .

It is with this Science , as with Arts and Politeness , it passes from one Nation to another , and Reigns at divers times , and in different places . Every one knows , that the Graecians enjoyed it to a high degree , Philip gained it from them , and all things arrived to their perfection under Alexander , when Alexander alone corrupted himself : It continued still with his Successors : Hannibal● brought it amongst t●e Carthaginians ; and for all the Vanity of the Romans , they have received it from him by the experience of their Defeats , their reflections upon their mistakes , and the observance of the Conduct of their Foes . You will be easily convinced of this , if you consider , that the Romans did not begin to make resistance against Hannibal in their utmost Bravery ; for the most Valiant Persons were lost in Battel . Then there was Arming of Slaves , and Armies composed of unexperienced Soldiers . The truth is this , that they were prejudicial to him only , when the Consuls became more expert , and that the Romans in general knew better how to make War .

CHAP. V. The Genius of the Romans at the time when Pyrrhus waged War against them .

IT is not my intention to enlarge my self here , upon the Wars of the Romans , I should then ramble from the Subject I have proposed to my self : but it seems to me , that to apprehend the Ge/nius of the times , one must consider in a people the different affairs , which they have been concerned in , and as those of War are without doubt the most remarkable , so 't is there Men ought to be particularly observant , seeing that the disposition of Tempers , and the good as well as the ill Qualities , appeared with the greatest Figures . At the beginning of the Common-wealth , the Roman people , as I have elsewhere said , had something of wildness in them ; afterwards this Humour turned into Austerity , and became a rigid Vertue , far remote from politeness or agreeableness , and repugnant to the very least appearance of Corruption . These were the manners of the Romans , when Pyrr●us pas●ed into Italy to relieve the Tarentines . The Science of War was but indifferent amongst them , that of other things was unknown . As for Arts , either they had none at all , or they were very gross ; there was a want of Invention , and they knew not wh●t belong'd to Industry : but there was a good Order , and a Discipline exactly observed , an admirable greatness of Courage , and more Integrity used with the Enemy , than commonly with the Citizen . Justice , Sincerity , and Innocence , were common Vertues ; Riches were already understo●d , and the use thereof amongst particulars prohibi●ed . The being Impartial went ev●n to Excess , every one making it a Duty to neglect their own affairs for the Service of the Publick , the Zeal of which did then supply the room of all other things .

After having spoken of these Vertues , its necessary to come to the Actions , which have made them known . A Prince is well esteem'd of , who by opposing Force to Force , employs nothing but open and lawful means to rid himself of a Formidable Enemy . But as if we were obliged to preserve those that are dispos'd to ruine us , to secure them from the Snares that are laid for them by others ; and to save them from a Domestick Treason , is the effect of an unparallell'd Generosity .

Behold one instance hereof in the time I am speaking of ; The Romans being defeated by Pyrrhus , and in a doubtful State , whether they should re-establish their affairs , or be constrained to yield , had in their power the loss of this Prince , and made the following use thereof .

A Physician , in whom Pyrrhus reposed a confidence , offered his Service to Fabricius , to Poyson his Master , provided he might have a reward proportionable to the importance of the action . Fabricius scared at the Horror of the Crime , forthwith with gives notice of it to the Senate , who detesting with the Consul , so unworthy an Action , sent to advise Pyrrhus to take care of his person , adding , that the Roman Peoples temper was , to overcome him by their proper Arms , and not to free themselves of an Enemy by the Treason of his own People .

Py●rhus , either sensible of the Obligation , or astonished at this greatness of Courage , was more desirous than ever to make a Peace ; and to dispose the Romans thereto with the greater easiness , he remitted 200 Prisoners without Ransom ; he sent Presents to the most considerable persons , to the Ladies also , and neglected nothing under a pretence of Gratitude , to bring Corruption amongst them . The Romans , who had not preserv'd Pyrrhus but by a perswasion of Vertue , would receive nothing that had the least Air of Acknowledgment . They sent to him an equal number of Prisoners , the Presents were refused by both Sexes , and all the Answer that he had , was , That they would never hearken to a Peace , till he was removed out of Italy .

Amongst an Infinite number of Vertuous things , that were practised at this time , the great and impartial Natures of Fabricius and Curius , who went to a voluntary Poverty , were admired amongst the rest . 'T would be a piece of Injustice not to allow them a great approbation ; notwithstanding 't is to be considered that it was more the general Quality of this time , than a Vertue peculiar to these two Men. And in effect since Riches were punished with Disgrace , and Poverty rewarded with Honour , it appears to me , that there was need of some Dexterity , to know well how to be Poor . By this means they raised themselves to the chiefest Employments of the Republick , where by the exercise of a great Power , they stood in greater want of Moderation than Patience . I cannot blame a Poverty that was Honoured through the World , it never wants any thing , but what our Interest , or Pleasure is concerned in . To profess the Truth , these sorts of Privations are of a delicious Nature , 't is affording the Mind an exquisite Relish of what the sense is Robb'd of .

But who knows if Fabricius did not follow his humour , there are some persons that are disorder'd upon a multitude and variety of Superfluities , who in repose would taste things Commodious and even Necessaries with Delight . In the mean time , those that have but a false knowledge of things , admire the appearance of moderation , when the exactness of Judgment would shew the small extent of a confined Spirit , or the little action of some negligent Soul . With those persons , to be content with little , is to rescind less of Pleasure than of Pain . Further , when it is not despicable to be Poor , we are in want of fewer necessaries to live in Poverty with Satisfaction , than to live magnificently with Riches . Can you imagine the Condition of a Religious person to be unhappy , when he is considered in his Order , and is of some repute in the World ? He makes a Vow of Poverty , which frees him from a Thousand Cares , and leaves him the desire of nothing that 's agreeable to his Profession and his Life . Those who live magnificently , for the most part are the real Poor , they contend for Money on all sides with Inquietude and Disorder , to maintain the Pleasures of others ; and whilst they expose their abundance , which strangers have more advantage of than they , in private consider their Necessity , with their Wives and Children , through the importunity of Tyrannizing Creditors , and the miserable State of their affairs , which they behold in a tendency to Ruine .

Let us return to our Romans , from whom we are insensibly stept aside . Admire who will , the Poverty of Fabricius , I commend his Prudence , and find him very much advised , to have had but one Salt-seller of Silver , to afford him the credit of chasing from the Senate , a man that had been twice Consul , a Triumpher , and Dictator , because in his person they observed something more , besides that it was the humour of the time , the real Interest was , to have no other than that of the Republick .

Men have established Society by a motion of particular Interest , imagining to live more pleasant and secure in Company , than they did in frights , when in solitudes ; seeing they find therein , not only an Advantage , but Glory and Authority , Can they better do , than devote themselves wholly to the Publick , from whence they attract considerably more ?

The Decij , who Sacrificed themselves for the good of a Society , whom they went to forsake , seem to me truly Enthusiastick ; but these people here , appear very rational in the Passion they had for a grateful Republick , which was at least as careful in their respect , as they could be in hers .

I represent Rome in this time as a true Community , where every one lets alone his Private good , to f●nd a better in that of the Body he belongs to ; this Temper subsists no where but in small Republicks : In great ones , all appearance of Poverty is contemned ; and ●tis much , when the extraordinary use of Riches is not there approved of . Had Fabricius lived in the Grandeur of the Republick , either he must have changed his Manners , or he had not been useful to his Countrey ; and if so be , the reputable Men of the latter time , had existed in that of Fabricius , either they had made their Integrity more rigid , or they would have been chased from the Senate as , corrupted Citizens .

After having spoken of the Romans , it is reasonable to touch a little of Pyrrhus , who comes in here naturally amongst such variety of things .

He was the most Expert Captain of his time , even in the opinion of Hannibal , who placed him immediately after Alexander , and before himself , as it seems to me , through modesty . He joined the curiousness of Negotiations , to the Science of War ; but withall , could never make a solid establishment for himself ; If he knew how to gain Battels , he failed in the issue of War ; if he drew people to his Alliance , he knew not how to maintain them there ; these two Noble Talents unseasonably employed , ruined the Work-manship of both .

When he had succeeded to his Wish in Fighting , his Thoughts were immediately bent to Treat ; and as if he had kept Intel●igence with his Enemys , he obstructed his own Progress . Had he known how to win the affections of a People , his first Thoughts would have been to have made them subject : From hence it came , that he lost his Friends without gaining his Enemies ; for the Conquered took the Spirit of the Victors , and refused the Peace that was offered them , and they not only withdrew their assistance , but considered how to get rid of an Allie , who shew'd the temper of a real Master .

A Procedure so extraordinary , ought in part to be ascribed to the nature of Pyrrhus , partly to the different Interests of his Ministers . There was amongst the rest , two Men near his Person , whose advice he generally followed , Cineas and Milon . Cineas being Eloquent , Ingenious , fit for and skill'd in Negotiations , insinuated the Thoughts of Peace , every time he Debated upon War ; and when the Ambitious Humour of Pyrrhus had transported him beyond his Reason ; he patiently expected Difficulties , when managing the first distasts of his Master , he presently turned his Inclinations to Peace , to the end of re entring upon his Talent , and putting the affairs in his own dispo●al .

Milon was a Man experienc'd in War , who brought back every thing to force , he forgot nothing to hinder Treaties ; or else to break them off , advised to overcome Impediments ; and if so be , there was no subduing Adversary Nations , by all means to reduce the Allies to Subjection . As far as one may guess , behold the Rules by which Pyrrhus governed , as well by others as himself : It may be said in his Favour , that he was concerned with Powerful Nations , that could better shift than he ; and again , that he won Battels by his Valour , that such a small and weak State as his , would not afford him the means to bring a long War to a Conclusion . In short , to look upon him through the qualities of his Person , and his Actions , he was an admirable Prince , who yields in no respect to any of the Ancients . To consider in general , the Success of his Designs , and the end of affairs , he will often appear to have been out of the way , and lose much of his reputation . To conclude , he possessed himself of Macedon , and was thence expell'd ; his beginnings in Italy were fortunate , from whence he was forc'd to retire ; he saw himself Master of Sicily , where he was not permitted to reside .

CHAP. VI. Of the First Carthaginian War .

THE War of Pyrrhus enlivened the Romans , and Inspired them with Thoughts , which they had not yet entertain'● ; to speak the Truth , they entred upon it very Rude and Presumptuous , with much Temerity and Ignorance ; but they had a great Courage to sustain it ; And as they found every thing new with so experienc'd an Enemy , they became without doubt , more industrious , ●and more enlightned than they were befo●● They found ou● a way to secure themselves from the Elephants , which had put the Legions in disorder at the first Engagement ; they learned to avoid the Plains , and search'd advantagious places against a Cavalry● which they had despised without Cause . They were at length instructed to form their Camp by that of Pyrrhus , after having admired the Order and Distinction of Troops , which encamp'd with them in Confusion . As for the things which relate purely to the Mind , although the Harangue of old Appi●● drove Cineas from Rome , yet the Eloquence of Cineas did not cease to please , and his dexterity was very agreeable .

The Presents that were offered , notwithstanding the Refusal , gave a Veneration for those that could make them ; and Curius , so much honoured for his Impartial Vertue , was still the more , when he shew'd them in his Triumph , Gold , Silver , Pictures , and Statues . 'T was then understood , that there were in other places things more excellent than in Italy .

Thus new Ideas , that I may so speak , made new Inolinations ; and the Roman people , taken with an unknown Magnificence , lost those old Opinions , where the habit of Poverty was no less concerned than Vertue .

Curiosity was excited in the Citizens , even their hearts began to feel with emotion , what the Eye had begun to see with pleasure ; and when their understandings were cleared , there appeared real desires for things abroad . Some particular persons did yet preserve the ancient continence , as it has happened since , and in the most corrupted time of the Republick ; but at length , there was a general desire of passing the Seas , to establish themselves in places where Pyrrhus knew how to find so much Wealth . Behold properly , from whence proceeds the first Carthaginian War ; the Succour given to the Tarentines was the pretext therof , the Conquest of Sicily the true Occasion .

After having said by what motives the Romans dispos'd themselves to this War , it is necessary , in few words , to shew what their Genius was at that time . Their principal Qualities in my Judgment , were Courage and Resolution .

To undertake things of the greatest difficulty , not to be frighted with any danger , not to be discourag'd with any loss . In all the rest the Carthaginians had over them a very great Superiority , whether through Industry or Experience at Sea , or else their Wealth , which afforded 'em the Traffick of the whole World , when the Romans , naturally poor enough , went to exhaust themselves in the War of Pyrrhus .

To speak the Truth , their Valour was instead of all things , a good Success encouraged them to the pursuit of a greater , and a contrary event did nothing but exasperate them the more . It happened directly otherwise in the Carthaginian affairs , who became careless in good Fortune , and easily dejected in Adversity . Besides the different nature of these two Nations , the different constitution of the Republicks contributed much thereto . Carthage was established upon Commerce , and Rome founded upon Armies . The first employed Strangers in their Wars , and Citizens in their Traffick : The other made themselves Citizens of the whole World , and of Citizens Soldiers : The Romans breath'd after nothing but War , even those that went not there , for having been formerly concerned , or else through the necessity of going one day .

At Carthage they always demanded Peace upon the first Inconvenience that was Threatned , as well to get rid of the Strangers , as to return to Trade . One may yet add this difference , That the Carthaginians have done nothing that 's great , but by the Valour of particular Persons ; where the Roman People has often re●established by their Constancy , what the Imprudence or Cowardise of their Generals had lost .

All these things considered , we need not be astonished at the Romans remaining Victorious , for they had the principal qualities , which render one People Master of another . As the Idea of Riches made the Romans desirous of subduing Sicily , so the Conquest of Sicily , made them desire to enjoy those Riches which they had got .

The Peace with the Carthaginians , after so rude a War , inspired a Spirit of Repose , and that Repose produced the Ta●t of Plea●ures : It was then the Romans introduced the first pieces of the Theater , and made a discovery of their first Magnificence . They began to have a curiosity for Shews , and an affection for Pleasures .

The Proceedings at Law , although Enemies to Joy , did not cease to encrease , every one having recourse to the Publick Justice , according as that of Particular persons corrupted .

Intemperance occasion'd new Distempers , and Physicians were established to cure the Maladys , from which Continence had formerly secured the Romans .

A●varic● caus'd some little Wars , weakness made great ones apprehended . If so be necessity obliged the undertaking of on● , it was begun with displeasure , and they were glad when it was ended .

They demanded Money from the Carth●gin●a●● , which they did not owe , when they were employed in the reduction of their Rebels ; and they used all the cautions in the World , not to break with them , when affairs were a little accommodated .

So that it was sometimes Injuries , sometimes Considerations , always Averseness or Fear ; and certainly one may say , that the Romans knew how to live neither as Friends nor Enemies : for they offended the Carthaginians , and suffered them to re-establish themselves , giving cause enough for a new War , where they apprehended above all things Ill Success .

A Conduct so uncertain , changed into a true Carelessness , and they let the Saguntines be destroyed with so much disgrace , that their Ambassadors were shamefully treated for it by the Spaniards and Gaul●s , after the ruine of this miserable People .

The contempt of Nations , wherewith they were Stung , drew them from this drowsiness , and the descent of Hannibal into Italy revived their ancient Vigour . They made War sometime with much Incapacity and a great Courage ; sometime with more Sufficiency , and less Resolution .

In fine , the lost Battel of Canne , made them find again their Vertue , and excited , to speak better , a new one , which extolled 'em yet above themselves .

CHAP. VII . Of the Second Punick War .

To see the Republick in all the extent of her Vertue , its necessary to consider her in the second War of Carthage . She has had before more of Austerity ; she has been found since with more of Grandeur ; never so true a desert : In other extremities wherein she has been engaged , her Security was owing to the Boldness , Valour , or Capacity of some particular Citizen . Perhaps without Brutus , there would have been no Common-Wealth . If Manlius had not defended the Capitol , if Camillus had not come to rescue it , the Romans hardly free , would have fallen under the Bondage of the Gauls .

But here the Roman People hath sustained the Roman People , here the Universal Genius of the Nation hath preserved the Nation , here good Order , Resolution , a general Conspiring for the Publick Good , have saved Rome when she was going to fall , by the Faults and Imprudences of her Generals .

After the Battel of Cannae , where any other State had yielded to her Ill Fortune , there was not a motion of weakness amongst the people , not a thought but tended to the good of the Common-Wealth . All Orders , all Ranks , all Conditions voluntarily exhausted their Abilities ; the Ramans gave up with Pleasure the most valuable things they had , and kept with regret what they were obliged to leave themselves for their bare use . To retain the least , was a point of Honour● to reserve the most in their Houses , a kind of disgrace . When they treated about creating Magistrates , the Youth for the most part Jealous of one another , consulted freely the Wisdom of the more Ancient , to give their Suffrages the most discreetly .

Old Soldiers coming to be wanted , Liberty was given to the Slaves to make new ones ; and these Slaves becoming Romans , were encouraged with the same Spirit of their Master to defend the same Liberty : But behold a greatness of Courage , which surpasses all other qualities , be they never so noble . It happens sometimes in an eminent danger , that persons of no remarkable Prudence , are ob●erved to take good resolutions ; it happens that the most concerned , contribute largely for the Publick Good , when by another Interest , they are afraid to ruine themselves with the Publick .

It may be , it never happened in the World , that people took an equal care both abroad and at home in such pres●ing extremities ; and I find nothing so admirable in the Romans , as to see them send their Troops into Sicily and Spain , with the same Care , as they did against Hannibal .

Overwhelmed with so many Losses , exhausted of Men and Money , they divided their last Supplies between the defence of Rome , and the preserving of their Conquests .

A People so Magnanimous , chose rather to Perish than Fail , and to be no more , was held as an indifferent thing , when there was no being Masters of others . Admitting Self-Preservation to be always advantagious , yet I reckon amongst the chief advantages of the Romans , the owing their Safety to their Constancy , and the greatness of their Courage .

This was yet a Felicity to them , to have changed their Genius since the War of Pyrrhus , to have quitted that extraordinary Impartiality , and that Ambitious Poverty which I have spoken of : otherwise there had not been found in Rome means to sustain it .

It was necessary that the Citizens had Ability , as well as Zeal , to assist the Common-wealth . If so be she had not relieved her Allies , she would have been abandoned by them . The Discourse of a Consul who thought to give Compassion to the Deputies of Capua , did but excite their Infidelity : The Senate much more Wise , took a quite different Conduct , sent Men and Provisions to the Allies , which stood in want thereof ; and of all the Succours which they of Naples came to offer , they accepted of nothing but Corn in Exchange for Silver .

But notwithstanding so much Resolution and true sense of things , there had been no more Republick of Rome , if so be Carthage had acted the least of those things to destroy it , which Rome did for her security .

Whilst Thanks were rendred to a Consul that had fled , for not having despaired of the Common-wealth , Victorious Hannibal was accused at Carthage . Hanno could not pardon him the Advantages of a War , which he had dissuaded ; and more Jealous of the Honour of his Opinions , than the good of the State , more an Enemy to the Carthaginian General , than the Romans , he forgot nothing that might obstruct the Successes that might be gained , or destroy those already obtained . Hanno had been taken for an Ally of the Roman people , who regarded Hannibal as the common Enemy . When the last sent to demand Men and Money to maintain the Army , What would he demand said Hanno , if he had lost the Battel ? No , no , My Lords , either 't is an Impostor , that amuses us by false News , or a Publick Thief , that appropriates to himself the Spoils of the Romans , and the advantages of the War . These Oppositions troubled at least the Succours , when they could not hinder their resolution . They executed slowly what had been resolved with pain . The Recruits at length prepared , remain'd a long time before their departure ; if he were upon a March , Orders were sent to make him halt in Spain , instead of encouraging him to pass into Italy . They arrived then very late , and when they came to join Hannibal , which was miraculous , Hannibal received them infirm , ruined , and out of season .

This General was almost continually destitute of Money and Provisions , red●ced to the Necessity of being Eternally Successful in War ; no Recruit at the first Ill Fortune , and much Confusion in good ones , where he ●ound not wherewith to entertain different Nations● who rather followed his Per●on , than depended on the Common-wealth .

To keep so many different people in order , he added to his natural Severity an Artificial Cruelty ; which made him formidable to some , whilst his Vertue gave him Veneration from others . To acknowl●dge the Truth , he used no great Violence in it to his Temper , but being naturally a little Cruel , he found himself in such a Condition , that was necessary for him to be so ; Yet his Interests sometimes diverted his Cruelty , and afforded him the use of Mercy ; for he knew how to be pleasant and tractable for the benefit of his Affairs , and Design always in him got the better of his Temper .

He made War upon the Roman●s with all ●orts of Severity , and treated their Con●ederates with much Civility , and Sweetness , contriving to destroy the first absolutely , and to d●s●engage the others from their A●●iance : A Procedure extreamly different from that of Pyrrhus , who kept all his Courtesies for the Romans , and his ill Entertainments for their Allies .

When I consider that Hannibal departed from Spain , where he had left nothing behind him well secured , that he cross●d the Countrey of the Ga●ls , whom they ought to have accounted Enemies , that he passed the Alpes to make War against the Romans , who came to drive the Carthaginians from Sicily .

When I consider , that he posses●ed in Italy , neither Places , Magazines , nor any certain Assistance , or hopes of Retreat , I am astonished at the boldness of his Design . But when I consider his Valour , and his Conduct , I admire none but Hannibal , and esteem him yet beyond the undertaking .

The French particularly admire the War of the Gauls , both for the reputation of Caesar , and because , it being done in their Countrey , it affects them with a more lively Idea , than other people . Notwithstanding , to judge thereof with exactness , it doth not approach to Hannibal's Actions in Italy . Had Caesar found amongst the Gauls , the Union and Bravery , which the other did amongst the Romans , he had obtained over them but small Conquests ; for it is to be acknowledged , that Hannibal met with very strange difficulties , without reckoning those he carried with him . The only advantage on which he could reasonably depend , was the goodness of his Troops , and his own Personal Courage .

It is certain , that the Romans had a great Superiority over the Carthaginians in the Sicilian War ; but the Peace having made them disband their Army , they insensibly lost their Vigour , whilst their Adversaries , employed in Spain and Affrick , made a practice of their Valour , and acquired Experience .

It was then with an old Body , that Hannibal came to attack Italy ; and with an old Reputation , more than old Troops , the Romans found themselves obliged to defend it .

As for the Roman Generals , they were persons of a great Courage , who thought to have injured the Glory of their Common-wealth , if they had not given Battel upon the first offer of the Enemy .

Hannibal made it his particular Study to know their Genius's , and observed nothing so much , as the humour and conduct of each Consul , that opposed him . It was by provoking the Fiery Temper of Sempronius , that he knew how to draw him to Fight , and gain the Battel of Trebia : The Defeat of Thrasimene is owing to a like Stratagem .

Knowing the haughty Spirit of Flaminius , be burned before his Eyes , the Villages of his Allies , and incited so opportunely , his natural Temerity , that the Consul not only took a resolution to Fight , at an unseasonable time , but he ungaged him in certain Straits , where he unhappily lost his Army , together with his Life . As Fabius had a contrary method of acting , so the conduct of Hannibal was different .

After the Fight of Thrasi●e●● , the Roman People created a Dictator , and a General of Horse . The Dictator was Quintus Fabius , a Man wise and slow , who placed the only hope of Safety in Cautions , from whence might proceed Security . In the posture things were in , he thought there was no difference between Fighting , and losing the Battel ; insomuch that he aimed at nothing , but to secure the Army , and omitting the hope of Conquest , he thought to act Prudently enough by preventing his being overcome .

Mar●us Minutius was the General of Hor●e , Violent , Ra●h , Vain in Discourse , equally Daring , through Ignorance , and through Courage : This person placed the Interest of the State in the reputation of Affairs , and imagined that the Republick could not sub●i●t , if so be she did not efface the discredit of pa●sed Defeats , by some Glorious Action : He was for Grandeur , when there was a necessity for Prudence ; for Glory , when Safety was questionable .

Hannibal foon apprehended these different humours , by the report that was made him , and his own Observations ; for he offered Battel to Fabius , many days successively , who was so far from accepting of it , that he would not permit a single man to stir out of his Camp .

Minutius on the contrary , took the Artificial Bravado's of the Enemy , for so many Affronts , and made the Dictator pass for a weak Man , or at least insensible of the disgrace of the Romans .

Hannibal advertised of this Discourse , endeavoured to augment the opinion of Fear and Weakness , which was attributed to Fabius . He burnt in his view , the most delightful Countrey of Italy , to draw him to the Fight , which he could not do ; or at least to disparage him , in which he did not want for Success . He made it even suspected , that there was Intelligence between them , preserving his Lands with great Care , in the general Desolation of the Countrey .

This is but one part of his Contrivances , Whilst he laboured to ruine the Reputation of Fabius , which gave him some disquiet , he forgot nothing , to encrease that of Minutius , in whom he wished the Command , or at least , a great power in the Army ; sometimes he made a seeming to observe him , when he shewed all manner of Contempt for the other : Some time after , being engaged in a small Skirmish with him , he retired first , and let him take a small Advantage , which encreas'd his Credit with the Romans ; and he prepared him to fall by an inconsiderate Considence : At length he knew how to employ so much Artifice , as to cry ● down the Dictator , and to make the General of the Horse esteemed ; insomuch that the Command was divided , and the Troops shared , which was never done before . You would say , that Rome acted by the Spirit of her Enemy ; for in Truth so extraordinary a Decree , was the pure effect of his Contrivance and Design .

Then was the Vanity of Minutius without bounds , he contemned with an equal Imprudence , Fabius and Hannibal , declaring nothing less , Than that he alone , would expell all Foreigners from Italy .

He would have a separate Camp , of which Hannibal was no sooner sensible , but he approached with his ; and without amusing my self , by describing the particulars of all actions , Minutius engaged in a Fight , where he was defeated .

This was the behaviour of Hannibal , during the Dictatorship of Fabius , and his Conduct was much after the same manner , towards the Consuls that gave the Battel of Cannae ; it is true , that there was no need of so delicate a Conduct . The Wisdom of Paulus , was less injurious to him than that of Fabius ; and the Presumptuous Ignorance of Terentius , hurl'd him head-long to his own ruine .

One will admire perhaps , that I extend my self so far upon an affair , which ends at the simple defeat of Minutius , and that I do but just mention that great and famous Battel of Cannae : But I rather aim at making known the Genius's , than to describe the Battels . And as Ingenious Men , are better pleas'd by considering Caesar in the War of Petreius and Afranius , than in Actions of his , which make the greatest shew : I have imagined , that one ought to consider Hannibal more curiously , in an affair of entire Conduct , than that great and fortunate Success , which the imprudence of Terentius gave him without much difficulty .

It is to be confessed notwithstanding , that never was Battel so entirely won● and that very day , that I may so speak , had been the Romans last , if Hannibal had not chose rather to enjoy the Pleasures of the Victory , than to pursue the Advantages thereof .

He that made others guilty of so many mistakes , is here sensible of the weakness of Human Nature , and cannot hinder himself from failing : He shewed himself Invincible in the greatest Difficulties , but could not resist the sweetness of his good Fortune , and let himself yield to ea●se , when a little Action , would fix him in a state of Repose all his life .

If you enquire the reason of it ; 't is that every thing hath Bounds in Man , Patience , Courage , Resolution is worn out in us .

Hannibal could endure no more , because he had endured too much , and his consummated Vertue finds it sel● without assistance in the midst of Victory .

The remembrance of past difficulties , gave him a prospect of new ones ; his Spirit , which ought to have been full of Confidence , and almost Assurance , turns it self to a fear of the Future : He considers , when he should be bold ; he Consults , when he should be Active ; he gives reasons for the Romans , when he ought to have put his own in Execution .

As the Faults of great Men have always apparent Subjects , so Hannibal did not cease to represent to himself very specious Reasons .

That his Army , Invincible in the Field , was by no means fit for Sieges ; his Infantry not good , no Engines , no Money , no certain Subsistence : That by the same defect he had Attacked Spolete to no purpose , after the success of Trasimene , as Victorious as he was ; that a little before the Battel of Cannae , he had been constrained to raise the Siege of a Town , without Name or Forces ; that to Besiege Rome , furnished with all things , was to loose the Reputation he went to gain , and to destroy an Army , which alone made him to be considered ; that he ought to let the Romans , shut up within their Walls , fall insensibly of themselves ; and in the mean time to go and establish himself near the Sea , where he might receive Recruits from Carthage with conveniency , and where it would be easy to settle the most considerable power of Italy . Behold the Reasons , which Hannibal accommodated to the disposition he found himself in , and which he had not tasted in his first heats .

In vain did Maharbal promise him to Sup in the Capitol , his Reflections , which had nothing but the Air of Wisdom , and a false Reason , made him reject , as unadvised , a confidence so well established . He had pursued Violent Counsels , to begin a War with the Romans , and he is kept back by a false Circumspection , when he finds a time to make an end of all .

It is certain , that Spirits too delicate , such as Hannibals was , make difficulties in Undertakings , and stop themselves by the Obstacles , which proceed more from Imagination , than the thing it self .

There is one point in the declining of States , where their ruine would be unavoidable , if so be one knew the easiness of d●stroying them ; but for want of a Sight pure enough , or a sufficient Courage , we are content with a little , when we might do more , making either the meanness of Spirit , or the want of Greatness in the Soul , pass for Prudence . In these conjunctures , a Man is not the Instrument of his own Security , an old reputation maintains you in the imagination of your Enemies , when the real Forces abandon you .

Thus Hannibal puts in his view , a power which is no more : He entertains an Idea of dead Soldiers , and dissipated Legions , as if he were to Fight and Defeat , what he has already defeated .

And certainly the Confusion had not been less at Rome after the Battel of Cannae , than it was heretofore after that of Allia ; but instead of approaching a City where he had carried a Consternation , he removed at a distance from it , as if he had a mind to hearten it , and give the Magistrates leisure to provide for all things at their ease : He took their part who advised to attack the Allies , who would have fallen with Rome , and sustained themselves by her with more easiness , than she sustained her self .

Behold the first and great omission of Hannibal , which was also the first refuge of the Romans : The Amazement passed , their Courage encreased , as their Forces grew less ; and the Carthaginians lost their Vigour , as their power encreased .

If so be one would enquire the caus● of all their misfortunes , there may be found two Essential ones ; The Carelessness of Carthage , which let good Successes fall to nothing , for want of Relief , whilst Rome made use of all things to repair the bad ; and Hannibals inconsiderate desire , to put an end to his Labours , before he had ended the War .

After having tasted Repose , he was not long before he was inclined to taste delights , and he was the more easily charmed therewith , inasmuch as they were always unknown to him .

A Man that knows how to mingle Pleasures with Business , is never possessed of them ; he quits them , and re takes them at his Pleasure ; and in the habit , which he has made of them , he rather finds a weariness of Spirit , than a dangerous Charm that might corrupt him .

It is not so with these Austere per●ons , who by an Alteration of Temper come to taste of Voluptuousness , they are immediately enchanted with its sweetness , and have nothing but an aversion for the Austerity of their past life , Nature being in them wearied with Inconveniencies and Pains , abandons it self to the first delights it meets with : Then what had appeared Vertuous , presents it self with a rude and difficult Air ; and the Soul , which imagines it self to be undeceived of an old Error , pleases it self with its new affection for things agreeable .

'T is this that properly arrived to Hannibal and his Army , which did not cease to imitate him in Remissness , when it had done it so well in Fatigues .

There was nothing then but Baths , Festivals , Inclinations and Passions ; there was no more Discipline , neither by him that ought to have given Orders , nor in those that should have put them in Execution . When he was to go into the Field , Glory and Interest excited Hannibal , who took again his former Vigou● , and found himself , but he found no more the same Army ; there was nothing else but softness and carelessness ; if they were to endure the least necessity , they bewailed the abundance of Capua .

They thought upon Mistresses , when they were to meet the Enemy ; they languished with the tenderness of Love , when there was need of action and fierceness for Battel .

Hannibal forgot nothing that might excite their Courage , sometimes by the remembrance of a Valour which they had lost , sometimes by the shame of Reproaches , which they were insensible of .

In the mean while the Roman Generals became every day more expert . The Legions had an advantage over corrupted Troops ; and there arrived from Carthage , no assistance which might encourage so languishing an Army . But the more resolution Hannibal found amongst the Enemies , the less Service he received from his own , and the more he took upon himself . It is not credible with what Valour he maintain'd himself in Italy , from whence the Romans did not make him depart , but by obliging the Carthaginians to recall him : These being defeated and chased from Spain , beaten and undone in Affrick , had recourse to their Hannibal for their last refuge . He obeyed the Orders of his Countrey with the same submission , that the least Citizen could have done : And he was no sooner Arrived , but he found affairs in a desperate posture .

Scipio , who had seen the Calamities of his Republick under unfortunate Generals , commanded then the Army , in the Prosperity which he had brought .

As for Hannibal , he had nothing but the memory of his good Fortune , which he had ill used ; but he was not in the least wanting to support the bad . The first naturally assured , and by the present happiness of his affairs , was at the head of an Army , which doubted not of Victory ; the second encreas'd his natural distrust by the miserable condition ●e saw his Countrey in , and by the ill opinion he conceived of his Souldiers .

These different scituations of Spirit , made Peace to be offered , and rejected ; after which , every ones Thoughts were upon Battel .

The day that it was given , Hannibal surpassed himself , whether by taking his Advantages , disposing his Army , or giving Orders in the Fight ; but at length the Genius of Rome carried it from that of Carthage , and the defeat of the Carthagi●ian● yielded the Empire for ever to the Romans .

As for the General , he was admired by Scipio , who in the midst of his Glory , seemed to envy the Capacity of the Conquered ; and the Conquered , whose humour was remote enough from vain Oftentations , thought always to have some Superiority in the Science of War : For discoursing one day with Scipio of the Great Captains , he put Alexander first , Pyrrhus second , and himself the third ; to which Scipio coldly answered , if you had Conquered me , said he , in what rank would you have placed your self ? The first of all , replied Hannibal . 'T is certain , that he had an admirable Capacity in War , and those Illustrious Conquerors , who have left so great a Name to Posterity , came not near his Industry , both in bringing together , and maintaining Armys .

Alexander pass'd into Asia with Macedonians that would obey their King ; if he had but little Money and Provisions , the Battels which he obtain'd , put him in the abundance of all things : A City taken or surrendred , afforded him the Treasures of Darius , who became necessitous in his own Countrey , as Alexander possessed the Riches thereof .

Scipio , whom I was speaking of , made War in Spain and Affrick , with Legions which the Republick had levi●d and maintained .

Caesar had the same Conveniencies for the Conquest of the Gauls , and made use of the Forces and Money of the Common-wealth , even to bring them in Subjection .

As for our Hannibal , he joined to a little body of Carthaginians , several Nations , which he knew how to link together by himself ; and by whom he could make himself be obeyed in a continual neces●ity of Provisions and Money . That which is yet more extraordinary , Victories made him not the easier , he was almost as much straitned after the gaining of them , as before .

But if he had Talents which the others had not , so was he guilty of a fault , which in probability they would not have committed .

Alexander was so far from leaving things imperfect , that he always went beyond , when they were compleated .

He was not satisfied with subduing the great Empire of Darius , even to the least Province ; his Ambition carried him to the Indies , when he might have united his Glory and Repose , ( which is extraordinary ) and have had a peaceable enjoyment of his Conquests .

Scipio did not think of ease before he had reduced Carthage , and established in Affrick the affairs of the Romans .

And one of the great Commendations which is given to Caesar , is , That he thought nothing was done , while there remained any thing to do .

Lucan . Nil actum reputans , si quid superesset agendum .

When I think upon the fault of Hannibal , it comes presently into my mind , that the importance of a good resolution in great affairs is not enough considered .

To go to Rome after the Battel of Cannae , makes the destruction of this City , and the grandeur of Carthage ; not to go , produceth with time the ruine of the Carthaginians , and the Empire of the Romans .

I have seen a resolution taken which would have occasioned the loss of a great State , if so be it had been pursued . I have seen a contrary taken the same day , by a happy Change , which was its security : but it gave less reputation to the Author of so good advice , than the defeat of Five Hundred Horse , or the taking an inconsiderable City would have done .

These last events strike the eyes or imagination of all the World : Judgment is hardly admired by any , because 't is known but by the reflections which few people know how to make . Let us return to our Hannibal .

If the Trade of War , for all the shew it makes , merited only Consideration , I don't see one amongst the Ancients , which might reasonably be preferred before him : but he that knows it best , is not necessarily the greatest Man .

The Beauty of Genius , Greatness of Soul , Magnanimity , the being disinteressed , Justice , a Capacity universally extensive , make the better part of the Merit of these Great Men.

To know simply how to Slaughter Men , to be more understood than others in rooting out Society , and destroying Nature , is to excell in a very fatal Science .

The application of this Science ought to be Just , or at least Honourable ; it should turn to the good of those whom it has subdued , if possible ; always to the Interest of ones Countrey , or the necessity of a private advantage . When it becomes the employment of Fancy , it serves for Irregularity and Fury ; when its end is to prejudice all the World , then that Glory which is ascribed to it , ought to be taken away , and it render'd as Shameful , as it is Unjust .

But it is certain , That Hannibal had but few Vertues , and many Vices ; Infidelity , Covetousness , a Cruelty oftentimes necessary , always natural . However , people judge for the most part by the Success , whatsoever is the opinion of the wiser sort ; allowing we had all the good Conduct that is possible , if so be the event is not successful , ill Fortune is instead of a Fault , and is justified but with a very few persons .

So that Hannibal has made War better than the Romans ; that these are become Victorious by the good Order of the Republick , and that he was undone by the ill Government of his own ; this is the consideration of a few persons .

That he was defeated by Scipio , and that the ruine of Carthage was the consequence of his defeat , is a thing fully known , from whence is framed the universal Opinion of all Men.

CHAP. VIII . Upon the end of the Second War of Carthage .

UPON the end of so great and so long a War , there was formed a certain particular Spirit unknown till then in the Common-Wealth .

Not but that there was often Seditions , The Senate was more than once inclined to the Oppression of the People , and the People was inclined to much Violence against the Senate . But men had acted in these Occasions by a publick Sentiment , regarding the power of one as a Tyranny which ruined Freedom , and the Liberty of t'other as an irregularity which confounded all things . Here men begin to respect themselves less in Publick than in particular ; the Bonds of Society , which had been found so agreeable , seemed then to be troublesom Chains , and every one out of conceit with the Laws , had a mind to re-enter into the first right of disposing himself , to go to his own choice , and to follow in this choice by the Light of his own Spirit , the motions of his Will.

As the disgust of Subjection had been the occasion of casting out the Kings , and dispose the People to the establishment of Liberty , so the disgust of this same Liberty which had been found troublesom to sustain , disposed the Spirits to particular Passions .

The Love of the Countrey , the Zeal of the Publick good were exhausted in the midst of the War against Hannibal , where the affection and vertue of the Citizens had been beyond the expectation of the Republick . Men had given their Estates and Blood for the Publick , which was not yet in a State to give any Comfort to Private men .

The hardness even of the Senate had encreas'd that of the Laws in some occasions , and the rigour which had been used to the Prisoners of the Battel of Cannae , had touched the whole World : but people had sussered patiently , at a time when they thought to have endured all things by a common Interest . So soon as they had less to Fear , they thought the necessity of Suffering was at an end , and every one having lost their being tractable and patient , before the conclusion of their misfortunes , they supported with Pain , what they imagined to endure without necessity , by the sole pleasure of the Magistrates .

'T was thus properly that the first disgusts were framed , from whence it came to pass , that Men return'd from the Republick to themselves , sought new engagements in Society , and preferr'd amongst themselves the choice of Subjects , which deserved their affections .

In this Disposition of Minds , Scipio presented himself to the Romans , with all the Qualities that might acquire the Esteem and Favour of Men.

He was of a Great Birth , and in him was equally discern'd Goodness , and the Beauty of an excellent Nature . He had an admirable greatness of Courage ; a humour sweet and bountiful ; a Spirit earnest in Publick to inspire his Resolution and Confidence , polite and agreeable in particular conversations , for the Pleasure of Friendship most refined ; a lofty Soul but regulated , more sensible of Glory than Ambitious of Power , seeking less to distinguish himself by Authority , or the splendor of Fortune , than by the difficulties of his Undertakings , and the merit of his Actions .

Add to so many things , that Happy Successes always answered to high designs ; and to leave nothing that 's desirable , he perswaded the People , That he enterprised nothing without Advice , and never acted without the Assistance of the Gods .

It is not strange , that such a Man as I describe , should draw to him inclinations which they had a mind to give , and disengage Spirits from a Republick , which they had already some disgust for : So that the Will of a Person so Vertuous , was preferred before Laws , which perhaps were not so equitable .

As for Scipio , he used all sorts of Humanity and Courtesy ; and quitting the antient Severity of Discipline , he commanded Troops with Sweetness , that obeyed with Affection .

Besides , never had a Roman General so much Capacity , nor so well managed ; never were Legions so desirous to do well ; never was Common-wealth so well served , but by a different Spirit from that of the Common-wealth .

●abius and Cato were sensible of this evil , and forgot nothing that might administer a Remedy . In truth , they mixed therewith the sowrness of their Passions ; and the envy they bore to this Great Man , had as great a share in their oppositions , as the Jealousy of Liberty . That which is extraordinary , is , that the Corruptor remained a person of Credit amongst those whom he Corrupted , and acted more nobly than those who opposed the Corruption .

Indeed he made all things subservient to the Common-wealth , from which he took others off , and had no Crime but serving it with the same qualities , wherewith he might have ruined it .

I acknowledge , That in the Maximes of so Jealous a Government , some Alarm might be reasonably taken .

A Soul so elevated , is thought incapable of Moderation ; a desire of Glory so passionate , hardly distinguisheth it self from Ambition , which aspires to Power . A confidence so uncommon , is not remote from undertakings so extraordinary . In a word , the Vertues of Heroes are suspected in Citizens ; I dare even affirm , that this Opinion of Commerce with the Gods , so advantagious to Legislators for the foundation of States , seemed of a perilous consequence in a private person for an established Common-wealth .

Scipio then was unfortunate , in giving appearances contrary to his intentions : which served as a pretence for the malice of his Rivals , as a ground for the caution of alarmed persons .

Behold immediately a Man of Reputation suspected , and a little after an Innocent accused : He could answer and justify himself ; but there is an Heroick Innocence as well as a Courage , if one may be allowed to say so : he neglected those forms , where the ordinary Innocents are subjected , instead of answering his Accusers ; and he render'd the Gods Thanks for his Victories , when they demanded of him an Account of his Actions . All the People followed him to the Capitol , to the shame of those that prosecuted him . And to justify better the sincerity of his Designs , and the pureness of his Vertue , he gave up his resentments to the Publick , choosing rather to live at a distance from Rome , through the ingratitude of some Citizens , than to render himself the Master of it through the injustice of an Usurpation . So many Noble Qualities have obliged Livy to make his Heroe of so great a Man , and to give him a curious preference over the rest of the Romans .

If there have been those that have obtained more Battels , and taken a greater number of Cities , they have not defeated Hannibal , nor reduced Carthage : if they have known how to command others as well as he , they have not known how to Command themselves , and to enjoy themselves equally in the hurry of Business , and the Repose of a Private Life .

I will not dispute whether he was the Greatest , but if I dare affirm what Livy hath but insinuated , to take him all together , he was the most deserving Person . He had the Vertue of the Ancient Romans , but cultivated and polished ; he had the knowledge and capacity of the last , without any mixture of Corruption . It is to be acknowledged notwithstanding , that his Actions were more advantagious to the Common-wealth , than his Vertues . The Roman People had too deep a taste of his Vertues , and disengaged themselves from the Obligations of their Duty , to follow the engagements of their Will.

The Humanity of Scipio , did not cease to produce unhappy effects with time . It taught the Generals how to make themselves beloved , and as things always degenerate , an agreeable command was followed by an unworthy complaisance ; and when Vertues wanted to gain esteem and friendship , they employed all the means that might corrupt . See the miserable effects of this particular Spirit , Noble and Glorious in its beginning , but which since produced the Ambitious and the Covetous , the Corrupters and the Corrupted .

This first disrelishing of the Republick , had notwithstanding so much of Honesty , that people disengaged themselves from the Love of the Laws , on purpose to settle their affections on Vertuous persons .

The Romans came to consider their Laws , as the sentiments of the old Legislators , who ought not to Rule their Age ; and those of Scipio were lookt upon as living and animated Laws .

As for Scipio , he turned to the Service of the Publick , all that consideration which they had for his Person ; but desiring to sweeten the austerity of Duty by the Charm of Glory , he was perhaps a little more sensible therein than he ought , and at Rome particularly , where all the Citizens appeared Criminals , when they attracted too favourable an esteem .

This new Genius which succeeded to the Publick Good , encouraged the Romans long enough to great things , and the Spirits dispos'd themselves thereto with something of Life and Industry , which they had not before : for the Love of our Countrey makes us abandon our Fortune , and even our Lives for its Security ; but the ambition and desire of Glory much more excite our Industry , than this first Passion always delicate and noble , but rarely cunning and ingenious .

'T is to this Genius that is owing the defeat of Hannibal , and the ruine of Carthage , the fall of Antiochus , and the Conquest or subjection of all the Greeks : from whence one may say with reason , that it was advantagio●s to the Common-wealth for its Grandeur , but prejudicial for its Liberty .

At length they were as much out of humour with that , as they were with the love of the Republick ; that esteem , that inclination so Noble for Men of Vertue , seemed ridiculous to those that would consider nothing but themselves . Honour began to pass for a Chimera , Glory for a meer Vanity , and every one rendred himself basely Interessed , imagining to become judiciously solid .

But the Genius of Interest , which took place to that of Honour , acted differently amongst the Romans , according to the diversity of Tempers .

Those that possessed any thing of Greatness , would acquire Power ; Inferiour Souls contented themselves by heaping up Riches all manner of ways .

As they did not fall quite of a sudden to an entire corruption , so there was a passage from Honour to Interest , where both one and t'other subsisted in the Republick , but with different respects . There was something of Honesty in some particular things , and Infamy in others .

The Tempers were corrupted in Rome , in affairs that related to the Citizens . Integrity became every day more rare ; Justice was hardly known any more , the desire of becoming Rich the predominant Passion , and the considerable per●ons applied their Industry in appropriating to themselves what did not belong to them .

But still there was a Dignity in what related to Strangers ; and the most depraved within shewed themselves Jealous of the Glory of the Roman Name abroad .

Nothing was more unjust than the Judgments of the Senators , nothing so filthy as their Avarice ; in the mean time the Senate applied themselves with niceness to the preservation of their Dignity , and never were they more careful of hindring the Majesty of the Roman People from being violated .

This Senate , in other things so much given to Interest , and so corrupted with their Citizens , had as elevated Thoughts , as Scipio could have , when they were concerned with Enemies . In the time of a great corruption , they could not dispence with the shameful Treaty of Mancinus with the Numantines ; and this miserable Consul was obliged to go and deliver up himself into their hands , with all manner of Disgrace .

Gracchus , who had some share in the Peace , being Quaestour in the Army of Mancinus , made a useless endeavour to sustain it ; his Credit was of no Service , and his Eloquence was vainly employed . As there has happened through Gracchus , one of the most important affairs of the Common-wealth , and perhaps the rise of all those that have since disturbed it , it will not be amiss to describe him to you .

He was a person very considerable by his Authority , by the Advantages of his Body , and the Qualities of his Mind ; of a Genius opposite to that of the Great Scipio , from whom his Mother Cornelia came ; more Ambitious of Power , than Animated through a desire of Glory , unless it were that of Eloquence , necessary at Rome to get a Reputation . He had a great and lofty Soul ; more fit notwithstanding to embrace Novelties , and to recall past affairs , than solidly to pursue those established . His Integrity could not suffer any Interest of Money for himself : it is true that he did not procure that of others , without mingling therein the consideration of some design ; yet the Love of good things was natural enough to him , the hatred of bad ones yet more . He had a Compassion for the Oppressed , more Animosity against the Oppressors : insomuch that his Passion prevailing over his Vertue , he insensibly abhorr'd the Persons , more than the Crimes .

Several great Qualities made him admired amongst the Romans : he had not one in that exactness where it ought to have been . His Engagements carried him farther than he thought , his Firmness turn'd into something of obstinate ; and those Vertues which might have been useful to the Republick , became so many advantagious Talents for Factions .

I see neither curiousness nor moderation in the Judgments , that have been left of him .

Those that have held the Party of the Senate , have made him pass for a Furious person ; the Partisans of the People , for a true Protector of Liberty . It seems to me that he aimed at goodness , and that he naturally hated all manner of Injustice ; but opposition put these good motions in disorder : A thing contested , incensing him against those that made resistance , made him pursue by his Spirit of Faction , what he had begun by a Sentiment of Vertue .

Behold , in my Opinion , what was the Genius of Gracchus , who stirr'd up the People against the Senate . It s necessary to see what disposition the People was in .

After having rendred great Services to the State , the People found themselves exposed to the Oppression of the Rich , and particularly to that of the Senators , who by Authority , or other wicked methods , robb'd the Commons of their small Possessions . Continual Injuries then had alienated the Spirits of the Multitude , but without conceiving , as yet , any Ill intentions ; they suffered with Grief a Tyranny , and more Miserable , than Seditious , they expected , more than they sought after , a Deliverance from an unfortunate Condition .

I thought it necessary , to describe the Senate , Gracchus , and the People , before I entred into that violent agitation , which the Common-wealth was sensible of .

One will conceive then the Senate unjust , corrupted , but concealing the Infamys within , by some Dignity to the affairs abroad : One will have the Idea of Gracchus , as a person that had great Talents , but fitter to ruine altogether a corrupted Common-wealth , than to re-establish it in its purity by a wise Reformation . As for the People , they were not disaffected , but they could not tell how to live in their Misery , nor how to employ themselves after the loss of their Possessions .

CHAP. IX . Of Augustus , his Government , and his Genius .

I Will not treat of the Beginnings of the Life of Augustus , they were too Tragical : I pretend to consider him since his Arrival to the Empire . And in my Opinion , never did Government deserve more particular observations , than his .

After the Tyranny of the Triumvirate , and the Desolation that the Civil War occasioned , he had a mind at length to Govern by Reason , a People subjected by Force , and disgusted by a Violence , which perhaps the Necessity of things had obliged him to : He knew how to establish a happy subjection , farther distant from Slavery , than the ancient Liberty .

Augustus was not one of those , who fixt the Beauty of Command , in the Rigour of Obedience ; who reap no Pleasure from the Service which is done them , but by the Necessity which they impose for it .

This fineness of Government hath been a point of Nicety under some of the Emperours , that Subjects were not permitted to seem willing to bear that , which they were willing to impose on them . A Disgrace that was received without Pain , a Banishment whereto one agreed with facility , a Submission easy in every thing , caused the disgust of the Prince ; to Obey at his Pleasure , it was necessary to Obey in spight of himself ; but it was also requisite to be very exact , when they seem'd dissatisfied ; for he that did so , and made a shew of it , excited Malice and Anger , so that the poor Romans knew not where to find a Medium too nice , between two dangerous things .

Augustus had a contrary Judgment ; he supposed that to dispose Men with ease , it was proper to gain their Minds , before he exacted Duties ; and he was so successful in perswading them of the usefulness of his Orders , that they thought less upon the Obligation they were under to follow them , than upon the advantage , that they found therein . One of the greatest Cares that he ever had , was to make the Romans taste the Happiness of Government , and to make the Power , as far as he could , insensible to them . He rejected the very Names that he thought might be displeasing , and above all things the quality of Dictator , detested in Scylla , and even odious in Caesar.

The most part of those that raise themselves up , take new Titles to Authorize a new Power ; he was for hiding a new Power under usual Names , and ordinary Dignities .

He made himself called Emperour , from time to time , to preserve his Authority over the Legions ; he made himself to be created Tribune , to manage the People ; Prince of the Senate , to govern them ; but when he re-united in his person , so many different Powers , he also charged himself with divers Cares ; and he really became the Servant of the Armies , People , and Senate , when he rendred himself Master thereof : yet he made use of his Power , only to take away the Confusion , that was slipt into all things . He re-united the People in their Rights , and retrenched nothing but Factions at the Election of Magistrates : He restored to the Senate their Ancient Splendour , after having banished Corruption ; for he contented himself with a moderate Power , which did not afford him the Liberty of doing ill ; but would have it absolute , when he treated of imposing upon others the necessity of doing well .

So that the People were not less free , but to be less Seditious ; the Senate was not less powerful , but upon the account of being less unjust : Liberty lost nothing but the misfortunes which it might occasion , nothing of the Happiness it might produce .

After having established so good an Order , he found himself agitated by different Thoughts , and considered a long time with himself , whether he ought to keep the Empire , or restore the People to their first Liberty . The examples of Scylla and Caesar , notwithstanding their difference , made an equal impression in favour of the last Opinion . He considered that Scylla , who had voluntarily quitted the Dictatorship , dyed peaceably in the midst of his Enemies : and that Caesar , for having kept it , was Assassinated by his most intimate Friends , who made an Ostentation of it .

Struggling with so troublesom an uncertainty , he discovered the disorder of his Soul to his two principal Friends , Agrippa and Mecenas . Agrippa , who gained him the Empire by his Valour , advised him by moderation to lay it down ; unless it were perhaps , that he had more concealed ends : And to shew himself a greater Warriour , than Augustus was , he expected the chief Employments of the Common-wealth , when it should be re-established . As for Mecenas who had no share in the Victories , he Counselled him to retain what they had given him .

It was not without making enter into his Reasons , the consideration of the Publick , which could not be sustained , said he , without Augustus : But allowing it might be so in some measure , he followed in effect his inclination for the Person of the Prince , and his own proper Interest .

Mecenas was a person of Esteem , of those notwithstanding that are complaisant , tender , more sensible of the agreements of Life , than of those solid Vertues , which were esteemed in the Common-wealth . He was Ingenious , but given to his Pleasures , apprehending all things with much clearness , and judging thereof with solidity ; but more capable of advising , than acting : So that finding himself weak , unactive , and purely for the Cabinet , he hoped from his nicety with a Nice Emperour , what he could not expect from the Roman People ; where he must have raised himself by his own proper means , and acted briskly by himself .

To return from the persons to the thing , the Empire was retained by his Advice , and the resolution of keeping it being taken , Augustus did not cease to offer to lay it down to the Senate .

Some were affected therewith as a great moderation , many acknowledged the simple Honesty of the Offer : But all truly agreed in this point , to refuse the ancient Liberty .

You would have said , that there was a contest of Civilities , which concluded in a common Satisfaction : For Augustus governed the Empire by the Senate , and the Senate did not govern it self , but by Augustus .

A Government so ordered was pleasing to all the World , and the Prince followed no less his Interest therein , than his moderate Temper ; for at length one passes with much ado from Liberty to Subjection , and he might esteem himself happy to command , insome fashion , a Free People .

Moreover , the fatal example of Caesar , had perhaps obliged him to take different ways , to avoid the same end .

The Great Iulius Born , that I may so speak , in a Faction opposed to the Senate , had always a secret desire of oppressing the same ; and having found it contrary to his Designs in the Civil War , he took a new aversion for the Body , although he had much Sweetness and Clemency for the Senators in particular . After his return to Rome , as he saw himself assured of the People and the Legions , he made but a small reckoning of the Senate , and even treated it insolently upon some occasions ; so difficult is it in the most reserved , not to forget themselves in a great Fortune .

But it is certain that this proud Contempt , incensed a great many persons , and produced , or at least advanced , the Conspiracy that ruined him .

Augustus , one of the wariest Princes of the World , did not omit the benefit of an observation so necessary , and scarce was he Possessed of the Empire by the Legions , but he thought to govern it by the Senate .

He knew the Violence of the Soldiers , and the Tumultuousness of the People , both one and t'other appearing to him , more fit to be employed in a present occasion , than easy to be managed , when it is over .

He had a mind then to found the Government upon the Senate , as upon the Body the best ordered , and most capable of Wisdom and Justice ; but at the same time he assured himself of the Legions and the People , by Donatives and Acts of Grace . So the whole World was contented , as I have said , and Augustus found in his moderation , the safety of his Person , and his Power . In which , certainly he had an extraordinary Happiness , imagining nothing so desirable in Life , as to be able honestly to pursue his Inclination and his Interest .

I will not excuse his Beginnings , but I make no question , but that in the violence of the Triumvirate , he did much Violence to himself .

'T is certain , that he naturally hated the cruel humour of Marius , Sylla , and such as were like them ; he hated those fierce Souls who have but an imperfect Pleasure in being Masters , if they don't make their Power felt by others ; who place Greatness in Force , and the happiness of their Condition , in making persons miserable at their Pleasure .

He had experienc'd that an Honest Man makes himself first unhappy , when he makes others so ; and he was never so well satisfied , as when he saw himself in a capacity of doing well , according to his inclination , after having done ill against his Mind .

He always aimed at the good of affairs , but he desired that affairs should go to the advantage of Men , and con●idered less in his undertakings the Glory , than the Benefit . During his Government , no War was neglected that might be useful ; and left those for Heroes , that are purely Glorious .

This made him come to an Accommodation with the Parthians , and renounce the Project which Caesar made , when he was killed ; this made him reject the Proposal of a certain War in Germany , where he discerned no real Interest ; this made him set Limits to the Empire , whatsoever Interpretation Tacitus has given of so prudent a Design . In a word , he was little attentive to Opinion , Noise , and Vanity . He esteemed a solid Reputation , which renders the Life of Men more pleasant and secure .

'T is very true , that Augustus had but an indifferent Talent for War ; and to commend his Wisdom and his Capacity , one must not commend his Valour in all things . Hirtius and Pansa carried on the first War against Anthony , whereof Augustus alone reaped the Advantage . He gained but little glory in that of Brutus , which was managed and concluded by Anthony . The loss of Anthony was the effect of his Passion for Cleopatra , and the Valour of Agrippa . Augustus had but little share in Battels , and obtained the Empire . Not but that he was in several , and even wounded in some : but with more Success for his affairs , than Glory for his person . So the Tenth Legion somewhat insolent through the high esteem that the Great Caesar had for them , could not bear with the Nephew , every time they remembred the Uncle ; from whence it came to pass that it was Disbanded , notwithstanding all its Merit , for shewing a want of Respect to him once in his Presence . That doth not hinder him from making an admirable use of War for his own Interest , and that of the Empire . Never did Prince know how to give a better Order , nor Transport himself more willingly , wherever his affairs called him , to Egypt , to Spain , amongst the Gauls , Germany , and the East .

But at length it was discerned , that War was not agreeable to his true Genius , and although he triumphed with the applause of all the World , it was well known that his Lieutenants had Conquered .

He would have passed for a great Captain in the time of those Emperours , who by their little Valour , or a false Greatness , durst not take , or else thought below them the Conduct of Armys . Being come in an Age , wherein he could not recommend himself but by his own Exploits , and particularly succeeding to Caesar , who owed all to himself , it was a disadvantage to him to owe more to another , than himself .

It was not so in the Government , where the Senate did nothing that was Wise and Good , but what Augustus had Inspired into them : The Good of the State was his first Thought , and he did not apprehend by the good of the State , a vain and fantastical Name , but the real benefit of those that composed it . His own first ; for it is not just to quit the Pleasures of a Private Life , to abandon himself to the cares of the Publick , if so be he did not find his advantages therein : And that of others , which he imagined could not be absolutely separate from his own .

Persons of the greatest Service had his first consideration , and Merit advanced under him those , which it had ruined under his Successors , where the Crimes were less dangerous than the Vertues . Agrippa had not so great a share in his Confidence , as Mec●nas ; but his great qualities rendred him much more considerable ; and and it being come to that point in Rome , that Augustus found himself obliged to be rid of him , or gain him entirely , he rather chose to give him his Daughter , for all the meanness of his Birth , than hearken to what Jealousy might Inspire him with . As for Mecenas , as he was more agreeable , and more versed in the Closet , so had he the preference in his Pleasures , and in his Secrets .

He was obliging to his Courtiers , and was not displeas'd , that these Romans heretofore so fierce and free , would take the advantage of his Favours . So that they studied to please Augustus , and the application of the Court became a true Interest : Yet it was not the most considerable . The Merit which related to the State , was preferred before that which was acquired by an inclination for his person : Which he established himself by his Discourses , never speaking of what was due to him ▪ but always what he owed himself to the Republick .

In the mean time , there is no life so regular , where particular Actions don't sometimes exceed the general habit and conduct : He defended one day a Friend of his , that was accused of a horrible Roguery , and in all appearance preserved him by his consideration alone . It was not without offending all persons of repute , but yet he had so much moderation in keeping the forms , and in suffering the liberty of those , who answered him something smartly , that he regained their minds ; and even those that were scandalized , returning from their Indignation , excused the Injustice of Protecting a wicked Man , by the Honesty that appeared in not deserting a Friend .

The Men of Learning had a share in his familiarity , amongst the rest Livy , Virgil , Horace ; whereby one may see the goodness of his Judgment , as well for Works of Learning , as in Business . He loved the exquisite taste of his Age , the delicacy of which has been but little common in all the rest . But he fear'd the singularities which came from a false Spirit , and whereof the Wicked persons that are knowing therein , make an extraordinary merit . As he lived amongst curious persons , so he took delight in seeing his Laws approved , and his Opinion was , that it is much better to fall naturally into the good sense of others by his Reason , than to make his Humours received by Force . I imagined formerly , that the most delicate Spirits of the Romans , had been in the Reign of Augustus , but since my Writing this small Treatise of Augustus's Government , I have altered my Opinion .

Besides the Honour of his Judgment , which he was Jealous of , he still thought that a Gift disapproved of , was a Favour but to one , and a prejudice to a great many . That the disgrace of an honest man on the other side was resented by all honest men , by the compassion it gives to some , and the allarm that it gives to others .

He had an admirable Faculty in discerning the humour and ambition of the most elevated persons , yet without conceiving Suspicions fatal to their Vertue .

The Liberty of Opinions was not displeasing to him upon general affairs , esteeming that Men have their Priviledges therein ; that it is a crime to search curiously into the Secrets of the Prince , and a piece of Infidelity not to make a good use of his Confidence : But that business which was become publick , belonged in spite of all to the Judgment of the Publick ; that he ought to represent it to himself before he was concerned , and not to pretend to obstruct it , when it was done .

It was perhaps upon the knowledge of his humour , that Livy durst write so boldly the War of Caesar and Pompey , without being e're the less in his Favour . Cremutius Cordus recited his History to him , and he did not think himself scandalized to see therein Brutus and Cassius called the last of the Romans : An Encomium fatal to Cremutius under Tiberius , in that he was accused of a Crime says Tacitus , till then unheard of , and which cost him his Life . M●cenas had given him an advice yet more particular , but of a more difficult use ; it was , never to be concerned at what was spoken against him .

If so be what is alledged of us be true , added Mecenas , it is our business rather to correct our selves , than for others to contain themselves . If so be what is said of us be false , so soon as we shew a concern at it , we make it suspected for Truth . The contempt of such Discourses discredits them , and takes away the pleasure from those that make them . If you are more sensible of them than you ought to be , it is in the power of the most miserable Enemy , the most pitiful envious person , to disturb the repose of your life , and all your power cannot defend you from your own Vexation .

Augustus went further in certain matters , and not so far by abundance in others . I see Injuries forgotten , I see him so bold in his Clemency , that he durst Pardon a Conspiracy not only true , but even ready for Execution .

In the mean time for all the Vertues of Men , they never give so much to their Vertue , but they leave to their humour . It is not credible how nice he was , in relation to his Family , nothing was so dangerous as to talk of the Amours of Iulia , if he would not be thought to have some Interest with her : Ovid was Banished for it , and was never recalled ; and that which appears to me extraordinary , the Husband himself resented this unlucky humour . That the Conduct of Iulia should displease Augustus , was a natural thing , but that the poor Agrippa should suffer the Anger of his Father in Law , and the Debaucheries of his Wife at the same time , is an odd business , and the last misfortune of a Husbands state .

It is to be confessed that the Family of the Emperour , gave him too much disturbance in the general applause of the whole Empire . He could not resist the little Troubles which his Family afforded him , and he behaved himself therein more like a Private person than a Great man , for he knew neither how to end a misfortune by a good Order , which is really no easy thing , nor yet to pacify himself .

After having been too much afflicted on one side , he let himself go too carelessly to the sweetness he found on t'other ; and if so be Iulia tormented him as long as she lived , Livia knew how to possess him so well in the declining of his Age , that the adoption of Tiberius was rather the effect of her Conduct , than the real choice of the Emperour .

Augustus discerned Vices better than any one ; the Vices of Tiberius , and the designs of Livia : but he had not the force to act according to the Judgment he made thereof .

Whilst he saw every thing with a sound prospect , which moved him to nothing , his Wife left his Understanding there with an unprofitable Knowledge , and made her self Mistress of his Will.

'T is this which hath deceived Tacitus , in my Judgment , in that malicious curiosity , which he gives Augustus . He knew that the nature of Tiberius was not unknown to him ; and to believe that a Great Emperour could not be perswaded to so important a business against his own proper Sentiment , he hath made a Design and a Mystery , where there was nothing , if I am not deceived , but facility .

After these particulars of his Family , let us return to generals : He made the World happy , and was happy in the World : He had nothing to desire of the Publick , nor the Publick of him : And considering the Evils which he occasion'd to come to the Empire , and the good he hath done since he was Emperour , I find that it hath been said with reason , that he should never have been Born , or never have Died.

He died at length regretted of all men , less great without comparison than Caesar , but of a more regular Spirit ; which makes me believe , that it had been more glorious to have been in the Army of Caesar , but more pleasant to have lived under the Command of Augustus .

As for the Romans , they had nothing so elevated , as in the time of the Republick , neither for the greatness of Genius , nor the force of the Soul ; but something more sociable : After all the misfortunes they had suffered , they were glad to find some refreshment , no matter how .

There was no more a sufficient Vertue to sustain Liberty ; they would have been ashamed of an entire subjection ; and with an exception of some fierce Spirits , which nothing could content , every one took a Pride in the appearance of a Republick , and was not displeas'd with the effect of a pleasant and agreeable Government .

CHAP. X. Of Tiberius , and his Genius .

AS there are but few Revolutions , where one stops at terms that are moderate , a happy and an honest State is frequently changed into a miserable and unworthy condition . The Roman Valour was softned after the death of Brutus and Cassius , who sustained the fierceness thereof .

After the loss of Anthony , there was , as it were , a general agreement for the conduct of Augustus , and an equal complaisance for his person .

When Tiberius came to the Government , this complaisance turned into baseness and flattery .

One might have said , that this Prince , being naturally irresolute , would have taken but a moderate power ; but the Romans more disposed to serve , than Tiberius to command , gave him themselves their Slavery , when he hardly durst hope for their Subjection . See what was the Genius of the Roman People at that time .

It s necessary now to speak of that Tiberius , and to shew the temper he brought with him to the Government of the Empire .

His design most concealed , but best followed , was to change all the maxims of Augustus . This , when he came to be Emperour , gave all his Thoughts of so just and so prudent a conduct , to the general Good : Tiberius made a Science of the Closet , wherein was shut up a false and mysterious Interest of the Prince , separate from the Interest of the State , and almost always opposed to the Publick Good .

Judgment , Capacity , and the Secret , were changed into Slyness , Artifice , and Dissimulation . There was no more knowing of Good and Evil actions by themselves ; every thing was taken according to the nice intention of the Emperour , or was judged by the curiousness of some malicious Speculation .

The Credit which Germanicus had to appease the Legions , was a Service very advantagious , and a little while agreeable : When the danger was over , it was reflected that he could draw the Troops from their Obedience , since he knew how to bring them there . In vain was he faithful to Tiberius , his moderation in refulsing the Empire , made him not to be thought Innocent ; he was judged capable of what had been offered to him ; and so many tricks were employed for his loss , that they at length got rid of a Man that would have Obeyed well , but deserved to Command .

He perished , this Germanicus so dear to the Romans , in an Army , where he had less reason to fear the Enemies of the Empire , than an Emperour whom he had so well served .

He was not the only person that had a sense of this fatal Policy , the same Spirit reigned generally in all thins . The distant employments were mysterious exiles , the Charges , the Governments were given to persons that ought to have been ruined , or else to those that should ruine others . In a word , the benefit of good service entred no more in any consideration ; for in truth the Armys had rather Out-laws than Generals ; and the Provinces , Banished Men , than Governours . At Rome , where the Laws had been always so religiously observed , and with so much formality , every thing was then managed by the jealousie of his Mysterious Cabinet .

When a person of considerable Merit testified , some Passion for the Glory of the Empire , Tiberius suspected immediately , that it was with a design to obtain it .

If any other had an innocent remembrance of Liberty , he pass'd for a dangerous Man that had a mind to Re-establish the Re-publick . To praise Brutus and Cassius , was a morrtal Crime ; to bewail Augustus , a secret Offence , which was so much the less pardoned , as they durst not complain ; for Tiberius always commended him in Publick , and made Divine Honours be decreed to him , which he first of all performed to him : but Humane Motions were not permitted , and a Passion testified for the Memory of this Emperour , was taken for an Accusation to disturb the Government , or for a disaffection for the Person of the Prince .

Hitherto you have had Crimes inspired by the jealousie of a false Policy , now 't is an open Cruelty , and a declared Tyranny .

One is not contented to forsake good Maxims , one abolished the best Laws , and made an infinite number of new ones , which respected in an appearance the safety of the Emperour , but in truth the loss of the Men of Credit that remained at Rome .

Every thing was made Treason ; formerly a true Conspiracy was punished , here an innocent word maliciously explained .

The Complaints , which have been left to the Unfortunate for the support of their Miseries , the Tears , those natural Expressions of our Grief , the Sighs which slip from us in spite our Will , the simple Regards at length became fatal . The simplicity of Discourse expressed evil Designs , the discretion of Silence concealed mischievous Intentions : Joy was observed as a Hope , conceiving the Death of the Prince . Melancholly was remarked as a Trouble for his Prosperity , or an Envy of his Life : In the midst of Dangers , if that of Oppression gave you any motion of Fear , your Apprehension was taken for the Testimony of a frighted Conscience , which , betraying it self , discovered what you was going to do , or what you had done . If you were in the Reputation of having Courage and Resolution , they fear'd you as a bold Man , capable of understanding all things ▪ To Speak , to be Silent , to Rejoyce , to be Afflicted , to be Fearful or Assured , all was Criminal , and very often incurr'd the utmost Punishments .

Thus the Suspicions of others rendred you culpable ; it was not enough to wipe off the Corruption of your Accusers , the false Reports of Spies , the Suppositions of some Infamous Informer , you were also to fear the Imagination of the Emperour ; and when you thought to be secure by the Innocence not only of your Actions , but of your Thoughts , you would be ruined by the Malice of his Conjectures .

To push the matter no further , there was need of much Desert to be a person of Credit ; for by that there were many misfortunes to be endured . That Vertue , which durst appear , was infallibly lost , and that which was but guessed at , was never assured .

As one is not exempt from Perplexity in the Evil which one makes others endure . Tiberius was not always at Peace in the Exercise of his Cruelties . Sejanus who insinuated into his Favours , by ways as unjust as his own ; this great Favourite surfeited with Honours and Riches , which left him always in a Dependance , had a desire to free himself from all Subjection , and forgot nothing to put himself insensibly in the place of his Master .

Being instructed in the Maxims of the Emperour , and knowing in his Art , he took off his Children by Poison , and was upon the point of dispatching him , when this Prince returning from his Blindness , as by a Miracle , preserv'd his unhappy days , and destroyed this great Confident that would have ruined him .

His condition was not more happy than before ; he lived odious to all the World , and troublesom to himself , an Enemy to the Lives of others , as well as to his own : at length he died , to the great Joy of the Romans , not being able to escape the impatience of a Successor , who caused him to be stifled in a Sickness he was going to be cured of .

I once made a Reflection upon the Difference there was between the Republick and the Empire , and it appears to me , that it had not been less pleasant to live under Emperours , than under Consuls , if so be the Maxims of Augustus had been pursued .

Rome was not so happy . The Politicks of Tiberius were embraced by the greatest part of his Successours , who placed the Honour of their Reign , not in governing the Empire best , but in enslaving it the most .

In this opinion Augustus was les esteemed , for having known how to make the Romans happy , than Tiberius for having made them miserable without help . It appeared to these Emperours , that it was a mark of Insufficiency or Weakness to keep the Laws ; and sometimes the art of deluding them , made the Secret of their Policy , sometimes the violence of breaking through them , appeared a true Greatness , and a worthy Authority .

The Forces of the Empire no more regarded Strangers , the Power of the Emperour was felt by the Natives and oppressed Romans held the place of the subdued Nations .

At length the Caligula's , the Nero's , and the Domitian's push'd the Dominion beyond all Bounds ; and although the Prerogatives of Emperours were infinitely below those of the Kings , they dispos'd themselves to Violences , which Tarquin himself would not have done .

The Romans of their side became equally fatal to the Emperours , for passing from Slavery to Fury , they Massacred some of them , and attributed to themselves an unjust and violent Power to depose and set them up at their Fancy .

Thus the Bonds of Government were broken , and the Duties of Society coming to fail , they had no other aim but to ruin those that obeyed , or to destroy those that should have commanded others .

So strange a confusion ought chiefly to be imputed to the ill nature of these Emperours , and to the brutish Violence of the Soldiers ; but if you 'd ascend to the first Cause , you will find that this ill nature was authorized by the Example of Tiberius , and the Government established upon the Maxims , which he hath left .

As those , who concert things the best , don 't always stick to the justice of Rules , the most Irregular don 't eternally follow the disorders of their Inclinations , and their Humours .

They add at least a Policy to their Temper . Even those who do all things without Deliberation , return there by Reflection , when they are done , and apply a Conduct of Interest to the pure Motions of Nature .

But let the Emperours have acted by Nature , by Policy , or both together , I maintain , that Tiberius hath corrupted every thing that was good , and hath introduced every thing that was bad in the Empire .

Augustus , who had a pure and delicate ●ight into things , knew admirably well the Genius of his time , and had no trouble in changing a Subjection , voluntary in the Captains of Parties , into a true one .

Tiberius full of Frauds and Subtilty , but a false Judgment , scorned to search into the disposition of Spirits . He thought he had to do with those old Romans amorous of Liberty , and incapable of any Subjection : in the mean time the general inclination was to serve , and the least enslaved were disposed to Obedience .

This false account of things made him take cruel Cautions against persons , he fear'd without Cause ; for it is to be observed , That a Prince so suspicious had never occasion to fear any one , but Sejanus , who made him distrust all others .

With his false measures Cruelty encreas'd every day , and as he that offends , is the first in hating , the Romans became odious to him , by the injury which he did to them . At length he acted openly , and treated them as his Enemies , because he had afforded them an occasion to be so .

The humours of Yeilding , which reigned then , made his Tyranny endured without Complaints . They suffered the brutality of Caligula with the like Submission , for his Death is a particular Fact , wherein neither the Senate , People , nor Legions were concerned . They suffered the dangerous Stupidity of Claudius , and the insolence of Messalina . They suffered the Fury of Nero , till their Patience being exhausted , there was a Revolution in Men's Minds .

Immediately there was a Conspiracy against his Person , from particular Combinations , they came to the revolt of the Legions , from the revolt of the Legions to the Declaration of the Senate . It may be the Senate could have Re-established Liberty , but being already accustomed to Emperours , they were contented to dispose of the Empire , the Praetorian Cohorts would dispose thereof themselves , and the Legions of the Provinces could not yield them that advantage . A Division intruded amongst these , some nominating one Emperour , some another . There was nothing but Massacres , and Civil Wars , and never were Peoples Minds in their true Scituation ; if you except the Reign of some Princes , who knew how to re-unite the Interests , which the false Conduct of Tiberius had divided for the common Misfortune of the Emperours , and Empire .

OBSERVATIONS UPON SALUST and TACITUS .

I Once intended to have made an exact Judgment of Salust and Tacitus , but understanding since , that others had already done it , that I might neither wholly follow , or lose my Design , I have reduced my Thoughts to one single Observation , which I send you .

In my Opinion , the last turns every thing into Policy , with him Nature and Fortune have very little to do in the management of Affairs , and I am deceived , or he oftentimes gives too far fetcht Causes of some Actions , which are altogether Simple , Ordinary , and Natural .

When Augustus would set Bounds to the Empire , it is in his Conceit out of a jealous Apprehension , least some other should have the Glory of extending it . The same Emperour , if you believe him , took measures to assure himself , that the People of Rome should have a Concern for him , Artificially managing the Advantages of his Memory , by the choice of his Successour .

The dangerous temper of Tiberius , his Dissimulations are known to all the World ; but it is not enough to know the Nature of the Man , without giving this Prince a Craftiness in every thing : Nature is not yet so much reduced , but that she keeps as much Right over our Actions , as we can take over her Motions . Something of ones Temper always enters into the best form'd Designs : And it is not credible , ●hat Tiberius , who was so many years subject to the Will of Sejanus , or his own Infamous Pleasures , could have , in that Weakness , and abandoning up of himself , so far fetched an Act , and so studied Politicks .

The Poysoning of Britannicus causes not so much Horrour , as it should , by Tacitus his putting us upon the observing the Behaviour of the Spectators : So long as the Reader is taken up in considering the divers Motions they are in , the one's being frighted out of Imprudence , others deeply reflecting on it , Nero's dissembled Coldness , the secret Fears of Agrippina , their Spirits turn'd off from the blackness of the Action , and from the sad Image of this Death , le ts the Parricide escape their hatred , and leaves the unhappy dying Person to their Pity .

The Cruelty of the same Nero in his Mother's Death , has too delicate a Conduct , when Agrippina had certainly perished by a small Intriegue of Court so well managed , he ought at least to have suppressed half the Art , for the Crime finds less aversion in our Spirits , and if I may say so , he reconciles the Judgments of the Readers to it , when he puts so much Address and Dexterity in the Conduct .

Almost in all things Tacitus leaves us pieces too finished , where he leaves us nothing to be desired of Art , but where he gives us too little of the Natural . Nothing is finer than what he represents ; oftentimes 't is not the thing which ought to be represented ; sometimes he passes beyond things by too great a Depth and Penetration ▪ Sometimes Speculations too fine rob us of the true Objects , to place in their stead ●ine Ideas . What one may say in his Favour is , that he obliges us more than he had done , in giving us things grosly , the truth of which had been of no importance .

Salust , of a Spirit opposite enough , gives as much to Nature , as the other to Policy . The greatest care of the former is to make known the Genius of Men , Affairs come afterwards naturally , by the Actions not far fetch'd of those Persons , whom he hath described .

If you consider with Attention , the Character of Catiline , you will not be astonished at that horrible design to oppress the Senate , nor at that vast project , to render himself Master of the Re-publick , without the assistance of the Legions . When you shall reflect on his Pliantness , his Insinuations , his Faculty of inspiring his Motions , and uniting the Factious Persons to himself ; when you shall consider that so much Dissiulation was sustained by so much fierceness , when there was a necessity for Action , you will not be surprised , that at the head of all the Ambitious , and Corrupted Men , he was so near over● whelming Rome , and ruining his Country . But Salust doth not content himself with describing the men to us in Characters , he makes them describe themselves in Speeches , where you always see an expression of their Nature . The Oration of Caesar made it plain enough to us , that a Conspiracy did not displease him . Under the Zeal which he testifies for the preservation of the Laws , and the Dignity of the Senate , he leaves to be discerned a delicate inclination for the Conspirators ; he is not so careful to hide his Opinion of Hell ; the Gods are less considerable to him than the Consuls , and in his Conceit Death is nothing else but the end of our Torments , and the repose of the Miserable . Cato makes his own Picture , after Caesar had given us his . He goes directly to that which is good , but with a rough Air : the Austerity of his Manners is inseparable from the integrity of his Life ; he mixes the sowerness of his mind , and the hardness of his manners , with the usefulness of his Counsels .

This single expression of ( Optimo Consuli ) which vexed Cicero so much , for not giving to his merit extent enough , makes me fully comprehend both the good intentions , and the vain humour of this Consul . To conclude , by the various descriptions of different Actors , I not only represent to my self the persons , but I seem to behold every thing that passed in the Conspiracy of Cataline .

You may observe the same thing in the History of Iugurtha . The description of his qualities and his humour , prepares you to see the Invasion of a Kingdom , and three lines shew his whole method of making War . You see in the Character of Metellus , with the re-establishment of Discipline , a happy alteration of the Roman affairs .

Marius managed the Army in Africk with the same Spirit , wherewith he spoke at Rome .

Sylla talks to Boccus , with the same Genius that appeared in his Character , little tied to Duty and Regularity , giving all things up to the passion of making Friends to himself . Dein parentes abunde habemus , amicorum unquam neque nobis , neque cuiquam omnium satis fuit . Thus Salust makes Men Act by their temper , and thinks to oblige his Reader enough , by describing them well . Every extraordinary person that 's represented , is exactly drawn , even when he has no considerable part in his Subject . Such is the Character of Sempronia , in my Judgment , inimitable ; he goes even to search remote considerations , to give us the Pictures of Cato and Caesar , so fine in truth , that I should prefer them before entire Histories .

To conclude my observation upon these two Authors , Ambition , Avarice , Luxury , Corruption , all the general causes of the Disorders of the Republick , are very often alledged by Salust . I know not whether he descends enough to particular Interests and Considerations . You will say , that subtle and refined Counsels seemed to him unworthy of the grandeur of the Republick ; and that is perhaps the reason , that he goes to seek as it were all things in Speculation , few things in the Passions and Genius of Men.

One sees in the History of Tacitus yet more Vices , more Wickedness , and more Crimes ; but Ingenuity conducts them , and Dexterity manages them : one speaks there always with design , there 's no acting without measure , the Cruelty is prudent , and the Violence advised . In a word , the crime there is too delicate ; from whence it comes to pass , that men of the most credit taste the Art of mischief , which doth not let it self be known enough , and that they learn to become Criminal before they are aware , imagining only to become expert . But leaving here Salust and Tacitus , in their different Characters , I will affirm , that one meets but seldom together , a curious description of Men , and a profound intelligence of things .

Those that are brought up in Societies , that speak in Assemblies , learn the order , the forms , and all the matters that are treated of there . Passing from thence through Embassys , they instruct themselves in Foreign affairs , and there are but a few things , of what nature soever they be , but they become capable of , through application and experience . But when they come to settle at Court , they are look'd upon as awkard in their choie of persons , without any taste of Merit , ridiculous in their Expences , and in their Pleasures .

Our Ministers in France are altogether free from these defects , I may affirm it of them all without Flattery , and enlarge my self a little upon Monsieur de Lionne , whom I am better acquainted with .

'T is in him properly , that separated Talents are collected ; 't is in him that meet a curious knowledge of the merits of Men , and a profound Intelligence of things .

To speak the Truth , I have a Thousand times admired , how a Minister , who hath confounded all the Politicks of the Italians , who hath disorder'd the settled Prudence of the Spaniards , who hath turn'd to our Interests so many Princes of Germany , and hath made them act as we would have them , who were brought with much difficulty to act for themselves : I have admired , I say , how a Man so compleat in Negotiating , so well vers'd in affairs , can have all the delicateness of the most polite Courtiers for Conversation , and Pleasures . One may say of him , what Salust affirmed of a Great person of Antiquity , that his lisure is Voluptuous : but that by a just dispensation of his time with the facility of labour , which he hath made himself Master of , never was any affair retarded by his diversions .

Amongst the divertisements of his leisure , amongst his most important employments , he doth not cease to dedicate some Hours to Learning , whereby Atticus , that honest Man among the Ancients , did not acquire a more curious knowledge in the sweetness of his Repose , and the tranquility of his Study . He is infinitely skilled in all things , and Learning , which very often spoils the Nature , doth but embellish his ; it quits what it hath of obscure , difficult , rude , and brings him entirely all its advantages , without disturbing the neatness and politeness of his Spirit . No body is better acquainted with fine works , than He ; no body composes them better ; he knows equally how to judge and to produce , and I am a little at a stand , whether one ought to esteem more in him the fineness of his Judgment , or the beauty of his Genius . It is time to leave his , and come to that of the Courtiers .

As they are educated near Kings , and make their ordinary residence near Princes , they make it their particular Study to know them well : There is not an inclination that is concealed from them , no aversion unknown , no weakness which is not discovered to them . From thence comes insinuations , complaisance , and all those curious measures which compose the Art of winning hearts , or at least to reconcile their Wills ; but whether it be for want of application , or else thinking those employments below them , where one's instructed in affairs , they are equally ignorant of them all , and their agreements coming to fail with their Age , nothing affords them consideration and Credit . They grow old then in the Closets , exposed to the Raillery of the Young men , who can't suffer their Censure , with this difference , that these for the most part do things that agree to their humour , and that the others cannot abstain from those that are unbecoming them ; and certainly the most honest man , of whom no body has need , finds it troublesome to exempt himself from being ridiculous in growing old . But it is with them as with those gallant Women , who are still pleas'd with the World , when that 's displeas'd with them . If we were wise , our disgust would answer to that which is had for us ; for in the disadvantage of States , where one doth not sustain himself but by the merit of pleasing , when he ceases to be agreeable , he ought to think of retiring . Lawyers , on the other side , appear less Genteel when they are young , by a false Air of the Court , which makes them succeed in the City , and renders them ridiculous to Courtiers : but at length th● knowledge of their Interest brings them to their Profession , and becoming expert with Time , they find themselves in considerable Stations , where all the World generally stands in want of their assistance . It is very true , that those Courtiers that arise to Honours by great employments , leave nothing to be desired in their sufficiency , and their merit is fully perfected , when they joyn to the nicety of the Court , the knowledge of affairs , and the experience of War .

THE COMPARISON OF Caesar and Alexander .

'T IS almost universally agreed , that Alexander and Caesar have been the greatest Men in the World : And all those that have undertaken to Judge , have thought to oblige the Heroes that came after 'em , by finding some resemblance between their Reputation and their Glory . Plutarch , after having examined their Natures , their Actions , and their Fortunes , leaves us the liberty to decide , that he had not assurance enough to undertake it . Montagne , more confident , declares himself for the former , and since the Versions of Vaugelas and Ablancour , have made these Heroes the Subject of all our Conversations , every one has embraced the part of one or t'other , according to his own particular Inclination or Fancy . As for me , who perhaps have examined their Lives with as much curiosity as any person , notwithstanding I will not allow my self the Authority of an absolute decision . But because you are unwilling to dispence with me from discovering my Thoughts , you shall have some observations of the relation and difference I find between 'em . Both have had the Advantage of Illustrious Births . Alexander Son of a considerable King ; Caesar descends from one of the most Noble Families of that Republick , whose very Citizens esteem themselves more than Kings . It seems that the Gods had a mind to let us know the future grandeur of Alexander , by Olympias's Dream , and by some other Presages . His inclinations sublime from his Infancy , his Tears which shew'd him jealous for the Glory of his Father , the Judgment of King Philip , who believed him worthy of a greater Kingdom than his own , are sufficient supports for the declaration of the Gods . Many things of this Nature have been no less remarkable in relation to Caesar. Sylla apprehended in him , tho' he was very young , many Marius's . He dream't that he had lain with his Mother , and the Sooth-sayers interpreted , that the Earth the common Mother of mankind , should be subjected to his Power . He was observ'd to weep , when he look'd upon the Statue of Alexander , for having perform'd nothing considerable , at an Age when this Conquerour had made himself Master of the World . They were both Passionate Lovers of Learning ; but Alexander in every thing Ambitious , was Jealous of any Superiority in his Studies , and his chief Prospect in Sciences , was to exceed all others . So we may see that he complain'd of Aristotle , for publishing some mysterious matters , which ought to have been reserv'd for him alone , and he declares , that he a●pires no less to raise himself above Men by his Learning than his Arms. As he had a most curious Genius , and whose Passions were easily raised , so he was addicted to the searching after the most hidden Mysteries , and had a particular Fancy for Poetry .

There 's no man can be ignorant of the great affection he bore to Homer , and that in favour of Pindar , the Houses of his Posterity were conserv'd in the general ruine and desolation of Thebes .

The Genius of Caesar , not altogether so vast , reduced the Sciences to his own use , and he seems to have admired Learning , for no other purpose in the World , than for his own advantage . In the Philosophy of Epicurus , which he held preferable to all others , he made his chief application to that part which relates to Man . But it appears that Eloquence was his principal aim , through a perswasion of mind , that 't is most necessary in a Republick , to arrive at the highest employments . He made a Funeral Oration in Publick at the death of his Aunt Iulia , which succeeded with great Applause . He accused Dolabella , and afterwards made that Speech that was so exact and so fine , for the saving the Lives of those that were Imprison'd for Catiline's Conspiracy .

We have nothing that we have any assurance to be Alexanders , except some smart sayings of an admirable Turn , which leaves us an equal impression of the greatness , of his Soul , and the vivacity of his Genius .

But the greatest distinction that I can apprehend in their Sentiments , is upon the Subject of Religion ; for Alexander was devout even to Superstition , giving an entire credit to Divinations and Oracles ; which might be attributed , besides his inclination , to his usual reading of Poets , who imprint in men a Fear and Reverence of the Gods , and made up all the Divinity of those times .

As for Caesar , whether it were out of a pure natural temper , or else giving way to the opinions of Epicurus , 't is beyond dispute that he pass'd into the other extream , had no expectation from the Gods in this Life , and was very little concern'd about the Thoughts and Accidents of the other . Lucan represents him at the Siege of Marseilles , with an Axe in his hand in a Consecrated Wood , where giving the first stroaks himself , he encourages his Soldiers , who were seized with a secret horrour of Religion , with expressions impious enough . Salust makes him affirm , that Death is the conclusion of all misfortunes , that after it there remains neither rememembrance nor imaginations of Ioy .

But as men , be they never so great , compar'd one to another , are always infirm , defective , contrary to themselves , subject to Mistakes or Ignorance ; Caesar was concern'd at a Dream , which predicted to him the Empire , and would not give the least Credit to that of his Wife , which advertised him of his Death . His Life was answerable to his Belief ; he was in reality moderate in indifferent Pleasures , but denied himself nothing in those that affected him . This was the cause that Catullus writ so many Epigrams against him , and whence , at last it became a Proverb , that Caesar was the Wife of all Husbands , and the Husband of all Wives .

Alexander was moderate enough in this , yet he was not altogether insensible , for Barsine and Roxana made him Captive to their Charms , and his Continence at last could not restrain him from using Bagoas , as Darius had formerly done .

The pleasure of Banquering , which Alexander loved so much , and where sometimes he suffer'd himself to be carried , even to Excess , was indifferent to Caesar ; not but that Alexander , in time of Action , was very sober , and could easily endure a fatigue ; but when Ease and Repose had succeeded the Toils of War , Tranquility he esteem'd as insipid , and unsavory , if he did not stir it up , as it were , by some thing extraordinary .

They were both magnificent , even to Profusion : but Caesar with more of Design and Interest . His Gratuities to the People , his excessive Expences in the Edileship , his Present to Curio , were properly , rather Corruptions than true Liberalities . Alexander's Gifts proceeded from a pure greatness of Soul . When he pass'd into Asia , he distributed his Patrimony , he left himself destitute , and had no other prospect than the hopes of Conquest , or a resolution to dye . At a time , when he hardly wanted the assistance of a Man , he discharg'd the Debts of the whole Army . Limners , Engravers , Musicians , Poets , Philosophers ( all famous in their way , but generally in want ) did partake of his Magnificence , and were sensible of his Grandeur ; not but that Caesar also was naturally dispos'd to be Liberal ; but out of a design to raise himself , he was obliged to gain Persons necessary for his Affairs , and he hardly saw himself Master of the Empire , but he ▪ was unhappily deprived of it , together with his Life . I don't find in Caesar those Friendships that Alexander ha● for Hephestion , nor that Confidence that he had in Craterus . His Correspondences were either Obligations for his own Affairs , or else a Proceeding complaisant enough , but much less passionate in relation to his Friends . 'T is true , his Familiarity had nothing in it of Danger , and those that were his Intimates , never apprehended his Wrath , nor his Humours . As Alexander was in extreams , either he was the most Charming , or the most formidable Person , and there was no security to be expected in an Intriegue wherein he himself was engaged ; notwithstanding Friendship , after Glory , was his greatest Passion , of which there needs no other Testimony , than his own Expression , when he cried out near the Statue of Achilles : O Achilles , how happy do I esteem thee , in that thou hadst a faithful Companion during thy Life , and such a Poet as Homer after Death !

Hitherto we have examined the Natures of th●se two great Men , 't is now time to make a Scrutiny into the Genius's of the Conquerors , and to consider 'em in the utmost extent of Action . 'T is a kind of Folly , to reason much upon things purely Imaginary ; notwithstanding in all appearance , if Alexander had been in Caesar's place , he had made no better use of his great and admirable Qualities , than to his own proper Destruction . One may suppose that his haughty Humour , which scorn'd to take any care of preventing things , would have but ill preserved him in the persecutions of Sylla , he would hardly have been brought to secure himself by a voluntary Absence . As his Gifts proceeded out of a principle of Generosity , they would undoubtedly have proved pernicious to him . Instead of waiting for the Edileship , where his Magnificence and Profusions had been permitted , his Largesses and Presents at an unseasonable time , would have render'd him justly suspected to the Senate . Perhaps too , he could not have confined himself to those Laws , they would have tormented a Soul so imperious as his , and by undertaking something at an inconvenient time , he would have found the Destiny of Manlius , of the Gracchi's , or that of Ca●iline . But then , if Alexander had perished in the Republick , Caesar , whose Courage and Wariness went ordinarily together , had never entertain'd in his Thoughts , the vast design of the Conquest of Asia .

'T is to be believed of Caesar , whose Conduct was so delicate , and so secret , that he entred into all Conspiracies , without being ( except once ) accused , and never convicted : He that in the Divisions of his own making amongst the Gauls , assisted one to oppress the other , and brought them all under at the last : 'T is to be believed , I say , that this same Caesar following his own Genius , would have established the State , subdued his Neighbours , and set all the Republick of Greece at difference one with another , in order to have made himself Master of them . And certainly , to have relinquished Macedon without the least hope of return , to have left his Neighbours disaffected ; Greece in a manner subdued , but not quite reconciled to the new method of Government , with 35000 Men , 70 Talents , and an inconsiderable quantity of Provisions ; to have gone directly to seek out a King of Persia , whom the Greeks called the Gr●at King , and whose simple Li●utenants upon the Frontiers , struck the whole World with Amazement : This is beyond ones Imagination , and something more surprizing , than if the Republick of Genoa , ●ogether with those of Lucca , and Ragusa , should at this day enterprize the Conquest of France . Had Ca●sar declared War to the Great King , he had acted , perhap● , only upon the Frontiers , and would not have been judged Unfortunate , if he had made the River Granicus to be the extent of his Territories . If Ambition had caused him to have advanced further , can it possibly be imagined , that he would have ▪ refused the offers of Darius , he , that always proposed an Accomodation with Pompey , and that he would not rest satisfied with the Daughter of the King , with Five or Six Provinces , which Alexander , perhaps , insolently enough refused ? In fine , if there 's any Reason in my Conjectures , he would hardly have been so inquisitive after the King of Persia , in the Plains , attended by a Million of Soldiers : Let us allow Caesar to be exceeding brave : let us allow him also to be of an assured Spirit , but when that 's done , I can't promise my self , that he would have slept so p●ofoundly the Night preceding the Battel of Arbel●a ; I rather believe he would have been of Parmenio's Opinion , and that his Answers would have bore no proportion to Alexander's ; notwithstanding that great Battel was absolutely necessary for the Master● ship of Asia ; otherwise Darius had protracted the War from Province to Province all the remainder of his Life ; 't was necessary , that he fell as he did , or that a thousand different People should observe him vanquished with his whole Power .

'T is true , that this immoderate desire of Glory , and this excessive Ambition which allowed him no interval of Repose , rendred him at some particular times so insupportable to the Macedonians , that they were all ready to abandon him ; but 't is there particularly , that is observed , that prodigious Courage which nothing could abate . Go Cowards , says he , Go Ungrateful Men , and tell to your Country , that ye have left Alexander , with his Friends , labouring for the Glory of Greece , amongst Nations that know how to obey him , better than you .

In all the Passages of his Life , the Prince of Conde admired nothing more than this brave fierceness to the Macedonians , and this Confidence in himself . Alexander , says he , le●t by his own men , amongst the barbarous Nations , who were not throughly subdued , was so perswaded of his own Worthiness , and Capacity to Command , that he thought it not in the Power of men to refuse to pay him Obeisance . To reside in Europe , or in Asia , amongst Greeks , or amongst Persians , each was indifferent to him ; he was assured to meet with Subjects where he found Men. That which is said to the advantage of Caesar is this , that the Macedonians were employed against a People drowned in Ease , and Cowardise , and that the Conquest of the Gauls , who are a fierce and Military People , must of necessity be much harder to the Romans . I won't amuse my self , by enquiring into the Courage of one or t'other , but 't is certain , that Caesar never found real , and substancial Armies amongst the Gauls . There was entire Nations , if you reserve the Women , Children , and Old Men , who made a Tumultuary Assembly for the defence of their Liberties : a vast number of Combatants without Order , or Discipline ; and to acknowledge the Tru●h , excepting two or three , Caefar might boast , Veni , Vidi , Vici , in all his Undertakings ; which makes me thoroughly convinced , that Labienus commanding the Legions , would have had the same good Fortune to subject our Provinces to the Republick , or by all the appearances of things Parmenio had not given that great Battel , that afforded a decisive Judgment concerning the affairs of Asia . You way observe also this remarkable particular , that Parmenio wanted Alexanders assistance in the Battel , and that Caesar had been infallibly lost without Labienus , who after having routed all of his side , sent the Tenth Legion to disengage him . Whether it were that he undertook more dangerous enterprises , or else by exposing himself more than he need , or whether he was in this point the more unfortunate , Alexander was a hundred times in manifest danger of his Life , and very often extreamly wounded . 'T is certain too , that Caesar had his Hazards , but more rarely , and I 'm in suspence whether he was ever much Wounded in all his Wars . For my part , I can't conjecture how the People of Asia should be so soft and pusillanimous , they , that have been always formidable to Europe . In the greatest power of the Republick , have not the Romans been unhappy in their Encounters with the Parthians , who possessed but one part of the Empire of Darius ? Crassus was there lost with his Legions in the time of Caesar ; and a little after , Anthony made an Expedition thither with loss and shame . As for Conquests , we can't justly attribute any others to Caesar than those of Gaul : for by the advantage of a Civil War , he subjected the Common-wealth with the better part of its own Forces ▪ and the single Battel of Pharsalia , rendred him absolute Master of a Hundred different people , which others had subdued before .

Vespasian cannot be said to have Conquer'd the Empire , when he was made Emperour upon the Defeat of Vitellius . So Caesar has advantaged himself by the Labours and Exploits of all the Romans : the Scipio's , Emilius , Marcellus , Marius , Sylla , and Pompey , even his own proper Enemies have fought for him ; and all that was perform'd in 600 years , was the fruits of one hours Battel . That which seems to me still more incomprehensible , as to Alexander is this , that in twelve or thirteen years he has subdued more Countreys , than the greatest States in the whole extent of their Durations . At this time a Traveller is celebrated , for having passed but a part of those Nations , that he subdued ▪ and that nothing might be deficient to render his Happiness compleat , he had a most peaceable enjoyment of his Empire , even so far as to be adored by the Conquered . In which particular I pity the misfortune of Caesar , who had not opportunity enough to give a form to the State conformable to his intentions , being Assassinated by those he went to reduce to a Compliance . There remains still one consideration upon Alexander , viz. that all the Macedonian Captains , after his Death , were powerful Kings , who compar'd to him when alive , appear'd but as indifferent persons . And certainly , he 's in some measure pardonable , if in a Countrey where was a strong Belief that the greatest part of the Gods had once their Habitations upon Earth , where Hercules was suppos'd to be the Off-spring of Iupiter , because he had the fortune to slay a Lion , and to rid the World of a pernicious Robber : I say , sure he 's pardonable in some measure , if having a reliance on the opinion of Philip , who was under a perswasion that his Wife had some communication with a Deity , if impos'd on and flattered by the Oracle ; if upon finding himself so much above ordinary men , he has sometimes disown'd his real Birth , and given credit to the sentiments of his Divine Race . Perhaps he only dispers'd this Belief amongst the Barbarians , to attract from 'em Veneration , for at the time he put himself out to the World for a kind of a God , his natural Slumbers , his Society with Women , the Bloud which came from his Wounded Body , made him sensible he was but a Man . After so large a discourse of the advantages of Alexander , I 'l briefly affirm , that through the Beauty of a Universal Genius , Caesar was the greatest of the Romans in all respects , both in matters of the State , and those of War . In reality the enterprizes of Alexander , have something in them more amazing ; but the conduct and the capacity must not stand for so great a share : The War of Spain against Petreius and A●ranius , is a passage that men of approved experience yet admire . The most memorable Sieges of the latter times , have been form'd in imitation of the Siege of Alexia , and to Caesar is owing our Fortifications , our Lines , our Contravallations , and every thing that generally relates to the security of Armies before the places Besieged . As to what regards Vigour , the Battel of Munda was by far more contested than those of Asia ; and Caesar run as great a risque in Egypt , as Alexander did in the Town of the Mallians . They were no less different in the proceeding than in the action . When Caesar had not the Justice of his side , he search'd for appearances , and praetexts were never wanting to him . Alexander gave no other reasons to the World than his own Will ▪ he followed throughout either his Ambition or his Humour . Caesar on the other side suffer'd himself to be conducted eithe● by his Interest , or his Reason .

There never was observ'd in any person so much equality in Life , so much Moderation in Fortune , and so much Clemency in apparent Injuries . Those impetuosi●ies which cost poor Clitus his Life , those ill made out Suspicions , which occasion'd the loss of Philotas , and which to the Infamy of Alexander , at length drew on , as a necessary misfortune , the death of Parmenio ▪ all these irregular motions were unknown to Caesar : he is irreproachable in that particular , except in relation to himself , for not having been careful enough of his own proper Security .

It must be acknowledged , that instead of being subject to the disorders of his Passion , he was the most active Man of the World , and the least liable to disturbance . Great things and little things , found him still easy , without being raised by the one , or dejected by the other .

Alexander seem'd to be out of his way , but when he was doing extraordinary things . If he was to Run , it was to be with none but Kings ; if he loved Hunting it was that of Lions ; he could not make a Present unworthy of himself : He was at no time so resolute , nor in so good a humour , as at the despondency of his Troops : never so full of hope , as in their despair . In a word , he began to enjoy himself , when Men for the most part , either through Fear , or some other Infirmity , are us'd to give themselves up to their Afflictions . But his too elevated Soul , could not easily dispence with the common Accidents of Life ; and hardly secure of himself , it was to be f●ar'd least he should be lost either amidst his Pleasures or his Ease .

Here I must oblige my self to make some reflections upon the Heroes , whose Dominion has so much sweetness in it , that without trouble we submit to it . There remains with us , none of those secret repugnances for 'em , nor those internal notions of Liberty , which are so painful to us in a forced Obedience . All our qualities are easy and compliant , but what proceeds from them is sometimes insupportable . When they are our Masters by power , and so much beyond us in regard of their desert , they think to enjoy a double Empire , which exacts a double subjection ; and very often 't is a miserable condition to have our dependance upon Men that are so great , that they may with reason despise us . In the mean time , since they don't rule in Desarts , and that they are under a necessity of conversing with us , methinks it should be for their Interest to accommodate themselves to our Infirmities , and we would then justly respect 'em as Gods , when they would be content to live as men . But let me conclude a discourse , which begins to grow tedious to my self , and determine , that by practicable means Caesar hath executed the greatest things , and hath rendred himself the first of the Romans .

Alexander was naturally above Men ▪ you 'd say that he was Born Master of the Universe , and that in his Expeditions he rather sought to make himself taken notice of by his People , than to encounter his Foes .

A Discourse upon THE FRENCH Historians .

IT is to be acknowledged that the greatest part of our Historians have had but an indifferent merit , and without the natural desire of knowing what has come to pass in their own Countreys , I can't imagine how a p●rson , that has good Skill in ancient Histories , could perswade himself to suffer the tediousness which ours afford . And certainly 't is strange enough , that in a Monarchy where there has been so many memorable Wars , and so many signal alterations of affairs ; that amongst a People that have a Courage to perform great things , and a Vanity to speak of them , there should not be one Historian , that answers either to the Dignity of the Subject , or to our own proper inclination .

I was of opinion formerly , that one ought to attribute this defect to our Language ; but when I have since considered , that the Beauty of the French in the Translation almost equalled that of the Greek and Latin in the Original , it is come into my Thoughts in spight of my self , that the indifference of our Genius is below the Majesty of History . Besides , if so be there were amongst us some Genius's of a sufficient height , there are too many things necessary to the composition of a fine History , to be able to meet with them in one and the same person . One might find perhaps a stile pure enough and noble enough in some of our Authors , who by reason of their living at a distance from the Court and Business , would handle them with general maxims and common places , which relish more of the Policy of Antiquity , than ours . Our experienc'd men of business have a great knowledge of our own Interests ; but they have the disadvantage of being used to a certain stile of dispatch , as proper for Negotiations , as it is little agreeable to the Dignity of History . It is also a usual thing with them , to speak very ill of War ; unless Fortune has laid it in their way to be concerned therein sometimes , or they have lived in the acquaintance and familiarity of Great Men , that have had the management thereof : That has been a considerable defect in Grotius , who after he had pierced into the most secret causes of the War , the nature of the Government of the Spaniards , the disposition of the People of Flanders ; who , after he had entred into the true Genius of Nations , forms a just Character of Societies and that of principal persons ; who after he had so well explained the different States of the Christian Religion ; who after he had ascended to Originals , unknown to Cardinal Bentivoglio and to Strada , could not maintain in mens minds the admiration which he had caused there , so soon as he was to open the Field of War , when he was to speak of the motion of Armies , and come to the description of Sieges , and to the recital of Battels .

We have some Persons of Quality of an extraordinary merit , who for having executed great employments with a good natural Judgment , and some acquired knowledge , are equally capable of acting well and speaking well ; but generally they want a Genius , or have not the Art of Writing well : Besides that , referring all things to their own way , and the function of their Charges , they seek little to instruct themselves in the forms of the Government , and Orders of the Kingdom . They would imagine to do themselves wrong , and take the Spirit of the Lawyers against the Dignity of their Profession , if so be they should apply themselves to the knowledge of our Principal Laws . And without those Lights ▪ I durst assure , that it is as it were impossible , to make a good History filled ( as it ought to be ) with sound and judicious Instructions .

Bacon often complained , that Historians took pleasure in extending themselves upon . Foreign affairs , and that they seemed to avoid as a weakness , the discourse of Rules , which compose the publick Tranquility : That letting themselves go , with Joy , to the recital of those Evils which War brings , they don't treat of , but with distaste , the good Laws , which establish the happiness of a Civil Society . His complaints appear to me so much the better founded , inasmuch as there is not one History amongst the Romans , but where we discern the in side of the Republick , by its Laws , as well as the out-side by its Conquests . You see in Livy , sometimes the abolishing of old Laws , and sometimes the establishment of new ones ; you see there every thing that depends on Religion , and what relates to Ceremonies . The Conspiracy of Catiline in Salust , is quite full of the Constitutions of the Republick ; and the Speech of Caesar so delicate , doth it not all roll upon the Portian Law , upon the just considerations their Fathers had for quitting the ancient rigour in the punishment of Citizens , upon the dangerous consequences which would follow , if so be so wise an Ordinance should be violated ?

The same Caesar in his Commentaries , never loses an occasion to speak of the Manners , Customs , and Religion of the Gauls .

Tacitus is perhaps but too full of Accusations , Defences , Laws , and Judgments .

Quintus Curtius , in a History made to please more than to instruct , puts at the mouth of Alexander the Laws of the Macedonians , to answer the reproaches of Hermolaus , who had Conspired against his Life .

This Alexander that seems to have known no other Laws , than his own Will , in the Conquest of the World .

This Alexander doth not scorn to support himself by the Authority of the Laws , for having ordered a young Lad to be Whipt , when he was Master of the Universe .

As there is no Nation , that is unwilling to secure it self from Foreign Violences , when it is infirm , or to render its condition more glorious by Conquests , when it is Powerful . As there is none , but ought to assure its repose by the constitution of a good Government , and the Tranquillity of the Conscience by the Sentiments of their Religion ; so there is no Historian , but ought to be instructed in all these different Interests , when he undertakes their History ; but ought to make known what renders men unhappy , to the end that it may be avoided , or what makes their happiness , that it may be procured . One cannot write a good History of France , for all the Wars that are to be be described , without shewing the orders of the Kingdom , the difference of Religion , and the Liberties of the Gallican Church .

It would be ridiculous to undertake to write that of England , without knowing the Affairs of the Parliament , and being well instructed in the different Religions of this Kingdom .

It would not be less to attempt that of Spain , without knowing exactly the various forms of its Counsels , and the mystery of its Inquisition , as well as the secret of its Foreign Interests , and the motives , and successes of its Wars .

But in truth , these diversities of Laws , Religion , Politicks , and War , ought to be ingeniously mingled , and very discreetly managed : For a Man , that should affect to speak often of the Constitution and Laws of a State , would rather savour of the Legislatour or Lawyer , than the Historian . To treat of each point of Religion with a meditated curiosity , would be to make Lectures of Divinity ; and one should suffer him with pain in the History of Father Paul , if one did not pardon the tediousness of his Controversys between the Doctors , by the necessity of his Subject .

Although the Description of Wars seem to hold the first place in History , 't is to appear a sort of a troublesome Romancer , to heap up accidents upon accidents , without any diversity of matter , 't is to find the means in true Subjects of imitating the manner of the Old Romance-makers , in their false Combats , and fabulous Adventures .

The Latin Historians have known how to mingle admirably the divers pieces of Knowledge , that I have treated of : so the History of the Romans ought to have some resemblance with their Lives , which were divided in the different Offices of several Professions . Indeed , there has hardly been any Great Persons at Rome , but have passed through the Dignities of the Priesthood , have belonged to the Senate , and taken from thence to Command Armys . Now a days every Profession takes up a man wholly : The greatest Vertue of the Clergy , is to apply themselves intirely to Ecclesiastical affairs ; and those whose ambition hath push'd them to the management of Business , have gone through a thousand reproaches for having corrupted the Sanctity of Life they were destined to . The Lawyers are made ridiculous , so soon as they go out of their Profession ; and a Souldier is for the most part ashamed , to know any thing beyond his Art .

It is certain notwithstanding , that the divers applications of the Ancients , formed a capacity much more extensive , the same persons understanding how to employ well the forces of the Republick , and to contain the People by the Reverence of Religion , and by the Authority of the Laws . It was a great advantage to the Magistrates to be Masters of the strongest impressions , which are made upon the Spirits , and to seise on all the Sentiments , whereby they are disposed to the being tractable , or constrained to Obedience . It was not a less benefit to Generals to be instructed in the Secrets of their Religion , to be able to inspire their own Notions , and to make them received with the same respect , as if they had been truly Inspired by the Gods ; to have the Art of turning all things into Presages of good or ill Fortune , aud to know seasonably how to fill the Souldiers with Confidence or Fear . But there returned yet another advantage to the Republick , to wit , that the Magistrates made themselves entirely known ; for it was impossible that in these different functions , the most profound nature should equally conceal it self throughout , and that these good or ill Qualities should not be at length discerned . One discovered in these limited Genius's , whom Nature hath restrained to certain Talents , that a sweet and peaceable Temper , which was accommodated to the Ministry of Religion , had not sometimes constancy enough to maintain the Laws in Vigour .

Sometimes a Senator could not be corrupted in Trials , who had neither the activity nor vigilance of a good Captain .

Such was a Great Warriour , as Marius , who had no ●apacity in what related to Religion and business . To speak the Truth , there was often a general sufficiency , and a compleat Vertue throughout , which might render the Citizens useful to the Publick in all things , but oftentimes also a capacity not so large , made Men to be employed to certain uses , for which they were but just fit .

'T is this which hath been seen in the Consulship of Cicero and Antonius , where the first had orders to watch for the safety of the Republick according to his Talent , the other was sent to gather Troops with Petrei●xss , to Fight with those of Catiline .

If one makes reflection upon what I have said , one will not be surprized to find excellent Historians amongst a People , where those that writ History were most frequently very considerable persons , to whom was wanting ne●ther Geni●● , nor the Art of Writing well , and who had in an equal measure a profound knowledge of the affairs of Religion , War , and Men. To affirm the Truth , the Ancients had a great Advantage over us in knowing the Genius of Men by these different proofs , where they were obliged to pass into the Administration of the Common-wealth ; but they have not been less careful in describing them well , and whosoever will examine their Characters with a little curiosity and intelligence , shall discover therein a particular Study , and an Art deep laid .

In effect you see them gather as it were opposite qualities , which one could not imagine to find in one and the same person , animus audax , subdolus : You see them find a difference in certain qualities , which appear to be absolutely th● same , and which one cannot discover without a great nicety of Judgment : subdolus ; varius ; cujuslibet rei simulator , ac dissimulator . There is another diversity in the Characters of the Ancients , more curious , and which is yet less known to us .

There is a certain difference , wherewith each Vice , or each Vertue is mark'd by the particular impression it takes in minds , where it is . For Example , the Courage of Alcibiades hath something singular in it , which distinguisheth it from that of Epaminondas , although both knew how to expose their lives equally . The integrity of Cato is different from that of Catulus ; the boldness of Catiline is not the same , as that of Anthony ; the ambition of Sylla , and that of Caesar have not a perfect resemblance : from whence it comes that the Ancients forming thereby the Characters of their Great Men , form , that I may so speak , at the same time the Character of the Qualities they give them , to the end that they might appear not only Ambitious and Daring , or Moderate and Prudent , but that one might know more particularly what was the kind of the Ambition and the Courage , or the Moderation and Prudence , which they had .

Salust describes Catiline to us , as a person of a Wicked Nature , and the wickedness of this nature is immediately expressed : Sed ingenio malo pravoque .

The kind of his Ambition is distinguished by the irregularity of his manners , and the irregularity is mark'd in regard of the Character of his Spirit by imaginations too vast and too high : Vastus animus immoderata , incredibilia , nimis alt● semper cupiebat .

He had a temper wicked enough to enterprise all things against the Laws , and too vast a Spirit to fix himself to designs , proportioned to the means of making them succeed .

The bold Spirit of a Voluptuous and Unchast Woman , such as Sempronia was , might have made it believed that her boldness would have undertaken all things in favour of her Amours : But as this sort of confidence is little proper for dangers , to which one is exposed in a Conspiracy , Salust presently explains what she is capable of doing , by what she had done before : Quae multa saepe virilis ●udaci●● facinora commiserat . Behold the species of her boldness expressed .

He makes her Dance and Sing not with the Fashions , Gestures , and Motions , which the Singing and Dancing Women at Rome used , but with more Art and Curiosity than was decent for an honest Woman : Psallere & saltare elegantius quam necesse sit probae . When he attributes to her a Wit which you would value , he tells at the same time wherein it consisted . Caeterum ingenium ejus haud absurdum versus facere , jocos movere , sermone uti vel modesto , vel molli , vel procaci . You will know in the Character of Sylla , that his Nature agreed happily with his Designs . The Republick at that time being divided into two Factions , those that aspired to the power had no greater Interest than to acquire Friends , and Sylla had no greater pleasure than to make them .

Liberality is the best means to gain Affections . Sylla knew how to give all things . Amongst the things , which one gives , there 's nothing which enslaves Men more , and assures so much their Services , as the Money , which they receive of us . In which the Liberality of Sylla was particularly exercised . Rerum omnium , pecuniae maxime largitor . He was liberal of his own Nature , liberal of his Money out of Interest .

His leisure was Voluptuous ; but it had not been giving a fine Character of this Great Man , to have described him with Sensuality or Laziness : which obliges Salust to mark the Character of the pleasure of a Gentleman which yielded to Glory , by whom Affairs are never retarded , for fear one should come to suspect him of a softness , wherein for the most part languish the Effeminate . Voluptatum cupidus , gloriae cupidior otio luxurioso esse , tamen a negotiis nunquam voluptas remorata .

He was the happiest Man of the World before the Civil War , but this happiness was not the pure effect of Chance ; and his Fortune , as great as it was always , never was above his Industry . Atque illi felicissi●o omnium ante civilem victoriam , nunquam super industriam fortuna fuit .

When Tacitus leaves us the description of Petronius , he marks the qualities he gives him , with these sorts of distinctions ; he makes him consume his Wealth not as a profuse Man in Debauchery , but as a delicate Person , in a polite and curious Luxury .

The contempt of Death which he ascribes to him , hath nothing common with that , which the other Romans had : It is not the constant gravity of Thraseas , giving Instructions to him that brought him the order to Die ; it is not the forc'd constancy of Seneca , who has occasion to encourage himself by the remembrance of his own Precepts and Discourses ; it is not that affected firmess , which Helvidius spurs himself on with ; it is not a resolution form'd upon the Opinions of Philosophers ; it is a soft and careless indifference , which left in his Soul no room for the fatal thoughts of Death ; it is a continuation of the ordinary course of his Life to the last moment . But if the Ancients had so much curiousness in marking these distinctions , there is not less Art in the stile of their Characters to tye our judgment to the knowledge of them .

In their Narrations they engage us to follow them by the insensible bond of an agreeable and natural recital . They attract our minds in their Orations , by the earnestness of discourse , fearing if our Spirits were not moved out of their place , they should examine the little Judgment there is in the amplifications of Eloquence , and should have the opportunity of forming secret oppositions to the being perswaded . Sometimes they bring in a Council Reasons upon Reasons to determine Souls unresolved to the party , which they ought to take . But in Characters where one should discern Vices and Vertues , where one should discover the differences which meet in one Nature , where one should not only distinguish the different qualities , but the differences whereby each quality is marked , one ought not to make use of a stile which engages us , or draws us in , nor of Arguments one upon another , which should put ours in subjection . On the contrary one ought to disengage us from every thing that draws us on , from every thing that imposes on us , from every thing that enslaves our understanding , to the end of leaving us with our selves is a full use of our own understanding , tied notwithstanding , as much as it is possible for us , to every term of a compendious stile , and a various construction , for fear the mind should come to disperse it self in too rambling considerations .

By that a Reader is obliged to give his utmost attention to divers singularities , and to examine separately each feature of the Picture .

'T is thus the Ancients formed their Characters . As for us , if so be we were to describe a Nature , like that of Catiline , we should be troubled to conceive in one and the same person , qualities which appear to be opposite .

So much boldness with so great Artifice , so much fierceness and so much Policy , so much Ardour in what he desired , with so much Fraud and Dissimulation .

There are nice differences between qualities , which seem to be the same , which we have much ado to discover .

There is sometimes a mixture of Vice and Vertue in one single quality , which we never truely separate . It is easie for us to know Vertues , when they are pure and entire ; and for the most part we give prudence in Counsels , promptness in Execution , and valour in Battels .

As for what regards good Manners , Piety towards God , Honesty towards Men , and Fidelity to his Friends , and to his Master .

We make the same use both of Defects and Vices ; of Incapacity in Affairs , of Cowardice against Enemies , of Infidelity to his Friends , of Idleness , Avarice and Ingratitude : But where Nature hath not put a great purity in Vertues , where she has left some mixture of Vertue amongst Vices , we want sometimes a penetration to discover what lyes concealed , sometimes a curiousness to dis●entangle what is confused .

These particular distinctions , which variously mark the qualities according to the Spirits , where they meet , are yet more obscure to us . The diversity of Valour is unknown to us ; we have but one Courage for all the Valiant Men , one Ambition for all the Ambitious ; and to speak the truth , the Character , which we make of a Person of great Desert , might agree to every thing that has been given to the Great Persons of our Time .

If so be we were to speak of those Dukes of Guise , whose Reputation is Eternal , we should Entitle them , Valiant , Generous , Courteous , Liberal , Ambitious , Zealous for the Catholick Religion , and declared Enemies of the Protestant ; but the qualities of the one too little distinguished from those of the other , would not form the Characters as different as they should be .

Those Vertues , which Morality and general Discourses represent to us to be the same , take a different Air by the difference of the Humour and Genius of the Persons that have them .

We judge well that the Constable , and the Admiral have been capable of sustaining the Burthen of the most important Affairs ; but the difference of their capacity is not sufficiently marked in our Authors .

The Courage of the Mareschal de Chatillon was a slow and negligent stoutness . That of the Mareschal de la Meilleraye had a Fervency very proper to press a Siege , and a Passion , which disordered him in Field-fights .

The Valour of the Marechal de Ranzau was admirable for great Actions ; it could save a Province , it could preserve an Army : But one would have said that it esteemed common dangers below it self , to have seen it so careless in little and frequent occasions , where common Parts could have done the Business .

That of the Marechal de Gassion , more lively and active , might have been useful at all moments ; there was not a day , wherein it gave not to our Troops some advantage over the Enemies . It is true that it was less free at the sight of something that was weighty . This Marechal who had ventured so much in falling upon Parties , so brisk in charging the Rear of an Army , fear'd an entire Engagement , being Occupied with the thoughts of Events , when it was more necessary to act than to think .

Sometimes we insist wholly upon Qualities , without having regard to what Humour mixes therein . Sometimes we give too much to Humour , and don 't consider enough the depth of Qualities .

The Meditation of Monsieur de Turenne , his Spirit retired into himself , full of his Projects , and his Conduct , have made him pass for timerous , irresolute and uncertain , altho' he gave Battel with as much easiness , as Monsieur de Gassion went to a Skirmish . And the Natural heat of the Prince of Conde made him thought impetuous in Battels ; He , that was Master of himself more than any Person in the World in the heat of Action , He , that had more presence of Mind at Lens , Fribourg , Norlingue , and Senef , than he would have had perhaps in his Closet .

After so long a Discourse upon the knowledge of Men , I will affirm that our Historians don't give us enough of it , for want of Application or Judgment to know them well .

They imagined that an exact recital of Events sufficed to instruct us , without considering that Affairs are done by Men , whom Passion oftner transports , than Policy conducts them .

Prudence governs the Wise ; but there is but a few of them , and the most Wise are not so at all times : Passion agitates almost the whole World , and almost always .

In States , where the Maxims of true Interest ought to be better followed , one see● the greatest part of things acted by a Spirit of Faction , and all Factions are passionate ; Passion is found every where , the Zeal of the best Persons is not exempt from it .

The Animosity of Cato against Caesar , the Fury of Cicero against Anthony have not been less serviceable to the Ruin of Liberty , than the Ambition of those , who have Established Tyranny .

The Opposition of two Great Men , equally , but differently Zealous for the good of Holland , have been very near destroying of it , when it had no more to fear from the Spaniards .

Prince Maurice would have it powerful abroad ; Bernaveld would have it free at home . The first put it in a condition to support it self against a King of Spain : The second sought to assure it against a Prince of Orange .

It cost Bernaveld his Life , and that which frequently enough happens , one saw the Partisans of Liberty even Ruined by the People .

I pass from Observations upon History , to Reflections upon Politicks : Perhaps I may be pardoned for it ; whatever happens , I shall satisfie my self .

In the beginnings of a Republick , the love of Liberty is the chief Vertue of the Citizens , and the Jealousie which it inspires , establishes the principal Policy of the State .

As weary as Men are of the troubles , perplexities and dangers , which they must endure to live always Independent , they follow any Ambitious Man , that pleases them , and fall easily from a troublesome Liberty , to an agreeable Subjection .

I remember that I have often said in Holland , and even to the Pensioner , that Men were mistaken in the Nature of the Hollanders .

One is perswaded , that the Hollanders love Liberty , and they only hate Oppression . There is with them more roughness in the Mind , than fierceness in the Soul , and the fierceness of the Soul makes the true Republicans . One would be apprehensive there of a Covetous Prince , capable of taking away their Estates ; a Violent Prince , that might be outragious to them : But they agree to the Quality of Prince with Pleasure .

If so be they love the Republick , 't is for the Interest of their Traffick , more than through a satisfaction , they have in being free .

The Magistrates love to be Independent , to govern those that depend on them : The People would more easily acknowledge the Authority of the Prince , than that of the Magistrates .

When a Prince of Orange had a design to surprize Amsterdam , all declared for the Burgo-Masters , but that was more through a hatred of Violence , than a love of Liberty .

When another opposed a Peace , after a long War , there was a Peace made in spite of him : But it was done through a sense of the present misery ; and the natural consideration , which they had for him , is but suspended , not destroyed .

These extraordinary stroaks being passed over , they return to the Prince of Orange . The Republicans are displeased to see the people take up their first Affections , and they apprehend a Dominion , without daring to appear jealous of Liberty .

When the Prince of Orange had neither Charge , nor Government , when he had no Credit but by his Name , the Pensioner and Monsieur de Nordhuis were the only Persons , that durst boldly pronounce the word Republick at the Hague .

The Family of Orange had other Enemies enough ; but these Enemies always spoke of States with general Expressions , which did not explain the Constitution of the Government .

Holland ( says Grotius ) is a Republick made by chance , which maintains it self by the fear they conceive of the Spaniards , Respublica casu facta , quam metus Hispanorum continet .

The Apprehension , which the French now-a-days give them , produceth the same effect ; and the necessity of a good Intelligence unites the Prince to the States , and the States to the Prince .

But to judge of things by themselves , Holland is neither free , nor subject . 'T is a Government made up of pieces very slightly fastned , where the Power of the Prince , and the Liberty of the Citizens have an equal necessity for Stratagems to preserve it .

Let us come now to what regards the Courts , and make Reflection upon the Effects that Passions occasion there .

In what Court have not the Women had Credit , and in what Intrigues are not they concerned ?

What hath not the Princess of Eboly done under Philip the Second , as Prudent and Politick as he was ?

And the Countess of Carlisle , from the most inward part of Whitehall , did not she animate all the Factions of Westminster ?

'T is a Consolation for us to find our Infirmities in those , that have the Authority to govern us ; and a great delight to those , that are distinguished by Power , to be made , like us , for Pleasures .

REFLECTIONS UPON THE FRENCH Translators .

THE Works of our Translators are generally esteemed throughout the World . 'T is not the very exact fidelity , that recommends our Ablancour : But one must admire the agreeable force of his Expression , where there is neither harshness , nor obscurity . You will find therein not a term to be desired for the purity of Sense , nothing to be rejected , nothing of superfluity , nothing that 's displeasing to us . Every word is there measured for the exactness of periods , without the stile 's appearing less natural ; and yet a Syllable more or less would ruin , I know , any Harmony , which is as agreeable to the Ear , as that of Verse . But , in my Opinion , he holds the Obligation of these advantages to the discourse of the Ancients , which rules his own ; for so soon as he returns from their Genius to his own , as in his Prefaces and Letters , he loseth the best part of all these Beauties : And he who is an admirable Author , whilst he is animated with the Spirit of the Greeks and Latins , becomes but a moderate Writer , when he is not supported , but by himself . 'T is that which happens with the greatest part of our Translators ; whereof they appear to me to be convinced , to be first sensible of their own Barrenness . And indeed he that places his Merit in improving the Thoughts of others , is not very confident of being capable to recommend himself by his own : But the Publick is infinitely obliged to him for the labour he undergoes to bring forth Forreign Riches , where the natural ones don't suffice : I am not of the Humour of a Person of Quality , whom I know to be a declared Enemy to all Translations . He is a Learned and Ingenious Spaniard , who cannot suffer that things should be rendred apprehensive to Idle Persons , which he has learned amongst the Ancients with pains . As for me , besides that I improve in a thousand places by the Laborious Enquiries of Translators , I love that the knowledge of Antiquity should become more general , and I am pleased in seeing his Authors admired by those very Persons , that would have treated us as Pedants , if so be we had named them , when they did not understand them . I mix then my knowledge with that of the Publick , but I don't give my esteem , and can be very liberal of my praises for Translation , when I shall be very covetous of them for the Genius of its Author . I can much esteem the Versions of Ablancour , Vaugelas , Durier , and many others , without having much value for their Spirits ; if they have not appeared by those Works that proceed from themselves .

We have the Versions of two Latin Poems in French Verse , which deserve to be as much considered for their Beauty , as for the difficulty of the Enterprize . That of Brebaeuf has been generally esteemed , and I am not so censorious , or so severe , as to oppose my self to so favourable an Approbation . I will observe , notwithstanding , that he hath shot forth the heat of Lucan in our Language , further than it goes in his own ; and that by the attempt which he hath made , to equal the warmth of this Poem , he hath fired himself , if one may speak so , much more . Behold , what happens to Brebaeuf often enough , but he relaxeth sometimes ; and when Lucan happily meets with the true beauty of a Thought , the Translator remains much below him , as if he had a mind to appear easie and natural , when he might be permitted to employ all his Force .

You will remark a hundred times the truth of my first Observation , and the second will not appear to you less just in some places ; for example , to render Victrix causa Diis placuit , sed victa Catoni .

Brebuaef has only said , the Gods serve Caesar , and Cato follows Pompey .

'T is a low Expression , which doth not answer to the Nobleness of the Latine ; besides , that it is not well using the Sense of the Author : for Lucan , who hath a Spirit full of the Vertue of Cato , would raise him above the Gods , in the opposition of Opinions , upon the merit of the Cause ; and Breb●uf turns a noble Image of Cato raised above the Gods , into that of Cato subjected to Pompey .

As for Segrais , he remains throughout much below Virgil , which he easily acknowledges himself ; for it would be very extraordinary , to be able to render a Translation equal to so excellent an Original : Moreover , one of the greatest advantages of the Poet consists in the Beauty of the Expression , which it is impossible to equal in our Language , since it could never be done in his own .

Segrais ought to be contented with having found the Genius of Virgil , better than any of our Authors ; and whatsoever Graces the Aeneids have lost in his hands , I durst pronounce , that he , by far surpasses all those Poems , that our French-men have published with more Confidence than Success .

The great Application of Segrais , to know the Genius of the Poet , appears in his Preface , as well as in the Translation , and it seems to me , that he has succeeded well , as to the whole , except the Characters . In that I cannot be of his Opinion , and he will pardon me , if , for having been displeas'd a thousand times with his Heroe , I do not lose the occasion of speaking here , of the little merit of the good Aeneas .

Although Conquerors are usually more careful in making their Orders executed upon Earth , than in observing Religiously , those of Heaven ; as Italy was promised to this Trojan by the Gods , 't is with Reason , that Virgil has given him a great Compliance to their Wills ; but when he describes him to us so devout , he ought to attribute to him a Devotion full of Confidence , which agrees with the Constitution of Heroes , not a scrupulous Sentiment of Religion , which never subsists with a true Valour .

A General , that has a good Faith in his Gods , ought to augment the greatness of his Courage , by the hopes of their Assistance : His Condition were unhappy , if he could not believe in them , but with a Superstition , which would take away the natural use of his Understanding , and his Heart . 'T is this that happened to poor Nicias , who lost the Army of the Athenians , and himself too , by a credulous , and superstitious Opinion of the Anger of the Gods . It is not so with the Great Alexander , he believes himself to be the Son of Iupiter , to undertake things very extraordinary . Scipio , who feigns , or thinks to have a commerce with the Gods , draws an advantage from thence , to recover his Common-wealth , and to pull down that of the Carthaginians . Ought then the Son of Venus , assured by Iupiter , of his Prosperity , and future Glory , to have Piety only to fear Danger , and to distrust the Success of every Undertaking ? Segrais hereupon defends a Cause , which is troublesome to him , and has so much affection for his Heroe , that he prefers rather not to express the Sense of Virgil in all its extent , than to discover purely , the shameful Fears of poor Aeneas .

Extemplo Aeneae solvuntur frigore membra , Ingemit , & duplices tende●s ad syder a palmas , Talia voce refert ; ô terque , quaterque beati , Queis ante or a patrum Trojae submaenibus altis Contigit oppetere .

I acknowledge , that these sorts of Seizures happen to us in spite of our selves , by a defect of Constitution : but since Virgil had the liberty of framing that of Aeneas according to his Fancy , I admire that he should give him one susceptible of these Frights . Philosophers take a Pride in the defects of Tempers , when they know how to correct them by Wisdom : And Socrates easily confesses those evil Inclinations , which Philosophy had made him overcome . But Nature ought to be all noble in Heroes ; and if by a necessity of Humane Condition , it must offend in something , their Reason is employed in moderating Transports , not in surmounting Infirmities , even many times their impulses have something of Divine , which is above Reason ; that which is called Irregularity in others , is in them but a full Liberty , where their Souls display themselves in their utmost Extent ; one makes of their Impetuosity , that Heroick Vertue , which transports our Admiration , without our Judgments being concerned in it .

But mean Passions dishonour them , and if so be , Friendship exacts from them , sometimes Fears and Afflictions , ( like those of Achilles for Patroclus , and Alexander for Hephestion , ) it is not permitted them in their own Dangers , and their particular Misfortunes , neither to shew the same Fear , nor to discover the same Complaints . But Aeneas knew how to Fear , and lament upon every thing that concerned himself . It is true , that he doth the same thing for his Friends ; but one ought to attribute it less to a noble and generous Passion , than to an inexhaustible source of Apprehensions and Tears , which furnish'd him naturally therewith , both for himself , and others .

Extemplo Aeneae solvuntur frigore membra , Ingemit , & duplices tendens ad syder a palmas .

Seized as he is with this Coldness through all his Members , the first argument of Life , which he gives , is to groan ; then he extends his hands to Heaven , and in all appearance would implore its Succour , if so be the State , wherein is the good Heroe , would afford him the strength to elevate his Spirit to the Gods , and to have some attention to Prayer . His Soul , which could not apply it self to any thing , abandons it self to Lamentations ; and like to those desolate Widows , who desire to be dead with their Husbands , say they , upon the first trouble they meet with , The poor Aeneas bewails , in that he did not perish before Troy , with Hector , and esteems them very happy , who left their Bones in the Bosom of so sweet , and so dear a Country . Another will believe , that 't is to envy their Happiness ; I am perswaded , that it is for fear of the Danger that threatens him .

You will observe still , that all these Lamentations begin almost as soon as the Tempest .

The Winds blow impetuously , the Air is darkned , it Thunders , it Lightens , the Waves grow larger and more furious ; behold what happens in all Tempests . Yet there is neither Mast broken , nor Sails torn to pieces , no Oars dash'd in two , nor Rudder lost , no Leak made , whereby the Water might enter into the Ship ; this is the time when one ought to be Afflicted : For there are a thousand young Lads in England , and as many Women in Holland , who would hardly be amazed , where the Heroe shews his Despair .

I find one thing remarkable in the Aeneids , it is , That the Gods abandon wholly to Aeneas , all the subject Matters of Lamentation . Let him speak of the Destruction of Troy as pi●●fully as he will , they won't interfere to moderate his Tears : but as soon as there 's a great Resolution to take , or an Execution difficult to perform , they don't trust to his Capacity , nor to his Courage , and they do even at all times what otherwise great Men have been used to undertake , and execute themselves .

I know how much the intervention of the Gods is necessary to an Epick Poem : but that doth not hinder , that one ought to leave more things to the Valour of the Heroe ; for if the Heroe is too confident , who in contempt of the Gods , will found all upon himself ; the God is too favourable , who , to perform all , quite takes off from the Merit of the Heroe .

No body better understood this delicate management of the Assistance of Heaven ▪ and the Courage of great Men , than Longinus . Ajax , says he , finding himself in a Battel , in a horrible dark Night , doth not ask Iupiter to save him from the danger he was in ; that had been unworthy of him . He doth not ask of him a supernatural Strength to overcome with Security , then he should have too little a share in the Victory . He only begs for Light , that he might be able to discern his Enemies , and to exercise against them his own proper Valour , Da lucem ut videam .

The greatest fault of the Pharsalia is , That it is properly but a History in Verse , where illustrious Men perform almost all things by Methods purely Humane . Petronius blames him for it with Reason , and remarks judiciously , That per ambages Deorumque ministerium , & fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus , ut potius furentis animi vaticinatio , appareat , quàm religiosa orationis sub testibus fides .

But the Aeneids is an Eternal Fable , where the Gods are introduced to manage , and execute all things . As for the good Aeneas , he hardly concerns himself in important , and glorious Designs . It suffices him not to be wanting in the Offices of a pious , tender , and compassionate Soul . He carries his Father on his Shoulders , he conjugally laments his dear Creusa ; he causes his Nurse to be Enterred , and makes a Funeral Pile for his Pilot , in shedding a thousand Tears .

This was a poor Heroe in Paganism , that might be a great Saint amongst the Christians , very proper to afford us Miracles , and a more worthy Founder of an Order , than a State .

To consider him through the Sentiments of Religion , I can reverence his Sanctity . If so be I would judge of him by those of Glory , I should not suffer a Conquerour , that furnisheth himself with nothing but Tears in Misfortunes , and Fears at all Dangers that happen . I cannot suffer that he should be rendred Master of so delicious a Country , as Italy , with Qualities that agreed better to lose his own , than to subdue that of another .

Virgil , in my Opinion , was undoubtedly very pitiful . He doth not make the desolate Trojans complain of so many misfortunes , but by a secret Inclination he found in himself to be compassionate . If he had not been of that constitution , he would not have given to the good Aeneas so great an Affection for his dear Countrey ; for Heroes easily part with the remembrance of their Countrey in Nat●ons , where they ought to perform great matters . Their Souls quite turn'd to Glory , preserve no Sentiment for those trifling Delights .

The Trojans then should have been less afflicted for their Misery : Warlike Men that would excite our pity for their Misfortunes , inspire nothing but contempt for their weakness . But Aeneas particularly ought to have been taken up with his great design , and to have turned his Thoughts from what he had su●fered , upon the Establishment he was going to make : He , that went to found the greatness and vertue of the Romans , ought to have an Elevation , and a Magnanimity worthy of them .

In other things , Segrais could not give too many commendations of the Aeneids , and perhaps I am pleas'd with the fourth and sixth Books , more than he is himself with the Characters . I acknowledge that they don't affect me , and I find those of Homer as enlivening , as those of Virgil are flat and insipid .

Indeed , there is no Soul , which is not elevated by the impression , that the Character of Achilles makes upon it .

There is none , to whom the impetuous Courage of Ajax doth not give some motion of impatience . There is none but is animated , and excited by the Valour of Diomedes .

There is no person , in whom the Rank and gravity of Agamemnon doth not imprint some respect ; who hath not a veneration for the long Experience and Wisdom of Nestor ; in whom the advised industry of the Sub●le and Ingenious Vlysses doth not raise the Imagination . The Unfortunate Valour of Hector makes him lamented by the whole World ; the miserable condition of old King Priam touches the most obdurate Soul ; and although Beauty hath as it were a secret priviledge of reconciling the Affections to it , that of Paris and Helena attracts nothing but indignation , when one considers the Blood she caus'd to be spilt , and the fatal Misfortunes she was the occasion of .

Of whatsoever manner it is , all Animates in Homer , all is Affecting ; but in Virgil , who is not tired with the good Aeneas , and his dear Achates ? If you except Nisus , and Euryalus , who , indeed , in●eress you in all their Adventures , you will of necessity languish with all the rest ; with an Ilioneus , a Sergestes Mnestheus , Cloantes , Gias , and the rest of those ordinary Men , that accompany an indifferent Leader ▪ Judge by that , how much we ought to admire the Poetry of Virgil , since in spite of the Courage of the Heroes of Homer , and the little merit of his own , he is , it may be preferable to him , or assuredly , is not his Inferiour .

Some Observations UPON THE Tast and Iudgment of the French .

ALthough the ordinary Genius of the French appears indifferent enough , it is certain , that those , who distinguish themselves amongst us , are capable of producing the finest things : But when they know how to compo●e them , we are at a loss how to esteem them ; and if so be , we have rendred Justice to some excellent Work , our Distast , or our Levity , doth not suffer it long to enjoy the Reputation , we have given it .

I don't much wonder , that a good Sense of things is not found in places where Barbarity Reigns , and that there is no Judgment , where Letters , Arts , and Disciplines are lost ; it would be ridiculous too , to search for so exquisite a Light in certain times of Weakness and Ignorance : but that which is surprising , is , to see in a most Polite Court , a good and evil Sense , a true and false Genius succeed turn by turn A●la-mode , like Habits .

I have seen considerable Men sometimes pass for the Ornaments of the Court , and immediately held ridiculous ; to be liked again , then fall into Contempt , without any alteration , either in their Persons , or their Conduct .

A Man retires with the Applause of the whole World , who , the next day finds himself the Subject of Raillery , without knowing what might become of the Opinion which was had of his Merit . The reason of it is , That one rarely Judges of Men by solid Advantages , which is an Argument of good Sense ; but by Measures , whose Applause finisheth , as soon as the Fancy , which produced them . The works of Authors are subject to the same inequality of our Judgment . When I was young , Theophile was admired , in spite of his Irregularities , and Negligence , which escaped through the little Curiosity of the Courtiers of that time . I have seen him since Cried down by all the Versifiers , without any respect to his fine Imagination , and the happy Graces of his Genius .

I have seen the Poetry of Malherbe thought admirable in the Turn , Exactness , and Expression . Malherbe a little after was neglected , as the last of Poets , Fancy having turned the French to Riddles , Burlesque , and unfinished Verses .

I have seen all the World exclaim against the Pucelle of Chapellain .

I have seen our Judgments returned from an Error of Surprise , to fail .

I have seen then a Conspiracy , which was made to render it ridiculous , without distinguishing what it might have of Good , from what it had of Bad.

I have seen Corneille lose his Reputation , if it were possible for him to lose it , at the representation of one his best pieces .

I have seen the two best Comedians of the World exposed to all our Railleries ; and the influence of this false Spirit being passed , they made themselves admired , as before , through a happy return of our good Sense .

The Airs of Boisset , which heretofore so justly charmed all the Court , were soon left for little Songs ; and Luigi , the first Man of the Universe in his Art , must come from Italy to admire them , to make us repent of this abandoning , and to give up to them again the Reputation , which a meer Fancy had taken from them .

If so be you ask the Reason of it , I will tell you , that Industry in France holds the place of the greatest Merit , and that the Art of making himself esteemed , oftner , gives a Rep●tation , than the thing it self .

As good Judges are as rare as good Authors ; as it is as difficult to find the Judgment in one , as the Genius in the t'other ; every one aiming to give a Reputation to that which pleases him , it happens , that the Multitude values that which is agreeable to their ill Judgment , or at most , to their moderate Understanding .

Add , That the novelty thereof is a temptation to us , from which our Minds cannot easily defend themselves . The Merit which we are accustomed to , forms with time an envious Habi● , and the defects are capable of surprising us agreeably , in what we never saw .

The most valuable things , which have long appeared amongst us , make no more Impres●ions , as good ; they bring a distast , as old . Those on the other side , which deserve no Esteem , are less rejected as despicable , than sought after , as New .

Not , but that there are in France very found Minds , which never dislike any thing that ought to please , and are never pleas'd with what is distastful : but the Multitude either ignorant , or prepossess'd , stifles the small number of those that are knowing .

Besides , Persons of the greatest Figure make every thing valued according to their Fancy , and when a person is Alamode , he may equally esteem those things he knows , and those he doth not .

There is no Country , where Reason is more rare , than it is in France ; when it is found there , there is not a purer in the World .

For the most part all is Fancy , but a Fancy so fine , and a Capricio so noble , in what regards the outside , that Strangers ashamed of their Judgment , as of a gross Quality , seek to make themselves esteemed amongst them ▪ by the imitation of our Modes , and renounce Essential Qualities , to affect an Air , and Ways , which i●s hardly possible for them to invent . Thus that continual alteration in our Habits , which they reproach us with , and is always followed , becomes insensibly a very great piece of Wisdom ; for , besides , infinit● sums of Money which we draw from thence , 't is an Interest more solid than is imagined , to have French Men dispersed throughout , who form the outside of all People by our own ; who begin by enslaving the Eyes , when the Heart is still opposed to our Laws ; who gain the Senses in favour of our Government , when the Opinions hold still for Liberty .

Happy then is that Fancy , Noble , and Genteel , which makes it self accepted by our greatest Enemies ; but we ought to lay aside our claim to that , which would rule in Arts , and which imperiously decides the Prod●ctions of the Spirit , without consul●ing either good Tast , or Reason .

When we are arrived to the perfection of any thing , we ought to fix our Curiosity in the knowledge of it , and the Justice we owe thereto , in our Eternal Esteem of it ; without that we may be reproached upon good Grounds , that Strangers more justly value the merit of our Works , than our selves .

We shall see the good things , which proceed from us , preserve their Reputation elsewhere , when they have lost it in France : We shall see our Fopperies elsewhere rejected by good Sense , when we extol them up to Heaven out of a ridiculous Conceit .

There is a Vice opposed to that , which is no more supportable , that is our passionate ▪ Affection , for what is done in any other time but our own , and our dislike for every thing that 's done in that we live .

Horace thereupon made the Character of old Age , and an old Man is , indeed , admirably described .

Difficilis , querulus , Laudator temporis acti .

In this sad and unhappy Age we impute to Objects , the defects which proceed purely from our Moroseness ; and when a pleasant Remembrance turns our Thoughts from what we are , to what we have been , we attribute Agreements to many things ▪ which had none , because they recall in our Minds the Idea of our Youth , when every thing pleased us by the disposition of our Sentiments .

But we ought not to impute this Humour to old Age alone , there are some persons , who imagine , that Merit consists in despising every thing that is New , and Solidity , in valuing all the old Works .

There are those , who , of their own Nature , are discontented with what they see , and amorous of what they have seen .

They will tell you wonders of an old Court , where there was nothing but indifference , in contempt of the Grandeur , and Magnificence , which they have before their Eyes .

They will give a thousand Praises to deceased Persons of but a common Vertue ▪ and will hardly dispense with the Glory of the greatest Heroe , if alive .

The first Obstacle to their Esteem , is to Live , the most favourable Recommendation , is to have been . They will praise after the Death of a Man , what they blamed in him , whilst alive ; and their Spirit , disengaged from the moroseness of their Humour , will justly render to his Memory , what it unjustly robbed his Person of .

I was always of Opinion , That to make a sound Judgment of Men , and of their Works , it is necessary to consider them by themselves , to have a Contempt , or a Respect for things past according to their little Worth , or their Desert . Iimagined that one ought not to oppose Novelties through a Spirit of Aversion , nor to enquire after them through a love of Novelty ; but to reject , or receive them according to the true Opinion , one ought to conceive of th●m , we ought to part with our Capricio's , and all the fantasticalness of our Humour , which yet is but a hindrance to know things well .

The most essential point is to acquire a true Judgment , and to get a pure Understanding .

Nature prepares us to it , Experience and Conversation with delicate Persons , compleats us therein .

THE Too Rigid Vertue . The Vertuous Person speaks .

I Have passed , as well as you , through all conditions , and after an exact Reflection upon Life , I find but two things that may render it happy : The moderation of a Man's Desires , and the good use of his Fortune .

They , to whom Reason affords repose , which takes away our fancy , live free from many Misfortunes , and are in a condition of tasting the most real good .

A Man , raised to Grandeurs , that makes others find their Fortune in his , joins a great Merit to a great Happiness , he is not the more happy by the Wealth , which he enjoys , than by that which he knows how to give : But he that , like you , seeks his Interest with all the World , and cannot suffer the company of any one , makes himself unworthy of common Society , and deserves to be excluded from the conversation of all Men.

Nevertheless , for all the ill opinion I conceive of you , it seems to me that there is a vanity in the confession of your Vices .

Nature has not left in your power the being as wicked , as you would appear to be .

One is not absolutely ungrateful with impunity ; one doth not betray without remorse ; one is not so greedy after the Wealth of another , and so covetous of his own without some shame . And when you shall be composed within your self , free from internal Combats and secret Agitations , you are still to account with the World , whose importunate reproaches and troublesome Accusations you must be forced to endure .

As for that Genius of Interest , which you spoke to us of , 't is that which renders you contemptible : For there are Illustrious Debauchees , but there never was an Illustrious Miser .

The Grandeur of the Soul cannot consist with the filthiness of Avarice . Besides , what is more unjust , than to procure all that makes up the Commerce and Advantage of Mankind , to make no use thereof ?

'T is justifying the Crime , and robbing the publick by a continual Theft , of what was once taken from private Persons .

Those , that take away with violence , to disperse with profusion , are much more excusable .

Their expence is , as it were , a sort of restitution , and the losers seem to re enter into some part of their possessions , when Magnificence exposes to their Eyes , what Force had taken out of their Hands .

If so be an ill Reputation is indifferent to you , if Injustice hath no influence upon you , have at least some consideration for your own repose .

Since Money is become the Master of your desires , whether it be in your own custody , or elsewhere , it equally afflicts you ; that which you fail to obtain , disorders you ; that which you enjoy , puts you in pain ; what you have lost , torments you ; and as there is nothing so agreeable as to have Riches , and to make use of them , so there is nothing so uneasie , as to be greedy , and too covetous together . I confess , that your discourse upon ungrateful Persons , is not less ingenious , than it is true ; but one may say , that this nicety proceeds more from your observations , than your experience . Your great cautions against Ingratitude , mark less of hatred for that , than aversion for Generosity ; and really you don't less a void the thank●ul , than the ungrateful .

Both receive favours , and your intention is to make none Capable of pardoning the injuries , which are offered to you , you are irreconcileable when you have done a kindness , if so be it doth not gain you another of a greater consideration .

Since I am infensibly engaged in this matter of favours , I will push it on a little further . There are some Men of the Humour of Cardinal Ximenes , who never agree to what is requested of them , because they would not be prevented , say they , in their de●igns , and troubled in the order of the good , they would do .

There are some Men , jealous of the Honour of their motions , who refuse all things at the Inspirations of others . That may proceed sometimes from a good Principle , and be met with in very lofty Souls ; but for the most part they are dishonest jealousies , and false niceties of Honour , which produce a true repugnance to the doing of favours .

Let us suffer the miserable to explain themselves to us in their necessiti●s , since we do not so much as think of them in our abundance .

Let us not be ashamed of owing the Thoughts of a good Action to another , and let us leave all the Avenues free to those , that advise us to do well .

In the mean time we should think our selves governed if we did not shew our selves difficult at the perswasion of what 's good , whilst we think our selves Masters in the greatest credulity , which one can have for what 's ill .

Every one fears the ascendant of his Friends , if they will render a good turn near his person ; every one takes for a freeness of Heart , and a Testimony of Friendship , the secret of an Imposture , and the Artifice of those ill Impressions , which they give him .

'T is there notwithstanding that the caution is honest ; '● is there one may be upon his guard with Jealousie ; '● is there one ought to defend himself from nice Insinuations , which insensibly lead us to do ill .

But to lay aside discourses that are too general ; what do you gain by husbanding so cunningly the Liberty of seeing you , and conversing with you ?

What signifies that great Art , which rules all the features of your Face ? Which governs your smiles , and your frowns ; To give Seasonably , and to refuse with Reason , would be more beneficial for others , and more commodious for your self . 'T is a small merit to play the Poli●icks with those , that are in your dependance .

You think to shew the subtilty of your Spirit , and you do but make known the malice of your Nature .

That Industry , which you employ to find vain things for others , is vain of it self for you .

Every day brings you Rich●s , and every day retrenches the 〈◊〉 thereof ; your Wealth encreaseth , and your Senses , which should enjoy it , decay .

You engage Forreign things , and you lose your Self .

What then becomes of this happy Nativity ? What advantage come● of this fine Genius of Interest ?

You pas● your Life amongst superfluou● Treasures , of which Cove●ousness doth not leave you the Disposal , and of which Nature deprives you of the Enjoyment . Unhappy Fortune , which respects nei●h●● you , nor others , but through the perplexity of your Cares , and the morosenes● of their Envy .

A IVDGMENT Vpon those Sciences , which a Gentleman should apply himself to .

YOU ask me my Opinion of those Sciences , to which a Gentleman may apply himself : I will give it you very honestly , without pretending to subject any Bodies judgment thereto . I never had great Inclinations to Reading ; if so be I employ some hours therein , they are the most useless ; without design ; without order , when I cannot enjoy the Conversation of Men of Parts , and find my self remote from the commerce of Pleasures . Don't you imagine then that I speak to you profoundly of things , that I have but cursorily studied , and upon which I have made but slight Reflections .

Divinity seems to me very considerable , as a Science which regards Salvation : But in my judgment , it is become too common ; and it is ridiculous that even Women dare dispute on questions , which should be handled with a great deal of Mystery and Secrecy . It would be enough for us to be tractable and submissive . Let us leave this Doctrine entire to our Superiors , and follow with respect those , that have the care of guiding us . Not but that our Doctors are the first to ruin this deference , and contribute to give Curiosities , which insensibly lead to Errors : There is nothing so well established in Nations , but they subject to the extravagance of reasoning . They Burn a Man unhappy enough for not believing in God , and at the same ●ime ●tis a question in the Schools , whether there is one , or no. By that you confound weak Spirits , you cause a suspicion in the distrustful ; by that you arm the furious , and permit them to search pernicious Reasons , whereby they oppose their own proper Sentiments , and the true impressions of Nature .

Hobbs , the greatest Genius of England , since Bacon , could not suffer that Aristotle should have so much Credit in Theology , and makes his subtilties the occasion of the Division of the Church .

It is perhaps by these sorts of Reasonings , that the Divines are not sometimes the most tractable ; from whence comes the Proverb , That the Physician , and Divine Rarely trust to Remedies , and Religion . I 'll sa● no more , but only wish , that our Directors would treat of matters of Religion with more moderation , and that those , who ought to be subject thereto , would have less Curiosity .

As Philosophy gives more liberty to the Mind , I have improved that a little more . In this time , where the Understanding gives way to Knowledge , I had a curious ●esire ●o comprehend the Nature of things , and Presumption presently perswaded me , that I was acquainted therewith : the least Proof seemed to me a Certainty , and a Probability was to me a Truth ; and I cannot express to you with what Contempt I look'd upon those , that I imagined Ignorant in what I thought my self instructed . At length , when Age and Experience , which unhappily come together , had caused me to make serious Reflections , I began to lay aside a Science always Contested , and upon which the greatest Men have had different Sentiments . I knew by the Universal consent of Nations , that Plato , Aristotle , Zeno , and Epicurus , had been the most conspicuous of their Age ; yet there was nothing so contrary as their Opinions . Three Thousand Years after , I found them equally disputed , Partisans of all sides , nothing of Certainty and Assurance . In the midst of these Meditations , which insensibly disabused me , I had the curiosity to see Gassendus , the most enlightned of Philosophers , and the least presumptuous . After some long Entertainments , where he made me see all that Reason could inspite , he complained , that Nature had given so much Extent to Curiosity , and such narrow bounds to our Knowledge ; that he did not say it to mor●ifie the Presumption of others , or by a false Humility of him , which savours altogether of Hypocrisie ; that perhaps he was not ignorant of what might be thought upon many things ; but to know well , the most Inconsiderable , he durst not assure to himself . Then a Science , which was already suspected to me , appeared too vain to enslave my self to it any longer ; I broke all Commerce with it , and began to admire how it was possible for a wise Man to pass his Life in unprofitable Enquiries .

The Mathematicks have , indeed , much more of Certainty ; but when I consider the profound Meditations they require , as they draw you from Action and Pleasures , to employ you entirely , its Demonstrations seem to me very dear , and one must be very amorous of a Truth , to search after it at that Price . You will tell me , that we have but few Conveniencies in Life , few Ornaments , but we are obliged to them for : I will ingeniously acknowledge it ; there are no Commendations which I will n●t afford the great Mathematicians , provided that I am not one of them . I admire their Inventions , and the Works which they produce : but I am of Opinion , that i● suff●ce●h Men of good Sense , to know how to apply them well ; for to speak wisely , we have more Interest to enjoy the World , than to know it .

I find no Sciences that particularly belong to Gentlemen , but Morality , Politicks , and the knowledge of good Literature .

The first regards Reason , the second Society , the third Conversation .

The one teaches us to rule our Passions , by the other you are instructed in Affairs of State , and how to direct your self in the Fortune of your Life . The last polisheth the Mind , inspires Delicacy , and Agreement . The Persons of Quality amongst the Ancients , had a particular Care to instruct themselves in all things ; every one knows that Greece has given to the World , the greatest Philosophers , and the greatest Legislators : And one cannot deny , but that other Nations have taken from thence all the Politeness they have had .

The beginnings of Rome were Ignorant and Savage , and that wild Vertue which did not pardon their own Children , was advantagious to the Common-wealth ; as they began to be more reasonable , they found a way for the Motions of Nature to consist with the Love of their Countrey ; at length they joyned Graces and Ornaments to Justice and Reason . It has been seen then in the latter times , that there was no body of any Consideration , but what was tied to some Sect of Philosophy , not with a design to comprehend the Principles and Nature of things , but to fortifie their Minds by the study of Wisdom .

As for Politicks , it is incredible how the Romans instructed themselves early in all the Interests of their State ; how they applied themselves in the Knowledge of their Policy , and Laws , as far as to render themselve ▪ capable of the Affairs of Peace and War , even without Experience . The least Curious know after what manner they were affe●ted with Learning , and it is certain , that one saw but few great Men at Rome , who did not entertain some ingenious Greeks , to talk of things that were agreeable .

Amongst a hundred Examples , that I could alledge , I will content my self with that of Caesar , and it will suffice for my own Opinion to rely upon his Authority .

Of all the Sects that were then in Repute , he chose that of Epicurus , as the most pleasant , and most conformable to his Nature , and his Pleasures ; for there were two sorts of Epicureans , the one teaching Philosophy in Retirements , according to Precept ; the other , who could not approve of the Austerity of too rigid Philosophers , gave way only to more natural Opinions . Of these last have been the greatest part of the ingenious Men of that time , who knew how to distinguish the person from the Magistrate , and apply their Cares to the Republick , in such a manner , that there was left enough , both for their Friends , and for themselves . It would be unprofitable to explain to you the Knowledge that Caesar had of the Affairs of State , as well as the politeness and beauty of his Genius : I will only say , that he could dispute for the Mastery of Eloquence with Cicero ; and if he did not affect the Reputation of it , no person can deny that he both writ , and spoke much better , as a person of Quality , than Cicero .

A DISCOURSE UPON THE Great ALEXANDER .

SInce I have read the Great Alexander , the old Age of Corneille much less alarms me , and I don 't so much apprehend to see the writing of Tragedies end with him . But I wish , that , before his Death , he would adopt the Author of this Piece , to form with the tenderness of a Father his ●rue Successor . I wish , that he would afford him the good tast of Antiquity , which he enjoys so much to his Advantage ; that he would make him enter into the Genius of those dead Nations , and know judiciously , the Character of Heroes , which are no more . It is , in my Opinion , the only thing which is wanting to so fine a Wit. He has Thoughts strong , and bold ; Expressions , which equal the force of his Thoughts : But then you will permit me to tell you , That he was not acquainted with Alexander , or Porus. It appears , that he had a mind to give a greater Idea of Porus , than of Alexander , wherein it was not possible for him to succeed ; for the History of Alexander , as true as it is , has much of the Air of a Romance ; and to make a greater Heroe , is to make him pass for Fabulous , to take from his Work , not only the credit of Truth , but the agreeableness of Probability . Let us not imagine any thing greater than this Master of the World , when our Imaginations shall be too vast , and elevated : If we would give other Heroes an advantage over him , let us take from them the Vices which he had , and give them the Vertues which he had not : don 't let us make Scipio greater , although there never was amongst the Romans a Soul so aspiring as his ; he should be made more Just , more disposed to do Good , more Moderate , more Temperate , and more Vertuous .

Let the greatest Admirers of Caesar against Alexander , alledge in his Favour , neither the Passion of Glory , the Grandeur of the Soul , nor the Firmness of Courage . These Qualities are so compleat in the Graecian , that to have been more , would have have been too much ; but let them make the Roman more wise in his Enterprises , more dexterous in his Affairs , to have understood his Interests better , and more Master of himself in his Passions .

One who was a very curious Judge of the desert of Men , is contented to liken to Alexander , him , to whom he would give the highest Character : He durst not attribute to him greater Qualities , but took away from him the Bad. Magno illi Alexandro par , sed sobrio nec iracundo .

Perhaps our Author is entred into these Considerations in some measure ; perhaps , to make Porus the greater , without Romancing , he took the party to lessen his Alexander . If that was his design , he could not succeed better therein , for he has made of him so moderate a Prince , that a hundred others might be preferred before , like him , ●●●us . Not but that Hephestion affords a fine representation of him ; that Taxila , and Porus himself speak advantagiously of his Greatness : but when he appears himself , he has not the force to sustain it , unless through Modesty he had a mind to appear an ordinary Man amongst the Indians , in a just Repentance , for having been desirous to pass for a God amongst the Persians . To speak seriously , I can discern here nothing of Alexander , but the single Name ; his Genius , his Humour , his Qualities appear to me no where . I seek in an impe●uous Heroe such extraordinary Motions , as should excite my Passion ; and I find a Prince of so little Spirit , that he leaves my Bloud entirely cold .

I imagined to my self in Porus , a greatness of Soul , which was more strange to us ; the Heroe of the Indies should have a different Character from ours . Another Heaven , that I mak so speak , another Sun , another Land produce therein other Animals , and other Fruits : The Men appear there quite otherwise , by the difference of their Faces , and still more , If I durst say so , by a distinction of Reason : Morals , Wisdom , singular to Religion , seem there to guide other Minds in another World . Porus notwithstanding , whom Quintus Cu●tius describes an utter Stranger to the Greeks and Persians , is here purely French ; instead of transporting us to the Indies , he is brought into France , where he is so well accustomed to our Humour , that he seems to be born amongst us , or at least , to have dwelt here all his Life .

They that undertake to represent some Heroe of ancient times , should examine the Genius of the Nation he was of , the ●ime wherein he lived , and particularly his own . One ought to describe a King of Asi● otherwise than a Roman Consul ; the one should speak as an absolute Monarch , who disposes of his Subjects as his Slaves ; the other , as a Magistrate , wo only puts Life into the Laws , and makes their Authority respected by a free People . One ought to describe an old Roman furious for the publick good , and moved by a wild Liberty , differently from a flatterer of Tiberius's time , who knew nothing but Interest , and abandoned himself to their Slavery . One should not make the same description of persons of the same Condition , and of the same time , when History affords us different Characters of them . It would be ridiculous to make the same description of C●to and Caesar , Catiline and Cicero , Brutus and Mark-Anthony , under pre●ence , that they lived at the same time in the same Republick . The Spectator , that sees these Ancients ▪ represented upon our Theaters , follows the same Rules to judge of th●m well , as the Poet doth to describe them well ; and to succeed therein the better , he removes his mind from all that he sees in use , endeavours to get ridd of the humour of his own time , renounces the inclination of his own Nature , if 't is opposite to that of the persons represented ; for the Dead cannot enter into what we are , but Reason , which is of all times , may make us imagine what they have been .

One of the greatest Faults of our Nation , is the appropriating all to it self , so as to make Strangers to be as of their Country , where they have nothing , neither its Air , nor Manners . From hence it comes , that we are justly reproached , for not knowing how to esteem things , but by the report they have amongst us , of which Corneille has made an unjust and melancholly Exp●rience in his Sophonisba . Mair●t , who discribed his , unfaithful to old Syphax , in love with the young and Victorious Massiniss● , pleased , as it were generally , the whole World , for having light upon the Inclination of the Ladies , and the true Humour of the Courtiers . But Corneille , who make● the Greeks speak better than Greeks , the Romans than the Romans , the Carthaginians , than the Ci●izens of Carthage speak themselves : Corneille , who alone almost has a true Tast of Antiquity , has had the misfortune not to please our Age , for having entred into the Genius of these Nations , and preserved the true Character of Asdrubal's Daughter . Thus to the disgrace of our Judgments , he that hath surpass'd all our Authors , and has here , perhaps , even surpassed himself , in rendring to these great Names all that was their due , could not oblige us to afford him all that we are indebted to him ; being enslaved by Custom , to those things we see in use , and little dispos'd , by reason , to esteem those Qualities , and Sentiments , which are not agreeable ●o our own .

Let us conclude after a consideration of Extent enough , that Alexander and Porus ought to preserve their Characters entire ; that it was our business to view them upon the Banks of Hydaspes , such as they were : not theirs , to come upon the shore of the Seine , to study our Nature , and speak our Thoughts . The discourse of Porus should have something more unusual , and extraordinary . If so be Quintus Curtius has made himself admired in the Oration of the Scy●hians ▪ by Thoughts and Expressions natural to their Nation , the Author might have rendred himself as admirable in letting us see , that I may so speak , the rarity of a ●enius of another World .

The different Conditions of these two Kings , where each fills up so well what he should in his own , their Valour differently exercised in the Variety of their Fortune , draws the consideration of Historians , and obliges them to give us an account of them . The Poet , who might add to the Truth of things , or at least , set them off with all the Ornaments of Poetry , instead of using Colours , and Figures to embellish them , hath taken away much of their Beauty ; and whether the scruple of Exceeding doth not let him far enough , or else , through dryness , or barrenness , he remains much beneath the Truth . He might have entred into the inward part , and have drawn f●om the foundation of those great S●uls , as Corneille hath done , their most secret Motions ; but he scarce regards the simple outside , little curious of remarking well what appears , and little profound in searching what lies concealed .

I could have wished , that the strength of this piece had consisted in the representation of those great Men , and that in a Scene worthy of the Magnificence of the Subject , he would have made the greatness of their Souls advance , as far as it was possible .

If the Conversation of Sertorius and Pompey has had such influence upon our Minds , what should not one expect from that of Porus , and Alexander upon a Subject so uncommon ? I could have wish'd yet , that he had given us a greater prospect of this War . Indeed , that passage of the Hyd●spes so strange , that it is hardly to b● conceived ; a prodigious Army on t'other side with terrible Chariots , and Elephant● at that time formidable ; Ligh●ning , Thunder , and Tempests , which made a general Confusion , above all , when he was obliged to pass so large a River upon simple Skins ; a hundred dreadful things , which astonished the Macedonians , and which made Alexa●der say , That at last he had found a Danger worthy of himself ; all this , I say , should have extreamly raised the Imagination of the Poet , both in the description of the preparations of the Fight , and the r●cital of it .

In the mean time , he hardly mentions the Camps of the two Kings , from whom he takes away their proper Genius's , to enslave them to Princesses , tha● are purely Im●ginary . All that Interest hath of Great and Pre●ious amongst Men , the Defence of a Country , the preservation of a Kingdom don't excite Porus to the Battel ; he is encouraged thereto by the Beautiful eyes of Axiana alone , and the single design of his Valour is to make himself recommendable to her . They describe Knights Errants after this manner , when they undertake an adventure , and the finest Genius , in my opinion , of all Spain , never makes Don Quixot enter the Combat , before he recommends himself to Dul●ine● . A maker of Romances may frame his Heroes according to his Fancy ; it is of little importance also to give a true Character of an obscure Prince , whose reputation is not arrived to us : But these great Persons of Antiquity , so famous in their Age , and more known amongst us , than the Living ; the Alexander's , the Scipio's , the Caesars , ought never to lose their Character in our hands . For the least curious Spectator perceives , that he is injured , when they give to them Faults , which they had not , or when they take from them Vertues , which had made upon his mind an agreeable impression . Vertues once established amongst us , interess our proper love , as our true Master , and one cannot bring the least alteration , withou● making us discern this change with Violence . Upon the whole , one ought not to disfigure them in War , to render them more illustrious in their Amours ; we may give them Mistresses of our own Invention , we may mix Passion with their Glory ; but let us take care of making an Anthony of an Alexander , and not ruine Heroes confirmed by so many Ages , in favour of a Lover , whom we form to our single Fancy .

To reject the love of our Tragedies as unworthy of Heroes , is to take away that which makes us hold to them by a secret relation , and I know not what cohaerence , which still remains between their Souls and others : But to bring them to us by this common Sentiment , don't let us make them descend beneath themselves , nor destroy what they possess above Men. With this moderation , I will affirm that there are no Subjects , where a general Passion , which Nature hath dispersed throughout , can't enter without trouble and violence . Moreover , as Women are as necessary for the representation , as Men , it is convenient to make them speak , as much as one can , of that which is most agreeable to their nature , and of which they speak much better than of other things . If you take away from some the expression of Amorous Thoughts , and from others a converse in Secret , into which , a confidence which they have of each other , makes them enter , you reduce them for the most part to very tedious Conversations . As if all their motions , as their Discourses , ought to be the effects of their Passion ; their Joy , their Sorrow , their Fears , their Desires , ought to relish of a little love , to be taking .

If you introduce a Mother who rejoiceth for the Happiness of her Beloved Son , or afflicts her self for the misfortune of her poor Daughter , her Satisfaction or her Loss will make but little impression upon the Souls of the Spectators . To be affected with the Tears and Complaints of this Sex , let us see a Mistress that bewails the Death of a Lover , and not a Wife , that laments for the loss of a Husband .

The Grief of Mistresses , which is tender , has much more influence upon us , than the affliction of an invegling , self-interessed Widow , and as sincere as she happens to be sometimes , always affords us a Melancholy Idea of Funerals , and their dismal Ceremonies . Of all the Widows , that ever appeared upon the Theatre , I love to see none but Cornelia , because instead of making me think of Children without a Father , and a Wife without a Spouse , her Affections all over Roman , recall into my mind the Idea of ancient Rome , and the Great Pompey .

Behold all that may reasonably be allowed to Love upon our Theatres , but let them be contented with this , and so far even their Rules will allow of it , and let not its greatest favourers believe that the chief design of Tragedy , is to excite a sort of tenderness in our hearts . In subjects truly Heroick , the Greatness of the Soul ought to be kept up before all things . That which would be pleasing and tender in the Mistress of an ordinary Man , is often weak and disgraceful in the Mistress of a Heroe . She may entertain her self , when alone , with the inward Combats , which she is sensible of in her self , she may Sigh in Secret for her misery , trust to a beloved and severe Confident , her Fears and her Griefs : But sustained by her Glory , and fortified by her reason , she ought always to remain Mistress of her Passions , and animate her Lover to great things by her Resolution , instead of disheartening him by her weakness .

Indeed , 't is an unworthy Spectacle to see the Courage of a Heroe softned by Tears and Sighs ; and if so be he fiercely contemns the Griefs of a Beautiful person that loves him , he discovers the firmness of his heart , less than the hardness of his Soul .

To avoid this inconvenience , Corneille has no less regard to the Character of Illustrious Women , than to that of his Heroes . Aemilia encourages Cinna to the execution of their design , and meditates how to ruine all the motions , that oppose the death of Augustus .

Cleopatra hath a Passion for Caesar , and leaves nothing undone to preserve Pompey : she would be unworthy of Caesar , if she did not oppose the baseness of her Brother , and Caesar undeserving of her , if he was capable of approving that Infamy . Dircè in Oedipus , disputes greatness of Courage with Theseus , turning upon her self the fatal explication of the Oracle , which he would apply to himself for the love of her .

But one should consider Sophonisba , whose Character might be envied by the Romans themselves . One should see her Sacrifice the young Massinissa to Old Syphax for the good of her Countrey ; one should see her hearken as little to the Scruples of Duty in quitting Siphax , as she had done the Sentiments of her love , in losing Massinissa : One should see her , who subjects all sorts of Obligations , what binds us , what unites us , the strongest Chains , the most tender Passions , to her Love for Carthage , and her Hatred for Rome . In a word , one should see her , when ▪ she 's utterly abandoned , not wanting to her self , and when those hearts , which she had gained to save her Countrey signified nothing , to owe to her self the last support to pr●serve her Glory and her Liberty .

Corneille makes his Heroes speak with so much decency , that he had never given us the Conversation of Caesar with Cleopatra , if so be Caesar could have been believed to have had the Business , which he had at Alexandria , as Beautiful as she was , as far as to have rendred the Converse of a Lover to indifferent Persons , that should hear it . He had certainly let that alone , but that the Battel of Pharsalia was fully won , Pompey dead , and all that took part with him in flight . As Caesar then believed himself to be the Master of all , they might offer him an acquired Glory , and a power in all appearance assured : But when he discovered the Conspiracy of Ptolomy , when he beholds his affairs in an ill Condition , and his own Life in Danger , it is no more a Lover , that entertains his Mistress with his Passion , but the Roman General , that speaks to the Queen of the Danger which relates to them , and leaves her with hast to provide for their common Security .

It is ridiculous then to take Porus up with his single Love upon the point of a great Battel , which was to make a decision of all things for him ; it is no less to make Alexander depart , when the Enemies began to rally . One might have made him enter with impatience to seek Porus , not to draw him from thence with precipitation to go and revisit Cleophile , he , that never had those Amorous Impatiences , and who never thought a Victory to be compleat , till he had either destroyed , or pardoned . That which I find more miserable on his account , is that he is made to lose much of one side , without gaining any thing on t'other . He is as little a Heroe of Love , as of War , and the History is disfigured , without any Ornament to the Romance : A Warriour , whose Glory cannot inflame us : A Lover , whose Passion cannot affect us .

Behold what I had to say of Alexander and Porus. If so be I am not regularly tyed to an exact Critick , 't is because I had less mind to examine the piece in particular , than to enlarge my self upon the decorum one ought to observe in the Discourses of Heroes , upon the Judgment one should have in the difference of their Characters , upon the good and ill usage of the tenderness of Love in Tragedies , rejected too severely by those , that give up all things to the motions of Pity and Fear , and searcht with too much nicety by those , that have no Inclinations , but for these sorts of Sentiments .

A IVDGMENT UPON Seneca , Plutarch and Petronius .

I Will begin with Seneca , and will tell you with the utmost impudence that I esteem much more his Person , than his Works . I esteem the Tutor of Nero , the Gallant of Agrippina , an Ambitious Man that pretended to the Empire : Of the Philosopher , and Writer , I make but little account , and am affected neither with his Stile , nor his Thoughts . His Latin has nothing of resemblance to that of Augustus's time , nothing of easie , nothing of natural ; all made up of points , all fanciful ; more of the heat of Affrick , or Spain in them , than the Light of Greece , or Italy . You see there abrupt things , that have the Air and Shape of Sentences ; but which have neither their Solidity , nor their good Sence : Which wet and spur on the Spirit , without winning the Judgment .

His forced Discourse communicates to me a sort of constraint ; and the Soul , instead of finding there its Satisfaction and Repose , meets with Trouble and Affliction .

Nero , although one of the most wicked Princes of the World , was notwithstanding very Ingenious , and had near him a sort of under Masters extreamly Curious , who used Seneca as a Pedant , and turned him into ridicule . I am not of the Opinion of Berville , who imagined that the false Eumolpus of Petronius was the true Seneca . If so be Petronius would have given him an injurious Character , it had been under the Person of a Pedantick Philosopher , rather than an impertinent Poet. Besides , 't is as it were impossible to find any agreement therein . Seneca was the Richest Man of the Empire , and always commended Poverty . Eumolpus , a Poet very low in the World , and in the despair of his Fortune , he complained of the Ingratitude of the Age , and found no other comfort than that bonae mentis soror est paupertas . If Seneca had Vices , he conceal'd them with care under the appearance of Wisdom : Eumolpus made a Vanity of his , and used his pleasures with much Liberty .

I don't app●ehend then upon what Berville could ground his Conjecture . But I am deceived if all that Petronius says of the Stile of his time , of the Corruption of Eloquence and Poetry , if the controversiae sententiis vibrantibus pictae , which offended him so much , if the vanus sententiarum strepitus , wherewith he was astonished , doth not belong to Seneca , if the perambages & Deorum Ministeria , &c. did not relate to the Pharsalia of Lucan : if the Encomiums , which he gives to Cicero , Virgil and Horace , were not designed in contempt of the Uncle , and Nephew . Be it as it will , to return to what appers to me concerning this Philosopher , I never read his Writings , without removing my self from the Sentiments which he would inspire his Readers with . If he attempts to perswade Poverty , I long for his Riches ; his Vertue frightens me , and the lest despos'd to Vice would abandon himself to pleasures by the description , which he gives of them . In a word , he speaks so much of Death , and leaves me such Melancholy Ideas , that I do my utmost endeavours not to improve by his Lecture . The finest things that I find in his Works , are the Examples and Citations he mingles therein . As he lived in a curious Court , and knew a thousand fine things of all Times , he alledges some that are very agreeable , sometimes of the Greeks , sometimes of Caesar , Augustus and Mecaenas , for after all his Parts , and Knowledge were infinite : But his Stile has nothing that affects me , his Opinions are too severe , and 't is ridiculous that one who lived in abundance , and was so careful of himself , should encourage nothing but Poverty and Death .

UPON PLUTARCH .

MOntagne has found much resemblance between Plutarch and Sen●ca , both great Philosophers , great Encouragers of Wisdom and Vertue , both Tutors of Roman Emperors : The one more Rich and Elevated ; the other more Happy in the Education of his Pupil . The Opinions of Plutarch ( as the same Montagne affirms ) are more sweet and more agreeable to Society : He thinks those of Seneca more solid , but I , more rough , more severe . Plutarch sweetly insinuates Wisdom , and would render Vertue familiar even in Pleasures . Seneca brings back all Pleasures to Wisdom , and esteems the Philosopher only Happy . Plutarch , natural , and first perswaded , easily perswades others : The Spirit of Seneca opposes it self , and encourages it self to Vertue , and as if it were to him a strange thing , he takes pains to exceed himself . As for the Stile of Plutarch , having no Experience in Greek , I cannot make a certain Judgment : But I will acknowledge to you , that amongst the Treatises of his Morals , there 's a great deal which I cannot comprehend , whether it be through the great difference of things and manners of his time , from those of ours , or that they are really above my little understanding . The familiar Spirit of Socrates , the Creation of the Soul , the Circle of the Moon , may be admirable to those that understand them . I will confess to you Ingeniously , that I don't apprehend the Beauty of them ; and if they are wonderful , 't is a wonder that 's beyond my Capacity . One may judge by the good Words of the Ancients , which he hath left us , by his Sayings which he hath Collected with so much Care , by his long Table Discourses , how much he was taken with Converse . In the mean time , whether it were that there was but little of delicacy at those Times , or else that his Palate was not very exquisite : He supports grave and serious things with a great deal of good Sense and Reason ; in things that depend purely upon Wit , he has nothing of ingenious , or delicate .

To speak the truth , the Lives of Illustrious Men is the Master-piece of Plutarch , and in my Opinion one of the Noblest Works in the World . You see there those great Men set in publick view , and in their retirements at home , you see them in the purity of their Nature , and in the whole extent of action . One sees therein the Resolution of Brutus , and that fierce answer to the evil Genius that spoke to him : One sees that there remained with him in spite of himself some Impression of this Ghost , which the reasoning of Cassius had much ado to efface . A few days after , one sees him put his Troops in order , and give Battel so successfully on his side , and so fatally by the Error of Cassius . One ●ees him try his Fortune again , lose the Battel , reproach Vertue ; and find more relief in despair , than with an ungrateful Mistress whom he had so well served .

There is a natural force in the Discourse of Plutarch , which equals the greatest actions ; and 't is of him that one may properly say , facta dictis exaequata sunt : But he forgets neither the moderate , nor the common ones , and examines with Care the ordinary course of Life . As for his Comparisons , which Montagne has found so admirable , they appear to me indeed very fine : But I 'm of Opinion that he might have gone further , and pierced more into the bottom of their Tempers .

There are folds and turnings in our Souls , which he has avoided . He has judg'd of Man too much in general , and has not thought him so diff●rent as he is to himself ; wicked , vertuous , equitable , unjust , merciful , cruel : When a Man seems to be oppo●ite to himself , he attributes to strange Causes . In a word , if he had defined Catiline , he would have made him Covetous , or Prodigal : That alieni appetens , sui profusus , was beyond his apprehension ; and he would never have discovered those contrarieties , which Salust hath so well separated , and which Montagne himself hath much better understood .

A JUDGMENT UPON PETRONIUS .

TO judge of the Merit of Petronius , I will only see what Tacitus says of him ; and , without Flattery , he must have been one of the most Gentleman-like of the World , since he has obliged so severe a Historian , to renounce his own Nature , and to enlarge himself with Pleasure upon the Commendations of a voluptuous Person . Not but that a Luxury so exquisite tended as much to the Delicacy of Genius , as to that of the Relish . That erudito luxu , that arbiter elegantiarum , is the Character of an Ingenious Politeness , ●ar remote from the gross thoughts of a Vicious Man : He was not so possessed of his Pleasures , as to become uncapable of Business ; and the sweetness of his Life did not render him an Enemy to Employment . He had the Merit of a Governour in his Government of Bithynia , the Vertue of a Consul in his Consulship . But instead of subjecting his Life to his Dignity , as do the greatest part of Men , and to bring there all his Troubles and all his Joys , Petronius of a Spirit superiour to his Charges , centred them to himself ; and to explain my self after the manner of Montagne , He did not renounce the Man , for the Magistrate . As for his Death , after having examined it well , either I am deceived , or it is the finest of Antiquity . In that of Cato , I find Trouble and even Anger . The despair of the Affairs of the Republick , the loss of Liberty , his Hatred to Caesar , much assisted his Resolution , and I know not if his rough Nature did not extend to Fury , when he tore out his own Bowels .

Socrates died truely as a wise Man , and with indifference enough : Yet he endeavoured to assure himself of his Condition in another Life , and did not : He reason'd thereof with his Friends in the Prison without ceasing , weakly enough ; and to say all , Death was a considerable Object to him .

Petronius alone hath shewed softness and indifference in his . Audi●b atque referentes nihil de immortalitate animae , & Philosophorum placitis ; sed levia carmina & faciles versus . He did not only go on in his ordinary course , in giving Liberty to Slaves , in chastising others , he followed those things that pleased him ; and his Soul at the point of so doleful a Separation , was more touched with the sweetness and easiness of Verse , than all the Sentiments of Philosophers .

Petronius , at his Death , leaves us nothing but an Image of Life , no Action , no Word , no Circumstance , Marks the perplexity of a dying Person . 'T is for him properly , that to die is to cease to live , and the vixit of the Romans justly appertains to him .

UPON PETRONIUS .

I AM not of the Opinion of those who believe that Petronius had a Mind to reprehend the Vices of his Time , and that he composed a Satyr with the same Spirit , that Horace writ his . I am deceived , or good Manners have not so great an Obligation to him ; He is rather a nice Courtier that finds the Ridicule , than a publick Censurer that ties himself to blame Corruption . And to speak truth , if so be Petronius had a mind to leave us an Ingenious Moral in the Description of Pleasures , he had endeavoured to give us some distast thereof : but 't is there that Vice appears with all the Graces of the Author ; 't is there he shews with the greatest Care the agreement and Politeness of his Wit.

Further , if he had had a design to instruct us by a way more fine and conceal'd than that of Precepts , we should at least see some Example of Divine or Humane Justice upon those Debauchees . So far is he from that , that the only honest Man that he introduceth , the Poor Licas , a Merchant of good Credit , fearing the Gods much , miserably perisheth in a Tempest in the midst of those depraved Persons , that are preserved . Eucolpius and Giton embrace one another , to die more closely united together ; and Death durst not interrupt their Pleasures . The Lustful Triphena saved her self in a Skiff , with all that belonged to her . Eumolpus was so little concerned at the danger , that he had leisure enough to make an Epigram : Licas , the Pious Licas calls to his Gods in vain for Relief ; and to the disgrace of their Providence , the only Innocent pays here for all the Culpable . If so be one sees Eucolpius sometimes in his Afflictions , they don't proceed from his Repentance . He kill'd his Host , is a Fugitive , there 's no sort of Crime , which he has not committed ; thanks to the Goodness of his Conscience , he lives without Remorse : His Tears , his Lamentations have a very different cause ; he complains of the Infidelity of Giton that abandons him , and his Despair is to imagine himself in the Arms of another , that derides the Solitude he 's reduced to .

Iacent nunc amatores obligati noctibus totis , & forsitan mutuis libidinibus attriti derident solitudinem meam .

All Crimes have happily succeeded to him , except one alone , which indeed occasion'd him a rigorous Punishment : but 't is an offence , for which the Divine and Humane Laws have not ordained a Chastisement . He had not answered well the Caresses of Circe ; and in truth his Impotence is the only Fault , which hath troubled him . He confesses that he has failed several times , but that he never deserved Death , except on this Occasion . In a word , without tying my self to the particulars of the whole Story , he falls again into the same Crime , and receives the deserved Punishment with a perfect Resignation : then he comes to himself , and acknowledges the anger of the Gods .

Hellespontiaci sequitur gravis ira Priapi .

He laments the pitiful Estate , wherein he finds himself . Funerata est pars illa corporis , qua quondam Achilles eram ; and to recover his Vigour , he puts himself into the Hands of a Priestess of this God with very good Sentiments of Religion : but indeed , the only ones he appears to have in all his adventures . I might say too , That the good Eumolpus is followed by little Children , when he recites his Verses : but when he corrupts his Scholar , the Mother regards him as a Philosopher ; and lying in the same Chamber , the Father awakes not : So severely is Ridicule punished by Petronius , and Vice happily protected . Judge by this , if Vertue has not need of another Orator , to be perswaded . I fancy he was of the Opinion of Botru , That a Gentleman and Good Manners don't agree together .

Si ergo Petronium adimus , adimus virum ingenio veré aulico , elegantiae arbitrum , non sapientiae .

CHAP. II.

ONE cannot doubt , but that Petronius had a Mind to shew the Debaucheries of Nero , and that this Prince was the chief Object of his Deri●ion : but to know whether the Persons he introduces be true , or fictitious ; whether he gives us Characters according to his fancy , of the proper Temper of certain Persons , the thing is very difficult , and one cannot reasonably be assured of it . As for me , I 'm of Opinion , That there is no Person in Petronius , who may not in general agree with Nero. Under Trimaltion in all probability he derides his ridiculous Magnificence , and the extravagance of his Pleasures : Eumolpus represents to us the foolish Passion , which he had for the Theatre : Sub nominibus exoletorum , foeminarumque , & novitate cujusque stupri , flagitia Principis praescripsit ; and by an agreeable Disposition of different Persons but imagined , he touches several Impertinences of the Emperour , and the usual disorder of his Life .

One might say , That Petronius is very contrary to himself , to blame the Magnificence of Banquets , and the softness of some other Pleasures ; he that was so Ingenious in the search of them : Dum nihil amoenum & molle , affluentia putat , nisi quod ei Petronius approbasset . For , to speak the truth , although the Prince was of his own Nature , corrupt enough , in the judgment of Plutarch , the Complaisance of this Courtier contributed much to cast him into all sort of Luxury and Profusion . In that , as in the most part of things in History , one should regard the difference of times . Before Nero let himself yield to this strange abandoning , no body was so agreeable to him , as Petronius ; even so far , as every thing passed for gross , which had not his Approbation .

This Court was , as it were , a School of meditated Pleasures , where all was subservient to the Delicacy of so exquisite a Palate . I am even of Opinion , That the Politeness of our Author became pernicious to the Publick , and that he was one of the chief in Ruining some considerable Persons , that made a particular Profession of Wisdom and Vertue . He preached up nothing but Liberality to an Emperour already Prodigal , softness to a voluptuous Man ; every thing that had the Face of Austerity , had to him a ridiculous Air. According to my Conjectures , Thraseas had his turn , Helvidius his ; and whosoever had Merit without the Art of Pleasing , was not troublesome without Punishment . In this manner of Life , Nero corrupted himself more and more , and as the Delicacy of Pleasures came to yield to the disorder of the Debauch , he fell into the extravagance of all Tastes . Then Tigellinus , one that was jealous of the Agreements of Petronius , and the advantages which he had over him in the Science of Pleasures , attempted to ruine him , quasi adversus aemulum , & Scientiae volupta atum potiorem . It was no difficult thing for him to do ; for the Emperour , abandoned as he was , could no longer suffer so curious a Witness of his Infamies : He was less troubled through the Remorse of his Crimes , than through a secret Shame which he felt , of his gross Pleasures , when he remembred the Delicacy of things past . Petronius on his side had no less distastes ; and I believe , that in the time of his private Discontents , he composed that Ingenious Satyr , which we have but unhappily misrepresented .

We see in Tacitus the noise of his Disgrace , and that at length , by the Conspiracy of Piso , the Friendship of Scevinus was the pretence of his loss .

CHAP. III.

PEtronius is admirable throughout in the purity of his Style , in the delicacy of his Sentiments ▪ but that whi●h more surprises me , is that great easiness in giving us ingeniously all sorts of Characters . Terence is perhaps the Author of Antiquity , that enters best into the Nature of Persons . But still I find this to say , that he has too little extent ; and his whole Talent is con●ined in making Servants and Old Men , a Covetous Father , a Debauched Son , a Slave , to speak properly . Behold how far extends the capacity of Terence . You must expect from him neither Gallantry , nor Passion , nor the Thoughts , nor the Discourse of a Gentleman . Petronius , who had an Universal Wit , finds the Genius of all Professions , and frames himself as he pleases , to a Thousand different Natures . If so be he introduceth a Declamer , he practiseth so well his Air and his Style , that one would say , he had used to declaim all his Life . Nothing expresseth more naturally the disorder of a Debauched Life , than the Quarrels of Eucolpion and Acyltos upon the Subject of Giton .

Quartilla , doth not she represent admirably those prostitute Women ? Quarum sic accensa libido , ut saepius peterent viros , quam peterentux . The Marriage of Young Giton and Innocent Panichis , doth it not give us the Image of an accomplished Wantonness ?

All that can make a Sot ridiculously , magnificent in Banquets , a false delicate , an impertinent , you have it undoubtedly at the Feast of 〈◊〉 .

Eumolpus shew● us the folly which Nero had for the 〈◊〉 , and his vanity to recite his own 〈◊〉 ▪ and you will observe in passing by so many Noble Verses , which he makes an ill use of , that an excellent Poet is for the most part an irregular Man . In the mean time as Eucolpion , to represent Eumolpus a maker of Fantastical Verses , doth not cease to find in his Physiognomy something of greatness , he judiciously takes care not to ruine the Idea's which he gives us of him . That infirmity , which he has in making Verses out of Season , even in vicinia mortis , his fluentness in repeating his Compositions in all places , and at all times , answers to his ridiculous Beginning : Et ego , inquit , Poeta sum , & ut spero , non humillimi spiritus , si modo aliquid coronis credendum est , q●as etiam ad imperitos gratia deferre solet .

His knowledge general enough , his extraordinary Actions , his expedients in unlucky Encounters , his Resolution to support his Companions in the Vessel of Licas , those People he brings in at Crotona , so agreeably courting of Old Men for their Estates after their Death , have always some agreement with what Eucolpion had promised to himself . Senex canus exercitati vultus , & qui videbatur magnum aliquid promittere .

There is nothing so natural as the Person of Crisis , none of our Confidents come near her ; and without mentioning her first Conversation with Polienos , that which she tells him of her Mistress upon the affront she received , is of an inimitable simplicity : Verum enim fatendum est , ex qua hora accepit injuriam , apud se non est .

Whosoever has read Iuvenal is well enough acquainted with impotentia matronarum , and the ill humour it puts them in , Si quando vir aut familiaris infelicius cum ipsis rem habuerat . But there is no body but Petronius that could have described Circe , so Beautiful , so Voluptuous and so Gallant .

Enothea , the Priestess of Priapus , ravishes me with the Miracles she promises , with her Enchantments , her Sacrifices , her Lamentation upon the Death of the Sacred Goose ; and the manner of her Pacification , when Polienos makes her a Present , wherewith she might purchase a Goose and Gods too , if she thought fit .

Philumena , that honest Lady , is not less good , who , after having spent several Estates in the Flower of her Youth and Beauty , coming to be Old , and by consequence unfit for all Pleasures , endeavoured to continue this fine Art by the means of her Children , whom she introduced with a Thousand Noble Discourses to Old Men , that had it not . In a word , there is no Nature , no Profession , which Petronius doth not admirably pursue the Genius of . He is a Poet , he is an Orator , he is a Philosopher , at his pleasure .

As for his Verses , I find in them an agreeable Force , a natural Beauty , Naturali pulchritudine carmen exurgit .

I know not if I am deceived ; but in my Opinion , Lucretius has not so affectingly treated of the matter of Dreams , as Petronius .

Somnia , quae mentes ludunt volitantibus umbris , Non delubra Deum nec ab aethere numina mittunt : Sed sibi quisque facit ; nam cum prostrata sopore Vrget membra quies , & mens sine pondere ludit , Quidquid luce fuit , tenebris agit ; oppida bello Qui quatit & flammis miserandas saevit in urbes , Tela videt , &c.

And what can one compare to this voluptuous Night , whose Image fills the Soul in such a manner , that one has need of a little Vertue to hold fast the simple Impressions it makes upon the Mind ?

Qualis nox fuit illa , Dii , Deaeque ! Quam mollis thorus ! Haesimus calentes , Et transfudimus hinc & hinc labellis Errantes animas . Valete curae . Mortalis ego sic perire coepi .

What a Night , O good Gods ! What Warmth ! What Kisses ! What Breathing ! What mixture of Souls in those hot and amourous Respirations !

Although the Style of the Declamer seems ridiculous to Petronius , yet for all that he shews much Eloquence in his Declamations ; and to demonstrate that the most Debauched are not incapable of Meditation , Morality has nothing more serious , or better handled than the Reflections of Eucolpion upon the Inconstancy of Humane Affairs , and the Uncertainty of Death .

In every Subject that 's offered , one cannot think more nicely , nor speak with more purity . Oftentimes in his Narrations he lets himself go to the Simple Nature , and contents himself with the Graces of Plainness : sometimes his work is a finished piece , and then there 's nothing so exact . Catullus and Martial treat of the same things in a gross manner ; and if so be any one could find the secret of covering what 's obscene in a Language like his , I 'll answer for the Ladies , that they would praise him for his Discretion .

But that which Petronius hath more particular , is , That excepting Horace in some Odes , he is perhaps the only Person of Antiquity , that knew how to speak of Gallantry . Virgil is affecting in Passions ; the Amours of Dido , the Amours of Orpheus and Euridice have Charms and Tenderness : Yet there is nothing of Gallant , and the Poor Dido , so Compassionate was her Soul , became Amorous of the Pious Aeneas at the recital of his Misfortunes . Ovid is ingenious and easie : Tibullus delicate . In the mean time , their Mistresses ought to be Learned .

As they alledge Gods , Fables and Examples drawn from the most remote Antiquity , they always promise Sacrifices ; and I fancy that Monsieur ... learnt of them the Method of burning Hearts in Offerings . Lucian , as ingenious as he is , becomes gross so soon as he speaks of Love , and his Courtezans have rather the Language of the Stews , than the Discourse of the Bed-Chamber .

As for me , who am a great admirer of the Ancients , I can't but render Justice to our Nation , and believe for certain , that we have over them in this point a great advantage . And , without romancing , after having examined this matter , I do not know one of these great Genius's , that could have made Massinissa and Sophonisba , Caesar and Cleopatra , speak so gallantly of Love , as we have heard them in our Language . As much as others come below us therein , so much doth Petronius exceed us . We have no Romance that affords us a History so agreeable as the Ephesian Matron . Nothing has so much of Gallantry as the Love-Letters of Circe and Polienos ; and all their adventure , whether in the management , or in the Descriptions , hath a Character very much above the Politeness of our Age. You may judge , in the mean time , whether he could nicely treat of a Noble Passion ; since here 't was an affair of two Persons , that at their first sight were to taste the utmost Pleasure .

MAXIM . That one ought never to be wanting to his Friends .

THIS Maxim is generally approved of , the weakest and the firmest Friend , the ungrateful and the acknowledging Person , observe the same Language . Yet there are but few People , that practise what they say . Is there a dispute about the acknowledgment of a good turn , a thousand Men re●ine upon the Discourses of Seneca ? Is there a Question about acquitting himself towards a Benefactor , no body frankly confesses the debt , nor concludes on the value of the Service ? He that hath given , magnifies Objects ; he that hath received , lessens them . The World is full of Braggadocio's and Hypocrites in Friendship . Nevertheless , it is certain that Friendship is a commerce ; the traffick thereof ought to be honest , but 't is still a traffick . He that hath ventured most therein , ought to reap the most . It is not permitted to infringe it , without coming to an account ; but where are those to be found , that act sincerely , and don 't put in the Balance the slightest displeasure to counter-poise the service of the greatest weight ?

Every one brags of his own Heart , 't is a vanity Al-a-mode , you hear nothing less repeated , and that without blushing : then every one makes to himself a Rule of Acknowledgment , always commodious for him , but inconvenient for his Friends . Tacitus has told us the reason of it ; 't is that our own acknowledgement is made use of at our own expence , and that of others to our advantage .

He that doth good , because he thinks himself obliged to do it , doth it always with an ill Grace : He looks upon his Duty as a troublesome Master : He seeks for occasions to free himself , and to shake off a Yoke , which he bears with discontent .

From whence it comes to pass , that the Offices of these Persons have something of a Languor in them , which takes a way all the Blossom of the good they do us . Should you die with shame , you must explain to them all your Necessities ; and explain them more than once , if so be you would have them understand you : you must push them on continually by the Interest of their own glory , and make level all their ways . Their Hearts are always in a sort of Lethargy . Stir them up , they awake for a moment , and afford some token of Life : say no more to them , they return to their first State .

On the other side , the Offices of true Friends have something of liveliness , which always precedes our Wants , and even prevents our very Desires . They find every thing easie ; one is sometimes forced to retain them , and moderate that heat , which carries them to goodness ; 't is of them one may truly affirm , That they think to have lost the day , wherein they have done no service for those they love .

But Honour , which disguiseth it self under the name of Friendship , is nothing but a Self-love , that serves it self in the Person , it makes an appearance of serving . The Friend , who acts but by this motive , advances to do good in Proportion only to the encrease of his Reputation . He stops short , when his Witnesses are gone ; 't is a false brave that turns his Eyes to see if he is regarded ; 't is a Hypocrite , that gives Alms with an unwilling Mind , and pays this Tribute to God , only to impose upon Men.

There are yet other Friends , whose only Prospect is their own Satisfaction ; this I●ternal Law , which they lay upon themselves , makes them faithful and generous : but there is in all their Actions a stiff regularity , that puzzles those whom they oblige . They do all things by weight and measure . 'T is a Misfortune to him that has need of their Service , when they think to have accomplished their Duties .

Provided they have nothing to reproach themselves with , the Misfortune of another doth not affect them , on the other side they would be concerned , that it was ended so soon . They continue it sometimes for the continuance of their own Glory . They r●joice , they triumph in secret for a disgrace , which gives them an occasion of shewing themselves : instead of searching the most ready means to assist you , they search the most signal ones to make themselves honoured : they always make a Figure , as they go ; and , in a word , they look upon their Friends , as Victims devoted to their Reputation . To speak the Truth , these Persons love nothing but themselves ; and if they think not to deserve reproach , one may also be of Opinion , that they deserve no acknowledgment .

You see others pass their lives in Formalities , and Complaisance ; they won't so much as pardon you a Ceremony . These are the First Men of the World , to comfort one upon the Death of a Father , or to make offers of Service , after the Sword is drawn : Is the danger pass'd , they put themselves in Garrison with you , and are as constant in their attendance , as your Shadow . They are always Slaves to Circumspection , great admirers of their own Vertue , very importunate with those that are indebted to them .

One must acknowledge that these constraints are extreamly troublesome to a Free Soul . There is no good turn that is not purchased too dear at this Price : There is no Misfortune worse , than that of being served after this manner ; To love because one's obliged to it , is not to love .

In the mean time , if those Friendships that are urged only by Honour or Duty , have something of Languor or Troublesomeness in them , those that are made by the resemblance of Humours , and Communication of Pleasures , are very subject to Alteration .

Since a Man is sometimes disgusted with himself , 't is yet more easie to be disgusted with others . The end of Friendship depends less upon our will , than the beginning . There is no Sympathy so perfect , that is ▪ not mixed with some contrariety ; no agreement , that holds an eternal Familiarity . The noblest Passions become ridiculous in growing old . The strongest Friendships decay with the time ; every day makes a breach therein . One is for going immediately so fast , that he 's out of breath ; in the midst of his Journey . He wearies himself , and wearies others .

After all , says a Fickle Friend , 't is a very tiresome business to be always hinting to the same Person , I love you . Nothing comes near the Vexation , that a too stedfast Passion occasions . It is fine indeed to endeavour to hide his distaste , and labour to entertain Correspondence ; Letters become insipid , Conversations languish , the Lover tells , the Lady counts every hour , each at length see himself reduced to talk of the Foul or the Serene Weather . There is not that fine Genius in Love , that is not exhausted : there is not that Solid Heart in Friendship , that is not repulsed . The taste of the best things change , before they are changed themselves .

When the sole Interest of our Diversions forms the Knot of Friendship , Absence , Employments , Disorders of Life , may easily break it , or at least untie the same . The new Delights which are enjoyed with new Friends , efface the remembrance of past Contentments . The first Pleasures of each Engagement , have something of sharpness , that excites the desire to engage it self more . As soon as they become more solid , they are satiated .

Wherefore there is no reason to reproach Inconstancy , as a very great evil ; it is no move in the power of certain Persons to love or not to love , than to be in health , or out of order . All that one can reasonably demand from Fickle Persons , is ingenuously to acknowledge their Levity , and not to add Treason to Inconstancy .

For it happens but too often , that the best established Friendships , the most strict Confidences , insensibly slacken . We are to blame to exclaim against Ingratitude , and to decry those that desert us ; we are sometimes glad , that they give us an Example of change . We seek a Quarrel , we seem to be angry , to the end of finding some pretence to set our selves at liberty : But supposing it were a real Anger , perhaps it is not their fault , it may be 't is our own : which of us hath a right to judge of it ? That which we call a Crime of the Soul , is very often a defect of Nature . God was not pleased to make us Perfect enough to be always amiable : why should we desire then to be always loved ?

Without doubt we took more care at the beginning to conceal our Imperfections : our Complacency held the place of the greatest merit : we enjoyed the Graces of Novelty ; these Graces resemble a certain Flower , which the Dew disperses upon Fruits ; there are but few Hands dextrous enough to gather them , without spoiling the same .

One must acknowledge , then , that even the best Men find in the strongest Unions , Intervals of heaviness and weakness , whereof they know not always the cause : This weakness , when it is not supported , passes at length to the Death of Friendship , if so be Honour comes not to its Rescue .

'T is Honour , that labours sometimes to hide the defects of the Heart , that plays the Person of Tenderness , that saves appearances for some time , till the Inclination is awaked , and retakes its former vigour . I don't mean that Formal and Ceremonious Honour , that consists in nothing but Rules and ridiculous Looks , that takes away all from the unfortunate , as far as an opportunity to complain , and whose Tyranny becomes sometimes more insupportable , than Infidelity it self .

I speak of a true reason , that agrees with the Imperfections of our Nature , that helps them the best it can , that 's an Enemy to Affectation , that aims at good , for the sake of good alone , and far remote from all the Evasions of Self-love ; that 's always ready to perform a Kindness , and thinks never to have done enough ; that doth not applaud it self , nor seeks for the Applause of the World .

It is certain then , that these two Qualities stand in need of one another , and that if Honour without Friendship is disagreeable , Friendship , that is not supported by Honour , is never well assured .

OBSERVATIONS UPON THE MAXIM ; Which says , One ought to despise Fortune , and not care for the Court.

IT is more difficult to perswade this Maxim , than the rest . They that receive Favours , even they that have but simple Pretentions , laugh at a Notion so contrary to theirs .

I confess , that it is not easie to believe , that Reasonable Men would make this Opinion Universal : I fansie they had no other design than to speak to the Unfortunate , and to cure sick Minds of an unprofitable Disquiet .

In this case I cannot condemn them ; if 't is permitted to call a Mistress Ungrateful and Cruel , when a Man hath served her without any effect ; 't is sure most reasonable for those that think to have received Outrages from Fortune , to have the Privilege of forsaking her , and to seek , far from the Court , a Repose which makes some amends to them for the advantages which she has denyed them : what injury is done her to return Contempt for Contempt ?

I don't find it strange then in this case , for a Gentleman to despise the Court : but I think it ridiculous for him to despise it , in hopes of making himself honoured . It is fine to act the Philosopher , but this Philosophy is to me suspected of Vanity . I am not the Cully of those Hypocrites at Court , that preach to others upon retreat , and cannot perswade themselves that 't is a happiness . The more they labour to make a suitable appearance in their Solitude , the more earnest is their desire of altering their State .

They don't so much as attend the call of Fortune : the least hope makes them forget all their Oaths ; they cast themselves at the Feet of that Mistress , whom they had exclaim'd against ; they become the Slaves of those Favourites , whom they had braved ; and their false Constancy has been of no other use , than to render their change the more contemptible .

They return to the Court , like Persons of another World ; their Habits , their Air , their Language , are no more Al-a-mode ; they pass for Strangers in their own Country , and for ridiculous Persons amongst the young Courtiers . There is no Patience which they don't put to the extremity , with their Tales of Ancient Times , and their Stories of the Old War . They give Lessons to all Comers , both of Military Discipline , and fine Gallantry . They put forth upon all occasions cold Ralleries against Flaxen Perriwigs and wide Pantaloons . Too happy , provided you hearken to them , and make an appearance of giving Credit to them : but the thanks which you receive , are not worth the tiresomeness they give you .

There are others , that are not less displeasing to me ; they are those , who can't leave the Court , and yet are vexed at every thing which passes there ; who interess themselves in the disgrace of the most indifferent Persons , and who find fault with the Preferment of their own Friends .

They look upon , as an injustice , all the Good and Bad that 's done to others ; it doth not suffice to merit the being Happy to avoid their Envy : but to be Unhappy , just suffices to attract their Pity .

In the mean time , if you hearken to these Persons , they 'll talk to you of nothing but Constancy , Generosity , and Honour : and in every thing they say , there 's always a melancholy Air that makes you sad , instead of affording you some Comfort . They meet with a certain Pleasure in Complaints , which makes you not to be obliged to them for their Pity . They never find the State well Governed , they favour no living Person , they give Quarter only to the Dead . Their Choler blemishes the best Things ; if through respect it spares the Prince , it diffuseth it self bitterly amongst his Favourites . In a word , they are ill Courtiers , ill Philosophers , and very unprofitable Friends .

They are uncapable of the Cares of a Tumultuous Life , they can't taste the Repose of a Retired one , their Disquiet tosses them up and down , and raises them to nothing : Like those that travel in a Dream , the error of their Imagination torments them more , than the truth it self would do ; and just as if they had dreamt all their Life , they find themselves as little advanced the last Day , as they were the first .

We are not in a time to storm against the Government . He that Rules is no less above Censorious Persons , by the Wisdom of his Conduct , than by the Majesty of his Rank . In truth , 't is a Misfortune for the Peevish Courtiers , to have no Minister in their Prospect , that might serve as a pretence for their Cabals . But at last , Intrigue is no more in fashion , the Court laughs at those that discommend it , one gains nothing there by acting the discontented , she is repulsed by the importunity of those , who can't be satisfied ; she is deaf to their Complaints , because one's aweary of pitying those , who complain eternally .

In whatsoever place you go , you ought to depend upon finding the World composed of two sort of Persons , the one mind their Employments , the other consult their Pleasures .

The first fly from the access of the miserable , and are afraid of becoming so by Contagion . To enter into their Commerce , one must hide his Infirmity , and be serviceable to them in some things : Interest alone is an infallible bait to procure their Confidence , Compassion is of no use therein , they are hardened by a long experience against the Miseries of others , and have preserved nothing of Tenderness , but for themselves .

Those that give themselves up entirely to their Diversions , have something more of Humanity , and are more familiar . Their Mistresses , their Confidents advantage themselvs by the follies which employ them . Their Souls are more open , but their Conduct more uncertain : Passion always carries them beyond Friendship , they look upon the Duties of Life , as an insupportable burthen . To live long with them , you must follow the course of their Pleasure , confide but little in them , and know their Minds as much as you can .

The greatest Art consists in knowing well these two sorts of Persons . As long as you are engaged in the World , you must comply with its Maxims , because there is no fancy more unprofitable , than the Wisdom of these , who turn to Reformers of the Age.

'T is a Person that one cannot long represent without offending his Friends , and rendring himself ridiculous : there is no Life chast enough to afford this privilege , when Employments do not allow it .

In the mean time , the most part of these Reformers have their Prospects , their Interests , their Cabals : one may well exclaim against them , all that is asserted of them at Court and upon the Stage , doth not move them ; if they find one Passage stopt , they re-enter at another . Proteus had less variety of shapes , than these Persons have of Air and Language . Hearken to their Remonstrances , you shall have them immediately for Masters ; Give no attention to them , they become your Enemies . The most secure way then , is to avoid their Conversation , to have always before our Eyes , that these Reformers have been Men like us , and are still , for all the Figure they make , and perhaps more than we . As long as Fortune smiled upon them , they have enjoyed her Favours : are they fallen into any Disgrace , they seek to raise themselves , and put themselves forward by a Reputation of Integrity . They become Persons of Quality , just as Wanton Girls become Wise. Old Age too hastily advanced , brings Remorse with Wrinkles ; Frauds and Knavery are of no more use , Cullies are undeceived , Disgrace approaches , one is at a loss how to behave himself . The World is a Comedy , every Comedian plays his part therein : but there is nothing so unbecoming as to shew himself when 't is ended , and to come and censure those , that remain upon the Stage .

To what purpose is it , to hate in another , the Fortune they seem to neglect for themselves ? if they would have it believed , that they have quitted it , why do they pretend to find fault with others for pursuing the same ?

Their Aversion is tied to those , that stand for Favours , their envy to those that obtain them , and their Animosity to the Persons that distribute them : And to have their esteem , or their friendship , one must be dead , or at least very miserable .

I know that a Gentleman is always to be pitied in Adversity , and that a Fop is always to be despised , whatsoever Condition he is in . But to hate Favourites through the sole hatred of Favour ; to love the miserable through the sole Consideration of their Disgrace , is a very odd sort of Conduct , incommodious to himself , insupportable to others , and always prejudicial .

Notwithstanding , the diversity of minds shews all these different effects in the Life of Courtiers .

We have said , there are Persons enough at Court , that break with their Friends at the very moment , when some disorder happens to them ; who have neither Friendship , nor Aversion , but what is measured by Interest . Whosoever is not useful to them , never wants Defects ; and he that is in a State of serving them , is endowed with all Perfections .

There are others , who don't content themselves with deserting the unfortunate , they insult over them even in the misfortune : the more humility they shew in flattering Favourites , the more fierce they are in affronting those , that are fallen into some Disgrace .

To speak the truth , if the moroseness of those , who storm against Fortune continually , is extravagant , the Prostitution of those who Sacrifice to her even as far as their Friends , is infamous .

There is an exact Situation between Baseness , and False Generosity ; there is a true Honour that Rules the Conduct of Reasonable Persons . It is not disallowable for an honest Man to have his Ambition and his Interest ; but he must follow them by lawful means . He may have Art without Subtilty , Dexterity without Deceit , and Complaisance without Flattery . When he is a Friend of the Favourites , he enters agreeably into their Pleasures , and faithfully into their Secrets : if they happen to fail , he partakes of their Misfortunes , as well as he did of their Favours .

The same Spirit that knew how to please them , can give them comfort ; He makes their Miseries less troublesome , as he rendred their Pleasures more agreeable ; he manages his Service ingeniously without staining his Fidelity , or injuring his Fortune ; he serves more conveniently for himself , and more to the advantage of his Friends .

Oftentimes he is less discouraged , than those who seek their own glory in assisting others , who aim at nothing but to recommend themselves by Marks of Constancy , and who prefer the noise of a good Action before the good of those whom they oblige .

Of these two sorts of Persons , the one make an appearance of being at a distance from the unfortunate to the end of serving them the better , the others run after them to be their Conduct . Whilst the first conceal themselves , and only think how to relieve the afflicted , the others love nothing so much as to exercise a cruel and imperious Generosity , and to insult over those , that stand in need of their Credit .

I have gone too far in this Discourse . I go to conclude by the Opinion one should have of Favourites .

Methinks their greatness ought not to dazle our Eyes ; in our Souls we may judge of them , as the rest of Men ; to esteem them , or undervalue them according to their merit , to respect them or despise them according to the good or ill they do to us : never to be wanting in the acknowledgement that 's due to them , to conceal carefully the displeasures they give us : and when Honour or Interest would carry us to Revenge , to respect the Inclination of the Master in the Person of the Enemy . Not to confound the publick good with our own , and never to make a Civil War of a particular Quarrel .

To despise them , to hate them , these are free Motions so long as they are kept secret : as these Motions are in us , they depend ●pon us alone ; but when they carry us to things wherein the State is involved , we owe to that an account of our Actions , and the Justice of the State hath its Rights upon such Criminal Undertakings .

Man , that is desirous of knowing all things , is ignorant of himself .

YOU are become more unsociable than you were , your Meditations have taken away your Pleasant Humour ; Study has something of dullness in it , which spoils the good Grace , which one should have in Conversation . You say that those Agreements , which proceed from the easiness of the Genius , scarce affect you any more ; but withal , take care that you lose not with your Friends , what you think to gain with your self .

I know very well that your Employment is serious and important ; you desire to be satisfied from whence you come , what you are , and what you shall be elsewhere , when you exist no more here . 'T is a design that appears very reasonable , it is even necessary ; but you ought to apply your self to it with more Moderation , and by a better Motive than you do . Our small Improvement causes your Compassion , whilst you are employed in an Affair , which , according to your sense , ought to be our continual business .

But tell me , I entreat you , can you imagine that those Philosophers , whose Works you read with so much Application , have found what you enquire after ? They have searcht it as you do , Sir , but they have searcht it in vain .

Don't suppose that the Ingenuous Persons of the past Ages lived at Random ; your Curiosity has been of all Ages ; the most stupid Men at this time have enquired with the same Desire as you have ; the most Passionate return sometimes to these Thoughts , the Libertines themselves can't be prevented from making some Reflections therein ; no Man is insensible of an Interest so general , and of so much Consequence ; every one meditates thereon , but with little advantage : Insomuch that after having dreamt to no purpose , one finds that it is Wisdom to dream no longer , and to submit to the Orders of Providence .

The Author of Nature was not pleased to let us be perfectly acquainted with our selves ; and amongst desires too curious of knowing all , he has reduced us to the necessity of knowing scarce any thing , and of being ignorant of our selves .

He gives Life to the Springs of our Soul , but he conceals from us the admirable Secret that makes them move ; and this Knowing Maker reserves to himself the sole intelligence of his Work .

He hath placed us in the midst of an Infinity of Objects , with Senses capable of being affected therewith : He has given us Spirits that make continual Efforts to be acquainted with them . Our Curiosity is raised to the very Heavens ; we observe the Course of the Stars almost with as much exactness , as the Motions of a Clock . Astronomers have certain Rules to foretel Eclipses Two Thousand Years before they happen ; and by the means of great Perspectives , which Invention becomes more perfect every Day , they discover new Planets , and determine the different Motions thereof . In a word , they remark Spots in the Sun , and Irregularities in what God hath made most Regular in the World .

Although these things are much beyond us , they are not beyond our Spirit ; but our Spirit is above it self , and after it has comprehended the whole Universe , it cannot comprehend it self , but in adoring him that hath made it ; and as soon as it Would know it self , it intrenches upon the Rights of its Creator .

I have an Opinion , that you will not approve of . I believe it notwithstanding to be true enough : It is , That no Person has ever well apprehended , by the sole Lights of Humane Reason , whether the Soul be Immortal , or subject to Corruption .

It is our Interest to believe its Immortality , but it is not easie to conceive it : my Intention is not to go far into a regular Dispute ; it were necessary to be of another Humour than I am , and to be better prepared . Let us leave M ... and M ... to make whole Volumes by their Frivolous Reasonings upon the Immortality of the Soul . The Examples of those , whose precepts you study , are to me instead of Proofs , and perswade me more than all the Arguments of our Doctors .

'T is not to be disputed , but that Socrates believed the Soul Immortal ; we see it in what remains of the History of his Life ; and even the Thoughts which Plato attributes to him , seem to confirm it . If so be you are curious , notwithstanding you will see that Socrates is a Jesting Person that diverts himself with all things , and makes use of reasoning to shew that one cannot even know , what Reason is . He takes every Party you 'll have him , whether it be to defend or attack . With the Evasions of his Arguments , and the Sophistry of Logick , he puts probability in the place of truth , and dazles his Auditors in such a manner , by the various colours he gives to things , that he reduces them to the being no longer able to distinguish the Shadow from the Body : but in spite of his nice Ralleries , and all his Subterfuges , he perplexes himself very often in the Conclusions he infers , and is so much dissatisfied with himself , that he tears off his very Hair and Eye-lids for Vexation , because he could not find what he sought after . If you urge him to speak sincerely , he will tell you , That the God , who hath named him the Wisest of Men , gives him an Encomium that doth not belong to him , unless he deserves the name of the Wisest , that confesses he knows nothing ; and that 't is impossible to know any thing .

He will tell you , That the Daemon , who inspires him , is not enough informed of the news of the other World , to decide the Question of the Immortality of the Soul . He disputes of it before his Judges , like a Person that desires it , and handles Annihilation as a Philosopher that fears it not .

After having endeavoured to perswade his Friends in the Prison , 't is plainly seen that he could not assure himself thereof . He ends his Discourse with Doubts , and all his Arguments tend to avert from his Mind the Image of Death .

From whence , do you think , proceed the Contradictions which appear upon that Subject , in the Writings of Aristotle and Seneca ?

As for Aristotle , I have no design to cry down his Doctrine , and to use him as a Poisoner . I believe , as well as you , that it is a Calumny , and that the Roman Emperor , whom you speak of , was foolish enough in causing the Books of this Philosopher to be burnt , to revenge Alexander above Three Hundred Years after his Death . But amongst us , one is not cautious of saying that he is a Sophister , that seldom speaks like an honest Man : He Bites and Flings ; he is Ungrateful to his Master , and Captious with his Disciples . He is a Dreamer , that fences with his own Shadow , and makes Monsters for himself to engage with . It may be he is accused with Reason , that when he explains his idle fancies , he doth like the Fish , that disturbs the Water for fear of being taken : he intangles himself in Arguments , which he cannot unravel . He plays the Mysterious to hide his Doubts . In a word , he speaks like the Oracles to puzzle the World , and is puzzled himself with his own Arguments . I say nothing here , but what others have said before me . How many Fortunes do you think his Writings have run through to come to us ? If you appeal to his best Friends , the greatest part of the Works , that are attributed to him , is not his own : but allowing all that has been said of him not to be true , you must not believe , that at those Privileged Hours when Aristotle permitted none to come to him , but some particular Persons , he taught the same things he delivered in publick . His Morning Thoughts did not resemble those of the Evening . So soon as the Gates of the Lycaeum were shut , and that he thought himself at Liberty , he spoke another Language . 'T is there he acknowledged much more clearly , than he doth in his Treatise of the Soul , that nothing is more impenetrable than its Nature , its Original , and its Duration . Thus , when Alexander was angry that he had published some Works , that he had composed for him alone : Don't afflict your self , answered this cunning Tutor ; I have taken good order to prevent their being comprehended ; they are not made to instruct the present Age , but to exercise Posterity .

As for what relates to Seneca , you will agree that he is a Braggadocio , that shakes for fear at the prospect of Death ; that he collects all his forces to assure his Countenance , in the cutting of his Veins ; and that he speaks as a Man , who is not altogether perswaded of what he says .

Sometimes these Philosophers tell us wonders of the Residence of the Gods , and the Ultimate Bliss : sometimes they know not where to harbour them , and say , That all things annihilate in Death , as far as Death it self . Now they promise themselves Immortality , and promise it to others . Now they turn it into Ridicule . This is so true , that Aristotle is expell'd Athens for an Atheist , and Seneca laughs at a Divinity in the Deifying of Claudius .

From whence , do you think , proceeds this Diversity in their Opinions ? It is , that they are troubled with different Idea's of present Death , and future Life ; their Soul unc●rtain upon the knowledge of it self , establisheth or overthrows its Opinions , according as it is seduced by the different appearances of truth . If you hearken to these Talkers , they 'll do their utmost to make you believe them . Assure your self , Sir , that the most resolute amongst them are no more than Quacks , that swallow down the Poison with a b●tter Grace than others , to the end of selling off their Drugs with more applause .

Epicurus makes an open Profession of putting the Sovereign good in the Senses , and teaches that all things conclude with them : notwithstanding , doth he not seem in dying to contradict the Maxims , which he made Profession of during his Life ? He makes his Will with all the Cautions of a Man , that 's concerned at what will happen after him . Posterity has an influence upon him , his Memory becomes dear to him , he cannot wean himself from the Delights of his Garden , he flatters himself with the Reputation of his Writings , and recommends them to his Disciple Hermachus . His Mind , which was so far engaged in the Opinion of Annihilation , is affected with some tenderness for himself , and lays up Honours and Pleasures in another State , besides that he goes to leave .

Solomon , who was the greatest of all Kings , and the wisest of all Men , seems to furnish the Impious wherewith to sustain their Errors , at a time when he advises the good Men to remain firm in the love of truth .

When he makes the Libertines speak in Ecclesiastes , is it not plain that he appropriates to Wisdom alone the knowledge of our selves ? He forms all the Doubts , wherein for the most part Humane Reason is perplexed ; he makes a downright Description of his Irresolution , his Desires , his Distastes , his Knowledge , his Ignorance ; and at length concludes that Eternal Wisdom alone can disentangle this Labyrinth ; that we must adore the Profundity of its Mysteries , and that the silence of a Wise Man , is of more value than the Arguments of a Philosopher .

If any one ought to have been exempt from Error , Doubt , Inconstancy , it was Solomon : Notwithstanding we see in the inequality of his Conduct , that he was weary of his Wisdom , that he was weary of his Folly , and that his Vertues and his Vices turn by turn gave him new Disgusts . Sometimes he enjoy'd his Life , as if all things went at random ; sometimes he brought back all things to Providence , and never spoke with a firm tone , but when Eternal Wisdom made him speak .

Let the Philosophers , let the Learned study , they will oftentimes find an Alteration , and now and then an absolute contrariety in their Judgments . Unless Faith subjects our Reason , we pass our Lives in Belief and Unbelief ; in endeavouring to perswade our selves , and unable to convince us : the activity of our Spirit gives us Motion enough , but its Lights are too dim to conduct us .

The one amorous of themselves help their Imagination to flatter themselves , they think to have found what they seek for , they triumph some time in their Error , but are undeceived in the end .

The others are vexed at their Ignorance , every thing stops them , nothing satisfies them ; they debate upon all Questions that are put to them : more unhappy in this than the former , in as much as they have not the Wit to deceive themselves .

This is it , Sir , in my Judgment , wherein consists the purest Wisdom ; provided that one is always deceived , provided that one is puzzled with every thing that 's difficult , and that one thinks of the future only to reap the more advantage of the present , provided at length that one has reduced his Reason to dispute no more upon things that God was not pleased to submit to reasoning , is all that one can desire .

I not only believe with Solomon , that the silence of a Wise Man , in this case , is of more account , than the Discourse of a Philosopher , but I esteem the Faith of a stupid Peasant , more than all the Lessons of Socrates .

I know very well , that Examples might be brought , which seem contrary to what I say . There are Pagans perswaded of the other Opinion ; and affected to their own Sentiments . A Discourse upon the Immortality of the Soul , hath push'd on some even to brave the horrors of Death , the better to enjoy those Pleasures of Life , which were promised to them .

But not to displease the Partisans of the Vertue of the Pagans , I believe , with some great Saints , that Vain-glory made more than half of those Heroick Actions , which cause our Admiration . When one comes to these terms , 't is no more reason that conducts us , 't is Passion that draws us along ; 't is no more the Discourse that has an effect upon us , 't is a desire to be better , 't is a vanity to die with courage , which we love more than Life it self ; 't is a weariness of present Misfortunes , 't is a hope of future Rewards , a blind Love of Glory ; in a word , a Distemper , a Fury that doth violence to natural Instinct , and transports us beyond our selves .

But a peaceable Mind , that examines in cold Blood this terrible Alteration , is not at all disturbed by the reading of Plato , or Seneca . They may preach up , That Death is not an evil ; if Grace doth not come to its relief , they don't determine it to us . It belongs only to the Sovereign Master of Reason , to make Martyrs , to inspire a courageous Contempt for false advantages , and to perswade upon his word that he prepares real ones for us .

I repeat it the last time , Sir ; study as much as you please to know your self , consult all your Books , consume your finest days in reflecting upon the Immortality of the Soul , you will find that it belongs only to Religion to decide it . As for me , I confess to you , That without that , the thoughts of Eternity would never take up the most useless Moments of my Life .

OF STUDY AND CONVERSATION .

COnversation is an advantage peculiar to Man , as well as Reason . It is the Bond of Society , by it is entertained the Commerce of a Civil Life ; the Minds communicate their Thoughts , the Hearts express their Motions , and Friendships are contracted and kept up by the same .

The Conversation of two Friends renders their Happiness and their Misfortunes common ; it augments their Pleasures , and decreases their Afflictions . Nothing alleviates Grief so much , as the liberty of Complaining ; nothing makes one more sensible of Joy , than the Delight of expressing it . In a word , Man is so far born to be sociable , that this Quality is no less essential to him , than Reason .

To fly from Company , is to act against the Intention of Nature ; to live always in Solitude , one must be something more than Man , or less than Brute : There is a sort of Communication amongst them . Many Philosophers have affirmed that Beasts have a particular Language , and several Experiments have given occasion to believe it .

However it is very true , that there are no Beasts upon Earth so wild , as some certain Men that make a Profession of Contempt and Aversion for all Mankind : like that extravagant Citizen of Athens , who spoke to no one to any other intent , than to advise him to hang himself , and took care to make his Epitaph so , as to curse Men after his Death .

One must have a Mind blemish'd with Melancholy , to lead a Savage Life , and always in obscurity . I don't pretend to blame those , whose Silence and Retirement our Religion has Consecrated ; on the contrary , I admire them . The Principle , which has disposed them to chuse a Life so repugnant to Nature , obliges us to have them in Veneration . As there is nothing more extraordinary , than the Vertue of a true Solitary Person , so there is nothing more inimitable , and which better deserves our Commendations .

But it is certain , that amongst those , whom a real Vocation , or a Fancy that one sometimes takes to it , have cast into a dislike of the World , there is found but very few that persevere in their Condition to the end , with the same zeal . The State of a Solitary Person , is a violent State for Man . Natural Instinct , which makes him love Society , makes it self at length the Master , and causes to him from time to time some concern for having forsaken it . After all , to be concealed all ones Life , is that living ? What distinction is there between Death and Retirement , between Solitude and the Grave ?

To live then as Man , 't is necessary to converse with Men ; 't is fit Conversation should be the most agreeable Pleasure of Life ; but 't is also fit , that it should be confined . One ought to enjoy it with Choice , and moderate the use of it with Discretion . There is nothing more advantageous , and nothing more dangerous : as a too long Retirement weakens the Mind , so too frequent Company consumes it . It is good sometimes to recollect himself ; it is even necessary to render an exact account of his Words , of his Thoughts to himself , and of the progress he hath made in Wisdom . To reap the fruits of his reading , and the entertainments he hath had , to improve by what he has seen , he must have Silence , Repose , and Meditation .

There must be a time for Study , and also for Affairs , that are tied to our Profession . Conversation cannot take up our whole Life ; these two other Duties deserve to be preferred before it . Ignorance is always disgraceful to a Gentleman ; his Condition doth not excuse him , and the World doth not instruct him enough . When one knows how to make an equal mixture of all these things , he must distinguish himself extreamly from those that apply themselves to but one of them .

Study is the most solid Nourishment of the Mind ; 't is the Spring of its most Noble Qualities : 't is Study that augments the Faculties of Nature ; but 't is Conversation that sets them on Work , and refines them . It is the great Book of the World , that teaches the Good Use of other Books , and can make of a Learned Man , a compleat Gentleman .

In a word , Study makes a greater difference between a Scholar and an ignorant Man , than there is between an ignorant Man and a Brute : but the Air of the World yet makes a greater distinction between a Polite and a learned Person . Knowledge begins the Gentleman , and the Correspondence of the World compleats him .

It has been observed notwithstanding , That extraordinary Genius's have passed of a sudden from the Meditation of the Closet to the most difficult Charges : but these Men can't be brought for Examples . When a Man , intoxicated with reading , makes his first step in the World , 't is usually a false one . If he advises himself by his Books alone , he runs the hazard of being always but an ungenteel Man . Immoderate Study engenders a grossness in the Mind , and injures his Sentiments ; the Conversation of our Friends must assist and refine him .

To meet with a faithful , understanding , discreet Friend , is to be happy : faithful , to conceal nothing from us ; understanding , to remark our faults ; and discreet , to reprehend us for them . But to be enabled to believe his Counsels , is the Perfection of Happiness : it happens oftentimes , that we take a pride in following our own Conceits ; like those Travellers , that lose their way for want of taking a Guide , or enquiring for the Road.

It is true , that a Man who is sensible of his force , and knows the advantages of his Mind , that a Man ( I say ) who aspires to Glory , and will raise his Reputation , ought to dread , as a Rock , to be suspected of being governed .

Dependance is insupportable to a Man of Courage , especially that of the Mind . When one would exercise a sort of Tyranny upon the freest part of the Soul , it is difficult not to revolt against Reason , through Malice against him that argues .

There is need of as much Discretion to give advice , as Compliance to follow it : nothing is so dreadful as a Friend , that takes the advantage of his own Experience , that proposes all his Counsels as Laws , and with the Air of a Master , that takes from us the Privilege of examining what he says , and would force the Mind by Authority , rather than win it by Discourse . He never fails to give himself for an Example . He applys to all purposes the Observations of the old Court . He brings his own adventures for Proofs , he has seen all that he advances , every thing that he says is extravagant , and the fear of not saying enough to perswade , makes him always say too much to be believed .

Yet , a great weakness in receiving advice is not less blameable , than a great roughness in giving it . It is our Interest to surmount the one , and to sweeten the other . Sometimes we should assist the liberty of him that informs us , by accepting his Counsels with easiness .

A good Advice loseth its force in the Mouth of a Friend , that 's too Complaisant ; when he expresses himself with strength , he stirs up our Hearts the more , he incites our attention the better ; wholesome Remedies seldom have an agreeable Taste , and the best humoured Physicians are not always the most assistant .

We ought to look upon our selves as infirm , so long as we have need of Advice . Alas ! who has no need of it ? If the Advice is good , why should we reject it , because it is not delivered with a good Grace ? We ought to consider , whether it may be of any advantage to us , before we cast it aside : it is not proper to reject even all the evil Counsels , for fear of disheartning those , that are capable of administring good ones to us .

At the worst , when we shall reap from them no other Fruit , than to learn how to overcome our nicety , and to take from our selves what 's displeasing to us in another , is it not sufficent to oblige us to give ear to them , and to acknowledge our thankfulness ?

An ill Example may serve to make us avoid evil , as a good one to excite us to that which is good : let us reap the advantage of it from whatsoever part it comes , of whatsoever Fashion 't is given to us .

'T is our business to distinguish Gold from Earth , we find it seldom pure , but 't is ne'er the less Gold : 't is the fault of the Workman , not the Metal .

One meets sometimes with Men of an exquisite Sense , that have not the gift of explaining themselves . One ought to dispence with the defect of their Expression , and take the benefit of their Good Sense . Others have an easiness of Speech , and only insist upon the outside of things . Let us imitate what 's good in their Language , and pierce further into the Truth .

There are still others , that have laboured all their Life to render themselves ingenious , and could not make themselves agreeable : we esteem their knowledge , but their way is of little account with us : we should be glad of improving our selves by their learning , but will not endure their ill humours .

A little distast hinders us from reaping all the advantage , that one might , from their Conversation ; we prefer the Discourse of an ignorant Flatterer before the Conversation of a learned Man , when he is morose and severe . The Authority , which he takes over us , is indeed troublesome ; but is it not a privilege acquired by Age ? If he lets us partake of what he knows , is it too much to acknowledge him , to have a seeming Submission to his Sentiments ?

Yet I would not have this Submission blind , it is just to reserve to our selves the liberty of reflecting upon what he says : but we must answer him with a great deal of observance : we ought not to contradict him , but to instruct our selves the better ; one should comply with Reason , as soon as it appears , and find it agreeable even in the Mouth of a Pedant .

Notwithstanding , we are not to receive his Doctrine , as infallible ; we are not to establish an Opinion upon that of another ; for 't is in the Faith alone one ought to swear upon the words of a Master .

To know things Judiciously , we ought always to be upon our guard against the Reputation of him that speaks them ; the Air of the Face , the manner of Speaking , the Quality , the Time , the Place , all imposes . You hear the Court exclaim against all the words of ... because he sometimes delivers those that are good . Admiration is the Mark of a little Spirit , and the great admirers are for the most part very silly People . They want to be informed , when 't is proper to laugh ; the Pit , that has no other assistance , than that of Nature , judges better of the Play , than those who pester the Stage .

The greatest Secret then to succeed in Conversation , is , to admire little , to hear much , always to distrust our own Reason , and sometimes that of our Friends ; never to pretend to ingenuity , to make that of others appear as much as one can , to hearken to what is said , and to answer to the purpose . In a word , to practise the precept of the Excellent Horace , Vt j am nunc dicat , j am nunc debentia dici .

A Discourse upon the Word VAST , to the Gentlemen of the Academy .

AFter having condemned my self upon the Word Vast , I was perswaded that one ought to be contented with my Recantation : But since the Gentlemen of the Academy have thought fit to add their Censure to mine , I declare that my disowning was not sincere ; 't was a pure effect of Compliance , and a voluntary Submission of my Thoughts to those of Madam Mazarin .

Now I take up my Defence against them , which I had quitted upon her account , which every Gentleman might take a pride in having lost . One may dispute with the Gentlemen of the Academy the privilege of regulating our Language , as they please . It doth not depend upon Authors to abolish ●old Terms because they dislike them , and to introduce new ones according to their Fancy ; all that may be done for them , is to render them Masters of Use , when that Use is not contrary to Judgment and Reason .

There have been Authors that have refined Languages , there have been also those that have corrupted them , and one must have recourse to a good Sense to decide the matter .

Never had Rome such noble Genius's , as at the latter end of the Republick : The reason is , That there was yet liberty enough amongst the Romans to give force to their Spirits ; and Luxury enough to give them negligence and agreeableness .

At this time , when the beauty of the Language was in the highest degree ; this time , when there was at Rome such great Genius's , as Caesar , Salust , Cicero , Hortensius , Brutus , Asinius Pollio , Curio , Catullus , Atticus , and many others , whom 't would be of no importance to alledge ; it was just to submit to their Opinions , and to receive their Decisions with Compliance : but when the Language came to be corrupted under the Emperours , when Lucan came to be preferred to Virgil , and Seneca to Cicero , was any one obliged to subject the liberty of his Judgment to the Authority of those that made the Men of Parts ? And Petronius is not he commended by all judicious Persons , for having turned into Ridicule the Eloquence of his Time , for having known the false Judgment of his Age , and given to Cicero , Virgil , and Horace , all the Praises that they deserved ?

Tertiis , Cicero , Virgilius , Horatii curiosa foelicitas .

Let us proceed from our Latin Authors to our French . When Nerveze made his false Eloquence to be admired , would not the Court have been under an Obligation to any person of good Sense , that had undeceived it ? When Coiffeteau was seen to charm all the World with his Metaphors , and that the chief sails of his Eloquence passed for wonderful : When the Florid Language of ... which had neither force nor solidity , affected all the false Polite , and pretended Curious : When the affectation of Balsac , that undermined the natural Beauty of his Thoughts , passed for a Majestick , Noble Style ; should not one have rendred an important Service to the Publick , by withstanding the Authority that these Gentlemen usurped , and by preventing the ill Opinions that each of them hath differently established in his own Time ?

I confess , That one has not the same privilege against the Gentlemen of the Academy . Vaugelas , Ablancour , Patru , have put our Language in its Perfection , and I make no Question but that our present Authors will keep it up in the same Condition wherein they have left it . But if one day a false Idea of Politeness should make our Discourse feeble and languishing , if by too great a love for making Histories , and writing News , one should study for an affected easiness , which can be nothing else but a false Nature , if so be a too great Application to purity should at length produce something of dryness : if to pursue always the Method of Thought , one should take from our Language the fine turn it bears , and depriving it of all Ornament , one should make it barbarous , with an intent to render it natural ; would not it be reasonable then to oppose Corrupters , that would subvert the good and true Style , to form one as little proper to express strong Imaginations , as curious Thoughts ?

What have I to do to recall what 's past , or to foresee the future ? I acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Academy , and would have it decide , whether Vast be in use , or no. I will submit to their Judgment . But to know the force and propriety of the term , to be satisfied whether 't is an Imputation , or an Honour , they will permit me to refer my self to Reason . This small Discourse will shew , if I have the Notion of it .

I maintained , That in the Mind this term Vast was taken in a good or evil Sence , according to the things which are added to it ; that a Vast Mind , Admirable , Piercing , mark'd a wonderful Capacity ; and that on the other side , a Genius Vast and Immoderate , was a Genius that lost it self in rambling Thoughts , in fine but vain Idea's , in designs too great , and little proportioned to the means that might make us succeed .

My Opinion appears to me to be moderate enough . I am dispos'd to deny that Vast can ever be a Commendation , and that nothing is capable of making this quality true . Great is a Perfection in Minds . Vast always a Reproach . A just and regulated extent makes the Great ; an immoderate Grandeur makes the Vast. Vastitas , an excessive greatness . The Vast and the Terrible have a great resembla●ce .

Vast Things don't suit with those , that make upon us an agreeable Impression . Vasta solitudo , is not one of those Solitudes , which affords a delicious Repose , which charms the Pains of Lovers , and enchants the Misfortunes of the Miserable ; 't is a barbarous Solitude , where we are astonished at being alone , where we regret the loss of Company , where the remembrance of lost Pleasures afflicts us , and the Sense of present Misfortunes torments us . Your Vast House is somewhat formidable to the sight . Vast Appartments never gave any Person a desire of continuing there : Vast Gardens cannot have that agreement which proceeds from Art , or the Graces which Nature might afford . Vast Forests put us in a Fright . The prospect is dispersed , and loses it self in 〈◊〉 king over Vast Plains . Rivers of a reasonable greatness make us behold agreeable Banks , and suggest to us insensibly 〈◊〉 pleasantness of their peaceable Current . Rivers too large , Overflowings , Inundations displease us by reason of their violent Motions , and our Eyes cannot endure their vast extent .

Savage Countries that are untilled , Countries ruinated by the Desolati●● of War , Lands forsaken and abandoned , have something of vastness which produceth in us as it were a secret Sentiment of Horror .

Vastus , quasi vastatus vaste .

'T is almost the same thing with spoiled , and ruined . Let us repair from Solitudes , Forests , Plains , and Rivers , to Living Creatures and Men.

Vastae & immanes Belluae .

That which the Poets have feigned most Monstrous , the Cyclops , the Gian●s are named vast .

— Vastosque abrupte Cyclopos Prospicio — — Vasta se mole moventem Pastorem Poliphenum . — Virg.

Amongst Men , those that exceed our ordinary Stature , those whom bigness or height distinguishes from others , are called by the Latins , Vasta Corporum .

Vastus has pass'd as far as Customs and Manners .

Cato , who had otherwise so many good Qualities , was a Person vastis moribus , according to the Romans . He had nothing of Elegance in his Discourse , nothing of Grace either in his Person , or his Actions : He had a rustical and harsh Behaviour in all things . The Germans , at present civilized and polished in many places , loved heretofore that what was in use with them , should have something of vastness . Their Habitation , their Attendance , their Equipage , their Assemblies , their Festivals , vastum aliquid redolebant ; that is to say , they were pleased with an immoderate greatness , wherein there was neither Politeness , nor Ornament . I have observed , That the word Vast hath four or five different Significations in Cicero , all in an evil Sence .

Vasta Solitudo , vastus & agrestis , vasta & immanis bellua , vastam & hiantem orationem .

The most usual Signification of vastus , is , too spacious , too extensive , too great , immoderate .

One will tell me , That vast doth not signifie in French , what vastus may signifie in Latin , in all the sences that are given to it . I confess it . But why should it not keep the most natural , as well as grief , pleasure , liberty , favour , honour , affliction , consolation , and a Thousand words of this nature keep theirs ? There is a reason for vast , that is not found in the rest ; it is that there never was a French Term that expresses really and truly , what the vastus of the Latins can express ; and we have not made it French to encrease a number of words , which signifie the same thing ; it is to give our Language what it wanted , and what rendred it defective . We think with more force , than we express our selves . There is always a part of our Thought that stays behind ; we very seldom communicate it entirely ; and 't is by this Spirit of Penetration , more than by the Intelligence of words , that we enter absolutely into the Conception of Authors . In the mean time as if we should profess to understand well what others think , or to make our own Thoughts comprehended , we should weaken the Terms that would have the force of expressing them . But in spite of our selves , vast will preserve in French the true signification it has in Latin .

One says too vast , as one says too insolent , too extravagant , too covetous , and 't is the excess of a vicious Quality . One doth not say vast enough , because enough marks a Situation , a Consistence , a Measure just and reasonable ; and at the moment that a thing is vast , there is an excess , there is too much , enough can never be agreeable with it . Let us come to examine particularly the vast Soul , since 't is the subject of the Question . That which we call the Soul , is divided into Three Faculties , the Judgment , the Memory , and the Imagination .

A Judgment may be commended for being Solid , Profound , Curious in discerning , just in defining ; but in my Opinion , never did a Person of good sence give to it the Quality of vast .

One says , That a Memory is happy , faithful , fit to receive and preserve Species : but I never observed , that it has been named vast .

Vast may be applied to an Imagination , that rambles , that loses it self , that forms to it self Visions and Chimaera's .

I am not ignorant , that some have pretended to praise Aristotle , in attributing to him a vast Genius ; they have believed , that this very Quality of vast , was a great Commendation for Homer .

One says , That Alexander , Pyrrhus , Catiline , Caesar , Charles the Fifth , and Cardinal Richlieu , had vast Souls ; but if we take the pains to examine well all they have done , we shall find that their fine Pieces , their brave Exploits should be attributed to other Qualities of their Minds , and that their Errors and Faults ought to be imputed to what they had of vast . I acknowledge it : But it was their Vice , and a Vice that is not pardonable , but in Consideration of their Vertues . It is the error of our Judgment to make their merit of a thing that cannot be excused but by Indulgence . If they had not been almost always Great , they would not have been suffered to be sometimes vast . But let us come to the Examination of their Works and their Actions , let us give to each Quality the Effects that really belong to it , and begin with the Works of Aristotle . His Poetry is one of the most finished ; but to what are owing so many Judicious Precepts , and so many Observations so just , but to the purity of his Judgment ? one will not say , That it was to his vast Soul . In his Politicks , which might guide our present Legislators , he is wise , prudent and skillful in regulating the different Constitutions of States : He was by no means vast . No Body ever pierced so far as he into the Heart of Man , as one may see in his Morals , and in his Speculation , in the Chapter of the Passions . But he entred therein as a Philosopher , that knows how to make profound Reflections , that had studied much his own Motions , and strictly observed those of others . Don't found the Merit of Vast upon that , for it had no Share therein . Aristotle had properly a vast Genius in Natural Philosophy , and 't is from thence , that proceed all his Errors , by that he is lost in his Principle , in his own Matter , in the Heavens , in the Stars , and in the rest of his false Opinions .

As for Homer , he is admirable as long as he is purely Humane , just in his Characters , Natural in Passions , wonderful in knowing and expressing well , what depends upon our Nature .

When his vast Genius is extended upon that of the Gods , he speaks thereof so extravagantly , that Plato excluded him from his Republick , for a Fool.

Seneca was to blame for treating Alexander as a rash Person , that owed his Grandeur to his Fortune .

Plutarch , seems to me to be rational , when he attributes the Conquests of Alexander to his Vertue , more than to his good Fortune .

In Effect , consider Alexander at his coming to the Crown , you will find , that he had not less Conduct , than Courage , to establish himself in the Dominions of his Father . The Contempt they made of the Prince's Youth , carried his Subjects to rebell , and his Neighbours to be in Motion ; he punished the Seditious , and subjected the Restless .

All Things being pacified , he took Measures to make himself chosen General of the Greeks against the Persians , and these Measures were so well taken , that one could not have expected more just ones from the most consummated Policy ; he made the Lieutenants of Darius , and Darius himself , commit a Thousand Faults , without making one . I● the Greatness of his Courage had not made him pass for a rash Man by the Dangers which he exposed himself to , his Conduct would have left us the Idea of a Wise and Prudent Man .

I describe him to you , Great , and Skillful , in every noble Thing he hath done . You would have him Vast , and 't is to this Vast , that 's owing all that he undertook without Effect . A Desire of Glory , that nothing could limit , caus'd him to make a very extravagant War upon the Scythians . An immoderate Vanity perswaded him that he was the Son of Iupiter . Vast extends as far as his affliction , when it carried him to sacrifice entire Nations to the Soul of Hephestion . After he had destroyed the Empire of Darius , and subjected Babylon , he could even attempt the Conquest of the World we are acquainted with ; but his vast Soul framed the Design of the Conquest of another . As Vast , he undertook his Expedition of the Indies , where the Army would abandon him , and where his Fleet was near being lost ; from whence he returned to Babylon , melancholy , disturb'd , uncertain , distrusting both Gods and Men ; Fine Effects of the vast Soul of Alexander . Few Princes have had one so vast as Pyrrhus : His Conversation with Cineas , that Conversation that is known by all , is a sufficient Argument of it . His Valour , his Experience in War made him win Battels ; his vast Mind that embraced all Things , did not permit him to arrive at the end of one ; there was enterprize upon enterprize ; War upon War : No Effect of it .

Conquerour in Italy , Conquerour in Sicily , in Macedon , Conquerour throughout , no Part well established ; his Fancy prevailing over his Reason by new imaginary Designs , that hindred him from drawing any Advantage from good Successes .

Catiline is spoken of , as a detestable Person ; the same thing had been said of Caesar , if so be he had been as unfortunate in his undertaking , as Catiline was in his . It is certain , that Catiline had as great Qualities , as any of the Romans . Birth , good Grace , Courage , Vigour of Spirit , Strength of Body , Nobili genere ortus , magna vi animi & corporis , &c. He was Sylla's Lieutenant , as Pompey was ; of a Family much more Illustrious , than that of the last , but of less Authority in the Party .

After the Death of Sylla , he aspired to Employments , that the other knew how to obtain ; and if so be nothing was great for the Reputation of Pompey , nothing was high enough for the Ambition of Catiline .

What was impossible , appeared to him but extraordinary , and the extraordinary seem'd to him common and easie , Vastus animus immoderata , incredibilia , nimis alta cupiebat .

And by that you see the Relation there is between a vast Soul , and immoderate things . Good Men condemn his Crime , Politicians blame his Undertaking , as ill-contrived ; for all those , that had a Mind to oppress the Commonwealth , except him , have had for them the Favour of the People , and the Assistance of the Legions .

Catiline had neither one , nor t'other of these Supports , his Industry and his Courage served instead of all other things in so great and so difficult an Affair . He himself made an Army of collected Soldiers , that had hardly any Arms , or Subsistence ; and these Troops notwithstanding fought with more Obstinacy , than ever Troops did . Each Soldier had the Fierceness of Catiline in the Battel , Catiline the Capacity of a great Captain , and the Stoutness of the bravest and most resolute Soldier . Never did Man die with so Noble a Fierceness .

It 's difficult even for the best Man , that shall read this Battel , to be very much of the Republick's side against him : impossible not to forget his Crime , to pity his Misfortune .

He might have securely gotten a great Power according to the Laws .

This ambitious Man so vast in Projects , aspired always to Power , and at length dispos'd himself to that Fatal Conspiracy , which ruined him .

Who was greater , more dextrous than Caesar ? What Address , what Industry did not he use to send back an innumerable Multitude of Switzers that endeavoured to establish themselves amongst the Gauls ? He had as much need of Prudence as Valour to get rid of , and send the Germans far from him . He had an admirable Dexterity in managing the Gauls , prevailing over their particular Jealousies to subject them one by another . Something of Vast , that mingled in his Spirit with his Noble Qualities , made him forsake his ordinary Measures to undertake the Expedition of England , a fantastical Expedition , vain for his Reputation , and altogether inconvenient for his Interests .

What Stratagems he made use of to raise the Obstacles , that opposed the Design of his Dominion . He undermined the Credit of all the reputable Men , that could support the Republick . He made Cicero be banished by Clodius , who came to lie with his Wife . He gave so much distaste to Catullus and Lucullus , that they left Business . He rendred the Integrity of Cato odious , and the Greatness of Pompey suspected . He raised the People against those , that protected Liberty . Behold what Caesar has done against the Defenders of the State ; see what he did to those , that assisted him to overwhelm it . His Inclination for factious Persons discovered it self at the Conspiracy of Catiline ; he was a Friend of Catiline's , and a secret accomplice of his Crime . He sought the Friendship of Clodius , a Man violent and rash .

He contracted one with Crassus , more a rich , than a good Citizen . He made use of Pompey to acquire Credit . And when it was debated to give Bounds to his Authority , and to prevent the Establishment of his Power , he forgot nothing to ruine Pompey .

He placed Anthony in his Interests , he gained Curio and Dolabella . He fixed to himself Hirtius , Oppius , Balbus , and all the disaffected Persons he could , all the bold , undertaking ones , all that were capable of procuring under him the ruine of the Commonwealth . Measures so fine , so artificial , Methods so secret and so delicate , a condition so studied for in all things , so much dissimulation , so many secrets , cannot be attributed to a vast Soul ; his Faults , his Misfortunes , his Ruine , and his Death can be imputed to nothing else .

It was this Soul that hindred him from enslaving Rome as he could , or from ruling it as he ought . 'T is this , that gave him the fancy of making War against the Parthians , when there was more necessity of assuring the Romans ; in an uncertrin State , where the Romans were neither Citizens nor Subjects , where Caesar was neither Magistrate , nor Tyrant ; where he violated all the Laws of the Republick , and could not establish his own ; being perplexed , unsettled , dispersed into vast Idea's of his Grandeur , not knowing how to rule his Thoughts , nor his Affairs , he offended the Senate , and trusted to the Senators ; he abandoned himself to faithless and ungrateful Men , who preferring Liberty before all Vertues , chose rather to have a Friend and Benefactor , than to have a Master .

Commend , Gentlemen , commend a vast Soul , it has cost Caesar both his Empire and his Life .

Beautru , who judged well enough of the desert of Men , was accustomed to prefer Charles the Fifth before all Persons that have existed in Europe , since the Romans . I will not decide , but I may believe that his Soul , his Courage , his Action , his Vigour , his Magnanimity , and his Constancy have rendred him as considerable as any Prince of his Time .

When he took upon him the Government of his Dominions , he found Spain Revolted against Cardinal Ximenes , who was Regent thereof . The severe Humour , and obdurate Manners of the Cardinal were insupportable to the Spaniards . Charles was obliged to come into Spain , and affairs passing from the hands of Ximenes to his own , all the Grandees returned forthwith to their Duty , and all the Cities to their Obedience . Charles the Fifth was more Politick , or more Fortunate than Francis the First .

In their Competition for the Empire , Francis was more Rich , and more Powerful . Charles carried it by his Fortune , or by the Superiority of his Genius . The Victory of Pavie and the taking of Rome put into his hands a King of France , and a Pope . A Triumph , that surpassed all those of the Romans . The great League of Smalcades was undermined by his Conduct , and by his Valour . He changed all the Posture of the Affairs of Germany , transferr'd the Electorship of Saxony from one branch to another , and from Frederick conquered and dispossess'd , to the House of Maurice , who had followed the Victorious . Religion it self was enslaved to Victory , and received from the Will of the Emperour the famous Interim , which will be always talk'd of . But this vast Soul embraced too many Things , to regulate any one : he did not consider that he could do more by others , than by himself ; and in the time when he thought to have subdued Rome and the Empire , Maurice turning against him the Armies he seem'd to command for his Service , was very near surprizing of him , obliged him to save himself in his Shirt , and to retire in all diligence to Willac .

It is certain that Charles the Fifth had great Qualities , and performed very great Things ; but this vast Soul , for which he is applauded , made him commit many Faults , and occasion'd to him many Misfortunes . 'T is to that are owing his Fatal Undertakings in Africk ; 't is to that are owing several Designs as ill contrived , as they were ill followed ; to that are owing those Voyages from Nations to Nations , wherein there was less of Interest , than Fancy . 'T is this vast Soul , that made him be called Knight-Errant by the Spaniards , and gave an occasion to the disaffected to esteem him a greater Travellour , than Conquerour . Admire , Gentlemen , admire the Vertue of this vast Spirit . It turns the Hero into a Knight-Errant , and gives to Heroical Truths the Air of Fabulous Adventures .

I could shew that this Spirit was the cause of all the Disgraces of the last Duke of Burgundy , as well as those of Charles Emanuel , Duke of Savoy . But I am impatient to come to Cardinal Richlieu , to discover in his Person the different effects of great and vast . One may say of Cardinal Richlieu , that he had a very great Genius ; and as Great , he brought extraordinary Advantages to our State ; but as he was sometimes Vast , he has brought us very near our Ruine . In the Ministry he found , that France was governed by the Spirit of Rome and Madrid . Our Ministers received all the Impressions that Cardinal Marquemont gave them .

The Pope inspired all things to this Cardinal , the Spaniards all things to the Pope . The King jealous of the Grandeur of his State , as much as a King can be , had an Intention to follow the Interests of it . The Stratagems of those that governed , made him follow those of Strangers . And if so be Cardinal Richlieu had not been Master of the Counsels , the Prince naturally Foe to Spain and Italy , had been a good Spaniard , or good Italian , in spite of his Aversion . I will alledge a thing that 's little known , but very true . Cardinal Marquemont , writ a long Letter to Cardinal Richlieu concerning the Business of the Valtoline ; and to render himself necessary near this new Minister , he instructed himself with Care in the curious Measures one ought to observe , when there was any Concern with the Italians and Spaniards . For answer , Cardinal Richelieu sent him four Lines , of which behold the Sence .

The King hath changed the Council , and the Council their Maxim ; there shall be an Army sent to the Valtoline which shall make the Pope more compliant , and give us Satisfaction of the Spaniards .

His Excellency of Marquemont was much surprized at the Dryness of the Letter , and yet more to see the new Spirit , that was going to reign in the Ministry . As he was an expert Man , he changed the Model of his Conduct , and begg'd Pardon of the Minister , if he had been presumptuous enough to give him Instructions , which himself ought to have received . He confess'd his Error in having believed , that the Spaniards might be reduced to a reasonable Treaty by a single Negotiation .

Monsieur de Senectere often said , That this small Letter of Cardinal Richlieu to Cardinal Marquemont , was the first thing , that made the Design comprehended , of the Ministers pulling down the Power of Spain , and rendring to our Nation the Superiority , it had lost .

But to undertake abroad , it was necessary to be assured at Home , and the Huguenot Party was so considerable in France , that it seem'd to compose another State in the State . That did not hinder Richlieu from reducing it . As they made War unfortunately enough in the Ministry of the Constable of Luynes , it was convenient to make a new Model , and this Model produced Effects as happy , as the other had Successes little favourable .

It is not questioned , but that Rochelle was the Soul of the Party ; 't was there were Deliberations made , Designs were framed , the Interests of a Hundred and a Hundred Cities came to unite ; and 't was from thence , that a Body composed of so many separate Parties , received Heat and Motion , there was nothing else to be done then , but to take Rochelle , Ro●helle falling destroyed all the rest .

But when the Strength of the Place came to be considered , when they thought on the Multitude of Defendants , the Zeal of these People , and how much their Soldiers were encouraged , when they considered the Easiness of relieving it ; they saw the Sea at Liberty , and thereby the Gates open to Strangers , then they believed impregnable , that which had never been taken . There was but a Cardinal Richlieu , that did not despair of a Possibility of taking it .

He was in Hopes , and his Hopes made him draw the Design of this great Siege . In the Deliberation all Difficulties were raised ; in the Execution all subdued .

One will eternally remember that famous Bank , that great Work of Art that did Violence to Nature , that gave new Bounds to the Ocean . One will always remember the Obstinacy of the besieged , and the Resolution of the Aggressors .

To what end should there be a longer Discourse , Rochelle was taken , and it was hardly surrendred , but there was a greater Enterprize without . The Dukedom of Mantua being come by succession to to the Duke of Nevers , France had a mind to establish it self therein , and Spain gathered an Army to prevent it . The Emperour under pretence of his Right , but indeed to serve Spain , transported some Troops into Italy , and the Duke of Savoy , who was entred into the Interests of the House of Austria , was to stop us at the Passage of the Mountains , to give the Spaniards and Germans leisure to execute their Designs .

So many Oppositions were unfruitful , the way of ... was forced , the Army of the Emperour lost all . Spinola died with Grief for not having taken Cassal , and the Duke of Nevers acknowledged Duke of Mantua , remained quiet possessor of his Dominion , whilst the Emperour's Army destroyed it self in Italy . Gustavus King of Sueden was in Germany , where he won Battels , took Cities , extended his Conquests from the Baltick Sea to the very Rhine . He became too powerful for us , when he was kill'd ; and his Death left the Suedes too Feeble for our Interests . There was the Master-piece of the Ministry of Cardinal Richlieu . He retained Troops that were desirous of passing into Suedeland . He fortified the good Intentions of a Young Queen not well established , and rested so well upon Bavaria , that the War was maintained under a new Reign with as much vigour , as it was under that Great King .

When the Duke of Weymar , and the Marshal Hornes had lost the Battel of Norlingue , Cardinal Richlieu redoubled his Succours , dispatch'd great Armies into Germany , stopt the Progress of the Imperialists , and gave the Suedes an opportunity to re-establish their Affairs in the Empire .

Behold what Cardinal Richlieu has done , as Great , Magnanimous , Wise , and Resolute . Let us see what he did by his vast Soul .

The Prison of the Elector of Trier gives us an occasion , or pretence to declare War against the Spaniards ; and this design was worthy of the g●eat Soul of Cardinal Richlieu : but that vast Spirit , which was imputed to him , was lost in the extent of his Projects . He took such false Measures abroad , and gave such ill Orders at home , that our Affairs in all likelihood must be ruined .

The Cardinal had in his Thoughts the most fantastical design that ever was ; it was to attack Flanders behind , and take from it all the Communication it might have with Germany by the way of the Meuse . He imagined that he should take Brussels , and reduce the Low-Countries at the same time . For this effect , he sent an Army of Thirty Five Thousand Men to join that of the Prince of Orange in Brabant . But instead of inclosing Flanders between the Meuse and the Sarne , he shut up our Army between the Forts of Flanders and the Meuse : insomuch that there was neither Provision , nor Communication in our Camp ; and without amplifying the Matter , the Misery was so great there , that after having raised the Siege of Lauvain defended by some Scholars only , the Officers and Soldiers returned into France , not in a Body , like Troops , but dispersed , begging for their Subsistence , like Pilgrims . See what the vast Spirit of the Cardinal produced by the fantastical Project of two Armies conjoined . The second Campaign , this same Spirit scattered into its Idea's , took yet less measures . The Enemies forced the Count ... who defended the Passage of Be● with an inconsiderable Body .

Having passed the Somme , they made themselves Masters of the Field , took our Cities , which they found provided with all Things , carried Desolation as far as Compiegne , and Terror even to Paris . A fine Commendation for Cardinal Richlieu to have been vast in his Projects . That very Quality , which the Gentlemen of the Academy make so highly valuable , made him commit no less Faults in the Campaign of Aire . He undertook a great Siege in Flanders at the same time that the Count ... entred into Champagne with an Army . Hardly had we taken A●re , but the Mareshal de la Meilleray was shock'd , and the City besieged by the Enemy .

If so be the Count ... had not been killed after he had won the Battel of Sedan , one might have expected the greatest disorder in the World , in the Disposition People were in . If the Gentlemen of the Academy had known particularly Monsieur de Turenne , they would have plainly seen that the vast Spirit of the Cardinal had no Recommendation with him . This Great General admired a hundred Qualities of this Great Minister , but he could not bear with the vast , for which he is commended . 'T was this that caus'd him to affirm , That Cardinal Mazarin was Wiser than Cardinal Richlieu ; that the designs of Cardinal Mazarin were just and regular , those of Cardinal Richlieu greater and less concerted to come from an Imagination , that had too great an extent .

See , Gentlemen , a part of the Reasons that I had to tell you against vast . If so be I don't submit to the Judgment you have given in favour of Madam Mazarin , 't is because I have found in your Writings a Censure of vast of much greater force , than what shall be read in this Discourse .

St. EVREMONT TO THE Modern LEONTIVM .

YOU desire to know , whether I composed that Moral of Epicurus , which is attributed to me . I could honour my self therewith , but I don't love to give my self a desert which I have not , and I will tell you ingeniously , That it is not mine . I have a great disadvantage in those little Treatises , which are printed under my Name . There are some that are well done , which I don't acknowledge , because they don't belong to me ; and amongst the Things which I have done , there is mixed a great many Silly Things , which I don't trouble my self to disclaim . At the Age I am of , an Hour of Life well managed is much more considerable to me , than the Interest of a Moderate Reputation . How difficultly do People get rid of Self-love , I leave it as an Author , and retake it as a Philosopher , feeling a secret Pleasure in neglecting what makes the Application of others . The word Pleasure makes me recall Epicurus , and confess that of all the Opinions of Philosophers concerning the Sovereign Good , there is none that appears to me so reasonable , as his . It would be to no purpose to alledge here the Reasons , that are a hundred times given by the Epicureans , that the love of Pleasure , and the avoiding of Grief are the first and most natural Motions , that are observed in Men : That Riches , Power , Honour , and Vertue may contribute to our Happiness : but that the sole enjoyment of Pleasure , Voluptuousness , to speak all , is the single end to which our Actions relate . 'T is a thing clear enough of it self , and I am fully perswaded thereof . In the mean time , I don't well know what was the Pleasure of Epicurus ; for I never saw Sentiments so different , as those Men have entertained upon the Manners of this Philosopher . Philosophers , and even some of his own Scholars have exclaimed against him , as a sensual and careless Person , that never departed from his Idleness but by a Debauch . All Sects are opposed to his . Magistrates have considered his Doctrine as prejudicial to the Publick . Cicero so just , and so wise in his Opinions , Plutarch so much esteemed for his Judgment , have not been favourable to him . And for what relates to Christians , the Fathers have made him pass for the greatest and most dangerous of impious Persons . Behold his Enemies , and behold now his Friends . Metrodorus , Hermacus , Meneceus , and many others that argued with him , had as much Veneration , as Friendship for his Person . Diogenes Laertius could not write his Life more advantageously for his Reputation . Lucretius was his adorer ▪ Seneca , as much an Enemy as he was to his Sect , hath spoken of him with Praise ▪ If so be some Cities have an Aversion for him , others● have erected Statues in his Honour .

In the midst of all these Authorities opposed one to the other , what Medium is there to decide ? Shall I say that Epicurus is a Corrupter of good Manners , upon the Credit of a jealous Philosopher , or a discontented Disciple , that shall have let himself go to a Resentment for some Injury or other ?

Besides , Epicurus desiring to ruine the Opinion , which was had of Providence , and the Immortality of the Soul , cannot I reasonably perswade my self , that the World rose up against a scandalous Doctrine , and that the Life of the Philosopher was assaulted to discredit more easily his Opinions ? but if I am unwilling to believe what his Enemies and his Rivals have published of him , so do I not easily believe , what his Partisans dare say . I don't think , that he had a design to introduce a Pleasure more severe , than the Vertue of the Stoicks . This jealousie of austerity seems to me extravagant in a voluptuous Philosopher , let his Pleasure be interpreted as it will . A fine secret to declaim against a vertue , that takes away the Sence from a Wise Man , to establish a Pleasure that affords him no Motion . The wise Man of the Stoicks is a vertuous insensible ; that of the Epicureans a voluptuous Immoveable . The first is in Afflictions without Afflictions ; the second tastes a Pleasure without Pleasure . What Reason had a Philosopher , that disbelieved the Immortality of Souls , to mortifie the senses ? Why put a Divorce between two Parties composed of the same Matter , who ought to have found their Advantage in the Concord and Union of their Parties ? I pardon our religious Men the sad Singularity of eating nothing but Herbs , in the Prospect they have of obtaining thereby an eternal Happiness : but that a Philosopher , who knows no other good things , than those of this World , that the Doctor of Pleasure should make a Commons of Bread and Water to arrive at the sovereign Happiness of Life , that 's what my little Understanding will not comprehend . I admire , they don't establish the Pleasure of such an Epicurus in Death ; for to consider the Misery of Life , his chiefest Good should have been , to put an end to it . Believe me , if Horace and Petronius had imagined him to themselves , as he is described , they would not have taken him for their Master in the knowledge of Pleasures . The Piety , which is allowed him for the Gods , is no less ridiculous , than the Mortification of his Senses ; those idle Gods , those disabled Beings , from whom he saw nothing to be hoped , or feared , did not merit the pains of his Worship ; and let not People say , That he went to the Temple , for fear of drawing the Magistrates upon him , and scandalizing his Citizens ; for he had much less scandalized them , by not assisting at the Sacrifice , than he doth offend them by his Writings , which destroyed the Gods in the World , or at least ruined the confidence they had in their Protection . But what 's your Opinion of Epicurus , says one to me ? You believe neither his Friends , nor his Enemies , his Adversaries , nor his Partisans . What is your Judgment of him ? I 'm of Opinion , That Epicurus was a very wise Philosopher , who , according to the time and occasions , loved Pleasure in Repose , or Pleasure in Motion ; and from this different Pleasure , is come that of the Reputation he has had . Timisecrates and his Enemies have set upon him by sensual Pleasures : those that have defended him , have spoken of nothing , but of a Spiritual Pleasure . When the first have accused him of the expence he made in his Banquets , I am perswaded that the Accusation was well grounded . When the others have made him swallow down those little Morsels of Cheese to make better chear than was usual , I believe they did not want Reason . When one says that he argued with Leontium , one says true . When one affirms that he diverted himself with her , one doth not tell me , there is a time to laugh , and a time to weep , according to Solomon ; a time to be sober , and a time to be sensual according to Epicurus . Besides a voluptuous Man is not equally so all his Life . In Religion , the greatest Libertine is sometimes the most Devout . In the study of wisdom , the most indulgent to Pleasure , is sometimes the most severe . As for me , I look otherwise upon Epicurus in Youth and Health , than in Old Age and Distempers . Insensibleness , Tranquillity , and the Happiness of idle sick Persons could not be better express'd , than they are in his Writings . Sensual Pleasure is not less explained in that Formal Passage , which Cicero expresly alledges . I know , that nothing is forgotten to destroy him , or to shift him off : but may Conjectures be compared with the Testimony of Cicero , who knew so well the Philosophers of Greece , and their Philosophy ? It were much better to reject him upon the Inconstancy of Humane Nature , and upon the Inequality of our Minds . Where is a Man so uniform , as to have nothing of inequality , and contrariety in his Actions ? Solomon deserves the name of Wise , at least as much as Epicurus , and he did equally mistake in his Opinions , and in his Conduct . Montagne , as yet very Young , believed that his Thoughts should be eternally fixed upon Death , to be prepared for it : when he approached Old Age , he makes , says he , a Recantation , desiring to be sweetly conducted by Nature , that will sufficiently learn us to die .

Mr. Bernier , a great favourer of Epicurus , doth now confess , that after having studied Philosophy Fifty Years , he doubts of things that he had believed the most assured . All Objects have different Faces , and the Minds , which are in a continual Motion look upon them , as they turn : insomuch that we have nothing , that I may so speak , but new Aspects , thinking to enjoy new Discoveries . Moreover Age brings great Alterations in our Humour , and by the Alteration of Humour is very often framed that of Opinions . Add , that the Pleasures of the Senses sometimes render despicable the Satisfactions of the Mind , as too dry , and too naked ; and that the nice and refined Satisfactions of the Mind , despise in their turn the Pleasures of the Senses , as gross . So one ought not to be surprized , that , in so great a diversity of Prospects , and Motions , Epicurus who hath writ more than any Philosopher , should say the same thing in a different Manner , according as he might have different Thoughts and Notions of it . What Occasion is there for those general Arguments to shew that he could be sensible of all sorts of Pleasures ? If you consider him in his Familiarity with Women , you will not believe that he spent so much time with Leontium and Ternissa to do nothing but read Philosophy . But if he loved the Enjoyment of them as a voluptuous Person , he managed himself as a prudent Man ; and being indulgent to the Motions of Nature , contrary to Efforts , not always reckoning Chastity for a Vertue , always accounting Luxury a Vice , he would have Sobriety to be a Dispensation of the Appetite , and that the Feasts which were made , should never hurt those that were to be . Sic praesentibus voluptatibus fruaris , ut futuris non noceas . He disengaged Pleasures from the Disorders that precede them , and the Distaste that follows them . As he fell into Infirmities and Pains , he fixed the chiefest Good in Insensibleness : Wisely , in my Opinion , for the Condition he was in ; for the Cessation of Pain , is the Happiness of those that endure it . As for the Tranquillity of the Mind , which composed the other part of his Happiness ; 't is nothing but an Exemption from Trouble : But he that can have no more agreeable Motions , is happy in curing himself from the grievous Impressions of Pain .

After all this Discourse , I conclude , that Insensibleness and Repose should make the chiefest Good of Epicurus infirm and languishing : but for a Man that 's in Health , for a Man that 's in a Condition to taste of Pleasures , I 'm of Opinion that Health makes it self discerned by something more lively than a Want of Sense , and that a good Disposition of the Soul would have something more enlivening than a peaceable State .

We live in the midst of an Infinity of Goods and Evils , and with Senses capable of being affected with the one , and prejudiced with the other : Without so much Philosophy , a little Reason will make us taste good things as sweetly as 't is possible , and adapt us for Misfortunes as patiently as we can .

REFLECTIONS UPON RELIGION .

TO consider purely the Repose of this Life ; it would be well if Religion had more or less Influence upon Mankind . It compells , and doth not subject enough ; like some Politicks , that take away the Sweetness of Liberty , without bringing the Advantages of Subjection .

The Will makes us aspire gently to those good things , which are promised to us , because it is not excited enough by an Understanding , that is not enough convinced .

We say by Compliance , that we believe what one says with Authority , we ought to believe : But without a particular Mercy we are more disturbed , than perswaded of a thing , that doth not fall under the Evidence of the Senses , and which affords no manner of Demonstration to our Minds .

Behold what is the effect of Religion , in respect of ordinary Men ; now see the advantages of it for the true and perfect Religious Man .

The true Devout Person breaks with Nature , if one may so speak , to take pleasure in the abstinence of pleasures ; and in the Subjection of the Body to the Mind , he renders to himself in some measure delightful the use of Mortifications and Pains .

Philosophy goes no further , than to teach us to endure Misfortunes . The Christian Religion makes us triumph over them , and one may say seriously of it , what has been gallantly express'd of Love .

All other Pleasures are not worth its Pains .

The true Christian knows how to make his advantages of all things ; the evils which he suffers , are the good Things which God sends to him . The good Things which he wants , are evils which Providence has secured him from . Every thing 's a benefit to him , every thing in this World is a Mercy , and when he must depart , by the necessity of his Mortal Condition , he looks upon the end of his Life , as a Passage to one more happy , which is never to conclude .

Such is the Felicity of a true Christian , whilst uncertainty and trouble make an unhappy Condition to all others .

Indeed , we are almost all unresolved , little determined to good and evil .

There is a continual turn and return from Nature to Religion , and from Religion to Nature .

If so be we abandon the care of happiness to satisfie our Inclinations , these very Inclinations rise immediately against their Pleasures , and the distaste of Objects , which have flattered them the most , sends us back to the cares of our happiness .

If so be we renounce our Pleasures by a Principle of Conscience , the same thing happens to us in the Application to happiness , where habit and tediousness sends us back to the Objects of our first Inclinations .

Behold , how we are upon Religion in our selves : now see the Judgment which the Publick makes of it .

Should we forsake God for the World , we are treated as Impious Persons .

Should we forsake the World for God , we are look'd upon as weak , and decayed in our Understanding , and we are as little pardoned for Sacrificing Fortune to Religion , as Religion to Fortune .

The Example of Cardinal Retz will suffice singly , to justifie what I say .

When he was made Cardinal by Intrigues , Factions , and Tumults , they cryed out against an Ambitious Man , that sacrificed ( said they ) the Publick , his Conscience , and Religion to his Fortune . When he left the cares of Earth for those of Heaven , when the Perswasion of another Life made him regard the Grandeurs of this as Chimaera's , they said that his Head was turned , and that he made a scandalous weakness of what is proposed to us in Christianity , as the greatest Vertue .

An ordinary Mind is but little favourable to great Vertues , a lofty Wisdom offends a common Reason .

Mine , as common as it is , admires a Person truly perswaded , and would admire still more that this Person , absolutely perswaded , could be insensible to any advantage of Fortune .

I question a little the Perswasion of those Preachers , who offering us the Kingdom of Heaven in Publick , sollicit in particular a small Benefice with the utmost importunity .

The sole Idea of eternal profits renders the Possession of all the rest contemptible to a believing Man : but because there is but a few that have Faith , few Persons defend this Idea against Objects ; the hope of what is promised to us , naturally yielding to the enjoyment of what 's given us .

In the greatest part of Christians , the desire of believing holds the place of belief : the will gives them a sort of Faith by desires , which the Understanding refuses them by its Lights .

I have known some Devout Men , that in a certain contrariety between the Heart and the Mind , loved God perfectly without a strong Faith in him .

When they abandoned themselves to the Motions of their Heart , there was nothing but zeal for Religion ; all was fervency , all love . When they turned to the Intelligence of the Mind , they were amazed at their incomprehension of what they loved , and at their Ignorance how to answer themselves upon the Subject of their love . Then they wanted Consolations , to speak in Spiritual Terms , and they fell into that sad State of Religious Life , which is called Aridity and Dryness in Monasteries .

God alone is able to give us a certain , firm , and real Faith . That which we can do of our selves , is to captivate the Understanding in spite of the resistance of the Lights of Nature , and to dispose our selves with submission to execute what is ordained for us .

Humanity easily mingles its errors in what relates to Faith ; it mistakes a little in the practice of Vertues ; for it is less in our power to think exactly upon the things of Heaven , than to do well .

One can never be disappointed in the Actions of Justice and Charity .

Sometimes Heaven ordains , and Nature makes an Opposition .

Sometimes Nature demands what Reason won't consent to . Upon Justice and Charity all Rights are concerted , and there is , as it were , a general agreement between Heaven , Nature , and Reason .

A Fragment of Friendship without Friendship .

THE Love of Women had softned the Courage of Men ; the Vertue of good Men was altered by it . The Grandeur of a Magnanimous Soul might be weakned , but true Wisdom incurr'd little danger with the Female Sex .

The Wise Man , above their weakness , their inequalities , and their fancies , can govern them at his pleasure , or gets rid of them as he thinks convenient . As long as he sees others in slavery , tormented by some unfortunate Passion , he tastes a sweetness that charms the senses , and frees him from the sense of Misfortunes , which are not to be made insensible by Reason alone .

Not but that he may fall into an error . Humane Nature leaves no certain state to our Souls : but it is not long before he finds again his dispersed Lights , and re-establishes the Repose he had lost .

Scarce do we begin to grow Old , but we begin to be displeased by some distast , which we secretly frame in our selves . Then our Soul , free from Self-love , is easily filled with that which is suggested to us , and what would have pleased us heretofore but indifferently , charms us at present , and enslaves us to our own weakness .

By this Mistresses dispose of their Old Lovers to their Fancy , and Wives of their Old Husbands : by this Syphax abandoned himself to the will of Sophonisba , and Augustus was managed by Livia . And not to draw all my Examples from Antiquity , 't was thus Monsieur de la Ferte-Senectere , worthy to be named with Kings and Emperours by the single merit of Gentleman ; 't was thus this Courtier , as wise as he was polite , let himself go to the Friendship of a Woman , whom he married in his Old Days . If you should know , said he to his Friends , what is the Condition of a Person of my Age , that hath nothing but himself to represent in his Solitude , you would not admire that I have sought for a Companion that pleases me , be the purchase of what value it will . I never discommended him . And why discommend a thing that ... hath authorized by his Example ? In the mean time , in spite of his Authority , I shall esteem a Person that hath strength enough to preserve the taste of his Liberty to the end of his Days . Not that a full independance of Persons so free and so disengaged , of all those indifferent and those ungrateful Men , is always commendable . Let us avoid Subjection in an entire liberty ; to preserve a sweet and sincere contract , as agreeable to our Friends , as to our selves . If so be they demand of me more than fervency and cares , for the Interest of those I love ; more than my small assistance , whilst they are in necessities ; more than discretion in Commerce , and a taste in Confidence , let them go and seek for Friendships elsewhere , mine can dispense with no more .

Violent Passions are unequal , and make the disorder of a change to be feared . In Love , they should be abandoned for the Polexander's , and the Cyrus's in Romances ; in Friendship for Orestes and Pilades in Plays . These are things to read , and to see represented , which are not found in the Use of the World . And happily they are not practised ; for they would produce very extravagant Adventures .

What hath Orestes done , that great and illustrious person of Friendship ? What hath he done , that ought not to give Horrour ?

He killed his Mother , assassinated Pyrrhus , and fell into such strange Furies , that it costs the Players their Lives , that endeavour to represent him .

Let us observe with Attention the Nature of those Obligations which are sold so dear , and we shall find them composed of a hideous Melancholy , that makes up all Man-haters .

Indeed , to dispose ones self to love but one person , and to hate all the rest , is what is taken for Vertue in particular : In the mean time 't is a Vice against all the world .

He that makes us lose the Acquaintance of Men by a Desertion like his own , makes us lose more than he is worth , had he a considerable Merit . Let us act the disinteressed as long as we please , and shut up all our desires in the Monuments of our Passions , thinking of nothing that proceeds not from thence , yet we shall grow faint in this Noble Friendship , if so be we don't draw from Society a part of the Conveniencies and Agreements of Life . The love of Two Persons made fast one to another , this fine Union hath need of Foreign things to excite the Taste of Pleasure , and the sense of Joy ; with all the Sympathy of the World , the Counsel and Intelligence , it will be troubled to furnish some Consolation from the Tiresomness , it is the Occasion of . 'T is in the World , and amongst Divertisements , and Business , that the most agreeable Contracts are formed . I esteem the Correspondence of Monsieur d' Estrees , and Monsieur de Senectere , that lived Fifty Years at Court in an equal Familiarity : I esteem the Confidence that Monsieur de Turenne had with Monsieur de Ruvigni Forty Years together , more than the●e Friendships always extravagant , and never rightly used between Women and Men.

There is nothing that contributes more to the sweetness of Life , than Friendship . There is nothing that disturbs its Repose so much as Friends , if we have not Judgment enough to chuse them well .

Importunate Friends desire to be thought indifferent ; the scrupulous give us more trouble by their Humour , than they bring advantage by their Services . The imperious ones are Tyrants to us : We must hate what they do , be it never so agreeable : We must love , what they love ▪ when we find it rigorous and unpleasant : we must do Violence to our Nature , enslave our Judgment , renounce our Parts , and under that sweet Name of Complaisance have a general submission for all that they impose .

Jealous Friends disturb us ; averse from all Counsel they don't give , troubled at the good , which happens to us without their Participation , and glad of the Misfortunes , which come by the Ministry of others . There are Friends of Profession , that take a pride in following our Party at random , and upon all Occasions . These sort of Friends serve for nothing else , but to incense the World against us by imprudent Contests . There are others , that justifie us when no Body accuses us ; who by Indiscretion make us commit Offences in Places where we were not , and bring us into what we would avoid . Let him , that will , be contented with these Friendships ; as for me I am not satisfied with a single good Will , I would have it accompanied with Discretion and Prudence .

The Affection of a Man doth not make amends for what he has spoiled : I thank him for his impertin●nt Zeal , and advise him to display its merit amongst Fools . If so be the Lights of the Understanding direct not th● Motions of the Heart , Friends are more proper to incense us , and more capable of injuring than serving us . Notwithstanding one speaks of nothing but the Heart , in all the Discourses , which they are heard to make upon Love and Friendship . Poets become troublesome therein , Lovers tedious ▪ and Friends ridiculous . One sees nothing ●lse in our Plays but Kings Daughters , that yield the Heart , but refuse the Hand ; or Princesses , that give the Hand , and cannot agree to yield the Heart . Lovers become insipid in asking eternally the Purity of this Heart , and Friends raised to esteem would have it , as well as the Lovers . It is not in knowing the Nature , where for a little Heat ill managed , for some unequal and uncertain Tenderness it might have , one observes otherwise nothing but Fancy , Ingratitude , Infidelity , which one ought to fear .

Love is called blind very improperly , not to displease the Genius of Poets , and the Humours of Painters . Love is for the most part a Passion , of which the Heart often makes an ill Use.

The Heart is a blind thing , to which are owing all our Errours ; 't is that which preferrs a Fool before an ingenious Man , that loves silly Objects , and disdains amiable Persons ; that yields to the most ugly , and most deformed , and refuses the most handsom , and most genteel .

'T is that , which confounds the most regular , that lifts up the most wise to Vertue , and disposeth Saints to Grace ; as little subjected to Government in Monasteries , as disposed to love in Families ; unfaithful to Husbands , less secure to Lovers ; it troubles the first , and puts a Disorder amongst the rest .

It acts without advice , and without Knowledge . Weak against Reason that should conduct it , it moves secretly by hidden Springs , which it doth not discover ; it gives , and withdraws its Affections without Occasion , it engages without design , breaks without measure , and in a word , produceth Fantastical Noises , which dishonour those that make them .

Behold the end of Love and Friendships .

Upon the Heart , by Reasons just and reasonable , whose Division the Mind can take , there is no Rupture to be apprehended ; for either it remains the whole Life , or it is insensibly disengaged with Discretion and Diligence . It is certain that Nature hath put in our Hearts something of Laughter , if one may say so , some secret Principle of Affection , that conceals what 's tender , that explains it self , and is communicable with Friends . But the use of it has not been received and authorized amongst Men , but only as much as to render Life more peaceable and more happy .

That 's the Foundation , that Epicurus so much recommended to his Disciples .

That Cicero exhorts us to it , and invites us by his own Example ; that Seneca , as wrinkled and severe as he is , becomes sweet and tender , so soon as he speaks of Friendship .

That Montagne excells Seneca by more lively Expressions .

That Gassendus explains the Advantages of this Vertue , and disposes the Reader , as much as lies in his power , to procure them .

All reasonable Persons , all honest Men unite Philosophers therein , upon the Foundation , that Friendship ought to contribute more , than any other thing , to our Happiness .

Indeed , a Man would not break with himself upon no Account whatsoever , to unite himself to another , if so be he did not find more Sweetness in this Union , than in the first Sentiments of Self-love .

The Friendship of wise Men finds nothing in the World more precious than it self .

That of others , imperious , and confused , disturbs the Peace of publick Society , and the Pleasures of particular Conversations .

'T is a savage Friendship , which Reason disowns and which we could wish to our Enemies , to be revenged of their Hatred .

But as honest , and as regular as Friends may be , 't is an inconvenient thing to have too many : Our separated Cares don't leave Application enough for those that affect us , nor also for what relates to others in the overflowing of a Soul , that disperses it self upon all remote Actions , and applys it self properly to nothing , nor we our selves for few Persons living . As for us , let us seek the Advantage of Commerce with all the World , and the Benefit of our Affairs with those that can .

A FRAGMENT UPON THE ANCIENTS .

THere is no Person that has more admiration than I have for the Works of the Ancients . I admire the Design , the Oeconomy , the Elevation of Spirit , the Extent of Knowledge : but the change of Religion , Government , Customs , and Manners , has made so great a one in the World , that we must have , as it were , a New Art , to enter well into the Inclination , and Genius of the Age , we are in . And certainly my Opinion ought to be found reasonable by all those that will take the pains to examine it ; for if one gives Characters quite opposite to . ...

Take away the Gods of Antiquity , you take from him all his Poems . The Consti●ution of the Fable is in disorder , the Oeconomy thereof is turned upside down .

Without the Prayer of Thetis to Iupiter , and the Dream which Iupiter sent to Agamemnon , there would be no Iliad ; without Minerva , no Odysseus ; without the Protection of Iupiter and the Assistance of Venus , no Aeneid . The Gods , assembled in Heaven , debated what was to be done upon Earth ; they formed Resolutions , and were no less necessary to execute them , than to take them .

The Immortal Captains of the Party of Men , contrived all , gave Life to all , inspired Force and Courage , engaged themselves in fight , and except Ajax , who asked nothing but Light , there was no con●iderable Warriour , that had not his God upon his Chariot , as well as his Squire .

The God to conduct his Spear , the Squire for the management of his Horses . Man was a pure Machine , whom secret Springs put upon Motion , and those Springs were nothing else but the Inspiration of their Goddesses and Gods .

The Divinity , which we serve , is more favourable to the Liberty of Men. We are in his Hands , as the rest of the Universe , by dependance ; in our own to deliberate , and to act . I confess that we ought always to implore his Protection .

Lucretius asks it himself , and in the Book where he engages Providence with all the force of his Spirit , he Prays , he Conjures that which governs us to have the goodness to avert Misfortunes .

Quod procul à nobis ●lectat , & natura gubernans .

In the mean time , we must not introduce this Formidable Majesty in all things , whose name it is not permitted to make use of unseasonably . That false Divinities are mixed in all sorts of Fictions , those are Fables themselves , the vain effects● of the Imagination of Poets .

As for Christians , they should give nothing but Truth , to him who is Truth in Perfection , and they should adapt all their Discourses to his Wisdom , and to his Goodness .

This great Principle is followed by that of Manners , which by rea●on of their being civilized , and sweetned at present , can't suffer what they had of wildness in those times .

'T is this change , that makes us find so strange , the fierce and brutish injuries , which Achilles and Agamemnon boast of .

'T is by this Agamemnon appears odious to us , when he takes away that Trojan's Life , which Menelaus had pardoned .

Menelaus , for whom the War was made , pardons him generously . Agamemnon the King of Kings , who owed Examples of Vertue to all the Princes , and to all the People , the cowardly Agamemnon kills this miserable Person with his own Hand . 'T is then Achilles becomes horrible , when he kills the young Lycaon , who entreated him so tenderly for his Life .

'T is then we hate him even to his Vertues , when he ties the Body of Hector to his Chariot , and drags him inhumanely to the Camp of the Greeks . I had a kindness for him , when he was the Friend of Patroclus . The cruelty of his Action makes me abhor his Valour , and his Friendship .

'T is quite otherwise in Hector . His good Qualities return into our Minds ; we pity him ▪ we lament him more ; his Idea is become very dear , and draws all the Sentiments of our Affection .

Let it not be said in favour of Achilles , that Hector kill'd his dear Patroclus . The resentment of this Death doth not excuse him with us . An affliction that permits him to suspend his Revenge , and to tarry for his Arms , before he goes to the Combat ; an Affliction so patient ought not to have push'd him to this unusual Barbarity , after the Fight 's over .

But let us disengage our Friendship from our Aversion ; the sweetest , the tenderest of Vertues doth not bring forth effects so contrary to Nature .

Achilles found them in the bottom of his Nature . It is not to the Friend of Patroclus , but to the Inhumane and Inexorable Achilles , that they belong .

All the World will easily consent to it . However , the Vices of the Hero will not fall upon the Poet. Homer's Intention was more to describe the Nature , such as he saw it , than to make Heroes very accomplished .

He has described them with more Passions , than Vertues ; Passions being in the Foundation of Nature , and Vertues purely established in us by the Lights of an instructed Reason .

Policy had not as yet united Men by the Knots of a reasonable Society ; it had not turned them well to others . Morality had not yet formed them well for themselves .

Good Qualities were not distinguished enough from the Bad.

Vlisses was prudent , and fearful , cautious against dangers , industrious to get out of them , valiant sometimes when there was less danger to be so , than not to be .

Achilles was valiant , and fierce , and what Horace would not set down in his Character of him , relaxing sometimes to very great Puerilities , his Nature uncertain , and irregular framed Manners , sometimes fierce , sometimes childish . Now he drags the Body of Hector in a Barbarian manner , now he prays the Goddess his Mother , as a Child , to drive away the Flies from that of Patroclus his dear Friend .

The ways are not less different , than the manners . Two Hero's ready for the Combat would not amuse themselves now a days in declaring their Genealogy : but it is easie to observe in the Iliads , and even in the Odysseus , and the Aeneids , that such a Method was practised . Men discoursed , before they fought , just as they make Speeches in England , before they die .

As for Comparisons , Discretion shall make us do less than they . Good sence will render them more just , Invention more new .

The Sun , the Moon , the Elements , will lend us no more an easie stateliness . Wolves , Shepherds , and Flocks , will not afford us a simplicity too much known .

It seems to me , that there is an infinite number of Comparisons , that are more alike , than the things compared . A Kite that grounds upon a Pidgeon , a Spar-Hawk that sets upon little Birds , a Faulkon that makes his descent ; all these Birds have more Relation one to another in the swiftness of their flight , than the Men have , whom they compare to them , in their impetuosity . Take away the Distinction of the names of Kite , Spar-hawk , and Faulkon , you 'll find but the same Thing .

The violence of a Whirl-wind , that roots up Trees , more resembles that of a Tempest , which makes some other disorder , than Objects with which they are compared .

A Lion , whom Hunger drives from his Den , a Lioness pursued by Hunters , a Lion furious and jealous of his Whelps , a Lion against whom a Village assembles , and who ceases not to retire fiercely with Pride : this is a Lion differently represented , but still a Lion which doth not afford Idea's different enough . Sometimes Comparisons take us from Subjects that employ us most , by the vain Image of another Object , that makes an unseasonable Diversion .

I oblige my self to consider two Armies , that are ready for the engagement , and I take the Spirit of a Man of Courage to observe the Behaviour , Order , and Disposition of the Troops . Of a sudden , I am transported to the Banks of a Sea , which becomes swell'd by the Fury of the Winds , and I am more likely to behold Ship-wrack'd Vessels , than broken Battalions . These vast Thoughts , which the Sea affords me , extinguish the former .

One represents to me a Mountain all on Fire , and a Forest absolutely inflamed . Whither doth not the Idea of a Conflagration extend ? If so be I were not full Master of my sence , one might insensibly conduct me to the Imagination of the World's end .

From so terrible a Conflagration , I pass to a hideous Lightning , and with much Diversion , I am so much interrupted from the first Image that imployed me , that I lose entirely that of the Battle .

We think to embellish Objects in comparing them to eternal , immense , infinite beings , and we stifle them , instead of extolling them .

To say , that a Woman is as handsome as Madam Mazarin ; is to praise her more , than if she were compared to the Sun ; for the sublime and miraculous , make esteemed .

The impossible and the fabulous destroy the Commendation , which one would give .

Truth was not the Inclination of the first Ages ; an unprofitable Lye , a lucky Fal●●ood made the Interest of Impostors , and the Pleasure of credulous Persons ; 't was the Secret of the great and the wise to govern the People , and the simple Men.

The Vulgar , who respected mysterious Errours , despised naked Truths , and Wisdom consisted in the abusing of it .

Discourse was fitted to so advantageous a Use ; there was nothing in it but Fictions , Allegories , and Similitudes ; nothing appeared as it is in it self , Specious and Rhetorical out-sides covered the inward part of all things ; vain Idea's , concealed Realities , and too frequent Comparisons turn'd men from the Application to true Objects , by the Amusement of Resemblances .

The Genius of our Age is quite opposite to this Spirit of Fable , and false Mysteries .

We love open Truths , good Sence takes an advantage over the Illusions of Fancy , and nothing satisfies us now-a-days , but the Solidity of Reason .

Add to this Alteration of Humour , that of Knowledge : we look otherwise upon Nature , than the Ancients did .

The Heavens , that eternal Mansion of so many Divinities , are no more , than an immense , and fluid Space .

The same Sun shines still upon us , but we give it another Course , and instead of going to set in the Sea , it goes to enlighten another World .

The Earth immoveable heretofore in the Opinion of Men , turns now , and is not to be equall'd in the Swiftness of its Motion . Every thing is changed , Gods , Nature , Politicks , Manners , Humours , and Ways . Will not so many Alterations produce some change in our Works ?

If Homer was living at present , he would make admirable Poems , fitted to the Age , wherein he should write . Our Poets , make bad ones , framed to that of the Ancients , and guided by things , which time hath altered .

I know that there are certain eternal Rules to be grounded upon a good Judgment , upon a firm and solid Reason , that shall always subsist . Yet there are but few , that bear the Character of this incorruptible Reason . Those that relate to the Manners , Affairs , and Customs of the Ancient Greeks have no effect upon us at present . One may say of them what Horace said of Words ; they have their Age and their Duration , they die of old Age. Ita verborum interit aetas .

Others perish with their Nation , as well as the Maxims of Government , which subsist not after t●e Empire .

There are then but very few , that can direct our Minds in all Times , and it would be Ridiculous always to Rule new ▪ Works by extinguished Laws . Poetry would be to blame to exact from us , what Religion and Justice do not .

'T is to an Imitation , servile , or too much affected , that is owing the disgrace of all our Poems .

Our Poets have not force to escape the Gods , nor address to employ well what our Religion could furnish them with .

Tied to the Humour of Antiquity and confined to our Sentiments , they give the Air of Mercury to our Angels , and that of the Fabulous wonders of the Ancients to our Miracles .

This mixture of Ancient and Modern has made them succeed very ill . And one may say , That they 〈◊〉 not known how to draw any advantage from their Fictions , nor make a good use of our Truths .

We conclude that the Poems of Homer will always be a Master-piece , and not a Model in all things . They will form our Judgment , if so be we determine them with Discretion , and pursuant to the Disposition of present Affairs .

The Character of a Woman that is not , and never will be found .

IN all the handsome Persons I have seen , if so be there were some Passages to be admired , there were also some , that one ought not to observe , or at least disguise them with much artifice ; for , to speak the truth , it 's hard to commend all , and be sincere . I am obliged to Aemilia for leaving me purely in my Nature , as much disposed to speak well , as to remain exactly true . As she wants neither favour nor kindness , I have no busin●●● either with Disguises or Flatteries . By her means I can praise to day without Complaisance . Observators too exact loose a Malicious Nicety , which is applied but to examine Faults ; and in a new Spirit which she inspi●●s them with , they pass with pleasure from their usual Censure , to real Approbations .

It is certain that the greatest part of Women are more indebted to our Complements , than their own Merits , in all the Praises which are given to the● . Aemilia is obliged only to her self for 〈◊〉 ●●stice which is rendred to her , and secure of the good one ought to affirm of her , she has properly no Interest , but for that which may be procured from her .

In effect , if her Enemies speak of her , it is not in their power to betray their Conscience , and they confess with as much truth as anger , the advantages which they are obliged to acknowledge in her : if so be her Friends enlarge themselves upon her Commendations , it is not possible for them to add any thing to the Merit which affects them . Thus the former are forced to submit to Reason , when they would follow the Malice of their Motions ; and the others meerly just with all their Friendship , without a Capacity of being either officious , or favourable . She expects then nothing from the Inclination , as she apprehends nothing from an evil Will , in the Judgments that are made of her . But since one is free to conceal his Opinions , Aemilia will have Reason to fear the Malice of Silence , the single prejudice that Rivals and Enemies can offer to her .

It 's necessary to leave things somewhat general , to come to a more particular Description of her Person .

All her Features are regular , which is very seldom observed . All her Features are regular and agreeable , which is as it were never seen ; for it seems that a Fancy of Nature may produce the Agreements of Regularity , and that compleat Beauties , who have always something to be admired , rarely enjoy the Secret of Pleasing . Aemilia hath affecting Eyes , the Complexion parted , delicate , smooth ; the Whiteness of Teeth , the Vermilion of Lips are Expressions too general for a secret and particular Charm , which I cannot describe . Without her , that Shape , that lower Part of the Face , where was placed the great Beauty of the Ancients , would be found no where but in the Idea of some Painter , or in the Descriptions which Antiquity has left us ; and to enliven so many fine things , you see upon 〈◊〉 Face a lively Clearness , an Air of Health , a fullness in a good Degree , that leaves nothing more to be apprehended .

Her Stature of an exact Height , well proportion'd , easie , of a Freedom as far from Constraint , as that excessive Beauty , wherein appears as it were a sort of Loosness , which ruines the good Grace , and the good Carriage . Add to this a noble Gate , a serious Behaviour , but natural , which is neither starch'd , nor confus'd ; the Laugh , the Speech , the Action , accompanied with Agreements and Decorum's .

Her Spirit is extensive without being Vast , never rambling so far in general Thoughts , as not to be able to return easily to singular Considerations ; nothing escapes her Penetration , her Judgment leaves nothing ●nknown : And I cannot tell , whether she is more fit to unravel hidden things , than to judge soundly of those , which appear secret to us and not Mysterious ; knowing equally how to be opportunely silent , and speaking . In her ordinary Conversation , she says nothing with study , and nothing at a venture , the l●●st Matters mark Attention , there appears no endeavour in the most serious ; what she has of Life ceases not to be exact , and her most natural Thoughts are express'd with a delicate Turn : But she hates lucky Imaginations , that escape from the Mind without Choice and without Judgment , that are as it were always admired , and for the most part little esteemed by those , that have them .

In all her Person you see something of Great and Noble , which is found by a secret Relation in the Air of the Face , the Qualities of the Mind , and those of the Soul .

Naturally she would be too Magnificent , but a just Consideration of her Affairs retains this noble Sentiment , and she chuseth rather to constrain the Generosity of her Humour , than to fall into a Condition , where she should stand in need of that of another , as fierce to refuse any Favour from her own , as officious with Strangers , and full of Heat in the Interests of her Friends . Not that these Considerations make her lose an Inclination so noble , she regulates it in the use of her Estate ; her Nature , and her Reason form an Unconcernedness without Negligence .

She has good Sense and Dexterity in Affairs she enters in voluntarily , if so be she finds therein a substantial Advantage for her self , or for her Friends : But she hates to act by a Spirit of Restlessness ; equally against an unuseful Motion , and the Softness of a Repose , that takes a Pride in the Name of Tranquillity , to cover a true Indifference .

After having described so many Qualities so fine , it 's proper to see what Impressions they make upon our Soul , and what 's doing in her own .

She has something of Majestical , that imprints Respect ; something of sweet and ingenious , that wins the Inclinations . She attracts you , she retains you , and you always approach to her with Desires , that you cannot shew .

To pierce into the inward Part , I don't believe her to be uncapable of the Sentiments she gives : But imperious upon her self , as well as upon you , she masters in her own Heart by Reason , what Respect constrains in yours .

Nature being infirm in some Souls , doth not leave there force to desire any thing ; impetuous in others , it brings forth transported Passions : exact in Aemilia , it has made the Heart sensible , which ought to feel , and has given to Reason , which ought to command , an absolute Empire over her Motions .

Happy she , that lets her self go to the Tenderness of her Sentiments , without interessing the Curiousness of her Choice , nor that of her Conduct : Happy , that in a Correspondence established for the Sweetness of Life , contents her self with the Approbation of ingenious Men , and her own Satisfaction ; that fears not the Murmurs of the envious , who are jealous of all Pleasures , and malicicious against all Vertues .

One knows by an Infinity of Experience , that the Mind is blind in loving ; and Love has as it were , never well established his Power , till he has ruined that of our Reason : Upon the Subject of Aemilia our Sentiments become more passionate , according as our Knowledge becomes more refined ; and the Passion , which always appeared a Mark of Folly , is here the true Effect of our Happiness .

The great Enemies of Aemilia are those that have a false Knowledge of things , her Friends , all that know how to judge of things with Discretion . One has more , or less of Friendship for her , according as one has more or less of Nicety ; and every one thinks to be the most curious , by knowing every day new Passages , in order to love her more .

Some Persons have no Occasion for this long discerning , and for so slow a Meditation . At the first sight they are touched with her Merit without the Knowledge of it , and feel secret Motions of Esteem , as well as Inclination for her . Scarce has she uttered six Words , but they find her the most reasonable in the World : No body ever appeared to them so ingenious , nor so wise , and as yet they know neither her Procedure , nor her Conduct . They frame , as it were by Instinct , the most advantageous Thoughts of her Vertue ; aud Reason being since consulted , instead of hiding the Surprize , doth but approve of such happy , and just Preventions .

Amongst the Advantages of Aemilia , one of the greatest , in my Opinion , is to be always the same , and always pleasing . For one sees that the finest Humour doth at length become tiresome : The most fertile Spirits come to exhaust themselves , and make you fall with them into a Langour ; the most enlivened Vivacities either repulse you , or weary you . From whence comes it , that Women have need of Fancies sometimes to stir us up , or else are obliged to mix in their Entertainments Diversions , that revive us ? That which I describe pleases by her self alone , and at all times an eternal Equality never affords us a quarter of an Hour's distate . One is glad to be able to find with others one agreeable Hour ; with her one would complain of a tedious Moment . Go and visit her in what Condition soever it be , upon what Occasion soever , you go to a certain Pleasure , and to an assured Satisfaction .

'T is not an Imagination that surprizes you , and presently after is troublesome to you . 'T is not a serious thing , that makes you purchase a solid Conversation by the loss of its Gayety : 't is a Reason that pleases , and a Judgment that 's agreeable . I 'll conclude by the Quality , which ought to be considered before all the rest . She is devout without Superstition , without Melancholy ; far from that Infirmity , which frames Miracles particularly , and perswades it self at all Moments of supernatural Fopperies ; averse from those retired Humours , which insensibly diffuse in the Mind the Hatred of the World , and an Antipathy against Pleasures .

She is not of Opinion , that one ought to retire from Humane Society , to seek God in the Horrour of Solitude : She doth not believe that to be disengaged from a civil Life , to break the most reasonable and dear Correspondences , is to be united to God , but to be tied to ones self , and foolishly pursue ones own Imagination : She thinks to find God amongst Men , where his Goodness is most active , and his Providence appears to be more worthily employed ; and there she seeks with him to enlighten her Reason , to perfect her Manners , to regulate her Conduct , both in the Cares of Salvation , and the Duties of Life .

Behold the Description of a Woman that is not to be found ; if so be one may make the Description of a thing that is not . 'T is rather the Character of an accomplished Person . I was not disposed to seek it amongst the Men , because there is always wanting to their Commerce something of that Sweetness , which one meets with in that of Women ; and I thought it less impossible to find in a Woman the strongest and soundest Reason of Men , than in a Man the Charms and Agreements natural to Women .

THE END .