First
Book
.
First
Discourse
.
That
,
An
Excellent
Minister
of
State
is
an
Evidence
of
the
Fortune
of
a
Prince
,
and
the
Instrument
of
the
happinesse
of
a
State
.
IN
the
course
of
Affairs
,
't
is
certain
,
that
Designes
onely
are
in
the
power
of
man
,
and
that
all
Events
are
disposed
by
some
Power
above
him
,
and
which
being
infinitely
wise
,
doth
nothing
by
Chance
.
Th'
hazard
,
to
which
so
many
things
are
attributed
,
is
a
work
of
our
brain
,
and
none
of
the
Principles
of
governing
the
World
.
All
things
are
guided
without
our
help
,
in
Light
and
Justice
;
and
the
blind
goddesse
,
that
is
called
Fortune
,
is
a
fancy
,
which
Philosophy
hath
not
adored
,
and
Religion
hath
abolished
in
the
destruction
of
Idolatry
.
Th'
invention
neverthelesse
hath
not
been
unprofitable
.
The
miserable
,
charge
the
causes
of
their
misery
upon
it
;
and
th'
imprudent
,
th'
effects
of
their
ill
conducts
:
Her
name
is
in
the
mouths
of
all
persons
,
the
wise
and
unwise
do
equally
employ
it
;
and
use
is
made
of
it
sometimes
,
to
be
the
better
understood
,
and
not
to
depart
from
a
received
custome
,
nor
from
the
tearms
that
are
practised
.
But
to
declare
what
't
is
;
The
Power
we
speak
of
,
is
no
other
thing
,
than
God
himself
;
insomuch
that
he
undertakes
the
government
of
free
causes
,
and
disposeth
of
them
to
his
ends
,
whether
they
be
conformable
to
theirs
,
or
contrary
to
them
.
And
as
the
first
Mobile
,
without
destroying
the
naturall
motion
of
the
other
Heavens
,
doth
make
them
subject
to
his
,
and
carries
them
from
th'
East
to
the
West
,
so
God
doth
manage
in
such
sort
the
actions
of
the
Creatures
,
which
work
with
liberty
,
that
without
violating
their
freedom
,
and
by
the
encounter
of
other
causes
,
wherein
he
doth
cast
them
,
infallibly
drawes
th'
effect
which
he
proposed
to
himself
,
and
which
from
humane
foresight
is
often
litle
expected
.
In
a
word
,
the
workman
that
observes
the
rules
of
his
Art
,
is
never
disappointed
of
his
intention
;
the
Painter
,
that
perfectly
understands
the
mixtures
of
Colours
,
and
the
proportions
of
Figures
,
drawes
at
pleasure
exquisite
Pictures
;
th'
Architect
,
that
casts
his
designes
by
the
rules
of
Architecture
,
makes
them
happily
to
prosper
.
But
the
fairest
operations
of
Man
,
wherein
his
noblest
part
hath
most
interest
,
are
not
solely
capable
of
attaining
their
end
,
and
th'
effect
aimed
at
.
Hannibal
acted
the
full
duties
of
a
brave
Captain
,
and
yet
was
overcome
by
Scipio
.
Cicero
forgets
nothing
of
the
charge
of
an
excellent
Oratour
,
yet
Milon
was
condemned
;
and
André
Doria
sees
the
Fleet
of
his
Master
perish
in
the
Port
of
Argiers
.
notwithstanding
his
skill
and
experience
in
Maritime
affairs
.
But
what
God
addes
to
the
Principles
that
are
in
us
,
th'
occasions
which
He
causeth
to
arise
for
us
,
the
means
which
he
suscitates
,
th'
obstacles
which
he
diverts
in
our
favour
,
and
all
th'
assistance
which
He
gives
us
,
to
make
our
desires
to
prosper
,
is
,
that
which
we
call
,
Good
fortune
,
and
them
,
Happy
,
which
receive
it
.
But
this
good
successe
doth
not
alwaies
accompany
Justice
,
and
Holy
enterprises
,
as
God
doth
not
alwaies
oppose
unjust
and
violent
designes
;
th'
Insidells
have
often
triumphed
over
th'
Armies
of
Christians
,
and
of
Catholieks
.
The
most
holy
of
our
Kings
hath
been
unhappy
in
his
two
Voyages
beyond
the
Seas
;
and
the
Cause
of
God
,
for
which
he
made
War
,
and
th'
Interest
of
Religion
,
could
not
secure
him
from
prison
,
nor
from
the
plague
.
On
the
contrary
,
nothing
is
reád
comparable
to
the
successe
of
Usurpators
;
nothing
put
a
stop
to
Alexander's
successes
,
but
his
death
;
and
a
Prince
,
for
whose
ambition
the
world
was
too
little
,
and
that
had
the
vanity
to
think
,
that
there
was
not
matter
enough
therein
for
his
courage
;
had
fortune
so
favourable
,
that
she
covered
his
faults
,
and
rendred
his
failings
happy
.
Caesar
had
most
successe
,
in
the
most
unjust
War
he
ever
made
,
he
had
no
more
to
do
than
to
go
and
conquer
,
in
dissipating
the
Romane
Common-wealth
.
She
that
gave
the
Law
to
all
the
Earth
,
fell
,
in
lesse
time
,
than
is
laid
out
in
taking
of
a
City
;
and
three
years
have
destroyed
the
works
of
many
ages
.
Attila
and
Tamberlain
have
passed
like
lightning
in
their
conquests
;
and
the
Race
of
Ottomans
,
which
takes
away
Religion
from
God
,
and
liberty
from
men
,
hath
obtained
so
many
victories
,
and
extended
so
far
Its
Dominions
,
for
these
hundred
years
and
upwards
,
that
no
forraigne
force
seemes
sufficient
and
capable
for
the
present
,
to
abate
the
forces
of
that
Empire
;
and
that
it
hath
nothing
more
to
fear
but
its
own
greatnesse
and
excessive
powers
.
The
reason
of
this
diversity
is
,
that
God
doth
not
alwaies
work
miracles
,
and
disorders
not
the
order
of
things
for
the
love
of
honest
men
;
and
as
it
is
very
reasonable
to
rayse
their
courage
and
confirme
their
hopes
,
that
God
should
sometimes
visibly
hasten
to
their
releife
,
it
is
also
most
conformable
to
the
lawes
of
his
providence
,
and
to
the
sweetnesse
of
his
conduct
,
that
second
causes
be
suffred
for
the
most
part
to
act
according
to
their
capacity
and
extent
of
their
force
:
and
therefore
,
in
order
to
that
,
the
weake
to
give
way
to
the
stronger
;
that
a
lesser
virtue
,
politique
I
meane
,
obey
the
greater
;
and
that
they
,
who
have
notorious
advantages
of
their
enemies
,
have
also
upon
them
notorious
successe
:
otherwise
truly
he
should
oblige
himselfe
to
repaire
all
the
faults
of
them
who
have
good
intentions
.
And
if
goodnesse
alone
should
be
successfull
in
the
world
,
prudence
should
be
banished
from
the
civill
life
,
and
industry
from
the
trayne
of
affaires
.
As
to
the
successes
of
Usurpators
,
It
is
easie
to
give
the
reason
,
if
we
search
causes
of
the
change
of
States
,
and
of
the
Revolution
of
Empires
.
T
is
certaine
that
the
greatest
&
most
Extended
are
not
alwaies
the
firmest
,
nor
the
most
durable
:
on
the
contrary
,
as
the
most
delicate
fruits
are
sooner
spoyled
then
others
,
and
a
perfect
health
is
an
instance
of
a
disease
approaching
;
it
happens
also
that
States
which
are
in
the
flower
of
their
force
,
and
at
the
last
round
of
their
happinesses
,
are
not
farre
from
their
fall
;
Pleasure
enters
with
wealth
;
power
produceth
ambition
,
&
these
two
passions
,
which
aspect
alwaies
their
ends
without
exception
to
meanes
,
draw
with
them
so
many
other
evills
,
that
of
necessity
those
unhappy
States
must
perish
&
be
translated
into
a
new
form
of
Government
;
In
this
fatall
conjuncture
,
if
a
person
of
courage
&
of
ambition
to
conquer
,
take
Armes
,
he
finds
the
matter
ready
prepared
;
God
seconds
his
designe
,
and
abandons
them
unto
him
whom
ambition
had
divided
,
and
whom
delicacies
had
deprived
of
Judgement
,
and
affeminated
their
courage
,
not
that
he
doth
inspire
the
conquerors
with
unjust
thoughts
nor
with
those
furious
motions
which
thrust
them
on
to
usurp
what
belongs
to
others
,
and
to
violate
the
rights
of
humane
society
;
but
acted
of
their
owne
accord
,
and
by
their
owne
election
,
he
may
lawfully
favour
them
;
and
his
justice
will
not
suffer
many
good
actions
of
theirs
to
passe
unrewarded
,
nor
them
unpunished
who
have
abused
his
graces
.
But
when
he
makes
choice
of
a
person
to
repaire
the
disorders
of
the
world
,
or
for
the
good
of
a
particular
State
;
Then
his
care
is
shewed
in
furnishing
him
with
necessary
principles
to
undertake
great
matters
.
The
thoughts
are
put
in
his
soule
by
God
,
and
he
gives
the
power
to
execute
them
;
he
troubles
and
confounds
his
enemies
,
and
leades
him
as
by
the
hand
to
victories
and
triumphs
;
and
one
of
the
greatest
expedients
whereof
he
serves
himselfe
for
this
purpose
,
is
,
to
rayse
unto
him
,
excellent
men
,
to
whom
he
communicates
his
cares
,
and
who
help
him
to
beare
the
weight
of
Affaires
.
And
as
the
operations
of
the
soul
do
themselves
good
or
ill
according
to
the
conditions
of
the
organs
and
quality
of
their
temper
;
the
prosperity
or
adversity
of
Princes
depends
on
them
,
in
whose
hands
their
authority
is
placed
,
and
who
dispose
of
their
power
.
Alexander
had
never
conquered
Asia
,
nor
made
the
Indiaes
to
tremble
but
for
Ephestion
,
Parmemo
,
and
Clytus
;
Caesar
gained
many
battails
by
the
hands
of
his
Lieustenants
;
and
the
fayrest
Empire
of
the
world
which
ambition
and
ill
of
the
times
had
divided
into
three
parts
,
was
reduced
under
the
dominion
of
Augustus
by
the
Counsell
of
Mecaenas
,
and
by
the
Valour
of
Agrippa
;
Justinian
triumphed
over
Persia
,
and
destroyed
the
Vandals
in
Africa
,
and
the
Goths
in
Italy
,
by
the
aide
of
Bellisarius
and
Narcete
.
The
Count
of
Dunois
,
Pothon
,
the
Hire
,
and
the
Mayde
Jane
delivered
France
from
the
invasion
of
the
English
;
And
the
first
Man
of
the
past-age
of
whom
it
may
truly
be
reported
,
that
he
was
too
happy
for
a
Christian
Prince
,
hath
by
his
conduct
,
or
with
the
ayde
of
his
Ministers
of
State
,
taken
Rome
and
Thunis
,
a
Pope
,
a
King
of
France
;
given
chase
to
Salyman
,
and
made
it
appeare
to
Germany
that
it
was
to
be
conquered
.
That
very
Prince
who
was
so
intelligent
in
all
things
,
and
had
added
so
many
acquired
qualities
to
the
gifts
of
nature
,
tooke
the
liberty
to
tell
his
Son
in
presenting
to
him
the
Secretary
Eraso
,
that
he
gave
him
some-what
that
was
greater
than
his
States
,
and
than
the
Crownes
which
he
had
resigned
unto
him
.
By
such
sort
of
persons
,
Principalities
and
Monarchies
have
been
first
founded
.
And
for
the
love
of
them
the
people
have
voluntarily
renounced
their
Liberties
;
and
they
are
the
persons
who
renew
also
under
their
Soveraigns
the
naturall
and
primitive
order
of
command
,
and
of
that
obedience
which
is
amongst
men
:
And
truly
't
was
very
reasonable
(
since
a
difference
ought
to
be
made
amongst
them
)
that
Merit
should
begin
to
make
it
:
The
Society
to
which
they
are
born
,
and
without
which
they
cannot
subsist
,
is
a
Consort
so
delicate
,
and
a
Fabrick
composed
of
so
many
pieces
,
that
if
it
be
not
guided
by
a
dextrous
prudence
,
and
maintained
by
a
soveraign
vertue
,
a
very
little
thing
confounds
and
disorders
it
.
And
insomuch
that
they
who
attain
to
such
a
condition
are
Extraordinary
,
but
not
Immortal
,
and
have
not
alwaies
successors
of
their
virtue
,
as
they
have
of
their
dignity
;
It
happens
ordinarily
that
they
leave
,
in
favour
of
the
people
,
a
representation
of
their
reason
,
and
as
a
Monument
of
their
Philosophy
,
The
Laws
and
good
Orders
:
And
again
,
because
all
Laws
are
not
good
in
all
times
,
and
that
they
cannot
provide
against
all
occurrences
and
the
accidents
of
life
;
't
is
necessary
that
he
raise
also
some
wise
Person
,
whose
prudence
may
supply
the
defects
,
and
give
them
such
a
just
temper
and
wholesome
proportion
as
may
best
fit
the
Time
,
Men
,
and
Affairs
.
'T
is
then
a
most
certain
truth
,
that
good
Ministers
of
state
are
the
glory
of
their
Princes
,
and
happiness
of
the
people
:
on
the
contrary
,
the
wicked
are
the
shame
of
throne
,
and
dispair
of
th'
other
:
They
are
the
naturall
principles
of
the
Corruption
of
States
;
all
ill
humours
are
awakened
under
their
conduct
;
they
serve
for
pretence
,
to
the
spight
of
discontented
,
and
to
the
disturbance
of
factious
persons
;
and
the
people
who
are
troubled
to
permit
the
Government
of
honest
men
,
are
carried
to
License
,
and
enclined
to
Rebellion
,
when
they
fall
under
the
power
of
those
who
are
dishonest
.
It
seems
to
them
that
't
is
enough
to
have
one
Master
,
to
whom
necessary
obedience
ought
to
be
paid
,
and
whose
yoak
God
doth
oblige
them
to
carry
how
grievous
soever
it
be
made
;
but
to
obey
them
who
are
not
their
Soveraigns
when
they
do
them
hurt
,
when
they
triumph
in
their
vexations
,
and
nourish
themselves
in
their
blood
;
'T
is
a
sad
necessity
for
them
,
and
a
hard
essay
of
patience
.
In
effect
,
If
Aristotle
hath
defined
a
Tyrant
to
be
,
The
person
who
hath
his
peculiar
interest
more
before
his
eyes
,
then
the
good
of
his
subjects
;
Into
the
hands
of
how
many
Tyrants
do
the
miserable
people
fall
,
when
they
are
governed
by
corrupt
Ministers
of
State
?
and
neverthelesse
't
is
a
Flayl
which
they
seldom
want
;
And
as
the
Prince
looks
upon
the
State
as
a
Wife
that
belongs
to
him
,
and
which
cannot
be
taken
from
him
:
There
are
Ministers
of
State
to
be
found
,
who
cast
their
eyes
upon
it
as
a
Mistress
,
whom
they
endeavour
to
strip
naked
whilst
they
do
enjoy
her
.
Second
Discourse
.
That
th'
art
to
govern
is
doubtfull
,
and
difficult
;
and
receives
a
great
reliefe
from
Learning
.
'T
Is
not
strange
that
so
few
honest
men
are
found
in
the
frequent
occasions
of
sinning
;
not
that
the
knowledge
of
governing
should
be
so
rare
when
't
is
so
difficult
.
The
reason
of
State
which
is
the
matter
,
is
so
perplexed
and
ambiguous
,
and
th'
affairs
have
so
many
lights
which
confound
our
sight
,
that
't
is
no
wonder
,
if
we
are
often
troubled
to
chuse
our
party
;
and
if
the
choyce
made
in
so
great
a
confusion
be
rather
a
stroak
of
chance
,
and
triall
of
our
liberty
,
than
a
rational
election
;
Moreover
the
greatest
part
of
politick
precepts
which
are
left
us
,
and
reduced
into
a
forme
of
science
,
are
such
abstruse
things
,
that
if
Nature
or
Experience
give
not
the
art
of
Application
,
they
become
pernicious
or
vain
;
instead
very
often
of
making
an
able
man
,
they
make
onely
a
Pedant
,
they
communicate
presumption
rather
then
wisdome
,
they
make
many
to
wander
,
rather
then
discover
unto
them
the
nearest
way
;
and
for
an
uncertain
reformation
which
they
promise
,
they
confound
and
alter
all
things
by
the
novelties
they
introduce
.
The
way
also
by
Examples
,
is
so
deceitfull
,
and
the
past
makes
so
ill
a
judgement
of
the
future
,
that
no
certainty
can
be
raised
out
of
it
:
And
as
two
Faces
equally
beautiful
,
or
two
Dayes
of
compleat
resemblance
are
rarely
seen
;
so
the
condition
of
affairs
is
alwaies
various
,
where
the
Vertue
of
the
persons
that
mannage
them
is
not
alike
,
nor
their
fortune
equall
.
And
again
,
as
there
's
not
much
cause
for
him
to
deliberate
,
who
hath
not
two
faces
,
nor
a
party
to
follow
,
nor
reasons
to
dispose
him
;
There
are
none
also
,
who
want
examples
and
accidents
to
favour
them
.
The
Pope
,
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
the
King
of
Naples
make
a
league
against
Florence
:
To
divert
the
tempest
,
Larance
of
Medicis
,
seeks
the
last
;
casts
himself
at
his
discretion
,
and
by
that
brave
confidence
withdrawes
him
from
the
league
,
and
prevents
the
lightning
that
was
ready
to
fall
,
and
might
have
burned
his
Country
.
Charles
the
eighth
entred
Italy
like
a
Torrent
,
which
drowned
all
that
it
encountred
;
nothing
made
resistance
;
and
Florence
that
was
on
his
way
trembled
for
fear
of
her
liberties
.
In
this
fatall
fear
and
consternation
of
spirits
,
Peter
of
Medicis
,
Son
of
Larance
,
goes
to
meet
the
victorious
,
and
casts
himselfe
unhappily
into
his
nets
;
Th'
example
which
he
would
have
followed
,
was
destructive
to
him
,
and
he
returned
not
till
he
had
put
the
keys
of
the
States
of
the
Common-wealth
into
our
hands
,
till
the
Country
way
plundred
of
all
without
,
and
in
danger
to
be
lost
,
if
the
generosity
of
the
Citizens
had
not
been
greater
than
the
resolution
of
Charles
,
and
than
the
fortune
of
that
unwise
Conqueror
.
When
the
Sr.
of
Lautree
undertook
th'
enterprise
of
Naples
,
Hugo
Moncado
resolved
to
defend
onely
the
City
,
and
to
abandon
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
.
The
Duke
of
Alva
took
a
contrary
course
,
when
the
Sr.
of
Groyse
assaulted
him
there
,
and
by
th'
advice
of
Ferrand
Gonsalve
,
resolved
to
dispute
all
,
and
to
destroy
us
by
a
multitute
of
Sieges
;
both
resolutions
prospered
,
and
two
very
different
Counsells
had
the
same
end
,
and
the
same
effect
,
The
victory
.
There
have
been
some
whose
single
presence
,
and
first
words
,
have
instantly
appeased
th'
insurrection
of
the
people
.
And
there
have
been
others
whom
this
monster
hath
suddenly
devoured
,
to
whom
they
have
not
given
the
leasure
to
speak
nor
to
open
the
mouth
.
How
often
by
this
meanes
hath
Caesar
and
Germanicus
appeased
the
tumults
of
the
Souldiers
,
and
the
sedition
of
Armies
?
And
how
many
others
have
perished
in
the
same
way
,
whose
sight
enflamed
the
humours
that
were
but
moved
,
enraged
those
that
were
but
provoked
,
and
caused
in
them
a
desire
of
satiating
themselves
with
their
blood
,
who
before
murmured
onely
against
their
Governments
.
In
like
manner
they
that
have
condemned
Henry
the
third
for
leaving
Paris
in
that
notorious
revolt
,
which
is
called
the
Baricados
,
have
at
least
left
as
much
cause
to
resist
their
judgement
as
they
had
to
condemn
a
Prince
;
who
chose
rather
to
retire
,
then
to
expose
himselfe
to
an
evill
that
had
no
remedy
if
it
happened
;
who
permitted
his
people
to
be
felons
,
rather
then
to
put
them
in
a
condition
of
being
Patricides
;
and
that
would
not
willingly
suffer
their
faults
to
be
compleated
,
nor
that
the
greatness
of
their
crimes
should
make
them
seek
,
in
the
death
of
him
they
had
offended
,
impunity
,
which
they
believed
was
not
to
be
found
in
his
clemency
:
But
't
is
the
errour
of
the
greatest
part
of
men
,
to
exclaim
alwaies
against
th'
unfortunate
:
There
's
no
disgrace
,
whereof
they
that
suffer
it
are
not
guilty
in
the
opinion
of
the
people
.
Of
all
the
expedients
which
they
had
in
hand
,
they
were
the
best
which
they
had
quitted
,
when
those
they
had
taken
did
not
prosper
;
and
no
old
man
ever
dyed
,
were
he
never
so
decayed
or
decrepit
,
to
whom
his
life
had
not
been
lengthned
;
if
such
a
thing
had
not
been
done
,
or
some
other
thing
had
been
done
.
And
though
it
thus
fall
our
,
it
must
nevertheless
be
confessed
,
that
nothing
doth
sooner
polish
a
well
composed
understanding
,
then
Policy
and
History
,
nor
that
any
thing
is
more
profitable
for
it
then
conversation
with
the
dead
,
and
absent
persons
:
therein
he
knows
in
a
little
time
th'
affairs
of
all
Ages
;
there
he
enjoyes
the
experience
of
all
the
great
persons
that
have
preceded
;
and
there
also
he
finds
lights
which
hinder
him
often
to
fall
,
and
which
make
out
the
dangers
unto
him
which
he
ought
to
pass
;
and
th'
ambushes
which
he
ought
to
avoid
:
at
least
by
the
favour
of
Books
and
Studies
,
he
gains
that
which
prepares
him
against
surprises
.
And
sudden
accidents
,
give
not
him
the
disturbance
they
give
to
ignorant
persons
;
since
nothing
is
so
near
unto
him
,
whereof
he
hath
not
read
something
approaching
,
or
like
unto
it
.
The
life
of
man
is
so
short
,
or
so
vexed
,
that
it
hardly
holds
out
for
five
or
six
important
Negotiations
;
and
ordinarily
they
who
have
but
the
single
common
sense
to
act
,
cease
to
live
,
or
have
not
health
when
they
have
experience
:
on
the
contrary
,
they
whom
studie
prepares
,
and
are
guided
by
Philosophy
,
prosper
quickly
if
they
meet
with
very
profitable
discourse
.
They
are
dextrous
so
soon
as
they
touch
upon
businesse
,
and
have
the
same
advantage
over
the
first
;
as
in
Painting
,
they
have
,
who
enjoy
the
science
of
Design
and
Proportion
,
over
them
who
have
nothing
of
Acquisition
when
they
begun
to
paint
.
Of
this
,
we
have
,
without
going
from
the
modern
time
,
illustrious
examples
,
and
eminent
persons
.
Monlue
,
Bishop
of
Valence
,
under
Francis
the
second
,
and
under
Charles
the
ninth
.
Pinai
,
Arch-bishop
of
Lyons
,
under
Henry
the
third
;
and
the
Cardinal
of
Ossat
,
under
the
same
Prince
,
and
under
Henry
the
Great
,
have
been
consummated
almost
assoon
in
businesse
,
as
known
in
Councills
:
And
for
the
war
,
the
Marquess
of
Pescary
,
who
was
so
brave
,
and
whom
the
League
of
Italy
judged
worthy
to
be
opposed
to
Charles
the
fifth
,
when
he
was
most
happy
.
The
last
Prince
of
Orenge
,
whose
life
had
been
too
glorious
if
it
had
been
shorter
,
and
if
fortune
had
suffered
him
to
have
perished
in
the
relief
of
Bergen
Opson
.
The
Marquess
of
Spinela
,
who
deserved
at
first
to
command
th'
Armies
of
Spain
,
and
to
be
the
Rivall
of
the
last
Prince
of
Orenge
in
military
science
:
The
greatest
number
of
these
great
persons
,
I
say
,
owe
to
Books
,
a
part
of
the
honour
which
they
have
gained
without
watching
,
and
of
that
high
reputation
which
they
have
so
timely
obtained
.
But
why
should
we
search
into
the
Age
past
,
and
amongst
strangers
for
proofs
of
this
truth
?
since
we
have
them
so
clear
and
visible
in
the
person
of
Sr.
the
Cardinal
of
Bichlieu
:
'T
is
true
,
that
Nature
hath
given
him
all
she
had
to
give
,
to
make
him
perfect
;
&
that
she
hath
powred
out
upon
him
with
ful
hands
,
her
favour
and
riches
.
But
't
is
true
also
,
that
he
hath
laboured
very
hard
to
compleat
himselfe
,
and
that
study
and
meditation
have
acquired
unto
him
almost
all
that
was
wanting
to
nature
,
and
all
that
could
be
expected
from
experience
.
Th'
affairs
have
served
more
for
matter
to
his
understanding
in
the
exercise
of
it
,
than
for
occasion
to
instruct
it
:
He
knew
how
to
command
before
he
had
ever
obeyed
;
and
there
's
nothing
so
great
in
Peace
and
Warre
,
which
was
difficult
unto
him
,
when
he
had
undertaken
it
.
We
will
make
,
God
assisting
,
in
another
place
an
express
discourse
of
the
profits
of
knowledge
.
The
third
Discourse
.
That
the
knowledge
of
the
Moral
,
is
a
necessary
preparation
for
the
Politique
.
THere
's
no
question
but
that
the
knowledg
of
Manners
is
a
necessary
preparative
for
the
Civil
knowledge
;
and
that
they
who
aspire
to
this
without
being
furnish'd
with
the
other
,
may
be
resembled
to
sick
persons
who
undertake
to
run
before
they
have
the
force
to
go
.
The
conduct
of
man
in
his
particular
,
is
an
abstracted
picture
of
the
Government
of
States
:
In
all
things
there
are
difficulties
to
be
surmounted
,
and
enemies
to
be
overcomne
.
A
command
,
and
an
obedience
are
there
to
be
established
;
labours
within
and
without
are
to
be
exercised
,
and
a
felicity
is
to
be
there
gained
,
as
th'
end
of
both
lifes
;
wherefore
I
will
speak
here
a
word
of
the
Morall
,
and
of
its
usage
.
The
matter
is
thorny
,
but
it
shall
be
profitable
;
if
it
be
not
agreeable
,
it
shall
be
wholesome
;
and
if
there
be
neither
colours
nor
perfumes
to
delight
the
senses
,
there
shall
be
substance
,
and
truth
,
for
the
satisfaction
of
th'
understanding
,
and
for
discovery
of
reason
.
However
,
the
discourse
shall
not
be
tedious
,
because
it
shall
be
very
short
.
The
Morall
then
respects
Man
all
alone
,
and
out
of
the
tumult
of
affairs
and
publique
agitation
,
it
considers
the
two
parts
whereof
he
is
framed
,
and
that
strange
Engine
which
is
composed
of
body
and
spirit
,
of
sense
and
understanding
.
It
acts
in
maintaining
th'
order
which
ought
to
be
preserved
betwixt
two
so
different
natures
and
extremities
.
It
would
have
the
noblest
to
command
,
the
most
illuminated
to
govern
;
that
profit
give
place
to
honesty
;
that
vertue
be
preferred
before
pleasure
.
And
that
what
is
most
conformable
to
the
dignity
of
Man
,
hold
also
the
first
rank
in
his
inclinations
,
and
be
the
principall
object
of
his
cares
,
and
the
chiefest
endeavour
of
his
life
.
In
this
order
consists
his
glory
and
naturall
felicity
.
The
contrary
,
that
's
to
say
,
when
the
composition
hath
so
obstructed
th'
understanding
,
and
seized
upon
the
faculties
,
that
it
becomes
slave
to
the
body
,
makes
out
a
fearfull
confusion
,
and
a
lamentable
Anarchy
.
The
middle
condition
is
a
state
of
civil
War
,
wherein
common
persons
are
alwaies
engaged
,
and
from
which
wise
men
are
not
ever
exempted
.
'T
is
betwixt
reason
and
passions
,
th'
one
whereof
is
the
property
of
th'
understanding
,
and
resides
in
the
chiefest
place
of
the
soul
:
And
th
'others
are
formed
in
the
low
Region
,
and
in
that
brutall
capacity
which
follows
onely
th'
impressions
of
sense
,
and
is
concerned
onely
in
the
good
of
th'
Animal
part
.
They
are
raised
and
enflamed
,
as
th'
object
that
provokes
is
violent
and
rapid
.
But
't
is
not
necessary
,
that
in
themselves
there
should
be
that
violence
and
force
which
stirs
up
th'
appetite
;
it
sufficeth
,
that
't
is
received
in
th'
imagination
where
it
enters
.
There
it
takes
the
forme
and
the
colour
as
pleaseth
to
that
fantastick
faculty
;
there
it
swels
or
abates
,
as
it
seems
good
to
that
Fool.
In
one
place
it
communicates
joy
,
in
another
it
raiseth
sadness
:
Now
't
is
but
an
Atome
,
which
is
hardly
felt
,
and
which
doth
but
scarcely
touch
upon
the
superficies
of
the
soul
;
and
in
four
moments
after
't
is
a
Monster
,
which
teares
and
divides
it
into
pieces
,
which
makes
havoke
in
all
its
powers
,
and
which
brings
trouble
even
to
the
Will
which
it
would
corrupt
,
and
even
to
Reason
also
which
it
endeavours
to
suborne
;
so
certain
is
it
,
that
the
imagination
is
supple
and
various
,
and
that
things
act
not
in
us
according
to
Their
measure
,
but
according
to
Hers.
'T
is
true
,
that
the
objects
which
are
agreeable
to
the
sense
,
and
promise
them
their
felicity
,
are
to
be
feared
.
And
there
's
no
imagination
so
weighty
nor
dull
,
which
is
not
raised
;
nor
appetite
so
cold
and
so
mortified
,
which
is
not
heated
;
moreover
the
disturbance
is
sometimes
so
great
,
and
the
tempest
so
furious
,
that
it
is
not
in
the
power
of
the
soul
to
quiet
it
:
but
in
case
she
stand
firm
in
the
desire
of
good
,
which
is
most
convenient
for
her
,
and
whereof
she
hath
made
choice
;
honour
is
alwaies
on
her
side
,
and
to
overcome
;
It
sufficeth
not
to
be
overcomne
,
and
to
dissent
from
pressing
temptations
.
In
conclusion
,
after
many
combats
and
defeats
of
such
nature
,
she
will
remain
peaceable
,
the
lights
of
the
Imagination
shall
be
abated
.
The
Appetite
shall
have
no
force
longer
to
rebel
,
Reason
will
raign
with
resistance
,
and
the
man
that
is
arrived
to
such
a
state
,
deserves
of
naturall
right
to
be
preferred
before
other
men
:
le
ts
pass
further
.
The
Morall
requires
not
onely
Man
within
himselfe
,
and
engaged
in
the
disorders
of
the
body
and
spirit
of
reason
and
passions
;
but
considers
him
also
in
his
conversation
and
in
the
Crowd
.
For
that
end
he
teacheth
him
a
vertue
,
which
is
called
Justice
,
which
instructs
him
to
live
well
with
his
Neighbour
,
and
inclines
him
to
render
unto
him
what
is
his
due
,
and
which
for
the
present
is
wholly
almost
imployed
about
the
division
of
Riches
,
and
th'
introduction
,
which
hath
been
made
in
the
world
,
of
Mine
and
Thine
.
Introduction
nevertheless
very
necessary
for
the
good
of
society
,
for
the
ornament
of
the
civill
life
,
and
for
the
plenty
of
all
such
things
as
are
commodious
for
man
.
The
Legislators
and
Founders
of
States
,
have
regulated
this
justice
;
and
in
regard
that
she
appeared
to
them
a
little
too
much
in
common
,
and
that
it
seemed
to
them
a
very
dangerous
thing
to
leave
the
conduct
thereof
to
every
mans
judgement
and
inclination
:
they
have
bounded
her
in
certain
Laws
&
customs
which
they
have
made
:
they
have
established
publique
persons
to
distribute
it
;
they
have
put
the
sword
into
their
hand
to
make
men
affraid
of
it
,
and
have
given
it
a
scabberd
with
the
name
of
a
Prince
,
and
of
his
Authority
,
to
gain
it
the
more
respect
.
But
insomuch
that
notwithstanding
the
great
care
hath
been
taken
to
adjust
the
Rule
,
it
remaines
imperfect
,
and
that
the
foresight
of
humane
understanding
is
not
so
great
as
the
variery
of
cases
which
interpose
in
Traffique
;
an
honest
man
will
not
stay
there
,
he
will
have
recourse
also
for
the
regulating
of
his
actions
,
and
forming
of
his
life
to
the
fountain
of
Equity
,
and
to
the
first
spring
of
Justice
,
which
is
the
Law
of
nature
,
or
to
walk
after
a
more
certain
guid
,
and
by
a
light
free
from
corruption
;
he
will
follow
the
dictates
of
Religion
and
motions
of
Charity
,
which
is
the
end
of
Christianity
,
which
is
the
fulnesse
of
other
Laws
,
and
the
definitive
measure
of
all
good
things
.
He
must
have
a
respect
for
the
formalities
of
ordinary
justice
;
but
he
must
not
believe
that
they
make
up
the
perfection
of
a
Christian
,
nor
of
a
Philosopher
.
He
must
know
that
the
Laws
of
Conscience
extend
themselves
further
then
her●
;
and
that
they
indure
a
severer
and
more
general
obligation
;
In
effect
,
if
conscience
onely
were
in
the
world
,
we
should
be
dispensed
of
many
things
which
we
are
bound
to
do
,
we
should
have
probity
good
cheap
;
the
duty
of
an
honest
man
would
be
very
large
,
and
the
way
that
leads
to
heaven
would
not
be
so
long
and
straight
as
the
Bible
describes
it
.
The
fourth
Discourse
.
How
that
saying
of
the
Philosophers
is
to
be
understood
,
that
,
who
commands
ought
to
be
wiser
and
better
then
the
person
that
obeyes
.
'T
Is
true
then
,
that
the
Morall
is
one
of
the
foundations
whereupon
the
Politique
is
raised
,
and
ought
to
prepare
them
that
aspire
to
the
Government
of
States
,
and
to
that
direction
of
the
people
.
From
thence
is
taken
that
common
saying
of
Philosophers
,
That
who
commands
ought
to
be
better
then
the
person
that
obeyes
;
and
that
,
The
Government
of
men
belongs
not
to
him
that
is
a
slave
to
his
passions
,
nor
to
govern
another
unlesse
he
hath
the
better
sight
.
It
serves
not
therefore
a
Prince
to
have
ordinary
intelligence
,
or
a
common
qualification
of
manners
:
But
to
satisfie
his
duty
,
and
fill
up
worthily
his
charge
,
it
seems
that
he
ought
to
have
a
more
sublime
reason
,
and
disposition
of
will
more
perfect
then
his
subjects
;
This
proposition
nevertheless
is
not
to
be
understood
literally
and
in
a
very
rigorous
sense
.
That
was
good
in
the
founding
of
States
,
and
in
the
first
liberty
which
the
people
had
to
make
choice
of
their
Superiours
and
Masters
.
Then
it
was
necessary
that
the
Election
should
be
made
of
extraordinary
persons
,
whose
merit
ought
to
be
as
high
as
the
dignity
to
which
they
are
called
.
But
for
Soveraign
Princes
who
come
by
succession
,
who
are
born
with
the
Character
of
a
Prince
,
and
are
received
without
choice
;
they
must
be
taken
as
God
sends
them
,
in
wrath
,
or
in
the
love
he
hath
to
his
people
,
which
ought
to
be
submitted
unto
them
.
But
whosoever
they
are
,
they
cannot
alwayes
be
perfect
at
th'
instant
of
Raigning
,
nor
have
that
force
of
reason
,
nor
temper
of
manners
which
the
Philosophers
require
in
them
that
govern
;
Prudence
,
and
other
morall
and
politique
vertues
are
not
born
with
us
,
and
come
not
of
themselves
.
They
must
be
gained
with
meditation
and
exercise
,
and
by
consequence
with
time
and
yeares
.
And
though
the
principles
are
in
our
souls
,
and
the
seed
in
our
reason
,
they
remain
barren
till
they
are
cultivated
,
and
,
if
pains
be
not
taken
to
preserve
them
,
they
are
smothered
in
the
seeds
of
evill
which
are
in
our
senses
,
and
in
the
corruption
of
our
nature
;
The
intention
then
of
the
Philosophers
,
is
,
that
the
vertues
of
Princes
are
of
more
esteem
then
the
vertues
of
particular
persons
,
in
regard
that
they
have
a
greater
extent
of
exercise
,
and
a
more
universall
influence
;
that
they
are
more
communicable
;
that
they
dart
their
beams
at
greater
distance
,
that
their
bounty
attracts
more
imitation
,
and
that
it
is
not
so
easie
to
command
,
as
perfectly
to
obey
;
nor
to
lead
as
to
follow
;
That
if
such
great
qualities
are
not
to
be
found
in
their
person
,
if
their
birth
be
unhappy
,
and
if
the
matter
whereof
they
are
made
cannot
receive
such
divine
formes
,
they
ought
at
least
to
be
in
them
of
their
Council
,
who
act
with
their
Princes
,
in
the
conduct
of
Affaires
.
When
the
Prince
is
stupid
or
depraved
in
manners
;
when
they
are
contrary
to
the
function
of
his
charge
,
and
to
the
dignity
he
doth
exercise
;
when
they
move
directly
,
and
of
their
proper
motion
to
the
ruine
of
their
subjects
;
What
can
be
expected
from
such
a
Government
if
th'
infection
hath
also
gained
upon
the
Ministers
of
State
,
if
they
resemble
their
Master
,
if
they
do
not
counterpoise
his
vices
;
And
if
th'
evill
be
entertained
by
the
multitude
of
evill
persons
,
such
was
the
Councell
of
Jeroboam
,
when
he
called
to
Councill
onely
young
and
deboshed
,
instead
of
ancient
persons
,
who
had
been
eye-witnesses
of
the
Government
of
his
Father
,
and
saw
that
wisdom
acted
which
was
infused
without
the
discourse
of
Reason
,
and
the
cares
of
Experience
.
This
nevertheless
is
not
extraordinary
in
the
world
,
and
it
happens
but
too
often
that
such
as
approach
the
Persons
of
Princes
,
study
not
so
much
to
be
ministers
of
their
dignities
,
as
instruments
of
their
passions
;
They
are
rather
their
Corrupters
then
Counsellors
;
that
th'imploy
Vice
when
Vertue
is
unprofitable
to
advance
them
,
and
that
they
esteem
nothing
base
or
dishonest
that
may
satisfie
Ambition
,
or
assure
their
fortune
;
And
though
the
way
they
take
,
lead
to
precipices
,
and
that
there
are
many
fresh
and
sensible
examples
of
them
who
have
therein
ruined
themselves
;
that
makes
no
impression
upon
their
minds
:
The
ill
fortune
of
others
concerns
them
not
,
and
they
have
so
good
opinion
of
themselves
,
that
they
imagine
to
have
better
conduct
,
or
better
fortune
to
warrant
their
behaviour
.
And
truly
although
in
a
sea
so
tempestuous
,
at
the
Court
,
and
where
tempests
are
frequent
;
they
see
also
by
consequence
that
shipwracks
are
ordinary
there
;
the
pieces
neverthelesse
of
that
wrack
are
so
faire
,
that
they
seem
to
them
of
greater
value
,
then
the
condition
from
whence
they
had
been
taken
,
and
then
the
advantages
of
their
birth
.
'T
is
true
,
that
Corruption
sometimes
is
so
extream
in
the
soul
of
a
Prince
,
and
his
Manners
changed
into
so
profound
a
deboshery
,
that
Ministers
of
State
are
compelled
to
abate
of
the
severity
of
vertue
in
treating
with
him
;
They
bank
those
passions
which
they
could
not
safely
assault
in
a
straight
line
;
They
suspend
the
reproofe
of
vice
,
where
roots
were
not
to
be
stocked
up
;
They
practise
diversions
,
when
the
sick
person
cannot
endure
Remedies
,
and
of
two
Evills
,
in
one
whereof
they
must
undoubtedly
fall
,
they
divert
him
towards
the
lesser
,
for
fear
his
inclination
should
force
him
to
the
greater
evill
;
A
strange
unhappinesse
,
that
to
prevent
Incests
and
Adulteries
,
they
must
consent
to
other
deboshes
lesse
criminall
and
lesse
injurious
;
and
to
avoid
sacriledges
,
to
permit
him
to
act
single
ruines
:
Seneca
and
Burrhas
found
themselves
reduced
to
this
miserable
necessity
;
&
the
Philosophy
&
vertue
of
those
two
great
persons
were
constrained
so
to
bend
under
Nero
,
&
to
divert
with
industry
the
impetuosity
of
his
vices
:
which
by
opposition
would
have
been
the
more
enflamed
.
This
conduct
nevertheless
which
ought
to
be
secret
,
that
it
may
work
the
better
effects
,
and
be
stolen
from
the
eyes
of
the
Prince
,
least
it
should
hurt
more
then
profit
,
is
many
times
ill
interpreted
;
and
the
people
consider
not
,
that
there
are
soveraign
Princes
who
are
not
to
be
handled
as
men
,
but
governed
as
Lions
,
and
as
furious
beasts
:
and
that
it
is
a
a
great
work
to
restrain
their
fury
,
and
to
hinder
them
from
killing
and
devouring
.
Thanks
be
to
God
,
we
are
in
another
condition
;
we
have
a
king
whose
qualities
to
this
time
have
been
rather
desired
then
seen
:
God
hath
given
him
to
the
world
to
repair
the
disorders
of
it
;
we
are
bound
to
him
for
our
safety
,
and
they
that
have
merited
in
the
past
actions
,
were
the
instruments
onely
of
his
fortune
,
and
the
imitators
of
his
vertue
.
Above
all
,
't
is
a
mark
of
heaven's
gracious
aspect
upon
this
Prince
,
to
have
raised
for
him
so
generous
and
so
wise
persons
,
so
understanding
and
so
faithfull
as
they
of
his
Councill
.
But
't
is
an
evidence
also
of
the
excellency
of
his
Judgement
,
and
of
the
strength
of
his
understanding
to
have
made
so
good
a
choice
,
and
to
have
fixed
his
particular
Election
,
upon
his
person
who
is
the
Chief
and
first
Intelligence
.
Truly
,
if
that
be
true
which
Aristotle
sayes
,
that
he
alone
hath
the
pure
use
of
Reason
,
and
by
consequence
the
most
perfect
vertue
,
that
hath
no
violent
passions
;
It
may
be
aver'd
without
flattery
,
that
never
person
brought
to
the
service
of
Princes
,
and
to
the
government
of
States
,
greater
liberty
of
the
soul
,
then
Sr.
the
Cardinall
.
His
condition
exempts
him
from
the
strong
impressions
which
blood
and
nature
stampd
upon
the
spirits
of
his
fathers
;
He
is
a
stranger
to
all
those
inclinations
,
which
being
rooted
in
the
body
,
carry
away
the
soul
entirely
,
or
divide
it
betwixt
the
pleasures
of
sense
,
and
the
operations
of
the
understanding
.
And
as
for
that
villanous
appetite
of
wealth
which
traverseth
so
many
illustrious
persons
;
which
subornes
the
most
usefull
servants
of
Princes
;
and
which
hath
often
blotted
the
fairest
Lifes
:
It
is
farre
estranged
from
his
humour
;
'T
is
certain
,
that
if
he
hath
ever
leaned
to
any
extremity
in
the
way
to
vertue
,
it
hath
been
towards
prodigality
;
and
that
he
found
nothing
so
easie
as
to
be
in
danger
of
poverty
for
the
service
of
his
Master
:
insomuch
that
it
may
be
said
of
him
,
that
he
hath
a
soul
so
quiet
,
that
not
a
Motion
ariseth
in
it
,
but
what
his
duty
doth
suggest
;
not
an
Agitation
,
but
what
the
love
he
bears
to
his
King
hath
occasioned
;
and
that
nothing
hath
been
acted
but
what
Reason
hath
consented
unto
,
and
what
Philosophy
hath
conveyed
into
the
souls
of
the
wisest
persons
.
The
fifth
Discourse
.
That
good
Ministers
of
State
have
not
alwaies
the
Recompence
which
they
deserve
;
and
that
their
Services
are
often
payed
with
Ingratitude
.
THat
a
Minister
of
State
proposeth
to
himselfe
to
act
for
the
Love
of
Vertue
,
and
to
draw
from
himself
the
Approbations
of
Conscience
,
as
the
chiefest
Recompence
for
the
good
he
doth
;
For
to
hope
alwayes
,
or
for
the
most
part
,
Acknowledgement
,
or
Justice
from
the
souls
of
Princes
,
is
not
to
know
their
humour
,
and
to
mistake
their
nature
.
'T
is
to
be
ignorant
that
the
great
services
which
are
done
them
,
are
so
many
great
Crimes
,
when
they
have
not
wherewithall
to
requite
them
:
That
there
are
not
in
the
world
such
dangerous
debtors
as
Princes
,
when
they
are
insolvent
;
that
they
make
away
their
Creditors
when
they
cannot
pay
them
,
for
the
fear
they
have
that
they
will
pay
themselves
with
their
hands
;
That
they
are
never
confident
of
the
faithfulnesse
of
their
subjects
,
who
have
power
to
hurt
them
;
and
that
they
forgive
willingly
enough
the
offences
which
have
been
done
them
,
but
never
pardon
the
ill
which
may
be
done
,
though
there
be
no
will
to
do
it
.
There
are
so
many
Examples
of
this
truth
,
in
Histories
and
in
all
Ages
,
that
't
is
almost
a
superfluous
thing
to
make
stay
upon
it
.
But
amongst
all
,
I
see
none
comparable
to
the
disgrace
of
Bellisarius
;
that
great
person
who
had
no
other
crime
then
his
Reputation
,
and
was
not
culpable
,
but
that
he
was
powerfull
.
Having
conquered
Persia
,
and
subdued
Africa
,
humbled
the
Goths
in
Italy
,
lead
Kings
in
Triumph
,
and
made
appeare
to
Constantinople
somewhat
of
old
Rome
,
and
an
Idea
of
the
ancient
splendor
of
that
proud
Republique
:
After
all
that
,
I
say
,
this
great
person
is
abandoned
to
Envy
.
A
suspition
ill-grounded
destroyes
the
value
of
so
many
Services
,
and
a
single
jealousie
of
State
wipes
them
out
of
the
memory
of
his
Master
:
but
he
rests
not
there
,
for
the
demeanor
had
been
too
gentle
;
if
cruelty
had
not
been
added
to
ingratitude
.
They
deprive
him
of
all
his
honours
;
they
rob
him
of
all
his
fortune
:
they
take
from
him
the
use
of
the
Day
and
Light
:
they
put
out
his
eyes
,
and
reduce
him
to
the
company
of
Rogues
;
and
Bellisarius
demands
a
charity
.
I
confesse
when
I
consider
the
chiefe
Captain
of
his
Age
,
and
the
greatest
Ornament
of
the
Empire
,
of
Christians
,
after
so
many
Victories
&
Conquests
,
accompanied
with
so
high
and
clear
a
vertue
,
and
in
the
midst
of
Christendom
,
reduced
to
the
height
of
misery
;
it
seems
to
me
that
I
read
the
Metamorphosis
of
Fables
:
A
desire
possesses
me
to
give
the
lie
to
History
;
and
I
cannot
hold
from
exclaiming
against
the
memory
of
Justinian
,
that
could
not
suffer
the
glory
of
one
of
his
subjects
,
who
had
been
so
usefull
to
him
,
and
that
of
a
Cabinet
person
and
compiler
of
Lawes
,
had
made
him
a
Conqueror
and
Triumpher
over
people
;
so
that
basnesse
cost
him
vey
dear
,
and
obliged
Narces
who
was
as
well
a
successour
in
merit
,
as
authority
to
Bellisarius
,
not
to
expose
himselfe
to
the
like
fortune
.
This
Narces
upon
a
single
act
of
disdain
,
which
was
past
upon
him
at
the
Court
of
the
Emperour
,
conceived
that
they
might
passe
to
a
more
cruel
passion
,
if
he
prevented
not
the
ill
,
and
that
it
was
better
to
shake
off
the
yoak
,
then
to
stay
to
be
oppressed
.
That
spoiled
th'
affairs
of
Justinian
in
Italy
:
The
Goths
revolted
,
and
Fortune
could
not
forbear
to
be
of
the
party
which
Narces
followed
,
nor
to
find
the
Barbarians
where
so
great
a
Virtue
was
engaged
.
All
Princes
nevertheless
are
not
of
his
humour
,
&
there
are
some
whose
Raign
is
more
Christian
,
and
Conduct
more
just
;
and
with
whom
desert
is
in
safety
;
where
services
are
acknowledged
,
and
in
whom
brave
Actions
beget
love
,
without
giving
them
the
least
jealousie
:
However
the
Raign
of
our
King
is
an
eminent
Exception
to
a
proposition
so
generall
.
And
if
Machavell
had
observed
many
such
in
the
world
,
he
had
not
advised
them
who
rise
very
high
by
their
Virtue
to
descend
timely
,
and
to
quit
their
greatness
,
or
to
maintain
it
by
force
;
He
had
known
that
there
is
yet
a
medium
betwixt
two
extreams
,
and
the
King
had
made
him
see
that
his
servants
might
continue
great
without
making
ill
use
of
that
greatnesse
to
become
Rebels
.
The
second
Example
that
I
will
propose
,
is
the
disgrace
of
Ferrand
Gonsalve
;
'T
is
not
in
truth
accompanied
with
so
eminent
a
persecution
,
nor
with
such
cruell
marks
of
Ingratitude
and
Injustice
,
as
that
of
Bellisarius
:
But
it
hath
neverthelesse
circumstances
which
deserve
to
be
considered
,
and
whereupon
a
Minister
of
State
ought
to
pause
.
It
must
be
confessed
that
Gonsalve
is
the
greatest
person
that
ever
Spain
brought
forth
.
He
may
passe
among
the
greatest
of
all
Ages
:
He
was
worthy
to
enter
the
Lists
of
comparison
with
great
Scipio
;
and
the
Spanish
vanity
hath
not
invented
so
high
a
Title
to
honour
him
withall
,
which
he
hath
not
made
good
by
his
Actions
,
and
merited
of
his
Enemies
.
He
finished
the
conquest
of
the
Kingdom
of
Granada
,
and
had
the
honour
to
conclude
a
War
of
ten
years
,
and
to
gain
for
Ferdinand
and
Isabella
,
the
Sirname
of
Catholiques
.
He
chased
us
from
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
for
to
re-establish
the
Arragons
;
And
when
Ferdinand
shared
with
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
the
Goods
of
his
Parents
,
and
that
those
Princes
divided
betwixt
them
the
Inheritance
of
an
unfortunate
person
;
He
conquered
his
Master's
share
and
forced
ours
from
us
:
He
defeated
our
Armies
in
all
places
,
but
at
Seminara
where
he
did
not
command
;
He
took
all
the
Towns
he
assaulted
,
and
which
were
defended
by
us
:
He
knew
how
to
overcome
,
and
to
make
use
of
the
Victory
.
And
though
no
State
in
the
World
was
more
moveable
or
subject
to
Revolutions
then
that
of
Naples
;
He
assured
it
notwithstanding
entirely
to
Ferdinand
and
his
Race
.
He
stopped
up
there
the
Springs
of
the
War
,
and
of
Disorders
:
He
pulled
up
Factions
that
tore
the
Nation
in
pieces
;
and
,
if
some
root
had
since
appeared
,
it
had
so
little
life
and
force
,
and
such
weak
and
faint
motions
,
that
the
safety
of
the
Kingdome
was
not
shaken
,
nor
its
health
altered
.
He
did
not
onely
excell
in
War
,
and
exceed
all
Captains
of
his
time
in
the
glory
of
Armes
;
but
he
supreamly
understood
the
Art
of
Negotiations
,
and
the
knowledge
of
Affairs
.
His
Eloquence
was
admirable
;
His
speech
had
inevitable
charms
,
and
his
Tongue
furnisht
infallibly
to
gain
those
whom
his
good
Countenance
had
shaken
,
and
whose
liberty
was
weakened
,
and
courage
abated
;
Being
a
Prisoner
to
a
King
of
Granada
,
He
gained
him
to
the
service
of
his
Master
,
and
perswaded
him
to
given
himselfe
up
to
Ferdinand
,
who
would
have
had
much
trouble
to
overcome
him
:
He
withdrew
the
Colonnes
and
the
Ursines
from
th'
interest
of
France
,
for
to
cast
them
upon
th'
interest
of
Spain
:
And
knowing
well
that
long
and
inveterate
hatreds
as
they
were
of
both
Families
,
are
fatall
to
the
parties
where
they
enter
,
and
dangerous
in
the
occasions
that
awaken
them
.
He
reconciled
the
differences
,
and
for
a
time
healed
th'
Emulation
they
laboured
of
.
He
was
moreover
so
zealous
of
the
Greatnesse
of
his
Master
,
and
so
passionate
for
the
good
of
his
Affaires
,
that
he
quitted
his
Conscience
,
and
broke
his
faith
to
whom
he
had
given
it
:
As
in
the
Treaty
he
made
with
the
Duke
of
Calabria
,
whereof
I
shall
speak
in
another
place
,
and
when
he
seized
with
subtilty
upon
the
person
of
Caesar
Borgia
,
and
deceived
that
subtil
person
,
who
had
deceived
so
many
other
persons
.
Th'
incomparable
qualites
then
of
this
person
,
and
infinite
services
which
he
had
done
to
his
Master
,
rendred
him
a
suspected
person
.
And
though
they
love
treason
,
yet
they
hate
the
Traytors
:
on
the
contrary
,
the
Virtue
of
Gonsalve
gives
Apprehensions
and
Alarms
to
Ferdinand
,
for
whom
it
had
gained
Kingdoms
,
And
the
conquests
also
of
Naples
,
and
th'
entire
reduction
of
that
of
that
State
being
finished
:
He
began
more
willingly
than
he
should
have
done
,
to
lend
his
Ear
to
the
complaints
made
against
him
;
And
the
Calumny
became
insolent
,
to
assault
him
when
it
received
credit
from
his
Master
.
'T
is
impossible
that
they
who
have
Commissions
for
great
Commands
,
should
give
content
to
all
the
world
:
And
't
is
hard
to
give
imployments
to
all
such
as
believe
to
merit
them
,
or
recompences
to
the
esteem
that
every
Person
hath
of
his
services
,
and
to
the
value
he
sets
upon
them
;
and
therefore
there
are
alwaies
persons
that
do
complain
,
because
some
do
believe
themselves
ill
used
;
and
who
make
spight
and
hatred
to
succeed
at
the
rate
of
the
good
they
have
been
disappointed
of
:
This
unhappinesse
befell
the
great
Captain
;
And
it
happened
also
that
the
complaints
made
against
him
in
Spain
,
were
not
disagreeable
to
Ferdinand
,
who
sought
occasion
onely
to
destroy
him
,
and
did
not
act
an
Injustice
willingly
,
but
when
he
had
some
pretence
of
Justice
for
to
colour
it
:
'T
is
strange
,
what
torments
and
inquietudes
the
reputation
of
Gonsalve
gave
to
Ferdinand
all
the
rest
of
his
life
;
The
most
loyal
and
best
disposed
of
all
his
Subjects
;
He
to
whom
he
owed
a
part
of
his
Greatnesse
,
who
rendred
him
more
formidable
to
other
Princes
,
then
all
the
rest
of
his
powers
,
held
his
soul
on
a
perpetuall
wrack
:
And
he
never
had
any
Enemy
from
whom
he
suffered
so
much
and
so
long
as
from
him
.
He
was
almost
perswaded
to
extream
Remedies
to
be
rid
of
him
,
and
,
if
he
had
not
apprehended
that
in
missing
of
his
stroak
,
he
gave
him
occasion
to
become
a
Rebell
,
he
had
caused
him
to
be
arrested
upon
the
single
Motions
of
Jealousie
,
and
had
given
an
instance
of
the
force
of
the
greatest
of
all
humane
passions
,
which
is
the
love
of
Soveraignty
.
This
passion
which
so
much
vexed
Ferdinand
,
is
worthy
to
be
represented
:
and
th'
Artifices
used
by
the
greatest
Polititian
of
the
world
,
to
ruine
his
own
subject
,
are
too
subtill
,
and
too
curious
to
be
concealed
from
a
person
of
State
;
The
moderation
also
of
Gonsalve
,
and
the
strength
he
had
to
resist
his
own
Greatnesse
which
was
in
his
power
,
and
to
repel
a
temptation
which
had
a
Kingdom
for
prize
,
deserve
to
be
proposed
to
the
subjects
of
other
Princes
.
The
sixth
Discourse
.
Th'
Artifices
used
by
Ferdinand
to
destroy
the
great
Captain
.
FErdinand
then
upon
the
bare
complaints
of
discontented
persons
,
whereof
the
number
is
ever
great
against
them
that
govern
,
lesseneth
the
power
of
the
great
Captain
,
and
reduceth
him
to
the
ordinary
Authority
of
Vice-Kings
in
a
Kingdome
which
he
had
conquered
.
How
sensible
this
thing
was
to
a
person
of
great
courage
,
and
what
Emotion
it
ought
to
raise
in
the
heart
of
Gonsalve
,
may
be
judged
by
the
displeasure
all
men
have
to
fall
,
and
to
be
degraded
in
th'
eyes
of
the
world
;
And
it
may
be
judged
by
the
hatred
all
men
naturally
bear
to
ingratitude
,
but
they
onely
that
exercise
it
;
and
by
th'
injustice
it
contains
;
that
not
onely
the
services
that
have
been
rendred
,
shall
be
frustrated
of
the
reward
which
hath
been
merited
,
but
that
they
also
shall
be
th'
originall
of
the
disgraces
suffered
,
and
of
th'
ill
entertainments
,
because
a
sufficient
Recompence
cannot
be
received
.
Gonsalve
notwithstanding
subdued
his
resentments
,
and
appeared
much
greater
in
conquering
himselfe
in
so
ticklish
an
occasion
,
then
he
had
done
in
conquering
so
often
th'
enemies
of
his
Master
.
The
patience
wherewith
he
supported
this
injury
,
did
not
sweeten
Ferdinand
,
nor
cure
his
sick
spirit
.
On
the
contrary
it
made
it
irreconcilable
:
He
hates
him
the
more
whom
he
had
newly
offended
,
because
he
gave
him
cause
to
resent
it
,
and
takes
the
moderation
which
Gonsalve
used
for
an
Artifice
,
because
his
passion
would
not
suffer
him
to
attribute
it
to
the
greatness
of
his
Courage
;
That
made
him
resolve
to
bring
him
back
from
Naples
,
though
his
presence
there
way
yet
very
necessary
,
and
to
deliver
himselfe
at
once
of
all
his
feares
,
and
of
all
his
apprehensions
,
in
removing
him
from
that
place
where
he
was
so
powerfull
.
He
commands
him
then
to
return
into
Spain
,
since
th'
affaires
of
Naples
,
as
he
said
,
were
in
good
condition
,
and
informs
him
that
he
had
use
in
other
places
of
his
person
,
and
of
his
service
.
The
great
Captain
prepares
for
his
departure
,
but
not
with
that
nimblenesse
which
Ferdinand
desired
;
To
whose
inquietude
precipitation
would
have
appeared
slow
,
since
it
seemed
to
him
that
he
could
never
be
soon
enough
healed
of
the
distrust
which
did
torment
him
;
This
slowness
which
was
for
his
service
,
and
for
the
confirming
of
Ferdinand's
authority
in
the
Kingdom
which
Gonsalve
would
not
leave
tottering
,
encreaseth
his
feares
and
multiplies
his
jealousies
.
Th'
Enemies
of
Gonsalve
close
with
this
humour
in
Ferdinand
;
Envy
again
riseth
against
his
Virtue
,
and
there
were
but
too
many
persons
in
Spain
,
and
in
Italy
,
who
cryed
down
his
Faithfulnesse
,
and
represented
his
Ambition
to
such
a
height
,
that
it
would
not
fail
speedily
to
compell
him
to
assume
the
Pitle
of
Soveraign
,
whereof
he
exercised
the
Power
.
That
made
him
again
resolve
to
send
Peter
Navarre
to
Naples
,
with
private
Orders
to
ceaze
upon
the
person
of
the
great
Captain
,
and
to
make
a
Prisoner
of
him
in
the
new
Castle
.
And
at
the
same
time
to
lay
him
asleep
,
and
for
fear
the
distrust
he
had
of
him
,
should
occasion
the
injury
he
feared
,
if
it
were
discovered
;
he
writes
him
a
Letter
,
by
which
he
doth
promise
him
at
his
return
,
the
great
command
of
Saint
James
;
A
dignity
,
that
did
not
truly
equall
the
services
of
Gonsalve
,
nor
pay
the
just
price
of
his
Actions
,
but
was
the
highest
in
Spain
next
to
the
Soveraignty
.
As
he
was
ready
to
execute
this
scandalous
resolution
,
a
person
of
Credit
arrives
at
Court
,
from
the
great
Captain
,
with
Letters
,
which
give
him
so
great
assurances
of
his
fidelity
,
and
confirm
with
such
strong
Reasons
the
just
cause
of
his
stay
,
that
Ferdinand
abated
for
that
time
the
violence
that
transported
him
;
but
at
last
finding
no
lawfull
Causes
,
or
very
visible
pretences
to
use
extream
Remedies
against
Gonsalve
,
and
being
not
assured
of
the
possession
of
Naples
,
so
long
as
Gonsalve
was
in
condition
to
take
it
from
him
,
he
resolved
to
go
in
person
to
draw
him
away
.
He
was
hardly
arrived
at
Genes
,
but
he
understood
of
the
death
of
his
Son
in
law
,
with
whom
he
had
so
many
troubles
,
and
who
had
handled
him
with
so
much
indignity
.
Reason
seemed
to
advise
him
to
go
back
,
and
to
retake
the
possession
of
the
Government
of
Castile
,
before
any
change
might
happen
there
,
that
th'
ill
humours
of
that
State
were
raised
,
and
that
th'
ill
had
taken
root
there
by
his
absence
.
That
was
represented
to
him
by
his
Councill
,
and
by
his
servants
which
he
had
left
in
Spain
.
But
Naples
must
be
provided
for
,
since
he
was
so
near
;
He
must
pull
the
Thorn
out
of
his
heart
which
pricked
him
;
And
although
he
would
not
expose
his
person
thither
,
when
we
were
powerful
there
,
when
we
contested
the
Kingdom
with
him
,
and
that
fortune
then
held
in
the
Air
the
two
scales
of
the
Ballance
where
Victory
hung
uncertain
;
He
made
no
question
to
go
thither
to
destroy
the
power
of
a
person
that
was
most
faithful
to
him
.
The
prudence
and
dexterity
of
Ferdinand
,
made
a
wonderfull
noyse
on
this
occasion
which
was
heard
in
all
places
,
and
whereon
all
Christendom
was
attentive
.
At
his
Arrivall
he
made
extraordinary
Caresses
to
Gonsalve
:
He
gave
him
honours
that
would
have
satisfied
the
most
ambitious
spirit
of
the
world
.
He
had
no
sufficient
praises
to
extoll
his
vertue
,
nor
power
enough
to
requite
his
services
.
In
brief
,
one
might
have
said
,
that
,
he
would
give
him
a
share
of
his
Authority
,
and
of
his
subject
make
his
Companion
.
In
the
mean
time
this
great
Captain
is
solicited
from
divers
places
,
to
take
more
advantageous
Conditions
then
he
had
from
his
Master
.
The
Pope
with
whom
Ferdinand
had
founded
intelligencies
to
make
War
against
the
Venetians
,
desires
him
for
the
Generall
of
the
Churches
Armies
.
The
Common
wealth
of
Venice
offers
him
the
Command
of
their
Armies
;
The
Emperour
endeavours
to
gain
him
for
his
service
;
every
person
thought
that
Victory
could
not
be
severed
from
him
,
and
his
reputation
dispatched
above
th'
halfe
of
Affairs
;
His
virtue
truly
was
too
fair
not
be
tempted
;
But
it
had
force
enough
to
repell
Temptation
,
and
to
resist
the
Baits
wherewith
Endeavours
were
used
to
corrupt
it
;
He
had
given
infallible
Evidences
thereof
to
Ferdinand
during
the
persecution
of
Castile
:
And
when
almost
all
the
Grandees
of
Spain
had
declared
themselves
in
favour
of
his
Son
in
law
,
and
adored
that
new
Power
;
Gonsalve
stood
firm
,
and
assured
him
that
what
change
soever
hapned
to
him
in
his
fortune
,
none
should
ever
befall
him
in
his
affections
;
This
was
truly
admirable
in
an
occasion
,
where
he
had
so
many
examples
of
failing
,
and
,
it
may
be
,
some
Cause
to
do
it
during
Philips
life
.
Moreover
being
so
able
a
person
,
and
having
long
acted
by
th'
orders
of
Ferdinand
;
It
,
was
not
possible
that
he
should
be
a
stranger
to
his
diffident
Humour
,
and
to
his
Covetous
Inclination
,
and
therefore
ought
to
believe
,
that
his
services
would
pass
unrequited
,
and
that
passion
whereof
his
Master
laboured
against
,
would
not
be
appeased
but
by
his
Fall
and
Ruine
.
However
Ferdinand
,
to
defeat
th'
intentions
of
the
Pope
,
and
to
make
void
all
solicitations
that
were
made
to
Gonsalve
;
endeavoured
to
perswade
him
,
that
he
had
all
the
good
opinion
of
the
world
of
his
fidelity
;
gives
him
a
Patent
of
the
great
Master
ship
of
Saint
James
,
which
was
passionately
desired
by
Gonsalve
,
and
prayed
the
Pope
to
grant
the
Archbishop
of
Toledo
power
to
confer
it
upon
him
;
He
well
knew
that
the
Pope
would
resist
it
,
and
be
troubled
that
Gonsalve
should
receive
that
dignity
from
any
hand
but
from
His
,
and
that
so
whilst
,
Endeavours
were
used
to
overcome
that
difficulty
and
pass
that
Ditch
,
he
should
be
in
Spain
,
and
out
of
Danger
to
be
deboshed
;
He
grants
him
after
that
an
Authentick
Declaration
of
the
great
services
he
had
received
from
him
;
at
of
the
esteem
he
had
for
his
merits
,
and
for
the
inviolable
zeal
he
had
had
for
his
Affairs
.
He
sends
this
Declaration
to
the
Courts
of
all
Princes
of
Christendom
,
to
efface
,
said
He
,
th'
Impressions
that
might
have
been
made
against
the
faithfulnesse
of
this
great
Captain
;
and
that
no
spot
might
remain
upon
the
honour
of
so
great
a
person
,
He
draws
him
from
Italy
,
and
brings
him
with
him
,
by
these
eminent
Artifices
and
Pompous
Demonstrations
of
his
good
Affections
.
The
interview
made
at
Savona
with
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
enflamed
his
jealousie
,
and
rendred
the
Virtue
of
Gonsalve
the
more
suspected
,
because
he
saw
it
so
much
honoured
by
him
,
to
whom
he
had
done
so
much
Evill
,
and
from
whom
he
had
taken
a
Kingdom
;
For
Lewis
obtained
of
Ferdinand
,
that
Gonsalve
might
dine
in
their
company
,
an
extraordinary
favour
,
especially
for
a
subject
of
Spain
with
his
Soveraign
.
At
last
he
is
conducted
into
Spain
,
where
all
the
hopes
which
had
been
given
him
,
and
the
magnificent
promises
wherewith
he
had
been
fed
,
are
reduced
to
the
Condition
of
a
private
person
,
in
which
Condition
he
is
permitted
nothing
more
then
onely
to
live
.
They
labour
to
discredit
him
,
They
use
him
ill
in
relation
to
his
Parents
:
All
his
desires
are
refused
,
though
very
Civill
and
Just
:
And
notwithstanding
this
stripped
person
is
Ferdinand's
Flayl
,
and
a
virtue
destitute
of
all
the
helps
of
fortune
,
troubles
his
spirit
,
and
puts
him
into
great
paines
.
But
as
Princes
feel
not
passions
as
other
persons
do
,
and
take
or
leave
them
according
to
their
Interest
;
The
prosperity
of
Lewis
the
twelfth's
Armes
in
Italy
,
under
the
Command
of
Gaston
of
Foix
,
and
the
disgraces
of
th'
Army
,
of
the
League
whereof
Ferdinand
was
a
member
,
enforced
him
to
cast
his
eyes
upon
Gonsalve
to
send
him
thither
.
This
great
Captain
prepares
for
this
Expedition
;
Spain
dis-furnisheth
her selfe
of
brave
persons
for
to
follow
him
there
;
and
the
greatest
part
of
great
persons
,
notwithstanding
the
fiercenesse
of
their
humour
,
and
good
opinion
of
themselves
,
resolved
to
accompany
him
thither
.
This
struck
Ferdinand
more
then
can
be
imagined
;
And
the
greatnesse
of
Gonsalve
that
became
higher
then
ever
;
and
th'
ill
condition
of
th'
affairs
of
Italy
which
could
not
be
recovered
but
by
his
virtue
,
trouble
him
with
irresolutions
.
But
fortune
that
had
been
so
often
favourable
vnto
him
,
forgot
him
not
in
this
occasion
;
she
would
not
give
men
the
pleasure
to
see
the
two
chief
planets
of
the
world
in
Conjunction
,
and
duest
not
decide
a
difference
where
parties
were
so
equall
.
Gaston
is
slain
at
the
Batted
of
Ravenna
;
by
his
death
Italy
changed
her
face
,
our
affaires
began
then
to
decline
;
There
was
no
further
need
of
Gonsalve
,
and
Ferdinand
was
delivered
of
the
feares
which
had
so
strongly
vexed
him
,
and
so
long
pursued
him
.
The
great
Captain
after
that
continued
intirely
estranged
from
Court
,
and
from
affairs
,
and
a
very
little
after
quitted
the
world
,
where
his
virtue
was
become
unprofitable
,
because
it
was
too
great
,
and
where
he
had
lost
the
good
graces
of
his
Master
for
having
overmuch
merited
them
.
The
seventh
Discourse
.
Of
the
disgrace
of
the
Duke
of
Alva
.
SInce
we
are
upon
the
subject
of
Disgraces
which
happen
at
Court
,
and
tempests
which
are
there
raised
;
Let
us
add
the
Duke
of
Alva's
to
the
former
examples
.
He
was
one
of
the
greatest
Captains
Spain
hath
brought
forth
,
since
the
death
of
Gonsalve
;
He
performed
threescores
years
services
to
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
to
Philip
his
Son
,
and
with
so
strange
a
misfortune
,
that
he
was
ever
odious
to
th'
one
,
and
never
beloved
of
th'
other
:
He
made
War
almost
in
all
the
parts
of
Europe
,
and
in
Africa
;
he
had
the
Command
of
the
Germane
Army
,
where
the
first
League
of
Protestants
was
beaten
,
and
one
of
their
Commanders
taken
Prisoner
:
He
preserved
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
to
Philip
:
He
staid
the
progress
we
made
into
Piedmont
;
He
suppressed
the
growing
Rebellion
in
the
Low
Countries
;
and
though
his
conduct
was
too
violent
,
and
that
the
severity
of
his
deportment
,
and
too
great
Inclination
for
blood
,
had
forced
the
people
into
dispair
;
yet
if
he
had
not
been
recalled
,
when
he
was
of
most
use
there
,
'T
is
believed
,
that
he
had
finished
the
reducement
of
them
,
or
hindered
them
from
growing
greater
.
And
neverthelesse
after
so
long
Course
of
services
,
and
so
many
years
spent
for
his
Masters
;
Philip
forbids
him
the
Court
for
a
light
fault
;
for
an
inconsiderable
Cause
which
carried
onely
the
shadow
of
disobedience
:
His
Country-house
he
assigns
him
for
his
Prison
,
and
neither
his
services
past
,
nor
his
Age
which
was
worthy
of
some
respect
,
nor
the
good
wishes
of
all
the
people
of
Spain
,
nor
th'
entreaties
of
the
Pope
who
interceded
for
him
,
could
bend
Philip
,
or
prevail
with
him
for
his
Liberty
.
But
at
last
the
businesse
of
the
succession
of
Portugal
hapning
,
and
Philip
having
need
of
a
Commander
of
Reputation
to
manage
the
War
which
he
had
there
prepared
;
It
was
of
Necessity
to
repair
to
the
Duke
of
Alva
.
He
accepted
the
Command
with
an
incredible
Gentleness
,
and
without
obtaining
so
much
as
the
permission
to
see
the
Court
;
And
He
was
to
raise
the
Regiments
of
Foot
,
as
He
said
,
from
Towns
to
conquer
Kingdoms
.
The
success
of
that
War
was
such
as
Philip
could
desire
it
.
But
the
Conclusion
was
glorious
for
the
Duke
,
since
he
dyed
after
the
reduction
of
Portugal
,
and
in
the
Palace
of
Lisbon
,
where
he
had
given
Entry
to
his
Master
.
I
do
not
truly
find
it
strange
that
so
many
Princes
are
unthankful
,
because
it
may
be
they
think
all
to
be
due
to
them
,
and
that
they
are
not
indebted
to
any
person
.
But
I
cannot
but
admire
the
faithfulnesse
of
those
great
persons
of
whom
I
have
lately
spoken
,
and
that
Generall
obedience
they
have
given
to
their
Masters
,
even
then
when
they
were
so
ill
used
;
This
is
the
Cause
that
I
will
adde
another
example
to
the
former
,
and
of
a
person
of
the
number
of
the
most
famous
of
the
Age
past
.
Albuquerque
subdued
Ormus
,
took
Goa
,
and
settled
th'
Empire
of
the
Portugals
in
the
East-Indies
.
He
caused
the
power
of
his
Masters
to
be
adored
,
where
their
name
was
not
so
much
as
known
before
his
time
.
His
Conquests
enriched
Portugal
,
and
the
precious
Jewels
which
the
Sun-rising
engenders
in
th'
East
,
past
in
abundance
,
since
his
voyages
,
through
all
Europe
.
After
all
these
services
,
and
in
his
great
Age
,
Manuel
,
King
,
of
Portugal
,
sends
him
a
successor
,
and
he
had
the
displeasure
to
see
himself
stript
of
an
honour
he
had
not
received
,
and
of
a
Dignity
he
held
not
of
the
bounty
of
him
which
took
it
from
him
,
but
from
his
personall
valour
.
The
news
truly
of
that
Affront
which
was
the
recompence
of
his
long
and
profitable
services
,
troubled
him
much
at
the
first
—
And
,
making
a
great
disturbance
in
his
soul
,
forced
him
to
say
these
words
:
Good
God
,
of
how
many
Evills
do
I
find
my selfe
encompassed
!
If
I
am
faithful
to
my
King
,
I
offend
men
;
and
I
offend
my
King
,
if
I
follow
the
Inclinations
of
men
.
But
this
violent
passion
being
appeased
,
and
that
his
reason
was
returned
,
he
justified
the
proceedings
of
Manuel
,
and
reduced
willingly
to
the
condition
of
a
private
person
;
If
Death
,
which
sometimes
happens
too
late
to
many
great
persons
,
had
not
ceazed
on
him
,
before
he
arrived
at
Goa
from
Ormus
.
You
may
believe
that
Albuquerque
was
solicited
by
his
friends
,
to
possess
himselfe
of
that
State
,
and
to
establish
himselfe
in
a
place
where
he
was
powerful
,
and
where
he
had
in
his
favour
the
love
of
the
people
;
'T
is
therefore
the
Custome
of
Princes
,
not
to
permit
long
the
Government
of
a
Country
to
him
that
hath
subdued
it
,
for
fear
lest
in
time
he
take
root
there
,
and
that
the
sweetnesse
of
the
Command
,
and
the
Conveniency
of
making
himselfe
Master
,
should
cause
in
him
the
Desire
of
it
.
So
Ferdinand
of
Castile
,
left
not
the
Government
of
the
West-Indies
to
Christopher
Columbe
,
who
had
made
the
discovery
of
them
.
So
the
same
Prince
withdrew
that
great
Captain
from
Naples
,
as
hath
been
above
expressed
.
So
Fernant
of
Cortes
was
recalled
from
the
Kingdom
of
Mexico
,
which
he
had
gained
for
Charles
the
fifth
;
So
the
Peru
was
filled
with
Combustion
and
Wars
,
because
the
Pizarres
who
had
made
the
Conquest
,
would
not
acknowledge
the
Governour
which
Philip
the
second
had
sent
thither
;
nor
obey
in
the
place
where
they
had
accustomed
to
command
.
The
Eighth
Discourse
.
That
in
th'
affaires
of
State
,
men
do
that
sometimes
which
they
would
not
do
,
and
that
there
are
inevitable
Faults
.
THat
a
Minister
of
State
then
suffer
not
himselfe
to
be
transported
with
his
charge
,
nor
be
drunk
with
the
fume
of
it
;
That
it
be
alwayes
in
him
under
jealousie
:
And
consider
that
't
is
of
the
nature
of
Glass
,
and
not
of
the
Diamond
;
and
that
if
it
have
some
Clearness
,
yet
't
is
frail
.
And
that
he
may
the
better
comprehend
this
truth
,
and
make
use
of
th'
instruction
it
bears
;
he
must
know
,
that
he
is
to
defend
himselfe
not
onely
from
men
,
and
the
designs
of
Envy
;
But
that
he
must
also
depend
upon
some
superiour
power
,
that
will
make
him
when
it
pleaseth
to
forsake
his
prudence
,
and
compell
him
to
act
against
his
proper
Maxims
;
that
will
carry
him
whither
he
would
not
go
,
and
will
so
Invert
his
understanding
,
that
he
cannot
but
commit
voluntary
faults
,
nor
to
enter
the
precipice
which
he
shall
see
open
in
the
midst
of
his
way
;
That
,
if
in
the
war
of
the
Body
and
Understanding
,
and
in
the
seditious
Motions
,
from
the
worse
part
of
the
soul
,
we
do
commit
often
the
Evill
which
we
would
not
do
;
The
Condition
of
the
person
of
State
is
much
worse
,
and
that
of
the
proud
Directors
of
the
people
,
who
are
sometimes
constrained
to
doe
the
Evil
they
would
not
do
,
if
they
were
Masters
of
affairs
,
and
if
th'
impetuosity
of
Destiny
,
and
violence
of
some
Cause
stronger
than
them
,
did
not
over-rule
them
;
And
nevertheless
the
world
fails
not
to
blame
them
:
Princes
are
angry
gainst
unfortunate
,
as
against
guilty
persons
:
Particular
men
that
discover
sometimes
in
their
private
affaires
somewhat
like
his
,
do
not
forgive
for
all
that
the
Condition
of
publique
persons
:
And
the
pittifull
Boatmen
,
who
can
hardly
save
themselves
upon
a
small
River
,
when
it
is
but
a
little
moved
,
condemn
the
great
Philots
when
they
suffer
shipwrack
in
the
Ocean
,
and
cannot
resist
the
fury
of
an
implacable
Element
.
Behold
very
eminent
Examples
to
Confirm
the
truth
of
what
hath
been
said
.
In
the
league
made
between
the
Venetians
and
Charles
the
fifth
,
against
Soliman
,
a
memorable
accident
happened
.
The
Venetians
were
fully
resolved
not
to
break
with
Soliman
,
and
to
avoid
a
War
wherein
they
were
to
receive
the
first
stroaks
,
and
furnish
the
Field
with
th'
action
that
was
preparing
,
(
and
the
theater
with
the
Tragedy
;
They
remembred
,
that
they
never
had
to
do
with
the
house
of
the
Ottomans
without
losse
,
and
that
they
never
justled
with
them
but
to
their
ruine
:
They
would
not
forsake
th'
Alliance
of
a
Prince
whose
faith
was
known
to
them
,
in
whom
ambition
permitted
Justice
,
and
was
accustomed
to
distinguish
between
what
's
honest
,
and
what
is
onely
profitable
;
They
would
not
deprive
themselves
of
the
great
advantages
which
they
drew
from
those
States
,
nor
cut
the
pipe
of
Riches
,
and
the
root
of
Abundance
,
which
came
to
their
subjects
from
thence
;
They
were
not
ignorant
of
the
Nature
of
Leagues
and
their
weakness
;
They
,
knew
that
good
deeds
penetrate
lesse
then
injuries
,
and
that
the
desire
of
Revenge
is
more
active
and
violent
in
them
that
are
provoked
,
then
Acknowledgement
in
them
who
are
assisted
.
They
consider
that
a
wise
Prince
ought
not
to
engage
,
but
on
extremity
in
th'
affaires
that
have
nothing
certain
but
the
expence
,
whereof
the
future
is
alwaies
trouble
,
and
whose
conclusion
is
not
necessarily
conformable
to
Principles
,
and
to
the
first
Appearance
.
Upon
these
foundations
or
others
,
they
resisted
th'
endeavours
of
Paul
the
third
,
who
solicited
them
to
enter
into
that
League
,
and
not
to
abandon
the
common
Cause
of
Christians
;
Soliman
also
on
his
part
desired
to
continue
fair
with
the
Republique
of
Venice
:
He
was
afraid
to
have
so
many
enemies
together
in
Hand
,
and
how
great
soever
their
ambition
was
,
the
virtue
and
the
power
of
Charles
did
not
seem
so
inconsiderable
unto
him
,
but
that
he
judged
them
Capable
alone
to
exercise
him
;
But
as
fortune
often
deceives
the
desires
of
men
,
and
laughs
at
their
wisdom
,
it
disappointed
in
this
occasion
,
as
well
th'
inclination
of
Soliman
,
as
that
of
the
Venetians
.
The
encounter
of
some
of
their
Ships
,
and
of
unexpected
Accidents
which
happened
,
obliged
them
to
fight
,
and
engaged
them
also
in
spight
of
them
to
a
total
Breach
;
And
the
Venetians
were
constrained
to
accept
of
the
League
,
which
they
had
so
solemnly
refused
;
By
this
truly
it
appears
,
that
the
Venetians
could
not
avoid
with
all
their
Conduct
,
th'
evill
they
had
foreseen
;
And
that
he
also
from
whom
they
were
to
receive
their
damage
,
could
not
be
prevented
from
doing
of
it
,
though
he
had
a
design
to
be
their
friend
.
For
it
happened
that
the
Gallies
of
th'
Emperour
having
not
done
their
duty
at
Prevese
,
and
André
Dona
having
betrayed
the
Christian
Republique
,
and
suffered
Barbarosse
to
escape
when
he
might
have
sunk
him
;
The
tempest
that
ris
'
in
the
States
of
Charles
,
fell
upon
them
of
the
Republique
;
and
Soliman
,
offended
that
the
Republique
,
as
he
thought
,
had
disdained
his
friendship
,
or
had
not
sufficiently
respected
it
,
turned
his
Forces
and
Designs
against
their
Ilands
,
besieged
Corfu
,
and
was
within
little
of
taking
the
Bulwarks
that
defend
Christendom
;
He
took
besides
that
,
all
that
they
had
in
the
Archipelagus
except
Naples
of
Romaigna
and
Malvoisca
,
which
he
forced
from
them
since
,
by
a
Treaty
of
peace
;
after
the
losses
they
had
suffered
,
after
th'
Expence
they
had
made
,
and
after
a
great
diminution
of
former
Reputation
.
Behold
other
Examples
,
to
shew
that
there
are
faults
which
seem
fatall
.
In
the
first
troubles
of
Heresie
in
France
,
and
in
that
Tragique
Confusion
,
the
memory
whereof
hath
since
been
often
repeated
;
All
the
world
observed
,
that
the
siege
of
Poictiers
had
been
the
Stone
of
offence
to
the
Huguenots
,
and
that
the
fairest
Army
they
ever
had
perished
,
there
.
The
Cardinall
of
Lorraine
reproached
it
to
Sr.
of
the
None
;
and
though
faults
are
customary
in
the
war
,
more
then
in
any
other
function
of
life
;
He
assured
him
that
they
who
commanded
th'
Armies
of
the
King
,
would
prevent
committing
of
the
like
;
yet
notwithstanding
after
the
Battel
of
Moncontour
,
which
poured
out
so
much
Hugenots
blood
,
and
where
that
party
received
such
large
wounds
,
that
it
depended
only
on
the
Conqueror
,
that
the
soul
was
not
let
out
;
Instead
of
following
the
flight
of
th'
Army
which
was
routed
,
and
them
that
saved
themselves
from
the
storm
;
The
Duke
of
Anjou
,
unhappily
dissipated
his
Army
by
lying
down
before
Saint
John
.
He
stormed
that
Town
,
and
lost
the
fruit
of
his
Victory
,
which
ought
not
to
have
been
taken
of
a
single
place
,
but
the
Reducement
of
the
whole
party
;
not
the
remission
of
the
Malady
,
but
the
health
of
the
State
.
By
this
fatall
stay
,
I
say
,
he
failed
to
make
an
end
of
the
work
that
was
so
well
begun
:
He
gave
meanes
to
th'
Enemies
to
breathe
and
recruit
:
He
rendred
again
the
fortune
of
France
doubtfull
,
and
deprived
it
of
the
honour
of
terminating
a
War
which
is
never
ended
by
weaknesse
,
but
inability
;
nor
by
Reconciliation
,
but
by
the
Ruine
of
the
Conquered
.
The
Ninth
Discourse
.
Where
the
precedent
Discourse
is
confirmed
by
the
Example
of
the
Spaniards
.
I
Will
confirm
former
Discourse
by
a
newer
Example
,
and
from
the
most
prudent
Nation
of
the
world
.
The
Spaniards
who
have
their
Reason
so
subtil
,
and
Motions
so
regular
;
who
make
no
Consultations
,
but
they
observe
all
the
differences
of
the
time
,
and
have
alwaies
in
their
thoughts
the
future
and
the
past
,
when
they
deliberate
onely
of
the
things
in
hand
,
or
that
are
not
farre
from
their
eyes
.
These
prudent
,
I
say
,
and
Circumspect
persons
,
are
not
free
from
errours
;
They
commit
faults
like
other
men
,
they
go
out
of
the
way
as
well
as
we
,
and
more
is
not
to
be
said
,
then
that
it
seems
their
failings
are
either
voluntary
or
more
inavoidable
then
ours
;
And
as
we
fall
ordinarily
as
it
were
by
night
and
in
unknown
wayes
,
They
fall
at
full
noon
,
and
in
the
midst
of
a
high
way
.
And
as
other
people
have
reproached
us
,
that
we
are
capable
to
Conquer
all
,
and
to
carry
by
assault
what
makes
resistance
;
But
that
we
are
not
able
long
to
preserve
that
heat
,
nor
to
maintain
our
Conquests
:
The
same
may
be
said
of
the
Spaniards
,
that
their
designs
have
sometimes
good
beginnings
,
which
attain
not
alwaies
their
Ends
because
they
are
Immoderate
;
That
they
begin
well
,
but
finish
not
alwaies
the
work
they
undertake
,
because
they
withdraw
themselves
to
other
work
;
that
they
make
not
an
end
of
all
things
they
undertake
,
in
regard
that
they
undertake
too
much
at
a
time
,
that
they
Grasp
more
then
they
know
how
to
hold
and
devour
,
more
then
they
can
digest
.
'T
is
not
for
want
of
patience
,
but
for
their
too
great
Ambition
;
nor
,
that
they
forsake
the
Labour
for
being
a
weary
and
to
rest
themselves
,
but
they
suspend
it
,
or
slack
it
in
one
place
to
attend
it
in
another
,
where
they
think
to
prosper
better
:
And
as
the
Covetous
person
hath
no
sooner
the
desire
in
his
heart
of
being
rich
,
but
he
desires
suddenly
to
become
rich
;
The
like
is
the
condition
of
the
ambitious
person
,
there
are
no
degrees
for
the
growth
of
passion
,
't
is
great
as
soon
as
't
is
born
,
and
he
hath
th'
unhappinesse
,
that
his
Imagination
knows
not
how
to
bound
the
Conquests
which
it
meditates
upon
,
nor
lengthen
the
time
,
must
necessarily
be
imployed
to
act
them
.
This
hath
happened
to
the
Spaniards
;
It
may
be
said
,
that
they
have
found
their
enterprises
more
difficult
then
they
were
represented
unto
them
,
in
having
too
great
an
opinion
of
their
own
virtue
,
or
too
little
of
other
mens
virtues
.
Le
ts
come
to
the
proof
of
this
truth
wherewith
they
have
furnished
us
,
and
whereof
they
have
given
us
cause
to
beware
.
They
observed
that
th'
Enterprise
upon
England
,
and
preparation
for
that
Fleet
which
they
called
Invincible
,
broke
the
course
of
the
Victories
of
the
Duke
of
Parma
;
that
it
drayned
Spain
of
Money
and
Men
,
and
hindred
that
Prince
from
receiving
necessary
recruits
to
continue
the
War
.
They
also
acknowledged
,
that
the
journies
he
made
into
France
,
to
relieve
the
League
,
had
unfurnished
the
two
Countries
of
their
best
Souldiers
,
and
left
those
fair
.
Provinces
for
a
prey
to
their
Enemies
which
had
been
so
long
their
Indyes
,
and
since
have
been
so
long
their
Poverty
and
Church-yard
.
We
may
indeed
say
here
,
by
the
way
,
and
then
we
will
return
to
our
subject
;
That
Philip
the
second
did
not
a
little
forget
himselfe
in
these
occasions
,
and
that
his
Conduct
was
then
too
wise
,
or
not
wise
enough
.
That
it
was
not
truly
ill
argued
for
the
subduing
of
the
Hollande's
,
first
to
ceaze
on
France
,
and
Conquer
England
;
to
cut
off
at
once
th'
Armes
that
supported
them
,
and
force
away
the
Dugs
which
fed
the
Rebellion
of
that
people
.
But
also
,
that
it
was
too
vast
a
Design
for
a
Prince
so
decayed
,
and
a
way
too
long
and
too
dangerous
for
a
person
of
so
small
strength
,
and
short
breath
;
That
if
he
was
transported
by
the
zeal
of
th'
house
of
God
,
and
could
not
suffer
Religion
to
perish
in
the
first
Kingdom
of
the
world
:
If
he
was
concerned
in
th'
ill
of
France
;
and
if
he
so
vehemently
loved
the
Church
,
that
he
could
not
permit
so
faire
a
member
to
be
separated
from
her
;
It
must
be
confessed
,
that
his
zeal
had
been
commendable
,
if
it
had
been
more
prudent
.
But
he
should
have
remembred
that
true
Charity
excludes
not
Justice
;
that
it
perverts
not
th'
order
of
things
;
that
it
disorders
not
the
duty
of
life
;
and
that
it
hath
as
much
light
as
heat
,
and
of
moderation
as
force
:
And
therfore
that
it
had
been
better
to
withdraw
the
people
from
Heresie
which
God
submitted
to
him
,
and
from
rebellion
wherein
they
were
involved
,
then
to
ingage
in
th'
affaires
of
his
Neighbours
,
whereof
he
was
not
to
give
an
Accompt
,
and
that
he
was
more
obliged
to
labour
the
Cure
of
his
sick
subjects
,
then
the
lesser
diseases
of
strangers
.
But
le
ts
speak
the
truth
,
It
troubled
Philip
much
to
lose
so
fair
an
occasion
as
that
which
then
presented
it selfe
,
to
gain
by
our
disorders
;
And
he
well
saw
that
after
the
French
were
divided
into
Factions
,
and
that
the
Children
had
torn
in
pieces
their
Mother
,
it
would
be
easie
for
him
to
recollect
the
scattered
members
and
the
pieces
of
th'
Inheritance
.
That
if
the
lost
this
Conjuncture
,
he
might
after
in
vain
desire
it
;
that
the
madmen
might
return
to
their
senses
,
and
that
they
had
been
corrupted
by
Charmes
and
Drenches
;
That
they
being
cured
might
change
their
love
into
hatred
,
and
be
animated
against
them
who
had
put
them
into
that
Condition
.
Though
the
Spaniards
made
the
forementioned
reflections
,
they
failed
not
to
strike
upon
the
same
sands
,
and
to
repeat
their
faults
.
Th'
emperour
had
incredible
success
in
Germany
;
His
Conquests
forced
in
upon
him
like
a
Torrent
;
God
sent
him
Victories
like
those
of
the
Children
of
Israel
,
when
they
marched
under
the
Conduct
of
Moses
and
Joshua
,
and
it
was
no
more
a
Caesar
by
name
,
and
the
vain
Imagination
of
what
he
ought
to
be
,
but
he
had
the
power
and
the
majesty
.
His
Authority
gave
reputation
to
the
Spaniards
.
His
Armies
rendred
them
more
fearfull
than
they
were
,
and
they
saw
their
desires
crowned
with
the
taking
of
Breda
,
which
Spinola
boasted
to
have
taken
in
spight
of
four
Kings
,
and
th'
ayds
of
divers
Nations
in
League
:
After
that
nothing
was
thought
impossible
for
them
.
And
notwithstanding
instead
of
pursuing
the
great
progress
which
they
had
made
in
the
Low-Countties
,
and
to
follow
their
Fortune
which
marched
before
them
;
they
provoked
troubles
in
Italy
,
and
sharpned
the
spirits
of
divers
Princes
,
in
possessing
themselves
of
the
Valtoline
.
The
usurpation
of
that
passage
gave
occasion
to
make
a
league
for
to
make
it
free
,
and
the
War
was
carryed
into
Piedmont
,
whither
they
conveyed
great
forces
,
which
served
onely
to
make
th'
affront
more
eminent
,
which
they
received
before
Verrne
,
and
to
augment
the
shame
of
that
retreat
.
But
they
fell
not
alone
into
the
precipices
:
They
drew
in
the
Emperour
,
whose
name
they
made
use
of
to
vex
Monsieur
of
Mantouë
.
To
put
I
say
,
a
poor
Catholique
Prince
into
his
shirt
who
reverenced
him
;
they
compelled
him
to
agree
with
the
King
of
Denmark
,
and
to
make
a
dishonourable
peace
with
the
Protestant
Enemy
.
They
constrained
him
to
take
the
Law
of
the
Conquered
;
to
restore
him
his
Losses
,
and
to
let
loose
the
Chain
which
pressed
all
Germany
.
There
's
apparance
,
that
if
he
had
continued
the
designs
he
had
in
that
Country
,
and
those
in
Flanders
;
They
had
compleated
His
Happiness
;
At
least
they
had
avoided
the
disgraces
which
happened
unto
them
;
they
had
given
no
scandall
to
Christendom
.
Boldne
had
been
preserved
,
and
so
Catholique
a
City
had
not
entertained
Heresie
within
its
walls
,
nor
lamented
the
losse
of
th'
ancient
Religion
.
But
in
this
they
had
not
onely
men
for
Enemies
,
but
God
seemed
to
declare
,
and
to
make
War
against
them
;
And
as
he
suffered
heretofore
the
Philistins
to
take
th'
Ark
of
the
Covenant
,
and
with
it
the
fortune
of
th'
house
of
Israel
;
He
hath
also
permitted
that
the
wealth
of
the
new
world
should
pass
into
other
hands
then
theirs
:
That
their
Fleet
should
be
beaten
,
and
that
Heretiques
whom
they
name
Rebels
,
made
use
of
the
treasures
against
them
,
which
were
destined
for
th'
oppression
of
a
Prince
whom
they
took
for
their
Enemy
,
in
regard
that
he
was
not
their
subject
,
or
ought
not
to
be
their
Neighbour
without
depending
on
them
.
Yet
,
praised
be
God
,
we
have
been
wiser
;
for
what
the
King
had
undertaken
,
his
Constancy
was
never
tyred
,
and
He
Acted
not
by
halfs
,
nor
laboured
without
Effect
;
no
irregular
passion
could
make
diversion
upon
his
designes
:
He
finished
all
of
them
;
He
hath
dissipated
all
th'
ill
humours
of
the
State
;
He
hath
confounded
the
Rebellion
of
his
subjects
,
and
our
Allies
have
seen
all
the
powers
of
France
displayed
,
and
all
the
vertue
of
the
French
,
to
master
their
ill
fortune
,
and
draw
them
from
the
bottom
of
the
pit
.
In
that
miraculous
passage
over
the
Alpes
,
when
Italy
saw
her
deliverer
to
descend
;
and
that
Milan
durst
take
some
free
breath
;
and
Naples
think
of
a
gentler
Domination
,
who
would
not
have
believed
that
the
King
would
have
pursued
his
Victory
,
and
taken
in
Italy
a
Revenge
of
the
losses
of
his
Auncestors
?
And
neverthelesse
by
a
Councell
that
was
understood
a
few
persons
,
and
by
an
extraordinary
prudence
,
he
quirted
the
deceitfull
appearance
of
good
;
He
retired
from
Italy
,
and
contented
himselfe
for
that
time
to
stench
the
blood
of
it
,
and
bind
up
the
wound
,
for
to
finish
in
Langnedock
the
Cure
of
an
Evill
that
was
in
its
Crisis
,
and
which
a
greater
stay
might
have
made
incureable
;
But
of
that
we
will
make
,
God
aiding
,
hereafter
a
discourse
apart
,
The
Tenth
Discourse
.
That
Princes
do
approve
but
of
the
Services
they
Command
,
and
punish
oftentimes
them
that
are
done
against
their
Orders
.
LEt
a
Minister
of
State
know
that
he
doth
alwaies
ill
,
when
he
acts
against
th'
orders
are
given
him
.
That
in
the
State
,
good
intentions
are
not
warrantable
if
th'
effects
are
not
agreeable
to
the
Prince
:
That
the
works
of
supererogation
are
not
current
there
,
and
that
the
services
that
are
rendred
,
if
they
are
not
commanded
,
are
things
put
to
hazard
,
which
are
exposed
to
the
capricious
humour
of
a
person
interressed
,
and
shall
sometimes
be
condemned
by
him
,
who
would
be
sorry
if
they
were
not
done
,
who
drawes
profit
from
them
,
and
hereby
accommodates
his
affairs
;
so
true
it
is
,
that
reason
of
State
is
a
strange
thing
,
and
that
the
Condition
of
men
,
and
chiefly
of
publique
persons
is
unhappy
;
Th'
Examples
will
declare
better
then
discourse
which
is
to
be
observed
in
this
matter
.
The
Carthaginians
punished
with
death
the
Captains
that
had
gained
a
battel
without
advice
,
and
against
the
rules
of
War
;
nothing
is
read
answerable
to
the
jealousie
the
first
Romans
had
for
Command
.
They
could
not
give
a
good
countenance
to
the
successes
which
were
obtained
with
disobedience
.
And
there
were
Fathers
,
who
would
not
give
life
their
Children
,
that
were
victorious
in
Combats
that
had
been
forbidden
them
.
At
the
siege
of
Cambrey
,
or
of
Dourlans
,
the
Count
Fuentes
caused
the
head
of
a
master
of
the
Camp
to
be
cut
off
,
who
in
an
assault
advanced
further
then
he
was
commanded
,
and
took
a
post
of
very
great
Importance
.
And
though
the
profits
of
these
happy
faults
,
and
of
those
blind
successes
,
remain
to
the
Prince
and
Country
;
'T
is
certain
,
there
's
cause
for
their
punishment
to
hinder
th'
imitation
which
is
often
dangerous
;
And
for
th'
Evill
is
in
it
,
that
the
Judgement
of
a
superiour
should
be
sleighted
by
a
particular
person
,
and
his
Authority
violated
:
Amongst
us
,
these
Attempts
are
praised
when
they
prosper
,
and
they
are
not
punished
when
they
are
unfortunate
.
But
it
is
a
condition
inseparable
from
our
humour
,
and
an
effect
of
that
blindnesse
which
possesseth
almost
all
France
,
To
neglect
prudence
and
Order
,
and
to
have
an
esteem
onely
for
Impetuosities
,
and
to
Idolize
nothing
but
Courage
.
Observe
an
Example
very
remarkable
in
our
time
,
and
a
fault
of
another
nature
,
then
the
prudence
and
love
of
the
Country
would
have
advised
,
and
the
Prince
to
whom
it
was
of
Advantage
,
judged
it
worthy
of
punishment
.
At
the
peace
which
was
made
1617
,
by
the
Mediation
of
the
King
,
betwixt
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
and
the
Arch-Duke
Ferdinand
,
who
is
now
Emperour
;
The
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
The
Republique
of
Venice
employed
Octavian
Buon
as
their
extraordinary
Embassador
,
a
Gentleman
of
great
opinion
among
the
Citizens
,
to
manage
that
affair
with
the
Gussony
,
their
ordinary
Embassadour
near
the
King
.
The
Instruments
given
to
their
Embassadours
,
commanded
them
not
to
consent
to
any
Treaty
of
peace
,
but
on
condition
the
Galleres
,
which
had
been
taken
from
the
Venetians
at
Spalatre
,
by
the
Duke
of
Ossone
should
be
restored
,
and
that
that
blot
was
taken
out
from
th'
honour
of
the
Republique
:
They
had
also
Orders
,
though
not
so
formall
and
express
,
to
oppose
th'
union
that
was
in
forming
between
the
two
Crowns
,
to
give
joyntly
the
Law
to
Italy
,
and
to
the
rest
of
Europe
.
Neverthelesse
the
Spaniards
,
who
sayl
with
all
winds
,
and
raise
profit
out
of
all
occasions
,
put
a
great
value
upon
th'
Evidences
of
Esteem
and
Affection
,
they
made
out
to
the
King
,
in
submitting
to
him
so
great
differences
,
and
exposing
of
their
affairs
to
the
judgement
of
his
Agents
.
But
to
sell
this
honour
to
him
at
a
very
dear
rate
,
they
pressed
th'
union
whereof
I
have
spoken
;
Union
which
they
had
long
in
their
thoughts
,
and
had
sought
since
France
was
delivered
of
the
Spanish
Invasions
,
and
had
secured
her selfe
of
their
Ambushes
;
Union
to
which
they
aimed
with
the
same
heat
they
did
at
the
Monarchy
,
since
it
was
to
be
the
Bridge
to
passe
them
safely
,
and
the
necessary
principle
for
the
ruine
of
other
Christian
States
,
and
losse
of
their
liberties
.
Bentivoglio
Nonce
,
and
now
a
Cardinall
and
Protector
of
France
,
joyned
his
good
endeavours
to
those
of
the
Spanish
Embassadour
,
in
favour
of
that
so
much
desired
Union
and
fatall
Intelligence
.
However
if
that
design
fail
,
they
would
have
peace
,
not
being
able
any
longer
to
make
War
:
That
Gradisque
which
the
Venetians
besieged
,
was
upon
its
last
breath
;
That
the
Duke
of
Savoy
swollen
with
the
reliefe
was
come
to
him
from
France
was
powerfull
,
and
Don
Petro
of
Toledo
weak
,
and
his
Army
shattered
since
the
siege
of
Vercel
.
They
would
have
,
I
say
,
peace
,
but
after
their
manner
,
and
upon
a
vain
shadow
of
honour
which
they
believed
to
have
done
us
,
and
upon
a
light
smoak
of
difference
wherewith
they
thought
to
have
intoxicated
us
.
They
would
exempt
themselves
from
Evils
which
hung
over
their
heads
;
they
would
have
it
neverthelesse
with
vapouring
and
reputation
;
as
if
fortune
had
been
propitious
to
them
;
They
would
have
no
mention
made
of
it
in
the
Treaty
of
the
restitution
of
the
Ships
of
the
Republique
,
and
that
the
Ships
should
remain
with
them
as
Trophies
of
a
Victory
,
and
as
marks
of
Triumph
:
They
promise
to
deliver
them
to
the
King's
Officers
,
as
a
great
Bounty
which
should
be
exercised
for
love
of
them
,
and
to
oblige
France
;
They
would
not
also
that
any
expresse
or
particular
mention
should
be
made
of
Vercel
;
In
regard
,
it
was
more
convenient
,
say
they
,
for
the
greatnesse
and
dignity
of
their
Crown
,
to
deliver
up
that
place
without
Constraint
,
as
they
promised
to
do
,
than
by
a
Treaty
of
Accommodation
;
Our
Agents
induced
by
Causes
,
which
were
then
,
it
may
be
,
lawfull
,
and
which
would
not
be
indured
in
the
generosity
of
the
present
Government
,
engage
th'
Ambassadors
of
the
Republique
between
two
extreams
;
They
press
them
to
sign
the
peace
upon
the
foresaid
Conditions
,
or
threaten
them
with
th'
union
which
would
have
been
so
prenicious
to
Italy
.
A
strange
and
hard
necessity
to
which
they
were
reduced
;
They
desire
time
to
informe
the
Senate
,
and
to
receive
thereupon
their
pleasure
.
'T
is
refused
,
and
three
dayes
only
are
given
them
to
resolve
;
of
the
two
Evils
whereof
Election
was
to
be
made
,
they
chose
the
lesse
,
and
accept
of
a
shameful
peace
;
and
,
contrary
to
their
instructions
,
to
avoid
an
inconveniency
which
contained
an
Evill
,
they
had
order
to
fly
,
and
th'
other
Evills
they
had
cause
to
fear
,
which
were
comprehended
in
th'
union
:
They
offend
but
for
the
good
of
the
Republique
:
They
expose
their
heads
,
but
for
the
good
of
their
Country
:
They
would
perish
if
their
ruine
might
serve
their
Country
.
The
Senate
advised
of
what
their
Ambassadours
had
done
:
Condemn
their
proceedings
,
and
resolve
to
make
them
examples
of
their
Temerity
:
All
their
reasons
though
necessary
are
rejected
,
And
if
the
King
had
not
interposed
his
authority
for
the
safety
of
the
poor
men
,
they
had
run
the
hazard
of
being
exposed
to
that
Justice
of
State
which
attributes
so
much
to
Conformity
,
that
it
makes
no
distinction
betwixt
the
unhappy
and
the
guilty
,
and
that
seeks
ordinarily
th'
advancement
of
the
publique
good
in
the
ruine
of
particular
persons
.
Certainly
it
was
to
the
advantage
of
the
Republique
,
to
embrace
that
peace
,
as
it
did
,
and
to
take
it
as
a
medicine
,
to
cure
it selfe
of
a
greater
Evill
that
threatned
it
.
The
Republique
had
reason
also
to
seem
willing
to
preserve
her
Dignity
,
and
for
th'
interest
of
the
right
of
Nations
,
to
punish
her
Embassadours
that
dared
to
be
wiser
then
the
Republique
,
and
procure
her
good
against
her
Prohibition
.
These
are
onely
gentle
Notions
,
and
't
is
a
Conduct
that
ought
not
to
hurt
a
Minister
of
State
,
when
he
is
desavored
of
things
treated
upon
by
his
own
propensities
:
and
a
Prince
may
sometimes
lawfully
make
use
of
the
advantages
which
befall
him
upon
a
Treaty
he
disavoweth
,
without
being
obliged
to
repair
the
fault
which
another
Prince
hath
committed
by
his
facility
and
sottishness
.
And
it
would
not
be
thought
strange
,
since
that
as
well
in
the
Commerce
of
Princes
as
of
particular
persons
,
the
fortune
of
wise
men
is
ordinarily
made
at
th'
expence
of
fools
,
&
the
good
success
that
happens
,
proceeds
more
from
the
Defects
,
and
imprudence
of
them
with
whom
they
have
to
do
,
then
from
th'
industry
and
virtue
of
them
that
,
obtain
it
.
Behold
an
Example
which
happened
under
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
which
will
make
clear
what
hath
been
said
.
It
was
in
a
season
when
almost
all
Christendom
conspired
against
us
,
and
when
the
Assauls
of
almost
all
our
Neighbours
were
at
one
Time
to
be
resisted
;
The
most
dreadfull
Nation
of
that
time
was
without
doubt
,
that
of
the
Suisses
,
and
the
greatest
Enemy
to
this
Crown
.
They
entred
into
Burgundy
with
the
body
of
an
Army
,
and
in
great
Numbers
;
They
begin
suddenly
to
make
desolate
that
Province
:
They
made
dayly
progress
,
and
made
no
question
of
starving
Paris
,
and
to
force
Victory
to
its
very
Gates
.
The
King
sends
Tremoville
to
allay
this
Tempest
,
and
stop
this
impetuous
inundation
;
He
makes
haste
,
and
as
he
was
a
great
person
for
war
and
business
,
he
managed
the
spirit
of
the
people
with
so
much
dexterity
,
that
he
sends
them
home
to
their
Country
loaden
with
some
spoils
,
and
promises
he
made
them
,
and
hopes
he
had
given
them
.
Th'
Artifice
was
profitable
to
France
,
the
storm
that
threatned
it
was
diverted
,
and
the
stroak
we
could
not
have
put
back
by
violence
,
was
avoided
by
cunning
.
But
neververtheless
the
King
did
not
think
himselfe
obliged
to
performe
what
Tremoville
had
promised
without
his
Order
,
nor
to
be
warrant
for
th'
imprudency
of
the
Suisses
,
who
abandoned
their
present
Advantages
,
and
them
that
the
future
did
infallibly
promise
them
,
for
uncertain
promises
and
vain
Hopes
.
When
I
consider
the
noyse
which
the
Suisses
made
for
the
breach
of
that
Treaty
,
and
how
odious
and
new
that
.
Artifice
was
unto
them
:
when
I
consider
th'
Art
of
deceiving
,
which
since
hath
been
introduced
,
and
which
shews
it selfe
impudently
in
th'
affairs
of
Princes
:
when
I
consider
also
the
legality
used
by
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
in
th'
observation
of
the
League
at
Cambray
,
in
making
Conquests
for
Princes
that
were
not
friends
to
France
,
and
in
putting
them
into
their
hands
,
and
the
maintaining
of
them
unto
them
;
I
say
unto
my selfe
,
that
the
time
is
very
unfortunate
,
where
the
vices
of
our
Ancestors
are
become
our
virtues
;
where
in
stead
of
gaining
knowledge
,
an
Expedient
is
found
to
corrupt
the
Manners
of
men
with
reason
;
and
where
,
in
stead
of
studying
to
reconcile
Virtue
with
Interest
,
and
with
personall
love
,
men
have
so
shamefully
falsified
and
disquieted
in
such
sort
the
Resentments
of
Good
and
Evill
,
That
if
Religion
had
not
forbid
us
to
believe
it
,
we
should
be
of
Aristotles
judgement
,
who
doubts
in
some
places
;
whether
Virtues
are
good
by
nature
,
or
by
the
opinion
and
consent
of
men
.
It
must
not
be
forgot
that
there
are
Princes
who
would
that
their
Ministers
of
State
should
sometimes
be
cruell
and
forsworn
,
provided
that
it
were
done
without
their
knowledge
and
order
,
They
love
not
malice
,
but
seek
the
profit
that
may
thence
arise
,
and
are
of
the
humour
of
Pompeye's
Son
,
who
was
so
worthy
a
successor
of
the
virtue
of
so
great
a
Father
,
and
contested
with
Anthony
and
Augustus
th'
Empire
of
the
world
.
This
Pompey
entertaining
Anthony
and
Augustus
in
his
Galley
;
the
Captain
which
commanded
it
,
demanded
leave
of
him
to
weigh
th'
Anchor
,
and
to
carry
away
his
Guests
,
and
to
make
Prisoners
of
his
Rivalls
;
He
answered
him
,
that
he
ought
to
have
done
it
without
telling
him
of
it
,
and
should
have
made
him
great
without
making
him
forsworn
.
Certainly
an
honest
person
will
never
be
of
the
mind
of
this
Captain
.
He
will
serve
his
master
with
his
Estate
and
Goods
,
but
not
with
his
Honour
and
Conscience
.
The
Eleventh
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
ought
to
regulate
his
Demeanour
by
the
interest
of
the
State
,
and
of
his
Prince
;
Provided
that
he
offend
not
Justice
.
THat
a
Minister
of
State
is
to
conceive
,
that
the
soul
of
his
behaviour
,
and
the
first
manner
of
his
Actions
,
ought
to
be
the
good
of
the
State
,
and
interest
of
his
Prince
,
that
he
hath
no
other
Law
to
follow
,
nor
other
way
to
take
,
and
that
he
must
never
go
aside
;
provided
that
Justice
be
not
offended
,
which
is
an
inviolable
rule
,
and
admits
of
no
Exception
nor
Contradiction
.
Particular
persons
may
part
with
their
Rights
in
many
things
,
and
make
voluntary
losses
to
act
generous
Actions
;
In
that
they
exercise
onely
what
belongs
to
them
,
they
lose
nothing
but
whereof
they
are
Masters
and
Proprietaries
,
and
the
Damage
they
suffer
is
sufficiently
requited
by
the
glory
of
the
good
they
do
;
But
Princes
,
(
and
this
the
more
strongly
concerns
the
Ministers
of
State
)
instead
of
being
generous
in
forsaking
th'
interest
of
their
Countries
become
imprudent
;
and
they
are
unjust
if
they
prostitute
what
is
not
theirs
,
and
which
hath
been
put
into
their
hands
as
a
sacred
Deposite
,
by
the
people
who
have
stripped
themselves
of
it
.
And
since
their
first
obligation
is
to
prevent
their
unhappinesse
,
who
have
delivered
up
their
Liberties
unto
them
,
and
have
put
themselves
under
their
power
:
'T
is
certain
,
that
they
offend
their
Dignity
,
and
sin
against
what
they
are
,
who
suffer
the
loss
of
any
Right
of
State
,
or
of
the
diminution
of
any
member
;
and
that
the
subjects
may
oppose
it
with
Justice
,
and
dissent
without
Felony
;
According
to
this
Rule
which
is
well
grounded
,
the
State
of
France
had
reason
to
hinder
th'
Alienation
of
Burgundy
,
and
the
Assignment
of
that
Province
,
which
Francis
the
first
had
promised
for
the
price
of
his
Liberty
:
And
th'
Emperour
was
to
blame
to
refuse
money
in
lieu
of
it
,
and
to
require
of
Francis
,
that
being
unable
in
that
case
to
perform
the
Conditions
of
the
Treaty
,
or
overcome
the
resistance
of
his
subjects
;
He
ought
to
return
to
prison
,
which
was
,
said
he
,
the
least
he
could
do
:
since
in
all
Rigour
that
Obligation
had
no
force
,
but
in
the
not-observance
of
what
wholly
depended
upon
him
,
and
was
promised
fraudulently
,
and
with
intention
to
break
promise
.
That
,
if
it
be
permitted
to
a
particular
person
,
to
get
out
of
prison
when
he
finds
the
door
open
;
If
it
be
not
forbidden
to
a
person
in
Chaines
,
to
force
his
fetters
,
and
to
quit
his
misery
;
If
some
impressions
of
the
priviledges
of
nature
to
the
person
escaped
,
may
be
found
in
the
right
of
Nations
;
why
should
it
not
be
commendable
in
a
great
Prince
,
to
make
use
of
it
?
Why
should
it
be
forbidden
him
to
preserve
the
good
gained
upon
a
faithfull
account
,
in
repairing
,
by
what
is
in
his
power
,
what
he
could
not
execute
by
being
at
the
disposition
of
another
.
'T
is
upon
this
foundation
,
in
my
judgement
,
that
Princes
who
finding
in
their
States
some
Member
thereof
to
have
been
usurped
by
their
Predecessors
,
retain
it
in
conscience
,
after
the
possession
hath
been
long
peaceable
,
and
the
occupation
not
interrupted
nor
contested
.
For
in
this
,
't
is
the
Usuper
that
ought
to
answer
the
action
,
and
that
hath
been
obliged
to
repair
th'
injury
that
hath
been
committed
,
and
the
violence
that
hath
been
exercised
,
otherwise
truly
the
Conditions
of
all
Princes
were
miserable
;
They
could
never
be
assured
of
their
States
;
They
should
be
alwaies
in
quarrell
with
their
Neighbours
,
and
the
peace
of
the
world
should
be
altered
by
too
frequent
Changes
,
and
by
eternall
revolutions
.
It
is
nevertheless
true
,
that
although
the
retention
be
not
unjust
,
and
in
Conscience
be
defended
;
yet
that
hinders
not
the
just
pretensions
of
others
to
those
States
,
or
that
they
may
not
also
in
Conscience
pursue
the
recovery
of
them
by
Negotiation
or
by
Arms
;
Provided
neverthelesse
,
that
there
be
no
Treaty
nor
Agreement
equall
to
it
,
by
which
they
have
renounced
their
right
;
that
they
have
done
no
action
contrary
to
it
;
and
that
so
great
a
time
be
not
elapsed
,
that
the
place
be
held
by
a
formall
demission
of
the
right
,
and
embrace
the
universall
Consent
of
all
Nations
,
and
of
all
people
in
favour
of
the
possessor
.
So
the
King
may
lawfully
keep
Mess
,
Thou
,
and
Verdum
,
though
these
places
had
been
unjustly
taken
;
so
we
may
pretend
in
Conscience
to
the
Soveraignty
of
Flanders
,
and
to
the
States
of
Milan
,
Naples
,
and
Navarre
,
since
we
have
for
that
,
Pretences
well
grounded
,
and
undoubted
Titles
:
that
our
Claimes
have
alwaies
been
made
;
that
they
are
known
of
all
the
world
;
and
that
we
have
not
by
Treaty
nor
Action
,
destroyed
the
force
of
them
;
so
we
should
be
condemned
to
endeavour
the
recovery
of
the
losses
of
the
first
successors
to
Charlemaine
,
and
to
deter
those
quarrells
whereof
with
difficulty
History
hath
perserved
any
intire
impressions
,
or
any
light
that
were
not
troubled
.
That
if
Soveraigns
are
bound
up
with
so
great
rigour
and
hard
Chains
for
the
good
of
the
people
,
who
are
their
subjects
;
How
much
more
ought
the
Ministers
of
State
,
and
Agents
whom
they
imployed
to
be
bound
up
:
And
how
religious
ought
they
to
be
in
the
management
of
the
thing
that
concerns
so
many
persons
,
which
enlargeth
it selfe
upon
sacred
and
prophane
heads
,
and
where
th'
interest
of
God
mixeth
with
that
of
men
;
'T
is
not
to
be
understood
by
what
hath
been
said
,
that
I
would
banish
Liberality
and
Magnificences
from
the
life
of
Princes
,
and
from
the
condition
of
publique
persons
;
nor
that
I
would
cause
these
virtues
to
descend
below
the
Thrones
,
and
below
the
Purple
,
since
they
are
properly
there
,
onely
in
their
Glory
and
Dignity
;
and
that
Great
persons
have
no
other
advantage
of
mean
persons
that
are
honest
men
,
then
th'
ability
of
doing
good
,
which
others
have
onely
in
Will
and
Inclination
,
for
want
of
power
.
But
there
's
a
peculiar
art
in
conducting
of
these
Virtues
,
without
which
they
pass
easily
into
the
nature
of
the
Vice
that
is
nearest
to
them
;
and
resemble
Torrents
,
which
in
stead
of
refreshing
,
destroy
,
and
in
pressing
too
hard
the
course
of
their
waters
,
and
to
precipitate
their
fall
,
are
presently
dry
,
and
leave
nothing
behind
them
but
marks
of
desolation
,
and
impressions
of
ruine
.
But
thereof
I
shall
treat
in
another
place
;
Let
us
return
to
the
subject
from
whence
we
parted
,
and
give
the
King
th'
honour
,
that
no
Prince
ever
had
more
tender
or
lively
resentments
,
for
th'
interest
of
his
States
,
or
for
the
dignity
of
his
Kingdom
,
then
himselfe
.
There
's
nothing
so
hazardous
that
this
passion
did
not
cause
him
to
undertake
,
nor
nothing
so
difficult
that
it
hath
not
mastered
.
It
hath
made
him
change
th'
apparance
of
things
,
such
as
appeared
impossible
,
have
been
affected
;
and
th'
Evils
which
were
believed
desperate
,
have
found
their
remedies
and
Cure
.
He
had
no
rest
till
he
had
made
himselfe
master
of
all
his
Subjects
,
and
he
hath
constrained
them
to
be
faithful
,
who
knew
not
to
obey
so
long
as
they
could
defend
themselves
.
He
went
abroad
in
all
places
where
our
Interests
lay
:
The
relations
of
blood
concerned
him
not
so
much
as
those
of
his
Crown
:
All
other
Duty
hath
given
place
to
that
of
Regality
,
and
he
hath
the
content
to
have
rendred
unto
it
intirely
,
the
two
things
that
maintain
it
,
Reputation
and
Power
.
But
't
is
not
to
be
forgot
,
that
God
hath
raised
a
Person
to
second
his
great
and
just
inclinations
,
who
having
an
understanding
and
virtue
above
the
Ordinary
of
men
,
hath
imployed
all
his
wit
and
virtue
for
his
Masters
Greatness
and
Glory
;
He
laid
aside
the
consideration
of
a
particular
Capacity
,
so
soon
as
he
became
a
publique
person
;
nothing
could
divert
him
from
doing
his
Prince
good
service
:
He
feared
not
the
hatred
of
great
persons
,
nor
the
bitings
of
the
people
.
And
he
kept
his
way
and
pace
at
well
through
the
contradictions
and
resistance
was
made
him
,
as
through
th'
acclamations
received
,
and
the
prayers
given
him
.
Then
also
when
he
might
have
landed
after
a
glorious
Voyage
,
when
Envy
was
silent
,
and
reduced
to
observe
the
future
;
finding
nothing
in
his
past
Actions
for
reproof
,
but
for
Commendation
,
when
he
might
have
enjoyed
the
sweetnesse
of
that
Rest
which
attends
happy
troubles
,
and
honourable
labours
.
He
would
not
,
because
it
was
necessary
for
us
;
that
all
forraine
winds
were
not
laid
,
and
that
disturbances
were
busie
amongst
our
Neighbours
and
Allies
.
He
chose
rather
to
commit
a
full
and
entire
glory
,
as
his
was
,
to
the
hazards
of
the
future
alwayes
doubtfull
,
and
subject
to
revolutions
,
than
to
permit
his
Master
and
Country
to
desire
his
care
and
aid
;
And
that
which
is
most
admirable
,
is
,
that
his
love
so
necessary
,
and
duty
so
inviolable
,
have
sometimes
prevailed
with
him
to
suspend
resentments
which
troubled
him
nearer
then
his
personall
preservation
,
which
were
dearer
to
him
then
his
life
,
and
which
he
preferred
to
all
his
fortune
at
Court
,
and
to
all
the
greatness
of
the
world
.
In
pursuance
of
this
,
I
say
also
what
concerns
the
manners
of
particular
persons
and
their
Government
;
Charity
commands
us
to
lay
out
on
them
the
best
Colours
,
and
most
favourable
Interpretations
.
But
when
the
question
is
of
the
good
of
States
and
Interest
of
Princes
,
a
greater
severity
of
Judgement
must
be
used
.
All
appearances
of
Evill
must
be
attended
with
distrust
,
and
divers
expedients
must
be
used
to
avoid
surprises
,
and
to
secure
against
Ambushes
.
The
reason
is
,
that
't
is
not
permitted
to
commit
small
faults
in
such
great
and
general
matters
,
and
that
the
will
doth
not
engage
to
prepare
us
against
deceit
,
when
a
great
opinion
is
had
of
the
honesty
of
the
persons
that
are
to
be
treated
withall
.
But
if
precaution
be
at
any
time
necessary
,
and
if
there
be
need
at
any
time
of
preservatives
against
so
subtill
and
piercing
a
contagion
;
't
is
principally
in
that
season
,
when
Treachery
makes
a
part
of
politique
Prudence
,
and
where
the
simplicity
of
them
who
suffer
the
surprise
,
is
more
shamefull
then
the
perfidy
of
them
that
deceive
to
their
own
advantage
;
Add
th'
Artifices
that
are
imployed
to
disguise
it
,
and
the
subtilties
which
have
been
invented
to
represent
it
under
another
name
then
its
own
,
and
cause
it
to
pass
under
shews
contrary
to
its
nature
;
insomuch
that
though
it
be
alwaies
condemned
by
the
mouth
,
and
in
Coversations
,
I
doe
not
see
nevertheless
that
't
is
cast
out
of
the
commerce
of
Princes
,
and
use
of
affaires
,
but
by
th'
event
when
it
proves
fatall
;
let
us
conclude
then
,
that
in
these
occasions
diffidence
is
the
Mother
of
safety
;
and
not
to
be
deceived
,
preparation
must
be
made
as
if
it
were
to
be
expected
.
The
Twelfth
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
ought
endeavour
to
make
his
Deportments
more
Profitable
than
Eminent
.
THat
a
Minister
of
State
ought
to
be
a
stranger
to
th'
Apprehensions
of
the
vulgar
,
that
he
ought
not
to
be
subject
to
the
weakness
of
Low
spirits
,
nor
to
touch
upon
th'
objects
which
entertain
them
.
That
he
know
how
to
make
difference
betwixt
the
reality
and
apparance
of
things
;
betwixt
the
solidity
and
the
brightnesse
;
that
he
prefer
not
Glass
before
Gold
;
because
th'
one
is
more
shining
and
luminous
,
and
th'
other
more
dark
:
He
must
not
value
so
much
the
colours
of
the
Bow
in
heaven
,
which
are
but
a
beam
of
light
fixed
for
an
hour
in
some
drops
of
water
thickned
in
th'
air
,
as
the
firm
lasting
Colour
of
the
Ruby
,
Emerode
,
and
Opale
.
He
must
make
a
noble
expence
when
it
shall
be
necessary
,
and
be
splendid
on
important
occasions
,
and
appear
for
th'
honour
of
his
Master
;
He
must
not
neglect
th'
occasions
whose
principall
Quality
resides
in
Magnificency
:
As
the
Embassies
that
are
made
upon
the
coming
in
of
a
King
,
upon
the
Crowning
of
a
Pope
,
for
an
alliance
or
a
marriage
;
but
let
him
not
fall
sick
upon
such
expences
,
nor
be
transported
,
nor
make
it
the
greatest
Ornament
of
his
conduct
,
and
choysest
expression
of
his
life
,
nor
fix
his
greatness
upon
a
transitory
Pomp
,
nor
his
glory
upon
a
Magnificence
that
flyeth
away
;
and
above
all
to
beware
,
that
instead
of
being
magnificent
he
become
not
prodigall
;
for
as
Vice
cannot
be
made
beautifull
what
Ornaments
soever
are
put
upon
it
.
'T
is
certain
,
that
the
people
are
provoked
when
a
vain
ostentation
is
made
of
their
substance
,
and
a
triumph
of
their
sweats
and
pains
.
They
are
amazed
and
at
a
stand
;
but
in
the
same
manner
as
they
behold
the
pulling
down
of
Temples
,
and
th'
overflowings
of
Rivers
:
Wise
persons
are
troubled
,
when
the
principal
force
of
the
State
is
dissipated
,
the
security
of
peace
,
and
th'
instrument
of
War
,
which
is
Money
,
in
superfluous
expences
,
since
there
's
never
enough
for
the
necessary
occasions
.
The
things
which
I
have
said
,
are
chiefly
in
relation
to
the
people
,
which
astonish
and
ravish
them
,
at
the
instant
they
make
them
afraid
.
There
are
other
things
also
which
touch
upon
the
great
Spirits
,
and
transport
th'
highest
Courages
;
Such
are
th'
Arms
of
War
,
and
th'
objects
of
Valour
:
There
's
no
virtue
in
th'
opinion
of
the
greatest
part
of
men
more
in
esteem
than
this
,
and
no
matter
is
more
acceptable
for
Conversation
,
nor
any
Entertainment
more
bewitching
,
then
th'
effects
of
War
;
wherefore
Historians
shun
the
times
of
peace
and
dead
seasons
,
as
Mariners
do
the
gentle
seasons
and
calms
of
the
Sea
;
on
the
contrary
,
they
triumph
in
War
,
and
in
Tumults
;
the
Seditions
and
Insurrections
of
the
people
,
are
the
lights
of
their
writings
;
and
their
fairest
subjects
and
most
excellent
Arguments
,
are
raised
upon
the
Ruine
of
Empires
,
and
the
death
of
great
persons
;
wherefore
they
that
frequently
read
Tacitus
,
do
not
so
much
fix
upon
the
subtilties
and
deceits
of
State
,
whereof
his
Books
are
full
beyond
probability
;
at
upon
the
routing
of
the
Roman
Legions
;
upon
the
Revolts
of
Armies
against
their
Generalls
,
upon
th'
inundation
of
the
Sea
,
and
wrack
of
Fleets
;
Th'
Art
of
Tiberius
to
govern
,
is
not
read
with
so
much
pleasure
;
nor
the
Artifices
of
Sejanus
to
establish
himselfe
,
as
the
poysoning
of
Germanicus
,
or
the
violent
death
of
Seneca
;
The
dexterity
practised
by
Tiberius
,
in
the
name
of
Sejanus
,
is
not
so
earnestly
considered
,
and
the
subtil
and
captious
Letter
he
wrote
to
the
Senate
to
be
rid
of
him
,
and
whereof
he
was
an
Hearer
;
as
the
punishment
of
a
person
who
had
raised
his
Statues
to
the
side
of
his
Masters
,
and
th'
overthrow
of
that
Colossus
,
who
had
commanded
all
th'
Earth
.
'T
is
not
,
sayeth
Aristotle
,
that
Valour
is
the
first
of
all
Virtues
,
or
that
Justice
is
not
to
be
preferred
before
it
;
but
that
it
acts
with
more
boldness
then
other
Virtues
,
and
is
exercised
in
surmounting
of
dangers
,
and
in
despising
of
death
.
'T
is
reasonable
that
the
Recompence
that
is
due
to
it
from
abroad
,
be
the
greater
and
the
more
eminent
;
that
it
be
Crowned
with
Glory
,
and
they
that
give
their
Lives
to
the
service
of
their
Princes
,
and
to
the
good
of
their
Country
,
obtain
another
life
not
subject
to
perish
;
and
to
be
preferred
in
the
memory
of
men
,
and
to
flourish
alwaies
in
the
mouthes
of
the
Renowned
.
Though
these
things
here
do
raise
admiration
,
and
that
the
spirit
of
man
which
attends
naturally
actions
of
Eminency
,
layes
out
excessive
love
upon
them
,
though
a
Minister
of
State
ought
to
esteem
them
highly
,
and
honour
the
Conduct
when
it
shall
be
necessary
;
yet
he
ought
to
proceed
further
,
and
know
that
there
are
more
silent
and
concealed
operations
,
which
are
better
then
th
'others
,
because
they
are
more
usefull
for
the
publique
,
and
want
of
that
outward
recompence
;
Time
onely
discovers
them
,
in
regard
that
secrecy
is
their
principall
Condition
,
and
the
wise
onely
consider
them
according
to
their
merit
,
because
they
make
but
little
noyse
,
&
touch
not
upon
the
senses
which
make
up
the
reason
of
the
people
;
They
resemble
the
Rivers
,
which
running
gently
from
the
womb
of
their
Center
,
fill
the
fields
with
fruitfulness
,
and
Cities
with
abundance
;
or
the
motions
of
the
Heavens
,
whith
being
almost
undiscernable
,
turn
upon
the
Earth
the
power
of
the
Sun
,
and
the
wealth
of
the
Stars
.
To
foresee
th'
evills
which
may
befall
a
State
;
to
prepare
preservatives
to
hinder
their
growth
;
to
suppress
the
Causes
before
they
have
produced
their
Effects
,
are
things
very
little
considered
:
And
yet
a
greater
Obligation
is
due
to
a
Physitian
,
that
preserves
the
health
from
all
sorts
of
Alteration
,
than
to
him
that
restores
the
health
when
it
is
lost
;
A
greater
Debt
is
due
to
him
that
hinders
a
person
from
falling
,
then
to
him
that
draws
him
from
a
precipice
;
And
't
is
a
better
and
more
difficult
thing
to
preserve
a
State
,
then
to
Conquer
it
:
The
preservation
of
the
Creatures
is
as
noble
and
excellent
a
work
of
God's
,
as
their
Creation
.
They
are
both
of
the
same
price
,
and
th'
one
is
but
the
continuation
of
th'
other
.
But
it
is
not
the
same
in
Conquests
and
preservation
of
States
;
The
first
are
not
gained
but
by
pieces
;
one
Province
is
added
to
another
,
and
there
's
need
of
severall
Ages
,
and
of
great
Revolutions
of
things
,
before
a
Monarchy
can
attain
the
Greatness
that
composeth
it
.
But
the
second
takes
notice
of
the
whole
frame
of
an
Empire
,
no
part
is
exempted
,
and
the
pieces
which
have
been
made
one
after
another
,
ought
to
move
together
as
in
a
Watch
,
and
to
point
out
th'
hours
.
The
glory
of
Conquests
is
derived
from
many
Causes
,
many
Persons
contribute
to
it
;
Fortune
interposeth
as
well
as
Virtue
;
and
the
faults
committed
by
Enemies
,
do
advance
them
as
much
as
the
Conduct
of
the
persons
that
obtain
them
.
But
the
conservation
,
is
th'
effect
of
a
single
person
,
or
the
work
of
a
few
persons
:
Imprudency
enters
not
there
but
to
destroy
,
and
confound
,
and
the
door
of
Hazard
,
and
so
all
th'
Avenues
of
Fortune
,
is
as
strongly
shut
as
it
can
be
locked
.
It
Conquests
,
force
mingles
with
prudence
,
and
the
Body
acts
with
th'
understanding
;
but
in
Conservation
,
Reason
onely
is
employed
,
and
Wisdom
the
noblest
of
her
habits
.
In
a
word
,
great
Princes
have
found
the
last
of
these
things
more
difficult
then
the
first
;
Augustus
endured
much
labour
before
he
could
confirm
the
Empire
his
Uncle
left
him
,
and
it
was
not
done
without
changing
the
face
of
the
world
,
and
without
seeing
all
Nations
armed
against
one
another
;
That
he
reunited
the
body
that
was
divided
into
three
pieces
.
But
he
was
so
much
troubled
to
maintain
that
Composition
,
and
to
govern
that
Frame
when
he
became
absolute
,
that
he
had
it
in
deliberation
amongst
his
friends
,
whether
he
ought
to
strip
himselfe
of
so
weighty
a
greatness
,
or
bear
it
with
the
inseparable
Cares
and
Thorns
that
are
fastned
unto
it
;
Some
have
been
found
,
who
having
tryed
the
weight
,
and
rusted
the
bitterness
,
have
chosen
rather
to
abandon
it
,
&
cast
themselve
upon
the
quiet
of
a
private
life
,
then
alwaies
to
be
encumbred
with
a
multitude
of
Persons
and
croud
of
Businesse
.
There
are
some
who
have
given
the
lie
to
that
common
opinion
which
Ambition
hath
invented
,
That
an
Empire
can
no
more
receive
a
Companion
,
than
the
World
two
Sunt
,
and
have
permitted
others
to
share
with
them
in
a
thing
so
full
of
jealousie
as
Commands
,
and
so
incommunicable
as
Soveraignty
.
The
Conduct
of
Tiberius
for
peace
hath
not
been
lesse
admired
,
nor
th'
Artifices
he
used
in
his
Age
,
lesse
exactly
observed
by
the
Historians
,
then
the
Wars
he
made
in
his
youth
,
and
th'
evidences
of
Valour
which
he
gave
in
his
most
flourishing
time
.
The
life
of
one
of
our
Kings
Which
deserved
the
Sirname
of
Wise
,
is
not
less
considerable
then
the
lifes
of
them
who
have
carried
the
Titles
of
Conquerors
;
and
a
Prince
our
Neighbour
,
hath
given
him
this
praise
,
that
no
King
ever
raised
fewer
Armies
,
and
that
no
person
ever
gave
him
so
much
disturbance
.
The
Difficulties
wherewith
he
was
assaulted
both
within
and
without
;
th'
Artifices
he
was
constrained
to
resist
;
the
Conspiracies
from
which
he
was
to
be
secured
,
and
th'
Enterprises
of
strangers
,
which
he
made
uselesse
by
his
prudence
,
delivered
him
to
posterity
,
worthy
of
a
Title
which
hath
been
given
to
meaner
persons
,
as
that
of
the
Great
.
Few
Princes
had
greater
Affairs
in
hand
then
Lewis
the
eleventh
,
or
more
Enemies
;
His
principal
Officers
betrayed
him
;
the
Princes
of
the
blood
forsook
him
;
He
saw
England
,
Burgundy
,
Flanders
and
Bretany
,
in
confederacy
for
his
Ruine
,
and
yet
his
dexterity
surmounted
those
difficulties
;
He
overcame
his
Enemies
without
conducting
of
Armies
,
or
giving
of
Battails
,
and
without
making
much
noyse
of
eminent
Attempts
;
He
defeated
all
that
was
raised
to
destroy
him
;
but
never
person
was
more
to
be
feared
in
the
Cabinet
,
nor
had
done
greater
things
abroad
,
without
stirring
from
home
,
then
Philip
the
second
.
From
th'
Escuriall
where
he
had
shut
up
himselfe
;
He
governed
two
Worlds
,
with
three
fingers
of
Paper
.
He
was
also
as
absolute
in
Peru
,
as
in
the
Kingdom
of
Castile
;
with
three
words
he
changed
the
Governours
,
and
deposed
the
Magistrates
in
America
,
and
in
Japan
;
And
't
is
certain
that
never
Prince
was
lesse
seen
of
his
subjects
,
nor
more
respected
by
them
than
he
was
.
According
to
what
hath
been
said
,
't
is
not
possible
to
suppose
a
more
eaven
Conduct
,
or
more
intelligent
then
that
of
of
Sr.
the
Cardinal
's
.
He
never
offends
against
the
conveniencie
of
things
,
and
his
Intelligence
is
so
pure
,
and
Reason
so
cleare
,
that
he
assigns
them
alwaies
their
just
price
and
place
;
He
is
magnificent
,
and
spends
with
Eminency
;
not
that
he
hath
no
esteem
naturally
for
wealth
,
or
hath
never
adored
th'
Idoll
of
the
Court
,
and
the
mean
favours
of
Fortune
;
but
because
prudence
hath
so
ordained
it
,
and
that
his
Occasions
and
Dignity
require
it
.
He
makes
not
nevertheless
that
glorious
dispensation
,
and
high
use
of
Riches
,
which
is
but
for
shew
,
and
th'
exterior
;
the
Basis
of
his
honour
,
or
foundation
of
his
glory
.
He
knows
that
all
prodigalls
have
more
desire
to
spend
then
himselfe
,
and
that
publique
Robbers
have
sometimes
been
seen
in
great
States
,
who
have
had
more
power
.
But
for
th'
other
Imployment
,
which
is
the
love
of
great
Courages
,
which
is
th'
Ornament
of
th'
Annales
,
and
Histories
,
and
which
hath
made
the
greatest
part
of
the
Gods
,
th'
Ancients
have
adored
;
It
hath
occasioned
in
him
a
great
contest
of
body
and
mind
,
and
he
hath
not
forgot
the
thing
might
make
him
to
prosper
in
it
.
'T
is
true
,
that
he
was
furnished
with
the
principles
which
accompany
a
noble
blood
,
and
an
Illustrious
Birth
:
'T
is
true
,
that
his
Reason
,
and
the
lights
of
his
Understanding
,
have
compleated
that
Disposition
for
all
sorts
of
Good
,
which
nature
hath
infused
into
him
;
notwithstanding
it
must
be
avowed
that
he
followed
such
a
profession
of
life
,
as
had
restrained
those
generous
Inclinations
,
and
hindred
the
seeds
to
grow
;
If
they
had
not
been
raised
up
by
his
love
to
the
King
,
and
to
the
necessities
of
his
Country
.
But
he
loved
his
Master
too
well
,
to
stay
in
the
Calm
whilst
he
was
in
the
storm
;
and
he
was
too
sensible
of
th'
evills
of
France
,
to
give
onely
his
Counsells
for
its
reliefe
,
and
to
suffer
the
Remedies
to
be
applyed
by
other
hands
than
his
.
The
things
which
have
been
done
in
the
Wars
,
where
he
was
present
,
are
incredible
,
and
prosperity
will
be
puszled
to
believe
the
wonders
which
happened
in
our
time
.
But
it
must
be
confessed
also
,
that
in
these
Occasions
he
did
not
onely
contribute
his
Courage
,
and
the
force
of
his
soul
,
but
blended
also
that
secret
Art
and
insensible
Address
,
which
is
the
highest
degree
of
Civill
science
,
and
the
perfection
of
Ministration
.
And
as
th'
encounter
of
two
Stars
of
different
qualities
,
produceth
here
below
effects
which
would
not
happen
without
that
mixture
,
and
confusion
of
Virtues
;
'T
is
certain
also
,
that
th'
Industry
which
Sr.
the
Cardinall
added
to
the
Power
,
hath
advanced
the
Kings
Victories
,
and
made
them
easie
.
It
mollified
th'
hearts
which
could
not
have
been
broken
but
with
great
difficulty
;
It
opened
the
Gates
of
Cities
,
where
it
had
been
dangerous
to
have
entred
by
Breaches
;
it
spared
blood
that
was
not
to
be
despised
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
lifes
which
have
not
been
unprofitable
to
the
State
.
What
hath
not
this
Art
done
in
the
midst
of
peace
,
and
in
the
quiet
of
affairs
?
how
many
designs
,
which
had
been
fatall
to
France
,
have
been
stifled
in
their
Conception
?
How
many
storms
diverted
at
the
very
instant
that
the
matter
began
to
gather
?
and
how
many
ill
affections
have
remained
barren
for
having
been
prevented
?
And
abroad
and
amongst
our
Neighbours
,
hath
not
the
same
Art
made
discovery
of
its
virtue
and
influence
?
It
hath
disappointed
the
subtilties
of
Italy
,
from
doing
of
us
any
harm
;
That
th'
Artifices
of
Spain
have
not
surprised
us
,
and
that
we
have
surmounted
the
prudence
of
strangers
as
well
as
their
forces
.
That
Prince
beyond
the
Mountains
that
lived
so
many
yeares
,
and
raigned
so
long
time
,
who
alwaies
repaired
his
weaknesse
with
his
Crafts
and
his
Courage
;
and
deceived
Fortune
so
often
,
that
had
made
it
her
design
to
destroy
him
;
had
the
displeasure
to
see
his
Charmes
defeated
,
his
Finesses
discovered
;
and
all
that
inverted
upon
him
,
which
an
experience
of
above
fifty
years
,
and
the
vivacity
of
his
spirit
,
had
furnished
him
with
,
of
inventions
to
hurt
us
;
The
Spaniards
,
who
have
alwaies
such
plenty
of
means
to
attain
their
Ends
,
who
set
such
subtill
and
invisible
Twigs
to
catch
other
Nations
,
and
have
often
finished
in
their
Treaties
the
designs
began
in
their
Wars
,
were
amazed
to
find
a
person
so
subtil
as
themselves
;
And
,
as
the
covetous
persons
believe
they
have
lost
all
they
do
not
gain
,
the
Spaniards
have
complained
that
they
were
deceived
,
when
they
saw
that
we
knew
how
to
hinder
their
deceit
.
The
Thirteenth
Discourse
.
That
't
is
of
Importance
that
a
Minister
of
State
be
Learned
.
SInce
this
elose
Art
,
whereof
we
have
now
spoken
,
is
so
profitable
for
States
,
and
gives
sometimes
such
extraordinary
stroaks
;
since
its
hidden
influences
are
so
powerfull
;
since
that
its
secret
virtue
is
so
active
:
Le
ts
see
a
little
from
what
spring
is
runs
,
and
with
what
forces
't
is
accompanied
.
There
's
no
question
,
but
for
this
as
for
all
great
Actions
,
the
birth
must
be
happy
;
Th'
aspects
of
the
Stars
must
be
favourable
,
and
Nature
propitious
to
us
,
otherwise
't
is
to
labour
in
vain
.
If
it
be
contrary
to
us
,
't
is
to
build
without
a
foundation
,
't
is
to
sow
seeds
on
the
Rocks
;
or
,
at
best
,
't
is
to
row
against
the
stream
of
a
rapid
River
.
When
Nature
and
Birth
have
distributed
their
Gifts
and
Advantages
,
there
are
two
things
which
help
to
gain
this
Art
,
and
to
forme
it
,
Learning
and
Experience
.
We
have
treated
thereof
in
the
first
Discourse
of
this
Book
.
But
in
regard
the
first
of
them
is
ordinarily
too
little
esteemed
by
them
who
make
no
use
of
it
,
but
as
an
unprofitable
moveable
,
and
superfluous
Ornament
.
And
that
't
is
sometimes
too
much
neglected
by
them
,
who
have
great
Obligations
upon
them
to
be
furnished
with
it
.
Who
have
no
motions
but
what
are
accompanied
with
publique
Interest
;
no
passions
but
such
as
are
fatall
to
a
State
,
and
whose
faults
resemble
the
irregularities
of
the
Sun
which
confound
th'
Harmony
of
the
World
,
and
make
a
totall
change
in
Nature
:
It
may
not
be
superfluous
,
besides
what
hath
been
said
in
other
places
,
to
raise
it
here
a
little
,
and
to
withdraw
it
from
the
disdain
which
some
would
throw
upon
it
.
The
aneient
Romans
,
whose
least
praise
is
,
that
they
have
not
been
imitated
by
any
other
Nation
.
They
who
were
ordained
to
Govern
the
Common-wealth
,
that
commanded
all
the
world
;
They
who
had
Commission
to
lead
Armies
,
and
subdue
free
people
,
became
hearers
of
the
Rhetoricians
,
and
Disciples
of
the
Philosophers
:
And
though
in
the
first
Times
,
and
golden
Age
of
that
Republique
,
the
study
of
Sciences
was
not
known
,
and
that
the
persons
of
that
time
were
instructed
onely
by
Nature
,
and
had
no
other
Precepts
to
live
well
and
to
well
,
but
th'
Examples
of
their
predecessors
and
fellow
Citizens
.
Though
old
Cato
who
deserved
all
the
praise
of
a
person
born
for
the
good
of
others
;
who
in
his
Country
gained
all
th'
honours
of
Peace
and
War
;
who
raised
the
question
,
whether
he
was
a
better
Citizen
or
greater
Captain
,
seems
to
have
been
an
Enemy
to
men
of
Letters
;
The
Judgement
neverthelesse
of
a
single
person
,
nor
the
Consent
of
a
few
Ages
,
are
not
even
infallible
,
nor
the
soveraign
Rule
of
the
truth
of
things
.
'T
is
true
,
that
there
are
Sciences
so
superfluous
,
and
occupations
of
the
Understanding
so
frivolous
,
that
the
losse
of
time
is
the
least
Evill
committed
by
them
that
make
their
Address
;
which
do
not
onely
puszle
but
corrupt
;
which
divert
from
Action
dissipate
the
powers
of
the
soul
;
fill
it
with
effeminate
Habits
,
and
make
a
man
sometimes
unable
to
serve
the
publique
,
or
to
be
usefull
to
himselfe
.
And
such
were
the
Sciences
from
which
no
doubt
Cath
endeavoured
to
divert
the
Romane
youth
.
But
as
for
other
Sciences
that
form
th'
understanding
and
refine
Prudence
;
which
rectifie
Manners
,
and
regulate
the
Duties
of
life
;
that
fortifie
Courage
,
and
kindle
the
desires
of
Glory
;
He
could
never
have
consented
,
as
I
conceive
,
to
the
banishment
of
them
from
Rome
,
if
they
had
been
there
taught
,
he
would
not
have
driven
away
the
Socratians
,
the
Platonists
,
th'
Aristotelians
,
and
th'
other
Masters
of
human
kind
,
as
he
did
the
Greek
Orators
;
He
would
have
known
that
from
their
Schools
,
did
issue
th'
Epimanendas's
,
the
Xenophons
,
and
th'
Alexanders
;
He
had
known
that
the
Republiques
called
for
them
in
Order
to
reformation
,
and
that
Tyrants
sent
for
them
to
secure
their
Dominion
,
and
to
make
lawfull
the
countenance
of
a
power
whose
beginning
was
unjust
.
That
if
Ages
sometimes
have
produced
great
persons
for
Peace
and
War
,
who
became
such
without
th'
ayd
of
Sciences
,
and
the
lights
of
Philosophy
;
If
the
Gothes
could
not
endure
in
their
Country
th'
exercise
of
Learning
.
If
some
Pagan
Emperours
have
judged
it
for
the
best
Expedient
to
take
away
the
hearts
from
Christians
,
to
leave
them
that
sullen
contemplation
,
and
that
languishing
Entertainment
;
And
if
Lewis
the
Eleventh
would
not
suffer
his
Son
to
learn
above
five
or
six
Latine
words
,
which
he
believed
to
include
the
whole
secret
of
Government
,
and
to
comprehend
all
the
substance
of
that
Art
.
As
to
the
first
,
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
they
were
the
strains
of
Nature
which
fortune
favours
;
that
they
were
persons
of
very
good
common
sense
,
and
of
very
high
Courage
,
and
compleated
by
th'
use
of
Affairs
,
and
managment
of
Wars
which
they
governed
:
Such
have
been
the
Marians
,
the
Tamberlaines
,
and
the
first
Romanes
whereof
we
have
above
spoken
.
But
it
must
be
also
acknowledged
,
that
if
study
had
been
added
to
the
rich
gifts
of
Nature
,
and
if
Philosophy
had
cleared
their
understandings
,
that
their
valour
had
been
fairer
,
and
their
glory
more
eminent
;
That
it
had
not
been
stained
with
so
many
faults
as
it
was
,
and
that
their
valour
so
high
and
happy
in
their
Youth
,
for
being
rooted
in
the
body
,
had
nor
failed
,
nor
departed
in
Age
,
as
it
hapned
to
some
of
them
.
That
if
th'
health
of
the
Common-wealth
changed
,
when
Sciences
flourished
much
at
Rome
,
and
if
it
fell
in
a
time
when
its
Captains
were
Philosophers
;
Philosophy
for
that
Cause
must
not
be
charged
with
it
.
You
must
not
condemn
th'
innocent
,
nor
believe
that
she
who
laboured
to
moderate
the
passions
,
and
to
purge
the
soul
of
its
blots
and
weakness
,
did
infuse
that
violent
Disire
to
raign
,
and
that
immoderate
Ambition
,
which
could
not
be
restrained
,
neither
by
the
inclinations
of
blood
,
nor
by
the
love
of
their
Country
.
This
great
disorder
then
proceeded
from
the
temper
of
certain
spirits
,
who
after
they
had
a
long
time
commanded
in
those
Provinces
,
and
given
Lawes
to
the
people
,
could
not
reduce
themselves
to
equality
,
and
civill
obedience
,
nor
suffer
Companions
and
Masters
.
Moreover
that
whilst
the
Romans
were
imployed
,
and
that
stranger
Enemies
exercised
them
at
home
,
they
thought
onely
of
subduing
or
defending
themselves
.
But
since
all
the
world
yeelded
to
their
Virtue
,
or
submitted
to
their
Power
;
that
with
the
Conquest
of
the
World
,
the
wealth
of
all
Nations
was
brought
to
Rome
:
That
great
persons
made
many
servants
and
parties
in
the
midst
of
the
City
,
and
in
the
Provinces
:
That
Prodigality
and
Luxury
had
devoured
the
best
Families
,
and
that
the
change
of
state
had
given
hopes
of
the
change
of
fortune
to
them
,
who
could
not
be
worse
then
in
their
present
Condition
;
no
wonder
at
the
disorders
that
hapned
.
It
must
not
be
thought
strange
if
Factions
were
raised
where
Ambition
was
so
hot
:
if
Novelty
was
desired
,
where
there
was
so
much
Poverty
,
and
so
much
Wealth
:
and
if
the
Ruine
of
one
of
the
parties
was
attended
with
the
ruine
of
the
State
,
where
the
power
that
was
shared
became
absolute
by
victory
.
As
to
the
second
,
it
may
be
agreed
,
that
for
the
simple
function
of
Souldiers
,
't
is
not
of
importance
that
they
be
furnished
with
knowledge
and
Learning
.
And
't
is
true
,
that
those
Qualities
which
ordinarily
swell
up
th'
understanding
and
make
it
overflow
;
weaken
obedience
which
is
so
necessary
for
them
,
and
render
them
lesse
tractable
for
commands
;
chiefly
if
they
have
not
a
great
opinion
of
their
Commanders
;
which
they
have
but
seldom
,
because
they
have
too
much
for
themselves
.
Besides
that
presumption
which
ariseth
to
them
from
the
small
advantages
which
Letters
give
them
above
others
that
have
them
not
;
causeth
,
them
not
to
expose
themselves
willingly
but
upon
th'
eminent
occasions
,
and
that
they
scorn
to
apply
themselves
to
mean
and
small
Factions
,
which
are
often
a
great
occasion
for
great
Executions
,
and
to
obtain
the
Victory
.
Wherefore
Lodowith
Sforza
,
who
by
his
Ambition
overthrew
the
peace
of
Italy
,
and
opened
the
door
to
Strangers
,
who
have
since
subdued
it
,
said
,
That
a
great
Wit
made
an
ill
Condition
in
a
Souldier
,
and
that
he
received
not
easily
into
his
service
them
who
were
proud
of
it
:
'T
is
true
also
,
that
it
infinitely
concerns
States
that
are
obliged
to
entertain
great
Armies
,
and
are
jealous
of
the
Reputation
of
Commerce
,
without
which
they
become
poor
,
and
the
Revenue
of
the
Prince
decayes
;
That
there
be
not
so
great
a
number
of
Scholers
,
as
are
seen
in
France
;
That
irregular
number
of
men
who
cast
themselves
into
the
Church
,
ir
into
th'
exercise
of
Justice
,
is
the
cause
that
such
formidable
Armies
,
as
heretofore
cannot
be
raised
,
and
that
many
who
would
make
good
Merchants
,
and
their
Families
to
flourish
,
if
they
had
been
bred
in
Trade
,
ruine
or
incommodate
them
,
by
becomming
ill
Doctors
,
and
dangerous
or
unprofitable
Members
of
the
Court
of
Justice
.
For
what
concernes
Lewis
th'
Eleventh
,
it
must
not
be
understood
that
his
opinion
comprehends
all
the
duty
of
a
Prince
,
and
all
the
knowledge
of
Government
it
makes
but
a
little
and
dangerous
party
,
and
that
there
are
nobler
Maximes
for
Raigning
,
and
more
exalted
Principles
,
than
dissimulation
.
And
truly
the
seeds
of
good
which
were
in
his
Son
,
remained
imperfect
for
want
of
improvement
.
His
Courage
that
was
high
,
wanted
Rule
and
Conduct
,
and
his
Understanding
had
not
force
enough
to
resist
the
Corruption
of
them
,
that
had
invironed
him
,
and
the
designs
of
his
Ministers
of
State
,
who
ruined
his
businesse
to
doe
their
own
.
The
Fourteenth
Discourse
.
That
't
is
of
importance
that
a
Minister
of
State
be
Eloquent
.
YOu
have
what
I
would
say
in
defence
of
Letters
,
which
help
to
forme
th'
Art
of
a
Minister
of
State
,
and
sometimes
serve
for
a
Guid
,
and
Torch
,
to
them
who
are
to
walk
ofton
in
the
dark
,
and
amongst
Precipices
.
It
remaines
now
to
speak
a
word
of
Eloquence
,
which
is
as
th'
hand
of
that
Art
and
Instrument
wherewith
it
enters
the
hearts
,
stirs
up
the
passions
,
gives
to
things
the
form
she
pleaseth
,
and
renders
her selfe
Mistress
of
Men
and
Businesses
.
'T
is
a
quality
of
an
incomparable
perfection
which
requires
all
the
favours
Nature
can
bestow
upon
a
Body
and
Wit
:
All
the
polishings
that
Labour
and
Industry
can
bring
unto
it
,
and
all
that
good
Custome
and
Experience
can
adde
unto
it
.
'T
is
so
full
also
of
Glory
,
that
't
is
never
exposed
to
Disdains
,
as
sometimes
the
Sciences
are
.
She
makes
her selfe
to
be
feared
,
if
not
to
be
beloved
;
she
hath
Lightnings
as
well
as
Crowns
.
She
raigns
in
all
places
,
and
to
that
height
,
that
she
undertakes
to
change
the
order
of
Providence
,
and
to
take
away
the
use
of
Liberty
from
the
Causes
,
to
which
God
had
given
it
.
This
Quality
then
which
cannot
be
perfect
,
nor
in
its
true
Dignity
without
Virtue
and
Philosophy
,
is
worthy
of
the
Cares
of
a
Minister
of
State
.
It
wonderfully
adornes
Peace
,
and
is
of
great
service
in
time
of
War
.
'T
is
by
her
power
that
th'
Ancient
Orators
protected
the
Innocency
of
particular
persons
,
and
defended
oppressed
Provinces
.
'T
is
by
her
force
,
that
the
fall
of
States
hath
been
sometimes
prevented
;
and
fatall
Conspiracies
dissipated
.
'T
is
by
her
,
that
Cicero
merited
honours
,
which
he
preferred
to
the
Triumph
of
Conquerors
.
And
by
her
,
he
pretends
to
have
place
amongst
the
Founders
and
Restorers
of
the
first
Common-wealth
of
the
world
.
'T
is
she
that
hath
often
secured
the
Victories
that
were
doubtfull
;
that
hath
given
courage
to
the
Souldiers
that
had
lost
it
;
that
struck
fire
and
boldnesse
into
the
souls
of
them
who
compelled
Fortune
to
favour
them
,
and
that
would
die
or
overcome
.
And
without
speaking
of
Xenophon
,
of
Caesar
,
and
of
the
greatest
Captains
of
Antiquity
;
who
have
gained
in
the
Modern
Ages
a
higher
and
clearer
Reputation
than
Scander-beg
than
the
great
Captain
,
and
than
Gaston
of
Foix
?
And
is
it
not
true
that
these
three
great
persons
have
alwaies
begun
to
prepare
the
Victory
by
Discourse
,
and
by
perswasion
,
which
after
they
compleated
by
Conduct
and
Valour
,
In
effect
,
it
is
no
small
favour
which
God
hath
done
to
the
reasonable
soul
,
by
giving
it
power
to
communicate
its
thoughts
,
and
to
bring
to
light
its
affections
;
And
Speech
is
a
present
of
an
extraordinary
price
,
wherewith
she
may
distribute
part
of
her
excellencies
:
She
can
give
without
losse
,
and
make
rich
without
becoming
poor
;
she
can
see
the
Treasures
abroad
she
hath
within
her selfe
,
the
Lights
that
beautifie
her
,
and
those
admirable
Representations
whereof
she
is
at
the
same
time
the
Painter
and
the
Table
:
And
't
is
for
that
chiefly
,
that
she
hath
received
so
exquisite
a
Guift
:
For
in
relation
onely
to
the
Body
,
and
the
single
necessities
of
th'
animall
life
,
'T
is
probable
that
Nature
would
have
given
it
certain
signs
,
and
some
exterior
Motions
to
express
them
,
as
it
hath
done
to
Beasts
and
little
Children
.
But
as
health
of
it selfe
is
a
silent
good
,
and
is
scarce
felt
,
if
pleasure
do
not
animate
it
,
and
delight
give
it
life
;
so
the
Dignity
of
Speech
is
unknown
,
if
it
be
not
accompanied
with
Graces
,
and
expressed
with
Pomp.
It
seems
that
Reason
scorns
to
go
abroad
unless
she
be
adorned
;
that
she
hath
no
force
without
allurements
;
and
effects
Complaisancy
,
that
she
may
be
useful
:
And
't
is
Eloquence
,
and
that
divine
faculty
whereof
we
speak
,
which
fits
and
trims
Reason
to
so
high
an
Admiration
;
'T
is
she
that
doth
furnish
her
with
Flowers
and
Ornaments
;
'T
is
she
that
causeth
Reason
not
onely
to
bring
Light
to
be
understood
,
but
also
stirs
up
Love
to
be
followed
.
I
will
not
speak
here
of
the
knowledge
of
Sr.
the
Cardinal
,
nor
of
the
wonder
,
that
laying
out
so
much
time
for
Action
and
Directions
for
publique
Affairs
,
there
should
remain
to
him
any
time
for
his
study
,
and
for
to
gain
that
generall
knowledge
he
hath
of
all
good
things
.
It
were
also
to
be
ignorant
of
his
strength
and
dignity
of
his
subject
To
speak
of
his
Eloquence
,
it
were
to
seek
light
from
the
Sun
,
to
undertake
the
publishing
of
that
Divine
Faculty
which
is
every
day
admired
in
Councills
:
which
hath
so
eminently
appeared
in
Assemblies
,
done
so
great
services
to
France
,
and
hath
so
often
by
his
Mouth
and
Pen
made
the
Christian
truths
to
Triumph
.
'T
is
such
,
and
his
soul
is
so
strangely
imbued
,
that
as
there
are
places
in
the
world
,
from
whence
nothing
is
taken
,
but
what
is
perfumed
and
odoriferous
;
In
liker
manner
,
even
the
most
familiar
Discourses
,
and
ordinary
Entertainments
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
,
hold
forth
some
Tincture
,
and
give
some
taste
of
the
virtue
fo
that
excellent
quality
.
The
Fifteenth
Discourse
.
That
the
Councill
of
a
Prince
ought
to
be
composed
a
few
persons
.
'T
Is
of
importance
that
the
Councill
of
a
Prince
be
reduced
to
a
few
Heads
,
so
as
they
be
well
chosen
;
and
that
the
number
be
not
the
Evidence
of
his
Dignity
,
but
the
Merit
and
Virtue
of
his
Counsellors
.
Unity
is
the
last
measure
of
the
perfection
of
things
;
and
the
first
of
all
Beings
,
is
the
most
single
of
all
others
.
This
Being
is
God
himselfe
,
who
without
suffering
Division
of
Parts
,
or
mixture
of
Qualities
,
is
infinitely
perfect
within
,
and
infinitely
active
without
,
and
by
a
power
infinitely
pure
,
and
infinitely
single
,
and
without
th'
adjunction
of
any
forraine
virtue
,
hath
produced
the
wonders
we
see
,
and
that
variety
of
subjects
which
are
united
to
make
the
world
:
And
without
him
the
most
noble
Natures
,
and
most
excellent
,
are
the
least
composed
and
the
most
indivisible
;
And
we
rejoyce
much
more
in
a
sight
not
limited
in
th'
extents
of
its
objects
,
and
that
can
know
all
the
colours
of
Nature
,
and
the
Figures
of
all
Bodies
;
then
if
we
had
as
many
eyes
as
the
visible
Objects
are
divers
,
and
Colours
different
in
nature
.
So
,
if
it
were
permitted
to
make
faire
Dreams
and
magnificent
Wishes
,
it
were
to
be
desired
that
a
Prince
alone
should
make
up
his
Councill
:
That
he
were
the
sole
Director
of
his
business
;
That
he
were
the
sole
intelligence
to
give
it
motion
,
and
that
he
alone
held
the
Helme
,
and
handled
the
Scepter
.
But
insomuch
that
such
a
Prince
was
never
seen
,
and
that
th'
Idaea
remaines
in
th'
head
of
Xenophon
,
that
History
doth
not
propose
the
like
to
us
;
that
th'
imperfection
of
humane
things
suffers
it
not
;
I
think
that
no
Republique
was
ever
established
with
so
great
Wisdome
,
or
that
received
Orders
more
apt
to
attain
th'
ends
of
a
civill
life
,
which
is
the
happinesse
of
Inhabitants
,
then
that
of
Venice
:
'T
is
not
but
that
some
have
made
a
greater
noyse
in
the
world
,
and
whose
Empire
hath
been
more
enlarged
,
&
Dominion
more
glorious
.
But
as
the
greatest
bodies
,
and
of
highest
stature
,
are
not
ever
the
soundest
;
and
as
the
vastest
buildings
are
not
alwaies
the
firmest
:
so
the
good
policy
of
a
State
,
and
the
goodnesse
of
its
Composition
,
is
not
to
be
judged
by
th'
extent
of
the
Country
it
enjoys
,
&
by
the
great
quantities
of
Earth
and
Sea
it
commands
;
so
whosoever
considers
the
duration
of
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
and
its
quiet
for
1200
years
,
and
observes
that
it
hath
never
been
strongly
agitated
within
,
and
hath
felt
but
a
leight
intestine
sedition
;
may
easily
conclude
that
the
Noble
parts
have
been
very
sound
,
and
that
the
Foundations
are
very
deep
and
solid
:
And
though
of
late
it
may
seem
that
her
Forces
are
diminished
,
that
her
best
condition
is
past
,
and
that
the
violence
of
some
strange
cause
hath
blasted
the
beauty
of
her
Countenance
;
there
's
no
matter
of
astonishment
,
nor
any
great
wonder
that
old
Age
should
produce
wrinckles
;
that
what
is
mortall
should
be
sometimes
sick
;
that
the
strong
should
offend
the
weak
:
and
that
Prudence
should
not
alwayes
be
Mistress
of
Fortune
,
nor
good
events
the
necessary
effects
of
good
Counsels
.
Though
this
be
thus
,
yet
there
's
some
change
to
be
wished
,
as
to
the
manner
of
their
Treating
,
and
resolving
th'
affaires
of
that
Republique
;
and
't
is
a
great
mischief
,
that
they
are
carryed
through
so
many
Assemblies
,
and
pass
by
so
many
Heads
,
whereof
the
Senate
is
composed
;
the
Secret
which
is
never
very
safe
with
a
multitude
,
hath
much
ado
to
be
there
preserved
;
Length
is
unavoydable
there
,
and
many
times
Fortune
flies
away
,
and
good
occasions
are
lost
;
whilst
they
deliberate
,
and
before
they
have
concluded
.
Heretofore
in
pressing-matters
,
and
where
dispatch
was
requisite
,
and
Secrecy
extraordinarily
necessary
,
they
were
treated
,
and
resolved
in
a
Councell
,
which
they
called
of
Ten
,
with
the
same
force
and
Authority
as
in
the
Senate
.
But
they
have
since
judged
,
that
the
supream
Authority
,
attributed
to
Ten
persons
in
matters
regarding
the
whole
State
,
was
of
too
dangerous
a
consequence
,
and
that
that
Order
might
in
time
by
th'
Ambition
,
and
by
th'
Artifices
of
particular
persons
,
degenerate
into
a
pure
Aristocracy
,
and
corrupt
th'
essence
of
their
Government
,
which
is
blended
of
three
others
.
From
thence
may
be
seen
the
fatality
of
humane
things
;
that
the
good
is
ever
accompanied
with
some
evill
,
and
that
nothing
is
so
well
accomplished
,
as
not
in
some
part
to
be
defective
.
Of
all
sorts
of
Government
,
under
which
the
world
rowls
,
the
most
excellent
are
not
exempt
from
spots
.
'T
is
not
,
but
that
they
who
invented
them
,
foresaw
th'
inconveniences
:
but
that
they
could
not
do
better
,
nor
provide
a
Remedy
,
where
none
was
to
be
had
.
Prudence
is
not
so
often
imployed
in
choosing
the
greatest
Good
,
as
in
avoiding
the
greatest
Evills
;
and
as
we
see
in
the
Composition
of
the
humane
body
,
that
there
are
but
a
few
parts
capable
of
pleasure
,
and
which
touch
upon
the
pleasant
Objects
:
and
that
on
the
Contrary
,
all
parts
are
exposed
to
grief
,
and
to
share
Resentments
;
so
it
happens
that
in
all
other
things
,
th'
evill
enters
by
more
wayes
then
the
good
,
and
finds
more
places
to
make
its
impression
,
and
exercise
its
violence
.
If
this
be
to
be
seen
in
all
of
Nature
,
and
if
it
be
an
experience
which
passeth
even
to
Beasts
;
it
ought
not
to
be
thought
strange
,
if
in
a
matter
so
mixed
and
so
confused
,
as
States
are
,
and
where
Fancies
so
different
,
and
Inclinations
so
various
,
do
enter
;
if
the
pure
good
be
not
there
found
,
nor
such
a
perfection
as
no
sort
of
vice
can
alter
:
Let
's
go
on
.
As
to
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Suisses
,
't
is
a
sort
of
Government
very
loose
,
and
in
some
measure
tumultuous
;
The
Bond
that
tyes
them
,
is
not
stronger
than
that
which
joyns
the
Leagues
;
and
there
's
onely
this
difference
;
that
they
do
but
ordinarily
pass
,
and
have
no
durable
cause
;
that
they
are
not
good
,
but
to
repell
an
Evill
suddenly
fallen
upon
some
of
the
Confederates
,
and
which
threatens
the
rest
of
them
;
or
to
prevent
some
storm
and
inundation
of
some
great
approaching
power
;
But
so
soon
as
the
danger
is
over
,
or
that
th'
oppression
is
taken
away
,
they
fall
of
themselves
,
and
go
out
for
want
of
aliment
and
matter
.
Of
this
I
will
treat
at
length
in
the
second
Part
of
this
Work
.
But
th'
Union
of
the
Suisses
cannot
perish
nor
dissolve
,
but
by
an
outward
violence
;
It
hath
an
everlasting
foundation
,
which
is
jealousie
of
Liberty
;
and
though
they
dwell
onely
in
Rocks
,
and
that
poverty
stirs
not
from
their
houses
;
yet
they
would
not
change
their
Condition
,
which
appears
not
so
ugly
,
but
that
there
's
great
cause
for
them
to
be
in
love
with
it
,
and
to
believe
that
the
Wealth
which
Nature
hath
denyed
their
Country
,
is
plentifully
repaired
by
the
Independency
wherein
they
have
fixed
themselves
,
and
by
the
Freedom
under
which
they
live
.
Their
Policy
then
,
which
is
at
greater
distance
with
Unity
,
that
that
of
the
Venetians
,
is
by
consequence
more
imperfect
,
and
hath
greater
Inconveniences
:
Secrecy
is
not
to
be
found
in
their
Meetings
;
the
Convocation
is
made
with
extream
tediousness
:
Their
Resolutions
are
not
taken
but
very
late
.
And
besides
th'
error
which
is
common
to
all
Assemblies
,
To
dispute
much
,
and
conclude
little
;
'T
is
certain
the
variety
of
Religions
wherewith
they
are
now
in
labour
,
causeth
that
when
the
Dyets
are
composed
of
all
the
Cantons
,
that
interests
more
opposite
,
and
passions
more
opinionated
are
brought
,
than
heretofore
were
practised
;
And
it
hath
been
seen
,
and
we
have
made
very
troublesome
experiences
;
that
when
our
Forces
were
not
fully
known
to
us
,
and
that
our
Infantry
was
almost
raised
out
of
Suisses
;
that
the
services
were
so
slowly
made
,
and
came
so
late
to
us
,
that
very
often
we
lost
fair
Occasions
,
or
received
notorious
hints
before
we
were
in
condition
to
resist
or
undertake
;
And
that
is
one
of
the
Reasons
which
obliged
Francis
the
first
,
to
establish
Legions
in
the
respective
Provinces
,
to
have
the
Body
of
an
Army
of
French
Infantry
alwayes
in
readinesse
,
and
not
to
depend
,
when
he
had
a
mind
to
Arm
,
upon
th'
humours
of
that
heavy
Nation
,
and
fancies
of
so
brutish
and
mercenary
a
people
.
The
Government
of
Poland
is
not
a
pure
Monarchy
,
as
I
have
said
,
but
a
mixt
body
composed
of
Aristocracy
and
Royalty
.
The
King
cannot
deliberate
any
thing
,
not
undertake
any
thing
for
Peace
or
War
,
without
th'
Assembly
of
Nobles
.
This
Constitution
is
subject
to
a
thousand
inconveniencies
,
and
by
reason
of
the
tediousnesse
it
brings
with
it
,
't
is
at
least
certain
it
can
never
receive
the
Designs
,
where
success
depends
upon
the
Promptitude
,
and
where
Execution
ought
to
surprise
and
be
Suddain
,
that
it
may
be
Happy
;
't
is
an
Enemy
to
Secrecy
,
which
is
necessary
to
guide
safely
all
sorts
of
Enterprises
.
It
gives
means
to
enemies
,
to
use
prevention
,
or
to
expect
with
Advantages
,
and
to
provide
against
the
Tempest
they
see
coming
,
and
which
grumbles
and
makes
a
noyse
before
it
breaks
out
:
There
's
nothing
so
easie
as
to
steal-in
Corruption
and
Schisme
,
and
't
is
impossible
in
so
numerous
and
irregular
Collection
of
men
,
as
compose
their
Assemblies
,
that
all
parts
should
be
sound
and
unalterable
;
and
that
all
the
Members
should
agree
upon
the
generall
good
of
the
Body
,
so
composed
.
In
a
word
,
no
great
or
extraordinary
thing
is
to
be
expected
from
this
kind
of
Policy
,
and
the
Polaques
ought
not
to
think
of
Conquests
,
or
to
extend
by
War
Bounds
of
their
Country
,
so
long
as
they
govern
themsemselves
in
that
manner
.
On
the
contrary
,
they
have
often
suffered
great
losses
,
and
received
notorious
outrages
from
the
Turk
,
from
the
Muscovites
,
and
particularly
from
the
Tartars
,
before
they
could
draw
their
Forces
together
to
repell
them
,
and
fight
them
upon
their
retract
.
And
if
Nature
,
or
rather
the
Corruption
of
Mankind
,
had
not
raised
other
Thiefs
,
which
are
called
Cosaques
;
They
would
suffer
yet
more
invasions
,
and
more
suddain
Enterprises
from
their
first
mentioned
Enemies
.
But
it
seems
that
these
Cosaques
are
the
Counter-poyson
,
and
Remedy
,
and
often
exchange
it
with
them
,
and
run
with
ruine
and
desolation
into
their
Country
,
and
even
into
the
Dominions
of
the
Turk
who
protects
them
.
And
though
it
be
thus
,
that
this
Policy
hath
so
remarkable
faults
,
It
would
be
a
difficult
matter
to
reform
it
:
The
naturall
Inclination
which
the
Septentrionalls
have
for
liberty
,
would
make
there
a
great
resistance
,
and
I
doe
not
think
that
there
's
a
benefit
,
which
th'
absolute
and
independent
Authority
of
the
King
could
promise
to
the
Polaques
,
which
would
in
their
opinion
equalize
the
pleasure
and
profit
they
find
in
being
above
their
King
;
to
do
justice
to
themselves
;
to
provide
by
their
own
hands
against
the
evils
that
hurt
them
.
And
in
a
word
,
to
taste
of
the
soveraignty
and
absolute
power
.
To
speak
freely
,
there
are
precipices
on
what
side
soever
you
look
,
and
both
extremities
are
attended
with
its
Commodities
,
and
hath
its
Flowers
and
Thornes
.
And
as
th'
Aristocratique
and
mixed
Government
is
a
bridle
to
Princes
that
would
abuse
their
Authority
,
and
hinders
them
to
exceed
:
'T
is
true
also
,
that
when
they
have
good
Understanding
,
and
an
upright
Will
,
the
condition
of
their
subjects
is
better
them
otherwise
it
would
be
;
and
the
affairs
of
State
breathe
more
wholsome
Air
,
and
take
safer
Course
.
All
nevertheless
being
well
examined
,
the
best
expedient
is
that
every
person
live
conformable
to
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
his
Country
were
he
dwels
;
That
he
love
the
forme
of
Government
which
is
there
established
;
that
he
observe
the
Policy
there
in
use
;
and
conceive
that
Change
is
the
worst
of
all
Evills
that
can
be
there
introduced
which
almost
never
enters
without
violence
,
and
ever
almost
tears
up
that
which
it
would
take
from
its
place
.
The
End
of
the
First
Book
.
THE
MINISTER
OF
STATE
.
Book
II.
First
Discourse
.
That
a
Compleat
Minister
of
State
ought
to
be
able
for
Counsell
,
and
for
Execution
;
and
ought
to
have
a
free
power
particularly
for
the
War
.
T'
Is
certain
that
a
single
Quality
makes
not
up
the
perfection
of
Administration
;
and
to
form
it
,
th'
highest
powers
of
Man
are
necessary
,
and
the
noblest
habits
of
those
powers
.
It
is
not
satisfied
with
that
,
nor
content
onely
with
th'
inward
beauty
,
and
with
private
satisfaction
.
It
's
Inclinations
are
more
vast
and
ambitious
:
It
suffers
,
if
it
remain
concealed
;
It
desires
the
Light
;
It
will
appear
abroad
;
It
must
enlarge
and
communicate
it selfe
;
In
a
word
,
Action
is
her
end
and
her
Crown
,
and
without
it
,
it
should
be
a
treasure
half
lost
:
or
as
the
veins
of
Gold
in
the
bosome
of
th'
Earth
,
which
no
person
hath
discovered
.
Her
beginning
is
that
light
of
the
Soul
,
and
that
product
of
th'
understanding
,
which
is
called
Prudence
.
But
as
the
light
of
the
Sun
is
a
generall
Quality
,
and
which
alone
would
produce
nothing
;
so
Prudence
hath
use
of
divers
other
Virtues
to
execute
her
Orders
,
and
to
give
motion
to
her
Deliberations
.
And
again
,
as
those
Virtues
have
need
of
her
Light
and
Influence
,
to
know
th'
object
whereon
they
ought
to
look
and
to
pursue
;
In
like
manner
also
Prudence
refines
her selfe
by
th'
exercise
of
those
Virtues
,
and
by
the
troubles
and
stormes
which
the
imperfection
of
humane
discourse
le
ts
fall
.
They
take
them
away
,
and
are
made
clearer
by
experience
.
'T
is
not
necessary
that
he
who
deliberates
should
alwaies
execute
;
That
he
who
hath
a
very
sound
head
,
should
have
also
strong
Arms
;
nor
that
he
who
hath
Prudence
,
should
have
all
the
virtues
requisite
for
Action
;
't
is
sufficient
that
she
guide
them
and
direct
them
in
what
subject
soever
they
are
found
,
and
upon
what
matter
soever
they
are
imployed
.
But
as
th'
Artificer
judgeth
much
better
of
the
work
of
his
hands
,
and
of
th'
excellency
of
his
Ideaa
,
when
he
sees
it
upon
the
Cloth
or
the
Marble
;
so
Prudence
also
is
much
better
assured
of
the
goodnesse
of
its
Judgement
,
by
th'
Effects
then
by
the
single
Discourse
that
precedes
them
,
and
by
the
sole
Agitation
of
the
Reason
which
goes
before
:
And
in
my
opinion
,
't
is
of
that
perfect
prudence
,
and
which
use
hath
compleated
,
that
Aristotle
is
to
be
understood
,
when
he
saies
,
That
there
's
no
true
Prudence
without
th'
other
Morall
Virtues
.
'T
is
true
,
that
when
these
Virtues
do
meet
in
her
company
,
when
they
dwell
together
,
when
they
proceed
from
a
common
principle
,
and
from
the
same
Root
;
Their
Conduct
is
more
certain
and
more
happy
;
Prudence
is
the
more
intentive
upon
her
businesse
;
She
governs
them
with
more
tractablenesse
,
and
by
constant
illuminations
;
secures
them
with
more
ease
from
the
Ambushes
of
Fortune
,
and
from
th'
unexpected
inconveniences
of
the
times
;
Wherefore
in
matters
of
War
,
th'
execution
of
an
enterprise
ought
alwaies
to
be
committed
to
him
who
proposed
it
,
provided
he
be
a
capable
person
to
perform
it
;
for
therein
he
is
excited
to
do
well
,
by
the
glory
of
Success
,
and
by
the
jealousie
of
his
opinion
,
which
is
a
violent
and
imperious
passion
;
and
,
strayning
to
defend
the
noblest
and
most
exalted
faculty
of
the
Soul
,
which
is
the
Judgement
,
seldom
abates
of
the
Contest
and
pursuit
.
As
also
it
is
not
safe
to
put
th'
execution
of
a
design
into
the
hands
of
them
that
voted
against
it
;
who
will
be
alwaies
slow
in
Action
;
who
will
bring
to
it
but
the
halfe
of
themselves
;
who
will
have
but
faint
motions
,
and
conformable
to
the
passions
that
shake
them
,
which
are
irresolution
and
distrust
,
;
and
who
have
wherewithall
to
comfort
themselves
in
th'
ill
of
success
,
by
the
truth
of
the
Prediction
they
had
made
,
and
by
the
Reputation
of
Wisdom
,
and
providence
they
had
gained
to
themselves
.
Though
it
be
so
,
and
much
better
,
that
be
who
is
capable
to
resolve
,
be
also
capable
to
execute
;
'T
is
neverthelesse
a
rare
encounter
amongst
men
;
and
as
there
are
but
few
places
on
th'
Earth
which
bring
forth
all
that
respects
the
pleasures
of
the
Senses
,
and
the
necessities
of
Life
;
so
,
there
are
but
few
souls
that
have
all
the
virtues
proper
for
Governments
;
and
it
seems
that
the
Law
of
humane
Society
,
as
that
of
Nature
,
would
have
a
dependency
betwixt
the
spirits
of
men
;
as
there
is
a
Commerce
and
Communication
betwixt
divers
Countries
,
and
different
Nations
of
the
World
,
so
the
Coldness
of
Parmenio
tempered
th'
heat
of
Alexander
;
so
the
Wisdom
of
Cyneas
restrained
the
Courage
of
Pyrrhus
:
so
Scipio
observed
th'
orders
of
Laelius
,
and
Augustus
found
a
temper
in
the
prudence
of
Metaenas
,
and
valour
of
Agrippa
,
to
which
nothing
was
impossible
.
Wherefore
a
Minister
of
State
that
hath
all
these
perfections
,
ought
to
be
of
high
price
with
his
Prince
:
The
State
ought
to
reverence
him
as
an
extraordinary
person
;
and
the
virtues
which
being
severed
merit
a
price
,
and
to
be
esteemed
;
deserve
highly
some
new
respect
,
and
a
particular
Veneration
,
when
they
joyn
in
a
single
subject
for
the
generall
good
of
the
World
:
At
least
't
is
certain
,
that
th'
ill
which
attends
the
great
variety
of
Agents
is
avoided
;
They
that
uphold
them
,
agree
rarely
together
in
the
same
Design
:
Concord
is
seldom
sound
amongst
them
,
unless
it
be
in
Looks
and
Words
,
because
th'
heart
is
false
,
or
interessed
;
and
Jealousie
is
there
the
stronger
,
for
that
it
proposeth
to
it selfe
the
possession
of
so
great
a
good
,
as
the
favour
of
the
Prince
,
and
the
power
of
the
State
;
They
that
are
onely
for
Counsell
,
and
whose
virtue
shines
only
in
the
Cabinet
Councell
,
encline
alwaies
to
peace
how
dishonourable
soever
.
'T
is
then
they
truly
raign
,
when
all
other
greatnesse
bowes
to
theirs
.
And
that
they
see
at
their
feet
the
glory
of
Armes
,
and
the
Crowns
of
the
Victorious
.
On
the
contrary
,
during
the
War
they
are
out
of
countenance
,
and
their
Authority
declines
in
that
troublesome
season
.
They
are
darkned
by
a
profession
that
hath
more
pomp
and
light
then
theirs
;
And
in
regard
that
those
who
are
called
to
Command
,
are
usually
extraordinary
persons
,
it
makes
them
strongly
jealous
,
and
apprehend
th'
encrease
of
power
upon
the
spirit
of
their
Master
,
and
the
taking
of
root
in
his
Inclinations
;
wherefore
they
endeavour
to
make
them
unprofitable
,
that
they
might
be
the
lesse
considerable
.
They
trouble
them
in
their
employments
,
that
they
might
be
the
lesse
happy
.
The
great
Victories
make
them
more
afraid
then
great
Losses
,
and
our
Generalls
have
often
seen
dis-banded
th'
Armies
they
Commanded
,
and
enterprises
ruined
,
whereof
the
Beginnings
were
plausible
;
for
having
not
timely
received
,
or
in
the
fit
Quantity
the
provisions
necessary
for
continuing
of
the
War
.
They
on
th'
other
side
prolong
the
troubles
,
and
lengthen
the
confusion
to
th'
uttermost
of
their
power
,
to
subsist
in
Credit
and
esteem
.
They
love
the
stormes
because
they
help
to
guide
the
Ship
?
They
desire
sicknesse
,
because
they
are
imployed
in
applying
the
Remedies
;
but
neverthelesse
they
would
have
no
end
made
,
for
fear
of
remaining
idle
Pylots
,
and
uprofitable
Physicians
.
Moreover
they
complain
alwaies
first
:
They
frequently
accuse
them
of
their
own
faults
,
and
ease
themselves
upon
them
of
th'
envy
of
their
ill
successes
and
disgraces
that
attend
it
.
And
when
it
doth
not
so
happen
,
and
that
there
should
be
amongst
them
a
perfect
understanding
and
generall
agreement
;
The
Obligation
neverthelesse
which
some
of
them
are
under
to
receive
Orders
for
Action
from
others
,
and
that
regular
Dependency
,
is
over
importunate
,
and
sometimes
pernicious
;
Whilst
they
consult
the
Councell
of
the
Prince
,
occasions
do
passe
;
Things
take
another
Countenance
,
and
so
many
unexpected
Accidents
happen
,
for
which
suddain
provision
must
be
made
,
that
by
their
Violence
they
are
carried
away
before
Remedy
can
be
applied
,
and
the
businesse
perisheth
for
not
daring
to
relieve
it
when
it
was
in
their
power
.
This
unhappinesse
hath
been
particularly
observed
in
some
of
our
Neighbours
States
.
The
Venetians
have
made
little
use
of
th'
occasions
of
the
War
,
and
their
Generalls
have
often
seen
a
good
occasion
passe
away
before
them
,
without
daring
to
stay
it
,
or
to
hinder
it
from
flying
away
,
because
they
had
not
the
Senate's
Order
.
They
begin
also
to
withdraw
from
that
dangerous
Maxime
,
and
are
no
more
so
scrupulous
as
they
were
,
to
permit
them
to
act
of
themselves
,
and
to
take
th'
Advantages
which
offer
themselves
.
It
is
also
observed
,
that
th'
affairs
of
the
Low
Countries
suffered
much
for
the
same
reason
towards
th'
end
of
the
life
of
Philip
the
second
;
and
that
they
changed
extreamly
by
reason
of
the
great
delayes
they
were
constrained
to
use
at
the
time
of
the
want
of
his
health
,
and
decay
of
his
age
;
Th'
ill
was
,
that
they
would
take
most
cognisance
of
all
things
when
they
could
worse
do
it
,
and
were
most
earnest
to
retain
businesse
when
the
time
was
elapsed
.
That
Prince
changed
his
Conduct
,
and
in
safer
occasions
he
was
accustomed
to
give
almost
a
soveraign
Authority
to
them
whom
he
imployed
.
The
Duke
of
Alva
had
it
most
absolute
when
he
came
into
Flanders
to
make
War
to
the
growing
Rebellion
.
Don
John
of
Austria
had
it
very
large
,
when
he
was
chosen
chiefe
of
the
Christian
League
against
the
Turk
,
after
the
Conquest
of
Portugal
;
The
Cardinal
Albert
had
an
unlimitted
power
to
reform
the
Kingdom
,
and
Philip
the
second
procured
him
a
Legation
,
that
he
might
act
with
the
greater
Authority
,
and
he
was
at
one
and
the
same
time
absolute
Judge
of
temporal
and
spiritual
Affairs
.
Insomuch
that
if
the
Cardinall
had
carried
with
him
in
his
second
journey
,
beyond
the
Mountains
,
a
Commission
as
ample
as
some
have
described
it
;
and
that
the
noyse
which
was
but
a
Fable
,
had
been
true
,
it-had
not
been
new
nor
without
Example
;
Our
Neighbours
have
shewed
us
the
way
,
and
that
Nation
also
which
understands
th'
Art
of
governing
better
then
any
Nation
in
the
World
.
But
the
moderation
of
this
Lord
hath
been
such
,
that
he
sought
not
any
extraordinary
Power
in
that
Occasion
:
That
he
hath
not
done
nor
undertaken
any
thing
,
but
by
the
expresse
.
Orders
of
the
King
,
and
they
that
have
studied
his
Life
,
and
observed
his
demeanour
,
know
that
he
hath
chosen
rather
to
be
considered
by
th'
Actions
of
the
compleatest
Obedience
which
a
Subject
can
give
to
his
Soveraign
,
than
by
the
particular
marks
of
Honour
and
Affection
which
he
could
have
received
.
But
beyond
this
,
let
us
confesse
,
that
he
is
that
extraordinary
person
,
who
hath
in
an
eminent
degree
all
the
Qualities
fit
for
governing
,
which
are
rarely
seen
,
but
severed
in
others
;
who
executes
what
he
adviseth
;
appears
in
Calms
and
Tempests
;
who
hath
deserved
th'
honour
of
Peace
,
and
the
triumph
of
War
,
and
in
whom
Virtue
is
not
limited
,
neither
by
he
Condition
of
the
Times
,
nor
Diversity
of
Affaires
.
The
Second
Discourse
.
whence
the
Virtue
of
keeping
a
Secret
proceeds
,
and
how
necessary
it
is
for
a
Minister
of
State
.
WE
have
shewed
in
the
precedent
Discourse
,
how
necessary
it
is
that
the
Councill
of
a
Prince
be
reduced
to
a
few
persons
,
and
how
difficult
it
is
for
a
multitude
of
persons
to
keep
a
Secret
;
This
may
be
added
to
th'
happinesse
of
the
King's
Raign
,
that
never
Councill
was
more
faithfull
then
his
,
nor
where
the
secret
of
Affaires
lay
more
secure
.
The
number
is
very
small
,
but
of
excellent
persons
.
Nothing
is
capable
to
untie
their
Tongue
but
when
it
is
necessary
.
They
are
not
weak
,
nor
to
be
Corrupted
.
Their
Virtue
is
proof
to
all
Trialls
.
That
Condition
is
particularly
remarkable
in
him
who
is
the
Chief
,
and
in
whom
resides
that
Unity
which
is
a
Beam
from
the
Soveraignty
,
and
the
last
measure
of
the
perfection
things
.
Few
persons
have
been
of
profounder
thoughts
,
nor
of
higher
exaltations
of
soul
;
And
but
few
have
been
seen
that
could
better
retaine
them
,
or
that
were
more
the
Master
of
them
.
And
nevertheless
the
best
thoughts
of
the
world
,
and
the
most
happy
productions
of
wit
have
this
in
them
,
that
they
ought
to
resemble
fruits
which
should
be
gathered
in
season
,
that
they
may
be
wholsome
;
but
they
have
this
Imperfection
,
that
they
are
like
to
Wine
,
which
when
it
is
new
,
endeavours
to
break
out
and
to
run
out
:
The
wit
of
man
is
so
in
love
with
it selfe
,
and
hath
so
hot
a
thirst
to
make
it selfe
known
;
that
so
soon
as
it
hath
conceived
something
which
may
,
as
it
believes
,
deserve
praise
,
hath
impatience
to
discover
it
:
It
makes
haste
to
bring
it
to
light
;
it
cannot
attend
the
just
time
of
delivery
;
and
it
ordinarily
falls
out
,
that
it
loseth
by
too
much
haste
the
value
of
what
would
have
been
excellent
,
if
it
had
been
brought
forth
in
season
,
and
had
ripened
at
leasure
.
Besides
this
defect
which
is
alwaies
naturall
to
us
,
and
which
is
the
proper
French
Temper
;
There
's
another
Cause
for
which
the
greatest
part
of
men
cannot
conceal
long
a
design
,
without
giving
it
Air
,
nor
retain
unto
themselves
a
good
Thought
;
'T
is
the
small
power
they
have
to
resist
common
reports
,
and
th'
opinions
that
run
abroad
.
It
hath
alwaies
been
th'
humour
of
the
people
to
be
the
Censurers
of
the
designs
of
Princes
,
and
of
the
conduct
of
their
Counsellors
.
'T
is
a
disease
which
cannot
be
cured
in
them
;
And
it
seems
to
them
,
that
after
they
have
made
them
their
superiours
,
and
have
put
their
goods
and
lifes
into
their
hands
;
that
at
least
the
liberty
is
reserved
unto
them
of
judging
of
their
abilities
;
Strange
folly
,
that
they
who
make
so
ill
and
crooked
Judgements
in
their
own
affairs
,
whereof
th'
extent
is
so
short
,
and
th'
intelligence
so
easie
;
constitute
themselves
Arbiters
of
State-affairs
,
whose
principall
circumstance
is
secrecy
and
which
ought
to
be
in
th'
eyes
of
the
people
,
as
prophesies
,
which
are
not
to
be
understood
but
by
their
success
.
And
nevertheless
,
though
the
knowledg
of
things
be
hid
from
them
as
much
as
may
be
,
&
that
the
Causes
are
concealed
;
they
forbear
not
to
pry
into
them
,
&
that
they
may
have
alwaies
matter
of
disturbance
.
And
wherewith
to
torment
themselves
unprofitably
;
They
believe
all
things
their
sense
represents
unto
them
,
or
that
another
passion
suggests
unto
them
.
A
dexterous
person
then
,
and
one
who
hath
a
strong
understanding
and
high
Courage
;
makes
alwaies
towards
his
End
without
disturbance
for
these
popular
infirmities
.
He
rests
in
peace
,
whilst
they
who
have
nothing
to
do
,
but
to
take
their
ease
,
and
cherish
their
health
,
are
in
trouble
and
in
a
feavers
,
and
imitates
the
Heavens
which
alter
not
their
Course
for
the
Tempests
of
th'
Aire
,
nor
for
the
noyse
that
is
made
in
that
stormy
Region
.
On
the
Contrary
,
weak
understandings
cannot
sustain
the
liberty
of
Judgements
,
nor
th'
indiscretion
of
Tongues
;
The
conjectures
of
Curious
,
and
the
speculations
of
idle
persons
offend
them
;
They
make
haste
to
give
a
reason
of
their
Designs
,
and
by
a
precipitated
judgement
which
they
passe
upon
them
,
they
see
them
abortive
or
fatal
.
Sr.
the
Cardinal
hath
not
done
the
like
;
When
Envy
was
raised
against
him
,
when
the
Wits
did
mutiny
against
his
Government
;
when
his
Enemies
opposed
him
silently
,
or
have
assaulted
him
a
outward
force
,
or
by
publique
Defiance
;
all
that
,
hath
not
disordered
him
.
His
Actions
were
neither
slow
nor
confused
:
And
,
as
if
such
Difficulties
improved
his
Judgement
,
or
gave
him
new
Forces
;
He
never
appeared
so
intelligent
,
or
so
valiant
,
as
in
all
occasions
that
seemed
to
be
desperate
.
Whilst
th'
English
possessed
th'
Iland
of
Rhee
,
and
that
Languedoc
was
in
Rebellion
;
and
that
one
part
os
the
Huguenots
had
declared
themselves
,
and
th
'others
observed
the
successe
of
forraine
enterprises
;
That
the
discontented
Catholiques
did
rejoyce
at
th'
ills
of
the
State
,
and
that
others
feared
the
future
which
they
saw
troubled
and
full
of
storms
;
never
person
was
more
exposed
to
complaints
and
ill
language
,
then
himselfe
.
Indiscretion
was
extream
;
Insolency
raised
to
threats
,
and
that
purple
which
in
Venerable
in
th'
eyes
of
Catholiques
,
and
the
Dignity
of
a
Prince
of
the
Church
,
were
in
danger
of
that
common
License
,
of
being
violated
:
His
soul
neverthelesse
changed
not
its
place
;
His
Courage
was
not
shaken
;
He
did
not
use
violent
or
faint
Remedies
,
as
had
been
sometimes
done
to
stay
the
Disorder
;
He
did
not
use
hatefull
preservatives
against
an
ill
,
which
inflames
by
opposition
,
and
is
provoked
by
resistance
:
He
chose
rather
to
fight
them
with
the
greatness
of
his
Actions
,
than
by
the
fear
of
his
punishment
;
and
resolved
that
his
Virtue
should
confound
th'
Artifices
of
the
wicked
,
and
th'
Errours
of
the
simple
.
But
how
many
sinister
Judgements
and
sharp
discourses
,
did
the
siege
of
Rochell
raise
?
How
many
passions
:
did
that
Town-stir
up
amongst
the
Protestants
,
and
amongst
the
Catholiques
?
How
many
Oppositions
were
set
on
foot
against
that
Design
,
in
the
Kingdom
and
abroad
,
by
them
who
were
our
declared
Enemies
,
and
by
them
who
would
seem
to
be
our
friends
?
What
had
not
been
said
of
th'
expence
of
that
siege
,
if
being
so
vast
it
had
been
unprofitable
?
How
much
had
they
cryed
out
against
us
,
if
we
had
suffered
our
Allies
to
perish
,
and
if
that
we
had
not
reduced
to
obedience
the
rebellious
French
.
And
neverthelesse
,
so
many
different
passions
,
and
all
those
irregular
Motions
,
did
not
stop
our
pursuit
,
nor
th'
heat
of
an
Enterprise
,
which
hath
secured
the
foundations
of
the
State
,
and
the
foot
of
the
Crown
.
And
at
that
last
business
of
Italy
,
How
many
disgracefull
Discourses
,
and
outragious
Murmurings
did
it
produce
against
the
Reputation
of
that
great
Minister
of
State
?
It
seemed
that
there
were
persons
hired
in
all
places
,
of
purpose
to
cry
down
his
Actions
;
His
Enemies
had
found
th'
occasions
they
sought
for
,
to
discharge
their
Malice
with
colour
,
and
vomited
their
Hatred
with
liberty
:
The
people
that
ordinarily
wish
ill
to
them
that
govern
them
,
and
suffer
themselves
alwaies
to
be
led
by
running
Reports
,
especially
when
they
are
bad
,
remember
no
more
th'
evill
from
which
they
were
delivered
,
but
demand
the
good
which
they
could
not
so
soon
receive
,
and
few
persons
considered
what
was
done
,
nor
the
progress
of
the
Kings
Armes
,
nor
his
Conquests
,
but
what
was
yet
to
be
done
;
Even
our
Allies
applyed
themselves
to
us
for
repair
of
their
Losses
:
And
as
if
they
could
not
be
imprudent
or
unhappy
in
our
Company
;
It
seemed
good
to
them
that
we
should
answer
for
their
faults
,
and
for
their
disgraces
;
and
the
worst
.
Accident
of
all
,
was
the
sicknesse
of
the
King
,
so
very
violent
,
that
it
gave
no
place
for
hopes
to
honest
men
,
and
in
such
a
conjuncture
,
that
if
this
Prince
had
dyed
,
the
world
must
have
changed
its
face
,
and
must
have
taken
another
Course
,
then
what
it
ought
to
follow
.
In
this
Confusion
of
Spirits
,
and
of
Affaires
,
the
Constancy
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
,
lost
not
it selfe
;
His
Reason
was
still
awake
,
the
Provisions
for
the
reliefe
of
Casal
,
were
not
interrupted
;
and
he
made
it
appeare
that
the
wise
Man
is
above
all
passions
;
and
the
true
griefe
he
suffered
for
the
love
of
so
great
a
Master
,
lest
him
strength
and
Address
enough
not
to
let
go
the
Helme
,
and
to
bring
us
to
our
Haven
in
spight
of
contrary
winds
.
The
Third
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
cannot
have
an
equall
Soul
,
unlesse
he
hath
made
tryall
of
Good
and
Bad
Fortune
.
THe
quality
whereof
we
have
lately
spoken
,
and
that
invincible
constancy
which
is
necessary
for
a
Counsellour
of
State
,
is
not
a
disposition
of
the
soul
,
which
nature
hath
infused
,
or
that
Philosophy
hath
compleated
.
It
hath
besides
these
,
need
of
exercise
to
form
it
;
And
that
divine
Temper
which
hath
its
Roots
in
our selves
,
and
hath
cause
to
raise
it selfe
betwixt
the
Discourses
of
Reason
,
and
Examples
of
History
,
ought
to
take
its
just
growth
from
the
Trials
where
fortune
doth
place
us
,
and
from
the
various
Countenances
it
shews
unto
us
.
There
's
nothing
in
the
world
she
suffers
with
more
impatience
,
not
that
she
beholds
with
more
maligne
and
more
envenomed
eyes
.
In
every
place
where
't
is
found
she
assaults
it
;
in
all
places
she
forms
parties
against
it
,
she
will
have
it
by
force
or
by
Artifice
,
and
no
causes
or
dissimulations
shall
be
wanting
to
corrupt
it
,
nor
rudenesse
of
violence
,
that
shall
not
be
exercised
to
overthrow
it
.
So
they
that
can
warrant
themselves
against
her
designes
,
and
have
power
enough
to
resist
her
Charmes
,
and
her
outrages
;
have
competent
Qualities
t'
aspire
to
the
Government
of
State
;
wherefore
Galba
protests
,
in
Tacitus
,
that
he
called
Piso
to
the
succession
of
th'
Empire
,
because
he
had
been
unhappy
and
constant
.
And
that
he
whom
fortune
could
not
overcome
,
was
worthy
to
command
the
people
of
Rome
;
and
to
give
Lawes
to
the
Conqueror
of
Nations
,
and
Triumpher
over
th'
Earth
'T
is
to
know
onely
the
Moyety
of
ones
Life
,
to
have
tasted
onely
of
prosperity
;
'T
is
not
to
have
sayled
far
,
to
have
the
winds
alwaies
in
Poope
,
and
the
Sea
propitious
;
'T
is
to
have
matter
onely
for
a
part
of
the
virtues
which
compose
a
Minister
of
State
,
to
have
been
ever
happy
;
Adversity
hath
also
her
Virtues
,
as
night
hath
her
Stars
:
There
are
some
that
are
wholly
proper
for
it
,
and
which
cannot
be
practised
but
in
so
rude
a
season
,
nor
appear
but
in
tumults
,
and
in
the
midst
of
storms
.
The
life
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
,
ought
to
be
too
highly
raised
,
not
be
exposed
to
this
variety
of
Accidents
,
and
too
eminent
to
want
examples
of
every
Virtue
.
His
Actions
have
deserved
Clappings
from
all
hands
,
and
praises
from
all
Mouthes
;
They
have
given
him
dayes
of
Triumph
,
they
have
pierced
the
most
retired
parts
of
the
World
,
and
in
all
places
there
are
but
a
few
Names
so
great
as
his
,
after
that
of
his
Master
;
But
he
hath
had
his
back
blowes
and
contradictions
;
He
hath
not
been
exempted
from
private
Misfortunes
,
and
publique
Vexations
.
Fortune
and
Envy
have
diversly
exercised
him
;
notwithstanding
,
his
Courage
failed
him
not
;
his
Conduct
was
equall
.
The
Revolution
that
surrounded
him
,
made
no
change
in
him
,
and
whatsoever
hapned
,
his
soul
was
neither
puffed
nor
abated
;
this
equality
neverthelesse
is
not
ordinarily
found
.
And
as
amongst
the
brightest
Colours
,
there
are
but
a
few
that
preserve
the
same
lustre
,
and
the
same
apperance
to
the
light
of
a
Day
,
and
to
the
light
of
Torches
:
Histories
have
also
furnished
us
but
with
a
few
examples
of
Illustrious
persons
,
who
have
been
equall
in
Prosperity
and
Adversity
:
Spain
commends
the
constancy
of
the
Duke
of
Alva
,
and
that
he
was
never
so
great
as
in
his
afflictions
.
But
it
confesseth
also
,
that
prosperity
made
him
overflow
;
that
he
was
insolent
when
he
was
prosperous
;
and
that
the
Victories
he
gained
were
odious
to
his
Masters
,
though
they
were
profitable
unto
them
.
On
the
contrary
,
let
us
consider
the
three
Princes
of
Spain
,
that
have
known
how
to
raign
for
an
Age
and
halfe
,
and
have
dared
to
introduce
immortall
Designes
,
in
a
form
of
Government
where
Soveraigns
dye
,
and
which
changeth
often
their
Master
:
Le
ts
consider
,
I
say
,
Ferdinand
,
Charles
the
fifth
,
Philip
the
second
,
and
we
shall
find
that
all
their
lives
have
been
nothing
but
a
Composition
of
good
and
evill
,
and
a
confusion
of
contrary
things
.
We
shall
there
see
Prosperity
without
Number
,
Disgraces
without
Measures
;
Wounds
dressed
with
Laurels
,
Triumphs
adorned
with
Mourning
,
and
above
all
that
,
constant
and
firm
Courages
,
and
an
immoveable
Virtue
.
Behold
Ferdinand
,
glorious
in
the
reduction
of
the
Kingdom
of
Granada
,
and
with
the
Title
of
Catholique
;
Behold
him
triumphant
in
the
Conquest
of
Naples
,
and
of
the
fortune
of
France
.
Behold
that
a
fancy
gives
him
Navarre
,
and
that
chance
finds
him
an
unknown
world
and
new
wealth
.
This
neither
enflames
him
,
nor
effeminates
him
;
He
is
not
the
more
lazy
,
nor
the
lesse
vigilant
;
He
formes
:
greater
designs
,
and
layes
the
Platform
of
a
Monarch
which
shall
exercise
his
Nephews
a
long
time
,
and
trouble
the
rest
of
other
Nations
,
and
the
peace
of
the
world
.
Moreover
,
le
ts
contemplate
thill
sucesse
of
his
life
,
and
th'
other
side
of
the
Medall
.
We
shall
see
a
Prince
ill
handled
by
fortune
,
and
a
Diadem
bruised
by
her
strokes
.
We
shall
see
a
Father
bury
his
own
Son
,
and
make
Funeralls
for
his
eldest
Daughter
:
A
Husband
that
loseth
his
Wife
,
who
was
his
Glory
;
and
had
been
more
the
Companion
of
his
troubles
than
of
his
bed
;
A
Master
abandoned
by
his
Servants
and
Creatures
,
an
old
Man
forced
from
his
House
,
and
a
Father
in
law
stripped
his
own
Son
in
Law
.
In
this
Sea
of
Disgraces
and
of
Afflictions
,
we
shall
also
see
an
admirable
serenity
of
spirit
.
A
Calm
that
overthrows
not
it selfe
;
or
if
there
was
some
kind
of
emotion
,
it
did
not
pass
into
a
storm
,
and
was
not
violent
not
dangerous
.
'T
is
true
,
that
his
Courage
had
a
weakness
in
it
which
I
cannot
conceal
,
and
a
fault
too
visible
to
be
dissembled
;
which
is
,
not
to
have
been
able
to
suffer
the
reputation
of
he
great
Captain
,
not
the
Virtue
of
his
own
Subject
that
was
faithful
unto
him
.
As
to
his
Nephew
Charles
,
't
is
certain
that
he
was
never
so
tractable
as
in
prosperity
,
not
so
inflexible
in
Adversity
.
He
never
yeeled
to
force
;
no
Prince
of
his
time
gave
so
much
,
and
lost
so
little
;
and
the
Spaniards
say
that
the
never
broke
his
word
,
but
t'exercise
Clemency
,
and
to
pardon
his
Enemies
,
whose
Ruine
he
had
sworn
:
During
the
tempest
that
arose
in
the
Haven
of
Algiers
against
his
Fleet
,
and
when
the
Heavens
destroyed
it
in
his
sight
,
no
other
word
every
went
out
of
his
Mouth
,
than
that
wherewith
our
Saviour
Christ
hath
taught
us
to
pray
,
That
thy
will
be
done
.
He
was
humbled
,
but
not
overcome
by
that
disgrace
,
and
in
that
terrible
Chaos
,
where
th'
Elements
were
confounded
,
and
Nature
in
disorder
,
His
Courage
stood
firm
,
His
Judgement
lost
not
its
Light
:
and
he
gave
order
for
the
embarking
of
his
Troops
,
which
were
not
perished
,
with
the
same
liberty
of
soul
as
before
he
had
done
,
when
he
returned
Triumphant
from
the
taking
of
Th●nis
,
and
from
the
spoils
of
Africa
.
The
life
of
Philip
is
a
Table
much
mixed
,
and
a
representation
of
divers
former
,
and
contrary
Adventures
;
On
the
one
side
are
seen
Countries
gained
or
recovered
;
the
Springs
of
Gold
and
Silver
discovered
;
Victory
obtained
against
Christians
,
and
Infidels
,
and
that
incomparable
Advantage
to
govern
peaceably
,
from
th'
Escuriall
,
a
part
of
two
worlds
,
and
to
be
feared
in
the
middle
of
this
Cabinet
,
from
one
end
of
th'
Earth
to
th'
other
.
But
le
ts
turn
our
sight
a
little
,
and
we
shall
find
that
this
prosperity
had
frequent
and
long
Eclipses
,
and
that
the
shadows
of
the
Pictures
exceeded
the
lively
Colours
.
We
shall
encounter
the
Death
of
four
wives
which
he
tenderly
loved
:
The
fancies
of
his
eldest
Son
which
gave
him
so
much
trouble
,
and
forced
him
to
put
off
the
resentmen
of
a
Father
,
to
execute
th'
office
of
a
King
,
and
function
of
a
Judge
:
The
jealousies
which
the
good
successe
and
great
virtue
of
Don
John
of
Austria
gave
him
.
The
defeat
of
his
Ships
by
Tempests
,
and
by
Enemies
;
The
Rebellion
of
the
Low
Countries
which
have
deserted
Spain
,
and
made
poor
the
Indies
.
And
amongst
all
that
,
and
in
the
midst
of
that
Revolution
.
and
that
confusion
of
Accidents
,
not
to
wander
,
and
to
preserve
his
Constancy
;
It
must
be
acknowledged
,
that
it
belongs
to
such
persons
by
all
sorts
of
Rights
,
to
govern
the
People
,
to
the
Superiours
on
Earth
,
and
soveraign
Arbiters
of
the
destiny
of
men
.
Amidst
so
many
good
successes
and
rude
experiences
,
where
in
the
virtue
of
Philip
was
not
lost
,
I
have
made
choice
of
a
very
remarkable
Example
;
'T
is
of
them
that
enter
in
prosperity
,
and
be
in
the
favours
of
fortune
,
and
th'
evidences
of
Love
which
she
giveth
.
And
therefore
't
is
the
fairer
that
't
is
so
rare
,
and
that
't
is
more
difficult
not
to
be
overcome
by
pleasure
,
than
to
resist
force
,
and
to
prevent
bending
than
breaking
.
And
as
a
gentle
and
temperate
heat
penetrates
our
bodies
easier
than
the
cold
,
because
they
expatiate
themselves
to
receive
it
,
and
cloze
to
repell
the
cold
.
So
th'
Allurements
of
prosperity
are
more
active
,
and
enter
sooner
into
the
soul
,
which
by
desire
,
and
the
hope
of
enjoyment
,
goes
to
meet
them
,
than
by
th'
attempts
of
ill
fortune
,
against
which
the
soul
fortifies
her selfe
,
and
defends
all
'
th
Avenues
by
which
she
might
assault
it
.
After
then
that
the
Christians
had
gained
the
battel
of
Lepantha
,
and
that
God
had
them
that
memorable
Victory
,
the
price
whereof
was
lost
by
their
ill
Conduct
;
He
that
carried
the
news
to
Philip
,
was
so
transported
above
himselfe
,
and
seized
upon
by
so
strange
an
emotion
,
that
with
great
difficulty
could
he
make
the
report
of
it
.
On
the
contrary
,
Philip
stood
as
cold
as
if
it
had
nnot
concerned
him
,
and
so
little
moved
,
as
if
the
news
had
been
indifferent
unto
him
.
He
replyed
onely
with
a
serious
Face
,
and
settled
Countenance
,
THAT
DON
JOHN
HAD
MUCH
HAZARDED
.
From
what
cause
soever
this
coldnesse
proceeded
,
either
from
a
spirit
abated
by
a
long
Apprehension
,
least
the
battel
should
be
lost
,
or
from
a
soul
prepared
for
all
sorts
of
chances
,
and
for
all
the
Accidents
of
life
;
or
else
from
a
Consideration
which
suffered
him
not
to
rejoyce
at
the
glory
of
an
Action
,
whose
principles
it
may
be
he
did
not
esteem
reasonable
enough
.
From
that
cause
soever
,
I
say
,
it
proceeded
;
the
view
is
alwayes
fair
,
and
the
substance
very
noble
.
And
I
am
no
more
astonished
,
if
the
person
,
who
was
not
transported
for
a
success
,
which
delivered
Italy
from
an
approaching
Ruine
,
and
all
Christendom
from
a
great
fear
;
received
since
with
any
apparent
.
Tranquillity
or
true
Constancy
,
the
newes
of
the
Routing
of
the
Fleet
,
which
had
cost
him
so
much
money
,
and
ought
to
have
tyed
England
to
the
Chain
,
and
contented
himselfe
to
say
,
That
he
had
not
sent
his
Fleet
to
fight
against
the
Winds
.
The
constancy
of
Ministers
of
State
,
hath
this
advantage
over
that
of
Soveraigns
,
That
the
Soveraigns
are
alwaies
pittied
in
their
ill
successe
,
though
it
happen
by
their
fault
;
and
that
Love
or
Respect
which
the
people
bears
them
,
doth
discharge
them
from
th'
envy
of
the
Losses
which
they
make
by
their
imprudency
.
On
the
contrary
,
they
cast
upon
the
Ministers
of
State
,
all
th'
evill
of
the
State
,
though
they
are
not
guilty
.
The
require
from
them
a
continuall
felicitie
,
though
it
be
not
in
their
power
.
They
will
have
them
security
for
all
the
chances
,
though
they
ought
onely
to
secure
their
Counsels
.
They
make
them
instruments
of
all
their
afflictions
,
and
of
all
their
sufferings
,
though
ordinarily
their
sins
are
the
cause
.
In
briefe
,
they
handle
them
in
the
same
manner
,
and
with
the
same
injustice
as
the
first
Christians
were
handled
by
the
Pagans
,
who
took
exceptions
to
them
for
th'
anger
of
Heaven
,
and
for
the
wounds
of
th'
Empire
,
and
made
them
th'
Authors
fo
th'
Inundations
,
and
of
the
sterilities
,
and
of
the
plagues
,
wherewith
the
Nation
was
grieved
Truly
,
Sr.
the
Cardinal
hath
alwaies
acted
in
such
manner
,
that
what
Countenance
soever
th'
Affaires
have
taken
,
and
whatsoever
traverses
the
time
hath
raised
,
he
was
never
astonished
nor
cast
down
;
He
abated
nothing
of
his
pursuit
;
He
continually
respected
the
Dignity
of
the
Master
he
served
,
and
the
reputation
of
the
Crown
which
he
laboured
to
sustain
.
And
whatsoever
happened
unto
him
,
&
how
strange
soever
the
Tempest
was
,
he
resolved
,
to
perish
with
the
Government
in
his
hand
,
and
to
be
able
to
say
,
what
Francis
the
first
wrote
to
his
Mother
,
after
the
loss
of
the
Journey
to
Pavia
;
All
is
except
th'
Honour
.
But
this
Courage
which
hath
shined
so
eminently
in
Disgraces
,
was
not
effeminated
in
proserity
,
and
that
magnanimity
which
he
expressed
in
his
ill
fortune
,
when
it
undertook
to
exercise
him
,
changed
it selfe
into
an
excellent
Moderation
,
and
into
a
most
perfect
acknowledgement
of
that
which
proceeded
from
th'
hand
of
God
,
and
from
the
fortune
of
a
Prince
.
The
Fourth
Discourse
.
That
the
Science
to
discover
the
merits
of
Men
,
and
t'
employ
them
,
is
necessary
for
a
Minister
of
State
.
ONe
of
the
Noblest
Conditions
which
formes
the
Minister
of
State
,
and
the
perfection
of
Administration
is
the
Science
to
discern
other
men
,
and
th'
Art
to
employ
them
:
Truly
,
as
our
soul
,
how
heavenly
soever
it
is
and
all
spirituall
,
hath
need
of
the
Body
to
make
its
operations
:
And
as
God
makes
uses
of
second
Causes
,
to
govern
with
them
the
World
,
and
to
renue
Nature
;
so
a
Minister
of
State
,
how
excellent
soever
he
may
be
,
hath
necessary
use
of
a
number
of
persons
,
to
labour
with
him
,
and
to
help
him
to
carry
th'
Engine
of
the
State
,
and
burthen
of
Affairs
.
'T
is
the
Pilot
that
ought
to
give
Motion
to
all
other
Officers
in
the
Ship
.
'T
is
th'
head
that
ought
to
put
in
exercise
th'
Armes
,
and
th'
other
parts
of
the
Body
;
And
as
that
ancient
Captain
found
no
Title
so
glorious
,
nor
Argument
more
magnificent
to
make
himselfe
known
,
than
to
answer
him
who
demanded
of
him
.
If
he
was
a
man
of
compleat
Arms
,
or
an
Archer
,
or
a
light
Horseman
;
That
he
was
the
person
that
commanded
all
those
men
there
.
So
a
principall
Minister
of
State
,
ought
to
have
a
spirit
,
superiour
to
other
Officers
of
State
,
and
not
to
be
ignorant
of
the
Duties
of
Generals
of
Armies
,
nor
of
the
Duties
of
Judges
,
nor
of
them
who
manage
the
Treasury
.
This
Condition
is
remarkable
in
Sr.
the
Cardinal
;
and
't
is
true
,
if
a
man
have
but
one
good
Quality
,
he
knows
how
to
make
choice
of
it
in
the
midst
of
many
defects
,
and
to
discern
a
Grain
of
Gold
in
the
midst
of
Gravel
and
Dung
.
The
Earth
is
not
more
various
in
its
proprieties
,
nor
the
Heaven
in
its
influences
,
than
men
are
in
their
Tempers
and
Inclinations
.
And
't
is
an
extraordinary
thing
to
find
a
soul
capable
of
all
sorts
of
good
,
or
a
Temper
proper
for
all
the
functions
of
the
soul
;
Le
ts
place
here
some
few
of
its
Differences
,
and
of
its
Proprieties
,
for
the
clearing
of
our
subject
.
They
in
whom
Imagination
is
predominant
,
and
who
have
subtil
&
hot
spirits
,
are
very
proper
for
th'
Intrigue
.
They
are
Rich
in
expedients
,
and
have
present
Apprehensions
which
warrant
them
from
surprises
,
which
suffer
them
not
to
be
confounded
,
and
which
resist
the
first
impression
of
Accidents
which
have
not
been
foreseeen
;
and
the
newness
of
Occurrences
.
They
speak
ordinarily
with
grace
,
and
express
themselves
with
facility
.
Their
Action
hath
somewhat
,
I
know
not
what
,
that
pleaseth
,
and
a
certain
Harmony
which
charmes
the
senses
,
and
glides
even
Reason
,
and
to
th'
Affections
of
the
soul
;
They
are
bold
to
undertake
,
and
for
that
Difficulties
appear
lesse
to
them
then
they
are
,
or
beneath
their
strength
;
They
cast
themselves
blindly
upon
them
;
they
precipitate
in
stead
of
walking
;
And
if
they
meet
with
a
Ditch
in
the
way
,
it
stops
them
not
;
either
they
fall
in
,
or
leap
over
it
.
They
are
pleased
with
Noyse
,
and
love
Disturbance
;
they
appear
strong
in
troubled
times
,
and
the
Consusion
of
Affaires
is
their
element
,
and
the
matter
which
is
proper
for
them
.
They
do
sometimes
great
things
;
and
't
is
not
possible
that
undertaking
much
,
all
should
succeed
ill
.
That
they
encounter
onely
,
if
they
fail
in
their
choice
,
Hazard
,
where
th'
Election
is
of
no
use
to
them
,
and
that
being
so
seldom
wise
,
they
are
never
happy
;
They
are
neverthelesse
of
great
service
,
and
of
incredible
prosit
,
when
they
fall
under
the
Direction
of
a
wise
man
,
who
tempers
th'
heat
by
his
judgement
,
and
moderates
their
impetuosity
by
his
Prudence
.
And
as
Philosophy
observes
,
That
Choller
serves
for
a
spur
to
Virtue
,
and
puts
life
to
it
:
'T
is
also
true
,
that
when
these
active
humours
are
accompanied
with
a
good
Sense
,
and
perfect
Reason
,
nothing
seems
difficult
or
impossible
to
them
;
But
also
when
they
are
Masters
of
their
Actions
,
and
Arbiters
of
Affaires
;
their
Conduct
is
much
to
be
feared
:
It
is
more
dangerous
then
profitable
;
They
cannot
commit
easie
faults
,
having
alwaies
great
designes
in
their
heads
,
and
they
seldom
fail
of
making
them
,
having
not
circumspection
enough
,
or
foresight
to
avoid
them
.
They
that
are
of
a
cold
temper
,
and
in
whom
reason
abounds
,
are
more
fit
to
govern
.
And
though
their
Actions
are
not
so
glaring
and
tumultuous
as
th
'others
are
,
yet
they
are
more
lively
and
more
efficacious
;
The
common
people
,
who
have
no
understanding
but
for
th'
objects
of
sense
,
and
comprehends
but
what
it
sees
,
and
what
it
toucheth
,
admires
these
lesse
then
the
former
persons
.
They
are
neverthelesse
of
a
higher
price
in
the
judgement
of
wise
men
;
and
have
the
same
Advantage
of
them
,
th'
Architects
have
of
Masons
;
that
Pilots
have
of
Mariners
;
and
that
they
who
draw
the
designs
of
Pictures
,
have
of
them
who
know
onely
how
to
mingle
their
Colours
,
and
to
habit
the
Figures
?
They
seldom
contribute
to
the
fall
of
States
by
Imprudency
;
in
so
much
that
the
first
Law
they
observe
,
is
,
to
commit
no
faults
.
As
the
first
Inclination
which
Nature
gives
us
,
is
to
shun
th'
evill
,
and
what
is
contrary
to
us
.
They
seldom
shipwrack
,
because
they
know
the
nature
of
the
Seas
,
and
of
the
Winds
;
That
they
know
how
to
foresee
the
Tempests
,
and
that
they
put
out
in
time
,
and
gain
timely
the
Haven
;
They
are
fit
for
War
and
Peace
;
they
are
good
to
gain
,
and
to
preserve
:
their
Virtue
is
ever
present
,
and
there
's
neither
condition
of
time
,
nor
exception
of
affaires
that
hinders
them
to
act
,
or
renders
them
unprofitable
.
There
are
others
in
whom
Imagination
may
find
heat
enough
to
act
,
if
there
were
driness
enough
,
and
if
it
were
not
drowned
in
the
Flegme
,
and
in
an
abundance
of
moysture
which
duls
and
cooles
it
.
And
neverthelesse
they
have
not
the
vivacity
of
the
first
,
nor
the
prudence
of
the
second
.
I
speak
of
that
high
and
divine
Virtue
which
resides
in
the
understanding
,
and
in
that
supream
Region
of
the
soul
,
which
is
the
Guide
and
Torch
of
other
Virtues
,
and
which
chooseth
the
means
of
things
that
are
feisable
;
for
as
to
the
rest
,
they
have
but
an
imperfect
and
diminutive
virtue
,
which
is
as
the
Shadow
,
and
a
light
impression
of
the
true
;
if
Aristotle
must
be
believed
:
Their
principall
study
is
to
hide
their
defects
,
to
daube
the
breaches
which
they
cannot
make
up
;
to
paint
the
face
,
and
to
deceive
the
world
with
apparances
of
Good
,
and
by
postern
Virtues
.
But
in
so
much
that'tis
hard
to
appear
a
long
time
what
a
man
is
not
,
and
that
a
lame
person
counterfeits
to
little
purpose
,
when
he
cannot
walk
far
,
but
he
will
be
observed
;
so
th'
Art
of
these
men
is
easily
discovered
,
and
a
little
Conversation
undresseth
that
borrowed
person
,
and
that
Stage-Player
;
when
they
are
in
Imployments
,
they
are
secret
t'excesse
.
They
keep
silence
not
by
discretion
,
but
by
feare
;
and
in
so
much
that
they
cannot
distinguish
betwixt
the
things
they
ought
to
conceal
,
and
such
as
ought
to
be
published
;
They
suppresse
all
,
and
so
betray
sometimes
innocently
th'
honours
of
their
Master
,
and
the
Reputation
of
his
Affairs
.
they
bring
some
design
and
subtilty
to
all
they
do
,
which
is
that
petty
and
imperfect
Prudence
,
whereof
,
as
I
have
said
,
Aristotle
makes
mention
.
But
had
he
been
of
our
time
,
he
had
also
knowm
that
as
the
Alchymists
being
unable
to
make
perfect
the
Mettals
that
are
not
,
change
them
that
are
,
and
thereof
make
false
Money
:
so
also
it
happens
that
these
subtill
persons
being
not
able
to
conduct
their
little
Artifices
,
and
the
disposition
they
have
to
subtilty
,
even
to
the
true
Prudence
;
change
it
into
Jugling
,
and
make
an
Art
of
it
,
which
is
the
slime
of
humane
society
,
and
the
poyson
of
Commerce
.
They
have
neverthelesse
commonly
somewhat
of
good
,
and
were
not
made
by
chance
;
Heaven
hath
cast
some
favourable
aspect
upon
them
,
and
they
are
capable
to
serve
,
if
they
are
imployed
according
to
their
Forces
.
If
they
are
not
good
to
deliberate
and
to
resolve
,
they
are
good
for
th'
execution
of
such
Orders
as
are
prescribed
them
;
They
want
not
confidence
to
act
,
nor
compleasancy
t'
insinuate
into
the
spirits
of
them
,
with
whom
they
treat
.
They
are
exact
to
perform
their
charge
,
they
shun
not
labour
;
and
though
the
softnesse
of
their
Complexion
withdraws
them
from
it
;
their
duty
neverthelesse
whereof
they
usually
have
care
,
and
the
vanity
whereof
they
are
ever
sick
,
presse
them
to
it
,
and
maintain
them
in
it
:
That
is
also
the
cause
that
they
are
not
very
wicked
;
That
they
are
not
capable
of
great
Vices
,
no
more
then
of
great
Virtues
.
And
,
if
th'
Example
doth
not
Corrupt
them
,
or
some
violent
occasion
transport
them
.
That
they
will
never
be
guilty
of
those
black
Actions
which
stain
th'
Honour
,
and
destroy
the
Conscience
.
There
's
a
fourth
kind
of
Men
,
who
have
the
soul
heavier
then
all
th
'others
,
and
in
whose
Composition
Nature
hath
laid
up
more
of
Earth
.
These
men
are
capable
of
great
paines
and
long
patience
;
they
never
yeeld
to
labour
;
they
never
work
but
to
work
;
they
know
not
what
belongs
to
honest
leisure
.
And
that
rest
which
is
th'
end
of
th'
active
Life
,
and
which
the
Philosophers
seek
for
to
be
happy
,
is
their
torment
and
misery
.
They
are
unapt
for
Negotiation
:
But
in
so
much
that
in
the
midst
of
that
Mass
whereof
they
are
compounded
,
they
have
some
beam
of
good
sense
;
and
although
their
Understanding
makes
no
flame
,
it
hath
neverthelesse
some
sort
of
clearnesse
;
they
are
not
to
be
despised
;
they
are
not
improper
for
the
Oeconomy
:
They
may
serve
in
an
Army
to
presse
on
labour
;
to
make
provisions
for
Victuals
,
and
for
the
like
services
,
wherein
the
Body
hath
a
greater
share
then
th'
Understanding
,
but
that
they
have
need
of
both
.
The
Fifth
Discourse
.
Of
a
fifth
Temper
,
which
comprehends
the
perfections
of
all
th
'others
.
TO
conclude
,
There
's
a
fifth
Order
of
Constitutions
,
which
a
few
persons
enter
into
,
and
which
the
world
sees
seldomer
than
Miracles
:
For
this
,
Nature
opens
all
her
Treasures
,
becomes
prodigall
of
her
graces
,
draws
forth
her
Art
,
and
goes
to
the
very
bottom
of
her
power
;
And
as
the
ordinary
Constitutions
are
formed
of
the
substance
of
the
Elements
,
and
of
the
hidden
virtues
of
Heaven
,
which
are
mingled
with
Harmony
and
Symmetry
:
It
seems
that
these
are
composed
of
what
others
have
of
most
rare
and
pure
;
that
they
are
Extracts
and
Elixirs
;
and
that
the
bodies
which
are
so
furnished
,
are
not
Prisons
for
the
soul
,
but
very
commodious
Palaces
;
nor
rebellious
slaves
,
but
tractable
Servants
,
or
obedient
Subjects
.
In
effect
,
As
th'
Heavens
have
generall
Qualities
,
and
which
agree
,
and
enter
into
society
with
all
the
qualities
of
th'
Elements
,
and
of
the
Bodies
which
they
produced
;
In
like
manner
those
divine
Constitutions
whereof
we
speak
,
are
proper
to
all
the
faculties
of
the
soul
,
and
for
all
the
operations
of
those
faculties
;
There
's
nothing
in
them
of
malignant
,
nor
any
thing
that
hinders
;
Th'
abundance
of
the
memory
makes
not
the
judgement
poore
:
th'
Action
of
th'
understanding
doth
not
lessen
the
benefits
of
the
Memory
,
and
dissolves
not
its
Representations
;
Memory
and
Judgement
take
not
from
the
Understanding
its
edge
,
its
vivacity
,
nor
its
presence
;
All
works
there
with
facility
;
and
that
which
causeth
disturbance
and
trouble
in
other
bodies
,
produceth
here
a
miraculous
Harmony
and
perfect
Intelligence
.
Th'
understanding
,
as
it
hath
been
said
,
is
so
much
Master
of
the
body
,
that
it
obeyes
it
without
resistance
.
'T
is
supple
to
all
its
desires
,
takes
pains
as
if
it
were
strong
,
though
it
be
sometimes
sick
and
weak
;
and
as
if
it
were
born
up
by
th
'others
strength
,
or
raised
by
its
Agility
;
It
holds
the
body
to
all
sorts
of
toyl
,
and
is
not
over
come
by
the
greatness
of
the
labour
or
continuance
of
it
.
The
sensitive
Appetite
is
there
very
quiet
;
no
Motion
almost
doth
there
arise
,
which
is
not
voluntary
either
in
its
birth
or
duration
.
The
Desire
of
glory
is
the
sole
passion
which
makes
its
selfe
violently
to
be
felt
;
and
which
is
so
imperious
,
if
it
be
not
suppressed
,
that
it
confounds
or
makes
all
th
'others
subject
unto
it
,
when
it
is
without
bridle
;
't
is
not
content
to
raign
over
the
lower
part
of
the
Soul
,
it
will
domineer
in
th'
highest
:
She
will
command
Reason
;
she
declares
that
it
belongs
to
her
to
violate
Justice
with
praise
;
She
stirs
up
Usurpators
and
Robbers
of
Provinces
and
Kingdoms
;
whom
she
causeth
to
be
called
Conquerors
:
she
commands
the
Title
of
Great
to
be
given
Alexander
,
for
having
unjustly
possessed
himselse
of
part
of
the
world
,
and
he
had
a
will
to
have
invaded
th'
other
part
of
it
;
She
causeth
,
that
even
to
Christians
,
th'
Emperours
Honour
themselves
in
their
qualities
,
with
the
Name
of
a
person
that
hath
raised
th'
Empire
,
to
which
they
succeed
upon
the
Ruines
of
their
Country
.
In
briefe
,
it
causeth
that
one
is
called
the
Flayl
of
God
to
colour
his
Invasions
,
and
another
the
Corrector
of
Princes
,
and
of
the
Nations
of
th'
Earth
.
But
when
the
desire
of
glory
is
submitted
to
Reason
;
when
the
Soul
loves
it
without
being
transported
;
when
she
takes
it
not
for
the
end
of
Virtue
,
but
for
the
pursuit
of
it
,
and
proposeth
to
it selfe
a
second
Glory
,
which
is
more
certain
than
what
Fortune
doth
distribute
,
and
than
th'
opinion
which
Men
give
;
There
's
not
a
passion
in
the
world
so
fair
,
nor
more
profitable
:
She
takes
away
the
tasts
of
all
others
that
are
base
or
effeminate
:
She
acquires
Imitators
of
Virtue
,
and
by
the
present
or
near
approaching
Recompence
which
she
offers
her
,
renders
her
more
fertile
,
and
more
efficacious
.
To
conclude
,
The
Constitution
whereof
we
speak
,
sends
marks
of
its
Nobility
,
even
to
th'
outside
,
and
to
th'
exteriour
,
of
Men
;
It
imprints
there
certain
Characters
,
which
make
him
to
be
reverenced
of
them
,
that
see
him
.
It
covers
his
face
with
Majesty
;
it
puts
into
his
eyes
a
fire
,
which
is
more
bright
than
that
of
ordinary
eyes
;
and
gives
him
,
in
a
word
,
some
beam
of
that
Beauty
whereof
Jesus
Christ
himselfe
hath
not
refused
the
praise
;
and
which
,
by
the
means
of
the
senses
,
makes
a
suddain
impression
upon
the
will
,
and
gains
,
before
Discourse
be
entertained
,
and
reason
perswaded
.
I
will
not
speak
here
of
the
Constitution
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
,
nor
of
a
Good
which
he
hath
not
done
to
himselfe
,
but
received
it
from
th'
Indulgence
of
Heaven
,
and
from
the
Cares
of
Nature
.
There
are
truths
which
would
not
alwaies
be
published
;
And
this
season
would
hardly
permit
them
in
his
favour
,
the
knowledge
whereof
depends
upon
so
profound
and
delicate
speculation
,
since
she
is
ingenuous
enough
to
Contest
with
him
th'
Experience
of
senses
,
or
to
change
the
face
of
things
which
we
have
touched
or
seen
.
I
suppress
then
my
Judgement
in
this
subject
,
to
accommodate
my self
to
the
time
,
and
to
th'
Inclination
which
raigneth
.
I
will
onely
say
in
Generall
,
that
as
there
are
Diseases
,
which
are
to
be
discovered
by
th'
encounter
of
several
Symptoms
;
and
as
,
for
the
discovery
of
Gold
which
is
in
th'
Earth
,
there
are
many
signs
which
ought
to
appear
above
ground
,
&
in
the
Superficies
;
so
you
must
conclude
this
high
&
divine
Composition
,
whereof
I
speak
,
by
a
multitude
of
great
Actions
of
divers
Kinds
,
&
of
different
Condition
,
which
the
same
subject
hath
produced
.
Let
reflection
now
be
made
,
if
there
be
a
mind
for
it
,
upon
the
life
of
Sr.
the
Cardinal
.
Let
past
Governments
be
compared
with
his
;
let
it
be
examined
,
what
the
King
hath
acted
since
he
had
him
for
his
Instrument
;
Let
the
Greatnesse
,
the
Variety
,
and
the
number
of
things
which
have
been
done
,
be
considered
:
Let
the
shortnesse
of
the
time
be
observed
,
which
shuts
up
all
these
wonders
,
and
which
amazeth
th'
Imagination
of
them
who
have
seen
them
,
and
will
weaken
for
the
future
the
faith
of
History
;
And
after
that
,
let
every
person
judge
of
the
Matter
proposed
,
according
to
his
sense
or
passion
;
and
let
him
make
himselfe
voluntarily
blind
;
If
he
be
afraid
to
behold
a
Light
that
offends
him
,
and
a
Truth
that
angers
him
.
I
will
not
forbear
t'
observe
,
that
although
Sr.
the
Cardinal
in
acting
,
gives
somewhat
t'
Honour
;
That
he
is
very
sensible
of
the
Glory
of
faire
Actions
,
and
is
not
exempt
from
a
sense
which
all
generous
souls
partake
of
;
That
,
neverthelesse
,
hath
never
changed
his
Duty
,
never
did
wrong
to
his
Conscience
,
and
to
the
Counsells
which
he
hath
proposed
.
He
hath
not
onely
considered
the
Justice
of
things
,
but
many
times
proceeded
to
Charity
,
which
is
so
seldom
called
to
the
Councills
of
Princes
,
and
which
makes
with
Conveniency
,
the
two
extreams
betwixt
which
,
Reason
of
State
is
shut
up
.
This
hath
been
seen
particularly
in
the
Conduct
which
the
King
observed
towards
th'
Emperour
,
and
the
Spaniards
,
before
he
began
the
War
of
Italy
and
had
renewed
it
:
but
I
will
speak
thereof
in
another
place
.
I
return
to
the
first
subject
of
the
precedent
Discourse
,
and
to
make
it
appear
,
that
Sr.
the
Cardinall
in
a
soveraign
degree
hath
the
spirit
of
Discerning
,
whereof
I
have
above
spoken
;
I
will
fix
upon
some
Elections
which
have
been
made
since
he
was
in
the
Government
.
No
person
is
ignorant
of
th'
Eminency
,
and
of
the
weight
of
the
Charge
of
the
Keeper
of
the
Seals
.
'T
is
one
of
the
noblest
parts
of
the
Body
of
the
State
:
'T
is
the
generall
form
of
the
Justice
of
the
Kingdom
;
't
is
an
universal
Cause
whose
Influence
is
not
Circumscribed
,
which
penetrates
within
and
without
;
which
makes
its
power
known
near
and
far
,
and
operates
in
all
places
where
we
have
Communication
or
power
.
And
't
is
of
Importance
that
they
who
possess
it
,
deserve
it
;
and
that
they
who
exercise
it
,
fill
it
up
.
And
't
is
true
,
that
for
that
Dignity
,
the
Kings
choice
could
not
fix
upon
a
person
worthier
then
that
of
Sr.
of
Chasteauneuf
;
I
speak
not
of
the
splendour
of
the
Family
from
which
he
is
come
,
nor
of
the
faculty
it
hath
had
to
this
day
,
to
give
Illustrious
persons
to
the
state
;
They
are
Accidents
which
are
not
Proprietics
,
and
Conditions
which
may
fail
in
Families
.
And
though
the
seeds
of
good
,
grow
ordinarily
with
good
blood
,
'T
is
not
to
be
said
that
they
ought
alwaies
to
fructifie
:
And
though
the
Spring
be
very
pure
,
it
follows
not
but
the
Stream
may
be
poysoned
,
or
become
troubled
,
and
taste
of
th'
ill
Qualities
of
the
places
it
hath
passed
.
These
Advantages
then
of
birth
,
and
priviledges
of
fortune
,
are
but
incitements
to
do
well
by
th'
Examples
of
their
Predecessors
:
To
render
the
good
the
fairer
,
which
they
encounter
,
and
to
make
the
Counterpoyse
in
a
promotion
betwixt
two
equall
Virtues
.
But
for
Sr.
of
Chasteauneuf
,
he
hath
no
need
of
the
Lights
of
his
Ancestors
to
make
himselfe
seen
.
He
is
sufficiently
observable
in
himself
;
besides
the
knowledge
he
hath
gained
.
He
hath
highly
that
which
Nature
gives
,
which
is
the
good
sense
;
He
hath
watched
in
Imployments
and
Negotiations
.
He
knows
our
affairs
,
and
the
affairs
of
Strangers
:
He
is
neither
weak
nor
interessed
:
His
virtue
is
without
Artifice
,
and
th'
evill
which
represents
it selfe
publiquely
,
or
that
cometh
more
dangerously
under
the
vizard
of
good
,
and
with
its
Liveries
,
is
not
capable
to
deceive
or
corrupt
him
:
wherefore
he
hath
received
nothing
but
what
was
due
to
his
Services
,
or
to
his
Merit
,
and
therein
the
choice
of
the
King
hath
but
followed
the
publique
desires
,
and
the
Predictions
have
been
made
even
from
a
former
Raign
.
And
when
it
was
in
Question
to
relieve
th'
Island
of
Rhe
,
and
to
uphold
France
ready
to
fall
into
precipice
,
there
was
need
of
a
man
that
despised
Death
,
and
dared
to
cast
himselfe
on
a
manifest
danger
;
who
had
enough
of
affection
to
be
willing
to
perish
for
his
Master
,
and
prudence
enough
to
manage
the
least
Beam
of
safety
that
should
appear
,
and
the
highest
Apparance
for
good
to
be
seen
in
a
deplorable
Occasion
.
But
whom
could
Sr.
the
Cardinall
propose
,
or
the
King
choose
,
that
was
more
capable
for
that
purpose
,
then
Sr.
of
Chombert
?
so
th'
Event
did
not
deceive
th'
opinon
had
of
the
Virtue
of
so
great
a
person
,
Th'
End
of
that
enterprise
exceeded
all
that
could
have
been
desired
of
good
success
;
Our
friends
were
delivered
,
and
the
Rout
of
our
Enemies
compleated
the
Victory
,
which
we
sought
not
but
in
their
retract
.
After
the
first
passage
of
Suza
,
could
Montferrat
be
trusted
,
in
surer
or
more
esteemed
hands
,
then
those
of
Sr.
of
Thorax
?
And
again
,
as
fortune
had
pre-prepared
him
that
Occasion
,
and
reserved
him
for
the
defence
of
Casal
,
and
to
confirm
th'
Honour
he
hath
gained
in
Rhe
;
It
seeems
also
,
that
by
a
certain
fatality
,
Sr.
of
Chombert
had
been
destined
to
go
to
relieve
him
the
second
time
,
and
to
compleat
the
Glory
of
that
Siege
by
the
safety
of
that
place
.
In
those
last
Emotions
of
Italy
,
did
not
the
King
appear
admirable
,
in
the
choice
of
the
men
which
he
imployed
there
?
And
though
Policy
permits
not
many
Chiefs
of
equall
Authority
in
an
Army
,
He
understood
neverthelesse
so
well
to
discern
the
just
proportion
of
their
humours
,
and
the
necessary
Temper
to
conserve
Concord
amongst
them
,
that
he
joyned
and
changed
them
to
so
good
purpose
,
that
,
it
may
be
,
his
service
was
advanced
by
that
plurality
,
and
his
Armies
were
the
more
happy
.
And
when
the
passage
was
to
be
opened
for
our
Troops
,
for
the
Reliefe
of
Casal
,
and
the
resistance
of
Armies
to
be
forced
which
opposed
it
;
To
whom
could
that
design
be
more
rationally
committed
,
Age
which
ruines
th'
Active
Qualities
of
so
many
other
persons
,
offended
not
his
;
old
Age
,
which
chils
the
blood
,
did
not
diminish
his
Valour
.
'T
is
a
habit
,
which
had
not
in
him
its
Original
from
th'
heats
of
the
Body
,
but
in
the
lights
of
Reason
;
and
he
was
as
bold
when
there
was
cause
,
as
he
was
ever
wise
.
His
long
and
ancient
experience
,
and
the
good
sense
wherein
he
naturally
abounded
,
permitted
him
not
to
commit
any
fault
;
He
knew
the
Spaniards
too
well
to
fall
into
their
snares
,
and
into
a
surprise
by
their
Deceits
,
and
with
the
Companions
which
the
King
gave
him
.
There
was
nothing
to
be
feared
,
and
all
good
successe
was
to
be
hoped
from
his
Conduct
.
It
must
not
be
forgot
,
that
Sr.
the
Cardinal
,
considers
not
onely
Merit
in
the
choice
of
them
whom
he
proposeth
,
but
would
also
have
good
Birth
,
if
it
be
possible
;
That
things
may
be
acted
with
Glory
,
and
that
the
reputation
of
affairs
might
improve
by
the
Dignity
of
the
Persons
who
manage
them
.
He
is
very
far
from
th'
humour
of
a
certain
King
,
who
made
his
Physicism
his
principall
Counsellor
:
And
from
the
humour
of
another
,
who
made
his
Chirurgion
enter
into
the
Councill
of
State
,
and
permitted
the
same
hands
to
handle
the
Seals
,
which
had
newly
quitted
the
Razour
and
Launcet
;
wherefore
the
Nobility
is
more
imployed
in
Negotiations
then
heretofore
it
was
.
They
who
lead
Armies
,
or
help
to
make
War
are
called
to
manage
Treaties
of
Peace
,
and
the
suspensions
of
Arms
;
And
't
is
true
,
that
ordinarily
th'
affairs
do
prosper
well
in
their
hands
,
because
they
are
usually
bolder
in
Action
,
and
have
the
sense
,
lesse
sophisticated
,
than
persons
of
the
long
Robe
.
The
Sixth
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
ought
not
to
forme
his
Conduct
by
the
Example
of
strangers
;
and
that
be
ought
to
treat
with
them
after
a
Different
Manner
.
THere
's
nothing
so
universall
in
the
world
,
as
Diversity
,
and
it
seems
that
God
hath
affected
it
,
to
shew
his
power
by
it
,
and
to
render
Nature
fair
.
The
number
of
Angels
,
as
't
is
said
,
surpasseth
the
number
of
other
Creatures
.
But
if
the
Schools
would
have
believed
St.
Thomas
,
the
diversity
of
kinds
which
is
amongst
them
,
had
equalled
the
number
of
particulars
,
and
there
had
not
been
in
those
high
and
divine
Hierarchies
two
Natures
alike
;
However
insomuch
that
they
conceived
that
the
Dignity
of
the
living
Creatures
encreased
by
the
multitude
of
th'
Individuals
,
which
composed
them
;
and
that
Philosophy
hath
sent
back
the
Phoenix
to
the
fables
of
the
Poets
,
who
have
sung
of
him
as
being
alone
,
The
greatest
part
of
the
Schools
have
departed
in
that
sense
from
the
judgement
of
that
Doctor
,
whose
opinions
are
so
often
adored
by
them
.
Let
's
go
on
:
The
Varieties
of
bodies
which
issue
from
th'
Elements
were
incredible
,
if
Nature
had
not
submitted
them
to
our
sense
;
and
if
Art
did
not
discover
unto
us
an
infinity
of
Words
,
which
are
made
of
a
few
Letters
;
and
an
infinity
of
Figures
,
which
are
drawn
out
of
a
small
quantity
of
Colours
;
And
an
infinity
of
Colours
,
which
are
taken
out
of
a
small
quantity
of
Drugs
.
This
is
not
all
;
The
divesity
which
Nature
could
not
place
in
Essences
,
she
hath
put
to
the
forms
which
accompany
them
;
what
she
could
not
do
to
the
principal
,
she
hath
done
to
the
Incidents
and
Accessaries
;
and
the
conformity
which
is
in
the
faces
of
men
,
for
to
distinguish
them
from
Beasts
,
is
changed
by
many
Marks
of
dissemblance
,
for
to
distinguish
them
from
one
another
.
This
Second
Diversity
proceeds
from
the
first
mixture
of
th'
Elements
,
which
enters
into
the
Composition
of
the
Bodies
,
from
the
virtue
of
Heaven
,
and
of
the
Stars
which
are
therein
predominant
,
and
from
the
quality
of
the
Climate
,
and
of
the
place
which
have
a
great
share
in
the
Composition
,
and
in
the
Constitution
of
all
things
that
are
born
.
That
if
the
Compositions
of
bodies
of
the
same
kind
,
are
so
divers
for
the
Causes
above
mentioned
;
How
much
greater
ought
the
Difference
to
be
,
which
is
found
in
the
manners
of
men
,
where
th'
Inclinations
of
the
Body
do
interveyn
,
the
motions
of
Reason
.
Examples
from
without
,
and
strange
suggestions
;
but
above
all
th'
Inclinations
of
the
Body
prevail
,
and
the
strength
of
the
Constitution
:
Reason
is
very
seldom
heard
,
Men
live
almost
wholly
by
passion
,
and
as
if
the
whole
Man
were
but
a
lump
,
the
greatest
part
of
them
act
,
but
according
to
that
party
,
and
chuse
rather
to
submit
unto
it
,
to
be
at
rest
,
if
they
can
,
then
to
have
War
in
resisting
it
;
and
incline
rather
to
peace
by
servitude
than
by
Victory
.
Insomuch
that
a
Minister
of
State
ought
ot
take
great
care
not
to
act
by
Imitation
;
not
to
frame
his
Conduct
by
th'
Example
of
strangers
,
not
to
follow
remote
Idaea's
,
and
not
to
suffer
himselfe
to
be
couse●ed
by
what
is
practised
in
the
Government
of
another
State
,
which
he
may
see
powerfull
and
happy
,
that
if
the
Physitians
of
Italy
and
Germany
,
handle
in
a
different
manner
the
Diseases
of
those
Countries
;
If
the
Morall
have
not
an
exact
and
indivisible
Medium
for
the
virtue
it
teacheth
.
If
the
Church
for
fastings
and
abstinencies
,
be
lesse
Indulgent
in
relation
to
the
people
of
the
East
,
than
of
the
North
;
And
if
all
proceeds
from
the
inequality
of
Complexions
,
which
ariseth
in
part
from
the
difference
of
Climates
,
and
places
.
Why
should
not
the
same
Considerations
be
received
in
the
Conducts
of
States
;
where
not
onely
the
Constitutions
of
men
are
unlike
,
and
their
manners
contrary
;
but
their
foundations
are
different
,
and
their
policy
diverse
;
And
where
the
Contest
brought
to
maintain
them
is
the
more
ardent
,
because
't
is
raised
under
the
pretence
of
generall
good
,
and
is
upheld
by
the
multitude
of
them
who
are
interressed
,
and
from
publique
force
.
Le
ts
come
t'Examples
;
The
severity
which
the
Spaniards
affect
,
and
which
is
conformable
to
their
Constitution
,
is
necessary
for
Spain
;
and
those
Melancholick
and
glorious
Spirits
,
are
more
stirred
up
then
the
spirits
of
others
,
by
the
shame
of
punishments
,
and
by
the
hope
of
rewards
.
Their
Inquisition
which
appears
so
dreadfull
,
and
which
is
so
formidable
to
all
other
Nations
;
it
one
of
the
principall
causes
of
the
peace
which
they
enjoy
,
and
of
that
high
tranquillity
wherein
they
repose
themselves
.
Errour
dares
not
openly
appear
there
:
There
's
no
contagion
for
their
spirits
;
and
if
there
be
any
remainder
of
Mahometism
,
after
the
forcing
away
of
so
many
thousands
of
Moores
,
it
lies
concealed
in
their
hearts
,
or
passeth
not
out
of
Caves
and
Darkness
.
They
serve
not
onely
against
Infidelity
,
and
for
security
of
Consciences
.
Many
Crimes
purely
civill
,
which
cannot
be
punished
according
to
ordinary
formes
,
are
sent
thither
,
and
sometimes
innocent
persons
are
there
exposed
;
who
are
to
be
made
Examples
for
th'
Interest
of
the
State
,
and
to
save
th'
honour
of
the
Prince
.
The
disgrace
of
Antonio
Peres
is
a
famous
Evidence
.
That
person
who
had
no
greater
Crime
than
to
be
esteemed
by
his
Masted
,
Don
John
of
Austria
,
was
killed
in
the
Inquistion
by
Philip's
Order
.
and
to
have
th'
assurance
of
it
,
after
he
had
been
di●…
years
variously
vexed
,
was
at
last
condemned
to
th'
Inquisition
;
and
if
the
people
of
Saragoca
had
not
taken
him
away
by
force
,
he
had
made
experiment
of
the
danger
of
keeping
a
great
Persons
secrets
,
and
of
being
th'
Instrument
of
an
Action
he
would
not
have
known
.
But
when
they
undertook
to
settle
in
other
places
that
severe
Inquisition
,
't
was
then
that
the
spirits
of
the
people
Mutined
;
That
Tempests
have
been
seen
t'arise
;
and
that
they
have
run
to
violent
Remedies
to
hinder
them
.
Heresie
entered
into
Flanders
under
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
Religion
began
to
be
altered
there
,
by
the
Trade
with
England
and
Germany
,
Graniuelle
,
who
commanded
there
,
repaired
to
the
Inquisition
,
to
smoother
an
evil
that
seemed
weak
,
because
it
was
new
,
and
began
onely
to
shew
it selfe
,
and
to
bud
.
But
he
spoiled
all
with
that
Remedy
:
and
whether
he
was
forced
by
a
good
zeal
,
as
is
probable
;
or
with
a
desire
to
ceaze
on
the
Goods
of
the
discovered
persons
as
he
was
accused
;
He
caused
so
many
to
dye
,
and
provoked
so
many
other
persons
,
that
th'
Emperour
was
constrained
to
suppress
that
pursuit
.
The
seeds
nevertheless
of
the
Disease
dyed
not
,
though
they
were
laid
asleep
,
:
The'Ulcer
was
concealed
,
but
not
healed
,
and
a
part
of
the
people
passed
since
from
Heresie
to
Revolt
,
which
they
have
changed
with
the
time
into
a
lawfull
Dominion
.
The
Spaniards
believed
also
,
that
the
Inquisition
after
their
manner
,
would
secure
the
Conquest
of
Naples
;
That
it
should
serve
as
a
Bridle
for
that
untamed
Horse
;
That
it
would
hold
that
changeable
and
unstable
people
under
the
yoak
,
and
abate
the
highest
heads
of
that
Kingdom
,
who
loved
naturally
disorders
;
but
they
were
deceived
.
And
so
soon
,
as
Don
Pedro
of
Toledo
attempted
it
,
Naples
rebelled
,
and
the
people
took
Arms
as
for
their
common
Liberty
:
and
if
th'
Emperour
had
not
taken
away
that
Design
;
and
if
the
Pope
should
have
consented
to
the
proposalls
of
Cardinal
Caraffe
,
they
had
hazarded
the
losse
of
that
State
,
and
what
they
had
in
Italy
.
So
soon
as
Philip
the
second
war
returned
from
Flanders
into
Spain
,
he
sent
divers
Heretiques
to
be
punished
:
He
pardoned
neither
Sex
or
Quality
;
He
caused
the
Effigies
of
Constantine
Pontius
,
the
last
Confessor
of
his
Father
to
be
burnt
:
He
Commanded
Bartholme
,
Arch-Bishop
of
Toledo
,
to
be
arrested
;
This
Proceeding
astonished
all
the
world
;
And
if
that
Prince
did
not
spare
the
memory
of
him
,
who
held
in
his
Arms
the
dying
Emperour
,
and
received
his
last
Breath
;
nor
the
chief
Prelate
of
the
Spanish
Dominions
,
and
who
was
heard
with
Admiration
in
the
Councill
of
Trent
;
And
if
he
protested
daily
,
that
he
would
bring
Wood
to
burn
his
Children
,
if
they
were
Heretiques
:
What
grace
could
be
expected
from
him
by
nocent
persons
?
There
's
no
question
,
but
that
severity
hath
preserved
that
Country
from
Heresie
,
and
made
impressions
on
the
people
,
whose
nature
is
circumspect
,
and
seeks
safety
in
all
their
undertakings
.
And
as
to
th'
Example
of
the
Prince
,
and
that
by
his
Advice
,
endeavours
have
been
used
t'exercise
the
same
proceedings
in
France
.
The
same
success
hath
not
been
encountred
;
whether
that
the
Remedy
was
unseasonable
,
or
that
our
humour
mour
is
uncapable
to
submit
to
force
:
It
seems
that
the
door
t'Errour
was
opened
upon
that
occasion
;
Many
to
whom
new
things
were
odious
,
were
lost
by
the
Curiosity
to
know
what
the
Doctrine
was
for
which
so
many
persons
did
run
with
vehemency
,
to
death
,
and
suffered
with
joy
.
That
vain
Image
of
constancy
amazed
weak
spirits
,
and
them
that
knew
not
,
That
the
Justice
of
the
Cause
,
and
not
the
Rigour
of
Torments
made
Martyrs
,
imagined
that
they
could
not
cheerfully
perish
,
but
for
the
Cause
of
Jesus
Christ
.
Severity
then
is
not
good
,
but
for
the
speculative
and
fierce
humours
,
as
the
Spaniards
are
,
who
consider
alwaies
the
furture
and
the
consequence
of
things
.
To
whom
gentlenesse
appears
Cowardize
,
who
neglect
them
that
flatter
them
,
and
make
themselves
to
be
feared
of
them
who
make
discovery
of
fear
.
It
acts
also
powerfully
upon
the
fearfull
and
Coward
people
;
as
they
of
th'
East
,
where
th'
heat
of
the
Air
dissipates
that
of
the
Body
,
and
dryes
up
excessively
the
spirits
which
are
th'
Instruments
of
Boldnesse
and
Courage
;
so
Monarchies
have
taken
their
beginnings
in
those
Countries
,
the
people
being
easily
reduced
under
the
power
of
a
single
person
;
and
Ottoman
had
no
labour
to
make
slaves
of
them
whom
he
subdued
,
nor
to
banish
liberty
from
his
Dominions
,
as
the
greatest
of
all
Crimes
.
On
the
contrary
,
Gentlenesse
is
proper
for
the
governing
of
the
Germans
,
and
other
people
of
the
North.
They
are
enemies
to
all
force
;
There
's
not
a
Chain
which
weighs
not
with
them
,
thoughit
be
necessary
and
just
.
And
th'
Abundance
of
heat
and
blood
inspires
them
with
undaunted
spirits
,
which
makes
them
resist
all
sorts
of
Domination
,
if
it
be
not
in
their
hands
.
Wherefore
they
would
have
all
persons
governed
by
Common
wealths
,
or
at
least
have
no
Kings
which
should
not
be
Elective
and
subordinate
to
their
Authority
.
And
for
that
reason
also
,
't
is
very
easie
to
make
them
revolt
against
the
Church
,
because
it
was
their
Mother
;
and
to
make
them
hate
the
Pope
,
because
he
was
their
Superiour
.
Insomuch
,
that
I
do
not
think
that
the
death
of
seven
and
twenty
Lords
,
whose
heads
were
cut
off
after
the
battail
of
Prague
,
and
that
bloody
spactacle
which
they
boasted
of
to
Germany
,
procured
so
much
terrour
,
as
it
raised
hatred
against
th'
house
of
Austria
,
and
the
Spanish
Government
.
And
I
do
not
believe
that
the
manner
of
nourishing
the
War
which
Wallastein
introduced
into
that
Country
;
The
rigour
of
the
Contributions
there
raised
;
Th'
oppression
of
the
Towns
taken
,
or
of
them
that
obeyed
;
have
so
much
assuted
the
Victories
of
th'
Emperour
,
as
they
have
disposed
that
people
to
Insurrections
.
And
if
the
prosperities
of
the
King
of
Sweden
continue
,
that
they
may
cause
a
strange
revolution
,
and
destroy
those
violent
Conquests
which
have
neither
foot
nor
root
.
At
the
end
of
th'
Account
,
I
do
not
see
that
th'
Emperour
hath
made
other
Advantage
of
those
great
emotions
which
lasted
so
many
years
,
than
in
avoiding
the
Ruine
that
threatned
him
;
nor
that
he
became
the
richer
for
making
such
an
infinite
sort
of
persons
poor
,
nor
that
he
did
other
thing
,
then
impose
a
necessity
to
keep
alwaies
on
foot
a
dreadfull
Army
to
make
them
affraid
,
or
to
see
his
greatnesse
decline
,
or
to
give
over
th'
Ambition
of
rendring
himselfe
Master
of
Germany
,
and
of
reducing
the
people
to
a
totall
deficiency
,
from
whom
he
could
not
take
any
away
,
the
will
to
rebell
.
As
to
the
zeal
which
he
hath
expressed
to
holy
things
,
and
as
to
th'
exercise
of
that
Religion
which
he
re-established
in
all
places
;
'T
is
a
work
whereof
th'
Apparance
is
very
plausible
and
Christian
.
Yet
insomuch
that
all-that
is
but
without
,
and
that
souls
give
place
to
Armes
,
and
obey
not
the
truth
;
'T
is
to
be
feared
that
such
a
Reformation
will
fall
in
the
change
of
th'
Emperours
fortune
;
and
that
Heresie
may
more
dangeously
overflow
than
it
idd
,
if
it
ever
recover
impunity
,
and
its
first
License
.
To
further
confirm
what
I
have
said
,
I
will
make
use
of
th'
evidence
of
the
Spaniards
,
who
confess
that
the
Duke
of
Alva
was
too
blame
,
t'
employ
gentlenesse
to
gain
the
Portugals
who
were
onely
to
be
overcome
;
And
that
is
was
to
make
them
worse
to
flatter
them
in
subduing
of
them
.
On
the
contrary
,
that
severity
lost
the
Flemmings
,
and
that
the
floods
of
Blood
which
he
there
made
to
run
out
,
the
more
provoked
the
rebellion
,
and
gave
pretence
to
disobedience
,
to
shew
it self
,
which
had
been
till
then
modest
,
&
irresolute
.
Gentleness
then
in
generall
,
is
proper
for
the
Conduct
of
the
Northern
people
,
and
severity
for
the
Spaniards
,
and
them
of
th'
East
,
for
the
aforesaid
Reasons
.
They
that
are
under
a
temperate
Climate
,
as
the
French
,
and
whose
Complexions
are
tempred
by
the
clemency
of
th'
Heavens
,
and
the
scituation
of
Country
,
have
also
need
of
a
moderate
Conduct
,
and
of
such
a
temper
of
Justice
as
takes
impunity
from
vice
,
and
renders
it
not
alwaies
to
the
Culpable
,
desperate
.
Upon
what
hath
been
said
,
't
is
easie
to
judge
,
that
it
is
not
alwaies
safe
to
act
by
Imitation
;
That
th'
Example
of
what
is
practised
in
a
Nation
,
is
an
ill
principle
for
the
Government
of
an
other
Nation
;
That
universal
proposalls
are
dangerous
in
the
publique
.
And
t'
establish
generall
Rules
to
be
observed
of
all
People
,
and
upon
all
occasions
,
is
to
fit
the
Robe
of
Fables
to
all
the
States
of
the
Moon
.
'T
is
to
give
the
same
form
to
two
contrary
natures
;
'T
is
to
range
under
and
equall
measure
two
different
Quantities
.
And
that
a
Minister
of
State
may
the
better
comprehend
this
truth
,
which
is
very
Important
;
Let
him
know
,
that
except
some
most
generall
propositions
,
which
are
in
the
practice
of
affairs
,
as
th'
ultimate
principles
of
the
Metaphysiques
in
the
Sciences
,
There
'
none
that
is
not
disputed
and
contradicted
;
which
hath
not
reasons
and
examples
to
favour
it
,
and
which
are
contrary
to
it
,
as
I
have
elsewhere
shewed
;
and
therefore
ought
either
alwaies
to
be
followed
,
or
alwaies
to
be
rejected
;
Let
's
see
it
by
Experience
,
and
discourse
in
passing
by
of
th'
use
of
severity
and
gentleness
,
since
we
are
upon
that
subject
.
they
who
advise
that
a
Prince
should
rather
make
himselfe
to
be
feared
,
then
loved
;
and
that
Rigour
supports
a
Scepter
much
better
than
Easiness
of
Manners
,
and
Indulgency
;
may
at
once
say
,
That
though
it
may
be
true
,
that
soveraigne
Authority
is
equally
preserved
betwixt
the
feare
and
love
of
the
people
;
That
nevertheless
the
means
which
gives
birth
to
the
first
of
these
two
passions
,
are
more
certain
then
those
that
engender
the
second
:
That
their
operation
is
more
infallible
,
and
that
good
Deeds
act
not
so
certainly
upon
the
spirits
of
men
as
punishments
;
That
't
is
alwaies
in
the
power
of
them
who
have
Forces
in
their
hands
,
to
make
themselves
to
be
feared
.
But
that
it
is
not
in
the
power
of
them
that
are
good
to
make
themselves
;
to
be
beloved
.
That
men
love
,
voluntarily
and
by
Election
;
but
fear
for
the
most
part
of
necessity
,
and
in
spight
of
Reason
,
and
against
the
resistance
of
all
discourse
.
That
for
all
times
,
The
Corruption
of
Mankind
hath
been
such
,
that
it
had
had
more
need
of
Justice
for
to
subsist
,
then
of
the
goodnesse
of
its
Superiours
;
That
,
the
State
of
innocency
is
very
rare
in
the
world
;
but
that
of
Repentance
is
common
,
and
in
continual
use
;
&
that
the
Governours
have
been
alwaies
more
exercise
to
heal
Diseases
,
than
to
preserve
health
,
and
the
good
condition
of
States
.
That
in
a
word
,
The
Nature
of
the
people
,
is
to
fear
much
,
and
to
love
little
;
but
neverthelesse
that
they
love
not
the
Reigns
under
which
they
live
:
That
they
are
never
content
with
thei
present
Condition
:
That
they
are
sensible
onely
of
the
memory
of
things
past
,
and
hopes
of
the
future
;
And
that
ordinarily
the
dead
Princes
are
their
delights
;
And
though
sometimes
they
may
have
Love
for
their
Masters
,
and
that
their
Inclination
therein
accompanies
their
Duty
;
There
's
no
passion
that
changeth
so
easily
in
their
understanding
as
this
;
And
whether
the
Manners
of
Princes
change
and
degenerate
,
or
that
they
are
disguised
and
falsifyed
to
th'
eyes
of
their
subjects
.
There
's
nothing
so
easy
as
to
passe
them
from
Love
to
Disdaine
,
and
from
Disdaine
to
Hatred
,
and
to
Revolt
.
The
Life
of
Henry
the
third
,
is
an
illustrious
example
of
this
Truth
;
and
th'
Inconveniences
wherein
he
fell
after
he
had
attained
the
Crowne
,
make
it
appeare
what
foundation
is
to
be
laid
upon
the
will
of
the
people
,
and
upon
th'
inclinations
of
that
beast
which
stirrs
,
and
his
thr●st
;
and
which
,
after
it
had
adored
the
Duke
of
Anjou
,
persecuted
the
King
of
France
,
and
dared
to
make
War
with
him
.
On
th'
other
side
,
it
may
be
said
,
that
no
Emperour
is
furer
,
nor
power
better
established
,
than
that
which
is
founded
upon
Love
;
And
't
is
certain
,
that
things
are
conserved
by
the
same
causes
,
and
with
the
same
meanes
which
give
them
birth
;
there
's
also
no
doubt
but
that
the
soveraigne
Authrority
is
the
firmer
,
when
it
is
supported
by
the
good
will
of
the
people
,
from
whence
it
took
its
Originall
;
In
the
second
place
,
no
violent
thing
is
durable
,
its
proper
force
consumes
it
,
or
some
other
that
resists
it
,
and
which
is
greater
:
And
't
is
true
,
that
every
sort
of
Chaine
,
save
that
of
Love
weighes
upon
the
spirit
of
man
,
and
that
every
sort
of
yoak
,
if
it
be
not
voluntary
,
opresseth
it
;
To
conclude
,
to
raigne
only
by
severity
,
is
to
renounce
the
peace
of
the
spirit
;
't
is
to
charge
upon
himselfe
the
passion
given
to
another
;
't
is
t'
expose
himselfe
to
an
eternall
necessity
of
distrusting
all
persons
,
and
to
make
them
Enemies
whom
he
would
not
suffer
to
love
him
,
for
fear
of
not
being
sufficiently
feared
;
'T
is
to
fall
into
the
the
same
mischiefs
which
traverse
jealous
husbands
,
and
in
over-straining
his
subjects
to
be
faithful
,
to
give
them
a
will
to
rebell
,
and
to
quit
their
obedience
,
which
would
not
be
trusted
to
their
vertue
and
to
their
inclination
.
To
the
first
,
Answer
may
be
given
,
that
severity
alone
conserves
very
ill
the
power
of
a
soveraigne
;
and
that
t'
employ
violence
against
th'
evills
of
a
State
,
't
is
to
use
nothing
but
passion
and
fire
against
all
the
Maladies
of
the
body
,
and
every
sort
of
Ulcers
.
That
if
great
persons
sometimes
have
affected
an
austere
and
hard
humour
,
and
seem
thereby
to
maintain
themselves
in
Authority
;
That
effect
neverthelesse
proceeds
from
another
cause
:
And
,
insomuch
that
that
terrible
conduct
hath
not
been
alone
,
and
was
found
in
the
Company
of
many
great
vertues
that
have
tempered
it
,
It
hath
not
done
th'
evill
it
was
accusstomed
to
do
.
This
was
observed
in
the
life
of
Torquabes
,
of
Mariust
of
Sylla
,
of
Corbulon
,
and
of
many
others
of
the
Ancients
:
And
of
the
Moderne
,
in
the
Life
of
the
duke
of
Alva
,
of
the
Marquess
of
the
Holy
Crosse
,
who
left
such
cruell
Markes
of
his
Humours
to
the
Terceres
,
of
the
County
of
Fuentes
and
Wailstaine
of
this
time
who
was
so
absolute
in
th'
Armies
,
he
commanded
,
that
the
name
of
the
Emperour
was
but
th'
Image
of
the
Soveraigne
power
,
He
exercised
;
If
these
great
persons
,
I
say
,
had
known
onely
how
to
comand
the
setting
up
of
Gallowses
,
and
to
send
men
to
death
,
they
had
not
been
followed
by
their
Souldiers
,
in
the
occasions
of
glory
;
and
they
had
been
unknown
to
us
,
but
a
examples
of
Misfortune
,
whereinto
severity
doth
precipitate
.
It
may
be
also
aswered
to
the
second
,
that
Indulgency
is
a
Means
,
as
little
safe
as
facile
,
to
give
power
to
raigne
,
or
to
compell
obedience
;
that
if
the
first
men
of
the
past
and
moderne
ages
,
seem
to
have
neglected
severe
wayes
,
and
th'
Examples
of
Rigour
,
the
better
to
subsist
in
the
spirits
of
their
subjects
,
or
of
their
souldiers
,
'T
is
that
in
effect
,
they
had
extraordinary
Qualities
,
and
I
know
not
what
of
admirable
in
their
persons
,
which
appeared
in
their
face
and
countenance
,
and
inspited
respect
with
love
into
the
souls
of
them
who
came
neer
them
;
such
were
Alexander
,
Scipio
,
Caesar
,
Germanicus
;
such
,
Gaston
of
Foix
,
Don
John
of
Austria
,
Ferrant
Gonsalve
,
and
the
two
last
Dukes
of
Gaise
,
whose
single
presence-bewitched
the
world
,
forced
the
wills
of
men
in
spight
of
Reason
,
and
constrained
their
Enemies
to
change
their
passion
or
to
suspend
it
at
the
sight
of
them
.
From
this
discourse
I
draw
two
Instructions
,
which
may
be
applyed
to
th'
other
matters
of
Policy
.
The
first
is
,
That
for
th'
use
of
gentleness
and
severity
,
and
generall
Rule
cannot
be
Resolution
must
be
taken
upon
th'
Occasion
;
Consultation
had
with
the
nature
of
Affairs
;
with
the
condition
of
the
times
;
with
the
Quality
of
the
persons
;
and
leve
the
disposition
of
th'
event
to
fortune
,
and
t'
other
causes
which
are
without
us
.
The
second
,
That
although
the
difference
brought
of
th'
inclinations
of
divers
people
,
requires
or
the
most
part
a
very
different
application
of
the
Means
,
which
are
to
be
used
for
governing
of
them
;
so
't
is
that
as
in
the
Oeconomy
of
th'
humane
body
,
and
dispensation
of
th'
humours
which
compose
it
,
there
's
of
course
one
that
predominates
,
and
which
serves
for
a
law
to
Physick
,
and
for
a
that
't
is
necessary
sometimes
to
keep
under
that
commanding
Humour
,
and
that
predominant
Quality
,
To
raise
others
,
alter
their
order
,
and
change
the
course
of
certaine
Occurences
,
and
according
to
the
nature
of
the
diseases
which
happen
or
threaten
.
'T
is
the
very
same
with
th'
Humours
of
the
People
and
Complexions
of
States
.
There
's
a
certaine
Conduct
which
is
as
naturall
to
them
;
but
,
it
ought
not
to
be
inviolable
.
A
Minister
of
State
ought
not
to
be
a
slave
.
He
may
quit
it
,
provided
that
he
doth
not
abandon
it
,
and
may
resume
it
;
and
a
Minister
of
State
is
sometimes
constrained
to
go
out
of
th'
high
way
,
t'
avoide
an
ill
passage
or
an
Ambush
.
There
are
people
who
are
to
be
retained
with
Rigour
,
and
whose
obedience
is
not
ascertained
,
but
under
a
severe
Empire
.
But
that
ought
not
to
be
eternall
;
'T
is
good
sometimes
to
gaine
them
and
not
alwayes
to
subdue
them
;
To
bend
them
,
and
not
alwayes
to
break
them
;
and
occasions
doe
happen
wherein
't
is
of
necessity
to
flatter
them
,
and
to
stroake
them
for
feare
of
affrighting
them
;
lest
they
take
the
Bridle
in
their
teeth
,
and
Carry
him
away
,
that
ought
to
Lead
them
.
The
Seaventh
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
ought
to
treate
in
a
different
Manner
with
strangers
,
as
they
are
powerfull
and
free
.
A
Minister
of
State
ought
not
onely
to
conforme
his
conduct
to
th'
Inclination
of
the
people
which
he
governes
,
or
with
whom
he
treats
;
But
he
ought
also
to
adjuste
it
to
their
power
and
to
their
weaknes
;
He
ought
t'
Imitate
that
wise
Physician
;
who
considers
as
much
the
strength
of
the
sick
person
,
as
the
virtue
of
the
Remedy
;
and
seeks
the
proportion
of
that
which
actes
,
with
that
which
suffers
.
There
are
States
,
whose
Greatness
is
in
themselves
:
which
subsist
upon
their
owne
weight
:
which
can
passe-by
all
others
:
which
have
very
little
to
feare
from
without
,
and
can
hardly
fall
but
bu
their
owne
weightiness
,
nor
perish
but
by
the
Corruption
within
,
and
by
the
vices
of
the
noble
parts
.
Such
was
th'
Ancient
Republique
of
Rome
,
after
that
so
many
Nations
had
submitted
unto
it
,
and
that
there
remained
nothing
in
the
world
wherewith
to
fill
up
th'
Ambition
of
one
of
its
Citizens
,
nor
sufficient
to
make
him
Great
enough
without
the
Ruine
of
his
Country
.
Such
is
also
at
this
day
the
Empire
of
th'
Ottomans
,
whose
body
is
so
dilated
and
power
so
vaste
,
that
it
seems
,
that
nothing
ought
to
affright
the
Head
but
the
Members
,
nor
dissolve
the
Masse
,
but
it
s
owne
Parts
;
There
are
others
,
whose
Extent
truly
is
not
small
,
nor
forces
incosiderable
;
But
which
have
neverthelesse
need
of
foraine
Aid●…
for
to
support
them
;
To
fortifie
themselves
with
Alliances
;
To
forme
Leagues
;
To
make
use
of
diversions
.
In
short
,
to
repaire
with
Industry
what
of
force
is
wanting
in
them
,
either
for
resistance
or
enterprize
.
There
are
Princes
who
subsist
onely
by
the
Conveniences
of
their
Country
,
and
by
the
benignity
of
its
scituation
:
Two
great
powers
betwixt
which
,
It
is
shut
up
,
and
to
whom
It
serves
for
Barriere
,
are
in
perpetuall
jealousie
,
that
th'
one
or
th'
other
will
make
its
Accommodation
of
it
,
&
there
's
nothing
that
they
would
not
do
to
hinder
them
from
the
change
of
Master
,
and
from
submitting
to
a
Domination
by
them
suspected
;
This
passion
of
State
hath
been
th'
originall
of
great
wars
,
which
have
been
seene
in
Piedmont
since
hundred
yeares
,
and
of
so
much
Spanish
and
French
blood
as
hath
been
shed
in
that
Province
.
There
are
others
,
who
have
quit
themselves
under
a
voluntary
dependency
upon
a
greater
power
,
or
by
reason
of
some
good
turne
received
,
or
to
be
delivered
of
the
Expence
from
disturbance
and
from
feare
,
which
the
Neighbourhood
of
a
greater
brings
,
when
he
is
no
friend
,
which
is
seldome
but
to
their
Advantage
,
so
,
he
is
in
some
sort
the
Master
of
the
petty
States
,
which
he
protects
;
without
Citadelle
and
Garrison
he
Commands
them
;
and
he
receives
when
he
hath
need
,
considerable
supplyes
of
Money
and
Men.
There
are
others
who
are
under
a
forced
Dependancy
,
and
are
become
Captives
without
thinking
of
it
,
who
have
given
the
matter
of
their
Chaine
;
and
furnished
the
Stuffe
,
whereof
the
yoak
was
made
that
oppresseth
them
:
Covetousness
hath
precipitated
the
Genoueses
into
this
unhappiness
;
That
villanous
passion
hath
forged
their
servitude
:
The
Money
which
they
have
put
into
the
hands
of
the
Spaniards
hath
betrayed
them
,
and
by
an
Inverted
order
,
the
Creditors
put
themselves
to
the
Mercy
of
their
Debtors
:
They
cannot
now
unsay
it
;
they
have
given
them
pawns
and
cannot
recover
them
,
and
which
they
will
not
suffer
them
to
loose
;
A
single
free
thought
cannot
enter
their
spirits
;
They
dare
not
accept
th'
aid
of
them
who
would
redeem
them
for
their
Captivity
;
and
being
slaves
to
their
Money
,
they
must
or
necessity
be
to
the
Men
who
keep
it
for
them
.
On
the
other
side
,
't
is
a
pleasant
way
of
gaining
a
State
that
which
the
Spaniards
have
practised
towards
the
Genoueses
;
It
was
never
doned
so
good
cheape
,
in
other
places
;
All
others
have
cost
them
something
;
if
the
Great
Duke
be
obliged
to
the
defence
of
the
State
of
Milan
,
they
have
rendered
unto
him
the
fortresses
of
the
Toscane
,
and
given
him
Sienna
.
If
the
Prince
o
Parma
,
ought
to
furnish
them
with
Men
and
Money
for
the
same
subject
,
He
hath
received
also
the
Citadelle
of
Pleasance
.
But
here
they
onely
tendred
th'
hands
to
take
the
Money
which
hath
been
voluntarity
unto
them
;
They
enjoy
it
and
are
the
Masters
of
it
;
In
leaving
t'
others
the
vaine
Names
of
Creditours
:
and
if
●metime
they
give
them
somewhat
by
may
of
profit
;
even
that
returnes
to
them
and
resembles
the
water
of
Certaine
Fountaines
,
which
by
a
constrained
Motion
being
forced
out
of
its
reserve
,
returnes
thither
by
a
Naturall
motion
,
and
by
a
necessary
fall
.
Let
this
be
said
in
passage
.
To
conclude
,
There
are
States
which
are
not
conserved
but
by
reason
of
their
weakness
,
and
in
regard
they
are
so
inconsiderable
,
that
they
deserve
not
the
violation
of
Justice
in
a
Conquerour
,
nor
that
his
Ambition
be
rendred
odious
for
the
desire
of
them
:
such
is
the
Common-wealth
of
Ragouse
,
which
is
so
little
,
that
to
this
day
it
hath
not
provoaked
th'
Appetite
of
the
Turk
;
&
so
poor
,
that
almost
all
its
Revenues
is
laid
out
,
to
feed
the
great
Persons
of
the
family
of
Porte
,
and
to
serve
for
entertainment
to
the
Sangiaes
,
who
are
their
Neighbours
.
A
Minister
then
of
State
must
know
,
That
every
sort
of
State
requires
a
different
Conduct
;
That
th'
one
ought
not
to
serve
as
Example
to
th'
other
for
Government
;
and
when
any
business
is
to
be
had
with
them
,
that
they
are
to
be
treated
withall
according
to
their
Power
and
Liberty
.
Whilst
the
Common-wealth
of
Venice
was
in
disorder
with
Paul
the
fifth
,
and
that
Christendom
was
divided
upon
that
Quarrell
,
the
Common-wealth
of
Genes
fell
into
almost
the
like
Inconvenience
;
This
neverthelesse
did
bend
under
the
will
of
the
Pope
,
And
having
cast
it selfe
into
a
shamefull
servitude
,
was
carefull
to
performe
such
Actions
as
might
deserve
the
Name
of
a
lawfull
obedience
;
and
that
Spaine
,
whose
Aide
it
wanted
was
but
too
much
carried
to
dispose
it
,
to
raise
a
prejudice
against
Venice
.
On
the
contrary
,
Venice
remained
inflexible
in
its
pretensions
,
because
it
had
power
to
maintaine
them
,
and
pursued
the
business
to
th'
End
,
that
the
Liberty
which
it
had
not
received
but
from
God
,
and
wherewith
it
was
borne
,
might
not
be
weakned
.
The
designes
then
of
the
Pope
,
which
prospered
for
Genes
,
were
vaine
for
Venice
;
and
th'
Inequality
of
those
two
states
could
not
admit
of
the
same
Remedies
,
though
they
laboured
of
the
same
Evill
,
and
of
the
like
Accident
.
The
Eighth
Discourse
.
That
a
Minister
of
State
ought
not
inviolably
t'
act
that
which
hath
been
alwaies
practised
in
the
State
.
HE
not
only
acts
safely
,
who
formes
not
his
conduct
upon
that
of
strangers
,
not
treats
equally
with
two
unequall
powers
:
But
a
Minister
of
State
is
farre
from
that
he
ought
to
be
if
in
the
State
where
he
acts
he
tye
himselfe
servilely
,
to
what
hath
been
done
before
him
:
If
he
dare
not
go
out
of
the
beaten
Road
:
If
he
have
no
other
marke
then
th'
example
of
them
that
have
gone
before
him
;
If
he
will
alwaies
walk
upon
their
paces
,
and
adore
only
their
foot-steps
.
No
comparison
was
ever
more
naturall
or
report
more
just
,
than
that
of
th'
humane
and
politique
body
,
Th'
Oeconomy
of
th'
one
may
serve
for
Modell
to
th'
other
;
They
are
both
subject
to
the
same
Accidents
and
to
the
same
Symptomes
:
Both
of
them
have
ordinarity
the
birth
weak
,
the
progress
proud
and
rapid
;
the
subsistence
trembling
,
and
the
fal
precipitated
.
And
nevertheless
,
each
of
those
ages
requires
a
different
Regiment
,
and
a
Conduct
altogether
diverse
.
These
considerations
also
have
place
in
th'
Ecclesiastique
State
,
and
in
the
government
of
Soules
.
And
though
its
foundations
be
eternall
,
and
that
't
is
built
upon
an
immoveable
Stone
;
Though
this
Barke
cannot
perish
nor
make
Shipwrack
;
Though
the
Doctrine
be
infallible
that
hinders
not
,
but
regard
being
had
to
the
manners
of
particular
persons
,
but
that
some
alteration
may
often
happen
in
it
:
That
Compliance
must
be
made
with
the
time
;
sayls
shifted
according
to
the
nature
of
the
winds
which
blow
;
Relaxation
from
the
severity
of
discipline
,
and
much
submission
to
th'
inclination
of
the
people
;
Miracles
have
founded
the
Church
,
and
th'
Holy
Ghost
aydes
it
with
his
protection
;
But
it
requires
also
that
the
prudence
of
Prelates
should
interpose
to
govern
it
.
Reason
is
not
banished
,
provided
that
it
remaine
subject
to
Faith
;
and
the
Truths
which
have
been
proposed
to
us
all
naked
and
with
the
sole
Authority
of
signes
,
are
not
declared
unto
us
by
the
Councills
,
but
after
great
inquiries
,
and
answerable
consultations
.
And
nevertheless
Prudence
requires
,
that
,
in
the
Conduct
of
souls
,
what
is
best
in
it self
be
not
so
much
considered
,
as
what
is
most
conformable
to
them
;
That
a
violent
subjection
be
not
imposed
upon
them
,
for
fear
least
the
yoak
being
made
too
heavy
,
it
give
a
desire
to
shake
it
off
.
Heretofore
the
Churches
Arms
were
very
dreadfull
,
and
the
greatest
Princes
tremble
at
the
Noyse
of
th'
Thunder
of
Rome
;
The
Prudence
of
Pastors
,
who
made
no
unlawfull
use
of
their
powers
,
&
th'
opinion
had
of
their
sanctity
;
caused
that
they
who
were
threatned
,
held
themselves
at
that
instant
culpable
,
and
that
they
had
even
fear
of
unjust
excommunications
:
But
as
there
's
nothing
so
good
,
which
man
doth
not
abuse
;
nor
any
thing
so
holy
which
his
Malice
or
fragility
doth
not
corrupt
;
It
hath
hapned
that
in
these
latter
ages
,
have
been
seen
great
alterations
of
Manners
in
Pastors
,
and
great
abuses
in
th'
exercise
of
Justice
:
There
was
no
fault
of
Boniface
th'
eighth
,
and
of
Jules
the
second
,
which
did
not
passe
the
bounds
of
the
Spirit
,
which
confines
their
power
,
and
instead
of
opening
the
Kingdome
of
Heaven
whereof
Jesus
Christ
had
left
them
the
keys
,
endevoured
to
take
away
th'
Interest
of
Lands
from
their
true
Masters
,
and
lawfull
possessors
;
Besides
that
,
the
too
frequent
use
of
Excommunications
,
and
th'
application
thereof
to
matters
of
nothing
;
The
Scismes
of
the
Popes
,
which
have
vexed
the
Church
,
and
caused
many
persons
to
take
up
Arms
,
who
ought
to
have
been
governed
by
a
single
person
.
All
this
is
the
cause
,
that
they
are
now
lesse
respected
then
they
ought
to
be
,
and
make
not
sufficient
impressions
of
terrour
upon
Christian
Souls
.
In
effect
,
There
's
nothing
that
so
much
conserves
the
reverence
due
to
Holy
things
,
as
the
Rarity
,
nor
that
vilifies
them
more
then
to
render
them
popular
;
Those
things
principally
which
are
of
an
Order
superiour
to
the
body
,
and
whose
effects
are
not
sensible
,
and
respect
another
Life
then
this
;
have
need
of
these
precautions
,
that
they
may
be
wholsome
,
Insomuch
that
't
is
to
misunderstand
it
,
to
draw
a
consequence
from
the
time
past
,
when
Ecclesiastique
Discipline
was
in
vigour
&
the
consciences
of
Christians
docile
,
when
there
was
nothing
but
heate
and
flame
among
the
faithfull
;
when
obedience
was
generall
,
and
that
superiours
had
not
so
much
use
of
a
Spurre
to
provoke
the
love
of
virtue
,
and
to
the
pursuit
of
good
;
as
of
a
Bridle
to
retaine
,
and
to
hinder
th'
excess
by
th'
impetuosity
of
Zeal
.
'T
is
ill
done
,
I
say
,
to
draw
consequences
from
that
time
to
this
present
time
,
when
not
only
Heretiques
change
the
Truths
received
,
but
Atheists
assault
the
Principles
of
Faith
and
the
Foundations
of
Religion
:
In
the
dispensation
of
Ecclesiastical
punishments
,
The
Prelates
and
the
Soveraigne
chief
of
the
Church
,
ought
not
to
decline
th'
end
,
for
which
God
left
then
the
power
t'
impose
them
:
Instead
of
building
they
ought
not
to
pul
down
,
nor
destroy
a
whole
body
in
cutting
of
a
perished
member
and
sick
part
;
To
conclude
,
There
's
nothing
that
Superiours
,
spirituall
or
temporall
ought
more
t'
avoid
,
nor
wherein
they
ought
to
be
more
difficult
,
than
in
putting
their
Authority
to
Reference
,
and
to
make
Lawes
that
are
not
observed
;
'T
is
t'
offend
against
the
forme
of
what
they
are
,
and
't
is
much
better
to
suffer
Evills
,
and
to
Tolerate
abuses
in
a
State
,
then
to
discover
its
wants
of
power
in
not
correcting
of
them
,
or
manifest
its
weakness
in
contesting
too
much
to
surmount
their
Resistance
.
Truly
,
since
,
Sr.
the
Cardinall
hath
had
the
power
of
Administration
,
it
cannot
be
said
,
That
th'
Example
of
strangers
hath
put
us
out
of
our
way
,
nor
that
we
have
lost
our selves
in
following
our
predecessors
,
and
for
nor
daring
to
be
bolder
,
&
wiser
than
they
.
This
great
Minister
of
State
hath
so
well
known
the
Nature
of
th'
Ill
we
laboured
of
,
and
our
Boare
;
and
the
Remedies
have
been
dispensed
with
such
due
proportion
,
and
equality
,
that
the
defect
hindered
not
the
operations
,
nor
th'
excess
sharpned
the
disease
;
The
sweetness
which
the
King
used
towards
the
Rochellers
when
they
were
not
in
condition
any
longer
to
resist
his
forces
;
The
grace
which
was
afforded
to
Criminalls
,
when
they
were
in
his
power
;
and
the
Clemency
he
exercised
when
the
might
have
used
Severity
,
without
blame
;
and
have
made
examples
of
Justice
which
could
not
have
had
any
ill
consequence
,
nor
dangerous
revenge
;
On
th'
other
side
the
Comportment
at
Privas
,
and
that
sad
spectacle
which
seemed
to
have
been
procured
by
some
superiour
providence
,
To
supply
,
it
may
be
,
the
too
great
humanity
of
the
King
,
and
that
of
his
Ministers
of
State
;
The
Manner
of
hearkning
to
the
propositions
of
accommodations
not
to
make
the
culpable
desperate
,
and
to
press
the
War
,
and
hasten
victory
;
To
take
from
them
the
means
of
expecting
any
thing
from
time
,
which
is
th'
hope
of
unfortunate
persons
;
Th'
industry
which
Sr.
the
Cardinall
hath
added
to
force
;
Th'
Art
he
hath
used
to
sow
division
,
and
to
convey
distrust
amongst
the
Rebels
:
He
divided
their
Interests
,
and
hath
made
them
weak
for
want
of
Union
;
The
assaults
of
his
Eloquence
,
and
of
that
divine
faculty
,
which
hath
so
charmed
the
Hearers
,
that
all
the
passions
that
nourished
Rebellion
were
quieted
;
Th'
hottest
Motions
of
desyance
they
had
for
us
,
were
stayed
;
The
most
opinionated
could
not
but
consent
to
what
we
would
have
;
and
the
most
valiant
durst
not
seek
their
safety
in
Arms
but
in
Obedience
,
and
subjection
.
Moreover
the
most
scrupulous
observation
of
promised
things
,
and
that
Legall
,
and
new
proceeding
wherewith
fears
were
not
allayed
,
but
their
hopes
were
surmounted
:
That
I
say
,
hath
reconciled
all
their
spirits
;
hath
rendred
the
victory
perfect
and
firme
in
gaining
the
wills
of
the
Conquer'd
;
hath
cut
off
the
last
Roots
of
Rebellion
,
and
finished
the
work
which
had
been
so
often
begun
,
and
as
often
destroyed
by
ill
Fortune
or
by
ill
Conduct
.
If
the
King
would
have
believed
th'
old
Ministers
of
State
,
and
the
wise
persons
that
had
Governed
in
other
Raignes
;
He
had
never
assaulted
the
Hugenots
:
He
had
not
offended
a
party
his
Father
feared
,
nor
touched
that
Frame
which
stirred
not
but
by
shakeing
the
Pillars
of
the
State
,
and
the
foundations
of
Monarchy
;
Insolency
,
said
they
,
must
be
suffer'd
t'
avoid
Felony
;
and
Lenitives
applyed
when
sharp
Remedies
were
mortall
.
They
nerve
Concluded
for
warre
but
when
it
was
made
to
them
.
Th'
End
of
our
Armes
was
not
for
Victory
but
Peaces
.
They
did
not
embarque
to
sayl
,
but
to
return
to
th'
Haven
from
whence
we
were
put
out
;
They
could
not
endure
tossing
at
Sea
;
and
were
they
in
a
small
Boat
or
in
a
ship
of
Burden
they
would
make
for
the
Land
;
In
the
mean
time
the
fire
of
the
Revolt
was
not
put
out
;
The
springs
of
disobedience
remained
full
,
and
if
they
were
stopped
for
a
time
from
Running
,
they
swelled
and
became
great
t'overflow
the
stronger
,
into
another
Channell
.
In
a
word
,
the
King
had
alwayes
Companions
in
his
kingdome
;
and
at
most
the
Subjection
of
Halfe
the
French
,
consisted
in
sharing
his
powers
with
Him
,
to
leave
him
the
name
onely
of
a
Soveraigne
.
If
the
Maxims
observed
during
his
Minority
in
Relation
to
his
Allies
,
had
not
been
changed
nor
;
more
Courage
exprest
than
when
the
Spaniards
stript
the
Duke
of
Savoy
;
If
our
Reliefs
had
been
as
faint
,
and
fearfull
,
as
they
in
that
time
;
and
it
we
had
as
much
feared
three
Powers
as
they
did
one
;
What
had
become
of
Monsiur
Mantove
and
of
our
Reputation
?
The
Liberty
of
th'
Holy
Chair
had
been
weakned
,
and
Italy
in
a
Chain
.
They
had
suddenly
been
over
the
ditch
of
France
,
having
there
nothing
abroad
more
to
take
;
No
person
would
have
more
trusted
us
;
And
at
this
day
,
we
should
not
have
been
the
Protectors
of
the
weake
:
we
should
be
the
forsakers
of
th'
afflicted
.
To
conclude
,
if
Sr.
the
Cardinall
should
have
had
onely
in
sight
,
the
Example
of
our
Fathers
,
and
their
wisdome
;
The
designe
of
Navigation
should
have
been
onely
in
Idea
,
and
we
had
not
seene
the
Progresse
of
a
thing
whose
Beginnings
aided
so
much
for
the
taking
of
Rochell
;
and
without
it
,
the
greatest
States
were
never
but
halfe
Powerfull
,
nor
but
halfe
Rich.
The
Ninthe
Discourse
.
That
the
Counsells
of
Strangers
ought
to
be
suspected
by
a
Minister
of
State
.
A
Minister
of
State
ought
to
suspect
the
Counsells
that
come
from
abroad
,
what
shew
soever
they
make
of
good
,
and
what
pretence
soever
of
God-will
they
Cloath
themselves
withall
.
Let
them
take
it
for
certaine
,
That
the
greatest
part
of
Princes
have
neither
hate
nor
friendship
but
for
Conveniency
,
and
have
no
passion
but
what
their
Interest
gives
them
;
And
therefore
no
Friendship
is
so
dear
to
them
as
the
least
of
their
Affaires
;
That
there
's
not
a
Parent
whom
they
will
not
turne
out
of
a
great
Good
,
if
he
be
never
so
little
Dammageable
to
them
;
whom
they
will
not
sacrifice
,
if
it
turne
to
their
profit
;
and
expose
them
to
th'
uttermost
Mischiefe
,
if
it
be
for
their
Accommodation
.
The
faire
passions
of
Resentment
for
good
turnes
,
and
of
Acknowledgment
,
are
th'
expressions
onely
of
Particular
and
of
Vulgar
persons
;
They
are
seldome
born
amongst
Princes
.
'T
is
a
Traffique
,
and
not
a
Commerce
of
friendship
,
which
is
practised
amongst
them
;
The
lawes
of
Merchandize
enter
much
easier
into
their
Treaties
,
than
the
lawes
of
Philosophy
,
Interest
is
the
sole
bond
that
ties
them
.
And
insomuch
that
reason
of
State
learnes
not
to
do
well
Generously
,
't
is
no
wonder
if
they
know
not
ordinarily
either
to
owe
handsomly
,
or
handsomely
to
acknowledge
.
In
a
word
,
there
's
but
little
Counsell
given
by
Strangers
,
whose
spring
is
not
tainted
,
and
which
is
not
corrupted
either
by
th'
Ambition
of
them
most
powerfull
,
or
by
the
jealousie
of
Equalls
,
or
by
the
fear
of
Inferiours
.
Great
persons
endeavour
to
catch
Inferiours
in
their
Nets
,
or
to
do
their
business
at
their
Charges
;
They
engage
them
in
their
Quarrells
,
and
forget
them
in
their
Accommodations
,
or
interesse
them
in
others
Men's
,
to
keep
them
under
in
ayding
of
them
,
and
retaine
the
securities
they
had
seised
under
Colour
of
defending
them
;
Equalls
would
be
very
glad
to
withdraw
themselves
from
Concurrence
;
To
gaine
th'
upper
hand
,
and
not
to
serve
for
Counterpoise
in
the
forces
of
the
others
,
nor
obstacle
to
the
Greatness
whereunto
they
aspire
;
Inferiours
are
alwayes
in
fear
of
great
Persons
when
they
are
ambitious
and
look
upon
them
as
Monsters
,
from
whom
they
expect
to
be
devoured
.
They
cannot
have
good
will
for
them
,
whom
they
distrust
;
and
they
raise
no
Altars
nor
offer
sacrifices
for
them
,
but
as
th'
Auncients
did
to
the
Plague
and
to
a
Feavour
to
be
preserved
from
an
Evill
which
they
feared
.
In
the
begining
of
the
Civil
discords
for
the
Matter
of
Religion
,
and
when
the
new
Sect
severed
them
from
th'
obedience
due
to
the
King
whom
it
had
withdrawn
from
th'
obedience
due
to
the
Church
,
Philip
the
second
caused
Katherine
of
Medicis
to
be
advertized
by
Manique
his
ambassadour
,
that
It
concerned
her
much
to
take
great
care
not
to
flatter
th'
Evill
,
or
to
come
to
any
Composition
with
it
;
That
lenitive
Remedies
were
Mortall
;
and
that
Rebellion
and
Heresie
were
to
be
pursued
by
the
sword
and
fire
.
I
doubt
not
but
the
Councill
of
Philip
had
th'
honour
of
God
for
their
End
,
which
was
offended
by
that
new
Doctrine
,
and
th'
interest
which
was
Common
to
him
with
all
th'
other
Princes
,
Not
to
permit
disobedience
in
the
States
of
other
Princes
.
But
in
the
choice
of
the
Meanes
he
proposed
t'
oppose
that
Evill
and
to
fight
it
;
'T
is
certaine
that
He
considered
not
so
much
the
Effect
it
would
produce
,
in
France
,
as
the
Good
the
low
Countryes
would
receive
by
it
,
where
the
Contagion
was
already
entred
;
He
would
make
us
swallow
the
Medicine
for
the
purging
of
his
subjects
.
He
thought
t'
astonish
the
culpable
of
his
Countrey
,
by
example
of
the
Justice
,
which
should
be
acted
in
ours
;
and
take
away
the
heart
of
Heresie
,
when
it
should
see
it selfe
so
ill
handled
in
other
places
,
and
be
taken
every
where
for
th'
hatred
of
Princes
,
and
horrour
of
the
people
.
Le
ts
observe
here
,
upon
occasion
,
That
the
Prince
whom
they
called
the
Solomon
of
his
Age
hindered
to
his
power
the
Flemings
from
taking
Religion
for
the
pretext
of
th'
Insurrection
they
studied
,
and
th'
Impatience
they
had
to
rise
;
He
saw
cleerly
that
they
who
had
so
often
quarrelled
their
Princes
being
present
,
and
could
never
Love
but
the
race
of
them
;
would
hardly
containe
themselves
in
their
Absence
,
and
permit
the
Domination
of
stranger
Governnors
.
But
he
judged
also
that
it
was
easie
t'order
the
people
that
Mutined
when
the'
engaged
not
God
in
their
Revolt
,
and
opposed
not
the
Command
of
providing
for
their
salvation
,
to
that
of
obedience
to
their
superiours
.
T'
avoid
that
,
he
accords
them
all
their
demands
,
though
they
were
unjust
:
He
takes
away
the
Spanish
Garrison
wherewith
they
said
they
were
oppressed
;
He
consents
that
the
Governours
of
strange
places
should
be
Natives
of
the
Country
,
and
named
by
the
States
.
He
remits
the
Cardinal
Grantuelle
to
the
Franche
County
whose
person
was
odious
unto
them
,
and
Conduct
insupportable
.
In
brief
,
for
the
love
of
them
,
He
overthrows
the
functions
of
Soveraignty
and
chose
rather
to
receive
the
Law
from
his
Catholique
subjects
,
than
to
be
constrained
to
give
it
to
the
Heretique
Rebells
.
But
he
knew
too
late
Nature
of
the
people
and
their
diseases
;
And
as
't
is
sometimes
good
,
when
th'
Appetite
of
Novelty
is
appeased
,
which
vexed
it
,
and
tired
with
its
owne
disorders
,
To
bring
it
back
with
sweetness
;
To
give
it
liberty
to
retire
from
Evill
with
some
shew
of
Reputation
,
and
to
seem
lesse
Culpable
then
It
was
;
That
nothing
but
force
can
reduce
it
,
when
it
begins
to
shake
and
is
full
of
fancies
of
the
future
and
of
hopes
of
Change
:
That
to
flatter
them
is
to
lose
them
,
when
they
are
in
that
Humour
;
and
't
is
then
that
they
make
themselves
to
be
feared
,
when
the
least
Evidence
of
feare
is
discovered
unto
them
:
Th'
easiness
of
granting
the
first
demands
doth
furnish
them
with
boldness
to
make
new
ones
;
The
desire
of
evill
is
increased
in
giving
them
powers
t'
execute
it
;
and
at
last
,
'T
is
found
,
that
instead
of
a
weak
and
irresolute
Mutiny
as
it
was
,
A
powerful
enemy
is
made
,
and
an
Irreconcilable
persecutor
.
I
handle
this
Matter
very
particularly
in
the
second
part
of
this
work
;
So
't
is
that
Philip
fell
into
th'
Inconveniency
,
which
he
had
a
designe
t'
avoyd
,
and
he
saw
Religion
perish
,
and
his
Subjects
of
the
Low
Countries
to
rebell
,
for
not
using
seasonable
Remedies
,
which
might
have
wrought
,
if
they
had
been
applied
in
season
;
in
employing
Severity
and
Gentleness
in
counter
time
,
and
in
making
too
much
or
too
little
use
of
th'
one
or
th'
other
;
It
may
be
also
that
there
was
of
Fate
in
th'
Accident
of
that
new
Power
,
and
that
God
suffered
it
to
rise
in
opposition
to
the
Spanish
Ambition
;
and
to
stop
,
with
so
small
a
thing
that
Torrent
which
threatned
th'
overflow
of
all
his
Neighbour-Countryes
.
Our
Kings
also
,
under
whom
Heresie
hath
risen
,
have
spoiled
all
in
following
violent
Counsells
;
They
have
allwayes
either
strained
too
much
or
slacked
too
much
:
And
,
as
if
they
had
been
carried
with
Contrary
windes
,
They
never
knew
,
how
to
take
the
Medium
,
nor
find
the
temper
betwixt
and
Excessive
Rigour
,
and
a
too
Loose
Indulgency
.
The
shamefull
Peaces
,
accorded
in
divers
times
tho
th'
Hugunots
,
sad
Edicts
made
in
their
favour
,
declare
cleerly
what
spirit
acted
in
France
;
and
that
there
was
no
need
of
fighting
Battails
,
nor
of
the
burning
of
Townes
,
for
to
put
things
in
the
State
they
were
before
the
warr
.
On
th'
other
side
,
the
violent
designes
,
and
bloody
Resolutions
which
were
taken
t'ill
purpose
,
have
been
the
fruits
of
Spanish
Counsells
,
and
of
I
alian
suggestions
;
Th'
impatience
which
some
had
to
see
our
Miseries
finished
,
have
retarded
the
Cure
in
making
too
great
haste
;
And
th'
hopes
which
others
had
to
make
profits
of
them
,
hath
been
the
Cause
that
they
enflamed
more
,
and
prepared
a
long
and
new
Matter
for
our
Discords
,
which
were
of
Advantage
to
them
.
Th'
Execution
of
St.
Bartholomew
is
a
work
of
their
spirit
,
&
they
glory
that
their
King
had
a
particular
hand
in
it
,
and
that
the
Duke
of
Alva
did
advise
it
in
his
journey
to
Bayone
.
I
will
not
discourse
of
the
nature
of
the
Action
,
which
found
even
Catholique
spirits
divided
,
and
their
opinions
different
to
approve
or
condemn
it
;
Th'
Incertitude
wherein
they
alwaies
were
,
in
what
manner
King
Charles
concurred
;
whether
by
pretension
,
or
by
a
pure
designe
,
and
the
particular
resentment
of
a
Prince
,
which
ingaged
with
the
Zeal
of
publique
good
;
are
the
cause
that
no
judgement
can
be
made
thereof
,
but
what
may
be
dangerous
or
rash
.
I
suspend
mine
also
,
to
rest
me
upon
the
success
which
was
not
conforme
to
th'
Hopes
were
had
of
it
;
And
were
it
that
we
knew
not
how
to
make
use
of
our
advantage
;
or
that
th'
Election
of
the
Duke
of
Anjou
,
for
King
of
Polonia
,
lost
the
fruits
of
the
victory
that
was
at
hand
;
or
that
God
would
not
blesse
an
Action
wherein
it
was
presumed
,
that
the
publique
Faith
,
whereof
he
was
alwaies
Protector
,
was
violated
;
We
have
seen
the
Fire
the
more
kindled
,
which
they
thought
had
been
put
out
by
that
bloud-letting
;
and
pretence
given
to
cruelty
,
to
be
animated
against
the
Catholique
bloud
.
The
Cardinall
of
Lorrain
also
,
made
a
great
wound
in
the
State
and
Church
,
in
being
promoter
of
the
discourse
of
Poissy
.
After
he
had
been
so
contrary
to
the
Protestant
Ministers
.
The
persons
being
of
obscure
birth
,
and
their
Lives
charged
with
faults
;
who
had
been
shaken
by
many
Declarations
and
Edicts
;
who
had
so
often
shun'd
the
Light
for
to
save
themselves
in
dark
places
and
in
Woods
;
who
had
deliberated
upon
the
Doctrine
they
published
:
To
bring
forth
I
say
this
people
to
a
day
so
glorious
as
the
Cardinall
had
made
it
,
to
draw
them
to
so
famous
a
Combate
,
and
to
give
them
the
meeting
in
the
Field
,
where
they
had
him
for
Adversary
,
and
the
King
and
the
Princes
for
Spectators
;
It
must
be
confessed
that
he
was
much
too
blame
,
and
that
it
was
to
pass
too
dangerously
from
one
extream
to
another
.
He
ought
to
have
believed
,
that
it
was
a
means
to
cherish
them
in
Errour
that
were
shaking
,
and
to
confirme
them
that
were
irresolute
:
That
that
Honour
would
excessively
swell
their
heart
:
That
it
would
give
them
a
greater
Opinion
of
their
persons
and
doctrines
,
than
they
had
before
and
would
put
those
proud
spirits
into
a
condition
never
to
Renounce
the
propositions
so
solemnly
debated
.
He
might
have
believed
,
that
no
jealousie
is
so
violent
as
that
which
we
take
,
in
favour
of
our
Opinions
:
And
for
the
matter
of
Sect
,
that
come
into
the
World
;
Th'
Authors
ought
to
be
gained
before
they
are
publiquely
declared
;
or
else
they
must
be
destroyed
.
But
when
they
had
overcome
the
first
encounterd
resistance
,
and
that
apprehension
which
the
greatnesse
of
their
Enterprize
gave
them
;
and
that
the
uncertainty
of
the
success
was
ceased
;
The
disease
must
take
its
Course
of
Necessity
;
Hope
and
fear
are
weak
Remedies
against
it
,
and
Man
labours
in
vain
,
If
God
doth
not
shew
himselfe
with
a
powerfull
Arme
to
defend
his
own
cause
.
The
example
of
Luther
was
fresh
in
memory
,
and
the
causes
of
the
miserable
Schism
in
Germany
known
to
all
the
World
.
So
long
as
Luther
did
only
Hazzard
his
Doctrine
,
and
had
no
other
designe
but
to
cast
out
his
spight
,
and
revenge
the
wrong
he
believed
was
done
to
them
of
his
Order
[
for
not
permitting
them
to
preach
,
as
they
were
accustomed
,
th'
Indulgencies
,
in
the
Duchy
of
Suxe
]
;
It
had
been
easie
to
have
reduced
him
:
But
after
he
had
conferred
with
Cardinall
Caietan
;
That
he
had
been
heard
of
Charles
th'
Emperour
,
and
that
Leon
the
tenth
had
fulminated
against
him
;
He
changed
the
passion
;
Vanity
succeeded
cheller
,
and
th'
honour
to
have
to
do
with
so
great
persons
,
renders
him
irreconsilable
.
In
vaine
after
,
the
Messengers
of
Paul
the
third
indeavoured
to
sweeten
that
sharp
spirit
:
In
vain
,
did
he
represent
unto
him
th'
evill
would
happen
,
in
overthrowing
the
peace
of
the
World
for
a
doubtfull
beliefe
;
And
in
vain
did
he
offer
him
Red
Hatts
,
and
the
first
dignities
of
the
Church
for
the
price
of
his
conversion
;
All
that
,
moved
him
not
;
That
ambitious
man
could
no
longer
submit
after
he
had
contested
with
Cardinals
,
Emperours
,
Popes
.
And
after
he
had
been
made
equall
to
them
;
He
could
not
believe
himselfe
great
enough
,
if
any
person
were
above
him
.
This
digression
may
seem
,
affected
,
but
it
wil
be
nevertheless
profitable
:
Le
ts
return
to
our
subject
.
'T
is
then
true
,
that
't
is
almost
an
inevitable
necessity
to
receive
or
demand
,
Counsell
;
But
't
is
an
extream
disgrace
not
to
be
able
to
resolve
of
ones
selfe
,
and
to
distinguish
betwixt
anothers
interest
and
the
good
of
our
affairs
.
Behold
other
Examples
:
Peter
of
Medicis
whose
imprudence
and
misfortune
made
him
famous
in
Story
;
tooke
Refuge
at
Venice
,
after
he
was
driven
from
Florence
.
Charles
th'
Eighth
,
who
was
the
subject
of
his
disgrace
,
offered
also
to
be
the
cause
of
his
Restablishment
,
and
in
restoring
him
to
his
first
powers
,
to
assure
himselfe
of
the
Florentines
,
who
were
so
necessary
for
his
Italian
designes
;
He
advised
him
then
of
his
Intentions
,
and
tendered
him
his
Aid
for
that
purpose
.
Peter
consults
the
Republique
,
and
demands
what
he
ought
to
do
.
The
Senate
who
had
jealousie
of
Charles's
stay
in
Italy
;
who
would
not
have
him
take
Root
there
;
who
had
it
then
in
consideration
,
how
to
send
him
beyond
the
Mountaines
,
and
to
release
by
Consequence
Florence
,
which
was
the
breast
of
his
Army
,
and
of
his
Interests
;
disswade
Peter
from
casting
himselfe
into
th'
Armes
of
the
King
to
gaine
his
Returne
.
They
represent
to
him
the
danger
of
imploying
so
great
a
Mediator
;
That
it
would
more
inflame
the
hatred
of
his
Country-men
against
him
,
and
that
they
conceive
the
King
would
sell
the
grace
he
should
procure
him
,
and
oblige
him
at
the
Charges
of
the
Common
Liberty
;
So
with
these
Reasons
,
whose
apparance
was
specious
,
and
with
the
promises
they
made
him
to
labour
his
returne
,
The
designes
of
Charles
,
and
th'
hopes
of
Peter
were
frustrated
.
The
Venetians
who
are
so
industrious
to
counsell
others
,
and
who
for
th'
opinion
of
wisdome
they
have
gained
in
the
world
,
are
sometimes
Consulted
with
,
even
from
th'
uttermost
Confines
of
Asia
;
Take
no
Counsell
from
others
but
for
Conveniency
;
nor
otherwise
,
than
,
as
an
Evidence
of
th'
affection
of
them
that
give
it
;
All
the
Powers
of
Europe
were
interessed
in
the
disturbance
of
th'
Interdict
;
The
Christians
,
and
the
Turkes
,
the
Catholiques
and
the
Protestants
did
engage
,
and
there
was
not
a
Prince
which
made
not
offers
,
or
gave
advice
to
the
Republique
;
Nothing
of
that
neverthelesse
could
shake
it
.
She
stood
immoveable
in
its
proper
Resentments
,
and
never
wandred
from
her
End
,
whatsoever
was
proposed
to
the
Contrary
.
I
do
not
think
it
can
be
said
,
that
Counsells
from
abroad
have
acted
amongst
us
since
Sr.
the
Cardinall
hath
been
in
the
government
,
nor
that
forraigne
Infusions
have
seduced
us
,
since
He
governed
.
I
do
not
think
that
it
can
be
reproached
to
this
Great
Minister
of
State
,
That
the
Gold
of
our
Neighbours
;
hath
put
out
his
eyes
,
t'open
his
heart
to
their
suggestions
;
nor
that
their
subtlity
hath
Caused
them
to
unty
the
Tongue
to
discover
the
Kings
designes
,
and
the
secrets
of
the
State
;
Heretofore
they
governed
in
our
Counsells
,
though
in
the
posture
of
third
persons
.
They
have
there
proposed
their
opinions
by
French-Interpreters
;
some
of
our
Ministers
of
State
were
but
bodies
assumed
,
to
which
their
spirits
gave
Motion
and
language
;
And
in
regard
they
were
venall
persons
;
no
man
need
wonder
,
If
they
were
for
them
that
would
give
most
,
and
by
Consequence
their's
;
since
they
never
found
too
high
a
price
for
the
Purchase
of
the
fidelity
of
the
subjects
of
other
Princes
.
But
t'
assault
with
these
base
temptations
a
Person
who
would
not
make
use
of
all
the
Just
wayes
of
getting
wealth
;
who
had
so
often
refused
to
search
into
the
Coffers
,
which
his
Master
opened
unto
him
;
who
made
scruple
of
receiving
Benefits
from
a
Prince
,
which
were
offered
him
.
T'
avoid
the
gathering
of
the
spoiles
of
an
unhappy
person
,
and
oftentimes
Hazarded
all
his
Meanes
t'
assure
ours
.
There
's
no
reason
for
it
.
Besides
,
that
Interest
which
hath
been
ever
powerfull
in
France
;
The
feare
that
hath
been
long
entertained
of
provoaking
Neighbour
forces
,
hath
often
spoiled
our
Affairs
or
weakned
our
Reputation
.
For
feare
of
displeasing
them
,
a
pernicious
Compleasancy
was
exercised
in
favour
of
them
;
their
proposalls
were
harkned
unto
with
too
much
respect
;
They
durst
not
break
their
Designes
with
force
;
they
were
diverted
by
Treaties
,
and
interventions
.
And
insomuch
that
we
had
not
Courage
,
to
act
with
them
as
Equalls
;
They
took
the
boldness
to
treate
with
us
as
our
superiours
and
Masters
.
A
strange
Maxim
that
possessed
some
spirits
,
to
permit
in
private
all
the
tricks
of
a
Mutinous
faction
,
under
pretence
that
we
wanted
power
to
represse
it
,
and
to
suffer
the
Spaniards
to
do
a
part
of
what
they
would
do
abroad
,
t'
avoyd
disorder
with
them
;
and
least
th'
hatred
of
that
formidable
Nation
should
be
added
to
the
spight
of
discontented
persons
,
and
to
the
disturbance
of
Rebells
.
It
was
upon
this
Principle
that
they
suffered
the
Duke
of
Savoy
to
perish
,
and
that
the
frontiers
of
the
State
of
Milan
were
enlarged
to
the
foot
of
the
Mountaines
;
It
was
upon
the
same
principle
,
that
Affronts
were
permitted
to
be
done
to
the
Venetians
;
That
they
have
suffered
a
person
to
triumph
with
their
vessells
,
as
a
Conquerour
,
who
had
taken
them
,
onely
as
a
Pirate
,
and
whom
they
forced
t'
escape
into
Gradisque
,
and
conserved
that
place
to
th'
house
of
Austria
:
In
search
whereof
,
they
have
formerly
consumed
a
part
of
their
treasure
,
and
thirty
thousand
Men
without
taking
of
it
.
'T
is
by
reason
of
this
principle
also
,
that
th'
Hugonots
complayned
(
whether
of
right
or
wrong
is
not
for
me
to
judge
)
of
the
Breach
of
the
peace
of
Montpellier
to
the
prejudice
of
the
King's
Intentions
.
And
that
they
who
made
it
to
suppress
another
Caballe
which
could
not
subsist
but
by
the
Continuation
of
the
warr
;
had
also
broken
it
t'accommodate
th'
humour
of
Italie
and
of
Spaine
,
where
some
murmured
,
that
a
party
was
suffered
to
Live
,
which
,
as
was
Imagined
,
might
have
been
stiffled
.
And
others
were
angry
for
the
remission
of
our
Evils
,
and
for
the
Interruptions
of
our
discords
,
which
they
would
make
perpetuall
.
How
ever
,
It
was
,
that
breach
,
whether
true
or
pretended
hath
been
the
beginning
of
the
most
dangerous
warre
,
which
as
yet
we
have
had
in
the
State
;
and
the
Ministers
of
State
,
which
succeeded
had
received
(
according
to
the
Custome
)
the
shame
of
the
faults
of
their
Predecessors
,
if
they
had
not
the
Virtue
to
repaire
them
.
But
Sr.
the
Cardinall
entred
with
Counsells
as
bold
as
disinteressed
;
He
knew
the
power
of
our
Neighbours
,
and
the
forces
of
his
Master
;
He
conceived
that
all
his
Master's
forces
were
not
to
be
imployed
against
them
,
so
long
as
they
held
theirs
divided
in
divers
places
;
which
without
question
they
will
alwaies
do
,
till
they
cease
to
be
Ambitious
,
or
become
Weake
.
And
therefore
upon
this
Infallible
Principle
,
the
King
hath
beaten
down
all
that
did
arise
in
his
Kingdome
against
his
Authority
,
and
hindred
the
great
persons
abroad
to
grow
great
at
the
Charges
of
the
lesser
;
and
of
th'
Allies
of
France
.
The
Tenth
Discourse
.
How
Advises
from
Rome
,
and
from
the
Mediation
of
the
Pope
,
are
to
be
entertained
.
WHat
I
have
said
in
the
Precedent
Discourse
respects
only
the
Princes
manifestly
interessed
,
and
whose
intentions
are
suspected
to
their
Neighbours
,
by
reason
of
some
irregular
passion
they
labour
under
.
A
consideration
apart
must
be
made
of
the
Advises
that
come
from
Rome
,
and
Interventions
of
Popes
in
th'
affairs
of
other
Princes
;
But
insomuch
as
that
dignity
which
regards
onely
the
spirit
,
and
th'
hopes
of
th'
other
Life
is
joyned
in
time
to
a
temporall
power
,
wherewith
it
is
not
incompatible
;
It
hath
also
hapned
,
that
they
who
have
beene
provided
of
both
,
have
cast
themselves
on
other
Interest
then
those
of
God
,
and
mingled
the
Zeale
of
the
salvation
of
Souls
with
the
passions
of
th'
Earth
.
And
as
't
is
seen
that
Man
suffers
himself
to
be
ravisht
with
th'
Objects
of
the
senses
,
and
acts
not
but
according
to
th'
animal
faculties
,
though
he
have
spiritual
and
divine
faculties
.
In
like
manner
some
Popes
have
been
seen
to
forget
the
functions
of
the
Chiefs
of
the
faithfull
,
in
addicting
themselves
wholly
to
the
functions
of
the
Princes
of
the
World
,
and
place
Ambition
and
Avarice
in
the
Throne
of
Holinesse
;
Moreover
some
persons
have
been
found
who
by
interessed
designes
or
with
an
indiscreet
heat
have
endeavoured
to
over-straine
the
temporall
greatnesse
of
Popes
,
and
for
some
reasons
of
complyance
,
attribute
unto
them
more
jurisdiction
over
Catholique
Princes
,
than
God
hath
given
them
;
they
have
by
that
means
blown
up
the
Courage
of
some
of
the
Popes
;
They
have
made
them
t'assume
unreasonable
pretensions
;
They
have
caused
that
boldnesse
in
them
,
to
trample
under
their
feet
the
Crowns
of
Soveraigns
,
and
to
march
upon
their
Heads
,
who
acknowledge
God
onely
to
be
above
them
in
temporall
,
Jurisdictions
.
From
thence
are
borne
the
Quarrells
,
they
have
had
with
divers
Princes
,
and
chiefly
with
th'
Emperours
of
the
West
;
from
thence
have
been
kindled
so
many
Warrs
in
Germany
,
which
have
passed
into
Italy
,
and
brought
desolation
to
all
Europe
;
From
thence
,
were
formed
those
famous
factions
of
Guelphs
and
Gibelins
,
which
have
divided
the
Fathers
from
their
Children
,
which
put
Schism
into
Families
;
which
made
Citties
to
be
burnt
,
and
Provinces
to
be
plunderd
;
and
held
the
World
in
combustion
for
a
Quarrell
which
was
not
that
of
Jesus
Christ
.
The
doubtfull
pretensions
,
or
lesse
cleer
,
which
some
Popes
would
passe
for
indubitable
,
have
occasioned
that
they
who
were
interessed
,
have
maintained
their
Rights
with
the
more
violence
,
and
with
lesse
respect
then
they
ought
;
and
did
cast
themselves
into
extreamities
in
a
Cause
,
which
moderation
might
have
made
lawfull
.
But
moreover
,
When
a
Pope
either
by
his
proper
Motion
or
by
the
suggestions
of
Juglers
and
Flatterers
,
wherewith
sometimes
they
are
infested
,
hath
assumed
a
Right
he
had
not
,
though
his
designe
hath
not
prospered
,
and
that
he
hath
encountred
impediments
,
which
have
stopped
his
course
,
some
indiscreetly
zealous
Authors
have
been
found
,
who
set
forth
his
Action
for
a
Title
,
t'
entitle
the
subsequent
Popes
to
that
Right
,
and
to
re-ingage
them
in
a
Quarrell
which
should
be
made
as
strong
by
their
own
Authority
,
as
by
that
,
wherewith
they
secure
themselves
by
reason
of
the
prescription
,
and
that
it
hath
the
favour
of
time
.
From
thence
it
ariseth
,
that
they
are
very
sensible
of
what
they
conceive
to
touch
them
;
that
there
's
so
much
severity
at
Rome
,
for
what
concerns
them
;
and
when
that
matter
enters
into
th'
Affairs
which
are
treated
with
them
,
or
into
the
Negotiations
which
their
Agents
mannage
,
that
great
Circumspections
are
there
to
be
used
;
Th'
Eye
must
be
open
to
all
things
,
and
to
tread
with
address
and
lightness
upon
so
slippery
a
Pavement
.
I
will
place
here
a
long
consideration
,
but
profitable
,
and
that
shall
enter
without
Violence
upon
the
subject
in
hand
.
The
wealth
which
hath
been
given
to
the
Church
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
for
th'
Ornament
of
that
fair
Hierarchy
,
which
composeth
the
Mysticall
body
of
Jesus
Christ
;
hath
had
in
many
of
their
members
an
Effect
contrary
to
their
End
.
The
Soveraigne
Shepheards
themselves
whose
Lifes
are
the
Lamps
of
the
Gospel
,
that
it
be
not
hid
under
a
Bushell
;
have
sometimes
given
scandalous
examples
in
this
matter
;
Their
Manners
have
not
shined
,
but
to
lead
into
precipices
;
They
have
betrayed
the
bounties
of
Honest
Men
,
and
converted
the
Monuments
of
the
Piety
of
the
Constantines
,
of
the
Pepins
,
and
of
the
Charlemaignes
into
instruments
of
Ambition
,
or
of
some
other
passion
,
less
Honest
:
And
as
all
the
motions
of
the
soul
,
when
they
are
irregular
,
and
that
imagination
in
stead
of
discourse
doth
governe
them
;
enter
into
a
wilderness
,
and
find
no
object
to
confine
them
,
no
bridle
to
check
them
;
So
the
wealth
of
the
Holy
Chair
,
though
it
be
great
,
hath
been
little
to
satisfie
immoderate
desires
,
and
the
too
vast
designes
of
some
Popes
,
and
to
furnish
th'
excess
of
their
Expences
.
That
hath
obliged
some
of
their
Agents
,
who
burnt
with
a
contrary
passion
to
seek
out
extraordinary
Means
for
Money
;
and
to
have
recourse
to
violence
and
sacriledges
,
being
unable
by
lawfull
Expedients
to
satisfie
the
Prodigality
of
their
Masters
,
or
their
personall
Avarice
;
They
have
not
only
set
impositions
,
and
subsidies
upon
their
temporall
Subjects
as
other
Princes
do
;
But
they
have
also
abused
what
was
most
holy
in
Religion
;
They
put
to
sale
the
things
that
were
above
Price
;
They
have
sold
the
merits
of
Jesus
Christ
;
and
sold
to
children
what
came
from
the
Indulgency
of
their
Mother
.
Besides
this
,
the
venality
of
Offices
,
which
some
Popes
have
permitted
to
be
introduced
into
the
Court
of
Rome
,
and
that
Spring
of
Rapine
,
which
hath
been
stopped
to
th'
uttermost
of
their
power
,
in
all
well
polished
States
;
The
greatness
of
their
kindred
which
some
have
procured
with
too
much
heat
;
The
Warrs
wherein
they
did
embarke
themselves
to
ill
purpose
;
The
sumptuous
buildings
and
the
too
proud
goods
:
In
brief
all
that
furniture
,
which
was
seen
at
Rome
,
of
things
which
were
not
invented
but
for
vanity
or
for
pleasure
,
and
whereof
the
most
unprofitable
were
the
most
precious
;
All
this
,
hath
raised
an
ill
opinion
of
the
dignity
of
th'
Order
in
many
who
cannot
distinguish
it
from
the
Person
,
nor
make
a
difference
of
what
was
of
Gods
Institution
from
what
proceeded
from
the
Corruption
of
Man
.
The
face
then
of
the
Court
of
Rome
so
notoriously
defamed
hath
caused
some
to
confound
it
,
with
that
of
the
Church
,
though
they
are
two
very
different
things
;
That
they
applyed
the
spots
of
th'
one
to
th'
other
that
had
none
at
all
,
and
have
revolted
against
the
Holy
Chair
because
they
could
not
suffer
the
vices
of
the
Pope
.
Th'
authors
neverthelesse
of
this
great
Attempt
have
not
sinned
of
ignorance
,
and
were
not
carried
thereunto
by
the
zeal
of
th'
honour
of
God
.
They
knew
well
,
that
the
Licence
of
Manners
is
not
incompatible
with
the
purity
of
opinions
;
That
the
Will
may
follow
Evill
though
the
Reason
doth
not
approve
of
it
;
and
that
the
same
Authority
which
forbids
us
t'
imitate
the
deboshes
of
Pastors
,
commands
us
to
respect
their
doctrine
,
and
to
hold
us
in
the
way
they
teach
us
,
distinct
from
the
myre
they
are
fallen
into
;
But
they
were
put
on
,
by
other
Motives
.
Avarice
and
Spight
animated
them
against
the
dignity
,
to
be
revenged
of
the
persons
that
possessed
it
;
Instead
of
stopping
at
th'
abuses
they
exercised
,
they
assaulted
the
power
which
God
had
given
them
.
Instead
of
pruning
the
branches
,
they
would
cut
down
the
body
,
and
take
away
their
Neighbours
Life
,
to
hinder
him
from
Doing
ill
.
And
as
those
Creatures
who
draw
Poyson
from
Flowers
,
and
Simples
,
whereof
men
make
perfumes
and
Medicines
;
Instead
of
admiring
the
care
God
hath
for
his
Church
,
in
hindring
it
from
spoyle
in
the
midst
of
corruption
,
and
to
sinke
in
so
violent
tempests
;
They
have
severed
themselves
from
her
and
have
indeavoured
to
cut
the
bands
of
the
Members
and
the
Head
;
and
t'
abolish
that
divine
dependancy
,
which
makes
a
regular
body
,
as
Dissolution
makes
a
Monster
.
God
also
hath
raised
many
great
persons
to
fight
the
designs
of
the
Revolted
,
and
to
revenge
th'
injury
done
him
in
destroying
,
what
was
of
his
Institution
,
for
the
vices
of
Men
;
and
in
judging
of
the
virtue
of
the
Sacraments
by
the
goodness
of
the
Priests
;
and
the
force
of
the
work
,
by
the
merit
of
the
workman
:
But
as
't
is
hard
for
th'
humane
spirit
to
observe
moderation
in
its
designes
,
and
that
it
be
not
transported
in
the
pursuit
of
good
,
for
which
it
hath
passion
.
It
hath
also
happened
,
that
they
who
have
runne
to
the
Relief
of
th'
Holy
Chair
,
have
truly
prospered
in
that
defence
,
and
repelled
th'
imposture
of
them
that
have
assaulted
it
;
yet
all
have
stayed
there
;
some
have
passed
their
bounds
,
and
being
pressed
with
too
much
heat
,
which
the
love
of
truth
had
inspired
into
them
;
have
not
only
supported
the
spirituall
power
of
the
Pope
,
but
have
also
attributed
unto
him
a
temporal
which
was
unknown
to
th'
Apostles
;
unheard
of
,
in
the
Primitive
Church
;
which
gives
jealousie
t'
other
Princes
;
which
hath
not
ot
this
time
edified
,
which
hath
destroyed
much
and
made
Schism
to
enter
into
those
States
which
had
been
Catholique
,
the
space
of
many
ages
.
And
insomuch
that
they
who
have
been
raised
to
this
Supream
dignity
,
which
severs
them
from
the
Community
of
men
,
are
nevertheless
men
,
&
sometimes
have
common
inclinations
;
There
's
no
wonder
,
if
some
of
them
are
glad
to
see
their
Authority
extended
,
To
see
themselves
made
more
powerfull
then
they
thought
to
be
;
that
the
light
which
doth
surround
them
is
greater
and
disperseth
its
Ray
,
further
then
they
did
imagine
;
and
if
they
are
easily
perswaded
to
a
thing
so
conformable
to
their
desires
and
to
the
most
violent
appetite
of
reasonable
Nature
which
is
that
of
Domination
.
Insomuch
,
that
't
is
not
only
true
that
the
change
of
Fortune
is
ordinarily
accompanied
with
the
change
of
Manners
,
but
also
sometimes
of
Opinions
;
That
it
disorders
all
the
powers
of
the
Soul
;
That
it
alters
the
disposition
of
th'
Understanding
,
after
it
hath
changed
that
of
the
Will.
And
some
Popes
have
judged
more
favourably
of
the
greatness
of
the
Holy
Chaire
,
when
they
were
in
it
;
they
they
did
before
,
when
they
were
but
single
Cardinals
,
or
in
some
lower
dignity
.
Wherefore
in
subjects
,
which
look
either
directly
or
obliquely
upon
th'
Holy
Chaire
,
A
Minister
of
State
ought
to
be
very
circumspect
:
He
must
slide
upon
that
Pavement
,
if
he
must
passe
upon
it
;
If
he
be
constrained
to
touch
upon
so
delicate
parts
,
Let
it
be
done
with
a
subtile
and
light
hand
,
and
that
he
do
not
pierce
too
deep
,
if
it
be
possible
,
into
a
matter
wherein
it
will
be
hard
not
to
be
offended
,
if
he
do
not
offend
.
Above
all
,
that
he
stay
alwaies
in
the
bounds
of
Reason
,
and
in
the
bounds
of
Justice
.
That
he
take
nothing
away
from
another
,
but
that
he
permit
not
,
any
thing
to
be
taken
away
from
his
Master
;
That
his
imprudence
,
or
softness
do
not
occasion
any
prejudice
for
the
future
to
the
State
,
and
that
he
remember
the
proceeding
of
Charles
the
fifth
,
when
he
came
into
Italy
to
be
Crowned
Emperour
.
The
Legates
who
were
sent
to
receive
him
,
prayed
him
that
he
would
swear
to
do
no
wrong
to
the
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
nor
injure
the
spouse
of
Jesus
Christ
;
He
answered
that
he
would
swear
neither
to
alter
the
rights
of
the
Church
,
nor
the
pretensions
of
th'
Empire
;
That
had
an
aspect
to
the
Citties
of
Pleasance
and
of
Parma
,
which
the
one
pretended
to
be
a
Fiefe
of
th'
Empire
,
th'
other
of
the
Holy
Chaire
.
Truly
,
Sr.
the
Cardinal
behaved
himself
so
well
in
Occurrences
of
this
nature
,
that
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
and
Dignity
of
th'
Holy
Chaire
have
been
inviolable
,
in
his
hands
;
That
nothing
but
Justice
held
the
Ballance
,
that
he
gave
to
God
and
Caesar
their
due
;
and
maintained
equally
the
Quality
of
a
Minister
of
State
,
and
of
a
Prince
of
the
Church
;
He
is
not
ignorant
of
the
Temper
which
ought
to
be
betwixt
a
blind
Zeal
,
and
License
scarce
Catholique
;
He
knowes
the
way
was
to
be
held
betwixt
these
two
precipices
;
He
knowes
how
to
saile
without
striking
upon
the
Rocks
;
He
cannot
wander
for
want
of
light
;
He
hath
a
most
profound
knowledge
of
Holy
things
,
and
of
the
things
of
the
world
;
and
the
Sorbone
admired
him
as
their
Ornament
,
before
it
did
reverence
him
for
their
benefactor
and
protector
.
Wherefore
he
took
care
not
to
see
with
other
Mens
Eyes
,
as
others
have
done
,
or
to
Move
with
the
passion
of
strangers
;
So
no
soul
also
was
ever
lesse
prepossessed
then
his
;
or
more
direct
in
its
apprehensions
;
There
's
no
Irregularity
in
the
functions
of
his
powers
,
and
with
exception
to
the
Commerce
of
Faith
which
is
alwayes
priviledged
,
the
Will
gives
not
its
opinions
to
th'
Understanding
,
but
receives
its
heate
,
and
affections
,
from
his
discourse
and
his
Illuminations
.
Wherefore
't
is
easie
to
judge
how
imprudent
the
Calumny
of
them
was
,
who
assaulted
him
during
the
Negotiation
of
Cardinal
Barberin
,
or
a
little
after
.
Rome
did
not
complaine
of
Him
,
and
th'
Holy
Father
knew
well
that
the
necessities
of
State
,
and
th'
hidden
Causes
of
its
Conduct
,
do
not
ever
permit
;
That
to
the
zeal
of
honest
Men
,
all
be
given
that
they
would
have
.
None
then
but
ill
Frenchmen
have
complained
,
or
strangers
that
hate
us
;
and
to
whom
Pretences
are
good
,
when
Causes
are
wanting
to
them
;
That
cry
us
down
who
are
incensed
against
us
;
Those
black
Manifests
also
,
and
those
violent
and
sharp
Writings
which
France
hath
seen
,
have
done
no
hurt
to
the
Reputation
of
this
Great
Minister
of
State
.
They
have
resembled
those
stinking
Vapours
which
are
exhaled
from
Moorish
Grounds
,
which
evidence
cleerly
the
Corruption
of
the
place
,
whence
they
come
,
but
infect
not
the
Sun
against
which
they
arise
.
They
have
given
themselves
the
Lye
,
by
the
things
that
have
happened
.
The
time
hath
inverted
them
upon
their
Authors
.
They
have
seen
that
Delinquent
of
th'
Hugonots
fastned
invariably
to
the
Ruine
of
all
that
was
rebellious
in
that
party
.
They
have
seen
Rochell
fall
in
part
by
the
cares
of
that
Cardinall
of
Rochell
,
They
have
seen
Heresy
humbled
by
that
Great
polititian
,
and
reduced
under
the
Common
Right
and
Generall
Obedience
,
as
well
of
Obedience
as
of
Opinions
to
his
Mode
:
they
have
seen
what
he
dared
in
th'
Affaires
of
Monsieur
of
Mantove
;
what
he
undertook
t'assume
the
Liberty
of
th'
Holy
Chaire
,
and
to
what
he
exposed
himselfe
for
the
Love
of
that
Rome
,
which
by
imputation
was
despised
by
him
;
They
have
seen
,
that
neither
th'
open
force
of
Conjured
persons
,
strangers
;
nor
the
great
Resistance
of
ill
disposed
Frenchmen
;
Barrenes
nor
the
Plague
;
could
hinder
the
King
from
being
the
Liberator
of
Italy
,
as
He
hath
been
the
Restorer
of
France
.
But
how
hath
the
Prudence
of
that
Great
Minister
of
State
shined
in
the
Dispute
of
th'
Authority
of
the
Pope
,
which
had
been
awakened
some
years
since
amongst
us
?
How
dexterous
hath
he
been
in
the
Manadgement
of
a
Matter
so
dangerous
?
How
very
happy
in
laying
dead
that
Quarrell
which
shall
ever
be
fatall
to
Religion
,
and
which
cannot
be
deterred
but
by
opening
the
dore
to
Schisme
?
He
alone
found
th'
Expedients
to
pacifie
the
Sorbone
,
which
was
in
Tumult
on
that
Subject
.
To
re-joynt
the
body
which
was
torne
in
parts
;
To
reduce
opinions
,
too
much
flattered
;
To
content
the
Pope
,
and
to
preserve
our
Liberties
and
the
Rights
of
the
Crowne
.
This
action
was
so
necessary
,
that
without
it
our
Affaires
had
never
taken
a
Course
so
advantageous
as
they
did
,
and
so
difficult
,
that
I
dare
affirme
,
It
could
not
have
been
done
but
by
a
principall
Minister
of
State
,
by
a
Prince
of
the
Church
,
by
a
great
Theologian
,
and
excellent
Polititian
altogether
.
The
Eleventh
Discourse
.
Considerations
upon
the
precedent
Discourse
.
WHat
I
have
said
in
the
Precedent
Discourse
is
not
to
Condemn
the
wealth
of
the
Church
,
but
to
blame
them
that
abuse
it
;
Nor
,
to
conclude
,
that
she
is
not
ever
the
same
though
she
was
born
poor
,
and
that
she
is
now
rich
;
That
Charity
is
diminished
:
That
the
Manners
of
the
greatest
part
of
particular
persons
is
Degenerated
;
and
that
their
Lifes
are
contrary
to
theirs
,
who
were
the
first
of
the
Faithfull
.
'T
is
ever
the
same
face
,
though
the
good
Graces
are
not
the
same
,
and
the
Colour
is
gone
;
The
figures
remaines
;
The
features
and
proportions
leave
it
not
,
and
't
is
still
the
same
Soul
which
gives
it
Life
;
T
is
alwayes
the
same
River
though
its
water
is
sometimes
troubled
and
sometimes
cleere
,
that
it
flowes
at
one
time
and
ebbs
at
another
.
The
Channell
is
permanent
,
The
spring
is
fixed
,
and
its
Course
tends
alwayes
to
the
Sea
which
is
its
first
Originall
.
There
are
in
Religion
,
things
,
of
an
eternall
Substance
;
and
there
are
,
that
may
suffer
Change
and
Alteration
.
And
as
the
beginnings
of
Nature
are
alwayes
weak
,
and
perfection
comes
by
degrees
into
her
works
;
so
that
which
issues
purely
from
th'
hand
of
God
is
usually
perfect
,
and
if
it
stay
not
in
that
state
;
T
is
the
fragility
of
Man
that
alters
it
,
and
the
necessity
of
the
Condition
that
makes
the
Change
.
Since
God
determined
that
great
Designe
of
the
purchase
of
men
,
and
that
he
would
be
th'
End
and
Meanes
of
their
happiness
;
It
was
Convenient
,
that
the
Church
which
he
should
establish
,
should
be
born
poore
.
And
,
that
the
world
might
know
it
to
be
his
work
;
It
was
necessary
that
she
should
be
raised
by
Meanes
,
contrary
to
th'
ordinary
;
That
she
should
triumph
over
Riches
,
in
her
poverty
;
over
Greatness
,
in
Disdaine
;
and
over
the
Wsedome
of
th'
Age
,
in
the
Ignorance
of
humane
things
:
Otherwise
truly
,
if
it
had
come
in
Abundance
;
If
its
Entry
into
the
world
had
been
invironed
with
Glory
;
and
the
doctrine
which
she
brought
,
perswaded
by
the
ornaments
of
Rhetorique
and
subtiltyes
of
Philosophy
;
It
had
been
under
jealouzie
with
us
:
No
person
would
have
been
astonished
at
the
progresse
It
hath
made
in
so
Little
a
time
:
and
that
it
being
come
out
of
a
Corner
of
Palestine
;
It
had
passed
in
an
instant
to
th'
uttermost
Bounds
of
th'
Earth
,
and
penetrated
even
to
a
world
severd
from
ours
;
No
person
would
have
thought
it
strange
,
that
Covetous
Men
should
run
after
wealth
;
That
Ambition
had
followed
Pompe
,
and
that
Eloquence
plaid
with
the
Credulity
of
simple
persons
.
That
famous
Impostor
,
who
hath
found
so
many
followers
and
whose
Errors
entertaine
,
as
yet
to
this
day
,
two
thirds
of
our
world
;
had
been
alone
,
if
he
had
been
poor
;
and
had
never
deceived
the
people
if
he
had
not
subdued
them
.
It
was
the
necessary
,
That
Religion
truly
divine
,
had
the
markes
of
the
Principle
from
which
She
proceeds
.
That
she
comes
Contrary
to
the
Rules
of
Prudence
and
establishes
her self
by
that
which
ought
to
destroy
her
.
But
as
she
hath
the
Love
of
God
for
her
End
,
and
Charity
for
her
Neighbour
,
and
that
chiefly
it
ought
to
distinguish
the
disciples
of
Iesus
Christ
from
the
rest
of
Men
;
'T
is
from
thence
happened
,
that
the
first
Christians
carried
their
Lands
,
and
Goods
,
to
the
foot
of
th'
Apostles
,
and
stripped
themselves
of
the
propriety
which
did
belong
to
them
;
to
make
it
Common
to
their
brothers
.
A
permanent
stock
neverthelesse
of
those
offerings
was
not
made
.
They
did
onely
passe
,
and
were
shared
in
Measure
as
they
were
received
,
and
as
in
proportion
the
Faithfull
had
occasion
.
The
flames
of
Charity
since
growing
by
the
Number
of
Converts
,
and
the
Goods
which
were
daily
offered
to
the
Church
being
extreamly
increased
by
that
Multiplication
;
It
was
judged
expedient
to
preserve
the
stock
,
and
that
the
distribution
of
the
Revenue
might
serve
to
maintaine
the
Pastors
,
and
to
relieve
the
poor
.
This
order
was
introduced
even
in
the
time
of
th'
Apostles
,
as
we
may
conjecture
,
or
a
little
after
.
In
conclusion
,
the
stock
which
made
a
great
summe
was
divided
into
proportions
,
&
the
portions
assigned
to
them
who
served
the
Church
,
and
constantly
applyed
to
other
uses
,
and
without
being
any
more
mingled
or
Confounded
.
This
order
hath
lasted
to
our
time
;
And
how
holy
or
unlawfull
th'
use
of
the
goods
of
the
Church
hath
been
in
th'
hands
of
particular
Men
;
'T
is
at
least
not
to
be
doubted
but
that
the
Charity
of
the
Givers
hath
been
precious
before
God
,
and
their
zeal
extremely
meritorious
.
But
moreover
I
say
,
that
after
the
Golden
Age
of
Christendome
,
and
that
very
happy
time
wherein
they
onely
knew
Jesus
Christ
crucified
;
and
when
from
the
Poverty
and
Abjection
of
the
faithfull
,
Miracles
were
seen
t'arise
:
It
hath
not
been
Inconvenient
That
the
Church
should
be
rich
.
And
since
for
the
future
the
supernaturall
meanes
which
have
founded
it
,
ought
to
be
in
great
Esteem
with
Men
,
God
hath
also
Consented
that
the
Church
should
draw
wealth
from
abroad
;
Advantages
which
should
render
it
the
more
Venerable
;
and
hold
the
people
who
regard
not
much
more
then
th'
Exteriour
,
and
are
not
moved
but
by
th'
objects
of
sense
,
into
respect
that
is
due
unto
it
.
But
with
Riches
,
they
say
,
a
thousand
Evills
passed
into
the
Church
;
Vanity
and
delicacies
put
themselves
into
the
Throne
of
virtue
:
The
Charity
of
our
Fathers
is
become
the
food
of
the
profusion
of
our
Nephews
,
and
the
poor
dye
for
hunger
;
whilst
they
that
ought
t'
ingage
their
Lives
for
them
,
leave
them
not
their
Substance
.
To
this
I
answer
,
that
although
they
are
vitious
Ecclesiastiques
,
because
they
are
rich
,
and
that
in
many
the
License
of
Manners
growes
from
th'
Abundance
of
Goods
;
It
followes
not
therefore
,
that
the
Church
ought
to
be
robbed
:
That
this
is
common
to
them
with
all
good
things
,
to
be
exposed
t'ill
usage
in
th'
hands
of
wicked
persons
.
That
the
Sacraments
are
not
to
be
abolished
,
because
there
are
Men
that
commit
sacriledge
;
That
God
doth
not
deface
the
beauty
of
Nature
,
because
it
serves
for
an
occasion
of
sin
to
the
weake
;
and
no
person
is
bound
to
pul
out
his
Eyes
when
they
are
unchaste
,
and
are
ravished
by
forbidden
Objects
and
dishonest
Curiosities
.
There
are
Church-men
spoiled
,
which
would
have
been
honest
Men
if
they
had
not
been
rich
;
And
there
are
whose
Life
is
full
of
Edifying
&
of
exemplary
Charity
,
whose
virtue
would
be
concealed
in
poverty
and
unprofitable
Holiness
.
Poverty
and
Riches
are
of
themselves
a
Matter
without
Form
;
They
are
susceptible
of
Contrary
impressions
;
They
may
receive
the
Figure
of
Good
and
Ill
,
and
neither
of
these
things
hath
any
Merit
,
if
Charity
doth
not
raise
it
.
But
the
number
is
said
greater
of
th'
Abuses
of
Riches
in
the
Church
,
than
of
them
that
make
good
use
of
them
,
and
the
intentions
of
them
that
have
given
them
is
oftner
perverted
than
executed
.
To
that
I
also
answer
,
that
,
It
being
supposed
for
truth
,
it
follows
not
that
the
Church
should
be
made
poor
;
That
God
suffers
th'
iniquity
of
sinners
,
and
the
vices
of
the
World
,
for
some
virtuous
Actions
,
that
are
therein
exercised
;
That
he
makes
his
Sun
to
shine
upon
a
multitude
of
wicked
,
for
a
small
number
of
Honest
men
that
serve
him
;
that
he
had
forgiven
six
thousand
culpable
Persons
,
if
he
had
found
Ten
innocent
persons
in
Sodom
and
Gomorrah
;
And
in
the
deluge
which
swallowed
the
World
,
if
there
had
been
in
it
ten
just
Families
,
He
had
not
,
it
may
be
,
made
that
great
Example
of
Justice
;
So
,
both
th'
order
of
things
,
and
conduct
of
providence
perswade
us
that
Riches
ought
not
to
be
banished
from
the
Church
for
th'
abuses
at
whose
birth
they
serve
for
an
occasion
;
since
they
are
the
cause
of
a
number
of
good
Actions
which
are
thereby
done
;
That
they
serve
the
best
of
virtues
which
is
Charity
;
and
't
is
certain
that
returning
to
the
hands
of
secular
persons
,
they
would
be
more
dangerously
imployed
,
and
would
cause
more
ill
,
and
less
good
,
than
in
the
hands
of
Ecclesiastiques
.
What
concerns
the
purifying
of
th'
Ecclesiastique
Order
,
and
to
restore
it
to
its
first
beauty
,
and
its
originall
innocency
,
't
is
a
thing
easter
to
be
desired
than
done
,
and
which
is
not
neither
the
worke
of
a
little
time
,
nor
of
the
common
force
of
men
.
It
were
to
leap
from
one
Extream
to
another
.
To
pass
suddenly
to
such
a
severe
Reformation
;
It
were
to
put
new
Wine
into
Old
Vessels
,
and
to
sew
New
Cloath
to
a
torne
Garment
,
(
following
the
parable
of
our
Lord
)
:
And
in
driving
away
of
Devills
,
the
custome
whereof
had
taken
away
what
was
most
offensive
which
is
the
scandall
;
To
introduce
greater
,
by
filling
their
spirits
with
sharpness
,
and
the
World
with
Tumults
.
Th'
Alteration
is
so
generall
,
th'
Interests
of
temporall
Princes
are
so
confounded
with
the
interests
of
the
Church
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
men
so
fastned
to
their
present
condition
;
That
it
would
cost
God
lesse
to
raise
the
Dead
,
than
reduce
things
to
the
state
of
their
birth
,
and
bring
back
all
Christians
to
to
the
Auncent
Discipline
.
It
sufficeth
,
That
in
what
state
soever
the
Church
is
found
,
every
person
may
find
salvation
there
,
If
he
will
;
and
that
out
of
it
,
none
can
avoid
Damnation
;
'T
is
neverthelesse
true
,
that
as
't
is
to
purpose
,
that
the
Miracles
where
upon
the
Church
hath
been
founded
,
be
sometimes
renewed
,
and
that
the
beliefe
of
things
past
be
confirmed
by
some
present
Signe
;
so
though
the
Ecclesiasticall
Order
hath
received
some
staines
,
and
lost
its
purity
in
some
of
its
Members
;
God
alwaies
raiseth
some
good
souls
which
without
forsaking
of
the
Church
,
sever
from
the
corruption
of
particular
Men
,
and
expresse
in
their
lifes
the
Image
of
that
great
Virtue
,
which
appeared
,
at
the
birth
of
Christianity
;
and
which
was
common
to
the
first
faithfull
persons
.
Considerations
upon
the
Behaviours
of
Popes
and
their
Agents
which
may
serve
for
forewarnings
to
the
Ministers
of
State
of
other
Princes
,
who
shall
have
occasion
to
treat
with
them
.
THough
the
following
Discourse
might
have
been
handled
more
commodiously
in
the
second
part
of
this
Worke
,
where
I
shew
at
large
how
a
Minister
of
State
ought
t'
act
with
Strangers
;
Nevertheless
,
to
keep
such
matters
together
which
are
best
understood
,
when
they
are
joyned
,
and
not
to
weaken
the
light
they
draw
one
from
another
;
I
will
place
here
at
one
time
,
what
I
had
to
say
upon
the
subject
of
Popes
,
and
upon
the
precautions
wherewith
their
advises
ought
to
be
received
,
and
they
and
their
Ministers
of
State
treated
withall
.
I
say
then
,
that
although
the
Popes
of
the
first
ages
,
had
only
very
pure
thoughts
and
affections
of
fathers
towards
Princes
who
were
their
Children
;
Neverthelesse
since
they
have
assumed
another
Quality
than
that
whereby
they
represent
Jesus
Christ
;
That
they
have
mingled
th'
Interests
of
the
Church
with
them
of
the
World
.
And
that
the
Crown
they
carry
hath
as
many
Diamonds
as
Thorns
;
Some
of
them
have
been
found
to
have
a
Zeal
very
unlike
to
that
of
the
first
Popes
,
who
have
followed
other
motions
,
then
th'
effects
of
that
Vertue
which
makes
no
Acceptation
of
persons
;
Who
have
burnt
in
the
passions
of
the
World
;
From
Shepheards
(
as
they
ought
to
have
been
)
were
changed
into
Wolves
,
and
have
sometimes
made
Abomination
t'
arise
even
into
the
Sanctuary
;
And
not
to
go
out
of
the
two
last
Ages
.
Alexander
the
sixth
;
did
he
ever
discover
any
other
passion
to
the
world
then
that
of
,
making
great
his
Children
?
was
there
any
meanes
refused
to
gaine
that
end
?
did
he
not
for
the
love
of
it
abuse
,
prophane
and
divine
things
?
Did
he
not
break
all
the
Lawes
of
Christianity
?
all
of
nature
,
and
all
the
rights
of
humane
society
to
make
his
second
Son
to
Raign
?
Briefly
,
Treasons
,
secret
Murders
,
Poysonings
and
perjuries
were
his
Manners
and
Habits
;
If
Historians
may
be
believed
.
Let
's
pass
to
Jules
the
second
,
successor
t'
Alexander
.
His
Life
indeed
was
not
so
black
nor
his
conduct
so
Criminall
as
th'
other
's
was
;
He
was
neverthelesse
possessed
with
so
furious
an
appetite
of
making
Warre
;
and
with
so
violent
a
desire
of
extending
th'
Ecclesiasticall
revenue
,
That
he
suffered
not
Italy
nor
other
Princes
to
rest
;
and
he
could
never
find
that
peace
,
which
God
gives
and
the
world
gives
not
,
because
he
sought
it
in
the
midst
of
Armes
,
by
Ambition
,
and
in
Tumults
.
Th'
heat
wherewith
he
persecuted
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
and
the
pretext
he
furnisht
Ferdinand
of
Castile
withall
to
usurpe
.
Navarre
,
will
deliver
his
name
for
ever
with
an
ill
Character
to
the
French
,
and
his
Memory
odious
.
Leon
the
tenth
had
excesse
of
passion
for
his
Relations
,
whereof
many
Popes
have
been
sick
.
The
prodigalities
used
in
their
behalfe
;
The
goods
of
the
Church
he
not
only
gave
them
,
but
poured
them
our
upon
them
with
full
hands
,
and
exhausted
them
without
measure
:
And
the
Present
he
made
his
Sister
of
the
profits
of
th'
Indulgences
,
which
should
be
preached
in
the
Duchy
of
Saxe
;
were
the
petext
of
Luther's
Apostacy
,
and
the
cause
of
the
Schism
in
Germany
,
and
of
the
Fire
that
hath
burnt
the
North.
What
did
not
Clement
the
seaventh
for
the
greatnesse
of
his
House
,
and
to
secure
the
State
of
Florence
In
the
Family
of
the
Medicis
?
How
often
did
he
quit
for
that
designe
that
indifferent
and
free
spirit
which
Popes
ought
to
have
?
And
how
compleasant
did
he
make
himselfe
to
th'
Ambition
of
Charles
th'
fifth
,
t'
enter
his
Nephew
into
his
Alliance
;
and
to
make
him
Duke
of
Toscany
?
what
did
he
not
in
love
to
the
Marriage
of
his
Neece
,
Catherine
of
Medicis
,
with
the
Duke
of
Orleans
?
Insomuch
that
if
his
Life
was
unfortunate
,
and
agitated
with
great
Tempests
;
It
may
at
least
be
said
,
that
his
last
dayes
were
serene
and
faire
;
that
he
gained
the
Haven
in
Triumph
,
and
that
he
dyed
full
of
the
prosperities
of
his
House
so
much
desired
;
The
same
defect
also
hath
been
observed
in
the
Life
of
Paul
the
third
,
and
his
Vertue
,
which
otherwise
was
very
pure
,
had
that
stain
That
he
procured
with
too
great
violence
the
greatnesse
of
th'
House
of
Farnese
whence
he
issued
,
and
did
too
much
apply
himself
to
th'
humour
of
Charles
th'
Emperour
to
put
his
Nephews
in
possession
of
the
states
of
Pleasance
and
Parma
,
and
to
surmount
the
resistance
th'
Emperour
made
for
the
pretentions
of
th'
Empire
.
But
when
th'
Intentions
of
the
Popes
which
should
be
ever
good
,
and
their
Wills
in
an
inviolable
Justness
:
when
their
Zeal
shall
have
no
other
heat
then
what
Duty
inspires
,
and
the
Love
of
justice
communicates
;
Their
understandings
may
be
prepossessed
.
They
may
do
it
with
a
good
faith
;
They
may
wander
thinking
to
be
in
the
Right
way
and
satisfie
the
passions
of
their
Kindred
believing
to
satisfie
their
Charge
;
The
state
Ecclesiastique
is
now
governed
in
such
sort
,
that
the
Popes
ease
themselves
of
the
greatest
part
of
their
Affaires
upon
their
Nephews
.
The
Cardinals
who
out
of
Councill
seem
to
be
the
Naturall
Members
of
that
head
,
and
should
help
to
sustaine
the
weight
of
the
Monarchy
;
signifie
now
almost
no
more
then
t'
improve
the
Majesty
of
the
Holy
Chair
.
The
knowledge
of
Affairs
is
almost
denyed
them
,
and
if
they
are
sometimes
proposed
to
the
Conclave
,
't
is
rather
to
give
Authority
by
their
Approbation
of
what
is
done
,
than
to
resolve
it
by
their
suffrages
.
This
proceedings
,
which
on
the
suddain
may
seem
strange
,
is
not
without
ground
or
appearance
of
Reason
;
Amongst
the
Cardinals
some
are
naturall
Subjects
of
Princes
,
to
whom
besides
the
Duty
of
birth
,
they
owe
also
their
fortune
and
also
their
promotion
;
and
the
Glory
of
the
Purple
they
weare
,
is
a
Beauty
which
belongs
not
to
them
but
by
reflexion
;
and
was
borrowed
by
their
Masters
from
th'
Holy
Chair
to
be
Communicated
unto
them
.
And
by
consequence
't
is
no
wonder
,
If
they
are
bound
onely
to
their
Interests
;
If
they
follow
onely
their
Inclinations
,
and
labour
onely
for
their
Glory
,
and
the
good
of
their
Affairs
;
Or
they
are
Children
of
some
petty
Soveraigne
,
and
therefore
full
of
th'
humours
of
their
House
;
of
desire
to
make
it
Great
;
and
in
the
same
dependancy
with
it
;
To
conclude
,
the
greatest
part
of
them
,
who
from
a
Mean
or
low
birth
attaine
that
high
Dignity
;
depend
upon
great
temporall
Powers
,
either
by
benefits
received
,
or
by
guift
of
pensions
,
or
by
hopes
wherewith
they
hold
them
fast
.
There
's
the
state
of
Venice
onely
,
which
never
gave
themselves
up
to
that
practice
,
and
which
hath
ever
neglected
to
make
themselves
great
in
the
Conclave
.
'T
is
at
no
charges
to
gaine
Cardinalls
,
and
contents
it selfe
to
Command
them
of
their
States
which
are
never
above
Two
at
a
time
,
and
passe
Ordinarily
into
separated
Interests
from
theirs
though
not
Contrary
.
These
passions
then
and
those
dependancies
change
the
wills
of
Popes
in
regard
of
the
Cardinals
;
Make
all
their
offices
suspected
to
him
,
and
cause
the
Resolution
of
Affairs
,
to
be
reduced
to
him
and
his
Relations
,
or
to
some
of
his
Creatures
,
whose
faithfullness
he
hath
tryed
,
and
whose
Abilities
are
esteemed
by
him
.
But
that
great
Authority
which
Popes
deliver
up
to
their
Nephewes
,
and
the
power
of
th'
Holy
Chair
,
The
disposition
whereof
they
very
often
leave
entire
and
free
unto
them
,
are
not
ever
governed
by
pure
hands
;
'T
is
hard
,
though
not
impossible
,
that
the
zeal
of
the
generall
good
should
entirely
possesse
them
who
are
not
publique
persons
but
by
participation
,
'T
is
hard
to
forget
ones
proper
Condition
,
and
to
have
no
Motions
but
of
what
a
Man
is
not
:
'T
is
hard
to
betray
selfe
Love
,
and
to
seperate
wholly
from
ones
selfe
,
and
't
is
to
no
purpose
to
shut
up
th'
high-wayes
t'
interested
Designes
and
to
particular
Ends.
They
will
light
at
our
Houses
if
we
are
not
infinitely
virtuous
,
by
some
stolen
Path
,
or
by
a
secret
Addresse
;
Th'
Intentions
of
the
Pope
may
be
holy
,
but
th'
Intentions
of
the
Nephews
may
be
unholy
.
And
if
that
be
so
,
what
expedient
is
there
to
stay
the
Contagion
with
them
,
and
that
it
infect
not
the
Pope
?
What
defence
against
an
Evill
,
that
admits
not
of
Preservatives
?
To
answer
for
what
one
sees
,
if
no
sight
be
had
but
by
the
sight
of
others
?
To
see
a
thing
as
it
is
;
if
th'
outside
be
disguised
?
If
th'
Appearances
have
been
Changed
,
and
if
the
sellers
of
paint
and
plaister
,
who
are
many
in
great
Courts
,
have
prepared
it
before
it
be
shewed
?
But
to
gaine
sometimes
the
Nephews
and
corrupt
th'
Agents
employed
by
them
,
in
the
Quarrells
of
Princes
;
the
way
is
open
to
them
who
can
do
good
and
promise
Recompences
.
For
so
soon
as
the
Pope
is
mounted
into
the
throne
which
drawes
him
so
neer
to
God
,
and
placeth
him
so
much
above
other
Men
;
It
seems
to
the
greatest
part
of
his
Relations
,
that
they
cannot
with
modesty
stay
in
the
crowd
nor
in
th'
obscurity
of
particular
persons
,
so
long
as
th'
Uncle
or
the
Brother
is
encompassed
with
the
greatest
Lights
of
the
world
;
And
therefore
some
of
them
are
tenacious
of
all
that
may
establish
the
greatness
of
their
house
,
and
raise
them
to
the
State
of
their
Ambition
.
The
Spaniards
,
understand
better
then
all
the
Nations
of
the
world
these
practices
,
and
have
larger
Meanes
t'
exercise
them
then
any
other
Nation
.
The
Pensions
which
they
distribute
without
Measure
;
The
Livings
they
have
to
conferre
in
their
States
of
Italy
,
and
to
th'
Advantage
of
them
that
act
at
the
Court
of
Rome
;
The
Meanes
t'
advance
their
Relations
to
th'
Offices
of
Peace
and
Warre
.
Th'
Estates
which
they
sometimes
give
them
,
or
make
the
purchase
thereof
easie
unto
them
,
and
Advantageous
,
and
Rich
Marriages
which
they
procure
for
them
;
are
strange
Engines
to
Shake
the
Probity
of
Italians
,
if
it
be
not
very
well
Confirmed
.
The
marriage
of
the
Heire
of
th'
house
of
Jesualde
of
the
most
famous
of
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
against
th'
expresse
Clauses
of
he
father's
Will
,
which
Gregory
the
fifteenth
dispensed
in
favour
of
one
of
his
Nephewes
;
gave
th'
entry
to
the
Spaniards
into
the
Valtoline
,
rendred
them
Masters
of
that
Valley
under
the
name
of
another
power
,
gave
that
great
wound
t'
Italy
,
and
th'
Armes
of
Holy
Peter
aided
there
t'
advance
th'
Ambition
of
Spaine
,
and
to
weaken
the
Liberty
of
a
Province
where
they
are
adored
.
And
Moreover
when
hopes
are
weak
to
draw
a
person
to
their
party
,
They
then
add
feare
;
T
is
not
possible
,
but
that
th'
one
or
th'
other
of
those
Passions
may
have
its
Effect
,
and
they
that
resist
their
guifts
and
promises
in
relation
to
their
Interests
,
are
carefull
at
least
not
to
justle
them
,
the
better
t'
avoyd
the
Tempests
which
they
raise
,
and
the
Persecutions
they
stir
up
.
Besides
the
Resistance
they
give
them
who
aspire
the
Pontificate
when
they
are
of
a
Contrary
Inclination
,
They
have
yet
other
Expedients
to
make
themselves
to
be
feared
.
I
will
not
believe
that
they
were
the
Principall
Cause
of
th'
unfortunate
Ends
of
the
Caraffes
.
In
short
,
all
that
a
great
power
armed
with
Impunity
could
produce
of
fatall
,
gave
but
too
much
foundation
for
Justice
,
to
make
so
great
an
Ensample
.
But
't
is
true
also
,
that
the
Contrivances
of
Spaine
,
and
th'
Ardent
pursuits
which
their
Agents
made
against
them
,
did
not
abate
the
spirit
of
the
Judges
,
nor
the
Rigour
of
the
sentence
;
But
without
that
,
the
persecution
wherewith
they
agitated
the
Cardinal
Aldobrandin
after
the
Death
of
Clement
th'
Eighth
,
and
the
little
safety
he
had
also
for
his
person
,
till
he
had
suppled
them
by
Imploring
their
Aide
;
Make
out
cleere
Evidences
how
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
to
have
been
their
Enemy
,
or
not
to
have
been
for
them
which
is
allmost
the
same
thing
.
Presently
after
the
coming
of
Paul
the
fifth
,
to
the
Pontificate
,
That
Cardinal
found
himselfe
thrust
at
from
so
many
places
,
and
saw
so
many
snares
laid
about
him
,
and
so
many
plots
formed
for
his
destruction
;
that
he
was
constrained
to
leave
Rome
and
to
retire
to
Ravenna
whereof
he
was
Arch
Bishop
,
nor
did
he
find
there
the
safety
he
sought
for
;
and
th'
unexpected
stormes
which
there
did
arise
compelled
him
to
leave
that
place
where
he
was
bound
to
reside
,
and
to
provide
for
his
safety
by
his
flight
.
He
retired
then
into
Piedmont
whereby
the
Duke
of
Savoy
who
knew
th'
originall
of
his
Evill
,
and
the
Remedy
that
might
heale
it
;
who
knew
from
what
Corner
the
windes
of
the
persecution
blew
and
the
Meanes
to
appease
them
;
Advised
him
to
Cast
himselfe
into
th'
Armes
of
the
King
of
Spaine
,
and
to
employ
his
Mediation
to
reconcile
him
to
the
Pope
.
No
person
is
ignorant
of
the
warre
they
made
to
the
Cardinal
Baronius
,
and
with
what
obstinacy
they
assaulted
him
for
cleering
the
Rights
of
th'
Holy
Chair
to
Sicily
,
and
for
publishing
a
truth
they
would
have
had
concealed
.
In
that
Treaty
,
where
that
learned
Cardinal
endevours
to
prove
that
the
Body
of
St:
Inques
is
not
at
Compostelle
of
Galico
,
They
have
truly
answered
with
Reasons
and
Proofs
which
much
weaken
the
contrary
opinion
,
and
make
theirs
very
probable
who
support
it
by
the
beliefe
of
Christian
Nations
,
and
ought
to
be
known
for
publique
satisfaction
.
But
in
the
Treaty
of
Sicily
they
have
re-parted
with
Fire
,
because
,
it
may
be
,
that
reasons
failed
them
,
and
commanded
the
fourth
Volume
of
th'
Annales
of
that
great
Person
to
be
burnt
by
the
hand
of
a
Hangman
,
to
declare
the
doctrine
it
contained
,
criminall
,
because
it
was
not
favourable
to
them
.
Truly
,
this
evidence
is
to
be
rendred
,
and
praise
to
be
given
to
the
Spaniards
;
That
there
's
not
a
Nation
in
the
World
which
hath
so
violent
jealousie
,
as
they
,
for
the
Interests
of
their
State
,
and
for
the
dignity
of
their
Crown
.
And
it
must
also
be
said
,
to
the
shame
of
ours
,
that
there
are
none
so
strongly
labouring
under
a
contrary
passion
,
as
the
greatest
part
of
Frenchmen
.
I
will
report
the
causes
of
both
,
in
the
second
part
.
Besides
this
,
what
did
not
the
Spaniards
in
the
Conclaves
,
where
the
suffrages
enclined
to
Baronius
side
to
choose
him
Pope
?
What
Artifices
did
they
leaven
unattempted
t'
oppose
that
promotion
?
What
Efforts
did
they
not
employ
to
breake
it
,
and
what
Engines
did
they
not
set
a
going
t'
overthrow
it
.
The
Cardinal
of
Sourdis
stormed
,
and
made
a
noise
to
no
purpose
at
their
practises
;
The
greatest
part
of
Honest
men
were
scandalized
,
and
desirous
,
to
no
better
effect
,
that
the
Church
might
be
governed
by
a
Person
that
had
so
much
merited
from
her
.
the
wishes
of
honest
persons
were
unprofitable
.
They
sighed
in
vaine
for
so
Holy
an
Election
:
Baronius
his
Enemies
carried
it
,
and
the
generall
Interests
of
Christendom
gave
place
to
the
particular
Interest
of
Spaine
.
These
Examples
,
and
many
others
astonish
them
who
upon
other
accounts
have
no
Inclination
for
that
Nation
,
and
the
fear
which
every
person
hath
to
procure
himselfe
Evill
is
the
cause
that
many
are
diverted
from
doing
the
good
they
would
,
if
liberty
were
not
interdicted
,
and
generosity
assaulted
by
odious
means
and
by
those
violent
wayes
.
I
will
handle
in
the
second
part
,
Whether
Christian
Princes
ought
in
Conscience
to
meddle
with
the
promotion
of
Popes
,
and
how
.
The
Thirteenth
Discourse
.
That
the
Mediation
of
Popes
is
very
profitable
in
the
differences
of
Christian
Princes
,
and
in
th'
Affaires
of
Christendome
.
I
Do
not
intend
t'
infer
from
the
precedent
discourse
,
that
Princes
ought
to
be
deprived
of
the
Mediation
of
Popes
nor
to
reject
their
offices
when
Christendome
is
agitated
,
and
that
It's
Princes
are
in
discord
.
I
should
be
an
ill
Logician
to
draw
no
better
consequences
,
and
it
were
t'
act
against
all
the
principles
of
Reason
,
and
all
the
Maxims
of
Morality
;
To
forbid
th'
use
of
good
things
for
their
cause
that
abuse
them
,
To
hinder
good
Superiours
to
do
their
Duty
,
because
the
bad
neglect
it
,
and
not
enjoy
the
Beauty
of
the
Sun
,
nor
the
benefits
of
its
Light
because
of
the
Eclipses
which
sometimes
interpose
,
and
steale
it
away
from
the
World
.
'T
is
true
,
that
there
have
been
wicked
Popes
,
and
who
have
been
the
shame
of
th'
Holy
Chaire
,
and
the
scandall
of
Religion
.
There
have
been
of
them
who
did
not
engage
in
th'
Affairs
of
Princes
,
but
to
trouble
them
;
who
brought
only
poyson
and
fire
against
the
diseases
,
and
who
infected
with
their
venome
and
breath
,
all
that
they
touched
:
But
all
are
not
of
that
Nature
,
all
are
not
guided
by
that
Spirit
.
There
have
been
some
very
honest
Men
,
full
of
the
spirit
of
God
,
who
burn
only
with
Holy
Zeal
,
and
having
been
raised
to
that
supreame
Dignity
,
have
renounced
all
affections
of
Blood
,
for
t'assume
only
th'
affections
of
common
Fathers
of
Christians
,
and
,
of
incorruptible
Arbiters
of
th'
affairs
committed
to
them
.
And
as
they
have
the
heart
very
sound
,
and
the
will
free
from
all
irregular
passion
,
some
of
them
also
have
the
sight
cleere
,
and
th'
understanding
much
enlightned
,
having
a
great
intelligence
of
the
things
of
the
World
,
and
that
the
goodnesse
of
their
understanding
and
th'
Imployment
they
have
had
from
other
Popes
,
have
put
them
into
a
condition
,
neither
to
be
deceived
by
the
artifices
of
their
Relations
,
nor
bewitched
with
strange
illusions
.
The
corruption
also
of
their
kindred
,
and
of
their
Ministers
of
State
,
is
not
so
Universall
,
but
that
many
are
exempt
,
and
who
mingle
nothing
of
particular
with
the
Zeal
of
publique
Rest
,
nor
any
thing
of
Strangers
with
th'
instructions
of
their
Masters
.
And
without
considering
,
that
th'
Holy
Chaire
is
the
foundation
wherein
Religion
is
supported
,
and
that
there
's
no
salvation
for
the
members
who
abandon
that
Head
;
This
Good
ariseth
to
the
Princes
his
Children
.
That
his
Authority
is
much
respected
by
them
when
it
interposeth
in
their
Affaires
,
and
that
his
offices
are
very
powerfull
or
very
proper
to
determine
their
Quarrells
,
when
the
fire
is
kindled
betwixt
the
two
great
Crowns
,
and
that
France
and
Spaine
make
warr
.
What
power
is
either
high
enough
or
impartiall
enough
t'
interveine
to
put
it
our
?
who
can
have
force
enough
,
to
retaine
those
two
great
Engines
when
they
move
,
and
to
stop
such
Impetuous
and
rash
Motions
,
but
th'
Holy
Chair
.
Besides
that
the
Empire
hath
long
stood
without
its
first
Glory
,
and
without
any
markes
of
its
ancient
Majesty
,
but
the
Name
,
Armes
;
Who
knows
not
that
it
depends
on
Spaine
,
or
is
in
Communion
of
Interests
with
it
?
who
knowes
not
that
it
hath
withdrawn
th'
Empire
from
the
precipice
wherein
it
was
falling
;
That
it
subsists
not
but
by
its
subventions
and
Reliefes
;
and
that
Charles
the
fifth
left
not
a
stronger
Recommendation
to
his
son
,
than
to
be
alwayes
in
amity
with
his
Cousins
,
though
their
friendship
cost
him
very
deer
,
or
to
preserve
it
at
an
excessive
price
and
with
Immoderate
Conditions
.
For
what
concernes
the
Crowne
of
England
,
which
was
heretofore
the
Counterpoise
of
th'
other
two
,
and
Arbiter
of
their
differences
;
It
is
no
more
so
proper
,
as
it
hath
been
t'
Act
in
their
discords
.
Change
of
Religion
hath
spoiled
it
,
it
cannot
entertaine
any
good
Intentions
for
the
Catholiques
.
Having
that
venome
on
the
heart
,
it
cannot
behold
their
prosperities
with
Eyes
entirely
pure
.
Their
good
Intelligence
ought
to
be
suspected
,
and
if
it
advanceth
sometimes
towards
Spaine
and
sometimes
towards
France
,
It
lasteth
so
little
,
and
is
done
with
such
languishing
Motions
and
so
suddaine
a
Returne
;
That
't
is
very
visible
,
that
't
is
not
a
perfect
Amity
;
it
considers
but
a
fancy
of
Goodwill
which
presently
disappeares
and
an
abortive
of
Affection
which
is
produced
by
some
light
Cause
;
As
to
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
It
hath
truly
Wisdome
,
and
Greatness
enough
,
to
labour
in
the
Quarrells
of
the
two
Crownes
;
But'tis
so
very
Jealous
of
the
power
of
th'
one
,
and
so
great
an
Enemy
to
their
Ambition
,
that
their
Endeavours
would
not
be
lesse
suspected
then
th'
offices
of
a
Declared
Enemy
.
As
for
th'
other
Princes
of
Italy
and
Germany
,
they
are
so
little
or
so
dependant
or
so
enstrainged
from
th'
Inclination
of
Spain
;
That
for
their
sakes
they
would
not
forsake
their
Animosity
,
nor
submit
to
their
good
offices
.
The
Pope
then
remaines
the
sole
Mediator
of
their
Discords
.
The
Quality
of
Children
of
the
Church
,
which
Catholique
Princes
do
Glory
in
;
obligeth
them
to
honour
Him
who
represents
the
Chiefe
,
and
whatsoever
jealousie
of
Honour
they
labour
under
,
they
do
no
wrong
to
their
Courage
or
Ambition
,
to
submit
to
him
who
is
above
them
and
Conjures
them
in
the
Name
of
Jesus
Christ
,
by
whom
they
reigne
,
not
to
despise
the
peace
he
hath
so
much
recommended
.
Those
Princes
also
,
who
are
sometimes
a
weary
of
quarrelling
,
and
to
whom
th'
Evills
of
warr
are
dreadfull
,
and
the
Misery
of
their
subjects
gives
them
cause
of
Pitty
,
are
very
willing
to
be
invited
to
Rest
,
by
so
powerfull
Authority
;
It
cannot
be
denyed
,
but
that
the
peace
of
Vervins
so
necessary
for
Spain
and
profitable
for
France
,
was
the
work
of
Clement
th'
Eighth
,
and
that
Henry
the
Great
and
Philip
the
Second
had
been
much
troubled
to
lay
downe
Armes
which
weighed
so
heavily
on
both
partyes
,
without
so
great
an
Interposer
.
I
have
said
,
that
when
Princes
are
tired
with
Quarrells
and
emptied
of
Monies
and
Men
,
or
that
they
have
in
other
places
more
important
Employments
which
they
cannot
attend
but
in
quiting
the
first
;
otherwise
truely
when
Ambition
is
supported
by
force
,
and
when
th'
appetite
to
Conquer
is
provoked
by
th'
hope
of
victory
;
T
is
hard
to
extinguish
it
with
Treaties
,
or
to
appease
it
by
offices
;
To
the
greatest
part
of
Princes
that
make
warr
,
the
same
happens
,
as
t'opinionated
Lawyers
,
who
cease
not
to
plead
by
Election
but
by
Insufficiency
,
who
owe
their
Rest
to
the
poverty
,
and
not
to
the
moderation
of
their
spirit
;
and
who
stop
not
in
going
,
but
stand
on
the
way
for
want
of
Force
to
go
further
.
Besides
th'
Experience
which
we
have
made
of
these
last
motions
of
Italy
,
we
have
memorable
examples
in
the
Lifes
of
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
Francis
the
first
.
The
state
of
Milan
was
the
Love
of
those
two
Princes
,
and
the
most
violent
objects
of
their
Ambition
.
They
both
burned
with
an
Equall
heat
of
possessing
it
,
and
th'
animosity
which
they
Conceived
upon
that
subject
one
against
another
,
was
so
great
that
neither
time
nor
men
could
ever
evercome
it
,
Paul
the
third
spared
not
his
person
and
exposed
himselfe
to
long
journeies
,
to
labour
so
necessary
a
Reconsiliation
.
Th'
inundations
of
the
Turke
from
all
parts
upon
Christians
sufficiently
sollicited
th'
emperour
.
And
neverthelesse
nothing
of
that
could
bend
them
:
They
resisted
the
prayers
of
the
Pope
:
The
miserable
Condition
of
Christendome
touched
them
not
;
and
that
fatall
obstinacy
cost
him
besides
the
blood
of
his
Children
,
The
losse
of
Rhodes
and
the
diminution
of
the
fairest
portion
of
Hungary
.
Popes
have
not
onely
lent
their
endeavours
to
Christendome
to
determine
the
Quarrells
of
those
Princes
;
But
have
also
often
aided
in
securing
it
from
the
Ruine
that
threatned
it
,
or
to
revenge
its
affronts
or
recover
its
Losses
,
had
it
not
been
for
their
Mediations
and
Offices
:
the
Protestants
had
finished
the
defacing
of
it
,
or
the
Turks
had
subdued
it
,
and
God
,
who
hath
chosen
them
to
be
the
visible
Cheifs
of
the
Church
,
hath
also
ordained
that
they
should
be
sometimes
the
Liberators
of
the
Country
,
where
the
Church
is
preserved
;
and
th'
Instruments
of
temporall
conservation
to
the
people
that
do
acknowledge
her
.
The
most
famous
League
the
world
ever
saw
was
formed
in
the
Councill
of
Clermont
at
th'
Instance
of
Peter
th'
Hermite
and
by
th'
Authority
of
Urban
the
second
;
Four
hundred
thousand
fighting
men
put
themselves
under
the
command
of
Godfrey
of
Buillon
for
the
conquest
th'
Holy
Land
.
Christianity
never
overflowed
so
largely
as
at
that
time
,
It
never
obtained
such
Eminent
successe
;
and
never
so
great
a
Number
of
adventurers
,
and
voluntary
Souldiers
were
so
long
together
for
the
same
designe
,
and
with
so
much
courage
.
But
not
to
go
from
th'
Age
past
,
and
from
the
things
hapned
in
the
times
of
our
fathers
;
Who
knows
not
that
Paul
the
third
was
Author
of
the
League
was
made
betweene
the
Venetians
and
Charles
the
Fifth
to
beat
back
Soliman
who
threatned
Italy
,
and
to
chastise
Barbarosse
,
who
robbed
the
Coasts
.
That
if
the
Christians
suffered
the
victory
t'
escape
which
they
had
in
their
hands
,
if
they
would
have
taken
it
;
If
the
Maritime
power
of
the
Turke
was
not
abated
at
that
stroake
;
If
Barbarosse
was
not
destroyed
at
Prevese
,
as
he
might
have
been
;
The
cause
must
be
attributed
t'
Andre
Doria
,
as
I
have
said
in
another
place
.
It
seemed
,
that
these
two
Pirates
had
shared
th'
Empire
of
the
Sea
,
and
th'
one
desired
not
the
ruine
of
th'
other
for
feare
of
being
lesse
considerable
to
his
Master
,
when
he
had
defeated
his
Enemies
,
and
to
lose
credit
with
the
losse
of
exercise
:
Barbarosse
also
repayed
the
Courtesie
and
gave
the
revenge
to
Doria
neere
Villa
Franca
where
he
would
not
destroy
him
,
as
it
was
easie
for
him
after
a
Wrack
,
nor
pursue
his
Ships
which
the
Tempests
had
scattered
.
It
may
be
also
there
was
some
hidden
Cause
,
and
some
concealed
Motive
from
th'
Emperour
,
for
which
reason
he
sought
not
Victory
in
the
League
we
speak
of
,
but
the
retrayte
of
his
enemies
,
and
cessation
of
the
War
.
I
will
treat
of
this
matter
in
the
second
part
,
in
the
treaty
of
Leagues
.
Pius
the
fourth
,
layed
the
foundation
of
the
League
for
the
reliefe
of
Cyprus
,
which
was
concluded
under
Pius
the
fourth
,
That
if
it
was
not
fortunate
enough
;
If
th'
hopes
conceived
faild
of
their
principall
End
,
and
if
Cyprus
was
lost
for
want
of
reliefe
;
The
delayes
the
Spaniards
bring
t'
all
their
undertakings
;
The
tempests
that
were
frequent
that
year
upon
the
Sea
;
The
Plague
which
emptied
the
vessels
of
the
Venetians
;
and
a
secret
disposition
of
th'
Heavens
,
that
afflicted
the
Republique
,
were
the
causes
of
that
Disgrace
;
The
League
neverthelesse
was
profitable
,
and
past-ages
nor
all
the
powers
of
th'
ancients
did
not
produce
upon
the
Levant
Sea
any
thing
so
memorable
as
the
Battail
of
Cursolary
;
That
,
if
the
Christians
had
not
betrayed
themselves
;
If
the
would
have
made
use
of
the
victory
,
and
have
followed
the
fortune
Constantinople
and
the
Levant
offered
them
;
we
had
been
largely
repaired
for
the
losses
we
have
lately
received
.
We
ware
Masters
of
the
Mediterranean
Sea
,
the
Turke
was
reduced
to
the
Land
,
and
the
Virtue
of
Don
John
of
Austria
might
have
given
hopes
to
Spain
,
not
t'
envy
France
the
glory
of
its
Godfrey
,
and
the
good
successe
of
it's
Armies
.
But
the
distrust
the
Venetians
had
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
th'
Experience
they
had
made
under
Charles
the
fifth
,
in
the
taking
of
Chasteauneuf
,
how
unjust
observers
they
were
of
th'
agreements
of
Leagues
;
On
the
other
side
,
the
jealousie
the
Spaniards
had
,
that
the
Ruine
of
the
Turk
,
was
the
greatning
of
the
Venetians
,
That
they
would
gather
the
best
pieces
of
his
overthrow
,
and
the
principall
fruit
of
the
Warre
;
That
having
no
cause
to
fear
the
forces
of
the
Turk
,
they
would
the
lesse
consider
the
Spanish
strength
;
and
becomming
more
powerfull
,
they
might
the
more
crosse
them
in
their
designes
for
Italy
;
That
,
I
say
,
corrupted
the
victory
and
frustrated
th'
hopes
of
Christendome
and
th'
attempt
of
the
World
.
They
that
know
the
humours
of
Princes
,
what
the
reasons
of
State
are
,
and
the
nature
of
Leagues
,
will
not
think
that
strange
which
I
have
now
said
.
However
we
have
drawn
two
notable
advantages
from
the
victory
of
Lepantha
.
Th'
one
is
,
that
if
we
have
not
been
wise
enough
to
make
profit
of
the
Good
offered
us
,
we
have
been
sufficiently
happy
in
avoiding
th'
Evills
which
threatned
us
,
if
the
forces
of
the
Turke
had
not
been
shatter'd
,
and
that
formidable
Fleet
dissipated
which
covered
all
the
Gulfe
of
Venice
with
Crescents
and
the
lower
Sea
of
Italy
.
Th'
other
advantage
is
,
that
we
have
given
him
to
understand
,
that
if
his
forces
are
greater
then
those
of
a
single
Prince
;
they
are
inferiour
to
the
forces
of
united
Christendome
.
And
if
by
a
designe
worthy
the
name
they
beare
,
they
combine
together
against
him
,
his
Greatnesse
in
a
small
time
would
be
humbled
,
the
Crescent
shattered
,
and
himselfe
sent
to
the
bottome
of
Soythia
,
from
whence
he
took
his
originall
.
The
continuation
of
the
League
,
and
the
good
Fortune
of
Christendome
,
dyed
with
the
Life
of
Pius
the
fifth
,
and
if
his
successor
had
had
as
much
Zeal
as
he
to
maintain
it
;
He
was
not
happy
enough
to
support
it
,
for
he
had
the
displeasure
to
know
,
that
the
Venetians
had
broken
it
,
and
was
agreed
with
Selim
without
the
knowledge
of
their
Confederates
;
whether
they
had
Reason
or
not
,
I
will
discourse
in
the
Second
part
,
where
I
will
examine
the
Causes
of
the
Treaty
of
Moncon
,
which
we
made
some
yeares
past
upon
the
business
of
the
Valtoline
.
For
what
concernes
the
warrs
at
Land
,
T
is
very
well
known
,
what
Popes
have
done
against
the
Common
enemy
of
Christians
,
and
against
Heretiques
.
In
the
second
Expedition
of
Soliman
against
Vienna
,
and
in
th'
heat
which
possessed
him
to
purge
off
the
shame
of
the
first
Expedition
,
It
was
necessary
that
Christendome
should
employ
all
her
forces
;
That
her
rest
was
to
be
set
up
and
oppose
its
greatest
power
to
a
Conquerour
,
whom
Spight
and
Ambition
animated
to
her
Ruine
;
It
must
be
confessed
,
that
in
this
Occasion
Charles
the
fifth
was
truly
the
Caesar
of
Christians
,
and
that
he
fought
for
Religion
in
defending
his
patrimony
.
But
it
must
also
be
confessed
,
that
the
Cares
of
the
Pope
were
very
sedulous
to
send
him
forces
;
To
solicite
for
him
in
all
parts
,
and
to
put
him
into
a
Condition
to
receive
that
formidable
Adversary
;
So
Soliman
,
as
powerfull
as
he
was
,
durst
not
advance
towards
him
;
He
durst
not
put
his
Glory
to
Competition
with
that
of
Charles
;
And
as
religious
as
he
was
,
He
brake
th'
Oath
he
had
made
,
Neverto
return
to
Constantinople
but
as
Conquerour
of
Vienna
,
and
loaden
with
the
spoiles
of
Austria
.
So
soon
as
th'
Heresie
of
Luther
multiplied
and
felt
it selfe
powerfull
,
It
appeared
rebellious
.
All
the
Septentrionals
almostconspired
against
th'
Emperour
;
nothing
was
ever
seen
so
proud
as
that
League
,
because
it
was
very
strong
.
The
Standards
of
the
Commanders
were
filled
with
proud
Mottoes
and
with
threatning
words
;
And
two
Great
persons
th'
one
for
the
warr
,
and
th'
other
for
th'
Intricacyes
of
affaires
,
which
were
the
Duke
of
Saxe
and
the
Langrave
of
Hessen
,
made
up
the
soul
and
gave
it
Motion
.
Th'
Emperour
in
apparance
ought
to
be
suppressed
with
the
storme
that
surprized
him
,
and
religion
to
have
suffered
finall
shipwrack
in
Germany
;
so
truly
it
had
hapned
,
if
the
Pope
had
not
run
to
his
reliefe
.
The
forces
which
Paul
the
third
sent
him
under
the
Command
of
his
Nephew
,
were
the
sinewes
of
Charles
the
fifth's
Army
.
And
with
that
re-enforcement
which
consisted
of
ten
thousand
chosen
men
;
That
great
Leavy
of
men
was
dissipated
.
The
Duke
of
Saxe
was
taken
prisoner
after
he
was
overcome
;
The
rebellious
Cities
opened
their
Gates
to
the
victorious
,
and
the
Victory
was
at
th'
issue
the
Pope
desired
it
;
who
apprehended
,
for
th'
Interest
of
religion
,
the
progresse
of
protestants
Armes
;
and
th'
too
great
prosperity
of
th'
Emperour
,
for
th'
Interest
of
Italy
;
These
latter
yeares
when
Heresie
overflowed
at
the
Dyet
of
Wormes
,
and
that
it
proposed
to
change
religion
in
all
places
,
with
the
Change
of
States
;
All
Germany
almost
conspired
in
this
Designe
;
and
the
forces
which
ought
to
have
been
Imployed
against
the
Turke
and
for
the
Recovery
of
Hungary
,
were
turnd
against
th'
house
of
Austria
,
because
it
was
Catholique
or
too
ambitious
.
The
revolt
of
Bohemia
,
and
th'
Election
of
the
Count
Palatine
;
The
shew
of
their
first
Armes
,
and
the
weakeness
of
th'
Emperour
,
gave
feare
t'other
Catholiques
,
and
raised
the
Courage
of
th'
other
Protestants
in
Europe
;
Italy
was
then
threatned
,
Rome
was
also
devoured
in
hopes
;
Babylon
,
said
they
,
must
be
purged
,
and
that
which
had
been
so
long
the
principall
seat
of
Religion
,
ought
to
be
the
principall
seat
of
Heresie
;
In
this
publique
Consternation
of
Catholiques
,
and
in
the
feare
of
more
tragicall
Events
;
This
Evidence
is
to
be
given
to
th'
Holy
Chair
,
That
eminent
Reliefes
were
raised
against
th'
Evills
which
happned
,
and
against
them
that
were
feared
;
and
that
the
Catholique
League
of
Germany
,
hath
been
principally
th'
effect
of
the
Popes
Authority
and
zeale
.
And
truly
it
hath
been
so
happy
,
and
God
so
visibly
declared
in
its
favour
,
that
we
should
be
troubled
to
believe
the
prosperities
which
happned
,
if
we
had
not
seen
them
;
and
nothing
hath
fallen
out
more
Contrary
to
humane
Discourse
,
and
to
the
shew
of
things
than
the
Ruine
of
the
Palatine
and
the
resurrection
of
th'
Emperour
.
The
Fourteenth
Discourse
.
Of
the
Prudence
which
ought
to
be
observed
in
treating
with
th'
Agents
of
the
Pope
,
and
whether
it
be
Lawfull
t'
use
dissimulation
,
and
How
.
THough
it
be
easie
to
inferr
from
the
precedent
Discourse
,
How
necessary
it
is
that
the
Pope
interpose
in
the
Quarrells
of
Princes
,
and
that
he
be
made
the
Mediator
of
their
Discords
;
T
is
easie
also
to
conclude
with
what
circumspection
their
Agents
are
to
be
treated
with
.
Another
Minister
of
State
then
,
treating
with
them
,
ought
never
to
be
free
from
distrust
;
which
assures
business
;
which
avoydes
snares
;
which
defends
from
surprizes
,
and
leaves
not
deceit
in
the
power
of
deceivers
.
That
he
takes
it
for
Certaine
,
That
they
are
persons
who
bring
Art
to
all
they
do
and
never
descend
t'
Action
but
well
prepared
;
Who
are
Enemies
t'
Impetuosity
,
and
ordinarily
have
no
violent
passion
which
Confoundes
Discourse
and
disorders
Reason
;
That
of
all
th'
humours
whereof
the
body
is
composed
,
esteem
nothing
so
much
as
Flegme
;
nor
of
all
the
virtues
that
enter
into
affairs
,
as
Patience
for
to
tire
them
:
He
ought
to
know
,
that
they
lose
nothing
,
and
make
profit
of
all
,
That
sometimes
they
go
back
,
to
advance
the
better
;
That
the
last
thing
they
discover
,
is
their
first
Intention
.
That
they
turne
the
back
,
where
they
would
salute
;
as
they
do
,
who
row
:
And
though
the
straight
lines
are
the
shortest
,
they
love
th'
oblique
better
t'
attaine
their
Ends
,
and
to
hit
the
Mark
they
propose
to
themselves
.
He
ought
then
to
be
prepared
against
their
Art
and
against
all
their
Cringes
:
But
he
must
in
such
a
manner
regulate
his
behaviour
and
governe
himselfe
with
such
a
Temper
,
that
he
never
make
Discovery
of
his
Distrust
;
That
he
make
shew
of
free
deportment
,
and
that
th'
outward
Appearance
make
out
nothing
but
freedome
.
He
must
fortifie
th'
Entries
of
Conferences
with
th'
opinion
he
hath
of
th'
Integrity
of
him
with
whom
he
treats
,
of
th'
uprightnesse
of
his
Intentions
,
and
of
the
purity
of
his
zeal
for
the
publique
Good
.
He
must
give
him
also
a
taste
of
His
Master's
Inclination
,
If
he
be
our
friend
that
he
may
observe
it
,
or
that
of
his
family
,
if
it
have
passion
for
us
,
that
he
may
not
depart
from
it
.
From
this
open
Action
and
free
proceeding
in
shew
of
designe
and
artifice
,
of
three
things
one
will
arise
;
either
Impression
will
be
made
on
his
will
;
an
Entry
on
his
soul
;
or
an
Insinuation
into
his
Inclinations
,
which
will
be
an
augury
for
us
,
of
the
good
successe
of
th'
affair
.
T
is
a
point
which
they
ought
ever
to
aime
at
,
who
manadge
businesse
,
and
that
they
may
assure
themselves
,
that
so
soon
as
they
have
gained
the
will
of
any
person
,
they
become
Masters
of
his
reason
,
and
understanding
.
'T
is
strange
what
power
the
second
Faculty
of
the
soul
,
hath
,
which
is
,
to
speak
truth
,
nothing
but
heat
and
affection
,
above
the
first
Faculty
,
which
is
Light
and
Intelligence
.
When
she
pleaseth
,
she
drawes
her
by
whom
she
ought
to
the
guided
;
she
makes
her
walk
after
her
desires
,
though
she
ought
not
to
moved
but
by
her
discourses
;
She
makes
her
find
painting
and
dresses
,
for
th'
ugly
things
she
hath
Love
for
,
she
makes
her
disguise
,
under
th'
appearance
of
true
,
a
lye
which
she
will
follow
;
and
under
th'
appearance
of
Good
,
th'
injustice
which
she
will
practise
,
This
rule
ought
inviolably
to
be
observed
in
all
Negotiations
,
that
they
may
be
happy
,
That
they
benot
manadged
by
persons
that
have
aversion
for
one
another
.
The
second
is
,
that
if
the
person
with
whom
one
hath
to
do
,
stands
firme
and
suffers
not
himselfe
to
be
shaken
by
that
kind
of
freedome
and
compleasancy
.
If
he
resists
that
charme
and
catch
not
at
that
bit
,
He
will
be
the
lesse
on
his
guard
when
nothing
shall
be
suspected
by
him
.
He
will
be
easier
tasted
,
he
will
breathe
out
some
words
to
manifest
his
thoughts
,
and
it
may
happen
to
him
as
to
strong
places
and
well
provided
for
,
which
are
sometimes
lost
by
too
great
confidence
had
in
their
Forces
,
and
by
the
little
care
is
used
to
preserve
them
,
believing
that
there
's
no
need
of
it
;
To
conclude
,
if
some
profitable
use
be
not
made
of
this
Conduct
,
the
mischiefe
which
attends
an
open
Distrust
,
at
least
,
will
be
avoided
which
is
ever
injurious
to
him
in
whose
behalfe
it
is
exercised
,
which
would
raise
in
him
sharp
thoughts
against
us
;
and
would
draw
th'
Inconveniences
we
would
avoid
;
or
divert
the
successes
which
we
believe
,
not
t'owe
to
the
Good-will
of
another
and
to
his
industry
,
but
to
our
subtelty
,
and
to
our
addresse
.
Two
things
also
are
to
be
remembred
,
Th'
one
that
th'
Art
which
I
advise
is
not
Art
,
if
it
be
not
concealed
;
and
that
it
workes
an
effect
contrary
to
what
a
man
proposeth
to
himselfe
,
so
soon
as
it
hath
taken
Aire
.
This
so
beneficiall
confidence
then
,
is
to
be
expressed
without
affectation
and
excesse
.
Otherwise
truly
,
when
it
makes
a
noyse
and
is
irregular
,
when
it
speaks
loud
,
and
makes
its
action
too
pressing
,
'T
is
suspected
of
some
designe
;
it
engenders
distrust
and
creates
a
beliefe
of
the
contrary
he
would
perswade
,
And
in
this
particularly
,
That
excellent
Rule
in
Logicke
is
to
be
observed
;
That
who
proves
too
much
proves
nothing
,
or
that
good
word
of
th'
Antients
,
That
nothing
be
done
too
much
,
or
that
advice
of
St.
Paul
,
To
be
wise
to
sobriety
and
with
measure
.
Th'
excesse
of
complements
wherewith
the
Court
is
infected
and
th'
Irregularity
of
Tatling
which
receives
neither
exception
nor
bounds
,
are
certaine
proofs
of
what
I
have
now
said
.
So
there
are
none
but
fools
and
new
commers
,
that
delight
in
it
;
able
persons
believe
ordinarily
the
contrary
,
and
seek
the
truth
of
intentions
in
the
contradiction
of
words
.
Th'
other
thing
particularly
to
be
observed
,
is
,
Not
t'
employ
this
Art
indifferently
,
and
to
all
th'
uses
whereunto
is
proper
;
Not
to
make
use
of
it
t'
assault
,
but
to
defend
ones
self
;
Not
to
deceive
,
but
to
secure
from
deceit
;
and
not
to
make
a
poyson
of
what
ought
to
be
a
preservative
.
According
to
this
sense
,
'T
is
also
true
,
that
dissimulation
is
permitted
,
&
That
whosoever
knowes
not
how
to
Dissemble
,
knows
not
how
to
Reign
.
The
foundation
of
this
opinion
is
,
that
though
lying
be
forbidden
,
&
that
it
is
a
thing
unworthy
of
man
,
&
a
villanous
perspective
in
his
demeanor
;
That
the
exteriour
should
contradict
th'
Interiour
;
That
the
Tongue
should
bely
the
Heart
,
and
that
the
Word
should
betray
the
thought
,
whereof
't
is
th'
Image
and
Character
;
'T
is
so
,
That
no
person
is
bound
alwaies
to
declare
his
sense
,
to
retayle
all
that
is
in
the
soul
;
To
make
the
first
commer
his
confessor
and
his
Judge
,
and
't
is
certain
that
God
hath
as
well
recommended
silence
to
us
to
conceale
Dangerous
truths
,
as
he
hath
given
us
speech
to
publish
the
Necessary
Truths
.
The
dissimulation
which
tends
to
the
Ruine
of
ones
Neighbour
,
and
serves
for
a
cover
to
injustice
,
ought
to
be
shunned
of
honest
people
.
And
what
gaine
soever
it
proposeth
,
and
with
what
hopes
of
recompence
't
is
attired
;
She
cannot
repaire
th'
evill
of
the
breach
of
the
bond
of
publique
Faith
,
and
of
overthrowing
the
foundation
of
human
Society
;
'T
is
a
false
prudence
which
th'
Ancients
have
condemned
;
which
the
light
of
nature
detests
;
which
takes
away
credit
from
man
,
and
makes
even
his
good
Actions
to
be
suspected
.
In
a
word
,
it
destroyes
ordinarily
them
that
make
use
of
it
,
and
those
double
spirits
and
subtile
motions
are
often
seen
to
fall
into
the
snares
they
have
prepared
for
others
,
and
into
the
precipice
they
have
digged
for
them
.
They
who
teach
this
doctrine
,
and
make
science
of
deceit
,
propose
examples
,
which
are
capable
to
divert
a
Man
,
and
the
tragicall
ends
wherewith
she
is
diverted
make
it
appear
;
That
when
the
justice
of
men
failes
,
God
at
least
failes
not
t'
interpose
his
justice
;
To
catch
the
Wise
in
their
Wiles
,
and
the
Cautious
in
their
Malice
.
The
conduct
of
Caesar
Borgia
which
was
the
Modell
of
Machavell's
Prince
,
and
that
villanous
Original
whereof
he
made
so
dangerous
a
Copy
,
had
in
the
beginning
some
considerable
successe
;
But
God
who
had
permitted
that
person
to
be
borne
in
his
wrath
and
to
punish
the
sins
of
Italy
,
and
to
be
the
Flayle
of
them
that
were
lesse
wicked
then
himselfe
;
abandoned
him
at
last
to
justice
;
Took
his
judgment
from
him
for
destruction
,
permitted
that
no
faith
should
be
observed
to
him
who
had
so
often
broken
it
;
That
he
who
was
so
distrustfull
became
Credulous
,
and
was
blind
to
the
Nets
the
great
Captain
laid
for
him
.
Italy
,
as
it
is
the
Theater
of
great
vices
and
vertues
,
gave
a
little
before
another
great
Example
of
the
same
nature
.
Lodwick
Sforsa
believed
himselfe
the
subtillest
person
of
his
times
;
His
Picture
and
Devises
retained
ever
some
marke
of
that
vanity
and
all
his
entertainments
are
filled
with
that
folly
.
He
made
profession
to
lead
the
great
persons
of
Europe
whither
he
listed
;
To
have
in
his
hands
the
Peace
and
Warr
of
other
Nations
,
and
to
have
been
more
powerfull
with
his
wit
and
addresse
,
then
the
Conquerours
were
with
their
Force
and
Armies
.
It
hapned
at
last
,
that
he
who
had
overthrown
the
peace
of
Italy
,
wherein
she
reposed
,
to
satisfie
his
ambition
;
who
had
so
often
broken
his
Confederacies
and
Alliances
;
and
had
opened
the
way
to
Soveraignry
by
Poyson
and
Parricides
;
that
he
,
I
say
,
besides
the
great
Disgraces
which
vexed
his
Life
,
was
betrayed
at
Navarre
by
the
Suisses
that
were
payed
by
him
;
sold
to
the
French
that
made
warre
with
him
;
Imprisoned
in
the
Tower
of
Loches
;
and
for
ten
years
together
served
for
a
spectacle
to
all
Europe
of
the
frailty
of
greatness
,
and
of
th'
Inconstancy
of
worldly
things
.
Our
History
is
not
unfurnished
of
illustrious
examples
in
this
subject
.
Charles
of
Navarre
who
had
neither
Faith
nor
Religion
;
who
was
the
Firebrand
of
France
and
the
perpetuall
disturber
of
its
rest
;
who
so
often
played
upon
the
easinesse
of
the
people
with
his
Eloquence
,
and
so
often
abused
the
gifts
of
the
Spirit
which
were
admirable
in
him
,
t'
afflict
this
Kingdome
;
with
how
many
evills
did
he
see
himself
pursued
?
His
Quality
of
Prince
did
not
exempt
him
from
poverty
nor
prison
;
He
was
eaten
with
long
and
sharp
sicknesse
,
and
at
last
Fire
consumed
him
by
th'
Imprudence
of
a
servant
,
with
a
Cloath
wet
in
Aqua-vitae
.
The
Constable
of
Saint
Paul
subsisted
long
in
the
dissimulation
he
compleatly
practised
:
but
in
long
running
his
Art
ruined
him
,
and
desiring
to
make
use
at
one
&
the
same
time
of
two
contrary
parties
,
He
was
so
deserted
by
th'
one
&
sacrificed
to
th'
other
.
Truly
if
deceits
and
wicked
wayes
were
not
subject
to
violent
accidents
,
and
to
such
fatall
conclusions
,
th'
Ignorance
,
or
Corruption
of
men
is
very
strange
,
to
help
of
nature
the
wayes
of
reigning
,
and
to
destroy
their
affairs
which
they
might
find
more
certain
,
and
honourable
with
prudence
and
discourse
;
what
pitty
't
is
that
so
many
experiences
which
have
preceded
cannot
make
them
understand
,
that
if
vertue
be
sometimes
unhappy
,
't
is
alwaies
esteemed
;
That
it
riseth
oftner
then
Malice
,
when
it
falls
,
and
that
the
good
fortune
of
this
consists
not
in
the
souls
of
them
that
exercise
it
,
but
in
th'
opinion
of
them
,
that
behold
only
th'
Exteriour
which
covers
it
,
and
the
superficies
that
doth
surround
it
.
The
Fifthtenth
Discourse
.
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
make
Warre
with
the
Pope
;
Wherein
the
Demeanour
which
Phillip
the
second
,
observed
in
the
Warre
he
made
is
Commended
,
and
that
of
Charles
the
fifth
Condemned
.
TO
resolve
this
matter
well
,
and
give
it
a
full
day
and
a
perfect
Cleerenesse
;
'T
is
necessary
to
make
use
of
the
Metaphysicall
abstractions
,
and
to
distinguish
the
things
which
are
effectively
joyned
with
the
Spirit
;
But
are
truly
diverse
,
and
have
nothing
of
common
but
the
subject
which
holds
them
,
and
the
stock
on
which
they
are
grafted
.
The
Popes
then
are
not
now
to
be
considered
as
Vicars
of
Jesus
Ghrist
,
Who
hath
protested
that
his
Kingdome
was
not
of
this
world
,
but
as
Princes
of
th'
Earth
,
and
Lords
of
certaine
States
in
Italy
and
in
the
country
of
Provance
.
That
being
supposed
,
I
say
in
the
first
place
;
that
it
seems
that
they
who
have
given
these
Estates
to
the
Church
could
not
bestow
them
with
other
Intentions
,
than
as
they
did
enjoy
them
,
and
subject
to
the
same
inconveniences
they
were
in
the
time
of
their
enjoying
them
.
And
therefore
the
Popes
,
which
enjoy
them
are
not
exempt
from
the
right
of
Nations
,
no
more
then
the
first
Masters
of
those
estates
,
and
that
they
ought
to
propose
to
themselves
;
Besides
,
that
injustice
is
more
odious
in
them
then
in
other
persons
,
who
ought
t'
act
only
by
charity
;
'
That
't
is
permitted
t'other
Soveraignes
to
do
Justice
themselves
,
when
it
cannot
be
obtained
of
them
,
and
that
they
abuse
to
the
ruine
of
men
,
to
temporall
power
they
have
received
from
men
.
So
when
Paul
the
fourth
declared
War
against
Phillip
the
second
and
would
take
away
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
from
him
,
to
give
it
t
'one
of
his
Nephewes
;
Th'
advise
of
the
most
eminent
Theologians
of
Spaine
and
Flanders
,
and
amongst
others
of
Melchior
Canus
Porta
,
was
;
That
he
ought
not
only
t'
attend
in
his
dominions
,
the
Popes
Forces
,
and
beat
them
back
;
but
that
he
might
also
with
a
good
conscience
enter
upon
the
Lands
of
the
Church
by
way
of
diversion
,
and
to
prevent
the
storme
which
was
raised
against
his
Territories
.
I
say
,
neverthelesse
,
that
here
distinction
must
be
used
,
and
't
is
very
probable
,
that
a
Warre
purely
offensive
against
the
Pope
may
not
singly
be
undertaken
;
That
there
's
no
title
of
just
Warre
,
nor
consideration
of
State
,
which
can
dispence
a
Prince
to
retaine
with
conscience
,
what
he
hath
gained
in
justice
from
th'
Holy
Chaire
,
and
that
consequences
are
not
to
be
drawn
from
what
intervenes
in
the
Commerce
of
Princes
purely
temporall
,
and
in
the
Quarrels
they
have
together
in
relation
to
what
respects
the
good
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Revenue
of
St.
Peter
.
The
Reason
is
,
that
insomuch
that
amongst
the
first
,
't
is
sufficient
that
the
Warre
be
probably
just
t'authorise
the
conquests
that
are
made
,
and
make
the
possession
lawfull
of
what
is
gained
.
Which
happens
not
in
the
Warres
that
are
made
to
Popes
.
To
make
out
the
true
difference
,
't
is
of
importance
to
stay
a
little
upon
this
dolefull
matter
,
and
to
descend
even
to
the
Root
of
that
justice
,
and
to
the
finall
cause
which
makes
the
Warre
lawfull
.
The
Soveraign
Princes
who
have
no
superiours
on
Earth
,
who
hold
only
of
God
by
themselves
,
and
are
independent
as
to
all
other
men
,
are
dependent
as
Justice
.
And
therefore
so
oft
as
they
violate
that
Vertue
,
and
break
that
Divine
bond
,
which
sustains
th'
Order
of
the
World
;
Another
Prince
which
shall
be
wronged
,
may
repaire
himself
of
the
wrong
he
suffers
,
and
satisfie
himselfe
with
his
own
hands
.
And
in
this
,
Conscience
is
safe
,
and
the
Warres
,
mads
to
repulse
violence
,
are
agreeable
to
God
,
and
the
bloud
there
spilt
a
sacrifice
of
a
good
Odour
before
his
Divine
Majesty
.
Wherefore
in
th'
Antient
Law
he
hath
stirred
up
his
people
t'
Arme
themselves
,
and
to
fight
;
and
he
hath
not
disdained
amongst
his
most
Magnificent
Qualities
and
most
glorious
Titles
t'
assume
that
of
God
of
th'
Armies
.
This
at
first
seems
strange
by
reason
of
th'
Inclination
Man
ought
to
have
to
sweetnesse
and
peace
;
And
since
't
is
not
seen
that
Beasts
are
greedy
of
the
bloud
of
their
kinde
,
nor
Tygers
cruell
against
Tygers
;
There
's
cause
of
great
amazement
that
men
should
be
so
ingenious
to
destroy
one
another
,
and
so
fierce
to
ruine
their
very
kind
,
That
the
noblest
of
all
Virtues
is
Valour
,
and
that
of
making
warre
the
most
famous
Art
.
That
the
glory
of
Alexander
and
Caesar
needed
two
Millions
of
Lifes
,
to
rise
to
th'
heighth
it
is
at
;
And
that
ancient
Rome
allowed
not
the
triumph
but
to
the
Murderers
of
all
most
a
whole
Nation
,
and
to
them
who
had
depopulated
a
Country
of
the
Flower
of
their
Inhabitants
,
and
poured
out
the
Noblest
bloud
of
a
Province
.
That
would
truly
be
strange
,
if
it
was
done
by
an
Instinct
of
Cruelty
,
If
it
proceed
from
a
blind
Envy
,
to
drinke
up
humane
bloud
;
and
was
conducted
by
any
other
spirit
then
that
of
Justice
.
That
if
we
make
no
Question
to
take
Physicke
,
To
permit
opening
of
veines
,
and
to
make
use
also
of
Poyson
,
and
of
fire
t'heat
our
bodies
;
How
much
lesse
difficulty
ought
we
make
t'
imploy
violent
Remedies
when
gentle
are
unprofitable
,
and
that
there
's
no
other
provision
to
be
made
against
th'
Irregularities
of
Princes
and
of
people
,
nor
to
Maintain
justice
which
is
th'
health
of
States
,
and
the
soul
of
the
politique
Body
.
That
if
what
soveraigne
Princes
practise
in
the
person
of
their
subjects
,
and
the
Example
they
make
of
their
Crimes
are
,
agreeable
to
God
,
and
necessary
for
the
world
;
How
much
more
ought
that
to
be
just
,
which
they
exercise
against
other
Princes
,
and
is
of
the
more
Generall
faults
,
and
concern
all
the
Nations
of
th'
Earth
in
Consequence
,
&
an
infinite
of
particular
persons
in
their
private
Interest
.
It
were
well
to
be
wished
,
That
of
two
parts
which
Compose
the
distributive
;
The
world
knew
onely
that
which
gives
Crownes
to
virtue
,
and
Recompences
to
Merit
:
But
since
Corrupted
nature
enclines
more
t'
evill
than
to
good
,
and
that
th'
objects
of
virtue
are
not
so
frequent
and
active
,
as
those
of
vice
;
That
part
of
justice
,
which
distributes
punishment
,
hath
by
Consequent
a
more
necessary
use
and
more
extended
then
th'
other
;
and
Soveraignes
ought
no
more
to
be
exempted
,
then
particular
persons
,
since
they
are
alike
faulty
,
and
more
dangerously
Culpable
.
'T
is
the
reason
God
hath
put
the
sword
into
their
hands
,
and
hath
Commanded
that
they
should
have
power
to
punish
,
not
onely
the
Criminalls
of
their
states
,
but
also
to
revenge
th'
injuryes
done
them
,
and
require
reason
themselves
of
other
Soveraignes
,
which
had
offended
them
,
since
they
have
no
superiours
,
as
particular
persons
who
do
the
wrong
.
I
speak
here
of
the
wrongs
which
one
Soveraigne
doth
to
another
;
For
what
concernes
the
Soveraigne
to
the
subject
,
t
is
a
business
which
other
Soveraigns
have
nothing
to
do
with
,
but
to
behold
;
as
not
submitted
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
any
person
,
and
what
God
hath
reserved
for
his
Tribunall
and
for
his
Justice
;
when
the
power
is
Legitimate
th'
use
may
be
violent
,
without
being
Lawfull
,
for
any
person
whatsoever
t'
alter
it
with
force
.
The
people
who
are
oppressed
,
have
nothing
but
prayers
to
divert
it
,
or
Patience
to
suffer
it
;
Beyond
that
,
there
s
no
Resistance
just
,
nor
exception
to
be
admitted
.
The
Duty
regardes
not
the
person
of
Princes
,
but
th'
Authority
God
hath
put
into
their
hands
.
The
bad
as
the
good
possesse
it
;
and
therefore
he
wills
,
that
we
acknowledge
them
equally
,
and
reverence
,
as
th'
Image
of
his
power
,
them
whom
we
cannot
love
as
th'
Image
of
his
bounty
.
The
result
of
what
hath
been
said
,
is
,
that
a
Soveraigne
may
sometimes
strip
another
Soveraigne
without
injustice
;
That
the
states
of
th'
one
,
may
be
the
price
and
matter
of
Reparation
for
another
that
hath
been
offended
;
or
of
th'
Expence
which
he
hath
made
in
the
pursuit
;
and
that
there
's
nothing
Committed
,
against
th'
order
of
things
,
if
Innocent
subjects
suffer
for
the
faults
of
their
Masters
.
That
they
partake
of
his
Evills
,
as
of
his
Benefits
and
receive
the
badas
good
influences
of
the
head
whereof
they
are
members
.
But
for
what
concernes
Popes
and
the
Patrimony
of
th'
Holy
Chair
,
The
Considerations
is
very
different
;
They
have
Priviledges
which
are
not
Common
t'other
Princes
,
nor
t'other
States
.
God
extends
to
them
a
Certain
propriety
,
by
reason
of
Jesus
Christ
,
for
whose
Love
they
have
been
given
,
which
renders
them
unalienable
,
which
are
not
to
be
usurped
without
sacriledge
,
and
above
the
Right
of
Nations
,
and
those
universall
Lawes
to
which
all
Nations
have
consented
for
the
Generall
Good
of
the
world
.
And
t
is
not
alwayes
true
,
That
the
things
which
change
Master
cannot
change
Condition
,
and
take
the
Qualities
of
the
last
possessor
which
they
had
not
with
the
former
;
If
the
waters
attract
the
virtues
of
the
Mineralls
by
which
they
passe
;
If
the
goodness
of
the
soile
communicates
it selfe
to
the
plants
which
are
brought
thither
,
and
gives
them
a
grouth
they
had
not
in
another
;
If
the
proprieties
of
a
Crowne
descend
upon
the
Members
which
are
united
to
it
;
And
if
Bretanny
be
subject
to
the
Salique
Law
since
it
was
incorporated
into
France
;
why
should
not
the
dignity
of
th'
Holy
Chair
infuse
some
what
of
particular
to
the
States
which
are
belonging
to
it
?
Why
should
it
remaine
Barren
?
why
should
it
be
without
virtue
and
action
in
that
behalfe
?
Why
should
not
Holy
things
have
some
exemption
above
the
prophane
?
and
the
Reflexion
which
is
made
towards
Jesus
Christ
obtaine
some
Respect
from
Christian
Princes
,
which
they
give
not
t'
one
another
,
and
some
speciall
Distinction
.
I
say
,
in
the
third
place
,
when
the
Pope
quits
the
functions
of
his
Charge
;
and
that
,
of
Father
(
which
he
ought
to
be
)
becomes
th'
Enemy
of
his
Children
;
when
he
breaks
unjustly
the
Calme
of
Christendome
,
and
carries
the
warr
to
the
States
of
other
princes
,
They
may
preserve
for
their
defence
,
and
make
use
of
th'
offensive
by
way
of
Diversion
and
prevention
;
provided
that
neither
th'
one
or
th'
other
tend
to
Conquest
,
but
onely
to
Conserve
,
and
passe
not
the
designe
of
a
lawfull
Defence
.
So
the
Duke
of
Alva
did
exercise
it
in
the
warr
he
made
against
Paul
the
fourth
.
He
stayed
not
to
make
his
defence
just
,
till
th'
Ecclesiastique
,
and
French
Armies
were
joyned
and
made
Incursions
into
the
Lands
of
his
Master
.
He
drew
into
the
field
whilst
they
were
preparing
;
Enterd
the
Lands
of
the
Church
,
took
many
places
,
and
gave
Terrour
to
Rome
.
And
if
he
would
have
forced
the
Victory
as
farr
as
he
might
,
he
had
seen
it
crowned
with
the
taking
of
the
Chiefest
Towne
of
the
world
.
But
his
designe
was
t'
affright
the
Pope
,
and
not
to
hurt
him
;
To
shew
lightning
,
and
restraine
the
Thunder
,
to
constraine
him
whom
he
could
not
bend
,
and
to
bring
him
back
to
his
duty
by
violence
,
who
voluntarily
estranged
himselfe
from
it
;
So
after
we
had
received
affronts
before
Civitella
,
and
before
other
places
by
the
fault
of
the
Caraffes
;
After
that
our
Army
was
Constrained
to
draw
back
and
might
have
been
defeated
,
If
the
Duke
of
Alva
had
been
disposed
to
have
gained
bloody
Victories
,
and
not
to
have
prepared
bridges
for
his
Enemies
.
In
their
Retraite
,
He
made
an
Accommodation
with
Paul
and
an
Accord
,
which
I
preferre
before
the
greatest
Victory
Spaine
ever
obtained
.
He
restored
all
the
places
he
had
taken
.
He
confessed
his
error
.
He
was
at
Rome
to
make
his
submissions
to
the
Pope
;
He
demanded
pardon
for
the
fault'he
had
committed
;
so
Rome
received
him
,
as
in
Triumph
;
He
had
th'
honour
t'
eate
with
his
Holiness
,
and
merited
of
his
bounty
the
praise
of
being
the
defender
of
the
Holy
Chair
whilst
he
made
warr
with
it
;
And
since
when
after
six
yeares
of
service
,
and
for
a
matter
of
nothing
,
as
I
have
else
where
expressed
,
Philip
the
second
sent
him
a
Prisoner
to
his
house
in
the
Country
;
Gregory
the
third
interceded
for
him
,
and
endeavoured
to
gaine
him
his
Liberty
.
In
the
representing
to
him
the
long
and
great
services
,
which
he
had
rendred
to
Spaine
,
and
to
the
Church
,
and
particularly
the
Moderations
h'
used
in
behalfe
of
th'
Holy
Chair
,
when
it
was
in
his
power
t'
have
defaced
ir
,
unpuni
shed
;
to
make
use
of
the
priviledges
of
a
Conquerour
,
and
t'
exercise
Advantages
,
which
force
gives
to
them
that
have
it
;
This
proceeding
is
worthy
of
th'
Approbation
of
all
Ages
,
and
th'
Imitation
of
all
Princes
.
Th'
Action
of
Charles
the
fifth
in
the
same
subject
,
is
very
different
from
th'
other
.
Let
us
represent
it
as
it
is
and
in
its
naturall
posture
.
Le
ts
take
away
the
policies
and
painting
wherewith
the
Spaniards
have
disguised
it
;
Le
ts
not
flatter
a
Monster
which
cannot
be
formed
too
hideous
,
and
that
so
scandolous
and
black
a
Crime
rest
not
unpunished
in
the
Memory
of
Men.
I
am
Content
that
the
taking
of
Rome
by
Bourbon
should
be
taken
to
be
a
Blow
from
th'
hand
of
God
,
and
an
effect
of
his
provoked
Justice
,
and
that
the
warr
inclined
it
to
that
side
against
th'
Intention
of
Charles
;
and
that
Treaty
which
Moncado
made
with
Clement
was
done
without
supecery
,
and
with
Designe
to
Cause
it
to
be
observed
by
Bourbon
,
and
to
suffer
the
Pope
t'
enjoy
the
Truce
of
five
Months
,
which
had
been
accorded
unto
him
;
And
that
th'
Army
of
Bourbon
took
the
bridle
in
the
teeth
,
and
marched
towards
Rome
in
spight
of
his
Generall
.
I
speak
not
of
the
raising
of
14000
furious
Lutherans
and
burning
with
the
first
Zeale
of
that
Heresie
,
t'
employ
them
in
a
Warre
,
where
th'
Holy
Chaire
had
so
great
a
part
:
But
after
that
Rome
was
taken
,
&
that
dreadful
accident
was
hapned
by
the
course
wherewith
it
was
guided
;
After
that
th'
Holy
Citty
had
served
for
spectacle
to
the
World
of
the
justice
,
and
of
th'
Impiety
of
Men
;
After
that
the
Pope
was
besieged
in
the
Castle
of
St.
Angelo
;
Why
did
not
th'
Emperour
cause
the
scandall
to
cease
at
the
first
news
he
heard
of
it
?
Why
did
he
not
deliver
Rome
of
that
heretique
Garrison
,
which
abused
th'
holy
things
;
who
prophaned
the
most
sacred
Mysteries
,
of
our
Religion
;
and
added
to
all
the
kinds
of
cruelty
,
all
the
kinds
of
sacriledge
.
Why
did
he
suffer
the
Pope
to
be
put
to
Ransom
,
to
redeeme
himselfe
with
Money
from
the
vexation
of
victorious
Heretiques
;
and
that
Ostia
and
th'
other
strong
place
:
of
th'
Ecclesiastique
State
,
were
the
Price
of
his
liberty
,
and
th'
Arguments
of
his
servitude
.
I
know
well
,
that
some
answer
may
be
made
in
his
favour
and
for
his
discharge
;
That
't
is
permitted
to
make
use
of
th'
Advantage
;
which
we
have
not
sought
,
but
fortune
hath
offer'd
;
That
't
is
lawfull
to
draw
good
from
th'
evill
which
happens
against
our
intentions
;
That
't
is
the
destiny
of
the
things
of
this
World
,
That
the
prosperity
of
some
is
raised
by
th'
Adversity
of
others
;
and
that
th'
affairs
of
State
are
like
those
of
Merchandize
,
wherein
the
greatest
secret
is
to
know
when
to
make
right
use
of
the
time
,
and
t'
employ
th'
occasions
to
profit
when
they
are
offered
.
To
that
I
answer
;
first
that
the
evills
which
I
have
spoken
of
,
and
those
dreadfull
Accidents
,
were
the
sequells
of
the
breach
of
many
treaties
made
with
Clement
,
and
of
the
violation
of
publique
faith
in
his
person
.
And
therefore
,
that
the
effects
could
not
become
Lawfull
,
whose
causes
were
so
notoriously
unjust
;
That
the
River
cannot
be
very
sound
,
if
the
Spring
be
poysoned
;
That
conclusions
retain
alwaies
the
conditions
of
the
principles
f●om
which
they
arise
,
and
partake
of
their
spots
and
weaknesses
;
and
that
they
who
have
been
the
promoters
of
some
Evill
,
or
have
not
diverted
it
when
they
were
obliged
,
are
bound
to
repaire
it
,
and
ought
to
be
security
for
th'
ill
consequences
,
they
bring
with
them
.
In
the
second
place
I
answer
,
that
the
person
of
the
Pope
and
the
dominions
of
th'
Holy
Chaire
are
priviledged-things
and
of
right
are
not
subject
t'
all
th'
Inconveniences
,
and
t'
all
the
disgraces
to
which
the
Person
,
and
States
of
other
Princes
are
exposed
;
for
the
Reasons
above
given
and
which
shall
not
here
be
repeated
.
As
to
th'
affliction
th'
Emperour
seemed
to
declare
,
at
the
News
of
th'
Accident
,
and
the
Demonstrations
he
published
of
an
eminent
grief
;
As
to
the
mourning
he
put
on
to
make
his
Displeasure
visible
;
and
to
the
Processions
he
made
upon
that
occasion
;
And
the
Rejoycings
for
the
birth
of
his
Son
,
He
caused
to
cease
;
To
weep
,
th'
ill
fortune
of
the
Pope
;
All
that
,
was
but
illusion
and
Comedy
.
So
that
false
sadnesse
suddenly
disappeared
,
and
that
vain
shew
of
griefe
was
presently
belyed
by
the
proceedings
above
mentioned
.
And
moreover
Francis
the
first
reproached
him
in
one
of
his
Manifests
;
that
he
had
dared
to
think
to
send
Clement
into
Spain
,
and
conceived
that
monstrous
vanity
,
To
have
at
the
same
time
in
his
hands
,
the
two
principall
persons
of
the
World
,
and
two
so
great
prisoners
as
a
Pope
,
and
King
of
France
,
The
Spaniards
answerd
that
if
Charles
had
had
the
will
,
who
could
have
hindred
him
,
to
have
executed
it
?
And
who
are
strong
enough
to
oppose
his
designes
,
in
a
time
when
Fortune
refused
nothing
to
his
desires
,
when
his
prosperities
gave
feare
t'
England
,
and
Italy
was
amazed
at
the
blow
which
it
had
newly
received
.
When
France
was
mortified
for
th'
Imprisonment
of
its
King
,
and
th'
heretiques
of
Germany
made
brags
of
the
purging
of
Rome
from
its
abominations
,
and
abating
the
Pope
dome
under
th'
Authority
of
a
Catholique
Emperour
.
To
that
,
Answer
may
be
made
with
Francis
the
first
,
That
Charles
was
diverted
from
that
designe
by
th'
Horror
the
proposition
raised
to
all
Spaine
.
That
the
people
murmured
and
the
Clergy
raged
,
when
there
was
speech
of
leading
the
Vicar
of
Jesus
Christ
in
Triumph
,
and
to
make
a
Prisoner
of
th'
head
of
the
Church
.
Though
it
be
very
hard
to
justifie
the
truth
of
this
fact
,
&
to
make
visible
a
matter
so
darke
;
't
is
better
to
leave
it
in
darknesse
,
and
to
suspend
herein
ones
beliefe
,
for
the
honour
of
a
Prince
that
hath
much
merited
of
the
Church
in
divers
occasions
,
and
to
whom
the
glory
of
beating
back
Soliman
cannot
be
denyed
,
and
th'
assuring
of
all
Christendome
in
the
defence
of
his
patrimny
,
and
the
States
of
his
brother
.
At
least
,
't
is
certain
that
if
he
was
a
sinner
,
he
was
a
Penitent
;
and
that
he
washed
his
faults
with
the
teares
of
three
years
,
which
he
poured
out
in
his
retraite
from
the
world
,
before
death
tooke
him
away
from
it
.
Others
aggravated
this
fault
by
th'
Evills
which
Fortune
raised
t'
interrupt
his
prosperities
,
and
by
the
diverse
faces
which
she
shewed
to
them
of
his
Race
.
They
mentioned
the
disgraces
of
his
Brother
,
The
Route
of
his
Armies
at
Ezechio
,
and
at
Bude
,
and
th'
other
Victories
which
Valour
did
not
so
much
give
to
the
Turk
,
as
th'
ill
Fortune
of
Ferdinand
,
and
the
Cowardise
of
his
Captains
.
They
did
not
conceale
th'
occasions
wherein
he
saw
his
designes
overthrown
,
and
his
person
in
danger
;
The
sinking
of
his
Fleet
in
th'
haven
of
Algiers
;
and
that
fearfull
losse
,
which
hath
not
been
equalled
by
any
losse
made
by
Christians
on
the
Sea
,
but
by
that
,
which
his
Son
made
in
the
Sleev
of
England
;
They
represent
the
successe
which
the
second
League
had
against
him
in
Germany
:
The
Chase
which
Maurice
Duke
of
Saxony
gave
him
;
And
the
necessity
whereunto
he
was
reduced
,
to
save
himselfe
by
night
,
and
the
sixth
person
at
Isburg
,
and
to
consent
to
the
peace
of
Passo
so
injurious
to
Religion
,
and
so
unworthy
of
th'
Empire
:
And
to
conclude
,
they
adde
th'
ill
successe
of
the
Enterprize
of
Provance
,
and
the
shame
of
the
siege
of
Mets
,
which
was
the
last
deceit
fortune
put
upon
th'
Emperour
,
and
th'
accomplishment
of
the
designe
he
meditated
to
put
himselfe
out
of
her
power
in
quitting
the
World
where
she
is
so
soveraign
.
I
will
not
affirme
,
that
all
these
Evills
befell
him
in
revenge
of
the
sacking
of
Rome
,
and
th'
affront
offered
to
th'
Holy
Chaire
.
It
might
happen
that
God
sent
or
permitted
them
for
that
subject
;
And
it
might
fall
out
also
,
that
they
sprang
from
other
reasons
,
and
were
th'
effect
of
another
cause
.
Insomuch
,
that
according
to
the
judgements
that
are
made
upon
that
Matter
,
and
th'
Examples
which
are
alleadged
of
them
whom
God
hath
punished
for
offending
of
Popes
;
There
's
more
in
it
of
opinion
then
of
science
,
and
of
conjecture
then
certitude
.
For
who
hath
been
of
God's
counsel
?
who
ever
entred
in
to
the
depths
of
his
Wisedome
?
Who
hath
pierced
the
darknesse
where
he
hids
himselfe
?
The
Sixteenth
Discourse
.
The
defence
of
Gaston
of
Foix
against
them
,
who
say
that
God
punished
him
for
making
warre
to
Julius
th'
eleventh
;
with
the
comparison
of
that
Prince
,
and
of
the
great
Captain
.
I
Am
sorry
that
Gaston
of
Foix
is
placed
amongst
th'
Examples
whom
they
say
God
hath
punished
for
having
made
Warre
.
The
respect
I
bear
the
vertue
of
that
Prince
;
The
great
things
he
did
in
his
very
youth
,
and
the
value
some
Lords
of
France
have
with
me
;
being
of
his
bloud
,
and
who
have
with
him
the
same
Originall
,
are
the
causes
that
I
will
defend
him
here
of
Calumny
,
and
averre
that
he
had
the
Noblest
Death
and
most
glorious
Life
for
the
time
it
lasted
,
that
History
makes
mention
of
,
or
fame
doth
publish
;
'T
is
certain
that
Gaston
made
warre
in
a
time
when
the
Nations
of
Christian
Princes
were
confused
,
and
their
passions
very
different
for
th'
Interests
of
th'
Holy
Chaire
.
Julius
the
second
,
who
was
then
in
the
Chaire
,
seemed
to
have
forgot
what
he
was
;
and
to
have
renounced
the
Quality
of
common
Father
to
make
himselfe
,
Head
of
a
party
;
or
at
least
Member
of
a
League
formed
against
France
;
The
jealousie
he
had
to
see
us
in
the
heart
of
Italy
;
The
implacable
hatred
he
bore
to
the
King
,
and
the
effects
whereof
he
had
made
him
to
feel
in
the
person
of
the
King
of
Navarre
,
whose
kingdome
he
had
interdicted
;
Obliged
Lewis
the
twelfth
to
prepare
against
the
Tempest
that
threatned
him
,
t'exercise
the
Right
of
Nature
,
and
t'
oppose
force
to
force
,
and
to
repaire
to
counsel
to
stop
the
violencies
of
th'
Armies
of
th'
Holy
Chair
,
which
Julius
had
on
foot
,
nor
t'heal
but
to
kill
;
not
to
edifie
,
but
to
destroy
.
In
this
occurrence
,
when
the
Right
seemed
to
be
of
Lewis's
side
,
Gaston
had
the
command
of
th'
Army
in
Italy
.
And
though
the
subject
ought
not
to
discourse
upon
the
designe
of
his
Master'
,
when
he
ought
to
follow
without
enquiry
whither
he
goes
,
and
that
the
Law
which
ought
to
be
observed
,
doth
not
alwaies
declare
the
vertues
of
what
it
ordains
;
Gaston
executed
the
orders
of
the
King
in
a
cause
evidently
lawfull
.
To
whom
he
owed
obedience
,
even
in
Matters
whose
right
had
been
ambiguous
,
and
justice
doubtfull
;
That
if
he
were
slaine
at
the
battell
of
Ravenna
,
and
perished
in
an
Occasion
whereunto
no
person
goes
not
to
dye
,
but
t'
overcome
,
as
he
did
,
The
chance
of
Armes
hath
so
ordained
it
,
and
his
Death
was
the
more
noble
,
that
it
encounterd
with
his
Duty
,
and
that
he
was
slain
in
the
Exercise
of
his
Charge
.
I
sspeak
not
at
this
time
of
other
Circumstances
,
which
make
his
death
glorious
.
To
dye
at
th'
age
of
two
and
twenty
yeares
,
being
almost
assoon
Captaine
as
Souldier
;
having
almost
at
the
same
time
put
forth
flowers
,
and
brought
forth
fruits
;
after
a
Number
of
Victories
whereof
none
were
small
,
and
the
least
might
have
laid
a
foundation
,
of
Reputation
for
an
eminent
person
;
and
in
the
midst
of
a
prosperity
so
constant
,
that
it
was
never
in
the
power
of
fortune
t'
interrupt
it
;
and
so
suddaine
and
Impetuous
,
that
ordinarily
the
last
successes
troad
upon
the
former
without
Interruption
,
and
the
newes
followed
one
another
without
Intervall
.
Add
to
this
,
th'
Esteem
his
virtue
had
gained
when
he
dyed
;
the
feares
and
hopes
it
diversly
occasioned
in
the
world
;
and
the
contrary
passions
it
produced
in
equall
degree
in
the
soules
of
his
Friends
and
Enemies
.
It
was
such
,
that
the
French
could
not
rejoyce
in
the
Battell
they
had
gained
,
because
that
Prince
dyed
there
.
That
Lewis
the
twelvth
wished
the
like
Victories
to
his
Enemies
to
ruine
them
;
and
,
what
is
most
eminent
and
remarkable
,
That
it
forced
Ferdinand
of
Castille
to
reconcile
himselfe
to
the
great
Captaine
,
and
to
withdraw
him
from
that
Retiredness
to
which
a
jealousie
of
State
had
confined
him
,
to
send
him
back
to
Naples
and
t'
oppose
Gaston
,
if
he
had
longger
lived
;
That
it
constrained
an
old
Man
,
and
a
Soveraign-Prince
to
suppresse
so
imperious
a
passion
,
and
to
restore
t'
Imployment
one
of
his
subjects
whose
greatness
was
in
jealously
with
him
.
To
dye
in
that
high
Reputation
,
and
go
out
of
the
world
,
before
tryall
was
made
of
the
Revolutions
of
it
;
If
it
be
a
stroak
of
vengeance
from
Heaven
,
and
the
price
of
some
great
Crime
;
Let
generous
soules
,
that
have
th'
appetite
for
Glory
,
and
some
Resentment
of
honour
,
be
Judges
of
it
.
Since
we
have
said
that
Gonsalve
was
to
passe
into
Italy
t'
oppose
Gaston
,
and
that
Ferdinand
had
designed
him
that
Great
adversary
,
if
he
had
out-lived
the
journey
of
Ravenna
;
Le
ts
observe
a
little
on
whom
in
that
warr
th'
advantage
might
have
rested
,
and
on
what
side
the
victory
have
leaned
,
in
a
Difference
where
the
Parties
were
so
equall
.
It
may
not
peradventure
be
amisse
to
divert
the
Reader
with
pleasure
,
and
t'
entertaine
him
with
a
piece
not
unpleasant
,
though
of
no
relation
to
the
work
.
Titus
Livius
hath
sometimes
done
the
like
amongst
th'
Ancients
,
and
Paruta
amongst
the
Modernes
,
and
I
cannot
be
much
blamed
in
th'
Imitation
of
them
,
nor
t'
have
failed
after
two
so
great
Examples
.
T
is
true
,
that
the
subject
which
I
shall
treate
upon
is
extreamely
ambiguous
and
much
troubled
.
If
it
be
neverthelesse
lawfull
to
ground
some
judgment
upon
the
future
,
and
to
cast
our
eye
upon
the
thing
collected
,
T
is
probable
,
that
the
virtue
of
Gonsalve
had
given
place
to
that
of
Gaston
;
that
it
had
given
him
the
field
;
and
that
fortune
would
not
have
abandoned
a
young
servant
,
that
knew
how
to
make
use
of
her
favours
,
for
a
person
that
made
no
esteem
of
it
,
and
was
compelled
to
retire
in
the
midst
of
Enjoyment
.
The
long
time
that
had
passed
wherein
Gonsalve
had
not
made
warr
,
and
the
great
Cessation
,
in
a
profession
that
affords
alwayes
somewhat
to
be
learnt
;
had
without
question
much
changed
him
from
what
he
was
:
And
as
Iron
rustes
,
when
it
is
not
handled
,
and
Aire
corrupts
,
that
is
long
shut
up
and
putrifies
;
so
th'
Art
of
making
warr
is
unlearnt
,
if
it
be
discontinued
;
and
military
Abilities
are
weakened
,
if
they
are
not
exercised
.
Secondly
,
Age
that
hath
the
property
to
take
away
the
good
sense
,
and
to
ripen
prudence
;
hath
also
the
defect
to
freeze
the
blood
,
and
the
spirits
,
and
to
weaken
th'
active
Qualities
,
which
are
the
Chiefest
principles
of
Execution
,
and
the
nearest
Causes
of
Victories
.
Insomuch
that
the
Coldness
of
Age
,
if
it
have
nothing
but
experience
,
prevents
sometimes
the
committing
of
faults
,
but
not
alwayes
the
suffering
of
Losses
,
and
is
not
capable
of
Enterprizes
that
are
not
happy
,
because
they
are
bold
;
nor
of
Certaine
designes
wherein
there
's
lesse
need
of
Circumspection
then
of
Courage
.
We
have
also
seen
a
great
number
of
Brave
persons
whose
Age
hath
taken
away
their
Reputation
,
and
whose
Glory
hath
been
effaced
by
long
Life
.
We
have
no
example
of
this
truth
more
visible
then
that
of
Marius
.
His
valour
accompanied
alwayes
the
disposition
of
his
Temper
,
It
entertained
it selfe
in
his
fairest
yeares
,
and
fell
in
the
fall
of
his
body
,
and
in
the
cadency
of
his
Age.
It
hath
also
been
observed
,
that
the
greatest
part
of
Conquerours
,
and
vanquishers
of
Nations
,
did
not
attaine
th'
Age
of
sixty
yeares
;
and
that
Many
of
them
have
finished
their
dayes
much
short
of
that
time
by
naturall
death
,
or
by
a
precipitated
or
violent
End
.
Caesar
,
Charles
the
fifth
,
Francis
the
first
,
Henry
the
fourth
,
and
the
last
Prince
of
Orange
,
failed
betwixt
fifty
and
sixty
yeares
.
And
one
of
these
stayed
not
to
give
over
business
,
till
he
was
in
Condition
no
longer
to
retaine
it
;
nor
to
give
over
his
greatnesse
,
till
death
would
have
taken
it
from
him
;
But
by
a
Prudence
,
higher
then
that
of
the
world
,
and
by
Motives
more
generous
then
those
that
had
made
him
t'
undertake
so
great
things
;
He
quitted
the
functions
of
th'
Empire
,
t'
exercise
them
onely
of
a
Man
;
and
chose
rather
t'
end
his
Life
in
th'
humility
of
a
Religious
person
,
then
with
th'
Ambition
of
a
Monarch
.
The
Prince
of
Parma
,
who
had
th'
honour
,
to
give
Life
to
the
Military
discipline
of
th'
Ancients
,
and
to
advance
that
faire
work
which
the
Prince
of
Orange
had
finished
,
dyed
at
th'
age
of
Eight
and
forty
yeares
.
And
't
is
true
,
That
his
Glory
began
to
decline
,
that
th'
affaires
obeyed
him
no
more
,
as
they
had
before
done
;
and
that
his
last
designes
had
neither
the
good
fortune
of
Event
,
nor
the
grace
of
Execution
as
the
former
had
;
Alexander
,
Germanicus
,
The
Marquis
of
Pessary
,
and
Don
John
of
Austria
have
encountred
the
same
period
of
Life
,
and
a
death
almost
alike
.
All
four
passed
not
the
Age
of
thirty
and
three
yeares
;
and
all
four
fell
rather
by
the
Malice
of
others
,
and
with
great
suspition
of
poyson
,
then
by
the
fault
of
their
Complexion
or
by
open
force
.
This
rule
neverthelesse
is
not
so
generall
,
that
it
admits
not
of
Exceptions
;
and
there
all
valours
,
which
resist
the
Ruine
of
the
body
,
and
th'
injuries
of
Age
they
maintaine
themselves
in
spight
of
the
Time
.
Insomuch
,
that
't
is
not
the
blood
that
heats
them
,
but
reason
that
enlighteneth
them
;
And
without
speaking
of
the
present
Age
,
the
past
hath
produced
a
Constable
of
Mountmorancy
and
a
Duke
of
Alva
,
who
have
preserved
an
entire
Reputation
to
the
very
extremity
of
Age
;
whose
last
actions
have
been
the
Crownes
of
the
first
,
and
the
Conclusion
of
life
,
the
glory
of
all
the
rest
.
This
neverthelesse
is
very
pure
,
and
t
is
otherwise
true
,
That
fortune
hath
been
pleased
to
favour
young
Captaines
,
when
they
were
wise
against
th'
old
,
who
have
not
the
Courage
so
active
,
nor
the
Virtue
so
violent
.
And
by
consequence
there
's
some
apparance
,
that
she
would
have
declared
for
Gaston
,
and
been
of
his
party
against
the
Great
Captaine
.
Thirdly
the
great
Captaine
came
to
the
Government
of
an
Army
whose
officers
and
souldiers
were
scarce
known
unto
him
,
nor
had
th'
army
other
knowledge
of
him
then
his
Reputation
and
Glory
.
Insomuch
that
't
is
a
Question
,
if
there
had
been
any
Sympathy
at
least
at
his
first
comming
betwixt
th'
head
and
the
Members
,
whether
their
Manners
,
had
agreed
,
and
the
Proportion
had
been
adjusted
to
the
Command
and
obedience
.
Fourthly
,
he
came
to
Command
an
Army
shattered
and
of
unfortunate
Troops
;
and
he
was
necessitated
at
the
same
time
to
fight
the
despaire
of
his
souldiers
,
and
the
boldnesse
of
his
Enemies
.
On
the
Contrary
Gaston
was
in
Exercise
,
and
in
breath
,
and
the
warr
he
carried
into
the
kingdome
of
Naples
had
been
but
a
Consequent
of
his
good
fortune
,
and
the
Continuation
of
that
.
He
newly
finished
most
happily
in
Romagna
:
He
exercised
a
Soveraigne
power
in
his
Army
:
He
had
th'
heart
of
all
his
Souldiers
:
they
loved
him
as
their
Companion
,
and
respected
him
as
their
Generall
:
His
beauty
and
good
fashion
,
and
the
other
Graces
of
the
body
which
render
virtue
the
fairer
,
and
in
an
age
when
they
make
strongest
Impression
,
and
have
an
action
more
lively
:
His
beauty
that
was
extreame
and
just
;
that
was
neither
excessive
,
nor
retentive
;
who
knew
how
to
give
much
,
and
to
distinguish
of
Persons
;
who
obliged
honest
Persons
,
and
contented
the
covetous
.
His
Courtesie
was
capable
to
compell
his
Enemies
to
change
their
passion
,
and
so
wish
him
in
the
practise
of
it
;
Th'
Eloquence
wherewith
he
changed
the
spirits
of
Men
,
prepared
Courages
for
him
as
he
would
have
them
;
and
brought
Moderation
t'
impetuous
spirits
,
and
boldness
to
the
fearefull
.
All
those
Qualities
,
I
say
,
together
,
might
give
him
hopes
to
lead
his
army
as
farr
as
humane
force
could
go
,
and
he
ought
not
to
have
proposed
any
difficulties
to
himselfe
but
impossibilities
.
Briefly
,
Th'
opinion
the
souldiers
had
of
his
Fortune
and
Virtue
,
and
th'
Experience
they
had
so
often
made
of
Th'
one
and
th'
Example
he
had
given
them
of
Th'
other
;
Enabled
them
to
dare
all
dangers
under
so
valliant
a
Commander
,
and
t'hope
all
good
successe
under
so
happy
a
Commander
.
From
all
these
Conjectures
,
I
conclude
very
rationally
,
that
the
death
of
Gaston
,
hath
been
the
good
fortune
of
Gonsalve
.
That
if
Gonsalve
,
deserved
to
be
compared
to
Scipio
,
That
our
Heroique
Gaston
,
if
he
had
lived
long
,
had
deserved
preference
to
both
of
them
.
And
if
the
greatness
of
things
he
ought
to
have
done
,
were
to
be
judged
by
them
he
had
done
;
That
none
of
th'
ancient
Captaines
had
surpassed
him
in
the
Glory
of
Armes
,
and
that
He
had
surpassed
all
the
Moderne
Captaines
.
Considerations
upon
the
principall
things
which
the
King
hath
done
,
since
the
Landing
of
th'
English
in
th'
Ile
Rhé
,
which
will
declare
some
Conditions
necessary
for
a
Minister
of
State
.
The
third
Book
.
The
First
Discourse
.
Of
what
Importance
,
Care
and
Vigilancy
are
,
for
a
Minister
of
State
;
and
that
nothing
is
to
be
neglected
,
principally
in
Warre
.
CAre
,
Labour
,
and
Vigilancy
,
are
not
things
purely
spirituall
;
The
body
seems
therein
to
have
the
best
part
,
and
if
they
derive
their
Originall
from
th'
understanding
.
they
determine
in
the
matter
,
and
sensible
objects
do
bind
them
;
They
are
the
neerest
causes
of
execution
,
and
without
them
a
Minister
of
State
may
peradventure
be
wise
,
but
can
never
be
happy
.
On
the
contrary
;
there
's
no
difficulty
,
nor
resistance
which
may
not
be
forced
by
their
aide
;
with
them
fortune
is
constrained
to
follow
;
Good
counsells
are
assured
;
Bad
are
corrected
;
Things
are
supported
and
overthrown
;
and
that
form
is
almost
given
to
businesse
which
is
proposed
;
'T
is
then
of
great
Concernment
to
neglect
nothing
that
may
be
profitable
,
That
no
accident
is
to
be
esteemed
smal
,
if
it
may
incommodate
;
That
every
moment
ought
to
be
of
precious
esteem
,
if
it
be
necessary
for
us
.
And
that
the
Maxim
of
Morality
be
remembred
,
That
evill
is
raised
out
of
the
least
defect
in
things
;
and
that
Good
to
be
such
requires
that
every
part
be
entire
and
sound
.
Above
all
,
in
great
misfortunes
,
&
in
the
violence
of
fortune
that
all
advizes
must
be
heard
;
and
all
things
attempted
,
though
they
seem
impossible
;
For
then
,
much
must
be
hazarded
,
provided
that
it
be
not
all
,
unlesse
we
are
constrained
thereunto
,
and
cannot
save
our selves
but
in
ruming
a
course
to
destroy
our selves
.
Moreover
,
we
ought
t'
Imitate
the
Wise
Physitian
,
who
will
never
ordain
dangerous
Remedies
,
and
whose
operation
is
doubtfull
,
but
they
will
trye
diverse
,
of
whose
goodnesse
they
may
not
be
fully
assured
but
that
they
shall
not
kill
if
they
heal
not
,
and
will
not
make
th'
evill
worse
if
they
do
not
ease
it
;
In
a
word
,
't
is
not
to
be
believed
what
great
and
incredible
effects
are
produced
by
an
exact
care
,
by
a
constant
diligence
,
by
an
infatigable
contest
,
and
by
that
prudent
inquietude
which
alwaies
acts
,
which
forgets
nothing
,
which
never
gives
it selfe
liberty
,
and
forceth
at
last
what
holds
too
fast
,
and
draws
what
will
not
follow
.
Caesar
was
incomparable
in
these
Qualities
,
as
in
all
other
that
forme
a
great
Captain
.
No
person
ever
took
more
pains
in
the
Warre
;
or
exercised
more
functions
together
in
his
Army
,
nor
that
more
desired
to
be
present
in
all
occasions
,
or
that
was
more
obstinate
t'
execute
his
resolutions
,
not
to
retire
when
he
was
once
advanced
,
and
not
to
stand
in
the
midst
of
an
enterprize
;
'T
is
true
that
he
deliberated
much
before
he
undertook
any
thing
,
and
did
not
cast
himselfe
blindly
upon
any
designe
;
He
did
not
prepare
to
make
war
after
he
had
begun
to
make
it
;
The
provisions
answered
alwaies
to
the
time
,
he
had
forecast
to
make
them
continues
and
th'
execution
never
deceived
his
providence
.
But
after
that
he
lost
not
a
moment
of
time
,
nor
an
occasion
of
advantage
,
and
never
remitted
to
the
next
day
what
he
might
execute
the
same
day
.
He
seldome
trusted
but
to
his
eyes
and
judgement
,
and
for
the
most
part
he
went
in
person
to
view
the
Country
he
would
assault
,
and
th'
enemies
he
was
to
fight
.
When
th'
occasion
prest
,
he
made
incredible
Marches
.
He
passed
Rivers
by
swimming
,
t'
avoid
going
about
to
gain
Bridges
;
He
crossed
the
Seas
in
small
Vessels
to
make
the
more
diligence
,
and
chose
rather
to
sayl
in
Storms
,
then
suffer
his
businesse
to
run
hazard
;
and
to
put
his
person
in
danger
,
rather
then
his
fortune
:
And
it
must
not
be
a
wonder
,
if
in
his
profession
he
left
all
the
men
in
the
world
behind
him
;
And
if
it
hath
been
doubted
,
To
whom
the
victory
had
remained
,
if
Alexander
had
made
Warre
to
the
growing
Common-Wealth
;
No
Question
can
be
made
but
he
was
inferiour
to
Caesar
,
who
destroyed
it
in
its
most
vigorous
Age
,
and
in
th'
excesse
of
its
force
,
and
made
it
fall
from
th'
height
of
its
greatnesse
,
and
from
the
top
of
its
Power
.
On
the
contrary
,
the
reason
why
the
Reputation
of
so
many
Men
,
is
seen
to
passe
with
the
time
,
and
their
glory
t'
extinguish
;
'T
is
the
diminution
of
Labour
,
and
the
default
of
Vigilancy
;
This
diminution
&
default
proceed
from
severall
causes
.
The
first
is
,
that
as
in
the
condition
of
particular
persons
,
a
mans
fortune
doth
not
alwaies
advance
with
equall
pace
,
and
with
an
uniforme
progresse
;
That
it
stops
toward
th'
end
or
moves
slowly
,
though
it
come
with
impetuosity
and
swiftnesse
:
Insomuch
that
he
who
burnt
with
impatience
in
the
beginning
to
quit
poverty
,
and
laboured
with
Zeal
to
become
Rich
;
So
soon
as
his
desire
is
satisfied
,
and
that
he
sees
himselfe
in
plenty
,
H'
abates
of
his
cares
,
and
would
enjoy
with
rest
th'
fruits
of
his
industry
.
So
the
man
whose
spirit
is
possessed
with
the
passion
of
glory
,
and
meditates
the
great
actions
which
do
beget
it
;
when
he
hath
attained
his
end
;
That
he
hath
filled
the
World
with
the
reputation
of
his
vertue
,
and
hath
formed
in
himselfe
a
great
opinion
of
himselfe
;
Th'
hunger
of
honour
which
pressed
him
at
first
,
becomes
moderate
;
and
by
consequent
,
his
first
contest
weakens
,
and
his
ordinary
diligence
diminisheth
.
A
second
cause
of
this
diminution
,
is
Age
;
and
't
is
no
wonder
,
if
the
body
which
destroyes
it selfe
grieves
the
Soul
;
and
if
it
operate
not
with
the
same
vigour
,
as
it
did
,
when
th'
Organs
are
spoyled
,
and
th'
instruments
of
use
weare
out
;
This
rule
neverthelesse
is
not
absolutely
true
,
and
hath
its
exceptions
,
as
I
have
said
elsewhere
.
A
third
cause
are
the
diseases
;
which
produce
the
same
effects
,
and
more
dangerous
then
Age
,
because
they
produce
them
more
suddenly
,
and
with
more
violence
;
and
't
is
not
possible
,
that
in
the
griefe
of
the
body
,
and
weaknesse
of
nature
,
a
man
can
intend
things
,
that
are
without
him
,
and
at
the
same
time
contest
with
the
disease
and
businesse
.
Besides
,
what
hath
been
said
before
of
Phillip
the
second
,
The
Spaniards
have
also
observed
,
that
their
affaires
in
the
Low
Countryes
declined
with
th'
health
of
the
Prince
of
Parma
,
and
began
to
change
when
he
began
to
be
sick
;
and
neverthelesse
being
of
a
very
vast
spirit
,
and
active
humour
,
He
would
not
abate
any
thing
of
his
accustomed
occupations
.
He
would
do
more
then
he
could
.
He
would
retain
the
same
authority
in
businesse
,
as
when
he
had
his
health
.
He
could
not
ease
himself
upon
the
cares
of
another
,
and
thought
that
nothing
was
well
done
,
but
what
was
done
by
his
Orders
.
When
he
was
hurt
before
Candebu
;
He
put
the
command
of
th'
army
into
the
hands
of
his
Son
;
and
in
regard
he
was
but
a
young
Prince
,
and
to
whom
experience
was
wanting
,
and
that
sort
of
Capacity
which
comes
not
from
study
,
or
nature
;
He
would
supply
that
defect
by
his
Counsells
;
Th'
Army
was
at
Iuetot
,
and
the
father
at
Candebu
where
he
was
dressed
of
his
wound
?
There
he
would
be
Consulted
with
upon
all
Occurrences
,
and
th'
order
for
what
was
to
be
done
was
fetched
a
League
off
.
In
the
mean
time
,
the
time
passed
in
going
and
coming
;
the
state
of
the
warr
changed
Countenance
;
new
Accidents
demanded
new
Counsells
,
and
the
Spaniards
lost
faire
occasions
t'
inomomodate
us
whilst
they
went
t'
aske
his
permission
,
and
we
made
no
small
advantage
of
the
Disorder
of
a
body
,
that
was
so
disunited
from
th'
head
that
governed
it
.
But
to
make
the
benefits
of
Vigilancy
the
better
t'
appeare
,
and
th'
operations
of
that
sharp
virtue
,
and
of
that
unquiet
Prudence
,
which
is
ever
in
Action
,
which
makes
profit
of
all
things
;
that
suffers
nothing
t'
escape
,
and
particularly
in
the
warr
where
occasions
stay
not
and
never
returne
,
when
they
are
once
fled
away
;
Le
ts
demonstrate
this
by
apt
examples
;
When
Gaston
of
Foix
drew
to
the
Reliefe
of
Bonlogna
against
th'
Army
of
the
League
which
had
besieged
it
;
If
at
th'
entry
of
the
Towne
,
he
had
drawn
out
to
Charge
th'
Enemies
,
he
had
surprized
them
;
He
had
defeated
them
without
resistance
,
that
had
not
been
on
their
guards
because
they
distrusted
nothing
;
and
the
delay
of
one
night
which
He
gave
at
the
Requests
of
his
Captaines
for
some
rest
to
his
souldiers
,
ravished
from
us
a
victory
which
had
all
Italy
for
price
,
and
cost
us
a
little
after
the
Life
of
that
prince
which
was
of
more
vertue
then
all
Italy
.
Th'
evening
before
the
battell
of
Jury
,
The
late
King
had
taken
his
quarter
at
Menoncour
;
The
Marshall
of
Charters
was
to
discover
it
,
and
observed
that
his
Army
was
weake
and
affrighted
;
Sr.
of
Maine
nevertheless
would
not
Charge
that
evening
t'
untire
his
souldiers
,
who
were
haressed
with
the
Labour
of
the
way
,
and
with
the
long
Marches
they
had
made
;
in
the
mean
time
three
thousand
foot
,
and
Eight
hundred
horse
,
arrived
in
the
night
to
the
King
,
who
gave
Courage
with
th'
hopes
of
victory
to
his
Army
,
and
after
prevailed
for
the
gaine
of
the
Battell
;
which
they
run
hazard
the
day
before
to
lose
.
As
to
th'
Important
victories
,
which
Care
and
Diligence
have
occasioned
,
and
have
as
it
were
forced
from
the
hands
of
destiny
;
I
observe
three
famous
ones
amongst
the
Modern
and
which
ought
to
be
observed
with
a
particular
attention
.
The
defeate
of
Francis
the
first
before
Pavy
is
without
doubt
,
a
work
of
th'
Emperours
fortune
,
and
of
the
virtue
of
the
Marquis
of
Pessary
,
who
was
one
of
the
chiefe
Commanders
of
his
Army
.
But
it
ought
chiefly
to
be
attributed
to
his
Industry
,
and
to
that
Indefatigable
and
hot
humour
which
never
gave
him
any
Rest
,
which
held
him
in
perpetuall
action
;
which
exercised
him
day
and
night
,
and
forced
business
t'
obey
him
,
and
to
come
to
the
point
he
had
proposed
to
himselfe
.
In
that
manner
He
overcame
us
against
all
shew
of
Apparance
,
and
got
the
better
of
us
,
though
we
had
then
no
need
of
any
thing
but
patience
t'
overcome
;
That
we
had
nothing
to
do
but
to
defend
our selves
,
and
t'
hinder
being
defeated
for
to
defeate
them
:
First
he
did
beat
downe
the
Forts
which
covered
our
Army
,
and
rendred
his
Avenues
safe
;
He
advanced
towards
us
without
losse
of
time
,
or
taking
of
rest
,
and
before
almost
we
could
see
them
come
.
He
fell
into
the
Kings
Quarters
,
and
constrained
him
to
fight
,
and
to
put
t'
hazard
what
he
had
assured
,
if
he
had
kept
his
advantage
.
On
the
contrary
there
s
no
place
of
excuse
for
Francis
,
nor
palliate
his
blindness
,
and
that
stupid
negligence
,
wherewith
he
was
possessed
in
the
midst
of
his
Army
,
without
knowing
the
State
or
Number
of
it
,
but
by
the
report
of
his
Captaines
;
and
not
knowing
the
designes
of
his
Enemies
,
till
he
was
not
in
a
Condition
to
break
them
,
and
not
being
prepared
to
resist
them
but
believing
them
too
weake
t'
assault
him
.
A
notorious
fault
in
Warr
,
wherein
the
necessity
of
fighting
should
never
be
permitted
,
nor
t'
act
at
the
pleasure
of
enemies
;
where
they
ought
never
to
be
despised
or
esteemed
weake
;
where
th'
Eyes
ought
to
be
imployed
on
all
things
,
and
nothing
neglected
,
and
where
small
Accidents
are
ordinarily
the
beginnings
of
great
Revolutions
,
and
th'
originall
of
the
good
,
or
bad
success
of
Enterprizes
.
The
second
Example
is
of
the
last
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
defeated
th'
Army
of
Germans
which
came
to
overcome
France
under
the
Command
of
the
Duke
of
Bouillon
,
and
of
the
Baron
of
Auneau
.
So
soon
as
he
had
discovered
th'
Army
he
never
allowed
in
any
rest
,
and
lost
not
an
occasion
of
Incommodating
it
;
He
gave
it
Continuall
A
larmes
to
tire
it
;
He
had
it
in
his
Braine
,
when
it
Marched
;
He
vexed
it
in
its
Quarters
.
He
cut
off
the
wayes
of
Provisions
from
all
sides
,
and
at
last
in
three
encounters
at
Vimony
,
at
Auneau
,
and
at
Mount
beliart
,
dissipated
the
whole
Army
.
The
third
Example
is
,
the
Reliefe
of
th'
Iland
of
Rhé
.
It
must
be
acknowledged
that
the
glory
of
that
success
,
which
will
appeare
another
day
a
Miracle
in
the
life
of
the
King
,
or
a
fable
in
History
,
is
an
effect
of
the
piety
of
that
Prince
,
and
a
visible
Argument
of
th'
Inclination
which
th'
heavens
have
for
him
;
But
it
must
be
also
confessed
,
that
this
good
fortune
was
not
given
him
freely
,
and
that
he
hath
aided
th'
Hands
of
God
to
work
this
wonder
;
The
feaver
hath
newly
left
him
:
His
recovery
was
yet
uncertaine
,
and
it
was
necessary
for
his
Courage
to
compleate
the
support
of
his
body
when
he
put
himselfe
into
the
way
to
find
th'
English
:
what
he
did
in
an
Occasion
apparantly
deplorable
,
may
be
judged
by
his
accustomed
Actions
,
which
were
alwayes
of
greatest
difficulty
;
And
though
th'
Actions
of
Princes
resemble
th'
Essences
which
containe
a
great
Virtue
in
a
small
Quantity
;
and
though
they
do
little
,
yet
operate
much
by
reason
of
the
force
of
th'
Example
;
So
it
is
that
the
King
would
not
have
believed
his
Charge
to
have
been
discharged
but
in
doing
more
then
th'
others
.
If
he
had
put
them
onely
on
their
way
,
to
let
them
after
that
march
of
themselves
;
had
he
not
alwayes
served
them
for
guid
;
If
he
had
not
made
way
for
them
without
Interruption
;
and
if
he
had
not
been
the
last
to
quit
labour
and
to
retire
from
Action
.
Moreover
it
must
be
further
avowed
,
that
as
in
th'
affaires
whereof
we
now
speak
,
He
hath
forgot
nothing
of
the
duty
of
an
Active
,
and
labourious
Prince
,
and
that
he
hath
also
there
Compleately
served
;
so
that
th'
Instruments
which
he
there
imployed
,
betrayed
not
the
virtue
of
the
principall
Cause
;
Monsieur
his
Brother
made
his
first
Armes
there
very
remarkable
,
and
the
beames
of
that
rising
valour
have
been
so
lively
and
pure
,
that
it
was
visible
they
could
not
proceed
,
but
from
a
spring
extreamly
faire
,
and
that
greater
beginnings
could
not
be
expected
from
the
son
of
Henry
the
fourth
,
and
from
the
Brother
of
Lewis
the
just
.
As
to
Sr.
the
Cardinal
,
t
is
certaine
that
he
brought
unto
the
work
an
extraordinary
Contest
of
body
and
spirit
,
and
that
the
cares
and
diligence
He
used
in
that
Occasion
were
incredible
,
as
th'
effect
that
did
arise
from
them
.
He
manadged
it
in
such
fort
,
as
a
sick
person
is
handled
,
to
whom
so
little
of
life
remaines
,
that
the
least
sinister
Accident
that
befalls
him
,
destroyes
him
;
and
the
least
things
forgot
of
what
might
be
Cordiall
,
would
kill
him
.
Two
hundred
postes
dispatched
in
lesse
then
two
Months
,
so
many
orders
given
,
within
and
without
the
Kingdome
;
no
advice
neglected
,
that
had
any
apparance
of
Good
;
so
many
vessells
got
together
in
so
little
Time
,
and
so
many
provisions
made
for
the
revictualing
of
the
place
besiged
.
In
Briefe
,
all
that
humane
Industry
hath
of
Inventions
;
All
that
prudence
hath
of
Conduct
:
All
that
diligence
hath
of
activity
,
and
all
that
Courage
hath
of
boldness
,
employed
in
this
Occurrence
;
are
th'
Infallible
proofs
of
what
I
have
said
.
But
t'
act
in
this
Manner
;
It
imports
that
a
soul
be
extreamely
free
,
and
have
no
passion
but
for
his
duty
;
That
it
be
not
divided
,
and
't
is
not
too
much
,
that
it
employes
all
its
forces
in
Occasions
whereunto
enough
cannot
be
brought
,
and
wherein
th'
Affairs
are
but
imperfectly
done
,
if
any
other
Inclination
divide
them
;
That
if
we
have
seen
great
persons
,
as
Caesar
,
burne
with
Love
and
Ambition
and
done
incredible
things
;
That
if
he
gave
himselfe
up
to
the
pleasures
of
sense
,
and
to
the
conquest
to
the
World
;
It
was
that
those
two
Passions
never
entred
into
contest
in
his
spirit
,
nor
disputed
of
the
Victory
;
and
when
the
last
appeared
,
the
first
gave
it
place
,
and
left
the
field
free
;
yet
't
is
not
possible
,
but
they
savoured
of
the
relation
,
and
that
the
contagion
of
th'
one
could
not
but
offend
th'
other
.
This
hapned
even
to
Caesar
as
incomparable
he
was
,
and
the
Love
of
Cleopatra
had
once
almost
destroyed
him
,
and
had
cost
him
with
his
Life
th'
Empire
of
the
World
,
If
he
had
not
by
swimming
,
passed
the
Nile
to
save
himselfe
.
But
that
Sr.
the
Cardinall
hath
this
Liberty
of
soul
whereof
we
speak
,
I
have
elsewhere
shewed
,
and
therefore
unnecessary
to
be
here
repeated
.
The
Second
Discourse
.
That
the
true
exercise
of
Politique
Prudence
consists
in
the
Knowledge
of
Comparing
things
with
things
,
and
to
choose
the
greatest
Good
,
and
t'
avoid
the
greatest
Evill
;
And
to
consider
whether
the
Counsell
Sr.
the
Cardinall
gave
to
passe
into
th'
Iland
of
Rhé
,
was
grounded
upon
the
Rules
of
Prudence
;
And
if
the
King
did
well
to
march
into
Languedoc
after
the
taking
of
Suze
.
'T
Is
a
strange
Hazard
,
and
a
hard
necessity
to
be
shut
up
betwixt
two
troublesome
extreams
,
and
of
two
evills
which
present
themselves
joyntly
,
to
chuse
the
least
.
This
last
is
a
thing
which
all
the
World
desires
to
do
,
and
for
which
Nature
hath
imprinted
in
us
a
violent
and
sharp
instinct
.
The
lesser
Evills
appeare
good
when
they
are
preservatives
from
greater
,
and
physick
is
good
by
reason
of
the
diseases
it
is
ordained
against
.
But
to
know
how
to
make
use
of
so
dangerous
a
Composition
,
to
know
how
t'
hold
the
Balance
strait
,
that
is
filled
with
venemous
drugs
,
and
whose
odour
strikes
into
th'
heads
of
them
that
hold
it
;
and
to
discerne
of
things
,
whose
quality
astonisheth
the
sense
and
confounds
the
judgement
,
if
it
be
not
accompanied
with
Courage
;
'T
is
not
th'
Effect
of
an
ordinary
prudence
;
'T
is
not
employed
with
lesse
difficulty
though
with
more
compleasancy
pleasancy
when
good
things
are
to
be
compared
amongst
themselves
,
and
to
discover
the
difference
;
when
the
spetious
things
are
to
be
distinguished
from
the
profitable
;
and
them
that
have
weight
in
them
,
from
them
that
make
a
shew
;
when
we
are
to
be
exercised
amongst
the
Caresses
of
Fortune
,
and
the
favours
which
she
offers
us
,
to
stop
at
the
greatest
of
them
.
I
have
observed
two
places
amongst
many
others
in
the
Life
of
the
King
,
where
,
as
I
conceive
,
he
hath
divinely
prospered
in
these
two
kinds
of
Prudence
,
as
he
hath
made
most
wise
choices
upon
the
Counsels
which
have
been
proposed
.
Th'
one
upon
the
Counsell
Sr.
the
Cardinall
gave
to
passe
part
of
th'
Army
into
th'
lland
of
Rhé
,
to
fight
th'
English
,
who
without
that
had
been
Masters
of
it
.
T'
expose
of
one
side
those
brave
Troops
and
Choyse
Souldiers
;
sacrifice
so
much
Nobility
whereof
there
were
Princes
;
To
send
poor
Boates
against
a
Fleet
of
great
Ships
.
It
seems
truly
to
have
hazarded
much
,
and
to
give
up
too
much
to
Fortune
.
But
also
on
th'
other
side
,
who
shall
consider
that
the
losse
of
our
Troop
:
was
not
infallible
,
but
that
th'
losse
of
th'
Iland
was
if
they
had
not
passed
,
That
the
remedy
was
dangerous
,
but
that
there
was
none
other
t'heal
the
disease
,
and
that
one
part
of
the
State
was
ready
to
be
divided
betwixt
Domestique
Rebellion
and
forrain
Domination
,
if
th'
Iland
had
not
been
relieved
;
must
confesse
that
this
Counsell
was
not
lesse
commendable
in
the
spring
than
in
the
successe
.
If
it
was
very
bold
,
it
was
intirely
necessary
,
and
one
could
not
only
not
do
better
,
but
it
could
not
have
been
well
done
if
it
had
been
otherwise
done
.
Th'
other
observation
is
in
respect
of
the
Counsell
,
which
Sr.
the
Cardinall
gave
to
hasten
to
Languedoc
after
the
taking
of
Zusa
;
It
must
truly
be
confessed
,
that
then
there
was
a
necessity
to
make
a
defence
against
the
most
subtile
attempt
&
fairest
shew
of
good
,
which
might
have
seduced
an
understanding
if
it
had
not
been
very
strong
to
make
resistance
.
On
th'
one
side
the
State
of
Milan
was
in
prey
,
and
that
beautifull
Countrey
which
heretofore
gave
so
much
love
and
jealousie
to
two
great
Princes
,
King
of
Denmarke
and
he
could
not
draw
his
Armies
from
thence
without
abandoning
his
Victories
,
and
without
betraying
his
good
Fortune
.
Spain
had
neither
Men
nor
Moneyes
;
It
was
astonished
at
the
losse
their
Fleet
had
newly
suffered
;
it
saw
powerfull
preparations
in
Holland
,
which
threatned
the
Low
Countries
,
and
a
formed
tempest
which
it
could
not
conjure
down
:
In
a
word
,
Milan
lost
,
Naples
could
not
be
preserved
;
and
Flanders
would
have
been
lost
of
it selfe
,
in
shutting
up
that
passage
,
from
whence
it
received
its
principall
supplies
to
make
Warre
.
And
neverthelesse
this
great
power
which
gave
fear
to
so
many
powers
,
which
was
formidable
even
to
the
Turks
and
Barbarians
of
Affrica
;
which
is
fatall
to
the
rest
of
Christian
Nations
,
which
obliged
all
of
them
to
be
with
us
or
against
us
;
Had
been
beaten
with
that
single
stroake
,
and
we
had
nothing
more
within
to
fear
when
the
springs
of
our
troubles
had
been
stopped
without
,
and
the
Instruments
broak
which
make
and
nourish
our
divisions
,
and
humbled
th'
Authors
or
Promoters
of
our
civill
discords
.
These
were
the
thoughts
that
in
that
time
exercised
the
spirits
of
many
persons
,
and
particularly
of
th'
Italians
;
and
as
't
is
the
custome
of
men
t'accommodate
their
thoughts
to
their
interests
,
and
to
flatter
themselves
in
their
desires
,
they
imagined
that
ours
were
like
theirs
;
Though
in
that
poynt
,
our
Interests
were
disagreeing
.
But
also
on
th'
other
part
,
who
shall
consider
that
men
must
not
spend
their
time
about
setting
their
haire
,
or
paring
their
Nailes
when
th'
Heart
and
the
Brain
are
sick
;
That
great
States
never
perish
by
a
Forraign
violence
,
so
long
as
th'
Interiour
is
in
health
,
and
th'
Entrails
sound
,
and
that
they
ruine
of
themselves
when
the
corruption
is
within
,
and
th'
Evill
hath
seised
upon
the
Noble
parts
:
That
in
long
Warrs
abroad
,
a
Prince
ought
not
t'
engage
himselfe
when
the
Diversion
is
ever
ready
within
,
and
that
ther
's
a
formed
feaction
in
the
middle
of
the
State
,
which
will
not
fail
to
disturb
for
to
prevaile
of
th'
Occasions
.
That
the
discontented
will
foment
,
if
they
dare
not
publique
assist
,
and
to
whom
strangers
will
give
heat
,
or
forces
to
disturbus
by
our selves
;
For
to
consume
us
at
easie
Chargges
and
alwaies
to
weaken
us
either
by
losse
or
victory
;
Who
shall
consider
,
I
say
,
these
things
,
will
avow
that
the
Returne
of
the
King
into
Languedoc
was
a
stroake
of
the
gaine
of
the
decision
of
our
Domestique
Affairs
&
the
good
of
Forraign
Affairs
.
Furthermore
,
Could
a
greater
misfortune
befall
us
,
then
to
lose
the
occasion
of
finishing
the
Ruine
of
a
party
,
that
hold
France
in
Languishment
more
then
sixty
years
,
&
had
reduced
it
to
a
State
equall
to
that
of
certain
persons
,
who
know
not
what
health
is
;
but
are
alwaies
busie
either
t'heal
th'
evills
they
suffer
,
or
to
present
them
they
feare
.
The
conjucture
past
;
It
was
probable
it
would
not
returne
of
a
long
time
,
and
that
't
was
to
no
purpose
t'
hope
or
expect
it
;
It
was
so
contrary
to
that
party
,
that
it
could
not
but
be
relieved
from
Germany
,
that
laboured
to
defend
its
proper
Liberty
;
That
England
was
wearied
in
protecting
an
ill
cause
;
That
th'
Hollanders
durst
not
irritate
France
openly
by
reason
of
th'
use
they
have
of
it
;
and
that
they
have
learned
to
regulate
their
Charities
by
their
Interests
,
and
the
Zeal
of
Religion
by
the
Zeal
of
State
:
That
the
Spaniards
had
greater
action
in
Flanders
&
Italy
,
than
they
could
master
;
and
could
not
act
against
us
,
but
with
a
little
Money
,
&
with
vain
promises
.
In
the
third
place
,
The
Reputation
of
the
Kings
Armes
was
incredible
,
it
could
alone
make
conquests
;
It
could
overcome
without
fighting
,
and
never
Prince
was
better
served
of
his
Souldiers
,
or
more
feared
of
his
Enemies
.
Our
Souldiers
were
in
heat
and
full
of
hope
.
The
past
victories
were
certain
arguments
of
future
,
and
after
the
taking
of
Rochell
,
&
forceing
of
Suza
,
overcomming
what
was
defended
by
Sea
and
covered
with
mountains
;
They
ought
not
t'
apprehend
any
thing
impossible
,
nor
any
thing
difficult
.
It
was
then
the
only
proper
season
to
defeat
that
party
which
Sr.
the
Cardinal
most
judicially
observed
,
and
the
King
most
divinely
made
choyce
of
.
If
that
expedition
had
been
longer
deferr'd
the
plague
alone
had
been
sufficient
to
force
us
from
Languedoc
,
and
to
defeat
our
Armies
;
and
if
we
had
been
engaged
in
Italy
what
had
not
Monsieur
of
Rohan
don
with
the
Aid
of
strangers
,
which
had
not
failed
him
?
If
the
Spaniards
,
who
ever
promise
timely
and
almost
without
deliberation
;
who
performe
slowly
,
and
after
long
consultations
;
but
who
spare
nothing
when
they
are
well
engaged
in
a
businesse
,
and
have
put
those
that
serve
them
in
a
condition
not
to
be
able
to
repent
,
or
unable
t'
unsay
it
;
If
the
Spaniards
,
I
say
,
had
performed
the
conditions
of
the
Treaty
they
had
made
with
him
,
and
furnished
the
Money
they
had
promised
.
If
the
forces
of
Savoy
had
passed
into
Danphine
to
joyne
with
him
as
the
resolution
was
taken
;
If
ours
had
been
divided
within
and
without
the
Kingdome
,
and
if
th'
hope
of
Change
and
Expectation
of
a
better
fortune
,
had
withdrawne
from
their
duty
,
them
of
that
party
which
feare
retained
;
He
had
without
doubt
broken
all
our
designes
,
because
they
were
destitute
of
its
Advantages
;
frustrated
of
forraigne
promises
;
Abandoned
of
the
soundest
and
most
Considerable
party
of
Hugonotes
in
the
poverty
of
all
them
that
aided
him
;
and
in
the
distrust
of
some
,
and
irresolutions
of
others
.
In
certaine
Corners
of
a
Province
where
he
commanded
,
He
gave
so
much
trouble
,
that
the
presence
of
the
King
was
necessary
and
six
Armies
to
reduce
him
.
Moreover
't
is
a
great
discourse
to
speak
of
the
Conquest
of
Milan
,
and
to
renew
beyond
that
Mountaines
the
pretentions
of
our
fathers
;
T
is
a
designe
which
well
deserves
Consideration
before
it
be
attempted
,
and
requires
another
Conjuncture
,
than
that
wherein
we
are
found
;
For
who
is
ignorant
,
that
t
is
not
for
the
good
of
France
,
nor
th'
Interest
of
Italy
,
that
the
King
be
Duke
of
Milan
?
Who
knows
not
that
,
our
Conquests
,
if
we
should
Maintaine
them
,
would
give
greater
jealousie
to
the
Princes
of
that
Country
,
then
the
domination
whereof
they
complaine
;
That
they
esteeme
us
worse
Masters
,
and
more
dangerous
Neighbours
then
the
Spaniards
;
are
more
Conformable
unto
their
Flegme
and
severity
,
than
our
Heat
and
License
.
That
they
believe
that
we
are
a
more
certaine
and
assured
Counterpoyse
to
th'
Ambition
of
others
than
they
would
be
to
ours
;
That
the
facility
we
have
to
make
our
Armies
descend
into
their
Countrey
,
and
th'
aboundance
of
men
to
relieve
them
,
might
give
the
desire
of
undertaking
and
usurping
it
;
That
th'
occasion
stirres
up
the
most
lazie
,
and
raiseth
the
most
sleepy
;
That
present
objects
do
raise
all
the
faculties
;
and
that
Commodity
and
Conveniency
provoke
th'
Appetite
of
Conquest
which
is
otherwise
moderate
and
quiet
.
And
though
th'
Ambition
of
the
Spaniards
hath
neither
Moderation
nor
bounds
;
That
they
desire
violently
and
desire
Many
things
;
That
in
th'
order
of
their
Counsells
which
neither
change
nor
dye
,
They
have
declared
the
warr
t'
all
Nations
,
which
hold
not
of
them
by
subjection
or
dependency
;
since
this
End
is
immoveable
,
&
that
they
are
troubled
onely
in
finding
just
Meanes
t'
attaine
it
;
and
that
they
sometimes
take
such
as
are
not
just
,
when
others
faile
,
since
of
a
long
time
they
have
made
love
t'
Italy
That
they
can
no
longer
dissemble
their
passion
;
that
for
some
yeares
past
,
they
have
put
off
their
Mask
,
and
made
it
known
that
they
must
have
it
,
and
enjoy
it
,
though
they
should
ravish
it
;
since
they
are
not
so
poor
of
Men
as
they
have
been
,
since
Germany
is
for
them
,
&
that
they
have
at
their
devotions
that
great
spring
of
Men
of
warr
,
so
it
is
that
th'
Italians
see
well
,
that
the
victories
of
th'
Emperour
have
no
deep
roots
,
That
its
prosperities
do
yet
shake
;
that
them
he
holds
,
make
great
attempts
t'
escape
him
;
That
the
Turke
,
it
may
be
,
will
make
him
one
day
quit
his
hold
,
if
he
make
an
Accommodation
with
the
Persian
,
or
some
Christian
powers
,
that
his
ruine
may
not
be
so
strange
,
as
the
Greatnesse
to
which
he
is
arrived
;
and
that
in
his
Fall
the
wonder
will
not
be
so
great
,
as
it
hath
been
in
his
Rising
;
In
Briefe
,
that
he
cannot
live
allwayes
;
That
th'
Empire
may
passe
into
another
House
that
may
be
Contrary
to
his
;
That
may
hate
the
Spaniards
;
That
would
purge
Germany
of
their
Garrisons
,
and
at
th'
End
of
th'
Account
they
shall
endeavour
the
greatnesse
of
that
power
which
in
conclusion
will
devour
them
.
Insomuch
that
th'
Italians
will
be
ever
glad
that
we
have
a
way
open
into
their
Country
,
not
for
to
stay
there
,
but
to
relieve
them
when
they
are
assaulted
,
and
if
that
little
Liberty
which
remaind
unto
them
be
offended
,
they
would
have
us
love
the
walke
,
but
not
the
stay
;
That
we
become
the
Rivalls
but
not
the
Masters
,
and
that
we
have
jealousie
not
for
possession
,
but
t'
hinder
others
from
taking
of
it
;
Beyond
that
,
it
must
not
be
hoped
that
they
favour
us
,
or
that
they
be
not
Contrary
to
us
,
and
we
shall
labour
in
vaine
if
we
labour
not
for
them
,
and
leave
them
not
our
Conquests
.
Yet
we
should
not
so
easily
have
gained
the
State
of
Milan
as
is
imagined
;
A
number
of
good
places
would
have
stopped
our
progresse
,
and
given
Leisure
to
the
Spaniards
to
send
thither
great
releefs
from
Flanders
and
Germany
;
That
if
they
have
quitted
the
low
Countries
for
a
part
of
Montferrat
,
and
exposed
those
faire
Provinces
to
th'
Hollanders
,
for
a
little
Conveniency
in
regard
of
Milan
;
If
th'
Emperour
made
a
shamefull
peace
with
the
King
of
Denmarke
t'
intend
that
Affaire
;
If
he
left
his
victories
imperfect
for
that
Cause
,
and
plenty
of
forces
to
th'
enemies
of
th'
Emperour
to
renew
the
Quarrell
,
and
to
give
him
Trouble
;
what
would
they
not
have
done
,
if
the
State
of
Milan
had
been
assaulted
:
was
it
not
probable
that
they
would
have
set
up
their
rest
to
have
saved
it
?
That
they
would
have
stirred
up
all
th'
ill
humours
of
France
to
divert
us
?
That
our
frontiers
of
Champagna
,
and
Burgonia
had
not
been
safe
in
that
warr
,
and
instead
of
assaulting
of
them
,
they
had
,
it
may
be
,
put
us
to
the
termes
of
defence
?
Insomuch
that
we
had
exposed
ourselves
to
a
present
and
certaine
Expence
for
an
uncertaine
profit
,
and
at
a
Distance
;
and
for
an
affaire
wherein
th'
Apparance
of
dammage
which
we
should
have
run
,
was
greater
then
th'
hopes
of
gaine
we
could
have
made
.
And
when
all
things
should
have
prospered
,
that
Wind
and
Tide
had
been
for
us
,
and
that
th'
event
of
the
warr
had
not
deceived
our
desires
nor
frustrated
our
hopes
;
The
fruits
of
the
victory
,
and
what
might
have
been
raised
by
our
Labours
had
been
no
more
at
most
then
t'
have
weakened
the
Spaniards
in
imposing
an
eternall
necessity
of
Quarrell
with
them
,
and
to
Consume
France
in
maintaining
the
Conquests
which
should
not
have
been
ours
,
and
t'
assure
to
th'
Italians
the
good
which
we
should
have
don
them
.
From
all
this
I
conclude
,
that
the
prudence
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
never
appeared
more
eminently
then
in
the
Counsell
he
gave
to
quit
th'
hopes
of
the
Conquest
of
Milan
,
for
the
Certaine
reducement
of
Landuedoc
,
and
that
it
appertained
onely
to
such
Eyes
as
his
,
and
to
an
extraordinary
wisdome
not
to
suffer
himselfe
to
be
blinded
with
th'
Apparance
of
the
Good
which
fortune
offered
us
,
and
t'
have
preserved
the
King
from
so
specious
an
Ambuscado
.
The
Third
Discourse
That
one
and
the
same
Conduct
in
warr
is
not
to
be
observed
.
IT
may
be
also
observed
in
that
valiant
resolution
which
the
King
took
for
the
Releefe
of
Rhé
;
That
th'
Art
of
making
warr
hath
not
a
positive
forme
,
and
that
it
ought
to
be
diversified
according
to
the
State
of
Occurrences
.
They
that
will
commit
nothing
to
Fortune
,
nor
undertake
any
Enterprize
whose
event
appeares
not
to
them
infallible
;
who
labour
onely
to
consume
their
enemies
in
temporizing
;
to
make
Benefit
of
their
faults
,
and
t'
attend
th'
occasion
to
cast
them
into
their
nets
:
They
I
say
do
sometimes
great
things
,
and
observe
a
better
Conduct
then
they
who
have
accustomed
t'
Hazard
,
and
endeavour
onely
to
come
to
stroakes
;
and
will
owe
their
Victories
onely
to
their
Courage
,
and
seek
dangers
t'
overcome
with
the
more
Glory
;
But
as
the
first
receive
but
little
notable
damage
nor
great
Losses
by
their
fault
;
so
they
faile
often
,
t'
obtain
great
successe
by
their
fearefullness
,
and
to
be
happy
by
their
too
great
wisdome
.
Such
have
been
amongst
the
Moderne
,
Prosper
Colomna
who
took
from
us
the
State
of
Milan
,
and
that
of
Genes
;
such
,
Francis
of
Rovere
,
Duke
of
Urbin
who
was
so
long
Generall
to
the
Venetians
,
and
whose
Memory
to
this
day
is
preserved
with
honour
,
and
his
portraites
with
veneration
.
But
beyond
the
two
others
,
the
Duke
of
Alva
who
allwayes
preferred
the
slow
means
when
they
were
sure
,
to
the
quick
that
were
to
be
suspected
,
and
never
so
little
dangerous
;
Who
was
a
great
husband
of
the
bloud
of
his
,
though
he
had
a
very
bloudy
humour
;
who
did
never
cast
enemies
into
despaire
,
when
he
had
taken
their
Courage
from
them
;
and
who
hath
often
refused
advantages
which
fortune
offered
him
,
because
he
could
not
receive
them
without
some
danger
,
and
that
he
distrusted
some
Ambush
;
Such
had
been
also
amongst
us
,
Th'
Admirall
of
Coligny
,
if
he
had
been
absolute
over
th'
Armies
he
commanded
;
and
if
he
had
not
governed
a
people
,
that
were
Indocile
because
they
were
ill
pay'd
or
voluntaries
.
They
are
neverthelesse
some
considerations
to
be
raised
in
this
matter
,
and
certaine
Rules
to
be
observed
.
A
Prince
that
hath
but
one
Army
which
is
the
sinew
of
his
power
,
and
all
the
force
of
his
State
,
that
hath
not
Money
to
raise
another
when
the
first
is
defeated
;
ought
never
t'hazard
it
:
nor
give
the
Command
to
a
Commander
of
an
hot
humour
,
or
that
hath
the
Spirit
agitated
with
an
excessive
desire
of
glory
.
The
Venetians
complain
to
this
day
of
Asuiane
and
of
his
Courage
;
Francis
the
first
had
brought
a
little
lesse
and
precipitation
then
he
did
before
Pavia
,
and
suffered
th'
Imperiall
Army
to
consume
which
sustained
it selfe
only
upon
th'
Hopes
of
a
Battell
;
He
had
not
filled
the
vegeance
of
one
of
his
subjects
,
nor
compleated
in
the
spirit
if
th'
Emperour
,
the
designe
of
the
Universall
Monarchy
.
With
tumultuary
Armies
which
are
not
to
stay
long
in
COMPAIGNA
;
which
do
only
passe
and
poure
in
and
steal
out
quickly
;
Care
must
be
had
not
to
come
to
blowes
:
Passage
must
be
given
to
them
;
They
must
be
used
like
Torrents
,
which
are
permitted
to
run
without
resistance
,
and
to
whom
no
opposition
is
made
when
they
swell
and
overflow
.
Such
have
been
heretofore
th'
Armies
of
the
Suisses
,
when
that
Nation
disdained
all
others
;
and
boasted
never
to
have
gone
out
of
their
Country
but
to
suppresse
th'
excesse
of
Princes
,
and
to
defend
the
weake
from
the
violence
of
the
powerfull
,
and
from
the
designes
of
th'
Ambitious
.
Other
Nations
have
had
in
this
matter
ill
opinion
of
ours
,
and
believed
that
we
were
not
capable
of
patience
or
order
.
But
if
the
Marshall
of
Monlue
be
to
be
believed
,
and
what
is
seen
every
day
in
Holland
,
and
what
of
late
hath
been
in
France
and
Italy
;
Our
Souldiers
are
capable
of
all
things
,
when
they
are
under
good
Commanders
;
and
that
there
's
no
Nation
that
takes
sooner
then
ours
,
the
vices
or
virtues
of
their
Commanders
.
However
,
a
great
Captain
ought
ever
to
be
Master
of
his
Art
,
and
above
all
the
formes
of
making
Warre
,
without
being
subject
to
any
;
He
ought
to
change
them
according
to
th'
occasion
,
and
know
diverse
means
,
and
many
wayes
t'
attain
his
end
,
and
gaine
the
victory
.
By
such
expedients
Caesar
,
rendred
himself
admirable
to
all
people
,
and
Ages
.
He
diversified
his
conduct
better
then
any
man
in
the
World
.
He
gave
not
the
same
forme
to
all
his
designes
,
nor
the
same
countenance
;
Industry
or
Courage
,
Patience
or
force
served
him
equally
.
One
while
he
assaulted
his
Enemies
with
Retrenchments
and
Forts
;
He
Laboured
chiefly
to
take
th'
Advantage
of
places
,
and
to
ceize
upon
the
most
commodious
Postes
.
He
cut
off
the
Springs
of
Victuals
,
and
of
all
other
necessaries
,
and
forced
them
at
last
to
the
necessity
of
rendring
,
having
taken
from
them
the
Means
of
retyring
,
and
th'
hope
of
fighting
;
He
gained
his
end
in
that
manner
of
Petreius
and
Aphranius
whom
he
besieged
in
the
midst
of
a
Compagna
,
and
from
whom
he
shut
up
so
dexterously
all
passages
,
and
all
Avennues
that
being
but
halfe
a
Mile
from
a
River
,
they
dyed
with
thirst
,
and
were
overcome
for
want
of
that
whose
abundance
is
almost
in
all
places
;
sometimes
he
overcame
his
Enemies
by
storming
of
them
;
He
made
them
fall
without
Myning
;
His
victories
were
infamous
for
flesh
and
bloud
,
and
the
most
mercifull
of
all
men
seemed
to
be
come
into
the
World
to
decline
it
,
and
to
have
been
born
for
the
Ruine
of
mankind
.
The
dead
King
had
reduced
almost
to
the
like
extremity
the
Prince
of
Parma
at
Juetot
,
and
all
believed
infallibly
,
that
he
must
dye
of
hunger
and
thirst
,
or
render
at
discretion
,
or
be
defeated
in
giving
Battell
.
But
the
designe
of
the
King
had
not
th'
event
answerable
to
Caesars
,
no
more
then
the
vigilancy
of
his
Captains
was
conformable
to
that
of
th'
other
;
The
Prince
of
Parma
deceived
them
and
exchanged
subtilties
.
He
fortified
the
place
he
meant
to
quit
,
for
to
make
them
believe
that
he
would
defend
himself
in
it
;
and
his
Army
had
passed
the
River
and
made
its
retrait
,
before
the
first
News
came
to
our
Army
;
Fatal
and
un-head
of
Negligence
for
an
Army
that
touched
ours
,
and
was
invested
,
and
which
was
suspected
of
designe
,
in
some
of
the
Commanders
that
governed
it
.
Amongst
the
Modern
,
I
see
no
Generall
that
hath
surpassed
Ferrant
Gonsalve
,
nor
any
person
more
universall
in
th'
Art
of
making
Warre
;
I
have
not
seen
any
person
that
commanded
his
forces
to
better
purpose
,
or
made
better
use
of
Patience
.
With
those
two
Qualities
he
alwayes
overcame
us
,
and
hath
taken
a
Kingdome
from
us
.
He
hath
done
us
as
much
hurt
in
making
us
suffer
,
as
in
acting
against
us
,
and
hath
consumed
us
when
he
was
not
strong
enough
to
defeat
us
.
Nothing
almost
hath
been
read
like
to
the
Resolution
He
exprest
at
Cinture
;
where
we
had
reduced
him
to
the
last
paine
of
Misery
.
He
was
invested
with
our
Troops
;
The
Plague
and
Hunger
was
in
his
Army
;
He
was
drowned
with
continuall
Raines
,
sunke
in
the
durt
;
exposed
to
all
th'
injuries
of
a
Rude
Winter
.
In
brief
,
he
had
against
him
th'
elements
of
Men.
And
neverthelesse
,
at
length
we
were
more
a
weary
t'incommodate
him
,
then
he
was
to
suffer
,
and
destroyed
us
by
the
course
we
made
Choice
of
to
ruine
him
.
But
when
open
force
was
to
be
employed
,
and
true
Valour
set
a
worke
;
who
ever
performed
it
with
more
Courage
or
judgement
then
he
?
Hath
ever
a
more
generous
voyce
been
heard
from
the
mouth
of
a
Captain
then
the
answer
he
made
at
Cirignolle
,
to
him
who
advised
him
to
draw
back
;
and
t'
abandon
a
Poste
he
could
not
maintain
but
with
great
danger
;
He
had
rather
,
said
he
,
find
Death
and
his
Grave
an
hundred
Paces
beyond
it
,
then
to
lengthen
his
Life
many
years
in
retraiting
ten
Paces
and
turning
his
back
to
his
Enemies
.
And
,
before
the
Battail
of
Garillan
,
He
answered
him
that
would
have
diverted
him
from
fighting
,
and
giving
of
Battail
,
who
presented
unto
him
,
that
he
was
weake
in
respect
of
us
,
and
the
Match
ill
made
betwixt
his
Army
and
ours
,
That
he
knew
of
what
importance
that
Daye
's
Labour
was
to
his
Master's
Affairs
,
and
that
he
was
resolved
to
perish
that
day
,
or
overcome
.
'T
is
true
then
,
that
there
are
Occurrences
,
wherein
somewhat
is
to
be
submitted
to
Fortune
:
Where
the
lesse
is
to
be
hazarded
to
save
the
greater
:
And
where
when
the
Question
is
of
the
whole
Affair
,
not
onely
a
part
of
the
Forces
is
to
be
hazarded
,
but
also
the
Generalls
of
th'
Army
;
and
those
precious
heads
which
command
so
many
other
heads
ought
to
take
resolution
rather
to
dye
,
than
see
the
Victory
in
th'
Enemies
hands
,
and
t'
outlive
it
at
their
Losse
.
So
did
Caesar
in
Spain
at
the
Battell
where
the
Children
of
Pompey
were
slaine
,
and
the
rest
of
that
miserable
Common-wealth
finished
their
dest
uction
;
so
did
Monsieur
of
Andelot
,
when
he
defended
Orleans
against
th'
Army
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
:
So
did
the
Prince
of
Parma
at
the
siege
of
Antwerp
,
after
that
the
Hollanders
were
seized
of
one
part
of
the
Ditch
,
&
that
th'
Engine
which
they
made
to
play
,
had
made
them
flye
which
defended
it
;
Th'
one
and
th'
other
run
with
Swords
in
their
hands
to
the
Danger
;
both
were
then
transported
Declaring
that
he
would
dye
,
if
it
were
impossible
for
him
t'overcome
,
and
made
appeare
by
his
action
somewhat
that
savoured
of
despaire
,
or
rather
of
that
excesse
which
Philosophy
attributes
to
the
Heroes
,
and
distills
into
the
souls
of
extraordinary
persons
.
Th'
example
of
that
pathetique
virtue
,
and
of
that
generous
emotion
was
not
barren
.
The
Souldiers
that
saw
it
,
felt
the
same
heat
,
and
by
that
means
some
of
them
forced
th'
Enemies
from
the
Town
where
they
were
far
entred
,
and
others
Recovered
the
Ditch
where
th'
Hollanders
began
to
fortifie
after
they
were
lodged
in
it
;
Le
ts
conclude
then
with
th'
Examples
of
the
greatest
persons
of
Antiquity
,
and
with
the
first
of
the
Moderne
,
That
the
passage
of
our
Army
into
th'
Iland
of
Rhé
was
not
projected
by
chance
,
and
without
th'
Advice
of
Reason
;
That
it
hath
not
been
th'
Effect
of
a
light
,
troubled
by
ill
successe
,
and
of
a
Discourse
confused
by
ill
fortune
;
but
of
a
Resolution
illuminated
by
that
high
prudence
,
which
diversifieth
its
conduct
according
to
the
diversity
of
accidents
which
happen
;
which
shift
;
sayles
according
t'
th'
nature
of
the
Winds
which
Reign
:
Which
knows
t'
apply
Remedies
to
the
state
of
the
Maladies
;
which
dares
quit
th'
High-wayes
,
when'tis
expedient
to
take
the
By-paths
,
and
which
guides
not
alwayes
common
virtues
,
but
sometimes
inspires
,
and
gives
birth
t'Heroique
persons
.
The
Fourth
Discourse
.
Of
the
Alliances
of
bloud
which
are
practised
amongst
Princes
;
and
whether
the
King
was
well
advised
when
he
made
that
Allyance
with
England
.
I
Treat
at
large
th'
Allyances
of
State
in
the
second
part
of
this
work
,
and
particularly
of
that
we
have
with
the
Turke
,
and
with
the
Republique
of
Holland
.
There
I
do
cleer
many
Doubts
which
respect
the
Soul
,
and
take
away
the
stones
of
offence
whereat
they
strike
,
who
have
not
known
the
foundation
,
and
stumble
for
want
of
Light
.
I
give
nevertheless
nothing
to
conveniency
that
is
contrary
to
justice
,
and
flatter
not
the
conduct
of
them
who
submit
all
other
Reasons
to
that
of
State
.
I
take
nothing
there
,
from
God
to
give
it
to
Caesar
,
I
hold
the
just
Balance
,
and
stay
at
the
temper
which
God
hath
advised
,
in
the
prudence
of
Serpents
and
the
simplicity
of
Doves
.
Here
I
have
thought
it
expedient
,
to
speak
of
th'
Allyances
,
which
are
practised
in
the
families
of
Princes
,
to
justisfie
that
which
hath
been
made
with
England
.
All
the
spirits
that
were
formalized
at
it
,
are
not
yet
satisfied
.
The
Wounds
which
are
shut
up
leave
all
wayes
some
marks
;
Some
maligne
impression
remains
a
long
time
after
a
poyson
is
driven
away
;
and
ordinarily
the
opinions
that
are
left
,
part
not
so
neatly
,
but
some
impression
remains
.
On
th'
other
side
,
they
that
have
observed
the
sequells
of
th'
Alliance
whereof
we
speak
;
who
have
seen
the
Depraedations
upon
our
Seas
,
and
th'
Invasions
of
our
Ilands
,
and
th'
other
enterprizes
th'
English
have
made
upon
us
;
Who
have
understood
,
that
their
Ministers
of
State
manadged
that
business
with
poysoned
hands
;
that
they
did
undermine
us
when
they
seemed
to
help
us
;
That
they
stretched
the
Cloath
whereof
they
were
after
call'd
Merchants
,
and
laid
the
foundation
of
the
War
which
they
made
against
us
.
These
I
say
,
have
believed
that
there
was
somewhat
wanting
in
the
prudence
of
our
Ministers
of
State
,
and
that
th'
house
was
ill
built
that
fell
so
soon
to
Ruine
.
Wherefore
having
discoursed
of
that
Warr
;
I
thought
this
the
proper
place
to
speak
of
the
Alliance
which
did
precede
it
.
I
say
then
,
that
th'
Alliances
of
bloud
which
are
entertained
amongst
Princes
serve
very
little
to
divert
their
designes
,
or
to
change
their
Inclinations
.
The
dispositions
they
find
in
their
spirits
are
there
left
;
They
put
up
nothing
,
but
at
most
palliate
them
,
and
suspend
for
some
time
th'
Action
of
the
Causes
which
they
cannot
take
away
;
And
though
it
falls
out
otherwise
in
the
Condition
of
particular
persons
,
no
Consequence
is
to
be
drawne
for
that
of
Princes
.
The
Quality
of
Soveraignes
which
Princes
sustaine
,
hath
priviledged
Duties
,
and
begets
passions
to
which
all
others
are
subalterne
.
The
King
in
this
is
above
Man
.
The
Consideration
of
Parentage
is
inferiour
to
that
of
the
State
,
and
th'
Obligations
of
blood
which
are
bounded
in
a
few
persons
ought
to
give
place
to
th'
obligations
of
the
Charge
,
wherein
an
infinite
of
Persons
are
Interessed
.
To
that
truly
,
Princes
need
not
to
be
Exhorted
;
They
are
but
too
much
carried
to
it
naturally
;
They
ordinarily
offend
lesse
against
their
Dignity
by
default
,
then
by
excesse
.
The
love
they
have
for
it
,
degenerates
rather
into
Jealousie
,
then
into
Idleness
.
And
if
you
would
have
them
forsake
their
interests
,
and
the
good
of
their
affaires
;
It
must
be
under
the
shew
of
something
that
resembles
it
:
And
't
is
not
the
will
,
that
a
Man
ought
to
propose
to
himselfe
to
be
gained
,
but
th'
understanding
,
which
is
by
Endeavour
to
be
seduced
;
But
't
is
true
,
that
of
too
Extreams
which
bound
the
duty
of
Princes
,
they
carry
themselves
oftnest
to
th'
Excesse
,
and
that
the
passion
for
Commanding
preserves
not
onely
what
belongs
to
them
,
but
makes
usurpations
upon
all
the
Rights
of
Reason
;
upon
all
the
priviledges
of
Humane
Society
,
and
upon
all
the
Respects
,
which
are
brought
by
Relations
.
Th'
Examples
are
so
ordinary
that
a
Man
must
have
seen
or
heard
nothing
to
call
it
in
Question
.
I
will
not
speak
of
what
hath
passed
in
the
time
of
the
Pagans
,
nor
of
that
Ambitious
Roman
who
caused
her
Chariot
,
to
be
drove
over
the
Body
of
her
Father
,
to
whose
kingdome
her
Husband
ought
to
succeed
.
I
passe
by
that
which
they
might
have
done
who
thought
,
that
the
glory
of
Command
was
the
ultimate
End
of
Man
,
and
Ambition
somewhat
a
nobler
and
a
better
thing
then
justice
.
But
even
amongst
the
very
Christians
,
and
in
th'
houses
which
Piety
hath
made
famous
,
that
Passion
hath
been
seen
t'
overflow
to
the
prejudice
of
blood
,
and
violate
th'
holiest
lawes
of
Nature
,
and
which
the
very
barbarous
people
Reverence
.
I
will
recite
here
a
Memorable
Example
.
'T
is
a
thing
sufficiently
known
in
the
world
what
th'
house
of
Austria
was
to
th'
Alliance
of
blood
;
and
if
devotion
,
as
t
is
said
,
hath
been
the
foundation
of
Greatness
,
't
is
well
known
,
that
Alliance
hath
built
it
up
,
and
carried
it
from
a
Moderate
beginning
to
that
high
Power
wherein
't
is
seen
,
and
to
that
vast
domination
for
which
th'
Heaven
hath
no
Horizon
,
nor
th'
earth
Limits
.
Maximilian
the
first
hath
gained
by
that
means
the
Low
Countries
,
and
those
faire
Provinces
which
by
their
fertility
,
and
by
the
wealth
wherewith
they
abound
,
have
deserved
to
be
called
th'
Indies
of
Europe
.
Philip
the
first
and
his
posterity
have
obtained
by
it
all
Spaine
,
and
those
Countryes
of
the
new
world
,
where
the
sun
in
retiring
from
us
goes
to
beget
Gold
,
and
those
other
unprofitable
things
whereof
men
are
Idolaters
.
Philip
the
second
came
to
the
Crown
of
Portugall
by
that
meanes
;
and
to
all
those
States
which
that
Nation
possessed
in
Asia
,
in
Afrique
,
and
th'
East
Indies
.
That
very
Prince
thought
t'
incorporate
England
to
Spaine
by
the
marriage
of
Mary
his
first
wife
,
that
was
Queen
thereof
.
But
the
judgments
of
God
in
that
supplanted
the
prudence
of
men
,
and
permitted
that
Princesse
to
dye
without
Children
,
either
to
suppress
the
growth
of
a
Power
which
would
have
been
fatal
to
the
Liberty
of
Christian
Nations
,
or
for
the
punishment
of
the
Iniquities
of
th'
English
,
and
that
base
Compliance
,
wherewith
they
had
received
the
Schism
which
Henry
th'
Eighth
introduced
amongst
them
,
and
applauded
the
passions
of
that
Prince
who
chose
rather
to
quit
the
Church
,
then
to
separate
from
a
Concubine
.
The
same
Philip
also
aspired
to
the
Crown
of
France
for
his
Children
,
by
reason
of
the
Marriage
of
his
third
wife
daughter
of
Henry
the
second
;
and
the
most
important
Article
wherewith
th'
Instructions
of
the
Duke
of
Feria
were
Charged
when
he
came
to
Paris
during
the
league
,
was
,
to
cause
the
Salique
laws
to
be
Abolisht
,
and
to
root
out
from
the
spirit
of
the
French
their
Aversion
of
having
no
Soveraignes
that
spin
,
and
of
not
submitting
to
th'
yoak
of
Women
.
Insomuch
,
that
it
hath
been
allwayes
the
designe
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
a
premeditated
prudence
of
the
Princes
of
th'
house
of
Austria
to
look
about
them
,
and
to
cast
their
nets
upon
the
parties
that
could
joyne
some
new
estate
to
theirs
,
and
under
a
Title
so
innocent
and
just
t'
extend
their
domination
.
With
what
heat
did
they
labour
to
cause
the
eldest
Daughter
of
Lewis
the
twelfth
to
be
given
to
Charles
the
fifth
who
brought
for
her
Dowry
the
Dutchesse
of
Britanny
and
of
Orleans
,
and
our
pretentions
for
Italy
?
How
many
propositions
were
made
upon
that
foundation
,
and
how
many
treaties
concluded
,
which
the
Time
hath
made
abortive
,
and
which
Fortune
laughed
at
;
Neverthelesse
as
they
have
been
ever
Industrious
to
draw
to
them
as
much
as
they
could
,
th'
estates
of
their
Neighbours
,
They
have
been
also
carefull
,
not
to
permit
any
of
theirs
to
be
alienated
,
nor
to
suffer
any
division
without
knowing
the
Meanes
of
Consolidating
it
;
and
to
destroy
the
divided
Members
,
and
the
loose
pieces
.
Th'
Emperour
Charles
never
promised
the
Low
Countryes
,
or
the
Duthy
of
Milan
upon
the
Marriage
of
his
daughter
,
or
of
his
Neece
with
the
son
of
France
,
but
with
Intention
to
break
his
promise
,
or
at
least
with
hopes
,
that
Fortune
which
had
done
such
strange
things
,
in
his
favour
;
that
had
so
often
given
the
Lye
to
Apparences
,
and
disturbed
th'
order
of
things
for
the
Love
of
him
,
and
which
had
sometimes
sent
him
prosperities
which
he
desired
not
,
would
exempt
him
from
that
Obligation
under
some
plausible
pretence
,
as
it
did
.
And
when
Philip
the
second
transmitted
the
Low
Countryes
to
th'
Arch
Dutchesse
for
her
Dowry
;
There
's
apparence
that
he
was
assured
,
that
time
would
make
up
that
Breach
,
and
that
he
made
not
so
great
a
wound
in
the
rest
of
his
Estates
without
preparing
the
Remedies
to
heale
it
.
But
to
returne
to
my
designe
,
and
make
it
appeare
,
That
th'
Alliances
of
blood
,
work
softly
upon
the
spirits
of
Princes
,
and
are
but
weake
bonds
t'
hold
their
Amities
;
I
will
represent
th'
originall
,
and
th'
effects
of
that
which
hath
been
the
most
profitable
to
th'
house
of
Austria
,
and
it
may
be
the
most
dammageable
to
the
Christian
Common-wealth
.
Philip
the
son
of
th'
Emperour
Maximilian
,
married
Joane
youngest
Daughter
of
Ferdinand
and
Isabella
,
Kings
of
all
the
dominions
of
Spaine
.
Th'
Eldest
was
married
into
Portugall
according
to
their
Custstome
.
The
Catholique
King
had
also
a
son
called
John
who
dyed
young
,
and
whom
Spaine
saw
almost
as
soon
put
out
as
shine
,
and
had
almost
at
one
time
the
Contentment
to
see
him
come
,
and
the
Griefe
to
lose
him
;
Presently
after
the
death
of
that
Prince
,
th'
Arch
Duke
Philip
,
and
Arch
Dutchesse
his
wife
who
lived
onely
by
the
love
she
bare
to
her
husband
,
and
was
Idolatresse
of
all
his
motions
and
passions
,
caused
themselves
to
be
Called
Princes
of
all
the
Dominions
of
Spain
,
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Queen
of
Portugall
,
to
whom
the
Crownes
did
belong
in
priority
of
birth
to
her
sister
.
That
attempt
ill
digested
&
out
season
,
and
that
precipitated
Ambition
,
displeased
Infinitely
Ferdinand
and
Isabella
,
who
judged
of
the
Tree
by
the
fruits
,
and
gave
their
son
in
Law
and
daughter
t'understood
,
that
they
were
to
leave
that
borrowed
Title
,
and
to
put
off
that
imaginary
Quality
,
and
which
did
not
belong
to
them
.
Behold
a
very
pleasant
Beginning
of
Philips
Ambition
,
since
it
made
Invasions
upon
its
owne
Relations
,
and
the
first
shew
of
that
furious
Appetite
to
reigne
which
hath
vexed
his
Posterity
;
After
that
he
guided
his
Interests
apart
from
them
of
his
Father
in
Law
;
He
held
him
alwayes
at
distance
,
he
looked
upon
him
only
as
a
Prince
which
stood
in
his
light
,
and
there
was
no
other
Communication
amongst
them
but
a
continual
Commerce
of
Complaints
and
disorders
;
In
a
Treaty
which
Maximilian
and
he
,
made
at
Blois
with
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
being
permitted
t'
either
parties
,
to
Comprehend
therein
whom
they
would
,
He
made
no
more
mention
of
Ferdinand
,
then
as
if
he
had
not
related
to
him
,
or
that
He
had
been
indifferent
to
him
.
He
did
also
the
same
thing
in
another
Treaty
which
his
Father
made
at
Hugano
with
the
Cardinal
of
Ambois
;
so
Ferdinand
had
his
Revenge
in
disavowing
the
Treaty
his
son
in
Law
made
at
Blois
with
Lewis
the
twelfth
for
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
and
in
Contracting
a
second
Marriage
,
and
marying
of
Germania
sister
of
Gaston
of
Foix
,
and
Neece
of
Lewis
,
with
Conditions
that
were
Advantageous
to
us
,
if
they
had
been
observed
.
That
which
I
have
said
neverthelesse
was
nothing
in
respect
of
what
Philip
did
,
since
the
death
of
Isabella
,
and
after
that
the
succession
of
Castille
was
open
unto
him
.
The
things
past
were
but
sweetnesses
for
Ferdinand
in
Comparison
of
th'
usage
he
received
after
that
death
.
The
first
stroakes
did
scarce
raise
the
skin
,
but
the
last
entered
deep
and
made
Large
and
dangerous
wounds
.
Philip
will
go
into
Spaine
not
onely
to
take
possession
of
what
was
his
,
but
to
take
from
his
Father
in
Law
what
belonged
to
him
by
the
Testament
of
Isabella
,
Ferdinand
employed
all
his
Prudence
,
and
all
his
subtilties
to
divert
him
.
They
Contest
long
upon
that
Article
.
Their
wills
were
diametrically
opposed
;
what
th'
one
would
not
have
th'
other
desired
,
and
it
had
been
lesse
difficult
t'
accord
Contraryes
,
and
to
joyne
extreams
,
then
t'
adjust
their
pretentions
.
Force
being
wanting
to
Ferdinand
t'
overcome
th'
heat
of
Philip
,
He
used
diversion
;
He
caused
Lewis
the
twelfth
t'
interpose
who
threatens
him
with
his
Armyes
,
in
case
he
went
for
Spaine
,
and
raised
the
Duke
of
Gueldiers
against
him
who
cut
him
out
business
in
Flaunders
,
and
gave
him
enough
t'
entertaine
him
in
that
Countrey
.
In
th'
End
,
th'
obstinacy
of
Philip
being
stronger
then
th'
Artifices
of
Ferdinand
,
and
the
difficulties
which
stopped
him
being
taken
away
or
sweetned
,
they
agreed
upon
the
Conditions
of
his
journey
.
Thereupon
Philip
put
himselfe
on
the
way
,
but
with
a
resolution
to
break
the
Treaty
he
had
made
,
and
not
performeth
'
Oath
he
had
given
to
his
Father
in
Law
,
which
he
ought
to
have
kept
to
an
Enemy
.
Being
in
Spaine
he
flatters
the
great
Persons
;
He
unties
them
from
Ferdinand
;
He
drawes
them
to
his
party
,
who
had
but
too
great
Inclinations
for
it
,
and
were
but
too
earnestly
carried
t'
adore
the
rising
Power
,
and
a
Light
which
began
to
shew
it selfe
;
Insomuch
,
that
Ferdinand
found
himselfe
alone
:
All
his
friends
were
unfaithfull
to
him
;
all
his
Creatures
abandoned
him
except
th'
Arch-Bishop
of
Toledo
Ximenes
,
and
the
Duke
of
Al●…a
:
so
true
it
is
,
that
there
's
but
little
Assurance
in
the
will
of
Men
,
and
that
the
Law
of
Interests
is
powerfull
upon
their
spirits
;
and
the
Memory
of
Good
turnes
received
,
weake
in
Comparison
future
Benefits
.
After
that
,
Ferdinand
presseth
an
Interview
with
his
son
in
Law
;
The
Counsellours
of
Philip
oppose
it
with
all
their
powers
,
and
raise
troublesome
difficulties
to
divert
it
;
They
had
seized
upon
the
spirits
of
their
Master
,
and
taken
his
will
from
him
having
prepossessed
his
understanding
.
They
were
afraid
,
that
Ferdinand
would
take
off
the
Charme
,
and
that
the
Reverence
of
a
Father
,
and
dexterity
of
a
Great
Polititian
would
deface
that
usurped
Empire
,
and
tyrannous
Domination
:
wherefore
they
omit
nothing
that
might
distate
Ferdinand
from
the
meeting
he
solicited
,
and
which
he
pressed
for
the
Resistance
;
They
propose
exorbitant
Conditions
,
which
he
accepts
of
;
They
add
shamefull
Circumstances
which
he
refused
not
;
They
use
him
unworthily
and
he
bears
it
;
and
a
Great
King
had
the
displeasure
to
receive
the
Law
from
petty
Companions
,
who
abused
th'
Inclination
of
an
easy
Master
.
At
last
th'
Interview
being
resolved
,
Ferdinand
renders
himselfe
at
the
place
appointed
for
that
purpose
,
but
with
a
small
traine
,
and
accompanied
onely
with
two
hundred
Men
unarmed
,
and
mounted
upon
Mules
.
On
the
Contrary
,
Philip
advanceth
thither
,
in
th'
Equipage
of
a
Man
of
warr
,
with
the
Body
of
an
army
of
Dutch
,
which
Marched
before
him
,
and
flanked
with
almost
all
the
Great
Persons
of
Spaine
in
armes
,
and
in
the
posture
of
persons
who
went
rather
to
Warr
,
then
to
a
Treaty
of
friendship
,
and
to
a
fight
rather
then
to
a
Reconciliation
.
The
two
Princes
met
together
in
a
Chappell
,
which
had
been
Chosen
for
that
Interview
;
Don
John
Manuell
,
principall
Counsellour
of
Philip
,
and
absolute
disposer
of
his
resolutions
would
assist
at
their
discourse
,
and
but
for
th'
Arch
Bishop
of
Toledo
,
who
hindred
him
,
He
had
been
present
at
a
Conference
,
which
the
Respect
of
proximity
and
the
Dignity
of
those
Two
Princes
,
would
have
to
be
secret
.
After
an
hower
and
halfes
discourse
they
part
,
and
the
Conference
passed
without
any
mention
made
by
Philip
to
the
Father
of
his
daughter
,
nor
of
Ferdinand
to
his
son
in
Law
of
his
wife
.
He
dissembled
for
that
time
his
desire
,
though
he
had
an
extreame
passion
to
see
her
,
and
to
Comfort
his
old
age
by
the
sight
of
an
Object
which
was
so
deere
to
him
,
and
which
was
the
Remainder
of
his
substance
.
There
was
a
second
Meeting
betwixt
these
two
Princes
,
wherein
some
demonstration
of
friendship
appeared
,
or
lesse
coldness
then
at
the
first
Interview
;
But
the
Conclusion
of
all
the
Conferences
was
the
first
designe
of
Philip
,
that
Ferdinand
should
renouce
the
Government
of
Castile
,
notwithstanding
the
disposition
of
Isabella
,
and
against
the
expresse
Clauses
of
her
Testament
,
Ferdinand
,
who
had
learnt
t'
obey
the
time
and
submit
to
Necessity
;
who
knew
how
to
strike
saile
when
the
Tempest
was
too
strong
;
and
to
put
in
when
it
was
not
safe
to
saile
;
Bends
under
his
ill
Fortune
,
and
resolves
t'
abandon
Castille
till
a
better
season
called
it
back
,
and
to
banish
himselfe
voluntarily
from
a
kingdome
which
he
had
so
long
Commanded
;
Philip
stops
not
there
,
He
endeavours
all
he
can
to
discredit
the
past
Government
,
He
annulls
the
greatest
part
of
th'
Orders
his
Father
in
Law
had
made
;
He
deposeth
the
principall
officers
,
and
the
principall
Governours
,
which
had
been
placed
by
his
Hand
.
He
would
not
,
if
possible
,
that
one
entire
mark
should
remain
,
nor
one
visible
Impression
of
his
Administration
.
But
it
had
been
too
little
for
him
to
have
ill
used
his
Father
in
Law
,
and
his
Ambition
,
it
may
be
,
had
been
pardonable
;
if
it
had
at
least
pardoned
his
wife
,
and
if
he
had
not
used
her
ill
who
had
brought
him
so
faire
States
,
and
such
certaine
Hopes
.
She
was
truly
the
Queen
of
Spaine
,
and
who
infused
into
her
Husband
,
th'
Authority
of
Government
,
and
the
Right
of
Commanding
that
Country
.
And
neverthelesse
He
would
not
suffer
her
in
that
society
;
He
would
not
permit
,
that
she
who
was
Companion
of
his
Bed
,
should
be
the
Companion
of
the
Scepter
which
he
had
received
from
her
hands
;
and
seeks
shamefull
pretences
and
odious
Causes
t'
exclude
her
.
A
warmer
love
was
never
seen
,
than
what
that
Princesse
had
for
her
Husband
;
It
seemed
,
that
she
lived
onely
by
the
sight
of
him
,
and
dyed
when
she
was
severed
from
him
.
That
Excesse
of
passion
and
Imbecillity
of
soul
changed
in
some
sort
her
senses
;
and
the
jealousie
which
mingled
with
the
troubles
of
his
Absence
,
weakened
a
little
her
Braine
and
changed
th'
Organs
;
and
neverthelesse
though
that
defect
proceeded
from
so
honest
a
Cause
,
or
so
supportable
;
Though
Compassion
ought
to
have
obliged
Philip
to
cover
it
,
if
Love
were
wanting
to
do
it
;
and
though
Conveniency
and
his
honour
obliged
him
also
to
that
duty
,
when
he
had
neither
Compassion
nor
love
;
He
will
neverthelesse
that
that
accident
be
the
foundation
of
his
designe
,
to
seize
upon
all
th'
authority
ad
to
Reigne
alone
.
He
will
have
his
wife
to
be
entirely
troubled
of
her
senses
,
though
she
was
onely
a
little
weake
;
He
will
,
that
she
hath
lost
all
he
Reason
,
though
she
had
onely
diminished
it
;
That
there
was
no
Light
at
all
,
when
there
was
onely
a
Mist
;
and
that
she
was
in
a
totall
inability
to
governe
,
though
there
remained
in
her
enough
of
good
sense
t'
act
;
For
that
effect
,
and
the
better
t'
hide
his
Game
,
he
keeps
her
shut
up
,
and
permits
not
any
person
to
see
her
of
them
that
durst
speake
to
her
of
the
State
of
her
disease
.
A
strangeproceeding
,
to
take
away
her
Liberty
,
after
he
had
taken
away
her
Honour
!
and
not
to
leave
th'
se
of
the
first
good
of
naturall
life
after
had
ruined
th'
Ornament
of
the
Civil
;
The
Father
durst
not
open
his
mouth
to
him
of
it
,
in
the
first
Conference
they
had
together
,
and
chose
rather
to
suppresse
his
Inclination
,
then
to
sharpen
more
that
spirit
,
which
was
but
too
sharp
;
and
to
touch
him
in
a
place
where
he
was
so
sensible
,
as
I
have
above
observed
.
In
the
second
Meeting
,
Philip
obtained
of
him
a
secret
Declaration
by
the
which
he
consented
that
he
alone
should
have
th'
administration
of
State
,
by
reason
of
th'
Inability
of
his
daughter
,
though
after
he
made
a
publique
protestation
,
That
his
son
in
Law
had
forced
from
him
that
Declaration
,
and
that
he
gave
way
onely
to
the
Malice
of
the
time
,
and
to
the
violence
of
the
stronger
,
according
to
the
Maxime
of
wise
Men.
Philip
staid
not
there
,
after
that
Ferdinand
was
retired
into
Arragon
,
He
would
oblige
the
Grandies
of
Spaine
to
subscribe
an
Act
,
which
he
had
caused
to
be
drawne
,
of
the
weakeness
of
the
senses
wherein
the
Queene
was
fallen
.
But
therein
he
found
Resistance
.
Th'
Admirall
of
Castille
opposeth
it
generously
,
after
he
had
visited
that
Princesse
,
and
discovered
that
the
disposition
of
her
Understanding
was
not
entirely
spoiled
;
Represented
unto
him
,
th'
Inconveniencies
that
would
arise
from
that
Enterprize
;
The
noise
it
would
make
in
the
world
,
and
th'
ill
hmours
it
would
raise
in
Spaine
,
where
the
people
love
their
Masters
naturally
,
because
of
the
Roialty
they
exercise
,
and
reverence
that
Character
in
every
person
in
whom
't
is
Imprinted
.
At
last
,
to
give
the
world
the
finall
Example
of
ingratitude
,
and
an
Eminent
evidence
of
the
power
of
Jealousie
,
to
reigne
without
a
companion
when
it
hath
taken
possession
of
the
soul
;
He
would
cause
his
wife
to
be
declared
troubled
in
her
senses
in
full
assembly
of
the
States
,
and
by
Consequence
unable
to
governe
,
which
he
could
not
obtaine
.
There
was
his
acknowledgment
of
th'
incomparable
fidelity
of
that
Princesse
,
and
the
paiment
of
the
most
violent
and
durable
love
,
that
ever
wife
bare
to
a
Husband
.
Therein
was
his
recompence
of
that
eternall
passion
which
possesse
her
during
the
Life
of
Phillip
to
the
change
of
his
spirit
;
which
could
not
be
abated
by
his
Death
,
and
time
that
overcomes
what
is
most
firme
in
the
World
,
and
most
opinioated
,
could
never
diminish
.
For
't
is
true
,
that
after
the
Death
of
Phillip
which
was
precipitated
,
&
which
cropt
him
in
the
Flower
of
his
Age
,
&
with
some
suspition
of
poyson
,
she
never
forsook
the
body
,
she
caused
his
Coffine
very
day
to
be
opened
;
she
took
it
with
her
when
she
travelled
,
and
accomplished
what
had
been
prophesied
by
an
Old
Woman
of
Spain
,
who
had
said
,
seeing
th'
entry
of
Phillip
into
that
Kingdom
,
and
that
proud
Magnificence
wherewith
he
took
possession
,
That
he
would
walke
there
longer
after
his
death
,
then
during
his
life
.
At
last
,
after
his
body
was
laid
in
a
Chappell
of
Granada
in
the
Sepulchre
of
the
Kings
of
Castille
,
she
made
her
constant
stay
in
that
City
,
and
powred
out
into
Tears
and
Groans
the
rest
of
her
Life
,
upon
the
Ashes
of
him
,
whom
she
had
loved
with
so
great
Heat
,
and
upon
the
Ruines
of
a
body
which
she
had
Idolized
.
To
what
end
serves
then
th'
Alliances
of
bloud
,
which
are
made
amongst
Princes
?
and
since
they
have
been
instituted
t'
unite
in
friendship
diverse
families
,
and
t'
extend
them
the
more
,
and
enlarge
that
virtue
which
is
one
of
the
Principles
of
the
civill
Life
,
and
one
of
the
bonds
of
humain
society
;
what
use
are
they
of
in
the
conditions
of
Soveraigns
?
They
may
serve
much
,
and
are
not
unprofitable
;
provided
that
they
come
not
in
competition
with
th'
Interests
of
State
,
and
with
that
invincible
jealousie
which
Princes
have
for
the
good
of
their
Affairs
.
The
treaties
where
they
intervene
,
are
made
with
more
reputation
and
dignity
,
They
are
pretious
pretences
to
lay
down
Armes
,
which
two
Princes
are
a
weary
to
bear
;
they
are
honest
doores
to
let
out
warrs
,
from
which
otherwise
they
cannot
retire
with
honour
,
and
which
they
cannot
Continue
without
dammage
.
And
there
's
no
resentment
so
just
which
they
may
not
safely
submit
to
the
Consideration
of
the
Parentage
into
which
they
enter
,
and
of
that
sacred
bond
which
is
instituted
to
conjoyne
what
is
divided
,
and
t'
unite
the
wills
which
are
disunited
.
Francis
the
first
recovered
his
liberty
with
more
honour
by
Marrying
the
sister
of
Charles
th'
Emperour
,
and
he
made
appeare
to
the
World
th'
Esteeme
he
gave
to
his
Prisoner
,
in
seeking
his
alliance
.
The
peace
of
Soissons
which
followed
a
warr
wherein
the
same
Princes
did
run
two
great
though
different
Fortunes
;
Th'
one
to
lose
a
part
of
his
States
,
and
th'
other
of
his
Reputation
in
retiring
;
Had
for
foundation
the
Marriage
that
staid
it
;
and
which
was
not
accomplished
betwixt
Charles
third
son
of
France
,
and
one
of
the
Daughters
of
th'
Emperour
,
or
one
of
his
Neeces
.
The
peace
of
the
Castle
of
Cambrey
which
was
so
pernicious
to
France
;
which
took
from
us
in
one
day
,
what
we
gained
in
Forty
yeares
,
which
being
th'
End
of
our
forraigne
warrs
,
was
,
it
may
,
he
the
Beginning
of
Civill
warrs
;
Comprehended
the
Marriage
of
Elizabeth
,
Daughter
of
Henry
th'
second
,
with
Philip
the
second
King
of
Spaine
.
The
daughters
which
enter
into
Soveraigne
Houses
may
also
do
much
for
th'
Interests
of
them
from
whence
they
come
,
when
they
seize
upon
the
spirits
of
their
Husbands
,
and
gaine
th'
Ascendent
upon
their
Wills
which
sometimes
happens
.
That
subtile
Portugese
which
Married
Charles
the
third
Duke
of
Savoy
,
did
what
she
would
with
him
;
in
the
differences
of
Francis
the
second
,
and
Charles
the
fifth
.
And
in
that
famous
dissention
whereof
Piedmont
was
so
long
the
Theater
,
she
turned
Her
nephew
of
th'
Emperours
side
,
though
the
good
of
his
affaires
obliged
him
,
to
be
of
our
side
,
and
made
him
take
the
most
disadvantagious
part
in
a
warr
,
wherein
he
had
even
done
himselfe
wrong
if
he
had
stood
a
Neutrall
.
That
Lacedemonian
understood
it
better
,
and
her
Conduct
was
more
judicious
though
it
may
be
not
just
enough
.
Her
father
and
Husband
were
Entred
into
a
Quarrell
,
and
laboured
with
great
Obstinacy
the
Ruine
of
one
Another
.
In
that
hard
Accesse
,
and
cruell
Conjuncture
,
wherein
she
could
not
gaine
without
losse
;
she
proposed
to
herselfe
to
follow
alwayes
the
fortune
of
the
weakest
,
to
make
the
Counterpoise
to
the
strongest
,
and
to
dispose
them
to
Reconciliation
,
when
both
despaired
of
the
victory
,
which
succeeded
unto
her
.
Alliances
are
also
good
to
preserve
union
,
and
nourish
th'
Intelligence
of
Houses
which
otherwise
are
obliged
to
be
of
good
understanding
,
and
which
a
Common
interest
doth
conjoyne
and
bind
.
Insomuch
that
if
they
make
not
the
knot
,
they
tye
it
faster
,
If
they
forme
not
the
friendship
,
they
heat
it
;
if
they
do
not
introduce
the
concord
,
they
confirme
it
;
T
is
for
that
reason
they
are
so
frequent
amongst
the
Princes
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
were
heretofore
betwixt
them
of
France
and
Navarre
,
and
betwixt
them
of
Castille
and
Portugall
,
before
th'
union
of
those
Crowns
.
But
what
must
be
understood
of
most
certain
from
Alliances
,
and
to
which
Princes
who
make
them
,
and
their
Counsellors
,
ought
chiefly
to
have
an
eye
;
is
,
to
draw
some
present
utility
,
or
some
future
good
,
whilst
the
Wills
of
them
who
are
conjoyned
in
Alliance
,
are
in
heat
,
and
th'
emotion
which
that
Bond
brings
doth
last
.
Francis
the
first
married
Elnor
,
Sister
of
Charls
the
sisth
to
recover
his
Liberty
,
as
I
have
said
;
Phillip
the
second
gave
his
youngest
Daughter
to
the
last
Duke
of
Savoy
to
make
him
seise
upon
the
Marquisat
of
Saluce
,
and
to
cause
the
Gates
of
Italy
to
be
shut
against
us
,
and
to
deliver
Milan
,
from
the
jealousie
which
that
neighbourhood
gave
it
.
Ferdinand
of
Castille
Marryed
Germania
,
Neece
of
Lewis
the
twelfth
,
to
break
the
Leagues
which
were
framed
betwixt
Lewis
,
the
Emperour
Maximilian
,
and
th'
Arch
Duke
Phillip
to
his
prejudice
,
and
to
dissipate
th'
Intelligences
of
those
Princes
that
were
not
favourable
unto
him
.
In
consideration
whereof
I
say
that
the
Alliance
which
the
King
had
made
with
the
King
of
England
,
ought
to
be
placed
amongst
his
wisest
Elections
in
the
felicities
of
his
Reign
.
And
that
they
who
advised
him
to
it
could
not
give
a
sounder
Counsel
,
and
that
it
hath
been
a
great
honour
to
Sr.
the
Candinall
to
have
mingled
his
Cares
with
those
of
his
Master
,
and
his
disturbances
with
his
Master
's
for
th'
accomplishment
of
that
worke
.
'T
is
not
a
small
advantage
to
render
ones
enemies
weake
;
and
to
make
a
power
retire
that
is
contrary
to
us
or
suspected
,
is
a
great
advance
;
But
t
is
the
perfection
of
wisedom
to
draw
to
ones
selfe
a
good
that
was
intended
for
them
that
love
us
not
;
&
to
gain
that
which
we
make
them
lose
.
If
we
had
not
made
haste
,
Spain
who
suffered
that
Alliance
t'
escape
their
hands
,
and
which
sometimes
loseth
her
Advantages
in
seeking
of
them
too
cunningly
and
too
great
;
Had
,
it
may
be
,
renewed
it
.
And
if
that
had
been
,
is
it
not
probable
,
that
it
had
invention
enough
and
Artifice
for
to
keep
us
alwayes
in
Check
by
the
means
of
England
;
That
it
had
manadged
at
pleasure
the
Protestants
of
France
with
their
hands
,
and
had
assured
all
his
designes
in
making
the
Counterpoyse
to
ours
with
that
party
which
was
also
entire
;
That
the
losses
which
they
lately
received
had
affrighted
them
more
then
beaten
them
,
and
that
the
sight
of
their
wounds
yet
bloudy
,
and
the
desire
of
revenge
rendred
them
irreconcilable
;
t
is
at
least
certaine
,
that
it
diverted
the
Ruine
,
and
was
opposed
to
its
dammage
.
That
if
England
hath
turned
her
Arms
upon
us
;
if
it
hath
since
quarrell'd
us
;
and
if
the
capricious
humours
of
a
particular
person
hath
been
the
Torch
of
a
publique
dissention
;
It
was
a
stroak
which
was
not
in
the
power
of
humain
discourse
to
foresee
,
and
the
reason
of
State
did
not
permit
that
a
Prince
should
give
so
pernicious
an
example
to
his
subjects
,
as
openly
to
favour
Felony
in
the
states
of
another
Prince
;
yet
it
may
be
said
in
truth
,
that
the
peace
which
ensued
that
War
,
and
which
was
so
advantagious
to
us
,
is
in
part
an
effect
of
th'
Alliance
whereof
we
speak
,
and
the
worke
of
that
Princesse
which
shall
be
hereafter
th'
Indissoluble
band
of
the
friendship
of
the
two
Brothers
,
and
th'
Immortall
subject
of
the
Concord
of
both
Nations
.
Adde
to
this
th'
Interest
of
Religion
which
is
very
considerable
in
this
Alliance
,
of
the
great
good
it
produceth
to
have
accustomed
th'
English
to
permit
th'
exercise
of
it
in
the
Queen's
family
.
T
is
no
small
matter
that
they
are
made
acquainted
with
our
Holy
Mysteries
,
and
that
they
are
no
longer
offended
at
that
which
they
have
had
a
long
time
in
detestation
;
T
is
to
be
believed
,
that
this
holy
humanity
which
now
is
in
safety
amongst
them
,
shall
not
be
there
without
a
tast
of
its
Graces
;
and
that
th'
Example
of
good
souls
to
whom'tis
permitted
to
provide
for
their
safety
without
crime
,
may
touch
them
,
and
bring
them
to
the
knowledge
of
that
truth
their
fathers
had
forsaken
.
The
Fifth
Discourse
.
Of
the
Greatness
and
Importance
of
the
Siege
of
Rochelle
.
I
Will
not
play
th'
Oratour
upon
the
taking
of
Rochelle
,
nor
amuse
my selfe
with
the
Flowers
of
Rhetorique
,
and
th'
Ornaments
of
that
Science
which
hath
not
significant
expressions
,
how
rich
soever
,
for
the
subject
which
I
treat
.
I
will
not
exalt
the
glory
of
that
siege
by
the
Reputation
of
a
City
whose
name
hath
passed
to
th'
Indies
with
reputation
,
by
the
course
and
Merchandize
it
made
upon
all
Seas
.
Th'
Heresie
and
Rebellion
to
which
it
served
for
sanctuary
in
France
;
The
friendship
of
Protestants
,
and
hatred
of
Catholiques
which
it
equally
exercised
;
had
rendred
it
famous
in
th'
Earth
.
I
speake
not
now
of
the
place
,
nor
of
th'
advantages
of
its
scituation
,
where
it
seemed
Nature
had
placed
all
she
had
of
strength
and
Art
,
had
laid
out
all
she
had
of
Invention
.
I
passe
by
the
comparison
of
the
sieges
of
Tire
and
Antwerp
,
which
others
have
spoken
of
,
and
which
are
inferiour
to
ours
.
Though
one
of
them
was
the
principall
worke
of
the
Prince
of
Parma
,
and
the
admiration
of
the
past
Age
,
and
the
other
th'
great
effect
of
the
power
of
Alexander
,
and
th'
Industry
of
Greece
.
I
take
another
way
and
will
indeavour
to
declare
the
value
of
the
Conquests
which
we
have
made
in
other
Ages
.
Heretofore
nothing
was
more
easie
to
a
Conquerour
then
to
subdue
a
Province
,
and
the
gaine
of
a
battell
delivered
up
a
whole
Countrey
to
the
victorious
:
wherein
there
was
scarce
any
strong
place
.
Now
that
th'
Art
of
making
Warre
hath
changed
face
and
conduct
;
That
't
is
in
all
Countryes
almost
reduced
to
cast
up
Earth
and
to
retrench
;
That
few
Battells
are
fought
;
that
the
life
of
Men
are
better
Husbanded
;
and
that
an
Army
cannot
March
very
farre
,
but
a
Fortresse
is
in
its
way
;
'T
is
no
marvell
,
if
there
be
as
much
difficulty
,
and
by
consequence
as
much
glory
to
take
a
Fortress
of
Reputation
,
as
there
was
heretofore
to
gain
a
Province
.
And
not
to
go
farre
from
past
Ages
,
and
the
memory
of
our
Fathers
.
Have
we
not
seen
with
what
facility
Mahomet
the
second
hath
taken
two
Empires
from
Christians
,
and
carried
from
them
Twelve
Kingdoms
?
Will
it
not
be
said
,
that
he
did
runne
only
in
conquering
,
and
that
th'
exercise
of
a
walke
had
been
as
long
as
the
time
of
his
Rapid
Victories
?
'T
is
,
that
,
in
effects
,
in
those
great
Territories
of
Countrey
,
and
extent
of
those
vast
Regions
there
was
not
a
good
place
but
Constantinople
.
And
yet
that
place
was
lost
rather
by
the
Conwardise
of
Christians
,
and
in
the
fury
of
the
justice
of
God
,
than
by
the
valour
of
the
Turks
,
and
industry
of
the
besiegers
.
Selin
the
first
had
only
the
Mammeluns
to
defeat
in
the
Field
to
be
Master
of
all
Aegypt
and
Syria
,
and
the
progresse
which
the
Grand
Seignors
made
heretofore
in
Persia
,
and
the
facility
they
found
to
possesse
that
Land
,
proceeded
from
that
they
encountered
not
one
strong
Town
that
stopped
them
and
hindred
the
Inundation
of
those
Monstrons
Armies
which
they
brought
thither
.
On
the
Contrary
,
who
doubts
but
that
the
conquest
of
Rhodes
,
was
not
more
honourable
to
Soliman
,
then
that
of
th'
Empire
of
Trob●sonde
to
Mahomet
;
Who
makes
Question
that
Strigonia
,
Buda
,
Alba
Royall
,
and
Zighet
were
not
more
eminent
peeces
and
more
famous
Monuments
for
the
glory
of
that
Prince
,
then
a
dozen
Kingdoms
for
the
other's
glory
?
And
if
he
could
have
added
Maltha
and
joyned
Vienna
to
his
other
victories
,
the
past
Ages
had
not
seen
fairer
Trophies
then
his
,
and
he
might
have
marched
in
Front
with
Alexander
,
Caesar
,
and
Tamerlan
,
though
he
had
not
run
over
so
many
Nations
as
they
had
done
,
nor
invaded
so
great
a
number
of
Countries
.
To
give
some
new
Light
to
my
subject
,
and
some
extraordinary
colours
,
I
will
propose
also
that
noble
difficulty
which
some
have
written
of
.
To
wit
,
Which
of
the
two
Actions
is
most
noble
,
and
meritorious
,
either
the
gaine
of
Battell
,
or
the
Taking
of
a
good
place
;
without
staying
upon
that
which
hath
been
said
upon
this
subject
.
It
seems
to
me
,
that
the
last
of
these
Actions
requires
a
more
profound
and
more
generall
abilitie
;
That
it
exerciseth
more
virtues
;
and
by
Consequence
there
's
more
honour
in
taking
a
Fortresse
well
defended
,
then
to
win
a
Battell
though
it
be
well
Contested
.
The
reason
is
,
that
in
a
siege
Men
must
fight
above
th'
Earth
,
and
in
th'
Earth
.
The
strength
of
the
place
is
to
be
overcome
,
and
the
Resistance
of
men
.
Fresh
enemies
are
to
be
encountered
,
which
are
Concealed
and
do
expect
.
Men
are
exposed
to
th'
Artifices
of
fire
,
and
to
those
horrible
Inventions
which
with
death
bring
the
torments
of
Hell
,
and
paines
that
are
not
naturall
;
Long
labours
are
to
be
endured
,
Continuall
watching
,
and
all
th'
Injuries
of
time
.
Briefly
,
Industry
works
more
there
then
force
,
and
fortune
acts
lesse
there
then
virtue
;
That
happens
not
in
a
Battell
,
where
Men
fight
onely
above
Ground
against
Men
;
where
all
things
are
almost
equall
on
both
sides
;
where
Men
are
not
consumed
by
Languishments
,
and
Travell
;
and
where
four
howers
decides
the
business
;
where
Impetuosity
doth
act
sometimes
more
then
Conduct
,
and
valour
gives
not
so
much
the
victory
as
extravagancy
of
fortune
,
as
a
command
ill
understood
of
th'
Enemies
side
,
as
an
unexpected
Accident
,
and
as
a
Pannique
Terrour
.
But
to
decide
this
doubt
with
a
more
exact
and
certaine
Policy
;
I
say
,
that
those
Meanes
are
more
noble
and
Estimable
which
produce
th'
End
that
is
proposed
,
and
brings
a
Man
to
the
Mark
he
Aimes
at
;
than
they
that
leave
a
Man
in
the
Middle
of
the
way
,
be
they
never
so
glittering
,
and
what
shew
soever
they
make
.
And
therefore
if
the
gaine
of
a
Battell
were
the
Conquest
of
a
Province
as
it
heretofore
hapned
,
and
the
taking
of
a
Towne
the
reducement
of
a
single
place
,
as
it
falls
out
for
the
most
part
;
There
's
no
Question
but
the
second
Action
is
inferiour
to
the
first
,
and
of
an
Inferiour
Merit
to
that
of
th'
other
.
But
when
after
the
gaine
of
a
Battell
th'
enemie
continues
strong
,
where
there
are
other
armyes
to
fight
,
and
a
number
of
good
places
which
stop
the
Conquerour
,
and
put
a
Bridle
to
the
victory
;
Who
doubts
,
but
the
gaine
of
that
Battell
is
lesse
Considerable
then
the
taking
of
a
City
,
which
is
th'
head
of
a
whole
Countrey
,
or
of
a
whole
party
;
which
will
bring
in
all
the
rest
to
th'
obedience
of
the
victorious
;
and
after
that
no
Resistance
to
be
made
but
what
shall
be
weake
and
rash
.
Who
doubts
that
Scipio
did
not
more
in
subduing
Carthage
,
and
making
the
Rivall
of
Rome
the
Subject
of
Rome
;
than
Hanibal
did
in
the
three
Battells
wherein
he
Conquered
the
Roman
;
since
Rome
subsisted
for
all
that
,
and
that
the
spring
of
the
warr
remained
unstopt
.
And
therefore
who
can
also
doubt
,
that
the
reducement
of
Rochell
,
after
the
losse
whereof
we
have
seen
a
party
fall
,
which
had
so
long
a
share
in
France
,
and
divided
the
Soveraigne
authority
;
which
had
offered
so
many
affronts
to
our
Kings
;
which
had
so
often
opened
our
parts
;
and
our
frontiers
to
th'
Enemies
of
the
State
,
and
made
the
Country
of
their
Birth
,
a
Country
of
Conquest
;
who
can
I
say
doubt
,
that
the
taking
thereof
is
not
to
be
preferred
before
four
Battails
,
which
have
been
gained
against
it
;
because
they
left
life
and
force
to
recover
;
since
that
all-bloudy
and
coverd
with
wounds
,
it
was
formidable
unto
them
that
had
put
it
into
that
Condition
;
since
after
that
,
it
gave
the
law
to
the
victorious
,
and
forced
a
peace
of
as
much
advantage
,
as
could
have
been
expected
from
a
victory
.
That
consideration
obliged
th'
Holy
Father
t'
answer
Cardinal
Borgia
who
had
represented
unto
him
,
that
he
had
not
made
the
like
demonstration
of
joy
for
the
taking
of
Breda
,
which
he
had
done
for
the
taking
of
Rochell
;
The
Taking
of
Breda
was
no
more
then
the
taking
of
a
Towne
whereof
th'
Hollanders
had
their
Revenge
a
little
after
.
But
the
Taking
of
Rochell
,
was
beating
downe
th'
head
of
a
body
and
overthrowing
the
foundations
of
a
Building
.
The
Sixth
Discourse
.
Of
the
Instructions
may
be
drawn
from
the
siege
of
Rochell
;
and
from
what
the
King
did
after
the
Reduction
of
that
Towne
.
AFter
the
precedent
Considerations
,
le
ts
see
what
may
be
observed
in
that
siege
which
serves
for
my
principall
designe
,
and
for
th'
Instructions
of
the
Publique
.
'T
is
not
Hannibal
alone
that
knew
how
t'
overcome
,
and
knew
not
how
t'
use
the
victory
.
The
like
faults
are
encountered
in
all
ages
,
and
the
cause
why
sometimes
Men
are
not
happy
enough
,
is
because
Men
are
not
alwayes
wise
enough
.
Fortune
alone
may
very
well
begin
the
greatnesse
of
a
Man
,
but
she
cannot
finish
it
,
without
virtue
.
And
though
it
be
not
in
the
power
of
expert
Pilots
to
make
the
winds
propitious
;
It
depends
neverthelesse
upon
their
Industry
to
make
good
use
of
them
,
and
to
husband
them
well
while
they
last
;
Of
them
then
who
give
over
at
the
first
successes
they
obtaine
,
and
stop
at
th'
Entry
of
their
prosperity
;
some
of
them
are
astonished
at
their
happinesse
,
and
insomuch
that
they
have
been
forced
into
th'
Haven
,
and
that
they
did
not
bring
themselves
thither
;
They
dare
not
any
more
put
forth
to
Sea
.
They
content
themselves
with
what
they
have
gained
.
They
will
not
put
their
Reputation
to
Reference
,
and
resemble
certaine
persons
who
having
leapt
over
by
night
,
or
in
th'
excesse
of
a
passion
,
a
very
large
ditch
or
some
very
dangerous
passage
,
are
ravished
with
what
they
had
done
upon
sight
thereof
by
day
,
or
that
their
souls
are
sunk
,
and
are
not
bold
enough
t'
attempt
the
same
.
Action
,
after
the
consideration
of
it
;
Others
will
taste
of
the
good
which
is
hapned
to
them
and
rejoyce
in
the
victory
,
and
consider
not
that
in
that
time
,
th'
Occasions
steale
away
from
them
,
fortune
retires
,
and
th'
Enemies
gather
strength
which
hinders
them
to
march
on
.
There
are
some
,
that
decline
not
to
do
well
so
much
by
distrust
of
their
virtue
,
or
by
the
weakeness
of
their
Courage
,
as
for
feare
of
Envy
;
and
had
rather
possesse
in
peace
a
Moderate
reputation
,
than
provoke
that
maligne
passion
which
causeth
us
to
be
more
afflicted
for
the
good
of
others
,
then
for
our
owne
ills
;
and
that
even
friends
cannot
behold
the
glory
of
their
friends
,
if
it
be
very
high
,
nor
suffer
their
Brightnesse
if
it
be
very
lively
.
Th'
examples
of
what
I
have
said
are
but
too
ordinary
.
The
Grecians
have
very
often
committed
such
faults
;
and
't
is
certaine
that
the
Batteli
of
Salamina
opened
unto
them
the
dore
for
the
Ruine
of
Persia
,
and
for
the
Conquest
of
Asia
,
if
they
had
known
their
advantages
,
or
if
they
had
not
been
glutted
with
their
successe
.
The
victory
of
Lepantha
brought
nothing
to
the
Christians
,
which
they
had
not
before
that
warr
.
The
most
famous
Battell
that
was
ever
gained
upon
the
sea
was
unfruitfull
in
their
hands
,
all
the
gaine
of
the
victorious
,
was
,
not
to
have
been
overcomed
.
The
price
of
so
memorable
an
action
determined
in
it selfe
,
and
gained
nothing
from
abroad
,
that
Crowned
it
,
and
was
its
Recompense
.
Charles
the
fifth
also
as
Great
a
person
as
he
was
,
forgot
himselfe
after
the
journey
of
Pavia
;
an
if
in
the
Consternation
wherein
France
was
fallen
,
for
th'
Imprisonment
of
their
King
,
and
for
a
stroak
so
little
expected
;
He
had
assaulted
our
frontiers
,
He
had
not
met
with
any
Resistance
.
He
had
not
,
it
may
be
,
left
Rivalls
to
his
nephews
;
and
had
paid
himselfe
by
his
hands
the
ransome
of
his
prisoner
.
The
King
did
not
handle
it
so
after
the
reliefe
of
R●é
,
nor
corrupt
the
fruits
of
that
victory
for
want
of
pursuite
.
It
was
truly
much
to
have
performed
an
action
which
was
held
almost
for
a
miracle
,
and
to
gaine
an
end
of
what
was
esteemed
Impossible
.
It
was
much
to
have
revenged
so
many
affronts
th'
English
had
heretofore
done
us
,
and
purged
the
shame
of
the
losses
of
Creci
&
of
Poitiers
after
two
ages
.
But
it
had
not
been
enough
for
the
King
if
he
stayed
there
,
and
though
th'
Effect
was
great
,
It
was
not
reasonable
for
a
Prince
to
retire
whose
forces
were
strong
,
&
to
whom
so
much
remained
to
be
done
.
The
second
Consideration
,
and
which
is
a
necessary
sequel
of
the
first
;
is
th'
Incounter
of
the
time
the
King
made
choice
of
,
very
seasonable
for
that
siege
.
The
choice
it
may
be
of
the
time
,
is
the
greatest
secret
in
Affaires
,
and
most
powerfull
Meanes
to
make
them
prosper
.
Caesar
did
supremely
possesse
it
,
and
it
was
one
of
the
words
of
Charles
the
fifth
and
of
Philip
his
son
,
I
and
the
Time
to
Two
others
.
These
words
may
admit
of
too
Interpretations
;
Th'
one
is
to
know
,
how
t'order
a
man
selfe
in
the
time
of
ill
fortune
;
To
strike
saile
when
the
Tempest
is
too
strong
;
not
t'
oppose
ones
selfe
to
the
violence
of
a
destiny
provoked
.
T'
avoid
the
stroakes
with
dexterity
which
cannot
be
resisted
in
a
streight
line
;
To
put
them
by
,
to
cast
ourselves
on
Quarter
,
and
t'
observe
th'
occasion
of
some
favourable
Revolution
,
and
of
a
better
adventure
.
Charles
the
fifth
gives
that
Counsell
to
his
son
in
th'
instruction
he
left
him
,
and
the
Spaniards
have
been
accustomed
to
make
better
use
of
it
then
any
people
in
the
world
.
He
practised
it
at
the
peace
of
Passo
,
which
had
been
shamefull
to
th'
Empire
if
the
Necessity
had
not
rather
made
it
,
then
th'
Inclination
of
th'
Emperour
.
He
practised
it
at
the
peace
of
Soissons
,
where
the
want
of
money
interrupted
the
prosperity
of
his
armes
,
and
he
was
constrained
to
offer
himself
for
Hostage
to
the
Germans
,
who
without
that
had
a
designe
to
seize
upon
him
;
The
Spaniards
practised
it
also
some
two
yeares
since
at
the
peace
of
Suza
,
and
they
diverted
in
flying
,
the
storme
,
which
did
threaten
them
,
and
restrained
the
Thunder
which
was
ready
to
fall
on
them
,
if
they
had
not
humbled
themselves
.
The
Truce
which
we
made
the
last
yeare
at
Carignan
,
when
the
plague
defected
our
armies
,
and
that
the
warr
was
the
least
of
the
Flailes
of
th'
anger
of
God
,
was
a
stroake
of
that
addresse
,
and
gave
us
meanes
to
prepare
for
the
Reliefe
of
Casal
,
and
to
save
Italy
.
Th'
other
Interpretation
,
is
,
to
know
how
to
make
choice
of
the
best
time
to
make
an
Enterprize
.
For
't
is
true
,
there
's
a
certaine
Moment
in
time
,
and
a
certaine
Encounter
of
causes
in
affaires
,
which
being
passed
they
returne
no
more
together
,
and
't
is
to
no
purpose
t'
attend
th'
Effect
,
when
the
Causes
cease
.
Th'
Italians
have
called
it
very
aptly
Conjuncture
,
but
it
was
not
possible
to
find
a
more
favourable
then
that
under
which
the
siege
of
Rochell
was
formed
.
That
towne
was
almost
without
a
Garrison
,
th'
English
had
emptied
it
of
Victualls
.
Holland
durst
not
send
it
but
a
desavoured
Releese
,
and
by
Consequent
weake
.
England
which
we
had
so
ill
handled
,
could
not
send
any
but
fearefull
persons
,
and
the
Rebells
were
reduced
t'
expect
more
from
th'
Elements
then
from
Men
,
and
from
out
Impatience
then
from
their
Force
.
The
third
Consideration
is
th'
Enterprize
of
the
Ditch
,
and
th'
Acceptation
of
the
proposition
which
was
then
made
;
It
must
be
Confessed
,
that
there
was
use
of
an
extraordinary
virtue
for
a
worke
without
Example
,
and
there
was
not
lesse
need
of
Light
and
understanding
to
Comprehend
the
possibility
,
then
of
fire
and
Courage
to
propose
the
Means
of
reducing
it
in
Act
,
and
t'overcome
the
difficulties
which
were
not
ordinary
;
Tyre
and
Antwerpe
have
nothing
seen
of
like
,
whatsoever
is
said
,
unlesse
,
it
may
be
,
they
will
Compare
the
Mediterranean
Sea
with
th'
Ocean
,
and
a
straight
and
quiet
Channell
with
a
Channell
extreamly
Agitated
,
and
unmeasurably
Large
.
In
the
Matter
of
these
novelties
,
There
are
that
doe
generally
reject
all
of
them
,
by
reason
of
the
vanity
that
is
found
in
many
,
and
who
had
rather
beleeve
nothing
then
expose
themselves
to
the
shame
of
being
too
Credulous
.
T
is
to
have
too
little
Judgment
,
or
too
great
a
distrust
of
ones
selfe
;
and
in
th'
Affaires
of
the
world
,
Th'
universall
Maximes
are
not
ever
to
be
followed
which
are
sometimes
deceitfull
,
though
they
are
many
times
true
.
But
a
great
Minister
of
State
ought
to
know
how
to
distinguish
what
is
manifestly
false
;
from
what
hath
some
apparence
of
true
,
and
what
is
feasable
from
what
is
Impossible
.
'T
is
not
that
't
is
necessary
that
He
possesse
all
th'
Arts
with
the
same
perfection
,
as
they
who
make
profession
but
of
one
;
But
it
sufficeth
that
he
know
them
in
such
a
degree
,
and
with
so
just
a
light
,
that
he
may
secure
himselfe
,
from
th'
Imposture
though
it
be
very
subtile
,
and
observe
what
is
good
though
it
be
not
very
excellent
.
The
fourth
Consideration
,
that
th'
Enterprize
of
the
Ditch
,
is
th'
Evidence
of
an
extreame
vast
soul
,
and
of
a
Courage
not
distasted
by
Difficulties
,
nor
wearied
by
Time
.
Th'
Humours
of
the
French
are
ordinarily
too
lively
to
langnish
after
a
designe
.
They
will
suddenly
see
,
th'
End
,
or
abandon
it
;
what
they
carry
not
at
the
first
Assault
,
rebukes
them
:
The
stroaks
they
lose
,
weakens
them
as
much
as
those
they
receive
;
and
their
proper
Impetuosity
tyres
them
not
lesse
then
the
Resistance
of
what
they
Assault
.
But
the
king
hath
made
it
appeare
in
this
occasion
whereof
I
speake
,
that
having
not
the
vices
of
the
French
,
he
had
in
an
Eminent
degree
the
virtues
of
other
Nations
;
and
that
he
had
a
very
great
Boldness
t'
undertake
and
Constancy
to
pursue
it
,
and
Patience
to
finish
it
;
The
first
spoile
the
Sea
made
upon
the
Ditch
,
had
shaken
any
other
Courage
but
his
,
and
the
violence
of
the
Equinoctialls
had
daunted
an
Imagination
lesse
firme
:
but
He
believed
,
that
the
feare
which
might
fall
into
the
soules
of
Men
commonly
constant
,
ought
not
to
fall
into
his
,
and
that
it
was
too
little
for
his
power
and
fortune
t'overcome
Men
,
if
he
did
not
also
resist
the
force
of
the
starrs
,
and
Elements
,
and
what
nature
hath
of
most
impetuous
and
rapid
.
There
are
affaires
which
must
be
abandoned
so
soon
as
they
are
begun
either
in
regard
of
their
Impossibility
or
that
they
serve
for
hinderance
to
better
and
more
profitable
designes
.
And
't
is
true
,
that
t'
opinionate
in
this
,
is
a
Manifest
imprudence
.
That
the
shortest
follies
are
the
best
,
and
that
the
further
a
Man
goes
when
he
is
out
of
the
right
way
,
the
more
he
wanders
.
There
are
others
which
are
infinitely
important
,
and
are
but
difficult
;
and
of
them
an
end
must
be
had
whatsoever
they
cost
,
or
perish
or
carry
them
.
After
that
th'
Earle
of
Fuentes
had
besieged
Cambray
,
and
reduced
that
City
to
the
Tearms
of
being
taken
or
of
rendring
;
Sr.
of
Vie
entred
with
some
Releefe
.
So
soon
as
he
was
Entred
,
he
changed
all
th'
order
of
the
defence
,
and
spoiled
th'
Enemies
by
the
faults
they
had
committed
in
beginning
the
Seige
.
He
dismounted
their
Cannon
with
his
;
He
made
their
Batteries
to
flye
with
his
Mines
;
He
rendred
unprofitable
a
part
of
their
Labours
,
and
did
Incommodate
them
in
such
manner
,
that
it
was
proposed
in
the
Councell
of
the
Spaniards
,
either
to
raise
the
siege
or
to
begin
it
againe
,
and
give
it
another
forme
.
Th'
Earle
of
Fuentes
knew
well
th'
Errour
,
which
had
been
committed
in
the
beginning
;
and
that
the
sheep
wherewith
he
had
to
do
were
the
same
,
but
that
they
were
governed
by
another
Shepheard
,
notwithstanding
that
he
protested
that
he
would
dye
there
rather
then
retire
,
and
that
he
had
rather
be
obstinate
in
overcoming
the
Difficulties
which
were
there
in
continuing
the
first
designe
,
then
discover
his
Imprudence
in
quitting
it
,
and
take
by
that
Meanes
courage
from
the
souldiers
,
and
Reputation
from
his
Armes
.
When
Caesar
had
laid
downe
before
Alexia
or
Vercingentorix
,
it
was
shut
up
with
four
and
twenty
thousand
Men
to
defend
it
.
He
saw
come
upon
him
four
hundred
thousand
fighting
Men
which
came
to
besiege
him
,
and
such
a
fearefull
Cloud
of
Men
of
warr
to
surround
him
.
That
neverthelesse
did
not
trouble
him
,
and
insomuch
that
the
Question
was
of
the
decision
of
a
great
Affaire
,
and
that
he
would
with
one
onely
Blow
affright
all
the
body
of
the
Gaules
,
He
resolved
upon
a
bold
Charge
,
He
did
not
abandon
the
siege
and
marched
to
meet
th'
Enemies
which
drew
towards
him
;
He
defeated
them
,
and
compelled
the
besieged
t'yeeld
,
and
Vercingentorix
t'
humble
itselfe
,
and
to
lay
its
greatnesse
at
his
feet
;
which
they
could
not
preserve
with
all
the
force
of
the
Gaules
;
And
after
that
the
Spaniards
had
surprized
Amiens
,
The
dead
King
,
did
he
not
resolve
to
lose
himselfe
or
retake
it
;
T'hazard
rather
all
his
State
,
then
to
suffer
that
breach
to
remaine
,
open
;
and
that
it
was
begun
in
a
place
which
discovered
th'
heart
,
and
left
nothing
secure
even
to
the
Gates
of
Paris
.
This
proceeding
appeared
at
first
a
little
strange
,
and
seems
t'
hold
more
of
Despaire
then
of
force
,
and
of
obstinacy
then
Constancy
.
That
nevertheless
is
not
so
,
and
that
which
seems
to
be
beyond
the
Limits
of
virtue
,
is
not
ever
so
but
by
Comparison
.
These
Limits
are
not
fixed
and
immoveable
.
They
have
Many
degrees
according
to
th'
abilities
of
them
that
exercise
them
:
And
th'
Excesses
which
the
Philosophers
permit
t'
Heroique
virtue
,
and
th'
extreamities
wherein
they
suffer
,
which
she
passeth
over
;
Are
not
Excesses
or
Extremities
for
her
,
but
for
th'
ordinary
virtues
,
and
for
the
Common
of
Men.
If
they
that
served
the
Duke
of
Aniou
in
the
siege
of
Rochell
had
had
the
faithfulnesse
of
Sr.
the
Cardinall
or
his
prudence
,
if
they
had
loved
the
Good
of
the
State
so
well
as
he
,
and
the
Reputation
of
their
Master
;
They
had
not
advised
him
to
rise
at
the
Evening
of
taking
of
it
,
and
to
give
the
victory
that
was
Ripe
and
ready
to
be
gathered
.
They
had
rather
imitated
that
Great
Captaine
,
and
had
said
as
th'
other
did
at
Garillan
,
That
they
knew
of
what
Importance
that
Enterprize
was
to
the
King
,
and
that
it
must
be
gained
or
perish
.
But
't
is
not
of
new
Date
;
that
there
are
people
in
the
State
which
love
Confusion
,
and
who
Imagine
themselves
to
be
like
Physicians
who
should
not
be
Considerable
without
the
sins
of
nature
,
nor
in
honour
if
there
were
not
sick
persons
.
The
prosperities
of
the
King
stop
not
at
the
taking
of
Rochell
;
our
Armes
were
instantly
beyond
the
Mountaines
,
and
Casall
saw
its
deliverance
at
the
sole
noise
of
our
passage
.
That
unheard-of
Quickness
equally
surprized
our
Allyes
and
enemies
,
and
those
who
believed
,
that
the
Conquest
we
had
newly
made
,
was
of
the
kind
of
those
victories
,
which
make
the
victor
to
weep
;
would
never
have
imagined
that
without
tireing
or
taking
breath
,
we
went
to
force
th'
Alpes
in
the
midst
of
winter
,
and
seek
beyond
the
Mountaines
a
new
harvest
of
glory
.
The
Rebells
of
Languedoc
immediately
after
saw
the
King
with
them
,
and
we
have
seen
in
lesse
then
two
Months
all
the
places
rendred
or
taken
,
and
those
fearefull
Bastions
which
have
consumed
twenty
yeares
labour
,
and
the
wealth
of
that
party
,
humble
themselves
to
his
powers
.
T
is
that
virtue
,
which
the
Romans
called
Celerity
,
and
which
we
call
Quickness
wherewith
Caesar
made
himselfe
Master
in
40
dayes
,
of
Italy
:
in
60
,
of
Spain
;
and
in
lesse
then
three
yeares
of
all
that
which
Rome
had
Conquered
in
more
then
seven
hundred
yeares
.
'T
is
with
that
virtue
,
that
Gastan
of
Foix
in
lesse
then
six
weeks
relieved
Bologua
;
Defeated
the
Venetians
at
Villa
Franca
;
retook
Bresse
,
and
gained
the
battell
of
Ravenna
.
This
is
to
know
how
to
make
use
of
the
victory
,
but
in
in
an
admirable
Manner
.
'T
is
to
sayle
as
long
as
there
is
any
wind
;
'T
is
to
second
Fortune
;
'T
is
to
make
use
of
th'
occasion
.
There
's
glory
in
acting
a
number
of
great
things
;
but
this
a
marvell
to
performe
them
in
a
little
time
,
and
to
place
in
a
small
intervall
,
th'
Actions
that
will
honour
the
course
of
many
yeares
;
one
victory
neverthelesse
begets
another
,
and
as
a
needle
rub'd
with
th'
Adamant
attracts
many
;
Prosperities
tread
upon
th'
heeles
of
one
another
,
Provided
that
men
give
not
over
:
That
they
are
the
same
Chiefes
that
governe
,
and
the
same
souldiers
that
act
,
and
the
same
discipline
that
doth
exercise
them
.
The
Seaventh
Discourse
.
That
the
generall
of
an
Army
ought
alwayes
t'
Intend
th'
End
of
an
Enterprize
;
and
that
Foresight
serves
more
then
Courage
t'
attain
it
;
and
whether
the
King
had
Reason
to
make
the
truce
,
was
made
at
Carignan
.
THat
a
Generall
of
Army
propose
to
himselfe
to
go
alwayes
to
th'
End
of
what
he
shall
undertake
,
and
that
he
know
that
if
a
good
Beginning
makes
halfe
the
work
that
neverthelesse
nothing
is
done
,
if
th'
end
faile
;
and
therefore
let
him
make
Choice
of
the
most
proper
Meanes
t'
attaine
it
,
and
not
them
that
cost
most
fire
th'
Execution
and
have
the
most
Pompe
.
They
shall
be
in
their
dignity
and
have
the
price
they
deserve
when
th'
End
is
gained
.
Let
him
not
then
be
shaken
at
what
the
world
shall
say
;
and
that
he
remember
the
Conduct
of
Fabius
Maximus
,
who
suffered
the
Roman
people
to
wond
his
Reputation
,
and
endured
the
bitings
of
that
Beast
with
many
heads
,
rather
then
quit
the
designe
he
had
framed
to
destroy
Hanniball
,
without
fighting
him
;
For
at
last
he
obtained
of
the
same
people
,
the
Sirname
of
most
Great
which
they
had
not
given
to
any
but
him
,
and
which
they
gave
not
to
any
other
Captaine
after
him
.
That
he
remember
th'
Answer
the
Prince
of
Parma
made
to
the
dead
King
,
when
he
sent
him
th'
offer
of
Battell
dureing
the
siege
of
Corbiell
;
That
his
Master
had
sent
him
into
France
to
relieve
Paris
,
and
t'
hinder
the
growth
of
Heresie
.
That
if
t'
attaine
that
End
he
found
,
That
the
best
and
quickest
Expedient
was
to
give
Battell
,
that
he
need
not
doubt
,
but
he
would
give
it
;
if
not
,
That
he
would
not
fight
at
the
will
of
his
Enemies
.
Th'
end
then
Crownes
the
work
and
whatsoever
a
Man
doth
of
Eminent
and
extraordinary
.
If
he
stay
in
the
way
,
all
that
will
not
produce
unto
him
but
an
imperfect
honour
,
and
an
Abortive
of
glory
.
What
served
the
gaining
of
four
Battells
by
our
Kings
against
the
protestants
;
to
have
spilt
so
much
French
and
stranger's
blood
;
and
lay
wast
so
many
Townes
and
provinces
for
that
Quarrell
,
since
that
Heresie
and
Rebellion
have
after
that
subsisted
?
Of
what
use
were
so
many
past
Expeditions
into
Italy
and
into
other
places
,
since
that
after
the
fairest
Entries
and
th'
happiest
Beginnings
in
the
world
;
The
victory
remained
to
our
enemies
.
From
thence
was
formed
that
opinion
which
had
its
course
amongst
other
people
,
and
which
latter
times
have
belied
,
That
nothing
was
to
be
feared
from
us
but
th'
Assault
and
first
heat
.
That
's
not
to
say
,
as
some
have
interpreted
it
,
That
we
are
more
then
men
at
the
beginning
of
Combats
,
and
lesse
then
women
at
th'
End
;
That
s
not
true
;
and
our
valour
hath
sometimes
,
a
continued
posture
and
equall
pursuit
,
and
sometimes
Accesses
and
Remissions
as
well
as
other
nations
.
But
't
is
true
,
that
ordinarily
in
the
Beginning
of
our
Enterprizes
,
we
bring
a
very
hot
Courage
,
and
a
Resolution
more
then
humane
,
but
a
little
after
we
abate
;
we
fall
into
languishment
and
defects
;
we
have
no
more
force
nor
breath
.
According
to
what
I
have
said
,
the
Truce
which
we
made
at
Carignan
,
and
which
was
so
ill
understood
of
the
greatest
part
of
the
world
deserves
a
particular
praise
;
since
it
gave
us
Meanes
t'
enlarge
our
Troops
,
and
to
take
away
the
Matter
of
the
plague
which
made
them
desolate
;
T'
assemble
new
forces
;
To
prepare
fara
Revictualling
of
Casal
,
and
to
deliver
that
place
which
was
the
nearest
End
of
the
warr
,
we
made
,
and
a
part
of
the
Generall
.
In
vaine
without
it
had
we
so
happily
begun
the
warr
and
raised
the
siege
of
Pignerol
at
the
face
of
three
Armies
and
of
four
great
Captaines
.
In
vaine
with
a
handfull
of
Men
should
we
have
defeated
so
many
enemies
at
Villana
,
and
overcome
th'
obstinate
Resistance
of
th'
old
Regiments
of
th'
Empire
;
and
in
vaine
should
we
have
fourced
at
Carignan
redoubles
of
three
halfe
Moons
,
and
beaten
those
brave
Spaniards
,
whose
number
of
fighters
was
know
by
the
dead
,
and
the
Prisoners
.
But
as
boldnesse
,
discipline
and
obdience
are
the
virtues
of
souldiers
;
Prudence
,
Conduct
,
and
constant
Meditation
of
the
Meanes
which
cause
the
victory
are
the
virtues
of
Captaines
,
and
Generalls
of
Armies
,
'T
is
with
these
Qualities
that
they
ought
to
distinguish
themselves
from
them
that
are
under
them
.
These
are
properly
the
forme
of
their
profession
;
They
do
constitute
the
difference
.
Courage
,
and
the
Contempt
of
death
are
not
,
to
speake
properly
,
but
the
body
and
the
Matter
;
and
ther
's
not
so
much
glory
for
a
Chief
to
go
to
blowes
,
t'
enter
upon
dangers
when
he
must
,
and
when
the
occasion
presseth
,
as
there
would
be
shame
Not
to
do
it
;
That
would
be
more
pardonable
in
a
single
souldier
,
whose
wounds
are
the
springs
of
proverty
and
misery
,
than
in
great
persons
to
whom
they
are
Characters
of
honour
,
and
the
seeds
of
Immortality
;
which
give
them
place
in
History
whose
markes
are
venerable
in
th'
eyes
of
a
Prince
,
and
in
th'
eyes
of
the
people
,
and
adorne
them
better
then
all
their
Ornaments
and
precious
stones
.
It
should
be
a
strange
thing
if
the
most
illustrious
profession
of
the
world
,
and
the
noblest
of
all
the
functions
of
life
,
which
is
that
of
Commanding
Armies
;
should
be
so
easie
,
as
that
there
were
no
more
to
do
then
to
run
to
death
and
to
castones
selfe
into
danger
to
make
him
Worthy
.
There
would
be
too
easie
a
bargaine
had
of
eternity
which
it
promiseth
,
and
the
Gladiators
might
more
lawfully
pretend
to
,
it
,
then
those
exalted
soules
which
prepare
themselves
for
it
with
great
Cares
:
who
make
the
boldnesse
of
Reason
to
descend
to
th'
heart
,
and
who
make
that
divine
part
,
the
principle
of
their
Conduct
,
and
of
all
their
Actions
.
If
Caesar
had
had
but
Courage
in
the
degree
he
had
it
,
and
that
violent
heat
that
gathers
about
th'
heart
at
the
sight
of
danger
;
He
had
not
effaced
the
glory
of
other
Romans
;
many
had
been
found
to
have
equalled
him
in
that
thing
,
and
Coriolanus
,
Capitolinus
,
Marcellus
,
and
Catiline
also
had
disputed
th'
Advantage
with
him
.
Courage
alone
had
not
rendered
Epaminondas
the
chiefe
person
of
Greece
;
and
Pelopidas
,
and
Leonidas
,
and
many
others
,
had
not
yeelded
unto
him
in
the
Resolution
of
dying
for
their
Country
.
Ferrant
Gonsalve
had
an
admirable
prudence
,
and
,
as
it
was
said
of
Epaminondas
,
That
it
was
not
known
which
of
two
Qualities
prevailed
most
in
him
,
Knowledge
or
Valour
.
For
my
part
I
make
it
a
question
whether
Epaminondas
was
the
greater
Captaine
or
Counsellour
,
whether
he
was
more
Capable
to
governe
an
Army
,
or
to
guide
a
Negotiation
;
And
more
proper
to
subdue
Men
or
gaine
them
.
And
to
speake
of
ours
;
Gaston
of
Foix
had
Courage
,
and
Good
sense
equally
raised
in
him
.
He
acted
at
least
as
much
with
the
last
as
with
th'
other
.
The
Command
of
th'
Army
of
Italy
against
that
of
the
League
was
given
him
,
not
as
to
the
most
Famous
,
but
as
to
the
most
Capable
,
and
he
did
not
so
much
sustaine
the
dignity
of
Generall
by
reason
of
the
splendor
of
his
Race
,
as
by
reason
of
the
Merit
of
his
person
.
I
will
give
you
two
examples
which
will
make
it
appeare
,
That
he
was
truly
in
all
senses
th'
Head
of
his
army
;
and
had
a
Wit
superiour
t'
all
them
that
obeyed
him
.
When
he
went
to
releeve
Bologna
,
he
manadged
that
designe
with
so
great
secresy
,
that
he
was
on
the
way
before
his
Army
doubted
it
,
and
was
within
it
before
his
Enemyes
knew
it
;
At
the
journey
of
Ravenna
he
alone
ordered
and
disposed
of
the
Battell
.
Of
three
bodies
which
composed
it
,
He
chose
not
one
of
them
to
command
.
He
reserved
onely
for
himselfe
a
Troop
of
voluntary
Gentlemen
to
be
free
,
and
to
charge
where
there
should
be
need
.
I
speake
not
of
his
eloquence
;
'T
is
sufficient
to
say
,
that
it
lives
yet
with
honour
in
history
;
and
hath
been
admired
of
strangers
,
and
of
them
also
who
esteem'd
us
Barbarous
.
It
must
be
confessed
that
that
Prince
at
th'
Age
of
22
years
wherein
he
died
was
a
compleat
Man
,
and
that
no
life
was
so
short
and
more
glorious
then
his
.
Th'
head
then
and
the
good
sense
are
more
necessary
for
a
Generall
of
an
Army
,
then
Armes
and
impetuosity
;
and
't
is
foresight
that
begets
the
victory
,
rather
then
courage
.
'T
is
study
,
Meditation
,
and
conference
which
ought
to
prepare
the
great
Person
whereof
I
speak
;
and
t
is
the
Practique
and
Experience
which
finish
and
compleat
them
.
For
that
reason
,
It
was
said
of
Epaminondas
,
that
never
man
knew
so
much
and
spake
so
little
.
'T
is
not
that
he
esteemed
silence
a
great
virtue
,
as
some
have
interpreted
,
nor
that
he
preferred
it
to
speech
conducted
by
good
sense
;
But
't
is
that
,
in
effect
,
he
alwayes
tumbled
up
and
down
some
great
designe
in
his
Braine
;
That
he
thought
of
raising
Thebes
of
humbling
Sparta
,
and
of
subduing
the
Grecian
people
,
which
to
his
time
had
been
invincible
.
How
excellent
Sr.
the
Cardinall
is
in
this
Matter
;
How
active
and
lively
his
Reason
is
;
how
infallible
and
just
his
providence
,
and
how
efficacious
the
disposition
of
his
Conduct
;
Le
ts
not
amuse
at
words
to
declare
it
,
and
let
's
lend
nothing
of
strange
to
a
truth
that
hath
no
need
of
it
;
le
ts
add
nothing
to
th'
effects
,
and
to
what
hath
been
touched
or
seen
but
a
naturall
Representation
;
let
's
leave
th'
Artifices
,
and
painting
for
moderate
Beauties
and
for
Common
virtues
.
For
this
effect
,
I
will
content
my selfe
to
speake
of
the
second
warre
of
Italy
,
wherein
he
particularly
presided
,
and
whereof
he
had
the
principall
government
under
th'
Auspicious
Planets
of
his
master
;
I
say
then
,
that
it
had
been
much
to
make
a
great
Army
subsist
in
Piedmoat
,
if
the
Country
had
been
favourable
to
us
,
if
abundance
had
been
in
all
places
,
and
in
a
season
when
the
passages
had
been
easie
to
us
.
But
to
make
it
live
in
th'
enemies
Country
,
and
where
all
men
and
all
things
were
Contrary
to
us
.
In
a
season
when
Barrennesse
was
in
France
,
and
provisions
were
to
passe
the
Mountaines
,
when
snows
were
at
th'
highest
;
It
must
be
acknowledged
that
it
belongs
not
to
a
vulgar
Providence
to
strike
such
stroakes
.
It
was
to
supply
by
his
Wit
and
Conduct
what
was
wanting
to
the
nature
of
things
.
And
the
Marquis
of
Spinola
who
never
thought
it
,
seemed
to
have
Reason
to
say
,
that
he
who
had
most
provisions
would
remaine
victorious
in
that
warr
.
He
believed
infallibly
t'
have
that
advantage
over
us
,
having
th'
Earth
,
and
Sea
for
him
,
knowing
that
our
Country
Men
are
enemies
t'orders
,
without
which
armies
suffer
in
the
midst
of
abundance
,
and
wherewith
they
subsist
intirely
in
the
midst
of
want
.
He
remembred
that
at
the
warr
of
Genes
,
th'
army
of
the
dead
Constable
was
vexed
with
hunger
though
it
was
small
.
Though
it
had
Piedmont
in
its
favour
and
made
warre
onely
for
th'
Interests
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
;
But
when
he
saw
,
that
we
resisted
those
great
incommodities
;
That
we
had
found
Remedies
against
those
evills
and
new
Inventions
to
carry
the
provisions
;
'T
is
then
he
confessed
the
French
had
changed
their
humours
,
or
at
least
that
the
sheep
were
the
same
,
but
governed
by
other
Shepheards
.
These
things
truly
are
great
,
and
have
been
worthy
of
admiration
from
our
enemies
and
of
them
wh'admire
not
much
but
themselves
.
But
they
are
not
neverthelesse
the
Master-peece
of
Sr.
the
Cardinals
industry
,
nor
the
great
effect
of
his
prudence
.
The
preparatives
for
the
release
of
Casal
are
a
peece
most
Illustrious
and
Magnificent
.
And
as
the
works
of
the
least
eize
are
more
ingenious
then
th'
other
,
and
that
't
is
more
difficult
for
an
artificer
to
make
a
work
of
a
small
volume
to
prosper
then
a
greater
.
In
like
manner
the
foresight
which
operates
much
in
little
time
,
and
in
a
short
intervall
displayes
a
very
large
Matter
;
is
of
a
price
,
and
Gonsideration
more
exalted
then
that
which
is
acted
at
great
leisure
,
which
hath
a
free
field
t'
extend
itselfe
,
which
hath
no
bounds
to
Constraine
it
,
and
which
is
not
oppressed
by
the
brevity
of
time
,
and
by
the
greatness
of
its
object
.
To
raise
thirty
thousand
men
in
lesse
then
six
weekes
;
Make
them
March
through
France
and
over
the
Mountaines
during
that
time
;
Give
order
for
all
necessaries
;
T'
enable
them
to
live
,
and
subsist
;
To
send
them
to
a
Country
spoiled
with
Contagion
,
and
into
places
where
the
plague
might
give
feare
to
them
,
that
did
not
feare
men
;
against
powerfull
Enemies
covered
with
Retrenchments
and
strong
holds
;
defended
by
a
castell
,
and
a
Town
;
In
a
time
when
the
disgrace
the
Venetians
received
at
Valese
,
ad
th'
unhappy
success
of
their
Armes
.
The
surprize
of
Mantova
which
had
somewhat
of
fatall
,
and
inimaginable
.
The
rendring
of
the
Town
and
Castell
of
Casall
;
had
put
all
our
friends
into
despaire
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
the
French
into
astonishment
.
Add
to
that
th'
Artifices
used
by
some
ill
Frenchmen
to
ruine
the
Kings
designes
and
th'
honour
of
France
.
The
traverses
they
raised
within
;
which
were
the
more
dangerous
that
they
were
secret
and
silent
,
and
resembled
the
Mines
,
which
make
them
leape
who
march
upon
them
without
suspition
or
defiance
.
And
what
was
most
fatall
and
of
ill
augury
the
Kings
sickness
and
the
despaire
of
his
recovery
.
This
sad
accident
which
might
alone
have
troubled
a
weaker
spirit
then
the
Cardinal's
,
for
th'
unhappy
State
of
our
affaires
,
and
of
our
Allyes
;
and
for
the
revolution
it
had
caused
in
the
generall
order
of
the
World
,
and
in
his
particular
fortune
.
That
this
black
Conjunction
and
so
many
Inconveniences
linked
together
did
not
disturbe
his
judgment
nor
abate
his
action
.
That
the
necessary
provisions
for
the
Releefe
fo
Casall
were
provided
.
That
Casall
was
relieved
;
If
th'
unhappinesse
of
this
time
permitted
me
to
speak
a
bold
truth
,
and
if
his
modesty
of
whom
I
speak
would
not
be
offended
,
I
would
say
that
since
Caesar's
time
the
world
hath
not
seen
a
stronger
Conduct
,
more
resolute
or
wiser
;
and
if
that
had
hapned
in
the
time
of
the
Common-wealth
of
Rome
or
of
old
Greece
,
that
it
had
been
one
of
the
fairest
Monuments
of
their
History
,
and
one
of
the
most
famous
Instances
of
their
policy
.
I
will
not
conceale
a
very
remarkable
Condition
in
the
Conduct
of
Sr.
the
Cardinal
.
'T
is
that
he
prepares
alwayes
,
if
he
be
not
hindered
,
meaner
which
seem
immeasurable
and
too
powerfull
to
produce
th'
End
which
he
proposeth
t'
himselfe
.
'T
is
properly
t'
employ
Excesse
t'hinder
defect
.
'T
is
to
part
very
early
not
to
faile
the
arrivall
at
the
journeyes
end
.
'T
is
t'
have
a
remainder
,
t'
avoid
having
too
little
'T
is
not
t'
act
singly
,
but
infallibly
.
'T
is
in
a
word
the
Country
Custome
of
th'
ordinary
humour
of
the
French
.
To
whom
th'
heat
of
temper
and
vivacity
of
imagination
alwayes
represent
th'
Enterprizes
more
easie
and
of
lesse
durance
they
they
are
in
effect
.
Moreover
the
preparations
they
make
are
ever
lesse
and
weaker
then
the
nature
of
th'
Enterprize
requires
,
according
also
to
the
proportions
they
have
imagined
,
and
according
to
the
Measure
of
their
apprehension
.
Wherefore
they
are
constrained
to
retire
in
the
midst
of
their
Course
,
and
all
things
faile
them
,
when
they
have
most
need
,
and
in
the
strength
of
th'
Affaire
.
This
indiscreet
proceeding
and
tumultuary
fashion
of
acting
hath
been
cause
of
infinite
evils
which
have
vexed
France
.
That
they
have
often
stirred
ill
humours
which
were
left
be
hind
without
purging
of
them
away
;
that
so
many
faire
Beginnings
we
have
had
in
the
warrs
,
had
not
'
answerable
ends
;
And
in
a
word
,
that
we
have
not
known
to
conserve
th'
advantages
we
had
gained
,
nor
keep
the
Conquests
which
we
had
made
.
Sr.
the
Cardinal
carried
himself
in
another
manner
and
kept
another
way
,
when
it
was
necessay
t'
force
th'
Alpes
,
and
to
break
the
Barricado's
,
which
opposed
the
safety
of
Casal
and
the
liberty
of
Italy
;
He
advised
the
King
to
march
thither
with
an
army
,
capable
to
subdue
all
Italy
,
and
to
passe
from
Suza
to
Ofrante
.
So
truly
the
Reputation
of
those
great
forces
,
did
impart
th'
effect
which
we
aimed
at
:
It
acted
farr
off
,
and
all
alone
;
it
began
't
overcome
so
soon
as
it
began
to
march
;
and
the
Spaniards
who
it
may
be
had
marched
to
meet
us
,
and
had
disputed
all
the
passages
with
us
,
if
we
had
been
weak
;
durst
not
attend
us
in
their
trenches
of
Casal
,
and
did
not
believe
that
there
was
safety
for
them
in
the
Castle
of
Milan
but
by
a
treaty
of
peace
.
This
served
to
pull
up
by
the
roots
the
Rebellion
of
Languedoc
and
to
lay
flat
a
Party
,
which
had
long
Rooting
in
this
Province
;
six
armies
were
seen
at
one
instant
to
be
drawn
out
against
them
;
and
that
division
of
Forces
which
took
away
the
springs
of
Reliefe
,
and
Communication
to
the
rebell-townes
.
In
short
the
Cardinal
knew
that
the
first
Maxime
of
warr
is
,
That
who
layes
out
most
,
layes
out
least
.
That
the
petty
frugalities
which
are
made
out
of
time
,
are
certaine
losses
of
what
is
advanced
,
that
't
is
not
to
sow
with
hope
to
gather
,
but
not
to
seem
to
do
nothing
;
and
that
they
who
give
such
covetous
Counsells
in
necessary
occasions
,
seek
not
so
much
the
good
of
th'
affaires
of
their
Master
,
as
not
to
lose
the
matter
of
doing
their
owne
businesse
.
The
End
.