Second
BOOK
.
First
Discourse
.
That
it
is
a
great
Misfortune
to
a
Prince
to
want
Power
to
make
Defence
against
th'
Assaults
of
a
Forein
Prince
,
and
thereby
to
depend
upon
the
Will
of
others
:
Which
is
confirmed
by
two
Examples
;
The
first
,
of
the
League
made
betwixt
the
Pope
,
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
Venetians
,
for
the
Relief
of
Cyprus
.
HAving
given
some
Advises
,
and
prepared
some
Directions
for
such
Princes
,
as
will
reliever
their
Allies
;
It
may
not
be
improper
,
t'
instruct
them
who
have
need
of
Relief
,
of
the
Manner
whereby
they
may
be
most
safely
Relieved
,
and
to
shew
them
the
dangerous
places
,
and
discover
th'
Ambushes
,
if
Fortune
casts
them
into
it
,
they
will
meet
with
in
that
way
.
T'handle
then
this
Matter
,
and
to
distribute
it
in
Order
,
I
say
,
That
although
a
Prince
ought
to
b'
Industrious
to
fortifie
himself
with
Alliances
,
and
t'interess
the
greatest
number
of
Powers
he
can
in
his
Conservation
;
'T
is
ever
an
ill
fortune
for
him
,
if
the
good
weal
of
his
Countries
,
and
the
Matter
of
his
Fortune
depends
upon
another
Mans
will
;
And
if
he
have
not
in
himself
,
and
in
his
Power
,
the
principle
of
his
safety
,
and
the
Revenge
of
Disgraces
;
If
that
fail
him
,
and
a
powerful
Enemy
assault
him
,
He
is
often
oppressed
before
his
Friends
put
themselves
into
a
posture
to
defend
Him
;
And
th'
Evil
hath
struck
its
stroak
,
before
his
Allies
are
resolved
to
go
to
fight
bis
Enemies
.
The
Reason
of
this
is
,
That
a
wise
Prince
ought
not
,
but
with
the
Latest
t'Embarque
in
a
War
,
or
expose
himself
with
precipitation
in
a
thing
that
hath
nothing
certain
but
th'
Expence
,
that
therein
is
to
be
made
,
and
whose
success
more
than
all
other
things
in
the
world
,
depends
upon
th'
incertainty
of
Fortune
,
and
upon
the
motions
of
other
Incident
Causes
.
Wherefore
he
must
ever
labour
to
divert
the
storm
with
Address
,
before
he
undertakes
to
break
it
by
Force
;
And
endeavour
timely
the
ways
of
Accommodation
,
and
that
the
Means
of
his
Intercession
and
Proposals
precede
the
Motion
of
his
Arms
;
And
when
all
this
shall
prove
unprofitable
,
and
that
the
gentle
Remedies
to
but
sharpen
th'
Evils
,
and
that
he
must
resolve
to
make
use
of
Extremes
;
There
is
much
way
to
be
gone
over
,
and
difficulties
to
be
overcome
,
before
arrival
there
,
many
things
are
to
be
furnished
and
fitted
before
Entry
●nto
the
Lists
,
and
beginning
of
the
Course
for
Contest
.
And
if
he
send
but
weak
Supplies
,
and
light
Refreshings
to
his
Friends
,
what
will
it
prove
but
an
impertinent
advance
,
and
a
lost
Expence
;
To
cast
a
few
drops
of
water
upon
a
great
fire
,
which
kindle
it
rather
than
put
it
out
;
Provoke
the
disease
,
rather
than
cure
the
sick
person
?
And
if
he
resolve
t'Arm
powerfully
,
and
to
raise
great
Forces
in
favour
of
his
Allies
,
but
will
not
do
it
without
taking
of
Sureties
and
Pawns
for
th
'others
faith
;
without
agreeing
upon
Re-embursment
,
and
without
many
other
Conditions
,
which
occasion
a
long
Contest
and
Debate
;
The
Prince
who
hath
th'
Enemy
upon
him
,
and
the
fire
in
his
Country
,
shall
perish
at
leisure
,
or
make
some
considerable
loss
:
But
th'
Assailant
makes
his
preparations
before-hand
,
and
in
silence
,
the
quickest
and
suddenest
Invasion
possibly
to
surprize
him
,
and
t'
oppress
him
,
before
he
can
know
it
,
or
can
be
Relieved
;
and
will
cause
all
sorts
of
Inventions
and
Engines
to
play
to
stop
or
subvert
the
Subventions
which
might
come
from
his
Allies
.
I
will
produce
,
for
the
clearing
and
confirmation
of
what
I
have
said
,
two
Illustrious
Examples
,
and
from
two
of
the
wisest
and
most
famous
Nations
of
Europe
,
in
th'
Art
of
the
Conduct
of
Negotiations
,
and
governing
of
Enterprizes
.
It
must
b'
endeavoured
by
th'
aid
of
the
Narratives
,
to
make
the
face
of
the
Discourse
cheerful
,
which
too
long
a
Reasoning
would
render
austere
,
and
to
divert
the
plunge
him
,
if
it
were
not
interrupted
.
The
first
Example
shall
be
taken
from
the
League
made
betwixt
Pius
the
5th
,
Philip
the
2d
,
and
the
Venetians
,
against
Selim
the
2d
,
who
had
assaulted
th'
Island
of
Cyprus
.
This
Evidence
is
to
be
given
to
the
Piety
of
Philip
,
that
he
did
not
expect
Solicitation
for
the
Relief
of
the
Venetians
in
this
occasion
,
and
that
he
offered
them
,
and
sent
them
his
Maritine
Forces
a
year
before
the
conclusion
of
the
League
;
But
what
was
done
in
the
pursute
of
it
,
brought
not
the
fruit
that
was
expected
;
The
Remedies
came
not
time
enough
,
and
the
Relief
was
prepared
,
with
so
great
Tediousnesse
,
and
Marched
so
slowly
,
That
Nicosia
was
lost
before
the
Spanish
and
Venetian
Forces
met
,
That
was
the
Capital
City
of
Cyprus
,
and
one
of
the
best
Fortifications
of
th'
East
.
As
the
Spaniards
put
not
to
Sea
,
but
with
the
Belief
to
secure
it
,
so
they
abated
of
their
Edge
,
when
they
knew
it
was
lost
;
And
though
in
the
beginning
,
they
'd
made
shew
t'
and
the
Venetians
in
Earnest
;
It
was
not
possible
,
after
that
losse
,
to
make
John
Adre
Doria
their
General
t'
advance
for
the
Relief
of
Famagoust
,
which
then
held
out
,
and
wherewith
,
if
it
had
been
Conserved
,
there
had
been
hopes
to
Recover
what
was
lost
,
and
to
retake
Nicosia
.
Though
this
was
so
,
yet
it
was
not
the
sole
Rigour
,
which
Doria
Exercised
towards
the
Venetians
,
nor
the
sole
Bitternesse
they
had
to
drink
from
his
Cup
,
during
the
time
of
th'
Expedition
;
whilst
th'
Armies
were
at
Sea
,
and
that
they
were
apparantly
to
march
for
mutual
Conservation
,
Hee
Commanded
his
Ships
apart
from
the
Venetians
,
and
marched
separately
,
To
be
free
from
Engagement
in
any
Enterprize
,
or
to
second
th'
heat
of
the
Republique
,
which
could
not
resolve
to
retire
without
some
undertaking
.
The
small
Designs
they
proposed
unto
him
,
he
rejected
,
as
unworthy
of
the
Forces
●e
Commanded
and
the
Reputation
of
th'
Army
.
In
the
great
and
difficult
Matters
,
He
would
not
Engage
by
Reason
of
the
small
Time
that
rested
to
finish
them
;
And
that
they
were
upon
the
Declination
of
Autumn
when
the
Tempests
are
frequent
in
the
Levant
Sea
,
and
Navigation
dangerous
.
So
that
two
fair-Armies
retired
without
doing
more
than
making
of
a
Noise
,
and
one
of
the
greatest
Preparations
that
hath
been
seen
upon
the
Sea
of
a
long
●ime
,
Acted
no
memorable
thing
,
but
in
producing
nothing
that
was
memorable
.
It
was
said
,
That
it
was
not
of
Kindness
but
of
Jealousie
,
That
Philip
so
freely
offered
his
Forces
to
the
Venetians
,
and
was
Enclined
to
that
Design
for
fear
,
lest
if
they
went
alone
to
dissipate
that
storm
,
and
to
resist
the
great
Powers
of
Selim
,
Their
Reputation
might
be
raised
to
some
Excess
,
and
make
them
Considerable
in
Christendome
,
and
particularly
in
Italy
,
beyond
what
was
expedient
for
the
Good
of
his
Affair
.
But
he
sought
a
Temper
of
Aid
,
which
was
impossible
for
him
to
find
,
and
as
his
Retentive
Spirit
and
distrustfull
humour
disposed
him
naturally
in
all
things
t'
allow
the
least
He
Could
to
hazard
,
In
this
Action
,
He
Endeavoured
to
gain
without
danger
of
loss
,
and
to
Defend
the
Venetians
in
declaring
only
a
desire
to
Conserve
them
,
and
t'
hinder
the
progress
of
the
Turk
by
the
sole
Reputation
of
his
Armes
,
and
by
the
single
Demonstration
of
his
Forces
.
But
this
Design
miscarrying
,
The
League
above
spoken
of
,
vvas
Concluded
the
following
year
,
though
it
vvas
not
without
much
Contest
and
Labour
,
The
violent
and
passionate
Endeavours
of
Pius
the
fifth
for
that
business
,
vvere
stronger
than
all
the
Difficulties
the
Spaniards
framed
,
and
all
th'
Inconveniences
vvhich
they
Caused
t'
Arise
.
A
little
stay
must
be
made
here
,
to
relate
the
proceedings
which
the
Spaniards
and
the
Venetians
had
there
,
and
to
represent
the
subtilties
and
stratagems
,
which
they
practised
mutually
in
the
war
of
Wit
;
It
being
the
subject
,
which
engaged
me
to
product
this
Example
,
and
what
hath
been
said
above
,
was
only
to
serve
it
for
passage
and
Avenue
.
They
were
then
eight
entire
Months
in
Contesting
upon
the
Conditions
of
the
Treaty
,
without
finding
an
End
of
them
;
Much
was
agitated
and
little
resolved
,
and
the
flow
and
Difficult
humour
of
the
Spaniards
furnished
alwaies
Matter
for
the
Lengthning
of
it
,
and
sometimes
Pretexts
for
the
Breaking
of
it
.
In
the
mean
Time
Famagousto
was
lost
;
Insolence
Encreased
in
the
Turk
with
the
Victory
;
And
th'
Irresolutions
the
Christians
Laboured
of
were
a
necessary
Argument
to
him
of
their
Fear
and
Weaknesse
.
And
yet
it
was
impossible
to
Joyn
spirits
,
which
had
such
different
Interests
and
such
Contrary
ends
,
as
the
Venetians
and
the
Spaniards
;
They
that
were
first
Exposed
to
the
Turks
Armes
,
and
upon
whom
the
greatest
weight
of
the
War
was
to
fall
,
prest
the
speedy
Quenching
of
the
Fire
;
But
the
Spaniards
more
remote
from
the
danger
,
had
not
so
great
a
desire
t'
expell
it
,
and
being
out
of
distance
to
be
suddenly
toucht
with
th'
evill
that
prest
the
Venetians
,
Endeavoured
only
to
be
delivered
of
another
Evill
,
The
Barbarian
Piracies
,
which
constantly
vexed
them
,
They
would
have
had
the
War
Carried
into
that
Country
for
to
represse
them
,
or
at
least
,
be
assured
,
that
it
should
be
done
hereafter
;
And
that
the
Venetians
and
they
should
Joyntly
endeavour
,
and
with
all
their
powers
,
to
force
from
the
Pirates
their
strong
holds
,
and
from
the
Turks
,
their
Harbours
for
their
Fleets
;
But
for
Accord
in
this
proposall
an
expedient
could
not
be
found
,
nor
security
offered
that
would
be
received
;
The
disposition
of
the
Venetians
was
suspected
by
them
,
and
they
were
diffident
of
such
an
interessed
Policy
as
theirs
;
and
believed
it
full
of
Artifices
and
Snares
;
And
as
they
who
have
Inclinations
for
deceit
,
have
alwayes
fear
of
being
deceived
,
They
feared
that
the
Venetians
being
in
th'
Haven
,
would
forget
who
Aided
them
thither
,
and
being
safe
from
the
Tempest
that
threatned
them
from
Constantinople
,
They
would
no
longer
think
of
the
Warr
at
Argieres
and
Thunis
,
nor
Continue
for
anothers
Interest
the
same
Expences
,
they
had
laid
out
upon
their
own
Interest
.
Th'
End
then
they
pursued
,
and
the
Mark
they
aimed
at
,
was
this
;
To
form
a
League
offensive
and
defensive
the
Pope
and
Venetians
;
That
this
League
should
be
perpetual
,
That
it
should
have
Forces
alwayes
at
Sea
,
and
that
the
Confederates
should
make
use
of
them
,
according
to
th'
Exigency
of
th'
Occasions
and
Necessity
of
their
Affairs
.
Thereupon
they
made
proposalls
,
as
Ridiculous
as
Magnificent
,
and
formed
upon
that
foundation
Designs
as
much
swollen
as
their
Courage
,
And
as
high
as
their
Hopes
;
They
desired
,
after
the
taking
of
Constantinople
,
and
Ruining
of
the
Turk
,
That
they
should
be
bound
to
make
War
to
the
King
of
Persia
;
To
destroy
Byserte
,
Thunis
,
and
Argieres
;
T'
Exterminate
the
Seriphes
from
Africa
,
and
to
pursue
in
all
places
Mahomets
Sect
with
Sword
and
Fire
,
and
to
pay
him
with
use
,
what
He
had
so
largely
borrowed
of
Christendome
;
They
did
after
these
Proposalls
made
,
raise
the
powers
of
their
Master
above
all
that
was
great
or
formidable
upon
Earth
,
and
Amplifie
his
Zeal
to
Religion
,
Exalt
his
prosperities
and
give
Wings
to
his
hopes
.
It
was
easie
to
be
seen
,
That
all
their
Proceedings
were
nothing
but
Illusion
and
Artifice
;
And
that
they
laboured
only
to
preserve
th'
Apparances
of
good
Christians
,
and
gain
Reputation
amongst
Credulous
Souls
and
Weak
spirits
,
who
are
ever
in
greater
Number
than
the
Wise
;
But
when
it
was
necessary
to
Come
to
the
Particular
Affair
,
and
to
the
Subject
for
which
they
were
met
,
The
Relief
of
Cyprus
;
There
was
nothing
so
Cold
,
as
they
;
nothing
less
Treatable
;
and
after
a
long
Debate
and
much
Circumlocution
about
th'
Affair
,
They
returned
alwaies
to
their
diversion
;
That
they
much
desired
a
League
,
and
that
all
Christendome
would
Unite
in
a
Common
Quarrel
;
That
Forces
should
be
Constantly
on
foot
to
Counterpoise
and
Check
the
Turkish
Forces
;
But
after
all
this
Discourse
,
they
desired
that
their
first
Proposalls
might
prevail
,
and
for
the
present
nothing
Undertaken
or
Assaulted
but
on
the
Coasts
of
Barbary
.
This
League
,
as
they
had
formed
it
,
secured
all
their
Estates
,
and
no
Design
was
ever
better
Contrived
for
them
,
nor
more
to
their
advantage
;
for
without
Hazard
of
any
thing
,
they
put
themselves
into
a
Condition
to
gain
much
;
They
reaped
without
sowing
,
and
contrary
to
th'
ordinary
disposition
of
the
things
of
this
World
,
their
advantages
Came
purely
to
them
,
and
without
any
Precedent
or
Subsequent
Evill
.
The
Levies
permitted
them
to
be
made
upon
the
Lands
of
th'
Ecclesiastiques
,
and
the
Croysades
the
Pope
granted
them
in
th'
Old
and
New
world
,
gave
them
means
to
prepare
a
Fleet
,
and
t'
Entertain
the
Ships
they
were
obliged
to
furnish
by
the
Conventions
of
the
League
;
They
made
no
new
Enemy
nor
new
War
,
They
Continued
only
what
they
ever
had
with
the
Turk
;
And
carrying
it
into
his
Countrey
they
held
it
by
Consequence
at
distance
with
theirs
,
as
they
had
done
their
Coasts
;
And
without
being
Constrained
to
Fortifie
with
Garrisons
and
Ships
,
They
became
free
from
th'
Invasions
of
the
Pyrates
,
whose
Aid
the
Turk
made
use
of
at
Sea
,
and
of
such
petty
Invasions
,
as
ruined
particular
persons
,
and
much
Incommodated
Trade
,
and
they
gained
a
great
Reputation
by
that
means
in
all
places
;
And
with
the
great
Forces
they
had
in
Readiness
to
pass
from
Italy
into
the
Low
Countreys
,
They
kept
all
their
Enemies
in
Check
,
and
rendred
themselves
formidable
from
Levant
to
the
Ponant
with
the
same
Forces
.
The
Condition
of
the
Venetians
was
very
different
from
theirs
,
and
the
present
State
of
their
Affairs
had
another
Colour
and
Face
;
They
had
an
Enemy
in
hand
,
whose
Friendship
they
were
careful
to
cherish
,
and
with
whom
they
could
not
b'
at
difference
without
great
losses
,
and
without
running
of
great
danger
;
They
were
exposed
,
as
it
hath
been
already
said
,
to
the
first
Impressions
of
his
Arms
,
and
to
the
first
strokes
of
the
Tempest
;
some
parts
of
their
States
by
Sea
,
were
at
distance
with
th
'others
,
and
they
could
not
relieve
them
but
at
great
charges
,
and
powerful
Fleets
;
Candy
alone
was
not
less
worthy
of
th'
Ambition
and
Fortune
of
Selim
,
than
the
Kingdom
of
Cyprus
,
and
that
Island
,
which
bridles
the
Archipelagus
,
and
is
the
Passage
,
by
which
the
Pirats
of
the
Ponant
ought
of
necessity
t'
enter
,
gives
him
as
great
cause
of
Jealousie
as
th'
other
,
and
no
less
desire
of
being
their
Master
;
And
the
nearness
of
the
Turk
to
Dalmatia
,
Esclavonia
,
and
Frioul
,
obliged
them
t'Arm
no
that
side
,
and
t'open
all
the
veins
of
their
Treasures
to
furnish
so
great
an
Expence
.
Notwithstanding
all
these
Considerations
,
and
all
these
difficulties
,
The
League
was
concluded
,
The
greater
Interest
over-swai'd
the
lesser
,
and
the
general
Afrights
,
which
threatned
Christendom
,
recollected
particular
Affections
,
which
had
been
estranged
under
a
common
design
of
Opposition
,
and
to
stop
the
Course
,
and
repress
the
Violence
of
their
Enemies
.
Since
it
hath
been
seen
in
the
things
which
have
preceded
the
Negotiation
of
the
League
now
represented
,
what
a
dangerous
Rock
,
and
fatal
Obstacle
it
is
,
to
a
Prince
in
trouble
,
to
depend
upon
another
to
get
out
:
It
may
not
be
unnecessary
t'
observe
also
the
same
Inconveniencies
,
and
the
same
Stone
of
offence
,
in
the
things
which
have
followed
the
Counclusion
of
that
League
.
When
the
League
then
was
signed
,
and
that
each
Confederate
in
the
signing
of
it
,
had
made
his
Reservation
,
as
't
is
the
custom
,
of
some
secret
Intention
,
and
some
particular
End
,
which
he
would
not
manifest
;
The
time
,
which
had
been
vainly
spent
in
Deliberation
,
was
redeemed
in
executing
their
Resolutions
.
The
Confederate
Forces
were
put
to
Sea
with
diligence
,
and
the
Turk
,
whom
prosperity
made
insolent
,
and
boasted
,
that
he
wished
nothing
more
to
Christians
,
than
the
courage
t'
attend
him
,
heard
that
our
Army
sought
him
;
In
the
mean
time
,
his
Army
moved
,
and
Selim
knowing
that
ours
drew
towards
his
,
would
meet
it
half
way
,
and
take
a
part
of
th'
advance
,
for
to
see
ours
,
and
to
fight
it
.
(
But
though
both
Armies
burnt
with
the
same
heat
,
and
desired
equally
th'
Encounter
,
't
is
a
remarkable
thing
,
that
both
of
them
were
equally
astonish'd
at
the
first
sight
;
so
true
it
is
,
that
Mansspirit
stays
not
long
in
the
same
station
;
That
the
Sight
of
an
Object
hath
another
effect
than
the
Thought
of
it
;
And
that
th'
Apprehension
of
a
danger
,
operates
diversly
,
according
to
the
nearness
or
remoteness
of
it
;
The
two
Generals
onely
,
Don
John
of
Austria
for
the
Christians
,
and
the
Bacha
Aly
for
the
Turks
,
felt
not
the
weight
and
chilness
,
which
had
seized
th'
Armies
;
And
they
resolved
to
fight
,
against
the
Judgment
almost
of
all
the
Chiefs
that
did
accompany
them
.
Don
John
of
Austria
was
violently
sollicited
by
the
Counsellors
of
Spain
that
were
with
him
,
not
t'
indanger
the
safety
of
all
Christendome
,
and
the
fourtune
of
his
Master
;
They
represented
unto
him
,
That
although
th'
Hazard
of
the
Battel
was
equal
,
the
Consequences
of
the
Victory
were
not
the
same
;
And
that
of
Forces
gathered
together
,
as
the
Christians
were
,
the
like
use
could
not
be
made
,
as
of
them
which
depended
upon
a
single
Prince
,
and
were
animated
with
the
same
Spirit
,
and
carried
on
with
the
same
Interest
,
as
those
of
the
Turk
:
But
he
,
whose
Soul
was
full
of
the
Representation
of
the
Glory
this
great
Action
promised
unto
him
,
and
of
th'
nopes
of
the
Victory
h'ought
to
gain
,
made
them
this
Generous
Answer
,
That
it
was
time
to
fight
,
and
not
to
deliberate
,
and
that
he
had
no
need
of
Reasonings
or
of
Counsel
for
that
End
,
but
of
Courage
and
Execution
.
Th'
Event
deceived
not
his
Expectation
;
Fortune
declared
for
the
Christians
,
and
the
Victory
they
gained
,
opened
the
vvay
for
them
to
fairer
Successes
,
if
the
Spaniards
had
not
Betrayed
them
:
But
they
had
done
enough
,
and
according
to
their
Intention
,
vvhich
vvas
,
to
prevent
the
Turk
from
making
any
nevv
Progress
upon
the
Christians
,
or
that
the
Venetians
should
at
their
Charges
repair
themselves
of
their
Spoils
,
and
be
revenged
of
their
Losses
.
●is
certain
,
that
if
Don
John
of
Austria
,
after
the
Battel
,
had
Advanced
,
in
stead
of
Retireing
,
and
had
entred
into
th'
Archipelagus
,
when
all
persons
were
afrighted
,
and
under
the
consternation
of
the
noise
of
than
great
and
happy
Event
,
H
'had
taken
those
Islands
without
Resistance
,
H
'had
shaken
the
Fortune
of
th'
Ottomans
,
and
Constatinople
might
have
seen
the
Crucifix
planted
in
the
places
,
where
the
Crescent
is
adored
;
And
Selim
having
lost
his
best
Maritine
Forces
in
the
Battel
of
Lepantha
,
and
the
Sieges
of
Nicosia
and
of
Pamagouste
having
spent
the
best
Men
of
his
Land-Soldiers
,
he
was
almost
void
of
Defence
,
and
his
Empire
remained
,
like
a
great
Body
that
shrunk
with
Weakness
,
and
wanting
Force
of
sustain
it self
,
and
to
bear
its
proper
Weight
,
falls
of
Necessity
,
so
soon
as
it
is
Jus●led
.
Second
Discourse
.
Of
th'
Unhappy
Condition
of
Small
Princes
.
IT
must
not
be
conceived
here
,
when
I
speak
in
the
precedent
Discourse
of
Perty
Princes
,
who
've
need
of
Relief
from
their
Allies
for
their
Conservation
,
and
in
pursuance
thereof
,
have
brought
th'
Example
of
the
Republick
of
Venice
;
That
I
did
intend
to
place
that
Common-wealth
absolutely
,
and
without
Relation
,
in
that
Rank
;
or
that
I
do
not
know
,
that
amongst
all
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
there
's
none
greater
,
or
whose
power
is
established
upon
more
solid
Foundations
,
and
upon
a
more
immovable
Bas●s
;
I
had
not
then
other
aspect
in
th'
Example
made
use
of
,
than
to
make
it
appear
,
That
't
is
a
hard
Chapter
,
and
sad
Necessity
,
to
whomsoever
it
happens
,
to
depend
upon
anothers
will
,
to
repel
a
violence
of
Fortune
,
and
to
resist
th'
Effort
of
an
Eenomy
,
who
being
Superiour
in
Forces
,
is
ever
carried
with
a
hotter
passion
to
Plunder
and
destroy
,
than
any
friend
can
be
to
Conserve
and
defend
;
That
at
the
best
,
there
is
so
much
time
to
be
lost
,
and
so
many
Rocks
to
pass
over
,
before
a
Conclusion
can
be
had
of
a
Treaty
,
that
't
is
a
wonder
,
if
in
the
mean
time
,
some
shipwrack
be
not
suffered
,
or
some
great
Loss
.
Moreover
,
though
the
Republick
of
Venice
bears
in
it self
much
greatness
,
and
from
all
times
,
hath
joyned
to
the
Truth
of
a
considerable
Power
,
the
Reputation
of
an
extraordinary
Wisdom
;
Nevertheless
,
't
is
true
,
That
opposing
it
to
the
Great
Signior
,
and
making
a
Parallel
with
that
proud
Dominator
of
Asia
,
of
Afrique
,
and
of
a
part
of
Europe
,
It
stands
obscured
,
and
therein
,
'T
is
to
compare
the
Course
of
a
little
Stream
to
the
Rapidity
of
a
great
River
.
A
word
more
,
since
It
will
not
be
impertinent
,
and
that
the
Thread
of
our
Discourse
leads
us
to
it
;
Of
the
Destiny
of
Princes
,
who
are
little
in
themselves
,
or
who
have
but
a
moderate
strength
;
'T
is
a
pitiful
thing
to
see
to
what
Necessity
the
Petty
Princes
are
reduced
to
maintain
themselves
,
and
to
how
many
Real
Evils
they
are
exposed
to
conserve
that
vain
Image
of
Liberty
,
and
that
sweet
Illusion
of
Soverain
Authority
that
doth
bewitch
them
.
In
Expences
,
they
consume
themselves
for
their
defence
,
and
almost
give
All
that
might
be
taken
from
them
,
that
Nothing
might
be
taken
from
them
;
They
are
obliged
t'
observe
all
the
Fancies
and
Motions
of
their
Enemies
and
Friends
;
And
if
they
subsist
,
't
is
not
by
their
Strength
,
because
they
have
none
,
but
by
their
Weakness
,
and
because
their
Countries
are
of
so
little
Concernment
,
that
they
beget
not
a
Desire
in
Ambitious
persons
,
nor
that
Justice
should
be
violated
in
the
Conquest
of
them
;
or
they
are
under
shelter
from
th'
Enterprises
of
th'
one
,
by
the
Jealousie
of
th'
other
,
and
preserve
their
Liberty
,
for
that
th'
Ambitious
hinder
one
another
to
ceize
upon
them
,
and
to
become
the
Masters
.
The
Petty
Republick
of
Ragousa
maintains
it self
,
by
the
Tribute
it
pays
to
the
Grand
signior
,
and
by
the
Presents
it
makes
to
the
Great
Persons
of
th'
House
of
Porta
,
and
th'
Insolence
of
the
Petty
Sangiacs
,
their
Neighbours
,
is
restrained
by
Mony
;
And
it
doth
Homage
to
the
King
of
Spain
to
be
free
from
disturbance
;
And
permits
,
what
may
please
the
Venetians
,
who
could
be
content
to
find
some
just
occasion
to
possess
themselves
of
it
,
if
they
durst
,
being
a
State
very
convenient
for
them
,
and
seared
in
the
midst
of
the
Gulf
,
whereof
they
call
themselves
Lords
;
And
it
would
make
their
Possession
and
Enjoyment
the
more
complete
and
firm
.
There
's
no
question
,
but
the
Duke
of
Florence
would
take
from
the
Republique
of
Luca
,
the
Liberty
and
Peace
it
enjoys
,
if
Spain
did
not
Support
and
Relieve
it
with
its
protection
,
which
is
not
given
but
sold
,
as
t'
all
th
'others
that
depend
upon
it
.
It
would
be
a
great
trouble
to
th'
House
of
Austria
,
if
that
State
should
fall
to
the
Mercy
of
a
Power
,
that
might
prove
too
great
by
this
Addition
,
after
it
had
been
made
considerable
;
And
would
recall
,
if
it
might
,
the
Bounties
,
as
it
boasts
,
laid
out
upon
it
,
or
retain
the
Recompences
,
as
th'
other
says
,
that
have
Rewarded
their
Service
;
What
had
become
of
Geneva
,
without
th'
Alliance
of
the
Suisses
,
and
without
the
Protection
of
France
?
Who
knows
not
how
often
the
Dukes
of
Savoy
have
resolved
t'
assault
it
with
open
Forces
,
upon
th'
hopes
of
promised
Spanish
Relief
,
when
they
were
Amity
with
it
,
and
with
th'
Holy
Chair
?
which
had
not
failed
,
if
they
'd
been
engaged
in
an
Enterprise
,
whose
Appearence
had
been
holy
,
and
Pretence
pious
;
And
how
often
also
(
Fortune
and
th'
Incounter
of
things
having
discomposed
their
Designes
,
and
sent
into
smoak
th'
hopes
of
those
Princes
)
have
they
formed
Conspiracies
,
and
prepared
secret
Parties
to
surprize
and
carry
that
place
?
That
if
they
now
believe
themselves
free
from
that
fear
during
the
Minority
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
under
its
particular
dependency
upon
France
;
and
if
the
Suisses
also
seem
to
them
a
stronger
Rampart
,
than
they
were
,
by
reason
of
the
present
Conjunction
,
which
renders
them
more
Considerable
to
them
,
from
whom
they
had
cause
to
fear
;
so
't
is
,
that
this
perpetual
Vicissitude
,
which
alters
human
Things
,
and
that
Incessant
Motion
,
wherewith
the
Wheel
of
Fortune
doth
turn
them
,
may
produce
such
a
Conjuncture
,
when
the
French
shall
not
have
the
Power
,
or
the
Will
to
protect
them
;
And
it
would
not
be
impossible
,
If
the
Revolution
,
which
hath
threatned
Germany
for
many
years
,
were
Ended
,
But
that
it
might
extend
to
the
Suisses
Country
,
which
is
the
Frontier
,
and
that
the
Catholick
Cantons
might
invade
the
Protestants
,
as
they
have
often
projected
;
And
make
by
consequence
the
Rampart
which
defends
Geneva
,
to
fall
on
the
Catholiques
side
.
How
much
safer
,
and
with
greater
advantage
,
might
some
of
these
petty
Princes
,
be
made
the
Government
rather
than
under
the
protection
of
a
great
Prince
?
And
might
they
not
be
happier
to
belong
to
a
powerful
Master
,
who
would
watch
for
their
safety
,
and
deliver
them
from
the
Fears
and
Expences
they
are
at
to
conserve
themselves
?
Their
Privileges
also
would
be
as
Entire
as
they
are
,
and
their
Liberty
greater
;
since
at
least
,
they
should
be
Healed
of
the
Passion
,
whereof
hath
been
lately
spoken
,
and
of
th'
Importunate
Pursutes
made
to
them
by
those
that
Receive
Pensions
to
Relieve
them
.
The
Princes
to
whom
they
shall
give
themselves
,
will
be
more
concerned
in
their
own
Interest
,
than
in
that
shall
depend
onely
upon
their
Crown
;
And
the
Breach
made
in
their
Country
,
if
it
should
be
lost
,
would
be
much
greater
by
th'
Interest
Reputation
,
than
if
they
lost
it
themselves
,
being
upon
their
Faith
,
and
charged
solely
with
their
defence
;
And
the
more
they
are
at
the
devotion
of
their
Friends
,
the
more
they
will
be
indulged
and
in
favour
of
their
Inhabitants
,
lest
,
they
should
be
perswaded
to
some
change
,
and
that
th'
easiness
of
shaking
off
the
Yoak
they
have
voluntarily
put
on
,
and
to
return
to
themselves
,
oblige
them
t'
undertake
it
.
But
Mans
condition
is
subject
to
so
much
Weakness
,
and
our
Reason
is
assaulted
with
so
many
Errors
,
that
not
onely
Particular
persons
,
but
whole
Companies
are
often
deceived
in
th'
Election
of
the
Good
that
is
most
proper
for
them
,
and
are
taken
with
the
Pomp
and
Apparences
,
rather
than
with
the
Solidity
and
Truth
of
things
;
Or
else
truly
,
the
Custome
they
've
practised
,
and
the
Course
exercised
in
some
kind
of
Life
,
and
in
some
form
of
Policy
,
is
so
strong
a
Band
,
and
so
powerful
a
Charm
for
them
,
who
are
taken
with
it
,
That
't
is
very
hard
for
them
t'
have
so
much
as
a
thought
to
break
and
destroy
;
Or
else
th'
Absolute
Power
and
Soveraign
Authority
,
are
things
so
dear
to
them
,
who
'njoy
them
,
That
there
's
no
Recompence
for
which
they
would
quit
them
,
and
they
had
rather
onely
possess
the
shadow
with
Notorious
Incommodities
,
than
to
live
in
th'
easiest
Dependency
,
and
in
the
most
commodious
Subjection
in
the
world
;
or
at
last
,
as
there
's
nothing
in
this
world
;
that
hath
not
two
faces
,
or
Good
,
without
Inconveniencies
;
so
,
though
these
Petty
Princes
are
very
sensible
of
the
perjudice
they
suffer
,
to
conserve
the
fancy
of
Soveraignty
they
Adore
,
the
Matters
of
Subjection
,
be
they
never
so
pleasant
,
appear
unto
them
more
insupportable
;
And
they
would
b'
afraid
,
to
worst
their
Condition
in
the
Changing
of
it
,
and
to
quit
a
known
and
Certain
Good
,
for
a
Doubtful
and
unknown
Good
;
And
exchange
Evils
,
which
the
Newness
would
make
Sharper
and
Heavier
,
for
Evils
,
whose
Custom
had
dulled
the
point
,
and
allai'd
the
bitterness
:
What
I
have
said
,
is
not
to
prepossess
the
thoughts
of
any
person
,
nor
to
perswade
,
what
a
man
hath
not
a
will
to
believe
,
but
onely
to
shew
one
of
the
faces
of
the
Medal
;
That
by
such
a
Representation
,
they
may
the
better
judge
of
th'
other
;
or
else
truly
they
may
take
it
for
a
game
of
Wit
,
and
for
an
exercise
of
Reasonings
,
which
is
void
of
Design
and
Consequence
.
As
to
Princes
,
who
have
but
a
Moderate
Power
,
as
the
Duke
of
Savoy
for
Example
,
There
's
no
question
but
the
Nearness
of
two
great
Crowns
,
betwixt
which
he
is
shut
,
is
his
Security
;
And
the
Jealousie
th'
one
hath
,
lest
th'
other
seize
upon
the
Dukes
Countries
,
and
take
away
that
Medium
and
Barrier
,
which
makes
betwixt
their
Territories
the
separation
,
sollicites
them
effectively
t'
hinder
the
Conquest
of
it
with
all
their
Forces
.
There
's
no
doubt
,
I
say
,
but
the
French
had
rather
have
that
Duke
for
their
Neighbour
,
than
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
that
the
Spaniards
would
not
bear
any
thing
with
more
impatience
,
than
to
see
the
Domination
of
the
French
extend
to
the
Dutchy
of
Milan
,
which
is
the
Basis
that
bears
the
rest
of
their
Countries
in
Italy
.
In
the
second
place
,
it
seems
a
happy
Fate
for
th'
House
of
Savoy
,
to
produce
such
excellent
Princes
for
Peace
and
War
;
And
that
Heaven
had
granted
them
High
Qualities
to
supply
,
what
it
hath
denied
them
of
Power
;
That
with
Wit
and
Courage
they
might
make
the
Counterpoise
to
the
Greatness
and
Powers
of
other
Princes
.
Add
,
that
th'
Alliances
of
Blood
,
which
they●ve
from
all
times
contracted
with
th'
one
of
the
two
Crowns
,
and
hath
been
desired
for
their
particular
Ends
,
have
much
relieved
them
in
time
of
Need
,
and
have
not
onely
served
t'
hinder
them
from
falling
,
but
to
raise
them
from
their
falls
.
And
speaking
freely
,
Though
the
Duke
of
Savoy
have
no
greater
wishes
to
make
than
for
the
good
Intelligence
of
those
two
Crowns
,
nor
any
thing
more
t'appre●end
than
their
Contests
,
when
they
do
fall
out
;
Th'
Ordinary
Law
of
the
Dukes
Interest
requires
,
That
being
unable
to
stand
Newtral
,
he
takes
part
with
the
French
,
and
they
ought
not
to
do
otherwise
,
unless
some
extraordinary
Conjuncture
of
Affairs
doth
exempt
them
from
it
,
without
running
Hazard
to
be
lost
,
and
overcome
with
the
Forces
of
a
great
Kingdom
,
before
Spain
hath
means
to
stop
th'
Inundation
,
and
to
divert
the
Spoils
;
whereof
,
there
are
so
many
Instances
,
that
no
person
can
make
a
question
of
it
.
And
not
to
speak
of
Savoy
,
which
may
be
taken
without
much
Resistance
,
and
where
there
is
but
one
Fort
which
may
be
made
useless
by
a
Block-house
that
may
almost
defend
it self
;
Who
knows
not
in
how
little
time
,
Charls
,
led
by
the
perswasion
of
his
wife
,
being
a
Portuguese
,
and
chained
to
the
fortune
of
Charls
the
Fifth
,
was
stripped
of
the
best
part
of
Piedmont
by
Francis
the
First
,
who
had
left
his
Posterity
in
their
shirts
,
if
the
Virtue
of
Philibert
his
son
,
who
defeated
us
at
St.
Quintins
,
and
th'
ill
Fortune
of
France
,
had
not
opened
by
a
Treaty
of
Peace
,
the
Gate
to
many
places
formerly
shut
unto
him
,
for
many
years
of
War
?
It
would
be
a
superfluous
thing
,
no
person
being
ignorant
of
it
,
To
speak
of
the
Conquest
the
late
King
made
of
all
Savoy
,
and
of
the
Progress
he
might
have
made
in
Piedmont
,
if
a
powerful
Conspiracy
that
formed
it self
in
th'
Heart
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
the
Reverence
He
bore
the
Pope
,
had
not
obliged
him
t'
hearken
to
the
Peace
presented
unto
him
from
th'
Holy
Chair
.
I
pass
also
in
silence
th'
Expeditons
of
the
King
in
Savoy
and
Piedmont
,
which
all
Europe
hath
seen
;
To
what
extremities
he
forced
the
late
Dukes
of
Savoy
,
in
view
of
the
Spanish
and
Imperial
Forces
,
and
in
despight
of
their
conjoyned
Armies
.
The
Dukes
of
Lorrain
are
not
much
different
in
Constitution
,
nor
less
obliged
in
Dependency
upon
th'
Interests
of
this
Kingdom
,
than
those
of
Savoy
.
That
if
the
present
Duke
Charls
had
well
understood
this
Truth
,
which
was
of
so
great
Importance
to
him
;
And
if
some
evil
Spirit
,
or
rather
some
evil
Counsellor
,
had
not
blinded
him
from
seeing
,
what
was
so
visible
and
so
full
of
Light
,
H'
had
not
suffered
,
as
H'
hath
done
;
H
'had
not
s
'
often
conspired
against
France
,
nor
quitted
the
Way
his
Predecessors
held
to
their
Happiness
,
to
cast
himself
upon
By-ways
,
which
have
made
him
wander
from
his
Interest
,
and
have
led
him
to
the
Precipice
wherein
he
is
now
fallen
;
At
least
,
if
he
had
maintained
Newtrality
betwixt
the
Princes
in
War
,
and
had
been
a
Spectator
of
the
Quarrel
,
without
being
a
Party
,
H'
had
been
in
esteem
of
both
sides
,
and
might
have
made
use
of
the
Fortune
of
both
Parties
,
and
his
Country
having
been
for
some
time
one
of
the
Theatres
of
the
War
,
had
not
been
one
of
the
fairest
Members
of
the
Kings
Conquests
,
and
one
of
the
principal
Pieces
of
his
Triumph
.
Third
Discourse
.
Wherein
the
Second
Example
is
brought
,
spoken
of
in
the
First
Discourse
,
to
shew
th'
Artifices
Princes
use
in
assaulting
of
Forein
Princes
,
t'hinder
their
Friends
to
Relieve
them
.
THe
second
Example
promised
in
the
First
Discourse
,
shall
be
taken
also
from
the
Republick
of
Venice
,
and
from
a
difference
had
with
th'
House
of
Austria
,
upon
the
Subject
of
the
Uscoques
.
I
will
now
give
the
whole
Picture
,
for
the
Curiosity
of
the
Reader
,
and
that
he
may
observe
the
more
distinctly
,
and
in
their
proper
places
,
the
Draughts
which
are
of
most
importance
for
my
design
,
and
deserve
a
serious
Pause
,
and
a
prudential
Reflection
.
'T
is
a
pleasure
to
see
in
the
Lists
two
famous
Combatants
upon
mutual
Trials
of
their
Skill
;
And
they
,
who
've
Inclinations
for
th'
Affairs
of
State
,
cannot
be
present
at
a
more
useful
sight
,
than
th'
Encounter
and
Justle
of
the
two
Powers
of
Spain
and
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
dextrous
in
th'
Art
of
Reigning
,
and
almost
equally
strong
in
Artifices
and
politique
Stratagems
;
Such
and
the
like
Observations
are
the
fruits
that
Ministers
of
State
,
in
Reading
of
History
,
ought
to
make
their
principal
Harvest
;
And
are
the
true
Lights
they
ought
to
be
furnished
with
to
guide
their
Conduct
,
and
to
clear
the
rich
Matter
,
whereof
their
Knowledge
ought
to
be
composed
to
make
up
their
Profession
.
The
Subject
then
of
this
Discourse
shall
be
the
disturbance
of
th'
Uscoques
,
which
gave
much
trouble
to
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
and
travers'd
it
by
the
most
sharp
and
intricate
Negotiation
,
it
ever
managed
;
And
determined
at
last
in
a
War
,
which
consumed
a
part
of
their
Treasure
,
and
caused
an
infinite
number
of
their
Men
to
perish
.
Take
the
beginning
and
progress
of
this
Affair
.
Th'
Adriatique
Sea
,
very
famous
in
Antiquity
for
the
great
Pyracies
exercised
in
it
,
was
rendred
by
the
care
of
the
Venetians
the
safest
Sea
of
the
World
;
It
was
a
protection
for
the
Ships
chased
by
the
Corsaires
,
and
for
the
safety
of
Navigation
upon
the
coasts
of
some
other
Princes
,
as
upon
the
Coasts
of
the
Republique
,
and
were
not
much
troubles
till
Soliman's
time
,
then
th'
Uscoques
did
violate
their
security
;
yet
they
were
quickly
suppressed
by
th'
Arms
of
the
Republique
,
which
by
the
Peace
made
with
Soliman
in
the
year
1639
,
was
obliged
to
clear
the
Gulf
from
Pyrats
,
and
to
repair
,
at
their
Charges
,
the
Dammages
,
the
Subjects
of
the
Grand
Signior
should
suffer
in
their
Navigation
upon
that
Sea
.
This
Calm
lasted
during
the
Time
of
th'
Emperour
Rodolphus
and
Mathias
,
and
of
th'
Archdukes
Ferdinand
and
Leopold
,
and
untill
some
of
th'
Uscoques
did
interrupt
it
,
and
the
Gulf
was
so
much
vexed
with
their
Violence
and
Robberies
,
That
they
extended
them
to
the
Republiques
Havens
,
and
in
one
of
them
Robbed
a
Galley
,
and
having
killed
all
the
persons
in
it
,
by
a
Barbarian
Inhumanity
of
the
New
World
,
did
Eat
th'
Heart
of
the
Captain
that
Commanded
it
.
These
Uscoques
are
a
sort
of
People
gathered
of
many
Nations
;
Croates
,
Hungarians
,
Esclavonians
,
and
banisht
persons
from
the
Republique
,
who
have
neither
Lands
nor
Industry
,
but
Live
and
Maintain
themselves
by
Rapines
and
Murders
,
And
whom
th'
Enormity
of
Crimes
,
and
the
Fear
of
Punishments
,
or
the
Lusts
of
an
Irregular
Life
,
Exempt
from
the
Bridle
of
Laws
and
Magistrates
,
have
cast
upon
a
violent
Association
,
and
into
a
bloody
Commerce
;
They
dwell
in
Esclavonia
,
otherwise
called
Venade
,
and
anciently
Liburnia
,
under
the
Mountain
Morlache
,
which
makes
a
part
of
that
,
which
is
called
the
Chain
of
the
World
;
their
principal
Habitation
and
Den
of
Theeves
,
are
the
Towns
of
Segna
and
the
Fortress
of
Serisa
,
which
was
taken
from
them
by
James
Zane
,
Governour
of
Dalmatia
.
They
're
Subjects
to
th'
Emperour
and
to
th'
Archduke
of
Grets
,
who
may
boast
of
Men
at
their
Command
,
born
only
to
d'
Evill
,
and
to
be
the
Flayl
of
other
Men
;
As
God
hath
under
the
Generality
of
his
Creatures
,
and
in
th'
extent
of
his
Empire
,
Devils
,
as
good
Angels
,
Thundrings
and
Lightnings
,
as
well
as
delectable
and
wholesome
Meteors
.
These
person
then
made
Incursions
upon
th'
Adriatique
Sea
,
and
though
the
pretence
of
their
Robberies
,
was
to
make
War
to
the
Turk
,
and
as
good
Subjects
,
they
Armed
themselves
with
that
fair
Colour
,
which
is
so
familiar
with
their
Masters
;
yet
they
did
not
forbear
to
Rob
and
put
Christians
to
Ransome
,
and
above
all
Men
,
the
Venetians
,
as
the
Turks
.
And
the
Banner
of
St.
Mark
,
was
not
more
Inviolable
to
them
,
than
th'
half
Moon
of
Constantinople
.
Their
Inroads
and
Invasions
stopped
not
at
Sea
;
They
Landed
often
,
and
passing
by
the
Lands
of
the
Republique
forced
into
the
Grand
Signiours
Countries
,
from
whence
they
took
all
they
could
carry
away
,
and
returned
Loaden
with
spoyls
,
whereof
the
Richest
and
most
Precious
were
the
Booty
of
the
Officers
of
th'
Empire
,
and
of
th'
Archdukes
;
Besides
the
Duties
belonging
to
th'
Admiralty
,
which
they
paid
,
as
't
is
the
Custome
of
Protected
Pyrates
,
better
than
any
people
of
the
World
.
There
was
no
need
of
this
occasion
,
to
put
the
Turk
into
an
ill
humour
against
the
Venetians
,
and
t'
Heat
the
Blood
of
those
Avaritious
Souls
,
who
do
not
use
to
suffer
Losses
from
their
Christian
Neighbours
,
but
are
in
perpetual
Avarice
to
draw
Tributes
,
or
to
take
somewhat
from
them
;
Quick
expression
were
made
of
it
to
the
Republique
,
and
their
Resentments
were
accompanied
with
sharp
Complaints
and
Threatnings
of
Revenge
,
if
they
did
not
speedily
remedy
the
disorder
,
and
cause
that
evill
to
cease
which
increased
dayly
,
and
strengthned
by
their
Connivence
.
This
was
the
Read
Design
of
the
Princes
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
chiefly
of
the
Spaniards
,
who
endeavoured
to
raise
an
ill
understanding
betwixt
the
Vanetian
and
the
Grand
Signior
,
and
to
put
them
into
disorder
;
That
the
Necessity
of
their
Relief
,
if
the
Turk
broke
with
the
Republique
,
might
take
away
their
desire
of
Crossing
them
in
the
Plot
they
had
laid
t'
oppress
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
But
the
Republiques
Dexterity
,
which
is
as
great
as
the
World
conceives
it
,
and
the
Credit
they
had
at
the
Porte
which
was
not
small
,
frustrated
the
Spaniards
of
their
projected
success
;
The
Knowledge
the
Turks
had
of
this
Artifice
,
allayed
th'
Heat
which
began
t'
inflame
them
,
and
retained
Patience
and
Moderation
in
the
Bounds
which
are
not
natural
unto
them
.
The
like
Accident
hapned
during
the
disorder
of
th'
Interdict
,
and
a
design
drawn
from
the
same
Idea
,
and
Cast
in
the
same
Mould
,
and
had
an
End
very
like
it
,
and
fell
away
in
the
same
Manner
,
whilst
th'
ill
Intelligence
betwixt
the
Pope
and
the
Venetians
was
much
inflamed
,
and
that
Matters
of
all
sides
enclined
visibly
to
a
breach
.
The
Spaniards
sent
the
Marquis
of
St.
Cross
with
forty
Gallies
into
Albana
,
who
took
and
plundered
Duras
a
Town
belonging
to
the
Turk
,
and
of
some
Reputation
in
that
Province
,
Their
intention
was
not
t'
Incommodate
the
Grand
Signior
by
the
Taking
of
a
Place
where
they
had
no
Hold
,
and
could
not
take
Root
,
They
prentended
only
t'
awaken
by
that
Enterprize
the
proud
Enemy
,
and
t'
oblige
him
to
Revenge
that
affront
,
which
could
not
be
executed
,
but
part
of
the
Burthen
of
the
War
must
fall
upon
the
Venetians
,
and
that
their
Countries
would
make
out
the
first
Scean
where
th'
Ensigns
of
the
Turks
Armes
would
be
displayed
,
or
at
least
,
that
they
would
pass
by
their
Gulf
t'
assault
the
Coasts
of
Naples
,
which
would
give
a
great
Cause
of
Jealousie
,
and
of
Expence
to
the
Venetians
;
but
the
Grand
Signior
having
given
vent
to
the
Mine
,
no
prejudice
fell
upon
them
against
whom
it
was
prepared
;
But
instead
of
assaulting
the
States
of
the
Republique
,
He
sent
t'offer
them
his
Forces
against
the
Spaniards
and
the
Pope
,
and
Commanded
Glassar
Bassa
with
five
and
fifty
Gallies
t'
Advance
towards
Gomonicics
near
Corfu
,
to
Joyn
with
the
General
Paschaligo
as
often
as
it
should
please
the
Venetians
,
who
had
not
the
Will
or
the
Necessity
to
make
use
of
a
Remedy
,
whose
Operation
was
most
Dangerous
,
or
t'
enter
into
a
Society
wherein
there
was
for
them
but
a
little
Hope
,
and
much
Fear
.
Le
ts
return
to
our
Subject
,
The
Republique
seeing
that
th'
Affairs
of
th'
Uscoques
required
a
prompt
Remedy
,
and
that
from
that
Root
might
bud
,
if
it
were
not
timely
Cut
off
,
some
great
Accident
to
their
prejudice
,
put
themselves
into
a
posture
to
Repress
it
;
for
that
purpose
it
tryed
first
,
as
't
is
their
Custome
,
the
way
of
Negotiation
and
Endeavours
,
before
their
Taking
up
of
Armes
;
but
in
all
their
Transactions
they
received
Words
only
without
Effect
,
and
perpetual
Changes
were
given
them
,
studied
Invasions
,
and
disguised
Deceits
,
and
no
Proceeding
was
ever
more
Oblique
,
more
Empty
,
and
more
Irresolute
than
what
was
practised
upon
them
.
When
the
Republique
solicited
th'
emperour
to
suppress
th'
Attempts
of
th'
Uscoques
,
and
to
divert
their
violences
,
they
were
remitted
to
th'
Archdukes
as
Governours
of
the
Countrey
where
th'
Uscoques
dwelt
;
when
they
repaired
to
th'
Archdukes
for
the
same
effect
,
They
answered
,
that
it
belonged
to
th'
Emperour
,
as
Soveraign
,
to
provide
against
it
,
and
not
to
them
,
who
had
but
a
subaltern
power
;
when
they
had
brought
their
Answers
together
,
and
put
them
in
a
condition
to
make
no
further
use
of
Collusion
and
Deceipts
,
They
said
,
that
th'
Affair
would
be
best
determined
in
a
Dyet
of
Hungary
,
which
should
be
called
,
because
the
place
of
th'
Uscoques
Dwellings
were
dependent
,
and
a
Feife
of
that
Kingdome
;
Sometimes
they
protested
,
that
it
dit
not
belong
to
them
to
receive
Immediate
Addresses
,
but
to
the
Count
Sosimo
and
to
Frangipani
as
to
the
particular
Lords
of
those
places
;
That
Order
was
to
b'
observed
,
and
the
Degrees
of
inferiour
Jurisdictions
tryed
before
Address
could
be
made
to
the
Supreme
Authority
.
But
after
many
Evasions
and
Windings
,
wherewith
the
Republique
was
delayed
;
It
declared
,
that
their
Patience
was
abused
,
&
that
it
would
assume
the
Right
of
a
Soveraign
,
and
take
Reason
of
them
,
who
'd
refused
it
.
Agents
were
sent
unto
them
in
the
Name
of
th'
Emperour
and
of
the
Catholique
King
,
who
promised
that
satisfaction
should
be
given
them
,
and
that
Complaints
should
be
removed
.
But
all
their
proffers
proving
to
be
Wind
,
and
Vain
and
hollow
promises
,
and
the
Republique
having
been
long
and
too
often
Cheated
by
them
,
and
preparing
in
Earnest
to
Carry
by
Force
,
what
they
could
not
Gaine
by
'ntreaty
,
Comissaries
were
sent
upon
the
places
,
who
Banished
or
put
to
Death
some
of
the
Meanest
and
Least
Culpable
of
th'
Uscoques
,
Touched
not
upon
the
Chiefs
,
or
upon
th'
other
most
Considerable
Members
,
But
Cut
off
some
Light
and
Unprofitable
Branches
of
Evill
,
and
left
entire
the
Body
and
th'
other
parts
of
the
Tree
.
And
so
the
Disorder
being
rather
Pruned
than
Rooted
up
by
this
Proceeding
,
sprouted
more
freely
than
before
;
And
resembled
to
the
waters
of
a
stopped
Torrent
,
which
over-flows
with
the
greater
Impetuosity
and
Ruine
,
Th'
obstacle
which
held
them
in
being
taken
away
,
that
when
the
Waters
run
at
Liberty
,
and
their
force
not
provoked
by
the
Restraint
.
There
's
cause
of
Astonishment
in
the
Number
of
Treaties
,
which
were
had
upon
that
dispute
,
as
of
the
success
,
and
as
it
were
of
the
destiny
of
those
Treaties
,
whereof
not
one
was
Executed
,
and
that
all
of
them
vanished
into
smoak
.
There
was
a
Treaty
at
Ratisbone
,
at
Lints
,
at
Pragne
,
and
principally
at
Vienna
of
the
12.
of
May
1612.
By
which
it
was
Agreed
that
th'
Archduke
Ferdinand
should
Clear
th'
Adriatique
Sea
of
Pyracies
,
and
t'
hinder
them
of
Segna
to
Rob
on
that
Sea
;
But
th'
hour
of
Execution
on
was
deferred
,
and
the
Spaniards
had
use
of
the
Continuance
of
th'
Evill
,
and
that
the
Republique
should
be
diverted
out
of
Italy
;
That
it
might
not
be
forward
to
look
after
the
Spanish
proceedings
in
Piedmont
,
and
give
less
Heat
to
th'
Affairs
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
All
the
Commissioners
sent
t'
execute
the
Treaties
,
fell
sick
on
the
way
,
and
were
recalled
by
an
affected
pretext
;
And
some
Accident
ever
Intervened
,
which
Disappointed
the
Republique
of
th'
Hopes
,
wherewith
it
was
so
long
fed
,
and
made
to
know
that
Nothing
but
●ron
could
cure
th'
Ulcer
which
had
Eaten
to
the
bone
,
and
festred
by
their
Connivence
.
This
made
the
Republique
to
resolve
upon
a
War
against
th'
Archduke
Ferdinand
,
and
t'hinder
th'
evill
from
streaming
any
further
to
fight
in
the
Spring
;
for
this
purpose
,
they
commanded
Gradisque
to
be
besieged
,
and
spared
neither
Money
nor
Men
to
Recover
that
place
,
which
had
been
built
against
th'
Invasion
of
the
Barbarians
in
Istria
,
and
opened
them
the
Way
to
the
Conquest
of
Goritia
.
The
Republique
with
these
two
places
,
as
with
a
stretched
Chain
,
had
shut
up
the
passage
to
the
German
Troops
,
which
might
have
descended
into
the
German
Troops
,
which
might
have
descended
into
the
Friol
by
the
Mountains
of
Carso
,
and
by
the
River
of
Lizonso
.
This
conveniency
was
of
great
Importance
to
the
Venetians
,
and
th'
opportunity
of
putting
a
powerfull
Bar
betwixt
the
German
Territories
and
theirs
,
whereof
they
have
alwaies
Apprehended
th'
Inundation
,
gave
occasions
to
some
,
to
say
,
vvho
measure
alwaies
the
Designs
of
another
,
by
their
own
Rule
,
and
know
no
other
Law
t'
Act
by
but
their
Profit
,
That
the
Proceedings
of
th'
Uscoques
,
were
but
the
Pretext
of
that
War
,
and
that
the
Conquest
of
these
two
places
was
the
Cause
.
But
they
who
Consider
the
pressing
Interest
the
Republique
had
to
repress
th'
Attempts
of
th'
Uscoques
,
and
the
perillous
Consequences
which
would
arise
to
their
prejudice
by
a
longer
Patience
,
will
easily
judge
that
they
could
not
do
less
;
And
that
in
case
their
Conduct
was
to
be
blamed
,
It
was
for
too
much
flowness
and
flegm
,
and
by
discovering
too
great
an
Insensibility
,
which
emboldned
th'
Insolence
of
their
Enemies
,
and
encreased
th'
out-rages
that
were
Acted
against
them
.
This
is
not
the
proper
place
of
reporting
the
progress
of
that
War
,
or
the
different
faces
that
Fortune
shewed
,
sometimes
in
favour
of
th'
Archdukes
,
and
sometimes
in
savour
of
the
Venetians
,
and
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
to
represent
the
various
Means
wherewith
two
powerfull
Princes
,
as
hath
been
said
,
in
Artifices
,
and
politique
Prudence
,
made
War
,
and
the
Mines
and
Counter-mines
wherewith
they
mutually
assaulted
and
defended
themselves
.
The
Breach
made
betwixt
the
Venetians
and
th'
Archdukes
,
and
the
War
growing
Hot
on
both
sides
,
The
Duke
of
Ossona
,
whose
humour
was
naturally
troublesome
,
and
who
,
as
the
Natural
Heat
cleaves
to
the
Radical
Humidity
,
when
outward
Aliment
fails
;
not
finding
abroad
Matter
enough
for
disturb●nce
,
raised
it
in
the
Countries
of
his
Master
,
which
was
the
cause
of
his
Ruine
.
The
Duke
of
Ossona
,
I
say
,
notwithstanding
the
Continuation
of
the
Peace
with
Spain
;
Armes
at
Sea
to
Trouble
the
Republique
;
Scoures
the
Gulf
under
the
conduct
of
Alonzo
Rivera
,
takes
away
Ships
,
and
to
be
in
a
posture
in
case
of
necessity
to
be
disavowed
,
and
by
an
Artifice
worthy
of
the
Spanish
spirit
,
sets
forth
this
Fleet
under
his
own
Ensigns
;
But
th'
affairs
growing
by
time
more
and
more
grievous
,
and
th'
Animosity
of
the
Parties
becoming
stronger
by
the
various
accidents
,
which
the
War
daily
produced
;
He
displayed
the
Royal
Ensigns
,
and
by
a
Novelty
of
latter
Times
,
and
unknown
to
former
Ages
,
makes
War
without
declaring
of
it
,
or
confessing
it
to
be
made
.
That
all
this
was
done
,
It
was
said
,
by
form
of
diversion
,
and
t'
exchange
it
with
the
Venetians
,
who
fomented
underhand
,
as
it
hath
been
reported
else-where
,
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
and
paid
him
every
Month
a
certain
sum
of
Mony
to
maintain
the
War
on
Piedmont
side
;
And
that
the
Spaniards
being
exercised
by
that
Prince
,
might
not
touch
upon
their
Frontiers
,
unfurnished
of
old
Soldiers
,
and
provided
onely
of
Men
,
who
served
to
make
up
the
Number
,
as
the
Militiaes
of
Italy
.
The
danger
on
the
Land-side
,
which
vexed
the
Venetians
more
than
the
Spanish
Enterprises
at
Sea
;
And
the
Jealousie
of
conserving
their
Campagnia
,
wherein
they
are
more
sollicitous
than
any
Persons
of
the
world
,
occasioned
,
that
they
resolved
to
cause
some
form
of
Accommodation
to
be
proposed
in
Spain
,
betwixt
th'
Arch-dukes
and
themselves
;
And
to
comprehend
also
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
with
whom
they
were
in
society
of
Interests
,
and
in
some
sort
in
community
of
Fortune
.
It
was
t'
oblige
the
Catholique
King
upon
the
deference
,
not
t'
undertake
upon
their
Estates
,
and
not
to
treat
them
as
Enemies
,
who
had
chosen
him
Arbiter
of
their
differences
,
and
committed
their
affairs
so
freely
unto
him
.
This
Proceeding
might
have
sweetned
the
Courage
of
the
Spaniards
,
it
they
had
been
as
Magnanimous
as
Proud
,
and
allai'd
th'
Indignation
they
had
conceived
against
the
Venetians
,
by
reason
of
the
War
they
made
to
the
Arch-dukes
,
and
the
secret
Aid
they
gave
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
But
in
stead
of
softning
the
Spaniards
by
this
great
Respect
which
was
offered
them
,
and
abating
of
their
Animosity
,
by
a
Submission
that
did
them
so
much
honour
;
They
'
xpressed
the
greater
difficulty
,
and
resisted
the
more
t'
hear
of
any
Accord
.
They
were
Exalted
the
more
for
th'
Humility
of
the
Venetians
,
and
taking
them
for
Persons
that
wanted
Courage
or
Power
,
they
handled
them
with
Reproaches
and
Threatnings
,
they
seemed
without
doubt
the
more
Froward
to
be
the
more
Entreated
;
They
believed
to
find
less
resistance
in
making
the
Conditions
of
the
Treaty
,
by
th'
Indisposition
they
shewed
in
Intermedling
in
th'
Accommodation
,
and
conceived
,
that
they
who
were
in
the
dirt
,
would
think
themselves
happy
to
be
delivered
,
though
they
were
rudely
drawn
out
,
and
that
there
was
not
a
Haven
too
Incommodious
to
them
,
who
were
secured
from
shipwrack
.
But
they
were
deceived
,
for
th'
affairs
of
the
Republique
were
not
then
so
desperate
,
as
to
repair
to
dishonorable
Means
t'
establish
it
,
and
it
never
fell
into
such
desperate
disgraces
,
but
that
it
was
always
in
power
to
rise
again
with
honour
.
That
the
Spaniards
in
effect
;
were
more
reserved
than
th'
had
been
,
t'
offend
the
Venetians
,
and
that
they
did
not
violate
on
the
Land-side
the
Peace
th'
had
made
with
them
,
were
the
things
th'
effected
,
and
the
principal
Intention
and
Design
of
the
Venetians
.
The
Proposition
of
th'
Accommodation
being
abortive
at
Madril
,
and
th'
humour
of
the
Spaniards
and
of
the
Venetians
Incompatible
for
that
time
;
The
differences
were
remitted
to
Rome
,
where
the
difficulties
which
interrupted
the
Peace
were
no
more
taken
away
than
in
Spain
;
for
,
as
the
Pope
was
suspected
of
passion
in
savour
of
the
Spaniards
;
and
that
in
th'
Affair
then
acted
,
there
were
some
also
who
believed
,
That
the
Pope
was
not
dextrous
enough
to
manage
it
,
and
would
not
willingly
give
others
the
glory
to
determine
it
;
So
th'
Inclinations
of
their
Ministers
of
State
in
Italy
,
were
too
strongly
carried
to
War
,
that
produced
a
present
and
certain
Profit
,
which
they
had
not
in
time
of
Peace
,
Accompani'd
with
th'
hopes
of
some
famous
Success
,
which
would
have
rendred
their
Administration
remarkable
.
And
they
endeavoured
still
to
gain
Time
,
and
the
Game
was
plaid
till
the
Spanish
Arms
had
gained
Reputation
in
the
taking
of
Verecil
;
And
the
fears
the
Venetians
had
,
that
the
Spaniards
would
not
be
restrained
in
the
Frontiers
of
the
Mildnois
,
but
over-run
their
Country
,
being
by
that
Accident
Encreased
,
They
re-took
the
Paths
they
had
quitted
in
relation
to
Spain
,
and
to
replay
their
old
Piece
,
but
much
better
adjusted
,
and
with
more
Colour
,
to
desire
a
Conclusion
than
they
had
done
the
first
Time
.
The
Spaniards
also
gave
over
their
Subtilties
&
Rodomontadoes
;
The
Duke
of
Lerma
,
a
Person
of
a
pacifique
humour
,
and
who
had
long
sought
for
some
specious
way
to
get
off
with
honour
from
the
War
of
Italy
,
embraced
the
Conjuncture
;
It
could
not
be
more
advantagious
to
th'
Affairs
of
his
Master
,
because
the
Peace
came
after
the
Victory
,
nor
more
favourable
to
his
particular
Affairs
,
because
by
that
Means
he
discharged
Don
Pedro
of
Toledo
from
the
command
of
th'
Army
,
who
was
of
a
contrary
faction
,
and
began
to
lessen
the
Dukes
Cabinet
power
,
wherein
th'
other
was
in
his
proper
Sphere
,
by
the
glory
of
his
Actions
done
in
the
Field
.
He
receives
then
with
great
Approbation
the
Proposals
of
the
Venetians
,
promiseth
to
remember
th'
honour
they
did
his
Master
,
by
the
most
profitable
and
most
honorable
Conditions
he
could
procure
them
,
and
no
Treaty
ever
had
th'
Apparance
of
a
more
certain
Conclusion
that
this
.
But
as
Tempests
are
not
more
frequent
at
Sea
,
than
Revolutions
at
War
,
and
that
the
Constitution
of
Piedmont
had
that
in
particular
in
it
,
As
t'
observe
the
form
of
the
French
Government
,
and
was
dependent
upon
th'
Inconstancy
and
Changes
of
a
Court
,
which
at
that
time
was
more
Changeable
and
Uncertain
than
ever
;
It
hapned
,
that
the
Marshal
of
Anore
,
a
passionate
friend
for
the
Spaniards
,
and
a
great
Promoter
of
their
Interests
being
suddenly
killed
;
And
the
Spring
he
held
shut
up
of
the
principal
Reliefs
,
which
ought
t'
have
passed
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
being
opened
by
his
death
;
such
great
numbers
of
French
passed
into
Piedmont
,
That
the
Duke
found
himself
in
a
condition
to
make
his
Enemies
Army
to
quit
the
Field
,
which
the
Siege
of
Verceil
had
much
difordered
;
That
by
taking
of
many
Towns
,
he
took
from
them
the
Remainders
of
their
Army
;
That
he
was
ready
to
force
into
the
Milanois
;
and
that
't
was
in
his
power
to
give
fear
to
the
City
of
Milan
,
if
the
course
of
the
Victory
had
not
been
interrupted
from
France
,
and
the
Thunder
restrained
that
was
ready
to
break
out
on
the
Spaniards
;
And
Fortune
that
had
ill
used
the
Venetians
before
Gradisque
,
began
to
declare
in
their
favour
,
and
a
glorious
Re-enforcement
of
Hollanders
,
under
the
conduct
of
Count
John
of
Nassau
,
promised
them
an
happy
success
,
and
quick
Reducement
of
that
place
,
which
had
cost
them
great
sums
of
Mony
,
and
much
Forein
and
Intestine
Blood
.
In
this
Change
of
fortune
,
and
in
this
new
face
of
Affairs
,
the
Venetians
changed
proceedings
in
relation
to
the
Spaniards
,
and
took
off
the
Masque
under
which
they
then
concealed
their
Intentions
,
which
never
were
,
That
the
Spaniards
,
so
powerful
and
formidable
in
Italy
,
by
reason
of
th'
Estates
they
there
possessed
,
should
become
the
Judges
of
the
Quarrels
there
rais'd
,
and
add
to
the
Powers
they
had
in
Italy
th'
Authority
of
determining
the
Differences
,
and
to
regulate
th'
Affairs
,
wherein
they
'd
no
power
;
They
commanded
it
then
to
be
told
the
Catholique
King
,
That
their
Ambassador
had
no
command
to
make
other
addresses
t'
him
,
than
to
know
his
Sense
,
and
take
his
Advice
upon
the
Matter
of
the
War
of
Gradisque
,
and
that
of
Piedmont
;
And
that
they
'
ntended
to
consult
him
,
as
a
Friend
in
that
Matter
,
but
not
to
refer
the
Decision
t'
him
,
and
to
constitute
him
for
Judge
.
And
so
giving
the
Spanish
King
thanks
in
magnificent
Terms
,
and
in
words
of
great
Respect
,
which
they
've
accustomed
to
lay
down
in
abundance
upon
things
they
've
no
Will
to
grant
,
They
disappointed
the
Spaniards
of
their
design
,
and
reserved
for
France
th'
Honour
,
the
Spaniards
had
passionately
desired
;
So
that
in
the
whole
course
of
this
Intrigue
,
and
in
all
this
Cabinet-War
,
the
Field
remained
to
the
Venetians
,
who
found
not
nevertheless
their
Account
in
France
,
but
either
th'
Interest
of
the
State
,
or
the
Genius
of
the
Ministers
of
State
,
too
much
carried
t'
oblige
Spain
;
or
for
fear
of
disobliging
it
;
Was
the
cause
,
that
too
great
a
respect
was
had
to
the
Dignity
of
that
Crown
,
or
too
little
to
that
of
the
Republique
,
and
to
th'
Interests
of
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
Th'
Emperors
and
th'
Arch-dukes
disocntentments
had
upon
this
Peace
against
the
Spaniards
,
is
not
to
b'
here
concealed
,
nor
their
Complaints
against
and
Accommodation
,
that
had
not
better'd
their
Condition
,
but
had
return'd
them
to
the
posture
they
were
in
by
the
Treaty
of
Vienna
,
and
had
put
them
into
th'
Haven
,
from
whence
they
were
put
out
,
after
th'
expence
and
hazards
of
an
unprofitable
Navigation
.
Thus
the
Spaniards
have
accustomed
,
to
sacrifize
to
their
Interests
some
of
their
best
friends
,
and
to
strain
them
to
their
Ends
,
without
Exception
of
Means
of
Persons
.
Th'
use
of
this
Artifice
was
not
new
in
the
world
,
nor
th'
Invention
of
the
Venetians
;
It
was
practised
long
ago
by
Charls
th'
Eighth
,
to
divert
Henry
the
Seventh
the
King
of
England
from
relieving
the
Duke
of
Britany
,
to
whom
h'
had
a
purpose
to
make
War
;
T'
allay
then
the
storm
that
might
arise
from
that
side
,
and
stop
the
Relief
which
Henry
might
bring
or
send
in
favour
of
his
Neighbour
,
Charls
made
a
shew
of
desiring
the
Peace
,
and
offered
to
submit
t'
Henry
the
differences
h'
had
with
the
Duke
,
and
t'
acknowledge
him
Arbiter
and
Mediator
of
the
Quarrel
.
Charls
with
this
delicate
Bait
and
subtil
Charm
of
Honour
,
disarm'd
Henry's
warlick
spirit
,
who
was
fully
engaged
with
affections
and
inclinations
t'
Aid
the
Duke
of
Britany
;
But
Charls
made
so
powerful
and
quick
a
Levy
,
and
raised
such
great
Forces
,
that
the
Duke
was
over-run
before
notice
was
taken
of
it
in
England
,
That
Charls
was
entred
into
his
Country
with
an
Army
,
and
the
Tragedy
ended
before
it
was
known
that
the
first
Act
was
plaid
.
Fourth
Discourse
.
Some
Rules
that
Princes
,
and
especially
they
that
are
Weak
,
ought
t'
observe
,
when
they
have
need
to
make
use
of
the
Relief
of
their
Friends
.
IN
the
precedent
Discourse
hath
been
seen
th'
unhappy
Destiny
of
Weak
Princes
,
when
they
are
assaulted
by
Powerful
Princes
,
and
the
various
Artifices
exercised
t'hinder
or
slacken
the
Reliefs
,
which
might
come
to
them
from
their
Friends
.
But
since
't
is
necessary
,
that
there
be
such
Princes
in
the
world
,
and
that
in
the
distribution
of
the
parts
of
that
little
Engine
,
for
which
men
give
themselves
so
much
Labour
,
and
make
so
great
a
noise
,
Equality
hath
not
been
observed
;
'T
is
of
necessity
that
the
Weaker
follow
the
General
Law
,
and
remain
the
Prey
of
the
Stronger
,
wh'
assault
them
,
or
that
they
seek
protection
from
them
wh'
are
able
to
give
it
,
and
secure
themselves
under
the
shadow
of
their
Authority
,
or
by
the
force
of
their
Arms
;
some
Rules
are
to
b'observed
,
as
of
Importance
to
be
known
;
The
first
is
;
That
they
make
the
strongest
preparation
in
their
power
t'
oppose
th'
Enemy
that
comes
t'
assault
them
,
and
to
resist
his
first
Impetuosity
,
which
ordinarily
is
the
most
violent
,
and
put
by
their
first
strokes
,
which
are
ever
the
most
Dangerous
.
For
this
purpose
,
and
in
this
publick
Necessity
,
they●re
to
sell
or
engage
their
best
and
most
precious
things
;
To
sink
deep
into
the
purses
of
their
Friends
,
and
upon
their
Subjects
to
make
great
Levies
;
And
't
is
better
for
their
Subjects
t'
endure
a
little
blood-letting
,
and
for
a
short
time
,
by
their
Prince
,
than
totally
and
for
ever
ruin'd
by
strangers
;
And
a
wasted
Country
,
as
't
is
said
,
is
better
for
him
than
a
lost
Country
;
and
Subjects
a
little
plundred
,
than
Subjects
constrained
to
change
Master
;
And
though
they
cannot
long
bear
that
extraordinary
Levy
,
nor
resist
that
excessive
Charge
,
It
may
fall
out
,
that
th'
Heat
of
th'
Assailant
may
grow
cold
by
a
greater
Resistance
made
on
the
sudden
than
was
expected
;
And
may
not
b'
offended
at
Proposals
of
Accommodation
,
and
that
a
door
b'
opened
unto
them
to
get
our
with
Honour
from
an
Enterprize
,
whose
Beginnings
being
unhappy
,
the
Progress
might
b'
abated
without
doing
more
than
making
of
a
Noise
,
and
may
return
to
th'
Haven
without
other
danger
than
the
fear
of
a
Tempest
.
Or
if
th'
Enemy
do
not
withdraw
upon
th'
ill
usage
Fortune
affords
them
at
the
first
Attempt
,
and
refuse
to
quit
the
place
,
or
to
retire
;
In
gaining
of
time
they
've
done
much
,
which
is
the
great
Remedy
of
Unfortunate
and
Weak
persons
,
and
gives
Means
to
their
Friends
to
come
to
their
Relief
,
and
to
bring
them
fresh
Troops
,
wherewith
they
may
not
onely
maintain
themselves
,
but
cause
the
face
of
War
to
change
,
and
turn
the
Defence
in
t'
an
Assault
,
and
become
th'
Assailants
of
their
Enemies
.
The
Duke
of
Savoy
,
Grand-father
of
the
present
Duke
,
did
the
like
,
since
the
death
of
the
late
King
,
in
the
Wars
the
Spaniards
made
him
,
or
H'
had
been
suddenly
over-run
at
the
first
sight
,
and
swallowed
by
the
Spanish
powerful
Armies
,
wherewith
the
Governour
of
Milan
entred
Piedmont
,
and
gave
fear
t'
all
Italy
,
but
to
that
Prince
;
And
yet
,
with
that
wise
and
bold
proceeding
,
he
not
onely
received
and
resisted
their
first
assaults
,
but
gave
them
affronts
;
And
precedent
it
hath
been
observed
,
that
after
the
loss
of
Verceil
,
which
had
it
been
well
defended
might
have
been
kept
,
strengthned
by
that
fair
and
flourishing
Relief
Sir
of
Esdiguieres
brought
unto
it
,
who
put
the
Spaniards
upon
the
Defensive
,
and
compelled
them
to
desire
Peace
,
which
was
concluded
at
Paris
to
their
Advantage
.
The
second
Rule
is
,
That
as
great
sums
of
Money
are
to
be
expended
,
and
a
great
Army
to
be
raised
,
't
is
of
great
importance
to
make
them
timely
,
and
not
t'
expose
them
to
th'
hazard
of
surprises
,
which
being
dangerous
in
all
sorts
of
affairs
,
are
much
more
in
the
business
of
War
,
and
d'ordinarily
make
breaches
,
by
which
ill
fortune
enters
so
far
into
the
Country
,
That
it
proves
a
difficult
matter
to
drive
it
out
;
And
it
often
falls
out
,
that
they
die
of
those
strokes
,
or
are
long
sick
of
them
;
And
't
is
what
sometimes
hath
been
to
be
desired
by
way
of
Addition
,
to
the
Wisdom
of
the
Venetians
,
and
to
their
excellent
Conduct
;
Their
Historians
also
confess
,
That
one
of
the
causes
of
the
loss
of
the
Kingdom
of
Cyprus
,
was
the
delays
they
used
in
preparing
against
the
Storm
which
they
saw
coming
.
And
in
the
Motions
,
which
troubled
Italy
about
the
Succession
of
the
last
Duke
of
Mantoua
,
we
've
seen
them
Arm
slowlier
than
was
necessary
for
their
very
design
,
and
have
suspended
many
times
th'
Orders
and
Commissions
they
'
d
given
for
the
War
,
upon
uncertain
and
wild
reports
of
a
Treaty
of
Peace
,
and
were
onely
a
studied
Deceit
,
and
an
affected
Artifice
of
the
Spaniards
,
for
to
possess
them
with
a
coldness
and
relaxation
of
spirit
;
'T
is
certain
at
least
,
That
if
after
the
King
had
forced
his
passage
at
Suza
,
and
taken
away
the
Barrier
that
shut
up
their
Entry
into
Italy
,
They
had
not
recalled
th'
Orders
given
to
their
General
t'
enter
into
Cremona
,
They
had
taken
of
the
Spaniards
some
eminent
Advantage
,
whilst
they
wanted
Forces
,
failed
of
Courage
,
and
th'
Inclinations
of
the
people
were
adverse
unto
them
.
Who
can
,
I
say
,
doubt
,
but
if
they
had
taken
possession
of
Cremona
,
which
opened
her
Arms
unto
them
,
and
breathed
after
so
easie
a
Yoke
,
as
theirs
;
but
that
they
had
greatly
fortifi'd
the
Party
which
they
favoured
,
and
had
obliged
,
it
may
be
,
by
that
Declaration
,
the
Spaniards
t'
have
observed
the
Peace
of
Sutza
,
and
t'
have
caused
to
be
sent
to
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
th'
Investiures
Accorded
by
that
Treaty
,
rather
than
t'
have
shut
themselves
up
betwixt
two
so
considerable
Powers
as
France
and
Venice
,
and
some
other
Forces
,
which
Venice
might
have
drawn
t'
its
assistance
?
or
if
the
War
had
re-kindled
,
as
it
did
the
following
year
,
and
the
Spaniards
touched
with
th'
Affronts
they
received
from
all
parts
,
have
been
forward
at
any
price
to
take
revenge
of
the
shame
by
Arms
;
The
War
without
all
doubt
had
taken
another
form
,
If
the
Venetians
had
been
Engaged
in
it
;
Mantoua
in
Apparance
had
not
been
lost
;
All
the
designes
of
th'
Enemies
had
been
Abortive
;
And
insted
of
th'
unhappy
success
of
th'
Expedition
of
Valese
,
for
being
undertaken
too
late
and
with
precipitaion
,
The
Republique
had
seen
the
fruits
ripen
at
leasure
,
if
it
had
been
timely
acted
,
of
so
generous
a
Design
,
and
without
much
hazard
;
Nor
had
it
been
for
that
Action
the
more
Hated
of
th'
House
of
Austria
;
It
had
been
the
more
respected
;
And
all
Italy
had
taken
the
greater
courage
for
defence
of
the
common
Liberty
,
if
it
had
had
before
their
Eyes
so
great
an
Example
of
Courage
from
them
,
who
give
every
day
so
great
Examples
of
their
Wisdom
.
But
however
,
't
is
the
Lot
of
Human
Wisdom
to
be
sometimes
defective
,
or
rather
,
't
is
the
property
of
Evil
Events
to
b'always
attributed
t'Unreasonable
Causes
;
or
else
't
is
the
Nature
of
all
th'
affairs
that
are
put
in
Deliberation
t'
have
many
faces
and
reasons
of
all
sides
,
which
encline
t'
Act
or
not
t'
Act
one
manner
or
other
;
Right
of
Providence
,
which
governs
the
World
,
to
frustrate
,
or
cause
to
b'observed
,
as
it
shall
seem
good
,
the
reasons
of
th'
effects
intended
,
and
of
the
promised
success
.
The
third
Rule
shall
be
,
That
if
the
Prince
,
who
is
assaulted
,
endeavours
t'
execute
what
hath
been
advised
him
to
do
,
and
yet
shall
have
need
of
Relief
from
his
Allies
to
make
th'
Evil
to
cease
,
or
to
stop
th'
Enemies
further
progress
,
He
must
make
use
of
their
Forces
for
Diversion
,
and
cause
them
to
march
into
th'
Enemies
Country
,
if
he
be
not
over-pressed
in
his
own
Country
,
and
if
th'
Evil
he
feels
or
fears
may
attend
that
Remedy
.
By
that
means
he
may
ease
his
Country
of
them
,
who
would
have
laid
it
waste
,
and
had
sworn
the
ruine
of
it
,
and
will
secure
it
also
from
the
spoil
of
Auxiliaries
,
which
cannot
b'
avoided
;
And
which
may
properly
be
compared
to
Physicians
,
who
cannot
cure
the
body
without
th'
use
of
it
,
nor
drive
away
th'
ill
humours
which
cause
Alteration
,
without
the
disordering
of
it
,
and
without
leaving
also
sometimes
some
Ill
Impression
.
As
to
the
success
of
this
Diversion
,
't
is
Impossible
,
but
it
must
prosper
,
and
have
th'
effect
it
Aims
at
,
because
it
hath
the
character
and
mark
of
efficacious
diversions
,
and
to
b'executed
upon
a
Country
,
which
is
ordinarily
of
greater
Importance
,
and
of
stronger
Concernment
,
being
his
own
,
to
th'
Enemy
,
than
that
from
which
they
would
force
him
;
And
there
's
no
apparance
,
That
a
wise
Physician
will
neglect
th'
Heart
,
or
some
other
Noble
part
,
t'
intend
the
cure
of
a
light
Contusion
,
or
of
some
smal
Scratch
.
Let
's
also
say
,
before
return
be
made
t'
our
principal
Subject
,
and
for
the
better
clearing
the
Matter
of
Diversion
,
which
will
not
much
divert
us
,
and
is
a
Neighbour
to
't
,
That
one
of
the
most
memorable
and
the
most
judicious
Diversions
,
which
the
past
Age
hath
seen
,
was
that
which
Francis
the
First
made
upon
the
Spaniards
,
when
the
Constable
of
Bourbon
,
the
Marquis
of
Pescary
,
and
th'
other
Chiefs
of
th'
Imperial
Army
,
came
t'
assault
Provance
;
Instead
of
marching
streight
t'
oppose
them
,
and
to
fight
them
in
his
Kingdom
;
He
marched
quickly
with
his
Army
in
t'
Italy
,
and
fell
upon
the
State
of
Milan
,
and
upon
the
Country
in
most
favour
with
th'
Emperor
,
and
upon
the
parts
of
all
the
rest
of
his
Estates
,
which
were
dearest
t'
him
next
to
Spain
;
nor
was
he
disappointed
of
his
Thoughts
;
for
th'
Imperial
Army
failed
not
at
the
first
Noise
of
that
Expedition
to
quit
Provance
,
and
to
march
towards
Italy
with
so
strange
a
Nimbleness
,
and
such
an
Incredible
Diligence
,
That
it
prevented
our
Arrival
in
the
State
of
Milan
,
and
gave
means
to
recruit
and
fortifie
some
places
,
which
were
the
security
of
the
rest
.
That
if
the
Subsequent
Success
was
as
fatal
to
us
,
as
the
first
favourable
;
And
if
the
Cause
of
that
War
was
Ended
in
th'
Imprisonment
of
King
Francis
,
and
by
the
Ruine
of
his
Army
;
This
Disgrace
ought
not
to
b'
Attributed
to
the
Nature
of
the
Diversion
,
which
was
very
pertinent
;
nor
a
Prudential
Cause
charged
with
the
production
of
a
Malignant
Effect
,
which
proceeded
from
another
Cause
;
This
Disgrace
,
I
say
,
is
to
b'attributed
to
the
design
of
Fortune
,
which
undertook
to
mortifie
French-men
by
th'
ill
Conduct
of
their
Prince
,
and
by
the
faults
of
His
Ministers
of
State
,
and
by
that
unhappy
and
undiscreet
Diversion
,
which
he
made
upon
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
whither
he
sent
the
Duke
of
Albany
with
a
part
of
his
Army
;
For
besides
the
great
Weakness
it
brought
to
the
Remainder
of
his
Forces
,
and
the
fair
Game
it
made
for
his
Enemies
t'
advance
for
th'
Assault
,
as
they
failed
not
to
do
in
that
Weakness
;
He
considered
not
,
that
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
being
less
Important
to
th'
emperour
,
and
of
less
Esteem
with
him
,
than
the
State
of
Milan
,
His
Army
could
not
abandon
the
Milanois
to
Relieve
Naples
.
The
Fourth
Rule
,
That
if
an
inevitable
Necessity
b'
upon
a
Prince
,
to
procure
Forein
Forces
to
march
in
t'
His
Country
,
and
strengthen
his
Army
;
It
may
b'
of
great
advantage
t'
him
t'
have
need
onely
of
moderate
Forces
,
and
such
as
b'
inferior
t'
his
;
That
he
may
always
give
the
Law
,
and
receive
no
Jealousie
from
them
,
lest
they
should
put
him
in
t'
a
kind
of
Subjection
in
the
sight
of
his
Subjects
,
and
abate
the
glory
of
Authority
which
governs
his
People
,
and
th'
opinion
of
his
Greatness
,
by
that
mark
of
Dependency
,
wherein
he
must
inavoidably
fall
upon
the
Reception
of
str●nge
Armies
.
I
speak
not
of
other
Inconveniencies
,
which
may
arise
upon
th'
introduction
of
Strangers
into
a
Country
,
and
particularly
,
if
Ambition
enters
with
the
Power
,
or
if
the
Beauty
of
the
Country
,
or
Riches
of
th'
Inhabitants
,
may
serve
them
for
Temptation
to
desire
it
,
who
being
born
under
a
Rigorous
Climate
,
and
in
Salvage
Countries
,
are
but
too
much
tempted
to
change
Dwellings
,
and
to
gain
Richer
Habitations
.
Philip
,
father
of
Alexander
,
by
such
an
Invitation
,
attempted
the
Liberty
of
Grece
,
whereof
the
Romans
,
as
hath
been
observed
,
made
a
Conquest
.
That
the
Goths
,
the
Vandals
,
and
other
Septentrionals
,
have
possessed
themselves
of
their
Countries
,
who
called
them
to
their
Relief
;
And
that
six
thousand
Turks
marching
from
Asia
into
Europe
,
to
serve
th'
Emperours
of
Constantinople
,
charmed
with
the
sweetness
and
felicity
of
that
pleasant
Country
,
invited
their
Country-men
t'
establish
themselves
in
Europe
;
And
it
was
the
first
cause
of
the
Revolution
of
that
Empire
.
Wherefore
wise
Princes
and
Republiques
,
well
instructed
in
th'
Art
of
Governing
,
have
at
all
times
avoided
th'
Use
of
so
dangerous
a
Remedy
,
and
th'
Exercise
of
a
Means
so
full
of
Jealousie
,
as
th'
Introduction
of
a
great
Forein
Army
into
their
Country
.
In
the
War
which
th'
antient
Romans
made
against
Pyrrhus
,
and
when
by
the
gain
of
some
Battels
,
that
brave
Prince
had
shaken
the
foundations
of
that
Republique
,
They
refused
the
Cathaginian
Army
,
sent
to
their
Relief
under
the
command
of
Mago
,
and
resolved
in
that
great
Extremity
t'
owe
onely
to
Virtue
and
to
their
own
Powers
,
the
Re-establishment
of
their
Affairs
,
and
the
Return
of
their
Fortune
.
After
the
Rout
of
Giragdade
,
and
the
sad
success
of
that
Battel
,
which
at
one
Blow
took
from
the
Venetians
all
their
Lands
;
The
Republique
would
not
accept
th'
offer
of
Forces
made
them
by
Bajazet
the
Second
,
nor
use
that
Means
to
deliver
themselves
of
th'
ill
fortune
that
pursued
them
,
which
was
violent
,
and
to
get
out
of
a
Precipice
which
was
dangerous
;
'T
is
certain
,
that
their
ill
fortune
could
not
be
greater
,
nor
the
Precipice
deeper
;
All
Christendome
was
combined
against
it
,
and
a
powerful
victorious
Army
;
And
it
had
lost
an
Army
,
when
it
was
impossible
for
them
to
raise
another
;
Terror
and
Despair
entred
in
t'
all
their
Towns
,
upon
the
Noise
of
this
Disgrace
;
And
by
a
strange
Motion
of
Prudence
,
and
an
Extraordinary
Act
of
Policy
,
it
was
constrained
t'
advise
their
Subjects
t'open
their
Gates
to
the
Victorious
,
and
to
do
that
without
breach
of
Duty
,
or
guilt
of
Treason
,
which
the
Consternation
they
were
fallen
into
,
and
the
Current
of
th'
Enemies
Victory
would
have
forced
upon
them
;
And
yet
,
chose
rather
to
seek
safery
and
resurrection
in
its
Wisdom
,
and
in
the
sole
Means
left
to
restore
it self
,
by
th'
Imploying
of
all
their
strength
,
for
the
Disunion
of
the
Confederates
,
and
Breach
of
the
League
,
than
to
draw
into
their
Country
those
barbarous
Soldiers
,
from
whence
they
could
not
withdraw
them
when
they
would
,
or
t'
expose
Italy
to
the
same
conditon
,
the
Neighbour
Provinces
to
Constantinople
were
in
,
under
the
Turk
,
as
hath
been
formerly
spoken
.
In
the
growth
of
Heresie
in
this
Kingdom
,
and
of
the
first
fires
which
burnt
it
for
the
matter
of
Religion
;
Francis
the
second
refused
Philip
his
Brother
in
Law
,
who
fearing
that
the
Contagion
of
th'
Errour
and
Treason
,
which
reigned
amongst
us
,
should
pass
into
Flanders
,
and
complete
the
Corruption
of
his
Subjects
,
that
had
then
taken
some
taste
of
it
,
sent
to
make
offer
of
all
his
Forces
to
fight
them
;
The
duke
of
Alva
also
,
after
h'
had
obtained
in
the
Low-Countries
many
happy
Successes
against
the
Rebels
of
his
Master
,
besought
Charls
the
Ninth
to
give
him
leave
to
bring
15000
Foot
and
5000
Horse
,
all
Men
of
War
,
and
accustomed
to
Victory
,
to
reduce
his
Subjects
t'Obedience
.
But
the
King
,
by
th'
advice
of
his
Council
,
refused
also
that
offer
and
would
not
in
accepting
of
it
,
either
discover
the
Weakness
of
his
Reign
,
or
give
to
the
factious
Religionaries
more
pretence
to
call
Strangers
to
their
Relief
,
and
to
them
the
more
colour
of
coming
into
his
Country
;
or
t'introduce
into
th'
Heart
of
his
Kingdom
an
Army
of
valiant
Persons
,
whom
He
could
not
easily
drive
away
,
who
would
have
demanded
places
of
security
for
their
Entry
,
and
Immense
Dammages
for
their
Return
,
and
might
in
time
be
the
cause
of
a
more
dificult
and
longer
War
than
what
troubled
him
.
That
whereas
a
part
onely
of
his
Subjects
were
in
question
,
and
that
the
Rebels
to
be
reduc'd
to
reason
,
made
a
profession
of
fidelity
,
and
by
consequence
might
easily
be
disarmed
by
Indulgence
,
when
it
should
appear
too
dangerous
to
repress
them
by
Force
;
H'
had
been
under
the
Necessity
of
a
defence
against
his
Subjects
and
Neighbours
,
and
to
fight
Enemies
,
wh'
having
some
Title
of
Justice
,
and
making
War
without
Remorse
or
Scruple
of
Conscience
,
would
have
made
it
the
more
violent
,
and
the
less
susceptible
of
Accommodation
.
From
what
hath
been
now
said
,
a
fresh
Rule
to
clear
it
may
be
raised
;
That
an
Army
of
Forein
Forces
to
be
drawn
in
t'
a
Princes
Country
,
and
in
so
great
a
number
,
as
to
give
the
Law
,
or
raise
Jealousie
in
him
that
Imploys
them
,
is
to
b'
avoided
;
And
that
H'
observe
,
also
if
it
be
possible
,
two
things
;
T'
Endeavour
,
that
the
stranger
Forces
depend
more
upon
the
Prince
that
calls
them
in
and
pays
them
,
than
upon
him
who
leads
them
in
and
commands
them
;
And
that
their
Relation
t'
him
be
stronger
and
more
absolute
,
than
their
Dependency
upon
their
Commander
.
Th'
other
thing
is
,
t'
hinder
their
Conjunction
in
a
Body
,
and
to
keep
them
always
sever'd
,
if
there
be
not
special
cause
to
draw
them
together
;
and
to
rejoyn
them
.
The
Venetians
not
long
since
Endeavoured
to
divide
the
Troops
,
which
the
Sir
of
Roquelaure
brought
them
,
and
to
take
the
Command
from
him
:
And
the
Hollanders
laboured
to
do
the
like
to
the
Count
of
Mansfield
,
after
he
had
Relieved
Bergenopson
;
But
they
met
with
bold
spirits
that
resisted
their
Artifices
,
and
defeated
the
subtil
Attempts
of
their
Policy
;
'T
is
true
,
That
this
Trial
is
not
to
be
made
upon
any
Persons
,
but
Casual
Chiefs
,
who
depend
onely
upon
their
Sword
,
and
upon
the
Prince
that
Imploys
them
,
and
having
drawn
together
such
Troops
by
their
Industry
and
Credit
,
maintain
them
also
in
Dependency
by
their
Authority
and
Address
.
As
to
th'
Impeding
the
Conjunction
of
Forces
,
that
might
make
great
and
considerable
Bodies
,
'T
is
an
undubitable
Means
to
divert
the
Disorder
,
and
to
prevent
the
License
,
which
of
custom
grows
in
Mercenary
souls
,
from
th'
Hopes
of
Impunity
;
As
th'
hopes
of
Impunity
are
usually
ingendred
from
the
multitude
of
Culpable
persons
:
From
this
Root
,
Sedition
and
Mutinies
have
often
budded
in
th'
Antient
and
Modern
Armies
;
And
the
boldness
of
the
Pretorian
Troops
,
did
heretofore
stream
from
this
spring
,
in
killing
and
choosing
their
Emperours
,
and
abused
too
often
the
Royal
Purple
,
in
taking
it
away
,
and
giving
it
to
whom
they
pleased
,
by
that
blind
incitement
,
which
animates
Courages
,
and
being
not
Regulated
by
Reason
,
are
not
restrained
by
Respect
or
Fear
.
Seianus
,
the
greatest
Favorite
of
all
Ages
,
and
the
first
Example
the
world
hath
seen
of
excessive
Favour
,
Having
the
Command
of
the
Pretorian
Troops
,
resolved
to
draw
them
together
,
To
render
himself
the
more
formidable
by
the
quick
and
present
Relief
had
in
hand
of
the
best
Soldiers
of
th'
Empire
;
The
Soldiers
provided
their
Quarters
,
and
drew
them
into
the
form
of
a
Cittadel
to
Command
Rome
,
and
t'
hold
,
in
subjection
the
Capital
City
of
the
World
.
The
great
number
of
Janissaries
,
which
the
Gram
Signi●r
keeps
at
Constantinople
,
is
the
cause
of
the
Tumults
which
often
arise
there
,
and
of
th'
Insolencies
they
commit
in
that
City
,
which
are
extended
sometimes
to
the
violating
of
the
Seraglio
,
the
Grand
Signior's
Palace
,
To
compel
their
Prince
to
deliver
unto
them
his
Favourites
,
To
do
Justice
,
as
they
say
,
upon
them
,
and
not
to
spare
his
Person
,
but
even
to
kill
him
.
That
if
the
Prince
ought
t'
avoid
with
great
care
,
and
for
the
Consequences
which
have
been
represented
,
the
drawing
together
of
a
great
Number
of
his
subject
Soldiers
,
H'
ought
much
more
to
be
careful
to
keep
them
sover'd
,
so
long
as
it
may
conveniently
be
done
,
who
depend
not
upon
Him
;
but
by
the
consideration
,
as
strangers
of
their
Pay
;
And
respect
him
at
the
Rate
they
fear
Him
,
and
fear
Him
at
the
Rate
of
his
power
to
Punish
them
.
The
sixth
Rule
is
;
That
a
Petty
Prince
Assaulted
by
a
Greater
,
wh'
hath
need
of
a
more
prompt
and
Efficacious
Remedy
,
than
Diversion
,
against
the
Violence
that
oppresseth
him
,
before
He
resolves
to
receive
in
t'
His
Countrey
a
Forein
Army
,
stronger
than
his
own
,
and
to
give
him
place
if
they
be
demanded
for
Security
and
Retreat
,
ought
to
make
a
just
and
exact
Comparison
of
th'
Evills
,
to
which
he
doth
expose
Himself
in
the
doing
of
it
,
and
of
them
,
he
must
of
necessity
fall
into
,
if
He
do
it
not
;
ought
t'Examin
Coldly
and
without
Passion
,
the
Nature
and
Circumstances
of
th'
Affair
which
vexeth
him
;
The
conditions
of
his
Enemies
and
of
his
Friends
;
The
Faith
and
Ambition
of
all
of
them
;
The
conveniency
of
his
Countries
or
of
any
of
his
places
for
them
;
And
the
Comparision
and
Examination
being
made
of
th'
Inconveniencies
,
he
must
run
of
all
sides
,
H'
ought
to
make
Choice
of
the
least
offensive
;
H'
ought
t'
Agree
with
his
Enemies
,
if
they
are
tractable
,
or
make
use
of
the
Relief
of
his
Friends
,
if
they
are
Faithfull
;
And
when
H'
hath
made
a
good
Choice
,
and
shall
put
into
th'
Haven
without
Shipwrack
,
He
must
praise
God
for
it
,
as
his
peculiar
Grace
and
Extraordinary
Favour
.
The
last
Rule
is
;
That
in
General
,
a
Prince
ought
if
He
can
t'
have
one
or
two
Fortresses
,
for
the
security
of
his
Countrey
,
and
to
serve
for
a
stop
to
the
Forces
which
may
over-run
him
,
and
to
th'
Invasions
of
an
Enemy
,
who
without
Impediment
may
suddenly
become
Master
of
it
.
For
example
,
The
Duke
of
Sax
at
Dresde
and
Vittemberge
;
The
Marquis
of
Brandburge
at
Custrin
and
Spando
;
The
Lantgrave
of
Hess
at
Castel
and
Sigenham
.
In
these
places
Consists
without
all
doubt
the
safety
of
their
Countries
;
and
without
them
they
would
become
the
Prey
of
the
first
Possessor
;
As
are
the
Countries
of
some
other
Princes
of
Germany
,
wh'
have
no
Fortresses
upon
their
Frontiers
;
And
what
had
become
,
I
pray
,
of
Montferrat
,
but
for
the
Citadelle
of
Casall
,
that
Excellent
Piece
,
which
had
defeated
so
many
and
so
great
Armies
of
th'
Enemies
,
whose
Situation
and
the
Jealousie
given
by
its
strength
,
have
invited
to
besiege
it
?
But
Care
must
Here
be
taken
of
a
specious
Fault
,
and
t'
avoid
the
Defects
of
some
Princes
,
who
through
Weakness
fall
to
th'
Extremity
of
other
Princes
by
a
certain
Irregularity
of
Fancy
,
not
to
think
themselves
Powerfull
or
Considerable
Enough
.
If
their
Estates
be
little
,
and
their
Revenue
small
,
they
ought
not
to
Charge
their
Countries
with
many
strong
Places
,
nor
t'
imitate
Intemperate
persons
,
wh'
Eating
t'
excess
,
Cannot
Digest
what
they
Eat
,
and
fill
themselves
with
so
great
a
Quantity
of
ill
Humours
,
that
the
Natural
Heat
cannot
dissolve
them
,
or
discharge
the
body
of
that
plentifull
spring
of
Incommodities
,
and
of
that
fruitfull
Mine
of
Maladies
.
The
desire
of
many
Fortresses
ariseth
from
an
irregular
Appetite
,
and
from
an
Intemperate
spirit
,
which
the
Prince
being
unable
to
finish
,
and
to
furnish
with
necessary
Provissions
,
or
to
keep
the
Garrisons
well
manned
and
paid
;
some
of
them
are
lost
by
some
of
the
named
Defects
;
And
it
happens
also
that
th'
Enemy
upon
the
Taking
of
a
Fort
finisheth
the
Fortifications
and
Garrisons
,
and
by
that
means
makes
himself
so
strong
an
Establishment
in
that
Countrey
,
and
takes
so
deep
Rooting
,
that
't
is
a
difficult
Business
to
get
him
thence
,
but
by
a
Treaty
of
Peace
,
and
by
that
Lassitude
and
●nability
which
the
War
produceth
,
and
Compels
him
t'
hearken
t'
an
Accommodation
.
From
this
Principle
also
is
derived
another
Inconveniency
that
puts
the
whole
State
in
danger
,
and
Cuts
the
Sinews
and
Nerves
,
which
Bind
and
Joyn
the
parts
together
;
That
th'
Excessive
Number
of
Garrisons
the
Prince
is
obliged
to
keep
,
is
the
cause
that
He
becomes
Weak
when
he
is
to
draw
into
the
Field
;
And
that
th'
Enemy
being
Master
without
resistance
of
the
flat
Countrey
,
all
places
at
once
are
blocked
up
and
lost
,
and
at
Contest
,
which
shall
begin
to
Render
,
for
want
of
an
Army
to
relieve
them
,
and
t'
avoid
th'
ill
usage
of
an
unnecessary
Defence
,
and
having
no
reasonable
Means
of
security
,
can
have
no
Thoughts
but
of
perishing
a
little
later
than
others
,
and
of
Consuming
th'
Assailants
by
delay
.
The
Dukes
of
Savoy
are
fallen
into
this
Inconveniences
;
In
having
a
great
Number
of
Fortresses
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
them
Accompanied
with
some
of
the
Defects
which
have
been
represented
;
The
Situation
truly
of
their
Countrey
,
and
particularly
of
Piedmont
,
shut
up
in
the
midst
of
the
Countreys
of
very
great
and
formidable
Princes
,
as
a
King
of
France
and
a
King
of
Spain
,
hath
contributed
much
to
this
Disorder
;
And
that
some
of
the
places
have
been
often
taken
;
And
't
is
impossible
but
that
amongst
so
many
weak
Forts
in
their
Countr●ys
,
some
Fort
or
other
will
be
taken
,
and
that
a
very
dangerous
prejudice
must
arise
from
that
Improvidence
.
The
Duke
of
Rohan
hath
also
observed
in
his
Remembrances
,
That
one
of
the
Ruinous
Causes
of
th'
Hugonot
party
,
and
Principal
Means
of
the
dissolution
of
that
great
Body
,
was
the
great
Number
of
their
strong
Cities
;
And
that
by
Endeavouring
to
save
them
,
they
lost
them
all
;
And
unable
to
dispute
the
Field
,
with
the
Kings
Armies
,
as
it
formerly
had
Done
,
That
they
fell
under
the
Virtue
and
Power
of
the
King
.
It
belongs
only
to
the
Flemings
and
to
th'
Hollanders
t'
have
their
Countries
full
of
strong
Holds
,
and
all
those
strong
Holds
Manned
with
powerfull
Garrisons
,
and
at
the
same
Time
to
raise
great
Armies
.
But
as
to
the
Flemings
;
Thought
their
Countries
be
of
the
best
of
the
World
,
and
are
called
th'
Indies
of
Christendom
,
by
reason
of
their
Wealth
;
It
had
been
quickly
drawn
out
and
Left
Drye
,
but
for
th'
Influence
of
Spain
,
and
th'
Abundance
of
both
Indies
laid
out
to
nourish
the
War
,
and
to
support
the
Motions
which
have
vexed
that
people
for
many
years
;
Nor
hath
it
been
alwaies
in
their
power
to
furnish
the
Necessities
of
that
War
,
and
th'
Hunger
of
that
insatiable
Monster
.
And
we
've
often
seen
th'
Armies
of
that
Countrey
perish
for
want
of
Moneys
,
and
from
that
want
Considerable
Bodies
of
Mutineers
t'
arise
,
as
so
many
Republiques
,
which
subsisted
by
Order
and
Discipline
without
Rejoyning
to
the
body
from
whence
they
drew
away
,
till
payment
was
made
of
what
was
due
to
them
,
and
so
thereupon
desisting
from
being
their
Princes
Creditors
,
they
returned
to
the
Duty
of
Subjects
.
As
to
th'
Hollanders
,
who
knows
not
also
that
they
've
not
been
alwaies
in
their
present
Condition
,
nor
ever
had
so
many
strong
Holds
or
so
well
Manned
as
now
they
Have
;
That
they
've
been
long
upon
the
Defensive
,
and
with
so
Mean
an
Army
,
As
that
they
believed
to
Gain
what
they
did
not
Lose
,
and
t'overcome
effectively
when
they
were
not
overcome
;
It
was
at
that
time
when
they
subsisted
only
by
the
good
pleasure
of
others
,
and
by
the
subventions
and
Reliefs
which
came
to
them
from
France
,
England
,
and
Germany
;
when
th'
had
not
made
Acquaintance
with
th'
Indies
,
or
Robbed
the
Spanish
Fleets
,
or
sailed
into
the
Levant
Seas
,
but
under
the
Banner
of
France
;
when
they
were
not
Masters
of
Trade
and
Navigation
,
as
they
are
at
this
day
;
but
since
the
Sea
hath
Enriched
them
of
all
sides
,
and
hath
caused
great
Wealth
to
come
to
them
from
all
parts
of
the
World
,
'T
is
no
wonder
if
their
Forts
and
Armies
are
supplied
with
all
Necessaries
;
And
being
so
great
Husbands
,
and
taking
so
true
Measure
of
all
things
,
which
is
the
property
of
Republiques
,
They
never
fall
short
in
their
Military
Expeditions
;
And
yet
,
't
is
not
to
be
denied
,
but
that
they
cannot
draw
their
Armies
several
years
together
into
the
Field
without
being
weary
of
it
,
and
consuming
of
their
Treasury
,
and
that
they
will
have
need
of
rest
and
breath
,
or
to
receive
Contribution
from
abroad
,
as
they
have
often
received
from
France
.
These
are
General
Propositions
,
which
for
the
most
part
are
true
,
but
not
alwaies
,
no
more
than
the
greatest
part
of
other
Rules
of
Policy
.
't
will
concern
the
prudence
of
Governours
t'
Adjust
them
to
the
Nature
of
th'
Affairs
they
've
in
hand
,
and
to
the
condition
of
their
present
Conjunctures
;
But
not
t'
adjust
th'
Affairs
and
Conjunctures
to
the
Propositions
and
Rules
.
Fifth
Discourse
.
What
Kind
of
Confederacy
and
Correspondency
may
be
formed
betwixt
a
Prince
and
the
Subjects
of
another
Prince
in
Rebellion
with
their
Prince
;
That
the
King
ought
in
Consequence
t'
Aid
the
Catalans
.
HAving
discoursed
the
Manner
of
the
Relief
that
ought
to
be
given
or
taken
amongst
Soveraigns
;
It
shall
not
b'
Impertinent
t'
Examine
here
another
Matter
which
is
fastned
to
it
,
in
searching
what
Kind
of
Confederation
and
Correspondency
may
be
formed
betwixt
a
Prince
and
the
Subjects
of
another
Prince
in
Rebellion
with
him
.
Whereupon
,
I
first
say
,
That
the
Risings
of
the
people
against
their
Prince
,
and
th'
Intestine
Agitations
of
States
,
being
ordinarily
the
stroaks
of
th'
Anger
of
Heaven
,
or
rather
th'
Effects
of
his
Justice
,
have
also
very
different
successes
,
according
to
the
different
provocations
;
sometimes
they
make
a
Total
change
,
&
introduce
New
forms
,
if
it
be
resolved
in
the
Councel
of
Providence
;
And
then
no
Force
nor
humane
Industry
can
divert
th'
Event
;
A
small
spark
doth
then
kindle
so
great
a
Fire
,
that
no
Relief
can
put
it
out
,
And
Daniels
little
stone
overthrew
Huge
and
Prodigious
Statues
.
The
defection
of
the
Su●sses
from
th'
House
of
Austria
of
Germany
,
and
the
defection
of
the
Flemings
from
th'
House
of
Spain
,
are
such
cleer
proofs
of
this
Truth
,
that
others
are
not
to
be
Looked
after
.
Sometimes
these
Disorders
are
nothing
but
bare
Threatnings
from
God
to
Direct
Princes
,
and
the
People
wh'
have
offended
him
,
to
Repentance
;
And
then
,
whatsoever
Disposition
there
may
be
in
th'
Inclination
of
Second
Causes
,
and
how
steep
soever
the
descent
or
Precipitation
,
yet
the
Fall
is
prevented
,
as
by
Miracle
,
the
disorder
of
Affairs
is
reconciled
against
all
hopes
,
as
th'
Intrigue
of
a
Comedy
,
and
Things
return
to
their
first
Beeing
,
without
discovery
almost
of
the
Way
of
their
Return
.
France
hath
made
many
Experiences
of
this
Truth
,
without
speaking
of
other
Countries
.
The
most
Modern
of
all
shall
here
content
me
,
The
descent
of
th'
English
in
th'
Island
of
Rhé
.
There
was
no
Apparence
to
the
contrary
,
but
that
their
Design
ought
t'
have
been
Executed
,
and
they
t'
have
been
Masters
of
that
Island
;
And
therefore
if
it
had
hapned
,
It
had
been
a
difficult
Matter
to
resist
the
Tempest
that
then
Threatned
us
,
and
to
secure
from
Loss
Provinces
of
this
Kingdom
.
The
Mouths
of
the
Rivers
of
Loyre
and
Garronne
which
th'
English
Naval
Army
ought
t'
have
seized
upon
,
and
by
consequence
all
Manner
of
Communication
shut
up
from
thence
to
Britany
,
Poitou
,
and
Guienna
.
A
considerable
Army
ready
to
Joyn
with
th
English
,
and
marching
from
Languedock
had
been
Encreased
by
a
great
Number
of
Hugonot
Forces
,
that
would
have
joyned
with
them
,
as
a
River
swells
in
Rowling
,
by
many
Rivers
that
do
discharge
themselves
into
it
;
A
great
Captain
at
th'
head
of
them
to
make
use
of
all
Advantages
they
should
gain
,
and
all
that
Fortune
should
offer
them
,
and
many
other
Circumstances
formed
a
very
dangerous
Conjuncture
against
France
.
'T
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
the
Virtue
and
Fortune
of
the
King
,
The
Prudence
,
The
Courage
and
th'
Activity
of
his
Ministers
of
State
,
and
the
Forces
of
a
powerfull
Kingdome
might
have
Corrected
all
that
this
Conjuncture
had
of
Malignant
and
deplorable
in
it
;
But
't
is
also
to
be
Confessed
,
that
they
could
not
have
been
put
to
a
stronger
proof
,
and
that
Less
than
that
,
was
not
Convenient
to
break
the
Designs
of
the
Rebellion
,
and
t'hinder
th'
Establishment
of
it
in
the
State
,
which
might
have
lasted
as
long
as
the
Monarchy
.
But
the
Love
of
God
to
France
was
so
great
,
as
not
to
permit
it
to
come
to
such
a
proof
;
And
the
Glory
of
the
King
was
to
be
raised
upon
a
fairer
Occasion
than
the
Necessity
of
the
Defence
.
For
th'
Invaders
of
the
Island
of
Rhé
were
struck
with
the
Spirit
of
Confusion
from
the
beginning
of
th'
Enterprize
;
A
fatal
Blindness
,
which
did
not
abandon
them
from
the
time
it
had
ceized
them
,
till
they
were
lost
,
and
had
made
Abortive
one
of
the
boldest
and
best
laid
Projects
,
which
of
a
long
time
hath
been
contrived
;
And
it
hapned
unto
it
,
as
to
those
formidable
Engines
,
sometimes
seen
in
War
,
which
a
little
thing
renders
useless
and
unprofitable
,
at
th'
Instant
that
they
begin
to
break
.
In
the
second
place
,
I
say
,
That
it
must
be
laid
for
Foundation
and
Maxim
;
That
Subjects
may
of
themselves
rise
against
their
Soveraign
,
and
break
the
Bonds
of
Obedience
which
they
owe
him
,
by
the
sole
strength
of
their
Passions
.
But
that
this
Rising
can
maintain
it self
in
heat
,
if
it
be
not
heated
from
abroad
;
Or
this
new
Liberty
long
Lived
,
if
some
Forein
Power
did
not
nourish
it
,
Is
that
which
hath
been
seldom
seen
,
and
there
be
but
a
few
Examples
of
it
,
But
there
are
a
great
number
which
testifie
,
that
th'
One
cannot
be
without
th'
other
;
And
that
a
Revolt
is
Ill
seated
,
that
hath
for
Foundation
but
the
Forces
of
a
Rebellious
People
.
I
will
also
make
use
,
to
confirm
this
Truth
,
of
th'
Example
of
the
Suisses
,
and
of
that
of
the
Flemings
,
because
I
have
already
made
mention
of
them
.
There
's
no
Question
,
but
that
after
th'
Inhabitanes
of
that
salvage
and
rule
Country
,
to
which
the
Village
of
Suits
hath
given
the
name
,
had
taken
Arms
against
the
Princes
of
Austria
,
and
to
deliver
themselves
from
that
Long
Violence
,
and
Insupportable
Tyranny
,
which
they
exercised
over
them
by
their
Governours
,
and
that
they
were
delivered
from
the
Domination
of
their
bad
Masters
;
But
that
the
Republique
remained
a
long
time
Trembling
,
and
ill
Assured
;
That
it
did
not
begin
to
settle
and
draw
a
free
Air
,
but
under
the
protection
of
Charls
the
Seventh
,
and
received
not
its
entire
Consistency
,
and
its
perfect
Establishment
,
but
from
the
Alliance
it
made
with
Lewis
the
Eleventh
.
When
the
Flemings
had
resolved
to
shake
off
the
yoke
of
Spain
,
and
t'
adore
no
longer
an
ill
manag'd
Power
,
though
it
was
Lawful
;
They
had
not
held
out
long
,
if
Neighbour
Powers
had
not
interessed
themselves
in
their
Contests
,
and
if
several
Reliefs
had
not
been
drawn
unto
them
from
Germany
,
France
,
and
England
.
I
add
to
what
hath
been
above-said
,
That
,
when
in
the
time
of
our
Fathers
,
Heresie
and
Ambition
united
against
Soveraign
Power
,
and
that
from
these
Two
Springs
of
Rebellion
,
a
Party
did
arise
,
which
left
to
our
Kings
but
a
part
of
their
Authority
,
and
to
this
Kingdom
but
a
part
of
their
Forces
;
Though
this
Party
was
animated
by
them
of
the
Blood
of
our
Kings
,
and
guided
by
one
of
th'
ablest
Commanders
of
his
time
;
That
if
they
resolve
,
not
t'
undertake
by
Halfs
,
what
otherwise
they
ought
not
t'
have
Begun
;
If
they
resist
th'
Offers
and
the
Threatnings
of
their
first
Prince
,
and
take
them
,
as
it
may
be
they
are
,
for
the
Snares
he
lays
,
and
for
th'
Ambushes
he
sets
for
them
;
If
they
perswade
themselves
,
That
he
will
not
believe
himself
bound
to
keep
that
to
them
,
which
he
had
promised
with
all
Ill-will
,
and
they
had
Forced
from
him
;
nor
t'
observe
the
Faith
h
'had
given
them
,
since
that
,
he
may
say
,
he
would
not
break
it
,
but
for
their
good
,
and
t'
hinder
them
another
time
to
become
Rebells
:
But
if
they
pesevere
in
the
desire
of
shaking
off
the
Yoke
,
wherewith
they
may
believe
themselves
in
time
oppressed
,
and
t'
implore
th'
Aid
and
Protection
of
another
Prince
,
There
are
some
Considerations
to
be
had
before
He
consents
to
their
Relief
.
At
first
sight
,
It
seems
to
be
a
thing
of
an
ill
savour
,
and
of
a
dangerous
Example
amongst
Princes
,
That
a
Prince
should
oblige
himself
by
Treaty
to
defend
and
protect
another
Princes
Subjects
in
Rebellion
;
That
't
is
to
wound
a
Right
wherein
all
Sovereigns
are
interessed
in
the
Consequence
,
and
give
Heart
to
Rebellion
to
b'
in
all
places
more
busie
and
bold
than
it
would
be
,
if
it
did
believe
it self
destitute
of
Forein
Aid
,
and
of
Auxiliary
Forces
.
'T
is
not
truly
to
be
denied
,
but
that
generally
taken
,
't
is
so
;
And
it
happens
not
often
,
that
Princes
declare
themselves
publickly
in
favour
of
the
Subjects
of
other
Princes
,
nor
that
they
relieve
them
openly
and
with
flying
Colours
;
When
they
do
it
,
't
is
ordinarily
done
without
noise
,
and
as
it
were
in
private
;
'T
is
like
hiding
th'
Arm
after
the
Stone
is
thrown
;
'T
is
either
in
furnishing
of
Money
secretly
,
as
Philip
the
Second
did
to
the
Chiefs
of
the
League
during
the
life
of
Henry
the
Third
;
or
in
Licensing
of
Troops
,
and
permitting
them
to
pass
to
the
Rebel
Party
,
as
the
Venetians
did
in
the
War
of
the
Barons
of
Naples
against
th'
old
Ferdinand
and
the
Duke
of
Calabria
his
son
,
as
it
hath
been
observed
in
another
place
.
In
this
,
a
Distinction
is
to
b'
used
,
which
will
clear
this
Doubt
,
and
reconcile
what
may
seem
to
b'opposite
and
contrary
;
'T
is
,
that
neither
the
Law
of
Conscience
,
nor
that
of
Civil
Prudence
doth
permit
,
That
in
time
of
Peace
and
Calmness
,
and
at
least
,
when
there
's
no
cause
of
Revenge
,
or
to
divert
a
Storm
that
threatens
,
that
Troubles
should
be
stirred
up
in
the
Neighbouring
States
,
nor
that
Subjects
b'
invited
to
take
up
Arms
against
their
Prince
;
But
when
War
is
kindled
betwixt
two
Princes
,
and
that
they
burn
with
a
Reciprocal
heat
to
do
their
worst
,
and
to
destroy
one
another
,
The
Difficulty
is
abated
,
and
there
's
more
reason
to
ask
,
Whether
one
of
the
Princes
may
with
a
good
Conscience
cherish
the
Rebellion
of
another
Princes
Subjects
?
Or
to
repeat
the
same
things
in
various
Forms
,
or
to
rehabit
the
same
Idaea
and
the
same
sense
with
different
Expressions
,
Whether
a
Prince
with
a
good
Conscience
may
Joyn
his
Forces
with
Rebel-Forces
,
and
Act
joyntly
,
and
by
way
of
Conservation
with
them
against
an
Enemy
whom
he
may
with
a
good
Conscience
fight
without
their
aid
?
Or
if
it
be
permited
him
to
diminish
the
number
of
his
Enemies
,
in
giving
Heat
to
persons
,
who
will
be
of
Necessity
Against
him
,
if
they
are
not
For
him
,
and
will
become
His
Enemies
if
He
holds
them
not
in
good
humour
and
Power
to
remain
His
Friends
?
or
else
,
if
that
be
less
allowed
him
,
than
to
receive
Officers
and
Soldiers
from
the
contrary
Party
which
come
to
Joyn
with
his
Army
;
Than
to
make
use
against
his
Enemies
of
Horses
,
of
Canon
,
and
of
other
Instruments
of
War
,
He
shall
gain
from
them
?
And
in
general
,
Whether
H'
have
the
same
right
t'
use
th'
Enemies
Arms
which
Fortune
presents
unto
him
,
and
causeth
to
fall
in
t'
his
hands
without
Labour
,
As
those
which
he
gains
with
his
Arms
,
which
by
force
He
makes
His
,
and
are
of
Lawful
Conquest
,
and
fruits
of
a
Justs
War
.
But
't
is
certain
,
That
these
things
move
upon
the
same
foot
,
and
equal
force
;
And
that
if
th'
one
are
permitted
,
whereof
there
's
no
Question
,
There
's
no
difficulty
nor
scruple
for
th
'others
.
At
the
worst
,
there
's
no
doubt
,
but
that
his
proceeding
is
gentler
and
less
odious
,
than
to
corrupt
the
fidelity
of
the
Governour
of
a
place
,
which
is
every
day
practised
by
the
most
Religious
Princes
,
who
make
no
conscience
t'
endeavour
the
taking
of
that
by
Good-will
,
which
they
believe
is
permitted
unto
them
to
take
by
force
;
And
to
buy
with
a
little
Mony
that
,
which
would
cost
the
Blood
and
Lives
of
a
great
Number
of
their
Subjects
.
In
this
,
a
very
notable
difference
may
be
seen
,
for
in
the
first
Case
,
whereof
there
hath
been
discourse
,
Princes
are
sollicited
,
Protection
demanded
,
their
Aid
implored
against
Violence
and
Tyranny
;
They
give
onely
Aliment
to
what
hath
already
Life
,
and
make
profit
of
th'
Evil
,
if
there
be
any
,
which
others
have
committed
,
and
make
use
of
the
Benefit
which
Fortune
offers
them
.
But
in
the
second
Case
,
they
seek
,
they
draw
,
they
debosh
,
they
do
in
some
sort
give
birth
t'Infidelity
and
Treason
;
And
nevertheless
they
believe
,
that
't
is
permitted
them
in
good
Conscience
,
and
they
practise
it
whithout
scruple
,
and
with
glory
.
'T
is
true
,
that
the
Justice
which
Soveraigns
exercise
against
Soveraigns
hath
a
long
extent
,
and
its
bounds
are
enlarged
beyond
the
distributions
made
to
Particular
Persons
;
That
the
Right
of
War
,
which
is
a
Right
of
Force
and
Subtilty
,
is
maintained
by
strange
Means
,
and
with
Addresses
forbidden
to
the
Right
of
Private
Persons
,
and
that
the
safety
of
the
People
is
in
the
Souls
of
Princes
,
a
Law
predominant
t'
all
other
Laws
,
and
th'
obligation
they
have
to
procure
it
,
is
superior
to
th'
other
Obligations
of
their
Charge
.
From
hence
it
may
appear
,
That
the
King
in
receiving
the
Catalans
,
who
did
cast
themselves
in
t'
his
Arms
,
hath
not
committed
so
great
a
Crime
,
as
ignorant
,
and
Passionate
persons
for
Spain
have
published
it
;
That
therein
he
hath
done
nothing
,
that
was
of
ill
Example
,
but
what
he
might
Lawfully
have
done
,
which
the
Law
of
Conscience
hath
appointed
,
and
that
of
Prudence
advised
.
And
since
that
in
the
midst
of
Peace
,
which
the
Spaniards
had
with
us
,
They
made
no
difficulty
openly
to
favour
,
and
in
the
sight
of
all
the
world
,
the
Rebels
of
France
;
And
that
before
any
breach
,
they
treated
with
the
Duke
of
Rohan
,
whilst
he
was
Head
of
a
Party
;
and
made
use
of
the
discontentment
of
one
of
our
Pritces
,
and
sent
with
him
into
this
Kingdom
some
Troops
of
casual
Polaques
;
who
live
onely
of
Prey
,
and
whose
Valour
consists
not
in
the
Taking
of
Places
,
that
Resist
,
but
in
Burning
them
,
which
cannot
Defend
themselves
;
nor
in
gaining
of
Battels
,
but
in
Killing
after
the
Victory
.
Since
that
the
Right
of
Revenge
belongs
to
Princes
,
and
that
't
is
Lawful
for
them
to
render
,
what
hath
been
lent
them
;
I
do
not
think
,
that
in
the
Terms
we
were
with
the
Spaniards
,
and
in
th'
Heat
of
the
War
had
with
them
,
the
King
ought
to
make
difficulty
of
granting
to
the
Catalans
the
Protection
they
desired
of
him
,
or
to
receive
them
,
who
gave
themselves
up
voluntarily
,
since
it
was
lawful
for
him
to
take
them
by
force
,
and
t'
have
made
himself
Master
of
them
by
His
Armies
.
Sixth
Discourse
.
Wherein
the
Protection
ought
to
Terminate
which
Princes
give
to
the
Rebel-Subjects
of
another
Prince
;
That
it
b'
effected
faithfully
by
the
Prince
,
and
securely
by
the
Rebels
;
This
is
Confirmed
by
the
Proceeding
the
King
hath
observed
in
the
business
of
Catalognia
.
IN
the
precedent
Discourse
,
we
have
cleared
the
Doubt
that
concerns
Conscience
upon
the
matter
of
Relief
,
which
Princes
give
to
the
Rebel-Subjects
of
other
Princes
.
We
must
now
treat
of
an
Inevitable
Inconveniency
in
this
Matter
,
and
of
a
more
difficult
Resolution
,
To
wit
,
wherein
this
Protection
shall
Terminate
,
and
what
the
Prince
who
gives
it
shall
do'n
their
favour
,
in
case
Peace
be
made
;
How
at
last
it
must
be
made
,
that
Rest
may
succeed
Trouble
,
and
a
Calm
t'
a
Tempest
:
For
Rebel-Subjects
must
return
to
their
Natural
Princes
grace
by
means
of
a
Treaty
,
and
be
reconciled
unt'him
by
the
Mediation
of
th'
other
Prince
their
Protector
,
or
must
be
freed
from
his
Domination
,
and
make
a
State
apart
,
and
a
separated
Body
,
As
the
Suisses
have
done
,
and
as
th'
Hollanders
do
;
or
that
they
hold
of
him
,
wh'
hath
delivered
them
from
servitude
,
and
as
the
second
Master
,
whom
they
make
choice
of
to
get
out
of
th
'others
Yoke
;
or
that
they
b'abandoned
and
left
,
as
a
Prey
,
to
the
Displeasure
and
Anger
of
their
Prince
.
As
to
the
First
Point
,
(
the
same
Judgement
may
be
made
,
and
in
stronger
Terms
of
the
Second
and
Third
)
It
must
be
a
very
difficult
thing
for
a
Soverain
to
digest
,
That
another
sould
take
that
Advantage
over
him
,
as
to
be
the
Mediator
and
Arbiter
betwixt
him
and
his
Subjects
,
and
Fortune
must
put
him
int'a
low
Station
,
and
offer
him
a
strange
Violence
,
to
make
him
accept
of
such
hard
Conditions
,
and
such
dishonorable
Terms
.
In
the
Treaty
of
Madrill
,
and
that
of
Cambray
,
which
was
,
to
speak
properly
,
but
the
Corrective
and
Moderation
of
th
other
,
some
particular
French
Persons
indeed
,
who
followed
the
Spanish
Party
,
were
restored
to
their
Honours
and
Goods
by
those
Treaties
.
But
who
knows
not
in
what
Constitution
France
was
at
that
time
?
Who
knows
not
that
th'
Heavens
had
none
but
malignant
Aspects
and
froward
Influences
for
it
?
And
that
Fortune
pouring
out
her
Favours
upon
Spain
,
had
forgot
she
was
Changeable
.
It
hath
been
seen
,
what
a
hard
Labour
it
was
some
years
past
t'
obtain
Pardon
for
the
Marquis
of
St.
George
,
and
for
some
other
Montferrans
,
who
served
the
Duke
of
Savoy
in
the
VVars
He
had
since
the
death
of
the
late
King
,
with
the
Dukes
of
Mantoua
.
The
difficulty
the
Genouese
Expressed
,
and
the
Resistance
they
made
against
pardoning
the
Prisoners
,
hath
been
seen
,
whom
th'
Accused
t'
have
Conspired
against
their
Country
with
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
to
give
him
Entry
into
Genes
;
And
that
at
last
in
th'
Accommodation
the
Republique
made
with
the
Duke
,
a
Means
was
Invented
,
and
a
Temper
found
t'
hinder
these
Criminals
of
the
State
to
perish
;
And
that
it
might
not
appear
,
that
the
Republique
had
given
them
grace
.
And
in
the
Treaty
of
Vervins
,
the
Deputies
of
the
late
King
opposed
vigorously
the
Comprehension
of
any
French-man
,
that
had
taken
part
with
the
Spaniard
,
and
to
deny
any
favour
to
th'
Intercession
of
Strangers
,
of
what
belonged
to
the
Clemency
of
a
Prince
.
Moreover
,
it
was
not
without
a
great
grief
of
heart
,
and
a
great
Repugnancy
,
that
the
Spaniards
permitted
th'
Embassadors
of
France
,
England
,
and
Venice
,
not
onely
to
sign
,
as
Moderators
,
but
also
as
Sureties
on
their
Masters
behalf
,
the
Treaty
of
Verceil
,
which
determined
the
War
raised
from
the
not
Execution
of
that
of
Ast
;
And
nevertheless
,
the
Question
was
not
herein
,
of
a
difference
betwixt
Subject
and
Soveraign
,
and
of
those
Quarrels
of
State
,
which
are
not
Appeased
,
but
by
the
Submission
or
Punishment
of
th'
One
,
and
by
th'
Indulgency
or
Justice
of
th'
Other
.
The
Question
was
onely
of
a
Punctilio
of
Honour
,
and
of
a
Preheminence
of
Authority
,
which
the
Spaniards
affected
,
to
Treat
in
all
Italy
as
Masters
;
T'●mpose
Laws
on
Princes
;
To
give
Form
,
as
it
shall
seem
good
to
them
,
t'Affairs
,
and
to
put
out
the
Fires
,
which
they
permitted
to
kindle
by
the
sole
signification
of
their
pleasure
,
and
by
the
single
demonstration
of
their
Arms.
It
angred
much
those
ambitious
Persons
,
That
a
Duke
of
Savoy
had
the
boldness
t'
oppose
that
publick
Necessity
,
and
to
resist
the
common
Destiny
of
the
petty
Princes
of
Italy
.
They
could
not
endure
his
Thoughts
of
a
Free
Pince
,
nor
that
he
should
use
the
Privileges
of
Soveraignty
,
and
Act
th'
Independent
near
them
.
It
was
the
cause
of
the
Troubles
they
raised
upon
him
,
and
renewed
two
or
three
Times
.
This
obliged
France
not
permit
him
t'
yield
under
so
just
a
Cause
;
This
made
France
with
England
,
and
the
Republick
of
Venice
,
t'
undertake
the
Warrantry
of
what
was
Accorded
to
the
Duke
by
the
Spaniards
;
and
this
was
the
cause
of
bitterness
and
grief
to
them
,
to
be
constrained
,
for
th'
Avoiding
of
worse
,
and
to
draw
upon
them
,
with
the
War
,
Strangers
in
t'
Italy
;
following
the
Maxim
they
then
held
,
and
which
they
ought
never
t'
abandon
;
To
be
compelled
,
I
say
,
after
th'
Offer
of
all
imaginable
Advantages
to
the
Duke
,
and
search
of
all
possible
Expedients
,
to
divert
the
Mediation
of
the
forementioned
Ambassadors
,
to
consent
,
That
they
should
become
Pledges
of
th'
Observation
of
the
Treaty
.
That
if
we
've
seen
happen
somewhat
like
it
between
the
King
and
his
Rebel-Subjects
;
And
if
England
mingled
with
their
Affairs
,
and
Interposed
in
the
Treaty
which
was
given
them
before
Montpellier
;
'T
is
to
be
considered
,
that
't
was
permitted
by
that
hard
and
Inexorable
Law
,
which
makes
the
Lesser
Evil
to
b'
Accepted
t'
avoid
the
Greater
;
and
that
in
respect
of
the
Weariness
which
oppressed
France
,
It
was
adjudged
to
be
more
Expedient
to
procure
its
Rest
with
a
Little
shame
,
than
to
Leave
it
in
the
Trouble
of
War
,
with
an
Extreme
peril
;
Or
truly
it
must
b'
avowed
,
That
there
was
not
Vigour
and
Courage
enough
in
the
Councel
,
or
Care
enough
of
the
King's
Honor
,
and
of
the
Dignity
of
the
Crown
,
and
that
the
veins
of
them
,
who
Governed
in
that
Time
,
were
not
filled
with
those
Generous
Spirits
,
and
that
Magnanimous
Blood
whereof
so
great
Effects
are
seen
in
the
present
Administration
.
And
to
speak
the
Truth
,
these
forced
Peaces
,
and
these
violent
Reconciliations
are
not
of
Long
Duration
;
They
must
quickly
break
,
from
what
side
soever
the
fault
comes
;
And
the
Subjects
proud
and
fierce
upon
this
Forein
Protection
,
cannot
contain
themselves
within
their
Bounds
,
which
are
marked
out
unto
them
,
or
the
Prince
cannot
permit
his
Subjects
t'
have
relation
t'
any
other
Soveraignty
than
his
,
whereby
shadow
only
of
Authority
remains
t'
him
,
and
from
which
he
receives
onely
an
Apparence
of
Affection
,
whilst
they
give
th'
Heart
and
Reality
t'
another
Prince
.
What
followed
the
Peace
of
Montpellier
hath
given
us
occasion
to
verifie
this
Truth
,
and
shew
,
that
it
being
made
of
necessity
,
or
for
fear
,
and
Forced
rather
than
freely
Accorded
;
That
th'
Intervention
and
Warrant
of
th'
English
was
of
use
to
give
the
greater
Jealousie
to
the
King
against
them
,
wh'had
made
Addresses
t'
England
,
to
give
him
a
greater
curiosity
in
th'
observance
of
their
Deportments
,
and
a
greater
Inclination
t'
interpret
them
with
a
spirit
of
distrust
;
That
they
served
onely
to
make
them
the
more
Tender
and
Sensible
of
the
least
scratch
,
they
Imagin'd
to
be
given
to
the
Peace
;
to
make
them
the
more
bold
in
demanding
of
Reparation
,
and
to
demand
it
with
Threatnings
;
T'
Encourage
them
to
proceed
rather
as
Equals
than
Subjects
in
all
these
Troubles
;
From
what
cause
it
proceeded
this
is
not
the
time
t'
enquire
after
,
and
that
I
've
design'd
it
for
another
place
.
At
last
,
all
things
conspired
t'
an
open
breach
,
as
hath
been
observed
,
and
from
all
those
Collective
Causes
,
was
formed
the
most
dangerous
War
that
threatned
the
State
,
since
the
birth
of
Heresie
.
Nevertheless
,
God
Converted
into
Good
those
sad
Apparences
,
and
hindred
th'
Evil
t'
Accomplish
its
period
;
He
stopt
it
in
the
strength
of
its
Motion
,
and
in
the
midst
of
its
Course
;
And
raised
to
the
King
Ministers
of
State
,
who
would
not
strip
him
of
his
Virtue
by
their
Coldness
,
but
give
him
an
Edge
by
their
Courage
;
not
to
go
awry
at
the
sight
of
the
Disorders
,
and
to
cut
off
some
Branches
;
but
t'
Assault
it
in
a
strait
Line
,
and
to
cut
it
up
by
the
Roots
;
Not
t'
Allay
for
some
time
the
Rebellion
with
Promises
,
which
they
knew
would
not
be
kept
,
and
may
be
believed
ought
not
to
be
kept
;
but
to
put
it
in
a
Condition
to
Capitulate
no
more
with
his
Master
,
and
to
take
from
it
for
the
future
,
the
Will
to
rise
,
in
taking
from
it
the
Power
of
Rising
.
And
that
fell
out
happily
,
for
th'
English
were
beaten
,
and
th'
Hugonots
humbled
in
that
War
;
Rochel
fell
to
the
ground
,
and
Spain
became
Blind
or
Lazre
in
not
furnishing
the
Relief
it
had
promised
to
the
Dying
party
.
Somewhat
like
to
this
last
Circumstance
hath
been
seen
in
the
Peace
which
the
late
Emperor
made
a
little
before
at
Lubec
with
the
King
of
Denmark
.
The
Princes
whose
Protection
h
'had
undertaken
were
admitted
only
under
the
General
Clause
,
which
was
a
Mark
of
Dereliction
,
That
th'
Emperor
should
not
disturb
any
Person
against
Justice
and
Equity
:
That
during
such
time
the
King
of
Denmark
should
not
Engage
in
th'
Affairs
of
th'
Empire
,
And
that
he
should
no
more
Interpose
in
th'
Affairs
of
Germany
,
th●n
th'
Emperor
in
th'
Affairs
of
his
Kingdom
.
It
must
nevertheless
be
confessed
,
to
speak
Truth
of
that
Occurrence
,
That
th'
Advantages
th'
Emperor
●●ew
from
that
Treaty
,
were
not
the
Just
price
of
the
Successes
H'
had
obtain'd
in
that
War
;
And
that
the
Collection
of
the
Fruits
Answered
not
the
Promises
which
did
precede
it
.
In
the
King
of
Denmarks
Condition
,
His
Declining
the
Protection
of
his
Allies
was
no
more
,
than
to
Part
with
that
which
was
not
in
his
power
to
Maintain
,
and
to
Quit
that
he
could
no
longer
hold
,
and
to
Renounce
that
which
produced
no
real
Thing
to
th'
Emperor
,
To
what
hath
been
already
said
,
may
also
b'added
,
That
'
t
is
better
that
one
of
the
Confederates
giving
way
to
Time
,
and
striking
Sail
before
Fortune
,
make
his
Peace
alone
,
the
better
t'
Endeavour
th'
Improvement
of
th'
others
Conditions
,
and
to
serve
them
for
Relief
,
than
that
they
should
Lose
themselves
by
the
pretence
of
a
false
Courage
,
and
by
a
Delicacy
of
humour
,
which
may
indeed
be
permitted
in
the
Conduct
of
Particular
persons
,
but
ought
never
to
b'
admitted
into
that
of
Princes
,
nor
find
place
in
their
Affairs
.
That
,
besides
this
,
there
s
no
doubt
,
but
that
't
is
a
most
base
dishonour
for
them
to
fail
in
th'
observation
of
promises
;
And
that
no
Greatness
can
be
gained
,
or
Establishment
made
,
that
can
repair
the
breaches
of
violated
Faith
,
and
purge
the
shame
of
Perjury
.
These
are
Considerations
,
which
have
entred
into
my
Understanding
,
to
discharge
as
much
as
may
be
,
the
proceedings
which
Princes
sometimes
are
Constrained
t'
use
in
the
matter
of
Treaties
.
I
do
not
pretend
,
nevertheless
,
to
warrant
my
thoughts
from
Infallibility
,
or
to
make
them
pass
for
Decisions
and
Dogmatiques
.
I
leave
t'
every
person
the
Liberty
of
Judgment
,
according
t'
his
Sense
to
Condemn
or
Approve
them
,
as
it
shall
seem
good
t'
him
,
and
to
take
them
for
sound
Reasons
,
and
for
Addresses
of
good
Direction
;
or
onely
for
Colours
,
which
paint
,
or
for
Ways
that
occasion
Wandrings
.
However
,
great
care
must
be
taken
not
t'
Exercise
and
Practise
so
ticklish
a
Conduct
every
day
;
And
no
other
use
is
to
be
made
of
them
,
than
as
of
Poisons
in
Medicines
,
That
's
to
say
,
sparingly
,
and
against
Extreme
Evils
,
and
with
Excellent
Correctives
,
and
Exquisite
Preparations
.
I
add
also
,
that
in
th'
Example
,
which
I
have
alleged
of
Demark
,
I
do
not
understand
Fundamentally
to
condemn
the
Conduct
of
that
Prince
,
nor
to
Constitute
my self
Judge
Soveraign
of
a
thing
whereof
I
do
not
know
all
th'
occult
Reasons
by
which
that
Nation
might
have
cause
to
get
out
,
which
ought
to
be
presumed
to
be
Just
,
nor
all
th'
hidden
Wheels
that
gave
it
Motion
,
which
might
have
rendred
it
necessary
;
I
've
onely
drawn
th'
Exterior
,
and
what
hath
appeared
without
,
and
hath
not
a
plausible
shew
,
which
I
've
endeavoured
to
Temper
&
Sweeten
by
my
Lenitive
Considerations
.
Not
touching
then
upon
what
may
b'
of
Truth
in
the
Foundation
of
such
proceedings
,
what
appeared
without
,
seems
to
b'
an
Argument
of
Infidelity
or
Weakness
,
and
both
of
those
Qualities
are
Precipices
,
wherein
a
Prince
will
never
fall
if
he
be
Virtuous
,
and
will
seldom
fall
into
th'
other
,
if
he
b'
of
good
foresight
,
and
knows
well
how
to
take
his
Measures
.
From
whence
I
conclude
,
That
the
last
may
not
happen
,
And
that
the
Prince
who
protects
,
be
not
compelled
to
give
the
World
so
shameful
an
Evidence
of
his
Weakness
,
That
either
h'
ought
at
first
Instance
to
Reject
the
proposals
of
the
people
,
who
Implore
his
Protection
,
and
shut
the
Door
t'
all
Importunities
;
or
if
he
receive
them
,
t'
Act
Vigorously
with
so
Considerable
Forces
,
that
apparently
Nothing
ought
to
deprive
him
of
the
Victory
;
nor
hinder
by
consequence
the
Peace
to
be
made
upon
his
own
Tearms
,
and
Secure
the
People
,
whose
defence
h
'had
undertaken
,
and
with
whose
safety
h
'had
charged
himself
.
A
worthier
Example
to
follow
cannot
be
presented
,
nor
a
more
excellent
Model
for
Imitation
in
like
Occurrences
,
than
the
Conduct
the
King
observed
in
the
Business
of
Catalognia
.
So
soon
as
it
appeared
,
and
that
so
great
an
Occasion
t'
advance
our
affairs
shewed
it self
,
He
wisely
judged
,
That
there
was
no
reason
to
permit
it
t'
escape
;
That
there
was
no
Cause
for
Resisting
the
good
Fortune
,
which
came
to
seek
us
without
a
Call
,
not
to
refuse
a
Favour
,
which
th'
Heavens
offered
us
so
freely
.
And
as
't
is
seen
sometimes
in
difficult
Maladies
,
that
Nature
makes
some
Demonstration
,
which
declares
to
the
Physicians
the
way
th'
ought
to
take
to
cure
the
sick
Persons
,
and
discovers
to
them
the
place
by
which
the
disease
is
to
b'assaulted
;
The
King
also
very
well
understood
,
That
by
this
unlook'd
for
Accident
,
and
by
this
unhop'd
for
Chance
,
of
the
rising
of
the
Catelans
,
God
marked
out
unt'us
one
of
the
ways
w'ought
to
take
,
t'
arrive
at
th'
Haven
we
went
to
Sea
for
,
and
t'
attain
that
End
for
which
w'undertook
the
War
;
A
sure
and
honest
Peace
,
a
firm
and
lasting
Rest
to
Christian
Princes
.
He
understook
,
That
if
h
'had
reason
t'
undertake
the
War
in
that
Country
,
when
all
Spain
opposed
it
,
and
that
all
the
People
joyned
with
the
Prince
to
ruine
our
Designs
,
and
to
make
our
Arms
fruitless
;
The
same
Causes
and
Reasons
being
on
foot
,
The
best
Peopled
,
and
the
most
Warlick
Province
of
that
Nation
being
sever'd
from
th'
other
Provinces
,
and
Joyned
with
our
Forces
;
There
was
no
probability
,
but
that
we
might
promise
to
our selves
a
good
success
of
that
business
;
H'
ought
indeed
so
to
believe
it
,
and
believe
also
,
That
if
that
affair
was
happily
Embarqu'd
,
and
that
the
favour
of
Heaven
did
not
abandon
the
progress
of
it
,
That
the
prosperity
would
not
be
confined
to
the
Frontiers
of
Catalognia
,
That
its
good
Influence
might
extend
its
self
further
;
And
as
a
Needle
rubbed
with
the
Loadstone
hath
the
virtue
to
draw
others
,
That
the
subsistence
of
the
Catalans
might
be
th'
Attractive
to
draw
th'
other
discontented
Provinces
after
it
.
He
knew
that
the
Portuguese
were
full
of
good
will
to
rise
,
since
the
time
of
their
submission
to
the
Crown
of
Spain
;
That
they
could
not
bear
any
Yoke
with
more
Impatience
;
That
they
always
breathed
after
their
antient
form
of
Government
,
and
that
th'
hatred
they
had
for
the
Castillians
was
so
natural
and
strong
,
that
no
length
of
Time
,
nor
moderation
of
Conduct
,
could
efface
th'
Impression
,
and
allay
the
Violence
.
He
judg'd
,
that
th'
Arragons
,
wh'
have
not
yet
lost
the
Remembrance
of
Philip
the
Second's
usage
,
wh'
are
outragious
with
spite
for
the
breach
of
their
Privileges
,
and
loss
of
their
Liberty
;
Who
know
that
of
Right
it
belongs
t'
Us
,
would
observe
what
the
first
Successes
of
their
Neighbours
Arms
would
be
;
What
form
of
their
Establishment
,
and
what
the
signes
and
presages
of
their
future
duration
,
to
Joyn
themselves
,
it
may
be
with
us
,
if
they
might
do
't
with
safety
,
and
if
they
saw
in
that
Union
Resistance
and
Force
enough
against
th'
Enterprises
of
their
common
Enemy
.
H'
also
judged
,
That
if
that
War
could
be
drawn
out
into
length
,
and
that
the
first
Effort
of
the
Troops
the
Spanish
King
should
draw
together
to
reduce
or
confound
the
Catalans
,
before
they
were
in
a
condition
to
Resist
him
,
failed
of
its
effect
;
It
was
of
Necessity
for
him
to
recall
from
the
Low-countries
,
or
from
Italy
,
some
part
of
his
Forces
t'
oppose
them
which
were
drawn
out
against
him
in
the
midst
of
his
Country
,
and
as
in
the
Centre
of
his
Monarchy
.
And
by
Consequent
,
that
his
other
States
remaining
naked
and
weak
,
they
would
b'exposed
to
very
dangerous
strokes
,
and
to
very
great
wounds
;
And
that
many
other
good
Effects
and
happy
Encounters
might
derive
themselves
from
that
Cause
and
Spring
.
And
therefore
the
Kings
proceeding
upon
th'
Occurrence
of
Catalognia
,
could
not
be
more
Judicious
,
nor
the
motion
of
his
Arms
better
adjusted
to
the
Laws
of
Civil
Prudence
.
Seventh
Discourse
.
That
't
is
a
great
Secret
in
War
,
to
know
how
to
make
best
Choice
of
the
Place
against
which
the
strongest
Assaults
are
to
be
made
.
That
the
Spaniards
are
seldom
deceived
in
that
Choice
:
With
some
other
Observations
upon
their
Conducts
.
That
the
King's
Conduct
is
Admirable
,
in
ordering
the
War
he
makes
in
so
many
places
in
Christendome
.
WHat
I
have
said
of
the
King's
Proceedings
upon
the
Insurrections
of
Catalognia
,
carries
me
t'
another
Consideration
,
which
is
not
of
small
weight
for
the
managing
of
a
War
made
in
several
places
,
and
divides
it self
into
many
Branches
at
distance
with
one
another
;
'T
is
,
that
in
this
Action
,
the
supreme
degree
of
Military
Wisdom
,
and
as
it
were
the
precious
Elixar
to
render
any
War
happy
,
Is
,
t'
Endeavour
industriously
to
know
the
place
,
which
ought
to
be
the
principal
Siege
,
and
to
turn
on
that
side
the
chief
of
their
Forces
;
As
to
b'
always
ready
to
change
Conduct
,
as
cause
shall
be
given
,
and
the
War
to
take
another
Conduct
,
and
another
Form
in
order
to
that
End
.
Th'
House
of
Austria
hath
always
understood
and
practised
this
secret
t'
Admiration
;
And
if
the
late
Emperor
forsook
it
,
when
he
made
War
to
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
,
and
neglected
that
of
Germany
,
t'
apply
himfelf
powerfully
to
the
War
of
Italy
;
'T
is
that
he
was
forced
thereunto
,
as
hath
been
often
observed
,
by
th'
Ambition
of
the
Spaniards
,
who
preferring
their
Interest
t'
his
,
obliged
him
to
draw
his
Forces
where
they
might
b'
of
most
use
for
them
,
and
to
labour
their
Greatness
in
Italy
,
which
then
concerned
them
more
than
the
Greatness
of
th'
Emperor
in
Germany
.
The
cause
why
the
Spaniards
possess
this
secret
in
perfection
,
and
are
seldom
deceived
in
the
Knowledge
and
Choice
of
what
is
most
important
in
their
Affairs
;
Is
th'
order
of
their
Government
,
and
that
variety
of
particular
Councels
,
whereof
it
is
composed
,
as
their
various
Countries
or
their
Domination
is
distributed
,
and
where
their
Arms
are
exercised
.
For
Example
,
as
to
what
respects
Italy
,
There
's
an
establish'd
Councel
in
Italy
,
which
is
formed
of
the
Correspondencies
and
Relations
observed
amongst
the
Ministers
of
State
whom
they
there
entertain
;
And
especially
betwixt
the
Governor
of
Milan
,
and
the
Vice-King
of
Naples
,
and
their
Ambassador
at
Venice
.
In
th'
occasions
then
which
happen
in
that
Country
,
the
first
Declarations
are
made
by
these
four
Heads
,
which
constitute
,
as
it
were
,
the
first
Tribunal
,
where
the
Difficulties
are
agitated
,
and
Resolutions
taken
of
what
is
most
expedient
to
do
in
the
present
occasion
.
The
Result
of
th'
Advises
of
that
first
Councel
,
with
a
faithful
Relation
of
the
Facts
whereon
they
were
formed
,
and
the
Reasons
whereon
they
were
grounded
,
is
sent
into
Spain
t'
another
Councel
framed
of
Intelligent
Persons
in
th'
affairs
of
Italy
,
and
who
,
having
past
the
great
Employments
of
that
Country
,
have
also
the
greater
Lights
and
exacter
Motions
.
There
the
second
Examination
of
the
Business
is
made
,
and
th'
advices
and
Reasons
of
the
first
Councels
are
put
again
to
the
Trial
and
Re-examination
.
And
,
as
in
th'
Oeconomy
of
th'
Human
Body
,
the
Spirits
which
are
formed
in
the
Liver
,
pass
to
th'
Heart
to
be
purifi'd
,
and
there
to
discharge
themselves
of
the
grosser
part
,
and
from
thence
arise
to
the
Brain
,
where
they
receive
th'
ultimate
degree
of
subtilty
and
light
,
whereof
they
are
capable
,
and
such
a
temper
as
renders
them
the
nearest
Organs
of
the
Motion
of
the
Body
,
and
of
th'
Operation
of
the
Senses
;
In
like
manner
,
the
Resolutions
of
this
second
Councel
are
carried
to
a
Third
,
which
is
the
Councel
of
State
of
the
Prince
,
to
receive
there
a
Third
Examination
,
and
to
see
,
if
they
may
find
a
place
in
th'
order
of
his
affairs
;
And
if
that
which
is
conformable
to
the
good
of
th'
affairs
of
Italy
,
whereunto
the
two
first
Councels
have
onely
their
Aspect
,
be
not
contrary
to
the
general
good
of
their
Monarchy
.
They
Act
not
onely
in
this
Order
,
and
with
so
great
a
Refinement
of
Prudence
in
their
own
Affairs
,
and
which
immediately
concern
them
,
but
they
bring
also
the
same
Cares
,
and
the
same
contest
of
Spirit
,
t'
Examine
th'
Affairs
of
th'
House
of
Austria
in
Germany
;
and
to
direct
the
Form
and
Motion
that
ought
to
guide
them
;
Nevertheless
,
with
this
difference
,
That
although
they
address
,
as
to
their
Centre
,
the
Particulars
which
they
have
collected
,
as
to
the
general
Good
of
their
House
;
They
so
order
it
,
That
the
general
Good
remains
always
inferiour
and
subaltern
to
the
particular
Interests
of
their
House
,
and
to
the
great
Design
they
've
had
to
greaten
it
without
Measure
,
and
to
raise
it
to
th'
Universal
Christian
Monarchy
.
I
've
already
brought
some
Examples
for
the
proof
of
this
Truth
,
and
I
could
bring
others
above
number
to
confirm
it
,
if
there
were
need
,
and
if
it
were
not
so
evident
and
known
,
that
it
would
seem
to
give
light
to
the
Sun
,
and
to
make
his
Light
visible
;
So
that
you
must
not
b'
Amazed
,
if
the
Councel
of
Vienna
is
but
th'
Instrument
of
the
Resolutions
,
whereof
the
Councel
of
Madril
is
th'
Author
;
And
if
you
see
nothing
come
from
that
,
which
bears
not
the
mark
of
th'
other
,
and
receiv'd
th'
impressions
of
their
Maxims
and
Conduct
.
And
since
the
knowledge
of
facts
,
and
of
the
true
state
of
things
,
is
the
Basis
of
Reasonings
,
and
that
these
have
no
subsistence
,
if
th
'others
b'ill
grounded
;
And
resemble
the
Colours
of
the
Bowe
in
Heaven
,
that
are
false
,
though
they
are
full
of
brightness
and
comeliness
,
for
want
of
a
Body
,
wherein
they
might
b'
infused
and
fastned
;
They
provide
against
this
Inconveniency
two
way
;
Th'
one
is
,
by
an
unlimited
Power
they
give
to
their
Agents
to
distribute
Moneys
,
and
not
to
consider
any
sort
of
Expence
to
be
well
informed
of
what
passeth
;
As
to
penetrate
what
is
deliberated
and
resolved
at
the
Results
of
their
Enemies
and
Friends
;
And
that
Expence
is
fully
allowed
them
without
Examination
or
Restriction
,
and
upon
the
single
Account
which
they
present
.
Their
Reason
is
,
that
although
this
be
Matter
for
Deceit
and
for
Avarice
to
make
unjust
Harvests
;
They
'd
rather
run
th'
hazard
,
as
Inconsiderable
,
for
the
good
which
may
arise
to
them
,
as
very
great
;
And
they
believe
,
That
an
Expence
well
imploy'd
in
that
behalf
,
and
a
good
advice
given
to
purpose
,
make
them
Recompence
with
Interest
for
a
hundred
lost
Expences
,
and
for
a
hundred
unprofitable
Advices
.
Th'
other
way
is
,
That
no
People
of
the
world
were
ever
more
careful
t'
entertain
their
Correspondencies
,
or
a
greater
Number
of
them
;
They
do
not
affect
onely
specious
ones
,
and
with
illustrious
Persons
,
but
they
also
form
Correspondencies
with
all
them
that
will
b'obliged
with
them
;
And
Experience
hath
taught
them
,
that
a
Person
of
a
Low
Condition
,
and
of
little
sense
,
may
discover
to
them
sometimes
an
important
Truth
,
which
might
have
past
by
the
Cares
and
Subtilty
of
great
Personages
.
So
that
't
is
a
wonderful
thing
,
and
I
've
been
sometimes
a●●onish'd
at
it
,
to
see
the
great
Number
of
Persons
,
who
make
Copies
in
the
Chanceries
of
their
Ministers
of
State
,
and
the
great
quantity
of
Letters
,
which
their
Ambassadors
by
every
ordinary
Messenger
write
by
way
of
Original
;
And
't
is
incredible
to
believe
their
diligence
t'
inform
the
Prince
,
and
his
other
Ministers
of
State
,
of
War
or
Peace
,
of
what
is
necessary
for
them
to
know
;
As
well
the
Bad
as
the
good
News
is
speedily
sent
away
unto
them
,
and
above
all
th'
ill
news
,
as
that
,
which
is
of
Importance
to
be
timely
known
,
and
without
disguise
,
to
remedy
in
time
,
and
with
necessary
Provisions
,
th'
Evil
which
they
declare
or
presage
;
And
that
the
Posts
that
bring
them
are
as
largely
paid
,
and
as
civilly
used
,
as
they
who
bring
the
good
tidings
.
After
then
that
they
've
understood
the
present
state
of
their
Affairs
,
and
observed
the
place
where
it
imports
them
most
t'
Act
,
They
turn
on
that
side
,
as
hath
been
said
,
the
chief
of
their
Forces
,
t'
Act
the
more
safely
,
and
to
break
and
overcome
by
an
excess
of
Power
all
that
may
oppose
it
,
and
give
Resistance
;
They
resolve
to
permit
small
Losses
,
and
light
Disadvantages
in
one
place
,
t'
obtain
great
Successes
in
another
;
and
they
well
know
,
that
the
Branches
cannot
remain
safe
,
when
the
Body
of
the
Tr●e
is
cut
down
,
and
that
after
the
wounding
of
the
Nobler
parts
,
th
'others
Die
of
themselves
.
'T
is
by
this
Principle
,
that
we
've
sometimes
seen
our
Frontiers
covered
with
fearfull
Clowds
of
their
Men
of
War
,
which
have
been
nevertheless
dispersed
,
and
that
the
Lower
Germany
hath
seen
formed
against
it
great
and
formidable
Bodies
of
Imperial
Armies
,
which
have
also
been
defeated
.
Since
w'
are
in
the
way
to
speak
of
the
Conduct
,
which
the
Princes
of
th'
House
of
Austria
have
accustomed
particularly
t'
observe
in
the
War
,
it
may
not
be
amiss
to
remark
also
here
,
That
when
they
resolve
upon
any
great
Design
,
and
that
they
prepare
for
some
High
Enterprize
,
Th'
act
it
with
the
most
Privacy
,
and
with
the
least
possible
Noise
;
Th'
use
their
greatest
care
,
that
it
take
no
Air
,
as
if
they
wrought
in
a
Mine
;
They
make
shew
of
Rest
and
Sleep
,
when
they
Labour
most
,
and
are
most
Awake
;
They
're
not
angry
when
they
're
accused
of
Impuissancy
,
and
they
scatter
of
themselves
Colourable
Reasons
,
and
furnish
Specious
Colours
to
make
that
Accusation
probable
.
'T
is
not
hard
to
divine
th'
End
of
that
Artifice
,
which
is
to
lay
asleep
and
to
surprize
:
And
History
and
Experience
do
sufficiently
instruct
us
,
what
incredible
Advantages
they
do
sometimes
draw
thereby
to
themselves
,
and
what
great
and
prodigious
stroaks
they
make
by
the
force
of
that
Artifice
,
and
by
the
favour
of
that
Silence
.
Th'
ill
success
of
the
Battel
of
St.
Quintin
had
its
beginning
in
those
secret
and
hidden
Preparations
,
which
Philip
the
Second
made
of
the
great
Forces
wherewith
he
did
enter
Picardy
;
And
in
that
fatal
Credulity
that
possessed
us
of
his
Weakness
,
and
of
the
small
Means
h
'had
t'
Arm
powerfully
,
till
we
learned
it
at
our
Charges
,
and
were
beaten
with
the
Thunder
,
before
w'
had
any
sight
of
the
Lightning
:
W'
have
not
lost
the
memory
of
a
thing
so
fresh
and
sensible
as
the
surprize
,
which
had
almost
oppressed
Banier
in
th'
High
Palatinate
,
and
the
Storm
that
broke
s'
unexpectedly
upon
him
,
that
it
failed
but
little
,
but
that
the
whole
Power
of
the
Swedes
in
Germany
had
with
that
stroke
been
overthrown
with
the
German
Liberty
.
I
add
also
,
that
when
th'
Heavens
second
their
Providence
,
and
becomes
propitious
to
their
Designs
,
there
's
not
a
People
in
the
world
,
to
speak
ordinarily
,
wh'
understand
better
to
make
good
use
of
her
favours
,
and
to
serve
themselves
of
their
Advantages
;
Whereas
others
do
become
remiss
by
their
good
Success
,
and
Prosperity
seems
t'
abate
and
dissolve
their
Vigour
,
and
do
stop
to
take
breath
in
the
best
of
their
way
,
and
letting
pass
good
fortune
before
them
,
without
the
Courage
of
pursuing
it
,
They
lose
the
sight
of
it
.
But
the
Spaniards
never
Labour
more
than
after
a
good
Success
,
and
are
never
hotter
to
Fight
,
than
after
the
gaining
of
a
Battel
,
nor
more
desirous
to
return
to
the
Carier
than
after
the
Victory
:
They
know
how
to
pursue
a
Victory
to
the
last
,
and
they
lose
not
a
happy
Sequel
that
it
may
produce
,
nor
a
Fruit
that
may
rationally
be
gathered
from
it
,
That
of
Norlinghen
,
to
go
no
higher
,
is
an
evident
proof
;
and
if
France
had
not
interposed
to
stop
the
Current
,
and
restrain
the
Rapidity
,
●h'
had
had
nothing
more
to
do
in
Germany
than
t'
have
taken
possession
of
what
would
have
rendred
,
or
to
march
and
present
themselves
t'overcome
in
all
places
.
So
that
if
the
wonderful
power
of
th'
House
of
Austria
be
considered
,
which
maintains
it self
,
and
stands
up
after
it
hath
received
so
many
shakings
;
after
the
loss
of
so
many
Battels
;
after
th'
Insurrection
of
Provinces
and
Kingdoms
;
And
on
th'
other
side
,
if
their
constant
and
politique
Order
,
and
the
Virtues
practised
in
the
Cabinet
Council
,
and
exercised
in
the
Field
,
be
well
observed
,
It
must
be
confessed
,
that
t'hinder
the
compleating
of
their
Designs
,
it
was
necessary
,
that
th'
Heavens
did
undertake
particularly
to
cross
them
,
and
to
raise
Forces
t'
oppose
them
,
equal
or
superiour
to
theirs
;
A
Policy
at
the
least
as
Wise
,
and
incomparably
more
Just
,
and
Virtues
as
strong
and
active
,
but
more
true
and
effective
.
Wherefore
th'
obligation
,
which
the
whole
Christian
Common-wealth
hath
to
the
King
,
cannot
be
sufficiently
comprehended
;
And
whatsoever
th'
Acknowledgment
be
,
it
cannot
be
proportionable
t'
his
aid
and
him
,
for
confirming
its
Liberty
so
violently
shaken
;
for
giving
stop
to
th'
Ambition
of
so
powerful
and
Enemy
;
for
having
raised
so
great
Forces
upon
that
Occasion
,
which
might
have
been
reported
too
great
,
but
that
they
were
necessary
.
The
Reader
will
not
take
it
ill
,
that
I
have
here
made
this
rough
draught
of
the
Conduct
of
that
House
,
and
particularly
of
the
Branch
of
Spain
,
which
is
as
the
Mobile
and
Soul
of
the
Conduct
of
th'
other
.
If
it
cannot
entirely
b'imitated
by
other
Princes
and
States
,
for
the
Reasons
not
here
to
b'expressed
,
It
may
be
in
part
,
and
with
some
proportion
.
However
,
't
is
no
small
Matter
t'
have
made
it
known
,
that
a
Defence
may
with
Power
and
Knowledge
be
made
against
it
.
Let
's
see
now
,
if
in
these
last
Times
France
hath
well
understood
the
publick
Mystery
,
whereof
it
hath
been
spoken
in
the
beginning
of
this
Discourse●
,
and
if
in
th'
execution
of
its
Design
,
it
hath
observed
th'
Order
as
hath
been
said
ought
to
be
kept
,
and
changed
Conduct
according
to
the
change
of
Conjunctures
.
To
be
satisfi'd
in
this
,
it
must
be
supposed
,
That
th'
Intention
of
the
King
having
been
onely
t'
oppose
th'
unjust
and
unmeasurable
Greatness
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
t'hinder
th'
Usurpations
that
it
projected
on
all
sides
to
make
;
The
Law
of
Contraries
required
,
That
he
repaired
chiefly
to
the
places
,
where
it
endeavour'd
to
make
its
principal
Establishments
,
and
to
break
the
Design
,
where
the
strength
of
Industry
ought
to
be
,
and
the
gross
of
the
Work
which
it
designed
;
And
it
cannot
be
doubted
,
that
almost
in
all
the
course
of
that
long
and
sad
War
,
which
devours
Christendom
,
to
the
raising
of
the
Siege
at
Casall
,
and
to
the
rising
of
the
Catalans
,
which
followed
it
,
but
the
places
have
been
Germany
and
Italy
.
As
to
the
first
,
't
is
certain
,
That
't
is
a
constant
Resolution
,
and
an
Immortal
Design
in
the
Soul
of
those
Princes
,
who
take
up
th'
Empire
,
as
by
Succession
,
to
make
also
Germany
their
Patrimony
.
No
person
is
ignorant
what
Charls
the
Fifth
did
,
and
what
he
did
not
,
t'
attain
that
End
;
And
all
the
world
knows
also
,
and
we
do
deduce
it
fully
in
the
Treaty
of
Monarchy
,
How
that
Vast
and
Warlick
Nation
,
whereof
he
did
promise
himself
the
Conquest
,
did
escape
him
,
and
broke
the
Nets
,
wherewith
he
had
entangled
them
.
We
have
seen
where
it
failed
,
That
th'
Emperour
did
not
finish
the
Work
h'
had
more
than
half
done
.
But
for
the
Peace
of
Lubec
,
whereof
we
have
spoken
,
and
the
Degradation
of
Wa●sthein
at
the
Dyet
of
Ratisbon
,
whereof
we
will
speak
in
the
Third
Part
,
nothing
visibly
could
have
hindred
him
t'
have
given
the
last
stroke
;
And
it
may
be
said
of
him
,
That
after
his
Entry
into
the
Port
,
he
was
beaten
back
to
Sea
,
and
reduced
to
the
danger
of
drowning
;
We
have
seen
th'
hopes
which
Fortune
made
to
flourish
in
the
Soul
of
the
King
of
Hungary
,
by
a
most
desirable
Conquest
and
how
far
the
Success
was
advanced
,
If
Torgau
Banier
in
his
Retrait
,
had
not
disingaged
himself
,
as
by
Miracle
,
from
so
many
Armies
as
environ'd
Him
;
And
had
,
it
may
be
,
been
destroyed
,
but
for
that
wonderful
and
unheard
of
passage
of
the
Rhine
,
made
by
Sir
of
Longueville
,
and
but
for
but
for
the
Relief
and
Courage
which
the
Kings
Arms
commanded
by
that
brave
Prince
,
gave
to
them
,
who
fought
for
the
German
Liberty
,
and
to
them
who
durst
not
have
but
good
Intentions
for
the
same
Liberty
.
W'
have
formerly
observed
th'
Extreme
peril
the
Swedish
Army
,
which
had
to
that
time
been
the
Basis
of
the
good
Party
of
Germany
,
run
in
th'
Higher
Palatinate
,
and
how
near
that
Foundation
was
to
b'overthrown
,
and
th'
Imperial
Party
t'
have
gained
th'
Ascendent
,
which
might
have
been
impossible
for
the
Swedes
t'
have
taken
from
them
.
Moreover
,
as
the
flight
from
Evil
is
the
first
and
the
strongest
Inclination
of
Nature
,
and
as
the
Smarts
of
Pain
and
Image
of
Death
stir
the
Soul
Livelier
,
than
th'
Attractive
of
Pleasure
,
and
th'
Idaea
of
a
Happy
Life
;
so
in
th'
Order
of
Passions
which
a
Prince
ought
t'
have
for
his
Countreys
,
the
love
of
Conservation
ought
always
to
precede
the
desire
of
Conquest
;
And
before
the
thoughts
of
undertaking
and
making
of
any
progress
abrode
,
h'ought
to
provide
for
his
safety
within
,
and
ought
to
submit
to
the
publick
Preservation
at
home
,
and
cut
off
the
Passages
by
which
Disorder
might
Enter
.
And
therefore
since
Germany
onely
can
do
us
the
most
considerable
mischief
;
since
it
is
that
Country
which
hath
always
sent
th'
Armies
which
have
always
over-run
France
,
and
that
't
is
certain
,
That
if
th'
Imperial
Arms
should
be
Victorious
in
Germany
,
they
would
not
be
confined
to
that
Country
,
and
that
being
augmented
by
th'
Access
of
Confederate
Forces
,
and
with
a
number
of
other
Forces
,
who
would
run
thither
by
a
Contest
of
Envy
,
They
would
discharge
themselves
upon
our
Country
;
They
might
fall
into
Italy
,
and
make
there
the
same
Spoils
,
and
cause
the
same
Desolation
,
as
when
they
descended
there
under
the
command
of
Colasto
;
or
at
least
,
they
might
so
fortifie
the
Spaniards
there
,
and
affright
th'
Italians
,
that
it
would
have
been
a
great
trouble
t'
us
t'hinder
them
to
finish
the
Designs
,
which
th
'had
much
advanced
in
Germany
,
and
to
divert
th'
Italians
from
accepting
the
Chains
of
Servitude
or
Dependency
which
had
been
prepared
for
them
of
so
many
years
.
Since
,
I
say
,
that
all
this
is
possible
,
I
conclude
,
that
th'
heat
,
which
the
King
gave
to
th'
Arms
of
the
Late
King
of
Swede
,
and
which
h'
hath
Continued
to
the
Party
he
left
in
Germany
;
That
th'
endeavours
h'
used
to
raise
it
after
it
had
been
almost
beaten
down
before
Northlinghen
;
That
the
Supplies
of
Money
and
Men
which
he
sent
divers
times
into
the
Countrey
;
That
the
Treaties
he
made
t'
uphold
th'
Affairs
,
with
the
Late
Duke
of
Weimar
and
the
Troops
he
Commanded
,
and
with
that
Generous
Princess
,
As
t'
Italy
,
there
's
no
Question
to
be
made
,
but
that
it
hath
been
a
fixed
and
unchangable
Design
in
the
Spirit
of
the
Spaniards
to
put
th'
Italians
to
the
Yoak
,
and
to
Rob
its
Princes
of
all
th'
Estates
they
possessed
there
,
or
to
reduce
them
to
a
Dependency
which
should
not
be
much
different
from
Subjection
,
but
by
the
Vanity
of
Titles
and
by
th'
Exteriour
of
Forms
.
There
's
No
need
of
Refreshing
their
Memory
with
th'
Attempts
of
Charls
the
fifth
,
against
the
Liberty
of
this
fair
Countrey
;
The
Violence
he
Committed
and
th'
Ambushes
he
formed
against
it
;
That
shall
be
represented
at
Length
in
the
Treaty
of
Monarchy
.
There
's
no
need
also
of
Reporting
all
that
the
Spaniards
undertook
,
since
the
Death
of
the
late
King
;
Sometimes
against
the
Duke
of
Savoy
;
Sometimes
against
the
Venetians
,
and
against
the
Valtoline
;
Sometimes
against
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
;
That
's
to
say
all
th'
Attempts
they
've
made
,
and
all
the
Quarters
they
Endeavoured
t'
Assault
,
and
to
Weaken
what
remained
there
most
Entire
and
Vigorous
;
●t
shall
fully
be
seen
in
the
Third
part
,
in
th'
Apology
of
the
Treaty
of
Moncon
,
and
in
that
of
th'
Acquisition
of
Pignerol
.
'T
is
necessary
only
,
that
memory
b'
had
of
the
pittifull
Condition
of
that
Countrey
and
of
th'
Auguries
which
appeared
of
its
Approaching
Ruine
.
That
when
the
Spaniards
had
forced
the
Duke
of
Parma
,
Subdued
the
Grisons
,
Usurped
Zabionette
and
Miranda
,
Invaded
almost
all
Piedmont
,
and
all
the
Montferrat
,
and
besieged
Casall
,
All
th'
hopes
of
its
safety
were
reduced
to
th'
Heroick
Courage
of
a
Prince
,
who
would
perish
,
or
save
that
place
,
and
to
the
good
success
of
the
King's
Arms
,
which
are
not
subject
to
th'
Order
of
things
,
and
sometimes
makes
that
facile
which
appears
impossible
.
I
speak
not
of
our
Expeditions
in
Flanders
,
where
it
seems
the
King
for
some
years
hath
imploy'd
the
principal
part
of
his
Arms.
It
belongs
not
to
me
t'
undertake
the
Revealing
of
that
Mystery
,
and
t'hoise
the
sail
of
a
thing
,
which
the
Prudence
of
Governours
would
have
secret
.
There
are
in
the
Matters
of
State
places
,
as
dangerous
for
particular
persons
to
talk
of
,
as
Banks
and
Sands
are
to
them
who
sail
;
And
as
to
them
,
the
Motives
of
the
Conduct
of
wise
Princes
in
many
things
,
ought
resemble
to
the
Roots
of
Trees
,
which
are
covered
and
invisible
,
whilst
the
Body
and
Branches
are
visible
;
or
to
the
Virtues
of
th'
Heavens
,
whereof
the
Nature
is
not
known
,
though
th'
Effects
are
felt
,
and
the
Power
admired
;
So
,
no
Question
is
to
be
made
,
but
the
King
had
great
Reasons
t'
apply
his
Arms
,
as
h'
hath
done
,
to
the
War
of
the
Low-Countries
,
though
they
be
not
known
t'
all
the
World
,
and
that
the
prospects
had
on
that
side
were
Just
,
though
they
pass
the
Reach
of
our
sight
.
Besides
,
what
appeared
and
falls
under
the
sense
of
every
person
,
which
was
to
deliver
our
Frontiers
from
the
Jealousie
they
received
from
some
of
th'
Enemies
places
,
and
chiefly
to
secure
and
re-inforce
Paris
the
more
,
which
is
as
th'
Heart
and
Noblest
part
of
France
;
He
was
also
,
it
may
be
,
engaged
there
by
other
Interests
,
which
are
not
altogether
his
,
and
t'adjust
himself
to
the
Interests
of
some
of
his
Neighbours
,
by
that
prudent
Maxim
of
Policy
,
which
holds
forth
,
That
great
Persons
ought
sometimes
to
take
the
Law
from
their
Inferiours
,
and
follow
their
Motions
when
they
have
use
of
them
;
And
that
a
Disagreement
would
endanger
th'
Enterprize
,
If
any
of
the
Wheels
,
to
which
it
ought
to
give
Motion
,
came
to
fail
and
to
be
loose
from
the
others
.
It
may
be
,
that
in
the
Subjects
of
great
and
profound
Designs
,
which
the
King
had
upon
that
Country
,
●e
foresaw
,
that
if
they
were
all
as
happy
,
as
they
were
wisely
projected
,
some
Resolution
might
happen
,
that
would
for
ever
deliver
his
Kingdom
from
Alarms
,
and
from
Incursions
,
which
are
made
sometimes
from
that
Neighbourhood
.
And
truly
,
if
th'
Assault
of
Calo
,
and
the
Siege
of
St.
Omer
had
prospered
,
as
in
apparance
they
ought
t'
have
done
,
or
if
an
unexpected
stroke
,
which
made
a
Noise
upon
the
Frontiers
of
Campagnia
,
had
not
diverted
the
favourable
progress
,
which
promised
the
taking
of
Ayres
,
Th'
Effects
of
that
Princes
prevoyance
,
it
may
be
,
had
been
seen
;
It
may
b'also
,
That
h'
had
a
will
to
shut
the
Gates
for
a
time
,
by
which
the
Forces
of
Germany
entring
into
Flanders
,
might
over-run
and
make
spoil
in
France
.
But
when
things
changed
their
Countenance
,
and
that
the
Risings
of
the
Catalans
formed
another
Conjuncture
,
he
changed
also
Conduct
,
and
judged
,
as
it
hath
been
already
observed
,
That
after
th'
Affairs
of
Germany
,
there
was
none
whereunto
h'
ought
t'
apply
himself
with
more
heat
,
and
to
make
a
greater
shew
of
his
Forces
,
than
to
them
of
that
Country
;
He
foresaw
,
that
the
fruits
which
might
be
gathered
from
that
Expedition
,
were
not
ordinary
,
and
that
th'
advantages
which
might
arise
to
the
common
cause
might
prove
strong
Motives
to
the
Peace
,
for
which
the
War
was
made
:
For
besides
,
that
the
Spaniards
could
not
long
act
powerfully
in
Spain
,
in
Flanders
,
and
in
Italy
,
and
the
nourishment
they
ought
to
give
to
their
Original
Country
,
would
consume
the
food
of
th'
others
Countrie
,
If
the
King
of
Hungary
was
seen
full
of
troubles
in
Germany
,
and
the
King
of
Spain
assaulted
in
th'
Heart
of
his
Estates
,
and
troubled
to
defend
his
Life
.
It
was
not
impossible
,
but
that
two
Benefits
also
might
arise
very
considerable
;
Th'
one
,
that
the
Princes
of
Germany
,
separated
from
the
good
Party
,
might
take
courage
to
rejoyn
with
it
;
Th'
other
,
that
the
League
,
wherein
to
that
time
they
had
laboured
unprofitably
,
t'introduce
th'
Italian
Princes
,
might
be
formed
,
and
that
they
would
not
lose
so
fair
an
occasion
to
drive
them
away
,
who
had
stollen
the
Liberty
of
their
Country
,
and
to
take
away
the
mixture
and
confusion
of
Nations
,
and
forein
Manners
,
which
sully
and
disfigure
it
.
For
t'
imagine
,
that
for
less
than
that
,
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
the
most
considerable
of
all
those
Princes
,
for
what
concerns
Temporal
things
;
That
can
give
a
shaking
t'other
Princes
,
and
after
that
make
no
difficulty
t'
enter
the
Lifts
it
had
opened
,
would
be
perswaded
to
that
League
,
'T
is
to
b'ignorant
of
their
spirit
;
It
were
to
b'
a
stranger
to
their
Maxims
;
And
to
believe
,
what
is
desired
,
upon
the
single
Motions
of
passion
.
This
point
shall
b'examin'd
in
the
following
Discourse
,
this
having
been
but
too
long
.
I
add
onely
,
for
advise
of
them
who
might
find
cause
to
desire
something
here
on
our
part
upon
the
subject
of
great
Extremities
,
wherein
th'
Affairs
have
sometimes
fallen
in
Germany
and
Italy
;
That
the
King
could
not
do
all
things
in
all
places
,
and
that
it
may
be
he
had
done
too
much
,
as
hath
else-where
been
observed
,
but
for
an
absolute
Necessity
and
Inevitable
,
even
for
the
good
of
his
own
Kingdom
,
to
do
it
;
That
he
could
not
alone
divert
all
th'
Evils
that
might
happen
in
that
Country
,
by
the
failings
and
insensibility
of
them
,
who
were
more
interressed
than
himself
,
and
for
whose
Liberty
he
took
so
great
pains
,
and
made
so
great
an
Expence
;
That
in
the
course
and
great
variety
of
Affairs
,
which
exercised
him
,
he
could
not
always
ordain
,
That
they
who
received
his
Orders
,
should
b'
as
happy
t'
execute
them
,
and
to
compleat
them
,
as
he
was
prudent
in
laying
of
the
Design
,
and
preparing
the
Model
;
But
't
is
a
wonder
,
which
will
appear
almost
incredible
to
future
Ages
,
and
will
be
one
of
the
fairest
Beams
of
the
glory
of
this
Prince
;
and
one
of
the
Noblest
Monuments
of
his
Incomparable
Reign
,
That
by
his
Wisdom
,
his
Courage
,
and
his
Power
,
he
raised
at
home
,
and
with
his
Allies
,
what
was
ready
to
Fall
;
That
he
did
set
straight
there
all
that
began
to
Lean
,
and
ever
disappointed
Fortune
of
her
Malitious
Progress
,
and
of
the
Consequences
of
her
Surprizes
.
Eighth
Discourse
.
In
what
Conjuncture
it
may
be
probably
thought
,
That
the
Venetians
will
enter
in
t'
a
League
against
the
Spaniards
.
THough
I
do
not
think
it
necessary
that
this
League
,
whereof
hath
been
spoken
,
be
made
,
or
that
the
time
of
a
General
Peace
be
so
backward
,
as
t'
attend
the
finishing
of
so
difficult
a
Negotiation
;
I
have
believed
nevertheless
,
that
it
would
not
b'impertinent
for
me
to
speak
my
thoughts
,
to
make
the
Genius
of
the
Venetian
Republique
to
be
the
better
known
,
and
what
may
b'
expected
from
it
on
like
Occasions
,
and
at
the
same
time
to
make
it
appear
to
th'
Author
of
a
small
Pamphlet
,
which
appeared
a
little
after
the
last
Stege
of
Casal
,
under
the
name
of
a
Montferrat
Soldier
,
That
the
Season
was
not
then
come
to
form
that
League
,
as
he
did
pretend
it
,
and
that
the
King
was
not
ripe
,
according
to
the
Sense
of
that
Republique
,
and
the
Maxims
of
their
Policy
.
The
foundation
whereupon
I
do
build
my
Opinion
is
this
,
That
it
being
th'
ordinary
Nature
of
Republiques
to
be
very
distrustful
,
and
to
fear
more
than
hope
,
when
th'
Apparances
of
Evil
and
Good
are
equal
;
It
may
be
said
,
That
Venice
,
of
all
other
Republiques
,
Labours
most
of
that
humour
;
And
that
th'
Inclination
it
hath
in
all
it
undertakes
to
give
the
least
it
can
t'Hazard
,
and
the
most
to
Prudence
,
is
the
cause
,
that
't
is
seldom
enclined
for
the
War
,
which
is
an
Element
of
Fortune
,
unless
an
extreme
Danger
do
force
it
,
or
a
visible
Benefit
invite
it
.
I
could
bring
a
number
of
antient
Examples
to
confirm
this
Truth
,
if
I
did
not
believe
,
that
Modern
would
be
of
most
use
and
credit
,
as
most
efficacious
,
and
of
greater
Instruction
than
th
'others
.
In
that
high
and
wonderful
Design
,
which
the
late
King
had
formed
against
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
to
put
the
Quiet
of
Christendom
,
so
often
troubled
by
that
House
,
in
some
state
of
consistency
,
he
caused
the
Republique
to
be
solicited
to
be
of
the
Party
;
And
notwithstanding
the
power
h'
had
with
them
,
which
could
not
be
greater
,
and
th'
Advantages
h'
had
proposed
unto
them
,
which
were
not
small
,
for
the
Price
of
their
Arming
,
and
for
th'●nterest
of
th'
Expence
it
should
make
;
Though
it
was
onely
intended
for
the
breaking
off
th'
●rons
of
Italy
,
and
to
force
from
the
Spaniards
what
they
held
unjustly
there
;
Though
all
the
fru●ts
of
the
Conquest
,
whereof
the
greatest
part
was
to
be
at
his
Charges
,
and
by
his
Forces
,
were
to
be
gathered
for
th'
Italians
,
and
that
he
reserved
onely
the
glory
of
being
their
Liberator
,
and
to
make
the
Spaniards
lose
the
place
of
drawing
together
the
greatest
part
of
their
Armies
,
which
was
then
the
State
of
Milan
;
Yet
he
could
never
draw
from
that
Republique
,
but
general
Words
of
Good-will
and
of
Praises
,
which
were
uttered
above
measure
,
as
't
is
its
custom
,
to
that
Magnanimous
Prince
,
who
had
no
lesser
Thoughts
than
to
be
the
Flayl
and
th'
Exterminator
of
Tyrants
,
the
Restorer
and
Arbiter
of
the
Christian
Common-wealth
.
The
Republique
then
of
Venice
was
not
so
blinded
with
the
proposals
that
were
made
unto
it
,
nor
with
th'
Apparences
wherewith
they
were
cloathed
,
but
that
they
had
before
their
Eyes
th'
Instability
of
Human
Things
,
and
th'
ordinary
Games
of
Fortune
,
the
perpetual
Motion
of
her
Wheel
,
and
the
sudden
and
frequent
Revolutions
which
sh'
occasions
in
the
World
.
It
apprehended
,
that
before
the
Work
,
whereof
the
Platform
was
represented
was
finished
,
or
else
well
begun
,
th'
undertaker
might
fail
,
either
by
a
natural
Death
,
which
would
not
be
strange
,
or
by
a
violent
End
,
which
was
not
without
Example
.
It
desired
to
see
all
the
Contexture
of
the
League
;
The
Seat
and
Action
of
the
Pieces
of
that
Engine
,
and
the
Success
of
its
first
Motions
;
That
if
it
saw
cause
to
renounce
it
,
or
to
b'assaulted
with
some
sad
Accident
,
there
might
be
no
cause
of
Repentance
for
Joyning
,
not
t'
accuse
themselves
of
Precipitation
and
of
falling
,
for
having
made
too
much
haste
;
That
if
th'
Heavens
look'd
favourably
upon
that
League
,
and
gave
it
a
propitious
Wind
,
It
knew
well
,
that
the
door
would
b'always
open
unto
't
;
It
knew
,
that
without
her
,
th'
Expedition
which
was
discoursed
of
for
Italy
,
would
be
weak
and
lame
,
and
that
the
perfections
of
its
good
success
depended
upon
the
conjunction
of
their
Arms
with
those
of
other
Princes
.
And
then
in
entring
the
League
it
should
run
but
a
little
hazard
,
and
make
but
a
small
Advance
of
Moneys
;
It
might
find
th'
Harvest
ready
;
It
would
have
nothing
to
do
,
but
to
pursue
the
Remainders
of
the
Victory
,
and
should
come
rather
to
the
Dividing
,
than
Taking
of
the
Prey
.
Such
was
the
belief
of
the
late
King
upon
the
Demeanor
of
that
Republique
,
and
to
that
purpose
he
gave
charge
to
Sir
of
Bullion
to
speak
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
to
whom
h
'had
sent
him
to
Conclude
and
Terminate
the
League
,
which
the
Sirs
of
Nemours
and
of
Vaucelas
had
begun
with
him
.
The
Reader
may
see
it
at
length
in
th'
Instruction
given
to
the
Sir
of
Bouillon
,
which
in
my
opinion
is
a
very
excellent
Piece
,
and
one
of
the
best
things
that
I
have
seen
in
its
kind
.
Let
's
go
on
.
After
that
Cordova
had
besieged
Casall
,
and
by
an
Attempt
,
whose
beginning
wanted
a
pretence
to
colour
it
;
And
had
made
it
appear
to
th'
Italians
,
That
his
Master
would
make
no
difference
betwixt
what
might
accommodate
him
,
and
what
did
belong
to
him
;
The
Republique
armed
vigorously
,
and
made
some
demonstration
of
interessing
themselves
in
that
Quarel
.
Nevertheless
,
of
whatsoever
Importance
the
conservation
of
Casal
was
for
the
safety
of
Italy
,
and
though
th'
Ambition
of
Spain
had
not
a
stronger
Barrier
in
that
Country
than
that
place
;
The
Republique
could
never
be
perswaded
to
relieve
it
,
or
to
send
their
Army
into
Montferrat
t'
assault
Cordova's
Army
,
which
was
not
Invincible
,
or
to
make
a
diversion
on
Cremona's
side
,
which
was
very
easie
to
be
done
.
But
after
it
had
seen
th'
happy
Success
of
the
Siege
of
Rochel
,
and
the
passage
of
Suza
forced
,
and
by
consequence
one
of
the
Gates
of
Italy
open
t'
our
Armies
;
The
Republique
resolved
to
command
their
Arms
t'
enter
into
the
State
of
Milan
,
in
whose
defence
it
saw
but
a
few
Astonished
Troops
,
and
the
Reliques
of
an
Army
,
which
Winter
and
the
Besieged
had
ill
used
before
Casal
,
and
which
had
no
strength
,
but
to
flie
and
to
save
it self
at
the
sight
of
ours
.
Though
it
was
so
,
and
that
probably
the
fruits
of
the
Victory
the
King
had
obtained
could
not
be
more
certain
or
more
fruitful
,
if
it
had
been
pursued
;
Though
it
seemed
then
,
that
no
labour
remained
,
but
to
gather
the
Favours
which
Fortune
offered
us
of
Her self
,
and
to
receive
what
would
be
rendred
,
yet
many
strokes
ought
t'
have
been
made
,
and
Combats
fought
,
to
make
the
Republique
resolve
to
send
Orders
to
their
Generals
to
pass
the
Rubicon
;
That
is
,
t'
enter
with
a
Warlike
Posture
into
Cremona
,
and
to
Leap
the
Bounds
had
been
almost
an
Age
Sacred
and
Inviolable
unto
them
.
It
was
not
without
a
long
Agitation
of
Thoughts
and
extreme
Labour
of
Spirit
,
that
it
was
perswaded
to
that
bold
Resolution
;
Th'
Eloquence
and
Address
of
Sir
of
Avaux
,
how
great
soever
,
was
never
more
pusled
than
to
make
the
Republique
t'
undertake
it
;
It
brought
the
same
Formalities
,
and
the
same
Precautions
,
as
when
it
determin'd
t'
accept
the
War
,
which
th'
Herald
of
Lewis
the
12th
declared
against
it
on
the
behalf
of
the
League
of
Cambray
;
Or
that
which
the
Chaoux
of
Selim
the
Second
did
intimate
unto
't
for
the
possession
of
Cyprus
:
And
since
,
after
that
,
for
Important
Considerations
,
which
I
have
touched
in
the
First
Part
,
the
King
had
stopped
the
course
of
the
Victory
of
Suza
,
and
given
Peace
to
the
Spaniards
,
who
were
no
longer
in
a
condition
to
d'Evil
t'
our
affairs
;
The
Republique
many
times
avowed
to
Sir
of
Avaux
,
That
their
Resolution
to
break
so
suddenly
with
Spain
was
Matter
of
great
Astonishment
to
them
,
and
was
done
by
a
kind
of
surprize
,
and
contrary
to
th'
ordinary
course
of
their
Conduct
,
so
far
t'
Engage
in
the
Quarrel
of
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
.
It
may
also
b'observed
by
the
War
,
or
rather
by
the
Persecution
which
the
late
Emperour
and
the
King
of
Spain
exercised
upon
that
Duke
,
That
't
is
very
hard
to
draw
the
Venetians
t'
an
Offensive
League
,
and
t'
engage
them
in
a
War
,
but
by
the
Temptation
of
some
great
Advantage
,
which
may
appear
to
them
as
infallible
,
or
by
the
Fear
of
a
great
Evil
,
which
assaults
them
with
Fury
,
and
is
ready
,
if
it
be
not
staid
,
to
break
upon
them
.
So
they
could
not
b'induc'd
to
draw
into
the
Field
against
the
Spaniards
,
when
Casal
was
at
Bay
,
and
all
the
Montferrat
at
Mercy
;
Till
they
saw
on
th'
other
side
the
Mountains
,
the
French
Colours
to
be
displaied
,
and
with
them
th'
Hopes
of
the
Conquest
of
Milan
,
and
of
the
partition
of
that
fair
Country
,
which
seem'd
to
b'open'd
unto
them
by
the
Fortune
of
France
;
When
they
saw
Mantoua
in
danger
,
and
upon
th'
instant
of
loss
;
When
they
saw
that
th'
Affair
prest
on
that
side
,
and
that
th'
Evil
was
Inviolence
;
And
by
consequence
,
that
the
place
which
,
in
th'
Hand
of
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
,
served
for
a
Rampart
to
some
parts
of
their
Country
on
the
Land-side
,
falling
into
th'
Hands
of
th'
emperour
or
the
King
of
Spain
,
would
be
made
as
a
Cittadel
to
command
it
;
They
gave
orders
for
their
Army
t'
advance
for
the
Relief
of
Mantoua
.
But
whether
the
Remedy
came
too
late
,
or
that
the
Malady
was
no
longer
capable
of
Cure
,
or
that
th'
ill
Conduct
or
Imprudence
of
them
,
who
were
ordered
to
dispense
it
,
corrupted
the
Virtue
,
or
hindred
th'
Operation
,
It
hapned
,
that
it
did
not
produce
th'
effect
which
the
Venetians
had
proposed
to
themselees
,
and
t'
express
the
matter
,
as
it
was
;
The
delays
they
used
in
resolving
upon
that
Relief
;
Th'
Order
of
that
Design
the
Duke
of
Rohan
had
contrived
,
which
one
of
the
chief
Commanders
of
their
Army
changed
by
Jealousie
,
and
th'
Ill
Intelligence
which
did
arise
betwixt
the
Duke
of
Candale
and
the
Marshal
of
Estree
,
were
the
fatal
Causes
of
the
Losse
of
a
place
,
which
was
of
so
great
Concernment
to
the
Venetians
to
Conserve
.
I
conclude
,
from
hence
,
That
th'
Eminent
danger
which
excites
them
t'
Act
,
hanging
no
longer
over
their
Head
,
and
the
defeat
of
the
Spaniards
before
Casall
;
the
great
losses
they
suffered
before
Thurin
;
And
th'
other
disgraces
which
have
since
hapned
unto
them
,
Having
dissipated
the
fears
they
Laboured
of
,
lest
the
Spaniards
should
extend
their
Invasions
upon
the
rest
of
Italy
;
And
seeing
that
the
Fortune
of
th'
House
of
Austria
was
Highly
sustained
in
Germany
,
and
that
the
Spring
which
might
send
powerfull
Reliefs
to
the
State
of
Milan
was
not
drawn
drye
,
'T
is
not
to
be
wondred
,
if
they
do
refuse
t'
embarke
in
a
Quarrel
,
wherein
there
's
no
great
Evill
for
them
to
fear
,
nor
certain
good
t'hope
for
,
in
case
they
did
embarque
in
it
.
But
if
they
saw
the
Confederate
Forces
Superiour
,
and
prevalent
in
Germany
,
as
they
saw
in
Spain
,
the
Seeds
of
a
long
War
,
and
the
Matter
of
a
lasting
Quarrel
;
And
by
consequent
,
that
it
should
act
no
more
in
Italy
,
but
by
languishing
and
weak
Means
;
There
's
probability
that
they
would
make
use
of
the
Conjuncture
,
and
would
have
been
glad
t'
have
gained
some
part
of
the
State
of
Milan
,
which
might
have
been
convenient
for
them
;
Or
at
least
,
that
they
would
put
themselves
in
t'
a
posture
to
make
the
Spaniards
throw
up
th'
Usurpations
th'
had
made
in
Piedmont
and
Montferrat
,
being
able
to
do
't
safely
and
without
fear
of
Revenge
.
And
in
truth
,
it
would
be
a
strange
and
very
unjust
thing
,
that
being
so
interessed
as
they
are
in
the
Liberty
of
Italy
,
and
having
so
much
there
to
lose
,
they
should
ever
stand
there
,
as
immoveable
Spectators
of
what
passeth
in
that
Country
;
And
in
rest
and
ease
,
leave
their
Friends
always
to
labour
the
Work
of
their
Safety
,
and
contribute
nothing
to
th'
advancement
of
the
Peace
,
and
raising
of
the
Temple
,
that
is
prepared
for
them
;
but
Idle
Reasonings
;
but
superfluous
Wishes
and
Endeavours
without
Effect
.
For
that
Peace
,
I
say
,
which
is
th'
End
of
the
Kings
Arms
,
and
th'
object
of
his
Hottest
and
Constant
desires
,
for
which
,
He
lays
up
so
many
Cares
and
Labours
;
Exposeth
His
Person
to
so
many
Dangers
,
and
draws
so
much
Money
from
the
purses
of
his
Subjects
,
and
so
much
bloud
from
their
Veins
;
for
that
Peace
,
which
ought
not
only
t'
ease
the
Wounds
of
Christendome
,
but
ought
fully
t'
Heal
and
strengthen
it
;
which
ought
not
only
to
be
a
Remedy
against
present
,
but
also
a
preservation
against
future
Evils
;
which
ought
to
put
Inferiour
Persons
in
safety
from
the
Violence
and
Attempts
of
the
greatest
Persons
,
and
under
whose
shadow
all
shall
enjoy
what
shall
belong
to
them
without
Trouble
or
Jealousie
.
Ninth
Discourse
.
What
Conditions
that
Peace
ought
t'
have
which
all
Honest
Persons
desire
,
That
it
may
be
Just
and
Sure
;
That
the
particular
Peaces
which
th'
House
of
Austria
Endeavours
to
make
would
be
the
Ruine
of
them
who
make
it
.
WHat
I've
said
of
the
League
,
which
the
Republique
of
Venice
might
be
disposed
to
make
,
and
of
the
Peace
,
to
which
it
ought
to
Contribute
more
reality
and
effect
,
than
wishes
and
Endeavours
,
Invites
me
to
say
a
Word
of
the
Conditions
,
which
such
a
Peace
ought
t'
have
,
and
of
th'
ill
Fortune
of
those
Princes
,
wh'
have
estranged
themselves
from
it
in
Germany
.
To
th'
end
then
,
that
it
may
be
such
,
as
all
Honest
Men
desire
,
and
to
lay
the
Foundations
so
deep
and
solid
,
That
there
may
be
no
fear
of
the
falling
of
the
building
,
or
that
it
Crack
of
a
long
time
,
It
must
of
necessity
be
a
General
Peace
,
And
that
all
they
wh'
associate
to
make
War
,
make
but
one
Composed
Body
of
many
Members
,
and
have
but
one
soul
to
Move
them
,
and
but
one
End
t'
Aim
at
;
That
the
Confederates
procure
to
themselves
mutually
and
without
the
spirit
of
Emulation
,
all
th'
Honest
Helps
and
all
the
Reasonable
Advantages
,
which
may
serve
for
common
safety
;
That
although
the
League
offensive
doth
separate
,
and
their
Armies
disband
,
a
defensive
League
do
remain
ever
a
foot
,
As
Guardian
of
the
Peace
,
and
as
th'
Holy
Ancre
upon
which
it
may
repose
,
by
which
all
the
Confederates
ought
t'
oblige
themselves
to
run
the
first
down
,
that
shall
undertake
to
break
it
,
and
to
rekindle
the
Torches
which
it
had
put
out
,
and
revive
the
Troubles
which
it
had
quieted
;
And
that
from
th'
Indissoluble
union
and
the
perfect
Correspondency
of
Princes
and
others
of
that
League
,
so
powerfull
a
Counterpoise
be
formed
,
and
so
Strong
and
High
a
Levy
made
against
th'
Ambition
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
That
it
might
be
Compelled
to
contain
its
self
,
within
the
Limits
,
which
shall
be
prescribed
,
and
t'
enjoy
the
good
of
Acquiescence
it
would
lose
by
taking
it
away
from
others
.
'T
is
of
this
Matter
,
that
the
peace
whereof
Christendome
hath
need
,
ought
to
be
made
,
that
it
may
be
durable
;
'T
is
upon
this
Basis
that
it
ought
to
be
raised
,
if
Men
would
have
it
subsist
.
Besides
this
way
,
I
do
not
see
,
That
strength
Enough
or
subsistence
can
be
given
it
;
And
't
is
certain
,
that
if
the
Confederates
shall
be
tempted
by
the
Baits
and
Advantages
,
which
will
be
presented
unto
them
by
particular
Treaties
,
and
that
the
Members
of
the
League
do
sever
from
the
body
,
that
they
compose
;
They
will
infallibly
be
lost
;
And
it
will
befall
them
,
as
to
those
Insects
,
which
are
cut
in
peeces
,
that
preserve
for
a
little
time
some
Motion
and
Life
,
but
Dye
and
Perish
a
little
after
,
for
being
deprived
of
the
Virtue
,
that
did
arise
from
th
Union
of
all
the
parts
,
as
the
Principle
of
their
Duration
.
From
whence
it
may
be
seen
,
what
Imprudence
the
Duke
of
Saxe
is
guilty
of
,
and
th'
other
Princes
of
Germany
who
followed
the
course
of
the
first
Mobile
,
to
sever
themselves
from
the
Swedish
Alliance
.
For
,
without
speaking
of
th'
offence
committed
against
Honesty
,
by
that
separation
whereof
,
mention
hath
been
made
;
of
that
Villainous
Blot
of
Ingratitude
,
wherewith
they
have
Charged
themselves
in
the
Memory
of
a
Prince
to
whom
they
were
so
much
indebted
;
Their
Interests
obliged
them
alwaies
to
stand
united
;
And
instead
of
that
unlucky
Peace
of
Prague
,
which
was
sold
unto
them
so
dear
;
They
should
have
Laboured
a
General
peace
,
which
had
not
left
open
any
Wounds
nor
Burning-firebrands
in
th'
Empire
;
which
had
not
left
any
Snares
,
nor
concealed
any
Ambushes
,
and
which
might
have
been
gained
by
a
shorter
or
a
less
grievous
War
,
than
that
which
was
shut
up
in
th'
other
and
yet
continues
.
In
Effect
,
if
Powder
had
not
been
Cast
into
th'
Eyes
of
those
Princes
,
and
if
their
Councel
had
not
deceived
them
;
If
some
little
Light
or
some
little
Liberty
had
been
left
them
to
see
,
what
they
did
,
or
t'
hinder
the
doing
of
it
;
Is
there
any
Apparence
but
that
they
had
seen
the
Precipice
,
whither
they
brought
them
,
or
that
they
would
have
descended
Voluntarily
into
it
?
Is
there
any
Probability
that
they
would
have
taken
so
grosly
th'
Exchange
that
was
given
them
;
That
they
would
depart
from
a
Society
to
put
themselves
into
Chains
,
and
that
from
Equals
and
Companions
as
they
were
of
the
Swedes
,
They
would
have
made
themselves
slaves
of
th'
Imperialists
,
and
Dependents
upon
the
Spaniards
?
Would
they
not
have
Known
,
that
instead
of
passing
by
a
light
discontent
and
a
small
distaste
received
from
one
of
the
Ministers
of
State
of
the
Crown
of
Swede
,
wherein
an
easie
Remedy
might
have
been
found
,
They
exposed
themselves
t'
all
th'
Injuries
,
which
Tyranny
hath
Accustomed
to
practise
with
them
,
of
whom
they
will
b'
assured
,
and
are
afraid
of
,
lest
they
should
Escape
them
?
That
in
th'
Alliance
of
that
Crown
,
what
they
Contributed
to
th'
Entertainment
of
the
War
,
was
voluntary
,
or
could
not
exceed
the
Contents
of
the
Conditions
of
the
Treaty
;
what
they
ought
to
Contribute
to
that
of
th'
Emperours
,
had
no
other
Limits
but
their
want
of
power
;
That
the
Charge
of
th'
Expence
,
which
they
would
be
obliged
to
make
would
re-double
without
stint
,
and
would
b'
Heavy
without
Measure
;
And
that
they
would
not
less
endeavour
in
that
deceifull
and
unfaithful
Confederation
to
cause
all
their
Heat
and
Spirits
to
b'
exhaled
,
and
to
draw
from
them
Monies
and
Men
,
Than
t'exterminate
the
Swedes
out
of
Germany
,
and
to
purge
,
as
they
say
,
th'
Empire
of
forein
Nations
,
wh'
have
Cast
themselves
into
't
,
that
they
might
have
nothing
to
doe
,
but
with
them
,
when
they
've
done
with
others
?
If
from
the
Principles
of
the
Spanish
Policies
,
which
Reign
as
freely
at
Vienna
as
at
Madrid
,
they
will
not
draw
so
necessary
a
Conclusion
;
Let
them
inferr
it
at
least
from
their
own
Experience
,
and
Consider
,
That
if
others
would
not
Hold
them
but
by
the
Bands
of
Friendship
,
and
by
the
sense
of
good
Turnes
;
if
they
had
not
a
design
to
Consume
them
in
destroying
the
Swedes
and
other
Strangers
,
and
to
make
use
of
them
against
Swedes
and
Strangers
,
as
the
Refiners
do
Lead
,
to
Purifie
Gold
and
Silver
in
the
Refining
Vessel
,
which
,
in
the
same
instant
it
sends
into
smoak
th'
other
imperfect
Metalls
,
Evaporates
it self
and
is
lost
with
them
it
forceth
away
.
They
would
not
have
made
,
as
they
have
done
to
their
power
their
Countries
the
Theatre
of
the
War
;
They
would
not
have
made
the
same
scorn
of
their
Troops
,
as
of
their
Enemies
;
And
they
should
have
received
at
least
,
as
gentle
Entertainment
,
as
what
the
Duke
of
Baviere
received
.
Let
them
remember
the
discourse
held
at
Rome
by
th'
Ambassadors
of
the
Late
Emperor
upon
the
Complaints
there
made
of
the
Concession
their
Master
had
granted
of
the
Goods
of
the
Church
to
the
Duke
of
Saxe
,
to
the
great
Damage
and
Disdain
of
Religion
,
and
to
the
great
scandal
of
good
Catholiques
.
That
it
was
the
small
Aid
and
Subvention
received
from
th'
Holy
Chair
,
which
constrained
him
;
That
it
was
the
Violence
of
his
Affairs
that
had
forced
him
;
And
that
it
was
th'
hardest
and
most
Inexorable
of
all
Laws
,
That
of
Necessity
to
which
He
had
obeyed
.
Let
the
Clearing
now
of
this
Mystery
and
of
the
Concealed
sense
of
these
Words
b'examined
;
Let
the
secret
spirit
they
contain
be
drawn
out
;
And
it
may
be
Judged
in
my
opinion
,
That
that
peace
Holding
more
of
Force
than
of
Election
,
and
Being
rather
torn
,
than
freely
past
from
the
Will
of
th'
Emperor
;
There
would
be
no
want
of
Doctors
to
prove
that
it
ought
not
to
b'
observed
,
at
least
by
his
Successors
who
had
not
made
it
;
That
they
could
not
b'
obliged
t'
hold
what
was
not
lawfull
for
their
Predecessors
to
grant
,
and
that
no
Promises
were
more
unlawfull
,
and
whose
Ligament
is
sooner
to
be
Cut
,
and
Damage
repaired
,
than
such
as
wound
Religion
,
and
dissipate
the
goods
of
the
Church
,
for
the
Protection
and
Defence
whereof
,
they
've
a
particular
and
inevitable
Obligation
.
The
Princes
then
,
who
've
quitted
the
Confederations
so
Solemnly
sworn
,
and
so
often
renewed
with
their
true
Friends
,
to
cast
themselves
into
the
peace
of
Prague
,
ought
t'
hold
for
certain
,
that
they
've
abandoned
the
pursute
of
a
Reality
,
and
of
a
Body
,
t'
embrace
an
Apparition
and
a
shadow
;
And
that
there
's
but
one
of
these
three
wayes
open
to
their
future
Condition
,
Either
to
remain
for
the
final
prey
of
th'
Imperialists
,
as
hath
been
expressed
,
and
to
make
up
the
Conclusion
of
the
Game
they
play
in
Germany
,
if
the
Confederate
party
be
subdued
;
or
if
the
Victory
fall
on
the
Swedes
side
,
T'
endure
the
Troubles
of
the
violation
of
publique
Faith
,
and
th'
Effects
of
the
Vengeance
which
the
bloud
of
the
King
of
Swede
requires
,
poured
out
for
the
Redemption
of
their
Liberty
;
or
at
last
,
if
they
will
see
the
Truth
of
this
Amnestia
,
which
is
the
Subject
of
the
Confederate
Armes
,
instead
of
that
other
Imaginary
,
which
hath
been
the
Bait
,
wherewith
th'
House
of
Austria
hath
caught
them
;
If
they
would
see
the
Constitutions
and
th'
Ancient
Order
of
th'
Empire
to
reflourish
;
If
they
woud
see
a
perpetual
Fence
made
to
th'
Ambition
of
them
that
throw
it
open
,
That
I
say
,
This
may
be
done
Quickly
and
Easily
,
There
's
nothing
to
be
done
,
but
to
return
to
the
good
Party
,
and
to
rejoyn
with
them
who
Labour
with
so
much
vehemency
at
this
Immortal
work
.
I
go
on
and
say
also
,
That
as
there
's
no
doubt
to
be
made
but
th'
House
of
Austria
will
move
all
the
Wheels
of
their
Policy
to
disunite
the
League
,
which
is
on
foot
in
Germany
,
and
to
reduce
the
present
Troubles
to
particular
peaces
,
and
like
to
that
of
Prague
;
And
't
is
not
,
I
say
,
to
be
doubted
,
but
it
will
be
made
,
that
every
one
of
the
Confederates
Engaged
for
his
particular
,
and
severed
from
the
body
of
the
League
,
may
be
found
the
weaker
to
resist
him
,
when
he
shall
be
Assaulted
,
Though
the
Contrary
be
promised
.
And
to
be
secured
from
this
Inconveniency
,
'T
is
necessary
to
take
the
Counter
Course
taken
by
that
House
,
and
to
put
in
practice
the
Law
of
Contraries
,
which
is
of
so
great
Use
in
th'
Affairs
of
the
World
;
All
the
Confederates
ought
to
resolve
never
t'
Disunite
;
To
reject
all
proposals
,
that
may
be
made
them
of
particular
Treaties
,
as
a
designed
Poyson
which
shall
be
presented
to
them
in
the
form
of
a
Remedy
;
and
t'
Insist
upon
it
till
it
be
concluded
in
the
project
of
a
General
Peace
;
That
it
be
not
declined
,
till
it
be
Accomplished
,
and
in
such
a
Defensive
League
,
as
I
've
here
above
described
.
But
lest
,
that
in
Threatning
them
with
the
License
,
which
is
said
,
Th'
House
of
Austria
gives
it self
to
violate
all
Treaties
,
whose
Observation
is
Damageable
,
and
the
not
Observation
Advantagious
unto
it
,
I
may
give
them
a
false
Alarm
,
and
raise
fear
from
a
false
Imagination
.
It
may
be
,
that
't
is
as
Carefull
to
perform
what
she
Promiseth
,
and
particularly
,
when
the
Name
of
God
is
Interposed
,
as
it
hath
been
,
th'
other
specious
Apparences
of
Piety
,
and
th'
out-side
of
Exemplary
Religion
;
And
that
it
Aims
at
nothing
more
than
a
good
Peace
,
and
that
its
Intention
is
,
when
it
hath
gained
this
Haven
,
to
put
it self
no
more
in
danger
for
the
Future
,
unless
it
be
forced
upon
so
Dangerous
a
Sea
,
as
the
Warr.
I
will
demonstrate
here
the
Contrary
,
and
make
it
Evident
,
That
in
truth
,
it
gives
it self
that
License
,
and
that
it
doth
abuse
the
Name
of
God
,
and
plaies
with
the
Publick
Faith
,
when
their
Interests
require
it
,
more
than
any
Prince
of
the
World
.
For
this
purpose
,
I
do
not
intend
to
play
the
Orator
,
nor
to
make
use
of
an
Art
,
which
boasts
of
her
Colours
,
and
lights
,
to
Change
,
when
it
pleaseth
the
state
of
Things
,
and
to
make
them
seem
Great
or
Little
,
Fair
or
Ugly
,
when
it
shall
seem
good
unto
Her
;
This
is
as
much
Estranged
from
my
Humours
,
as
't
is
above
my
Forces
;
And
I
do
Heartily
renounce
an
Exercise
,
which
I
should
discharge
Unhandsomely
,
if
I
did
undertake
it
.
I
will
not
here
neither
,
produce
all
the
Breaches
of
the
Treaties
,
which
this
House
of
Austria
hath
made
,
nor
all
th'
Infidelities
,
wherewith
it
hath
stained
its
Conduct
.
Great
Volumes
are
only
capable
to
Contain
them
.
I
will
touch
only
upon
somewhat
more
Modern
,
as
more
Sensible
,
and
upon
what
hath
passed
in
these
latter
times
in
Germany
and
Italy
.
As
t'
Italy
,
who
knows
not
that
the
last
Warrs
the
Spaniards
have
made
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
Grand-father
to
this
Duke
,
have
alwaies
budded
from
the
Breach
on
their
part
of
th'
Treaties
,
which
preceded
?
And
so
soon
as
the
fear
of
th'
Evil
,
which
had
Obliged
them
for
Accomodation
,
was
over
,
and
that
the
hope
of
th'
End
which
they
had
Proposed
to
their
Arms
,
began
to
Revive
,
They
lost
the
Memory
of
the
Peace
they
had
Sworn
,
and
made
no
Difficulty
to
renew
the
Quarrel
,
and
to
re-kindle
the
Disorder
at
the
Charges
of
their
Faith
,
and
against
all
Justice
.
So
that
what
Intervened
betwixt
two
Warrs
,
was
not
so
much
Peace
as
a
Suspension
of
Arms
,
nor
the
Cure
of
the
Feaver
,
as
the
Remission
of
th'
Access
;
The
fire
was
Covered
under
th'
Ashes
,
but
Dyed
not
in
th'
Intention
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
it
hapned
t'
all
that
Affair
,
as
to
Wounds
ill
Dressed
,
which
often
break
out
;
It
was
renewed
frequently
;
And
that
Game
lasted
till
new
Accidents
made
the
Spaniards
take
new
Designs
,
and
that
the
Troubles
of
Germany
allayed
them
of
Italy
.
I
speak
not
here
of
the
Peace
of
Suza
,
which
they
Violated
without
other
Colour
,
than
that
they
were
Necessitated
to
do
't
,
for
th'
Interest
of
their
Reputation
;
nor
of
th'
Ingratitude
,
wherewith
they
requited
the
Courtesie
,
which
the
King
did
in
their
behalf
,
and
that
rare
Moderation
which
made
him
bound
his
Prosperity
by
the
delivery
of
his
Allies
,
and
permitted
him
not
t'
Overcome
,
but
where
it
found
Resistance
.
It
hath
been
spoken
of
in
another
place
,
and
shall
be
Spoken
of
more
fully
in
the
Third
Part.
I
remit
also
to
speak
there
of
the
Treaty
of
Cuirasque
,
which
the
Necessity
of
the
German
Affairs
forced
from
them
,
rather
than
the
Love
of
the
Peace
of
Italy
;
And
to
which
,
the
Resolutions
of
the
Dyet
of
Ratis●one
,
and
th'
Entry
of
the
King
of
Swede
into
Germany
,
where
th'
Evidences
of
the
Tempest
did
them
Appear
,
which
hath
since
fallen
upon
th'
House
of
Austria
,
forced
them
to
consent
,
and
to
set
their
Hands
with
design
not
t'
observe
it
,
so
soon
as
they
had
sent
us
over
the
Mountains
,
as
shall
be
declared
at
large
,
in
th'
Apology
of
th'
Acquisition
of
Pignero●
.
I
will
not
also
,
Revive
here
the
Deceits
they
practised
towards
the
Venetians
,
and
th'
Alterations
they
gave
them
upon
the
business
of
th'
Uscoques
.
It
were
to
repeat
,
but
what
hath
been
said
.
I
pass
also
in
silence
the
various
●ricks
which
at
several
times
they
put
upon
the
Grisons
,
and
th'
Artifices
,
and
open
Force
,
wherewith
they
have
s
'
often
assaulted
their
Liberty
,
against
the
Faith
of
the
Treaties
,
made
with
them
,
and
with
their
Allyes
.
That
will
be
seen
in
the
Third
Part
,
in
th'
Apology
of
the
Treaty
of
Moncon
,
where
I
give
a
very
Exact
Table
of
th'
Affairs
of
that
Common-wealth
.
I
come
to
them
of
Germany
,
and
to
what
passed
upon
that
Scean
,
not
less
Famous
by
the
Treaties
,
than
by
the
Warrs
,
which
were
managed
there
:
Who
knows
not
that
the
Peace
of
Ulmes
,
Concluded
by
the
Mediation
of
France
,
gave
Means
to
th'
Emperour
t'
Ease
himself
of
the
Weight
of
the
Warr
under
which
he
Groaned
,
and
t'
unravel
the
Perplexities
from
which
he
could
not
be
dis-intangled
but
by
that
Expedient
?
And
who
knows
not
also
,
That
he
observed
it
no
longer
than
was
Necessary
for
to
prepare
for
a
Warr
,
which
he
resolved
in
Swearing
the
Peace
;
And
that
the
Ruine
of
the
Count
Palatine
,
and
of
his
Friends
,
proceeded
only
from
the
Confidence
they
raised
in
that
Treaty
,
and
from
that
Ruinous
Foundation
,
whereupon
they
trusted
,
as
upon
an
Holy
Anchor
,
by
the
Right
of
Nations
,
by
the
Reverence
of
the
Name
of
God
,
which
therein
was
Interposed
,
and
by
th'
Authority
of
so
Great
a
Mediator
as
the
King
of
France
?
After
the
Gain
of
the
Battel
of
Prague
,
and
that
fatal
Series
of
Prosperities
which
follows
great
Victories
;
After
that
th'
Imperial
Arms
had
Triumphed
over
all
that
favoured
the
Palatines
party
,
and
that
the
Count
of
Tilly
,
and
Marquiss
of
Spinola
,
had
stripped
Naked
that
unhappy
Prince
,
Th'
Emperour
transferred
his
Electorate
to
the
Duke
of
Baviere
,
and
divided
his
Country
between
him
and
the
King
of
Spain
;
But
it
being
pretended
,
that
the
Formalities
Ordained
by
the
Golden
Charter
,
and
by
th'
other
Pragmatique
Sanctions
,
had
not
been
observed
in
that
Translation
and
Partition
;
and
for
fear
,
that
proceeding
which
they
supposed
to
be
Violent
,
should
Offend
th'
other
Electors
by
a
common
Interest
,
and
Provoke
the
King
of
England
to
a
Revenge
,
and
to
Prosecute
the
Reparation
of
th'
Out-rage
done
to
his
Son-in-Law
;
Th'
Emperour
protested
in
the
Dyet
of
Ratisbone
,
in
the
year
1662.
That
h'
had
transferred
th'
Electorate
to
th'
House
of
Bavi●re
for
the
Dukes
Life
only
,
that
was
Invested
with
it
;
And
for
what
Concerned
the
Palatinate
,
he
would
make
Reparation
to
the
Count
Palatine
,
and
give
Satisfaction
thereupon
to
his
Friends
:
He
gave
the
same
Assurances
to
the
King
of
England
by
his
Letters
,
in
the
year
1623.
which
the
Duke
of
Baviere
also
Confirmed
by
his
Letters
,
and
signified
the
King
;
He
understood
that
it
was
only
for
his
Life
,
that
his
House
should
Enjoy
th'
Electoral
Dignity
,
and
that
h'
had
Accepted
it
upon
Condition
of
Return
to
th'
House
,
from
whence
it
was
taken
,
and
should
be
the
Privilege
of
his
Person
,
and
not
th'
Inheritance
of
his
Heirs
.
It
was
th'
Allay
that
was
alwaies
Presented
to
the
King
of
England
,
and
wherewith
he
Suffered
himself
alwaies
to
be
Surprized
;
And
his
Inclination
naturally
disposed
to
the
Sweetness
of
Rest
,
and
to
the
Delicacies
of
Peace
,
was
Easily
diverted
by
that
shew
,
which
was
made
of
giving
him
Content
,
from
the
Thoughts
of
Warr
,
which
were
not
Natural
to
him
.
In
th'
Expectation
of
th'
Effects
of
those
hopes
,
he
finished
his
Life
,
which
from
time
to
time
were
renewed
unto
him
;
And
th'
Earl
of
Gondemar
,
who
had
seized
upon
the
Kings
Understanding
,
and
taken
Soveraign
Possession
of
it
to
Govern
him
absolutely
,
knew
how
to
represent
th'
Execution
of
that
Affair
so
infallible
,
as
not
only
t'
Hinder
the
King
from
Arming
against
the
Usurpators
of
his
Son-in-Laws
Lands
,
but
Enclined
him
also
to
Lend
Ships
to
his
Master
,
to
secure
against
th'
Hollanders
the
Spanish
Fleets
,
which
Sailed
from
th'
Indies
.
That
business
hath
ever
since
been
in
the
same
Condition
on
th'
Emperours
part
,
and
stood
alwaies
floting
in
Irresolution
and
Incertitude
,
till
the
Accident
of
Northlinghen
,
which
was
fatal
to
the
Swedes
.
The
greatest
part
of
the
Princes
,
and
free
Towns
of
th'
Empire
,
fell
from
their
Confederation
,
and
Conspired
at
Prague
with
th'
House
of
Austria
,
against
the
German
Liberty
.
Th'
Emperour
High
and
Proud
with
his
prodigious
Success
,
and
believing
himself
Master
of
Affairs
and
Fortune
,
forgetting
the
Promises
he
had
so
Solemnly
made
to
the
Late
King
of
England
,
and
the
Faith
h'
had
so
often
given
him
in
Favour
of
his
Son-in-Law
,
though
nothing
had
passed
against
him
on
that
Princes
occasion
,
nor
by
the
Means
of
his
Children
,
but
a
Sad
and
Lamentable
Progress
of
Calamity
,
and
of
Disgraces
,
declared
by
his
own
Authority
,
(
though
he
could
not
Lawfully
do
it
)
but
by
th'
Authority
of
a
Lawfull
Dyet
,
and
all
Parties
heard
,
declared
I
say
,
Th'
Electorate
duely
Translated
to
the
Duke
of
Bavaria
,
and
to
his
Heirs
,
and
that
it
could
not
Devolve
t'
any
other
Family
till
his
was
Extinguished
;
Moreover
,
He
declared
th'
Opposition
made
by
the
Duke
of
Newbourge
,
as
Prince
of
the
Palatine
Family
,
to
be
Void
,
and
that
he
was
not
to
b'
admitted
upon
his
Claim
;
And
that
this
was
done
upon
great
and
important
Considerations
,
known
t'
his
Imperial
Majesty
;
That
he
Maintained
and
Confirmed
in
the
Partition
and
Possession
of
the
Palatinate
,
them
,
Wh
'
had
taken
it
in
his
Name
,
and
by
his
Authority
,
with
Respect
to
b'
had
to
the
Count
Palatines
,
and
to
the
Requests
of
Princes
,
who
should
Intercede
for
them
,
and
under
such
base
and
shamefull
Conditions
,
That
he
knew
well
they
would
never
b'
Accepted
.
But
remembring
the
Bloody
affront
done
to
the
present
King
of
England
,
and
the
Counterpoise
that
he
might
bring
to
the
Ballance
,
where
the
Victory
hung
betwixt
two
Parties
,
if
he
should
declare
for
his
Enemy
;
Remembring
also
the
Damages
the
Low-Country-men
would
receive
in
the
Cessation
of
the
Recruits
th'
English
might
bring
them
;
And
other
Consequences
that
might
arise
from
th'
Hatred
of
a
Prince
,
provoked
to
Revenge
by
frequent
disdains
offered
unto
him
,
and
by
th'
Extreme
injuries
done
t'
his
Nephews
;
He
re-assumed
the
Foxes
skinn
,
which
h'
had
put
off
at
the
Treaty
of
Prague
,
and
Exercised
the
first
Art
,
wherewith
h'
had
so
often
play'd
his
Game
with
the
Father
,
t'
abuse
the
Son
,
and
to
suspend
the
Resolution
he
might
take
,
to
seek
by
Force
,
what
had
been
denied
t'
his
Intercession
and
Endeavours
.
He
made
shew
then
of
Entertaining
the
profers
of
Accommodation
,
which
were
made
to
Him
;
He
received
the
King
of
Englands
Message
for
that
purpose
,
and
seemed
to
desire
a
Solemn
Embassage
t'
yield
with
the
greater
Honour
,
and
to
give
the
more
Glory
to
the
Treaty
he
would
Conclude
.
But
th'
Journey
of
th'
Earl
of
Arundel
;
The
several
Distast●rs
,
which
he
there
received
,
and
the
Dissatisfaction
,
which
at
last
he
brought
back
,
made
Clearly
manifest
to
the
World
,
the
Truth
of
th'
Emperours
Intentions
,
and
that
it
was
a
studied
Artifice
to
gain
Time
,
and
to
try
the
Fortune
of
Warr
with
the
more
Advantage
,
having
to
do
with
the
fewer
Enemies
.
I
speak
not
of
what
hapned
to
the
last
Ambassadour
,
that
was
sent
from
England
,
nor
of
the
success
of
his
Embassy
,
which
hath
not
given
the
Lye
to
the
former
;
'T
is
a
matter
too
new
and
present
to
b'
unknown
by
any
Person
.
And
this
may
be
said
in
favour
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
That
it
being
necessary
,
the
Treaty
to
be
Concluded
,
should
be
debated
by
the
King
and
Parliament
of
the
Kingdome
;
The
time
was
not
proper
for
it
,
whilst
the
King
and
his
Parliament
were
divided
;
That
truly
is
not
without
Reason
and
plausible
Pretence
,
but
the
secret
of
th'
Affairs
is
,
That
so
long
as
the
Schism
shall
last
,
and
the
Fire
which
th'
English
have
kindled
in
the
midst
of
their
Country
,
be
maintained
in
Heat
and
Force
,
The
King
of
Hungary
,
and
they
of
his
Party
,
have
no
Cause
to
fear
their
Arms
,
nor
t'
hasten
a
Treaty
.
And
if
it
b'
Expedient
,
that
they
treat
in
Earnest
,
it
may
be
time
enough
,
when
th'
English
have
reassumed
their
former
Union
,
and
the
design
of
restoring
the
Palatines
House
,
and
re-establishing
of
the
Princes
,
th'
Emperour
and
his
Adherents
had
stripped
to
their
Shirts
.
That
whilst
they
run
th'
Hazard
of
the
Warr
,
either
they
may
gain
so
Considerable
Successes
,
and
their
Power
may
Encrease
so
Plentifully
,
That
when
England
shall
enter
into
the
League
,
which
all
sorts
of
Reasons
d'invite
it
to
do
,
and
to
Joyn
his
Forces
with
the
Forces
of
the
Confederates
,
They
would
have
nevertheless
Cause
t'
hope
for
Victory
,
and
should
not
b'
obliged
to
part
with
that
Willingly
,
which
they
could
not
take
from
them
by
Force
.
These
Prejudications
,
which
are
Offered
,
accompanied
with
many
others
shall
be
set
down
in
the
Third
Part
,
may
suffice
to
make
it
appear
to
our
Confederates
,
what
Foundation
they
can
raise
upon
the
Duration
of
particular
Treaties
,
to
which
th'
House
of
Austria
doth
press
and
sollicit
them
.
And
the
Swedes
above
all
Persons
,
whom
they
would
debosh
from
the
Confederation
of
France
,
and
against
whose
Faith
they
raise
their
strongest
Batteries
,
and
Arm
their
subtilest
Artifices
,
are
too
Dextrous
to
b'
ignorant
of
the
constant
Resolution
,
and
immoveable
Will
of
those
Princes
of
that
House
,
not
to
Suffer
them
,
having
advanced
their
Power
so
far
into
Germany
,
to
take
deep
Root
there
,
or
that
so
Powerfull
a
Member
,
and
of
so
Warlike
a
Nation
,
should
b'
adjoyned
to
th'
Empire
.
I
believe
also
,
that
they
doubt
not
,
as
to
what
respects
the
Duration
and
Subsistence
of
the
particular
Treaty
they
should
have
made
with
them
,
but
that
they
would
find
a
thousand
Pretences
of
Honour
to
break
without
Disgrace
,
and
a
thousand
Evasions
of
Cons
;
cience
to
Violate
it
without
Scruple
,
and
that
they
will
bring
to
their
Relief
,
as
hath
been
in
another
place
Discoursed
,
that
Maxim
,
which
they
hold
ever
in
Reserve
to
make
use
of
in
time
of
need
,
That
they
are
not
obliged
t'
hold
Faith
with
Heretiques
;
Chiefly
,
when
it
hath
been
given
in
things
which
help
to
confirm
Heresie
in
any
Country
,
from
whence
they
have
a
design
to
Banish
it
,
which
furnish
it
with
Food
and
Strength
,
which
swells
and
makes
it
proud
with
Temporal
and
other
Human
advantages
for
Subsistence
.
That
giving
them
the
Reputation
of
Robbers
of
the
People
,
and
for
Ravishers
of
Estates
,
as
infallibly
they
will
do
;
They
make
use
against
them
of
that
Opinion
of
the
Casuists
,
which
is
derived
from
the
Root
of
Nature
,
and
whereof
th'
Heathen
have
not
been
ignorant
;
That
promises
made
to
Robbers
by
force
,
when
Men
are
at
their
Discretion
,
and
the
Power
is
in
their
Hands
,
oblige
not
by
Consequence
th'
Observation
of
them
,
and
impose
not
a
Yoak
,
which
may
not
be
broken
without
doing
Evil.
Briefly
,
they
ought
t'
hold
for
certain
,
That
the
Spaniards
enjoying
Spain
,
the
fruitfullest
Mine
,
and
the
fullest
Spring
of
the
Cases
of
Conscience
that
is
in
Christendome
;
And
being
Masters
of
the
Stock
,
from
whence
more
abundantly
,
than
from
any
other
place
,
the
sharp
and
subtil
Doctors
,
who
make
when
they
will
,
such
curious
and
exquisite
Anatomies
of
th'
Actions
and
Manners
of
Men
,
and
wh'
have
full
Magazines
of
Colours
to
disguise
things
;
who
decide
with
a
wonderfull
Boldness
,
such
Difficulties
,
as
the
Bible
,
the
Councils
,
the
Popes
,
and
the
Fathers
would
not
touch
;
And
failing
for
the
most
part
of
a
fixed
Point
t'
establish
their
Opinions
upon
▪
and
making
use
of
so
soft
and
flexible
a
Rule
to
measure
them
by
,
as
their
Reasoning
;
Know
by
consequent
t'accommodate
them
when
they
please
,
to
th'
Inclinations
of
them
who
consult
with
them
.
The
Swedes
,
I
say
,
ought
t'
hold
for
certain
,
That
the
Princes
of
that
House
will
ever
find
some
of
their
Doctors
(
for
the
same
Judgment
is
not
to
be
past
upon
all
of
them
)
who
will
maintain
,
That
not
t'
hold
t'
Heretiques
what
hath
been
promised
them
,
is
no
Evil
,
when
a
Good
may
arise
from
it
to
Religion
;
And
to
strip
them
of
Temporal
Goods
,
which
serve
for
Nourishment
,
and
A●d
t'Heresie
,
though
the
possession
of
them
had
been
promised
,
is
not
an
Action
more
blamable
,
than
to
take
a
Sword
from
th'
hand
of
a
furious
Person
,
who
might
run
it
through
his
Heart
,
what
promise
soever
had
been
made
to
the
contrary
.
At
the
worst
,
The
Princes
of
the
Time
,
and
particularly
they
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
are
too
Intelligent
and
too
Ingenious
to
want
th'
occasions
of
Troubles
,
when
they
've
use
of
them
;
And
th'
Affairs
of
Christendome
are
at
this
day
so
vexed
and
confused
,
that
what
care
soever
is
taken
to
clear
and
compose
them
,
't
is
certain
,
that
for
a
long
Time
there
will
be
but
too
much
matter
of
Quarrel
and
of
offence
,
for
them
wh'
have
a
mind
to
't
.
Tenth
Discourse
.
That
the
Confederation
between
the
King
and
his
Associates
hath
all
the
necessary
Conditions
required
in
a
durable
Peace
;
Some
Considerations
upon
the
Nature
of
Leagues
,
that
they
may
the
better
be
maintained
.
IT
appears
clearly
by
what
hath
been
above-said
,
that
the
Troubles
of
Christendom
cannot
b'
appeased
by
such
deceitful
and
unfaithful
Means
,
as
particular
Peaces
;
And
that
it
were
to
build
its
Acquiescence
upon
Ice
,
which
would
dissolve
at
the
first
Beams
of
the
Sun
,
to
raise
it
upon
so
uncertain
and
shallow
a
Foundation
.
And
that
it
may
be
such
,
as
is
desired
,
it
must
be
raised
upon
the
Basis
of
a
General
Peace
;
And
that
a
permanent
Confederation
of
them
,
who
are
associated
to
make
War
,
be
the
Buckler
of
that
Peace
,
and
the
Rampier
to
secure
it
,
from
th'
assaults
that
may
be
made
against
it
;
It
must
b'also
the
perpetual
obstacle
to
restrain
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
t'
hinder
it
from
making
Invasions
upon
his
Neighbours
,
and
to
vex
it
for
the
future
,
as
it
Hath
done
others
for
the
time
past
.
And
as
there
is
so
strong
a
Bond
,
and
so
streight
a
Correspondency
between
the
Branches
and
the
Dependences
of
that
House
,
that
it
may
be
said
,
they
've
all
but
one
Interest
,
and
that
th'
are
seen
to
run
to
the
Relief
of
one
another
with
the
same
Heat
and
Impetuosity
,
as
if
it
were
their
own
business
.
In
like
manner
,
all
other
things
laid
aside
,
the
Confederate
Powers
ought
always
to
b'of
a
good
understanding
,
and
ever
ready
t'
act
unanimously
against
th'
House
of
Austria
,
as
often
as
it
shall
stir
injuriously
against
any
of
them
;
And
resuming
the
spirit
of
Ambition
,
which
is
so
natural
to
't
,
and
gives
it
so
much
trouble
,
shall
presume
again
to
conspire
against
the
Peace
of
Christendom
,
and
against
the
Liberty
of
those
Princes
.
And
it
seems
to
me
,
that
the
Confederation
now
on
foot
between
the
King
and
other
Princes
,
who
joyn
with
him
to
procure
a
just
and
sure
Peace
to
the
rest
of
Christendome
,
hath
all
the
necessary
Conditions
to
form
and
maintain
that
fair
Union
and
perfect
Correspondency
,
which
we
would
oppose
to
that
which
unites
and
conjoyns
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
its
Dependences
.
'T
is
what
,
I
pretend
to
make
appear
in
the
following
Discourse
,
and
in
examining
the
Nature
and
the
Conditions
of
the
most
famous
Leagues
,
which
Christendom
hath
seen
for
the
two
last
Ages
,
and
in
discovering
the
Defects
and
Weaknesses
where
they
have
failed
,
and
which
have
been
the
Means
of
their
Dissolution
and
Ruine
.
To
discourse
then
of
then
Matter
,
I
say
,
That
although
there
are
two
sorts
of
Leagues
,
or
that
they
may
be
considered
under
two
different
Considerations
,
and
under
two
distinct
Functions
;
Both
of
them
have
need
of
the
same
Supports
for
their
Establishment
,
and
of
the
same
Cares
for
their
Duration
.
There
are
some
Leagues
which
,
according
to
the
first
Intention
of
them
that
made
them
,
have
no
visible
Action
in
them
,
nor
Motion
,
nor
Life
,
that
is
sensible
,
which
properly
signifie
no
more
than
to
secure
from
apprehended
Motions
of
War
,
and
t'impede
turbulent
Princes
from
making
of
Troubles
;
As
Banks
stop
the
Sea
from
over-flowing
,
and
restrain
th'
Invasions
and
Spoils
which
otherwise
it
would
make
.
Other
Leagues
are
all
in
Motion
,
and
the
first
Idea
under
which
they
're
projected
,
is
to
serve
for
Remedies
against
th'
Evils
which
press
,
and
not
against
them
which
are
feared
;
To
repel
the
Tempests
which
break
forth
,
and
not
to
cherish
the
Calms
that
reign
.
I
will
give
you
of
both
some
Examples
,
which
shall
be
the
Foundations
of
our
Reasonings
,
and
may
render
th'
Instructions
to
be
drawn
from
it
more
easie
and
sensible
.
In
the
time
of
Lawrence
of
Medicis
,
the
greatest
Politician
of
his
Age
,
a
League
was
formed
and
flourished
,
and
many
other
Princes
and
States
of
that
Country
associated
to
conserve
the
publick
Peace
,
and
t'Arm
unanimously
against
him
that
should
first
disturb
it
,
and
break
that
sweet
Harmony
of
the
People
,
which
made
Italy
happy
.
The
League
had
aspect
chiefly
upon
the
Venetians
,
who
being
then
the
most
powerful
of
all
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
were
esteemed
also
the
most
ambitious
,
and
it
may
be
for
that
reason
onely
,
that
they
were
the
strongest
;
And
that
they
did
not
believe
,
That
the
Moderation
of
Desires
,
accompani'd
willingly
with
Great
Forces
,
nor
that
Sobriety
could
b'observed
in
the
Temptation
of
Abundance
.
But
the
Cement
of
that
League
being
the
wisdom
of
Laurence
of
Medicis
,
and
that
it
wanted
somewhat
of
more
strength
and
duration
for
its
subsistence
;
It
hapned
,
that
it
fell
by
the
death
of
Laurence
,
and
that
Lodowick
Sforza
was
the
first
that
broke
off
from
it
to
gain
the
State
of
Milan
from
his
Nephew
,
and
which
opened
the
Gate
by
which
the
French
entred
Italy
,
and
after
them
the
Spaniards
,
and
the
Germans
.
It
hapned
also
,
as
by
a
just
Judgment
from
God
,
That
th'
Usurpator
of
the
State
of
his
Nephew
,
and
the
Perturbator
of
the
Peace
of
his
Country
,
saw
himself
stripped
of
that
State
,
and
banished
his
Country
,
to
pass
the
rest
of
his
days
,
and
die
a
Prisoner
in
a
Forein
Country
.
That
which
was
to
be
desired
to
complete
that
League
,
and
which
made
it
break
,
was
the
want
of
a
real
and
effective
great
Power
to
support
the
weak
Pieces
of
it
,
which
should
not
have
been
subject
to
yielding
by
death
,
nor
of
falling
by
disgrace
,
and
might
serve
t'
all
of
them
for
a
Haven
in
time
of
Tempest
,
and
for
Resurrection
in
case
of
Misfortune
.
But
in
th'
Establishment
of
durable
Leagues
,
and
in
the
collection
of
Pieces
that
compose
it
for
duration
;
'T
is
not
sufficient
,
that
a
great
Power
be
conjoyned
,
unless
the
Motions
of
that
Power
be
Moderate
,
and
have
the
General
Good
of
the
League
for
its
End
,
to
which
it
serves
for
Chief
and
Centre
.
Otherwise
,
if
that
Superiour
Power
do
determine
the
Ruine
of
others
,
and
aim
at
doing
Its
business
,
and
not
theirs
,
they
will
quickly
sever
,
and
so
soon
as
the
great
Evil
they
feared
is
over
,
and
that
the
Torrent
which
gave
them
trouble
is
stopped
,
they
will
withdraw
their
Contributions
,
and
no
longer
furnish
Materials
,
nor
lend
their
Arms
to
constitute
a
Society
,
which
might
in
time
prove
fatal
unto
them
.
Let
Examples
explain
our
Meaning
.
When
th'
Heresie
of
Luther
had
taken
root
in
Germany
,
and
stretched
its
Branches
almost
over
all
the
North
,
a
League
was
formed
at
Smalchalde
against
Charls
the
Fifth
,
of
the
greatest
part
of
the
Princes
and
States
that
had
embraced
their
new
Sect
;
Th'
emperour
was
constrained
to
form
another
League
to
this
,
and
t'
implore
th'
aid
of
Catholique
Princes
in
an
occasion
,
where
th'
Antient
Religion
had
cause
to
fear
all
that
could
issue
of
sad
and
tragical
,
from
the
fury
and
zeal
of
the
new
Sects
;
Some
Catholique
Princes
refused
to
Joyn
,
as
the
Venetians
;
Others
did
Engage
,
whereof
the
most
considerable
,
and
who
sent
the
fairest
and
greatest
Army
,
was
th'
Holy
Father
;
Th'
Emperour
with
this
Supply
,
which
was
useful
,
and
with
his
Virtue
and
ordinary
Fortune
,
got
the
better
of
th'
Associated
Protestants
,
and
had
forced
his
Victory
further
into
Germany
,
if
the
Pope
,
who
knew
,
that
Charls
aimed
not
at
the
Heretiques
,
but
at
the
Rebels
of
th'
Empire
,
had
not
staid
his
course
,
and
withdrawn
his
Forces
,
whereby
th'
emperour
was
disappointed
,
and
stood
as
Immoveable
in
the
pursute
of
his
designs
,
as
a
Ship
,
when
the
Wind
suddenly
abates
,
and
is
surprized
with
a
Calm
.
Two
things
are
here
to
b'observed
,
which
establish
and
confirm
the
Propositions
proposed
,
Th'
one
,
That
the
Protestant
League
fell
by
the
first
Blow
it
received
,
without
rising
again
,
and
one
lost
Battel
made
it
vanish
into
smoke
;
for
the
first
Reason
given
,
and
because
it
wanted
some
great
Power
that
might
have
rallied
the
scattered
Forces
;
That
might
have
raised
new
Men
,
and
have
drawn
them
together
to
fight
their
Enemies
,
and
for
other
Trials
of
Fortune
.
And
indeed
,
to
speak
truly
of
the
thing
,
'T
is
the
same
with
petty
Princes
,
who
make
a
League
against
a
more
powerful
Prince
,
as
with
a
Society
of
Gamesters
,
wh'
are
not
rich
,
and
having
made
a
Stock
,
to
which
every
one
contributed
all
the
Mony
h'
had
,
so
soon
as
that
Money
is
lost
,
are
out
of
countenance
,
and
are
constrained
to
break
up
company
,
and
to
retire
with
their
loss
;
In
like
manner
,
th
'others
setting
a
foot
at
first
all
their
Forces
,
and
straining
to
their
uttermost
,
being
defeated
,
are
without
recovery
,
and
disband
immediately
,
if
some
great
Power
do
not
interpose
to
rally
them
.
W'
have
also
seen
the
same
thing
happen
to
the
Protestant
League
,
which
took
its
beginning
from
th'
incident
Troubles
between
the
Pretenders
to
the
Succession
of
Cleves
,
and
which
dissolved
upon
th'
occasion
of
th'
Election
of
the
Count
Palatine
to
the
Kingdom
of
Bohemia
;
The
first
great
Blow
that
was
given
became
mortal
to
't
;
And
it
was
so
astonished
at
the
loss
of
the
Battel
of
Prague
,
that
it
could
never
recover
its
strength
again
;
And
all
that
the
King
of
Denmark
,
Halberstat
,
and
Mansfielt
have
since
done
,
to
re-inforce
that
Party
,
have
served
onely
to
make
it
languish
the
longer
,
and
resembled
the
precious
Waters
are
given
to
desperate
sick
persons
,
which
make
th'
Heart
a
little
to
recover
,
and
prolong
the
life
some
few
howers
,
but
restore
not
health
,
and
prevent
not
death
.
Th'
other
thing
to
be
considered
in
the
Catholique
League
,
which
subdued
the
Protestants
,
is
,
That
it
held
indeed
of
great
Powers
,
and
that
it
had
for
Foundation
and
Ligament
a
great
Emperour
,
who
made
th'
Eagles
of
th'
Empire
fly
higher
than
they
'd
done
since
Charlemain's
time
.
But
being
more
Ambitious
than
Powerful
,
He
carried
not
falsly
that
Embleme
which
discovered
th'
Immensity
of
his
Desires
,
Never
to
stop
,
but
to
pass
always
further
.
For
without
respect
to
the
good
of
his
Confederates
,
He
studied
onely
his
Particular
profit
;
That
was
the
cause
,
as
hath
been
observed
,
that
they
retired
from
the
League
.
The
same
Emperor
endeavoured
,
after
the
re-establishment
of
Sforces
in
the
State
of
Milan
,
to
form
in
Italy
another
League
of
the
first
sort
,
under
pretence
of
employing
it
against
the
French
irruptions
that
should
undertake
to
trouble
their
Peace
,
and
to
draw
thither
to
raise
Quarrels
;
or
to
make
use
of
them
against
the
Turk
,
if
his
Fleets
assaulted
the
States
of
any
of
the
Confederates
,
and
Infested
their
Shoars
.
But
th'
Italians
were
as
Cautious
as
he
was
subtil
,
and
discovering
th'
Hook
he
did
cast
into
so
specious
a
Bit
,
They
would
not
be
taken
with
it
.
For
it
was
very
visible
to
them
,
That
th'
Emperor
aimed
from
thence
to
confirm
his
Power
in
Italy
,
which
the
French
alone
were
able
to
shake
;
And
in
holding
the
Turk
at
Bay
,
to
labour
with
more
ease
and
less
opposition
the
ruine
of
Christians
.
The
Germans
were
not
so
well
advised
and
wise
,
when
they
formed
that
League
of
Suaube
,
which
served
so
long
to
do
th'
Affairs
of
th'
House
of
Austria
,
and
t'
advance
their
Greatness
,
under
colour
of
suppressing
the
Rebells
of
th'
Empire
,
and
the
Disturbers
of
the
Peace
of
Germany
;
It
had
not
staid
there
,
and
th'
Ill
which
it
did
,
believing
to
do
well
,
had
not
so
soon
ceased
,
if
it
had
not
been
dissipated
by
th'
Endeavours
of
Francis
the
First
,
and
by
th'
Industry
and
Eloquence
of
Sir
of
Langey
,
who
made
the
Dutch
to
comprehend
th'
Austrian
Artifices
,
and
laid
open
the
Stratagems
that
were
on
foot
by
that
Family
to
destroy
them
.
In
the
precedent
Discourse
,
I
've
given
you
the
platform
of
that
League
,
which
Philip
the
Second
endeavoured
to
make
with
the
Pope
and
with
the
Venetians
,
after
the
Selim
the
Second
had
assaulted
Cyprus
,
and
that
the
noise
of
th'
Ottoman's
Arms
,
with
the
consternation
and
fear
of
them
,
had
flown
about
Italy
.
We
've
also
there
seen
the
Resistance
made
by
the
Pope
and
the
Venetians
,
to
the
proposals
of
that
Prince
,
which
breathed
onely
his
particular
Interest
.
And
we
shall
see
in
the
Third
Part
the
small
satisfaction
that
the
Venetians
drew
from
that
League
,
which
was
concluded
with
him
,
and
that
at
last
they
were
constrained
to
make
a
separate
Accord
with
the
Turk
,
and
without
the
privity
of
Philip
,
as
many
years
before
they
'd
been
obliged
to
buy
their
peace
of
Soliman
,
after
that
the
proceedings
of
Charls
the
Fifth
,
with
whom
they
were
in
League
,
gave
them
occasion
to
know
,
That
they
could
not
continue
the
War
in
so
ill
Company
,
and
in
so
unfaithful
a
Society
,
without
running
th'
hazard
to
Ruine
.
It
hath
not
been
dangerous
onely
to
make
Leagues
with
Charls
the
Fifth
,
and
with
Philip
his
Son
;
Th'
Evil
came
from
a
higher
Line
,
and
the
Corruption
hath
a
higher
Spring
;
Ferdinand
of
Arragon
their
Grandfather
transmitted
unto
them
with
his
Blood
,
that
too
much
interessed
Inclination
;
As
he
was
one
of
them
who
broke
the
League
of
Cambray
,
to
the
prejudice
of
Lewis
the
Twelfth
,
who
had
so
Legally
observed
it
;
And
the
League
he
made
at
Blois
was
to
strip
the
King
of
Naples
his
Kinsman
,
of
his
Inheritance
,
and
for
the
full
Conquest
of
his
Kingdom
.
And
after
he
had
gained
by
the
Valour
of
the
Great
Captain
,
what
did
belong
t'
his
Partition
,
he
caused
us
to
be
vexed
,
and
made
studied
Quarrels
to
take
away
the
Partition
that
did
belong
to
us
;
By
th'
Invincible
Habit
th'
House
of
Austria
hath
acquired
not
t'
observe
,
what
it
hath
promised
;
And
from
their
subtil
Art
to
dispose
the
Leagues
where
it
Enters
,
to
its
particular
Ends
,
without
respect
of
the
Good
of
th'
other
Confederates
.
In
that
of
Germany
,
which
subsisted
under
the
name
of
Catholique
;
In
apparence
,
it
avoided
the
direction
of
that
Army
t●abate
the
Jealousie
of
the
Confederates
,
and
that
the
Forces
of
that
League
were
put
into
th'
hands
of
the
Duke
of
Bavaria
,
a
Prince
of
another
House
,
and
under
the
Count
of
Tilly
,
a
Lieutenant
General
,
which
depended
upon
him
.
But
in
this
there
was
but
a
Transpostion
of
Colours
,
whilst
the
Things
were
the
same
;
And
th'
emperour
gained
that
by
a
by-way
,
which
he
could
not
obtain
by
a
streight
;
whilst
the
Forces
of
that
League
held
the
Protestant
Arms
at
a
Bay
,
and
hindred
all
that
they
could
undertake
against
the
Catholiques
;
Heresolved
to
raise
others
in
his
own
Name
,
and
under
General
Wallestine
,
that
had
dependency
and
relation
onely
upon
himself
;
Th'
Emperor
with
these
Forces
,
which
made
themselves
formidable
and
prodigious
by
th'
inventions
of
Quarters
,
which
this
great
General
gave
to
th'
Officers
to
make
their
Levies
,
began
to
give
the
Law
t'
all
Germany
,
and
threatned
all
that
was
independent
and
free
;
And
when
th'
Affair
of
Mantoua
hapned
,
it
appeared
then
certainly
to
the
Catholiques
,
that
it
was
not
so
much
to
the
Religion
of
the
Protestants
that
th'
Emperor
made
War
,
as
to
their
Estates
;
And
the
Peace
he
made
with
the
King
of
Denmark
,
t'
intend
th'
oppression
of
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
,
made
them
understand
,
That
if
the
progress
of
the
Arms
was
not
stopped
,
Catholiques
and
Protestants
should
be
concerned
in
the
same
Mischief
;
And
that
they
had
not
begun
t'
act
by
the
ruine
of
th'
one
,
but
for
to
finish
,
by
the
ruine
of
th
'others
.
The
descent
then
into
Italy
of
th'
Emperours
best
Forces
,
under
the
Conduct
of
Cosalto
,
and
the
condition
Germany
found
it self
in
from
thence
to
be
discharged
of
that
burthen
of
Soldiers
which
oppressed
it
,
gave
courage
to
the
Duke
of
Bavaria
and
his
Party
,
to
speak
high
at
the
Diet
of
Ratisbon
,
in
favour
of
the
German
Liberty
,
and
then
to
demand
the
Degradation
of
Walsthein
,
who
was
the
Flayl
,
and
the
most
proper
Instrument
th'
emperour
could
have
found
t'
impose
servitude
on
Germany
.
The
Spaniards
also
,
to
whom
the
fierce
and
indocile
humour
of
Wallesthein
was
odious
,
and
who
looked
upon
him
as
the
greatest
Obstacle
they
could
have
encountred
upon
the
way
they
had
made
plain
,
for
the
re-uniting
of
th'
Empire
to
their
Branch
,
thrust
stoutly
at
the
Wheel
the
Duke
of
Bavaria
had
set
a
going
.
The
Protestants
on
th'
other
side
,
who
had
been
plundred
,
or
believed
that
they
should
be
plundred
,
and
to
whom
th'
exorbitant
Contributions
,
which
Wallesthein
had
raised
on
their
Estates
,
were
as
fore-runners
and
presages
of
their
approaching
ruine
,
Treated
with
the
King
of
Swede
to
come
to
the
relief
of
their
dying
Liberty
,
and
to
make
use
of
the
Conjuncture
of
the
disarming
of
Wallesthein
,
and
of
the
Licensing
of
his
Troops
,
who
demanded
but
safe
retrait
and
protection
against
the
Commissions
which
were
t'issue
t'
enquire
of
the
Spoils
his
Soldiers
had
committed
upon
the
Lands
of
th'
Empire
.
And
so
the
Catholique
Princes
breathed
away
the
fear
th'
House
of
Austria
gave
them
,
and
were
assaulted
with
a
greater
and
more
dangerous
fear
,
raised
from
the
Swedish
Victories
.
But
if
that
Evil
had
not
preceded
,
the
Remedy
had
not
followed
;
And
if
the
Designs
of
that
House
had
been
moderate
,
th'
Arms
of
that
Prince
had
never
entred
into
Germany
,
and
that
House
had
not
tried
the
same
Lot
it
made
other
suffer
.
As
to
the
League
made
between
the
King
of
Swede
,
and
the
Prorestants
who
called
him
to
their
Relief
,
It
cannot
truly
be
said
,
that
the
King
of
Swede
was
one
of
the
great
Powers
,
whereof
we
speak
,
if
they
are
considered
by
the
fertility
and
riches
of
their
Country
,
By
the
Multitude
of
their
Subjects
,
and
by
other
Advantages
,
which
are
rather
fastned
to
the
Domination
,
than
to
the
Person
of
Princes
.
But
this
Prince
had
such
admirable
Conditions
in
his
Person
,
and
such
a
collection
of
natural
and
acquired
Virtues
,
that
the
quickly
put
himself
into
the
posture
of
being
that
great
Power
,
whereunto
the
Powers
of
the
League
were
subaltern
and
dependent
.
At
first
they
cast
their
eyes
upon
him
through
Jealousie
had
of
their
Country-men
,
and
gave
not
th'
Honour
t'
one
of
their
Nation
,
but
made
the
King
of
Swede
chief
of
the
League
;
Or
they
thought
,
it
may
be
,
none
of
courage
and
understanding
enough
to
bear
the
weight
of
that
War
;
And
judged
also
,
That
the
King
of
Swede
being
in
some
sort
under
their
pay
,
they
might
dispose
of
him
as
they
pleased
,
and
might
retain
him
justly
to
the
necessary
Considerations
,
for
the
suppressing
of
th'
Ambitious
Designs
of
th'
emperour
,
and
to
restore
to
th'
Empire
its
lost
Peace
,
and
its
antient
Privileges
.
But
they
were
not
well
advised
;
for
that
Prince
was
so
brave
,
and
so
full
of
courage
,
that
he
could
not
act
such
a
person
;
And
as
a
Torrent
is
not
to
be
stopped
at
pleasure
,
which
the
force
of
dissolved
Snows
forceth
from
a
Mountain
,
nor
a
great
Fire
easily
put
out
,
which
the
Wind
blows
,
and
is
fastned
t'
a
great
quantity
of
combustible
Matters
;
So
this
Prince
rendred
himself
so
powerful
and
so
formidable
,
by
the
Victories
which
crowded
upon
him
;
For
his
Conquests
were
th'
Adamants
which
drew
others
unto
them
;
that
many
of
the
Confederates
before
his
death
had
him
in
great
jealousie
.
But
let
's
leave
there
those
Apprehensions
,
the
suspition
of
an
Evil
which
did
not
happen
,
to
speak
of
that
which
concerns
us
.
'T
is
easie
to
judge
by
what
hath
been
said
,
That
the
League
which
is
now
of
foot
between
us
and
our
Confederates
,
hath
all
necessary
Conditions
for
Continuation
of
the
War
,
so
long
as
it
may
be
useful
,
and
to
make
the
Peace
that
must
determine
it
Sacred
and
Inviolable
.
This
great
Power
,
whereof
it
hath
been
spoken
,
is
there
to
be
found
,
which
hath
not
onely
the
right
of
Birth
before
all
other
Powers
of
Christendom
,
by
th'
Antiquity
of
its
Original
,
but
hath
it
also
by
the
greatness
of
its
Forces
,
and
by'n
abundance
of
Mony
and
Men
,
which
resembles
not
to
the
Waters
of
Cisterns
,
which
are
easily
drawn
off
,
but
to
them
that
issue
from
living
Springs
,
which
refresh
and
renew
themselves
as
they
run
off
.
This
Truth
is
so
certain
,
and
of
an
Experience
so
general
and
so
confirmed
,
that
to
b'ignorant
of
it
is
not
to
be
of
the
world
,
or
to
know
any
thing
of
what
passeth
in
it
.
'T
is
,
not
to
know
that
w'
have
done
in
Italy
in
favour
of
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
;
And
not
t'
have
understood
,
that
notwithstanding
the
fearful
difficulties
which
accompani'd
that
War
;
The
Desolation
which
the
Plague
and
Famine
had
made
in
our
Armies
,
and
the
Disgraces
hapned
t'
our
Allies
by
their
ill
fortune
,
or
by
their
fault
;
We
forced
Germany
,
Spain
,
and
Savoy
associated
,
to
restore
what
they
had
usurped
,
and
to
re-establish
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
and
the
Grisons
in
their
Estates
and
Garisons
;
'T
is
to
b'
ignorant
what
the
King
did
for
the
Swedish
Party
,
and
for
his
Confederates
,
since
the
Battel
of
Nortlinghen
;
What
he
daily
doth
in
Germany
,
in
the
Low-Countries
,
in
Italy
,
and
in
Spain
;
The
Money
and
Men
which
he
sent
thither
,
and
the
number
of
his
Armies
by
Sea
and
by
Land
,
which
filled
our
Enemies
with
fear
,
and
all
Europe
with
astonishment
.
As
to
the
second
Condition
,
The
Moderation
of
Desires
,
and
that
fair
Temperance
,
which
puts
a
Bridle
into
the
mouth
of
Ambition
,
and
ties
up
Courage
,
which
th'
Heroes
are
more
troubled
t'
observe
,
than
to
defeat
Armies
,
and
to
tame
Monsters
,
It
cannot
also
be
denied
,
that
't
is
the
more
admirable
in
the
Kings
Soul
,
that
having
all
the
Lights
which
enlighten
the
Cabinet
,
and
all
Qualities
that
are
active
in
the
Field
,
He
hath
besides
these
,
the
Forces
of
a
great
Kingdom
to
put
them
in
Motion
;
He
hath
all
that
's
necessary
for
Invading
,
and
for
Usurping
,
if
he
did
not
believe
,
That
't
is
more
Magnanimous
and
more
Glorious
,
to
conserve
and
to
defend
;
Somewhat
more
divine
t'
exercise
Justice
,
than
to
make
Conquests
.
I
have
sowed
so
many
proofs
of
this
Truth
in
so
many
places
of
this
Book
,
that
I
conceive
it
a
superfluous
thing
to
repeat
them
,
and
repoint
to
the
eye
of
the
Reader
the
same
Figures
.
However
,
I
do
beseech
him
to
remember
,
that
in
the
long
and
tragical
actions
which
vex
Christendom
,
the
King
never
began
t'
any
person
,
and
that
he
stirred
not
,
nor
engaged
,
but
to
relieve
his
Friends
,
which
were
oppressed
,
and
t'
abate
the
Designs
which
would
have
consumed
their
Estates
.
That
he
never
took
Arms
till
he
had
tried
the
ways
of
sweetness
;
and
of
good
Endeavours
;
That
before
he
passed
th'
Alps
for
the
delivery
of
Casal
,
which
Gonsailes
had
besieged
,
he
sent
into
Spain
;
He
caused
Endeavours
to
b'
used
at
Vienna
;
He
prevailed
with
the
Pope
t'
interpose
his
Authority
t'
oblige
the
Spaniards
to
retire
,
and
with
honour
,
their
Arms
from
Montferrat
;
As
before
the
beginning
of
the
War
he
commanded
a
Treaty
with
the
Duke
of
Savoy
by
several
Agents
,
and
with
most
advantagious
Offers
,
that
could
be
desired
,
if
he
could
admit
of
equitable
ones
,
to
compose
civilly
the
differences
h'
had
with
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
;
And
after
h'
had
raised
the
Siege
of
C●sal
in
forcing
th'
Alps
,
and
had
given
peace
to
the
Spaniards
,
which
was
so
necessary
for
them
,
He
sent
to
Vienna
t'
hinder
them
from
being
perjured
,
and
to
divert
the
Seeds
of
a
second
War
,
in
causing
to
be
delivered
to
the
Duke
of
Mantoua
th'
Investitures
promised
by
the
Peace
of
Suza
.
As
to
Germany
,
all
the
world
knows
that
the
King
did
not
for
present
interpose
in
the
Troubles
that
have
vexed
them
,
but
t'
appease
them
;
And
that
in
the
Quarel
of
th'
Emperour
and
the
Count
Palatine
for
the
Kingdom
of
Bohemia
,
he
sent
a
famous
Embassage
to
th'
Inter●ssed
Princes
to
determine
it
friendly
,
and
caused
a
Peace
to
be
concluded
at
Ulms
,
as
hath
been
already
said
,
which
re-established
th'
Affairs
of
th'
Empire
in
the
Conditions
they
ought
to
be
,
and
in
the
Temper
,
if
it
had
been
observed
,
which
is
assigned
them
by
their
Constitutions
.
Since
that
time
th'
Affairs
of
th'
Empire
being
raised
to
a
prodigious
Success
,
and
the
King
observing
,
that
the
Treaties
of
Ratisbon
and
of
Cairasque
had
not
shut
up
all
the
Winds
,
which
might
trouble
the
third
time
the
Tranquillity
of
Italy
,
and
carry
the
Storm
further
,
if
th'
House
of
Austria
had
nothing
to
do
'
n
Germany
.
He
caused
a
Treaty
to
be
made
with
the
King
of
Swede
,
whom
the
Protestants
had
called
into
Germany
,
and
furnished
him
with
some
Money
,
to
give
him
the
better
means
to
give
Employment
and
Exercise
to
that
House
,
that
it
might
no
longer
think
of
giving
trouble
t'
his
Allies
,
nor
t'
himself
in
his
Kingdom
.
To
conclude
,
h
'had
never
declared
a
War
to
S●ain
,
in
the
Spaniard
had
not
commanded
th'
Elector
of
Treves
to
be
taken
away
,
wh'
had
put
himself
into
the
King's
protection
,
and
had
provided
for
his
safety
by
his
Intervention
.
In
the
second
place
,
t'
assure
the
world
that
the
King's
Arms
are
not
mercenary
,
nor
moved
by
the
spirit
of
Particular
Interest
,
let
the
last
Treaty
be
remembred
which
he
made
with
the
Duke
of
Cleves
,
and
the
generosity
,
wherewith
he
renounced
,
in
favour
of
the
Duke
,
one
of
the
Justest
Conquests
which
could
arise
from
the
right
of
War
.
Be
't
remembred
,
how
freely
h'
abandoned
by
the
Treaty
of
Cairasque
almost
all
Savoy
,
and
a
part
of
Piedmont
,
which
h'
had
lawfully
gained
,
to
cause
Mantoua
to
be
rendred
,
which
was
but
a
coloured
Usurpation
,
and
the
Country
of
the
Grisons
,
which
was
an
Usurpation
without
colour
.
That
if
it
appears
the
King
and
some
Garisons
of
th'
Empire
in
his
hands
,
the
number
whereof
is
very
small
,
or
some
others
of
his
Allies
in
Italy
,
It
must
be
considered
,
that
't
is
onely
to
keep
them
for
the
Owners
,
wh'
are
not
able
to
defend
them
,
which
to
the
King
is
matter
onely
of
great
Expence
;
or
to
free
his
Frontiers
from
the
Jealousie
they
would
,
receive
from
them
,
if
they
fell
into
th'
hands
of
his
Enemies
;
or
to
serve
for
a
Retrait
or
safety
t'
his
Armies
,
when
they
're
obliged
to
march
far
for
the
good
of
the
common
Cause
;
Or
lastly
,
to
sacrifize
them
to
the
good
of
the
same
Cause
,
and
to
the
re-establishment
of
his
stript
Friends
in
the
Treaty
of
a
General
Peace
.
That
if
Pignerol
remain
in
the
King's
power
after
the
Wars
of
Italy
,
which
have
preceded
the
Peace
of
Cairasque
;
And
if
that
place
seems
to
be
the
recompense
of
so
many
thousands
of
the
Kings
dead
Subjects
,
and
of
so
many
millions
of
Money
,
spent
for
the
Liberty
of
that
Country
;
'T
is
a
thing
,
in
my
opinion
,
which
cannot
reasonably
be
reproached
unto
him
,
nor
envied
;
since
he
doth
not
keep
it
as
a
Conquest
,
but
as
an
Acquisition
,
and
that
he
hath
bought
it
with
the
good-will
of
him
,
wh'
had
power
to
sell
it
;
since
it
was
not
done
so
much
of
serve
for
Rampart
t'
his
Kingdom
,
and
to
secure
the
Frontiers
,
as
t'
have
a
free
Entry
in
t'
Italy
,
and
to
make
the
more
haste
to
its
Relief
,
when
it
should
b'assaulted
.
Let
the
Disinterest
and
Magnanimity
be
considered
,
which
have
appeared
in
all
the
Treaties
on
the
Kings
part
made
in
Germany
,
since
that
which
Sir
of
Charnasé
made
at
Beerwalde
;
And
that
which
Sir
of
Avaux
renewed
the
last
year
at
Hambrough
.
Let
the
sweetness
and
equity
of
the
Conditions
be
considered
,
wherewith
he
received
into
protection
th'
Elector
of
Ireves
,
as
may
be
seen
in
the
Treaties
made
with
him
by
the
Sirs
of
St.
Chaumont
and
of
Saludie
;
Let
the
cares
had
of
the
Swedish
Interest
be
considered
,
and
th'
effective
and
real
Acknowledgments
which
the
Swedish
King
always
exhorted
His
Confederates
to
pay
the
King
,
as
may
be
justifi'd
by
the
Orations
which
Sir
of
Feuquieres
made
to
th'
Assembly
of
Hailbrun
and
Franckford
.
Let
Consequences
at
last
be
drawn
out
of
the
like
Actions
from
the
Kings
Promises
to
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
concerning
the
places
h'
holds
in
Piedmont
,
and
which
he
confirms
in
this
manner
,
in
the
third
Article
of
the
Treaty
he
made
with
Sirs
the
Princes
of
Savoy
.
That
the
King
newly
ratifies
the
Declarations
which
have
been
made
by
his
Ambassadors
in
divers
Otcafions
,
and
by
the
Letters
his
Mejesty
hath
written
to
the
Pope
,
and
to
the
Republique
of
Venice
,
upon
the
restitution
of
the
Places
which
his
Majesty
holds
in
Piedmont
,
since
the
death
of
the
late
Sir
Victor
of
Amedeé
Provided
,
that
such
Places
as
are
held
by
the
Spaniards
his
Enemies
,
be
reciprocally
restored
,
and
that
Sir
the
Duke
of
Savoy
remain
certainly
the
Master
of
them
,
under
the
Tuition
and
Regency
of
Madame
.
Let
the
consequence
of
this
,
I
say
,
be
taken
into
consideration
,
and
it
will
appear
,
that
our
Confederates
may
take
a
full
and
entire
confidence
in
this
Conduct
;
And
that
the
Counsellour
of
th'
Elector
of
Mayence
,
above
all
question
a
very
able
Man
,
in
the
Dyet
held
some
months
past
at
Mayence
,
believing
to
decipher
the
Kings
Designs
t'
establish
himself
in
Germany
,
deviated
from
the
Truth
,
though
it
was
by
way
of
probability
,
and
that
he
discovered
effectively
the
Means
,
wherewith
he
might
do
it
,
if
he
had
had
the
Will
.
Before
this
Discourse
b'ended
,
the
Reader
is
to
b'
advised
,
That
I
had
finished
two
Treaties
which
are
of
the
Subject
I
handle
in
these
two
Books
;
Th'
one
of
the
Nature
of
Equivocations
;
Th'
other
,
of
the
force
of
Opinions
,
which
are
of
great
importance
for
Ministers
of
State
to
know
.
But
insomuch
that
this
Book
is
already
too
long
,
and
that
these
two
Treaties
may
enter
commodiously
into
the
Third
Part
,
I
have
believed
it
was
most
convenient
to
place
them
there
.
End
of
the
Second
Book
.