CHAP.
I.
SECTION
I.
INTRODUCTION
.
HAVING
lately
seen
a
Book
intituled
Patriarcha
,
written
by
Sir
Robert
Filmer
,
concerning
the
Universal
and
undistinguished
Right
of
all
Kings
,
I
thought
a
time
of
leisure
might
be
well
employed
in
examining
his
Doctrine
,
and
the
Questions
arising
from
it
;
which
seem
so
far
to
concern
all
Mankind
,
that
,
besides
the
influence
upon
our
future
Life
,
they
may
be
said
to
comprehend
all
that
in
this
World
deserves
to
be
cared
for
.
If
he
say
true
,
there
is
but
one
Government
in
the
World
that
can
have
any
thing
of
Justice
in
it
:
and
those
who
have
hitherto
bin
esteemed
the
best
and
wisest
of
Men
,
for
having
constituted
Commonwealths
or
Kingdoms
;
and
taken
much
pains
so
to
proportion
the
Powers
of
several
Magistracies
,
that
they
might
all
concur
in
procuring
the
Publick
Good
;
or
so
to
divide
the
Powers
between
the
Magistrates
and
People
,
that
a
well-regulated
Harmony
might
be
preserved
in
the
whole
,
were
the
most
unjust
and
foolish
of
all
Men.
They
were
not
builders
,
but
overthrowers
of
Governments
:
Their
business
was
to
set
up
Aristocratical
,
Democratical
or
mixed
Governments
,
in
opposition
to
that
Monarchy
which
by
the
immutable
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
is
imposed
upon
Mankind
;
or
presumptuously
to
put
Shackles
upon
the
Monarch
;
who
by
the
same
Laws
is
to
be
absolute
and
uncontrolled
:
They
were
rebellious
and
disobedient
Sons
,
who
rose
up
against
their
Father
;
and
not
only
refused
to
hearken
to
his
Voice
,
but
made
him
bend
to
their
Will.
In
their
opinion
,
such
only
deserved
to
be
called
Good
Men
,
who
endeavoured
to
be
good
to
Mankind
;
or
to
that
Country
to
which
they
were
more
particularly
related
:
and
in
as
much
as
that
Good
consists
in
a
felicity
of
Estate
,
and
perfection
of
Person
,
they
highly
valued
such
as
had
endeavoured
to
make
Men
better
,
wiser
and
happier
.
This
they
understood
to
be
the
end
for
which
Men
enter'd
into
Societies
:
And
,
tho
Cicero
says
,
that
Commonwealths
were
instituted
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
he
contradicts
them
not
,
but
comprehends
all
in
that
word
;
because
't
is
just
that
whosoever
receives
a
Power
,
should
employ
it
wholly
for
the
accomplishment
of
the
Ends
for
which
it
was
given
.
This
Work
could
be
performed
only
by
such
as
excelled
in
Virtue
;
but
lest
they
should
deflect
from
it
,
no
Government
was
thought
to
be
well
constituted
,
unless
the
Laws
prevailed
above
the
If
we
believe
Sir
Robert
,
all
this
is
mistaken
.
Nothing
of
this
kind
was
ever
left
to
the
choice
of
Men.
They
are
not
to
enquire
what
conduces
to
their
own
good
:
God
and
Nature
have
put
us
into
a
way
from
which
we
are
not
to
swerve
:
We
are
not
to
live
to
him
,
nor
to
our selves
,
but
to
the
Master
that
he
hath
set
over
us
.
One
Government
is
established
over
all
,
and
no
Limits
can
be
set
to
the
Power
of
the
Person
that
manages
it
.
This
is
the
Prerogative
,
or
,
as
another
Author
of
the
same
stamp
calls
it
,
The
Royal
Charter
granted
to
Kings
by
God
.
They
all
have
an
equal
right
to
it
;
Women
and
Children
are
Patriarchs
;
and
the
next
in
Blood
,
without
any
regard
to
Age
,
Sex
,
or
other
Qualities
of
the
Mind
or
Body
,
are
Fathers
of
as
many
Nations
as
fall
under
their
power
.
We
are
not
to
examine
,
whether
he
or
she
be
young
or
old
,
virtuous
or
vicious
,
sober
minded
or
stark
mad
;
the
Right
and
Power
is
the
same
in
all
.
Whether
Virtue
be
exalted
or
suppressed
;
whether
he
that
bears
the
Sword
be
a
Praise
to
those
that
do
well
,
and
a
Terror
to
those
that
do
evil
;
or
a
Praise
to
those
that
do
evil
,
and
a
Terror
to
such
as
do
well
,
it
concerns
us
not
;
for
the
King
must
not
lose
his
Right
,
nor
have
his
Power
diminished
on
any
account
.
I
have
bin
sometimes
apt
to
wonder
,
how
things
of
this
nature
could
enter
into
the
head
of
any
Man
:
Or
,
if
no
wickedness
or
folly
be
so
great
,
but
some
may
fall
into
it
,
I
could
not
well
conceive
why
they
should
publish
it
to
the
World
.
But
these
thoughts
ceased
,
when
I
considered
that
a
People
from
all
Ages
in
love
with
Liberty
,
and
desirous
to
maintain
their
own
Privileges
,
could
never
be
brought
to
resign
them
,
unless
they
were
made
to
believe
that
in
Conscience
they
ought
to
do
it
;
which
could
not
be
,
unless
they
were
also
perswaded
to
believe
,
that
there
was
a
Law
set
to
all
Mankind
which
none
might
transgress
,
and
which
put
the
examination
of
all
those
Matters
out
of
their
power
.
This
is
our
Author's
Work
.
By
this
it
will
appear
whose
Throne
he
seeks
to
advance
,
and
whose
Servant
he
is
,
whilst
he
pretends
to
serve
the
King
.
And
that
it
may
be
evident
he
hath
made
use
of
Means
sutable
to
the
Ends
proposed
for
the
Service
of
his
great
Master
,
I
hope
to
shew
that
he
hath
not
used
one
Argument
that
is
not
false
,
nor
cited
one
Author
whom
he
hath
not
perverted
and
abused
.
Whilst
my
work
is
so
to
lay
open
these
Snares
that
the
most
simple
may
not
be
taken
in
them
,
I
shall
not
examin
how
Sir
Robert
came
to
think
himself
a
Man
fit
to
undertake
so
great
a
work
,
as
to
destroy
the
principles
,
which
from
the
beginning
seem
to
have
bin
common
to
all
Mankind
;
but
only
weighing
the
Positions
and
Arguments
that
he
alledgeth
,
will
,
if
there
be
either
truth
or
strength
in
them
,
confess
the
discovery
comes
from
him
that
gave
us
least
reason
to
expect
it
,
and
that
in
spight
of
the
Antients
,
there
is
not
in
the
world
a
piece
of
Wood
out
of
which
a
Mercury
may
not
be
made
.
SECT.
II.
The
common
Notions
of
Liberty
are
not
from
School
Divines
,
but
from
Nature
.
IN
the
first
lines
of
his
Book
he
seems
to
denounce
War
against
Mankind
,
endeavouring
to
overthrow
the
principle
of
Liberty
in
which
God
created
us
,
and
which
includes
the
chief
advantages
of
the
life
we
enjoy
,
as
well
as
the
greatest
helps
towards
the
felicity
,
that
is
the
end
of
our
hopes
in
the
other
.
To
this
end
he
absurdly
imputes
to
the
School
Divines
that
which
was
taken
up
by
them
as
a
common
notion
,
written
in
the
heart
of
every
Man
,
denied
by
none
,
but
such
as
were
degenerated
into
Beasts
,
from
whence
they
might
prove
such
.
Points
as
of
themselves
were
less
evident
.
Thus
did
Euclid
lay
down
certain
Axioms
,
which
none
could
deny
that
did
not
renounce
common
Sense
,
from
whence
he
drew
the
proofs
of
such
Propositions
as
were
less
obvious
to
the
Understanding
;
and
they
may
with
as
much
reason
be
accused
of
Paganism
,
who
say
that
the
whole
is
greater
than
a
part
,
that
two
halfs
make
the
whole
,
or
that
a
streight
Line
is
the
shortest
way
from
Point
to
Point
,
as
to
say
,
that
they
who
in
Politicks
lay
such
Foundations
,
as
have
been
taken
up
by
Schoolmen
and
others
as
undeniable
Truths
,
do
therefore
follow
them
,
or
have
any
regard
to
their
Authority
.
Tho
the
Schoolmen
were
corrupt
,
they
were
neither
stupid
nor
unlearned
:
They
could
not
but
see
that
which
all
men
saw
,
nor
lay
more
approved
Foundations
,
than
,
That
Man
is
naturally
free
;
That
he
cannot
justly
be
deprived
of
that
Liberty
without
cause
,
and
that
he
doth
not
resign
it
,
or
any
part
of
it
,
unless
it
be
in
consideration
of
a
greater
good
,
which
he
proposes
to
himself
.
But
if
he
doth
unjustly
impute
the
invention
of
this
to
School
Divines
,
he
in
some
measure
repairs
his
Fault
in
saying
,
This
hath
been
fostered
by
all
succeeding
Papists
for
good
Divinity
:
The
Divines
of
the
Reformed
Churches
have
entertained
it
,
and
the
Common
People
every
where
tenderly
embrace
it
.
That
is
to
say
,
all
Christian
Divines
,
whether
Reformed
or
Unreformed
,
do
approve
it
,
and
the
People
every
where
magnify
it
,
as
the
height
of
human
felicity
.
But
Filmer
and
such
as
are
like
to
him
,
being
neither
Reformed
nor
Unreformed
Christians
,
nor
of
the
People
,
can
have
no
title
to
Christianity
;
and
,
in
as
much
as
they
set
themselves
against
that
which
is
the
height
of
human
Felicity
,
they
declare
themselves
Enemies
to
all
that
are
concern'd
in
it
,
that
is
,
to
all
Mankind
.
But
,
says
he
,
They
do
not
remember
that
the
desire
of
Liberty
was
the
first
cause
of
the
fall
of
Man
:
and
I
desire
it
may
not
be
forgotten
,
that
the
Liberty
asserted
is
not
a
Licentiousness
of
doing
what
is
pleasing
to
every
one
against
the
command
of
God
;
but
an
exemption
from
all
human
Laws
,
to
which
they
have
not
given
their
assent
.
If
he
would
make
us
believe
there
was
any
thing
of
this
in
Adam's
Sin
,
he
ought
to
have
proved
,
that
the
Law
which
he
transgressed
was
imposed
upon
him
by
Man
,
and
consequently
that
there
was
a
Man
to
impose
it
;
for
it
will
easily
appear
that
neither
the
Reformed
or
Unreformed
Divines
,
nor
the
People
following
them
,
do
place
the
felicity
of
Man
in
an
exemption
from
the
Laws
of
God
,
but
in
a
most
perfect
conformity
to
them
.
Our
Saviour
taught
us
not
to
fear
such
as
could
kill
the
Body
,
but
him
that
could
kill
and
cast
into
Hell
:
And
the
Apostle
tells
us
that
we
should
obey
God
rather
than
Man
.
It
hath
bin
ever
hereupon
observed
,
that
they
who
most
precisely
adhere
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
are
least
sollicitous
concerning
the
commands
of
men
,
unless
they
are
well
grounded
;
and
those
who
most
delight
in
the
glorious
Liberty
of
the
Sons
of
God
,
do
not
only
subject
themselves
to
him
,
but
are
most
regular
observers
of
the
just
Ordinances
of
Man
,
made
by
the
consent
of
such
as
are
concerned
according
to
the
Will
of
God
.
The
error
of
not
observing
this
may
perhaps
deserve
to
be
pardoned
in
a
Man
that
had
read
no
Books
,
as
proceeding
from
ignorance
;
if
such
as
are
grosly
ignorant
can
be
excused
,
when
they
take
upon
them
to
write
of
such
matters
as
require
the
highest
knowledg
:
But
in
Sir
Robert
't
is
prevarication
and
fraud
to
impute
to
Schoolmen
and
Puritans
that
which
in
his
first
page
he
acknowledged
to
be
the
Doctrine
of
all
Reformed
and
Unreformed
Christian
Churches
,
and
that
he
knows
to
have
been
the
principle
in
which
the
Grecians
,
Italians
,
Spaniards
,
Gauls
,
Germans
,
and
Britains
,
and
all
other
generous
Nations
ever
lived
,
before
the
name
of
Christ
was
known
in
the
World
;
insomuch
that
the
base
effeminate
Asiaticks
and
Africans
,
for
being
careless
of
their
Liberty
,
or
unable
to
govern
themselves
,
were
by
Aristotle
and
other
wise
men
called
Slaves
by
Nature
,
and
looked
upon
as
little
different
from
Beasts
.
This
which
hath
its
root
in
common
Sense
,
not
being
to
be
overthrown
by
reason
,
he
spares
his
pains
of
seeking
any
;
but
thinks
it
enough
to
render
his
Doctrine
plausible
to
his
own
Party
,
by
joining
the
Jesuits
to
Geneva
,
and
coupling
Buchanan
to
Doleman
,
as
both
maintaining
the
same
Doctrine
;
tho
he
might
as
well
have
joined
the
Puritans
with
the
Turks
,
because
they
all
think
that
one
and
one
makes
two
.
But
whoever
marks
the
Proceedings
of
Filmer
and
his
Masters
,
as
well
as
his
Disciples
,
will
rather
believe
that
they
have
learn'd
from
Rome
and
the
Jesuits
to
hate
Geneva
,
than
that
Geneva
and
Rome
can
agree
in
any
thing
farther
than
as
they
are
obliged
to
submit
to
the
evidence
of
Truth
;
or
that
Geneva
and
Rome
can
concur
in
any
design
or
interest
that
is
not
common
to
Mankind
.
These
men
allowed
to
the
People
a
liberty
of
deposing
their
Princes
.
This
is
a
desperate
Opinion
.
Bellarmin
and
Calvin
look
asquint
at
it
.
But
why
is
this
a
desperate
Opinion
?
If
Disagreements
happen
between
King
and
People
,
why
is
it
a
more
desperate
Opinion
to
think
the
King
should
be
subject
to
the
Censures
of
the
People
,
than
the
People
subject
to
the
Will
of
the
King
?
Did
the
People
make
the
King
,
or
the
King
make
the
People
?
Is
the
King
for
the
People
,
or
the
People
for
the
King
?
Did
God
create
the
Hebrews
that
Saul
might
reign
over
them
?
or
did
they
,
from
an
opinion
of
procuring
their
own
good
,
ask
a
King
,
that
might
judg
them
,
and
fight
their
Battels
?
If
God's
interposition
,
which
shall
be
hereafter
explained
,
do
alter
the
Case
;
did
the
Romans
make
Romulus
,
Numa
,
Tullus
Hostilius
,
and
Tarquinius
Priscus
Kings
?
or
did
they
make
or
beget
the
Romans
?
If
they
were
made
Kings
by
the
Romans
,
't
is
certain
they
that
made
them
sought
their
own
good
in
so
doing
;
and
if
they
were
made
by
and
for
the
City
and
People
,
I
desire
to
know
if
it
was
not
better
,
that
when
their
Successors
departed
from
the
end
of
their
Institution
,
by
endeavouring
to
destroy
it
,
or
all
that
was
good
in
it
,
they
should
be
censured
and
ejected
,
than
be
permitted
to
ruin
that
People
for
whose
good
they
were
created
?
Was
it
more
just
that
Caligula
or
Nero
should
be
suffered
to
destroy
the
poor
remains
of
the
Roman
Nobility
and
People
,
with
the
Nations
subject
to
that
Empire
,
than
that
the
race
of
such
Monsters
should
be
extinguished
,
and
a
great
part
of
Mankind
,
especially
the
best
,
against
whom
they
were
most
fierce
,
preserved
by
their
Deaths
?
I
presume
our
Author
thought
these
Questions
might
be
easily
decided
;
and
that
no
more
was
required
to
shew
the
forementioned
Assertions
weré
not
at
all
desperate
,
than
to
examine
the
Grounds
of
them
;
but
he
seeks
to
divert
us
from
this
enquiry
by
proposing
the
dreadful
consequences
of
subjecting
Kings
to
the
Censures
of
their
People
:
whereas
no
consequence
can
destroy
any
Truth
;
and
the
worst
of
this
is
,
That
if
it
were
received
,
some
Princes
might
be
restrained
from
doing
evil
,
or
punished
if
they
will
not
be
restrained
.
We
are
therefore
only
to
consider
whether
the
People
,
Senate
,
or
any
Magistracy
made
by
and
for
the
People
,
have
,
or
can
have
such
a
Right
;
for
if
they
have
,
whatsoever
the
consequences
may
be
,
it
must
stand
:
And
as
the
one
tends
to
the
good
of
Mankind
in
restraining
the
Lusts
of
wicked
Kings
;
the
other
exposes
them
without
remedy
to
the
fury
of
the
most
savage
of
all
Beasts
.
Iam
not
ashamed
in
this
to
concur
with
Buchanan
,
Calvin
,
or
Bellarmin
,
and
without
envy
leave
to
Filmer
and
his
Associates
the
glory
of
maintaining
the
contrary
.
But
notwithstanding
our
Author's
aversion
to
Truth
,
he
confesses
,
That
Hayward
,
Blackwood
,
Barclay
,
and
others
who
have
bravely
vindicated
the
Right
of
Kings
in
this
point
,
do
with
one
consent
admit
,
as
an
unquestionable
truth
,
and
assent
unto
the
natural
Liberty
and
Equality
of
Mankind
,
not
so
much
as
once
questioning
or
opposing
it
.
And
indeed
I
believe
,
that
tho
since
the
sin
of
our
first
Parents
the
Earth
hath
brought
forth
Briars
and
Brambles
,
and
the
nature
of
Man
hath
bin
fruitful
only
in
Vice
and
Wickedness
;
neither
the
Authors
he
mentions
,
nor
any
others
have
had
impudence
enough
to
deny
such
evident
truth
as
seems
to
be
planted
in
the
hearts
of
all
men
;
or
to
publish
Doctrines
so
contrary
to
common
Sense
,
Virtue
,
and
Humanity
,
till
these
times
.
The
production
of
Laud
,
Manwaring
,
Sibthorp
,
Hobbs
,
Filmer
,
and
Heylin
seems
to
have
been
reserved
as
an
additional
Curse
to
compleat
the
shame
and
misery
of
our
Age
and
Country
.
Those
who
had
Wit
and
Learning
,
with
something
of
Ingenuity
and
Modesty
,
tho
they
believed
that
Nations
might
possibly
make
an
ill
use
of
their
Power
,
and
were
very
desirous
to
maintain
the
cause
of
Kings
,
as
far
as
they
could
put
any
good
colour
upon
it
;
yet
never
denied
that
some
had
suffered
justly
(
which
could
not
be
,
if
there
were
no
Power
of
judging
them
)
nor
ever
asserted
any
thing
that
might
arm
them
with
an
irresistible
Power
of
doing
mischief
,
animate
them
to
persist
in
the
most
flagitious
Courses
,
with
assurance
of
perpetual
Impunity
,
or
engage
Nations
in
an
inevitable
necessity
of
suffering
all
manner
of
outrages
.
They
knew
that
the
Actions
of
those
Princes
who
were
not
altogether
detestable
,
might
be
defended
by
particular
reasons
drawn
from
them
,
or
the
Laws
of
their
Country
;
and
would
neither
undertake
the
defence
of
such
as
were
abominable
,
nor
bring
Princes
,
to
whom
they
wished
well
,
into
the
odious
extremity
of
justifying
themselves
by
Arguments
that
favoured
Caligula
and
Nero
,
as
well
as
themselves
,
and
that
must
be
taken
for
a
confession
,
that
they
were
as
bad
as
could
be
imagined
;
since
nothing
could
be
said
for
them
that
might
not
as
well
be
applied
to
the
worst
that
had
bin
,
or
could
be
.
But
Filmer
,
Heylin
,
and
their
Associates
scorning
to
be
restrained
by
such
considerations
,
boldly
lay
the
Ax
to
the
Root
of
the
Tree
,
and
rightly
enough
affirm
,
That
the
whole
Fabrick
of
that
which
they
call
Popular
Sedition
would
fall
to
the
ground
,
if
the
Principle
of
natural
Liberty
were
removed
.
And
on
the
other
hand
it
must
be
acknowledged
that
the
whole
Fabrick
of
Tyranny
will
be
much
weakened
,
if
we
prove
,
That
Nations
have
a
right
to
make
their
own
Laws
,
constitute
their
own
Magistrates
;
and
that
such
as
are
so
constituted
owe
an
account
of
their
Actions
to
those
by
whom
,
and
for
whom
they
are
appointed
.
SECT.
III.
Implicit
Faith
belongs
to
Fools
,
and
Truth
is
comprehended
by
examining
Principles
.
WHilst
Filmer's
business
is
to
overthrow
Liberty
and
Truth
,
he
,
in
his
passage
,
modestly
professeth
not
to
meddle
with
Mysteries
of
State
,
or
Arcana
Imperii
.
He
renounces
those
inquiries
through
an
implicit
Faith
,
which
never
enter'd
into
the
head
of
any
but
Fools
,
and
such
,
as
through
a
carelesness
of
the
point
in
question
,
acted
as
if
they
were
so
.
This
is
the
Foundation
of
the
Papal
Power
,
and
it
can
stand
no
longer
than
those
that
compose
the
Roman
Church
can
be
perswaded
to
submit
their
Consciences
to
the
Word
of
the
Priests
,
and
esteem
themselves
discharged
from
the
necessity
of
searching
the
Scriptures
in
order
to
know
whether
the
things
that
are
told
them
are
true
or
false
.
This
may
shew
whether
our
Author
or
those
of
Geneva
do
best
agree
with
the
Roman
Doctrine
:
But
his
Instanee
is
yet
more
sottish
than
his
Profession
.
An
Implicit
Faith
,
says
he
,
is
given
to
the
meanest
Artificer
.
I
wonder
by
whom
!
Who
will
wear
a
Shoe
that
hurts
him
,
because
the
Shoe-maker
tells
him
't
is
well
made
?
or
who
will
live
in
a
House
that
yields
no
defence
against
the
extremities
of
Weather
,
because
the
Mason
or
Carpenter
assures
him
't
is
a
very
good
House
?
Such
as
have
Reason
,
Understanding
,
or
common
Sense
,
will
,
and
ought
to
make
use
of
it
in
those
things
that
concern
themselves
and
their
Posterity
,
and
suspect
the
Words
of
such
as
are
interested
in
deceiving
or
perswading
them
not
to
see
with
their
own
eyes
,
that
they
may
be
more
easily
deceived
.
This
Rule
obliges
us
so
far
to
search
into
matters
of
State
,
as
to
examin
the
original
principles
of
Government
in
general
,
and
of
our
own
in
particular
.
We
cannot
distinguish
Truth
from
Falshood
,
Right
from
Wrong
,
or
know
what
obedience
we
owe
to
the
Magistrate
,
or
what
we
may
justly
expect
from
him
,
unless
we
know
what
he
is
,
why
he
is
,
and
by
whom
he
is
made
to
be
what
he
is
.
These
perhaps
may
be
called
Mysteries
of
State
,
and
some
would
perswade
us
they
are
to
be
esteemed
Arcana
;
but
whosoever
confesses
himself
to
be
ignorant
of
them
,
must
acknowledg
that
he
is
uncapable
of
giving
any
judgment
upon
things
relating
to
the
Superstructure
,
and
in
so
doing
evidently
shews
to
others
,
that
they
ought
not
at
all
to
hearken
to
what
he
says
.
His
Argument
to
prove
this
is
more
admirable
.
If
an
implicit
Faith
,
says
he
,
is
given
to
the
meanest
Artificer
in
his
Craft
,
much
more
to
a
Prince
in
the
profound
Secrets
of
Government
.
But
where
is
the
consequence
?
If
I
trust
to
the
judgment
of
an
Artificer
,
or
one
of
a
more
ingenuous
profession
,
't
is
not
because
he
is
of
it
,
but
because
I
am
perswaded
he
does
well
understand
it
,
and
that
he
will
be
faithful
to
me
in
things
relating
to
his
Art
.
I
do
not
send
for
Lower
or
Micklethwait
when
I
am
sick
,
nor
ask
the
advice
of
Mainard
or
Jones
in
a
Suit
of
Law
,
because
the
first
are
Physicians
,
and
the
other
Lawyers
;
but
because
I
think
them
wise
,
learned
,
diligent
,
and
faithful
,
there
being
a
multitude
of
others
who
go
under
the
same
name
,
whose
opinion
I
would
never
ask
.
Therefore
if
any
conclusion
can
be
drawn
from
thence
in
favour
of
Princes
,
it
must
be
of
such
as
have
all
the
qualities
of
Ability
and
Integrity
,
that
should
create
this
confidence
in
me
;
or
it
must
be
proved
that
all
Princes
,
in
as
much
as
they
are
Princes
,
have
such
qualities
.
No
general
conclusion
can
be
drawn
from
the
first
Case
,
because
it
must
depend
upon
the
circumstances
,
which
ought
to
be
particularly
proved
:
And
if
the
other
be
asserted
,
I
desire
to
know
whether
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
Vitellius
,
Domitian
,
Commodus
,
Heliogabalus
,
and
others
not
unlike
to
them
,
had
those
admirable
Endowments
,
upon
which
an
implicit
Faith
ought
to
have
bin
grounded
;
how
they
came
by
them
;
and
whether
we
have
any
Promise
from
God
,
that
all
Princes
should
for
ever
excel
in
those
Vertues
,
or
whether
we
by
experience
find
that
they
do
so
.
If
they
are
or
have
bin
wanting
in
any
,
the
whole
falls
to
the
ground
;
for
no
man
enjoys
as
a
Prince
that
which
is
not
common
to
all
Princes
:
And
if
every
Prince
have
not
wisdom
to
understand
these
prosound
Secrets
,
integrity
to
direct
him
,
according
to
what
he
knows
to
be
good
,
and
a
sufficient
measure
of
Industry
and
Valour
to
protect
me
,
he
is
not
the
Artificer
,
to
whom
the
implicit
Faith
is
due
.
His
eyes
are
as
subject
to
dazle
as
my
own
.
But
't
is
a
shame
to
insist
on
such
a
point
as
this
.
We
see
Princes
of
all
sorts
;
they
are
born
as
other
men
:
The
vilest
Flatterer
dares
not
deny
that
they
are
wise
or
foolish
,
good
or
bad
,
valiant
or
cowardly
like
other
Men
:
and
the
Crown
doth
neither
bestow
extraordinary
Qualities
,
ripen
such
as
are
found
in
Princes
sooner
than
in
the
meanest
,
nor
preserve
them
from
the
decays
of
Age
,
Sickness
,
or
other
Accidents
,
to
which
all
men
are
subject
:
And
if
the
greatest
King
in
the
World
fall
into
them
,
he
is
an
uncapable
of
that
mysterious
Knowledg
,
and
his
Judgment
is
as
little
to
be
relied
on
,
as
that
of
the
poorest
Peasant
.
This
matter
is
not
mended
by
sending
us
to
seek
those
Vertues
in
the
Ministers
,
which
are
wanting
in
the
Prince
.
The
ill
effects
of
Rehoboam's
Folly
could
not
be
corrected
by
the
Wisdom
of
Solomon's
Counsellors
:
He
rejected
them
;
and
such
as
are
like
to
him
will
always
do
the
same
thing
.
Nero
advised
with
none
but
Musicians
,
Players
,
Chariot-drivers
,
or
the
abominable
Ministers
of
his
Pleasures
and
Cruelties
.
Arcadius
his
Senate
was
chiefly
composed
of
Buffoons
and
Cooks
,
influenced
by
an
old
rascally
Eunuch
.
And
't
is
an
eternal
Truth
,
that
a
weak
or
wicked
Prince
can
never
have
a
wise
Council
,
nor
receive
any
benefit
by
one
that
is
imposed
upon
him
,
unless
they
have
a
Power
of
acting
without
him
,
which
would
render
the
Government
in
effect
Aristocratical
,
and
would
probably
displease
our
Author
as
much
as
if
it
were
so
in
name
also
.
Good
and
wise
Counsellors
do
not
grow
up
like
Mushrooms
;
great
judgment
is
required
in
chusing
and
preparing
them
.
If
a
weak
or
vitious
Prince
should
be
so
happy
to
find
them
chosen
to
his
hand
,
they
would
avail
him
nothing
.
There
will
ever
be
variety
of
Opinions
amongst
them
;
and
he
that
is
of
a
perverted
judgment
will
always
chuse
the
worst
of
those
that
are
proposed
,
and
favour
the
worst
men
,
as
most
like
to
himself
.
Therefore
if
this
implicit
Faith
be
grounded
upon
a
supposition
of
profound
Wisdom
in
the
Prince
,
the
foundation
is
overthrown
,
and
it
cannot
stand
;
for
to
repose
confidence
in
the
judgment
and
integrity
of
one
that
has
none
,
is
the
most
brutish
of
all
Follies
.
So
that
if
a
Prince
may
have
or
want
the
Qualities
,
upon
which
my
Faith
in
him
can
be
rationally
grounded
,
I
cannot
yield
the
obedience
he
requires
,
unless
I
search
into
the
Secrets
relating
to
his
person
and
commands
,
which
he
forbids
.
I
cannot
know
how
to
obey
,
unless
I
know
in
what
,
and
to
whom
:
Nor
in
what
,
unless
I
know
what
ought
to
be
commanded
:
Nor
what
ought
to
be
commanded
,
unless
I
understand
the
Original
Right
of
the
Commander
,
which
is
the
great
Arcanum
.
Our
Author
finding
himself
involved
in
many
difficulties
,
proposes
an
Expedient
as
ridiculous
as
any
thing
that
had
gone
before
,
being
nothing
more
than
an
absurd
begging
the
main
question
,
and
determining
it
without
any
shadow
of
proof
.
He
enjoins
an
active
or
passive
obedience
before
he
shews
what
should
oblige
or
perswade
us
to
it
.
This
indeed
were
a
compendious
way
of
obviating
that
which
he
calls
popular
Sedition
,
and
of
exposing
all
Nations
,
that
fall
under
the
power
of
Tyrants
,
to
be
destroyed
utterly
by
them
.
Nero
or
Domitian
would
have
desired
no
more
than
that
those
who
would
not
execute
their
wicked
Commands
,
should
patiently
have
suffered
their
throats
to
be
cut
by
such
as
were
less
scrupulous
:
and
the
World
that
had
suffered
those
Monsters
for
some
years
,
must
have
continued
under
their
Fury
,
till
all
that
was
good
and
virtuous
had
been
abolished
.
But
in
those
Ages
and
Parts
of
the
World
,
where
there
hath
bin
any
thing
of
Vertue
and
Goodness
,
we
may
observe
a
third
fort
of
Men
,
who
would
neither
do
Villanies
,
nor
suffer
more
than
the
Laws
did
permit
,
or
the
consideration
of
the
publick
Peace
did
require
.
Whilst
Tyrants
with
their
Slaves
,
and
the
Instruments
of
their
Cruelties
,
were
accounted
the
Dregs
of
Mankind
,
and
made
the
objects
of
detestation
and
scorn
,
these
Men
who
delivered
their
Countries
from
such
Plagues
were
thought
to
have
something
of
Divine
in
them
,
and
have
bin
famous
above
all
the
rest
of
Mankind
to
this
day
.
Of
this
sort
were
Pelopidas
,
Epaminondas
,
Thrasibulus
,
Harmodius
,
Aristogiton
,
Philopemen
,
Lucius
Brutus
,
Publius
Valerius
,
Marcus
Brutus
,
C.
Cassius
,
M.
Cato
,
with
a
multitude
of
others
amongst
the
antient
Heathens
.
Such
as
were
Instruments
of
the
like
Deliverances
amongst
the
Hebrews
,
as
Moses
,
Othniel
,
Ehud
,
Barac
,
Gideon
,
Sampson
,
Jephtha
,
Samuel
,
David
,
Jehu
,
the
Maccabees
and
others
,
have
from
the
Scriptures
a
certain
testimony
of
the
righteousness
of
their
Proceedings
,
when
they
neither
would
act
what
was
evil
,
nor
suffer
more
than
was
reasonable
.
But
lest
we
should
learn
by
their
Examples
,
and
the
Praises
given
to
them
,
our
Author
confines
the
Subject's
choice
to
acting
or
suffering
,
that
is
,
doing
what
is
commanded
,
or
lying
down
to
have
his
throat
cut
,
or
to
see
his
Family
and
Country
made
desolate
.
This
he
calls
giving
to
Cesar
that
which
is
Cesar's
;
whereas
he
ought
to
have
considered
that
the
Question
is
not
whether
that
which
is
Cesar's
should
be
rendred
to
him
,
for
that
is
to
be
done
to
all
Men
;
but
who
is
Cesar
,
and
what
doth
of
right
belong
to
him
,
which
he
no
way
indicates
to
us
:
so
that
the
Question
remains
entire
,
as
if
he
had
never
mentioned
it
,
unless
we
do
in
a
compendious
way
take
his
word
for
the
whole
.
SECT.
IV.
The
Rights
of
particular
Nations
cannot
subsist
,
if
General
Principles
contrary
to
them
are
received
as
true
.
NOtwithstanding
this
our
Author
,
if
we
will
believe
him
,
doth
not
question
or
quarrel
at
the
Rights
or
Liberties
of
this
or
any
other
Nation
.
He
only
denies
they
can
have
any
such
,
in
subjecting
them
necessarily
and
universally
to
the
will
of
one
Man
;
and
says
not
a
word
that
is
not
applicable
to
every
Nation
in
the
World
as
well
as
to
our
own
.
But
as
the
bitterness
of
his
malice
seems
to
be
most
especially
directed
against
England
,
I
am
inclined
to
believe
he
hurts
other
Countries
only
by
accident
,
as
the
famous
[
*
](A60214-e1370-b)
*
The
Marchioness
of
Brinvilliers
.
French
Lady
intended
only
to
poison
her
Father
,
Husband
,
Brother
,
and
some
more
of
her
nearest
Relations
;
but
rather
than
they
should
escape
,
destroyed
many
other
persons
of
Quality
,
who
at
several
times
dined
with
them
:
and
if
that
ought
to
excuse
her
,
I
am
content
he
also
should
pass
uncensured
,
tho
his
Crimes
are
incomparably
greater
than
those
for
which
she
was
condemned
,
or
than
any
can
be
which
are
not
of
a
publick
extent
.
SECT.
V.
To
depend
upon
the
Will
of
a
Man
is
Slavery
.
THis
,
as
he
thinks
,
is
farther
sweetned
,
by
asserting
,
that
he
doth
not
inquire
what
the
rights
of
a
People
are
,
but
from
whence
;
not
considering
,
that
whilst
he
denies
they
can
proceed
from
the
Laws
of
natural
Liberty
,
or
any
other
root
than
the
Grace
and
Bounty
of
the
Prince
,
he
declares
they
can
have
none
at
all
.
For
as
Liberty
solely
consists
in
an
independency
upon
the
Will
of
another
,
and
by
the
name
of
Slave
we
understand
a
man
,
who
can
neither
dispose
of
his
Person
nor
Goods
,
but
enjoys
all
at
the
will
of
his
Master
;
there
is
no
such
thing
in
nature
as
a
Slave
,
if
those
men
or
Nations
are
not
Slaves
,
who
have
no
other
title
to
what
they
enjoy
,
than
the
grace
of
the
Prince
,
which
he
may
revoke
whensoever
he
pleaseth
.
But
there
is
more
than
ordinary
extravagance
in
his
assertion
,
That
the
greatest
Liberty
in
the
World
is
for
a
People
to
live
under
a
Monarch
,
when
his
whole
Book
is
to
prove
,
That
this
Monarch
hath
his
right
from
God
and
Nature
,
is
endowed
with
an
unlimited
Power
of
doing
what
he
pleaseth
,
and
can
be
restrained
by
no
Law
.
If
it
be
Liberty
to
live
under
such
a
Government
,
I
desire
to
know
what
is
Slavery
.
It
has
bin
hitherto
believed
in
the
World
,
that
the
Assyrians
,
Medes
,
Arabs
,
Egyptians
,
Turks
,
and
others
like
them
,
lived
in
Slavery
,
because
their
Princes
were
Masters
of
their
Lives
and
Goods
:
Whereas
the
Grecians
,
Italians
,
Gauls
,
Germans
,
Spaniards
,
and
Catthaginians
,
as
long
as
they
had
any
Strength
,
Vertue
or
Courage
amongst
them
,
were
esteemed
free
Nations
,
because
they
abhorred
such
a
Subjection
.
They
were
,
and
would
be
governed
only
by
Laws
of
their
own
making
:
Potentior
a
erant
Legum
quam
hominum
Imperia
.
Magna
Charta
was
grounded
,
when
he
said
the
English
Nation
was
as
free
as
the
internal
thoughts
of
a
Man
,
did
only
mean
,
that
it
should
be
so
as
long
as
it
pleased
their
Master
.
This
it
seems
was
the
end
of
our
Law
,
and
we
who
are
born
under
it
,
and
are
descended
from
such
as
have
so
valiantly
defended
their
rights
against
the
encroachments
of
Kings
,
have
followed
after
vain
shadows
,
and
without
the
expence
of
Sweat
,
Treasure
,
or
Blood
,
might
have
secured
their
beloved
Liberty
,
by
casting
all
into
the
King's
hands
.
We
owe
the
discovery
of
these
Secrets
to
our
Author
,
who
after
having
so
gravely
declared
them
,
thinks
no
offence
ought
to
be
taken
at
the
freedom
he
assumes
of
examining
things
relating
to
the
Liberty
of
Mankind
,
because
he
hath
the
right
which
is
common
to
all
:
But
he
ought
to
have
considered
,
that
in
asserting
that
right
to
himself
,
he
allows
it
to
all
Mankind
.
And
as
the
temporal
good
of
all
men
consists
in
the
preservation
of
it
,
he
declares
himself
to
be
a
mortal
Enemy
to
those
who
endeavour
to
destroy
it
.
If
he
were
alive
,
this
would
deserve
to
be
answered
with
Stones
rather
than
Words
.
He
that
oppugns
the
publick
Liberty
,
overthrows
his
own
,
and
is
guilty
of
the
most
brutish
of
all
Follies
,
whilst
he
arrogates
to
himself
that
which
he
denies
to
all
men
.
I
cannot
but
commend
his
Modesty
and
Care
not
to
detract
from
the
worth
of
learned
men
;
but
it
seems
they
were
all
subject
to
error
,
except
himself
,
who
is
rendred
infallible
through
Pride
,
Ignorance
,
and
Impudence
.
But
if
Hooker
and
Aristotle
were
wrong
in
their
Fundamentals
concerning
natural
Liberty
,
how
could
they
be
in
the
right
when
they
built
upon
it
?
Or
if
they
did
mistake
,
how
can
they
deserve
to
be
cited
?
or
rather
,
why
is
such
care
taken
to
pervert
their
sense
?
It
seems
our
Author
is
by
their
errors
brought
to
the
knowledge
of
the
Truth
.
Men
have
heard
of
a
Dwarf
standing
upon
the
Shoulders
of
a
Giant
,
who
saw
farther
than
the
Giant
;
but
now
that
the
Dwarf
standing
on
the
ground
sees
that
which
the
Giant
did
overlook
,
we
must
learn
from
him
.
If
there
be
sense
in
this
,
the
Giant
must
be
blind
,
or
have
such
eyes
only
as
are
of
no
use
to
him
.
He
minded
only
the
things
that
were
far
from
him
:
These
great
and
learned
men
mistook
the
very
principle
and
foundation
of
all
their
Doctrine
.
If
we
will
believe
our
Author
,
this
misfortune
befel
them
because
they
too
much
trusted
to
the
Schoolmen
.
He
names
Aristotle
,
and
I
presume
intends
to
comprehend
Plato
,
Plutarch
,
Thucydides
,
Xenophon
,
Polybius
,
and
all
the
antient
Grecians
,
Italians
,
and
others
,
who
asserted
the
natural
freedom
of
Mankind
,
only
in
imitation
of
the
Schoolmen
,
to
advance
the
power
of
the
Pope
;
and
would
have
compassed
their
design
,
if
Filmer
and
his
Associates
had
not
opposed
them
.
These
men
had
taught
us
to
make
the
unnatural
distinction
between
Royalist
and
Patriot
,
and
kept
us
from
seeing
,
That
the
relation
between
King
and
People
is
so
great
,
that
their
well
being
is
reciprocal
.
If
this
be
true
,
how
came
Tarquin
to
think
it
good
for
him
to
continue
King
at
Rome
,
when
the
People
would
turn
him
out
?
or
the
People
to
think
it
good
for
them
to
turn
him
out
,
when
he
desired
to
continue
in
?
Why
did
the
Syracusians
destroy
the
Tyranny
of
Dionysius
,
which
he
was
not
willing
to
leave
,
till
he
was
pulled
out
by
the
heels
?
How
could
Nero
think
of
burning
Rome
?
Or
why
did
Caligula
wish
the
People
had
but
one
Neck
,
that
he
might
strike
it
off
at
one
blow
,
if
their
Welfare
was
thus
reciprocal
?
'T
is
not
enough
to
say
,
These
were
wicked
or
mad
men
;
for
other
Princes
may
be
so
also
,
and
there
may
be
the
same
reason
of
differing
from
them
.
For
if
the
proposition
be
not
universally
true
,
't
is
not
to
be
received
as
true
in
relation
to
any
,
till
it
be
particularly
proved
;
and
then
't
is
not
to
be
imputed
to
the
quality
of
Prince
,
but
to
the
personal
vertue
of
the
Man
.
I
do
not
find
any
great
matters
in
the
passages
taken
out
of
Bellarmin
,
which
our
Author
says
,
comprehend
the
strength
of
all
that
ever
he
had
heard
,
read
,
or
seen
produced
for
the
natural
Liberty
of
the
Subject
:
but
he
not
mentioning
where
they
are
to
be
found
,
I
do
not
think
my self
obliged
to
examin
all
his
Works
,
to
see
whether
they
are
rightly
cited
or
not
;
however
there
is
certainly
nothing
new
in
them
:
We
see
the
same
,
as
to
the
substance
,
in
those
who
wrote
many
Ages
before
him
,
as
well
as
in
many
that
have
lived
since
his
time
,
who
neither
minded
him
,
nor
what
he
had
written
.
I
dare
not
take
upon
me
to
give
an
account
of
his
Works
,
having
read
few
of
them
;
but
as
he
seems
to
have
laid
the
foundation
of
his
Discourses
in
such
common
Notions
as
were
assented
to
by
all
Mankind
,
those
who
follow
the
same
method
have
no
more
regard
to
Jesuitism
and
Popery
,
tho
he
was
a
Jesuit
and
a
Cardinal
,
than
they
who
agree
with
Faber
and
other
Jesuits
in
the
principles
of
Geometry
which
no
sober
Man
did
ever
deny
.
SECT.
VI.
God
leaves
to
Man
the
choice
of
Forms
in
Government
;
and
those
who
constitute
one
Form
,
may
abrogate
it
.
BUT
Sir
Robert
desires
to
make
Observations
on
Bellarmin's
words
,
before
he
examines
or
refutes
them
;
and
indeed
it
were
not
possible
to
make
such
stuff
of
his
Doctrin
as
he
dos
,
if
he
had
examined
or
did
understand
it
.
First
,
he
very
wittily
concludes
,
That
if
by
the
Law
of
God
,
the
Power
be
immediately
in
the
People
,
God
is
the
Author
of
a
Democracy
:
And
why
not
as
well
as
of
a
Tyranny
?
Is
there
any
thing
in
it
repugnant
to
the
being
of
God
?
Is
there
more
reason
to
impute
to
God
Caligula's
Monarchy
,
than
the
Democracy
of
Athens
?
Or
is
it
more
for
the
Glory
of
God
,
to
assert
his
Presence
with
the
Ottoman
or
French
Monarchs
,
than
with
the
popular
Governments
of
the
Switsers
and
Grisons
?
Is
Pride
,
Malice
,
Luxury
and
Violence
so
sutable
to
his
Being
,
that
they
who
exercise
them
are
to
be
reputed
his
Ministers
?
And
is
Modesty
,
Humility
,
Equality
and
Justice
so
contrary
to
his
Nature
,
that
they
who
live
in
them
should
be
thought
his
Enemies
?
Is
there
any
absurdity
in
saying
,
that
since
God
in
Goodness
and
Mercy
to
Mankind
,
hath
with
an
equal
hand
given
to
all
the
benefit
of
Liberty
,
with
some
measure
of
understanding
how
to
employ
it
,
't
is
lawful
for
any
Nation
,
as
occasion
shall
require
,
to
give
the
exercise
of
that
Power
to
one
or
more
Men
,
under
certain
Limitations
or
Conditions
;
or
to
retain
it
in
themselves
,
if
they
thought
it
good
for
them
?
If
this
may
be
done
,
we
are
at
end
of
all
Controversies
concerning
one
Form
of
Government
,
established
by
God
,
to
which
all
Mankind
must
submit
;
and
we
may
safely
conclude
,
that
having
given
to
all
Men
in
some
degree
a
capacity
of
judging
what
is
good
for
themselves
,
he
hath
granted
to
all
likewise
a
liberty
of
inventing
such
Forms
as
please
them
best
,
without
favouring
one
more
than
another
.
His
second
Observation
is
grounded
upon
a
Falsity
in
matter
of
Fact
.
Bellarmin
dos
not
say
,
that
Democracy
is
an
Ordinance
of
God
more
than
any
other
Government
;
nor
that
the
People
have
no
Power
to
make
use
of
their
Right
;
but
that
they
do
,
that
is
to
say
ordinarily
,
transmit
the
exercise
of
it
to
one
or
more
.
And
't
is
certain
they
do
sometimes
,
especially
in
small
Cities
,
retain
it
in
themselves
:
But
whether
that
were
observed
or
not
by
Bellarmin
,
makes
nothing
to
our
Cause
,
which
we
defend
,
and
not
him
.
The
next
Point
is
subtile
,
and
he
thinks
thereby
to
have
brought
Bellarmin
,
and
such
as
agree
with
his
Principle
,
to
a
Nonplus
.
He
doubts
who
shall
judg
of
the
lawful
Cause
of
changing
the
Government
,
and
says
,
It
is
a
pestilent
Conclusion
to
place
that
Power
in
the
Multitude
.
But
why
should
this
be
esteemed
pestilent
?
or
to
whom
?
If
the
allowance
of
such
a
Power
to
the
Senate
was
pestilent
to
Nero
,
it
was
beneficial
to
Mankind
;
and
the
denial
of
it
,
which
would
have
given
to
Nero
an
opportunity
of
continuing
in
his
Villanies
,
would
have
been
pestilent
to
the
best
Men
,
whom
he
endeavoured
to
destroy
,
and
to
all
others
that
received
benefit
from
them
.
But
this
Question
depends
upon
another
;
for
if
Governments
are
constituted
for
the
Pleasure
,
Greatness
or
Profit
of
one
Man
,
he
must
not
be
interrupted
;
for
the
opposing
of
his
Will
,
is
to
overthrow
the
Institution
.
On
the
other
side
,
if
the
Good
of
the
governed
be
sought
,
care
must
be
taken
that
the
End
be
accomplished
,
tho
it
be
with
the
prejudice
of
the
Governor
:
If
the
Power
be
originally
in
the
Multitude
,
and
one
or
more
Men
,
to
whom
the
exercise
of
it
,
or
a
part
of
it
was
committed
,
had
no
more
than
their
Brethren
,
till
it
was
conferred
on
him
or
them
,
it
cannot
be
believed
that
rational
Creatures
would
advance
one
or
a
few
of
their
Equals
above
themselves
,
unless
in
consideration
of
their
own
Good
;
and
then
I
find
no
inconvenience
in
leaving
to
them
a
right
of
judging
,
whether
this
be
duly
performed
or
not
.
We
say
in
general
,
He
that
institutes
,
may
also
In
the
next
place
he
recites
an
Argument
of
Bellarmin
,
That
't
is
evident
in
Scripture
God
hath
ordained
Powers
;
but
God
hath
given
them
to
no
particular
Person
,
because
by
Nature
all
Men
are
equal
;
therefore
he
hath
given
Power
to
the
People
or
Multitude
.
I
leave
him
to
untie
that
Knot
if
he
can
;
but
,
as
't
is
usual
with
Impostors
,
he
goes
about
by
Surmises
to
elude
the
Force
of
his
Argument
,
pretending
that
in
some
other
place
he
had
contradicted
himself
,
and
acknowledged
that
every
Man
was
Prince
of
his
Posterity
;
because
that
if
many
Men
had
bin
created
together
,
they
ought
all
to
have
bin
Princes
of
their
Posterity
.
But
't
is
not
necessary
to
argue
upon
Passages
cited
from
Authors
,
when
he
that
cites
them
may
be
justly
suspected
of
Fraud
,
and
neither
indicates
the
Place
nor
Treatise
,
lest
it
should
be
detected
;
most
especially
when
we
are
no
way
concerned
in
the
Author's
Credit
.
I
take
Bellarmin's
first
Argument
to
be
strong
;
and
if
he
in
some
place
did
contradict
it
,
the
hurt
is
only
to
himself
:
but
in
this
Particular
I
should
not
think
he
did
it
,
tho
I
were
sure
our
Author
had
faithfully
repeated
his
words
;
for
in
allowing
every
Man
to
be
Prince
of
his
Posterity
,
he
only
says
,
every
Man
should
be
chief
in
his
own
Family
,
and
have
a
Power
over
his
Children
,
which
no
man
denies
:
But
he
dos
not
understand
Latin
,
who
thinks
that
the
word
Princeps
doth
in
any
degree
signify
an
absolute
Power
,
or
a
right
of
transmitting
it
to
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
upon
which
the
Doctrine
of
our
Author
wholly
depends
.
On
the
contrary
,
The
same
Law
that
gave
to
my
Father
a
Power
over
me
,
gives
me
the
like
over
my
Children
;
and
if
I
had
a
thousand
Brothers
,
each
of
them
would
have
the
same
over
their
Children
.
Bellarmin's
first
Argument
therefore
being
no
way
enervated
by
the
alledged
Passage
,
I
may
justly
insist
upon
it
,
and
add
,
That
God
hath
not
only
declared
in
Scripture
,
but
written
on
the
Heart
of
every
Man
,
that
as
it
is
better
to
be
clothed
,
than
to
go
naked
;
to
live
in
a
House
,
than
to
lie
in
the
Fields
;
to
be
defended
by
the
united
Force
of
a
Multitude
,
than
to
place
the
hopes
of
his
Security
solely
in
his
own
strength
;
and
to
prefer
the
Benefits
of
Society
,
before
a
savage
and
barbarous
Solitude
;
He
also
taught
them
to
frame
such
Societies
,
and
to
establish
such
Laws
as
were
necessary
to
preserve
them
.
And
we
may
as
reasonably
affirm
,
that
Mankind
is
for
ever
obliged
to
use
no
other
Clothes
than
leather
Breeches
,
like
Adam
;
to
live
in
hollow
Trees
,
and
eat
Acorns
,
or
to
seek
after
the
Model
of
his
House
for
a
Habitation
,
and
to
use
no
Arms
except
such
as
were
known
to
the
Patriarchs
,
as
to
think
all
Nations
for
ever
obliged
to
be
governed
as
they
governed
their
Families
.
This
I
take
to
be
the
genuine
sense
of
the
Scripture
,
and
the
most
respectful
way
of
interpreting
the
Places
relating
to
our
purpose
.
'T
is
hard
to
imagine
,
that
God
who
hath
left
all
things
to
our
choice
,
that
are
not
evil
in
themselves
,
should
tie
us
up
in
this
;
and
utterly
incredible
that
he
should
impose
upon
us
a
necessity
of
following
his
Will
,
without
declaring
it
to
us
.
Instead
of
constituting
a
Government
over
his
People
,
consisting
of
many
Parts
,
which
we
take
to
be
a
Model
fit
to
be
imitated
by
others
,
he
might
have
declared
in
a
word
,
That
the
eldest
Man
of
the
eldest
Line
should
be
King
;
and
that
his
Will
ought
to
be
their
Law
.
This
had
bin
more
sutable
to
the
Goodness
and
Mercy
of
God
,
than
to
leave
us
in
a
dark
Labyrinth
,
full
of
Precipices
;
or
rather
,
to
make
the
Government
given
to
his
own
People
,
a
false
Light
to
lead
us
to
destruction
.
This
could
not
be
avoided
,
if
there
were
such
a
thing
as
our
Author
calls
a
Lord
Paramount
over
his
Childrens
Children
to
all
Generations
.
We
see
nothing
in
Scripture
,
of
Precept
or
Example
,
that
is
not
utterly
abhorrent
to
this
Chimera
.
The
only
sort
of
Kings
mentioned
there
with
approbation
,
is
such
a
one
as
may
not
raise
his
Heart
above
his
Brethren
.
SECT.
VII
.
Abraham
and
the
Patriarchs
were
not
Kings
.
IF
any
Man
say
,
that
we
are
not
to
seek
into
the
depth
of
God's
Counsels
;
I
answer
,
That
if
he
had
,
for
Reasons
known
only
to
himself
,
affixed
such
a
Right
to
any
one
Line
,
he
would
have
set
a
Mark
upon
those
who
come
of
it
,
that
Nations
might
know
to
whom
they
owe
Subjection
;
or
given
some
testimony
of
his
Presence
with
Filmer
and
Heylin
,
if
he
had
sent
them
to
reveal
so
great
a
Mystery
.
'Till
that
be
done
,
we
may
safely
look
upon
them
as
the
worst
of
men
,
and
teachers
only
of
Lies
and
Follies
.
This
perswades
me
little
,
to
examine
what
would
have
bin
,
if
God
had
at
once
created
many
Men
,
or
the
Conclusions
that
can
be
drawn
from
Adam's
having
bin
alone
.
For
nothing
can
be
more
evident
,
than
that
if
many
had
bin
created
,
they
had
bin
all
equal
,
unless
God
had
given
a
Preference
to
one
.
All
their
Sons
had
inherited
the
same
Right
after
their
death
;
and
no
Dream
was
ever
more
empty
,
than
his
Whimsey
of
Adam's
Kingdom
,
or
that
of
the
ensuing
Patriarchs
.
To
say
the
truth
,
't
is
hard
to
speak
seriously
of
Abraham's
Kingdom
,
or
to
think
any
Man
to
be
in
earnest
who
mentions
it
.
He
was
a
Stranger
,
and
a
Pilgrim
in
the
Land
where
he
lived
,
and
pretended
to
no
Authority
beyond
his
own
Family
,
which
consisted
only
of
a
Wife
and
Slaves
.
He
lived
with
Lot
as
with
his
Equal
,
and
would
have
no
Contest
with
him
,
because
they
were
Brethren
.
His
Wife
and
Servants
could
neither
make
up
,
nor
be
any
part
of
a
Kingdom
,
in
as
much
as
the
despotical
Government
,
both
in
Practice
and
Principle
,
differs
from
the
Regal
.
If
his
Kingdom
was
to
be
grounded
on
the
Paternal
Right
,
it
vanished
away
of
it self
;
he
had
no
Child
:
Eliezer
of
Damascus
,
for
want
of
a
better
,
was
to
be
his
Heir
:
Lot
,
tho
his
Nephew
,
was
excluded
:
He
durst
not
own
his
own
Wife
:
He
had
not
one
foot
of
Land
,
till
he
bought
a
Field
for
a
burying
place
:
His
three
hundred
and
eighteen
Men
were
Servants
,
(
bought
according
to
the
custom
of
those
days
)
or
their
Children
;
and
the
War
he
made
with
them
,
was
like
to
Gideon's
Enterprize
;
which
shews
only
that
God
can
save
by
a
few
as
well
as
by
many
,
but
makes
nothing
to
our
Author's
purpose
.
For
if
they
had
been
as
many
in
number
as
the
Army
of
Semiramis
,
they
could
have
no
relation
to
the
Regal
,
much
less
to
the
Paternal
Power
;
for
a
Father
doth
not
buy
,
but
beget
Children
.
Notwithstanding
this
,
our
Author
bestows
the
proud
Title
of
Lord
Paramount
upon
him
,
and
transmits
it
to
Isaac
,
who
was
indeed
a
King
like
his
Father
,
great
,
admirable
,
and
glorious
in
Wisdom
and
Holiness
,
but
utterly
void
of
all
worldly
splendor
or
power
.
This
spiritual
Kingdom
was
inherited
by
Jacob
,
whose
Title
to
it
was
not
founded
on
Prerogative
of
Birth
,
but
Election
and
peculiar
Grace
;
but
he
never
enjoyed
any
other
worldly
Inheritance
,
than
the
Field
and
Cave
which
Abraham
had
bought
for
a
burying
place
,
and
the
Goods
he
had
gained
in
Laban's
Service
.
The
Example
of
Judah
his
Sentence
upon
Thamar
is
yet
farther
from
the
purpose
,
if
it
be
possible
;
for
he
was
then
a
Member
of
a
private
Family
,
the
fourth
Son
of
a
Father
then
living
;
neither
in
possession
,
nor
under
the
promise
of
the
Privileges
of
Primogeniture
,
tho
Ruben
,
Simeon
and
Levi
fell
from
it
by
their
Sins
.
Whatsoever
therefore
the
Right
was
,
which
belonged
to
the
Head
of
the
Family
,
it
must
have
bin
in
Jacob
;
but
as
he
professed
himself
a
keeper
of
Sheep
,
as
his
Fathers
had
bin
,
the
exercise
of
that
Emploiment
was
so
far
from
Regal
,
that
it
deserves
no
explication
.
If
that
Act
of
Judah
is
to
be
imputed
to
a
Royal
Power
,
I
have
as
much
as
I
ask
:
He
,
tho
living
with
his
Father
,
and
elder
Brothers
,
when
he
came
to
be
of
Age
to
have
Children
,
had
the
same
Power
over
such
,
as
were
of
,
or
came
into
his
Family
,
as
his
Father
had
over
him
;
for
none
can
go
beyond
the
Power
of
Life
and
Death
:
The
same
in
the
utmost
extent
,
cannot
at
the
same
time
equally
belong
to
many
.
If
it
be
divided
equally
,
it
is
no
more
than
that
Universal
Liberty
which
God
hath
given
to
Mankind
;
and
every
Man
is
a
King
till
he
devest
himself
of
his
Right
,
in
consideration
of
something
that
he
thinks
better
for
him
.
SECT.
VIII
.
Nimrod
was
the
first
King
,
during
the
Life
of
Chush
,
Cham
,
Shem
,
and
Noah
.
THE
Creation
is
exactly
described
in
the
Scripture
;
but
we
know
so
little
of
what
passed
between
the
finishing
of
it
and
the
Flood
,
that
our
Author
may
say
what
he
pleases
,
and
I
may
leave
him
to
seek
his
Proofs
where
he
can
find
them
.
In
the
mean
time
I
utterly
deny
,
that
any
Power
did
remain
in
the
Heads
of
Families
after
the
Flood
,
that
dos
in
the
least
degree
resemble
the
Regal
in
Principle
or
Practice
.
If
in
this
I
am
mistaken
,
such
Power
must
have
been
in
Noah
,
and
transmitted
to
one
of
his
Sons
.
The
Scripture
says
only
,
that
he
built
an
Altar
,
sacrificed
to
the
Lord
,
was
a
Husbandman
,
planted
a
Vineyard
,
and
performed
such
Offices
as
bear
nothing
of
the
Image
of
a
King
,
for
the
space
of
three
hundred
and
fifty
Years
.
We
have
reason
to
believe
,
that
his
Sons
after
his
Death
,
continued
in
the
same
manner
of
Life
,
and
the
Equality
properly
belonging
to
Brethren
.
'T
is
not
easy
to
determine
,
whether
Shem
or
Japhet
were
the
Elder
;
but
Ham
is
declared
to
be
the
younger
;
As
to
earthly
Kings
,
the
first
of
them
was
Nimrod
,
the
sixth
Son
of
Chush
the
Son
of
Ham
,
Noah's
younger
and
accursed
Son
.
This
Kingdom
was
set
up
about
a
hundred
and
thirty
Years
after
the
Flood
,
whilst
Chush
,
Ham
,
Shem
and
Noah
were
yet
living
;
whereas
if
there
were
any
thing
of
Truth
in
our
Author's
Proposition
,
all
Mankind
must
have
continued
under
the
Government
of
Noah
whilst
he
lived
;
and
that
Power
must
have
bin
transmitted
to
Shem
,
who
lived
about
three
hundred
and
seventy
Years
after
the
erection
of
Nimrod's
Kingdom
;
and
must
have
come
to
Japhet
if
he
was
the
Elder
,
but
could
never
come
to
Cham
,
who
is
declared
to
have
bin
certainly
the
Younger
,
and
condemned
to
be
a
Servant
to
them
both
;
much
less
to
the
younger
Son
of
his
Son
,
whilst
he
,
and
those
to
whom
he
and
his
Posterity
were
to
be
Subjects
,
were
still
living
.
This
Rule
therefore
,
which
the
Partizans
of
Absolute
Monarchy
fancy
to
be
universal
and
perpetual
,
falling
out
in
its
first
beginning
,
directly
contrary
to
what
they
assert
;
and
being
never
known
to
have
bin
recovered
,
were
enough
to
silence
them
,
if
they
had
any
thing
of
modesty
or
regard
to
Truth
.
But
the
Matter
may
be
carried
farther
:
For
the
Scripture
doth
not
only
testify
,
that
this
Kingdom
of
Nimrod
was
an
Usurpation
,
void
of
all
Right
,
proceeding
from
the
most
violent
and
mischievous
Vices
,
but
exercised
with
the
utmost
fury
,
that
the
most
wicked
Man
of
the
accursed
Race
,
who
set
himself
up
against
God
,
and
all
that
is
good
,
could
be
capable
of
.
The
progress
of
this
Kingdom
was
sutable
to
its
Institution
:
that
which
was
begun
in
wickedness
,
was
carried
on
with
madness
,
and
produced
Confusion
.
The
mighty
Hunter
,
whom
the
best
Interpreters
call
a
cruel
Tyrant
,
receding
from
the
simplicity
and
innocence
of
the
Patriarchs
,
who
were
Husbandmen
or
Shepherds
,
arrogating
to
himself
a
Dominion
over
Shem
,
to
whom
he
and
his
Fathers
were
to
be
Servants
,
did
thereby
so
peculiarly
become
the
Heir
of
God's
Curse
,
that
whatsoever
hath
bin
said
to
this
day
,
of
the
Power
that
did
most
directly
set
it self
against
God
and
his
People
,
hath
related
literally
to
the
Babel
that
he
built
,
or
figuratively
to
that
which
resembles
it
in
Pride
,
Cruelty
,
Injustice
and
Madness
.
But
the
shameless
rage
of
some
of
these
Writers
is
such
,
that
they
rather
chuse
to
ascribe
the
beginning
of
their
Idol
to
this
odious
Violence
,
than
to
own
it
from
the
consent
of
a
willing
People
;
as
if
they
thought
,
that
as
all
Action
must
be
sutable
to
its
Principle
,
so
that
which
is
unjust
in
its
practice
,
ought
to
scorn
to
be
derived
from
that
which
is
not
detestable
in
its
principle
.
'T
is
hardly
worth
our
pains
to
examin
whether
the
Nations
,
that
went
from
Babel
after
the
confusion
of
Languages
,
were
more
or
less
than
seventy
two
,
for
they
seem
not
to
have
gone
according
to
Families
,
but
every
one
to
have
associated
himself
to
those
that
understood
his
Speech
;
and
the
chief
of
the
Fathers
,
as
Noah
and
his
Sons
,
were
not
there
,
or
wore
subject
to
Nimrod
;
each
of
which
Points
doth
destroy
,
even
in
the
Root
,
all
pretence
to
Paternal
Government
.
Besides
,
't
is
evident
in
Scripture
,
that
Noah
lived
three
hundred
and
fifty
Years
after
the
Flood
;
Shem
five
hundred
;
Abraham
was
born
about
two
hundred
and
ninety
Years
after
the
Flood
,
and
lived
one
hundred
seventy
five
Years
:
He
was
therefore
born
under
the
Government
of
Noah
,
and
died
under
that
of
Shem
:
He
could
not
therefore
exercise
a
Regal
Power
whilst
he
lived
,
for
that
was
in
Shem
:
So
that
in
leaving
his
Country
,
and
setting
up
a
Family
for
himself
,
that
never
acknowledged
any
Superior
,
and
never
pretending
to
reign
over
any
other
,
he
fully
shewed
he
thought
himself
free
,
and
to
owe
subjection
to
none
:
And
being
as
far
from
arrogating
to
himself
any
Power
upon
the
Title
of
Paternity
,
as
from
acknowledging
it
in
any
other
,
left
every
one
to
the
same
liberty
.
The
punctual
enumeration
of
the
Years
,
that
the
Fathers
of
the
holy
Seed
lived
,
gives
us
ground
of
making
a
more
than
probable
conjecture
,
that
they
of
the
collateral
Lines
were
,
in
number
of
days
,
not
unequal
to
them
;
and
if
that
be
true
,
Ham
and
Chush
were
alive
when
Nimrod
set
himself
up
to
be
King
.
He
must
therefore
have
usurped
this
Power
over
his
Father
,
Grandfather
,
and
great
Grandfather
;
or
,
which
is
more
probable
,
he
turned
into
violence
and
oppression
the
Power
given
to
him
by
a
multitude
;
which
,
like
a
Flock
without
a
Shepherd
,
not
knowing
whom
to
obey
,
set
him
up
to
be
their
Chief
.
I
leave
to
our
Author
the
liberty
of
chusing
which
of
these
two
doth
best
sute
with
his
Paternal
Monarchy
;
but
as
far
as
I
can
understand
,
the
first
is
directly
against
it
,
as
well
as
against
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
;
the
other
being
from
the
consent
of
the
Multitude
,
cannot
be
extended
farther
than
they
would
have
it
,
nor
turned
to
their
prejudice
,
without
the
most
abominable
ingratitude
and
treachery
,
from
whence
no
Right
can
be
derived
,
nor
any
justifiable
Example
taken
.
Nevertheless
,
if
our
Author
resolve
that
Abraham
was
also
a
King
,
he
must
presume
that
Shem
did
emancipate
him
,
before
he
went
to
seek
his
Fortune
.
This
was
not
a
Kingly
posture
;
but
I
will
not
contradict
him
,
if
1
may
know
over
whom
he
reigned
.
Paternal
Monarchy
is
exercised
by
the
Father
of
the
Family
over
his
Descendants
,
or
such
as
had
bin
under
the
dominion
of
him
,
whose
Heir
he
is
.
But
Abraham
had
neither
of
these
:
Those
of
his
nearest
Kindred
continued
in
Mesopotamia
,
as
appears
by
what
is
said
of
Bethuel
and
Laban
.
He
had
only
Lot
with
him
,
over
whom
he
pretended
no
right
:
He
had
no
Children
till
he
was
a
hundred
years
old
,
(
that
is
to
say
,
he
was
a
King
without
a
Subject
)
and
then
he
had
but
one
.
I
have
heard
that
[
*
](A60214-e2850-b)
*
〈◊〉
potest●●●●●
patiens
confortis
erit
.
Soveraigns
do
impatiently
bear
Competitors
;
but
now
I
find
Subjection
also
doth
admit
of
none
.
Abraham's
Kingdom
was
too
great
when
he
had
two
Children
,
and
to
disburthen
it
,
Ishmael
must
be
expelled
soon
after
the
birth
of
Isaac
.
He
Abraham
,
Isaac
and
Jacob
,
content
themselves
with
such
a
narrow
Territory
,
when
after
the
death
of
their
Ancestors
,
they
ought
,
according
to
that
rule
,
to
have
bin
Lords
of
the
World
?
All
Authors
conclude
that
Shem
was
the
eldest
by
birth
,
or
preferred
by
the
appointment
of
God
,
so
as
the
Right
must
have
bin
in
him
,
and
from
him
transmitted
to
Abraham
and
Isaac
;
but
if
they
were
so
possessed
with
the
contemplation
of
a
Heavenly
Kingdom
,
as
not
to
care
for
the
greatest
on
Earth
;
't
is
strange
that
Esau
,
whose
modesty
is
not
much
commended
,
should
so
far
forget
his
Interest
,
as
neither
to
lay
claim
to
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
nor
dispute
with
his
Brother
the
possession
of
the
Field
and
Cave
bought
by
Abraham
,
but
rather
to
fight
for
a
dwelling
on
Mount
Seir
,
that
was
neither
possessed
by
,
nor
promised
to
his
Fathers
.
If
he
was
fallen
from
his
Right
,
Jacob
might
have
claimed
it
;
but
God
was
his
Inheritance
,
and
being
assured
of
his
Blessing
,
he
contented
himself
with
what
he
could
gain
by
his
Industry
,
in
a
way
that
was
not
at
all
sutable
to
the
Pomp
and
Majesty
of
a
King
.
Which
way
soever
theresore
the
business
be
turned
,
whether
,
according
to
Isaac's
Blessing
,
Esau
should
serve
Jacob
,
or
our
Author's
opinion
,
Jacob
must
serve
Esau
,
neither
of
the
two
was
effected
in
their
Persons
:
And
the
Kingdom
of
two
being
divided
into
two
,
each
of
them
remained
Lord
of
himself
.
SECT.
IX
.
The
Power
of
a
Father
belongs
only
to
a
Father
.
THIS
leads
us
to
an
easy
determination
of
the
Question
,
which
our
Author
thinks
insoluble
;
If
Adam
was
Lord
of
his
Children
,
he
doth
not
see
how
any
can
be
free
from
the
subjection
of
his
Parents
.
For
as
no
good
Man
will
ever
desire
to
be
free
from
the
respect
that
is
due
to
his
Father
,
who
did
beget
and
educate
him
,
no
wise
Man
will
ever
think
the
like
to
be
due
to
his
Brother
or
Nephew
that
did
neither
.
If
Esau
and
Jacob
were
equally
free
;
if
Noah
,
as
our
Author
affirms
,
divided
Europe
,
Asia
and
Africa
,
amongst
his
three
Sons
,
tho
he
cannot
prove
it
;
and
if
seventy
two
Nations
under
so
many
Heads
or
Kings
went
from
Babylon
to
people
the
Earth
,
about
a
hundred
and
thirty
years
after
the
Flood
,
I
know
not
why
,
according
to
the
same
rule
and
proportion
,
it
may
not
be
safely
concluded
,
that
in
four
thousand
years
Kings
are
so
multiplied
,
as
to
be
in
number
equal
to
the
Men
that
are
in
the
World
;
that
is
to
say
,
they
are
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
all
free
,
and
independent
upon
each
other
,
as
Shem
,
Ham
and
Japhet
were
.
And
therefore
,
tho
Adam
and
Noah
had
reigned
alone
when
there
were
no
Men
in
the
World
except
such
as
issued
from
them
,
that
is
no
reason
why
any
other
should
reign
over
those
that
he
hath
not
begotten
.
As
the
Right
of
Noah
was
divided
amongst
the
Children
he
left
,
and
when
he
was
dead
,
no
one
of
them
depended
on
the
other
,
because
no
one
of
them
was
Father
of
the
other
;
and
the
Right
of
a
Father
can
only
belong
to
him
that
is
so
,
the
like
must
for
ever
attend
every
other
Father
in
the
World
.
This
paternal
Power
must
necessarily
accrue
to
every
Father
:
He
is
a
King
by
the
same
Right
as
the
Sons
of
Noah
;
and
how
numerous
soever
Families
may
be
upon
the
increase
of
Mankind
,
they
are
all
free
,
till
they
agree
to
recede
from
their
own
Right
,
and
join
together
in
,
or
under
one
Government
,
according
to
such
Laws
as
best
please
themselves
.
SECT.
X.
Such
as
enter
into
Society
,
must
in
some
degree
diminish
their
Liberty
.
REASON
leads
them
to
this
:
No
one
Man
or
Family
is
able
to
provide
that
which
is
requisite
for
their
convenience
or
security
,
whilst
every
one
has
an
equal
Right
to
every
thing
,
and
none
acknowledges
a
Superior
to
determine
the
Controversies
,
that
upon
such
occasions
must
continually
arise
,
and
will
probably
be
so
many
and
great
,
that
Mankind
cannot
bear
them
.
Therefore
tho
I
do
not
believe
that
Bellarmin
said
,
a
Commonwealth
could
not
exercise
its
Power
;
for
he
could
not
be
ignorant
,
that
Rome
and
Athens
did
exercise
theirs
,
and
that
all
the
Regular
Kingdoms
in
the
World
are
Commonwealths
;
yet
there
is
nothing
of
absurdity
in
saying
,
That
Man
cannot
continue
in
the
perpetual
and
entire
fruition
of
the
Liberty
that
God
hath
given
him
.
The
Liberty
of
one
is
thwarted
by
that
of
another
;
and
whilst
they
are
all
equal
,
none
will
yield
to
any
,
otherwise
than
by
a
general
consent
.
This
is
the
ground
of
all
just
Governments
;
for
violence
or
fraud
can
create
no
Right
;
and
the
same
consent
gives
the
Form
to
them
all
,
how
much
soever
they
differ
from
each
other
.
Some
small
numbers
of
Men
,
living
within
the
Precincts
of
one
City
,
have
,
as
it
were
,
cast
into
a
common
Stock
,
the
Right
which
they
had
of
governing
themselves
and
Children
,
and
by
common
Consent
joining
in
one
body
,
exercised
fuch
Power
over
every
single
Person
as
seemed
beneficial
to
the
whole
;
and
this
Men
call
perfect
Democracy
.
Others
chose
rather
to
be
governed
by
a
select
number
of
such
as
most
excelled
in
Wisdom
and
Vertue
;
and
this
,
according
to
the
signification
of
the
word
,
was
called
Aristocracy
:
Or
when
one
Man
excelled
all
others
,
the
Government
was
put
into
his
hands
under
the
name
of
Monarchy
.
But
the
wisest
,
best
,
and
far
the
greatest
part
of
mankind
,
rejecting
these
simple
Species
,
did
form
Governments
mixed
or
composed
of
the
three
,
as
shall
be
proved
hereafter
,
which
commonly
received
their
respective
Denomination
from
the
part
that
prevailed
,
and
did
deserve
Praise
or
Blame
,
as
they
were
well
or
ill
proportioned
.
It
were
a
folly
hereupon
to
say
,
that
the
Liberty
for
which
we
contend
,
is
of
no
use
to
us
,
since
we
cannot
endure
the
Solitude
,
Barbarity
,
Weakness
,
Want
,
Misery
and
Dangers
that
accompany
it
whilst
we
live
alone
,
nor
can
enter
into
a
Society
without
resigning
it
;
for
the
choice
of
that
Society
,
and
the
liberty
of
framing
it
according
to
our
own
Wills
,
for
our
own
good
,
is
all
we
seek
.
This
remains
to
us
whilst
we
form
Governments
,
that
we
our selves
are
Judges
how
far
't
is
good
for
us
to
recede
from
our
natural
Liberty
;
which
is
of
so
great
importance
,
that
from
thence
only
we
can
know
whether
we
are
Freemen
or
Slaves
;
and
the
difference
between
the
best
Government
and
the
worst
,
doth
wholly
depend
upon
a
right
or
wrong
exercise
of
that
Power
.
If
Men
are
naturally
free
,
such
as
have
Wisdom
and
Understanding
will
always
frame
good
Governments
:
But
if
they
are
born
under
the
necessity
of
a
perpetual
Slavery
,
no
Wisdom
can
be
of
use
to
them
;
but
all
must
for
ever
depend
on
the
Will
of
their
Lords
,
how
cruel
,
mad
,
proud
or
wicked
soever
they
be
.
SECT.
XI
.
No
Man
comes
to
command
many
,
unless
by
Consent
or
by
Force
.
BUT
because
I
cannot
believe
God
hath
created
Man
in
such
a
state
of
Misery
and
Slavery
as
I
just
now
mentioned
;
by
discovering
the
vanity
of
our
Author
's
whimsical
Patriarchical
Kingdom
,
I
am
led
to
a
certain
conclusion
,
That
every
Father
of
a
Family
is
free
and
exempt
from
the
domination
of
any
other
,
as
the
seventy
two
that
went
from
Babel
were
.
'T
is
hard
to
comprehend
how
one
Man
can
come
to
be
master
of
many
,
equal
to
himself
in
Right
,
unless
it
be
by
Consent
or
by
Force
.
If
by
Consent
,
we
are
at
an
end
of
our
Controversies
:
Governments
,
and
the
Magistrates
that
execute
them
,
are
created
by
Man
.
They
who
give
a
being
to
them
,
cannot
but
have
a
right
of
regulating
,
limiting
and
directing
them
as
best
pleaseth
themselves
;
and
all
our
Author's
Assertions
concerning
the
absolute
Power
of
one
Man
,
fall
to
the
ground
:
If
by
Force
,
we
are
to
examine
how
it
can
be
possible
or
justifiable
.
This
subduing
by
Force
we
call
Conquest
;
but
as
he
that
forceth
must
be
stronger
than
those
that
are
forced
,
to
talk
of
one
Man
who
in
strength
exceeds
many
millions
of
Men
,
is
to
go
beyond
the
extravagance
of
Fables
and
Romances
.
This
Wound
is
not
cured
by
saying
,
that
he
first
conquers
one
,
and
then
more
,
and
with
their
help
others
;
for
as
to
matter
of
fact
,
the
first
news
we
hear
of
Nimrod
is
,
that
he
reigned
over
a
great
multitude
,
and
built
vast
Cities
;
and
we
know
of
no
Kingdom
in
the
World
,
that
did
not
begin
with
a
greater
number
than
any
one
Man
could
possibly
subdue
.
If
they
who
chuse
one
to
be
their
Head
,
did
under
his
conduct
subdue
others
,
they
were
Fellow-conquerors
with
him
;
and
nothing
can
be
more
brutish
,
than
to
think
,
that
by
their
vertue
and
valour
they
had
purchased
perpetual
Slavery
to
themselves
and
their
Posterity
.
But
if
it
were
possible
,
it
could
not
be
justifiable
;
and
whilst
our
Dispute
is
concerning
Right
,
that
which
ought
not
to
be
is
no
more
to
be
received
,
than
if
it
could
not
be
.
No
Right
can
come
by
conquest
,
unless
there
were
a
Right
of
making
that
Conquest
,
which
,
by
reason
of
the
equality
that
our
Author
confesses
to
have
bin
amongst
the
Heads
of
Families
,
and
as
I
have
proved
goes
into
Infinity
,
can
never
be
on
the
Aggressor's
side
.
No
man
can
justly
impose
any
thing
upon
those
who
owe
him
nothing
.
Our
Author
therefore
,
who
ascribes
the
enlargement
of
Nimrod's
Kingdom
to
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
,
might
as
well
have
acknowledged
the
same
in
the
beginning
,
as
he
says
all
other
Authors
have
done
.
However
,
he
ought
not
to
have
imputed
to
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
an
Approbation
of
his
Right
,
as
Lord
or
King
over
his
Family
;
for
he
could
never
think
him
to
be
a
Lord
by
the
right
of
a
Father
,
who
by
that
rule
must
have
lived
and
died
a
Slave
to
his
Fathers
that
overlived
him
.
Whosoever
therefore
like
Nimrod
grounds
his
pretensions
of
Right
upon
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
,
declares
himself
to
be
,
like
Nimrod
,
a
Usueper
and
a
Tyrant
,
that
is
an
Enemy
to
God
and
Man
,
and
to
have
no
Right
at
all
.
That
which
was
unjust
in
its
beginning
,
can
of
it self
never
change
its
nature
.
Tempus
in
se
,
saith
Grotius
,
nullam
habet
vim
effectricem
.
He
that
persists
in
doing
Injustice
,
aggravates
it
,
and
takes
upon
himself
all
the
guilt
of
his
Predecessors
.
But
if
there
be
a
King
in
the
World
,
that
claims
a
Right
by
Conquest
,
and
would
justisy
it
,
he
might
do
well
to
tell
whom
he
conquered
,
when
,
with
what
assistance
,
and
upon
what
reason
he
undertook
the
War
;
for
he
can
ground
no
title
upon
the
obscurity
of
an
unsearchable
antiquity
;
and
if
he
does
it
not
,
he
ought
to
be
looked
upon
as
a
usurping
Nimrod
.
SECT.
XII
.
The
pretended
paternal
Right
is
divisible
or
indivisible
:
if
divisible
,
't
is
extinguished
;
if
indivisible
,
universal
.
THis
paternal
right
to
Regality
,
if
there
be
any
thing
in
it
,
is
divisible
or
indivisible
;
if
indivisible
,
as
Adam
hath
but
one
Heir
,
one
man
is
rightly
Lord
of
the
whole
World
,
and
neither
Nimrod
nor
any
of
his
Successors
could
ever
have
bin
Kings
,
nor
the
seventy
two
that
went
from
Babylon
:
Noah
survived
him
near
two
hundred
years
:
Shem
continued
one
hundred
and
fifty
years
longer
.
The
Dominion
must
have
bin
in
him
,
and
by
him
transmitted
to
his
Posterity
for
ever
.
Those
that
call
themselves
Kings
in
all
other
Nations
,
set
themselves
up
against
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
:
This
is
the
man
we
are
to
seek
out
,
that
we
may
yield
obedience
to
him
.
I
know
not
where
to
find
him
;
but
he
must
be
of
the
race
of
Abraham
.
Shem
was
preferred
before
his
Brethren
:
The
Inheritance
that
could
not
be
divided
must
come
to
him
,
and
from
him
to
Isaac
,
who
was
the
first
of
his
descendants
that
outlived
him
.
'T
is
pity
that
Jacob
did
not
know
this
,
and
that
the
Lord
of
all
the
Earth
,
through
ignorance
of
his
Title
,
should
be
forced
to
keep
one
of
his
Subjects
Sheep
for
wages
;
and
strange
,
that
he
who
had
wit
enough
to
supplant
his
Brother
,
did
so
little
understand
his
own
bargain
,
as
not
to
know
that
he
had
bought
the
perpetual
Empire
of
the
World
,
If
in
conscience
he
could
not
take
such
a
price
for
a
dish
of
Pottage
,
it
must
remain
in
Esau
:
However
our
Lord
Paramount
must
come
from
Isaac
.
If
the
Deed
of
Sale
made
by
Esau
be
good
,
we
must
seek
him
amongst
the
Jews
;
if
he
could
not
so
easily
divest
himself
of
his
Right
,
it
must
remain
amongst
his
Descendants
,
who
are
Turks
.
We
need
not
scruple
the
reception
of
either
,
since
the
late
Scots
Act
tells
us
,
That
Kings
derive
their
Royal
Power
from
God
alone
;
and
no
difference
of
Religion
,
&c.
can
divert
the
right
of
Succession
,
But
I
know
not
what
we
shall
do
,
if
we
cannot
find
this
man
;
for
de
non
apparentibus
&
non
existentibus
eadem
est
ratio
.
The
Right
must
fall
if
there
be
none
to
inherit
:
If
we
do
not
know
who
he
is
that
hath
the
Right
,
we
do
not
know
who
is
near
to
him
:
All
Mankind
must
inherit
the
Right
,
to
which
every
one
hath
an
equal
title
;
and
that
which
is
Dominion
,
if
in
one
,
when
't
is
equally
divided
among
all
men
,
is
that
universal
Liberty
which
I
assert
.
Wherefore
I
leave
it
to
the
choice
of
such
as
have
inherited
our
Author's
opinions
,
to
produce
this
Jew
or
Turk
that
ought
to
be
Lord
of
the
whole
Earth
,
or
to
prove
a
better
title
in
some
other
person
,
and
to
perswade
all
the
Princes
and
Nations
of
the
World
to
submit
:
If
this
be
not
done
,
it
must
be
confessed
this
Paternal
Right
is
a
meer
whimsical
Fiction
,
and
that
no
man
by
birth
hath
a
Right
above
another
,
or
can
have
any
,
unless
by
the
concession
of
those
who
are
concerned
.
If
this
right
to
an
universal
Empire
be
divisible
,
Noah
did
actually
divide
it
among
his
three
Sons
:
Seventy
and
two
absolute
Monarchs
did
at
once
arise
out
of
the
Multitude
that
had
assembled
at
Babel
:
Noah
,
nor
his
Sons
,
nor
any
of
the
holy
Seed
,
nor
probably
any
elder
than
Nimrod
having
bin
there
,
many
other
Monarchs
must
necessarily
have
arisen
from
them
.
Abraham
,
as
our
Author
says
,
was
a
King
:
Lot
must
have
bin
so
also
;
for
they
were
equals
:
his
Sons
Ammon
and
Moab
had
no
dependance
upon
the
descendents
of
Abraham
.
Ismael
and
Esau
set
up
for
themselves
,
and
great
Nations
came
of
them
:
Abraham's
Sons
by
Keturah
did
so
also
;
that
is
to
say
,
every
one
as
soon
as
he
came
to
be
of
age
to
provide
for
himself
,
did
so
,
without
retaining
any
dependence
upon
the
Stock
from
whence
he
came
:
Those
of
that
Stock
,
or
the
head
of
it
,
pretended
to
no
Right
over
those
who
went
from
them
.
Nay
,
nearness
in
Blood
was
so
little
regarded
,
that
tho
Lot
was
Abraham's
Brother's
Son
,
Eliezer
his
Servant
had
bin
his
Heir
,
if
he
had
died
childless
.
The
like
continued
amongst
Jacob's
Sons
;
no
Jurisdiction
was
given
to
one
above
the
rest
:
an
equal
division
of
Land
was
made
amongst
them
:
Their
Judges
and
Magistrates
were
of
several
Tribes
and
Families
,
without
any
other
preference
of
one
before
another
,
than
what
did
arise
from
the
advantages
God
had
given
to
any
particular
person
.
This
I
take
to
be
a
proof
of
the
utmost
extent
and
certainty
,
that
the
equality
amongst
Mankind
was
then
perfect
:
He
therefore
that
will
deny
it
to
be
so
now
,
ought
to
prove
that
neither
the
Prophets
,
Patriarchs
,
or
any
other
men
did
ever
understand
or
regard
the
Law
delivered
by
God
and
Nature
to
Mankind
;
or
that
having
bin
common
and
free
at
the
first
,
and
so
continued
for
many
hundreds
of
years
after
the
Flood
,
it
was
afterwards
abolished
,
and
a
new
one
introduced
.
He
that
asserts
this
must
prove
it
;
but
till
it
does
appear
to
us
,
when
,
where
,
how
,
and
by
whom
this
was
done
,
we
may
safely
believe
there
is
no
such
thing
;
and
that
no
man
is
or
can
be
a
Lord
amongst
us
,
till
we
make
him
so
;
and
that
by
nature
we
are
all
Brethren
.
Our
Author
,
by
endeavouring
farther
to
illustrate
the
Patriarchical
Power
,
destroys
it
,
and
cannot
deny
to
any
man
the
Right
which
he
acknowledges
to
have
bin
in
Ismael
and
Esau.
But
if
every
man
hath
a
Right
of
setting
up
for
himself
with
his
Family
,
or
before
he
has
any
,
he
cannot
but
have
a
right
of
joining
with
others
if
he
pleases
.
As
his
joining
or
not
joining
with
others
,
and
the
choice
of
those
others
depends
upon
his
own
will
,
he
cannot
but
have
a
right
of
judging
upon
what
conditions
't
is
good
for
him
to
enter
into
such
a
Society
,
as
must
necessarily
hinder
him
from
exercising
the
right
which
he
has
originally
in
himself
.
But
as
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
men
should
generally
put
such
Fetters
upon
themselves
,
unless
it
were
in
expectation
of
a
greater
good
that
was
thereby
to
accrue
to
them
,
no
more
can
be
required
to
prove
that
they
do
voluntarily
enter
into
these
Societies
,
institute
them
for
their
own
good
,
and
prescribe
such
rules
and
forms
to
them
as
best
please
themselves
,
without
giving
account
to
any
.
But
if
every
man
be
free
,
till
he
enter
into
such
a
Society
as
he
chuseth
for
his
own
good
,
and
those
Societies
may
regulate
themselves
as
they
think
fit
;
no
more
can
be
required
to
prove
the
natural
equality
in
which
all
men
are
born
,
and
continue
,
till
they
resign
it
as
into
a
common
stock
,
in
such
measure
as
they
think
fit
for
the
constituting
of
Societies
for
their
own
good
,
which
I
assert
,
and
our
Author
denies
.
SECT.
XIII
.
There
was
no
shadow
of
a
paternal
Kingdom
amongst
the
Hebrews
,
nor
precept
for
it
.
OUr
Author
is
so
modest
to
confess
,
that
Jacob's
Kingdom
consisting
of
seventy
two
persons
,
was
swallowed
up
by
the
power
of
the
greater
Monarch
Pharaoh
:
But
if
this
was
an
Act
of
Tyranny
,
't
is
strange
that
the
sacred
and
eternal
Right
,
grounded
upon
the
immutable
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
should
not
be
restored
to
God's
chosen
People
,
when
he
delivered
them
from
that
Tyranny
.
Why
was
not
Jacob's
Monarchy
conferred
upon
his
right
Heir
?
How
came
the
People
to
neglect
a
point
of
such
importance
?
Or
if
they
did
forget
it
,
why
did
not
Moses
put
them
in
mind
of
it
?
Why
did
not
Jacob
declare
to
whom
it
did
belong
?
Or
if
he
is
understood
to
have
declared
it
,
in
saying
the
Scepter
should
not
depart
from
Judah
,
why
was
it
not
delivered
into
his
hands
,
or
into
his
Heirs
?
If
he
was
hard
to
be
found
in
a
people
of
one
kindred
,
but
four
degrees
removed
from
Jacob
their
head
,
who
were
exact
in
observing
Genealogies
,
how
can
we
hope
to
find
him
after
so
many
thousand
years
,
when
we
do
not
so
much
as
know
from
whom
we
are
derived
?
Or
rather
how
comes
that
Right
,
which
is
eternal
and
universal
,
to
have
bin
nipp'd
in
the
bud
,
and
so
abolished
before
it
could
take
any
effect
in
the
World
,
as
never
to
have
bin
heard
of
amongst
the
Gentiles
,
nor
the
People
of
God
,
either
before
or
after
the
Captivity
,
from
the
death
of
Jacob
to
this
day
?
This
I
assert
,
and
I
give
up
the
Cause
if
I
do
not
prove
it
.
To
this
end
I
begin
with
Moses
and
Aaron
the
first
Rulers
of
the
People
,
who
were
neither
of
the
eldest
Tribe
according
to
birth
,
nor
the
disposition
of
Jacob
,
if
he
did
,
or
could
give
it
to
any
;
nor
were
they
of
the
eldest
line
of
their
own
Tribe
;
and
even
between
them
the
Superiority
was
given
to
Moses
,
who
was
the
younger
,
as
't
is
said
,
I
have
made
thee
a
God
to
Pharaoh
,
and
Aaron
thy
Brother
shall
be
thy
Prophet
.
If
Moses
was
a
King
,
as
our
Author
says
,
but
I
deny
,
and
shall
hereafter
prove
,
the
matter
is
worse
:
He
must
have
bin
an
Usurper
of
a
most
unjust
Dominion
over
his
Brethren
;
and
this
Patriarchical
power
,
which
by
the
Law
of
God
was
to
be
perpetually
fixed
in
his
Descendents
,
perished
with
him
,
and
his
Sons
continued
in
an
obscure
rank
amongst
the
Levites
.
Joshua
of
the
Tribe
of
Ephraim
succeeded
him
;
Othniel
was
of
Judah
,
Ehud
of
Benjamin
,
Barak
of
Napthalim
,
and
Gideon
of
Manasseh
.
The
other
Judges
were
of
several
Tribes
;
and
they
being
dead
,
their
Children
lay
hid
amongst
the
common
People
,
and
we
hear
no
more
of
them
.
The
first
King
was
taken
out
of
the
least
Family
of
the
least
and
youngest
Tribe
.
The
second
,
whilst
the
Children
of
the
first
King
were
yet
alive
,
was
the
youngest
of
eight
Sons
of
an
obscure
man
in
the
Tribe
of
Judah
:
Solomon
one
of
his
youngest
Sons
succeeded
him
:
Ten
Tribes
deserted
Rehoboam
,
and
by
the
command
of
God
set
up
Jeroboam
to
be
their
King
.
The
Kingdom
of
Israel
by
the
destruction
of
one
Family
passed
into
another
:
That
of
Judah
by
God's
peculiar
promise
continued
in
David's
race
till
the
Captivity
;
but
we
know
not
that
the
eldest
Son
was
ever
preferred
,
and
have
no
reason
to
presume
it
.
David
their
most
reverenced
King
left
no
precept
for
it
,
and
gave
an
example
to
the
contrary
:
he
did
not
set
up
the
eldest
,
but
the
wisest
.
After
the
Captivity
they
who
had
most
wisdom
or
valour
to
defend
the
People
,
were
thought
most
fit
to
command
;
and
the
Kingdom
at
the
last
came
to
the
Asmonean
Race
,
whilst
the
posterity
of
David
was
buried
in
the
mass
of
the
common
People
,
and
utterly
deprived
of
all
worldly
Rule
or
Glory
.
If
the
Judges
had
not
a
regal
Power
,
or
the
regal
were
only
just
,
as
instituted
by
God
,
and
eternally
annexed
to
Paternity
,
all
that
they
did
was
evil
:
There
could
be
nothing
of
Justice
in
the
Powers
exercised
by
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Gideon
,
Samuel
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Judges
.
If
the
power
was
regal
and
just
,
it
must
have
continued
in
the
descendants
of
the
first
:
Saul
,
David
,
and
Solomon
could
never
have
bin
Kings
:
The
right
failing
in
them
,
their
descendants
could
inherit
none
from
them
;
and
the
others
after
the
Captivity
were
guilty
of
the
like
injustice
.
Now
as
the
Rule
is
not
general
,
to
which
there
is
any
one
just
exception
,
there
is
not
one
of
these
Examples
that
would
not
overthrow
our
Author's
doctrine
:
If
one
deviation
from
it
were
lawful
,
another
might
be
,
and
so
to
infinity
.
But
the
utmost
degree
of
impudent
madness
to
which
perhaps
any
man
in
the
world
hath
ever
arrived
,
is
to
assert
that
to
be
universal
and
perpetual
,
which
cannot
be
verified
by
any
one
Example
to
have
bin
in
any
place
of
the
World
,
nor
justified
by
any
precept
.
If
it
be
objected
,
That
all
these
things
were
done
by
God's
immediate
disposition
:
I
answer
,
that
it
were
an
impious
madness
to
believe
that
God
did
perpetually
send
his
Prophets
to
overthrow
what
he
had
ordained
from
the
beginning
,
and
as
it
were
in
spite
to
bring
the
minds
of
men
into
inextricable
confusion
and
darkness
;
and
by
particular
commands
to
overthrow
his
universal
and
eternal
Law
.
But
to
render
this
point
more
clear
,
I
desire
it
may
be
considered
,
That
we
have
but
three
ways
of
distinguishing
between
good
and
evil
.
1.
When
God
by
his
Word
reveals
it
to
us
.
2.
When
by
his
deeds
he
declareth
it
;
because
that
which
he
does
is
good
,
as
that
which
he
says
is
true
.
3.
By
the
light
of
Reason
,
which
is
good
,
in
as
much
as
it
is
from
God
.
And
first
;
It
cannot
be
said
we
have
an
explicit
word
for
that
continuance
of
the
power
in
the
eldest
;
for
it
appears
not
,
and
having
none
,
we
might
conclude
it
to
be
left
to
our
liberty
:
For
it
agrees
not
with
the
goodness
of
God
to
leave
us
in
a
perpetual
ignorance
of
his
Will
in
a
matter
of
so
great
importance
,
nor
to
have
suffered
his
own
people
,
or
any
other
to
persist
,
without
the
least
reproof
or
admonition
,
in
a
perpetual
opposition
to
it
,
if
it
had
displeased
him
.
To
the
2d
.
The
Dispensations
of
his
Providence
,
which
are
the
emanations
of
his
Will
,
have
gone
contrary
to
this
pretended
Law
:
There
can
therefore
be
no
such
thing
;
for
God
is
constant
to
himself
;
his
works
do
not
contradict
his
Word
,
and
both
of
them
do
equally
declare
to
us
that
which
is
good
.
Thirdly
;
If
there
be
any
precept
that
by
the
light
of
Nature
we
can
in
matters
of
this
kind
look
upon
as
certain
,
't
is
that
the
Government
of
a
People
should
be
given
to
him
that
can
best
perform
the
duties
of
it
:
No
man
has
it
for
himself
,
or
from
himself
;
but
for
and
from
those
who
before
he
had
it
were
his
Equals
,
that
he
may
do
good
to
them
.
If
there
were
a
Man
,
who
in
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
Justice
and
Purity
,
surpassed
all
others
,
he
might
be
called
a
King
by
Nature
,
because
he
is
best
able
to
bear
the
weight
of
so
great
a
charge
;
and
like
a
good
Shepherd
to
lead
the
People
to
good
.
Detur
digniori
is
the
voice
of
Reason
;
and
that
we
may
be
sure
Detur
seniori
is
not
so
,
Solomon
tells
us
,
That
a
wise
Child
is
better
than
an
old
and
foolish
King
.
But
if
this
pretended
right
do
not
belong
to
him
that
is
truly
the
eldest
,
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
a
fantastical
pretence
to
a
right
deduced
from
him
that
is
not
so
.
Now
lest
I
should
be
thought
to
follow
my
own
inventions
,
and
call
them
reason
,
or
the
light
of
God
in
us
,
I
desire
it
may
be
observed
that
God
himself
has
ever
taken
this
method
.
When
he
raised
up
Moses
to
be
the
leader
of
his
people
,
he
endowed
him
with
the
most
admirable
gifts
of
his
Spirit
that
ever
he
bestowed
upon
a
man
:
When
he
chose
seventy
men
to
assist
him
,
he
endowed
them
with
the
same
spirit
.
Joshua
had
no
other
title
to
succeed
him
than
the
like
evidence
of
God's
presence
with
him
.
When
the
People
through
sin
fell
into
misery
,
he
did
not
seek
out
their
Descendants
,
nor
such
as
boasted
in
a
prerogative
of
Birth
;
but
shewed
whom
he
designed
for
their
Deliverer
,
by
bestowing
such
gifts
upon
him
as
were
required
for
the
performance
of
his
work
;
and
never
fail'd
of
doing
this
,
till
that
miserable
sinful
people
rejecting
God
and
his
Government
,
desired
that
which
was
in
use
among
their
accursed
Neighbours
,
that
they
might
be
as
like
to
them
in
the
most
shameful
Slavery
to
Man
,
as
in
the
worship
of
Idols
set
up
against
God
.
But
if
this
pretended
Right
be
grounded
upon
no
word
or
work
of
God
,
nor
the
reason
of
Man
,
't
is
to
be
accounted
a
meer
figment
,
that
hath
nothing
of
truth
in
it
.
SECT.
XIV
.
If
the
paternal
Right
had
included
Dominion
,
and
was
to
be
transferred
to
a
single
Heir
,
it
must
perish
if
he
were
not
known
;
and
could
be
applied
to
no
other
person
.
HAving
shewed
that
the
first
Kings
were
not
Fathers
,
nor
the
first
Fathers
Kings
;
that
all
the
Kings
of
the
Jews
and
Gentiles
mentioned
in
Scripture
came
in
upon
titles
different
from
,
and
inconsistent
with
that
of
Paternity
;
and
that
we
are
not
led
by
the
Word
nor
the
Works
of
God
,
nor
the
Reason
of
Man
,
or
Light
of
Nature
to
believe
there
is
any
such
thing
,
we
may
safely
conclude
there
never
was
any
such
thing
,
or
that
it
never
had
any
effect
,
which
to
us
is
the
same
.
'T
is
as
ridiculous
to
think
of
retrieving
that
,
which
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
was
lost
,
as
to
create
that
which
never
was
.
But
I
may
go
farther
,
and
affirm
,
that
tho
there
had
bin
such
a
right
in
the
first
Fathers
of
Manking
exercised
by
them
,
and
for
some
ages
individually
transmitted
to
their
eldest
Sons
,
it
must
necessarily
perish
,
since
the
generations
of
men
are
so
confused
,
that
no
man
knows
his
own
original
,
and
consequently
this
Heir
is
no
where
to
be
found
;
for
't
is
a
folly
for
a
man
to
pretend
to
an
Inheritance
,
who
cannot
prove
himself
to
be
the
right
Heir
.
If
this
be
not
true
,
I
desire
to
know
from
which
of
Noah's
Sons
the
Kings
of
England
,
France
,
or
Spain
do
deduce
their
Original
,
or
what
reason
they
can
give
why
the
title
to
Dominion
,
which
is
fancied
to
be
in
Noah
,
did
rather
belong
to
the
first
of
their
respective
Races
,
that
attained
to
the
Crowns
they
now
enjoy
,
than
to
the
meanest
Peasant
of
their
Kingdoms
;
or
how
that
can
be
transmitted
to
them
,
which
was
not
in
the
first
.
We
know
that
no
man
can
give
what
he
hath
not
;
that
if
there
be
no
giver
,
there
is
no
gift
;
if
there
be
no
root
,
there
can
be
no
branch
;
and
that
the
first
point
failing
,
all
that
should
be
derived
from
it
must
necessarily
fail
.
Our
Author
,
who
is
good
at
resolving
difficulties
,
shews
us
an
easy
way
out
of
this
strait
.
'T
is
true
,
says
he
,
all
Kings
are
not
natural
Parents
of
their
Subjects
;
yet
they
either
are
,
or
are
to
be
reputed
the
next
Heirs
to
those
first
Progenitors
,
who
were
at
first
the
natural
Parents
of
the
whole
People
,
and
in
their
right
succeed
to
the
exercise
of
the
Supreme
Jurisdiction
;
and
such
Heirs
are
not
only
Lords
of
their
own
Children
,
but
also
of
their
Brethren
,
and
all
those
that
were
subject
to
their
Father
,
&c.
By
this
means
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
many
a
Child
succeeding
a
King
hath
the
right
of
a
Father
over
many
a
grey-headed
multitude
,
and
hath
the
title
of
Pater
Patriae
.
An
Assertion
comprehending
so
many
points
,
upon
which
the
most
important
Rights
of
all
mankind
do
depend
,
might
deserve
some
proof
:
But
he
being
of
opinion
we
ought
to
take
it
upon
his
credit
,
doth
not
vouchsafe
to
give
us
so
much
as
the
shadow
of
any
.
Nevertheless
being
unwilling
either
crudely
to
receive
,
or
rashly
to
reject
it
,
I
shall
take
the
liberty
of
examining
the
Proposition
,
and
hope
I
may
be
pardoned
,
if
I
dwell
a
little
more
than
ordinarily
upon
that
which
is
the
foundation
of
his
Work
.
We
are
beholden
to
him
for
confessing
modestly
that
all
Kings
are
not
the
natural
Fathers
of
their
People
,
and
sparing
us
the
pains
of
proving
,
that
the
Kings
of
Persia
,
who
reigned
from
the
Indies
to
the
Hellespont
,
did
not
beget
all
the
men
that
lived
in
those
Countries
;
or
that
the
Kings
of
France
and
Spain
,
who
began
to
reign
before
they
were
five
years
old
,
were
not
the
natural
Fathers
of
the
Nations
under
them
.
But
if
all
Kings
are
not
Fathers
,
none
are
,
as
they
are
Kings
:
If
any
one
is
,
or
ever
was
,
the
Rights
of
Paternity
belong
to
him
,
and
to
no
other
who
is
not
so
also
.
This
must
be
made
evident
;
for
matters
of
such
importance
require
proof
,
and
ought
not
to
be
taken
upon
supposition
.
If
Filmer
therefore
will
pretend
that
the
right
of
Father
belongs
to
any
one
King
,
he
must
prove
that
he
is
the
Father
of
his
People
;
for
otherwise
it
doth
not
appertain
to
him
:
he
is
not
the
man
we
seek
.
'T
is
no
less
absurd
to
say
he
is
to
be
reputed
Heir
to
the
first
Progenitor
:
for
it
must
be
first
proved
,
that
the
Nation
did
descend
from
one
single
Progenitor
without
mixture
of
other
races
:
that
this
Progenitor
was
the
Man
,
to
whom
Noah
(
according
to
Filmer's
whimfical
division
of
Asia
,
Europe
,
and
Africa
among
his
Sons
)
did
give
the
Land
now
inhabited
by
that
people
:
That
this
Division
so
made
was
not
capable
of
Subdivisions
;
and
that
this
Man
is
by
a
true
and
uninterrupted
Succession
descended
from
the
first
and
eldest
Line
of
that
Progenitor
;
and
all
fails
,
if
every
one
of
these
points
be
not
made
good
.
If
there
never
was
any
such
man
who
had
that
Right
,
it
cannot
be
inherited
from
him
.
If
by
the
same
rule
that
a
parcel
of
the
World
was
allotted
to
him
,
that
parcel
might
be
subdivided
amongst
his
Children
as
they
increased
,
the
subdivisions
may
be
infinite
,
and
the
right
of
Dominion
thereby
destroyed
.
If
several
Nations
inhabit
the
same
Land
,
they
owe
obedience
to
several
Fathers
:
that
which
is
due
to
their
true
Father
,
cannot
be
rendred
to
him
that
is
not
so
;
for
he
would
by
that
means
be
deprived
of
the
Right
which
is
inseparably
annexed
to
his
person
:
And
lastly
,
whatsoever
the
right
of
an
Heir
may
be
,
it
can
belong
only
to
him
that
is
Heir
.
Lest
any
should
be
seduced
from
these
plain
Truths
by
frivolous
suggestions
,
't
is
good
to
consider
that
the
title
of
Pater
Patria
,
with
which
our
Author
would
cheat
us
,
hath
no
relation
to
the
matters
of
Right
,
upon
which
we
dispute
.
'T
is
a
figurative
speech
,
that
may
have
bin
rightly
enough
applied
to
some
excellent
Princes
on
account
of
their
care
and
love
to
their
People
,
resembling
that
of
a
Father
to
his
Children
;
and
can
relate
to
none
but
those
who
had
it
.
No
man
that
had
common
sense
,
or
valued
truth
,
did
ever
call
Phalaris
,
Dionysius
,
Nabis
,
Nero
,
or
Caligula
,
Fathers
of
their
Countries
;
but
Monsters
,
that
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
endeavoured
their
destruction
:
which
is
enough
to
prove
,
that
sacred
Name
cannot
be
given
to
all
,
and
in
consequence
to
none
but
such
,
as
by
their
Virtue
,
Piety
,
and
good
Government
do
deserve
it
.
These
matters
will
yet
appear
more
evident
,
if
it
be
considered
,
that
tho
Noah
had
reigned
as
a
King
;
that
Zoroaster
,
as
some
suppose
,
was
Ham
,
who
reigned
over
his
Children
,
and
that
thereby
some
Right
might
perhaps
be
derived
to
such
as
succeeded
them
;
yet
this
can
have
no
influence
upon
such
as
have
not
the
like
Original
;
and
no
man
is
to
be
presumed
to
have
it
,
till
it
be
proved
,
since
we
have
proved
that
many
had
it
not
.
If
Nimrod
set
himself
up
against
his
Grandfather
,
and
Ninus
,
who
was
descended
from
him
in
the
fifth
generation
,
slew
him
;
they
ill
deserved
the
name
and
rights
of
Fathers
;
and
none
,
but
those
who
have
renounced
all
Humanity
,
Virtue
,
and
common
sense
,
can
give
it
to
them
,
or
their
Successors
.
If
therefore
Noah
and
Shem
had
not
so
much
as
the
shadow
of
Regal
Power
,
and
the
actions
of
Nimrod
,
Ninus
,
and
others
who
were
Kings
in
their
times
,
shew
they
did
not
reign
in
the
right
of
Fathers
,
but
were
set
up
in
a
direct
opposition
to
it
,
the
titles
of
the
first
Kings
were
not
from
Paternity
,
nor
consistent
with
it
.
Our
Author
therefore
,
who
should
have
proved
every
point
,
doth
neither
prove
any
one
,
nor
assert
that
which
is
agreeable
to
divine
or
human
Story
,
as
to
matter
of
fact
;
and
as
little
conformable
to
common
sense
.
It
does
not
only
appear
contrary
to
his
general
Proposition
,
That
all
Governments
have
not
begun
with
the
Paternal
power
;
but
we
do
not
find
that
any
ever
did
.
They
who
according
to
his
rules
should
have
bin
Lords
of
the
whole
Earth
,
lived
and
died
private
men
,
whilst
the
wildest
and
most
boisterous
of
their
Children
commanded
the
greatest
part
of
the
then
inhabited
World
,
not
excepting
even
those
Countries
where
they
spent
and
ended
their
days
;
and
instead
of
entring
upon
the
Government
by
the
right
of
Fathers
,
or
managing
it
as
Fathers
,
they
did
by
the
most
outragious
injustice
usurp
a
violent
Domination
over
their
Brethren
and
Fathers
.
It
may
easily
be
imagined
what
the
Right
is
that
could
be
thus
acquired
,
and
transmitted
to
their
Successors
.
Nevertheless
our
Author
says
,
All
Kings
either
are
,
or
ought
to
be
reputed
next
Heirs
,
&c.
But
why
reputed
,
if
they
were
not
?
How
could
any
of
the
accursed
race
of
Ham
be
reputed
Father
of
Noah
or
Shem
,
to
whom
he
was
to
be
a
Servant
?
How
could
Nimrod
and
Ninus
be
reputed
Fathers
of
Ham
,
and
of
those
whom
they
ought
to
have
obeyed
?
Can
reason
oblige
me
to
believe
that
which
I
know
to
be
false
?
Can
a
Lie
,
that
is
hateful
to
God
and
good
men
,
not
only
be
excused
,
but
enjoyned
,
when
(
as
he
will
perhaps
say
)
it
is
for
the
King's
Service
?
Can
I
serve
two
Masters
,
or
without
the
most
unpardonable
injustice
,
repute
him
to
be
my
Father
,
who
is
not
my
Father
;
and
pay
the
obedience
that
is
due
to
him
who
did
beget
and
educate
me
,
to
one
from
whom
I
never
received
any
good
?
If
this
be
so
absurd
,
that
no
man
dares
affirm
it
in
the
person
of
any
,
't
is
as
preposterous
in
relation
to
his
Heirs
:
For
Nimrod
the
first
King
could
be
Heir
to
no
man
as
King
,
and
could
transmit
to
no
man
a
Right
which
he
had
not
.
If
it
was
ridiculous
and
abominable
to
say
that
he
was
Father
of
Chush
,
Ham
,
Shem
and
Noah
;
't
is
as
ridiculous
to
say
,
he
had
the
Right
of
Father
,
if
he
was
not
their
Father
;
or
that
his
Successors
inherited
it
from
him
,
if
he
never
had
it
.
If
there
be
any
way
through
this
,
it
must
have
accrued
to
him
by
the
extirpation
of
all
his
Elders
,
and
their
Races
;
so
as
he
who
will
assert
this
pretended
Right
to
have
been
in
the
Babylonian
Kings
,
must
assert
,
that
Noah
,
Shem
,
Japhet
,
Ham
,
Chush
,
and
all
Nimrod's
elder
Brothers
,
with
all
their
Descendents
,
were
utterly
extirpated
before
he
began
to
reign
,
and
all
Mankind
to
be
descended
from
him
.
This
must
be
,
if
Nimrod
,
as
the
Scripture
says
,
was
the
first
that
became
mighty
in
the
Earth
;
unless
men
might
be
Kings
,
without
having
more
Power
than
others
;
for
Chush
,
Ham
and
Noah
were
his
Elders
and
Progenitors
in
the
direct
Line
,
and
all
the
Sons
of
Shem
and
Japhet
,
and
their
Descendents
in
the
Collaterals
,
were
to
be
preferred
before
him
;
and
he
could
have
no
Right
at
all
,
that
was
not
directly
contrary
to
those
Principles
which
,
our
Author
says
,
are
grounded
upon
the
eternal
and
indispensable
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
seventy
two
Heads
of
Colonies
,
which
(
following
,
as
I
suppose
,
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
)
he
says
,
went
out
to
people
the
Earth
,
and
whom
he
calls
Kings
:
for
,
according
to
the
same
Rule
,
Noah
,
Shem
and
Japhet
,
with
their
Descendents
,
could
not
be
of
the
number
;
so
that
neither
Nimrod
,
nor
the
others
that
established
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
,
and
from
whence
he
thinks
all
the
rest
to
be
derived
,
could
have
any
thing
of
Justice
in
them
,
unless
it
were
from
a
Root
altogether
inconsistent
with
his
Principles
.
They
are
therefore
false
,
or
the
Establishments
before
mentioned
could
have
no
Right
.
If
they
had
none
,
they
cannot
be
reputed
to
have
any
;
for
no
man
can
think
that
to
be
true
,
which
he
knows
to
be
false
:
having
none
,
they
could
transmit
none
to
their
Heirs
and
Successors
.
And
if
we
are
to
believe
,
that
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Earth
are
established
upon
this
Paternal
Right
;
it
must
be
proved
that
all
those
,
who
in
birth
ought
to
have
bin
preferred
before
Nimrod
,
and
the
seventy
two
were
extirpated
;
or
that
the
first
and
true
Heir
of
Noah
did
afterwards
abolish
all
these
unjust
Usurpations
;
and
making
himself
Master
of
the
whole
,
left
it
to
his
Heirs
,
in
whom
it
continues
to
this
day
.
When
this
is
done
,
I
will
acknowledg
the
Foundation
to
be
well
laid
,
and
admit
of
all
that
can
be
rightly
built
upon
it
;
but
if
this
fails
,
all
fails
:
The
poison
of
the
Root
continues
in
the
Branches
.
If
the
right
Heir
be
not
in
possession
,
he
is
not
the
right
who
is
in
possession
:
If
the
true
Heir
be
known
,
he
ought
to
be
restored
to
his
Right
:
If
he
be
not
known
,
the
Right
must
perish
:
That
cannot
be
said
to
belong
to
any
man
,
if
no
man
knows
to
whom
it
belongs
,
and
can
have
no
more
effect
than
if
it
were
not
.
This
conclusion
will
continue
unmoveable
,
tho
the
division
into
seventy
two
Kingdoms
were
allowed
;
which
cannot
be
without
destroying
the
Paternal
Power
,
or
subjecting
it
to
be
subdivided
into
as
many
parcels
as
there
are
men
,
which
destroys
Regality
;
for
the
same
thing
may
be
required
in
every
one
of
the
distinct
Kingdoms
,
and
others
derived
from
them
.
We
must
know
who
was
that
true
Heir
of
Noah
,
that
recovered
all
:
How
,
when
,
and
to
whom
he
gave
the
several
Portions
;
and
that
every
one
of
them
do
continue
in
the
possession
of
those
,
who
by
this
prerogative
of
birth
are
raised
above
the
rest
of
mankind
;
and
if
they
are
not
,
't
is
an
impious
folly
to
repute
them
so
,
to
the
prejudice
of
those
that
are
;
and
if
they
do
not
appear
,
to
the
prejudice
of
all
mankind
;
who
being
equal
,
are
thereby
made
subject
to
them
.
For
as
Truth
is
the
Rule
of
Justice
;
there
can
be
none
,
when
he
is
reputed
superior
to
all
who
is
certainly
inferior
to
[
In
this
place
two
Pages
are
wanting
in
the
Original
Manuscript
.
]
—
degenerated
from
that
Reason
which
distinguisheth
men
from
beasts
.
Tho
it
may
be
fit
to
use
some
Ceremonies
,
before
a
man
be
admitted
to
practise
Physick
,
or
set
up
a
Trade
,
't
is
his
own
skill
that
makes
him
a
Doctor
or
an
Artificer
,
and
others
do
but
declare
it
.
An
Ass
will
not
leave
his
stupidity
,
tho
he
be
covered
with
Scarlet
;
and
he
that
is
by
nature
a
Slave
,
will
be
so
still
,
tho
a
Crown
be
put
upon
his
Head
:
and
't
is
hard
to
imagine
a
more
violent
inversion
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
than
to
raise
him
to
the
Throne
,
whom
Nature
intended
for
the
Chain
;
or
to
make
them
Slaves
to
Slaves
,
whom
God
hath
endowed
with
the
Vertues
required
in
Kings
.
Nothing
can
be
more
preposterous
,
than
to
impute
to
God
the
frantick
Domination
,
which
is
often
exercised
by
wicked
,
foolish
and
vile
Persons
,
over
the
wise
,
valiant
,
just
and
good
;
or
to
subject
the
best
to
the
rage
of
the
worst
.
If
there
be
any
Family
therefore
in
the
world
,
that
can
by
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
distinct
from
the
Ordinance
of
Man
,
pretend
to
an
hereditary
Right
of
Dominion
over
any
People
,
it
must
be
one
that
never
did
,
and
never
can
produce
any
person
that
is
not
free
from
all
the
Infirmities
and
Vices
that
render
him
unable
to
exercise
the
Sovereign
Power
;
and
is
endowed
with
all
the
Vertues
required
to
that
end
;
or
at
least
a
promise
from
God
,
verified
by
experience
,
that
the
next
in
Blood
shall
ever
be
able
and
fit
for
that
work
.
But
since
we
do
not
know
that
any
such
hath
yet
appeared
in
the
World
,
we
have
no
reason
to
believe
that
there
is
,
or
ever
was
any
such
;
and
consequently
none
upon
whom
God
hath
conferred
the
Rights
that
cannot
be
exercised
without
them
.
If
there
was
no
shadow
of
a
Paternal
Right
in
the
Institution
of
the
Kingdoms
of
Saul
and
David
,
there
could
be
none
in
those
that
succeeded
.
Rehoboam
could
have
no
other
,
than
from
Solomon
:
When
he
reigned
over
two
Tribes
,
and
Jeroboam
over
ten
,
't
is
not
possible
that
both
of
them
could
be
the
next
Heir
of
their
last
common
Father
Jacob
;
and
't
is
absurd
to
say
,
that
ought
to
be
reputed
,
which
is
impossible
:
for
our
thoughts
are
ever
to
be
guided
by
Truth
,
or
such
an
appearance
of
it
,
as
doth
perswade
or
convince
us
.
The
same
Title
of
Father
is
yet
more
ridiculously
or
odiously
applied
to
the
succeeding
Kings
.
Baasha
had
no
other
Title
to
the
Crown
,
than
by
killing
Nadab
the
Son
of
Jeroboam
,
and
destroying
his
Family
.
Zimri
purchased
the
same
honour
by
the
slaughter
of
Elah
when
he
was
drunk
;
and
dealing
with
the
House
of
Baasha
,
as
he
had
done
with
that
of
Jeroboam
.
Zimri
burning
himself
,
transferred
the
same
to
Omri
,
as
a
reward
for
bringing
him
to
that
extremity
.
As
Jehu
was
more
fierce
than
these
,
he
seems
to
have
gained
a
more
excellent
recompence
than
any
since
Jeroboam
,
even
a
conditional
Promise
of
a
perpetual
Kingdom
;
but
falling
from
these
glorious
Privileges
,
purchased
by
his
zeal
in
killing
two
wicked
Kings
,
and
above
one
hundred
of
their
Brethren
,
Shallum
inherited
them
,
by
destroying
Zachary
and
all
that
remained
of
his
Race
.
This
in
plain
English
is
no
less
than
to
say
,
that
whosoever
kills
a
King
,
and
invades
a
Crown
,
tho
the
act
and
means
of
accomplishing
it
be
never
so
detestable
,
dos
thereby
become
Father
of
his
Country
,
and
Heir
of
all
the
divine
Privileges
annexed
to
that
glorious
Inheritance
.
And
tho
I
cannot
tell
whether
such
a
Doctrine
be
more
sottish
,
monstrous
or
impious
,
I
dare
affirm
,
that
if
it
were
received
,
no
King
in
the
World
could
think
himself
safe
in
his
Throne
for
one
day
:
They
are
already
encompassed
with
many
dangers
;
but
lest
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Ambition
,
Lust
,
Rage
,
and
all
the
Vices
that
usually
reign
in
the
hearts
of
worldly
men
,
should
not
be
sufficient
to
invite
them
perpetually
to
disturb
Mankind
,
through
the
desire
of
gaining
the
Power
,
Riches
and
Splendor
that
accompanies
a
Crown
,
our
Author
proposes
to
them
the
most
sacred
Privileges
,
as
a
reward
of
the
most
execrable
Crimes
.
He
that
was
stirred
up
only
by
the
violence
of
his
own
Nature
,
thought
that
a
Kingdom
could
never
be
bought
at
too
dear
a
rate
;
—
Pro
Regno
velim
Patriam
,
Penates
,
conjugem
flammis
dare
:
Imperia
precio
quolibet
constant
bene
.
Senec.
Theb.
But
if
the
sacred
Character
of
God's
Anointed
or
Vicegerent
,
and
Father
of
a
Country
,
were
added
to
the
other
Advantages
that
follow
the
highest
Fortunes
;
the
most
modest
and
just
men
would
be
filled
with
fury
,
that
they
might
attain
to
them
.
Nay
,
it
may
be
,
even
the
best
would
be
the
most
forward
in
conspiring
against
such
as
reigned
:
They
who
could
not
be
tempted
with
external
Pleasures
,
would
be
most
in
love
with
divine
Privileges
;
and
since
they
should
become
the
sacred
Ministers
of
God
,
if
they
succeeded
,
and
Traitors
or
Rogues
only
if
they
miscarried
,
their
only
care
would
be
so
to
lay
their
Designs
,
that
they
might
be
surely
executed
.
This
is
a
Doctrine
worthy
of
Filmer's
Invention
,
and
Heylin's
Approbation
;
which
being
well
weighed
,
will
shew
to
all
good
and
just
Kings
how
far
they
are
obliged
to
those
,
who
under
pretence
of
advancing
their
Authority
,
fill
the
minds
of
men
with
such
Notions
as
are
so
desperately
pernicious
to
them
.
SECT.
XVI
.
The
Antients
chose
those
to
be
Kings
,
who
excelled
in
the
Vertues
that
are
most
beneficial
to
Civil
Societies
.
IF
the
Israelites
,
whose
Lawgiver
was
God
,
had
no
King
in
the
first
Institution
of
their
Government
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
other
Nations
should
not
think
themselves
obliged
to
set
up
any
:
if
they
who
came
all
of
one
stock
,
and
knew
their
Genealogies
,
when
they
did
institute
Kings
,
had
no
regard
to
our
Author
's
Chimerical
right
of
Inheritance
,
nor
were
taught
by
God
or
his
Prophets
to
have
any
;
't
is
not
strange
that
Nations
,
who
did
not
know
their
own
Original
,
and
who
probably
,
if
not
certainly
,
came
of
several
Stocks
,
never
put
themselves
to
the
trouble
of
seeking
one
,
who
by
his
birth
deserved
to
be
preferred
before
others
:
and
if
the
various
Changes
happening
in
all
Kingdoms
(
whereby
in
process
of
time
the
Crowns
were
transported
into
divers
Families
,
to
which
the
Right
of
Inheritance
could
not
without
the
utmost
impiety
and
madness
be
imputed
)
such
a
fancy
certainly
could
only
enter
into
the
heads
of
Fools
;
and
we
know
of
none
so
foolish
to
have
harbour'd
it
.
The
Grecians
,
amongst
others
who
sollowed
the
Light
of
Reason
,
knew
no
other
original
Title
to
the
Government
of
a
Nation
,
than
that
Wisdom
,
Valour
and
Justice
,
which
was
beneficial
to
the
People
.
These
Qualities
gave
beginning
to
those
Governments
,
which
we
call
Heroum
Regna
;
and
the
veneration
paid
to
such
as
enjoyed
them
,
proceeded
from
a
grateful
sense
of
the
good
received
from
them
:
They
were
thought
to
be
descended
from
the
Gods
,
who
in
vertue
and
beneficence
surpassed
other
men
:
The
same
attended
their
Descendents
,
till
they
came
to
abuse
their
Power
,
and
by
their
Vices
shewed
themselves
like
to
,
or
worse
than
others
.
Those
Nations
did
not
seek
the
most
antient
,
but
the
most
worthy
;
and
thought
such
only
worthy
to
be
preferred
before
others
,
who
could
best
perform
their
Duty
.
The
Spartans
knew
that
Hercules
and
Achilles
were
not
their
Fathers
,
for
they
were
a
Nation
before
either
of
them
were
born
;
but
thinking
their
Children
might
be
like
to
them
in
valour
,
they
brought
them
from
Thebes
and
Epirus
to
be
their
Kings
.
If
our
Author
is
of
another
opinion
,
I
desire
to
know
,
whether
the
Heraclidae
,
or
the
AEacidae
were
,
or
ought
to
be
reputed
Fathers
of
the
Lacedemonians
;
for
if
the
one
was
,
the
other
was
not
.
The
same
method
was
followed
in
Italy
;
and
they
who
esteemed
themselves
Aborigines
,
—
Qui
rupto
robore
nati
Compositive
Luto
,
nullos
habuere
parentes
.
Juven.
Sat.
6.
could
not
set
up
one
to
govern
them
under
the
Title
of
Parent
.
They
could
pay
no
veneration
to
any
Man
under
the
name
of
a
common
Father
,
who
thought
they
had
none
;
and
they
who
esteemed
themselves
equal
,
could
have
no
reason
to
prefer
any
one
;
unless
he
were
distinguished
from
others
by
the
Vertues
that
were
beneficial
to
all
.
This
may
be
illustrated
by
matters
of
fact
.
Romulus
and
Remus
,
the
Sons
of
a
Nun
,
constuprated
,
as
is
probable
,
by
a
lusty
Soldier
,
who
was
said
to
be
Mars
,
for
their
vigour
and
valour
were
made
heads
of
a
gathered
People
.
We
know
not
that
ever
they
had
any
Children
;
but
we
are
sure
they
could
not
be
Fathers
of
the
People
that
flocked
to
them
from
several
places
,
nor
in
any
manner
be
reputed
Heirs
of
him
or
them
that
were
so
;
for
they
never
knew
who
was
their
own
Father
;
and
when
their
Mother
came
to
be
discovered
,
they
ought
to
have
bin
Subjects
to
Amulius
or
Numitor
,
when
they
had
slain
him
.
They
could
not
be
his
Heirs
whilst
he
lived
,
and
were
not
when
he
died
:
The
Government
of
the
Latins
continued
at
Alba
,
and
Romulus
reigned
over
those
who
joined
with
him
in
building
Rome
.
The
Power
not
coming
to
him
by
Inheritance
,
must
have
bin
gained
by
Force
,
or
conferred
upon
him
by
Consent
:
It
could
not
be
acquired
by
Force
;
for
one
Man
could
not
force
a
multitude
of
fierce
and
valiant
men
,
as
they
appear
to
have
bin
.
It
must
therefore
have
bin
by
Consent
:
And
when
he
aimed
at
more
Authority
than
they
were
willing
to
allow
,
they
slew
him
.
He
being
dead
,
they
fetched
Numa
from
among
the
Sabines
:
He
was
not
their
Father
,
nor
Heir
to
their
Father
,
but
a
Stranger
;
not
a
Conqueror
,
but
an
unarmed
Philosopher
.
Tullus
Hostilius
had
no
other
Title
:
Ancus
Martius
was
no
way
related
to
such
as
had
reigned
.
The
first
Tarquin
was
the
Son
of
a
banished
Corinthian
.
Servius
Tullus
came
to
Rome
in
the
belly
of
his
captive
Mother
,
and
could
inherit
nothing
but
Chains
from
his
vanquished
Father
.
Tarquin
the
Proud
murdered
him
,
and
first
took
upon
himself
the
Title
of
King
,
sine
jussu
Populi
.
If
this
murder
and
usurpation
be
called
The
Israelites
,
Spartans
,
Romans
and
others
,
who
thus
framed
their
Governments
according
to
their
own
Will
,
did
it
not
by
any
peculiar
Privilege
,
but
by
a
universal
Right
conferred
upon
them
by
God
and
Nature
:
They
were
made
of
no
better
Clay
than
others
:
They
had
no
Right
,
that
dos
not
as
well
belong
to
other
Nations
;
that
is
to
say
,
The
Constitution
of
every
Government
is
referred
to
those
who
are
concerned
in
it
,
and
no
other
has
any
thing
to
do
with
it
.
Yet
if
it
be
asserted
,
that
the
Government
of
Rome
was
Paternal
,
or
they
had
none
at
all
;
I
desire
to
know
,
how
they
came
to
have
six
Fathers
of
several
Families
,
whilst
they
lived
under
Kings
;
and
two
or
more
new
ones
every
Year
afterwards
:
Or
how
they
came
to
be
so
excellent
in
Vertue
and
Fortune
,
as
to
conquer
the
best
part
of
the
World
,
if
they
had
no
Government
.
Hobbes
indeed
doth
scurrilously
deride
Cicero
,
Plato
and
Aristotle
,
Caeterosque
Romanae
&
Graecae
Anarchiae
fautores
.
But
't
is
strange
that
this
Anarchy
,
which
he
resembles
to
a
Chaos
,
full
of
darkness
and
confusion
,
that
can
have
no
strength
or
regular
Action
,
should
overthrow
all
the
Monarchies
that
came
within
their
reach
,
If
(
as
our
Author
says
)
the
best
order
,
greatest
strength
,
and
most
stability
be
in
them
.
It
must
therefore
be
confessed
,
that
these
Governments
are
,
in
their
various
Forms
,
rightly
instituted
by
several
Nations
,
without
any
regard
to
Inheritance
;
or
that
these
Nations
have
had
no
Governments
,
and
were
more
strong
,
vertuous
and
happy
without
Government
,
than
under
it
,
which
is
most
absurd
.
But
if
Governments
arise
from
the
Consent
of
Men
,
and
are
instituted
by
Men
according
to
their
own
Inclinations
,
they
did
therein
seek
their
own
good
;
sor
the
Will
is
ever
drawn
by
some
real
Good
,
or
the
appearance
of
it
.
This
is
that
which
man
seeks
by
all
the
regular
or
irregular
motions
of
his
mind
.
Reason
and
Passion
,
Vertue
and
Vice
do
herein
concur
,
tho
they
differ
vastly
in
the
Objects
,
in
which
each
of
them
thinks
this
Good
to
consist
.
A
People
therefore
that
sets
up
Kings
,
Dictators
,
Consuls
,
Pretors
or
Emperors
,
dos
it
not
,
that
they
may
be
great
,
glorious
,
rich
or
happy
,
but
that
it
may
be
well
with
themselves
and
their
Posterity
.
This
is
not
accomplished
simply
by
setting
one
,
a
few
,
or
more
men
in
the
administration
of
Powers
,
but
by
placing
the
Authority
in
those
who
may
rightly
perform
their
Office
.
This
is
not
every
man's
Work
:
Valour
,
Integrity
,
Wisdom
,
Industry
,
Experience
and
Skill
,
are
required
for
the
management
of
those
Military
and
Civil
Affairs
that
necessarily
fall
under
the
care
of
the
chief
Magistrates
.
He
or
they
therefore
may
reasonably
be
advanced
above
their
Equals
,
who
are
most
fit
to
perform
the
Duties
belonging
to
their
Stations
,
in
order
to
the
publick
Good
,
for
which
they
were
instituted
.
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Catiline
,
Julius
or
Octavius
Caesar
,
and
all
those
who
by
force
or
fraud
usurped
a
Dominion
over
their
Brethren
,
could
have
no
Title
to
this
Right
;
much
less
could
they
become
Fathers
of
the
People
,
by
using
all
the
most
wicked
means
that
could
well
be
imagined
to
destroy
them
;
and
not
being
regularly
chosen
for
their
Vertues
,
or
the
opinion
of
them
,
nor
preferred
on
account
of
any
Prerogative
that
had
bin
from
the
beginning
annexed
to
their
Families
,
they
could
have
no
other
Right
than
Occupation
could
confer
upon
them
.
If
this
can
confer
a
Right
,
there
is
an
end
of
all
Disputes
concerning
the
Laws
of
God
or
Man
.
If
Julius
and
Octavius
Caesar
did
successively
become
Lords
and
Fathers
of
their
Country
,
by
slaughtering
almost
all
the
Senate
,
and
such
Persons
as
were
eminent
for
Nobility
or
Vertue
,
together
with
the
major
part
of
the
People
,
it
cannot
be
denied
,
that
a
Thief
,
who
breaks
into
his
Neighbour's
House
,
and
kills
him
,
is
justly
Master
of
his
Estate
;
and
may
exact
the
same
obedience
from
his
Children
,
that
they
render
to
their
Father
.
If
this
Right
could
be
transferred
to
Tiberius
,
either
through
the
malice
of
Octavius
,
or
the
fraud
of
his
Wise
;
a
wet
Blanket
laid
over
his
face
,
and
a
few
corrupted
Soldiers
could
invest
Caligula
with
the
same
.
A
vile
Rascal
pulling
Claudius
out
by
the
heels
from
behind
the
Hangings
where
he
had
hid
himself
,
could
give
it
to
him
.
A
dish
of
Mushrooms
well
seasoned
by
the
infamous
Strumpet
his
Wife
,
and
a
Potion
prepared
for
Britannicus
by
Locusta
,
could
transfer
it
to
her
Son
,
who
was
a
stranger
to
his
Blood
.
Galba
became
Heir
to
it
,
by
driving
Nero
to
despair
and
death
.
Two
common
Soldiers
by
exciting
his
Guards
to
kill
him
,
could
give
a
just
Title
to
the
Empire
of
the
World
to
Otho
,
who
was
thought
to
be
the
worst
man
in
it
.
If
a
Company
of
Villains
in
the
German
Army
,
thinking
it
as
fit
for
them
as
others
,
to
create
a
Father
of
Mankind
,
could
confer
the
Dignity
upon
Vitellius
;
and
if
Vespasian
,
causing
him
to
be
killed
,
and
thrown
into
a
Jakes
less
impure
than
his
Life
,
did
inherit
all
the
glorious
and
sacred
Privileges
belonging
to
that
Title
,
't
is
in
vain
to
inquire
after
any
man's
right
to
any
thing
.
If
there
be
such
a
thing
as
Right
or
Wrong
to
be
examined
by
men
,
and
any
Rules
set
,
whereby
the
one
may
be
distinguished
from
the
other
;
these
Extravagancies
can
have
no
effect
of
Right
.
Such
as
commit
them
,
are
not
to
be
looked
upon
as
Fathers
;
but
as
the
most
mortal
Enemies
of
their
respective
Countries
.
No
Right
is
to
be
acknowledged
in
any
,
but
such
as
is
conferred
upon
them
by
those
who
have
the
right
of
conferring
,
and
are
concerned
in
the
exercise
of
the
Power
,
upon
such
conditions
as
best
please
themselves
.
No
obedience
can
be
due
to
him
or
them
,
who
have
not
a
right
of
commanding
.
This
cannot
reasonably
be
conferred
upon
any
,
that
are
not
esteemed
willing
and
able
rightly
to
execute
it
.
This
ability
to
perform
the
highest
Works
that
come
within
the
reach
of
Men
;
and
integrity
of
Will
not
to
be
diverted
from
it
by
any
temptation
,
or
consideration
of
private
Advantages
,
comprehending
all
that
is
most
commendable
in
man
;
we
may
easily
see
,
that
whensoever
men
act
according
to
the
Law
of
their
own
Nature
,
which
is
Reason
,
they
can
have
no
other
rule
to
direct
them
in
advancing
one
above
another
,
than
the
opinion
of
a
man's
Vertue
and
Ability
,
best
to
perform
the
Duty
incumbent
upon
him
;
that
is
,
by
all
means
to
procure
the
good
of
the
People
committed
to
his
charge
.
He
is
only
fit
to
conduct
a
Ship
,
who
understands
the
Art
of
a
Pilot
:
When
we
are
sick
,
we
seek
the
assistance
of
such
as
are
best
skill'd
in
Physick
:
The
Command
of
an
Army
is
prudently
conferred
upon
him
that
hath
most
Industry
,
Skill
,
Experience
and
Valour
:
In
like
manner
,
He
only
can
,
according
to
the
rules
of
Nature
,
be
advanced
to
the
Dignities
of
the
World
,
who
excels
in
the
Vertues
required
for
the
performance
of
the
Duties
annexed
to
them
;
for
he
only
can
answer
the
end
of
his
Institution
.
The
Law
of
every
instituted
Power
,
is
to
accomplish
the
end
of
its
Institution
,
as
Creatures
are
to
do
the
Will
of
their
Creator
,
and
in
deflecting
from
it
,
overthrow
their
own
being
.
Magistrates
are
distinguished
from
other
men
,
by
the
Power
with
which
the
Law
invests
them
for
the
publick
Good
:
He
that
cannot
or
will
not
procure
that
Good
,
destroys
his
own
being
,
and
becomes
like
to
other
men
.
In
matters
of
the
greatest
importance
,
Detur
digniori
is
the
Voice
of
Nature
;
all
her
most
sacred
Laws
are
perverted
,
if
this
be
not
observed
in
the
disposition
of
the
Governments
of
mankind
:
But
all
is
neglected
and
violated
,
if
they
are
not
put
into
the
hands
of
such
as
excel
in
all
manner
of
Vertues
;
for
they
only
are
worthy
of
them
,
and
they
only
can
have
a
right
who
are
worthy
,
because
they
only
can
perform
the
end
for
which
they
are
instituted
.
This
may
seem
strange
to
those
,
who
have
their
heads
infected
with
Filmer's
whimseys
;
but
to
others
,
so
certainly
grounded
upon
Truth
,
that
[
*
](A60214-e6130-b)
*
La
razon
es
porque
siempre
se
ha
de
tener
respeto
al
fin
y
causa
final
,
por
el
qual
,
el
tal
supremo
y
universal
Sennor
se
les
pone
,
que
es
su
bien
y
utilitad
;
y
a
que
no
se
le
convierte
el
tal
supremo
Sennorio
in
danno
,
pernicie
y
destruycion
.
Porque
si
assi
fuesse
,
no
ay
que
dudar
,
que
non
desde
entonees
inclusivamente
serîa
injusto
,
Tyrannico
y
iniquo
tal
Sennorio
,
come
mas
se
enderezasse
al
proprio
interesse
y
provecho
del
Sennor
,
que
al
bien
y
utilitad
comun
de
los
subditos
;
lo
qual
de
la
razon
natural
y
de
todas
las
Leyes
humanas
y
divinas
es
abhorrecido
y
abhorrexible
.
Bar.
de
las
Casas
.
dester
.
de
las
Indias
,
pag.
111.
Bartholomew
de
las
Casas
Bishop
of
Chiapa
,
in
a
Treatise
written
by
him
,
and
dedicated
to
the
Emperor
Charles
the
5th
,
concerning
the
Indies
,
makes
it
the
foundation
of
all
his
Discourse
,
That
notwithstanding
his
grant
of
all
those
Countries
from
the
Pope
,
and
his
pretentions
to
Conquest
,
he
could
have
no
right
over
any
of
those
Nations
,
unless
he
did
in
the
first
place
,
as
the
principal
end
,
regard
their
Good
:
The
reason
,
says
he
,
is
,
that
regard
is
to
be
had
to
the
principal
End
and
Cause
,
for
which
a
supreme
or
universal
Lord
is
set
over
them
,
which
is
their
good
and
profit
,
and
not
that
it
should
turn
to
their
destruction
and
ruin
;
for
if
that
should
be
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
from
thence
forward
,
that
Power
would
be
tyrannical
and
unjust
,
as
tending
more
to
the
interest
and
profit
of
that
Lord
,
than
to
the
publick
good
and
profit
of
the
Subjects
;
which
,
according
to
natural
Reason
,
and
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
is
abhorred
,
and
deserves
to
be
abhorred
.
And
in
another
place
speaking
of
the
Governors
,
who
,
abusing
their
Power
,
brought
many
troubles
and
vexations
upon
the
Indians
;
he
says
,
[
†
](A60214-e6210-b)
†
El
yugo
y
governacion
de
Vuestra
Magestad
importable
,
Tirannico
y
degno
de
todo
abhorrecimento
.
Pag.
167.
They
had
rendred
his
Majesty's
Government
intolerable
,
and
his
Yoak
insupportable
,
tyrannical
,
and
most
justly
abhorred
.
I
do
not
alledg
this
through
an
opinion
,
that
a
Spanish
Bishop
is
of
more
Authority
than
another
man
;
but
to
shew
,
that
these
are
common
Notions
agreed
by
all
mankind
;
and
that
the
greatest
Monarchs
do
neither
refuse
to
hear
them
,
or
to
regulate
themselves
according
to
them
,
till
they
renounce
common
sense
,
and
degenerate
into
Beasts
.
But
if
that
Government
be
unreasonable
,
and
abhorred
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
which
is
not
instituted
for
the
good
of
those
that
live
under
it
;
and
an
Empire
,
grounded
upon
the
Donation
of
the
Pope
,
which
amongst
those
of
the
Roman
Religion
is
of
great
importance
,
and
an
entire
conquest
of
the
People
,
with
whom
there
had
been
no
former
Compact
,
do
degenerate
into
a
most
unjust
and
detestable
Tyranny
,
so
soon
as
the
supreme
Lord
begins
to
prefer
his
own
interest
or
profit
,
before
the
good
of
his
Subjects
;
what
shall
we
say
of
those
who
pretend
to
a
right
of
Dominion
over
free
Nations
,
as
inseparably
united
to
their
Persons
,
without
distinction
of
Age
or
Sex
,
or
the
least
consideration
of
their
Infirmities
and
Vices
;
as
if
they
were
not
placed
in
the
Throne
for
the
good
of
their
People
,
but
to
enjoy
the
Honours
and
Pleasures
that
attend
the
highest
Fortune
?
What
name
can
be
fit
for
those
,
who
have
no
other
Title
to
the
places
they
possess
,
than
the
most
unjust
and
violent
Usurpation
,
or
being
descended
from
those
,
who
for
their
Vertues
were
,
by
the
Peoples
consent
,
duly
advanced
to
the
exercise
of
a
legitimate
Power
;
and
having
sworn
to
administer
it
,
according
to
the
Conditions
upon
which
it
was
given
,
for
the
good
of
those
who
gave
it
,
turn
all
to
their
own
Pleasure
and
Profit
,
without
any
care
of
the
Publick
?
These
may
be
liable
to
hard
Censures
;
but
those
who
use
them
most
gently
,
must
confess
,
that
such
an
extreme
deviation
from
the
end
of
their
Institution
,
annuls
it
;
and
the
Wound
thereby
given
to
the
natural
and
original
Rights
of
those
Nations
cannot
be
cured
,
unless
they
resume
the
Liberties
,
of
which
they
have
bin
deprived
,
and
return
to
the
antient
Custom
of
chusing
those
to
be
Magistrates
,
who
for
their
Vertues
best
deserve
to
be
preferred
before
their
Brethren
,
and
are
endowed
with
those
Qualities
that
best
enable
men
to
perform
the
great
end
of
providing
for
the
Publick
Safety
.
SECT.
XVII
.
God
having
given
the
Government
of
the
World
to
no
one
Man
,
nor
declared
how
it
should
be
divided
,
left
it
to
the
Will
of
Man
.
OUR
Author's
next
Inquiry
is
,
What
becomes
of
the
Right
of
Fatherhood
,
in
case
the
Crown
should
escheat
for
want
of
an
Heir
?
Whether
it
doth
not
escheat
to
the
People
?
His
answer
is
,
'T
is
but
the
negligence
or
ignorance
of
the
People
,
to
lose
the
knowledg
of
the
true
Heir
,
&c.
And
a
little
below
,
The
Power
is
not
devolved
to
the
Multitude
:
No
;
the
Kingly
Power
escheats
on
independent
Heads
of
Families
:
All
such
prime
Heads
have
Power
to
consent
in
the
uniting
,
or
conferring
their
Fatherly
Right
of
Sovereign
Authority
on
whom
they
please
;
and
he
that
is
so
elected
,
claims
not
his
Power
as
a
Donative
from
the
People
,
but
as
being
substituted
by
God
,
from
whom
he
receives
his
Royal
Charter
of
Vniversal
Father
,
&c.
In
my
opinion
,
before
he
had
asked
,
What
should
be
done
in
case
the
Crown
should
escheat
for
want
of
an
Heir
?
he
ought
to
have
proved
,
there
had
bin
a
Man
in
the
world
,
who
had
the
Right
in
himself
,
and
telling
who
he
was
,
have
shewed
how
it
had
bin
transmitted
for
some
Generations
,
that
we
might
know
where
to
seek
his
Heir
;
and
before
he
accused
the
Multitude
of
ignorance
or
negligence
,
in
not
knowing
this
Heir
,
he
ought
to
have
informed
us
,
how
it
may
be
possible
to
know
him
,
or
wh●t
it
would
avail
us
if
we
did
know
him
,
for
't
is
in
vain
to
know
to
whom
a
Right
belongs
,
that
never
was
,
and
never
can
be
executed
.
But
we
may
go
farther
,
and
affirm
,
that
as
the
Universal
Right
must
have
bin
in
Noah
and
Shem
(
if
in
any
)
who
never
exercised
it
;
we
have
reason
to
believe
there
never
was
any
such
thing
:
And
having
proved
from
Scripture
and
Human
History
,
That
the
first
Kingdoms
were
set
up
in
a
direct
opposition
to
this
Right
,
by
Nimrod
and
others
,
he
that
should
seek
and
find
their
Heirs
,
would
only
find
those
,
who
by
a
most
accursed
Wickedness
,
had
usurped
and
continued
a
Dominion
over
their
Fathers
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
;
and
we
should
neither
be
more
wise
,
nor
more
happy
than
we
are
,
tho
our
Author
should
furnish
us
with
certain
and
authentick
Genealogies
,
by
which
we
might
know
the
true
Heirs
of
Nimrod
,
and
the
seventy
two
Kings
that
went
from
Babylon
,
who
,
as
he
supposes
,
gave
beginning
to
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Earth
.
Moreover
,
if
the
Right
be
Universal
,
it
must
be
in
one
;
for
the
Univers
being
but
one
,
the
whole
Right
of
commanding
it
cannot
at
the
same
time
be
in
many
,
and
proceed
from
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
or
of
Man
.
It
cannot
proceed
from
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
for
he
doth
nothing
in
vain
:
He
never
gave
a
Right
that
could
not
be
executed
:
No
man
can
govern
that
which
he
dos
not
so
much
as
know
:
No
man
did
ever
know
all
the
World
;
no
man
therefore
did
or
could
govern
it
:
and
none
could
be
appointed
by
God
to
do
that
which
is
absolutely
impossible
to
be
done
;
for
it
could
not
consist
with
his
Wisdom
.
We
find
this
in
our selves
.
It
were
a
shame
for
one
of
us
poor
,
weak
,
short
sighted
Creatures
,
in
the
disposal
of
our
Affairs
,
to
appoint
such
a
method
,
as
were
utterly
ineffectual
for
the
preservation
of
our
Families
,
or
destructive
to
them
;
and
the
blasphemy
of
imputing
to
God
such
an
Ordinance
,
as
would
be
a
Reproach
to
one
of
us
,
can
sute
only
with
the
wicked
and
impudent
Fury
of
such
as
our
Author
,
who
delights
in
Monsters
.
This
also
shews
us
that
it
cannot
be
from
Men
:
One
,
or
a
few
,
may
commit
Follies
,
but
mankind
dos
not
universally
commit
,
and
perpetually
persist
in
any
:
They
cannot
therefore
,
by
a
general
and
permanent
Authority
,
enact
that
which
is
utterly
absurd
and
impossible
;
or
if
they
do
,
they
destroy
their
own
Nature
,
and
can
no
longer
deserve
the
name
of
reasonable
Creatures
.
There
can
be
therefore
no
such
man
,
and
the
folly
of
seeking
him
,
or
his
Heir
that
never
was
,
may
be
left
to
the
Disciples
of
Filmer
.
The
Difficulties
are
as
great
,
if
it
be
said
,
The
World
might
be
divided
into
parcels
,
and
we
are
to
seek
the
Heirs
of
the
first
Possessors
;
for
besides
that
no
man
can
be
obliged
to
seek
that
which
cannot
be
found
,
(
all
men
knowing
that
Caliginosa
nocte
haec
premit
Deus
)
and
that
the
Genealogies
of
mankind
are
so
confused
,
that
,
unless
possibly
among
the
Jews
,
we
have
reason
to
believe
there
is
not
a
man
in
the
world
,
who
knows
his
own
Original
,
it
could
be
of
no
advantage
to
us
tho
we
knew
that
of
every
one
;
for
the
Division
would
be
of
no
value
,
unless
it
were
at
the
first
rightly
made
by
him
who
had
all
the
Authority
in
himself
,
(
which
dos
no
where
appear
)
and
rightly
deduced
to
him
,
who
,
according
to
that
division
,
claims
a
right
to
the
parcel
he
enjoys
;
and
I
fear
our
Author
would
terribly
shake
the
Crowns
,
in
which
the
Nations
of
Europe
are
concerned
,
if
they
should
be
perswaded
to
search
into
the
Genealogies
of
their
Princes
,
and
to
judg
of
their
Rights
according
to
the
proofs
they
should
give
of
Titles
rightly
deduced
by
succession
of
Blood
from
the
seventy
two
first
Kings
,
from
whom
our
Author
fancies
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
to
be
derived
.
Besides
,
tho
this
were
done
,
it
would
be
to
no
purpose
:
for
the
seventy
two
were
not
sent
out
by
Noah
,
nor
was
he
or
his
Sons
of
that
number
;
but
they
went
or
were
sent
from
Babylon
where
Nimrod
reigned
,
who
,
as
has
bin
already
proved
,
neither
had
,
nor
could
have
any
right
at
all
;
but
was
a
mighty
Hunter
,
even
a
proud
and
cruel
Tyrant
,
usurping
a
power
to
which
he
had
no
right
,
and
which
was
perpetually
exercised
by
him
and
his
Successors
against
God
and
his
People
,
from
whence
I
may
sasely
conclude
,
That
no
right
can
ever
be
derived
;
and
may
justly
presume
it
will
be
denied
by
none
who
are
of
better
Morals
,
and
of
more
sound
principles
in
matters
of
Law
and
Religion
than
Filmer
and
Heylin
;
since
't
is
no
less
absurd
to
deduce
a
right
from
him
that
had
none
,
than
to
expect
pure
and
wholsom
Waters
from
a
filthy
,
polluted
,
and
poisonous
Fountain
.
If
it
be
pretended
that
some
other
man
since
Noah
had
this
universal
Right
,
it
must
either
remain
in
one
single
person
,
as
his
right
Heir
,
or
be
divided
.
If
in
one
,
I
desire
to
know
who
he
is
,
and
where
we
may
find
him
,
that
the
Empire
of
the
World
may
be
delivered
to
him
:
But
if
he
cannot
be
found
,
the
business
is
at
an
end
;
for
every
man
in
the
World
may
pretend
himself
to
be
the
person
;
and
the
infinite
controversies
arising
thereupon
can
never
be
decided
,
unless
either
the
Genealogies
of
every
one
from
Noah
were
extant
and
proved
,
or
we
had
a
Word
from
Heaven
,
with
a
sufficient
testimony
of
his
mission
who
announceth
it
.
When
this
is
done
,
't
will
be
time
to
consider
what
kind
of
obedience
is
due
to
this
wonderfully
happy
and
glorious
Person
.
But
whilst
the
first
appears
to
be
absolutely
impossible
,
and
we
have
no
promise
or
reason
to
expect
the
other
,
the
proposition
is
to
be
esteemed
one
of
our
Author
's
empty
whimseys
,
which
cannot
be
received
by
mankind
,
unless
they
come
all
to
be
possessed
with
an
Epidemical
madness
,
which
would
cast
them
into
that
which
Hobbs
calls
Bellum
omnium
contra
omnes
;
when
every
Man's
Sword
would
be
drawn
against
every
man
,
and
every
man
's
against
him
,
if
God
should
so
abandon
the
World
to
suffer
them
to
fall
into
such
misery
.
If
this
pretended
right
be
divided
,
it
concerns
us
to
know
by
whom
,
when
,
how
,
and
to
whom
:
for
the
division
cannot
be
of
any
value
,
unless
the
right
was
originally
in
one
;
that
he
did
exercise
this
right
in
making
the
division
;
that
the
parcels
into
which
the
World
is
divided
are
according
to
the
allotment
that
was
made
;
and
that
the
persons
claiming
them
by
virtue
of
it
are
the
true
Heirs
of
those
to
whom
they
were
first
granted
.
Many
other
difficulties
may
be
alledged
no
less
inextricable
than
these
;
but
this
seeming
sufficient
for
the
present
,
I
shall
not
trouble
my self
with
more
,
promising
that
when
they
shall
be
removed
I
will
propose
others
,
or
consessing
my
errors
,
yield
up
the
cause
.
But
if
the
Dominion
of
the
whole
World
cannot
belong
to
any
one
man
,
and
every
one
have
an
equal
title
to
that
which
should
give
it
;
or
if
it
did
belong
to
one
,
none
did
ever
exercise
it
in
governing
the
whole
,
or
dividing
it
;
or
if
he
did
divide
it
,
no
man
knows
how
,
when
,
and
to
whom
;
so
that
they
who
lay
claim
to
any
parcels
can
give
no
testimony
of
that
division
,
nor
shew
any
better
title
than
other
men
derived
from
his
first
progenitor
,
to
whom
't
is
said
to
have
bin
granted
;
and
that
we
have
neither
a
Word
,
nor
the
promise
of
a
Word
from
God
to
decide
the
controversies
arising
thereupon
,
nor
any
Prophet
giving
testimony
of
his
mission
that
takes
upon
him
to
do
it
,
the
whole
Fabrick
of
our
Author
's
Patriarchical
Dominion
falls
to
the
ground
;
and
they
who
propose
these
Doctrines
,
which
(
if
they
were
received
)
would
be
a
root
of
perpetual
and
irreconcilable
hatred
in
every
man
against
every
man
,
can
be
accounted
no
less
than
Ministers
of
the
Devil
,
tho
they
want
the
abilities
he
has
sometimes
insused
into
those
who
have
bin
imploy'd
upon
the
like
occasions
.
And
we
may
justly
conclude
that
God
having
never
given
the
whole
World
to
be
governed
by
one
man
,
nor
prescribed
any
rule
for
the
division
of
it
;
nor
declared
where
the
right
of
dividing
or
subdividing
that
which
every
man
has
should
terminate
;
we
may
safely
affirm
that
the
whole
is
for
ever
left
to
the
will
and
discretion
of
man
:
We
may
enter
into
,
form
,
and
continue
in
greater
or
lesser
Societies
,
as
best
pleases
our selves
:
The
right
of
Paternity
as
to
Dominion
is
at
an
end
,
and
no
more
remains
,
but
the
love
,
veneration
,
and
obedience
,
which
proceeding
from
a
due
sense
of
the
benefits
of
Birth
and
Education
,
have
their
root
in
Gratitude
,
and
are
esteemed
sacred
and
inviolable
by
all
that
are
sober
and
vertuous
.
And
as
't
is
impossible
to
transfer
these
benefits
by
inheritance
,
so
't
is
impossible
to
transfer
the
rights
arising
from
them
.
No
man
can
be
my
Father
but
he
that
did
beget
me
;
and
't
is
as
absurd
to
say
I
owe
that
Duty
to
one
who
is
not
my
Father
,
which
I
owe
to
my
Father
,
as
to
say
,
he
did
beget
me
,
who
did
not
beget
me
;
for
the
obligation
that
arises
from
benefits
can
only
be
to
him
that
conferred
them
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
the
same
is
due
to
his
Heir
;
for
that
can
take
place
only
when
he
has
but
one
,
which
in
this
case
signifies
nothing
:
For
if
I
being
the
only
Son
of
my
Father
,
inherit
his
Right
,
and
have
the
same
power
over
my
Children
as
he
had
over
me
;
if
I
had
one
hundred
Brothers
,
they
must
all
inherit
the
same
;
and
the
Law
of
England
,
which
acknowledges
one
only
Heir
,
is
not
general
,
but
municipal
,
and
is
so
far
from
being
general
,
as
the
precept
of
God
and
Nature
,
that
I
doubt
whether
it
was
ever
known
or
used
in
any
Nation
of
the
World
beyond
our
Island
.
The
words
of
the
Apostle
,
If
we
are
Children
,
we
are
therefore
Heirs
and
Co-heirs
with
Christ
,
are
the
voice
of
God
and
Nature
;
and
as
the
universal
Law
of
God
and
Nature
is
always
the
same
,
every
one
of
us
who
have
Children
have
the
same
Right
over
them
,
as
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
and
Jacob
had
over
theirs
;
and
that
Right
which
was
not
devolved
to
any
one
of
them
,
but
inherited
by
them
all
(
I
mean
the
right
of
Father
as
Father
)
not
the
peculiar
promises
,
which
were
not
according
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
but
the
election
of
Grace
,
is
also
inherited
by
every
one
of
us
,
and
ours
,
that
is
,
by
all
Mankind
.
But
if
that
which
could
be
inherited
was
inherited
by
all
,
and
it
be
impossible
that
a
right
of
Dominion
over
all
can
be
due
to
every
one
,
then
all
that
is
or
can
be
inherited
by
every
one
is
that
exemption
from
the
Dominion
of
another
,
which
we
call
Liberty
,
and
is
the
gift
of
God
and
Nature
.
SECT.
XVIII
.
If
a
right
of
Dominion
were
esteemed
Hereditary
according
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
a
multitude
of
destructive
and
inextricable
Controversies
would
thereupon
arise
.
THere
being
no
such
thing
therefore
,
according
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
as
an
Hereditary
Right
to
the
Dominion
of
the
World
,
or
any
part
of
it
;
nor
one
man
that
can
derive
to
himself
a
title
from
the
first
Fathers
of
Mankind
,
by
which
he
can
rightly
pretend
to
be
preferred
before
others
to
that
command
,
or
a
part
of
it
,
and
none
can
be
derived
from
Nimrod
,
or
other
Usurpers
,
who
had
none
in
themselves
;
we
may
justly
spare
our
pains
of
seeking
farther
into
that
matter
.
But
as
things
of
the
highest
importance
can
never
be
too
fully
explained
;
it
may
not
be
amiss
to
observe
,
That
if
Mankind
could
be
brought
to
believe
that
such
a
right
of
Dominion
were
by
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
hereditary
,
a
great
number
of
the
most
destructive
and
inextricable
Controversies
must
thereupon
arise
,
which
the
wisdom
and
goodness
of
God
can
never
enjoin
,
and
Nature
,
which
is
reason
,
can
never
intend
;
but
at
present
I
shall
only
mention
two
,
from
whence
others
must
perpetually
spring
.
First
if
there
be
such
a
Law
,
no
Human
Constitution
can
alter
it
:
No
length
of
time
can
be
a
defence
against
it
:
All
Governments
that
are
not
conformable
to
it
are
vicious
and
void
even
in
their
root
,
and
must
be
so
for
ever
:
That
which
is
originally
unjust
may
be
justly
overthrown
.
We
do
not
know
of
any
(
at
least
in
that
part
of
the
World
in
which
we
are
most
concerned
)
that
is
established
,
or
exercised
with
an
absolute
power
,
as
by
the
Authors
of
those
opinions
is
esteemed
inseparable
from
it
:
Many
,
as
the
Empire
,
and
other
States
,
are
directly
contrary
;
and
on
that
account
can
have
no
justice
in
them
.
It
being
certain
therefore
that
he
or
they
who
exercise
those
Governments
have
no
right
:
that
there
is
a
Man
to
whom
it
doth
belong
,
and
no
man
knowing
who
he
is
,
there
is
no
one
man
who
has
not
as
good
a
title
to
it
as
any
other
:
There
is
not
therefore
one
who
hath
not
a
right
,
as
well
as
any
,
to
overthrow
that
which
hath
none
at
all
.
He
that
hath
no
part
in
the
Government
may
destroy
it
as
well
as
he
that
has
the
greatest
;
for
he
neither
has
that
which
God
ordained
he
should
have
,
nor
can
shew
a
title
to
that
which
he
enjoys
from
that
original
Prerogative
of
Birth
,
from
whence
it
can
only
be
derived
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
some
Governments
are
arbitrary
,
as
they
ought
to
be
,
and
France
,
Turky
,
and
the
like
be
alledged
as
instances
,
the
matter
is
not
mended
:
for
we
do
not
only
know
when
those
,
who
deserve
to
be
regarded
by
us
,
were
not
absolute
,
and
how
they
came
to
be
so
;
but
also
,
that
those
very
Families
which
are
now
in
possession
are
not
of
very
long
continuance
,
had
no
more
title
to
the
original
right
we
speak
of
than
any
other
men
,
and
consequently
can
have
none
to
this
day
.
And
tho
we
cannot
perhaps
say
that
the
Governments
of
the
barbarous
Eastern
Nations
were
ever
other
than
they
are
,
yet
the
known
Original
of
them
deprives
them
of
all
pretence
to
the
Patriarchical
Inheritance
,
and
they
may
be
as
justly
as
any
other
deprived
of
the
Power
to
which
they
have
no
title
.
In
the
second
place
,
tho
all
mens
Genealogies
were
extant
,
and
fully
verified
,
and
it
were
allowed
that
the
Dominion
of
the
World
,
or
every
part
of
it
did
belong
to
the
right
Heir
of
the
first
Progenitor
,
or
any
other
to
whom
the
first
did
rightly
assign
the
parcel
,
which
is
under
question
;
yet
it
were
impossible
for
us
to
know
who
should
be
esteemed
the
true
Heir
,
or
according
to
what
rule
he
should
be
judged
so
to
be
:
for
God
hath
not
by
a
precise
word
determined
it
,
and
Men
cannot
agree
about
it
,
as
appears
by
the
various
Laws
and
Customs
of
several
Nations
,
disposing
severally
of
Hereditary
Dominions
.
'T
is
a
folly
to
say
,
they
ought
to
go
to
the
next
in
blood
;
for
't
is
not
known
who
is
that
next
.
Some
give
the
preference
to
him
who
amongst
many
Competitors
is
the
sewest
degrees
removed
from
their
common
Progenitor
who
first
obtained
the
Crown
:
Others
look
only
upon
the
last
that
possessed
it
.
Some
admit
of
representation
,
by
which
means
the
Grandchild
of
a
King
by
his
eldest
Son
,
is
preferred
before
his
second
Son
,
he
being
said
to
represent
his
dead
Father
,
who
was
the
eldest
:
Others
exclude
these
,
and
advance
the
younger
Son
,
who
is
nearer
by
one
degree
to
the
common
Progenitor
that
last
enjoyed
the
Crown
than
the
Grandchild
.
According
to
the
first
rule
,
Richard
the
second
was
advanced
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
as
Son
of
the
eldest
Son
of
Edward
the
third
,
before
his
Uncles
,
who
by
one
degree
were
nearer
to
the
last
Possessor
:
And
in
pursuance
of
the
second
,
Sancho
sirnamed
the
Brave
,
second
Son
of
Alphonso
the
Wise
,
King
of
Castile
,
was
preferred
before
Alphonso
Son
of
Ferdinand
his
elder
Brother
,
according
to
the
Law
of
Thanestry
,
which
was
in
sorce
in
Spain
ever
since
we
have
had
any
knowledg
of
that
Country
,
as
appears
by
the
contest
between
Corbis
and
Orsua
,
decided
by
Combat
before
Stipio
Africanus
;
continued
in
full
force
as
long
as
the
Kingdom
of
the
Goths
lasted
,
and
was
ever
highly
valued
,
till
the
House
of
Austria
got
possession
of
that
Country
,
and
introduced
Laws
and
Customs
formerly
unknown
to
the
Inhabitants
.
The
Histories
of
all
Nations
furnish
us
with
innumerable
Examples
of
both
sorts
;
and
whosoever
takes
upon
him
to
determine
which
side
is
in
the
right
,
ought
to
shew
by
what
authority
he
undertakes
to
be
the
Judg
of
Mankind
,
and
how
the
infinite
breaches
thereby
made
upon
the
rights
of
the
governing
Families
shall
be
cured
,
without
the
overthrow
of
those
that
he
shall
condemn
,
and
of
the
Nations
where
such
Laws
have
bin
in
sorce
as
he
dislikes
:
and
till
that
be
done
,
in
my
opinion
,
no
place
will
afford
a
better
lodging
for
him
that
shall
impudently
assume
such
a
Power
,
than
the
new
buildings
in
Moor-Fields
.
'T
is
no
less
hard
to
decide
whether
this
next
Heir
is
to
be
sought
in
the
Male
line
only
,
or
whether
Females
also
be
admitted
.
If
we
follow
the
first
as
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
the
title
of
our
English
Kings
is
wholly
abolished
;
for
not
one
of
them
since
Henry
the
1st
has
had
the
least
pretence
to
an
inheritance
by
the
masculine
Line
;
and
if
it
were
necessary
,
we
have
enough
to
say
of
those
that
were
before
them
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
the
same
Right
belongs
to
Females
,
it
ought
to
be
proved
that
Women
are
as
fit
as
Men
to
perform
the
Office
of
a
King
,
that
is
,
as
the
Israelites
said
to
Samuel
,
to
go
in
and
out
before
us
,
to
judg
us
,
and
to
fight
our
Battels
;
for
it
were
an
impious
folly
to
say
that
God
had
ordained
those
for
the
Offices
on
which
the
good
of
Mankind
so
much
depends
,
who
by
nature
are
unable
to
perform
the
duties
of
them
.
If
on
the
other
side
,
the
sweetness
,
gentleness
,
delicacy
,
and
tenderness
of
the
Sex
render
them
so
unfit
for
manly
exercises
,
that
they
are
accounted
utterly
repugnant
to
,
and
inconsistent
with
that
modesty
which
does
so
eminently
shine
in
all
those
that
are
good
amongst
them
;
that
Law
of
Nature
which
should
advance
them
to
the
Government
of
Men
,
would
overthrow
its
own
work
,
and
make
those
to
be
the
heads
of
Nations
,
which
cannot
be
the
heads
of
private
Families
;
for
,
as
the
Apostle
says
,
The
Woman
is
not
the
head
of
the
Man
,
but
the
Man
is
the
head
of
the
Woman
.
This
were
no
less
than
to
oblige
Mankind
to
lay
aside
the
name
of
reasonable
Creature
:
for
if
Reason
be
his
Nature
,
it
cannot
enjoin
that
which
is
contrary
to
it self
;
if
it
be
not
,
the
definition
Homo
est
animal
rationale
,
is
false
,
and
ought
no
longer
to
be
assumed
.
If
any
man
think
these
Arguments
to
be
mistaken
or
misapplied
,
I
desire
him
to
enquire
of
the
French
Nation
on
what
account
they
have
always
excluded
Females
,
and
such
as
descended
from
them
?
How
comes
the
House
of
Bourbon
to
be
advanced
to
the
Throne
before
a
great
number
of
Families
that
come
from
the
Daughters
of
the
House
of
Valois
?
Or
what
title
those
could
have
before
the
Daughters
of
the
other
Lines
,
descended
from
Hugh
Capet
,
Pepin
,
Meroveus
,
or
Pharamond
?
I
know
not
how
such
questions
would
be
received
;
but
I
am
inclined
to
think
that
the
wickedness
and
folly
of
those
who
should
thereby
endeavour
to
overthrow
the
most
antient
and
most
venerated
Constitutions
of
the
greatest
Nations
,
and
by
that
means
to
involve
them
in
the
most
inextricable
difficulties
,
would
be
requited
only
with
Stones
.
It
cannot
be
denied
that
the
most
valiant
,
wise
,
learned
,
and
best
polished
Nations
have
always
followed
the
same
rule
,
tho
the
[
*
](A60214-e6960-b)
*
Reginarumque
sub
armis
Barbaries
pars
magna
jacet
.
Lucan
.
Phars
.
weak
and
barbarous
acted
otherwise
;
and
no
man
ever
heard
of
a
Queen
,
or
a
man
deriving
his
title
from
a
Female
among
the
antient
civilized
Nations
:
but
if
this
be
not
enough
,
the
Law
of
God
,
that
wholly
omits
Females
,
is
sufficient
to
shew
that
Nature
,
which
is
his
Handmaid
,
cannot
advance
them
.
When
God
describes
who
should
be
the
King
of
his
People
(
if
they
would
have
one
)
and
how
he
Saul
,
David
,
Jeroboam
,
Jehu
and
their
Sons
.
When
all
of
them
,
save
David
,
by
their
Crimes
fell
from
the
Kingdom
,
the
Males
only
were
extirpated
,
and
the
Females
who
had
no
part
in
the
Promises
,
did
not
fall
under
the
Penalties
,
or
the
Vengeance
that
was
executed
upon
those
Families
:
and
we
do
not
in
the
Word
of
God
,
or
in
the
History
of
the
Jews
,
hear
of
any
Feminin
Reign
,
except
that
which
was
usurped
by
Athaliah
;
nor
that
any
consideration
was
had
of
their
Descendants
in
relation
to
the
Kingdom
:
which
is
enough
to
shew
that
it
is
not
according
to
the
Law
of
God
,
nor
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
which
cannot
differ
from
it
.
So
that
Females
,
or
such
as
derive
their
right
by
inheritance
from
Females
,
must
have
it
from
some
other
Law
,
or
they
can
have
none
at
all
.
But
tho
this
question
were
authentically
decided
,
and
concluded
that
Females
might
or
might
not
succeed
,
we
should
not
be
at
the
end
of
our
contests
:
for
if
they
were
excluded
,
it
would
not
from
thence
follow
,
as
in
France
,
that
their
Descendants
should
be
so
also
;
for
the
Privilege
which
is
denied
to
them
,
because
they
cannot
,
without
receding
from
the
modesty
and
gentleness
of
the
Sex
,
take
upon
them
to
execute
all
the
Duties
required
,
may
be
transferred
to
their
Children
,
as
Henry
the
second
and
Henry
the
seventh
were
admitted
,
tho
their
Mothers
were
rejected
.
If
it
be
said
that
every
Nation
ought
in
this
to
follow
their
own
Constitutions
,
we
are
at
an
end
of
our
Controversies
;
for
they
ought
not
to
be
followed
,
unless
they
are
rightly
made
:
They
cannot
be
rightly
made
,
if
they
are
contrary
to
the
universal
Law
of
God
and
Nature
.
If
there
be
a
general
Rule
,
't
is
impossible
,
but
some
of
them
being
directly
contrary
to
each
other
,
must
be
contrary
to
it
.
If
therefore
all
of
them
are
to
be
followed
,
there
can
be
no
general
Law
given
to
all
;
but
every
People
is
by
God
and
Nature
left
to
the
liberty
of
regulating
these
matters
relating
to
themselves
according
to
their
own
prudence
or
convenience
:
and
this
seems
to
be
so
certainly
true
,
that
whosoever
does
,
as
our
Author
,
propose
Doctrines
to
the
contrary
,
must
either
be
thought
rashly
to
utter
that
which
he
dos
not
understand
,
or
maliciously
to
cast
balls
of
Division
among
all
Nations
,
whereby
every
man's
Sword
would
be
drawn
against
every
man
,
to
the
total
subversion
of
all
Order
and
Government
.
SECT.
XIX
.
Kings
cannot
confer
the
right
of
Father
upon
Princes
,
nor
Princes
upon
Kings
.
LEst
what
has
bin
said
before
by
our
Author
should
not
be
sufficient
to
accomplish
his
design
of
bringing
confusion
upon
Mankind
,
and
some
may
yet
lie
still
for
want
of
knowing
at
whose
command
he
should
cut
his
Brother's
throat
,
if
he
has
not
power
or
courage
to
set
up
a
title
for
himself
,
he
has
a
new
project
that
would
certainly
do
his
work
,
if
it
were
received
.
Not
content
with
the
absurdities
and
untruths
already
uttered
in
giving
the
incommunicable
right
of
Fathers
,
not
only
to
those
who
,
as
is
manifestly
testified
by
sacred
and
prophane
Histories
,
did
usurp
a
power
over
their
Fathers
,
or
such
as
owed
no
manner
of
obedience
to
them
:
and
justifying
those
Usurpations
,
which
are
most
odious
to
God
and
all
good
men
,
he
now
fancies
a
Kingdom
so
gotten
may
escheat
for
want
of
an
Heir
;
whereas
there
is
no
need
of
seeking
any
,
if
Usurpation
can
confer
a
Right
;
and
that
he
who
gets
the
Power
into
his
hands
ought
to
be
reputed
the
right
Heir
of
the
first
Progenitor
;
for
such
a
one
will
be
seldom
wanting
,
if
violence
and
fraud
be
justified
by
the
command
of
God
,
and
Nations
stand
obliged
to
render
obedience
,
till
a
stronger
or
more
successful
Villain
throws
him
from
the
Throne
he
had
invaded
.
But
if
it
should
come
to
pass
that
no
man
would
step
into
the
vacant
place
,
he
has
a
new
way
of
depriving
the
People
of
their
Right
to
provide
for
the
Government
of
themselves
.
Because
,
says
he
,
the
dependency
of
antient
Families
is
oft
obscure
,
and
worn
out
of
knowledg
;
therefore
the
Wisdom
of
all
or
most
Princes
hath
thought
fit
many
times
to
adopt
those
for
Heads
of
Families
and
Princes
of
Provinces
,
whose
merits
,
abilities
,
or
fortunes
have
enobled
them
,
and
made
them
fit
and
capable
of
such
royal
favours
:
All
such
prime
Heads
and
Fathers
have
power
to
consent
to
the
uniting
and
conferring
of
their
fatherly
right
and
soveraignty
on
whom
they
please
,
&c.
I
may
justly
ask
how
any
one
or
more
Families
come
to
be
esteemed
more
antient
than
others
,
if
all
are
descended
from
one
common
Father
,
as
the
Scriptures
testify
;
or
to
what
purpose
it
were
to
enquire
what
Families
were
the
most
antient
,
if
there
were
any
such
,
when
the
youngest
and
most
mean
by
usurpation
gets
an
absolute
right
of
Dominion
over
the
eldest
,
tho
his
own
Progenitors
,
as
Nimrod
did
:
but
I
may
certainly
conclude
,
That
whatever
the
Right
be
that
belongs
to
those
antient
Families
,
it
is
inherent
in
them
,
and
cannot
be
conferred
on
any
other
by
any
human
power
;
for
it
proceeds
from
Nature
only
.
The
Duty
I
owe
to
my
Father
dos
not
arise
from
an
usurped
or
delegated
Power
,
but
from
my
birth
derived
from
him
;
and
't
is
as
impossible
for
any
man
to
usurp
or
receive
by
the
grant
of
another
the
right
of
a
Father
over
me
,
as
for
him
to
become
,
or
pretend
to
be
made
my
Father
by
another
who
did
not
beget
me
.
But
if
he
say
true
,
this
right
of
Father
dos
not
arise
from
Nature
;
nor
the
obedience
that
I
owe
to
him
that
begot
,
from
the
benefits
which
I
have
received
,
but
is
meerly
an
artificial
thing
depending
upon
the
Will
of
another
:
and
that
we
may
be
sure
there
can
be
no
error
in
this
,
our
Author
attributes
it
to
the
wisdom
of
Princes
.
But
before
this
comes
to
be
authentick
,
we
must
at
the
least
be
sure
that
all
Princes
have
this
great
and
profound
Wisdom
,
which
our
Author
acknowledges
to
be
in
them
,
and
which
is
certainly
necessary
for
the
doing
of
such
great
things
,
if
they
were
referred
to
them
.
They
seem
to
us
to
be
born
like
other
men
,
and
to
be
generally
no
wiser
than
other
men
.
We
are
not
obliged
to
believe
that
Nebuchadnezzar
was
wise
,
till
God
had
given
him
the
heart
of
a
man
;
or
that
his
Grandson
Belshazzar
,
who
being
laid
in
the
balance
was
found
too
light
,
had
any
such
profound
Wisdom
.
Ahasuerus
shewed
it
not
in
appointing
all
the
People
of
God
to
be
slain
,
upon
a
Lie
told
to
him
by
a
Rascal
;
and
the
matter
was
not
very
much
mended
,
when
being
informed
of
the
truth
,
he
gave
them
leave
to
kill
as
many
of
their
Enemies
as
they
pleased
.
The
hardness
of
Pharaoh's
heart
,
and
the
overthrow
thereby
brought
upon
himself
and
People
,
dos
not
argue
so
profound
a
Judgment
as
our
Author
presumes
every
Prince
must
have
:
And
't
is
not
probable
that
Samuel
would
have
told
Saul
,
He
had
done
foolishly
,
if
Kings
had
always
bin
so
exceeding
wise
:
Nay
,
if
Wisdom
had
bin
annexed
to
the
Character
,
Solomon
might
have
spared
the
pains
of
asking
it
from
God
,
and
Rehoboam
must
have
had
it
.
Not
to
multiply
examples
out
of
Scripture
,
't
is
believed
that
Xerxes
had
not
inflicted
Stripes
upon
the
Sea
for
breaking
his
Navy
in
pieces
,
if
he
had
bin
so
very
wise
.
Caligula
for
the
same
reason
might
have
saved
the
labour
of
making
love
to
the
Moon
,
or
have
chosen
a
fitter
Subject
to
advance
to
the
Consulat
than
his
Horse
Incitatus
:
Nero
had
not
endeavoured
Men
give
testimony
of
their
Wisdom
,
when
they
undertake
that
which
they
ought
to
do
,
and
rightly
perform
that
which
they
undertake
;
both
which
points
do
utterly
fail
in
the
subject
of
our
Discourse
.
We
have
often
heard
of
such
as
have
adopted
those
to
be
their
Sons
who
were
not
so
,
and
some
Civil
Laws
approve
it
.
This
signifies
no
more
,
than
that
such
a
man
,
either
through
affection
to
one
who
is
not
his
Son
,
or
to
his
Parents
,
or
for
some
other
reason
,
takes
him
into
his
Family
,
and
shews
kindness
to
him
,
as
to
his
Son
;
but
the
adoption
of
Fathers
is
a
whimsical
piece
of
nonsense
.
If
this
be
capable
of
an
aggravation
,
I
think
none
can
be
greater
,
than
not
to
leave
it
to
my
own
discretion
,
who
having
no
Father
,
may
resolve
to
pay
the
Duty
I
owed
to
my
Father
to
one
who
may
have
shewed
Kindness
to
me
;
but
for
another
to
impose
a
Father
upon
a
Man
,
or
a
People
composed
of
Fathers
,
or
such
as
have
Fathers
,
whereby
they
should
be
deprived
of
that
natural
Honour
and
Right
,
which
he
makes
the
foundation
of
his
Discourse
,
is
the
utmost
of
all
absurdities
.
If
any
Prince
therefore
have
ever
undertaken
to
appoint
Fathers
of
his
People
,
he
cannot
be
accounted
a
man
of
profound
Wisdom
,
but
a
Fool
or
a
Madman
;
and
his
acts
can
be
of
no
value
.
But
if
the
thing
were
consonant
to
Nature
,
and
referred
to
the
will
of
Princes
(
which
I
absolutely
deny
)
the
frequent
Extravagancies
committed
by
them
in
the
elevation
of
their
Favourites
,
shews
that
they
intend
not
to
make
them
Fathers
of
the
People
,
or
know
not
what
they
do
when
they
do
it
.
To
chuse
or
institute
a
Father
is
nonsense
in
the
very
term
;
but
if
any
were
to
be
chosen
to
perform
the
Office
of
Fathers
to
such
as
have
none
,
and
are
not
of
age
to
provide
for
themselves
(
as
men
do
Tutors
or
Guardians
for
Orphans
)
none
could
be
capable
of
being
elected
,
but
such
as
in
kindness
to
the
person
they
were
to
take
under
their
care
,
did
most
resemble
his
true
Father
,
and
had
the
vertues
and
abilities
required
rightly
to
provide
for
his
good
.
If
this
fails
,
all
Right
ceases
;
and
such
a
corruption
is
introduced
as
we
saw
in
our
Court
of
Wards
,
which
the
Nation
could
not
bear
,
when
the
Institution
was
perverted
,
and
the
King
,
who
ought
to
have
taken
a
tender
care
of
the
Wards
and
their
Estates
,
delivered
them
as
a
prey
to
those
whom
he
favoured
.
Our
Author
ridiculously
attributes
the
Title
and
Authority
of
Father
to
the
word
Prince
;
for
it
hath
none
in
it
,
and
signifies
no
more
than
a
Man
,
who
in
some
kind
is
more
eminent
than
the
Vulgar
.
In
this
sense
Mutius
Scaevola
told
Porsenna
,
that
Three
hundred
Princes
of
the
Roman
Youth
had
conspired
against
him
:
by
which
he
T.
Liv.
could
not
mean
that
three
hundred
Fathers
of
the
Roman
Youth
,
but
three
hundred
Roman
young
men
had
conspired
:
and
they
could
not
be
Fathers
of
the
City
,
unless
they
had
bin
Fathers
of
their
own
Fathers
.
Princeps
Senatus
was
understood
in
the
same
sense
;
and
T.
Sempronius
the
Censor
chusing
Q.
Fabius
Maximus
to
that
Honour
,
gave
for
a
reason
,
Se
lectarum
Q.
Fabium
Maximum
,
quem
tum
The
like
are
and
ought
to
be
the
Princes
of
every
Nation
;
and
tho
something
of
Honour
may
justly
be
attributed
to
the
Descendents
of
such
as
have
done
great
Services
to
their
Country
,
yet
they
who
degenerate
from
them
cannot
be
esteemed
Princes
;
much
less
can
such
Honours
or
Rights
be
conferred
upon
Court-creatures
or
Favourites
.
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
Galba
,
and
others
,
could
advance
Macro
,
Pallas
,
Narcissus
,
Tigellinus
,
Vinnius
,
Laco
,
and
the
like
,
to
the
highest
degrees
of
Riches
and
Power
;
but
they
still
continued
to
be
Villains
,
and
so
they
died
.
No
wise
or
good
Man
ever
thought
otherwise
of
those
who
through
the
folly
of
Princes
have
bin
advanced
to
the
highest
places
in
several
Countries
.
The
madness
of
attributing
to
them
a
paternal
power
,
seems
to
have
bin
peculiarly
reserved
to
compleat
the
infamy
of
our
Author
;
for
he
only
could
acknowledg
a
cooptitious
Father
,
or
give
to
another
man
the
power
of
chusing
him
.
I
confess
that
a
man
in
his
infancy
may
have
bin
exposed
,
like
Moses
,
Cyrus
,
Oedipus
,
Romulus
:
He
may
have
bin
taken
in
War
;
or
by
the
charity
of
some
good
person
saved
from
the
teeth
of
wild
Beasts
,
or
from
the
Sword
by
which
his
Parents
fell
,
and
may
have
bin
educated
with
that
care
which
Fathers
usually
have
of
their
Children
:
't
is
reasonable
that
such
a
one
in
the
whole
course
of
his
life
should
pay
that
veneration
and
obedience
to
him
,
who
gave
him
as
it
were
a
second
birth
,
which
was
due
to
his
natural
Father
;
and
this
,
tho
improperly
,
may
be
called
an
Adoption
.
But
to
think
that
any
man
can
assume
it
to
himself
,
or
confer
it
upon
another
,
and
thereby
arrogate
to
himself
the
Service
and
Obedience
,
which
,
by
the
most
tender
and
sacred
Laws
of
Nature
,
we
owe
to
those
from
whom
we
receive
Birth
and
Education
,
is
the
most
preposterous
folly
that
hitherto
has
ever
entered
into
the
heart
of
man
.
Our
Author
nevertheless
is
not
ashamed
of
it
,
and
gives
Reasons
no
way
unsutable
to
the
Proposition
.
Men
are
,
says
he
,
adopted
Fathers
of
Provinces
for
their
Abilities
,
Merits
,
or
Fortunes
.
But
these
Abilities
can
simply
deserve
nothing
;
for
if
they
are
ill
employed
,
they
are
the
worst
of
Vices
,
and
the
most
powerful
Instruments
of
Mischief
.
Merits
,
in
regard
of
another
,
are
nothing
,
unless
they
be
to
him
;
and
he
alone
can
merit
from
me
the
respect
due
to
a
Father
,
who
hath
conferred
Benefits
upon
me
,
in
some
measure
proportionable
to
those
which
we
usually
receive
from
our
Fathers
:
and
the
world
may
judg
,
whether
all
the
Court-Ministers
and
Favorites
that
we
have
known
,
do
upon
this
account
deserve
to
be
esteemed
Fathers
of
Nations
.
But
to
allow
this
on
account
of
their
Fortunes
,
is
,
if
possible
,
more
extravagant
than
any
thing
that
hath
bin
yet
utter'd
.
By
this
account
Mazarin
must
have
bin
Father
of
the
French
Nation
:
The
same
Right
was
inherited
by
his
chast
Niece
,
and
remained
in
her
,
till
she
and
her
silly
Husband
dissipated
the
Treasures
which
her
Uncle
had
torn
from
the
Bowels
of
that
People
.
The
Partizans
may
generally
claim
the
same
Right
over
the
Provinces
they
have
pillaged
:
Old
Audley
,
Dog
Smith
,
Bp
Duppa
,
Brownloe
,
Child
,
Dashwood
,
Fox
,
&c.
are
to
be
esteemed
Fathers
of
the
People
of
England
.
This
Doctrine
is
perfectly
Canonical
,
if
Filmer
and
Heylin
were
good
Divines
;
and
Legal
,
if
they
judged
more
rightly
touching
matters
of
Law
.
But
if
it
be
absurd
and
detestable
,
they
are
to
be
reputed
Men
,
who
,
by
attributing
the
highest
Honours
to
the
vilest
Wretches
of
the
world
,
for
what
they
had
gain'd
by
the
most
abominable
means
,
endeavour
to
encrease
those
Vices
,
which
are
already
come
to
such
a
height
,
that
they
can
by
no
other
way
be
brought
to
a
greater
.
Daily
experience
too
plainly
shews
,
with
what
rage
Avarice
usually
fills
the
hearts
of
men
.
There
are
not
many
destructive
Villanies
committed
in
the
World
,
that
do
not
proceed
from
it
.
In
this
respect
't
is
called
Idolatry
,
and
the
Root
of
all
evil
.
Solomon
warns
us
to
beware
of
such
as
make
haste
to
grow
rich
,
and
says
,
they
shall
not
be
innocent
.
But
't
is
no
matter
what
the
Prophets
,
the
Apostles
,
or
the
wisest
of
men
say
of
Riches
,
and
the
ways
of
gaining
them
;
for
our
Author
tells
us
,
that
men
of
the
greatest
Fortunes
,
without
examining
how
they
came
to
them
,
or
what
use
they
make
of
them
,
deserve
to
be
made
Fathers
of
Provinces
.
But
this
is
not
his
only
quarrel
with
all
that
is
just
and
good
:
His
whole
Book
goes
directly
against
the
Letter
and
Spirit
of
the
Scripture
.
The
work
of
all
those
,
whom
God
in
several
Ages
has
raised
up
to
announce
his
Word
,
was
to
abate
the
Lusts
and
Passions
that
arise
in
the
hearts
of
men
;
to
shew
the
vanity
of
worldly
Enjoyments
,
with
the
dangers
that
accompany
Riches
and
Honours
,
and
to
raise
our
hearts
to
the
love
of
those
Treasures
that
perish
not
.
Honest
and
wise
men
following
the
Light
of
Nature
,
have
in
some
measure
imitated
this
.
Such
as
lived
private
lives
,
as
Plato
,
Socrates
,
Epictetus
,
and
others
,
made
it
their
business
to
abate
mens
Lusts
,
by
shewing
the
folly
of
seeking
vain
Honours
,
useless
Riches
,
or
unsatisfying
Pleasures
;
and
those
who
were
like
to
them
,
if
they
were
raised
to
supreme
Magistracies
,
have
endeavoured
by
the
severest
Punishments
to
restrain
men
from
committing
the
Crimes
by
which
Riches
are
most
commonly
gained
:
but
Filmer
and
Heylin
lead
us
into
a
new
way
.
If
they
deserve
credit
,
whosoever
would
become
supreme
Lord
and
Father
of
his
Country
,
absolute
,
sacred
and
inviolable
,
is
only
to
kill
him
that
is
in
the
head
of
the
Government
:
Usurpation
confers
an
equal
Right
with
Election
or
Inheritance
:
We
are
to
look
upon
the
Power
,
not
the
Ways
by
which
it
is
obtained
:
Possession
only
is
to
be
regarded
;
and
men
must
venerate
the
present
Power
,
as
set
up
by
God
,
tho
gained
by
Violence
,
Treachery
or
Poison
:
Children
must
not
impose
Laws
upon
,
nor
examine
the
Actions
of
their
Father
.
Those
who
are
a
little
more
modest
,
and
would
content
themselves
with
the
honour
of
being
Fathers
and
Lords
only
of
Provinces
,
if
they
get
Riches
by
the
favour
of
the
King
,
or
the
favour
of
the
King
by
Riches
,
may
receive
that
honour
from
him
:
The
Lord
Paramount
may
make
them
peculiar
Lords
of
each
Province
as
sacred
as
himself
;
and
by
that
means
every
man
shall
have
an
immediate
and
a
subaltern
Father
.
This
would
be
a
Spur
to
excite
even
the
most
sleeping
Lusts
;
and
a
Poison
that
would
fill
the
gentlest
Spirits
with
the
most
violent
Furies
.
If
men
should
believe
this
,
there
would
hardly
be
found
one
of
whom
it
might
not
be
said
,
Hac
spe
,
minanti
fulmen
,
occurret
Jovi
.
No
Ye
shall
not
die
,
but
be
as
Gods
.
But
since
our
Author
is
pleased
to
teach
us
these
strange
things
,
I
wish
he
would
also
have
told
us
,
how
many
men
in
every
Nation
ought
to
be
look'd
upon
as
adopted
Fathers
:
What
proportion
of
Riches
,
Ability
or
Merit
,
is
naturally
or
divinely
required
to
make
them
capable
of
this
sublime
Character
:
Whether
the
Right
of
this
Chimerical
Father
dos
not
destroy
that
of
the
Natural
;
or
whether
both
continue
in
force
,
and
men
thereby
stand
obliged
,
in
despite
of
what
Christ
said
,
to
serve
two
Masters
.
For
if
the
Right
of
my
Artificial
Father
arise
from
any
Act
of
the
King
,
in
favour
of
his
Riches
,
Abilities
or
Merit
,
I
ought
to
know
whether
he
is
to
excel
in
all
,
or
any
one
of
these
Points
:
How
far
,
and
which
of
them
gives
the
preference
;
since
't
is
impossible
for
me
to
determine
whether
my
Father
,
who
may
be
wise
,
tho
not
rich
,
is
thereby
devested
of
his
Right
,
and
it
comes
to
be
transferr'd
to
another
,
who
may
be
rich
tho
not
wise
,
nor
of
any
personal
merit
at
all
,
till
that
Point
be
decided
;
or
,
so
much
as
to
guess
,
when
I
am
emancipated
from
the
Duty
I
owe
to
him
,
by
whom
I
was
begotten
and
educated
,
unless
I
know
whether
he
be
fallen
from
his
Right
,
through
want
of
Merit
,
Wisdom
or
Estate
;
and
that
can
never
be
,
till
it
be
determined
,
that
he
hath
forfeited
his
Right
,
by
being
defective
in
all
,
or
any
of
the
three
;
and
what
proportion
of
Merit
,
Wisdom
or
Estate
is
required
in
him
,
for
the
enjoyment
of
his
Right
,
or
in
another
that
would
acquire
it
:
for
no
man
can
succeed
to
the
Right
of
another
,
unless
the
first
possessor
be
rightly
deprived
of
it
;
and
it
cannot
belong
to
them
both
,
because
common
sense
universally
teaches
,
that
two
distinct
Persons
cannot
,
at
the
same
time
,
and
in
the
same
degree
,
have
an
equal
Right
to
the
same
individual
thing
.
The
Right
of
Father
cannot
therefore
be
conferred
upon
Princes
by
Kings
,
but
must
for
ever
follow
the
Rule
of
Nature
.
The
Character
of
a
Father
is
indelible
,
and
incommunicable
:
The
Duty
of
Children
arising
from
Benefits
received
is
perpetual
,
because
they
can
never
not
have
received
them
;
and
can
be
due
only
to
him
from
whom
they
are
received
.
For
these
Reasons
,
we
see
,
that
such
as
our
Author
calls
Princes
,
cannot
confer
it
upon
a
King
;
for
they
cannot
give
what
they
have
not
in
themselves
:
They
who
have
nothing
,
can
give
nothing
:
They
who
are
only
supposititious
,
cannot
make
another
to
be
real
;
and
the
Whimsey
of
Kings
making
Princes
to
be
Fathers
,
and
Princes
conferring
that
Right
on
Kings
,
comes
to
nothing
.
SECT.
XX.
All
just
Magistratical
Power
is
from
the
People
.
HAVING
proved
that
the
Right
of
a
Father
proceeds
from
the
Generation
and
Education
of
his
Children
:
That
no
man
can
have
that
Right
over
those
,
whom
he
hath
not
begotten
and
educated
:
That
every
man
hath
it
over
those
,
who
owe
their
Birth
and
Education
to
him
:
That
all
the
Sons
of
Noah
,
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
Jacob
,
and
others
,
did
equally
inherit
it
:
That
by
the
same
Reasons
,
it
doth
for
ever
belong
to
every
man
that
begets
Children
;
it
plainly
appears
,
that
no
Father
can
have
a
Right
over
others
,
unless
it
be
by
them
granted
to
him
,
and
that
he
receive
his
Right
from
those
who
granted
it
.
But
our
Author
,
with
an
admirable
sagacity
peculiar
to
himself
,
discovers
,
and
with
equal
confidence
tells
us
,
that
that
which
is
from
the
People
,
or
the
chief
Heads
of
them
,
is
not
from
the
People
:
He
that
is
so
elected
,
says
he
,
claims
not
his
Right
from
the
People
as
a
Donative
,
but
from
God
.
That
is
,
if
I
mistake
not
,
Romulus
was
not
made
King
of
the
Romans
by
that
People
,
but
by
God
:
Those
men
being
newly
gathered
together
,
had
two
Fathers
,
tho
neither
of
them
had
any
Children
;
and
no
man
knew
who
was
their
Father
,
nor
which
of
them
was
the
elder
:
But
Romulus
by
the
slaughter
of
his
Brother
decided
all
Questions
,
and
purchased
to
himself
a
Royal
Charter
from
God
;
and
the
Act
of
the
People
which
conferred
the
Power
on
him
,
was
the
Act
of
God
.
We
had
formerly
learnt
,
that
whatsoever
was
done
by
Monarchs
,
was
to
be
imputed
to
God
;
and
that
whosoever
murdered
the
Father
of
a
People
,
acquired
the
same
Right
to
himself
:
but
now
it
seems
,
that
Nations
also
have
the
same
privilege
,
and
that
God
doth
,
what
they
do
.
Now
I
understand
why
it
was
said
of
old
,
Vox
Populi
est
Vox
Dei
:
But
if
it
was
so
in
regard
of
Romulus
,
the
same
must
be
confessed
of
Tullus
Hostilius
,
Ancus
Martius
,
Tarquinius
Priscus
,
and
Servius
Tullus
;
who
being
all
strangers
to
each
other
,
and
most
of
them
Aliens
also
,
were
successively
advanced
by
the
same
People
,
without
any
respect
to
the
Children
,
Relations
or
Heirs
of
their
Predecessors
.
And
I
cannot
comprehend
,
why
the
Act
of
the
same
People
should
not
have
the
same
Virtue
,
and
be
equally
attributed
to
God
,
when
they
gave
the
same
or
more
power
to
Consuls
,
Military
Tribunes
,
Decemviri
,
or
Dictators
;
or
why
the
same
Divine
Character
should
not
be
in
the
same
manner
conferred
upon
any
Magistracies
,
that
by
any
People
have
bin
,
are
,
or
shall
be
at
any
time
erected
for
the
same
ends
.
Upon
the
same
grounds
we
may
conclude
,
that
no
Privilege
is
peculiarly
annexed
to
any
Form
of
Government
;
but
that
all
Magistrates
are
equally
the
Ministers
of
God
,
who
perform
the
Work
for
which
they
were
instituted
;
and
that
the
People
which
institutes
them
,
may
proportion
,
regulate
and
terminate
their
Power
,
as
to
time
,
measure
,
and
number
of
persons
,
as
seems
most
convenient
to
themselves
,
which
can
be
no
other
than
their
own
good
.
For
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
a
multitude
of
People
should
send
for
Numa
,
or
any
other
Person
to
whom
they
owed
nothing
,
to
reign
over
them
,
that
he
might
live
in
Glory
and
Pleasure
;
or
for
any
other
reason
,
than
that
it
might
be
good
for
them
and
their
Posterity
.
This
shews
the
Work
of
all
Magistrates
to
be
always
and
every
where
the
same
,
even
the
doing
of
Justice
,
and
procuring
the
Welfare
of
those
that
create
them
.
This
we
learn
from
common
sense
:
Plato
,
Aristotle
,
Cicero
,
and
the
best
human
Authors
lay
it
as
an
unmoveable
Foundation
,
upon
which
they
build
their
Arguments
relating
to
matters
of
that
nature
:
And
the
Apostle
from
better
Authority
declares
,
That
Rulers
are
not
a
terror
to
good
Works
,
but
to
Evil
:
Wilt
thou
then
not
be
afraid
of
the
Power
?
do
that
which
is
good
,
and
thou
shalt
have
praise
of
the
same
;
for
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
unto
thee
for
good
:
But
if
thou
do
that
which
is
evil
,
be
afraid
;
for
he
beareth
not
the
Sword
in
vain
;
for
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
,
a
revenger
to
execute
Wrath
upon
him
that
doth
evil
.
And
the
reason
he
gives
for
praying
for
Kings
,
and
all
that
are
in
Authority
,
is
,
that
we
may
live
a
quiet
and
peaceable
life
,
in
all
godliness
and
honesty
.
But
if
this
be
the
Work
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
glorious
Name
of
God's
Minister
be
given
to
him
for
the
performance
of
it
,
we
may
easily
see
to
whom
that
Title
belongs
.
His
Children
and
Servants
ye
are
,
whose
Works
ye
do
.
He
therefore
,
and
he
only
,
is
the
Servant
of
God
,
who
dos
the
Work
of
God
;
who
is
a
terror
to
those
that
do
evil
,
and
a
praise
to
those
that
do
well
;
who
beareth
the
Sword
for
the
punishment
of
Wickedness
and
Vice
,
and
so
governs
,
that
the
People
may
live
quietly
in
all
godliness
and
honesty
.
The
order
of
his
Institution
is
inverted
,
and
the
Institution
vacated
,
if
the
Power
be
turned
to
the
praise
of
those
that
do
evil
,
and
becomes
a
terror
to
such
as
do
well
;
and
that
none
who
live
honestly
and
justly
can
be
quiet
under
it
.
If
God
be
the
Fountain
of
Justice
,
Mercy
and
Truth
,
and
those
his
Servants
who
walk
in
them
,
no
exercise
of
Violence
,
Fraud
,
Cruelty
,
Pride
,
or
Avarice
,
is
patronized
by
him
:
and
they
who
are
the
Authors
of
those
Villanies
,
cannot
but
be
the
Ministers
of
him
,
who
sets
himself
up
against
God
;
because
't
is
impossible
that
Truth
and
Falshood
,
Mercy
and
Cruelty
,
Justice
and
the
most
violent
Oppression
can
proceed
from
the
same
Root
.
It
was
a
folly
and
a
lie
in
those
Jews
,
to
call
themselves
the
Children
of
Abraham
,
who
did
not
the
Works
of
Abraham
;
and
Christ
declared
them
to
be
the
Children
of
the
Devil
,
whose
Works
they
did
:
which
words
If
our
Author
's
former
Assertions
were
void
of
Judgment
and
Truth
,
his
next
Clause
shews
a
great
defect
in
his
Memory
,
and
contradicts
the
former
:
The
Judgments
of
God
,
says
he
,
who
hath
Power
to
give
and
take
away
Kingdoms
,
are
most
just
;
yet
the
ministry
of
Men
,
who
execute
God's
Judgments
without
Commission
,
is
sinful
and
damnable
.
If
it
be
true
,
as
he
says
,
that
we
are
to
look
at
the
Power
,
not
the
Ways
by
which
it
is
gained
;
and
that
he
who
hath
it
,
whether
it
be
by
Usurpation
,
Conquest
,
or
any
other
means
,
is
to
be
accounted
as
Father
,
or
right
Heir
to
the
Father
of
the
People
,
to
which
Title
the
most
sublime
and
divine
Privileges
are
annexed
,
a
man
,
who
by
the
most
wicked
and
unjust
Actions
advances
himself
to
the
Power
,
becomes
immediately
the
Father
of
the
People
,
and
the
Minister
of
God
;
which
I
take
to
be
a
piece
of
Divinity
worthy
our
Author
and
his
Disciples
.
It
may
be
doubted
what
he
means
by
a
Commission
from
God
;
for
we
know
of
none
but
what
is
outwardly
by
his
Word
,
or
inwardly
by
his
Spirit
;
and
I
am
apt
to
think
,
that
neither
he
nor
his
Abettors
allowing
of
either
,
as
to
the
Point
in
question
,
he
doth
fouly
prevaricate
,
in
alledging
that
which
he
thinks
cannot
be
of
any
effect
.
If
any
man
should
say
,
that
the
Word
of
God
to
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Ehud
,
Gideon
,
Samuel
,
Jeroboam
and
Jehu
,
or
any
others
,
are
,
in
the
like
cases
,
Rules
to
be
observed
by
all
;
because
that
which
was
from
God
was
good
;
that
which
was
good
,
is
good
;
and
he
that
dos
good
,
is
justified
by
it
:
He
would
probably
tell
us
,
that
what
was
good
in
them
,
is
not
good
in
others
;
and
that
the
Word
of
God
doth
justify
those
only
to
whom
it
is
spoken
:
That
is
to
say
,
No
man
can
execute
the
just
Judgments
of
God
,
to
the
benefit
of
mankind
,
according
to
the
Example
of
those
Servants
of
God
,
without
damnable
sin
,
unless
he
have
a
precise
Word
particularly
directed
to
him
for
it
,
as
Moses
had
.
But
if
any
man
should
pretend
that
such
a
Word
was
come
to
him
,
he
would
be
accounted
an
Enthusiast
,
and
obtain
no
credit
So
that
,
which
way
soever
the
Clause
be
taken
,
it
appears
to
be
full
of
Fraud
,
confessing
only
in
the
Theory
,
that
which
he
thinks
can
never
be
brought
into
practice
;
that
his
beloved
Villanies
may
be
thereby
secured
,
and
that
the
glorious
Examples
of
the
most
heroick
Actions
,
performed
by
the
best
and
wisest
men
that
ever
were
in
the
World
for
the
benefit
of
mankind
,
may
never
be
imitated
.
The
next
Clause
shews
,
that
I
did
our
Author
no
wrong
in
saying
,
that
he
gave
a
right
to
Usurpation
;
for
he
plainly
says
,
That
whether
the
Prince
be
the
supreme
Father
of
his
People
,
or
the
true
Heir
of
such
a
Father
;
or
whether
he
come
to
the
Crown
by
Vsurpation
,
or
Election
of
the
Nobles
or
People
,
or
by
any
other
way
whatsoever
,
&c.
it
is
the
only
Right
and
Authority
of
the
natural
Father
.
In
the
3d
Chap.
Sect.
8.
It
skills
not
which
way
the
King
comes
by
his
Power
,
whether
by
Election
,
Donation
,
Succession
,
or
by
any
other
means
.
And
in
another
place
,
That
we
are
to
regard
the
Power
,
not
the
Means
by
which
it
is
gained
.
To
which
I
need
say
no
more
,
than
that
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
the
ingeniously
invented
Title
of
Father
by
Usurpation
;
and
confess
,
that
since
there
is
such
a
thing
in
the
World
,
to
which
not
only
private
men
,
but
whole
Nations
owe
obedience
,
whatsoever
has
been
said
antiently
,
(
as
was
thought
to
express
the
highest
excess
of
Fury
and
Injustice
)
as
,
Jus
datum
sceleri
;
Jus
omne
To
confirm
his
Assertions
,
he
gives
us
a
wonderful
explanation
of
the
fifth
Commandment
;
which
,
he
says
,
enjoins
Obedience
to
Princes
,
under
the
terms
of
,
Honour
thy
Father
and
thy
Mother
;
drawing
this
Inference
,
That
as
all
Power
is
in
the
Father
,
the
Prince
who
hath
it
,
cannot
be
restrained
by
any
Law
;
which
being
grounded
upon
the
perfect
likeness
between
Kings
and
Fathers
,
no
man
can
deny
it
to
be
true
.
But
if
Claudius
was
the
Father
of
the
Roman
People
,
I
suppose
the
chast
Messalina
was
the
Mother
,
and
to
be
honoured
by
virtue
of
the
same
Commandment
:
But
then
I
fear
that
such
as
met
her
in
the
most
obscene
places
,
were
not
only
guilty
of
Adultery
,
but
of
Incest
.
The
same
Honour
must
needs
belong
to
Nero
and
his
vertuous
Poppaea
,
unless
it
were
transferred
to
his
new-made
Woman
Sporus
;
or
perhaps
he
himself
was
the
Mother
,
and
the
glorious
Title
of
Pater
Patriae
belonged
to
the
Raskal
,
who
married
him
as
a
Woman
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Phalaris
,
Busiris
,
Machanidas
,
Peter
the
Cruel
of
Castille
,
Christiern
of
Denmark
,
the
last
Princes
of
the
House
of
Valois
in
France
,
and
Philip
the
Second
of
Spain
.
Those
Actions
of
theirs
,
which
men
have
ever
esteemed
most
detestable
,
and
the
whole
course
of
their
abominable
Government
,
did
not
proceed
from
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Cruelty
,
Madness
and
Lust
,
but
from
the
tender
care
of
most
pious
Fathers
.
Tacitus
sadly
describes
the
state
of
his
Country
,
Vrbs
incendiis
vastata
,
consumptis
antiquissimis
delubris
,
ipso
Capitolio
Civium
manibus
incenso
;
pollutae
Ceremoniae
;
magna
Adulteria
;
plenum
Exiliis
mare
;
infecti
caedibus
scopuli
;
atrocius
in
Vrbe
saevitum
;
Nobilitas
,
opes
,
omissi
vel
gesti
honores
pro
crimine
,
&
ob
virtutes
certissimum
exitium
;
but
he
was
to
blame
:
All
this
proceeded
from
the
ardency
of
a
paternal
Affection
.
When
Nero
,
by
the
death
of
Helvidius
Priscus
and
Thraseas
,
endeavoured
to
cut
up
Vertue
by
the
roots
,
ipsam
exscindere
virtutem
,
he
did
it
,
because
he
knew
it
was
good
for
the
World
that
there
should
be
no
vertuous
man
in
it
.
When
he
fired
the
City
,
and
when
Caligula
wished
the
People
had
but
one
Neck
,
that
he
might
strike
it
off
at
one
blow
,
they
did
it
through
a
prudent
care
of
their
Childrens
good
,
knowing
that
it
would
be
for
their
advantage
to
be
destroyed
;
and
that
the
empty
desolated
World
would
be
no
more
troubled
with
popular
Seditions
.
By
the
same
rule
Pharaoh
,
Eglon
,
Nabuchodonosor
,
Antiochus
,
Herod
,
and
the
like
,
were
Fathers
of
the
Hebrews
.
And
without
looking
far
backward
,
or
depending
upon
the
Faith
of
History
,
we
may
enumerate
many
Princes
,
who
in
a
paternal
care
of
their
People
,
have
not
yielded
to
Nero
or
Caligula
.
If
our
Author
say
true
,
all
those
Actions
of
theirs
,
which
we
have
ever
attributed
to
the
utmost
excess
of
Pride
,
Cruelty
,
Avarice
and
Perfidiousness
,
proceeded
from
their
princely
Wisdom
and
fatherly
Kindness
to
the
Nations
under
them
:
and
we
are
beholden
to
him
for
the
discovery
of
so
great
a
Mystery
which
hath
bin
hid
from
mankind
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
to
this
day
;
if
not
,
we
may
still
look
upon
them
as
Children
of
the
Devil
;
and
continue
to
believe
,
that
Princes
as
well
as
other
Magistrates
were
set
up
by
the
People
for
the
publick
Good
;
that
the
Praises
given
to
such
as
are
Wise
,
Just
and
Good
,
are
purely
personal
,
and
can
belong
only
to
those
,
who
by
a
due
exercise
of
their
Power
do
deserve
it
,
and
to
no
others
.
CHAP.
II.
SECT.
I.
That
't
is
natural
for
Nations
to
govern
,
or
to
chuse
Governors
;
and
that
Vertue
only
gives
a
natural
preference
of
one
man
above
another
,
or
reason
why
one
should
be
chosen
rather
than
another
.
IN
this
Chapter
our
Author
fights
valiantly
against
Bellarmin
and
Suarez
,
seeming
to
think
himself
victorious
,
if
he
can
shew
that
either
of
them
hath
contradicted
the
other
,
or
himself
;
but
being
no
way
concerned
in
them
,
I
shall
leave
their
followers
to
defend
their
Quarrel
:
My
work
is
to
seek
after
Truth
;
and
,
tho
they
may
have
said
some
things
,
in
matters
not
concerning
their
beloved
Cause
of
Popery
,
that
are
agreeable
to
Reason
,
Law
or
Scripture
,
I
have
little
hope
of
finding
it
among
those
who
apply
themselves
chiefly
to
School-Sophistry
,
as
the
best
means
to
support
Idolatry
.
That
which
I
maintain
,
is
the
Cause
of
Mankind
;
which
ought
not
to
suffer
,
tho
Champions
of
corrupt
Principles
have
weakly
defended
,
or
maliciously
betraid
it
:
and
therefore
not
at
all
relying
on
their
Authority
,
I
intend
to
reject
whatsoever
they
say
that
agrees
not
with
Reason
,
Scripture
,
or
the
approved
Examples
of
the
best
polished
Nations
.
He
also
attacks
Plato
and
Aristotle
,
upon
whose
Opinions
I
set
a
far
greater
value
,
in
as
much
as
they
seem
to
have
penetrated
more
deeply
into
the
secrets
of
human
Nature
;
and
not
only
to
have
judged
more
rightly
of
the
Interests
of
Mankind
,
but
also
to
have
comprehended
in
their
Writings
the
Wisdom
of
the
Grecians
,
with
all
that
they
had
learnt
from
the
Phaenicians
,
Egyptians
and
Hebrews
;
which
may
lead
us
to
the
discovery
of
the
Truth
we
seek
.
If
this
be
our
work
,
the
question
is
not
,
whether
it
be
a
Paradox
,
or
a
received
Opinion
,
That
People
naturally
govern
,
or
chuse
Governors
,
but
whether
it
be
true
or
not
;
for
many
Paradoxes
are
true
,
and
the
most
gross
Errors
have
often
bin
most
common
.
Tho
I
hope
to
prove
,
that
what
he
calls
a
Paradox
,
is
not
only
true
;
but
a
Truth
planted
in
the
hearts
of
men
,
and
acknowledged
so
to
be
by
all
that
have
hearkned
to
the
voice
of
Nature
,
and
disapproved
by
none
,
but
such
as
through
wickedness
,
stupidity
,
or
baseness
of
Spirit
,
seem
to
have
degenerated
into
the
worst
of
beasts
,
and
to
have
retained
nothing
of
men
,
but
the
outward
shape
,
or
the
ability
of
doing
those
mischiefs
which
they
have
learnt
from
their
Master
the
Devil
.
We
have
already
seen
,
that
the
Patriarchical
Power
resembles
not
the
Regal
in
principle
or
practice
:
that
the
beginning
and
continuance
of
Regal
Power
was
contrary
to
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
Patriarchical
:
that
the
first
Fathers
of
mankind
left
all
their
Children
independent
on
each
other
,
and
in
an
equal
liberty
of
providing
for
themselves
:
that
every
man
continued
in
this
liberty
,
till
the
number
so
increased
,
that
they
became
troublesom
and
dangerous
to
each
other
;
and
finding
no
other
remedy
to
the
disorders
growing
,
or
like
to
grow
among
them
,
joined
many
Families
into
one
civil
Body
,
that
they
might
the
better
provide
for
the
conveniency
,
safety
,
and
defence
of
themselves
and
their
Children
.
This
was
a
collation
of
every
man's
private
Right
into
a
publick
Stock
;
and
no
one
having
any
other
right
than
what
was
common
to
all
,
except
it
were
that
of
Fathers
over
their
Children
,
they
were
all
equally
free
when
their
Fathers
were
dead
;
and
nothing
could
induce
them
to
join
,
and
lessen
that
natural
liberty
by
joining
in
Societies
,
but
the
hopes
of
a
publick
Advantage
.
Such
as
were
wise
and
valiant
procured
it
,
by
setting
up
regular
Governments
,
and
placing
the
best
Men
in
the
administration
;
whilst
the
weakest
and
basest
fell
under
the
power
of
the
most
boisterous
and
violent
of
their
Neighbours
.
Those
of
the
first
sort
had
their
root
in
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
and
are
called
lawful
Kingdoms
or
Commonwealths
;
and
the
Rules
by
which
they
are
governed
,
are
known
by
the
name
of
Laws
.
These
Governments
have
ever
bin
the
Nurses
of
Vertue
:
The
Nations
living
under
them
have
flourished
in
Peace
and
Happiness
,
or
made
Wars
with
Glory
and
Advantage
:
whereas
the
other
sort
springing
from
Violence
and
Wrong
,
have
ever
gone
under
the
odious
title
of
Tyrannies
;
and
by
fomenting
Vices
,
like
to
those
from
whence
they
grew
,
have
brought
shame
and
misery
upon
those
who
were
subject
to
them
.
This
appears
so
plainly
in
Scripture
,
that
the
assertors
of
Liberty
want
no
other
Patron
than
God
himself
;
and
his
Word
so
fully
justifies
what
we
contend
for
,
that
it
were
not
necessary
to
make
use
of
human
Authority
,
if
our
Adversaries
did
not
oblige
us
to
examine
such
as
are
cited
by
them
.
This
,
in
our
present
case
,
would
be
an
easy
work
,
if
our
Author
had
rightly
marked
the
passages
he
would
make
use
of
,
or
had
bin
faithful
in
his
Interpretation
or
Explication
of
such
as
he
truly
cites
;
but
failing
grosly
in
both
,
't
is
hard
to
trace
him
.
He
cites
the
16th
Chapter
of
the
third
Book
of
Aristotle's
Politicks
,
and
I
do
not
find
there
is
more
than
twelve
;
or
tho
that
Wound
might
be
cured
,
by
saying
the
Words
are
in
the
twelfth
,
his
Fraud
in
perverting
the
Sense
were
unpardonable
,
tho
the
other
mistake
be
passed
over
.
'T
is
true
that
Aristotle
doth
there
seem
to
doubt
whether
there
be
any
such
thing
as
one
man
naturally
a
Lord
over
many
Citizens
,
since
a
City
consists
of
Equals
:
but
in
the
whole
scope
of
that
Chapter
,
Book
,
and
his
other
Writings
,
he
fully
shews
his
doubt
did
not
arise
from
an
imagination
that
one
man
could
naturally
inherit
a
Right
of
Dominion
over
many
not
descended
from
him
;
or
that
they
were
born
under
a
necessity
of
being
Slaves
to
him
(
for
such
fancies
can
proceed
only
from
distemper'd
Brains
)
but
that
Civil
Societies
aiming
at
the
publick
good
,
those
who
by
nature
were
endowed
with
such
Vertues
or
Talents
as
were
most
beneficial
to
them
,
ought
to
be
preferred
.
And
nothing
can
be
more
contrary
to
the
frantick
whimsey
of
our
Author
,
who
fancies
an
hereditary
Prerogative
of
Dominion
inherent
in
a
person
as
Father
of
a
People
,
or
Heir
,
or
to
be
reputed
Heir
of
the
first
Father
,
when
't
is
certain
he
is
not
,
but
that
either
he
or
his
Predecessor
came
in
by
Election
or
Usurpation
,
than
to
shew
that
't
is
only
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
Valour
,
and
other
commendable
Vertues
,
which
are
not
hereditary
,
that
can
give
the
preference
;
and
that
the
only
reason
why
it
should
be
given
,
is
,
that
Men
so
qualified
can
better
than
others
accomplish
the
ends
for
which
Societies
are
constituted
:
For
tho
,
says
he
,
all
are
equally
free
,
all
are
not
equally
endowed
with
those
Vertues
that
render
Liberty
safe
,
prosperous
,
and
happy
.
That
equality
which
is
just
among
Equals
,
is
just
only
among
Equals
;
but
such
as
are
base
,
ignorant
,
vicious
,
slothful
,
or
cowardly
,
are
not
equal
in
natural
or
acquired
Vertues
,
to
the
generous
,
wise
,
valiant
,
and
industrious
;
nor
equally
useful
to
the
Societies
in
which
they
live
:
they
cannot
therefore
have
an
equal
part
in
the
Government
of
them
;
they
cannot
equally
provide
for
the
common
good
;
and
't
is
not
a
personal
,
but
a
publick
Benefit
that
is
sought
in
their
constitution
and
continuance
.
There
may
be
a
hundred
thousand
men
in
an
Army
,
who
are
all
equally
free
;
but
they
only
are
naturally
most
fit
to
be
Commanders
or
Leaders
,
who
most
excel
in
the
Vertues
required
for
the
right
performance
of
those
Offices
;
and
that
,
not
because
't
is
good
for
them
to
be
raised
above
their
Brethren
,
but
because
't
is
good
for
their
Brethren
to
be
guided
by
them
,
as
't
is
ever
good
to
be
governed
by
the
wisest
and
the
best
.
If
the
nature
of
man
be
Reason
,
Detur
digniori
,
in
matters
of
this
kind
,
is
the
voice
of
Nature
;
and
it
were
not
only
a
deviation
from
Reason
,
but
a
most
desperate
and
mischievous
madness
,
for
a
Company
going
to
the
Indies
,
to
give
the
guidance
of
their
Ship
to
the
Son
of
the
best
Pilot
in
the
world
,
if
he
want
the
skill
required
to
that
emploiment
,
or
to
one
who
was
maliciously
set
to
destroy
them
;
and
he
only
can
have
a
Right
grounded
upon
the
dictates
of
Nature
,
to
be
advanced
to
the
Helm
,
who
best
knows
how
to
govern
it
,
and
has
given
the
best
testimonies
of
his
Integrity
and
Intentions
to
employ
his
skill
for
the
good
of
those
that
are
imbarked
.
But
as
the
work
of
a
Magistrate
,
especially
if
he
be
the
supreme
,
is
the
highest
,
noblest
,
and
most
difficult
that
can
be
committed
to
the
charge
of
a
man
,
a
more
excellent
Vertue
is
required
in
the
Person
who
is
to
be
advanced
to
it
,
than
for
any
other
;
and
he
that
is
most
excellent
in
that
Vertue
,
is
reasonably
and
naturally
to
be
preferred
before
any
other
.
Aristotle
having
this
in
his
view
,
seems
to
think
,
that
those
who
believed
it
not
to
be
natural
for
one
man
to
be
Lord
of
all
the
Citizens
,
since
a
City
consists
of
Equals
,
had
not
observed
that
inequality
of
Endowments
,
Vertues
and
Abilities
in
men
,
which
render
some
more
fit
than
others
,
for
the
performance
of
their
duties
,
and
the
work
intended
;
but
it
will
not
be
found
,
as
I
suppose
,
that
he
did
ever
dream
of
a
natural
Superiority
,
that
any
man
could
ever
have
in
a
civil
Society
,
unless
it
be
such
a
superiority
in
Vertue
,
as
most
conduces
to
the
publick
good
.
He
confirms
this
in
proceeding
to
examin
the
different
sorts
of
Governments
,
according
to
the
different
dispositions
of
Nations
;
and
is
so
bold
to
say
,
That
a
popular
Government
is
the
best
for
a
People
,
who
are
naturally
generous
and
warlike
:
that
the
Government
of
a
few
sutes
best
with
those
,
among
whom
a
few
men
are
found
to
excel
others
in
those
Vertues
that
are
profitable
to
Societies
;
and
that
the
Government
of
one
is
good
,
when
that
one
dos
so
far
surpass
all
others
in
those
Vertues
,
that
he
hath
more
of
them
than
all
the
rest
of
the
people
together
:
and
for
the
same
reason
that
induced
him
to
believe
that
equality
is
just
amongst
Equals
,
he
concludes
inequality
of
Power
to
be
most
unjust
,
unless
there
be
inequality
of
Merit
;
and
equality
of
Power
to
be
so
also
,
when
there
is
inequality
of
Vertue
,
that
being
the
only
rule
by
which
every
man's
part
ought
to
be
regulated
.
But
if
it
be
neither
reasonable
nor
just
that
those
who
are
not
equal
in
Vertue
should
be
made
equal
in
Power
,
or
that
such
as
are
equal
in
Vertue
should
be
unequal
in
power
,
the
most
brutal
and
abominable
of
all
extravagancies
is
to
make
one
or
a
few
,
who
in
Vertue
and
Abilities
to
persom
Civil
Functions
are
inferior
to
others
,
superior
to
all
in
power
;
and
the
Miseries
suffered
by
those
Nations
,
who
inverting
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Reason
,
have
placed
Children
,
or
Men
of
no
Vertue
in
the
Government
,
when
Men
that
excelled
in
all
Vertues
were
not
wanting
,
do
so
far
manifest
this
Truth
,
that
the
pains
of
proving
it
may
be
spared
.
'T
is
not
necessary
for
me
to
inquire
,
whether
it
be
possible
to
find
such
a
Man
as
Aristotle
calls
Naturâ
Regem
,
or
whether
he
intended
to
recommend
Alexander
to
the
world
,
for
the
Man
designed
by
God
and
Nature
to
be
King
over
all
,
because
no
man
was
equal
to
him
in
the
Vertues
that
were
beneficial
to
all
.
For
pursuing
my
Position
,
that
Vertue
only
can
give
a
just
and
natural
preference
,
I
ingenuously
confess
,
that
when
such
a
Man
,
or
race
of
Men
as
he
describes
,
shall
appear
in
the
world
,
they
carry
the
true
marks
of
Soveraignty
upon
them
:
We
ought
to
believe
,
that
God
has
raised
them
above
all
,
whom
he
has
made
to
excel
all
:
It
were
an
impious
folly
to
think
of
reducing
him
into
the
ordinary
level
of
Mankind
,
whom
God
has
placed
above
it
.
'T
were
better
for
us
to
be
guided
by
him
,
than
to
follow
our
own
judgment
;
nay
,
I
could
almost
say
,
't
were
better
to
serve
such
a
Master
,
than
to
be
free
.
But
this
will
be
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
till
such
a
Man
,
or
succession
of
men
do
appear
;
and
if
our
Author
would
perswadeus
,
that
all
Mankind
,
or
every
particular
,
is
obliged
to
a
perpetual
subjection
to
one
Man
or
Family
,
upon
any
other
condition
,
he
must
do
it
by
the
credit
of
those
who
favour
his
Design
more
than
Aristotle
.
I
know
not
who
that
will
be
,
but
am
confident
he
will
find
no
help
from
Plato
:
for
if
his
Principles
be
examined
,
by
which
a
grave
Author's
sense
is
best
comprehended
,
it
will
appear
,
that
all
his
Books
of
Laws
,
and
of
a
Commonwealth
,
are
chiefly
grounded
upon
The
weakness
in
which
we
are
born
,
renders
us
unable
to
attain
this
Good
of
our selves
:
we
want
help
in
all
things
,
especially
in
the
greatest
.
The
fierce
Barbarity
of
a
loose
multitude
,
bound
by
no
Law
,
and
regulated
by
no
Discipline
,
is
wholly
repugnant
to
it
:
Whilst
every
man
fears
his
Neighbour
,
and
has
no
other
defence
than
his
own
strength
,
he
must
live
in
that
perpetual
anxiety
which
is
equally
contrary
to
that
happiness
,
and
that
sedate
temper
of
mind
which
is
required
for
the
search
of
it
.
The
first
step
towards
the
cure
of
this
pestilent
Evil
,
is
for
many
to
join
in
one
body
,
that
every
one
may
be
protected
by
the
united
force
of
all
;
and
the
various
Talents
that
men
possess
,
may
by
good
discipline
be
rendred
useful
to
the
whole
;
as
the
meanest
piece
of
wood
or
stone
being
placed
by
a
wise
Architect
,
conduces
to
the
beauty
of
the
most
glorious
Building
.
But
every
man
bearing
in
his
own
breast
Affections
,
Passions
,
and
Vices
that
are
repugnant
to
this
end
,
and
no
man
owing
any
submission
to
his
Neighbour
;
none
will
subject
the
correction
or
restriction
of
themselves
to
another
,
unless
he
also
submit
to
the
same
Rule
.
They
are
rough
pieces
of
timber
or
stone
,
which
't
is
necessary
to
cleave
,
saw
,
or
cut
:
This
is
the
work
of
a
skilful
Builder
,
and
he
only
is
capable
of
erecting
a
great
Fabrick
,
who
is
so
:
Magistrates
are
Political
Architects
;
and
they
only
can
perform
the
Work
incumbent
on
them
,
who
excel
in
Political
Vertues
.
Nature
,
in
variously
framing
the
minds
of
men
,
according
to
the
variety
of
Uses
in
which
they
may
be
imploy'd
,
in
order
to
the
institution
and
preservation
of
Civil
Societies
,
must
be
our
Guide
,
in
allotting
to
every
one
his
proper
work
.
And
Plato
observing
this
Variety
,
affirms
,
that
the
Laws
of
Nature
cannot
be
more
absurdly
violated
,
than
by
giving
the
Government
of
a
People
to
such
,
as
do
not
excel
others
in
those
Arts
and
Vertues
that
tend
to
the
ultimate
Ends
for
which
Governments
are
instituted
.
By
this
means
those
who
are
Slaves
by
Nature
,
or
rendred
so
by
their
Vices
,
are
often
set
above
those
that
God
and
Nature
had
fitted
for
the
highest
Commands
;
and
Societies
which
subsist
only
by
order
,
fall
into
corruption
,
when
all
Order
is
so
preposterously
inverted
,
and
the
most
extreme
Confusion
introduced
.
This
is
an
Evil
that
Solomon
detested
:
Folly
is
set
in
great
dignity
,
and
the
Rich
sit
in
low
places
:
I
have
seen
Servants
upon
Horses
,
and
Princes
walking
as
Servants
upon
the
Earth
.
They
who
understand
Solomon's
Language
,
will
easily
see
,
that
the
Rich
,
and
the
Princes
he
means
,
are
such
only
who
are
rich
in
Vertue
and
Wisdom
,
and
who
ought
to
be
preferred
for
those
Qualities
:
And
when
he
says
,
a
Servant
that
reigneth
is
one
of
the
three
things
the
Earth
cannot
bear
,
he
can
only
mean
such
as
deserve
to
be
Servants
;
for
when
they
reign
,
they
do
not
serve
,
but
are
served
by
others
:
which
perfectly
agrees
with
what
we
learn
from
Plato
,
and
plainly
shews
,
that
true
Philosophy
is
perfectly
conformable
with
what
is
taught
us
by
those
who
were
divinely
inspired
.
Therefore
tho
I
should
allow
to
our
Author
,
that
Aristotle
,
in
those
words
,
It
seems
to
some
,
not
to
be
natural
for
one
Man
to
be
Lord
of
all
the
Citizens
,
since
the
City
consists
of
Equals
,
did
speak
the
opinion
of
others
rather
than
his
own
;
and
should
confess
that
he
and
his
Master
Plato
,
did
acknowledg
a
natural
inequality
among
men
,
it
would
be
nothing
to
his
purpose
:
for
the
Inequality
,
and
the
rational
Superiority
due
to
some
,
or
to
one
,
by
reason
of
that
Inequality
,
did
not
proceed
from
Blood
or
Extraction
,
and
had
nothing
Patriarchical
in
it
;
but
consisted
solely
in
the
Vertues
of
the
Persons
,
by
which
they
were
rendred
more
able
than
others
to
perform
their
Duty
,
for
the
good
of
the
Society
.
Therefore
if
these
Authors
are
to
be
trusted
,
whatsoever
place
a
Man
is
advanced
to
in
a
City
,
't
is
not
for
his
own
sake
,
but
for
that
of
the
City
;
and
we
are
not
to
ask
who
was
his
Father
,
but
what
are
his
Vertues
in
relation
to
it
.
This
induces
a
necessity
of
distinguishing
between
a
simple
and
a
relative
Inequality
;
for
if
it
were
possible
for
a
man
to
have
great
Vertues
,
and
yet
no
way
beneficial
to
the
Society
of
which
he
is
,
or
to
have
some
one
Vice
that
renders
them
useless
,
he
could
have
no
pretence
to
a
Magistratical
Power
more
than
any
other
.
They
who
are
equally
free
,
may
equally
enjoy
their
freedom
;
but
the
Powers
that
can
only
be
executed
by
such
as
are
endowed
with
great
Wisdom
,
Justice
and
Valour
,
can
belong
to
none
,
nor
be
rightly
conferred
upon
any
,
except
such
as
excel
in
those
Vertues
.
And
if
no
such
can
be
found
,
all
are
equally
by
turns
to
participate
of
the
Honours
annexed
to
Magistracy
;
and
Law
,
which
is
said
to
be
written
Reason
,
cannot
justly
exalt
those
,
whom
Nature
,
which
is
Reason
,
hath
depressed
,
nor
depress
those
whom
Nature
hath
exalted
.
It
cannot
make
Kings
Slaves
,
nor
Slaves
Kings
,
without
introducing
that
Evil
,
which
,
if
we
believe
Solomon
,
and
the
Spirit
by
which
he
spoke
,
the
Earth
cannot
bear
.
This
may
discover
what
Lawgivers
deserve
to
be
reputed
wise
or
just
;
and
what
Decrees
or
Sanctions
ought
to
be
reputed
Laws
.
Aristotle
proceeding
by
this
Rule
,
rather
tells
us
,
who
is
naturally
a
King
,
than
where
we
should
find
him
;
and
after
having
given
the
highest
Praises
to
this
true
natural
King
and
his
Government
,
he
sticks
not
to
declare
that
of
one
man
,
in
Vertue
equal
or
inferior
to
others
,
to
be
a
meer
Tyranny
,
even
the
worst
of
all
,
as
it
is
the
corruption
of
the
best
,
(
or
,
as
our
Author
calls
it
,
the
most
divine
)
and
such
as
can
be
fit
only
for
those
barbarous
and
stupid
Nations
,
which
,
tho
bearing
the
shape
of
Men
,
are
little
different
from
Beasts
.
Whoever
therefore
will
from
Aristotle's
words
infer
,
that
Nature
has
designed
one
Man
,
or
succession
of
Men
,
to
be
Lords
of
every
Country
,
must
shew
that
Man
to
be
endowed
with
all
the
Vertues
,
that
render
him
fit
for
so
great
an
Office
,
which
he
dos
not
bear
for
his
own
Pleasure
,
Glory
or
Profit
,
but
for
the
good
of
those
that
are
under
him
;
and
if
that
be
not
done
,
he
must
look
after
other
Patrons
than
Aristotle
for
his
opinion
.
Plato
dos
more
explicitly
say
,
that
the
Civil
or
Politick
Man
,
the
Shepherd
,
Father
,
or
King
of
a
People
,
is
the
same
,
designed
for
the
same
Work
,
enabled
to
perform
it
by
the
excellency
of
the
same
Vertues
,
and
made
perfect
by
the
infusion
of
the
divine
Wisdom
.
This
is
Plato's
Monarch
,
and
I
confess
,
that
wheresoever
he
dos
appear
in
the
World
,
he
ought
to
be
accounted
as
sent
from
God
for
the
good
of
that
People
.
His
Government
is
the
best
that
can
be
set
up
among
men
;
and
if
assurance
can
be
given
,
that
his
Children
,
Heirs
or
Successors
,
shall
for
ever
be
equal
to
him
in
the
above-mentioned
Vertues
,
it
were
a
folly
and
a
sin
to
bring
him
under
the
government
of
any
other
,
or
to
an
equality
with
them
,
since
God
had
made
him
to
excel
them
all
;
and
't
is
better
for
them
to
be
ruled
by
him
,
than
to
follow
their
own
judgment
.
This
is
that
which
gives
him
the
preference
:
He
is
wise
through
the
knowledg
of
the
Truth
,
and
thereby
becomes
good
,
happy
,
pure
,
beautiful
and
perfect
.
The
divine
Light
shining
forth
in
him
,
is
a
guide
to
others
;
and
he
is
a
fit
Leader
of
a
People
to
the
good
that
he
enjoys
.
If
this
can
be
expressed
by
words
in
fashion
,
this
is
his
Prerogative
;
this
is
the
Royal
Charter
given
to
him
by
God
;
and
to
him
only
,
who
is
so
adapted
for
the
performance
of
his
Office
.
He
that
should
pretend
to
the
same
Privileges
,
without
the
same
Abilities
to
perform
the
Works
for
which
they
are
granted
,
would
exceed
the
folly
of
a
Child
,
that
takes
upon
him
a
burden
which
can
only
be
born
by
a
Giant
;
or
the
madness
of
one
who
presumes
to
give
Physick
,
and
understands
not
the
Art
of
a
Physician
,
thereby
drawing
guilt
upon
himself
,
and
death
upon
his
Patient
.
It
were
as
vain
to
expect
that
a
Child
should
carry
the
Giant
's
burden
,
and
that
an
ignorant
man
should
give
wholsom
Physick
,
as
that
one
who
lives
void
of
all
knowledg
of
Good
,
should
conduct
men
to
it
.
Whensoever
therefore
such
a
Man
,
as
is
above-described
,
dos
not
appear
,
Nature
and
Reason
instruct
us
to
seek
him
or
them
who
are
most
like
to
him
;
and
to
lay
such
burdens
upon
them
as
are
proportionable
to
their
strength
;
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
to
prefer
every
man
according
to
his
merit
,
and
assign
to
every
one
such
Works
as
he
seems
able
to
accomplish
.
But
that
Plato
and
Aristotle
may
neither
be
thought
unreasonably
addicted
to
Monarchy
;
nor
,
wholly
rejecting
it
,
to
have
talked
in
vain
of
a
Monarch
,
that
is
not
to
be
found
;
't
is
good
to
consider
that
this
is
not
a
fiction
.
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Samuel
,
and
others
,
were
such
as
they
define
;
and
were
made
to
be
such
,
by
that
communion
with
God
which
Plato
requires
:
And
he
in
all
his
Writings
,
intending
the
institution
of
such
a
Discipline
as
should
render
men
happy
,
wise
and
good
,
could
take
no
better
way
to
bring
his
Countrymen
to
it
,
than
by
shewing
them
that
Wisdom
,
Vertue
,
and
Purity
only
could
make
a
natural
difference
among
men
.
'T
is
not
my
work
to
justify
these
Opinions
of
Plato
and
his
Scholar
Aristotle
:
They
were
men
,
and
,
tho
wise
and
learned
,
subject
to
error
.
If
they
erred
in
these
Points
,
it
hurts
not
me
,
nor
the
Cause
I
maintain
,
since
I
make
no
other
use
of
their
Books
,
than
to
shew
the
impudence
and
prevarication
of
those
,
who
gather
small
scraps
out
of
good
Books
,
to
justify
their
Assertions
concerning
such
Kings
as
are
known
amongst
us
;
which
being
examined
,
are
found
to
be
wholly
against
them
;
and
if
they
were
followed
,
would
destroy
their
Persons
and
Power
.
But
our
Author's
intention
being
only
to
cavil
,
or
to
cheat
such
as
are
not
versed
in
the
Writings
of
the
Antients
,
or
at
least
to
cause
those
who
do
not
make
Truth
their
Guide
,
to
waver
and
fluctuate
in
their
Discourses
,
he
dos
in
one
page
say
,
That
without
doubt
Moses
his
History
of
the
Creation
guided
these
Philosophers
in
finding
out
this
lineal
Subjection
:
And
in
the
next
affirms
,
That
the
Ignorance
of
the
Creation
,
occasioned
several
amongst
the
Heathen
Philosophers
to
think
that
men
met
together
as
herds
of
Cattel
:
Whereas
they
could
not
have
bin
ignorant
of
the
Creation
,
if
they
had
read
the
Books
that
Moses
writ
;
and
having
that
knowledg
,
they
could
not
think
that
men
met
together
as
herds
of
Cattel
.
However
,
I
deny
that
any
of
them
did
ever
dream
of
that
lineal
Subjection
,
derived
from
the
first
Parents
of
mankind
,
or
that
any
such
thing
was
to
be
learnt
from
Moses
.
Tho
they
did
not
perhaps
justly
know
the
beginning
of
Mankind
,
they
did
know
the
beginnings
and
progress
of
the
Governments
under
which
they
lived
;
and
being
assured
that
the
first
Kingdoms
had
bin
those
,
which
they
called
Heroum
Regna
,
that
is
,
of
those
who
had
bin
most
beneficial
to
Mankind
;
that
their
Descendents
in
many
places
degenerating
from
their
Vertues
,
had
given
Nations
occasion
to
set
up
Aristocracies
;
and
they
also
falling
into
corruption
,
to
institute
Democracies
,
or
mixed
Governments
;
did
rightly
conclude
,
That
every
Nation
might
justly
order
their
own
Affairs
according
to
their
own
pleasure
,
and
could
have
neither
obligation
nor
reason
to
set
up
one
man
or
a
few
above
others
,
unless
it
did
appear
to
them
that
they
had
more
of
those
Virtues
,
which
conduce
to
the
good
of
Civil
Societies
,
than
the
rest
of
their
Brethren
.
Our
Author's
cavil
upon
Aristotle's
Opinion
,
That
those
who
are
wise
in
mind
are
by
Nature
sitted
to
be
Lords
,
and
those
who
are
strong
of
body
ordained
to
obey
,
deserves
no
answer
;
for
he
plainly
falsifies
the
Text
:
Aristotle
speaks
only
of
those
qualities
which
are
required
for
every
purpose
;
and
means
no
more
,
than
that
such
as
are
eminent
in
the
virtues
of
the
mind
deserve
to
govern
,
tho
they
do
not
excel
in
bodily
strength
;
and
that
they
who
are
strong
of
body
,
tho
of
little
understanding
,
and
uncapable
of
commanding
,
may
be
useful
in
executing
the
commands
of
others
:
But
is
so
far
from
denying
that
one
man
may
excel
in
all
the
perfections
of
mind
and
body
,
that
he
acknowledges
him
only
to
be
a
King
by
nature
who
dos
so
,
both
being
required
for
the
full
performance
of
his
Duty
.
And
if
this
be
not
true
,
I
suppose
that
one
who
is
like
Agrippa
Posthumus
,
Corporis
viribus
stolidé
ferox
,
may
be
fit
to
govern
many
Nations
;
and
Moses
or
Samuel
,
if
they
naturally
wanted
bodily
strength
,
or
that
it
decayed
by
age
,
might
justly
be
made
Slaves
,
which
is
discovery
worthy
our
Author's
invention
.
SECT.
II.
Every
Man
that
hath
Children
,
hath
the
right
of
a
Father
,
and
is
capable
of
preferment
in
a
Society
composed
of
many
.
I
Am
not
concerned
in
making
good
what
Suarez
says
:
A
Jesuit
may
speak
that
which
is
true
;
but
it
ought
to
be
received
,
as
from
the
Devil
,
cautiously
,
lest
mischief
be
hid
under
it
:
and
Sir
Robert's
frequent
prevarications
upon
the
Scripture
,
and
many
good
Authors
,
give
reason
to
suspect
he
may
have
falsified
one
,
that
few
Protestants
read
,
if
it
served
to
his
purpose
;
and
not
mentioning
the
place
,
his
fraud
cannot
easily
be
discovered
,
unless
it
be
by
one
who
has
leisure
to
examin
all
his
vastly
voluminous
Writings
.
But
as
to
the
point
in
question
,
that
pains
may
be
saved
;
there
is
nothing
that
can
be
imputed
to
the
invention
of
Suarez
;
for
,
that
Adam
had
only
an
Oeconomical
,
not
a
political
Power
,
is
not
the
voice
of
a
Jesuit
,
but
of
Nature
and
common
Sense
:
for
Politick
signifying
no
more
in
Greek
,
than
Civil
in
Latin
,
't
is
evident
there
could
be
no
Civil
Power
,
where
there
was
no
Civil
Society
;
and
there
could
be
none
between
him
and
his
Children
,
because
a
Civil
Society
is
composed
of
Equals
,
and
fortified
by
mutual
compacts
,
which
could
not
be
between
him
and
his
Children
,
at
least
,
if
there
be
any
thing
of
truth
in
our
Author's
Doctrine
,
That
all
Children
do
perpetually
and
absolutely
depend
upon
the
Will
of
their
Father
.
Suarez
seems
to
have
bin
of
another
opinion
;
and
observing
the
benefits
we
receive
from
Parents
,
and
the
Veneration
we
owe
to
them
to
be
reciprocal
,
he
could
not
think
any
Duty
could
extend
farther
than
the
knowledg
of
the
Relation
upon
which
it
was
grounded
;
and
makes
a
difference
between
the
Power
of
a
Father
,
before
and
after
his
Children
are
made
free
;
that
is
in
truth
,
before
and
after
they
are
able
to
provide
for
themselves
,
and
to
deliver
their
Parents
from
the
burden
of
taking
care
of
them
:
which
will
appear
rational
to
any
who
are
able
to
distinguish
between
what
a
Man
of
fifty
years
old
,
subsisting
by
himself
,
and
having
a
Family
of
his
own
,
or
a
Child
of
eight
doth
owe
to
his
Father
:
The
same
reason
that
obliges
a
Child
to
submit
entirely
to
the
Will
of
his
Parents
,
when
he
is
utterly
ignorant
of
all
things
,
dos
permit
,
and
often
enjoyn
men
of
ripe
age
to
examin
the
commands
they
receive
before
they
obey
them
;
and
't
is
not
more
plain
that
I
owe
all
manner
of
duty
,
affection
,
and
respect
to
him
that
did
beget
and
educate
me
,
than
that
I
can
owe
nothing
on
any
such
account
to
one
that
did
neither
.
This
may
have
bin
the
opinion
of
Suarez
:
but
I
can
hardly
believe
such
a
notion
,
as
,
that
Adam
in
process
of
time
might
have
Servants
,
could
proceed
from
any
other
brain
than
our
Authors
;
for
if
he
had
lived
to
this
day
,
he
could
have
had
none
under
him
but
his
own
Children
;
and
if
a
Family
be
not
compleat
without
Servants
,
his
must
always
have
bin
defective
;
and
his
Kingdom
must
have
bin
so
too
,
if
that
has
such
a
resemblance
to
a
Family
as
our
Author
fancies
.
This
is
evident
,
that
a
hard
Father
may
use
his
Children
as
Servants
,
or
a
rebellious
,
stubborn
Son
may
deserve
to
be
so
used
;
and
a
gentle
and
good
Master
may
shew
that
kindness
to
faithful
and
well-deserving
Servants
,
which
resembles
the
sweetness
of
a
fatherly
rule
:
but
neither
of
them
can
change
their
nature
;
a
Son
can
never
grow
to
be
a
Servant
,
nor
a
Servant
to
be
a
Son
.
If
a
Family
therefore
be
not
compleat
,
unless
it
consist
of
Children
and
Servants
,
it
cannot
be
like
to
a
Kingdom
or
City
,
which
is
composed
of
Freemen
and
Equals
:
Servants
may
be
in
it
,
but
are
not
Members
of
it
.
As
Truth
can
never
be
repugnant
to
Justice
,
't
is
impossible
this
should
be
a
prejudice
to
the
paternal
rule
,
which
is
most
just
;
especially
when
a
grateful
remembrance
of
the
benefits
received
,
doth
still
remain
,
with
a
necessary
and
perpetual
obligation
of
repaying
them
in
all
affection
and
duty
:
whereas
the
care
of
ever
providing
for
their
Families
,
as
they
did
probably
increase
in
the
time
of
our
first
long
living
Fathers
,
would
have
bin
an
insupportable
burden
to
Parents
,
if
it
had
bin
incumbent
on
them
.
We
do
not
find
that
Adam
exercised
any
such
power
over
Cain
,
when
he
had
slain
Abel
,
as
our
Author
fancies
to
be
Regal
:
The
Murderer
went
out
,
and
built
a
City
for
himself
,
and
called
it
by
the
name
of
his
first-born
.
And
we
have
not
the
least
reason
to
believe
,
that
after
Adam's
death
Cain
had
any
Dominion
over
his
Breathren
,
or
their
Posterity
;
or
any
one
of
them
over
him
and
his
.
He
feared
that
whosoever
saw
him
would
kill
him
,
which
language
dos
not
agree
with
the
Rights
belonging
to
the
haughty
Title
of
Heir
apparent
to
the
Dominion
of
the
whole
Earth
.
The
like
was
practised
by
Noah
and
his
Sons
,
who
set
up
Colonies
for
themselves
:
but
lived
as
private
men
in
obscure
places
,
whilst
their
Children
of
the
fourth
or
fifth
Generation
,
especially
of
the
youngest
and
accursed
Son
,
were
great
and
powerful
Kings
,
as
is
fully
proved
in
the
first
Chapter
.
Tho
this
had
bin
otherwise
,
it
would
have
no
effect
upon
us
;
for
no
argument
drawn
from
the
examples
of
Shem
,
Ham
,
and
Japhet
,
if
they
and
their
Children
had
continued
under
the
Dominion
of
Noah
as
long
as
he
lived
,
can
oblige
me
to
resign
my self
and
all
my
concernments
absolutely
into
the
hands
of
one
who
is
not
my
Father
.
But
when
the
contrary
is
evidently
true
in
them
,
and
their
next
ensuing
Generations
,
't
is
an
admirable
boldness
in
our
Author
to
think
of
imposing
upon
us
for
an
eternal
and
universal
Law
(
when
the
knowledg
of
our
first
Progenitors
is
utterly
extinguished
)
that
which
was
not
at
all
regarded
by
those
,
who
could
not
be
ignorant
of
their
own
Original
,
or
the
Duty
thereby
incumbent
upon
them
,
or
their
immediate
Fathers
then
living
,
to
whom
the
Rights
must
have
belonged
,
if
there
had
bin
any
such
thing
in
nature
,
or
that
they
had
bin
of
any
advantage
to
them
:
whereas
in
truth
,
if
there
had
bin
such
a
Law
in
the
beginning
,
it
must
have
vanished
of
it self
,
for
want
of
being
exercised
in
the
beginning
,
and
could
not
possibly
be
revived
after
four
thousand
years
,
when
no
man
in
the
world
can
possibly
know
to
whom
the
universal
right
of
Dominion
over
the
whole
World
or
particular
Nations
dos
belong
;
for
't
is
in
vain
to
speak
of
a
Right
,
when
no
one
man
can
have
a
better
Title
to
it
than
any
other
.
But
there
being
no
precept
in
the
Scripture
for
it
,
and
the
examples
directed
or
approved
by
God
himself
and
his
most
faithful
Servants
,
being
inconsistent
with
,
and
contrary
to
it
,
we
may
be
sure
there
never
was
any
such
thing
;
and
that
Men
being
left
to
the
free
use
of
their
own
understanding
,
may
order
and
dispose
of
their
own
Affairs
as
they
think
fit
.
No
man
can
have
a
better
title
than
another
,
unless
for
his
personal
Vertues
;
every
man
that
in
the
judgment
of
those
concerned
excels
in
them
,
may
be
advanced
:
and
those
Nations
that
through
mistake
set
up
such
as
are
unworthy
,
or
do
not
take
right
measures
in
providing
for
a
Succession
of
men
worthy
,
and
other
things
necessary
to
their
welfare
,
may
be
guilty
of
great
folly
,
to
their
own
shame
and
misery
;
but
can
do
no
injustice
to
any
people
,
in
relation
to
an
hereditary
Right
,
which
can
be
naturally
in
none
.
SECT.
III.
Government
is
not
instituted
for
the
good
of
the
Governor
,
but
of
the
Governed
;
and
Power
is
not
an
Advantage
,
but
a
Burden
.
THE
Follies
with
which
our
Author
endeavours
to
corrupt
and
trouble
the
World
,
seem
to
proceed
from
his
fundamental
mistakes
of
the
Ends
for
which
Governments
are
constituted
;
and
from
an
Opinion
,
that
an
excessive
Power
is
good
for
the
Governor
,
or
the
diminution
of
it
a
prejudice
:
whereas
common
sense
teaches
,
and
all
good
men
acknowledg
,
that
Governments
are
not
set
up
for
the
Advantage
,
Profit
,
Pleasure
or
Glory
of
one
or
a
few
men
,
but
for
the
good
of
the
Society
.
For
this
reason
Plato
and
Aristotle
find
no
more
certain
way
of
distinguishing
between
a
lawful
King
and
a
Tyrant
,
than
that
the
first
seeks
to
procure
the
common
Good
,
and
the
other
his
own
Pleasure
or
Profit
;
and
doubt
not
to
declare
,
That
he
who
according
to
his
Institution
was
the
first
,
destroys
his
own
being
,
and
degenerates
into
the
latter
,
if
he
deflect
from
that
Rule
:
He
that
was
the
best
of
Men
,
becomes
the
worst
;
and
the
Father
or
Shepherd
of
the
People
makes
himself
their
Enemy
.
And
we
may
from
hence
collect
,
that
in
all
Controversies
concerning
the
Power
of
Magistrates
,
we
are
not
to
examine
what
conduces
to
their
Profit
or
Glory
,
but
what
is
good
for
the
Publick
.
His
second
Error
is
no
less
gross
and
mischievous
than
the
first
;
and
that
absolute
Power
to
which
he
would
exalt
the
chief
Magistrate
,
would
be
burdensom
,
and
desperately
dangerous
if
he
had
it
.
The
highest
Places
are
always
slippery
:
Mens
eyes
dazle
when
they
are
carried
up
to
them
;
and
all
falls
from
them
are
mortal
.
Few
Kings
or
Tyrants
,
says
[
*
](A60214-e9640-b)
*
—
Sine
cade
&
sanguine
pauci
Descendunt
reges
,
&
sicca
morte
Tyranni
.
Juven.
Sat.
Juvenal
,
go
down
to
the
Grave
in
peace
;
and
he
did
not
imprudently
couple
them
together
,
because
in
his
time
few
or
no
Kings
were
known
who
were
not
Tyrants
.
Dionysius
thought
no
man
left
a
Tyranny
,
till
he
was
drawn
out
by
the
heels
.
But
Tacitus
says
,
Nescit
quam
grave
&
intolerandum
sit
cuncta
regendi
onus
.
Moses
could
not
bear
it
:
Gideon
would
not
accept
of
any
Resemblance
of
it
.
The
moral
sense
of
Jotham's
wise
Parable
is
eternal
:
The
Bramble
covered
the
Power
,
which
the
Vine
,
Olive
and
Figtree
resused
.
The
worst
and
basest
of
men
are
ambitious
of
the
highest
places
,
which
the
best
and
wisest
reject
;
or
if
some
,
who
may
be
otherwise
well
qualified
—
[
In
this
place
two
Pages
are
wanting
in
the
Original
Manuscript
.
]
—
as
the
fittest
to
be
followed
by
Mankind
.
If
these
Philosophers
and
Divines
deserve
credit
,
Nimrod
,
Ninus
,
Pharaoh
,
and
the
rest
of
that
accursed
Crew
,
did
not
commit
such
excesses
as
were
condemned
by
God
,
and
abhorred
by
good
Men
;
but
gaining
to
themselves
the
glorious
Character
of
his
Vicegerents
,
left
their
practices
as
a
perpetual
Law
to
all
succeeding
Generations
;
whereby
the
world
,
and
every
part
of
it
,
would
be
for
ever
exposed
to
the
violence
,
cruelty
and
madness
of
the
most
wicked
men
that
it
should
produce
.
But
if
these
Opinions
comprehend
an
extravagancy
of
wickedness
and
madness
,
that
was
not
known
among
men
,
till
some
of
these
Wretches
presumed
to
attempt
the
increase
of
that
corruption
under
which
Mankind
groans
,
by
adding
fuel
to
the
worst
of
all
Vices
;
we
may
safely
return
to
our
Propositions
,
That
God
having
established
no
such
Authority
as
our
Author
fancies
,
Nations
are
left
to
the
use
of
their
own
Judgment
,
in
making
provision
for
their
own
Welfare
:
That
there
is
no
lawful
Magistrate
over
any
of
them
,
but
such
as
they
have
set
up
;
that
in
creating
them
,
they
do
not
seek
the
advantage
of
their
Magistrate
,
but
their
own
:
and
having
found
that
an
absolute
Power
over
a
People
,
is
a
burden
which
no
man
can
bear
;
and
that
no
wise
or
good
Man
ever
desired
it
;
from
thence
conclude
,
that
it
is
not
good
for
any
to
have
it
,
nor
just
for
any
to
affect
it
,
tho
it
were
personally
good
for
himself
;
because
he
is
not
exalted
to
seek
his
own
good
,
but
that
of
the
Publick
.
SECT.
IV.
The
Paternal
Right
devolves
to
,
and
is
inherited
by
all
the
Children
.
THO
the
perversity
of
our
Author's
Judgment
and
Nature
may
have
driven
him
into
the
most
gross
Errors
,
't
is
not
amiss
to
observe
,
that
many
of
those
delivered
by
him
,
proceed
from
his
ignorance
of
the
most
important
Differences
between
Father
and
Lord
,
King
and
Tyrant
;
which
are
so
evident
and
irreconcilable
,
that
one
would
have
thought
no
man
could
be
so
stupid
,
as
not
to
see
it
impossible
for
one
and
the
same
man
,
at
the
same
time
,
to
be
Father
and
Master
,
King
and
Tyrant
,
over
the
same
Persons
.
But
lest
he
should
think
me
too
scrupulous
,
or
too
strict
in
inquiring
after
Truth
,
I
intend
for
the
present
to
wave
that
inquiry
,
and
to
seek
what
was
good
for
Adam
or
Noah
:
What
we
have
reason
to
believe
they
desired
to
transmit
to
their
Posterity
,
and
to
take
it
for
a
perpetual
Law
in
its
utmost
extent
;
which
I
think
will
be
of
no
advantage
to
our
Author
:
for
this
Authority
,
which
was
universal
during
their
lives
,
must
necessarily
after
their
decease
be
divided
,
as
an
Inheritance
,
into
as
many
parcels
as
they
had
Children
.
The
Apostle
says
,
If
Children
,
then
Heirs
,
Heirs
of
God
,
and
joint
Heirs
with
Christ
;
which
alluding
to
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
Nations
,
could
Yet
if
the
Apostle
had
not
declared
himself
so
fully
in
this
Point
,
we
might
easily
have
seen
that
Adam
and
Noah
did
leave
their
Children
in
that
equality
;
for
Fathers
are
ever
understood
to
embrace
all
their
Children
with
equal
Affection
,
till
the
discovery
of
personal
Vertues
or
Vices
make
a
difference
.
But
the
personal
Vertues
,
that
give
a
reasonable
preference
of
one
before
another
,
or
make
him
more
fit
to
govern
than
the
others
,
cannot
appear
before
he
is
,
nor
can
be
annexed
to
any
one
Line
:
Therefore
the
Father
cannot
be
thought
to
have
given
to
one
Man
,
or
his
Descendents
,
the
Government
of
his
Brethren
and
their
Descendents
.
Besides
,
tho
the
Law
of
England
may
make
one
man
to
be
sole
Heir
of
his
Father
,
yet
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
do
not
so
.
All
the
Children
of
Noah
were
his
Heirs
:
The
Land
promised
to
Abraham
,
Isaac
and
Jacob
,
was
equally
divided
among
their
Children
.
If
the
Children
of
Joseph
made
two
Tribes
,
it
was
not
as
the
first
born
,
but
by
the
Will
of
Jacob
,
who
adopted
Ephraim
and
Manasseh
;
and
they
thereby
became
his
Sons
,
and
obtained
an
Inheritance
equal
to
that
of
the
other
Tribes
.
The
Law
allowed
a
double
Portion
to
the
first-begotten
;
but
this
made
a
difference
between
Brothers
only
in
proportion
,
whereas
that
between
Lord
and
Servant
,
is
in
specie
,
not
in
degree
.
And
if
our
Author's
Opinion
might
take
place
,
instead
of
such
a
division
of
the
common
Inheritance
between
Brothers
,
as
was
made
between
the
Children
of
Jacob
,
all
must
continue
for
ever
Slaves
to
one
Lord
;
which
would
establish
a
difference
in
specie
between
Brethren
,
which
Nature
abhors
.
If
Nature
dos
not
make
one
man
Lord
over
his
Brethren
,
he
can
never
come
to
be
their
Lord
,
unless
they
make
him
so
,
or
he
subdue
them
.
If
he
subdue
them
,
it
is
an
act
of
Violence
,
contrary
to
Right
,
which
may
consequently
be
recovered
:
If
they
make
him
Lord
,
't
is
for
their
own
sakes
,
not
for
his
;
and
he
must
seek
their
good
,
not
his
own
,
lest
,
as
Aristotle
says
,
he
degenerate
from
a
King
into
a
Tyrant
.
He
therefore
who
would
perswade
us
,
that
the
Dominion
over
every
Nation
,
dos
naturally
belong
to
one
Man
,
Woman
or
Child
,
at
a
venture
;
or
to
the
Heir
,
whatsoever
he
or
she
be
,
as
to
Age
,
Sex
,
or
other
Qualifications
,
must
prove
it
good
for
all
Nations
to
be
under
them
.
But
as
Reason
is
our
Nature
,
that
can
never
be
natural
to
us
that
is
not
rational
.
Reason
gives
Paria
paribus
,
equal
Power
to
those
who
have
equal
Abilities
and
Merit
:
It
allots
to
every
one
the
part
he
is
most
fit
to
perform
;
and
this
fitness
must
be
equally
lasting
with
the
Law
that
allots
it
.
But
as
it
can
never
be
good
for
great
Nations
,
having
men
amongst
them
of
Vertue
,
Experience
,
Wisdom
and
Goodness
,
to
be
governed
by
Children
,
Fools
,
or
vicious
and
wicked
Persons
;
and
we
neither
find
that
the
Vertues
required
in
such
as
deserve
to
govern
them
,
did
ever
continue
in
any
race
of
men
,
nor
have
reason
to
believe
they
ever
will
,
it
can
never
be
reasonable
to
annex
the
Dominion
of
a
Nation
to
any
one
Line
.
We
may
take
this
upon
Solomon's
word
,
Wo
to
thee
,
O
Land
,
when
thy
King
is
a
Child
,
and
thy
Princes
eat
in
the
Moreover
,
every
Father's
Right
must
cease
,
when
he
ceases
to
be
;
or
be
transmitted
to
those
,
who
being
also
Fathers
,
have
the
same
Title
to
it
.
And
tho
the
contrary
method
of
annexing
the
whole
Inheritance
to
one
Person
,
or
exposing
all
his
Brethren
to
be
destroyed
by
his
rage
,
if
they
will
not
submit
,
may
conduce
to
the
enlargement
of
a
proud
and
violent
Empire
,
as
in
Turky
;
where
he
that
gains
the
Power
,
usually
begins
his
Reign
with
the
slaughter
of
his
Brothers
and
Nephews
:
yet
it
can
never
agree
with
the
piety
,
gentleness
and
wisdom
of
the
Patriarchs
,
or
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
These
things
being
agreed
,
we
need
not
trouble
our selves
with
the
Limits
or
Definition
of
a
Family
,
and
as
little
with
the
Titles
given
to
the
Head
of
it
:
'T
is
all
one
to
us
,
whether
it
be
confined
to
one
Roof
and
Fire
,
or
extended
farther
;
and
none
but
such
as
are
strangers
to
the
practice
of
mankind
,
can
think
that
titles
of
Civility
have
a
power
to
create
a
right
of
Dominion
.
Every
man
in
Latin
is
called
Dominus
,
unless
such
as
are
of
the
vilest
condition
,
or
in
a
great
subjection
to
those
who
speak
to
them
;
and
yet
the
word
strictly
taken
,
relates
only
to
Servus
,
for
a
Man
is
Lord
only
of
his
Servant
or
Slave
.
The
Italians
are
not
less
liberal
of
the
Titles
of
Signore
and
Padrone
,
and
the
Spaniards
of
Sennor
;
but
he
would
be
ridiculous
in
those
Countries
,
who
thereupon
should
arrogate
to
himself
a
right
of
Dominion
over
those
who
are
so
civil
.
The
vanity
of
our
Age
seems
to
carry
this
Point
a
little
higher
,
especially
among
the
French
,
who
put
a
great
weight
upon
the
word
Prince
;
but
they
cannot
change
the
true
signification
of
it
;
and
even
in
their
sense
,
Prince
du
Sang
signifies
no
more
than
a
chief
Man
of
the
Royal
Blood
,
to
whom
they
pay
much
respect
,
because
he
may
come
to
the
Crown
;
as
they
at
Rome
do
to
Cardinals
,
who
have
the
Power
of
chusing
Popes
,
and
out
of
whose
number
,
for
some
Ages
,
they
have
bin
chosen
.
In
this
sense
did
Scevola
,
when
he
was
apprehended
by
Porsenna
,
say
,
Trecenti
conjuravimus
Romanae
juvcntutis
Principes
;
I
should
,
like
our
Author
,
run
round
in
a
Circle
,
if
I
should
refute
what
he
says
of
a
Regal
Power
in
our
first
Parents
;
or
shew
;
that
the
Regal
,
where
it
is
,
is
not
absolute
as
often
as
he
dos
assert
it
.
But
having
already
proved
,
that
Adam
,
Noah
,
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
Jacob
,
&c.
enjoyed
no
such
Power
;
transmitted
to
every
one
of
their
Sons
that
which
they
had
,
and
they
became
Fathers
of
many
great
Nations
,
who
always
continued
independent
on
each
other
,
I
leave
to
our
Author
to
prove
,
when
and
by
what
Law
the
Right
of
subdividing
the
Paternal
Power
was
stopped
,
and
how
any
one
or
more
of
their
Descendants
came
to
have
that
Power
over
their
Brethren
,
which
none
of
their
immediate
Children
had
over
theirs
.
His
question
to
Suarez
,
how
and
when
Sons
become
free
,
savours
more
of
Jesuitical
Sophistry
,
than
any
thing
said
by
the
Jesuit
;
but
the
Solution
is
easy
:
for
if
he
mean
the
respect
,
veneration
and
kindness
proceeding
from
gratitude
,
it
ceases
only
with
the
Life
of
the
Father
to
whom
it
is
due
,
and
the
memory
of
it
must
last
as
long
as
that
of
the
Son
;
and
if
they
had
bin
possessed
of
such
an
absolute
Power
as
he
fancies
,
it
must
have
ceased
with
the
reasons
upon
which
it
was
grounded
.
First
,
Because
the
Power
,
of
which
a
Father
would
probably
have
made
a
wise
and
gentle
use
,
could
not
be
rightly
trusted
in
the
hands
of
one
who
is
not
a
Father
;
and
that
which
tended
only
to
the
preservation
of
all
the
Children
,
could
not
be
turned
to
the
increase
of
the
Pride
,
Luxury
and
Violence
of
one
,
to
the
oppression
of
others
who
are
equally
Heirs
.
In
the
second
place
,
Societies
cannot
be
instituted
,
unless
the
Heads
of
the
Families
that
are
to
compose
them
,
resign
so
much
of
their
Right
as
seems
convenient
into
the
publick
Stock
,
to
which
every
one
becomes
subject
:
But
that
the
same
Power
should
,
at
the
same
time
,
continue
in
the
true
Father
,
and
the
figurative
Father
,
the
Magistrate
;
and
that
the
Children
should
owe
intire
Obedience
to
the
Commands
of
both
,
which
may
often
cross
each
other
,
is
absurd
.
Thirdly
,
It
ceases
when
it
cannot
be
executed
;
as
when
men
live
to
see
four
or
five
Generations
,
as
many
do
at
this
day
;
because
the
Son
cannot
tell
whether
he
should
obey
his
Father
,
Grandfather
,
or
Great-Grandsather
,
and
cannot
be
equally
subject
to
them
all
;
most
especially
,
when
they
live
in
divers
places
,
and
set
up
Families
of
their
own
,
as
the
Sons
of
the
Patriarchs
did
:
which
being
observed
,
I
know
no
place
where
this
Paternal
Power
could
have
any
effect
,
unless
in
the
fabulous
Island
of
Pines
;
and
even
there
it
must
have
ceased
,
when
he
died
,
who
by
the
Inventor
of
the
story
,
is
said
to
have
seen
above
ten
thousand
Persons
issued
of
his
body
.
And
if
it
be
said
,
that
Noah
,
Shem
,
Abraham
,
&c.
consented
that
their
Children
should
go
where
they
thought
fit
,
and
provide
for
themselves
;
I
answer
,
that
the
like
has
bin
done
in
all
Ages
,
and
must
be
done
for
ever
.
'T
is
the
Voice
of
Nature
,
obeyed
,
not
only
by
mankind
,
but
by
all
living
Creatures
;
and
there
is
none
so
stupid
as
not
to
understand
it
.
A
Hen
leaves
her
Chickens
,
when
they
can
seek
their
own
nourishment
:
A
Cow
looks
after
her
Calf
no
longer
,
than
till
it
is
able
to
feed
:
A
Lion
gives
over
hunting
for
his
Whelps
,
when
they
are
able
to
seek
their
own
Prey
,
and
have
strength
enough
to
provide
what
is
sufficient
for
themselves
.
And
the
contrary
would
be
an
insupportable
burden
to
all
living
Creatures
,
but
especially
to
men
;
for
the
good
order
that
the
rational
Nature
delights
in
,
would
be
overthrown
,
and
Civil
Societies
,
by
which
it
is
best
preserved
,
would
never
be
established
.
We
are
not
concerned
to
examine
,
Whether
the
Political
and
Oeconomical
Powers
be
intirely
the
same
,
or
in
what
they
differ
:
for
that
absolute
Power
which
he
contends
for
,
is
purely
despotical
,
different
from
both
,
or
rather
inconsistent
with
either
as
to
the
same
Subject
;
and
that
which
the
Patriarchs
exercised
,
having
bin
equally
inherited
by
their
Children
,
and
consequently
by
every
one
of
their
Posterity
,
't
is
as
much
as
is
required
for
my
purpose
of
proving
the
natural
,
universal
Liberty
of
Mankind
;
and
I
am
no
way
concerned
in
the
Question
,
Whether
the
first
Parents
of
Mankind
had
a
Power
of
Life
and
Death
over
their
Children
,
or
not
.
SECT.
V.
Freemen
join
together
and
frame
greater
or
lesser
Societies
,
and
give
such
Forms
to
them
as
best
please
themselves
.
THIS
being
established
,
I
shall
leave
Filmer
to
fight
against
Suarez
or
Bellarmin
;
or
to
turn
one
of
them
against
the
other
,
without
any
concernment
in
the
Combat
,
or
the
success
of
it
.
But
since
he
thereupon
raises
a
Question
,
Whether
the
supreme
Power
be
so
in
the
People
,
that
there
is
but
one
and
the
same
Power
in
all
the
People
of
the
World
;
so
that
no
Power
can
be
granted
,
unless
all
Men
upon
the
Earth
meet
,
and
agree
to
chuse
a
Governor
:
I
think
it
deserves
to
be
answered
,
and
might
do
it
by
proposing
a
Question
to
him
;
Whether
in
his
opinion
,
the
Empire
of
the
whole
World
doth
,
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
belong
to
one
Man
,
and
who
that
Man
is
?
Or
,
how
it
came
so
to
be
divided
,
as
we
have
ever
known
it
to
have
bin
,
without
such
an
injury
to
the
Universal
Monarch
,
as
can
never
be
repaired
?
But
intending
to
proceed
more
candidly
,
and
not
to
trouble
my self
with
Bellarmin
or
Suarez
,
I
say
,
that
they
who
place
the
Power
in
a
Multitude
,
understand
a
Multitude
composed
of
Freemen
,
who
think
it
for
their
convenience
to
join
together
,
and
to
establish
such
Laws
and
Rules
as
they
oblige
themselves
to
observe
:
which
Multitude
,
whether
it
be
great
or
small
,
has
the
same
Right
,
because
ten
men
are
as
free
as
ten
millions
of
men
;
and
tho
it
may
be
more
prudent
in
some
cases
to
join
with
the
greater
than
the
smaller
number
,
because
there
is
more
strength
,
it
is
not
so
always
:
But
however
every
man
must
therein
be
his
own
judg
,
since
if
he
mistake
,
the
hurt
is
only
to
himself
;
and
the
ten
may
as
justly
resolve
to
live
together
,
frame
a
Civil
Society
,
and
oblige
themselves
to
Laws
,
as
the
greatest
number
of
men
that
ever
met
together
in
the
world
.
Thus
we
find
that
a
few
men
assembling
together
upon
the
Banks
of
the
Tiber
,
resolved
to
build
a
City
,
and
set
up
a
Government
among
themselves
:
And
the
Multitude
that
met
at
Babylon
,
when
their
design
of
building
a
Tower
that
should
reach
up
to
Heaven
failed
,
and
their
Language
was
confounded
,
divided
themselves
,
as
our
Author
says
,
into
seventy
two
parcels
,
and
by
the
same
Right
might
have
divided
into
more
,
as
their
Descendents
did
,
into
almost
an
infinite
number
before
the
death
of
their
common
Father
Noah
.
But
we
cannot
find
a
more
perfect
Picture
of
Freemen
,
living
according
to
their
own
Will
,
than
in
Abraham
and
Lot
;
they
went
together
into
Canaan
,
continued
together
as
long
as
was
convenient
for
them
,
and
parted
when
their
Substance
did
so
increase
,
that
they
became
troublesom
to
each
other
.
In
the
like
manner
Ismael
,
Isaac
,
and
Abraham's
six
Sons
by
Keturah
,
might
have
continued
together
and
made
one
Nation
;
Isaac
and
Esau
,
Moab
and
Ammon
might
have
done
so
too
;
or
all
of
them
that
came
of
the
same
Stock
might
have
united
together
;
but
they
did
not
;
and
their
Descendents
by
the
same
rule
might
have
subdivided
perpetually
,
if
they
had
thought
it
expedient
for
themselves
:
and
if
the
Sons
of
Jacob
did
not
do
the
like
,
't
is
probable
they
were
kept
together
by
the
hope
of
an
Inheritance
promised
to
them
by
God
,
in
which
we
find
no
shadow
of
a
despotical
Dominion
,
affected
by
one
as
Father
or
Heir
to
the
first
Father
,
or
reputed
to
be
the
Heir
;
but
all
continued
in
that
fraternal
equality
,
which
according
to
Abraham's
words
to
Lot
they
ought
to
do
.
Lot
,
Moab
and
Ammon
,
Ismael
,
Isaac
,
and
the
Sons
of
Keturah
,
Jacob
,
Esau
,
and
their
Descendents
,
did
divide
and
set
up
several
Governments
,
every
one
of
their
Children
might
have
done
the
like
:
and
the
same
Right
remained
to
their
Issue
,
till
they
had
by
agreement
engaged
themselves
to
each
other
.
But
if
they
had
no
dependence
upon
each
other
,
and
might
live
together
in
that
fraternal
equality
which
was
between
Abraham
and
Lot
;
or
separate
,
and
continue
in
that
separation
,
or
reunite
;
they
could
not
but
have
a
right
of
framing
such
conditions
of
their
reunion
as
best
pleased
themselves
.
By
this
means
every
number
of
men
,
agreeing
together
and
framing
a
Society
,
became
a
compleat
Body
,
having
all
Power
in
themselves
over
themselves
,
subject
to
no
other
human
Law
than
their
own
.
All
those
that
compose
the
Society
,
being
equally
free
to
enter
into
it
or
not
,
no
man
could
have
any
Prerogative
above
others
,
unless
it
were
granted
by
the
consent
of
the
whole
;
and
nothing
obliging
them
to
enter
into
this
Society
,
but
the
consideration
of
their
own
Good
;
that
Good
,
or
the
opinion
of
it
,
must
have
been
the
Rule
,
Motive
and
End
of
all
that
they
did
ordain
.
'T
is
lawful
therefore
for
any
such
Bodies
to
set
up
one
,
or
a
few
men
to
govern
them
,
or
to
retain
the
Power
in
themselves
;
and
he
or
they
who
are
set
up
,
having
no
other
Power
but
what
is
so
conferred
upon
them
by
that
Multitude
,
whether
great
or
small
,
are
truly
by
them
made
what
they
are
;
and
by
the
Law
of
their
own
Creation
,
are
to
exercise
those
Powers
according
to
the
proportion
,
and
to
the
ends
for
which
they
were
given
.
These
Rights
,
in
several
Nations
and
Ages
,
have
bin
variously
executed
,
in
the
establishment
of
Monarchies
,
Aristocracies
,
Democracies
,
or
mixed
Governmeuts
,
according
to
the
variety
of
Circumstances
;
and
the
Governments
have
bin
good
or
evil
,
according
to
the
rectitude
or
pravity
of
their
Institution
,
and
the
vertue
and
wisdom
,
or
the
folly
and
vices
of
those
to
whom
the
Power
was
committed
:
but
the
end
which
was
ever
proposed
,
being
the
good
of
the
Publick
,
they
only
performed
their
duty
,
who
procured
it
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Society
,
which
were
equally
valid
as
to
their
own
Magistrates
,
whether
they
were
few
or
many
.
This
might
suffice
to
answer
our
Author's
Question
;
but
he
endeavours
further
to
perplex
it
,
by
a
fiction
of
his
own
brain
,
That
God
gave
this
Power
to
the
whole
Multitude
met
,
and
not
to
every
particular
Assembly
of
Men
:
And
expects
a
proof
,
That
the
whole
Multitude
met
,
and
divided
this
Power
which
God
gave
them
in
gross
,
by
breaking
it
into
parcels
,
and
by
appointing
a
distinct
Power
to
each
Commonwealth
.
He
also
fathers
it
upon
the
Assertors
of
Liberty
;
and
dos
not
see
,
as
he
says
,
how
there
can
be
an
Election
of
a
Magistrate
by
any
Common-wealth
,
that
is
not
an
Vsurpation
upon
the
Privilege
of
the
whole
World
,
unless
all
Mankind
had
met
together
,
and
divided
the
Power
into
parcels
which
God
had
given
them
in
gross
.
But
before
I
put
my self
to
the
trouble
of
answering
that
which
is
but
an
Appendix
to
a
whimsy
of
his
own
,
I
may
justly
ask
,
What
hurt
he
finds
in
Usurpation
,
who
asserts
,
that
the
same
Obedience
is
due
to
all
Monarchs
,
whether
they
come
in
by
Inheritance
,
Election
or
Usurpation
?
If
Usurpation
can
give
a
Right
to
a
Monarch
,
why
dos
it
not
confer
the
same
upon
a
People
?
Or
rather
,
if
God
did
in
gross
confer
such
a
Right
upon
all
Mankind
,
and
they
neither
did
,
nor
can
meet
together
by
consent
to
dispose
of
it
for
the
good
of
the
whole
;
why
should
not
those
who
can
,
and
do
consent
to
meet
together
,
agree
upon
that
which
seems
most
expedient
to
them
for
the
Government
of
themselves
?
Did
God
create
Man
under
the
necessity
of
wanting
Government
,
and
all
the
good
that
proceeds
from
it
;
because
at
the
first
all
did
not
,
and
afterwards
all
could
not
meet
to
agree
upon
Rules
?
Or
did
he
ever
declare
,
that
unless
they
should
use
the
first
opportunity
of
dividing
themselves
into
such
parcels
as
were
to
remain
unalterable
,
the
right
of
reigning
over
every
one
shall
fall
to
the
first
Villain
that
should
dare
to
attempt
it
?
It
is
not
more
consonant
to
the
Wisdom
and
Goodness
of
God
,
to
leave
to
every
Nation
a
liberty
of
repairing
the
Mischiefs
fallen
upon
them
through
the
omission
of
their
first
Parents
,
by
setting
up
Governments
among
themselves
,
than
to
lay
them
under
a
necessity
of
submitting
to
any
that
should
insolently
aspire
to
a
Domination
over
them
?
Is
it
not
more
just
and
reasonable
to
believe
,
that
the
universal
Right
not
being
executed
,
devolves
upon
particular
Nations
,
as
numbers
of
the
great
Body
,
than
that
it
should
become
the
reward
of
Violence
or
Fraud
?
Or
is
it
possible
that
any
one
man
can
make
himself
Lord
of
a
People
,
or
parcel
of
that
Body
,
to
whom
God
had
given
the
liberty
of
governing
themselves
,
by
any
other
means
than
Violence
or
Fraud
,
unless
they
did
willingly
submit
to
him
?
If
this
Right
be
not
devolved
upon
any
one
Man
,
is
not
the
invasion
of
it
the
most
outragious
Injury
that
can
be
done
to
all
Mankind
,
and
most
particularly
to
the
Nation
that
is
enslaved
by
it
?
Or
if
the
Justice
of
every
Government
depends
necessarily
upon
an
original
Grant
,
and
a
Succession
certainly
deduced
from
our
first
Fathers
,
dos
not
he
by
his
own
Principles
condemn
all
the
Monarchies
of
the
World
,
as
the
most
detestable
Usurpations
,
since
not
one
of
them
that
we
know
do
any
way
pretend
to
it
?
Or
,
tho
I
,
who
deny
any
Power
to
be
just
that
is
not
founded
upon
consent
,
may
boldly
blame
Usurpation
,
is
it
not
an
absurd
and
unpardonable
impudence
in
Filmer
,
to
condemn
Userpation
in
a
People
,
when
he
has
declared
that
the
Right
and
Power
of
a
Father
may
be
gained
by
Usurpation
;
and
that
Nations
in
their
Obedience
are
to
regard
the
Power
,
not
the
Means
by
which
it
was
gained
?
But
not
to
lose
more
time
upon
a
most
frivolous
fiction
,
I
affirm
,
that
the
Liberty
which
we
contend
for
is
granted
by
God
to
every
man
in
his
own
Person
,
in
such
a
manner
as
may
be
useful
to
him
and
his
Posterity
,
and
as
it
was
exercised
by
Noah
,
Shem
,
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
Jacob
,
&c.
and
their
Children
,
as
has
bin
proved
,
and
not
to
the
vast
Body
of
all
Mankind
,
which
never
did
meet
together
since
the
first
Age
after
the
Flood
,
and
never
could
meet
to
receive
any
benefit
by
it
.
His
next
Question
deserves
scorn
and
hatred
,
with
all
the
effects
of
either
,
if
it
proceed
from
malice
;
tho
perhaps
he
may
deserve
compassion
,
if
his
Crime
proceed
from
ignorance
:
Was
a
general
Meeting
of
a
whole
Kingdom
,
says
he
;
ever
known
for
the
Election
of
a
Prince
?
But
if
there
never
was
any
general
Meetings
of
whole
Nations
,
or
of
such
as
they
did
delegate
and
entrust
with
the
Power
of
the
whole
,
how
did
any
man
that
was
elected
come
to
have
a
Power
over
the
whole
?
Why
may
not
a
People
meet
to
chuse
a
Prince
,
as
well
as
any
other
Magistrate
?
Why
might
not
the
Athenians
,
Romans
,
or
Carthaginians
,
have
chosen
Princes
as
well
as
Archons
,
Consuls
,
Dictators
or
Suffetes
,
if
it
had
pleased
them
?
Who
chose
all
the
Roman
Kings
,
except
Tarquin
the
proud
,
if
the
People
did
not
;
since
their
Histories
testify
,
that
he
was
the
first
who
took
upon
him
to
reign
sine
jussu
populi
?
Who
ever
heard
of
a
King
of
the
Goths
Charles
Gustavus
come
to
be
King
,
unless
it
was
by
the
Election
of
the
Nobility
?
He
acknowledged
by
the
Act
of
his
Election
,
and
upon
all
occasions
,
that
he
had
no
other
right
to
the
Crown
than
what
they
had
conferred
on
him
.
Did
not
the
like
Custom
prevail
in
Hungary
and
Bohemia
,
till
those
Countries
fell
under
the
Power
of
the
House
of
Austria
?
and
in
Denmark
till
the
Year
1660
?
Do
not
the
Kings
of
Poland
derive
their
Authority
from
this
popular
Election
,
which
he
derides
?
Dos
not
the
stile
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
used
in
the
Kingdom
of
Arragon
,
as
it
is
related
by
Antonio
Perez
Secretary
of
State
to
Philip
2d
,
shew
,
that
their
Kings
were
of
their
own
making
?
Could
they
say
,
[
*
](A60214-e11050-b)
*
Nos
que
valemos
tanto
come
vos
,
os
hazemos
nuestro
Rey
,
con
tal
que
nos
guardeys
nuestros
fueros
y
libertades
,
y
sino
,
no.
Relacion
.
de
Ant.
Perez
.
We
who
are
as
good
as
you
,
make
you
our
King
,
on
condition
that
you
keep
and
observe
our
Privileges
and
Liberties
;
and
if
not
,
not
;
if
he
did
not
come
in
by
their
Election
?
Were
not
the
Roman
Emperors
in
disorderly
times
chosen
by
the
Souldiers
;
and
in
such
as
were
more
regular
,
by
the
Senate
,
with
the
consent
of
the
People
?
Our
Author
may
say
,
the
whole
Body
of
these
Nations
did
not
meet
at
their
Elections
;
tho
that
is
not
always
true
,
for
in
the
Infancy
of
Rome
,
when
the
whole
People
dwelt
within
the
Walls
of
a
small
City
,
they
did
meet
for
the
choice
of
their
Kings
,
as
afterwards
for
the
choice
of
other
Magistrates
.
Whilst
the
Goths
,
Franks
,
Vandals
and
Saxons
,
lived
within
the
Precincts
of
a
Camp
,
they
frequently
met
for
the
Election
of
a
King
,
and
raised
upon
a
Target
the
Person
they
had
chosen
:
but
finding
that
to
be
inconvenient
,
or
rather
impossible
,
when
they
were
vastly
increased
in
number
,
and
dispersed
over
all
the
Countries
they
had
conquered
,
no
better
way
was
found
,
than
to
institute
Gemotes
,
Parliaments
,
Diets
,
Cortez
,
Assemblies
of
Estates
,
or
the
like
,
to
do
that
which
formerly
had
bin
performed
by
themselves
;
and
when
a
People
is
,
by
mutual
compact
,
joined
together
in
a
civil
Society
,
there
is
no
difference
as
to
Right
,
between
that
which
is
done
by
them
all
in
their
own
Persons
,
or
by
some
deputed
by
all
,
and
acting
according
to
the
Powers
received
from
all
.
If
our
Author
was
ignorant
of
these
things
,
which
are
the
most
common
in
all
Histories
,
he
might
have
spared
the
pains
of
writing
upon
more
abstruse
Points
;
but
't
is
a
stupendous
folly
in
him
,
to
presume
to
raise
Doctrines
depending
upon
the
universal
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
without
examining
the
only
Law
that
ever
God
did
in
a
publick
manner
give
to
Man
.
If
he
had
looked
into
it
,
he
might
have
learnt
,
That
all
Israel
was
,
by
the
command
of
God
,
Tho
any
one
Instance
would
be
sufficient
to
overthrow
his
general
negative
Proposition
(
for
a
Rule
is
not
generally
true
,
if
there
be
any
just
Exception
against
it
)
I
have
alledged
many
,
and
find
it
so
easy
to
increase
the
number
,
that
there
is
no
Nation
,
whose
Original
we
know
,
out
of
whose
Histories
I
will
not
undertake
to
produce
the
like
:
but
I
have
not
bin
solicitous
precisely
to
distinguish
,
which
Nations
have
acted
in
their
own
Persons
,
and
which
have
made
use
of
Delegates
;
nor
in
what
times
they
have
changed
from
one
way
to
the
other
:
for
if
any
have
acted
by
themselves
,
the
thing
is
possible
;
and
whatsoever
is
done
by
delegated
Powers
,
must
be
referred
to
their
Principals
;
for
none
can
give
to
any
a
Power
which
they
have
not
in
themselves
.
He
is
graciously
pleased
to
confess
,
That
when
men
are
assembled
by
a
humane
Power
,
that
Power
that
doth
assemble
them
,
may
also
limit
the
manner
of
the
execution
of
that
Power
,
&c.
But
in
Assemblies
that
take
their
Authority
from
the
Law
of
Nature
,
it
is
not
so
;
for
what
liberty
or
freedom
is
due
to
any
man
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
no
inferior
Power
can
alter
,
limit
or
diminish
:
No
one
man
,
or
multitude
of
men
,
can
give
away
the
natural
Right
of
another
,
&c.
These
are
strong
Lines
,
and
such
as
,
if
there
be
any
sense
in
them
,
utterly
overthrow
all
our
Author's
Doctrine
;
for
if
any
Assembly
of
men
did
ever
take
their
Authority
from
the
Law
of
Nature
,
it
must
be
of
such
,
as
remaining
in
the
intire
fruition
of
their
natural
Liberty
,
and
restrained
by
no
Contract
,
meet
together
to
deliberate
of
such
matters
as
concern
themselves
;
and
if
they
can
be
restrained
by
no
one
man
,
or
number
of
men
,
they
may
dispose
of
their
own
Affairs
as
they
think
fit
.
But
because
no
one
of
them
is
obliged
to
enter
into
the
Society
that
the
rest
may
constitute
,
he
cannot
enjoy
the
benefit
of
that
Society
unless
he
enter
into
it
:
He
may
be
gone
,
and
set
up
for
himself
,
or
set
up
another
with
such
as
will
agree
with
him
.
But
if
he
enter
into
the
Society
,
he
is
obliged
by
the
Laws
of
it
;
and
if
one
of
those
Laws
be
,
that
all
things
should
be
determined
by
the
plurality
of
Voices
,
his
Assent
is
afterwards
comprehended
in
all
the
Resolutions
of
that
Plurality
.
Reuben
or
Simeon
might
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
have
divided
themselves
from
their
Brethren
,
as
well
as
Lot
from
Abraham
,
or
Ismael
and
the
Sons
of
Keturah
from
Isaac
;
but
when
they
,
in
hopes
of
having
a
part
in
the
Inheritance
promised
to
their
Fathers
,
had
joined
with
their
Brethren
,
a
few
of
their
Descendents
could
not
have
a
right
,
by
their
dissent
,
to
hinder
the
Resolutions
of
the
whole
Body
,
or
such
a
part
of
it
as
by
the
first
Agreement
was
to
pass
for
an
Act
of
the
whole
.
And
the
Scripture
teaches
us
,
that
when
the
Lot
was
fallen
upon
Men
of
Belial
;
and
the
rest
,
after
his
Victory
over
the
Ammonites
,
would
have
slain
them
if
he
had
permitted
.
In
the
like
manner
,
when
a
number
of
Men
met
together
to
build
Rome
,
any
man
who
had
disliked
the
design
,
might
justly
have
refused
to
join
in
it
;
but
when
he
had
entred
into
the
Society
,
he
could
not
by
his
Vote
invalidate
the
Acts
of
the
whole
,
nor
destroy
the
Rights
of
Romulus
,
Numa
,
and
the
others
,
who
by
the
Senate
and
People
were
made
Kings
;
nor
those
of
the
other
Magistrates
,
who
aster
their
expulsion
were
legally
created
.
This
is
as
much
as
is
required
to
establish
the
natural
Liberty
of
Mankind
in
its
utmost
extent
,
and
cannot
be
shaken
by
our
Author's
surmise
,
That
a
Gap
is
thereby
opened
for
every
seditious
multitude
to
raise
a
new
Commonwealth
:
For
till
the
Commonwealth
be
established
,
no
multitude
can
be
seditious
,
because
they
are
not
subject
to
any
humane
Law
;
and
Sedition
implies
an
unjust
and
disorderly
opposition
of
that
Power
which
is
legally
established
;
which
cannot
be
when
there
is
none
,
nor
by
him
who
is
not
a
Member
of
the
Society
that
makes
it
;
and
when
it
is
made
,
such
as
entered
into
it
,
are
obliged
to
the
Laws
of
it
.
This
shewing
the
root
and
foundation
of
Civil
Powers
,
we
may
judg
of
the
use
and
extent
of
them
,
according
to
the
letter
of
the
Law
,
or
the
true
intentional
meaning
of
it
;
both
which
declare
them
to
be
purely
Human
Ordinances
,
proceeding
from
the
will
of
those
who
seek
their
own
good
;
and
may
certainly
infer
,
that
since
all
Multitudes
are
composed
of
such
as
are
under
some
Contract
,
or
free
from
all
,
no
man
is
obliged
to
enter
into
those
contracts
against
his
own
will
,
nor
obliged
by
any
to
which
he
dos
not
assent
:
Those
multitudes
that
enter
into
such
Contracts
,
and
thereupon
form
Civil
Societies
,
act
according
to
their
own
will
:
Those
that
are
engaged
in
none
,
take
their
Authority
from
the
Law
of
Nature
;
their
Rights
cannot
be
limited
or
diminished
by
any
one
man
,
or
number
of
men
;
and
consequently
whoever
dos
it
,
or
attempts
the
doing
of
it
,
violates
the
most
sacred
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
His
cavils
concerning
Proxies
,
and
the
way
of
using
them
,
deserve
no
answer
,
as
relating
only
to
one
sort
of
men
amongst
us
,
and
can
have
no
influence
upon
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
or
the
proceedings
of
Assemblies
,
acting
according
to
such
Rules
as
they
set
to
themselves
.
In
some
places
they
have
voted
all
together
in
their
own
persons
,
as
in
Athens
:
In
others
by
Tribes
,
as
in
Rome
:
Sometimes
by
Delegates
,
when
the
number
of
the
whole
People
is
so
great
,
that
no
one
place
can
contain
them
,
as
in
the
Parliaments
,
Diets
,
General
Assemblies
of
Estates
,
long
used
in
the
great
Kingdoms
of
Europe
.
In
other
parts
many
Cities
are
joined
together
in
Leagues
,
as
antiently
the
Achaians
,
Etolians
,
Samnites
,
Tuscans
;
and
in
these
times
the
States
of
Holland
,
and
Cantons
of
Switzerland
:
but
our
Author
not
regarding
such
matters
,
in
pursuance
of
his
folly
,
with
an
ignorance
as
admirable
as
his
stupidity
,
repeats
his
Challenge
,
I
ask
,
says
he
,
but
one
Example
out
of
the
History
of
the
whole
World
;
let
the
Commonwealth
be
named
,
wherever
the
Multitude
,
or
so
much
as
the
major
part
of
it
,
consented
either
by
Voice
or
Procuration
to
the
Election
of
a
Prince
;
not
observing
,
that
if
an
Answer
could
not
be
given
,
he
did
overthrow
the
Rights
of
all
the
Princes
that
are
,
or
ever
have
bin
in
the
world
:
for
if
the
Liberty
of
one
man
cannot
be
limited
or
diminished
by
one
,
or
any
number
of
men
,
and
none
can
give
away
the
Right
of
another
,
't
is
plain
that
the
Ambition
of
one
man
,
or
of
many
,
a
faction
of
Citizens
,
or
the
mutiny
of
an
Army
,
cannot
give
a
Right
to
any
over
the
Liberties
of
a
whole
Nation
.
Those
who
are
so
set
up
,
have
their
root
in
Violence
or
Fraud
,
and
are
rather
to
be
accounted
Robbers
and
Pirats
,
than
Magistrates
.
Leo
Africanus
observing
in
his
History
,
that
since
the
extinction
of
Mahomet's
Israel
;
Jeroboam
by
ten
Tribes
;
all
the
Kings
of
Rome
,
except
Tarquin
the
Proud
,
by
the
whole
City
.
I
may
add
many
Examples
of
the
Saxons
in
our
own
Country
:
Ina
and
Offa
were
made
Kings
,
omnium
consensu
:
These
All
are
expressed
plainly
by
the
Electus
est
magno
consensu
Optimatum
,
&
a
SECT.
VI.
They
who
have
a
right
of
chusing
a
King
,
have
the
right
of
making
a
King
.
THO
the
Right
of
Magistrates
do
essentially
depend
upon
the
consent
of
those
they
govern
,
it
is
hardly
worth
our
pains
to
examin
,
Whether
the
silent
acceptation
of
a
Governor
by
part
of
the
People
be
an
argument
of
their
concurring
in
the
election
of
him
;
or
by
the
same
reason
the
tacit
consent
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
may
be
maintained
:
for
when
the
question
is
concerning
Right
,
fraudulent
surmises
are
of
no
value
;
much
less
will
it
from
thence
follow
,
that
a
Prince
commanding
by
Succession
,
Conquest
,
or
Usurpation
,
may
be
said
to
be
elected
by
the
People
;
for
evident
marks
of
dissent
are
often
given
:
Some
declare
their
hatred
;
other
murmur
more
privately
;
many
oppose
the
Governour
or
Government
,
and
succeed
according
to
the
measure
of
their
Strength
,
Virtue
,
or
Furtune
.
Many
would
resist
,
but
cannot
;
and
it
were
ridiculous
to
say
,
that
the
Inhabitants
of
Greece
,
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
or
Dutchy
of
Tuscany
,
do
tacitly
assent
to
the
Government
of
the
Great
Turk
,
King
of
Spain
,
or
Duke
of
Florence
;
when
nothing
is
more
certain
than
that
those
miserable
Nations
abhor
the
Tyrannies
they
are
under
;
and
if
they
were
not
mastered
by
a
Power
that
is
much
too
great
for
them
,
they
would
soon
free
themselves
.
And
those
who
are
under
such
Governments
do
no
more
assent
to
them
,
tho
they
may
be
silent
,
than
a
man
approves
of
being
robbed
,
when
,
without
saying
a
word
,
he
delivers
his
purse
to
a
Thief
that
he
knows
to
be
too
strong
for
him
.
'T
is
not
therefore
the
bear
fufferance
of
a
Government
when
a
disgust
is
declared
,
nor
a
silent
submission
when
the
power
of
opposing
is
wanting
,
that
can
imply
an
Assent
,
or
Election
,
and
create
a
Right
;
but
an
explicit
act
of
approbation
,
when
men
have
ability
and
courage
to
resist
or
deny
.
Which
being
agreed
,
't
is
evident
that
our
Author's
distinction
between
eligere
and
instituere
signifies
nothing
:
tho
,
if
the
power
of
instituting
were
only
left
to
Nations
,
it
would
be
sufficient
;
for
he
is
in
vain
elected
who
is
not
instituted
;
and
he
that
is
instituted
is
certainly
elected
;
for
his
institution
is
an
Election
.
As
the
Romans
who
chose
Romulus
,
Numa
,
and
Hostilius
to
be
Kings
;
and
Brutus
,
Valerius
,
or
Lucretius
to
be
Consuls
,
did
make
them
so
,
and
their
Right
was
solely
grounded
upon
their
Election
.
The
Text
brought
by
our
Author
against
this
doth
fully
prove
it
,
Him
shalt
thou
set
King
over
thee
whom
the
Lord
shall
chuse
;
whom
the
Lord
shall
chuse
,
can
have
no
other
signification
,
than
that
the
People
resolving
to
have
a
King
,
and
following
the
Rules
prescribed
by
his
Servant
Moses
,
he
would
direct
them
in
their
choice
;
which
relates
only
to
that
particular
People
in
covenant
with
God
,
and
immediately
under
his
Government
,
which
no
other
was
.
But
this
pains
might
have
bin
saved
,
if
God
by
a
universal
Law
had
given
a
rule
to
all
.
The
Israelites
could
not
have
bin
three
hundred
years
without
a
King
,
and
then
left
to
the
liberty
of
making
one
,
or
not
,
if
he
by
a
perpetual
Law
had
ordained
that
every
Nation
should
have
one
;
and
it
had
bin
as
well
impertinent
as
unjust
to
deliberate
who
should
be
King
,
if
the
Dominion
had
by
right
of
Inheritance
belonged
to
one
:
They
must
have
submitted
to
him
whether
they
would
or
not
:
No
care
was
to
be
taken
in
the
election
or
institution
of
him
,
who
by
his
birth
had
a
Right
annexed
to
his
person
that
could
not
be
altered
:
He
could
not
have
bin
forbidden
to
multiply
Silver
or
Gold
,
who
by
the
Law
of
his
Creation
might
do
what
he
pleased
:
It
had
bin
ridiculous
to
say
,
he
should
not
raise
his
Heart
above
his
Brethren
,
who
had
no
Brethren
,
that
is
,
no
Equals
;
but
was
raised
above
all
by
God
,
who
had
imposed
upon
all
others
a
necessity
of
obeying
him
.
But
God
,
who
dos
nothing
in
vain
,
did
neither
constitute
or
elect
any
till
they
desired
it
,
nor
command
them
to
do
it
themselves
,
unless
it
so
pleased
themselves
;
nor
appoint
them
to
take
him
out
of
any
one
Line
:
Every
Israelite
might
be
chosen
:
None
but
Strangers
were
excluded
;
and
the
People
were
left
to
the
liberty
of
chusing
and
instituting
any
one
of
their
Brethren
.
Our
Author
endeavouring
by
Hooker's
authority
to
establish
his
distinction
between
eligere
and
instituere
,
destroys
it
,
and
the
paternal
Right
,
which
he
makes
the
foundation
of
his
Doctrine
.
Heaps
of
Scripture
are
alledged
,
says
he
,
concerning
the
solemn
Coronation
and
Inauguration
of
Saul
,
David
,
Solomon
and
others
,
by
Nobles
,
Antients
,
and
People
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
:
which
is
enough
to
prove
that
the
whole
work
was
theirs
;
that
no
other
had
any
title
more
than
what
they
bestowed
upon
him
:
They
were
set
up
by
the
Nobles
,
Antients
,
and
People
:
Even
God
did
no
otherwise
intervene
than
by
such
a
secret
disposition
of
the
Lots
by
his
Providence
,
as
is
exercised
in
the
Government
of
all
the
things
in
the
World
;
and
we
cannot
have
a
more
certain
evidence
,
that
a
paternal
right
to
Dominion
is
a
meer
Whimsy
,
than
that
God
did
not
cause
the
Lot
to
fall
upon
the
eldest
,
of
the
eldest
Line
,
of
the
eldest
Tribe
;
but
upon
Saul
,
a
young
man
,
of
the
youngest
Tribe
:
and
afterwards
,
tho
he
had
designed
David
,
Solomon
,
Jeroboam
,
and
others
,
who
had
no
pretence
to
the
paternal
Right
to
be
Kings
,
he
left
both
the
election
and
institution
of
them
to
the
Elders
and
People
.
But
Hooker
being
well
examined
,
it
will
appear
that
his
opinions
were
as
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
of
our
Author
,
as
those
we
have
mentioned
out
of
Plato
and
Aristotle
.
He
plainly
says
,
It
is
impossible
that
any
should
have
a
compleat
lawful
power
over
a
multitude
consisting
of
so
many
Families
,
as
every
politick
Society
doth
,
but
by
consent
of
Men
,
or
immediate
appointment
from
God
:
Because
not
having
the
natural
Superiority
of
Fathers
,
their
Power
must
needs
be
usurped
,
and
then
unlawful
;
or
if
lawful
,
then
either
granted
or
consented
unto
by
them
over
whom
they
exercise
the
same
,
or
else
given
extraordinarily
by
God
.
And
tho
he
thinks
Kings
to
have
bin
the
first
Governors
so
constituted
,
he
adds
,
That
this
is
not
the
only
Regiment
that
hath
bin
received
in
the
World
.
The
inconveniences
of
one
kind
have
caused
sundry
others
to
be
devised
.
So
that
in
a
word
,
all
publick
Regiment
,
of
what
kind
soever
,
seemeth
evidently
to
have
risen
from
deliberate
advice
,
consultation
and
composition
between
men
,
judging
it
convenient
and
behoofeful
.
And
a
little
below
,
Man's
Nature
standing
therefore
as
it
doth
,
some
kind
of
regiment
the
Law
of
Nature
doth
require
;
yet
the
kinds
thereof
being
many
,
Nature
tyeth
not
to
any
one
,
but
leaveth
the
choice
as
a
thing
arbitrary
.
And
again
,
To
live
by
one
mans
will
,
became
all
mens
misery
:
This
constrained
them
to
come
unto
Laws
,
&c.
But
as
those
Laws
do
not
only
teach
that
which
is
good
,
but
enjoin
it
,
they
have
in
them
a
constraining
force
.
To
constrain
men
to
any
thing
inconvenient
seemeth
unreasonable
:
Most
requisite
therefore
it
is
that
to
devise
Laws
,
which
all
men
should
be
forced
to
obey
,
none
but
wise
men
should
be
admitted
.
Moreover
that
which
we
say
concerning
the
power
of
Government
must
here
be
applied
unto
the
power
of
making
Laws
,
whereby
to
govern
;
which
Power
God
hath
over
all
;
and
by
the
natural
Law
,
whereunto
he
hath
made
all
subject
,
the
lawful
power
of
making
Laws
to
command
whole
politick
Societies
of
men
,
belongeth
so
properly
unto
the
same
intire
Societies
,
that
for
any
Prince
or
Potentate
,
of
what
kind
soever
upon
Earth
,
to
exercise
the
same
of
himself
,
and
not
either
by
express
commission
immediately
,
from
God
,
or
else
by
authority
derived
at
the
first
from
their
consent
,
upon
whose
persons
they
impose
Laws
,
it
is
no
better
than
meer
Tyranny
.
Laws
therefore
they
are
not
,
which
publick
consent
hath
not
made
so
.
The
humour
of
our
Age
considered
,
I
should
not
have
dared
to
say
so
much
;
but
if
Hooker
be
a
man
of
such
great
authority
,
I
cannot
offend
in
transcribing
his
words
,
and
shewing
how
vilely
he
is
abused
by
Filmer
;
concluding
,
that
if
he
be
in
the
right
,
the
choice
and
constitution
of
Government
,
the
making
of
Laws
,
Coronation
,
Inauguration
,
and
all
that
belongs
to
the
chusing
and
making
of
Kings
,
or
other
Magistrates
,
is
meerly
from
the
People
;
and
that
all
Power
exercised
over
them
,
which
is
not
so
,
is
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
,
unless
it
be
by
an
immediate
Commission
from
God
;
which
if
any
man
has
,
let
him
give
testimony
of
it
,
and
I
will
confess
he
comes
not
within
the
reach
of
our
reasonings
,
but
ought
to
be
obeyed
by
those
to
whom
he
is
sent
,
or
over
whom
he
is
placed
.
Nevertheless
our
Author
is
of
another
opinion
;
but
scorning
to
give
us
a
reason
,
he
adds
to
Hooker's
words
,
As
if
these
Solemnities
were
a
kind
of
deed
,
whereby
the
right
of
Dominion
is
given
;
which
strange
,
untrue
,
and
unnatural
Conceits
are
set
abroad
by
Seedsmen
of
Rebellion
;
and
a
little
farther
,
Unless
we
will
openly
proclaim
defiance
unto
all
Law
,
Equity
,
and
Reason
,
we
must
say
(
for
there
is
no
remedy
)
that
in
Kingdoms
hereditary
,
Birthright
giveth
a
Right
unto
Soveraign
Dominion
,
&c.
Those
Solemnities
do
either
serve
for
an
open
testification
of
the
Inheritor's
Right
,
or
belong
to
the
form
of
inducing
him
into
the
possession
.
These
are
bold
Censures
,
and
do
not
only
reach
Mr.
Hooker
,
whose
modesty
and
peaceableness
of
spirit
is
no
less
esteemed
than
his
Learning
;
but
the
Scriptures
also
,
and
the
best
of
human
Authors
,
upon
which
he
founded
his
Opinions
.
But
why
should
it
be
thought
a
strange
,
untrue
,
or
unnatural
Conceit
,
to
believe
that
when
the
Scriptures
say
Nimrod
was
the
first
that
grew
powerful
in
the
Earth
long
before
the
death
of
his
Fathers
,
and
could
consequently
neither
have
a
right
of
Dominion
over
the
multitude
met
together
at
Babylon
,
nor
subdue
them
by
his
own
strength
,
he
was
set
up
by
their
Consent
;
or
that
they
who
made
him
their
Governor
,
might
prescribe
Rules
by
which
he
should
govern
?
Nothing
seems
to
me
less
strange
,
than
that
a
Multitude
of
reasonable
Creatures
,
in
the
performance
of
Acts
of
the
greatest
importance
,
should
consider
why
they
do
them
.
And
the
infinite
variety
which
is
observed
in
the
constitution
,
mixture
,
and
regulation
of
Governments
,
dos
not
only
shew
that
the
several
Nations
of
the
World
have
considered
them
;
but
clearly
prove
that
all
Nations
have
perpetually
continued
in
the
exercise
of
that
Right
.
Nothing
is
more
natural
than
to
follow
the
voice
of
Mankind
:
The
wisest
and
best
have
ever
employed
their
studies
in
forming
Kingdoms
and
Commonwealths
,
or
in
adding
to
the
perfections
of
such
as
were
already
constituted
;
which
had
bin
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
if
a
general
Rule
had
bin
set
,
which
had
obliged
all
to
be
for
ever
subject
to
the
Will
of
one
;
and
they
had
not
bin
the
best
,
but
the
worst
of
men
who
had
departed
from
it
.
Nay
,
I
may
say
,
that
the
Law
given
by
God
to
his
peculiar
People
,
and
the
Commands
delivered
by
his
Servants
in
order
to
it
,
or
the
prosecution
of
it
,
had
bin
contrary
to
his
own
eternal
and
universal
Law
;
which
is
impossible
.
A
Law
therefore
having
bin
given
by
God
,
which
had
no
relation
to
,
or
consistency
with
the
absolute
paternal
power
;
Judges
and
Kings
created
,
who
had
no
pretence
to
any
preference
before
their
Brethren
,
till
they
were
created
,
and
commanded
not
to
raise
their
Hearts
above
them
when
they
should
be
created
;
the
Wisdom
and
Vertue
of
the
best
men
in
all
ages
shewn
in
the
constitution
or
reformation
of
Governments
;
and
Nations
in
variously
framing
them
,
preserving
the
possession
of
their
natural
Right
,
to
be
governed
by
none
,
and
in
no
other
way
than
they
should
appoint
:
The
opinions
of
Hooker
,
That
all
publick
regiment
,
of
what
kind
soever
,
ariseth
from
the
deliberate
advice
of
men
seeking
their
own
good
,
and
that
all
other
is
meer
Tyranny
,
are
not
untrue
and
unnatural
conceits
set
abroad
by
the
Seedsmen
of
Rebellion
;
but
real
Truths
grounded
upon
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
acknowledged
and
practised
by
Mankind
.
And
no
Nation
being
justly
subject
to
any
,
but
such
as
they
set
up
,
nor
in
any
other
manner
than
according
to
such
Laws
as
they
ordain
,
the
right
of
chusing
and
making
those
that
are
to
govern
them
,
must
wholly
depend
upon
their
Will.
SECT.
VII
.
The
Laws
of
every
Nation
are
the
measure
of
Migistratical
Power
.
OUr
Author
lays
much
weight
upon
the
word
Hereditary
;
but
the
question
is
,
What
is
inherited
in
an
Hereditary
Kingdom
,
and
how
it
comes
to
be
hereditary
?
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
the
Kingdom
;
for
we
do
not
know
what
he
means
by
the
Kingdom
:
't
is
one
thing
in
one
place
,
and
very
different
in
others
;
and
I
think
it
not
easy
to
find
two
in
the
world
that
in
power
are
exactly
the
same
.
If
he
understand
all
that
is
comprehended
within
the
precincts
over
which
it
reaches
,
I
deny
that
any
such
is
to
be
found
in
the
World
:
If
he
refer
to
what
preceding
Kings
enjoyed
,
no
determination
can
be
made
,
till
the
first
original
of
that
Kingdom
be
examined
,
that
it
may
be
known
what
that
first
King
had
,
and
from
whence
he
had
it
.
If
this
variety
be
denied
,
I
desire
to
know
whether
the
Kings
of
Sparta
and
Persia
had
the
same
power
over
their
Subjects
;
if
the
same
,
whether
both
were
absolute
,
or
both
limited
;
if
limited
,
how
came
the
Decrees
of
the
Persian
Kings
to
pass
for
Laws
?
if
absolute
,
how
could
the
Spartan
Kings
be
subject
to
Fines
,
Imprisonment
,
or
the
sentence
of
Death
;
and
not
to
have
power
to
send
for
their
own
Supper
out
of
the
Common
Hall
?
Why
did
Xenophon
call
Agesilaus
a
good
and
faithful
King
,
obedient
to
the
Laws
of
his
Country
,
when
upon
the
command
of
the
Ephori
,
he
left
the
War
that
he
had
with
so
much
glory
begun
in
Asia
,
if
he
was
subject
to
none
?
How
came
the
Ephori
to
be
established
to
restrain
the
Power
of
Kings
,
if
it
could
no
way
be
restrained
,
if
all
owed
obedience
to
them
,
and
they
to
none
?
Why
did
Theopompus
his
Wife
reprove
him
for
suffering
his
power
to
be
diminished
by
their
creation
,
if
it
could
not
be
diminished
?
Or
why
did
he
say
he
had
made
the
Power
more
permanent
in
making
it
less
odious
,
if
it
was
perpetual
and
unalterable
?
We
may
go
farther
,
and
taking
Xenophon
and
Plutarch
for
our
guides
,
assert
that
the
Kings
of
Sparta
never
had
the
powers
of
War
or
Peace
,
Life
and
Death
,
which
our
Author
esteems
inseparable
from
Regality
,
and
conclude
either
that
no
King
has
them
,
or
that
all
Kings
are
not
alike
in
power
.
If
they
are
not
in
all
places
the
same
,
Kings
do
not
reign
by
an
universal
Law
,
but
by
the
particular
Laws
of
each
Country
;
which
give
to
every
one
so
much
power
,
as
in
the
opinion
of
the
givers
conduces
to
the
end
of
their
institution
,
which
is
the
publick
good
.
It
may
be
also
worth
our
inquiry
how
this
inherited
Power
came
to
be
hereditary
.
We
know
that
the
Sons
of
Vespasian
and
Constantine
inherited
the
Roman
Empire
,
tho
their
Fathers
had
no
such
title
;
but
gaining
the
Empire
by
violence
,
which
Hooker
says
is
meer
Tyranny
that
can
create
no
right
,
they
could
devolve
none
to
their
Children
.
The
Kings
of
France
of
the
three
races
have
inherited
the
Crown
;
but
Meroveus
,
Pepin
,
and
Hugh
Capet
could
neither
pretend
title
nor
conquest
,
or
any
other
Right
than
what
was
conferred
upon
them
by
the
Clergy
,
Nobility
,
and
People
;
and
consequently
whatsoever
is
inherited
from
them
can
have
no
other
Original
;
for
that
is
the
gift
of
the
People
which
is
bestowed
upon
the
first
,
under
whom
the
Successors
claim
,
as
if
it
had
bin
by
a
peculiar
Act
given
to
every
one
of
them
.
It
will
be
more
hard
to
shew
how
the
Crown
of
England
is
become
hereditary
,
unless
it
be
by
the
Will
of
the
People
;
for
tho
it
were
granted
that
some
of
the
Saxon
Kings
came
in
by
inheritance
(
which
I
do
not
,
having
,
as
I
think
,
proved
them
to
have
bin
absolutely
elective
)
yet
William
the
Norman
did
not
,
for
he
was
a
Bastard
,
and
could
inherit
nothing
.
William
Rufus
and
Henry
did
not
;
for
their
elder
Brother
Robert
by
right
of
inheritance
ought
to
have
bin
preferred
before
them
:
Stephen
and
Henry
the
second
did
not
;
for
Maud
the
only
Heiress
of
Henry
the
first
was
living
when
both
were
crowned
:
Richard
,
John
,
and
those
who
followed
,
did
not
,
for
they
were
Bastards
born
in
adultery
.
They
must
therefore
have
received
their
Right
from
the
People
,
or
they
could
have
none
at
all
;
and
their
Successors
fall
under
the
same
condition
.
Moreover
,
I
find
great
variety
in
the
deduction
of
this
hereditary
Right
.
In
Sparta
there
were
two
Kings
of
different
Families
,
endowed
with
an
equal
power
.
If
the
Heraclidae
did
reign
as
Fathers
of
the
People
,
the
AEacidae
did
not
;
if
the
right
was
in
the
AEacidae
,
the
Heraclidae
could
have
none
;
for
't
is
equally
impossible
to
have
two
Fathers
as
two
thousand
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
that
two
Families
joined
,
and
agreed
to
reign
jointly
:
for
't
is
evident
the
Spartans
had
Kings
before
the
time
of
Hercules
or
Achilles
,
who
were
the
Fathers
of
the
two
Races
.
If
it
be
said
that
the
regal
power
with
which
they
were
invested
did
entitle
them
to
the
right
of
Fathers
,
it
must
in
like
manner
have
belonged
to
the
Roman
Consuls
,
Military
Tribunes
,
Dictators
,
and
Pretors
;
for
they
had
more
Power
than
the
Spartan
Kings
;
and
that
glorious
Nation
might
change
their
Fathers
every
year
,
and
multiply
or
diminish
the
number
of
them
as
they
pleased
.
If
this
be
most
ridiculous
and
absurd
,
't
is
certain
that
the
Name
and
Office
of
King
,
Consul
,
Dictator
,
or
the
like
,
dos
not
confer
any
determined
Right
upon
the
Person
that
hath
it
:
Every
one
has
a
right
to
that
which
is
allotted
to
him
by
the
Laws
of
the
Country
by
which
he
is
created
.
As
the
Persians
,
Spartans
,
Romans
or
Germans
,
might
make
such
Magistrates
,
and
under
such
names
as
best
pleased
themselves
,
and
accordingly
enlarge
or
diminish
their
Power
;
the
same
Right
belongs
to
all
Nations
,
and
the
Rights
due
unto
,
as
well
as
the
Duties
incumbent
upon
every
one
,
are
to
be
known
only
by
the
Laws
of
that
place
.
This
may
seem
strange
to
those
who
know
neither
Books
nor
Things
,
Histories
nor
Laws
,
but
is
well
explain'd
by
Grotius
;
who
denying
the
Soveraign
Power
to
be
annexed
to
any
Man
,
speaks
of
divers
Magistrates
under
several
names
that
had
,
and
others
that
under
the
same
names
had
it
not
;
and
distinguishes
those
who
have
the
Summum
Imperium
summo
modo
,
from
those
who
have
it
modo
The
Law
that
gives
and
measures
the
Power
,
prescribes
Rules
how
it
should
be
transmitted
.
In
some
places
the
supreme
Magistrates
are
annually
elected
,
in
others
their
Power
is
for
life
;
in
some
they
are
meerly
elective
,
in
others
hereditary
under
certain
Rules
or
Limitations
.
The
antient
Kingdoms
and
Lordships
of
Spain
were
hereditary
;
but
the
Succession
went
ordinarily
to
the
eldest
of
the
reigning
Family
,
not
to
the
nearest
in
Blood
.
This
was
the
ground
of
the
Quarrel
between
Corbis
the
Brother
,
and
Orsua
the
Son
of
the
last
Prince
,
decided
by
Combat
before
Scipio
.
I
know
not
whether
Almohades
,
Almoranides
,
and
Benemerini
,
did
always
take
one
of
the
reigning
Blood
;
but
in
the
choice
of
him
had
most
respect
to
Age
and
Capacity
.
This
is
usually
called
the
Law
of
Thanestry
;
and
,
as
in
many
other
places
,
prevailed
also
in
Ireland
,
till
that
Country
fell
under
the
English
Government
.
In
France
and
Turky
the
Male
that
is
nearest
in
Blood
,
succeeds
;
and
I
do
not
know
of
any
deviation
from
that
Rule
in
France
,
since
Henry
the
First
was
preferred
before
Robert
his
elder
Brother
,
Grandchild
to
Hugh
Capet
:
but
notwithstanding
the
great
veneration
they
have
for
the
Royal
Blood
,
they
utterly
exclude
Females
,
lest
the
Crown
should
fall
to
a
Stranger
;
or
a
Woman
that
is
seldom
able
to
govern
her self
,
should
come
to
govern
so
great
a
People
.
Some
Nations
admit
Females
,
either
simply
,
as
well
as
Males
;
or
under
a
condition
of
not
marrying
out
of
their
Country
,
or
without
the
consent
of
the
Estates
,
with
an
absolute
exclusion
of
them
and
their
Children
if
they
do
;
according
to
which
Law
,
now
in
force
among
the
Swedes
,
Charles
Gustavus
was
chosen
King
upon
the
resignation
of
Queen
Christina
,
as
having
no
Title
;
and
the
Crown
setled
upon
the
Heirs
of
his
Body
,
to
the
utter
exclusion
of
his
Brother
Adolphus
,
their
Mother
having
married
a
German
.
Tho
divers
Nations
have
differently
disposed
their
Affairs
;
all
those
that
are
not
naturally
Slaves
,
and
like
to
Beasts
,
have
preferred
their
own
Good
before
the
personal
Interests
of
him
that
expects
the
Crown
,
so
as
upon
no
pretence
whatever
to
admit
of
one
,
who
is
evidently
guilty
of
such
Vices
as
are
prejudicial
to
the
State
.
For
this
reason
the
French
,
tho
much
addicted
to
their
Kings
,
rejected
the
vile
remainders
of
Meroveus
his
Race
,
and
made
Pepin
the
Son
of
Charles
Martel
King
:
And
when
his
Descendents
sell
into
the
like
Vices
,
they
were
often
deposed
,
till
at
last
they
were
wholly
rejected
,
and
the
Crown
given
to
Capet
and
to
his
Heirs
Male
as
formerly
.
Yet
for
all
this
Henry
his
Grandchild
,
being
esteemed
more
fit
to
govern
than
his
elder
Brother
Robert
,
was
,
as
is
said
before
,
made
King
,
and
that
Crown
still
remains
in
his
Descendents
;
no
consideration
being
had
of
the
Children
of
Robert
,
who
continued
Dukes
of
Burgundy
during
the
reigns
of
ten
Kings
.
And
in
the
memory
of
our
Fathers
,
Henry
of
Navarr
was
rejected
by
two
Assemblies
of
the
Estates
,
because
he
differed
in
Religion
from
the
Body
of
the
Nation
,
and
could
never
be
received
as
King
,
till
he
had
renounced
his
own
,
tho
he
was
certainly
the
next
in
Blood
;
and
that
in
all
other
respects
he
excelled
in
those
Vertues
which
they
most
esteem
.
We
have
already
proved
,
that
our
own
History
is
full
of
the
like
Examples
,
and
might
enumerate
a
multitude
of
others
,
if
it
were
not
too
tedious
:
and
as
the
various
Rules
,
according
to
which
all
the
hereditary
Crowns
of
the
World
are
inherited
,
shew
,
that
none
is
set
by
Nature
,
but
that
every
People
proceeds
according
to
their
own
Will
;
the
frequent
deviations
from
those
Rules
do
evidently
testify
,
that
Salus
Populi
est
Lex
suprema
;
and
that
no
Crown
is
granted
otherwise
,
than
in
submission
to
it
.
But
tho
there
were
a
Rule
,
which
in
no
case
ought
to
be
transgressed
,
there
must
be
a
Power
of
judging
to
whom
it
ought
to
be
applied
.
'T
is
perhaps
hard
to
conceive
one
more
precise
than
that
of
France
,
where
the
eldest
Legitimate
Male
in
the
direct
Line
is
preserred
;
and
yet
that
alone
is
not
sufficient
.
There
may
be
Bastardy
in
the
case
:
Bastards
may
be
thought
legitimate
,
and
legitimate
Sons
Bastards
.
The
Children
born
of
Isabel
of
Portugal
during
her
Marriage
with
John
the
Third
of
Castile
were
declared
Bastards
;
and
the
Title
of
the
House
of
Austria
to
that
Crown
,
depends
upon
that
Declaration
.
We
often
see
that
Marriages
which
have
bin
contracted
,
and
for
a
long
time
taken
to
be
good
,
have
bin
declared
null
;
and
the
legitimation
of
the
present
King
of
France
,
is
founded
solely
upon
the
abolition
of
the
marriage
of
Henry
the
Fourth
with
Marguerite
of
Valois
,
which
for
the
space
of
twenty
seven
Years
was
thought
to
have
bin
good
.
Whilst
Spain
was
divided
into
five
or
six
Kingdoms
,
and
the
several
Kings
linked
to
each
other
by
mutual
Alliances
,
incestuous
Marriages
were
often
contracted
,
and
upon
better
consideration
annulled
;
many
have
bin
utterly
void
,
through
the
preingagement
of
one
of
the
Parties
.
These
are
not
feigned
Cases
,
but
such
as
happen
frequently
;
and
the
diversity
of
Accidents
,
as
well
as
the
humours
of
Men
,
may
produce
many
others
,
which
would
involve
Nations
in
the
most
satal
Disorders
,
if
every
one
should
think
himself
obliged
to
follow
such
a
one
who
pretended
a
Title
,
that
to
him
might
seem
plausible
,
when
another
should
set
up
one
as
pleasing
to
others
,
and
there
were
no
Power
to
terminate
those
Disputes
to
which
both
must
submit
,
but
the
decision
must
be
lest
to
the
Sword
.
This
is
that
which
I
call
the
Application
of
the
Rule
,
when
it
is
as
plain
and
certain
as
humane
Wisdom
can
make
it
;
but
if
it
be
lest
more
at
large
,
as
where
Females
inherit
,
the
difficulties
are
inextricable
:
and
he
that
says
,
The
next
Heir
is
really
King
when
one
is
dead
,
before
he
be
so
declared
by
a
Power
that
may
judg
of
his
Title
,
dos
,
as
far
as
in
him
lies
,
expose
Nations
to
be
split
into
the
most
desperate
Factions
,
and
every
man
to
fight
for
the
Title
which
he
fancies
to
be
good
,
till
he
destroy
those
of
the
contrary
Party
,
or
be
destroyed
by
them
.
This
is
the
blessed
way
proposed
by
our
Author
to
prevent
Sedition
:
But
,
God
be
thanked
,
our
Ancestors
found
a
better
.
They
did
not
look
upon
Robert
the
Norman
as
King
of
England
after
the
death
of
his
Father
;
and
when
he
did
proudly
endeavour
,
on
pretence
of
Inheritance
,
to
impose
himself
upon
the
Nation
,
that
thought
fit
to
prefer
his
younger
Brothers
before
him
,
he
paid
the
Penalty
of
his
folly
,
by
the
loss
of
his
Eyes
and
Liberty
.
The
French
did
not
think
the
Grandchild
of
Pharamond
to
be
King
after
the
death
of
his
Father
,
nor
seek
who
was
the
next
Heir
of
the
Merovingian
Line
,
when
Chilperic
the
third
was
dead
;
nor
regard
the
Title
of
Charles
of
Lorrain
after
the
death
of
his
Brother
Lothair
,
or
of
Robert
of
Burgundy
eldest
Son
of
King
Robert
;
but
advanced
Meroveus
,
Pepin
,
Capet
and
Henry
the
first
,
who
had
no
other
Right
than
what
the
Nobility
and
People
bestowed
upon
them
.
And
if
such
Acts
do
not
destroy
the
Pretences
of
all
who
lay
claim
to
Crowns
by
Inheritance
,
and
do
not
create
a
Right
,
I
think
it
will
be
hard
to
find
a
lawful
King
in
the
world
,
or
that
there
ever
have
bin
any
;
since
the
first
did
plainly
come
in
like
Nimrod
,
and
those
who
have
bin
every
where
since
Histories
are
known
to
us
,
owed
their
exaltation
to
the
Consent
of
Nations
,
armed
or
unarmed
,
by
the
deposition
or
exclusion
of
the
Heirs
of
such
as
had
reigned
before
them
.
Our
Author
not
troubling
himself
with
these
things
,
or
any
other
relating
to
the
matter
in
question
,
is
pleased
to
slight
Hooker's
Opinions
concerning
Coronation
and
Inauguration
,
with
the
heaps
of
Scripture
upon
which
he
grounds
them
;
whereas
those
Solemnities
would
not
only
have
bin
foolish
and
impertinent
,
but
profane
and
impious
,
if
they
were
not
Deeds
by
which
the
Right
of
Dominion
is
really
conferred
.
What
could
be
more
wickedly
superstitious
,
than
to
call
all
Israel
together
before
the
Lord
,
and
to
cast
Lots
upon
every
Tribe
,
Family
and
Person
,
for
the
election
of
a
King
,
if
it
had
bin
known
to
whom
the
Crown
did
belong
by
a
natural
and
unalterable
Right
?
Or
if
there
had
bin
such
a
thing
in
Nature
,
how
could
God
have
cauled
that
Lot
to
fall
upon
one
of
the
youngest
Tribe
for
ever
to
discountenance
his
own
Law
,
and
divert
Nations
from
taking
any
notice
of
it
?
It
had
bin
absurd
for
the
Tribe
of
Judah
to
chuse
and
anoint
David
,
and
for
the
other
Tribes
to
follow
their
example
after
the
death
of
Ishbosheth
,
if
he
had
bin
King
by
a
Right
not
depending
on
their
Will.
David
did
worse
in
slaying
the
Sons
of
Rimmon
,
saying
,
they
had
killed
a
righteous
Man
lying
upon
his
bed
,
if
Ishbosheth
,
whose
Head
they
presented
,
had
most
unrighteously
detained
from
him
,
as
long
as
he
lived
,
the
Dominion
of
the
ten
Tribes
:
The
King
,
Elders
and
People
,
had
most
scornfully
abused
the
most
sacred
things
,
by
using
such
Ceremonies
in
making
him
King
,
and
compleating
their
work
in
a
Covenant
made
between
him
and
them
before
the
Lord
,
if
he
had
bin
already
King
,
and
if
those
Acts
had
bin
empty
Ceremonies
conferring
no
Right
at
all
.
I
dare
not
say
that
a
League
dos
imply
an
absolute
equality
between
both
Parties
;
for
there
is
a
Foedus
inequale
,
wherein
the
weaker
,
as
Grotius
says
,
dos
usually
obtain
protection
,
and
the
stronger
honour
;
but
there
can
be
none
at
all
,
unless
both
Parties
are
equally
free
to
make
it
,
or
not
to
make
it
.
David
therefore
was
not
King
,
till
he
was
elected
,
and
those
Covenants
made
;
and
he
was
made
King
by
that
Election
and
Covenants
.
This
is
not
shaken
by
our
Author's
supposition
,
That
the
People
would
not
have
taken
Joas
,
Manasseh
or
Josiah
,
if
they
had
had
a
right
of
chusing
a
King
;
since
Solomon
says
,
Wo
unto
the
Kingdom
whose
King
is
a
Child
.
For
,
first
,
they
who
at
the
first
had
a
right
of
chusing
whom
they
pleased
to
be
King
,
by
the
Covenant
made
with
him
whom
they
did
chuse
,
may
have
deprived
themselves
of
the
farther
execution
of
it
,
and
rendred
the
Crown
hereditary
even
to
Children
,
unless
the
Conditions
were
violated
upon
which
it
was
granted
.
In
the
second
place
,
if
the
infancy
of
a
King
brings
Wo
upon
a
People
,
the
Government
of
such
a
one
cannot
be
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
;
for
Governments
are
not
instituted
by
either
for
the
pleasure
of
a
Man
,
but
for
the
good
of
Nations
;
and
their
Weal
,
not
their
Wo
,
is
sought
by
both
:
and
if
Children
are
any
where
admitted
to
rule
,
't
is
by
the
particular
Law
of
the
place
,
grounded
perhaps
upon
an
opinion
,
that
it
is
the
best
way
to
prevent
dangerous
Contests
;
or
that
other
ways
may
be
found
to
prevent
the
Inconveniences
that
may
proceed
from
their
weakness
.
Thirdly
,
It
cannot
be
concluded
that
they
might
not
reject
Children
,
because
they
did
not
:
such
matters
require
positive
Proofs
,
Suppositions
are
of
no
value
in
relation
to
them
,
and
the
whole
matter
may
be
altered
by
particular
Circumstances
.
The
Jews
might
reasonably
have
a
great
veneration
for
the
House
of
David
:
they
knew
what
was
promised
to
that
Family
;
and
whatever
respect
was
paid
,
or
privilege
granted
on
that
account
,
can
be
of
no
advantage
to
any
other
in
the
world
.
They
might
be
farther
induced
to
set
up
Joas
,
in
hope
the
defects
of
his
Age
might
be
supplied
by
the
Vertue
,
Experience
and
Wisdom
of
Jehoiada
.
We
do
not
know
what
good
opinion
may
have
bin
conceived
of
Manasseh
when
he
was
twelve
years
old
;
but
much
might
be
hoped
from
one
that
had
bin
virtuously
educated
,
and
was
probably
under
the
care
of
such
as
had
bin
chosen
by
Hezekiah
:
and
tho
the
contrary
did
fall
out
,
the
mischiefs
brought
upon
the
People
by
his
wicked
Reign
,
proceeded
not
from
the
weakness
of
his
childhood
,
but
from
the
malice
of
his
riper
years
.
And
both
the
Examples
of
Joas
and
Josiah
prove
,
that
neither
of
them
came
in
by
their
own
right
,
but
by
the
choice
of
the
People
.
Jehoiada
gathered
the
Levites
out
of
all
the
Cities
of
Judah
,
and
the
chief
of
the
Fathers
of
Israel
,
and
they
came
to
Jerusalem
:
And
all
the
Congregation
made
a
Covenant
with
the
King
in
the
House
of
God
,
and
brought
out
the
King's
Son
,
and
put
upon
him
the
Crown
,
and
gave
him
the
Testimony
,
and
made
him
King
;
whereupon
they
slew
Athaliah
.
And
when
Ammon
was
stain
,
the
people
of
the
Land
slew
them
that
had
conspired
against
King
Ammon
;
and
the
people
of
the
Land
made
Josiah
his
Son
King
in
his
stead
:
which
had
been
most
impertinent
,
if
he
was
of
himself
King
before
they
made
him
so
.
Besides
,
tho
Infancy
may
be
a
just
cause
of
excepting
against
,
and
rejecting
the
next
Heir
to
a
Crown
,
't
is
not
the
greatest
or
strongest
.
'T
is
far
more
easy
to
find
a
Remedy
against
the
folly
of
a
Child
(
if
the
State
be
well
regulated
)
than
the
more
rooted
Vices
of
grown
men
.
The
English
,
who
willingly
received
Henry
the
sixth
,
Edward
the
fifth
and
sixth
,
tho
Children
,
resolutely
opposed
Robert
the
Norman
:
And
the
French
,
who
willingly
submitted
to
Charles
the
ninth
,
Lewis
the
thirteenth
and
fourteenth
in
their
Infancy
,
rejected
the
lewd
remainders
of
Meroveus
his
Race
;
Charles
of
Lorrain
with
his
Kindred
descended
from
Pepin
,
Robert
Duke
of
Burgundy
with
his
Descendents
,
and
Henry
of
Navarr
,
till
he
had
satisfied
the
Nobility
and
People
in
the
point
of
Religion
.
And
tho
I
do
not
know
that
the
Letter
upon
the
words
,
Vaeregnocujus
Rex
puer
est
,
recited
by
Lambard
,
was
written
by
Eleutherius
Bishop
of
Rome
;
yet
the
Authority
A
wise
Child
was
better
than
an
old
and
foolish
King
,
could
have
no
other
meaning
,
unless
he
should
say
,
it
was
worse
to
be
governed
by
a
wise
Person
than
a
Fool
;
which
may
agree
with
the
judgment
of
our
Author
,
but
could
never
enter
into
the
heart
of
Solomon
.
Lastly
,
Tho
the
practice
of
one
or
more
Nations
may
indicate
what
Laws
,
Covenants
or
Customs
were
in
force
among
them
,
yet
they
cannot
bind
others
:
The
diversity
of
them
proceeds
from
the
variety
of
mens
Judgments
,
and
declares
,
that
the
direction
of
all
such
Affairs
depends
upon
their
own
Will
;
according
to
which
every
People
for
themselves
forms
and
measures
the
Magistracy
,
and
magistratical
Power
;
which
,
as
it
is
directed
solely
for
the
good
,
hath
its
exercises
and
extent
proportionable
to
the
Command
of
those
that
institute
it
;
and
such
Ordinances
being
good
for
men
,
God
makes
them
his
own
.
SECT.
VIII
.
There
is
no
natural
propensity
in
Man
or
Beast
to
Monarchy
.
I
See
no
reason
to
believe
that
God
did
approve
the
Government
of
one
over
many
,
because
he
created
but
one
;
but
to
the
contrary
,
in
as
much
as
he
did
endow
him
,
and
those
that
came
from
him
,
as
well
the
youngest
as
the
eldest
Line
,
with
understanding
to
provide
for
themselves
,
and
by
the
invention
of
Arts
and
Sciences
,
to
be
beneficial
to
each
other
;
he
shewed
,
that
they
ought
to
make
use
of
that
understanding
in
forming
Governments
according
to
their
own
convenience
,
and
such
occasions
as
should
arise
,
as
well
as
in
other
matters
:
and
it
might
as
well
be
inferr'd
,
that
it
is
unlawful
for
us
to
build
,
clothe
,
arm
,
defend
,
or
nourish
our selves
,
otherwise
than
as
our
first
Parents
did
,
before
,
or
soon
after
the
Flood
,
as
to
take
from
us
the
liberty
of
instituting
Governments
that
were
not
known
to
them
.
If
they
did
not
find
out
all
that
conduces
to
the
use
of
man
,
but
a
Faculty
as
well
as
a
Liberty
was
left
to
every
one
,
and
will
be
to
the
end
of
the
world
,
to
make
use
of
his
Wit
,
Industry
,
and
Experience
,
according
to
present
Exigencies
,
to
invent
and
practise
such
things
as
seem
convenient
to
himself
and
others
in
matters
of
the
least
importance
;
it
were
absurd
to
imagine
,
that
the
political
Science
,
which
of
all
others
is
the
most
abstruse
and
variable
according
to
Accidents
and
Circumstances
,
should
have
bin
perfectly
known
to
them
who
had
no
use
of
it
;
and
that
their
Descendents
are
obliged
to
add
nothing
to
what
they
practised
.
But
the
reason
given
by
our
Author
to
prove
this
extravagant
fancy
,
is
yet
more
ridiculous
than
the
thing
it self
;
God
,
saith
he
,
shewed
his
opinion
,
viz.
that
all
should
be
governed
by
one
,
when
he
endowed
not
only
men
,
but
beasts
with
a
natural
propensity
to
Monarchy
:
Neither
can
it
be
doubted
,
but
a
natural
propensity
is
referred
to
God
who
is
the
Author
of
Nature
:
Which
I
suppose
may
appear
if
it
be
considered
.
Nevertheless
I
cannot
but
commend
him
in
the
first
place
for
introducing
God
speaking
so
modestly
,
not
declaring
his
Will
,
but
his
Opinion
.
He
puts
haughty
and
majestick
Language
into
the
mouth
of
Kings
.
They
command
and
decide
,
as
if
they
were
subject
to
no
Error
,
and
their
Wills
ought
to
be
taken
for
perpetual
Laws
;
but
to
God
he
ascribes
an
humble
delivery
of
his
Opinion
only
,
as
if
he
feared
to
be
mistaken
.
In
the
second
place
,
I
deny
that
there
is
any
such
general
propensity
in
Man
or
Beast
,
or
that
Monarchy
would
thereby
be
justified
tho
it
were
found
in
them
.
It
cannot
be
in
Beasts
,
for
they
know
not
what
Government
is
;
and
being
uncapable
of
it
,
cannot
distinguish
the
several
sorts
,
nor
consequently
incline
to
one
more
than
another
.
Salmasius
his
story
of
Bees
is
only
fit
for
old
Women
to
prate
of
in
Chimney
corners
;
and
they
who
represent
Lions
and
Eagles
as
Kings
of
Birds
and
Beasts
,
do
it
only
to
show
,
that
their
Power
is
nothing
but
brutish
Violence
,
exercised
in
the
destruction
of
all
that
are
not
able
to
oppose
it
,
and
that
hath
nothing
of
goodness
or
justice
in
it
:
which
Similitude
(
tho
it
should
prove
to
be
in
all
respects
adequate
to
the
matter
in
question
)
could
only
shew
,
that
those
who
have
no
sense
of
Right
,
Reason
or
Religion
,
have
a
natural
propensity
to
make
use
of
their
strength
,
to
the
destruction
of
such
as
are
weaker
than
they
;
and
not
that
any
are
willing
to
submit
,
or
not
to
resist
it
if
they
can
,
which
I
think
will
be
of
no
great
advantage
to
Monarchy
.
But
whatever
propensity
may
be
in
Beasts
,
it
cannot
be
attributed
generally
to
Men
;
for
if
it
were
,
they
never
could
have
deviated
from
it
,
unless
they
were
violently
put
out
of
their
natural
course
;
which
in
this
case
cannot
be
,
for
there
is
no
Power
to
force
them
.
But
that
they
have
most
frequently
deviated
,
appears
by
the
various
Forms
of
Government
established
by
them
.
There
is
therefore
no
natural
propensity
to
any
one
,
but
they
chuse
that
which
in
their
judgment
seems
best
for
them
.
Or
,
if
he
would
have
that
inconsiderate
impulse
,
by
which
brutish
and
ignorant
men
may
be
swayed
when
they
know
no
better
,
to
pass
for
a
Propensity
;
others
are
no
more
obliged
to
follow
it
,
than
to
live
upon
Acrons
,
or
inhabit
hollow
Trees
,
because
their
Fathers
did
it
when
they
had
no
better
Dwellings
,
and
found
no
better
nourishment
in
the
uncultivated
World
.
And
he
that
exhibits
such
Examples
,
as
far
as
in
him
lies
,
endeavours
to
take
from
us
the
use
of
Reason
,
and
extinguishing
the
light
of
it
,
to
make
us
live
like
the
worst
of
Beasts
,
that
we
may
be
fit
Subjects
to
absolute
Monarchy
.
This
may
perhaps
be
our
Author's
intention
,
having
learnt
from
Aristotle
,
that
such
a
Government
is
only
sutable
to
the
nature
of
the
most
bestial
men
,
who
being
uncapable
of
governing
themselves
,
fall
under
the
Power
of
such
as
will
take
the
conduct
of
them
:
but
he
ought
withal
to
have
remembred
,
that
according
to
Aristotle's
opinion
,
this
Conductor
must
be
in
nature
different
from
those
he
takes
the
charge
of
;
and
if
he
be
not
,
there
can
be
no
Government
,
nor
Order
,
by
which
it
subsists
:
Beasts
follow
Beasts
,
and
the
blind
lead
the
blind
to
destruction
.
But
tho
I
should
grant
this
Propensity
to
be
general
,
it
could
not
be
imputed
to
God
,
since
man
by
Sin
is
fallen
from
the
Law
of
his
Creation
.
The
wickedness
of
man
(
even
in
the
first
Ages
)
was
great
in
the
World
:
All
the
imaginations
of
his
heart
are
evil
,
and
that
continually
.
All
men
are
liars
:
There
is
none
that
doth
good
,
no
not
one
.
Out
of
the
heart
proceed
evil
thoughts
,
Murders
,
Adulteries
,
Fornications
,
Thefts
,
false
Testimonies
,
&c.
These
are
the
Fruits
of
our
corrupted
nature
,
which
the
Apostle
observing
,
dos
not
only
make
a
difference
between
the
natural
and
the
spiritual
Man
,
whose
proceeding
only
can
be
referred
to
God
,
and
that
only
so
far
as
he
is
guided
by
his
Spirit
;
but
shews
,
that
the
natural
man
is
in
a
perpetual
enmity
against
God
,
without
any
possibility
of
being
reconciled
to
him
,
unless
by
the
destruction
of
the
old
Man
,
and
the
regenerating
or
renewing
him
through
the
Spirit
of
Grace
.
There
being
no
sootsteps
of
this
in
our
Author's
Book
,
he
and
his
Master
Heylin
may
have
differed
from
the
Apostle
,
referring
that
Propensity
of
Nature
to
God
,
which
he
declares
to
be
utter
enmity
against
him
;
and
we
may
conclude
,
that
this
Propensity
,
however
general
it
may
be
,
cannot
be
attributed
to
God
as
the
Author
of
Nature
,
since
it
cannot
be
more
general
than
the
Corruptions
into
which
we
are
fallen
.
SECT.
IX
.
The
Government
instituted
by
God
over
the
Israelites
was
Aristocratical
.
NOtwithstanding
all
this
,
our
Author
is
resolved
that
Monarchy
must
be
from
God
:
What
form
of
Government
,
says
he
,
God
ordained
by
his
Authority
,
may
be
gathered
by
that
Commonwealth
which
he
instituted
amongst
the
Hebrews
;
which
was
not
Aristocratical
,
as
Calvin
saith
,
but
plainly
Monarchical
.
I
may
in
as
few
words
deny
the
Government
set
up
by
God
to
have
bin
Monarchical
,
as
he
asserts
it
;
but
finding
such
Language
ordinarily
to
proceed
from
a
mixture
of
folly
,
impudence
and
pride
,
I
chuse
rather
to
shew
upon
what
I
ground
my
Opinions
,
than
nakedly
to
deliver
them
;
most
especially
,
when
by
insisting
upon
the
Government
instituted
by
God
over
his
People
,
he
refers
us
to
the
Scripture
.
And
I
do
this
the
more
boldly
,
since
I
follow
Calvin's
Exposition
,
and
believe
that
he
having
bin
highly
esteemed
for
his
Wit
,
Judgment
and
Learning
,
by
such
as
were
endowed
with
the
like
,
and
reverenced
as
a
glorious
Servant
of
God
,
might
,
if
he
were
now
alive
,
comfort
himself
,
tho
he
had
the
misfortune
to
fall
under
the
censures
of
Filmer
and
his
followers
.
'T
is
probable
he
gave
some
Reasons
for
his
Opinions
;
but
our
Author
having
maliciously
concealed
them
,
and
I
not
having
leasure
at
present
to
examin
all
his
Writings
to
find
them
,
must
content
my self
with
such
as
my
small
understanding
may
suggest
,
and
such
as
I
have
found
in
approved
Authors
.
In
the
first
place
I
may
safely
say
,
he
was
not
alone
of
that
opinion
:
Josephus
,
Philo
,
and
Moses
Maimonides
,
with
all
the
best
of
the
Jewish
and
Christian
Authors
,
had
long
before
delivered
the
same
.
Josephus
says
,
that
Saul's
first
Sin
by
which
he
fell
,
was
,
that
he
took
away
the
Aristocracy
;
which
he
could
not
do
if
it
had
never
bin
established
.
Philo
imputes
the
institution
of
Kingly
Government
,
as
it
was
in
Israel
,
neither
to
God
nor
his
Word
,
but
to
the
fury
of
the
sinful
People
.
Abarbenel
says
,
it
proceeded
from
their
delight
in
the
Hosea
,
I
gave
them
Kings
in
my
Wrath
;
and
whosoever
will
call
that
a
divine
Institution
,
may
give
the
same
name
to
Plagues
or
Famines
,
and
induce
a
necessity
incumbent
upon
all
men
to
go
and
search
the
one
where
they
may
find
it
,
and
to
leave
their
Lands
for
ever
uncultivated
that
they
may
be
sure
of
the
other
:
which
being
too
bestial
to
be
asserted
by
a
man
,
I
may
safely
say
,
the
Hebrew
Kings
were
not
instituted
by
God
,
but
given
as
a
punishment
of
their
Sin
,
who
despised
the
Government
that
he
had
instituted
:
and
the
above-mentioned
Authors
agree
in
the
same
thing
,
calling
the
Peoples
desire
to
have
a
King
,
furious
,
mad
,
wicked
,
and
proceeding
from
their
love
to
the
Idolatry
of
their
Neighbours
,
which
was
suted
to
their
Government
;
both
which
were
inconsistent
with
what
God
had
established
over
his
own
People
.
But
waving
the
opinions
of
men
,
't
is
good
to
see
what
we
can
learn
from
the
Scripture
,
and
enquire
if
there
be
any
Precept
there
expresly
commanding
them
to
make
a
King
;
or
any
Example
that
they
did
so
whilst
they
continued
obedient
to
the
Word
of
God
;
or
any
thing
from
whence
we
may
reasonably
infer
they
ought
to
have
done
it
:
all
which
,
if
I
mistake
not
,
will
be
found
directly
contrary
.
The
only
Precept
that
we
find
in
the
Law
concerning
Kings
,
is
that
of
Deuteron.
17.
already
mentioned
;
and
that
is
not
a
Command
to
the
People
to
make
,
but
Instructions
what
manner
of
King
they
should
make
if
they
desired
to
have
one
:
There
was
therefore
none
at
all
.
Examples
do
as
little
favour
our
Author's
Assertions
.
Moses
,
Joshua
,
and
the
other
Judges
,
had
not
the
name
or
power
of
Kings
:
They
were
not
of
the
Tribe
to
which
the
Scepter
was
promised
:
They
did
not
transmit
the
Power
they
had
to
their
Children
,
which
in
our
Adversary's
opinion
is
a
Right
inseparable
from
Kings
;
and
their
Power
was
not
continued
by
any
kind
of
Succession
,
but
created
occasionally
,
as
need
required
,
according
to
the
Vertues
discovered
in
those
who
were
raised
by
God
to
deliver
the
Nation
in
the
time
of
their
distress
;
which
being
done
,
their
Children
lay
hid
among
the
rest
of
the
People
.
Thus
were
Ehud
,
Gideon
,
Jephtha
,
and
others
set
up
:
Whosoever
will
give
battel
(
say
the
Princes
and
People
of
Gilead
)
to
the
Children
of
Ammon
,
shall
be
head
over
the
Inheritance
of
Gilead
:
and
finding
Jephtha
to
be
such
a
man
as
they
sought
,
they
made
him
their
Chief
,
and
all
Israel
followed
them
.
When
Othniel
had
shew'd
his
Valour
in
taking
Kyriath
Sepher
,
and
delivering
his
Brethren
from
Cushan-Rishathaim
,
he
was
made
Judg
:
When
Ehud
had
killed
Eglon
;
when
Shamgar
and
Samson
had
destroyed
great
numbers
of
the
Philistins
;
and
when
Gideon
had
defeated
the
Midianites
,
they
were
fit
to
be
advanced
above
their
Brethren
.
These
Dignities
were
not
inherent
in
their
Persons
or
Families
,
but
conferred
upon
them
;
nor
conferred
,
that
they
might
be
exalted
in
Riches
and
Glory
,
but
that
they
might
be
Ministers
of
Good
to
the
People
.
This
may
justify
Plato's
opinion
,
that
if
one
man
be
found
incomparably
to
excel
all
others
in
the
Vertues
that
are
beneficial
to
Civil
Societies
,
he
ought
to
be
advanced
above
all
:
but
I
think
it
will
be
hard
from
thence
to
deduce
an
Argument
in
favour
of
such
a
Monarchy
as
is
necessarily
to
descend
to
the
next
in
Blood
,
whether
Man
,
Woman
,
or
Child
,
without
any
consideration
of
Vertue
,
Age
,
Sex
,
or
Ability
;
and
that
failing
,
it
can
be
of
no
use
to
our
Author
.
But
whatever
the
dignity
of
a
Hebrew
Judg
was
,
and
howsoever
he
was
raised
to
that
Office
,
it
certainly
differ'd
from
that
of
a
King
.
Gideon
could
not
have
refused
to
be
a
King
when
the
People
would
have
made
him
so
,
if
he
had
bin
a
King
already
;
or
that
God
from
the
beginning
had
appointed
that
they
should
have
one
:
The
Elders
and
People
could
not
have
asked
a
King
of
Samuel
,
if
he
They
have
not
rejected
thee
,
but
they
have
rejected
me
that
I
should
not
reign
over
them
,
if
he
had
ordained
what
they
desired
.
They
did
not
indeed
reject
God
with
their
Mouths
:
They
pretended
to
use
the
liberty
he
had
given
them
to
make
a
King
;
but
would
have
such
a
one
as
he
had
forbidden
:
They
drew
near
to
him
with
their
Lips
,
but
their
Hearts
were
far
from
him
;
and
he
seeing
their
Hypocrisy
,
severely
chastised
them
in
granting
their
ill
conceived
request
;
and
foretold
the
miseries
that
should
thereupon
befal
them
,
from
which
he
would
not
deliver
them
,
tho
they
should
cry
to
him
by
reason
of
what
they
suffered
from
their
King
:
He
was
their
Creature
,
and
the
mischiefs
thereby
brought
upon
them
were
the
fruits
of
their
own
labour
.
This
is
that
which
our
Author
calls
God's
institution
of
Kings
;
but
the
Prophet
explains
the
matter
much
better
,
I
gave
them
Kings
in
my
anger
,
and
took
them
away
in
my
wrath
:
in
destroying
them
God
Israel
hath
cast
off
the
thing
that
is
the
Enemy
shall
pursue
him
:
They
have
set
up
Kings
,
but
not
by
me
;
and
Princes
,
but
I
know
them
not
.
As
if
he
sought
to
justify
the
severity
of
his
Judgments
brought
upon
them
by
the
wickedness
of
their
Kings
,
that
they
,
not
he
,
had
ordained
.
Having
seen
what
Government
God
did
not
ordain
,
it
may
be
seasonable
to
examine
the
nature
of
the
Government
which
he
did
ordain
;
and
we
shall
easily
find
that
it
consisted
of
three
parts
,
besides
the
Magistrates
of
the
several
Tribes
and
Cities
.
They
had
a
chief
Magistrate
,
who
was
called
Judg
or
Captain
,
as
Joshua
,
Gideon
,
and
others
,
a
Council
of
seventy
chosen
men
,
and
the
General
Assemblies
The
first
was
meerly
occasional
,
like
to
the
Dictators
of
Rome
;
and
as
the
Romans
in
times
of
danger
frequently
chose
such
a
Man
as
was
much
esteemed
for
Valour
and
Wisdom
,
God's
peculiar
People
had
a
peculiar
regard
to
that
Wisdom
and
Valour
which
was
accompanied
with
his
Presence
,
hoping
for
deliverance
only
from
him
.
The
second
is
known
by
the
name
of
the
great
Sanhedrin
,
which
being
instituted
by
Moses
according
to
the
command
of
God
,
continued
,
till
they
were
all
save
one
slain
by
Herod
.
And
the
third
part
,
which
is
the
Assembly
of
the
People
,
was
so
common
,
that
none
can
be
ignorant
of
it
,
but
such
as
never
looked
into
the
Scripture
.
When
the
Tribes
of
Reuben
,
Gad
,
and
half
that
of
Manasseh
had
built
an
Altar
on
the
side
of
Jordan
,
The
whole
Congregation
of
the
Children
of
Israel
gathered
together
at
Shiloh
to
go
up
to
war
against
them
,
and
sent
Phineas
the
Son
of
Eleazer
,
and
with
him
ten
Princes
,
&c.
This
was
the
highest
and
most
important
action
that
could
concern
a
People
,
even
War
or
Peace
,
and
that
not
with
Strangers
,
but
their
own
Brethren
.
Joshua
was
then
alive
:
The
Elders
never
failed
;
but
this
was
not
transacted
by
him
or
them
,
but
by
the
collected
body
of
the
People
;
for
They
sent
Phineas
.
This
Democratical
Embassy
was
Democratically
received
:
It
was
not
directed
to
one
man
,
but
to
all
the
Children
of
Reuben
,
Gad
,
and
Manasseh
,
and
the
answer
was
sent
by
them
all
;
which
being
pleasing
to
Phineas
,
and
the
ten
that
were
with
him
,
they
made
their
report
to
the
Congregation
,
and
all
was
quiet
.
The
last
eminent
Act
performed
by
Joshua
was
the
calling
of
a
like
Assembly
to
Sechem
,
composed
of
Elders
,
Heads
of
Families
,
Judges
,
Officers
,
and
all
the
People
,
to
whom
he
proposed
,
and
they
Joshua
being
dead
,
the
Proceedings
of
every
Tribe
were
grounded
upon
Counsels
taken
at
such
Assemblies
among
themselves
for
their
own
concernments
,
as
appears
by
the
Actions
of
Judah
,
Simeon
,
&c.
against
the
Canaanites
;
and
when
the
Levite
complained
that
his
even
from
Dan
to
Beersheba
,
as
one
man
,
and
there
resolved
upon
that
terrible
War
which
they
made
against
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
.
The
like
Assembly
was
gathered
together
for
the
Election
of
Saul
,
every
man
was
there
:
and
tho
the
Elders
only
are
said
to
have
asked
a
King
of
Samuel
,
they
seem
to
have
bin
deputed
from
the
whole
Congregation
;
for
God
said
,
Hearken
to
the
voice
of
the
People
.
In
the
same
manner
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
and
after
that
the
rest
chose
and
anointed
David
to
If
these
Actions
were
considered
singly
by
themselves
,
Calvin
might
have
given
the
name
of
a
Democracy
to
the
Hebrew
Government
,
as
well
as
to
that
of
Athens
;
for
without
doubt
they
evidently
manifest
the
supreme
Power
to
have
bin
in
the
supreme
manner
in
these
General
Assemblies
;
but
the
Government
(
as
to
its
outward
order
)
consisting
of
those
three
parts
,
which
comprehend
the
three
simple
species
,
tho
in
truth
it
was
a
Theocracy
;
and
no
times
having
bin
appointed
,
nor
occasions
specified
,
upon
which
Judges
should
be
chosen
,
or
these
Assemblies
called
;
whereas
the
Sanhedrim
,
which
was
the
Aristocratical
part
,
was
permanent
,
the
whole
might
rightly
be
called
an
Aristocracy
,
that
part
prevailing
above
the
others
:
and
tho
Josephus
calls
it
a
Theocracy
,
by
reason
of
God's
presence
with
his
People
;
yet
in
relation
to
man
he
calls
it
an
Aristocracy
,
and
says
that
Saul's
first
Sin
by
which
he
fell
from
the
Kingdom
was
,
that
Gubernationem
optimatum
sustulit
;
which
could
not
be
,
if
they
were
governed
by
a
Monarch
before
he
was
chosen
.
Our
Author
taking
no
notice
of
these
matters
,
first
endeavours
to
prove
the
excellency
of
Monarchy
from
natural
instinct
;
and
then
begging
the
question
,
says
,
that
God
did
always
govern
his
People
by
Monarchy
;
whereas
he
ought
in
the
first
place
to
have
observed
that
this
instinct
(
if
there
be
any
such
thing
)
is
only
an
irrational
appetite
,
attributed
to
Beasts
,
that
know
not
why
they
do
any
thing
;
and
is
to
be
followed
only
by
those
men
who
being
equally
irrational
,
live
in
the
same
ignorance
:
and
the
second
being
proved
to
be
absolutely
false
by
the
express
words
of
the
Scripture
,
There
was
then
no
King
That
even
then
the
Israelites
were
under
the
Kingly
Government
of
the
Fathers
of
particular
Families
.
It
appears
by
the
forementioned
Text
cited
also
by
our
Author
,
that
in
the
Assembly
of
the
People
,
gathered
together
to
take
counsel
concerning
the
War
against
Benjamin
,
were
four
hundred
thousand
Footmen
that
drew
Sword
:
They
all
arose
together
,
saying
,
Not
a
man
of
us
shall
go
to
his
Tent.
So
all
the
men
of
Israel
were
gathered
together
against
the
City
.
This
is
repeated
several
times
in
the
relation
.
The
Benjamites
proceeded
in
the
like
manner
in
preparing
for
their
defence
;
and
if
all
these
who
did
so
meet
to
consult
and
determine
were
Monarchs
,
there
were
then
in
Israel
and
Benjamin
four
hundred
and
twenty
six
thousand
,
seven
hundred
Monarchs
or
Kings
,
tho
the
Scriptures
say
there
was
not
one
.
If
yet
our
Author
insist
upon
his
notion
of
Kingly
Government
,
I
desire
to
know
who
were
the
Subjects
,
if
all
these
were
Kings
;
for
the
text
says
,
that
the
whole
Congregation
was
gathered
together
as
one
man
from
Dan
to
Beersheba
.
If
there
can
be
so
many
Kings
without
one
Subject
,
what
becomes
of
the
Right
of
Abraham
,
Isaac
and
Jacob
,
that
was
to
have
bin
devolved
upon
one
man
as
Heir
to
them
,
and
thereby
Lord
of
all
?
If
every
man
had
an
equal
part
in
that
inheritance
,
and
by
virtue
of
it
became
a
King
,
why
is
not
the
same
eternally
subdivided
to
as
many
men
as
are
in
the
World
,
who
are
also
Kings
?
If
this
be
their
natural
condition
,
how
comes
it
to
be
altered
,
till
they
do
unthrone
themselves
by
consent
to
set
up
one
or
more
to
have
a
power
over
them
all
?
Why
should
they
devest
themselves
of
their
natural
Right
to
set
up
one
above
themselves
,
unless
in
consideration
of
their
own
good
?
If
the
426700
Kings
might
retain
the
power
in
themselves
,
or
give
it
to
one
,
why
might
they
not
give
it
to
any
such
number
of
men
as
should
best
please
themselves
,
or
retain
it
in
their
own
hands
,
as
they
did
till
the
days
of
Saul
;
or
frame
,
limit
,
and
direct
it
according
to
their
own
pleasure
?
If
this
be
true
,
God
is
the
Author
of
Democracy
;
and
no
assertor
of
human
Liberty
did
ever
claim
more
than
the
People
of
God
did
enjoy
and
exercise
at
the
time
when
our
Author
says
they
were
under
the
Kingly
Government
;
which
Liberty
being
not
granted
by
any
peculiar
concession
or
institution
,
the
same
must
belong
to
all
Mankind
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
the
426700
men
were
heads
of
Families
;
for
the
Scripture
only
says
,
They
were
Footmen
that
drew
the
Sword
,
or
rather
all
the
men
of
Israel
from
Dan
to
Beersheba
,
who
were
able
to
make
War
.
When
six
hundred
Benjamites
did
only
remain
of
the
26700
,
't
is
plain
that
no
more
were
left
of
that
Tribe
,
their
Women
and
Children
having
bin
destroyed
in
the
Cities
after
their
defeat
.
The
next
Chapter
makes
the
matter
yet
more
plain
;
for
when
all
that
were
at
the
Congregation
in
Mispeth
were
found
to
have
sworn
,
they
would
not
give
their
Daughters
to
any
of
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
,
no
Israelite
was
free
from
the
Oath
,
but
the
men
of
Jabesh
Jabesh
Gilead
,
and
the
Women
that
had
lain
by
Man
,
reserving
the
Virgins
for
the
Benjamites
.
This
is
enough
for
my
purpose
:
for
the
question
is
not
concerning
the
power
that
every
Housholder
in
London
hath
over
his
Wife
,
Children
,
and
Servants
;
but
whether
they
are
all
perpetually
subject
to
one
man
and
Family
;
and
I
intend
not
to
set
up
their
Wives
,
Prentices
,
and
Children
against
them
,
or
to
diminish
their
Rights
,
but
to
assert
them
,
as
the
gift
of
God
and
Nature
,
no
otherwise
to
be
restrained
than
by
Laws
made
with
their
consent
.
Reason
failing
,
our
Author
pleases
himself
with
terms
of
his
own
invention
:
When
the
People
begged
a
King
of
Samuel
,
they
were
governed
by
a
Kingly
power
:
God
out
of
a
special
love
and
care
to
the
house
of
Israel
,
did
chuse
to
be
their
King
himself
,
and
did
govern
them
at
that
time
by
his
Viceroy
Samuel
and
his
Sons
.
The
behaviour
of
the
Israelites
towards
Samuel
has
bin
thought
proud
,
perverse
,
and
obstinate
;
but
the
fine
Court
word
begging
was
never
before
applied
to
them
;
and
their
insolent
fury
was
not
only
seen
against
Samuel
,
but
against
God
;
They
have
not
rejected
thee
,
but
they
have
rejected
me
.
And
Nay
,
but
we
will
have
a
King
.
But
lest
I
should
be
thought
too
much
inclined
to
contradict
our
Author
,
I
confess
that
once
he
hath
happened
to
be
in
the
right
.
God
out
of
a
special
love
to
the
house
of
Israel
chose
to
be
their
King
:
He
gave
them
Laws
,
prescribed
a
Form
of
Government
,
raised
up
Men
in
a
wonderful
manner
to
execute
it
,
filled
them
with
his
Spirit
,
was
ever
present
when
they
called
upon
him
:
He
gave
them
counsel
in
their
doubts
,
and
assistance
in
all
their
extremities
:
He
made
a
Covenant
with
them
,
and
would
be
exalted
by
them
.
But
what
is
this
to
an
earthly
Monarch
?
Who
can
from
hence
derive
a
Right
to
any
one
man
to
play
the
Lord
over
his
Brethren
,
or
a
reason
why
any
Nation
should
set
him
up
?
God
is
our
Lord
by
right
of
creation
,
and
our
only
Lord
,
because
he
only
hath
created
us
.
If
any
other
were
equal
to
him
in
Wisdom
,
Power
,
Goodness
,
and
Beneficence
to
us
,
he
might
challenge
the
same
duty
from
us
.
If
growing
out
of
our selves
,
receiving
being
from
none
,
depending
on
no
providence
,
we
were
offered
the
protection
of
a
Wisdom
subject
to
no
error
,
a
Goodness
that
could
never
fail
,
and
a
Power
that
nothing
could
resist
;
it
were
reasonable
for
us
to
enter
into
a
Covenant
,
submit
our selves
to
him
,
and
with
all
the
faculties
of
our
minds
to
addict
our selves
to
his
Service
.
But
what
Right
can
from
hence
accrue
to
a
mortal
Creature
like
to
one
of
us
,
from
whom
we
have
received
nothing
,
and
who
stands
in
need
of
help
as
much
as
we
?
Who
can
from
hence
deduce
an
argument
to
perswade
us
to
depend
upon
his
Wisdom
,
who
has
as
little
as
other
men
?
To
submit
to
his
Will
who
is
subject
to
the
same
Frailties
,
Passions
,
and
Vices
with
the
rest
of
Mankind
?
Or
to
expect
protection
and
defence
from
him
whose
life
depends
upon
as
slender
threds
as
our
own
;
and
who
can
have
no
power
but
that
which
we
confer
upon
him
?
If
this
cannot
be
done
,
but
is
of
all
things
the
most
contrary
to
common
sense
,
no
man
can
in
himself
have
any
right
over
us
;
we
are
all
as
free
as
the
four
hundred
twenty
six
thousand
seven
hundred
Hebrew
Kings
:
We
can
naturally
owe
allegiance
to
none
;
and
I
doubt
whether
all
the
lusts
that
have
reigned
amongst
men
since
the
beginning
of
the
World
,
have
brought
more
guilt
and
misery
upon
them
than
that
preposterous
and
impudent
pretence
of
imitating
what
God
had
instituted
.
When
Saul
set
himself
most
violently
to
oppose
the
command
of
God
,
he
pretended
to
fulfil
it
:
When
the
Jews
grew
weary
of
God's
Government
,
and
resolved
to
reject
him
,
that
he
should
not
reign
over
them
,
they
used
some
of
Moses
his
words
,
and
asked
that
King
of
God
,
whom
they
intended
to
set
up
against
him
:
But
this
King
had
not
bin
set
up
against
God
,
the
People
had
not
rejected
God
,
and
sinned
in
asking
for
him
,
if
every
Nation
by
a
general
Law
ought
to
have
one
,
or
by
a
particular
Law
one
had
bin
appointed
by
him
over
them
.
There
was
therefore
no
King
amongst
them
,
nor
any
Law
of
God
or
Nature
,
particular
or
general
,
according
to
which
they
ought
to
have
one
.
SECT.
X.
Aristotle
was
not
simply
for
Monarchy
or
against
Popular
Government
;
but
approved
or
disapproved
of
either
according
to
circumstances
.
OUr
Author
well
observes
that
Aristotle
is
hardly
brought
to
give
a
general
opinion
in
favour
of
Monarchy
,
as
if
it
were
the
best
form
of
Government
,
or
to
say
true
,
never
dos
it
.
He
uses
much
caution
,
proposes
conditions
,
and
limitations
,
and
makes
no
decision
but
according
to
circumstances
.
Men
of
Wisdom
and
Learning
are
subject
to
such
doubts
;
but
none
ought
to
wonder
if
stupidity
and
ignorance
defend
Filmer
and
his
Followers
from
them
;
or
that
their
hatred
to
the
antient
Vertue
should
give
them
an
aversion
to
the
Learning
that
was
the
Nurse
of
it
.
Those
who
neither
understand
the
several
Species
of
Government
,
nor
the
various
tempers
of
Nations
,
may
without
fear
or
shame
give
their
opinions
in
favour
of
that
which
best
pleaseth
them
;
but
wise
men
will
always
proportion
their
praises
to
the
merit
of
the
subject
,
and
never
commend
that
simply
which
is
good
only
according
to
circumstances
.
Aristotle
highly
applauds
Monarchy
,
when
the
Monarch
has
more
of
those
Vertues
that
tend
to
the
good
of
a
Commonwealth
than
all
they
who
compose
it
.
This
is
the
King
mentioned
in
his
Ethicks
,
and
extolled
in
his
Politicks
:
He
is
above
all
by
Nature
,
and
ought
not
by
a
municipal
Law
to
be
made
equal
to
others
in
Power
:
He
ought
to
govern
,
because
't
is
better
for
a
People
to
be
governed
by
him
,
than
to
enjoy
their
Liberty
;
or
rather
they
do
enjoy
their
Liberty
,
which
is
never
more
safe
,
than
when
it
is
defended
by
one
who
is
a
living
Law
to
himself
and
others
.
Wheresoever
such
a
man
appears
,
he
ought
to
reign
:
He
bears
in
his
Person
the
divine
Character
of
a
Sovereign
:
God
has
raised
him
above
all
;
and
such
as
will
not
submit
to
him
,
ought
to
be
accounted
Sons
of
Belial
,
brought
forth
and
slain
.
But
he
dos
withal
confess
,
that
if
no
such
man
be
sound
,
there
is
no
natural
King
:
All
the
Prerogatives
belonging
to
him
vanish
,
for
want
of
one
who
is
capable
of
enjoying
them
.
He
lays
severe
Censures
upon
those
who
not
being
thus
qualified
take
upon
them
to
govern
men
,
equal
to
or
better
than
themselves
;
and
judges
the
assumption
of
such
Powers
by
persons
who
are
not
naturally
adapted
to
the
administration
of
them
,
as
barbarous
Usurpations
,
which
no
Law
or
Reason
can
justify
;
and
is
not
so
much
transported
with
the
excellency
of
this
true
King
,
as
not
to
confess
he
ought
to
be
limit
d
by
Law
:
Qui
legem
praeesse
jubet
,
videtur
jubere
praeesse
Deum
&
Leges
:
Man
being
in
honour
,
hath
no
understanding
,
but
is
like
to
the
beast
that
perisheth
.
This
shews
that
such
as
deny
that
Kings
do
reign
by
Law
,
or
that
Laws
may
be
put
upon
Kings
,
do
equally
set
themselves
against
the
opinions
of
wise
Men
,
and
the
Word
of
God
:
and
our
Author
having
found
that
Learning
made
the
Grecians
seditious
,
may
reasonably
doubt
that
Religion
may
make
others
worse
;
so
as
none
will
be
fit
Subjects
of
his
applauded
Government
,
but
those
who
have
neither
Religion
nor
Learning
;
and
that
it
cannot
be
introduced
till
both
be
extinguished
.
Aristotle
having
declared
his
mind
concerning
Government
,
in
the
Books
expresly
written
on
that
Subject
,
whatsoever
is
said
by
the
by
in
his
Moral
Discourses
,
must
be
referred
to
and
interpreted
by
the
other
:
And
if
he
said
(
which
I
do
not
find
)
that
Monarchy
is
the
best
Form
of
Government
,
and
a
Popular
State
the
worst
,
he
cannot
be
thought
to
have
meant
otherwise
,
than
that
those
Nations
were
the
most
happy
,
who
had
such
a
Man
as
he
thinks
fit
to
be
made
a
Monarch
;
and
those
the
most
unhappy
,
who
neither
had
such
a
one
,
nor
a
few
,
that
any
way
excelled
the
rest
;
but
all
being
equally
brutish
,
must
take
upon
them
the
Government
they
were
unable
to
manage
:
for
he
dos
no
where
admit
any
other
end
of
Just
and
Civil
Government
,
than
the
good
of
the
governed
;
nor
any
advantage
due
to
one
or
a
few
persons
,
unless
for
such
Vertues
as
conduce
to
the
common
good
of
the
Society
.
And
as
our
Author
thinks
Learning
makes
men
seditious
,
Aristotle
also
acknowledges
,
that
those
who
have
Understanding
and
Courage
,
which
may
be
taken
for
Learning
,
or
the
effect
of
it
,
will
never
endure
the
Government
of
one
or
a
few
that
do
not
excel
them
in
Vertue
:
but
no
where
dispraises
a
Popular
Government
,
unless
the
multitude
be
composed
of
such
as
are
barbarous
,
stupid
,
lewd
,
vicious
,
and
uncapable
of
the
Happiness
for
which
Governments
are
instituted
;
who
cannot
live
to
themselves
,
but
like
a
herd
of
Beasts
must
be
brought
under
the
dominion
of
another
;
or
who
,
having
amongst
themselves
such
an
excellent
Person
as
is
above
described
,
will
not
submit
to
him
,
but
either
kill
,
banish
,
or
bring
him
to
be
equal
with
others
,
whom
God
had
made
to
excel
all
.
I
do
not
trouble
my self
,
or
the
Reader
,
with
citing
here
or
there
a
Line
out
of
his
Books
,
but
refer
my self
to
those
who
have
perused
his
Moral
and
Political
Writings
,
submitting
to
the
severest
Censures
,
if
this
be
not
the
true
sense
of
them
;
and
that
Vertue
alone
,
in
his
opinion
,
ought
to
give
the
preheminence
.
And
as
Aristotle
following
the
wise
Men
of
those
times
,
shews
us
how
far
Reason
,
improved
by
Meditation
,
can
advance
in
the
knowledg
and
love
of
that
which
is
truly
good
;
so
we
may
in
Filmer
,
guided
by
Heylin
,
see
an
Example
of
corrupted
Christians
,
extinguishing
the
Light
of
Religion
by
their
Vices
,
and
degenerating
into
Beasts
,
whilst
they
endeavour
to
support
the
personal
Interest
of
some
men
,
who
being
raised
to
Dignities
by
the
consent
of
Nations
,
or
by
unwarrantable
ways
and
means
,
would
cast
all
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
such
as
happen
to
be
born
in
their
Families
;
as
if
Governments
had
not
bin
instituted
for
the
common
good
of
Nations
,
but
only
to
increase
their
Pride
,
and
foment
their
Vices
;
or
that
the
care
and
direction
of
a
great
People
were
so
easy
a
work
,
that
every
Man
,
Woman
,
or
Child
,
how
young
,
weak
,
foolish
or
wicked
soever
,
may
be
worthy
of
it
,
and
able
to
manage
it
.
SECT.
XI
.
Liberty
produceth
Vertue
,
Order
and
Stability
:
Slavery
is
accompanied
with
Vice
,
Weakness
and
Misery
.
OUR
Author's
judgment
,
as
well
as
inclinations
to
Vertue
,
are
manifested
in
the
preference
he
gives
to
the
manners
of
the
Assyrians
and
other
Eastern
Nations
,
before
the
Grecians
and
Romans
:
Whereas
the
first
were
never
remarkable
for
any
thing
,
but
Pride
,
Lewdness
,
Treachery
,
Cruelty
,
Cowardice
,
Madness
,
and
hatred
to
all
that
is
good
;
whilst
the
others
excelled
in
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
and
all
the
Vertues
that
deserve
imitation
.
This
was
so
well
observed
by
St.
Augustin
,
that
he
brings
no
stronger
Argument
to
[
*
](A60214-e16870-b)
*
Si
puo
far
questa
conclusione
,
che
dove
la
materia
non
e
corotta
,
i
tumulti
ed
altri
scandali
non
nuocono
:
là
dove
la
e
corrotta
le
buone
Leggi
non
giovano
.
Machiav
.
Disc
,
sopra
T.
Livio
,
lib.
1.
Conclusion
,
That
where
the
matter
(
that
is
,
the
body
of
the
People
)
is
not
corrupted
,
Tumults
and
Disorders
do
no
hurt
;
and
where
it
is
corrupted
,
good
Laws
do
no
good
:
Which
being
confirmed
by
Reason
and
Experience
,
I
think
no
wise
man
has
ever
contradicted
him
.
But
I
do
not
more
wonder
that
Filmer
should
look
upon
Absolute
Monarchy
to
be
the
Nurse
of
Vertue
,
tho
we
see
they
did
never
subsist
together
,
than
that
he
should
attribute
Order
and
Stability
to
it
;
whereas
Order
doth
principally
consist
in
appointing
to
every
one
his
right
Place
,
Office
,
or
Work
;
and
this
lays
the
whole
weight
of
the
Government
upon
one
Person
,
who
very
often
dos
neither
deserve
,
nor
is
able
to
bear
the
least
part
of
it
.
Plato
,
Aristotle
,
Hooker
,
and
(
I
may
say
in
short
)
all
wise
men
have
held
,
that
Order
required
that
the
wisest
,
best
,
and
most
valiant
Men
,
should
be
placed
in
the
Offices
where
Wisdom
,
Vertue
and
Valour
are
requisite
.
If
common
sense
did
not
teach
us
this
,
we
might
learn
it
from
the
Scripture
.
When
God
gave
the
conduct
of
his
People
to
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Samuel
,
and
others
,
he
endowed
them
with
all
the
Vertues
and
Graces
that
were
required
for
the
right
performance
of
their
Duty
.
When
the
Israelites
were
oppressed
by
the
Midianites
,
Philistins
and
Ammonites
,
they
expected
help
from
the
most
wise
and
valiant
.
When
Hannibal
was
at
the
Gates
of
Rome
,
and
had
filled
Italy
with
Fire
and
Blood
;
or
when
the
Gauls
overwhelmed
that
Country
with
their
multitudes
and
fury
,
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
put
themselves
under
the
conduct
of
Camillus
,
Manlius
,
Fabius
,
Scipio
,
and
the
like
;
and
when
they
failed
to
chuse
such
as
were
fit
for
the
work
to
be
done
,
they
received
such
defeats
as
convinced
them
of
their
Error
.
But
if
our
Author
say
true
,
Order
did
require
that
the
Power
of
defending
the
Country
should
have
bin
annexed
as
an
Inheritance
to
one
Family
,
or
lest
to
him
that
could
get
it
,
and
the
exercise
of
all
Authority
committed
to
the
next
in
Blood
,
tho
the
weakest
of
Women
,
or
the
basest
of
Men.
The
like
may
be
said
of
judging
,
or
doing
of
Justice
;
and
't
is
absurd
to
pretend
that
either
is
expected
from
the
Power
,
not
the
Person
of
the
Monarch
;
for
experience
doth
too
well
shew
how
much
all
things
halt
in
relation
to
Justice
or
Defence
,
when
there
is
a
defect
in
him
that
ought
to
judg
us
,
and
to
fight
our
Battels
.
But
of
all
things
this
ought
least
to
be
alledged
by
the
Advocates
for
absolute
Monarchy
,
who
deny
that
the
Authority
can
be
separated
from
the
Person
,
and
lay
it
as
a
fundamental
Principle
,
that
whosoever
hath
it
may
do
what
he
pleases
,
and
be
accountable
to
no
man
.
Our
Author's
next
work
is
to
shew
,
that
Stability
is
the
effect
of
this
good
Order
;
but
he
ought
to
have
known
,
that
Stability
is
then
only
worthy
of
praise
,
when
it
is
in
that
which
is
good
.
No
man
delights
in
sickness
or
pain
,
because
it
is
long
,
or
incurable
;
nor
in
slavery
and
misery
,
because
it
is
perpetual
:
much
less
will
any
man
in
his
senses
commend
a
permanency
in
vice
and
wickedness
.
He
must
therefore
prove
,
that
the
Stability
he
boasts
of
is
in
things
that
are
good
,
or
all
that
he
says
of
it
signifies
nothing
.
I
might
leave
him
here
with
as
little
fear
,
that
any
man
who
shall
espouse
his
Quarrel
,
shall
ever
be
able
to
remove
this
Obstacle
,
as
that
he
himself
should
rise
out
of
his
Grave
and
do
it
:
But
I
hope
to
prove
,
that
of
all
things
under
the
Sun
,
there
is
none
more
mutable
or
unstable
than
Absolute
Monarchy
;
which
is
all
that
I
dispute
against
,
professing
much
veneration
for
that
which
is
mixed
,
regulated
by
Law
,
and
directed
to
the
Publick
Good
.
This
might
be
proved
by
many
Arguments
,
but
I
shall
confine
my self
to
two
;
the
one
drawn
from
Reason
,
the
other
from
matters
of
Fact
.
Nothing
can
be
called
stable
,
that
is
not
so
in
Principle
and
Practice
,
in
which
respect
human
Nature
is
not
well
capable
of
Stability
;
but
the
utmost
deviation
from
it
that
can
be
imagined
,
is
,
when
such
an
Error
is
laid
for
a
Foundation
as
can
never
be
corrected
.
All
will
confess
,
that
if
there
be
any
Stability
in
man
,
it
must
be
in
Wisdom
and
Vertue
,
and
in
those
Actions
that
are
thereby
directed
;
for
in
weakness
,
folly
and
madness
there
can
be
none
.
The
Stability
therefore
that
we
seek
,
in
relation
to
the
exercise
of
Civil
and
Military
Powers
,
can
never
be
found
,
unless
care
be
taken
that
such
as
shall
exercise
those
Powers
,
be
endowed
with
the
Qualities
that
should
make
them
stable
.
This
is
utterly
repugnant
to
our
Author's
Doctrine
:
He
lays
for
a
Foundation
,
That
the
Succession
goes
to
the
next
in
Blood
,
without
distinction
of
Age
,
Sex
,
or
personal
Qualities
;
whereas
even
he
himself
could
not
have
the
impudence
to
say
,
that
Children
,
and
Women
(
where
they
are
admitted
)
or
Fools
,
Madmen
,
and
such
as
are
full
of
all
wickedness
,
do
not
come
to
be
the
Heirs
of
reigning
Families
,
as
well
as
of
the
meanest
.
The
Stability
therefore
that
can
be
expected
from
such
a
Government
,
either
depends
upon
those
who
have
none
in
themselves
,
or
is
referred
wholly
to
Chance
,
which
is
directly
opposite
to
Stability
.
This
would
be
the
case
,
tho
it
were
(
as
we
say
)
an
even
Wager
,
whether
the
Person
would
be
fit
or
unfit
,
and
that
there
were
as
many
men
in
the
world
able
,
as
unable
to
perform
the
Duty
of
a
King
;
but
Experience
shewing
that
among
many
millions
of
men
,
there
is
hardly
one
that
possesses
the
Qualities
required
in
a
King
,
't
is
so
many
to
one
,
that
he
upon
whom
the
Lot
shall
fall
,
will
not
be
the
man
we
seek
,
in
whose
Person
and
Government
there
can
be
such
a
stability
as
is
asserted
.
And
that
failing
,
all
must
necessarily
fail
;
for
there
can
be
no
stability
in
his
Will
,
Laws
or
Actions
,
who
has
none
in
his
Person
.
That
we
may
see
whether
this
be
verified
by
Experience
,
we
need
not
search
into
the
dark
relations
of
the
Babylonian
and
Assyrian
Monarchies
:
Those
rude
Ages
afford
us
little
instruction
;
and
tho
the
fragments
of
History
remaining
do
sufficiently
show
,
that
all
things
there
were
in
perpetual
fluctuation
,
by
reason
of
the
madness
of
their
Kings
,
and
the
violence
of
those
who
transported
the
Empire
from
one
Place
or
Family
to
another
,
I
will
not
much
rely
upon
them
,
but
slightly
touching
some
of
their
Stories
,
pass
to
those
that
are
better
known
to
us
.
The
Kings
of
those
Ages
seem
to
have
lived
rather
like
Beasts
in
a
Forest
,
than
Men
joined
in
Civil
Society
:
they
followed
the
Example
of
Nimrod
the
mighty
Hunter
;
Force
was
the
only
Law
that
prevailed
,
the
stronger
devoured
the
weaker
,
and
continued
in
Power
till
he
was
ejected
by
one
of
more
strength
or
better
fortune
.
By
this
means
the
race
of
Ninus
was
destroy'd
by
Belochus
Arbaces
rent
the
Kingdom
asunder
,
and
took
Media
to
himself
.
Morodach
extinguished
the
Race
of
Belochus
,
and
was
made
King
:
Nabuchodonosor
like
a
Flood
overwhelmed
all
for
a
time
,
destroy'd
the
Kingdoms
of
Jerusalem
and
Egypt
,
with
many
others
,
and
found
no
obstacle
,
till
his
rage
and
pride
turned
to
a
most
bestial
madness
:
And
the
Assyrian
Empire
was
wholly
abolish'd
at
the
death
of
his
Grandchild
Belshazzar
;
and
no
Stability
can
be
found
in
the
reigns
of
those
great
Kings
,
unless
that
name
be
given
to
the
Pride
,
Idolatry
,
Cruelty
and
Wickedness
in
which
they
remained
constant
.
If
we
examine
things
more
distinctly
,
we
shall
find
that
all
things
varied
according
to
the
humour
of
the
Prince
.
Whilst
Pharaoh
lived
,
who
had
received
such
signal
Services
from
Joseph
,
the
Israelites
were
well
used
:
but
when
another
rose
up
who
knew
him
not
,
they
were
persecuted
with
all
the
extremities
of
injustice
and
cruelty
,
till
the
furious
King
persisting
in
his
design
of
exterminating
them
,
brought
destruction
upon
himself
and
the
Nation
.
Where
the
like
Power
hath
prevailed
,
it
has
ever
produced
the
like
effects
.
When
some
great
men
of
Persia
had
perswaded
Darius
,
that
it
was
a
fine
thing
to
command
,
that
no
man
for
the
space
of
thirty
days
should
make
any
Petition
to
God
or
Man
,
but
to
the
King
only
,
Daniel
the
most
wise
and
holy
Man
then
in
the
world
must
be
thrown
to
the
Lions
.
When
God
had
miraculously
saved
him
,
the
same
Sentence
was
passed
against
the
He
that
desires
farther
proofs
of
this
Point
,
may
seek
them
in
the
Histories
of
Alexander
of
Macedon
,
and
his
Successors
:
He
seems
to
have
bin
endow'd
with
all
the
Vertues
that
Nature
improved
by
Discipline
did
ever
attain
,
so
that
he
is
believed
to
be
the
Man
meant
by
Aristotle
,
who
on
account
of
the
excellency
of
his
Vertues
,
was
by
Nature
framed
for
a
King
;
and
Plutarch
ascribes
his
Conquests
When
the
Romans
had
lost
that
Liberty
which
had
bin
the
Nurse
of
their
Vertue
,
and
gained
the
Empire
in
lieu
of
it
,
they
attained
to
our
Author
's
applauded
Stability
.
Julius
being
slain
in
the
Senate
,
the
first
Question
was
,
whether
it
could
be
restored
,
or
not
?
And
that
being
decided
by
the
Battel
of
Philippi
,
the
Conquerors
set
themselves
to
destroy
all
the
eminent
men
in
the
City
,
as
the
best
means
to
establish
the
Monarchy
.
Augustus
gained
it
by
the
death
of
Antonius
,
and
the
corruption
of
the
Souldiers
;
and
he
dying
naturally
,
or
by
the
fraud
of
his
Wife
,
the
Empire
was
transferred
to
her
Son
Tiberius
;
under
whom
the
miserable
People
suffer'd
the
worst
effects
of
the
most
impure
Lust
and
inhuman
Cruelty
:
He
being
stifled
,
the
Government
went
on
with
much
uniformity
and
stability
;
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
regularly
and
constantly
did
all
the
mischief
they
could
,
and
were
not
more
like
to
each
other
in
the
Villanies
they
committed
,
than
in
the
Deaths
they
suffered
.
Vespasian's
more
gentle
Reign
did
no
way
compensate
the
Blood
he
spilt
to
attain
the
Empire
:
And
the
Benefits
received
from
Titus
his
short-liv'd
Vertue
,
were
infinitely
overbalanced
by
the
detestable
Vices
of
his
Brother
Domitian
,
who
turned
all
things
into
the
old
Channel
of
Cruelty
,
Lust
,
Rapine
and
Perfidiousness
.
His
slaughter
gave
a
little
breath
to
the
gasping
perishing
World
;
and
men
might
be
vertuous
under
the
Government
of
Nerva
,
Trajan
,
Antoninus
,
Aurelius
,
and
a
few
more
;
tho
even
in
their
time
Religion
was
always
dangerous
.
But
when
the
Power
sell
into
the
hands
of
Commodus
,
Heliogabalus
,
Caracalla
,
and
others
of
that
sort
,
nothing
was
sase
but
obscurity
,
or
the
utmost
excesses
of
lewdness
and
baseness
.
However
,
whilst
the
Will
of
the
Governor
passed
for
a
Law
,
and
the
Power
did
usually
sall
into
the
hands
of
such
as
were
most
bold
and
violent
,
the
utmost
security
that
any
man
could
have
for
his
Person
or
Estate
,
depended
upon
his
temper
;
and
Princes
themselves
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
had
no
longer
Leases
of
their
lives
,
than
the
furious
and
corrupted
Soldiers
would
give
them
;
and
the
Empire
of
the
World
was
changeable
,
according
to
the
Success
of
a
Battel
.
Matters
were
not
much
mended
when
the
Emperors
became
Christians
:
Some
favour'd
those
who
were
called
Orthodox
,
and
gave
great
Revenues
to
corrupt
the
Clergy
.
Others
supported
Arianism
,
and
persecuted
the
Orthodox
with
as
much
asperity
as
the
Pagans
had
done
.
Some
revolted
,
and
shewed
themselves
more
fierce
against
the
professors
of
Christianity
,
than
they
that
had
never
had
any
knowledg
of
it
.
The
World
was
torn
in
pieces
amongst
them
,
and
often
suffered
as
great
miseries
by
their
sloth
,
ignorance
and
cowardice
,
as
by
their
fury
and
madness
,
till
the
Empire
was
totally
dissolved
and
lost
.
That
which
under
the
weakness
and
irregularity
of
a
popular
Government
,
had
conquer'd
all
from
the
Euphrates
to
Britain
,
and
destroyed
the
Kingdoms
of
Asia
,
Egypt
,
Macedon
,
Numidia
,
and
a
multitude
of
others
,
was
made
a
Prey
to
unknown
barbarous
Nations
,
and
rent
into
as
many
pieces
as
it
had
bin
composed
of
,
when
it
enjoy'd
the
Stability
that
accompanies
Divine
and
Absolute
Monarchy
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
all
the
Kingdoms
in
the
World
;
they
may
have
their
ebbings
and
flowings
according
to
the
Vertues
or
Vices
of
Princes
or
their
Favorites
;
but
can
never
have
any
Stability
,
because
there
is
,
and
can
be
none
in
them
:
Or
if
any
Exception
may
be
brought
against
this
Rule
,
it
must
be
of
those
Monarchies
only
which
are
mixed
and
regulated
by
Laws
,
where
Diets
,
Parliaments
,
Assemblies
of
Estates
or
Senats
,
may
supply
the
defects
of
a
Prince
,
restrain
him
if
he
prove
extravagant
,
and
reject
such
as
are
found
to
be
unworthy
of
their
Office
,
which
are
as
odious
to
our
Author
and
his
Followers
,
as
the
most
popular
Governments
,
and
can
be
of
no
advantage
to
his
cause
.
There
is
another
ground
of
perpetual
Fluctuation
in
Absolute
Monarchies
;
or
such
as
are
grown
so
strong
,
that
they
cannot
be
restrained
by
Law
,
tho
according
to
their
Institution
they
ought
to
be
,
distinct
from
,
but
in
some
measure
relating
to
the
Inclinations
of
the
Monarch
,
that
is
,
the
impulse
of
Ministers
,
Favorites
,
Wives
or
Whores
,
who
frequently
govern
all
things
according
to
their
own
Passions
or
Interests
.
And
tho
we
cannot
say
who
were
the
Favorites
of
every
one
of
the
Assyrian
or
Egyptian
Kings
,
yet
the
Examples
before-mentioned
of
the
different
method
follow'd
in
Egypt
before
,
and
after
the
death
of
Joseph
,
and
in
Persia
whilst
the
idolatrous
Princes
,
and
Haman
,
or
Daniel
,
Esther
and
Mordecai
were
in
credit
;
the
violent
Changes
happening
thereupon
,
give
us
reason
to
believe
the
like
were
in
the
times
of
other
Kings
:
and
if
we
examine
the
Histories
of
later
Ages
,
and
the
Lives
of
Princes
that
are
more
exactly
known
,
we
shall
find
that
Kingdoms
are
more
frequently
swayed
by
those
who
have
Power
with
the
Prince
,
than
by
his
own
Judgment
:
So
that
whosoever
hath
to
deal
with
Princes
concerning
Foreign
or
Domestick
Affairs
,
is
obliged
more
to
regard
the
humour
of
those
Persons
,
than
the
most
important
Interests
of
a
Prince
or
People
.
I
might
draw
too
much
envy
upon
my self
,
if
I
should
take
upon
me
to
cite
all
the
Examples
of
this
kind
that
are
found
in
modern
Histories
,
or
the
Memoirs
that
do
more
precisely
shew
the
Temper
of
Princes
,
and
the
secret
Springs
by
which
they
were
moved
.
But
as
those
who
have
well
observed
the
management
of
Affairs
in
France
during
the
Reigns
of
Francis
the
First
,
Henry
the
Second
,
Francis
the
Second
,
Charles
the
Ninth
,
Henry
the
Third
,
Henry
the
Fourth
,
and
Lewis
the
Thirteenth
,
will
confess
,
that
the
Interests
of
the
Dukes
of
Montmorency
and
Guise
,
Queen
Katherine
de
Medicis
,
the
Duke
of
Epernon
,
La
Fosseuse
,
Madame
de
Guiche
,
de
Gabriele
,
d'
Entragues
,
the
Marechal
d'
Ancre
,
the
Constable
de
Luines
,
and
the
Cardinal
de
Richelieu
,
were
more
to
be
consider'd
by
those
who
had
any
private
or
publick
Business
to
treat
at
Court
,
than
the
Opinions
of
those
Princes
,
or
the
most
weighty
Concernments
of
the
State
;
so
it
cannot
be
denied
,
that
other
Kingdoms
where
Princes
legally
have
,
or
wrongfully
usurp
the
like
Power
,
are
governed
in
the
like
manner
;
or
if
it
be
,
there
is
hardly
any
Prince's
Reign
that
will
not
furnish
abundant
proof
of
what
I
have
asserted
.
I
agree
with
our
Author
,
that
good
Order
and
Stability
produce
Strength
.
If
Monarchy
therefore
excel
in
them
,
Absolute
Monarchies
should
be
of
more
strength
than
those
that
are
limited
according
to
the
proportion
of
their
Riches
,
extent
of
Territory
,
and
number
of
People
that
they
govern
;
and
those
limited
Monarchies
in
the
like
proportion
more
strong
than
popular
Governments
or
Commonwealths
.
If
this
be
so
,
I
wonder
how
a
few
of
those
giddy
Greeks
who
,
according
to
our
Author
,
had
learning
enough
only
to
make
them
seditious
,
came
to
overthrow
those
vast
Armies
of
the
Persians
as
often
as
they
met
with
them
;
and
seldom
found
any
other
difficulty
than
what
did
arise
from
their
own
Countrymen
,
who
sometimes
sided
with
the
Barbarians
.
Seditions
are
often
raised
by
a
little
prating
;
but
when
one
Man
was
to
fight
against
fifty
,
or
a
hundred
,
as
at
the
Battels
of
Salamine
,
Platea
,
Marathon
,
and
others
,
then
Industry
,
Wisdom
,
Skill
and
Valour
was
required
;
and
if
their
Learning
had
not
made
them
to
excel
in
those
Vertues
,
they
must
have
bin
overwhelmed
by
the
prodigious
multitudes
of
their
Enemies
.
This
was
so
well
known
to
the
Persians
,
that
when
Cyrus
the
younger
prepar'd
to
invade
his
Brother
Artaxerxes
,
he
brought
It
may
in
like
manner
appear
strange
,
that
Alexander
with
the
Forces
of
Greece
,
much
diminished
by
the
Phocean
,
Peloponnesian
,
Theban
,
and
other
intestine
Wars
,
could
overthrow
all
the
powers
of
the
East
,
and
conquer
more
Provinces
than
any
other
Army
ever
saw
;
if
so
much
order
and
stability
were
to
be
found
in
absolute
Monarchies
,
and
if
the
Liberty
in
which
the
Grecians
were
educated
did
only
fit
them
for
Seditions
:
and
it
would
seem
no
less
astonishing
,
that
Rome
and
Greece
,
whilst
they
were
free
,
should
furnish
such
numbers
of
men
excelling
in
all
moral
Vertues
,
to
the
admiration
of
all
succeeding
Ages
;
and
thereby
become
so
powerful
that
no
Monarchs
were
able
to
resist
them
;
and
that
the
same
Countries
since
the
loss
of
their
Liberty
,
have
always
bin
weak
,
base
,
cowardly
and
vicious
,
if
the
same
Liberty
had
not
bin
the
Mother
and
Nurse
of
their
Vertue
,
as
well
as
the
root
of
their
Power
.
It
cannot
be
said
that
Alexander
was
a
Monarch
in
our
Author's
sense
;
for
the
power
of
the
Macedonian
Kings
was
small
.
Philip
confessed
the
People
were
Freemen
,
and
his
Son
found
them
to
be
so
,
when
his
Fortune
had
overthrown
his
Vertue
,
and
he
fell
to
hate
and
fear
that
generosity
of
Spirit
which
it
creates
.
He
made
his
Conquests
by
it
,
and
lov'd
it
as
long
as
he
deserved
to
be
lov'd
.
His
Successors
had
the
same
fortune
:
When
their
Hearts
came
to
be
filled
with
Barbarick
Pride
,
and
to
delight
only
in
rendring
men
Slaves
,
they
became
weak
and
base
,
and
were
easily
overthrown
by
the
Romans
,
whose
Vertue
and
Fortune
did
also
perish
with
their
Liberty
.
All
the
Nations
they
had
to
deal
with
,
had
the
same
fate
.
They
never
conquer'd
a
Free
People
without
extreme
difficulty
:
They
received
many
great
defeats
,
and
were
often
necessitated
to
fight
for
their
Lives
against
the
Latins
,
Sabines
,
Tuscans
,
Samnites
,
Carthaginians
,
Spaniards
;
and
in
the
height
of
their
Power
found
it
a
hard
work
to
subdue
a
few
poor
Etolians
:
But
the
greatest
Kings
were
easily
overcome
.
When
Antiochus
had
insolently
boasted
that
he
would
cover
Greece
and
Italy
with
the
multitude
of
his
Troops
,
Quintius
Flaminius
ingeniously
compared
his
Army
of
Persians
,
Chaldeans
,
Syrians
,
Mesopotamians
,
Cappadocians
,
Arabians
,
and
other
base
Asiatic
Slaves
,
to
a
Supper
set
before
him
by
a
Grecian
Friend
,
which
seeming
to
be
of
several
sorts
of
Venison
,
was
all
cut
out
of
one
Hog
,
variously
dress'd
;
and
not
long
after
was
as
easily
slaughter'd
as
the
Hog
had
bin
.
The
greatest
danger
of
the
War
with
Mithridates
was
to
avoid
his
Poisons
and
Treacheries
;
and
to
follow
him
through
the
Deserts
where
he
fled
.
When
Lucullus
with
less
than
twenty
thousand
men
had
put
Tigranes
with
two
hundred
thousand
to
flight
,
the
Roman
Souldiers
who
for
a
while
had
pursued
SECT.
XII
The
Glory
,
Vertue
,
and
Power
of
the
Romans
began
and
ended
with
their
Liberty
.
AMong
many
fine
things
proposed
by
our
Author
,
I
see
none
more
to
be
admired
,
or
that
better
declares
the
soundness
of
his
Judgment
,
than
that
he
is
only
pleased
with
the
beginning
and
end
of
the
Roman
Empire
;
and
says
,
that
their
time
of
Liberty
(
between
those
two
extremes
)
had
nothing
of
good
in
it
,
but
that
it
was
of
short
continuance
:
whereas
I
dare
affirm
that
all
that
was
ever
desirable
,
or
worthy
of
praise
and
imitation
in
Rome
,
did
proceed
from
its
Liberty
,
grow
up
and
perish
with
it
:
which
I
think
will
not
be
contradicted
by
any
,
but
those
who
prefer
the
most
sordid
Vices
before
the
most
eminent
Vertues
;
who
believe
the
People
to
have
bin
more
worthily
employ'd
by
the
Tarquins
in
cleansing
Jakes
and
common
Shores
,
than
in
acquiring
the
Dominion
of
the
best
part
of
Mankind
;
and
account
it
better
for
a
People
to
be
oppressed
with
hard
labour
under
a
proud
Master
in
a
steril
,
unhealthy
ten-mile
Territory
,
than
to
command
all
the
Countries
that
lie
between
the
Euphrates
and
Britain
.
Such
Opinions
will
hardly
find
any
better
Patrons
than
Filmer
and
his
Disciples
,
nor
the
matters
of
fact
,
as
they
are
represented
,
be
denied
by
any
that
know
the
Histories
of
those
times
.
Many
Romans
may
have
had
seeds
of
virtue
in
them
,
whilst
in
the
infancy
of
that
City
they
lived
under
Kings
;
but
they
brought
forth
little
fruit
.
Tarquin
,
sirnamed
the
Proud
,
being
a
Grecian
by
extraction
,
had
perhaps
observed
that
the
Virtue
of
that
Nation
had
rendred
them
averse
to
the
Divine
Government
he
desir'd
to
set
up
;
and
having
by
his
well-natur'd
Tullia
poison'd
his
own
Brother
her
Husband
,
and
his
own
Wife
her
Sister
,
married
her
,
killed
her
Father
,
and
spared
none
that
he
thought
able
to
oppose
his
designs
,
to
finish
the
work
,
he
butcher'd
the
Senat
,
with
such
as
seemed
most
eminent
among
the
People
,
and
like
a
most
pious
Father
endeavour'd
to
render
the
City
desolate
:
during
that
time
they
who
would
not
be
made
instruments
of
those
Villanies
were
obliged
for
their
own
safety
to
conceal
their
Vertues
;
but
he
being
removed
,
they
shined
in
their
Glory
.
Whilst
he
reign'd
,
Brutus
,
Valerius
,
Horatius
,
Herminius
,
Larcius
,
and
Coriolanus
,
lay
hid
and
unregarded
;
but
when
they
came
to
fight
for
themselves
,
and
to
imploy
their
Valour
for
the
good
of
their
Country
,
they
gave
such
testimonies
of
Bravery
,
as
have
bin
admired
by
all
succeeding
ages
,
and
sertled
such
a
Discipline
,
as
produced
others
like
to
them
,
or
more
excellent
than
they
,
as
long
as
their
Liberty
lasted
.
In
two
hundred
and
sixty
years
that
they
remained
under
the
Government
of
Kings
,
tho
all
of
them
,
the
last
only
excepted
,
were
chosen
by
the
Senat
and
People
,
and
did
as
much
to
advance
the
publick
Service
as
could
reasonably
be
expected
from
them
,
their
Dominion
hardly
extended
so
far
as
from
London
to
Hownslow
:
But
in
little
more
than
three
hundred
years
after
they
recovered
their
Liberty
,
they
had
subdued
all
the
warlike
Nations
of
Italy
,
destroy'd
vast
Armies
of
the
Gauls
,
Cimbri
,
and
Germans
,
overthrown
the
formidable
power
of
Carthage
,
conquer'd
the
Cisalpine
and
Transalpine
Gauls
,
with
all
the
Nations
of
Spain
,
notwithstanding
the
ferocity
of
the
one
,
and
the
more
constant
valour
of
the
other
,
and
the
prodigious
multitudes
of
both
:
They
had
brought
all
Greece
into
subjection
,
and
by
the
conquest
of
Macedon
the
Spoils
of
the
World
to
adorn
their
City
;
and
found
so
little
difficulty
in
all
the
Wars
that
happened
between
them
and
the
greatest
Kings
after
the
Death
of
Alexander
of
Epirus
and
Pirrhus
,
that
the
defeats
of
Siphax
,
Perseus
,
Antichus
,
Prusias
,
Tigranes
,
Ptolomy
,
and
many
others
,
did
hardly
deserve
to
be
numbred
amongst
their
Victories
.
It
were
ridiculous
to
impute
this
to
chance
,
or
to
think
that
Fortune
,
which
of
all
things
is
the
most
variable
,
could
for
so
many
ages
continue
the
same
course
,
unless
supported
by
Virtue
;
or
to
suppose
that
all
these
Monarchies
which
are
so
much
extoll'd
,
could
have
bin
destroyed
by
that
Commonwealth
,
if
it
had
wanted
Strength
,
Stability
,
Virtue
,
or
good
Order
.
The
secret
Counsels
of
God
are
impenetrable
;
but
the
ways
by
which
he
accomplishes
his
designs
are
often
evident
:
When
he
intends
to
exalt
a
People
,
he
fills
both
them
and
their
Leaders
with
the
Virtues
sutable
to
the
accomplishment
of
his
end
;
and
takes
away
all
Wisdom
and
Virtue
from
those
he
resolves
to
destroy
.
The
Pride
of
the
Babylonians
and
Assyrians
fell
through
the
baseness
of
Sardanapalus
;
and
the
great
City
was
taken
while
Belshazzar
lay
drunk
amongst
his
Whores
The
Empire
was
transported
to
the
Persians
and
Grecians
by
the
valor
of
Cyrus
,
Alexander
,
and
the
brave
Armies
that
follow'd
them
.
Histories
furnish
us
with
innumerable
examples
of
this
kind
:
But
I
think
none
can
be
found
of
a
cowardly
,
weak
,
effeminate
,
foolish
,
ill
disciplin'd
People
,
that
have
ever
subdued
such
as
were
eminent
in
Strength
,
Wisdom
,
Valor
,
and
good
Discipline
;
or
that
these
qualities
have
bin
found
or
subsisted
any
where
,
unless
they
were
cultivated
and
nourish'd
by
a
well
order'd
Government
.
If
this
therefore
was
found
among
the
Romans
,
and
not
in
the
Kingdoms
they
overthrew
,
they
had
the
order
and
stability
which
the
Monarchies
had
not
;
and
the
Strength
and
Virtue
by
which
they
obtained
such
success
was
the
product
of
them
.
But
if
this
Virtue
and
the
glorious
effects
of
it
did
begin
with
Liberty
,
it
did
also
expire
with
the
same
.
The
best
men
that
had
not
fallen
in
Battle
were
gleaned
up
by
the
Proscriptions
,
or
circumvented
for
the
most
part
by
false
and
frivolous
Accusations
.
Mankind
is
inclin'd
to
Vice
,
and
the
way
to
Vertue
is
so
hard
,
that
it
wants
encouragement
;
but
when
all
Honours
,
Advantages
and
Preferments
are
given
to
Vice
,
and
despised
Vertue
finds
no
other
reward
than
Hatred
,
Persecution
,
and
Death
,
there
are
few
who
will
follow
it
.
Tacitus
well
describes
the
State
of
the
Empire
,
when
the
Thraseas
,
Soranus
,
and
Helvidius
were
worthy
men
,
who
resolved
to
persist
in
their
Integrity
,
tho
they
should
die
for
it
;
but
that
was
the
only
thing
that
made
them
eminent
;
for
they
were
of
unknown
Families
,
not
Romans
by
birth
,
nor
ever
employ'd
in
War
:
And
those
Emperors
who
did
arrive
to
any
degree
of
Vertue
,
were
Spaniards
,
Gauls
,
Africans
,
Thracians
,
and
of
all
Nations
,
except
Romans
.
The
Patrician
and
Plebeian
Families
,
which
for
many
ages
had
fill'd
the
World
with
great
Commanders
,
and
such
as
excelled
in
all
Vertues
,
being
thus
extinguished
or
corrupted
,
the
common
People
fell
into
the
lowest
degree
of
baseness
:
Plebs
sordida
Circo
&
Theatris
sueta
.
That
People
which
in
Magnanimity
Duas
tantum
res
anxius
optat
,
Whether
their
Emperors
were
good
or
bad
,
they
usually
rejoic'd
at
their
Death
,
in
hopes
of
getting
a
little
Mony
or
Victuals
from
the
Successor
.
Tho
the
Empire
was
by
this
means
grown
weak
and
bloodless
,
yet
it
could
not
fall
on
a
sudden
:
So
vast
a
Body
could
not
die
in
a
moment
:
All
the
neighbouring
Nations
had
bin
so
much
broken
by
their
Power
,
that
none
was
able
to
take
advantage
of
their
Weakness
;
and
life
was
preserved
by
the
strength
of
hungry
Barbarians
,
allured
by
the
greatness
of
the
Pay
they
received
to
defend
those
,
who
had
no
power
left
to
defend
themselves
.
This
precarious
and
accidental
help
could
not
be
durable
.
They
who
for
a
while
had
bin
contented
with
their
Wages
,
soon
began
to
think
it
fit
for
them
rather
to
fight
for
themselves
,
than
for
their
weak
Masters
;
and
thereupon
fell
to
set
up
Emperors
depending
on
themselves
,
or
to
seize
upon
the
naked
Provinces
,
where
they
found
no
other
difficulty
than
to
contend
with
other
Strangers
,
who
might
have
the
like
design
upon
the
same
.
Thus
did
the
Armies
of
the
East
and
West
set
up
Emperors
at
their
pleasure
;
and
tho
the
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Huns
,
Sueves
,
Alans
,
and
others
had
cruel
Wars
among
themselves
,
yet
they
feared
and
suffered
little
or
nothing
from
the
Romans
.
This
state
of
things
was
so
soon
observed
,
that
in
the
beginning
of
Tiberius
his
reign
they
who
endeavoured
to
excite
the
Gauls
to
take
Arms
,
used
no
other
arguments
than
such
as
were
drawn
from
the
extreme
weakness
of
the
Romans
,
Quàm
inops
Italia
,
Plebs
urbana
imbellis
,
nothing
of
good
in
it
,
except
the
shortness
of
its
continuance
;
they
were
beholden
to
those
who
wrought
the
Change
,
they
were
the
better
for
the
Battles
of
Pharsalia
,
Philippi
,
Munda
,
and
Actium
;
the
destruction
of
two
thirds
of
the
People
,
with
the
slaughter
of
all
the
most
eminent
men
among
them
was
for
their
advantage
:
The
Proscriptions
were
wholsom
Remedies
:
Tacitus
did
not
understand
the
state
of
his
own
Country
,
when
he
seems
to
be
ashamed
to
write
the
History
of
it
,
Nobis
in
arcto
&
inglorias
labor
;
when
instead
of
such
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
,
&c.
There
was
no
vertue
in
the
Junii
,
Horatii
,
Cornelii
,
Quintii
,
Decii
,
Manlii
;
but
the
generous
and
tender-hearted
Princes
before
mentioned
were
perfect
examples
of
it
:
Whilst
annual
Magistrates
governed
,
there
was
no
stability
;
Sejanus
Macro
and
Tigellinus
introduced
good
order
:
Vertue
was
not
esteemed
by
the
antient
Senate
and
People
;
Messalina
,
Agrippina
,
Poppaea
,
Narcissus
,
Pallas
,
Vinnius
,
and
Laco
knew
how
to
put
a
just
value
upon
it
:
The
irregularities
of
popular
Assemblies
,
and
want
of
Prudence
in
the
Senate
,
was
repaired
by
the
temperate
proceedings
of
the
German
,
Pannonian
and
Eastern
Armies
,
or
the
modest
discretion
of
the
Pretorian
Bands
:
The
City
was
delivered
by
them
from
the
burden
of
governing
the
World
,
and
for
its
own
good
frequently
plunder'd
,
fired
;
and
at
last
,
with
the
rest
of
desolated
Italy
,
and
the
noblest
Provinces
of
Europe
,
Asia
,
and
Africa
,
brought
under
the
yoak
of
the
most
barbarous
and
cruel
Nations
.
By
the
same
light
we
may
see
that
those
who
endeavour'd
to
perpetuate
the
misery
of
Liberty
to
Rome
,
or
lost
their
lives
in
the
defence
of
it
,
were
the
worst
,
or
the
most
foolish
of
men
,
and
that
they
were
the
best
who
did
overthrow
it
.
This
rectifies
all
our
errors
;
and
if
the
highest
Praises
are
due
to
him
that
did
the
work
,
the
next
are
well
deserved
by
those
who
perished
in
attempting
it
:
and
if
the
Sons
of
Brutus
,
with
their
Companions
the
Vitellii
and
Aquilii
;
Claudius
Appius
the
Decemvir
;
those
that
would
have
betrayed
the
City
to
Porsenna
;
Spurius
Melius
,
Spur.
Cassius
,
Manlius
Capitolinus
,
Saturninus
,
Catiline
,
Cethegus
,
Lentulus
,
had
bin
as
fortunate
as
Julius
Caesar
,
they
might
as
well
have
deserved
an
Apotheosis
.
But
if
all
this
be
false
,
absurd
,
bestial
,
and
abominable
,
the
principles
that
necessarily
lead
us
to
such
conclusions
are
so
also
;
which
is
enough
to
shew
,
that
the
Strength
,
Vertue
,
Glory
,
Wealth
,
Power
,
and
Happiness
of
Rome
proceeding
from
Liberty
,
did
rise
,
grow
,
and
perish
with
it
.
SECT.
XIII
.
There
is
no
disorder
or
prejudice
in
changing
the
name
or
number
of
Magistrates
,
whilst
the
root
and
principle
of
their
Power
continues
intire
.
IN
the
next
place
our
Author
would
perswade
us
that
the
Romans
were
inconstant
,
because
of
their
changes
from
annual
Consuls
to
Military
Tribunes
,
Decemviri
,
and
Dictators
;
and
gives
the
name
of
Sedition
to
the
complaints
made
against
Usury
,
or
the
contests
concerning
Marriages
or
Magistracy
:
but
I
affirm
,
1.
That
no
change
of
Magistracy
,
as
to
the
name
,
number
,
or
form
,
doth
testify
irregularity
,
or
bring
any
manner
of
prejudice
,
as
long
as
it
is
done
by
those
who
have
a
right
of
doing
it
,
and
he
or
they
who
are
created
continue
within
the
power
of
the
Law
to
accomplish
the
end
of
their
institution
;
many
forms
being
in
themselves
equally
good
,
and
may
be
used
as
well
one
as
another
,
according
to
times
and
other
circumstances
.
2.
In
the
second
place
,
't
is
a
rare
thing
for
a
City
at
the
first
to
be
rightly
constituted
:
Men
can
hardly
at
once
foresee
all
that
may
happen
in
many
ages
,
and
the
changes
that
accompany
them
ought
to
be
provided
for
.
Rome
in
its
foundation
was
subject
to
these
defects
,
and
the
inconveniences
arising
from
them
were
by
degrees
discover'd
and
remedi'd
.
They
did
not
think
of
regulating
Usury
,
till
they
saw
the
mischiefs
proceeding
from
the
cruelty
of
Usurers
;
or
setting
limits
to
the
proportion
of
Land
that
one
man
might
enjoy
,
till
the
avarice
of
a
few
had
so
far
succeeded
,
that
their
Riches
were
grown
formidable
,
and
many
by
the
poverty
to
which
they
were
reduced
became
useless
to
the
City
.
It
was
not
time
to
make
a
Law
that
the
Plebeians
might
marry
with
the
Patricians
,
till
the
distinction
had
raised
the
Patricians
to
such
Pride
,
as
to
look
upon
themselves
to
have
something
of
divine
,
and
the
others
to
be
Inauspitati
or
prophane
,
and
brought
the
City
into
danger
by
that
division
;
nor
to
make
the
Plebeians
capable
of
being
elected
to
the
chief
Magistracies
,
till
they
had
men
able
to
perform
the
duties
of
them
.
But
these
things
being
observed
,
remedies
were
seasonably
applied
without
any
bloodshed
or
mischief
,
tho
not
without
noise
and
wrangling
.
3.
All
human
Constitutions
are
subject
to
corruption
,
and
must
perish
,
unless
they
are
timely
renewed
,
and
reduced
to
their
first
principles
:
This
was
chiefly
done
by
means
of
those
Tumults
which
our
Author
ignorantly
blames
:
The
whole
People
by
whom
the
Magistracy
had
bin
at
first
created
,
executed
their
power
in
those
things
which
comprehend
Soveraignty
in
the
highest
degree
,
and
brought
every
one
to
acknowledg
it
:
There
was
nothing
that
they
could
not
do
,
who
first
conferr'd
the
supreme
honours
upon
the
Patricians
,
and
then
made
the
Plebeians
equal
to
them
.
Yet
their
Modesty
was
not
less
than
their
Power
or
Courage
to
defend
it
:
and
therefore
when
by
the
Law
they
might
have
made
a
Plebeian
Consul
,
they
did
not
chuse
one
in
forty
years
;
and
when
they
did
make
use
of
their
Right
in
advancing
men
of
their
own
Order
,
they
were
so
prudent
,
that
they
cannot
be
said
to
have
bin
mistaken
in
their
Elections
three
times
,
whilst
their
Votes
were
free
:
whereas
,
of
all
the
Emperors
that
came
in
by
Usurpation
,
pretence
of
Blood
from
those
who
had
usurped
,
or
that
were
set
up
by
the
Souldiers
,
or
a
few
Electors
,
hardly
three
can
be
named
who
deserved
that
Honour
,
and
most
of
them
were
such
as
seemed
to
be
born
for
plagues
to
Mankind
.
4.
He
manifests
his
fraud
or
ignorance
in
attributing
the
Legislative
power
sometimes
to
the
Senate
,
and
sometimes
to
the
People
;
for
the
Senate
never
had
it
.
The
stile
of
Senatus
censuit
,
Populus
jussit
,
was
never
alter'd
;
but
the
right
of
Advising
continuing
in
the
Senate
,
that
of
Enacting
ever
continued
in
the
People
.
5.
An
occasion
of
commending
absolute
Power
,
in
order
to
the
establishment
of
Hereditary
Monarchy
,
is
absurdly
drawn
from
their
Custom
of
creating
a
Dictator
in
time
of
danger
;
for
no
man
was
ever
created
,
but
such
as
seemed
able
to
bear
so
great
a
burden
,
which
in
hereditary
Governments
is
wholly
left
to
chance
.
Tho
his
Power
was
great
,
it
did
arise
from
the
Law
;
and
being
confin'd
to
six
months
,
't
was
almost
impossible
for
any
man
to
abuse
it
,
or
to
corrupt
so
many
of
those
who
had
enjoy'd
the
same
honour
,
or
might
aspire
to
it
,
as
to
bring
them
for
his
pleasure
to
betray
their
Country
:
and
as
no
man
was
ever
chosen
who
had
not
given
great
testimonies
of
his
Vertues
,
so
no
one
did
ever
forfeit
the
good
opinion
conceived
of
him
.
Vertue
was
then
honour'd
,
and
thought
so
necessarily
to
comprehend
a
sincere
love
and
fidelity
to
the
Commonwealth
,
that
without
it
the
most
eminent
qualities
were
reputed
vile
and
odious
;
and
the
memory
of
former
Services
could
no
way
expiate
the
guilt
of
conspiring
against
it
.
This
seeming
Severity
was
in
truth
the
greatest
Clemency
:
for
tho
our
Author
has
the
impudence
to
say
,
that
during
the
Roman
Liberty
the
best
men
thrived
worst
,
and
the
worst
best
,
he
cannot
alledg
one
example
of
any
eminent
Roman
put
to
death
(
except
Manlius
Capitolinus
)
from
the
expulsion
of
the
Tarquins
to
the
time
of
the
Gracchi
,
and
the
Civil
Wars
not
long
after
ensuing
;
and
of
very
few
who
were
banished
.
By
these
means
Crimes
were
prevented
;
and
the
temptations
to
evil
being
removed
,
Treachery
was
destroy'd
in
the
root
;
and
such
as
might
be
naturally
ambitious
,
were
made
to
see
there
was
no
other
way
to
Honour
and
Power
than
by
acting
virtuously
.
But
lest
this
should
not
be
sufficient
to
restrain
aspiring
men
,
what
Power
soever
was
granted
to
any
Magistrate
,
the
Soveraignty
still
remained
in
the
People
,
and
all
without
exception
were
subject
to
them
.
This
may
seem
strange
to
those
who
think
the
Dictators
were
absolute
,
because
they
are
said
to
have
bin
sine
provocatione
;
but
that
is
to
be
only
understood
in
relation
to
other
Magistrates
,
and
not
to
the
People
,
as
is
clearly
proved
in
the
case
of
Q.
Fabius
,
whom
Papirius
the
Dictator
would
have
put
to
death
:
Tribunos
Plebis
Fabius
Maximus
his
Father
,
&
provoco
ad
Populum
,
eumque
tibi
fugienti
exercitus
tui
,
fugienti
Senatus
judicium
,
Judicem
fero
;
qui
certe
unus
plusquam
tua
dictatura
potest
polletque
:
videro
,
cessurusne
sis
provocationi
,
cui
Tullus
Hostilius
cessit
.
And
tho
the
People
did
rather
interceed
for
Fabius
than
command
his
deliverance
,
that
modesty
did
evidently
proceed
from
an
opinion
that
Papirius
was
in
the
right
;
and
tho
they
desired
to
save
Fabius
,
who
seems
to
have
bin
one
of
the
greatest
and
best
men
that
ever
the
City
produced
,
they
would
not
enervate
that
military
Discipline
,
to
which
they
owed
,
not
only
their
greatness
,
but
their
subsistence
;
most
especially
when
their
Soveraign
Authority
was
acknowledged
by
all
,
and
the
Dictator
himself
had
submitted
.
This
right
of
Appeals
to
the
People
was
the
foundation
of
the
Roman
Commonwealth
,
laid
in
the
days
of
Romulus
,
submitted
Q.
Fabius
Maximus
then
Dictator
,
in
a
publick
Assembly
of
the
People
said
,
Quod
si
antiquus
animus
Plebi
SECT.
XIV
.
No
Sedition
was
hurtful
to
Rome
,
till
through
their
Prosperity
some
men
gained
a
Power
above
the
Laws
.
LIttle
pains
is
required
to
confute
our
Author
,
who
imputes
much
bloodshed
to
the
popular
Government
of
Rome
;
for
he
cannot
prove
that
one
man
was
unjustly
put
to
death
,
or
slain
in
any
Sedition
before
Publius
Gracchus
:
The
Foundations
of
the
Common-wealth
were
then
so
shaken
,
that
the
Laws
could
not
be
executed
;
and
whatsoever
did
then
fall
out
ought
to
be
attributed
to
the
Monarchy
for
which
the
great
men
began
to
contend
.
Whilst
they
had
no
other
Wars
than
with
neighbouring
Nations
,
they
had
a
strict
eye
upon
their
Commanders
,
and
could
preserve
Discipline
among
the
Soldiers
:
but
when
by
the
excellence
of
their
Valour
and
Conduct
the
greatest
Powers
of
the
World
were
subdued
,
and
for
the
better
carrying
on
of
foreign
Wars
,
Armies
were
suffered
to
continue
in
the
same
hands
longer
than
the
Law
did
direct
,
Soldiery
came
to
be
accounted
a
Trade
,
and
those
who
had
the
worst
designs
against
the
Commonwealth
,
began
to
favour
all
manner
of
Licentiousness
and
Rapine
,
that
they
might
gain
the
favour
of
the
Legions
,
who
by
that
means
became
unruly
and
seditious
;
't
was
hard
,
if
not
impossible
,
to
preserve
a
Civil
equality
,
when
the
Spoils
of
the
greatest
Kingdoms
were
brought
to
adorn
the
Houses
of
private
men
;
and
they
who
had
the
greatest
Cities
and
Nations
to
be
their
Dependents
and
Clients
,
were
apt
to
scorn
the
power
of
the
Law
.
This
was
a
most
dangerous
Disease
,
like
those
to
which
human
Bodies
are
subject
when
they
are
arrived
to
that
which
Physicians
call
the
Athletick
habit
,
proceeding
from
the
highest
perfection
of
Health
,
Activity
and
Strength
,
that
the
best
Constitution
by
Diet
and
Exercise
can
attain
.
Whosoever
falls
into
them
shews
that
he
had
attain'd
that
perfection
;
and
he
who
blames
that
which
brings
a
State
into
the
like
condition
,
condemns
that
which
is
most
perfect
among
men
.
Whilst
the
Romans
were
in
the
way
to
this
,
no
Sedition
did
them
any
hurt
:
they
were
composed
without
Blood
;
and
those
that
seemed
to
be
the
most
dangerous
,
produced
the
best
Laws
.
But
when
they
were
arrived
to
that
condition
,
no
Order
could
do
them
good
;
the
fatal
period
set
to
human
things
was
come
,
they
could
go
no
higher
,
—
Summisque
negatum
Stare
diu
;
and
all
that
our
Author
blames
,
is
not
to
be
imputed
to
their
Constitution
,
but
their
departing
from
it
.
All
men
were
ever
subject
to
error
,
and
it
may
be
said
that
the
mistaken
People
in
the
space
of
about
three
hundred
years
did
unjustly
fine
or
banish
five
or
six
men
;
but
those
mistakes
were
so
frankly
acknowledged
,
and
carefully
repair'd
by
Honours
bestow'd
upon
the
injured
Persons
,
as
appears
by
the
Examples
of
Camillus
,
Livius
Salinator
,
Paulus
Emylius
,
and
others
,
that
they
deserve
more
praise
than
if
they
had
not
failed
.
If
for
the
above-mentioned
time
Seditions
were
harmless
or
profitable
,
they
were
also
absolutely
exempted
from
Civil
Wars
.
Those
of
Apulia
and
Greece
were
Revolts
of
conquer'd
Nations
,
and
can
no
way
fall
under
that
name
:
But
't
is
most
absurdly
applied
to
the
servile
and
gladiatorian
Wars
;
for
the
Gladiators
were
Slaves
also
,
and
Civil
Wars
can
be
made
only
by
those
who
are
Members
of
the
Civil
Society
,
which
Slaves
are
not
.
Those
that
made
the
bellum
Sociale
,
were
Freemen
,
but
not
Citizens
;
and
the
War
they
made
could
not
be
called
Civil
.
The
Romans
had
three
ways
of
dealing
with
conquered
Nations
.
1.
Some
were
received
into
the
body
of
the
City
,
Civitate
donati
,
as
the
Latins
by
Romulus
;
the
Albans
by
Hostilius
;
the
Privernates
when
their
Ambassador
declared
,
that
no
Peace
could
be
durable
unless
it
were
just
and
easy
;
and
the
Senate
said
,
Se
viri
&
liberi
vocem
audivisse
,
talesque
dignos
esse
ut
Romani
fiant
;
and
the
like
Favour
was
shewn
to
many
others
.
2.
By
making
Leagues
with
them
,
as
Livy
says
,
Popalum
Romanum
devictos
bello
populos
,
malle
societate
&
amicitia
habere
conjunctos
,
quam
tristi
subjectos
servitio
:
Of
which
sort
were
the
Samnites
,
who
not
liking
their
condition
,
joined
with
Hannibal
;
and
afterwards
,
under
the
conduct
of
the
brave
Telesinus
,
with
other
Nations
that
lived
under
the
condition
of
Socii
,
made
an
unprosperous
attempt
to
deliver
themselves
.
3.
Those
who
after
many
Rebellions
were
in
Provinciam
redacti
,
as
the
Capuans
,
when
their
City
was
taken
by
Appius
Claudius
,
and
Q.
Fulvius
Flaccus
.
We
often
hear
of
Wars
made
by
those
of
the
two
latter
sorts
;
but
of
none
that
can
be
called
Civil
,
till
the
times
of
Marius
Sylla
,
and
Catiline
:
and
as
they
are
to
be
esteemed
the
last
Struglings
of
expiring
Liberty
,
when
the
Laws
,
by
which
it
had
subsisted
,
were
enervated
;
so
those
that
happened
between
Cesar
and
Pompey
,
Octavius
and
Antonius
,
with
the
Proscriptions
,
Triumvirate
,
and
all
the
Mischiefs
that
accompanied
them
,
are
to
be
imputed
wholly
to
the
Monarchy
for
which
they
contended
,
as
well
as
those
between
Nero
,
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
,
and
Vespasian
,
that
hardly
ever
ceased
till
the
Empire
was
abolished
;
for
the
name
of
a
Commonwealth
continued
to
the
end
;
and
I
know
not
why
Tiberius
or
Nero
might
not
use
it
as
well
as
Sylla
or
Marius
.
Yet
if
our
Author
be
resolved
to
impute
to
popular
Government
all
that
passed
before
Cesar
made
himself
perpetual
Dictator
,
he
will
find
no
more
than
is
seen
in
all
places
.
We
have
known
few
small
States
,
and
no
great
one
free
from
Revolts
of
Subjects
or
Allies
;
and
the
greatest
Empire
of
the
East
was
overthrown
by
the
rebellion
of
the
Mammalukes
their
Slaves
.
If
there
is
any
difference
to
be
observed
between
what
hapned
at
Rome
,
't
is
chiefly
,
that
whilst
there
was
any
shadow
of
Liberty
,
the
Slaves
,
Gladiators
,
Subjects
or
Allies
,
were
always
beaten
and
suppressed
;
whereas
in
the
time
of
the
Emperors
,
the
Revolt
of
a
Province
was
sufficient
to
give
a
new
Master
to
the
best
part
of
Mankind
;
and
he
having
no
more
power
than
was
required
for
a
present
Mischief
,
was
for
the
most
part
,
in
a
short
time
,
destroy'd
by
another
.
But
to
please
our
Author
,
I
will
acknowledge
a
second
defect
,
even
that
Wantonness
to
which
he
ascribes
all
their
Disorders
;
tho
I
must
withal
desire
him
to
consider
from
whence
Wantonness
doth
proceed
.
If
the
People
of
Turky
or
France
did
rebel
,
I
should
think
they
were
driven
to
it
by
Misery
,
Beggery
,
or
Despair
;
and
could
lay
Wantonness
only
to
the
charge
of
those
who
enjoy'd
much
Prosperity
.
Nations
that
are
oppress'd
and
made
miserable
,
may
fall
into
Rage
,
but
can
never
grow
wanton
.
In
the
time
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
the
Pretorian
Cohorts
,
or
the
Armies
that
had
the
liberty
of
ravaging
the
richest
Provinces
,
might
be
proud
of
their
Strength
,
or
grow
wanton
through
the
abundance
of
their
Enjoyments
:
The
Janizaries
in
later
Ages
may
,
for
the
same
reasons
,
have
fallen
into
the
like
excesses
;
but
such
as
have
lost
their
Liberty
are
in
no
danger
of
them
.
When
all
the
Nobility
of
Rome
was
destroyed
,
and
those
who
excelled
in
Reputation
or
Virtue
,
were
fallen
in
the
Wars
,
or
by
the
Proscriptions
;
when
two
thirds
of
the
People
were
slain
,
the
best
Cities
and
Colonies
burnt
,
the
Provinces
exhausted
,
and
the
small
Remains
left
in
them
oppressed
with
a
most
miserable
slavery
,
they
may
have
revolted
,
and
sometimes
did
,
as
the
Britans
,
Batavians
,
and
others
mentioned
in
the
Roman
History
:
But
they
were
driven
to
those
Revolts
by
Fury
and
Necessity
,
arising
from
the
Miseries
and
Indignities
they
suffer'd
under
an
insupportable
Tyranny
;
and
Wantonness
had
no
part
in
them
.
The
People
of
Rome
,
when
they
were
a
little
freed
from
the
Terror
of
the
Souldiers
,
did
sometimes
for
the
same
reasons
conspire
against
the
Emperors
;
and
when
they
could
do
not
more
,
expressed
their
hatred
by
breaking
their
Statues
:
But
after
the
Battels
of
Pharsalia
,
Philippi
,
and
the
Proscriptions
,
they
never
committed
any
folly
through
Wantonness
.
In
the
like
manner
Naples
and
Sicily
have
revolted
within
these
few
years
;
and
some
who
are
well
acquainted
with
the
State
of
those
Kingdoms
,
think
them
ready
again
to
do
the
like
;
but
if
it
should
so
happen
,
no
man
of
understanding
would
impute
it
to
Wantonness
.
The
Pressures
under
which
they
groan
,
have
cured
them
of
all
such
Diseases
;
and
the
Romans
since
the
loss
of
their
Liberty
could
never
fall
into
them
.
They
may
have
grown
wanton
when
their
Authority
was
reverenced
,
their
Virtue
admired
,
their
Power
irresistible
,
and
the
Riches
of
the
World
were
flowing
in
upon
them
,
as
it
were
,
to
corrupt
their
Manners
,
by
inticing
them
to
pleasure
:
But
when
all
that
was
lost
,
and
they
found
their
Persons
expos'd
to
all
manner
of
violence
from
the
basest
of
men
;
their
Riches
exhausted
by
Tributes
and
Rapine
,
whilst
the
Treasures
of
the
Empire
were
not
sufficient
to
supply
the
Luxury
of
their
Masters
;
the
Misery
they
suffer'd
,
and
the
shame
of
suffering
it
,
with
the
contemptible
weakness
to
which
they
were
reduc'd
,
did
too
strongly
admonish
them
,
that
the
Vices
of
Wantonness
belonged
only
to
those
who
enjoy'd
a
Condition
far
different
from
theirs
;
and
the
memory
of
what
they
had
lost
,
sharpned
the
sense
of
what
they
felt
.
This
is
the
state
of
things
which
pleases
our
Author
;
and
,
by
praising
that
Government
,
which
depriv'd
those
who
were
under
it
of
all
that
is
most
desirable
in
the
world
;
and
introduc'd
all
that
ought
to
be
detested
,
he
sufficiently
shews
,
that
he
delights
only
in
that
which
is
most
abominable
,
and
would
introduce
his
admir'd
Absolute
Monarchy
,
only
as
an
Instrument
of
bringing
Vice
,
Misery
,
Devastation
and
Infamy
upon
Mankind
.
SECT.
XV.
The
Empire
of
Rome
perpetually
decay'd
when
it
fell
into
the
hands
of
one
Man
.
IN
pursuance
of
his
Design
our
Author
,
with
as
much
Judgment
as
Truth
,
denies
that
Rome
became
Mistress
of
the
World
under
the
Popular
Government
:
It
is
not
so
,
says
he
,
for
Rome
began
her
Empire
under
Kings
,
and
did
perfect
it
under
Emperors
:
It
did
only
increase
under
that
popularity
:
Her
greatest
exaltation
was
under
Trajan
,
and
longest
Peace
under
Augustus
.
For
the
illustration
of
which
,
I
desire
these
few
things
may
be
consider'd
.
1.
That
the
first
Monarchy
of
Rome
was
not
absolute
:
The
Kings
were
made
by
the
People
without
regard
to
any
Man's
Title
,
or
other
reason
than
the
common
Good
,
chusing
him
that
seemed
most
likely
to
procure
it
;
setting
up
at
the
same
time
a
Senate
consisting
of
a
hundred
of
the
most
eminent
Men
among
them
;
and
,
after
the
reception
of
the
Sabins
into
the
City
,
adding
as
many
more
to
them
,
and
committing
the
principal
part
of
the
Government
to
their
care
,
retaining
the
power
of
making
those
Laws
to
which
the
Kings
who
reigned
by
their
Command
were
subject
,
and
reserving
to
themselves
the
Judgment
of
all
great
Matters
upon
appeal
.
If
any
of
their
Kings
deserved
to
be
called
a
Monarch
,
according
to
Filmer's
Definition
,
it
was
the
last
Tarquin
;
for
he
alone
of
all
their
Kings
reigned
jussu
Populi
,
but
came
in
by
Treachery
and
Murder
.
If
he
had
continued
,
he
had
cured
the
People
of
all
Vices
proceeding
from
Wantonness
;
but
his
farthest
Conquest
was
of
the
small
Town
of
Gabii
ten
miles
distant
from
Rome
,
which
he
effected
by
the
fraud
of
his
detestable
Son
;
and
that
being
then
the
utmost
limit
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
must
deserve
to
be
called
the
World
,
or
the
Empire
of
it
was
not
gained
by
their
Kings
.
2.
The
Extent
of
Conquests
is
not
the
only
,
nor
the
chief
thing
that
ought
to
be
consider'd
in
them
;
regard
is
to
be
had
to
the
Means
whereby
they
are
made
,
and
the
Valour
or
Force
that
was
employ'd
by
the
Enemy
.
In
these
respects
not
only
the
overthrow
of
Carthage
,
and
the
Conquests
of
Spain
,
but
the
Victories
gained
against
the
Sabins
,
Latins
,
Tuscans
,
Samnites
,
and
other
valiant
Nations
of
Italy
,
who
most
obstinately
defended
their
Liberty
,
when
the
Romans
had
no
Forces
but
their
own
,
shew
more
Virtue
,
and
deserve
incomparably
more
Praise
,
than
the
Defeats
of
any
Nations
whatsoever
,
when
they
were
increased
in
Number
,
Riches
,
Reputation
and
Power
,
and
had
many
other
warlike
People
instructed
in
their
Discipline
,
and
fighting
under
their
Ensigns
.
But
I
deny
that
the
Romans
did
ever
make
any
considerable
acquisition
after
the
loss
of
their
Liberty
.
They
had
already
subdued
all
Italy
,
Greece
,
Macedon
,
the
Islands
of
the
Mediterranean
Sea
,
Thracia
,
Illyrium
,
Asia
the
Less
,
Pontus
,
Armenia
,
Syria
,
Egypt
,
Africa
,
Gaul
and
Spain
.
The
Forces
of
Germany
were
broken
;
a
Bridg
laid
over
the
Rhine
,
and
all
the
Countries
on
this
side
subdued
.
This
was
all
that
was
ever
gained
by
the
Valour
of
their
own
Forces
,
and
that
could
bring
either
Honour
or
Profit
.
But
I
know
of
no
Conquest
made
after
that
time
,
unless
the
name
of
Conquest
be
given
to
Caligula's
Expedition
,
when
he
said
he
had
subdued
the
Sea
,
in
making
an
useless
Bridg
from
Puteoli
to
Baiae
;
or
that
of
the
other
Fool
,
who
entred
Rome
in
triumph
,
for
having
gathered
shells
on
the
Sea-shore
.
Trajan's
Expedition
into
the
East
,
was
rather
a
Journey
than
a
War
:
He
rambled
over
the
Provinces
that
Augustus
had
abandoned
as
not
worth
keeping
,
and
others
that
had
nothing
to
defend
them
,
but
ill-armed
and
unwarlike
Barbarians
:
Upon
the
whole
matter
,
he
seems
to
have
bin
led
only
by
Curiosity
;
and
the
vanity
of
looking
upon
them
as
Conquests
,
appears
in
their
being
relinquish'd
as
soon
as
gained
.
Britain
was
easily
taken
from
a
naked
and
unskilful
,
tho
a
brave
People
;
hardly
kept
,
and
shamefully
lost
.
But
tho
the
Emperors
had
made
greater
Wars
than
the
Commonwealth
,
vanquished
Nations
of
more
valour
and
skill
than
their
Italian
Neighbours
,
the
Grecians
or
Carthaginians
;
subdued
and
slaughter'd
those
that
in
Numbers
and
Ferocity
had
exceeded
the
Cimbri
,
Gauls
and
Teutons
,
encountred
Captains
more
sormidable
than
Pirrhus
and
Hannibal
,
it
might
indeed
increase
the
Glory
of
him
that
should
have
done
it
,
but
could
add
nothing
of
Honour
or
Advantage
to
the
Roman
Name
:
The
Nobility
was
extirpated
long
before
,
the
People
corrupted
and
enslaved
,
Italy
lay
desolate
,
so
as
a
Roman
was
hardly
to
be
found
in
a
Roman
Army
,
which
was
generally
composed
of
such
,
as
fighting
for
themselves
or
their
Commander
,
never
thought
of
any
thing
less
than
the
Interest
of
Rome
:
And
as
it
is
impossible
that
what
is
so
neglected
and
betray'd
,
should
be
durable
,
that
Empire
which
was
acquired
by
the
Valour
and
Conduct
of
the
bravest
and
best
disciplin'd
People
of
the
World
,
decay'd
and
perished
in
the
hands
of
those
Absolute
Monarchs
,
who
ought
to
have
preserved
it
.
3.
Peace
is
desirable
by
a
State
that
is
constituted
for
it
,
who
contenting
themselves
with
their
own
Territories
,
have
no
desires
of
enlarging
them
:
Or
perhaps
it
might
simply
deserve
praise
,
if
Mankind
were
so
framed
,
that
a
People
intending
hurt
to
none
,
could
preserve
themselves
;
but
the
World
being
so
far
of
another
temper
,
that
no
Nation
can
be
safe
without
Valour
and
Strength
,
those
Governments
only
deserve
to
be
commended
,
which
by
Discipline
and
Exercise
increase
both
,
and
the
Roman
above
all
,
that
excelled
in
both
.
Peace
therefore
may
be
good
in
its
season
,
and
was
so
in
Numa's
Reign
;
yet
two
or
three
such
Kings
would
have
encouraged
some
active
Neighbours
to
put
an
end
to
that
aspiring
City
,
before
its
Territory
had
extended
beyond
Fidenae
.
But
the
Discipline
that
best
agreed
with
the
Temper
and
Designs
of
a
Warlike
People
,
being
renew'd
by
his
brave
Successors
,
the
Dangers
were
put
on
their
Enemies
;
and
all
of
them
,
the
last
only
excepted
,
persisting
in
the
same
way
,
did
reasonably
well
perform
their
Duty
.
When
they
were
removed
,
and
the
Affairs
of
the
City
depended
no
longer
upon
the
Temper
or
Capacity
of
one
Man
,
the
ends
for
which
the
City
was
constituted
were
vigorously
pursued
,
and
such
Magistrates
annually
chosen
,
as
would
not
long
continue
in
a
universal
Peace
,
till
they
had
gotten
the
Empire
to
which
they
aspir'd
,
or
were
by
ill
Fortune
brought
to
such
weakness
,
as
to
be
no
longer
able
to
make
War
.
Both
of
these
happened
in
the
so
much
magnified
Reign
of
Augustus
.
He
found
the
Empire
so
great
,
that
all
Additions
might
rationally
be
rejected
as
useless
or
prejudicial
;
and
Italy
so
exhausted
,
that
Wars
could
only
be
carried
on
by
the
strength
of
Strangers
:
It
was
time
to
lie
still
when
they
had
no
power
to
act
;
and
they
might
do
it
safely
,
whilst
the
Reputation
gained
by
former
Victories
preserved
them
from
Foreign
Invasions
.
When
Crassus
,
Pompey
,
and
Cesar
,
who
had
torn
the
Commonwealth
into
three
Monarchies
,
were
kill'd
,
and
the
Flower
of
the
Roman
Nobility
and
People
destroyed
with
them
,
or
by
them
:
When
Cato's
Virtue
had
prov'd
too
weak
to
support
a
falling
State
,
and
Brutus
with
Cassius
had
perished
in
their
noble
Attempt
to
restore
the
Liberty
:
When
the
best
part
of
the
Senat
had
bin
exposed
for
a
Prey
to
the
Vulturs
and
Wolves
of
Thessaly
,
and
one
hundred
and
thirty
of
those
who
deserved
the
hatred
of
Tyrants
,
and
had
escaped
the
fury
of
War
,
had
bin
destroy'd
by
the
Proscriptions
:
When
neither
Captains
nor
Soldiers
remained
in
the
desolate
City
;
when
the
Tyrant
abhorr'd
and
fear'd
all
those
who
had
either
Reputation
or
Virtue
,
and
by
the
most
subtil
Arts
endeavoured
so
to
corrupt
or
break
the
Spirits
of
the
remaining
People
,
that
they
might
not
think
of
their
former
Greatness
,
or
the
ways
of
recovering
it
,
we
ought
not
to
wonder
that
they
ceased
from
War
.
But
such
a
Peace
is
no
more
to
be
commended
,
than
that
which
Men
have
in
the
Grave
;
as
in
the
Epitaph
of
the
Marquess
Trivultio
seen
at
Milan
,
Qui
nunquam
quievit
,
quiescit
,
tace
.
This
Peace
is
in
every
Wilderness
:
The
Turks
have
established
it
in
the
empty
Provinces
of
Asia
and
Greece
.
Where
there
are
no
men
,
or
if
those
men
have
no
Courage
,
there
can
be
no
War
.
Our
Ancestors
the
Britains
observed
,
that
the
Peace
which
in
that
Age
the
Romans
established
in
the
Provinces
,
consisted
in
the
most
wretched
slavery
and
solitude
:
Miserrimam
servitutem
pacem
appellant
.
And
in
another
place
,
Solitudinem
[
*
](A60214-e21460-b)
*
Barth
.
de
las
Casas
,
destruyc
.
de
las
Indias
.
forty
millions
of
Souls
.
The
Countries
were
very
quiet
,
when
wild
Beasts
only
were
left
to
fight
in
them
,
or
a
few
miserable
Wretches
,
who
had
neither
strength
nor
courage
to
resist
their
violence
.
This
was
the
Peace
the
Romans
enjoyed
under
Augustus
:
A
few
of
those
who
made
themselves
subservient
to
his
Pleasure
,
and
Ministers
of
the
publick
Calamities
,
were
put
into
a
flourishing
condition
;
but
the
rest
pined
,
withered
,
and
never
recovered
.
If
yet
our
Author
will
have
us
to
think
the
Liberty
and
People
of
Rome
obliged
to
Augustus
,
who
procured
such
a
Peace
for
them
,
he
ought
to
remember
,
that
besides
what
they
suffered
in
settling
it
,
they
paid
dear
for
it
even
in
the
future
;
for
Italy
was
thereby
so
weakned
,
as
never
to
recover
any
strength
or
virtue
to
defend
it self
;
but
depending
absolutely
upon
barbarous
Nations
,
or
Armies
composed
of
them
,
was
ravaged
and
torn
in
pieces
by
every
Invader
.
4.
That
Peace
is
only
to
be
valued
which
is
accompanied
with
Justice
;
and
those
Governmenrs
only
deserve
praise
,
who
put
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
the
best
Men.
This
was
wholly
wanting
during
the
Reigns
of
Augustus
and
his
Successors
.
The
worst
of
men
gained
the
Soverainty
by
Alliance
,
Fraud
or
Violence
,
and
advanced
such
as
most
resembled
themselves
.
Augustus
was
worse
in
the
beginning
than
in
the
latter
end
of
his
Reign
;
but
his
bloody
and
impure
Successor
,
grew
every
day
more
wicked
as
long
as
he
lived
:
Whilst
he
sat
upon
the
Rocks
at
Capreae
with
his
Chaldeans
,
he
meditated
nothing
but
Lust
or
Mischief
,
and
had
Sejanus
and
Macro
always
ready
to
execute
his
detestable
Designs
.
Caligula
could
find
none
equal
to
himself
in
all
manner
of
Villanies
;
but
favour'd
those
most
who
were
likest
to
him
.
Claudius
his
stupidity
,
drunkenness
,
and
subjection
to
the
sury
of
two
impudent
Strumpets
and
manumised
Slaves
,
proved
as
hurtful
to
the
Empire
,
as
the
savage
fury
of
his
Predecessor
.
Tho
Nero
was
a
Monster
that
the
world
could
not
bear
,
yet
the
raging
Soldiers
kill'd
Galba
,
and
gave
the
Empire
to
Otho
for
no
other
reason
,
than
that
he
had
bin
the
Companion
of
his
Debauches
,
and
of
all
men
was
thought
most
to
resemble
him
:
With
them
all
Evils
came
in
like
a
Flood
;
and
their
Successors
finding
none
so
bad
as
themselves
,
but
the
Favourites
,
Whores
and
Slaves
that
governed
them
,
would
suffer
no
Vertue
to
grow
up
;
and
filled
the
City
with
a
base
,
lewd
,
and
miserable
Rabble
,
that
cared
for
nothing
beyond
Stage-plays
and
Bread
.
Such
a
People
could
not
be
seditious
;
but
Rome
had
bin
desolate
,
if
they
had
not
thus
filled
it
.
And
tho
this
temper
and
condition
of
a
People
may
please
our
Author
;
yet
it
was
an
incurable
Wound
to
the
State
,
and
in
consequence
to
the
best
part
of
the
World
.
When
the
City
had
bin
burnt
by
the
Gauls
,
it
was
soon
restored
:
The
Defeats
of
Ticinum
,
Trebia
,
Thrasimene
,
and
Cannae
were
repair'd
with
equal
or
greater
Victories
:
The
War
of
the
Allies
ended
in
their
overthrow
:
The
Fury
of
the
Gladiators
was
extinguished
with
their
Blood
:
The
Commonwealth
lost
Battels
,
but
was
never
conquer'd
in
any
War
;
and
in
the
end
triumphed
over
all
that
had
contended
with
them
.
Whilst
Liberty
continued
,
it
was
the
Nurse
of
Vertue
;
and
all
the
Losses
suffered
in
Foreign
or
Civil
Wars
,
were
easily
recovered
:
but
when
Liberty
was
lost
,
Valour
and
Virtue
was
torn
up
by
the
roots
,
and
the
Roman
Power
proceeding
from
it
,
perished
.
I
have
not
dwelt
so
long
upon
this
point
to
expose
the
folly
of
our
Author
,
but
to
show
that
the
abovemention'd
Evils
did
proceed
from
a
permanent
cause
,
which
will
always
produce
the
like
effects
;
and
Histories
testify
,
that
it
has
done
the
same
in
all
places
.
Carthage
was
rebuilt
,
after
it
had
bin
destroy'd
by
Scipio
,
and
continued
to
be
a
rich
City
for
almost
a
thousand
years
,
but
produced
no
such
men
as
Amilcar
,
Asdrubal
and
Hannibal
:
Cleomenes
and
Euclidas
were
the
last
that
deserved
to
be
called
Spartans
:
Athens
never
had
an
eminent
Man
,
after
it
felt
the
weight
of
the
Macedonian
Yoak
;
and
Philopemen
was
the
last
of
the
Achaians
.
Tho
the
Commonwealths
of
Italy
in
later
Ages
,
having
too
much
applied
themselves
to
the
acquisition
of
Money
,
and
wanted
that
greatness
of
Spirit
which
had
reigned
in
their
Ancestors
,
yet
they
have
not
been
without
Valour
and
Virtue
.
That
of
Pisa
was
famous
for
Power
at
Sea
,
till
the
Genoeses
overthrew
them
.
Florence
had
a
brave
Nobility
,
and
a
stout
People
.
Arezzo
,
Pistoia
,
Cortona
,
Sienna
,
and
other
small
Towns
of
Tuscany
,
were
not
without
strength
,
tho
for
the
most
part
unhappily
exercised
in
the
Factions
of
Ghibelins
and
Guelphs
,
Neri
and
Bianchi
,
that
divided
all
Italy
;
but
since
the
introduction
of
Filmer's
divine
Absolute
Monarchy
,
all
Power
,
Virtue
,
Reputation
and
Strength
,
is
utterly
perished
from
among
them
,
and
no
man
dares
to
oppose
the
publick
Mischiess
.
They
usually
decide
private
Quarrels
by
Assassination
or
Poison
;
and
in
other
respects
they
enjoy
the
happiness
of
that
Peace
which
is
always
found
within
empty
Walls
and
desolated
Countries
:
And
if
this
be
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
it
cannot
be
denied
,
that
Weakness
,
Baseness
,
Cowardice
,
Destruction
and
Desolation
are
so
likewise
.
These
are
the
Blessings
our
well-natur'd
Author
would
confer
upon
us
;
but
if
they
were
to
be
esteemed
so
,
I
cannot
tell
why
those
that
felt
them
,
complained
so
much
of
them
.
Tacitus
reciting
what
passed
in
his
time
,
and
somewhat
before
(
for
want
of
a
Christian
Spirit
)
in
the
bitterness
of
his
Soul
says
,
Nec
unquam
atrocioribus
Populi
Romani
But
,
says
our
Author
,
tho
Rome
was
for
a
while
miraculously
upheld
in
Glory
by
a
greater
prudence
than
its
own
,
yet
in
a
short
time
,
after
manifold
Alterations
,
she
was
ruined
by
her
own
hand
.
But
't
is
absurd
to
say
,
that
the
overthrow
of
a
Government
,
which
had
nothing
of
good
in
it
,
can
be
a
ruin
;
or
that
the
Glory
in
which
it
continued
,
had
nothing
of
good
in
it
;
and
most
of
all
,
that
it
could
be
ruin'd
by
no
hands
but
its
own
,
if
that
Glory
had
not
bin
gained
,
and
immediately
or
instrumentally
supported
by
such
virtue
and
strength
as
is
worthily
to
be
preferr'd
before
all
other
temporal
Happiness
,
and
dos
ever
produce
it
.
This
shews
that
Liars
ought
to
have
good
memories
.
But
passing
over
such
foolish
Contradictions
,
I
desire
to
know
,
how
that
prudence
,
greater
than
its
own
(
which
till
I
am
better
inform'd
,
I
must
think
to
be
inseparably
united
to
Justice
and
Goodness
)
came
miraculously
to
support
a
Government
,
which
was
not
only
evil
in
it self
,
as
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
;
but
so
perpetually
bent
against
that
Monarchy
,
which
he
says
is
according
to
them
,
as
to
hate
all
Monarchs
,
despise
all
that
would
live
under
them
,
destroy
as
many
of
them
as
came
within
their
reach
;
and
make
a
Law
by
which
any
man
was
authorised
to
kill
him
,
who
should
endeavour
to
set
up
this
Divine
Power
among
them
.
Moreover
,
no
human
Prudence
preserved
the
Roman
Glory
but
their
own
:
the
others
directly
set
themselves
to
oppose
it
,
and
the
most
eminent
fell
under
it
.
We
know
of
no
Prudence
surpassing
the
human
,
unless
it
be
the
Divine
:
But
the
Divine
Prudence
did
never
miraculously
exert
it self
,
except
to
bear
witness
to
the
Truth
,
and
to
give
Authority
to
those
that
announced
it
.
If
therefore
the
glory
of
this
Popular
Government
was
miraculously
supported
by
a
more
than
human
Prudence
,
it
was
good
in
it self
;
the
Miracles
done
in
favour
of
it
did
testify
it
,
and
all
that
our
Author
says
against
it
is
false
and
abominable
.
If
I
lay
aside
the
word
Miraculous
,
as
put
in
by
chance
,
't
will
be
hard
to
know
how
God
(
who
in
the
usual
course
of
his
Providence
guides
all
things
by
such
a
gentle
and
undiscerned
Power
,
that
they
seem
to
go
on
of
themselves
)
should
give
such
virtue
to
this
popular
Government
,
and
the
Magistrates
bred
up
under
it
,
that
the
greatest
Monarchs
of
the
Earth
were
as
dust
before
them
,
unless
there
had
bin
an
excellency
in
their
Discipline
,
far
surpassing
that
of
their
Enemies
;
or
how
that
can
be
called
ill
in
its
Principle
,
and
said
to
comprehend
no
good
,
which
God
did
so
gloriously
support
,
and
no
man
was
ever
able
to
resist
.
This
cannot
be
better
answer'd
than
by
our
Author's
Citation
,
Suis
&
ipsa
Roma
viribus
ruit
;
That
City
which
had
overthrown
the
greatest
Powers
of
the
World
must
,
in
all
appearance
,
have
lasted
for
ever
,
if
their
Virtue
and
Discipline
had
not
decay'd
,
or
their
Forces
bin
turned
against
themselves
.
If
our
Author
therefore
say
true
,
the
greatest
good
that
ever
befel
the
Romans
,
was
the
decay
of
their
Virtue
and
Discipline
;
and
the
turning
of
their
own
Arms
against
themselves
,
was
not
their
Ruin
but
their
Preservation
.
When
they
had
brought
the
warlike
Nations
of
Italy
into
subjection
,
or
association
;
often
repressed
the
fury
of
the
Gauls
,
Cimbri
and
Teutons
;
overthrown
the
Wealth
,
Power
and
Wit
of
Carthage
supported
by
the
Skill
,
Industry
,
and
Valour
of
Hannibal
and
his
brave
Relations
;
almost
extirpated
the
valiant
Spaniards
,
who
would
no
other
way
be
subdued
;
defeated
Philip
,
Perseus
,
Antiochus
,
Gentius
,
Syphax
and
Jugurtha
;
struck
an
aw
into
Ptolomy
;
avoided
the
snares
and
poisons
of
Mithridates
;
followed
him
in
his
Flights
,
reveng'd
his
Treacheries
,
and
carried
their
victorious
Arms
beyond
his
conquer'd
Kingdoms
to
the
Banks
of
Tygris
:
When
neither
the
Revolt
of
their
Italian
Associates
,
nor
the
Rebellion
of
their
Slaves
led
by
Spartacus
(
who
in
skill
seems
to
have
bin
equal
to
Hannibal
,
and
above
him
in
Courage
)
could
put
a
stop
to
their
Victories
:
When
Greece
had
been
reduced
to
yield
to
a
Virtue
rather
than
a
Power
greater
than
their
own
,
we
may
well
say
that
Government
was
supported
by
a
more
than
human
prudence
,
which
led
them
through
Virtue
to
a
height
of
Glory
,
Power
and
Happiness
,
that
till
that
day
had
bin
unknown
to
the
World
,
and
could
never
have
bin
ruined
,
if
by
the
decay
of
that
Virtue
they
had
not
turned
their
victorious
Arms
against
themselves
.
That
City
was
a
Giant
that
could
die
by
no
other
hand
than
his
own
;
like
Hercules
poison'd
and
driven
into
madness
,
after
he
had
destroy'd
Thieves
,
Monsters
and
Tyrants
,
and
found
nothing
on
the
Earth
able
to
resist
him
.
The
wisest
of
men
in
antient
times
,
looking
upon
this
as
a
point
of
more
than
human
Perfection
,
thought
or
feigned
to
think
,
that
he
was
descended
from
the
Gods
,
and
at
his
death
received
into
their
number
,
tho
perhaps
Filmer
would
prefer
a
weak
,
base
and
effeminate
Slave
before
him
.
The
matter
will
not
be
much
different
,
if
we
adhere
to
the
foremention'd
similitude
of
the
Athletick
Habit
;
for
the
danger
proceeds
only
from
the
perfection
of
it
,
and
he
who
dislikes
it
,
must
commend
that
Weakness
and
Vice
which
may
perish
,
but
can
never
be
changed
into
any
thing
worse
than
it self
,
as
those
that
lie
upon
the
ground
can
never
fall
.
However
this
Fall
of
the
Romans
,
which
our
Author
,
speaking
truth
against
his
will
,
calls
their
Ruin
,
was
into
that
which
he
recommends
as
the
Ordinance
of
God
:
Which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
that
they
were
ruin'd
when
they
fell
from
their
own
unnatural
Inventions
to
follow
the
Law
of
God
and
of
Nature
;
that
Luxury
also
through
which
they
fell
,
was
the
product
of
their
Felicity
;
and
that
the
Nations
that
had
bin
subdued
by
them
,
had
no
other
way
of
avenging
their
Defeats
,
than
by
alluring
their
Masters
to
their
own
Vices
:
This
was
the
Root
of
their
Civil
Wars
.
When
that
proud
City
found
no
more
resistance
,
it
grew
wanton
.
—
Saevior
armis
Luxuria
incubuit
,
victumque
ulciscitur
orbem
.
Lucan
.
Honest
Poverty
became
uneasy
,
when
Honours
were
given
to
ill-gotten
Riches
.
This
was
so
Monarchical
,
that
a
People
infected
with
such
a
Custom
must
needs
fall
by
it
.
They
who
by
Vice
had
exhausted
their
Fortunes
,
could
repair
them
only
by
bringing
their
Country
under
a
Government
that
would
give
impunity
to
Rapine
;
and
such
as
had
not
Virtues
to
deserve
Advancement
from
the
Senate
and
People
,
would
always
endeavour
to
set
up
a
Man
that
would
bestow
the
Honours
that
were
due
to
Virtue
,
upon
those
who
would
be
most
abjectly
subservient
to
his
Will
and
Interests
.
When
mens
minds
are
filled
with
this
Fury
,
they
sacrifice
the
common
Good
to
the
advancement
of
their
private
Concernments
.
This
was
the
temper
of
Catiline
expressed
by
Sallust
,
Luxuria
principi
gravis
,
paupertas
vix
à
privato
toleranda
;
and
this
put
him
upon
that
desperate
extremity
to
say
,
Incendium
meum
ruinâ
extinguam
.
Others
in
the
same
manner
being
filled
with
the
same
rage
,
he
could
not
want
Companions
in
his
most
villanous
Designs
.
'T
is
not
long
since
a
Person
of
the
highest
Quality
,
and
no
less
famous
for
Learning
and
Wit
,
having
observed
the
State
of
England
,
as
it
stood
not
many
years
ago
,
and
that
to
which
it
has
bin
reduc'd
since
the
year
sixty
,
as
is
thought
very
much
by
the
Advice
and
Example
of
France
,
said
,
That
they
now
were
taking
a
most
cruel
vengeance
upon
us
for
all
the
Overthrows
received
from
our
Ancestors
,
by
introducing
their
most
damnable
Maxims
,
and
teaching
us
the
worst
of
their
Vices
.
'T
is
not
for
me
to
determine
whether
this
Judgment
was
rightly
made
or
not
;
for
I
intend
not
to
speak
of
our
Affairs
:
but
all
Historians
agreeing
,
that
the
change
of
the
Roman
Government
was
wrought
by
such
means
as
I
have
mentioned
;
and
our
Author
acknowledging
that
change
to
have
bin
their
ruin
,
as
in
truth
it
was
,
I
may
justly
conclude
,
that
the
overthrow
of
that
Government
could
not
have
bin
a
ruin
to
them
,
but
good
for
them
,
unless
it
had
bin
good
;
and
that
the
Power
which
did
ruin
it
,
and
was
set
up
in
the
room
of
it
,
cannot
have
bin
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
or
Nature
,
for
they
confer
only
that
which
is
good
,
and
destroy
nothing
that
is
so
;
but
must
have
bin
most
contrary
to
that
good
which
was
overthrown
by
it
.
SECT.
XVI
.
The
best
Governments
of
the
World
have
bin
composed
of
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
.
OUR
Author's
cavils
concerning
I
know
not
what
vulgar
Opinions
that
Democracies
were
introduc'd
to
curb
Tyranny
,
deserve
no
answer
;
for
our
question
is
,
Whether
one
form
of
Government
be
prescribed
to
us
by
God
and
Nature
,
or
we
are
left
according
to
our
own
understanding
,
to
constitute
such
as
seem
best
to
our selves
.
As
for
Democracy
he
may
say
what
pleases
him
of
it
;
and
I
believe
it
can
sute
only
with
the
convenience
of
a
small
Town
,
accompanied
with
such
Circumstances
as
are
seldom
found
.
But
this
no
way
obliges
men
to
run
into
the
other
extream
,
in
as
much
as
the
variety
of
forms
between
meer
Democracy
and
Absolute
Monarchy
is
almost
infinite
:
And
if
I
should
undertake
to
say
,
there
never
was
a
good
Government
in
the
world
,
that
did
not
consist
of
the
three
simple
Species
of
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
and
Democracy
,
I
think
I
might
make
it
good
.
This
at
the
least
is
certain
,
that
the
Government
of
the
Hebrews
instituted
by
God
,
had
a
Judg
,
the
great
Sanhedrin
,
and
General
Assemblies
of
the
People
:
Sparta
had
two
Kings
,
a
Senate
of
twenty
eight
chosen
Men
,
and
the
like
Assemblies
:
All
the
Dorian
Cities
had
a
chief
Magistrate
,
a
Senate
,
and
occasional
Assemblies
:
The
Ionian
,
Athens
,
and
others
,
had
an
Archon
,
the
Areopagi
;
and
all
Judgments
concerning
matters
of
the
greatest
importance
,
as
well
as
the
Election
of
Magistrates
,
were
referr'd
to
the
People
.
Rome
in
the
beginning
had
a
King
and
a
Senate
,
whilst
the
Election
of
Kings
,
and
Judgments
upon
Appeals
remained
in
the
People
;
afterwards
Consuls
representing
Kings
,
and
vested
with
equal
Power
,
a
more
numerous
Senate
,
and
more
frequent
meetings
of
the
People
.
Venice
has
at
this
day
a
Duke
,
the
Senate
of
the
Pregadi
,
and
the
Great
Assembly
of
the
Nobility
,
which
is
the
whole
City
,
the
rest
of
the
Inhabitants
being
only
Incolae
,
not
Cives
;
and
those
of
the
other
Cities
or
Countries
are
their
Subjects
,
and
do
not
participate
of
the
Government
.
Genoa
is
governed
in
like
manner
:
Luca
not
unlike
to
them
.
Germany
is
at
this
day
governed
by
an
Emperor
,
the
Princes
or
great
Lords
in
their
several
Precincts
,
the
Cities
by
their
own
Magistrates
,
and
by
general
Diets
,
in
which
the
whole
power
of
the
Nation
resides
,
and
where
the
Emperor
,
Princes
,
Nobility
,
and
Cities
have
their
places
in
person
,
or
by
their
Deputies
.
All
the
Northern
Nations
,
which
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
Roman
Empire
possessed
the
best
Provinces
that
had
composed
it
,
were
under
that
form
which
is
usually
called
the
Gothick
Polity
:
They
had
King
,
Lords
,
Commons
,
Diets
,
Assemblies
of
Estates
,
Cortez
,
and
Parliaments
,
in
which
the
Sovereign
Powers
of
those
Nations
did
reside
,
and
by
which
they
were
exercised
.
The
like
was
practised
in
Hungary
,
Bohemia
,
Sweden
,
Denmark
,
Poland
;
and
if
things
are
changed
in
some
of
these
places
within
few
years
,
they
must
give
better
proofs
of
having
gained
by
the
change
than
are
yet
seen
in
the
World
,
before
I
think
my self
obliged
to
change
my
opinion
.
Some
Nations
not
liking
the
name
of
King
,
have
given
such
a
power
as
Kings
enjoy'd
in
other
places
to
one
or
more
Magistrates
,
either
limited
to
a
certain
time
,
or
left
to
be
perpetual
,
as
best
pleased
themselves
:
Others
approving
the
name
,
made
the
Dignity
purely
elective
.
Some
have
in
their
Elections
principally
regarded
one
Family
as
long
as
it
lasted
:
Others
consider'd
nothing
but
the
fitness
of
the
Person
,
and
reserved
to
themselves
a
liberty
of
taking
where
they
pleased
.
Some
have
permitted
the
Crown
to
be
hereditary
as
to
its
ordinary
course
;
but
restrained
the
Power
,
and
instituted
Officers
to
inspect
the
Proceedings
of
Kings
,
and
to
take
care
that
the
Laws
were
not
violated
:
Of
this
sort
were
the
Ephori
of
Sparta
,
the
Maires
du
Palais
,
and
afterwards
the
Constable
of
France
;
the
Justicia
in
Arragon
;
Rijckshofmeister
in
Denmark
;
the
High
Steward
in
England
;
and
in
all
places
such
Assemblies
as
are
before-mentioned
under
several
names
,
who
had
the
Power
of
the
whole
Nation
.
Some
have
continued
long
,
and
it
may
be
always
in
the
same
form
;
others
have
changed
it
:
Some
being
incensed
against
their
Kings
,
as
the
Romans
exasperated
by
the
Villanies
of
Tarquin
,
and
the
Tuscans
by
the
Cruelties
of
Mezentius
,
abolished
the
name
of
King
:
Others
,
as
Athens
,
Sicion
,
Argos
,
Corinth
,
Thebes
,
and
the
Latins
,
did
not
stay
for
such
extremities
;
but
set
up
other
Governments
when
they
thought
it
best
for
themselves
,
and
by
this
conduct
prevented
the
evils
that
usually
fall
upon
Nations
,
when
their
Kings
degenerate
into
Tyrants
,
and
a
Nation
is
brought
to
enter
into
a
War
by
which
all
may
be
lost
,
and
nothing
can
be
gained
which
was
not
their
own
before
.
The
Romans
took
not
this
salutary
Course
;
the
mischief
was
grown
up
before
they
perceived
,
or
set
themselves
against
it
;
and
when
the
effects
of
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Cruelty
and
Lust
were
grown
to
such
a
height
,
that
they
could
no
longer
be
endured
,
they
could
not
free
themselves
without
a
War
:
and
whereas
upon
other
occasions
their
Victories
had
brought
them
increase
of
Strength
,
Territory
,
and
Glory
;
the
only
reward
of
their
Virtue
in
this
was
,
to
be
delivered
from
a
Plague
they
had
unadvisedly
suffered
to
grow
up
among
them
.
I
confess
this
was
most
of
all
to
be
esteemed
;
for
if
they
had
bin
overthrown
,
their
condition
under
Tarquin
would
have
bin
more
intolerable
than
if
they
had
fallen
under
the
power
of
Pirrhus
or
Hannibal
;
and
all
their
following
Prosperity
was
the
fruit
of
their
recover'd
Liberty
:
But
it
had
bin
much
better
to
have
reformed
the
State
after
the
death
of
one
of
their
good
Kings
,
than
to
be
brought
to
fight
for
their
Lives
against
that
abominable
Tyrant
.
Our
Author
in
pursuance
of
his
aversion
to
all
that
is
good
,
disapproves
this
;
and
wanting
reasons
to
justify
his
dislike
,
according
to
the
custom
of
Impostors
and
Cheats
,
hath
recourse
to
the
ugly
terms
of
a
back-door
,
Sedition
and
Faction
:
as
if
it
were
not
as
just
for
a
People
to
lay
aside
their
Kings
when
they
receive
nothing
but
evil
,
and
can
rationally
hope
for
no
benefit
by
them
,
as
for
others
to
set
them
up
in
expectation
of
good
from
them
.
But
if
the
truth
be
examin'd
,
nothing
will
be
found
more
orderly
than
the
changes
of
Government
,
or
of
the
Persons
and
Races
of
those
that
governed
,
which
have
bin
made
by
many
Nations
.
When
Pharamond's
Grandson
seemed
not
to
deserve
the
Crown
he
had
worn
,
the
French
gave
it
to
Meroveus
,
who
more
resembled
him
in
Virtue
:
In
process
of
time
when
this
Race
also
degenerated
,
they
were
rejected
,
and
Pepin
advanced
to
the
Throne
;
and
the
most
remote
in
blood
of
his
Descendents
having
often
bin
preferred
before
the
nearest
,
and
Bastards
before
the
legitimate
Issue
,
they
were
at
last
all
laid
aside
;
and
the
Crown
remains
to
this
day
in
the
Family
of
Hugh
Capet
,
on
whom
it
was
bestow'd
upon
the
rejection
of
Charles
of
Lorrain
.
In
like
manner
the
Castilians
took
Don
Sancho
sirnamed
the
Brave
,
second
Son
to
Alphonso
the
Wise
,
before
Alphonso
el
Desheredado
,
Son
of
the
elder
Brother
Ferdinand
.
The
States
of
Arragon
preferred
Martin
,
Brother
to
John
the
first
,
before
Mary
his
Daughter
married
to
the
Count
de
Foix
,
tho
Females
were
not
excluded
from
the
Succession
;
and
the
House
of
Austria
now
enjoys
that
Crown
from
Joan
Daughter
to
Ferdinand
.
In
that
and
many
other
Kingdoms
,
Bastards
have
bin
advanced
before
their
legitimate
Brothers
.
Henry
Count
of
Trastamara
,
Bastard
to
Alphonso
the
II
King
of
Castile
,
received
the
Crown
as
a
reward
of
the
good
Service
he
had
done
to
his
Country
against
his
Brother
Peter
the
Cruel
,
without
any
regard
had
to
the
House
of
La
Cerda
descended
from
Alphonso
el
Desheredado
,
which
to
this
day
never
enjoy'd
any
greater
honour
than
that
of
Duke
de
Medina
Celi
.
Not
long
after
the
Portuguese
conceiving
a
dislike
of
their
King
Ferdinand
,
and
his
Daughter
married
to
John
King
of
Castile
,
rejected
her
and
her
Uncle
by
the
Father's
side
,
and
gave
the
Crown
to
John
a
Knight
of
Calatrava
,
and
Bastard
to
an
Uncle
of
Ferdinand
their
King
.
About
the
beginning
of
this
age
the
Swedes
deposed
their
King
Sigismund
for
being
a
Papist
,
and
made
Charles
his
Uncle
King
.
Divers
Examples
of
the
like
nature
in
England
have
bin
already
mentioned
.
All
these
transportations
of
Crowns
were
Acts
performed
by
Assemblies
of
the
three
Estates
in
the
several
Kingdoms
,
and
these
Crowns
are
to
this
day
enjoy'd
under
Titles
derived
from
such
as
were
thus
brought
in
by
the
deposition
or
rejection
of
those
,
who
according
to
descent
of
blood
had
better
Titles
than
the
present
Possessors
.
The
Acts
therefore
were
lawful
and
good
,
or
they
can
have
no
Title
at
all
;
and
they
who
made
them
,
had
a
just
power
so
to
do
.
If
our
Author
can
draw
any
advantage
from
the
resemblance
of
Regality
that
he
finds
in
the
Roman
Consuls
and
Athenian
Archons
,
I
shall
without
envy
leave
him
the
enjoyment
of
it
;
but
I
am
much
mistaken
if
that
do
not
prove
my
assertion
,
that
those
Governments
were
composed
of
the
three
simple
species
:
for
if
the
Monarchical
part
was
in
them
,
it
cannot
be
denied
that
the
Aristocratical
was
in
the
Senate
or
Areopagi
,
and
the
Democratical
in
the
People
.
But
he
ought
to
have
remembred
that
if
there
was
something
of
Monarchical
in
those
Governments
when
they
are
said
to
have
bin
Popular
,
there
was
something
of
Aristocratical
and
Democratical
in
those
that
were
called
Regal
;
which
justifies
my
proposition
on
both
sides
,
and
shews
that
the
denomination
was
taken
from
the
part
that
prevail'd
;
and
if
this
were
not
so
,
the
Governments
of
France
,
Spain
,
and
Germany
might
be
called
Democracies
,
and
those
of
Rome
and
Athens
Monarchies
,
because
the
People
have
a
part
in
the
one
,
and
an
image
of
Monarchy
was
preserved
in
the
other
.
If
our
Author
will
not
allow
the
cases
to
be
altogether
equal
,
I
think
he
will
find
no
other
difference
,
than
that
the
Consuls
and
Archons
were
regularly
made
by
the
Votes
of
the
consenting
People
,
and
orderly
resign'd
their
Power
,
when
the
time
was
expir'd
for
which
it
was
given
;
whereas
Tarquin
,
Dionysius
,
Agathocles
,
Nabis
,
Phalaris
,
Cesar
,
and
almost
all
his
Successors
,
whom
he
takes
for
compleat
Monarchs
,
came
in
by
violence
,
fraud
,
and
corruption
,
by
the
help
of
the
worst
men
,
by
the
slaughter
of
the
best
,
and
most
commonly
(
when
the
method
was
once
establish'd
)
by
that
of
his
Predecessor
,
who
,
if
our
Author
say
true
,
was
the
Father
of
his
Country
and
his
also
.
This
was
the
root
and
foundation
of
the
only
Government
that
deserves
praise
:
this
is
that
which
stampt
the
divine
character
upon
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
and
Cesar
,
and
that
had
bestow'd
the
same
upon
Manlius
,
Marius
,
or
Catiline
,
if
they
had
gain'd
the
Monarchies
they
affected
.
But
I
suppose
that
such
as
God
has
bless'd
with
better
judgment
,
and
a
due
regard
to
Justice
and
Truth
,
will
say
,
that
all
those
who
have
attained
to
such
greatness
as
destroys
all
manner
of
good
in
the
places
where
they
have
set
up
themselves
by
the
most
detestable
Villanies
,
came
in
by
a
backdoor
;
and
that
such
Magistrates
as
were
orderly
chosen
by
a
willing
People
,
were
the
true
Shepherds
who
came
in
by
the
gate
of
the
Sheepfold
,
and
might
justly
be
called
the
Ministers
of
God
,
so
long
as
they
performed
their
duty
in
providing
for
the
good
of
the
Nations
committed
to
their
charge
.
SECT.
XVII
.
Good
Governments
admit
of
Changes
in
the
Superstructures
,
whilst
the
Foundations
remain
unchangeable
.
IF
I
go
a
step
farther
,
and
confess
the
Romans
made
some
changes
in
the
outward
Form
of
their
Government
,
I
may
safely
say
they
did
well
in
it
,
and
prosper'd
by
it
.
After
the
Expulsion
of
the
Kings
,
the
Power
was
chiefly
in
the
Nobility
,
who
had
bin
Leaders
of
the
People
;
but
it
was
necessary
to
humble
them
,
when
they
began
to
presume
too
much
upon
the
advantages
of
their
Birth
;
and
the
City
could
never
have
been
great
,
unless
the
Plebeians
who
were
the
Body
of
it
,
and
the
main
strength
of
their
Armies
,
had
bin
admitted
to
a
participation
of
Honours
.
This
could
not
be
done
at
the
first
:
They
who
had
bin
so
vilely
opprest
by
Tarquin
,
and
harass'd
with
making
or
cleansing
Sinks
,
were
not
then
fit
for
Magistracies
,
or
the
Command
of
Armies
;
but
they
could
not
justly
be
excluded
from
them
,
when
they
had
men
who
in
courage
and
conduct
were
equal
to
the
best
of
the
Patricians
;
and
it
had
bin
absurd
for
any
man
to
think
it
a
disparagement
to
him
to
marry
the
Daughter
of
one
whom
he
had
obey'd
as
Dictator
or
Consul
,
and
perhaps
follow'd
in
his
Triumph
.
Rome
that
was
constituted
for
War
,
and
sought
its
Grandeur
by
that
means
,
could
never
have
arriv'd
to
any
considerable
height
,
if
the
People
had
not
bin
exercised
in
Arms
,
and
their
Spirits
raised
to
delight
in
Conquests
,
and
willing
to
expose
themselves
to
the
greatest
fatigues
and
dangers
to
accomplish
them
.
Such
men
as
these
were
not
to
be
used
like
Slaves
,
or
opprest
by
the
unmerciful
hand
of
Usurers
.
They
who
by
their
sweat
and
blood
were
to
defend
and
enlarge
the
Territories
of
the
State
,
were
to
be
convinced
they
fought
for
themselves
;
and
they
had
reason
to
demand
a
Magistracy
of
their
own
,
vested
with
a
Power
that
none
might
offend
,
to
maintain
their
Rights
,
and
to
protect
their
Families
,
whilst
they
were
abroad
in
the
Armies
.
These
were
the
Tribunes
of
the
People
,
made
,
as
they
called
it
,
Sacrosancti
or
inviolable
;
and
the
creation
of
them
was
the
most
considerable
Change
that
happened
till
the
time
of
Marius
,
who
brought
all
into
disorder
.
The
creation
or
abolition
of
Military
Tribunes
with
Consular
Power
,
ought
to
be
accounted
as
nothing
;
for
it
imported
little
whether
that
Authority
were
exercised
by
two
,
or
by
five
:
That
of
the
Decemviri
was
as
little
to
be
regarded
,
they
were
intended
only
for
a
Year
;
and
tho
new
ones
were
created
for
another
,
on
pretence
that
the
Laws
they
were
to
frame
could
not
be
brought
to
perfection
in
so
short
a
time
,
yet
they
were
soon
thrown
down
from
the
Power
they
usurped
,
and
endeavoured
to
retain
contrary
to
Law
:
The
creation
of
Dictators
was
no
novelty
,
they
were
made
occasionally
from
the
beginning
,
and
never
otherwise
than
occasionally
,
till
Julius
Cesar
subverted
all
order
,
and
invading
that
supreme
Magistracy
by
force
[
*
](A60214-e23480-b)
*
Jura
omnium
in
se
traxit
.
Suet.
,
usurped
the
Right
which
belong'd
to
all
.
This
indeed
was
a
mortal
Change
even
in
root
and
principle
.
All
other
Magistrates
had
bin
created
by
the
People
for
the
publick
good
,
and
always
were
within
the
power
of
those
that
had
created
them
.
But
Cesar
coming
in
by
force
,
sought
only
the
satisfaction
of
his
own
raging
Ambition
,
or
that
of
the
Soldiers
,
whom
he
had
corrupted
to
destroy
their
Country
;
and
his
Successors
governing
for
themselves
by
the
help
of
the
like
Raskals
,
perpetually
exposed
the
Empire
to
be
ravaged
by
them
.
But
whatever
opinion
any
man
may
have
of
the
other
Changes
,
I
dare
affirm
,
there
are
few
or
no
Monarchies
(
whose
Histories
are
so
well
known
to
us
as
that
of
Rome
)
which
have
not
suffer'd
Changes
incomparably
greater
and
more
mischievous
than
those
of
Rome
whilst
it
was
free
.
The
Macedonian
Monarchy
fell
into
pieces
immediately
after
the
death
of
Alexander
:
'T
is
thought
he
perished
by
Poison
:
His
Wives
,
Children
and
Mother
,
were
destroyed
by
his
own
Captains
:
The
best
of
those
who
had
escaped
his
fury
,
fell
by
the
Sword
of
each
other
.
When
the
famous
Argyraspides
might
have
expected
some
reward
of
their
labours
,
and
a
little
rest
in
old
age
,
they
were
maliciously
sent
into
the
East
by
Antigonus
to
perish
by
hunger
and
misery
,
after
he
had
corrupted
them
to
betray
Eumenes
.
No
better
fate
attended
the
rest
;
all
was
in
confusion
,
every
one
follow'd
whom
he
pleased
,
and
all
of
them
seemed
to
be
filled
with
such
a
rage
that
they
never
ceased
from
mutual
slaughters
till
they
were
consumed
;
and
their
Kingdoms
continued
in
perpetual
Wars
against
each
other
,
till
they
all
fell
under
the
Roman
Power
.
The
fortune
of
Rome
was
the
same
after
it
became
a
Monarchy
:
Treachery
,
Murder
and
Fury
,
reigned
in
every
part
;
there
was
no
Law
but
Force
;
he
that
could
corrupt
an
Army
,
thought
he
had
a
sufficient
Title
to
the
Empire
:
by
this
means
there
were
frequently
three
or
four
,
and
at
one
time
thirty
several
Pretenders
,
who
called
themselves
Emperors
;
of
which
number
he
only
reigned
that
had
the
happiness
to
destroy
all
his
Competitors
;
and
he
himself
continued
no
longer
than
till
another
durst
attempt
the
destruction
of
him
and
his
Posterity
.
In
this
state
they
remained
,
till
the
wasted
and
bloodless
Provinces
were
possess'd
by
a
multitude
of
barbarous
Nations
.
The
Kingdoms
established
by
them
enjoy'd
as
little
Peace
or
Justice
;
that
of
France
was
frequently
divided
into
as
many
parts
as
the
Kings
of
Meroveus
or
Pepin's
Race
had
Children
,
under
the
names
of
the
Kingdoms
of
Paris
,
Orleans
,
Soissons
,
Arles
,
Burgundy
,
Austrasia
,
and
others
:
These
were
perpetually
vexed
by
the
unnatural
fury
of
Brothers
or
nearest
Relations
,
whilst
the
miserable
Nobility
and
People
were
obliged
to
fight
upon
their
foolish
Quarrels
,
till
all
fell
under
the
power
of
the
strongest
.
This
mischief
was
in
some
measure
cured
by
a
Law
made
in
the
time
of
Hugh
Capet
,
that
the
Kingdom
should
no
more
be
divided
:
But
the
Appannages
,
as
they
call
them
,
granted
to
the
King's
Brothers
,
with
the
several
Dukedoms
and
Earldoms
erected
to
please
them
and
other
great
Lords
,
produced
frequently
almost
as
bad
effects
.
This
is
testified
by
the
desperate
and
mortal
Factions
,
that
went
under
the
names
of
Burgundy
and
Orleans
,
Armagnac
and
Orleans
,
Montmorency
and
Guise
:
These
were
followed
by
those
of
the
League
,
and
the
Wars
of
the
Huguenots
:
They
were
no
sooner
finish'd
by
the
taking
of
Rochel
,
but
new
ones
began
by
the
Intrigues
of
the
Duke
of
Orleans
,
Brother
to
Lewis
the
13th
,
and
his
Mother
;
and
pursued
with
that
animosity
by
them
,
that
they
put
themselves
under
the
protection
of
Spain
:
To
which
may
be
added
,
that
the
Houses
of
Condé
,
Soissons
,
Montmorency
,
Guise
,
Vendosme
,
Angouleme
,
Bouillon
,
Rohan
,
Longueville
,
Rochfocault
,
Epernon
,
and
I
think
I
may
say
every
one
that
is
of
great
eminency
in
that
Kingdom
,
with
the
Cities
of
Paris
,
Bourdeaux
,
and
many
others
,
in
the
space
of
these
last
fifty
years
,
have
sided
with
the
perpetual
Enemies
of
their
own
Country
.
Again
,
other
great
Alterations
have
happened
within
the
same
Kingdom
:
The
Races
of
Kings
four
times
wholly
changed
:
Five
Kings
deposed
in
less
than
150
Years
after
the
death
of
Charles
the
Great
:
The
Offices
of
Maire
du
Palais
,
and
Constable
,
erected
and
laid
aside
:
The
great
Dukedoms
and
Earldoms
,
little
inferior
to
Soveraign
Principalities
,
establish'd
and
suppress'd
:
The
decision
of
all
Causes
,
and
the
execution
of
the
Laws
,
placed
absolutely
in
the
hands
of
the
Nobility
,
their
Deputies
,
Seneschals
,
or
Vice-Seneschals
,
and
taken
from
them
again
:
Parliaments
set
up
to
receive
Appeals
from
the
other
Courts
,
and
to
judg
soveraignly
in
all
cases
,
expresly
to
curb
them
:
The
Power
of
these
Parliaments
,
after
they
had
crushed
the
Nobility
,
brought
so
low
,
that
within
the
last
twenty
years
they
are
made
to
register
,
and
give
the
Power
of
Laws
,
to
Edicts
,
of
which
the
Titles
only
are
read
to
them
;
and
the
General
Assemblies
of
Estates
,
that
from
the
time
of
Pepin
had
the
Power
of
the
Nation
in
their
hands
,
are
now
brought
to
nothing
,
and
almost
forgotten
.
Tho
I
mention
these
things
,
't
is
not
with
a
design
of
blaming
them
,
for
some
of
them
deserve
it
not
;
and
it
ought
to
be
consider'd
that
the
Wisdom
of
man
is
imperfect
,
and
unable
to
foresee
the
Effects
that
may
proceed
from
an
infinite
variety
of
Accidents
,
which
according
to
Emergencies
,
necessarily
require
new
Constitutions
,
to
prevent
or
cure
the
mischiefs
arising
from
them
,
or
to
advance
a
good
that
at
the
first
was
not
thought
on
:
And
as
the
noblest
work
in
which
the
Wit
of
man
can
be
exercised
,
were
(
if
it
could
be
done
)
to
constitute
a
Government
that
should
last
for
ever
,
the
next
to
that
is
to
sute
Laws
to
present
Exigencies
,
and
so
much
as
is
in
the
power
of
man
to
foresee
:
And
he
that
should
resolve
to
persist
obstinately
in
the
way
he
first
entered
upon
,
or
to
blame
those
who
go
out
of
that
in
which
their
Fathers
had
walked
,
when
they
find
it
necessary
,
dos
as
far
as
in
him
lies
,
render
the
worst
of
Errors
perpetual
.
Changes
therefore
are
unavoidable
,
and
the
Wit
of
man
can
go
no
farther
than
to
institute
such
,
as
in
relation
to
the
Forces
,
Manners
,
Nature
,
Religion
or
Interests
of
a
People
and
their
Neighbours
,
are
sutable
and
adequate
to
what
is
seen
,
or
apprehended
to
be
seen
:
And
he
who
would
oblige
all
Nations
at
all
times
to
take
the
same
course
,
would
prove
as
foolish
as
a
Physician
who
should
apply
the
same
Medicine
to
all
Distempers
,
or
an
Architect
that
would
build
the
same
kind
of
House
for
all
Persons
,
without
considering
their
Estates
,
Dignities
,
the
number
of
their
Children
or
Servants
,
the
Time
or
Climate
in
which
they
live
,
and
many
other
Circumstances
;
or
,
which
is
,
if
possible
,
more
sottish
,
a
General
who
should
obstinately
resolve
always
to
make
War
in
the
same
way
,
and
to
draw
up
his
Army
in
the
same
form
,
without
examining
the
nature
,
number
,
and
strength
of
his
own
and
his
Enemies
Forces
,
or
the
advantages
and
disadvantages
of
the
Ground
.
But
as
there
may
be
some
universal
Rules
in
Physick
,
Architecture
and
Military
Discipline
,
from
which
men
ought
never
to
depart
;
so
there
are
some
in
Politicks
also
which
ought
always
to
be
observed
:
and
wise
Legislators
adhering
to
them
only
,
will
be
ready
to
change
all
others
as
occasion
may
require
,
in
order
to
the
publick
Good
.
This
we
may
learn
from
Moses
,
who
laying
the
Foundation
of
the
Law
given
to
the
Israelites
in
that
Justice
,
Charity
and
Truth
,
which
having
its
root
in
God
is
subject
to
no
change
,
left
them
the
liberty
of
having
Judges
or
no
Judges
,
Kings
or
no
Kings
,
or
to
give
the
Soveraign
Power
to
High
Priests
or
Captains
,
as
best
pleased
themselves
;
and
the
Mischiefs
they
afterwards
suffer'd
,
proceeded
not
simply
from
changing
,
but
changing
for
the
worse
.
The
like
judgment
may
be
made
of
the
Alterations
that
have
happen'd
in
other
places
.
They
who
aim
at
the
publick
Good
,
and
wisely
institute
Means
proportionable
and
adequate
to
the
attainment
of
it
,
deserve
praise
;
and
those
only
are
to
be
dislik'd
,
who
either
foolishly
or
maliciously
set
up
a
corrupt
private
.
Interest
in
one
or
a
few
men
.
Whosoever
therefore
would
judg
of
the
Roman
Changes
,
may
see
,
that
in
expelling
the
Tarquins
,
creating
Consuls
,
abating
the
violence
of
Usurers
,
admitting
Plebeians
to
marry
with
the
Patricians
,
rendring
them
capable
of
Magistracies
,
deducing
Colonies
,
dividing
Lands
gained
from
their
Enemies
,
erecting
Tribunes
to
defend
the
Rights
of
the
Commons
,
appointing
the
Decemviri
to
regulate
the
Law
,
and
abrogating
their
Power
when
they
abused
it
,
creating
Dictators
and
Military
Tribunes
with
a
Consular
Power
,
as
occasions
requir'd
;
they
acted
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
for
the
good
of
the
Publick
;
and
such
Acts
having
always
produced
Effects
sutable
to
the
rectitude
of
their
Intentions
,
they
consequently
deserve
praise
.
But
when
another
Principle
began
to
govern
,
all
things
were
changed
in
a
very
different
manner
:
Evil
Designs
,
tending
only
to
the
advancement
of
private
Interests
,
were
carried
on
in
the
dark
by
means
as
wicked
as
the
end
.
If
Tarquin
when
he
had
a
mind
to
be
King
,
poison'd
his
first
Wife
and
his
Brother
,
contracted
an
incestuous
Marriage
with
his
second
by
the
death
of
her
first
Husband
,
murder'd
her
Father
and
the
best
men
in
Rome
,
yet
Cesar
did
worse
:
He
favour'd
Catiline
and
his
villanous
Associates
;
brided
and
corrupted
Magistrates
;
conspir'd
with
Crassus
and
Pompey
;
continued
in
the
Command
of
an
Army
beyond
the
time
prescribed
by
Law
,
and
turned
the
Arms
with
which
he
had
bin
entrusted
for
the
service
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
the
destruction
of
it
;
which
was
rightly
represented
by
his
Dream
,
that
he
had
constuprated
his
Mother
:
In
the
like
manner
when
Octavius
,
Antonius
and
Lepidus
,
divided
the
Empire
,
and
then
quarrelled
among
themselves
;
and
when
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
and
Vespasian
set
up
Parties
in
several
Provinces
,
all
was
managed
with
Treachery
,
Fraud
and
Cruelty
;
nothing
was
intended
but
the
advancement
of
one
Man
,
and
the
Recompence
of
the
Villains
that
served
him
:
And
when
the
Empire
had
suffered
infinite
Calamities
by
pulling
down
or
rejecting
one
,
and
setting
up
another
,
it
was
for
the
most
part
difficult
to
determine
who
was
the
worst
of
the
two
;
or
whether
the
prevailing
side
had
gained
or
lost
by
their
Victory
.
The
question
therefore
upon
which
a
Judgment
may
be
made
to
the
praise
or
dispraise
of
the
Roman
Government
,
before
or
after
the
loss
of
their
Liberty
,
ought
not
to
be
,
Whether
either
were
subject
to
changes
,
for
neither
they
nor
any
thing
under
the
Sun
was
ever
exempted
from
them
;
but
whether
the
Changes
that
happened
after
the
establishment
of
Absolute
Power
in
the
Emperors
,
did
not
solely
proceed
from
Ambition
,
and
tend
to
the
publick
Ruin
:
whereas
those
Alterations
related
by
our
Author
concerning
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
Decemviri
,
Tribuns
and
Laws
,
were
far
more
rare
,
less
violent
,
tending
to
,
and
procuring
the
publick
Good
,
and
therefore
deserving
praise
.
The
like
having
bin
proved
by
the
Examples
of
other
Kingdoms
,
and
might
be
farther
confirmed
by
many
more
,
which
on
account
of
brevity
I
omit
,
is
in
my
opinion
sufficient
to
manifest
,
that
whilst
the
Foundation
and
Principle
of
a
Government
remains
good
,
the
Superstructures
may
be
changed
according
to
occasions
,
without
any
prejudice
to
it
.
SECT.
XVIII
.
Xenophon
in
blaming
the
Disorders
of
Democracies
,
favours
Aristocracies
,
not
Monarchies
.
IN
the
next
place
our
Author
introduces
Xenophon
,
disallowing
Popular
Governments
:
Cites
Rome
and
Athens
as
places
where
the
best
Men
thriv'd
worst
,
and
the
worst
best
;
and
condemns
the
Romans
for
making
it
capital
to
pass
Sentence
of
Death
,
Banishment
,
loss
of
Liberty
,
or
Stripes
upon
any
Citizen
of
Rome
.
But
lest
his
Fraud
in
this
should
be
detected
,
he
cites
no
precise
Passage
of
any
Author
,
alledges
few
Examples
,
and
those
mistaken
;
never
tells
us
what
that
Law
was
,
when
made
,
or
where
to
be
found
;
whereas
I
hope
to
prove
,
that
he
has
upon
the
whole
matter
abominably
prevaricated
,
and
advanced
things
that
he
knows
to
be
either
impertinent
or
false
.
1.
To
this
end
we
are
in
the
first
place
to
consider
,
whether
Xenophon
speaks
of
Popular
Governments
simply
,
or
comparatively
:
if
simply
,
't
is
confess'd
that
a
pure
Democracy
can
never
be
good
,
unless
for
a
small
Town
;
if
comparatively
,
we
must
examine
to
what
he
compares
it
:
We
are
sure
it
was
not
to
Absolute
Monarchy
;
there
was
no
such
thing
amongst
the
Greeks
established
by
Law
:
The
little
Tyrants
who
had
enslaved
their
own
Countries
,
as
Jason
,
Phaereus
,
Phalaris
,
and
the
like
,
had
no
pretence
to
it
,
and
were
accounted
as
the
worst
of
Beasts
:
None
but
such
as
in
all
bestiality
were
like
to
them
,
did
ever
speak
or
think
well
of
them
:
Xenophon's
Opinion
in
this
point
,
may
be
easily
found
out
by
what
pass'd
between
his
Master
Plato
and
the
Sicilian
Tyrant
;
and
the
matter
will
not
be
mended
by
referring
to
his
own
experience
:
He
had
seen
the
vast
Monarchy
of
Persia
torn
in
pieces
by
the
fury
of
two
Brothers
,
and
more
than
a
million
of
men
brought
to
fight
upon
their
private
quarrel
:
Instead
of
that
Order
,
Stability
and
Strength
which
our
Author
ascribes
to
Absolute
Monarchy
as
the
effect
of
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
he
knew
,
that
by
filling
one
man
with
pride
and
cruelty
,
it
brought
unspeakable
miseries
upon
all
others
,
and
infected
them
with
all
the
Vices
that
accompany
Slavery
:
Men
lived
like
Fishes
;
the
great
ones
devour'd
the
small
;
and
as
appeared
by
Tissaphernes
,
Pharnabazus
,
and
others
with
whom
he
had
to
deal
,
the
worst
and
basest
were
made
to
be
the
greatest
:
The
Satrapes
insulted
over
those
of
meaner
rank
,
with
an
insolence
and
cruelty
that
equal'd
the
depth
of
their
servil
submission
to
their
proud
Master
.
Luxury
and
Avarice
reigned
in
all
:
many
great
Nations
were
made
to
live
for
the
service
of
one
man
,
and
to
foment
his
Vices
.
This
produced
weakness
and
cowardice
;
no
number
of
those
Slaves
were
able
to
stand
against
a
few
free
Grecians
.
No
man
knew
this
better
than
Xenophon
,
who
after
the
death
of
Cyrus
the
younger
,
and
the
treacherous
murder
of
Clearchus
,
and
other
Officers
that
commanded
the
Greeks
who
had
served
him
,
made
his
retreat
from
Babylon
to
the
Hellespont
with
ten
thousand
foot
,
and
passed
over
the
bellies
of
all
that
dared
to
oppose
him
.
He
would
never
have
spent
his
life
in
exciting
his
Countrymen
to
attempt
the
Conquest
of
Asia
,
nor
perswaded
Agesilaus
to
put
himself
at
the
head
of
the
Enterprize
,
if
he
had
thought
there
was
such
admirable
Order
,
Stability
and
Strength
in
that
Monarchy
,
and
in
the
Greeks
nothing
but
giddiness
of
Spirit
,
and
so
much
Learning
as
made
them
seditious
:
Nor
could
he
,
being
a
wise
Man
and
an
excellent
Captain
,
have
conceived
such
a
design
,
if
he
had
not
by
experience
found
that
Liberty
inspir'd
his
Countrymen
with
such
solid
Virtue
,
and
produced
such
Stability
,
good
Order
and
Strength
,
that
with
small
numbers
of
them
he
might
hope
to
overthrow
the
vain
Pomp
of
the
Barbarians
,
and
to
possess
himself
of
their
Riches
,
tho
they
could
bring
more
than
a
hundred
men
to
fight
against
one
;
which
Design
being
interrupted
in
his
time
by
domestick
Wars
,
was
soon
after
his
death
accomplished
by
Alexander
.
But
that
Xenophon's
meaning
may
be
better
understood
,
't
is
good
to
consider
,
that
he
spoke
of
such
Governments
as
were
then
in
use
among
the
Greeks
;
which
tho
mixed
,
yet
took
their
denomination
from
the
prevailing
part
:
so
that
the
Dorians
,
who
placed
the
Power
chiefly
in
the
hands
of
a
few
chosen
men
,
were
said
to
be
governed
Aristocratically
;
and
the
Ionians
giving
more
Power
to
the
common
People
,
Democratically
:
And
he
,
tho
an
Ionian
,
either
through
friendship
to
Agesilaus
,
conversation
with
the
Spartans
,
or
for
other
reasons
best
known
to
himself
,
preferr'd
the
Government
of
Sparta
,
or
some
other
which
he
thought
he
could
frame
,
and
desir'd
to
introduce
,
before
that
of
Athens
;
as
Cimon
,
Thucydides
,
and
many
other
excellent
men
of
that
City
are
said
to
have
done
:
And
if
I
acknowledge
they
were
in
the
right
,
and
that
Athens
was
more
subject
to
disorder
,
and
had
less
Stability
than
Sparta
,
I
think
it
will
be
of
little
advantage
to
Absolute
Monarchy
.
2.
The
Athenians
did
banish
some
worthy
men
,
and
put
others
to
death
;
but
our
Author
,
like
the
Devil
,
never
speaking
truth
,
unless
to
turn
it
into
a
lie
,
prevaricates
in
his
report
of
them
.
The
temporary
banishment
which
they
called
Ostracism
,
was
without
hurt
or
dishonour
,
never
accounted
as
a
Punishment
,
nor
intended
for
any
other
end
,
than
to
put
a
stop
to
the
too
eminent
greatness
of
a
man
,
that
might
prove
dangerous
to
the
City
;
and
some
excellent
Persons
who
fell
under
it
,
were
soon
recalled
and
brought
home
with
glory
.
But
I
am
not
solicitous
whether
that
reason
be
sufficient
to
justify
it
or
not
:
We
are
upon
a
general
Thesis
relating
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
;
and
if
the
Athenians
,
by
a
fancy
of
their
own
,
did
make
an
imprudent
use
of
their
Liberty
,
it
cannot
prejudice
the
publick
Cause
.
They
who
make
the
worst
of
it
can
only
say
,
that
by
such
means
they
,
for
a
time
,
deprived
themselves
of
the
benefits
they
might
have
received
from
the
Virtues
of
some
excellent
men
,
to
the
hurt
of
none
but
themselves
;
and
the
application
of
it
as
an
injustice
done
to
Themistocles
is
absolutely
false
:
He
was
a
man
of
great
Wit.
Industry
and
Valour
[
*
](A60214-e24540-b)
*
Plut.
in
vita
Themist
.
,
but
of
uncertain
Faith
,
too
much
addicted
to
his
own
Interest
,
and
held
a
most
dangerous
Correspondence
with
the
Persians
,
who
then
threatned
the
destruction
of
Greece
.
Through
envy
and
spite
to
Aristides
,
and
to
increase
his
own
Power
,
he
raised
dangerous
Factions
in
the
City
;
and
being
summoned
to
render
an
account
of
his
Proceedings
,
he
declined
the
Judgment
of
his
Country
,
fled
to
their
Enemies
,
and
justly
deserved
the
Sentence
pronounc'd
against
him
.
Some
among
them
were
unjustly
put
to
death
,
and
above
all
Socrates
;
but
the
People
,
who
,
deceived
by
false
Witnesses
,
(
against
whom
neither
the
Laws
of
God
or
Man
have
ever
prescrib'd
a
sufficient
defence
)
had
condemned
him
,
did
so
much
lament
their
Crime
,
when
the
truth
was
discovered
to
them
,
that
I
doubt
whether
a
more
righteous
Judgment
had
given
better
testimony
of
their
righteous
Intentions
.
But
our
Author's
impudence
appears
in
the
highest
excess
,
in
imputing
the
death
of
Phocion
to
the
popular
state
of
Athens
:
Their
Forces
had
bin
broken
in
the
Sicilian
War
;
the
City
taken
,
and
the
principal
men
slain
by
Lysander
;
the
remains
of
the
most
worthy
destroy'd
by
the
thirty
Tyrants
set
up
by
him
;
their
ill-recovered
Liberty
overthrown
by
the
Macedonians
,
and
the
death
of
Phocion
compassed
by
Polyperchon
,
who
with
Foreign
Soldiers
,
Slaves
,
Vagabonds
,
and
Outlaws
,
overpower'd
the
People
.
The
proceedings
of
Rome
may
be
more
compleatly
justified
:
Coriolanus
was
duly
condemn'd
,
he
set
too
great
a
price
upon
his
own
Valour
,
and
arrogated
to
himself
a
Power
in
Rome
,
which
would
hardly
have
bin
indur'd
in
Corioli
:
His
violence
and
pride
overbalanced
his
Services
;
and
he
that
would
submit
to
no
Law
,
was
justly
driven
out
from
the
Society
which
could
subsist
only
by
Law
.
Quintius
was
not
unlike
him
,
and
Manlius
Capitolinus
far
worse
than
either
.
Their
Virtues
were
not
to
be
consider'd
when
they
departed
from
them
.
Consideration
ought
to
be
had
of
human
srailty
,
and
some
indulgence
may
be
extended
to
those
who
commit
Errors
,
after
having
done
important
Services
;
but
a
State
cannot
subsist
,
which
compensating
evil
Actions
with
good
,
gives
impunity
to
the
most
dangerous
Crimes
,
in
remembrance
of
any
Services
whatever
.
He
that
dos
well
,
performs
his
duty
,
and
ought
always
to
do
so
:
Justice
and
Prudence
concur
in
this
;
and
't
is
no
less
just
than
profitable
,
that
every
Action
be
considered
by
it self
,
and
such
a
reward
or
punishment
allotted
to
it
,
as
in
nature
and
proportion
it
doth
best
deserve
.
This
,
as
I
suppose
,
is
enough
for
their
Cases
;
but
relates
not
to
those
of
Mamercus
,
Camillus
,
Livius
Salinator
,
and
Emylius
Paulus
;
their
Virtue
was
compleat
,
they
were
wrongfully
sentenc'd
.
But
the
best
Princes
,
Senate
or
People
that
ever
was
in
the
world
,
by
the
deceit
of
evil
men
,
may
and
have
bin
drawn
out
of
the
way
of
Justice
:
Yet
of
all
the
States
that
are
known
to
us
,
none
was
ever
so
free
from
Crimes
of
malice
and
wilful
injustice
;
none
was
ever
guilty
of
so
few
Errors
as
that
of
Rome
;
and
none
did
ever
give
better
testimonies
of
Repentance
,
when
they
were
discovered
,
than
the
Romans
did
by
the
Veneration
they
shew'd
to
those
worthy
Persons
,
and
the
Honours
they
conferr'd
upon
them
asterwards
.
[
*
](A60214-e24780-b)
*
T.
Liv.
Mamercus
was
made
Dictator
,
to
repair
the
unjust
mark
of
Infamy
laid
upon
him
by
the
Censors
.
Camillus
being
recall'd
from
his
banishment
,
often
enjoyed
the
same
honour
,
and
died
the
most
reverenced
Man
that
had
ever
bin
in
that
City
.
Livius
Salinator
was
not
only
made
Consul
after
he
had
bin
fined
,
but
the
People
(
as
it
were
to
expiate
the
guilt
of
having
condemn'd
him
)
suffer'd
that
asperity
of
speech
and
manners
,
which
might
have
perswaded
such
as
had
bin
less
confident
of
his
Virtue
and
their
own
,
that
he
desir'd
to
be
reveng'd
,
tho
it
were
with
the
ruin
of
the
City
.
They
dealt
in
the
like
manner
with
Paulus
Emylius
,
repairing
the
injury
of
a
Fine
unduly
impos'd
.
Their
generosity
in
leaving
the
Tribuns
in
the
Forum
,
with
their
Accusation
against
Scipio
Africanus
,
and
following
him
to
celebrate
an
annual
Sacrifice
in
the
Capitol
,
in
commemoration
of
his
Victory
against
Hannibal
,
was
no
less
admirable
than
the
greatness
of
his
mind
,
who
thought
his
Virtue
should
be
so
well
known
,
that
no
account
ought
to
be
expected
from
him
;
which
was
an
Error
proceeding
from
a
noble
Root
,
but
not
to
be
born
in
a
well-govern'd
Commonwealth
.
The
Laws
that
aim
at
the
publick
Good
,
make
no
distinction
of
persons
;
and
none
can
be
exempted
from
the
Penalties
of
them
,
otherwise
than
by
approved
Innocence
,
which
cannot
appear
without
a
Trial
:
He
that
will
not
bend
his
mind
to
them
,
shakes
off
the
equality
of
a
Citizen
,
and
usurps
a
Power
above
the
Law
,
to
which
no
man
submits
upon
any
other
condition
,
than
that
none
should
be
exempted
from
the
power
of
it
.
And
Scipio
being
the
first
Roman
that
thus
disdained
the
Power
of
the
Law
,
I
do
not
know
whether
the
prejudice
brought
upon
the
City
by
so
dangerous
an
Example
,
did
not
outweight
all
the
Services
he
had
done
:
Nevertheless
the
people
contented
with
his
retirement
to
his
own
house
,
and
afterwards
convinc'd
of
his
innocence
,
would
probably
(
if
he
had
not
died
in
a
few
months
)
have
brought
him
back
with
the
Honours
that
Fate
reserved
for
his
ashes
.
I
do
not
at
present
remember
any
other
eminent
men
,
who
can
be
said
in
any
respect
to
have
thrived
ill
,
whilst
the
People
and
Senat
of
Rome
acted
freely
;
and
if
this
be
not
sufficient
to
clear
the
point
,
I
desire
to
know
the
names
of
those
worst
men
that
thrived
best
.
If
they
may
have
bin
judged
to
thrive
,
who
were
frequently
advanced
to
the
supreme
Magistracies
,
and
enjoy'd
the
chief
Honours
;
I
find
no
men
so
eminent
as
Brutus
,
Publicola
,
Quintius
Cincinnatus
,
and
Capitolinus
,
the
two
Fabii
sirnamed
Maximi
,
Corvinus
,
Torquatus
,
Camillus
,
and
the
like
:
and
if
these
were
the
worst
Men
that
Rome
produced
in
those
Ages
,
Valour
,
Wisdom
,
Industry
in
the
Service
of
their
Country
,
and
a
most
intire
Love
to
it
must
have
bin
the
worst
of
qualities
;
and
I
presume
our
Author
may
have
thought
them
so
,
since
they
were
invincible
obstacles
to
the
introduction
of
that
Divine
Monarchy
which
Appius
Claudius
the
Decemvir
,
Manlius
Capitolinus
,
Spurius
Cassius
,
Sp.
Melius
,
and
some
others
may
be
thought
to
have
affected
.
However
,
these
instances
are
not
to
be
understood
as
they
are
simply
in
themselves
,
but
comparatively
with
what
has
happen'd
in
other
places
under
absolute
Monarchies
:
for
our
inquiry
is
not
after
that
which
is
perfect
,
well
knowing
that
no
such
thing
is
found
among
men
;
but
we
seek
that
human
Constitution
which
is
attended
with
the
least
,
or
the
most
pardonable
inconveniences
.
And
if
we
find
that
in
the
space
of
three
hundred
years
,
whilst
the
Senate
,
People
,
and
legally
created
Magistrates
governed
Rome
,
not
one
worthy
man
was
put
to
death
,
not
above
five
or
six
condemned
to
Fines
by
the
beguiled
People
,
and
those
injuries
repair'd
by
the
most
honourable
satisfaction
that
could
be
given
;
so
that
Virtue
continued
ever
flourishing
;
the
best
men
that
could
be
found
were
put
into
the
chief
Commands
,
and
the
City
was
filled
with
more
excellent
men
than
were
ever
known
to
be
in
any
other
place
:
And
on
the
other
side
,
if
the
Emperors
so
soon
as
the
Government
was
changed
,
made
it
their
business
to
destroy
the
best
,
and
so
far
succeeded
in
their
design
,
that
they
left
none
;
and
never
failed
to
advance
the
worst
,
unless
it
fell
out
as
to
Queen
Katherine
de
Medicis
,
who
is
said
never
to
have
done
any
good
but
by
mistake
,
and
some
few
may
have
proved
better
than
was
intended
;
it
will
appear
,
that
our
Author's
Assertions
are
in
the
utmost
degree
false
.
Of
this
we
need
no
better
witness
than
Tacitus
.
The
Civil
Wars
,
and
the
Proscriptions
upon
which
he
touches
,
are
justly
to
be
attributed
to
that
Monarchy
which
was
then
setting
up
,
the
only
question
being
who
should
be
the
Monarch
,
when
the
Liberty
was
already
overthrown
.
And
if
any
eminent
men
escaped
,
it
was
much
against
the
will
of
those
who
had
usurped
the
power
:
He
acknowledges
his
Histories
to
be
a
continued
relation
of
the
slaughter
of
the
most
illustrious
Persons
,
and
that
in
the
times
of
which
he
writes
,
Virtue
was
attended
with
certain
destruction
.
After
the
death
of
Germanicus
and
his
eldest
Children
,
Valerius
Asiaticus
,
Seneca
,
Corbulo
,
and
an
infinite
number
more
who
were
thought
most
to
resemble
them
,
found
this
to
be
true
at
the
expence
of
their
lives
:
Nero
,
in
pursuance
of
the
same
tyrannical
design
,
murder'd
Helvidius
and
Thraseas
,
that
he
might
tear
up
Virtue
by
the
roots
:
Domitian
Sejanus
,
Macro
,
Narcissus
,
Pallas
,
Tigillinus
,
Icetus
,
Vinnius
,
Laco
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
had
the
power
of
the
Empire
in
their
hands
.
Therefore
,
unless
Mankind
has
bin
mistaken
to
this
day
,
and
that
these
,
who
have
hitherto
bin
accounted
the
worst
of
Villains
,
were
indeed
the
best
men
in
the
world
,
and
that
those
destroy'd
by
them
,
who
are
thought
to
have
bin
the
best
,
were
truly
the
worst
,
it
cannot
be
denied
that
the
best
men
,
during
the
Liberty
of
Rome
,
thrived
best
;
that
good
men
suffer'd
no
indignity
,
unless
by
some
fraud
imposed
upon
the
well-meaning
People
;
and
that
so
soon
as
the
Liberty
was
subverted
,
the
worst
men
thrived
best
.
The
best
men
were
exposed
to
so
many
Calamities
and
Snares
,
that
it
was
thought
a
matter
of
great
wonder
to
see
a
virtuous
man
die
in
his
bed
:
and
if
the
account
were
well
made
,
I
think
it
might
appear
,
that
every
one
of
the
Emperors
before
Titus
shed
more
noble
and
innocent
Blood
than
Rome
and
all
the
Commonwealths
in
the
world
have
done
whilst
they
had
the
free
enjoyment
of
their
own
Liberty
.
But
if
any
man
in
favour
of
our
Author
seek
to
diminish
this
vast
disproportion
between
the
two
differing
sorts
of
Government
,
and
impute
the
disorders
that
happen'd
in
the
time
of
the
Gracchi
,
and
others
,
whilst
Rome
was
strugling
for
her
Liberty
,
to
the
Government
of
a
Commonwealth
,
he
will
find
them
no
more
to
be
compar'd
with
those
that
fell
out
afterwards
,
than
the
railings
of
a
turbulent
Tribune
against
the
Senate
,
to
the
Villanies
and
Cruelties
that
corrupted
and
dispeopled
the
Provinces
from
Babylon
to
Scotland
:
And
whereas
the
State
never
fail'd
to
recover
from
any
disorders
,
as
long
as
the
Root
of
Liberty
remain'd
untouch'd
,
and
became
more
powerful
and
glorious
than
ever
,
even
after
the
Wars
of
Marius
and
Sylla
;
when
that
was
destroy'd
,
the
City
fell
into
a
languishing
condition
,
and
grew
weaker
and
weaker
,
till
that
and
the
whole
Empire
was
ruin'd
by
the
Barbarians
.
3.
Our
Author
,
to
shew
that
his
memory
is
as
good
as
his
judgment
,
having
represented
Rome
in
the
times
of
Liberty
as
a
publick
Slaughter-house
,
soon
after
blames
the
clemency
of
their
Laws
;
whereas
't
is
impossible
that
the
same
City
could
at
the
same
time
be
guilty
of
those
contrary
extremities
;
and
no
less
certain
,
that
it
was
perfectly
free
from
them
both
.
His
assertion
seems
to
be
grounded
upon
Cesar's
Speech
(
related
by
Salust
)
in
favour
of
Lentulus
and
Cethegus
Companions
Pomaerium
vel
extra
Pomaerium
.
He
was
tried
by
this
Law
upon
an
appeal
made
to
the
People
by
his
Father
,
and
absolved
admiratione
magis
virtutis
quam
jure
causae
;
which
could
not
have
bin
,
if
by
the
Law
no
Citizen
might
be
put
to
death
.
The
Sons
of
Brutus
were
condemn'd
to
death
in
publick
,
and
executed
with
the
Aquilii
and
Vitellii
their
Companions
in
the
same
Conspiracy
:
Manlius
Capitolinus
was
put
to
death
by
the
vote
of
the
People
:
Titus
Manlius
by
the
command
of
his
Father
Torquatus
,
for
fighting
without
order
:
Two
Legions
were
decimated
by
Appius
Claudius
:
Spurius
Melius
refusing
to
appear
before
the
Dictator
,
was
killed
by
Servilius
Ahala
General
of
the
Horse
,
and
pronounced
jure
caesum
:
Quintus
Fabius
was
by
Papirius
the
Dictator
condemn'd
to
die
,
and
could
not
have
bin
saved
but
by
the
intercession
and
authority
of
the
People
.
If
this
be
not
so
,
I
desire
to
be
informed
what
the
Senate
meant
by
condemning
Nero
to
be
put
to
death
more
majorum
,
if
more
majorum
no
Citizen
might
be
put
to
death
:
Why
the
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
Military
Tribuns
,
Decemviri
,
caused
Rods
and
Axes
to
be
carried
beforethem
,
as
well
within
as
without
the
City
,
if
no
use
was
to
be
made
of
them
.
Were
they
only
vain
Badges
of
a
Power
never
to
be
executed
;
or
upon
whom
was
the
Supreme
Power
signified
by
them
,
to
be
exercised
within
and
without
the
City
,
if
the
Citizens
were
not
subject
to
it
?
'T
is
strange
that
a
man
who
had
ever
read
a
Book
of
matters
relating
to
the
Affairs
of
Rome
,
should
fancy
these
things
;
or
hope
to
impose
them
upon
the
World
,
if
he
knew
them
to
be
foolish
,
false
,
and
absurd
.
But
of
all
the
marks
of
a
most
supine
stupidity
that
can
be
given
by
a
man
,
I
know
no
one
equal
to
this
of
our
Author
,
who
in
the
same
Clause
wherein
he
says
no
Citizen
could
be
put
to
death
or
banished
,
adds
,
that
the
Magistrates
were
upon
pain
of
death
forbidden
to
do
it
;
for
if
a
Magistrate
might
be
put
to
death
for
banishing
a
Citizen
,
or
causing
him
to
be
executed
,
a
Citizen
might
be
put
to
death
;
for
the
Magistrates
were
not
Strangers
,
but
Citizens
.
If
this
was
not
so
,
he
must
think
that
no
Crime
was
capital
,
but
the
punishment
of
capital
Crimes
;
or
that
no
man
was
subject
to
the
Supreme
Power
,
but
he
that
was
created
for
the
execution
of
it
.
Yet
even
this
will
not
stop
the
gap
;
for
the
Law
that
condemned
the
Magistrate
to
die
,
could
be
of
no
effect
,
if
there
were
no
man
to
execute
it
;
and
there
could
be
none
if
the
Law
prohibited
it
,
or
that
he
who
did
it
was
to
die
for
it
:
And
this
goes
on
to
infinity
.
For
is
a
Magistrate
could
not
put
a
Citizen
to
death
,
I
suppose
a
Citizen
could
not
put
to
death
a
Magistrate
;
for
he
also
is
a
Citizen
.
So
that
upon
the
whole
matter
we
may
conclude
,
that
Malice
is
blind
,
and
that
Wickedness
is
Madness
.
'T
is
hard
to
say
more
in
praise
of
Popular
Governments
than
will
result
from
what
he
says
against
them
:
his
reproaches
are
Praises
,
and
his
Praises
reproaches
.
As
Government
is
instituted
for
the
preservation
of
the
governed
,
the
Romans
were
sparing
of
Blood
,
and
are
wisely
commended
by
Livy
for
it
:
Nulli
unquam
Populo
mitiores
placuere
poenae
;
which
gentleness
will
never
be
blamed
,
unless
by
those
who
are
pleased
with
nothing
so
much
as
the
fury
of
those
Monsters
,
who
with
the
ruin
of
the
best
part
of
mankind
,
usurp'd
the
dominion
of
that
glorious
City
.
But
if
the
Romans
were
gentle
in
punishing
Offences
,
they
were
also
diligent
in
preventing
them
:
the
excellence
of
their
Discipline
led
the
Youth
to
Virtue
,
and
the
Honours
they
received
for
recompence
confirmed
them
in
it
.
By
this
means
many
of
them
became
Laws
to
themselves
;
and
they
who
were
not
the
most
excellent
,
were
yet
taught
so
much
of
good
,
that
they
had
a
veneration
for
those
they
could
not
equal
,
which
not
only
served
to
incite
them
to
do
well
according
to
their
Talents
,
but
kept
them
in
such
aw
as
to
fear
incurring
their
ill
opinion
by
any
bad
action
,
as
much
as
by
the
penalty
of
the
Law
.
This
integrity
of
manners
made
the
Laws
as
it
were
useless
;
and
whilst
they
seemed
to
sleep
,
ignorant
persons
thought
there
were
none
:
But
their
Discipline
being
corrupted
by
Prosperity
,
those
Vices
came
in
which
made
way
for
the
Monarchy
;
and
Wickedness
being
placed
in
the
Throne
,
there
was
no
safety
for
any
but
such
as
would
be
of
the
same
spirit
,
and
the
Empire
was
ruined
by
it
.
SECT.
XIX
.
That
Corruption
and
Venality
which
is
natural
to
Courts
,
is
seldom
found
in
Popular
Governments
.
OUr
Author's
next
work
is
,
with
that
modesty
and
truth
which
is
natural
to
him
,
to
impute
Corruption
and
Venality
to
Commonwealths
.
He
knows
that
Monarchies
are
exempted
from
those
evils
,
and
has
discovered
this
truth
from
the
integrity
observed
in
the
modern
Courts
of
England
,
France
,
and
Spain
,
or
the
more
antient
of
Rome
and
Persia
:
But
after
many
falshoods
in
matter
of
fact
,
and
misrepresentations
of
that
which
is
true
,
he
shews
that
the
Corruption
,
Venality
,
and
Violence
he
blames
,
were
neither
the
effects
of
Liberty
,
nor
consistent
with
it
.
Cneius
Manlius
,
who
with
his
Asiatic
Army
brought
in
the
Luxury
that
gave
birth
to
those
mischiefs
,
did
probably
follow
the
loosenss
of
his
own
disposition
;
yet
the
best
and
wisest
men
of
that
time
knew
from
the
beginning
that
it
would
ruin
the
City
,
unless
a
stop
might
be
put
to
the
course
of
that
evil
:
But
they
who
had
seen
Kings
under
their
feet
,
and
could
no
longer
content
themselves
with
that
equality
which
is
necessary
among
Citizens
,
fomented
it
as
the
chief
means
to
advance
their
ambitious
designs
.
Tho
Marius
was
rigid
in
his
nature
,
and
cared
neither
for
Mony
nor
sensual
Pleasures
,
yet
he
favour'd
those
Vices
in
others
,
and
is
said
to
be
the
first
that
made
use
of
them
to
his
advantage
.
Catiline
was
one
of
the
lewdest
men
in
the
world
,
and
had
no
other
way
of
compassing
his
designs
than
by
rendring
others
as
bad
as
himself
:
and
Cesar
set
up
his
Tyranny
by
spreading
that
corruption
farther
than
the
others
had
bin
able
to
do
;
and
tho
he
,
Caligula
,
and
some
others
were
slain
,
yet
the
best
men
found
it
as
impossible
to
restore
Liberty
to
the
City
when
it
was
corrupted
,
as
the
worst
had
done
to
set
up
a
Tyranny
whilst
the
integrity
of
their
manners
did
continue
.
Men
have
a
strange
propensity
to
run
into
all
manner
of
excesses
,
when
plenty
of
means
invite
,
and
that
there
is
no
power
to
deter
;
of
which
the
succeeding
Emperors
took
advantage
,
and
knowing
that
even
their
subsistence
depended
upon
it
,
they
thought
themselves
obliged
by
interest
as
well
as
inclination
to
make
Honours
and
Preferments
the
rewards
of
Vice
:
and
tho
it
be
not
always
true
in
the
utmost
extent
that
all
men
follow
the
example
of
the
King
;
yet
it
is
of
very
great
efficacy
:
Tho
some
are
so
good
that
they
will
not
be
perverted
,
and
others
so
bad
that
they
will
not
be
corrected
;
yet
a
great
number
dos
always
follow
the
course
that
is
favour'd
and
rewarded
by
those
that
govern
.
There
were
Idolaters
doubtless
among
the
Jews
in
the
days
of
David
and
Hezekiah
;
but
they
prosper'd
better
under
Jeroboam
and
Ahab
:
England
was
not
without
Papists
in
the
time
of
Queen
Elizabeth
;
but
they
thrived
much
better
during
the
Reign
of
her
furious
Sister
.
False
Witnesses
and
Accusers
had
a
better
trade
under
Tiberius
,
who
called
them
Custodes
Legum
,
than
under
Trajan
who
abhorred
them
;
and
Whores
,
Players
,
Fidlers
,
with
other
such
Vermin
,
abounded
certainly
more
when
encouraged
by
Nero
than
when
despised
by
Antoninus
and
Marcus
Aurelius
.
But
as
every
one
of
these
manifested
what
he
was
by
those
he
favour'd
or
punish'd
,
and
that
a
man
can
only
be
judged
by
his
principles
or
practices
,
he
that
would
know
whether
absolute
Monarchies
or
mixed
Governments
do
most
foment
or
punish
Venality
and
Corruption
,
ought
to
examine
the
principle
and
practice
of
both
,
and
compare
them
one
with
the
other
.
As
to
the
principle
,
the
above-mentioned
Vices
may
be
profitable
to
private
men
,
but
they
can
never
be
so
to
the
Government
,
if
it
be
popular
or
mixed
:
No
People
was
ever
the
better
for
that
which
renders
them
weak
or
base
;
and
a
duly
created
Magistracy
,
governing
a
Nation
with
their
consent
,
can
have
no
interest
distinct
from
that
of
the
Publick
,
or
desire
to
diminish
the
strength
of
the
People
,
which
is
their
own
,
and
by
which
they
subsist
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
absolute
Monarch
who
governs
for
himself
,
and
chiefly
seeks
his
own
preservation
,
looks
upon
the
strength
and
bravery
of
his
Subjects
as
the
root
of
his
greatest
danger
,
and
frequently
desires
to
render
them
weak
,
base
,
corrupt
,
and
unfaithful
to
each
other
,
that
they
may
neither
dare
to
attempt
the
breaking
of
the
Yoak
he
lays
upon
them
,
nor
trust
one
another
in
any
generous
design
for
the
recovery
of
their
Liberty
.
So
that
the
same
corruption
which
preserves
such
a
Prince
,
if
it
were
introduced
by
a
People
,
would
weaken
,
if
not
utterly
destroy
them
.
Again
,
all
things
have
their
continuance
from
a
principle
in
Nature
sutable
to
their
Original
:
all
Tyrannies
have
had
their
beginnings
from
corruption
.
The
Histories
of
Greece
,
Sicily
,
and
Italy
shew
that
all
those
who
made
themselves
Tyrants
in
several
places
,
did
it
by
the
help
of
the
worst
,
and
the
slaughter
of
the
best
:
Men
could
not
be
made
subservient
to
their
Lusts
whilst
they
continued
in
their
integrity
;
so
as
their
business
was
to
destroy
those
who
would
not
be
corrupted
.
They
must
therefore
endeavour
to
maintain
or
increase
the
corruption
by
which
they
attain
their
greatness
:
If
they
fail
in
this
point
,
they
must
fall
as
Tarquin
,
Pisistratus
,
and
others
have
done
;
but
if
they
succeed
so
far
that
the
vicious
part
do
much
prevail
,
the
Government
is
secure
,
tho
the
Prince
may
be
in
danger
.
And
the
same
thing
doth
in
a
great
measure
accidentally
conduce
to
the
safety
of
his
Person
:
For
they
who
for
the
most
part
are
the
Authors
of
great
Revolutions
,
not
being
so
much
led
by
a
particular
hatred
to
the
man
,
as
by
a
desire
to
do
good
to
the
publick
,
seldom
set
themselves
to
conspire
against
the
Tyrant
,
unless
he
be
altogether
detestable
and
intolerable
,
if
they
do
not
hope
to
overthrow
the
Tyranny
.
The
contrary
is
seen
in
all
popular
and
well-mixed
Governments
:
they
are
ever
established
by
wise
and
good
men
,
and
can
never
be
upheld
otherwise
than
by
Virtue
:
The
worst
men
always
conspiring
against
them
,
they
must
fall
,
if
the
best
have
not
power
to
preserve
them
.
Wheresoever
therefore
a
People
is
so
governed
,
the
Magistrates
will
obviate
afar
off
the
introduction
of
Vices
,
which
tend
as
much
to
the
ruin
of
their
Persons
and
Government
,
as
to
the
preservation
of
the
Prince
and
his
.
This
is
evidenced
by
experience
.
'T
is
not
easy
to
name
a
Monarch
that
had
so
many
good
qualities
as
Julius
Cesar
,
till
they
were
extinguished
by
his
ambition
,
which
was
inconsistent
with
them
:
He
knew
that
his
strength
lay
in
the
corruption
of
the
People
,
and
that
he
could
not
accomplish
his
designs
without
increasing
it
.
He
did
not
seek
good
men
,
but
such
as
would
be
for
him
;
and
thought
none
sufficiently
addicted
to
his
Interests
,
but
such
as
stuck
at
the
performance
of
no
wickedness
that
he
commanded
:
he
was
a
Souldier
according
to
Cesar's
heart
who
said
,
Pectore
si
fratris
gladium
juguloque
parentis
Condere
me
jubeas
,
gravidaeve
in
viscera
partu
Conjugis
,
invita
peragam
tamen
omnia
dextra
.
Lucan
.
And
lest
such
as
were
devoted
to
him
should
grow
faint
in
Villany
,
he
industriously
inflamed
their
fury
:
—
Vult
omni●
Caesar
A
se
saeva
peti
,
vult
praemia
Martis
amari
.
Ib.
Having
spread
this
Poison
amongst
the
Souldiers
,
his
next
work
was
by
corrupting
the
Tribuns
to
turn
the
Power
to
the
destruction
of
the
People
,
which
had
bin
erected
for
their
preservation
;
and
pouring
the
Treasures
he
had
gained
by
rapine
in
Gaul
into
the
bosom
of
Curio
,
made
him
an
instrument
of
mischief
,
who
had
bin
a
most
eminent
Supporter
of
the
Laws
.
Tho
he
was
thought
to
have
affected
the
glory
of
sparing
Cato
,
and
with
trouble
to
have
found
that
he
despised
life
when
it
was
to
be
accounted
his
gift
;
yet
in
suspecting
Brutus
and
Cassius
,
he
shew'd
he
could
not
believe
that
virtuous
men
who
loved
their
Country
could
be
his
Friends
.
Such
as
carry
on
the
like
designs
with
less
Valour
,
Wit
,
and
Generosity
of
Spirit
,
will
always
be
more
bitterly
bent
to
destroy
all
that
are
good
,
knowing
that
the
deformity
of
their
own
Vices
is
rendred
most
manifest
,
when
they
are
compared
with
the
good
qualities
of
those
who
are
most
unlike
them
;
and
that
they
can
never
defend
themselves
against
the
scorn
and
hatred
they
incur
by
their
Vices
,
unless
such
a
number
can
be
infected
with
the
same
,
and
made
to
delight
in
the
recompences
of
iniquity
that
foment
them
,
as
may
be
able
to
keep
the
rest
of
the
People
in
subjection
.
The
same
thing
happens
even
when
the
Usurpation
is
not
so
violent
as
that
of
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
or
the
last
King
of
Denmark
,
who
in
one
day
by
the
strength
of
a
mercenary
Souldiery
overthrew
all
the
Laws
of
his
Country
:
and
a
lawfully
created
Magistrate
is
forced
to
follow
the
same
ways
as
soon
as
he
begins
to
affect
a
power
which
the
Laws
do
not
confer
upon
him
.
I
wish
I
could
say
there
were
few
of
these
;
but
experience
shews
that
such
a
proportion
of
Wisdom
,
moderation
of
Spirit
,
and
Justice
is
requir'd
in
a
supreme
Magistrate
,
to
render
him
content
with
a
limited
Power
,
as
is
seldom
found
.
Man
is
of
an
aspiring
nature
,
and
apt
to
put
too
high
a
value
upon
himself
;
they
who
are
raised
above
their
Brethren
,
tho
but
a
little
,
desire
to
go
farther
;
and
if
they
gain
the
name
of
King
,
they
think
themselves
wronged
and
degraded
,
when
they
are
not
suffer'd
to
do
what
they
please
.
Sanctitas
,
pietas
,
fides
In
these
things
they
never
want
Masters
;
and
the
nearer
they
come
to
a
power
that
is
not
easily
restrained
by
Law
,
the
more
passionately
they
desire
to
abolish
all
that
opposes
it
:
and
when
their
Hearts
are
filled
with
this
fury
,
they
never
fail
to
chuse
such
Ministers
as
will
be
subservient
to
their
Will
:
and
this
is
so
well
known
,
that
those
only
approach
them
who
resolve
to
be
so
.
Their
interests
as
well
as
their
inclinations
incite
them
to
diffuse
their
own
manners
as
far
as
they
can
,
which
is
no
less
than
to
bring
those
who
are
under
their
power
to
all
that
wickedness
of
which
the
nature
of
man
is
capable
;
and
no
greater
testimony
can
be
given
of
the
efficacy
of
these
means
towards
the
utter
corruption
of
Nations
,
than
the
accursed
effects
we
see
of
them
in
our
own
and
the
neighbouring
Countries
.
It
may
be
said
that
some
Princes
are
so
full
of
Virtue
and
Goodness
,
as
not
to
desire
more
power
than
the
Laws
allow
,
and
are
not
obliged
to
chuse
ill
men
,
because
they
desire
nothing
but
what
the
best
are
willing
to
do
.
This
may
be
,
and
sometimes
is
:
the
Nation
is
happy
that
has
such
a
King
:
but
he
is
hard
to
find
,
and
more
than
a
human
power
is
required
to
keep
him
in
so
good
a
way
.
The
strength
of
his
own
affections
will
ever
be
against
him
:
Wives
,
Children
,
and
Servants
will
always
join
with
those
Enemies
that
arise
in
his
own
breast
to
pervert
him
:
if
he
has
any
weak
side
,
any
Lust
unsubdued
,
they
will
gain
the
victory
.
He
has
not
search'd
into
the
nature
of
man
,
who
thinks
that
any
one
can
resist
when
he
is
thus
on
all
sides
assaulted
:
Nothing
but
the
wonderful
and
immediate
power
of
God's
Spirit
can
preserve
him
;
and
to
alledg
it
will
be
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
unless
it
can
be
proved
that
all
Princes
are
blessed
with
such
an
assistance
,
or
that
God
hath
promised
it
to
them
and
their
Successors
for
ever
,
by
what
means
soever
they
came
to
the
Crowns
they
enjoy
.
Nothing
is
farther
from
my
intention
than
to
speak
irreverently
of
Kings
;
and
I
presume
no
wise
man
will
think
I
do
so
,
if
I
profess
,
that
having
observed
as
well
as
I
can
what
History
and
daily
Experience
teach
us
concerning
the
Virtues
and
Religions
that
are
or
have
bin
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
encouraged
and
supported
by
Monarchs
,
the
methods
they
have
follow'd
since
they
have
gone
under
the
name
of
Christians
,
their
moral
as
well
as
their
theological
Graces
,
together
with
what
the
Scriptures
tell
us
of
those
who
in
the
last
days
will
principally
support
the
Throne
of
Antichrist
;
I
cannot
be
confident
that
they
are
generally
in
an
extraordinary
manner
preserved
by
the
hand
of
God
from
the
Vices
and
Frailties
to
which
the
rest
of
mankind
is
subject
.
If
no
man
can
shew
that
I
am
in
this
mistaken
,
I
may
conclude
,
that
as
they
are
more
than
any
other
men
in
the
world
exposed
to
temptations
and
snares
,
they
are
more
than
any
in
danger
of
being
corrupted
,
and
made
Instruments
of
corrupting
others
,
if
they
are
no
otherwise
defended
than
the
rest
of
men
.
This
being
the
state
of
the
matter
on
both
sides
,
we
may
easily
collect
,
that
all
Governments
are
subject
to
corruption
and
decay
;
but
with
this
difference
,
that
Absolute
Monarchy
is
by
principle
led
unto
,
or
rooted
in
it
;
whereas
mixed
or
popular
Governments
are
only
in
a
possibility
of
falling
into
it
:
As
the
first
cannot
subsist
,
unless
the
prevailing
part
of
the
people
be
corrupted
;
the
other
must
certainly
perish
,
unless
they
be
preserved
in
a
great
measure
free
from
Vices
:
and
I
doubt
whether
any
better
reason
can
be
given
,
why
there
have
bin
and
are
more
Monarchies
than
popular
Governments
in
the
world
,
than
that
Nations
are
more
easily
drawn
into
corruption
than
defended
from
it
;
and
I
think
that
Monarchy
can
be
said
to
be
natural
in
no
other
sense
,
than
that
our
depraved
nature
is
most
inclined
to
that
which
is
worst
.
To
avoid
unnecessary
Disputes
,
I
give
the
name
of
Popular
Governments
to
those
of
Rome
,
Athens
,
Sparta
,
and
the
like
,
tho
improperly
,
unless
the
same
may
also
be
given
to
many
that
are
usually
called
Monarchies
,
since
there
is
nothing
of
violence
in
either
;
the
Power
is
conferr'd
upon
the
chief
Magistrates
of
both
by
the
free
consent
of
a
willing
People
,
and
such
a
part
as
they
think
fit
is
still
retained
and
executed
in
their
own
Assemblies
;
and
in
this
sense
it
is
that
our
Author
seems
to
speak
against
them
.
As
to
Popular
Government
in
the
strictest
sense
,
(
that
is
pure
Democracy
,
where
the
People
in
themselves
,
and
by
themselves
,
perform
all
that
belongs
to
Government
)
I
know
of
no
such
thing
;
and
if
it
be
in
the
World
,
have
nothing
to
say
for
it
.
In
asserting
the
Liberty
,
generally
,
as
I
suppose
,
granted
by
God
to
all
mankind
,
I
neither
deny
,
that
so
many
as
think
fit
to
enter
into
a
Society
,
may
give
so
much
of
their
Power
as
they
please
to
one
or
more
men
,
for
a
time
or
perpetually
,
to
them
and
their
Heirs
,
according
to
such
Rules
as
they
prescribe
;
nor
approve
the
Disorders
that
must
arise
if
they
keep
it
intirely
in
their
own
hands
:
And
looking
upon
the
several
Governments
,
which
under
different
forms
and
names
have
bin
regularly
constituted
by
Nations
,
as
so
many
undeniable
Testimonies
,
that
they
thought
it
good
for
themselves
and
their
Posterity
so
to
do
,
I
infer
,
that
as
there
is
no
man
who
would
not
rather
chuse
to
be
governed
by
such
as
are
just
,
industrious
,
valiant
and
wise
,
than
by
those
that
are
wicked
,
slothful
,
cowardly
and
foolish
;
and
to
live
in
society
with
such
as
are
qualified
like
those
of
the
first
sort
,
rather
than
with
those
who
will
be
ever
ready
to
commit
all
manner
of
Villanies
,
or
want
experience
,
strength
or
courage
,
to
join
in
repelling
the
Injuries
that
are
offer'd
by
others
:
So
there
are
none
who
do
not
according
to
the
measure
of
understanding
they
have
,
endeavour
to
set
up
those
who
seem
to
be
best
qualified
,
and
to
prevent
the
introduction
of
those
Vices
,
which
render
the
Faith
of
the
Magistrate
suspected
,
or
make
him
unable
to
perform
his
duty
,
in
providing
for
the
execution
of
Justice
,
and
the
publick
defence
of
the
State
against
Foreign
or
Domestick
Enemies
.
For
as
no
man
who
is
not
absolutely
mad
,
will
commit
the
care
of
a
Flock
to
a
Villain
,
that
has
neither
skill
,
diligence
,
nor
courage
to
defend
them
,
or
perhaps
is
maliciously
set
to
destroy
them
,
rather
than
to
a
stout
,
faithful
,
and
wise
Shepherd
;
't
is
less
to
be
imagined
that
any
would
commit
the
same
error
in
relation
to
that
Society
which
comprehends
himself
with
his
Children
,
Friends
,
and
all
that
is
dear
to
him
.
The
same
Considerations
are
of
equal
force
in
relation
to
the
Body
of
every
Nation
:
For
since
the
Magistrate
,
tho
the
most
perfect
in
his
kind
,
cannot
perform
his
duty
,
if
the
people
be
so
base
,
vicious
,
effeminate
and
cowardly
,
as
not
to
second
his
good
Intentions
;
those
who
expect
good
from
him
,
cannot
desire
so
to
corrupt
their
Companions
that
are
to
help
him
,
as
to
render
it
impossible
for
him
to
accomplish
it
.
Tho
I
believe
there
have
bin
in
all
Ages
bad
men
in
every
Nation
,
yet
I
doubt
whether
there
was
one
in
Rome
,
except
a
Catiline
or
a
Cesar
,
who
design'd
to
make
themselves
Tyrants
,
that
would
not
rather
have
wished
the
whole
People
as
brave
and
virtuous
as
in
the
time
of
the
Carthaginian
Wars
,
than
vile
and
base
as
in
the
days
of
Nero
and
Domitian
.
But
't
is
madness
to
think
,
that
the
whole
Body
would
not
rather
wish
to
be
as
it
was
when
Virtue
flourished
,
and
nothing
upon
earth
was
able
to
resist
their
power
,
than
weak
,
miserable
,
base
,
slavish
,
and
trampled
under
foot
by
any
that
would
invade
them
;
and
forced
as
a
Chattel
to
become
a
prey
to
those
that
were
strongest
.
Which
is
sufficient
to
shew
,
that
a
People
acting
according
to
the
liberty
of
their
own
Will
,
never
advance
unworthy
men
,
unless
it
be
by
mistake
,
nor
willingly
suffer
the
introduction
of
Vices
:
Whereas
the
Absolute
Monarch
always
prefers
the
worst
of
those
who
are
addicted
to
him
,
and
cannot
subsist
unless
the
prevailing
part
of
the
People
be
base
and
vicious
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
those
Governments
in
which
the
Democratical
part
governs
most
,
do
more
frequently
err
in
the
choice
of
men
,
or
the
means
of
preserving
that
purity
of
Manners
which
is
required
for
the
well-being
of
a
People
,
than
those
wherein
Aristocracy
prevails
;
I
confess
it
,
and
that
in
Rome
and
Athens
the
best
and
wisest
men
did
for
the
most
part
incline
to
Aristocracy
.
Xenophon
,
Plato
,
Aristotle
,
Thucydides
,
Livy
,
Tacitus
,
Cicero
,
and
others
,
were
of
this
sort
:
But
if
our
Author
there
seek
Patrons
for
his
Absolute
Monarchy
,
he
will
find
none
but
Phalaris
,
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Catiline
,
Cethegus
,
Lentulus
,
with
the
corrupted
Crew
of
mercenary
Rascals
,
who
did
,
or
endeavour'd
to
set
them
up
.
These
are
they
quibus
ex
honesto
nulla
est
spes
;
they
abhor
the
Dominion
of
the
Law
,
because
it
curbs
their
Vices
,
and
make
themselves
subservient
to
the
Lusts
of
a
man
who
may
nourish
them
.
Similitude
of
Interests
,
Manners
,
and
Designs
,
is
a
link
of
Union
between
them
:
Both
are
Enemies
to
popular
and
mixed
Government
;
and
those
Governments
are
Enemies
to
them
,
and
by
preserving
Virtue
and
Integrity
,
oppose
both
;
knowing
,
that
if
they
do
not
,
they
and
their
Governments
must
certainly
perish
.
SECT.
XX.
Man's
natural
love
to
Liberty
is
temper'd
by
Reason
,
which
originally
is
his
Nature
.
THAT
our
Author's
Book
may
appear
to
be
a
heap
of
Incongruities
and
Contradictions
,
't
is
not
amiss
to
add
to
what
has
already
bin
observed
,
that
having
asserted
Absolute
Monarchy
to
be
the
only
natural
Government
,
he
now
says
,
that
the
Nature
of
all
People
is
to
desire
Liberty
without
restraint
.
But
if
Monarchy
be
that
Power
which
above
all
restrains
Liberty
,
and
subjects
all
to
the
Will
of
one
;
this
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
that
all
People
naturally
desire
that
which
is
against
Nature
;
and
by
a
wonderful
excess
of
extravagance
and
folly
to
assert
contrary
Propositions
,
that
on
both
sides
are
equally
absurd
and
false
.
For
as
we
have
already
proved
that
no
Government
is
imposed
upon
men
by
God
or
Nature
,
't
is
no
less
evident
,
that
Man
being
a
rational
Creature
,
nothing
can
be
universally
natural
to
him
,
that
is
not
rational
.
But
this
Liberty
without
restraint
being
inconsistent
with
any
Government
,
and
the
Good
which
man
naturally
desires
for
himself
,
Children
and
Friends
,
we
find
no
place
in
the
world
where
the
Inhabitants
do
not
enter
into
some
kind
of
Society
or
Government
to
restrain
it
:
and
to
say
that
all
men
desire
Liberty
without
restraint
,
and
yet
that
all
do
restrain
it
,
is
ridiculous
.
The
truth
is
,
man
is
hereunto
led
by
Reason
which
is
his
Nature
.
Every
one
sees
they
cannot
well
live
asunder
,
nor
many
together
,
without
some
Rule
to
which
all
must
submit
.
This
submission
is
a
restraint
of
Liberty
,
but
could
be
of
no
effect
as
to
the
Good
intended
,
unless
it
were
general
;
nor
general
,
unless
it
were
natural
.
When
all
are
born
to
the
same
freedom
,
some
will
not
resign
that
which
is
their
own
,
unless
others
do
the
like
:
This
general
consent
of
all
to
resign
such
a
part
of
their
Liberty
as
seems
to
be
for
the
good
of
all
,
is
the
voice
of
Nature
,
and
the
act
of
Men
(
according
to
natural
Reason
)
seeking
their
own
Good
:
And
if
all
go
not
in
the
same
way
,
according
to
the
same
form
,
't
is
an
evident
testimony
that
no
one
is
directed
by
Nature
;
but
as
a
few
or
many
may
join
together
,
and
frame
smaller
or
greater
Societies
,
so
those
Societies
may
institute
such
an
order
or
form
of
Government
as
best
pleases
themselves
;
and
if
the
ends
of
Government
are
obtained
,
they
all
equally
follow
the
voice
of
Nature
in
constituting
them
.
Again
,
if
man
were
by
nature
so
tenacious
of
his
Liberty
without
restraint
,
he
must
be
rationally
so
.
The
creation
of
Absolute
Monarchies
,
which
entirely
extinguishes
it
,
must
necessarily
be
most
contrary
to
it
,
tho
the
people
were
willing
;
for
they
thereby
abjure
their
own
Nature
.
The
usurpation
of
them
can
be
no
less
than
the
most
abominable
and
outragious
violation
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
that
can
he
imagined
:
The
Laws
of
God
must
be
in
the
like
measure
broken
;
and
of
all
Governments
,
Democracy
,
in
which
every
man's
Liberty
is
least
restrained
,
because
every
man
hath
an
equal
part
,
would
certainly
prove
to
be
the
most
just
,
rational
and
natural
;
whereas
our
Author
represents
it
as
a
perpetual
spring
of
disorder
,
confusion
and
vice
.
This
consequence
would
be
unavoidable
,
if
he
said
true
;
but
it
being
my
fate
often
to
differ
from
him
,
I
hope
to
be
excused
if
I
do
so
in
this
also
,
and
affirm
,
that
nothing
but
the
plain
and
certain
dictates
of
Reason
can
be
generally
applicable
to
all
men
as
the
Law
of
their
Nature
;
and
they
who
,
according
to
the
best
of
their
understanding
,
provide
for
the
good
of
themselves
and
their
Posterity
,
do
all
equally
observe
it
.
He
that
enquires
more
exactly
into
the
matter
may
find
,
that
Reason
enjoins
every
man
not
to
arrogate
to
himself
more
than
he
allows
to
others
,
nor
to
retain
that
Liberty
which
will
prove
hurtful
to
him
;
or
to
expect
that
others
will
suffer
themselves
to
be
restrain'd
,
whilst
he
,
to
their
prejudice
,
remains
in
the
exercise
of
that
freedom
which
Nature
allows
.
He
who
would
be
exempted
from
this
common
Rule
,
must
shew
for
what
Reason
he
should
be
raised
above
his
Brethren
;
and
if
he
do
it
not
,
he
is
an
enemy
to
them
.
This
is
not
Popularity
,
but
Tyranny
;
and
Tyrants
are
said
exuisse
hominem
,
to
throw
off
the
Nature
of
men
,
because
they
do
unjustly
and
unreasonably
assume
to
themselves
that
which
agrees
not
with
the
frailty
of
human
Nature
,
and
set
up
an
Interest
in
themselves
contrary
to
that
of
their
Equals
,
which
they
ought
to
defend
as
their
own
.
Such
as
favour
them
are
like
to
them
;
and
we
know
of
no
Tyranny
that
was
not
set
up
by
the
worst
,
nor
of
any
that
have
bin
destroy'd
,
unless
by
the
best
of
men
.
The
several
Tyrannies
of
Syracuse
were
introduced
by
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Hieronymus
,
Hippocrates
,
Epicides
,
and
others
,
by
the
help
of
lewd
,
dissolute
mercenary
Villains
;
and
overthrown
by
Timoleon
,
Dion
,
Theodorus
,
and
others
,
whose
Virtues
will
be
remembred
in
all
ages
.
These
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
never
sought
Liberty
without
restraint
,
but
such
as
was
restrained
by
Laws
tending
to
the
publick
Good
;
that
all
might
concur
in
promoting
it
,
and
the
unruly
desires
of
those
who
affected
Power
and
Honours
which
they
did
not
deserve
might
be
repressed
.
The
like
was
seen
in
Rome
:
When
Brutus
,
Valeriu's
,
and
other
virtuous
Citizens
had
thrown
out
the
lewd
Tarquins
,
they
trusted
to
their
own
innocence
and
reputation
;
and
thinking
them
safe
under
the
protection
of
the
Law
,
contented
themselves
with
such
Honours
as
their
Countrymen
thought
they
deserved
.
This
would
not
satisfy
the
dissolute
crew
that
us'd
to
be
companions
to
the
Tarquins
.
Sodales
adolescentium
Tarquiniorum
assueti
more
Regio
vivere
,
eam
tum
aequato
jure
omnium
licentiam
quaerentes
libertatem
aliorum
in
suam
vertisse
servitutem
conquerebantur
.
Regem
hominem
esse
,
à●
quo
impetres
ubi
jus
,
ubi
injuria
opus
sit
.
Esse
gratiae
locum
,
esse
beneficio
:
&
irasci
&
ignoscere
posse
.
Leges
rem
surdam
esse
&
inexorabilem
,
salubriorem
inopi
quam
potenti
:
nihil
laxamenti
nec
veniae
habere
,
si
modum
excesseris
:
periculosum
esse
in
tot
humanis
erroribus
sola
innocentia
vivere
.
The
like
vicious
Wretches
have
in
all
times
endeavour'd
to
put
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
one
man
,
who
might
protect
them
in
their
Villanies
,
and
advance
them
to
exorbitant
Riches
or
undeserved
Honours
;
whilst
the
best
men
trusting
in
their
Innocence
,
and
desiring
no
other
Riches
or
Preserments
,
than
what
they
were
by
their
Equals
thought
to
deserve
,
were
contented
with
a
due
Liberty
,
under
the
protection
of
a
just
Law
:
and
I
must
transcribe
the
Histories
of
the
World
,
or
at
least
so
much
of
them
as
concerns
the
Tyrannies
that
have
bin
set
up
or
cast
down
,
if
I
should
here
insert
all
the
proofs
that
might
be
given
of
it
.
But
I
shall
come
nearer
to
the
point
,
which
is
not
to
compare
Democracy
with
Monarchy
,
but
a
regular
mixed
Government
with
such
an
Absolute
Monarchy
,
as
leaves
all
to
the
will
of
that
Man
,
Woman
,
or
Child
,
who
happens
to
be
born
in
the
reigning
Family
,
how
ill
soever
they
may
be
qualified
.
I
desire
those
who
are
lovers
of
Truth
to
consider
,
whether
the
wisest
,
best
,
and
bravest
of
Men
,
are
not
naturally
led
to
be
pleased
with
a
Government
that
protects
them
from
receiving
wrong
,
when
they
have
not
the
least
inclination
to
do
any
?
Whether
they
who
desire
no
unjust
advantage
above
their
Brethren
,
will
not
always
desire
that
a
People
or
Senate
constituted
as
that
of
Rome
,
from
the
expulsion
of
Tarquin
to
the
setting
up
of
Cesar
,
should
rather
judg
of
their
Merit
,
than
Tarquin
,
Cesar
,
or
his
Successors
?
Or
whether
the
lewd
or
corrupted
Pretorian
Bands
,
with
Macro
,
Sejanus
,
Tigellinus
,
and
the
like
,
commanding
them
,
will
not
ever
,
like
Brutus
his
Sons
,
abhor
the
inexorable
Power
of
the
Laws
,
with
the
necessity
of
living
only
by
their
innocence
,
and
favour
the
Interest
of
Princes
like
to
those
that
advanced
them
?
If
this
be
not
sufficient
,
they
may
be
pleased
a
little
to
reflect
upon
the
Affairs
of
our
own
Country
,
and
seriously
consider
whether
H
—
de
,
Cl
—
f
—
d
,
F-lm-th
,
Arl-ng-n
and
D—nby
,
could
have
pretended
to
the
chief
places
,
if
the
disposal
of
them
had
bin
in
a
free
and
well-regulated
Parliament
?
Whether
they
did
most
resemble
Brutus
,
Publicola
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Valerii
,
the
Fabii
,
Quintii
,
Cornelii
,
&c.
or
Narcissus
,
Pallas
,
Icetus
,
Laco
,
Vinnius
,
and
the
like
?
Whether
all
men
,
good
and
bad
,
do
not
favour
that
state
of
things
,
which
favours
them
and
such
as
they
are
?
Whether
Cl-v-l-d
,
P-rtsm-th
,
and
others
of
the
same
trade
,
have
attained
to
the
Riches
and
Honours
they
enjoy
by
Services
done
to
the
Common-wealth
?
And
what
places
Chiffinch
,
F
—
x
and
Jenkins
,
could
probably
have
attained
,
if
our
Affairs
had
been
regulated
as
good
men
desire
?
Whether
the
old
Arts
of
begging
,
stealing
and
bawding
,
or
the
new
ones
of
informing
and
trepanning
,
thrive
best
under
one
man
who
may
be
weak
or
vicious
,
and
is
always
subject
to
be
circumvented
by
Flatterers
,
or
under
the
severe
scrutinies
of
a
Senat
or
People
?
In
a
word
,
whether
they
who
live
by
such
Arts
,
and
know
no
other
,
do
not
always
endeavour
to
advance
the
Government
under
which
they
enjoy
,
or
may
hope
to
obtain
the
highest
Honours
,
and
abhor
that
,
in
which
they
are
exposed
to
all
manner
of
scorn
and
punishment
?
Which
being
determined
,
it
will
easily
appear
why
the
worst
men
have
ever
bin
for
Absolute
Monarchy
,
and
the
best
against
it
;
and
which
of
the
two
in
so
doing
can
be
said
to
desire
an
unrestrained
Liberty
of
doing
that
which
is
evil
.
SECT.
XXI
.
Mixed
and
Popular
Governments
preserve
Peace
,
and
manage
Wars
,
better
than
Absolute
Monarchies
.
BEing
no
way
concerned
in
the
defence
of
Democracy
;
and
having
proved
that
Xenophon
,
Thucydides
,
and
others
of
the
Antients
,
in
speaking
against
the
over
great
Power
of
the
common
People
,
intended
to
add
Reputation
to
the
Aristocratical
Party
to
which
they
were
addicted
,
and
not
to
set
up
Absolute
Monarchy
,
which
never
fell
under
discourse
among
them
,
but
as
an
object
of
scorn
and
hatred
,
evil
in
it self
,
and
only
to
be
endured
by
base
and
barbarous
People
,
I
may
leave
our
Knight
,
like
Don
Quixote
,
fighting
against
the
Phantasms
of
his
own
brain
,
and
saying
what
he
pleases
against
such
Governments
as
never
were
,
unless
in
such
a
place
as
San
Marino
near
Sinigaglia
in
Italy
,
where
a
hundre
Clowns
govern
a
barbarous
Rock
that
no
man
invades
,
and
relates
nothing
to
our
question
.
If
his
Doctrine
be
true
,
the
Monarchy
he
extols
is
not
only
to
be
preferred
before
unruly
Democracy
,
and
mixed
Governments
,
but
is
the
only
one
that
,
without
a
gross
violation
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
can
be
established
over
any
Nation
.
But
having
,
as
I
hope
,
sufficiently
proved
,
that
God
did
neither
institute
,
nor
appoint
any
such
to
be
instituted
,
nor
approve
those
that
were
;
that
Nature
dos
not
incline
us
to
it
,
and
that
the
best
as
well
as
the
wisest
men
have
always
abhorr'd
it
;
that
it
has
bin
agreeable
only
to
the
most
stupid
and
base
Nations
;
and
if
others
have
submitted
to
it
,
they
have
done
so
only
as
to
the
greatest
of
Evils
brought
upon
them
by
Violence
,
Corruption
or
Fraud
;
I
may
now
proceed
to
shew
that
the
Progress
of
it
has
bin
in
all
respects
sutable
to
its
beginning
.
To
this
end
't
will
not
be
amiss
to
examine
our
Author's
words
:
Thus
,
says
he
,
do
they
paint
to
the
life
this
Beast
with
many
heads
:
Let
me
give
the
Cypher
of
their
Form
of
Government
:
as
it
is
begot
by
Sedition
,
so
it
is
nourish'd
by
Crimes
:
It
can
never
stand
without
Wars
,
either
with
an
Enemy
abroad
,
or
with
Friends
at
home
;
And
in
order
to
this
I
will
not
criticize
upon
the
terms
,
tho
the
Cypher
of
a
Form
,
and
War
with
Friends
,
may
be
justly
called
Nonsense
;
but
coming
to
his
Assertions
,
that
popular
or
mixed
Governments
have
their
birth
in
Sedition
,
and
are
ever
afterwards
vexed
with
Civil
or
Foreign
Wars
,
I
take
liberty
to
say
,
That
whereas
there
is
no
Form
appointed
by
God
or
Nature
,
those
Governments
only
can
be
called
Just
,
which
are
established
by
the
consent
of
Nations
.
These
Nations
may
at
the
first
set
up
popular
or
mixed
Governments
,
and
without
the
guilt
of
Sedition
introduce
them
afterwards
,
if
that
which
was
first
established
prove
unprofitable
or
hurtful
to
them
;
and
those
that
have
done
so
,
have
enjoy'd
more
Justice
in
times
of
Peace
,
and
managed
Wars
,
when
occasion
requir'd
,
with
more
virtue
and
better
success
,
than
any
Absolute
Monarchies
have
done
.
And
whereas
he
says
,
that
in
popular
Governments
each
man
hath
a
care
of
his
particular
,
and
thinks
basely
of
the
common
Good
;
They
look
upon
approaching
Mischiefs
as
they
do
upon
Thunder
,
only
every
man
wisheth
it
may
not
touch
his
own
Person
:
I
say
that
men
can
no
otherwise
be
engaged
to
take
care
of
the
Publick
,
than
by
having
such
a
part
in
it
,
as
Absolute
Monarchy
dos
not
allow
;
for
they
can
neither
obtain
the
Good
for
themselves
,
Posterity
and
Friends
,
that
they
desire
,
nor
prevent
the
Mischiefs
they
fear
,
which
are
the
principal
Arguments
that
perswade
men
to
expose
themselves
to
labours
or
dangers
.
'T
is
a
folly
to
say
,
that
the
vigilance
and
wisdom
of
the
Monarch
supplies
the
desect
of
care
in
others
;
for
we
know
that
no
men
under
the
Sun
were
ever
more
void
of
both
,
and
all
manner
of
virtue
requir'd
to
such
a
work
,
than
very
many
Monarchs
have
bin
:
And
,
which
is
yet
worse
,
the
strength
and
happiness
of
the
People
being
frequently
dangerous
to
them
,
they
have
not
so
much
as
the
will
to
promote
it
;
nay
,
sometimes
set
themselves
to
destroy
it
.
Antient
Monarchies
afford
us
frequent
examples
of
this
kind
;
and
if
we
consider
those
of
France
and
Turky
,
which
seem
most
to
flourish
in
our
Age
,
the
People
will
appear
to
be
so
miserable
under
both
,
that
they
cannot
sear
any
change
of
Governor
or
Government
;
and
all
,
except
a
few
Ministers
,
are
kept
so
far
from
the
knowledg
of
,
or
power
in
the
management
of
Affairs
,
that
if
any
of
them
should
fancy
a
possibility
of
something
that
might
befal
them
worse
than
what
they
suffer
,
or
hope
for
that
which
might
alleviate
their
misery
,
they
could
do
nothing
towards
the
advancement
of
the
one
,
or
prevention
of
the
other
.
Tacitus
observes
,
that
in
his
time
no
man
was
able
to
write
what
passed
,
Inscitia
Reipublicae
ut
alienae
.
They
neglected
Notwithstanding
the
present
pride
of
France
,
the
numbers
and
warlike
Inclinations
of
that
People
,
the
bravery
of
the
Nobility
,
extent
of
Dominion
,
convenience
of
Situation
,
and
the
vast
Revenues
of
their
King
,
his
greatest
Advantages
have
bin
gained
by
the
mistaken
Counsels
of
England
,
the
valour
of
our
Soldiers
unhappily
sent
to
serve
him
,
and
the
Strangers
of
whom
the
strength
of
his
Armies
consists
;
which
is
so
unsteady
a
support
,
that
many
who
are
well
versed
in
Affairs
of
this
nature
,
incline
to
think
he
subsists
rather
by
little
Arts
,
and
corrupting
Ministers
in
Foreign
Courts
,
than
by
the
Power
of
his
own
Armies
;
and
that
some
reformation
in
the
Counsels
of
his
Neighbours
might
prove
sufficient
to
overthrow
that
Greatness
which
is
grown
formidable
to
Europe
;
the
same
misery
to
which
he
has
reduced
his
People
,
rendring
them
as
unable
to
defend
him
,
upon
any
change
of
Fortune
,
as
to
defend
their
own
Rights
against
him
.
This
proceeds
not
from
any
particular
defect
in
the
French
Government
,
but
that
which
is
common
to
all
Absolute
Monarchies
.
And
no
State
can
be
said
to
stand
upon
a
steady
Foundation
,
except
those
whose
strength
is
in
their
own
Soldiery
,
and
the
body
of
their
own
People
.
Such
as
serve
for
Wages
,
often
betray
their
Masters
in
distress
,
and
always
want
the
courage
and
industry
which
is
found
in
those
who
fight
for
their
own
Interests
,
and
are
to
have
a
part
in
the
Victory
.
The
business
of
Mercenaries
is
so
to
perform
their
duty
,
as
to
keep
their
Employments
,
and
to
draw
profit
from
them
;
but
that
is
not
enough
to
support
the
Spirits
of
men
in
extream
dangers
.
The
Shepherd
who
is
a
hireling
,
flies
when
the
Thief
comes
;
and
this
adventitious
help
failing
,
all
that
a
Prince
can
reasonably
expect
from
a
disaffected
and
oppressed
People
is
,
that
they
should
bear
the
Yoak
patiently
in
the
time
of
his
Prosperity
;
but
upon
the
change
of
his
Fortune
,
they
leave
him
to
shift
for
himself
,
or
join
with
his
Enemies
to
avenge
the
Injuries
they
had
received
.
Thus
did
Alphonso
and
Ferdinand
Kings
of
Naples
,
and
Lodovico
Sforza
Duke
of
Milan
fall
,
in
the
times
of
Charles
the
Eighth
and
Louis
the
Twelfth
Kings
of
France
.
The
two
first
had
bin
false
,
violent
,
and
cruel
;
nothing
within
their
Kingdom
could
oppose
their
fury
:
but
when
they
were
invaded
by
a
Foreign
Power
,
they
lost
all
,
as
Guicciardin
says
,
without
breaking
one
Lance
;
and
Sforza
was
by
his
own
mercenary
Soldiers
delivered
into
the
hands
of
his
Enemies
.
I
think
it
may
be
hard
to
find
Examples
of
such
as
proceeding
in
the
same
way
have
had
better
Success
:
But
if
it
should
so
fall
out
,
that
a
People
living
under
an
Absolute
Monarchy
,
should
through
custom
,
or
fear
of
something
worse
(
if
that
can
be
)
not
only
suffer
patiently
,
but
desire
to
uphold
the
Government
;
neither
the
Nobility
,
nor
Commonalty
can
do
any
thing
towards
it
.
They
are
strangers
to
all
publick
Concernments
:
All
things
are
govern'd
by
one
or
a
few
men
,
and
others
know
nothing
either
of
Action
or
Counsel
.
Filmer
will
tell
us
't
is
no
matter
;
the
profound
Wisdom
of
the
Prince
provides
for
all
.
But
what
if
this
Prince
be
a
Child
,
a
Fool
,
a
superannuated
Dotard
,
or
a
Madman
?
Or
if
he
dos
not
fall
under
any
of
these
extremities
,
and
possesses
such
a
proportion
of
Wit
,
Industry
,
and
Courage
as
is
ordinarily
seen
in
men
,
how
shall
he
supply
the
Office
that
indeed
requires
profound
Wisdom
,
and
an
equal
measure
of
Experience
and
Valour
?
'T
is
to
no
purpose
to
say
a
good
Council
may
supply
his
defects
;
for
it
dos
not
appear
how
he
should
come
by
this
Council
,
nor
who
should
oblige
him
to
follow
their
advice
:
If
he
be
left
to
his
own
will
to
do
what
he
pleases
,
tho
good
advice
be
given
to
him
;
yet
his
judgment
being
perverted
,
he
will
always
incline
to
the
worst
:
If
a
necessity
be
imposed
upon
him
of
acting
according
to
the
advice
of
his
Council
,
he
is
not
that
absolute
Monarch
of
whom
we
speak
,
nor
the
Government
Monarchical
,
but
Aristocratical
.
These
are
imperfect
Fig-leave
coverings
of
Nakedness
.
It
was
in
vain
to
give
good
counsel
to
Sardanapalus
;
and
none
could
defend
the
Assyrian
Empire
,
when
he
lay
wallowing
amongst
his
Whores
without
any
other
thought
than
of
his
Lusts.
None
could
preserve
Rome
,
when
Domitian's
chief
business
was
to
kill
Flies
,
and
that
of
Honorius
to
take
care
of
his
Hens
.
The
Monarchy
of
France
must
have
perished
under
the
base
Kings
they
call
Les
Roys
faineants
,
if
the
Scepter
had
not
bin
wrested
out
of
their
unworthy
hands
.
The
World
is
full
of
Examples
in
this
kind
:
and
when
it
pleases
God
to
bestow
a
just
,
wise
,
and
valiant
King
as
a
blessing
upon
a
Nation
,
't
is
only
a
momentary
help
,
his
Virtues
end
with
him
;
and
there
being
neither
any
divine
Promise
nor
human
Reason
moving
us
to
believe
that
they
shall
always
be
renewed
and
continued
in
his
Successors
,
men
cannot
rely
upon
it
;
and
to
alledg
a
possibility
of
such
a
thing
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
.
On
the
other
side
,
in
a
popular
or
mixed
Government
every
man
is
concerned
:
Every
one
has
a
part
according
to
his
quality
or
merit
;
all
changes
are
prejudicial
to
all
:
whatsoever
any
man
conceives
to
be
for
the
publick
good
,
he
may
propose
it
in
the
Magistracy
,
or
to
the
Magistrate
:
the
body
of
the
People
is
the
publick
defence
,
and
every
man
is
arm'd
and
disciplin'd
:
The
advantages
of
good
success
are
communicated
to
all
,
and
every
one
bears
a
part
in
the
losses
.
This
makes
men
generous
and
industrious
;
and
fills
their
hearts
with
love
to
their
Country
:
[
*
](A60214-e27160-b)
*
Amor
patriae
laudisque
immensa
cupido
.
Virg.
This
,
and
the
desire
of
that
praise
which
is
the
reward
of
Virtue
,
raised
the
Romans
above
the
rest
of
Mankind
;
and
wheresoever
the
same
ways
are
taken
,
they
will
in
a
great
measure
have
the
same
effects
.
By
this
means
they
had
as
many
Soldiers
to
fight
for
their
Country
as
there
were
Freemen
in
it
.
Whilst
they
had
to
deal
with
the
free
Nations
of
Italy
,
Greece
,
Africa
,
or
Spain
,
they
never
conquer'd
a
Country
,
till
the
Inhabitants
were
exhausted
:
But
when
they
came
to
fight
against
Kings
,
the
success
of
a
Battel
was
enough
to
bring
a
Kingdom
under
their
power
.
Antiochus
upon
a
rufflle
received
from
Acilius
at
Thermipolae
,
left
all
that
he
possessed
in
Greece
;
and
being
defeated
by
Scipio
Nasica
,
he
quitted
all
the
Kingdoms
and
Territories
of
Asia
on
this
side
Taurus
.
Paulus
Emilius
became
Master
of
Macedon
by
one
prosperous
fight
against
Perseus
.
Syphax
,
Gentius
,
Tigranes
,
Ptolomy
,
and
others
were
more
easily
subdued
.
The
mercenary
Armies
on
which
they
relied
being
broken
,
the
Cities
and
Countries
not
caring
for
their
Masters
,
submitted
to
those
who
had
more
virtue
and
better
fortune
.
If
the
Roman
Power
had
not
bin
built
upon
a
more
sure
soundation
,
they
could
not
have
subsisted
.
Notwithstanding
their
Valour
,
they
were
often
beaten
;
but
their
losses
were
immediately
repair'd
by
the
excellence
of
their
Discipline
.
When
Hannibal
had
gained
the
Battels
of
Trebia
,
Ticinum
,
Thrasimene
,
and
Cannae
;
defeated
the
Romans
in
many
other
Encounters
,
and
slain
above
two
hundred
thousand
of
their
Men
,
with
Paulus
Emilius
,
C.
Servilius
,
Sempronius
Gracchus
,
Quintius
,
Marcellus
,
and
many
other
excellent
Commanders
:
When
about
the
same
time
the
two
brave
Scipio's
had
bin
cut
off
with
their
Armies
in
Spain
,
and
many
great
losses
had
bin
sustain'd
in
Sicily
and
by
Sea
,
one
would
have
thought
it
impossible
for
the
City
to
have
resisted
:
But
their
Virtue
,
Love
to
their
Country
,
and
good
Government
was
a
strength
that
increased
under
all
their
Calamities
,
and
in
the
end
overcame
all
.
The
nearer
Hannibal
came
to
the
Walls
,
the
more
obstinate
was
their
resistance
.
Tho
he
had
kill'd
more
great
Captains
than
any
Kingdom
ever
had
,
others
daily
stepp'd
up
in
their
place
,
who
excell'd
them
in
all
manner
of
Virtue
.
I
know
not
,
if
at
any
time
that
conquering
City
could
glory
in
a
greater
number
of
men
fit
for
the
highest
Enterprises
,
than
at
the
end
of
that
cruel
War
,
which
had
consumed
so
many
of
them
;
but
I
think
that
the
finishing
Victories
by
them
obtained
,
are
but
ill
prooss
of
our
Author's
assertion
,
that
they
thought
basely
of
the
common
good
,
and
sought
only
to
save
themselves
.
We
know
of
none
except
Cecilius
Metellus
,
who
after
the
Battel
of
Cannae
had
so
base
a
thought
as
to
design
the
withdrawing
himself
from
the
publick
ruin
;
but
Scipio
(
asterwards
sirnamed
Africanus
)
threatning
death
to
those
who
would
not
swear
never
to
abandon
their
Country
,
forced
him
to
leave
it
.
This
may
in
general
be
imputed
to
good
Government
and
Discipline
,
with
which
all
were
so
seasoned
from
their
infancy
,
that
no
affection
was
so
rooted
in
them
,
as
an
ardent
love
to
their
Country
,
and
a
resolution
to
die
for
it
,
or
with
it
;
but
the
means
by
which
they
accomplished
their
great
ends
,
so
as
after
their
defeats
to
have
such
men
as
carried
on
their
noblest
designs
with
more
glory
than
ever
,
was
their
annual
Elections
of
Magistrates
,
many
being
thereby
advanc'd
to
the
supreme
Commands
,
and
every
one
by
the
Honours
they
enjoy'd
,
fill'd
with
a
desire
of
rendring
himself
worthy
of
them
.
I
should
not
much
insist
upon
these
things
,
if
they
had
bin
seen
only
in
Rome
:
but
tho
their
Discipline
seems
to
have
bin
more
perfect
,
better
observed
,
and
to
have
produc'd
a
Virtue
that
surpassed
all
others
;
the
like
has
bin
found
,
tho
perhaps
not
in
the
same
degree
,
in
all
Nations
that
have
enjoyed
their
Liberty
,
and
were
admitted
to
such
a
part
of
the
Government
,
as
might
give
them
a
love
to
it
.
This
was
evident
in
all
the
Nations
of
Italy
.
The
Sabins
,
Volsci
,
AEqui
,
Tuscans
,
Samnites
and
others
were
never
conquer'd
,
till
they
had
no
men
lest
.
The
Samnites
alone
inhabiting
a
small
and
barren
Province
,
suffer'd
more
defeats
before
they
were
subdued
,
than
all
the
Kingdoms
of
Numidia
,
AEgypt
,
Macedon
,
and
Asia
;
and
,
as
't
is
exprest
in
their
Embassy
to
Hannibal
,
never
yielded
,
till
they
who
had
brought
vast
numbers
of
men
into
the
Field
,
and
by
them
defeated
some
of
the
Roman
Armies
,
were
reduced
to
such
weakness
,
that
they
could
not
resist
one
Legion
.
We
hear
of
few
Spartans
who
did
not
willingly
expose
their
Lives
for
the
service
of
their
Country
;
and
the
Women
themselves
were
so
far
inflamed
with
the
same
affection
,
that
they
refused
to
mourn
for
their
Children
and
Husbands
who
died
in
the
defence
of
it
.
When
the
brave
Brasidas
was
slain
,
some
eminent
men
went
to
comfort
his
Mother
upon
the
news
of
his
death
;
and
telling
her
he
was
the
most
valiant
man
in
the
City
,
she
answer'd
,
that
he
was
indeed
a
valiant
man
,
and
died
as
he
ought
to
do
,
but
that
through
the
goodness
of
the
Gods
,
many
others
were
lest
as
valiant
as
he
.
When
Xerxes
invaded
Greece
,
there
was
not
a
Citizen
of
Athens
able
to
bear
Arms
,
who
did
not
leave
his
Wife
and
Children
to
shift
for
themselves
in
the
neighbouring
Cities
,
and
their
Houses
to
be
burnt
when
they
imbarked
with
Themistocles
;
and
never
thought
of
either
till
they
had
defeated
the
Barbarians
at
Salamine
by
Sea
,
and
at
Platea
by
Land
.
When
men
are
thus
spirited
,
some
will
ever
prove
excellent
;
and
as
none
did
ever
surpass
those
who
were
bred
under
this
discipline
in
all
moral
,
military
and
civil
Virtues
;
those
very
Countries
where
they
flourished
most
,
have
not
produced
any
eminent
men
since
they
lost
that
Liberty
which
was
the
Mother
and
Nurse
of
them
.
Tho
I
should
fill
a
Volume
with
examples
of
this
kind
(
as
I
might
easily
do
)
such
as
our
Author
will
say
,
that
in
Popular
Governments
men
look
upon
Mischiefs
as
Thunder
,
and
only
wish
it
may
not
touch
themselves
:
But
leaving
them
to
the
scorn
and
hatred
they
deserve
by
their
impudence
and
folly
,
I
conclude
this
point
with
the
answer
,
that
Trajano
Boccalini
puts
into
the
mouth
of
Apollo
,
to
the
Princes
SECT.
XXII
.
Commonwealths
seek
Peace
or
War
according
to
the
Variety
of
their
Constitutions
.
IF
I
have
hitherto
spoken
in
general
of
popular
or
mixed
Governments
,
as
if
they
were
all
founded
on
the
same
principle
,
it
was
only
because
our
Author
without
distinction
has
generally
blamed
them
all
,
and
generally
imputed
to
every
one
those
Faults
,
which
perhaps
never
were
in
any
;
but
most
certainly
are
directly
opposite
to
the
temper
and
constitution
of
many
among
them
.
Malice
and
Ignorance
reign
so
equally
in
him
,
that
't
is
not
easy
to
determine
from
which
of
the
two
this
false
representation
proceeds
.
But
lest
any
man
should
thereby
be
imposed
upon
,
't
is
time
to
observe
,
That
the
Constitutions
of
Commonwealths
have
bin
so
various
,
according
to
the
different
temper
of
Nations
and
Times
,
that
if
some
of
them
seem
to
have
bin
principally
constituted
for
War
,
others
have
as
much
delighted
in
Peace
;
and
many
having
taken
the
middle
,
and
(
as
some
think
)
the
best
way
,
have
so
moderated
their
love
to
Peace
,
as
not
to
suffer
the
Spirits
of
the
People
to
fall
,
but
kept
them
in
a
perpetual
readiness
to
make
War
when
there
was
occasion
:
and
every
one
of
those
having
followed
several
ways
and
ends
,
deserve
our
particular
consideration
.
The
Cities
of
Rome
,
Sparta
,
Thebes
,
and
all
the
Associations
of
the
Etolians
,
Achaians
,
Sabins
,
Latins
,
Samnites
,
and
many
others
that
antiently
flourish'd
in
Greece
and
Italy
,
seem
to
have
intended
nothing
but
the
just
preservation
of
Liberty
at
home
,
and
making
War
abroad
.
All
the
Nations
of
Spain
,
Germany
,
and
Gaul
sought
the
same
things
.
Their
principal
work
was
to
render
their
People
valiant
,
obedient
to
their
Commanders
,
lovers
of
their
Country
,
and
always
ready
to
fight
for
it
:
And
for
this
reason
when
the
Senators
of
Rome
had
kill'd
Romulus
,
they
perswaded
Julius
Proculus
to
affirm
,
that
he
had
seen
him
in
a
most
glorious
form
ascending
to
Heaven
,
and
promising
great
things
to
the
City
,
Proinde
rem
militarem
colant
.
The
Athenians
were
not
less
inclined
to
War
,
but
applied
themselves
to
Trade
,
as
subservient
to
that
end
,
by
increasing
the
number
of
the
People
,
and
furnishing
them
with
the
means
of
carrying
it
on
with
more
vigour
and
power
.
The
Phenician
Cities
,
of
which
Carthage
was
the
most
eminent
,
followed
the
same
method
;
but
knowing
that
Riches
do
not
desned
themselves
,
or
scorning
slothfully
to
enjoy
what
was
gained
by
Commerce
,
they
so
far
applied
themselves
to
War
,
that
they
grew
to
a
Power
,
which
Rome
only
was
able
to
overthrow
.
Venice
,
Florence
,
Genoa
,
Lucca
,
and
some
other
Cities
of
Italy
seem
chiefly
to
have
aimed
at
Trade
;
and
placing
the
hopes
of
their
safety
in
the
protection
of
more
powerful
States
,
unwillingly
enter'd
into
Wars
,
especially
by
Land
;
and
when
they
did
,
they
made
them
by
mercenary
Soldiers
.
Again
,
some
of
those
that
intended
War
desir'd
to
enlarge
their
Territories
by
conquest
;
others
only
to
preserve
their
own
,
and
to
live
with
freedom
and
safety
upon
them
.
Rome
was
of
the
first
sort
;
and
knowing
that
such
ends
cannot
be
accomplished
without
great
numbers
of
men
,
they
freely
admitted
Strangers
into
the
City
,
Senate
,
and
Magistracy
.
Numa
was
a
Sabin
:
Tarquinius
Priscus
was
the
Son
of
a
Grecian
:
One
hundred
of
those
Sabins
who
came
with
Tatius
were
admitted
into
the
Senate
:
Appius
Claudius
of
the
same
People
came
to
Rome
,
was
made
a
Member
of
the
Senate
,
and
created
Consul
.
They
demolished
several
Cities
,
and
brought
the
Inhabitants
to
their
own
;
gave
the
right
of
Citizens
to
many
others
(
sometimes
to
whole
Cities
and
Provinces
)
and
cared
not
how
many
they
received
,
so
as
they
could
engraft
them
upon
the
same
interest
with
the
old
stock
,
and
season
them
with
the
same
Principles
,
Discipline
,
and
Manners
.
On
the
other
side
the
Spartans
desiring
only
to
continue
free
,
virtuous
,
and
safe
in
the
enjoyment
of
their
own
Territory
;
and
thinking
themselves
strong
enough
to
defend
it
,
framed
a
most
severe
Discipline
,
to
which
few
Strangers
would
submit
.
They
banished
all
those
curious
Arts
,
that
are
useful
to
Trade
;
prohibited
the
importation
of
Gold
and
Silver
;
appointed
the
Helotes
to
cultivate
their
Lands
,
and
to
exercise
such
Trades
as
are
necessary
to
life
;
admitted
few
Strangers
to
live
amongst
them
;
made
none
of
them
free
of
their
City
,
and
educated
their
Youth
in
such
exercises
only
as
prepared
them
for
War
.
I
will
not
take
upon
me
to
judg
whether
this
proceeded
from
such
a
moderation
of
Spirit
,
as
placed
Felicity
rather
in
the
fulness
and
stability
of
Liberty
,
Integrity
,
Virtue
,
and
the
enjoyment
of
their
own
,
than
in
Riches
,
Power
,
and
Dominion
over
others
;
nor
which
of
these
two
different
methods
deserves
most
to
be
commended
:
But
certain
it
is
that
both
succeeded
according
to
the
intention
of
the
Founders
.
Rome
conquer'd
the
best
part
of
the
World
,
and
never
wanted
men
to
defend
what
was
gained
:
Sparta
lived
in
such
happiness
and
reputation
,
that
till
it
was
invaded
by
Epaminondas
,
an
Enemies
Trumpet
had
not
bin
heard
by
those
within
the
Town
for
the
space
of
eight
hundred
years
,
and
never
suffer'd
any
great
disaster
,
till
receding
from
their
own
Institutions
,
they
were
brought
by
prosperity
to
affect
the
Principality
of
Greece
,
and
to
undertake
such
Wars
as
could
not
be
carried
on
without
Mony
,
and
greater
numbers
of
men
than
a
small
City
was
able
to
furnish
;
by
which
means
they
were
obliged
to
beg
assistance
from
the
Barbarians
,
whom
they
scorned
and
hated
,
as
appears
by
the
Stories
of
Callicratidas
,
Lysander
,
and
Agesilaus
,
and
fell
into
such
straits
as
were
never
recovered
.
The
like
variety
has
bin
observed
in
the
Constitutions
of
those
Northern
Nations
that
invaded
the
Roman
Empire
;
for
tho
all
of
them
intended
War
,
and
looked
upon
those
only
to
be
Members
of
their
Commonwealths
,
who
used
arms
to
defend
them
,
yet
some
did
immediately
incorporate
themselves
with
those
of
the
conquer'd
Countries
.
Of
this
number
were
the
Franks
,
who
presently
became
one
Nation
with
the
Gauls
;
others
kept
themselves
in
a
distinct
body
,
as
the
Saxons
did
from
the
Britains
:
And
the
Goths
for
more
than
three
hundred
years
that
they
reigned
in
Spain
,
never
contracted
Marriages
,
or
otherwise
mixed
with
the
Spaniards
,
till
their
Kingdom
was
overthrown
by
the
Moors
.
These
things
,
and
others
of
the
like
nature
,
being
weighed
,
many
have
doubted
whether
it
were
better
to
constitute
a
Commonwealth
for
War
or
for
Trade
;
and
of
such
as
intend
War
,
whether
those
are
most
to
be
praised
who
prepare
for
defence
only
,
or
those
who
design
by
conquest
to
enlarge
their
Dominions
.
Or
,
if
they
admit
of
Trade
,
whether
they
should
propose
the
acquisition
of
Riches
for
their
ultimate
end
,
and
depend
upon
foreign
or
mercenary
Forces
to
defend
them
;
or
to
be
as
helps
to
enable
their
own
People
to
carry
on
those
Wars
,
in
which
they
may
be
frequently
engaged
.
These
Questions
might
perhaps
be
easily
decided
,
if
Mankind
were
of
a
temper
to
suffer
those
to
live
in
peace
,
who
offer
no
injury
to
any
;
or
that
men
who
have
Money
to
hire
Soldiers
when
they
stand
in
need
of
them
,
could
find
such
as
would
valiantly
and
faithfully
defend
them
,
whilst
they
apply
themselves
to
their
Trades
.
But
experience
teaching
us
that
those
only
can
be
safe
who
are
strong
;
and
that
no
People
was
ever
well
defended
,
but
those
who
sought
for
themselves
;
the
best
Judges
of
these
matters
have
always
given
the
preference
to
those
Constitutions
that
principally
intend
War
,
and
make
use
of
Trade
as
assisting
to
that
end
:
and
think
it
better
to
aim
at
conquest
,
rather
than
simply
to
stand
upon
their
own
defence
;
since
he
that
loses
all
if
he
be
overcome
,
fights
upon
very
unequal
terms
;
and
if
he
obtain
the
Victory
,
gains
no
other
advantage
,
than
for
the
present
to
repel
the
danger
that
threatned
him
.
These
Opinions
are
confirmed
by
the
examples
of
the
Romans
,
who
prosper'd
much
more
than
the
Spartans
:
And
the
Carthaginians
,
who
made
use
of
Trade
as
a
help
to
War
,
raised
their
City
to
be
one
of
the
most
potent
that
ever
was
in
the
World
:
Whereas
the
Venetians
having
relied
on
Trade
and
mercenary
Soldiers
,
are
always
forced
too
much
to
depend
upon
foreign
Potentates
;
very
often
to
buy
Peace
with
ignominious
and
prejudicial
conditions
;
and
sometimes
to
fear
the
infidelity
of
their
own
Commanders
,
no
less
than
the
violence
of
their
Enemies
.
But
that
which
ought
to
be
valued
above
all
in
point
of
Wisdom
as
well
as
Justice
,
is
,
the
Government
given
by
God
to
the
Hebrews
,
which
chiefly
fitted
them
for
War
,
and
to
make
Conquests
.
Moses
divided
them
under
several
Captains
,
into
thousands
,
hundreds
,
fifties
,
and
tens
:
This
was
a
perpetual
Ordinance
amongst
them
:
In
numbring
them
,
those
only
were
counted
,
who
were
able
to
bear
arms
:
Every
man
was
obliged
to
go
out
to
War
,
except
such
as
had
married
a
Wife
,
or
upon
other
special
occasions
were
for
a
time
excused
;
and
the
whole
series
of
the
sacred
History
shews
that
there
were
always
as
many
Soldiers
to
fight
for
their
Country
as
there
were
men
able
to
fight
.
And
if
this
be
taken
for
a
Picture
of
a
many-headed
Beast
delighting
in
Blood
,
begotten
by
Sedition
,
and
nourished
by
Crimes
,
God
himself
was
the
drawer
of
it
.
In
this
variety
of
Constitutions
and
Effects
proceeding
from
them
,
I
can
see
nothing
more
justly
and
generally
to
be
attributed
to
them
all
,
than
that
love
to
their
Country
,
which
our
Author
impudently
affirms
to
be
wanting
in
all
.
In
other
matters
their
proceedings
are
not
only
different
,
but
contrary
to
each
other
:
yet
it
cannot
be
said
that
any
Nations
have
enjoyed
so
much
Peace
as
some
Republicks
.
The
Venetians
too
great
inclination
to
Peace
is
accounted
to
be
a
mortal
error
in
their
Constitution
,
and
they
have
not
bin
less
free
from
domestick
Seditions
than
foreign
Wars
;
the
Conspiracies
of
the
Falerii
and
Tiepoli
were
extinguished
by
their
punishment
,
and
that
of
La
Cueva
crushed
before
it
was
ripe
.
Genoa
has
not
bin
altogether
so
happy
:
the
factions
of
the
Guelphs
and
Ghibelins
that
spread
themselves
over
all
Italy
,
infected
that
City
;
and
the
malice
of
the
Spaniards
and
French
raised
others
under
the
Fregosi
and
Adorni
;
but
they
being
composed
,
they
have
for
more
than
a
hundred
and
fifty
years
rested
in
quiet
.
There
is
another
sort
of
Commonwealth
composed
of
many
Cities
associated
together
,
and
living
aequo
jure
;
every
one
retaining
and
exercising
a
Soveraign
Power
within
it self
,
except
in
some
cases
expressed
in
the
Act
of
Union
,
or
League
made
between
them
.
These
I
confess
are
more
hardly
preserved
in
Peace
.
Disputes
may
arise
among
them
concerning
Limits
,
Jurisdiction
,
and
the
like
.
They
cannot
always
be
equally
concerned
in
the
same
things
.
The
injuries
offer'd
to
one
do
not
equally
affect
all
.
Their
Neighbours
will
sow
divisions
among
them
;
and
not
having
a
Mother
City
to
decide
their
Controversies
by
her
authority
,
they
may
be
apt
to
fall
into
quarrels
,
especially
if
they
profess
Christianity
;
which
having
bin
split
into
variety
of
opinions
ever
since
it
was
preached
,
and
the
Papists
by
their
cruelty
to
such
as
dissent
from
them
,
shewing
to
all
,
that
there
is
no
other
way
of
defending
themselves
against
them
,
than
by
using
the
same
,
almost
every
man
is
come
to
think
he
ought
(
as
far
as
in
him
lies
)
to
impose
his
belief
on
others
,
and
that
he
can
give
no
better
testimony
of
his
Zeal
,
than
the
excess
of
his
violence
on
that
account
.
Nevertheless
the
Cantons
of
the
Switzers
,
tho
accompanied
with
all
the
most
dangerous
circumstances
that
can
be
imagined
,
being
thirteen
in
number
,
independent
on
each
other
,
governed
in
a
high
degree
popularly
,
professing
Christianity
differing
in
most
important
points
;
eight
of
them
much
influenced
by
the
Jesuits
,
and
perpetually
excited
to
War
against
their
Brethren
by
the
powerful
Crowns
of
Spain
and
France
,
have
ever
since
they
cast
off
the
insupportable
Yoak
of
the
Earls
of
Hapsburg
,
enjoy'd
more
peace
than
any
other
State
of
Europe
,
and
from
the
most
inconsiderable
people
,
are
grown
to
such
a
Power
,
that
the
greatest
Monarchs
do
most
sollicitously
seek
their
Friendship
;
and
none
have
dared
to
invade
them
,
since
Charles
Duke
of
Burgundy
did
it
to
his
ruin
:
and
he
who
for
a
long
time
had
bin
a
terror
to
the
great
,
dangerous
,
and
subtil
King
of
France
,
gave
by
the
loss
of
three
Armies
and
his
own
life
a
lasting
testimony
of
his
temerity
in
assaulting
a
free
and
valiant
,
tho
a
poor
people
,
fighting
in
their
own
quarrel
.
Commines
well
relates
that
War
;
but
a
vast
heap
of
Bones
remaining
to
this
day
at
Muret
with
this
inscription
,
Caroli
fortissimi
Burgundiorum
Ducis
exercitus
Muretum
obsidens
ab
Helvetiis
caesus
,
hoc
sui
Monumentum
reliquit
,
best
shews
the
success
of
it
.
Since
that
time
their
greatest
Wars
have
bin
for
the
defence
of
Milan
;
or
such
as
they
have
undertaken
for
pay
under
the
ensigns
of
France
or
Spain
,
that
by
the
use
of
Arms
they
may
keep
up
that
Courage
,
Reputation
,
and
Experience
which
is
requir'd
for
the
defence
of
their
own
Country
.
No
Government
was
ever
more
free
from
popular
Seditions
;
the
revolts
of
their
Subjects
have
bin
few
,
weak
,
and
easily
suppressed
;
the
dissension
raised
by
the
Jesuits
between
the
Cantons
of
Zurich
and
Lucern
was
as
soon
composed
as
the
rebellion
of
the
County
of
Vaux
against
the
Canton
of
Bern
;
and
those
few
of
the
like
nature
that
have
happened
among
them
have
had
the
like
Success
:
So
that
Thuanus
in
the
History
of
his
time
,
comprehending
about
fifty
years
,
and
relating
the
horrid
domestick
and
foreign
Wars
,
that
distracted
Germany
,
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
Flanders
,
England
,
Scotland
,
Poland
,
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
Hungary
,
Transilvania
,
Muscovy
,
Turky
,
Africk
,
and
other
places
,
has
no
more
to
say
of
them
than
to
shew
what
Arts
had
bin
in
vain
used
to
disturb
their
so
much
envied
quiet
.
But
if
the
modest
temper
of
the
People
,
together
with
the
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
and
Strength
of
their
Government
,
could
not
be
discomposed
by
the
measures
of
Spain
and
France
,
by
the
industry
of
their
Ambassadors
,
or
the
malicious
craft
of
the
Jesuits
,
we
may
safely
conclude
that
their
State
is
as
well
setled
as
any
thing
among
men
can
be
,
and
can
hardly
comprehend
what
is
like
to
interrupt
it
.
As
much
might
be
said
of
the
Cities
of
the
Hanseatick
Society
,
if
they
had
an
entire
Soveraignty
in
themselves
:
But
the
Cities
of
the
United
Provinces
in
the
Low
Countries
being
every
one
of
them
Soveraign
within
themselves
,
and
many
in
number
,
still
continuing
in
their
Union
in
spite
of
all
the
endeavours
that
have
bin
used
to
divide
them
,
give
us
an
example
of
such
steddiness
in
practice
and
principle
,
as
is
hardly
to
be
parallel'd
in
the
world
,
and
that
undeniably
prove
a
temper
in
their
Constitutions
directly
opposite
to
that
which
our
Author
imputes
to
all
popular
Governments
:
and
if
the
Death
of
Barnevelt
and
De
Wit
,
or
the
preserment
of
some
most
unlike
to
them
be
taken
for
a
testimony
that
the
best
men
thrive
worst
,
and
the
worst
best
,
I
hope
it
may
be
consider'd
that
those
Violences
proceeded
from
that
which
is
most
contrary
to
Popularity
,
tho
I
am
not
very
willing
to
explain
it
.
If
these
matters
are
not
clear
in
themselves
,
I
desire
they
may
be
compared
with
what
has
happen'd
between
any
Princes
that
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
have
bin
joined
in
League
to
each
other
,
whether
they
were
of
the
same
or
of
different
Nations
.
Let
an
example
be
brought
of
six
,
thirteen
,
or
more
Princes
or
Kings
who
enter'd
into
a
League
;
and
sor
the
space
of
one
or
more
ages
,
did
neither
break
it
,
nor
quarrel
upon
the
explication
of
it
.
Let
the
States
of
the
Switzers
,
Grisons
,
or
Hollanders
,
be
compared
with
that
of
France
,
when
it
was
sometimes
divided
between
two
,
three
,
or
four
Brothers
of
Meroveus
or
Pepin's
Races
;
with
the
Heptarchy
of
England
;
the
Kingdoms
of
Leon
,
Arragon
,
Navarr
,
Castille
and
Portugal
,
under
which
the
Christians
in
Spain
were
divided
;
or
those
of
Cordoua
,
Sevil
,
Malaga
,
Granada
,
and
others
under
the
Power
of
the
Moors
;
and
if
it
be
not
evident
,
that
the
popular
States
have
bin
remarkable
for
Peace
among
themselves
,
constancy
to
their
Union
and
Fidelity
to
the
Leagues
made
with
their
Associates
;
whereas
all
the
abovementioned
Kingdoms
,
and
such
others
as
are
known
among
men
to
have
bin
joined
in
the
like
Leagues
,
were
ever
infested
with
domestick
Rebellions
and
Quarrels
arising
from
the
Ambition
of
Princes
,
so
as
no
Confederacy
could
be
so
cautiously
made
,
but
they
would
find
ways
to
elude
it
,
or
so
solemn
and
sacred
,
but
they
would
in
far
less
time
break
through
it
:
I
will
confess
,
that
Kingdoms
have
sometimes
bin
as
free
from
civil
disturbances
;
and
that
Leagues
made
between
several
Princes
,
have
bin
as
constantly
and
religiously
observed
,
as
by
Commonwealths
.
But
if
no
such
thing
do
appear
in
the
world
,
and
no
man
who
is
not
impudent
or
ignorant
dare
pretend
it
,
I
may
justly
conclude
,
that
tho
every
Commonwealth
hath
its
Action
sutable
to
its
Constitution
,
and
that
many
associated
together
are
not
so
free
from
disturbances
,
as
those
that
wholly
depend
upon
the
Authority
of
a
Mother
City
;
yet
we
know
of
none
that
have
not
bin
,
and
are
more
regular
and
quiet
than
any
Principalities
;
and
as
to
Foreign
Wars
,
they
seek
or
avoid
them
according
to
their
various
Constitutions
.
SECT.
XXIII
.
That
is
the
best
Government
,
which
best
provides
for
War
.
OUR
Author
having
huddled
up
all
popular
and
mixed
Governments
into
one
,
has
in
some
measure
forced
me
to
explain
the
various
Constitutions
and
Principles
upon
which
they
are
grounded
:
but
as
the
wisdom
of
a
Father
is
seen
,
not
only
in
providing
Bread
for
his
Family
,
or
encreasing
his
Patrimonial
Estate
,
but
in
making
all
possible
provision
for
the
security
of
it
;
so
that
Government
is
evidently
the
best
,
which
,
not
relying
upon
what
it
dos
at
first
enjoy
,
seeks
to
increase
the
number
,
strength
,
and
riches
of
the
People
;
and
by
the
best
Discipline
to
bring
the
Power
so
improved
into
such
order
as
may
be
of
most
use
to
the
Publick
.
This
comprehends
all
things
conducing
to
the
administration
of
Justice
,
the
preservation
of
domestick
Peace
,
and
the
increase
of
Commerce
,
that
the
People
being
pleased
with
their
present
condition
,
may
be
filled
with
love
to
their
Country
,
encouraged
to
fight
boldly
for
the
publick
Cause
,
which
is
their
own
;
and
as
men
do
willingly
join
with
that
which
prospers
,
that
Strangers
may
be
invited
to
fix
their
Habitations
in
such
a
City
,
and
to
espouse
the
principles
that
reign
in
it
.
This
is
necessary
for
several
reasons
;
but
I
shall
principally
insist
upon
one
,
which
is
,
that
all
things
in
their
beginning
are
weak
:
The
Whelp
of
a
Lion
newly
born
has
neither
strength
nor
fierceness
.
He
that
builds
a
City
,
and
dos
not
intend
it
should
increase
,
commits
as
great
an
absurdity
,
as
if
he
should
desire
his
Child
might
ever
continue
under
the
same
weakness
in
which
he
is
born
.
If
it
do
not
grow
,
it
must
pine
and
perish
;
for
in
this
world
nothing
is
permanent
;
that
which
dos
not
grow
better
will
grow
worse
.
This
increase
also
is
useless
,
or
perhaps
hurtful
,
if
it
be
not
in
Strength
,
as
well
as
in
Riches
or
Number
:
for
every
one
is
apt
to
seize
upon
ill
guarded
Treasures
;
and
the
terror
that
the
City
of
London
was
possessed
with
,
when
a
few
Dutch
Ships
came
to
Chatham
,
shews
that
no
numbers
of
men
,
tho
naturally
valiant
,
are
able
to
defend
themselves
,
unless
they
be
well
arm'd
,
disciplin'd
and
conducted
.
Their
multitude
brings
consusion
:
their
Wealth
,
when
't
is
like
to
be
made
a
prey
,
increases
the
fears
of
the
owners
;
and
they
,
who
if
they
were
brought
into
good
order
,
might
conquer
a
great
part
of
the
World
,
being
destitute
of
it
,
durst
not
think
of
defending
themselves
.
If
it
be
said
that
the
wise
Father
mention'd
by
me
endeavours
to
secure
his
Patrimony
by
Law
,
not
by
Force
;
I
answer
,
that
all
defence
terminates
in
force
;
and
if
a
private
man
dos
not
prepare
to
defend
his
Estate
with
his
own
Force
,
't
is
because
he
lives
under
the
protection
of
the
Law
,
and
expects
the
force
of
the
Magistrate
should
be
a
security
to
him
:
but
Kingdoms
and
Commonwealths
acknowledging
no
Superior
,
except
God
alone
,
can
reasonably
hope
to
be
protected
by
him
only
;
and
by
him
,
if
with
industry
and
courage
they
make
use
of
the
means
he
has
given
them
for
their
own
defence
.
God
helps
those
who
help
themselves
;
and
men
are
by
several
reasons
(
suppose
to
prevent
the
increase
of
a
suspected
Power
)
induced
to
succour
an
industrious
and
brave
People
:
But
such
as
neglect
the
means
of
their
own
preservation
,
are
ever
left
to
perish
with
shame
.
Men
cannot
rely
upon
any
League
:
The
State
that
is
defended
by
one
Potentat
against
another
becomes
a
Slave
to
their
Protector
:
Mercenary
Souldiers
always
want
Fidelity
or
Courage
,
and
most
commonly
both
.
If
they
are
not
corrupted
or
beaten
by
the
Invader
,
they
make
a
prey
of
their
Masters
.
These
are
the
followers
of
Camps
who
have
neither
faith
nor
piety
[
*
](A60214-e28830-b)
*
—
Ibi
fas
ubi
maxima
mercts
.
Lucan
.
,
but
prefer
Gain
before
Right
.
They
who
expose
their
Blood
to
sale
,
look
where
they
can
make
the
best
bargain
,
and
never
fail
of
pretences
for
following
their
interests
.
Moreover
,
private
Families
may
by
several
arts
increase
their
Wealth
,
as
they
increase
in
number
;
but
when
a
People
multiplies
(
as
they
will
always
do
in
a
good
Climat
under
a
good
Government
)
such
an
enlargement
of
Territory
as
is
necessary
for
their
subsistence
can
be
acquired
only
by
War
.
This
was
known
to
the
Northern
Nations
that
invaded
the
Roman
Empire
;
but
for
want
of
such
Constitutions
as
might
best
improve
their
Strength
and
Valour
,
the
numbers
they
sent
out
when
they
were
overburden'd
,
provided
well
for
themselves
,
but
were
of
no
use
to
the
Countries
they
left
;
and
whilst
those
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Franks
,
and
Normans
enjoyed
the
most
opulent
and
delicious
Provinces
of
the
World
,
their
Fathers
languished
obscurely
in
their
frozen
Climats
.
For
the
like
reasons
,
or
through
the
same
defect
,
the
Switzers
are
obliged
to
serve
other
Princes
;
and
often
to
imploy
that
valour
in
advancing
the
power
of
their
Neighbours
,
which
might
be
used
to
increase
their
own
.
Genoua
,
Lucca
,
Geneva
,
and
other
small
Commonwealths
,
having
no
Wars
,
are
not
able
to
nourish
the
men
they
breed
;
but
sending
many
of
their
Children
to
seek
their
Fortunes
abroad
,
scarce
a
third
part
of
those
that
are
born
among
them
die
in
those
Cities
;
and
if
they
did
not
take
this
course
,
they
would
have
no
better
than
the
Nations
inhabiting
near
the
River
Niger
,
who
sell
their
Children
as
the
increase
of
their
Flocks
.
This
dos
not
less
concern
Monarchies
than
Commonwealths
;
nor
the
absolute
less
than
the
mixed
:
All
of
them
have
bin
prosperous
or
miserable
,
glorious
or
contemptible
,
as
they
were
better
or
worse
arm'd
,
disciplin'd
,
or
conducted
.
The
Assyrian
Valour
was
irresistible
under
Nabuchodonozor
;
but
was
brought
to
nothing
under
his
base
and
luxurious
Grandson
Belsbazzar
:
The
Persians
who
under
Cyrus
conquer'd
Asia
,
were
like
Swine
exposed
to
slaughter
when
their
Discipline
failed
,
and
they
were
commanded
by
his
proud
,
cruel
,
and
cowardly
Successors
.
The
Macedonian
Army
overthrown
by
Paulus
Emilius
was
not
less
in
number
than
that
with
which
Alexander
gained
the
Empire
of
the
East
;
and
perhaps
had
not
bin
inferior
in
Valour
,
if
it
had
bin
as
well
commanded
.
Many
poor
and
almost
unknown
Nations
have
bin
carried
to
such
a
height
of
Glory
by
the
Bravery
of
their
Princes
,
that
I
might
incline
to
think
their
Government
as
fit
as
any
other
for
disciplining
a
People
to
War
,
if
their
Virtues
continued
in
their
Families
,
or
could
be
transmitted
to
their
Successors
.
The
impossibility
of
this
is
a
breach
never
to
be
repaired
;
and
no
account
is
to
be
made
of
the
good
that
is
always
uncertain
,
and
seldom
enjoy'd
.
This
disease
is
not
only
in
absolute
Monarchies
,
but
in
those
also
where
any
regard
is
had
to
Succession
of
Blood
,
tho
under
the
strictest
limitations
.
The
fruit
of
all
the
Victories
gained
by
Edward
the
first
and
third
,
or
Henry
the
fifth
of
England
,
perished
by
the
baseness
of
their
Successors
:
the
glory
of
our
Arms
was
turned
into
shame
;
and
we
,
by
the
loss
of
Treasure
,
Blood
,
and
Territory
,
suffer'd
the
punishment
of
their
Vices
.
The
effects
of
these
changes
are
not
always
equally
violent
;
but
they
are
frequent
,
and
must
fall
out
as
often
as
occasion
is
presented
.
It
was
not
possible
for
Lewis
the
13th
of
France
to
pursue
the
great
designs
of
Henry
the
Fourth
:
Christina
of
Sweden
could
not
supply
the
place
of
her
brave
Father
;
nor
the
present
King
in
his
infancy
accomplish
what
the
great
Charles
Gustavus
had
nobly
undertaken
:
and
no
remedy
can
be
found
for
this
mortal
infirmity
,
unless
the
power
be
put
into
the
hands
of
those
who
are
able
to
execute
it
,
and
not
left
to
the
blindness
of
fortune
.
When
the
Regal
power
is
committed
to
an
annual
or
otherwise
chosen
Magistracy
,
the
Virtues
of
excellent
men
are
of
use
,
but
all
dos
not
depend
upon
their
persons
:
One
man
finishes
what
another
had
begun
;
and
when
many
are
by
practice
rendred
able
to
perform
the
same
things
,
the
loss
of
one
is
easily
supplied
by
the
election
of
another
.
When
good
Principles
are
planted
,
they
do
not
die
with
the
person
that
introduced
them
;
and
good
Constitutions
remain
,
tho
the
Authors
of
them
perish
.
Rome
did
not
fall
back
into
slavery
when
Brutus
was
killed
,
who
had
led
them
to
recover
their
Liberty
:
Others
like
to
him
pursued
the
same
ends
;
and
notwithstanding
the
loss
of
so
many
great
Commanders
consumed
in
their
almost
continual
Wars
,
they
never
wanted
such
as
were
fit
to
execute
whatever
they
could
design
.
A
well-governed
State
is
as
fruitful
to
all
good
purposes
,
as
the
seven-headed
Serpent
is
said
to
have
bin
in
evil
;
when
one
head
is
cut
off
,
many
rise
up
in
the
place
of
it
.
Good
Order
being
once
established
,
makes
good
men
;
and
as
long
as
it
lasts
,
such
as
are
fit
for
the
greatest
imployments
will
never
be
wanting
.
By
this
means
the
Romans
could
not
be
surprised
:
No
King
or
Captain
ever
invaded
them
,
who
did
not
find
many
excellent
Commanders
to
oppose
him
;
whereas
they
themselves
found
it
easy
to
overthrow
Kingdoms
,
tho
they
had
bin
established
by
the
bravest
Princes
,
through
the
baseness
of
their
Successors
.
But
if
our
Author
say
true
,
't
is
of
no
advantage
to
a
popular
State
to
have
excellent
men
;
and
therefore
he
imposes
a
necessity
upon
every
People
to
chuse
the
worst
men
for
being
the
worst
,
and
most
like
to
themselves
;
lest
that
if
virtuous
and
good
men
should
come
into
power
,
they
should
be
excluded
for
being
vicious
and
wicked
,
&c.
Wise
men
would
seize
upon
the
State
,
and
take
it
from
the
People
.
For
the
understanding
of
these
words
,
't
is
good
to
consider
whether
they
are
to
be
taken
simply
,
as
usually
applied
to
the
Devil
and
some
of
his
instruments
,
or
relatively
,
as
to
the
thing
in
question
:
If
simply
,
it
must
be
concluded
that
Valerius
,
Brutus
,
Cincinnatus
,
Capitolinus
,
Mamercus
,
Paulus
Emilius
,
Nasica
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
were
not
only
the
worst
men
of
the
City
;
but
that
they
were
so
often
advanced
to
the
supreme
Magistracies
,
because
they
were
so
:
if
in
the
other
sense
relating
to
Magistracy
and
the
command
of
Armies
,
the
worst
are
the
most
ignorant
,
unfaithful
,
slothful
,
or
cowardly
;
and
our
Author
to
make
good
his
proposition
,
must
prove
,
that
when
the
People
of
Rome
,
Carthage
,
Athens
,
and
other
States
had
the
power
of
chusing
whom
they
pleased
,
they
did
chuse
Camillus
,
Corvinus
,
Torquatus
,
Fabius
,
Rullus
,
Scipio
,
Amiloar
,
Hannibal
,
Asdrubal
,
Pelopidas
,
Epaminondas
,
Pericles
,
Aristides
,
Themistocles
,
Phocion
,
Alcibiades
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
for
their
Ignorance
,
Infidelity
,
Sloth
,
and
Cowardice
;
and
on
account
of
those
Vices
,
most
like
to
those
who
chose
them
.
But
if
these
were
the
worst
,
I
desire
to
know
what
wit
or
eloquence
can
describe
or
comprehend
the
excellency
of
the
best
;
or
of
the
Discipline
that
brings
whole
Nations
to
such
perfection
,
that
worse
than
these
could
not
be
found
among
them
?
And
if
they
were
not
so
,
but
such
as
all
succeeding
Ages
have
justly
admir'd
for
their
Wisdom
,
Virtue
,
Industry
,
and
Valour
,
the
impudence
of
so
wicked
and
false
an
Assertion
ought
to
be
rejected
with
scorn
and
hatred
.
But
if
all
Governments
whether
Monarchical
or
Popular
,
absolute
or
limited
,
deserve
praise
or
blame
as
they
are
well
or
ill
constituted
for
making
War
;
and
that
the
attainment
of
this
end
do
entirely
depend
upon
the
qualifications
of
the
Commanders
,
and
the
Strength
,
Courage
,
Number
,
Affection
,
and
temper
of
the
People
out
of
which
the
Armies
are
drawn
;
those
Governments
must
necessarily
be
the
best
which
take
the
best
care
that
those
Armies
may
be
well
commanded
;
and
so
provide
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
that
they
may
daily
increase
in
Number
,
Courage
,
and
Strength
,
and
be
so
satisfied
with
the
present
state
of
things
,
as
to
fear
a
change
,
and
fight
for
the
preservation
or
advancement
of
the
publick
Interest
as
of
their
own
.
We
have
already
found
that
in
Hereditary
Monarchies
no
care
at
all
is
taken
of
the
Commander
:
He
is
not
chosen
,
but
comes
by
chance
;
and
dos
not
only
frequently
prove
defective
,
but
for
the
most
part
utterly
uncapable
of
performing
any
part
of
his
duty
;
whereas
in
Popular
Governments
excellent
men
are
generally
chosen
;
and
there
are
so
many
of
them
,
that
if
one
or
more
perish
,
others
are
ready
to
supply
their
places
.
And
this
Discourse
having
(
if
I
mistake
not
)
in
the
whole
series
,
shewn
,
that
the
advantages
of
popular
Governments
,
in
relation
to
the
increase
of
Courage
,
Number
,
and
Strength
in
a
People
,
out
of
which
Armies
are
to
be
formed
,
and
bringing
them
to
such
a
temper
as
prepares
them
bravely
to
perform
their
duty
,
are
as
much
above
those
of
Monarchies
,
as
the
prudence
of
choice
surpasses
the
accidents
of
birth
,
it
cannot
be
denied
that
in
both
respects
the
part
which
relates
to
War
is
much
better
perform'd
in
Popular
Governments
than
in
Monarchies
.
That
which
we
are
by
reason
led
to
believe
,
is
confirmed
to
us
by
experience
.
We
every
where
see
the
difference
between
the
Courage
of
men
fighting
for
themselves
and
their
posterity
,
and
those
that
serve
a
Master
who
by
good
success
is
often
render'd
insupportable
.
This
is
of
such
efficacy
,
that
no
King
could
ever
boast
to
have
overthrown
any
considerable
Commonwealth
,
unless
it
were
divided
within
it self
,
or
weakned
by
Wars
made
with
such
as
were
also
free
;
which
was
the
case
of
the
Grecian
Commonwealths
when
the
Macedonians
fell
in
upon
them
.
Whereas
the
greatest
Kingdoms
have
bin
easily
destroy'd
by
Commonwealths
;
and
these
also
have
lost
all
Strength
,
Valour
,
and
Spirit
after
the
change
of
their
Government
.
The
Power
and
Virtue
of
the
Italians
grew
up
,
decayed
and
perished
with
their
Liberty
.
When
they
were
divided
into
many
Common-wealths
,
every
one
of
them
was
able
to
send
out
great
Armies
,
and
to
suffer
many
Defeats
before
they
were
subdued
;
so
that
their
Cities
were
delivered
up
by
the
old
Men
,
Women
,
and
Children
,
when
all
those
who
were
able
to
bear
arms
had
bin
slain
:
And
when
they
were
all
brought
under
the
Romans
,
either
as
Associates
or
Subjects
,
they
made
the
greatest
Strength
that
ever
was
in
the
World
.
Alexander
of
Epirus
was
in
Valour
thought
equal
,
and
in
Power
little
inferior
to
Alexander
of
Macedon
:
but
having
the
fortune
to
attack
those
who
had
bin
brought
up
in
Liberty
,
taught
to
hazard
or
suffer
all
things
for
it
,
and
to
think
that
God
has
given
to
men
Hands
and
Swords
only
to
defend
it
,
he
perished
in
his
attempt
;
whilst
the
other
encountring
slavish
Nations
,
under
the
conduct
of
proud
,
cruel
,
and
for
the
most
part
unwarlike
Tyrants
,
became
Master
of
Asia
.
Pyrrhus
seems
to
have
bin
equal
to
either
of
them
;
but
the
Victories
he
obtain'd
by
an
admirable
Valour
and
Conduct
,
cost
him
so
dear
,
that
he
desir'd
Peace
with
those
Enemies
who
might
be
defeated
,
not
subdued
.
Hannibal
wanting
the
prudence
of
Pyrrhus
,
lost
the
fruits
of
all
his
Victories
;
and
being
torn
out
of
Italy
,
where
he
had
nested
himself
,
fell
under
the
Sword
of
those
whose
Fathers
he
had
defeated
or
slain
;
and
died
a
banish'd
man
from
his
ruin'd
Country
.
The
Gauls
did
once
bring
Rome
,
when
it
was
small
,
to
the
brink
of
Destruction
;
but
they
left
their
Carcases
to
pay
for
the
mischiefs
they
had
done
;
and
in
succeeding
times
their
Invasions
were
mention'd
as
Tumults
rather
than
Wars
.
The
Germans
did
perhaps
surpass
them
in
numbers
and
strength
,
and
were
equal
to
them
in
fortune
as
long
as
Rome
was
free
.
They
often
enter'd
Italy
,
but
they
continued
not
long
there
,
unless
under
the
weight
of
their
Chains
.
Whereas
the
same
Nations
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
assaulting
that
Country
,
or
other
Provinces
under
the
Emperors
,
found
no
other
difficulty
than
what
did
arise
upon
contests
among
themselves
who
should
be
Master
of
them
.
No
manly
Virtue
or
Discipline
remain'd
among
the
Italians
:
Those
who
govern'd
them
,
relied
upon
tricks
and
shifts
;
they
who
could
not
defend
themselves
,
hired
some
of
those
Nations
to
undertake
their
Quarrels
against
others
.
These
trinklings
could
not
last
:
The
Goths
scorning
to
depend
upon
those
who
in
Valour
and
Strength
were
much
inferior
to
themselves
,
seized
upon
the
City
that
had
commanded
the
World
,
whilst
Honorius
was
so
busy
in
providing
for
his
Hens
,
that
he
could
not
think
of
defending
it
.
Arcadius
had
the
luck
not
to
lose
his
principal
City
;
but
passing
his
time
among
Fidlers
,
Players
,
Eunuchs
,
Cooks
,
Dancers
,
and
Buffoons
,
the
Provinces
were
securely
plunder'd
and
ransack'd
by
Nations
,
that
are
known
only
from
their
Victories
against
him
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
that
this
proceeded
from
the
fatal
corruption
of
that
Age
;
for
that
corruption
proceeded
from
the
Government
,
and
the
ensuing
desolation
was
the
effect
of
it
.
And
as
the
like
disorder
in
Government
has
bin
ever
since
in
Greece
and
the
greatest
part
of
Italy
,
those
Countries
which
for
Extent
,
Riches
,
convenience
of
Situation
,
and
numbers
of
men
,
are
equal
to
the
best
in
the
world
,
and
for
the
Wit
,
Courage
,
and
Industry
of
the
Natives
,
perhaps
justly
preferable
to
any
,
have
since
that
time
bin
always
exposed
as
a
prey
to
the
first
Invader
.
Charles
the
Eighth
of
France
is
by
Guicciardin
,
and
other
Writers
,
represented
as
a
Prince
equally
weak
in
Body
,
Mind
,
Mony
,
and
Forces
;
but
as
an
ill
Hare
is
said
to
make
a
good
Dog
,
he
conquer'd
the
best
part
of
Italy
without
breaking
a
Lance.
Ferdinand
and
Alphonso
of
Arragon
,
Kings
of
Naples
,
had
governed
by
Trepanners
,
false
Witnesses
,
corrupt
Judges
,
mercenary
Soldiers
,
and
other
Ministers
of
Iniquity
;
but
these
could
afford
no
help
against
an
Invader
;
and
neither
the
oppressed
Nobility
,
nor
People
,
concerning
themselves
in
the
quarrel
,
they
who
had
bin
proud
,
fierce
,
and
cruel
against
their
poor
Subjects
,
never
durst
look
an
Enemy
in
the
face
;
and
the
Father
dying
with
anguish
and
fear
,
the
Son
shamefully
fled
from
his
ill
governed
Kingdom
.
The
same
things
are
no
less
evident
in
Spain
.
No
People
ever
defended
themselves
with
more
Obstinacy
and
Valour
than
the
Spaniards
did
against
the
Carthaginians
and
Romans
,
who
surpassed
them
in
Wealth
and
Skill
.
Livy
calls
them
Gentem
ad
bella
gerenda
&
reparanda
natam
,
and
who
generally
kill'd
themselves
when
they
were
master'd
and
disarm'd
,
Nullam
sine
armis
vitam
esse
rati
.
But
tho
the
mixture
of
Roman
Blood
could
not
impair
their
Race
,
and
the
conjunction
of
the
Goths
had
improved
their
Force
;
yet
no
more
was
requir'd
for
the
overthrow
of
them
all
,
than
the
weakness
and
baseness
of
the
two
lewd
Tyrants
Witza
and
Rodrigo
,
who
disdained
all
Laws
,
and
resolved
to
govern
according
to
their
Lust.
They
who
for
more
than
two
hundred
years
had
resisted
the
Romans
,
were
intirely
subdued
by
the
vile
,
half
naked
Moors
,
in
one
slight
Skirmish
;
and
do
not
to
this
day
know
what
became
of
the
King
who
brought
the
Destruction
upon
them
.
That
Kingdom
after
many
revolutions
is
with
many
others
come
to
the
House
of
Austria
,
and
enjoys
all
the
Wealth
of
the
Indies
;
whereupon
they
are
thought
to
have
affected
an
universal
Monarchy
.
Sed
ut
sunt
levia
Aulicorum
ingenia
,
this
was
grounded
upon
nothing
except
their
own
Vanity
:
They
had
Mony
and
Craft
;
but
wanting
that
solid
Virtue
and
Strength
which
makes
and
preserves
Conquests
,
their
Kings
have
nothing
but
Milan
that
did
not
come
to
them
by
Marriage
:
And
tho
they
have
not
received
any
extraordinary
disasters
in
War
,
yet
they
languish
and
consume
through
the
defects
of
their
own
Government
,
and
are
forced
to
beg
assistance
from
thier
mortal
and
formerly
despis'd
Enemies
.
These
are
the
best
hopes
of
defence
that
they
have
from
abroad
;
and
the
only
Enemy
an
Invader
ought
to
fear
in
their
desolate
Territories
is
that
want
and
famin
which
testifies
the
good
Order
,
Strength
and
Stability
of
our
Author
's
divine
Monarchy
;
the
profound
Wisdom
of
their
Kings
in
subtilly
finding
out
so
sure
a
way
of
defending
the
Country
;
their
paternal
care
in
providing
for
the
good
of
their
Subjects
;
and
that
whatsoever
is
defective
in
the
Prince
,
is
assuredly
supplied
by
the
Sedulity
of
a
good
Council
.
We
have
already
said
enough
to
obviate
the
objections
that
may
be
drawn
from
the
prosperity
of
the
French
Monarchy
.
The
beauty
of
it
is
false
and
painted
.
There
is
a
rich
and
haughty
King
,
who
is
bless'd
with
such
Neighbours
as
are
not
likely
to
disturb
him
,
and
has
nothing
to
fear
from
his
miserable
Subjects
;
but
the
whole
body
of
that
State
is
full
of
boils
,
and
wounds
,
and
putrid
sores
:
There
is
no
real
strength
in
it
.
The
People
is
so
unwilling
to
serve
him
,
that
he
is
said
to
have
put
to
death
above
fourscore
thousand
of
his
own
Soldiers
within
the
space
of
fifteen
years
,
for
flying
from
their
Colours
;
and
if
he
were
vigorously
attack'd
,
little
help
could
be
expected
from
a
discontented
Nobility
,
or
a
starving
and
despairing
People
.
If
to
diminish
the
force
of
these
arguments
and
examples
,
it
be
said
that
in
two
or
three
thousand
years
all
things
are
changed
;
the
antient
Virtue
of
Mankind
is
extinguished
;
and
the
love
that
every
one
had
to
his
Country
is
turned
into
a
care
of
his
private
Interests
:
I
answer
,
that
Time
changes
nothing
,
and
the
Changes
produced
in
this
time
proceed
only
from
the
change
of
Governments
.
The
Nations
which
have
bin
governed
arbitrarily
,
have
always
suffer'd
the
same
Plagues
,
and
bin
infected
with
the
same
Vices
;
which
is
as
natural
,
as
for
Animals
ever
to
generate
according
to
their
kinds
,
and
Fruits
to
be
of
the
same
nature
with
the
Roots
and
Seeds
from
which
they
come
.
The
same
Order
that
made
men
valiant
and
industrious
in
the
service
of
their
Country
during
the
first
ages
,
would
have
the
same
effect
,
if
it
were
now
in
being
:
Men
would
have
the
same
love
to
the
publick
as
the
Spartans
and
Romans
had
,
if
there
was
the
same
reason
for
it
.
We
need
no
other
proof
of
this
than
what
we
have
seen
in
our
own
Country
,
where
in
a
few
years
good
Discipline
,
and
a
just
encouragement
given
to
those
who
did
well
,
produced
more
examples
of
pure
,
compleat
,
incorruptible
,
and
invincible
Virtue
than
Rome
or
Greece
could
ever
boast
;
or
if
more
be
wanting
,
they
may
easily
be
found
among
the
Switzers
,
Hollanders
,
and
others
:
but
't
is
not
necessary
to
light
a
Candle
to
the
Sun
.
SECT.
XXIV
.
Popular
Governments
are
less
subject
to
Civil
Disorders
than
Monarchies
;
manage
them
more
ably
,
and
more
easily
recover
out
of
them
.
'T
Is
in
vain
to
seek
a
Government
in
all
points
free
from
a
possibility
of
Civil
Wars
,
Tumults
,
and
Seditions
:
that
is
a
Blessing
denied
to
this
life
,
and
reserved
to
compleat
the
Felicity
of
the
next
.
But
if
these
are
to
be
accounted
the
greatest
evils
that
can
fall
upon
a
People
,
the
rectitude
or
defects
of
Governments
will
best
appear
if
we
examin
which
Species
is
more
or
less
exposed
to
,
or
exempted
from
them
.
This
may
be
done
two
ways
.
-
1.
By
searching
into
the
causes
from
whence
they
may
,
or
usually
do
arise
.
-
2.
Which
kind
has
actually
bin
most
frequently
and
dangerously
disturbed
by
them
.
To
the
first
:
Seditions
,
Tumults
,
and
Wars
do
arise
from
mistake
,
or
from
malice
;
from
just
occasions
,
or
unjust
:
from
mistake
,
when
a
People
thinks
an
evil
to
be
done
or
intended
,
which
is
not
done
nor
intended
,
or
takes
that
to
be
evil
which
is
done
,
tho
in
truth
it
be
not
so
.
Well
regulated
Cities
may
fall
into
these
errors
.
The
Romans
being
jealous
of
their
newly
recover'd
Liberty
,
thought
that
Valerius
Publicola
designed
to
make
himself
King
,
when
he
built
a
House
in
a
place
that
seemed
too
strong
and
eminent
for
a
private
man
.
The
Spartans
were
not
less
suspicious
of
Lycurgus
;
and
a
lewd
young
Fellow
in
a
Sedition
put
out
one
of
his
eyes
:
but
no
People
ever
continued
in
a
more
constant
affection
to
their
best
deserving
Citizens
,
than
both
the
Romans
and
Spartans
afterwards
manifested
to
those
virtuous
and
wrongfully
suspected
men
.
Sometimes
the
fact
is
true
,
but
otherwise
understood
than
was
intended
.
When
the
Tarquins
were
expelled
from
Rome
,
the
Patricians
retained
to
themselves
the
principal
Magistracies
;
but
never
thought
of
bringing
back
Kings
,
or
of
setting
up
a
corrupt
Oligarchy
among
themselves
,
as
the
Plebeians
imagin'd
:
And
this
mistake
being
discover'd
,
the
fury
they
had
conceived
,
vanished
;
and
they
who
seemed
to
intend
nothing
less
than
the
extirpation
of
all
the
Patrician
Families
,
grew
quiet
.
Menenius
Agrippa
appeased
one
of
the
most
violent
Seditions
that
ever
happened
amongst
them
(
till
civil
Interests
were
pursued
by
armed
Troops
)
with
a
Fable
of
the
several
parts
of
the
Body
that
murmur'd
against
the
Belly
:
and
the
most
dangerous
of
all
was
composed
by
creating
Tribuns
to
protect
them
.
Some
of
the
Patrician
young
men
had
favour'd
the
Decemviri
,
and
others
being
unwilling
to
appear
against
them
,
the
People
believed
they
had
all
conspired
with
those
new
Tyrants
:
but
Valerius
and
Horatius
putting
themselves
at
the
head
of
those
who
sought
their
destruction
,
they
perceived
their
Error
,
and
looked
upon
the
Patricians
as
the
best
defenders
of
their
Liberties
:
Et
inde
,
says
Livy
,
auram
Libertatis
captare
,
unde
servitutem
timuissent
.
Democratical
Governments
are
most
liable
to
these
mistakes
:
In
Aristocracies
they
are
seldom
seen
,
and
we
hear
of
none
in
Sparta
after
the
establishment
of
the
Laws
by
Lycurgus
;
but
Absolute
Monarchies
seem
to
be
totally
exempted
from
them
.
The
mischiefs
design'd
are
often
dissembled
or
denied
,
till
they
are
past
all
possibililty
of
being
cured
by
any
other
way
than
Force
:
and
such
as
are
by
necessity
driven
to
use
that
remedy
,
know
they
must
perfect
their
work
or
perish
.
He
that
draws
his
Sword
against
the
Prince
,
say
the
French
,
ought
to
throw
away
the
Scabbard
;
for
tho
the
design
be
never
so
just
,
yet
the
Authors
are
sure
to
be
ruin'd
if
it
miscarry
.
Peace
is
seldom
made
,
and
never
kept
,
unless
the
Subject
retain
such
a
Power
in
his
hands
,
as
may
oblige
the
Prince
to
stand
to
what
is
agreed
;
and
in
time
some
trick
is
found
to
deprive
them
of
that
benefit
.
Seditions
proceeding
from
malice
,
are
seldom
or
never
seen
in
popular
Governments
;
for
they
are
hurtful
to
the
People
,
and
none
have
ever
willingly
and
knowingly
hurt
themselves
.
There
may
be
,
and
often
is
malice
in
those
who
excite
them
;
but
the
people
is
ever
deceiv'd
,
and
whatsoever
is
thereupon
done
,
ought
to
be
imputed
to
error
,
as
I
said
before
.
If
this
be
discovered
in
time
,
it
usually
turns
to
the
destruction
of
the
Contriver
;
as
in
the
cases
of
Manlius
Capitolinus
,
Spurius
Melius
,
and
Sp.
Cassius
:
if
not
,
for
the
most
part
it
produces
a
Tyranny
,
as
in
those
of
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Pisistratus
,
and
Cesar
.
But
in
Absolute
Monarchies
,
almost
all
the
Troubles
that
arise
,
proceed
from
malice
;
they
cannot
be
reformed
,
the
extinction
of
them
is
exceeding
difficult
,
if
they
have
continued
long
enough
to
corrupt
the
people
;
and
those
who
appear
against
them
,
seek
only
to
set
up
themselves
,
or
their
Friends
.
Thus
we
see
that
in
the
Civil
Wars
of
the
East
,
the
question
was
,
whether
Artaxerxes
or
Cyrus
,
Phraartes
or
Bardanes
,
should
reign
over
the
Persians
and
Parthians
:
The
people
suffer'd
equally
from
both
whilst
the
Contests
lasted
;
and
the
decision
left
them
under
the
power
of
a
proud
and
cruel
Master
.
The
like
is
seen
in
all
places
.
After
the
death
of
Brutus
and
Cassius
,
no
War
was
ever
undertaken
in
the
Roman
Empire
upon
a
better
account
than
one
man's
private
concernments
:
The
Provinces
suffer'd
under
all
;
and
he
,
whom
they
had
assisted
to
overthrow
one
wicked
Tyrant
,
very
often
proved
worse
than
his
Predecessor
.
And
the
only
ground
of
all
the
Dissensions
with
which
France
was
vexed
under
the
Princes
of
Meroveus
and
Pepin's
Races
,
were
,
which
of
them
should
reign
,
the
people
remaining
miserable
under
them
all
.
The
case
is
not
much
different
in
mixed
Monarchies
:
Some
Wars
may
be
undertaken
upon
a
just
and
publick
account
,
but
the
pretences
are
commonly
false
:
a
lasting
Reformation
is
hardly
introduced
,
an
intire
Change
often
disliked
.
And
tho
such
Kingdoms
are
frequently
and
terribly
distracted
,
as
appears
by
the
beforemention'd
Examples
of
England
,
Spain
,
&c.
the
Quarrels
are
for
the
most
part
begun
upon
personal
Titles
,
as
between
Henry
the
First
and
Robert
;
Stephen
and
Maud
;
or
the
Houses
of
Lancaster
and
York
:
and
the
people
who
get
nothing
by
the
Victory
which
way
soever
it
fall
,
and
might
therefore
prudently
leave
the
Competitors
to
decide
their
own
Quarrels
,
like
Theorestes
and
Polinices
,
with
their
own
Swords
,
become
cruelly
engaged
in
them
.
It
may
seem
strange
to
some
that
I
mention
Seditions
,
Tumults
,
and
Wars
,
upon
just
occasions
;
but
I
can
find
no
reason
to
retract
the
term
.
God
intending
that
men
should
live
justly
with
one
another
,
dos
certainly
intend
that
he
or
they
who
do
no
wrong
,
should
suffer
none
;
and
the
Law
that
forbids
Injuries
,
were
of
no
use
,
if
no
Penalty
might
be
inflicted
on
those
that
will
not
obey
it
.
If
Injustice
therefore
be
evil
,
and
Injuries
forbidden
,
they
are
also
to
be
punished
;
and
the
Law
instituted
for
their
prevention
,
must
necessarily
intend
the
avenging
of
such
as
cannot
be
prevented
.
The
work
of
the
Magistracy
is
to
execute
this
Law
;
the
Sword
of
Justice
is
put
into
their
hands
to
restrain
the
fury
of
those
within
the
Society
who
will
not
be
a
Law
to
themselves
;
and
the
Sword
of
War
to
protect
the
people
against
the
violence
of
Foreigners
.
This
is
without
exception
,
and
would
be
in
vain
if
it
were
not
.
But
the
Magistrate
who
is
to
protect
the
people
from
Injury
,
may
,
and
is
often
known
not
to
have
done
it
:
he
sometimes
renders
his
Office
useless
by
neglecting
to
do
Justice
;
sometimes
mischievous
by
overthrowing
it
.
This
strikes
at
the
root
of
God's
general
Ordinance
,
That
there
should
be
Laws
;
and
the
particular
Ordinances
of
all
Societies
that
appoint
such
as
seem
best
to
them
.
The
Magistrate
therefore
is
comprehended
under
both
,
and
subject
to
both
,
as
well
as
private
men
.
The
ways
of
preventing
or
punishing
Injuries
,
are
Judicial
or
Extrajudicial
.
Judicial
proceedings
are
of
force
against
those
who
submit
or
may
be
brought
to
trial
,
but
are
of
no
effect
against
those
who
resist
,
and
are
of
such
power
that
they
cannot
be
constrained
.
It
were
absurd
to
cite
a
man
to
appear
before
a
Tribunal
who
can
aw
the
Judges
,
or
has
Armies
to
defend
him
;
and
impious
to
think
that
he
who
has
added
treachery
to
his
other
Crimes
,
andu
surped
a
Power
above
the
Law
,
should
be
protected
by
the
enormity
of
his
wickedness
.
Legal
proceedings
therefore
are
to
be
used
when
the
Delinquent
submits
to
the
Law
;
and
all
are
just
,
when
he
will
not
be
kept
in
order
by
the
legal
.
The
word
Sedition
is
generally
applied
to
all
numerous
Assemblies
,
without
or
against
the
Authority
of
the
Magistrate
,
or
of
those
who
assume
that
Power
.
Athaliah
and
Jezabel
were
more
ready
to
cry
out
Treason
than
David
;
and
examples
of
that
sort
are
so
frequent
,
that
I
need
not
alledg
them
.
Tumult
is
from
the
disorderly
manner
of
those
Assemblies
,
where
things
can
seldom
be
done
regularly
;
and
War
is
that
Decertatio
per
vim
,
or
trial
by
force
,
to
which
men
come
when
other
ways
are
ineffectual
.
If
the
Laws
of
God
and
Men
are
therefore
of
no
effect
,
when
the
Magistracy
is
left
at
liberty
to
break
them
;
and
if
the
Lusts
of
those
who
are
too
strong
for
the
Tribunals
of
Justice
,
cannot
be
otherwise
restrained
than
by
Sedition
,
Tumults
and
War
,
those
Seditions
,
Tumults
,
and
Wars
,
are
justified
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
.
I
will
not
take
upon
me
to
enumerate
all
the
cases
in
which
this
may
be
done
,
but
content
my self
with
three
,
which
have
most
frequently
given
occasion
for
proceedings
of
this
kind
.
The
first
is
,
When
one
or
more
men
take
upon
them
the
Power
and
Name
of
a
Magistracy
,
to
which
they
are
not
justly
called
.
The
second
,
When
one
or
more
being
justly
called
,
continue
in
their
Magistracy
longer
than
the
Laws
by
which
they
are
called
do
prescribe
.
And
the
third
,
When
he
or
they
who
are
rightly
called
,
do
assume
a
Power
,
tho
within
the
time
prescribed
,
that
the
Law
dos
not
give
;
or
turn
that
which
the
Law
dos
give
,
to
an
end
different
and
contrary
to
that
which
is
intended
by
it
.
For
the
first
;
Filmer
forbids
us
to
examine
Titles
:
he
tells
us
,
we
must
submit
to
the
Power
,
whether
acquired
by
Usurpation
or
otherwise
,
not
observing
the
mischievous
Absurdity
of
rewarding
the
most
detestable
Villanies
with
the
highest
Honours
,
and
rendring
the
veneration
due
to
the
supreme
Magistrate
as
Father
of
the
People
,
to
one
who
has
no
other
advantage
above
his
Brethren
,
than
what
he
has
gained
by
injuriously
dispossessing
or
murdering
him
that
was
so
.
Hobbs
fearing
the
advantages
that
may
be
taken
from
such
desperate
nonsense
,
or
not
thinking
it
necessary
to
his
end
to
carry
the
matter
so
far
,
has
no
regard
at
all
to
him
who
comes
in
without
Title
or
Consent
;
and
denying
him
to
be
either
King
or
Tyrant
,
gives
him
no
other
name
than
Hostis
&
Latro
,
and
allows
all
things
to
be
lawful
against
him
,
that
may
be
done
to
a
publick
Enemy
or
Pyrat
:
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
any
man
may
destroy
him
how
he
can
.
Whatever
he
may
be
guilty
of
in
other
respects
,
he
dos
in
this
follow
the
voice
of
Mankind
,
and
the
dictates
of
common
sense
:
for
no
man
can
make
himself
a
Magistrate
for
himself
;
and
no
man
can
have
the
right
of
a
Magistrate
,
who
is
not
a
Magistrate
.
If
he
be
These
are
by
other
Authors
called
Tyranni
sine
titulo
,
and
that
name
is
given
to
all
those
who
obtain
the
supreme
Power
by
illegal
and
unjust
means
.
The
Laws
which
they
overthrow
can
give
them
no
protection
;
and
every
man
is
a
Souldier
against
him
who
is
a
publick
Enemy
.
The
same
rule
holds
tho
they
are
more
in
number
,
as
the
Magi
who
usurped
the
Dominion
of
Persia
after
the
death
of
Cambyses
;
the
thirty
Tyrants
at
Athens
overthrown
by
Thrasibulus
;
those
of
Thebes
slain
by
Pelopidas
;
the
Decemviri
of
Rome
,
and
others
:
for
tho
the
multitude
of
Offenders
may
sometimes
procure
impunity
,
yet
that
act
which
is
wicked
in
one
,
must
be
so
in
ten
or
twenty
;
and
whatsoever
is
lawful
against
one
Usurper
,
is
so
against
them
all
.
2.
If
those
who
were
rightly
created
,
continue
beyond
the
time
limited
by
the
Law
,
't
is
the
same
thing
.
That
which
is
expir'd
,
is
as
if
it
had
never
bin
.
He
that
was
created
Consul
for
a
year
,
or
Dictator
for
six
months
,
was
after
that
a
private
man
;
and
if
he
had
continued
in
the
exercise
of
his
Magistracy
,
had
bin
subject
to
the
same
punishment
as
if
he
had
usurped
it
at
the
first
.
This
was
known
to
Epaminondas
,
who
finding
that
his
Enterprize
against
Sparta
could
not
be
accomplished
within
the
time
for
which
he
was
made
Boeotarches
,
rather
chose
to
trust
his
Countrymen
with
his
life
than
to
desist
,
and
was
saved
merely
through
an
admiration
of
his
Virtue
,
assurance
of
his
good
Intentions
,
and
the
glory
of
the
Action
.
The
Roman
Decemviri
,
tho
duly
elected
,
were
proceeded
against
as
private
men
usurping
the
Magistracy
,
when
they
continued
beyond
their
time
.
Other
Magistrates
had
ceased
;
there
was
none
that
could
regularly
call
the
Senate
or
People
to
an
Assembly
:
but
when
their
ambition
was
manifest
,
and
the
people
exasperated
by
the
death
of
Virginia
,
they
laid
aside
all
ceremonies
.
The
Senate
and
People
met
,
and
exercising
their
Authority
in
the
same
manner
as
if
they
had
bin
regularly
called
by
the
Magistrate
appointed
to
that
end
,
they
abrogated
the
Power
of
the
Decemviri
,
proceeded
against
them
as
Enemies
and
Tyrants
,
and
by
that
means
preserved
themselves
'
from
utter
ruin
.
3.
The
same
course
is
justly
used
against
a
legal
Magistrate
,
who
takes
upon
him
(
tho
within
the
time
prescribed
by
the
Law
)
to
exercise
a
Power
which
the
Law
dos
not
give
;
for
in
that
respect
he
is
a
private
man
,
Quia
,
as
Grotius
says
,
eatenus
non
habet
imperium
;
and
may
be
restrain'd
as
well
as
any
other
,
because
he
is
not
set
up
to
do
what
he
lists
,
but
what
the
Law
appoints
for
the
good
of
the
People
;
and
as
he
has
no
other
Power
than
what
the
Law
allows
,
so
the
same
Law
limits
and
directs
the
exercise
of
that
which
he
has
.
This
Right
naturally
belonging
to
Nations
,
is
no
way
impair'd
by
the
name
of
Supreme
given
to
their
Magistrates
;
for
it
signifies
no
more
,
than
that
they
do
act
soveraignly
in
the
matters
committed
to
their
charge
.
Thus
are
the
Parliaments
of
France
called
Cours
Souveraines
;
for
they
judg
of
Life
and
Death
,
determine
Controversies
concerning
Estates
;
and
there
is
no
appeal
from
their
Decrees
:
but
no
man
ever
thought
,
that
it
was
therefore
lawful
for
them
to
do
what
they
pleased
;
or
that
they
might
not
be
opposed
,
if
they
should
attempt
to
do
that
which
they
ought
not
.
And
tho
the
Roman
Dictators
and
Consuls
were
supreme
Magistrates
,
they
were
subject
to
the
People
,
and
might
be
punished
as
well
as
others
if
they
transgressed
the
Law
.
Thuanus
carries
the
word
so
far
,
that
when
Barlotta
,
Giustiniano
,
and
others
who
were
but
Colonels
,
were
sent
as
Commanders
in
chief
of
three
or
four
thousand
men
upon
an
Enterprize
,
he
always
says
,
Summum
Imperium
ei
delatum
.
Grotius
explains
this
point
,
by
distinguishing
those
who
have
the
summum
Imperium
summo
modo
,
from
those
who
have
it
modo
non
summo
.
I
know
not
where
to
find
an
Example
of
this
Soveraign
Power
,
enjoy'd
without
restriction
,
under
a
better
title
than
Occupation
;
which
relates
not
to
our
purpose
,
who
seek
only
that
which
is
legal
and
just
.
Therefore
laying
aside
that
point
for
the
present
,
we
may
follow
Grotius
in
examining
the
Right
of
those
who
are
certainly
limited
:
Ubi
partem
Imperii
habet
Rex
,
partem
Senatus
sive
Populus
;
in
which
case
The
particular
limits
of
the
Rights
belonging
to
each
,
can
only
be
judged
by
the
precise
Letter
,
or
general
Intention
of
the
Law
.
The
Dukes
of
Venice
have
certainly
a
part
in
the
Government
,
and
could
not
be
called
Magistrates
if
they
had
not
.
They
are
said
to
be
supreme
;
all
Laws
and
publick
Acts
bear
their
Names
.
The
Ambassador
of
that
State
speaking
to
Pope
Paul
the
5th
,
denied
that
he
acknowledged
Again
,
some
Magistrates
are
entrusted
with
a
power
of
providing
Ships
,
Arms
,
Ammunition
,
and
Victuals
for
War
;
raising
and
disciplining
Soldiers
,
appointing
Officers
to
command
in
Forts
and
Garisons
,
and
making
Leagues
with
Foreign
Princes
and
States
.
But
if
one
of
these
should
imbezel
,
sell
,
or
give
to
an
Enemy
those
Ships
,
Arms
,
Ammunition
or
Provisions
;
betray
the
Forts
;
employ
only
or
principally
,
such
men
as
will
serve
him
in
those
wicked
Actions
;
and
,
contrary
to
the
trust
reposed
in
him
,
make
such
Leagues
with
Foreigners
,
as
tend
to
the
advancement
of
his
personal
Interests
,
and
to
the
detriment
of
the
Publick
,
he
abrogates
his
own
Magistracy
;
and
the
Right
he
had
,
perishes
(
as
the
Lawyers
say
)
frustratione
finis
.
He
cannot
be
protected
by
the
Law
which
he
has
overthrown
,
nor
obtain
impunity
for
his
Crimes
from
the
Authority
that
was
conferred
upon
him
,
only
that
he
might
do
good
with
it
.
He
was
singulis
major
on
account
of
the
excellence
of
his
Office
;
but
universis
minor
,
from
the
nature
and
end
of
his
institution
.
The
surest
way
of
extinguishing
his
Prerogative
was
by
turning
it
to
the
hurt
of
those
who
gave
it
.
When
matters
are
brought
to
this
posture
,
the
Author
of
the
mischief
,
or
the
Nation
must
perish
.
A
Flock
cannot
subsist
under
a
Shepherd
that
seeks
its
ruin
,
nor
a
People
under
an
unfaithful
Magistrate
.
Honour
and
Riches
are
justly
heaped
upon
the
heads
of
those
who
rightly
perform
their
duty
,
because
the
difficulty
as
well
as
the
excellency
of
the
work
is
great
.
It
requires
Courage
,
Experience
,
Industry
,
Fidelity
and
Wisdom
.
The
good
Shepherd
,
says
our
Saviour
,
says
down
his
life
for
his
Sheep
:
The
Hireling
who
flies
in
time
of
danger
,
is
represented
under
an
ill
character
;
but
he
that
sets
himself
to
destroy
his
Flock
,
is
a
Wolf
.
His
Authority
is
incompatible
with
their
subsistence
;
and
whoever
disapproves
Tumults
,
Seditions
or
War
,
by
which
he
may
be
removed
from
it
,
if
gentler
means
are
ineffectual
,
subverts
the
Foundation
of
all
Law
,
exalts
the
fury
of
one
man
to
the
destruction
of
a
Nation
;
and
giving
an
irresistible
Power
to
the
most
abominable
Iniquity
,
exposes
all
that
are
good
to
be
destroy'd
,
and
Virtue
to
be
utterly
extinguished
.
Few
will
allow
such
a
Preeminence
to
the
Dukes
of
Venice
or
Genoa
the
Advoyers
of
Switzerland
,
or
the
Burgomasters
of
Amsterdam
.
Many
will
say
these
are
Rascals
if
they
prove
false
,
and
ought
rather
to
be
hang'd
,
than
suffer'd
to
accomplish
the
Villanies
they
design
.
But
if
this
be
confess'd
in
relation
to
the
highest
Magistrates
that
are
among
those
Nations
,
why
should
not
the
same
be
in
all
others
,
by
what
name
soever
they
are
called
?
When
did
God
confer
upon
those
Nations
the
extraordinary
privilege
of
providing
better
for
their
own
safety
than
others
?
Or
was
the
Gift
universal
,
tho
the
Benefit
accrue
only
to
those
who
have
banished
great
Titles
from
among
them
?
If
this
be
so
,
't
is
not
their
Felicity
,
but
their
Wisdom
that
we
ought
to
admire
and
imitate
.
But
why
should
any
think
their
Ancestors
had
not
the
same
care
?
Have
not
they
,
who
retain'd
in
themselves
a
Power
over
a
Magistrate
of
one
name
,
the
like
over
another
?
Is
there
a
charm
in
words
,
or
any
name
of
such
efficacy
,
that
he
who
receives
it
should
immediately
become
Master
of
those
that
created
him
,
whereas
all
others
do
remain
for
ever
subject
to
them
?
Would
the
Venetian
Government
change
its
nature
,
if
they
should
give
the
name
of
King
to
their
Prince
?
Are
the
Polanders
less
free
since
the
title
of
King
is
conferr'd
upon
their
Dukes
;
or
are
the
Moscovites
less
Slaves
,
because
their
chief
Magistrate
has
no
other
than
that
of
Duke
?
If
we
examine
things
but
a
little
,
't
will
appear
that
Magistrates
have
enjoy'd
large
Powers
,
who
never
had
the
name
of
Kings
;
and
none
were
ever
more
restrained
by
Laws
than
those
of
Sparta
,
Arragon
,
the
Goths
in
Spain
,
Hungary
,
Bohemia
,
Sweden
,
Denmark
,
Poland
,
and
others
,
who
had
that
Title
.
There
is
therefore
no
such
thing
as
a
Right
universally
belonging
to
a
Name
;
but
every
one
enjoys
that
which
the
Laws
,
by
which
he
is
,
confer
upon
him
.
The
Law
that
gives
the
Power
,
regulates
it
;
and
they
who
give
no
more
than
what
they
please
,
cannot
be
obliged
to
suffer
him
to
whom
they
give
it
,
to
take
more
than
they
thought
fit
to
give
,
or
to
go
unpunished
if
he
do
.
The
Agreements
made
are
always
confirmed
by
Oath
,
and
the
treachery
of
violating
them
is
consequently
aggravated
by
Perjury
.
They
are
good
Philosophers
and
able
Divines
,
who
think
this
can
create
a
Right
to
those
who
had
none
;
or
that
the
Laws
can
be
a
protection
to
such
as
overthrow
them
,
and
give
opportunity
of
doing
the
mischiefs
they
design
.
If
it
do
not
,
then
he
that
was
a
Magistrate
,
by
such
actions
returns
into
the
condition
of
a
private
man
;
and
whatever
is
lawful
against
a
Thief
who
submits
to
no
Law
,
is
lawful
against
him
.
Men
who
delight
in
cavils
may
ask
,
Who
shall
be
the
Judg
of
these
occasions
?
and
whether
I
intend
to
give
to
the
People
the
decision
of
their
own
Cause
?
To
which
I
answer
,
that
when
the
Contest
is
between
the
Magistrate
and
the
People
,
the
party
to
which
the
determination
is
referred
,
must
be
the
Judg
of
his
own
case
;
and
the
question
is
only
,
Whether
the
Magistrate
should
depend
upon
the
Judgment
of
the
People
,
or
the
People
on
that
of
the
Magistrate
;
and
which
is
most
to
be
suspected
of
injustice
:
That
is
,
whether
the
people
of
Rome
should
judg
Tarquin
,
or
Tarquin
judg
the
people
.
He
that
knew
all
good
men
abhorred
him
for
the
murder
of
his
Wife
,
Brother
,
Father-in-law
,
and
the
best
of
the
Senate
,
would
certainly
strike
off
the
heads
of
the
most
eminent
remaining
Poppies
;
and
having
incurr'd
the
general
hatred
of
the
people
by
the
wickedness
of
his
Government
,
he
seared
revenge
;
and
endeavouring
to
destroy
those
he
seared
(
that
is
the
City
)
he
might
easily
have
accomplish'd
his
work
,
if
the
judgment
had
bin
referred
to
him
.
If
the
people
judg
Tarquin
,
't
is
hard
to
imagine
how
they
should
be
brought
to
give
an
unjust
Sentence
:
They
loved
their
former
Kings
,
and
hated
him
only
for
his
Villanies
:
They
did
not
fancy
,
but
know
his
cruelty
.
When
the
best
were
slain
,
no
man
that
any
way
resembled
them
could
think
himself
secure
.
Brutus
did
not
pretend
to
be
a
Fool
,
till
by
the
murder
of
his
Brother
he
found
how
dangerous
a
thing
it
was
to
be
thought
wise
.
If
the
people
,
as
our
Author
says
,
be
always
lewd
,
foolish
,
mad
,
wicked
,
and
desirous
to
put
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
such
as
are
most
like
to
themselves
,
he
and
his
Sons
were
such
men
as
they
sought
,
and
he
was
sure
to
find
favourable
Judges
:
If
virtuous
and
good
,
no
injustice
was
to
be
feared
from
them
,
and
he
could
have
no
other
reason
to
decline
their
indgment
,
than
what
was
suggested
by
his
own
wickedness
.
Caligula
,
Nero
,
Domitian
,
and
the
like
,
had
probably
the
same
considerations
:
But
no
man
of
common
sense
ever
thought
that
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
did
not
better
deserve
to
judg
,
whether
such
Monsters
should
reign
over
the
best
part
of
mankind
to
their
destruction
,
than
they
to
determine
whether
their
Crimes
should
be
punished
or
not
.
If
I
mention
some
of
these
known
Cases
,
every
man's
experience
will
suggest
others
of
the
like
nature
;
and
whosoever
condemns
all
Seditions
,
Tumults
and
Wars
raised
against
such
Princes
,
must
say
,
that
none
are
wicked
,
or
seek
the
ruin
of
their
people
,
which
is
absurd
;
for
Caligula
wish'd
the
People
had
but
one
Neck
,
that
he
might
cut
it
off
at
a
blow
:
Nero
set
the
City
on
fire
;
and
we
have
known
such
as
have
bin
worse
than
either
of
them
:
They
must
either
be
suffer'd
to
continue
in
the
free
exercise
of
their
rage
,
that
is
,
to
do
all
the
mischief
they
design
;
or
must
be
restrain'd
by
a
legal
,
judicial
,
or
extrajudicial
way
;
and
they
who
disallow
the
extrajudicial
,
do
as
little
like
the
judicial
.
They
will
not
hear
of
bringing
a
supreme
Magistrate
before
a
Tribunal
,
when
it
may
be
done
.
They
will
,
says
our
Author
,
depose
their
Kings
.
Why
should
they
not
be
deposed
,
if
they
become
Enemies
to
their
people
,
and
set
up
an
interest
in
their
own
persons
inconsistent
with
the
publick
good
,
for
the
promoting
of
which
they
were
erected
?
If
they
were
created
by
the
publick
consent
,
for
the
publick
good
,
shall
they
not
be
removed
when
they
prove
to
be
of
publick
damage
?
If
they
set
up
themselves
,
may
they
not
be
thrown
down
?
Shall
it
be
lawful
for
them
to
usurp
a
Power
over
the
liberty
of
others
,
and
shall
it
not
be
lawful
for
an
injur'd
People
to
resume
their
own
?
If
injustice
exalt
it self
,
must
it
be
for
ever
established
?
Shall
great
persons
be
rendred
sacred
by
rapine
,
perjury
and
murder
?
Shall
the
crimes
for
which
privat
men
do
justly
suffer
the
most
grievous
punishments
,
exempt
them
from
all
,
who
commit
them
in
the
highest
excess
,
with
most
power
,
and
most
to
the
prejudice
of
mankind
?
Shall
the
Laws
that
solely
aim
at
the
prevention
of
Crimes
be
made
to
patronize
them
,
and
become
snares
to
the
innocent
whom
they
ought
to
protect
?
Has
every
man
given
up
into
the
common
store
his
right
of
avenging
the
Injuries
he
may
receive
,
that
the
publick
Power
which
ought
to
protect
or
avenge
him
,
should
be
turned
to
the
destruction
of
himself
,
his
Posterity
,
and
the
Society
into
which
they
enter
,
without
any
possibility
of
redress
?
Shall
the
Ordinance
of
God
be
rendred
of
no
effect
;
or
the
Powers
he
hath
appointed
to
be
set
up
for
the
distribution
of
Justice
,
be
made
subservient
to
the
Iusts
of
one
or
a
few
men
,
and
by
impunity
encourage
them
to
commit
all
manner
of
crimes
?
Is
the
corruption
of
man's
Nature
so
little
known
,
that
such
as
have
common
sense
should
expect
Justice
from
those
,
who
fear
no
punishment
if
they
do
Injustice
;
or
that
the
modesty
,
integrity
,
and
innocence
,
which
is
seldom
found
in
one
man
,
tho
never
so
cautiously
chosen
,
should
be
constantly
found
in
all
those
who
by
any
means
attain
to
Greatness
,
and
continue
for
ever
in
their
Successors
;
or
that
there
can
be
any
security
under
their
Government
,
if
they
have
them
not
?
Surely
if
this
were
the
condition
of
men
living
under
Government
,
Forests
would
be
more
safe
than
Cities
;
and
't
were
better
for
every
man
to
stand
in
his
own
defence
,
than
to
enter
into
Societies
.
He
that
lives
alone
might
encounter
such
as
should
assault
him
upon
equal
terms
,
and
stand
or
fall
according
to
the
measure
of
his
courage
and
strength
;
but
no
valour
can
defend
him
,
if
the
malice
of
his
Enemy
be
upheld
by
a
publick
Power
.
There
must
therefore
be
a
right
of
proceeding
judicially
or
extrajudicially
against
all
persons
who
transgress
the
Laws
;
or
else
those
Laws
,
and
the
Societies
that
should
subsist
by
them
,
cannot
stand
;
and
the
ends
for
which
Governments
are
constituted
,
together
with
the
Governments
themselves
,
must
be
overthrown
.
Extrajudicial
proceedings
by
Sedition
,
Tumult
,
or
War
,
must
take
place
,
when
the
persons
concern'd
are
of
such
power
,
that
they
cannot
be
brought
under
the
Judicial
.
They
who
deny
this
,
deny
all
help
against
an
usurping
Tyrant
,
or
the
perfidiousness
of
a
lawfully
created
Magistrate
,
who
adds
the
crimes
of
Ingratitude
and
Treachery
to
Usurpation
.
These
of
all
men
are
the
most
dangerous
Enemies
to
supreme
Migistrates
:
for
as
no
man
desires
indemnity
for
such
Crimes
as
are
never
committed
,
he
that
would
exempt
all
from
punishment
,
supposes
they
will
be
guilty
of
the
worst
;
and
by
concluding
that
the
People
will
depose
them
if
they
have
the
power
,
acknowledg
that
they
pursue
an
Interest
annexed
to
their
Persons
,
contrary
to
that
of
their
People
,
which
they
would
not
bear
if
they
could
deliver
themselves
from
it
.
This
shewing
all
those
Governments
to
be
tyrannical
,
lays
such
a
burden
upon
those
who
administer
them
,
as
must
necessarily
weigh
them
down
to
destruction
.
If
it
be
said
that
the
word
Sedition
implies
that
which
is
evil
;
I
answer
,
that
it
ought
not
then
to
be
applied
to
those
who
seek
nothing
but
that
which
is
just
;
and
tho
the
ways
of
delivering
an
oppressed
People
from
the
violence
of
a
wicked
Magistrate
,
who
having
armed
a
Crew
of
lewd
Villains
,
and
fatted
them
with
the
Blood
and
Confiscations
of
such
as
were
most
ready
to
oppose
him
,
be
extraordinary
,
the
inward
righteousness
of
the
Act
doth
fully
justify
the
Authors
.
He
that
has
virtue
and
power
to
save
a
People
,
can
never
want
a
right
of
doing
it
.
Valerius
Asiaticus
had
no
hand
in
the
death
of
Caligula
;
but
when
the
furious
Guards
began
tumultuously
to
enquire
who
had
kill'd
him
,
he
appeased
them
with
wishing
he
had
bin
Thrasibulus
,
Harmodius
,
Aristogiton
,
Pelopidas
,
Epaminondas
,
Dion
,
Timoleon
,
Lucius
Brutus
,
Publicola
,
Horatius
,
Valerius
,
Marcus
Brutus
,
C.
Cassius
,
and
the
like
,
delivered
their
Countries
from
Tyrants
.
Their
Actions
carried
in
themselves
their
own
justification
,
and
their
Virtues
will
never
be
forgotten
whilst
the
names
of
Greece
and
Rome
are
remembred
in
the
World
.
If
this
be
not
enough
to
declare
the
Justice
inherent
in
,
and
the
Glory
that
ought
to
accompany
these
Works
,
the
examples
of
Moses
,
Aaron
,
Othniel
,
Ehud
,
Barac
,
Gideon
,
Samuel
,
Jephtha
,
David
,
Jehu
,
Jehoiada
,
the
Maccabees
,
and
other
holy
men
raised
up
by
God
for
the
deliverance
of
his
People
from
their
Oppressors
,
decide
the
Question
.
They
are
perpetually
renowned
for
having
led
the
People
by
extraordinary
ways
(
which
such
as
our
Author
express
under
the
names
of
Sedition
,
Tumult
,
and
War
)
to
recover
their
Liberties
,
and
avenge
the
injuries
received
from
foreign
or
domestick
Tyrants
.
The
work
of
the
Apostles
was
not
in
their
time
to
set
up
or
pull
down
any
Civil
State
;
but
they
so
behaved
themselves
in
relation
to
all
the
Powers
of
the
Earth
,
that
they
gained
the
name
of
pestilent
,
seditious
Fellows
,
Disturbers
of
the
People
;
and
left
it
as
an
inheritance
to
those
,
who
in
succeeding
Ages
by
following
their
steps
should
deserve
to
be
called
their
Successors
;
whereby
they
were
exposed
to
the
hatred
of
corrupt
Magistrates
,
and
brought
under
the
necessity
of
perishing
by
them
,
or
defending
themselves
against
them
:
and
he
that
denies
them
that
right
,
dos
at
once
condemn
the
most
glorious
Actions
of
the
wisest
,
best
,
and
holiest
men
that
have
bin
in
the
world
,
together
with
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
upon
which
they
were
founded
.
Nevertheless
,
there
is
a
sort
of
Sedition
,
Tumult
,
and
War
proceeding
from
Malice
,
which
is
always
detestable
,
aiming
only
at
the
satisfaction
of
private
Lust
,
without
regard
to
the
publick
Good
.
This
cannot
happen
in
a
Popular
Government
,
unless
it
be
amongst
the
Rabble
;
or
when
the
Body
of
the
People
is
so
corrupted
,
that
it
cannot
stand
;
but
is
most
frequent
in
,
and
natural
to
absolute
Monarchies
.
When
Abimelech
desir'd
to
make
himself
King
,
he
Sp.
Melius
,
Sp.
Cassius
,
and
Manlius
attempted
the
like
in
Rome
:
they
acted
malitiously
,
their
pretences
to
procure
the
publick
Good
were
false
.
'T
is
probable
that
some
in
the
City
were
as
bad
as
they
,
and
knew
that
mischief
was
intended
;
but
the
body
of
the
People
not
being
corrupted
,
they
were
suppressed
.
It
appear'd
,
says
Livy
,
Nihil
esse
minus
populare
quam
regnum
:
they
who
had
favour'd
Manlius
,
condemned
him
to
death
when
it
was
proved
,
that
egregias
alioqui
virtutes
fa'da
regni
cupidine
maculasset
.
But
when
the
People
is
generally
corrupted
,
such
designs
seldom
miscarry
,
and
the
success
is
always
the
erection
of
a
Tyranny
.
Nothing
else
can
please
vain
and
profligate
persons
,
and
no
Tyranny
was
ever
set
up
by
such
as
were
better
qualified
.
The
ways
of
attaining
it
have
always
bin
by
corrupting
the
manners
of
the
People
,
bribing
Soldiers
,
entertaining
mercenary
Strangers
,
opening
Prisons
,
giving
Liberty
to
Slaves
,
alluring
indigent
persons
with
hopes
of
abolishing
Debts
,
coming
to
a
new
division
of
Lands
,
and
the
like
.
Seditions
raised
by
such
men
always
tend
to
the
ruin
of
popular
Governments
;
but
when
they
happen
under
absolute
Monarchies
,
the
hurt
intended
is
only
to
the
Person
,
who
being
removed
the
Promoters
of
them
set
up
another
;
and
he
that
is
set
up
,
subsisting
only
by
the
strength
of
those
who
made
him
,
is
obliged
to
foment
the
Vices
that
drew
them
to
serve
him
;
tho
another
may
perhaps
make
use
of
the
same
against
him
.
The
consequence
of
this
is
,
that
those
who
uphold
Popular
Governments
,
look
upon
Vice
and
Indigence
as
mischiefs
that
naturally
increase
each
other
,
and
equally
tend
to
the
ruin
of
the
State
.
When
men
are
by
Vice
brought
into
want
,
they
are
ready
for
mischief
:
there
is
no
Villany
that
men
of
profligate
Lives
,
lost
Reputation
,
and
desperate
Fortunes
will
not
undertake
.
Popular
equality
is
an
enemy
to
these
;
and
they
who
would
preserve
it
must
preserve
integrity
of
manners
,
Sobriety
,
and
an
honest
contentedness
with
what
the
Law
allows
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
absolute
Monarch
who
will
have
no
other
Law
than
his
own
Will
,
desires
to
increase
the
number
of
those
who
through
lewdness
and
beggery
may
incline
to
depend
upon
him
;
tho
the
same
temper
of
Mind
,
and
condition
of
Fortune
prepare
them
also
for
such
Seditions
as
may
bring
him
into
danger
;
and
the
same
corruption
which
led
them
to
set
him
up
,
may
invite
them
to
sell
him
to
another
that
will
give
them
better
wages
.
I
do
not
by
this
conclude
that
all
Monarchs
are
vitious
men
;
but
that
whoever
will
set
up
an
absolute
Power
,
must
do
it
by
these
means
;
and
that
if
such
a
Power
be
already
established
,
and
should
fall
into
the
hands
of
a
person
,
who
by
his
virtue
and
the
gentleness
of
his
nature
should
endeavour
to
render
the
Yoak
so
easy
,
that
a
better
disciplin'd
People
might
be
contented
to
bear
it
;
yet
this
method
could
last
no
longer
than
his
life
,
and
probably
would
be
a
means
to
shorten
it
;
that
which
was
at
first
established
by
evil
arts
always
returning
to
the
same
:
That
which
was
vicious
in
the
principle
,
can
never
be
long
upheld
by
Virtue
;
and
we
see
that
the
worst
of
the
Roman
Emperors
were
not
in
greater
danger
from
such
good
men
as
remained
undestroy'd
,
than
the
best
from
the
corrupt
Party
that
would
not
be
corrected
,
and
sought
such
a
Master
as
would
lay
no
restriction
upon
their
Vices
.
Those
few
who
escaped
the
rage
of
these
Villains
,
only
gave
a
little
breathing
time
to
the
afflicted
World
,
which
by
their
Children
or
Successors
was
again
plunged
into
that
extremity
of
misery
,
from
which
they
intended
to
deliver
it
.
An
extraordinary
Virtue
was
required
to
keep
a
Prince
in
a
way
contrary
to
the
principles
of
his
own
Government
;
which
being
rarely
found
,
and
never
continuing
long
in
a
Family
or
Succession
of
men
,
the
endeavours
of
the
best
became
ineffectual
,
and
either
they
themselves
perished
in
them
,
or
after
their
death
all
things
returned
into
the
old
polluted
Channel
.
Tho
the
Power
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
was
not
unlimited
,
yet
it
exceeded
the
rules
set
by
God
,
and
was
sufficient
to
increase
the
number
of
the
worst
of
men
,
and
to
give
them
opportunities
of
raising
perpetual
disturbances
.
On
the
King's
side
there
were
Flatterers
and
instruments
of
mischief
:
On
the
other
side
there
were
indebted
and
discontented
Persons
.
Notwithstanding
the
justice
of
David's
cause
,
the
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
and
Piety
of
his
person
,
none
would
follow
him
,
except
a
few
of
his
own
Kindred
(
who
knew
what
God
had
promised
to
him
)
and
such
as
were
uneasy
in
their
worldly
circumstances
.
After
the
death
of
Saul
there
was
a
long
and
bloody
War
between
Ishbosheth
and
David
.
The
former
being
killed
,
the
slightest
matters
were
sufficient
to
put
the
whole
Nation
into
blood
.
Absalom
with
a
few
fair
words
was
able
to
raise
all
Israel
against
his
Father
:
Sheba
the
Son
of
Bichri
with
as
much
ease
raised
a
more
dangerous
Tumult
:
David
by
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
and
the
blessing
of
God
surmounted
these
difficulties
,
and
prepared
a
peaceable
Reign
for
Solomon
;
but
after
his
death
they
broke
out
into
a
Flame
that
was
never
quenched
till
the
Nation
was
so
dispersed
that
no
man
knew
where
to
find
his
Enemies
.
Solomon
by
his
Magnificence
had
reduced
Israel
to
such
poverty
,
as
inclined
them
to
revolt
upon
the
first
offer
of
an
opportunity
by
Jeroboam
.
From
that
time
forward
Israel
was
perpetually
vexed
with
Civil
Seditions
and
Conspiracies
,
or
Wars
with
their
Brethren
of
Judah
.
Nine
Kings
with
their
Families
were
destroyed
by
the
first
,
and
the
latter
brought
such
Slaughters
upon
the
miserable
People
as
were
never
suffer'd
by
any
who
were
not
agitated
by
the
like
Fury
;
and
the
course
of
these
mischiefs
was
never
interrupted
,
till
they
had
brought
the
Nation
into
Captivity
,
and
the
Country
to
Desolation
.
Tho
God
according
to
his
promise
did
preserve
a
light
in
the
House
of
David
,
yet
the
Tribe
of
Judah
was
not
the
more
happy
.
Joash
was
slain
by
a
private
Conspiracy
,
and
Amaziah
(
as
is
most
probable
)
by
publick
Authority
,
for
having
foolishly
brought
a
terrible
Slaughter
upon
Judah
.
Athaliah
destroyed
the
King's
Race
,
and
was
killed
her self
by
Jehoiada
,
who
not
having
learnt
from
our
Author
to
regard
the
Power
only
,
and
not
the
ways
by
which
it
was
obtained
,
caused
her
to
be
dragg'd
out
of
the
Temple
,
and
put
to
a
well-deserved
Death
.
The
whole
Story
is
a
Tragedy
:
and
if
it
be
pretended
that
this
proceeded
rather
from
the
wrath
of
God
against
his
People
for
their
Idolatry
,
than
from
such
causes
as
are
applicable
to
other
Nations
;
I
answer
,
that
this
Idolatry
was
the
production
of
the
Government
they
had
set
up
,
and
most
sutable
to
it
;
and
chusing
rather
to
subject
themselves
to
the
Will
of
a
man
,
than
to
the
Law
of
God
,
they
deservedly
suffer'd
the
evils
that
naturally
follow
the
worst
Counsels
.
We
know
of
none
who
,
taking
the
like
course
,
have
not
suffer'd
the
like
miseries
.
Notwithstanding
the
admirable
Virtue
and
Success
of
Alexander
,
his
Reign
was
full
of
Conspiracies
,
and
his
knowledg
of
them
prompted
him
to
destroy
Parmenio
,
Philotas
,
Clitus
,
Calisthenes
,
Hermolaus
,
and
many
more
of
his
best
Friends
.
If
he
escaped
the
Sword
,
he
fell
by
Poison
.
The
Murder
of
his
Wives
,
Mother
,
and
Children
,
by
the
rage
of
his
own
Soldiers
;
the
Fury
of
his
Captains
imployed
in
mutual
Slaughters
,
till
they
were
consumed
;
his
paternal
Kingdom
after
many
Revolutions
transferred
to
Cassander
his
most
mortal
Enemy
;
the
utter
extinction
of
his
conquering
Army
,
and
particularly
the
famous
Argyraspides
,
who
being
grown
faithless
and
seditious
,
after
the
death
of
Eumenes
were
sent
to
perish
in
unknown
parts
of
the
East
,
abundantly
testify
the
admirable
stability
,
good
order
,
peace
,
and
quiet
that
is
enjoy'd
under
absolute
Monarchy
.
The
next
Government
of
the
like
nature
that
appeared
upon
the
stage
of
the
World
was
that
of
Rome
,
introduced
by
Wars
that
consumed
two
thirds
of
the
People
;
confirmed
by
Proscriptions
,
in
which
all
that
were
eminent
for
Nobility
,
Riches
,
or
Virtue
,
perished
.
The
peace
they
had
under
Augustus
was
like
that
which
the
Devil
allow'd
to
the
Child
in
the
Gospel
,
whom
he
rent
sorely
,
and
left
as
dead
.
The
Spain
,
Gaul
,
Germany
,
Pannonia
,
Maesia
,
Syria
,
and
AEgypt
,
revolted
at
once
from
Nero
;
the
People
and
Senate
followed
the
example
of
the
Provinces
.
This
I
think
was
,
in
our
Author's
sense
,
Sedition
with
a
witness
.
Nero
being
dead
by
the
hand
of
a
Slave
,
or
his
own
to
prevent
that
of
the
Hangman
,
Galba
enter'd
the
City
with
Blood
and
Slaughter
;
but
when
his
own
Soldiers
found
he
would
not
give
the
Mony
for
which
they
intended
to
sell
the
Empire
,
they
killed
him
:
and
to
shew
the
stability
of
absolute
Monarchy
,
it
may
be
observed
,
that
this
was
not
done
by
the
advice
of
the
Senate
,
or
by
a
conspiracy
of
great
men
;
Suscepére
duo
manipulares
Populi
Romani
Imperium
transferendum
,
&
transtulerunt
.
Two
Rascals
Septimius
Severus
.
In
the
vast
variety
of
Accidents
that
in
those
Ages
disturbed
the
World
,
no
Emperor
had
a
better
title
than
what
he
purchased
by
Mony
or
Violence
;
and
enjoyed
it
no
longer
than
those
helps
continued
,
which
of
all
things
were
the
most
uncertain
.
By
this
means
most
of
the
Princes
perished
by
the
Sword
,
Italy
was
made
desolate
,
and
Rome
was
several
times
sackt
and
burnt
.
The
Mistress
of
the
World
being
made
a
Slave
,
the
Provinces
which
had
bin
acquir'd
by
the
Blood
of
her
antient
virtuous
Citizens
,
became
part
of
an
Usurper's
Patrimony
,
who
without
any
regard
to
the
publick
good
,
distributed
them
to
his
Children
according
to
their
number
,
or
his
passion
.
These
either
destroy'd
one
another
,
or
sell
under
the
Sword
of
a
third
who
had
the
fortune
of
their
Father
,
the
greatest
part
most
commonly
falling
to
the
share
of
the
worst
.
If
at
any
time
the
contrary
happened
,
the
Government
of
the
best
was
but
a
lucid
interval
.
Well-wishing
men
grew
more
extremely
to
abhor
the
darkness
that
follow'd
when
they
were
gone
.
The
best
of
them
could
do
no
more
than
suspend
mischief
for
a
while
,
but
could
not
correct
the
corrupt
principle
of
their
Government
;
and
some
of
them
were
destroyed
as
soon
as
they
were
thought
to
intend
it
:
And
others
who
finished
their
days
in
peace
,
left
the
Empire
to
such
persons
of
their
relations
as
were
most
unlike
to
them
.
Domitian
came
in
as
Brother
to
Titus
.
Commodus
and
Heliogabalus
were
recommended
by
the
memory
of
those
Virtues
that
had
bin
found
in
Antoninus
and
Aurelius
.
Honorius
and
Arcadius
,
who
by
their
baseness
brought
utter
ruin
upon
the
Western
and
Eastern
Empires
,
were
the
Sons
of
the
brave
Theodosius
.
They
who
could
keep
their
hands
free
from
Blood
,
and
their
Hearts
from
Malice
,
Covetousness
,
and
Pride
,
could
not
transmit
their
Virtues
to
their
Successors
,
nor
correct
the
perverseness
that
lay
at
the
root
and
foundation
of
their
Government
.
The
whole
mass
of
Blood
was
vitiated
:
the
Body
was
but
one
vast
Sore
,
which
no
hand
but
that
of
the
Almighty
could
heal
;
and
he
who
from
an
abhorrence
of
iniquity
had
declared
he
would
not
hear
the
cries
of
his
own
people
,
when
they
had
chosen
the
thing
that
was
not
good
,
would
not
shew
mercy
to
Strangers
who
had
done
the
same
thing
.
I
have
insisted
upon
the
Hebrew
,
Macedonian
and
Roman
Histories
,
because
they
are
the
most
eminent
and
best
known
to
us
:
We
are
in
the
dark
concerning
the
Babylonian
,
Assyrian
,
Chaldean
,
Bactrian
,
and
Egyptian
Monarchies
:
We
know
little
more
of
them
than
the
Scripture
occasionally
relates
concerning
their
barbarous
cruelty
,
bestial
pride
,
and
extravagant
folly
.
Others
have
bin
like
to
them
,
and
I
know
not
where
to
find
a
peaceable
Monarchy
unless
it
be
in
Peru
,
where
the
Ynca
Garcilasso
de
la
Vega
says
,
that
a
Man
and
a
Woman
,
Children
of
the
Sun
and
the
Moon
,
appearing
amongst
a
barbarous
people
living
without
any
Religion
or
Law
,
established
a
Government
amongst
them
,
which
continued
in
much
Peace
and
Justice
for
twelve
Generations
:
But
this
seeming
to
be
as
fabulous
as
their
Birth
,
we
may
pass
it
over
,
and
fix
upon
those
that
are
better
known
;
of
which
there
is
not
one
that
has
not
suffer'd
more
dangerous
and
mischievous
Seditions
,
than
all
the
popular
Governments
that
have
bin
in
the
World
:
And
the
condition
of
those
Kingdoms
which
are
not
absolute
,
and
yet
give
a
preference
to
Birth
,
without
consideration
of
Merit
or
Virtue
,
is
not
much
better
.
This
is
proved
by
the
Reasons
of
those
Seditions
and
Tumults
,
as
well
as
from
the
Fact
it self
.
The
Reasons
do
arise
from
the
violence
of
the
Passions
that
incite
men
to
them
,
and
the
intricacy
of
the
Questions
concerning
Succession
.
Every
man
has
Passions
;
few
know
how
to
moderate
,
and
no
one
can
wholly
extinguish
them
.
As
they
are
various
in
their
Nature
,
so
they
are
governed
by
various
Objects
;
and
men
usually
follow
that
which
is
predominant
in
them
,
whether
it
proceed
from
Anger
or
Desire
,
and
whether
it
terminate
in
Ambition
,
Covetousness
,
Lust
,
or
any
other
more
or
less
blamable
Appetite
.
Every
manner
of
life
furnishes
something
,
that
in
some
measure
may
foment
these
;
but
a
Crown
comprehends
all
that
can
be
grateful
to
the
most
violent
and
vicious
.
He
who
is
covetous
,
has
vast
Revenues
,
besides
what
he
may
get
by
fraud
and
rapine
,
to
satisfy
his
Appetite
.
If
he
be
given
to
Sensuality
,
the
variety
of
pleasures
,
and
the
facility
of
accomplishing
whatever
he
desires
,
tends
farther
to
inflame
that
Passion
.
Such
as
are
ambitious
,
are
incited
by
the
greatness
of
their
Power
to
attempt
great
matters
;
and
the
most
sottish
or
lazy
may
discharge
themselves
of
Cares
,
and
hope
that
others
will
be
easily
hired
to
take
the
burden
of
Business
upon
them
whilst
they
lie
at
ease
.
They
who
naturally
incline
to
pride
and
cruelty
,
are
more
violently
tempted
to
usurp
Dominion
;
and
the
wicked
advices
of
Flatterers
,
always
concurring
with
their
Passions
,
incite
them
to
exercise
the
Power
they
have
gotten
with
the
utmost
rigor
,
to
satiate
their
own
rage
,
and
to
secure
themselves
against
the
effects
of
the
publick
hatred
,
which
they
know
they
have
deserved
.
If
there
be
,
as
our
Author
says
,
no
other
rule
than
Force
and
Success
,
and
that
he
must
be
taken
for
the
Father
of
a
People
who
is
in
possession
of
a
Power
over
them
;
whoever
has
the
one
,
may
put
the
other
to
a
trial
.
Nay
,
even
those
who
have
regard
to
Justice
,
will
seldom
want
Reasons
to
perswade
them
that
it
is
on
their
side
.
Something
may
be
amiss
in
the
State
;
Injuries
may
be
done
to
themselves
and
their
Friends
.
Such
Honours
may
be
denied
as
they
think
they
deserve
;
or
others
of
less
Merit
,
as
they
suppose
,
may
be
preferred
before
them
.
Men
do
so
rarely
make
a
right
estimate
of
their
own
Merits
,
that
those
who
mean
well
may
be
often
deceived
:
and
if
nothing
but
Success
be
requir'd
to
make
a
Monarch
,
they
may
think
it
just
to
attempt
whatever
they
can
hope
to
accomplish
.
This
was
the
case
of
Julius
Cesar
;
he
thought
all
things
lawful
,
when
the
Consulat
,
which
he
supposed
he
had
deserved
,
was
denied
.
Viribus
utendum
est
quas
fecimus
:
arma
tenenti
Omnia
dat
qui
just
a
negat
.
Lucan
.
These
Enterprizes
seem
to
belong
to
men
of
great
Spirits
;
but
there
are
none
so
base
not
to
be
capable
of
undertaking
,
and
(
as
things
may
stand
)
of
bringing
them
to
perfection
.
History
represents
no
man
under
a
more
contemprible
character
of
sottish
Laziness
,
Cowardice
,
and
Drunkenness
,
than
Vitellius
;
no
one
more
impure
and
sordid
than
Galba
:
Otho
was
advanced
for
being
in
his
manners
like
to
Nero
:
Vespasian
was
scorned
for
his
Avarice
,
till
the
Power
fell
into
such
hands
as
made
the
world
believe
none
could
be
unworthy
of
the
Empire
;
and
in
the
following
Ages
the
worst
men
by
the
worst
means
most
frequently
obtained
it
.
These
Wounds
are
not
cured
by
saying
,
that
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
prevents
this
mischief
,
by
annexing
the
Succession
of
Crowns
to
proximity
of
Blood
;
for
mankind
had
not
bin
continually
afflicted
with
them
if
there
had
bin
such
a
Law
,
or
that
they
could
have
bin
prevented
by
it
:
and
tho
there
were
such
a
Law
,
yet
more
Questions
would
arise
about
that
Proximity
,
than
any
wise
man
would
dare
to
determine
.
The
Law
can
be
of
no
effect
,
unless
there
be
a
Power
to
decide
the
Contests
arising
upon
it
:
But
the
fundamental
Maxim
of
the
great
Monarchies
is
,
that
there
can
be
no
Interregnum
:
The
Heir
of
the
Crown
is
in
possession
,
as
soon
as
he
who
did
injoy
it
is
dead
.
Le
Mort
,
as
the
French
say
,
Saisit
le
vif
:
There
can
be
therefore
no
such
Law
,
or
it
serves
for
nothing
.
If
there
be
Judges
to
interpret
the
Law
,
no
man
is
a
King
till
judgment
be
given
in
his
favour
;
and
he
is
not
King
by
his
own
Title
,
but
by
the
Sentence
given
by
them
.
If
there
be
none
,
the
Law
is
merely
imaginary
,
and
every
man
may
in
his
own
case
make
it
what
he
pleases
.
He
who
has
a
Crown
in
his
view
,
and
Arms
in
his
hand
,
wants
nothing
but
success
to
make
him
a
King
;
and
if
he
prosper
,
all
men
are
obliged
to
obey
him
.
'T
is
a
folly
to
say
the
matter
is
clear
,
and
needs
no
decision
;
for
every
man
knows
that
no
Law
concerning
private
Inheritances
can
be
so
exactly
drawn
,
but
many
Controversies
will
arise
upon
it
,
that
must
be
decided
by
a
Power
to
which
both
Parties
are
subject
:
and
the
disputes
concerning
Kingdoms
are
so
much
the
more
difficult
,
because
this
Law
is
no
where
to
be
found
;
and
the
more
dangerous
,
because
the
Competitors
are
for
the
most
part
more
powerful
.
Again
,
this
Law
must
either
be
general
to
all
mankind
,
or
particular
to
each
Nation
.
If
particular
,
a
matter
of
such
importance
requires
good
proof
,
when
,
where
,
how
,
and
by
whom
it
was
given
to
every
one
.
But
the
Scriptures
testifying
to
the
contrary
,
that
God
gave
Laws
to
the
Jews
only
,
and
that
no
such
thing
as
hereditary
Monarchy
,
according
to
proximity
of
Blood
,
was
prescribed
by
them
,
we
may
safely
say
,
that
God
did
never
give
any
such
Law
to
every
particular
,
nor
to
any
Nation
.
If
he
did
not
give
it
to
any
one
,
he
did
not
give
it
to
all
,
for
every
one
is
comprehended
in
all
;
and
if
no
one
has
it
,
't
is
impossible
that
all
can
have
it
;
or
that
it
should
be
obligatory
to
all
,
when
no
man
knows
or
can
tell
,
when
,
where
,
and
by
what
hand
it
was
given
,
nor
what
is
the
sense
of
it
:
all
which
is
evident
by
the
various
Laws
and
Customs
of
Nations
in
the
disposal
of
hereditary
Successions
:
And
no
one
of
them
,
that
we
know
,
has
to
this
day
bin
able
to
shew
that
the
method
follow'd
by
them
,
is
more
according
to
nature
than
that
of
others
.
If
our
Author
pretend
to
be
God's
Interpreter
,
and
to
give
the
solution
of
these
doubts
,
I
may
ask
which
of
the
five
following
ways
are
appointed
by
God
,
and
then
we
may
examine
Cases
resulting
from
them
.
1.
In
France
,
Turky
,
and
other
places
,
the
Succession
comes
to
the
next
Male
,
in
the
streight
eldest
Line
,
according
to
which
the
Son
is
preferr'd
before
the
Brother
of
him
who
last
enjoy'd
the
Crown
,
(
as
the
present
King
of
France
before
his
Uncle
the
Duke
of
Orleans
)
and
the
Son
of
the
eldest
before
the
Brothers
of
the
eldest
;
as
in
the
case
of
Richard
the
second
of
England
,
who
was
advanced
preferably
to
all
the
Brothers
of
the
black
Prince
his
Father
.
2.
Others
keep
to
the
Males
of
the
reigning
Family
,
yet
have
more
regard
to
the
eldest
Man
than
to
the
eldest
Line
:
and
representation
taking
no
place
among
them
,
the
eldest
Man
is
thought
to
be
nearest
to
the
first
King
;
and
a
second
Son
of
the
person
that
last
reigned
,
to
be
nearer
to
him
than
his
Grandchild
by
the
eldest
Son
:
according
to
which
Rule
,
any
one
of
the
Sons
of
Edward
the
third
remaining
after
his
death
,
should
have
bin
preferr'd
before
Richard
the
second
who
was
his
Grandchild
.
3.
In
the
two
cases
beforementioned
,
no
manner
of
regard
is
had
to
Females
,
who
being
thought
naturally
uncapable
of
commanding
men
,
or
performing
the
Functions
of
a
Magistrate
,
are
,
together
with
their
Descendents
,
utterly
excluded
from
the
supreme
as
well
as
from
the
inferior
Magistracies
;
and
in
Turky
,
France
,
and
other
great
Kingdoms
,
have
no
pretence
to
any
Title
:
But
in
some
places
,
and
particularly
in
England
,
the
advantages
of
Proximity
belong
to
them
as
well
as
to
Males
;
by
which
means
our
Crown
has
bin
transported
to
several
Families
and
Nations
.
4.
As
in
some
places
they
are
utterly
rejected
,
and
in
others
received
simply
without
any
condition
;
so
those
are
not
wanting
,
where
that
of
not
marrying
out
of
the
Country
,
or
without
the
consent
of
the
Estates
,
is
imposed
,
of
which
Sweden
is
an
Example
.
5.
In
some
places
Proximity
of
Blood
is
only
regarded
,
whether
the
Issue
be
legitimate
or
illegitimate
;
in
others
Bastards
are
wholly
excluded
.
By
this
variety
of
Judgments
made
by
several
Nations
upon
this
Point
,
it
may
appear
,
that
tho
it
were
agreed
by
all
that
the
next
in
Blood
ought
to
succeed
,
yet
such
Contests
would
arise
upon
the
interpretation
and
application
of
the
general
Rule
,
as
must
necessarily
be
a
perpetual
Spring
of
irreconcilable
and
mortal
Quarrels
.
If
any
man
say
,
The
Rule
observed
in
England
is
that
which
God
gave
to
Mankind
;
I
leave
him
first
to
dispute
that
point
with
the
Kings
of
France
,
and
many
others
,
who
can
have
no
right
to
the
Crowns
they
wear
,
if
it
be
admitted
;
and
in
the
next
place
to
prove
that
our
Ancestors
had
a
more
immediate
communication
with
God
,
and
a
more
certain
knowledge
of
his
Will
than
others
,
who
for
any
thing
we
know
,
may
be
of
Authority
equal
to
them
:
but
in
the
mean
time
we
may
rationally
conclude
,
that
if
there
be
such
a
Rule
,
we
have
had
no
King
in
England
for
the
space
of
almost
a
thousand
years
,
having
not
had
one
who
did
not
come
to
the
Crown
by
a
most
manifest
violation
of
it
;
as
appears
by
the
forecited
Examples
of
William
the
first
and
second
;
Henry
the
first
,
Henry
the
second
and
his
Children
;
John
,
Edward
the
third
,
Henry
the
fourth
,
Edward
the
fourth
and
his
Children
;
Henry
the
seventh
,
and
all
that
claim
under
any
of
them
.
And
if
Possession
or
Success
can
give
a
right
,
it
will
I
think
follow
,
that
Jack
Straw
,
Wat
Tyler
,
Perkin
Warbeck
,
or
any
other
Rascal
,
might
have
had
it
if
he
had
bin
as
happy
as
bold
in
his
Enterprize
.
This
is
no
less
than
to
expose
Crowns
to
the
first
that
can
seize
them
,
to
destroy
all
Law
and
Rule
,
and
to
render
Right
a
slave
to
Fortune
.
If
this
be
so
,
a
late
Earl
of
Pembroke
,
whose
understanding
was
not
thought
great
,
judged
rightly
when
he
said
his
Grandfather
was
a
wise
man
tho
he
could
neither
write
nor
read
,
in
as
much
as
he
resolved
to
follow
the
Crown
,
tho
it
were
upon
a
Coalstaff
.
But
if
this
be
sufficient
to
make
a
wise
man
,
't
is
pity
the
secret
was
no
sooner
discovered
,
since
many
,
who
for
want
of
it
liv'd
and
died
in
all
the
infamy
that
justly
accompanies
Knavery
,
Cowardice
and
Folly
,
might
have
gained
the
reputation
of
the
most
excellent
Men
in
their
several
ages
.
The
bloody
Factions
with
which
all
Nations
subject
to
this
sort
of
Monarchy
have
bin
perpetually
vexed
,
might
have
bin
prevented
by
throwing
up
cross
or
pile
,
or
by
battel
between
the
Competitors
body
to
body
,
as
was
done
by
Corbis
and
Orsua
,
Cleorestes
and
Polinices
,
Ironside
and
Canutus
;
it
being
most
unreasonable
,
or
rather
impiously
absurd
for
any
to
venture
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
when
their
Consciences
are
not
concern'd
in
the
Contest
,
and
that
they
are
to
gain
nothing
by
the
Victory
.
If
reason
teaches
,
that
till
this
expeditious
way
of
ending
Controversies
be
received
,
the
ambition
of
men
will
be
apt
to
imbroil
Nations
in
their
Quarrels
,
and
others
judging
variously
of
those
matters
,
which
can
be
reduced
to
no
certain
Rule
,
will
think
themselves
in
Conscience
obliged
to
follow
the
Party
that
seems
to
them
to
be
most
just
;
experience
manifests
the
same
,
and
that
Ambition
has
produced
more
violent
mischiefs
than
all
the
other
desires
and
passions
that
have
ever
possessed
the
hearts
of
men
.
That
this
may
appear
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
divide
them
into
such
as
proceed
from
him
who
is
in
possession
of
the
Power
,
through
jealousy
of
State
,
as
they
call
it
,
to
prevent
the
enterprizes
of
those
who
would
dispossess
him
,
and
such
as
arise
between
Competitors
contending
for
it
.
Tarquin's
Counsel
concerning
the
Poppies
,
and
Periander's
heads
of
Corn
,
is
of
the
first
sort
.
The
most
eminent
are
always
most
feared
as
the
readiest
to
undertake
,
and
most
able
to
accomplish
great
Designs
.
This
eminence
proceeds
from
Birth
,
Riches
,
Virtue
,
or
Reputation
,
and
is
sometimes
wrought
up
to
the
greatest
height
by
a
conjunction
of
all
these
.
But
I
know
not
where
to
find
an
example
of
such
a
man
,
who
could
long
subsist
under
Absolute
Monarchy
.
If
he
be
of
high
Birth
,
he
must
,
like
Brutus
,
conceal
his
Virtue
,
and
gain
no
reputation
,
or
resolve
to
perish
,
if
he
do
not
prevent
his
own
death
by
that
of
the
Tyrant
:
All
other
ways
are
ineffectual
;
the
suspicions
,
fears
,
and
hatred
thereupon
arising
,
are
not
to
be
removed
:
Personal
respects
are
forgotten
,
and
such
services
as
cannot
be
sufficiently
valued
,
must
be
blotted
out
by
the
death
of
those
who
did
them
.
Various
ways
may
be
taken
,
and
pretences
used
according
to
the
temper
of
Times
and
Nations
;
but
the
thing
must
be
done
;
and
whether
it
be
colour'd
by
a
trick
of
Law
,
or
performed
by
a
Mute
with
a
Bowstring
,
imports
little
.
Henry
the
fourth
was
made
King
by
the
Earl
of
Northumberland
,
and
his
brave
Son
Hotspur
;
Edward
the
fourth
by
the
valiant
Earl
of
Warwick
;
Henry
the
seventh
by
Stanley
:
but
neither
of
them
could
think
himself
safe
,
till
his
Benefactor
was
dead
.
No
continued
fidelity
,
no
testimonies
of
modesty
and
humility
can
prevent
this
.
The
modesty
of
Germanicus
in
rejecting
the
Honours
that
were
offer'd
to
him
,
and
his
industry
in
quieting
the
mutinied
Legions
,
accelerated
his
ruin
:
When
't
was
evident
he
might
be
Emperor
if
he
pleased
,
he
must
be
so
,
or
die
:
There
was
no
middle
station
between
the
Throne
and
the
Grave
.
'T
is
probable
that
Caligula
,
Nero
,
and
other
Beasts
like
to
them
,
might
hate
Virtue
for
the
good
which
is
in
it
;
but
I
cannot
think
that
either
they
,
their
Predecessors
or
Successors
,
would
have
put
themselves
upon
the
desperate
design
of
extirpating
it
,
if
they
had
not
found
it
to
be
inconsistent
with
their
Government
;
and
that
being
once
concluded
,
they
spared
none
of
their
nearest
Relations
.
Artaxerxes
killed
his
Son
Darius
:
Herod
murder'd
the
best
of
his
Wives
,
and
all
his
Sons
except
the
worst
.
Tiberius
destroy'd
Agrippa
Posthumus
,
and
Germanicus
with
his
Wife
and
two
Sons
.
How
highly
soever
Constantine
the
Great
be
commended
,
he
was
polluted
with
the
Blood
of
his
Father-in-law
,
Wife
,
and
Son
.
Philip
the
second
of
Spain
did
in
the
like
manner
deliver
himself
from
his
fears
of
Don
Carlos
;
and
't
is
not
doubted
that
Philip
the
fourth
,
for
the
same
reasons
,
dispatched
his
Brother
Don
Carlos
,
and
his
Son
Balthasar
.
The
like
cases
were
so
common
in
England
,
that
all
the
Plantagenets
,
and
the
noble
Families
allied
to
them
being
extinguish'd
,
our
Ancestors
were
sent
to
seek
a
King
in
one
of
the
meanest
in
Wales
.
This
method
being
known
,
those
who
are
unwilling
to
die
so
tamely
,
endeavour
to
find
out
ways
of
defending
themselves
;
and
there
being
no
other
than
the
death
of
the
Person
who
is
in
the
Throne
,
they
usually
seek
to
compass
it
by
secret
Conspiracy
,
or
open
Violence
;
and
the
number
of
Princes
that
have
bin
destroy'd
,
and
Countries
disturb'd
by
those
who
through
fear
have
bin
driven
to
extremities
,
is
not
much
less
than
of
those
who
have
suffer'd
the
like
from
men
following
the
impulse
of
their
own
Ambition
.
The
disorders
arising
from
Contests
between
several
Competitors
,
before
any
one
could
be
settled
in
the
possession
of
Kingdoms
,
have
bin
no
less
frequent
and
bloody
than
those
above-mention'd
,
and
the
miseries
suffer'd
by
them
,
together
with
the
ruin
brought
upon
the
Empires
of
Macedon
and
Rome
,
may
be
sufficient
to
prove
it
;
however
to
make
the
matter
more
clear
,
I
shall
alledg
others
.
But
because
it
may
be
presumption
in
me
to
think
I
know
all
the
Histories
of
the
World
,
or
tedious
to
relate
all
those
I
know
,
I
shall
content
my self
with
some
of
the
most
eminent
and
remarkable
:
And
if
it
appear
that
they
have
all
suffer'd
the
same
mischiefs
,
we
may
believe
they
proceed
not
from
Accidents
,
but
from
the
power
of
a
permanent
Cause
that
always
produces
the
same
or
the
like
Effects
.
To
begin
with
France
.
The
Succession
not
being
well
settled
in
the
time
of
Meroveus
,
who
dispossess'd
the
Grandchildren
of
Pharamond
,
he
was
no
sooner
dead
than
Gillon
set
up
himself
,
and
with
much
slaughter
drove
Chilperic
his
Son
out
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
he
after
a
little
time
returning
with
like
fury
,
is
said
to
have
seen
a
Vision
,
first
of
Lions
and
Leopards
,
then
of
Bears
and
Wolves
,
and
lastly
of
Dogs
and
Cats
,
all
tearing
one
another
to
pieces
.
This
has
bin
always
accounted
by
the
French
to
be
a
representation
of
the
nature
Les
Roys
faineans
,
succeeded
.
Some
may
say
,
They
who
do
nothing
,
do
no
hurt
;
but
the
rule
is
false
in
relation
to
Kings
.
He
that
takes
upon
him
the
government
of
a
People
,
can
do
no
greater
evil
than
by
doing
nothing
,
nor
be
guilty
of
a
more
unpardonable
Crime
,
than
by
Negligence
,
Cowardice
,
Voluptuousness
,
and
Sloth
,
to
desert
his
charge
.
Virtue
and
Manhood
perish
under
him
;
good
Discipline
is
forgotten
;
Justice
slighted
;
the
Laws
perverted
or
rendred
useless
;
the
People
corrupted
;
the
publick
Treasures
exhausted
;
and
the
Power
of
the
Government
always
falling
into
the
hands
of
Flatterers
,
Whores
,
Favorites
,
Bawds
,
and
such
base
wretches
as
render
it
contemptible
,
a
way
is
laid
open
for
all
manner
of
disorders
.
The
greatest
cruelty
that
has
bin
known
in
the
world
,
if
accompanied
with
wit
and
courage
,
never
did
so
much
hurt
as
this
slothful
bestiality
;
or
rather
these
slothful
Beasts
have
ever
bin
most
cruel
.
The
Reigns
of
Septimius
Severus
,
Mahomet
the
second
,
or
Selim
the
second
,
were
cruel
and
bloody
;
but
their
fury
was
turned
against
Foreigners
,
and
some
of
their
near
Relations
,
or
against
such
as
fell
under
the
suspicion
of
making
attempts
against
them
:
The
condition
of
the
people
was
tolerable
;
those
who
would
be
quiet
might
be
safe
;
the
Laws
kept
their
right
course
;
the
Reputation
of
the
Empire
was
maintained
,
the
Limits
defended
,
and
the
publick
Peace
preserved
.
But
when
the
Sword
passed
into
the
hands
of
lewd
,
slothful
,
foolish
,
and
cowardly
Princes
,
it
was
of
no
power
against
foreign
Enemies
,
or
the
disturbers
of
domestic
Peace
,
tho
always
sharp
against
the
best
of
their
own
Subjects
.
No
man
knew
how
to
secure
himself
against
them
,
unless
by
raising
civil
Wars
;
which
will
always
be
frequent
,
when
a
Crown
defended
by
a
weak
hand
is
proposed
as
a
Prize
to
any
that
dare
invade
it
.
This
is
a
perpetual
Spring
of
disorders
;
and
no
Nation
was
ever
quiet
,
when
the
most
eminent
men
found
less
danger
in
the
most
violent
Attempts
,
than
in
submitting
patiently
to
the
Will
of
a
Prince
,
that
suffers
his
Power
to
be
managed
by
vile
Persons
,
who
get
credit
by
flattering
him
in
his
Vices
.
But
this
is
not
all
;
such
Princes
naturally
hate
and
fear
those
who
excel
them
in
Virtue
and
Reputation
,
as
much
as
they
are
inferior
to
them
in
Fortune
;
and
think
their
Persons
cannot
be
secured
,
nor
their
Authority
enlarged
,
except
by
their
destruction
.
'T
is
ordinary
for
them
,
inter
scorta
&
ganeas
principibus
viris
perniciem
Grimbauld
,
Ebroin
,
Grimoald
,
and
others
,
for
the
Mayoralty
of
the
Palace
,
than
they
had
bin
before
by
the
rage
of
those
Princes
who
had
contested
for
the
Crown
.
The
Issue
also
was
the
same
:
After
many
Revolutions
,
Charles
Martel
gained
the
Power
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
he
had
so
bravely
defended
against
the
Saracens
;
and
having
transmitted
it
to
his
Son
Pepin
,
the
General
Assembly
of
Estates
,
with
the
approbation
of
Mankind
,
conferred
the
Title
also
upon
him
.
This
gave
the
Nation
ease
for
the
present
;
but
the
deep-rooted
Evil
could
not
be
so
cured
;
and
the
Kingdom
,
that
by
the
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
and
Reputation
of
Pepin
,
had
bin
preserved
from
civil
Troubles
during
his
life
,
fell
as
deeply
as
ever
into
them
so
soon
as
he
was
dead
.
His
Sons
,
Carloman
and
Charles
,
divided
the
Dominions
,
but
in
a
little
time
each
of
them
would
have
all
.
Carloman
fill'd
the
Kingdom
with
Tumult
;
raised
the
Lombards
,
and
marched
with
a
great
Army
against
his
Brother
,
till
his
course
was
interrupted
by
death
,
caused
,
as
is
supposed
,
by
such
helps
as
Princes
liberally
afford
to
their
aspiring
Relations
.
Charles
deprived
his
two
Sons
of
their
Inheritance
,
put
them
in
Prison
,
and
we
hear
no
more
of
them
.
His
third
Brother
Griffon
was
not
more
quiet
,
nor
more
successful
;
and
there
could
be
no
Peace
in
Gascony
,
Italy
or
Germany
,
till
he
was
kill'd
.
But
all
the
Advantages
which
Charles
,
by
an
extraordinary
Virtue
and
Fortune
,
had
purchased
for
his
Country
,
ended
with
his
life
.
He
left
his
Son
Lewis
the
Gentle
in
possession
of
the
Empire
,
and
Kingdom
of
France
,
and
his
Grandson
Bernard
King
of
Italy
:
But
these
two
could
not
agree
,
and
Bernard
falling
into
the
hands
of
Lewis
,
was
deprived
of
his
Eyes
,
and
some
time
after
kill'd
.
This
was
not
enough
to
preserve
the
Peace
:
Lothair
,
Lewis
and
Pepin
,
all
three
Sons
to
Lewis
,
rebelled
against
him
;
called
a
Council
at
Lions
,
deposed
him
,
and
divided
the
Empire
amongst
themselves
.
After
five
years
he
escaped
from
the
Monastery
where
he
had
bin
kept
,
renew'd
the
War
,
and
was
again
taken
Prisoner
by
Lothair
.
When
he
was
dead
,
the
War
broke
out
more
fiercely
than
ever
between
his
Children
:
Lothair
the
Emperor
assaulted
Lewis
King
of
Bavaria
and
Charles
King
of
Rhetia
;
was
defeated
by
them
,
and
confined
to
a
Monastery
,
where
he
died
.
New
Quarrels
arose
between
the
two
Brothers
,
upon
the
division
of
the
Countries
taken
from
him
,
and
Lorrain
only
was
left
to
his
Son
.
Lewis
died
soon
after
,
and
Charles
getting
possession
of
the
Empire
and
Kingdom
,
ended
an
inglorious
Reign
in
an
unprosperous
attempt
to
deprive
Hermingrade
,
Daughter
to
his
Brother
Lewis
,
of
the
Kingdom
of
Arles
,
and
other
places
left
to
her
by
her
Father
.
Lewis
his
Son
,
call'd
the
Stutterer
,
reigned
two
years
in
much
trouble
;
and
his
only
legitimate
Son
,
Charles
the
Simple
,
came
not
to
the
Crown
till
after
the
death
of
his
two
Bastards
Lewis
and
Carloman
,
Charles
le
Gros
,
and
Eudes
Duke
of
Anjou
.
Charles
le
Gros
was
deposed
from
the
Empire
and
Kingdom
,
strip'd
of
his
goods
,
and
left
to
perish
through
poverty
in
an
obscure
Village
.
Charles
the
Simple
,
and
the
Nations
under
him
,
thrived
no
better
:
Robert
Duke
of
Anjou
raised
War
against
him
,
and
was
crown'd
at
Rheims
;
but
was
himself
slain
soon
after
in
a
bloody
battel
near
Soissons
.
His
Son-in-law
,
Hebert
Earl
of
Vermandois
,
gathered
up
the
remains
of
his
scatter'd
party
,
got
Charles
into
his
power
,
and
called
a
General
Assembly
of
Estates
,
who
deposed
him
,
and
gave
the
Crown
to
Raoul
Duke
of
Burgundy
;
tho
he
was
no
otherwise
related
to
the
Royal
Blood
than
by
his
Mother
,
which
in
France
is
nothing
at
all
.
He
being
dead
,
Lewis
Son
to
the
deposed
Charles
was
made
King
;
but
his
Reign
was
as
inglorious
to
him
,
as
miserable
to
his
Subjects
.
This
is
the
Peace
which
the
French
enjoy'd
for
the
space
of
five
or
six
Ages
under
their
Monarchy
;
and
't
is
hard
to
determine
whether
they
suffer'd
most
by
the
Violence
of
those
who
possessed
,
or
the
Ambition
of
others
who
aspired
to
the
Crown
;
and
whether
the
fury
of
active
,
or
the
baseness
of
slothful
Princes
was
most
pernicious
to
them
:
But
upon
the
whole
matter
,
through
the
defects
of
those
of
the
latter
sort
,
they
lost
all
that
they
had
gained
by
sweat
and
blood
under
the
conduct
of
the
former
.
Henry
and
Otho
of
Saxony
,
by
a
Virtue
like
that
of
Charlemagne
,
deprived
them
of
the
Empire
,
and
settled
it
in
Germany
,
leaving
France
only
to
Lewis
sirnamed
Outremer
,
and
his
Son
Lothair
.
These
seemed
to
be
equally
composed
of
Treachery
,
Cruelty
,
Ambition
,
and
Baseness
:
They
were
always
mutinous
,
and
always
beaten
:
Their
frantick
Passions
put
them
always
upon
unjust
Designs
,
and
were
such
plagues
to
their
Subjects
and
Neighbours
,
that
they
became
equally
detested
and
despised
.
These
things
extinguished
the
veneration
due
to
the
memory
of
Pepin
and
Charles
;
and
obliged
the
whole
Nation
rather
to
seek
relief
from
a
Stranger
,
than
to
be
ruin'd
by
their
worthless
Descendents
.
They
had
tried
all
ways
that
were
in
their
power
,
deposed
four
crowned
Kings
within
the
space
of
a
hundred
and
fifty
years
;
crowned
five
who
had
no
other
Title
than
the
People
conferred
upon
them
,
and
restored
the
Descendents
of
those
they
had
rejected
,
but
all
was
in
vain
:
Their
Vices
were
incorrigible
,
the
Mischiefs
produc'd
by
them
intolerable
;
they
never
ceased
from
murdering
one
another
in
battel
,
or
by
treachery
,
and
bringing
the
Nation
into
Civil
Wars
upon
their
wicked
or
foolish
quarrels
,
till
the
whole
Race
was
rejected
,
and
the
Crown
placed
upon
the
head
of
Hugh
Capet
.
These
mischiefs
raged
not
in
the
same
extremity
under
him
and
his
Descendents
,
but
the
abatement
proceeded
from
a
cause
no
way
advantagious
to
Absolute
Monarchy
.
The
French
were
by
their
Calamities
taught
more
strictly
to
limit
the
Regal
Power
;
and
by
turning
the
Dukedoms
and
Earldoms
into
Patrimonies
,
which
had
bin
Offices
,
gave
an
Authority
to
the
chief
of
the
Nobility
,
by
which
that
of
Kings
was
curbed
;
and
tho
by
this
means
the
Commonalty
was
exposed
to
some
Pressures
,
yet
they
were
small
in
comparison
of
what
they
had
suffer'd
in
former
times
.
When
many
great
men
had
Estates
of
their
own
that
did
not
depend
upon
the
Will
of
Kings
,
they
grew
to
love
their
Country
;
and
tho
they
chearfully
served
the
Crown
in
all
cases
of
publick
concernment
,
they
were
not
easily
engaged
in
the
personal
quarrels
of
those
who
possessed
it
,
or
had
a
mind
to
gain
it
.
To
preserve
themselves
in
this
condition
,
they
were
obliged
to
use
their
Vassals
gently
;
and
this
continuing
in
some
measure
till
within
the
last
fifty
years
,
the
Monarchy
was
less
tumultuous
,
than
when
the
King
's
Will
had
bin
less
restrained
.
Nevertheless
they
had
not
much
reason
to
boast
;
there
was
a
Root
still
remaining
,
that
from
time
to
time
produced
poisonous
Fruit
:
Civil
Wars
were
frequent
among
them
,
tho
not
carried
on
with
such
desperate
madness
as
formerly
;
and
many
of
them
upon
the
account
of
disputes
between
Competitors
for
the
Crown
.
All
the
Wars
with
England
,
since
Edward
II.
married
Isabella
Daughter
,
and
,
as
he
pretended
,
Heir
of
Philip
Le
Bel
,
were
of
this
nature
.
The
defeats
of
Crecy
,
Poitiers
,
and
Agincourt
,
with
the
slaughters
and
devastations
suffer'd
from
Edward
III.
the
black
Prince
,
and
Henry
V.
were
merely
upon
Contests
for
the
Crown
,
and
for
want
of
an
Interpreter
of
the
Law
of
Succession
,
who
might
determine
the
question
between
the
Heir
Male
,
and
the
Heir
General
.
The
Factions
of
Orleans
and
Burgundy
,
Orleans
and
Armignac
,
proceeded
from
the
same
Spring
;
and
the
Murders
that
seem
to
have
bin
the
immediate
causes
of
those
Quarrels
,
were
only
the
effects
of
the
hatred
growing
from
their
competition
.
The
more
odious
,
tho
less
bloody
Contests
between
Lewis
the
11
th
,
and
his
Father
Charles
the
7
th
,
with
the
jealousy
of
the
former
against
his
Son
Charles
the
8
th
,
arose
from
the
same
Principle
.
Charles
of
Bourbon
prepared
to
fill
France
with
Fire
and
Blood
upon
the
like
quarrel
,
when
his
designs
were
overthrown
by
his
death
in
the
assault
of
Rome
.
If
the
Dukes
of
Guise
had
bin
more
fortunate
,
they
had
soon
turned
the
cause
of
Religion
into
a
claim
to
the
Crown
,
and
repair'd
the
Injury
done
,
as
they
pretended
,
to
Pepin's
Race
,
by
destroying
that
of
Capet
:
And
Henry
the
third
thinking
to
prevent
this
by
the
slaughter
of
Henry
le
Balafré
,
and
his
Brother
the
Cardinal
de
Guise
,
brought
ruin
upon
himself
,
and
cast
the
Kingdom
into
a
most
horrid
confusion
.
Our
own
Age
furnishes
us
with
more
than
one
attempt
of
the
same
kind
attended
with
the
like
success
.
The
Duke
of
Orleans
was
several
times
in
arms
against
Lewis
the
13
th
his
Brother
;
the
Queen-mother
drew
the
Spaniards
to
favour
him
;
Montmorency
perished
in
his
Quarrel
;
Fontrailles
reviv'd
it
by
a
Treaty
with
Spain
,
which
struck
at
the
King's
head
as
well
as
the
Cardinal
's
,
and
was
suppress'd
by
the
death
of
Cinq
Mars
and
de
Thou
.
Those
who
understand
the
Affairs
of
that
Kingdom
,
make
no
doubt
that
the
Count
de
Soissons
would
have
set
up
for
himself
,
and
bin
follow'd
by
the
best
part
of
France
,
if
he
had
not
bin
kill'd
in
the
pursuit
of
his
Victory
at
the
Battel
of
Sedan
.
Since
that
time
the
Kingdom
has
suffer'd
such
Disturbances
as
show
,
that
more
was
intended
than
the
removal
of
Mazarin
:
And
the
Marechal
de
Turenne
was
often
told
,
that
the
check
he
gave
to
the
Prince
of
Condé
at
Gien
,
after
he
had
defeated
Hocquincourt
,
had
preserved
the
Crown
upon
the
King's
head
.
And
to
testify
the
Stability
,
good
Order
,
and
domestick
Peace
that
accompanies
Absolute
Monarchy
,
we
have
in
our
own
days
seen
the
House
of
Bourbon
often
divided
within
it self
;
the
Duke
of
Orleans
,
the
Count
de
Soissons
,
the
Princes
of
Condé
and
Conti
in
war
against
the
King
;
the
Dukes
of
Angoulesme
,
Vendome
,
Longueville
,
the
Count
de
Moret
,
and
other
Bastards
of
the
Royal
Family
following
their
example
;
the
Houses
of
Guise
,
D'
Elbeuf
,
Bouillon
,
Nemours
,
Rochefocault
,
and
almost
all
the
most
eminent
in
France
,
with
the
Parliaments
of
Paris
,
Bourdeaux
,
and
some
others
,
joining
with
them
.
I
might
alledg
many
more
Examples
,
to
shew
that
this
Monarchy
,
as
well
as
all
others
,
has
from
the
first
establishment
bin
full
of
blood
and
slaughter
,
through
the
violence
of
those
who
possessed
the
Crown
,
and
the
Ambition
of
such
as
aspired
to
it
;
and
that
the
end
of
one
Civil
War
has
bin
the
beginning
of
another
:
but
I
presume
upon
the
whole
these
will
be
thought
sufficient
to
prove
,
that
it
never
enjoyed
any
permanent
domestick
quiet
.
The
Kingdoms
of
Spain
have
bin
no
less
disturbed
by
the
same
means
;
but
especially
that
of
Castille
,
where
the
Kings
had
more
power
than
in
other
places
.
To
cite
all
the
Examples
,
were
to
transcribe
their
Histories
;
but
whoever
has
leisure
to
examine
them
will
find
,
that
after
many
troubles
,
Alphonso
the
II
,
notwithstanding
his
glorious
sirname
of
Wise
,
was
deposed
by
means
of
his
ambitious
Son
:
Don
Alonso
,
sirnamed
El
Desheredado
,
supplanted
by
his
Uncle
Don
Sancho
el
bravo
:
Peter
the
Cruel
cast
from
the
Throne
,
and
killed
by
his
bastard
Brother
the
Conde
de
Trastamara
.
From
the
time
of
the
above-named
Alphonso
to
that
of
Ferdinand
and
Isabella
,
containing
about
two
hundred
years
,
so
few
of
them
passed
without
Civil
Wars
,
that
I
hardly
remember
two
together
that
were
free
from
them
:
And
whosoever
pretends
that
of
late
years
that
Monarchy
has
bin
more
quiet
,
must
,
if
he
be
ingenuous
,
confess
their
Peace
is
rather
to
be
imputed
to
the
dexterity
of
removing
such
Persons
as
have
bin
most
likely
to
raise
disturbances
(
of
which
number
were
Don
John
of
Austria
,
Don
Carlos
Son
to
Philip
the
second
,
another
of
the
same
name
Son
to
Philip
the
third
,
and
Don
Balthazar
Son
to
Philip
the
sourth
)
than
to
the
rectitude
of
their
Constitutions
.
He
that
is
not
convinced
of
these
Truths
by
what
has
bin
said
,
may
come
nearer
home
,
and
see
what
Mischiefs
were
brought
upon
Scotland
by
the
Contests
between
Baliol
and
Bruce
,
with
their
consequences
,
But
the
Miseries
of
England
,
upon
the
like
occasions
,
surpass
all
.
William
the
Norman
was
no
sooner
dead
,
but
the
Nation
was
rent
in
pieces
by
his
Son
Robert
,
contesting
with
his
Sons
William
and
Henry
for
the
Crown
.
They
being
all
dead
and
their
Sons
,
the
like
happen'd
between
Stephen
and
Maud
:
Henry
the
second
was
made
King
to
terminate
all
disputes
,
but
it
proved
a
fruitless
Expedient
.
Such
as
were
more
scandalous
,
and
not
less
dangerous
,
did
soon
arise
between
him
and
his
Sons
;
who
besides
the
Evils
brought
upon
the
Nation
,
vexed
him
to
death
by
their
Rebellion
.
The
Reigns
of
John
and
Henry
the
third
were
yet
more
tempestuous
.
Edward
the
second
's
lewd
,
foolish
,
infamous
and
detestable
Government
ended
in
his
deposition
and
death
,
to
which
he
was
brought
by
his
Wife
and
Son
.
Edward
the
third
employ'd
his
own
and
his
Subjects
Valour
against
the
French
and
Scots
;
but
whilst
the
Foundations
were
out
of
order
,
the
Nation
could
never
receive
any
advantage
by
their
Victories
:
All
was
calculated
for
the
Glory
,
and
turned
to
the
Advantage
of
one
man
.
He
being
dead
,
all
that
the
English
held
in
Scotland
and
in
France
was
lost
through
the
baseness
of
his
Successor
,
with
more
blood
than
it
had
been
gained
;
and
the
Civil
Wars
raised
by
his
wickedness
and
madness
,
ended
as
those
of
Edward
the
second
had
done
.
The
Peace
of
Henry
the
fourth's
Reign
was
interrupted
by
dangerous
Civil
Wars
;
and
the
Victory
obtained
at
Shrewsbury
had
not
perhaps
secured
him
in
the
Throne
,
if
his
death
had
not
prevented
new
Troubles
.
Henry
the
fifth
required
such
reputation
by
his
Virtue
and
Victories
,
that
none
dared
to
invade
the
Crown
during
his
life
;
but
immediatly
after
his
death
the
Storms
prepared
against
his
Family
,
broke
out
with
the
utmost
violence
.
His
Son's
weakness
encouraged
Richard
Duke
of
York
to
set
up
a
new
Title
,
which
produced
such
mischiefs
as
hardly
any
people
has
suffer'd
,
unless
upon
the
like
occasion
:
For
besides
the
slaughter
of
many
thousands
of
the
people
,
and
especially
of
those
who
had
bin
accustom'd
to
Arms
,
the
devastation
of
the
best
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
loss
of
all
that
our
Kings
had
inherited
in
France
,
or
gained
by
the
blood
of
their
Subjects
,
fourscore
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
as
Philip
de
Commines
calls
them
,
died
in
Battel
,
or
under
the
hand
of
the
Hangman
.
Many
of
the
most
noble
Families
were
extinguished
;
others
lost
their
most
eminent
Men.
Three
Kings
and
two
presumptive
Heirs
of
the
Crown
were
murder'd
,
and
the
Nation
brought
to
that
shameful
exigence
,
to
set
up
a
young
Man
to
reign
over
them
,
who
had
no
better
cover
for
his
sordid
extraction
than
a
Welsh
Pedigree
,
that
might
shew
how
a
Tailor
was
descended
from
Prince
Arthur
,
Cadwallader
and
Brutus
.
But
the
wounds
of
the
Nation
were
not
to
be
healed
with
such
a
plaister
.
He
could
not
relie
upon
a
Title
made
up
of
such
stuff
,
and
patch'd
with
a
Marriage
to
a
Princess
of
a
very
questionable
Birth
.
His
own
meanness
enclin'd
him
to
hate
the
Nobility
;
and
thinking
it
to
be
as
easy
for
them
to
take
the
Crown
from
him
,
as
to
give
it
to
him
,
he
industriously
applied
himself
to
glean
up
the
remainders
of
the
House
of
York
,
from
whence
a
Competitor
might
arise
,
and
by
all
means
to
crush
those
who
were
most
able
to
oppose
him
.
This
exceedingly
weakned
the
Nobility
,
who
held
the
Balance
between
him
and
the
Commons
,
and
was
the
first
step
towards
the
dissolution
of
our
antient
Government
:
but
he
was
so
far
from
setling
the
Kingdom
in
peace
,
that
such
Rascals
as
Perkin
Warbeck
and
Simnel
were
able
to
disturb
it
.
The
Reign
of
Henry
the
eighth
was
turbulent
and
bloody
;
that
of
Mary
furious
,
and
such
as
had
brought
us
into
subjection
to
the
most
powerful
,
proud
and
cruel
Nation
at
that
time
in
the
world
,
if
God
had
not
wonderfully
protected
us
.
Nay
,
Edward
the
sixth
,
and
Queen
Elizabeth
,
notwithstanding
the
natural
excellency
of
their
Dispositions
,
and
their
knowledg
of
the
Truth
in
matters
of
Religion
,
were
forced
by
that
which
men
call
jealousy
of
State
,
to
foul
their
hands
so
often
with
illustrious
Blood
,
that
if
their
Reigns
deserve
to
be
accounted
amongst
the
most
gentle
of
Monarchies
,
they
were
more
heavy
than
the
Government
of
any
Commonwealth
in
time
of
Peace
;
and
yet
their
lives
were
never
secure
against
such
as
conspired
against
them
upon
the
account
of
Title
.
Having
in
some
measure
shew'd
what
miseries
have
bin
usually
,
if
not
perpetually
brought
upon
Nations
subject
to
Monarchies
by
the
violence
of
some
Princes
,
and
the
baseness
,
folly
,
and
cowardice
of
others
,
together
with
what
they
have
suffer'd
in
contests
for
the
several
Crowns
,
whilst
men
divided
into
divers
Factions
,
ftrive
with
as
much
vehemency
to
advance
the
Person
they
favour
,
as
if
they
or
their
Country
were
interested
in
the
quarrel
,
and
fight
as
fiercely
for
a
Master
as
they
might
reasonably
do
to
have
none
,
I
am
not
able
to
determine
which
of
the
two
evils
is
the
most
mortal
.
'T
is
evident
the
Vices
of
Princes
result
to
the
damage
of
the
People
;
but
whether
Pride
and
Cruelty
,
or
Stupidity
and
Sloth
be
the
worst
,
I
cannot
tell
.
All
Monarchies
are
subject
to
be
afflicted
with
Civil
Wars
;
but
whether
the
most
frequent
and
bloody
do
arise
from
the
quarrels
of
divers
Competitors
for
Crowns
before
any
one
gain
the
possession
of
them
,
or
afterwards
through
the
fears
of
him
that
would
keep
what
he
has
gained
,
or
the
rage
of
those
who
would
wrest
it
from
him
,
is
not
so
easily
decided
.
But
Commonwealths
are
less
troubled
with
those
Distempers
.
Women
,
Children
,
or
such
as
are
notoriously
foolish
or
mad
,
are
never
advanced
to
the
supreme
Power
.
Whilst
the
Laws
,
and
that
Disciplin
which
nourishes
Virtue
is
in
force
,
Men
of
Wisdom
and
Valor
are
never
wanting
;
and
every
man
desires
to
give
testimony
of
his
Virtue
,
when
he
knows
't
will
be
rewarded
with
Honour
and
Power
.
If
unworthy
persons
creep
into
Magistracies
,
or
are
by
mistake
any
way
prefer'd
,
their
Vices
for
the
most
part
turn
to
their
own
hurt
;
and
the
State
cannot
easily
receive
any
great
damage
by
the
incapacity
of
one
who
is
not
to
continue
in
Office
above
a
year
;
and
is
usually
encompassed
with
those
who
having
born
,
or
are
aspiring
to
the
same
,
are
by
their
Virtue
able
to
supply
his
defects
;
cannot
hope
for
a
reward
from
one
unable
to
corrupt
them
,
and
are
sure
of
the
favour
of
the
Senate
and
People
to
support
them
in
the
defence
of
the
publick
Interest
.
As
long
as
this
good
Order
continues
,
private
quarrels
are
suppress'd
by
the
authority
of
the
Magistrate
,
or
prove
to
be
of
little
effect
.
Such
as
arise
between
the
Nobles
and
Commons
frequently
produce
good
Laws
for
the
maintenance
of
Liberty
,
as
they
did
in
Rome
for
above
three
hundred
years
after
the
expulsion
of
Tarquin
;
and
almost
ever
terminated
with
little
or
no
blood
.
Sometimes
the
errors
of
one
or
both
parties
are
discovered
by
the
discourse
of
a
wise
and
good
man
;
and
those
who
have
most
violently
opposed
one
another
become
the
best
Friends
,
every
one
joining
to
remove
the
evil
that
causes
the
division
.
When
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
seemed
to
be
most
furiously
incensed
against
each
other
,
the
creation
of
Tribuns
,
communication
of
Honours
and
Marriages
between
the
Patrician
and
Plebeian
Families
,
or
the
mitigation
of
Usury
composed
all
;
and
these
were
not
only
harmless
things
,
but
such
as
gave
opportunities
of
correcting
the
defects
that
had
bin
in
the
first
Constitution
of
the
Government
,
without
which
they
could
never
have
attained
to
the
Greatness
,
Glory
,
and
Happiness
they
afterwards
enjoy'd
.
Such
as
had
seen
that
People
meeting
in
tumult
,
running
through
the
City
,
crying
out
against
the
Kings
,
Consuls
,
Senate
,
or
Decemviri
,
might
have
thought
they
would
have
filled
all
with
blood
and
slaughter
;
but
no
such
thing
hapned
.
They
desired
no
more
than
to
take
away
the
Kingdom
which
Tarquin
had
wickedly
usurped
;
and
never
went
about
so
much
as
to
punish
one
Minister
of
the
mischiefs
he
had
done
,
or
to
take
away
his
Goods
,
till
upon
pretence
of
treating
his
Ambassadors
by
a
new
treachery
had
cast
the
City
into
greater
danger
than
ever
.
Tho
the
Decemviri
had
by
the
like
Villanies
equally
provoked
the
People
,
they
were
used
with
the
like
gentleness
:
Appius
Claudius
and
Oppius
having
by
voluntary
death
Towton
,
Teuxbury
,
Eveshal
,
Lewes
,
Hexham
,
Barnet
,
St.
Albans
,
and
Bosworth
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
these
ought
rather
to
be
compared
to
those
of
Pharsalia
,
Actium
,
or
Philippi
;
for
when
the
Laws
of
a
Commonwealth
are
abolish'd
,
the
name
also
ceases
.
Whatever
is
done
by
force
or
fraud
to
set
up
the
Interests
and
Lusts
of
one
man
in
opposition
to
the
Laws
of
his
Country
,
is
purely
and
absolutely
Monarchical
.
Whatsoever
passed
between
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Cinna
,
Catiline
,
Caesar
,
Pompey
,
Crassus
,
Augustus
,
Antonius
,
and
Lepidus
,
is
to
be
imputed
to
the
Contests
that
arise
between
Competitors
for
Monarchy
,
as
well
as
those
that
in
the
next
age
happened
between
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
,
and
Vespasian
:
Or
,
which
is
worse
,
whereas
those
in
Commonwealths
fight
for
themselves
when
there
is
occasion
,
and
if
they
succeed
,
enjoy
the
fruits
of
their
Victory
,
so
as
even
those
who
remain
of
the
vanquished
party
,
partake
of
the
Liberty
thereby
established
,
or
the
good
Laws
thereupon
made
;
such
as
follow'd
the
Ensigns
of
these
men
who
sought
to
set
up
themselves
,
did
,
rather
like
beasts
than
men
,
hazard
and
suffer
many
unspeakable
evils
to
purchase
misery
to
themselves
and
their
Posterity
,
and
to
make
him
their
Master
,
who
increasing
in
Pride
,
Avarice
,
and
Cruelty
,
was
to
be
thrown
down
again
with
as
much
Blood
as
he
had
bin
set
up
.
These
things
,
if
I
mistake
not
,
being
in
the
last
degree
evident
,
I
may
leave
to
our
Author
all
the
advantages
he
can
gain
by
his
rhetorical
Description
of
the
Tumults
of
Rome
,
when
Blood
was
in
the
Market-place
suckt
up
with
Sponges
,
and
the
Jakes
stuffed
with
Carcases
;
to
which
he
may
add
the
crimes
of
Sylla's
Life
,
and
the
miseries
of
his
Death
:
but
withal
I
desire
to
know
what
number
of
Sponges
were
sufficient
to
suck
up
the
Blood
of
five
hundred
thousand
men
slain
in
one
day
,
when
the
Houses
of
David
and
Jeroboam
contended
for
the
Crown
of
Israel
,
or
of
four
hundred
thousand
who
fell
in
one
battel
between
Joash
and
Amaziah
on
the
same
occasion
;
what
Jakes
were
capacious
enough
to
contain
the
Carcases
of
those
that
perished
in
the
quarrels
between
the
Successors
of
Alexander
,
the
several
Competitors
for
the
Roman
Empire
;
or
those
which
have
happened
in
France
,
Spain
,
England
,
and
other
places
upon
the
like
occasions
.
If
Sylla
for
some
time
acted
as
an
absolute
Monarch
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
he
died
like
one
,
or
that
God
punished
him
as
Herod
,
Philip
the
second
of
Spain
,
and
some
others
,
because
the
hand
of
his
fellow-Citizens
had
unjustly
spar'd
him
.
If
when
he
was
become
detestable
to
God
and
Man
,
he
became
also
miserable
,
his
example
ought
to
deter
others
from
the
Crimes
that
are
avenged
by
a
Power
which
none
can
escape
,
and
to
encourage
those
who
defend
,
or
endeavour
to
recover
their
violated
Liberties
,
to
act
vigorously
in
a
Cause
that
God
dos
evidently
patronize
.
SECT.
XXV
.
Courts
are
more
subject
to
Venality
and
Corruption
than
Popular
Governments
.
THO
Court-flatterers
impute
many
evils
to
Popular
Governments
they
no
way
deserve
,
I
could
not
think
any
so
impudent
as
to
lay
Corruption
and
Venality
to
their
charge
,
till
I
found
it
in
our
Author
.
They
might
in
my
opinion
have
taken
those
faults
upon
themselves
,
since
they
certainly
abound
most
where
Bawds
,
Whores
,
Buffoons
,
Players
,
Slaves
and
other
base
people
who
are
naturally
mercenary
,
are
most
prevalent
.
And
whosoever
would
know
whether
this
dos
more
frequently
befal
Commonwealths
than
Monarchies
,
especially
if
they
are
absolute
,
need
only
to
inquire
whether
the
Cornelii
,
Junii
,
Fabii
,
Valerii
,
Quintii
,
Curii
,
Fabritii
,
and
others
who
most
prevailed
in
Rome
after
the
expulsion
of
the
Kings
,
or
Sejanus
,
Macro
,
Narcissus
,
Pallas
,
Icetus
,
Tigellinus
,
Vinnius
,
Laco
,
Agrippina
,
Messalina
,
Lollia
,
Poppaea
,
and
the
like
,
were
most
subject
to
those
base
Vices
:
Whether
it
were
more
easy
to
corrupt
one
or
two
of
those
Villains
and
Strumpets
,
or
the
Senats
and
People
of
Rome
,
Carthage
,
Athens
,
and
Sparta
;
and
whether
that
sort
of
Rabble
had
more
power
over
the
Princes
they
served
,
than
such
as
most
resembled
them
had
whilst
the
Popular
Government
continued
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
those
Princes
were
wicked
and
vile
,
for
many
others
are
so
likewise
;
and
when
the
Power
is
in
the
hands
of
one
man
,
there
can
be
no
assurance
he
will
not
be
like
them
.
Nay
,
when
the
Power
is
so
placed
,
ill
men
will
always
find
opportunities
of
compassing
their
desires
:
Bonus
,
cautus
,
optimus
Imperator
venditur
,
said
Dioclesian
;
and
tho
he
was
no
unwise
man
,
yet
that
which
principally
induced
him
to
renounce
the
Empire
,
was
the
impossibility
he
sound
of
defending
himself
against
those
that
were
in
credit
with
him
,
who
daily
betray'd
and
sold
him
.
They
see
with
the
eyes
of
other
men
,
and
cannot
resist
the
frauds
that
are
perpetually
put
upon
them
.
Antoninus
Pius
and
Marcus
Aurelius
seem
to
have
bin
the
best
and
wisest
of
all
the
Roman
Emperors
;
but
the
two
Faustina's
had
such
an
ascendent
over
them
,
as
was
most
shameful
to
their
persons
,
and
mischievous
to
the
Empire
and
the
best
men
in
it
.
Such
as
these
may
gain
too
much
upon
the
affections
of
one
man
in
the
best
regulated
Government
;
but
that
could
be
of
no
great
danger
to
the
Publick
,
when
many
others
equal
or
not
much
inferior
to
him
in
authority
,
are
ready
to
oppose
whatever
he
should
endeavour
to
promote
by
their
impulse
:
but
there
is
no
remedy
when
all
depends
upon
the
Will
of
a
single
person
who
is
governed
by
them
.
There
was
more
of
acuteness
and
jest
,
than
of
truth
in
that
saying
of
Themistocles
,
That
his
little
boy
had
more
power
than
any
man
in
Greece
;
for
he
governed
his
Mother
,
she
him
,
he
Athens
,
and
Athens
Greece
.
For
he
himself
was
found
to
have
little
power
,
when
for
private
passions
and
concernments
he
departed
from
the
interest
of
the
Publick
;
and
the
like
has
bin
found
in
all
places
that
have
bin
governed
in
the
like
manner
.
Again
,
Corruption
will
always
reign
most
where
those
who
have
the
power
do
most
favour
it
,
where
the
rewards
of
such
Crimes
are
greatest
,
easiest
,
and
most
valued
,
and
where
the
punishment
of
them
is
least
feared
.
1.
For
the
first
,
we
have
already
proved
that
Liberty
cannot
be
preserved
,
if
the
manners
of
the
People
are
corrupted
,
nor
absolute
Monarchy
introduced
where
they
are
sincere
;
which
is
sufficient
to
shew
that
those
who
manage
free
Governments
ought
always
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
to
oppose
Corruption
,
because
otherwise
both
they
and
their
Government
must
inevitably
perish
;
and
that
on
the
other
hand
,
the
absolute
Monarch
must
endeavour
to
introduce
it
,
because
he
cannot
subsist
without
it
.
'T
is
also
so
natural
for
all
such
Monarchs
to
place
men
in
power
who
pretend
to
love
their
persons
,
and
will
depend
upon
their
pleasure
,
that
possibly
't
would
be
hard
to
find
one
in
the
world
who
has
not
made
it
the
rule
of
his
Government
:
And
this
is
not
only
the
way
to
corruption
,
but
the
most
dangerous
of
all
.
For
tho
a
good
man
may
love
a
good
Monarch
,
he
will
obey
him
only
when
he
commands
that
which
is
just
;
and
no
one
can
engage
himself
blindly
to
do
whatever
he
is
commanded
,
without
renouncing
all
Virtue
and
Religion
;
because
he
knows
not
whether
that
which
shall
be
commanded
is
consistent
with
either
,
or
directly
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
.
But
if
such
a
Monarch
be
evil
,
and
his
Actions
such
as
they
are
too
often
found
to
be
,
whoever
bears
an
affection
to
him
,
and
seconds
his
designs
,
declares
himself
an
Enemy
to
all
that
is
good
;
and
the
advancement
of
such
men
to
power
dos
not
only
introduce
,
foment
,
and
increase
Corruption
,
but
fortifies
it
in
such
a
manner
,
that
without
an
intire
renovation
of
that
State
it
cannot
be
removed
.
Ill
men
may
possibly
creep
into
any
Government
;
but
when
the
worst
are
plac'd
nearest
to
the
Throne
,
and
raised
to
Honors
for
being
so
,
they
will
with
that
force
endeavour
to
draw
all
men
to
a
conformity
of
Spirit
with
themselves
,
that
it
can
no
otherwise
be
prevented
,
than
by
destroying
them
and
the
Principle
in
which
they
live
.
2.
To
the
second
;
Man
naturally
follows
that
which
is
good
,
or
seems
to
him
to
be
so
.
Hence
it
is
that
in
well-govern'd
States
,
where
a
value
is
put
upon
Virtue
,
and
no
one
honoured
unless
for
such
Qualities
as
are
beneficial
to
the
Publick
,
men
are
from
the
tenderest
years
brought
up
in
a
belief
,
that
nothing
in
this
world
deserves
to
be
sought
after
,
but
such
Honors
as
are
acquired
by
virtuous
Actions
:
By
this
means
Virtue
it self
becomes
popular
,
as
in
Sparta
,
Rome
,
and
other
places
,
where
Riches
(
which
with
the
Vanity
that
follows
them
,
and
the
Honors
men
give
to
them
,
are
the
root
of
all
evil
)
were
either
totally
banished
,
or
little
regarded
.
When
no
other
advantage
attended
the
greatest
Riches
than
the
opportunity
of
living
more
sumptuously
or
deliciously
,
men
of
great
Spirits
slighted
them
.
When
Aristippus
told
Cleanthes
,
that
if
he
would
go
to
Court
and
flatter
the
Tyrant
,
he
need
not
seek
his
Supper
under
a
hedg
;
the
Philosopher
answer'd
,
that
he
who
could
content
himself
with
such
a
Supper
,
need
not
go
to
Court
,
or
flatter
the
Tyrant
.
Epaminondas
,
Aristides
,
Phocion
,
and
even
the
Lacedemonian
Kings
,
found
no
inconvenience
in
Poverty
,
whilst
their
Virtue
was
honour'd
,
and
the
richest
Princes
in
the
world
feared
their
Valour
and
Power
.
It
was
not
difficult
for
Curius
,
Fabricius
,
Quintius
Cincinnatus
,
or
Paulus
Emilius
,
to
content
themselves
with
the
narrowest
Fortune
,
when
it
was
no
obstacle
to
them
in
the
pursuit
of
those
Honours
which
their
Virtues
deserved
.
'T
was
in
vain
to
think
of
bribing
a
man
who
supped
upon
the
Coleworts
of
his
own
Garden
.
He
could
not
be
gained
by
Gold
,
who
did
not
think
it
necessary
.
He
that
could
rise
from
the
Plow
to
the
triumphal
Chariot
,
and
contentedly
return
thither
again
,
could
not
be
corrupted
;
and
he
that
left
the
sense
of
his
Poverty
to
his
Executors
,
who
found
not
wherewith
to
bury
him
,
might
leave
Macedon
and
Greece
to
the
pillage
of
his
Soldiers
,
without
taking
to
himself
any
part
of
the
Booty
.
But
when
Luxury
was
brought
into
fashion
,
and
they
came
to
be
honor'd
who
liv'd
magnificently
,
tho
they
had
in
themselves
no
qualities
to
distinguish
them
from
the
basest
of
Slaves
,
the
most
virtuous
men
were
exposed
to
scorn
if
they
were
poor
:
and
that
poverty
which
had
bin
the
mother
and
nurse
of
their
Virtue
,
grew
insupportable
.
The
Poet
well
understood
what
effect
this
change
had
upon
the
World
,
who
said
,
Nullum
crimen
abest
facinusque
libidinis
,
ex
quo
Paupertas
Romana
perit
.
Juven.
When
Riches
grew
to
be
necessary
,
the
desire
of
them
which
is
the
spring
of
all
mischief
,
follow'd
.
They
who
could
not
obtain
Honours
by
the
noblest
Actions
,
were
oblig'd
to
get
Wealth
to
purchase
them
from
Whores
and
Villains
,
who
exposed
them
to
sale
:
and
when
they
were
once
entred
into
this
track
,
they
soon
learnt
the
Vices
of
those
from
whom
they
had
received
their
Preferment
,
and
to
delight
in
the
ways
that
had
brought
them
to
it
.
When
they
were
come
to
this
,
nothing
could
stop
them
:
All
thought
and
remembrance
of
good
was
extinguish'd
.
They
who
had
bought
the
Commands
of
Armies
or
Provinces
,
from
Icetus
or
Narcissus
,
sought
only
how
to
draw
Money
from
them
,
to
enable
them
to
purchase
higher
Dignities
,
or
gain
a
more
assured
protection
from
those
Patrons
.
This
brought
the
Government
of
the
World
under
a
most
infamous
Traffick
,
and
the
Treasures
arising
from
it
were
,
for
the
most
part
,
dissipated
by
worse
vices
than
the
Rapine
,
Violence
and
Fraud
with
which
they
had
bin
gotten
.
The
Authors
of
those
Crimes
had
nothing
left
but
their
Crimes
,
and
the
necessity
of
committing
more
,
through
the
indigence
into
which
they
were
plung'd
by
the
extravagance
of
their
Expences
.
These
things
are
inseparable
from
the
life
of
a
Courtier
;
for
as
servile
Natures
are
guided
rather
by
sense
than
reason
,
such
as
addict
themselves
to
the
service
of
Courts
,
find
no
other
consolation
in
their
misery
,
than
what
they
receive
from
sensual
pleasures
,
or
such
vanities
as
they
put
a
value
upon
;
and
have
no
other
care
,
than
to
get
Money
for
their
supply
by
begging
,
stealing
,
bribing
,
and
other
infamous
practices
.
Their
Offices
are
more
or
less
esteemed
according
to
the
opportunities
they
afford
for
the
exercise
of
these
Virtues
;
and
no
man
seeks
them
for
any
other
end
than
for
gain
,
nor
takes
any
other
way
than
that
which
conduces
to
it
.
The
usual
means
of
attaining
them
are
,
by
observing
the
Prince's
Humour
,
flattering
his
Vices
,
serving
him
in
his
Pleasures
,
fomenting
his
Passions
,
and
by
advancing
his
worst
Designs
,
to
create
an
opinion
in
him
that
they
love
his
Person
,
and
are
entirely
addicted
to
his
Will.
When
Valour
,
Industry
and
Wisdom
advanced
men
to
Offices
,
it
was
no
easy
matter
for
a
man
to
perswade
the
Senate
he
had
such
Qualities
as
were
requir'd
,
if
he
had
them
not
:
But
when
Princes
seek
only
such
as
love
them
,
and
will
do
what
they
command
,
't
is
easy
to
impose
upon
them
;
and
because
none
that
are
good
will
obey
them
when
they
command
that
which
is
not
so
,
they
are
always
encompassed
by
the
worst
.
Those
who
follow
them
only
for
Reward
,
are
most
liberal
in
professing
affection
to
them
,
and
by
that
means
rise
to
places
of
Authority
and
Power
.
The
Fountain
being
thus
corrupted
,
nothing
that
is
pure
can
come
from
it
.
These
mercenary
Wretches
having
the
management
of
Affairs
,
Justice
and
Honours
are
set
at
a
price
,
and
the
most
lucrative
Traffick
in
the
world
is
thereby
established
.
[
*
](A60214-e35950-b)
*
—
Nunc
uberiore
rapina
Peccat
in
orbe
manus
.
Claud.
Eutropius
when
he
was
a
Slave
,
used
to
pick
Pockets
and
Locks
;
but
being
made
a
Minister
,
he
sold
Cities
,
Armies
and
Provinces
:
and
some
have
undertaken
to
give
probable
reasons
to
believe
,
that
Pallas
,
one
of
Claudius
his
manumised
Slaves
,
by
these
means
brought
together
more
Wealth
in
six
years
,
than
all
the
Roman
Dictators
and
Consuls
had
done
from
the
expulsion
of
the
Kings
to
their
passage
into
Asia
.
The
rest
walked
in
the
same
way
,
used
the
same
arts
,
and
many
of
them
succeeded
in
the
same
manner
.
Their
Riches
consisted
not
of
Spoils
taken
from
Enemies
,
but
were
the
base
product
of
their
own
corruption
.
They
valued
nothing
but
Money
,
and
those
who
could
bribe
them
,
were
sure
to
be
advanc'd
to
the
highest
Offices
;
and
whatever
they
did
,
feared
no
punishment
.
Like
Effects
will
ever
proceed
from
the
like
Causes
.
When
Vanity
,
Luxury
and
Prodigality
are
in
fashion
,
the
desire
of
Riches
must
necessarily
increase
in
proportion
to
them
:
And
when
the
Power
is
in
the
hands
of
base
mercenary
persons
,
they
will
always
(
to
use
the
Courtiers
phrase
)
make
as
much
profit
of
their
places
as
they
can
.
Not
only
matters
of
Favour
,
but
of
Justice
too
,
will
be
exposed
to
sale
;
and
no
way
will
be
open
to
Honours
or
Magistracies
,
but
by
paying
largely
for
them
.
He
that
gets
an
Office
by
these
means
,
will
not
execute
it
gratis
:
he
thinks
he
may
sell
what
he
has
bought
;
and
would
not
have
entred
by
corrupt
ways
,
if
he
had
not
intended
to
deal
corruptly
.
Nay
,
if
a
well-meaning
man
should
suffer
himself
to
be
so
far
carried
away
by
the
stream
of
a
prevailing
Custom
,
as
to
purchase
Honours
of
such
Villains
,
he
would
be
obliged
to
continue
in
the
same
course
,
that
he
might
gain
Riches
to
procure
the
continuance
of
his
Benefactors
protection
,
or
to
obtain
the
favour
of
such
as
happen
to
succeed
them
:
And
the
corruption
thus
beginning
in
the
Head
,
must
necessarily
diffuse
it self
into
all
the
Members
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Or
,
if
any
one
(
which
is
not
to
be
expected
)
after
having
bin
guilty
of
one
Villany
,
should
resolve
to
commit
no
more
,
it
could
have
no
other
effect
than
to
bring
him
to
ruin
;
and
he
being
taken
away
,
all
things
would
return
to
their
former
channel
.
Besides
this
,
whosoever
desires
to
advance
himself
,
must
use
such
means
as
are
sutable
to
the
time
in
which
he
lives
,
and
the
humour
of
the
persons
with
whom
he
is
to
deal
.
It
had
bin
as
absurd
for
any
man
void
of
merit
to
set
himself
up
against
Junius
Brutus
,
Cincinnatus
,
Papirius
Cursor
,
Camillus
,
Fabius
Maximus
,
or
Scipio
;
and
by
bribing
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
,
think
to
be
chosen
Captain
against
the
Tarquins
,
Tuscans
,
Latins
,
Samnites
,
Gauls
or
Carthaginians
,
as
for
the
most
virtuous
men
by
the
most
certain
proofs
of
their
Wisdom
,
Experience
,
Integrity
and
Valour
,
to
expect
advancement
from
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
and
Nero
,
or
the
lewd
Wretches
that
govern'd
them
.
They
hated
and
feared
all
those
that
excelled
in
Virtue
,
and
setting
themselves
to
destroy
the
best
for
being
the
best
,
they
placed
the
strength
of
the
Government
in
the
hands
of
the
worst
,
which
produced
the
effects
beforementioned
.
This
seems
to
have
bin
so
well
known
,
that
no
man
pretended
to
be
great
at
Court
,
but
those
who
had
cast
off
all
thoughts
of
honour
and
common
honesty
:
Revertar
cum
Leno
,
Meretrix
,
Scurra
,
Cinaedus
ero
,
said
one
who
saw
what
manners
prevailed
there
;
and
wheresoever
they
do
prevail
,
such
as
will
rise
,
must
render
themselves
conformable
in
all
corruption
and
venality
.
And
it
may
be
observed
,
that
a
noble
Person
now
living
amongst
us
,
who
is
a
great
enemy
to
Bribery
,
was
turned
out
from
a
considerable
Office
,
as
a
scandal
to
the
Court
;
for
,
said
the
principal
Minister
,
he
will
make
no
profit
of
his
place
,
and
by
that
means
casts
a
scandal
upon
those
that
do
.
If
any
man
say
,
this
is
not
generally
the
fate
of
all
Courts
,
I
confess
it
;
and
that
if
the
Prince
be
just
,
virtuous
,
wise
,
of
great
Spirit
,
and
not
pretending
to
be
absolute
,
he
may
chuse
such
men
as
are
not
mercenary
,
or
take
such
a
course
as
may
render
it
hard
for
them
to
deserve
Bribes
,
or
to
preserve
themselves
from
punishment
,
if
they
should
deflect
from
his
intention
.
And
a
Prince
of
this
Age
speaking
familiarly
with
some
great
Men
about
him
,
said
,
he
had
heard
much
of
vast
Gains
made
by
those
who
were
near
to
Princes
,
and
asked
if
they
made
the
like
?
one
of
them
answer'd
,
that
they
were
as
willing
as
others
to
get
something
,
but
that
no
man
would
give
them
a
farthing
;
for
every
one
finding
a
free
admittance
to
his
Majesty
,
no
man
needed
a
Sollicitor
:
And
it
was
no
less
known
that
he
did
of
himself
grant
those
things
that
were
just
,
than
that
none
of
them
had
so
much
credit
as
to
promote
such
as
were
not
so
.
I
will
not
say
such
a
King
is
a
Phenix
;
perhaps
more
than
one
may
be
found
in
an
Age
;
but
they
are
certainly
rare
,
and
all
that
is
good
in
their
Government
proceeding
from
the
excellency
of
their
personal
Virtues
,
it
must
fail
when
that
Virtue
fails
,
which
was
the
root
of
it
.
Experience
shews
how
little
we
can
rely
upon
such
a
help
;
for
where
Crowns
are
hereditary
,
Children
seldom
prove
like
to
their
Fathers
;
and
such
as
are
elective
have
also
their
defects
.
Many
seem
to
be
modest
and
innocent
in
private
Fortunes
,
who
prove
corrupt
and
vicious
when
they
are
raised
to
Power
.
The
violence
,
pride
and
malice
of
Saul
,
was
never
discover'd
till
the
people
had
placed
him
in
the
Throne
.
But
where
the
Government
is
Absolute
,
or
the
Prince
endeavours
to
make
it
so
,
this
integrity
can
never
be
found
:
He
will
always
seek
such
as
are
content
to
depend
upon
his
Will
,
which
being
always
unruly
,
good
men
will
never
comply
;
ill
men
will
be
paid
for
it
,
and
that
opens
a
gap
to
all
manner
of
corruption
.
Something
like
to
this
may
befal
regular
Monarchies
,
or
popular
Governments
.
They
who
are
placed
in
the
principal
Offices
of
trust
may
be
treacherous
;
and
when
they
are
so
,
they
will
always
by
these
means
seek
to
gain
Partizans
and
dependents
upon
themselves
.
Their
designs
being
corrupt
,
they
must
be
carried
on
by
corruption
;
But
such
as
would
support
Monarchy
in
its
regularity
,
or
popular
Governments
,
must
oppose
it
,
or
be
destroy'd
by
it
.
And
nothing
can
better
manifest
how
far
Absolute
Monarchies
are
more
subject
to
this
venality
and
corruption
than
the
regular
and
popular
Governments
,
than
that
they
are
rooted
in
the
principle
of
the
one
,
which
cannot
subsist
without
them
;
and
are
so
contrary
to
the
others
,
that
they
must
certainly
perish
unless
they
defend
themselves
from
them
.
If
any
man
be
so
far
of
another
opinion
,
as
to
believe
that
Brutus
,
Camillus
,
Scipio
,
Fabius
,
Hannibal
,
Pericles
,
Aristides
,
Agesilaus
,
Epaminondas
or
Pelopidas
,
were
as
easily
corrupted
as
Sejanus
,
Tigellinus
,
Vinnius
or
Laco
:
That
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
,
Carthage
,
Athens
,
Sparta
or
Thebes
,
were
to
be
bought
at
as
easy
rates
as
one
profligate
Villain
,
a
Slave
,
an
Eunuch
or
a
Whore
;
or
tho
it
was
not
in
former
Ages
,
yet
it
is
so
now
:
he
may
be
pleased
to
consider
by
what
means
men
now
rise
to
places
of
Judicature
,
Church-preferment
,
or
any
Offices
of
trust
,
honour
or
profit
under
those
Monarchies
which
we
know
,
that
either
are
or
would
be
absolute
.
Let
him
examine
how
all
the
Offices
of
Justice
are
now
disposed
in
France
;
how
Mazarin
came
to
be
advanced
;
what
traffick
he
made
of
Abbies
and
Bishopricks
,
and
what
treasures
he
gained
by
that
means
:
Whether
the
like
has
not
continued
since
his
death
,
and
as
a
laudable
Example
been
transmitted
to
us
since
his
Majesty's
happy
restauration
:
Whether
Bawds
,
Whores
,
Thieves
,
Buffoons
,
Parasites
,
and
such
vile
wretches
as
are
naturally
mercenary
,
have
not
more
Power
at
Whitehal
,
Versailles
,
the
Vatican
,
and
the
Escurial
,
than
in
Venice
,
Amsterdam
,
and
Switzerland
:
Whether
H-de
,
Arl-ng-t-n
,
D-nby
,
their
Graces
of
Cleveland
and
Portsmouth
,
S-nd-rl-nd
,
Jenkins
or
Chiffinch
,
could
probably
have
attained
such
Power
as
they
have
had
amongst
us
,
if
it
had
bin
disposed
by
the
Suffrages
of
the
Parliament
and
People
:
Or
lastly
,
Whether
such
as
know
only
how
to
work
upon
the
personal
Vices
of
a
man
,
have
more
influence
upon
one
who
happens
to
be
born
in
a
reigning
Family
,
or
upon
a
Senate
consisting
of
men
chosen
for
their
Virtues
and
Quality
,
or
the
whole
Body
of
a
Nation
.
But
if
he
who
possesses
or
affects
an
absolute
Power
be
by
his
interest
led
to
introduce
that
corruption
which
the
People
,
Senate
,
and
Magistrates
who
uphold
Popular
Governments
abhor
,
as
that
which
threaten●
them
with
destruction
:
if
the
example
,
arts
,
and
means
used
by
him
and
his
dependents
be
of
wonderful
efficacy
towards
the
introduction
of
it
:
if
nothing
but
an
admirable
Virtue
,
which
can
hardly
be
in
one
that
enjoys
or
desires
such
a
Power
,
can
divert
him
from
that
design
;
and
if
such
Virtue
never
did
,
nor
probably
ever
will
continue
long
in
any
one
Family
,
we
cannot
rationally
believe
there
ever
was
a
race
of
men
invested
with
,
or
possessing
such
a
Power
,
or
that
there
will
ever
be
any
who
have
not
,
and
will
not
endeavour
to
introduce
that
corruption
,
which
is
so
necessary
for
the
defence
of
their
Persons
,
and
most
important
Concernments
,
and
certainly
accomplish
their
great
Design
,
unless
they
are
opposed
or
removed
.
SECT.
XXVI
.
Civil
Tumults
and
Wars
are
not
the
greatest
Evils
that
befal
Nations
.
BUT
skin
for
skin
,
says
our
Author
,
and
all
that
a
man
hath
will
he
give
for
his
life
.
And
since
it
was
necessary
to
grace
his
Book
with
some
Scripture
phrases
,
none
could
be
fitter
for
that
purpose
than
those
that
were
spoken
by
the
Devil
;
but
they
will
be
of
little
use
to
him
:
For
tho
I
should
so
far
recede
from
truth
,
as
to
avow
those
words
to
be
true
,
I
might
safely
deny
the
conclusions
he
draws
from
them
,
That
those
are
the
worst
Governments
under
which
most
men
are
slain
;
or
,
that
more
are
slain
in
Popular
Governments
than
in
Absolute
Monarchies
.
For
having
proved
that
all
the
Wars
and
Tumults
that
have
happen'd
in
Commonwealths
,
have
never
produced
such
slaughters
as
were
brought
upon
the
Empires
of
Maecedon
and
Rome
,
or
the
Kingdoms
of
Israel
,
Judah
,
France
,
Spain
,
Scotland
or
England
,
by
contests
between
several
Competitors
for
those
Crowns
;
if
Tumult
,
War
,
and
Slaughter
,
be
the
point
in
question
,
those
are
the
worst
of
all
Governments
where
they
have
bin
most
frequent
and
cruel
.
But
tho
these
are
terrible
Scourges
,
I
deny
that
Government
to
be
simply
the
worst
that
has
most
of
them
.
'T
is
ill
that
men
should
kill
one
another
in
Seditions
,
Tumults
and
Wars
;
but
't
is
worse
to
bring
Nations
to
such
misery
,
weakness
and
baseness
,
as
to
have
neither
strength
nor
courage
to
contend
for
any
thing
;
to
have
nothing
left
worth
defending
,
and
to
give
the
name
of
Peace
to
desolation
.
I
take
Greece
to
have
bin
happy
and
glorious
,
when
it
was
full
of
populous
Cities
,
flourishing
in
all
the
Arts
that
deserve
praise
among
men
:
When
they
were
courted
and
feared
by
the
greatest
Kings
,
and
never
assaulted
by
any
but
to
his
own
loss
and
confusion
:
When
Babylon
and
Susa
trembled
at
the
motion
of
their
Arms
;
and
their
valour
exercised
in
these
Wars
and
Tumults
,
which
our
Author
looks
upon
as
the
greatest
Evils
,
was
raised
to
such
a
power
that
nothing
upon
Earth
was
found
able
to
resist
them
:
and
I
think
it
now
miserable
,
when
Peace
reigns
within
their
empty
walls
,
and
the
poor
remains
of
those
exhausted
Nations
sheltering
themselves
under
the
ruins
of
the
desolated
Cities
,
have
neither
any
thing
that
deserves
to
be
disputed
amongst
them
,
nor
spirit
or
force
to
repel
the
Injuries
they
daily
suffer
from
a
proud
and
insupportable
Master
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Italy
:
Whilst
it
was
inhabited
by
Nations
governing
themselves
by
their
own
Will
,
they
fell
sometimes
into
domestick
Seditions
,
and
had
frequent
Wars
with
their
Neighbours
.
When
they
were
free
,
they
loved
their
Country
,
and
were
always
ready
to
fight
in
its
defence
.
Such
as
succeeded
well
,
increased
in
vigor
and
power
;
and
even
those
that
were
the
most
unfortunate
in
one
Age
,
found
means
to
repair
their
greatest
losses
if
their
Government
continued
.
Whilst
they
had
a
propriety
in
their
goods
,
they
would
not
suffer
the
Country
to
be
invaded
,
since
they
knew
they
could
have
none
if
it
were
lost
.
This
gave
occasion
to
Wars
and
Tumults
;
but
it
sharpned
their
Courage
,
kept
up
a
good
Discipline
,
and
the
Nations
that
were
most
exercised
by
them
,
always
increased
in
power
and
number
;
so
that
no
Country
seems
ever
to
have
bin
of
greater
strength
than
Italy
was
when
Hannibal
invaded
it
:
and
after
his
defeat
,
the
rest
of
the
World
was
not
able
to
resist
their
Valour
and
Power
.
They
sometimes
killed
one
another
;
but
their
Enemies
never
got
any
thing
but
burying-places
within
their
Territories
.
All
things
are
now
brought
into
a
very
different
method
by
the
blessed
Governments
they
are
under
.
The
fatherly
care
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
the
Pope
,
and
other
Princes
,
has
established
Peace
amongst
them
.
We
have
not
in
many
Ages
heard
of
any
Sedition
among
the
Latins
,
Sabins
,
Volsci
,
Equi
,
Samnits
,
or
others
.
The
thin
,
half-starv'd
Inhabitants
of
Walls
supported
by
Ivy
,
fear
neither
popular
Tumults
,
nor
foreign
Alarms
;
and
their
sleep
is
only
interrupted
by
Hunger
,
the
cries
of
their
Children
,
or
the
howling
of
Wolves
.
Instead
of
many
turbulent
,
contentious
Cities
,
they
have
a
few
scatter'd
silent
Cottages
;
and
the
fierceness
of
those
Nations
is
so
temper'd
,
that
every
rafcally
Collector
of
Taxes
extorts
without
fear
from
every
man
,
that
which
should
be
the
nourishment
of
his
Family
.
And
if
any
of
those
Countries
are
free
from
that
pernicious
Vermin
,
't
is
through
the
extremity
of
their
Poverty
.
Even
in
Rome
a
man
may
be
circumvented
by
the
fraud
of
a
Priest
,
or
poison'd
by
one
who
would
have
his
Estate
,
Wife
,
Whore
,
or
Child
;
but
nothing
is
done
that
looks
like
Tumult
or
Violence
.
The
Governors
do
as
little
fear
Gracchus
as
Hannibal
;
and
instead
of
wearying
their
Subjects
in
Wars
,
they
only
seek
,
by
perverted
Laws
,
corrupt
Judges
,
false
Witnesses
,
and
vexatious
Suits
,
to
cheat
them
of
their
Mony
and
Inheritance
.
This
is
the
best
part
of
their
condition
.
Where
these
Arts
are
used
,
there
are
men
,
and
they
have
something
to
lose
;
but
for
the
most
part
the
Lands
lie
waste
,
and
they
who
were
formerly
troubled
with
the
disorders
incident
to
populous
Cities
,
now
enjoy
the
quiet
and
peaceable
estate
of
a
Wilderness
.
Again
,
there
is
a
way
of
killing
worse
than
that
of
the
Sword
:
for
as
Tertullian
says
upon
a
different
occasion
,
prohibere
nasci
est
occidere
;
those
Governments
are
in
the
highest
degree
guilty
of
Blood
,
which
by
taking
from
men
the
means
of
living
,
bring
some
to
perish
through
want
,
drive
others
out
of
the
Country
,
and
generally
disswade
men
from
marriage
,
by
taking
from
them
all
ways
of
subsisting
their
Families
.
Notwithstanding
all
the
Seditions
of
Florence
,
and
other
Cities
of
Tuscany
,
the
horrid
Factions
of
Guelphs
and
Ghibelins
,
Neri
and
Bianchi
,
Nobles
and
Commons
,
they
continued
populous
,
strong
,
and
exceeding
rich
;
but
in
the
space
of
less
than
a
hundred
and
fifty
years
,
the
peaceable
Reign
of
the
Medices
is
thought
to
have
destroyed
nine
parts
in
ten
of
the
people
of
that
Province
.
Amongst
other
things
't
is
remarkable
,
that
when
Philip
the
second
of
Spain
gave
Sienna
to
the
Duke
of
Florence
,
his
Ambassador
then
at
Rome
sent
him
word
,
that
he
had
given
away
more
than
six
hundred
and
fifty
thousand
Subjects
;
and
't
is
not
believ'd
there
are
now
twenty
thousand
Souls
inhabiting
that
City
and
Territory
.
Pisa
,
Pistoia
,
Arezzo
,
Cortona
,
and
other
Towns
that
were
then
good
and
populous
,
are
in
the
like
proportion
diminished
,
and
Florence
more
than
any
.
When
that
City
had
bin
long
troubled
with
Seditions
,
Tumults
,
and
Wars
,
for
the
most
part
unprosperous
,
they
still
retain'd
such
strength
,
that
when
Charles
the
eighth
of
France
being
admitted
as
a
Friend
with
his
whole
Army
,
which
soon
after
conquer'd
Val
d'Arno
,
a
small
Territory
belonging
to
that
City
,
could
,
in
a
few
hours
,
by
the
sound
of
a
Bell
,
bring
together
a
hundred
and
thirty
five
thousand
well
arm'd
men
;
whereas
now
that
City
,
with
all
the
others
in
that
Province
,
are
brought
to
such
despicable
weakness
,
emptiness
,
poverty
and
baseness
,
that
they
can
neither
resist
the
oppressions
of
their
own
Prince
,
nor
defend
him
or
themselves
if
they
were
assaulted
by
a
foreign
Enemy
.
The
People
are
dispers'd
or
destroy'd
,
and
the
best
Families
sent
to
seek
Habitations
in
Venice
,
Genoa
,
Rome
,
Naples
,
and
Lucca
.
This
is
not
the
effect
of
War
or
Pestilence
;
they
enjoy
a
perfect
peace
,
and
suffer
no
other
plague
than
the
Government
they
are
under
.
But
he
who
has
thus
cured
them
of
Disorders
and
Tumults
,
dos
,
in
my
opinion
,
deserve
no
greater
praise
than
a
Physician
,
who
should
boast
there
was
not
a
sick
person
in
a
house
committed
to
his
care
,
when
he
had
poison'd
all
that
were
in
it
.
The
Spaniards
have
established
the
like
peace
in
the
Kingdoms
of
Naples
and
Sicily
,
the
West-Indies
,
and
other
places
.
The
Turks
by
the
same
means
prevent
Tumults
in
their
Dominions
.
And
they
are
of
such
efficacy
in
all
places
,
that
Mario
Chigi
Brother
to
Por●
Alexander
the
seventh
,
by
one
sordid
cheat
upon
the
sale
of
Corn
,
●●
said
within
eight
years
to
have
destroy'd
above
a
third
part
of
the
people
in
the
Ecclesiastical
State
;
and
that
Country
which
was
the
strength
of
the
Romans
in
the
time
of
the
Carthaginian
Wars
,
suffer'd
more
by
the
covetousness
and
fraud
of
that
Villain
,
than
by
all
the
defeats
receiv'd
from
Hannibal
.
'T
were
an
endless
work
to
mention
all
the
places
where
this
peace
able
solitude
has
bin
introduc'd
by
absolute
Monarchy
;
but
Popular
and
regular
Governments
have
always
applied
themselves
to
increase
the
Number
,
Strength
,
Power
,
Riches
,
and
Courage
of
their
People
,
by
providing
comfortable
ways
of
subsistence
for
their
own
Citizens
,
inviting
Strangers
,
and
filling
them
all
with
such
a
love
to
their
Country
,
that
every
man
might
look
upon
the
publick
Cause
as
his
own
,
and
be
always
ready
to
defend
it
.
This
may
sometimes
give
occasion
to
Tumults
and
Wars
,
as
the
most
vigorous
bodies
may
fall
into
Distempers
:
When
every
one
is
sollicitous
for
the
Publick
,
there
may
be
difference
of
opinion
,
and
some
by
mistaking
the
way
may
bring
prejudice
when
they
intend
profit
:
But
unless
a
Tyrant
do
arise
,
and
destroy
the
Government
which
is
the
root
of
their
felicity
;
or
they
be
overwhelm'd
by
the
irresistible
power
of
a
Virtue
or
Fortune
greater
than
their
own
,
they
soon
recover
,
and
for
the
most
part
rise
up
in
greater
Glory
and
Prosperity
than
before
.
This
was
seen
in
the
Commonwealths
of
Greece
and
Italy
,
which
for
this
reason
were
justly
called
Nurseries
of
Virtue
,
and
their
Magistrates
Preservers
of
men
;
whereas
our
Author
's
peace-making
Monarchs
can
deserve
no
better
title
than
that
of
Enemies
and
Destroyers
of
Mankind
.
I
cannot
think
him
in
earnest
when
he
exaggerates
Sylla's
Cruelties
as
a
proof
that
the
mischiefs
suffer'd
under
free
States
are
more
universal
than
under
Kings
and
Tyrants
:
For
there
never
was
a
Tyrant
in
the
World
if
he
was
not
one
,
tho
through
weariness
,
infirmity
of
body
,
fear
,
or
perhaps
the
horror
of
his
own
wickedness
,
he
at
length
resigned
his
Power
;
but
the
evil
had
taken
root
so
deep
,
that
it
could
not
be
removed
:
There
was
nothing
of
Liberty
remaining
in
Rome
:
The
Laws
were
overthrown
by
the
violence
of
the
Sword
:
the
remaining
Contest
was
who
should
be
Lord
;
and
there
is
no
reason
to
believe
that
if
Pompey
had
gained
the
Battel
of
Pharsalia
,
he
would
have
made
a
more
modest
use
of
his
Victory
than
Cesar
did
;
or
that
Rome
would
have
bin
more
happy
under
him
than
under
the
other
.
His
Cause
was
more
plausible
because
the
Senate
follow'd
him
,
and
Cesar
was
the
Invader
;
but
he
was
no
better
in
his
person
,
and
his
designs
seem
to
have
bin
the
same
.
He
had
bin
long
before
Suarum
legum
auctor
&
eversor
.
He
gave
the
beginning
to
the
first
Triumvirat
;
and
't
were
folly
to
think
that
he
who
had
bin
insolent
when
he
was
not
come
to
the
highest
pitch
of
Fortune
,
would
have
proved
moderate
if
success
had
put
all
into
his
hands
.
The
proceedings
of
Marius
,
Cinna
,
Catiline
,
Octavius
,
and
Antonius
were
all
of
the
same
nature
.
No
Laws
were
observ'd
:
No
publick
good
intended
;
the
ambition
of
private
persons
reigned
;
and
whatsoever
was
done
by
them
,
or
for
their
interests
,
can
no
more
be
applied
to
Popular
,
Aristocratical
or
mix'd
Governments
,
than
the
furies
of
Caligula
and
Nero.
SECT.
XXVII
.
The
Mischiefs
and
Cruelties
proceeding
from
Tyranny
are
greater
than
any
that
can
come
from
Popular
or
mixed
Governments
.
'T
Is
now
time
to
examin
the
reasons
of
our
Author
's
general
Maxims
.
The
Cruelties
,
says
he
,
of
a
Tyrant
extend
ordinarily
no
farther
than
some
particular
men
that
offend
him
,
and
not
to
the
whole
Kingdom
.
It
is
truly
said
of
his
late
Majesty
King
James
,
A
King
can
never
be
so
notoriously
vicious
,
but
he
will
generally
favour
Justice
,
and
maintain
some
order
.
Even
cruel
Domitian
,
Dionysius
the
Tyrant
,
and
many
others
are
commended
in
Histories
as
great
observers
of
Justice
,
except
in
particular
cases
,
wherein
his
inordinate
lusts
may
carry
him
away
.
This
may
be
said
of
Popular
Governments
;
for
tho
a
People
through
error
do
sometimes
hurt
a
private
person
,
and
that
may
possibly
result
to
the
publick
damage
,
because
the
man
that
is
offended
or
destroy'd
,
might
have
bin
useful
to
the
Society
,
they
never
do
it
otherwise
than
by
error
:
For
having
the
Government
in
themselves
,
whatever
is
prejudicial
to
it
,
is
so
to
them
;
and
if
they
ruin
it
,
they
ruin
themselves
,
which
no
man
ever
did
willingly
and
knowingly
.
In
absolute
Monarchies
the
matter
is
quite
otherwise
.
A
Prince
that
sets
up
an
interest
in
himself
,
becomes
an
Enemy
to
the
Publick
:
in
following
his
own
lusts
he
offends
all
,
except
a
few
of
his
corrupt
Creatures
,
by
whose
help
he
oppresses
others
with
a
Yoak
they
are
unwilling
to
bear
,
and
thereby
incurs
the
universal
hatred
.
This
hatred
is
always
proportionable
to
the
injuries
received
,
which
being
extreme
,
that
must
be
so
too
;
and
every
People
being
powerful
in
comparison
to
the
Prince
that
governs
,
he
will
always
fear
those
that
hate
him
,
and
always
hate
those
he
fears
.
When
Luigi
Farnese
first
Duke
of
Parma
had
by
his
Tyranny
incensed
the
People
of
that
small
City
,
their
hatred
was
not
less
mortal
to
him
than
that
of
the
whole
Empire
had
bin
to
Nero
;
and
as
the
one
burn'd
Rome
,
the
other
would
have
destroy'd
Parma
,
if
he
had
not
bin
prevented
.
The
like
has
bin
,
and
will
be
every
where
,
in
as
much
as
every
man
endeavours
to
destroy
those
he
hates
and
fears
;
and
the
greatness
of
the
danger
often
drives
this
[
*
](A60214-e37160-b)
*
Cuncta
ferit
dum
cuncta
timet
.
Lucan
.
fear
to
rage
and
madness
.
For
this
reason
Caligula
wish'd
but
one
Neck
to
all
the
People
;
and
Nero
triumphed
over
the
burning
City
,
thinking
by
that
ruin
he
had
prevented
his
own
danger
.
I
know
not
who
the
good
Authors
are
that
commend
Domitian
for
his
justice
;
but
Tacitus
calls
him
Principem
virtutibus
infestum
;
and
't
is
hard
to
find
out
how
such
a
man
can
be
an
observer
[
†
](A60214-e37240-b)
†
Cum
jam
semianimem
laceraret
Flavius
orbem
Tertius
,
&
calvo
serviret
Roma
Tyranno
.
Juvenal
.
Author
of
the
same
time
speaking
of
him
,
dos
not
say
he
was
unjust
,
but
gives
us
reason
to
think
he
was
so
,
unless
it
were
just
for
him
,
who
had
a
power
over
the
best
part
of
the
World
,
to
destroy
it
;
and
that
he
who
by
his
cruelty
had
brought
it
to
the
last
gasp
,
would
have
finish'd
the
work
,
if
his
rage
had
not
bin
extinguished
.
Many
Princes
not
having
in
themselves
power
to
destroy
their
People
,
have
stirred
up
foreign
Nations
against
them
,
and
placed
the
only
hopes
of
their
safety
in
the
publick
Calamity
;
and
lawful
Kings
when
they
have
fallen
into
the
first
degree
of
madness
,
so
as
to
assume
a
power
above
that
which
was
allowed
by
the
Law
,
have
in
fury
proved
equal
to
the
worst
Usurpers
.
Clonymus
of
Sparta
was
of
this
sort
:
He
became
,
says
Plutarch
,
an
Enemy
to
the
City
,
Grotius
was
never
accused
of
dealing
hardly
with
Kings
,
or
laying
too
much
weight
upon
imaginary
cases
;
nevertheless
amongst
other
reasons
that
in
his
opinion
justify
Subjects
in
taking
arms
against
their
Princes
,
he
alledges
this
,
propter
immanem
saevitiam
,
and
quando
Rex
in
Populi
exitium
fertur
;
in
as
much
as
it
is
contrary
to
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
ends
for
which
Governments
are
instituted
;
which
were
most
impertinent
,
if
no
such
thing
could
be
;
for
that
which
is
not
,
can
have
no
effect
.
There
are
therefore
Princes
who
seek
the
destruction
of
their
People
,
or
none
could
be
justly
opposed
on
that
account
.
If
King
James
was
of
another
opinion
,
I
could
wish
the
course
of
his
Government
had
bin
suted
to
it
.
When
he
said
that
whilst
he
had
the
power
of
making
Judges
and
Bishops
,
he
would
make
that
to
be
Law
and
Gospel
which
best
pleased
him
,
and
filled
those
places
with
such
as
turned
both
according
to
his
Will
and
Interests
,
I
must
think
that
by
overthrowing
Justice
,
which
is
the
rule
of
civil
and
moral
Actions
,
and
perverting
the
Gospel
which
is
the
light
of
the
spiritual
man
,
he
left
nothing
unattempted
that
he
durst
attempt
,
by
which
he
might
bring
the
most
extensive
and
universal
evils
upon
our
Nation
that
any
can
suffer
.
This
would
stand
good
,
tho
Princes
never
erred
,
unless
they
were
transported
with
some
inordinate
Lusts
;
for
't
is
hard
to
find
one
that
dos
not
live
in
the
perpetual
power
of
them
.
They
are
naturally
subject
to
the
impulse
of
such
appetites
as
well
as
others
,
and
whatever
evil
reigns
in
their
nature
is
fomented
by
education
.
'T
is
the
handle
by
which
their
Flatterers
lead
them
;
and
he
that
discovers
to
what
Vice
a
Prince
is
most
inclin'd
,
is
sure
to
govern
him
by
rendring
himself
subservient
.
In
this
consists
the
chief
art
of
a
Courtier
,
and
by
this
means
it
comes
to
pass
that
such
Lusts
as
in
private
men
are
curbed
by
fear
,
do
not
only
rage
as
in
a
wild
Beast
,
but
are
perpetually
inflamed
by
the
malice
of
their
own
Servants
:
their
hatred
to
the
Laws
of
God
or
Men
that
might
restrain
them
,
increases
in
proportion
with
their
Vices
,
or
their
fears
of
being
punished
for
them
.
And
when
they
are
come
to
this
,
they
can
set
no
limits
to
their
fury
,
and
there
is
no
extravagance
into
which
they
do
not
frequently
fall
.
But
many
of
them
do
not
expect
these
violent
motives
:
the
perversity
of
their
own
nature
carries
them
to
the
extremities
of
evil
.
They
hate
Virtue
for
its
own
sake
,
and
virtuous
men
for
being
most
unlike
to
themselves
.
This
Virtue
is
the
dictate
of
Reason
,
or
the
remains
of
Divine
Light
,
by
which
men
are
made
beneficent
and
beneficial
to
each
other
.
Religion
proceeds
from
the
same
spring
,
and
tends
to
the
same
end
;
and
the
good
of
Mankind
so
intirely
depends
upon
these
two
,
that
no
people
ever
enjoyed
any
thing
worth
desiring
that
was
not
the
product
of
them
;
and
whatsoever
any
have
suffer'd
that
deserves
to
be
abhorr'd
and
feared
,
has
proceeded
either
from
the
defect
of
these
,
or
the
wrath
of
God
against
them
.
If
any
Prince
therefore
has
bin
an
enemy
to
Virtue
and
Religion
,
he
must
also
have
bin
an
enemy
to
Mankind
,
and
most
especially
to
the
People
under
him
.
Whatsoever
he
dos
against
those
that
excel
in
Virtue
and
Religion
,
tends
to
the
destruction
of
the
People
who
subsist
by
them
.
I
will
not
take
upon
me
to
define
who
they
are
,
or
to
tell
the
number
of
those
that
do
this
:
but
't
is
certain
there
have
bin
such
;
and
I
wish
I
could
say
they
were
few
in
number
,
or
that
they
had
liv'd
only
in
past
ages
.
Tacitus
dos
not
fix
this
upon
one
Prince
,
but
upon
all
that
he
writes
of
;
and
to
give
his
Readers
a
tast
of
what
he
was
to
write
,
he
says
,
that
Nobility
and
Honours
were
dangerous
,
but
that
Virtue
brought
most
certain
destruction
;
and
in
another
place
,
that
after
the
slaughter
of
many
excellent
men
,
Nero
resolved
to
cut
down
Virtue
it self
,
and
therefore
kill'd
Thraseas
Patus
and
Bareas
Soranus
.
And
whosoever
examines
the
Christian
or
Ecclesiastical
Histories
,
will
find
those
Princes
to
have
bin
no
less
enemies
to
Virtue
and
Religion
than
their
Predecessors
,
and
consequently
enemies
to
the
Nations
under
them
,
unless
Religion
and
Virtue
be
things
prejudicial
or
indifferent
to
Mankind
.
But
our
Author
may
say
,
these
were
particular
cases
;
and
so
was
the
slaughter
of
the
Prophets
and
Apostles
,
the
crucifixion
of
Christ
,
and
all
the
Villanies
that
have
ever
bin
committed
;
yet
they
proceeded
from
a
universal
principle
of
hatred
to
all
that
is
good
,
exerting
it self
as
far
as
it
could
,
to
the
ruin
of
mankind
:
And
nothing
but
the
over-ruling
Power
of
God
,
who
resolved
to
preserve
to
himself
a
People
,
could
set
bounds
to
their
Rage
,
which
in
other
respects
had
as
full
success
as
our
Author
,
or
the
Devil
could
have
wished
.
Dionysius
(
his
other
example
of
Justice
)
deserves
observation
:
More
falshood
,
lewdness
,
treachery
,
ingratitude
,
cruelty
,
baseness
,
avarice
,
impudence
and
hatred
to
all
manner
of
Good
,
was
hardly
ever
known
in
a
mortal
Creature
.
For
this
reason
,
Diogenes
seeing
him
at
Corinth
,
tho
in
a
poor
and
contemptible
condition
,
said
,
he
rather
deserved
to
have
continued
in
the
misery
,
fears
and
villanies
of
his
Tyranny
,
than
to
be
suffer'd
peaceably
to
converse
with
honest
men
.
And
if
such
as
these
are
to
be
called
observers
of
Justice
,
it
must
be
concluded
that
the
Laws
of
God
and
of
Men
,
are
either
of
no
value
,
or
contrary
to
it
;
and
that
the
destruction
of
Nations
is
a
better
work
than
their
preservation
.
No
Faith
is
to
be
observed
:
Temples
may
be
justly
sack'd
;
the
best
men
slain
for
daring
to
be
better
than
their
Masters
;
and
the
whole
World
,
if
it
were
in
the
power
of
one
Man
,
rightly
torn
in
pieces
and
destroy'd
.
His
Reasons
for
this
are
as
good
as
his
Doctrin
:
It
is
,
saith
he
,
the
multitude
of
people
and
abundance
of
riches
,
that
are
the
glory
and
strength
of
every
Prince
:
the
bodies
of
his
Subjects
do
him
service
in
War
,
and
their
goods
supply
his
wants
.
Therefore
if
not
out
of
affection
to
his
people
,
yet
out
of
natural
love
unto
himself
,
every
Tyrant
desires
to
preserve
the
lives
and
goods
of
his
Subjects
.
I
should
have
thought
that
Princes
,
tho
Tyrants
,
being
God's
Vicegerents
,
and
Fathers
of
their
People
,
would
have
sought
their
good
,
tho
no
advantage
had
thereby
redounded
to
themselves
,
but
it
seems
no
such
thing
is
to
be
expected
from
them
.
They
consider
Nations
,
as
Grasiers
do
their
Herds
and
Flocks
,
according
to
the
profit
that
can
be
made
of
them
:
and
if
this
be
so
,
a
People
has
no
more
security
under
a
Prince
,
than
a
Herd
or
Flock
under
their
Master
.
Tho
he
desire
to
be
a
good
Husband
,
yet
they
must
be
delivered
up
to
the
slaughter
when
he
finds
a
good
Market
,
or
a
better
way
of
improving
his
Land
;
but
they
are
often
foolish
,
riotous
,
prodigal
,
and
wantonly
destroy
their
Stock
,
tho
to
their
own
prejudice
.
We
thought
that
all
Princes
and
Magistrates
had
bin
set
up
,
that
under
them
we
might
live
quietly
and
peaceably
,
in
all
godliness
and
honesty
:
but
our
Author
teaches
us
,
that
they
only
seek
what
they
can
make
of
our
Bodies
and
Goods
,
and
that
they
do
not
live
and
reign
for
us
,
but
for
themselves
.
If
this
be
true
,
they
look
upon
us
not
as
Children
,
but
as
Beasts
,
nor
do
us
any
good
for
our
own
sakes
,
or
because
it
is
their
duty
,
but
only
that
we
may
be
useful
to
them
,
as
Oxen
are
put
into
plentiful
Pastures
that
they
may
be
strong
for
labour
,
or
fit
for
slaughter
.
This
is
the
divine
Model
of
Government
that
he
offers
to
the
World
.
The
just
Magistrate
is
the
Minister
of
God
for
our
good
:
but
this
Absolute
Monarch
has
no
other
care
of
us
,
than
as
our
Riches
and
Multitude
may
increase
his
own
Glory
and
Strength
.
We
might
easily
judg
what
would
be
the
issue
of
such
a
Principle
,
when
the
Being
of
Nations
depending
upon
his
will
,
must
also
depend
upon
his
opinion
,
whether
the
Strength
,
Multitude
and
Riches
of
a
People
do
conduce
to
the
increase
of
Glory
and
Power
,
or
not
,
tho
Histories
were
silent
in
the
case
;
for
these
things
speak
of
themselves
.
The
judgment
of
a
single
man
is
not
to
be
relied
upon
;
the
best
and
wisest
do
often
err
,
the
foolish
and
perverse
always
;
and
our
discourse
is
not
of
what
Moses
or
Samuel
would
do
,
but
what
may
come
into
the
fancy
of
a
furious
or
wicked
man
who
may
usurp
the
supreme
Power
,
or
a
child
,
a
woman
,
or
a
fool
,
that
may
inherit
it
.
Besides
,
the
Proposition
upon
which
he
builds
his
Conclusion
,
proves
often
false
:
for
as
the
Riches
,
Power
,
Number
and
Courage
of
our
Friends
is
for
our
advantage
,
and
that
of
our
Enemies
threatens
us
with
ruin
;
those
Princes
only
can
reasonably
believe
the
strength
of
their
Subjects
beneficial
to
them
,
who
govern
so
as
to
be
assured
of
their
Affection
,
and
that
their
Strength
will
be
employ'd
for
them
:
But
those
who
know
they
are
,
or
deserve
to
be
hated
,
cannot
but
think
it
will
be
employ'd
against
them
,
and
always
seek
to
diminish
that
which
creates
their
danger
.
This
must
certainly
befal
as
many
as
are
lewd
,
foolish
,
negligent
,
imprudent
,
cowardly
,
wicked
,
vicious
,
or
any
way
unworthy
the
places
they
obtain
;
for
their
Reign
is
a
perpetual
exercise
of
the
most
extreme
and
ruinous
Injustice
:
Every
man
that
follows
an
honest
Interest
,
is
prejudic'd
:
Every
one
who
finds
the
Power
that
was
ordained
for
his
good
,
to
be
turned
to
his
hurt
,
will
be
angry
and
hate
him
that
dos
it
:
If
the
People
be
of
uncorrupted
manners
,
this
hatred
will
be
universal
,
because
every
one
of
them
desires
that
which
is
just
;
if
composed
of
good
and
evil
,
the
first
will
always
be
averse
to
the
evil
Government
,
and
the
others
endeavouring
to
uphold
it
,
the
safety
of
the
Prince
must
depend
upon
the
prevalence
of
either
Party
.
If
the
best
prove
to
be
the
strongest
,
he
must
perish
:
and
knowing
himself
to
be
supported
only
by
the
worst
,
he
will
always
destroy
as
many
of
his
Enemies
as
he
can
;
weaken
those
that
remain
;
enrich
his
Creatures
with
their
Spoils
and
Confiscations
;
by
fraud
and
rapine
accumulate
Treasures
to
increase
the
number
of
his
Party
,
and
advance
them
into
all
places
of
power
and
trust
,
that
by
their
assistance
he
may
crush
his
Adversaries
;
and
every
man
is
accounted
his
Adversary
,
who
has
either
Estate
,
Honor
,
Virtue
or
Reputation
.
This
naturally
casts
all
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
those
who
have
no
such
dangerous
qualities
,
nor
any
thing
to
recommend
them
,
but
an
absolute
resignation
of
themselves
to
do
whatever
they
are
commanded
.
These
men
having
neither
will
nor
knowledg
to
do
good
,
as
soon
as
they
come
to
be
in
power
,
Justice
is
perverted
,
military
Discipline
neglected
,
the
publick
Treasures
exhausted
,
new
Projects
invented
to
raise
more
;
and
the
Prince's
wants
daily
increasing
,
through
their
ignorance
,
negligence
,
or
deceit
,
there
is
no
end
of
their
devices
and
tricks
to
gain
supplies
.
To
this
end
swarms
of
Spies
,
Informers
and
false
Witnesses
are
sent
out
to
circumvent
the
richest
and
most
eminent
men
:
The
Tribunals
are
fill'd
with
Court-Parasites
of
profligate
Consciences
,
Fortunes
and
Reputation
,
that
no
man
may
escape
who
is
brought
before
them
.
If
Crimes
are
wanting
,
the
diligence
of
well-chosen
Officers
and
Prosecutors
,
with
the
favour
of
the
Judges
,
supply
all
defects
;
the
Law
is
made
a
Snare
;
Virtue
suppress'd
,
Vice
fomented
,
and
in
a
short
time
Honesty
and
Knavery
,
Sobriety
and
Lewdness
,
Virtue
and
Vice
,
become
Badges
of
the
several
Factions
;
and
every
man's
conversation
and
manners
shewing
to
what
Party
he
is
addicted
,
the
Prince
who
makes
himself
head
of
the
worst
,
must
favour
them
to
the
overthrow
of
the
best
,
which
is
so
streight
a
way
to
an
universal
ruin
,
that
no
State
can
prevent
it
,
unless
that
course
be
interrupted
.
These
things
consider'd
,
no
general
Judgment
can
be
made
of
a
Magistrate's
Counsels
,
from
his
Name
or
Duty
.
He
that
is
just
,
and
become
grateful
to
the
People
by
doing
good
,
will
find
his
own
Honour
and
Security
in
increasing
their
Number
,
Riches
,
Virtue
,
and
Power
:
If
on
the
other
side
,
by
doing
evil
,
he
has
drawn
upon
himself
the
publick
hatred
,
he
will
always
endeavour
to
take
from
them
the
power
of
doing
him
any
hurt
,
by
bringing
them
into
the
utmost
weakness
,
poverty
,
and
baseness
.
And
whoever
would
know
whether
any
particular
Prince
desires
to
increase
or
destroy
the
Bodies
and
Goods
of
his
Subjects
,
must
examine
whether
his
Government
be
such
as
renders
him
grateful
or
odious
to
them
;
and
whether
he
do
pursue
the
publick
Interest
,
or
for
the
advancement
of
his
own
Authority
set
up
one
in
himself
contrary
to
that
of
his
People
;
which
can
never
befal
a
Popular
Government
,
and
consequently
no
mischief
equal
to
it
can
be
produced
by
any
such
,
unless
something
can
be
imagined
worse
than
corruption
and
destruction
.
SECT.
XXVIII
.
Men
living
under
Popular
or
Mix'd
Governments
,
are
more
careful
of
the
publick
Good
,
than
in
Absolute
Monarchies
.
OUR
Author
delighting
in
strange
things
,
dos
in
the
next
place
,
with
an
admirable
sagacity
,
discover
two
faults
in
Popular
Governments
,
that
were
never
found
by
any
man
before
him
;
and
these
are
no
less
than
Ignorance
and
Negligence
.
Speaking
of
the
Care
of
Princes
to
preserve
their
Subjects
,
he
adds
,
On
the
contrary
in
a
Popular
State
,
every
man
knows
the
publick
Good
doth
not
wholly
depend
upon
his
Care
,
but
the
Commonwealth
may
be
well
enough
governed
by
others
,
tho
he
only
tend
his
private
business
.
And
a
little
below
,
Nor
are
they
much
to
be
blamed
for
their
Negligence
,
since
it
is
an
even
wager
their
Ignorance
may
be
as
great
.
The
Magistrates
amongst
the
people
being
for
the
most
part
annual
,
do
always
lay
down
their
Office
before
they
understand
it
;
so
as
a
Prince
of
a
duller
understanding
must
needs
excel
them
.
This
is
bravely
determin'd
,
and
the
world
is
beholden
to
Filmer
for
the
discovery
of
the
Errors
that
have
hitherto
bin
Epidemical
.
Most
men
had
believed
,
that
such
as
live
in
Free
States
,
are
usually
pleas'd
with
their
condition
,
desire
to
maintain
it
;
and
every
man
finding
his
own
good
comprehended
in
the
Publick
,
as
those
that
sail
in
the
same
Ship
,
employs
the
Talent
he
has
in
endeavouring
to
preserve
it
,
knowing
that
he
must
perish
if
that
miscarry
.
This
was
an
incouragement
to
Industry
;
and
the
continual
Labours
and
Dangers
to
which
the
Romans
and
other
free
Nations
exposed
themselves
,
have
bin
taken
for
Testimonies
that
they
thought
themselves
concerned
in
the
businesses
that
passed
among
them
,
and
that
every
one
did
not
neglect
them
through
an
opinion
that
they
would
be
done
well
enough
by
others
.
It
was
also
thought
that
free
Cities
,
by
frequent
Elections
of
Magistrates
,
became
Nurseries
of
great
and
able
Men
,
every
man
endeavouring
to
excel
others
,
that
he
might
be
advanced
to
the
Honor
he
had
no
other
title
to
than
what
might
arise
from
his
Merit
or
Reputation
;
in
which
they
succeeded
so
well
,
that
one
of
them
may
be
justly
said
to
have
produced
more
eminent
Men
,
than
all
the
Absolute
Monarchies
that
have
bin
in
the
World
.
But
these
were
mistakes
.
Perhaps
Brutus
,
Valerius
,
and
other
Roman
Senators
or
Magistrates
,
for
the
space
of
three
hundred
years
,
might
have
taken
some
care
of
the
Common-wealth
,
if
they
had
thought
it
wholly
depended
upon
one
of
them
.
But
believing
it
would
be
well
enough
governed
by
others
,
they
neglected
it
.
Camillus
,
Cincinnatus
,
Papirius
,
Fabius
,
Rullus
and
Maximus
,
Scipio
Africanus
,
Amilcar
,
Hannibal
,
Pericles
,
Themistocles
,
Alcibiades
,
Epaminondas
,
Philopemen
,
and
others
,
might
have
proved
able
Men
in
affairs
of
War
or
Government
;
but
they
were
removed
from
their
Offices
before
they
understood
them
,
and
must
needs
be
excelled
in
both
by
Princes
,
tho
of
duller
understanding
.
This
may
be
enough
to
excuse
them
for
performing
their
Duty
so
slackly
and
meanly
:
But
't
is
strange
that
Tacitus
,
and
others
,
should
so
sar
overlook
the
Reason
,
and
so
grosly
mistake
the
matter
of
Fact
,
as
not
only
to
say
,
that
great
and
excellent
Spirits
failed
when
Liberty
was
lost
,
and
all
Preferments
given
to
those
who
were
most
propense
to
Slavery
;
but
that
there
wanted
men
even
to
write
the
History
,
Inscitia
Reipublicae
ut
alienae
.
They
never
applied
themselves
to
understand
Domitian
,
Commodus
,
Heliogabalus
,
and
many
others
,
to
all
manner
of
Virtues
and
Favours
conferred
upon
those
that
excelled
in
them
.
Our
Author
giving
such
infallible
proof
of
his
Integrity
and
Understanding
,
by
teaching
us
these
things
that
would
never
have
come
into
our
heads
,
ought
to
be
credited
,
tho
that
which
he
proposes
seem
to
be
most
absurd
.
But
if
we
believe
such
as
lived
in
those
times
,
or
those
who
in
later
ages
have
perused
their
Writings
,
we
cannot
but
think
the
Princes
beforementioned
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
those
who
possessed
the
same
place
,
not
only
to
have
bin
void
of
all
Virtue
,
and
to
have
suffer'd
none
to
grow
up
under
them
but
in
baseness
,
sottishness
and
malice
,
to
have
bin
equal
to
the
worst
of
all
Beasts
.
Whilst
one
Prince
polluted
with
Lust
and
Blood
,
sat
in
his
Grotto
at
Capreae
,
surrounded
with
an
infamous
troop
of
Astrologers
,
and
others
were
govern'd
by
Whores
,
Bardache's
,
manumised
Slaves
,
and
other
Villains
,
the
Empire
was
ruin'd
through
their
negligence
,
incapacity
and
wickedness
;
and
the
City
that
had
flourish'd
in
all
manner
of
Virtue
,
as
much
or
more
than
any
that
has
bin
yet
known
in
the
world
,
produced
no
more
;
the
Discipline
was
dissolved
that
nourish'd
it
;
no
man
could
hope
to
advance
a
publick
Good
,
or
obviate
an
Evil
by
his
diligence
and
valour
;
and
he
who
acquired
reputation
by
either
,
could
expect
no
other
reward
than
a
cruel
death
.
If
Germanicus
and
Corbulo
,
who
were
born
when
Liberty
was
expiring
,
be
brought
for
Examples
against
the
first
part
of
my
Assertion
,
their
ends
will
justify
the
latter
;
and
no
eminent
Roman
Family
is
known
to
have
brought
forth
a
man
that
deserved
to
be
named
in
History
since
their
time
.
This
is
as
probable
in
reason
,
as
true
in
fact
.
Men
are
valiant
and
industrious
,
when
they
fight
for
themselves
and
their
Country
;
they
prove
excellent
in
all
the
Arts
of
War
and
Peace
,
when
they
are
bred
up
in
virtuous
Exercises
,
and
taught
by
their
Fathers
and
Masters
to
rejoice
in
the
Honors
gained
by
them
:
they
love
their
Country
,
when
the
good
of
every
particular
man
is
comprehended
in
the
publick
Prosperity
,
and
the
success
of
their
Atchievements
is
improved
to
the
general
advantage
:
They
undertake
hazards
and
labours
for
the
Government
,
when
't
is
justly
administred
;
when
Innocence
is
safe
,
and
Virtue
honour'd
;
when
no
man
is
distinguish'd
from
the
vulgar
,
but
such
as
have
distinguish'd
themselves
by
the
bravery
of
their
actions
;
when
no
honor
is
thought
too
great
for
those
who
do
it
eminently
,
unless
it
be
such
as
cannot
be
communicated
to
others
of
equal
merit
:
They
do
not
spare
their
Persons
,
Purses
,
or
Friends
,
when
the
publick
Powers
are
employ'd
for
the
publick
Benefit
,
and
imprint
the
like
affections
in
their
Children
from
their
Infancy
.
The
discipline
of
Obedience
in
which
the
Romans
were
bred
,
taught
them
to
command
:
and
few
were
admitted
to
the
Magistracies
of
inferior
rank
,
till
they
had
given
such
proof
of
their
Virtue
as
might
deserve
the
Supreme
.
Cincinnatus
,
Camillus
,
Papirius
,
Mamercus
,
Fabius
Maximus
,
were
not
made
Dictators
,
that
they
might
learn
the
Duties
of
the
Office
;
but
because
they
were
judged
to
be
of
such
Wisdom
,
Valour
,
Integrity
and
Experience
,
that
they
might
be
safely
trusted
with
the
highest
Powers
;
and
whilst
the
Law
reigned
,
not
one
was
advanced
to
that
honour
,
who
did
not
fully
answer
what
was
expected
from
him
.
By
this
means
the
City
was
so
replenished
with
men
fit
for
the
greatest
employments
,
that
even
in
its
infancy
,
when
three
hundred
and
six
of
the
Fabii
,
Quorum
neminem
,
says
Livy
,
ducem
sperneret
quibuslibet
temporibus
Senatus
,
were
killed
in
one
day
,
the
City
did
lament
the
loss
,
but
was
not
so
weakned
to
give
any
advantage
to
their
Enemies
:
and
when
every
one
of
those
who
had
bin
eminent
before
the
second
Punic
War
,
Fabius
Maximus
only
excepted
,
had
perished
in
it
,
others
arose
in
their
places
,
who
surpassed
them
in
number
,
and
were
equal
to
them
in
Virtue
.
The
City
was
a
perpetual
spring
of
such
men
as
long
as
Liberty
lasted
;
but
that
was
no
sooner
overthrown
,
than
Virtue
was
torn
up
by
the
roots
;
the
People
became
base
and
sordid
,
the
small
remains
of
the
Nobility
slothful
and
effeminate
,
and
their
Italian
Associates
becoming
like
to
them
,
the
Empire
whilst
it
stood
,
was
only
sustained
by
the
strength
of
Foreigners
.
The
Grecian
Virtue
had
the
same
fate
,
and
expired
with
Liberty
:
instead
of
such
Souldiers
as
in
their
time
had
no
equals
,
and
such
Generals
of
Armies
and
Fleets
,
Legislators
and
Governors
,
as
all
succeeding
Ages
have
justly
admired
,
they
sent
out
swarms
of
Fidlers
,
Jesters
,
Chariot-drivers
,
Players
,
Bawds
,
Flatterers
,
Ministers
of
the
most
impure
Lusts
;
or
idle
,
babling
,
hypocritical
Philosophers
not
much
better
than
they
.
The
Emperors
Courts
were
always
crouded
with
this
Vermin
;
and
notwithstanding
the
necessity
our
Author
imagines
that
Princes
must
needs
understand
matters
of
Government
better
than
Magistrates
annually
chosen
,
they
did
for
the
most
part
prove
so
brutish
as
to
give
themselves
and
the
World
to
be
governed
by
such
as
these
,
and
that
without
any
great
prejudice
,
since
none
could
be
found
more
ignorant
,
lewd
,
and
base
than
themselves
.
'T
is
absurd
to
impute
this
to
the
change
of
times
;
for
time
changes
nothing
;
and
nothing
was
changed
in
those
times
but
the
Government
,
and
that
changed
all
things
.
This
is
not
accidental
,
but
according
to
the
rules
given
to
nature
by
God
,
imposing
upon
all
things
a
necessity
of
perpetually
following
their
Causes
.
Fruits
are
always
of
the
same
nature
with
the
Seeds
and
Roots
from
which
they
come
,
and
Trees
are
known
by
the
fruits
they
bear
:
As
a
Man
begets
a
Man
,
and
a
Beast
a
Beast
,
that
Society
of
Men
which
constitutes
a
Government
upon
the
foundation
of
Justice
,
Virtue
,
and
the
common
Good
,
will
always
have
men
to
promote
those
ends
;
and
that
which
intends
the
advancement
of
one
man's
desires
and
vanity
,
will
abound
in
those
that
will
foment
them
.
All
men
follow
that
which
seems
advantagious
to
themselves
.
Such
as
are
bred
under
a
good
discipline
,
and
see
that
all
benefits
procured
to
their
Country
by
virtuous
Actions
,
redound
to
the
honour
and
advantage
of
themselves
,
their
Children
,
Friends
,
and
Relations
,
contract
from
their
infancy
a
love
to
the
Publick
,
and
look
upon
the
common
Concernments
as
their
own
.
When
they
have
learnt
to
be
virtuous
,
and
see
that
Virtue
is
in
esteem
,
they
seek
no
other
preferments
than
such
as
may
be
obtained
that
way
;
and
no
Country
ever
wanted
great
numbers
of
excellent
men
,
where
this
method
was
established
.
On
the
other
side
,
when
't
is
evident
that
the
best
are
despised
,
hated
,
or
mark'd
out
for
destruction
;
all
things
calculated
to
the
humour
or
advantage
of
one
man
,
who
is
often
the
worst
,
or
govern'd
by
the
worst
;
Honours
,
Riches
,
Commands
,
and
Dignities
disposed
by
his
Will
,
and
his
favour
gained
only
by
a
most
obsequious
respect
,
or
a
pretended
affection
to
his
person
,
together
with
a
servile
obedience
to
his
commands
,
all
application
to
virtuous
Actions
will
cease
;
and
no
man
caring
to
render
himself
or
his
Children
worthy
of
great
Imployments
,
such
as
desire
to
have
them
will
by
little
intrigues
,
corruption
,
scurrility
and
flattery
endeavour
to
make
way
to
them
;
by
which
means
true
Merit
in
a
short
time
comes
to
be
abolish'd
,
as
fell
out
in
Rome
as
soon
as
the
Cesars
began
to
reign
.
He
who
dos
not
believe
this
,
may
see
whether
the
like
did
not
happen
in
all
the
other
Commonwealths
of
Italy
and
Grecce
;
or
if
modern
examples
are
thought
to
be
of
more
value
,
let
him
examin
whether
the
Noblemen
of
Venice
,
who
are
born
and
bred
in
Families
that
never
knew
a
Master
,
who
act
for
themselves
,
and
have
a
part
in
all
the
good
or
evil
that
befals
the
Commonwealth
,
and
know
that
if
it
be
destroy'd
,
they
must
perish
,
or
at
least
that
all
changes
are
to
their
prejudice
,
do
neglect
the
publick
interests
,
as
thinking
that
the
whole
not
depending
upon
any
one
of
them
,
things
will
be
well
enough
governed
,
tho
they
attend
only
their
private
benefit
.
Let
it
be
observed
whether
they
do
better
understand
the
common
concernments
,
than
the
great
men
of
France
or
Spain
,
who
never
come
to
the
knowledg
of
any
thing
,
unless
they
happen
to
be
favour'd
by
the
King
or
his
Ministers
,
and
know
themselves
never
to
be
more
miserable
than
when
their
Master
is
most
prosperous
.
For
my
own
part
,
I
cannot
think
it
necessary
to
alledg
any
other
proof
of
this
point
than
that
when
Maximilian
the
Emperor
,
Lewis
the
twelfth
of
France
,
the
La
Ghirad'adda
,
taken
Alviano
their
General
prisoner
,
deprived
them
of
all
their
Dominion
on
the
Terra
firma
,
and
prepared
to
assault
the
City
,
it
was
,
under
God
,
solely
preserved
by
the
vigour
and
wisdom
of
their
Nobility
,
who
tho
no
way
educated
to
War
,
unless
by
Sea
,
sparing
neither
persons
nor
purses
,
did
with
admirable
industry
and
courage
first
recover
Padoüa
,
and
then
many
other
Cities
,
so
as
at
the
end
of
that
terrible
War
they
came
off
without
any
diminution
of
their
Territories
.
Whereas
Portugal
having
in
our
age
revolted
from
the
House
of
Austria
,
no
one
doubts
that
it
had
bin
immediately
reduced
,
if
the
great
men
of
Spain
had
not
bin
pleased
with
such
a
lessening
of
their
Master's
power
,
and
resolved
not
to
repair
it
by
the
recovery
of
that
Kingdom
,
or
to
deprive
themselves
of
an
cafy
retreat
when
they
should
be
oppressed
by
him
or
his
Favourites
.
The
like
thought
was
more
plainly
express'd
by
the
Mareschal
de
Bassompierre
,
who
seeing
how
hardly
Rochel
was
pressed
by
Lewis
the
13th
,
faid
,
[
*
](A60214-e38420-b)
*
Je
croy
qu'enfin
Nous
serons
affez
fous
pour
prendre
la
Rochelle
.
Mem.
de
Bassompierre
.
he
thought
they
should
be
such
fools
to
take
it
:
but
't
is
believ'd
they
would
never
have
bin
such
fools
;
and
the
treachery
only
of
our
Countrymen
did
enable
the
Cardinal
Richlieu
to
do
it
(
as
for
his
own
glory
,
and
the
advancement
of
the
Popish
Cause
he
really
intended
)
and
nothing
is
to
this
day
more
common
in
the
mouth
of
their
wisest
and
best
men
,
tho
Papists
,
than
the
acknowledgment
of
their
own
folly
in
suffering
that
place
to
fall
,
the
King
having
by
that
means
gotten
power
to
proceed
against
them
at
his
pleasure
.
The
brave
Monsieur
de
Turenne
is
said
to
have
carried
this
to
a
greater
height
in
his
last
Discourse
to
the
present
King
of
France
:
You
think
,
said
he
,
you
have
Armies
,
but
you
have
none
;
the
one
half
of
the
Officers
are
the
Bawdy-house
Companions
of
Monsieur
de
xxx
,
or
the
Creatures
of
his
Whore
Madam
de
xxx
:
the
other
half
may
be
men
of
experience
,
and
fit
for
their
Imployments
;
but
they
are
such
as
would
be
pleased
with
nothing
more
than
to
see
you
lose
two
or
three
Battels
,
that
coming
to
stand
in
need
of
them
,
you
might
cause
them
to
be
better
used
by
your
Ministers
than
of
late
they
have
bin
.
It
may
easily
be
imagin'd
how
men
in
such
sentiments
do
serve
their
Master
;
and
nothing
is
more
evident
than
that
the
French
in
this
age
have
had
so
great
advantages
,
that
they
might
have
brought
Europe
,
and
perhaps
Asia
,
under
their
power
,
if
the
interest
of
the
Nation
had
bin
united
to
that
of
the
Government
,
and
the
Strength
,
Vigour
,
and
Bravery
of
the
Nobility
employ'd
that
way
.
But
since
it
has
pleased
God
to
suffer
us
to
fall
into
a
condition
of
being
little
able
to
help
our selves
,
and
that
they
are
in
so
good
terms
with
the
Turk
as
not
to
attack
him
,
't
is
our
happiness
that
they
do
not
know
their
own
strength
,
or
cannot
without
ruin
to
themselves
turn
it
to
our
prejudice
.
I
could
give
yet
more
pregnant
testimonies
of
the
difference
between
men
fighting
for
their
own
interests
in
the
Offices
to
which
they
had
bin
advanced
by
the
votes
of
numerous
Assemblies
,
and
such
as
serve
for
pay
,
and
get
preferments
by
corruption
or
favour
,
if
I
were
not
unwilling
to
stir
the
spleen
of
some
men
by
obliging
them
to
reflect
upon
what
has
passed
in
our
own
Age
and
Country
;
to
compare
the
justice
of
our
Tribunals
within
the
time
of
our
memory
,
and
the
integrity
of
those
who
for
a
while
manag'd
the
publick
Treasure
;
the
Discipline
,
Valour
,
and
Strength
of
our
Armies
and
Fleets
;
the
increase
of
our
Riches
and
Trade
;
the
success
of
our
Wars
in
Scotland
,
Ireland
,
and
at
Sea
,
the
glory
and
reputation
not
long
since
gained
,
with
that
condition
into
which
we
are
of
late
fallen
.
But
I
think
I
shall
offend
no
wise
or
good
man
,
if
I
say
,
that
as
neither
the
Romans
nor
Grecians
in
the
time
of
their
Liberty
ever
performed
any
actions
more
glorious
than
freeing
the
Country
from
a
Civil
War
that
had
raged
in
every
part
,
the
conquest
of
two
such
Kingdoms
as
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
and
crushing
the
formidable
power
of
the
Hollanders
by
Sea
;
nor
ever
produced
more
examples
of
Valor
,
Industry
,
Integrity
,
and
in
all
respects
compleat
,
disinterested
,
unmovable
and
incorruptible
Virtue
,
than
were
at
that
time
seen
in
our
Nation
:
So
neither
of
them
upon
the
change
of
their
Affairs
did
exceed
us
in
weakness
,
cowardice
,
baseness
,
venality
,
lewdness
,
and
all
manner
of
corruption
.
We
have
reason
therefore
not
only
to
believe
that
all
Princes
do
not
necessarily
understand
the
affairs
of
their
People
,
or
provide
better
for
them
than
those
who
are
otherwise
chosen
;
but
that
,
as
there
is
nothing
of
Greatness
,
Power
,
Riches
,
Strength
,
and
Happiness
,
which
we
might
not
reasonably
have
hoped
for
,
if
we
had
rightly
improved
the
advantages
we
had
,
so
there
is
nothing
of
shame
and
misery
which
we
may
not
justly
fear
,
since
we
have
neglected
them
.
If
any
man
think
that
this
evil
of
advancing
Officers
for
personal
respects
,
favour
or
corruption
,
is
not
of
great
extent
,
I
desire
him
to
consider
,
that
the
Officers
of
State
,
Courts
of
Justice
,
Church
,
Armies
,
Fleets
and
Corporations
,
are
of
such
number
and
power
as
wholly
to
corrupt
a
Nation
when
they
themselves
are
corrupted
;
and
will
ever
be
corrupt
,
when
they
attain
to
their
Offices
by
corruption
.
The
good
mannagement
of
all
Affairs
,
Civil
,
Military
,
and
Ecclesiastical
,
necessarily
depends
upon
good
order
and
discipline
;
and
't
is
not
in
the
power
of
common
men
to
reform
abuses
patronized
by
those
in
Authority
,
nor
to
prevent
the
mischiefs
thereupon
ensuing
;
and
not
having
power
to
direct
publick
actions
to
the
publick
good
,
they
must
consequently
want
the
industry
and
affection
that
is
required
to
bring
them
to
a
good
issue
.
The
Romans
were
easily
beaten
under
the
Decemviri
,
tho
immediatly
before
the
erection
,
and
after
the
extinction
of
that
Power
,
none
of
their
Neighbours
were
able
to
resist
them
.
The
Goths
who
with
much
glory
had
reigned
in
Spain
for
about
three
hundred
years
,
had
neither
strength
nor
courage
under
their
lewd
and
odious
King
Rodrigo
,
and
were
in
one
day
subdued
with
little
loss
of
blood
by
the
Saracens
,
and
could
not
in
less
than
eight
hundred
years
free
their
Country
from
them
.
That
brave
Nation
having
of
late
fallen
under
as
base
a
conduct
,
has
now
as
little
heart
or
power
to
defend
it self
:
Court-Parasites
have
rendred
Valour
ridiculous
;
and
they
who
have
ever
shew'd
themselves
as
much
inclin'd
to
Arms
as
any
people
of
the
world
,
do
now
abhor
them
,
and
are
sent
to
the
Wars
by
force
,
laid
in
Carts
,
and
bound
like
Calves
brought
to
the
Shambles
,
and
left
to
starve
in
Flanders
as
soon
as
they
arrive
.
It
may
easily
be
judged
what
service
can
be
expected
from
such
men
,
tho
they
should
happen
to
be
well
commanded
:
but
the
great
Officers
,
by
the
corruption
of
the
Court
,
think
only
of
enriching
themselves
;
and
encreasing
the
misery
of
the
Soldiers
by
their
frauds
,
both
become
equally
useless
to
the
State
.
Notwithstanding
the
seeming
prosperity
of
France
,
matters
there
are
not
much
better
managed
.
The
warlike
temper
of
that
people
is
so
worn
out
by
the
frauds
and
cruelties
of
corrupt
Officers
,
that
few
men
list
themselves
willingly
to
be
Soldiers
;
and
when
they
are
engaged
or
forced
,
they
are
so
little
able
to
endure
the
miseries
to
which
they
are
exposed
,
that
they
daily
run
away
from
their
Colours
,
tho
they
know
not
whither
to
go
,
and
expect
no
mercy
if
they
are
taken
.
The
King
has
in
vain
attempted
to
correct
this
humour
by
the
severity
of
martial
Law
;
but
mens
minds
will
not
be
forced
;
and
tho
his
Troops
are
perfectly
well
arm'd
,
cloth'd
,
and
exercised
,
they
have
given
many
testimonies
of
little
worth
.
When
the
Prince
of
Condé
had
by
his
own
valour
,
and
the
strength
of
the
King's
Guards
,
broken
the
first
line
of
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Army
at
the
battel
of
Seneff
,
and
put
the
rest
into
disorder
,
he
could
not
make
the
second
and
third
line
of
his
own
Army
to
advance
and
reinforce
the
first
,
by
which
means
he
lost
all
the
fair
hopes
he
had
conceived
of
an
entire
Victory
.
Not
long
after
,
the
Marechal
de
Crequi
was
abandoned
by
his
whole
Army
near
Trier
,
who
ran
away
,
hardly
striking
a
stroke
,
and
left
him
with
sixteen
horse
to
shift
for
himself
.
When
Monsieur
de
Turenne
,
by
the
excellency
of
his
Conduct
and
Valour
,
had
gain'd
such
a
Reputation
amongst
the
Soldiers
,
that
they
thought
themselves
secure
under
him
,
he
did
not
suffer
such
disgraces
;
but
he
being
kill'd
,
they
return'd
to
the
usual
temper
of
forced
and
ill-used
Soldiers
:
half
the
Army
was
lost
in
a
retreat
,
little
differing
from
a
flight
;
and
the
rest
,
as
they
themselves
confess
,
saved
by
the
bravery
of
two
English
Regiments
.
The
Prince
of
Condé
was
soon
after
sent
to
command
;
but
he
could
not
with
all
his
courage
,
skill
and
reputation
,
raise
their
fallen
Spirits
,
nor
preserve
his
Army
any
other
way
,
than
by
lodging
them
in
a
Camp
near
Schlestadt
,
so
fortified
by
Art
and
Nature
that
it
could
not
be
forc'd
.
To
these
we
may
add
some
Examples
of
our
own
.
In
our
late
War
the
Scots
Foot
,
whether
Friends
or
Enemies
,
were
much
inferior
to
those
of
the
Parliament
,
and
their
Horse
esteemed
as
nothing
.
Yet
in
the
year
1639
and
1640
,
the
King's
Army
,
tho
very
numerous
,
excellently
armed
and
mounted
,
and
in
appearance
able
to
conquer
many
such
Kingdoms
as
Scotland
,
being
under
the
conduct
of
Courtiers
,
and
affected
as
men
usually
are
towards
those
that
use
them
ill
,
and
seek
to
destroy
them
,
they
could
never
resist
a
wretched
Army
commanded
by
Leven
;
but
were
shamefully
beaten
at
Newborn
,
and
left
the
Northern
Counties
to
be
ravaged
by
them
.
When
Van
Tromp
set
upon
Blake
in
Foleston-Bay
,
the
Parliament
had
not
above
thirteen
Ships
against
threescore
,
and
not
a
man
that
had
ever
seen
any
other
fight
at
Sea
,
than
between
a
Merchant
ship
and
a
Pirat
,
to
oppose
the
best
Captain
in
the
world
,
attended
with
many
others
in
valour
and
experience
not
much
inferior
to
him
.
Many
other
Difficulties
were
observ'd
in
the
unsetled
State
:
Few
Ships
,
want
of
Mony
,
several
Factions
,
and
some
who
to
advance
particular
Interests
betray'd
the
Publick
.
But
such
was
the
power
of
Wisdom
and
Integrity
in
those
that
sat
at
the
Helm
,
and
their
diligence
in
chusing
men
only
for
their
Merit
was
blessed
with
such
success
,
that
in
two
years
our
Fleets
grew
to
be
as
famous
as
our
Land
Armies
;
the
Reputation
and
Power
of
our
Nation
rose
to
a
greater
height
,
than
when
we
possessed
the
better
half
of
France
,
and
the
Kings
of
France
and
Scotland
were
our
Prisoners
.
All
the
States
,
Kings
and
Potentates
of
Europe
,
most
respectfully
,
not
to
say
submissively
,
sought
our
Friendship
;
and
Rome
was
more
afraid
of
Blake
and
his
Fleet
,
than
they
had
bin
of
the
great
King
of
Sweden
,
when
he
was
ready
to
invade
Italy
with
a
hundred
thousand
men
.
This
was
the
work
of
those
,
who
,
if
our
Author
say
true
,
thought
basely
of
the
publick
Concernments
;
and
believing
things
might
be
well
enough
managed
by
others
,
minded
only
their
private
Affairs
.
These
were
the
effects
of
the
negligence
and
ignorance
of
those
,
who
being
suddenly
advanced
to
Offices
,
were
removed
before
they
understood
the
Duties
of
them
.
These
Diseases
which
proceed
from
popular
corruption
and
irregularity
,
were
certainly
cured
by
the
restitution
of
that
Integrity
,
good
Order
and
Stability
that
accompany
divine
Monarchy
.
The
justice
of
the
War
made
against
Holland
in
the
year
1665
;
the
probity
of
the
Gentleman
,
who
without
partiality
or
bribery
,
chose
the
most
part
of
the
Officers
that
carried
it
on
;
the
Wisdom
,
Diligence
and
Valour
manifested
in
the
conduct
,
and
the
Glory
with
which
it
was
ended
,
justifies
all
that
our
Author
can
say
in
its
commendation
.
If
any
doubt
remains
,
the
subtilty
of
making
the
King
of
France
desire
that
the
Netherlands
might
be
an
accession
to
his
Crown
;
the
ingenious
ways
taken
by
us
to
facilitate
the
conquest
of
them
;
the
Industry
of
our
Ambassadors
in
diverting
the
Spaniards
from
entring
into
the
War
till
it
was
too
late
to
recover
the
Losses
sustain'd
;
the
honourable
Design
upon
the
Smyrna
Fleet
,
and
our
frankness
in
taking
the
quarrel
upon
our selves
;
together
with
the
important
Figure
we
now
make
in
Europe
,
may
wholly
remove
it
;
and
in
confirmation
of
our
Author's
Doctrine
,
shew
,
that
Princes
do
better
perform
the
Offices
that
require
Wisdom
,
Industry
and
Valour
,
than
annual
Magistrates
;
and
do
more
seldom
err
in
the
choice
of
Officers
,
than
Senates
and
popular
Assemblies
.
SECT.
XXIX
.
There
is
no
assurance
that
the
Distempers
of
a
State
shall
be
cured
by
the
Wisdom
of
a
Prince
.
BVT
,
says
our
Author
,
the
Virtue
and
Wisdom
of
a
Prince
supplies
all
.
Tho
he
were
of
a
duller
understanding
,
by
use
and
experience
he
must
needs
excel
all
:
Nature
,
Age
,
or
Sex
,
are
,
as
it
seems
,
nothing
to
the
case
.
A
Child
as
soon
as
he
comes
to
be
a
King
,
has
experience
;
the
head
of
a
Fool
is
filled
with
Wisdom
,
as
soon
as
a
Crown
is
set
upon
it
,
and
the
most
vicious
do
in
a
moment
become
virtuous
.
This
is
more
strange
than
that
an
Ass
being
train'd
to
a
Course
,
should
outrun
the
best
Arabian
Horse
;
or
a
Hare
bred
up
in
an
Army
,
become
more
strong
and
fierce
than
a
Lion
;
for
Fortune
dos
not
only
supply
all
natural
defects
in
Princes
,
and
correct
their
vices
,
but
gives
them
the
benefit
of
use
and
experience
,
when
they
have
none
.
Some
Reasons
and
Examples
might
have
bin
expected
to
prove
this
extraordinary
Proposition
:
But
according
to
his
laudable
custom
,
he
is
pleased
to
trouble
himself
with
neither
;
and
thinks
that
the
impudence
of
an
Assertion
is
sufficient
to
make
that
to
pass
,
which
is
repugnant
to
experience
and
common
sense
,
as
may
appear
by
the
following
discourse
.
I
will
not
insist
upon
terms
;
for
tho
duller
understanding
signifies
nothing
,
in
as
much
as
no
understanding
is
dull
,
and
a
man
is
said
to
be
dull
only
because
he
wants
it
;
but
presuming
he
means
little
understanding
,
I
shall
so
take
it
.
This
defect
may
possibly
be
repair'd
in
time
;
but
to
conclude
it
must
be
so
,
is
absurd
,
for
no
one
has
this
use
and
experience
when
he
begins
to
reign
.
At
that
time
many
Errors
may
be
committed
to
the
ruin
of
himself
or
people
,
and
many
have
perish'd
even
in
their
beginning
.
Edward
the
fifth
and
sixth
of
England
,
Francis
the
second
of
France
,
and
divers
other
Kings
have
died
in
the
beginning
of
their
youth
:
Charles
the
ninth
lived
only
to
add
the
furies
of
youth
to
the
follies
of
his
childhood
;
and
our
Henry
the
second
,
Edward
the
second
,
Richard
the
second
,
and
Henry
the
sixth
,
seem
to
have
bin
little
wiser
in
the
last
,
than
in
the
first
year
of
their
Reign
or
Life
.
The
present
Kings
of
Spain
,
France
,
and
Sweden
,
came
to
the
Crowns
they
wear
before
the
sixth
year
of
their
Age
;
and
if
they
did
then
surpass
all
annual
Magistrates
in
Wisdom
and
Valour
,
it
was
by
a
peculiar
Gift
of
God
,
which
,
for
any
thing
we
know
,
is
not
given
to
every
King
,
and
it
was
not
use
and
experience
that
made
them
to
excel
.
If
it
be
pretended
that
this
experience
,
with
the
Wisdom
that
it
gives
,
comes
in
time
and
by
degrees
;
I
may
modestly
ask
,
what
time
is
requir'd
to
render
a
Prince
excellent
in
Wisdom
who
is
?
Child
or
a
Fool
?
and
who
will
give
security
that
he
shall
live
to
that
time
,
or
that
the
Kingdom
shall
not
be
ruin'd
in
the
time
of
his
folly
?
I
may
also
doubt
how
our
Author
,
who
concludes
that
every
King
in
time
must
needs
become
excellent
in
Wisdom
,
can
be
reconciled
to
Solomon
,
who
in
preferring
a
wise
Child
before
an
old
and
foolish
King
that
will
not
be
advised
,
shews
that
an
old
King
may
be
a
Fool
,
and
he
that
will
not
be
advised
is
one
.
Some
are
so
naturally
brutish
and
stupid
,
that
neither
education
nor
time
will
mend
them
.
'T
is
probable
that
Solomon
took
what
care
he
could
to
instruct
his
only
Son
Rehoboam
;
but
he
was
certainly
a
Fool
at
forty
years
of
age
,
and
we
have
no
reason
to
believe
that
he
deserved
a
better
name
.
He
seems
to
have
bin
the
very
Fool
his
Father
intended
,
who
tho
brayed
in
a
mortar
would
never
leave
his
folly
:
He
would
not
be
advised
,
tho
the
hand
of
God
was
against
him
;
ten
Tribes
revolted
from
him
,
and
the
City
and
Temple
was
pillaged
by
the
Egyptians
.
Neither
experience
nor
afflictions
could
mend
him
,
and
he
is
called
to
this
day
by
his
own
Countrymen
Stultitia
Gentium
.
I
might
offend
tender
ears
,
if
I
should
alledg
all
the
Examples
of
Princes
mentioned
in
History
,
or
known
in
our
own
Age
,
who
have
lived
and
died
as
foolish
and
incorrigible
as
he
:
but
no
man
,
I
presume
,
will
be
scandalized
,
that
the
ten
last
Kings
of
Meroveus
his
Race
,
whom
the
French
Historians
call
Les
Roys
faineants
,
were
so
far
from
excelling
other
men
in
understanding
,
that
they
liv'd
and
died
more
like
to
beasts
than
men
.
Nay
,
the
Wisdom
and
Valour
of
Charles
Martel
expired
in
his
Grandchild
Charles
the
Great
;
and
his
Posterity
grew
to
be
so
sottish
,
that
the
French
Nation
must
have
perished
under
their
conduct
,
if
the
Nobility
and
People
had
not
rejected
them
,
and
placed
the
Crown
upon
a
more
deserving
head
.
This
is
as
much
as
is
necessary
to
be
said
to
the
general
Proposition
;
for
it
is
false
,
if
it
be
not
always
true
;
and
no
conclusion
can
be
made
upon
it
.
But
I
need
not
be
so
strict
with
our
Author
,
there
being
no
one
sound
part
in
his
Assertion
.
Many
Children
come
to
be
Kings
when
they
have
no
experience
,
and
die
,
or
are
depos'd
before
they
can
gain
any
.
Many
are
by
nature
so
sottish
that
they
can
learn
nothing
:
Others
falling
under
the
power
of
Women
,
or
corrupt
Favorites
and
Ministers
,
are
perswaded
and
seduced
from
the
good
ways
to
which
their
own
natural
understanding
or
experience
might
lead
them
;
the
Evils
drawn
upon
themselves
or
their
Subjects
,
by
the
Errors
committed
in
the
time
of
their
ignorance
,
are
often
grievous
,
and
sometimes
irreparable
,
tho
they
should
be
made
wise
by
time
and
experience
.
A
person
of
royal
Birth
and
excellent
Wit
,
was
so
sensible
of
this
as
to
tell
me
,
That
the
condition
of
Kings
was
most
miserable
,
in
as
much
as
they
never
heard
Truth
till
they
were
ruin'd
by
Lies
,
and
then
every
one
was
ready
to
tell
it
to
them
,
not
by
way
of
advice
,
but
reproach
,
and
rather
to
vent
their
own
spite
,
than
to
seek
a
remedy
to
the
evils
brought
upon
them
and
the
people
.
Others
attain
to
Crowns
when
they
are
of
full
Age
,
and
have
experience
as
Men
,
tho
none
as
Kings
;
and
therefore
are
apt
to
commit
as
great
mistakes
as
Children
:
And
upon
the
whole
matter
all
the
Histories
of
the
world
shew
,
that
instead
of
this
profound
Judgment
and
incomparable
Wisdom
which
our
Author
generally
attributes
to
all
Kings
,
there
is
no
sort
of
men
that
do
more
frequently
and
intirely
want
it
.
But
tho
Kings
were
always
wise
by
nature
,
or
made
to
be
so
by
experience
,
it
would
be
of
little
advantage
to
Nations
under
them
,
unless
their
Wisdom
were
pure
,
perfect
,
and
accompanied
with
Clemency
,
Magnanimity
,
Justice
,
Valour
and
Piety
.
Our
Author
durst
hardly
have
said
,
that
these
Virtues
or
Graces
are
gained
by
Experience
,
or
annexed
by
God
to
any
rank
of
Men
of
Families
.
He
gives
them
where
he
pleases
without
distinction
.
We
sometimes
see
those
upon
Thrones
,
who
by
God
and
Nature
seem
to
have
bin
designed
for
the
most
sordid
Offices
;
and
those
have
bin
known
to
pass
their
lives
in
meanness
and
poverty
,
who
had
all
the
Qualities
that
could
be
desir'd
in
Princes
.
There
is
likewise
a
kind
of
ability
to
dispatch
some
sort
of
Affairs
,
that
Princes
who
continue
long
in
a
Throne
may
to
a
degree
acquire
or
increase
.
Some
men
take
this
for
Wisdom
,
but
K.
James
more
rightly
called
it
by
the
name
of
King-craft
;
and
as
it
principally
consists
in
Dissimulation
,
and
the
arts
of
working
upon
mens
Passions
,
Vanities
,
private
Interests
or
Vices
,
to
make
them
for
the
most
part
instruments
of
Mischief
,
it
has
the
advancement
or
security
of
their
own
Persons
for
object
,
is
frequently
exercised
with
all
the
excesses
of
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Treachery
and
Cruelty
;
and
no
men
have
bin
ever
found
more
notoriously
to
deflect
from
all
that
deserves
praise
in
a
Prince
,
or
a
Gentleman
,
than
those
that
have
most
excelled
in
it
.
Pharasmenes
King
of
Iberia
,
is
recorded
by
Tacitus
to
have
bin
well
vers'd
in
this
Science
.
France
,
James
the
third
of
Scotland
,
Henry
the
seventh
of
England
,
were
great
Masters
of
these
Arts
;
and
those
who
are
acquainted
with
History
,
will
easily
judg
how
happy
Nations
would
be
if
all
Kings
did
in
time
certainly
learn
them
.
Our
Author
,
as
a
farther
testimony
of
his
Judgment
,
having
said
that
Kings
must
needs
excel
others
in
Understanding
,
and
grounded
his
Doctrin
upon
their
profound
Wisdom
,
imputes
to
them
those
base
and
panick
fears
which
are
inconsistent
with
it
,
or
any
royal
Virtue
:
and
to
carry
the
point
higher
,
tells
us
,
There
is
no
Tyrant
so
barbarously
wicked
,
but
his
own
reason
and
sense
will
tell
him
,
that
tho
he
be
a
God
,
yet
he
must
die
like
a
Man
;
and
that
there
is
not
the
meanest
of
his
Sabjects
,
but
may
find
a
means
to
revenge
himself
of
the
Injuries
offer'd
him
:
and
from
thence
concludes
,
that
there
is
no
such
Tyranny
as
that
of
a
Multitude
which
is
subject
to
no
such
fears
.
But
if
there
be
such
a
thing
in
the
World
,
as
a
barbarous
and
wicked
Tyrant
,
he
is
something
different
from
a
King
,
or
the
same
;
and
his
Wisdom
is
consistent
or
inconsistent
with
Barbarity
,
Wickedness
,
and
Tyranny
.
If
there
be
no
difference
,
the
praises
he
gives
,
and
the
rights
he
ascribes
to
the
one
belong
also
to
the
other
:
and
the
excellency
of
Wisdom
may
consist
with
Barbarity
,
Wickedness
,
Tyranny
,
and
the
panick
fears
that
accompany
them
;
which
hitherto
have
bin
thought
to
comprehend
the
utmost
excesses
of
Folly
and
Madness
:
and
I
know
no
better
testimony
of
the
truth
of
that
Opinion
,
than
that
Wisdom
always
distinguishing
good
from
evil
,
and
being
seen
only
in
the
rectitude
of
that
distinction
,
in
following
and
adhering
to
the
good
,
rejecting
that
which
is
evil
,
preferring
safety
before
danger
,
happiness
before
misery
,
and
in
knowing
rightly
how
to
use
the
means
of
attaining
or
preserving
the
one
,
and
preventing
or
avoiding
the
other
,
there
cannot
be
a
more
extravagant
deviation
from
Reason
,
than
for
a
man
,
who
in
a
private
condition
might
live
safely
and
happily
,
to
invade
a
Principality
:
or
if
he
be
a
Prince
,
who
by
governing
with
Justice
and
Clemency
might
obtain
the
inward
satisfaction
of
his
own
Mind
,
hope
for
the
blessing
of
God
upon
his
just
and
virtuous
Actions
,
acquire
the
love
and
praises
of
men
,
and
live
in
safety
and
happiness
amongst
his
safe
and
happy
Subjects
,
to
fall
into
that
Barbarity
,
Wickedness
,
and
Tyranny
,
which
brings
upon
him
the
displeasure
of
God
,
and
detestation
of
men
,
and
which
is
always
attended
with
those
base
and
panick
fears
,
that
comprehend
all
that
is
shameful
and
miserable
.
This
being
perceiv'd
by
Machiavel
,
he
could
not
Agesilaus
,
Timoleon
,
or
Dion
,
than
Nabis
,
Phalaris
,
or
Dionysius
;
and
imputes
the
contrary
choice
to
madness
.
Nevertheless
't
is
too
well
known
that
many
of
our
Author
's
profound
wise
men
in
the
depth
of
their
Judgment
,
made
perfect
by
use
and
experience
,
have
fallen
into
it
.
If
there
be
a
difference
between
this
barbarous
wicked
Tyrant
,
and
a
King
,
we
are
to
examine
who
is
the
Tyrant
,
and
who
the
King
;
for
the
name
conferred
or
assumed
cannot
make
a
King
,
unless
he
be
one
.
He
who
is
not
a
King
,
can
have
no
Title
to
the
rights
belonging
to
him
who
is
truly
a
King
:
so
that
a
People
who
find
themselves
wickedly
and
barbarously
oppressed
by
a
Tyrant
,
may
destroy
him
and
his
Tyranny
without
giving
offence
to
any
King
.
But
't
is
strange
that
Filmer
should
speak
of
the
barbarity
and
wickedness
of
a
Tyrant
,
who
looks
upon
the
World
to
be
the
Patrimony
of
one
man
;
and
for
the
foundation
of
his
Doctrin
;
afferts
such
a
power
in
every
one
that
makes
himself
master
of
any
part
,
as
cannot
be
limited
by
any
Law
.
His
Title
is
not
to
be
questioned
;
Usurpation
and
Violence
confer
an
incontestable
Right
:
the
exercise
of
his
Power
is
no
more
to
be
disputed
than
the
Acquisition
:
his
will
is
a
Law
to
his
Subjects
;
and
no
Law
can
be
imposed
by
them
upon
his
Conduct
.
For
if
these
things
be
true
,
I
know
not
how
any
man
could
ever
be
called
a
Tyrant
,
that
name
having
never
bin
given
to
any
unless
for
usurping
a
Power
that
did
not
belong
to
him
,
or
an
unjust
exercise
of
that
which
had
bin
conferred
upon
him
,
and
violating
the
Laws
which
ought
to
be
a
rule
to
him
.
'T
is
also
hard
to
imagin
how
any
man
can
be
called
barbarous
and
wicked
,
if
he
be
obliged
by
no
Law
but
that
of
his
own
Pleasure
;
for
we
have
no
other
notion
of
wrong
,
than
that
it
is
a
breach
of
the
Law
which
determines
what
is
right
.
If
the
lives
and
goods
of
Subjects
depend
upon
the
Will
of
the
Prince
,
and
he
in
his
profound
Wisdom
preserve
them
only
to
be
beneficial
to
himself
,
they
can
have
no
other
right
than
what
he
gives
,
and
without
injustice
may
retain
when
he
thinks
fit
:
If
there
be
no
wrong
,
there
can
be
no
just
revenge
;
and
he
that
pretends
to
seek
it
,
is
not
a
free
man
vindicating
his
Right
,
but
a
perverse
slave
rising
up
against
his
Master
.
But
if
there
be
such
a
thing
as
a
barbarous
and
wicked
Tyrant
,
there
must
be
a
rule
relating
to
the
acquisition
and
exercise
of
the
Power
,
by
which
he
may
be
distinguish'd
from
a
just
King
;
and
a
Law
superior
to
his
Will
,
by
the
violation
of
which
he
becomes
barbarous
and
wicked
.
Tho
our
Author
so
far
forgets
himself
,
to
confess
this
to
be
true
,
he
seeks
to
destroy
the
fruits
of
it
by
such
flattery
as
comprehends
all
that
is
most
detestable
in
Profaneness
and
Blasphemy
,
and
gives
the
name
of
Gods
to
the
most
execrable
of
men
.
He
may
by
such
language
deserve
the
name
of
Heylin's
Disciple
;
but
will
find
few
among
the
Heathens
so
basely
servile
,
or
so
boldly
impious
.
Tho
Claudius
Cesar
was
a
drunken
sot
,
and
transported
with
the
extravagance
of
his
Fortune
,
he
detested
the
impudence
of
his
Predecessor
Caligula
,
(
who
affected
that
Title
)
and
in
his
rescript
to
the
Procurator
of
Judea
,
gives
it
no
better
name
than
turpem
Caii
insaniam
.
For
this
reason
it
was
rejected
by
all
his
Pagan
Successors
,
who
were
not
as
furiously
wicked
as
he
:
yet
Filmer
has
thought
fit
to
renew
it
,
for
the
benefit
of
Mankind
,
and
the
glory
of
the
Christian
Religion
.
I
know
not
whether
these
extreme
and
barbarous
Errors
of
our
Author
are
to
be
imputed
to
wickedness
or
madness
;
or
whether
,
to
save
the
pains
of
a
distinction
,
they
may
not
rightly
be
said
to
be
the
same
thing
;
but
nothing
less
than
the
excess
of
both
could
induce
him
to
attribute
any
thing
of
good
to
the
fears
of
a
Tyrant
,
since
they
are
the
chief
causes
of
all
the
mischiefs
he
dos
.
Tertullian
says
they
are
Metu
quam
furore
saeviores
;
and
Tacitus
,
speaking
of
a
most
wicked
King
,
says
,
that
he
did
Saevitiam
ignaviae
obtendere
;
and
we
do
not
more
certainly
find
that
Cowards
are
the
cruellest
of
men
,
than
that
wickedness
makes
them
Cowards
;
that
every
man's
fears
bear
a
proportion
with
his
guilt
,
and
with
the
number
,
virtue
,
and
strength
of
those
he
has
offended
.
He
who
usurps
a
Power
over
all
,
or
abuses
a
Trust
reposed
in
him
by
all
,
in
the
highest
measure
offends
all
;
he
fears
and
hates
those
he
has
offended
,
and
to
secure
himself
,
aggravates
the
former
Injuries
:
When
these
are
publick
,
they
beget
a
universal
Hatred
,
and
every
man
desires
to
extinguish
a
Mischief
that
threatens
ruin
to
all
.
This
will
always
be
terrible
to
one
that
knows
he
has
deserved
it
;
and
when
those
he
dreads
are
the
body
of
the
People
,
nothing
but
a
publick
destruction
can
satisfy
his
rage
,
and
appease
his
fears
.
I
wish
I
could
agree
with
Filmer
,
in
exempting
multitudes
from
fears
;
for
they
having
seldom
committed
any
injustice
,
unless
through
fear
,
would
,
as
far
as
human
fragility
permits
,
be
free
from
it
.
Tho
the
Attick
Ostracism
was
not
an
extreme
Punishment
,
I
know
nothing
usually
practised
in
any
Commonwealth
,
that
did
so
much
savour
of
injustice
:
but
it
proceeded
solely
from
a
fear
that
one
man
,
tho
in
appearance
virtuous
,
when
he
came
to
be
raised
too
much
above
his
fellow
Citizens
,
might
be
tempted
to
invade
the
publick
Liberty
.
We
do
not
find
that
the
Athenians
,
or
any
other
free
Cities
,
ever
injur'd
any
man
,
unless
through
such
a
jealousy
,
or
the
perjury
of
Witnesses
,
by
which
the
best
Tribunals
that
ever
were
,
or
can
be
establish'd
in
the
world
,
may
be
misled
;
and
no
injustice
could
be
apprehended
from
any
,
if
they
did
not
fall
into
such
fears
.
But
tho
Multitudes
may
have
fears
as
well
as
Tyrants
,
the
Causes
and
Effects
of
them
are
very
different
.
A
People
,
in
relation
to
domestick
Affairs
,
can
desire
nothing
but
Liberty
,
and
neither
hate
or
fear
any
but
such
as
do
,
or
would
,
as
they
suspect
,
deprive
them
of
that
Happiness
:
Their
endeavours
to
secure
that
seldom
hurt
any
except
such
as
invade
their
Rights
;
and
if
they
err
,
the
mistake
is
for
the
most
part
discovered
before
it
produce
any
mischief
;
and
the
greatest
that
ever
came
that
way
,
was
the
death
of
one
or
a
few
men
.
Their
Hatred
and
desire
of
Revenge
can
go
no
farther
than
the
sense
of
the
Injury
received
or
feared
,
and
is
extinguished
by
the
death
or
banishment
of
the
Persons
;
as
may
be
gathered
from
the
examples
of
the
Tarquins
,
Decemviri
,
Cassius
,
Melius
,
and
Manlius
Capitolinus
.
He
therefore
that
would
know
whether
the
hatred
and
fear
of
a
Tyrant
,
or
of
a
People
,
produces
the
greater
mischiefs
,
needs
only
to
consider
,
whether
it
be
better
that
the
Tyrant
destroy
the
People
,
or
that
the
People
destroy
the
Tyrant
:
or
at
the
worst
,
whether
one
that
is
suspected
of
affecting
the
Tyranny
should
perish
,
or
a
whole
People
,
amongst
whom
very
many
are
certainly
innocent
;
and
experience
shows
that
such
are
always
first
sought
out
to
be
destroy'd
for
being
so
:
Popular
furies
or
fears
,
how
irregular
or
unjust
soever
they
may
be
,
can
extend
no
farther
;
general
Calamities
can
only
be
brought
upon
a
People
by
those
who
are
enemies
to
the
whole
Body
,
which
can
never
be
the
Multitude
,
for
they
are
that
body
.
In
all
other
respects
,
the
fears
that
render
a
Tyrant
cruel
,
render
a
People
gentle
and
cautious
;
for
every
single
man
knowing
himself
to
be
of
little
power
,
not
only
fears
to
do
injustice
because
it
may
be
revenged
upon
his
Person
,
by
him
,
or
his
Friends
,
Kindred
and
Relations
that
suffers
it
;
but
because
it
tends
to
the
overthrow
of
the
Government
,
which
comprehends
all
publick
and
private
Concernments
,
and
which
every
man
knows
cannot
subsist
unless
it
be
so
easy
and
gentle
,
as
to
be
pleasing
to
those
who
are
the
best
,
and
have
the
greatest
power
:
and
as
the
publick
Considerations
divert
them
from
doing
those
Injuries
that
may
bring
immediate
prejudice
to
the
Publick
,
so
there
are
strict
Laws
to
restrain
all
such
as
would
do
private
Injuries
.
If
neither
the
People
nor
the
Magistrates
of
Venice
,
Switzerland
,
and
Holland
,
commit
such
extravagances
as
are
usual
in
other
places
,
it
dos
not
perhaps
proceed
from
the
temper
of
those
Nations
different
from
others
,
but
from
a
knowledg
,
that
whosoever
offers
an
injury
to
a
private
person
,
or
attemps
a
publick
mischief
,
is
exposed
to
the
impartial
and
inexorable
Power
of
the
Law
;
whereas
the
chief
work
of
an
absolute
Monarch
is
to
place
himself
above
the
Law
,
and
thereby
rendring
himself
the
Author
of
all
the
evils
that
the
People
suffer
,
't
is
absurd
to
expect
that
he
should
remove
them
.
SECT.
XXX
.
A
Monarchy
cannot
be
well
regulated
,
unless
the
Powers
of
the
Monarch
are
limited
by
Law
.
OUr
Author's
next
step
is
not
only
to
reject
Popular
Governments
,
but
all
such
Monarchies
as
are
not
absolute
:
for
if
the
King
,
says
he
,
admits
the
People
to
be
his
Companions
,
he
leaves
to
be
a
King
.
This
is
the
language
of
French
Lackeys
,
Valet
de
Chambre's
,
Taylors
,
and
others
like
them
in
Wisdom
,
Learning
and
Policy
,
who
when
they
fly
to
England
for
sear
of
a
well-deserved
Gally
,
Gibet
,
or
Wheel
,
are
ready
to
say
,
Il
faut
que
le
Roy
soit
absolu
,
autrement
il
n'est
point
Roy.
And
finding
no
better
men
to
agree
with
Filmer
in
this
sublime
Philosophy
,
I
may
be
pardoned
if
I
do
not
follow
them
,
till
I
am
convinced
in
these
ensuing
points
.
1.
It
seems
absurd
to
speak
of
Kings
admitting
the
Nobility
or
People
to
part
of
the
Government
:
for
tho
there
may
be
,
and
are
Nations
without
Kings
,
yet
no
man
can
conceive
a
King
without
a
People
.
These
must
necessarily
have
all
the
power
originally
in
themselves
;
and
tho
Kings
may
and
often
have
a
power
of
granting
Honors
,
Immunities
,
and
Privileges
to
private
Men
or
Corporations
,
he
dos
it
only
out
of
the
publick
Stock
,
which
he
is
entrusted
to
distribute
;
but
can
give
nothing
to
the
people
,
who
give
to
him
all
that
he
can
rightly
have
.
2.
'T
is
strange
that
he
who
frequently
cites
Aristotle
and
Plato
,
should
unluckily
acknowledg
such
only
to
be
Kings
as
they
call
Tyrants
,
and
deny
the
name
of
King
to
those
,
who
in
their
opinion
are
the
only
Kings
.
3.
I
cannot
understand
why
the
Scripture
should
call
those
Kings
whose
Powers
were
limited
,
if
they
only
are
Kings
who
are
absolute
;
or
why
Moses
did
appoint
that
the
power
of
Kings
in
Israel
should
be
limited
(
if
they
resolved
to
have
them
)
if
that
limitation
destroy'd
4.
Nor
,
lastly
,
how
he
knows
that
in
the
Kingdoms
which
have
a
shew
of
Popularity
,
the
Power
is
wholly
in
the
King
.
The
first
point
was
proved
when
we
examined
the
beginning
of
Monarchies
,
and
found
it
impossible
that
there
could
be
any
thing
of
justice
in
them
,
unless
they
were
established
by
the
common
consent
of
those
who
were
to
live
under
them
;
or
that
they
could
make
any
such
establishment
,
unless
the
right
and
power
were
in
them
.
Secondly
,
Neither
Plato
nor
Aristotle
acknowledg
either
reason
or
justice
in
the
power
os
a
Monarch
,
unless
he
has
more
of
the
Virtues
conducing
to
the
good
of
the
Civil
Society
than
all
those
who
compose
it
;
and
employ
them
for
the
publick
advantage
,
and
not
to
his
own
pleasure
and
profit
,
as
being
set
up
by
those
who
seek
their
own
good
,
for
no
other
reason
than
that
he
should
procure
it
.
To
this
end
a
Law
is
set
as
a
rule
to
him
,
and
the
best
men
,
that
is
such
as
are
most
like
to
himself
,
made
to
be
his
Assistants
,
because
,
say
they
,
Lex
est
mens
sine
affectu
,
&
quasi
Deus
;
But
if
Aristotle
deserve
credit
,
the
Princes
who
reign
for
themselves
and
not
for
the
People
,
preferring
their
own
pleasure
or
profit
before
the
publick
,
become
Tyrants
;
which
in
his
language
is
Enemies
to
God
and
Man
.
On
this
account
Boccalini
introduces
the
Princes
of
Europe
raising
a
mutiny
against
him
in
Parnassus
,
for
giving
such
definitions
of
Tyrants
as
they
said
comprehended
them
all
;
and
forcing
the
poor
Philosopher
to
declare
by
a
new
definition
,
that
[
*
](A60214-e40160-b)
*
Che
I
Tiranni
furono
certi
huomini
del
tempo
antico
de
i
quali
hoggidi
si
e
perduta
la
razza
.
Boccal
.
Rag.
de
Parn.
Tyrants
were
certain
men
of
antient
times
whose
race
is
now
extinguished
.
But
with
all
his
Wit
and
Learning
he
could
not
give
a
reason
why
those
who
do
the
same
things
that
rendred
the
Antient
Tyrants
detestable
,
should
not
be
so
also
in
our
days
.
In
the
third
place
,
The
Scriptures
declare
the
necessity
of
setting
bounds
to
those
who
are
placed
in
the
highest
dignities
.
Moses
seems
to
have
had
as
great
abilities
as
any
man
that
ever
lived
in
the
world
;
but
he
alone
was
not
able
to
bear
the
weight
of
the
Government
,
and
therefore
God
appointed
Seventy
chosen
men
to
be
his
assistants
.
This
was
a
perpetual
Law
to
Israel
;
and
as
no
King
was
to
have
more
power
than
Moses
,
or
more
abilities
to
perform
the
duties
of
his
Office
,
none
could
be
exempted
from
the
necessity
of
wanting
the
like
helps
.
Our
Author
therefore
must
confess
that
they
are
Kings
who
have
them
,
or
that
Kingly
Government
is
contrary
to
the
Scriptures
.
When
God
by
Moses
gave
liberty
to
his
People
to
make
a
King
,
he
did
it
under
these
conditions
.
He
must
be
one
of
their
Brethren
:
They
must
chuse
him
:
he
must
not
multiply
Gold
,
Silver
,
Wives
,
or
Horses
:
he
must
not
lift
up
his
Heart
above
his
Brethren
.
And
Josephus
paraphrasing
upon
the
place
,
says
,
He
shall
do
nothing
without
the
advice
of
the
or
if
he
do
,
they
shall
oppose
him
.
This
agrees
with
the
confession
of
Zedekiah
to
the
Princes
(
which
was
the
Sanhedrin
)
The
King
can
do
nothing
without
you
;
and
seems
to
have
bin
in
pursuance
of
the
Law
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
was
written
in
a
Book
,
4.
The
practice
of
most
Nations
,
and
(
I
may
truly
say
)
of
all
that
deserve
imitation
,
has
bin
as
directly
contrary
to
the
absolute
power
of
one
man
as
their
Constitutions
:
or
if
the
original
of
many
Governments
lie
hid
in
the
impenetrable
darkness
of
Antiquity
,
their
progress
may
serve
to
shew
the
intention
of
the
Founders
.
Aristotle
seems
to
think
that
the
first
Monarchs
having
bin
chosen
for
their
Virtue
,
were
little
restrain'd
in
the
exercise
of
their
Power
;
but
that
they
or
their
Children
falling
into
Corruption
and
Pride
,
grew
odious
;
and
that
Nations
did
on
that
account
either
abolish
their
Authority
,
or
create
Senates
and
other
Magistrates
,
who
having
part
of
the
Power
might
keep
them
in
order
.
The
Spartan
Kings
were
certainly
of
this
nature
;
and
the
Persian
,
till
they
conquer'd
Babylon
.
Nay
,
I
may
safely
say
,
that
neither
the
Kings
which
the
frantick
people
set
up
in
opposition
to
the
Law
of
God
,
nor
those
of
the
bordering
Nations
,
whose
example
they
chose
to
follow
,
had
that
absolute
power
which
our
Author
attributes
to
all
Kings
as
inseparable
from
the
name
.
Achish
the
Philistin
lov'd
and
admir'd
David
;
he
look'd
upon
him
as
an
Angel
of
God
,
and
promised
that
he
should
be
the
keeper
of
his
head
for
ever
;
but
when
the
Princes
suspected
him
,
and
said
he
shall
not
go
down
with
us
to
Battel
,
he
was
obliged
to
dismiss
him
.
This
was
not
the
language
of
Slaves
,
but
of
those
who
had
a
great
part
in
the
Government
;
and
the
Kings
submission
to
their
will
,
shows
that
he
was
more
like
to
the
Kings
of
Sparta
,
than
to
an
absolute
Monarch
who
dos
whatever
pleases
him
.
I
know
not
whether
the
Spartans
were
descended
from
the
Hebrews
,
as
some
think
;
but
their
Kings
were
under
a
regulation
much
like
that
of
the
17
of
Deut.
tho
they
had
two
:
Their
Senate
of
twenty
eight
,
and
the
Ephori
,
had
a
power
like
to
that
of
the
Sanhedrin
;
and
by
them
Kings
were
condemned
to
fines
,
imprisonment
,
banishment
,
and
death
,
as
appears
by
the
examples
of
Pausanias
,
Clonymus
,
Leonidas
,
Agis
,
and
others
.
The
Hebrew
Discipline
was
the
same
;
Reges
Davidicae
stirpis
,
says
Maimonides
,
This
was
equally
beneficial
to
Kings
and
People
.
The
Powers
,
as
Theopompus
King
of
Sparta
said
,
were
most
safe
when
they
were
least
envied
and
hated
.
Lewis
the
11th
of
France
was
one
of
the
first
that
broke
this
Golden
Chain
;
and
by
more
subtil
Arts
than
had
bin
formerly
known
,
subverted
the
Laws
,
by
which
the
fury
of
those
Kings
had
bin
restrain'd
,
and
taught
others
to
do
the
like
;
tho
all
of
them
have
not
so
well
saved
themselves
from
punishment
.
James
the
third
of
Scotland
was
one
of
his
most
apt
Scholars
;
and
[
*
](A60214-e40840-b)
*
Ab
hominibus
infimae
sortis
in
omnia
simul
vitia
est
praeceps
datus
:
tempora
etiam
corrupta
&
vicinorum
regum
exempla
non
parum
ad
eum
evertendum
juverunt
:
Nam
&
Edvardus
in
Anglia
,
Carolus
in
Burgundia
,
Ludovicus
undecimus
in
Gallia
,
Joannes
secundus
in
Lusitania
,
tyrannidis
fundamenta
jecerunt
:
Richardus
tertius
in
Anglia
eam
immanissime
exercuit
.
Hist.
Scot.
l.
12.
Buchanan
in
his
life
says
,
That
he
was
precipitated
into
all
manner
of
Infamy
by
men
of
the
most
abject
condition
;
that
the
corruption
of
those
times
,
and
the
ill
Example
of
neighbouring
Princes
,
were
considerable
motives
to
pervert
him
:
for
Edward
the
fourth
of
England
,
Charles
of
Burgundy
,
Lewis
the
11th
of
France
,
and
John
the
second
of
Portugal
,
had
already
laid
the
Foundations
of
Tyranny
in
those
Countries
;
and
Richard
the
third
was
then
most
cruelly
exercising
the
same
in
the
Kingdom
of
England
.
This
could
not
have
bin
,
if
all
the
Power
had
always
bin
in
Kings
,
and
neither
the
People
nor
the
Nobility
had
ever
had
any
:
For
no
man
can
be
said
to
gain
that
which
he
and
his
Predecessors
always
possessed
,
or
to
take
from
others
that
which
they
never
had
;
nor
to
set
up
any
sort
of
Government
,
if
it
had
bin
always
the
same
.
But
the
foresaid
Lewis
the
11th
did
assume
to
himself
a
Power
above
that
of
his
Predecessors
;
and
Philip
de
Commines
shews
the
ways
by
which
he
acquir'd
it
,
with
the
miserable
effects
of
his
Acquisition
both
to
himself
and
to
his
people
:
Modern
Authors
observe
that
the
change
was
made
by
him
,
and
for
that
reason
he
is
said
by
Mezeray
,
and
others
,
to
have
brought
those
Kings
out
of
[
†
](A60214-e41000-b)
†
Davoir
mis
les
Roys
hors
de
page
.
Guardianship
:
they
were
not
therefore
so
till
he
did
emancipate
them
.
Nevertheless
this
Emancipation
had
no
resemblance
to
the
unlimited
Power
of
which
our
Author
dreams
.
The
General
Assemblies
of
Estates
were
often
held
long
after
his
death
,
and
continued
in
the
exercise
of
the
Sovereign
Power
of
the
Nation
.
Davila
,
speaking
of
the
General
Assembly
Monsieur
de
Thou
Salique
Law
:
And
tho
some
of
our
Princes
pretending
to
the
Inheritance
of
that
Crown
by
marrying
the
Heirs
General
,
denied
that
there
was
any
such
thing
,
no
man
can
say
that
for
the
space
of
above
twelve
hundred
years
,
Females
,
or
their
Descendents
,
who
are
by
that
Law
excluded
,
have
ever
bin
thought
to
have
any
right
to
the
Crown
:
And
no
Law
,
unless
it
be
explicitly
given
by
God
,
can
be
of
greater
Authority
than
one
which
has
bin
in
force
for
so
many
Ages
.
What
the
beginning
of
it
was
is
not
known
:
But
Charles
the
sixth
receding
from
this
Law
,
and
thinking
to
dispose
of
the
Succession
otherwise
than
was
ordained
by
it
,
was
esteemed
mad
,
and
all
his
Acts
rescinded
.
And
tho
the
Reputation
,
Strength
and
Valour
of
the
English
,
commanded
by
Henry
the
fifth
,
one
of
the
bravest
Princes
that
have
ever
bin
in
the
world
,
was
terrible
to
the
French
Nation
;
yet
they
opposed
him
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
rather
than
suffer
that
Law
to
be
broken
.
And
tho
our
Success
under
his
Conduct
was
great
and
admirable
;
yet
soon
aster
his
death
,
with
the
expence
of
much
Blood
and
Treasure
,
we
lost
all
that
we
had
on
that
side
,
and
suffer'd
the
Penalty
of
having
unadvisedly
entred
into
that
Quarrel
.
By
virtue
of
the
same
Law
,
the
Agreement
made
by
King
John
when
he
was
Prisoner
at
London
,
by
which
he
had
alienated
part
of
that
Dominion
,
as
well
as
that
of
Francis
the
first
,
concluded
when
he
was
under
the
same
Circumstances
at
Madrid
,
were
reputed
null
;
and
upon
all
occasions
that
Nation
has
given
sufficient
testimony
,
that
the
Laws
by
which
they
live
are
their
own
,
made
by
themselves
,
and
not
imposed
upon
them
.
And
't
is
as
impossible
for
them
who
made
and
deposed
Kings
,
exalted
or
depressed
reigning
Families
,
and
prescribed
Rules
to
the
Succession
,
to
have
received
from
their
own
Creatures
the
Power
,
or
part
of
the
Government
they
had
,
as
for
a
man
to
be
begotten
by
his
own
Son
.
Nay
,
tho
their
Constitutions
were
much
changed
by
Lewis
the
11
th
,
yet
they
retained
so
much
of
their
antient
Liberty
,
that
in
the
last
Age
,
when
the
House
of
Valois
was
as
much
depraved
as
those
of
Meroveus
and
Pepin
had
bin
,
and
Henry
the
third
by
his
own
Lewdness
,
Hypocrisy
,
Cruelty
and
Impurity
,
together
with
the
baseness
of
his
Minions
and
Favorites
,
had
rendred
himself
odious
and
contemptible
to
the
Nobility
and
People
;
the
great
Cities
,
Parliaments
,
the
greater
and
(
in
political
matters
)
the
sounder
part
of
the
Nation
declared
him
to
be
fallen
from
the
Crown
,
and
pursued
him
to
the
death
,
tho
the
blow
was
given
by
the
hand
of
a
base
and
half-distracted
Monk
.
Henry
of
Bourbon
was
without
controversy
the
next
Heir
;
but
neither
the
Nobility
nor
the
People
,
who
thought
themselves
in
the
Government
,
would
admit
him
to
the
Crown
,
till
he
had
given
them
satisfaction
that
he
would
govern
according
to
their
Laws
,
by
abjuring
his
Religion
which
they
judged
inconsistent
with
them
.
The
later
Commotions
in
Paris
,
Bourdeaux
,
and
other
places
,
together
with
the
Wars
for
Religion
,
shew
,
that
tho
the
French
do
not
complain
of
every
Grievance
,
and
cannot
always
agree
in
the
defence
and
vindication
of
their
violated
Liberties
,
yet
they
very
well
understand
their
Rights
;
and
that
,
as
they
do
not
live
by
,
or
for
the
King
,
but
he
reigns
by
,
and
for
them
;
so
their
Privileges
are
not
from
him
,
but
that
his
Crown
is
from
them
;
and
that
,
according
to
the
true
Rule
of
their
Government
,
he
can
do
nothing
against
their
Laws
,
or
if
he
do
,
they
may
oppose
him
.
The
Institution
of
a
Kingdom
is
the
act
of
a
free
Nation
;
and
whoever
denies
them
to
be
free
,
denies
that
there
can
be
any
thing
of
right
in
what
they
set
up
.
That
which
was
true
in
the
beginning
is
so
,
and
must
be
so
for
ever
.
This
is
so
far
acknowledged
by
the
highest
Monarchs
,
that
in
a
Treatise
published
in
the
year
1667
,
by
Authority
of
the
present
King
of
France
,
to
justify
his
pretensions
to
some
part
of
the
Low-Countries
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Acts
of
himself
,
and
the
King
of
Spain
to
extinguish
them
,
it
is
said
,
[
*
](A60214-e41370-b)
*
Que
les
Roys
ont
cette
bienheureuse
impuissance
de
ne
pouvoir
rien
faire
contre
les
lois
de
leur
pays
.
Traité
des
droits
de
la
Reyne
.
That
Kings
are
under
the
happy
inability
to
do
any
thing
against
the
Laws
of
their
Country
.
And
tho
perhaps
he
may
do
things
contrary
to
Law
,
yet
he
grounds
his
Power
upon
the
Law
;
and
the
most
able
and
most
trusted
of
his
Ministers
declare
the
same
.
About
the
year
1660
,
the
Count
D'
Aubijoux
,
a
man
of
eminent
quality
in
Languedoc
,
but
averse
to
the
Court
,
and
hated
by
Cardinal
Mazarin
,
had
bin
tried
by
the
Parliament
of
Tholouse
for
a
Duel
,
in
which
a
Gentleman
was
kill'd
;
and
it
appearing
to
the
Court
(
then
in
that
City
)
that
he
had
bin
acquitted
upon
forged
Letters
of
Grace
,
false
Witnesses
,
powerful
Friends
,
and
other
undue
means
,
Mazarin
desired
to
bring
him
to
a
new
Trial
:
but
the
Chancellor
Seguier
told
the
Queen-Mother
it
could
not
be
;
for
the
Law
did
not
permit
a
man
once
acquitted
to
be
again
question'd
for
the
same
Fact
;
and
that
if
the
course
of
the
Law
were
interrupted
,
neither
the
Salique
Law
,
nor
the
succession
of
her
Children
,
or
any
thing
else
could
be
secure
in
France
.
This
is
farther
proved
by
the
Histories
of
that
Nation
.
The
Kings
of
Meroveus
and
Pepin's
Races
,
were
suffer'd
to
divide
the
Kingdom
amongst
their
Sons
;
or
,
as
Hottoman
says
,
the
Estates
made
Hugh
Capet
,
by
which
it
was
ordain'd
,
that
for
the
future
the
Kingdom
should
not
be
dismembred
;
which
Constitution
continuing
in
force
to
this
day
,
the
Sons
or
Brothers
of
their
Kings
receive
such
an
Apannage
(
they
call
it
)
as
is
bestow'd
on
them
,
remaining
subject
to
the
Crown
as
well
as
other
men
.
And
there
has
been
no
King
of
France
since
that
time
(
except
only
Charles
the
sixth
)
who
has
not
acknowledged
that
he
cannot
alienate
any
part
of
their
Dominion
.
Whoever
imputes
the
acknowledgment
of
this
to
Kingcraft
,
and
says
,
that
they
who
avow
this
,
when
't
is
for
their
advantage
,
will
deny
it
on
a
different
occasion
,
is
of
all
men
their
most
dangerous
Enemy
.
In
laying
such
fraud
to
their
charge
,
he
destroys
the
veneration
by
which
they
subsist
,
and
teaches
Subjects
not
to
keep
Faith
with
those
,
who
by
the
most
malicious
deceits
show
,
that
they
are
tied
by
none
.
Human
Societies
are
maintained
by
mutual
Contracts
,
which
are
of
no
value
if
they
are
not
observ'd
.
Laws
are
made
,
and
Magistrates
created
to
cause
them
to
be
performed
in
publick
and
private
matters
,
and
to
punish
those
who
violate
them
.
But
none
will
ever
be
observed
,
if
he
who
receives
the
greatest
benefit
by
them
,
and
is
set
up
to
oversee
others
,
give
the
example
to
those
who
of
themselves
are
too
much
inclin'd
to
break
them
.
The
first
step
that
Pompey
made
to
his
own
ruin
was
,
by
violating
the
Laws
I
am
far
from
laying
any
such
blemishes
on
them
,
or
thinking
that
they
deserve
them
.
I
must
believe
the
French
King
speaks
sincerely
,
when
he
says
he
can
do
nothing
against
the
Laws
of
his
Country
:
And
that
our
King
James
did
the
like
,
when
he
acknowledged
himself
to
be
the
Servant
of
the
Commonwealth
;
and
the
rather
,
because
't
is
true
,
and
that
he
is
placed
in
the
Throne
to
that
end
.
Nothing
is
more
essential
and
fundamental
in
the
Constitutions
of
Kingdoms
,
than
that
Diets
,
Parliaments
,
and
Assemblies
of
Estates
should
see
this
perform'd
.
'T
is
not
the
King
that
gives
them
a
right
to
judg
of
matters
of
War
or
Peace
,
to
grant
Supplies
of
men
and
mony
,
or
to
deny
them
;
and
to
make
or
abrogate
Laws
at
their
pleasure
:
All
the
Powers
rightly
belonging
to
Kings
,
or
to
them
,
proceed
from
the
same
root
.
The
Northern
Nations
seeing
what
mischiess
were
generally
brought
upon
the
Eastern
,
by
referring
too
much
to
the
irregular
will
of
a
man
;
and
what
those
who
were
more
generous
had
suffer'd
,
when
one
man
by
the
force
of
a
corrupt
mercenary
Soldiery
had
overthrown
the
Laws
by
which
they
lived
,
feared
they
might
fall
into
the
same
misery
;
and
therefore
retained
the
greater
part
of
the
Power
to
be
exercised
by
their
General
Assemblies
,
or
by
Delegates
,
when
they
grew
so
numerous
that
they
could
not
meet
.
These
are
the
Kingdoms
of
which
Grotius
speaks
,
where
the
King
has
his
part
,
and
the
Senat
or
People
their
part
of
the
Supreme
Authority
;
and
where
the
Law
prescribes
such
limits
,
that
if
the
King
attempt
to
seize
that
part
which
is
not
his
,
he
may
justly
be
opposed
:
Which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
that
the
Law
upholds
the
Power
it
gives
,
and
turns
against
those
who
abuse
it
.
This
Doctrin
may
be
displeasing
to
Court-Parasites
;
but
no
less
profitable
to
such
Kings
as
follow
better
Counsels
,
than
to
the
Nations
that
live
under
them
:
the
Wisdom
and
Virtue
of
the
best
is
always
fortified
by
the
concurrence
of
those
who
are
placed
in
part
of
the
Power
;
they
always
do
what
they
will
,
when
they
will
nothing
but
that
which
is
good
;
and
't
is
a
happy
impotence
in
those
,
who
through
ignorance
or
malice
desire
to
do
evil
,
not
to
be
able
to
effect
it
.
The
weakness
of
such
as
by
defects
of
Nature
,
Sex
,
Age
or
Education
,
are
not
able
of
themselves
to
bear
the
weight
of
a
Kingdom
,
is
thereby
supported
,
and
they
together
with
the
People
under
them
preserved
from
ruin
;
the
furious
rashness
of
the
Insolent
is
restrained
;
the
extravagance
of
those
who
are
naturally
lews
,
is
aw'd
;
and
the
bestial
madness
of
the
most
violently
wicked
and
outragious
,
suppress'd
.
When
the
Law
provides
for
these
matters
,
and
prescribes
ways
by
which
they
may
be
accomplished
,
every
man
who
receives
or
fears
an
Injury
,
seeks
a
remedy
in
a
legal
way
,
and
vents
his
Passions
in
such
a
manner
as
brings
no
prejudice
to
the
Common-wealth
:
If
his
Complaints
against
a
King
may
be
heard
,
and
redressed
by
Courts
of
Justice
,
Parliaments
,
and
Diets
,
as
well
as
against
private
men
,
he
is
satisfied
,
and
looks
no
farther
for
a
Remedy
.
But
if
Kings
,
like
those
of
Israel
,
will
neither
judg
nor
be
judged
,
and
there
be
no
Power
orderly
to
redress
private
or
publick
Injuries
,
every
man
has
recourse
to
force
,
as
if
he
liv'd
in
a
Wood
where
there
is
no
Law
;
and
that
force
is
always
mortal
to
those
who
provoke
it
:
No
Guards
can
preserve
a
hated
Prince
from
the
vengeance
of
one
resolute
hand
;
and
they
as
often
sall
by
the
Swords
of
their
own
Guards
as
of
others
:
Wrongs
will
be
done
,
and
when
they
that
do
them
cannot
or
will
not
be
judged
publickly
,
the
injur'd
Persons
become
Judges
in
their
own
case
,
and
executioners
of
their
own
sentence
.
If
this
be
dangerous
in
matters
of
private
Concernment
,
't
is
much
more
so
in
those
relating
to
the
publick
.
The
lewd
extravagancies
of
Edward
and
Richard
the
Seconds
,
whilst
they
acknowledged
the
power
of
the
Law
,
were
gently
reproved
and
restrained
with
the
removal
of
some
profligate
Favourites
;
but
when
they
would
admit
of
no
other
Law
than
their
own
Will
,
no
relief
could
be
had
but
by
their
Deposition
.
The
lawful
Spartan
Kings
,
who
were
obedient
to
the
Laws
of
their
Country
,
liv'd
in
safety
,
and
died
with
glory
;
whereas
't
was
a
strange
thing
to
see
a
lawless
Tyrant
die
without
such
infamy
and
misery
,
as
held
a
just
proportion
with
the
wickedness
of
his
Life
:
They
did
,
as
Plutarch
says
of
Dionysius
,
many
mischiefs
,
This
is
the
happiness
to
which
our
Author
would
promote
them
all
.
If
a
King
admit
a
People
to
be
his
companions
,
he
ceaseth
to
be
a
King
,
and
the
State
becomes
a
Democracy
.
And
a
little
farther
,
If
in
such
Assemblies
,
the
King
,
Nobility
,
and
People
,
have
equal
shares
in
the
Soveraignty
,
then
the
King
hath
but
one
voice
,
the
Nobility
likewise
one
,
and
the
People
one
;
and
then
any
two
of
these
voices
should
have
power
to
overrule
the
third
:
Thus
the
Nobility
and
Commons
should
have
a
power
to
make
a
Law
to
bridle
the
King
,
which
was
never
seen
in
any
Kingdom
.
We
have
heard
of
Nations
that
admitted
a
man
to
reign
over
them
(
that
is
,
made
him
King
)
but
of
no
man
that
made
a
People
.
The
Hebrews
made
Saul
,
David
,
Jeroboam
,
and
other
Kings
:
when
they
returned
from
Captivity
,
they
conferred
the
same
Title
upon
the
Asmonean
race
,
as
a
reward
of
their
Valour
and
Virtue
:
the
Romans
chose
Romulus
,
Numa
,
Hostilius
,
and
others
to
be
their
Kings
;
the
Spartans
instituted
two
,
one
of
the
Heraclidae
,
the
other
of
the
AEacidae
.
Other
Nations
set
up
one
,
a
few
,
or
more
Magistrates
to
govern
them
:
and
all
the
World
agrees
,
that
Qui
dat
esse
,
dat
modum
esse
;
He
that
makes
him
to
be
,
makes
him
to
be
what
he
is
:
and
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
say
,
that
he
who
has
nothing
but
what
is
given
,
can
have
more
than
is
given
to
him
.
If
Saul
and
Romulus
had
no
other
title
to
be
Kings
,
than
what
the
People
conferred
upon
them
,
they
could
be
no
otherwise
Kings
than
as
pleased
the
People
:
They
therefore
did
not
admit
the
People
to
be
partakers
of
the
Government
;
but
the
People
who
had
all
in
themselves
,
and
could
not
have
made
a
King
if
they
had
not
had
it
,
bestow'd
upon
him
what
they
thought
fit
,
and
retained
the
rest
in
themselves
.
If
this
were
not
so
,
then
instead
of
saying
to
the
multitude
,
Will
ye
have
this
man
to
reign
?
they
ought
to
say
to
the
man
,
Wilt
thou
have
this
multitude
to
be
a
People
?
And
whereas
the
Nobles
of
Arragon
used
to
say
to
their
new
made
King
,
We
who
are
as
good
as
you
,
make
you
our
King
,
on
condition
you
keep
and
maintain
our
Rights
and
Liberties
,
and
if
not
,
not
;
he
should
have
said
to
them
,
I
who
am
better
than
you
,
make
you
to
be
a
People
,
and
will
govern
you
as
I
please
.
But
I
doubt
whether
he
would
have
succeeded
,
till
that
Kingdom
was
joined
to
others
of
far
greater
strength
,
from
whence
a
power
might
be
drawn
to
force
them
out
of
their
usual
method
.
That
which
has
bin
said
of
the
Governments
of
England
,
France
,
and
other
Countries
,
shows
them
to
be
of
the
same
nature
;
and
if
they
do
not
deserve
the
name
of
Kingdoms
,
and
that
their
Princes
will
by
our
Author's
Arguments
be
perswaded
to
leave
them
,
those
Nations
perhaps
will
be
so
humble
to
content
themselves
without
that
magnificent
Title
,
rather
than
resign
their
own
Liberties
to
purchase
it
:
and
if
this
will
not
please
him
,
he
may
seek
his
glorious
soveraign
Monarchy
among
the
wild
Arabs
,
or
in
the
Island
of
Ceylon
;
for
it
will
not
be
found
among
civiliz'd
Nations
.
However
more
ignorance
cannot
be
express'd
,
than
by
giving
the
name
of
Democracy
to
those
Governments
that
are
composed
of
the
three
simple
species
,
as
we
have
proved
that
all
the
good
ones
have
ever
bin
:
for
in
a
strict
sense
it
can
only
sute
with
those
,
where
the
People
retain
to
themselves
the
administration
of
the
supreme
Power
;
and
more
largely
,
when
the
popular
part
,
as
in
Athens
,
greatly
overbalances
the
other
two
,
and
that
the
denomination
is
taken
from
the
prevailing
part
.
But
our
Author
,
if
I
mistake
not
,
is
the
first
that
ever
took
the
antient
Governments
of
Israel
,
Sparta
and
Rome
,
or
those
of
England
,
France
,
Germany
and
Spain
,
to
be
Democracies
,
only
because
every
one
of
them
had
Senats
and
Assemblies
of
the
People
,
who
in
their
Persons
,
or
by
their
Deputies
,
did
join
with
their
chief
Magistrates
in
the
exercise
of
the
supreme
Power
.
That
of
Israel
,
to
the
time
of
Saul
,
is
called
by
Josephus
an
Aristocracy
.
The
same
name
is
given
to
that
of
Sparta
by
all
the
Greek
Authors
;
and
the
great
contest
in
the
Peloponnesian
War
was
between
the
two
kinds
of
Government
;
the
Cities
that
were
governed
Aristocratically
,
or
desired
to
be
so
,
following
the
Lacedemonians
;
and
such
as
delighted
in
Democracy
taking
part
with
the
Athenians
.
In
like
manner
Rome
,
England
,
and
France
,
were
said
to
be
under
Monarchies
;
not
that
their
Kings
might
do
what
they
pleased
,
but
because
one
man
had
a
preheminence
above
any
other
.
Yet
if
the
Romans
could
take
Romulus
,
the
Son
of
a
man
that
was
never
known
,
Numa
a
Sabin
,
Hostilius
and
Aneus
Martius
private
men
,
and
Tarquinius
Priscus
the
Son
of
a
banished
Corinthian
,
who
had
no
Title
to
a
preference
before
others
till
it
was
bestowed
upon
them
;
't
is
ridiculous
to
think
,
that
they
who
gave
them
what
they
had
,
could
not
set
what
limits
they
pleased
to
their
own
gift
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
The
Nobility
will
then
have
one
Voice
,
and
the
People
another
,
and
they
joining
may
overrule
the
third
,
which
was
never
seen
in
any
Kingdom
.
This
may
perhaps
be
a
way
of
regulating
the
Monarchical
Power
,
but
it
is
not
necessary
,
nor
the
only
one
:
There
may
be
a
Senate
,
tho
the
People
be
excluded
;
that
Senate
may
be
composed
of
men
chosen
for
their
Virtue
,
as
well
as
for
the
Nobility
of
their
Birth
:
The
Government
may
consist
of
King
and
People
without
a
Senate
;
or
the
Senate
may
be
composed
only
of
the
Peoples
Delegates
.
But
if
I
should
grant
his
assertion
to
be
true
,
the
reasonableness
of
such
a
Constitution
cannot
be
destroy'd
by
the
consequences
he
endeavours
to
draw
from
it
;
for
he
who
would
instruct
the
world
in
matters
of
State
,
must
show
what
is
,
or
ought
to
be
,
not
what
he
fancies
may
thereupon
ensue
.
Besides
,
it
dos
not
follow
,
that
where
there
are
three
equal
Votes
,
Laws
should
be
always
made
by
the
plurality
;
for
the
consent
of
all
the
three
is
in
many
places
required
:
and
't
is
certain
that
in
England
,
and
other
parts
,
the
King
and
one
of
the
Estates
cannot
make
a
Law
without
the
concurrence
of
the
other
.
But
to
please
Filmer
,
I
will
avow
,
that
where
the
Nobles
and
Commons
have
an
equal
Vote
,
they
may
join
and
over-rule
or
limit
the
power
of
the
King
:
and
I
leave
any
reasonable
man
to
judg
,
whether
it
be
more
safe
and
fit
,
that
those
two
Estates
comprehending
the
whole
body
of
the
Nation
in
their
Persons
,
or
by
Representation
,
should
have
a
right
to
over-rule
or
limit
the
power
of
that
man
,
woman
,
or
child
,
who
sits
in
the
Throne
;
or
that
he
or
she
,
young
or
old
,
wise
or
foolish
,
good
or
bad
,
should
over-rule
them
,
and
by
their
vices
,
weakness
,
folly
,
impertinence
,
incapacity
,
or
malice
,
put
a
stop
to
their
proceedings
;
and
whether
the
chief
concernments
of
a
Nation
may
more
fasely
and
prudently
be
made
to
depend
upon
the
votes
of
so
many
eminent
Persons
,
amongst
whom
many
wise
and
good
men
will
always
be
found
if
there
be
any
in
the
Nation
,
and
who
in
all
respects
have
the
same
interest
with
them
,
or
upon
the
will
of
one
,
who
may
be
,
and
often
is
as
vile
,
ignorant
,
and
wretched
as
the
meanest
Slave
;
and
either
has
,
or
is
for
the
most
part
made
to
believe
he
has
an
interest
so
contrary
to
them
,
that
their
suppression
is
his
Advancement
.
Common
sense
so
naturally
leads
us
to
the
decision
of
this
Question
,
that
I
should
not
think
it
possible
for
Mankind
to
have
mistaken
,
tho
we
had
no
examples
of
it
in
History
:
and
't
is
in
vain
to
say
,
that
all
Princes
are
not
such
as
I
represent
;
for
if
a
right
were
annexed
to
the
being
of
a
Prince
,
and
that
his
single
judgment
should
over-balance
that
of
a
whole
Nation
,
it
must
belong
to
him
as
a
Prince
,
and
be
enjoy'd
by
the
worst
and
basest
,
as
well
as
by
the
wisest
and
best
,
which
would
inevitably
draw
on
the
absurdities
above-mention'd
:
But
that
many
are
,
and
have
bin
such
,
no
man
can
deny
,
or
reasonably
hope
that
they
will
not
often
prove
to
be
such
,
as
long
as
any
preference
is
granted
to
those
who
have
nothing
to
recommend
them
,
but
the
Families
from
whence
they
derive
;
a
continual
succession
of
those
who
excel
in
virtue
,
wisdom
,
and
experience
,
being
promised
to
none
,
nor
reasonably
to
be
expected
from
any
.
Such
a
Right
therefore
cannot
be
claimed
by
all
;
and
if
not
by
all
,
then
not
by
any
,
unless
it
proceed
from
a
particular
grant
in
consideration
of
personal
Virtue
,
Ability
,
and
Integrity
,
which
must
be
proved
:
and
when
any
one
goes
about
to
do
it
,
I
will
either
acknowledg
him
to
be
in
the
right
,
or
give
the
reasons
of
my
denial
.
However
this
is
nothing
to
the
general
Proposition
:
nay
,
if
a
man
were
to
be
found
,
who
had
more
of
the
qualities
requir'd
for
making
a
right
judgment
in
matters
of
the
greatest
importance
,
than
a
whole
Nation
,
or
an
Assembly
of
the
best
men
chosen
out
of
it
(
which
I
have
never
heard
to
have
bin
,
unless
in
the
Persons
of
Moses
,
Joshua
,
or
Samuel
,
who
had
the
Spirit
of
God
for
their
guide
)
it
would
be
nothing
to
our
purpose
;
for
even
he
might
be
biassed
by
his
personal
Interests
,
which
Governments
are
not
established
principally
to
promote
.
I
may
go
a
step
farther
,
and
truly
say
,
that
as
such
vast
Powers
cannot
be
generally
granted
to
all
who
happen
to
succeed
in
any
Families
,
without
evident
danger
of
utter
Destruction
,
when
they
come
to
be
executed
by
children
,
women
,
sools
,
vicious
,
incapable
or
wicked
persons
,
they
can
be
reasonably
granted
to
none
,
because
no
man
knows
what
any
one
will
prove
till
he
be
tried
;
and
the
importance
of
the
Affair
requires
such
a
trial
as
can
be
made
of
no
man
till
he
be
dead
.
He
that
resists
one
Temptation
may
fall
under
the
power
of
another
;
and
nothing
is
more
common
in
the
world
,
than
to
see
those
men
fail
grosly
in
the
last
actions
of
their
lives
,
who
had
passed
their
former
days
without
reproach
:
Wise
and
good
men
will
with
Moses
say
of
themselves
,
I
cannot
bear
the
burden
:
and
every
man
who
is
concern'd
for
the
publick
Good
,
ought
to
let
fools
know
they
are
not
fit
to
undergo
it
,
and
by
Law
to
restrain
the
fury
of
such
as
will
not
be
guided
by
reason
.
This
could
not
be
denied
,
tho
Governments
were
constituted
for
the
good
of
the
Governor
.
'T
is
good
for
him
that
the
Law
appoints
helps
for
his
Infirmities
,
and
restrains
his
Vices
:
but
all
Nations
ought
to
do
it
tho
it
were
not
so
,
in
as
much
as
Kingdoms
are
not
established
for
the
good
of
one
man
,
but
of
the
People
;
and
that
King
who
seeks
his
own
good
before
that
of
the
People
,
departs
from
the
end
of
his
Institution
.
This
is
so
plain
,
that
all
Nations
who
have
acted
freely
,
have
some
way
or
other
endeavoured
to
supply
the
defects
,
or
restrain
the
vices
of
their
supreme
Magistrates
;
and
those
among
them
deserve
most
praise
,
who
by
appointing
means
adequate
to
so
great
a
work
,
have
taken
care
that
it
might
be
easily
and
safely
accomplished
:
Such
Nations
have
always
flourished
in
Virtue
,
Power
,
Glory
,
and
Happiness
,
whilst
those
who
wanted
their
Wisdom
,
have
suffer'd
all
manner
of
Calamities
by
the
weakness
and
injustice
of
their
Princes
,
or
have
had
their
hands
perpetually
in
Blood
to
preserve
themselves
from
their
fury
.
We
need
no
better
example
of
the
first
,
than
that
of
the
Spartans
,
who
by
appointing
such
Limits
to
the
power
of
their
Kings
as
could
hardly
be
transgress'd
,
continued
many
Ages
in
great
union
with
them
,
and
were
never
troubled
with
civil
Tumults
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
Romans
from
the
expulsion
of
the
Tarquins
,
till
they
overthrew
their
own
Orders
,
by
continuing
Marius
for
five
years
in
the
Consulat
,
whereas
the
Laws
did
not
permit
a
man
to
hold
the
same
Office
two
years
together
;
and
when
that
rule
was
broken
,
their
own
Magistrates
grew
too
strong
for
them
,
and
subverted
the
Commonwealth
.
When
this
was
done
,
and
the
power
came
to
be
in
the
hands
of
one
man
,
all
manner
of
evils
and
calamities
broke
in
like
a
flood
:
'T
is
hard
to
judg
,
whether
the
mischiefs
he
did
,
or
those
he
suffer'd
were
the
greater
:
he
who
set
up
himself
to
be
Lord
of
the
World
,
was
like
to
a
Beast
crowned
for
the
slaughter
,
and
his
greatness
was
the
forerunner
of
his
ruin
.
By
this
means
some
of
those
who
seem
not
to
have
bin
naturally
prone
to
evil
,
were
by
their
fears
put
upon
such
courses
to
preserve
themselves
,
as
being
rightly
estimated
,
were
worse
than
the
death
they
apprehended
:
and
the
so
much
celebrated
Constantine
the
Great
died
no
less
polluted
with
the
Blood
of
his
nearest
Relations
and
Friends
,
than
Nero
himself
.
But
no
place
can
show
a
more
lively
picture
of
this
,
than
the
Kingdoms
of
Granada
,
and
others
possessed
by
the
Moors
in
Spain
;
where
there
If
it
be
said
that
Kings
have
now
found
out
more
easy
ways
of
doing
what
they
please
,
and
securing
themselves
;
I
answer
,
that
they
have
not
proved
so
to
them
all
,
and
it
is
not
yet
time
for
such
as
tread
in
the
same
steps
to
boast
of
their
success
:
many
have
fallen
when
they
thought
their
designs
accomplished
;
and
no
man
,
as
long
as
he
lives
,
can
reasonably
assure
himself
the
like
shall
not
befal
him
.
But
if
in
this
corrupted
Age
,
the
treachery
and
perjury
of
Princes
be
more
common
than
formerly
;
and
the
number
of
those
who
are
brought
to
delight
in
the
rewards
of
injustice
,
be
so
increased
,
that
their
parties
are
stronger
than
formerly
:
this
rather
shows
that
the
balance
of
Power
is
broken
,
or
hard
to
be
kept
up
,
than
that
there
ought
to
be
none
;
and
't
is
difficult
for
any
man
,
without
the
Spirit
of
Prophesy
,
to
tell
what
this
will
produce
.
Whilst
the
antient
Constitutions
of
our
Northern
Kingdoms
remain'd
intire
,
such
as
contested
with
their
Princes
sought
only
to
reform
the
Governments
,
and
by
redressing
what
was
amiss
,
to
reduce
them
to
their
first
Principles
;
but
they
may
not
perhaps
be
so
modest
,
when
they
see
the
very
nature
of
their
Government
chang'd
,
and
the
foundations
overthrown
.
I
am
not
sure
that
they
who
were
well
pleased
with
a
moderate
Monarchy
,
will
submit
to
one
that
is
absolute
;
and
't
is
not
improbable
,
that
when
men
see
there
is
no
Medium
between
Tyranny
and
Popularity
,
they
who
would
have
bin
contented
with
the
reformation
of
their
Government
,
may
proceed
farther
,
and
have
recourse
to
Force
,
when
there
is
no
help
in
the
Law
.
This
will
be
a
hard
work
in
those
places
where
Virtue
is
wholly
abolished
;
but
the
difficulty
will
lie
on
the
other
side
,
if
any
sparks
of
that
remain
:
if
Vice
and
Corruption
prevail
,
Liberty
cannot
subsist
;
but
if
Virtue
have
the
advantage
,
arbitrary
Power
cannot
be
established
.
Those
who
boast
of
their
Loyalty
,
and
think
they
give
testimonies
of
it
,
when
they
addict
themselves
to
the
will
of
one
Man
,
tho
contrary
to
the
Law
from
whence
that
quality
is
derived
,
may
consider
,
that
by
putting
their
Masters
upon
illegal
courses
they
certainly
make
them
the
worst
of
men
,
and
bring
them
into
danger
of
being
also
the
most
miserable
.
Few
or
no
good
Princes
have
fallen
into
disasters
,
unless
through
an
extremity
of
corruption
introduced
by
the
most
wicked
;
and
cannot
properly
be
called
unhappy
,
if
they
perished
in
their
Innocence
;
since
the
bitterness
of
Death
is
asswaged
by
the
tears
of
a
loving
People
,
the
assurance
of
a
glorious
memory
,
and
the
quiet
of
a
well
satisfied
mind
.
But
of
those
who
have
abandoned
themselves
to
all
manner
of
Vice
,
followed
the
impulse
of
their
own
fury
,
and
set
themselves
to
destroy
the
best
men
for
opposing
their
pernicious
designs
,
very
few
have
died
in
peace
.
Their
Lives
have
bin
miserable
,
Death
infamous
,
and
Memory
detestable
.
They
therefore
who
place
Kings
within
the
power
of
the
Law
,
and
the
Law
to
be
a
guide
to
Kings
,
equally
provide
for
the
good
of
King
and
People
.
Whereas
they
who
admit
of
no
participants
in
power
,
and
acknowledg
no
rule
but
their
own
Will
,
set
up
an
interest
in
themselves
against
that
of
their
People
,
lose
their
affections
,
which
is
their
most
important
Treasure
,
and
incur
their
hatred
,
from
whence
results
their
greatest
danger
.
SECT.
XXXI
.
The
Liberties
of
Nations
are
from
God
and
Nature
,
not
from
Kings
.
WHatsoever
is
usually
said
in
opposition
to
this
,
seems
to
proceed
from
a
groundless
conceit
,
that
the
Liberties
enjoy'd
by
Nations
arise
from
the
Concessions
of
Princes
.
This
point
has
bin
already
treated
:
but
being
the
foundation
of
the
Doctrine
I
oppose
,
it
may
not
be
amiss
farther
to
examin
how
it
can
be
possible
for
one
man
born
under
the
same
condition
with
the
rest
of
Mankind
to
have
a
Right
in
himself
that
is
not
common
to
all
others
,
till
it
be
by
them
or
a
certain
number
of
them
conferred
upon
him
;
or
how
he
can
without
the
utmost
absurdity
be
said
to
grant
Liberties
and
Privileges
to
them
who
made
him
to
be
what
he
is
.
If
I
had
to
do
with
a
man
that
sought
after
Truth
,
I
should
think
he
had
bin
led
into
this
extravagant
opinion
by
the
terms
ordinarily
used
in
Patents
and
Charters
granted
to
particular
men
;
and
not
distinguishing
between
the
Proprietor
and
the
Dispenser
,
might
think
Kings
had
given
,
as
their
own
,
that
which
they
only
distribute
out
of
the
publick
Treasury
,
and
could
have
had
nothing
to
distribute
by
parcels
,
if
it
had
not
bin
given
to
them
in
gross
by
the
Publick
.
But
I
need
not
use
our
Author
so
gently
.
The
perversity
of
his
judgment
,
and
obstinate
hatred
to
Truth
is
sufficient
to
draw
him
into
the
most
absurd
errors
without
any
other
inducement
;
and
it
were
not
charity
,
but
folly
to
think
he
could
have
attributed
in
general
to
all
Princes
,
without
any
regard
to
the
ways
by
which
they
attain
to
their
Power
,
such
an
authority
as
never
justly
belonged
to
any
.
This
will
be
evident
to
all
those
who
consider
,
that
no
man
can
confer
upon
others
that
which
he
has
not
in
himself
:
If
he
be
originally
no
more
than
they
,
he
cannot
grant
to
them
or
any
of
them
more
than
they
to
him
.
In
the
7th
,
8th
,
9th
and
subsequent
Sections
of
the
first
Chapter
,
it
has
bin
proved
that
there
is
no
resemblance
between
the
paternal
Right
,
and
the
absolute
Power
which
he
asserts
in
Kings
:
that
the
right
of
a
Father
,
whatever
it
be
,
is
only
over
his
Children
;
that
this
right
is
equally
inherited
by
them
all
when
he
dies
:
that
every
one
cannot
inherit
Dominion
;
for
the
right
of
one
would
be
inconsistent
with
that
of
all
others
:
that
the
right
which
is
common
to
all
is
that
which
we
call
Liberty
,
or
exemption
from
Dominion
:
that
the
first
Fathers
of
Mankind
after
the
Flood
had
not
the
exercise
of
Regal
Power
;
and
whatsoever
they
had
was
equally
devolved
to
every
one
of
their
Sons
,
as
appears
by
the
examples
of
Noah
,
Shem
,
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
Jacob
,
and
their
Children
:
that
the
erection
of
Nimrod's
Kingdom
was
directly
contrary
to
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
paternal
right
,
if
there
was
any
regality
in
it
:
that
the
other
Kingdoms
of
that
time
were
of
the
same
nature
:
that
Nimrod
not
exceeding
the
age
of
threescore
years
when
he
built
Babel
,
could
not
be
the
Father
of
those
that
assisted
him
in
that
attempt
:
that
if
the
seventy
two
Kings
,
who
,
as
our
Author
says
,
went
from
Babylon
upon
the
confusion
of
Languages
,
were
not
the
Sons
of
Nimrod
,
he
could
not
govern
them
by
the
right
of
a
Father
;
if
they
were
,
they
must
have
bin
very
young
,
and
could
not
have
Children
of
their
own
to
people
the
Kingdoms
they
set
up
:
that
whose
Children
soever
they
were
,
who
out
of
a
part
of
Mankind
did
within
a
hundred
and
thirty
two
years
after
the
Flood
,
divide
into
so
many
Kingdoms
,
they
shewed
that
others
in
process
of
time
might
subdivide
into
as
many
as
they
pleased
;
and
Kingdoms
multiplying
in
the
space
of
four
thousand
years
since
the
72
,
in
the
same
proportion
they
did
in
one
hundred
and
thirty
two
years
into
seventy
two
,
there
would
now
be
as
many
Kings
in
the
World
as
there
are
men
;
that
is
,
no
man
could
be
subject
to
another
:
that
this
equality
of
Right
and
exemption
from
the
domination
of
any
other
is
called
Liberty
:
that
he
who
enjoys
it
cannot
be
deprived
of
it
,
unless
by
his
own
consent
,
or
by
force
:
that
no
one
man
can
force
a
Multitude
,
or
if
he
did
,
it
could
confer
no
right
upon
him
:
that
a
multitude
consenting
to
be
governed
by
one
man
,
doth
confer
upon
him
the
power
of
governing
them
;
the
powers
therefore
that
he
has
,
are
from
them
,
and
they
who
have
all
in
themselves
can
receive
nothing
from
him
,
who
has
no
more
than
every
one
of
them
,
till
they
do
invest
him
with
it
.
This
is
proved
by
sacred
and
prophane
Histories
.
The
Hebrews
in
the
creation
of
Judges
,
Kings
,
or
other
Magistrates
,
had
no
regard
to
Paternity
,
or
to
any
who
by
extraction
could
in
the
least
pretend
to
the
right
of
Fathers
:
God
did
never
direct
them
to
do
it
,
nor
reprove
them
for
neglecting
it
:
If
they
would
chuse
a
King
,
he
commanded
them
to
take
one
of
their
Brethren
,
not
one
who
called
himself
their
Father
:
When
they
did
resolve
to
have
one
,
he
commanded
them
to
chuse
him
by
lot
,
and
caused
the
Lot
to
fall
upon
a
young
man
of
the
youngest
Tribe
:
David
and
the
other
Kings
of
Israel
or
Judah
had
no
more
to
say
for
themselves
in
that
point
than
Saul
:
All
the
Kings
of
that
Nation
before
and
after
the
Captivity
,
ordinarily
or
extraordinarily
set
up
,
justly
or
unjustly
,
were
raised
without
any
regard
to
any
prerogative
they
could
claim
or
arrogate
to
themselves
on
that
account
.
All
that
they
had
therefore
was
from
their
elevation
,
and
their
elevation
from
those
that
elevated
them
:
'T
was
impossible
for
them
to
confer
any
thing
upon
those
from
whom
they
received
all
they
had
;
or
for
the
People
to
give
power
to
Kings
,
if
they
had
not
had
it
in
themselves
;
which
Power
universally
residing
in
every
one
,
is
that
which
we
call
Liberty
.
The
method
of
other
Nations
was
much
like
to
this
.
They
placed
those
in
the
Throne
who
seemed
best
to
deserve
so
great
an
honour
,
and
most
able
to
bear
so
great
a
burden
:
The
Kingdoms
of
the
Heroes
were
nothing
else
but
the
Government
of
those
who
were
most
beneficent
to
the
Nations
amongst
whom
they
lived
,
and
whose
Virtues
were
thought
fit
to
be
raised
above
the
ordinary
level
of
the
World
.
Tho
perhaps
there
was
not
any
one
Athenian
or
Roman
equal
to
Theseus
or
Romulus
in
courage
and
strength
,
yet
they
were
not
able
to
subdue
many
:
or
if
any
man
should
be
so
vain
to
think
that
each
of
them
did
at
first
subdue
one
man
,
then
two
,
and
so
proceeding
by
degrees
conquered
a
whole
People
,
he
cannot
without
madness
ascribe
the
same
to
Numa
,
who
being
sent
for
from
a
foreign
Country
,
was
immediately
made
King
of
a
fierce
People
,
that
had
already
conquer'd
many
of
their
Neighbours
,
and
was
grown
too
boisterous
even
for
Romulus
himself
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
first
Tarquin
,
and
of
Servius
;
they
were
Strangers
:
and
tho
Tullus
Hostilius
and
Ancus
Martius
were
Romans
,
they
had
as
little
title
to
a
Dominion
over
their
Fellow-Citizens
,
or
means
of
attaining
to
it
,
as
if
they
had
come
from
the
farthest
parts
of
the
Earth
.
This
must
be
in
all
places
,
unless
one
man
could
prove
by
a
perfect
and
uninterrupted
Genealogy
that
he
is
the
eldest
Son
of
the
eldest
Line
of
Noah
,
and
that
Line
to
have
continued
perpetually
in
the
Government
of
the
World
:
for
if
the
Power
has
bin
divided
,
it
may
be
subdivided
into
infinity
;
if
interrupted
,
the
chain
is
broken
,
and
can
never
be
made
whole
.
But
if
our
Author
can
perform
this
for
the
service
of
any
man
,
I
willingly
surrender
my
Arms
,
and
yield
up
the
Cause
I
defend
.
If
he
fail
,
't
is
ridiculous
to
pretend
a
Right
that
belongs
to
no
man
,
or
to
go
about
to
retrieve
a
Right
which
for
the
space
of
four
thousand
years
has
lain
dorment
;
and
much
more
to
create
that
which
never
had
a
subsistence
.
This
leads
us
necessarily
to
a
conclusion
,
That
all
Kingdoms
are
at
the
first
erected
by
the
consent
of
Nations
,
and
given
to
whom
they
please
;
or
else
all
are
set
up
by
force
,
or
some
by
force
and
some
by
consent
:
If
any
are
set
up
by
the
consent
of
Nations
,
those
Kings
do
not
confer
Liberties
upon
those
Nations
,
but
receive
all
from
them
,
and
the
general
Proposition
is
false
.
If
our
Author
therefore
,
or
his
Followers
,
would
confute
me
,
they
must
prove
that
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
have
their
beginning
from
force
,
and
that
Force
doth
always
create
a
Right
;
or
if
they
recede
from
the
general
Proposition
,
and
attribute
a
peculiar
right
to
one
or
more
Princes
,
who
are
so
absolute
Lords
of
their
People
,
that
those
under
them
have
neither
Liberty
,
Privilege
,
Property
or
Part
in
the
Government
,
but
by
their
Concessions
,
they
must
prove
that
those
Princes
did
by
force
gain
the
Power
they
have
,
and
that
their
Right
is
derived
from
it
.
This
force
also
must
have
bin
perpetually
continued
;
for
if
that
force
be
the
root
of
the
Right
that
is
pretended
,
another
force
by
the
same
rule
may
overturn
,
extinguish
or
transfer
it
to
another
hand
.
If
Contracts
have
interven'd
,
the
force
ceases
;
and
the
Right
that
afterwards
doth
accrue
to
the
persons
,
must
proceed
from
,
and
be
regulated
according
to
those
Contracts
.
This
may
be
sufficient
to
my
purpose
:
For
as
it
has
bin
already
proved
,
that
the
Kingdoms
of
Israel
,
Judah
,
Rome
,
Sparta
,
France
,
Spain
,
England
,
and
all
that
we
are
concerned
in
,
or
that
deserve
to
be
examples
to
us
,
did
arise
from
the
Consent
of
the
respective
Nations
,
and
were
frequently
reduced
to
their
first
Principles
,
when
the
Princes
have
endeavour'd
to
transgress
the
Laws
of
their
Institution
;
it
could
be
nothing
to
us
,
tho
Attila
or
Tamerlan
had
by
force
gained
the
Dominions
they
possess'd
.
But
I
dare
go
a
step
further
,
and
boldly
assert
,
that
there
never
was
or
can
be
a
man
in
the
world
that
did
,
or
can
subdue
a
Nation
;
and
that
the
right
of
one
grounded
upon
force
is
a
meer
whimsey
.
It
was
not
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Nabis
,
Marius
,
Sylla
or
Cesar
,
but
the
mercenary
Soldiers
,
and
other
Villains
that
joined
with
them
,
who
subdued
the
Syracusans
,
Spartans
or
Romans
:
And
as
the
work
was
not
performed
by
those
Tyrants
alone
,
if
a
right
had
bin
gained
by
the
violence
they
used
,
it
must
have
bin
common
to
all
those
that
gained
it
;
and
he
that
commanded
them
could
have
had
no
more
than
they
thought
fit
to
confer
upon
him
.
When
Miltiades
desired
leave
to
wear
an
Olive
Garland
,
in
If
you
alone
did
fight
against
the
Persians
,
it
is
just
that
you
only
should
be
crowned
;
but
if
others
did
participate
in
the
Victory
,
they
ought
also
to
have
a
part
in
the
Honour
.
And
the
principal
difference
that
I
have
observ'd
between
the
most
regular
proceedings
of
the
wisest
Senats
or
Assemblies
of
the
people
in
their
Persons
or
Delegates
,
and
the
fury
of
the
most
dissolute
Villains
,
has
bin
,
that
the
first
seeking
the
publick
good
,
do
usually
set
up
such
a
Man
,
and
invest
him
with
such
Powers
as
seem
most
conducing
to
that
Good
:
whereas
the
others
following
the
impulse
of
a
bestial
rage
,
and
aiming
at
nothing
but
the
satisfaction
of
their
own
lusts
,
always
advance
one
from
whom
they
expect
the
greatest
advantages
to
themselves
,
and
give
him
such
Powers
as
most
conduce
to
the
accomplishment
of
their
own
ends
:
but
as
to
the
Person
't
is
the
same
thing
.
Cesar
and
Nero
did
no
more
make
themselves
what
they
were
,
than
Numa
;
and
could
no
more
confer
any
Right
,
Liberty
or
Privilege
upon
the
Army
,
that
gave
them
all
they
had
,
than
the
most
regular
Magistrate
can
upon
the
Senat
or
People
that
chose
them
.
This
also
is
common
to
the
worst
as
well
as
the
best
,
that
they
who
set
up
either
,
do
,
as
into
a
publick
Treasury
,
confer
upon
the
Person
they
chuse
,
a
Power
of
distributing
to
particular
men
,
or
numbers
of
men
,
such
Honors
,
Privileges
and
Advantages
,
as
they
may
seem
,
according
to
the
Principles
of
the
Government
,
to
deserve
.
But
there
is
this
difference
,
that
the
ends
of
the
one
being
good
,
and
those
of
the
other
evil
,
the
first
do
for
the
most
part
limit
the
Powers
,
that
something
may
remain
to
reward
Services
done
to
the
Publick
,
in
a
manner
proportion'd
to
the
merit
of
every
one
,
placing
other
Magistrates
to
see
it
really
performed
,
so
as
they
may
not
,
by
the
weakness
or
vices
of
the
Governor
,
be
turned
to
the
publick
detriment
:
the
others
think
they
never
give
enough
,
that
the
Prince
having
all
in
his
power
,
may
be
able
to
gratify
their
most
exorbitant
desires
,
if
by
any
ways
they
can
get
his
favour
;
and
his
infirmities
and
vices
being
most
beneficial
to
them
,
they
seldom
allow
to
any
other
Magistrate
a
power
of
opposing
his
Will
,
or
suffer
those
who
for
the
publick
good
would
assume
it
.
The
World
affords
many
examples
of
both
sorts
,
and
every
one
of
them
have
had
their
progress
sutable
to
their
Constitution
.
The
regular
Kingdoms
of
England
,
France
,
Spain
,
Poland
,
Bohemia
,
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
and
others
,
whether
elective
or
hereditary
,
have
had
High
Stewards
,
Constables
,
Mayors
of
the
Palace
,
Rixhofmeisters
,
Parliaments
,
Diets
,
Assemblies
of
Estates
,
Cortez
,
and
the
like
,
by
which
those
have
bin
admitted
to
succeed
who
seemed
most
fit
for
the
publick
Service
;
the
unworthy
have
bin
rejected
;
the
infirmities
of
the
weak
supplied
;
the
malice
of
the
unjust
restrained
;
and
when
necessity
required
,
the
Crown
transferr'd
from
one
Line
or
Family
to
another
.
But
in
the
furious
Tyrannies
that
have
bin
set
up
by
the
violence
of
a
corrupted
Soldiery
,
as
in
the
antient
Roman
Empire
,
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Moors
and
Arabians
,
the
Tyrannies
of
Ezzelino
of
Padoa
,
those
of
the
Visconti
and
Sforzeschi
of
Milan
,
Castruccio
Castracani
of
Lucca
,
Cesar
Borgia
,
and
others
,
there
was
nothing
of
all
this
.
The
Will
of
the
Prince
was
a
Law
;
all
Power
was
in
him
,
and
he
kept
it
,
till
another
stept
up
and
took
it
from
him
,
by
the
same
means
that
he
had
gain'd
it
.
This
fell
out
so
frequently
,
that
tho
all
the
Roman
Emperors
endeavour'd
to
make
their
Power
hereditary
,
it
hardly
continued
three
Generations
in
one
Line
from
Augustus
to
Augustulus
,
unless
in
that
of
Constantine
,
and
that
with
extreme
confusion
and
disorder
.
They
who
had
madly
set
up
a
man
to
be
their
Head
,
and
exposed
so
much
of
the
world
as
was
under
their
power
,
to
be
destroy'd
by
him
,
did
by
the
like
fury
throw
him
down
,
and
never
ceased
till
they
had
brought
the
Empire
to
utter
ruin
.
But
if
this
paternal
Soveraignty
be
a
meer
fiction
that
never
had
any
effect
;
that
no
Nation
was
ever
commanded
by
God
to
make
it
their
rule
,
nor
any
reproved
for
the
neglect
of
it
;
none
ever
learnt
it
from
the
light
of
nature
,
nor
were
by
wise
men
taught
to
regard
it
:
The
first
Fathers
claimed
no
privilege
from
it
when
every
man's
Genealogy
was
known
;
and
if
there
were
such
a
thing
in
nature
,
it
could
be
of
no
use
at
this
day
,
when
the
several
Races
of
men
are
so
confused
,
that
not
one
in
the
world
can
prove
his
own
Original
;
and
that
the
first
Kingdoms
,
whether
well
or
ill
constituted
,
according
to
the
Command
of
God
,
or
the
Inventions
of
Men
,
were
contrary
to
,
and
incompatible
with
it
;
There
can
have
bin
no
justice
in
any
,
if
such
a
Rule
was
to
have
bin
observed
;
the
continuance
of
an
unjust
usurpation
can
never
have
created
a
Right
,
but
aggravated
the
injustice
of
overthrowing
it
:
No
man
could
ever
by
his
own
strength
and
courage
subdue
a
multitude
,
nor
gain
any
other
right
over
them
if
he
did
,
than
they
might
have
to
tear
it
from
him
;
Whoever
denies
Kingdoms
or
other
Magistracies
to
have
bin
set
up
by
men
,
according
to
their
own
will
,
and
from
an
opinion
of
receiving
benefit
by
them
,
accuses
all
the
Governments
that
are
,
or
ever
have
bin
in
the
world
,
of
that
outragious
injustice
in
their
Foundation
which
can
never
be
repair'd
.
If
there
be
therefore
,
or
ever
was
,
any
just
Government
amongst
men
,
it
was
constituted
by
them
;
and
whether
their
Proceedings
were
regular
or
violent
,
just
or
unjust
,
the
Powers
annexed
to
it
were
their
Donation
:
The
Magistracies
erected
by
them
,
whether
in
one
or
more
men
,
temporary
or
perpetual
,
elective
or
hereditary
,
were
their
Creatures
;
and
receiving
all
from
them
,
could
conser
nothing
upon
them
.
SECT.
XXXII
.
The
Contracts
made
between
Magistrates
,
and
the
Nations
that
created
them
,
were
real
,
solemn
,
and
obligatory
.
OUR
Author
having
with
big
words
and
little
sense
inveigh'd
against
Popular
and
Mix'd
Governments
,
proceeds
as
if
he
had
proved
they
could
not
,
or
ought
not
to
be
.
If
it
be
,
says
he
,
unnatural
for
the
multitude
to
chuse
their
Governors
,
or
to
govern
,
or
to
partake
in
the
Government
;
what
can
be
thought
of
that
damnable
Conclusion
which
is
made
by
too
many
,
that
the
multitude
may
correct
or
depose
their
Princes
if
need
be
?
Surely
the
unnaturalness
and
injustice
of
this
Position
cannot
sufficiently
be
expressed
.
For
admit
that
a
King
make
a
Contract
or
Paction
with
his
People
originally
in
his
Ancestors
,
or
personally
at
his
Coronation
(
for
both
these
Pactions
some
dream
of
,
but
cannot
offer
any
proof
of
either
)
yet
by
no
Law
of
any
Nation
can
a
Contract
be
thought
broken
,
except
first
a
lawful
trial
be
had
by
the
ordinary
Judg
of
the
breakers
thereof
;
or
else
every
man
may
be
both
Party
and
Judg
in
his
own
case
,
which
is
absurd
once
to
be
thought
;
for
then
it
will
lie
in
the
hands
of
the
headless
multitude
,
when
they
please
,
to
cast
off
the
Yoak
of
Government
that
God
hath
laid
upon
them
,
and
to
judg
and
punish
him
,
by
whom
they
should
be
judged
and
punished
themselves
.
To
this
I
first
answer
briefly
,
That
if
it
be
natural
for
the
multitude
to
chuse
their
Governors
,
or
to
govern
,
or
to
participate
of
the
Government
as
best
pleases
themselves
;
or
that
there
never
was
a
Government
in
the
World
that
was
not
so
set
up
by
them
,
in
pursuance
of
the
power
naturally
inherent
in
themselves
;
what
can
be
thought
of
that
damnable
Conclusion
,
which
has
bin
made
by
Fools
or
Knaves
,
That
the
multitude
may
not
,
if
need
be
,
correct
or
depose
their
own
Magistrates
?
Surely
the
unnaturalness
and
injustice
of
such
a
Position
cannot
be
sufficiently
expressed
.
If
that
were
admitted
,
all
the
most
solemn
Pacts
and
Contracts
made
between
Nations
and
their
Magistrates
,
originally
or
personally
,
and
confirmed
by
Laws
and
mutual
Oaths
,
would
be
of
no
value
.
He
that
would
break
the
most
sacred
Bonds
that
can
be
amongst
men
,
should
by
perjury
and
wickedness
become
Judg
of
his
own
case
,
and
by
the
worst
of
crimes
procure
impunity
for
all
.
It
would
be
in
his
power
by
folly
,
wickedness
and
madness
,
to
destroy
the
multitude
which
he
was
created
and
sworn
to
preserve
,
tho
wise
,
virtuous
and
just
,
and
headed
by
the
wisest
and
justest
of
men
;
or
to
lay
a
Yoak
upon
those
who
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
ought
to
be
free
:
He
might
in
his
own
case
judg
that
Body
by
which
he
ought
to
be
judged
;
and
who
in
confideration
of
themselves
and
their
own
good
,
made
him
to
be
whatsoever
he
is
more
than
every
one
of
them
:
The
Governments
instituted
for
the
preservation
of
Nations
,
would
turn
to
their
destruction
:
It
would
be
impossible
to
check
the
fury
of
a
corrupt
and
perfidious
Magistrate
:
The
worst
of
men
would
be
raised
to
a
height
that
was
never
deserved
by
the
best
;
and
the
assurance
of
indemnity
would
,
by
increasing
their
insolence
,
turn
their
other
vices
into
madness
,
as
has
bin
too
often
seen
in
those
who
have
had
more
power
than
they
deserved
,
and
were
more
hardly
brought
to
account
for
their
actions
than
ought
to
have
bin
;
tho
I
never
heard
of
any
who
had
so
much
as
our
Author
asserts
to
be
in
all
,
nor
that
any
was
absolutely
assured
he
should
not
be
question'd
for
the
abuse
of
what
he
had
.
Besides
,
if
every
People
may
govern
,
or
constitute
and
chuse
one
or
more
Governors
,
they
may
divide
the
Powers
between
several
men
,
or
ranks
of
men
,
allotting
to
every
one
so
much
as
they
please
,
or
retaining
so
much
as
they
think
fit
.
This
has
bin
practised
in
all
the
Governments
,
which
under
several
forms
have
flourished
in
Palestine
,
Greece
,
Italy
,
Germany
,
France
,
England
,
and
the
rest
of
the
World
.
The
Laws
of
every
place
show
what
the
Power
of
the
respective
Magistrate
is
,
and
by
declaring
how
much
is
allowed
to
him
,
declare
what
is
denied
;
for
he
has
not
that
which
he
has
not
,
and
is
to
be
accounted
a
Magistrate
whilst
he
exercises
that
which
he
has
.
If
any
doubts
do
hereupon
arise
,
I
hope
to
remove
them
,
proving
in
the
first
place
,
that
several
Nations
have
plainly
and
explicitly
made
Contracts
with
their
Magistrates
.
2.
That
they
are
implicit
,
and
to
be
understood
,
where
they
are
not
plainly
expressed
.
3.
That
they
are
not
dreams
,
but
real
things
,
and
perpetually
obliging
.
4.
That
Judges
are
in
many
places
appointed
to
decide
the
Contests
arising
from
the
breach
of
these
Contracts
;
and
where
they
are
not
,
or
the
party
offending
is
of
such
force
or
pride
that
he
will
not
submit
,
Nations
have
been
obliged
to
take
the
extremest
courses
.
To
the
first
:
I
suppose
it
will
not
be
denied
,
that
the
annual
Magistrates
of
divers
Commonwealths
are
under
some
Compact
,
and
that
there
is
a
power
of
constraining
them
to
perform
the
contents
,
or
to
punish
them
for
the
violation
.
The
modest
behaviour
of
the
Roman
Consuls
and
Dictators
(
as
long
as
their
Laws
were
in
force
)
might
not
probably
proceed
from
their
good
nature
.
Tho
the
people
had
not
bin
,
as
our
Author
says
,
mad
,
foolish
,
and
always
desirous
to
chuse
the
worst
men
for
being
most
like
to
themselves
,
but
admirably
wise
and
virtuous
,
't
is
not
to
be
imagined
that
in
the
space
of
three
or
four
hundred
years
they
should
never
have
fallen
upon
one
who
would
have
transgressed
,
if
he
could
have
done
it
safely
,
tho
they
had
used
the
utmost
caution
in
their
choice
.
But
the
power
of
the
Consuls
being
only
for
a
year
,
that
of
the
Dictator
for
six
months
at
most
,
and
the
Commission
that
he
should
take
care
[
*
](A60214-e43260-b)
*
Ne
quid
detrimenti
Respubl
.
accipiat
.
the
Commonwealth
might
suffer
no
damage
,
show
the
end
and
condition
upon
which
they
were
chosen
;
and
tho
their
Power
is
by
some
thought
to
have
bin
absolute
,
yet
the
Consuls
were
frequently
opposed
and
brought
into
order
by
the
Senat
,
Tribuns
,
or
People
,
and
sometimes
the
Dictator
himself
.
Camillus
in
his
fourth
Dictatorship
was
threatned
by
the
Tribuns
with
a
great
Fine
,
and
by
that
Marcus
Fabius
Maximus
,
who
in
the
behalf
of
his
Son
Quintus
condemned
to
die
by
Papirius
the
Dictator
,
appealed
to
the
[
†
](A60214-e43320-b)
†
Qui
solus
plus
quam
tua
Dictatura
potest
polletque
cui
&
reges
cessere
,
&c.
T.
Liv.
l.
8.
People
:
And
when
the
Conduct
of
Fabius
in
the
War
against
Hannibal
was
not
approved
,
Naenius
the
Tribune
thought
he
made
a
very
modest
Proposition
,
in
that
he
did
not
desire
his
Magistracy
should
be
abrogated
;
but
that
the
Master
of
the
Horse
should
be
made
equal
to
him
in
power
,
which
was
done
accordingly
.
'T
is
agreed
by
all
,
that
the
Consuls
were
in
the
place
of
Kings
,
and
that
the
Power
of
the
Dictator
was
at
the
least
equal
to
what
theirs
had
bin
.
If
they
therefore
were
under
such
a
rule
,
which
they
could
not
transgress
,
or
might
be
reduced
to
order
if
they
did
,
and
forced
to
submit
to
the
People
as
the
Kings
had
done
,
the
Kings
were
also
made
upon
the
same
conditions
,
and
equally
obliged
to
perform
them
.
The
Scripture
is
more
clear
in
the
case
.
The
Judges
are
said
to
have
bin
in
power
equal
to
Kings
;
and
I
may
perhaps
acknowledg
it
,
with
relation
to
the
Deuteronomical
King
,
or
such
as
the
people
might
have
chosen
without
offending
God
.
The
Gileadites
made
a
Covenant
with
Jephtha
,
that
he
should
be
their
Head
and
Captain
:
He
would
not
return
to
his
Country
till
they
had
done
it
.
This
was
performed
solemnly
before
the
Lord
in
Mispeth
,
and
all
Israel
followed
them
.
They
might
therefore
make
a
Covenant
with
their
Kings
,
for
the
difference
of
name
dos
not
increase
or
diminish
the
Right
.
Nay
,
they
were
in
duty
obliged
to
do
it
:
The
words
of
the
17th
of
Deuter.
He
shall
not
multiply
Wives
,
&c.
that
his
heart
be
not
lifted
up
above
his
Brethren
,
can
have
no
other
signification
,
than
that
they
should
take
care
he
did
it
not
,
or
,
as
Josephus
says
,
hinder
him
if
he
attempt
it
;
for
the
Law
was
not
given
to
the
King
who
was
not
,
but
to
those
who
might
make
him
if
they
thought
fit
.
In
pursuance
of
this
Law
—
[
The
rest
of
this
Chapter
is
wanting
in
the
Original
Manuscript
.
]
CHAP.
III.
SECT.
I.
Kings
not
being
fathers
of
their
People
,
nor
excelling
all
others
in
Virtue
,
can
have
no
other
just
Power
than
what
the
Laws
give
;
nor
any
title
to
the
privileges
of
the
Lord
's
Anointed
.
HAVING
proved
that
the
right
of
Fathers
is
from
Nature
,
and
incommunicable
,
it
must
follow
,
that
every
man
doth
perpetually
owe
all
love
,
respect
,
service
,
and
obedience
to
him
that
did
beget
,
nourish
,
and
educate
him
,
and
to
no
other
under
that
name
.
No
man
therefore
can
claim
the
right
of
a
Father
over
any
,
except
one
that
is
so
;
no
man
can
serve
two
Masters
;
the
extent
and
perpetuity
of
the
Duty
which
every
man
owes
to
his
Father
,
renders
it
impossible
for
him
to
owe
the
same
to
any
other
:
This
right
of
Father
cannot
be
devolved
to
the
Heir
of
the
Father
,
otherwise
than
as
every
Son
by
the
Law
of
Nature
is
Heir
to
his
Father
,
and
has
the
same
right
of
commanding
his
Children
,
as
his
Father
had
of
commanding
him
when
he
was
a
Child
:
no
man
can
owe
to
his
Brother
that
which
he
owed
to
his
Father
,
because
he
cannot
receive
that
from
him
which
he
had
from
his
Father
;
but
the
utmost
of
all
absurdities
that
can
enter
into
the
Heart
of
man
is
,
for
one
to
exact
the
rights
due
to
a
Father
,
who
has
no
other
title
than
force
and
usurpation
,
it
being
no
less
than
to
say
,
that
I
owe
as
much
to
one
who
has
done
me
the
greatest
of
all
Injuries
,
as
to
him
who
has
conferred
upon
me
the
greatest
Benefits
:
or
,
which
is
yet
worse
,
if
possible
,
that
as
these
usurpations
cannot
be
made
but
by
robbing
,
spoiling
,
imprisoning
,
or
killing
the
Person
in
possession
;
that
Duty
,
which
by
the
eternal
Law
of
Nature
I
owe
to
my
Father
,
should
oblige
me
to
pay
the
same
veneration
,
obedience
,
and
service
to
the
man
that
has
spoiled
,
imprisoned
,
or
kill'd
my
Father
,
as
I
owed
to
him
;
or
that
the
same
Law
,
which
obliged
me
to
obey
and
defend
my
Father
,
because
he
was
so
,
should
oblige
me
to
obey
and
defend
his
enemy
,
because
he
has
imprison'd
or
kill'd
him
;
and
not
only
to
pass
over
the
Law
of
God
,
which
makes
me
the
avenger
of
my
Father's
Blood
,
but
to
reward
his
murderer
with
the
rights
that
comprehend
all
that
is
most
tender
and
sacred
in
Nature
,
and
to
look
upon
one
that
has
done
me
the
greatest
of
all
injustices
and
injuries
,
as
upon
him
to
whom
I
owe
my
Birth
and
Education
.
This
being
evident
to
all
those
who
have
any
measure
of
common
sense
,
I
suppose
it
may
be
safely
concluded
,
that
what
right
soever
a
Father
may
have
over
his
Family
,
it
cannot
relate
to
that
which
a
King
has
over
his
People
;
unless
he
,
like
the
man
in
the
Island
of
Pines
,
mention'd
before
,
be
also
the
Father
of
them
all
.
That
which
is
absolutely
unlike
in
manner
and
substance
,
institution
and
exercise
,
must
be
unlike
in
all
respects
;
and
the
Conclusions
,
which
have
their
strength
from
Similitude
and
Parity
,
can
have
none
when
there
is
not
the
least
similitude
of
either
.
And
tho
it
were
true
,
that
Fathers
are
held
by
no
contracts
,
(
which
generally
't
is
not
;
for
when
the
Son
is
of
age
,
and
dos
something
for
the
Father
to
which
he
is
not
obliged
,
or
gives
him
that
which
he
is
not
bound
to
give
,
suppose
an
Inheritance
received
from
a
Friend
,
goods
of
his
own
acquisition
,
or
that
he
be
emancipated
,
all
good
Laws
look
upon
those
things
as
a
valuable
consideration
,
and
give
the
same
force
to
contracts
thereupon
made
,
as
to
those
that
pass
between
strangers
)
it
could
have
no
relation
to
our
question
concerning
Kings
.
One
principal
reason
that
renders
it
very
little
necessary
by
the
Laws
of
Nations
,
to
restrain
the
power
of
Parents
over
their
Children
is
,
because
't
is
presumed
they
cannot
abuse
it
:
they
are
thought
to
have
a
Law
in
their
Bowels
,
obliging
them
more
strictly
to
seek
their
good
,
than
all
those
that
can
be
laid
upon
them
by
another
Power
;
and
yet
if
they
depart
from
it
,
so
as
inhumanly
to
abuse
or
kill
their
Children
,
they
are
punished
with
as
much
rigour
,
and
accounted
more
unpardonable
than
other
men
.
Ignorance
or
wilful
malice
perswading
our
Author
to
pass
over
all
this
,
he
boldly
affirms
,
That
the
Father
of
a
family
governs
it
by
no
other
Law
than
his
own
Will
;
and
from
thence
infers
,
that
the
condition
of
Kings
is
the
same
.
He
would
seem
to
soften
the
harshness
of
this
Proposition
by
saying
,
That
a
King
is
always
tied
by
the
same
Law
of
Nature
to
keep
this
general
ground
,
that
the
safety
of
the
Kingdom
is
his
chief
Law
.
But
he
spoils
it
in
the
next
page
,
by
asserting
,
That
it
is
not
right
for
Kings
to
do
injury
,
but
it
is
right
that
they
go
unpunished
by
the
People
if
they
do
;
so
that
in
this
point
it
is
all
one
,
whether
Samuel
describe
a
King
or
a
Tyrant
,
for
patient
obedience
is
due
unto
both
;
no
remedy
in
the
Text
against
Tyrants
,
but
crying
and
praying
unto
God
in
that
day
.
In
this
our
Author
,
according
to
the
custom
of
Theaters
,
runs
round
in
a
Circle
,
pretends
to
grant
that
which
is
true
,
and
then
by
a
lie
endeavours
to
destroy
all
again
.
Kings
by
the
Law
of
Nature
are
obliged
to
seek
chiefly
the
good
of
the
Kingdom
;
but
there
is
no
remedy
if
they
do
it
not
;
which
is
no
less
than
to
put
all
upon
the
Conscience
of
those
who
manifestly
have
none
.
But
if
God
has
appointed
that
all
other
transgressions
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
by
which
a
private
man
receives
damage
,
should
be
punished
in
this
world
,
notwithstanding
the
right
reserved
to
himself
of
a
future
punishment
;
I
desire
to
know
,
why
this
alone
,
by
which
whole
Nations
may
be
,
and
often
are
destroy'd
,
should
escape
the
hands
of
Justice
?
If
he
presume
no
Law
to
be
necessary
in
this
case
,
because
it
cannot
be
thought
that
Kings
will
transgress
,
as
there
was
no
Law
in
Sparta
against
Adultery
,
because
it
was
not
thought
possible
for
men
educated
under
that
discipline
to
be
guilty
of
such
a
Crime
;
and
as
divers
Nations
left
a
liberty
to
Fathers
to
dispose
of
their
Children
as
they
thought
fit
,
because
it
could
not
be
imagined
that
any
one
would
abuse
that
power
,
he
ought
to
remember
that
the
Spartans
were
mistaken
,
and
for
want
of
that
Law
which
they
esteemed
useless
,
Adulteries
became
as
common
there
as
in
any
part
of
the
world
:
and
the
other
error
being
almost
every
where
discovered
,
the
Laws
of
all
civilized
Nations
make
it
capital
for
a
man
to
kill
his
Children
;
and
give
redress
to
Children
if
they
suffer
any
other
extreme
injuries
from
their
Parents
,
as
well
as
other
persons
.
But
tho
this
were
not
so
,
it
would
be
nothing
to
our
question
,
unless
it
could
be
supposed
,
that
whoever
gets
the
power
of
a
Nation
into
his
hands
,
must
be
immediately
filled
with
the
same
tenderness
of
affection
to
the
People
under
him
,
as
a
Father
naturally
has
towards
the
Children
he
hath
begotten
.
He
that
is
of
this
opinion
,
may
examine
the
lives
of
Herod
,
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
and
some
later
Princes
of
like
inclinations
,
and
conclude
it
to
be
true
,
if
he
find
that
the
whole
course
of
their
actions
,
in
relation
to
the
People
under
them
,
do
well
sute
with
the
tender
and
sacred
name
of
Father
;
and
altogether
false
,
if
he
find
the
contrary
.
But
as
every
man
that
considers
what
has
bin
,
or
sees
what
is
every
day
done
in
the
world
,
must
confess
,
that
Princes
,
or
those
who
govern
them
,
do
most
frequently
so
utterly
reject
all
thoughts
of
tenderness
and
piety
towards
the
Nations
under
them
,
as
rather
to
seek
what
can
be
drawn
from
them
,
than
what
should
be
done
for
them
,
and
sometimes
become
their
most
bitter
and
publick
enemies
;
't
is
ridiculous
to
make
the
safety
of
Nations
to
depend
upon
a
supposition
,
which
by
daily
experience
we
find
to
be
false
;
and
impious
,
to
prefer
the
lusts
of
a
man
who
violates
the
most
sacred
Laws
of
Nature
,
by
destroying
those
he
is
obliged
to
preserve
,
before
the
welfare
of
that
People
for
whose
good
he
is
made
to
be
what
he
is
,
if
there
be
any
thing
of
justice
in
the
power
he
exercises
.
Our
Author
foolishly
thinks
to
cover
the
enormity
of
this
nonsense
,
by
turning
Salutem
Populi
into
Salutem
Regni
:
for
tho
Regnum
may
be
taken
for
the
power
of
commanding
,
in
which
sense
the
preservation
of
it
is
the
usual
object
of
the
care
of
Princes
;
yet
it
dos
more
rightly
signify
the
body
of
that
Nation
which
is
governed
by
a
King
.
And
therefore
if
the
Maxim
be
true
,
as
he
acknowledges
it
to
be
,
then
Salus
Populi
est
lex
Suprema
;
and
the
first
thing
we
are
to
inquire
is
,
whether
the
Government
of
this
or
that
man
do
conduce
to
the
accomplishment
of
that
supreme
Law
,
or
not
;
for
otherwise
it
ought
to
have
bin
said
,
Salus
Regis
est
lex
suprema
,
which
certainly
never
entred
into
the
head
of
a
wiser
or
better
man
than
Filmer
.
His
reasons
are
as
good
as
his
Doctrin
:
No
Law
,
says
he
,
can
be
imposed
on
Kings
,
because
there
were
Kings
before
any
Laws
were
made
.
This
would
not
follow
,
tho
the
Proposition
were
true
;
for
they
,
who
imposed
no
Laws
upon
the
Kings
they
at
first
made
,
from
an
opinion
of
their
Virtue
,
as
in
those
called
by
the
antients
Heroum
regna
,
might
lay
restrictions
upon
them
,
when
they
were
found
not
to
answer
the
expectation
conceived
of
them
,
or
that
their
Successors
degenerated
from
their
Virtue
.
Other
Nations
also
being
instructed
by
the
ill
effects
of
an
unlimited
Power
given
to
some
Kings
(
if
there
was
any
such
)
might
wisely
avoid
the
Rock
upon
which
their
Neighbours
had
split
,
and
justly
moderate
that
Power
which
had
bin
pernicious
to
others
.
However
a
Proposition
of
so
great
importance
ought
to
be
proved
;
but
that
being
hard
,
and
perhaps
impossible
,
because
the
original
of
Nations
is
almost
wholly
unknown
to
us
,
and
their
practice
seems
to
have
bin
so
various
,
that
what
is
true
in
one
,
is
not
so
in
another
;
he
is
pleased
only
to
affirm
it
,
without
giving
the
least
shadow
of
a
reason
to
perswade
us
to
believe
him
.
This
might
justify
me
,
if
I
should
reject
his
assertion
as
a
thing
said
gratis
:
but
I
may
safely
go
a
step
farther
,
and
affirm
,
That
men
lived
under
Laws
before
there
were
any
Kings
;
which
cannot
be
denied
,
if
such
a
Power
necessarily
belongs
to
Kings
as
he
ascribes
to
them
.
For
Nimrod
,
who
established
his
Kingdom
in
Babel
,
is
the
first
who
by
the
Scripture
is
said
to
have
bin
a
mighty
one
in
the
Earth
.
He
was
therefore
the
first
King
,
or
Kings
were
not
mighty
;
and
he
being
the
first
King
,
Mankind
must
have
lived
till
his
time
without
Laws
,
or
else
Laws
were
made
before
Kings
.
To
say
that
there
was
then
no
Law
,
is
in
many
respects
most
absurd
;
for
the
nature
of
man
cannot
be
without
it
,
and
the
violences
committed
by
ill
men
before
the
Flood
,
could
not
have
bin
blamed
if
there
had
bin
no
Law
;
for
that
which
is
not
,
cannot
be
transgressed
.
Cain
could
not
have
seared
that
every
man
who
met
him
would
slay
him
,
if
there
had
not
bin
a
Law
to
slay
him
that
had
slain
another
.
But
in
this
case
the
Scripture
is
clear
,
at
least
from
the
time
that
Noah
went
out
of
the
Ark
;
for
God
then
gave
him
a
Law
sufficient
for
the
state
of
things
at
that
time
,
if
all
violence
was
prohibited
under
the
name
of
shedding
Blood
,
tho
not
under
the
same
penalty
as
Murder
.
But
Penal
Laws
being
in
vain
,
if
there
be
none
to
execute
them
,
such
as
know
God
dos
nothing
in
vain
,
may
conclude
that
he
who
gave
this
Law
,
did
appoint
some
way
for
its
execution
,
tho
unknown
to
us
.
There
is
therefore
a
Law
not
given
by
Kings
,
but
laid
upon
such
as
should
be
Kings
,
as
well
as
on
any
other
Persons
,
by
one
who
is
above
them
;
and
perhaps
I
may
say
,
that
this
Law
presseth
most
upon
them
,
because
they
who
have
most
power
,
do
most
frequently
break
out
into
acts
of
Violence
,
and
most
of
all
disdain
to
have
their
will
restrained
:
and
he
that
will
exempt
Kings
from
this
Law
,
must
either
find
that
they
are
excepted
in
the
Text
,
or
that
God
who
gave
it
has
not
a
Power
over
them
.
Moreover
,
it
has
bin
proved
at
the
beginning
of
this
Treatise
,
that
the
first
Kings
were
of
the
accursed
race
,
and
reigned
over
the
accursed
Nations
,
whilst
the
holy
Seed
had
none
.
If
therefore
there
was
no
Law
where
there
was
no
King
,
the
accursed
Posterity
of
Cham
had
Laws
,
when
the
blessed
Descendents
of
Shem
had
none
,
which
is
most
absurd
;
the
word
Outlaw
,
or
Lawless
,
being
often
given
to
the
wicked
,
but
never
to
the
just
and
righteous
.
The
impious
folly
of
such
Assertions
gos
farther
than
our
Author
perhaps
suspected
:
for
if
there
be
no
Law
where
there
is
no
King
,
the
Israelites
had
no
Law
till
Saul
was
made
King
,
and
then
the
Law
they
had
was
from
him
.
They
had
no
King
before
,
sor
they
asked
one
.
They
could
not
have
asked
one
of
Samuel
,
if
he
had
bin
a
King
.
He
had
not
bin
offended
,
and
God
had
not
imputed
to
them
the
sin
of
rejecting
him
,
if
they
had
asked
that
only
which
he
had
set
over
them
.
If
Samuel
were
not
King
,
Moses
,
Joshua
,
and
the
other
Judges
were
not
Kings
;
for
they
were
no
more
than
he
.
They
had
therefore
no
King
,
and
consequently
,
if
our
Author
say
true
,
no
Law
.
If
they
had
no
Law
till
Saul
was
King
,
they
never
had
any
;
for
he
gave
them
none
;
and
the
Prophets
were
to
blame
for
denouncing
judgments
against
them
for
receding
from
,
or
breaking
their
Law
,
if
they
had
none
.
He
cannot
say
that
Samuel
gave
them
a
Law
;
for
that
which
he
wrote
in
a
Book
,
and
laid
up
before
the
Lord
,
was
not
a
Our
Author's
Assertion
upon
which
all
his
Doctrine
is
grounded
,
That
there
is
no
Nation
that
allows
Children
any
action
or
remedy
for
being
unjustly
governed
,
is
as
impudently
false
as
any
other
proposed
by
him
:
for
tho
a
Child
will
not
be
heard
that
complains
of
the
Rod
;
yet
our
own
Law
gives
relief
to
Children
against
their
Fathers
,
as
well
as
against
other
persons
that
do
them
injuries
,
upon
which
we
see
many
ill
effects
,
and
I
do
rather
relate
than
commend
the
practice
.
In
other
places
the
Law
gives
relief
against
the
extravagancies
of
which
Fathers
may
be
guilty
in
relation
to
their
Children
,
tho
not
to
that
excess
as
to
bring
them
so
near
to
an
equality
as
in
England
:
They
cannot
imprison
,
sell
,
or
kill
their
Children
,
without
exposing
themselves
to
the
same
punishments
with
other
men
;
and
if
they
take
their
Estates
from
them
,
the
Law
is
open
,
and
gives
relief
against
them
:
but
on
the
other
side
,
Children
are
punished
with
Death
,
if
they
strike
or
outragiously
abuse
their
Parents
;
which
is
not
so
with
us
.
Now
,
if
the
Laws
of
Nations
take
such
care
to
preserve
private
men
from
being
too
hardly
used
by
their
true
and
natural
Fathers
,
who
have
such
a
love
and
tenderness
for
them
in
their
own
Blood
,
that
the
most
wicked
and
barbarous
do
much
more
frequently
commit
crimes
for
them
than
against
them
;
how
much
more
necessary
is
it
to
restrain
the
fury
that
Kings
,
who
at
the
best
are
but
phantastical
Fathers
,
may
exercise
to
the
destruction
of
the
whole
People
?
'T
is
a
folly
to
say
that
David
and
some
other
Kings
have
had
,
or
that
all
should
have
a
tenderness
of
affection
towards
their
People
as
towards
their
Children
;
for
besides
that
even
the
first
Proposition
is
not
acknowledged
,
and
will
be
hardly
verified
in
any
one
instance
,
there
is
a
vast
distance
between
what
men
ought
to
be
,
and
what
they
are
.
Every
man
ought
to
be
just
,
true
,
and
charitable
;
and
if
they
were
so
,
Laws
would
be
of
no
use
:
but
it
were
a
madness
to
abolish
them
upon
a
supposition
that
they
are
so
;
or
to
leave
them
to
a
future
punishment
,
which
many
do
not
believe
,
or
not
regard
.
I
am
not
obliged
to
believe
that
David
loved
every
Israelite
as
well
as
his
Son
Absalom
;
but
tho
he
had
,
I
could
not
from
thence
inser
that
all
Kings
do
so
,
unless
I
were
sure
that
all
of
them
were
as
wise
and
virtuous
as
he
.
But
to
come
more
close
to
the
matter
:
Do
we
not
know
of
many
Kings
who
have
come
to
their
Power
by
the
most
wicked
means
that
can
enter
into
the
heart
of
man
,
even
by
the
most
outragious
injuries
done
to
the
People
,
sometimes
by
a
foreign
aid
?
as
Kings
were
by
the
power
of
the
Romans
imposed
upon
the
Britans
,
that
they
might
wast
the
Forces
,
and
break
the
Spirits
of
that
sierce
people
.
That
amongst
other
instruments
of
inslaving
Nations
,
they
imposed
Kings
upon
them
.
The
Medices
were
made
Masters
of
Florence
by
the
force
of
Charles
the
Fifth's
Army
.
Sometimes
by
a
corrupt
party
in
their
own
Country
they
have
destroy'd
the
best
men
,
and
subdued
the
rest
;
as
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
and
Cesar
did
at
Rome
and
Syracuse
.
Others
taking
upon
them
to
defend
a
People
,
have
turned
the
Arms
with
which
they
were
entrusted
against
their
own
Masters
;
as
Francesco
Sforza
,
who
being
chosen
by
those
of
Milan
to
be
their
General
against
the
Venetians
,
made
peace
with
them
,
and
by
their
assistance
made
himself
Prince
,
or
,
in
our
Author's
phrase
,
Father
of
that
great
City
.
If
these
be
acts
of
tenderness
,
love
,
justice
,
and
charity
,
those
who
commit
them
may
well
think
they
have
gained
the
afsections
of
their
People
,
and
grow
to
love
those
from
whom
they
fear
nothing
,
and
by
whom
they
think
they
are
loved
.
But
if
on
the
other
hand
they
know
they
have
attained
to
their
greatness
by
the
worst
of
all
Villanies
,
and
that
they
are
on
that
account
become
the
object
of
the
publick
hatred
,
they
can
do
no
less
than
hate
and
sear
those
by
whom
they
know
themselves
to
be
hated
.
The
Italians
ordinarily
say
that
Other
Princes
who
come
to
their
Thrones
by
better
ways
,
and
are
not
contented
with
the
power
that
the
Law
allows
,
draw
the
same
hatred
upon
themselves
when
they
endeavour
by
force
or
fraud
to
enlarge
it
;
and
must
necessarily
fear
and
hate
their
own
People
as
much
as
he
who
by
the
ways
besoremention'd
has
betray'd
or
subdued
them
.
Our
Author
makes
nothing
of
this
;
but
taking
it
for
granted
that
it
was
all
one
whether
Samuel
spoke
of
a
King
or
a
Tyrant
,
declares
that
the
same
patient
obedience
is
due
to
both
;
but
not
being
pleased
to
give
any
reason
why
we
should
believe
him
,
I
intend
to
offer
some
why
we
should
not
.
First
,
there
is
nothing
in
the
nature
or
institution
of
Monarchy
that
obliges
Nations
to
bear
the
exorbitances
of
it
when
it
degenerates
into
Tyranny
.
In
the
second
place
,
we
have
no
precept
for
it
.
Thirdly
,
we
have
many
approved
examples
,
and
occasional
particular
commands
to
the
contrary
.
1.
To
the
first
:
The
point
of
Paternity
being
explain'd
;
the
duty
of
Children
to
Parents
proved
to
proceed
from
the
benefits
received
from
them
,
and
that
the
power
over
them
,
which
at
the
first
seems
to
have
bin
left
at
large
,
because
it
was
thought
they
would
never
abuse
it
,
has
long
since
bin
much
restrain'd
in
all
civilized
Nations
,
and
particularly
in
our
own
;
We
may
conclude
that
men
are
all
made
of
the
same
paste
,
and
that
one
ows
no
more
to
another
than
another
to
him
,
unless
for
some
benefit
received
,
or
by
virtue
of
some
promise
made
.
The
duty
arising
from
a
benefit
received
must
be
proportionable
to
it
:
that
which
grows
from
a
promise
is
determined
by
the
promise
or
contract
made
,
according
to
the
true
sense
and
meaning
of
it
.
He
therefore
that
would
know
what
the
Babylonians
,
Hebrews
,
Athenians
,
or
Romans
did
owe
to
Nimrod
,
Saul
,
Theseus
or
Romulus
,
must
inquire
what
benefits
were
received
from
them
,
or
what
was
promised
to
them
.
It
cannot
be
said
that
any
thing
was
due
to
them
for
the
sake
of
their
Parents
;
they
could
have
no
prerogative
by
birth
:
Nimrod
was
the
sixth
Son
of
Chush
the
Son
of
Cham
,
who
was
the
youngest
Son
of
Noah
:
his
Kingdom
was
erected
whilst
Noah
and
his
elder
Sons
Shem
and
Faphet
,
as
well
as
Cham
,
Chush
,
and
his
elder
Sons
were
still
living
.
Saul
was
the
Son
of
Chish
,
a
man
of
Benjamin
,
who
was
the
youngest
Son
of
Jacob
;
and
he
was
chosen
in
the
most
Democratical
way
by
Lot
amongst
the
whole
People
.
Theseus
according
to
the
custom
of
the
times
pretended
to
be
the
Son
of
Neptune
;
and
Rhea
was
so
well
pleased
with
the
Soldier
that
had
gotten
her
with
child
,
that
she
resolved
to
think
or
say
that
Mars
was
the
Father
of
the
Children
,
that
is
to
say
they
were
Bastards
;
and
therefore
whatever
was
due
to
them
was
upon
their
own
personal
account
,
without
any
regard
to
their
Progenitors
.
This
must
be
measured
according
to
what
they
did
for
those
Nations
before
they
were
Kings
,
or
by
the
manner
of
their
advancement
.
Nothing
can
be
pretended
before
they
were
Kings
:
Nimrod
rose
up
after
the
confusion
of
Languages
,
and
the
People
that
understood
the
tongue
he
spoke
,
follow'd
him
;
Saul
was
a
young
man
unknown
in
Israel
;
Theseus
and
Romulus
had
nothing
to
recommend
them
before
other
Athenians
and
Romans
,
except
the
reputation
of
their
Valour
;
and
the
honours
conferred
upon
them
for
that
reason
,
must
proceed
from
expectation
or
hope
,
and
not
from
gratitude
or
obligation
.
It
must
therefore
proceed
from
the
manner
by
which
they
came
to
be
Kings
.
He
that
neither
is
nor
has
any
title
to
be
a
King
,
can
come
to
be
so
only
by
force
or
by
consent
.
If
by
force
,
he
dos
not
confer
a
benefit
upon
the
People
,
but
injures
them
in
the
most
outragious
manner
.
If
it
be
possible
therefore
or
reasonable
to
imagine
that
one
man
did
ever
subdue
a
multitude
,
he
can
no
otherwise
resemble
a
Father
,
than
the
worst
of
all
Enemies
who
dos
the
greatest
mischiefs
,
resembles
the
best
of
all
Friends
who
confers
the
most
inestimable
benefits
,
and
consequently
dos
as
justly
deserve
the
utmost
effects
of
hatred
,
as
the
other
dos
of
love
,
respect
,
and
service
.
If
by
consent
,
he
who
is
raised
from
amongst
the
people
,
and
placed
above
his
Brethren
,
receives
great
honours
and
advantages
,
but
confers
none
.
The
obligations
of
gratitude
are
on
his
side
,
and
whatsoever
he
dos
in
acknowledgment
to
his
benefactors
for
their
love
to
him
,
is
no
more
than
his
duty
;
and
he
can
demand
no
more
from
them
than
what
they
think
fit
to
add
to
the
favours
already
received
.
If
more
be
pretended
,
it
must
be
by
virtue
of
that
contract
,
and
can
no
otherwise
be
proved
than
by
producing
it
to
be
examined
,
that
the
true
sense
,
meaning
,
and
intention
of
it
may
be
known
.
This
Contract
must
be
in
form
and
substance
according
to
a
general
Rule
given
to
all
mankind
,
or
such
as
is
left
to
the
will
of
every
Nation
.
If
a
general
one
be
pretended
,
it
ought
to
be
shown
,
that
by
enquiring
into
the
contents
,
we
may
understand
the
force
and
extent
of
it
.
If
this
cannot
be
done
,
it
may
justly
pass
for
a
fiction
,
no
conclusion
can
be
drawn
from
it
;
and
we
may
be
sure
,
that
what
Contracts
soever
have
bin
made
between
Nations
and
their
Kings
,
have
bin
framed
according
to
the
will
of
those
Nations
;
and
consequently
how
many
soever
they
are
,
and
whatsoever
the
sense
of
any
or
all
of
them
may
be
,
they
can
oblige
no
man
,
except
those
,
or
at
the
most
the
Descendents
of
those
that
made
them
.
Whoever
therefore
would
perswade
us
,
that
one
or
more
Nations
are
,
by
virtue
of
those
Contracts
,
bound
to
bear
all
the
insolences
of
Tyrants
,
is
obliged
to
show
,
that
by
those
Contracts
they
did
for
ever
indefinitely
bind
themselves
so
to
do
,
how
great
soever
they
might
be
.
I
may
justly
go
a
step
farther
,
and
affirm
,
That
if
any
such
should
appear
in
the
world
,
the
folly
and
turpitude
of
the
thing
would
be
a
sufficient
evidence
of
the
madness
of
those
that
made
it
,
and
utterly
destroy
the
contents
of
it
:
but
no
such
having
bin
as
yet
produced
,
nor
any
reason
given
to
perswade
a
wise
man
that
there
has
ever
bin
any
such
,
at
least
among
civilized
Nations
,
(
for
whom
only
we
are
concerned
)
it
may
be
concluded
there
never
was
any
;
or
if
there
were
,
they
do
not
at
all
relate
to
our
subject
;
and
consequently
that
Nations
still
continue
in
their
native
Liberty
,
and
are
no
otherwise
obliged
to
endure
the
insolence
of
Tyrants
,
than
they
,
or
each
of
them
may
esteem
them
tolerable
.
2.
To
the
second
:
Tho
the
words
of
Samuel
had
implied
a
necessity
incumbent
upon
the
Hebrews
to
bear
all
the
Injuries
that
their
Kings
should
do
to
them
,
it
could
no
way
relate
to
us
;
for
he
dos
not
speak
of
all
Kings
,
but
of
such
as
they
had
asked
,
even
such
as
reigned
over
the
slavish
Asiaticks
their
Neighbours
,
who
are
no
less
infamous
in
the
world
for
their
baseness
and
cowardice
,
than
detestable
for
their
idolatry
and
vices
.
It
was
not
a
plot
or
trick
of
Samuel
to
keep
the
Government
in
himself
and
Family
:
Such
scurrilous
expressions
or
thoughts
are
fit
only
for
Filmer
,
Heylin
,
and
their
Disciples
:
but
the
Prophet
being
troubled
at
the
folly
and
wickedness
of
the
people
,
who
chose
rather
to
subject
themselves
to
the
irregular
Will
of
a
Man
,
than
to
be
governed
by
God
and
his
Law
,
did
,
by
the
immediate
command
of
God
,
declare
to
them
what
would
be
the
event
of
their
fury
;
that
since
they
would
be
like
to
their
Neighbours
in
sin
and
folly
,
he
told
them
they
should
be
like
to
them
in
shame
and
misery
;
since
they
desired
to
cast
off
the
thing
that
was
good
,
they
should
suffer
evil
as
the
product
of
their
own
Counsels
;
and
that
when
they
should
cry
to
the
Lord
from
a
sense
of
their
miseries
,
he
dos
not
tell
them
,
as
our
Author
falsly
says
,
they
should
have
no
other
remedy
against
Tyrants
but
crying
and
praying
,
but
that
their
crys
and
prayers
should
not
be
heard
.
It
was
just
that
when
they
had
rejected
God
,
he
should
reject
them
,
and
leave
them
under
the
weight
of
the
calamities
they
had
brought
upon
themselves
.
In
all
other
cases
God
had
ever
said
,
that
when
his
People
returned
to
him
,
he
would
hear
and
save
them
.
When
they
cried
by
reason
of
the
oppressions
they
suffered
under
the
Egyptians
,
Cananites
,
Midianites
,
Philistins
,
and
others
,
tho
their
crimes
had
deserved
them
all
,
yet
God
heard
and
relieved
them
.
But
when
they
meditated
this
final
defection
from
his
Law
,
and
rejection
of
his
Government
,
God
seemed
to
change
his
Nature
,
and
forget
to
be
gracious
;
When
ye
shall
cry
to
me
by
reason
of
your
King
,
I
will
not
hear
you
.
This
was
the
strongest
dehortation
from
their
wicked
Intention
that
can
be
imagined
;
but
being
not
enough
to
reclaim
them
,
they
answered
,
Nay
,
but
we
will
have
a
King
.
They
were
like
to
their
Neighbours
in
folly
and
vice
,
and
would
be
like
to
them
in
Government
;
which
brought
all
the
Calamities
upon
them
that
the
others
suffer'd
.
But
I
know
not
what
conclusion
can
be
drawn
from
hence
in
favour
of
our
Author's
Doctrin
,
unless
all
Nations
are
obliged
furiously
to
run
into
the
same
crimes
with
the
Israelites
,
or
to
take
upon
themselves
the
same
punishment
,
tho
they
do
not
commit
the
same
crimes
.
If
this
was
not
a
Precept
to
the
Israelites
,
instructing
them
what
they
should
do
,
but
a
denunciation
of
what
they
should
suffer
for
the
evil
which
they
had
committed
,
the
Old
Testament
will
afford
none
;
and
I
hope
in
due
time
to
answer
such
as
he
alledges
from
the
New
.
Nay
,
we
may
conclude
there
can
be
none
there
,
because
being
dictated
by
the
same
Spirit
,
which
is
always
uniform
and
constant
to
it self
,
it
could
not
agree
with
the
17th
of
Deuteron
.
which
so
extremely
restrains
such
a
King
as
God
allowed
,
as
not
to
suffer
him
in
any
manner
to
raise
his
heart
above
his
Brethren
;
and
was
said
in
vain
,
if
at
the
same
time
it
gave
him
a
Power
which
might
not
be
resisted
,
or
forbad
others
to
resist
him
if
he
would
not
obey
the
Law
.
3.
To
the
third
:
Whatsoever
was
done
by
the
Command
of
God
against
Pharaoh
King
of
Egypt
,
and
against
the
Kings
of
the
Cananites
,
Midianites
,
Moabites
,
Edomites
,
Amorites
or
Philistins
,
by
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Ehud
,
Barak
,
Gideon
,
Sampson
,
Jephtha
,
Samuel
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Judges
,
comes
expresly
under
the
particular
Precepts
and
Examples
promised
by
me
,
to
show
,
that
God
had
occasionally
commanded
,
and
his
Servants
executed
his
Commands
in
resisting
and
destroying
the
Persons
of
Kings
,
who
were
their
own
Kings
also
,
if
possession
was
only
to
be
regarded
.
And
tho
this
be
sufficient
to
overthrow
our
Author's
Doctrin
;
That
we
are
not
to
examine
the
Titles
of
Kings
,
whether
they
be
from
usurpation
,
or
any
other
means
;
but
only
to
look
upon
the
Power
:
Yet
they
who
seek
Truth
,
ought
not
to
content
themselves
merely
with
Victory
;
or
to
esteem
that
a
Victory
,
which
is
obtained
by
what
the
Schools
call
Argumentum
ad
hominem
,
grounded
upon
a
false
Proposition
,
and
is
of
no
force
except
against
those
who
are
so
ill
advised
to
advance
it
.
Therefore
laying
aside
the
advantages
that
may
be
justly
taken
against
Filmer
,
for
the
folly
of
asserting
the
same
Right
to
be
in
a
Usurper
,
as
in
a
lawful
Prince
;
and
confessing
that
tho
such
as
have
no
Title
,
may
and
ought
to
be
suppressed
as
Enemies
and
Robbers
,
when
respect
and
obedience
is
due
to
those
who
are
rightly
instituted
;
I
say
,
that
none
can
be
claimed
by
a
Prince
lawfully
instituted
,
if
he
assume
to
himself
a
Power
which
is
not
granted
to
him
by
the
Law
of
his
Institution
,
because
,
as
Grotius
says
,
his
legal
Power
dos
not
extend
so
far
;
or
De
jur
.
bel
.
turn
the
Power
that
is
given
him
,
to
ends
contrary
to
those
for
which
it
was
given
,
because
he
thereby
destroys
it
,
and
puts
himself
into
the
same
condition
as
if
it
had
never
bin
.
This
is
proved
by
the
Example
of
Saul
;
Tho
the
people
sinned
grievously
in
asking
a
King
,
yet
God
assenting
to
their
demand
,
no
Prince
was
ever
more
solemnly
instituted
than
he
.
The
People
chose
him
by
Lot
from
amongst
all
the
Tribes
,
and
he
was
placed
in
the
Throne
by
the
general
consent
of
the
whole
Nation
:
But
he
turning
his
lawful
Power
into
Tyranny
,
disobeying
the
word
of
the
Prophet
,
slaying
the
Priests
,
sparing
the
Amalekites
,
and
oppressing
the
Innocent
,
overthrew
his
own
Right
;
and
God
declared
the
Kingdom
,
which
had
bin
given
him
under
a
conditional
promise
of
perpetuity
,
to
be
intirely
abrogated
.
This
did
not
only
give
a
right
to
the
whole
people
of
opposing
him
,
but
to
every
particular
man
;
and
upon
this
account
David
did
not
only
fly
from
his
fury
,
but
resisted
it
.
He
made
himself
head
of
all
the
discontented
persons
that
would
follow
him
:
he
had
at
first
four
,
and
afterwards
six
hundred
men
;
he
kept
these
in
Arms
against
Saul
,
and
lived
upon
the
Country
;
and
resolved
to
destroy
Nabal
with
all
his
House
,
only
for
refusing
to
send
Provisions
for
his
men
.
Finding
himself
weak
and
unsafe
,
he
went
to
Achish
the
Philistin
,
and
offer'd
his
service
even
against
Israel
This
was
never
reputed
a
sin
in
David
,
or
in
those
that
follow'd
him
,
by
any
except
the
wicked
Court-flatterer
Doeg
the
Edomite
,
and
the
drunken
fool
Nabal
,
who
is
said
to
have
bin
a
man
of
Belial
.
If
it
be
objected
,
That
this
was
rather
a
Flight
than
a
War
,
in
as
much
as
he
neither
killed
Saul
nor
his
men
,
or
that
he
made
war
as
a
King
anointed
by
Samuel
;
I
answer
,
that
he
who
had
six
hundred
men
,
and
entertain'd
as
many
as
came
to
him
,
sufficiently
shewed
his
intention
rather
to
resist
than
to
fly
:
And
no
other
reason
can
be
given
why
he
did
not
farther
pursue
that
intention
,
than
that
he
had
no
greater
power
:
and
he
who
arms
six
hundred
men
against
his
Prince
,
when
he
can
have
no
more
,
can
no
more
be
said
to
obey
patiently
,
than
if
he
had
so
many
hundreds
of
thousands
.
This
holds
,
tho
he
kill
no
man
,
for
that
is
not
the
War
,
but
the
manner
of
making
it
:
and
't
were
as
absurd
to
say
David
made
no
War
,
because
he
killed
no
men
,
as
that
Charles
the
eighth
made
no
War
in
Italy
,
because
Guicciardin
says
,
he
conquer'd
Naples
without
breaking
a
Lance.
But
as
David's
strength
increased
,
he
grew
to
be
less
sparing
of
Blood
.
Those
who
say
Kings
never
die
,
but
that
the
right
is
immediatly
transfer'd
to
the
next
Heirs
,
cannot
deny
that
Ishbosheth
inherited
the
right
of
Saul
,
and
that
David
had
no
other
right
of
making
war
against
him
,
than
against
Saul
,
unless
it
were
conferred
upon
him
by
the
Tribe
of
Judah
that
made
him
King
.
If
this
be
true
,
it
must
be
confessed
that
not
only
a
whole
People
,
but
a
part
of
them
,
may
at
their
own
pleasure
abrogate
a
Kingdom
,
tho
never
so
well
established
by
common
consent
;
for
none
was
ever
more
solemnly
instituted
than
that
of
Saul
;
and
few
Subjects
have
more
strongly
obliged
themselves
to
be
obedient
.
If
it
be
not
true
,
the
example
of
Nabal
is
to
be
follow'd
;
and
David
,
tho
guided
by
the
Spirit
of
God
,
deserves
to
be
condemned
as
a
fellow
that
rose
up
against
his
Master
.
If
to
elude
this
it
be
said
,
That
God
instituted
and
abrogated
Saul's
Kingdom
,
and
that
David
to
whom
the
right
was
transmitted
,
might
therefore
proceed
against
him
and
his
Heirs
as
privat
men
:
I
answer
,
that
if
the
obedience
due
to
Saul
proceeded
from
God's
Institution
,
it
can
extend
to
none
but
those
who
are
so
peculiarly
instituted
and
anointed
by
his
Command
,
and
the
hand
of
his
Prophet
,
which
will
be
of
little
advantage
to
the
Kings
that
can
give
no
testimony
of
such
an
Institution
or
Unction
;
and
an
indisputable
right
will
remain
to
every
Nation
of
abrogating
the
Kingdoms
which
are
instituted
by
and
for
themselves
.
But
as
David
did
resist
the
Authority
of
Saul
and
Ishbosbeth
,
without
assuming
the
Power
of
a
King
,
tho
designed
by
God
,
and
anointed
by
the
Prophet
,
till
he
was
made
King
of
Judah
by
that
Tribe
;
or
arrogating
to
himself
a
Power
over
the
other
Tribes
till
he
was
made
King
by
them
,
and
had
enter'd
into
a
Covenant
with
them
;
't
is
much
more
certain
that
the
Persons
and
Authority
of
ill
Kings
,
who
have
no
title
to
the
Privileges
due
to
Saul
by
virtue
of
his
institution
,
may
be
justly
resisted
;
which
is
as
much
as
is
necessary
to
my
purpose
.
Object
.
But
David's
Heart
smote
him
when
he
had
cut
off
the
skirt
Surely
these
things
are
neither
to
be
thought
strange
in
relation
to
Saul
,
who
was
God's
Anointed
,
nor
communicable
to
such
as
are
not
:
Some
may
suppose
he
was
King
by
virtue
of
God's
unction
(
tho
if
that
were
true
,
he
had
never
bin
chosen
and
made
King
by
the
People
)
but
it
were
madness
to
think
he
became
God's
Anointed
by
being
King
:
for
if
that
were
so
,
the
same
Right
and
Title
would
belong
to
every
King
,
even
to
those
who
by
his
command
were
accursed
and
destroyed
by
his
Servants
Moses
,
Joshua
and
Samuel
.
The
same
men
,
at
the
same
time
,
and
in
the
same
sense
,
would
be
both
his
anointed
and
accursed
,
loved
and
detested
by
him
;
and
the
most
sacred
Privileges
made
to
extend
to
the
worst
of
his
enemies
.
Again
;
the
War
made
by
David
was
not
upon
the
account
of
being
King
,
as
anointed
by
Samuel
,
but
upon
the
common
natural
right
of
defending
himself
against
the
violence
and
fury
of
a
wicked
man
;
he
trusted
to
the
promise
,
that
he
should
be
King
,
but
knew
that
as
yet
he
was
not
so
:
and
when
Saul
found
he
had
spared
his
Life
,
he
said
,
I
now
know
well
that
thou
shalt
surely
be
King
,
and
that
the
Kingdom
of
Israel
shall
surely
be
established
in
thy
hand
;
not
that
it
was
already
.
Nay
David
himself
was
so
far
from
taking
upon
him
to
be
Because
they
had
killed
a
righteous
man
upon
his
Bed
,
in
his
own
House
;
which
he
I
no
way
defend
Absalom's
revolt
;
he
was
wicked
,
and
acted
wickedly
;
but
after
his
death
no
man
was
ever
blamed
or
questioned
for
siding
with
him
:
and
Amasa
who
commanded
his
Army
,
is
represented
in
Scripture
as
a
good
man
,
even
David
saying
,
that
Joab
,
by
slaying
Abner
and
Amasa
,
had
killed
two
men
who
were
better
than
himself
;
Absalom
,
I
will
be
thy
Servant
O
King
;
and
by
Hushai
in
the
following
Chapter
,
Nay
,
but
whom
the
Lord
and
his
People
,
and
all
the
men
of
Israel
chuse
,
his
will
I
be
,
and
with
him
will
I
abide
:
which
could
have
no
sense
in
it
,
unless
the
People
had
a
right
of
chusing
,
and
that
the
choice
in
which
they
generally
concurred
,
was
esteemed
to
be
from
God
.
But
if
Saul
who
was
made
King
by
the
whole
People
,
and
anointed
by
the
command
of
God
,
might
be
lawfully
resisted
when
he
departed
from
the
Law
of
his
Institution
;
it
cannot
be
doubted
that
any
other
for
the
like
reason
may
be
resisted
.
If
David
,
tho
designed
by
God
to
be
King
,
and
anointed
by
the
hand
of
the
Prophet
,
was
not
King
till
the
People
had
chosen
him
,
and
he
had
made
a
Covenant
with
them
;
it
will
,
if
I
mistake
not
,
be
hard
to
find
a
man
who
can
claim
a
right
which
is
not
originally
from
them
.
And
if
the
People
of
Israel
could
erect
and
pull
down
,
institute
,
abrogate
,
or
transfer
to
other
Persons
or
Families
,
Kingdoms
more
firmly
established
than
any
we
know
,
the
same
right
cannot
be
denied
to
other
Nations
.
SECT.
II.
The
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
were
under
a
Law
not
safely
to
be
transgress'd
.
OUR
Author
might
be
pardon'd
if
he
only
vented
his
own
follies
;
but
he
aggravates
his
own
crime
,
by
imputing
them
to
men
of
more
Credit
;
and
tho
I
cannot
look
upon
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
as
a
very
good
Interpreter
of
Scripture
,
he
had
too
much
understanding
to
say
,
That
if
practice
declare
the
greatness
of
Authority
,
even
the
best
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
were
not
tied
to
any
Law
,
but
they
did
whatsoever
they
pleased
in
the
greatest
matters
;
for
there
is
no
sense
in
those
words
.
If
practice
declares
the
greatness
of
Authority
,
even
the
best
were
tied
to
no
Law
,
signifies
nothing
,
for
practice
cannot
declare
the
greatness
of
Authority
.
Peter
the
Cruel
of
Castille
,
and
Christiern
the
2d
of
Denmark
,
kill'd
whom
they
pleas'd
;
but
no
man
ever
thought
they
had
therefore
a
right
to
do
so
:
and
if
there
was
a
Law
,
all
were
tied
by
it
,
and
the
best
were
less
likely
to
break
it
than
the
worst
.
But
if
Sir
Walter
Raleigh's
opinion
,
which
he
calls
a
conjecture
,
be
Moses
Maimonides
says
,
The
Kings
of
Israel
committed
many
extravagancies
,
because
they
were
[
*
](A60214-e45990-b)
*
Quia
superbi
erant
corde
,
impii
,
&
spretores
Legis
.
Mor.
Nevoch
.
insolent
,
impious
,
and
despisers
of
the
Law
.
But
whatsoever
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
may
say
(
for
I
do
not
remember
his
words
,
and
have
not
leisure
to
seek
whether
any
such
are
found
in
his
Books
)
't
is
most
evident
that
they
did
not
what
they
pleased
.
The
Tribes
that
did
not
submit
to
David
,
nor
crown
him
till
they
thought
fit
,
and
then
made
a
Covenant
with
him
,
took
care
it
might
be
observed
whether
he
would
or
not
.
Absalom's
Rebellion
follow'd
by
almost
all
Israel
,
was
a
terrible
check
to
his
Will.
That
of
Sheba
,
the
Son
of
Bichri
,
was
like
to
have
bin
worse
,
if
it
had
not
bin
suppressed
by
Joab's
diligence
;
and
David
often
confessed
the
Sons
of
Zerviah
were
too
hard
for
him
.
Solomon
indeed
overthrowing
the
Law
given
by
Moses
,
multiplying
Gold
and
Silver
,
Wives
and
Horses
,
introducing
Idolatry
,
and
lifting
up
his
heart
above
his
Brethren
,
did
what
he
pleased
;
but
Rehoboam
paid
for
all
:
the
ten
Tribes
revolted
from
him
,
by
reason
of
the
heavy
burdens
laid
upon
them
;
stoned
Adoram
who
was
sent
to
levy
the
Tributes
,
and
set
up
Jeroboam
,
who
,
as
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
says
in
the
place
before
cited
,
had
no
other
Title
than
the
curtesy
of
the
People
,
and
utterly
rejected
the
house
of
David
.
If
practice
therefore
declares
a
right
,
the
practice
of
the
People
to
avenge
the
injuries
they
suffered
from
their
Kings
,
as
soon
as
they
found
a
man
fit
to
be
their
Leader
,
shews
they
had
a
right
of
doing
it
.
'T
is
true
,
the
best
of
the
Kings
,
with
Moses
,
Joshua
and
Samuel
,
may
in
one
sense
be
said
to
have
done
what
they
pleased
,
because
they
desired
to
do
that
only
which
was
good
.
But
this
will
hardly
be
brought
to
confer
a
right
upon
all
Kings
:
And
I
deny
that
even
the
Kings
of
Judah
did
what
they
pleased
,
or
that
it
were
any
thing
to
our
question
if
they
did
.
Zedekiah
professed
to
the
great
men
(
that
is
,
to
the
Sanhedrin
)
that
without
them
he
could
do
nothing
.
When
He
shall
do
nothing
without
the
consent
of
the
Sanhedrin
;
and
if
he
attempt
it
,
they
shall
hinder
him
.
This
was
the
Law
of
God
,
not
to
be
abrogated
by
man
;
a
Law
of
Liberty
directly
opposite
to
the
necessity
of
submitting
to
the
will
of
a
man
.
This
was
a
Gift
bestowed
by
God
upon
his
Children
and
People
;
whereas
slavery
was
a
great
part
of
the
Curse
denounced
against
Cham
for
his
wickedness
,
and
perpetually
incumbent
upon
his
Posterity
.
The
great
Sanhedrin
were
constituted
Judges
,
as
Grotius
says
,
most
particularly
of
such
matters
as
concern'd
their
Kings
;
and
Maimonides
affirms
,
that
the
Kings
were
judged
by
them
:
The
distribution
of
the
power
to
the
inferior
Sanhedrins
,
in
every
Tribe
and
City
,
with
the
right
of
calling
the
People
together
in
general
Assemblies
as
often
as
occasion
required
,
were
the
foundations
of
their
Liberty
;
and
being
added
to
the
Law
of
the
Kingdom
prescribed
in
the
17
th
of
Deuteronomy
(
if
they
should
think
fit
to
have
a
King
)
established
the
Freedom
of
that
People
upon
a
solid
foundation
.
And
tho
they
in
their
fury
did
in
a
great
measure
wave
the
benefits
God
had
bestowed
upon
them
;
yet
there
was
enough
left
to
restrain
the
Lusts
of
their
Kings
.
Ahab
did
not
treat
with
Naboth
as
with
a
Servant
,
whose
Person
and
Estate
depended
upon
his
Will
,
and
dos
not
seem
to
have
bin
so
tender-hearted
to
grieve
much
for
his
refusal
,
if
by
virtue
of
his
royal
Authority
he
could
have
taken
away
his
Vineyard
and
his
Life
:
But
that
failing
,
he
had
no
other
way
of
accomplishing
his
design
,
than
by
the
fraud
of
his
accursed
Wife
,
and
the
perfidious
wretches
she
employed
.
And
no
better
proof
that
it
did
fail
,
can
reasonably
be
required
,
than
that
he
was
obliged
to
have
recourse
to
such
fordid
,
odious
,
and
dangerous
Remedies
:
but
we
are
furnished
with
one
that
is
more
unquestionable
;
Hast
thou
killed
,
and
also
taken
possession
?
In
the
place
where
Dogs
licked
the
blood
of
Naboth
,
shall
they
lick
thy
Blood
,
even
thine
.
This
shews
that
the
Kings
were
not
only
under
a
Law
,
but
under
a
Law
of
equality
with
the
rest
of
the
People
,
even
that
of
Retaliation
.
He
had
raised
his
heart
above
his
Brethren
;
but
God
brought
him
down
,
and
made
him
to
suffer
what
he
had
done
;
he
was
in
all
respects
wicked
,
but
the
justice
of
this
sentence
consisted
in
the
Law
he
had
broken
,
which
could
not
have
bin
,
if
he
had
bin
subject
to
none
.
But
as
this
Retaliation
was
the
sum
of
all
the
Judicial
Law
given
by
God
to
his
People
,
the
Sentence
pronounced
against
Ahab
in
conformity
to
it
,
and
the
execution
committed
to
Jehu
,
shews
,
that
the
Kings
were
no
less
obliged
to
perform
the
Law
than
other
men
,
tho
they
were
not
so
easily
punished
for
transgressing
it
as
others
were
;
and
if
many
of
them
did
escape
,
it
perfectly
agrees
with
what
had
bin
foretold
by
Samuel
.
SECT.
III.
Samuel
did
not
describe
to
the
Israelites
the
glory
of
a
free
Monarchy
;
but
the
Evils
the
People
should
suffer
,
that
he
might
divert
them
from
desiring
a
King
.
THO
no
restraint
had
bin
put
upon
the
Lusts
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
,
it
could
be
no
prejudice
to
any
other
Nation
.
They
deflected
from
the
Law
of
God
;
and
rejecting
him
that
he
should
reign
over
them
no
longer
,
they
fell
into
that
misery
which
could
affect
none
but
those
who
enjoy
the
same
Blessings
,
and
with
the
same
fury
despise
them
.
If
their
Kings
had
more
Power
than
consisted
with
their
welfare
,
they
gave
it
,
and
God
renounces
the
institution
of
[
*
](A60214-e46560-b)
*
Ye
have
chosen
Kings
,
but
not
by
me
;
and
Princes
,
but
I
know
them
not
.
Hos.
such
.
He
gave
them
a
Law
of
Liberty
;
and
if
they
fell
into
the
shame
and
misery
that
accompanies
slavery
,
it
was
their
own
work
.
They
were
not
obliged
to
have
any
King
;
and
could
not
without
a
crime
have
any
but
one
,
who
must
not
raise
his
heart
above
the
rest
of
them
.
This
was
taught
by
Moses
:
And
Samuel
who
spoke
by
the
same
Spirit
could
not
contradict
him
;
and
in
telling
the
people
what
such
a
King
as
they
desired
would
do
when
he
should
be
established
,
he
did
announce
to
them
the
misery
they
would
bring
upon
themselves
,
by
chusing
such
a
one
as
he
had
forbidden
.
This
free
Monarchy
,
which
our
Author
thinks
to
be
so
majestically
described
,
was
not
only
displeasing
to
the
Prophet
,
but
declared
by
God
to
be
a
rejection
of
him
,
and
inconsistent
with
his
reign
over
them
.
This
might
have
bin
sufficient
to
divert
any
other
people
from
their
furious
resolution
;
but
the
Prophet
farther
enforcing
his
disswasion
,
told
them
,
that
God
(
who
had
in
all
other
cases
bin
their
helper
)
would
not
hear
them
when
they
should
cry
to
him
by
reason
of
their
King
.
This
is
the
majestick
description
of
that
free
Monarchy
with
which
our
Author
is
so
much
pleased
:
It
was
displeasing
to
the
Prophet
,
hateful
to
God
,
an
aggravation
of
all
the
crimes
they
had
committed
since
they
came
out
of
Egypt
,
and
that
which
would
bring
(
as
it
did
)
most
certain
and
irreparable
destruction
upon
themselves
.
But
it
seems
the
Regal
Majesty
in
that
Age
was
in
its
infancy
,
and
little
in
comparison
of
that
which
we
find
described
by
Tacitus
,
Suetonius
,
and
others
in
later
times
.
He
shall
take
your
Sons
,
says
Samuel
,
and
set
them
over
his
Chariots
,
and
your
Daughters
to
make
them
Confectioners
and
Cooks
;
but
the
Majesty
of
the
Roman
Emperors
was
carried
to
a
higher
pitch
of
Glory
.
Ahab
could
not
,
without
employing
treachery
and
fraud
,
get
a
small
spot
of
ground
for
his
mony
to
make
a
Garden
of
Herbs
:
But
Tiberius
,
Caligula
and
Nero
killed
whom
they
pleased
,
and
took
what
they
pleased
of
their
Estates
.
When
they
had
satiated
their
cruelty
and
avarice
by
the
murders
and
confications
of
the
most
eminent
and
best
men
,
they
commonly
exposed
their
Children
to
the
Lust
of
their
Slaves
.
If
the
power
of
doing
evil
be
glorious
,
the
utmost
excess
is
its
perfection
;
and
't
is
pity
that
Samuel
knew
no
more
of
the
effects
produced
by
unrestrained
Lust
,
that
he
might
have
made
the
description
yet
more
majestick
:
and
as
nothing
can
be
suffer'd
by
man
beyond
constupration
,
torments
and
death
,
instead
of
such
trifles
as
he
mention'd
,
he
might
have
shew'd
them
the
effects
of
Fury
in
its
greatest
exaltation
.
If
it
be
good
for
a
Nation
to
live
under
such
a
Power
,
why
did
not
God
of
his
own
goodness
institute
it
?
Did
his
Wisdom
and
Love
to
his
People
fail
?
Or
if
he
himself
had
not
set
up
the
best
Government
over
them
,
could
he
be
displeased
with
them
for
asking
it
?
Did
he
separate
that
Nation
from
the
rest
of
Mankind
,
to
make
their
condition
worse
than
that
of
others
?
Or
can
they
be
said
to
have
sinned
and
rejected
God
,
when
they
desir'd
nothing
but
the
Government
,
which
by
a
perpetual
Ordinance
he
had
established
over
all
the
Nations
of
the
World
?
Is
not
the
Law
of
Nature
a
Rule
which
he
has
given
to
things
?
and
the
Law
of
man's
Nature
,
which
is
Reason
,
an
emanation
of
the
divine
Wisdom
,
or
some
footsteps
of
divine
Light
remaining
in
us
?
Is
it
possible
that
this
which
is
from
God
,
can
be
contrary
to
his
Will
;
and
can
he
be
offended
with
those
who
desire
to
live
in
a
conformity
to
that
Law
?
Or
could
it
justly
be
said
,
The
People
had
chosen
that
which
is
not
good
,
if
nothing
in
Government
be
good
but
what
they
chose
?
But
as
the
worst
men
delight
in
the
worst
things
,
and
Fools
are
pleased
with
the
most
extreme
absurdities
,
he
not
only
gives
the
highest
praises
to
that
which
bears
so
many
marks
of
God's
hatred
;
but
after
having
said
that
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
Jacob
,
and
Moses
were
Kings
,
he
goes
on
,
and
says
,
The
Israelites
begged
a
King
of
Samuel
;
which
had
bin
impertinent
,
if
the
Magistrates
instituted
by
the
Law
were
Kings
:
and
tho
it
might
be
a
folly
in
them
to
ask
what
they
had
already
,
it
could
be
no
sin
to
desire
that
which
they
enjoyed
by
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
If
they
were
not
Kings
,
it
follows
that
the
only
Government
set
up
by
God
amongst
men
wanted
the
principal
part
,
even
the
Head
and
Foundation
,
from
whence
all
the
other
parts
have
their
action
and
being
;
that
is
,
God's
Law
is
against
God's
Law
,
and
destroys
it self
.
But
if
God
did
neither
by
a
general
and
perpetual
Ordinance
establish
over
all
Nations
the
Monarchy
which
Samuel
describes
,
nor
prescribe
it
to
his
own
People
by
a
particular
Command
,
it
was
purely
the
Peoples
Creature
,
the
production
of
their
own
fancy
,
conceived
in
wickedness
,
and
brought
forth
in
iniquity
,
an
Idol
set
up
by
themselves
to
their
own
destruction
,
in
imitation
of
their
accursed
Neighbours
;
and
their
Reward
was
no
better
than
the
concession
of
an
impious
Petition
,
which
is
one
of
God's
heaviest
Judgments
.
Samuel's
words
are
acknowledged
by
all
Interpreters
,
who
were
not
malicious
or
mad
,
to
be
a
disswasion
from
their
wicked
purpose
;
not
a
description
of
what
a
King
might
justly
do
by
virtue
of
his
Office
,
but
what
those
who
should
be
set
up
against
God
and
his
Law
would
do
when
they
should
have
the
power
in
their
hands
:
And
I
leave
such
as
have
the
understandings
of
men
,
and
are
not
abandoned
by
God
,
to
judg
what
influence
this
ought
to
have
upon
other
Nations
,
either
as
to
obligation
or
imitation
.
SECT.
IV.
No
People
can
be
obliged
to
suffer
from
their
Kings
what
they
have
not
a
right
to
do
.
OUR
Author's
next
work
is
to
tell
us
,
That
the
scope
of
Samuel
was
to
teach
the
People
a
dutiful
obedience
to
their
King
,
even
in
the
things
that
they
think
mischievous
or
inconvenient
:
For
by
telling
them
what
the
King
would
do
,
he
indeed
instructs
them
what
a
Subject
must
suffer
:
Yet
not
so
that
it
is
right
for
Kings
to
do
injury
,
but
it
is
right
for
them
to
go
unpunished
by
the
People
if
they
do
it
;
so
that
in
this
point
it
is
all
one
whether
Samuel
describe
a
King
or
a
Tyrant
.
This
is
hard
,
but
the
Conclusion
is
grounded
upon
nothing
.
There
is
no
relation
between
a
Prediction
that
a
thing
shall
be
attempted
or
done
to
me
,
and
a
Precept
that
I
shall
not
defend
my self
,
or
punish
the
person
that
attempts
or
dos
it
.
If
a
Prophet
should
say
that
a
Thief
lay
in
the
way
to
kill
me
,
it
might
reasonably
perswade
me
not
to
go
,
or
to
go
in
such
a
manner
as
to
be
able
to
defend
my self
;
but
can
no
way
oblige
me
to
submit
to
the
violence
that
shall
be
offer'd
,
or
my
Friends
and
Children
not
to
avenge
my
death
if
I
fall
;
much
less
can
other
men
be
deprived
of
the
natural
right
of
defending
themselves
by
my
imprudence
or
obstinacy
in
not
taking
the
warning
given
,
whereby
I
might
have
preserved
my
life
.
For
every
man
has
a
right
of
resisting
some
way
or
other
that
which
ought
not
to
be
done
to
him
;
and
tho
human
Laws
do
not
in
all
cases
make
men
Judges
and
Avengers
of
the
Injuries
offer'd
to
them
,
I
think
there
is
none
that
dos
not
justify
the
man
who
kills
another
that
offers
violence
to
him
,
if
it
appear
that
the
way
prescribed
by
the
Law
for
the
preservation
of
the
Innocent
cannot
be
taken
.
This
is
not
only
true
in
the
case
of
outragious
attempts
to
assassinate
or
rob
upon
the
high
way
,
but
in
divers
others
of
less
moment
.
I
knew
a
man
who
being
appointed
to
keep
his
Master's
Park
,
killed
three
men
in
one
night
that
came
to
destroy
his
Deer
;
and
putting
himself
into
the
hands
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
consessing
the
Fact
both
in
matter
and
manner
,
he
was
at
the
publick
Assizes
not
only
acquitted
,
but
commended
for
having
done
his
duty
;
and
this
in
a
time
when
't
is
well
known
Justice
was
severely
administred
,
and
little
favour
expected
by
him
or
his
Master
.
Nay
,
all
Laws
must
fall
,
human
Societies
that
subsist
by
them
be
dissolved
,
and
all
innocent
persons
be
exposed
to
the
violence
of
the
most
wicked
,
if
men
might
not
justly
defend
themselves
against
injustice
by
their
own
natural
right
,
when
the
ways
prescribed
by
publick
Authority
cannot
be
taken
.
Our
Author
may
perhaps
say
,
this
is
true
in
all
except
the
King
:
And
I
desire
to
know
why
,
if
it
be
true
in
all
except
the
King
,
it
should
not
be
true
in
relation
to
him
?
Is
it
possible
that
he
who
is
instituted
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
should
claim
the
liberty
of
doing
Injustice
as
a
Privilege
?
Were
it
not
better
for
a
people
to
be
without
Law
,
than
that
a
Power
should
be
established
by
Law
to
commit
all
manner
of
violences
with
impunity
?
Did
not
David
resist
those
of
Saul
?
Did
he
not
make
himself
head
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
when
they
revolted
against
his
Son
,
and
afterwards
of
the
ten
Tribes
,
that
rejected
his
Posterity
?
Did
not
the
Israelites
stone
Adoram
who
collected
the
Taxes
,
revolt
from
the
house
of
David
,
set
up
Jeroboam
;
and
did
not
the
Prophet
say
it
was
from
the
Lord
?
If
it
was
from
the
Lord
,
was
it
not
good
?
If
it
was
good
then
,
is
it
not
so
for
ever
?
Did
good
proceed
from
one
root
then
,
and
from
another
now
?
If
God
had
avenged
the
Blood
of
Naboth
by
fire
from
Heaven
,
and
destroyed
the
House
of
Ahab
,
as
he
did
the
two
Captains
and
their
men
who
were
sent
to
apprehend
Elijah
,
it
might
be
said
,
he
reserv'd
that
vengeance
to
himself
;
but
he
did
it
by
the
Sword
of
Jehu
and
the
Army
(
which
was
the
People
who
had
set
him
up
)
for
an
Example
to
others
.
But
't
is
good
to
examine
what
this
dutiful
Obedience
is
that
our
Author
mentions
.
Men
usually
owe
no
more
than
they
receive
.
'T
is
hard
to
know
what
the
Israelites
owed
to
Saul
,
David
,
Jeroboam
,
Ahab
,
or
any
other
King
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
till
they
were
made
Kings
:
And
the
Act
of
the
People
by
which
so
great
a
dignity
was
conferr'd
,
seems
to
have
laid
a
duty
upon
them
,
who
did
receive
more
than
they
had
to
give
:
so
that
something
must
be
due
from
them
unless
it
were
releas'd
by
virtue
of
a
Covenant
or
Promise
made
;
and
none
could
accrue
to
them
from
the
people
afterwards
,
unless
from
the
merit
of
the
person
in
rightly
executing
his
Office
.
If
a
Covenant
or
Promise
be
pretended
,
the
nature
and
extent
of
the
Obligation
can
only
be
known
by
the
contents
expressed
,
or
the
true
intention
of
it
.
If
there
be
a
general
form
of
Covenant
set
and
agreed
upon
,
to
which
all
Nations
must
submit
,
it
were
good
to
know
where
it
may
be
found
,
and
by
whose
Authority
it
is
established
,
and
then
we
may
examine
the
sense
of
it
.
If
no
such
do
appear
,
we
may
rationally
look
upon
those
to
be
Impostors
who
should
go
about
from
thence
to
derive
a
right
:
And
as
that
which
dos
not
appear
,
is
as
if
it
were
not
,
we
may
justly
conclude
there
is
no
other
,
or
none
that
can
have
any
effect
,
but
such
as
have
bin
made
by
particular
Nations
with
their
Princes
;
which
can
be
of
no
force
or
obligation
to
others
,
nor
to
themselves
,
any
farther
than
according
to
the
true
intention
of
those
that
made
them
.
There
is
no
such
thing
therefore
as
a
dutiful
obedience
,
or
duty
of
being
obedient
,
incumbent
upon
all
Nations
by
virtue
of
any
Covenant
;
nor
upon
any
particular
Nation
,
unless
it
be
expressed
by
a
Covenant
:
and
whoever
pretends
to
a
right
of
taking
our
Sons
and
Daughters
,
Lands
or
Goods
,
or
to
go
unpunished
if
he
do
,
must
show
that
these
things
are
expressed
or
intended
by
the
Covenant
.
But
tho
Nations
for
the
most
part
owe
nothing
to
Kings
,
till
they
are
Kings
,
and
that
it
can
hardly
be
conceived
,
that
any
people
did
ever
owe
so
much
to
a
man
,
as
might
not
be
fully
repaid
by
the
honor
and
advantages
of
such
an
advancement
;
yet
't
is
possible
that
when
they
are
made
Kings
,
they
may
by
their
good
Government
lay
such
Obligations
upon
their
Subjects
,
as
ought
to
be
recompensed
by
obedience
and
service
.
There
is
no
mortal
Creature
that
deserves
so
well
from
mankind
,
as
a
wife
,
valiant
,
diligent
and
just
King
,
who
as
a
Father
cherishes
his
People
;
as
a
Shepherd
feeds
,
defends
,
and
is
ready
to
lay
down
his
life
for
his
flock
;
who
is
a
terror
to
evil
doers
,
and
a
praise
to
those
that
do
well
.
This
is
a
glorious
Prerogative
,
and
he
who
has
it
is
happy
.
But
before
this
can
be
adjudged
to
belong
to
all
,
it
must
be
proved
that
all
have
the
Virtues
that
deserve
it
;
and
he
that
exacts
the
dutiful
Obedience
that
arises
from
them
,
must
prove
that
they
are
in
him
.
He
that
dos
this
,
need
not
plead
for
impunity
when
he
dos
injuries
;
for
if
he
do
them
,
he
is
not
the
man
we
speak
of
:
Not
being
so
,
he
can
have
no
title
to
the
duty
by
human
Institution
or
Covenant
;
nor
by
divine
Law
,
since
,
as
is
already
proved
,
God
has
neither
established
Kings
over
all
Nations
by
Precept
,
nor
recommended
them
by
Example
,
in
setting
them
over
his
own
People
.
He
has
not
therefore
done
it
at
all
;
there
is
no
such
thing
in
nature
;
and
Nations
can
owe
nothing
to
Kings
merely
as
Kings
,
but
what
they
owe
by
the
Contract
made
with
them
.
As
these
Contracts
are
made
voluntarily
,
without
any
previous
obligation
,
't
is
evident
men
make
them
in
consideration
of
their
own
good
;
and
they
can
be
of
force
no
longer
,
than
he
with
whom
they
are
made
perform
his
part
in
procuring
it
;
and
that
if
he
turn
the
power
which
was
given
to
him
for
the
publick
good
,
to
the
publick
inconvenience
and
damage
,
he
must
necessarily
lose
the
benefit
he
was
to
receive
by
it
.
The
word
think
is
foolishly
and
affectedly
put
in
by
our
Author
;
for
those
matters
are
very
often
so
evident
,
that
even
the
weakest
know
them
.
No
great
sagacity
is
requir'd
to
understand
that
lewd
,
slothful
,
ignorant
,
false
,
unjust
,
covetous
and
cruel
Princes
bring
inconveniences
and
mischiefs
upon
Nations
;
and
many
of
them
are
so
evidently
guilty
of
some
or
all
these
Vices
,
that
no
man
can
be
mistaken
in
imputing
them
;
and
the
utmost
Calamities
may
rationally
be
expected
from
them
,
unless
a
Remedy
be
applied
.
But
,
says
he
,
Samuel
by
telling
them
what
the
King
would
do
,
instructs
them
what
the
Subjects
must
suffer
,
and
that
't
is
right
he
should
go
unpunished
:
But
,
by
his
favour
,
Samuel
says
no
such
thing
;
neither
is
it
to
be
concluded
,
that
because
a
King
will
do
wickedly
,
he
must
be
suffer'd
,
any
more
than
a
private
man
,
who
should
take
the
same
Resolution
.
But
he
told
them
,
that
when
they
should
cry
to
the
Lord
by
reason
of
their
King
,
he
would
not
hear
them
.
This
was
as
much
as
to
say
,
their
ruin
was
unavoidable
;
and
that
,
having
put
the
power
into
the
hands
of
those
,
who
instead
of
protecting
would
oppress
them
;
and
thereby
having
provoked
God
against
them
,
so
as
he
would
not
hearken
to
their
cries
,
they
could
have
no
relief
.
But
this
was
no
security
to
the
Authors
of
their
Calamity
.
The
Houses
of
Jeroboam
,
Baasha
and
Omri
,
escaped
not
unpunished
,
tho
the
people
did
not
thereby
recover
their
Liberty
.
The
Kings
had
introduced
a
Corruption
that
was
inconsistent
with
it
.
But
they
who
could
not
settle
upon
a
right
Foundation
to
prevent
future
mischiefs
,
could
avenge
such
as
they
had
suffered
,
upon
the
heads
of
those
who
had
caused
them
,
and
frequently
did
it
most
severely
.
The
like
besel
the
Romans
,
when
by
the
violence
of
Tyranny
all
good
Order
was
overthrown
,
good
Discipline
extinguished
,
and
the
People
corrupted
.
Ill
Princes
could
be
cut
in
pieces
,
and
mischiefs
might
be
revenged
,
tho
not
prevented
.
But
't
is
not
so
every
where
,
nor
at
all
times
;
and
nothing
is
more
irrational
,
than
for
one
or
a
few
Examples
to
conclude
a
general
necessity
of
future
Events
.
They
alter
according
to
Circumstances
:
and
as
some
Nations
by
destroying
Tyrants
could
not
destroy
Tyranny
;
others
in
removing
the
Tyrant
,
have
cut
up
Tyranny
by
the
roots
.
This
variety
has
bin
seen
in
the
same
Nation
at
different
times
:
The
Romans
recovered
their
Liberty
by
expelling
Tarquin
;
but
remained
Slaves
notwithstanding
the
slaughter
of
Cesar.
Whilst
the
Body
of
the
People
was
uncorrupted
,
they
cured
the
Evil
wrought
by
the
person
,
in
taking
him
away
.
It
was
no
hard
matter
to
take
the
Regal
Power
that
by
one
man
had
bin
enjoy'd
for
life
,
and
to
place
it
in
the
hands
of
two
annual
Magistrates
,
whilst
the
Nobility
and
People
were
,
according
to
the
condition
of
that
Age
,
strong
and
ready
to
maintain
it
.
But
when
the
mischief
had
taken
deeper
root
;
when
the
best
part
of
the
people
had
perished
in
the
Civil
Wars
;
when
all
their
eminent
men
had
fallen
in
battel
,
or
by
the
Proscriptions
;
when
their
Discipline
was
lost
,
and
Virtue
abolished
,
the
poor
remains
of
the
distressed
people
were
brought
under
the
power
of
a
mercenary
Soldiery
,
and
found
no
relief
.
When
they
kill'd
one
Tyrant
,
they
often
made
room
for
a
worse
:
It
availed
them
nothing
to
cut
off
a
rotten
Branch
,
whilst
the
accursed
Root
remained
,
and
sent
forth
new
Sprouts
of
the
same
nature
to
their
destruction
.
Other
generous
Nations
have
bin
subdued
beyond
a
possibility
of
recovery
;
and
those
that
are
naturally
base
,
slide
into
the
like
misery
without
the
impulse
of
an
exterior
Power
.
They
are
Slaves
by
nature
,
and
have
neither
the
understanding
nor
courage
that
is
required
for
the
constitution
and
management
of
a
Government
within
themselves
.
They
can
no
more
subsist
without
a
Master
,
than
a
flock
without
a
Shepherd
.
They
have
no
comprehension
of
Liberty
,
and
can
neither
desire
the
good
they
do
not
know
,
nor
enjoy
it
if
it
were
bestowed
upon
them
.
They
bear
all
burdens
;
and
whatever
they
suffer
,
they
have
no
other
remedy
or
refuge
,
than
in
the
Mercy
of
their
Lord
.
But
such
Nations
as
are
naturally
strong
,
stout
,
and
of
good
understanding
,
whose
vigour
remains
unbroken
,
manners
uncorrupted
,
reputation
unblemished
,
and
increasing
in
numbers
;
who
neither
want
men
to
make
up
such
Armies
as
may
defend
them
against
foreign
or
domestick
Enemies
,
nor
Leaders
to
head
them
,
do
ordinarily
set
limits
to
their
patience
.
They
know
how
to
preserve
their
Liberty
,
or
to
vindicate
the
violation
of
it
;
and
the
more
patient
they
have
bin
,
the
more
inflexible
they
are
when
they
resolve
to
be
so
no
longer
.
Those
who
are
so
foolish
to
put
them
upon
such
courses
,
do
to
their
cost
find
that
there
is
a
difference
between
Lions
and
Asses
;
and
he
is
a
fool
who
knows
not
that
[
*
](A60214-e47140-b)
*
Ignoratque
datos
ne
quisquam
serviat
enses
.
Lucan
.
Swords
were
given
to
men
,
that
none
might
be
Slaves
,
but
such
as
know
not
how
to
use
them
.
SECT.
V.
The
Mischiefs
suffer'd
from
wicked
Kings
are
such
as
render
it
both
reasonable
and
just
for
all
Nations
that
have
Virtue
and
Power
to
exert
both
in
repelling
them
.
IF
our
Author
deserve
credit
,
we
need
not
examin
whether
Nations
have
a
right
of
resisting
,
or
a
reasonable
hope
of
succeeding
in
their
endeavours
to
prevent
or
avenge
the
Mischiefs
that
are
feared
or
suffered
,
for
't
is
not
worth
their
pains
.
The
Inconveniences
,
says
he
,
and
Miseries
which
are
reckoned
up
by
Samuel
,
as
belonging
unto
Kingly
Government
,
were
not
intolerable
,
but
such
as
have
bin
and
are
still
born
by
the
Subjects
free
consent
from
their
Princes
.
Nay
at
this
day
,
and
in
this
Land
,
many
Tenants
by
their
Tenures
are
tied
unto
the
same
subjection
,
even
unto
subordinate
and
inferior
Lords
.
He
is
an
excellent
Advocate
for
Kingly
Government
,
that
accounts
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
to
be
some
of
the
essentials
of
it
,
which
others
esteem
to
be
only
incidents
.
Tho
many
Princes
are
violent
and
wicked
,
yet
some
have
bin
gentle
and
just
:
tho
many
have
brought
misery
upon
Nations
,
some
have
bin
beneficial
to
them
:
and
they
who
are
esteemd
most
severe
against
Monarchy
,
think
the
evils
that
are
often
suffer'd
under
that
form
of
Government
,
proceed
from
the
corruption
of
it
,
or
deviation
from
the
principle
of
its
institution
;
and
that
they
are
rather
to
be
imputed
to
the
vices
of
the
Person
,
than
to
the
thing
it self
;
but
if
our
Author
speak
truth
,
it
is
universally
and
eternally
naught
,
inconvenience
and
misery
belong
to
it
.
He
thinks
to
mend
this
by
saying
,
they
are
not
intolerable
:
but
what
is
intolerable
if
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
be
not
?
For
what
end
can
he
think
Governments
to
have
bin
established
,
unless
to
prevent
or
remove
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
?
or
how
can
that
be
called
a
Government
which
does
not
only
permit
,
but
cause
them
?
What
can
incline
Nations
to
set
up
Governments
?
Is
it
that
they
may
suffer
Inconveniences
,
and
be
brought
to
misery
?
or
if
it
be
to
enjoy
happiness
,
how
can
that
subsist
under
a
Government
,
which
not
by
accident
,
deflection
or
corruption
,
but
by
a
necessity
inherent
in
it self
,
causes
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
?
If
it
be
pretended
that
no
human
Constitution
can
be
altogether
free
from
Inconveniences
;
I
answer
,
that
the
best
may
to
some
degree
fall
into
them
,
because
they
may
be
corrupted
;
but
evil
and
misery
can
properly
belong
to
none
that
is
not
evil
in
its
own
nature
.
If
Samuel
deserve
credit
,
or
may
be
thought
to
have
spoken
sense
,
he
could
not
have
enumerated
the
evils
,
which
he
foresaw
the
people
should
suffer
from
their
Kings
,
nor
say
,
that
they
should
cry
to
the
Lord
by
reason
of
them
,
unless
they
were
in
themselves
grievous
,
and
in
comparison
greater
than
what
they
had
suffer'd
or
known
;
since
that
would
not
have
diverted
them
from
their
intention
,
but
rather
have
confirmed
them
in
it
.
And
I
leave
it
to
our
Author
to
show
,
why
any
People
should
for
the
pleasure
of
one
or
a
few
men
,
erect
or
suffer
that
which
brings
more
of
evil
with
it
than
any
others
.
Moreover
,
there
is
a
great
difference
between
that
which
Nations
sometimes
suffer
under
Kings
,
and
that
which
they
willingly
suffer
;
most
especially
if
our
Author's
Maxim
be
received
,
That
all
Laws
are
the
Mandates
of
Kings
,
and
the
Subjects
Liberties
and
Privileges
no
more
than
their
gracious
Concessions
;
for
how
patient
soever
they
are
under
the
Evils
they
suffer
,
it
might
reasonably
be
believ'd
they
are
so
because
they
know
not
how
to
help
it
:
And
this
is
certainly
the
case
of
too
many
places
that
are
known
to
us
.
Whoever
doubts
of
this
,
if
he
will
not
put
himself
to
the
trouble
of
going
to
Turkey
or
Morocco
,
let
him
pass
only
into
Normandy
,
and
ask
the
naked
,
barefooted
and
half-starved
people
whether
they
are
willing
to
suffer
the
Miseries
under
which
they
groan
;
and
whether
the
magnificence
of
Versailles
,
and
the
pomp
of
their
haughty
Master
,
do
any
way
alleviate
their
Calamities
.
If
this
also
be
a
matter
of
too
much
pains
,
the
Wretches
that
come
hither
every
day
will
inform
him
,
that
it
is
not
by
their
own
consent
they
are
deprived
of
all
Honors
and
Offices
in
the
Commonwealth
,
even
of
those
,
which
by
a
corrupt
Custom
that
had
gained
the
force
of
a
Law
,
they
had
dearly
bought
;
prohibited
to
exercise
any
trade
;
exposed
to
the
utmost
effects
of
fraud
and
violence
,
if
they
refuse
to
adore
their
Master's
Idols
.
They
will
tell
him
,
that
't
is
not
willingly
they
leave
their
Lands
and
Estates
to
seek
a
shelter
in
the
most
remote
parts
of
the
World
;
but
because
they
are
under
a
force
which
they
are
not
able
to
resist
;
and
because
one
part
of
the
Nation
,
which
is
enriched
with
the
Spoils
of
the
other
,
have
foolishly
contributed
to
lay
a
Yoak
upon
them
which
they
cannot
break
.
To
what
he
says
concerning
Tenures
,
I
answer
,
No
man
in
England
ows
any
service
to
his
Lord
,
unless
by
virtue
of
a
Contract
made
by
himself
or
his
Predecessors
,
under
which
he
holds
the
Land
granted
to
him
on
that
condition
by
the
Proprietor
.
There
may
be
something
of
hardship
,
but
nothing
of
Injustice
.
'T
is
a
voluntary
act
in
the
beginning
and
continuance
;
and
all
men
know
that
what
is
done
to
one
who
is
willing
[
*
](A60214-e47320-b)
*
Volenti
non
fit
injuria
.
is
no
injury
.
He
who
did
not
like
the
Conditions
,
was
not
obliged
to
take
the
Land
;
and
he
might
leave
it
,
if
afterwards
he
came
to
dislike
them
.
If
any
man
say
,
the
like
may
be
done
by
any
one
in
the
Kingdom
,
I
answer
,
That
it
is
not
always
true
;
the
Protestants
now
in
France
cannot
without
extreme
hazard
go
out
of
that
Country
,
tho
they
are
contented
to
lose
their
Estates
.
'T
is
accounted
a
Crime
,
for
which
they
are
condemned
perpetually
to
the
Gallies
,
and
such
as
are
aiding
to
them
to
grievous
Fines
.
But
before
this
be
acknowledged
to
have
any
similitude
or
relation
to
our
discourse
concerning
Kings
,
it
must
be
proved
,
that
the
present
King
,
or
those
under
whom
he
claims
,
is
or
were
Proprietors
of
all
the
Lands
in
England
,
and
granted
the
several
parcels
under
the
condition
of
suffering
patiently
such
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
as
are
above-mentioned
:
or
that
they
who
did
confer
the
Crown
upon
any
of
them
,
did
also
give
a
Propriety
in
the
Land
;
which
I
do
not
find
in
any
of
the
fifteen
or
sixteen
Titles
that
have
bin
since
the
coming
in
of
the
Normans
:
and
if
it
was
not
done
to
the
first
of
every
one
,
it
cannot
accrue
to
the
others
,
unless
by
some
new
act
to
the
same
purpose
,
which
will
not
easily
be
produced
.
It
will
be
no
less
difficult
to
prove
that
any
thing
unworthy
of
freemen
is
by
any
Tenures
imposed
in
England
,
unless
it
be
the
offering
up
of
the
Wives
and
Daughters
of
Tenants
to
the
Lust
of
Abbots
and
Monks
;
and
they
are
so
far
from
being
willingly
suffer'd
,
that
since
the
Dens
and
Nurseries
of
those
Beasts
were
abolished
,
no
man
that
succeeds
them
has
had
impudence
sufficient
to
exact
the
performance
;
and
tho
the
letter
of
the
Law
may
favour
them
,
the
turpitude
of
the
thing
has
extinguished
the
usage
.
But
even
the
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
,
who
brought
upon
the
People
those
evils
that
had
bin
foretold
by
Samuel
,
did
not
think
they
had
a
right
to
the
Powers
they
exercised
.
If
the
Law
had
given
a
right
to
Ahab
to
take
the
best
of
their
Vineyards
,
he
might
without
ceremony
have
taken
that
of
Naboth
,
and
by
the
majestick
power
of
an
absolute
Monarch
,
have
chastized
the
churlish
Clown
,
who
resused
to
sell
or
change
it
for
another
:
but
for
want
of
it
,
he
was
obliged
to
take
a
very
different
course
.
If
the
lives
of
Subjects
had
in
the
like
manner
depended
upon
the
will
of
Kings
,
David
might
without
scruple
have
killed
Vriah
,
rather
than
to
place
him
in
the
front
of
the
Army
that
he
might
fall
by
his
own
courage
.
The
malice
and
treachery
of
such
Proceedings
argues
a
defect
of
power
;
and
he
that
acts
in
such
an
oblique
manner
,
shews
that
his
actions
are
not
warranted
by
the
Law
,
which
is
boldly
executed
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
.
This
shews
the
interpretation
put
upon
the
words
,
Against
thee
only
have
I
sinned
,
by
Court-flatterers
,
to
be
false
.
If
he
had
not
sinned
If
by
the
Examples
of
Israel
and
Judah
,
we
may
judg
whether
the
Inconveniences
and
Miseries
brought
upon
Nations
by
their
Kings
be
tolerable
or
intolerable
,
it
will
be
enough
to
consider
the
madness
of
Sauls
cruelty
towards
his
Subjects
,
and
the
slaughter
brought
upon
them
by
the
hand
of
the
Philistins
on
Mount
Gilboa
,
where
he
fell
with
the
flower
of
all
Israel
;
the
Civil
Wars
that
hapned
in
the
time
of
David
,
and
the
Plague
brought
upon
the
People
by
his
wickedness
;
the
heavy
burdens
laid
upon
them
by
Solomon
,
and
the
Idolatry
favour'd
by
him
;
the
wretched
folly
of
Rehoboam
,
and
the
defection
of
the
ten
Tribes
caused
by
it
;
the
Idolatry
established
by
Jeroboam
and
the
Kings
of
Israel
,
and
that
of
many
of
those
of
Judah
also
;
the
frequent
Wars
and
unheard
of
Slaughters
ensuing
thereupon
between
the
Tribes
;
the
daily
devastations
of
the
Country
by
all
sorts
of
Strangers
;
the
murders
of
the
Prophets
;
the
abolition
of
God's
Worship
;
the
desolation
of
Towns
and
Provinces
;
the
Captivity
of
the
ten
Tribes
carried
away
into
unknown
Countries
;
and
in
the
end
the
abolition
of
both
Kingdoms
,
with
the
captivity
of
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
and
the
utter
destruction
of
the
City
.
It
cannot
be
said
that
these
things
were
suffer'd
under
Kings
,
and
not
from
or
by
them
;
for
the
desolation
of
the
Cities
,
People
and
Country
is
in
many
places
of
Scripture
imputed
to
the
Kings
that
taught
Israel
to
sin
,
as
appears
by
what
was
denounced
against
Jeroboam
,
Jehu
,
Ahaz
,
Manasseh
,
If
it
be
pretended
that
God's
People
living
under
an
extraordinary
Dispensation
can
be
no
example
to
us
,
I
desire
other
Histories
may
be
examined
;
for
I
confess
I
know
no
Nation
so
great
,
happy
and
prosperous
,
nor
any
Power
so
well
established
,
that
two
or
three
ill
Kings
immediately
succeeding
each
other
,
have
not
bin
able
to
destroy
and
bring
to
such
a
condition
,
that
it
appeared
the
Nations
must
perish
,
unless
the
Senates
,
Diets
,
and
other
Assemblies
of
State
had
put
a
stop
to
the
mischief
,
by
restraining
or
deposing
them
;
and
tho
this
might
be
proved
by
innumerable
Testimonies
,
I
shall
content
my self
with
that
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
which
perished
by
the
vices
,
corruption
,
and
baseness
of
their
Princes
:
the
noble
Kingdom
of
the
Goths
in
Spain
overthrown
by
the
Tyranny
of
Witza
and
Rodrigo
:
the
present
state
of
Spain
now
languishing
and
threatning
ruin
from
the
same
causes
:
France
brought
to
the
last
degree
of
misery
and
weakness
by
the
degenerate
races
of
Pharamond
and
Charles
,
preserved
and
restored
by
the
Virtues
of
Pepin
and
Capet
;
to
which
may
be
added
those
of
our
own
Country
,
which
are
so
well
known
that
I
need
not
mention
them
.
SECT.
VI.
'T
is
not
good
for
such
Nations
as
will
have
Kings
,
to
suffer
them
to
be
glorious
,
powerful
,
or
abounding
in
Riches
.
OUR
Author
having
hitherto
spoken
of
all
Nations
,
as
born
under
a
necessity
of
being
subject
to
Absolute
Monarchy
,
which
he
pretends
to
have
bin
set
up
by
the
universal
and
indispensible
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
now
seems
to
leave
to
their
discretion
,
whether
they
will
have
a
King
or
not
;
but
says
,
that
those
who
will
have
a
King
,
are
bound
to
allow
him
Royal
maintenance
,
by
providing
Revenues
for
the
Crown
;
since
it
is
for
the
Honour
,
Profit
and
Safety
of
the
People
to
have
their
King
glorious
,
powerful
,
and
abounding
in
Riches
.
If
there
be
any
thing
of
sense
in
this
Clause
,
there
is
nothing
of
truth
in
the
foundation
or
principle
of
his
whole
Book
.
For
as
the
right
and
being
of
a
Father
is
natural
or
inherent
,
and
no
ways
depending
upon
the
will
of
the
Child
;
that
of
a
King
is
so
also
,
if
he
be
,
and
ought
to
enjoy
the
Rights
belonging
to
the
Father
of
the
People
:
And
't
is
not
less
ridiculous
to
say
,
those
who
will
have
a
King
,
than
it
would
be
to
say
,
he
that
will
have
a
Father
;
for
every
one
must
have
one
whether
he
will
or
not
.
But
if
the
King
be
a
Father
,
as
our
Author
from
thence
infers
that
all
Laws
are
from
him
,
none
can
be
imposed
upon
him
;
and
whatsoever
the
Subject
enjoys
is
by
his
concessions
:
'T
is
absurd
to
speak
of
an
Obligation
lying
upon
the
people
to
allow
him
Royal
maintenance
,
by
providing
Revenues
,
since
he
has
all
in
himself
,
and
they
have
nothing
that
is
not
from
him
,
and
depending
upon
his
Will.
For
this
reason
a
worthy
Gentleman
of
the
House
of
Commons
in
the
year
1640.
desired
that
the
business
of
the
Judges
,
who
in
the
Star-Chamber
had
given
for
their
Opinion
concerning
Shipmony
,
That
in
cases
of
Necessity
the
King
might
provide
it
by
his
own
Authority
,
and
that
he
was
Judg
of
that
Necessity
,
might
be
first
examined
,
that
they
might
know
whether
they
had
any
thing
to
give
,
before
they
should
speak
of
giving
.
And
as'tis
certain
,
that
if
the
Sentence
of
those
perjur'd
Wretches
had
stood
,
the
Subjects
of
England
by
consequence
would
have
bin
found
to
have
nothing
to
give
;
't
is
no
less
sure
,
that
if
our
Author's
principle
concerning
the
Paternal
and
Absolute
Power
of
Kings
be
true
,
it
will
by
a
more
compendious
way
appear
,
that
it
is
not
left
to
the
choice
of
any
Nation
,
whether
they
will
have
a
King
or
not
;
for
they
must
have
him
,
and
can
have
nothing
to
allow
him
,
but
must
receive
all
from
him
.
But
if
those
only
who
will
have
a
King
,
are
bound
to
have
one
,
and
to
allow
this
Royal
maintenance
,
such
as
will
not
have
a
King
,
are
by
one
and
the
same
act
delivered
from
the
necessity
of
having
one
,
and
from
providing
Maintenance
for
him
;
which
utterly
overthrows
the
magnificent
Fabrick
of
Paternal
Monarchy
;
and
the
Kings
who
were
lately
represented
by
our
Author
,
placed
on
the
Throne
by
God
and
Nature
,
and
endow'd
with
an
absolute
Power
over
all
,
appear
to
be
purely
the
Creatures
of
the
People
,
and
to
have
nothing
but
what
is
received
from
them
.
From
hence
it
may
be
rationally
inferred
,
that
[
*
](A60214-e47950-b)
*
Qui
dat
esse
,
dat
modum
esse
.
he
who
makes
a
thing
to
be
,
makes
it
to
be
only
what
he
pleases
.
This
must
hold
in
relation
to
Kings
as
well
as
other
Magistrates
;
and
as
they
who
made
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
and
Military
Tribuns
,
gave
them
only
such
Power
,
and
for
such
a
time
as
best
pleased
themselves
,
't
is
impossible
they
should
not
have
the
same
right
in
relation
to
Kings
,
in
making
them
what
they
please
,
as
well
as
not
to
make
them
unless
they
please
;
except
there
be
a
Charm
belonging
to
the
Name
,
or
the
Letters
that
compose
it
;
which
cannot
belong
to
all
Nations
,
for
they
are
different
in
every
one
according
to
the
several
Languages
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
't
is
for
the
Honor
,
Profit
,
and
Safety
of
the
People
that
the
King
should
be
glorious
,
powerful
,
and
abounding
in
Riches
.
There
is
therefore
no
obligation
upon
them
,
and
they
are
to
judg
whether
it
be
so
or
not
.
The
Scripture
says
plainly
the
contrary
:
He
shall
not
multiply
Silver
and
Gold
,
Wives
and
Horses
:
he
shall
not
lift
up
his
heart
above
his
Brethren
.
He
shall
not
therefore
be
glorious
,
powerful
,
or
abounding
in
Riches
.
Reason
and
Experience
teach
us
the
same
thing
:
If
those
Nations
that
have
bin
proud
,
luxurious
and
vicious
,
have
desired
by
Pomp
and
Riches
to
foment
the
Vices
of
their
Princes
,
thereby
to
cherish
their
own
;
such
as
have
excelled
in
Virtue
and
good
Discipline
have
abhorred
it
,
and
except
the
immediate
exercise
of
their
Office
have
kept
their
supreme
Magistrates
to
a
manner
of
living
little
different
from
that
of
private
men
:
and
it
had
bin
impossible
to
maintain
that
frugality
,
in
which
the
integrity
of
their
manners
did
chiefly
consist
,
if
they
had
set
up
an
Example
directly
contrary
to
it
,
in
him
who
was
to
be
an
Example
to
others
;
or
to
provide
for
their
own
safety
,
if
they
had
overthrown
that
integrity
of
manners
by
which
it
could
only
be
obtained
and
preserved
.
There
is
a
necessity
incumbent
upon
every
Nation
that
lives
in
the
like
Principle
,
to
put
a
stop
to
the
entrance
of
those
Vices
that
arise
from
the
superfluity
of
Riches
,
by
keeping
their
Kings
in
that
honest
Poverty
,
which
is
the
Mother
and
Nurse
of
Modesty
,
Sobriety
,
and
all
manner
of
Virtue
:
And
no
man
can
deny
this
to
be
well
done
,
unless
he
will
affirm
that
Pride
,
Luxury
and
Vice
is
more
profitable
to
a
Nation
than
the
Virtues
that
are
upheld
by
frugality
.
There
is
another
reason
of
no
less
importance
to
those
Nations
,
who
tho
they
think
fit
to
have
Kings
,
yet
desire
to
preserve
their
Liberty
,
which
obliges
them
to
set
limits
to
the
Glory
,
Power
and
Riches
of
their
Kings
;
and
that
is
,
That
they
can
no
otherwise
be
kept
within
the
Rules
of
the
Law
.
Men
are
naturally
propense
to
corruption
;
and
if
he
whose
Will
and
Interest
it
is
to
corrupt
them
,
be
furnished
with
the
means
,
he
will
never
fail
to
do
it
.
Power
,
Honors
,
Riches
,
and
the
Pleasures
that
attend
them
,
are
the
baits
by
which
men
are
drawn
to
prefer
a
personal
Interest
before
the
publick
Good
;
and
the
number
of
those
who
covet
them
is
so
great
,
that
he
who
abounds
in
them
will
be
able
to
gain
so
many
to
his
service
as
shall
be
sufficient
to
subdue
the
rest
.
'T
is
hard
to
find
a
Tyranny
in
the
world
that
has
not
bin
introduced
this
way
;
for
no
man
by
his
own
strength
could
ever
subdue
a
multitude
;
none
could
ever
bring
many
to
be
subservient
to
his
ill
designs
,
but
by
the
rewards
they
received
or
hoped
.
By
this
means
Cesar
accomplished
his
work
,
and
overthrew
the
Liberty
of
his
Country
,
and
with
it
all
that
was
then
good
in
the
world
.
They
who
were
corrupted
in
their
minds
,
desired
to
put
all
the
Power
and
Riches
into
his
hands
,
that
he
might
distribute
them
to
such
as
served
him
.
And
he
who
was
nothing
less
than
covetous
in
his
own
nature
,
desired
Riches
,
that
he
might
gain
Followers
;
and
by
the
plunder
of
Gaul
he
corrupted
those
that
betray'd
Rome
to
him
.
And
tho
I
do
not
delight
to
speak
of
the
Affairs
of
our
own
time
,
I
desire
those
who
know
the
present
State
of
France
to
tell
me
,
whether
it
were
possible
for
the
King
to
keep
that
Nation
under
servitude
,
if
a
vast
Revenue
did
not
enable
him
to
gain
so
many
to
his
particular
service
as
are
sufficient
to
keep
the
rest
in
subjection
:
and
if
this
be
not
enough
,
let
them
consider
whether
all
the
dangers
that
now
threaten
us
at
home
,
do
not
proceed
from
the
madness
of
those
who
gave
such
a
Revenue
,
as
is
utterly
unproportionable
to
the
Riches
of
the
Nation
,
unsutable
to
the
modest
behaviour
expected
from
our
Kings
,
and
which
in
time
will
render
Parliaments
unnecessary
to
them
.
On
the
other
hand
,
the
poverty
and
simplicity
of
the
Spartan
Kings
was
no
less
safe
and
profitable
to
the
People
,
than
truly
glorious
to
them
.
Agesilaus
denied
that
Artaxerxes
was
greater
than
he
,
unless
he
were
more
temperate
or
more
valiant
;
and
he
made
good
his
words
so
well
,
that
without
any
other
assistance
than
what
his
Wisdom
and
Valour
did
afford
,
he
struck
such
a
terror
into
that
great
,
rich
,
powerful
and
absolute
Monarch
,
that
he
did
not
think
himself
safe
in
Babylon
or
Ecbatane
,
till
the
poor
Spartan
was
,
by
a
Captain
of
as
great
valour
,
and
greater
poverty
,
obliged
to
return
from
Asia
to
the
defence
of
his
own
Country
.
This
was
not
peculiar
to
the
severe
Laconic
Discipline
.
When
the
Roman
Kings
were
expelled
,
a
few
Carts
were
prepared
to
transport
their
goods
:
and
their
Lands
which
were
consecrated
to
Mars
,
and
now
go
under
the
name
of
Campus
Martius
,
hardly
contain
ten
Acres
of
ground
.
Nay
the
Kings
of
Israel
,
who
led
such
vast
Armies
into
the
field
(
that
is
,
were
followed
by
all
the
people
who
were
able
to
bear
Arms
)
seem
to
have
possessed
little
.
Ahab
,
one
of
the
most
powerful
,
was
so
fond
of
Naboth's
Vineyard
(
which
being
the
Inheritance
of
his
Fathers
,
according
to
their
equal
division
of
Lands
,
could
not
be
above
two
Acres
)
that
he
grew
sick
when
it
was
refused
.
But
if
an
allowance
be
to
be
made
to
every
King
,
it
must
be
either
according
to
a
universal
Rule
or
Standard
,
or
must
depend
upon
the
Judgment
of
Nations
.
If
the
first
,
they
who
have
it
,
may
do
well
to
produce
it
;
if
the
other
,
every
Nation
proceeding
according
to
the
measure
of
their
own
discretion
,
is
free
from
blame
.
It
may
also
be
worth
observation
,
whether
the
Revenue
given
to
a
King
be
in
such
manner
committed
to
his
care
,
that
he
is
obliged
to
employ
it
for
the
publick
Service
without
the
power
of
Alienation
;
or
whether
it
be
granted
as
a
Propriety
,
to
be
spent
as
he
thinks
fit
.
When
some
of
the
antient
Jews
and
Christians
scrupled
the
paiment
of
Tribute
to
the
Emperors
,
the
reasons
alledged
to
perswade
them
to
a
compliance
,
seem
to
be
grounded
upon
a
supposition
of
the
first
:
for
,
said
they
,
the
defence
of
the
State
lies
upon
them
,
which
cannot
be
perform'd
without
Armies
and
Garisons
;
these
cannot
be
maintained
without
pay
,
nor
mony
raised
to
pay
them
without
Tributes
and
Customs
.
This
carries
a
face
of
reason
with
it
,
especially
in
those
Countries
which
are
perpetually
or
frequently
subject
to
Invasions
;
but
this
will
not
content
our
Author
.
He
speaks
of
employing
the
revenue
in
keeping
his
House
,
and
looks
upon
it
as
a
propriety
to
be
spent
as
he
thinks
convenient
;
which
is
no
less
than
to
cast
it
into
a
Pit
,
of
which
no
man
ever
knew
the
bottom
.
That
which
is
given
one
day
,
is
squandred
away
the
next
:
The
people
is
always
oppress'd
with
Impositions
,
to
foment
the
Vices
of
the
Court
:
These
daily
increasing
,
they
grow
insatiable
,
and
the
miserable
Nations
are
compelled
to
hard
labour
,
in
order
to
satiate
those
Lusts
that
tend
to
their
own
ruin
.
It
may
be
consider'd
that
the
virtuous
[
*
](A60214-e48240-b)
*
—
Sxvior
armis
Luxuria
incubuit
,
victumque
ulciscitur
orbem
.
Nullum
crimen
abest
,
facinusque
libidinis
,
ex
quo
Paupertas
Romana
perit
.
Juvenal
.
Pagans
,
by
the
light
of
Nature
,
discovered
the
truth
of
this
.
Poverty
grew
odious
in
Rome
,
when
great
men
by
desiring
Riches
put
a
value
upon
them
,
and
introduced
that
pomp
and
luxury
which
could
not
be
born
by
men
of
small
Fortunes
.
From
thence
all
furies
and
mischiefs
seem'd
to
break
loose
:
The
base
,
slavish
,
and
so
often
subdued
Asia
,
by
the
basest
of
men
revenged
the
defeats
they
had
received
from
the
bravest
;
and
by
infusing
into
them
a
delight
in
pomp
and
luxury
,
in
a
short
time
rendred
the
strongest
and
bravest
of
Nations
the
weakest
and
basest
.
I
wish
our
own
experience
did
not
too
plainly
manifest
,
that
these
Evils
were
never
more
prevalent
than
in
our
days
,
when
the
luxury
,
majestick
pomp
,
and
absolute
power
of
a
neighbouring
King
must
be
supported
by
an
abundance
of
Riches
torn
out
of
the
bowels
of
his
Subjects
,
which
renders
them
,
in
the
best
Country
of
the
World
,
and
at
a
time
when
the
Crown
most
flourishes
,
the
poorest
and
most
miserable
of
all
the
Nations
under
the
Sun
.
We
too
well
know
who
are
most
apt
to
learn
from
them
,
and
by
what
means
and
steps
they
endeavour
to
lead
us
into
the
like
misery
.
But
the
Bird
is
safe
when
the
Snare
is
discover'd
;
and
if
we
are
not
abandoned
by
God
to
destruction
,
we
shall
never
be
brought
to
consent
to
the
settling
of
that
Pomp
,
which
is
against
the
practice
of
all
virtuous
people
,
and
has
brought
all
the
Nations
that
have
bin
taken
with
it
into
the
ruin
that
is
intended
for
us
.
S
E
C
T.
VII
.
When
the
Israelites
asked
for
such
a
King
as
the
Nations
about
them
had
,
they
asked
for
a
Tyrant
,
tho
they
did
not
call
him
so
.
NOW
that
Saul
was
no
Tyrant
,
says
our
Author
,
note
,
that
the
people
asked
a
King
as
all
Nations
had
:
God
answers
,
and
bids
Samuel
to
hear
the
voice
of
the
People
in
all
things
which
they
spake
,
and
appoint
them
a
King
.
They
did
not
ask
a
Tyrant
;
and
to
give
them
a
Tyrant
when
they
asked
a
King
,
had
not
bin
to
hear
their
voice
in
all
things
,
but
rather
when
they
asked
an
Egg
to
have
given
them
a
Scorpion
;
unless
we
will
say
that
all
Nations
had
Tyrants
.
But
before
he
drew
such
a
Conclusion
,
he
should
have
observed
,
that
God
did
not
give
them
a
Scorpion
when
they
asked
an
Egg
,
but
told
them
that
was
a
Scorpion
which
they
called
an
Egg
:
They
would
have
a
King
to
judg
them
,
to
go
out
before
them
,
and
to
fight
their
Battels
;
but
God
in
effect
told
them
,
he
would
overthrow
all
Justice
,
and
turn
the
Power
that
was
given
him
,
to
the
ruin
of
them
and
their
Posterity
.
But
since
they
would
have
it
so
,
he
commanded
Samuel
to
hearken
to
their
Voice
,
and
for
the
punishment
of
their
sin
and
folly
,
to
give
them
such
a
King
as
they
asked
,
that
is
,
one
who
would
turn
to
his
own
profit
and
their
misery
,
the
Power
with
which
he
should
be
entrusted
;
and
this
truly
denominates
a
Tyrant
.
Aristotle
makes
no
other
distinction
between
a
King
and
a
Tyrant
,
than
that
the
King
governs
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
the
Tyrant
for
his
own
pleasure
or
profit
:
and
they
who
asked
such
a
one
,
asked
a
Tyrant
,
tho
they
called
him
a
King
.
This
is
all
could
be
done
in
their
Language
:
for
as
they
who
are
skilled
in
the
Oriental
Tongues
assure
me
,
there
is
no
name
for
a
Tyrant
in
any
of
them
,
or
any
other
way
of
expressing
the
thing
than
by
circumlocution
,
and
adding
proud
,
insolent
,
lustful
,
cruel
,
violent
,
or
the
like
Epithets
,
to
the
word
Lord
,
or
King
.
They
did
in
effect
ask
a
Tyrant
:
They
would
not
have
such
a
King
as
God
had
ordain'd
,
but
such
a
one
as
the
Nations
had
.
Not
that
all
Nations
had
Tyrants
;
but
those
who
were
round
about
them
,
of
whom
they
had
knowledg
,
and
which
in
their
manner
of
speaking
went
under
the
name
of
all
,
were
blessed
with
such
Masters
.
This
way
of
expression
was
used
by
Lot's
Daughters
,
who
said
,
There
was
not
a
man
in
all
the
earth
to
come
in
to
them
;
because
there
was
none
in
the
neighborhood
with
whom
it
was
thought
fit
they
should
accompany
.
Now
,
that
the
Eastern
Nations
were
then
,
and
are
still
under
the
Government
of
those
which
all
free
People
call
Tyrants
,
is
evident
to
all
men
.
God
therefore
in
giving
them
a
Tyrant
,
or
rather
a
Government
that
would
turn
into
Tyranny
,
gave
them
what
they
asked
under
another
name
;
and
without
any
blemish
to
the
Mercy
promised
to
their
Fathers
,
suffered
them
to
bear
the
penalty
of
their
wickedness
and
folly
in
rejecting
him
that
he
should
not
reign
over
them
.
But
tho
the
name
of
Tyrant
was
unknown
to
them
,
yet
in
Greece
,
from
whence
the
word
comes
,
it
signified
no
more
than
one
who
governed
according
to
his
own
will
,
distinguished
from
Kings
that
governed
by
Law
;
and
was
not
taken
in
an
ill
sense
,
till
those
who
had
bin
advanced
for
their
Justice
,
Wisdom
and
Valour
,
or
their
Descendents
,
were
sound
to
depart
from
the
ends
of
their
Institution
,
and
to
turn
that
Power
to
the
oppression
of
the
people
,
which
had
bin
given
for
their
protection
:
But
by
these
means
it
grew
odious
,
and
that
kind
of
Government
came
to
be
thought
only
tolerable
by
the
basest
of
men
;
and
those
who
destroy'd
it
,
were
in
all
places
esteemed
to
be
the
best
.
If
Monarchy
had
bin
universally
evil
,
God
had
not
in
the
17
th
of
Deuteronomy
given
leave
to
the
Israelites
to
set
up
a
King
;
and
if
that
kind
of
King
had
bin
asked
,
he
had
not
bin
displeased
:
and
they
could
not
have
bin
said
to
reject
God
,
if
they
had
not
asked
that
which
was
evil
;
for
nothing
that
is
good
is
contrary
,
or
inconsistent
with
a
peoples
obedience
to
him
.
The
Monarchy
they
asked
was
displeasing
to
God
,
it
was
therefore
evil
.
But
a
Tyrant
is
no
more
than
an
evil
or
corrupted
Monarch
:
The
King
therefore
that
they
demanded
was
a
Tyrant
:
God
in
granting
one
who
would
prove
a
Tyrant
,
gave
them
what
they
asked
;
and
that
they
might
know
what
they
did
,
and
what
he
would
be
,
he
told
them
they
rejected
him
,
and
should
cry
by
reason
of
the
King
they
desired
.
This
denotes
him
to
be
a
Tyrant
:
for
as
the
Government
of
a
King
ought
to
be
gentle
and
easy
,
tending
to
the
good
of
the
people
,
resembling
the
tender
care
of
a
Father
to
his
Family
;
if
he
who
is
set
up
to
be
a
King
,
and
to
be
like
to
that
Father
,
do
lay
a
heavy
Yoak
upon
the
people
,
and
use
them
as
Slaves
and
not
as
Children
,
he
must
renounce
all
resemblance
of
a
Father
,
and
be
accounted
an
Enemy
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
whereas
the
peoples
crying
argues
some
tyrannical
oppression
,
we
may
remember
that
the
peoples
Cries
are
not
always
an
Argument
of
their
living
under
a
Tyrant
.
No
man
will
say
Solomon
was
a
Tyrant
,
yet
all
the
Congregation
complain'd
that
Solomon
made
their
Yoak
grievous
.
'T
is
strange
,
that
when
Children
,
nay
when
Whelps
cry
,
it
should
be
accounted
a
mark
that
they
are
troubled
,
and
that
the
Cry
of
the
whole
people
should
be
none
:
Or
that
the
Government
which
is
erected
for
their
ease
,
should
not
be
esteemed
tyrannical
if
it
prove
grievous
to
those
it
should
relieve
.
But
as
I
know
no
example
of
a
People
that
did
generally
complain
without
cause
,
our
Adversaries
must
alledg
some
other
than
that
of
Solomon
,
before
I
believe
it
of
any
.
We
are
to
speak
reverently
of
him
:
He
was
excellent
in
Wisdom
;
he
built
the
Temple
,
and
God
appeared
twice
to
him
:
But
it
must
be
confess'd
,
that
during
a
great
part
of
his
life
he
acted
directly
contrary
to
the
Law
given
by
God
to
Kings
,
and
that
his
ways
were
evil
and
oppressive
to
the
people
,
if
those
of
God
were
good
.
Kings
were
forbidden
to
multiply
Horses
,
Wives
,
Silver
and
Gold
:
But
he
brought
together
more
Silver
and
Gold
,
and
provided
more
Horses
,
Wives
and
Concubines
than
any
man
is
known
to
have
had
:
And
tho
he
did
not
actually
return
to
Egypt
,
yet
he
introduced
their
abominable
Idolatry
,
and
so
far
raised
his
heart
above
his
Brethren
,
that
he
made
them
subservient
to
his
Pomp
and
Glory
.
The
People
might
probably
be
pleased
with
a
great
part
of
this
;
but
when
the
Yoak
became
grievous
,
and
his
foolish
Son
would
not
render
it
more
easy
,
they
threw
it
off
;
and
the
thing
being
from
the
Lord
,
it
was
good
,
unless
he
be
evil
.
But
as
just
Governments
are
established
for
the
good
of
the
governed
,
and
the
Israelites
desir'd
a
King
,
that
it
might
be
well
with
them
,
not
with
him
,
who
was
not
yet
known
to
them
;
that
which
exalts
one
to
the
prejudice
of
those
that
made
him
,
must
always
be
evil
,
and
the
People
that
suffers
the
prejudice
must
needs
know
it
better
than
any
other
.
He
that
denies
this
,
may
think
the
state
of
France
might
have
bin
best
known
from
Bulion
the
late
Treasurer
,
who
finding
Lewis
the
Thirteenth
to
be
troubled
at
the
peoples
misery
,
told
him
they
were
too
happy
,
since
they
were
not
reduced
to
eat
grass
.
But
if
words
are
to
be
understood
as
they
are
ordinarily
used
,
and
we
have
no
other
than
that
of
Tyranny
to
express
a
Monarchy
that
is
either
evil
in
the
institution
,
or
fallen
into
corruption
,
we
may
justly
call
that
Tyranny
which
the
Scripture
calls
a
grievous
Yoak
,
and
which
neither
the
old
nor
the
new
Counsellors
of
Rehoboam
could
deny
to
be
so
:
for
tho
the
first
advised
him
to
promise
amendment
,
and
the
others
to
do
worse
,
yet
all
agreed
that
what
the
people
said
was
true
.
This
Yoak
is
always
odious
to
such
as
are
not
by
natural
stupidity
and
baseness
fitted
for
it
;
but
those
who
are
so
,
never
complain
.
An
Ass
will
bear
a
multitude
of
blows
patiently
,
but
the
least
of
them
drives
a
Lion
into
rage
.
He
that
said
,
the
rod
is
made
for
the
back
of
fools
,
confessed
that
oppression
will
make
a
wise
man
mad
.
And
the
most
unnatural
of
all
oppressions
is
to
use
Lions
like
Asses
,
and
to
lay
that
Yoak
upon
a
generous
Nation
,
which
only
the
basest
can
deserve
;
and
for
want
of
a
better
word
we
call
this
Tyranny
.
Our
Author
is
not
contented
to
vindicate
Solomon
only
,
but
extends
his
Indulgence
to
Saul
.
His
custom
is
to
patronize
all
that
is
detestable
,
and
no
better
testimony
could
be
given
of
it
.
It
is
true
,
says
he
,
Saul
lost
his
Kingdom
,
but
not
for
being
too
cruel
or
tyrannical
unto
his
Subjects
,
but
for
being
too
merciful
unto
his
Enemies
:
But
he
alledges
no
other
reason
,
than
that
the
slaughter
of
the
Priests
is
not
blamed
;
not
observing
that
the
Writers
of
the
Scripture
in
relating
those
things
that
are
known
to
be
abominable
by
the
Light
of
Nature
,
frequently
say
no
more
of
them
:
And
if
this
be
not
so
,
Lot's
drunkenness
and
incest
,
Ruben's
pollution
of
his
Father's
bed
,
Abimelec's
slaughter
of
his
seventy
Brothers
,
and
many
of
the
most
wicked
Acts
that
ever
were
committed
,
may
pass
for
laudable
and
innocent
.
But
if
Saul
were
not
to
be
blamed
for
killing
the
Priests
,
why
was
David
blamed
for
the
death
of
[
*
](A60214-e48780-b)
*
Thou
hast
killed
Uriah
with
the
Sword
of
the
Children
of
Ammon
:
Now
therefore
the
Sword
shall
never
depart
from
thy
house
,
2
Sam.
12.
Uriah
?
Why
were
the
Dogs
to
lick
the
blood
of
Ahab
and
Jezebel
,
if
they
did
nothing
more
than
Kings
might
do
without
blame
?
Now
if
the
slaughter
of
one
man
was
so
severely
avenged
upon
the
Authors
and
their
Families
,
none
but
such
as
Filmer
can
think
that
of
so
many
innocent
men
,
with
their
Wives
and
Children
,
could
escape
unreproved
or
unpunished
.
But
the
whole
series
of
the
History
of
Saul
shewing
evidently
that
his
Life
and
Reign
were
full
of
the
most
violent
cruelty
and
madness
,
we
are
to
seek
no
other
reason
for
the
ruin
threatned
and
brought
upon
him
and
his
Family
.
And
as
those
Princes
who
are
most
barbarously
savage
against
their
own
people
,
are
usually
most
gentle
to
the
Enemies
of
their
Country
,
he
could
not
give
a
more
certain
testimony
of
his
hatred
to
those
he
ought
to
have
protected
,
than
by
preserving
those
Nations
,
who
were
their
most
irreconcileable
Enemies
.
This
is
proved
by
reason
as
well
as
by
experience
;
for
every
man
knows
he
cannot
bear
the
hatred
of
all
mankind
:
Such
as
know
they
have
Enemies
abroad
,
endeavour
to
get
Friends
at
home
:
Those
who
command
powerful
Nations
,
and
are
beloved
by
them
,
fear
not
to
offend
Strangers
.
But
if
they
have
rendred
their
own
people
Enemies
to
them
,
they
cannot
hope
for
help
in
a
time
of
distress
,
nor
so
much
as
a
place
of
retreat
or
refuge
,
unless
from
strangers
,
nor
from
them
unless
they
deserve
it
,
by
favouring
them
to
the
prejudice
of
their
own
Country
.
As
no
man
can
serve
two
Masters
,
no
man
can
pursue
two
contrary
Interests
:
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Gideon
and
Samuel
,
were
severe
to
the
Amorites
,
Midianites
and
Cananites
,
but
mild
and
gentle
to
the
Hebrews
.
Saul
,
who
was
cruel
to
the
Hebrews
,
spared
the
Amalekites
,
whose
preservation
was
their
destruction
:
and
whilst
he
destroyed
those
he
should
have
saved
,
and
saved
those
that
by
a
general
and
particular
command
of
God
he
should
have
destroyed
,
he
lost
his
ill-govern'd
Kingdom
,
and
left
an
example
to
posterity
of
the
end
that
may
be
expected
from
pride
,
folly
and
tyranny
.
The
matter
would
not
be
much
alter'd
,
if
I
should
confess
,
that
in
the
time
of
Saul
all
Nations
were
governed
by
Tyrants
(
tho
it
is
not
true
,
for
Greece
did
then
flourish
in
Liberty
,
and
we
have
reason
to
believe
that
other
Nations
did
so
also
)
for
tho
they
might
not
think
of
a
good
Government
at
the
first
,
nothing
can
oblige
men
to
continue
under
one
that
is
bad
,
when
they
discover
the
evils
of
it
,
and
know
how
to
mend
it
.
They
who
trusted
men
that
appeared
to
have
great
Virtues
,
with
such
a
power
as
might
easily
be
turned
into
Tyranny
,
might
justly
retract
,
limit
or
abolish
it
,
when
they
found
it
to
be
abused
,
And
tho
no
condition
had
bin
reserved
,
the
publick
Good
,
which
is
the
end
of
all
[
*
](A60214-e48970-b)
*
Salus
populi
suprema
Lex
.
Government
,
had
bin
sufficient
to
abrogate
all
that
should
tend
to
the
contrary
.
As
the
malice
of
Men
and
their
Inventions
to
do
mischief
increase
daily
,
all
would
soon
be
brought
under
the
power
of
the
worst
,
if
care
were
not
taken
,
and
opportunities
embraced
to
find
new
ways
of
preventing
it
.
He
that
should
make
War
at
this
day
as
the
best
Commanders
did
two
hundred
years
past
,
would
be
beaten
by
the
meanest
Souldier
.
The
Places
then
accounted
impregnable
are
now
slighted
as
indefensible
;
and
if
the
Arts
of
defending
were
not
improved
as
well
as
those
of
affaulting
,
none
would
be
able
to
hold
out
a
day
.
Men
were
sent
into
the
World
rude
and
ignorant
,
and
if
they
might
not
have
used
their
natural
Faculties
to
find
out
that
which
is
good
for
themselves
,
all
must
have
bin
condemn'd
to
continue
in
the
ignorance
of
our
first
Fathers
,
and
to
make
no
use
of
their
understanding
to
the
ends
for
which
it
was
given
.
The
bestial
Barbarity
in
which
many
Nations
,
especially
of
Africa
,
America
and
Asia
,
do
now
live
,
shews
what
human
Nature
is
,
if
it
be
not
improved
by
art
and
discipline
;
and
if
the
first
errors
committed
through
ignorance
,
might
not
be
corrected
,
all
would
be
obliged
to
continue
in
them
,
and
for
any
thing
I
know
,
we
must
return
to
the
Religion
,
Manners
and
Policy
that
were
found
in
our
Country
at
Cesar's
landing
.
To
affirm
this
is
no
less
than
to
destroy
all
that
is
commendable
in
the
world
,
and
to
render
the
understanding
given
to
men
utterly
useless
.
But
if
it
be
lawful
for
us
by
the
use
of
that
understanding
to
build
Houses
,
Ships
and
Forts
better
than
our
Ancestors
,
to
make
such
Arms
as
are
most
fit
for
our
defence
,
and
to
invent
Printing
,
with
an
infinite
number
of
other
Arts
beneficial
to
mankind
,
why
have
we
not
the
same
right
in
matters
of
Government
,
upon
which
all
others
do
almost
absolutely
depend
?
If
men
are
not
obliged
to
live
in
Caves
and
hollow
Trees
,
to
eat
Acorns
,
and
to
go
naked
,
why
should
they
be
for
ever
obliged
to
continue
under
the
same
form
of
Government
that
their
Ancestors
happened
to
set
up
in
the
time
of
their
ignorance
?
Or
if
they
were
not
so
ignorant
to
set
up
one
that
was
not
good
enough
for
the
age
in
which
they
lived
,
why
it
should
not
be
altered
,
when
tricks
are
found
out
to
turn
that
to
the
prejudice
of
Nations
,
which
was
erected
for
their
good
?
From
whence
should
malice
and
wickedness
gain
a
privilege
of
putting
new
Inventions
to
do
mischief
every
day
into
practice
?
and
who
is
it
that
so
far
protects
them
,
as
to
forbid
good
and
innocent
men
to
find
new
ways
also
of
defending
themselves
from
it
?
If
there
be
any
that
do
this
,
they
must
be
such
as
live
in
the
same
principle
;
who
whilst
they
pretend
to
exercise
Justice
,
provide
only
for
the
indemnity
of
their
own
Crimes
,
and
the
advancement
of
unjust
designs
.
They
would
have
a
right
of
attacking
us
with
all
the
advantages
of
the
Arms
now
in
use
,
and
the
Arts
which
by
the
practice
of
so
many
ages
have
bin
wonderfully
refined
,
whilst
we
should
be
obliged
to
employ
no
others
in
our
just
defence
,
than
such
as
were
known
to
our
naked
Ancestors
when
Cesar
invaded
them
,
or
to
the
Indians
when
they
fell
under
the
dominion
of
the
Spaniards
.
This
would
be
a
compendious
way
of
placing
uncontrol'd
Iniquity
in
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
,
and
to
overthrow
all
that
deserves
the
name
of
Good
by
the
introduction
of
such
accursed
Maxims
.
But
if
no
man
dares
to
acknowledg
any
such
,
except
those
whose
acknowledgment
is
a
discredit
,
we
ought
not
to
suffer
them
to
be
obliquely
obtruded
upon
us
,
nor
to
think
that
God
has
so
far
abandoned
us
into
the
hands
of
our
Enemies
,
as
not
to
leave
us
the
liberty
of
using
the
same
Arms
in
our
defence
as
they
do
to
offend
and
injure
us
.
We
shall
be
told
,
that
Prayers
and
Tears
were
the
only
Arms
of
the
first
Christians
,
and
that
Christ
commanded
his
Disciples
to
pray
for
those
that
persecuted
them
:
But
besides
that
those
Precepts
of
the
most
extreme
lenity
do
ill
sute
with
the
violent
practices
of
those
who
attempt
to
enslave
Nations
,
and
who
by
alledging
them
do
plainly
shew
either
that
they
do
not
extend
to
all
Christians
,
or
that
they
themselves
are
none
whilst
they
act
contrary
to
them
,
they
are
to
know
,
that
those
Precepts
were
merely
temporary
,
and
directed
to
the
Persons
of
the
Apostles
,
who
were
armed
only
with
the
sword
of
the
Spirit
;
that
the
primitive
Christians
used
Prayers
and
Tears
only
no
longer
than
whilst
they
had
no
other
arms
.
But
knowing
that
by
listing
themselves
under
the
ensigns
of
Christianity
they
had
not
lost
the
rights
belonging
to
all
Mankind
,
when
Nations
came
to
be
converted
,
they
noway
thought
themselves
obliged
to
give
their
Enemies
a
certain
opportunity
of
destroying
them
,
when
God
had
put
means
into
their
hands
of
defending
themselves
;
and
proceeded
so
far
in
this
way
,
that
the
Christian
Valour
soon
became
no
less
famous
and
remarkable
than
that
of
the
Pagans
.
They
did
with
the
utmost
vigour
defend
both
their
civil
and
religious
Rights
against
all
the
Powers
of
Earth
and
Hell
,
who
by
force
and
fraud
endeavoured
to
destroy
them
.
SECT.
VIII
.
Under
the
name
of
Tribute
no
more
is
understood
than
what
the
Law
of
each
Nation
gives
to
the
supreme
Magistrate
for
the
defraying
of
publick
Charges
;
to
which
the
Customs
of
the
Romans
,
or
sufferings
of
the
Jews
have
no
relation
.
IF
any
desire
the
directions
of
the
New
Testament
,
says
our
Author
,
he
may
find
our
Saviour
limiting
and
distinguishing
Royal
Power
,
by
giving
to
Cesar
those
things
that
are
Cesar'
s
,
and
to
God
the
things
that
are
God's
.
But
that
will
be
of
no
advantage
to
him
in
this
contest
.
We
do
not
deny
to
any
man
that
which
is
his
due
;
but
do
not
so
well
know
who
is
Cesar
,
nor
what
it
is
that
can
truly
be
said
to
be
due
to
him
.
I
grant
that
when
those
words
were
spoken
,
the
power
of
the
Romans
exercised
by
Tiberius
was
then
expressed
by
the
name
of
Cesar
,
which
he
without
any
Title
had
assumed
.
The
Jews
amongst
many
other
Nations
having
bin
subdued
,
submitted
to
it
;
and
being
noway
competent
Judges
of
the
rights
belonging
to
the
Senate
or
People
of
Rome
,
were
obliged
to
acknowledg
that
Power
which
their
Masters
were
under
.
They
had
no
Commonwealth
of
their
own
,
nor
any
other
Government
amongst
themselves
,
that
was
not
precarious
.
They
thought
Christ
was
to
have
restored
their
Kingdom
,
and
by
them
to
have
reigned
over
the
Nations
;
but
he
shewed
them
they
were
to
be
subject
to
the
Gentiles
,
and
that
within
few
years
their
City
and
Temple
should
be
destroy'd
.
Their
Commonwealth
must
needs
expire
when
all
that
was
prefigured
by
it
was
accomplished
.
It
was
not
for
them
at
such
a
time
to
presume
upon
their
abrogated
Privileges
,
nor
the
promises
made
to
them
,
which
were
then
fulfilled
.
Nay
,
they
had
by
their
Sins
profand
themselves
,
and
given
to
the
Gentiles
a
right
over
them
,
which
none
could
have
had
,
if
they
had
continued
in
their
obedience
to
the
Law
of
God
.
This
was
the
foundation
of
the
Cesars
dominion
over
them
,
but
can
have
no
influence
upon
us
.
The
first
of
the
Cesars
had
not
bin
set
up
by
them
:
The
series
of
them
had
not
bin
continued
by
their
consent
:
They
had
not
interrupted
the
succession
by
placing
or
displacing
such
as
they
pleased
:
They
had
not
brought
in
Strangers
or
Bastards
,
nor
preferred
the
remotest
in
blood
before
the
nearest
:
They
had
no
part
in
making
the
Laws
by
which
they
were
governed
,
nor
had
the
Cesars
sworn
to
them
:
They
had
no
Great
Charter
,
acknowledging
their
Liberties
to
be
innate
or
inherent
in
them
,
confirmed
by
immemorial
Custom
,
and
strengthen'd
by
thirty
acts
of
their
own
general
Assemblies
,
with
the
assent
of
the
Romans
:
The
Cesar
who
then
governed
came
not
to
the
power
by
their
consent
:
The
question
,
Will
ye
have
this
man
to
reign
?
had
never
bin
asked
;
but
he
being
imposed
upon
them
,
they
were
to
submit
to
the
Laws
by
which
he
governed
their
Masters
.
This
can
be
nothing
to
us
,
whose
case
is
in
every
respect
most
unlike
to
theirs
.
We
have
no
Dictatorian
Power
over
us
;
and
neither
we
nor
our
Fathers
have
render'd
or
owed
obedience
to
any
human
Laws
but
our
own
,
nor
to
any
other
Magistracy
than
what
we
have
established
.
We
have
a
King
who
reigns
by
Law
.
His
power
is
from
the
[
*
](A60214-e49300-b)
*
Lex
facit
ut
sit
Rex
.
Bracton
.
Law
that
makes
him
King
:
and
we
can
know
only
from
thence
what
he
is
to
command
,
and
what
we
are
obliged
to
obey
.
We
know
the
power
of
the
Cesars
was
usurped
,
maintained
and
exercised
with
the
most
detestable
violence
,
injustice
and
cruelty
.
But
tho
it
had
bin
established
by
the
consent
of
the
Romans
from
an
opinion
that
it
was
good
for
them
in
that
state
of
affairs
,
it
were
nothing
to
us
:
and
we
could
be
no
more
obliged
to
follow
their
example
in
that
than
to
be
governed
by
Consuls
,
Tribuns
,
and
Decemviri
,
or
to
constitute
such
a
Government
as
they
set
up
when
they
expelled
their
Kings
.
Their
Authority
was
as
good
at
one
time
as
at
the
other
;
or
if
a
difference
ought
to
be
made
,
the
preference
is
to
be
given
to
what
they
did
when
their
manners
were
most
pure
,
the
people
most
free
,
and
when
virtue
was
most
flourishing
among
them
.
But
if
we
are
not
obliged
to
set
up
such
a
Magistracy
as
they
had
,
't
is
ridiculous
to
think
that
such
an
obedience
is
due
to
one
who
is
not
in
being
as
they
pay'd
to
him
that
was
.
And
if
I
should
confess
that
Cesar
holding
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
under
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
imposed
what
tribute
he
pleased
upon
the
Provinces
;
and
that
the
Jews
,
who
had
no
part
in
the
Government
,
were
obliged
to
submit
to
his
will
,
our
liberty
of
paying
nothing
,
except
what
the
Parliament
appoints
,
and
yielding
obedience
to
no
Laws
but
such
as
are
made
to
be
so
by
their
Authority
,
or
by
our
own
immemorial
Customs
,
could
not
be
thereby
infringed
.
But
we
may
justly
affirm
,
that
the
Tribute
imposed
was
not
,
as
our
Author
infers
,
all
their
Coin
,
nor
a
considerable
part
of
it
,
nor
more
than
what
was
understood
to
go
for
the
defraying
of
the
publick
Charges
.
Christ
by
asking
whose
Image
and
Superscription
was
stampt
upon
their
Mony
,
and
thereupon
commanding
them
to
give
to
Cesar
that
which
was
Cesar's
,
did
not
imply
that
all
was
his
;
but
that
Cesar's
Mony
being
current
amongst
them
,
it
was
a
continual
and
evident
testimony
,
that
they
acknowledged
themselves
to
be
under
his
jurisdiction
,
and
therefore
could
not
refuse
to
pay
the
Tribute
laid
upon
them
by
the
same
Authority
,
as
other
Nations
did
.
It
may
also
be
observed
,
that
Christ
did
not
so
much
say
this
to
determin
the
questions
that
might
arise
concerning
Cesar's
Power
;
for
he
plainly
says
,
that
was
not
his
work
;
but
to
put
the
Pharisees
to
silence
who
tempted
him
.
According
to
the
opinion
of
the
Jews
,
that
the
Messias
would
restore
the
Kingdom
of
Israel
,
they
thought
his
first
work
would
be
to
throw
off
the
Roman
Yoak
;
and
not
believing
him
to
be
the
man
,
they
would
have
brought
him
to
avow
the
thing
,
that
they
might
destroy
him
.
But
as
that
was
not
his
business
,
and
that
his
time
was
not
yet
come
,
it
was
not
necessary
to
give
them
any
other
answer
,
than
such
as
might
disappoint
their
purpose
.
This
shews
that
,
without
detracting
from
the
honor
due
to
Austin
,
Ambrose
or
Tertullian
,
I
may
justly
say
,
that
the
decision
of
such
questions
as
arise
concerning
our
Government
must
be
decided
by
our
Laws
,
and
not
by
their
Writings
.
They
were
excellent
Men
,
but
living
in
another
time
,
under
a
very
different
Government
,
and
applying
themselves
to
other
matters
,
they
had
no
knowledg
at
all
of
those
that
concern
us
.
They
knew
what
Government
they
were
under
,
and
thereupon
judged
what
a
broken
and
dispersed
People
ow'd
to
that
which
had
given
Law
to
the
best
part
of
the
World
before
they
were
in
being
,
under
which
they
had
bin
educated
,
and
which
after
a
most
cruel
persecution
was
become
propitious
to
them
.
They
knew
that
the
Word
of
the
Emperor
was
a
Law
to
the
Senate
and
People
,
who
were
under
the
power
of
that
man
that
could
get
the
best
Army
;
but
perhaps
had
never
heard
of
such
mixed
Governments
as
ours
,
tho
about
that
time
they
began
to
appear
in
the
world
.
And
it
might
be
as
reasonably
concluded
,
that
there
ought
to
be
no
rule
in
the
Succession
or
Election
of
Princes
,
because
the
Roman
Emperors
were
set
up
by
the
violence
of
the
Soldiers
,
and
for
the
most
part
by
the
slaughter
of
him
who
was
in
possession
of
the
Power
,
as
that
all
other
Princes
must
be
absolute
when
they
have
it
,
and
do
what
they
please
,
till
another
more
strong
and
more
happy
,
may
by
the
like
means
wrest
the
same
Power
from
them
.
I
am
much
mistaken
if
this
be
not
true
;
but
without
prejudice
to
our
Cause
,
we
may
take
that
which
they
say
,
according
to
their
true
meaning
,
in
the
utmost
extent
.
And
to
begin
with
Tertullian
:
'T
is
good
to
consider
the
subject
of
his
Discourse
,
and
to
whom
he
wrote
.
The
Treatise
cited
by
our
Author
is
the
Apologetick
,
and
tends
to
perswade
the
Pagans
,
that
civil
Magistrates
might
not
intermeddle
with
Religion
;
and
that
the
Laws
made
by
them
touching
those
matters
,
were
of
no
value
,
as
relating
to
things
of
which
they
had
no
cognisance
.
[
*
](A60214-e49520-b)
*
Leges
non
annorum
numerus
,
nec
conditorum
dignitas
,
sed
sola
aequitas
commendat
,
atque
ideo
si
iniquae
cognoscuntur
merito
damnantur
.
Tertul.
Ap.
'T
is
not
,
says
he
,
length
of
time
,
nor
the
dignity
of
the
Legislators
,
but
equity
only
that
can
commend
Laws
;
and
when
any
are
found
to
be
unjust
,
they
are
deservedly
condemned
.
By
which
words
he
denied
that
the
Magistratical
Power
which
the
Romans
acknowledged
in
Cesar
,
had
any
thing
to
do
in
spiritual
things
.
And
little
advantage
can
be
taken
by
Christian
Princes
from
what
he
says
concerning
the
Roman
Emperors
;
for
he
expresly
declares
,
[
†
](A60214-e49580-b)
†
Sed
&
Caesares
super
Christo
credidissent
,
si
aut
Caesares
non
essent
saeculo
necessarii
,
aut
Christiani
potuissent
esse
Caesares
.
Ibid.
That
the
Cesars
would
have
believed
in
Christ
,
if
they
had
either
not
bin
necessary
to
the
secular
Government
,
or
that
Christians
might
have
bin
Cesars
.
This
seems
to
have
proceeded
from
an
opinion
received
by
Christians
in
the
first
Ages
,
that
the
use
of
the
Civil
as
well
as
the
Military
Sword
was
equally
accursed
:
That
Christians
were
to
be
[
||
](A60214-e49620-b)
||
Filii
pacis
,
nullius
hostes
;
&
Christus
exarmando
Petrum
,
omnem
Christianum
militem
in
aeternum
discinxit
.
Ibid.
Sons
of
peace
,
Enemies
to
no
man
;
and
that
Christ
by
commanding
Peter
to
put
up
his
Sword
,
did
for
ever
disarm
all
Christians
.
He
proceeds
to
say
,
[
||||
](A60214-e49660-b)
||||
Nobis
omnis
gloriae
&
dignitatis
ardore
frigentibus
,
&c.
Nec
alia
res
est
nobis
magis
aliena
quam
publica
:
Unam
nobis
Rempublicam
Mundum
agnoscimus
.
We
cannot
fight
to
defend
our
Goods
,
having
in
our
Baptism
denounc'd
the
World
,
and
all
that
is
in
it
;
nor
to
gain
Honors
,
accounting
nothing
more
foreign
to
us
than
publick
Affairs
,
and
acknowledging
no
other
Commonwealth
than
that
of
the
whole
World
;
Nor
to
save
our
lives
,
because
we
account
it
a
happiness
to
be
killed
.
He
disswades
the
Pagans
from
executing
Christians
,
rather
from
charity
to
them
in
keeping
them
from
the
crime
of
slaughtering
the
Innocent
,
than
that
they
were
unwilling
to
suffer
:
and
gives
no
other
reasons
of
their
Prayers
for
the
Emperors
,
than
that
they
were
commanded
to
love
their
Enemies
,
and
to
pray
for
those
who
persecuted
them
,
except
such
as
he
drew
from
a
mistake
,
that
the
World
was
shortly
to
finish
with
the
dissolution
of
the
Empire
.
All
his
Works
,
as
well
those
that
were
written
before
he
fell
into
Montanism
,
as
those
published
afterwards
,
are
full
of
the
like
Opinions
;
and
if
Filmer
acknowledges
them
to
be
true
,
he
must
confess
,
That
Princes
are
not
Fathers
,
but
[
*
](A60214-e49700-b)
*
Qui
enim
magis
inimici
Christianorum
,
quam
de
quorum
Majestate
convenimur
in
crimen
.
Iertul
.
ib.
Enemies
:
and
not
only
they
,
but
all
those
who
render
themselves
Ministers
of
the
Powers
they
execute
,
in
taking
upon
them
the
Sword
that
Christ
had
cursed
,
do
renounce
him
;
and
we
may
consider
how
to
proceed
with
such
as
do
so
.
If
our
Author
will
not
acknowledg
this
,
then
no
man
was
ever
guilty
of
a
more
vile
prevarication
than
he
,
who
alledges
those
words
in
favour
of
his
Cause
,
which
have
their
only
strength
in
Opinions
that
he
thinks
false
,
and
in
the
Authority
of
a
man
whom
in
that
very
thing
he
condemns
;
and
must
do
so
,
or
overthrow
all
that
he
endeavours
to
support
.
But
Tertullian's
Opinions
concerning
these
matters
have
no
relation
to
our
present
Question
.
The
design
of
his
Apology
,
and
the
Treatise
to
Scapula
almost
upon
the
same
subject
,
was
to
show
,
that
the
Civil
Magistracy
which
he
comprehends
under
the
name
of
Cesar
,
had
nothing
to
do
with
matters
of
Religion
;
and
that
,
as
no
man
could
be
a
Christian
who
would
undertake
the
work
of
a
Magistrate
,
they
who
were
jealous
the
publick
Offices
might
be
taken
out
of
their
hands
,
had
nothing
to
fear
from
Christians
who
resolved
not
to
meddle
with
them
.
Whereas
our
question
is
only
,
Whether
that
Magistratical
Power
,
which
by
Law
or
Usurpation
was
then
in
Cesar
,
must
necessarily
in
all
times
,
and
in
all
places
,
be
in
one
man
,
or
may
be
divided
and
balanced
according
to
the
Laws
of
every
Country
,
concerning
which
he
says
nothing
:
Or
whether
we
,
who
do
not
renounce
the
use
of
the
Civil
or
Military
Sword
,
who
have
a
part
in
the
Government
,
and
think
it
our
duty
to
apply
our selves
to
publick
Cares
,
should
lay
them
aside
because
the
antient
Christians
every
hour
expecting
death
,
did
not
trouble
themselves
with
them
.
If
Ambrose
after
he
was
a
Bishop
,
employ'd
the
serocity
of
a
Soldier
which
he
still
retained
,
rather
in
advancing
the
power
of
the
Clergy
,
than
the
good
of
Mankind
by
restraining
the
rage
of
Tyrants
,
it
can
be
no
prejudice
to
our
Cause
,
of
which
he
had
no
cognisance
.
He
spoke
of
the
violent
and
despotical
Government
,
to
which
he
had
bin
a
Minister
before
his
Baptism
,
and
seems
to
have
had
no
knowledg
of
the
Gothick
Polity
,
that
within
a
few
years
grew
famous
by
the
overthrow
of
the
Roman
Tyranny
,
and
delivering
the
world
from
the
Yoak
which
it
could
no
longer
bear
.
And
if
Austin
might
say
,
That
the
Emperor
is
subject
to
no
Laws
,
because
he
has
a
Power
of
making
Laws
,
I
may
as
justly
say
,
that
our
Kings
are
subject
to
Laws
,
because
they
can
make
no
Law
,
and
have
no
Power
but
what
is
given
by
the
Laws
.
If
this
be
not
the
case
,
I
desire
to
know
who
made
the
Laws
,
to
which
they
and
their
Predecessors
have
sworn
;
and
whether
they
can
according
to
their
own
will
abrogate
those
antient
Laws
by
which
they
are
made
to
be
what
they
are
,
and
by
which
we
enjoy
what
we
have
;
or
whether
they
can
make
new
Laws
by
their
own
Power
?
If
no
man
but
our
Author
have
impudence
enough
to
assert
any
such
thing
;
and
if
all
the
Kings
we
ever
had
,
except
Richard
the
second
,
did
renounce
it
,
we
may
conclude
that
Austin's
words
have
no
relation
to
our
dispute
;
and
that
't
were
to
no
purpose
to
examine
,
whether
the
Fathers
mention
any
reservation
of
Power
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
or
to
the
People
,
it
being
as
lawful
for
all
Nations
,
if
they
think
fit
,
to
frame
Governments
different
from
those
that
were
then
in
being
,
as
to
build
Bastions
,
Halfmoons
,
Hornworks
,
Ravelins
or
Counterscarps
,
or
to
make
use
of
Muskets
,
Cannon
,
Mortars
,
Carabines
or
Pistols
,
which
were
unknown
to
them
.
What
Solomon
says
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
,
dos
as
little
concern
us
.
We
have
already
proved
their
Power
not
to
have
bin
absolute
,
tho
greater
than
that
which
the
Law
allows
to
ours
.
It
might
upon
occasion
be
a
prudent
advice
to
private
persons
living
under
such
Governments
as
were
usual
in
the
Eastern
Countries
,
to
keep
the
King's
Commandments
,
and
not
to
say
,
What
dost
thou
?
because
where
the
Word
of
a
King
is
,
there
is
Power
,
and
all
that
he
pleaseth
he
will
do
.
But
all
these
words
are
not
his
;
and
those
that
are
,
must
not
be
taken
in
a
general
sense
;
for
tho
his
Son
was
a
King
,
yet
in
his
words
there
was
no
power
:
He
could
not
do
what
he
pleased
,
nor
hinder
others
from
doing
what
they
pleased
:
He
would
have
added
weight
to
the
Yoak
that
lay
upon
the
necks
of
the
Israelites
,
but
he
could
not
;
and
we
do
not
find
him
to
have
bin
master
of
much
more
than
his
own
Tongue
,
to
speak
as
many
foolish
things
as
he
pleased
.
In
other
things
,
whether
he
had
to
deal
with
his
own
people
,
or
with
strangers
,
he
was
weak
and
impotent
;
and
the
wretches
who
flatter'd
him
in
his
follies
,
could
be
of
no
help
to
him
.
The
like
has
befallen
many
others
:
Those
who
are
wise
,
virtuous
,
valiant
,
just
,
and
lovers
of
their
People
,
have
and
ought
to
have
Power
;
but
such
as
are
lewd
,
vicious
,
foolish
,
and
haters
of
their
People
,
ought
to
have
none
,
and
are
often
deprived
of
all
.
This
was
well
known
to
Solomon
,
who
says
,
That
a
wise
Child
is
better
than
an
old
and
foolish
King
that
will
not
be
advised
.
When
Nabuchodonosor
set
himself
in
the
place
of
God
,
his
Kingdom
was
taken
from
him
,
and
he
was
driven
from
the
society
of
men
to
herd
with
beasts
.
There
was
Power
for
a
time
in
the
word
of
Nero
:
he
murdered
many
excellent
men
;
but
he
was
call'd
to
account
,
and
the
World
abandon'd
the
Monster
it
had
too
long
endur'd
.
He
found
none
to
defend
him
,
nor
any
better
help
,
when
he
desir'd
to
die
,
than
the
hand
of
a
Slave
.
Besides
this
,
some
Kings
by
their
Institution
have
little
Power
;
some
have
bin
deprived
of
what
they
had
,
for
abusing
,
or
rendring
themselves
unworthy
of
it
;
and
Histories
afford
us
innumerable
examples
of
both
sorts
.
But
tho
I
should
confess
that
there
is
always
Power
in
the
word
of
a
King
,
it
would
be
nothing
to
us
who
dispute
concerning
Right
,
and
have
no
regard
to
that
Power
which
is
void
of
it
.
A
Thief
or
a
Pyrat
may
have
Power
;
but
that
avails
him
not
,
when
,
as
often
befel
the
Cesars
,
he
meets
with
one
who
has
more
,
and
is
always
unsafe
,
since
having
no
effect
upon
the
Consciences
of
men
,
every
one
may
destroy
him
that
can
:
And
I
leave
it
to
Kings
to
consider
how
much
they
stand
obliged
to
those
,
who
placing
their
Rights
upon
the
same
foot
,
expose
their
Persons
to
the
same
dangers
.
But
if
Kings
desire
that
in
their
Word
there
should
be
power
,
let
them
take
care
that
it
be
always
accompanied
with
Truth
and
Justice
.
Let
them
seek
the
good
of
their
People
,
and
the
hands
of
all
good
men
will
be
with
them
.
Let
them
not
exalt
themselves
insolently
,
and
every
one
will
desire
to
exalt
them
.
Let
them
acknowledg
themselves
to
be
the
Servants
of
the
Publick
,
and
all
men
will
be
theirs
.
Let
such
as
are
most
addicted
to
them
,
talk
no
more
of
Cesars
,
nor
the
Tributes
due
to
them
.
We
have
nothing
to
do
with
the
name
of
Cesar.
They
who
at
this
day
live
under
it
,
reject
the
Prerogatives
antiently
usurped
by
those
that
had
it
,
and
are
govern'd
by
no
other
Laws
than
their
own
.
We
know
no
Law
to
which
we
owe
obedience
,
but
that
of
God
,
and
our selves
.
Asiatick
Slaves
usually
pay
such
Tributes
as
are
imposed
upon
them
;
and
whilst
braver
Nations
lay
under
the
Roman
Tyranny
,
they
were
forced
to
submit
to
the
same
burdens
.
But
even
those
Tributes
were
paid
for
maintaining
Armies
,
Fleets
and
Garisons
,
without
which
the
poor
and
abject
life
they
led
could
not
have
bin
preserved
.
We
owe
none
but
what
we
freely
give
.
None
is
or
can
be
imposed
upon
us
,
unless
by
our selves
.
We
measure
our
Grants
according
to
our
own
Will
,
or
the
present
occasions
,
for
our
own
safety
.
Our
Ancestors
were
born
free
,
and
,
as
the
best
provision
they
could
make
for
us
,
they
left
us
that
Liberty
intire
,
with
the
best
Laws
they
could
devise
to
defend
it
.
'T
is
no
way
impair'd
by
the
Opinions
of
the
Fathers
.
The
words
of
Solomon
do
rather
confirm
it
.
The
happiness
of
those
who
enjoy
the
like
,
and
the
shameful
misery
they
lie
under
,
who
have
suffer'd
themselves
to
be
forced
or
cheated
out
of
it
,
may
perswade
,
and
the
justice
of
the
Cause
encourage
us
to
think
nothing
too
dear
to
be
hazarded
in
the
defence
of
it
.
SECT.
IX
.
Our
own
Laws
confirm
to
us
the
enjoyment
of
our
native
Rights
.
IF
that
which
our
Author
calls
Divinity
did
reach
the
things
in
dispute
between
us
,
or
that
the
Opinions
of
the
Fathers
which
he
alledges
,
related
to
them
,
he
might
have
spared
the
pains
of
examining
our
Laws
:
for
a
municipal
Sanction
were
of
little
force
to
confirm
a
perpetual
and
universal
Law
given
by
God
to
mankind
,
and
of
no
value
against
it
,
since
man
cannot
abrogate
what
God
hath
instituted
,
nor
one
Nation
free
it self
from
a
Law
that
is
given
to
all
.
But
having
abused
the
Scriptures
,
and
the
Writings
of
the
Fathers
,
(
whose
Opinions
are
to
be
valued
only
so
far
as
they
rightly
interpret
them
)
he
seems
desirous
to
try
whether
he
can
as
well
put
a
false
sense
upon
our
Law
,
and
has
fully
compassed
his
design
.
Aocording
to
his
custom
he
takes
pieces
of
passages
from
good
Books
,
and
turns
them
directly
against
the
plain
meaning
of
the
Authors
,
expressed
in
the
whole
scope
and
design
of
their
Writings
.
To
show
that
he
intends
to
spare
none
,
he
is
not
ashamed
to
cite
Bracton
,
who
of
all
our
antient
Law-writers
is
most
opposite
to
his
Maxims
.
He
lived
,
says
he
,
in
Henry
the
third's
time
,
since
Parliaments
were
instituted
:
as
if
there
had
bin
a
time
when
England
had
wanted
them
;
or
that
the
establishment
of
our
Liberty
had
bin
made
by
the
Normans
,
who
,
if
we
will
believe
our
Author
,
came
in
by
force
of
Arms
,
and
oppressed
us
.
But
we
have
already
proved
the
Essence
of
Parliaments
to
be
as
antient
as
our
Nation
,
and
that
there
was
no
time
in
which
there
were
not
such
Councils
or
Assemblies
of
the
People
as
had
the
power
of
the
whole
,
and
made
or
unmade
such
Laws
as
best
pleased
themselves
.
We
have
indeed
a
French
word
from
a
People
that
came
from
France
,
but
the
Power
was
always
in
our selves
;
and
the
Norman
Kings
were
obliged
to
swear
they
would
govern
according
to
the
Laws
that
had
bin
made
by
those
Assemblies
.
It
imports
little
whether
Bracton
lived
before
or
after
they
came
amongst
us
.
His
words
are
,
Omnes
sub
eo
,
&
ipse
sub
nullo
,
sed
tantum
sub
Deo
;
All
are
under
him
,
and
he
under
none
but
God
only
.
If
he
offend
,
since
no
Writ
can
go
out
against
him
,
their
Remedy
is
by
petitioning
him
to
amend
his
Faults
;
which
if
he
will
not
do
,
it
is
punishment
enough
for
him
to
expect
God
as
an
avenger
.
Let
none
presume
to
look
into
his
Deeds
,
much
less
to
oppose
him
.
Here
is
a
mixture
of
Sense
and
Nonsense
,
Truth
and
Falshood
,
the
words
of
Bracton
with
our
Author's
foolish
Inferences
from
them
.
Bracton
spoke
of
the
politick
capacity
of
the
King
,
when
no
Law
had
forbidden
him
to
divide
it
from
his
natural
.
He
gave
the
name
of
King
to
the
sovereign
Power
of
the
Nation
,
as
Jacob
called
that
of
his
Descendents
The
Scepter
;
which
he
said
should
not
depart
from
Judah
till
Shiloh
came
,
tho
all
men
know
that
his
Race
did
not
reign
the
third
part
of
that
time
over
his
own
Tribe
,
nor
full
fourscore
years
over
the
whole
Nation
.
The
same
manner
of
speech
is
used
in
all
parts
of
the
world
.
Tertullian
under
the
name
of
Cesar
comprehended
all
magistratical
Power
,
and
imputed
to
him
the
Acts
of
which
in
his
person
he
never
had
any
knowledg
.
The
French
say
,
their
King
is
always
present
,
sur
son
lit
de
justice
,
in
all
the
Sovereign
Courts
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
are
not
easily
numbred
;
and
that
Maxim
could
have
in
it
neither
sense
nor
truth
,
if
by
it
they
meant
a
Man
,
who
can
be
but
in
one
place
at
one
time
,
and
is
always
comprehended
within
the
Dimensions
of
his
own
Skin
.
These
things
could
not
be
unknown
to
Bracton
,
the
like
being
in
use
amongst
us
;
and
he
thought
it
no
offence
so
far
to
follow
the
dictates
of
Reason
prohibited
by
no
Law
,
as
to
make
a
difference
between
the
invisible
and
omnipresent
King
,
who
never
dies
,
and
the
Person
that
wears
the
Crown
,
whom
no
man
without
the
guilt
of
Treason
may
endeavour
to
kill
,
since
there
is
an
Act
of
Parliament
in
the
case
.
I
will
not
determine
whether
he
spoke
properly
or
no
as
to
England
;
but
if
he
did
not
,
all
that
he
said
being
upon
a
false
supposition
,
is
nothing
to
our
purpose
.
The
same
Bracton
says
,
the
King
doth
no
wrong
,
in
as
much
as
he
doth
nothing
but
by
Law
.
[
*
](A60214-e50200-b)
*
Potestas
Regis
est
potestas
Legis
,
potestas
juris
non
injuriae
.
Bract.
de
Leg.
Angl.
The
Power
of
the
King
is
the
Power
of
the
Law
,
a
power
of
right
not
of
wrong
.
Again
,
If
[
†
](A60214-e50240-b)
†
Qui
si
facit
injuriam
,
non
est
Rex
.
Ibid.
the
King
dos
injustice
,
he
is
not
King
.
In
another
place
he
has
these
words
;
[
||
](A60214-e50270-b)
||
Exercere
igitur
debet
Rex
potestatem
juris
sicut
Dei
vicarius
&
minister
in
terra
,
quia
illa
potestas
solius
Dei
est
,
potestas
autem
injuriae
Diaboli
est
non
Dei
;
&
cujus
horum
opera
fecerit
Rex
,
ejus
minister
erit
:
Igitur
dum
facit
justitiam
,
Vicarius
est
regis
a
terni
:
Minister
autem
Diaboli
dum
declinet
ad
injuriam
.
Ibid.
1.
3.
The
King
therefore
ought
to
exercise
the
Power
of
the
Law
,
as
becomes
the
Vicar
and
Minister
of
God
upon
Earth
,
because
that
Power
is
the
Power
of
God
alone
;
but
the
Power
of
doing
wrong
is
the
Power
of
the
Devil
,
and
not
of
God
.
And
the
King
is
his
Minister
whose
Work
he
dos
:
Whilst
he
dos
Justice
,
he
is
the
Vicar
of
the
Eternal
King
;
but
if
he
deflect
from
it
to
act
unjustly
,
he
is
the
Minister
of
the
Devil
.
He
also
says
that
the
King
is
singulis
major
,
universis
minor
;
and
that
he
who
is
in
justitia
exequenda
omnibus
major
,
in
justitia
recipienda
cuilibet
ex
plebe
fit
aequalis
.
I
shall
not
say
Bracton
is
in
the
right
when
he
speaks
in
this
manner
;
but
't
is
a
strange
impudence
in
Filmer
to
cite
him
as
a
Patron
of
the
absolute
Power
of
Kings
,
who
dos
so
extremely
depress
them
.
But
the
grossest
of
his
follies
is
yet
more
pardonable
than
his
detestable
fraud
in
falsifying
Bracton's
words
,
and
leaving
out
such
as
are
not
for
his
purpose
,
which
shew
his
meaning
to
be
directly
contrary
to
the
sense
put
upon
them
.
That
this
may
appear
,
I
shall
set
down
the
words
as
they
are
found
in
Bracton
:
Ipse
autem
Rex
non
debet
esse
sub
homine
,
sed
sub
Deo
,
&
sub
Lege
,
quia
Lex
facit
Regem
.
Attribuat
ergo
Rex
Legi
quod
Lex
attribuit
ei
,
id
est
dominationem
&
potestatem
:
Non
est
enim
Rex
ubi
dominatur
volunt
as
&
non
Lex
;
&
quod
sub
Lege
esse
debeat
,
cum
sit
Dei
vicarius
,
evidenter
apparet
.
If
Bracton
therefore
be
a
competent
Judg
,
the
King
is
under
the
Law
;
and
he
is
not
a
King
,
nor
God's
Vicegerent
unless
he
be
so
;
and
we
all
know
how
to
proceed
with
those
who
being
under
the
Law
,
offend
against
it
.
For
the
Law
is
not
made
in
vain
.
In
this
case
something
more
is
to
be
done
than
petitioning
;
and
't
is
ridiculous
to
say
,
that
if
he
will
not
amend
,
't
is
punishment
enough
for
him
to
expect
God
an
Avenger
;
for
the
same
may
be
said
of
all
Malefactors
.
God
can
sufficiently
punish
Thieves
and
Murderers
:
but
the
future
Judgment
,
of
which
perhaps
they
have
no
belief
,
is
not
sufficient
to
restrain
them
from
committing
more
Crimes
,
nor
to
deter
others
from
following
their
example
.
God
was
always
able
to
punish
Murderers
,
but
yet
by
his
Law
he
commands
man
to
shed
the
blood
of
him
who
should
shed
man's
blood
;
and
declares
that
the
Land
cannot
be
purged
of
the
Guilt
by
any
other
means
.
He
had
Judgments
in
store
for
Jeroboam
,
Ahab
,
and
those
that
were
like
them
;
but
yet
he
commanded
that
,
according
to
that
Law
,
their
Houses
should
be
destroy'd
from
the
earth
.
The
dogs
lick'd
up
the
blood
of
Ahab
,
where
they
had
licked
that
of
Naboth
,
and
eat
Jezebel
who
had
contrived
his
murder
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
we
must
not
look
into
his
deeds
,
much
less
oppose
them
.
Must
not
David
look
into
Saul's
deeds
,
nor
oppose
them
?
Why
did
he
then
bring
together
as
many
men
as
he
could
to
oppose
,
and
make
foreign
Alliances
against
him
,
even
with
the
Moabites
and
the
accursed
Philistins
?
Why
did
Jehu
not
only
destroy
Ahab's
house
,
but
kill
the
King
of
Judah
and
his
forty
Brothers
,
only
for
going
to
visit
his
Children
?
Our
Author
may
perhaps
say
,
because
God
commanded
them
.
But
if
God
commanded
them
to
do
so
,
he
did
not
command
them
and
all
mankind
not
to
do
so
;
and
if
he
did
not
forbid
,
they
have
nothing
to
restrain
them
from
doing
the
like
,
unless
they
have
made
municipal
Laws
of
their
own
to
the
contrary
,
which
our
Author
and
his
Followers
may
produce
when
they
can
find
them
.
His
next
work
is
to
go
back
again
to
the
Tribute
paid
by
Christ
to
Cesar
,
and
judiciously
to
infer
,
that
all
Nations
must
pay
the
same
Duty
to
their
Magistrates
,
as
the
Jews
did
to
the
Romans
who
had
subdued
them
.
Christ
did
not
,
says
he
,
ask
what
the
Law
of
the
Land
was
,
nor
inquire
whether
there
was
a
Statute
against
it
,
nor
whether
the
Tribute
were
given
by
the
consent
of
the
People
,
but
upon
sight
of
the
superscription
concluded
,
&c.
It
had
bin
strange
if
Christ
had
inquired
after
their
Laws
,
Statutes
or
Consent
,
when
he
knew
that
their
Commonwealth
,
with
all
the
Laws
by
which
it
had
subsisted
,
was
abolished
;
and
that
Israel
was
become
a
Servant
to
those
who
exercised
a
most
violent
domination
over
them
;
which
being
a
peculiar
punishment
for
their
peculiar
sins
,
can
have
no
influence
upon
Nations
that
are
not
under
the
same
circumstances
.
But
of
all
that
he
says
,
nothing
is
more
incomprehensible
,
than
what
he
can
mean
by
lawful
Kings
to
whom
all
is
due
that
was
due
to
the
Roman
Usurpers
.
For
lawful
Kings
are
Kings
by
the
Law
:
In
being
Kings
by
the
Law
,
they
are
such
Kings
as
the
Law
makes
them
,
and
that
Law
only
must
tell
us
what
is
due
to
them
;
or
by
a
universal
Patriarchical
Right
,
to
which
no
man
can
have
a
title
,
as
is
said
before
,
till
he
prove
himself
to
be
the
right
Heir
of
Noah
.
If
neither
of
these
are
to
be
regarded
,
but
that
Right
follows
Possession
,
there
is
no
such
thing
as
a
Usurper
;
he
who
has
the
Power
has
the
Right
,
as
indeed
Filmer
says
,
and
his
Wisdom
as
well
as
his
Integrity
is
sufficiently
declared
by
the
Assertion
.
This
wicked
extravagancy
is
followed
by
an
attempt
of
as
singular
ignorance
and
stupidity
,
to
shuffle
together
Usurpers
and
Conquerors
,
as
if
they
were
the
same
;
whereas
there
have
bin
many
Usurpers
who
were
not
Conquerors
,
and
Conquerors
that
deserved
not
the
name
of
Usurpers
.
No
wife
man
ever
said
that
Agathocles
or
Dionysius
conquer'd
Syracuse
;
Tarquin
,
Galba
or
Otho
,
Rome
;
Cromwel
,
England
;
or
that
the
Magi
,
who
seiz'd
the
Government
of
Persia
after
the
death
of
Cambyses
,
conquer'd
that
Country
.
When
Moses
and
Joshua
had
overthrown
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Amorites
,
Moabites
and
Cananites
;
or
when
David
subdued
the
Ammonites
,
Edomites
,
and
others
,
none
,
as
I
suppose
,
but
such
Divines
as
Filmer
,
will
say
they
usurped
a
Dominion
over
them
.
There
is
such
a
thing
amongst
men
as
just
War
,
or
else
true
Valour
would
not
be
a
Virtue
but
a
Crime
;
and
instead
of
glory
,
the
utmost
infamy
would
always
be
the
companion
of
Victory
.
There
are
,
says
[
*
](A60214-e50760-b)
*
Belli
aque
ac
pacis
jura
.
De
jur
.
bel
.
&
pac
.
Grotius
,
Laws
of
War
as
well
as
of
Peace
.
He
who
for
a
just
Cause
,
and
by
just
Means
,
carries
on
a
just
War
,
has
as
clear
a
right
to
what
is
acquired
as
can
be
enjoy'd
by
Man
,
but
all
usurpation
is
detestable
and
abominable
.
SECT.
X.
The
words
of
St.
Paul
enjoying
obedience
to
higher
Powers
,
favour
all
sorts
of
Governments
no
less
than
Monarchy
.
OUR
Author's
next
quarrel
is
with
St.
Paul
,
who
did
not
,
as
he
says
,
in
enjoyning
subjection
to
the
higher
Powers
,
signify
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
or
mean
the
highest
Powers
,
as
well
Aristocratical
and
Democratical
as
Regal
,
but
a
Monarch
that
carries
the
Sword
,
&c.
But
what
if
there
be
no
Monarch
in
the
place
?
or
what
if
he
do
not
carry
the
Sword
?
Had
the
Apostle
spoken
in
vain
,
if
the
liberty
of
the
Romans
had
not
bin
overthrown
by
the
fraud
and
violence
of
Cesar
?
Was
no
obedience
to
be
exacted
whilst
that
people
enjoy'd
the
benefit
of
their
own
Laws
,
and
Virtue
flourished
under
the
moderate
Government
of
a
legal
and
just
Magistracy
,
established
for
the
common
good
,
by
the
common
consent
of
all
?
Had
God
no
Minister
amongst
them
till
Law
and
Justice
was
overthrown
,
the
best
part
of
the
people
destroy'd
by
the
fury
of
a
corrupt
mercenary
Souldiery
,
and
the
world
subdued
under
the
Tyranny
of
the
worst
Monsters
that
it
had
ever
produced
?
Are
these
the
ways
of
establishing
God's
Vicegerents
?
and
will
he
patronize
no
Governors
or
Governments
but
such
as
these
?
Do's
God
uphold
evil
,
and
that
only
?
If
the
world
has
bin
hitherto
mistaken
,
in
giving
the
name
of
evil
to
that
which
is
good
,
and
calling
that
good
which
is
evil
;
I
desire
to
know
what
can
be
call'd
good
amongst
men
,
if
the
Government
of
the
Romans
,
till
they
entred
Greece
and
Asia
,
and
were
corrupted
by
the
Luxury
of
both
,
do
not
deserve
that
name
?
or
what
is
to
be
esteemed
evil
,
if
the
establishment
and
exercise
of
the
Cesars
Power
were
not
so
?
But
says
he
,
Wilt
thou
not
be
afraid
of
the
Power
?
And
was
there
no
Power
in
the
Governments
that
had
no
Monarchs
?
Were
the
Carthaginians
,
Romans
,
Grecians
,
Gauls
,
Germans
and
Spaniards
without
Power
?
Was
there
no
Sword
in
that
Nation
and
their
Magistrates
,
who
overthrew
the
Kingdoms
of
Armenia
,
Egypt
,
Numidia
,
Macedon
,
and
many
others
,
whom
none
of
the
Monarchs
were
able
to
resist
?
Are
the
Venetians
,
Switzers
,
Grisons
and
Hollanders
now
lest
in
the
same
weakness
,
and
no
obedience
at
all
due
to
their
Magistrates
?
If
this
be
so
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
justice
is
so
well
administred
amongst
them
?
Who
is
it
that
defends
the
Hollanders
in
such
a
manner
,
that
the
greatest
Monarchs
with
all
their
Swords
have
had
no
great
reason
to
boast
of
any
advantages
gained
against
them
?
at
least
till
we
(
whom
they
could
not
resist
when
we
had
no
Monarch
,
tho
we
have
bin
disgracefully
beaten
by
them
since
we
had
one
)
by
making
Leagues
against
them
,
and
sowing
divisions
amongst
them
,
instigated
and
assisted
the
greatest
Power
now
in
the
world
to
their
destruction
and
our
own
.
But
our
Author
is
so
accustom'd
to
fraud
,
that
he
never
cites
a
passage
of
Scripture
which
he
does
not
abuse
or
vitiate
;
and
that
he
may
do
the
same
in
this
place
,
he
leaves
out
the
following
words
,
For
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
,
that
he
might
intitle
one
sort
only
to
his
protection
.
If
therefore
the
People
and
popular
Magistrates
of
Athens
;
the
two
Kings
,
Ephori
and
Senate
of
Sparta
;
the
Sanhedrims
amongst
the
Hebrews
;
the
Consuls
,
Tribuns
,
Pretors
and
Senate
of
Rome
;
the
Magistrates
of
Holland
,
Switzerland
and
Venice
,
have
or
had
power
,
we
may
conclude
that
they
also
were
ordained
by
God
;
and
that
according
to
the
precept
of
the
Apostle
,
the
same
obedience
sor
the
same
reason
is
due
to
them
as
to
any
Monarch
.
The
Apostle
farther
explaining
himself
,
and
shewing
who
may
be
accounted
a
Magistrate
,
and
what
the
duty
of
such
a
one
is
,
informs
us
when
we
should
fear
,
and
on
what
account
.
Rulers
,
says
he
,
are
not
a
terror
to
good
works
,
but
to
the
evil
:
Wilt
thou
then
not
be
afraid
of
the
Power
?
do
that
which
is
good
,
and
thou
shalt
have
praise
of
the
same
;
for
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
,
a
revenger
to
execute
wrath
upon
him
that
doth
evil
.
He
therefore
is
only
the
Minister
of
God
,
who
is
not
a
terror
to
good
works
,
but
to
evil
;
who
executes
wrath
upon
those
that
do
evil
,
and
is
a
praise
to
those
that
do
well
.
And
he
who
doth
well
,
ought
not
to
be
afraid
of
the
power
,
for
he
shall
receive
praise
.
Now
if
our
Author
were
alive
,
tho
he
was
a
man
of
a
hard
forehead
,
I
would
ask
him
,
whether
in
his
Conscience
he
believed
,
that
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
and
the
rabble
of
succeeding
Monsters
,
were
a
praise
to
those
who
did
well
;
and
a
terror
to
those
who
did
ill
;
and
not
the
contrary
,
a
praise
to
the
worst
,
and
a
terror
to
the
best
men
of
the
world
?
or
for
what
reason
[
*
](A60214-e51120-b)
*
Ob
virtutes
certissimum
exitium
.
Tacitus
could
say
,
that
virtue
brought
men
who
lived
under
them
to
certain
destruction
,
and
recite
so
many
Examples
of
the
brave
and
good
,
who
were
murder'd
by
them
for
being
so
,
unless
they
had
endeavour'd
to
extinguish
all
that
was
good
,
and
to
[
†
](A60214-e51140-b)
†
Ipsam
excindere
virtutem
.
tear
up
virtue
by
the
roots
?
Why
did
he
call
Domitian
an
[
||
](A60214-e51160-b)
||
Virtutibus
infestum
.
Enemy
to
virtue
,
if
he
was
a
terror
only
to
those
that
did
evil
?
If
the
world
has
hitherto
bin
misled
in
these
things
,
and
given
the
name
of
Virtue
to
Vice
,
and
of
Vice
to
Virtue
,
then
Germanicus
,
Valerius
Asiaticus
,
Corbulo
,
Helvidius
Priscus
,
Thraseas
,
Soranus
and
others
that
resembled
them
,
who
fell
under
the
rage
of
those
Beasts
,
nay
Paul
himself
and
his
Disciples
were
evil
doers
;
and
Macro
,
Narcissus
,
Pallas
,
Vinnius
,
Laco
and
Tigellinus
were
virtuous
and
good
men
.
If
this
be
so
,
we
are
beholden
to
Filmer
for
admonishing
mankind
of
the
error
in
which
they
had
so
long
continued
.
If
not
,
those
who
persecuted
and
murder'd
them
for
their
Virtues
,
were
not
a
terror
to
such
as
did
evil
,
and
a
praise
to
those
who
did
well
.
The
worst
men
had
no
need
to
fear
them
;
but
the
best
had
,
because
they
were
the
best
.
All
Princes
therefore
that
have
power
are
not
to
be
esteemed
equally
the
Ministers
of
God
.
They
that
are
so
,
must
receive
their
dignity
from
a
title
that
is
not
common
to
all
,
even
from
a
just
emploiment
of
their
power
to
the
incouragement
of
Virtue
,
and
to
the
discouragement
of
Vice
.
He
that
pretends
to
the
veneration
and
obedience
due
to
the
Ministers
of
God
,
must
by
his
actions
manifest
that
he
is
so
.
And
tho
I
am
unwilling
to
advance
a
proposition
that
may
sound
harshly
to
tender
ears
,
I
am
inclined
to
believe
,
that
the
same
rule
,
which
obliges
us
to
yield
obedience
to
the
good
Magistrate
who
is
the
Minister
of
God
,
and
assures
us
that
in
obeying
him
we
obey
God
,
dos
equally
oblige
us
not
to
obey
those
who
make
themselves
the
Ministers
of
the
Devil
,
lest
in
obeying
them
we
obey
the
Devil
,
whose
works
they
do
.
That
none
but
such
as
are
wilfully
ignorant
may
mistake
Pauls
meaning
,
Peter
who
was
directed
by
the
same
Spirit
,
says
distinctly
,
Submit
your selves
to
every
Ordinance
of
man
for
the
Lord's
sake
.
If
therefore
there
be
several
Ordinances
of
men
tending
to
the
same
end
,
that
is
,
the
obtaining
of
justice
,
by
being
a
terror
to
the
evil
and
a
praise
to
the
good
,
the
like
obedience
is
for
conscience
sake
enjoined
to
all
,
and
upon
the
same
condition
.
But
as
no
man
dares
to
say
,
that
Athens
and
Persia
,
Carthage
and
Egypt
,
Switzerland
and
France
,
Venice
and
Turky
were
and
are
under
the
same
Government
;
the
same
obedience
is
due
to
the
Magistrate
in
every
one
of
those
places
,
and
all
others
on
the
same
account
,
whilst
they
continue
to
be
the
Ministers
of
God
.
If
our
Author
say
,
that
Peter
cannot
comprehend
Kings
under
the
name
of
human
Ordinances
,
since
Paul
says
they
are
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
I
may
as
well
say
that
Paul
cannot
call
that
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
which
Peter
calls
the
ordinance
of
man
.
But
as
it
was
said
of
Moses
and
Samuel
,
that
they
who
spoke
by
the
same
Spirit
could
not
contradict
each
other
,
Peter
and
Paul
being
full
of
Wisdom
and
Sanctity
,
and
inspir'd
by
the
same
Spirit
,
must
needs
say
the
same
thing
;
and
Grotius
shews
that
they
perfectly
agree
,
tho
the
one
calls
Kings
,
Rulers
and
Governors
the
Ordinance
of
Man
,
and
the
other
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
inasmuch
as
God
having
from
the
beginning
ordained
that
men
should
not
live
like
Wolves
in
woods
,
every
man
by
himself
,
but
together
in
Civil
Societies
,
left
to
every
one
a
liberty
of
joyning
with
that
Society
which
best
pleas'd
him
,
and
to
every
Society
to
create
such
Magistrates
,
and
frame
such
Laws
as
should
seem
most
conducing
to
their
own
good
,
according
to
the
measure
of
light
and
reason
they
might
have
.
And
every
Magistracy
so
inflituted
might
rightly
be
called
the
Ordinance
of
man
,
who
was
the
Instituter
,
and
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
according
to
which
it
was
instituted
;
[
*
](A60214-e51410-b)
*
Quia
salubrem
hominum
Constitutionem
Deus
probavit
&
sanxit
.
De
jur
.
bel
.
&
pac
.
because
,
says
he
,
God
approved
and
ratified
the
salutary
Constitutions
of
Government
made
by
men
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
Peter
expounds
his
own
words
of
the
human
Ordinance
to
be
the
King
,
who
is
the
Lex
loguens
;
but
he
says
no
such
thing
,
and
I
do
not
find
that
any
such
thought
ever
enter'd
into
the
Apostle's
mind
.
The
words
are
often
found
in
the
works
of
Plato
and
Aristotle
,
but
applied
only
to
such
a
man
as
is
a
King
by
nature
,
who
is
endow'd
with
all
the
virtues
that
tend
to
the
good
of
human
Societies
in
a
greater
measure
than
any
or
all
those
that
compose
them
;
which
Character
I
think
,
will
be
ill
applied
to
all
Kings
.
And
that
this
may
appear
to
be
true
,
I
desire
to
know
whether
it
would
well
have
agreed
with
Nero
,
Caligula
,
Domitian
,
or
others
like
to
them
;
and
if
not
with
them
,
then
not
with
all
,
but
only
with
those
who
are
endow'd
with
such
Virtues
.
But
if
the
King
be
made
by
man
,
he
must
be
such
as
man
makes
him
to
be
;
and
if
the
power
of
a
Law
had
bin
given
by
any
human
Sanction
to
the
word
of
a
foolish
,
mad
or
wicked
man
(
which
I
hardly
believe
)
it
would
be
destroy'd
by
its
own
iniquity
and
turpitude
,
and
the
People
left
under
the
obligation
of
rendring
obedience
to
those
,
who
so
use
the
Sword
that
the
Nations
under
them
may
live
soberly
,
peaceably
and
honestly
.
This
obliges
me
a
little
to
examin
what
is
meant
by
the
Sword
.
The
Pope
says
there
are
two
Swords
,
the
one
temporal
,
the
other
spiritual
,
and
that
both
of
them
were
given
to
Peter
and
to
his
Successors
.
Others
more
rightly
understand
the
two
Swords
to
be
that
of
War
and
that
of
Justice
,
which
according
to
several
Constitutions
of
Governments
have
bin
committed
to
several
hands
,
under
several
conditions
and
limitations
.
The
Sword
of
Justice
comprehends
the
legislative
and
the
executive
Power
:
the
one
is
exercised
in
making
Laws
,
the
other
in
judging
Controversies
according
to
such
as
are
made
.
The
military
Sword
is
used
by
those
Magistrates
who
have
it
,
in
making
War
or
Peace
with
whom
they
think
fit
,
and
sometimes
by
others
who
have
it
not
,
in
pursuing
such
Wars
as
are
resolved
upon
by
another
Power
.
The
Jewish
Doctors
generally
agree
that
the
Kings
of
Judah
could
make
no
Law
,
because
there
was
a
curse
denounced
against
those
who
should
add
to
,
or
detract
from
that
which
God
had
given
by
the
hand
of
Moses
;
that
they
might
sit
in
Judgment
with
the
High
Priest
and
Sanhedrin
,
but
could
not
judg
by
themselves
unless
the
Sanhedrin
did
plainly
fail
of
performing
their
duty
.
Upon
this
account
Maimonides
excuses
David
for
commanding
Solomon
not
to
suffer
the
grey
hairs
of
Joab
to
go
down
to
the
grave
in
peace
,
and
Solomon
for
appointing
him
to
be
kill'd
at
the
soot
of
the
Altar
:
for
he
having
killed
Abner
and
Amasa
,
and
by
those
actions
shed
the
blood
of
war
in
time
of
peace
,
the
Sanhedrin
should
have
punished
him
;
but
being
protected
by
favour
or
power
,
and
even
David
himself
fearing
him
,
Solomon
was
put
in
mind
of
his
duty
,
which
he
performed
,
tho
Joab
laid
hold
upon
the
horns
of
the
Altar
,
which
by
the
express
words
of
the
Law
gave
no
protection
to
wilful
Murderers
.
The
use
of
the
military
Sword
amongst
them
was
also
moderated
.
Their
Kings
might
make
War
upon
the
seven
accursed
Nations
that
they
were
commanded
to
destroy
,
and
so
might
any
other
man
;
for
no
peace
was
to
be
made
with
them
:
but
not
against
any
other
Nation
,
without
the
assent
of
the
Sanhedrin
.
And
when
Amaziah
contrary
to
that
Law
had
foolishly
made
war
upon
Joash
King
of
Israel
,
and
thereby
brought
a
great
slaughter
upon
Judah
,
the
Princes
,
that
is
the
Sanhedrin
,
combined
against
him
,
pursued
him
to
Lachish
,
and
killed
him
there
.
The
Legislative
Power
of
Sparta
was
evidently
in
the
People
.
The
Laws
that
go
under
the
name
of
Lycurgus
,
were
proposed
by
him
to
the
general
Assembly
of
the
People
,
and
from
them
received
their
Authority
The
military
Sword
was
not
much
more
in
their
Power
,
unless
the
excellency
of
their
Virtues
gave
them
the
credit
of
perswading
,
when
the
Law
denied
the
right
of
commanding
.
They
were
obliged
to
make
war
against
those
,
and
those
only
,
who
were
declared
Enemies
by
the
Senate
and
Ephori
,
and
in
the
manner
,
place
and
time
they
directed
:
so
that
Agesilaus
,
tho
carrying
on
a
glorious
War
in
Persia
,
no
sooner
received
the
Parchment
Roll
,
wherein
he
was
commanded
by
the
Ephori
to
come
home
for
the
defence
of
his
own
Country
,
than
he
immediately
returned
,
and
is
on
that
account
called
by
no
less
a
man
than
Xenophon
,
a
good
and
faithful
King
rendring
obedience
to
the
Laws
of
his
Country
By
this
it
appears
that
there
are
Kings
who
may
be
feared
by
those
that
do
ill
,
and
not
by
such
as
do
well
;
for
having
no
more
power
than
what
the
Law
gives
,
and
being
obliged
to
execute
it
as
the
Law
directs
,
they
cannot
depart
from
the
Precept
of
the
Apostle
.
My
own
actions
therefore
,
or
the
sense
of
my
own
guilt
arising
from
them
,
is
to
be
the
measure
of
my
fear
of
that
Magistrate
who
is
the
Minister
of
God
,
and
not
his
Power
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
almost
all
the
Nations
of
the
world
,
that
have
had
any
thing
of
Civil
Order
amongst
them
.
The
supreme
Magistrate
,
under
what
name
soever
he
was
known
,
whether
King
,
Emperor
,
Asymnetes
,
Suffetes
,
Consul
,
Dictator
,
or
Archon
,
has
usually
a
part
assigned
to
him
in
the
administration
of
Justice
and
making
War
;
but
that
he
may
know
it
to
be
assigned
and
not
inherent
,
and
so
assigned
as
to
be
employ'd
for
the
publick
good
,
not
to
his
own
profit
or
pleasure
,
it
is
circumscribed
by
such
rules
as
he
cannot
safely
transgress
.
This
is
above
all
seen
in
the
German
Nations
,
from
whom
we
draw
our
Original
and
Government
,
and
is
so
well
described
by
Tacitus
in
his
treatise
of
their
Customs
and
Manners
,
that
I
shall
content
my self
to
refer
to
it
,
and
to
what
I
have
cited
from
him
[
||
](A60214-e51870-b)
||
Ad
Libertatis
vestrae
tuitionem
non
meis
meritis
,
sed
sola
liberalitate
vestra
.
Off
a
acknowledged
that
he
was
chosen
for
the
fence
of
their
Liberty
,
not
from
his
own
merit
,
but
by
their
favour
;
and
in
the
Conventus
Pananglicus
,
at
which
all
the
chief
men
as
well
Secular
as
Ecclesiastical
were
present
,
it
was
decreed
by
the
King
,
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Dukes
and
Senators
,
that
the
Kings
should
be
chosen
by
the
Priests
,
and
by
the
Elders
of
the
People
.
In
pursuance
of
which
,
Egbert
,
who
had
no
right
to
the
succession
,
was
made
King
.
Ethelwerd
was
chosen
in
the
same
manner
[
*
](A60214-e51930-b)
*
Omnium
consensu
.
by
the
consent
of
all
.
Ethelwolf
a
Monk
,
for
want
of
a
better
,
was
advanced
to
the
same
Honor.
His
Son
Alfred
,
tho
crowned
by
the
Pope
,
and
marrying
without
the
consent
of
the
Nobility
and
Kingdom
[
†
](A60214-e51960-b)
†
Contra
morem
&
statuta
.
against
their
Customs
and
Statutes
,
acknowledged
that
he
had
received
the
Crown
from
the
bounty
of
the
Princes
,
Elders
and
People
;
and
in
his
Will
declared
,
that
he
left
the
People
as
he
had
found
them
,
free
as
the
inward
thoughts
of
Man
.
His
Son
Edward
[
||
](A60214-e51980-b)
||
Successor
Monarchiae
electus
.
was
elected
to
be
his
Successor
.
Ethelstan
,
tho
a
Bastard
,
and
without
all
Title
,
was
elected
by
the
consent
of
the
Nobility
and
People
.
Eadred
by
the
same
Authority
was
elected
and
preferred
before
the
Sons
of
Edmond
his
Predecessor
.
Edwin
,
tho
rightly
chosen
,
was
deposed
for
his
ill
life
,
and
Edgar
[
||||
](A60214-e52040-b)
||||
Et
eligerunt
Deo
dictante
Edgarum
in
Regem
annuente
populo
.
elected
King
,
by
the
will
of
God
,
and
consent
of
the
People
.
But
he
also
was
deprived
of
the
Crown
for
the
Rape
of
a
Nun
,
and
after
seven
years
restored
by
the
whole
People
,
coram
omni
multitudine
populi
Anglorum
.
Ethelred
who
is
said
to
have
bin
[
[*]
](A60214-e52070-b)
[*]
Saevus
in
principio
,
miser
in
medio
,
turpis
in
exitu
.
cruel
in
the
beginning
,
wretched
in
the
course
,
and
infamous
in
the
end
of
his
Reign
,
was
deposed
by
the
same
power
that
had
advanced
him
.
Canutus
made
a
[
[†]
](A60214-e52090-b)
[†]
Canutus
foedus
cum
principibus
&
omni
populo
,
&
illi
cum
ipfo
percusserunt
.
Contract
with
the
Princes
and
the
whole
People
,
and
thereupon
was
by
general
consent
crown'd
King
over
all
England
.
After
him
Harold
was
chosen
in
the
usual
manner
.
He
being
dead
,
a
Message
was
sent
to
Hardi
Canute
with
an
offer
of
the
Crown
,
which
he
accepted
,
and
accordingly
was
received
.
Edward
the
Consessor
was
[
[||]
](A60214-e52140-b)
[||]
Annuente
Clero
&
populo
Londini
in
regem
eligitur
.
elected
King
with
the
consent
of
the
Clergy
and
People
at
London
;
and
Harold
excused
himself
for
not
performing
his
Oath
to
William
the
Norman
,
because
he
said
he
had
made
it
unduly
and
presumptuously
,
[
**
](A60214-e52190-b)
**
Absque
generali
Senatus
&
Populi
conventu
&
edicto
.
Matth.
Paris
.
Gul.
Gemit
.
&c.
without
consulting
the
Nobility
and
People
,
and
without
their
Authority
.
William
was
received
with
great
joy
by
the
Clergy
and
People
,
and
saluted
King
by
all
,
swearing
to
observe
the
antient
good
and
approved
Laws
of
England
:
and
tho
he
did
but
ill
perform
his
Oath
,
yet
before
his
death
he
seemed
to
repent
of
the
ways
he
had
taken
,
and
only
wishing
his
Son
might
be
King
of
England
,
he
confessed
in
his
last
Will
made
at
Caen
in
Normandy
,
[
††
](A60214-e52260-b)
††
Neminem
Anglici
regni
constituo
haeredem
,
non
enim
tantum
decus
haereditario
jure
possedi
.
Ibid.
that
he
neither
found
nor
left
the
Kingdom
as
an
Inheritance
.
If
he
possessed
no
right
except
what
was
conferred
upon
him
,
no
more
was
conferred
than
had
bin
enjoy'd
by
the
antient
Kings
,
according
to
the
approved
Laws
which
he
swore
to
observe
.
Those
Laws
gave
no
power
to
any
,
till
he
was
elected
;
and
that
which
they
did
then
give
was
so
limited
,
that
the
Nobility
and
People
reserved
to
themselves
the
disposition
of
the
greatest
Affairs
,
even
to
the
deposition
and
expulsion
of
such
as
should
not
well
perform
the
duty
of
their
Oaths
and
Office
.
And
I
leave
it
to
our
Author
to
prove
,
how
they
can
be
said
to
have
had
the
Sword
and
the
Power
so
as
to
be
feared
,
otherwise
than
,
as
the
Apostle
says
,
by
those
that
do
evil
;
which
we
acknowledg
to
be
not
only
in
the
King
,
but
in
the
lowest
Officer
of
Justice
in
the
world
.
If
it
be
pretended
that
our
later
Kings
are
more
to
be
seared
than
William
the
Norman
,
or
his
Predecessors
,
it
must
not
be
,
as
has
bin
proved
,
either
from
the
general
right
of
Kings
,
or
from
the
Doctrine
of
the
Apostle
,
but
from
something
else
that
is
peculiar
and
subsequent
,
which
I
leave
our
Author's
Disciples
to
prove
,
and
an
answer
may
be
found
in
due
time
.
But
to
show
that
our
Ancestors
did
not
mistake
the
words
of
the
Apostle
,
't
is
good
to
consider
when
,
to
whom
,
and
upon
what
occasion
he
spoke
.
The
Christian
Religion
was
then
in
its
infancy
:
his
discourses
were
addressed
to
the
Professors
of
it
,
who
tho
they
soon
grew
to
be
considerable
in
number
,
were
for
the
most
part
of
the
meanest
sort
of
People
,
Servants
or
Inhabitants
of
the
Cities
,
rather
than
Citizens
and
Freemen
;
joined
in
no
civil
Body
or
Society
,
nor
such
as
had
or
could
have
any
part
in
the
Government
.
The
occasion
was
to
suppress
the
dangerous
mistake
of
many
converted
Jews
and
others
,
who
knowing
themselves
to
be
freed
from
the
power
of
Sin
and
the
Devil
,
presumed
they
were
also
freed
from
the
obligation
of
human
Laws
.
And
if
this
Error
had
not
bin
crop'd
in
the
bud
,
it
would
have
given
occasion
to
their
Enemies
,
(
who
desired
nothing
more
)
to
destroy
them
all
;
and
who
knowing
that
such
Notions
were
stirring
among
them
,
would
have
bin
glad
,
that
they
who
were
not
easily
to
be
discovered
,
had
by
that
means
discovered
themselves
.
This
induced
a
necessity
of
diverting
a
poor
,
mean
,
scatter'd
People
from
such
thoughts
concerning
the
State
;
to
convince
them
of
the
Error
into
which
they
were
fallen
,
that
Christians
did
not
owe
the
same
obedience
to
Civil
Laws
and
Magistrates
as
other
men
,
and
to
keep
them
from
drawing
destruction
upon
themselves
by
such
ways
,
as
not
being
warranted
by
God
,
had
no
promise
of
his
Protection
.
St.
Paul's
work
was
to
preserve
the
Professors
of
Christianity
,
as
appears
by
his
own
words
;
I
exhort
,
that
first
of
all
,
Supplications
,
Prayers
,
Intercessions
,
and
giving
of
thanks
be
made
for
all
men
:
for
Kings
,
and
for
all
that
are
in
Authority
,
that
we
may
live
a
quiet
and
peaceable
life
in
all
godliness
and
honesty
.
Put
them
in
mind
to
be
subject
to
Principalities
and
Powers
,
to
obey
Magistrates
,
to
be
ready
for
every
good
work
.
St.
Peter
agrees
with
him
fully
in
describing
the
But
as
the
Christian
Law
exempts
no
man
from
the
Duty
he
ows
to
his
Father
,
Master
,
or
the
Magistrate
,
it
dos
not
make
him
more
a
Slave
than
he
was
before
,
nor
deprive
him
of
any
natural
or
civil
Right
;
and
if
we
are
obliged
to
pay
Tribute
,
Honor
,
or
any
other
thing
where
it
is
not
due
,
it
must
be
by
some
Precept
very
different
from
that
which
commands
us
to
give
to
Cesar
that
which
is
Cesar's
.
If
he
define
the
Magistrate
to
be
the
Minister
of
God
doing
Justice
,
and
from
thence
draws
the
Reasons
he
gives
for
rendring
Obedience
to
him
,
we
are
to
inquire
whose
Minister
he
is
who
overthrows
it
,
and
look
for
some
other
reason
sor
rendring
obedience
to
him
than
the
words
of
the
Apostles
.
If
David
,
who
was
willing
to
lay
down
his
life
sor
the
people
,
who
hated
iniquity
,
and
would
not
suffer
a
liar
to
come
into
his
presence
,
was
the
Minister
of
God
,
I
desire
to
know
whose
Minister
Caligula
was
who
set
up
himself
to
be
worshipped
for
a
God
,
and
would
at
once
have
destroyed
all
the
people
that
he
ought
to
have
protected
?
Whose
Minister
was
Nero
,
who
,
besides
the
abominable
impurities
of
his
lise
,
and
hatred
to
all
virtue
,
as
contrary
to
his
Person
and
Government
,
set
fire
to
the
great
City
?
If
it
be
true
,
that
contrariorum
contraria
est
ratio
,
these
questions
are
easily
decided
;
and
if
the
reasons
of
things
are
eternal
,
the
same
distinction
grounded
upon
truth
will
be
good
for
ever
.
Every
Magistrate
,
and
every
man
by
his
works
,
will
for
ever
declare
whose
Minister
he
is
,
in
what
spirit
he
lives
,
and
consequently
what
obedience
is
due
to
him
according
to
the
Precept
of
the
Apostle
.
If
any
man
ask
what
I
mean
by
Justice
,
I
answer
,
That
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
as
far
as
it
is
Sanctio
recta
,
jubens
honesta
,
prohibens
contraria
,
declares
what
it
is
.
[
*
](A60214-e52520-b)
*
Nisi
homini
Deus
placuerit
Deus
non
crit.
That
God
shall
not
be
God
unless
he
please
Man
;
and
by
virtue
of
this
Law
the
first
Christians
were
exposed
to
all
manner
of
cruelties
;
and
some
of
the
Emperors
(
in
other
respects
excellent
Men
)
most
foully
polluted
themselves
and
their
Government
with
innocent
Blood
.
Antoninus
Pius
was
taken
in
this
snare
;
and
Tertullian
bitterly
derides
Trajan
for
glorying
in
his
Clemency
,
when
he
had
commanded
Pliny
,
who
was
Proconsul
in
Asia
,
not
to
make
any
search
for
Christians
,
but
only
to
punish
them
according
to
Law
when
they
should
be
brought
before
him
.
No
Municipal
Law
can
be
more
firmly
established
by
human
Authority
,
than
that
of
the
Inquisition
in
Spain
,
and
other
places
:
And
those
accursed
Tribunals
,
which
have
shed
more
Christian
blood
than
all
the
Pagans
that
ever
were
in
the
world
,
is
commonly
called
The
Holy
Office
.
If
a
Gentleman
in
Poland
kill
a
Peasant
,
he
is
by
a
Law
now
in
use
free
from
punishment
,
if
he
lay
a
Ducat
upon
the
dead
Body
.
Evenus
the
third
,
King
of
Scotland
,
caused
a
Law
to
pass
,
by
which
the
Wives
and
Daughters
of
Noblemen
were
exposed
to
his
Lust
,
and
those
of
the
Commons
to
the
Lust
of
the
Nobility
.
These
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
others
like
to
them
,
were
not
right
Sanctions
,
but
such
as
have
produced
unspeakable
mischiefs
and
calamities
.
They
were
not
therefore
Laws
:
The
name
of
Justice
is
abusively
attributed
to
them
:
Those
that
govern
by
them
cannot
be
the
Ministers
of
God
:
and
the
Apostle
commanding
our
obedience
to
the
Minister
of
God
for
our
good
,
commands
us
not
to
be
obedient
to
the
Minister
of
the
Devil
to
our
hurt
;
for
we
cannot
serve
two
Masters
.
SECT.
XI
.
That
which
is
not
just
,
is
not
Law
;
and
that
which
is
not
Law
,
ought
not
to
be
obeyed
.
OUR
Author
having
for
a
long
time
pretended
Conscience
,
now
pulls
off
his
Mask
,
and
plainly
tells
us
,
that
't
is
not
on
account
of
Conscience
,
but
for
fear
of
punishment
,
or
hopes
of
reward
,
that
Laws
are
to
be
obeyed
.
That
familiar
distinction
of
the
Schoolmen
,
says
he
,
whereby
they
subject
Kings
to
the
directive
,
but
not
to
the
coactive
Power
of
the
Law
,
is
a
confession
,
that
Kings
are
not
bound
by
the
positive
Laws
of
any
Nation
,
since
the
compulsory
Power
of
Laws
is
that
which
properly
makes
Laws
to
be
Laws
.
Not
troubling
my self
with
this
distinction
of
the
Schoolmen
,
nor
acknowledging
any
truth
to
be
in
it
,
or
that
they
are
competent
Judges
of
such
matters
,
I
say
,
that
if
it
be
true
,
our
Author's
conclusion
is
altogether
false
;
for
the
directive
Power
of
the
Law
,
which
is
certain
,
and
grounded
upon
the
inherent
good
and
rectitude
that
is
in
it
,
is
that
alone
which
has
a
power
over
the
Conscience
,
whereas
the
coercive
is
merely
contingent
;
and
the
most
just
powers
commanding
the
most
just
things
,
have
so
often
fallen
under
the
violence
of
the
most
unjust
men
,
commanding
the
most
execrable
villanies
,
that
if
they
were
therefore
to
be
obeyed
,
the
Consciences
of
men
must
be
regulated
by
the
success
of
a
Battel
or
Conspiracy
,
than
which
nothing
can
be
affirmed
more
impious
and
absurd
.
By
this
rule
David
was
not
to
be
obeyed
,
when
by
the
wickedness
of
his
Son
he
was
driven
from
Jerusalem
,
and
deprived
of
all
coercive
Power
;
and
the
conscientious
obedience
that
had
bin
due
to
him
was
transfer'd
to
Absalom
who
sought
his
life
.
And
in
St.
Paul's
time
it
was
not
from
him
who
was
guided
only
by
the
Spirit
of
God
,
and
had
no
manner
of
coercive
Power
,
that
Christians
were
to
learn
their
duty
,
but
from
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
and
Nero
,
who
had
that
Power
well
established
by
the
mercenary
Legions
.
If
this
were
so
,
the
Governments
of
the
World
might
be
justly
called
Magna
Latrocinia
;
and
men
laying
aside
all
considerations
of
Reason
or
Justice
,
ought
only
to
follow
those
who
can
inflict
the
greatest
Punishments
,
or
give
the
greatest
Rewards
.
But
since
the
reception
of
such
opinions
would
be
the
extirpation
of
all
that
can
be
called
good
,
we
must
look
for
another
rule
of
our
obedience
,
and
shall
find
that
to
be
the
Law
,
which
being
,
as
I
said
before
,
Sanctio
recta
,
must
be
founded
upon
that
eternal
Principle
of
Reason
and
Truth
,
from
whence
the
rule
of
Justice
which
is
sacred
and
pure
ought
to
be
deduced
,
and
not
from
the
depraved
will
of
man
,
which
fluctuating
according
to
the
different
Interests
,
Humors
and
Passions
that
at
several
times
reign
in
several
Nations
,
one
day
abrogates
what
had
bin
enacted
the
other
.
The
Sanction
therefore
that
deserves
the
name
of
a
Law
,
which
derives
not
its
excellency
from
Antiquity
,
or
from
the
dignity
of
the
Legislators
,
but
from
an
intrinsick
equity
and
justice
,
ought
to
be
made
in
pursuance
of
that
universal
Reason
to
which
all
Nations
at
all
times
owe
an
equal
veneration
and
obedience
.
By
this
we
may
know
whether
he
who
has
the
Power
dos
justice
or
not
:
Whether
he
be
the
Minister
of
God
to
our
good
,
a
protector
of
good
,
and
a
terror
to
ill
men
;
or
the
Minister
of
the
Devil
to
our
hurt
,
by
encouraging
all
manner
of
evil
,
and
endeavouring
by
vice
and
corruption
to
make
the
people
worse
,
that
they
may
be
miserable
,
and
miserable
that
they
may
be
worse
.
I
dare
not
say
I
shall
never
fear
such
a
man
if
he
be
armed
with
power
:
But
I
am
sure
I
shall
never
esteem
him
to
be
the
Minister
of
God
,
and
shall
think
I
do
ill
if
I
fear
him
.
If
he
has
therefore
a
coercive
Power
over
me
,
't
is
through
my
weakness
;
for
[
*
](A60214-e52820-b)
*
Qui
cogi
potest
nescit
mori
.
he
that
will
suffer
himself
to
be
compell'd
,
knows
not
how
to
die
.
If
therefore
he
who
dos
not
follow
the
directive
Power
of
the
Law
,
be
not
the
Minister
of
God
,
he
is
not
a
King
,
at
least
not
such
a
King
as
the
Apostle
commands
us
to
obey
:
And
if
that
Sanction
which
is
not
just
be
not
a
Law
,
and
can
have
no
obligation
upon
us
,
by
what
Power
soever
it
be
established
,
it
may
well
fall
out
,
that
the
Magistrate
who
will
not
follow
the
directive
Power
of
the
Law
,
may
fall
under
the
Coercive
,
and
then
the
fear
is
turned
upon
him
,
with
this
aggravation
,
that
it
is
not
only
actual
,
but
just
.
This
was
the
case
of
Nero
;
the
coercive
Power
was
no
longer
in
him
,
but
against
him
.
He
that
was
forced
to
fly
and
to
hide
himself
,
that
was
abandoned
by
all
men
,
and
condemned
to
die
[
†
](A60214-e52850-b)
†
More
Majorum
.
Sueton.
according
to
antient
Custom
,
did
,
as
I
suppose
,
fear
,
and
was
no
way
to
be
feared
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Amaziah
King
of
Judah
,
when
he
fled
to
Lachish
;
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
when
he
was
driven
from
the
society
of
men
;
and
of
many
Emperors
and
Kings
of
the
greatest
Nations
in
the
world
,
who
have
bin
so
utterly
deprived
of
all
Power
,
that
they
have
bin
imprisoned
,
deposed
,
confined
to
Monasteries
,
kill'd
,
drawn
through
the
Streets
,
cut
in
pieces
,
thrown
into
Rivers
,
and
indeed
suffer'd
all
that
could
be
suffer'd
by
the
vilest
Slaves
.
If
any
man
say
these
things
ought
not
to
have
bin
done
,
an
answer
may
be
given
in
a
proper
place
;
though
't
were
enough
to
say
,
that
the
Justice
of
the
world
is
not
to
be
overthrown
by
a
meer
Assertion
without
proof
;
but
that
is
nothing
to
the
present
Question
:
For
if
it
was
ill
done
to
drive
Nero
to
despair
,
or
to
throw
Vitellius
into
the
common
Shore
,
it
was
not
because
they
were
the
Ministers
of
God
;
for
their
Lives
were
no
way
conformable
to
the
character
which
the
Apostle
gives
to
those
who
deserve
that
Sacred
Name
.
If
those
only
are
to
be
feared
who
have
the
Power
,
there
was
a
time
when
they
were
not
to
be
feared
,
for
they
had
none
;
and
if
those
Princes
are
not
obliged
by
the
Law
,
who
are
not
under
the
coercive
Power
,
it
gave
no
exemption
to
those
,
for
they
fell
under
it
:
and
as
we
know
not
what
will
befal
others
who
walk
in
their
steps
,
till
they
are
dead
,
we
cannot
till
then
know
whether
they
are
free
from
it
or
not
.
SECT.
XII
.
The
Right
and
Power
of
a
Magistrate
depends
upon
his
Institution
,
not
upon
his
Name
.
'T
IS
usual
with
Impostors
to
obtrude
their
deceits
upon
men
,
by
putting
false
names
upon
things
,
by
which
they
may
perplex
mens
minds
,
and
from
thence
deduce
false
Conclusions
.
But
the
points
above
mention'd
being
settled
,
it
imports
little
whether
the
Governors
to
whom
Peter
enjoins
obedience
,
were
only
Kings
,
and
such
as
are
employ'd
by
them
,
or
all
such
Magistrates
as
are
the
Ministers
of
God
;
for
he
informs
us
of
their
Works
that
we
may
know
them
,
and
accordingly
yield
obedience
to
them
.
This
is
that
therefore
which
distinguishes
the
Magistrate
to
whom
obedience
is
due
,
from
him
to
whom
none
is
due
,
and
not
the
name
that
he
either
assumes
,
or
others
put
upon
him
.
But
if
there
be
any
virtue
in
the
word
King
,
and
that
the
admirable
Prerogatives
,
of
which
our
Author
dreams
,
were
annexed
to
that
name
,
they
could
not
be
applied
to
the
Roman
Emperors
,
nor
their
substituted
Officers
,
for
they
had
it
not
.
'T
is
true
,
Mark
Anthony
,
in
a
drunken
fit
,
at
the
celebration
of
the
impure
Lupercalia
,
did
offer
a
Diadem
to
Julius
Cesar
,
which
some
flatterers
pressed
him
to
accept
,
(
as
our
great
Lawyers
did
Cromwel
)
but
he
durst
not
think
of
putting
it
upon
his
Head
.
Caligula's
affectation
of
that
title
,
and
the
ensigns
of
Royalty
he
wore
,
were
taken
for
the
most
evident
marks
of
his
madness
:
and
tho
the
greatest
and
bravest
of
their
men
had
fallen
by
the
Wars
or
Proscriptions
;
tho
the
best
part
of
the
Senate
had
perished
in
Thessaly
;
tho
the
great
City
was
exhausted
,
and
Italy
brought
to
desolation
,
yet
they
were
not
reduced
so
low
as
to
endure
a
King
.
Piso
was
sufficiently
addicted
to
Tiberius
,
yet
he
could
not
suffer
that
Germanicus
should
be
treated
as
the
Son
of
a
King
;
Principis
Romani
non
Parthorum
regis
filio
has
[
*
](A60214-e53190-b)
*
Quod.
amicus
amico
praestare
potest
.
Tacit.
whatsoever
one
friend
could
do
for
another
.
Here
was
no
mention
of
Majesty
or
Soveraign
Lord
,
nor
the
base
subscriptions
of
Servant
,
Subject
,
or
Creature
.
And
I
fear
,
that
as
the
last
of
those
words
was
introduced
amongst
us
by
our
Bishops
,
the
rest
of
them
had
bin
also
invented
by
such
Christians
as
were
too
much
addicted
to
the
Asiatick
Slavery
.
However
,
the
name
of
King
was
never
solemnly
assumed
by
,
nor
conferred
upon
those
Emperors
,
and
could
have
conferred
no
right
,
if
it
had
.
They
exercised
as
they
pleased
,
or
as
they
durst
,
the
power
that
had
bin
gained
by
violence
or
fraud
.
The
exorbitances
they
committed
,
could
not
have
bin
justified
by
a
Title
,
any
more
than
those
of
a
Pyrat
who
should
take
the
same
.
It
was
no
otherwise
given
to
them
than
by
way
of
assimilation
,
when
they
were
guilty
of
the
greatest
Crimes
:
and
Tacitus
describing
the
detestable
Lust
of
Tiberius
,
says
,
Quibus
adeo
indomitis
exarserat
,
ut
more
Regio
pubem
ingenuam
stupris
pollueret
;
nec
formam
tantum
&
Bareas
Soranus
to
death
,
who
was
one
of
the
most
virtuous
men
of
that
age
,
when
Tiridates
King
of
Armenia
was
at
Rome
;
[
†
](A60214-e53320-b)
†
Ut
magnitudinem
Imperatoriam
caede
insignium
virorum
quasi
Regio
facinore
ostentaret
,
An.
L.
16.
That
he
might
shew
the
Imperial
Grandeur
by
the
slaughter
of
the
most
illustrious
men
,
which
he
accounted
a
Royal
Action
.
I
leave
it
to
the
judgment
of
all
wise
men
,
whether
it
be
probable
that
the
Apostles
should
distinguish
such
as
these
from
other
Magistrates
;
and
dignify
those
only
with
the
Title
of
God's
Ministers
,
who
distinguished
themselves
by
such
ways
;
or
that
the
succeeding
Emperors
should
be
ennobled
with
the
same
Prerogative
,
who
had
no
other
Title
to
the
name
than
by
resembling
those
that
had
it
in
such
things
as
these
.
If
this
be
too
absurd
and
abominable
to
enter
into
the
heart
of
a
man
,
it
must
be
concluded
,
that
their
intention
was
only
to
divert
the
poor
People
to
whom
they
preached
,
from
involving
themselves
in
the
care
of
Civil
matters
,
to
which
they
had
no
call
.
And
the
Counsel
would
have
bin
good
(
as
things
stood
with
them
)
if
they
had
bin
under
the
power
of
a
Pyrat
,
or
any
other
villain
substituted
by
him
.
But
tho
the
Apostles
had
looked
upon
the
Officers
set
over
the
Provinces
belonging
to
the
Roman
Empire
,
as
sent
by
Kings
,
I
desire
to
know
whether
it
can
be
imagined
,
that
they
could
think
the
subordinate
Governors
to
be
sent
by
Kings
,
in
the
Countries
that
had
no
Kings
;
or
that
obedience
became
due
to
the
Magistrates
in
Greece
,
Italy
,
or
other
Provinces
under
the
jurisdiction
of
Rome
,
only
after
they
had
Emperors
,
and
that
none
was
due
to
them
before
?
The
Germans
had
then
no
King
:
The
brave
Arminius
had
bin
lately
kill'd
for
aiming
at
a
Crown
.
When
he
had
blemish'd
all
his
Virtues
by
that
attempt
,
they
forgot
his
former
Services
.
They
never
consider'd
how
many
Roman
Legions
he
had
cut
in
pieces
,
nor
how
many
thousands
of
their
Allies
he
had
destroy'd
.
His
Valour
was
a
crime
deserving
death
,
when
he
sought
to
make
a
Prey
of
his
Country
,
which
he
had
so
bravely
defended
,
and
to
enslave
those
who
with
him
had
fought
for
the
publick
Liberty
.
But
if
the
Apostles
were
to
be
understood
to
give
the
name
of
God's
Ministers
only
to
Kings
,
and
those
who
are
employ'd
by
them
,
and
that
obedience
is
due
to
no
other
,
a
domestick
Tyrant
had
bin
their
greatest
Benefactor
.
He
had
set
up
the
only
Government
that
is
authorized
by
God
,
and
to
which
a
conscientious
obedience
is
due
.
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Phalaris
,
Phereus
,
Pisistratus
,
Nabis
,
Machanidas
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
the
most
detestable
Villains
that
the
world
has
ever
produced
,
did
confer
the
same
benefits
upon
the
Countries
they
enslaved
.
But
if
this
be
equally
false
,
sottish
,
absurd
,
and
execrable
,
all
those
Epithets
belong
to
our
Author
and
his
Doctrine
,
for
attempting
to
depress
all
modest
and
regular
Magistracies
,
and
endeavouring
to
corrupt
the
Scripture
to
patronize
the
greatest
of
Crimes
.
No
man
therefore
who
does
not
delight
in
error
,
can
think
that
the
Apostle
designed
precisely
to
determin
such
questions
as
might
arise
concerning
any
one
mans
right
,
or
in
the
least
degree
to
prefer
any
one
form
of
Government
before
another
.
In
acknowledging
the
Magistrate
to
be
Man's
Ordinance
,
he
declares
that
Man
who
makes
him
to
be
,
may
make
him
to
be
what
he
pleaseth
;
and
tho
there
is
found
more
prudence
and
virtue
in
one
Nation
than
in
another
,
that
Magistracy
which
is
established
in
any
one
ought
to
be
obeyed
,
till
they
who
made
the
establishment
think
fit
to
alter
it
.
All
therefore
whilst
they
continue
,
are
to
be
look'd
upon
with
the
same
respect
.
Every
Nation
acting
freely
,
has
an
equal
right
to
frame
their
own
Government
,
and
to
employ
such
Officers
as
they
please
.
The
Authority
,
Right
and
Power
of
these
must
be
regulated
by
the
judgment
,
right
and
power
of
those
who
appoint
them
,
without
any
relation
at
all
to
the
name
that
is
given
;
for
that
is
no
way
essential
to
the
thing
.
The
same
name
is
frequently
given
to
those
,
who
differ
exceedingly
in
right
and
power
;
and
the
same
right
and
power
is
as
often
annexed
to
Magistracies
that
differ
in
name
.
The
same
power
which
had
bin
in
the
Roman
Kings
,
was
given
to
the
Consuls
;
and
that
which
had
bin
legally
in
the
Dictators
for
a
time
not
exceeding
six
months
,
was
asterwards
usurped
by
the
Cesars
,
and
made
perpetual
.
The
supreme
Power
(
which
some
pretend
belongs
to
all
Kings
)
has
bin
and
is
enjoy'd
in
the
fullest
extent
by
such
as
never
had
the
name
;
and
no
Magistracy
was
ever
more
restrain'd
than
those
that
had
the
name
of
Kings
in
Sparta
,
Arragon
,
England
,
Poland
and
other
places
.
They
therefore
that
did
thus
institute
,
regulate
and
restrain
,
create
Magistracies
,
and
give
them
names
and
powers
as
seemed
best
to
them
,
could
not
but
have
in
themselves
the
coercive
as
well
as
the
directive
over
them
:
for
the
regulation
and
restriction
is
coercion
;
but
most
of
all
the
institution
,
by
which
they
could
make
them
to
be
or
not
to
be
.
As
to
the
exterior
force
,
't
is
sometimes
on
the
side
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
sometimes
on
that
of
the
People
;
and
as
Magistrates
under
several
names
have
the
same
work
incumbent
upon
them
,
and
the
same
Power
to
perform
it
,
the
same
Duty
is
to
be
exacted
from
them
,
and
rendred
to
them
:
which
being
distinctly
proportion'd
by
the
Laws
of
every
Country
,
I
may
conclude
,
that
all
Magistratical
Power
being
the
Ordinance
of
Man
in
pursuance
of
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
receives
its
being
and
measure
from
the
Legislative
Power
of
every
Nation
.
And
whether
the
power
be
placed
simply
in
one
,
a
few
,
or
many
men
;
or
in
one
body
composed
of
the
three
simple
Species
;
whether
the
single
Person
be
called
King
,
Duke
,
Marquess
,
Emperor
,
Sultan
,
Mogol
,
or
Grand
Signor
;
or
the
number
go
under
the
name
of
Senat
,
Council
,
Pregadi
,
Diet
,
Assembly
of
Estates
and
the
like
,
't
is
the
same
thing
.
The
same
obedience
is
equally
due
to
all
,
whilst
according
to
the
Precept
of
the
Apostle
,
they
do
the
work
of
God
for
our
good
:
and
if
they
depart
from
it
,
no
one
of
them
has
a
better
Title
than
the
other
to
our
obedience
.
SECT.
XIII
.
Laws
were
made
to
direct
and
instruct
Magistrates
,
and
,
if
they
will
not
be
directed
,
to
restrain
them
.
I
Know
not
who
they
are
that
our
Author
introduces
to
say
,
that
the
first
invention
of
Laws
was
to
bridle
or
moderate
the
overgreat
Power
of
Kings
;
and
unless
they
give
some
better
proof
of
their
judgment
in
other
things
,
shall
little
esteem
them
.
They
should
have
considered
,
that
there
are
Laws
in
many
places
where
there
are
no
Kings
;
that
there
were
Laws
in
many
before
there
were
Kings
,
as
in
Israel
the
Law
was
given
three
hundred
years
before
they
had
any
;
but
most
especially
,
that
as
no
man
can
be
a
rightful
King
except
by
Law
,
nor
have
any
just
Power
but
from
the
Law
,
if
that
Power
be
found
to
be
overgreat
,
the
Law
that
gave
it
must
have
bin
before
that
which
was
to
moderate
or
restrain
it
;
for
that
could
not
be
moderated
which
was
not
in
being
.
Leaving
therefore
our
Author
to
fight
with
these
Adversaries
if
he
please
when
he
finds
them
,
I
shall
proceed
to
examin
his
own
Positions
.
The
truth
is
,
says
he
,
the
Original
of
Laws
was
for
the
keeping
of
the
Multitude
in
order
.
Popular
Estates
could
not
subsist
at
all
without
Laws
,
whereas
Kingdoms
were
govern'd
many
Ages
without
them
.
The
People
of
Athens
as
soon
as
they
gave
over
Kings
,
were
forced
to
give
power
to
Draco
first
,
then
to
Solon
to
make
them
Laws
.
If
we
will
believe
him
therefore
,
wheresoever
there
is
a
King
,
or
a
man
who
by
having
power
in
his
hands
,
is
in
the
place
of
a
King
,
there
is
no
need
of
Law
.
He
takes
them
all
to
be
so
wise
,
just
,
and
good
,
that
they
are
Laws
to
themselves
,
Leges
viventes
.
This
was
certainly
verified
by
the
whole
succession
of
the
Cesars
,
the
ten
last
Kings
of
Pharamond's
Race
,
all
the
Successors
of
Charles
the
Great
,
and
others
that
I
am
not
willing
to
name
;
but
referring
my self
to
History
,
I
desire
all
reasonable
men
to
consider
,
whether
the
piety
and
tender
care
that
was
natural
to
Caligula
,
Nero
or
Domitian
,
was
such
a
security
to
the
Nations
that
lived
under
them
,
as
without
Law
to
be
sufficient
for
their
preservation
:
for
if
the
contrary
appear
to
be
true
,
and
that
their
Government
was
a
perpetual
exercise
of
rage
,
malice
and
madness
,
by
which
the
worst
of
men
were
armed
with
power
to
destroy
the
best
,
so
that
the
Empire
could
only
be
saved
by
their
destruction
,
't
is
most
certain
,
that
mankind
can
never
fall
into
a
condition
which
stands
more
in
need
of
Laws
to
protect
the
innocent
,
than
when
such
Monsters
reign
who
endeavour
their
extirpation
,
and
are
too
well
furnished
with
means
to
accomplish
their
detestable
designs
.
Without
any
prejudice
therefore
to
the
Cause
that
I
defend
,
I
might
confess
that
all
Nations
were
at
the
first
governed
by
Kings
,
and
that
no
Laws
were
imposed
upon
those
Kings
,
till
they
,
or
the
Successors
of
those
who
had
bin
advanced
for
their
virtues
,
by
falling
into
Vice
and
Corruption
,
did
manifestly
discover
the
inconveniences
of
depending
upon
their
will
.
Besides
these
,
there
are
also
children
,
women
and
fools
,
that
often
come
to
the
succession
of
Kingdoms
,
whose
weakness
and
ignorance
stands
in
as
great
need
of
support
and
direction
,
as
the
desperate
fury
of
the
others
can
do
of
restriction
.
And
if
some
Nations
had
bin
so
sottish
,
not
to
foresee
the
mischief
of
leaving
them
to
their
will
,
others
,
or
the
same
in
succeeding
Ages
discovering
them
,
could
no
more
be
obliged
to
continue
in
so
pernicious
a
folly
,
than
we
are
to
live
in
that
wretched
Barbarity
in
which
the
Romans
found
our
Ancestors
,
when
they
first
entred
this
Island
.
If
any
man
say
,
that
Filmer
dos
not
speak
of
Monsters
,
nor
of
Children
,
Women
or
Fools
,
but
of
wise
,
just
and
good
Princes
;
I
answer
,
that
if
there
be
a
right
inherent
in
Kings
,
as
Kings
,
of
doing
what
they
please
;
and
in
those
who
are
next
in
blood
,
to
succeed
them
and
inherit
the
same
,
it
must
belong
to
all
Kings
,
and
such
as
upon
title
of
blood
would
be
Kings
.
And
as
there
is
no
family
that
may
not
,
and
dos
not
often
produce
such
as
I
mentioned
,
it
must
also
be
acknowledged
in
them
;
and
that
power
which
is
left
to
the
wife
,
just
and
good
,
upon
a
supposition
that
they
will
not
make
an
ill
use
of
it
,
must
be
devolved
to
those
who
will
not
or
cannot
make
a
good
one
;
but
will
either
maliciously
turn
it
to
the
destruction
of
those
they
ought
to
protect
,
or
through
weakness
suffer
it
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
those
that
govern
them
,
who
are
found
by
experience
to
be
for
the
most
part
the
worst
of
all
,
most
apt
to
use
the
basest
arts
,
and
to
flatter
the
humors
,
and
foment
the
vices
that
are
most
prevalent
in
weak
and
vicious
Princes
.
Germanicus
,
Corbulo
,
Valerius
Asiaticus
,
Thraseas
,
Soranus
,
Helvidius
Priscus
,
Julius
Agricola
,
and
other
excellent
men
lived
in
the
times
of
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Claudius
and
Nero
;
but
the
power
was
put
into
the
hands
of
Sejanus
,
Macro
,
Tigellinus
,
and
other
Villains
like
to
them
:
and
I
wish
there
were
not
too
many
modern
examples
to
shew
that
weak
and
vicious
Princes
will
never
chuse
such
as
shall
preserve
Nations
from
the
mischiefs
that
would
ensue
upon
their
own
incapacity
or
malice
;
but
that
they
must
be
imposed
upon
them
by
some
other
power
,
or
Nations
be
ruined
for
want
of
them
.
This
imposition
must
be
by
Law
or
by
Force
.
But
as
Laws
are
made
to
keep
things
in
good
order
without
the
necessity
of
having
recourse
to
force
,
it
would
be
a
dangerous
extravagance
to
arm
that
Prince
with
force
,
which
probably
in
a
short
time
must
be
opposed
by
force
;
and
those
who
have
bin
guilty
of
this
error
,
as
the
Kingdoms
of
the
East
,
and
the
antient
Roman
Empire
,
where
no
provision
was
made
by
Law
against
ill-governing
Princes
,
have
found
no
other
remedy
than
to
kill
them
,
when
by
extreme
sufferings
they
were
driven
beyond
patience
:
and
this
fell
out
so
often
,
that
few
of
their
Princes
were
observed
to
die
by
a
common
death
.
But
since
the
Empire
was
transmitted
to
Germany
,
and
the
Emperors
restrain'd
by
Laws
,
that
Nation
has
never
bin
brought
to
the
odious
extremities
of
suffering
all
manner
of
Indignities
,
or
revenging
them
upon
the
heads
of
Princes
.
And
if
the
Pope
had
not
disturb'd
them
upon
the
account
of
Religion
,
nor
driven
their
Princes
to
disturb
others
,
they
might
have
passed
many
ages
without
any
civil
Dissension
,
and
all
their
Emperors
might
have
lived
happily
,
and
died
peaceably
,
as
most
of
them
have
done
.
This
might
be
sufficient
to
my
purpose
:
for
if
all
Princes
without
distinction
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
wise
or
foolish
,
young
or
old
,
sober
or
mad
,
cannot
be
intrusted
with
an
unlimited
power
;
and
if
the
power
they
have
,
ought
to
be
limited
by
Law
,
that
Nations
may
not
,
with
danger
to
themselves
as
well
as
to
the
Prince
,
have
recourse
to
the
last
remedy
,
this
Law
must
be
given
to
all
,
and
the
good
can
be
no
otherwise
distinguished
from
the
bad
,
and
the
wise
from
the
foolish
,
than
by
the
observation
or
violation
of
it
.
But
I
may
justly
go
a
step
farther
,
and
affirm
,
that
this
Law
which
by
restraining
the
Lusts
of
the
vicious
and
foolish
,
frequently
preserves
them
from
the
destruction
they
would
bring
upon
themselves
or
people
,
and
sometimes
upon
both
,
is
an
assistance
and
direction
to
the
wisest
and
best
;
so
that
they
also
as
well
as
the
Nations
under
them
are
gainers
by
it
.
This
will
appear
strange
only
to
those
who
know
not
[
*
](A60214-e53680-b)
*
Quam
grave
&
intolerandum
sit
cuncta
regendi
onus
.
Tacit.
how
difficult
and
insupportable
the
Government
of
great
Nations
is
,
and
how
unable
the
best
man
is
to
bear
it
.
And
if
it
surpass
the
strength
of
the
best
,
it
may
easily
be
determined
how
ordinary
men
will
behave
themselves
under
it
,
or
what
use
the
worst
will
make
of
it
.
I
know
there
have
bin
wise
and
good
Kings
;
but
they
had
not
an
absolute
Power
,
nor
would
have
accepted
it
,
tho
it
had
bin
offer'd
:
much
less
can
I
believe
that
any
of
them
would
have
transmitted
such
a
power
to
their
posterity
,
when
none
of
them
could
know
any
more
than
Solomon
,
whether
his
Son
would
be
a
wise
man
or
a
fool
.
But
if
the
best
might
have
desired
,
and
had
bin
able
to
bear
it
(
tho
Moses
by
his
own
confession
was
not
)
that
could
be
no
reason
why
it
should
be
given
to
the
worst
and
weakest
,
or
those
who
probably
will
be
so
.
Since
the
assurance
that
it
will
not
be
abused
during
the
life
of
one
man
,
is
nothing
to
the
constitution
of
a
State
which
aims
at
perpetuity
.
And
no
man
knowing
what
men
will
be
,
especially
if
they
come
to
the
power
by
succession
,
which
may
properly
enough
be
called
by
chance
,
't
is
reasonably
to
be
feared
they
will
be
bad
,
and
consequently
necessary
so
to
limit
their
power
,
that
if
they
prove
to
be
so
,
the
Commonwealth
may
not
be
destroy'd
,
which
they
were
instituted
to
preserve
.
The
Law
provides
for
this
in
leaving
to
the
King
a
full
and
ample
power
of
doing
as
much
good
as
his
heart
can
wish
,
and
in
restraining
his
power
so
,
that
if
he
should
depart
from
the
duty
of
his
Office
,
the
Nation
may
not
perish
.
This
is
a
help
to
those
who
are
wise
and
good
,
by
directing
them
what
they
are
to
do
,
more
certainly
than
any
one
mans
personal
judgment
can
do
;
and
no
prejudice
at
all
,
since
no
such
man
did
ever
complain
he
was
not
suffer'd
to
do
the
evil
which
he
would
abhor
if
it
were
in
his
power
;
and
is
a
most
necessary
curb
to
the
sury
of
bad
Princes
,
preventing
them
from
bringing
destruction
upon
the
people
.
Men
are
so
subject
to
vices
and
passions
,
that
they
stand
in
need
of
some
restraint
in
every
condition
;
but
most
especially
when
they
are
in
power
.
The
rage
of
a
private
man
may
be
pernicious
to
one
or
a
few
of
his
Neighbours
;
but
the
fury
of
an
unlimited
Prince
would
drive
whole
Nations
into
ruin
:
And
those
very
men
who
have
lived
modestly
when
they
had
little
power
have
often
proved
the
most
savage
of
all
Monsters
,
when
they
thought
nothing
able
to
resist
their
rage
.
'T
is
said
of
Caligula
,
that
no
man
ever
knew
[
*
](A60214-e53740-b)
*
Nec
meliorem
servum
,
nec
deteriorem
dominum
.
a
better
Servant
,
nor
a
worse
Master
.
The
want
of
restraint
made
him
a
Beast
,
who
might
have
continued
to
be
a
Man
.
And
tho
I
cannot
say
,
that
our
Law
necessarily
admits
the
next
in
Blood
to
the
Succession
(
for
the
contrary
is
proved
)
yet
the
facility
of
our
Ancestors
,
in
receiving
children
,
women
,
or
such
men
as
were
not
more
able
than
themselves
to
bear
the
weight
of
a
Crown
,
convinces
me
fully
,
that
they
had
so
framed
our
Laws
,
that
even
children
,
women
,
or
ill
men
,
might
either
perform
as
much
as
was
necessarily
required
of
them
,
or
be
brought
to
reason
if
they
transgressed
,
and
arrogated
to
themselves
more
than
was
allow'd
.
For
't
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
a
company
of
men
should
so
far
degenerate
from
their
own
Nature
,
which
is
Reason
,
to
give
up
themselves
and
their
Posterity
,
with
all
their
concernments
in
the
world
,
to
depend
upon
the
will
of
a
child
,
a
woman
,
an
ill
man
,
or
a
fool
.
If
therefore
Laws
are
necessary
to
popular
States
,
they
are
no
less
to
Monarchies
;
or
rather
,
that
is
not
a
State
or
Government
which
has
them
not
:
and
't
is
no
less
impossible
for
any
to
subsist
without
them
,
than
for
the
body
of
a
man
to
be
,
and
perform
its
functions
without
Nerves
or
Bones
.
And
if
any
People
had
ever
bin
so
foolish
to
establish
that
which
they
called
a
Government
,
without
Laws
to
support
and
regulate
it
,
the
impossibility
of
subsisting
would
evidence
the
madness
of
the
Constitution
,
and
ought
to
deter
all
others
from
following
their
example
.
'T
is
no
less
incredible
,
that
those
Nations
which
rejected
Kings
,
did
put
themselves
into
the
Power
of
one
man
,
to
prescribe
to
them
such
Laws
as
he
pleased
.
But
the
instances
alledged
by
our
Author
are
evidently
false
.
The
Athenians
were
not
without
Laws
when
they
had
Kings
:
AEgeus
was
subject
to
the
Laws
,
and
did
nothing
of
importance
without
the
consent
of
the
People
;
and
Theseus
not
being
able
to
please
them
,
died
a
banished
man
:
Draco
and
Solon
did
[
*
](A60214-e53890-b)
*
Ingenti
hominum
consensu
propositis
decem
Tabulis
Populum
ad
concionem
convocarunt
,
&
quod
bonum
,
faustum
foelixque
sit
Republicae
,
ipsis
,
liberisque
eorum
esset
,
ire
&
legere
propositas
jussere
.
T.
Liv.
l.
3.
Comitia
Centuriata
;
and
being
so
approved
,
they
were
established
.
But
this
Sanction
,
to
which
every
man
,
whether
Magistrate
or
private
Citizen
,
was
subject
,
did
no
way
bind
the
whole
body
os
the
People
,
who
still
retained
in
themselves
the
Power
os
changing
both
the
matter
and
the
form
of
their
Government
,
as
appears
by
their
instituting
and
abrogating
Kings
,
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
Tribuns
with
consular
Power
,
and
Decemviri
,
when
they
thought
good
for
the
Commonwealth
.
And
if
they
had
this
Power
,
I
leave
our
Author
to
shew
,
why
the
like
is
not
in
other
Nations
.
SECT.
XIV
.
Laws
are
not
made
by
Kings
,
not
because
they
are
busied
in
greater
matters
than
doing
Justice
,
but
because
Nations
will
be
governed
by
Rule
,
and
not
Arbitrarily
.
OUR
Author
pursuing
the
mistakes
to
which
he
seems
perpetually
condemned
,
says
,
that
when
Kings
were
either
busied
in
War
,
or
distracted
with
publick
Cares
,
so
that
every
private
man
could
not
have
access
unto
their
Persons
,
to
learn
their
Wills
and
Pleasures
,
then
of
necessity
were
Laws
invented
,
that
so
every
particular
Subject
might
find
his
Prince's
Pleasure
.
I
have
often
heard
that
Governments
were
established
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
;
and
if
that
be
true
,
't
is
hard
to
imagine
what
business
a
supreme
Magistrate
can
have
to
divert
him
from
accomplishing
the
principal
end
of
his
Institution
.
And
't
is
as
commonly
said
,
that
this
distribution
of
Justice
to
a
People
,
is
a
work
surpassing
the
strength
of
any
one
man
.
Jethro
seems
to
have
bin
a
Draco
,
Solon
,
or
the
Decemviri
)
they
must
be
Beasts
also
,
who
should
have
given
away
their
Right
and
Liberty
,
in
hopes
of
receiving
Justice
from
such
as
probably
will
neither
understand
nor
regard
it
,
or
protection
from
those
who
will
not
be
able
to
help
themselves
,
and
expect
such
Virtue
,
Wisdom
,
and
Integrity
should
be
,
and
for
ever
remain
in
the
Family
they
set
up
as
was
never
known
to
continue
in
any
.
If
the
Power
be
not
conferred
upon
them
,
they
have
it
not
;
and
if
they
have
it
not
,
their
want
of
leisure
to
do
Justice
,
cannot
have
bin
the
cause
for
which
Laws
are
made
;
and
they
cannot
be
the
signification
of
their
Will
,
but
are
that
to
which
the
Prince
ows
Obedience
,
as
well
as
the
meanest
Subject
.
This
is
that
which
Bracton
calls
esse
sub
lege
,
and
says
,
that
Rex
in
regno
superiores
habet
Deum
&
Legem
.
Fortescue
says
,
The
Kings
of
England
cannot
change
the
Laws
:
and
indeed
,
they
are
so
far
from
having
any
such
Power
,
that
the
Judges
Germany
,
England
,
&c.
the
Kings
can
neither
make
nor
change
Laws
:
They
are
under
the
Law
,
and
the
Law
is
not
under
them
;
their
Letters
or
Commands
are
not
to
be
regarded
:
In
the
administration
of
Justice
,
the
question
is
not
what
pleases
them
,
but
what
the
Law
declares
to
be
right
,
which
must
have
its
course
,
whether
the
King
be
busy
or
at
leisure
,
whether
he
will
or
not
.
The
King
who
never
dies
,
is
always
present
in
the
supreme
Courts
,
and
neither
knows
nor
regards
the
pleasure
of
the
man
that
wears
the
Crown
.
But
lest
he
by
his
Riches
and
Power
might
have
some
influence
upon
judicial
Proceedings
,
the
great
Charter
that
recapitulates
and
acknowledges
our
antient
inherent
Liberties
,
obliges
him
to
swear
,
that
he
will
neither
sell
,
delay
,
nor
deny
Justice
to
any
man
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
:
which
were
ridiculous
and
absurd
,
if
those
Laws
were
only
the
signification
of
his
Pleasure
,
or
any
way
depended
upon
his
Will.
This
Charter
having
bin
confirmed
by
more
than
thirty
Parliaments
,
all
succeeding
Kings
are
under
the
obligation
of
the
same
Oath
,
or
must
renounce
the
benefit
they
receive
from
our
Laws
,
which
if
they
do
,
they
will
be
found
to
be
equal
to
every
one
of
us
.
Our
Author
,
according
to
his
custom
,
having
laid
down
a
false
proposition
,
gos
about
to
justify
it
by
false
examples
,
as
those
of
Draco
,
Solon
,
the
Decemviri
,
and
Moses
,
of
whom
no
one
had
the
Power
he
attributes
to
them
,
and
it
were
nothing
to
us
if
they
had
.
The
Athenians
and
Romans
,
as
was
said
before
,
were
so
far
from
resigning
the
absolute
Power
without
appeal
to
themselves
,
that
nothing
done
by
their
Magistrates
was
of
any
force
,
till
it
was
enacted
by
the
People
.
And
the
power
given
to
the
Decemviri
,
sine
provocatione
,
was
only
in
private
cases
,
there
being
no
superior
Magistrate
then
in
being
,
to
whom
Appeals
could
be
made
.
They
were
vested
with
the
same
Power
the
Kings
and
Dictators
enjoy'd
,
from
whom
there
lay
no
Appeal
,
but
to
the
People
,
and
always
to
them
;
as
appears
by
the
case
of
Horatius
in
the
time
of
Tullus
Hostilius
,
that
of
Marcus
Papirius
Cursor
was
Dictator
,
and
of
Nenius
the
Tribun
during
that
of
Q.
Fabius
Maximus
,
all
which
I
have
cited
already
,
and
reser
to
them
.
There
was
therefore
a
reservation
of
the
supreme
Power
in
the
People
,
notwithstanding
the
creation
of
Magistrates
without
Appeal
;
and
as
it
was
quietly
exercised
in
making
Strangers
,
or
whom
they
pleased
Kings
,
restraining
the
power
of
Dictators
to
six
months
,
and
that
of
the
Decemviri
to
two
years
;
when
the
last
did
,
contrary
to
Law
,
endeavour
by
force
to
continue
their
Power
,
the
People
did
by
force
destroy
it
and
them
.
The
case
of
Moses
is
yet
more
clear
:
he
was
the
most
humble
and
gentle
of
all
men
:
he
never
raised
his
heart
above
his
brethren
,
and
commanded
Kings
to
live
in
the
same
modesty
:
he
never
desired
the
People
should
depend
upon
his
will
:
In
giving
Laws
to
them
he
fulfill'd
the
will
of
God
,
not
his
own
;
and
those
Laws
were
not
the
signification
of
his
will
,
but
of
the
will
of
God
.
They
were
the
production
of
God's
Wisdom
and
Goodness
,
not
the
invention
of
Man
;
given
to
purify
the
People
,
not
to
advance
the
glory
of
their
Leader
.
He
was
not
proud
and
insolent
,
nor
pleas'd
with
that
ostentation
of
Pomp
,
to
which
fools
give
the
name
of
Majesty
;
and
whoever
so
far
exalts
the
power
of
a
man
,
to
make
Nations
depend
upon
his
pleasure
,
dos
not
only
lay
a
burden
upon
him
,
which
neither
Moses
,
nor
any
other
could
ever
bear
,
and
every
wise
man
will
always
abhor
;
but
with
an
impious
fury
,
endeavours
to
set
up
a
Government
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
presumes
to
accuse
him
of
want
of
wisdom
,
or
goodness
to
his
own
People
,
and
to
correct
his
Errors
,
which
is
a
work
fit
to
be
undertaken
by
such
as
our
Author
.
From
hence
,
as
upon
a
solid
foundation
,
he
proceeds
,
and
making
use
of
King
James's
words
,
infers
,
that
Kings
are
above
the
Laws
,
because
he
so
teaches
us
.
But
he
might
have
remembred
,
that
having
affirmed
the
People
could
not
judg
of
the
disputes
that
might
happen
between
them
and
Kings
,
because
they
must
not
be
judges
in
their
own
case
,
't
is
absurd
to
make
a
King
judg
of
a
case
so
nearly
concerning
himself
,
in
the
decision
of
which
his
own
Passions
and
Interests
may
probably
lead
him
into
errors
.
And
if
it
be
pretended
that
I
do
the
same
,
in
giving
the
judgment
of
those
matters
to
the
People
,
the
case
is
utterly
different
,
both
in
the
nature
and
consequences
.
The
King's
judgment
is
merely
for
himself
;
and
if
that
were
to
take
place
,
all
the
Passions
and
Vices
that
have
most
power
upon
men
,
would
concur
to
corrupt
it
.
He
that
is
set
up
for
the
publick
good
,
can
have
no
contest
with
the
whole
People
whose
good
he
is
to
procure
,
unless
he
deflect
from
the
end
of
his
Institution
,
and
set
up
an
interest
of
his
own
in
opposition
to
it
.
This
is
in
its
nature
the
highest
of
all
delinquencies
;
and
if
such
a
one
may
be
judg
of
his
own
crimes
,
he
is
not
only
sure
to
avoid
punishment
,
but
to
obtain
all
that
he
sought
by
them
;
and
the
worse
he
is
,
the
more
violent
will
his
desires
be
,
to
get
all
the
power
into
his
hands
,
that
he
may
gratify
his
lusts
,
and
execute
his
pernicious
designs
.
On
the
other
side
,
in
a
popular
Assembly
,
no
man
judges
for
himself
,
otherwise
than
as
his
good
is
comprehended
in
that
of
the
publick
:
Nothing
hurts
him
,
but
what
is
prejudicial
to
the
Commonwealth
:
such
amongst
them
as
may
have
received
private
Injuries
,
are
so
far
only
considered
by
others
,
as
their
Sufferings
may
have
influence
upon
the
publick
;
if
they
be
few
,
and
the
matters
not
great
,
others
will
not
suffer
their
quiet
to
be
disturbed
by
them
;
if
they
are
many
and
grievous
,
the
Tyranny
thereby
appears
to
be
so
cruel
,
that
the
Nation
cannot
subsist
,
unless
it
be
corrected
or
suppress'd
.
Corruption
of
Judgment
proceeds
from
private
Passions
,
which
in
these
cases
never
govern
:
and
tho
a
zeal
for
the
publick
good
may
possibly
be
misguided
,
yet
till
it
Le
so
,
it
can
never
be
capable
of
excess
.
The
last
Tarquin
,
and
his
lewd
Son
,
exercised
their
Fury
and
Lust
in
the
murders
of
the
best
men
in
Rome
,
and
the
rape
of
Lucretia
.
Appius
Claudius
was
filled
with
the
like
madness
.
Caligula
and
Nero
were
so
well
established
in
the
power
of
committing
the
worst
of
Villanies
,
that
we
do
not
hear
of
any
man
that
offer'd
to
defend
himself
,
or
woman
that
presumed
to
refuse
them
.
If
they
had
bin
judges
in
these
cases
,
the
utmost
of
all
Villanies
and
Mischiefs
had
bin
established
by
Law
:
but
as
long
as
the
judgment
of
these
matters
was
in
the
People
,
no
private
or
corrupt
Passion
could
take
place
.
Lucius
Brutus
,
Valerius
,
Horatius
and
Virginius
,
with
the
People
that
followed
them
,
did
not
by
the
expulsion
of
the
Kings
,
or
the
suppression
of
the
Decemviri
,
assume
to
themselves
a
power
of
committing
Rapes
and
Murders
,
nor
any
advantages
beyond
what
their
equals
might
think
they
deserved
by
their
virtues
,
and
services
to
the
Commonwealth
;
nor
had
they
more
credit
than
others
for
any
other
reason
,
than
that
they
shewed
themselves
most
forward
in
procuring
the
publick
Good
,
and
by
their
Valour
and
Conduct
best
able
to
promote
it
.
Whatsoever
happen'd
after
the
overthrow
of
their
Liberty
,
belongs
not
to
my
Subject
,
for
there
was
nothing
of
popularity
in
the
judgments
that
were
made
.
One
Tyrant
destroy'd
another
;
the
same
Passions
and
Vices
for
the
most
part
reigned
in
both
:
The
last
was
often
as
bad
as
his
Predecessor
whom
he
had
overthrown
;
and
one
was
sometimes
approved
by
the
People
for
no
other
reason
,
than
that
it
was
thought
impossible
for
him
to
be
worse
than
he
who
was
in
possession
of
the
Power
.
But
if
one
instance
can
be
of
force
amongst
an
infinite
number
of
various
Accidents
,
the
words
of
Valerius
Asiaticus
,
who
by
wishing
he
had
bin
the
man
that
had
kill'd
Caligula
,
did
in
a
moment
pacify
the
fury
of
the
Soldiers
who
were
looking
for
those
that
had
done
it
,
shew
,
that
as
long
as
men
retain
any
thing
of
that
Reason
which
is
truly
their
Nature
,
they
never
fail
of
judging
rightly
of
Virtue
and
Vice
;
whereas
violent
and
ill
Princes
have
always
done
the
contrary
,
and
even
the
best
do
often
deflect
from
the
rules
of
Justice
,
as
appears
not
only
by
the
examples
of
Edward
the
first
and
third
,
who
were
brought
to
confess
it
,
but
even
those
of
David
and
Solomon
.
Moreover
to
shew
that
the
decision
of
these
Controversies
cannot
belong
to
any
King
,
but
to
the
People
,
we
are
only
to
consider
,
that
as
Kings
and
all
other
Magistrates
,
whether
supreme
or
subordinate
,
are
constituted
only
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
the
People
only
can
be
fit
to
judg
whether
the
end
be
accomplished
.
A
Physician
dos
not
exercise
his
Art
for
himself
,
but
for
his
Patients
;
and
when
I
am
,
or
think
I
shall
be
sick
,
I
send
for
him
of
whom
I
have
the
best
opinion
,
that
he
may
help
me
to
recover
,
or
preserve
my
health
;
but
I
lay
him
aside
it
I
find
him
to
be
negligent
,
ignorant
,
or
unfaithful
;
and
it
would
be
ridiculous
for
him
to
say
,
I
make
my self
judg
in
my
own
case
,
for
I
only
,
or
such
as
I
shall
consult
,
am
fit
to
be
the
judg
of
it
.
He
may
be
treacherous
,
and
through
corruption
or
malice
endeavour
to
poison
me
,
or
have
other
defects
that
render
him
unfit
to
be
trusted
:
.
but
I
cannot
by
any
corrupt
passion
be
led
wilfully
to
do
him
injustice
,
and
if
I
mistake
,
't
is
only
to
my
own
hurt
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Lawyers
,
Stewards
,
Pilots
,
and
generally
of
all
that
do
not
act
for
themselves
,
but
for
those
who
employ
them
.
And
if
a
Company
going
to
the
Indies
,
should
find
that
their
Pilot
was
mad
,
drunk
,
or
treacherous
,
they
whose
lives
and
goods
are
concerned
,
can
only
be
fit
to
judg
,
whether
he
ought
to
be
trusted
or
not
,
since
he
cannot
have
a
right
to
destroy
those
he
was
chosen
to
preserve
;
and
they
cannot
be
thought
to
judg
perversly
,
because
they
have
nothing
to
lead
them
but
an
opinion
of
truth
,
and
cannot
err
but
to
their
own
prejudice
.
In
the
like
manner
,
not
only
Solon
and
Draco
,
but
Romulus
,
Numa
,
Hostilius
,
the
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
and
Decemviri
,
were
not
distinguished
from
others
,
that
it
might
be
well
with
them
,
Sed
ut
bonum
,
faelix
,
faustumque
sit
Populo
Romano
,
but
that
the
prosperity
and
happiness
of
the
People
might
be
procured
;
which
being
the
thing
always
intended
,
it
were
absurd
to
refer
the
judgment
of
the
performance
to
him
who
is
suspected
of
a
design
to
overthrow
it
,
and
whose
passions
,
interests
,
and
vices
,
if
he
has
any
,
lead
him
that
way
.
If
King
James
said
any
thing
contrary
to
this
,
he
might
be
answered
with
some
of
his
own
words
;
I
was
,
says
he
,
sworn
to
maintain
the
Speech
in
Star-chamber
,
1616.
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
therefore
had
bin
perjured
if
I
had
broken
them
.
It
may
also
be
presumed
,
he
had
not
forgotten
what
his
Master
Buchanan
had
taught
in
the
Books
he
wrote
chiefly
for
his
Instruction
,
SECT.
XV.
A
general
presumption
that
Kings
will
govern
well
,
is
not
a
sufficient
security
to
the
People
.
BUT
,
says
our
Author
,
yet
will
they
rule
their
Subjects
by
the
Law
;
and
a
King
governing
in
a
settled
Kingdom
,
leaves
to
be
a
King
,
and
degenerates
into
a
Tyrant
,
so
soon
as
he
ceases
to
rule
according
unto
his
Laws
:
Yet
where
he
sees
them
rigorous
or
doubtful
,
he
may
mitigate
or
interpret
.
This
is
therefore
an
effect
of
their
goodness
;
they
are
above
Laws
,
but
will
rule
by
Law
,
we
have
Filmers's
word
for
it
.
But
I
know
not
how
Nations
can
be
assured
their
Princes
will
always
be
so
good
:
Goodness
is
always
accompanied
with
Wisdom
,
and
I
do
not
find
those
admirable
qualities
to
be
generally
inherent
or
entail'd
upon
supreme
Magistrates
.
They
do
not
seem
to
be
all
alike
,
and
we
have
not
hitherto
found
them
all
to
live
in
the
same
Spirit
and
Principle
.
I
can
see
no
resemblance
between
Moses
and
Caligula
,
Joshua
and
Claudius
,
Gideon
and
Nero
,
Samson
and
Vitellius
,
Samuel
and
Otho
,
David
and
Domitian
;
nor
indeed
between
the
best
of
these
and
their
own
Children
.
If
the
Sons
of
Moses
and
Joshua
had
bin
like
to
them
in
wisdom
,
valour
and
integrity
,
't
is
probable
they
had
bin
chosen
to
succeed
them
;
if
they
were
not
,
the
like
is
less
to
be
presumed
of
others
.
No
man
has
yet
observed
the
Moderation
of
Gideon
to
have
bin
in
Abimelech
;
the
Piety
of
Eli
in
Hophni
and
Phineas
;
the
Purity
and
Integrity
of
Samuel
in
Joel
and
Abiah
,
nor
the
Wisdom
of
Solomon
in
Rehoboam
.
And
if
there
was
so
vast
a
difference
between
them
and
their
Children
,
who
doubtless
were
instructed
by
those
excellent
men
in
the
ways
of
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
as
well
by
Precept
as
Example
,
were
it
not
madness
to
be
confident
,
that
they
who
have
neither
precept
nor
good
example
to
guide
them
,
but
on
the
contrary
are
educated
in
an
utter
ignorance
or
abhorrence
of
all
virtue
,
will
always
be
just
and
good
;
or
to
put
the
whole
power
into
the
hands
of
every
man
,
woman
,
or
child
that
shall
be
born
in
governing
Families
,
upon
a
supposition
,
that
a
thing
will
happen
,
which
never
did
;
or
that
the
weakest
and
worst
will
perform
all
that
can
be
hoped
,
and
was
seldom
accomplished
by
the
wisest
and
best
,
exposing
whole
Nations
to
be
destroy'd
without
remedy
,
if
they
do
it
not
?
And
if
this
be
madness
in
all
extremity
,
't
is
to
be
presumed
that
Nations
never
intended
any
such
thing
,
unless
our
Author
prove
that
all
Nations
have
bin
mad
from
the
beginning
,
and
must
always
continue
to
be
so
.
To
cure
this
,
he
says
,
They
degenerate
into
Tyrants
;
and
if
he
meant
as
he
speaks
,
it
would
be
enough
.
For
a
King
cannot
degenerate
into
a
Tyrant
by
departing
from
that
Law
,
which
is
only
the
product
of
his
own
will
.
But
if
he
do
degenerate
,
it
must
be
by
departing
from
that
which
dos
not
depend
upon
his
will
,
and
is
a
rule
prescribed
by
a
power
that
is
above
him
.
This
indeed
is
the
Doctrine
of
Bracton
,
who
having
said
that
the
Power
of
the
King
is
the
Power
of
the
Law
,
because
the
Law
makes
him
King
,
adds
,
[
*
](A60214-e54950-b)
*
Quia
si
faciat
injuriam
desinit
esse
Rex
,
&
degenerat
in
Tyrannum
,
&
fit
vicarius
Diaboli
.
Bract.
That
if
he
do
injustice
,
he
ceases
to
be
King
,
degenerates
into
a
Tyrant
,
and
becomes
the
Vicegerent
of
the
Devil
.
But
I
hope
this
must
be
understood
with
temperament
,
and
a
due
consideration
of
human
frailty
,
so
as
to
mean
only
those
injuries
that
are
extreme
;
for
otherwise
he
would
terribly
shake
all
the
Crowns
of
the
World
.
But
lest
our
Author
should
be
thought
once
in
his
life
to
have
dealt
sincerely
,
and
spoken
truth
,
the
next
lines
shew
the
fraud
of
his
last
Assertion
,
by
giving
to
the
Prince
a
power
of
mitigating
or
interpreting
the
Laws
that
he
sees
to
be
rigorous
or
doubtful
.
But
as
he
cannot
degenerate
into
a
Tyrant
by
departing
from
the
Law
which
proceeds
from
his
own
will
,
so
he
cannot
mitigate
or
interpret
that
which
proceeds
from
a
superior
Power
,
unless
the
right
of
mitigating
or
interpreting
be
conferred
upon
him
by
the
same
.
For
as
all
wise
men
confess
that
[
†
](A60214-e55000-b)
†
Cujus
est
instituere
,
ejus
est
abrogare
.
none
can
abrogate
but
those
who
may
institute
,
and
that
all
mitigation
and
interpretation
varying
from
the
true
sense
is
an
alteration
,
that
alteration
is
an
abrogation
;
for
[
||
](A60214-e55020-b)
||
Quicquid
mutatur
dissolvitur
,
interit
ergò
.
whatsoever
is
changed
is
dissolved
,
and
therefore
the
power
of
mitigating
is
inseparable
from
that
of
instituting
.
This
is
sufficiently
evidenced
by
Henry
the
Eighth's
Answer
to
the
Speech
made
to
him
by
the
Speaker
of
the
House
of
Commons
1545
,
in
which
he
,
tho
one
of
the
most
violent
Princes
we
ever
had
,
confesses
the
Parliament
to
be
the
Law-makers
,
and
that
an
obligation
lay
upon
him
rightly
to
use
the
power
with
which
he
was
entrusted
.
The
right
therefore
of
altering
being
inseparable
from
that
of
making
Laws
,
the
one
being
in
the
Parliament
,
the
other
must
be
so
also
.
Fortescue
says
plainly
,
the
King
cannot
change
any
Law
:
Magna
Charta
casts
all
upon
[
||||
](A60214-e55060-b)
||||
Leges
Terrae
&
Consuetudines
Angliae
.
the
Laws
of
the
Land
and
Customs
of
England
:
but
to
say
that
the
King
can
by
his
will
make
that
to
be
a
Custom
,
or
an
antient
Law
,
which
is
not
,
or
that
not
to
be
so
which
is
,
is
most
absurd
.
He
must
therefore
take
the
Laws
and
Customs
as
he
finds
them
,
and
can
neither
detract
from
,
nor
add
any
thing
to
them
.
The
ways
are
prescribed
as
well
as
the
end
.
Judgments
are
given
by
equals
,
per
Pares
.
The
Judges
who
may
be
assisting
to
those
,
are
sworn
to
proceed
according
to
Law
,
and
not
to
regard
the
King's
Letters
or
Commands
.
The
doubtful
Cases
are
reserved
,
and
to
be
referred
to
the
Parliament
,
as
in
the
Statute
of
35
Edw.
3d
concerning
Treasons
,
but
never
to
the
King
.
The
Law
intending
that
these
Parliaments
should
be
annual
,
and
leaving
to
the
King
a
power
of
calling
them
more
often
,
if
occasion
require
,
takes
away
all
pretence
of
a
necessity
that
there
should
be
any
other
power
to
interpret
or
mitigate
Laws
.
For
't
is
not
to
be
imagined
that
there
should
be
such
a
pestilent
evil
in
any
antient
Law
,
Custom
,
or
later
Act
of
Parliament
,
which
being
on
the
sudden
discover'd
,
may
not
without
any
great
prejudice
continue
for
forty
days
,
till
a
Parliament
may
be
called
;
whereas
the
force
and
essence
of
all
Laws
would
be
subverted
,
if
under
colour
of
mitigating
and
interpreting
,
the
power
of
altering
were
allow'd
to
Kings
,
who
often
want
the
inclination
,
and
sor
the
most
part
the
capacity
of
doing
it
rightly
.
'T
is
not
therefore
upon
the
uncertain
will
or
understanding
of
a
Prince
,
that
the
safety
of
a
Nation
ought
to
depend
.
He
is
sometimes
a
child
,
and
sometimes
overburden'd
with
years
.
Some
are
weak
,
negligent
,
slothful
,
foolish
or
vicious
:
others
,
who
may
have
something
of
rectitude
in
their
intentions
,
and
naturally
are
not
uncapable
of
doing
well
,
are
drawn
out
of
the
right
way
by
the
subtilty
of
ill
men
who
gain
credit
with
them
.
That
rule
must
always
be
uncertain
,
and
subject
to
be
distorted
,
which
depends
upon
the
fancy
of
such
a
man
.
He
always
fluctuates
,
and
every
passion
that
arises
in
his
mind
,
or
is
infused
by
others
,
disorders
him
.
The
good
of
a
People
ought
to
be
established
upon
a
more
solid
foundation
.
For
this
reason
the
Law
is
established
,
which
no
passion
can
disturb
.
'T
is
void
of
desire
and
fear
,
lust
and
anger
.
'T
is
Mens
sine
affectu
,
written
reason
,
retaining
some
measure
of
the
Divine
Perfection
.
It
dos
not
enjoin
that
which
pleases
a
weak
,
frail
man
,
but
without
any
regard
to
persons
commands
that
which
is
good
,
and
punishes
evil
in
all
,
whether
rich
or
poor
,
high
or
low
.
'T
is
deaf
,
inexorable
,
inflexible
.
By
this
means
every
man
knows
when
he
is
safe
or
in
danger
,
because
he
knows
whether
he
has
done
good
or
evil
.
But
if
all
depended
upon
the
will
of
a
man
,
the
worst
would
be
often
the
most
safe
,
and
the
best
in
the
greatest
hazard
:
Slaves
would
be
often
advanced
,
the
good
and
the
brave
scorn'd
and
neglected
.
The
most
generous
Nations
have
above
all
things
sought
to
avoid
this
evil
:
and
the
virtue
,
wisdom
and
generosity
of
each
may
be
discern'd
by
the
right
fixing
of
the
rule
that
must
be
the
guide
of
every
mans
life
,
and
so
constituting
their
Magistracy
that
it
may
be
duly
observed
.
Such
as
have
attained
to
this
perfection
,
have
always
flourished
in
virtue
and
happiness
:
They
are
,
as
Aristotle
says
,
governed
by
God
,
rather
than
by
men
,
whilst
those
who
subjected
themselves
to
the
will
of
a
man
were
governed
by
a
beast
.
This
being
so
,
our
Author's
next
clause
,
That
tho
a
King
do
frame
all
his
Actions
to
be
according
unto
Law
,
yet
he
is
not
bound
thereunto
,
but
as
his
good
will
,
and
for
good
example
,
or
so
far
forth
as
the
general
Law
for
the
safety
of
the
Commonwealth
doth
naturally
bind
him
,
is
wholly
impertinent
.
For
if
the
King
who
governs
not
according
to
Law
,
degenerates
into
a
Tyrant
,
he
is
obliged
to
frame
his
actions
according
to
Law
,
or
not
to
be
a
King
;
for
a
Tyrant
is
none
,
but
as
contrary
to
him
,
as
the
worst
of
men
is
to
the
best
.
But
if
these
obligations
were
untied
,
we
may
easily
guess
what
security
our
Author's
word
can
be
to
us
,
that
the
King
of
his
own
good
will
,
and
for
a
good
example
,
will
frame
his
actions
according
to
the
Laws
;
when
experience
instructs
us
,
that
notwithstanding
the
strictest
Laws
,
and
most
exquisite
Constitutions
,
that
men
of
the
best
abilities
in
the
world
could
ever
invent
to
restrain
the
irregular
appetites
of
those
in
power
,
with
the
dreadful
examples
of
vengeance
taken
against
such
as
would
not
be
restrained
,
they
have
frequently
broken
out
;
and
the
most
powerful
have
for
the
most
part
no
otherwise
distinguished
themselves
from
the
rest
of
men
,
than
by
the
enormity
of
their
vices
,
and
being
the
most
forward
in
leading
others
to
all
manner
of
crimes
by
their
example
.
SECT.
XVI
.
The
observation
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
is
absurdly
expected
from
Tyrants
,
who
set
themselves
up
against
all
Laws
:
and
he
that
subjects
Kings
to
no
other
Law
than
what
is
common
to
Tyrants
,
destroys
their
being
.
OUR
Authors
last
clause
acknowledging
Kings
to
be
bound
by
a
general
Law
to
provide
for
the
safety
of
the
People
,
would
be
sufficient
for
my
purpose
if
it
were
sincere
;
for
municipal
Laws
do
only
shew
how
that
should
be
performed
:
and
if
the
King
by
departing
from
that
rule
degenerates
,
as
he
says
,
into
a
Tyrant
,
't
is
easily
determined
what
ought
then
to
be
done
by
the
People
.
But
his
whole
book
being
a
heap
of
contradictions
and
frauds
,
we
can
rely
upon
nothing
that
he
says
:
And
his
following
words
,
which
under
the
same
Law
comprehend
both
Kings
and
Tyrants
,
shew
that
he
intends
Kings
should
be
no
otherwise
obliged
than
Tyrants
,
which
is
,
not
at
all
.
By
this
means
,
says
he
,
are
all
Kings
,
even
Tyrants
and
Conquerors
,
bound
to
preserve
the
Lands
,
Goods
,
Liberties
and
Lives
of
all
their
Subjects
,
not
by
any
municipal
Law
of
the
Land
,
so
much
as
by
the
natural
Law
of
a
Father
,
which
obligeth
them
to
ratify
the
Acts
of
their
Forefathers
and
Predecessors
in
things
necessary
for
the
publick
good
of
their
Subjects
.
If
he
be
therefore
in
the
right
,
Tyrants
and
Conquerors
are
Kings
and
Fathers
.
The
words
that
have
bin
always
thought
to
comprehend
the
most
irreconcileable
contrariety
,
the
one
expressing
the
most
tender
love
and
care
,
evidently
testified
by
the
greatest
obligations
conferred
upon
those
who
are
under
it
;
the
other
the
utmost
of
all
injuries
that
can
be
offer'd
to
men
,
signify
the
same
thing
:
There
is
no
difference
between
a
Magistrate
who
is
what
he
is
by
Law
,
and
a
publick
Enemy
,
who
by
force
or
fraud
sets
himself
up
against
all
Law
:
And
what
he
said
before
,
that
Kings
degenerated
into
Tyrants
,
signifies
nothing
,
for
Tyrants
also
are
Kings
.
His
next
words
are
no
less
incomprehensible
;
for
neither
King
nor
Tyrant
can
be
obliged
to
preserve
the
Lands
,
Goods
and
Liberties
of
their
Subjects
if
they
have
none
.
But
as
Liberty
consists
only
in
being
subject
to
no
man's
will
,
and
nothing
denotes
a
Slave
but
a
dependence
upon
the
will
of
another
;
if
there
be
no
other
Law
in
a
Kingdom
than
the
will
of
a
Prince
,
there
is
no
such
thing
as
Liberty
.
Property
also
is
an
appendage
to
Liberty
;
and
't
is
as
impossible
for
a
man
to
have
a
right
to
Lands
or
Goods
,
if
he
has
no
Liberty
,
and
enjoys
his
Life
only
at
the
pleasure
of
another
,
as
it
is
to
enjoy
either
when
he
is
deprived
of
them
.
He
therefore
who
says
Kings
and
Tyrants
are
bound
to
preserve
their
Subjects
Lands
,
Liberties
,
Goods
and
Lives
,
and
yet
lays
for
a
foundation
,
that
Laws
are
no
more
than
the
significations
of
their
Pleasure
,
seeks
to
delude
the
world
with
words
which
signify
nothing
.
The
vanity
of
these
whimseys
will
farther
appear
,
if
it
be
considered
,
that
as
Kings
are
Kings
by
Law
,
and
Tyrants
are
Tyrants
by
overthrowing
the
Law
,
they
are
most
absurdly
joined
together
;
and
't
is
not
more
ridiculous
to
set
him
above
the
Law
,
who
is
what
he
is
by
the
Law
,
than
to
expect
the
observation
of
the
Laws
that
enjoin
the
preservation
of
the
Lands
,
Liberties
,
Goods
and
Lives
of
the
People
,
from
one
who
by
fraud
or
violence
makes
himself
master
of
all
,
that
he
may
be
restrain'd
by
no
Law
,
and
is
what
he
is
by
subverting
all
Law
.
Besides
,
if
the
safety
of
the
People
be
the
supreme
Law
,
and
this
safety
extend
to
,
and
consist
in
the
preservation
of
their
Liberties
,
Goods
,
Lands
and
Lives
,
that
Law
must
necessarily
be
the
root
and
beginning
,
as
well
as
the
end
and
limit
of
all
magistratical
Power
,
and
all
Laws
must
be
subservient
and
subordinate
to
it
.
The
question
will
not
then
be
what
pleases
the
King
,
but
what
is
good
for
the
People
;
not
what
conduces
to
his
profit
or
glory
,
but
what
best
secures
the
Liberties
he
is
bound
to
preserve
:
he
dos
not
therefore
reign
for
himself
,
but
for
the
People
;
he
is
not
the
Master
,
but
the
Servant
of
the
Commonwealth
;
and
the
utmost
extent
of
his
Prerogative
is
to
be
able
to
do
more
good
than
any
private
man
.
If
this
be
his
work
and
duty
,
't
is
easily
seen
whether
he
is
to
judg
of
his
own
performance
,
or
they
by
whom
and
for
whom
he
reigns
;
and
whether
in
order
to
this
he
be
to
give
Laws
,
or
to
receive
them
.
'T
is
ordinarily
said
in
France
,
Il
faut
que
chacun
soit
servi
a
sa
mode
;
Every
mans
business
must
be
done
according
to
his
own
mind
:
and
if
this
be
true
in
particular
Persons
,
't
is
more
plainly
so
in
whole
Nations
.
Many
eyes
see
more
than
one
:
the
collected
wisdom
of
a
People
much
surpasses
that
of
a
single
Person
;
and
tho
he
should
truly
seek
that
which
is
best
,
't
is
not
probable
he
would
so
easily
find
it
,
as
the
body
of
a
Nation
,
or
the
principal
men
chosen
to
represent
the
whole
.
This
may
be
said
with
justice
of
the
best
and
wisest
Princes
that
ever
were
;
but
another
Language
is
to
be
used
when
we
speak
of
those
who
may
succeed
,
and
who
very
often
through
the
defects
of
Age
,
Person
,
or
Sex
,
are
neither
fit
to
judg
of
other
mens
affairs
,
nor
of
their
own
;
and
are
so
far
from
being
capable
of
the
highest
Concernments
relating
to
the
safety
of
whole
Nations
,
that
the
most
trivial
cannot
reasonably
be
referred
to
them
.
There
are
few
men
(
except
such
as
are
like
Filmer
,
who
by
bidding
defiance
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
seems
to
declare
war
against
both
)
whom
I
would
not
trust
to
determine
whether
a
People
,
that
can
never
fall
into
Nonage
or
Dotage
,
and
can
never
fail
of
having
men
of
Wisdom
and
Virtue
amongst
them
,
be
not
more
fit
to
judg
in
their
own
Persons
,
or
by
Representatives
,
what
conduces
to
their
own
good
,
than
one
who
at
a
venture
may
be
born
in
a
certain
Family
,
and
who
,
besides
his
own
Infirmities
,
Passions
,
Vices
,
or
Interests
,
is
continually
surrounded
by
such
as
endeavour
to
divert
him
from
the
ways
of
Truth
and
Justice
.
And
if
no
reasonable
man
dare
prefer
the
latter
before
the
former
,
we
must
rely
upon
the
Laws
made
by
our
Forefathers
,
and
interpreted
by
the
Nation
,
and
not
upon
the
will
of
a
man
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
that
a
wise
and
good
Council
may
supply
the
defects
,
or
correct
the
Vices
of
a
young
,
foolish
,
or
ill
disposed
King
.
For
Filmer
denies
that
a
King
,
whatever
he
be
without
exception
,
(
for
he
attributes
profound
wisdom
to
all
)
is
obliged
to
follow
the
advice
of
his
Council
;
and
even
he
would
hardly
have
had
the
impudence
to
say
,
That
good
Counsel
given
to
a
foolish
or
wicked
Prince
were
of
any
value
,
unless
he
were
obliged
to
follow
it
.
This
Council
must
be
chosen
by
him
,
or
imposed
upon
him
:
if
it
be
imposed
upon
him
,
it
must
be
by
a
power
that
is
above
him
,
which
he
says
cannot
be
.
If
chosen
by
him
who
is
weak
,
foolish
,
or
wicked
,
it
can
never
be
good
;
because
such
virtue
and
wisdom
is
requir'd
to
discern
and
chuse
a
few
good
and
wise
men
,
from
a
multitude
of
foolish
and
bad
,
as
he
has
not
.
And
it
will
generally
fall
out
,
that
he
will
take
for
his
Counsellors
rather
those
he
believes
to
be
addicted
to
his
Person
or
Interests
,
than
such
as
are
fitly
qualified
to
perform
the
duty
of
their
places
.
But
if
he
should
by
chance
,
or
contrary
to
his
intentions
,
make
choice
of
some
good
and
wise
men
,
the
matter
would
not
be
much
mended
,
for
they
will
certainly
differ
in
opinion
from
the
worst
.
And
tho
the
Prince
should
intend
well
,
of
which
there
is
no
assurance
;
nor
any
reason
to
put
so
great
a
power
into
his
hands
if
there
be
none
,
't
is
almost
impossible
for
him
to
avoid
the
snares
that
will
be
laid
ro
seduce
him
.
I
know
not
how
to
put
a
better
face
upon
this
matter
;
for
if
I
examine
rather
what
is
probable
than
possible
,
foolish
or
ill
Princes
will
never
chuse
such
as
are
wise
and
good
;
but
favouring
those
who
are
most
like
to
themselves
,
will
prefer
such
as
second
their
vices
,
humours
,
and
personal
Interests
,
and
by
so
doing
will
rather
fortify
and
rivet
the
evils
that
are
brought
upon
the
Nation
through
their
defects
,
than
cure
them
.
This
was
evident
in
Rehoboam
:
he
had
good
Counsel
,
but
he
would
not
hearken
to
it
.
We
know
too
many
of
the
same
sort
;
and
tho
it
were
not
impossible
(
as
Macchiavelli
says
it
is
)
for
a
weak
Prince
to
receive
any
benefit
from
a
good
Council
,
we
may
certainly
conclude
,
that
a
People
can
never
expect
any
good
from
a
Council
chosen
by
one
who
is
weak
or
vicious
.
If
a
Council
be
imposed
upon
him
,
and
he
be
obliged
to
follow
their
advice
,
it
must
be
imposed
by
a
Power
that
is
above
him
;
his
Will
therefore
is
not
a
Law
,
but
must
be
regulated
by
the
Law
:
the
Monarchy
is
not
above
the
Law
;
and
if
we
will
believe
our
Author
,
't
is
no
Monarchy
,
because
the
Monarch
has
not
his
will
,
and
perhaps
he
says
true
.
For
if
that
be
not
an
Aristocracy
,
where
those
that
are
,
or
are
reputed
to
be
the
best
do
govern
,
then
that
is
certainly
a
mixed
State
,
in
which
the
will
of
one
man
dos
not
prevail
.
But
if
Princes
are
not
obliged
by
the
Law
,
all
that
is
founded
upon
that
supposition
falls
to
the
ground
:
They
will
always
sollow
their
own
humours
,
or
the
suggestions
of
those
who
second
them
.
Tiberius
hearkned
to
none
but
Chaldeans
,
or
the
ministers
of
his
impurities
and
cruelties
:
Claudius
was
governed
by
Slaves
,
and
the
profligate
Strumpets
his
Wives
.
There
were
many
wise
and
good
men
in
the
Senate
during
the
reigns
of
Caligula
,
Nero
and
Domitian
;
but
instead
of
following
their
Counsel
,
they
endeavour'd
to
destroy
them
all
,
lest
they
should
head
the
People
against
them
;
and
such
Princes
as
resemble
them
will
always
follow
the
like
courses
.
If
I
often
repeat
these
hateful
names
,
't
is
not
for
want
of
sresher
examples
of
the
same
nature
;
but
I
chuse
such
as
Mankind
has
universally
condemn'd
,
against
whom
I
can
have
no
other
cause
of
hatred
than
what
is
common
to
all
those
who
have
any
love
to
virtue
,
and
which
can
have
no
other
relation
to
the
Controversies
of
later
Ages
,
than
what
may
flow
from
the
similitude
of
their
causes
,
rather
than
such
as
are
too
well
known
to
us
,
and
which
every
man
,
according
to
the
measure
of
his
experience
,
may
call
to
mind
in
reading
these
.
I
may
also
add
,
that
as
nothing
is
to
be
received
as
a
general
Maxim
,
which
is
not
generally
true
,
I
need
no
more
to
overthrow
such
as
Filmer
proposes
,
than
to
prove
how
frequently
they
have
bin
found
false
,
and
what
desperate
mischiefs
have
bin
brought
upon
the
World
as
often
as
they
have
bin
practised
,
and
excessive
Powers
put
into
the
hands
of
such
as
had
neither
inclination
nor
ability
to
make
a
good
use
of
them
.
1.
But
if
the
safety
of
Nations
be
the
end
for
which
Governments
are
instituted
,
such
as
take
upon
them
to
govern
,
by
what
Title
soever
,
are
by
the
Law
of
Nature
bound
to
procure
it
;
and
in
order
to
this
,
to
preserve
the
Lives
,
Lands
,
Liberties
and
Goods
of
every
one
of
their
Subjects
:
and
he
that
upon
any
title
whatsoever
pretends
,
assumes
,
or
exercises
a
power
of
disposing
of
them
according
to
his
will
,
violates
the
Laws
of
Nature
in
the
highest
degree
.
2.
If
all
Princes
are
obliged
by
the
Law
of
Nature
to
preserve
the
Lands
,
Goods
,
Lives
and
Liberties
of
their
Subjects
,
those
Subjects
have
by
the
Law
of
Nature
a
right
to
their
Liberties
,
Lands
,
Goods
,
&c.
and
cannot
depend
upon
the
will
of
any
man
,
for
that
dependence
destroys
Liberty
,
&c.
3.
Ill
men
will
not
,
and
weak
men
cannot
provide
for
the
safety
of
the
People
;
nay
the
work
is
of
such
extreme
difficulty
,
that
the
greatest
and
wisest
men
that
have
bin
in
the
world
are
not
able
by
themselves
to
perform
it
;
and
the
assistance
of
Counsel
is
of
no
use
unless
Princes
are
obliged
to
follow
it
.
There
must
be
therefore
a
power
in
every
State
to
restrain
the
ill
,
and
to
instruct
weak
Princes
by
obliging
them
to
follow
the
Counsels
given
,
else
the
ends
of
Government
cannot
be
accomplished
,
nor
the
rights
of
Nations
preserved
.
All
this
being
no
more
than
is
said
by
our
Author
,
or
necessarily
to
be
deduced
from
his
Propositions
,
one
would
think
he
were
become
as
good
a
Commonwealths-man
as
Cato
;
but
the
washed
Swine
will
return
to
the
Mire
.
He
overthrows
all
by
a
preposterous
conjunction
of
the
rights
os
Kings
which
are
just
and
by
Law
,
with
those
of
Tyrants
which
are
utterly
against
Law
;
and
gives
the
sacred
and
gentle
name
os
Father
to
those
Beasts
,
who
by
their
actions
declare
themselves
enemies
not
only
to
all
Law
and
Justice
,
but
to
Mankind
that
cannot
subsist
without
them
.
This
requires
no
other
proof
,
than
to
examine
whether
Attila
or
Tamerlan
did
well
deserve
to
be
called
Fathers
of
the
Countries
they
destroy'd
.
The
first
of
these
was
usually
called
the
scourge
of
God
,
and
he
gloried
in
the
Name
.
The
other
being
reproved
for
the
detestable
cruelties
he
exercised
,
made
answer
,
You
speak
to
me
as
to
a
man
;
I
am
not
a
man
,
but
the
scourge
of
God
and
plague
of
Mankind
.
This
is
certainly
sweet
and
gentle
Language
,
savouring
much
of
a
fatherly
tenderness
:
There
is
no
doubt
that
those
who
use
it
will
provide
for
the
safety
of
the
Nations
under
them
,
and
the
preservation
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
is
rightly
referred
to
them
;
and
't
is
very
probable
,
that
they
who
came
to
burn
the
Countries
,
and
destroy
the
Nations
that
fell
under
their
power
,
should
make
it
their
business
to
preserve
them
,
and
look
upon
the
former
Governors
as
their
Fathers
,
whose
acts
they
were
obliged
to
confirm
,
tho
they
seldom
attained
to
the
Dominion
by
any
other
means
than
the
slaughter
of
them
and
their
Families
.
But
if
the
enmity
be
not
against
the
Nation
,
and
the
cause
of
the
war
be
only
for
Dominion
against
the
ruling
Person
or
Family
,
as
that
of
Baasha
against
the
house
of
Jeroboam
,
of
Zimri
against
that
of
Baasha
,
of
Omri
against
Zimri
,
and
of
Jehu
against
Joram
,
the
prosecution
of
it
is
a
strange
way
of
becoming
the
Son
of
the
Person
destroyed
.
And
Filmer
alone
is
subtil
enough
to
discover
,
that
Jehu
by
extinguishing
the
house
of
Ahab
,
drew
an
obligation
upon
himself
,
of
looking
on
him
as
his
Father
,
and
confirming
his
acts
.
If
this
be
true
,
Moses
was
obliged
to
confirm
the
acts
of
the
Kings
of
the
Amalekites
,
Moabites
and
Amorites
that
he
destroy'd
;
the
same
duty
lay
upon
Joshua
,
in
relation
to
the
Cananites
:
but
't
is
not
so
easily
decided
,
to
which
of
them
he
did
owe
that
deference
;
for
the
same
could
not
be
due
to
all
,
and
't
is
hard
to
believe
,
that
by
killing
above
thirty
Kings
,
he
should
purchase
to
himself
so
many
Fathers
;
and
the
like
may
be
said
of
divers
others
.
Moreover
,
there
is
a
sort
of
Tyrant
who
has
no
Father
,
as
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
,
Cesar
,
and
generally
all
those
who
subvert
the
Liberties
of
their
own
Countrey
.
And
if
they
stood
obliged
to
look
upon
the
former
Magistrates
as
their
Predecessors
,
and
to
confirm
their
Acts
,
the
first
should
have
bin
to
give
impunity
and
reward
to
any
that
would
kill
them
,
it
having
bin
a
fundamental
Maxim
in
those
States
,
[
*
](A60214-e55690-b)
*
Unicuique
licere
Tyrannum
occidere
.
That
any
man
might
kill
a
Tyrant
.
This
being
in
all
respects
ridiculous
and
absurd
,
't
is
evident
that
our
Author
,
who
by
proposing
such
a
false
security
to
Nations
for
their
Liberties
,
endeavours
to
betray
them
,
is
not
less
treacherous
to
Kings
,
when
under
a
pretence
of
defending
their
rights
,
he
makes
them
to
be
the
same
with
those
of
Tyrants
,
who
are
known
to
have
none
(
and
are
Tyrants
because
they
have
none
)
and
gives
no
other
hopes
to
Nations
of
being
preserved
by
the
Kings
they
set
up
for
that
end
,
than
what
upon
the
same
account
may
be
expected
from
Tyrants
,
whom
all
wise
men
have
ever
abhorr'd
,
and
affirmed
to
have
bin
produced
[
†
](A60214-e55730-b)
†
In
generis
humani
exitium
natos
.
to
bring
destruction
upon
the
World
,
and
whose
Lives
have
verifi'd
the
Sentence
.
This
is
truly
to
depose
and
abolish
Kings
,
by
abolishing
that
by
which
and
for
which
they
are
so
.
The
greatness
of
their
Power
,
Riches
,
State
,
and
the
pleasures
that
accompany
them
cannot
but
create
enemies
.
Some
will
envy
that
which
is
accounted
Happiness
;
others
may
dislike
the
use
they
make
of
their
Power
:
some
may
be
unjustly
exasperated
by
the
best
of
their
Actions
when
they
find
themselves
incommoded
by
them
;
others
may
be
too
severe
judges
of
slight
miscarriages
.
These
things
may
reasonably
temper
the
joys
of
those
who
delight
most
in
the
advantages
of
Crowns
.
But
the
worst
and
most
dangerous
of
all
their
enemies
are
these
accursed
Sycophants
,
who
by
making
those
that
ought
to
be
the
best
of
men
,
like
to
the
worst
,
destroy
their
Being
;
and
by
perswading
the
world
they
aim
at
the
same
things
,
and
are
bound
to
no
other
rule
than
is
common
to
all
Tyrants
,
give
a
fair
pretence
to
ill
men
to
say
,
They
are
all
of
one
kind
.
And
if
this
should
be
received
for
truth
,
even
they
who
think
the
miscarriages
of
their
Governors
may
be
easily
redressed
,
and
desire
no
more
,
would
be
the
most
fierce
in
procuring
the
destruction
of
that
which
is
naught
in
Principle
,
and
cannot
be
corrected
.
SECT.
XVII
.
Kings
cannot
be
the
Interpreters
of
the
Oaths
they
take
.
OUR
Author's
Book
is
so
full
of
absurdities
and
contradictions
,
that
it
would
be
a
rope
of
Sand
,
if
a
continued
series
of
frauds
did
not
,
like
a
string
of
Poisons
running
through
the
whole
,
give
it
some
consistence
with
it self
,
and
shew
it
to
be
the
work
of
one
and
the
same
hand
.
After
having
endeavoured
to
subvert
the
Laws
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
Nations
,
most
especially
our
own
,
by
abusing
the
Scriptures
,
falsly
alledging
the
Authority
of
many
good
Writers
,
and
seeking
to
obtrude
upon
Mankind
a
universal
Law
,
that
would
take
from
every
Nation
the
right
of
constituting
such
Governments
within
themselves
as
seem
most
convenient
for
them
,
and
giving
rules
for
the
administration
of
such
as
they
had
established
,
he
gives
us
a
full
view
of
his
Religion
and
Morals
,
by
destroying
the
force
of
the
Oath
taken
by
our
Kings
at
their
Coronation
.
Others
,
says
he
,
affirm
that
although
Laws
of
themselves
do
not
bind
Kings
,
yet
the
Oaths
of
Kings
at
their
Coronation
tie
them
to
keep
all
the
Laws
of
their
Kingdoms
.
How
far
this
is
true
,
let
us
but
examine
the
Oath
of
the
Kings
of
England
at
their
Coronation
,
the
words
whereof
are
these
.
Art
thou
pleased
to
cause
to
be
administred
in
all
thy
judgments
,
indifferent
and
upright
Justice
,
and
to
use
discretion
with
Mercy
and
Verity
?
Art
thou
pleased
that
our
upright
Laws
and
Customs
be
observed
,
and
dost
thou
promise
that
those
shall
be
protected
and
maintained
by
thee
?
&c.
To
which
the
King
answers
in
the
Affirmative
,
being
first
demanded
by
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
Pleaseth
it
you
to
confirm
and
observe
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
antient
times
,
granted
from
God
by
just
and
devout
Kings
unto
the
English
Nation
,
by
Oath
unto
the
said
People
,
especially
the
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Customs
granted
unto
the
Clergy
and
Laity
by
the
famous
King
Edward
?
From
this
he
infers
,
That
the
King
is
not
to
observe
all
Laws
,
but
such
as
are
upright
,
because
he
finds
evil
Laws
mention'd
in
the
Oath
of
Richard
the
2d
,
which
he
swears
to
abolish
:
Now
what
Laws
are
upright
and
what
evil
,
who
shall
judg
but
the
King
?
&c.
So
that
in
effect
the
King
doth
swear
to
keep
no
Laws
but
such
as
in
his
judgment
are
upright
,
&c.
And
if
he
did
strictly
swear
to
observe
all
Laws
,
he
could
not
without
Perjury
give
his
consent
to
the
repealing
or
abrogating
of
any
Statute
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
&c.
And
again
,
But
let
it
be
supposed
for
Truth
,
that
Kings
do
swear
to
observe
all
Laws
of
their
Kingdoms
;
yet
no
man
can
think
it
reason
,
that
the
Kings
should
be
more
bound
by
their
voluntary
Oaths
than
common
Persons
:
Now
if
a
private
Person
make
a
Contract
,
either
with
Oath
or
without
Oath
,
he
is
no
farther
bound
than
the
equity
and
justice
of
the
Contract
ties
him
;
for
a
man
may
have
relief
against
an
unreasonable
and
unjust
Promise
,
if
either
deceit
or
error
,
force
or
fear
induced
him
thereunto
;
or
if
it
be
hurtful
or
grievous
in
the
performance
,
since
the
Law
in
many
cases
gives
the
King
a
Prerogative
above
common
persons
.
Lest
I
should
be
thought
to
insist
upon
small
advantages
,
I
will
not
oblige
any
man
to
shew
where
Filmer
found
this
Oath
,
nor
observe
the
faults
committed
in
the
Translation
;
but
notwithstanding
his
false
representation
,
I
find
enough
for
my
purpose
,
and
intend
to
take
it
in
his
own
words
.
But
first
I
shall
take
leave
to
remark
,
that
those
who
for
private
interests
addict
themselves
to
the
personal
service
of
Princes
,
tho
the
ruin
of
their
Country
,
find
it
impossible
to
perswade
Mankind
that
Kings
may
govern
as
they
please
,
when
all
men
know
there
are
Laws
to
direct
and
restrain
them
,
unless
they
can
make
men
believe
they
have
their
power
from
a
universal
and
superior
Law
;
or
that
Princes
can
attempt
to
dissolve
the
obligations
laid
upon
them
by
the
Laws
,
which
they
so
solemnly
swear
to
observe
,
without
rendring
themselves
detestable
to
God
and
Man
,
and
subject
to
the
revenging
hands
of
both
,
unless
they
can
invalidate
those
Oaths
.
Mr.
Hobbes
I
think
was
the
first
,
who
very
ingeniously
contrived
a
compendious
way
of
justifying
he
swears
only
to
observe
those
that
are
upright
,
&c.
How
can
that
be
understood
otherwise
,
than
that
those
who
give
the
Oath
,
do
declare
their
Laws
and
Customs
to
be
upright
and
good
,
and
he
by
taking
the
Oath
affirms
them
to
be
so
?
Or
how
can
they
be
more
precisely
specified
than
by
the
ensuing
Clause
,
Granted
from
God
by
just
and
devout
Kings
by
Oath
,
especially
those
of
the
famous
King
Edward
?
But
,
says
he
,
by
the
same
Oath
Richard
the
2d
was
bound
to
abolish
those
that
were
evil
.
If
any
such
had
crept
in
through
error
,
or
bin
obtruded
by
malice
,
the
evil
being
discovered
and
declared
by
the
Nobility
and
Commons
who
were
concerned
,
he
was
not
to
take
advantage
of
them
,
or
by
his
refusal
to
evade
the
abolition
,
but
to
join
with
his
people
in
annulling
them
,
according
to
the
general
Clause
of
assenting
to
those
Quas
vulgus
elegerit
.
Magna
Charta
being
only
an
abridgment
of
our
antient
Laws
and
Customs
,
the
King
that
swears
to
it
,
swears
to
them
all
;
and
not
being
admitted
to
be
the
interpreter
of
it
,
or
to
determin
what
is
good
or
evil
,
fit
to
be
observed
or
annulled
in
it
,
can
have
no
more
power
over
the
rest
.
This
having
bin
confirmed
by
more
Parliaments
than
we
have
had
Kings
since
that
time
,
the
same
obligation
must
still
lie
upon
them
all
,
as
upon
John
and
Henry
,
in
whose
time
that
claim
of
right
was
compiled
.
The
Act
was
no
less
solemn
than
important
;
and
the
most
dreadful
curses
that
could
be
conceived
in
words
,
which
were
denounced
against
such
as
should
any
way
infringe
it
,
by
the
Clergy
in
Westminster-Hall
,
in
the
presence
and
with
the
assent
of
K.
Henry
the
3d
,
many
of
the
principal
Nobility
,
and
all
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
,
shew
whether
it
was
referred
to
the
King's
Judgment
or
not
;
when
't
is
evident
they
feared
the
violation
from
no
other
than
himself
,
and
such
as
he
should
employ
.
I
confess
the
Church
(
as
they
then
called
the
Clergy
)
was
fallen
into
such
corruption
,
that
their
Arms
were
not
much
to
be
feared
by
one
who
had
his
conscience
clear
;
but
that
could
not
be
in
the
case
of
perjury
:
and
our
Ancestors
could
do
no
better
,
than
to
employ
the
spiritual
sword
,
reserving
to
themselves
the
use
of
the
other
in
case
that
should
be
despised
.
Tho
the
Pope's
Excommunications
proved
sometimes
to
be
but
bruta
fulmina
,
when
a
just
cause
was
wanting
,
it
may
be
easily
judged
what
obedience
a
Prince
could
expect
from
his
Subjects
,
when
every
man
knew
he
had
by
perjury
drawn
the
most
heavy
curses
upon
himself
.
King
John
was
certainly
wicked
,
but
he
durst
not
break
these
bonds
till
he
had
procured
the
Popes
absolution
for
a
cover
;
and
when
he
had
done
so
,
he
found
himself
unsafe
under
it
,
and
could
not
make
good
what
he
had
promised
to
the
Pope
to
obtain
it
,
the
Parliament
declaring
that
his
grants
to
the
Pope
were
unjust
,
illegal
,
contrary
to
his
Coronation-Oath
,
and
that
they
would
not
be
held
by
them
.
This
went
so
far
in
that
Kings
time
,
that
Writs
were
issued
out
to
men
of
all
conditions
to
oblige
themselves
by
oath
to
keep
the
great
Charter
;
and
if
other
means
failed
,
[
*
](A60214-e56100-b)
*
Et
quod
ipsum
Regem
per
captionem
distringerent
&
gravarent
ad
prafata
exequenda
.
to
compel
the
King
to
perform
the
conditions
.
T
is
expresly
said
in
his
Charter
,
[
†
](A60214-e56120-b)
†
Et
ipsi
Barones
cum
Communitate
totius
terrae
distringent
&
gravabunt
nos
modis
omnibus
quibus
poterunt
,
scilicet
per
captionem
castrorum
,
terrarum
,
possessionum
,
&
aliis
modis
quibus
potuerint
,
donec
emendatum
fuerit
secundum
arbitrium
eorum
.
That
the
Barons
and
Commonalty
of
the
land
shall
streighten
and
compel
us
by
all
means
possible
,
as
by
seizing
our
Towns
,
Lands
,
and
Possessions
,
or
any
other
way
,
till
satisfaction
be
made
according
to
their
pleasure
.
And
in
the
Charter
of
his
Son
Henry
,
't
is
,
upon
the
same
supposition
of
not
performing
the
agreement
,
said
,
[
||
](A60214-e56150-b)
||
Licet
omnibus
de
regno
nostro
contra
nos
insurgere
,
&
omnia
facere
quae
gravamen
nostrum
respiciant
,
ac
si
nobis
in
nullo
tenerentur
.
It
shall
be
lawful
for
all
men
in
our
Kingdom
to
rise
up
against
us
,
and
to
do
all
things
that
may
be
grievous
to
us
,
as
if
they
were
absolutely
free
from
any
engagements
to
our
person
.
These
words
seem
to
have
bin
contrived
to
be
so
full
and
strong
propter
duplicitatem
Regis
,
which
was
with
too
much
reason
suspected
.
And
't
is
not
,
as
I
suppose
,
the
language
of
Slaves
and
Villains
begging
something
from
their
Lord
,
but
of
noble
and
free
men
,
who
knew
their
Lord
was
no
more
than
what
they
made
him
,
and
had
nothing
but
what
they
gave
him
:
nor
the
language
of
a
Lord
treating
with
such
as
enjoy'd
their
liberties
by
his
favour
,
but
with
those
whom
he
acknowledged
to
be
the
Judges
of
his
performing
what
had
bin
stipulated
;
and
equals
the
agreements
made
between
the
Kings
and
People
of
Arragon
,
which
I
cited
before
from
the
Relations
of
Antonio
Perez
.
This
is
as
far
as
men
can
go
;
and
the
experience
of
all
ages
manifests
,
that
Princes
performing
their
office
,
and
observing
these
stipulations
,
have
lived
glorious
,
happy
and
beloved
:
and
I
can
hardly
find
an
example
of
any
who
have
notoriously
broken
these
Oaths
,
and
bin
adjudged
to
have
incurred
the
Penalties
,
who
have
not
lived
miserably
,
died
shamefully
,
and
left
an
abominable
memory
to
posterity
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
Kings
cannot
be
more
obliged
by
voluntary
Oaths
than
other
men
,
and
may
be
relieved
from
unjust
and
unreasonable
promises
,
if
they
be
induced
by
deceit
,
error
,
force
or
fear
,
or
the
performance
be
grievous
.
Which
is
to
say
,
that
no
Oath
is
of
any
obligation
:
for
there
is
none
that
is
not
voluntary
or
involuntary
,
and
there
never
was
any
upon
which
some
such
thing
may
not
be
pretended
,
which
would
be
the
same
if
such
as
Filmer
had
the
direction
of
their
consciences
who
take
the
Oaths
,
and
of
those
who
are
to
exact
the
performance
.
This
would
soon
destroy
all
confidence
between
King
and
People
,
and
not
only
unhinge
the
best
established
Governments
,
but
by
a
detestable
practice
of
annihilating
the
force
of
Oaths
and
most
solemn
Contracts
that
can
be
made
by
men
,
overthrow
all
Societies
that
subsist
by
them
.
I
leave
it
to
all
reasonable
men
to
judg
how
fit
a
work
this
would
be
for
the
supreme
Magistrate
,
who
is
advanced
to
the
highest
degree
of
human
glory
and
happiness
,
that
he
may
preserve
them
;
and
how
that
Justice
,
for
the
obtaining
of
which
Governments
are
constituted
,
can
be
administred
,
if
he
who
is
to
exact
it
from
others
,
do
in
his
own
person
utterly
subvert
it
;
and
what
they
deserve
,
who
by
such
base
prevarications
would
teach
them
to
pervert
and
abolish
the
most
sacred
of
all
Contracts
.
A
worthy
person
of
our
Age
was
accustomed
to
say
that
Contracts
in
writing
were
invented
only
to
bind
Villains
,
who
having
no
Law
,
Justice
or
Truth
within
themselves
,
would
not
keep
their
words
,
unless
such
testimonies
were
given
as
might
compel
them
.
But
if
our
Author's
Doctrine
were
received
,
no
contract
would
be
of
more
value
than
a
Cobweb
.
Such
as
are
not
absolutely
of
a
profligate
conscience
,
so
far
reverence
the
religion
of
an
Oath
,
to
think
that
even
those
which
are
most
unjustly
and
violently
imposed
ought
to
be
observed
;
and
Julius
Cesar
,
who
I
think
was
not
over-scrupulous
,
when
he
was
taken
by
Pyrats
,
and
set
at
liberty
upon
his
word
,
caused
the
Ransom
he
had
promised
to
be
pay'd
to
them
.
We
see
the
like
is
practised
every
day
by
Prisoners
taken
in
unjust
as
well
as
just
Wars
:
And
there
is
no
honest
man
that
would
not
abhor
a
Person
,
who
being
taken
by
the
Pyrats
of
Algier
should
not
pay
what
he
had
promised
sor
his
Liberty
.
'T
were
in
vain
to
say
they
had
no
right
of
exacting
,
or
that
the
performance
was
grievous
;
he
must
return
to
the
chains
,
or
pay
.
And
tho
the
People
of
Artois
,
Alsatia
,
or
Flanders
,
do
perhaps
with
reason
think
the
King
of
France
has
no
right
to
impose
Oaths
of
Allegiance
upon
them
,
no
man
doubts
,
that
if
they
chuse
rather
to
take
those
Oaths
,
than
to
suffer
what
might
ensue
upon
their
refusal
,
they
are
as
much
bound
to
be
faithful
to
him
as
his
antient
Subjects
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
promises
extorted
by
fraud
;
and
no
other
example
is
necessary
to
prove
they
are
to
be
performed
than
that
of
Joshua
made
to
the
Gibeonites
.
They
were
an
accursed
Nation
,
which
he
was
commanded
to
destroy
:
They
came
to
him
with
lies
,
and
by
deceit
induced
him
to
make
a
League
with
them
,
which
he
ought
not
to
have
done
;
but
being
made
,
it
was
to
be
performed
;
and
on
that
account
he
did
not
only
spare
but
defend
them
,
and
the
action
was
approved
by
God
.
When
Saul
by
a
preposterous
zeal
violated
that
League
,
the
Anger
of
God
for
that
breach
of
faith
could
no
otherwise
be
appeased
than
by
the
death
of
seven
of
his
Children
.
This
case
is
so
full
,
so
precise
,
and
of
such
undoubted
authority
,
that
I
shall
not
trouble
my self
with
any
other
.
But
if
we
believe
our
man
of
good
morals
,
voluntary
Oaths
and
Promises
are
of
no
more
value
than
those
gained
by
force
or
deceit
,
that
is
to
say
,
none
are
of
any
.
For
voluntary
signifying
nothing
but
free
,
all
human
Acts
are
either
free
or
not
free
,
that
is
,
from
the
will
of
the
person
,
or
some
impulse
from
without
.
If
therefore
there
be
no
sorce
in
those
that
are
free
,
nor
in
those
that
are
not
free
,
there
is
none
in
any
.
No
better
use
can
be
made
of
any
pretension
of
error
,
or
that
the
performance
was
grievous
;
for
no
man
ought
to
be
grieved
at
the
performance
of
his
Contract
.
David
assures
us
,
that
a
good
man
performs
his
agreement
tho
he
lose
by
it
;
and
the
Lord
Chancellor
Egerton
told
a
Gentleman
,
who
desired
relief
against
his
own
Deed
,
upon
an
Allegation
that
he
knew
not
what
he
did
when
he
signed
it
,
that
he
did
not
sit
to
relieve
fools
.
But
tho
voluntary
Promises
or
Oaths
,
when
,
to
use
the
Lawyers
language
,
there
is
not
a
valuable
consideration
,
were
of
no
obligation
;
or
that
men
brought
by
force
,
fear
or
error
,
into
such
Contracts
as
are
grievous
in
the
performance
,
might
be
relieved
;
this
would
not
at
all
reach
the
cases
of
Princes
,
in
the
Contracts
made
between
them
and
their
Subjects
,
and
confirmed
by
their
Oaths
,
there
being
no
colour
of
force
or
fraud
,
fear
or
error
for
them
to
alledg
;
nor
any
thing
to
be
pretended
that
can
be
grievous
to
perform
,
otherwise
than
as
it
may
be
grievous
to
an
ill
man
not
to
do
the
mischiefs
he
had
conceived
.
Nations
according
to
their
own
will
frame
the
Laws
by
which
they
resolve
to
be
governed
;
and
if
they
do
it
not
wisely
,
the
damage
is
only
to
themselves
:
But
't
is
hard
to
find
an
example
of
any
People
that
did
by
force
oblige
a
man
to
take
upon
him
the
Government
of
them
.
Gideon
was
indeed
much
pressed
by
the
Israelites
to
be
their
King
;
and
the
Army
of
Germanicus
in
a
Mutiny
more
fiercely
urged
him
to
be
Emperor
;
but
both
desisted
when
their
Offers
were
refused
.
If
our
Kings
have
bin
more
modest
,
and
our
Ancestors
more
pertinacious
in
compelling
them
to
accept
the
Crowns
they
offer'd
,
I
shall
upon
proof
of
the
matter
change
my
opinion
.
But
till
that
do
appear
,
I
may
be
pardoned
if
I
think
there
was
no
such
thing
.
William
the
Norman
was
not
by
force
brought
into
England
,
but
came
voluntarily
,
and
desired
to
be
King
:
The
Nobility
,
Clergy
,
and
Commons
proposed
the
Conditions
upon
which
they
would
receive
him
.
These
conditions
were
to
govern
according
to
their
antient
Laws
,
especially
those
that
had
bin
granted
,
or
rather
collected
in
the
time
of
the
famous
King
Edward
.
Here
was
neither
force
nor
fraud
;
if
he
had
disliked
the
terms
,
he
might
have
retired
as
freely
as
he
came
.
But
he
did
like
them
;
and
tho
he
was
not
perhaps
so
modest
,
to
say
with
the
brave
Saxon
King
Offa
,
Ad
Libertatis
vestrae
tuitionem
,
non
meis
[
*
](A60214-e56530-b)
*
Bonas
&
approbatas
antiquas
Regni
Leges
,
quas
sancti
&
pii
Reges
ejus
antecessores
,
&
maxime
Edvardus
statuit
,
inviolabiliter
observare
.
swore
to
them
,
and
could
not
imagine
,
that
a
free
Nation
which
never
had
any
other
Kings
than
such
as
had
bin
chosen
by
themselves
for
the
preservation
of
their
Liberty
,
and
from
whose
liberality
the
best
of
their
Kings
acknowledged
the
Crowns
they
wore
,
did
intend
to
give
up
their
Persons
,
Liberties
and
Estates
to
him
,
who
was
a
stranger
,
most
especially
when
they
would
not
receive
him
till
he
had
sworn
to
the
same
Laws
by
which
the
others
had
reigned
,
of
which
one
was
(
as
appears
by
the
act
of
the
Conventus
Pananglicus
)
that
Reges
à
Sacerdotibus
&
senioribus
Populi
eligantur
,
The
Kings
should
be
elected
by
the
Clergy
and
Elders
of
the
People
.
By
these
means
he
was
advanced
to
the
Crown
,
to
which
he
could
have
no
title
,
unless
they
had
the
right
of
conferring
it
upon
him
.
Here
was
therefore
no
force
,
deceit
or
error
;
and
whatsoever
equity
there
might
be
to
relieve
one
that
had
bin
forced
,
frighted
or
circumvented
,
it
was
nothing
to
this
case
.
We
do
not
find
that
William
the
2d
,
or
Henry
,
were
forced
to
be
Kings
;
no
Sword
was
put
to
their
Throats
;
and
for
any
thing
we
know
,
the
English
Nation
was
not
then
so
contemptible
but
men
might
have
bin
found
in
the
world
,
who
would
willingly
have
accepted
the
Crown
,
and
even
their
elder
Brother
Robert
would
not
have
refused
;
but
the
Nobility
and
Commons
trusting
to
their
Oaths
and
Promises
,
thought
fit
to
prefer
them
before
him
;
and
when
he
endeavoured
to
impose
himself
upon
the
Nation
by
force
,
they
so
severely
punished
him
,
that
no
better
proof
can
be
required
to
shew
that
they
were
accustomed
to
have
no
other
Kings
than
such
as
they
approved
.
And
this
was
one
of
the
Customs
that
all
their
Kings
swore
to
maintain
,
it
being
as
antient
,
just
,
and
well
approved
as
any
other
.
Having
already
proved
,
that
all
the
Kings
we
have
had
since
that
time
,
have
come
in
upon
the
same
title
;
that
the
Saxon
Laws
to
which
all
have
sworn
,
continue
to
be
of
force
amongst
us
,
and
that
the
words
pronounced
four
times
on
the
four
sides
of
the
Scaffold
by
the
Archbishop
,
Will
ye
have
this
man
to
reign
?
do
testify
it
;
I
may
spare
the
pains
of
a
repetition
,
and
justly
conclude
,
That
if
there
was
neither
force
nor
fraud
,
fear
nor
error
,
to
be
pretended
by
the
first
,
there
could
be
none
in
those
that
followed
.
But
the
observation
of
this
Oath
may
be
grievous
.
If
I
received
money
the
last
year
upon
Bond
,
Promise
,
or
sale
of
a
Mannor
or
Farm
,
can
it
be
thought
grievous
to
me
to
be
compelled
to
repay
,
or
to
make
over
the
Land
according
to
my
agreement
?
Or
if
I
did
not
seal
the
Bond
till
I
had
the
money
,
must
not
I
perform
the
condition
,
or
at
the
least
restore
what
I
had
received
?
If
it
be
grievous
to
any
King
to
preserve
the
Liberties
,
Lives
,
and
Estates
of
his
Subjects
,
and
to
govern
according
to
their
Laws
,
let
him
resign
the
Crown
,
and
the
People
to
whom
the
Oath
was
made
,
will
probably
release
him
.
Others
may
possibly
be
found
who
will
not
think
it
grievous
:
or
if
none
will
accept
a
Crown
unless
they
may
do
what
they
please
,
the
People
must
bear
the
misfortune
of
being
obliged
to
govern
themselves
,
or
to
institute
some
other
sort
of
Magistracy
that
will
be
satisfied
with
a
less
exorbitant
Power
.
Perhaps
they
may
succeed
as
well
as
some
others
have
done
,
who
without
being
brought
to
that
necessity
,
have
voluntarily
cast
themselves
into
the
misery
of
living
without
the
majestick
splendor
of
a
Monarch
:
or
if
that
fail
,
they
may
as
their
last
refuge
,
surrender
up
themselves
to
Slavery
.
When
that
is
done
,
we
will
acknowledg
that
whatsoever
we
have
is
derived
from
the
favour
of
our
Master
.
But
no
such
thing
yet
appearing
amongst
us
,
we
may
be
pardoned
if
we
think
we
are
Free-men
governed
by
our
own
Laws
,
and
that
no
man
has
a
power
over
us
,
which
is
not
given
and
regulated
by
them
;
nor
that
any
thing
but
a
new
Law
made
by
our selves
,
can
exempt
our
Kings
from
the
obligation
of
performing
their
Oaths
taken
,
to
govern
according
to
the
old
,
in
the
true
sense
of
the
words
,
as
they
are
understood
in
our
Language
by
those
who
give
them
,
and
conducing
to
the
ends
for
which
they
are
given
,
which
can
be
no
other
than
to
defend
us
from
all
manner
of
arbitrary
Power
,
and
to
fix
a
rule
to
which
we
are
to
conform
our
Actions
,
and
from
which
,
according
to
our
deserts
,
we
may
expect
reward
or
punishment
.
And
those
who
by
prevarications
,
cavils
or
equivocations
,
endeavour
to
dissolve
these
Obligations
,
do
either
maliciously
betray
the
cause
of
Kings
,
by
representing
them
to
the
world
as
men
who
prefer
the
Satisfaction
of
their
irregular
Appetites
before
the
performance
of
their
duty
,
and
trample
under
foot
the
most
sacred
bonds
of
human
Society
;
or
from
the
grossest
ignorance
do
not
see
,
that
by
teaching
Nations
how
little
they
can
rely
upon
the
Oaths
of
their
Princes
,
they
instruct
them
as
little
to
observe
their
own
;
and
that
not
only
because
men
are
generally
inclined
to
follow
the
examples
of
those
in
power
,
but
from
a
most
certain
conclusion
,
that
he
who
breaks
his
part
of
a
Contract
cannot
without
the
utmost
impudence
and
folly
expect
the
performance
of
the
other
;
nothing
being
more
known
amongst
men
,
than
that
all
Contracts
are
of
such
mutual
obligation
,
that
he
who
fails
of
his
part
discharges
the
other
.
If
this
be
so
between
man
and
man
,
it
must
needs
be
so
between
one
and
many
millions
of
men
:
If
he
were
free
,
because
he
says
he
is
,
every
man
must
be
free
also
when
he
pleases
;
if
a
private
man
who
receives
no
benefit
,
or
perhaps
prejudice
from
a
Contract
,
be
obliged
to
perform
the
conditions
,
much
more
are
Kings
who
receive
the
greatest
advantages
the
world
can
give
.
As
they
are
not
by
themselves
nor
for
themselves
,
so
they
are
not
different
in
specie
from
other
men
:
they
are
born
,
live
and
die
as
we
all
do
.
The
same
Law
of
Truth
and
Justice
is
given
to
all
by
God
and
Nature
,
and
perhaps
I
may
say
the
performance
of
it
is
most
rigorously
exacted
from
the
greatest
of
men
.
The
liberty
of
Perjury
cannot
be
a
privilege
annexed
to
Crowns
;
and
't
is
absurd
to
think
that
the
most
venerable
Authority
that
can
be
conferred
upon
a
man
,
is
increased
by
a
liberty-to
commit
,
or
impunity
in
committing
such
crimes
as
are
the
greatest
aggravations
of
infamy
to
the
basest
villains
in
the
world
.
SECT.
XVIII
.
The
next
in
blood
to
deceased
Kings
cannot
generally
be
said
to
be
Kings
till
they
are
crowned
.
'T
IS
hereupon
usually
objected
,
that
Kings
do
not
come
in
by
Contract
nor
by
Oath
,
but
are
Kings
by
,
or
according
to
proximity
of
Blood
,
before
they
are
crowned
.
Tho
this
be
a
bold
Proposition
,
I
will
not
say
't
is
universally
false
.
'T
is
possible
that
in
some
places
the
rule
of
Succession
may
be
set
down
so
precisely
,
that
in
some
cases
every
man
may
be
able
to
see
and
know
the
sense
,
as
well
as
the
Person
designed
to
be
the
Successor
:
but
before
I
acknowledg
it
to
be
universally
true
,
I
must
desire
to
know
what
this
rule
of
Succession
is
,
and
from
whence
it
draws
its
original
.
I
think
I
may
be
excused
if
I
make
these
scruples
,
because
I
find
the
thing
in
dispute
to
be
variously
adjudged
in
several
places
,
and
have
observed
five
different
manners
of
disposing
Crowns
esteemed
Hereditary
,
besides
an
infinite
number
of
collateral
Controversies
arising
from
them
,
of
which
we
have
divers
examples
;
and
if
there
be
one
universal
rule
appointed
,
one
of
these
only
can
be
right
,
and
all
the
others
must
be
vicious
.
The
first
gives
the
inheritance
to
the
eldest
Male
of
the
eldest
legitimate
Line
,
as
in
France
,
according
to
that
which
they
call
the
Salique
Law
.
The
second
,
to
the
eldest
legitimate
Male
of
the
reigning
Family
,
as
antiently
in
Spain
,
according
to
which
the
Brother
of
the
deceased
King
has
bin
often
,
if
not
always
preferr'd
before
the
Son
,
if
he
were
elder
,
as
may
appear
by
the
dispute
between
Corbis
and
Orsua
,
cited
before
from
Titus
Livius
;
and
in
the
same
Country
during
the
reign
of
the
Goths
,
the
eldest
Male
succeeded
,
whether
Legitimate
or
Illegitimate
.
The
fourth
receives
Females
or
their
Descendents
,
without
any
other
condition
distinguishing
them
from
Males
,
except
that
the
younger
Brother
is
preferr'd
before
the
elder
Sister
,
but
the
daughter
of
the
elder
Brother
is
preferr'd
before
the
Son
of
the
younger
.
The
fifth
gives
the
Inheritance
to
Females
under
a
condition
,
as
in
Sweden
,
where
they
inherit
,
unless
they
marry
out
of
the
Country
without
the
consent
of
the
Estates
;
according
to
which
rule
Charles
Gustavus
was
chosen
,
as
any
Stranger
might
have
bin
,
tho
Son
to
a
Sister
of
Gustavus
Adolphus
,
who
by
marrying
a
German
Prince
had
forfeited
her
right
.
And
by
the
same
act
of
Estates
,
by
which
her
eldest
Son
was
chosen
,
and
the
Crown
entailed
upon
the
Heirs
of
his
Body
,
her
second
Son
the
Prince
Adolphus
was
wholly
excluded
.
Till
these
questions
are
decided
by
a
Judg
of
such
an
undoubted
Authority
,
that
all
men
may
safely
submit
,
't
is
hard
for
any
man
who
really
seeks
the
satisfaction
of
his
Conscience
,
to
know
whether
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
(
tho
he
should
believe
there
is
one
general
Law
)
do
justify
the
Customs
of
the
antient
[
*
](A60214-e56840-b)
*
—
Medis
levibusque
Sabaeis
Imperat
hic
sexus
,
Reginarumque
sub
armis
Barbaries
pars
magna
jacet
.
Lucan
.
Medes
and
Sabeans
,
mentioned
by
the
Poet
,
who
admitted
Females
,
or
those
of
France
which
totally
exclude
them
as
unfit
to
reign
over
men
,
and
utterly
unable
to
perform
the
duty
of
a
supreme
Magistrate
,
as
we
see
they
are
every
where
excluded
from
the
exercise
of
all
other
Offices
in
the
Commonwealth
.
If
it
be
said
that
we
ought
to
follow
the
Customs
of
our
own
Country
,
I
answer
,
that
those
of
our
own
Country
deserve
to
be
observed
,
because
they
are
of
our
own
Country
:
But
they
are
no
more
to
be
called
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
than
those
of
France
or
Germany
;
and
tho
I
do
not
believe
that
any
general
Law
is
appointed
,
I
wish
I
were
sure
that
our
Customs
in
this
point
were
not
more
repugnant
to
the
light
of
Nature
,
and
prejudicial
to
our selves
,
than
those
of
some
other
Nations
.
But
if
I
should
be
so
much
an
Englishman
,
to
think
the
will
of
God
to
have
bin
more
particularly
revealed
to
our
Ancestors
,
than
to
any
other
Nation
,
and
that
all
of
them
ought
to
learn
from
us
;
yet
it
would
be
difficult
to
decide
many
questions
that
may
arise
.
For
tho
the
Parliament
in
the
36th
of
Henry
the
sixth
,
made
an
Act
in
favour
of
Richard
Duke
of
York
,
descended
from
a
Daughter
of
Mortimer
,
who
married
the
Daughter
of
the
Duke
of
Clarence
,
elder
Brother
to
John
of
Gaunt
,
they
rather
asserted
their
own
power
of
giving
the
Crown
to
whom
they
pleased
,
than
determined
the
question
.
For
if
they
had
believed
that
the
Crown
had
belonged
to
him
by
a
general
and
eternal
Law
,
they
must
immediately
have
rejected
Henry
as
a
Usurper
,
and
put
Richard
into
the
possession
of
his
Right
,
which
they
did
not
.
And
tho
they
did
something
like
to
this
in
the
cases
of
Maud
the
Empress
in
relation
to
King
Stephen
,
and
her
Son
Henry
the
2d
;
and
of
Henry
the
7th
in
relation
to
the
house
of
York
,
both
before
he
had
married
a
Daughter
of
it
,
and
after
her
death
;
they
did
the
contrary
in
the
cases
of
William
the
first
and
second
,
Henry
the
Is
t
,
Stephen
,
John
,
Richard
the
3d
,
Henry
the
7th
,
Mary
,
Elizabeth
,
and
others
.
So
that
,
for
any
thing
I
can
yet
find
,
't
is
equally
difficult
to
discover
the
true
sense
of
the
Law
of
Nature
that
should
be
a
guide
to
my
Conscience
,
whether
I
so
far
submit
to
the
Laws
of
my
Country
,
to
think
that
England
alone
has
produced
men
that
rightly
understand
it
,
or
examine
the
Laws
and
Practices
of
other
Nations
.
Whilst
this
remains
undecided
,
't
is
impossible
for
me
to
know
to
whom
I
owe
the
obedience
that
is
exacted
from
me
.
If
I
were
a
French-man
,
I
could
not
tell
whether
I
ow'd
allegiance
to
the
King
of
Spain
,
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
Duke
of
Savoy
,
or
many
others
descended
from
Daughters
of
the
house
of
Valois
,
one
of
whom
ought
to
inherit
,
if
the
Inheritance
belongs
to
Females
;
or
to
the
house
of
Bourbon
,
whose
only
title
is
founded
upon
the
exclusion
of
them
.
The
like
Controversies
will
be
in
all
places
;
and
he
that
would
put
Mankind
upon
such
enquiries
,
goes
about
to
subvert
all
the
Governments
of
the
World
,
and
arms
every
man
to
the
destruction
of
his
neighbour
.
We
ought
to
be
informed
when
this
right
began
:
If
we
had
the
Genealogy
of
every
man
from
Noah
,
and
the
Crowns
of
every
Nation
had
since
his
time
continued
in
one
Line
,
we
were
only
to
inquire
into
how
many
Kingdoms
he
appointed
the
world
to
be
divided
,
and
how
well
the
division
we
see
at
this
day
agrees
with
the
allotment
made
by
him
.
But
Mankind
having
for
many
Ages
lain
under
such
a
vast
confusion
,
that
no
man
pretends
to
know
his
own
original
,
except
some
Jews
,
and
the
Princes
of
the
house
of
Austria
,
we
cannot
so
easily
arrive
at
the
end
of
our
work
;
and
the
Scriptures
making
no
other
mention
of
this
part
of
the
world
,
than
what
may
induce
us
to
think
it
was
given
to
the
Sons
of
Japhet
,
we
have
nothing
that
can
lead
us
to
guess
how
it
was
to
be
subdivided
,
nor
to
whom
the
several
parcels
were
given
:
So
that
the
difficulties
are
absolutely
inextricable
;
and
tho
it
were
true
,
that
some
one
man
had
a
right
to
every
parcel
that
is
known
to
us
,
it
could
be
of
no
use
;
for
that
Right
must
necessarily
perish
which
no
man
can
prove
,
nor
indeed
claim
.
But
as
all
natural
Rights
by
Inheritance
must
be
by
Descent
,
this
Descent
not
being
proved
,
there
can
be
no
natural
Right
;
and
all
Rights
being
either
natural
,
created
or
acquired
,
this
Right
to
Crowns
not
being
natural
,
must
be
created
or
acquired
,
or
none
at
all
.
There
being
no
general
Law
common
to
all
Nations
,
creating
a
Right
to
Crowns
(
as
has
bin
proved
by
the
several
methods
used
by
several
Nations
in
the
disposal
of
them
,
according
to
which
all
those
that
we
know
are
enjoy'd
)
we
must
seek
the
Right
concerning
which
we
dispute
,
from
the
particular
Constitutions
of
every
Nation
,
or
we
shall
be
able
to
find
none
.
Acquir'd
Rights
are
obtained
,
as
men
say
,
either
by
fair
means
or
by
soul
,
that
is
,
by
force
or
by
consent
:
such
as
are
gained
by
force
,
may
be
recovered
by
force
;
and
the
extent
of
those
that
are
enjoy'd
by
consent
,
can
only
be
known
by
the
reasons
for
which
,
or
the
conditions
upon
which
that
consent
was
obtain'd
,
that
is
to
say
,
by
the
Laws
of
every
People
.
According
to
these
Laws
it
cannot
be
said
that
there
is
a
King
in
every
Nation
before
he
is
crown'd
.
John
Sobietski
now
reigning
in
Poland
,
had
no
relation
in
blood
to
the
former
Kings
,
nor
any
title
till
he
was
chosen
.
The
last
King
of
Sweden
acknowledged
he
had
none
,
but
was
freely
elected
;
and
the
Crown
being
conferred
upon
him
and
the
Heirs
of
his
Body
,
if
the
present
King
dies
without
Issue
,
the
right
of
electing
a
Successor
returns
undoubtedly
to
the
Estates
of
the
Country
.
The
Crown
of
Denmark
was
Elective
till
it
was
made
Hereditary
by
an
Act
of
the
General
Diet
,
held
at
Copenhagen
in
the
year
1660
;
and
't
is
impossible
that
a
Right
should
otherwise
accrue
to
a
younger
Brother
of
the
house
of
Holstein
,
which
is
derived
from
a
younger
Brother
of
the
Counts
of
Oldenburgh
.
The
Roman
Empire
having
passed
through
the
hands
of
many
Persons
of
different
Nations
,
no
way
relating
to
each
other
in
blood
,
was
by
Constantine
transferred
to
Constantinople
;
and
after
many
Revolutions
coming
to
Theodosius
,
by
birth
a
Spaniard
,
was
divided
between
his
two
Sons
Arcadius
and
Honorius
.
From
thence
passing
to
such
as
could
gain
most
credit
with
the
Soldiers
,
the
Western
Empire
being
brought
almost
to
nothing
,
was
restored
by
Charles
the
Great
of
France
;
and
continuing
for
some
time
in
his
descendents
,
came
to
the
Germans
;
who
having
created
several
Emperors
of
the
Houses
of
Suevia
,
Saxony
,
Bavaria
and
others
,
as
they
pleased
,
about
three
hundred
years
past
chose
Rodolphus
of
Austria
:
and
tho
since
that
time
they
have
not
had
any
Emperor
who
was
not
of
that
Family
;
yet
such
as
were
chosen
had
nothing
to
recommend
them
,
but
the
merits
of
their
Ancestors
,
their
own
personal
Virtues
,
or
such
political
considerations
as
might
arise
from
the
power
of
their
hereditary
Countries
,
which
being
joined
with
those
of
the
Empire
might
enable
them
to
make
the
better
defence
against
the
Turks
.
But
in
this
Line
also
they
have
had
little
regard
to
inheritance
according
to
blood
;
for
the
elder
branch
of
the
Family
is
that
which
reigns
in
Spain
;
and
the
Empire
continues
in
the
descendents
of
Ferdinand
younger
Brother
to
Charles
the
fifth
,
tho
so
unfix'd
even
to
this
time
,
that
the
present
Emperor
Leopold
was
in
great
danger
of
being
rejected
.
If
it
be
said
that
these
are
Elective
Kingdoms
,
and
our
Author
speaks
of
such
as
are
hereditary
;
I
answer
,
that
if
what
he
says
be
true
,
there
can
be
no
Elective
Kingdom
,
and
every
Nation
has
a
natural
Lord
to
whom
obedience
is
due
.
But
if
some
are
Elective
,
all
might
have
bin
so
if
they
had
pleased
,
unless
it
can
be
proved
,
that
God
created
some
under
a
necessity
of
subjection
,
and
left
to
others
the
enjoyment
of
their
liberty
.
If
this
be
so
,
the
Nations
that
are
born
under
that
necessity
may
be
said
to
have
a
natural
Lord
,
who
has
all
the
power
in
himself
,
before
he
is
crowned
,
or
any
part
conferred
on
him
by
the
consent
of
the
people
;
but
it
cannot
extend
to
others
.
And
he
who
pretends
a
right
over
any
Nation
upon
that
account
,
stands
obliged
to
shew
when
and
how
that
Nation
came
to
be
discriminated
by
God
from
others
,
and
deprived
of
that
liberty
which
he
in
goodness
had
granted
to
the
rest
of
mankind
.
I
confess
I
think
there
is
no
such
Right
,
and
need
no
better
proof
than
the
various
ways
of
disposing
Inheritances
in
several
Countries
,
which
not
being
naturally
or
universally
better
or
worse
one
than
another
,
cannot
spring
from
any
other
root
,
than
the
consent
of
the
several
Nations
where
they
are
in
force
,
and
their
opinions
that
such
methods
were
best
for
them
.
But
if
God
have
made
a
discrimination
of
people
,
he
that
would
thereupon
ground
a
Title
to
the
dominion
of
any
one
,
must
prove
that
Nation
to
be
under
the
curse
of
Slavery
,
which
for
any
thing
I
know
,
was
only
denounced
against
Cham
:
and
't
is
as
hard
to
determine
whether
the
sense
of
it
be
temporal
,
spiritual
,
or
both
,
as
to
tell
preeisely
what
Nations
by
being
only
descended
from
him
,
fall
under
the
Penalties
threatned
.
If
these
therefore
be
either
intirely
false
,
or
impossible
to
be
proved
true
,
there
is
no
discrimination
,
or
not
known
to
us
;
and
every
People
has
a
right
of
disposing
of
their
Government
,
as
well
as
the
Polanders
,
Danes
,
Swedes
,
Germans
,
and
such
as
are
or
were
under
the
Roman
Empire
.
And
if
any
Nation
has
a
natural
Lord
before
he
be
admitted
by
their
consent
,
it
must
be
by
a
peculiar
act
of
their
own
;
as
the
Crown
of
France
by
an
act
of
that
Nation
,
which
they
call
the
Salique
Law
,
is
made
hereditary
to
Males
in
a
direct
Line
,
or
the
nearest
to
the
direct
;
and
others
in
other
places
are
otherwise
disposed
.
I
might
rest
here
with
full
assurance
that
no
Disciple
of
Filmer
can
prove
this
of
any
people
in
the
world
,
nor
give
so
much
as
the
shadow
of
a
reason
to
perswade
us
there
is
any
such
thing
in
any
Nation
,
or
at
least
in
those
where
we
are
concerned
;
and
presume
little
regard
will
be
had
to
what
he
has
said
,
since
he
cannot
prove
of
any
that
which
he
so
boldly
affirms
of
all
.
But
because
good
men
ought
to
have
no
other
object
than
Truth
,
which
in
matters
of
this
importance
can
never
be
made
too
evident
,
I
will
venture
to
go
farther
and
assert
,
That
as
the
various
ways
by
which
several
Nations
dispose
of
the
succession
to
their
respective
Crowns
,
shew
they
were
subject
to
no
other
Law
than
their
own
,
which
they
might
have
made
different
,
by
the
same
right
they
made
it
to
be
what
it
is
,
even
those
who
have
the
greatest
veneration
for
the
reigning
Families
,
and
the
highest
regard
for
proximity
of
blood
,
have
always
preferr'd
the
safety
of
the
Commonwealth
before
the
concernments
of
any
Person
or
Family
;
and
have
not
only
laid
aside
the
nearest
in
blood
,
when
they
were
found
to
be
notoriously
vicious
and
wicked
,
but
when
they
have
thought
it
more
convenient
to
take
others
:
And
to
prove
this
I
intend
to
make
use
of
no
other
Examples
than
those
I
find
in
the
Histories
of
Spain
,
France
and
England
.
Whilst
the
Goths
governed
Spain
,
not
above
four
persons
in
the
space
of
three
hundred
years
were
the
immediate
successors
of
their
Fathers
,
but
the
Brother
,
Cousin
German
,
or
some
other
man
of
the
Families
of
the
Balthei
or
Amalthei
was
preferred
before
the
Children
of
the
deceased
King
:
and
if
it
be
said
,
this
was
according
to
the
Law
of
that
Kingdom
,
I
answer
,
that
it
was
therefore
in
the
power
of
that
Nation
to
make
Laws
for
themselves
,
and
consequently
others
have
the
same
right
.
One
of
their
Kings
called
Wamba
was
deposed
and
made
a
Monk
after
he
had
reigned
well
many
years
;
but
falling
into
This
Kingdom
being
not
long
after
overthrown
by
the
Moors
,
a
new
one
arose
from
its
ashes
in
the
person
of
Don
Pelayo
first
King
of
the
Asturia's
,
which
increasing
by
degrees
at
last
came
to
comprehend
all
Spain
,
and
so
continues
to
this
day
:
But
not
troubling
my self
with
all
the
deviations
from
the
common
rule
in
the
collateral
Lines
of
Navarr
,
Arragon
and
Portugal
,
I
find
that
by
fifteen
several
Instances
in
that
one
series
of
Kings
in
the
Asturia's
and
Leon
(
who
afterwards
came
to
be
Kings
of
Castille
)
it
is
fully
proved
,
that
what
respect
soever
they
shew'd
to
the
next
in
blood
,
who
by
the
Law
were
to
succeed
,
they
preferred
some
other
person
,
as
often
as
the
supreme
Law
of
taking
care
that
the
Nation
might
receive
no
detriment
,
perswaded
them
to
it
.
Don
Pelayo
enjoy'd
for
his
life
the
Kingdom
conferred
upon
him
by
the
Spaniards
,
who
with
him
retired
into
the
Mountains
to
defend
themselves
against
the
Moors
,
and
was
succeeded
by
his
Son
Favila
.
But
tho
Favila
left
many
Sons
when
he
died
,
Alphonso
sirnamed
the
Chast
was
advanced
to
the
Crown
,
and
they
all
laid
aside
.
Fruela
Son
to
Alphonso
the
Catholick
,
was
for
his
cruelty
deposed
,
put
to
death
,
and
his
Sons
excluded
Aurelio
his
Cousin
German
succeeded
El
Casto
,
was
first
violently
dispossess'd
of
the
Crown
by
a
Bastard
of
the
Royal
Family
;
but
he
being
dead
,
the
Nobility
and
People
thinking
Alphonso
more
fit
to
be
a
Monk
than
a
King
,
gave
the
Crown
to
Bermudo
called
El
Diacono
;
but
Bermudo
after
several
years
resigning
the
Kingdom
,
they
conceived
a
better
opinion
of
Alphonso
,
and
made
him
King
.
Alphonso
dying
without
issue
,
Don
Ramiro
Son
to
Bermudo
was
preserred
before
the
Nephews
of
Alphonso
.
Don
Ordonno
,
fourth
from
Ramiro
,
left
four
legitimate
Sons
;
but
they
being
young
,
the
Estates
laid
them
aside
,
and
made
his
Brother
Fruela
King
.
Fruela
had
many
Children
,
but
the
same
Estates
gave
the
Crown
to
Alphonso
the
Fourth
,
who
was
his
Nephew
.
Alphonso
turning
Monk
,
recommended
his
Son
Ordonno
to
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
;
but
they
resused
him
,
and
made
his
Brother
Ramiro
King
.
Ordonno
third
Son
to
Ramiro
dying
,
left
a
Son
called
Bermudo
;
but
the
Estates
took
his
Brother
Sancho
,
and
advanced
him
to
the
throne
.
Henry
the
First
being
accidentally
killed
in
his
youth
,
left
only
two
Sisters
,
Blanche
married
to
Lewis
Son
to
Philip
August
King
of
France
,
and
Berenguela
married
to
Alphonso
King
of
Leon.
The
Estates
made
Ferdinand
,
Son
Alphonso
El
Savio
seems
to
have
bin
a
very
good
Prince
;
but
applying
himself
more
to
the
study
of
Astrology
than
to
affairs
of
Government
,
his
eldest
Son
Ferdinand
de
la
Cerda
dying
,
and
leaving
his
Sons
Alphonso
and
Ferdinand
very
young
,
the
Nobility
,
Clergy
and
People
deposed
him
,
excluded
his
Grandchildren
,
and
gave
the
Crown
to
Don
Sancho
his
younger
Son
,
sirnamed
El
Bravo
,
thinking
him
more
fit
to
command
them
against
the
Moors
,
than
an
old
Astrologer
,
or
a
Child
.
Alphonso
and
Sancho
being
dead
,
Alphonso
El
Desheredado
laid
claim
to
the
Crown
,
but
it
was
given
to
Ferdinand
the
Fourth
,
and
Alphonso
with
his
descendents
the
Dukes
de
Medina
Celi
remain
excluded
to
this
day
.
Peter
sirnamed
the
Cruel
was
twice
driven
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
at
last
killed
by
Bertrand
to
Guesclin
Constable
of
France
,
or
Henry
Count
of
Trastamara
his
Bastard-Brother
,
who
was
made
King
without
any
regard
to
the
Daughters
of
Peter
,
or
to
the
House
of
La
Cerda
.
Henry
the
Fourth
lest
a
Daughter
called
Joan
,
whom
he
declared
his
Heir
;
but
the
Estates
gave
the
Kingdom
to
Isabel
his
Sister
,
and
crowned
her
with
But
the
French
have
taught
us
,
that
when
a
King
dies
,
his
next
Heir
is
really
King
before
he
take
his
Oath
,
or
be
crowned
.
From
them
we
learn
that
Le
mort
saisit
le
vif
.
And
yet
I
know
no
History
that
proves
more
plainly
than
theirs
,
that
there
neither
is
nor
can
be
in
any
man
,
a
right
to
the
Government
of
a
People
,
which
dos
not
receive
its
being
,
manner
and
measure
from
the
Law
of
that
Country
;
which
I
hope
to
justify
by
four
Reasons
.
1.
When
a
King
of
Pharamond's
Race
died
,
the
Kingdom
was
divided
into
as
many
parcels
as
he
had
Sons
;
which
could
not
have
bin
,
if
one
certain
Heir
had
bin
assigned
by
nature
,
for
he
ought
to
have
had
the
whole
:
and
if
the
Kingdom
might
be
divided
,
they
who
inhabited
the
several
parcels
,
could
not
know
to
whom
they
owed
obedience
,
till
the
division
was
made
,
unless
he
who
was
to
be
King
of
Paris
,
Metz
,
Soissons
or
Orleans
,
had
worn
the
Name
of
his
Kingdom
upon
his
forehead
.
But
in
truth
,
if
there
might
be
a
division
,
the
Doctrine
is
false
,
and
there
was
no
Lord
of
the
whole
.
This
wound
will
not
be
healed
by
saying
,
The
Father
appointed
the
division
,
and
that
by
the
Law
of
nature
every
man
may
dispose
of
his
own
as
he
thinks
fit
;
for
we
shall
soon
prove
that
the
Kingdom
of
France
neither
was
,
nor
is
disposeable
as
a
Patrimony
or
Chattel
.
Besides
,
if
that
Act
of
Kings
had
bin
then
grounded
upon
the
Law
of
nature
,
they
might
do
the
like
at
this
day
.
But
the
Law
,
by
which
such
Divisions
were
made
,
having
bin
abrogated
by
the
Assembly
of
Estates
in
the
time
of
Hugh
Capet
,
and
never
practised
since
,
it
2.
This
matter
was
made
more
clear
under
the
second
race
.
If
a
Lord
had
bin
assigned
to
them
by
nature
,
he
must
have
bin
of
the
Royal
Family
:
But
Pepin
had
no
other
Title
to
the
Crown
except
the
merits
of
his
Father
,
and
his
own
,
approved
by
the
Nobility
and
People
who
made
him
King
.
He
had
three
sons
,
the
eldest
was
made
King
of
Italy
,
and
dying
before
him
lest
a
Son
called
Bernard
Heir
of
that
Kingdom
.
The
Estates
of
France
divided
what
remained
between
Lothair
,
Pepin
and
Lewis
,
whom
he
had
by
his
first
Wife
.
But
tho
these
lest
many
Sons
,
the
Kingdom
came
to
Charles
the
Bald.
The
Nobility
and
People
disliking
the
eldest
Son
of
Charles
,
gave
the
Kingdom
to
Lewis
le
Begue
,
who
had
a
legitimate
Son
called
Charles
le
Simple
;
and
two
Bastards
,
Lewis
and
Carloman
,
who
were
made
Kings
.
Carloman
had
a
Son
called
Lewis
le
faineant
;
he
was
made
King
,
but
afterwards
deposed
for
his
vicious
Lise
.
Charles
le
Gros
succeeded
him
,
but
for
his
ill
Government
was
also
deposed
;
and
Odo
,
who
was
a
stranger
to
the
Royal
Blood
,
was
made
King
.
The
same
Nobility
that
had
made
five
Kings
since
Lewis
le
Begue
,
now
made
Charles
le
Simple
King
,
who
according
to
his
name
,
was
entrapped
at
Peronne
by
Ralph
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
and
forced
to
resign
his
Crown
,
leaving
only
a
Son
called
Lewis
,
who
fled
into
England
.
Ralph
being
dead
,
they
took
Lewis
sirnamed
Outremer
,
and
placed
him
in
the
Throne
:
he
had
two
Sons
,
Lothair
and
Charles
.
Lothair
succeeded
him
,
and
died
without
Issue
.
Charles
had
as
fair
a
title
as
could
be
by
Birth
,
and
the
Estates
confessed
it
;
but
their
Ambassadors
told
him
,
that
he
having
by
an
unworthy
Life
render'd
himself
unworthy
of
the
Crown
,
they
,
whose
principal
care
was
to
have
a
good
Prince
at
the
head
of
them
,
had
chosen
Hugh
Capet
;
and
the
Crown
continues
in
his
race
to
this
day
,
tho
not
altogether
without
interruption
.
Robert
Son
to
Hugh
Capet
succeeded
him
.
He
left
two
Sons
Robert
and
Henry
;
but
Henry
the
younger
Son
appearing
to
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
to
be
more
fit
to
reign
than
his
elder
Brother
,
they
made
him
King
,
Robert
and
his
descendents
continuing
Dukes
of
Burgundy
only
for
about
ten
Generations
,
at
which
time
his
Issue
Male
failing
,
that
Dutchy
returned
to
the
Crown
during
the
Life
of
King
John
,
who
gave
it
to
his
second
Son
Philip
for
an
Apannage
still
depending
upon
the
Crown
.
The
same
Province
of
Burgundy
was
by
the
Treaty
of
Madrid
granted
to
the
Emperor
Charles
the
fifth
,
by
Francis
the
first
:
but
the
People
resused
to
be
alienated
,
and
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
approved
their
refusal
.
By
the
same
Authority
Charles
the
6th
was
removed
from
the
Government
,
when
he
appeared
to
be
mad
;
and
other
examples
of
a
like
nature
may
be
alledged
.
From
which
we
may
safely
conclude
,
that
if
the
death
of
one
King
do
really
invest
the
next
Heir
with
the
Right
and
Power
,
or
that
he
who
is
so
invested
,
be
subject
to
no
Law
but
his
own
Will
,
all
matters
relating
to
that
Kingdom
must
have
bin
horribly
confused
during
the
reigns
of
22
Kings
of
Pharamonds
race
;
they
can
have
had
no
rightful
King
from
the
death
of
Chilperic
to
King
John
:
and
the
Succession
since
that
time
is
very
liable
to
be
questioned
,
if
not
utterly
overthrown
by
the
house
of
Austria
and
others
,
who
by
the
Counts
of
Hapsburg
derive
their
Descent
from
Pharamond
,
and
by
the
house
of
Lorrain
claiming
from
Charles
,
who
was
excluded
by
Capet
;
all
which
is
most
absurd
,
and
they
who
pretend
it
,
bring
as
much
confusion
into
their
own
Laws
,
and
upon
the
Polity
of
their
own
Nation
,
as
shame
and
guilt
upon
the
memory
of
their
Ancestors
,
who
by
the
most
extreme
injustice
have
rejected
their
natural
Lord
,
or
dispossessed
those
who
had
bin
in
the
most
solemn
manner
placed
in
the
Government
,
and
to
whom
they
had
generally
sworn
Allegiance
.
3.
If
the
next
Heir
be
actually
King
,
seized
of
the
power
by
the
death
of
his
Predecessor
,
so
that
there
is
no
intermission
;
then
all
the
Solemnities
and
religious
Ceremonies
,
used
at
the
Coronations
of
their
Kings
,
with
the
Oaths
given
and
taken
,
are
the
most
profane
abuses
of
sacred
things
in
contempt
of
God
and
Man
that
can
be
imagined
,
most
especially
if
the
Act
be
(
as
our
Author
calls
it
)
voluntary
,
and
the
King
receiving
nothing
by
it
,
be
bound
to
keep
it
no
longer
than
he
pleases
.
The
Prince
who
is
to
be
sworn
,
might
spare
the
pains
of
watching
all
night
in
the
Church
,
fasting
,
praying
,
confessing
,
communicating
,
and
swearing
,
that
he
will
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
defend
the
Clergy
,
maintain
the
union
of
the
Church
,
obviate
all
excess
,
rapine
,
extortion
and
iniquity
;
take
care
that
in
all
judgments
Justice
may
be
observed
,
with
Equity
and
Mercy
,
&c.
or
of
invoking
the
assistance
of
the
Holy
Ghost
for
the
better
performance
of
his
Oath
;
and
without
ceremony
tell
the
Nobility
and
People
,
that
he
would
do
what
he
thought
fit
.
'T
were
to
as
little
purpose
for
the
Archbishop
of
Rheims
to
take
the
trouble
of
saying
Mass
,
delivering
to
him
the
Crown
,
Scepter
,
and
other
ensigns
of
Royalty
,
explaining
what
is
signified
by
them
,
anointing
him
with
the
Oil
which
they
say
was
deliver'd
by
an
Angel
to
St.
Remigius
,
blessing
him
,
and
praying
to
God
to
bless
him
if
he
rightly
performed
his
Oath
to
God
and
the
People
,
and
denouncing
the
contrary
in
case
of
failure
on
his
part
,
if
these
things
conferred
nothing
upon
him
but
what
he
had
before
,
and
were
of
no
obligation
to
him
.
Such
ludifications
of
the
most
sacred
things
are
too
odious
and
impious
to
be
imputed
to
Nations
that
have
any
virtue
,
or
profess
Christianity
.
This
cannot
fall
upon
the
French
and
Spaniards
,
who
had
certainly
a
great
zeal
to
Religion
,
whatever
it
was
;
and
were
so
eminent
for
moral
Virtues
as
to
be
a
reproach
to
us
,
who
live
in
an
Age
of
more
Knowledg
.
But
their
meaning
is
so
well
declared
by
their
most
solemn
Acts
,
that
none
but
those
who
are
wilfully
ignorant
can
mistake
.
One
of
the
Councils
held
at
Toledo
,
declared
by
the
Clergy
,
Nobility
,
and
others
assisting
,
That
no
man
should
be
placed
in
the
Royal
Seat
till
he
had
sworn
to
preserve
the
Church
,
&c.
Another
held
in
the
same
place
,
signified
to
Sisinandus
,
who
was
then
newly
crown'd
,
That
if
he
,
or
any
of
his
Successors
should
,
contrary
to
their
Oaths
,
and
the
Laws
of
their
Country
,
proudly
and
cruelly
presume
to
exercise
Domination
over
them
,
he
should
be
excommunicated
,
and
separated
from
Christ
and
them
to
eternal
judgment
.
The
French
Laws
,
and
their
best
Writers
asserting
the
same
things
,
are
confirmed
by
perpetual
practice
.
Henry
of
Navarr
,
tho
certainly
according
to
their
Rules
,
and
in
their
esteem
a
most
accomplish'd
Prince
,
was
by
two
General
Assemblies
of
the
Estates
These
things
being
confirmed
by
all
the
good
Authors
of
that
Nation
,
Filmer
finds
only
the
worst
to
be
fit
for
his
turn
;
and
neither
That
the
Heir
apparent
,
tho
furious
,
mad
,
a
fool
,
vicious
,
and
in
all
respects
abominably
wicked
,
must
be
admitted
to
the
Crown
.
But
Bellay
was
so
far
from
attaining
the
ends
designed
by
his
Book
,
that
by
such
Doctrines
,
which
filled
all
men
with
horror
,
he
brought
great
prejudice
to
his
Master
,
and
procured
little
favour
from
Henry
,
who
desired
rather
to
recommend
himself
to
his
People
as
the
best
man
they
could
set
up
,
than
to
impose
a
necessity
upon
them
of
taking
him
if
he
had
bin
the
worst
.
But
our
Author
not
contented
with
what
this
Sycophant
says
,
in
relation
to
such
Princes
as
are
placed
in
the
Government
by
a
Law
establishing
the
Succession
by
inheritance
,
with
an
impudence
peculiar
to
himself
,
asserts
the
same
right
to
be
in
any
man
,
who
by
any
means
gets
into
Power
;
and
imposes
the
same
necessity
of
obedience
upon
the
Subject
where
there
is
no
Law
,
as
Bellay
dos
by
virtue
of
one
that
is
established
.
4.
In
the
last
place
:
As
Bellay
acknowledges
that
the
right
belongs
to
Princes
only
where
't
is
established
by
Law
,
I
deny
that
there
is
,
was
,
or
ever
can
be
any
such
.
No
People
is
known
to
have
bin
so
mad
or
wicked
,
as
by
their
own
consent
,
for
their
own
good
,
and
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
to
give
the
power
to
Beasts
,
under
whom
it
could
never
be
obtain'd
:
or
if
we
could
believe
that
any
had
bin
guilty
of
an
act
so
full
of
folly
,
turpitude
and
wickedness
,
it
could
not
have
the
force
of
a
Law
,
and
could
never
be
put
in
execution
;
for
tho
the
rules
,
by
which
the
proximity
should
be
judged
,
be
never
so
precise
,
it
will
still
be
doubted
whose
case
sutes
best
with
them
.
Tho
the
Law
in
some
places
gives
private
Inheritances
to
the
next
Heir
,
and
in
others
makes
allotments
according
to
several
proportions
,
no
one
knows
to
whom
,
or
how
far
the
benefit
shall
accrue
to
any
man
,
till
it
be
adjudged
by
a
Power
to
which
the
parties
must
submit
.
Contests
will
in
the
like
manner
arise
concerning
successions
to
Crowns
,
how
exactly
soever
they
be
disposed
by
Law
:
For
tho
every
one
will
say
that
the
next
ought
to
succeed
,
yet
no
man
knows
who
is
the
next
;
which
is
too
much
verified
by
the
bloody
decisions
of
such
disputes
in
many
parts
of
the
world
:
and
he
that
says
the
next
in
blood
is
actually
King
,
makes
all
questions
thereupon
arising
impossible
to
be
otherwise
determined
than
by
the
Sword
;
the
pretender
to
the
right
being
placed
above
the
judgment
of
man
,
and
the
Subjects
(
for
any
thing
I
know
)
obliged
to
believe
,
serve
and
obey
him
,
if
he
says
he
has
it
.
For
otherwise
,
if
either
every
man
in
particular
,
or
all
together
have
a
right
of
judging
his
title
,
it
can
be
of
no
value
till
it
be
adjudged
.
I
confess
that
the
Law
of
France
by
the
utter
exclusion
of
Females
and
their
descendents
,
dos
obviate
many
dangerous
and
inextricable
difficulties
;
but
others
remain
which
are
sufficient
to
subvert
all
the
Polity
of
that
Kingdom
,
if
there
be
not
a
power
of
judging
them
;
and
there
can
be
none
if
it
be
true
that
Le
mort
saisit
le
vif
.
Not
to
trouble
my self
with
seigned
cases
,
that
of
Legitimation
alone
will
suffice
.
'T
is
not
enough
to
say
that
the
Children
born
under
marriage
are
to
be
reputed
legitimate
;
for
not
only
several
Children
born
of
Joan
Daughter
to
the
King
of
Portugal
,
Wife
to
Henry
the
Fourth
of
Castille
,
during
the
time
of
their
Marriage
,
were
utterly
rejected
,
as
begotten
in
Adultery
,
but
also
her
Daughter
Joan
,
whom
the
King
during
his
life
,
and
at
the
hour
of
his
death
acknowledged
to
have
bin
begotten
by
him
;
and
the
only
Title
that
Isabel
,
who
was
married
to
Ferdinand
of
Arragon
,
had
to
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
was
derived
from
their
rejection
.
It
would
be
tedious
,
and
might
give
offence
to
many
great
Persons
,
if
I
should
relate
all
the
dubious
cases
,
that
have
bin
,
or
still
remain
in
the
World
,
touching
matters
of
this
nature
:
but
the
Lawyers
of
all
Nations
will
testify
,
that
hardly
any
one
point
comes
before
them
,
which
affords
a
greater
number
of
difficult
Cases
,
than
that
of
Marriages
,
and
the
Legitimation
of
Children
upon
them
;
and
Nations
must
be
involved
in
the
most
inextricable
difficulties
,
if
there
be
not
a
power
somewhere
to
decide
them
;
which
cannot
be
,
if
there
be
no
intermission
,
and
that
the
next
in
blood
(
that
is
,
he
who
says
he
is
the
next
)
be
immediately
invested
with
the
right
and
power
.
But
surely
no
people
has
bin
so
careless
of
their
most
important
Concernments
,
to
leave
them
in
such
uncertainty
,
and
simply
to
depend
upon
the
humour
of
a
man
,
or
the
faith
of
women
,
who
besides
their
other
Frailties
,
have
bin
often
accused
of
supposititious
Births
:
and
mens
passions
are
known
to
be
so
violent
in
relation
to
Women
they
love
or
hate
,
that
none
can
safely
be
trusted
with
those
Judgments
.
The
virtue
of
the
best
would
be
exposed
to
a
temptation
,
that
flesh
and
blood
can
hardly
resist
;
and
such
as
are
less
perfect
would
follow
no
other
rule
than
the
blind
impulse
of
the
passion
that
for
the
present
reigns
in
them
.
There
must
therefore
be
a
judg
of
such
disputes
as
may
in
these
cases
arise
in
every
Kingdom
;
and
tho
't
is
not
my
business
to
determine
who
is
that
judg
in
all
places
,
yet
I
may
justly
say
,
that
in
England
it
is
the
Parliament
.
If
no
inferiour
Authority
could
debar
Ignotus
Son
to
the
Lady
Rosse
,
born
under
the
Protection
,
from
the
inheritance
of
a
private
Family
,
none
can
certainly
assume
a
power
of
disposing
of
the
Crown
upon
any
occasion
.
No
Authority
but
that
of
the
Parliament
could
legitimate
the
Children
of
Catherine
Swinford
,
with
a
proviso
,
not
to
extend
to
the
inheritance
of
the
Crown
.
Others
might
say
,
if
they
were
lawfully
begotten
,
they
ought
to
inherit
every
thing
,
and
nothing
if
they
were
not
:
But
the
Parliament
knew
how
to
limit
a
particular
favour
,
and
prevent
it
from
extending
to
a
publick
mischief
.
Henry
the
Eighth
took
an
expeditious
way
of
obviating
part
of
the
Controversies
that
might
arise
from
the
multitude
of
his
Wives
,
by
cutting
off
the
heads
of
some
,
as
soon
as
he
was
weary
of
them
,
or
had
a
mind
to
take
another
;
but
having
bin
hinder'd
from
dealing
in
the
same
manner
with
Catherine
by
the
greatness
of
her
birth
and
kindred
,
he
left
such
as
the
Parliament
only
could
resolve
.
And
no
less
power
would
ever
have
thought
of
making
Mary
and
Elizabeth
capable
of
the
succession
,
when
,
according
to
ordinary
rules
,
one
of
them
must
have
bin
a
Bastard
;
and
it
had
bin
absurd
to
say
,
that
both
of
them
were
immediately
upon
the
death
of
their
Predecessors
possess'd
of
the
Crown
,
if
an
Act
of
Parliament
had
not
conferred
the
right
upon
them
,
which
they
could
not
have
by
birth
.
But
the
Kings
and
Princes
of
England
have
not
bin
of
a
temper
different
from
those
of
other
Nations
:
and
many
Examples
may
be
brought
of
the
like
occasions
of
dispute
happening
every
where
;
and
the
like
will
probably
be
for
ever
;
which
must
necessarily
introduce
the
most
mischievous
confusions
,
and
expose
the
Titles
which
(
as
is
pretended
)
are
to
be
esteemed
most
sacred
,
to
be
overthrown
by
violence
and
fraud
,
if
there
be
not
in
all
places
a
Power
of
deciding
the
controversies
that
arise
from
the
uncertainty
of
Titles
,
according
to
the
respective
Laws
of
every
Nation
,
upon
which
they
are
grounded
:
No
man
can
be
thought
to
have
a
just
Title
,
till
it
be
so
adjudged
by
that
power
:
This
judgment
is
the
first
step
to
the
Throne
:
The
Oath
taken
by
the
King
obliges
him
to
observe
the
Laws
of
his
Country
;
and
that
concerning
the
succession
being
one
of
the
principal
,
he
is
obliged
to
keep
that
part
as
well
as
any
other
.
SECT.
XIX
.
The
greatest
Enemy
of
a
just
Magistrate
is
he
who
endeavours
to
invalidate
the
Contract
between
him
and
the
People
,
or
to
corrupt
their
Manners
.
'T
Is
not
only
from
Religion
,
but
from
the
Law
of
Nature
,
that
we
learn
the
necessity
of
standing
to
the
agreements
we
make
;
and
he
who
departs
from
the
principle
written
in
the
hearts
of
men
Pactis
standum
,
seems
to
degenerate
into
a
beast
.
Such
as
had
virtue
,
tho
without
true
religion
,
could
tell
us
(
as
a
brave
and
excellent
Grecian
did
)
that
it
was
not
necessary
for
him
to
live
,
but
it
was
necessary
to
preserve
his
Heart
from
deceit
,
and
his
Tongue
from
falshood
.
The
Roman
Satyrist
carries
the
same
Notion
to
a
great
height
,
and
affirms
,
that
[
*
](A60214-e59990-b)
*
—
Phalaris
licet
imperet
ut
sis
Falsus
,
&
admoto
dictet
perjuria
Tauro
,
Summum
crede
nefas
animam
praeferre
pudori
.
Juvenal
.
tho
the
worst
of
Tyrants
should
command
a
man
to
be
false
and
persar'd
,
and
back
his
injunction
with
the
utmost
of
Torments
,
he
ought
to
prefer
his
integrity
before
his
life
.
And
tho
Filmer
may
be
excused
if
he
often
mistake
in
matters
of
Theology
;
yet
his
Inclinations
to
Rome
which
he
prefers
before
Geneva
,
might
have
led
him
to
the
Principles
in
which
the
honest
Romans
lived
,
if
he
had
not
observed
that
such
Principles
as
make
men
honest
and
generous
,
do
also
make
them
lovers
of
Liberty
,
and
constant
in
the
defence
of
their
Country
:
which
savouring
too
much
of
a
Republican
Spirit
,
he
prefers
the
morals
of
that
City
,
since
they
are
become
more
refined
by
the
pious
and
charitable
Jesuits
,
before
those
that
were
remarkable
in
them
,
as
long
as
they
retained
any
shadow
of
their
antient
Integrity
,
which
admitted
of
no
equivocations
and
detested
prevarications
;
by
that
means
preserving
innocence
in
the
hearts
of
private
men
for
their
inward
contentment
,
and
in
civil
Societies
for
the
publick
good
;
which
if
once
extinguish'd
,
Mankind
must
necessarily
fall
into
the
condition
Hobbes
rightly
calls
Bellum
omnium
contra
omnes
,
wherein
no
man
can
promise
to
himself
any
other
Wife
,
Children
or
Goods
,
than
he
can
procure
by
his
own
Sword
.
Some
may
perhaps
think
that
the
endeavours
of
our
Author
to
introduce
such
accursed
Principles
,
as
tend
to
the
ruin
of
Mankind
,
proceed
from
his
ignorance
.
But
tho
he
appears
to
have
had
a
great
measure
of
that
quality
,
I
fear
the
evil
proceeds
from
a
deeper
root
;
and
that
he
attempts
to
promote
the
interests
of
ill
Magistrates
,
who
make
it
their
business
to
destroy
all
good
principles
in
the
People
,
with
as
much
industry
as
the
good
endeavour
to
preserve
them
where
they
are
,
and
teach
them
where
they
are
wanting
.
Reason
and
experience
instruct
us
,
that
every
man
acts
according
to
the
end
he
proposes
to
himself
.
The
good
Magistrate
seeks
the
good
of
the
People
committed
to
his
care
,
that
he
may
perform
the
end
of
his
Institution
:
and
knowing
that
chiefly
to
consist
in
Justice
and
Virtue
,
he
endeavours
to
plant
and
propagate
them
;
and
by
doing
this
he
procures
his
own
good
as
well
as
that
of
the
Publick
.
He
knows
there
is
no
Safety
where
there
is
no
Strength
,
no
Strength
without
Union
,
no
Union
with
Justice
;
no
Justice
where
Faith
and
Truth
,
in
accomplishing
publick
and
private
Contracts
,
is
wanting
.
This
he
perpetually
inculcates
,
and
thinks
it
a
great
part
of
his
duty
,
by
precept
and
example
,
to
educate
the
Youth
in
a
love
of
Virtue
and
Truth
,
that
they
may
be
seasoned
with
them
,
and
filled
with
an
abhorrence
of
Vice
and
Falshood
,
before
they
attain
that
Age
which
is
exposed
to
the
most
violent
temptations
,
and
in
which
they
may
by
their
crimes
bring
the
greatest
mischiefs
upon
the
publick
.
He
would
do
all
this
,
tho
it
were
to
his
own
prejudice
.
But
as
good
Actions
always
carry
a
reward
with
them
,
these
contribute
in
a
high
measure
to
his
advantage
.
By
preferring
the
interest
of
the
People
before
his
own
,
he
gains
their
affection
,
and
all
that
is
in
their
power
comes
with
it
;
whilst
he
unites
them
to
one
another
,
he
unites
all
to
himself
:
In
leading
them
to
virtue
,
he
increases
their
strength
,
and
by
that
means
provides
for
his
own
safety
,
glory
and
power
.
On
the
other
side
,
such
as
seek
different
ends
must
take
different
ways
.
When
a
Magistrate
fancies
he
is
not
made
for
the
People
,
but
the
People
for
him
;
that
he
dos
not
govern
for
them
,
but
for
himself
;
and
that
the
People
live
only
to
increase
his
glory
,
or
furnish
matter
for
his
pleasures
,
he
dos
not
inquire
what
he
may
do
for
them
,
but
what
he
may
draw
from
them
.
By
this
means
he
sets
up
an
interest
of
profit
,
pleasure
or
pomp
in
himself
,
repugnant
to
the
good
of
the
publick
for
which
he
is
made
to
be
what
he
is
.
These
contrary
ends
certainly
divide
the
Nation
into
parties
;
and
whilst
every
one
endeavours
to
advance
that
to
which
he
is
addicted
,
occasions
of
hatred
for
injuries
every
day
done
,
or
thought
to
be
done
and
received
,
must
necessarily
arise
.
This
creates
a
most
fierce
and
irreconcileable
enmity
,
because
the
occasions
are
frequent
,
important
and
universal
,
and
the
causes
thought
to
be
most
just
.
The
People
think
it
the
greatest
of
all
crimes
,
to
convert
that
power
to
their
hurt
,
which
was
instituted
for
their
good
;
and
that
the
injustice
is
aggravated
by
perjury
and
ingratitude
,
which
comprehend
all
manner
of
ill
;
and
the
Magistrate
gives
the
name
of
Sedition
or
Rebellion
to
whatsoever
they
do
for
the
preservation
of
themselves
and
their
own
Rights
.
When
mens
spirits
are
thus
prepared
,
a
small
matter
sets
them
on
fire
;
but
if
no
accident
happen
to
blow
them
into
a
flame
,
the
course
of
Justice
is
certainly
interrupted
,
the
publick
affairs
are
neglected
;
and
when
any
occasion
whether
foreign
or
domestick
arises
,
in
which
the
Magistrate
stands
in
need
of
the
Peoples
assistance
,
they
,
whose
affections
are
alienated
,
not
only
shew
an
unwillingness
to
serve
him
with
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
but
fear
that
by
delivering
him
from
his
distress
they
strengthen
their
enemy
,
and
enable
him
to
oppress
them
:
and
he
fancying
his
will
to
be
unjustly
opposed
,
or
his
due
more
unjustly
denied
,
is
filled
with
a
dislike
of
what
he
sees
,
and
a
fear
of
worse
for
the
future
.
Whilst
he
endeavours
to
ease
himself
of
the
one
,
and
to
provide
against
the
other
,
he
usually
increases
the
evils
of
both
,
and
jealousies
are
on
both
sides
multiplied
.
Every
man
knows
that
the
Governed
are
in
a
great
measure
under
the
power
of
the
Governor
;
but
as
no
man
,
or
number
of
men
,
is
willingly
subject
to
those
who
seek
their
ruin
,
such
as
fall
into
so
great
a
misfortune
,
continue
no
longer
under
it
than
force
,
fear
,
or
necessity
may
be
able
to
oblige
them
.
But
as
such
a
necessity
can
hardly
lie
longer
upon
a
great
People
,
than
till
the
evil
be
fully
discovered
and
comprehended
,
and
their
Virtue
,
Strength
and
Power
be
united
to
expel
it
;
the
ill
Magistrate
looks
upon
all
things
that
may
conduce
to
that
end
,
as
so
many
preparatives
to
his
ruin
;
and
by
the
help
of
those
who
are
of
his
party
,
will
endeavour
to
prevent
that
Union
,
and
diminish
that
Strength
,
Virtue
,
Power
and
Courage
,
which
he
knows
to
be
bent
against
him
.
And
as
truth
,
faithful
dealing
,
due
performance
of
Contracts
,
and
integrity
of
Manners
,
are
bonds
of
Union
,
and
helps
to
good
,
he
will
always
by
tricks
,
artifices
,
cavils
,
and
all
means
possible
endeavour
to
establish
falshood
and
dishonesty
;
whilst
other
Emissaries
and
instruments
of
Iniquity
,
by
corrupting
the
Youth
,
and
seducing
such
as
can
be
brought
to
lewdness
and
debauchery
,
bring
the
People
to
such
a
pass
,
that
they
may
neither
care
nor
dare
to
vindicate
their
Rights
,
and
that
those
who
would
do
it
,
may
so
far
suspect
each
other
,
as
not
to
confer
upon
,
much
less
to
join
in
any
action
tending
to
the
publick
Deliverance
.
This
distinguishes
the
good
from
the
bad
Magistrate
,
the
faithful
from
the
unfaithful
;
and
those
who
adhere
to
either
,
living
in
the
same
principle
,
must
walk
in
the
same
ways
.
They
who
uphold
the
rightful
power
of
a
just
Magistracy
,
encourage
Virtue
and
Justice
,
teach
men
what
they
ought
to
do
,
suffer
,
or
expect
from
others
;
fix
them
upon
principles
of
Honesty
,
and
generally
advance
every
thing
that
tends
to
the
increase
of
the
valour
,
strength
,
greatness
and
happiness
of
the
Nation
,
creating
a
good
Union
among
them
,
and
bringing
every
man
to
an
exact
understanding
of
his
own
and
the
publick
Rights
.
On
the
other
side
,
he
that
would
introduce
an
ill
Magistrate
;
make
one
evil
who
was
good
,
or
preserve
him
in
the
exercise
of
injustice
when
he
is
corrupted
,
must
always
open
the
way
for
him
by
vitiating
the
People
,
corrupting
their
Manners
,
destroying
the
validity
of
Oaths
and
Contracts
,
teaching
such
evasions
,
equivocations
and
frauds
,
as
are
inconsistent
with
the
thoughts
that
become
men
of
virtue
and
courage
;
and
overthrowing
the
confidence
they
ought
to
have
in
each
other
,
make
it
impossible
for
them
to
unite
among
themselves
.
The
like
Arts
must
be
used
with
the
Magistrate
:
he
cannot
be
for
their
turn
,
till
he
is
perswaded
to
believe
he
has
no
dependence
upon
,
and
ows
no
duty
to
the
People
;
that
he
is
of
himself
,
and
not
by
their
Institution
;
that
no
man
ought
to
inquire
into
,
nor
be
judg
of
his
actions
;
that
all
obedience
is
due
to
him
,
whether
he
be
good
or
bad
,
wise
or
foolish
,
a
father
or
an
enemy
to
his
Country
.
This
being
calculated
for
his
personal
interest
,
he
must
pursue
the
same
designs
,
or
his
Kingdom
is
divided
within
it self
,
and
cannot
subsist
.
By
this
means
those
who
flatter
his
humour
,
come
to
be
accounted
his
Friends
,
and
the
only
men
that
are
thought
worthy
of
great
Trusts
,
whilst
such
as
are
of
another
mind
are
exposed
to
all
persecution
.
These
are
always
such
as
excel
in
Virtue
,
Wisdom
,
and
greatness
of
Spirit
:
they
have
Eyes
,
and
they
will
always
see
the
way
they
go
;
and
leaving
fools
to
be
guided
by
implicit
Faith
,
will
distinguish
between
good
and
evil
,
and
chuse
that
which
is
best
;
they
will
judg
of
men
by
their
actions
,
and
by
them
discovering
whose
Servant
every
man
is
,
know
whether
he
is
to
be
obeyed
or
not
.
Those
who
are
ignorant
of
all
good
,
careless
or
enemies
to
it
,
take
a
more
compendious
way
;
their
slavish
,
vitious
and
base
natures
inclining
them
to
seek
only
private
and
present
advantages
,
they
easily
slide
into
a
blind
dependence
upon
one
who
has
Wealth
and
Power
;
and
desiring
only
to
know
his
will
,
care
not
what
injustice
they
do
,
if
they
may
be
rewarded
.
They
worship
what
they
find
in
the
Temple
,
tho
it
be
the
vilest
of
Idols
,
and
always
like
that
best
which
is
worst
,
because
it
agrees
with
their
inclinations
and
principles
.
When
a
party
comes
to
be
erected
upon
such
a
foundation
,
debauchery
,
lewdness
and
dishonesty
are
the
true
badges
of
it
.
Such
as
wear
them
are
cherished
;
but
the
principal
marks
of
favour
are
reserved
for
those
who
are
the
most
industrious
in
mischief
,
either
by
seducing
the
People
with
the
allurements
of
sensual
Pleasures
,
or
corrupting
their
Understandings
by
false
and
slavish
Doctrines
.
By
this
means
a
man
who
calls
himself
a
Philosopher
or
a
Divine
,
is
often
more
useful
than
a
great
number
of
Tapsters
,
Cooks
,
Buffoons
,
Players
,
Fidlers
,
Whores
or
Bawds
.
These
are
the
Devil's
Ministers
of
a
lower
Order
;
they
seduce
single
Persons
,
and
such
as
fall
into
their
snares
are
for
the
most
part
men
of
the
simpler
sort
:
but
the
principal
supporters
of
his
Kingdom
,
are
they
,
who
by
false
Doctrines
poison
the
springs
of
Religion
and
Virtue
,
and
by
preaching
or
writing
(
if
their
falshood
and
wickedness
were
not
detected
)
would
extinguish
all
principles
of
common
honesty
,
and
bring
whole
Nations
to
be
best
satisfied
with
themselves
,
when
their
actions
are
most
abominable
.
And
as
the
means
must
always
be
sutable
to
the
end
proposed
,
the
Governments
that
are
to
be
established
or
supported
by
such
ways
must
needs
be
the
worst
of
all
,
and
comprehend
all
manner
of
evil
.
SECT.
XX.
Unjust
Commands
are
not
to
be
obey'd
;
and
no
man
is
obliged
to
suffer
for
not
obeying
such
as
are
against
Law
.
IN
the
next
place
our
Author
gravely
proposes
a
question
,
Whether
it
be
a
sin
to
disobey
the
King
,
if
he
command
any
thing
contrary
to
Law
?
and
as
gravely
determines
,
that
not
only
in
human
Laws
,
but
even
in
Divine
,
a
thing
may
be
commanded
contrary
to
Law
,
and
yet
obedience
to
such
a
Command
is
necessary
.
The
sanctifying
of
the
Sabbath
is
a
divine
Law
,
yet
if
a
Master
command
his
Servant
not
to
go
to
Church
upon
a
Sabbath
day
,
the
best
Divines
teach
us
,
the
Servant
must
obey
,
&c.
It
is
not
fit
to
tie
the
Master
to
acquaint
the
Servant
with
his
secret
Counsel
.
Tho
he
frequently
contradicts
in
one
line
what
he
says
in
another
,
this
whole
Clause
is
uniform
and
sutable
to
the
main
design
of
his
Book
.
He
sets
up
the
authority
of
Man
in
opposition
to
the
command
of
God
,
gives
it
the
preference
,
and
says
,
the
best
Divines
instruct
us
so
to
do
.
St.
Paul
then
must
have
bin
one
of
the
worst
,
for
he
knew
that
the
Powers
under
which
he
lived
,
had
under
the
severest
penalties
forbidden
the
publication
of
the
Gospel
;
and
yet
he
says
,
Wo
to
me
if
I
preach
it
not
.
St.
Peter
was
no
better
than
he
,
for
he
tells
us
,
That
it
is
better
to
obey
God
than
Man
:
and
they
could
not
speak
otherwise
,
unless
they
had
forgotten
the
words
of
their
Master
,
who
told
them
,
They
should
not
fear
them
that
could
only
kill
the
Body
,
but
him
who
could
kill
and
cast
into
Hell
.
And
if
I
must
not
fear
him
that
can
only
kill
the
Body
,
not
only
the
reason
,
but
all
excuse
for
obeying
him
is
taken
away
.
To
prove
what
he
says
,
he
cites
a
pertinent
example
from
St.
Luke
,
But
I
could
wish
our
Author
had
told
us
the
names
of
those
Divines
,
who
,
he
says
,
are
the
best
,
and
who
pretend
to
teach
us
these
fine
things
.
I
know
some
who
are
thought
good
,
that
are
of
a
contrary
opinion
,
and
say
that
God
having
required
that
day
to
be
set
apart
for
his
Service
and
Worship
,
man
cannot
dispense
with
the
Obligation
,
unless
he
can
abrogate
the
Law
of
God
.
Perhaps
,
for
want
of
other
Arguments
to
prove
the
contrary
,
I
may
be
told
,
that
this
savours
too
much
of
Puritanism
and
Calvinism
.
But
I
shall
take
the
reproach
,
till
some
better
Patrons
than
Laud
and
his
creatures
may
be
found
for
the
other
opinion
.
By
the
advice
and
instigation
of
these
men
,
from
about
the
year
1630
,
to
1640
,
sports
and
revelings
,
which
ended
for
the
most
part
in
drunkenness
and
lewdness
,
were
not
only
permitted
on
that
day
,
but
enjoined
.
And
tho
this
did
advance
human
Authority
in
derogation
to
the
Divine
,
to
a
degree
that
may
please
such
as
are
of
our
Author's
mind
,
yet
others
resolving
rather
to
obey
the
Laws
of
God
than
the
Commands
of
Men
,
could
not
be
brought
to
pass
the
Lord's
day
in
that
manner
.
Since
that
time
no
man
except
Filmer
and
Heylin
has
bin
so
wicked
to
conceive
,
or
so
impudent
to
assert
such
brutal
absurdities
.
But
leaving
the
farther
consideration
of
the
original
of
this
abuse
,
I
desire
to
know
,
whether
the
Authority
given
to
Masters
to
command
things
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
be
peculiar
in
relation
to
the
Sabbath
,
or
to
a
few
other
points
,
or
ought
generally
to
extend
to
all
God's
Laws
;
and
whether
he
who
may
command
his
Servant
to
act
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
have
not
a
right
in
himself
of
doing
the
same
.
If
peculiar
,
some
Authority
or
Precept
must
be
produced
,
by
which
it
may
appear
that
God
has
slighted
his
Ordinance
concerning
that
day
,
and
suffer'd
it
to
be
contemned
,
whilst
he
exacts
obedience
to
all
others
.
If
we
have
a
liberty
left
to
us
of
slighting
others
also
,
more
or
less
in
number
,
we
ought
to
know
how
many
,
what
they
are
,
and
how
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
some
are
of
obligation
and
others
not
.
If
the
Empire
of
the
world
is
not
only
divided
between
God
and
Cesar
,
but
every
man
also
who
can
give
five
pounds
a
year
to
a
Servant
,
has
so
great
a
part
in
it
,
that
in
some
cases
his
commands
are
to
be
obeyed
preferably
to
those
of
God
,
it
were
fit
to
know
the
limits
of
each
Kingdom
,
lest
we
happen
preposterously
to
obey
man
when
we
ought
to
obey
God
,
or
God
when
we
are
to
follow
the
commands
of
men
.
If
it
be
general
,
the
Law
of
God
is
of
no
effect
,
and
we
may
safely
put
an
end
to
all
thoughts
and
discourses
of
Religion
:
the
word
of
God
is
nothing
to
us
;
we
are
not
to
enquire
what
he
has
commanded
,
but
what
pleases
our
Master
,
how
insolent
,
foolish
,
vile
or
wicked
soever
he
may
be
.
The
Apostles
and
Prophets
,
who
died
for
preferring
the
commands
of
God
before
those
of
men
,
fell
like
fools
,
and
perished
in
their
sins
.
But
if
every
particular
man
that
has
a
servant
,
can
exempt
him
from
the
commands
of
God
,
he
may
also
exempt
himself
,
and
the
Laws
of
God
are
at
once
abrogated
throughout
the
world
.
'T
is
a
folly
to
say
there
is
a
passive
,
as
well
as
an
active
Obedience
,
and
that
he
who
will
not
do
what
his
Master
commands
ought
to
suffer
the
punishment
he
inflicts
:
for
if
the
Master
has
a
right
of
commanding
,
there
is
a
duty
incumbent
on
the
servant
of
obeying
.
He
that
suffers
for
not
doing
that
which
he
ought
to
do
,
draws
upon
himself
both
the
guilt
and
the
punishment
.
But
no
one
can
be
obliged
to
suffer
for
that
which
he
ought
not
to
do
,
because
he
who
pretends
to
command
,
has
not
so
far
an
Authority
.
However
,
our
question
is
,
whether
the
Servant
should
forbear
to
do
that
which
God
commands
,
rather
than
whether
the
Master
should
put
away
or
beat
him
if
he
do
not
:
for
if
the
Servant
ought
to
obey
his
Master
rather
than
God
,
as
our
Author
says
the
best
Divines
assert
,
he
sins
in
disobeying
,
and
that
guilt
cannot
be
expiated
by
his
suffering
.
If
it
be
thought
I
carry
this
point
to
an
undue
extremity
,
the
limits
ought
to
be
demonstrated
,
by
which
it
may
appear
that
I
exceed
them
,
tho
the
nature
of
the
case
cannot
be
altered
:
for
if
the
Law
of
God
may
not
be
abrogated
by
the
commands
of
men
,
a
Servant
cannot
be
exempted
from
keeping
the
Sabbath
according
to
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
at
the
will
of
his
Master
.
But
if
a
power
be
given
to
man
at
his
pleasure
to
annul
the
Laws
of
God
,
the
Apostles
ought
not
to
have
preached
,
when
they
were
forbidden
by
the
Powers
to
which
they
were
subject
:
The
tortures
and
deaths
they
suffer'd
for
not
obeying
that
command
were
in
their
own
wrong
,
and
their
blood
was
upon
their
own
heads
.
His
second
instance
concerning
Wars
,
in
which
he
says
the
Subject
is
not
to
examine
whether
they
are
just
or
unjust
,
but
must
obey
,
is
weak
and
frivolous
,
and
very
often
false
;
whereas
consequences
can
rightly
be
drawn
from
such
things
only
as
are
certainly
and
universally
true
.
Tho
God
may
be
merciful
to
a
Soldier
,
who
by
the
wickedness
of
a
Magistrate
whom
he
honestly
trusts
,
is
made
a
Minister
of
injustice
,
't
is
nothing
to
this
case
.
For
if
our
Author
say
true
,
that
the
word
of
a
King
can
justify
him
in
going
against
the
command
of
God
,
he
must
do
what
is
commanded
tho
he
think
it
evil
:
The
Christian
Soldiers
under
the
Pagan
Emperors
were
obliged
to
destroy
their
Brethren
,
and
the
best
men
in
the
world
for
being
so
:
Such
as
now
live
under
the
Turk
have
the
same
obligation
upon
them
of
defending
their
Master
,
and
slaughtering
those
he
reputes
his
Enemies
for
adhering
to
Christianity
:
And
the
King
of
France
may
when
he
pleases
,
arm
one
part
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
to
the
destruction
of
the
other
;
which
is
a
godly
doctrine
,
and
worthy
our
Author's
invention
.
But
if
this
be
so
,
I
know
not
how
the
Israelites
can
be
said
to
have
sinned
in
following
the
examples
of
Jeroboam
,
Omri
,
Ahab
,
or
other
wicked
Kings
:
they
could
not
have
sinned
in
obeying
,
if
it
had
bin
a
sin
to
disobey
their
commands
;
and
God
would
not
have
punished
them
so
severely
,
if
they
had
not
sinned
.
'T
is
impertinent
to
say
they
were
obliged
to
serve
their
Kings
in
unjust
Wars
,
but
not
to
serve
Idols
;
for
tho
God
be
,
jealous
of
his
glory
,
yet
he
forbids
Rapine
and
Murder
as
well
as
Idolatry
.
If
there
be
a
Law
that
forbids
the
Subject
to
examine
the
commands
tending
to
the
one
,
it
cannot
but
enjoin
obedience
to
the
other
.
The
same
Authority
which
justifies
Murder
,
takes
away
the
guilt
of
Idolatry
;
and
the
Wretches
,
both
Judges
and
Witnesses
,
who
put
Naboth
to
death
,
could
as
little
alledg
ignorance
,
as
those
that
worshipped
Jeroboam's
Calves
;
the
same
light
of
Nature
by
which
they
should
have
known
,
that
a
ridiculous
Image
was
not
to
be
adored
as
God
,
instructing
them
also
,
that
an
innocent
man
ought
not
under
pretence
of
Law
to
be
murdered
by
perjury
.
S
E
C
T.
XXI
.
It
cannot
be
for
the
good
of
the
People
that
the
Magistrate
have
a
power
above
the
Law
:
and
he
is
not
a
Magistrate
who
has
not
his
power
by
Law
.
THAT
we
may
not
be
displeased
,
or
think
it
dangerous
and
slavish
to
depend
upon
the
will
of
a
man
,
which
perhaps
may
be
irregular
or
extravagant
in
one
who
is
subject
to
no
Law
,
our
Author
very
dexterously
removes
the
scruples
by
telling
us
,
1.
That
the
Prerogative
of
the
King
to
be
above
the
Law
,
is
only
for
the
good
of
them
that
are
under
the
Law
,
and
to
preserve
their
Liberties
.
2.
That
there
can
be
no
Laws
without
a
supreme
Power
to
command
or
make
them
:
In
Aristocracies
the
Noblemen
are
above
the
Law
;
in
Democracies
the
People
:
By
the
like
reason
in
a
Monarchy
,
the
King
must
of
necessity
be
above
the
Law
.
There
can
be
no
Soveraign
Majesty
in
him
that
is
under
the
Law
:
that
which
gives
the
very
being
to
a
King
,
is
the
power
to
give
Laws
.
Without
this
Power
he
is
but
an
equivocal
King
.
It
skills
not
how
he
comes
by
this
Power
,
whether
by
Election
,
Donation
,
Succession
,
or
any
other
means
.
I
am
contented
in
some
degree
to
follow
our
Author
,
and
to
acknowledg
that
the
King
neither
has
nor
can
have
any
Prerogative
which
is
not
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
and
the
preservation
of
their
Liberties
.
This
therefore
is
the
foundation
of
Magistratical
Power
,
and
the
only
way
of
discerning
whether
the
Prerogative
of
making
Laws
,
of
being
above
Laws
,
or
any
other
he
may
pretend
,
be
justly
due
to
him
or
not
:
and
if
it
be
doubted
who
is
the
fittest
judg
to
determine
that
question
,
common
sense
will
inform
us
,
that
if
the
Magistrate
receive
his
Power
by
election
or
donation
,
they
who
elect
,
or
give
him
that
Power
,
best
know
whether
the
good
they
sought
be
performed
or
not
;
if
by
succession
,
they
who
instituted
the
Succession
;
if
otherwise
,
that
is
,
by
fraud
or
violence
,
the
point
is
decided
,
for
he
has
no
right
at
all
,
and
none
can
be
created
by
those
means
.
This
might
be
said
,
tho
all
Princes
were
of
ripe
age
,
sober
,
wise
,
just
and
good
;
for
even
the
best
are
subject
to
mistakes
and
passions
,
and
therefore
unfit
to
be
judges
of
their
own
concernments
,
in
which
they
may
by
various
means
be
misguided
:
but
it
would
be
extreme
madness
to
attribute
the
same
to
Children
,
Fools
,
or
Madmen
,
who
are
not
able
to
judg
of
the
least
things
concerning
themselves
or
others
;
but
most
especially
to
those
who
,
coming
in
by
usurpation
,
declare
their
contempt
of
all
human
and
divine
Laws
,
and
are
enemies
to
the
People
they
oppress
.
None
therefore
can
be
judges
of
such
cases
but
the
People
,
for
whom
and
by
whom
the
Constitutions
are
made
;
or
their
Representatives
and
Delegates
,
to
whom
they
give
the
power
of
doing
it
.
But
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
say
,
that
one
man
has
an
absolute
power
above
Law
to
govern
according
to
his
will
,
for
the
Peoples
good
,
and
the
preservation
of
their
Liberty
:
For
no
Liberty
can
subsist
where
there
is
such
a
Power
;
and
we
have
no
other
way
of
distinguishing
between
free
Nations
and
such
as
are
not
so
,
than
that
the
free
are
governed
by
their
own
Laws
and
Magistrates
according
to
their
own
mind
,
and
that
the
others
either
have
willingly
subjected
themselves
,
or
are
by
force
brought
under
the
power
of
one
or
more
men
,
to
be
ruled
according
to
his
or
their
pleasure
.
The
same
distinction
holds
in
relation
to
particular
persons
.
He
is
a
free
man
who
lives
as
best
pleases
himself
,
under
Laws
made
by
his
own
consent
;
and
the
name
of
slave
can
belong
to
no
man
,
unless
to
him
who
is
either
born
in
the
house
of
a
Master
,
bought
,
taken
,
subdued
,
or
willingly
gives
his
ear
to
be
nailed
to
the
post
,
and
subjects
himself
to
the
will
of
another
.
Thus
were
the
Grecians
said
to
be
free
in
opposition
to
the
Medes
and
Persians
,
as
Artabanus
acknowledged
Italians
,
Germans
and
Spaniards
were
distinguish'd
from
the
Eastern
Nations
,
who
for
the
most
part
were
under
the
power
of
Tyrants
.
Rome
was
said
to
have
recovered
liberty
by
the
expulsion
of
the
Tarquins
;
or
as
Tacitus
expresses
it
,
[
*
](A60214-e60650-b)
*
Libertatem
&
Consulatum
L.
Brutus
instituit
.
An.
l.
1.
Lucius
Brutus
established
Liberty
and
the
Consulat
together
,
as
if
before
that
time
they
had
never
enjoyed
any
;
and
Julius
Cesar
is
said
to
have
overthrown
the
liberty
of
that
People
.
But
if
Filmer
deserve
credit
,
the
Romans
were
free
under
Tarquin
,
enslaved
when
he
was
driven
away
,
and
his
Prerogative
extinguish'd
,
that
was
so
necessarily
required
for
the
defence
of
their
Liberty
;
and
were
never
restored
to
it
,
till
Cesar
assum'd
all
the
Power
to
himself
.
By
the
same
rule
the
Switzers
,
Grisons
,
Venetians
,
Hollanders
,
and
some
other
Nations
are
now
Slaves
;
and
Tuscany
,
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
the
Ecclesiastical
State
,
with
such
as
live
under
a
more
gentle
Master
on
the
other
side
of
the
Water
,
I
mean
the
Turk
,
are
free
Nations
.
Nay
the
Florentins
,
who
complain
of
Slavery
under
the
House
of
Medices
,
were
made
free
by
the
power
of
a
Spanish
Army
who
set
up
a
Prerogative
in
that
gentle
Family
,
which
for
their
good
has
destroyed
all
that
could
justly
be
called
so
in
that
Country
,
and
almost
wholly
dispeopled
it
.
I
,
who
esteem
my self
free
,
because
I
depend
upon
the
will
of
no
man
,
and
hope
to
die
in
the
liberty
I
inherit
from
my
Ancestors
,
am
a
slave
;
and
the
Moors
or
Turks
,
who
may
be
beaten
and
kill'd
whenever
it
pleases
their
insolent
Masters
,
are
Free
men
.
But
surely
the
world
is
not
so
much
mistaken
in
the
signification
of
words
and
things
.
The
weight
of
Chains
,
number
of
Stripes
,
hardness
of
labour
,
and
other
effects
of
a
Master's
cruelty
,
may
make
one
servitude
more
miserable
than
another
:
but
he
is
a
slave
who
serves
the
best
and
gentlest
man
in
the
world
,
as
well
as
he
who
serves
the
worst
;
and
he
dos
serve
him
if
he
must
obey
his
commands
,
and
depends
upon
his
will
.
For
this
reason
the
Poet
ingeniously
flattering
a
good
Emperor
,
said
,
that
Liberty
was
not
more
desirable
,
than
to
serve
a
gentle
Master
;
but
still
acknowledged
that
it
was
a
service
,
distinct
from
,
and
contrary
Moses
,
Joshua
and
Samuel
had
bin
able
to
bear
the
weight
of
an
unrestrained
Power
:
though
David
and
Solomon
had
never
abused
that
which
they
had
;
what
effect
could
this
have
upon
a
general
Proposition
?
Where
are
the
Families
that
always
produce
such
as
they
were
?
When
did
God
promise
to
assist
all
those
who
should
attain
to
the
Soveraign
Power
,
as
he
did
them
whom
he
chose
for
the
works
he
designed
?
Or
what
testimony
can
Filmer
give
us
,
that
he
has
bin
present
with
all
those
who
have
hitherto
reigned
in
the
world
?
But
if
we
know
that
no
such
thing
either
is
,
or
has
bin
;
and
can
find
no
promise
to
assure
us
,
nor
reason
to
hope
that
it
ever
will
be
,
't
is
as
foolish
to
found
the
hopes
of
preserving
a
People
upon
that
which
never
was
,
or
is
so
likely
to
fail
,
nay
rather
which
in
a
short
time
most
certainly
will
fail
,
as
to
root
up
Vines
and
Figtrees
in
expectation
of
gathering
grapes
and
figs
from
thistles
and
briars
.
This
would
be
no
less
than
to
extinguish
the
light
of
common
sense
,
to
neglect
the
means
that
God
has
given
us
to
provide
for
our
security
,
and
to
impute
to
him
a
disposition
of
things
utterly
inconsistent
with
his
Wisdom
and
Goodness
.
If
he
has
not
therefore
order'd
that
thorns
and
thistles
should
produce
figs
and
grapes
,
nor
that
the
most
important
works
in
the
world
,
which
are
not
without
the
utmost
difficulty
,
if
at
all
,
to
be
performed
by
the
best
and
wisest
of
men
,
should
be
put
into
the
hands
of
the
weakest
,
most
foolish
and
worst
,
he
cannot
have
ordain'd
that
such
men
,
women
or
children
as
happen
to
be
born
in
reigning
Families
,
or
get
the
power
into
their
hands
by
fraud
,
treachery
or
murder
(
as
very
many
have
done
)
should
have
a
right
of
disposing
all
things
according
to
their
will
.
And
if
men
cannot
be
guilty
of
so
great
an
absurdity
to
trust
the
weakest
and
worst
with
a
Power
which
usually
subverts
the
Wisdom
and
Virtue
of
the
best
;
or
to
expect
such
effects
of
Virtue
and
Wisdom
from
those
who
come
by
chance
,
as
can
hardly
,
if
at
all
,
be
hoped
from
the
most
excellent
,
our
Author's
Proposition
can
neither
be
grounded
upon
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
nor
the
Institution
of
man
.
Nay
,
if
any
such
thing
had
bin
established
by
our
first
Parents
in
their
simplicity
,
the
utter
impossibility
of
attaining
what
they
expected
from
it
,
must
wholly
have
abrogated
the
Establishment
:
Or
rather
,
it
had
bin
void
from
the
beginning
,
because
it
was
not
[
*
](A60214-e60880-b)
*
Sanctio
recta
,
jubens
honesta
,
prohibens
contraria
.
Cicer.
a
just
Sanction
,
commanding
things
good
,
and
forbidding
the
contrary
,
but
a
foolish
and
perverse
Sanction
,
setting
up
the
unruly
appetite
of
one
person
to
the
subversion
of
all
that
is
good
in
the
world
,
by
making
the
wisdom
of
the
aged
and
experienc'd
to
depend
upon
the
will
of
Women
,
Children
and
Fools
;
by
sending
the
strong
and
the
brave
to
seek
protection
from
the
most
weak
and
cowardly
,
and
subjecting
the
most
virtuous
and
best
of
men
to
be
destroy'd
by
the
most
wicked
and
vicious
.
These
being
the
effects
of
that
unlimited
prerogative
,
which
our
Author
says
was
only
instituted
for
the
good
and
defence
of
the
people
,
it
must
necessarily
fall
to
the
ground
,
unless
slavery
,
misery
,
infamy
,
destruction
and
desolation
tend
to
the
preservation
of
Liberty
,
and
are
to
be
prefer'd
before
strength
,
glory
,
plenty
,
security
and
happiness
.
The
state
of
the
Roman
Empire
after
the
Usurpation
of
Cesar
will
set
this
matter
in
the
clearest
light
;
but
having
done
it
already
in
the
former
parts
of
this
work
,
I
content
my self
to
refer
to
those
places
.
And
tho
the
Calamities
they
suffer'd
were
a
little
allayed
and
moderated
by
the
Virtues
of
Antoninus
and
M.
Aurelius
,
with
one
or
two
more
,
yet
we
have
no
example
of
the
continuance
of
them
in
a
family
,
nor
of
any
Nation
great
or
small
that
has
bin
under
an
absolute
Power
,
which
dos
not
too
plainly
manifest
,
that
no
man
or
succession
of
men
is
to
be
trusted
with
it
.
But
says
our
Author
,
there
can
be
no
Law
where
there
is
not
a
supreme
Power
,
and
from
thence
very
strongly
concludes
it
must
be
in
the
King
;
for
otherwise
there
can
be
no
Sovereign
Majesty
in
him
,
and
he
is
but
an
equivocal
King
.
This
might
have
bin
of
some
force
,
if
Governments
were
establish'd
,
and
Laws
made
only
to
advance
that
Sovereign
Majesty
;
but
nothing
at
all
to
the
purpose
,
if
(
as
he
confesses
)
the
power
which
the
Prince
has
,
be
given
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
and
for
the
defence
of
every
private
man's
Life
,
Liberty
,
Lands
and
Goods
:
for
that
which
is
instituted
,
cannot
be
abrogated
for
want
of
that
which
was
never
intended
in
the
institution
.
If
the
publick
Safety
be
provided
,
Liberty
and
Propriety
secured
,
Justice
administred
,
Virtue
encouraged
,
Vice
suppressed
,
and
the
true
interest
of
the
Nation
advanced
,
the
ends
of
Government
are
accomplished
;
and
the
highest
must
be
contented
with
such
a
proportion
of
Glory
and
Majesty
as
is
consistent
with
the
publick
;
since
the
Magistracy
is
not
instituted
,
nor
any
person
placed
in
it
for
the
increase
of
his
Majesty
,
but
for
the
preservation
of
the
whole
People
,
and
the
defence
of
the
Liberty
,
Life
and
Estate
of
every
private
man
,
as
our
Author
himself
is
forced
to
acknowledg
.
But
what
is
this
Soveraign
Majesty
,
so
inseparable
from
Royalty
,
that
one
cannot
subsist
without
the
other
?
Caligula
placed
it
in
a
power
of
[
*
](A60214-e60990-b)
*
Omnia
mihi
in
omnes
licere
.
Sueton.
doing
what
he
pleased
to
all
men
:
Nimrod
,
Nabuchodonosor
and
others
,
with
an
impious
and
barbarous
insolence
boasted
of
the
greatness
of
their
power
.
They
thought
it
a
glorious
Privilege
to
kill
or
spare
whom
they
pleased
.
But
such
Kings
as
by
God's
permission
might
have
bin
set
up
over
his
people
,
were
to
have
nothing
of
this
.
They
were
not
to
multiply
Gold
,
Silver
,
Wives
or
Horses
;
they
But
unless
the
light
of
reason
had
bin
extinguished
in
him
,
he
might
have
seen
,
that
tho
no
Law
could
be
made
without
a
supreme
Power
,
that
Supremacy
may
be
in
a
body
consisting
of
many
men
,
and
several
orders
of
men
.
If
it
be
true
,
which
perhaps
may
be
doubted
,
that
there
have
bin
in
the
world
simple
Monarchies
,
Aristocracies
or
Democracies
legally
established
,
't
is
certain
that
the
most
part
of
the
Governments
of
the
world
(
and
I
think
all
that
are
or
have
bin
good
)
were
mixed
.
Part
of
the
Power
has
bin
confer'd
upon
the
King
,
or
the
Magistrate
that
represented
him
,
and
part
upon
the
Senate
and
People
,
as
has
bin
proved
in
relation
to
the
Governments
of
the
Hebrews
,
Spartans
,
Romans
,
Venetians
,
Germans
,
and
all
those
who
live
under
that
which
is
usually
called
the
Gothic
Polity
.
If
the
single
person
participating
of
this
divided
Power
dislike
either
the
Name
he
bears
,
or
the
Authority
he
has
,
he
may
renounce
it
;
but
no
reason
can
be
from
thence
drawn
to
the
prejudice
of
Nations
,
who
give
so
much
as
they
think
consistent
with
their
own
good
,
and
reserve
the
rest
to
themselves
,
or
to
such
other
Officers
as
they
please
to
establish
.
No
man
will
deny
that
several
Nations
have
had
a
right
of
giving
power
to
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
Archons
,
Suffetes
,
Dukes
and
other
Magistrates
,
in
such
proportions
as
seemed
most
conducing
to
their
own
good
;
and
there
must
be
a
right
in
every
Nation
of
allotting
to
Kings
so
much
as
they
please
,
as
well
as
to
the
others
,
unless
there
be
a
charm
in
the
word
King
,
or
in
the
Letters
that
compose
it
.
But
this
cannot
be
;
for
there
is
no
similitude
between
King
,
Rex
,
and
Bazileus
:
they
must
therefore
have
a
right
of
regulating
the
Power
of
Kings
,
as
well
as
that
of
Consuls
or
Dictators
;
and
it
had
not
bin
more
ridiculous
in
Fabius
,
Scipio
,
Camillus
or
Cincinnatus
,
to
assert
an
absolute
power
in
himself
,
under
pretence
of
advancing
his
sovereign
Majesty
against
the
Law
,
than
for
any
King
to
do
the
like
.
But
as
all
Nations
give
what
form
they
please
to
their
Government
,
they
are
also
judges
of
the
name
to
be
imposed
upon
each
man
who
is
to
have
a
part
in
the
power
:
and
't
is
as
lawful
for
us
to
call
him
King
,
who
has
a
limited
Authority
amongst
us
,
as
for
the
Medes
or
Arabs
to
give
the
same
name
to
one
who
is
more
absolute
.
If
this
be
not
admitted
,
we
are
content
to
speak
improperly
,
but
utterly
deny
that
when
we
give
the
name
,
we
give
any
thing
more
than
we
please
;
and
had
rather
his
Majesty
should
change
his
name
than
to
renounce
our
own
Rights
and
Liberties
which
he
is
to
preserve
,
and
which
we
have
received
from
God
and
Nature
.
But
that
the
folly
and
wickedness
of
our
Author
may
not
be
capable
of
any
farther
aggravation
,
he
says
,
That
is
skills
not
how
he
come
by
the
power
.
Violence
therefore
or
fraud
,
treachery
or
murder
,
are
as
good
as
Election
,
Donation
or
legal
Succession
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
examine
the
Laws
of
God
or
Man
;
the
rights
of
nature
;
whether
Children
do
inherit
the
Dignities
and
Magistracies
of
their
Fathers
,
as
patrimonial
Lands
and
Goods
;
whether
regard
ought
to
be
had
to
the
fitness
of
the
Person
;
whether
all
should
go
to
one
,
or
be
divided
amongst
them
;
or
by
what
rule
we
may
know
who
is
the
right
Heir
to
the
Succession
,
and
consequently
what
we
are
in
conscience
obliged
to
do
.
Our
Author
tells
us
in
short
,
it
matters
not
how
he
that
has
the
power
comes
by
it
.
It
has
bin
hitherto
thought
,
that
to
kill
a
King
(
especially
a
good
King
)
was
a
most
abominable
action
.
They
who
did
it
,
were
thought
to
be
incited
by
the
worst
of
passions
that
can
enter
into
the
hearts
of
men
;
and
the
severest
punishments
have
bin
invented
to
deter
them
from
such
attempts
,
or
to
avenge
their
death
upon
those
who
should
accomplish
it
:
but
if
our
Author
may
be
credited
,
it
must
be
the
most
commendable
and
glorious
act
that
can
be
performed
by
man
:
for
besides
the
outward
advantages
that
men
so
earnestly
desire
,
he
that
dos
it
,
is
presently
invested
with
the
Sovereign
Majesty
,
and
at
the
same
time
becomes
God's
Vicegerent
,
and
the
father
of
his
Country
,
possessed
of
that
Government
,
which
in
exclusion
to
all
other
forms
is
only
favoured
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
The
only
inconvenience
is
,
that
all
depends
upon
success
,
and
he
that
is
to
be
the
Minister
of
God
,
and
father
of
his
Country
if
he
succeed
,
is
the
worst
of
all
villains
if
he
fail
;
and
at
the
best
may
be
deprived
of
all
by
the
same
means
he
employ'd
to
gain
it
.
Tho
a
Prince
should
have
the
wisdom
and
virtues
of
Moses
,
the
valour
of
Joshua
,
David
and
the
Maccabees
,
with
the
gentleness
and
integrity
of
Samuel
,
the
most
foolish
,
vitious
,
base
and
detestable
man
in
the
world
that
kills
him
,
and
seizes
the
power
,
becomes
his
Heir
,
and
father
of
the
People
that
he
govern'd
;
it
skills
not
how
he
did
it
,
whether
in
open
battel
or
by
secret
treachery
,
in
the
field
or
in
the
bed
,
by
poison
or
by
the
sword
:
The
vilest
slave
in
Israel
had
become
the
Lord
's
anointed
,
if
he
could
have
kill'd
David
or
Solomon
,
and
found
villains
to
place
him
in
the
Throne
.
If
this
be
right
,
the
world
has
to
this
day
lived
in
darkness
,
and
the
actions
which
have
bin
thought
to
be
the
most
detestable
,
are
the
most
commendable
and
glorious
.
But
not
troubling
my self
at
present
to
decide
this
question
,
I
leave
it
to
Kings
to
consider
how
much
they
are
beholden
to
Filmer
and
his
disciples
,
who
set
such
a
price
upon
their
heads
,
as
would
render
it
hard
to
preserve
their
Lives
one
day
,
if
the
Doctrines
were
received
which
they
endeavour
to
infuse
into
the
minds
of
the
People
;
and
concluding
this
point
,
only
say
,
that
we
in
England
know
no
other
King
than
he
who
is
so
by
Law
,
nor
any
power
in
that
King
except
that
which
he
has
by
Law
:
and
tho
the
Roman
Empire
was
held
by
the
power
of
the
Sword
;
and
Ulpian
a
corrupt
Lawyer
undertakes
to
say
,
that
the
Prince
is
not
obliged
by
the
Laws
;
yet
Theodosius
confessed
,
that
it
was
the
glory
of
a
good
Emperor
to
acknowledg
himself
bound
by
them
.
SECT.
XXII
.
The
rigour
of
the
Law
is
to
be
temper'd
by
men
of
known
integrity
and
judgment
,
and
not
by
the
Prince
who
may
be
ignorant
or
vicious
.
OUR
Author's
next
shift
is
to
place
the
King
above
the
Law
,
that
he
may
mitigate
the
rigour
of
it
,
without
which
he
says
,
The
case
of
the
Subject
would
be
desperately
miserable
.
But
this
cure
would
prove
worse
than
the
disease
.
Such
pious
fathers
of
the
People
as
Caligula
,
Nero
or
Domitian
,
were
not
like
to
mitigate
the
rigour
;
nor
such
as
inherit
Crowns
in
their
infancy
(
as
the
present
Kings
of
Spain
,
France
and
Sweden
)
so
well
to
understand
the
meaning
of
it
as
to
decide
extraordinary
cases
.
The
wisdom
of
Nations
has
provided
more
assured
helps
;
and
none
could
have
bin
so
brutish
and
negligent
of
the
publick
Concernments
,
to
suffer
the
Succession
to
fall
to
women
,
children
,
&c.
if
they
had
not
reserved
a
power
in
themselves
to
prefer
others
before
the
nearest
in
blood
,
if
reason
require
;
and
prescribed
such
rules
as
might
preserve
the
publick
from
ruin
,
notwithstanding
their
infirmities
and
vices
.
These
helps
provided
by
our
Laws
,
are
principally
by
grand
and
petit
Juries
,
who
are
not
only
Judges
of
matters
of
fact
,
as
whether
a
man
be
kill'd
,
but
whether
he
be
kill'd
criminally
.
These
men
are
upon
their
Oaths
,
and
may
be
indicted
of
Perjury
if
they
prevaricate
:
The
Judges
are
present
,
not
only
to
be
a
check
upon
them
,
but
to
explain
such
points
of
the
Law
as
may
seem
difficult
.
And
tho
these
Judges
may
be
said
in
some
sense
to
be
chosen
by
the
King
,
he
is
not
understood
to
do
it
otherwise
than
by
the
advice
of
his
Council
,
who
cannot
perform
their
duty
,
unless
they
propose
such
as
in
their
consciences
they
think
most
worthy
of
the
Office
,
and
most
capable
of
performing
the
duty
rightly
;
nor
he
accomplish
the
Oath
of
his
Coronation
,
unless
he
admit
those
,
who
upon
deliberation
seem
to
be
the
best
.
The
Judges
being
thus
chosen
,
are
so
far
from
depending
upon
the
will
of
the
King
,
that
they
swear
faithfully
to
serve
the
People
as
well
as
the
King
,
and
to
do
justice
to
every
man
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Tresilian
,
Empson
,
Dudley
,
and
others
shew
,
that
neither
the
King
's
preceding
command
nor
subsequent
pardon
could
preserve
them
from
the
punishment
they
deserved
.
All
men
knew
that
what
they
did
was
agreeable
to
the
King's
pleasure
,
for
Tresilian
advanced
the
Prerogative
of
Edward
the
2d
,
and
Empson
brought
great
Treasures
into
the
Coffers
of
Henry
the
7th
.
Nevertheless
they
were
charged
with
Treason
,
for
subverting
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
executed
as
Traitors
.
Tho
England
ought
never
to
forget
the
happy
Reign
of
Q.
Elizabeth
,
yet
it
must
be
acknowledged
,
that
she
as
well
as
others
had
her
failings
.
She
was
full
of
love
to
the
People
,
just
in
her
nature
,
sincere
in
her
intentions
;
but
could
not
so
perfectly
discover
the
snares
that
were
laid
for
her
,
or
resist
the
importunity
of
the
Persons
she
most
trusted
,
as
not
sometimes
to
be
brought
to
attempt
things
against
Law
.
She
and
her
Counsellors
pressed
the
Judges
very
hardly
to
obey
the
Patent
under
her
Great
Seal
,
in
the
case
of
Cavendish
:
but
they
answered
,
That
both
she
and
they
had
taken
an
Oath
to
keep
the
Law
,
and
if
they
should
obey
her
commands
,
the
Law
would
not
warrant
them
,
&c.
And
besides
the
offence
against
God
,
their
Country
,
and
the
Commonwealth
,
they
alledged
the
example
of
Empson
and
Dudley
,
whereby
,
they
said
,
they
were
deterred
from
obeying
her
illegal
Commands
.
They
who
had
sworn
to
keep
the
Law
notwithstanding
the
King's
Writs
,
knew
that
the
Law
depended
not
upon
his
will
;
and
the
same
Oath
that
obliged
them
not
to
regard
any
command
they
should
receive
from
him
,
shewed
that
they
were
not
to
expect
indemnity
by
it
,
and
not
only
that
the
King
had
neither
the
power
of
making
,
altering
,
mitigating
or
interpreting
the
Law
,
but
that
he
was
not
at
all
to
be
heard
,
in
general
or
particular
matters
,
otherwise
than
as
he
speaks
in
the
common
course
of
Justice
,
by
the
Courts
legally
established
,
which
say
the
same
thing
,
whether
he
be
young
or
old
,
ignorant
or
wise
,
wicked
or
good
:
and
nothing
dos
better
evidence
the
wisdom
and
care
of
our
Ancestors
,
in
framing
the
Laws
and
Government
we
live
under
,
than
that
the
People
did
not
suffer
extremities
by
the
vices
or
infirmities
of
Kings
,
till
an
Age
more
full
of
malice
than
those
in
which
they
lived
,
had
found
tricks
to
pervert
the
rule
,
and
frustrate
their
honest
intentions
.
It
was
not
safe
for
the
Kings
to
violate
their
Oaths
by
an
undue
interposition
of
their
Authority
;
but
the
Ministers
who
served
them
in
those
violations
,
have
seldom
escaped
punishment
.
This
is
to
be
understood
when
the
deviations
from
Justice
are
extreme
and
mischievous
,
for
something
must
always
be
allow'd
to
human
frailty
:
The
best
have
their
defects
,
and
none
could
stand
if
a
too
exact
scrutiny
were
made
of
all
their
actions
.
Edward
the
third
,
about
the
twentieth
year
of
his
Reign
,
acknowledged
his
own
in
Parliament
,
and
as
well
for
the
ease
of
his
Conscience
,
as
the
satisfaction
of
his
People
,
promoted
an
Act
,
Commanding
all
Judges
to
do
Justice
,
notwithstanding
any
Writs
,
Letters
or
Commands
from
himself
,
and
forbidding
those
that
belonged
to
the
King
,
Queen
and
Prince
,
to
intermeddle
in
those
matters
.
But
if
the
best
and
wisest
of
our
Princes
,
in
the
strength
and
maturity
of
their
years
,
had
their
failings
,
and
every
act
proceeding
from
them
that
tended
to
the
interruption
of
Justice
was
a
failing
,
how
can
it
be
said
that
the
King
in
his
personal
capacity
,
directly
or
indirectly
,
may
enter
into
the
discussion
of
these
matters
,
much
less
to
determine
them
according
to
his
will
?
But
,
says
our
Author
,
the
Law
is
no
better
than
a
Tyrant
;
general
Pardons
at
the
Coronation
and
in
Parliament
,
are
but
the
bounty
of
the
Prerogative
,
&c.
There
may
be
hard
cases
;
and
citing
some
perverted
pieces
from
Aristotle's
Ethicks
and
Politicsk
,
adds
,
That
when
something
falls
out
besides
the
general
rule
,
then
it
is
fit
that
what
the
Lawmaker
hath
omitted
,
or
where
he
hath
erred
by
speaking
generally
,
it
should
be
corrected
and
supplied
,
as
if
the
Lawmaker
were
present
that
ordained
it
.
The
Governor
,
whether
he
be
one
man
or
more
,
ought
to
be
Lord
of
these
things
,
whereof
it
was
impossible
that
the
Law
should
speak
exactly
.
These
things
are
in
part
true
;
but
our
Author
makes
use
of
them
as
the
Devil
dos
of
Scripture
,
to
subvert
the
truth
.
There
may
be
something
of
rigour
in
the
Law
that
in
some
cases
may
be
mitigated
;
and
the
Law
it self
(
in
relation
to
England
)
dos
so
far
acknowledg
it
,
as
to
refer
much
to
the
consciences
of
Juries
,
and
those
who
are
appointed
to
assist
them
;
and
the
most
difficult
Cases
are
referred
to
the
Parliament
as
the
only
judges
that
are
able
to
determine
them
.
Thus
the
Statute
of
the
35
Edw.
3d
,
enumerating
the
crimes
then
declared
to
be
Treason
,
leaves
to
future
Parliaments
to
judg
what
other
facts
equivalent
to
them
may
deserve
the
same
punishment
:
and
't
is
a
general
rule
in
the
Law
,
which
the
Judges
are
sworn
to
observe
,
that
difficult
Cases
should
be
reserved
till
the
Parliament
meet
,
who
are
only
able
to
decide
them
:
and
if
there
be
any
inconvenience
in
this
,
't
is
because
they
do
not
meet
so
frequently
as
the
Law
requires
,
or
by
sinister
means
are
interrupted
in
their
sitting
.
But
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
say
,
that
because
the
King
dos
not
call
Parliaments
as
the
Law
and
his
Oath
requires
,
that
power
should
accrue
to
him
,
which
the
Law
and
the
consent
of
the
Nation
has
placed
in
them
.
There
is
also
such
a
thing
in
the
Law
as
a
general
or
particular
Pardon
,
and
the
King
may
in
some
degree
be
entrusted
with
the
power
of
giving
it
,
especially
for
such
crimes
as
merely
relate
to
himself
,
as
every
man
may
remit
the
injuries
done
to
himself
;
but
the
confession
of
Edward
the
third
,
That
the
Oath
of
the
Crown
had
not
bin
kept
by
reason
of
the
grant
of
Pardons
contrary
to
Statutes
,
and
a
that
all
such
Charters
of
Pardon
from
henceforth
granted
against
the
Oath
of
the
Crown
and
the
said
Statutes
,
should
be
held
for
none
,
demonstrates
that
this
power
was
not
in
himself
,
but
granted
by
the
Nation
,
and
to
be
executed
according
to
such
rules
as
the
Law
prescribed
,
and
the
Parliament
approved
.
Moreover
,
there
having
bin
many
,
and
sometimes
bloody
contests
for
the
Crown
,
upon
which
the
Nation
was
almost
equally
divided
;
and
it
being
difficult
for
them
to
know
,
or
even
for
us
who
have
all
the
parties
before
us
,
to
judg
which
was
the
better
side
,
it
was
understood
that
he
who
came
to
be
crown'd
by
the
consent
of
the
People
,
was
acceptable
to
all
:
and
the
question
being
determined
,
it
was
no
way
fit
that
he
should
have
a
liberty
to
make
use
of
the
publick
Authority
then
in
his
hands
,
to
revenge
such
personal
iniuries
as
he
had
,
or
might
suppose
to
have
received
,
which
might
raise
new
,
and
perhaps
more
dangerous
troubles
,
if
the
Authors
of
them
were
still
kept
in
fear
of
being
prosecuted
;
and
nothing
could
be
more
unreasonable
than
that
he
should
emplov
his
power
to
the
destruction
of
those
who
had
consented
to
make
him
King
.
This
made
it
a
matter
of
course
for
a
King
,
as
soon
as
he
was
crown'd
,
to
issue
out
a
general
Pardon
,
which
was
no
more
than
to
declare
,
that
being
now
what
he
was
not
before
,
he
had
no
enemy
upon
any
former
account
.
For
this
reason
Lewis
the
twelfth
of
France
,
when
he
was
incited
to
revenge
himself
against
those
,
who
in
the
reign
of
his
Predecessor
Charles
the
eighth
,
had
caused
him
to
be
imprisoned
with
great
danger
of
his
life
,
made
this
answer
,
That
the
King
of
France
did
not
care
to
revenge
the
injuries
done
to
the
Duke
of
Orleans
:
and
the
last
King
of
Sweden
seemed
no
otherwise
to
remember
who
had
opposed
the
Queens
Abdication
,
and
his
Election
,
than
by
conferring
honours
upon
them
;
because
he
knew
they
were
the
best
men
of
the
Nation
,
and
such
as
would
be
his
friends
when
they
should
see
how
he
would
govern
,
in
which
he
was
not
deceived
.
But
lest
all
those
who
might
come
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
should
not
have
the
same
prudence
and
generosity
,
the
Kings
were
obliged
by
a
Custom
of
no
less
force
than
a
Law
,
immediately
to
put
an
end
to
all
disputes
,
and
the
inconveniences
that
might
arise
from
them
.
This
did
not
proceed
from
the
bounty
of
the
Prerogative
(
which
I
think
is
nonsense
,
for
tho
he
that
enjoys
the
Prerogative
may
have
bounty
,
the
Prerogative
can
have
none
)
but
from
common
sense
,
from
his
obligation
,
and
the
care
of
his
own
safety
;
and
could
have
no
other
effect
in
Law
,
than
what
related
to
his
person
,
as
appears
by
the
forementioned
Statute
.
Pardons
granted
by
Act
of
Parliament
are
of
another
nature
:
For
as
the
King
who
has
no
other
power
than
by
Law
,
can
no
otherwise
dispense
with
the
crimes
committed
against
the
Laws
,
than
the
Law
dos
enable
him
;
the
Parliament
that
has
the
power
of
making
Laws
,
may
intirely
abolish
the
crimes
,
and
unquestionably
remit
the
punishment
as
they
please
.
Tho
some
words
of
Aristotle's
Ethicks
are
without
any
coherence
shuffled
together
by
our
Author
,
with
others
taken
out
of
his
Politicks
,
I
do
not
much
except
against
them
.
No
Law
made
by
man
can
be
perfect
,
and
there
must
be
in
every
Nation
a
power
of
correcting
such
defects
as
in
time
may
arise
or
be
discovered
.
This
power
can
never
be
so
rightly
placed
as
in
the
same
hand
that
has
the
right
of
making
Laws
,
whether
in
one
person
or
in
many
.
If
Filmer
therefore
can
tell
us
of
a
place
,
where
one
man
,
woman
or
child
,
however
he
or
she
be
qualified
,
has
the
power
of
making
Laws
,
I
will
acknowledg
that
not
only
the
hard
Cases
,
but
as
many
others
as
he
pleases
,
are
referr'd
to
his
or
her
judgment
,
and
that
they
may
give
it
,
whether
they
have
any
understanding
of
what
they
do
or
not
,
whether
they
be
drunk
or
sober
,
in
their
senses
or
stark
mad
.
But
as
I
know
no
such
place
,
and
should
not
be
much
concerned
for
the
sufferings
of
a
People
that
should
bring
such
misery
upon
themselves
,
as
must
accompany
an
absolute
dependence
upon
the
unruly
will
of
such
a
creature
,
I
may
leave
him
to
seek
it
,
and
rest
in
a
perfect
assurance
that
he
dos
not
speak
of
England
,
which
acknowledges
no
other
Law
than
its
own
;
and
instead
of
receiving
any
from
Kings
,
dos
to
this
day
obey
none
,
but
such
as
have
bin
made
by
our
Ancestors
,
or
our selves
,
and
never
admitted
any
King
that
did
not
swear
to
observe
them
.
And
if
Aristotle
deserve
credit
,
the
power
of
altering
,
mitigating
,
explaining
or
correcting
the
Laws
of
England
,
is
only
in
the
Parliament
,
because
none
but
the
Parliament
can
make
them
.
SECT.
XXIII
.
Aristotle
proves
,
that
no
man
is
to
be
entrusted
with
an
absolute
Power
,
by
shewing
that
no
one
knows
how
to
execute
it
,
but
such
a
man
as
is
not
to
be
found
.
OUR
Author
having
falsly
cited
and
perverted
the
sense
of
Aristotle
,
now
brings
him
in
saying
,
That
a
perfect
Kingdom
is
that
wherein
the
King
rules
all
according
to
his
own
will
.
But
tho
I
have
read
his
books
of
Government
with
some
attention
,
I
can
find
no
such
thing
in
them
,
unless
the
word
which
signifies
mere
or
absolute
may
be
justly
translated
into
perfect
;
which
is
so
far
from
Aristotle's
meaning
,
that
he
distinguishes
the
absolute
or
despotical
Kingdoms
from
the
Legitimate
;
and
commending
the
latter
,
gives
no
better
name
than
that
of
barbarous
to
the
first
,
which
he
says
can
agree
only
with
the
nature
of
such
Nations
as
are
base
and
stupid
,
little
differing
from
Beasts
;
and
having
no
skill
to
govern
,
or
courage
to
defend
themselves
,
must
resign
all
to
the
will
of
one
that
will
take
care
of
them
.
Yet
even
this
cannot
be
done
,
unless
he
that
should
take
that
care
be
wholly
exempted
from
the
vices
which
oblige
the
others
to
stand
in
need
of
it
;
for
otherwise
't
is
no
better
than
if
a
Sheep
should
undertake
to
govern
Sheep
,
or
a
Hog
to
command
Swine
;
Aristotle
plainly
saying
,
That
as
men
are
by
nature
equal
,
if
it
were
possible
all
should
be
Magistrates
.
But
that
being
repugnant
to
the
nature
of
Government
,
he
finds
no
other
way
of
solving
the
difficulty
,
than
by
obeying
and
commanding
alternately
;
that
they
may
do
by
turns
that
which
they
cannot
do
all
together
,
and
to
which
no
one
man
has
more
right
than
another
,
because
they
are
all
by
nature
equal
.
This
might
be
composed
by
a
more
compendious
way
,
if
,
according
to
our
Author's
doctrine
,
possession
could
give
a
Right
.
But
Aristotle
speaking
like
a
Philosopher
,
and
not
like
a
publick
enemy
of
Mankind
,
examines
what
is
just
,
reasonable
,
and
beneficial
to
men
,
that
is
,
what
ought
to
be
done
,
and
which
being
done
,
is
to
be
accounted
just
,
and
therefore
to
be
supported
by
good
men
.
But
as
[
*
](A60214-e62030-b)
*
Quod
ab
initio
injustum
est
,
nullum
potest
habere
juris
effectum
.
Grot.
de
jur
.
bel
.
&
pae
.
l
,
3.
that
which
is
unjust
in
the
beginning
,
can
never
have
the
effect
of
justice
;
and
it
being
manifestly
unjust
for
one
or
a
few
men
to
assume
a
power
over
those
who
by
nature
are
equal
to
them
,
no
such
power
can
be
just
or
beneficial
to
mankind
;
nor
fit
to
be
upheld
by
good
men
,
if
it
be
unjust
and
prejudicial
.
In
the
opinion
of
Aristotle
,
this
natural
equality
continues
till
virtue
makes
the
distinction
,
which
must
be
either
simply
compleat
and
perfect
in
it self
,
so
that
he
who
is
endued
with
it
,
is
a
God
among
men
,
or
relatively
,
as
far
as
concerns
civil
Society
,
and
the
ends
for
which
it
is
constituted
,
that
is
,
defence
,
and
the
obtaining
of
Justice
.
This
requires
a
mind
unbiassed
by
passion
,
full
of
goodness
and
wisdom
,
firm
against
all
the
temptations
to
ill
,
that
may
arise
from
desire
or
fear
;
tending
to
all
manner
of
good
,
through
a
perfect
knowledg
and
affection
to
it
;
and
this
to
such
a
degree
,
that
he
or
they
have
more
of
these
virtues
and
excellencies
than
all
the
rest
of
the
Society
,
tho
computed
together
:
If
any
man
should
think
Aristotle
a
trifler
,
for
speaking
of
such
a
man
as
can
never
be
found
,
I
answer
,
that
he
went
as
far
as
his
way
could
be
warranted
by
reason
or
nature
,
and
was
obliged
to
stop
there
by
the
defect
of
his
Subject
.
He
could
not
say
that
the
Government
of
one
was
simply
good
,
when
he
knew
so
many
qualifications
were
required
in
the
person
to
make
it
so
;
nor
that
it
is
good
for
a
Nation
to
be
under
the
power
of
a
fool
,
a
coward
,
or
a
villain
,
because
't
is
good
to
be
under
a
man
of
admirable
wisdom
,
valour
,
industry
and
goodness
;
or
that
the
Government
of
one
should
be
continued
in
such
as
by
chance
succeed
in
a
Family
,
because
it
was
given
to
the
first
who
had
all
the
virtues
required
,
tho
all
the
reasons
for
which
the
power
was
given
fail
in
the
Successor
;
much
less
could
he
say
that
any
Government
was
good
,
which
was
not
good
for
those
whose
good
only
it
was
constituted
to
promote
.
Moreover
,
by
shewing
who
only
is
fit
to
be
a
Monarch
,
or
may
be
made
such
,
without
violating
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Justice
,
he
shews
who
cannot
be
one
:
and
he
who
says
that
no
such
man
is
to
be
found
,
as
according
to
the
opinion
of
Aristotle
can
be
a
Monarch
,
dos
most
ridiculously
alledg
his
Authority
in
favour
of
Monarchs
,
or
the
power
which
some
amongst
us
would
attribute
to
them
.
If
any
thing
therefore
may
be
concluded
from
his
words
,
't
is
this
,
That
since
no
power
ought
to
be
admitted
which
is
not
just
;
that
none
can
be
just
which
is
not
good
,
profitable
to
the
People
,
and
conducing
to
the
ends
for
which
it
is
constituted
;
that
no
man
can
know
how
to
direct
the
power
to
those
ends
,
can
deserve
,
or
administer
it
,
unless
he
do
so
far
excel
all
those
that
are
under
him
in
wisdom
,
justice
,
valour
and
goodness
,
as
to
possess
more
of
those
virtues
than
all
of
them
:
I
say
,
if
no
such
man
or
succession
of
men
be
found
,
no
such
power
is
to
be
granted
to
any
man
,
or
succession
of
men
.
But
if
such
power
be
granted
,
the
Laws
of
nature
and
reason
are
overthrown
,
and
the
ends
for
which
Societies
are
constituted
,
utterly
perverted
,
which
necessarily
implies
an
annihilation
of
the
Grant
.
And
if
a
Grant
so
made
by
those
who
have
a
right
of
setting
up
a
Government
among
themselves
,
do
perish
through
its
own
natural
iniquity
and
perversity
,
I
leave
it
to
any
man
,
whose
understanding
and
manners
are
not
so
intirely
corrupted
as
those
of
our
Author
,
to
determine
what
name
ought
to
be
given
to
that
person
,
who
not
excelling
all
others
in
Civil
and
Moral
Virtues
,
in
the
proportion
requir'd
by
Aristotle
,
dos
usurp
a
power
over
a
Nation
,
and
what
obedience
the
People
owe
to
such
a
one
.
But
if
his
opinion
deserve
our
regard
,
the
King
by
having
those
virtues
is
Omnium
Optimus
,
and
the
best
guide
to
the
People
,
[
*
](A60214-e62150-b)
*
Ad
summum-bonum
virtutem
,
Arist.
Pol.
to
lead
them
to
happiness
by
the
ways
of
virtue
.
And
he
who
assumes
the
same
power
,
without
the
qualifications
requir'd
,
is
Tyrannus
omnium
pessimus
,
leading
the
People
to
all
manner
of
ill
,
and
in
consequence
to
destruction
.
SECT.
XXIV
.
The
power
of
Augustus
Cesar
was
not
given
,
but
usurped
.
OUR
Author's
next
instance
is
ingeniously
taken
from
the
Romans
,
Who
,
he
says
,
tho
they
were
a
People
greedy
of
Liberty
,
freed
Augustus
from
the
necessity
of
Laws
.
If
it
be
true
,
as
he
affirms
,
that
such
a
Prerogative
is
instituted
only
for
the
preservation
of
Liberty
,
they
who
are
most
greedy
of
it
,
ought
to
be
most
forward
in
establishing
that
which
defends
it
best
.
But
if
the
weight
laid
upon
the
words
greedy
of
Liberty
,
&c.
render
his
memory
and
judgment
liable
to
censure
,
the
unpardonable
prevarication
of
citing
any
act
done
by
the
Romans
in
the
time
of
Augustus
,
as
done
freely
,
shews
him
to
be
a
man
of
no
faith
.
Omnium
jura
in
se
traxer
at
,
says
Tacitus
of
Augustus
;
nothing
was
conferred
upon
him
,
he
took
all
to
Pansa
,
Brutus
and
Cassius
,
or
bin
destroy'd
by
the
detestable
Triumvirate
.
Those
that
remain'd
could
lose
nothing
by
a
verbal
resignation
of
their
Liberty
,
which
they
had
neither
strength
nor
courage
to
defend
.
The
Magistracies
were
possess'd
by
the
Creatures
of
the
Tyrant
;
and
the
People
was
composed
of
such
as
were
either
born
under
slavery
,
and
accustomed
to
obey
,
or
remain'd
under
the
terror
of
those
arms
that
had
consumed
the
Assertors
of
their
Liberty
.
Our
Author
standing
in
need
of
some
Roman
Example
was
obliged
to
seek
it
in
an
age
,
when
the
Laws
were
subverted
,
Virtue
extinguished
,
Injustice
placed
in
the
Throne
,
and
such
as
would
not
be
of
the
same
spirit
,
exposed
to
the
utmost
cruelty
.
This
was
the
time
when
the
Sovereign
Majesty
shined
in
glory
;
and
they
who
had
raised
it
above
the
Law
,
made
it
also
the
object
of
their
Religion
,
by
adoring
the
Statues
of
their
Oppressor
.
The
corruption
of
this
Court
spread
it self
over
the
best
part
of
the
world
;
and
reduced
the
Empire
to
that
irrecoverable
weakness
in
which
it
languished
and
perish'd
.
This
is
the
state
of
things
that
pleases
Filmer
,
and
those
that
are
like
him
,
who
for
the
introduction
of
the
same
among
us
,
recommend
such
an
elevation
of
the
Sovereign
Majesty
,
as
is
most
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Men
,
abhorred
by
all
generous
Nations
,
and
most
especially
by
our
Ancestors
,
who
thought
nothing
too
dear
to
be
hazarded
in
the
defence
of
themselves
and
us
from
it
.
SECT.
XXV
.
The
Regal
Power
was
not
the
first
in
this
Nation
;
nor
necessarily
to
be
continued
,
tho
it
had
bin
the
first
.
TRUTH
being
uniform
in
it self
,
those
who
desire
to
propagate
it
for
the
good
of
mankind
,
lay
the
foundations
of
their
reasonings
in
such
Principles
,
as
are
either
evident
to
common
sense
,
or
easily
proved
:
but
Cheats
and
Impostors
delighting
in
obscurity
,
suppose
things
that
are
dubious
or
false
,
and
think
to
build
one
falshood
upon
another
;
and
our
Author
can
find
no
better
way
to
perswade
us
,
that
all
our
Privileges
and
Laws
are
from
the
King
,
than
by
saying
,
That
the
first
power
was
the
Kingly
Power
,
which
was
both
in
this
and
all
other
Nations
in
the
world
,
long
before
any
Laws
or
any
other
kind
of
Government
was
thought
of
;
from
whence
we
must
necessarily
infer
,
that
the
common
Law
,
or
common
Customs
of
this
Land
were
originally
the
Laws
and
Commands
of
the
King
.
But
denying
both
these
points
,
I
affirm
,
1.
First
,
that
there
was
a
power
to
make
Kings
before
there
was
any
King
.
2.
Tho
Kings
had
bin
the
first
created
Magistrates
in
all
places
(
as
perhaps
they
were
in
some
)
it
dos
not
follow
,
that
they
must
continue
for
ever
,
or
that
Laws
are
from
them
.
To
the
first
;
I
think
no
man
will
deny
,
that
there
was
a
People
at
Babylon
,
before
Nimrod
was
King
of
that
place
.
This
People
had
a
Power
;
for
no
number
of
men
can
be
without
it
:
Nay
this
People
had
a
power
of
making
Nimrod
King
,
or
he
could
never
have
bin
King
.
He
could
not
be
King
by
succession
,
for
the
Scripture
shews
him
to
have
bin
the
first
.
He
was
not
King
by
the
right
of
Father
,
for
he
was
not
their
Father
,
Chush
,
Cham
,
with
his
elder
Brothers
and
Father
Noah
being
still
living
;
and
,
which
is
worst
of
all
,
were
not
Kings
:
for
if
they
who
lived
in
Nimrod's
time
,
or
before
him
,
neither
were
Kings
,
nor
had
Kings
,
he
that
ought
to
have
bin
King
over
all
by
the
right
of
nature
(
if
there
had
bin
any
such
thing
in
nature
)
was
not
King
.
Those
who
immediately
succeeded
him
,
and
must
have
inherited
his
right
,
if
he
had
any
,
did
not
inherit
or
pretend
to
it
:
and
therefore
he
that
shall
now
claim
a
right
from
nature
,
as
Father
of
a
People
,
must
ground
it
upon
something
more
certain
than
Noah's
right
of
reigning
over
his
Children
,
or
it
can
have
no
strength
in
it
.
Moreover
,
the
Nations
who
in
and
before
the
time
of
Nimrod
had
no
Kings
,
had
Power
,
or
else
they
could
have
performed
no
Act
,
nor
constituted
any
other
magistrate
to
this
day
,
which
is
absurd
.
There
was
therefore
a
power
in
Nations
before
there
were
Kings
,
or
there
could
never
have
bin
any
;
and
Nimrod
could
never
have
bin
King
,
if
the
People
of
Babylon
had
not
made
him
King
,
which
they
could
not
have
done
if
they
had
not
had
a
power
of
making
him
so
.
'T
is
ridiculous
to
say
he
made
himself
King
,
for
tho
he
might
be
strong
and
valiant
,
he
could
not
be
stronger
than
a
multitude
of
men
.
That
which
sorces
must
be
stronger
than
that
which
is
forced
;
and
if
it
be
true
,
according
to
the
antient
saying
,
that
Hercules
himself
is
not
sufficient
to
encounter
two
,
't
is
sure
more
impossible
for
one
man
to
force
a
multitude
,
for
that
must
be
stronger
than
he
.
If
he
came
in
by
perswasion
,
they
who
were
perswaded
,
were
perswaded
to
consent
that
he
should
be
King
.
That
Consent
therefore
made
him
King
.
But
,
Qui
dat
esse
,
dat
modum
esse
:
They
who
made
him
King
,
made
him
such
a
King
as
best
pleased
themselves
.
He
had
therefore
nothing
but
what
was
given
:
his
greatness
and
power
must
be
from
the
multitude
who
gave
it
:
and
their
Laws
and
Liberties
could
not
be
from
him
;
but
their
Liberties
were
naturally
inherent
in
themselves
,
and
their
Laws
were
the
product
of
them
.
There
was
a
People
that
made
Romulus
King
.
He
did
not
make
or
beget
that
People
,
nor
,
for
any
thing
we
know
,
one
man
of
them
.
He
could
not
come
in
by
inheritance
,
for
he
was
a
Bastard
,
the
Son
of
an
unknown
man
;
and
when
he
died
,
the
right
that
had
bin
conferred
upon
him
reverted
to
the
People
,
who
according
to
that
right
,
chose
Numa
,
Hostilius
,
Martius
,
Tarquinius
Priscus
,
and
Servius
,
all
Strangers
,
and
without
any
other
right
than
what
was
bestow'd
upon
them
:
and
Tarquinius
Superbus
who
invaded
the
Throne
[
*
](A60214-e62680-b)
*
Sine
jussu
Populi
.
T.
Liv.
l.
1.
without
the
command
of
the
People
,
was
ejected
,
and
the
Government
of
Kings
abolisht
by
the
same
power
that
had
created
it
.
We
know
not
certainly
by
what
Law
Moses
and
the
Judges
created
by
the
advice
of
Jethro
,
governed
the
Israelites
;
but
may
probably
conjecture
it
to
have
bin
by
that
Law
which
God
had
written
in
the
hearts
of
mankind
;
and
the
People
submitted
to
the
judgment
of
good
and
wise
men
,
tho
they
were
under
no
coercive
Power
:
but
't
is
certain
they
had
a
Law
and
a
regular
Magistracy
under
which
they
lived
,
four
hundred
years
before
they
had
a
King
,
for
Saul
was
the
first
.
This
Law
was
not
therefore
from
the
King
,
nor
by
the
King
;
but
the
King
was
chosen
and
made
by
the
People
,
according
to
the
liberty
they
had
by
the
Law
,
tho
they
did
not
rightly
follow
the
rules
therein
prescribed
,
and
by
that
means
brought
destruction
upon
themselves
.
The
Country
in
which
we
live
lay
long
concealed
under
obscure
barbarity
,
and
we
know
nothing
of
the
first
Inhabitants
,
but
what
is
involved
in
fables
that
leave
us
still
in
the
dark
.
Julius
Cesar
is
the
first
who
speaks
distinctly
of
our
affairs
,
and
gives
us
no
reason
to
believe
there
was
any
Monarchy
then
established
amongst
us
.
Cassivellaunus
was
occasionally
chosen
by
the
Nations
that
were
most
exposed
Boadicia
,
Arviragus
,
Galgacus
,
and
many
more
set
up
asterwards
when
need
required
;
but
we
find
no
footsteps
of
a
regular
Succession
either
by
inheritance
or
election
.
And
as
they
had
then
no
Kings
,
or
any
other
general
Magistrate
,
that
can
be
said
to
be
equivalent
to
a
King
,
they
might
have
had
none
at
all
unless
they
had
thought
fit
.
Tacitus
mentions
a
sort
of
Kings
,
used
by
the
Romans
to
keep
[
†
](A60214-e62830-b)
†
Inter
instrumenta
servitutis
reges
habuere
.
C.
Tacit.
Nations
in
servitude
to
them
;
and
tho
it
were
true
that
there
had
bin
such
a
man
as
Lucius
,
and
he
one
of
this
sort
,
he
is
to
be
accounted
only
as
a
Roman
Magistrate
,
and
signifies
no
more
to
our
dispute
,
than
if
he
had
bin
called
Proconsul
,
Pretor
,
or
by
any
other
name
.
However
there
was
no
series
of
them
:
that
which
was
temporary
and
occasional
,
depended
upon
the
will
of
those
,
who
thinking
there
was
occasion
,
created
such
a
Magistrate
,
and
omitted
to
do
so
,
when
the
occasion
ceased
,
or
was
thought
to
cease
;
and
might
have
had
none
at
all
,
if
they
had
so
pleased
.
The
Magistracy
therefore
was
from
them
,
and
depended
upon
their
will
.
We
have
already
mentioned
the
Histories
of
the
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
,
from
which
Nations
,
together
with
the
Britains
,
we
are
descended
,
and
finding
that
they
were
severe
Assertors
of
their
Liberties
,
acknowledged
no
human
Laws
but
their
own
,
received
no
Kings
but
such
as
swore
to
observe
them
,
and
deposed
those
who
did
not
well
perform
their
Oaths
and
Duty
,
't
is
evident
that
their
Kings
were
made
by
the
People
according
to
the
Law
;
and
that
the
Law
,
by
which
they
became
what
they
were
,
could
not
be
from
themselves
.
Our
Ancestors
were
so
fully
convinced
that
in
the
creation
of
Kings
they
exercised
their
own
right
,
and
were
only
to
consider
what
was
good
sor
themselves
,
that
without
regard
to
the
memory
of
those
who
had
gone
before
,
they
were
accustomed
to
take
such
as
seemed
most
like
,
wisely
,
justly
and
gently
to
perform
their
office
;
refused
those
that
were
suspected
of
pride
,
cruelty
or
any
other
vice
that
might
bring
prejudice
upon
the
Publick
,
what
title
soever
they
pretended
;
and
removed
such
as
had
bin
placed
in
the
Throne
if
they
did
not
answer
the
opinion
conceived
of
their
virtue
;
which
I
take
to
be
a
manner
of
proceeding
that
agrees
better
with
the
quality
of
Masters
,
making
Laws
and
Magistrates
for
themselves
,
than
of
Slaves
receiving
such
as
were
imposed
upon
them
.
2.
To
the
second
.
Tho
it
should
be
granted
,
that
all
Nations
had
at
the
first
bin
governed
by
Kings
,
it
were
nothing
to
the
question
;
for
no
man
or
number
of
Men
was
ever
obliged
to
continue
in
the
errors
of
his
Predecessors
.
The
Authority
of
Custom
as
well
as
of
Law
(
I
mean
in
relation
to
the
Power
that
made
it
to
be
)
consists
only
in
its
rectitude
:
And
the
same
reason
which
may
have
induced
one
or
more
Nations
to
create
Kings
,
when
they
knew
no
other
form
of
Government
,
may
not
only
induce
them
to
set
up
another
,
if
that
be
found
inconvenient
to
them
,
but
proves
that
they
may
as
justly
do
so
,
as
remove
a
man
who
performs
not
what
was
expected
from
him
.
If
there
had
bin
a
Rule
given
by
God
,
and
written
in
the
minds
of
men
by
nature
,
it
must
have
bin
from
the
beginning
,
universal
and
perpetual
;
or
at
least
must
have
bin
observed
by
the
wisest
and
best
instructed
Nations
:
which
not
being
in
any
measure
(
as
I
have
proved
already
)
there
can
be
no
reason
,
why
a
polite
People
should
not
relinquish
the
errors
committed
by
their
Ancestors
in
the
time
of
their
barbarism
and
ignorance
,
and
why
they
should
not
do
it
in
matters
of
Government
,
as
well
as
in
any
other
thing
relating
to
life
.
Men
are
subject
to
errors
,
and
't
is
the
work
of
the
best
and
wisest
to
discover
and
amend
such
as
their
Ancestors
may
have
committed
,
or
to
add
perfection
to
those
things
which
by
them
have
bin
well
invented
.
This
is
so
certain
,
that
whatsoever
we
enjoy
beyond
the
misery
in
which
our
barbarous
Ancestors
lived
,
is
due
only
to
the
liberty
of
correcting
what
was
amiss
in
their
practice
,
or
inventing
that
which
they
did
not
know
:
and
I
doubt
whether
it
be
more
brutish
to
say
we
are
obliged
to
continue
in
the
Idolatry
of
the
Druids
,
with
all
the
miseries
and
follies
that
accompany
the
most
savage
barbarity
,
or
to
confess
that
tho
we
have
a
right
to
depart
from
these
,
yet
we
are
for
ever
bound
to
continue
the
Government
they
had
established
,
whatever
inconveniences
might
attend
it
.
Tertullian
disputing
with
the
Pagans
,
who
objected
the
novelty
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
troubled
not
himself
with
refuting
that
error
;
[
*
](A60214-e62940-b)
*
Nullum
tempus
,
nulla
praescriptio
occurrit
veritati
.
Tertul.
Id
antiqui●●
quod
verius
.
Ibid.
but
proving
Christianity
to
be
good
and
true
,
he
thought
he
had
sufficiently
proved
it
to
be
antient
.
A
wise
Architect
may
shew
his
skill
,
and
deserve
commendation
sor
building
a
poor
house
of
vile
materials
,
when
he
can
procure
no
better
,
but
he
no
way
ought
to
hinder
others
from
erecting
more
glorious
Fabricks
if
they
are
furnished
with
the
means
required
.
Besides
,
such
is
the
imperfection
of
all
human
Constitutions
,
that
they
are
subject
to
perpetual
sluctuation
,
which
never
permits
them
to
continue
long
in
the
same
condition
:
Corruptions
slide
in
insensibly
;
and
the
best
Orders
are
sometimes
subverted
by
malice
and
violence
;
so
that
he
who
only
regards
what
was
done
in
such
an
age
,
often
takes
the
corruption
of
the
State
for
the
institution
,
follows
the
worst
example
,
thinks
that
to
be
the
first
,
that
is
the
most
antient
he
knows
;
and
if
a
brave
People
seeing
the
original
defects
of
their
Government
,
or
the
corruption
into
which
it
may
be
fallen
,
do
either
correct
and
reform
what
may
be
amended
,
or
abolish
that
which
was
evil
in
the
institution
,
or
so
perverted
that
it
cannot
be
restor'd
to
integrity
,
these
men
impute
it
to
sedition
,
and
blame
those
actions
,
which
of
all
that
can
be
performed
by
men
are
the
most
glorious
.
We
are
not
therefore
so
much
to
inquire
after
that
which
is
most
antient
,
as
that
which
is
best
,
and
most
conducing
to
the
good
ends
to
which
it
was
directed
.
As
Governments
were
instituted
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
and
(
as
our
Author
says
)
the
preservation
of
Liberty
,
we
are
not
to
seek
what
Government
was
the
first
,
but
what
best
provides
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
and
preservation
of
Liberty
.
For
whatsoever
the
Institution
be
,
and
how
long
soever
it
may
have
lasted
,
't
is
void
,
if
it
thwarts
,
or
do
not
provide
for
the
ends
of
its
establishment
.
If
such
a
Law
or
Custom
therefore
as
is
not
good
in
it self
,
had
in
the
beginning
prevailed
in
all
parts
of
the
world
(
which
in
relation
to
absolute
or
any
kind
of
Monarchy
is
not
true
)
it
ought
to
be
abolished
;
and
if
any
man
should
shew
himself
wiser
than
others
by
proposing
a
Law
or
Government
,
more
beneficial
to
mankind
than
any
that
had
bin
formerly
known
,
providing
better
for
Justice
and
Liberty
than
all
others
had
done
,
he
would
merit
the
highest
veneration
.
If
any
man
ask
,
who
shall
be
Judg
of
that
rectitude
or
pravity
which
either
authorises
or
destroys
a
Law
?
I
answer
,
that
as
this
consists
not
in
formalities
and
niceties
,
but
in
evident
and
substantial
truths
,
there
is
no
need
of
any
other
Tribunal
than
that
of
common
sense
,
and
the
light
of
nature
,
to
determine
the
matter
:
and
he
that
travels
through
France
,
Italy
,
Turky
,
Germany
and
Switzerland
without
consulting
Bartolus
or
Baldus
,
will
easily
understand
whether
the
Countries
that
are
under
the
Kings
of
France
and
Spain
,
the
Pope
and
the
Great
Turk
,
or
such
as
are
under
the
care
of
a
well-regulated
Magistracy
,
do
best
enjoy
the
benefits
of
Justice
and
Liberty
.
'T
is
as
easily
determined
,
whether
the
Grecians
when
Athens
and
Thebes
flourished
were
more
free
than
the
Medes
;
whether
Justice
was
better
administred
by
Agathocles
,
Dionysius
and
Phalaris
,
than
by
the
legal
Kings
and
regular
Magistrates
of
Sparta
;
or
whether
more
care
was
taken
that
Justice
and
Liberty
might
be
preserved
by
Tiberius
,
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
and
Vitellius
,
than
by
the
Senate
and
People
of
Rome
whilst
the
Laws
were
more
powerful
than
the
commands
of
men
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
particular
Laws
,
as
those
of
Nabuchodonosor
and
Caligula
,
for
worshipping
their
Statues
;
our
Acts
of
Parliament
against
Hereticks
and
Lollards
,
with
the
Statutes
and
Orders
of
the
Inqusition
which
is
called
the
Holy
Office
.
And
if
that
only
be
a
Law
which
is
Sanctio
recta
,
jubens
honesta
,
prohibens
contraria
,
the
meanest
understanding
,
if
free
from
passion
,
may
certainly
know
that
such
as
these
cannot
be
Laws
,
by
what
Authority
soever
they
were
enacted
,
and
that
the
use
of
them
,
and
others
like
to
them
,
ought
to
be
abolished
for
their
turpitude
and
iniquity
.
Infinite
examples
of
the
like
nature
might
be
alledged
,
as
well
concerning
divine
as
human
things
.
And
if
there
be
any
Laws
which
are
evil
,
there
cannot
be
an
incontestable
rectitude
in
all
,
and
if
not
in
all
,
it
concerns
us
to
examine
where
it
is
to
be
sound
.
Laws
and
Constitutions
ought
to
be
weighed
,
and
whilst
all
due
reverence
is
paid
to
such
as
are
good
,
every
Nation
may
not
only
retain
in
it self
a
power
of
changing
or
abolishing
all
such
as
are
not
so
,
but
ought
to
exercise
that
Power
according
to
the
best
of
their
understanding
,
and
in
the
place
of
what
was
either
at
first
mistaken
or
afterwards
corrupted
,
to
constitute
that
which
is
most
conducing
to
the
establishment
of
Justice
and
Liberty
.
But
such
is
the
condition
of
mankind
,
that
nothing
can
be
so
perfectly
framed
as
not
to
give
some
testimony
of
human
imbecility
,
and
frequently
to
stand
in
need
of
reparations
and
amendments
.
Many
things
are
unknown
to
the
wisest
,
and
the
best
men
can
never
wholly
devest
themselves
of
passions
and
affections
.
By
this
means
the
best
and
wisest
are
sometimes
led
into
Error
,
and
stand
in
need
of
Successors
like
to
themselves
,
who
may
find
remedies
for
the
faults
they
have
committed
,
and
nothing
can
or
ought
to
be
permanent
but
that
which
is
perfect
.
No
natural
body
was
ever
so
well
temper'd
and
organiz'd
,
as
not
to
be
subject
to
diseases
,
wounds
or
other
accidents
,
and
to
need
medicines
and
other
occasional
helps
as
well
as
nourishment
and
exercise
;
and
he
who
under
the
name
of
Innovation
would
deprive
Nations
of
the
like
,
dos
,
as
much
as
lies
in
him
,
condemn
them
all
to
perish
by
the
defects
of
their
own
foundations
.
Some
men
observing
this
,
have
proposed
a
necessity
of
reducing
every
Those
who
are
of
better
understanding
,
weigh
all
things
,
and
often
find
reason
to
abrogate
that
which
their
fathers
according
to
the
measure
of
the
knowledge
they
had
,
or
the
state
of
things
among
them
had
rightly
instituted
,
or
to
restore
that
which
they
had
abrogated
;
and
there
can
be
no
greater
mark
of
a
most
brutish
stupidity
,
than
for
men
to
continue
in
an
evil
way
,
because
their
fathers
had
brought
them
into
it
.
But
if
we
ought
not
too
strictly
to
adhere
to
our
own
Constitutions
,
those
of
other
Nations
are
less
to
be
regarded
by
us
;
for
the
Laws
that
may
be
good
for
one
People
are
not
for
all
,
and
that
which
agrees
with
the
manners
of
one
Age
,
is
utterly
abhorrent
from
those
of
another
.
It
were
absurd
to
think
of
restoring
the
Laws
of
Lycurgus
to
the
present
inhabitants
of
Peloponesus
,
who
are
accustomed
to
the
most
abject
slavery
.
It
may
easily
be
imagined
,
how
the
Romans
,
Sabins
and
Latins
,
now
under
the
tyranny
of
the
Pope
,
would
relish
such
a
discipline
as
flourished
among
them
after
the
expulsion
of
the
Tarquins
;
and
it
had
bin
no
less
preposterous
to
give
a
liberty
to
the
Parthians
of
governing
themselves
,
or
for
them
to
assume
it
,
than
to
impose
an
absolute
Monarch
upon
the
German
Nation
.
Titus
Livius
having
observed
this
,
says
,
If
it
be
said
that
the
Law
given
by
God
to
the
Hebrews
,
proceeding
from
his
wisdom
and
goodness
,
must
needs
be
perfect
and
obligatory
to
all
Nations
:
I
answer
,
that
there
is
a
simple
and
a
relative
perfection
;
the
first
is
only
in
God
,
the
other
in
the
things
he
has
created
:
He
saw
that
they
were
good
,
which
can
signify
no
more
than
that
We
may
therefore
conclude
,
that
if
we
are
to
follow
the
Law
of
Moses
,
we
must
take
it
with
all
the
appendages
;
a
King
can
be
no
more
,
and
no
otherwise
than
he
makes
him
:
for
whatever
we
read
of
the
Kings
they
had
,
were
extreme
deviations
from
it
.
No
Nation
can
make
any
Law
,
and
our
Lawyers
burning
their
Books
may
betake
themselves
to
the
study
of
the
Pentateuch
,
in
which
tho
some
of
them
may
be
well
versed
,
yet
probably
the
profit
arising
from
thence
will
not
be
very
great
.
But
if
we
are
not
obliged
to
live
in
a
conformity
to
the
Law
of
Moses
,
every
People
may
frame
Laws
for
themselves
,
and
we
cannot
be
denied
the
right
that
is
common
to
all
.
Our
Laws
were
not
sent
from
Heaven
,
but
made
by
our
Ancestors
according
to
the
light
they
had
,
and
their
present
occasions
.
We
inherit
the
same
right
from
them
,
and
,
as
we
may
without
vanity
say
that
we
know
a
little
more
than
they
did
,
if
we
find
our selves
prejudic'd
by
any
Law
that
they
made
,
we
may
repeal
it
.
The
safety
of
the
People
was
their
supreme
Law
,
and
is
so
to
us
:
neither
can
we
be
thought
less
fit
to
judg
what
conduces
to
that
end
,
than
they
were
.
If
they
in
any
Age
had
bin
perswaded
to
put
themselves
under
the
power
,
or
in
our
Author's
phrase
,
under
the
sovereign
Majesty
of
a
child
,
a
fool
,
a
mad
or
desperately
wicked
person
,
and
had
annexed
the
right
conferred
upon
him
to
such
as
should
succeed
,
it
had
not
bin
a
just
and
right
Sanction
;
and
having
none
of
the
qualities
essentially
belonging
to
a
Law
,
could
not
have
the
effect
of
a
Law
.
It
cannot
be
for
the
good
of
a
People
to
be
governed
by
one
,
who
by
nature
ought
to
be
governed
,
or
by
age
or
accident
is
rendred
unable
to
govern
himself
.
The
publick
interests
and
the
concernments
of
private
men
in
their
lands
,
goods
,
liberties
and
lives
(
for
the
preservation
of
which
our
Author
says
,
that
regal
Prerogative
is
only
constituted
)
cannot
be
preserved
by
one
who
is
transported
by
his
own
passions
or
follies
,
a
slave
to
his
lusts
and
vices
;
or
,
which
is
sometimes
worse
,
governed
by
the
vilest
of
men
and
women
who
flatter
him
in
them
,
and
push
him
on
to
do
such
things
as
even
they
would
abhor
,
if
they
were
in
his
place
.
The
turpitude
and
impious
madness
of
such
an
act
must
necessarily
make
it
void
,
by
overthrowing
the
ends
for
which
it
was
made
,
since
that
justice
which
was
sought
cannot
be
obtain'd
,
nor
the
evils
that
were
fear'd
,
prevented
;
and
they
for
whose
good
it
was
intended
must
necessarily
have
a
right
of
abolishing
it
.
This
might
be
sufficient
for
us
,
tho
our
Ancestors
had
enslaved
themselves
.
But
,
God
be
thanked
,
we
are
not
put
to
that
trouble
:
We
have
no
reason
to
believe
we
are
descended
from
such
fools
and
beasts
,
as
would
willingly
cast
themselves
and
us
into
such
an
excess
of
misery
and
shame
,
or
that
they
were
so
tame
and
cowardly
to
be
subjected
by
force
or
fear
.
We
know
the
value
they
set
upon
their
Liberties
,
and
the
courage
with
which
they
defended
them
:
and
we
can
have
no
better
example
to
incourage
us
,
never
to
suffer
them
to
be
violated
or
diminished
.
SECT.
XXVI
.
Tho
the
King
may
be
entrusted
with
the
power
of
chusing
Judges
,
yet
that
by
which
they
act
is
from
the
Law
.
I
Confess
that
no
Law
can
be
so
perfect
,
to
provide
exactly
for
every
case
that
may
fall
out
,
so
as
to
leave
nothing
to
the
discretion
of
the
Judges
,
who
in
some
measure
are
to
interpret
them
:
But
that
Laws
or
Customs
are
ever
few
,
or
that
the
paucity
is
the
reason
that
they
cannot
give
special
rules
,
or
that
Judges
do
resort
to
those
principles
or
Common
Law
Axioms
,
whereupon
former
judgments
in
cases
something
alike
have
bin
given
by
former
Judges
,
who
all
receive
their
Authority
from
the
King
in
his
right
to
give
Sentence
,
I
utterly
deny
;
and
affirm
,
1.
That
in
many
places
,
and
particularly
in
England
,
the
Laws
are
so
many
,
that
the
number
of
them
has
introduced
an
uncertainty
and
confusion
which
is
both
dangerous
and
troublesom
;
and
the
infinite
variety
of
adjudged
cases
thwarting
and
contradicting
each
other
,
has
render'd
these
difficulties
inextricable
.
Tacitus
imputes
a
great
part
of
the
miseries
suffer'd
by
the
Romans
in
his
time
to
this
abuse
,
and
tells
us
,
that
[
*
](A60214-e63580-b)
*
Et
in
corruptissima
Republica
plurimae
Leges
.
the
Laws
grew
to
be
innumerable
in
the
worst
and
most
corrupt
state
of
things
,
and
that
Justice
was
overthrown
by
them
.
By
the
same
means
in
France
,
Italy
,
and
other
places
,
where
the
Civil
Law
is
rendred
municipal
,
Judgments
are
in
a
manner
arbitrary
;
and
tho
the
intention
of
our
Laws
be
just
and
good
,
they
are
so
numerous
,
and
the
volumes
of
our
Statutes
with
the
interpretations
and
adjudged
Cases
so
vast
,
that
hardly
any
thing
is
so
clear
and
fixed
,
but
men
of
wit
and
learning
may
find
what
will
serve
for
a
pretence
to
justify
almost
any
judgment
they
have
a
mind
to
give
.
Whereas
the
Laws
of
Moses
,
as
to
the
Judicial
part
,
being
short
and
few
.
Judgments
were
easy
and
certain
;
and
in
Switzerland
,
Sweden
,
and
some
parts
of
Denmark
,
the
whole
volume
that
contains
them
may
be
read
in
few
hours
,
and
by
that
means
no
injustice
can
be
done
which
is
not
immediately
made
evident
.
2.
Axioms
are
not
rightly
grounded
upon
judged
Cases
,
but
Cases
are
to
be
judged
according
to
Axioms
:
the
certain
is
not
proved
by
the
uncertain
,
but
the
uncertain
by
the
certain
;
and
every
thing
is
to
be
esteemed
uncertain
till
it
be
proved
to
be
certain
.
Axioms
in
Law
are
,
as
in
Mathematicks
,
evident
to
common
sense
;
and
nothing
is
to
be
taken
for
an
Axiom
,
that
is
not
so
.
Euclid
dos
not
prove
his
Axioms
by
his
Propositions
,
but
his
Propositions
,
which
are
abstruse
,
by
such
Axioms
as
are
evident
to
all
.
The
Axioms
of
our
Law
do
not
receive
their
Authority
from
Coke
or
Hales
,
but
Coke
and
Hales
deserve
praise
for
giving
judgment
according
to
such
as
are
undeniably
true
.
3.
The
Judges
receive
their
Commissions
from
the
King
,
and
perhaps
it
may
be
said
,
that
the
Custom
of
naming
them
is
grounded
upon
a
right
with
which
he
is
entrusted
;
but
their
power
is
from
the
Law
,
as
that
of
the
King
also
is
.
For
he
who
has
none
originally
in
himself
,
can
give
none
unless
it
be
first
conferred
upon
him
.
I
know
not
how
he
can
well
perform
his
Oath
to
govern
according
to
Law
,
unless
he
execute
the
power
with
which
he
is
entrusted
,
in
naming
those
men
to
be
Judges
,
whom
in
his
conscience
,
and
by
the
advice
of
his
Council
,
he
thinks
the
best
and
ablest
to
perform
that
Office
:
But
both
he
and
they
are
to
learn
their
duty
from
that
Law
,
by
which
they
are
,
and
which
allots
to
every
one
his
proper
work
.
As
the
Law
intends
that
men
should
be
made
Judges
for
their
integrity
and
knowledg
in
the
Law
,
and
that
it
ought
not
to
be
imagined
that
the
King
will
break
his
trust
by
chusing
such
as
are
not
so
,
till
the
violation
be
evident
,
nothing
is
more
reasonable
than
to
intend
that
the
Judges
so
qualified
should
instruct
the
King
in
matters
of
Law
.
But
that
he
who
may
be
a
child
,
over
aged
,
or
otherwise
ignorant
and
uncapable
,
should
instruct
the
Judges
,
is
equally
absurd
,
as
for
a
blind
man
to
be
a
guide
to
those
who
have
the
best
eyes
,
and
so
abhorrent
from
the
meaning
of
the
Law
,
that
the
Judges
(
as
I
said
before
)
are
sworn
to
do
justice
according
to
the
Laws
,
without
any
regard
to
the
King's
words
,
letters
or
commands
:
If
they
are
therefore
to
act
according
to
a
set
rule
,
from
which
they
may
not
depart
what
command
soever
they
receive
,
they
do
not
act
by
a
power
from
him
,
but
by
one
that
is
above
both
.
This
is
commonly
confess'd
;
and
tho
some
Judges
have
bin
found
in
several
ages
,
who
in
hopes
of
reward
and
preferment
have
made
little
account
of
their
Oath
,
yet
the
success
that
many
of
them
have
had
,
may
reasonably
deter
others
from
following
their
example
;
and
if
there
are
not
more
instances
in
this
kind
,
no
better
reason
can
be
given
,
than
that
[
*
](A60214-e63710-b)
*
Jure
igitur
plectimur
;
nisi
enim
multorum
impunita
scelera
tulissemus
,
nunquam
ad
unum
canta
pervenisset
licentia
.
Cicero
.
Nations
do
frequently
fail
,
by
being
too
remiss
in
asserting
their
own
rights
or
punishing
offenders
,
and
hardly
ever
err
on
the
severer
side
.
4.
Judgments
are
variously
given
in
several
States
and
Kingdoms
,
but
he
who
would
find
one
where
they
lie
in
the
breast
of
the
King
,
must
go
at
least
as
far
as
Marocco
.
Nay
,
the
Ambassador
who
was
lately
here
from
that
place
,
denied
that
they
were
absolutely
in
him
.
However
't
is
certain
that
in
England
,
according
to
the
Great
Charter
,
[
*
](A60214-e63760-b)
*
Judicia
fiunt
per
pares
.
Mag.
Chart.
Judgments
are
passed
by
equals
:
no
man
can
be
imprison'd
,
disseiz'd
of
his
Freehold
,
depriv'd
of
Life
or
Limb
,
[
†
](A60214-e63790-b)
†
Nisi
per
judicium
parium
suorum
.
Ibid.
unless
by
the
sentence
of
his
Peers
.
The
Kings
of
Judah
did
[
||
](A60214-e63830-b)
||
Judicabant
&
judicabantur
.
Maimonid
.
judg
and
were
judged
;
and
the
Judgments
they
gave
were
in
and
with
the
Sanhedrim
.
In
England
the
Kings
do
not
judg
,
but
are
judged
:
and
Bracton
says
,
[
||||
](A60214-e63880-b)
||||
In
justitia
recipienda
rex
cuilibet
ex
plebe
aequalis
est
.
That
in
receiving
justice
the
King
is
equal
to
another
man
;
which
could
not
be
,
if
judgments
were
given
by
him
,
and
he
were
exempted
from
the
judgment
of
all
by
that
Law
,
which
has
put
all
judgments
into
the
hands
of
the
People
.
This
power
is
executed
by
them
in
grand
or
petty
Juries
,
and
the
Judges
are
assistants
to
them
in
explaining
the
difficult
points
of
the
Law
,
in
which
't
is
presumed
they
should
be
learned
.
The
strength
of
every
judgment
consists
in
the
verdict
of
these
Juries
,
which
the
Judges
do
not
give
,
but
pronounce
or
declare
:
and
the
same
Law
that
makes
good
a
verdict
given
contrary
to
the
advice
or
direction
of
the
Judges
,
exposes
them
to
the
utmost
penalties
,
if
upon
their
own
heads
,
or
a
command
from
the
King
,
they
should
presume
to
give
a
Sentence
,
without
or
contrary
to
a
Verdict
;
and
no
pretensions
to
a
power
of
interpreting
the
Law
can
exempt
them
if
they
break
it
.
The
power
also
with
which
the
Judges
are
entrusted
,
is
but
of
a
moderate
extent
,
and
to
be
executed
bona
fide
.
Prevarications
are
capital
,
as
they
proved
to
Tresilian
,
Empson
,
Dudley
,
and
many
others
.
Nay
even
in
special
Verdicts
,
the
Judges
are
only
assistants
to
the
Juries
who
find
it
specially
,
and
the
Verdict
is
from
them
,
tho
the
Judges
having
heard
the
point
argued
,
declare
the
sense
of
the
Law
thereupon
.
Wherefore
if
I
should
grant
that
the
King
might
personally
assist
in
judgments
,
his
work
could
only
be
to
prevent
frauds
,
and
by
the
advice
of
the
Judges
to
see
that
the
Laws
be
duly
executed
,
or
perhaps
to
inspect
their
behaviour
.
If
he
has
more
than
this
,
it
must
be
by
virtue
of
his
politick
capacity
,
in
which
he
is
understood
to
be
always
present
in
the
principal
Courts
,
where
Justice
is
always
done
whether
he
who
wears
the
Crown
be
young
or
old
,
wise
or
ignorant
,
good
or
bad
,
or
whether
he
like
or
dislike
what
is
done
.
Moreover
,
as
Governments
are
instituted
for
the
obtaining
of
Justice
,
and
the
King
is
in
a
great
measure
entrusted
with
the
power
of
executing
it
,
't
is
probable
that
the
Law
would
have
required
his
presence
in
the
distribution
,
if
there
had
bin
but
one
Court
;
that
at
the
same
time
he
could
be
present
in
more
than
one
;
that
it
were
certain
he
would
be
guilty
of
no
miscarriages
;
that
all
miscarriages
were
to
be
punished
in
him
as
well
as
in
the
Judges
;
or
that
it
were
certain
he
should
always
be
a
man
of
such
wisdom
,
industry
,
experience
and
integrity
as
to
be
an
assistance
to
,
and
a
watch
over
those
who
are
appointed
for
the
administration
of
Justice
.
But
there
being
many
Courts
sitting
at
the
same
time
of
equal
Authority
,
in
several
places
far
distant
from
each
other
;
impossible
for
the
King
to
be
present
in
all
;
no
manner
of
assurance
that
the
same
or
greater
miscarriages
may
not
be
committed
in
his
presence
than
in
his
absence
,
by
himself
than
others
;
no
opportunity
of
punishing
every
delict
in
him
,
without
bringing
the
Nation
into
such
disorder
,
as
may
be
of
more
prejudice
to
the
publick
than
an
injury
done
to
a
private
man
;
the
Law
which
intends
to
obviate
offences
,
or
to
punish
such
as
cannot
be
obviated
,
has
directed
,
that
those
men
should
be
chosen
who
are
most
knowing
in
it
,
imposes
an
Oath
upon
them
,
not
to
be
diverted
from
the
due
course
of
justice
by
fear
or
favour
,
hopes
or
reward
,
particularly
by
any
command
from
the
King
;
and
appoints
the
severest
punishments
for
them
if
they
prove
false
to
God
and
their
Country
.
If
any
man
think
that
the
words
cited
from
Bracton
by
our
Author
upon
the
question
,
Quis
primo
&
principaliter
possit
&
debeat
judicare
,
&c.
Sciendum
est
quod
Rex
&
non
alius
,
si
solus
ad
haec
sufficere
possit
;
cum
ad
hoc
per
virtutem
Sacramenti
teneatur
,
are
contrary
to
what
I
have
said
,
I
desire
the
context
may
be
considered
,
that
his
opinion
may
be
truly
understood
,
tho
the
words
taken
simply
and
nakedly
may
be
enough
for
my
purpose
.
For
't
is
ridiculous
to
infer
that
the
King
has
a
right
of
doing
any
thing
,
upon
a
supposition
that
't
is
impossible
for
him
to
do
it
.
He
therefore
who
says
the
King
cannot
do
it
,
says
it
must
be
done
by
others
,
or
not
at
all
.
But
having
already
proved
that
the
King
,
merely
as
King
,
has
none
of
the
qualities
required
for
judging
all
or
any
cases
,
and
that
many
Kings
have
all
the
defects
of
age
and
person
that
render
men
most
unable
and
unfit
to
give
any
Sentence
,
we
may
conclude
,
without
contradicting
Bracton
,
that
no
King
as
King
,
has
a
power
of
judging
,
because
some
of
them
are
utterly
unable
and
unfit
to
do
it
;
and
if
any
one
has
such
a
power
,
it
must
be
confer'd
upon
him
by
those
who
think
him
able
and
fit
to
perform
that
work
.
When
Filmer
finds
such
a
man
,
we
must
inquire
into
the
extent
of
that
power
which
is
given
to
him
;
but
this
would
be
nothing
to
his
general
proposition
,
sor
he
himself
would
hardly
have
inferr'd
,
that
because
a
power
of
judging
in
some
cases
was
conferred
upon
one
Prince
on
account
of
his
fitness
and
ability
,
therefore
all
of
them
,
however
unfit
and
unable
,
have
a
power
of
deciding
all
cases
.
Besides
,
if
he
believe
Bracton
,
this
power
of
judging
is
not
inherent
in
the
King
,
but
incumbent
upon
him
by
virtue
of
his
Oath
,
which
our
Author
endeavours
to
enervate
and
annul
.
But
as
that
Oath
is
grounded
upon
the
Law
,
and
the
Law
cannot
presume
impossibilities
and
absurdities
,
it
cannot
intend
,
and
the
Oath
cannot
require
,
that
a
man
should
do
that
which
he
is
unable
and
unfit
to
do
.
Many
Kings
are
unfit
to
judg
causes
,
the
Law
cannot
therefore
intend
they
should
do
it
.
The
Context
also
shews
,
that
this
imagination
of
the
King
's
judging
all
causes
,
if
he
could
,
is
merely
Chymerical
:
for
Bracton
says
in
the
same
Chapter
,
that
the
power
of
the
King
is
the
power
of
the
Law
;
that
is
,
that
he
has
no
power
but
by
the
Law
.
And
the
Law
that
aims
at
justice
,
cannot
make
it
to
depend
upon
the
uncertain
humour
of
a
Child
,
a
Woman
,
or
a
foolish
Man
;
for
by
that
means
it
would
destroy
it self
.
The
Law
cannot
therefore
give
any
such
power
,
and
the
King
cannot
have
it
.
If
it
be
said
that
all
Kings
are
not
so
;
that
some
are
of
mature
age
,
wise
,
just
and
good
;
or
that
the
question
is
not
what
is
good
for
the
Subject
,
but
what
is
glorious
to
the
King
,
and
that
he
must
not
lose
his
right
tho
the
People
perish
;
I
answer
,
first
,
that
whatsoever
belongs
to
Kings
as
Kings
,
belongs
to
all
Kings
:
this
Power
of
judging
cannot
belong
to
all
for
the
Reasons
above
mentioned
:
it
cannot
therefore
belong
to
any
as
King
,
nor
without
madness
be
granted
to
any
,
till
he
has
given
testimony
of
such
Wisdom
,
Experience
,
Diligence
and
Goodness
,
as
is
required
for
so
great
a
work
.
It
imports
not
what
his
Ancestors
were
;
Virtues
are
not
entail'd
;
and
it
were
less
improper
for
the
Heirs
of
Hales
and
Harvey
,
to
pretend
that
the
Clients
and
Patients
of
their
Ancestors
should
depend
upon
their
advice
in
matters
of
Law
and
Physick
,
than
for
the
Heirs
of
a
great
and
wise
Prince
to
pretend
to
Powers
given
on
account
of
virtue
,
if
they
have
not
the
same
talents
for
the
performance
of
the
works
required
.
Common
sense
declares
,
that
Governments
are
instituted
,
and
Judicatures
erected
for
the
obtaining
of
justice
.
The
Kings
Bench
was
not
established
that
the
Chief
Justice
should
have
a
great
Office
,
but
that
the
oppressed
should
be
relieved
,
and
right
done
.
The
Honor
and
Profit
he
receives
,
comes
in
as
it
were
by
accident
,
as
the
rewards
of
his
service
,
if
he
rightly
perform
his
duty
:
but
he
may
as
well
pretend
he
is
there
for
his
own
sake
,
as
the
King
.
God
did
not
set
up
Moses
or
Joshua
,
that
they
might
glory
in
having
six
hundred
thousand
men
under
their
command
,
but
that
they
might
lead
the
People
into
the
Land
they
were
to
possess
:
that
is
,
they
were
not
for
themselves
but
for
the
People
;
and
the
glory
they
acquir'd
was
by
rightly
performing
the
end
of
their
institution
.
Even
our
Author
is
obliged
to
confess
this
,
when
he
says
,
that
the
Kings
Prerogative
is
instituted
for
the
good
of
those
that
are
under
it
.
'T
is
therefore
for
them
that
he
enjoys
it
,
and
it
can
no
otherwise
subsist
than
in
concurrence
with
that
end
.
He
also
yields
that
the
safety
of
the
People
is
the
supreme
Law
.
The
right
therefore
that
the
King
has
must
be
conformable
and
subordinate
to
it
.
If
any
one
therefore
set
up
an
interest
in
himself
that
is
not
so
,
he
breaks
this
supreme
Law
;
he
doth
not
live
and
reign
for
his
People
but
for
himself
,
and
by
departing
from
the
end
of
his
institution
destroys
it
:
and
if
Aristotle
(
to
whom
our
Author
seems
to
have
a
Bracton
is
not
more
gentle
.
The
King
,
says
he
,
is
obliged
by
his
Oath
,
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
,
to
preserve
the
Church
,
and
the
Christian
World
in
peace
;
to
hinder
rapine
,
and
all
manner
of
iniquity
;
to
cause
justice
and
mercy
to
be
observed
:
He
has
no
power
but
from
the
Law
:
that
only
is
to
be
taken
for
Law
,
quod
recté
fuerit
definitum
:
he
is
therefore
to
cause
justice
to
be
done
according
to
that
rule
,
and
not
to
pervert
it
for
his
own
pleasure
,
profit
or
glory
.
He
may
chuse
Judges
also
,
not
such
as
will
be
subservient
to
his
will
,
but
Viros
sapientes
,
timentes
Deum
,
in
quibus
est
veritas
eloquiorum
,
&
qui
oderunt
[
*
](A60214-e64200-b)
*
Si
quis
minus
sapiens
&
indoctus
sedem
judicandi
&
honestatem
judicandi
sibi
praesumserit
,
exalto
corruit
,
&c.
&
perinde
erit
ac
si
gladium
poneret
in
manu
furentis
.
Ibid.
If
any
man
who
is
unskilful
assume
the
seat
of
justice
,
he
falls
as
from
a
Precipice
,
&c.
and
't
is
the
same
thing
as
if
a
sword
be
put
into
the
hand
of
a
mad
man
;
which
cannot
but
affect
the
King
as
well
as
those
who
are
chosen
by
him
.
If
he
neglect
the
functions
of
his
Office
,
he
dos
unjustly
,
and
becomes
the
Vicegerent
of
the
Devil
;
for
he
is
the
Minister
of
him
whose
works
he
dos
.
This
is
Bracton's
opinion
,
but
desiring
to
be
a
more
gentle
Interpreter
of
the
Law
,
I
only
wish
,
that
Princes
would
consider
the
end
of
their
institution
;
endeavour
to
perform
it
;
measure
their
own
abilities
;
content
themselves
with
that
power
which
the
Laws
allow
,
and
abhor
those
Wretches
who
by
flattery
and
lies
endeavour
to
work
upon
their
frailest
Passions
,
by
which
means
they
draw
upon
them
that
hatred
of
the
People
,
which
frequently
brings
them
to
destruction
.
Tho
Ulpian's
words
,
Princeps
legibus
non
tenetur
,
be
granted
to
have
bin
true
in
fact
,
with
relation
to
the
Roman
Empire
,
in
the
time
when
he
lived
;
yet
they
can
conclude
nothing
against
us
.
The
Liberty
of
Rome
had
bin
overthrown
long
before
by
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
and
the
Law
render'd
subservient
to
the
will
of
the
Usurpers
.
They
were
not
Englishmen
,
but
Romans
,
who
lost
the
Battels
of
Pharsalia
and
Philippi
:
The
Carcases
of
their
Senators
,
not
ours
,
were
exposed
to
the
Wolves
and
Vulturs
:
Pompeius
,
Scipio
,
Lentulus
,
Afranius
,
Petreius
,
Cato
,
Cassius
and
Brutus
were
defenders
of
the
Roman
,
not
the
English
Liberty
;
and
that
of
their
Country
,
not
ours
,
could
only
be
lost
by
their
defeat
.
Those
who
were
destroy'd
by
the
Proscriptions
,
left
Rome
,
not
England
to
be
enslaved
.
If
the
best
had
gained
the
victory
,
it
could
have
bin
no
advantage
to
us
,
and
their
overthrow
can
be
no
prejudice
.
Every
Nation
is
to
take
care
of
their
own
Laws
;
and
whether
any
one
has
had
the
Wisdom
,
Virtue
,
Fortune
and
Power
to
defend
them
or
not
,
concerns
only
themselves
.
The
Examples
of
great
and
good
men
acting
freely
deserve
consideration
,
but
they
only
perish
by
the
ill
success
of
their
designs
;
and
whatsoever
is
afterwards
done
by
their
subdued
Posterity
ought
to
have
no
other
effect
upon
the
rest
of
the
world
,
than
to
admonish
them
so
to
join
in
the
defence
of
their
Liberties
,
as
never
to
be
brought
under
the
necessity
of
acting
by
the
command
of
one
,
to
the
prejudice
of
themselves
and
their
Country
.
If
the
Roman
greatness
perswade
us
to
put
an
extraordinary
value
upon
what
passed
among
them
,
we
ought
rather
to
examin
what
they
did
,
said
,
or
thought
when
they
enjoy'd
that
Liberty
which
was
the
Mother
and
Nurse
of
their
Virtue
,
than
what
they
suffer'd
,
or
were
forc'd
to
say
,
when
they
were
fallen
under
that
Slavery
which
produced
all
manner
of
corruption
,
and
made
them
the
most
base
and
miserable
People
of
the
world
.
For
what
concerns
us
,
the
Actions
of
our
Ancestors
resemble
those
of
the
antient
rather
than
the
later
Romans
:
tho
our
Government
be
not
the
same
with
theirs
in
form
,
yet
it
is
in
principle
;
and
if
we
are
not
degenerated
,
we
shall
rather
desire
to
imitate
the
Romans
in
the
time
of
their
virtue
,
glory
,
power
and
felicity
,
than
what
they
were
,
in
that
of
their
slavery
,
vice
,
shame
and
misery
.
In
the
best
times
,
when
the
Laws
were
more
powerful
than
the
commands
of
men
,
fraud
was
accounted
a
crime
so
detestable
as
not
to
be
imputed
to
any
but
Slaves
;
and
he
who
had
sought
a
power
above
the
Law
under
colour
of
interpreting
it
,
would
have
bin
exposed
to
scorn
,
or
greater
punishments
,
if
any
can
be
greater
than
the
just
scorn
of
the
best
men
.
And
as
neither
the
Romans
,
nor
any
people
of
the
world
,
have
better
defended
their
Liberties
than
the
English
Nation
when
any
attempt
has
bin
made
to
oppress
them
by
force
,
they
ought
to
be
no
less
careful
to
preserve
them
from
the
more
dangerous
efforts
of
fraud
and
falshood
.
Our
Ancestors
were
certainly
in
a
low
condition
in
the
time
of
William
the
First
:
Many
of
their
best
men
had
perished
in
the
Civil
Wars
or
with
Harold
:
their
valour
was
great
,
but
rough
,
and
void
of
skill
:
The
Normans
by
frequent
Expeditions
into
France
,
Italy
and
Spain
,
had
added
subtilty
to
the
boisterous
violence
of
their
native
climate
:
William
had
engaged
his
Faith
,
but
broke
it
,
and
turned
the
power
with
which
he
was
entrusted
to
the
ruin
of
those
that
had
trusted
him
.
He
destroy'd
many
worthy
men
,
carried
others
into
Normandy
,
and
thought
himself
Master
of
all
.
He
was
crafty
,
bold
,
and
elated
with
Victory
;
but
the
resolution
of
a
brave
People
was
invincible
.
When
their
Laws
and
Liberties
were
in
danger
,
they
resolved
to
die
or
to
defend
them
,
and
made
him
see
he
could
no
otherwise
preserve
his
Crown
and
Life
than
by
the
performance
of
his
Oath
,
and
accomplishing
the
ends
of
his
election
.
They
neither
took
him
to
be
the
giver
or
interpreter
of
their
Laws
,
and
would
not
suffer
him
to
violate
those
of
their
Ancestors
.
In
this
way
they
always
continued
;
and
tho
perhaps
they
might
want
skill
to
fall
upon
the
surest
and
easiest
means
of
restraining
the
Lusts
of
Princes
,
yet
they
maintained
their
rights
so
well
,
that
the
wisest
Princes
seldom
invaded
them
;
and
the
success
of
those
who
were
so
foolish
to
attempt
it
was
such
,
as
may
justly
deter
others
from
following
their
unprosperous
Examples
.
We
have
had
no
King
since
William
the
First
more
hardy
than
Henry
the
8th
,
and
yet
he
so
intirely
acknowledged
the
power
of
making
,
changing
and
repealing
Laws
to
be
in
the
Parliament
,
as
never
to
attempt
any
extraordinary
thing
otherwise
than
by
their
Authority
.
It
was
not
he
,
but
the
Parliament
,
that
dissolved
the
Abbies
:
He
did
not
take
their
Lands
to
himself
,
but
receiv'd
what
the
Parliament
thought
fit
to
give
him
:
He
did
not
reject
the
Supremacy
of
the
Pope
,
nor
assume
any
other
power
in
spiritual
matters
,
than
the
Parliament
conferred
upon
him
.
The
intricacies
of
his
Marriages
,
and
the
legitimation
of
his
Children
was
settled
by
the
same
Power
:
At
least
one
of
his
Daughters
could
not
inherit
the
Crown
upon
any
other
Title
;
they
who
gave
him
a
power
to
dispose
of
the
Crown
by
will
might
have
given
it
to
his
Groom
;
and
he
was
too
haughty
to
ask
it
from
them
,
if
he
had
it
in
himself
,
which
he
must
have
had
,
if
the
Laws
and
Judicatures
had
bin
in
his
hand
.
This
is
farther
evidenced
by
what
passed
in
the
Tower
between
Sir
Thomas
Moor
and
Rich
the
King's
Sollicitor
,
who
asking
,
if
it
would
not
be
treason
to
oppose
Richard
Rich
,
if
the
Parliament
should
make
him
King
,
Moor
said
that
was
Casus
levis
;
for
the
Parliament
that
God
should
not
be
God
,
whether
such
as
did
not
submit
should
be
esteemed
Traitors
?
'T
is
evident
that
a
man
of
the
acuteness
and
learning
of
Sir
Tho.
Moor
would
not
have
made
use
of
such
an
Argument
to
avoid
the
necessity
of
obeying
what
the
Parliament
had
ordained
,
by
shewing
his
Case
to
be
of
a
nature
far
above
the
power
of
man
,
unless
it
had
bin
confessed
by
all
men
that
the
Parliament
could
do
whatsoever
lay
within
the
reach
of
human
power
.
This
may
be
enough
to
prove
that
the
King
cannot
have
a
power
over
the
Law
;
and
if
he
has
it
not
,
the
power
of
interpreting
Laws
is
absurdly
attributed
to
him
,
since
it
is
founded
upon
a
supposition
that
he
can
make
them
,
which
is
false
.
SECT.
XXVII
.
Magna
Charta
was
not
the
Original
,
but
a
Declaration
of
the
English
Liberties
.
The
King's
Power
is
not
restrained
,
but
created
by
that
and
other
Laws
;
and
the
Nation
that
made
them
can
only
correct
the
defects
of
them
.
I
Agree
with
our
Author
that
Magna
Charta
was
not
made
to
restrain
the
absolute
Authority
;
for
no
such
thing
was
in
being
or
pretended
(
the
folly
of
such
visions
seeming
to
have
bin
reserved
to
compleat
the
misfortunes
and
ignominy
of
our
age
)
but
it
was
to
assert
the
native
and
original
Liberties
of
our
Nation
by
the
confession
of
the
King
then
being
,
that
neither
he
nor
his
Successors
should
any
way
encroach
upon
them
:
and
it
cannot
be
said
that
the
power
of
Kings
is
diminished
by
that
or
any
other
Law
;
for
as
they
are
Kings
only
by
Law
,
the
Law
may
confer
power
upon
one
in
particular
,
or
upon
him
and
his
Successors
,
but
can
take
nothing
from
them
,
because
they
have
nothing
except
what
is
given
to
them
.
But
as
that
which
the
Law
gives
,
is
given
by
those
who
make
the
Law
,
they
only
are
capable
of
judging
,
whether
he
to
whom
they
gave
it
,
do
well
or
ill
imploy
that
power
,
and
consequently
are
only
fit
to
correct
the
defects
that
may
be
found
in
it
.
Therefore
tho
I
should
confess
that
faults
may
be
found
in
many
Statutes
,
and
that
the
whole
body
of
them
is
greatly
defective
,
it
will
not
follow
that
the
compendious
way
of
referring
all
to
the
will
of
the
King
should
be
taken
.
But
what
defects
soever
may
be
in
our
Law
,
the
disease
is
not
so
great
to
require
extreme
remedies
,
and
we
may
hope
for
a
cheaper
cure
.
Our
Law
may
possibly
have
given
away
too
much
from
the
People
,
and
provided
only
insufficient
defences
of
our
Liberties
against
the
encroachments
of
bad
Princes
;
but
none
who
are
not
in
judgment
and
honesty
like
to
our
Author
,
can
propose
sor
a
remedy
to
the
evils
that
proceed
from
the
error
of
giving
too
much
,
the
resignation
of
all
the
rest
to
them
.
Whatever
he
says
,
't
is
evident
that
he
knows
this
to
be
true
,
when
,
tho
he
denies
that
the
power
of
Kings
can
be
restrained
by
Acts
of
Parliament
,
he
endeavours
to
take
advantage
of
such
clauses
as
were
either
fraudulently
inserted
by
the
King's
Officers
,
who
till
the
days
of
Henry
the
fifth
for
the
most
part
had
the
penning
of
the
publick
Acts
,
or
through
negligence
did
not
fully
explain
the
intentions
of
the
Legislators
;
which
would
be
to
no
purpose
if
all
were
put
into
the
hands
of
the
King
by
a
general
Law
from
God
,
that
no
human
power
could
diminish
or
enlarge
;
and
as
his
last
shift
would
obliquely
put
all
into
the
power
of
the
King
by
giving
him
a
right
of
interpreting
the
Law
,
and
judging
such
cases
as
are
not
clearly
decided
;
which
would
be
equally
impertinent
,
if
he
had
openly
and
plainly
a
right
of
determining
all
things
according
to
his
will
.
But
what
defects
soever
may
be
in
any
Statutes
,
no
great
inconveniences
could
probably
ensue
,
if
that
for
annual
Parliaments
was
observed
,
as
of
right
it
ought
to
be
.
Nothing
is
more
unlikely
,
than
that
a
great
Assembly
of
eminent
and
chosen
men
should
make
a
Law
evidently
destructive
to
their
own
designs
;
and
no
mischief
that
might
emerge
upon
the
discovery
of
a
mistake
,
could
be
so
extreme
that
the
cure
might
not
be
deferr'd
till
the
meeting
of
the
Parliament
,
or
at
least
forty
days
(
in
which
time
the
King
may
call
one
)
if
that
which
the
Law
has
fixed
seem
to
be
too
long
.
If
he
fail
of
this
,
he
performs
not
his
trust
;
and
he
that
would
reward
such
a
breach
of
it
with
a
vast
and
uncontrolable
power
,
may
be
justly
thought
equal
in
madness
to
our
Author
,
who
by
forbidding
us
to
examine
the
titles
of
Kings
,
and
enjoyning
an
intire
veneration
of
the
power
,
by
what
means
soever
obtained
,
encourages
the
worst
of
men
to
murder
the
best
of
Princes
,
with
an
assurance
that
if
they
prosper
they
shall
enjoy
all
the
honors
and
advantages
that
this
World
can
afford
.
Princes
are
not
much
more
beholden
to
him
for
the
haughty
language
he
puts
into
their
mouths
,
it
having
bin
observed
that
the
worst
are
always
most
ready
to
use
it
;
and
their
extravagances
having
bin
often
chastised
by
Law
,
sufficiently
proves
,
that
their
power
is
not
derived
from
a
higher
original
than
the
Law
of
their
own
Countries
.
If
it
were
true
,
that
the
answer
sometimes
given
by
Kings
to
Bills
presented
for
their
Assent
,
did
,
as
our
Author
says
,
amount
to
a
denial
,
it
could
only
shew
that
they
have
a
negative
voice
upon
that
which
is
agreed
by
the
Parliament
,
and
is
far
from
a
power
of
acting
by
themselves
,
being
only
a
check
upon
the
other
parts
of
the
Government
.
But
indeed
it
is
no
more
than
an
elusion
;
and
he
that
dos
by
art
obliquely
elude
,
confesses
he
has
not
a
right
absolutely
to
refuse
.
'T
is
natural
to
Kings
,
especially
to
the
worst
,
to
scrue
up
their
Authority
to
the
height
;
and
nothing
can
more
evidently
prove
the
defect
of
it
,
than
the
necessity
of
having
recourse
to
such
pitiful
evasions
,
when
they
are
unwilling
to
do
that
which
is
required
.
But
if
I
should
grant
that
the
words
import
a
denial
,
and
that
(
notwithstanding
those
of
the
Coronation
Oath
,
Quas
vulgus
elegerit
)
they
might
deny
;
no
more
could
be
inferred
from
thence
,
than
that
they
are
entrusted
with
a
power
equal
in
that
point
,
to
that
of
either
House
,
and
cannot
be
supreme
in
our
Author's
sense
,
unless
there
were
in
the
same
State
at
the
same
time
three
distinct
supreme
and
absolute
Powers
,
which
is
absurd
.
His
cases
relating
to
the
proceedings
of
the
Star-Chamber
and
Council-Table
,
do
only
prove
that
some
Kings
have
encroached
upon
the
rights
of
the
Nation
,
and
bin
suffer'd
till
their
excesses
growing
to
be
extreme
,
they
turn'd
to
the
ruin
of
the
Ministers
that
advised
them
,
and
sometimes
of
the
Kings
themselves
.
But
the
jurisdiction
of
the
Council
having
bin
regulated
by
the
Statute
of
the
17
Car.
1.
and
the
Star-Chamber
more
lately
abolished
,
they
are
nothing
to
our
dispute
.
Such
as
our
Author
usually
impute
to
treason
and
rebellion
the
changes
that
upon
such
occasions
have
ensued
;
but
all
impartial
men
do
not
only
justify
them
,
but
acknowledg
that
all
the
Crowns
of
Europe
are
at
this
day
enjoy'd
by
no
other
title
than
such
acts
solemnly
performed
by
the
respective
Nations
,
who
either
disliking
the
person
that
pretended
to
the
Crown
(
tho
next
in
blood
)
or
the
government
of
the
present
possessor
,
have
thought
fit
to
prefer
another
person
or
family
.
They
also
say
,
that
as
no
Government
can
be
so
perfect
but
some
defect
may
be
originally
in
it
,
or
afterwards
introduced
,
none
can
subsist
unless
they
be
from
time
to
time
reduced
to
their
first
integrity
,
by
such
an
exertion
of
the
power
of
those
for
whose
sake
they
were
instituted
,
as
may
plainly
shew
them
to
be
subject
to
no
power
under
Heaven
,
but
may
do
whatever
appears
to
be
for
their
own
good
.
And
as
the
safety
of
all
Nations
consists
in
rightly
placing
and
measuring
this
power
,
such
have
bin
found
always
to
prosper
who
have
given
it
to
those
from
whom
usurpations
were
least
to
be
feared
,
who
have
bin
least
subject
to
be
awed
,
cheated
or
corrupted
;
and
who
having
the
greatest
interest
in
the
Nation
,
were
most
concerned
to
preserve
its
power
,
liberty
and
welfare
.
This
is
the
greatest
trust
that
can
be
reposed
in
men
.
This
power
was
by
the
Spartans
given
to
the
Ephori
and
the
Senat
of
twenty
eight
;
in
Venice
to
that
which
they
call
Concilio
de
Pregadi
;
in
Germany
,
Spain
,
France
,
Sweedland
,
Denmark
,
Poland
,
Hungary
,
Bohemia
,
Scotland
,
England
,
and
generally
all
the
Nations
that
have
lived
under
the
Gothick
Polity
,
it
has
bin
in
their
General
Assemblies
,
under
the
names
of
Diets
,
Cortez
,
Parliaments
,
Senats
,
and
the
like
.
But
in
what
hands
soever
it
is
,
the
power
of
making
,
abrogating
,
changing
,
correcting
and
interpreting
Laws
,
has
bin
in
the
same
;
Kings
have
bin
rejected
or
deposed
;
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
settled
,
regulated
,
or
changed
:
and
I
defy
any
man
to
shew
me
one
King
amongst
all
the
Nations
abovementioned
,
that
has
any
right
to
the
Crown
he
wears
,
unless
such
acts
are
good
.
If
this
power
be
not
well
placed
,
or
rightly
proportioned
to
that
which
is
given
to
other
Magistrates
,
the
State
must
necessarily
fall
into
great
disorders
,
or
the
most
violent
and
dangerous
means
must
be
frequently
used
to
preserve
their
Liberty
.
Sparta
and
Venice
have
rarely
bin
put
to
that
trouble
,
because
the
Senats
were
so
much
above
the
Kings
and
Dukes
in
power
,
that
they
could
without
difficulty
bring
them
to
reason
.
The
Gothick
Kings
in
Spain
never
ventur'd
to
dispute
with
the
Nobility
;
and
Witza
and
Rodrigo
exposed
the
Kingdom
as
a
prey
to
the
Moors
,
rather
by
weakning
it
through
the
neglect
of
Military
discipline
,
joined
to
their
own
ignorance
and
cowardice
,
and
by
evil
example
bringing
the
youth
to
resemble
them
in
lewdness
and
baseness
,
than
by
establishing
in
themselves
a
power
above
the
Law
.
But
in
England
our
Ancestors
who
seem
to
have
had
some
such
thing
in
their
eye
,
as
balancing
the
powers
,
by
a
fatal
mistake
placed
usually
so
much
in
the
hands
of
the
King
,
that
whensoever
he
happened
to
be
bad
,
his
extravagances
could
not
be
repress'd
without
great
danger
.
And
as
this
has
in
several
ages
cost
the
Nation
a
vast
proportion
of
generous
blood
,
so
't
is
the
cause
of
our
present
difficulties
,
and
threatens
us
with
more
,
but
can
never
deprive
us
of
the
rights
we
inherit
from
our
fathers
.
SECT.
XXVIII
.
The
English
Nation
has
always
bin
governed
by
it self
or
its
Representatives
.
HAVING
proved
that
the
People
of
England
have
never
acknowledged
any
other
human
Law
than
their
own
,
and
that
our
Parliaments
having
the
power
of
making
and
abrogating
Laws
,
they
only
can
interpret
them
and
decide
hard
cases
,
it
plainly
appears
there
can
be
no
truth
in
our
Author's
assertion
,
that
the
King
is
the
Author
,
Corrector
and
Moderator
of
both
Statute
and
Common
Law
:
and
nothing
can
be
more
frivolous
than
what
he
adds
,
that
neither
of
them
can
be
a
diminution
of
that
natural
power
which
Kings
have
over
their
People
as
fathers
;
in
as
much
as
the
differences
between
paternal
and
monarchical
Power
(
as
he
asserts
it
)
are
vast
and
irreconcileable
in
principle
and
practice
,
as
I
have
proved
at
large
in
the
former
parts
of
this
Work
.
But
lest
we
should
be
too
proud
of
the
honour
he
is
pleased
to
do
to
our
Parliaments
by
making
use
of
their
Authority
,
he
says
,
We
are
first
to
remember
that
till
the
Conquest
(
which
name
for
the
glory
of
our
Nation
he
gives
to
the
coming
in
of
the
Normans
)
there
could
be
no
Parliament
assembled
of
the
General
States
,
because
we
cannot
learn
that
until
those
days
it
was
intirely
united
in
one
.
Secondly
he
doubts
,
Whether
the
Parliament
in
the
time
of
the
Saxons
were
composed
of
the
Nobility
and
Clergy
,
or
whether
the
Commons
were
also
called
;
but
concludes
,
there
could
be
no
Knights
of
any
Shires
,
because
there
were
no
Shires
.
Thirdly
,
That
Henry
the
first
caused
the
Commons
first
to
assemble
Knights
and
Burgesses
of
their
own
chusing
;
and
would
make
this
to
be
an
act
of
grace
and
favour
from
that
King
:
but
adds
,
that
it
had
bin
more
for
the
honour
of
Parliaments
,
if
a
King
whose
title
to
the
Crown
had
bin
better
,
had
bin
the
Author
of
the
form
of
it
.
In
answer
to
the
first
,
I
do
not
think
my self
obliged
to
insist
upon
the
name
or
form
of
the
Parliament
;
for
the
Authority
of
a
Magistracy
proceeds
not
from
the
number
of
years
that
it
has
continued
,
but
the
rectitude
of
the
institution
,
and
the
Authority
of
those
that
instituted
it
.
The
power
of
Saul
,
David
and
Jeroboam
,
was
the
same
with
that
which
belonged
to
the
last
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
.
The
Authority
of
the
Roman
Consuls
,
Dictators
,
Pretors
and
Tribuns
,
was
the
same
as
soon
as
it
was
established
;
was
as
legal
and
just
as
that
of
the
Kings
of
Denmark
,
which
is
said
to
have
continued
above
three
thousand
years
.
For
as
time
can
make
nothing
lawful
or
just
,
that
is
not
so
of
it self
(
tho
men
are
unwilling
to
change
that
which
has
pleased
their
Ancestors
,
unless
they
discover
great
inconveniences
in
it
)
that
which
a
People
dos
rightly
establish
for
their
own
good
,
is
of
as
much
force
the
first
day
,
as
continuance
can
ever
give
to
it
:
and
therefore
in
matters
of
the
greatest
importance
,
wise
and
good
men
do
not
so
much
inquire
what
has
bin
,
as
what
is
good
and
ought
to
be
;
for
that
which
of
it self
is
evil
,
by
continuance
is
made
worse
,
and
upon
the
first
opportunity
is
justly
to
be
abolished
.
But
if
that
Liberty
in
which
God
created
man
,
can
receive
any
strength
from
continuance
,
and
the
rights
of
Englishmen
can
be
render'd
more
unquestionable
by
prescription
,
I
say
that
the
Nations
whose
rights
we
inherit
,
have
ever
enjoy'd
the
Liberties
we
claim
,
and
always
exercised
them
in
governing
themselves
popularly
,
or
by
such
Representatives
as
have
bin
instituted
by
themselves
,
from
the
time
they
were
first
known
in
the
world
.
The
Britans
and
Saxons
lay
so
long
hid
in
the
obscurity
that
accompanies
barbarism
,
that
't
is
in
vain
to
seek
what
was
done
by
either
in
any
writers
more
antient
than
Cesar
and
Tacitus
.
The
first
describes
the
Britans
to
have
bin
a
fierce
People
zealous
for
Liberty
,
and
so
obstinately
valiant
in
the
defence
of
it
,
that
tho
they
wanted
skill
,
and
were
overpower'd
by
the
Romans
,
their
Country
could
no
otherwise
be
subdued
,
than
by
the
slaughter
of
all
the
inhabitants
that
were
able
to
bear
arms
.
He
calls
them
a
free
People
,
in
as
much
as
they
were
not
like
the
Gauls
,
governed
by
Laws
made
by
the
great
men
,
but
by
the
People
.
In
his
time
they
chose
Cassivellaunus
,
and
afterwards
Caractatus
,
Arviragus
,
Galgacus
,
and
others
to
command
them
in
their
wars
,
but
they
retain'd
the
Government
in
themselves
.
That
no
force
might
be
put
upon
them
,
they
met
arm'd
in
their
general
Assemblies
;
and
tho
the
smaller
matters
were
left
to
the
determination
of
the
chief
men
chosen
by
themselves
for
that
purpose
,
they
reserved
the
most
important
(
amongst
which
the
chusing
of
those
men
was
one
)
to
themselves
.
When
the
Romans
had
brought
them
low
,
[
*
](A60214-e65240-b)
*
Inter
instrumenta
servitutis
reges
habuere
.
C.
Tacit.
they
set
up
certain
Kings
to
govern
such
as
were
within
their
Territories
:
but
those
who
defended
themselves
by
the
natural
strength
of
their
situation
,
or
retired
into
the
North
,
or
the
Islands
,
were
still
governed
by
their
own
Customs
,
and
were
never
acquainted
with
domestick
or
foreign
slavery
.
The
Saxons
,
from
whom
we
chiesly
derive
our
Original
and
Manners
,
were
no
less
lovers
of
Liberty
,
and
better
understood
the
ways
of
defending
it
.
They
were
certainly
the
most
powerful
and
valiant
people
of
Germany
;
and
what
the
Germans
performed
under
Ariovistus
,
Arminius
and
Maroboduus
,
shews
both
their
force
and
their
temper
.
If
ever
fear
enter'd
into
the
heart
os
Cesar
,
it
seems
to
have
bin
when
he
was
to
deal
with
Ariovistus
.
The
advantages
that
the
brave
Germanicus
obtained
against
Arminius
,
were
at
least
thought
equal
to
the
greatest
victories
that
had
bin
gain'd
by
any
Roman
Captain
;
because
these
Nations
fought
not
for
riches
,
or
any
instruments
of
Luxury
and
Pleasure
,
which
they
despised
,
but
for
Liberty
.
This
was
the
principle
in
which
they
lived
,
as
appears
by
their
words
and
actions
;
so
that
Arminius
when
his
brother
Flavius
,
who
served
the
Romans
,
boasted
of
the
increase
of
his
pay
,
and
the
marks
of
honour
he
had
received
,
in
scorn
call'd
them
the
[
*
](A60214-e65380-b)
*
Vilis
servitii
praemia
.
Tacit.
rewards
of
the
vilest
servitude
;
but
when
he
himself
endeavour'd
to
usurp
a
power
over
the
liberty
of
his
Country
which
he
had
so
bravely
defended
,
he
was
killed
by
those
he
would
have
oppress'd
.
Tacitus
farther
describing
the
nature
of
the
Germans
,
shews
that
the
Romans
had
run
greater
hazards
from
them
than
from
the
Samnites
,
Carthaginians
and
Parthians
,
and
attributes
their
bravery
to
the
[
†
](A60214-e65460-b)
†
Quippe
gravior
est
Arsacis
regno
Germanorum
Libertas
.
Liberty
they
enjoyed
;
for
they
are
,
says
he
,
neither
[
||
](A60214-e65470-b)
||
Exempti
oneribus
&
collationibus
,
&
tantum
in
usum
praeliorum
sepositi
,
velut
cela
&
arma
bellis
reservantur
.
exhausted
by
Tributes
,
nor
vexed
by
Publicans
:
and
lest
this
Liberty
should
be
violated
,
[
||||
](A60214-e65480-b)
||||
De
minoribus
principes
consultant
,
de
majoribus
omnes
.
C.
Tacit.
de
mor.
Germ.
the
chief
men
consult
about
things
of
lesser
moment
;
but
the
most
important
matters
are
determined
by
all
.
Whoever
would
know
the
opinion
of
that
wise
Author
concerning
the
German
Liberty
,
may
read
his
excellent
Treatise
concerning
their
Manners
and
Customs
;
but
I
presume
this
may
be
enough
to
prove
that
they
lived
free
under
such
Magistrates
as
they
chose
,
regulated
by
such
Laws
as
they
made
,
and
retained
the
principal
powers
of
the
Government
in
their
general
or
particular
Councils
.
Their
Kings
and
Princes
had
no
other
power
than
was
conferred
upon
them
by
these
[
††
](A60214-e65520-b)
††
Ut
turbae
placuit
considunt
armati
,
silentium
per
sacerdotes
,
quibus
cum
coercendi
jus
est
,
imperatur
.
Mox
Rex
vel
Princeps
prout
atas
cuique
,
prout
nobilitas
,
prout
decus
bellorum
,
prout
facundia
est
,
audiuntur
,
autoritate
suadendi
,
magis
quam
jubendi
potestate
.
Si
displicuit
sententia
,
fremitu
aspernantur
;
si
placuit
,
frameas
concutiunt
,
&c.
Ibid.
Assemblies
,
who
having
all
in
themselves
could
receive
nothing
from
them
,
who
had
nothing
to
give
.
'T
is
as
easily
proved
that
the
Saxons
or
Angli
,
from
whom
we
descend
,
were
eminent
among
those
,
whose
power
,
virtue
,
and
love
to
Liberty
the
abovementioned
Historian
so
highly
extols
,
in
as
much
as
besides
what
he
says
in
general
of
the
Saxons
,
he
names
the
Angli
;
describes
their
habitation
near
the
Elb
,
and
their
religious
worship
of
the
Goddess
Erthum
,
or
the
Earth
,
celebrated
in
an
Island
lying
in
the
mouth
of
that
River
,
thought
to
be
Heyligland
;
in
resemblance
of
which
a
small
one
lying
over
against
Berwick
,
is
called
Holy
Island
.
If
they
were
free
in
their
own
Country
,
they
must
be
so
when
they
came
hither
.
The
manner
of
their
coming
shews
they
were
more
likely
to
impose
,
than
submit
to
slavery
;
and
if
they
had
not
the
name
of
Parliament
,
it
was
because
they
did
not
speak
French
;
or
,
not
being
yet
joined
with
the
Normans
,
they
had
not
thought
fit
to
put
their
Affairs
into
that
method
:
but
having
the
root
of
Power
and
Liberty
in
themselves
,
they
could
not
but
have
a
right
of
establishing
the
one
in
such
a
form
as
best
pleased
them
,
for
the
preservation
of
the
other
.
This
being
,
as
I
suppose
,
undeniable
,
it
imports
not
whether
the
Assemblies
in
which
the
supreme
Power
of
each
Nation
did
reside
,
were
frequent
or
rare
;
composed
of
many
or
few
persons
,
sitting
altogether
in
one
place
,
or
in
more
;
what
name
they
had
;
or
whether
every
free
man
did
meet
and
vote
in
his
own
person
,
or
a
few
were
delegated
by
many
.
For
they
who
have
a
right
inherent
in
themselves
,
may
resign
it
to
others
;
and
they
who
can
give
a
Power
to
others
,
may
exercise
it
themselves
,
unless
they
recede
from
it
by
their
own
act
;
for
it
is
only
matter
of
convenience
,
of
which
they
alone
can
be
the
Judges
,
because
't
is
for
themselves
only
that
they
judg
.
If
this
were
not
so
,
it
would
be
very
prejudicial
to
Kings
:
for
't
is
certain
that
Cassivellaunus
,
Caractatus
,
Arviragus
,
Galgacus
,
Hengist
,
Horsa
,
and
others
amongst
the
Britans
and
Saxons
,
what
name
soever
may
have
bin
abusively
given
to
them
,
were
only
temporary
Magistrates
chosen
upon
occasion
of
present
Wars
;
but
we
know
of
no
time
in
which
the
Britans
had
not
their
Great
Council
to
determine
their
most
important
Affairs
:
and
the
Saxons
in
their
own
Country
had
their
Councils
,
where
all
were
present
,
and
in
which
Tacitus
assures
us
they
dispatched
their
greatest
business
.
These
were
the
same
with
the
Micklegemots
which
they
afterwards
held
here
,
and
might
have
bin
called
by
the
same
name
,
if
Tacitus
had
spoken
Dutch.
If
a
People
therefore
have
not
a
power
to
create
at
any
time
a
Magistracy
which
they
had
not
before
,
none
could
be
created
at
all
,
for
no
Magistracy
is
eternal
:
And
if
for
the
validity
of
the
Constitution
it
be
necessary
,
that
the
beginning
must
be
unknown
,
or
that
no
other
could
have
bin
before
it
,
the
Monarchy
amongst
us
cannot
be
established
upon
any
right
;
for
tho
our
Ancestors
had
their
Councils
and
Magistrates
,
as
well
here
as
in
Germany
,
they
had
no
Monarchs
.
This
appears
plainly
by
the
testimony
of
Cesar
and
Tacitus
;
and
our
later
Histories
show
,
that
as
soon
as
the
Saxons
came
into
this
Country
,
they
had
their
Micklegemots
,
which
were
general
Assemblies
of
the
Noble
and
Free
men
,
who
had
in
themselves
the
Power
of
the
Nation
:
and
tho
when
they
increased
in
numbers
,
they
erected
seven
Kingdoms
,
yet
every
one
retained
the
same
usage
within
it self
.
These
Assemblies
were
evidently
the
same
in
power
with
our
Parliaments
;
and
tho
they
differ'd
in
name
or
form
,
it
matters
not
,
for
they
who
could
act
in
the
one
,
could
not
but
have
a
power
of
instituting
the
other
;
that
is
,
the
same
people
that
could
meet
together
in
their
own
persons
,
and
according
to
their
own
pleasure
order
all
matters
relating
to
themselves
,
whilst
three
of
four
Counties
only
were
under
one
Government
,
and
their
numbers
were
not
so
great
,
or
their
habitation
so
far
distant
,
that
they
might
not
meet
altogether
without
inconvenience
,
with
the
same
right
might
depute
others
to
represent
them
,
when
being
joined
in
one
,
no
place
was
capable
of
receiving
so
great
a
multitude
,
and
that
the
Frontiers
would
have
bin
exposed
to
the
danger
of
foreign
Invasions
,
if
any
such
thing
had
bin
practised
.
But
if
the
Authority
of
Parliaments
,
for
many
Ages
representing
the
whole
Nation
,
were
less
to
be
valued
(
as
our
Author
insinuates
)
because
they
could
not
represent
the
whole
,
when
it
was
not
joined
in
one
body
,
that
of
Kings
must
come
to
nothing
;
for
there
could
be
no
one
King
over
all
,
when
the
Nation
was
divided
into
seven
distinct
Governments
:
And
't
is
most
absurd
to
think
that
the
Nation
,
which
had
seven
great
Councils
,
or
Micklegemots
,
at
the
same
time
they
had
seven
Kingdoms
,
could
not
as
well
unite
the
seven
Councils
as
the
seven
Kingdoms
into
one
.
'T
is
to
as
little
purpose
to
say
,
that
the
Nation
did
not
unite
it self
,
but
the
several
parcels
came
to
be
inherited
by
one
;
for
that
one
could
inherit
no
more
from
the
others
than
what
they
had
;
and
the
seven
being
only
Magistrates
set
up
by
the
Micklegemots
,
&c.
the
one
must
be
so
also
.
And
't
is
neither
reasonable
to
imagine
,
nor
possible
to
prove
,
that
a
fierce
Nation
,
jealous
of
Liberty
,
and
who
had
obstinately
defended
it
in
Germany
against
all
Invaders
,
should
conquer
this
Country
to
enslave
themselves
,
and
purchase
nothing
by
their
valour
but
that
servitude
which
they
abhorred
;
or
be
less
free
when
they
were
united
into
one
state
,
than
they
had
bin
when
they
were
divided
into
seven
;
and
least
of
all
,
that
one
man
could
first
subdue
his
own
People
,
and
then
all
the
rest
,
when
by
endeavouring
to
subdue
his
own
,
he
had
broken
the
trust
reposed
in
him
,
and
lost
the
right
conferred
upon
him
,
and
without
them
had
not
power
to
subdue
any
.
But
as
it
is
my
fate
almost
ever
to
dissent
from
our
Author
,
I
affirm
,
that
the
variety
of
Government
,
which
is
observed
to
have
bin
amongst
the
Saxons
,
who
in
some
Ages
were
divided
,
in
others
united
;
sometimes
under
Captains
,
in
other
times
under
Kings
;
sometimes
meeting
personally
in
the
Micklegemots
,
sometimes
by
their
Delegates
in
the
Wittenagemots
,
dos
evidently
testify
,
that
they
ordered
all
things
according
to
their
own
pleasure
;
which
being
the
utmost
Act
of
Liberty
,
it
remained
inviolable
under
all
those
changes
,
as
we
have
already
proved
by
the
confession
of
Offa
,
Ina
,
Alfred
,
Canutus
,
Edward
,
and
other
particular
,
as
well
as
universal
Kings
:
And
we
may
be
sure
those
of
the
Norman
Race
can
have
no
more
power
,
since
they
came
in
by
same
way
,
and
swore
to
govern
by
the
same
Laws
.
2.
I
am
no
way
concerned
in
our
Author's
doubt
,
Whether
Parliaments
did
in
those
days
consist
of
Nobility
and
Clergy
;
or
whether
the
Commons
were
also
called
.
For
if
it
were
true
,
as
he
asserts
,
that
according
to
the
eternal
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
there
can
be
no
Government
in
the
World
but
that
of
an
absolute
Monarch
,
whose
Sovereign
Majesty
can
be
diminished
by
no
Law
or
Custom
,
there
could
be
no
Parliaments
,
or
other
Magistracies
,
that
did
not
derive
their
power
and
being
from
his
Will.
But
having
proved
that
the
Saxons
had
their
general
Councils
and
Assemblies
when
they
had
no
Kings
;
that
by
them
Kings
were
made
,
and
the
greatest
Affairs
determined
,
whether
they
had
Kings
or
not
;
it
can
be
of
no
importance
,
whether
in
one
or
more
Ages
the
Commons
had
a
part
in
the
Government
,
or
not
.
For
the
same
Power
that
instituted
a
Parliament
without
them
,
might
,
when
they
thought
fit
,
receive
them
into
it
:
or
rather
,
if
they
who
had
the
Government
in
their
hands
,
did
,
for
reasons
known
to
themselves
,
recede
from
the
exercise
of
it
,
they
might
resume
it
when
they
pleased
.
Nevertheless
it
may
be
worth
our
pains
to
enquire
,
what
our
Author
means
by
Nobility
.
If
such
,
as
at
this
day
by
means
of
Patents
obtained
for
mony
,
or
by
favour
,
without
any
regard
to
merit
in
the
persons
or
their
Ancestors
,
are
called
Dukes
,
Marquesses
,
&c.
I
give
him
leave
to
impute
as
late
and
base
an
Original
to
them
as
he
pleases
,
without
fearing
that
the
Rights
of
our
Nation
can
thereby
be
impaired
;
and
am
content
,
that
if
the
King
do
not
think
fit
to
support
the
Dignity
of
his
own
Creatures
,
they
may
fall
to
the
ground
.
But
if
by
Noblemen
we
are
to
understand
such
as
have
bin
ennobled
by
the
virtues
of
their
Ancestors
,
manifested
in
services
done
to
their
Country
,
I
say
,
that
all
Nations
,
amongst
whom
Virtue
has
bin
esteemed
,
have
had
a
great
regard
to
them
and
their
Posterity
:
And
tho
Kings
,
when
they
were
made
,
have
bin
intrusted
by
the
Saxons
,
and
other
Nations
,
with
a
Power
of
ennobling
those
who
by
services
render'd
to
their
Country
might
deserve
that
Honor
;
yet
the
body
of
the
Nobility
was
more
antient
than
such
;
for
it
had
bin
equally
impossible
to
take
[
*
](A60214-e65890-b)
*
Reges
ex
nobilitate
,
duces
ex
virtute
sumere
.
Kings
(
according
to
Tacitus
)
out
of
the
Nobility
if
there
had
bin
no
Nobility
,
as
to
take
Captains
for
their
Virtue
if
there
had
bin
no
Virtue
;
and
Princes
could
not
,
without
breach
of
that
trust
,
confer
Honors
upon
those
that
did
not
deserve
them
;
which
is
so
true
,
that
this
practice
was
objected
as
the
greatest
crime
against
[
†
](A60214-e65910-b)
†
Sublimato
eo
coepit
lues
omnium
seelerum
creseere
:
saeviebat
scurrilis
nequitia
,
odium
veritatis
,
&c.
ut
vas
omnium
seelerum
solus
videretur
Vortigernus
;
&
quod
maxime
Regiae
honestati
contrarium
est
,
No
biles
deprimens
,
&
moribus
&
sanguine
ignobiles
extollens
,
Deo
&
hominibus
efficitur
odiosus
.
Mat.
Westm.
An.
446.
Vortigern
,
the
last
and
the
worst
of
the
British
Kings
:
and
tho
he
might
pretend
(
according
to
such
cavils
as
are
usual
in
our
time
)
that
the
judgment
of
those
matters
was
referred
to
him
;
yet
the
world
judged
of
his
Crimes
,
and
when
he
had
render'd
himself
odious
to
God
and
men
by
them
,
he
perished
in
them
,
and
brought
destruction
upon
his
Country
that
had
suffer'd
them
too
long
.
As
among
the
Turks
,
and
most
of
the
Eastern
Tyrannies
,
there
is
no
Nobility
,
and
no
man
has
any
considerable
advantage
above
the
common
People
,
unless
by
the
immediate
favour
of
the
Prince
;
so
in
all
the
legal
Kingdoms
of
the
North
,
the
strength
of
the
Government
has
always
bin
placed
in
the
Nobility
;
and
no
better
defence
has
bin
found
against
the
encroachments
of
ill
Kings
,
than
by
setting
up
an
Order
of
men
,
who
by
holding
large
Territories
,
and
having
great
numbers
of
Tenants
and
Dependents
,
might
be
able
to
restrain
the
exorbitances
,
that
either
the
Kings
or
the
Commons
might
run
into
.
For
this
end
Spain
,
Germany
,
France
,
Poland
,
Denmark
,
Sweeden
,
Scotland
and
England
,
were
almost
wholly
divided
into
Lordships
under
several
names
,
by
which
every
particular
Possessor
owed
Allegiance
(
that
is
,
such
an
Obedience
as
the
Law
requires
)
to
the
King
,
and
he
reciprocally
swore
to
perform
that
which
the
same
Law
exacted
from
him
.
When
these
Nations
were
converted
to
the
Christian
Religion
,
they
had
a
great
veneration
for
the
Clergy
;
and
not
doubting
that
the
men
whom
they
esteemed
holy
,
would
be
just
,
thought
their
Liberties
could
not
be
better
secured
,
than
by
joining
those
who
had
the
direction
of
their
Consciences
,
to
the
Noblemen
who
had
the
command
of
their
Forces
.
This
succeeded
so
well
(
in
relation
to
the
defence
of
the
publick
Rights
)
that
in
all
the
forementioned
States
,
the
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
&c.
were
no
less
zealous
or
bold
in
defending
the
publick
Liberty
,
than
the
best
and
greatest
of
the
Lords
:
And
if
it
were
true
,
that
things
being
thus
established
,
the
Commons
did
neither
personally
,
nor
by
their
Representatives
,
enter
into
the
General
Assemblies
,
it
could
be
of
no
advantage
to
Kings
;
for
such
a
Power
as
is
above-mentioned
,
is
equally
inconsistent
with
the
absolute
Sovereignty
of
Kings
,
if
placed
in
the
Nobility
and
Clergy
,
as
if
the
Commons
had
a
part
.
If
the
King
has
all
,
no
other
man
,
nor
number
of
men
can
have
any
.
If
the
Nobility
and
Clergy
have
the
power
,
the
Commons
may
have
their
share
also
.
But
I
affirm
,
that
those
whom
we
now
call
Commons
,
have
always
had
a
part
in
the
Government
,
and
their
place
in
the
Councils
that
managed
it
;
for
if
there
was
a
distinction
,
it
must
have
bin
by
Patent
,
Birth
,
or
Tenure
.
As
for
Patents
,
we
know
they
began
long
after
the
coming
of
the
Normans
,
and
those
that
now
have
them
cannot
pretend
to
any
advantage
on
account
of
Birth
or
Tenure
,
beyond
many
of
those
who
have
them
not
.
Nay
,
besides
the
several
Branches
of
the
Families
that
now
enjoy
the
most
antient
Honors
,
which
consequently
are
as
noble
as
they
,
and
some
of
them
of
the
elder
Houses
,
we
know
many
that
are
now
called
Commoners
,
who
in
antiquity
and
eminency
are
no
way
inferior
to
the
chief
of
the
titular
Nobility
:
and
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
,
than
to
give
a
prerogative
of
Birth
to
Cr-v-n
,
T-ft-n
,
H-ae
,
B-nn-t
,
Osb-rn
,
and
others
,
before
the
Cliftons
,
Hampdens
,
Courtneys
,
Pelhams
,
St.
Johns
,
Baintons
,
Wilbrahams
,
Hungerfords
,
and
many
others
.
And
if
the
Tenures
of
their
Estates
be
consider'd
,
they
have
the
same
,
and
as
antient
as
any
of
those
who
go
under
the
names
of
Duke
,
or
Marquess
.
I
forbear
to
mention
the
sordid
ways
of
attaining
to
Titles
in
our
days
;
but
whoever
will
take
the
pains
to
examine
them
,
shall
find
that
they
rather
defile
than
ennoble
the
possessors
.
And
whereas
men
are
truly
ennobled
only
by
Virtue
,
and
respect
is
due
to
such
as
are
descended
from
those
who
have
bravely
serv'd
their
Country
,
because
it
is
presumed
(
till
they
shew
the
contrary
)
that
they
will
resemble
their
Ancestors
,
these
modern
Courtiers
,
by
their
Names
and
Titles
,
frequently
oblige
us
to
call
to
mind
such
things
as
are
not
to
be
mentioned
without
blushing
.
Whatever
the
antient
Noblemen
of
England
were
,
we
are
sure
they
were
not
such
as
these
.
And
tho
it
should
be
confess'd
that
no
others
than
Dukes
,
Marquesses
,
Earls
,
Viscounts
,
and
Barons
,
had
their
places
in
the
Councils
mentioned
by
Cesar
and
Tacitus
,
or
in
the
great
Assemblies
of
the
Saxons
,
it
could
be
of
no
advantage
to
such
as
now
are
called
by
those
names
.
They
were
the
titles
of
Offices
conferred
upon
those
,
who
did
and
could
best
conduct
the
people
in
time
of
War
,
give
Counsel
to
the
King
,
administer
Justice
,
and
perform
other
publick
duties
;
but
were
never
made
hereditary
except
by
abuse
;
much
less
were
they
sold
for
money
,
or
given
as
recompences
of
the
vilest
services
.
If
the
antient
order
be
totally
inverted
,
and
the
ends
of
its
institution
perverted
,
they
who
from
thence
pretend
to
be
distinguished
from
other
men
,
must
build
their
claim
upon
something
very
different
from
Antiquity
.
This
being
sufficient
(
if
I
mistake
not
)
to
make
it
appear
,
that
the
antient
Councils
of
our
Nation
did
not
consist
of
such
as
we
now
call
Noblemen
,
it
may
be
worth
our
pains
to
examine
,
of
what
sort
of
men
they
did
consist
:
And
tho
I
cannot
much
rely
upon
the
credit
of
Camden
,
which
he
has
forfeited
by
a
great
number
of
untruths
,
I
will
begin
with
him
,
because
he
is
cited
by
our
Author
.
If
we
will
believe
him
,
[
a
](A60214-e66100-b)
a
Quod
Saxones
olim
Wittenagemot
,
Parliamentum
&
Pananglicum
recte
dici
possit
,
summamque
&
sacrosanctam
habet
autoritatem
in
legibus
ferendis
,
antiquandis
,
conformandis
,
interpretandis
,
&
in
omnibus
quae
ad
Reipublicae
salutem
spectant
.
Brit.
fol.
63.
That
which
the
Saxons
called
Wittenagemot
,
we
may
justly
name
Parliament
,
which
has
the
supreme
and
most
sacred
Authority
of
making
,
abrogating
and
interpreting
Laws
,
and
generally
of
all
things
relating
to
the
safety
of
the
Commonwealth
.
This
Wittenagemot
was
,
according
to
William
of
Malmsbury
,
[
b
](A60214-e66150-b)
b
Generalis
Senatus
&
populi
Conventus
.
Malms
.
The
general
meeting
of
the
Senat
and
People
;
and
Sir
Harry
Spelman
calls
it
,
[
c
](A60214-e66190-b)
c
Commune
Concilium
tam
Cleri
quam
Populi
.
Spelm.
The
General
Council
of
the
Clergy
and
People
.
In
the
Assembly
at
Calcuth
it
was
decreed
by
the
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Dukes
,
Senators
,
and
the
People
of
the
Land
(
Populo
terrae
)
that
the
[
d
](A60214-e66250-b)
d
Ut
Reges
à
Sacerdotibus
&
senioribus
Populi
eligantur
.
Kings
should
be
elected
by
the
Priests
and
Elders
of
the
People
.
By
these
Offa
,
Ina
,
and
others
,
were
made
Kings
;
and
Alfred
in
his
Will
acknowledged
his
[
e
](A60214-e66290-b)
e
Quam
Deus
&
Principes
cum
Senioribus
Populi
misericorditer
&
benigne
dederunt
.
Crown
from
them
.
Edgar
was
elected
by
all
the
People
,
and
not
long
after
deposed
by
them
,
and
again
restored
in
a
[
f
](A60214-e66310-b)
f
Coram
omni
multitudine
populi
Anglorum
.
General
Assembly
.
These
things
being
sometimes
said
to
be
done
by
the
assent
of
the
Barons
of
the
Kingdom
,
Camden
says
,
That
under
the
name
of
the
[
g
](A60214-e66340-b)
g
Nomine
Baronagii
omnes
quodam
modo
regni
ordines
continentur
.
Camd.
Baronage
,
all
the
Orders
of
the
Kingdom
are
in
a
manner
comprehended
;
and
it
cannot
be
otherwise
understood
,
if
we
consider
that
those
called
Noblemen
,
or
the
Nobility
of
England
,
are
often
by
the
Historians
said
to
be
(
infinita
multitudo
)
an
infinite
multitude
.
If
any
man
ask
how
the
Nobility
came
to
be
so
numerous
;
I
answer
,
That
the
Northern
Nations
,
who
were
perpetually
in
Arms
,
put
a
high
esteem
upon
Military
Valour
;
sought
by
conquest
to
acquire
better
Countries
than
their
own
;
valu'd
themselves
according
to
the
numbers
of
men
they
could
bring
into
the
field
;
and
to
distinguish
them
from
Villains
,
called
those
Noblemen
,
who
nobly
defended
and
enlarged
their
Dominions
by
War
;
and
for
a
reward
of
their
Services
,
in
the
division
of
Lands
gained
by
conquest
,
they
distributed
to
them
Freeholds
,
under
the
obligation
of
continuing
the
same
Service
to
their
Country
.
This
appears
by
the
name
of
Knights
Service
,
a
Knight
being
no
more
than
a
Soldier
,
and
a
Knight's
Fee
no
more
than
was
sufficient
to
maintain
one
.
'T
is
plain
,
that
Knighthood
was
always
esteemed
Nobility
;
so
that
no
man
,
of
what
quality
soever
,
thought
a
Knight
inferior
to
him
,
and
those
of
the
highest
birth
could
not
act
as
Noblemen
till
they
were
knighted
,
Among
the
Goths
in
Spain
,
the
cutting
off
the
Hair
(
which
being
long
was
the
mark
of
Knighthood
)
was
accounted
a
degrading
,
and
looked
upon
to
be
so
great
a
mark
of
Infamy
,
that
he
who
had
suffer'd
it
,
could
never
bear
any
honor
or
office
in
the
Commonwealth
;
and
there
was
no
dignity
so
high
,
but
every
Knight
was
capable
of
it
.
There
was
no
distinction
of
men
above
it
,
and
even
to
this
day
Baron
,
or
Varon
,
in
their
Language
,
signifies
no
more
than
Vir
in
Latin
,
which
is
not
properly
given
to
any
man
unless
he
be
free
.
The
like
was
in
France
,
till
the
coming
in
of
the
third
race
of
Kings
,
in
which
time
the
12
Peers
(
of
whom
6
only
were
Laymen
)
were
raised
to
a
higher
dignity
,
and
the
Commands
annexed
made
hereditary
;
but
the
honour
of
Knighthood
was
thereby
no
way
diminished
.
Tho
there
were
Dukes
,
Earls
,
Marquesses
and
Barons
in
the
time
of
Froissart
,
yet
he
usually
calls
them
Knights
:
And
Philip
de
Commines
,
speaking
of
the
most
eminent
men
of
his
time
,
calls
them
good
,
wise
or
valiant
Knights
.
Even
to
this
day
the
name
of
Gentleman
comprehends
all
that
is
raised
above
the
common
people
;
Henry
the
fourth
usually
called
himself
the
first
Gentleman
in
France
;
and
't
is
an
ordinary
phrase
among
them
,
when
they
speak
of
a
Gentleman
of
good
Birth
,
to
say
,
Il
est
noble
comme
le
Roy
;
He
is
as
noble
as
the
King
.
In
their
General
Assembly
of
Estates
,
The
Chamber
of
the
Noblesse
,
which
is
one
of
Three
,
is
composed
of
the
Deputies
sent
by
the
Gentry
of
every
Province
;
and
in
the
inquiry
made
about
the
Year
1668
concerning
Nobility
,
no
notice
was
taken
of
such
as
had
assumed
the
Titles
of
Earl
,
Marquess
,
Viscount
,
or
Baron
,
but
only
of
those
who
called
themselves
Gentlemen
;
and
if
they
could
prove
that
name
to
belong
to
them
,
they
were
left
to
use
the
other
Titles
as
they
pleased
.
When
Duels
were
in
fashion
(
as
all
know
they
were
lately
)
no
man
except
the
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
and
Marechals
of
France
,
could
with
honour
refuse
a
Challenge
from
any
Gentleman
:
The
first
,
because
it
was
thought
unfit
,
that
he
who
might
be
King
,
should
fight
with
a
Subject
to
the
danger
of
the
Commonwealth
,
which
might
by
that
means
be
deprived
of
its
Head
:
The
others
being
by
their
Office
Commanders
of
the
Nobility
,
and
Judges
of
all
the
Controversies
relating
to
Honour
that
happen
amongst
them
,
cannot
reasonably
be
brought
into
private
Contests
with
any
.
In
Denmark
,
Nobleman
and
Gentleman
is
the
same
thing
;
and
till
the
year
1660
,
they
had
the
principal
part
of
the
Government
in
their
hands
.
When
Charles
Guslavus
,
King
of
Sweden
,
invaded
Poland
in
the
year
1655
,
't
is
said
,
that
there
were
above
three
hundred
thousand
Gentlemen
in
Arms
to
resist
him
.
This
is
the
Nobility
of
that
Country
,
Kings
are
chosen
by
them
:
Every
one
of
them
will
say
,
as
in
France
,
He
is
noble
as
the
King
.
The
last
King
was
a
private
man
among
them
,
not
thought
to
have
had
more
than
four
hundred
pounds
a
year
.
He
who
now
reigns
was
not
at
all
above
him
in
birth
or
estate
,
till
he
had
raised
himself
by
great
services
done
for
his
Country
in
many
wars
;
and
there
was
not
one
Gentleman
in
the
Nation
who
might
not
have
bin
chosen
as
well
as
he
,
if
it
had
pleased
the
Assembly
that
did
it
.
This
being
the
Nobility
of
the
Northern
Nations
,
and
the
true
Baronage
of
England
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
they
were
called
Nobiles
;
the
most
eminent
among
them
Magnates
,
Principes
,
Proceres
;
and
so
numerous
that
they
were
esteemed
to
be
Multitudo
infinita
.
One
place
was
hardly
able
to
contain
them
;
and
the
inconveniences
of
calling
them
all
together
appeared
to
be
so
great
,
that
they
in
time
chose
rather
to
meet
by
Representatives
,
than
every
one
in
his
own
person
.
The
power
therefore
remaining
in
them
,
it
matters
not
what
method
they
observed
in
the
execution
.
They
who
had
the
substance
in
their
hands
,
might
give
it
what
form
they
pleased
.
Our
Author
sufficiently
manifests
his
ignorance
,
in
saying
there
could
be
no
Knights
of
the
Shires
in
the
time
of
the
Saxons
,
because
there
were
no
Shires
;
for
the
very
word
is
Saxon
,
and
we
find
the
names
of
Barkshire
,
Wiltshire
,
Devonshire
,
Dorsetshire
,
and
others
most
frequently
in
the
writings
of
those
times
;
and
Dukes
,
Earls
,
Thanes
or
Aldermen
,
appointed
to
command
the
forces
,
and
look
to
the
distribution
of
Justice
in
them
.
Selden
cites
Ingulphus
for
Tit.
os
Hon.
p.
2.
c.
5.
saying
,
that
Alfred
was
the
first
that
changed
the
Provinces
,
&c.
into
Counties
:
but
refutes
him
,
and
proves
that
the
distinction
of
the
Land
into
Shires
or
Counties
(
for
Shire
signified
no
more
than
the
share
or
part
committed
to
the
care
of
the
Earl
or
Comes
)
was
far
more
antient
.
Whether
the
first
divisions
by
the
Saxons
were
greater
or
lesser
than
the
Shires
or
Counties
now
are
,
is
nothing
to
the
question
:
they
who
made
them
to
be
as
they
were
,
could
have
made
them
greater
or
lesser
as
they
pleased
.
And
whether
they
did
immediately
,
or
some
ages
after
that
distinction
,
cease
to
come
to
their
great
Assemblies
,
and
rather
chuse
to
send
their
Deputies
;
or
,
whether
such
Deputies
were
chosen
by
Counties
,
Cities
and
Boroughs
,
as
in
our
days
,
or
in
any
other
manner
,
can
be
of
no
advantage
or
prejudice
to
the
Cause
that
I
maintain
.
If
the
power
of
the
Nation
,
when
it
was
divided
into
seven
Kingdoms
,
or
united
under
one
,
did
reside
in
the
Micklegemots
or
Wittenagemots
;
if
these
consisted
of
the
Nobility
and
People
,
who
were
sometimes
so
numerous
that
no
one
place
could
well
contain
them
;
and
if
the
preference
given
to
the
chief
among
them
,
was
on
account
of
the
Offices
they
executed
,
either
in
relation
to
war
or
justice
,
which
no
man
can
deny
,
I
have
as
much
as
serves
for
my
purpose
.
'T
is
indifferent
to
me
,
whether
they
were
called
Earls
,
Dukes
,
Aldermen
,
Herotoghs
or
Thanes
;
for
't
is
certain
that
the
titular
Nobility
now
in
mode
amongst
us
has
no
resemblance
to
this
antient
Nobility
of
England
.
The
novelty
therefore
is
on
the
other
side
,
and
that
of
the
worst
sort
;
because
by
giving
the
name
of
Noblemen
(
which
antiently
belonged
to
such
as
had
the
greatest
interests
in
Nations
,
and
were
the
supporters
of
their
Liberty
)
to
Court-creatures
,
who
often
have
none
,
and
either
acquire
their
Honours
by
mony
,
or
are
preferr'd
for
servile
and
sometimes
impure
services
render'd
to
the
person
that
reigns
,
or
else
for
mischiefs
done
to
their
Country
,
the
Constitution
has
bin
wholly
inverted
,
and
the
trust
reposed
in
the
Kings
(
who
in
some
measure
had
the
disposal
of
Offices
and
Honours
)
misemploy'd
.
This
is
farther
aggravated
by
appropriating
the
name
of
Noblemen
solely
to
them
;
whereas
the
Nation
having
bin
antiently
divided
only
into
Freemen
or
Noblemen
(
who
were
the
same
)
and
Villains
;
the
first
were
,
as
Tacitus
says
of
their
Ancestors
the
Germans
,
[
*
](A60214-e66780-b)
*
Exempti
oneribus
&
collationibus
,
&
tantum
in
usum
praeliorum
repositi
,
veluti
tela
&
arma
bellis
reservantur
.
Corn.
Tacit.
de
morib
.
Germ.
exempted
from
burdens
and
contributions
,
and
reserved
like
arms
for
the
uses
of
war
,
whilst
the
others
were
little
better
than
slaves
,
appointed
to
cultivate
the
Lands
,
or
to
other
servile
Offices
.
And
I
leave
any
reasonable
man
to
judg
,
whether
the
latter
condition
be
that
of
those
we
now
call
Commoners
.
Nevertheless
,
he
that
will
believe
the
title
of
Noblemen
still
to
belong
to
those
only
who
are
so
by
Patent
,
may
guess
how
well
our
wars
would
be
managed
if
they
were
left
solely
to
such
as
are
so
by
that
title
.
If
this
be
approved
,
his
Majesty
may
do
well
with
his
hundred
and
fifty
Noblemen
,
eminent
in
valour
and
military
experience
as
they
are
known
to
be
,
to
make
such
wars
as
may
fall
upon
him
,
and
leave
the
despised
Commons
under
the
name
of
Villains
,
to
provide
for
themselves
if
the
success
do
not
answer
his
expectations
.
But
if
the
Commons
are
as
free
as
the
Nobles
,
many
of
them
in
birth
equal
to
the
Patentees
,
in
Estate
superior
to
most
of
them
;
and
that
it
is
not
only
expected
they
should
assist
him
in
wars
with
their
Persons
and
Purses
,
but
acknowledged
by
all
,
that
the
strength
and
virtue
of
the
Nation
is
in
them
,
it
must
be
confess'd
,
that
they
are
true
Noblemen
of
England
,
and
that
all
the
privileges
antiently
enjoy'd
by
such
,
must
necessarily
belong
to
them
,
since
they
perform
the
Offices
to
which
they
were
annexed
.
This
shews
how
the
Nobility
were
justly
said
to
be
almost
infinite
in
number
,
so
that
no
one
place
was
able
to
contain
them
.
The
Saxon
Armies
that
came
over
into
this
Country
to
a
wholsom
and
generative
climat
,
might
well
increase
in
four
or
five
ages
to
those
vast
numbers
,
as
the
Francks
,
Goths
and
others
had
done
in
Spain
,
France
,
Italy
,
and
other
parts
:
and
when
they
were
grown
so
numerous
,
they
found
themselves
necessarily
obliged
to
put
the
power
into
the
hands
of
Representatives
chosen
by
themselves
,
which
they
had
before
exercised
in
their
own
persons
.
But
these
two
ways
differing
rather
in
form
than
essentially
,
the
one
tending
to
Democracy
,
the
other
to
Aristocracy
,
they
are
equally
opposite
to
the
absolute
dominion
of
one
man
reigning
for
himself
,
and
governing
the
Nation
as
his
Patrimony
;
and
equally
assert
the
rights
of
the
People
to
put
the
Government
into
such
a
form
as
best
pleases
themselves
.
This
was
sutable
to
what
they
had
practised
in
their
own
Country
;
De
minoribus
consultant
Principes
,
de
majoribus
omnes
.
smaller
matters
cannot
be
said
properly
to
relate
to
the
King
;
for
he
is
but
one
,
and
the
word
Principes
is
in
the
plural
number
,
and
can
only
signify
such
principal
men
,
as
the
same
Author
says
were
chosen
by
the
General
Assemblies
to
do
justice
,
&c.
and
to
each
of
them
one
hundred
Comites
joined
,
not
only
to
give
advice
,
but
authority
to
their
actions
.
The
word
Omnes
spoken
by
a
Roman
,
must
likewise
be
understood
as
it
was
used
by
them
,
and
imports
all
the
Citizens
,
or
such
as
made
up
the
body
of
the
Commonwealth
.
If
he
had
spoken
of
Rome
or
Athens
whilst
they
remained
free
,
he
must
have
used
the
same
word
(
because
all
those
of
whom
the
City
consisted
had
votes
)
how
great
soever
the
number
of
slaves
or
strangers
might
have
bin
.
The
Spartans
are
rightly
said
to
have
gained
,
lost
and
recovered
the
Lordship
or
Principality
of
Greece
.
They
were
all
Lords
in
relation
to
their
Helots
,
and
so
were
the
Dorians
in
relation
to
that
sort
of
men
,
which
under
several
names
they
kept
,
as
the
Saxons
did
their
Villians
,
for
the
performance
of
the
Offices
which
they
thought
too
mean
for
those
who
were
ennobled
by
Liberty
,
and
the
use
of
Arms
,
by
which
the
Commonwealth
was
defended
and
enlarged
.
Tho
the
Romans
scorned
to
give
the
title
of
Lord
to
those
who
had
usurped
a
power
over
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
;
yet
every
one
of
them
was
a
Lord
in
relation
to
his
own
Servants
,
and
altogether
are
often
called
[
*
](A60214-e66990-b)
*
Romanos
rerum
Dominos
.
Virg.
Lords
of
the
world
:
the
like
is
seen
almost
every
where
.
The
Government
of
Venice
having
continued
for
many
ages
in
the
same
Families
,
has
ennobled
them
all
.
No
phrase
is
more
common
in
Switzerland
,
than
the
Lords
of
Bern
,
or
the
Lords
of
Zurich
and
other
places
,
tho
perhaps
there
is
not
a
man
amongst
them
who
pretends
to
be
a
Gentleman
,
according
to
the
modern
sense
put
upon
that
word
.
The
States
of
the
United
Provinces
are
called
High
and
Mighty
Lords
,
and
the
same
title
is
given
to
each
of
them
in
particular
.
Nay
,
the
word
Heer
,
which
signifies
Lord
both
in
high
and
low
Dutch
,
is
as
common
as
Monsieur
in
France
,
Signor
in
Italy
,
or
Sennor
in
Spain
;
and
is
given
to
every
one
who
is
not
of
a
sordid
condition
,
but
especially
to
Soldiers
:
and
tho
a
common
Soldier
be
now
a
much
meaner
thing
than
it
was
antiently
,
no
man
speaking
to
a
company
of
Soldiers
in
Italian
,
uses
any
other
stile
than
Signori
Soldati
;
and
the
like
is
done
in
other
Languages
.
'T
is
not
therefore
to
be
thought
strange
,
if
the
Saxons
,
who
in
their
own
Country
had
scorned
any
other
employment
than
that
of
the
Sword
,
should
think
themselves
farther
ennobled
,
when
by
their
Arms
they
had
acquired
a
great
and
rich
Country
,
and
driven
out
or
subdued
the
former
inhabitants
.
They
might
well
distinguish
themselves
from
the
Villains
they
brought
with
them
,
or
the
Britans
they
had
enslaved
.
They
might
well
be
called
Magnates
,
Proceres
regni
,
Nobiles
,
Angliae
Nobilitas
,
Barones
;
and
the
Assemblies
of
them
justly
called
Concilium
Regni
Generale
,
Vniversitas
totius
Angliae
Nobilium
,
Vniversitas
Baronagii
,
according
to
the
variety
of
times
and
other
occurrences
.
We
have
such
footsteps
remaining
of
the
name
of
Baron
,
as
plainly
shew
the
signification
of
it
.
The
Barons
of
London
and
the
Cinq
Ports
are
known
to
be
only
the
Freemen
of
those
places
.
In
the
petty
Court-Barons
,
every
man
who
may
be
of
a
Jury
is
a
Baron
.
These
are
Noblemen
;
for
there
are
noble
Nations
as
well
as
noble
men
in
Nations
.
The
Mammalukes
accounted
themselves
to
be
all
noble
,
tho
born
slaves
;
and
when
they
had
ennobled
themselves
by
the
use
of
Arms
,
they
look'd
upon
the
noblest
of
the
Egyptians
as
their
slaves
.
Tertullian
writing
,
not
to
some
eminent
men
,
but
to
the
whole
People
of
Carthage
,
calls
them
Antiquitate
Nobiles
,
Nobilitate
felices
.
Such
were
the
Saxons
,
ennobled
by
a
perpetual
application
to
those
exercises
that
belong
to
Noblemen
,
and
an
abhorrence
to
any
thing
that
is
vile
and
sordid
.
Lest
this
should
seem
far
fetch'd
,
to
those
who
please
themselves
with
cavilling
,
they
are
to
know
,
that
the
same
General
Councils
are
expressed
by
other
Authors
in
other
words
.
They
are
called
[
*
](A60214-e67210-b)
*
Commune
Concilium
Episcoporum
,
Procerum
,
Comitum
&
omnium
Sapientum
,
Seniorum
&
Populorum
totius
regni
.
Bed
.
Ecol
.
Hist.
The
General
Council
of
the
Bishops
,
Noblemen
,
Counts
,
all
the
wise
men
,
Elders
,
and
People
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
in
the
time
of
Ina.
In
that
of
Edward
the
elder
,
[
†
](A60214-e67260-b)
†
Magnum
Concilium
Episcoporum
,
Abbatum
,
fidelium
,
procerum
&
populorum
.
The
Great
Council
of
the
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Noblemen
and
People
.
William
of
Malmsbury
calls
them
,
[
||
](A60214-e67280-b)
||
Senatum
generalem
&
populi
conventum
.
The
General
Senat
and
Assembly
of
the
People
.
Sometimes
they
are
in
short
called
Clergy
and
People
;
but
all
express
the
same
power
,
neither
received
from
,
nor
limitable
by
Kings
,
who
are
always
said
to
be
chosen
or
made
,
and
sometimes
deposed
by
them
.
William
the
Norman
found
,
and
left
the
Nation
in
this
condition
:
Henry
the
second
,
John
and
Henry
third
,
who
had
nothing
but
what
was
conferred
upon
them
by
the
same
Clergy
and
People
,
did
so
too
.
Magna
Charta
could
give
nothing
to
the
People
,
who
in
themselves
had
all
;
and
only
reduced
into
a
small
Volume
the
Rights
which
the
Nation
was
resolved
to
maintain
;
brought
the
King
to
confess
,
they
were
perpetually
inherent
,
and
time
out
of
mind
enjoyed
,
and
to
swear
that
he
would
no
way
violate
them
;
if
he
did
,
he
was
ipso
facto
excommunicated
;
and
being
thereby
declared
to
be
an
execrable
perjur'd
Person
,
they
knew
how
to
deal
with
him
.
This
Act
has
bin
confirmed
by
thirty
Parliaments
;
and
the
proceedings
with
Kings
,
who
have
violated
their
Oaths
,
as
well
before
as
after
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
which
have
bin
already
mentioned
,
are
sufficient
to
shew
,
that
England
has
always
bin
governed
by
it self
,
and
never
acknowledged
any
other
Lord
than
such
as
they
thought
fit
to
set
up
.
SECT.
XXIX
.
The
King
was
never
Master
of
the
Soil
.
THOSE
who
without
regard
to
truth
,
resolve
to
insist
upon
such
points
as
they
think
may
serve
their
designs
,
when
they
find
it
cannot
be
denied
that
the
powers
before
mentioned
have
bin
exercised
by
the
English
and
other
Nations
,
say
,
that
they
were
the
concessions
of
Kings
,
who
being
masters
of
the
Soil
,
might
bestow
parcels
upon
some
Persons
with
such
conditions
as
they
pleased
,
retaining
to
themselves
the
supreme
dominion
of
the
whole
:
and
having
already
,
as
they
think
,
made
them
the
Fountains
of
Honour
,
they
proceed
to
make
them
also
the
Fountains
of
Property
;
and
for
proof
of
this
alledg
,
that
all
Lands
,
tho
held
of
mean
Lords
,
do
by
their
Tenures
at
last
result
upon
the
King
,
as
the
Head
from
whom
they
are
enjoyed
.
This
might
be
of
force
if
it
were
true
:
but
matters
of
the
highest
importance
requiring
a
most
evident
proof
,
we
are
to
examine
,
First
,
if
it
be
possible
;
and
in
the
next
place
,
if
it
be
true
.
1.
For
the
first
;
No
man
can
give
what
he
has
not
.
Whoever
therefore
will
pretend
that
the
King
has
bestowed
this
propriety
,
must
prove
that
he
had
it
in
himself
.
I
confess
,
that
the
Kings
of
Spain
and
Portugal
obtained
from
the
Pope
grants
of
the
Territories
they
possessed
in
the
West-Indies
;
and
this
might
be
of
some
strength
,
if
the
Pope
as
Vicar
of
Christ
had
an
absolute
dominion
over
the
whole
earth
;
but
if
that
fail
,
the
whole
falls
to
the
ground
,
and
he
is
ridiculously
liberal
of
that
which
no
way
belongs
to
him
.
My
business
is
not
to
dispute
that
point
;
but
before
it
can
have
any
influence
upon
our
Affairs
,
our
Kings
are
to
prove
,
that
they
are
Lords
of
England
upon
the
same
Title
,
or
some
other
equivalent
to
it
.
When
that
is
done
,
we
shall
know
upon
whom
they
have
a
dependence
,
and
may
at
leisure
consider
,
whether
we
ought
to
acknowledg
,
and
submit
to
such
a
Power
,
or
give
reasons
for
our
refusal
.
But
there
being
no
such
thing
in
our
present
case
,
their
property
must
be
grounded
upon
something
else
,
or
we
may
justly
conclude
they
have
none
.
In
order
to
this
't
is
hardly
worth
the
pains
to
search
into
the
obscure
remains
of
the
British
Histories
:
For
when
the
Romans
deserted
our
Island
,
they
did
not
confer
the
right
they
had
(
whether
more
or
less
)
upon
any
man
,
but
left
the
enjoyment
of
it
to
the
poor
remainders
of
the
Nation
,
and
their
own
established
Colonies
,
who
were
grown
to
be
one
People
with
the
Natives
.
The
Saxons
came
under
the
conduct
of
Hengist
and
Horsa
,
who
seem
to
have
bin
sturdy
Pirats
;
but
did
not
(
that
I
can
learn
)
bear
any
Characters
in
their
persons
of
the
so
much
admired
Sovereign
Majesty
,
that
should
give
them
an
absolute
dominion
or
propriety
,
either
in
their
own
Country
,
or
any
other
they
should
set
their
feet
upon
.
They
came
with
about
a
hundred
men
;
and
chusing
rather
to
serve
Vortigern
,
than
to
2.
To
the
second
:
If
it
be
said
that
Records
testify
all
Grants
to
have
bin
originally
from
the
King
;
I
answer
,
That
tho
it
were
confessed
,
(
which
I
absolutely
deny
,
and
affirm
that
our
Rights
and
Liberties
are
innate
,
inherent
,
and
enjoy'd
time
out
of
mind
before
we
had
Kings
)
it
could
be
nothing
to
the
question
,
which
is
concerning
Reason
and
Justice
;
and
if
they
are
wanting
,
the
defect
can
never
be
supplied
by
any
matter
of
fact
,
tho
never
so
clearly
proved
.
Or
if
a
Right
be
pretended
to
be
grounded
upon
a
matter
of
fact
,
the
thing
to
be
proved
is
,
that
the
people
did
really
confer
such
a
right
upon
the
first
,
or
some
other
Kings
:
And
if
no
such
thing
do
appear
,
the
proceedings
of
one
or
more
Kings
as
if
they
had
it
,
can
be
of
no
value
.
But
in
the
present
case
,
no
such
grant
is
pretended
to
have
bin
made
,
either
to
the
first
,
or
to
any
of
the
following
Kings
;
the
Right
they
had
not
their
Successors
could
not
inherit
,
and
consequently
cannot
have
it
,
or
at
most
no
better
title
to
it
than
that
of
Usurpation
.
But
as
they
who
enquire
for
truth
ought
not
to
deny
or
conceal
any
thing
,
I
may
grant
that
Mannors
,
&c.
were
enjoyed
by
tenure
from
Kings
;
but
that
will
no
way
prejudice
the
cause
I
defend
,
nor
signify
more
,
than
that
the
Countries
which
the
Saxons
had
acquired
,
were
to
be
divided
among
them
;
and
to
avoid
the
quarrels
that
might
arise
,
if
every
man
took
upon
him
to
seize
what
he
could
,
a
certain
method
of
making
the
distribution
was
necessarily
to
be
fixed
;
and
it
was
fit
,
that
every
man
should
have
something
in
his
own
hands
to
justify
his
Title
to
what
he
possessed
,
according
to
which
controversies
should
be
determined
.
This
must
be
testified
by
some
body
,
and
no
man
could
be
so
fit
,
or
of
so
much
credit
as
he
who
was
chief
among
them
;
and
this
is
no
more
than
is
usual
in
all
the
Societies
of
the
World
.
The
Mayor
of
every
Corporation
,
the
Speaker
or
Clerk
of
the
House
of
Peers
or
House
of
Commons
,
the
first
President
of
every
Parliament
,
or
Presidial
in
France
;
the
Consul
,
Burgermaster
,
Advoyer
or
Bailiff
in
every
free
Town
of
Holland
,
Germany
or
Switzerland
,
sign
the
publick
Acts
that
pass
in
those
places
.
The
Dukes
of
Venice
and
Genoa
do
the
like
,
tho
they
have
no
other
power
than
what
is
conferred
upon
them
,
and
of
themselves
can
do
little
or
nothing
.
The
Grants
of
our
Kings
are
of
the
same
nature
,
tho
the
words
mero
motu
nostro
seem
to
imply
the
contrary
;
for
Kings
speak
always
in
the
plural
number
,
to
shew
that
they
do
not
act
for
themselves
,
but
for
the
Societies
over
which
they
are
placed
;
and
all
the
veneration
that
is
,
or
can
be
given
to
their
Acts
,
dos
not
exalt
them
,
but
those
from
whom
their
Authority
is
derived
,
and
for
whom
they
are
to
execute
.
The
Tyrants
of
the
East
and
other
Barbarians
whose
power
is
most
absolute
,
speak
in
the
single
number
,
as
appears
by
the
decrees
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
Cyrus
,
Darius
and
Abasaerus
recited
in
Scripture
,
with
others
that
we
hear
of
daily
from
those
parts
:
but
wheresoever
there
is
any
thing
of
civility
or
regularity
in
Government
,
the
Prince
uses
the
plural
,
to
shew
that
he
acts
in
a
publick
capacity
.
From
hence
,
says
Grotius
,
the
rights
of
Kings
[
*
](A60214-e67820-b)
*
Rex
regno
exutus
,
jus
legandi
amittit
.
Grot.
ae
King
who
is
depriv'd
of
his
Kingdom
loses
the
right
of
sending
Ambassadors
,
because
he
can
no
longer
speak
for
those
,
who
by
their
own
consent
,
or
by
a
foreign
force
,
are
cut
off
from
him
.
The
question
is
not
whether
such
a
one
be
justly
or
unjustly
deprived
(
sor
that
concerns
only
those
who
do
it
or
suffer
it
)
but
whether
he
can
oblige
the
People
;
and
't
is
ridiculous
for
any
Nation
to
treat
with
a
man
that
cannot
perform
what
shall
be
agreed
,
or
for
him
to
stipulate
that
which
can
oblige
,
and
will
be
made
good
only
by
himself
.
But
tho
much
may
be
left
to
the
discretion
of
Kings
in
the
distribution
of
Lands
and
the
like
,
yet
it
no
way
diminishes
the
right
of
the
People
,
nor
consers
any
upon
them
otherwise
to
dispose
of
what
belongs
to
the
publick
,
than
may
tend
to
the
common
good
,
and
the
accomplishment
of
those
ends
for
which
they
are
entrusted
.
Nay
,
if
it
were
true
,
that
a
conquered
Country
did
belong
to
the
Crown
,
the
King
could
not
dispose
of
it
,
because
't
is
annexed
to
the
Office
,
and
not
alienable
by
the
Person
.
This
is
not
only
found
in
regular
mixed
Monarchies
(
as
in
Sweden
,
where
the
Grants
made
by
the
last
Kings
have
bin
lately
rescinded
by
the
General
Assembly
of
Estates
,
as
contrary
to
Law
)
but
even
in
the
most
absolute
,
as
in
France
,
where
the
present
King
,
who
has
stretched
his
power
to
the
utmost
,
has
lately
acknowledged
that
he
cannot
do
it
;
and
according
to
the
known
maxim
of
the
State
,
that
the
demeasnes
of
the
Crown
,
which
are
designed
for
the
defraying
of
publick
Charges
,
cannot
be
alienated
,
all
the
Grants
made
within
the
last
fifteen
years
have
bin
annulled
;
even
those
who
had
bought
Lands
of
the
Crown
have
bin
called
to
account
,
and
the
Sums
given
being
compared
with
the
profits
received
,
and
a
moderate
interest
allowed
to
the
purchasers
,
so
much
of
the
principal
as
remained
due
to
them
has
bin
repay'd
,
and
the
Lands
resumed
.
SECT.
XXX
.
Henry
the
First
was
King
of
England
by
as
good
a
Title
as
any
of
his
Predecessors
or
Successors
.
HAVING
made
it
appear
,
as
I
suppose
,
that
the
antient
Nobility
of
England
was
composed
of
such
men
as
had
bin
ennobled
by
bearing
Arms
in
the
defence
or
enlargement
of
the
Common-wealth
;
that
the
Dukes
,
Earls
,
&c.
were
those
who
commanded
them
;
that
they
and
their
dependents
received
Lands
for
such
services
,
under
an
obligation
of
continuing
to
render
the
like
,
and
according
to
their
several
degrees
and
proportions
,
to
provide
and
maintain
Horses
,
Arms
and
Men
for
the
same
uses
;
it
cannot
be
denied
that
they
were
such
Gentlemen
and
Lords
of
Mannors
,
as
we
now
call
Commoners
,
together
with
the
Freeholders
,
and
such
as
in
war
were
found
most
able
to
be
their
Leaders
.
Of
these
the
Micklegemots
,
Wittenagemots
,
and
other
publick
Assemblies
did
consist
;
and
nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
assign
the
names
and
rights
of
Duke
,
Earl
and
Vicount
,
which
were
names
of
Offices
,
to
those
who
have
not
the
Offices
,
and
are
no
way
fit
for
them
.
If
our
Author
therefore
had
said
,
that
such
as
these
who
had
always
composed
the
great
Councils
of
our
Nation
,
had
in
favour
of
Henry
the
First
,
bestowed
the
Crown
upon
him
,
as
they
had
done
upon
his
Father
and
Brother
,
I
should
agree
with
him
:
but
't
is
the
utmost
extravagance
to
say
,
that
he
who
had
neither
title
nor
possession
,
should
give
the
power
to
those
who
had
always
bin
in
the
possession
of
it
,
and
exercised
it
in
giving
to
him
whatsoever
he
had
.
But
I
most
wonder
he
should
so
far
forget
himself
,
to
call
this
Henry
a
Usurper
,
and
detract
from
the
validity
of
his
Acts
,
because
he
had
no
title
;
whereas
there
neither
is
,
was
,
or
can
be
a
Usurper
if
there
be
any
truth
in
his
Doctrine
:
for
he
plainly
tells
us
,
we
are
only
to
look
to
the
power
,
and
not
at
all
to
the
means
and
ways
by
which
it
is
obtained
;
and
making
no
difference
between
a
King
and
a
Tyrant
,
enjoins
an
equal
submission
to
the
commands
of
both
.
If
this
were
only
a
slip
of
his
Pen
,
and
he
did
really
take
this
Henry
to
be
a
Usurper
because
he
had
not
a
good
title
,
I
should
desire
to
know
the
marks
by
which
a
lawful
King
is
distinguished
from
a
Usurper
,
and
in
what
a
just
Title
dos
consist
.
If
he
place
it
in
an
hereditary
Succession
,
we
ought
to
be
informed
,
whether
this
right
must
be
deduced
from
one
universal
Lord
of
Mankind
,
or
from
a
particular
Lord
of
every
People
:
If
from
the
universal
Lord
,
the
same
descent
that
gives
him
a
right
to
the
dominion
of
any
one
Country
,
enslaves
the
whole
world
to
him
:
if
from
the
particular
Lord
of
one
place
,
proof
must
be
given
how
he
came
to
be
so
:
for
if
there
was
a
defect
in
the
first
,
it
can
never
be
repaired
,
and
the
possession
is
no
more
than
a
continued
Usurpation
.
But
having
already
proved
the
absurdity
of
any
pretence
to
either
,
I
shall
forbear
the
repetition
,
and
only
say
,
that
if
the
course
of
Succession
may
never
be
justly
interrupted
,
the
family
of
Meroveus
could
not
have
had
any
right
to
the
Crown
of
France
;
Pepin
was
a
Usurper
,
if
it
must
for
ever
have
continued
in
the
descendents
of
Meroveus
,
and
Hugh
Capet
could
have
no
title
,
if
the
race
of
Pepin
might
not
be
dispossess'd
.
I
leave
our
Author
to
dispute
this
point
with
the
King
of
France
;
and
when
he
has
so
far
convinced
him
that
he
is
a
Usurper
,
as
to
perswade
him
to
resign
his
Crown
to
the
house
of
Austria
claiming
from
Pharamond
,
or
to
that
of
Lorrain
as
descended
from
Pepin
,
I
can
give
him
half
a
dozen
more
knots
which
will
not
be
with
less
difficulty
untied
,
and
which
instead
of
establishing
the
titles
of
such
Kings
as
are
known
to
us
,
will
overthrow
them
all
,
unless
a
right
be
given
to
usurpation
,
or
the
consent
of
a
People
do
confer
it
.
But
if
there
is
such
a
thing
as
a
Usurper
,
and
a
rule
by
which
men
may
judg
of
Usurpation
,
't
is
not
only
lawful
but
necessary
for
us
to
examine
the
titles
of
such
as
go
under
the
name
of
Kings
,
that
we
may
know
whether
they
are
truly
so
or
not
,
lest
through
ignorance
we
chance
to
give
the
veneration
and
obedience
that
is
due
to
a
King
,
to
one
who
is
not
a
King
,
and
deny
it
to
him
,
who
by
an
uninterruptible
line
of
Descent
is
our
natural
Lord
,
and
thereby
prefer
the
worst
of
men
and
our
most
bitter
enemy
before
the
Person
we
ought
to
look
upon
as
our
Father
:
and
if
this
prove
dangerous
to
one
or
more
Kings
,
't
is
our
Author's
fault
,
not
mine
.
If
there
be
no
Usurper
,
nor
rule
of
distinguishing
him
from
a
lawful
Prince
,
Filmer
is
the
worst
of
all
triflers
and
impostors
,
who
grounds
his
Arguments
in
the
most
serious
matters
upon
what
he
esteems
to
be
false
:
but
the
truth
is
,
he
seems
to
have
set
himself
against
humanity
and
common
sense
,
as
much
as
against
Law
and
Virtue
;
and
if
he
who
so
frequently
contradicts
himself
,
can
be
said
to
mean
any
thing
,
he
would
authorize
rapine
and
murder
,
and
perswade
us
to
account
those
to
be
rightful
Kings
,
who
by
treachery
and
other
unjust
means
overthrow
the
right
of
Descent
which
he
pretends
to
esteem
sacred
,
as
well
as
the
Liberties
of
Nations
,
which
by
better
judges
are
thought
to
be
so
,
and
gives
the
odious
name
of
usurpation
to
the
advancement
of
one
who
is
made
King
by
the
consent
of
a
willing
People
.
But
if
Henry
the
First
were
a
Usurper
,
I
desire
to
know
whether
the
same
name
belongs
to
all
our
Kings
,
or
which
of
them
deserves
a
better
,
that
we
may
understand
whose
acts
ought
to
be
reputed
legal
,
and
to
whose
Descent
we
owe
veneration
,
or
whether
we
are
wholly
exempted
from
all
:
for
I
cannot
see
a
possibility
of
fixing
the
guilt
of
Usurpation
upon
Henry
the
First
,
without
involving
many
,
if
not
all
our
Kings
in
the
same
.
If
his
title
was
not
good
because
his
Brother
Robert
was
still
living
,
that
of
Rufus
is
by
the
same
reason
overthrown
;
and
William
their
sather
being
a
bastard
could
have
none
.
This
fundamental
defect
could
never
be
repair'd
;
for
the
Successors
could
inherit
no
more
than
the
right
of
the
first
,
which
was
nothing
.
Stephen
could
deduce
no
title
either
from
Norman
or
Saxon
;
whatsoever
Henry
the
second
pretended
,
must
be
from
his
Mother
Maud
,
and
any
other
might
have
bin
preferred
before
her
as
well
as
he
.
If
her
title
was
from
the
Normans
,
it
must
be
void
,
since
they
had
none
,
and
the
story
of
Edgar
Atheling
is
too
impertinent
to
deserve
mention
.
But
however
,
it
could
be
of
no
advantage
to
her
;
for
David
King
of
Scotland
,
Brother
to
her
Mother
from
whom
only
her
title
could
be
derived
,
was
then
alive
with
his
Son
Henry
,
who
dying
not
long
after
,
left
three
Sons
and
three
Daughters
,
whose
posterity
being
distributed
into
many
Families
of
Scotland
,
remains
to
this
day
;
and
if
proximity
of
blood
is
to
be
consider'd
,
ought
always
to
have
bin
preferr'd
before
her
and
her
descendents
,
unless
there
be
a
Law
that
gives
the
preference
to
Daughters
before
Sons
.
What
right
soever
Henry
the
second
had
,
it
must
necessarily
have
perished
with
him
,
all
his
Children
having
bin
begotten
in
manifest
Adultery
on
Eleanor
of
Gascony
,
during
the
life
of
Lewis
King
of
France
her
first
Husband
:
and
nothing
could
be
alledged
to
colour
the
business
,
but
a
dispensation
from
the
Pope
directly
against
the
Law
of
God
,
and
the
words
of
our
Saviour
,
who
says
,
That
a
Wife
cannot
be
put
away
unless
for
Adultery
,
and
he
that
marrieth
her
that
is
put
away
committeth
Adultery
.
The
pollution
of
this
spring
is
not
to
be
cured
;
but
tho
it
should
pass
unregarded
,
no
one
part
of
the
Succession
since
that
time
has
remained
intire
.
John
was
preferred
before
Arthur
his
elder
brother's
Son
:
Edward
the
third
was
made
King
by
the
deposition
of
his
Father
:
Henry
the
fourth
by
that
of
Richard
the
2d
.
If
the
house
of
Mortimer
or
York
had
the
right
,
Henry
the
4th
,
5th
,
and
6th
,
were
not
Kings
,
and
all
who
claim
under
them
have
no
title
.
However
,
Richard
the
third
could
have
none
;
for
the
Children
of
his
elder
Brother
the
Duke
of
Clarence
were
then
living
.
The
Children
of
Edward
the
fourth
may
be
suspected
of
bastardy
;
and
tho
it
may
have
bin
otherwise
,
yet
that
matter
is
not
so
clear
as
things
of
such
importance
ought
to
be
,
and
the
consequence
may
reach
very
far
.
But
tho
that
scruple
were
removed
,
't
is
certain
that
Henry
the
7th
was
not
King
in
the
right
of
his
Wife
Elizabeth
,
for
he
reigned
before
and
after
her
;
and
for
his
other
titles
,
we
may
believe
Philip
de
Commines
,
who
says
,
He
had
neither
cross
nor
pile
.
If
Henry
the
eighth
had
a
right
Yet
all
these
were
lawful
Kings
and
Queens
;
their
Acts
continue
in
force
to
this
day
to
all
intents
and
purposes
:
the
Parliament
and
People
made
them
to
be
so
,
when
they
had
no
other
title
.
The
Parliament
and
People
therefore
have
the
power
of
making
Kings
:
Those
who
are
so
made
are
not
Usurpers
:
We
have
had
none
but
such
for
more
than
seven
hundred
years
.
They
were
therefore
lawful
Kings
,
or
this
Nation
has
had
none
in
all
that
time
;
and
if
our
Author
like
this
conclusion
,
the
account
from
whence
it
is
drawn
may
without
difficulty
be
carried
as
high
as
our
English
Histories
do
reach
.
This
being
built
upon
the
steddy
Foundation
of
Law
,
History
and
Reason
,
is
not
to
be
removed
by
any
man's
opinion
;
especially
by
one
accompanied
with
such
circumstances
as
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
was
in
during
the
last
years
of
his
life
:
And
there
is
something
of
baseness
,
as
well
as
prevarication
,
in
turning
the
words
of
an
eminent
Person
,
reduced
to
great
difficulties
,
to
a
sense
no
way
agreeing
with
his
former
actions
or
writings
,
and
no
less
tending
to
impair
his
reputation
than
to
deceive
others
.
Our
Author
is
highly
guilty
of
both
,
in
citing
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
to
invalidate
the
great
Charter
of
our
Liberties
,
as
begun
by
Vsurpation
,
and
shewed
to
the
world
by
Rebellion
;
whereas
no
such
thing
,
nor
any
thing
like
it
in
word
or
principle
can
be
found
in
the
works
that
deserve
to
go
under
his
name
.
The
Dialogue
in
question
,
with
some
other
small
pieces
published
after
his
death
,
deserve
to
be
esteemed
spurious
:
Or
if
,
from
a
desire
of
life
,
when
he
knew
his
head
lay
under
the
Ax
,
he
was
brought
to
say
things
no
way
agreeing
with
what
he
had
formerly
profess'd
,
they
ought
rather
to
be
buried
in
oblivion
,
than
produced
to
blemish
his
memory
.
But
that
the
publick
Cause
may
not
suffer
by
his
fault
,
't
is
convenient
the
world
should
be
informed
,
that
tho
he
was
a
well
qualified
Gentleman
,
yet
his
Morals
were
no
way
exact
,
as
appears
by
his
dealings
with
the
brave
Earl
of
Essex
.
And
he
was
so
well
assisted
in
his
History
of
the
World
,
that
an
ordinary
man
with
the
same
helps
might
have
perform'd
the
same
things
.
Neither
ought
it
to
be
accounted
strange
,
if
that
which
he
writ
by
himself
had
the
tincture
of
another
spirit
,
when
he
was
deprived
of
that
assistance
,
tho
his
life
had
not
depended
upon
the
will
of
the
Prince
,
and
he
had
never
said
,
That
[
*
](A60214-e68640-b)
*
See
Sir
W.
Raleigh's
Epistle
to
King
James
.
the
bonds
of
Subjects
to
their
Kings
should
always
be
wrought
out
of
Iron
,
and
those
of
Kings
to
their
Subjects
out
of
Cobwebs
.
SECT.
XXXI
.
Free
Nations
have
a
right
of
meeting
,
when
and
where
they
please
,
unless
they
deprive
themselves
of
it
.
APerverted
Judgment
always
leads
men
into
a
wrong
way
,
and
perswades
them
to
believe
that
those
things
favour
their
cause
,
that
utterly
overthrow
it
.
For
a
proof
of
this
,
I
desire
our
Author's
words
may
be
consider'd
.
In
the
former
Parliaments
,
says
he
,
instituted
and
continued
since
Henry
the
first
his
time
,
is
not
to
be
found
the
usage
of
any
natural
Liberty
of
the
people
:
For
all
those
Liberties
that
are
claimed
in
Parliament
,
are
Liberties
of
Grace
from
the
King
,
and
not
the
Liberties
of
Nature
to
the
People
:
For
if
the
Liberty
were
natural
,
it
would
give
power
unto
the
multitude
to
assemble
themselves
,
when
and
where
they
pleased
,
to
bestow
the
Sovereignty
,
and
by
pactions
to
limit
and
direct
the
exercise
of
it
.
And
I
say
that
Nations
being
naturally
free
may
meet
,
when
and
where
they
please
;
may
dispose
of
the
Soveraignty
,
and
may
direct
or
limit
the
exercise
of
it
,
unless
by
their
own
act
they
have
deprived
themselves
of
that
right
:
and
there
could
never
have
bin
a
lawful
Assembly
of
any
People
in
the
world
,
if
they
had
not
had
that
power
in
themselves
.
It
was
proved
in
the
preceding
Section
,
that
all
our
Kings
having
no
title
,
were
no
more
than
what
the
Nobility
and
People
made
them
to
be
;
that
they
could
have
no
power
but
what
was
given
to
them
,
and
could
confer
none
except
what
they
had
received
.
If
they
can
therefore
call
Parliaments
,
the
power
of
calling
them
must
have
bin
given
to
them
,
and
could
not
be
given
by
any
who
had
it
not
in
themselves
.
The
Israelites
met
together
,
and
chose
Ehud
,
Gideon
,
Samson
,
Jephtha
,
and
others
,
to
be
their
Leaders
,
whom
they
judged
fit
to
deliver
them
from
their
Enemies
.
By
the
same
right
they
assembled
at
Mispeth
to
make
War
against
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
,
when
Justice
was
denied
to
be
done
against
those
who
had
villanously
abused
the
Levites
Concubine
.
In
the
like
manner
they
would
have
made
Gideon
King
,
but
he
refused
.
In
the
same
place
they
met
,
and
chose
Saul
to
be
their
King
.
He
being
dead
,
the
men
of
Judah
assembled
themselves
,
and
anointed
David
:
Not
long
after
,
all
the
Tribes
met
at
Hebron
,
made
a
Contract
with
him
,
and
received
him
as
their
King
.
In
the
same
manner
,
tho
by
worse
Counsel
,
they
made
Absalom
King
.
And
the
like
was
attempted
in
favour
of
Sheba
the
Son
of
Bichri
,
tho
they
then
had
a
King
chosen
by
themselves
.
When
they
found
themselves
oppressed
by
the
Tributes
that
had
bin
laid
upon
them
by
Solomon
,
they
met
at
Shechem
;
and
being
displeased
with
Rehoboam's
answer
to
their
complaints
,
ten
of
the
Tribes
made
Jeroboam
King
.
Jehu
,
and
all
the
other
Kings
of
Israel
,
whether
good
or
bad
,
had
no
other
Title
than
was
conferred
upon
them
by
the
prevailing
part
of
the
People
;
which
could
not
have
given
them
any
,
unless
they
had
met
together
;
nor
meet
together
without
the
consent
,
and
against
the
will
of
those
that
reigned
,
unless
the
Power
had
bin
in
themselves
.
Where
Governments
are
more
exactly
regulated
,
the
power
of
judging
when
't
is
fit
to
call
the
Senate
or
People
together
,
is
refer'd
to
one
or
more
Magistrates
;
as
in
Rome
to
the
Consuls
or
Tribuns
,
in
Athens
to
the
Archons
,
and
in
Thebes
to
the
Beotarches
:
but
none
of
them
could
have
these
Powers
,
unless
they
had
bin
given
by
those
who
advanced
them
to
the
Magistracies
to
which
they
were
annexed
;
nor
could
they
have
bin
so
annexed
,
if
those
who
created
them
had
not
had
the
right
in
themselves
.
If
these
Officers
neglected
their
duty
of
calling
such
Assemblies
when
the
publick
Affairs
required
,
the
people
met
by
their
own
Authority
,
and
punished
the
Person
,
or
abrogated
the
Magistracy
,
as
appears
in
the
case
of
the
Decemviri
,
and
many
others
that
might
be
alledged
,
if
the
thing
were
not
so
plain
as
to
need
no
further
proof
.
The
reason
of
this
is
,
that
they
who
institute
a
Magistracy
,
best
know
whether
the
end
of
the
Institution
be
rightly
pursued
or
not
:
And
all
just
Magistracies
being
the
same
in
essence
,
tho
differing
in
form
,
the
same
right
must
perpetually
belong
to
those
who
put
the
Sovereign
Power
into
the
hands
of
one
,
a
few
,
or
many
men
,
which
is
what
our
Author
calls
the
disposal
of
the
Sovereignty
.
Thus
the
Romans
did
when
they
created
Kings
,
Consuls
,
Military
Tribuns
,
Dictators
,
or
Decemviri
:
and
it
had
bin
most
ridiculous
to
say
,
that
those
Officers
gave
authority
to
the
people
to
meet
and
chuse
them
;
for
they
who
are
chosen
are
the
Creatures
of
those
who
chuse
,
and
are
nothing
more
than
others
till
they
are
chosen
.
The
last
King
of
Sweden
,
Charles
Gustavus
,
told
a
Gentleman
who
was
Ambassador
there
,
That
the
Swedes
having
made
him
King
,
when
he
was
poor
and
had
nothing
in
the
world
,
he
had
but
one
work
to
do
,
which
was
so
to
reign
,
that
they
might
never
repent
the
good
opinion
they
had
conceived
of
him
.
They
might
therefore
meet
,
and
did
meet
to
confer
the
Sovereignty
upon
him
,
or
he
could
never
have
had
it
:
For
tho
the
Kingdom
be
hereditary
to
Males
or
Females
,
and
his
Mother
was
Sister
to
the
Great
Gustavus
;
yet
having
married
a
stranger
without
the
consent
of
the
Estates
,
she
performed
not
the
condition
upon
which
women
are
admitted
to
the
Succession
;
and
thereby
falling
from
her
right
,
he
pretended
not
to
any
.
The
Act
of
his
Election
declares
he
had
none
,
and
gives
the
Crown
to
him
and
the
Heirs
of
his
body
,
with
this
farther
declaration
,
that
the
benefit
.
of
his
Election
should
no
way
extend
to
his
Brother
Prince
Adolphus
;
and
't
is
confessed
by
all
the
Swedish
Nation
,
that
if
the
King
now
reigning
should
die
without
children
,
the
Estates
would
proceed
to
a
new
Election
.
'T
is
rightly
observ'd
by
our
Author
,
that
if
the
people
might
meet
and
give
the
Sovereign
Power
,
they
might
also
direct
and
limit
it
;
for
they
did
meet
in
this
and
other
Countries
,
they
did
confer
the
Sovereign
Power
,
they
did
limit
and
direct
the
exercise
;
and
the
Laws
of
each
people
shew
in
what
manner
and
measure
it
is
every
where
done
.
This
is
as
certain
in
relation
to
Kings
,
as
any
other
Magistrates
.
The
Commission
of
the
Roman
Dictators
was
,
to
take
care
[
*
](A60214-e69050-b)
*
Ne
quid
detrimenti
Respublica
accipiat
.
T.
Liv.
that
the
Commonwealth
might
receive
no
detriment
.
The
same
was
sometimes
given
to
the
Consuls
:
King
Offa's
confession
,
that
he
was
made
King
[
*
](A60214-e69090-b)
*
In
vestrae
Libertatis
tuitionem
.
Mat.
Par.
to
preserve
the
publick
Liberty
,
expresses
the
same
thing
:
And
Charles
Gustavus
,
who
said
he
had
no
other
work
,
than
to
govern
in
such
a
manner
,
that
they
who
had
made
him
King
might
not
repent
,
shew'd
there
was
a
Rule
which
he
stood
obliged
to
follow
,
and
an
end
which
he
was
to
procure
,
that
he
might
merit
and
preserve
their
good
opinion
.
This
power
of
conferring
the
Sovereignty
was
exercised
in
France
by
those
who
made
Meroveus
King
,
in
the
prejudice
of
the
two
Grandchildren
of
Pharamond
Sons
to
Clodion
;
by
those
who
excluded
his
Race
,
and
gave
the
Crown
to
Pepin
;
by
those
who
deposed
Lewis
le
Debonair
,
and
Charles
le
Gros
;
by
those
who
brought
in
five
Kings
,
that
were
either
Bastards
or
Strangers
,
between
him
and
Charles
le
Simple
;
by
those
who
rejected
his
Race
,
and
advanced
Hugh
Capet
;
by
those
who
made
Henry
the
first
King
,
to
the
prejudice
of
Robert
his
elder
Brother
,
and
continued
the
Crown
in
the
Race
of
Henry
for
ten
Generations
,
whilst
the
Descendents
of
Robert
were
only
Dukes
of
Burgundy
.
The
like
was
done
in
Castille
and
Arragon
,
by
frequently
preferring
the
younger
before
the
elder
Brother
;
the
Descendents
of
Females
before
those
of
the
Male-line
in
the
same
degree
;
the
more
remote
in
Blood
before
the
nearest
;
and
sometimes
Bastards
before
the
legitimate
Issue
.
The
same
was
done
in
England
in
relation
to
every
King
,
since
the
coming
in
of
the
Normans
,
as
I
shewed
in
the
last
Section
,
and
other
places
of
this
Work
.
That
they
who
gave
the
Sovereignty
,
might
also
circumscribe
and
direct
it
,
is
manifest
by
the
several
ways
of
providing
for
the
Succession
instituted
by
several
Nations
.
Some
are
merely
elective
,
as
the
Empire
of
Germany
and
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
to
this
day
;
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
till
the
year
1660
;
that
of
Sweden
till
the
time
of
Gustavus
Ericson
,
who
delivered
that
Nation
from
the
oppression
of
Christiern
the
second
the
cruel
King
of
the
Danes
.
In
others
the
Election
was
confined
to
one
or
more
Families
,
as
the
Kingdom
of
the
Goths
in
Spain
to
the
Balthei
and
Amalthei
.
In
some
,
the
eldest
Man
of
the
reigning
Family
was
preferr'd
before
the
nearest
,
as
in
Scotland
before
the
time
of
Kennethus
.
In
other
places
the
nearest
in
Blood
is
preferr'd
before
the
elder
if
more
remote
.
In
some
,
no
regard
is
had
to
Females
,
or
their
Descendents
,
as
in
France
and
Turky
.
In
others
,
they
or
their
Descendents
are
admitted
,
either
simply
as
well
as
Males
;
or
under
a
condition
of
marrying
in
the
Country
,
or
with
the
consent
of
the
Estates
,
as
in
Sweden
.
And
no
other
reason
can
be
given
for
this
almost
infinite
variety
of
Constitutions
,
than
that
they
who
made
them
would
have
it
so
;
which
could
not
be
,
if
God
and
Nature
had
appointed
one
general
Rule
for
all
Nations
.
For
in
that
case
,
the
Kingdom
of
France
must
be
elective
,
as
well
as
that
of
Poland
and
the
Empire
;
or
the
Empire
and
Poland
hereditary
,
as
that
of
France
:
Daughters
must
succeed
in
France
,
as
well
as
in
England
,
or
be
excluded
in
England
as
in
France
;
and
he
that
would
establish
one
as
the
Ordinance
of
God
and
Nature
,
must
necessarily
overthrow
all
the
rest
.
A
farther
exercise
of
the
natural
Liberty
of
Nations
is
discovered
in
the
several
limitations
put
upon
the
Sovereign
Power
.
Some
Kings
,
says
Grotius
,
have
the
summum
Imperium
summo
modo
;
others
,
'T
were
a
folly
to
think
this
variety
proceeds
from
the
concessions
of
Kings
,
who
naturally
delight
in
Power
,
and
hate
that
which
crosses
their
will
.
It
might
with
more
reason
be
imagined
,
that
the
Roman
Consuls
,
who
were
brought
up
in
liberty
,
who
had
contracted
a
love
to
their
Country
,
and
were
contented
to
live
upon
an
equal
foot
with
their
fellow
Citizens
,
should
confine
the
power
of
their
Magistracy
to
a
year
;
or
that
the
Dukes
of
Venice
should
be
graciously
pleased
to
give
power
to
the
Council
of
Ten
to
punish
them
capitally
if
they
transgressed
the
Laws
,
than
that
Kings
should
put
such
Fetters
upon
their
power
,
which
they
so
much
abhor
;
or
that
they
would
suffer
them
,
if
they
could
be
easily
broken
.
If
any
one
of
them
should
prove
so
moderate
,
like
Trajan
,
to
command
the
Prefect
of
the
Pretorian
Guard
to
use
the
Sword
for
him
if
he
governed
well
,
and
against
him
if
he
did
not
,
it
would
soon
be
rescinded
by
his
Successor
;
the
Law
which
has
no
other
strength
than
the
act
of
one
man
,
may
be
annulled
by
another
.
So
that
nothing
dos
more
certainly
prove
,
that
the
Laws
made
in
several
Countries
to
restrain
the
Power
of
Kings
,
and
variously
to
dispose
of
the
Succession
,
are
not
from
them
,
than
the
frequent
examples
of
their
fury
,
who
have
exposed
themselves
to
the
greatest
dangers
,
and
brought
infinite
miseries
upon
the
people
,
through
the
desire
of
breaking
them
.
It
must
therefore
be
concluded
,
that
Nations
have
power
of
meeting
together
,
and
of
conferring
,
limiting
,
and
directing
the
Sovereignty
;
or
all
must
be
grounded
upon
most
manifest
Injustice
and
Usurpation
.
No
man
can
have
a
power
over
a
Nation
otherwise
than
de
jure
,
or
de
facto
.
He
who
pretends
to
have
a
power
de
jure
,
must
prove
that
it
is
originally
inherent
in
him
or
his
predecessor
from
whom
he
inherits
;
or
that
it
was
justly
acquired
by
him
.
The
vanity
of
any
pretence
to
an
original
Right
appears
sufficiently
,
I
hope
,
from
the
proofs
already
given
,
that
the
first
Fathers
of
Mankind
had
it
not
;
or
if
they
had
,
no
man
could
now
inherit
the
same
,
there
being
no
man
able
to
make
good
the
Genealogy
that
should
give
him
a
right
to
the
Succession
.
Besides
,
the
facility
we
have
of
proving
the
beginnings
of
all
the
Families
that
reign
among
us
,
makes
it
as
absurd
for
any
of
them
to
pretend
a
perpetual
right
to
Dominion
,
as
for
any
Citizen
of
London
,
whose
parents
and
birth
we
know
,
to
say
he
is
the
very
man
Noah
who
lived
in
the
time
of
the
Flood
,
and
is
now
four
or
five
thousand
years
old
.
If
the
power
were
conferred
on
him
or
his
Predecessors
,
't
is
what
we
ask
;
for
the
collation
can
be
of
no
value
,
unless
it
be
made
by
those
who
had
a
right
to
do
it
;
and
the
original
right
by
Descent
failing
,
no
one
can
have
any
over
a
sree
People
but
themselves
,
or
those
to
whom
they
have
given
it
.
If
acquisition
be
pretended
,
't
is
the
same
thing
;
for
there
can
be
no
right
to
that
which
is
acquired
,
unless
the
right
of
invading
be
proved
;
and
that
being
done
,
nothing
can
be
acquired
except
what
belonged
to
the
person
that
was
invaded
,
and
that
only
by
him
who
had
the
right
of
invading
.
No
man
ever
did
or
could
conquer
a
Nation
by
his
own
strength
;
no
man
therefore
could
ever
acquire
a
personal
right
over
any
;
and
if
it
was
conferr'd
upon
him
by
those
who
made
the
conquest
with
him
,
they
were
the
People
that
did
it
.
He
can
no
more
be
said
to
have
the
right
originally
in
and
from
himself
,
than
a
Magistrate
of
Rome
or
Athens
immediately
after
his
creation
;
and
having
no
other
at
the
beginning
,
he
can
have
none
to
eternity
;
for
the
nature
of
it
must
refer
to
the
original
,
and
cannot
be
changed
by
time
.
Whatsoever
therefore
proceeds
not
from
the
consent
of
the
People
,
must
be
de
facto
only
,
that
is
,
void
of
all
right
;
and
't
is
impossible
there
should
not
be
a
right
of
destroying
that
which
is
grounded
upon
none
;
and
by
the
same
rule
that
one
man
enjoys
what
he
gained
by
violence
,
another
may
take
it
from
him
.
Cyrus
overthrew
the
Assyrians
and
Babylonians
,
Alexander
the
Medes
and
Persians
;
and
if
they
had
no
right
of
making
war
upon
those
Nations
,
the
Nations
could
not
but
have
a
right
of
recovering
all
that
had
bin
unjustly
taken
from
them
,
and
avenging
the
evils
they
had
suffered
.
If
the
cause
of
the
war
was
originally
just
,
and
not
corrupted
by
an
intemperate
use
of
the
victory
,
the
conquer'd
People
was
perhaps
obliged
to
be
quiet
;
but
the
conquering
Armies
that
had
conferred
upon
their
Generals
what
they
had
taken
from
their
enemies
,
might
as
justly
expect
an
account
of
what
they
had
given
,
and
that
it
should
be
imploy'd
according
to
the
intention
of
the
givers
,
as
the
People
of
any
City
might
do
from
their
regularly
created
Magistrates
;
because
it
was
as
impossible
for
Cyrus
,
Alexander
or
Cesar
,
to
gain
a
power
over
the
Armies
they
led
,
without
their
consent
,
as
for
Pericles
,
Valerius
,
or
any
other
disarmed
Citizen
to
gain
more
power
in
their
respective
Cities
than
was
voluntarily
conferr'd
upon
them
.
And
I
know
no
other
difference
between
Kingdoms
so
constituted
by
conquering
Armies
,
and
such
as
are
established
in
the
most
orderly
manner
,
than
that
the
first
usually
incline
more
to
war
and
violence
,
the
latter
to
justice
and
peace
.
But
there
have
not
bin
wanting
many
of
the
first
sort
(
especially
the
Nations
coming
from
the
North
)
who
were
no
less
exact
in
ordaining
that
which
tended
to
the
preservation
of
Liberty
,
nor
less
severe
in
seeing
it
punctually
performed
,
than
the
most
regular
Commonwealths
that
ever
were
in
the
world
.
And
it
can
with
no
more
reason
be
pretended
,
that
the
Goths
received
their
privileges
from
Alan
or
Theodoric
,
the
Francs
from
Pharamond
or
Meroveus
,
and
the
English
from
Ina
or
Ethelred
,
than
that
the
liberty
of
Athens
was
the
gift
of
Themistocles
or
Pericles
,
that
the
Empire
of
Rome
proceeded
from
the
liberality
of
Brutus
or
Valerius
,
and
that
the
Commonwealth
of
Venice
at
this
day
subsists
by
the
favour
of
the
Contarini
or
Moresini
:
which
must
reduce
us
to
matter
of
right
,
since
that
of
fact
void
of
right
can
signify
nothing
.
SECT.
XXXII
.
The
powers
of
Kings
are
so
various
according
to
the
Constitutions
of
several
States
,
that
no
consequence
can
be
drawn
to
the
prejudice
or
advantage
of
any
one
,
merely
from
the
name
.
IN
opposition
to
what
is
above
said
,
some
alledg
the
name
of
King
,
as
if
there
were
a
charm
in
the
word
;
and
our
Author
seems
to
put
more
weight
upon
it
,
than
in
the
reasons
he
brings
to
support
his
cause
.
But
that
we
may
see
there
is
no
efficacy
in
it
,
and
that
it
conveys
no
other
right
than
what
particular
Nations
may
annex
to
it
,
we
are
to
consider
,
1.
That
the
most
absolute
Princes
that
are
or
have
bin
in
the
world
,
never
had
the
name
of
King
;
whereas
it
has
bin
frequently
given
to
those
whose
powers
have
bin
very
much
restrained
.
The
Cesars
were
never
called
Kings
,
till
the
sixth
age
of
Christianity
:
the
Califs
and
Soldan
of
Egypt
and
Babylon
,
the
Great
Turk
,
the
Cham
of
Tartary
,
or
the
Great
Mogol
never
took
that
name
,
or
any
other
of
the
same
signification
.
The
Czar
of
Moscovy
has
it
not
,
tho
he
is
as
absolute
a
Monarch
,
and
his
People
as
miserable
slaves
as
any
in
the
world
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
chief
Magistrates
of
Rome
and
Athens
for
some
time
,
those
of
Sparta
,
Arragon
,
Sweden
,
Denmark
and
England
,
who
could
do
nothing
but
by
Law
,
have
bin
called
Kings
.
This
may
be
enough
to
shew
,
that
a
name
being
no
way
essential
,
what
title
soever
is
given
to
the
chief
Magistrate
,
he
can
have
no
other
power
than
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
his
Country
do
give
,
or
the
People
confer
upon
him
.
2.
The
names
of
Magistrates
are
often
changed
,
tho
the
power
continue
to
be
the
same
;
and
the
powers
are
sometimes
alter'd
tho
the
name
remain
.
When
Octavius
Cesar
by
the
force
of
a
mad
corrupted
Soldiery
had
overthrown
all
Law
and
Right
,
he
took
no
other
title
in
relation
to
military
Affairs
than
that
of
Imperator
,
which
in
the
time
of
liberty
was
by
the
Armies
often
given
to
Pretors
and
Consuls
:
In
Civil
matters
he
was
,
as
he
pretended
,
[
*
](A60214-e70310-b)
*
Tribunitia
potestate
contentus
.
C.
Tacit.
content
with
the
power
of
Tribun
;
and
the
like
was
observed
in
his
Successor
,
who
to
new
invented
Usurpations
gave
old
and
approved
names
.
On
the
other
side
,
Imperator
,
Cesar
and
Augustus
,
as
those
had
done
,
who
by
the
excess
of
their
rage
and
fury
had
desolated
and
corrupted
the
best
part
of
world
.
Sometimes
the
name
is
changed
,
tho
the
power
in
all
respects
continue
to
be
the
same
.
The
Lords
of
Castille
had
for
many
Ages
no
The
Sovereign
Magistrate
in
Poland
was
called
Duke
till
within
the
last
two
hundred
years
,
when
they
gave
the
title
of
King
to
one
of
the
Jagellan
Family
;
which
title
has
continued
to
this
day
,
tho
without
any
change
in
the
nature
of
the
Magistracy
.
And
I
presume
,
no
wise
man
will
think
,
that
if
the
Venetians
should
give
the
name
of
King
to
their
Duke
,
it
could
confer
any
other
power
upon
him
than
he
has
already
,
unless
more
should
be
conferr'd
by
the
Authority
of
the
Great
Council
.
3.
The
same
names
which
in
some
places
denote
the
supreme
Magistracy
,
in
others
are
subordinate
or
merely
titular
.
In
England
,
France
and
Spain
,
Dukes
and
Earls
are
Subjects
:
in
Germany
the
Electors
and
Princes
who
are
called
by
those
names
are
little
less
than
Sovereigns
;
and
the
Dukes
of
Savoy
,
Tuscany
,
Moscovy
and
others
,
acknowledg
no
Superior
,
as
well
as
those
of
Poland
and
Castille
had
none
,
when
they
went
under
those
titles
.
The
same
may
be
said
of
Kings
.
Some
are
subject
to
a
foreign
power
,
as
divers
of
them
were
subject
to
the
Persian
and
Babylonian
Monarchs
,
who
for
that
reason
were
called
the
Kings
of
Kings
.
Some
also
are
tributaries
;
and
when
the
Spaniards
first
landed
in
America
,
the
great
Kings
of
Mexico
and
Peru
had
many
others
under
them
.
Threescore
and
ten
Kings
gathered
up
meat
under
the
table
of
Adonibezek
.
The
Romans
had
many
Kings
depending
upon
them
.
Herod
and
those
of
his
race
were
of
this
number
;
and
the
dispute
between
him
and
his
Sons
Aristobulus
and
Alexander
was
to
be
determined
by
them
,
neither
durst
he
decide
the
matter
till
it
was
referred
to
him
.
But
a
right
of
Appeal
did
still
remain
,
as
appears
by
the
case
of
St.
Paul
when
Agrippa
was
King
.
The
Kings
of
Mauritania
from
the
time
of
Massinissa
,
were
under
the
like
dependence
:
Jugurtha
went
to
Rome
to
justify
himself
for
the
death
of
Micipsa
:
Juba
was
commanded
by
the
Roman
Magistrates
Scipio
,
Petreius
and
Afranius
:
another
Juba
was
made
King
of
the
same
Country
by
Augustus
,
and
Tiridates
of
Armenia
by
Nero
;
and
infinite
examples
of
this
nature
may
be
alledged
.
Moreover
,
their
powers
are
variously
regulated
,
according
to
the
variety
of
tempers
in
Nations
and
Ages
.
Some
have
restrained
the
powers
that
by
experience
were
found
to
be
exorbitant
;
others
have
dissolved
the
bonds
that
were
laid
upon
them
:
and
Laws
relating
to
the
institution
,
abrogation
,
enlargement
or
restriction
of
the
regal
Power
,
would
be
utterly
insignificant
if
this
could
not
be
done
.
But
such
Laws
are
of
no
effect
in
any
other
Country
than
where
they
are
made
.
The
lives
of
the
Spartans
did
not
depend
upon
the
will
of
Agesilaus
or
Leonidas
,
because
Nabuchodonosor
could
kill
or
save
whom
he
pleased
:
and
tho
the
King
of
Marocco
may
stab
his
Subjects
,
throw
them
to
the
Lions
,
or
hang
them
upon
tenterhooks
;
yet
a
King
of
Poland
would
probably
be
called
to
a
severe
account
,
if
he
should
unjustly
kill
a
single
man
.
SECT.
XXXIII
.
The
Liberty
of
a
People
is
the
gift
of
God
and
Nature
.
IF
any
man
ask
how
Nations
come
to
have
the
power
of
doing
these
things
,
I
answer
,
that
Liberty
being
only
an
exemption
from
the
dominion
of
another
,
the
question
ought
not
to
be
,
how
a
Nation
can
come
to
be
free
,
but
how
a
man
comes
to
have
a
dominion
over
it
;
for
till
the
right
of
Dominion
be
proved
and
justified
,
Liberty
subsists
as
arising
from
the
Nature
and
Being
of
a
man
.
Tertullian
speaking
of
the
Emperors
says
,
Ab
eo
Imperium
à
quo
spiritus
;
and
we
taking
man
in
his
first
condition
may
justly
say
,
ab
eo
Libert
as
a
quo
Spiritus
;
for
no
man
can
owe
more
than
he
has
received
.
The
Creature
having
nothing
,
and
being
nothing
but
what
the
Creator
makes
him
,
must
owe
all
to
him
,
and
nothing
to
any
one
from
whom
he
has
received
nothing
.
Man
therefore
must
be
naturally
free
,
unless
he
be
created
by
another
power
than
we
have
yet
heard
of
.
The
obedience
due
to
Parents
arises
from
hence
,
in
that
they
are
the
instruments
of
our
Generation
;
and
we
are
instructed
by
the
light
of
reason
,
that
we
ought
to
make
great
returns
to
those
from
whom
under
God
we
have
received
all
.
When
they
die
we
are
their
Heirs
,
we
enjoy
the
same
rights
,
and
devolve
the
same
to
our
Posterity
.
God
only
who
confers
this
right
upon
us
,
can
deprive
us
of
it
:
and
we
can
no
way
understand
that
he
dos
so
,
unless
he
had
so
declared
by
express
Revelation
,
or
had
set
some
distinguishing
marks
of
Dominion
and
Subjection
upon
men
;
and
,
as
an
ingenious
Person
not
long
since
said
,
caused
some
to
be
born
with
Crowns
upon
their
heads
,
and
all
others
with
Saddles
upon
their
backs
.
This
Liberty
therefore
must
continue
,
till
it
be
either
forfeited
or
willingly
resigned
.
The
forfeiture
is
hardly
comprehensible
in
a
multitude
that
is
not
entred
into
any
Society
;
for
as
they
are
all
equal
,
and
[
*
](A60214-e70920-b)
*
Pat
in
parem
non
habet
imperium
.
equals
can
have
no
right
over
each
other
,
no
man
can
forfeit
any
thing
to
one
who
can
justly
demand
nothing
,
unless
it
may
be
by
a
personal
injury
,
which
is
nothing
to
this
case
;
because
where
there
is
no
Society
,
one
man
is
not
bound
by
the
actions
of
another
.
All
cannot
join
in
the
same
Act
,
because
they
are
joined
in
none
;
or
if
they
should
,
no
man
could
recover
,
much
less
transmit
the
forfeiture
;
and
not
being
transmitted
,
it
perishes
as
if
it
had
never
bin
,
and
no
man
can
claim
any
thing
from
it
.
'T
will
be
no
less
difficult
to
bring
resignation
to
be
subservient
to
our
Author's
purpose
;
for
men
could
not
resign
their
Liberty
,
unless
they
naturally
had
it
in
themselves
.
Resignation
is
a
publick
declaration
of
their
assent
to
be
governed
by
the
person
to
whom
they
resign
;
that
is
,
they
do
by
that
Act
constitute
him
to
be
their
Governor
.
This
necessarily
puts
us
upon
the
inquiry
,
why
they
do
resign
,
how
they
will
be
governed
,
and
proves
the
Governor
to
be
their
creature
;
and
the
right
of
disposing
the
Government
must
be
in
them
,
or
they
who
receive
it
can
have
none
.
This
is
so
evident
to
common
sense
,
that
it
were
impertinent
to
ask
who
made
Carthage
,
Athens
,
Rome
or
Venice
to
be
free
Cities
.
Their
Charters
were
not
from
men
,
but
from
God
and
Nature
.
When
a
number
of
Phenicians
had
found
a
Port
on
the
Coast
of
Africa
,
they
might
perhaps
agree
with
the
Inhabitants
for
a
parcel
of
Ground
,
but
they
brought
their
Liberty
with
them
.
When
a
company
of
Latins
,
Sabins
and
Tuscans
met
together
upon
the
banks
of
the
Tiber
,
and
chose
rather
to
build
a
City
for
themselves
,
than
to
live
in
such
as
were
adjacent
,
they
carried
their
Liberty
in
their
own
breasts
,
and
had
Hands
and
Swords
to
defend
it
.
This
was
their
Charter
;
and
Romulus
could
confer
no
more
upon
them
,
than
Dido
upon
the
Carthaginians
.
When
a
multitude
of
barbarous
Nations
infested
Italy
,
and
no
protection
could
be
expected
from
the
corrupted
and
perishing
Empire
,
such
as
agreed
to
seek
a
place
of
refuge
in
the
scatter'd
Islands
of
the
Adriatick
Gulf
,
had
no
need
of
any
mans
Authority
to
ratify
the
institution
of
their
Government
.
They
who
were
the
formal
part
of
the
City
,
and
had
built
the
material
,
could
not
but
have
a
right
of
governing
it
as
they
pleased
,
since
if
they
did
amiss
,
the
hurt
was
only
to
themselves
.
'T
is
probable
enough
that
some
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
as
Lords
of
the
Soil
,
might
have
pretended
to
a
Dominion
over
them
,
if
there
had
bin
any
colour
for
it
:
but
nothing
of
that
kind
appearing
in
thirteen
hundred
years
,
we
are
not
like
to
hear
of
any
such
cavils
.
'T
is
agreed
by
mankind
,
that
subjection
and
protection
are
relative
;
and
that
he
who
cannot
protect
those
that
are
under
him
,
in
vain
pretends
to
a
Dominion
over
them
.
The
only
ends
for
which
Governments
are
constituted
,
and
obedience
render'd
to
them
,
are
the
obtaining
of
justice
and
protection
;
and
they
who
cannot
provide
for
both
,
give
the
People
a
right
of
taking
such
ways
as
best
please
themselves
,
in
order
to
their
own
safety
.
The
matter
is
yet
more
clear
in
relation
to
those
who
never
were
in
any
Society
,
as
at
the
beginning
,
or
renovation
of
the
world
after
the
Flood
;
or
who
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
Societies
to
which
they
did
once
belong
,
or
by
some
other
accident
have
bin
obliged
to
seek
new
habitations
.
Such
were
those
who
went
from
Babylon
upon
the
confusion
of
Tongues
,
those
who
escaped
from
Troy
when
it
was
burnt
by
the
Grecians
;
almost
all
the
Nations
of
Europe
,
with
many
of
Asia
and
Africa
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
Roman
Empire
.
To
which
may
be
added
a
multitude
of
Northern
Nations
,
who
,
when
they
had
increased
to
such
numbers
that
their
Countries
could
no
longer
nourish
them
,
or
because
they
wanted
skill
to
improve
their
Lands
,
were
sent
out
to
provide
for
themselves
;
and
having
done
so
,
did
erect
many
Kingdoms
and
States
,
either
by
themselves
,
or
in
union
and
coalition
with
the
antient
inhabitants
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
,
that
wheresoever
they
came
,
the
Land
did
belong
to
some
body
,
and
that
they
who
came
to
dwell
there
must
be
subject
to
the
Laws
of
those
who
were
Lords
of
the
Soil
,
for
that
is
not
always
true
in
fact
.
Some
come
into
desert
Countries
that
have
no
Lord
,
others
into
such
as
are
thinly
peopled
,
by
men
who
knowing
not
how
to
improve
their
Land
,
do
either
grant
part
of
it
upon
easy
terms
to
the
new
comers
,
or
grow
into
a
union
with
them
in
the
enjoyment
of
the
whole
;
and
Histories
furnish
us
with
infinite
examples
of
this
nature
.
If
we
will
look
into
our
own
original
,
without
troubling
our selves
with
the
senseless
stories
of
Samothes
the
Son
of
Japhet
and
his
Magicians
,
or
the
Giants
begotten
by
Spirits
upon
the
thirty
Daughters
of
Danaus
sent
from
Phenicia
in
a
Boat
without
Sail
,
Oars
or
Rudder
,
we
shall
find
that
when
the
Romans
abandoned
this
Island
,
the
Inhabitants
were
left
to
a
full
liberty
of
providing
for
themselves
:
and
whether
we
deduce
our
original
from
them
or
the
Saxons
,
or
from
both
,
our
Ancestors
were
perfectly
free
;
and
the
Normans
having
inherited
the
same
right
when
they
came
to
be
one
Nation
with
the
former
,
we
cannot
but
continue
so
still
unless
we
have
enslaved
our selves
.
Nothing
is
more
contrary
to
reason
than
to
imagine
this
.
When
the
fierce
barbarity
of
the
Saxons
came
to
be
sostned
by
a
more
gentle
Climat
,
the
Arts
and
Religion
they
learnt
,
taught
them
to
reform
their
Manners
,
and
better
enabled
them
to
frame
Laws
for
the
preservation
of
their
Liberty
,
but
no
way
diminished
their
love
to
it
:
and
tho
the
Normans
might
desire
to
get
the
Lands
of
those
who
had
joined
with
Harold
,
and
of
others
into
their
hands
;
yet
when
they
were
settled
in
the
Country
,
and
by
marriages
united
to
the
antient
Inhabitants
,
they
became
true
Englishmen
,
and
no
less
lovers
of
Liberty
and
resolute
defenders
of
it
than
the
Saxons
had
bin
.
There
was
then
neither
conquering
Norman
nor
conquered
Saxon
,
but
a
great
and
brave
People
composed
of
both
,
united
in
blood
and
interest
in
the
defence
of
their
common
Rights
,
which
they
so
well
maintained
,
that
no
Prince
since
that
time
has
too
violently
encroached
upon
them
,
who
,
as
the
reward
of
his
folly
,
has
not
lived
miserably
and
died
shamefully
.
Such
actions
of
our
Ancestors
do
not
,
as
I
suppose
,
savour
much
of
the
submission
which
patrimonial
slaves
do
usually
render
to
the
will
of
their
Lord
.
On
the
contrary
,
whatsoever
they
did
was
by
a
power
inherent
in
themselves
to
defend
that
Liberty
in
which
they
were
born
.
All
their
Kings
were
created
upon
the
same
condition
,
and
for
the
same
ends
.
Alfred
acknowledged
he
found
and
left
them
perfectly
free
;
and
the
confession
of
Offa
,
that
they
had
not
made
him
King
for
his
own
merits
,
but
for
the
defence
of
their
Liberty
,
comprehends
all
that
were
before
and
after
him
.
They
well
knew
how
great
the
honour
was
,
to
be
made
head
of
a
great
People
,
and
rigorously
exacted
the
performance
of
the
ends
for
which
such
a
one
was
elevated
,
severely
punishing
those
who
basely
and
wickedly
betray'd
the
trust
reposed
in
them
,
and
violated
all
that
is
most
sacred
among
men
;
which
could
not
have
bin
unless
they
were
naturally
free
,
for
the
Liberty
that
has
no
being
cannot
be
defended
.
SECT.
XXXIV
.
No
Veneration
paid
,
or
Honor
conferr'd
upon
a
just
and
lawful
Magistrate
,
can
diminish
the
Liberty
of
a
Nation
.
SOME
have
supposed
,
that
tho
the
people
be
naturally
free
,
and
Magistrates
created
by
them
,
they
do
by
such
creations
deprive
themselves
of
that
natural
liberty
;
and
that
the
names
of
King
,
Sovereign
Lord
,
and
Dread
Sovereign
,
being
no
way
consistent
with
Liberty
,
they
who
give
such
Titles
do
renounce
it
.
Our
Author
carries
this
very
far
,
and
lays
great
weight
upon
the
submissive
Language
used
by
the
people
,
when
they
humbly
crave
that
his
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
grant
their
accustomed
freedom
of
speech
,
and
access
to
his
Person
;
and
give
the
name
of
Supplications
and
Petitions
to
the
Addresses
made
to
him
:
Whereas
he
answers
in
the
haughty
Language
of
Le
Roy
le
veut
,
Le
Roy
s'avisera
,
and
the
like
.
But
they
who
talk
at
this
rate
,
shew
,
that
they
neither
understand
the
nature
of
Magistracy
,
nor
the
practice
of
Nations
.
Those
who
have
lived
in
the
highest
exercise
of
their
Liberty
,
and
have
bin
most
tenacious
of
it
,
have
thought
no
Honor
too
great
for
such
Magistrates
as
were
eminent
in
the
defence
of
their
Rights
,
and
were
set
up
for
that
end
.
The
name
of
Dread
Sovereign
might
justly
have
bin
given
to
a
Roman
Dictator
,
or
Consul
,
for
they
had
the
Sovereign
Authority
in
their
hands
,
and
power
sufficient
for
its
execution
.
Whilst
their
Magistracy
continued
,
they
were
a
terror
to
the
same
men
,
whose
Axes
and
Rods
had
bin
a
terror
to
them
the
year
or
month
before
,
and
might
be
so
again
the
next
.
The
Romans
thought
they
could
not
be
guilty
of
excess
in
carrying
the
power
and
veneration
due
to
their
Dictator
to
the
highest
:
And
Livy
tells
us
,
that
his
[
*
](A60214-e71460-b)
*
Edictum
Dictatoris
pro
numine
observatum
.
Hist.
1.
8.
Edicts
were
esteemed
sacred
.
I
have
already
shewn
,
that
this
haughty
People
,
who
might
have
commanded
,
condescended
to
join
with
their
Tribuns
in
a
Petition
to
the
Dictator
Papirius
,
for
the
life
of
Quintus
Fabius
,
who
had
fought
a
battel
in
his
absence
,
and
without
his
order
,
tho
he
had
gained
a
great
and
memorable
Victory
.
The
same
Fabius
,
when
Consul
,
was
commended
by
his
Father
Q.
Fabius
Maximus
,
for
obliging
him
by
his
Lictors
to
dismount
from
his
Horse
,
and
to
pay
him
the
same
respect
that
was
due
from
others
.
The
Tribuns
of
the
People
,
whe
were
instituted
for
the
preservation
of
Liberty
,
were
also
esteemed
sacred
and
inviolable
,
as
appears
by
that
phrase
,
Sacrosancta
Tribunorum
potest
as
,
so
common
in
their
antient
Writers
.
No
man
,
I
presume
,
thinks
any
Monarchy
more
limited
,
or
more
clearly
derived
from
a
delegated
Power
,
than
that
of
the
German
Emperors
;
and
yet
Sacra
Caesarea
Majest
as
is
the
publick
stile
.
Nay
,
the
Hollanders
at
this
day
call
their
Burgermasters
,
tho
they
see
them
selling
Herring
or
Tar
,
High
and
Mighty
Lords
,
as
soon
as
they
are
advanced
to
be
of
the
36
,
42
or
48
Magistrates
of
a
small
Town
.
'T
is
no
wonder
therefore
,
if
a
great
Nation
should
think
it
conducing
to
their
own
glory
,
to
give
magnificent
Titles
,
and
use
submissive
language
to
that
one
man
,
whom
they
set
up
to
be
their
Head
;
most
especially
,
if
we
consider
that
they
came
from
a
Country
where
such
Titles
and
Language
were
principally
invented
.
Among
the
Romans
and
Grecians
we
hear
nothing
of
Majesty
,
Highness
,
Serenity
and
Excellence
appropriated
to
a
single
Person
,
but
receive
them
from
Germany
and
other
Northern
Countries
.
We
find
Majestas
Populi
Romani
,
and
Majestas
Imperii
,
in
their
best
Authors
;
but
no
man
speaking
to
Julius
or
Augustus
,
or
even
to
the
vainest
of
their
Successors
,
ever
used
those
empty
Titles
,
nor
took
upon
themselves
the
name
of
Servants
,
as
we
do
to
every
fellow
we
meet
in
the
streets
.
When
such
ways
of
speaking
are
once
introduced
,
they
must
needs
swell
to
a
more
than
ordinary
height
in
all
transactions
with
Princes
.
Most
of
them
naturally
delight
in
vanity
,
and
Courtiers
never
speak
more
truth
,
than
when
they
most
extol
their
Masters
,
and
assume
to
themselves
the
names
that
best
express
the
most
abject
slavery
.
These
being
brought
into
mode
,
like
all
ill
customs
,
increase
by
use
;
and
then
no
man
can
omit
them
without
bringing
that
hatred
and
danger
upon
himself
,
which
few
will
undergo
,
except
for
something
that
is
evidently
of
great
importance
.
Matters
of
ceremony
and
title
at
the
first
seem
not
to
be
so
;
and
being
for
some
time
neglected
,
they
acquire
such
strength
as
not
to
be
easily
removed
.
From
private
Usage
they
pass
into
publick
Acts
;
and
those
Flatterers
who
gave
a
beginning
to
them
,
proposing
them
in
publick
Councils
,
where
too
many
of
that
sort
have
always
insinuated
themselves
,
gain
credit
enough
to
make
them
pass
.
This
work
was
farther
advanced
by
the
Church
of
Rome
,
according
to
their
custom
of
favouring
that
most
,
which
is
most
vain
and
corrupt
;
and
it
has
bin
usual
with
the
Popes
and
their
adherents
,
liberally
to
gratify
Princes
for
Services
render'd
to
the
Church
,
with
Titles
that
tended
only
to
the
prejudice
of
the
people
.
These
poisonous
Plants
having
taken
root
,
grew
up
so
fast
,
that
the
Titles
which
,
within
the
space
of
a
hundred
years
,
were
thought
sufficient
for
the
Kings
and
Queens
of
England
,
have
of
late
bin
given
to
Monk
and
his
honourable
Dutchess
.
New
phrases
have
bin
invented
to
please
Princes
,
or
the
sense
of
the
old
perverted
,
as
has
happen'd
to
that
of
Le
Roy
s'avisera
:
And
that
which
was
no
more
than
a
Liberty
to
consult
with
the
Lords
upon
a
Bill
presented
by
the
Commons
,
is
by
some
men
now
taken
for
a
Right
inherent
in
the
King
of
denying
such
Bills
as
may
be
offer'd
to
him
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
;
tho
the
Coronation
Oath
oblige
him
to
hold
,
keep
and
defend
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
,
quas
vulgus
elegerit
.
And
if
a
stop
be
not
put
to
this
exorbitant
abuse
,
the
words
still
remaining
in
Acts
of
Parliament
,
which
shew
that
their
Acts
are
our
Laws
,
may
perhaps
be
also
abolished
.
But
tho
this
should
come
to
pass
,
by
the
slackness
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
it
could
neither
create
a
new
Right
in
the
King
,
nor
diminish
that
of
the
People
:
But
it
might
give
a
better
colour
to
those
who
are
Enemies
to
their
Country
,
to
render
the
Power
of
the
Crown
arbitrary
,
than
any
thing
that
is
yet
among
us
.
SECT.
XXXV
.
The
Authority
given
by
our
Law
to
the
Acts
performed
by
a
King
de
facto
,
detract
nothing
from
the
peoples
right
of
creating
whom
they
please
.
THEY
who
have
more
regard
to
the
prevailing
Power
than
to
Right
,
and
lay
great
weight
upon
the
Statute
of
Henry
the
seventh
,
which
authorizes
the
Acts
of
a
King
de
facto
,
seem
not
to
consider
,
that
thereby
they
destroy
all
right
of
Inheritance
;
that
he
only
is
King
de
facto
,
who
is
received
by
the
People
;
and
that
this
reception
could
neither
be
of
any
value
in
it self
,
nor
be
made
valid
by
a
Statute
,
unless
the
People
,
and
their
Representatives
who
make
the
Statute
,
had
in
themselves
the
power
of
receiving
,
authorizing
and
creating
whom
they
please
.
For
he
is
not
King
de
facto
who
calls
himself
so
,
as
Perkin
or
Simnel
,
but
he
who
by
the
consent
of
the
Nation
is
possess'd
of
the
Regal
Power
.
If
there
were
such
a
thing
in
nature
,
as
a
natural
Lord
over
every
Country
,
and
that
the
right
must
go
by
descent
,
it
would
be
impossible
for
any
other
man
to
acquire
it
,
or
for
the
people
to
confer
it
upon
him
,
and
to
give
the
Authority
to
the
Acts
of
one
,
who
neither
is
nor
can
be
a
King
,
which
belongs
only
to
him
who
has
the
right
inherent
in
himself
,
and
inseparable
from
him
.
Neither
can
it
be
denied
,
that
the
same
power
which
gives
the
validity
to
such
Acts
as
are
performed
by
one
who
is
not
a
King
,
that
belongs
to
those
of
a
true
King
,
may
also
make
him
King
;
for
the
essence
of
a
King
consists
in
the
validity
of
his
Acts.
And
't
is
equally
absurd
for
one
to
pretend
to
be
a
King
,
whose
Acts
as
King
are
not
valid
,
as
that
his
own
can
be
valid
if
those
of
another
are
;
for
then
the
same
indivisible
Right
which
our
Author
,
and
those
of
his
principles
assert
to
be
inseparable
from
the
Person
,
would
be
at
the
same
time
exercised
and
enjoyed
by
two
distinct
and
contrary
Powers
.
Moreover
,
it
may
be
observed
,
that
this
Statute
was
made
after
frequent
and
bloody
Wars
concerning
Titles
to
the
Crown
;
and
whether
the
cause
were
good
or
bad
,
those
who
were
overcome
,
were
not
only
subject
to
be
killed
in
the
field
,
but
afterwards
to
be
prosecuted
as
Traitors
under
the
colour
of
Law
.
He
who
gained
the
Victory
,
was
always
set
up
to
be
King
by
those
of
his
party
;
and
he
never
failed
to
proceed
against
his
Enemies
as
Rebels
.
This
introduced
a
horrid
series
of
the
most
destructive
mischiefs
.
The
fortune
of
War
varied
often
;
and
I
think
it
may
be
said
,
that
there
were
few
,
if
any
,
great
Families
in
England
,
that
were
not
either
destroy'd
,
or
at
least
so
far
shaken
,
as
to
lose
their
Chiefs
,
and
many
considerable
branches
of
them
:
And
experience
taught
,
that
instead
of
gaining
any
advantage
to
the
Publick
in
point
of
Government
,
he
for
whom
they
fought
,
seldom
proved
better
than
his
Enemy
.
They
saw
that
the
like
might
again
happen
,
tho
the
title
of
the
reigning
King
should
be
as
clear
as
descent
of
blood
could
make
it
.
This
brought
things
into
an
uneasy
posture
;
and
't
is
not
strange
,
that
both
the
Nobility
and
Commonalty
should
be
weary
of
it
.
No
Law
could
prevent
the
dangers
of
battel
;
for
he
that
had
followers
,
and
would
venture
himself
,
might
bring
them
to
such
a
decision
,
as
was
only
in
the
hand
of
God
.
But
thinking
no
more
could
justly
be
required
to
the
full
performance
of
their
Duty
to
the
King
,
than
to
expose
themselves
to
the
hazard
of
battel
for
him
;
and
not
being
answerable
for
the
success
,
they
would
not
have
that
Law
which
they
endeavour'd
to
support
,
turned
to
their
destruction
by
their
Enemies
,
who
might
come
to
be
the
interpreters
of
it
.
But
as
they
could
be
exempted
from
this
danger
only
by
their
own
Laws
,
which
could
authorize
the
Acts
of
a
King
without
a
Title
,
and
justify
them
for
acting
under
him
,
't
is
evident
that
the
power
of
the
Law
was
in
their
hands
,
and
that
the
acts
of
the
person
who
enjoyed
the
Crown
,
were
of
no
value
in
themselves
.
The
Law
had
bin
impertinent
,
if
it
could
have
bin
done
without
Law
;
and
the
Intervention
of
the
Parliament
useless
,
if
the
Kings
de
facto
could
have
given
authority
to
their
own
Acts.
But
if
the
Parliament
could
make
that
to
have
the
effect
of
Law
,
which
was
not
Law
,
and
exempt
those
that
acted
according
to
it
from
the
penalties
of
the
Law
,
and
give
the
same
force
to
the
Acts
of
one
who
is
not
King
as
of
one
who
is
,
they
cannot
but
have
a
power
of
making
him
to
be
King
,
who
is
not
so
;
that
is
to
say
,
all
depends
intirely
upon
their
Authority
.
Besides
,
he
is
not
King
who
assumes
the
title
to
himself
,
or
is
set
up
by
a
corrupt
party
;
but
he
who
according
to
the
usages
required
in
the
case
is
made
King
.
If
these
are
wanting
,
he
is
neither
de
facto
nor
de
jure
,
but
Tyrannus
sine
titulo
.
Nevertheless
,
this
very
man
,
if
he
comes
to
be
received
by
the
People
,
and
placed
in
the
Throne
,
he
is
thereby
made
King
de
facto
.
His
Acts
are
valid
in
Law
;
the
same
service
is
due
to
him
as
to
any
other
:
they
who
render
it
are
in
the
same
manner
protected
by
the
Law
;
that
is
to
say
,
he
is
truly
King
.
If
our
Author
therefore
do
allow
such
to
be
Kings
,
he
must
confess
that
power
to
be
good
which
makes
them
so
,
when
they
have
no
right
in
themselves
.
If
he
deny
it
,
he
must
not
only
deny
that
there
is
any
such
thing
as
a
King
de
facto
,
which
the
Statute
acknowledges
,
but
that
we
ever
had
any
King
in
England
;
for
we
never
had
any
other
than
such
,
as
I
have
proved
before
.
By
the
same
means
he
will
so
unravel
all
the
Law
,
that
no
man
shall
know
what
he
has
,
or
what
he
ought
to
do
or
avoid
;
and
will
find
no
remedy
for
this
,
unless
he
allow
,
that
Laws
made
without
Kings
are
as
good
as
those
made
with
them
,
which
returns
to
my
purpose
:
for
they
who
have
the
power
of
making
Laws
,
may
by
Law
make
a
King
as
well
as
any
other
Magistrate
.
And
indeed
the
intention
of
this
Statute
could
be
no
other
than
to
secure
mens
Persons
and
Possessions
,
and
so
far
to
declare
the
power
of
giving
and
taking
away
the
Crown
to
be
in
the
Parliament
,
as
to
remove
all
disputes
concerning
titles
,
and
to
make
him
to
be
a
Legal
King
,
whom
they
acknowledge
to
be
King
.
SECT.
XXXVI
.
The
general
revolt
of
a
Nation
cannot
be
called
a
Rebellion
.
AS
Impostors
seldom
make
lies
to
pass
in
the
world
,
without
putting
false
names
upon
things
,
such
as
our
Author
endeavour
to
perswade
the
People
they
ought
not
to
defend
their
Liberties
,
by
giving
the
name
of
Rebellion
to
the
most
just
and
honourable
actions
that
have
bin
performed
for
the
preservation
of
them
;
and
to
aggravate
the
matter
,
fear
not
to
tell
us
that
Rebellion
is
like
the
sin
of
Witchcraft
.
But
those
who
seek
after
truth
,
will
easily
find
,
that
there
can
be
no
such
thing
in
the
world
as
the
rebellion
of
a
Nation
against
its
own
Magistrates
,
and
that
rebellion
is
not
always
evil
.
That
this
may
appear
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
consider
the
word
,
as
well
as
the
thing
understood
by
it
as
it
is
used
in
an
evil
sense
.
The
word
is
taken
from
the
Latin
rebellare
,
which
signifies
no
more
than
to
renew
a
war
.
When
a
Town
or
Province
had
bin
subdued
by
the
Romans
,
and
brought
under
their
dominion
,
if
they
violated
their
Faith
after
the
settlement
of
Peace
,
and
invaded
their
Masters
who
had
spared
them
,
they
were
said
to
rebel
.
But
it
had
bin
more
absurd
to
apply
that
word
to
the
People
that
rose
against
the
Decemviri
,
Kings
or
other
Magistrates
,
than
to
the
Parthians
or
any
of
those
Nations
who
had
no
dependence
upon
them
;
for
all
the
circumstances
that
should
make
a
Rebellion
were
wanting
,
the
word
implying
a
superiority
in
them
against
whom
it
is
,
as
well
as
the
breach
of
an
establish'd
Peace
.
But
tho
every
private
man
singly
taken
be
subject
to
the
commands
of
the
Magistrate
,
the
whole
body
of
the
People
is
not
so
;
for
he
is
by
and
for
the
People
,
and
the
People
is
neither
by
nor
for
him
.
The
obedience
due
to
him
from
private
men
is
grounded
upon
,
and
measured
by
the
General
Law
;
and
that
Law
regarding
the
welfare
of
the
People
,
cannot
set
up
the
interest
of
one
or
a
few
men
against
the
publick
.
The
whole
body
therefore
of
a
Nation
cannot
be
tied
to
any
other
obedience
than
is
consistent
with
the
common
good
,
according
to
their
own
judgment
:
and
having
never
bin
subdued
or
brought
to
terms
of
peace
with
their
Magistrates
,
they
cannot
be
said
to
revolt
or
rebel
against
them
,
to
whom
they
owe
no
more
than
seems
good
to
themselves
,
and
who
are
nothing
of
or
by
themselves
,
more
than
other
men
.
Again
,
the
thing
signified
by
rebellion
is
not
always
evil
;
for
tho
every
subdued
Nation
must
acknowledg
a
superiority
in
those
who
have
subdued
them
,
and
rebellion
do
imply
a
breach
of
the
peace
,
yet
that
superiority
is
not
infinite
;
the
peace
may
be
broken
upon
just
grounds
,
and
it
may
be
neither
a
crime
nor
infamy
to
do
it
.
The
Privernates
had
bin
more
than
once
subdued
by
the
Romans
,
and
had
as
often
rebelled
.
Their
City
was
at
last
taken
by
Plautius
the
Consul
,
The
same
which
they
deserve
who
think
themselves
worthy
of
Liberty
.
The
Consul
then
demanded
,
what
kind
of
Peace
might
be
expected
from
them
,
if
the
punishment
should
be
remitted
:
The
Ambassador
answer'd
,
[
*
](A60214-e72110-b)
*
Si
bonam
dederitis
,
fidam
&
perpetuam
;
si
malam
,
haud
diuturnam
.
Liv.
If
the
terms
you
give
be
good
,
the
Peace
will
be
observed
by
us
faithfully
and
perpetually
;
if
bad
,
it
will
soon
be
broken
.
And
tho
some
were
offended
with
the
ferocity
of
the
answer
;
yet
the
best
part
of
the
Senat
approved
it
as
[
†
](A60214-e72140-b)
†
Viri
&
liberi
vocem
auditam
.
Ibid.
worthy
of
a
man
and
a
freeman
;
and
confessing
that
no
Man
or
Nation
would
continue
under
an
uneasy
condition
longer
than
they
were
compell'd
by
force
,
said
,
[
||
](A60214-e72170-b)
||
Eos
demum
,
qui
nihil
praeterquam
de
libertate
cogitant
,
dignos
esse
,
qui
Romani
fiant
.
Ibid.
They
only
were
fit
to
be
made
Romans
,
who
thought
nothing
valuable
but
Liberty
.
Upon
which
they
were
all
made
Citizens
of
Rome
,
and
obtained
whatsoever
they
had
desired
.
I
know
not
how
this
matter
can
be
carried
to
a
greater
height
;
for
if
it
were
possible
,
that
a
People
resisting
oppression
,
and
vindicating
their
own
Liberty
,
could
commit
a
crime
,
and
incur
either
guilt
or
infamy
,
the
Privernates
did
,
who
had
bin
often
subdued
,
and
often
pardoned
;
but
even
in
the
judgment
of
their
Conquerors
whom
they
had
offended
,
the
resolution
they
professed
of
standing
to
no
agreement
imposed
upon
them
by
necessity
,
was
accounted
the
highest
testimony
of
such
a
virtue
as
rendred
them
worthy
to
be
admitted
into
a
Society
and
equality
with
themselves
,
who
were
the
most
brave
and
virtuous
people
of
the
world
.
But
if
the
patience
of
a
conquer'd
People
may
have
limits
,
and
they
who
will
not
bear
oppression
from
those
who
had
spared
their
Lives
,
may
deserve
praise
and
reward
from
their
conquerors
,
it
would
be
madness
to
think
,
that
any
Nation
can
be
obliged
to
bear
whatsoever
their
own
Magistrates
think
fit
to
do
against
them
.
This
may
seem
strange
to
those
who
talk
so
much
of
conquests
made
by
Kings
;
Immunities
,
Liberties
and
Privileges
granted
to
Nations
;
Oaths
of
Allegiance
taken
,
and
wonderful
benefits
conferred
upon
them
.
But
having
already
said
as
much
as
is
needful
concerning
Conquests
,
and
that
the
Magistrate
who
has
nothing
except
what
is
given
to
him
,
can
only
dispense
out
of
the
publick
Stock
such
Franchises
and
Privileges
as
he
has
received
for
the
reward
of
Services
done
to
the
Country
,
and
encouragement
of
Virtue
,
I
shall
at
present
keep
my self
to
the
two
last
points
.
Allegiance
signifies
no
more
(
as
the
words
ad
legem
declare
)
than
such
an
obedience
as
the
Law
requires
.
But
as
the
Law
can
require
nothing
from
the
whole
People
,
who
are
masters
of
it
,
Allegiance
can
only
relate
to
particulars
,
and
not
to
the
whole
.
No
Oath
can
bind
any
other
than
those
who
take
it
,
and
that
only
in
the
true
sense
and
meaning
of
it
:
but
single
men
only
take
this
Oath
,
and
therefore
single
men
are
only
obliged
to
keep
it
:
the
body
of
a
People
neither
dos
,
nor
can
perform
any
such
act
:
Agreements
and
Contracts
have
bin
made
;
as
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
and
the
rest
of
Israel
afterward
,
made
a
Covenant
with
David
,
upon
which
they
made
him
King
;
but
no
wise
man
can
think
,
that
the
Nation
did
thereby
make
themselves
the
Creature
of
their
own
Creature
.
The
sense
also
of
an
Oath
ought
to
be
considered
.
No
man
can
by
an
Oath
be
obliged
to
any
thing
beyond
,
or
contrary
to
the
true
meaning
of
it
:
private
men
who
swear
obedience
ad
legem
,
swear
no
obedience
extra
or
contra
Legem
:
whatsoever
they
promise
or
swear
,
can
detract
nothing
from
the
publick
Liberty
,
which
the
Law
principally
intends
to
preserve
.
Tho
many
of
them
may
be
obliged
in
their
several
Stations
and
Capacities
to
render
peculiar
services
to
a
Prince
,
the
People
continue
as
free
as
the
internal
thoughts
of
a
man
,
and
cannot
but
have
a
right
to
preserve
their
Liberty
,
or
avenge
the
violation
.
If
matters
are
well
examined
,
perhaps
not
many
Magistrates
can
pretend
to
much
upon
the
title
of
merit
,
most
especially
if
they
or
their
progenitors
have
continued
long
in
Office
.
The
conveniences
annexed
to
the
exercise
of
the
Sovereign
power
,
may
be
thought
sufficient
to
pay
such
scores
as
they
grow
due
,
even
to
the
best
:
and
as
things
of
that
nature
are
handled
,
I
think
it
will
hardly
be
found
,
that
all
Princes
can
pretend
to
an
irresistible
power
upon
the
account
of
beneficence
to
their
People
.
When
the
family
of
Medices
came
to
be
masters
of
Tuscany
,
that
Country
was
without
dispute
,
in
men
,
mony
and
arms
,
one
of
the
most
flourishing
Provinces
in
the
World
,
as
appears
by
Macchiavel's
account
,
and
the
relation
of
what
happened
between
Charles
the
eighth
and
the
Magistrates
of
Florence
,
which
I
have
mentioned
already
from
Guicciardin
.
Now
whoever
shall
consider
the
strength
of
that
Country
in
those
days
,
together
with
what
it
might
have
bin
in
the
space
of
a
hundred
and
forty
years
,
in
which
they
have
had
no
war
,
nor
any
other
plague
,
than
the
extortion
,
fraud
,
rapin
and
cruelty
of
their
Princes
,
and
compare
it
with
their
present
desolate
,
wretched
and
contemptible
condition
,
may
,
if
he
please
,
think
that
much
veneration
is
due
to
the
Princes
that
govern
them
,
but
will
never
make
any
man
believe
that
their
Title
can
be
grounded
upon
beneficence
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
who
pretending
(
upon
I
know
not
what
account
)
that
every
Peasant
in
the
Dutchy
ought
to
pay
him
two
Crowns
every
half
year
,
did
in
1662
subtilly
find
our
,
that
in
every
year
there
were
thirteen
halves
;
so
that
a
poor
man
who
had
nothing
but
what
he
gained
by
hard
labour
,
was
through
his
fatherly
Care
and
Beneficence
,
forced
to
pay
six
and
twenty
Crowns
to
his
Royal
Highness
,
to
be
employ'd
in
his
discreet
and
virtuous
pleasures
at
Turin
.
The
condition
of
the
Seventeen
Provinces
of
the
Netherlands
(
and
even
of
Spain
it self
)
when
they
fell
to
the
house
of
Austria
,
was
of
the
same
nature
:
and
I
will
confess
as
much
as
can
be
required
,
if
any
other
marks
of
their
Government
do
remain
,
than
such
as
are
manifest
evidences
of
their
Pride
,
Avarice
,
Luxury
and
Cruelty
.
France
in
outward
appearance
makes
a
better
show
;
but
nothing
in
this
world
is
more
miserable
,
than
that
people
under
the
fatherly
care
of
their
triumphant
Monarch
.
The
best
of
their
condition
is
like
Asses
and
Mastiff-dogs
,
to
work
and
fight
,
to
be
oppressed
and
kill'd
for
him
;
and
those
among
them
who
have
any
understanding
well
know
,
that
their
industry
,
courage
,
and
good
success
,
is
not
only
unprofitable
,
but
destructive
to
them
;
and
that
by
increasing
the
power
of
their
Master
,
they
add
weight
to
their
own
Chains
.
And
if
any
Prince
,
or
succession
of
Princes
,
have
made
a
more
modest
use
of
their
Power
,
or
more
faithfully
discharged
the
trust
reposed
in
them
,
it
must
be
imputed
peculiarly
to
them
,
as
a
testimony
of
their
personal
Virtue
,
and
can
have
no
effect
upon
others
.
The
Rights
therefore
of
Kings
are
not
grounded
upon
Conquest
;
the
Liberties
of
Nations
do
not
arise
from
the
Grants
of
their
Princes
;
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
binds
no
privat
man
to
more
than
the
Law
directs
,
and
has
no
influence
upon
the
whole
Body
of
every
Nation
:
Many
Princes
are
known
to
their
Subjects
only
by
the
injuries
,
losses
and
mischiefs
brought
upon
them
;
such
as
are
good
and
just
,
ought
to
be
rewarded
for
their
personal
Virtue
,
but
can
confer
no
right
upon
those
who
no
way
resemble
them
;
and
whoever
pretends
to
that
merit
,
must
prove
it
by
his
Actions
:
Rebellion
being
nothing
but
a
renewed
War
,
can
never
be
against
a
Government
that
was
not
established
by
War
,
and
of
it self
is
neither
good
nor
evil
,
more
than
any
other
War
;
but
is
just
or
unjust
according
to
the
cause
or
manner
of
it
.
Besides
,
that
Rebellion
which
by
Samuel
is
compar'd
to
Witchcraft
,
is
not
of
private
men
,
or
a
People
against
That
this
should
be
known
,
is
not
only
necessary
for
the
safety
of
Nations
,
but
advantagious
to
such
Kings
as
are
wise
and
good
.
They
who
know
the
frailty
of
human
Nature
,
will
always
distrust
their
own
;
and
desiring
only
to
do
what
they
ought
,
will
be
glad
to
be
restrain'd
from
that
which
they
ought
not
to
do
.
Being
taught
by
reason
and
experience
,
that
Nations
delight
in
the
Peace
and
Justice
of
a
good
Government
,
they
will
never
fear
a
general
Insurrection
,
whilst
they
take
care
it
be
rightly
administred
;
and
finding
themselves
by
this
means
to
be
safe
,
will
never
be
unwilling
,
that
their
Children
or
Successors
should
be
obliged
to
tread
in
the
same
steps
.
If
it
be
said
that
this
may
sometimes
cause
disorders
,
I
acknowledg
it
;
but
no
human
condition
being
perfect
,
such
a
one
is
to
be
chosen
,
which
carries
with
it
the
most
tolerable
inconveniences
:
And
it
being
much
better
that
the
irregularities
and
excesses
of
a
Prince
should
be
restrained
or
suppressed
,
than
that
whole
Nations
should
perish
by
them
,
those
Constitutions
that
make
the
best
provision
against
the
greatest
evils
,
are
most
to
be
commended
.
If
Governments
were
instituted
to
gratify
the
lusts
of
one
man
,
those
could
not
be
good
that
set
limits
to
them
;
but
all
reasonable
men
confessing
that
they
are
instituted
for
the
good
of
Nations
,
they
only
can
deserve
praise
,
who
above
all
things
endeavour
to
procure
it
,
and
appoint
means
proportioned
to
that
end
.
The
great
variety
of
Governments
which
we
see
in
the
world
,
is
nothing
but
the
effect
of
this
care
;
and
all
Nations
have
bin
,
and
are
more
or
less
happy
,
as
they
or
their
Ancestors
have
had
vigour
of
Spirit
,
integrity
of
Manners
,
and
wisdom
to
invent
and
establish
such
Orders
,
as
have
better
or
worse
provided
for
this
common
Good
,
which
was
sought
by
all
.
But
as
no
rule
can
be
so
exact
,
to
make
provision
against
all
contestations
;
and
all
disputes
about
Right
do
naturally
end
in
force
when
Justice
is
denied
(
ill
men
never
willingly
submitting
to
any
decision
that
is
contrary
to
their
passions
and
interests
)
the
best
Constitutions
are
of
no
value
,
if
there
be
not
a
power
to
support
them
.
This
power
first
exerts
it self
in
the
execution
of
justice
by
the
ordinary
Officers
:
But
no
Nation
having
bin
so
happy
,
as
not
sometimes
to
produce
such
Princes
as
Edward
and
Richard
the
Seconds
,
and
such
Ministers
as
Gaveston
,
Spencer
,
and
Tresilian
,
the
ordinary
Officers
of
Justice
often
want
the
will
,
and
always
the
power
to
restrain
them
.
So
that
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
a
Nation
must
be
utterly
subverted
and
abolished
,
if
the
power
of
the
whole
may
not
be
employed
to
assert
them
,
or
punish
the
violation
of
them
.
But
as
it
is
the
fundamental
Right
of
every
Nation
to
be
governed
by
such
Laws
,
in
such
manner
,
and
by
such
persons
as
they
think
most
conducing
to
their
own
good
,
they
cannot
be
accountable
to
any
but
themselves
for
what
they
do
in
that
most
important
affair
.
SECT.
XXXVII
.
The
English
Government
was
not
ill
constituted
,
the
defects
more
lately
observed
proceeding
from
the
change
of
manners
,
and
corruption
of
the
times
.
I
Am
not
ignorant
that
many
honest
and
good
men
acknowledging
these
Rights
,
and
the
care
of
our
Ancestors
to
preserve
them
,
think
they
wanted
wisdom
rightly
to
proportionate
the
means
to
the
end
.
'T
is
not
enough
,
say
they
,
for
the
General
of
an
Army
to
desire
Victory
;
he
only
can
deserve
praise
,
who
has
skill
,
industry
,
and
courage
to
take
the
best
measures
of
obtaining
it
.
Neither
is
it
enough
for
wise
Legislators
to
preserve
Liberty
,
and
to
erect
such
a
Government
as
may
stand
for
a
time
;
but
to
set
such
clear
Rules
to
those
who
are
to
put
it
in
execution
,
that
every
man
may
know
when
they
transgress
;
and
appoint
such
means
for
restraining
or
punishing
them
,
as
may
be
used
speedily
,
surely
,
and
effectually
,
without
danger
to
the
Publick
.
Sparta
being
thus
constituted
,
we
hardly
find
that
,
for
more
than
eight
hundred
years
,
any
King
presumed
to
pass
the
limits
prescribed
by
the
Law
.
If
any
Roman
Consul
grew
insolent
,
he
might
be
reduced
to
order
without
blood
,
or
danger
to
the
Publick
;
and
no
Dictator
ever
usurped
a
power
over
Liberty
till
the
time
of
Sylla
,
when
all
things
in
the
City
were
so
changed
,
that
the
antient
foundations
were
become
too
narrow
.
In
Venice
the
power
of
the
Duke
is
so
circumscribed
,
that
in
1300
years
,
no
one
except
Falerio
and
Tiepoli
,
have
dared
to
attempt
any
thing
against
the
Laws
:
and
they
were
immediately
suppressed
with
little
commotion
in
the
City
.
On
the
other
side
,
our
Law
is
so
ambiguous
,
perplext
and
intricate
,
that
't
is
hard
to
know
when
't
is
broken
.
In
all
the
publick
contests
we
have
had
,
men
of
good
judgment
and
integrity
have
follow'd
both
parties
.
The
means
of
transgressing
and
procuring
Partizans
to
make
good
by
force
the
most
notorious
violations
of
Liberty
,
have
bin
so
easy
,
that
no
Prince
who
has
endeavoured
it
,
ever
failed
to
get
great
numbers
of
followers
,
and
to
do
infinite
mischiefs
before
he
could
be
removed
.
The
Nation
has
bin
brought
to
fight
against
those
they
had
made
to
be
what
they
were
,
upon
the
unequal
terms
of
hazarding
all
against
nothing
.
If
they
had
success
,
they
gained
no
more
than
was
their
own
before
,
and
which
the
Law
ought
to
have
secured
:
whereas
't
is
evident
,
that
if
at
any
one
time
the
contrary
had
happened
,
the
Nation
had
bin
utterly
enslaved
;
and
no
victory
was
ever
gained
without
the
loss
of
much
noble
and
innocent
blood
.
To
this
I
answer
,
that
no
right
judgment
can
be
given
of
human
things
,
without
a
particular
regard
to
the
time
in
which
they
passed
.
We
esteem
Scipio
,
Hannibal
,
Pyrrhus
,
Alexander
,
Epaminondas
and
Cesar
,
to
have
bin
admirable
Commanders
in
War
,
because
they
had
in
a
most
eminent
degree
all
the
qualities
that
could
make
them
so
,
and
knew
best
how
to
employ
the
Arms
then
in
use
according
to
the
discipline
of
their
times
;
and
yet
no
man
doubts
,
that
if
the
most
skilful
of
them
could
be
raised
from
the
Grave
,
restored
to
the
utmost
vigour
of
mind
and
body
,
set
at
the
head
of
the
best
Armies
he
ever
commanded
,
and
placed
upon
the
Frontiers
of
France
or
Flanders
,
he
would
not
know
how
to
advance
or
retreat
,
nor
by
what
means
to
take
any
of
the
places
in
those
parts
,
as
they
are
now
fortified
and
defended
;
bnt
would
most
certainly
be
beaten
by
any
insignificant
fellow
with
a
small
number
of
men
,
furnished
with
such
Arms
as
are
now
in
use
,
and
following
the
methods
now
practised
.
Nay
,
the
manner
of
marching
,
encamping
,
besieging
,
attacking
,
defending
and
fighting
,
is
so
much
altered
within
the
last
threescore
years
,
that
no
man
observing
the
discipline
that
was
then
thought
to
be
the
best
,
could
possibly
defend
himself
against
that
which
has
bin
since
found
out
,
tho
the
terms
are
still
the
same
.
And
if
it
be
consider'd
that
political
matters
are
subject
to
the
same
mutations
(
as
certainly
they
are
)
it
will
be
sufficient
to
excuse
our
Ancestors
,
who
suting
their
Government
to
the
Ages
in
which
they
lived
,
could
neither
soresee
the
changes
that
might
happen
in
future
Generations
,
nor
appoint
remedies
for
the
mischiefs
they
did
not
soresee
.
They
knew
that
the
Kings
of
several
Nations
had
bin
kept
within
the
limits
of
the
Law
,
by
the
virtue
and
power
of
a
great
and
brave
Nobility
;
and
that
no
other
way
of
supporting
a
mix'd
Monarchy
had
ever
bin
known
in
the
world
,
than
by
putting
the
balance
into
the
hands
of
those
who
had
the
greatest
interest
in
Nations
,
and
who
by
birth
and
estate
enjoy'd
greater
advantages
than
Kings
could
confer
upon
them
for
rewards
of
betraying
their
Country
.
They
knew
that
when
the
Nobility
was
so
great
as
not
easily
to
be
number'd
,
the
little
that
was
left
to
the
King's
disposal
,
was
not
sufficient
to
corrupt
many
;
and
if
some
might
fall
under
the
temptation
,
those
who
continued
in
their
integrity
,
would
easily
be
able
to
chastise
them
for
deserting
the
publick
Cause
,
and
by
that
means
deter
Kings
from
endeavouring
to
seduce
them
from
their
duty
.
Whilst
things
continued
in
this
posture
,
Kings
might
safely
be
trusted
(
with
the
advice
of
their
Council
)
to
confer
the
commands
of
the
Militia
in
Towns
and
Provinces
upon
the
most
eminent
men
in
them
:
And
whilst
those
Kings
were
exercised
in
almost
perpetual
Wars
,
and
placed
their
glory
in
the
greatness
of
the
actions
they
atchieved
by
the
power
and
valour
of
their
people
,
it
was
their
interest
always
to
chuse
such
as
seemed
best
to
deserve
that
honour
.
It
was
not
to
be
imagined
that
through
the
weakness
of
some
,
and
malice
of
others
,
those
dignities
should
by
degrees
be
turned
into
empty
titles
,
and
become
the
rewards
of
the
greatest
crimes
,
and
the
vilest
services
;
or
that
the
noblest
of
their
Descendents
for
want
of
them
,
should
be
brought
under
the
name
of
Commoners
,
and
deprived
of
all
privileges
except
such
as
were
common
to
them
with
their
Grooms
.
Such
a
stupendous
change
being
in
process
of
time
insensibly
introduced
,
the
foundations
of
that
Government
which
they
had
established
,
were
removed
,
and
the
superstructure
overthrown
.
The
balance
by
which
it
subsisted
was
broken
;
and
't
is
as
impossible
to
restore
it
,
as
for
most
of
those
who
at
this
day
go
under
the
name
of
Noblemen
,
to
perform
the
duties
required
from
the
antient
Nobility
of
England
.
And
tho
there
were
a
charm
in
the
name
,
and
those
who
have
it
,
should
be
immediately
filled
with
a
spirit
like
to
that
which
animated
our
Ancestors
,
and
endeavour
to
deserve
the
Honors
they
possess
,
by
such
Services
to
the
Country
as
they
ought
to
have
perform'd
before
they
had
them
,
they
would
not
be
able
to
accomplish
it
.
They
have
neither
the
interest
nor
the
estates
required
for
so
great
a
work
.
Those
who
have
estates
at
a
rack
Rent
,
have
no
dependents
.
Their
Tenants
,
when
they
have
paid
what
is
agreed
,
owe
them
nothing
;
and
knowing
they
shall
be
turn'd
out
of
their
Tenements
,
as
soon
as
any
other
will
give
a
little
more
,
they
look
upon
their
Lords
as
men
who
receive
more
from
them
than
they
confer
upon
them
.
This
dependence
being
lost
,
the
Lords
have
only
more
mony
to
spend
or
lay
up
than
others
,
but
no
command
of
men
;
and
can
therefore
neither
protect
the
weak
,
nor
curb
the
insolent
.
By
this
means
all
things
have
bin
brought
into
the
hands
of
the
King
and
the
Commoners
,
and
there
is
nothing
left
to
cement
them
,
and
to
maintain
the
union
.
The
perpetual
jarrings
we
hear
every
day
;
the
division
of
the
Nation
into
such
factions
as
threaten
us
with
ruin
,
and
all
the
disorders
that
we
see
or
fear
,
are
the
effects
of
this
rupture
.
These
things
are
not
to
be
imputed
to
our
original
Constitutions
,
but
to
those
who
have
subverted
them
:
And
if
they
who
by
corrupting
,
changing
,
enervating
and
annihilating
the
Nobility
,
which
was
the
principal
support
of
the
antient
regular
Monarchy
,
have
driven
those
who
are
truly
Noblemen
into
the
same
interest
and
name
with
the
Commons
,
and
by
that
means
increased
a
party
which
never
was
,
and
I
think
never
can
be
united
to
the
Court
,
they
are
to
answer
for
the
Consequences
;
and
if
they
perish
,
their
destruction
is
from
themselves
.
The
inconveniences
therefore
proceed
not
from
the
institution
,
but
from
the
innovation
.
The
Law
was
plain
,
but
it
has
bin
industriously
rendred
perplex
:
They
who
were
to
have
upheld
it
are
overthrown
.
That
which
might
have
bin
easily
performed
when
the
people
was
armed
,
and
had
a
great
,
strong
,
virtuous
and
powerful
Nobility
to
lead
them
,
is
made
difficult
,
now
they
are
disarmed
,
and
that
Nobility
abolished
.
Our
Ancestors
may
evidently
appear
,
not
only
to
have
intended
well
,
but
to
have
taken
a
right
course
to
accomplish
what
they
intended
.
This
had
effect
as
long
as
the
cause
continued
;
and
the
only
fault
that
can
be
ascribed
to
that
which
they
established
is
,
that
it
has
not
proved
to
be
perpetual
;
which
is
no
more
than
may
be
justly
said
of
the
best
human
Constitutions
that
ever
have
bin
in
the
world
.
If
we
will
be
just
to
our
Ancestors
,
it
will
become
us
in
our
time
rather
to
pursue
what
we
know
they
intended
,
and
by
new
Constitutions
to
repair
the
breaches
made
upon
the
old
,
than
to
accuse
them
of
the
defects
that
will
for
ever
attend
the
Actions
of
men
.
Taking
our
Affairs
at
the
worst
,
we
shall
soon
find
,
that
if
we
have
the
same
spirit
they
had
,
we
may
easily
restore
our
Nation
to
its
antient
liberty
,
dignity
and
happiness
;
and
if
we
do
not
,
the
fault
is
owing
to
our selves
,
and
not
to
any
want
of
virtue
and
wisdom
in
them
.
SECT.
XXXVIII
.
The
Power
of
calling
and
dissolving
Parliaments
is
not
simply
in
the
King
.
The
variety
of
Customs
in
chusing
Parliament
men
,
and
the
Errors
a
people
may
commit
,
neither
prove
that
Kings
are
or
ought
to
be
Absolute
.
THE
original
of
magistratical
Power
,
the
intention
of
our
Ancestors
in
its
creation
,
and
the
ways
prescribed
for
the
direction
and
limitation
of
it
may
,
I
presume
,
sufficiently
appear
by
what
has
bin
said
.
But
because
our
Author
,
taking
hold
of
every
twig
,
pretends
that
Kings
may
call
and
dissolve
Parliaments
at
their
pleasure
,
and
from
thence
infers
the
Power
to
be
wholly
in
them
;
alledges
the
various
customs
in
several
parts
of
this
Nation
used
in
the
elections
of
Parliament
men
,
to
proceed
from
the
King's
will
;
and
because
a
people
may
commit
Errors
,
thinks
all
Power
ought
to
be
put
into
the
hands
of
the
King
:
I
answer
,
1.
That
the
Power
of
calling
and
dissolving
Parliaments
is
not
simply
in
Kings
.
They
may
call
Parliaments
,
if
there
be
occasion
,
at
times
when
the
Law
dos
not
exact
it
;
they
are
placed
as
Sentinels
,
and
ought
vigilantly
to
observe
the
motions
of
the
Enemy
,
and
give
notice
of
his
approach
:
But
if
the
Sentinel
fall
asleep
,
neglect
his
duty
,
or
maliciously
endeavour
to
betray
the
City
,
those
who
are
concern'd
may
make
use
of
all
other
means
to
know
their
danger
,
and
to
preserve
themselves
.
The
ignorance
,
incapacity
,
negligence
or
luxury
of
a
King
,
is
a
great
calamity
to
a
Nation
,
and
his
malice
is
worse
,
but
not
an
irreparable
ruin
.
Remedies
may
be
,
and
often
have
bin
found
against
the
worst
of
their
Vices
.
The
last
French
Kings
of
the
Races
of
Meroveus
and
Pepin
brought
many
mischiefs
upon
the
Kingdom
,
but
the
destruction
was
prevented
.
Edward
and
Richard
the
Seconds
of
England
were
not
unlike
them
,
and
we
know
by
what
means
the
Nation
was
preserved
.
The
question
was
not
who
had
the
Right
,
or
who
ought
to
call
Parliaments
,
but
how
the
Commonwealth
might
be
saved
from
ruin
.
The
Consuls
,
or
other
chief
Magistrates
in
Rome
,
had
certainly
a
right
of
assembling
and
dismissing
the
Senat
:
But
when
Hannibal
was
at
the
Gates
,
or
any
other
imminent
danger
threatned
them
with
destruction
;
if
that
Magistrate
had
bin
drunk
,
mad
,
or
gained
by
the
Enemy
,
no
wise
man
can
think
that
Formalities
were
to
have
bin
observed
.
In
such
cases
every
man
is
a
Magistrate
;
and
he
who
best
knows
the
danger
,
and
the
means
of
preventing
it
,
has
a
right
of
calling
the
Senat
or
People
to
an
Assembly
.
The
people
would
,
and
certainly
ought
to
follow
him
,
as
they
did
Brutus
and
Valerius
against
Tarquin
,
or
Horatius
and
Valerius
against
the
Decemviri
;
and
whoever
should
do
otherwise
,
might
for
sottishness
be
compared
to
the
Courtiers
of
the
two
last
Kings
of
Spain
.
The
first
of
these
,
by
name
Philip
the
third
,
being
indisposed
in
cold
weather
,
a
Braziero
of
Coals
was
brought
into
his
Chamber
,
and
placed
so
near
to
him
,
that
he
was
cruelly
scorched
.
A
Nobleman
then
present
said
to
one
who
stood
by
him
,
The
King
burns
;
the
other
answered
,
it
was
true
,
but
the
Page
,
whose
Office
it
was
to
bring
and
remove
the
Braziero
,
was
not
there
;
and
before
he
could
be
found
,
his
Majesty's
Legs
and
Face
were
so
burnt
,
that
it
caus'd
an
Erysipelas
,
of
which
he
died
.
Philip
the
fourth
escaped
not
much
better
,
who
being
surprized
as
he
was
hunting
by
a
violent
storm
of
Rain
and
Hail
,
and
no
man
presuming
to
lend
the
King
a
Cloak
,
he
was
so
wet
before
the
Officer
could
be
found
who
carried
his
own
,
that
he
took
a
cold
,
which
cast
him
into
a
dangerous
Fever
.
If
Kings
like
the
consequences
of
such
a
Regularity
,
they
may
cause
it
to
be
observed
in
their
own
families
;
but
Nations
looking
in
the
first
place
to
their
own
safety
,
would
be
guilty
of
the
most
extreme
stupidity
,
if
they
should
suffer
themselves
to
be
ruined
for
adhering
to
such
Ceremonies
.
This
is
said
upon
a
supposition
,
that
the
whole
power
of
calling
and
dissolving
Parliaments
,
is
by
the
Law
placed
in
the
King
:
but
I
utterly
deny
that
it
is
so
;
and
to
prove
it
,
shall
give
the
following
Reasons
.
(
1.
)
That
the
King
can
have
no
such
Power
,
unless
it
be
given
to
him
,
for
every
man
is
originally
free
;
and
the
same
power
that
makes
him
King
,
gives
him
all
that
belongs
to
his
being
King
.
'T
is
not
therefore
an
inherent
,
but
a
delegated
Power
;
and
whoever
receives
it
,
is
accountable
to
those
that
gave
it
;
for
,
as
our
Author
is
forced
to
confess
,
they
who
give
Authority
by
Commission
,
do
always
retain
more
than
they
grant
.
(
2.
)
The
Law
for
annual
Parliaments
expresly
declares
it
not
to
be
in
the
King's
power
,
as
to
the
point
of
their
meeting
,
nor
consequently
their
continuance
.
For
they
meet
to
no
purpose
if
they
may
not
continue
to
do
the
work
for
which
they
meet
;
and
it
were
absurd
to
give
them
a
power
of
meeting
,
if
they
might
not
continue
till
it
be
done
:
For
,
as
Grotius
says
,
Qui
dat
finem
,
dat
media
ad
finem
necessaria
.
The
only
reason
why
Parliaments
do
meet
,
is
to
provide
for
the
publick
good
;
and
they
by
Law
ought
to
meet
for
that
end
.
They
ought
not
therefore
to
be
dissolved
,
till
it
be
accomplished
.
For
this
reason
the
opinion
given
by
Tresilian
,
that
Kings
might
dissolve
Parliaments
at
their
pleasure
,
was
judged
to
be
a
principal
part
of
his
Treason
.
(
3.
)
We
have
already
proved
,
that
Saxons
,
Danes
,
Normans
,
&c.
who
had
no
title
to
the
Crown
,
were
made
Kings
by
Micklegemots
,
Wittenagemots
,
and
Parliaments
;
that
is
,
either
by
the
whole
People
,
or
their
Representatives
:
Others
have
bin
by
the
same
Authority
restrained
,
brought
to
order
,
or
deposed
.
But
as
it
is
impossible
that
such
as
were
not
Kings
,
and
had
no
title
to
be
Kings
,
could
by
virtue
of
a
kingly
Power
call
Parliaments
,
when
they
had
none
;
and
absurd
to
think
that
such
as
were
in
the
Throne
,
who
had
not
govern'd
according
to
Law
,
would
suffer
themselves
to
be
restrain'd
,
imprisoned
,
or
deposed
by
Parliaments
,
called
and
sitting
by
themselves
,
and
still
depending
upon
their
will
to
be
or
not
to
be
;
'T
is
certain
that
Parliaments
have
in
themselves
a
Power
of
sitting
and
acting
for
the
publick
Good
.
2.
To
the
second
.
The
various
customs
used
in
Elections
are
nothing
to
this
question
.
In
the
Counties
,
which
make
up
the
Body
of
the
Nation
,
all
Freeholders
have
their
Votes
:
these
are
properly
Cives
,
Members
of
the
Commonwealth
,
in
distinction
from
those
who
are
only
Incolae
,
or
Inhabitants
,
Vilains
,
and
such
as
being
under
their
Parents
,
are
not
yet
sui
juris
.
These
in
the
beginning
of
the
Saxons
reign
in
England
,
composed
the
Micklegemots
;
and
when
they
grew
to
be
so
numerous
that
one
place
could
not
contain
them
,
or
so
far
dispersed
,
that
without
trouble
and
danger
they
could
not
leave
their
habitations
,
they
deputed
such
as
should
represent
them
.
When
the
Nation
came
to
be
more
polished
,
to
inhabit
Cities
and
Towns
,
and
to
set
up
several
Arts
and
Trades
;
those
who
exercised
them
were
thought
to
be
as
useful
to
the
Commonwealth
,
as
the
Freeholders
in
the
Country
,
and
to
deserve
the
same
Privileges
.
But
it
not
being
reasonable
that
every
one
should
in
this
case
do
what
he
pleased
,
it
was
thought
fit
that
the
King
with
his
Council
(
which
always
consisted
of
the
Proceres
and
Magnates
Regni
)
should
judg
what
numbers
of
men
,
and
what
places
deserved
to
be
made
Corporations
or
Bodies
Politick
,
and
to
enjoy
those
Privileges
,
by
which
he
did
not
confer
upon
them
any
thing
that
was
his
,
but
according
to
the
trust
reposed
in
him
,
did
dispense
out
of
the
publick
Stock
parcels
of
what
he
had
received
from
the
whole
Nation
:
And
whether
this
was
to
be
enjoy'd
by
all
the
Inhabitants
,
as
in
Westminster
;
by
the
Common
Hall
,
as
in
London
;
or
by
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
Jurats
and
Corporation
,
as
in
other
places
,
't
is
the
same
thing
:
for
in
all
these
cases
the
King
dos
only
distribute
,
not
give
,
and
under
the
same
condition
that
he
might
call
Parliaments
,
that
is
,
for
the
publick
good
.
This
indeed
increases
the
Honor
of
the
person
intrusted
,
and
adds
weight
to
the
obligation
incumbent
upon
him
;
but
can
never
change
the
nature
of
the
thing
,
so
as
to
make
that
an
inherent
,
which
is
only
a
delegated
Power
.
And
as
Parliaments
,
when
occasion
required
,
have
bin
assembled
,
have
refus'd
to
be
dissolved
till
their
work
was
finished
,
have
severely
punished
those
who
went
about
to
perswade
Kings
,
that
such
matters
depended
absolutely
upon
their
will
,
and
made
Laws
to
the
contrary
:
't
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
they
would
not
also
have
interposed
their
Authority
in
matters
of
Charters
,
if
it
had
bin
observed
that
any
King
had
notoriously
abused
the
trust
reposed
in
him
,
and
turned
the
Power
to
his
privat
advantage
,
with
which
he
was
entrusted
for
the
publick
good
.
That
which
renders
this
most
plain
and
safe
,
is
,
that
men
chosen
in
this
manner
to
serve
in
Parliament
,
do
not
act
by
themselves
,
but
in
conjunction
with
others
who
are
sent
thither
by
prescription
;
nor
by
a
Power
derived
from
Kings
,
but
from
those
that
chuse
them
.
If
it
be
true
therefore
that
those
who
delegate
Powers
,
do
always
retain
to
themselves
more
than
they
give
;
they
who
send
these
men
,
do
not
give
them
an
absolute
power
of
doing
whatsoever
they
please
,
but
retain
to
themselves
more
than
they
confer
upon
their
Deputies
:
They
must
therefore
be
accountable
to
their
Principals
,
contrary
to
what
our
Author
asserts
.
This
continues
in
force
,
tho
he
knows
not
,
that
any
Knights
and
Burgesses
have
ever
bin
questioned
by
those
that
sent
them
;
sor
it
cannot
be
concluded
they
ought
not
,
or
may
not
be
question'd
,
because
none
have
bin
questioned
.
But
in
truth
they
are
frequently
questioned
:
The
people
do
perpetually
judg
of
the
behaviour
of
their
Deputies
.
Whensoever
any
of
them
has
the
misfortune
not
to
satisfy
the
major
part
of
those
that
chose
him
,
he
is
sure
to
be
rejected
with
disgrace
the
next
time
he
shalldesire
to
be
chosen
.
This
is
not
only
a
sufficient
punishment
for
such
faults
,
as
he
who
is
but
one
of
five
hundred
may
probably
commit
,
but
as
much
as
the
greatest
and
freest
people
of
the
world
did
ever
inflict
upon
their
Commanders
that
brought
the
greatest
losses
upon
them
.
Appius
Claudius
,
Pomponius
,
and
Terentius
Varro
,
survived
the
greatest
defeats
that
ever
the
Romans
suffer'd
;
and
tho
they
had
caused
them
by
their
folly
and
perversness
,
were
never
punished
.
Yet
I
thing
no
man
doubts
that
the
Romans
had
as
much
right
over
their
own
Officers
,
as
the
Athenians
and
Carthaginians
,
who
frequently
put
them
to
death
.
They
thought
the
mind
of
a
Commander
would
be
too
much
distracted
,
if
at
the
same
time
he
should
stand
in
fear
both
of
the
Enemy
and
his
own
Countrymen
:
And
as
they
always
endeavoured
to
chuse
the
best
men
,
they
would
lay
no
other
necessity
upon
them
of
performing
their
duty
,
than
what
was
suggested
by
their
own
virtue
and
love
to
their
Country
.
'T
is
not
therefore
to
be
thought
strange
,
if
the
people
of
England
have
follow'd
the
most
generous
and
most
prosperous
Examples
.
Besides
,
if
any
thing
has
bin
defective
in
their
usual
proceedings
with
their
Delegats
,
the
inconvenience
has
bin
repaired
by
the
modesty
of
the
best
and
wisest
of
them
that
were
chosen
.
Many
in
all
Ages
,
and
sometimes
the
whole
body
of
the
Commons
,
have
refused
to
give
their
opinion
in
some
cases
,
till
they
had
consulted
with
those
that
sent
them
:
The
Houses
have
bin
often
adjourned
to
give
them
time
to
do
it
;
and
if
this
were
done
more
frequently
,
or
that
the
Towns
,
Cities
and
Counties
,
had
on
some
occasions
given
instructions
to
their
Deputies
,
matters
would
probably
have
gone
better
in
Parliament
than
they
have
often
done
.
3.
The
question
is
not
,
whether
the
Parliament
be
impeccable
or
infallible
,
but
whether
an
Assembly
of
Nobility
,
with
a
House
of
Commons
composed
of
those
who
are
best
esteemed
by
their
Neighbors
in
all
the
Towns
and
Counties
of
England
,
are
more
or
less
subject
to
error
or
corruption
,
than
such
a
man
,
woman
or
child
,
as
happens
to
be
next
in
blood
to
the
last
King
.
Many
men
do
usually
see
more
than
one
;
and
if
we
may
believe
the
wisest
King
,
In
the
multitude
of
Counsellors
there
is
safety
.
Such
as
are
of
mature
Age
,
France
,
Spain
and
Sweden
,
must
have
bin
so
also
,
when
they
were
but
five
years
old
:
Joan
of
Castille
could
not
be
mad
,
nor
the
two
Joans
of
Naples
infamous
Strumpets
,
or
else
all
his
Arguments
fall
to
the
ground
.
For
the
Solomon's
Wisdom
surpassed
that
of
all
the
people
,
yet
men
could
not
rely
equally
upon
that
of
Rehoboam
,
unless
it
had
bin
equal
.
And
if
they
are
all
equal
in
Wisdom
when
they
come
to
be
equally
Kings
,
Perses
of
Macedon
was
as
great
a
Captain
as
Philip
or
Alexander
;
Commodus
and
Heliogabalus
were
as
wise
and
virtuous
as
Marcus
Aurelius
and
Antoninus
Pius
:
Nay
,
Christina
of
Sweden
in
her
infancy
was
as
fit
to
command
an
Army
as
her
valiant
Father
.
If
this
be
most
absurd
and
false
,
there
can
be
neither
reason
nor
sense
in
proposing
,
as
our
Author
dos
,
that
the
Power
should
be
in
the
King
,
because
the
Parliament
is
not
infallible
.
It
is
,
says
he
,
for
the
Head
to
correct
,
and
not
to
expect
the
consent
of
the
Members
or
Parties
peccant
to
be
Judges
in
their
own
cases
;
nor
is
it
needful
to
confine
the
King
,
&c.
Besides
that
this
is
directly
contrary
to
his
own
fundamental
Maxim
,
that
no
man
mnst
be
the
Judg
of
his
own
case
,
in
as
much
as
this
would
put
the
Power
into
the
King's
hands
,
to
decide
the
Controversies
between
himself
and
the
people
,
in
which
his
own
Passions
,
privat
Interest
,
and
the
corrupt
Counsels
of
ill
Ministers
,
will
always
lead
him
out
of
the
way
of
Justice
,
the
inconveniences
that
may
arise
from
a
possibility
that
the
Parliament
or
People
is
not
infallible
,
will
be
turned
to
the
most
certain
and
destructive
mischiefs
;
as
must
have
fallen
out
in
Spain
,
if
,
upon
a
supposition
that
the
Estates
of
Castille
might
err
,
the
correction
of
such
Errors
had
bin
lest
to
the
profound
Wisdom
and
exquisit
Judgment
of
Joan
their
Queen
and
Head
,
who
was
stark
mad
.
And
the
like
may
be
said
of
many
other
Princes
,
who
through
natural
or
accidental
infirmities
,
want
of
age
,
or
dotage
,
have
bin
utterly
unable
to
judg
of
any
thing
.
The
matter
will
not
be
much
mended
,
tho
I
pass
from
Ideots
and
Lunaticks
,
to
such
as
know
well
enough
how
to
clothe
and
feed
themselves
,
and
to
perform
the
ordinary
functions
of
life
;
and
yet
have
bin
as
uncapable
of
giving
a
right
judgment
concerning
the
weighty
matters
of
Government
,
as
the
weakest
of
Children
,
or
the
most
furious
of
Madmen
.
Good
manners
forbid
me
to
enumerate
the
examples
of
this
kind
,
which
Europe
has
produced
even
in
this
Age
:
But
I
should
commit
a
greater
fault
,
if
I
did
in
silence
pass
over
the
extravagances
of
those
,
who
being
most
weak
in
judgment
,
and
irregular
in
their
appetites
,
have
bin
most
impatient
of
any
restraint
upon
their
will
.
The
brave
Gustavus
Adolphus
,
and
his
Nephew
Carolus
Gustavus
,
who
was
not
inferior
to
him
in
Valour
,
Wisdom
,
and
love
to
his
people
,
were
content
with
the
Power
that
the
Laws
of
their
Country
gave
to
them
:
But
Frederick
the
fourth
of
Denmark
never
rested
till
he
had
overthrown
the
Liberty
of
that
Nation
.
Casimir
by
attempting
the
like
in
Poland
,
lost
almost
half
of
that
Kingdom
;
and
flying
from
the
other
,
left
all
to
be
ravaged
by
Swedes
,
Tartars
,
and
Cosacks
.
The
present
Emperor
who
passed
his
time
in
setting
Songs
in
Musick
with
a
wretched
Italian
Eunuch
,
when
he
ought
to
have
bin
at
the
head
of
a
brave
Army
,
raised
to
oppose
the
Turks
in
the
year
1664
,
and
which
under
good
conduct
might
have
overthrown
the
Ottoman
Empire
,
as
soon
as
he
was
delivered
from
the
fear
of
that
Enemy
,
fell
upon
his
own
Subjects
with
such
cruelty
,
that
they
are
now
forced
to
fly
to
the
Turks
for
protection
;
the
Protestants
especially
,
who
find
their
condition
more
tolerable
under
those
professed
Enemies
to
Christianity
,
than
to
be
exposed
to
the
pride
,
avarice
,
perfidiousness
and
violence
of
the
Jesuits
by
whom
he
is
governed
.
And
the
qualities
of
the
King
of
Portugal
are
so
well
known
,
together
with
the
condition
to
which
he
would
have
brought
his
Kingdom
if
he
had
not
bin
sent
to
the
Tercera's
,
that
I
need
not
speak
particularly
of
him
.
If
Kings
therefore
,
by
virtue
of
their
office
,
are
constituted
Judges
over
the
body
of
their
people
,
because
the
People
,
or
Parliaments
representing
them
,
are
not
insallible
;
those
Kings
who
are
children
,
fools
,
disabled
by
age
,
or
madmen
,
are
so
also
;
women
have
the
same
right
where
they
are
admitted
to
the
succession
;
those
men
who
,
tho
of
ripe
age
and
not
superannuated
,
nor
directly
fools
or
madmen
,
yet
absolutely
uncapable
of
judging
important
Affairs
,
or
by
their
passions
,
interests
,
vices
,
or
malice
and
wickedness
of
their
Ministers
,
Servants
and
Favorites
,
are
set
to
oppress
and
ruin
the
people
,
enjoy
the
same
privilege
;
than
which
nothing
can
be
imagined
more
absurd
and
abominable
,
nor
more
directly
tending
to
the
corruption
and
destruction
of
the
Nations
under
them
,
for
whose
good
and
safety
our
Author
confesses
they
have
their
power
.
SECT.
XXXIX
.
Those
Kings
only
are
heads
of
the
People
,
who
are
good
,
wise
,
and
seek
to
advance
no
Interest
but
that
of
the
Publick
.
THE
worst
of
men
seldom
arrive
to
such
a
degree
of
impudence
,
as
plainly
to
propose
the
most
mischievous
follies
and
enormities
.
They
who
are
enemies
to
Virtue
,
and
fear
not
God
,
are
afraid
of
men
,
and
dare
not
offer
such
things
as
the
world
will
not
bear
,
lest
by
that
means
they
should
overthrow
their
own
designs
.
All
poison
must
be
disguised
,
and
no
man
can
be
perswaded
to
eat
Arsenic
,
unless
it
be
cover'd
with
something
that
appears
to
be
harmless
.
Creusa
would
have
abhorr'd
Medea's
present
,
if
the
pestilent
venom
had
not
bin
hidden
by
the
exterior
lustre
of
Gold
and
Gems
.
The
Garment
that
destroy'd
Hercules
appear'd
beautiful
;
and
Eve
had
neither
eaten
of
the
forbidden
Tree
,
nor
given
the
Fruit
to
her
Husband
,
if
it
had
not
seemed
to
be
good
and
pleasant
,
and
she
had
not
bin
induced
to
believe
that
by
eating
it
they
should
both
be
as
Gods
.
The
Servants
of
the
Devil
have
always
followed
the
same
method
:
their
malice
is
carried
on
by
fraud
,
and
they
have
seldom
destroy'd
any
,
but
such
as
they
had
first
deceived
.
Truth
can
never
conduce
to
mischief
,
and
is
best
discovered
by
plain
words
;
but
nothing
is
more
usual
with
ill
men
than
to
cover
their
mischievous
designs
with
figurative
phrases
.
It
would
be
too
ridiculous
to
say
in
plain
terms
,
that
all
Kings
without
distinction
are
better
able
to
judg
of
all
matters
than
any
or
all
their
people
;
they
must
therefore
be
called
the
Head
,
that
thereby
they
may
be
invested
with
all
the
preeminences
which
in
a
natural
body
belong
to
that
part
;
and
men
must
be
made
to
believe
the
analogy
between
the
natural
and
political
body
to
be
perfect
.
But
the
matter
must
be
better
examined
before
this
mortal
poison
seem
fit
to
be
swallowed
.
The
word
Head
is
figuratively
used
both
in
Scripture
and
prosane
Authors
in
several
senses
,
in
relation
to
places
or
persons
,
and
always
implies
something
of
real
or
seeming
preeminence
in
point
of
honor
or
jurisdiction
.
Thus
Damascus
is
said
to
be
the
head
of
Syria
;
Samaria
of
Ephraiam
,
and
Ephraim
of
the
ten
Tribes
:
that
is
,
Ephraim
was
the
chief
Tribe
;
Samaria
was
the
chief
City
of
Ephraim
,
and
Damascus
of
Syria
;
tho
it
be
certain
that
Ephraim
had
no
jurisdiction
over
the
other
Tribes
,
nor
Samaria
over
the
other
Cities
of
Ephraim
,
but
every
one
according
to
the
Law
had
an
equal
power
within
it self
,
or
the
Territories
belonging
to
it
;
and
no
privileges
were
granted
to
one
above
another
,
except
to
Jerusalem
,
in
the
matter
of
Religion
,
because
the
Temple
was
placed
there
.
The
words
also
Head
,
Prince
,
principal
Man
,
or
Captain
,
seem
to
be
equivocal
;
and
in
this
sense
the
same
men
are
called
Heads
of
the
Tribes
,
Princes
in
the
houses
of
their
Fathers
:
and
't
is
said
,
that
Tiglath
Pilezer
,
and
proportionably
in
the
other
Tribes
;
which
were
a
strange
thing
,
if
the
word
did
imply
that
supreme
,
absolute
and
infinite
Power
that
our
Author
attributes
to
it
:
and
no
man
of
less
understanding
than
he
,
can
comprehend
how
there
should
be
two
hundred
or
more
sovereign
unlimited
Powers
in
one
Tribe
,
most
especially
when
't
is
certain
that
one
series
of
Kings
had
for
many
Ages
reigned
over
that
Tribe
and
nine
more
;
and
that
every
one
of
those
Tribes
,
as
well
as
the
particular
Cities
,
even
from
their
first
entrance
into
the
promised
Land
,
had
a
full
jurisdiction
within
it self
.
When
the
Gileadites
came
to
Jephtha
,
he
suspected
them
,
and
Jul.
Caesar
in
despair
would
have
killed
himself
,
one
of
his
Soldiers
disswaded
him
from
that
design
,
by
telling
him
,
[
*
](A60214-e74180-b)
*
Cum
tot
ab
hac
anima
populorum
vita
salusque
Pendeat
,
&
tantus
caput
hoc
sibi
fecerit
orbis
,
Saevitia
est
voluisse
mori
.
Lucan
.
That
the
safety
of
so
many
Nations
that
had
made
him
their
Head
,
depending
upon
his
life
,
it
would
be
cruelty
in
him
to
take
such
a
resolution
.
But
for
all
that
,
when
this
Head
was
taken
off
,
the
Body
did
still
subsist
:
upon
which
I
observe
many
fundamental
differences
between
the
relation
of
this
figurative
Head
(
even
when
the
word
is
rightly
applied
)
and
that
of
the
natural
Head
to
their
respective
Bodies
.
The
figurative
Heads
may
be
many
,
the
natural
but
one
.
The
people
makes
or
creates
the
figurative
Head
,
the
natural
is
from
it self
,
or
connate
with
the
Body
.
The
natural
Body
cannot
change
or
subsist
without
the
natural
Head
;
but
a
people
may
change
and
subsist
very
well
without
the
artificial
.
Nay
,
if
it
had
bin
true
,
that
the
world
had
chosen
Cesar
,
as
it
was
not
(
for
he
was
chosen
only
by
a
sactious
mercenary
Army
,
and
the
soundest
part
so
far
opposed
that
Election
,
that
they
brought
him
to
think
of
killing
himself
)
there
could
have
bin
no
truth
in
this
flattering
assertion
,
That
the
safety
of
the
whole
depended
upon
his
life
:
for
the
world
could
not
only
subsist
without
him
,
but
without
any
such
Head
,
as
it
had
done
,
before
he
by
the
help
of
his
corrupted
Soldiery
had
usurped
the
Power
;
which
also
shews
that
a
civil
Head
may
be
a
matter
of
convenience
,
but
not
of
necessity
.
Many
Nations
have
had
none
;
and
if
the
expression
be
so
far
stretched
,
as
to
make
it
extend
to
the
annual
or
temporary
Magistrates
set
up
by
the
Athenians
,
Carthaginians
,
Romans
,
and
other
antient
Commonwealths
,
or
to
those
at
this
day
in
Venice
,
Holland
,
Switserland
,
and
other
places
,
it
must
be
consess'd
that
the
people
who
made
,
deposed
,
abrogated
,
or
abolished
both
the
Magistrates
and
Magistracies
,
had
the
power
of
framing
,
directing
and
removing
their
Heads
,
which
our
Author
will
say
is
most
absurd
.
Yet
they
did
it
without
any
prejudice
to
themselves
,
and
very
often
much
to
their
advantage
.
In
mentioning
these
vast
and
essential
differences
between
the
natural
and
political
Head
,
I
no
way
intend
to
exclude
others
that
may
be
of
equal
weight
;
but
as
all
figurative
expressions
have
their
strength
only
from
similitude
,
there
can
be
little
or
none
in
this
,
which
differs
in
so
many
important
points
,
and
can
therefore
be
of
no
effect
.
However
,
Right
proceeds
from
identity
,
and
not
from
similitude
.
The
right
of
a
man
over
me
is
by
being
my
Father
,
and
not
by
being
like
my
Father
.
If
I
had
a
Brother
so
perfectly
resembling
me
as
to
deceive
our
Parents
,
which
has
sometimes
happened
to
Twins
,
it
could
give
him
no
right
to
any
thing
that
is
mine
.
If
the
power
therefore
of
correcting
the
parties
peccant
,
which
our
Author
attributes
to
Kings
,
be
grounded
upon
the
name
of
Head
,
and
a
resemblance
between
the
Heads
of
the
body
politick
and
body
natural
;
if
this
resemblance
be
found
to
be
exceedingly
imperfect
,
uncertain
,
or
perhaps
no
way
relating
to
the
matter
in
question
;
or
tho
it
did
,
and
were
absolutely
perfect
,
could
confer
no
right
;
the
allegation
of
it
is
impertinent
and
absurd
.
This
being
cleared
,
't
is
time
to
examine
,
what
the
Office
of
the
Head
is
in
a
natural
Body
,
that
we
may
learn
from
thence
why
that
name
is
sometimes
given
to
those
who
are
eminent
in
political
Bodies
,
and
to
whom
it
dos
belong
.
Some
men
account
the
Head
to
be
so
absolutely
the
seat
of
all
the
Senses
,
as
to
derive
even
that
of
feeling
,
which
is
exercised
in
every
part
,
from
the
brain
:
but
I
think
't
is
not
doubted
that
all
the
rest
have
both
their
seat
and
function
in
the
Head
;
and
whatsoever
is
useful
or
hurtful
to
a
man
,
is
by
them
represented
to
the
understanding
;
as
Aristotle
says
,
Nihil
est
in
intellectu
,
quod
non
sit
prius
in
sensu
.
This
is
properly
the
part
of
every
Magistrate
:
He
is
the
Sentinel
of
the
Publick
,
and
is
to
represent
what
he
discovers
beneficial
or
hurtful
to
the
Society
;
which
office
belongs
not
only
to
the
supreme
,
but
proportionably
to
the
subordinate
.
In
this
sense
were
the
chief
men
among
the
Israelites
called
Heads
of
their
Fathers
house
,
choice
and
mighty
men
of
valour
,
chief
of
the
Princes
.
And
in
the
following
nine
hundred
and
fifty
Benjamites
,
chief
men
in
the
house
of
their
Fathers
.
These
men
exercised
a
charitable
care
over
such
as
were
inferior
to
them
in
power
and
valour
,
without
any
shadow
of
sovereignty
,
or
possiblity
that
there
could
be
so
many
Sovereigns
:
and
such
as
were
under
their
care
are
said
to
be
their
Brethren
;
which
is
not
a
word
of
majesty
and
domination
,
but
of
dearness
and
equality
.
The
name
therefore
of
Head
may
be
given
to
a
Sovereign
,
but
it
implies
nothing
of
sovereignty
;
and
must
be
exercised
with
charity
,
which
always
terminates
in
the
good
of
others
.
The
Head
cannot
correct
or
chastise
;
the
proper
work
of
that
part
is
only
to
indicate
,
and
he
who
takes
upon
him
to
do
more
,
is
not
the
Head
.
A
natural
body
is
homogeneous
,
and
cannot
subsist
if
it
be
not
so
.
We
cannot
take
one
part
of
a
Horse
,
another
of
a
Bear
,
and
put
upon
them
the
head
of
a
Lion
;
for
it
would
be
a
Monster
,
that
would
have
neither
action
nor
life
.
The
Head
must
be
of
the
same
nature
with
the
other
members
,
or
it
cannot
subsist
.
But
the
Lord
or
Master
differs
in
specie
from
his
Servants
and
Slaves
,
he
is
not
therefore
properly
their
Head
.
Besides
,
the
Head
cannot
have
a
subsistence
without
the
Body
,
nor
any
interest
contrary
to
that
of
the
Body
;
and
't
is
impossible
for
any
thing
to
be
good
for
the
Head
,
that
is
hurtful
to
the
Body
.
A
Prince
therefore
,
or
Magistrate
,
who
sets
up
an
interest
in
himself
distinct
from
,
or
repugnant
to
that
of
the
people
,
renounces
the
title
or
quality
of
their
Head
.
Indeed
,
Moses
was
the
Head
of
the
Israelites
;
for
when
God
threatned
to
destroy
that
people
,
and
promised
to
make
them
a
great
Nation
,
he
waved
the
particular
advantages
offer'd
to
himself
,
interceded
for
them
,
and
procured
their
pardon
.
Yet
he
was
not
able
to
bear
the
weight
of
the
Government
alone
,
but
desired
that
some
might
be
appointed
to
assist
him
.
Gideon
was
the
Head
of
the
same
people
,
but
he
would
not
reign
himself
,
nor
suffer
his
Sons
to
reign
over
them
.
Samuel
was
also
their
Head
;
he
took
nothing
from
any
man
,
defrauded
none
,
took
bribes
from
no
man
,
oppressed
none
;
God
and
the
people
were
his
witnesses
:
He
blamed
them
for
their
Rebellion
against
God
in
asking
a
King
,
but
was
no
way
concerned
for
himself
or
his
family
.
David
likewise
had
a
right
to
that
Title
;
for
he
desired
that
God
would
spare
the
people
,
and
turn
the
effect
of
his
anger
against
himself
,
and
the
house
of
his
Father
.
But
Rehoboam
was
not
their
Head
;
for
tho
he
acknowledged
that
his
Father
had
laid
a
heavy
yoke
upon
them
,
yet
he
told
them
he
would
add
to
the
weight
;
and
that
if
his
Father
had
chastised
them
with
Whips
,
he
would
chastise
them
with
Scorpions
.
The
Head
is
no
burden
to
the
Body
,
and
can
lay
none
upon
it
;
the
Head
cannot
chastise
any
member
;
and
he
who
dos
so
,
be
it
more
or
less
,
cannot
be
the
Head
.
Jeroboam
was
not
the
Head
of
the
revolting
Tribes
;
for
the
Head
takes
care
of
the
Members
,
and
to
provide
for
the
safety
of
the
whole
:
But
he
through
fear
that
the
people
going
to
Jerusalem
to
worship
,
should
return
to
the
house
of
David
,
by
setting
up
Idols
to
secure
his
own
interests
,
drew
guilt
and
destruction
upon
them
.
Tho
it
should
be
granted
that
Augustus
by
a
gentle
use
of
his
power
,
had
in
a
manner
expiated
the
detestable
Villanies
committed
in
the
acquisition
,
and
had
truly
deserved
to
be
called
the
Head
of
the
Romans
;
yet
that
title
could
no
way
belong
to
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
or
Vitellius
,
who
neither
had
the
qualities
requir'd
in
the
Head
,
nor
the
understanding
or
will
to
perform
the
office
.
Nay
,
if
I
should
carry
the
matter
farther
,
and
acknowledg
that
Brutus
,
Cincinnatus
,
Fabius
,
Camillus
,
and
others
,
who
in
the
time
of
their
annual
or
shorter
Magistracies
,
had
by
their
vigilance
,
virtue
and
care
to
preserve
the
City
in
safety
,
and
to
provide
for
the
publick
good
,
performed
the
office
of
the
Head
,
and
might
deserve
the
name
;
I
might
justly
deny
it
to
the
greatest
Princes
that
have
bin
in
the
world
,
who
having
their
power
for
life
,
and
leaving
it
to
descend
to
their
children
,
have
wanted
the
Virtues
requir'd
for
the
performance
of
their
duty
:
And
I
should
less
fear
to
be
guilty
of
an
absurdity
in
saying
,
that
a
Nation
might
every
year
change
its
Head
,
than
that
he
can
be
the
Head
,
who
cares
not
for
the
Members
,
nor
understands
the
things
that
conduce
to
their
good
,
most
especially
if
he
set
up
an
Interest
in
himself
against
them
.
It
cannot
be
said
that
these
are
imaginary
cases
,
and
that
no
Prince
dos
these
things
;
for
the
proof
is
too
easy
,
and
the
examples
too
numerous
.
Caligula
could
not
have
wished
the
Romans
but
one
Head
,
that
he
might
cut
it
off
at
once
,
if
he
had
bin
that
Head
,
and
had
advanced
no
Interest
contrary
to
that
of
the
Members
.
Nero
had
not
burn'd
the
City
of
Rome
,
if
his
concernments
had
bin
inseparably
united
to
those
of
the
people
.
He
who
caused
above
three
hundred
thousand
of
his
innocent
unarmed
Subjects
to
be
murder'd
,
and
fill'd
his
whole
Kingdom
with
fire
and
blood
,
did
set
up
a
personal
Interest
repugnant
to
that
of
the
Nation
;
and
no
better
testimony
can
be
requir'd
to
shew
that
he
did
so
,
than
a
Letter
written
by
his
Son
,
to
take
off
the
penalty
due
to
one
of
the
chief
Ministers
of
those
cruelties
,
for
this
reason
,
that
what
he
had
done
,
was
by
the
command
and
for
the
service
of
his
Royal
Father
.
King
John
did
not
pursue
the
advantage
of
his
people
,
when
he
endeavoured
to
subject
them
to
the
Pope
or
the
Moors
.
And
whatever
Prince
seeks
assistance
from
foreign
Powers
,
or
makes
Leagues
with
any
stranger
or
enemy
for
his
own
advantage
against
his
people
,
however
secret
the
Treaty
may
be
,
declares
himself
not
to
be
the
Head
,
but
an
enemy
to
them
.
The
Head
cannot
stand
in
need
of
an
exterior
help
against
the
Body
,
nor
subsist
when
divided
from
it
.
He
therefore
that
courts
such
an
assistance
,
divides
himself
from
the
Body
;
and
if
he
do
subsist
,
it
must
be
by
a
life
he
has
in
himself
,
distinct
from
that
of
the
Body
,
which
the
Head
cannot
have
.
But
besides
these
enormities
,
that
testify
the
most
wicked
rage
and
fury
in
the
highest
degree
,
there
is
another
practice
,
which
no
man
that
knows
the
world
can
deny
to
be
common
with
Princes
,
and
incompatible
with
the
nature
of
a
Head
.
The
Head
cannot
desire
to
draw
all
the
nourishment
of
the
Body
to
it self
,
nor
more
than
a
due
proportion
.
If
the
rest
of
the
parts
are
sick
,
weak
or
cold
,
the
Head
suffers
equally
with
them
,
and
if
they
perish
must
perish
also
.
Let
this
be
compared
with
the
actions
of
many
Princes
we
know
,
and
we
shall
soon
see
which
of
them
are
Heads
of
their
people
.
If
the
Gold
brought
from
the
Indies
has
bin
equally
distributed
by
the
Kings
of
Spain
to
the
body
of
that
Nation
,
I
consent
they
may
be
called
the
Heads
.
If
the
Kings
of
France
assume
no
more
of
the
Riches
of
that
great
Kingdom
than
their
due
proportion
,
let
them
also
wear
that
honourable
name
.
But
if
the
naked
backs
and
empty
bellies
of
their
miserable
Subjects
evince
the
contrary
,
it
can
by
no
means
belong
to
them
.
If
those
great
Nations
wast
and
languish
;
if
nothing
be
so
common
in
the
best
Provinces
belonging
to
them
,
as
misery
,
famine
,
and
all
the
effects
of
the
most
outragious
oppression
,
whilst
their
Princes
and
Favorites
possess
such
treasures
as
the
most
wanton
prodigality
cannot
exhaust
;
if
that
which
is
gained
by
the
sweat
of
so
many
millions
of
men
,
be
torn
out
of
the
mouths
of
their
starving
Wives
and
Children
,
to
foment
the
vices
of
those
luxurious
Courts
,
or
reward
the
Ministers
of
their
lusts
,
the
nourishment
is
not
distributed
equally
to
all
the
parts
of
the
body
;
the
oeconomy
of
the
whole
is
overthrown
,
and
they
who
do
these
things
,
cannot
be
the
Heads
,
nor
parts
of
the
Body
,
but
something
distinct
from
and
repugnant
to
it
.
'T
is
not
therefore
he
who
is
found
in
,
or
advanced
to
the
place
of
the
Head
,
who
is
truly
the
Head
:
'T
is
not
he
who
ought
,
but
he
who
dos
perform
the
office
of
the
Head
,
that
deserves
the
name
and
privileges
belonging
to
the
Head
.
If
our
Another
theresore
will
perswade
us
that
any
King
is
Head
of
his
People
,
he
must
do
it
by
Arguments
peculiarly
relating
to
him
,
since
those
in
general
are
found
to
be
false
.
If
he
say
that
the
King
as
King
may
direct
or
correct
the
people
,
and
that
the
power
of
determining
all
controversies
must
be
referred
to
him
,
because
they
may
be
mistaken
,
he
must
show
that
the
King
is
infallible
;
for
unless
he
do
so
,
the
wound
is
not
cured
.
This
also
must
be
by
some
other
way
,
than
by
saying
he
is
their
Head
;
for
such
Powers
belong
not
to
the
office
of
the
Head
,
and
we
see
that
all
Kings
do
not
deserve
that
name
:
Many
of
them
want
both
understanding
and
will
to
perform
the
functions
of
the
Head
;
and
many
act
directly
contrary
in
the
whole
course
of
their
Government
.
If
any
therefore
among
them
have
merited
the
glorious
name
of
Heads
of
Nations
,
it
must
have
bin
by
their
personal
Virtues
,
by
a
vigilant
care
of
the
good
of
their
People
,
by
an
inseparable
conjunction
of
interests
with
them
,
by
an
ardent
love
to
every
member
of
the
Society
,
by
a
moderation
of
spirit
affecting
no
undue
Superiority
,
or
assuming
any
singular
advantage
which
they
are
not
willing
to
communicate
to
every
part
of
the
political
body
.
He
who
finds
this
merit
in
himself
,
will
scorn
all
the
advantages
that
can
be
drawn
from
misapplied
names
:
He
that
knows
such
honor
to
be
peculiarly
due
to
him
for
being
the
best
of
Kings
,
will
never
glory
in
that
which
may
be
common
to
him
with
the
worst
.
Nay
,
whoever
pretends
by
such
general
discourses
as
these
of
our
Author
,
to
advance
the
particular
Interests
of
any
one
King
,
dos
either
know
he
is
of
no
merit
,
and
that
nothing
can
be
said
for
him
which
will
not
as
well
agree
with
the
worst
of
men
;
or
cares
not
what
he
says
so
he
may
do
mischief
,
and
is
well
enough
contented
,
that
he
who
is
set
up
by
such
Maxims
as
a
publick
plague
,
may
fall
in
the
ruin
he
brings
upon
the
people
.
SECT.
XL.
Good
Laws
prescribe
easy
and
safe
Remedies
against
the
Evils
proceeding
from
the
vices
or
infirmities
of
the
Magistrate
;
and
when
they
fail
,
they
must
be
supplied
.
THOSE
who
desire
to
advance
the
power
of
the
Magistrate
above
the
Law
,
would
perswade
us
,
that
the
difficulties
and
dangers
of
inquiring
into
his
actions
,
or
opposing
his
will
when
employ'd
in
violence
and
injustice
,
are
so
great
,
that
the
remedy
is
always
worse
than
the
disease
;
and
that
't
is
better
to
suffer
all
the
evils
that
may
proceed
from
his
infirmities
and
vices
,
than
to
hazard
the
consequences
of
displeasing
him
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
I
think
and
hope
to
prove
,
1.
That
in
well-constituted
Governments
,
the
remedies
against
ill
Magistrates
are
easy
and
safe
.
2.
That
't
is
good
,
as
well
for
the
Magistrate
as
the
People
,
so
to
constitute
the
Government
,
that
the
Remedies
may
be
easy
and
safe
.
3.
That
how
dangerous
and
difficult
soever
they
may
be
through
the
defects
of
the
first
Constitution
,
they
must
be
tried
.
To
the
first
;
'T
is
most
evident
that
in
well-regulated
Governments
these
Remedies
have
bin
found
to
be
easy
and
safe
.
The
Kings
of
Sparta
were
not
suffer'd
in
the
least
to
deviate
from
the
rule
of
the
Law
:
And
Theopompus
one
of
those
Kings
,
in
whose
time
the
Ephori
were
created
,
and
the
regal
Power
much
restrained
,
doubted
not
to
affirm
,
that
it
was
by
that
means
become
more
lasting
and
more
secure
.
Pausanias
had
not
the
name
of
King
,
but
commanded
in
2.
To
the
second
;
Such
a
regulation
of
the
magistratical
Power
is
not
at
all
grievous
to
a
good
Magistrate
.
He
who
never
desires
to
do
any
thing
but
what
he
ought
,
cannot
desire
a
Power
of
doing
what
he
ought
not
,
nor
be
troubled
to
find
he
cannot
do
that
which
he
would
not
do
if
he
could
.
This
inability
is
also
advantageous
to
those
who
are
evil
or
unwise
;
that
since
they
cannot
govern
themselves
,
a
Law
may
be
imposed
upon
them
,
lest
by
following
their
own
irregular
will
,
they
bring
destruction
upon
themselves
,
their
families
and
people
,
as
many
have
done
.
If
Apollo
in
the
Fable
had
not
bin
too
indulgent
to
Phaeton
,
in
granting
his
ill-conceiv'd
request
,
the
furious
Youth
had
not
brought
a
necessity
upon
Jupiter
,
either
of
destroying
him
,
or
suffering
the
world
to
be
destroy'd
by
him
.
Besides
,
good
and
wise
men
know
the
weight
of
Sovereign
Power
,
and
misdoubt
their
own
strength
.
Sacred
and
human
Histories
furnish
us
with
many
examples
of
those
who
have
feared
the
lustre
of
a
Crown
.
Men
that
find
in
themselves
no
delight
in
doing
mischief
,
know
not
what
thoughts
may
insinuate
into
their
minds
,
when
they
are
raised
too
much
above
their
Sphere
.
They
who
were
able
to
bear
adversity
,
have
bin
precipitated
into
ruin
by
prosperity
.
When
the
Prophet
told
Hazael
the
Villanies
he
would
commit
,
he
answer'd
,
Is
thy
Servant
a
dog
,
that
I
should
do
these
things
?
but
yet
he
did
them
.
I
know
not
where
to
find
an
example
of
a
man
more
excellently
qualified
than
Alexander
of
Macedon
;
but
he
fell
under
the
weight
of
his
own
fortune
,
and
grew
to
exceed
those
in
vice
,
whom
he
had
conquer'd
by
his
virtue
.
The
nature
of
man
can
hardly
suffer
such
violent
changes
without
being
disorder'd
by
them
;
and
every
one
ought
to
enter
into
a
just
diffidence
of
himself
,
and
fear
the
temptations
that
have
destroy'd
so
many
.
If
any
man
be
so
happily
born
,
so
carefully
educated
,
so
established
in
virtue
,
that
no
storm
can
shake
him
,
nor
any
poison
corrupt
him
,
yet
he
will
consider
he
is
mortal
;
and
knowing
no
more
than
Solomon
,
whether
his
Son
shall
be
a
wise
man
or
a
fool
,
he
will
always
fear
to
take
upon
him
a
power
,
which
must
prove
a
most
pestilent
evil
both
to
the
person
that
has
it
,
and
to
those
that
are
under
it
,
as
soon
as
it
shall
fall
into
the
hands
of
one
,
who
either
knows
not
how
to
use
it
,
or
may
be
easily
drawn
to
abuse
it
.
Supreme
Magistrates
always
walk
in
obscure
and
flippery
places
:
but
when
they
are
advanced
so
high
,
that
no
one
is
near
enough
to
support
,
direct
or
restrain
them
,
their
fall
is
inevitable
and
mortal
.
And
those
Nations
that
have
wanted
the
prudence
dence
rightly
to
balance
the
powers
of
their
Magistrates
,
have
bin
frequently
obliged
to
have
recourse
to
the
most
violent
remedies
,
and
with
much
difficulty
,
danger
and
blood
,
to
punish
the
crimes
which
they
might
have
prevented
.
On
the
other
side
,
such
as
have
bin
more
wise
in
the
constitution
of
their
Governments
,
have
always
had
regard
to
the
frailty
of
human
nature
,
and
the
corruption
reigning
in
the
hearts
of
men
;
and
being
less
liberal
of
the
power
over
their
lives
and
liberties
,
have
reserved
to
themselves
so
much
as
might
keep
their
Magistrates
within
the
limits
of
the
Law
,
and
oblige
them
to
perform
the
ends
of
their
institution
.
And
as
the
Law
which
denounces
severe
penalties
for
crimes
,
is
indeed
merciful
both
to
ill
men
,
who
are
by
that
means
deterred
from
committing
them
;
and
to
the
good
,
who
otherwise
would
be
destroy'd
:
so
those
Nations
that
have
kept
the
reins
in
their
hands
,
have
by
the
same
act
provided
as
well
for
the
safety
of
their
Princes
as
for
their
own
.
They
who
know
the
Law
is
well
defended
,
seldom
attempt
to
subvert
it
:
they
are
not
easily
tempted
to
run
into
excesses
,
when
such
bounds
are
set
,
as
may
not
safely
be
transgressed
;
and
whilst
they
are
by
this
means
render'd
more
moderate
in
the
exercise
of
their
Power
,
the
people
is
exempted
from
the
odious
necessity
of
suffering
all
manner
of
indignities
and
miseries
,
or
by
their
destruction
to
prevent
or
avenge
them
.
3.
To
the
third
:
If
these
rules
have
not
bin
well
observed
in
the
first
constitution
,
or
from
the
changes
of
times
,
corruption
of
manners
,
insensible
encroachments
,
or
violent
usurpations
of
Princes
,
have
bin
render'd
ineffectual
,
and
the
people
exposed
to
all
the
calamities
that
may
be
brought
upon
them
by
the
weakness
,
vices
and
malice
of
the
Prince
,
or
those
who
govern
him
,
I
confess
the
remedies
are
more
difficult
and
dangerous
;
but
even
in
those
cases
they
must
be
tried
.
Nothing
can
be
fear'd
that
is
worse
than
what
is
suffer'd
,
or
must
in
a
short
time
fall
upon
those
who
are
in
this
condition
.
They
who
are
already
fallen
into
all
that
is
odious
,
shameful
and
miserable
,
cannot
justly
fear
.
When
things
are
brought
to
such
a
pass
,
the
boldest
counsels
are
the
most
safe
;
and
if
they
must
[
*
](A60214-e74970-b)
*
Moriendum
victis
,
moriendum
deditis
:
id
solum
interest
,
an
inter
cruciatus
&
ludibria
,
an
pro
virtutem
expiremus
.
C.
Tacit.
Quod
si
nocentes
innocentesque
idem
exitus
maneat
,
acricris
viri
est
meritò
perire
.
Ibid.
perish
who
lie
still
,
and
they
can
but
perish
who
are
most
active
,
the
choice
is
easily
made
.
Let
the
danger
be
never
so
great
,
there
is
a
possibility
of
safety
whilst
men
have
life
,
hands
,
arms
,
and
courage
to
use
them
;
but
that
people
must
certainly
perish
,
who
tamely
suffer
themselves
to
be
oppress'd
,
either
by
the
injustice
,
cruelty
and
malice
of
an
ill
Magistrate
,
or
by
those
who
prevail
upon
the
vices
and
infirmities
of
weak
Princes
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
,
that
this
may
give
occasion
to
men
of
raising
tumults
or
civil
war
;
for
tho
these
are
evils
,
yet
they
are
not
the
greatest
of
evils
.
Civil
War
in
Macchiavels
account
is
a
Disease
,
but
Tyranny
is
the
death
of
a
State
.
Gentle
ways
are
first
to
be
used
,
and
't
is
best
if
the
work
can
be
done
by
them
;
but
it
must
not
be
left
undone
if
they
fail
.
'T
is
good
to
use
supplications
,
advices
and
remonstrances
;
but
those
who
have
no
regard
to
justice
,
and
will
not
hearken
to
counsel
,
must
be
constrained
.
'T
is
folly
to
deal
otherwise
with
a
man
who
will
not
be
guided
by
reason
,
and
a
Magistrate
who
despises
the
Law
:
or
rather
,
to
think
him
a
man
,
who
rejects
the
essential
principle
of
a
man
;
or
to
account
him
a
Magistrate
who
overthrows
the
Law
by
which
he
is
a
Magistrate
.
This
is
the
last
result
;
but
those
Nations
must
come
to
it
,
which
cannot
otherwise
be
preserved
.
Nero's
madness
was
not
to
be
cured
,
nor
the
mischievous
effects
of
it
any
otherwise
to
be
suppressed
than
by
his
death
.
He
who
had
spared
such
a
Monster
when
it
was
in
his
power
to
remove
him
,
had
brought
destruction
upon
the
whole
Empire
;
and
by
a
foolish
clemency
made
himself
the
Author
of
his
future
villanics
.
This
would
have
bin
yet
more
clear
,
if
the
world
had
then
bin
in
such
a
temper
as
to
be
capable
of
an
intire
liberty
.
But
the
antient
foundations
had
bin
overthrown
,
and
nothing
better
could
be
built
upon
the
new
,
than
something
that
might
in
part
resist
that
torrent
of
iniquity
which
had
overflow'd
the
best
part
of
the
world
,
and
give
mankind
a
little
time
to
breath
under
a
less
barbarous
Master
.
Yet
all
the
best
men
did
join
in
the
work
that
was
then
to
be
done
,
tho
they
knew
it
would
prove
but
imperfect
.
The
sacred
History
is
not
without
examples
of
this
kind
:
When
Ahab
had
subverted
the
Law
,
set
up
false
Witnesses
and
corrupt
Judges
to
destroy
the
innocent
,
killed
the
Prophets
,
and
established
Idolatry
,
his
house
must
then
be
cut
off
,
and
his
blood
be
lickt
up
by
dogs
.
When
matters
are
brought
to
this
pass
,
the
decision
is
easy
.
The
question
is
only
,
whether
the
punishment
of
crimes
shall
fall
upon
one
or
a
few
persons
who
are
guilty
of
them
,
or
upon
a
whole
Nation
that
is
innocent
.
If
the
Father
may
not
die
for
the
Son
,
nor
the
Son
for
the
Father
,
but
every
one
must
bear
the
penalty
of
his
own
crimes
,
it
would
be
most
absurd
to
punish
the
people
for
the
guilt
of
Princes
.
When
the
Earl
of
Morton
was
sent
Ambassador
to
Queen
Elizabeth
by
the
Estates
of
Scotland
,
to
justify
their
proceedings
against
Mary
their
Queen
,
whom
they
had
obliged
to
renounce
the
Government
;
he
alledged
amongst
other
things
the
murder
of
her
Husband
plainly
proved
against
her
;
asserted
the
antient
right
and
custom
of
that
Kingdom
,
of
[
*
](A60214-e75070-b)
*
Animadvertendi
in
reges
.
examining
the
actions
of
their
Kings
;
by
which
means
,
he
said
,
many
had
bin
[
†
](A60214-e75080-b)
†
Morte
,
vmculis
&
exilio
puniti
.
Buch.
en
.
hist.
Scot.
l.
20.
Qui
tot
reges
regno
exuerunt
,
exilio
damnarunt
,
carceribus
coercuerunt
,
supplicio
denique
affecerunt
,
nec
unquam
tamen
de
acerbitate
legi●
minuenda
mentio
est
facta
,
&c.
Ibid.
Facile
apparet
regnum
nihil
aliud
eue
,
quam
mutuam
inter
regem
&
populam
stipulationem
.
Non
de
illarum
sanctionum
genere
,
quae
mutarionibus
temporum
sunt
obnoxia
,
sed
in
primo
generis
humani
exortu
,
&
mutuo
prope
omnium
gentium
consensu
comprobatae
,
&
unà
cum
rerum
natura
infragiles
&
sempiternae
perennent
.
Ibid.
punished
with
death
,
imprisonment
and
exile
;
confirmed
their
actions
by
the
examples
of
other
Nations
;
and
upon
the
whole
matter
concluded
,
that
if
she
was
still
permitted
to
live
,
it
was
not
on
account
of
her
innocence
,
or
any
exemption
from
the
penalties
of
the
Law
,
but
from
the
mercy
and
clemency
of
the
people
,
who
contenting
themselves
with
a
resignation
of
her
right
and
power
to
her
Son
,
had
spared
her
.
This
discourse
,
which
is
set
down
at
large
by
the
Historian
cited
on
the
margin
,
being
of
such
strength
in
it self
as
never
to
have
bin
any
otherwise
answered
than
by
railing
,
and
no
way
disapproved
by
Queen
Elizabeth
or
her
Council
to
whom
it
was
made
,
either
upon
a
general
account
of
the
pretensions
of
Princes
to
be
exempted
from
the
penalties
of
the
Law
,
or
any
pretext
that
they
had
particularly
misapplied
them
in
relation
to
their
Queen
,
I
may
justly
say
,
that
when
Nations
fall
under
such
Princes
as
are
either
utterly
uncapable
of
making
a
right
use
of
their
power
,
or
do
maliciously
abuse
that
Authority
with
which
they
are
entrusted
,
those
Nations
stand
obliged
,
by
the
duty
they
owe
to
themselves
and
their
posterity
,
to
use
the
best
of
their
endeavours
to
remove
the
evil
,
whatever
danger
or
difficulties
they
may
meet
with
in
the
performance
.
Pontius
the
Samnite
said
as
truly
as
bravely
to
his
Countrymen
,
That
[
*
](A60214-e75150-b)
*
Justa
piaque
sunt
arma
,
quibus
necessaria
,
&
necessaria
,
quibus
nulla
nisi
in
armis
spes
est
salutis
.
T.
Liv.
lib.
8.
those
Arms
were
just
and
pious
that
were
necessary
,
and
necessary
when
there
was
no
hope
of
safety
by
any
other
way
.
This
is
the
voice
of
mankind
,
and
is
dislik'd
only
by
those
Princes
,
who
fear
the
deserved
punishments
may
fall
upon
them
;
or
by
their
Servants
and
Flatterers
,
who
being
for
the
most
part
the
Authors
of
their
crimes
,
think
they
shall
be
involved
in
their
ruin
.
SECT.
XLI
.
The
People
for
whom
and
by
whom
the
Magistrate
is
created
,
can
only
judg
whether
he
rightly
perform
his
Office
or
not
.
T
IS
commonly
said
,
that
no
man
ought
to
be
the
Judg
of
his
own
case
;
and
our
Author
lays
much
weight
upon
it
as
a
fundamental
maxim
,
tho
according
to
his
ordinary
inconstancy
he
overthrows
it
in
the
case
of
Kings
,
where
it
ought
to
take
place
if
in
any
;
for
it
often
falls
out
that
no
men
are
less
capable
of
forming
a
right
judgment
than
they
.
Their
passions
and
interests
are
most
powerful
to
disturb
or
pervert
them
.
No
men
are
so
liable
to
be
diverted
from
justice
by
the
flatteries
of
corrupt
Servants
.
They
never
act
as
Kings
,
except
for
those
by
whom
and
for
whom
they
are
created
;
and
acting
for
others
,
the
account
of
their
actions
cannot
depend
upon
their
own
will
.
Nevertheless
I
am
not
afraid
to
say
,
that
naturally
and
properly
a
man
is
the
judg
of
his
own
concernments
.
No
one
is
or
can
be
deprived
of
this
privilege
,
unless
by
his
own
consent
,
and
for
the
good
of
that
Society
into
which
he
enters
.
This
Right
therefore
must
necessarily
belong
to
every
man
in
all
cases
,
except
only
such
as
relate
to
the
good
of
the
Community
,
for
whose
sake
he
has
devested
himself
of
it
.
If
I
find
my self
afflicted
with
hunger
,
thirst
,
weariness
,
cold
,
heat
,
or
sickness
,
't
is
a
folly
to
tell
me
,
I
ought
not
to
seek
meat
,
drink
,
rest
,
shelter
,
refreshment
,
or
physick
,
because
I
must
not
be
the
judg
of
my
own
case
.
The
like
may
be
said
in
relation
to
my
house
,
land
,
or
estate
;
I
may
do
what
I
please
with
them
,
if
I
bring
no
damage
upon
others
.
But
I
must
not
set
fire
to
my
house
,
by
which
my
neighbour's
house
may
be
burnt
.
I
may
not
erect
Forts
upon
my
own
Lands
,
or
deliver
them
to
a
foreign
Enemy
,
who
may
by
that
means
infest
my
Country
.
I
may
not
cut
the
banks
of
the
Sea
,
or
those
of
a
River
,
lest
my
neighbour's
ground
be
overflown
,
because
the
Society
into
which
I
am
incorporated
,
would
by
such
means
receive
prejudice
.
My
Land
is
not
simply
my
own
,
but
upon
condition
that
I
shall
not
thereby
bring
damage
upon
the
Publick
,
by
which
I
am
protected
in
the
peaceable
enjoyment
and
innocent
use
of
what
I
possess
.
But
this
Society
leaves
me
a
liberty
to
take
Servants
,
and
put
them
away
at
my
pleasure
.
No
man
is
to
direct
me
,
of
what
quality
or
number
they
shall
be
,
or
can
tell
me
whether
I
am
well
or
ill
served
by
them
.
Nay
,
the
State
takes
no
other
cognizance
of
what
passes
between
me
and
them
,
than
to
oblige
me
to
perform
the
contracts
I
make
,
and
not
to
do
that
to
them
which
the
Law
forbids
:
that
is
to
say
,
the
Power
to
which
I
have
submitted
my self
,
exercises
that
jurisdiction
over
me
,
which
was
established
by
my
consent
,
and
under
which
I
enjoy
all
the
benefits
of
life
,
which
are
of
more
advantage
to
me
than
my
liberty
could
have
bin
,
if
I
had
retained
it
wholly
in
my self
.
The
nature
also
and
measure
of
this
submission
must
be
determined
by
the
reasons
that
induced
me
to
it
.
The
Society
in
which
I
live
cannot
subsist
unless
by
rule
;
the
equality
in
which
men
are
born
is
so
perfect
,
that
no
man
will
suffer
his
natural
liberty
to
be
abridged
,
except
others
do
the
like
:
I
cannot
reasonably
expect
to
be
defended
from
wrong
,
unless
I
oblige
my self
to
do
none
;
or
to
suffer
the
punishment
prescribed
by
the
Law
,
if
I
perform
not
my
engagement
.
But
without
prejudice
to
the
Society
into
which
I
enter
,
I
may
and
do
retain
to
my self
the
liberty
of
doing
what
I
please
in
all
things
relating
peculiarly
to
my self
,
or
in
which
I
am
to
seek
my
own
convenience
.
Now
if
a
privat
man
is
not
subject
to
the
judgment
of
any
other
,
than
those
to
whom
he
submits
himself
for
his
own
safety
and
convenience
;
and
notwithstanding
that
submission
,
still
retains
to
himself
the
right
of
ordering
according
to
his
own
will
all
things
merely
relating
to
himself
,
and
of
doing
what
he
pleases
in
that
which
he
dos
for
his
own
sake
;
the
same
right
must
more
certainly
belong
to
whole
Nations
.
When
a
controversy
happens
between
Caius
and
Seius
in
a
matter
of
right
,
neither
of
them
may
determin
the
cause
,
but
it
must
be
referred
to
a
Judg
superior
to
both
;
not
because
't
is
not
fit
that
a
man
should
be
judg
of
his
own
case
,
but
because
they
have
both
an
equal
right
,
and
neither
of
them
ows
any
subjection
to
the
other
.
But
if
there
be
a
contest
between
me
and
my
Servant
concerning
my
service
,
I
only
am
to
decide
it
:
He
must
serve
me
in
my
own
way
,
or
be
gone
if
I
think
fit
,
tho
he
serve
me
never
so
well
;
and
I
do
him
no
wrong
in
putting
him
away
,
if
either
I
intend
to
keep
no
servant
,
or
find
that
another
will
please
me
better
.
I
cannot
therefore
stand
in
need
of
a
Judg
,
unless
the
contest
be
with
one
who
lives
upon
an
equal
foot
with
me
.
No
man
can
be
my
Judg
,
unless
he
be
my
Superior
;
and
he
cannot
be
my
Superior
,
who
is
not
so
by
my
consent
,
nor
to
any
other
purpose
than
I
consent
to
.
This
cannot
be
the
case
of
a
Nation
,
which
can
have
no
equal
within
it self
.
Controversies
may
arise
with
other
Nations
,
the
decision
of
which
may
be
left
to
Judges
chosen
by
mutual
agreement
;
but
this
relates
not
to
our
question
.
A
Nation
,
and
most
especially
one
that
is
powerful
,
cannot
recede
from
its
own
right
,
as
a
privat
man
from
the
knowledge
of
his
own
weakness
and
inability
to
defend
himself
,
must
come
under
the
protection
of
a
greater
Power
than
his
own
.
The
strength
of
a
Nation
is
not
in
the
Magistrate
,
but
the
strength
of
the
Magistrate
is
in
the
Nation
.
The
wisdom
,
industry
and
valour
of
a
Prince
may
add
to
the
glory
and
greatness
of
a
Nation
,
but
the
foundation
and
substance
will
always
be
in
it self
.
If
the
Magistrate
and
People
were
upon
equal
terms
,
as
Caius
and
Seius
,
receiving
equal
and
mutual
advantages
from
each
other
,
no
man
could
be
judg
of
their
differences
,
but
such
as
they
should
set
up
for
that
end
.
This
has
bin
done
by
many
Nations
.
The
antient
Germans
referred
the
decision
of
the
most
difficult
matters
to
their
Priests
:
the
Gauls
and
Britans
to
the
Druides
:
the
Mahometans
for
some
ages
to
the
Califs
of
Babylon
:
the
Saxons
in
England
,
when
they
had
embraced
the
Christian
Religion
,
to
their
Clergy
.
Whilst
all
Europe
lay
under
the
Popish
Superstition
,
the
decision
of
such
matters
was
frequently
assumed
by
the
Pope
;
men
often
submitted
to
his
judgment
,
and
the
Princes
that
resisted
were
for
the
most
part
excommunicated
,
deposed
and
destroyed
.
All
this
was
done
for
the
same
reasons
.
These
men
were
accounted
holy
and
inspired
,
and
the
sentence
pronounced
by
them
was
usually
reverenced
as
the
judgment
of
God
,
who
was
thought
to
direct
them
;
and
all
those
who
refused
to
submit
,
were
esteemed
execrable
.
But
no
man
,
or
number
of
men
,
as
I
think
,
at
the
institution
of
a
Magistrate
did
ever
say
,
If
any
difference
happen
between
you
or
your
Successors
and
us
,
it
shall
be
determined
by
your self
or
by
them
,
whether
they
be
men
,
women
,
children
,
mad
,
foolish
,
or
vicious
.
Nay
if
any
such
thing
had
bin
,
the
folly
,
turpitude
and
madness
of
such
a
sanction
or
stipulation
must
necessarily
have
destroy'd
it
.
But
if
no
such
thing
was
ever
known
,
or
could
have
no
effect
if
it
had
bin
in
any
place
,
't
is
most
absurd
to
impose
it
upon
all
.
The
people
therefore
cannot
be
deprived
of
their
natural
rights
upon
a
frivolous
pretence
to
that
which
never
was
and
never
can
be
.
They
who
create
Magistracies
,
and
give
to
them
such
name
,
form
and
power
as
they
think
fit
,
do
only
know
,
whether
the
end
for
which
they
were
created
,
be
performed
or
not
.
They
who
give
a
being
to
the
power
which
had
none
,
can
only
judg
whether
it
be
employ'd
to
their
welfare
,
or
turned
to
their
ruin
.
They
do
not
set
up
one
or
a
few
men
,
that
they
and
their
posterity
may
live
in
splendor
and
greatness
,
but
that
Justice
may
be
administred
,
Virtue
established
,
and
provision
made
for
the
publick
safety
.
No
wise
man
will
think
this
can
be
done
,
if
those
who
set
themselves
to
overthrow
the
Law
,
are
to
be
their
own
Judges
.
If
Caligula
,
Nero
,
Vitellius
,
Domitian
,
or
Heliogabalus
,
had
bin
subject
to
no
other
judgment
,
they
would
have
compleated
the
destruction
of
the
Empire
.
If
the
disputes
between
Durstus
,
Evenus
the
third
,
Dardannus
,
and
other
Kings
of
Scotland
,
with
the
Nobility
and
People
,
might
have
bin
determined
by
themselves
,
they
had
escaped
the
punishments
they
suffer'd
,
and
ruined
the
Nation
as
they
designed
.
Other
methods
were
taken
;
they
perished
by
their
madness
;
better
Princes
were
brought
into
their
places
,
and
their
Successors
were
by
their
example
admonished
to
avoid
the
ways
that
had
proved
fatal
to
them
.
If
Edward
the
second
of
England
,
with
Gaveston
and
the
Spencers
,
Richard
the
second
with
Tresilian
and
Vere
,
had
bin
permitted
to
be
the
Judges
of
their
own
cases
,
they
who
had
murdered
the
best
of
the
Nobility
would
have
pursued
their
designs
to
the
destruction
of
such
as
remained
,
the
enslaving
of
the
Nation
,
the
subversion
of
the
Constitution
,
and
the
establishment
of
a
mere
Tyranny
in
the
place
of
a
mixed
Monarchy
.
But
our
Ancestors
took
better
measures
:
They
who
had
felt
the
smart
of
the
vices
and
follies
of
their
Princes
,
knew
what
remedies
were
most
fit
to
be
applied
,
as
well
as
the
best
time
of
applying
them
.
They
found
the
effects
of
extreme
corruption
in
Government
to
be
so
desperately
pernicious
,
that
Nations
must
necessarily
perish
,
unless
it
be
corrected
,
and
the
State
reduced
to
its
first
principle
,
or
altered
.
Which
being
the
case
,
it
was
as
easy
for
them
to
judg
,
whether
the
Governor
who
had
introduced
that
corruption
should
be
brought
to
order
,
removed
if
he
would
not
be
reclaimed
,
or
whether
he
should
be
suffer'd
to
ruin
them
and
their
posterity
,
as
it
is
for
me
to
judg
,
whether
I
should
put
away
my
Servant
,
if
I
knew
he
intended
to
poison
or
murder
me
,
and
had
a
certain
facility
of
accomplishing
his
design
;
or
whether
I
should
continue
him
in
my
service
till
he
had
performed
it
.
Nay
the
matter
is
so
much
the
more
plain
on
the
side
of
the
Nation
,
as
the
disproportion
of
merit
between
a
whole
people
,
and
one
or
a
few
men
entrusted
with
the
power
of
governing
them
,
is
greater
than
between
a
privat
man
and
his
servant
.
This
is
so
fully
confirmed
by
the
general
consent
of
mankind
,
that
we
know
no
Government
that
has
not
frequently
either
bin
altered
in
form
,
or
reduced
to
its
original
purity
,
by
changing
the
families
or
persons
who
abused
the
power
with
which
they
had
bin
entrusted
.
Those
who
have
wanted
wisdom
and
virtue
rightly
and
seasonably
to
perform
this
,
have
been
soon
destroy'd
;
like
the
Goths
in
Spain
,
who
by
omitting
to
curb
the
fury
of
Witza
and
Rodrigo
in
time
,
became
a
prey
to
the
Moors
.
Their
Kingdom
by
this
means
destroy'd
was
never
All
the
Kingdoms
of
the
Arabians
,
Medes
,
Persians
,
Moors
,
and
others
of
the
East
are
of
the
other
sort
.
Common
sense
instructs
them
,
that
barbarous
pride
,
cruelty
and
madness
grown
to
extremity
,
cannot
be
born
:
but
they
have
no
other
way
than
to
kill
the
Tyrant
,
and
to
do
the
like
to
his
Successor
if
he
fall
into
the
same
crimes
.
Wanting
that
wisdom
and
valour
which
is
requir'd
for
the
institution
of
a
good
Government
,
they
languish
in
perpetual
slavery
,
and
propose
to
themselves
nothing
better
than
to
live
under
a
gentle
Master
,
which
is
but
a
precarious
lise
,
and
little
to
be
valued
by
men
of
bravery
and
spirit
.
But
those
Nations
that
are
more
generous
,
who
set
a
higher
value
upon
Liberty
,
and
better
understand
the
ways
of
preserving
it
,
think
it
a
small
matter
to
destroy
a
Tyrant
,
unless
they
can
also
destroy
the
Tyranny
.
They
endeavour
to
do
the
work
throughly
,
either
by
changing
the
Government
intirely
,
or
reforming
it
according
to
the
first
institution
,
and
making
such
good
Laws
as
may
preserve
its
integrity
when
reformed
.
This
has
bin
so
frequent
in
all
the
Nations
(
both
antient
and
modern
)
with
whose
actions
we
are
best
acquainted
,
as
appears
by
the
foregoing
examples
,
and
many
others
that
might
be
alledged
,
if
the
case
were
not
clear
,
that
there
is
not
one
of
them
which
will
not
furnish
us
with
many
instances
;
and
no
one
Magistracy
now
in
being
which
dos
not
owe
its
original
to
some
Judgment
of
this
nature
.
So
that
they
must
either
derive
their
right
from
such
actions
,
or
confess
they
have
none
at
all
,
and
leave
the
Nations
to
their
original
liberty
of
setting
up
those
Magistracies
which
best
please
themselves
,
without
any
restriction
or
obligation
to
regard
one
person
or
family
more
than
another
.
SECT.
XLII
.
The
Person
that
wears
the
Crown
cannot
determine
the
Affairs
which
the
Law
refers
to
the
King
.
OUR
Author
,
with
the
rest
of
the
vulgar
,
seems
to
have
bin
led
into
gross
errors
by
the
form
of
Writs
summoning
persons
to
appear
before
the
King
.
The
common
stile
used
in
the
trial
of
Delinquents
;
the
name
of
the
King's
Witnesses
given
to
those
who
accuse
them
;
the
Verdicts
brought
in
by
Juries
,
coram
domino
Rege
,
and
the
prosecution
made
in
the
King's
name
,
seem
to
have
caused
this
.
And
they
who
understand
not
these
Phrases
,
render
the
Law
a
heap
of
the
most
gross
absurdities
,
and
the
King
an
Enemy
to
every
one
of
his
Subjects
,
when
he
ought
to
be
a
Father
to
them
all
;
since
without
any
particular
consideration
or
examination
of
what
any
witness
deposes
in
a
Court
of
Justice
,
tending
to
the
death
,
confiscation
,
or
other
punishment
of
any
man
,
he
is
called
the
King's
Witness
whether
he
speak
the
truth
or
a
lie
,
and
on
that
account
favour'd
.
'T
is
not
necessary
to
allege
many
instances
in
a
case
that
is
so
plain
;
but
it
may
not
be
amiss
to
insert
two
or
three
of
the
most
important
reasons
to
prove
my
assertion
.
1.
If
the
Law
did
intend
that
he
or
she
who
wears
the
Crown
,
should
in
his
or
her
person
judg
all
causes
,
and
determine
the
most
difficult
questions
,
it
must
like
our
Author
presume
that
they
will
always
be
of
profound
wisdom
to
comprehend
all
of
them
,
and
of
perfect
integrity
always
to
act
according
to
their
understanding
.
Which
is
no
less
than
to
lay
the
foundation
of
the
Government
upon
a
thing
merely
contingent
,
that
either
never
was
,
or
very
often
fails
,
as
is
too
much
verified
by
experience
,
and
the
Histories
of
all
Nations
;
or
else
to
refer
the
decision
of
all
to
those
who
through
the
infirmities
of
age
,
sex
,
or
person
,
are
often
uncapable
of
judging
the
least
,
or
subject
to
such
passions
and
vices
as
would
divert
them
from
Justice
tho
they
did
understand
it
;
both
which
seem
to
be
almost
equally
preposterous
.
2.
The
Law
must
also
presume
that
the
Prince
is
always
present
in
all
the
places
where
his
name
is
used
.
The
King
of
France
is
(
as
I
have
said
already
)
esteemed
to
be
present
[
*
](A60214-e75650-b)
*
Sur
son
lit
de
justice
.
on
the
seat
of
Justice
in
all
the
Parliaments
and
sovereign
Courts
of
the
Kingdom
:
and
if
his
corporeal
Presence
were
by
that
phrase
to
be
understood
,
he
must
be
in
all
those
distinct
and
far
distant
places
at
the
same
time
;
which
absurdity
can
hardly
be
parallel'd
,
unless
by
the
Popish
opinion
of
Transubstantiation
.
But
indeed
they
are
so
far
from
being
guilty
of
such
monstrous
absurdity
,
that
he
cannot
in
person
be
present
at
any
trial
,
and
no
man
can
be
judged
if
he
be
.
This
was
plainly
asserted
to
Lewis
the
13th
(
who
would
have
bin
at
the
Trial
of
the
Duke
of
Candale
)
by
the
President
de
Bellievre
,
who
told
him
that
as
he
could
judg
no
man
himself
,
so
they
could
not
judg
any
if
he
were
present
:
upon
which
he
retired
.
3.
The
Laws
of
most
Kingdoms
giving
to
Kings
the
Confiscation
of
Delinquents
estates
,
if
they
in
their
own
persons
might
give
judgment
upon
them
,
they
would
be
constituted
both
Judges
and
Parties
;
which
besides
the
foremention'd
incapacities
to
which
Princes
are
as
much
subject
as
other
men
,
would
tempt
them
by
their
own
personal
interest
to
subvert
all
manner
of
Justice
.
This
therefore
not
being
the
meaning
of
the
Law
,
we
are
to
inquire
what
it
is
;
and
the
thing
is
so
plain
that
we
cannot
mistake
,
unless
we
do
it
wilfully
.
Some
name
must
be
used
in
all
manner
of
Transactions
,
and
in
matters
of
publick
concernment
none
can
be
so
fit
as
that
of
the
principal
Magistrate
.
Thus
are
Leagues
made
,
not
only
with
Kings
and
Emperors
,
but
with
the
Dukes
of
Venice
and
Genoa
,
the
Avoyer
and
Senat
of
a
Canton
in
Switzerland
,
the
Burgermaster
of
an
Imperial
Town
in
Germany
,
and
the
States-General
of
the
United
Provinces
.
But
no
man
thinking
,
I
presume
,
these
Leagues
would
be
of
any
value
,
if
they
could
only
oblige
the
Persons
whose
names
are
used
,
't
is
plain
that
they
do
not
stipulate
only
for
themselves
;
and
that
their
stipulations
would
be
of
no
value
if
they
were
merely
personal
.
And
nothing
can
more
certainly
prove
they
are
not
so
,
than
that
we
certainly
know
,
these
Dukes
,
Avoyers
and
Burgermasters
can
do
nothing
of
themselves
.
The
power
of
the
States-General
of
the
United
Provinces
is
limited
to
the
points
mentioned
in
the
Act
of
Union
made
at
Vtrecht
.
The
Empire
is
not
obliged
by
any
stipulation
made
by
the
Emperor
without
their
consent
.
Nothing
is
more
common
than
for
one
King
making
a
League
with
another
,
to
exact
a
confirmation
of
their
Agreement
,
by
the
Parliaments
,
Diets
or
General
Estates
;
because
,
says
Grotius
,
a
Don
Antonio
;
and
no
man
considered
the
Dukes
of
Savoy
,
Parma
or
Braganza
,
who
perhaps
had
the
most
plausible
Titles
:
But
when
his
Grandson
Philip
the
fourth
had
lost
that
Kingdom
,
and
the
people
had
set
up
the
Duke
of
Braganza
,
they
all
treated
with
him
as
King
.
And
the
English
Court
,
tho
then
in
amity
with
Spain
,
and
not
a
little
influenced
by
a
Spanish
faction
,
gave
example
to
others
,
by
treating
with
him
and
not
with
Spain
touching
matters
relating
to
that
State
.
Nay
,
I
have
bin
informed
by
those
who
well
understood
the
affairs
of
that
time
,
that
the
Lord
Cottington
advising
the
late
King
not
to
receive
any
persons
sent
from
the
Duke
of
Braganza
,
Rebel
to
his
Ally
the
King
of
Spain
,
in
the
quality
of
Ambassadors
;
the
King
answered
,
that
he
must
look
upon
that
person
to
be
King
of
Portugal
,
who
was
acknowledged
by
the
Nation
.
And
I
am
mistaken
if
his
Majesty
now
reigning
did
not
find
all
the
Princes
and
States
of
the
world
to
be
of
the
same
mind
,
when
he
was
out
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
could
oblige
no
man
but
himself
and
a
few
followers
by
any
Treaty
he
could
make
.
For
the
same
reason
the
names
of
Kings
are
used
in
Treaties
,
when
they
are
either
Children
,
or
otherwise
uncapable
of
knowing
what
Alliances
are
fit
to
be
made
or
rejected
;
and
yet
such
Treaties
do
equally
oblige
them
,
their
successors
and
people
,
as
if
they
were
of
mature
age
and
fit
for
government
.
No
man
therefore
ought
to
think
it
strange
,
if
the
King's
name
be
used
in
domestick
affairs
,
of
which
he
neither
ought
nor
can
take
any
cognizance
.
In
these
cases
he
is
perpetually
a
Minor
:
He
must
suffer
the
Law
to
take
its
due
course
;
and
the
Judges
,
tho
nominated
by
him
,
are
obliged
by
Oath
not
to
have
any
regard
to
his
Letters
or
personal
Commands
.
If
a
man
be
sued
,
he
must
appear
;
and
a
Deliquent
is
to
be
tried
coram
rege
,
but
no
otherwise
than
secundum
legem
terrae
,
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
not
his
personal
will
or
opinion
.
And
the
judgments
given
must
be
executed
,
whether
they
please
him
or
not
,
it
being
always
understood
that
he
can
speak
no
otherwise
than
the
Law
speaks
,
and
is
always
present
as
far
as
the
Law
requires
.
For
this
reason
a
noble
Lord
who
was
irregularly
detain'd
in
prison
in
1681
,
being
by
Habeas
Corpus
brought
to
the
Bar
of
the
King's
Bench
,
where
he
sued
to
be
releas'd
upon
bail
;
and
an
ignorant
Judg
telling
him
he
must
apply
himself
to
the
King
,
he
replied
,
that
he
came
thither
for
that
end
;
that
the
King
might
eat
,
drink
,
or
sleep
where
he
pleased
,
but
when
he
render'd
Justice
he
was
always
in
that
place
.
The
King
that
renders
Justice
is
indeed
always
there
:
He
never
sleeps
;
he
is
subject
to
no
infirmity
;
he
never
dies
unless
the
Nation
be
extinguished
,
or
so
dissipated
as
to
have
no
Government
.
No
Nation
that
has
a
sovereign
Power
within
it self
,
dos
ever
want
this
King
.
He
was
in
Athens
and
Rome
,
as
well
as
at
Babylon
and
Sufa
;
and
is
as
properly
said
to
be
now
in
Venice
,
Switserland
or
Holland
,
as
in
France
,
Morocco
or
Turky
.
This
is
he
to
whom
we
all
owe
a
simple
and
unconditional
obedience
.
This
is
he
who
never
dos
any
wrong
:
'T
is
before
him
we
appear
,
when
we
demand
Justice
,
or
render
an
account
of
our
actions
.
All
Juries
give
their
verdict
in
his
sight
:
They
are
his
Commands
that
the
Judges
are
bound
and
sworn
to
obey
,
when
they
are
not
at
all
to
consider
such
as
they
receive
from
the
person
that
wears
the
Crown
.
'T
was
for
Treason
against
him
that
Tresilian
and
others
like
to
him
in
several
ages
were
hanged
.
They
gratified
the
lusts
of
the
visible
Powers
,
but
the
invisible
King
would
not
be
mock'd
.
He
caused
Justice
to
be
executed
upon
Empson
and
Dudley
.
He
was
injured
when
the
perjur'd
wretches
who
gave
that
accursed
Judgment
in
the
case
of
Shipmony
,
were
suffered
to
escape
the
like
punishment
by
means
of
the
ensuing
troubles
which
they
had
chiefly
raised
.
And
I
leave
it
to
those
who
are
concerned
,
to
consider
how
many
in
our
days
may
expect
vengeance
for
the
like
crimes
.
I
should
here
conclude
this
point
,
if
the
power
of
granting
a
Noli
proseq
:
Cesset
Processus
,
and
Pardons
,
which
are
said
to
be
annexed
to
the
person
of
the
King
,
were
not
taken
for
a
proof
that
all
proceedings
at
Law
depend
upon
his
will
.
But
whoever
would
from
hence
draw
a
general
conclusion
,
must
first
prove
his
proposition
to
be
universally
true
.
If
it
be
wholly
false
,
no
true
deduction
can
be
made
;
and
if
it
be
true
only
in
some
cases
,
't
is
absurd
to
draw
from
thence
a
general
conclusion
;
and
to
erect
a
vast
fabrick
upon
a
narrow
foundation
is
impossible
.
As
to
the
general
proposition
I
utterly
deny
it
.
The
King
cannot
stop
any
Suit
that
I
begin
in
my
own
name
,
or
invalidate
any
Judgment
I
obtain
upon
it
:
He
cannot
release
a
Debt
of
ten
shillings
due
to
me
,
nor
a
Sentence
for
the
like
sum
given
upon
an
action
of
Battery
,
Assault
,
Trespass
,
publick
Nuisance
,
or
the
like
.
He
cannot
pardon
a
man
condemned
upon
an
Appeal
,
nor
hinder
the
person
injured
from
appealing
.
His
power
therefore
is
not
universal
:
if
it
be
not
universal
,
it
cannot
be
inherent
,
but
conferred
upon
him
,
or
entrusted
by
a
superior
Power
that
limits
it
.
These
limits
are
fixed
by
the
Law
,
the
Law
therefore
is
above
him
.
His
proceedings
must
be
regulated
by
the
Law
,
and
not
the
Law
by
his
will
.
Besides
,
the
extent
of
those
limits
can
only
be
known
by
the
intention
of
the
Law
that
sets
them
;
and
are
so
visible
,
that
none
but
such
as
are
wilfully
blind
can
mistake
.
It
cannot
be
imagined
that
the
Law
,
which
dos
not
give
a
power
to
the
King
of
pardoning
a
man
that
breaks
my
hedg
,
can
intend
he
should
have
power
to
pardon
one
who
kills
my
father
,
breaks
my
house
,
robs
me
of
my
goods
,
abuses
my
children
and
servants
,
wounds
me
,
and
brings
me
in
danger
of
my
life
.
Whatever
power
he
has
in
such
cases
,
is
founded
upon
a
presumption
,
that
he
who
has
sworn
not
to
deny
or
delay
justice
to
any
man
,
will
not
break
his
Oath
to
interrupt
it
.
And
farther
,
as
he
dos
nothing
but
what
he
may
rightly
do
,
cum
magnatum
&
sapientum
Consilio
;
and
that
't
is
supposed
,
they
will
never
advise
him
to
do
any
thing
,
but
what
ought
to
be
done
,
in
order
to
attain
the
great
ends
of
the
Law
,
Justice
,
and
the
publick
safety
;
nevertheles
lest
this
should
not
be
sufficient
to
keep
things
in
their
due
order
,
or
that
the
King
should
forget
his
Oath
,
not
to
delay
or
deny
justice
to
any
man
,
his
Counsellors
are
exposed
to
the
severest
punishments
,
if
they
advise
him
to
do
any
thing
contrary
to
it
,
and
the
Law
upon
which
it
is
grounded
.
So
that
the
utmost
advantage
the
King
can
pretend
to
in
this
case
,
is
no
more
than
that
of
the
Norman
,
who
said
he
had
gained
his
cause
,
because
it
depended
upon
a
point
that
was
to
be
decided
by
his
Oath
;
that
is
to
say
,
if
he
will
betray
the
trust
reposed
in
him
,
and
perjure
himself
,
he
may
sometimes
exempt
a
Vilain
from
the
punishment
he
deserves
,
and
take
the
guilt
upon
himself
.
I
say
sometimes
;
for
appeals
may
be
brought
in
some
cases
,
and
the
Waterman
who
had
bin
pardoned
by
his
Majesty
in
the
year
1680
,
for
a
murder
he
had
committed
,
was
condemned
and
hanged
at
the
Assizes
upon
an
appeal
.
Nay
,
in
cases
of
Treason
,
which
some
men
think
relate
most
particularly
to
the
person
of
the
King
,
he
cannot
always
do
it
.
Gaveston
,
the
two
Spencers
,
Tresilian
,
Empson
,
Dudley
,
and
others
,
have
bin
executed
as
Traitors
for
things
done
by
the
King's
command
;
and
't
is
not
doubted
they
would
have
bin
saved
,
if
the
King's
power
had
extended
so
far
.
I
might
add
the
cases
of
the
Earls
of
Strafford
and
Danby
;
for
tho
the
King
signed
a
Warrant
for
the
execution
of
the
first
,
no
man
doubts
he
would
have
saved
him
,
if
it
had
bin
in
his
power
.
The
other
continues
in
prison
notwithstanding
his
pardon
;
and
for
any
thing
I
know
he
may
continue
where
he
is
,
or
come
out
in
a
way
that
will
not
be
to
his
satisfaction
unless
he
be
found
innocent
,
or
something
fall
out
more
to
his
advantage
than
his
Majesty's
approbation
of
what
he
has
done
.
If
therefore
the
King
cannot
interpose
his
authority
to
hinder
the
course
of
the
Law
in
contests
between
privat
men
,
nor
remit
the
debts
adjudged
to
be
due
,
or
the
damages
given
to
the
persons
agriev'd
,
he
can
in
his
own
person
have
no
other
power
in
things
of
this
nature
,
than
in
some
degree
to
mitigate
the
vindictive
power
of
the
Law
;
and
this
also
is
to
be
exercised
no
other
way
than
as
he
is
entrusted
.
But
if
he
acts
even
in
this
capacity
by
a
delegated
power
,
and
in
few
cases
,
he
must
act
according
to
the
ends
for
which
he
is
so
entrusted
,
as
the
same
Law
says
,
Cum
magnatum
&
sapientum
consilio
,
and
is
not
therein
to
pursue
his
own
will
and
interests
:
If
his
Oath
farther
oblige
him
not
to
do
it
;
and
his
Ministers
are
liable
to
punishment
,
if
they
advise
him
otherwise
:
If
in
matters
of
Appeal
he
have
no
power
;
and
if
his
pardons
have
bin
of
no
value
,
when
contrary
to
his
Oath
he
has
abused
that
with
which
he
is
entrusted
,
to
the
patronizing
of
crimes
,
and
exempting
such
delinquents
from
punishment
,
as
could
not
be
pardoned
without
prejudice
to
the
publick
,
I
may
justly
conclude
,
that
the
King
,
before
whom
every
man
is
bound
to
appear
,
who
dos
perpetually
and
impartially
distribute
Justice
to
the
Nation
,
is
not
the
man
or
woman
that
wears
the
Crown
;
and
that
he
or
she
cannot
determine
those
matters
,
which
by
the
Law
are
referr'd
to
the
King
.
Whether
therefore
such
matters
are
ordinary
or
extraordinary
,
the
decision
is
and
ought
to
be
placed
where
there
is
most
wisdom
and
stability
,
and
where
passion
and
privat
interest
dos
least
prevail
to
the
obstruction
of
Justice
.
This
is
the
only
way
to
obviate
that
confusion
and
mischief
,
which
our
Author
thinks
it
would
introduce
.
In
cases
of
the
first
sort
,
this
is
done
in
England
by
Judges
and
Juries
:
In
the
other
by
the
Parliament
,
which
being
the
representative
body
of
the
People
,
and
the
collected
wisdom
of
the
Nation
,
is
least
subject
to
error
,
most
exempted
from
passion
,
and
most
free
from
corruption
,
their
own
good
both
publick
and
private
depending
upon
the
rectitude
of
their
Sanctions
.
Thev
cannot
do
any
thing
that
is
ill
without
damage
to
themselves
and
their
posterity
;
which
being
all
that
can
be
done
by
human
understanding
,
our
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Properties
are
by
our
Laws
directed
to
depend
upon
them
.
SECT.
XLIII
.
Proclamations
are
not
Laws
Our
Author
according
to
his
usual
method
and
integrity
,
lays
great
weight
upon
Proclamations
,
as
the
significations
of
the
King's
pleasure
,
which
in
his
opinion
is
our
only
Law
.
But
neither
Law
nor
Reason
openly
directing
,
nor
by
consequences
insinuating
,
that
such
a
Power
should
be
put
into
an
uncertain
or
suspected
hand
,
we
may
safely
deny
them
to
be
Laws
,
or
in
any
sense
to
have
the
effect
of
Laws
.
Nay
,
they
cannot
be
so
much
as
significations
of
his
will
;
for
as
he
is
King
,
he
can
have
no
will
but
as
the
Law
directs
.
If
he
depart
from
the
Law
,
he
is
no
longer
King
,
and
his
will
is
nothing
to
us
.
Proclamations
,
at
most
,
are
but
temporary
,
by
the
advice
of
Council
,
in
pursuance
of
the
Law
.
If
they
be
not
so
,
the
Subject
is
no
way
obliged
to
obey
them
,
and
the
Counsellors
are
to
be
punished
for
them
.
These
Laws
are
either
immemorial
Customs
,
or
Statutes
.
The
first
have
their
beginning
and
continuance
from
the
universal
consent
of
the
Nation
.
The
latter
receive
their
Authority
and
Force
of
Laws
from
Parliaments
,
as
is
frequently
expressed
in
the
Preambles
.
These
are
under
God
the
best
defence
of
our
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
:
they
proceed
not
from
the
blind
,
corrupt
,
and
fluctuating
humor
of
a
man
,
but
from
the
mature
deliberation
of
the
choicest
Persons
of
the
Nation
,
and
such
as
have
the
greatest
interest
in
it
.
Our
Ancestors
have
always
relied
upon
these
Laws
;
and
't
is
to
be
hoped
we
shall
not
be
so
abandoned
by
God
,
so
deprived
of
courage
and
common
sense
,
to
suffer
our selves
to
be
cheated
of
the
Inheritance
which
they
have
so
frequently
,
so
bravely
,
and
so
constantly
defended
.
Tho
experience
has
too
well
taught
us
,
that
Parliaments
may
have
their
failings
,
and
that
the
Vices
,
which
are
industriously
spread
amongst
them
,
may
be
too
prevalent
;
yet
they
are
the
best
helps
we
have
,
and
we
may
much
more
reasonably
depend
upon
them
,
than
upon
those
who
propagate
that
corruption
among
them
for
which
only
they
can
deserve
to
be
suspected
.
We
hope
they
will
take
care
of
our
concernments
,
since
they
are
as
other
men
so
soon
as
a
Session
is
ended
,
and
can
do
nothing
to
our
prejudice
that
will
not
equally
affect
them
and
their
posterity
;
besides
the
guilt
of
betraying
their
Country
,
which
can
never
be
washed
off
.
If
some
should
prove
false
to
their
trust
,
't
is
probable
that
others
would
continue
in
their
integrity
:
Or
if
the
base
arts
,
which
are
usually
practised
by
those
who
endeavour
to
delude
,
corrupt
,
enslave
and
ruin
Nations
,
should
happen
to
prevail
upon
the
youngest
and
weakest
,
it
may
be
reasonably
hoped
,
that
the
wisest
will
see
the
snares
,
and
instruct
their
companions
to
avoid
them
.
But
if
all
things
were
so
put
into
the
hands
of
one
man
,
that
his
Proclamations
were
to
be
esteemed
Laws
,
the
Nation
would
be
exposed
to
ruin
,
as
soon
as
it
should
chance
to
fall
into
an
ill
hand
.
'T
is
in
vain
to
say
we
have
a
good
King
,
who
will
not
make
an
ill
use
of
his
power
;
for
even
the
best
are
subject
to
be
deceived
by
flatterers
,
and
Crown'd
heads
are
almost
ever
encompassed
by
them
.
The
principal
art
of
a
Courtier
is
to
observe
his
Master's
passions
,
and
to
attack
him
on
that
side
where
he
seems
to
be
most
weak
.
It
would
be
a
strange
thing
to
find
a
man
impregnable
in
every
part
;
and
if
he
be
not
,
't
is
impossible
he
should
resist
all
the
attempts
that
are
made
upon
him
.
If
his
Judgment
come
to
be
prepossess'd
,
he
and
all
that
depend
on
him
are
lost
.
Contradictions
,
tho
never
so
just
,
are
then
unsafe
,
and
no
man
will
venture
upon
them
,
but
he
who
dares
sacrifice
himself
for
the
publick
good
.
The
nature
of
man
is
frail
,
and
stands
in
need
of
assistance
.
Virtuous
actions
that
are
profitable
to
a
Commonwealth
,
ought
to
be
made
,
as
far
as
it
is
possible
,
safe
,
easy
,
and
advantageous
:
and
't
is
the
utmost
imprudence
to
tempt
men
to
be
enemies
to
the
publick
,
by
making
the
most
pernicious
actions
to
be
the
means
of
obtaining
honour
and
favour
,
whilst
no
man
can
serve
his
Country
,
but
with
the
ruin
of
himself
and
his
family
.
However
in
this
case
the
question
is
not
concerning
a
person
:
the
same
Counsels
are
to
be
follow'd
when
Moses
or
Samuel
is
in
the
Throne
,
as
if
Caligula
had
invaded
it
.
Laws
ought
to
aim
at
perpetuity
,
but
the
Virtues
of
a
man
die
with
him
,
and
very
often
before
him
.
Those
who
have
deserved
the
highest
praises
for
wisdom
and
integrity
,
have
frequently
left
the
honors
they
enjoyed
to
foolish
and
vicious
children
.
If
virtue
may
in
any
respect
be
said
to
outlive
the
person
,
it
can
only
be
when
good
men
frame
such
Laws
and
Constitutions
as
by
favouring
it
preserve
themselves
.
This
has
never
bin
done
otherwise
,
than
by
balancing
the
Powers
in
such
a
manner
,
that
the
corruption
which
one
or
a
few
men
might
fall
into
,
should
not
be
suffer'd
to
spread
the
contagion
to
the
ruin
of
the
whole
.
The
long
continuance
of
Lycurgus
his
Laws
is
to
be
attributed
to
this
:
They
restrained
the
lusts
of
Kings
,
and
reduced
those
to
order
who
adventured
to
transgress
them
:
Whereas
the
whole
fabrick
must
have
fallen
to
the
ground
in
a
short
time
,
if
the
first
that
had
a
fancy
to
be
absolute
,
had
bin
able
to
effect
his
design
.
This
has
bin
the
fate
of
all
Governments
that
were
made
to
depend
upon
the
virtue
of
a
man
,
which
never
continues
long
in
any
family
,
and
when
that
fails
all
is
lost
.
The
Nations
therefore
that
are
so
happy
to
have
good
Kings
,
ought
to
make
a
right
use
of
them
,
by
establishing
the
good
that
may
outlast
their
lives
.
Those
of
them
that
are
good
,
will
readily
join
in
this
work
,
and
take
care
that
their
Successors
may
be
obliged
in
doing
the
like
,
to
be
equally
beneficial
to
their
own
families
,
and
the
people
they
govern
.
If
the
rulers
of
Nations
be
restrained
,
not
only
the
people
is
by
that
means
secured
from
the
mischiefs
of
their
vices
and
follies
,
but
they
themselves
are
preserved
from
the
greatest
temptations
to
ill
,
and
the
terrible
effects
of
the
vengeance
that
frequently
ensues
upon
it
.
An
unlimited
Prince
might
be
justly
compared
to
a
weak
ship
exposed
to
a
violent
storm
,
with
a
vast
Sail
and
no
Rudder
.
We
have
an
eminent
example
of
this
in
the
book
of
Esther
.
Ezra
,
Nehemiah
and
Daniel
,
manifestly
discover
the
like
fluctuation
in
all
the
Counsels
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
Cyrus
,
Darius
,
and
Artaxerxes
.
When
good
men
had
credit
with
them
,
they
favour'd
the
Israelites
;
sent
them
back
to
their
own
Country
;
restored
the
sacred
Vessels
that
had
bin
taken
away
;
gave
them
all
things
necessary
for
the
rebuilding
of
the
City
,
and
advanced
the
chief
of
them
to
the
highest
employments
.
But
if
they
fell
into
ill
hands
,
three
just
men
must
be
thrown
into
the
burning
Furnace
sor
refusing
to
worship
an
Idol
;
Daniel
must
be
cast
to
the
Lions
;
the
holy
City
esteemed
rebellious
,
and
those
who
endeavoured
to
rebuild
it
,
enemies
to
Kings
.
Such
was
the
state
of
things
,
when
their
Proclamations
passed
for
Laws
,
and
numbers
of
flattering
slaves
were
ready
to
execute
their
commands
,
without
examining
whether
they
were
just
or
unjust
,
good
or
bad
.
The
life
and
death
of
the
best
men
,
together
with
the
very
being
of
Nations
,
was
exposed
to
chance
,
and
they
were
either
preserved
or
destroyed
according
to
the
humor
of
that
man
who
spoke
last
to
the
King
,
or
happened
to
have
credit
with
him
.
If
a
frantick
fancy
come
into
the
head
of
a
drunken
whore
,
Persepolis
must
be
burnt
,
and
the
hand
of
Alexander
is
ready
to
execute
her
will
.
If
a
dancing
wench
please
Herod
,
the
most
venerable
of
all
human
heads
must
be
offered
in
a
dish
for
a
sacrifice
to
the
rage
of
her
impure
mother
.
The
nature
of
man
is
so
frail
,
that
wheresoever
the
word
of
a
single
Person
has
had
the
force
of
a
Law
,
the
innumerable
extravagances
and
mischiefs
it
has
produced
have
bin
so
notorious
,
that
all
Nations
who
are
not
stupid
,
slavish
and
brutish
,
have
always
abominated
it
,
and
made
it
their
principal
care
to
find
out
remedies
against
it
,
by
so
dividing
and
balancing
the
powers
of
their
Government
,
that
one
or
a
few
men
might
not
be
able
to
oppress
and
destroy
those
they
ought
to
preserve
and
protect
.
This
has
always
bin
as
grateful
to
the
best
and
wisest
Princes
,
as
necessary
to
the
weakest
and
worst
,
as
I
have
proved
already
by
the
examples
of
Theopompus
,
Moses
,
and
many
others
.
These
considerations
have
given
beginning
,
growth
and
continuance
to
all
the
mixed
Governments
that
have
bin
in
the
world
;
and
I
may
justly
say
there
never
was
a
good
one
that
was
not
mixed
.
If
other
proofs
of
their
rectitude
were
wanting
,
our
Author's
hatred
would
be
enough
to
justify
them
.
He
is
so
bitter
an
enemy
to
mankind
,
as
to
be
displeased
with
nothing
but
that
which
tends
to
their
good
,
and
so
perverse
in
his
judgment
,
that
we
have
reason
to
believe
that
to
be
good
which
he
most
abhors
.
One
would
think
he
had
taken
the
model
of
the
Government
he
proposes
,
from
the
monstrous
Tyranny
of
Ceylon
an
Island
in
the
East-Indies
,
where
the
King
knows
no
other
Law
than
his
own
will
.
He
kills
,
tears
in
pieces
,
empales
,
or
throws
to
his
Elephants
whomsoever
he
pleases
:
No
man
has
any
thing
that
he
can
call
his
own
:
He
seldom
fails
to
destroy
those
who
have
bin
employ'd
in
his
domestick
Service
,
or
publick
Offices
;
and
few
obtain
the
favour
of
being
put
to
death
and
thrown
to
the
dogs
without
torments
.
His
Subjects
approach
him
no
otherwise
,
than
on
their
knees
,
licking
the
dust
,
and
dare
assume
to
themselves
no
other
name
than
that
of
dogs
,
or
limbs
of
dogs
.
This
is
a
true
pattern
of
Filmer's
Patriarchical
Monarch
.
His
Majesty
,
as
I
suppose
,
is
sufficiently
exalted
;
for
he
dos
whatever
he
pleases
.
The
exercise
of
his
power
is
as
gentle
as
can
reasonably
be
expected
from
one
who
has
all
by
the
unquestionable
right
of
usurpation
;
and
knows
the
people
will
no
longer
suffer
him
,
and
the
Villains
he
hires
to
be
the
instruments
of
his
cruelty
,
than
they
can
be
kept
in
such
ignorance
,
weakness
and
baseness
,
as
neither
to
know
how
to
provide
for
themselves
,
or
dare
to
resist
him
.
We
ought
to
esteem
our selves
happy
,
if
the
like
could
be
established
among
us
;
and
are
much
obliged
to
our
Author
for
so
kindly
proposing
an
expedient
that
might
terminate
all
our
disputes
.
Let
Proclamations
obtain
the
power
of
Laws
,
and
the
business
is
done
.
They
may
be
so
ingeniously
contrived
,
that
the
antient
Laws
,
which
we
and
our
Fathers
have
highly
valued
,
shall
be
abolished
,
or
made
a
snare
to
all
those
that
dare
remember
they
are
Englishmen
,
and
are
guilty
of
the
unpardonable
crime
of
loving
their
Country
,
or
have
the
courage
,
conduct
,
and
reputation
requir'd
to
defend
it
.
This
is
the
sum
of
Filmer's
Philosophy
,
and
this
is
the
Legacy
he
has
left
to
testify
his
affection
to
the
Nation
;
which
having
for
a
long
time
lain
unregarded
,
has
bin
lately
brought
into
the
light
again
,
as
an
introduction
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
who
is
to
be
established
,
as
we
ought
to
believe
,
for
the
security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
our
English
Liberties
.
Both
will
undoubtedly
flourish
under
a
Prince
who
is
made
to
believe
the
Kingdom
is
his
Patrimony
;
that
his
Will
is
a
Law
,
and
that
he
has
a
Power
which
none
may
resist
.
If
any
man
doubt
whether
he
will
make
a
good
use
of
it
,
he
may
only
examine
the
Histories
of
what
others
in
the
same
circumstances
have
done
in
all
places
where
they
have
had
power
.
The
principles
of
that
Religion
are
so
full
of
meekness
and
charity
;
the
Popes
have
always
shew'd
themselves
so
gentle
towards
those
who
would
not
submit
to
their
Authority
;
the
Jesuits
who
may
be
accounted
the
Soul
that
gives
life
to
the
whole
body
of
that
Faction
,
are
so
well
natur'd
,
faithful
and
exact
in
their
morals
;
so
full
of
innocence
,
justice
and
truth
,
that
no
violence
is
to
be
fear'd
from
such
as
are
govern'd
by
them
.
The
fatherly
care
shew'd
to
the
Protestants
of
France
,
by
the
five
last
Kings
of
the
House
of
Valois
;
the
mercy
of
Philip
the
second
of
Spain
to
his
Pagan
Subjects
in
the
West-Indies
,
and
the
more
hated
Protestants
in
the
Netherlands
;
the
moderation
of
the
Dukes
of
Savoy
towards
the
Vaudois
in
the
Marquisat
of
Saluzzo
and
the
Vallies
of
Piedmont
;
the
gentleness
and
faith
of
the
two
Maries
Queens
of
England
and
Scotland
;
the
kindness
of
the
Papists
to
the
Protestants
of
Ireland
in
the
year
1641
;
with
what
we
have
reason
to
believe
they
did
and
do
still
intend
,
if
they
can
accomplish
the
ends
of
their
Conspiracy
;
In
a
word
,
the
sweetness
and
Apostolical
meekness
of
the
Inquisition
,
may
sufficiently
convince
us
that
nothing
is
to
be
feared
where
that
principle
reigns
.
We
may
suffer
the
word
of
such
a
Prince
to
be
a
Law
,
and
the
people
to
be
made
to
believe
it
ought
to
be
so
,
when
he
is
expected
.
Tho
we
should
wave
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
and
not
only
admit
him
to
reign
as
other
Kings
have
done
,
but
resign
the
whole
power
into
his
hands
,
it
would
neither
bring
inconvenience
or
danger
on
the
present
King
.
He
can
with
patience
expect
that
nature
should
take
her
course
,
and
would
neither
anticipate
nor
secure
his
entrance
into
the
possession
of
the
power
,
by
taking
one
day
from
the
life
of
his
Brother
.
Tho
the
Papists
know
that
like
a
true
Son
of
their
Church
,
he
would
prefer
the
advancement
of
their
Religion
before
all
other
considerations
;
and
that
one
stab
with
a
Dagger
,
or
a
dose
of
Poison
,
would
put
all
under
his
feet
,
not
one
man
would
be
found
among
them
to
give
it
.
The
Assassins
were
Mahometans
,
not
pupils
of
the
honest
Jesuits
,
nor
ever
employ'd
by
them
.
These
things
being
certain
,
all
our
concernments
would
be
secure
,
if
instead
of
the
foolish
Statutes
and
antiquated
Customs
,
on
which
our
Ancestors
and
we
have
hitherto
doted
,
we
may
be
troubled
with
no
Law
but
the
King's
will
,
and
a
Proclamation
may
be
taken
for
a
sufficient
declaration
of
it
.
We
shall
by
this
means
be
delivered
from
that
Liberty
with
a
mischief
,
in
which
our
mistaken
Nation
seems
so
much
to
delight
.
This
phrase
is
so
new
,
and
so
peculiar
to
our
Author
,
that
it
deserves
to
be
written
upon
his
Tomb.
We
have
heard
of
Tyranny
with
a
mischief
,
Slavery
and
Bondage
with
a
mischief
;
and
they
have
bin
denounced
by
God
against
wicked
and
perverse
Nations
,
as
mischiefs
comprehending
all
that
is
most
to
be
abhorr'd
and
dreaded
in
the
world
.
But
Filmer
informs
us
that
Liberty
,
which
all
wise
and
good
men
have
in
all
ages
esteemed
to
be
the
most
valuable
and
glorious
privilege
of
mankind
,
is
a
mischief
.
If
he
deserve
credit
,
Moses
,
Joshua
,
Gideon
,
Sampson
,
and
Samuel
,
with
others
like
them
,
were
enemies
to
their
Country
,
in
depriving
the
people
of
the
advantages
they
enjoy'd
under
the
paternal
care
of
Pharaoh
,
Adonibezek
,
Eglon
,
Jabin
,
and
other
Kings
of
the
neighbouring
Nations
,
and
restoring
them
to
that
Liberty
with
a
mischief
which
he
had
promised
to
them
.
The
Israelites
were
happy
under
the
power
of
Tyrants
,
whose
Proclamations
were
Laws
;
and
they
ought
to
have
bin
thankful
to
God
for
that
condition
,
and
not
for
the
deliverances
he
wrought
by
the
hands
of
his
Servants
.
Subjection
to
the
will
of
a
man
is
happiness
,
Liberty
is
a
mischief
.
But
this
is
so
abominably
wicked
and
detestable
,
that
it
can
deserve
no
answer
.
SECT.
XLIV
.
No
People
that
is
not
free
can
substitute
Delegates
.
HOW
full
soever
the
Power
of
any
person
or
people
may
be
,
he
or
they
are
obliged
to
give
only
so
much
to
their
Delegates
,
as
seems
convenient
to
themselves
,
or
conducing
to
the
ends
they
desire
to
attain
;
but
the
Delegate
can
have
none
except
what
is
conferred
upon
him
by
his
Principal
.
If
theresore
the
Knights
,
Citizens
and
Burgesses
sent
by
the
People
of
England
to
serve
in
Parliament
have
a
Power
,
it
must
be
more
perfectly
and
fully
in
those
that
send
them
.
But
(
as
was
proved
in
the
last
Section
)
Proclamations
,
and
other
significations
of
the
King's
pleasure
,
are
not
Laws
to
us
.
They
are
to
be
regulated
by
the
Law
,
not
the
Law
by
them
.
They
are
to
be
considered
only
so
far
as
they
are
conformable
to
the
Law
from
which
they
receive
all
the
strength
that
is
in
them
,
and
can
confer
none
upon
it
.
We
know
no
Laws
but
our
own
Statutes
,
and
those
immemorial
Customs
established
by
the
consent
of
the
Nation
;
which
may
be
,
and
often
are
changed
by
us
.
The
Legislative
Power
therefore
that
is
exercised
by
the
Parliament
,
cannot
be
conferred
by
the
Writ
of
Summons
,
but
must
be
essentially
and
radically
in
the
People
,
from
whom
their
Delegates
and
Representatives
have
all
that
they
have
.
But
,
says
our
Author
,
They
must
only
chuse
,
and
trust
those
whom
they
chuse
,
to
do
what
they
list
;
and
that
is
as
much
liberty
as
many
of
us
deserve
for
our
irregular
Elections
of
Burgesses
.
This
is
ingeniously
concluded
:
I
take
what
Servant
I
please
,
and
when
I
have
taken
him
I
must
suffer
him
to
do
what
he
pleases
.
But
from
whence
should
this
necessity
arise
?
Why
may
not
I
take
one
to
be
my
Groom
,
another
to
be
my
Cook
,
and
keep
them
both
to
the
Offices
for
which
I
took
them
?
What
Law
dos
herein
restrain
my
Right
?
And
if
I
am
free
in
my
private
capacity
to
regulate
my
particular
affairs
according
to
my
own
discretion
,
and
to
allot
to
each
Servant
his
proper
work
,
why
have
not
I
with
my
Associates
the
Freemen
of
England
the
like
liberty
of
directing
and
limiting
the
Powers
of
the
Servants
we
employ
in
our
publick
Affairs
?
Our
Author
gives
us
reasons
proportionable
to
his
judgment
:
This
were
liberty
with
a
mischief
;
and
that
of
chusing
only
is
as
much
as
many
of
us
deserve
.
I
have
already
proved
,
that
as
far
as
our
Histories
reach
,
we
have
had
no
Princes
or
Magistrates
,
but
such
as
we
have
made
,
and
they
have
had
no
other
power
than
what
we
have
conferred
upon
them
.
They
cannot
be
the
judges
of
our
merit
,
who
have
no
power
but
what
we
gave
them
,
thrô
an
opinion
they
did
or
might
deserve
it
.
They
may
distribute
in
parcels
to
particulars
that
with
which
they
are
entrusted
in
the
gross
.
But
't
is
impossible
that
the
Publick
should
depend
absolutely
upon
those
who
are
nothing
above
other
men
,
except
what
they
are
made
to
be
,
for
,
and
by
the
Publick
.
The
restrictions
therefore
of
the
peoples
Liberty
must
be
from
themselves
,
or
there
can
be
none
.
Nevertheless
I
believe
,
that
the
Powers
of
every
County
,
City
and
Borough
of
England
,
are
regulated
by
the
general
Law
to
which
they
have
all
consented
,
and
by
which
they
are
all
made
Members
of
one
political
Body
.
This
obliges
them
to
proceed
with
their
Delegates
in
a
manner
different
from
that
which
is
used
in
the
United
Netherlands
,
or
in
Switserland
.
Amongst
these
every
Province
,
City
or
Canton
making
a
distinct
body
independent
from
any
other
,
and
exercising
the
sovereign
Power
within
it self
,
looks
upon
the
rest
as
Allies
,
to
whom
they
are
bound
only
by
such
Acts
as
they
themselves
have
made
;
and
when
any
new
thing
not
comprehended
in
them
happens
to
arise
,
they
oblige
their
Delegates
to
give
them
an
account
of
it
,
and
retain
the
power
of
determining
those
matters
in
themselves
.
'T
is
not
so
amongst
us
:
Every
County
dos
not
make
a
distinct
Body
,
having
in
it self
a
sovereign
Power
,
but
is
a
Member
of
that
great
Body
which
comprehends
the
whole
Nation
.
'T
is
not
therefore
for
Kent
or
Sussex
,
Lewis
or
Maidstone
,
but
for
the
whole
Nation
,
that
the
Members
chosen
in
those
places
are
sent
to
serve
in
Parliament
:
and
tho
it
be
fit
for
them
as
Friends
and
Neighbours
(
so
far
as
may
be
)
to
hearken
to
the
opinions
of
the
Electors
for
the
information
of
their
Judgments
,
and
to
the
end
that
what
they
shall
say
may
be
of
more
weight
,
when
every
one
is
known
not
to
speak
his
own
thoughts
only
,
but
those
of
a
great
number
of
men
;
yet
they
are
not
strictly
and
properly
obliged
to
give
account
of
their
actions
to
any
,
unless
the
whole
body
of
the
Nation
for
which
they
serve
,
and
who
are
equally
concerned
in
their
resolutions
,
could
be
assembled
.
This
being
impracticable
,
the
only
punishment
to
which
they
are
subject
if
they
betray
their
trust
,
is
scorn
,
infamy
,
hatred
,
and
an
assurance
of
being
rejected
,
when
they
shall
again
seek
the
same
honor
.
And
tho
this
may
seem
a
small
matter
to
those
who
fear
to
do
ill
only
from
a
sense
of
the
pains
inflicted
;
yet
it
is
very
terrible
to
men
of
ingenuous
spirits
,
as
they
are
supposed
to
be
who
are
accounted
fit
to
be
entrusted
with
so
great
Powers
.
But
why
should
this
be
Liberty
with
a
mischief
if
it
were
otherwise
?
or
how
the
liberty
of
particular
Societies
world
be
greater
,
if
they
might
do
what
they
pleased
,
than
whilst
they
send
others
to
act
for
them
,
such
wise
men
only
as
Filmer
can
tell
us
.
For
as
no
man
,
or
number
of
men
,
can
give
a
Power
which
he
or
they
have
not
,
the
Achaians
,
Etolians
,
Latins
,
Samnites
and
Tuscans
,
who
transacted
all
things
relating
to
their
Associations
by
Delegates
;
and
the
Athenians
,
Carthaginians
and
Romans
,
who
kept
the
power
of
the
State
in
themselves
,
were
all
equally
free
.
And
in
our
days
,
the
United
Provinces
of
the
Netherlands
,
the
Switsers
and
Grisons
,
who
are
of
the
first
sort
,
and
the
Venetians
,
Genoeses
,
and
Luccheses
,
who
are
of
the
other
,
are
so
also
.
All
men
that
have
any
degree
of
common
sense
,
plainly
see
,
that
the
Liberty
of
those
who
act
in
their
own
persons
,
and
of
those
who
send
Delegates
,
is
perfectly
the
same
,
and
the
exercise
is
,
and
can
only
be
changed
by
their
consent
.
But
whatever
the
Law
or
Custom
of
England
be
in
this
point
,
it
cannot
concern
our
question
.
The
general
proposition
concerning
a
Patriarchical
Power
cannot
be
proved
by
a
single
example
.
If
there
be
a
general
power
every
where
,
forbidding
Nations
to
give
instructions
to
their
Delegates
,
they
can
do
it
no
where
.
If
there
be
no
such
thing
,
every
people
may
do
it
,
unless
they
have
deprived
themselves
of
their
right
,
all
being
born
under
the
same
condition
.
'T
is
to
no
purpose
to
say
that
the
Nations
before
mentioned
had
not
Kings
,
and
therefore
might
act
as
they
did
.
For
if
the
general
Thesis
be
true
,
they
must
have
Kings
;
and
if
it
be
not
,
none
are
obliged
to
have
them
,
unless
they
think
fit
,
and
the
Kings
they
make
are
their
Creatures
.
But
many
of
these
Nations
had
either
Kings
,
or
other
Magistrates
in
power
like
to
them
.
The
Provinces
of
the
Netherlands
had
Dukes
,
Earls
,
or
Marquesses
:
Genoa
and
Venice
have
Dukes
.
If
any
on
account
of
the
narrowness
of
their
Territories
have
abstained
from
the
name
,
it
dos
not
alter
the
case
;
for
our
dispute
is
not
concerning
the
name
,
but
the
right
.
If
that
one
man
,
who
is
in
the
principal
Magistracy
of
every
Nation
,
must
be
reputed
the
Father
of
that
people
,
and
has
a
Power
which
may
not
be
limited
by
any
Law
,
it
imports
not
what
he
is
called
.
But
if
in
small
Territories
he
may
be
limited
by
Laws
,
he
may
be
so
also
in
the
greatest
.
The
least
of
men
is
a
man
as
well
as
a
Giant
:
And
those
in
the
West-Indies
who
have
not
above
twenty
or
thirty
Subjects
able
to
bear
Arms
,
are
Kings
as
well
as
Xerxes
.
Every
Nation
may
divide
it self
into
small
parcels
as
some
have
done
,
by
the
same
Law
they
have
restrained
or
abolished
their
Kings
,
joined
to
one
another
,
or
taken
their
hazard
of
subsisting
by
themselves
;
acted
by
delegation
,
or
retaining
the
Power
in
their
own
persons
;
given
finite
or
indefinite
Powers
;
reserved
to
themselves
a
power
of
punishing
those
who
should
depart
from
their
duty
,
or
referred
it
to
their
General
Assemblies
.
And
that
Liberty
,
for
which
we
contend
as
the
Gift
of
God
and
Nature
,
remains
equally
to
them
all
.
If
men
who
delight
in
cavilling
should
say
,
that
great
Kingdoms
are
not
to
be
regulated
by
the
Examples
of
small
States
,
I
desire
to
know
when
it
was
,
that
God
ordained
great
Nations
should
be
Slaves
,
and
deprived
of
all
right
to
dispose
matters
relating
to
their
Government
;
whilst
he
left
to
such
as
had
,
or
should
divide
themselves
into
small
parcels
,
a
right
of
making
such
Constitutions
as
were
most
convenient
for
them
.
When
this
is
resolved
,
we
ought
to
be
informed
,
what
extent
of
territory
is
required
to
deserve
the
name
of
a
great
Kingdom
.
Spain
and
France
are
esteemed
great
,
and
yet
the
Deputies
or
Procuradores
of
the
several
parts
of
Castille
did
in
the
Cortez
held
at
Madrid
,
in
the
beginning
of
Charles
the
fifths
de
Richelieu
and
Mazarin
,
with
other
Ministers
who
have
accomplished
that
work
,
were
acted
by
some
other
principle
than
that
of
Justice
,
or
the
establishment
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
In
the
General
Assembly
of
Estates
held
at
Blois
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
Bodin
then
Deputy
for
the
third
Estate
of
Liberty
with
a
mischief
is
much
more
predominant
in
France
than
amongst
us
.
The
same
method
is
every
day
practised
in
the
Diets
of
Germany
.
The
Princes
and
great
Lords
,
who
have
their
places
in
their
own
right
,
may
do
what
they
please
;
but
the
Deputies
of
the
Cities
must
follow
such
Orders
as
they
receive
.
The
Histories
of
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
Poland
and
Bohemia
,
testify
the
same
thing
:
and
if
this
Liberty
with
a
mischief
do
not
still
continue
entire
in
all
those
places
,
it
has
bin
diminished
by
such
means
as
sute
better
with
the
manners
of
Pirats
,
than
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
.
If
England
therefore
do
not
still
enjoy
the
same
,
we
must
have
bin
deprived
of
it
either
by
such
unjustifiable
means
,
or
by
our
own
consent
.
But
thanks
be
to
God
,
we
know
no
People
who
have
a
better
right
to
Liberty
,
or
have
better
defended
it
than
our
own
Nation
.
And
if
we
do
not
degenerate
from
the
Virtue
of
our
Ancestors
,
we
may
hope
to
transmit
it
intire
to
our
Posterity
.
We
always
may
,
and
often
do
give
Instructions
to
our
Delegates
;
but
the
less
we
fetter
them
,
the
more
we
manifest
our
own
Rights
:
for
those
who
have
only
a
limited
Power
,
must
limit
that
which
they
give
;
but
he
that
can
give
an
unlimited
Power
must
necessarily
have
it
in
himself
.
The
great
Treasurer
Burleigh
said
,
the
Parliament
could
do
any
thing
but
turn
a
Man
into
a
Woman
.
Sir
Thomas
Moor
,
when
Rich
Sollicitor
to
K.
Henry
the
8
th
asked
him
,
if
the
Parliament
might
not
make
R.
Rich
King
,
said
,
that
was
casus
levis
,
taking
it
for
granted
that
they
might
make
or
unmake
whom
they
pleased
.
The
first
part
of
this
,
which
includes
the
other
,
is
asserted
by
the
Statute
of
the
13th
of
Q.
Elizabeth
,
denouncing
the
most
grievous
punishments
against
all
such
as
should
dare
to
contradict
it
.
But
if
it
be
in
the
Parliament
,
it
must
be
in
those
who
give
to
Parliament-men
the
powers
by
which
they
act
;
for
before
they
are
chosen
they
have
none
,
and
can
never
have
any
if
those
that
send
them
had
it
not
in
themselves
.
They
cannot
receive
it
from
the
Magistrate
,
for
that
power
which
he
has
is
derived
from
the
same
spring
.
The
power
of
making
and
unmaking
him
cannot
be
from
himself
;
for
he
that
is
not
,
can
do
nothing
,
and
when
he
is
made
can
have
no
other
power
than
is
conferred
upon
him
by
those
that
make
him
.
He
who
departs
from
his
duty
desires
to
avoid
the
punishment
,
the
power
therefore
of
punishing
him
is
not
from
himself
.
It
cannot
be
from
the
House
of
Peers
as
it
is
constituted
,
for
they
act
for
themselves
,
and
are
chosen
by
Kings
:
and
't
is
absurd
to
think
that
Kings
,
who
generally
abhor
all
restriction
of
their
Power
,
should
give
that
to
others
by
which
they
might
be
unmade
.
If
one
or
more
Princes
relying
upon
their
own
Virtue
and
Resolutions
to
do
good
,
had
given
such
a
Power
against
themselves
,
as
Trajan
did
,
when
he
commanded
the
Prefect
to
use
the
Sword
for
him
if
he
governed
well
,
and
against
him
if
he
governed
ill
,
it
would
soon
have
bin
rescinded
by
their
Successors
.
If
our
Edward
the
first
had
made
such
a
Law
,
his
lewd
Son
would
have
abolished
it
,
before
he
would
have
suffered
himself
to
be
imprisoned
and
deposed
by
it
.
He
would
never
have
acknowledged
his
unworthiness
to
reign
,
if
he
had
bin
tied
to
no
other
Law
than
his
own
will
,
for
he
could
not
transgress
that
;
nor
have
owned
the
mercy
of
the
Parliament
in
sparing
his
Life
,
if
they
had
acted
only
by
a
power
which
he
had
conferred
upon
them
.
This
Power
must
therefore
be
in
those
who
act
by
a
delegated
Power
,
and
none
can
give
it
to
their
Delegates
but
they
who
have
it
in
themselves
.
The
most
certain
testimony
that
can
be
given
of
their
unlimited
power
is
,
that
they
rely
upon
the
wisdom
and
fidelity
of
their
Deputies
,
so
as
to
lay
no
restrictions
upon
them
:
they
may
do
what
they
please
,
if
they
take
care
ne
quid
detrimenti
Respublica
accipiat
,
that
the
Commonwealth
receive
no
detriment
.
This
is
a
Commission
fit
to
be
granted
by
wise
and
good
men
,
to
those
they
chuse
through
an
opinion
that
they
are
so
also
,
and
that
they
cannot
bring
any
prejudice
upon
the
Nation
,
that
will
not
fall
upon
themselves
and
their
posterity
.
This
is
also
fit
to
be
received
by
those
,
who
seeking
nothing
but
that
which
is
just
in
it self
,
and
profitable
to
their
Country
,
cannot
foresee
what
will
be
proposed
when
they
are
altogether
;
much
less
resolve
how
to
vote
till
they
hear
the
reasons
on
both
sides
.
The
Electors
must
necessarily
be
in
the
same
ignorance
;
and
the
Law
which
should
oblige
them
to
give
particular
orders
to
their
Knights
and
Burgesses
in
relation
to
every
vote
,
would
make
the
decision
of
the
most
important
Affairs
to
depend
upon
the
judgment
of
those
who
know
nothing
of
the
matters
in
question
,
and
by
that
means
cast
the
Nation
into
the
utmost
danger
of
the
most
inextricable
confusion
.
This
can
never
be
the
intention
of
that
Law
which
is
Sanctio
recta
,
and
seeks
only
the
good
of
those
that
live
under
it
.
The
foresight
therefore
of
such
a
mischief
can
never
impair
the
Liberties
of
the
Nation
,
but
establish
them
.
SECT
.
XLV
.
The
Legislative
Power
is
always
Arbitrary
,
and
not
to
be
trusted
in
the
hands
of
any
who
are
not
bound
to
obey
the
Laws
they
make
.
IF
it
be
objected
that
I
am
a
defender
of
Arbitrary
Powers
,
I
confess
I
cannot
comprehend
how
any
Society
can
be
established
or
subsist
without
them
;
for
the
establishment
of
Government
is
an
arbitrary
Act
,
wholly
depending
upon
the
will
of
men
.
The
particular
Forms
and
Constitutions
,
the
whole
Series
of
the
Magistracy
,
together
with
the
measure
of
Power
given
to
every
one
,
and
the
rules
by
which
they
are
to
exercise
their
charge
,
are
so
also
.
Magna
Charta
,
which
comprehends
our
antient
Laws
,
and
all
the
subsequent
Statutes
were
not
sent
from
Heaven
,
but
made
according
to
the
will
of
men
.
If
no
men
could
have
a
power
of
making
Laws
,
none
could
ever
have
bin
made
;
for
all
that
are
or
have
bin
in
the
world
,
except
those
given
by
God
to
the
Israelites
,
were
made
by
them
;
that
is
,
they
have
exercised
an
Arbitrary
Power
in
making
that
to
be
Law
which
was
not
,
or
annulling
that
which
was
.
The
various
Laws
and
Governments
,
that
are
or
have
bin
in
several
ages
and
places
,
are
the
product
of
various
opinions
in
those
who
had
the
power
of
making
them
.
This
must
necessarily
be
,
unless
a
general
rule
be
set
to
all
;
for
the
judgments
of
men
will
vary
if
they
are
left
to
their
liberty
,
and
the
variety
that
is
found
among
them
,
shews
they
are
subject
to
no
rule
but
that
of
their
own
reason
,
by
which
they
see
what
is
fit
to
be
embraced
or
avoided
,
according
to
the
several
circumstances
under
which
they
live
.
The
Authority
that
judges
of
these
circumstances
is
arbitrary
,
and
the
Legislators
shew
themselves
to
be
more
or
less
wise
and
good
,
as
they
do
rightly
or
not
rightly
exercise
this
Power
.
The
difference
therefore
between
good
and
ill
Governments
is
not
,
that
those
of
one
sort
have
an
Arbitrary
Power
which
the
others
have
not
,
for
they
all
have
it
;
but
that
those
which
are
well
constituted
,
place
this
Power
so
as
it
may
be
beneficial
to
the
people
,
and
set
such
rules
as
are
hardly
to
be
transgressed
;
whilst
those
of
the
other
sort
fail
in
one
or
both
these
points
.
Some
also
through
want
of
courage
,
fortune
,
or
strength
,
may
have
bin
oppressed
by
the
violence
of
Strangers
,
or
suffer'd
a
corrupt
Party
to
rise
up
within
themselves
,
and
by
force
or
fraud
to
usurp
a
Power
of
imposing
what
they
pleased
.
Others
being
sottish
,
cowardly
and
base
,
have
so
far
erred
in
the
Foundations
,
as
to
give
up
themselves
to
the
will
of
one
or
few
men
,
who
turning
all
to
their
own
profit
or
pleasure
,
have
bin
just
in
nothing
but
in
using
such
a
people
like
beasts
.
Some
have
placed
weak
defences
against
the
lusts
of
those
they
have
advanced
to
the
highest
places
,
and
given
them
opportunities
of
arrogating
more
power
to
themselves
than
the
Law
allows
.
Where
any
of
these
errors
are
committed
,
the
Government
may
be
easy
for
a
while
,
or
at
least
tolerable
,
whilst
it
continues
uncorrupted
,
but
it
cannot
be
lasting
.
When
the
Law
may
be
easily
or
safely
overthrown
,
it
will
be
attempted
.
Whatever
virtue
may
be
in
the
first
Magistrates
,
many
years
will
not
pass
before
they
come
to
be
corrupted
;
and
their
Successors
deflecting
from
their
integrity
,
will
seize
upon
the
ill-guarded
prey
.
They
will
then
not
only
govern
by
will
,
but
by
that
irregular
will
,
which
turns
the
Law
,
that
was
made
for
the
publick
good
,
to
the
privat
advantage
of
one
or
few
men
.
'T
is
not
my
intention
to
enumerate
the
several
ways
that
have
been
taken
to
effect
this
;
or
to
shew
what
Governments
have
deflected
from
the
right
,
and
how
far
.
But
I
think
I
may
justly
say
,
that
an
Arbitrary
Power
was
never
well
placed
in
any
men
and
their
Successors
,
who
were
not
obliged
to
obey
the
Laws
they
should
make
.
This
was
well
understood
by
our
Saxon
Ancestors
:
They
made
Laws
in
their
Assemblies
and
Councils
of
the
Nation
;
but
all
those
who
proposed
or
assented
to
those
Laws
,
as
soon
as
the
Assembly
was
dissolved
,
were
comprehended
under
the
power
of
them
as
well
as
other
men
.
They
could
do
nothing
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Nation
,
that
would
not
be
as
hurtful
to
those
who
were
present
and
their
posterity
,
as
to
those
who
by
many
accidents
might
be
absent
.
The
Normans
enter'd
into
,
and
continued
in
the
same
path
.
Our
Parliaments
at
this
day
are
in
the
same
condition
.
They
may
make
prejudicial
Wars
,
ignominious
Treaties
,
and
unjust
Laws
:
Yet
when
the
Session
is
ended
,
they
must
bear
the
burden
as
much
as
others
;
and
when
they
die
,
the
teeth
of
their
Children
will
be
set
an
edg
with
the
sower
Grapes
they
have
eaten
.
But
't
is
hard
to
delude
or
corrupt
so
many
:
Men
do
not
in
matters
of
the
highest
importance
yield
to
slight
temptations
.
No
man
serves
the
Devil
sor
nothing
:
Small
wages
will
not
content
those
who
expose
themselves
to
perpetual
infamy
,
and
the
hatred
of
a
Nation
for
betraying
their
Country
.
Our
Kings
had
not
wherewithal
to
corrupt
many
till
these
last
twenty
years
,
and
the
treachery
of
a
few
was
not
enough
to
pass
a
Law
.
The
union
of
many
was
not
easily
wrought
,
and
there
was
nothing
to
tempt
them
to
endeavour
it
;
for
they
could
make
little
advantage
during
the
Session
,
and
were
to
be
lost
in
the
mass
of
the
people
,
and
prejudiced
by
their
own
Laws
,
as
soon
as
it
was
ended
.
They
could
not
in
a
short
time
reconcile
their
various
interests
or
passions
,
so
as
to
combine
together
against
the
publick
;
and
the
former
Kings
never
went
about
it
.
We
are
beholden
to
H-de
,
Cl-ff-rd
and
D-nby
,
for
all
that
has
bin
done
of
that
kind
.
They
found
a
Parliament
full
of
lewd
young
men
chosen
by
a
furious
people
in
spite
to
the
Puritans
,
whose
severity
had
distasted
them
.
The
weakest
of
all
Ministers
had
wit
enough
to
understand
that
such
as
these
might
be
easily
deluded
,
corrupted
,
or
bribed
.
Some
were
fond
of
their
Seats
in
Parliament
,
and
delighted
to
domineer
over
their
Neighbours
by
continuing
in
them
:
Others
prefer'd
the
cajoleries
of
the
Court
before
the
honour
of
performing
their
duty
to
the
Country
that
employ'd
them
.
Some
sought
to
relieve
their
ruined
Fortunes
,
and
were
most
forward
to
give
the
King
a
vast
Revenue
,
that
from
thence
they
might
receive
Pensions
:
others
were
glad
of
a
temporary
protection
against
their
Creditors
.
Many
knew
not
what
they
did
when
they
annulled
the
Triennial
Act
,
voted
the
Militia
to
be
in
the
King
,
gave
him
the
Excise
,
Customs
and
Chimney-mony
,
made
the
Act
for
Corporations
,
by
which
the
greatest
part
of
the
Nation
was
brought
under
the
power
of
the
worst
men
in
it
;
drunk
or
sober
pass'd
the
five
mile
Act
,
and
that
for
Uniformity
in
the
Church
.
This
embolden'd
the
Court
to
think
of
making
Parliaments
to
be
the
instruments
of
our
Slavery
,
which
had
in
all
Ages
past
bin
the
firmest
pillars
of
our
Liberty
.
There
might
have
bin
perhaps
a
possibility
of
preventing
this
pernicious
mischief
in
the
Constitution
of
our
Government
.
But
our
brave
Ancestors
could
never
think
their
Posterity
would
degenerate
into
such
baseness
to
sell
themselves
and
their
Country
:
but
how
great
soever
the
danger
may
be
,
't
is
less
than
to
put
all
into
the
hands
of
one
man
and
his
Ministers
:
the
hazard
of
being
ruin'd
by
those
who
must
perish
with
us
,
is
not
so
much
to
be
feared
,
as
by
one
who
may
enrich
and
strengthen
himself
by
our
destruction
.
'T
is
better
to
depend
upon
those
who
are
under
a
possibility
of
being
again
corrupted
,
than
upon
one
who
applies
himself
to
corrupt
them
,
because
he
cannot
otherwise
accomplish
his
designs
.
It
were
to
be
wished
that
our
security
were
more
certain
;
but
this
being
,
under
God
,
the
best
Anchor
we
have
,
it
deserves
to
be
preserved
with
all
care
,
till
one
of
a
more
unquestionable
strength
be
framed
by
the
consent
of
the
Nation
.
SECT.
XLVI
.
The
coercive
power
of
the
Law
proceeds
from
the
Authority
of
Parliament
.
HAVING
proved
that
Proclamations
are
not
Laws
,
and
that
the
Legislative
Power
,
which
is
arbitrary
,
is
trusted
only
in
the
hands
of
those
who
are
bound
to
obey
the
Laws
that
are
made
,
't
is
not
hard
to
discover
what
it
is
that
gives
the
power
of
Law
to
the
Sanctions
under
which
we
live
.
Our
Author
tell
us
,
that
all
Statutes
or
Laws
are
made
properly
by
the
King
alone
,
at
the
Rogation
of
the
People
,
as
his
Majesty
King
James
of
happy
Memory
affirms
in
his
true
Law
of
free
Monarchy
;
and
as
Hooker
teaches
us
,
That
Laws
do
not
take
their
constraining
power
from
the
quality
of
such
as
devise
them
,
but
from
the
power
that
giveth
them
the
strength
of
Law
.
But
if
the
Rogation
of
the
People
be
necessary
,
that
cannot
be
a
Law
which
proceeds
not
from
their
Rogation
:
the
power
therefore
is
not
alone
in
the
King
;
for
a
most
important
part
is
confessed
to
be
in
the
People
.
And
as
none
could
be
in
them
,
if
our
Author's
Proposition
,
or
the
Principles
upon
which
it
is
grounded
were
true
,
the
acknowledgment
of
such
a
part
to
be
in
the
People
shews
them
to
be
false
.
For
if
the
King
had
all
in
himself
,
none
could
participate
with
him
:
if
any
do
participate
,
he
hath
not
all
;
and
't
is
from
that
Law
by
which
they
do
participate
,
that
we
are
to
know
what
part
is
left
to
him
.
The
preambles
of
most
Acts
of
Parliaments
manifest
this
by
the
words
,
Be
it
enacted
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
in
Parliament
assembled
,
and
by
Authority
of
the
same
.
But
King
James
,
says
Filmer
,
in
his
Law
of
free
Monarchy
affirms
the
contrary
;
and
it
may
be
so
,
yet
that
is
nothing
to
us
.
No
man
doubts
that
he
desired
it
might
be
so
in
England
:
but
it
dos
not
from
thence
appear
that
it
is
so
.
The
Law
of
a
free
Monarchy
is
nothing
to
us
;
for
that
Monarchy
is
not
free
which
is
regulated
by
a
Law
not
to
be
broken
without
the
guilt
of
Perjury
,
as
he
himself
confessed
in
relation
to
ours
.
As
to
the
words
cited
from
Hooker
,
I
can
find
no
hurt
in
them
.
To
[
*
](A60214-e77740-b)
*
Quas
Vulgus
elegerit
.
such
as
shall
be
proposed
.
He
who
thinks
the
Crown
not
worth
accepting
on
these
conditions
,
may
refuse
it
.
The
words
Le
Roy
le
veult
,
are
only
a
pattern
of
the
French
fashions
,
upon
which
some
Kings
have
laid
great
stress
,
and
would
no
doubt
have
bin
glad
to
introduce
Car
tel
est
nostre
plaisir
;
but
that
may
prove
a
difficult
matter
.
Nay
in
France
it self
,
where
that
Stile
,
and
all
the
ranting
expressions
that
please
the
vainest
of
men
,
are
in
mode
,
no
Edict
has
the
power
of
a
Law
,
till
it
be
registred
in
Parliament
.
This
is
not
a
mere
ceremony
as
some
pretend
,
but
all
that
is
essential
to
a
Law
.
Nothing
has
bin
more
common
than
for
those
Parliaments
to
refuse
Edicts
sent
to
them
by
the
King
.
When
John
Chastel
had
,
at
the
instigation
of
the
Jesuits
,
stabb'd
Henry
the
fourth
in
the
Mouth
,
and
that
Order
had
designed
or
executed
many
other
execrable
crimes
,
they
were
banished
out
of
the
Kingdom
by
an
Arrest
of
the
Parliament
of
Paris
.
Some
other
Parliaments
registred
the
same
;
but
those
of
Tholouse
and
Bordeaux
absolutely
refused
,
and
notwithstanding
all
that
the
King
could
do
,
the
Jesuits
continued
at
Tournon
and
many
other
places
within
their
Precincts
,
till
the
Arrest
was
revoked
.
These
proceedings
are
so
displeasing
to
the
Court
,
that
the
most
violent
ways
have
bin
often
used
to
abolish
them
.
About
the
year
1650
,
Seguier
then
Chancellor
of
France
was
sent
with
a
Le
Roy
le
veut
,
tho
written
in
great
Letters
,
or
pronounced
in
the
most
tragical
manner
,
can
signify
no
more
than
that
the
King
in
performance
of
his
Oath
dos
assent
to
such
Laws
as
the
Lords
and
Commons
have
agreed
.
Without
prejudice
to
themselves
and
their
Liberties
,
a
People
may
suffer
the
King
to
advise
with
his
Council
upon
what
they
propose
.
Two
eyes
see
more
than
one
,
and
human
judgment
is
subject
to
errors
.
Tho
the
Parliament
consist
of
the
most
eminent
men
of
the
Nation
,
yet
when
they
intend
good
,
they
may
be
mistaken
.
They
may
sefely
put
a
check
upon
themselves
,
that
they
may
farther
consider
the
most
important
matters
,
and
correct
the
errors
that
may
have
bin
committed
,
if
the
King's
Council
do
discover
them
:
but
he
can
speak
only
by
the
advice
of
his
Council
;
and
every
man
of
them
is
with
his
head
to
answer
for
the
advices
he
gives
.
If
the
Parliament
has
not
bin
satisfied
with
the
reasons
given
against
any
Law
that
they
offer'd
,
it
has
frequently
pass'd
;
and
if
they
have
bin
satisfied
,
't
was
not
the
King
,
but
they
that
laid
it
aside
.
He
that
is
of
another
opinion
,
may
try
whether
Le
Roy
le
veut
can
give
the
force
of
a
Law
to
any
thing
conceived
by
the
King
,
his
Council
,
or
any
other
than
the
Parliament
.
But
if
no
wise
man
will
affirm
that
he
can
do
it
,
or
deny
that
by
his
Oath
he
is
obliged
to
assent
to
those
that
come
from
them
,
he
can
neither
have
the
Legislative
power
in
himself
,
nor
any
other
part
in
it
than
what
is
necessarily
to
be
performed
by
him
,
as
the
Law
prescribes
.
I
know
not
what
our
Author
means
by
saying
,
Le
Roy
le
veut
is
the
interpretative
phrase
pronounced
at
the
passing
of
every
Act
of
Parliament
:
For
if
there
be
difficulty
in
any
of
them
,
those
words
do
no
way
remove
it
.
But
the
following
part
of
the
paragraph
better
deserves
to
be
observed
.
It
was
,
says
he
,
the
antient
custom
for
á
long
time
,
until
the
days
of
Henry
the
fifth
,
for
the
Kings
when
any
Bill
was
brought
to
them
that
had
passed
both
Houses
,
to
take
and
pick
out
what
they
liked
not
;
and
so
much
as
they
chose
was
enacted
as
a
Law
:
But
the
custom
of
the
latter
Kings
hath
bin
so
gracious
,
as
to
allow
always
of
the
intire
Bill
as
it
passed
both
Houses
.
He
judiciously
observes
when
our
Kings
began
to
be
gracious
,
and
we
to
be
free
.
That
King
(
excepting
the
persecution
for
Religion
in
his
time
,
which
is
rather
to
be
imputed
to
the
ignorance
of
that
age
,
than
to
any
evil
in
his
own
nature
)
governed
well
;
and
as
all
Princes
who
have
bin
virtuous
and
brave
have
always
desired
to
preserve
their
Subjects
Liberty
,
which
they
knew
to
be
the
mother
and
nurse
of
their
Valour
,
fitting
them
for
great
and
generous
Enterprizes
,
his
care
was
to
please
them
,
and
to
raise
their
Spirits
.
But
about
the
same
time
,
those
detestable
Arts
by
which
the
mixed
Monarchies
in
this
part
of
the
world
have
bin
every
where
terribly
shaken
,
and
in
many
places
totally
overthrown
,
began
to
be
practised
.
Charles
the
seventh
of
France
,
under
pretence
of
carrying
on
a
War
against
him
and
his
Son
,
took
upon
him
to
raise
Mony
by
his
own
Authority
,
and
we
know
how
well
that
method
has
bin
pursued
.
The
mischievous
sagacity
of
his
Son
Lewis
the
11th
,
which
is
now
called
King-Craft
,
was
wholly
exerted
in
the
subversion
of
the
Laws
of
France
,
and
the
Nobility
that
supported
them
.
His
Successors
,
except
only
Lewis
the
12th
,
followed
his
example
;
and
in
other
Nations
,
Ferdinand
of
Arragon
,
James
the
third
of
Scotland
,
and
Henry
the
seventh
of
England
,
were
thought
to
imitate
him
the
most
.
Tho
we
have
little
reason
to
commend
all
the
Princes
that
preceded
Henry
the
fifth
;
yet
I
am
inclined
to
date
the
general
impairing
of
our
Government
from
the
death
of
that
King
,
and
his
valiant
Brothers
.
His
weak
Son
became
a
prey
to
a
furious
French
woman
,
who
brought
the
Maxims
of
her
own
Country
into
ours
,
and
advanced
the
worst
of
villains
to
govern
according
to
them
.
These
measures
were
pursued
by
Edward
the
fourth
,
whose
wants
contracted
by
prodigality
and
debauchery
,
were
to
be
supplied
by
fraud
and
rapine
.
The
ambition
,
cruelty
and
persidiousness
of
Richard
the
third
;
the
covetousness
and
malicious
subtilty
of
Henry
the
seventh
;
the
violent
lust
,
rage
and
pride
of
Henry
the
8th
,
and
the
bigotted
fury
of
Queen
Mary
,
instigated
by
the
craft
and
malice
of
Spain
,
perswaded
me
to
believe
that
the
English
Liberty
did
not
receive
birth
or
growth
from
the
favour
and
goodness
of
their
gracious
Princes
.
But
it
seems
all
this
is
mistaken
;
Henry
the
sixth
was
wise
,
valiant
,
and
no
way
guided
by
his
Wife
;
Edward
the
sourth
continent
,
sober
,
and
contented
with
what
the
Nation
gave
him
;
Richard
the
third
mild
,
gentle
and
faithful
;
Henry
the
7th
sincere
,
and
satisfied
with
his
own
;
Henry
the
8th
humble
,
temperate
and
just
;
and
Queen
Mary
a
friend
to
our
Country
and
Religion
.
No
less
praises
sure
can
be
due
to
those
who
were
so
gracious
to
recede
from
their
own
right
of
picking
what
they
pleased
out
of
our
Laws
,
and
to
leave
them
intirely
to
us
as
they
passed
both
Houses
.
We
are
beholden
to
our
Author
for
the
discovery
of
these
mysteries
:
but
tho
he
seems
to
have
taken
an
Oath
like
that
of
the
Gypsies
when
they
enter
into
that
virtuous
Society
,
never
to
speak
one
word
of
truth
,
he
is
not
so
subtle
in
concealing
his
Lies
.
All
Kings
were
trusted
with
the
publication
of
the
Laws
,
but
all
Kings
did
not
falsify
them
.
Such
as
were
not
wicked
and
vicious
,
or
so
weak
as
to
be
made
subservient
to
the
malice
of
their
Ministers
and
Flatterers
,
could
never
be
drawn
into
the
guilt
of
so
infamous
a
cheat
,
directly
contrary
to
the
Oath
of
their
Coronation
.
They
swear
to
pass
such
Laws
[
*
](A60214-e78270-b)
*
Quas
vulgus
elegerit
.
as
the
People
chuse
;
but
if
we
will
believe
our
Author
,
they
might
have
pick'd
out
whatever
they
pleased
,
and
falsly
imposed
upon
the
Nation
,
as
a
Law
made
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
that
which
they
had
modelled
according
to
their
own
will
,
and
made
to
be
different
from
,
or
contrary
to
the
intention
of
the
Parliament
.
The
King's
part
in
this
fraud
(
of
which
he
boasts
)
was
little
more
than
might
have
bin
done
by
the
Speaker
or
his
Clerks
.
They
might
have
falfified
an
Act
as
well
as
the
King
,
tho
they
could
not
so
well
preserve
themselves
from
punishment
.
'T
is
no
wonder
if
for
a
while
no
stop
was
put
to
such
an
abominable
Custom
.
'T
was
hard
to
think
a
King
would
be
guilty
of
a
fraud
,
that
were
infamous
in
a
Slave
:
But
that
proved
to
be
a
small
security
,
when
the
worst
of
Slaves
came
to
govern
them
.
Nevertheless
't
is
probable
they
proceeded
cautioufly
:
the
first
alterations
were
perhaps
innocent
,
or
,
it
may
be
,
for
the
best
.
But
when
they
had
once
found
out
the
way
,
they
stuck
at
nothing
that
seemed
for
their
purpose
.
This
was
like
the
plague
of
Leprosy
,
that
could
not
be
cured
;
the
house
infected
was
to
be
demolished
;
the
poisonous
plant
must
be
torn
up
by
the
root
;
the
trust
that
had
bin
broken
was
to
be
abolished
;
they
who
had
perverted
or
frustrated
the
Law
,
were
no
longer
to
be
suffered
to
make
the
least
alteration
;
and
that
brave
Prince
readily
joined
with
his
People
to
extinguish
the
mischievous
abuse
that
had
bin
introduced
by
some
of
his
worthless
Predecessors
.
The
worst
and
basest
of
them
had
continual
disputes
with
their
Parliaments
,
and
thought
that
whatever
they
could
detract
from
the
Liberty
of
the
Nation
,
would
serve
to
advance
their
Prerogative
.
They
delighted
in
frauds
,
and
would
have
no
other
Ministers
but
such
as
would
be
the
instruments
of
them
.
Since
their
Word
could
not
be
made
to
pass
for
a
Law
,
they
endeavoured
to
impose
their
own
or
their
Servants
inventions
as
Acts
of
Parliaments
,
upon
the
deluded
people
,
and
to
make
the
best
of
them
subservient
to
their
corrupt
Ends
and
pernicious
Counsels
.
This
,
if
it
had
continued
,
might
have
overthrown
all
our
Rights
,
and
deprived
us
of
all
that
men
can
call
good
in
the
world
.
But
the
Providence
of
God
furnished
our
Ancestors
with
an
opportunity
of
providing
against
so
great
,
so
universal
a
mischief
.
They
had
a
wise
and
valiant
Prince
,
who
scorned
to
encroach
upon
the
Liberties
of
his
Subjects
,
and
abhorred
the
detestable
Arts
by
which
they
had
bin
impair'd
.
He
esteemed
their
courage
,
strength
,
and
love
,
to
be
his
greatest
advantage
,
riches
and
glory
.
He
aimed
at
the
conquest
of
France
,
which
was
only
to
be
effected
by
the
bravery
of
a
free
and
well-satisfied
People
.
Slaves
will
always
be
cowards
,
and
enemies
to
their
Master
:
By
bringing
his
Subjects
into
that
condition
,
he
must
infallibly
have
ruined
his
own
designs
,
and
made
them
unfit
to
fight
either
for
him
or
themselves
.
He
desired
not
only
that
his
People
should
be
free
during
his
time
,
but
that
his
Successors
should
not
be
able
by
oblique
and
fraudulent
ways
to
enslave
them
.
If
it
be
a
reproach
to
us
that
Women
have
reigned
over
us
,
't
is
much
more
to
the
Princes
that
succeeded
our
Henry
,
that
none
of
them
did
so
much
imitate
him
in
his
Government
as
Queen
Elizabeth
.
She
did
not
go
about
to
mangle
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
to
pick
out
what
might
serve
her
turn
,
but
frequently
passed
forty
or
fifty
in
a
Session
,
without
reading
one
of
them
.
She
knew
that
she
did
not
reign
for
her self
,
but
for
her
People
;
that
what
was
good
for
them
,
was
either
good
for
her
,
or
that
her
good
ought
not
to
come
into
competition
with
that
of
the
whole
Nation
;
and
that
she
was
by
Oath
obliged
to
pass
such
Laws
as
were
presented
to
her
on
their
behalf
.
This
not
only
shews
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
a
Legislative
Power
placed
in
Kings
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
but
that
Nations
have
it
in
themselves
.
It
was
not
by
Law
nor
by
Right
,
but
by
Usurpation
,
Fraud
and
Perjury
that
some
Kings
took
upon
them
to
pick
what
they
pleased
out
of
the
publick
Acts.
Henry
the
fifth
did
not
grant
us
the
right
of
making
our
own
Laws
;
but
with
his
approbation
we
abolished
a
detestable
abuse
that
might
have
proved
fatal
to
us
.
And
if
we
examine
our
History
we
shall
find
,
that
every
good
and
generous
Prince
has
sought
to
establish
our
Liberties
,
as
much
as
the
most
base
and
wicked
to
infringe
them
.