THE
Desolation
and
Ruine
OF
FRANCE
Demonstrated
,
&c.
CHAP.
I.
THE
Ruine
and
Desolation
of
France
is
now
become
the
common
Theme
of
Discourse
,
and
the
most
ordinary
Subject
of
Conversation
,
especially
amongst
the
Refugees
in
all
Countries
where
they
are
dispersed
;
but
none
of
those
that
I
have
heard
discoursing
about
it
seem
to
have
any
just
Notion
of
the
degree
of
Oppression
which
that
Kingdom
labours
under
,
but
all
their
Ideas
are
very
much
below
the
reality
.
This
,
together
with
my
desire
to
serve
the
Publick
,
hath
obliged
me
to
examine
the
matter
thoroughly
,
and
I
make
bold
to
say
,
That
I
have
made
deeper
enquiries
into
this
Matter
than
any
body
else
has
done
,
and
shall
now
submit
my
Discoveries
to
the
Judgment
of
the
publick
.
I
begin
with
the
Diminution
of
the
People
of
that
Kingdom
,
which
I
am
sure
is
much
greater
than
is
commonly
judged
to
be
;
't
is
the
chief
and
most
important
part
of
the
desolation
of
France
,
and
the
great
cause
of
all
those
Evils
and
Calamities
under
which
it
groans
.
The
better
to
convince
the
World
of
the
truth
of
this
,
I
will
make
use
of
a
Supposition
already
granted
;
which
I
think
the
most
reasonable
that
can
be
made
upon
that
Subject
,
viz.
That
there
might
be
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
about
14
Millions
of
Subjects
30
years
ago
,
when
it
was
in
its
most
flourishing
condition
;
there
are
27
thousand
Parishes
in
that
Kingdom
,
and
it
is
probable
,
there
might
be
500
Souls
in
each
Parish
,
one
with
another
,
which
makes
13
Millions
and
a
half
.
I
do
not
here
include
the
Conquests
,
because
they
do
not
properly
belong
to
the
Kingdom
,
and
't
is
like
they
will
be
returned
to
those
to
whom
they
justly
belong
.
The
Computation
which
I
make
of
there
having
been
13
Millions
and
a
half
of
People
in
France
,
is
confirmed
by
the
proportion
which
there
is
between
the
Extent
of
France
and
that
of
England
;
as
also
between
the
number
of
Parishes
in
the
two
Kingdoms
.
France
contains
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
and
England
30
Millions
.
There
are
in
France
27
Thousand
Parishes
,
as
has
been
said
already
,
and
in
England
about
10
thousand
.
Now
if
it
be
the
common
estimation
,
that
in
the
30
Millions
of
Acres
,
and
the
10
Thousand
Parishes
in
England
,
there
are
not
above
6
Millions
of
People
;
't
is
not
probable
that
there
could
be
in
the
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
and
the
27
thousand
Parishes
in
France
,
above
13
Millions
and
a
half
,
by
reason
that
a
Popish
Nation
under
an
Arbitrary
Government
,
cannot
be
supposed
to
be
so
well
peopled
as
a
Protestant
Nation
under
a
Mild
Government
;
besides
several
other
Reasons
which
I
intend
to
produce
hereafter
.
So
that
the
Parishes
in
England
may
reasonably
be
computed
to
be
a
sixth
part
more
populous
than
those
in
France
.
So
that
if
the
Parishes
in
England
have
but
600
Souls
one
with
another
,
those
in
France
could
never
exceed
the
number
of
500
,
one
with
another
.
In
its
most
flourishing
condition
.
'T
is
probable
that
the
French
King's
Subjects
decreased
at
least
a
third
part
in
number
,
and
an
half
in
strength
and
value
.
I
mean
,
That
tho'
the
Diminution
does
not
perhaps
exceed
the
Third
part
as
to
the
number
,
reckoning
the
generality
of
Men
,
Women
,
and
Children
;
yet
it
cannot
be
less
than
a
full
half
in
value
,
in
respect
that
the
Adult
Men
are
much
more
diminished
in
number
than
Women
;
Now
it
is
the
number
of
Men
,
who
without
contradiction
,
makes
a
People
valuable
,
since
't
is
they
who
Cultivate
the
Land
,
Trade
by
Sea
,
imploy
themselves
in
Manufactures
and
Arts
;
pay
Taxes
,
and
make
War
:
And
the
Decrease
is
so
much
the
more
considerable
,
because
the
greatest
part
of
the
Men
who
have
been
destroyed
were
of
that
sort
,
and
not
of
those
who
are
rather
Burthensome
than
Profitable
to
a
Nation
;
of
which
I
shall
take
notice
hereafter
.
Insomuch
that
reducing
the
13
Millions
and
an
half
of
Souls
to
9
Millions
at
this
day
,
that
is
,
to
the
two
thirds
of
what
they
were
30
years
ago
;
't
is
reasonable
to
say
,
That
there
being
in
this
number
many
more
Women
and
Children
proportionably
,
than
Men
,
the
said
9
Millions
are
not
at
present
worth
6
Millions
750
Thousand
,
that
is
the
half
of
the
promiscuous
Mass
of
the
13
Millions
and
a
half
,
which
we
supposed
to
have
been
in
France
30
years
ago
,
because
there
were
then
many
more
Men
proportionably
than
now
,
especially
of
that
sort
who
were
imployed
in
Husbandry
,
Manufactures
,
Trade
and
Handicrafts
,
of
which
sort
(
if
we
consider
what
belongs
to
working
,
and
the
usefulness
of
their
labour
)
one
is
worth
two
or
three
other
Persons
taken
in
general
out
of
the
Mass
of
Mankind
.
At
that
time
there
might
be
near
upon
the
like
number
of
Men
as
of
Women
,
whereas
now
there
is
great
reason
to
believe
there
are
at
least
two
Women
to
one
Man
.
Now
if
we
value
them
according
to
their
Work
,
and
to
the
Profit
which
they
may
bring
thereby
to
the
Common-wealth
,
as
must
be
done
,
and
as
always
is
done
by
those
who
buy
Slaves
,
a
Man
is
commonly
estimated
as
much
or
more
than
two
Women
,
caeteris
paribus
.
But
some
may
imagine
that
I
aggravate
the
matter
,
when
I
say
,
there
is
not
in
value
the
half
of
the
People
which
was
in
France
30
years
ago
,
and
that
half
of
the
Men
is
perished
.
But
I
would
beseech
those
who
make
that
objection
,
to
inform
themselves
from
such
sensible
persons
as
have
come
from
France
within
this
12
Months
,
and
they
will
tell
them
that
there
are
no
Men
almost
to
be
seen
in
little
Towns
and
Boroughs
,
but
only
Women
;
that
most
of
the
Houses
are
uninhabited
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
the
Lands
and
Vines
uncultivated
for
want
of
Men
;
and
't
is
known
,
that
for
the
same
reason
the
ordinary
Taxes
yield
less
by
half
to
the
King
,
than
they
did
formerly
,
tho'
Taxes
be
much
greater
in
proportion
to
the
Extream
Misery
of
the
People
,
than
they
were
30
years
ago
,
when
every
body
was
richer
.
For
that
very
Reason
,
't
is
that
the
Poll-Tax
has
fallen
so
much
below
the
King's
expectation
.
And
in
truth
,
when
we
revolve
in
our
thoughts
the
French
King's
conduct
for
these
30
years
last
past
,
we
cannot
call
in
Question
his
Kingdom
's
being
depopulated
one
half
at
least
;
when
we
consider
that
of
a
long
time
it
has
been
engaged
in
War
,
which
hath
destroyed
a
great
multitude
of
the
Subjects
.
No
body
is
ignorant
,
how
that
in
time
of
Peace
he
kept
200
Thousand
Men
in
Arms
,
without
including
the
Servants
of
Officers
;
and
they
were
all
unmarried
Men
for
the
most
part
,
who
consequently
could
not
People
the
Land
,
but
were
rather
very
troublesome
to
the
industrious
part
of
the
People
,
and
by
that
means
obstructed
propagation
;
't
is
known
,
that
when
he
did
not
think
it
time
to
declare
War
against
any
of
his
Neighbours
,
he
did
lend
his
Forces
to
other
Princes
and
Nations
that
were
in
War
,
as
he
did
to
the
Emperor
,
and
to
the
Venetians
against
the
Turks
in
Hungary
and
Candia
,
to
the
Dutch
against
the
Bishop
of
Munster
,
to
the
Portuguese
against
the
Spaniards
,
&c.
Every
body
knows
,
that
there
went
out
of
the
Kingdom
from
time
to
time
,
or
rather
continually
,
for
30
years
past
,
an
incredible
number
of
Subjects
into
the
Conquered
Provinces
and
Towns
to
seek
for
a
Refuge
there
,
against
the
Vexations
they
suffered
in
their
Native
Country
in
hopes
to
be
less
tormented
with
Impositions
,
and
to
live
more
at
quiet
:
There
they
got
their
livelyhood
more
easily
,
and
took
Wives
;
The
Governours
of
Provinces
and
Towns
did
encourage
them
in
their
new
Settlements
,
and
imployed
them
preferably
to
the
Natives
of
these
places
,
about
all
forts
of
Work
,
both
for
the
King
and
themselves
,
as
thinking
they
would
be
useful
to
keep
the
conquered
People
in
subjection
.
What
prodigious
multitudes
besides
was
there
in
the
Kingdom
of
those
called
Gabeleurs
,
(
that
is
,
Tax-men
&
Collectors
,
the
Instruments
and
Tools
of
the
insatiable
avarice
of
the
general
&
particular
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
)
who
were
Unmarried
for
the
most
part
,
and
did
besides
devour
the
poor
people
;
all
which
are
things
very
hurtful
to
Propagation
;
without
mentioning
the
multitudes
of
Officers
of
all
kinds
,
as
well
of
Judicature
as
others
,
whose
numbers
are
so
much
increased
these
30
years
last
,
and
who
did
all
swallow
up
the
Substance
of
the
People
,
and
consequently
were
fit
for
nothing
else
,
but
to
depopulate
the
Country-Moreover
,
what
prodigious
quantity
of
Soldiers
hath
not
the
King
maintained
in
the
Armies
,
these
8
years
last
?
I
believe
every
Body
will
agree
,
that
reckoning
Infantry
,
Cavalry
,
Dragoons
,
Artillery
,
and
what
belongs
to
it
,
Ammunition
,
Provisions
,
Militia
,
Fleets
and
Gallies
,
which
he
kept
at
Sea
ever
since
the
War
,
except
the
last
year
,
there
could
not
be
less
than
400
thousand
Men
in
his
Service
,
without
including
Officers
Servants
.
It
has
been
observed
by
the
Lists
of
Recruits
,
that
every
year
,
one
with
another
,
a
third
part
of
those
Men
was
missing
,
especially
of
the
regular
Land
Forces
,
and
if
we
count
only
the
fourth
part
,
it
will
come
to
100
thousand
Men
every
year
,
and
during
the
8
years
of
War
,
to
800
thousand
,
without
mentioning
those
that
remain
and
compose
the
Armies
,
which
instead
of
being
useful
to
the
Kingdom
,
as
to
what
concerns
Husbandry
,
Manufactures
,
Trade
and
Arts
,
are
very
troublesome
to
the
other
Subjects
imployed
in
those
things
,
and
make
them
to
lose
a
great
part
of
their
Time
,
by
their
Marches
,
Counter-marches
,
Lodgings
and
Sojournings
.
Not
to
mention
their
Robberies
and
Thefts
,
I
grant
that
many
of
them
are
not
Natives
of
France
,
but
Switzers
,
Germans
,
Irish
,
and
others
,
besides
those
compelled
by
force
out
of
the
new
Conquests
;
and
I
suppose
that
those
Forreigners
may
make
up
the
8th
part
of
the
whole
:
But
I
have
not
counted
amongst
the
said
400
thousand
the
Servant-men
in
his
Garrisons
and
Armies
at
Land
and
Sea
,
which
amount
no
doubt
,
to
100
thousand
Men
at
least
;
of
which
a
great
many
die
every
year
,
tho'
in
lesser
numbers
than
the
Soldiers
,
because
they
are
better
maintained
,
and
less
exposed
to
danger
;
and
for
the
same
reason
fewer
of
'em
desert
.
But
however
,
great
numbers
of
them
perish
every
year
.
'T
is
also
observable
,
that
very
few
of
them
Marry
:
So
that
the
like
number
of
Women
is
thereby
rendred
useless
for
Propagation
;
for
experience
teaches
us
,
and
we
may
be
convinced
of
it
by
the
Bills
of
Nativity
,
and
Mortality
in
any
City
,
that
near
upon
as
many
Men
as
Women
are
born
;
which
shews
they
are
made
one
for
the
other
.
As
for
the
Bastards
which
Church-men
and
others
beget
on
those
poor
Women
,
experience
shews
us
also
,
that
such
Children
do
commonly
come
to
nothing
.
In
the
mean
time
,
the
Men
who
stay
at
home
,
die
as
fast
as
usually
,
and
faster
too
,
by
reason
of
the
extream
poverty
under
which
they
groan
,
so
that
they
are
not
able
to
procure
themselves
means
of
recovery
when
they
fall
sick
;
and
their
place
is
not
filled
up
,
as
it
used
to
be
,
by
Young
Men
,
because
most
of
them
perish
in
the
War
,
and
so
the
course
of
ordinary
Propagation
is
interrupted
;
To
which
must
be
added
,
that
as
to
the
small
number
of
Batchelors
or
Widowers
remaining
,
who
might
Marry
,
there
is
perhaps
not
one
among
twenty
who
does
it
,
since
this
War
,
by
reason
of
the
intolerable
Taxes
,
from
which
no
condition
of
Men
is
free
,
but
fall
much
heavier
upon
the
Married
People
,
who
are
settled
,
than
upon
the
Unmarried
.
And
even
amongst
those
that
have
some
Estate
,
very
few
marry
;
because
,
during
the
War
,
all
things
are
uncertain
,
and
in
confusion
;
Every
one
is
ignorant
of
the
state
of
other
Mens
Affairs
,
nor
know
they
what
will
become
of
them
at
last
,
and
because
such
,
who
seem
to
have
something
of
their
own
at
present
,
has
perhaps
in
reality
nothing
,
or
will
be
reduced
to
that
condition
in
a
little
time
,
because
War
and
Taxes
devour
and
consume
all
,
without
distinction
.
These
10
or
12
years
last
,
very
few
Marriages
have
been
made
in
France
,
but
especially
since
the
War
:
So
that
the
Kingdom
must
needs
in
a
little
time
suffer
extremely
by
that
Interruption
of
Propagation
for
so
many
years
;
for
it
fares
with
a
Nation
in
this
respect
as
with
an
Orchard
of
Trees
;
where
,
unless
you
take
care
to
plant
and
graft
every
year
new
Trees
in
the
Room
of
those
which
Age
or
blasting
Winds
snatch
away
,
after
a
certain
time
there
will
be
none
remaining
.
But
this
is
not
all
,
for
besides
the
want
of
Marriage
,
the
accidents
of
War
,
and
other
disorders
which
I
have
spoken
of
,
there
is
an
incredible
number
of
Men
,
Women
and
Children
,
who
for
a
long
time
have
perisht
thro'
extream
poverty
and
misery
,
tho'
fewer
Men
than
Women
,
because
their
number
is
less
,
and
fewer
Children
do
also
perish
for
that
same
Reason
.
Whereupon
it
is
proper
to
take
notice
of
Sir
William
Petty's
Observation
,
confirmed
by
Mr.
Azout
,
a
famous
Mathematitian
belonging
to
the
French
King
;
which
is
this
,
viz.
That
in
the
Hospitals
of
Paris
alone
,
there
dyed
yearly
,
only
for
want
of
good
treatment
,
above
3500
Souls
,
more
than
did
proportionably
in
the
London
Hospitals
,
and
that
the
worst
Hospital
of
this
City
,
was
better
than
the
best
of
Paris
;
I
shall
add
to
what
this
ingenious
Man
said
,
that
notwithstanding
the
inhumanity
of
those
Hospitals
in
France
,
the
Poverty
of
the
Common-people
in
Paris
is
so
great
,
that
those
poor
People
find
themselves
obliged
upon
the
least
indisposition
to
go
into
the
Grand
Hospital
of
that
City
,
which
they
call
,
Hotel-dieu
,
that
is
to
say
,
God's
House
,
but
deserves
better
to
be
called
The
Devils
House
,
than
that
murdering
Hold
in
the
Castle
of
Namur
which
did
bear
that
Name
,
there
they
lye
four
and
four
in
every
Bed
,
two
at
the
Head
and
two
at
the
Feet
;
and
most
times
a
poor
sick
person
,
whose
poverty
is
his
greatest
Disease
,
and
who
would
presently
recover
if
he
could
have
good
Food
,
is
laid
in
the
same
bed
with
another
who
is
at
the
point
of
Death
,
or
has
an
infectious
Distemper
,
and
sometimes
with
a
dead
Carcass
that
is
carried
away
two
hours
after
to
the
Grave
;
So
that
't
is
no
wonder
,
if
they
soon
perish
when
treated
in
that
barbarous
manner
;
That
kind
of
death
was
formerly
invented
and
practised
by
certain
Ancient
Tyrants
as
a
cruel
punishment
to
Criminals
,
causing
them
to
be
tyed
to
a
dead
and
stinking
Carcass
,
that
they
might
feel
themselves
rot
by
degrees
together
with
the
Carrion
.
'T
is
a
piece
of
cruelty
that
deserves
the
curse
both
of
God
and
Man
;
and
't
is
surprizing
that
no
body
,
that
I
know
of
,
hath
hitherto
had
so
much
charity
and
generosity
as
to
make
complaint
to
the
World
of
that
horrid
abuse
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
they
are
so
far
from
complaining
against
it
,
that
there
is
hardly
one
year
,
but
many
Estates
and
Sums
are
bequeathed
by
dying
persons
to
that
Hospital
,
and
they
use
also
in
the
Courts
of
Judicature
to
adjudge
part
of
the
Fines
to
which
people
are
condemned
for
the
maintenance
thereof
.
The
Directors
of
that
Hospital
enjoy
vast
Revenues
belonging
to
that
House
,
which
are
more
than
sufficient
to
maintain
all
the
sick
who
are
brought
into
it
very
well
;
nay
,
a
much
greater
number
,
and
likewise
to
furnish
a
Bed
for
every
one
of
them
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
the
place
is
too
narrow
,
I
answer
,
it
were
easie
to
build
a
larger
;
they
have
Stock
enough
for
that
,
or
,
at
least
,
they
had
formerly
;
for
,
I
must
confess
,
that
I
am
of
opinion
that
their
Revenues
are
very
much
sunk
since
the
War
,
as
well
as
the
Revenues
of
others
,
and
even
of
the
Clergy
themselves
;
yet
it
had
been
easie
for
them
to
hire
as
many
Houses
in
the
Neighbourhood
,
as
they
should
have
needed
.
The
observation
of
that
ingenuous
English
Knight
,
and
likewise
what
I
have
made
bold
to
add
to
it
,
being
true
,
as
indeed
it
cannot
be
doubted
,
if
the
proofs
that
he
hath
brought
for
it
be
considered
,
we
may
reasonably
conclude
,
that
there
must
die
in
the
rest
of
Paris
at
that
time
a
far
greater
number
than
in
the
Hotel-dieu
,
for
it
is
known
,
that
no
sick
body
can
come
into
that
abominable
place
,
without
great
recommendations
,
such
is
the
multitude
of
those
who
are
brought
thither
;
so
that
there
is
reason
enough
to
believe
,
that
there
died
for
want
of
necessaries
,
thro'
meer
poverty
,
at
least
as
many
in
the
rest
of
the
City
,
as
there
did
in
that
Hospital
.
This
cannot
be
questioned
,
if
we
consider
the
misery
of
the
other
poor
people
at
Paris
,
which
are
numerous
there
,
as
well
as
in
the
other
places
of
the
Kingdom
;
'T
is
13
or
14
years
ago
,
since
a
Church-man
of
Quality
and
one
of
the
honestest
Men
of
that
kind
,
in
France
,
who
had
some
share
in
the
Direction
of
the
Alms
bestowed
upon
the
poor
of
that
City
,
did
assure
a
Person
of
honour
,
that
an
incrediblenumber
of
the
Inhabitants
of
Paris
did
receive
Alms
,
and
that
in
one
Parish
only
,
which
he
named
to
him
,
there
were
more
thousands
of
Alms
People
than
I
am
willing
to
name
.
This
is
known
also
,
that
the
poor
at
Paris
are
very
much
straitned
in
their
Lodgings
,
most
of
them
live
in
the
tops
of
Houses
,
in
the
fifth
or
sixth
Story
,
which
kills
multitudes
of
them
by
climbing
so
high
:
And
when
they
are
kept
a
Bed
by
sickness
,
they
must
needs
perish
for
want
of
help
;
so
that
it
was
no
wonder
at
all
,
if
the
Bills
of
Mortality
at
Paris
,
when
published
(
which
they
are
not
at
present
)
did
approach
so
near
those
of
London
,
as
to
the
number
of
Dead
,
tho'
there
was
much
less
people
at
Paris
,
than
at
London
.
And
altho'
the
number
of
the
pcople
of
Paris
must
needs
be
diminished
,
a
third
part
at
least
,
since
Sir
William
Petty's
Observation
,
yet
I
will
make
bold
to
affirm
,
that
there
dies
more
people
there
at
present
than
formerly
,
because
of
their
want
of
help
,
their
Poverty
being
increased
very
much
since
that
time
;
But
suppose
there
should
not
have
died
at
that
time
and
since
,
for
want
of
necessaries
,
above
7
thousand
at
Paris
yearly
,
comprehending
therein
the
3500
who
died
in
the
Hospitals
,
by
their
barbarous
treatment
aforesaid
;
what
ought
we
to
judge
of
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
,
when
considering
that
Paris
is
the
Center
of
its
riches
,
and
consequently
a
place
where
the
poor
ought
to
be
best
helped
!
The
Inhabitants
of
Paris
at
that
time
,
that
is
,
15
or
16
years
ago
,
did
not
make
above
the
27th
or
28th
part
of
the
People
of
the
Kingdom
;
So
that
if
as
many
proportionably
had
dyed
for
want
of
help
in
the
Country
,
as
at
Paris
,
which
I
do
not
think
there
did
,
to
what
a
prodigious
number
would
that
have
amounted
?
besides
those
who
use
to
dye
by
Age
,
and
Diseases
.
Then
if
things
were
so
at
that
time
,
the
Reader
may
easily
guess
how
it
may
be
at
this
day
:
And
moreover
,
't
is
known
that
the
5th
or
6th
part
of
the
Nation
was
snatcht
away
by
Famine
and
Mortality
two
years
ago
I
do
not
mention
the
Persecution
,
which
destroyed
abundance
of
people
by
Hunger
,
Cold
,
and
Nakedness
;
besides
what
fell
by
the
hand
of
the
Hangman
,
or
the
Sword
.
Those
that
were
banished
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
were
indeed
a
great
number
of
Subjects
:
Yet
I
confess
they
are
more
considerable
by
the
Wealth
they
carried
out
of
the
Nation
,
than
by
their
numbers
,
tho'
not
inconsiderable
neither
in
that
respect
,
since
they
amounted
,
as
I
judge
,
to
about
150
thousand
Souls
.
So
that
above
one
half
of
the
Men
have
perished
within
these
30
years
,
and
at
least
one
third
part
of
the
whole
people
;
So
that
it
is
much
,
if
of
the
13
Millions
and
a
half
,
which
were
supposed
to
have
been
in
France
about
thirty
years
ago
,
there
be
9
Millions
remaining
,
amongst
which
we
can
scarcely
suppose
there
are
two
Millions
of
Men.
If
we
come
next
to
consider
the
great
number
of
Men
unsit
for
work
among
those
2
Millions
,
which
is
almost
as
great
now
as
when
the
Men
were
twice
as
many
,
viz
Those
who
either
by
their
Estates
,
Dignity
or
Profession
,
or
by
bodily
Infirmity
are
dispensed
from
working
,
we
may
easily
be
convinced
,
that
those
who
are
in
the
Armies
at
Land
and
Sea
,
and
in
Garrisons
,
being
most
in
the
prime
of
their
Age
,
and
able
to
work
,
should
do
more
work
,
if
employed
about
Husbandry
,
Arts
and
Trade
,
than
all
the
rest
of
the
Men
in
the
Kingdom
.
So
that
we
see
only
by
this
Article
of
the
People
,
which
includes
all
the
Riches
and
Strength
of
a
Nation
,
how
impossible
't
is
for
that
Kingdom
,
which
is
half
depopulated
,
to
recover
it self
in
a
long
time
,
according
to
the
Observation
of
Naturalists
,
and
of
those
who
have
studied
the
Progress
of
Nativity
and
Mortality
in
Nations
;
for
they
have
observed
,
that
no
less
than
200
years
is
requisite
for
doubling
the
number
of
Inhabitants
in
them
,
allowing
what
is
to
be
allowed
for
Epidemical
Diseases
,
Famines
and
War
,
which
used
to
snatch
away
now
and
then
great
multitudes
.
So
that
these
things
being
considered
,
the
Kingdom
of
France
should
require
200
years
to
recover
it self
to
what
it
was
thirty
years
ago
.
We
flatter
our selves
,
for
want
of
pondering
things
,
that
a
Peace
for
10
or
12
years
would
restore
all
things
to
their
former
state
.
But
how
can
a
Nation
,
destroyed
to
that
degree
as
France
is
,
by
Absolute
Power
,
retrieve
it self
under
the
same
Absolute
Power
,
in
so
little
a
time
?
I
dare
be
bold
to
say
,
That
not
only
200
years
,
but
even
2000
could
not
do
it
.
The
fire
may
as
soon
restore
things
consumed
by
fire
,
as
Despotical
Government
restore
France
to
its
former
State
.
So
that
the
Government
of
France
must
needs
be
changed
,
or
else
it
is
impossible
that
France
should
ever
be
able
to
rise
again
;
and
it
seems
every
whit
as
impossible
that
the
Monarchy
should
subsist
without
such
a
change
.
I
remember
that
in
the
first
year
of
the
great
War
betwixt
France
and
Holland
,
under
the
general
pretence
of
the
Ill
Satisfaction
,
the
French
King
received
from
the
Dutch
the
Lands
and
Houses
which
were
already
very
much
fallen
of
the
former
value
,
did
decrease
yet
more
all
of
a
sudden
,
which
continued
decreasing
to
the
end
of
the
War
.
It
was
expected
that
after
the
Peace
,
they
should
rise
again
to
the
former
value
;
But
on
the
contrary
,
tho'
the
Nation
was
very
much
exhausted
,
yet
the
Taxes
grew
more
and
more
with
the
Princes
Vanity
,
one
Oppression
did
follow
upon
the
back
of
another
;
so
that
we
saw
nothing
but
opposition
;
the
value
of
all
Estates
did
decrease
more
and
more
.
But
what
was
that
War
in
comparison
of
this
?
Trade
,
Husbandry
,
Manufactures
,
and
Arts
which
are
now
ruin'd
,
did
flourish
then
.
We
had
plenty
of
Money
,
Men
,
and
Horses
at
that
time
,
and
our
Taxes
and
Impositions
,
tho'
excessive
,
had
not
such
a
Disproportion
to
the
Ability
of
the
People
,
as
those
exacted
at
this
day
.
But
let
us
suppose
gratis
that
the
King
should
repent
of
all
the
Evil
he
has
done
,
and
his
Government
should
become
Milder
,
or
that
the
Dolphin
were
to
Succeed
him
in
a
little
time
;
will
this
bring
to
life
again
so
many
Millions
of
People
destroyed
?
Will
it
repair
the
dreadful
Effects
of
the
want
of
Propagation
,
during
such
a
long
time
,
of
which
want
,
Posterity
will
be
more
sensible
than
those
who
live
at
present
,
because
all
those
Children
which
have
failed
as
to
the
present
Generation
,
would
be
but
young
,
and
as
yet
unfit
for
work
;
whereas
20
years
hence
they
would
be
Adult
Men
and
Women
.
Where
shall
we
have
all
the
People
that
are
necessary
to
inhabit
such
a
great
number
of
Towns
,
Borroughs
,
Villages
,
and
Houses
,
Dispeopled
,
Abandoned
,
and
falling
to
Decay
?
Who
shall
Cultivate
so
many
Vineyards
and
forsaken
Lands
overgrown
with
Shrubs
and
Weeds
?
Moreover
,
the
three
parts
of
the
Coin
of
the
Nation
hath
been
dissipated
.
Wind
and
Water-mills
,
Causeys
and
Banks
of
Rivers
are
for
the
most
part
overthrown
,
or
demolisht
;
the
High-ways
,
and
even
Streets
in
Cities
and
Towns
are
unpassable
in
most
Places
,
the
Bridges
fallen
down
,
and
publick
Buildings
,
and
Hospitals
desolate
;
and
the
King
having
possessed
himself
of
the
Revenues
of
those
Hospitals
that
are
in
the
Provinces
;
what
will
become
of
the
Sale
of
Offices
and
Places
?
or
rather
,
of
what
use
will
they
be
?
and
if
that
custom
be
laid
aside
as
it
seems
but
reasonable
it
should
:
The
Officers
,
part
of
whose
Estates
consist
in
that
Merchandize
,
ought
at
least
to
be
reimbursed
in
part
of
the
Sum
which
they
laid
out
to
buy
them
,
and
so
the
People
must
be
vexed
by
the
raising
of
those
Sums
for
a
great
many
years
.
It
was
judged
before
the
War
,
that
the
Stock
of
all
the
Offices
of
the
Kingdom
did
amount
to
above
1200
millions
of
Livers
,
and
it
has
increased
since
at
least
200
Millions
;
I
mean
the
Offices
of
Judicature
,
Finances
and
Civil
Government
,
and
all
others
,
whether
they
depend
upon
any
of
those
three
Orders
,
or
otherwise
.
I
believe
indeed
,
that
most
of
those
who
bought
them
,
would
willingly
sell
them
again
,
if
they
could
,
for
the
4th
or
5th
part
of
what
they
gave
for
them
,
because
the
said
Offices
bring
them
very
little
prosit
,
and
that
they
judge
they
will
bring
them
less
hereafter
;
besides
that
,
they
serve
for
a
pretence
to
the
King
to
demand
ever
and
anon
considerable
Sums
of
Money
from
the
Possessors
under
the
different
names
of
Taxes
,
Loans
,
Increase
of
Wages
,
or
Additions
of
new
Rights
and
Prerogatives
to
the
Offices
that
they
are
in
possession
of
,
and
such
like
;
But
if
so
be
the
King
had
a
mind
to
reimburse
them
the
4th
or
5th
part
of
what
they
laid
out
in
the
purchase
of
them
,
where
should
those
3
or
400
Millions
be
found
?
especially
if
we
consider
that
the
King
Owes
vast
Sums
to
his
Subjects
,
that
have
been
borrowed
upon
his
own
account
,
which
,
't
is
like
,
will
never
be
paid
them
again
?
On
the
other
side
,
if
the
Sale
of
Places
and
Offices
continues
to
have
its
course
,
and
if
so
be
the
Places
remain
in
as
great
numbers
as
they
are
at
this
day
,
or
were
before
the
War
,
there
will
be
no
proportion
between
that
huge
multitude
of
Offices
,
and
small
number
of
Subjects
,
much
less
between
such
a
number
of
Officers
and
the
Peoples
Wealth
or
Abilities
,
which
will
be
diminished
not
only
one
half
,
but
above
three
4ths
,
taking
all
the
Kingdom
in
general
,
as
I
shall
shew
hereafter
.
So
many
Offices
would
be
an
intolerable
Oppression
to
a
People
so
ruined
;
and
it
would
be
altogether
impossible
that
those
Officers
could
subsist
in
such
great
numbers
,
no
not
even
the
half
of
them
.
Every
body
knows
,
that
as
the
King
sold
their
Places
very
dear
,
they
think
themselves
authorized
to
improve
them
as
much
as
they
can
,
per
fas
&
nefas
,
and
though
they
had
gotten
no
more
but
the
Interest
of
their
Money
every
year
,
at
twenty
years
purchase
,
it
would
have
amounted
to
7
Millions
of
Livers
.
But
I
think
we
may
boldly
affirm
,
that
they
doubled
it
at
least
,
for
those
Gentlemen
for
the
most
part
did
not
give
away
their
pains
and
time
for
nothing
The
Author
of
the
last
Will
of
Mr.
Colbert
,
whether
he
be
the
late
Deceased
Colbert
,
or
any
other
Ingenious
Man
,
assures
us
,
that
the
Officers
of
Judicature
alone
did
get
from
the
People's
Substance
above
200
Millions
yearly
.
I
cannot
tell
whether
he
aggravates
the
Matter
or
no
,
but
be
how
it
will
.
one
may
see
by
this
,
that
I
am
moderate
,
when
I
reckon
only
140
Millions
of
Livers
,
for
what
the
same
Officers
with
those
of
the
Finances
and
Civil
Government
,
did
raise
together
from
the
People
.
I
do
nor
here
include
the
Sallaries
which
the
King
is
bound
to
give
them
for
the
Executing
those
Offices
,
for
besides
that
they
are
inconsiderable
,
and
but
ill
paid
too
;
they
are
obliged
in
order
to
secure
the
same
to
their
Familys
,
to
pay
to
the
King
the
Annual
Right
,
as
they
call
it
,
every
year
,
which
is
very
near
as
much
as
the
Sallery
promised
them
;
and
which
is
also
very
pleasant
,
the
King
oft-times
will
not
discount
for
the
Sallaries
he
owes
them
,
so
that
they
are
forced
to
pay
the
Annual
Right
exactly
,
or
lose
their
Places
.
But
after
all
this
,
what
shall
we
do
with
that
numerous
Army
of
Exactors
,
Tax-men
,
Collectors
,
and
other
mischievous
Tools
belonging
to
the
general
and
particular
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
;
which
,
as
I
said
already
,
were
reckoned
formerly
to
be
about
100
thousand
in
number
,
thro'
all
the
Kingdom
,
but
are
Decreased
very
much
since
this
War
,
by
reason
of
the
People's
Diminution
and
Poverty
;
so
that
they
cannot
now
bear
the
charges
of
Maintaining
so
great
a
number
of
them
.
That
sort
of
People
formerly
cost
as
much
as
all
the
Armies
both
by
Land
and
Sea
,
tho'
the
King
did
not
give
a
Farthing
of
his
own
for
their
Maintenance
;
for
his
Revenues
were
brought
into
his
Coffers
free
,
and
without
any
costs
,
to
the
Sum
of
above
132
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
besides
the
extraordinary
Imposts
which
he
did
raise
now
and
then
,
according
to
his
fancy
,
as
well
in
time
of
Peace
as
of
War
.
I
confess
those
Caterpillars
are
not
so
numerous
at
present
,
and
I
believe
they
may
be
decreased
one
half
in
number
,
but
however
,
they
are
still
very
chargeable
to
the
People
.
Who
then
can
imagine
that
the
Kingdom
will
be
able
after
the
Peace
to
bear
such
a
vast
expense
?
I
do
not
mention
the
other
Mischiefs
of
all
kinds
,
which
those
Collectors
did
perpetrate
,
as
Frauds
,
Extorsions
,
Unjustices
,
Violences
and
Rapines
,
which
they
did
commit
then
,
and
no
doubt
do
still
upon
People
of
all
Ranks
and
Conditions
,
being
supported
and
authorized
therein
by
the
Ministers
of
State
,
and
by
the
Intendants
,
even
in
those
Cases
where
the
King's
Service
was
not
concerned
.
Does
any
Man
believe
that
the
King
will
consent
to
the
diminishing
of
his
Houshold
and
Armies
by
Land
and
Sea
,
in
proportion
to
the
decrease
of
his
People
and
their
riches
?
I
do
indeed
think
that
he
will
be
obliged
to
do
it
,
against
his
Will
,
but
not
to
such
a
degree
as
may
be
necessary
.
Who
will
oblige
him
to
be
contented
with
20
or
30
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
and
with
30
or
40
thousand
Men
in
his
Garrisons
,
which
would
be
very
convenient
,
to
the
end
the
people
might
breath
a
little
?
Who
shall
persuade
him
to
abandon
all
his
Conquests
,
which
are
fit
only
to
depopulate
his
Kingdom
,
and
cannot
fail
to
rekindle
the
fire
of
War
again
very
suddenly
?
But
all
that
I
have
said
hitherto
of
the
Mischiefs
which
I
fore-see
will
befal
the
Kingcom
after
a
Peace
,
is
nothing
in
comparison
of
the
Cruel
War
,
which
Creditors
will
declare
against
their
Debtors
;
for
't
is
probable
,
that
on
the
footing
whereon
all
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
now
stand
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
82
Millions
of
Acres
which
are
in
it
;
't
is
probable
,
I
say
,
that
the
Lands
,
Houses
,
Personal
Estates
and
Offices
,
will
not
be
sufficient
to
pay
all
the
Debts
contracted
upon
them
,
or
with
which
they
are
charged
;
So
that
't
is
unavoidable
,
that
,
after
the
Peace
,
be
it
made
how
it
will
,
but
that
an
innumerable
multitude
of
people
will
be
stript
of
all
they
have
.
For
all
the
Stocks
in
the
Kingdom
,
taken
in
general
,
will
not
be
worth
the
4th
part
,
nor
perhaps
the
8th
or
the
10th
of
what
they
were
30
years
ago
.
So
that
Debtors
or
Creditors
,
must
needs
be
ruined
,
or
at
least
they
must
lose
the
greatest
part
of
their
Estates
;
there
is
no
medium
for
it
,
and
that
which
is
worse
,
both
the
one
and
the
other
will
be
ruined
at
once
:
For
if
so
be
the
Creditor
is
not
paid
,
he
will
be
reduced
to
Beggery
,
his
Estate
consisting
in
Debts
,
if
paid
,
the
Debtor
must
be
ruined
,
and
yet
the
Debt
not
perhaps
fully
paid
.
For
example
,
a
Debtor
may
have
one
Land-Estate
,
or
more
,
which
was
worth
a
hundred
thousand
Crowns
before
the
War
,
and
upon
this
he
hath
contracted
a
Debt
of
25
or
30
thousand
Crowns
,
whereas
his
Land-Estate
at
present
is
worth
but
20
thousand
Crowns
,
what
then
will
become
of
him
and
his
Family
in
case
he
pays
his
Debts
,
which
amount
to
30
thousand
Crowns
?
And
in
case
he
pays
them
not
,
what
will
become
of
his
Creditor
?
Another
example
may
be
this
;
A
Man
who
was
formerly
a
wealthy
Man
,
has
lent
,
suppose
20
thousand
Crowns
to
one
or
several
persons
,
and
at
another
time
has
borrowed
of
some
body
10
thousand
Crowns
;
if
that
Man
has
any
means
left
him
,
his
Creditors
will
oblige
him
to
pay
the
10
thousand
Crowns
that
he
is
owing
to
them
,
and
if
so
be
his
Debtors
are
not
solvent
he
is
utterly
ruined
,
for
the
rest
of
his
Estate
,
that
might
be
worth
formerly
40
or
50
thousand
Crowns
,
has
been
sold
for
10
thousand
,
which
he
gave
to
his
Creditors
,
or
perhaps
for
5
thousand
:
For
,
to
say
the
truth
,
I
do
not
think
the
real
Estates
can
be
sold
in
France
hereafter
,
for
above
the
10
part
of
what
they
were
worth
30
years
ago
;
'T
is
the
same
with
Offices
,
which
many
have
purchased
with
borrowed
Money
,
and
have
mortaged
their
Offices
to
the
Persons
who
lent
the
Money
,
of
which
the
value
is
also
prodigiously
fallen
.
In
general
,
there
were
very
few
persons
,
nay
,
even
of
the
Richest
,
who
had
most
owing
them
,
but
they
were
also
owing
something
to
others
.
In
particular
,
almost
all
the
great
ones
of
the
Kingdom
were
drowned
in
Debts
,
even
before
the
War
,
and
a
great
number
of
others
of
all
Conditions
,
had
also
obtained
from
the
King
,
Letters
of
State
,
as
they
call
them
,
in
order
to
be
discharged
from
paying
their
Debts
,
under
colour
,
that
they
,
or
their
Brothers
,
or
Children
did
serve
the
King
;
which
Debts
being
not
paid
,
neither
Principal
nor
Interest
,
are
every
day
multiplying
ad
infinitum
,
when
at
the
same
time
their
Land-Estates
are
destitute
of
Husbandmen
and
Cattle
,
and
their
Houses
falling
to
Ruine
.
I
ask
again
,
what
must
become
of
so
many
People
,
both
Creditors
and
Debtors
,
who
will
,
by
this
means
,
be
brought
to
despair
?
and
besides
't
is
certain
,
that
Lawyers
,
whose
numbers
are
extreamly
increased
since
this
War
,
and
who
have
been
exhausted
by
Taxes
,
and
are
thereby
become
greedy
and
famished
,
will
devour
and
swallow
up
both
Creditors
and
Debtors
,
since
they
did
ever
so
,
even
when
they
were
in
a
prosperous
condition
.
I
further
ask
,
what
will
become
of
the
4
or
500
thousand
Soldiers
,
who
either
never
had
any
Estates
,
or
have
lost
them
by
the
Common
Fate
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
who
are
used
to
Violence
and
Rapine
in
a
Nation
so
much
desolated
and
shattered
,
and
where
all
things
will
stand
in
Confusion
?
For
the
King
will
be
forced
,
against
his
will
,
to
dismiss
at
least
three
parts
of
them
.
They
will
certainly
become
as
many
Rapparees
,
who
will
not
fail
of
Trooping
together
in
order
to
Pillage
and
Plunder
Towns
and
Borroughs
,
or
serve
as
Instruments
to
the
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
and
other
Grandees
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
all
those
who
may
perhaps
be
discontented
with
the
Elevation
of
Lewis's
the
XIV
.
Bastards
,
or
their
own
Condition
;
and
by
this
means
kindle
a
Civil
War
in
the
Kingdom
.
So
that
it
appears
evidently
by
what
I
have
hitherto
represented
,
that
Lewis
the
XIV
.
is
none
of
that
sort
of
Conquerours
,
who
Inrich
and
People
their
Native
Countries
by
their
Conquests
since
he
has
wasted
and
ruined
his
Kingdom
by
the
same
.
Other
Soveraigns
are
wont
in
their
necessary
Wars
to
imploy
but
a
very
small
part
of
their
Subjects
,
in
comparison
of
those
who
remain
at
home
,
and
to
spend
but
a
small
Portion
of
their
Peoples
Revenues
,
and
not
their
Stock
,
especially
when
acting
offensively
;
but
he
on
the
contrary
,
maintains
4
or
500
thousand
Men
in
his
Armies
,
while
above
half
the
Land
in
the
Kingdom
is
Untilled
for
want
of
Men
;
and
hath
already
consumed
in
this
War
the
half
of
his
People
,
and
above
three
parts
of
the
Substance
of
his
Kingdom
,
as
I
shall
shew
hereafter
more
particularly
:
Insomuch
that
if
all
the
Revenues
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
well
as
that
which
proceeds
from
Real
and
Personal
Estates
,
as
that
which
proceeds
from
Industry
,
were
worth
a
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
as
I
conceive
they
were
30
years
ago
,
they
are
not
worth
above
300
,
or
at
the
utmost
400
Millions
at
present
.
CHAP
II.
A
more
Punctual
and
Particular
Account
of
the
present
Condition
of
FRANCE
.
WE
come
now
to
a
more
particular
&
larger
Account
of
the
present
and
past
value
of
all
Estates
in
France
,
and
shall
endeavour
to
discover
,
if
possible
,
what
difference
there
may
probably
be
between
their
value
30
years
ago
,
and
their
value
at
this
day
.
I
have
said
already
,
that
I
did
not
think
,
that
the
Revenues
of
all
Estates
,
Real
and
Personal
,
of
the
Kingdom
,
taken
in
general
,
did
amount
now
in
clear
Money
,
Repairs
being
paid
,
to
above
the
third
part
of
what
they
did
amount
to
30
years
ago
,
tho'
there
may
be
in
some
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
near
the
Frontiers
,
some
Lands
and
Houses
,
which
may
yield
as
much
or
more
Revenue
now
than
they
did
formerly
:
And
I
ground
my
Judgment
upon
this
,
that
the
one
half
of
the
Men
are
perished
,
or
are
employed
in
the
War
,
and
that
the
half
of
those
who
are
left
are
unprofitable
for
Husbandry
,
and
all
sorts
of
Trade
,
so
that
strictly
speaking
,
there
is
not
remaining
the
third
part
of
the
Men
sit
for
work
,
which
there
were
30
years
ago
in
the
Kingdom
;
I
ground
what
I
say
upon
this
,
that
the
most
part
of
the
Lands
are
untilled
,
and
Houses
forsaken
,
and
even
whole
Towns
,
Borroughs
,
Villages
and
Parishes
deserted
in
many
places
of
the
Kingdom
;
so
that
Trade
is
interrupted
both
within
and
without
the
Nation
;
all
the
Manufactures
are
at
a
low
Ebb
;
all
Arts
decayed
,
and
Money
is
scarce
;
so
that
there
is
little
consumption
of
Commodities
;
there
is
great
want
of
Cattle
,
as
well
for
number
as
for
kind
,
Horses
fit
for
Husbandry
,
are
extreamly
dear
and
scarce
;
The
Farmers
are
exhausted
by
the
enormous
Taxes
laid
upon
them
,
which
at
last
falls
heavy
upon
the
Proprietor
of
the
Land
,
and
makes
his
Estate
to
be
worth
so
much
the
less
;
there
is
also
great
scarcity
of
Farmers
,
and
all
sorts
of
Labourers
;
they
are
extreme
poor
,
and
being
ill
maintained
,
they
are
the
less
able
to
work
:
The
multitude
of
Beggars
in
the
Kingdom
is
incredible
,
and
several
amongst
them
commit
Robberies
,
and
Steal
away
the
Fruits
of
the
Country
,
and
whatever
they
can
catch
besides
,
being
unwilling
to
work
,
and
live
always
at
the
charges
of
the
Country
.
The
Kingdom
is
spoiled
and
ruined
by
the
Marches
,
Countermarches
,
Quarterings
,
and
Robberies
of
Soldiers
,
Troopers
,
Recruits
,
Millitia
,
Ban
and
Rear-Ban
.
The
Taxes
laid
upon
all
Proprietors
of
Lands
and
Houses
under
several
denominations
,
are
excessive
,
and
force
them
to
sell
their
Cattle
,
and
Houshold-Goods
,
and
do
disable
them
from
managing
their
Estates
to
the
best
advantage
,
and
from
helping
and
relieving
their
Farmers
,
and
Peasants
,
and
bring
them
often
to
Despair
.
I
do
not
question
but
this
Article
may
find
Opposition
,
and
that
many
will
hardly
believe
the
Estates
in
France
to
be
so
much
fallen
,
but
they
areat
liberty
to
Judge
what
they
think
fit
:
'T
is
true
,
very
few
of
the
Owners
are
sincere
enough
to
acknowledge
the
Degree
of
the
Decay
of
their
Estate
,
and
they
fancy
't
is
a
piece
of
Prudence
not
to
do
it
,
because
it
would
not
help
them
in
the
least
,
but
rather
tend
to
the
ruine
of
their
Credit
;
and
that
besides
there
being
almost
no
Lands
lett
for
want
of
Farmers
,
they
cannot
well
tell
what
Revenue
they
yield
them
at
present
,
but
every
one
gets
out
of
them
all
that
he
can
to
live
on
,
without
being
able
to
say
what
they
are
worth
.
Most
Lands
are
now
managed
by
Servant-Maids
,
and
some
old
lame
Servant-Men
,
who
do
the
best
they
are
able
.
Moreover
,
there
are
several
Lands
and
Houses
Farmed
,
whose
Possessors
being
ruined
by
the
War
,
and
Taxes
,
and
the
small
price
of
Corn
and
Fruits
,
turn
Bankrupt
every
day
;
I
reckon
that
for
lost
.
And
tho'
there
were
a
sufficient
number
of
People
fit
to
be
Farmers
,
yet
as
they
see
no
prospect
of
an
end
to
this
War
,
and
that
the
Kings
Emissaries
are
always
upon
the
catch
to
take
hold
of
all
Money
,
where-ever
they
can
discover
it
,
they
dare
not
take
any
thing
in
hand
at
this
hard
time
,
but
chuse
rather
to
be
looked
upon
as
worth
nothing
at
all
.
And
further
,
tho'
the
Estates
had
not
been
realy
Decayed
so
much
as
to
the
Revenue
,
yet
they
must
have
Diminished
as
much
in
the
real
value
;
and
that
so
much
the
more
,
that
the
great
number
of
Women
,
who
Cultivate
at
present
much
Land
,
and
the
small
number
of
Men
remaining
,
Decreases
every
day
by
death
,
without
any
hopes
that
their
numbers
should
be
filled
up
again
by
Generation
,
for
want
of
Marriages
;
So
that
there
will
be
a
great
want
of
People
in
that
respect
,
some
years
hence
;
And
altho'
the
Peace
were
made
to
day
,
France
must
continually
Decrease
in
its
numbers
of
People
,
till
there
be
an
equality
between
the
number
of
Men
and
Women
,
and
that
by
an
Universal
Change
of
the
severity
of
the
Government
,
they
may
be
induced
to
marry
,
as
formerly
they
did
,
and
so
Re-people
the
Kingdom
by
degrees
.
So
that
I
must
be
of
Opinion
,
oppose
it
who
will
,
that
all
the
Lands
and
Personal-Estates
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
do
not
at
this
day
,
yield
in
Revenues
or
Annual
Profit
,
above
the
third
part
of
what
they
did
formerly
,
which
amounts
,
it
may
be
,
to
130
Millions
of
Livers
,
or
there
abouts
,
whereas
they
might
bring
in
30
years
ago
,
about
400
Millions
of
Livers
.
I
am
confirmed
in
this
opinion
by
the
Estimation
made
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
in
England
,
which
I
find
to
be
16
Millions
Sterling
per
annum
,
or
200
and
eight
Millions
of
Livers
,
to
which
Estimation
I
adhere
,
tho'
I
am
of
opinion
that
at
present
the
Revenue
of
the
said
Estates
may
amount
to
above
18
Millions
Sterling
,
because
the
product
is
worth
more
now
,
than
't
was
before
the
War
,
that
diverse
improvements
have
been
made
for
these
several
years
past
,
and
that
the
Prosit
of
Personal
Estates
increase
likewise
daily
.
Let
us
come
now
to
the
particulars
of
this
Comparison
.
There
be
,
as
I
said
,
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
and
in
England
about
30
,
at
the
same
measure
,
that
is
to
say
,
there
is
almost
3
times
as
much
Ground
in
France
,
as
in
England
,
since
England
is
in
respect
to
France
,
but
as
4
to
11.
Of
those
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
which
are
in
France
,
about
16
Millions
must
be
deducted
,
as
also
about
6
Millions
of
the
30
in
England
,
which
in
both
Kingdoms
consist
in
Lands
,
that
may
be
called
unprofitable
,
because
they
produce
little
or
nothing
,
as
Rivers
,
Heaths
,
High-Ways
,
Rocks
,
Sands
,
Downs
,
Banks
of
the
Sea
,
Rivers
,
Morasses
,
and
other
such
Barren
Grounds
.
Those
24
Millions
of
Acres
are
valued
in
England
at
8
Millions
Sterling
,
of
yearly
Revenue
,
that
is
to
say
,
at
6
s.
and
8
d.
per
Acre
,
one
with
another
,
by
adding
thereto
the
Lands
,
called
Unprofitable
,
tho'
they
are
not
absolutely
so
.
I
say
,
that
't
is
not
likely
the
Lands
in
France
should
have
ever
been
worth
so
much
,
even
when
they
were
most
valuable
,
as
in
England
from
the
time
that
both
Kingdoms
were
Peopled
,
and
have
driven
any
Sea-Trade
in
Europe
;
because
Lands
in
France
are
generally
more
remote
from
the
Sea
than
they
are
in
England
,
and
consequently
their
Foreign-Trade
,
and
the
exportation
of
their
product
is
less
,
because
the
English
Government
is
also
Milder
than
that
of
France
,
and
that
the
Popish
Religion
is
extreamly
contrary
to
the
improvement
of
Lands
,
and
the
welfare
of
a
Nation
,
as
I
shall
demonstrate
in
its
proper
place
.
Besides
,
the
Soil
in
France
is
generally
less
fruitful
than
in
England
,
nor
is
it
so
plentiful
in
Pastures
,
which
are
the
best
of
all
Land-Estates
.
There
be
in
France
few
Coal-Pits
,
no
Tin
,
Copper
,
or
Lead-Mines
,
whereas
there
are
many
in
England
,
without
mentioning
that
England
has
been
always
more
populous
than
France
,
as
I
shall
justifie
it
,
and
as
follows
naturally
from
the
Reasons
which
I
have
produced
already
,
besides
a
great
many
others
which
shall
find
room
in
a
more
convenient
place
.
For
those
Reasons
the
Land-Estates
must
needs
have
always
been
more
valuable
generally
in
England
than
in
France
;
and
I
verily
believe
they
never
exceeded
in
France
,
even
in
the
time
of
their
greatest
Prosperity
,
the
value
of
16
Millions
Sterling
,
of
yearly
Revenue
.
Had
they
been
worth
as
much
proportionably
as
those
in
England
,
where
30
Millions
of
Acres
are
valued
,
as
I
have
said
,
at
8
Millions
Sterling
,
of
yearly
Revenue
,
then
the
82
Millions
of
Acres
in
France
,
should
have
been
worth
22
Millions
Sterling
,
of
yearly
Revenue
.
According
to
that
Estimation
,
the
Revenues
of
all
the
Lands
in
France
can
never
have
exceeded
,
even
in
the
best
times
,
16
Millions
Sterling
,
or
208
Millions
of
Livers
;
and
I
am
willing
to
suppose
they
might
amount
to
that
Sum
30
years
ago
,
tho'
I
can
hardly
believe
it
.
But
because
for
many
years
,
the
Revenue
of
Lands
hath
been
Decreasing
,
and
especially
since
this
War
,
I
suppose
it
is
not
worth
now
above
the
third
part
of
what
it
was
worth
30
years
ago
,
and
dare
say
,
that
the
said
82
Millions
of
Acres
are
not
worth
at
present
above
5
Millions
and
a
half
Sterling
,
or
72
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
1
s.
8
d.
per
Acre
,
one
with
another
.
No
body
ought
to
be
surprized
at
this
Estimation
,
seeing
in
Ireland
,
where
Land
is
generally
better
than
in
France
,
and
nearer
the
Sea
,
where
there
is
a
free
Trade
,
and
which
is
almost
as
populous
proportionably
,
as
France
is
at
this
day
,
since
't
is
probable
there
is
not
above
the
third
part
more
People
in
France
,
proportionably
to
its
bigness
,
than
there
are
in
Ireland
,
as
I
shall
shew
in
its
proper
place
;
in
Ireland
,
I
say
,
the
Acre
of
Land
is
not
valued
,
one
with
another
,
a
Shilling
per
Annum
,
although
it
abounds
with
Pasture
Grounds
,
which
are
the
most
profitable
of
any
,
and
the
most
easie
to
be
managed
.
We
ought
to
make
the
same
Judgment
of
the
Revenue
of
Houses
in
France
proportionably
,
viz.
That
it
is
also
fallen
two
thirds
,
and
that
so
much
the
more
,
because
,
tho
they
be
Uninhabited
or
fallen
in
their
Rent
,
the
repairs
are
the
same
,
or
greater
than
formerly
;
but
let
us
grant
,
that
their
value
holds
the
same
proportion
with
the
Houses
in
England
,
as
do
the
Lands
of
both
Kingdoms
respectively
.
I
shall
not
value
them
in
particular
here
,
but
shall
joyn
them
to
the
Personal-Estates
,
in
conjunction
with
which
they
are
Judged
to
be
worth
8
Millions
Sterling
of
Revenue
,
or
Annual
Profit
,
in
England
,
that
is
to
say
,
as
much
as
the
Lands
.
They
do
not
think
for
all
they
value
them
so
,
that
the
Personal-Estates
with
the
Houses
,
are
equal
in
worth
to
the
value
of
Lands
,
as
to
the
price
of
the
Principal
,
but
they
do
value
their
Profits
at
that
rate
,
because
the
Interest
of
Personal-Estates
is
greater
,
than
that
of
the
real
.
In
that
manner
,
by
keeping
the
same
proportion
which
we
did
in
respect
of
the
Lands
of
both
Kingdoms
;
I
say
,
holding
the
same
proportion
between
the
Houses
and
Personal-Estates
in
France
,
and
the
Houses
and
Personal-Estates
in
England
,
these
ought
to
be
valued
in
France
,
at
5
Millions
and
a
half
,
as
well
as
Lands
.
But
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
tho'
the
Revenues
of
Houses
should
have
decayed
more
than
those
of
Lands
;
yet
the
Revenues
of
Personal-Estates
ought
to
be
more
diminished
;
and
withal
,
that
this
sort
of
Goods
was
never
worth
near
so
much
in
France
,
as
in
England
,
which
hath
ever
had
,
in
that
respect
,
a
greater
advantage
over
France
,
than
it
had
in
respect
of
the
value
of
Lands
.
So
that
I
give
a
great
allowance
to
France
,
when
I
value
the
Revenue
of
their
Houses
and
Personal-Estates
,
at
4
Millions
and
an
half
Sterling
.
And
indeed
Personal-Estates
,
consisting
in
Cattle
of
all
kinds
,
in
Furniture
of
Houses
,
Silver
Coined
,
and
not
Coined
,
Jewels
,
Merchandizes
,
Ships
,
&c.
any
Man
may
easily
see
,
in
running
over
all
those
Species
,
that
they
are
much
less
than
formerly
,
and
that
the
Profits
of
them
are
also
by
consequence
,
much
less
.
For
First
,
Cattle
are
much
diminished
;
there
is
none
left
in
most
places
,
they
having
been
sold
to
pay
Taxes
,
or
Debts
,
and
the
Farms
have
been
abandoned
afterwards
,
and
where
there
is
any
Cattle
,
there
is
far
from
being
enough
,
and
what
they
have
is
poor
,
weak
,
ill-fed
,
and
ill-taken
care
of
,
for
want
of
Servants
;
and
they
are
worth
but
little
Money
,
because
of
the
want
of
Eaters
,
and
the
want
of
Money
too
;
There
are
very
few
Horses
left
,
the
War
having
destroyed
almost
all
of
'em
,
and
the
People
being
not
able
to
bring
them
up
,
by
Reason
of
their
Poverty
.
'T
is
true
,
they
are
sold
dear
,
but
that
is
an
aggravation
of
the
People's
Misery
,
seeing
't
is
their
Scarcity
which
is
the
cause
of
it
,
and
that
they
cannot
be
wanted
neither
,
and
yet
the
people
are
not
able
to
buy
them
;
For
this
Reason
several
Lands
are
left
Untilled
,
viz.
In
all
the
Plain
Provinces
,
where
they
want
Hay
for
Oxen
,
and
must
needs
make
use
of
Horses
,
or
Mules
,
who
feed
most
upon
Straw
,
and
Oats
.
As
to
other
Personal-Goods
,
it
is
easie
to
conceive
,
that
't
is
yet
worse
:
As
for
example
,
As
to
Furniture
of
Houses
and
Houshould-Goods
,
no
body
is
now
curious
in
them
,
&
what
is
worse
,
very
few
buy
any
New
ones
;
because
there
is
such
a
quantity
of
Old
,
that
they
may
be
had
almost
for
nothing
:
As
for
Money
,
every
body
knows
there
is
little
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
consequently
it
brings
no
profit
to
them
,
who
keep
it
,
especially
there
being
no
Trade
,
and
if
it
be
lent
to
the
King
,
or
discovered
by
him
any
way
,
then
't
is
lost
.
There
is
but
little
Plate
and
Jewels
left
in
the
Kingdom
,
for
none
but
Great
Persons
,
such
as
Lords
and
Ladies
,
have
any
;
As
or
Mercantile
Commodities
there
are
very
few
Made
or
Sold
at
present
.
The
Store-houses
are
all
empty
;
Manufactures
,
Trade
and
Arts
are
all
decayed
,
and
by
Consequence
the
Ships
bring
no
profit
to
their
Owners
neither
;
so
that
't
is
easie
to
conceive
,
that
the
Revenue
of
those
Personal-Estates
is
yet
more
fallen
than
that
of
Lands
;
the
Tillage
and
Product
of
which
can
much
worse
be
spared
,
than
any
thing
else
.
So
that
all
the
Revenue
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
both
Real
and
Personal
,
is
not
now
worth
above
10
Millions
Sterling
,
or
130
Millions
of
Livers
,
whereas
it
was
probably
worth
near
30
Millions
Sterling
,
or
400
Millions
of
Livers
,
30
years
ago
and
so
the
Revenue
of
all
Real
and
Personal-Estates
of
France
,
must
be
worth
less
at
present
,
by
6
Millions
Sterling
,
or
72
Millions
of
Livers
,
than
the
Revenues
of
the
same
Estates
in
England
.
It
must
be
observed
by
the
way
,
that
the
Clergy
of
France
possesses
the
half
of
the
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
15
Millions
Sterling
,
or
200
Millions
of
Livers
,
of
Revenue
formerly
,
and
at
present
about
the
third
part
of
that
Sum
,
or
65
Millions
of
Livers
.
I
do
not
question
but
many
People
will
be
surprized
at
this
Computation
,
whom
I
will
endeavour
to
satisfie
,
but
I
desire
leave
,
First
,
To
answer
some
Objections
,
which
may
be
made
to
some
Points
.
As
for
example
;
Some
may
ask
how
I
make
it
out
that
Houshold-Goods
,
Silver
Uncoined
,
Jewels
,
&c.
produce
any
Revenue
or
Profit
;
I
answer
,
That
the
use
which
is
made
of
them
is
accounted
for
as
much
Revenue
,
because
either
they
bring
some
Advantage
,
or
else
are
an
Ornament
to
those
who
make
use
of
them
,
as
a
stately
House
is
instead
of
a
great
Revenue
to
the
Proprietor
,
tho'
he
inhabits
it
himself
,
because
,
if
he
did
lett
it
out
to
any
other
Persons
,
he
would
get
a
great
Rent
for
it
,
and
if
he
did
sell
it
,
it
would
yield
him
a
great
Sum
of
Money
,
which
,
laid
out
at
Interest
,
or
in
Trade
,
would
afford
him
great
Profit
It
is
the
same
with
the
things
in
question
,
and
with
Merchandize
,
which
are
Judged
to
bring
a
good
Revenue
in
the
Store-Houses
and
in
the
Shop
,
because
,
when
the
time
of
Sale
comes
,
the
Owner
has
a
greater
Profit
by
them
,
than
if
he
had
lett
out
his
Money
at
Ordinary
Interest
.
If
any
Man
ask
further
,
why
I
have
distinguished
the
Revenue
of
Lands
from
that
of
Houses
,
and
wattle
,
since
Lands
are
not
worth
any
thing
without
Houses
and
Cattle
,
it
being
impossible
to
cultivate
them
without
those
things
?
I
answer
as
to
the
first
,
that
I
include
with
the
Lands
,
the
Houses
necessary
for
the
Habitation
of
those
who
manage
them
,
and
for
the
harbouring
of
their
Cattle
;
which
cannot
be
lett
a
part
,
it
being
known
that
the
Houses
of
Husband-men
,
Farmers
and
Gentlemen
in
the
Country
,
make
part
of
the
Farms
,
and
belong
to
them
.
The
Houses
,
or
the
Revenue
of
Houses
,
which
I
distinguished
from
those
belonging
to
Lands
,
are
the
Houses
of
Cities
,
Towns
and
Borroughs
,
and
generally
all
those
which
are
lett
out
without
Lands
.
I
distinguish
also
the
Revenue
of
Lands
from
that
of
Cattle
,
because
we
see
every
day
Lands
lett
to
Farm
,
without
Cattle
,
the
Farmers
themselves
furnish
Cattle
,
and
pay
so
much
the
less
to
the
Proprietor
:
For
if
so
be
the
Farmer
would
not
,
or
could
not
do
it
,
it
would
be
the
Proprietor's
part
to
do
it
,
in
which
case
the
Farmer
must
give
more
for
the
Land
and
Cattle
together
,
than
they
would
have
done
for
the
Land
alone
.
Certainly
there
are
very
few
Persons
who
do
not
know
this
.
But
to
return
to
our
Subject
,
I
said
,
that
many
will
be
surprized
to
see
that
we
value
the
Revenues
of
France
so
little
,
and
that
we
prefer
the
present
Revenues
of
England
to
them
,
tho'
it
be
not
much
above
the
third
part
of
France
in
extent
;
nay
,
and
according
to
some
,
it
is
less
than
the
third
part
of
France
,
and
does
not
exceed
the
Province
of
Languedock
in
Dimensions
.
They
will
be
amazed
likewise
to
find
that
I
value
the
Acre
of
Land
at
1
s.
8
d.
one
with
another
,
or
about
22
French
Sols
,
because
they
know
some
Lands
elsewhere
,
that
were
worth
10
,
20
,
or
30
times
more
.
Others
may
object
other
things
,
or
say
,
That
I
have
a
mind
to
flatter
the
English
Nation
;
but
I
protest
,
I
speak
according
to
my
own
Conscience
;
every
body
knows
,
I
have
little
Reason
either
to
admire
my
Lot
in
England
,
or
to
flatter
the
Nation
.
But
I
answer
further
,
That
every
one
is
free
to
think
what
he
pleases
concerning
it
;
I
do
not
pretend
that
all
that
I
Advance
is
Mathematical
Demonstrations
,
but
only
Probabilities
extraordinary
well
grounded
,
and
I
dare
say
,
That
if
they
had
examined
things
as
narrowly
as
I
have
done
,
and
had
exercised
themselves
as
much
as
I
have
exercised
my self
in
that
kind
of
Study
,
they
would
judge
otherwise
of
the
matter
;
but
the
truth
is
,
few
or
none
set
their
mind
to
those
things
,
or
use
to
consider
them
in
this
method
,
and
we
are
naturally
apt
to
oppose
that
which
we
do
not
understand
,
or
which
is
against
our
prejudicate
Opinions
.
So
that
I
give
leave
to
all
such
who
are
of
that
Disposition
of
Mind
,
to
value
the
present
Revenues
of
France
as
much
,
and
the
Revenues
of
England
as
little
as
they
please
.
I
say
further
,
That
it
must
be
very
unreasonable
to
disown
but
that
France
is
extraordinarily
Depopulated
,
and
that
abundance
of
Lands
and
Houses
have
been
forsaken
,
and
that
all
the
other
Calamities
which
I
mentioned
,
and
are
confirmed
to
us
every
week
by
several
Letters
,
and
even
by
Persons
who
come
from
those
Parts
,
should
be
really
true
;
certainly
at
this
rate
all
things
might
be
called
in
question
.
I
think
there
can
be
no
Dispute
about
the
Desolation
of
France
,
but
only
about
the
Degree
of
it
.
But
if
it
be
certain
,
as
I
advance
,
that
the
2
thirds
parts
of
Men
fit
for
work
,
or
at
least
the
half
,
have
perished
in
the
War
,
or
are
dead
for
want
of
Necessaries
,
as
it
seems
very
unreasonable
to
deny
it
;
that
alone
will
prove
more
than
I
desire
.
As
to
the
Bigness
and
Extent
of
both
Kingdoms
,
I
confess
I
have
not
measured
them
,
but
they
have
been
measured
by
others
,
and
I
believe
them
so
much
the
rather
,
that
I
find
upon
the
Maps
,
that
it
is
very
Rational
,
as
well
for
the
respective
Quantity
and
Extent
of
both
Kingdoms
,
as
for
the
proportion
which
I
supposed
to
be
between
them
;
and
any
Man
,
who
hath
but
eyes
,
may
measure
upon
the
Geographical
Maps
,
the
Extent
of
both
,
and
judge
very
near
of
the
proportion
of
the
one
to
the
other
.
As
for
what
concerns
the
Estimate
of
the
Acres
in
France
,
which
I
value
at
1
s.
8
d.
one
with
another
at
present
,
it
is
founded
partly
on
the
proportion
which
ought
to
be
between
the
present
and
former
value
of
the
Estates
in
France
,
and
partly
upon
the
Common
Estimation
of
the
Acre
of
Land
in
England
,
which
is
of
the
same
Measure
with
that
in
France
,
and
by
comparison
,
I
conclude
from
the
Reasons
above
produced
,
which
prove
that
England
ought
to
have
ever
been
Richer
,
and
more
Populous
,
and
Fruitful
than
France
,
and
from
all
those
which
convince
us
that
France
is
mightily
Depopulated
,
and
hath
lost
the
two
thirds
of
all
her
Men
fit
for
work
;
I
conclude
,
I
say
,
from
thence
,
that
the
Acres
ought
in
general
,
to
be
near
upon
four
times
as
much
worth
in
England
at
present
,
as
in
France
:
It
has
been
valued
a
long
time
ago
at
6
s.
8
d.
the
Acre
one
with
another
.
I
confess
there
may
be
many
places
in
England
where
it
is
not
worth
2
s.
nor
perhaps
one
;
but
there
are
some
also
,
where
it
is
valued
at
30
and
40
times
more
.
In
general
,
't
is
most
valuable
in
all
Countries
near
good
Sea-Ports
,
or
Head-Cities
,
or
Navigable-Rivers
;
And
my
Estimation
must
needs
appear
reasonable
to
all
those
who
will
be
pleased
to
remember
what
I
said
above
,
that
the
Acre
in
Ireland
is
not
Farmed
generally
,
one
with
another
,
at
above
10
d.
or
11
d.
tho'
the
Acre
is
bigger
there
,
than
in
England
,
and
Ireland
fruitfuller
too
,
and
nearer
the
Sea
than
France
,
and
besides
that
,
injoyes
liberty
of
Trade
,
and
pays
almost
no
Taxes
in
comparison
of
what
France
pays
.
But
some
may
object
again
,
and
ask
,
How
can
your
computation
stand
good
as
to
the
Revenues
of
France
,
since
you
said
,
That
the
French
King
alone
did
raise
every
year
,
even
in
the
time
of
Peace
,
above
132
Millions
of
Livers
upon
his
People
,
besides
the
Casual
or
Extrordinary
Taxes
,
which
did
amount
often
to
30
,
40
,
and
50
Millions
of
Livers
more
,
and
that
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
and
other
Civil
Officers
,
did
get
,
one
with
another
,
every
year
at
least
140
or
150
Millions
of
Livers
from
the
People
;
That
the
Farmers
,
general
,
and
particular
,
and
other
Exactors
of
the
Impositions
might
cost
the
Nation
besides
70
or
80
Millions
more
.
And
that
over
and
above
all
this
,
the
Church-men
alone
did
possess
near
200
Millions
of
yearly
Revenue
;
without
mentioning
what
they
cheated
the
People
of
besides
,
and
got
cunningly
by
their
Subtilties
,
and
driving
a
Trade
,
of
what
they
call
Holy
Things
,
which
I
judge
,
did
amount
to
above
30
Millions
of
Livers
more
every
year
.
For
answer
to
this
,
I
say
,
first
,
That
as
the
King's
Revenues
,
so
likewise
the
Revenues
and
Gains
of
all
those
sorts
of
People
,
just
now
named
,
did
Circulate
amongst
all
the
Subjects
,
as
is
usual
for
the
Revenues
and
Profits
of
all
those
who
compose
a
Nation
;
and
that
as
the
King
raised
Sums
upon
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
and
other
Civil
Officers
,
as
also
upon
the
Clergy
,
and
upon
the
Farmers
,
and
Exactors
of
the
Publick
Impositions
,
by
Ordinary
and
Extraordinary
Taxes
,
and
that
they
had
so
much
the
less
clear
Money
by
it
,
these
People
did
also
draw
in
to
themselves
the
Money
of
those
,
amongst
whom
the
King
,
in
the
course
of
his
ordinary
Expences
,
diffused
his
Revenues
;
I
say
,
they
did
draw
it
in
according
to
their
respective
and
usual
Ways
and
Methods
,
either
by
Suits
at
Law
,
Exactions
,
or
Masses
,
or
in
some
other
way
.
It
was
the
same
Money
which
did
Pass
and
Repass
by
the
Week
,
Quarter
,
or
Half-Year
,
several
times
through
the
Hands
of
all
those
People
;
therefore
it
does
not
follow
,
that
there
were
5
or
600
Millions
of
Money
in
the
Kingdom
,
tho'
there
was
more
in
it
than
in
most
other
Countries
,
neither
did
all
this
Money
proceed
from
the
Revenue
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
;
but
chiefly
from
the
Revenue
and
Profits
of
the
industry
of
the
Subjects
.
For
as
to
the
King's
Revenues
,
't
is
known
that
a
great
part
of
the
Impositions
in
France
,
are
not
laid
on
the
Real
Estates
,
but
consist
in
Excises
upon
all
things
generally
which
the
People
consume
,
as
well
for
Diet
and
Cloathing
,
as
for
other
Uses
,
and
not
upon
the
Real
or
Personal-Stocks
only
.
The
Revenues
did
consist
also
in
Customs
or
Taxes
,
upon
all
things
Imported
or
Exported
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
Provinces
,
Cities
and
Towns
,
&c.
As
for
the
Subjects
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
Profit
of
the
People's
industry
diffused
it self
likewise
amongst
all
People
,
by
the
same
Method
of
Circulation
.
It
must
be
known
also
that
the
Profits
of
industry
in
a
diligent
Nation
,
and
indifferently
populous
,
does
amount
almost
to
twice
as
much
,
as
all
the
Revenues
of
Real
and
Personal
Estates
.
I
will
make
this
Intelligible
by
a
Familiar
Example
;
We
have
often
seen
in
France
,
and
the
same
may
be
observed
every
where
else
,
by
considering
Men
;
we
have
seen
,
I
say
,
Lands
Farmed
at
3
or
400
Livers
per
Annum
,
pay
as
much
to
the
King
for
the
Taille
and
Imposition
on
Salt
,
and
yet
maintain
both
the
Farmer
's
Family
and
Servants
.
It
was
not
the
Money
which
the
Proprietor
received
of
his
Farm
,
and
which
is
properly
the
Revenue
of
the
Land
,
that
payed
the
said
Taxes
,
maintained
all
those
Persons
,
and
furnished
them
with
all
sorts
of
Necessaries
,
but
their
Labour
.
Here
follows
another
Example
.
They
commonly
value
all
the
Corn
spent
in
England
at
10
Millions
Sterling
,
one
year
with
another
,
reckoning
Wheat
at
5
s.
the
Bushel
,
and
Barly
at
2
s.
and
other
Grains
proportionably
,
and
yet
the
Revenue
of
all
the
Lands
is
valued
only
at
8
Millions
Sterling
;
and
the
Cattle
,
and
all
other
things
consumed
out
of
the
Native
Product
are
worth
the
double
.
Now
if
the
Labour
of
them
,
who
employ
themselves
only
about
Husbandry
,
makes
such
a
product
,
how
much
more
will
the
Labour
of
Mechanicks
and
Artists
do
it
,
and
yet
,
the
product
of
Manufactures
and
Mines
is
still
greater
,
but
the
profits
of
those
who
are
Employed
by
Sea
,
either
in
Fishing
,
Coasting
,
or
a
Forreign
Trade
is
the
greatest
of
all
.
In
a
Populous
and
Trading
Country
,
the
Revenue
of
Lands
,
Industry
,
and
Profit
ought
to
be
greater
than
in
other
Places
,
for
these
things
hold
a
sympathy
together
;
the
one
helps
the
other
;
for
when
Arts
,
Manufactures
and
Trade
thrive
,
the
Revenue
of
Real
and
Personal-Estates
increases
,
because
Money
becomes
more
Common
and
Currant
;
the
Countrey
grows
more
and
more
Populous
,
and
more
Provisions
,
and
other
things
necessary
to
Mankind
are
spent
:
And
likewise
when
Estates
augment
in
Revenue
,
the
Manufacturers
,
Artists
,
Labourers
,
&c.
are
more
Employed
,
and
every
one
has
more
whereupon
to
Live
,
and
the
Country
grows
Richer
and
Richer
.
To
make
Application
of
this
to
my
Subject
,
and
to
continue
in
the
Comparison
I
made
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
and
of
the
Revenue
of
both
the
Kingdoms
of
France
and
England
,
I
will
adventure
to
say
,
That
the
Profits
of
Industry
ever
ought
to
have
been
greater
in
England
than
in
France
,
by
Reason
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
encourages
Industry
,
and
Trade
more
than
Popery
,
which
is
destructive
to
them
,
as
I
shall
shew
;
as
also
by
Reason
of
the
multitude
of
Mines
,
which
we
have
mentioned
already
,
the
proximity
of
the
Sea
,
the
Forreign
Trade
,
Fishery
,
of
which
the
Profits
are
very
great
;
and
the
Salary
and
Wages
of
those
imployed
therein
,
being
more
considerable
,
and
their
number
much
greater
in
England
,
than
in
France
.
For
in
Countries
more
remote
from
the
Sea
,
as
France
is
generally
compar'd
with
England
,
there
are
not
so
many
Men
of
this
sort
whose
Labour
and
Time
are
so
well
rewarded
,
for
generally
speaking
,
those
who
work
about
building
of
Ships
and
all
other
things
belonging
to
Shipping
,
either
for
Men
of
War
or
Trading-Ships
,
earn
three
or
four
times
as
much
as
Common-Labourers
do
;
It
must
be
considered
that
there
are
above
a
hundred
different
Trades
that
relate
to
Sea
,
whose
Workmen
get
proportionably
to
the
Profits
made
by
Navigation
,
Sea-Trade
,
or
Fishing
.
There
are
in
England
four
Men
of
that
kind
to
one
in
France
;
tho'
France
is
,
as
I
have
said
often
,
almost
3
times
as
big
as
England
.
This
Article
alone
makes
a
great
difference
between
the
Profits
of
Industry
in
the
two
Kingdoms
.
For
one
cannot
imagine
the
advantages
which
a
Country
near
the
Sea
has
over
another
that
is
far
from
it
,
if
it
were
but
for
the
Trade
and
carriage
of
heavy
Materials
,
which
are
a
notable
part
of
the
Trade
,
and
without
which
none
can
be
managed
at
all
;
as
are
Timber
and
Wood
,
for
Work
or
for
Fire
,
and
Minerals
,
Stones
,
Chalk
,
Sand
,
Glass
,
Bricks
,
Earthen
Pots
,
wrought
or
unwrought
Iron
,
Coals
,
Turfs
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Hemp
,
Flax
,
Wool
,
Salt
,
Wine
,
Beer
,
Syder
,
Corn
,
Tallow
,
&c.
For
the
Profit
and
Time
of
those
who
are
imployed
about
carrying
such
things
in
a
Country
remote
from
Sea
,
comes
almost
to
nothing
,
and
yet
the
number
of
those
,
who
either
transport
and
carry
them
,
or
Trade
with
'em
,
is
prodigious
,
in
such
a
large
Country
as
France
;
whereas
in
England
the
Proximity
of
the
Sea
makes
the
Trade
of
all
those
things
to
be
very
Profitable
and
Easie
,
and
the
consumption
of
the
same
to
be
much
greater
,
because
they
are
cheaper
,
which
is
an
encouragement
to
Propagation
;
and
then
there
are
not
so
many
imployed
about
carrying
them
proportionably
as
in
France
,
because
of
the
facility
of
the
carriage
by
Water
,
which
causes
those
imployed
in
them
to
get
the
more
for
their
Labour
and
Time
.
As
to
Manufactures
,
tho'
France
had
the
advantage
of
England
,
in
regard
of
several
Manufactures
,
yet
I
dare
say
,
that
that
of
Wool
alone
in
England
did
imploy
more
People
proportionably
,
than
did
all
those
in
France
,
except
that
of
Linnen-Weavers
,
which
is
a
work
very
unprofitable
;
and
besides
that
,
there
are
several
other
Manfactures
also
practised
in
England
.
There
's
another
thing
that
may
also
convince
us
,
that
the
English
People
did
in
general
get
more
Profit
by
their
Industry
,
than
the
French
proportionably
;
which
is
this
,
that
in
London
,
which
is
almost
twice
as
Big
and
Populous
as
Paris
,
the
Capital
City
of
a
Kingdom
,
3
times
as
big
,
as
I
have
said
often
,
than
England
is
;
in
London
,
I
say
,
Trades-men
,
and
almost
all
sorts
of
Workmen
get
in
general
,
twice
as
much
Wages
as
they
do
at
Paris
.
The
same
will
be
evident
also
,
if
we
consider
that
in
this
Country
,
which
ought
to
have
been
at
all
times
richer
than
France
proportionably
to
their
respective
bigness
,
the
people
pays
ordinarily
no
Taxes
or
very
small
ones
,
and
consequently
the
Sums
which
are
unprofitably
imployed
in
France
about
maintaining
great
Armies
of
Soldiers
and
Exactors
;
and
many
other
such
Caterpillers
,
as
before
mentioned
,
which
are
all
idle
and
troublesom
to
the
Working
sort
of
People
;
those
sums
,
I
say
,
are
spent
in
England
upon
things
which
proceed
from
Man's
Industry
,
whether
they
be
necessary
,
or
only
for
Ornament
or
Delight
;
which
causes
the
English
Nation
to
spend
more
than
any
other
Nation
does
therein
,
and
consequently
Industry
must
needs
be
more
profitable
there
,
than
any
where
else
;
Not
to
mention
here
the
greater
number
of
Holy-days
which
they
have
in
France
,
as
also
a
great
number
of
People
useless
for
work
,
of
which
I
have
spoke
already
,
&c.
But
notwithstanding
all
this
,
we
must
confess
there
was
a
considerable
time
when
the
French
Nation
got
very
much
by
its
Industry
,
and
by
their
Manfactures
so
much
Desired
of
their
Neighbours
,
and
for
that
reason
very
noxious
to
England
in
particular
;
't
is
true
,
that
time
did
not
last
above
40
or
50
years
,
neither
did
the
said
Manufactures
take
always
at
the
same
rate
;
during
that
time
the
French
King
did
give
Laws
to
his
Neighbours
,
and
made
all
Christian
Europe
(
not
the
Mahometan
)
to
tremble
under
him
;
till
his
Ambition
has
brought
his
Kingdom
to
that
lamentable
condition
,
wherein
it
is
at
present
,
and
which
grows
every
day
worse
and
worse
;
During
those
40
or
50
years
,
I
do
believe
that
the
Revenue
of
the
French
Industry
did
go
beyond
the
Revenue
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
and
that
if
the
last
did
amount
to
400
Millions
,
the
Profits
of
the
Peoples
Industry
could
be
worth
no
less
than
600
Millions
of
Livers
.
So
that
't
is
not
so
much
to
be
wondred
at
,
if
the
French
King
and
the
rest
of
the
Blood-suckers
we
spoke
of
before
,
did
raise
the
great
Sums
already
mentioned
in
that
Kingdom
.
At
present
,
those
Revenues
and
Profits
of
Industry
,
are
at
least
as
much
Decreased
,
as
those
of
their
Real
and
Personal-Estates
.
For
there
are
but
few
Working-men
left
,
and
no
Work
for
them
to
do
,
unless
it
be
about
the
Manuring
of
a
little
Lands
,
wherein
there
is
not
much
to
be
got
,
since
the
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
and
Trade
have
Decreased
so
much
.
So
that
there
is
reason
to
admire
how
that
People
can
still
subsist
,
which
I
shall
discover
anon
.
But
I
must
first
shew
,
how
we
may
come
to
the
knowledge
of
the
true
Value
of
the
Industry
of
a
Nation
.
To
comprehend
well
the
Effect
and
Profit
of
the
Labour
of
a
People
,
the
Number
of
Souls
who
compose
a
Nation
,
the
Revenue
of
all
its
Estates
Real
and
Personal
,
and
the
Yearly
Expense
of
the
whole
People
must
be
known
.
For
example
,
we
said
that
the
Revenue
of
all
the
Estates
Real
and
Personal
in
England
,
were
worth
16
Millions
Sterling
,
and
't
is
commonly
supposed
there
are
6
Millions
of
Souls
in
it
.
To
make
a
due
Computation
of
that
People's
Expense
,
a
Medium
must
be
found
of
the
Expense
of
each
Soul
one
with
another
.
Then
we
must
see
to
what
the
whole
will
amount
,
and
what
goes
beyond
the
16
Millions
Sterling
,
will
be
the
Revenue
or
Profit
of
the
Industry
and
Labour
of
the
Nation
.
I
think
no
better
Rule
can
be
found
for
it
,
than
that
of
the
Expense
of
a
Journey
man
in
the
Country
.
Such
a
man's
Salary
is
commonly
8
pence
a
day
,
if
he
maintains
himself
,
or
4
pence
if
he
be
maintained
;
and
so
his
Food
amounts
to
2
shillings
per
week
,
or
5
pound
Sterling
,
and
4
shill.
per
annum
.
For
Cloaths
,
Lodging
,
and
the
rest
,
no
less
can
be
reckoned
than
36
shill.
seeing
the
Wages
of
the
poorest
Servant-Maid
in
the
Country
,
who
gets
no
more
than
Food
and
Rayment
is
no
less
,
and
She
spends
it
for
her
Cloaths
and
Shoes
;
in
all
7
pound
;
according
to
this
,
all
the
Expense
of
the
People
of
England
will
amount
to
42
Millions
Sterling
;
So
that
the
Profit
of
the
Labour
of
the
People
,
at
this
rate
,
will
be
26
Millions
Sterling
,
which
is
almost
the
double
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
which
are
valued
only
at
16
Millions
Sterling
.
Some
perhaps
will
be
astonished
to
see
that
we
value
at
so
small
a
rate
the
Yearly
Expense
of
every
Soul
,
viz.
7
pound
Sterling
,
by
reason
that
they
see
many
,
who
,
on
their
own
Persons
,
spend
15
,
nay
,
20
times
more
,
and
that
the
People
of
England
does
in
particular
spend
much
more
than
any
People
whatsoever
.
And
I
own
,
that
I
have
had
some
thoughts
to
put
a
higher
Estimate
upon
the
Expenses
of
each
person
,
one
with
another
;
but
after
,
having
well
pondered
and
examined
all
things
,
I
found
it
best
to
adhere
to
the
Opinion
of
a
very
understanding
Man
,
whom
I
follow
upon
that
Subject
,
and
indeed
,
whoever
will
consider
how
much
the
number
of
the
Poor
,
their
Wives
and
Children
,
does
exceed
that
of
the
Rich
,
and
that
often
one
of
those
poor
Journey-men
maintains
a
great
Family
by
his
sole
Labour
,
will
judge
that
such
a
Journey-man's
Expense
may
very
well
serve
as
a
Rule
and
Standard
for
the
Expense
of
a
whole
Nation
taken
in
general
.
Suppose
then
that
the
Proportion
which
we
have
laid
down
between
the
worth
of
the
Real
and
Personal
Estates
of
France
,
and
those
in
England
,
be
well
grounded
,
and
that
France
may
be
still
worth
10
Millions
Sterling
,
per
annum
,
as
England
is
worth
16
without
Men's
Labour
;
the
same
proportion
may
be
also
established
,
between
the
Profits
of
the
Labour
of
both
Nations
;
and
as
we
reckoned
the
present
Revenue
of
the
Labour
in
England
at
26
millions
Sterling
,
we
may
also
reckon
,
according
to
the
same
proportion
,
the
Profits
of
the
Labour
in
France
to
15
millions
Sterling
:
And
in
that
manner
,
all
the
Revenues
of
France
at
this
day
,
should
amount
still
to
25
millions
Sterling
,
that
is
,
as
well
the
Profit
of
their
Labour
,
as
the
Revenues
of
Real
and
Personal-Estates
.
I
profess
,
I
do
not
believe
their
Labour
rises
so
high
at
this
day
;
and
I
dare
venture
to
say
,
't
is
impossible
they
should
,
because
above
two
thirds
of
the
Labouring
Men
are
either
Dead
,
or
in
the
Army
;
and
I
am
of
Opinion
,
that
in
strictness
it
cannot
amount
to
10
Millions
Sterling
,
but
I
am
willing
rather
to
allow
them
more
than
less
.
According
to
these
Positions
,
the
remaining
People
in
France
,
who
are
in
number
,
as
we
supposed
,
about
9
Millions
of
Souls
,
could
not
spend
above
30
Livers
per
annum
,
or
there
abouts
,
one
with
another
,
that
is
to
say
,
not
so
much
as
two
pence
every
day
.
If
the
Reader
has
been
surprized
,
that
I
did
compute
the
English
People's
Expense
to
be
only
4
pence
every
day
,
one
with
another
,
they
will
perhaps
be
much
more
surprized
,
that
I
value
that
of
the
French
People
no
more
than
2
pence
for
every
working
day
,
or
52
shill.
per
annum
,
upon
which
they
must
spare
wherewithll
to
maintain
themselves
?
for
more
than
a
hundred
days
in
the
year
,
viz.
Sundays
and
all
their
Holy-days
,
whereas
the
English-Man
may
work
when
he
pleases
,
except
Sundays
,
and
a
very
few
other
Holy-days
.
And
yet
I
protest
again
in
sincerity
,
that
I
do
not
think
the
Profit
of
their
Labour
goes
so
far
,
nor
that
it
exceeds
,
as
I
have
said
already
,
10
Millions
Sterling
,
at
present
;
but
I
was
willing
to
indulge
them
rather
than
otherwise
,
and
so
I
leave
them
still
at
two
pence
a
day
.
'T
is
the
utmost
we
can
put
upon
the
value
of
the
French
People's
Industry
at
this
day
,
for
a
great
many
Reasons
which
I
shall
reduce
to
some
Heads
.
1.
The
Value
of
Lands
and
People's
Work
,
could
never
be
so
high
in
France
,
as
in
England
,
nor
their
Expenses
by
good
consequence
,
for
the
Reasons
above-mentioned
;
the
Proximity
of
the
Sea
;
the
Great
Trade
;
the
Mildness
of
the
English
Government
;
the
Protestant
Religion
,
&c.
And
that
the
People
of
England
spent
always
much
more
than
those
of
France
.
2.
The
Fruits
or
Profits
of
the
Labour
of
People
could
never
be
so
great
in
France
as
in
England
,
as
I
proved
before
.
3.
Above
the
two
thirds
of
the
Working-Men
in
France
have
perished
one
way
or
other
,
as
I
said
before
,
and
must
often
repeat
it
,
and
the
excess
of
Misery
,
under
which
that
People
groans
,
cannot
be
expressed
.
4.
There
is
no
Trade
within
or
without
the
Kingdom
;
Arts
and
Manufactures
are
all
decayed
,
and
a
great
part
of
the
People
are
turned
Beggars
,
&c.
But
because
it
seems
to
be
impossible
that
the
French
People
should
Live
and
Subsist
at
so
little
Expense
,
I
must
Discover
how
they
do
it
;
't
is
by
consuming
their
Stock
,
perhaps
to
the
value
of
above
4
or
500
Millions
every
Year
,
without
reckoning
the
great
and
general
Decay
in
all
the
Stocks
and
Revenues
,
caused
by
the
Depopulation
,
which
puts
the
Kingdom
to
the
loss
of
more
than
2000
Millions
yearly
,
during
this
War
,
as
I
could
easily
demonstrate
.
'T
is
not
so
much
by
selling
away
Lands
,
Houses
and
Offices
,
that
the
People
devours
these
4
or
500
Millions
of
their
Stock
(
tho'
they
may
perhaps
sell
some
for
the
10th
or
12th
part
of
their
former
value
)
as
't
is
by
selling
away
their
Houshold-Goods
,
Cattle
,
and
Timber-Wood
,
their
Plate
and
Jewels
when
there
is
any
,
or
lending
to
those
who
will
never
pay
,
or
by
borrowing
,
giving
or
taking
to
trust
,
either
their
Money
or
Commodities
,
Labour
or
Time
;
by
not
paying
their
old
Debts
,
which
is
a
general
Disease
in
all
the
Kingdom
,
and
makes
up
a
dreadful
Article
;
or
by
selling
and
quitting
their
actual
Debts
for
much
less
than
they
were
worth
formerly
,
and
such
other
usual
Ways
,
by
which
they
waste
their
Stock
more
and
more
;
and
yet
for
all
this
a
great
many
dye
of
Hunger
every
day
.
To
comprehend
this
matter
the
better
,
let
us
suppose
a
Man
who
had
30
years
ago
100
pound
of
Revenue
,
and
pays
now
the
Taxes
upon
the
Foot
of
the
Ancient
Revenue
of
his
Land
,
and
not
upon
the
Foot
of
the
present
;
for
the
Court
Taxes
all
the
Subjects
now
according
to
the
Ancient
Estimate
;
that
Man's
Lands
being
fallen
two
thirds
of
their
former
Revenue
,
if
he
pays
only
30
pounds
to
the
King
Yearly
,
which
would
be
look'd
upon
,
now
a
days
,
as
a
great
moderation
;
there
is
nothing
left
for
him
of
his
Revenue
;
if
he
pays
50
or
100
l.
as
't
is
usual
now
,
for
they
are
Taxed
in
that
proportion
,
and
worse
sometimes
,
how
can
he
pay
that
Tax
,
which
is
three
times
more
than
his
Rent
,
and
live
without
wasting
the
Stock
?
If
,
as
I
said
before
,
all
the
Estates
,
Real
and
Personal
in
the
Kingdom
are
worth
but
130
Millions
of
Livers
;
and
that
the
King
alone
raises
200
which
comes
into
his
Coffers
free
,
without
that
which
is
necessary
to
enrich
the
Farmers
of
Impositions
,
and
to
maintain
30
or
40
thousand
Men
under
them
,
at
the
People's
Charges
,
called
Gabeleurs
,
and
Rats
de
Cave
,
&c.
and
besides
to
maintain
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
and
innumerable
other
Civil
Officers
,
as
I
said
before
,
without
mentioning
the
Clergy
,
who
,
by
their
Subtilty
and
Craft
,
do
always
Cheat
and
Plunder
the
People
;
If
,
I
say
,
this
be
the
State
of
affairs
in
France
,
we
are
obliged
to
believe
that
as
the
King
,
and
all
those
Ravenous
Birds
devour
the
Kingdom
,
every
one
is
also
forced
to
live
upon
the
Quick
,
and
devour
his
own
Stock
,
and
that
so
much
the
more
,
that
the
Clergy
alone
possess
,
as
I
have
said
,
the
half
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
and
do
not
contribute
to
the
King
proportionably
as
the
other
Subjects
do
,
and
therefore
their
Stock
does
not
Decay
so
much
,
because
they
are
not
obliged
to
Devour
it
,
by
reason
that
they
can
live
very
plentifully
on
their
Rents
,
especially
considering
that
they
may
retrench
the
great
numbers
of
their
Monks
and
Priests
,
without
any
inconveniency
.
I
did
above
mention
the
Common
Taxes
,
which
swallow
up
the
whole
Revenue
of
the
People
and
more
.
What
will
it
be
then
,
when
the
King
forces
People
,
as
he
does
continually
,
to
lend
him
Money
,
or
to
purchase
his
new
Offices
and
Titles
,
or
to
take
Augmentation
of
Wages
,
if
Officers
,
or
to
give
an
Account
of
the
Adminstration
of
some
Imployments
,
or
Functions
;
or
when
a
Man
,
or
his
Father
or
Grand-Father
,
or
any
other
to
whom
he
may
have
some
Relation
,
is
Accused
,
and
perhaps
without
any
proofs
,
of
having
robbed
the
King
or
the
People
,
and
thereupon
is
condemned
to
pay
the
King
the
greatest
part
of
all
that
he
has
?
A
hundred
such
Methods
are
practised
every
day
to
the
Ruine
of
the
most
Opulent
Subjects
all
of
a
sudden
.
It
cannot
be
denyed
that
this
is
the
Condition
of
France
at
this
day
,
and
that
there
are
but
very
few
,
who
do
not
consume
their
Stock
,
except
those
who
never
had
any
thing
,
and
who
help
the
King
to
destroy
all
.
I
confess
,
that
as
the
French
People
live
in
the
Country
,
those
poor
Souls
do
not
spend
a
penny
a
day
in
Food
,
one
with
another
.
The
Country-People
in
Ireland
feed
much
better
than
those
of
France
;
the
Irish
eat
their
belly
full
of
meat
,
when
they
please
;
nor
don't
want
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Bread
,
Potatos
;
and
in
many
places
they
have
abundance
of
Salt
and
Fresh-Water-Fish
,
Oysters
,
Musles
,
Crabs
,
Langosts
and
Cockles
;
for
,
tho'
they
are
very
lazy
,
the
Land
is
plentiful
in
all
those
things
,
and
then
they
pay
almost
no
Taxes
;
and
besides
,
they
smoak
Tobaco
Men
,
Women
and
Children
;
and
notwithstanding
all
this
,
Men
of
understanding
,
who
know
that
Nation
perfectly
,
and
have
Written
concerning
it
,
assure
us
,
That
they
do
not
spend
a
penny
a
day
,
one
with
another
,
for
their
Dyet
.
They
own
indeed
,
that
wearing
commonly
good
Cloaths
,
they
may
spend
,
one
with
another
,
including
their
Rayment
,
about
2
pence
per
Diem
,
or
52
shill.
per
Annum
;
whereas
the
Country-People
in
France
spends
very
little
in
Cloaths
,
at
least
two
thirds
less
than
the
People
in
Ireland
.
Those
who
are
acquainted
with
the
Condition
of
France
know
,
that
most
part
of
the
Country-people
did
feed
only
upon
Black-Bread
before
the
War
,
neither
had
they
their
Belly
full
of
that
;
and
the
best
of
their
other
cheer
was
some
Fruits
,
Herbs
and
Roots
,
with
sowr
Milk
,
without
any
Butter
or
Fat
,
unless
some
stinking
Oyl
of
Walnut
,
or
Rape-Seed
,
except
it
may
be
,
in
those
places
where
Olive-Trees
are
plentiful
;
they
sold
their
Butter
to
pay
the
Taille
,
and
drank
nothing
but
meer
Water
,
or
Water
which
had
past
over
the
drained
Grapes
,
or
Apples
,
when
the
Wine
and
Syder
had
been
pressed
out
of
them
;
their
chiefest
and
almost
only
Food
,
was
Black-Bread
,
or
Rye-Bread
baked
with
all
the
Bran
,
commonly
very
bad
,
that
does
not
cost
a
Half-penny
per
Pound
,
of
which
the
Women
and
Children
cannot
eat
three
quarters
of
a
pound
a
day
,
one
with
another
,
nor
Men
,
who
are
at
present
in
small
numbers
,
double
that
quantity
.
As
for
their
Cloaths
,
Men
,
Women
and
Children
are
generally
cloathed
with
course
Linnen
,
such
as
they
make
Sacks
of
,
and
wear
Wooden-Shoes
;
and
even
many
of
'em
are
bare-footed
.
If
any
Man
ask
,
why
the
9
Millions
of
Souls
,
which
we
suppose
to
be
in
France
,
should
not
earn
as
much
as
the
6
millions
of
Souls
supposed
to
be
in
England
,
since
the
French
work
as
much
and
as
well
as
the
English
,
and
since
there
ought
to
be
as
many
Working-Men
amongst
the
9
Millions
of
French
,
as
amongst
the
6
Millions
of
English
.
I
answer
,
besides
the
reasons
I
already
produced
,
That
more
Money
is
to
be
got
in
a
rich
Place
than
in
a
poor
One
,
in
a
populous
Country
,
than
in
a
depopulated
One
,
in
a
Land
abounding
with
Mines
,
and
addicted
to
Manufactures
,
Fishery
and
Navigation
,
where
there
is
plenty
of
Money
,
than
in
another
which
enjoys
not
those
Advantages
,
and
where
the
Government
is
Arbitrary
;
Besides
,
no
body
will
deny
but
there
is
more
gotten
and
spent
in
England
,
than
Ireland
,
at
London
than
in
Wales
,
and
at
Paris
than
in
Bearn
Nor
is
it
true
,
that
there
are
as
many
men
fit
for
Work
amongst
the
9
Millions
of
People
in
France
,
as
there
are
amongst
the
6
Millions
in
England
,
because
,
as
I
have
said
often
above
,
two
thirds
of
the
Men
fit
for
Work
in
France
,
are
perished
,
and
of
the
remaining
part
one
half
is
unprofitable
for
Work
,
and
that
those
who
are
unprofitable
for
Work
,
are
three
times
more
in
number
in
France
proportionably
than
they
are
in
England
.
So
that
whereas
England
maintains
the
present
War
with
less
than
5
Millions
Sterling
Yearly
,
which
does
not
make
the
third
part
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
of
all
the
Kingdom
,
leaving
the
Profits
of
the
Labour
of
the
People
untouched
,
which
are
almost
double
to
the
Revenue
of
all
the
said
Estates
.
In
a
word
,
while
England
employs
not
above
the
8th
part
of
all
its
Revenues
towards
the
War
,
the
French
King
raising
one
way
or
other
,
about
200
Millions
of
Livers
Yearly
,
upon
his
People
since
this
War
,
draws
from
them
above
70
Millions
of
Livers
beyond
the
Revenue
of
all
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
of
his
Kingdom
,
since
they
are
worth
but
130
Millions
,
according
to
our
Calculation
.
Upon
which
it
is
to
be
observed
,
that
the
Clergy
,
being
in
possession
of
half
of
those
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
,
whose
Revenue
consequently
ought
to
amount
yet
to
65
Millions
of
Livers
;
the
Clergy
,
I
say
,
does
not
pay
one
Year
with
another
10
Millions
of
those
200
which
the
King
raises
,
from
whence
it
plainly
appears
,
that
the
rest
of
the
Nation
is
beyond
comparison
,
much
more
oppressed
than
they
are
,
and
so
much
the
more
,
that
the
Clergy
is
not
so
much
vexed
by
the
other
Blood-suckers
of
the
Nation
,
as
the
rest
of
the
Subjects
are
,
and
that
they
are
themselves
of
the
number
of
the
Leeches
,
which
devour
the
Substance
of
the
Nation
,
and
by
that
means
they
enjoy
yet
above
55
Millions
of
Livers
free
,
besides
the
Profits
and
Gains
they
make
upon
the
People
,
by
the
Trade
they
drive
of
Holy
Things
,
as
they
call
them
,
and
by
a
hundred
cunning
Tricks
of
their
Art
,
which
makes
their
Revenue
of
Profits
,
to
amount
to
above
70
Millions
of
Livers
yet
.
So
that
there
are
still
70
Millions
of
Livers
to
be
found
for
the
King
,
as
we
have
seen
just
now
,
above
the
130
Millions
,
which
are
the
Value
of
the
Revenue
of
all
the
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
.
For
he
must
needs
have
no
less
than
200
Millions
of
Livers
to
maintain
the
War
Yearly
.
If
you
ask
,
where
we
shall
find
them
?
I
answer
,
Those
70
Millions
of
Livers
must
needs
be
raised
upon
the
Profit
of
Men's
Labour
,
which
we
supposed
might
amount
to
200
Millions
of
Livers
Yearly
,
and
then
the
remainder
will
be
only
130
Millions
.
But
then
we
must
also
deduce
from
those
130
Millions
of
the
Profits
of
Industry
the
55
Millions
which
we
said
the
Clergy
enjoyed
(
besides
what
they
gain
by
their
cunning
Tricks
)
out
of
the
half
of
all
the
Revenues
Real
and
Personal
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
we
gave
to
the
King
in
the
former
Paragraphs
;
for
the
Clergy
cannot
be
deprived
of
such
vast
Revenues
,
seeing
Cardinal
Palavicini
affirms
,
that
our
Saviour's
chief
intent
in
his
coming
into
the
World
,
has
been
to
render
the
Clergy
rich
and
happy
according
to
the
flesh
,
felice
secondo
la
Carne
.
So
that
those
55
Millions
must
,
as
I
said
,
be
taken
upon
the
said
remaining
130
Millions
coming
from
the
Revenues
of
the
Labour
of
the
Nation
.
So
that
the
King
and
the
Clergy
having
had
their
due
share
of
all
,
there
remains
no
more
than
75
Millions
of
Livers
for
the
subsistence
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
which
may
make
about
8
Millions
and
6
or
700
thousand
Souls
;
for
I
think
that
the
Clergy
with
the
Monks
and
Nuns
,
and
their
Servants
or
Bastards
,
may
very
well
make
up
between
3
and
4
hundred
thousand
Souls
,
which
with
the
8
Millions
,
6
or
7
hundred
thousand
Souls
before
,
will
make
in
all
,
the
nine
Millions
of
Souls
which
we
supposed
to
be
still
remaining
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
.
If
it
be
so
then
,
that
no
more
remains
than
75
Millions
of
Livers
for
the
subsistence
of
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
what
shall
we
do
with
all
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
Finances
and
Government
,
and
so
many
others
of
a
new
Impression
?
what
shall
we
do
with
the
Farmers
general
and
particular
of
the
Imposts
,
with
all
their
Crew
?
for
all
those
men
have
been
deprived
as
abovesaid
,
of
all
their
Possessions
and
Revenues
,
the
King
has
swallowed
up
all
by
his
200
Millions
which
he
must
raise
for
his
Armies
.
Where
shall
we
find
wherewithall
to
furnish
the
usual
Covetousness
,
and
authorized
Cheats
of
the
Clergy
,
who
,
as
we
said
before
,
are
still
plundering
and
pillaging
the
Nation
by
their
False
and
Counterfeit
Devotions
,
and
Robbing
the
People
,
tho'
never
so
miserable
,
of
15
Millions
of
Livers
at
least
per
Annum
.
But
let
us
leave
this
last
Article
concerning
their
Robberies
for
the
10
Millions
which
I
said
above
the
Clergy
may
pay
now
to
the
King
during
the
War
every
Year
.
We
have
still
all
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
and
the
rest
named
in
the
foregoing
Paragraph
,
to
maintain
.
We
cannot
allow
them
less
than
the
said
75
Millions
of
Livers
which
remain
of
the
Profits
of
the
National
Industry
,
and
their
share
will
be
very
small
too
;
for
't
is
probable
they
did
altogether
draw
above
200
Millions
yearly
from
the
Substance
of
the
People
,
besides
their
Patrimonial
Goods
,
which
are
included
in
the
Kings
200
millions
per
annum
.
In
that
manner
,
there
remains
nothing
for
all
the
rest
of
the
Nation
;
for
all
the
Nobility
,
Peasants
,
Mechanicks
,
Artists
,
Manufacturers
,
Merchants
,
Sea-men
,
and
all
other
Orders
of
People
.
Moreover
,
besides
all
this
,
the
Debts
of
the
Kingdom
are
unpaid
,
I
mean
,
the
Debts
of
all
the
Subjects
one
to
another
.
I
said
already
,
that
the
Revenue
of
all
the
Estates
,
both
Real
and
Personal
in
the
condition
which
the
Kingdom
stands
in
,
would
not
be
able
to
pay
the
Interest
of
the
said
Debts
,
nor
is
the
Value
of
all
the
Stocks
able
to
pay
the
Principal
.
Let
us
suppose
that
the
Interest
of
them
goes
not
beyond
130
Millions
of
Livers
,
which
is
the
Estimation
we
made
of
the
present
Revenue
of
all
Estates
whatsoever
.
That
's
already
130
Millions
of
the
Stock
of
the
Kingdom
spent
every
year
,
without
reckoning
any
thing
for
Interest
upon
Interest
.
But
how
shall
we
find
wherewithal
to
maintain
all
the
rest
of
the
Nation
?
't
is
plain
,
it
cannot
be
done
but
by
the
Consumption
of
all
their
Stocks
,
as
I
said
before
,
which
Consumption
cannot
be
under
3
or
4
hundred
Millions
per
Annum
,
besides
the
Interest
of
Debts
,
of
which
I
spoke
just
now
.
I
have
mentioned
the
Ways
also
,
by
which
that
Consumption
is
made
,
and
therefore
I
will
not
repeat
them
here
;
tho'
I
am
obliged
too
often
to
do
it
,
because
very
few
will
comprehend
the
meaning
of
my
first
Principles
upon
the
first
hint
;
If
any
should
ask
,
what
share
I
judge
the
Nobility
might
have
in
the
4
hundred
Millions
of
Livers
of
Revenue
,
to
which
I
supposed
,
all
the
Estates
Real
and
Personal
might
have
amounted
thirty
Years
ago
,
or
in
the
130
millions
to
which
we
reduce
it
at
present
.
I
answer
,
that
I
do
not
think
the
Nobility
ever
had
above
the
13th
part
of
the
whole
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
30
Millions
of
Livers
,
formerly
,
and
not
above
10
at
this
day
.
For
we
must
always
remember
that
the
Clergy
possesses
half
of
the
whole
;
and
I
think
the
Third
Estate
(
which
comprehends
all
those
who
are
neither
of
the
Nobility
,
nor
of
the
Clergy
)
possesses
5
times
as
much
Revenue
as
all
the
Nobility
:
All
which
I
submit
to
the
Judgment
of
Understanding
Men.
This
Chapter
may
appear
to
be
very
full
of
difficulty
to
those
who
are
not
accustomed
to
such
Speculations
and
Computations
;
therefore
I
desire
them
to
read
it
over
twice
,
that
they
may
understand
it
better
;
perhaps
they
will
not
lose
their
pains
,
if
they
do
it
.
The
next
Chapter
will
be
more
easie
and
diverting
,
and
may
help
much
to
confirm
what
I
have
said
in
this
,
in
relation
to
the
Value
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
and
of
the
Profits
of
Industry
in
both
Kingdoms
.
CHAP
III.
That
ENGLAND
is
,
and
ought
to
be
more
Populous
,
proportionably
to
its
bigness
,
than
FRANCE
was
,
even
before
the
War
.
I
Have
undertaken
to
prove
that
England
is
more
Populous
proportionably
to
its
bigness
,
than
France
was
,
even
before
the
War
;
I
will
not
say
,
that
England
is
more
Populous
than
France
is
at
present
,
for
no
body
,
I
believe
,
questions
that
,
or
if
they
do
,
I
could
prove
it
by
one
sole
Argument
,
which
is
this
,
That
the
City
of
London
,
the
Capital
City
of
England
,
is
much
Bigger
,
and
more
Populous
than
Paris
,
the
Capital
City
of
France
,
tho'
England
contains
but
30
Millions
of
Acres
,
whereas
France
contains
82
Millions
,
according
to
Sir
Will
,
Petty
;
And
moreover
,
England
has
near
as
many
other
good
Towns
as
France
has
proportionably
to
their
respective
bignesses
;
for
,
as
I
have
already
said
,
England
compared
to
France
,
is
but
as
four
to
eleven
.
Some
may
perhaps
judge
at
first
,
that
this
consequence
is
not
pregnant
and
indeed
I
confess
the
thing
wants
explanation
.
Therefore
to
comprehend
it
the
better
,
we
will
suppose
the
Kingdom
of
France
to
be
divided
into
11
Parts
,
or
Provinces
of
an
equal
bigness
,
and
that
England
is
no
bigger
than
4
of
those
Parts
united
together
,
and
according
to
that
proportion
,
London
,
which
must
be
in
one
of
those
four
supposed
Provinces
of
England
,
and
is
the
Head-City
of
the
Kingdom
,
ought
not
to
be
much
bigger
than
the
third
part
of
the
Head-City
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
viz.
Paris
;
so
that
the
two
other
third
parts
of
London
should
remain
to
be
divided
among
the
three
other
supposed
Provinces
in
England
.
Any
one
may
easily
conceive
upon
this
supposition
,
that
those
four
Provinces
of
England
must
be
proportionably
more
populous
than
the
eleven
of
France
,
since
we
can
make
out
of
those
two
superfluous
third
parts
of
London
several
large
Cities
which
will
render
those
Provinces
so
much
the
more
populous
,
that
they
must
needs
have
as
much
more
People
in
the
Country
,
to
supply
them
with
all
sorts
of
Victuals
and
other
necessary
things
,
as
there
shall
be
in
the
said
new
Cities
,
beyond
the
number
of
People
which
there
may
be
already
in
the
said
Provinces
.
But
to
form
a
more
particular
and
distinct
Idea
of
the
bigness
of
those
two
great
Capital
Cities
,
and
of
the
number
of
their
respective
People
,
upon
which
our
proof
is
grounded
,
we
must
understand
the
number
of
Houses
and
Inhabitants
of
both
places
,
as
near
as
can
be
.
There
were
at
Paris
,
10
or
11
years
ago
,
according
to
the
Relation
of
Master
Azout
,
one
of
the
French
King's
famousest
Mathematicians
,
23255
Houses
,
which
did
contain
,
as
he
affirmed
,
80
thousand
Families
,
viz.
three
Families
and
a
half
of
6
Persons
each
in
one
House
with
another
,
comprehending
in
that
number
the
Hotels
,
or
Noblemens
great
Houses
,
but
excepting
out
of
it
38
Colledges
,
which
23255
Houses
,
as
he
pretended
,
did
contain
in
all
488-055
Souls
.
Those
who
come
from
that
City
every
day
,
and
such
as
were
born
there
,
confess
that
very
few
Houses
have
been
built
lately
upon
new
Foundations
,
but
only
that
some
small
ones
have
been
pull'd
down
in
pitiful
narrow
Streets
,
to
rebuild
them
Larger
and
more
Commodious
,
which
does
not
increase
,
but
rather
diminishes
the
number
of
the
Houses
;
and
they
all
agree
,
that
there
is
a
third
part
less
people
in
Paris
than
there
was
10
or
11
years
ago
:
But
I
shall
notwithstanding
allow
Mr.
Azout's
number
.
As
for
London
,
the
Rolls
of
the
Chimney-Money
,
left
by
the
Collectors
,
tell
us
,
there
was
10
or
11
years
ago
,
105
thousand
Houses
,
since
which
time
,
at
least
15
thousand
have
been
built
in
places
where
never
any
old
Foundation
stood
,
besides
the
augmentation
made
every
day
to
many
old
Houses
,
which
are
rebuilt
higher
,
&
more
commodious
than
they
were
before
,
besides
above
11
thousand
Cellars
inhabited
.
I
grant
there
are
several
Houses
empty
,
but
then
I
shall
agree
that
those
Cellars
should
not
be
reckoned
,
that
so
we
may
fill
the
120
thousand
Houses
.
Then
supposing
that
there
are
7
Souls
in
each
House
,
one
with
another
,
either
in
one
Family
,
or
in
two
,
it
will
amount
to
840
thousand
Souls
.
I
do
not
think
any
Man
can
fairly
refuse
to
admit
7
Souls
in
all
the
Houses
of
London
,
one
with
another
,
since
we
condescend
to
admit
20
in
those
of
Paris
,
viz.
three
times
as
many
,
and
that
we
do
also
lay
aside
the
inhabited
Cellars
of
London
,
to
supply
the
vacancy
of
the
empty
Houses
;
without
deducting
or
abating
them
that
might
be
also
empty
at
Paris
,
when
Mr.
Azout
did
write
,
of
which
he
takes
no
notice
,
and
also
without
mentioning
the
multitude
of
Men
,
who
are
at
all
times
lodged
upon
Ships
in
the
River
at
London
;
and
if
I
were
of
a
contradicting
humour
,
I
could
justifie
from
reason
,
and
matter
of
fact
,
that
there
never
was
14
Souls
in
every
House
of
Paris
,
one
with
another
;
nay
,
perhaps
not
12.
For
,
I
believe
I
have
studied
Paris
in
relation
to
this
Point
,
as
long
and
as
exactly
as
any
person
whatever
.
I
will
make
bold
to
say
here
,
notwithstanding
the
respect
due
to
so
great
and
ingenious
a
Man
as
Sir
William
Petty
,
that
he
did
mistake
in
that
Point
,
making
London
less
populous
,
and
Paris
more
populous
than
they
really
were
;
tho'
I
must
confess
,
that
I
believe
he
did
it
out
of
modesty
.
Then
if
London
did
contain
no
more
People
proportionably
than
Paris
the
Head-City
of
a
Kingdom
near
3
times
as
big
,
there
ought
not
to
be
above
180
thousand
Souls
in
it
;
so
that
the
Overplus
,
viz.
660
thousand
Souls
,
should
remain
to
be
divided
among
the
three
other
Provinces
of
the
4
supposed
to
be
in
England
.
Let
us
divide
those
660
thousand
Souls
in
three
parts
,
and
make
three
other
Cities
for
the
three
other
Provinces
,
to
be
the
Head-Cities
there
,
as
London
is
in
the
fourth
,
they
will
be
such
Cities
for
multitude
of
people
,
as
the
like
will
hardly
be
found
in
Germany
,
Italy
,
Spain
,
and
the
Low-Countries
Or
if
that
be
not
so
well
,
let
us
divide
them
in
13
Cities
of
above
50
thousand
Souls
apiece
,
it
will
make
four
great
Cities
for
every
one
of
the
three
Provinces
,
and
one
besides
for
the
fourth
Province
,
of
which
we
suppose
London
to
be
the
Head-City
:
All
those
Cities
added
to
those
that
are
already
in
the
Kingdom
,
would
make
it
appear
extraordinarily
populous
.
So
that
by
this
,
any
one
may
easily
judge
,
that
England
is
more
populous
than
France
was
thirty
years
ago
,
or
rather
,
than
it
ever
was
.
For
,
to
conclude
,
those
13
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
apiece
,
should
contain
perhaps
as
much
people
(
if
you
consult
judicious
Men
about
it
,
and
not
the
Rabble
,
who
are
impertinent
Judges
in
those
Matters
)
than
did
ever
the
13
largest
Cities
in
France
,
Paris
excepted
.
It
must
be
considered
further
,
as
I
intimated
before
,
that
there
must
needs
be
added
near
as
many
Souls
in
Farmers
and
other
Country-people
,
to
supply
those
new
Cities
with
all
sorts
of
Victuals
and
Provisions
,
beyond
the
number
of
people
in
the
said
13
Cities
,
besides
that
which
is
already
in
the
3
supposed
Provinces
distinguished
from
the
4th
,
in
which
London
stands
.
Since
it
is
certain
,
there
needs
almost
as
much
people
in
the
Country
,
to
provide
and
carry
all
Necessaries
to
a
great
City
,
as
there
is
of
People
in
the
said
City
.
So
that
I
leave
it
to
any
Man
to
judge
how
populous
those
Provinces
would
be
.
I
confess
that
the
adjacent
parts
to
London
would
become
so
much
the
less
populous
;
but
however
,
they
would
be
still
as
populous
as
are
commonly
the
adjacent
parts
of
the
Head-Cities
in
other
Countries
,
whose
bigness
&
populousness
holds
more
proportion
to
the
other
parts
of
the
Nation
than
London
doth
;
for
it
must
be
granted
that
London
is
a
Monster
amongst
Cities
,
and
that
it
holds
no
proportion
to
the
rest
of
England
,
the
Head
being
three
times
too
big
for
the
Body
.
The
thing
may
perhaps
be
more
easily
comprehended
another
way
,
which
may
possibly
be
more
intelligible
to
many
.
I
affirm
there
are
as
many
People
in
London
,
according
to
the
former
Computation
,
as
there
were
thirty
years
ago
in
all
the
Cities
and
Towns
of
the
four
biggest
Provinces
of
France
,
which
are
,
Languedock
,
with
the
Cevennes
,
Vivarez
and
Velay
,
which
do
belong
to
that
Province
,
Brittain
,
Normandy
and
Champagne
,
which
may
all
together
,
with
the
addition
of
two
or
three
Millions
of
Acres
contain
near
as
much
ground
as
England
,
reckoning
160
Towns
great
and
small
in
the
said
four
Provinces
,
40
for
every
one
of
them
,
one
with
another
.
I
allow
60
thousand
Souls
to
every
one
of
their
Chief
Cities
,
one
with
another
;
which
is
240000.
I
know
there
might
be
more
in
Thoulouze
and
Roüen
,
two
of
the
said
four
Cities
,
but
it
may
be
on
the
other
hand
there
was
not
half
of
that
number
in
the
two
other
Capital
Cities
.
But
if
any
man
notwithstanding
this
,
should
fancy
that
I
allow
to
those
Cities
too
few
People
,
he
may
be
pleased
to
consider
,
that
in
Dublin
which
is
bigger
than
Roüen
,
there
is
but
7
thousand
Houses
,
and
not
above
5
thousand
at
Bristol
,
which
is
a
Town
considerable
for
its
bigness
.
I
allow
to
4
other
Cities
30
thousand
Souls
apiece
.
Which
is
120000
|
To
8
others
|
14
thousand
|
116000
|
|
To
12
others
|
8
thousand
|
96000
|
|
To
16
others
|
6
thousand
|
96000
|
|
To
20
others
|
3
thousand
|
60000
|
|
To
30
others
|
2
thousand
|
60000
|
As
for
the
rest
,
who
bear
the
name
of
Towns
,
tho'
they
deserve
hardly
that
of
Boroughs
,
to
the
number
of
above
60
,
I
allow
a
thousand
Souls
apiece
.
60000.
In
all
8-40000
.
The
City
of
London
alone
consumeth
more
Provisions
and
Commodities
of
all
sorts
,
than
do
all
the
said
160
Towns
,
even
tho'
we
●dd
Paris
to
them
.
I
grant
indeed
,
if
there
were
no
other
Cities
and
Towns
in
England
,
the
Reasons
proposed
might
be
confuted
,
by
saying
,
that
't
is
no
wonder
London
should
be
so
populous
,
there
being
no
other
Towns
in
England
;
but
I
make
bold
to
say
,
it
were
not
hard
to
find
in
England
160
other
Towns
as
good
,
one
with
another
,
as
the
160
supposed
to
be
in
the
aforesaid
4
Provinces
of
France
.
And
it
were
an
easie
matter
to
find
30
among
the
rest
,
who
would
be
better
perhaps
one
with
another
,
than
30
of
the
best
in
the
said
Provinces
of
France
.
As
for
example
,
Bristol
,
Newcastle
,
York
,
Norwich
,
Plymouth
,
Exeter
,
Chester
,
Colchesler
,
Hull
,
Scarborough
,
Halifax
,
Taunton
,
Yarmouth
,
Portsmouth
,
Dorchester
,
Winchester
,
Worcester
,
Leicester
,
Gloucester
,
Shrewsbury
,
Hereford
,
Salisbury
,
Coventry
,
Birmigham
,
Oxford
,
Cambridge
,
Peterborough
,
Lincoln
,
Canterbury
,
Nottingham
,
Litchfield
,
Rochester
,
Reding
,
Ypswitch
,
Durham
,
Derby
,
Carlisle
,
Northampton
,
Dartmouth
,
Lyn
,
Leeds
,
Liverpoole
,
Barnstaple
,
White-Haven
,
Bediford
;
and
several
others
which
are
bigger
than
some
of
them
have
I
named
,
perhaps
above
200
,
of
which
the
lest
contains
above
a
thousand
Souls
apiece
.
It
is
to
be
considered
,
that
there
are
in
England
641
Market-Towns
,
which
are
commonly
good
Towns
.
I
question
very
much
whether
there
be
so
many
in
the
two
Third-parts
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
;
and
't
is
certain
,
the
English
Market-Towns
are
commonly
better
than
those
of
France
.
The
reason
why
Foreigners
travelling
in
England
,
and
even
English-men
themselves
,
do
judge
England
not
to
be
so
populous
,
nor
so
Rich
as
France
,
is
,
first
that
they
think
a
comparison
may
be
reasonably
made
betwixt
Paris
and
London
,
and
that
there
is
an
equality
between
them
,
and
then
after
that
they
observe
there
are
several
other
great
Towns
in
France
,
and
do
not
think
that
there
are
any
in
England
which
seem
to
deserve
that
name
.
They
do
not
take
notice
,
as
they
should
,
of
the
prodigious
Bigness
of
London
,
which
they
don't
think
so
big
as
it
really
is
,
because
they
don't
know
the
half
of
it
,
even
not
after
several
months
residence
in
it
,
because
it
is
not
so
compact
as
Paris
,
and
some
other
great
Towns
,
but
extraordinarily
and
irregularly
extended
;
and
because
People
commonly
neglect
to
visit
several
great
parts
of
it
,
where
they
judge
nothing
deserves
to
be
seen
,
by
reason
that
there
is
seldom
any
of
the
Nobility
,
great
Lawyers
,
or
rich
Merchants
,
that
live
in
those
parts
,
but
only
a
great
multitude
of
the
vulgar
sort
,
who
live
in
Lanes
,
Allies
,
and
Courts
without
number
,
where
the
ways
are
very
hard
to
be
found
,
and
unknown
,
even
to
a
great
many
of
the
Inhabitants
of
London
.
They
do
not
take
notice
also
of
the
Cellars
,
where
great
numbers
of
People
dwell
.
They
do
not
know
,
or
at
least
do
not
consider
,
that
there
is
a
prodigious
number
of
Manufactures
of
all
sorts
,
in
a
much
greater
number
than
at
Paris
,
which
employ
a
vast
multitude
of
People
at
home
on
the
working
days
,
without
mentioning
the
great
number
of
those
who
are
continually
aboard
the
Ships
in
the
River
,
or
upon
the
Keys
.
Another
Errour
which
they
commit
in
the
comparison
of
Paris
with
London
,
is
this
,
that
they
do
not
distinguish
the
River
of
Seine
,
which
runs
thro'
the
very
middle
of
Paris
,
and
which
in
several
places
is
divided
in
two
Branches
or
Heads
,
and
contains
a
very
great
space
of
ground
;
they
do
not
,
I
say
,
distinguish
that
River
from
the
body
of
the
City
,
as
if
the
space
which
it
takes
up
,
was
a
Continent
of
Houses
and
Streets
,
and
they
do
so
,
because
there
are
many
Bridges
upon
that
River
in
the
middle
of
the
City
,
amongst
which
several
are
covered
with
Houses
,
so
that
People
pass
every
day
over
those
Bridges
,
without
taking
any
notice
that
they
are
Bridges
;
whereas
in
the
Estimate
they
make
of
the
Bigness
of
London
,
they
never
fail
to
distinguish
the
Thames
from
London
;
whereas
,
if
they
did
comprehend
it
with
London
,
as
they
do
the
Seine
with
Paris
,
they
should
find
in
the
River
Thames
alone
a
greater
space
of
ground
than
that
which
Paris
takes
up
with
its
River
,
viz.
from
Lambeth
to
Blackwall
.
But
they
may
perhaps
say
,
that
there
are
more
Squares
in
London
than
Paris
,
and
that
the
River
Seine
ought
to
go
for
those
Squares
.
I
answer
,
that
the
River
Seine
takes
up
ten
times
more
space
than
the
said
Squares
do
.
Besides
,
there
are
so
many
Convents
and
Monasteries
at
Paris
with
vast
Inclosures
,
and
several
other
Inclosures
besides
which
are
not
built
up
,
as
also
several
Palaces
,
Hotels
and
great
Houses
,
with
greater
Gardens
and
Inclosures
than
we
have
at
London
,
except
St.
James's
Park
,
which
they
do
also
distinguish
from
London
in
their
estimate
of
its
Bigness
,
whereas
they
comprehend
all
the
said
Inclosures
within
Paris
,
when
they
compare
it
to
London
;
and
notwithstanding
all
this
,
even
allowing
them
the
Liberty
to
comprehend
all
those
things
within
Paris
,
and
not
to
comprehend
the
Thames
,
and
the
said
Squares
,
and
St.
James's
Park
within
London
.
I
say
,
granting
them
this
,
I
believe
still
that
London
takes
up
more
ground
than
Paris
by
half
.
Nor
do
they
mind
,
when
they
compare
the
multitude
of
People
in
England
with
that
of
France
,
that
England
is
but
a
little
more
in
Extent
than
the
Third
part
of
France
,
tho'
at
other
times
,
when
comparing
both
the
Kingdoms
one
with
another
,
they
make
England
lesser
than
't
is
;
which
are
mistakes
very
ordinary
to
Mankind
.
But
that
which
contributes
most
to
confirm
them
in
their
Opinion
to
the
disadvantage
of
England
,
is
,
that
when
they
are
travelling
in
England
,
they
do
not
meet
,
as
I
observed
already
,
with
such
a
great
number
of
large
Cities
,
as
they
do
,
when
travelling
in
France
.
The
reason
of
which
is
very
plain
,
or
rather
several
reasons
may
be
alledged
for
it
.
First
,
The
City
of
London
is
too
big
,
as
I
said
already
,
for
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
draws
in
the
People
of
the
Country
to
it
,
more
than
any
Head
City
of
any
other
Nation
known
to
us
,
and
will
continue
to
do
so
more
and
more
.
Secondly
,
The
other
most
considerable
Towns
in
England
,
are
for
the
most
part
situated
near
the
Sea
,
whither
few
Travellers
go
,
whereas
in
France
they
are
almost
all
of
them
placed
in
the
Inand
Countries
,
and
upon
the
great
Roads
.
So
that
't
is
no
wonder
,
if
Travellers
do
not
meet
with
so
many
great
Towns
in
England
,
and
even
find
sometimes
a
kind
of
Wilderness
,
since
't
is
chiefly
the
Sea-Coasts
which
are
well
peopled
,
and
where
the
good
Towns
lye
.
There
's
one
thing
further
to
be
considered
,
viz.
That
Travellers
in
France
do
propose
commonly
to
themselves
nothing
else
,
but
to
take
their
Pleasure
,
and
learn
the
Tongue
,
with
some
bodily
Exercises
which
are
not
very
necessary
,
and
don
't
apply
their
Minds
to
learn
the
condition
of
the
Provinces
of
that
Kingdom
,
&
so
for
the
most
part
they
travel
only
thro'
the
pleasantest
,
most
populous
and
luxurious
parts
of
France
,
where
Victuals
and
Fruits
are
most
Delicate
,
and
other
pleasures
most
Exquisite
:
They
see
Paris
,
Roüen
,
Orleans
,
with
all
the
other
Places
upon
the
River
Loire
,
Angers
,
Lion
,
Marseille
,
Montpellier
,
Nismes
,
Thoulouze
,
Bourdeaux
,
Poictiers
,
and
some
Rochelle
;
but
very
few
travel
through
the
Provinces
of
Brittain
,
Mainne
,
Perche
,
Vendomois
,
where
they
might
find
great
Wildernesses
,
and
in
many
Parts
few
People
.
They
travel
seldom
thro'
the
Provinces
of
Berry
,
Bourbonnois
,
Auvergne
,
Cevennes
,
Daufinè
,
Provence
,
Nivernois
,
Limozin
,
Quercy
,
Bearn
,
and
several
other
considerable
Parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
where
few
great
Towns
are
to
be
found
;
So
that
Foreigners
see
only
the
most
populous
Parts
of
France
,
and
not
the
other
Parts
,
quite
contrary
to
them
who
travel
thro'
England
,
who
see
the
less
populous
parts
,
and
do
not
see
the
other
.
This
reason
will
also
furnish
us
with
another
,
viz.
That
Strangers
take
notice
of
,
and
love
Towns
,
according
to
the
pleasure
they
enjoyed
in
them
.
Now
't
is
known
,
that
London
is
the
only
place
in
England
,
where
Men
of
Pleasure
or
Curiosity
find
their
Delights
.
There
is
little
or
no
Gallantry
in
the
other
Towns
;
few
great
and
handsome
Buildings
,
or
fine
Walks
;
few
Nobility
and
Gentry
;
few
Plays
,
as
Opera's
,
Comedies
,
&c.
no
Thennis-Courts
almost
,
or
other
Games
,
as
Pall-Mall
,
Billiard
,
&c.
no
Musick
,
or
acceptable
Socleties
of
Learned
Men
,
the
two
Universities
excepted
,
few
or
no
extraordinary
Cooks
,
where
one
may
find
good
treatment
.
The
Streets
of
the
Towns
are
narrow
,
ill
paved
,
and
worse
clean'd
;
and
for
those
reasons
,
England
in
general
,
London
and
the
two
Universities
excepted
,
is
look●
upon
as
uncultivated
by
travelling
Men
,
who
love
pleasure
,
neatness
and
delicacy
;
whereas
they
may
find
in
France
above
30
Towns
as
pleasant
and
diverting
as
Paris
it self
,
where
People
understand
themselves
as
well
.
They
had
ten
Parliament
Cities
,
about
twenty
Universities
,
as
many
Generalities
,
or
Offices
of
Treasurers
in
France
,
a
great
number
of
considerable
Towns
with
notable
Courts
of
Justice
,
called
Presidials
;
and
Foreigners
take
much
notice
of
all
those
things
,
which
helps
to
render
that
Country
acceptable
&
delightful
,
&
makes
it
appear
rich
and
populous
to
them
.
They
find
in
all
those
places
excellent
Cooks
or
Ordinaries
at
reasonable
rates
,
delicate
Wines
&
Fruits
,
Comedies
and
Plays
of
all
sorts
,
fine
Walks
,
and
Courts
of
Governours
,
Intendants
,
&c.
a
multitude
of
Noted
Men
in
the
Offices
of
Judicature
,
Finances
,
and
Civil-Government
,
who
make
a
great
show
in
their
Towns
with
a
small
Revenue
well
managed
;
curious
and
well-bred
People
,
learned
Men
;
others
curious
in
their
pleasures
,
and
fit
for
any
Society
:
There
they
have
also
Civil
and
Ingenious
Gentlewomen
,
free
in
their
Conversation
,
yet
honest
for
the
most
part
;
they
also
see
several
fair
Buildings
,
as
well
Private
as
Publick
,
such
as
Gentlemens
Houses
,
Churches
and
Convents
,
and
at
some
distance
from
the
Towns
,
there
are
frequently
several
stately
Houses
with
handsom
Gardens
belonging
to
the
chief
Families
of
the
Towns
.
All
those
things
charm
Foreigners
,
and
did
mightily
conduce
to
the
drawing
in
of
Strangers
to
that
Country
,
and
to
inrich
it
by
that
means
.
It
had
also
this
effect
,
that
Strangers
took
it
to
be
more
populous
and
rich
than
really
it
was
;
and
I
confess
that
it
was
indeed
full
of
People
,
but
not
so
populous
as
it
ought
to
have
been
,
nor
yet
so
populous
as
England
,
proportionably
to
their
respective
Extents
.
As
for
Politeness
,
and
Refinedness
in
many
things
,
I
confess
France
did
go
beyond
England
,
but
that
is
not
the
thing
in
Question
.
We
may
indeed
say
in
that
respect
,
that
there
were
many
Courts
and
Capital
Cities
in
France
,
and
but
one
in
England
.
It
seems
likewise
that
there
are
not
so
many
Houses
in
the
Country
in
England
,
out
of
the
Towns
and
Borroughs
,
as
are
in
France
.
First
,
Because
of
the
Reasons
above-mentioned
,
viz.
That
good
Towns
are
in
general
towards
the
Sea-Coasts
,
and
that
People
chuse
rather
to
live
thereabouts
than
in
the
midst
of
the
Land
.
And
,
Secondly
,
Because
the
adjacent
Parts
of
London
as
well
as
the
City
it self
,
contributes
very
much
towards
the
depopulating
of
the
Country
.
Thirdly
,
It
must
be
considered
,
that
People
apply
themselves
commonly
more
in
England
to
the
breeding
of
Cattle
,
than
they
do
in
France
,
and
that
a
Farm
in
England
takes
up
a
greater
extent
of
Land
by
reason
of
their
Cattle
,
which
are
very
numerous
,
and
go
of
'emselves
a
great
way
to
the
appointed
Pasture
without
a
Herd
,
because
they
are
free
from
Wolves
;
and
in
such
a
Farm
there
is
commonly
a
greater
number
of
People
proportionably
than
in
the
Farms
in
France
,
where
they
are
lesser
for
the
most
part
,
and
more
frequent
.
The
French
Plow
more
,
and
have
Vineyeards
;
which
require
a
greater
number
of
small
Houses
dispersed
to
and
fro
.
But
the
Boroughs
and
Villages
are
commonly
larger
,
more
lively
and
populous
in
England
than
in
France
,
not
only
because
of
the
greater
fruitfulness
of
the
Soil
,
and
the
lenity
of
the
Government
,
but
also
because
the
Cattle
maintaineth
a
great
number
of
Manufactures
,
by
their
Wooll
,
Hides
,
Horns
,
Tallow
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
&c.
and
that
abundance
of
Farmers
live
in
them
.
We
must
consider
also
that
there
is
in
England
an
incredible
number
of
People
imployed
in
the
Mines
,
either
of
Tin
,
Copper
,
Lead
,
Coals
or
Iron
,
who
are
almost
all
upon
the
Coasts
,
which
Travellers
cannot
see
,
because
they
do
not
go
that
way
.
Another
thing
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
is
,
that
there
are
in
England
above
70
Sea-ports
,
where
three
Mast-Ships
may
Ride
safely
at
Anchor
;
besides
a
great
many
less
considerable
Ports
,
whereas
in
France
,
tho'
a
much
larger
Country
,
there
is
hardly
the
fourth
part
of
that
number
.
They
reckon
indeed
but
ten
thousand
Parishes
in
England
,
which
is
not
much
more
than
the
third
part
of
the
27
thousand
Parishes
in
France
,
but
the
English
Parishes
are
commonly
more
populous
.
We
have
another
Proof
both
of
the
multitude
of
People
in
England
and
of
the
gentleness
of
the
Government
,
and
if
it
may
be
spoken
without
offence
,
of
the
bad
Discipline
kept
in
the
Kingdom
at
the
same
time
,
viz.
the
prodigious
multitude
of
Shop-Keepers
in
London
,
which
is
6
times
the
number
of
those
in
Paris
,
and
12
times
the
number
of
those
in
Amsterdam
,
and
many
of
them
are
idle
persons
who
betake
themselves
to
such
imployments
meerly
to
avoid
working
,
turn
Bankrupt
every
day
,
and
ruine
others
.
What
an
incredible
number
of
Victualling-Houses
,
Taverns
,
Ale-Houses
,
Coffee-Houses
;
and
what
a
vast
quantity
of
Houses
where
they
sell
Brandy
,
and
Tobacco
,
and
of
others
who
let
out
Rooms
furnished
and
unfurnished
.
We
know
there
is
need
of
such
sort
of
people
,
but
they
are
three
times
more
numerous
than
they
ought
to
be
.
What
an
innumerable
multitude
of
Young
Women
is
there
,
who
have
neither
Estate
nor
Trade
,
and
yet
are
very
sumptuously
Cloathed
,
and
live
High
?
All
those
things
argue
a
great
multitude
of
People
in
a
Country
,
which
,
notwithstanding
such
Disorders
,
is
indifferently
well
peopled
,
and
would
be
a
great
deal
more
populous
,
if
good
Rule
and
Discipline
were
observed
in
it
.
We
find
also
that
the
Wages
of
Servants
,
both
Men
and
Women
,
are
cheaper
at
London
than
they
were
at
Paris
30
years
ago
,
where
an
ordinary
Servant
Maid
had
50
or
60
Livers
per
Annum
,
and
a
Cook-Maid
above
100
Livers
,
besides
the
Wine
allowed
her
or
Money
in
the
room
of
it
,
whereas
they
are
a
great
deal
cheaper
in
London
;
and
we
know
,
that
for
25
or
30
Leagues
round
Paris
,
a
Plowman
or
a
Shepherd
,
had
40
and
45
Crowns
of
Wages
Yearly
,
whereas
such
Men
in
England
are
to
be
had
for
less
than
the
half
of
that
Money
.
But
notwithstanding
all
these
Reasons
,
Gentlemen
who
travel
in
England
,
where
they
see
but
few
great
Towns
,
will
always
be
apt
to
think
that
we
are
mistaken
,
and
retain
their
own
Opinion
,
viz.
that
there
was
more
People
in
France
30
years
ago
,
than
is
in
England
at
present
.
Let
us
then
make
another
supposition
to
convince
them
once
for
all
.
We
have
already
demonstrated
,
that
supposing
London
to
be
no
more
populous
in
proportion
to
the
bigness
of
England
,
than
Paris
is
in
proportion
to
the
bigness
of
France
,
650
thousand
Souls
might
be
drawn
out
of
London
to
form
13
other
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
apiece
,
and
as
many
people
proportionably
out
of
the
adjacent
parts
of
London
;
because
they
are
more
populous
than
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
,
by
reason
of
the
Neighbourhood
of
that
great
City
.
Then
let
any
Man
distribute
,
as
he
shall
think
fit
,
those
13
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
a-piece
,
or
if
he
Judges
more
convenient
,
26
Cities
of
25
thousand
Souls
each
;
I
say
,
let
him
distribute
them
with
all
the
Country-people
,
necessary
for
supplying
them
with
Provisions
,
amongst
the
Shires
of
England
who
want
most
People
,
and
then
let
him
freely
give
his
Judgment
,
whether
he
does
not
believe
that
England
should
have
a
greater
number
of
larger
Cities
,
and
more
People
proportionably
than
France
.
For
my
part
,
since
I
don't
know
how
to
do
better
,
I
shall
divide
em
'mongst
the
chiefest
roads
in
England
,
and
such
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
,
I
am
informed
,
are
in
most
want
of
People
.
I
place
first
of
all
,
two
of
those
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
a-piece
in
Wales
,
which
may
be
divided
,
if
it
be
thought
best
,
in
4
Cities
of
25
thousand
Souls
a-piece
;
so
that
all
the
parts
of
the
Country
might
have
a
share
of
them
.
Then
I
place
three
other
of
those
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
,
or
six
of
25
thousand
a-piece
upon
the
Road
betwixt
London
and
Edinburgh
;
those
Cities
added
to
York
which
is
already
in
that
Road
,
would
make
the
Land
look
very
populous
.
I
place
further
two
of
the
said
Cities
of
50
thousand
Souls
,
or
four
of
25
thousand
each
,
upon
the
Road
from
London
to
Chester
.
I
place
two
likewise
of
50
thousand
,
or
four
of
25
thousand
upon
the
Roads
from
London
to
Exeter
,
Plymouth
,
and
Cornwall
.
As
for
the
4
other
Cities
remaining
,
I
should
also
make
8
out
of
them
,
of
25
thousand
Souls
a
piece
,
and
place
one
of
the
number
betwixt
London
and
Bristol
,
another
betwixt
London
and
Portsmouth
,
one
between
London
and
Norwich
,
one
between
London
and
Dover
,
one
between
London
and
Harwich
,
one
between
London
and
Oxford
,
and
another
between
London
and
Cambridg
,
and
the
other
in
Cumberland
,
or
in
any
other
manner
which
should
be
found
better
,
for
it
were
perhaps
more
convenient
to
add
these
eight
last
to
those
places
already
named
,
viz.
To
Bristol
,
Portsmouth
,
Norwich
,
Dover
,
Harwich
,
Oxford
,
Cambridg
and
Carlisle
,
to
make
them
up
great
Cities
.
Let
us
suppose
further
,
since
suppositions
cost
us
nothing
,
that
there
were
one
hundred
or
two
hundred
Families
able
to
keep
Coaches
of
their
own
,
in
each
of
those
Cities
,
and
abundance
of
Well-bred
People
,
Learned
and
Curious
in
all
sort
of
Disciplines
and
Noble
Arts
,
and
who
understand
the
World
well
;
several
delicate
Publick-houses
to
eat
and
drink
,
with
exquisite
Cooks
,
who
could
treat
well
for
a
little
Money
,
with
quantities
of
all
sorts
of
Fowl
,
both
wild
and
tame
,
good
Wine
,
delicate
Fruits
,
and
very
cheap
;
that
the
said
Cities
were
neat
,
well
built
,
in
good
Air
,
with
several
fine
Squares
,
stately
Buildings
within
and
without
,
both
Publick
and
Private
,
curious
Walks
and
Gardens
,
all
sorts
of
Games
,
as
Tennis
,
Mall
,
Billiard
and
others
,
Comedies
,
Ballets
,
Musick
,
of
all
kinds
,
good
Masters
for
all
sorts
of
Sciences
,
for
the
Exercises
of
the
Body
,
and
for
Musical
Instruments
;
several
exquisite
and
rare
Artists
in
all
things
relating
either
to
Ornament
,
Curiosity
or
Pleasure
;
and
above
all
the
rest
,
the
People
courteous
,
civil
,
obliging
,
and
always
ready
to
serve
Strangers
for
little
or
nothing
,
as
in
France
;
I
say
,
if
all
those
things
were
to
be
found
in
twenty
or
thirty
great
Cities
in
England
,
no
question
but
Travellers
would
not
only
be
better
pleased
with
them
,
than
they
are
now
,
but
also
would
think
England
to
be
much
more
populous
than
they
do
now
;
We
are
apt
to
forget
the
great
Towns
where
we
had
no
pleasure
,
and
saw
no
curiosity
,
as
if
we
had
met
with
no
living
Soul
in
them
,
or
as
if
all
the
Inhabitants
had
been
meer
Clowns
and
Peasants
,
and
not
civilized
People
.
The
Country-Towns
in
France
,
had
,
I
confess
,
a
great
advantage
in
all
those
things
,
over
the
Towns
in
England
;
but
it
must
be
granted
also
,
that
no
wealth
or
easiness
was
to
be
found
any
where
else
,
for
the
Country-people
was
plunged
in
an
incredible
Misery
,
and
the
Nobility
ruined
;
the
Cities
and
Towns
did
drain
all
the
Wealth
and
Money
,
both
by
receiving
the
King's
Taxes
,
and
by
an
infinite
number
of
Officers
of
Judicature
and
Finances
,
and
by
the
Clergy
and
Maltotiers
.
The
English
Nobility
and
Gentry
who
have
been
in
France
,
remember
they
found
great
satisfaction
in
several
Cities
and
Towns
of
that
Kingdom
,
which
,
for
that
reason
,
make
still
a
considerable
Impression
on
their
Minds
,
whereas
they
know
no
place
in
England
,
except
London
,
that
is
acceptable
to
them
,
for
pleasures
and
curiosity
.
But
yet
this
doth
not
argue
,
that
France
was
ever
so
populous
,
as
England
is
even
at
present
.
To
all
the
reasons
from
matter
of
Fact
alledged
already
,
to
prove
that
England
is
more
populous
proportionably
to
its
bigness
,
than
France
was
30
years
ago
,
and
consequently
richer
.
I
shall
add
several
others
to
shew
that
it
must
be
so
,
and
shall
repeat
those
already
hinted
,
that
they
may
be
seen
together
.
I
must
intreat
the
Reader
here
to
redouble
his
Attention
,
because
,
tho'
the
Subject
which
I
handle
in
this
place
,
and
the
Reasons
that
I
shall
alledge
,
are
fitted
to
the
capacity
of
all
sorts
of
People
,
yet
they
are
of
very
great
moment
,
especially
those
that
I
shall
produce
in
the
beginning
,
which
show
the
mischiefs
which
Popery
brings
upon
Nations
subject
to
it
.
There
you
will
find
Arguments
against
Popery
,
which
being
neither
Theological
,
nor
Philosophical
,
but
only
Political
,
may
perhaps
make
a
greater
impression
upon
Princes
and
their
Councils
(
who
commonly
have
regard
for
nothing
else
but
their
own
Temporal
Interest
,
or
that
of
their
People
)
than
all
the
Reasons
adduced
from
Scripture
commonly
do
,
tho'
they
be
infinitely
of
more
weight
.
Some
Heads
will
be
something
long
,
but
they
are
of
great
consequence
.
This
is
a
Field
that
hath
not
hitherto
been
sufficiently
plowed
,
and
which
in
time
may
,
with
God's
blessing
,
bring
forth
a
plentiful
Harvest
.
1.
The
Protestant
Religion
does
not
permit
their
Ecclesiasticks
to
live
at
the
Charge
of
the
People
,
as
the
Clergy
of
the
pretended
Church
of
Rome
do
,
who
pillage
and
exhaust
them
,
there
being
not
a
Year
even
at
present
,
notwithstanding
the
general
Misery
of
the
Subjects
,
but
they
get
from
them
,
one
way
or
other
,
above
15
Millions
of
Livers
,
by
their
ridiculous
unscriptural
Devotions
and
Superstitions
,
and
thousands
of
Tricks
and
Cheats
,
which
contributing
to
the
Ruine
of
the
People
,
is
destructive
to
Propagation
.
2.
There
are
six
Church-men
in
France
,
at
least
,
for
one
in
England
,
proportionably
to
the
respective
bigness
of
both
Kingdoms
,
tho'
it
s
known
that
we
do
not
want
Church-men
in
England
,
and
by
consequence
there
are
so
many
Subjects
more
in
France
that
do
not
work
,
and
are
not
useful
to
the
Nation
,
except
a
very
small
number
of
them
.
3.
In
particular
,
the
Mendicant
Fryers
are
extreamly
burthensom
to
the
Kingdom
,
being
altogether
useless
,
whereas
among
the
Secular
Clergy
,
the
Bishops
with
their
Canons
,
the
Curates
,
and
part
of
their
Priests
are
proper
for
the
ordinary
service
of
their
pretended
Church
,
such
as
it
is
;
And
those
Begging-Monks
are
yet
more
intolerable
in
this
than
the
Indowed
Monks
,
that
by
their
voluntary
and
base
beggarliness
they
are
very
chargeable
to
the
People
,
who
must
maintain
them
plentifully
,
one
way
or
other
:
For
they
have
commonly
a
plentiful
Table
,
and
drink
abundance
of
Wine
,
while
a
great
many
honest
Men
,
and
such
as
are
useful
to
the
Nation
have
no
Bread
to
eat
.
This
sort
of
Monks
do
moreover
a
great
prejudice
to
the
Real
Poor
,
for
they
can
find
no
Bread
,
because
the
Monks
exhaust
the
Charity
of
the
People
.
And
further
,
they
out-do
all
the
rest
of
the
Clergy
in
Hypocricy
and
Ignorance
,
by
their
pretences
to
a
great
Mortification
,
draw
in
abundance
of
Young
and
Handsom
Ladies
,
who
chuse
them
for
their
Confessors
,
whereby
great
uncleannesses
are
practised
.
'T
is
thought
there
are
above
sixty
thousand
of
this
sort
in
the
Kingdom
.
And
suppose
they
cost
the
Nation
but
6
pence
a
day
,
one
with
another
,
it
will
amount
to
near
7
Millions
of
Livers
Yearly
.
That
's
the
least
they
spend
,
for
they
are
commonly
in
the
best
Towns
,
where
they
live
daintily
;
but
they
take
always
great
care
that
the
Publick
should
not
be
informed
of
their
good
chear
,
for
fear
it
should
obstruct
the
Charities
bestowed
upon
them
.
I
have
seen
many
times
several
Spits
full
of
excellent
Meat
a
roasting
for
them
,
with
all
sorts
of
Fowl
,
wild
and
tame
,
and
great
Joynts
of
the
best
Meat
in
By-houses
a
little
remote
from
their
Monastries
;
and
the
People
who
lived
mostly
by
that
Trade
,
told
us
,
that
all
that
was
Charity
given
to
the
good
Fathers
.
4.
The
Popish
Clergy
do
not
Marry
,
whereas
our
Church-men
do
for
the
most
part
,
and
therefore
help
to
people
the
Land
.
5.
Half
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
in
the
Kingdom
is
in
their
hands
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
Mortemain
,
which
is
far
less
advantagious
,
than
if
they
were
in
the
hands
of
People
fit
either
for
Trade
,
Manufactures
,
or
Arts
,
or
if
those
Estates
did
pass
hereditarily
by
Succession
from
Parents
to
Children
,
or
to
the
next
a-kin
,
and
by
consequence
is
destructive
to
the
Propagation
and
Welfare
of
a
Kingdom
.
6.
Their
mischievous
Custom
of
keeping
always
abundance
of
Plate
in
their
Churches
and
Convents
,
and
in
those
Treasures
,
as
they
call
them
,
as
at
S.
Denis
,
Notre
Dame
de
Liesse
,
Notre
Dame
des
Ardillieres
,
and
several
other
such
Places
;
I
say
that
foolish
Custom
deprives
the
State
and
the
People
of
a
considerable
part
of
the
Gold
and
Silver
which
is
in
the
Nation
,
and
would
be
useful
for
Trade
.
7.
It
is
also
the
usual
method
of
many
amongst
the
Secular
and
Regular
Clergy
,
to
hoard
up
Money
;
for
tho'
they
have
no
Children
,
Legitimate
at
least
,
and
are
not
allowed
to
Trade
,
and
withal
enjoy
great
Revenues
,
yet
't
is
their
usual
custom
to
Treasure
up
Money
,
and
commonly
under
the
same
pretence
,
as
that
the
Popes
have
,
viz.
to
assist
their
Nephews
and
Nieces
,
which
they
seldom
do
,
but
when
they
are
a
dying
,
which
is
doubly
prejudicial
to
Trade
;
'T
is
observed
also
that
this
sort
of
Men
is
very
covetous
,
and
do
not
love
to
give
Almes
,
tho'
obliged
to
it
by
their
first
Institution
,
and
the
intention
of
the
Founders
.
I
need
not
say
any
thing
how
prejudicial
such
practices
are
to
Trade
,
and
consequently
to
the
Prosperity
of
a
Nation
.
8.
The
great
number
of
ridiculous
Holy-days
which
they
observe
in
France
,
rob
that
Nation
of
the
6th
part
of
the
working
days
in
the
year
,
since
they
have
above
50
Holy-days
more
than
we
have
in
England
,
which
is
of
very
great
consequence
to
a
Nation
;
for
if
so
be
the
Profits
of
Labour
and
Industry
both
of
Men
and
Women
,
go
almost
twice
as
far
as
all
the
Revenues
both
of
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
let
any
Man
judge
what
may
be
the
loss
of
the
sixth
part
of
those
Profits
:
This
is
also
so
much
the
more
ruinous
to
the
People
of
France
,
that
they
have
already
a
greater
number
of
Men
unfit
for
Work
proportionably
,
than
we
have
here
in
England
,
viz
all
the
Officers
of
the
Courts
of
Judicature
great
and
small
,
the
Maltotiers
or
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
,
with
their
innumerable
Crew
of
Underlings
,
a
prodigious
number
of
other
Civil
Officers
,
greater
standing
Armies
even
in
times
of
Peace
,
a
prodigious
number
of
Begging-people
,
and
then
the
vast
number
of
the
Clergy-men
;
without
mentioning
the
loss
of
the
time
spent
in
Processions
for
the
Saint
of
every
Parish
,
and
Trade
,
whose
days
are
not
observed
every
where
as
others
are
;
as
also
in
Pilgrimages
to
some
Statues
,
Images
,
or
Bones
of
some
pretended
Saints
,
upon
which
they
spend
whole
Weeks
,
Months
and
Years
,
going
sometimes
as
far
as
Rome
,
and
the
remotest
parts
of
Spain
,
to
see
the
Statue
of
St.
James
of
Galicia
;
They
lose
also
their
time
in
their
Confession
to
the
Priests
,
at
their
Anniversaries
for
the
Dead
,
as
Ashwednesday
,
at
the
Private
Masses
for
the
cure
of
the
Diseases
of
their
Beasts
,
whereat
they
must
be
present
.
A
great
many
lose
their
time
also
in
carrying
their
Mass-God
about
to
the
Sick
and
elsewhere
,
for
there
must
be
4
Men
to
carry
the
Canopy
,
besides
the
Priest
,
who
holds
the
pretended
Sacrament
in
his
hands
,
and
that
is
performed
sometimes
in
50
different
places
at
once
,
in
the
great
Cities
,
every
day
,
besides
many
other
such
vain
ways
of
trifling
away
their
precious
time
about
such
fooleries
:
Without
mentioning
the
Debaucheries
and
Rogueries
that
are
committed
on
so
many
Holy-days
.
9.
The
Pope
to
whom
all
the
Popish
Nations
are
Tributaries
,
and
a
kind
of
Slaves
,
and
their
Princes
his
Vassals
,
and
a
sort
of
Subjects
,
does
also
rob
the
Kingdom
of
France
of
several
Millions
of
Livers
every
Year
under
divers
Pretences
and
Names
,
as
the
Annates
,
Bulls
,
Dispensations
,
Indulgences
,
Reliques
,
Provisions
,
Agnus
Dei
,
and
consecrated
Grains
,
and
several
other
such
Names
,
which
is
so
much
the
more
ridiculous
for
France
to
endure
it
,
that
the
Nation
in
these
last
Ages
has
had
no
greater
Enemies
than
the
Popes
.
10.
The
Pensions
paid
yearly
at
Rome
to
the
Cardinals
Protectors
of
France
,
as
they
love
to
be
called
,
and
to
several
other
such
men
,
who
possess
great
Church-Livings
in
France
,
which
they
spend
at
Rome
,
and
the
Knights
of
Maltha
,
draw
vast
Sums
every
year
out
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
from
all
which
mischievous
practices
England
hath
been
delivered
since
the
Reformation
.
11.
There
was
spent
needlesly
in
France
,
about
two
Millions
of
Livers
every
year
in
Tapers
and
Wax-Candles
burnt
in
their
Churches
,
before
their
Statues
,
Images
,
Hostie
,
and
in
their
Funeral
Ceremonies
,
&c.
of
which
Wax
a
great
part
was
imported
from
Foreign
Countries
,
and
the
other
part
,
which
was
the
product
of
France
,
might
have
been
sold
and
imployed
to
better
uses
,
without
mentioning
the
Oyl
,
which
was
also
burnt
on
the
same
occasion
,
or
the
time
spent
in
making
such
Wax-Lights
.
One
can
hardly
imagine
the
Extravagant
Expence
that
was
made
about
these
things
in
great
and
rich
Towns
.
I
confess
it
is
much
lessened
at
present
by
reason
of
the
great
Misery
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
I
do
not
think
it
amounts
now
to
the
third
part
of
what
it
did
formerly
:
However
,
this
thing
contributing
towards
the
Ruine
of
the
Kingdom
,
was
also
an
obstruction
to
Propagation
.
12.
Their
Lent
and
other
pretended
Fast-days
,
as
they
call
them
,
And
being
upon
this
Subject
,
it
may
not
be
perhaps
unseasonable
,
to
confute
the
Errour
of
those
who
fancy
that
Lent
,
and
pretended
Fast-days
are
advantagious
to
a
Nation
;
because
,
say
they
,
it
saves
abundance
of
Cattle
,
and
puts
people
upon
Fishing
,
and
consequently
to
the
getting
of
more
profit
by
the
Sea
,
than
they
would
otherwise
do
;
and
by
that
same
means
also
,
more
Sea-men
are
bred
.
I
confess
that
Lent
and
Fast-days
are
very
useful
to
some
Nations
,
but
't
is
not
by
observing
them
themselves
,
but
by
furnishing
those
who
do
so
with
Fish
,
as
the
English
,
Scotch
,
Dutch
,
&c.
who
furnish
the
French
and
others
.
In
England
the
English
were
quickly
sensible
that
this
was
a
mistake
in
Politicks
;
for
after
Lent
hath
been
observed
there
a
while
,
since
the
Reformation
,
on
pretence
of
some
such
Political
reasons
,
as
the
encouragement
of
Fishing
,
&c.
they
soon
left
it
off
,
perceiving
it
did
more
hurt
than
good
;
they
saw
it
did
not
increase
the
number
of
Sea-men
,
but
rather
diminish
them
,
and
that
there
was
no
more
Fish
taken
and
consumed
,
but
rather
less
,
by
reason
that
People
being
under
that
servitude
,
were
disgusted
with
it
and
did
eat
it
against
their
will
upon
the
very
Fish-days
,
and
could
not
endure
it
at
all
at
other
times
.
Whereas
they
eat
it
at
all
times
indifferently
now
,
and
there
is
always
good
store
of
all
sorts
to
be
found
at
the
Fish-mongers
,
as
well
of
Sea
,
as
of
Fresh-water
Fish
,
and
all
sorts
of
Shell-fish
;
and
now
those
who
love
Fish
more
than
Meat
,
can
please
themselves
,
which
they
could
not
do
,
if
they
were
commanded
tyrannically
to
do
it
.
Besides
,
Fisher-men
could
not
then
make
their
constant
Trade
of
Fishing
,
but
only
in
Lent
,
and
about
Fridays
and
Saturdays
,
whereas
they
can
fish
now
,
and
do
fish
actually
every
day
.
'T
is
true
,
France
does
not
afford
such
plenty
of
Meat
as
England
;
but
this
must
be
also
granted
,
that
the
People
in
France
,
who
have
Means
,
do
not
feed
so
much
upon
Meat
,
even
upon
Flesh-days
,
as
they
call
them
,
as
the
English
commonly
do
;
and
besides
,
the
most
part
of
the
French
People
have
not
wherewithal
to
do
it
.
But
I
say
further
,
that
France
is
in
greater
want
of
Fish
than
of
Flesh
,
and
that
the
Kingdom
would
have
had
Meat
enough
,
if
Lent
,
the
four
Ember-weeks
,
and
other
Fast-days
,
had
not
been
set
up
by
Superstition
,
for
this
occasioned
a
neglect
in
breeding
of
Cattle
,
and
even
at
present
tho'
the
Kingdom
lies
desolate
in
most
parts
,
they
could
afford
Cattle
enough
,
if
Lent
were
abolished
,
and
Lands
not
abandoned
;
and
tho'
France
is
at
less
Expence
now
,
as
to
the
buying
of
Foreign
Fish
,
than
it
was
before
the
War
,
yet
it
expends
still
very
great
Sums
that
way
,
tho'
the
poorer
sort
of
People
in
the
remotest
Provinces
from
Sea
,
seldom
tast
Fish
of
any
sort
,
and
even
very
rarely
of
Meat
.
But
,
lest
any
body
should
imagine
that
I
contradict
my self
,
in
saying
,
that
the
People
of
England
does
not
eat
less
Fish
since
the
observation
of
Lent
,
but
do
rather
eat
more
,
and
that
I
pretend
nevertheless
,
that
the
observation
of
such
a
Superstition
,
prejudices
the
Revenues
of
Land
in
France
,
and
hinders
the
breeding
and
consumption
of
Cattle
;
I
shall
answer
that
specious
Objection
:
I
call
it
specious
,
because
it
seems
,
that
if
so
be
the
abolishing
of
Lent
,
and
other
Fish-days
in
England
,
produces
that
effect
,
that
more
Fish
is
eaten
in
it
since
,
it
would
seem
to
follow
,
that
less
Meat
should
be
consumed
;
and
so
consequently
,
if
Lent
and
other
pretended
Fast-days
were
abolished
in
France
,
more
Fish
would
be
eaten
,
and
less
Flesh
destroyed
.
I
answer
to
this
,
That
there
is
no
real
contradiction
in
my
Position
,
but
only
a
seeming
one
,
and
that
only
to
those
who
do
not
weigh
things
rightly
.
My
reason
is
this
,
that
in
England
the
People
have
always
,
and
at
all
seasons
,
plenty
both
of
Meat
and
Fish
,
no
place
in
the
Kingdom
being
very
remote
from
Sea
,
and
there
being
many
Rivers
full
of
Fresh-water
Fish
,
and
the
Tide
coming
up
a
great
way
in
many
of
those
Rivers
,
the
Sea-Fish
is
convey'd
into
the
Country
at
a
very
small
charge
.
They
have
also
plenty
of
good
Cattle
;
so
that
they
may
at
all
times
eat
that
which
they
like
best
,
or
find
cheapest
,
and
eat
it
also
without
that
aversion
,
which
the
Tyranny
of
Imposition
occasions
,
when
they
are
commanded
or
forbidden
upon
pain
of
Eternal
Damnation
to
eat
,
or
not
to
eat
such
and
such
things
,
at
such
and
such
times
.
Whereas
France
is
generally
much
more
remote
from
the
Sea
,
and
Fish
there
very
scarce
or
dear
.
Now
in
the
places
far
distant
from
Sea
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
Superstition
of
Lent
,
and
other
Fast-days
,
as
they
call
them
,
in
those
places
,
I
say
,
they
would
eat
much
more
Meat
than
they
do
,
and
more
also
than
is
eaten
near
the
Sea-Coasts
,
where
Fish
is
more
plentiful
and
cheaper
,
and
consequently
they
should
breed
more
Cattle
;
and
likewise
they
should
eat
more
Fish
in
the
Sea-ports
and
other
places
near
the
Sea
than
they
do
at
present
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
Tyranny
imposed
upon
their
Conscience
,
which
forbids
them
to
eat
Meat
at
such
and
such
times
,
which
creates
if
not
in
all
,
in
most
part
of
them
a
kind
of
abhorrency
for
Fish
which
they
are
forced
to
eat
;
And
so
it
comes
to
pass
that
less
Fish
is
taken
in
the
Sea-ports
,
than
there
would
be
without
this
Superstition
;
and
also
less
Cattle
is
bred
in
the
Country
than
there
would
be
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
same
abuse
,
which
forbids
the
eating
of
Meat
for
about
five
Months
in
the
Year
,
and
so
puts
all
things
in
disorder
.
For
by
this
means
those
that
live
near
the
Sea
are
disgusted
at
Fish
,
which
Nature
and
Providence
affords
them
very
cheap
,
and
almost
for
nothing
,
and
which
would
be
a
great
Treasure
to
them
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
Tyranny
imposed
upon
them
,
and
those
that
live
in
the
Country
farther
off
,
who
could
breed
abundance
of
Cattle
,
and
eat
Meat
very
cheap
,
are
forced
to
abstain
from
it
,
and
lose
that
great
advantage
,
and
cannot
have
Fish
but
at
a
very
dear
rate
.
This
horrid
abuse
occasioned
formerly
the
Expense
of
a
great
many
Millions
Yearly
to
France
for
Foreign
Fish
,
and
causes
a
vast
expense
even
at
present
,
but
does
6
times
more
prejudice
otherwise
,
besides
the
Diseases
and
Death
of
abundance
of
weakly
or
old
People
,
with
whose
constitution
Fish
does
not
agree
,
as
I
said
already
,
and
are
therefore
forced
to
eat
many
unwholesom
things
unfit
for
them
,
by
reason
of
their
scruples
of
Conscience
.
Things
stand
in
their
natural
Order
in
England
,
as
to
this
,
whereas
in
France
all
is
turn'd
upside
down
;
For
why
,
humanly
and
christianly
speaking
,
shall
it
be
lawful
to
eat
Meat
at
such
times
rather
than
at
others
?
Or
why
must
the
Country-people
be
obliged
to
throw
to
the
Dogs
their
Calves
and
Kids
that
are
brought
forth
about
Lent
,
when
they
want
the
Milk
of
the
Dam
?
Because
no
body
is
free
to
buy
and
eat
Flesh
at
that
time
.
Observe
by
the
way
,
that
France
has
lost
also
considerably
in
that
respect
,
by
the
expulsion
of
Protestants
,
because
they
did
buy
at
that
time
such
Young
Beasts
and
several
others
in
the
Countries
where
they
did
live
,
which
otherwise
had
been
lost
to
the
Owners
,
or
else
very
chargeable
to
them
.
This
may
seem
to
be
an
inconsiderable
thing
,
but
yet
't
is
not
so
inconsiderable
in
such
a
great
Kingdom
as
France
is
,
where
it
occasions
the
loss
of
great
Sums
Yearly
.
But
here
are
yet
two
other
inconveniences
of
great
moment
which
happen
by
keeping
of
Lent
.
The
first
is
,
That
the
People
are
obliged
very
often
to
keep
abundance
of
Cattle
almost
two
Months
longer
than
they
would
,
or
can
conveniently
do
,
for
want
of
Forage
or
other
Food
,
which
occasions
oftentimes
the
loss
of
a
great
many
Cattle
and
Beasts
.
It
is
known
that
the
Country-people
use
to
keep
every
Year
a
certain
fixt
number
of
Beasts
of
all
kinds
;
Now
it
comes
very
often
to
pass
,
that
some
years
Forage
and
Food
is
scarcer
than
others
,
that
the
Winter
is
sharper
and
longer
;
so
that
the
Farmers
and
Peasants
being
ill-provided
with
Forage
in
those
years
,
and
there
being
little
Grass
yet
growing
in
the
Fields
,
because
of
the
backwardness
of
the
Season
,
their
Cattle
must
needs
suffer
much
,
if
not
perish
quite
,
which
would
not
happen
if
there
was
no
such
thing
as
Lent
;
for
in
that
case
they
would
sell
part
of
their
Cattle
to
Butchers
,
or
eat
it
themselves
.
The
second
inconvenience
which
I
observed
is
this
,
that
in
Lent
and
other
Fast-days
,
the
richest
Peasants
who
dare
not
eat
Meat
then
,
&
who
have
no
Fish
,
do
eat
the
most
part
of
the
Milk
of
their
Cows
,
which
disables
them
to
suckle
their
Calves
well
,
which
is
partly
the
cause
why
the
French
Cattle
are
commonly
so
poor
and
small
.
So
that
by
this
means
,
the
Boors
by
not
eating
Flesh
in
Lent
,
destroy
four
times
more
Flesh
than
they
would
do
if
they
were
allowed
to
eat
it
;
which
is
also
a
vast
prejudice
to
Agriculture
,
the
Revenue
of
a
State
,
and
to
the
Propagation
of
Mankind
.
If
any
bold
pretenders
,
to
wit
contemn
those
Observations
,
as
if
they
were
more
proper
for
Boors
,
than
for
intelligent
and
refined
Men
;
I
cannot
help
it
,
but
I
believe
all
Men
will
not
be
of
their
Opinion
.
13.
That
Spirit
of
Unjustice
and
Violence
which
at
all
times
possesseth
the
Romish
Clergy
,
and
sets
them
when
ever
they
meet
with
Princes
of
their
own
humour
,
to
persecute
those
with
the
utmost
fury
,
who
will
not
submit
to
their
Opinions
,
which
have
no
other
foundation
,
but
their
own
Ambition
,
Pride
and
Covetousness
;
that
Spirit
,
I
say
,
of
Unjustice
has
been
one
of
the
great
causes
of
the
Ruine
of
France
.
I
leave
it
to
the
World
to
judge
,
whether
they
have
not
taken
advantage
in
these
last
times
of
the
weakness
of
that
Ambitious
Prince
,
who
was
possessed
with
the
Chimerical
Design
of
an
Universal
Monarchy
,
to
make
him
believe
that
it
was
convenient
for
him
,
in
order
to
attain
his
End
,
to
destroy
the
reformed
Religion
in
England
,
Holland
,
France
,
and
in
all
other
parts
,
and
under
that
pretence
to
bring
King
James
,
who
was
known
to
be
a
bigotted
Prince
into
the
same
design
,
and
oblige
him
to
do
all
what
we
know
he
did
,
and
to
dispossess
him
at
last
,
and
keep
Great
Brittain
for
himself
;
I
appeal
,
I
say
,
to
the
Judicious
,
whether
we
may
not
say
with
reason
,
that
in
this
respect
the
Romish
Clergy
and
Jesuits
have
been
the
Incendiaries
of
this
War
,
which
is
like
to
ruine
the
Kingdom
of
France
for
ever
,
or
if
that
be
not
granted
,
yet
they
must
of
necessity
own
that
their
persecuting
Spirit
has
done
incredible
mischiefs
to
that
Nation
.
14.
There
is
yet
another
thing
very
contrary
to
the
welfare
of
the
Nation
,
and
to
the
Propagation
of
the
People
,
viz
that
the
French
Clergy
,
who
enjoy
the
half
of
all
the
Estates
Real
and
Personal
,
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
I
have
already
said
,
and
ought
consequently
to
pay
at
least
as
much
to
the
King
proportionably
,
as
the
other
Subjects
,
who
possess
the
other
half
of
the
Kingdom
.
The
Clergy
,
I
say
,
pay
,
even
at
present
,
scarce
ten
Millions
of
Livers
since
the
War
,
to
wards
the
200
Millions
which
the
King
exacts
every
year
,
one
way
or
other
,
from
the
Nation
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
the
Clergy
and
Religious
Orders
,
both
Male
and
Female
,
who
make
up
perhaps
300
thousand
Souls
,
enjoy
as
much
Revenue
as
8
or
9
Millions
of
other
People
that
are
yet
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
at
this
day
,
or
as
much
as
was
enjoyed
by
13
or
14
Millions
that
might
have
been
in
it
30
years
ago
,
and
that
altho'
every
one
of
the
Clergy
and
Religious
Orders
,
one
with
another
,
hath
as
much
to
spend
now
,
in
relation
to
the
Revenue
of
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
as
40
or
50
other
Persons
of
the
promiscuous
multitude
,
taken
one
with
another
,
that
yet
for
all
that
,
the
Clergy
and
Religious
Orders
taken
in
bulk
,
do
not
bear
above
the
20th
part
of
the
charges
of
the
Government
.
And
this
must
be
yet
added
,
that
before
this
War
,
when
the
King
did
raise
by
the
ordinary
Impositions
132
Millions
Yearly
,
without
the
Casualties
,
as
they
call
it
,
that
did
amount
some
Years
to
50
,
60
and
70
Millions
,
the
Clergy
did
not
pay
above
5
or
6
Millions
Yearly
.
For
the
Poll-Tax
,
by
which
they
are
obliged
to
pay
4
Millions
Yearly
during
5
Years
,
was
established
since
.
But
further
,
that
we
may
better
comprehend
how
much
the
Clergy
is
eased
above
all
other
Subjects
in
the
Kingdom
,
it
must
be
known
that
the
Officers
of
Judicature
and
other
Civil
Officers
in
the
Nation
,
as
those
of
the
Finances
,
Civil-Government
,
and
others
,
who
did
all
of
them
buy
their
Offices
very
dear
,
the
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
,
great
and
small
,
with
all
their
Crew
,
and
the
Clergy
themselves
,
did
cost
the
People
altogether
above
200
Millions
of
Livers
Yearly
,
when
the
Kingdom
was
in
a
better
condition
than
now
,
that
is
,
about
20
or
30
years
ago
,
without
mentioning
other
Vexations
and
the
loss
of
their
time
which
they
suffered
,
by
continual
wranglings
at
Law
,
Oppressions
and
Depradations
of
their
Goods
,
or
by
the
Superstitions
of
the
Clergy
;
of
all
which
Vexations
and
Losses
of
time
,
and
other
Calamities
,
if
they
had
been
free
,
they
might
have
probably
earned
or
saved
100
Millions
per
Annum
more
.
But
these
things
,
I
say
,
I
don't
reckon
,
because
they
turned
to
no
body's
account
.
At
present
indeed
they
cannot
get
so
much
from
the
People
,
because
of
their
being
destroyed
and
totally
ruined
.
Now
the
Clergy
is
not
only
free
from
all
those
Mischiefs
and
Losses
of
Money
and
Time
,
to
which
the
other
Subjects
are
obnoxious
,
but
they
do
also
get
Money
from
the
People
and
plunder
them
by
their
false
Devotions
,
and
a
thousand
new
ways
contrived
by
their
Covetousness
,
abusing
the
Peoples
credulity
,
endeavouring
continually
to
involue
them
in
greater
Ignorance
,
that
they
might
domineer
over
them
more
easily
,
and
so
dispoil
them
.
'T
is
very
well
known
,
that
the
Officers
of
Judicature
do
much
more
indulge
the
Clergy
than
they
do
the
other
Subjects
,
and
that
the
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
have
little
or
nothing
to
do
with
them
;
and
notwithstanding
that
the
Clergy
do
abuse
and
cheat
them
of
their
Substance
by
their
superstitious
tricks
,
as
well
as
they
do
other
People
;
yet
they
are
respected
and
feared
by
the
Lawyers
,
and
do
maintain
some
Judges
,
Advocates
and
Atturneys
,
who
are
their
Pensionaries
;
There
is
not
one
Community
of
Ecclesiasticks
or
Religious
Orders
,
either
Male
or
Female
,
but
have
some
Pensionaries
in
all
the
notable
Tribunals
where
their
businesses
lye
,
who
order
it
so
that
they
gain
almost
all
their
Suits
at
Law
,
how
unjustly
soever
they
be
,
against
the
Laity
,
who
are
less
able
to
sustain
a
good
cause
,
for
want
of
Money
and
Protection
,
and
then
the
Ecclesiasticks
are
every
day
forging
false
Titles
for
want
of
good
ones
,
by
the
hand
of
a
Father
Titrier
,
as
they
call
him
,
that
is
,
a
Maker
or
Keeper
of
their
Titles
;
for
't
is
certain
,
that
they
have
such
a
one
in
all
the
Communalties
of
Ecclesiasticks
.
This
goes
under
the
name
of
pious
Frauds
,
as
well
as
the
false
Donations
and
Legacies
which
they
often
pretend
to
have
been
bestowed
upon
them
.
In
that
manner
they
dispoil
the
poor
Laymen
of
their
Estates
,
by
the
Favour
and
Protection
they
find
one
from
another
,
for
they
support
one
another
as
Thieves
do
,
and
are
supported
by
the
Pope
,
who
has
a
secret
influence
upon
all
their
Affairs
,
and
sometimes
they
are
supported
also
by
Courtiers
;
besides
the
advantage
they
have
by
being
richer
than
their
Adversaries
,
and
by
bribing
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
who
sometimes
,
as
I
said
,
are
their
Pensionaries
.
As
for
the
Maltotiers
,
that
is
,
the
Farmers
general
and
particular
of
Impositions
,
and
their
Servants
,
the
Romish
Clergy
is
not
exposed
to
their
Robberies
,
for
they
are
not
obnoxious
to
the
Publick
Taxes
,
but
contrary-wise
,
those
men
are
much
more
obnoxious
to
the
Craft
of
the
Clergy
,
for
they
flatter
them
with
the
hopes
of
a
Pardon
for
all
their
Extorsions
and
Robberies
,
if
they
do
but
employ
them
about
saying
Masses
,
or
make
them
Presents
,
or
enter
into
their
Fraternities
,
and
pay
for
it
,
&c.
Neither
are
they
exposed
as
others
are
,
to
the
vexations
committed
in
raising
of
Publick
Taxes
;
for
,
as
I
said
already
,
the
Publick
Taxes
do
not
regard
them
:
Nor
do
they
suffer
by
the
Subtilties
and
Cheating
Tricks
of
other
Ecclesiasticks
,
as
do
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
for
one
Raven
does
never
pick
out
the
Eyes
of
another
.
And
moreover
,
their
Estates
,
and
their
Farmers
and
Tenants
,
are
in
a
better
condition
than
those
of
others
,
because
the
Landlords
,
being
well
in
their
Affairs
,
are
able
to
support
them
the
better
,
and
their
Houses
and
Lands
are
always
kept
in
better
order
,
and
furnished
with
the
best
Cattle
the
Land
affords
.
Besides
,
they
are
not
liable
to
be
forced
to
buy
new
Offices
,
or
lose
the
old
ones
,
as
other
people
are
,
because
they
have
none
.
They
are
not
crushed
as
the
other
Subjects
,
with
ordinary
and
extraordinary
Taxes
,
nor
with
forced
Loans
to
the
King
,
whereby
so
many
thousands
of
others
have
been
and
are
every
day
utterly
ruined
;
neither
do
they
go
to
War
,
nor
to
the
Arrier-Ban
.
By
this
means
,
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
this
sort
of
People
,
who
are
for
the
most
part
burthensom
and
unprofitable
to
the
Nation
,
and
even
to
their
pretended
Church
,
are
free
from
all
the
Calamities
under
which
the
useful
Subjects
groan
.
I
say
,
they
are
unprofitable
for
the
most
part
;
for
't
is
certainly
true
,
that
tho'
of
250
thousand
People
of
that
kind
,
there
may
be
in
that
Kingdom
(
besides
the
Nuns
)
190
thousand
should
be
disbanded
,
there
would
remain
a
sufficient
number
for
their
ordinary
Service
.
And
so
all
the
Monks
generally
,
either
those
that
enjoy
great
Rents
,
or
those
who
are
Beggars
,
might
be
very
conveniently
dismissed
,
and
generally
all
the
Convents
might
be
abrogated
,
maintaining
only
the
Bishops
and
a
competent
number
of
Curates
and
Priests
,
who
ought
to
pay
Taxes
proportionably
to
their
Revenues
.
Equity
,
good
Order
,
and
Publick
Welfare
requires
no
less
.
But
nothing
good
was
to
be
expected
from
such
a
Reign
as
this
is
.
I
grant
the
Curats
and
Country-Priests
are
heavily
loaden
with
Taxes
,
and
that
they
can
hardly
subsist
,
because
all
the
burthen
is
cast
upon
them
;
But
yet
they
fare
a
great
deal
better
than
the
greatest
part
of
the
Laity
,
who
possessed
formerly
some
Estates
,
which
they
have
lost
now
by
the
Taxes
,
and
are
withall
charged
with
Debts
and
Children
.
Whereas
tho'
the
Priests
be
never
so
poor
,
yet
some
Bread
is
left
them
,
without
any
toil
or
turmoil
for
it
;
for
they
neither
labour
nor
preach
,
nor
are
bound
to
do
any
kind
of
work
,
but
what
the
most
idle
,
stupid
and
ignorant
Peasant
might
do
as
well
,
if
he
could
but
read
,
and
had
memory
enough
to
learn
by
long
practice
,
how
to
handle
the
Musquet
and
some
part
of
the
Military
Postures
,
for
the
exercise
of
the
Mass
and
Priests
Trade
,
may
be
learnt
and
practised
as
easily
as
that
;
they
enjoy
a
Church-living
gratis
,
which
they
neither
merit
for
their
capacity
nor
services
,
which
are
none
,
neither
had
by
Inheritance
from
their
Ancestors
,
nor
can
be
seized
upon
for
Debts
.
I
grant
,
't
is
but
reason
they
should
live
by
their
Trade
,
since
they
do
that
which
the
People
will
have
them
to
do
,
and
wherewith
they
are
contented
.
But
as
for
those
numbers
of
rich
Monasteries
,
Convents
,
Commonalties
,
Abbeys
,
Priorys
,
Prebendaries
which
contribute
nothing
or
almost
nothing
,
to
the
support
of
the
Government
:
What
reason
is
there
that
they
should
enjoy
the
half
of
all
the
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
should
not
pay
to
the
Government
,
above
the
20th
part
of
what
the
rest
of
the
Nation
pays
.
For
,
as
I
said
before
,
those
wealthy
Clergy-men
pay
almost
nothing
of
what
the
Clergy
pays
in
general
;
All
the
burthen
falls
upon
the
little
Curates
and
Priests
,
who
are
left
without
Protection
,
though
they
ought
to
be
most
protected
of
all
.
I
confess
indeed
,
that
as
for
the
Laity
,
the
Revenues
and
Profits
of
their
Industry
,
help
them
towards
the
paying
of
Taxes
,
whereas
the
Clergy
has
no
such
help
.
But
for
all
that
,
the
Laity
is
overwhelmed
with
Taxes
,
while
the
Clergy
thrives
and
fares
well
.
Moreover
,
what
Justice
is
it
that
the
diligent
and
laborious
sort
of
People
in
a
Nation
should
perish
,
and
be
destroyed
like
Victims
,
in
order
to
fatten
the
lazy
and
idle
sort
,
and
that
so
many
Millions
of
useful
Subjects
,
should
be
Sacrificed
to
such
sluggish
Belly-Gods
?
We
can
never
enough
bewail
such
a
blindness
as
this
,
nor
express
all
the
mischiefs
which
such
an
Unjustice
brings
along
with
it
,
and
wherewith
France
hath
been
afflicted
for
so
many
Centuries
,
the
effects
which
are
more
pernicions
now
than
ever
.
15.
What
shall
we
say
of
the
Moral
Philosophy
of
that
pretended
Religion
,
so
suitable
to
its
Doctrines
,
which
is
commonly
ascribed
to
the
Jesuites
,
but
belongs
de
faclo
and
de
jure
,
to
all
the
Sects
,
and
Parts
of
the
Popery
and
is
authorized
by
the
constant
practice
of
all
their
pretended
Church
?
Which
canonizes
all
the
Crimes
perpetrated
for
its
interest
,
and
palliates
and
extenuates
all
others
,
has
abolished
the
Ten
Commandments
of
God's
Law
by
other
Laws
diametrically
opposite
and
contrary
to
them
,
and
constantly
practised
and
commanded
by
that
Society
of
Men
,
commonly
called
the
Church
of
Room
,
as
I
could
easily
justifie
,
which
fills
the
whole
World
,
but
France
especially
,
with
Ungodliness
and
all
sorts
of
Vices
.
16.
What
shall
we
say
more
of
that
Spirit
of
Tyranny
,
with
which
the
Romish
Clergy
,
but
especially
the
Jesuits
,
do
inspire
Princes
who
are
ruled
by
them
,
not
only
in
things
relating
to
Religion
,
but
also
to
Political
Government
,
by
counselling
'em
to
make
use
of
the
most
desperate
Tyranny
,
because
that
how
much
the
more
the
Princes
whom
they
govern
,
are
authorized
and
feared
of
their
Subjects
,
so
much
the
more
are
the
Jesuits
their
Tutors
authorized
and
dreaded
also
.
France
smarts
at
present
under
the
effects
of
this
,
and
England
has
but
lately
escaped
the
like
danger
.
That
Spirit
of
Tyranny
which
makes
up
a
great
part
of
the
Essence
of
Popery
,
is
yet
more
peculiar
to
the
Society
of
Jesuits
,
than
to
any
other
in
Popery
.
And
't
is
known
that
the
Principles
of
their
Order
,
as
they
call
it
,
do
give
their
General
an
absolute
and
indefinite
Power
to
Command
,
and
to
do
what
he
lists
,
and
that
they
are
to
render
him
a
Blindfold-obedience
,
and
they
look
upon
the
Pope's
pretended
Monarchy
over
the
Universal
Church
and
World
,
to
be
the
most
perfect
Pattern
of
Governments
,
in
assuming
to
himself
the
Authority
to
destroy
all
Nations
and
Persons
in
Soul
and
Body
,
who
oppose
his
temporal
Interste
.
17.
The
Unchastity
of
all
their
Clergy
both
Male
and
Female
,
caused
by
their
Celibacy
,
and
execrable
Morals
,
as
well
as
by
the
example
of
all
the
chiefest
Prelates
at
Rome
,
is
of
a
very
great
prejudice
to
France
,
because
it
did
formerly
fill
the
whole
Kingdom
with
Adulteries
,
Fornications
,
Incestuous
Copulations
,
and
things
yet
more
execrable
,
nay
,
with
millions
of
open
and
hidden
Crimes
,
and
causes
still
abundance
of
such
Disorders
,
as
an
infinite
number
of
Abortions
,
Murtherings
of
Children
,
and
such
like
;
for
the
Clergy
who
are
guilty
of
those
Vices
,
make
no
scruple
,
so
they
can
but
conceal
them
,
to
murther
both
the
Mothers
and
Children
.
And
then
besides
,
they
corrupt
People
by
their
ill
Examples
,
auricular
Confessions
,
and
the
pretended
Power
they
have
to
give
Absolution
for
all
such
Vices
:
these
things
with
the
Morals
of
their
Casuists
has
done
horrid
Effects
in
France
,
and
does
still
destroy
many
thousands
of
People
every
year
,
keeps
abundance
of
People
from
Marrying
,
is
a
great
obstruction
to
Propagation
,
and
is
very
contrary
to
the
Publick
good
.
18.
The
Drunkenness
of
that
Clergy
had
also
formerly
,
and
has
still
(
tho'
not
so
much
now
because
of
the
Extream
Misery
)
a
very
great
influence
upon
the
Manners
of
all
the
Nation
.
For
the
greatest
part
of
the
Clergy-men
,
except
several
Bishops
and
Curates
in
the
biggest
Towns
,
and
some
other
Men
in
Monasteries
and
Commonalties
,
are
Drunkards
,
and
upon
their
example
many
of
the
Common-people
are
such
also
;
and
it
must
be
confessed
that
besides
the
loss
of
so
great
a
quantity
of
Wine
,
unprofitably
spent
by
that
Clergy
,
and
upon
their
example
by
the
People
,
which
is
a
very
great
loss
;
Drunkenness
,
as
well
as
Whoredom
,
ruines
abundance
of
Families
and
destroys
many
People
,
shortning
their
days
,
and
causing
them
to
lose
all
their
time
.
I
leave
to
Divines
to
speak
of
the
bad
effects
of
those
Vices
as
to
the
Eternal
Salvation
.
It
were
to
no
purpose
to
say
that
Drunkenness
,
Adultery
and
Fornication
are
common
also
to
other
Nations
,
but
Papists
.
For
't
is
the
Popish
Church
,
that
hath
most
of
all
infected
all
the
Word
,
and
therefore
she
is
very
properly
called
in
Scripture
,
The
Mother
of
all
the
Fornications
and
Abominations
of
all
the
Earth
;
for
she
practises
,
abets
and
countenances
them
.
And
besides
that
,
it
is
certain
that
the
Popish
Clergy
,
and
even
in
general
all
People
in
the
World
,
who
are
ignorant
in
the
Revealed
Religion
,
and
hate
the
Holy
Scripture
,
or
do
not
read
it
,
and
have
plenty
of
all
things
,
as
that
Clergy
who
have
nothing
to
do
,
for
there
is
not
one
in
two
hundred
that
Preaches
or
Studies
,
that
have
no
Legitimate
Children
or
any
care
of
Family
,
that
by
their
Sacred
Statutes
must
above
all
things
be
well
provided
with
Tools
fit
for
Generation
,
and
to
have
no
Aversion
from
Wine
.
'T
is
certain
,
I
say
,
that
People
who
are
in
all
those
Circumstances
as
the
Popish
Clergy
is
,
commonly
are
Reprobates
,
and
given
to
all
Crimes
and
Vices
.
How
much
the
more
that
Clergy
who
are
not
obnoxious
to
the
Secular
Justice
,
and
fear
no
repression
,
who
are
awed
and
respected
generally
by
the
People
(
tho'
never
so
impious
and
profane
)
as
making
their
own
God
,
and
pardoning
Sins
authoritative
to
whom
they
please
,
and
upon
whose
intention
the
making
of
all
Sacraments
depends
;
Such
Clergy
,
I
say
,
who
do
not
propose
to
themselves
any
other
Examples
of
Vertue
but
that
of
the
Popes
and
Cardinals
,
whose
Ambition
,
Pride
,
Perfidiousness
,
Cruelty
,
Impiety
,
and
Covetousness
are
so
well
known
,
and
yet
if
we
'll
believe
them
,
they
can
save
and
damn
all
Men
and
Nations
as
they
please
.
It
's
certainly
easie
enough
to
conceive
that
a
Nation
can
hardly
thrive
so
well
under
the
Direction
of
such
Men
,
and
such
a
strange
sort
of
Religion
,
which
is
truly
Antichristian
,
as
under
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
a
Protestant
Ministry
.
In
a
word
,
it
may
be
truly
affirmed
without
any
passion
or
invective
,
that
the
Popish
Morals
and
the
constant
practice
of
their
pretended
Church
do
authorize
,
even
by
their
Councils
and
approved
Doctors
,
all
Crimes
and
Vices
,
which
has
a
powerful
and
mighty
influence
upon
the
manners
of
the
People
,
and
by
this
means
,
if
God
had
permitted
the
Secular
Justice
to
be
depraved
to
such
a
degree
as
the
Principles
and
Practices
of
that
Church
are
,
humane
Society
should
never
have
subsisted
.
So
that
we
have
but
very
little
reason
to
admire
the
great
Wisdom
or
superfine
Politicks
of
those
great
Men
,
the
Cardinals
de
Richelien
and
Mazarin
,
Louvois
,
Colbert
and
others
,
who
did
not
perceive
those
palpable
and
gross
abuses
,
or
which
is
worse
,
had
no
inclination
to
Reform
them
.
If
any
Man
say
,
that
the
respect
they
had
for
Religion
did
hinder
them
,
that
's
a
mighty
reflection
upon
their
understanding
,
for
how
could
they
ascribe
to
the
Christian
Religion
and
its
great
Author
,
such
follies
and
extravagancies
,
which
are
not
attended
with
the
least
Profit
,
and
are
so
much
against
common
sense
,
so
scandalous
and
contrary
to
equity
and
charity
,
and
tending
visibly
to
the
ruine
of
States
and
Nations
.
Besides
,
't
is
well
known
,
that
those
Persons
cared
but
little
for
Religion
,
and
that
they
did
not
regulate
themselves
by
a
superstitious
Bigottery
,
nor
was
it
the
difficulty
of
Reforming
such
extraordinary
abuses
,
that
did
deterr
them
from
it
,
for
the
thing
was
easie
to
be
done
,
especially
under
a
Prince
of
so
much
Authority
as
Lewis
.
the
XIV
.
and
all
the
Nation
would
have
been
glad
of
it
,
because
it
would
have
eased
them
considerably
,
therefore
it
's
plain
,
it
was
for
no
other
reason
,
but
that
they
wanted
a
due
elevation
of
mind
,
and
zeal
for
the
Publick
good
.
Nothing
was
dear
to
them
,
but
their
own
Interest
,
and
how
they
might
satisfie
their
Ambition
and
Covetousness
,
and
attain
their
desire
to
enrich
and
raise
their
Families
.
This
is
some
part
of
the
Political
Mischiefs
that
the
Romish
Religion
is
the
cause
of
;
and
every
Body
may
learn
from
hence
,
that
all
the
Popish
States
,
who
are
not
inclined
to
shake
off
the
Pope's
Yoke
,
think
it
their
Interest
to
endea
your
to
reduce
those
who
shook
it
off
under
the
same
again
,
to
deprive
them
of
those
great
advantages
they
enjoy
above
themselves
,
and
therefore
Protestant
States
ought
to
be
at
all
times
upon
their
Guard
,
as
well
to
preserve
their
Religion
as
their
Civil
Government
.
I
make
bold
to
say
,
that
I
could
demonstrate
here
,
if
it
were
convenient
,
that
the
pretended
Religion
of
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
caused
a
prejudice
to
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
of
above
200
Millions
of
Livers
one
year
with
another
,
for
a
long
time
.
Certainly
any
man
will
be
convinced
,
that
the
Doctrines
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
and
Transubstantiation
,
and
some
other
of
the
same
sort
,
make
but
a
small
compensation
to
France
for
the
great
Losses
she
endures
by
them
,
and
that
if
so
be
there
had
been
any
true
solidity
of
Judgment
,
or
any
spark
of
Generosity
in
those
great
Politicians
before
named
,
they
would
have
avoided
such
a
ruine
,
by
contenting
themselves
to
acknowledge
the
Authority
of
Christ
and
his
Word
,
without
charging
themselves
with
such
ruinous
and
monstrous
Opinions
.
One
would
think
that
Men
who
have
so
little
regard
to
reasons
drawn
from
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
against
Popery
,
ought
to
be
so
much
the
more
affected
with
those
which
Temporal
Interest
affords
.
So
that
for
the
Reasons
above
mentioned
,
and
others
that
might
be
named
;
I
think
the
abolishing
of
Popery
in
England
,
is
worth
to
this
Kingdom
at
least
8
Millions
Sterling
Yearly
,
which
it
spares
by
it
one
way
or
other
,
and
proportionably
to
Scotland
,
but
much
less
to
Ireland
,
because
Popery
Reigns
still
there
too
much
,
with
most
of
the
disorders
which
I
noted
before
.
Here
it
is
fit
to
observe
,
that
I
do
not
reckon
amongst
the
200
Millions
of
Livers
which
France
loses
every
Year
one
with
another
by
Popery
,
the
ordinary
Annual
Revenues
which
the
Clergy
get
either
from
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
or
by
their
Cheats
and
Tricks
;
for
all
that
they
get
by
those
things
is
not
lost
to
the
Kingdom
,
seeing
they
must
live
.
I
understand
only
the
damages
that
are
caused
by
the
Principles
of
Popery
and
their
necessary
consequences
.
Nor
do
I
mean
that
France
loses
at
present
so
much
Yearly
,
as
200
Millions
per
Annum
,
by
Popery
at
present
;
because
of
the
Kingdoms
decay
in
its
Revenues
:
But
it
may
be
affirmed
with
reason
,
that
for
a
very
long
time
,
till
the
days
wherein
we
live
,
it
lost
above
200
Millions
,
or
the
equivalent
every
year
one
with
another
.
This
must
be
understood
,
since
Silver
and
Gold
became
more
common
in
France
,
for
200
hundred
years
ago
,
all
the
Revenues
of
France
were
not
worth
100
Millions
.
It
is
easie
to
demonstrate
,
that
if
Popery
were
abolished
in
France
,
which
is
not
to
be
expected
in
this
Reign
,
and
tho'
the
Government
were
as
at
present
in
respect
of
Taxes
,
yet
the
King
of
France
might
easily
get
an
hundred
Millions
of
Livers
more
from
the
Kingdom
,
than
Lewis
the
XIV
.
does
,
without
the
Peoples
being
Taxed
any
more
than
at
present
.
19.
France
is
not
so
conveniently
situated
for
Trade
as
England
,
which
is
incompassed
almost
round
by
the
Sea
,
and
has
four
times
as
many
good
Ports
as
France
,
and
no
body
can
deny
that
this
is
a
great
advantage
,
for
to
make
a
Nation
both
populous
and
rich
.
20.
France
has
no
such
Mines
as
England
has
,
of
Tin
,
Copper
,
and
Lead
which
do
inrich
the
Land
,
and
furnish
Subsistence
to
an
incredible
number
of
People
,
as
well
as
the
Coal-pits
we
have
,
of
which
none
almost
in
France
.
21.
The
Copse-Woods
do
take
up
great
part
of
the
ground
in
France
,
whereas
the
English
Coal-pits
take
up
very
little
ground
,
whence
there
is
so
much
the
more
Ground
for
Tillage
and
Husbandry
,
which
serves
to
maintain
a
greater
quantity
of
People
.
22.
The
Vines
of
which
the
Expences
are
so
great
,
and
their
Revenue
so
uncertain
,
since
they
fail
commonly
more
than
once
in
three
Years
,
take
up
also
a
great
deal
of
Ground
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
whereas
the
Corn
or
ordinary
Mault
,
wherewith
we
make
our
Drink
in
England
,
fails
more
seldom
,
and
costs
much
less
,
either
for
cultivating
of
it
or
getting
it
from
other
places
.
So
that
't
is
rare
that
the
price
of
Beer
increases
.
23.
'T
is
observed
also
,
that
Corn
Lands
in
France
fail
oftner
than
in
England
,
which
Observation
,
if
it
be
true
,
as
I
believe
it
is
,
must
proceed
either
from
a
greater
fruitfulness
of
the
Soil
in
England
,
or
from
a
more
equal
temperature
of
the
Air
,
or
from
this
Reason
,
that
the
English
are
better
provided
with
good
Cattle
,
and
Men
,
and
all
other
necessaries
for
Husbandry
,
or
from
all
those
Reasons
together
,
Which
I
think
to
be
very
true
,
and
is
most
certain
.
We
have
shewn
already
that
the
Land
is
more
populous
,
and
the
Cattle
is
more
numerous
also
,
and
better
fed
than
in
France
,
because
there
is
generally
more
Hay
and
better
pastures
in
England
,
and
by
consequence
their
Cattle
,
as
well
as
Men
who
are
better
fed
,
can
work
better
;
Besides
,
their
Cattle
make
more
Dung
and
better
than
that
of
France
,
for
the
Dung
of
good
and
lusty
Cattle
is
better
than
that
of
weakly
and
lean
Cattle
,
and
Hay-dung
is
better
than
Straw-dung
;
'T
is
known
there
is
almost
no
Hay
in
several
Provinces
of
France
;
So
that
the
Horses
wherewith
they
Plow
and
Till
the
Ground
,
feed
only
upon
Straw
with
some
Oats
,
and
for
that
reason
they
cannot
keep
Cows
nor
Oxen.
In
other
Provinces
where
they
keep
such
Cattle
,
they
mix
Straw
with
Hay
for
their
food
;
and
as
I
said
before
,
the
Young
Calves
being
deprived
in
Lent
and
other
Fast-days
,
of
the
Milk
of
the
Cows
,
because
the
Boors
live
upon
Milk
at
those
times
,
this
hinders
the
Cattle
from
growing
lusty
and
strong
;
But
further
,
the
extream
poverty
of
Farmers
and
other
Country-people
does
not
permit
them
to
do
their
Work
so
well
as
it
ought
to
be
done
,
nor
to
be
supplied
with
such
good
Cattle
and
other
necessaries
.
However
,
't
is
certain
,
that
tho'
England
is
not
so
well
peopled
,
nor
the
ground
so
well
managed
as
it
should
be
;
't
is
certain
,
I
say
,
it
sends
abundance
of
Corn
to
Foreign
Nations
;
Holland
,
Flanders
,
Spain
,
Portugal
have
vast
quantities
from
hence
,
which
confirms
it
further
,
that
England
is
more
populous
than
most
People
think
,
especially
when
we
consider
that
London
consumeth
such
a
prodigious
quantity
of
Corn
,
and
that
commonly
at
a
good
rate
,
if
compared
with
the
ordinary
price
of
it
at
Paris
,
tho'
not
much
above
half
so
big
as
London
,
and
which
is
situated
in
the
midst
of
several
Provinces
abounding
with
Corn
,
and
enjoys
several
Rivers
fit
for
carriage
,
which
do
all
fall
into
the
River
Seine
at
Paris
.
24.
A
Country
fit
for
Pasture
and
Breeding
of
Cattle
,
can
maintain
a
greater
number
of
People
,
than
one
which
is
destitute
of
that
advantage
,
because
the
Cattle
feeding
in
the
Fields
,
work
for
Men
in
their
absence
,
and
they
can
in
the
mean
time
go
about
their
business
;
Besides
,
Cattle
supplies
many
Manufactures
as
I
said
before
,
as
are
those
of
Wooll
,
Leather
,
Horns
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Tallow
,
&c.
Moreover
,
a
little
Meat
with
Bread
,
nourishes
better
than
3
times
as
much
Bread
without
Meat
.
That
's
the
Reason
why
the
English
People
eat
generally
less
Bread
than
those
of
France
,
and
withal
are
stronger
and
fatter
.
25.
Victuals
are
commonly
cheaper
in
England
than
in
France
,
which
wonderfully
helps
to
the
encrease
of
People
,
when
not
occasioned
by
scarcity
of
Money
,
as
't
is
now
in
France
;
't
is
mightily
advantagious
to
Tradesmen
,
Manufacturers
,
Merchants
,
who
can
Victual
their
Ships
at
a
better
rate
than
others
can
do
,
and
they
may
by
that
means
,
as
well
as
Tradesmen
and
Manufacturers
afford
their
Commodities
cheaper
to
Foreigners
and
Natives
,
and
so
undersell
all
others
.
26.
Woollen-cloath
,
which
is
the
ordinary
Cloathing
of
Mankind
,
Coal-fowel
,
Salt
,
Candle
,
Common-Sope
,
Shoes
,
are
cheaper
in
England
than
in
France
,
which
is
a
great
help
to
Propagation
,
for
the
less
it
costs
people
to
maintain
themselves
and
their
Family
,
the
more
are
they
inclined
to
marriage
.
27.
The
Fishing
also
in
the
English
Seas
,
and
the
great
plenty
of
Oysters
,
Crabs
,
Muscles
,
Langosts
,
Cockles
and
other
such
things
,
do
maintain
and
nourish
many
more
People
,
both
Fishermen
and
others
,
in
England
than
in
France
,
and
consequently
make
it
a
great
deal
more
populous
.
28.
England
has
also
several
great
Rivers
naturally
better
furnished
with
Fresh-water
Fish
than
those
of
France
.
Besides
,
Lent
and
other
Fish-days
,
as
well
as
great
numbers
of
Monks
who
are
forbidden
to
eat
Meat
at
any
time
,
have
exhausted
all
the
Rivers
of
France
of
Fish
,
to
that
degree
,
that
very
few
is
to
be
found
in
them
,
as
I
insinuated
before
,
and
the
Rivers
of
England
have
moreover
a
long
Tide
and
Ebb
,
so
that
the
Sea-Fish
is
always
at
a
good
rate
,
because
it
can
be
carried
by
that
means
very
easily
and
cheap
,
and
conveyed
to
all
parts
of
England
,
which
is
generally
nearer
the
Sea
than
France
is
.
29.
The
stupendious
multitude
of
Soldiers
in
the
French
Service
,
which
the
King
keeps
even
in
times
of
Peace
,
who
are
for
the
most
part
Unmarried
,
as
I
already
said
,
and
what
's
worse
,
do
mightily
vex
and
disturb
the
other
Subjects
,
are
a
great
impediment
to
France's
being
so
populous
as
England
.
30.
They
do
not
take
so
great
care
of
relieving
poor
Families
in
France
,
as
they
do
in
England
.
31.
There
dyes
without
necessity
,
that
is
to
say
,
for
meer
want
,
much
more
People
in
Hospitals
,
and
poor
Families
in
France
than
in
England
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
.
32.
The
method
of
raising
Taxes
and
Impositions
in
Lewis
the
XIV
.
Reign
,
has
also
contributed
much
towards
depopulating
the
Kingdom
:
As
for
example
,
the
Taille
,
the
Gabelle
or
Excise
upon
Salt
,
the
Utensile
and
some
other
Impositions
,
are
raised
by
Collectors
,
who
are
obliged
in
Solidum
,
to
pay
one
for
another
and
for
all
the
Parish
,
where
they
are
established
Collectors
,
to
pay
,
I
say
,
and
answer
for
all
insolvent
persons
;
Such
Collectors
have
commonly
no
Wages
nor
Sallary
for
their
pains
,
as
they
have
in
England
,
so
that
they
are
obliged
to
spend
all
their
time
therein
,
without
any
indemnity
,
and
as
the
People
is
ruined
,
if
the
Collectors
have
any
thing
to
lose
,
they
lose
it
also
infallibly
;
I
have
known
several
Peasants
who
had
30
years
ago
,
a
Stock
of
five
,
or
six
,
or
ten
thousand
Livers
,
who
in
two
or
three
years
time
,
have
been
totally
ruined
,
by
being
made
Collectors
.
There
is
none
of
'em
at
present
in
the
Country
,
that
are
worth
any
thing
,
so
that
they
cannot
lose
it
,
but
they
are
continually
busie
,
running
from
place
to
place
in
the
Parish
to
get
Payment
,
and
lose
absolutely
all
their
time
in
that
unlucky
Office
.
There
are
at
least
four
of
them
for
the
Taille
in
every
Parish
,
and
four
for
the
Gabelle
or
Imposition
upon
Salt
,
every
year
;
in
some
Parishes
there
are
more
.
Moreover
,
the
Collectors
of
the
former
years
,
to
whom
something
is
owing
of
the
old
Taxes
which
they
paid
for
other
,
lose
also
their
time
about
recovering
their
due
,
running
from
House
to
House
;
and
for
all
this
,
because
't
is
often
impossible
to
them
to
pay
the
Receivers
,
being
not
paid
themselves
,
they
are
frequently
Imprisoned
,
and
must
perish
in
the
Goal
;
it
intangles
them
besides
,
in
many
Suits
at
Law
,
wherein
they
and
their
Adversaries
lose
Money
and
Time
.
And
so
in
all
other
Impositions
and
Taxes
,
besides
what
the
King
has
for
his
share
,
which
is
always
very
excessive
,
and
what
the
Farmers
general
and
particular
,
and
their
wretched
Tools
,
get
or
extort
for
themselves
upon
the
Nation
,
they
put
the
poor
People
to
vast
Charges
by
the
Suits
at
Law
,
unjust
Confiscations
,
Imprisonments
,
losses
of
Time
,
and
many
other
oppressive
Ways
;
So
that
the
Vexations
of
the
People
of
France
are
inexpressible
.
Any
body
may
judge
what
damage
and
prejudice
it
causes
to
a
Kingdom
,
if
it
were
nothing
else
but
the
loss
of
Time
.
The
thing
is
not
only
so
in
relation
to
the
Excise
upon
Salt
,
and
that
called
the
Taille
,
and
some
others
,
raised
by
Collectors
,
but
also
in
relation
to
several
hundreds
of
other
Taxes
,
which
are
not
gathered
by
Collectors
,
but
by
other
Men
Commissioned
and
Imployed
therein
by
the
general
and
particular
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
.
One
cannot
imagine
the
Vexations
and
Robberies
they
commit
upon
the
People
,
nor
the
incredible
multitude
of
unjust
Suits
at
Law
which
they
raise
,
wherein
they
are
both
Judges
and
Parties
;
and
the
loss
of
Time
they
cause
,
as
well
as
of
Goods
,
which
they
occasion
to
the
Subjects
,
is
very
considerable
.
Neither
are
they
the
only
Gainers
by
it
,
the
Officers
of
Judicature
have
also
a
share
in
it
;
but
as
for
the
Time
lost
,
and
several
other
disorders
and
losses
it
occasions
to
the
Nation
,
no
body
gets
any
thing
by
it
.
I
dare
say
,
that
before
this
War
the
Unjustice
and
Violence
of
those
Men
did
beget
more
wranglings
at
Law
all
over
the
Kingdom
every
year
,
by
the
occasion
of
Taxes
alone
,
than
there
are
in
Spain
every
year
,
upon
what
Subject
soever
.
33.
England
enjoys
yet
another
advantage
over
France
,
which
is
this
,
that
the
Air
is
more
temperate
,
being
neither
so
cold
nor
so
hot
,
as
't
is
in
the
coldest
or
hottest
parts
of
France
,
by
reason
of
the
Vapours
of
the
Sea
,
which
allay
the
severity
of
the
cold
and
the
heat
of
the
Sun
,
which
makes
England
to
be
fitter
for
Propagation
and
Multiplication
both
of
Men
and
Cattle
,
and
from
thence
it
is
that
't
is
so
plentiful
in
Cattle
,
and
all
sorts
of
Grass
,
Roots
,
and
Herbs
.
34.
As
for
its
Situation
,
besides
that
it
is
compassed
almost
round
by
the
Sea
,
which
makes
her
in
some
sort
a
Neighbour
to
all
the
parts
of
the
Universal
World
,
by
means
of
Navigation
and
Trade
;
It
has
these
further
advantages
over
France
,
that
its
Sea-ports
are
far
better
,
and
more
in
number
as
I
insinuated
elsewhere
,
and
that
it
may
be
said
with
truth
,
that
it
is
much
nearer
the
most
trading
parts
of
Europe
,
and
even
of
the
whole
World
;
since
on
the
East
it
faces
Holland
and
Flanders
,
and
the
most
trading
parts
of
Germany
.
And
on
the
North
and
East
.
it
is
nearer
the
Countries
,
from
whence
all
Materials
necessary
for
Navigation
and
Shipping
are
to
be
gotten
viz.
Norwegive
,
Denmark
,
Swede
,
Poland
,
Prussia
,
Liefland
,
and
the
most
Northern
parts
of
Germany
.
On
the
South
,
it
faces
the
best
and
most
trading
part
of
France
;
and
as
for
the
rest
of
the
World
,
the
great
number
of
its
Ships
,
and
the
good
Convoys
it
furnishes
them
with
,
sets
it
,
as
I
have
said
already
,
in
the
Neighbourhood
of
the
remotest
parts
of
the
World
.
35.
We
must
not
forget
another
great
advantage
that
England
has
above
France
,
viz
,
that
,
by
its
situation
,
which
has
procured
to
it
the
Naval
Power
it
enjoys
,
England
cannot
be
easily
invaded
by
Neighbouring
Nations
,
as
we
see
it
commonly
practised
amongst
other
Nations
that
are
contiguous
one
to
another
,
and
as
we
have
seen
lately
the
French
King
invading
Spain
,
Germany
,
Flanders
,
Savoy
,
&c.
which
has
occasioned
the
ruine
and
depopulation
of
part
of
those
Countries
,
as
did
also
formerly
the
Spaniards
,
and
other
Neighbours
when
they
invaded
France
.
So
that
the
People
of
England
is
more
free
from
that
danger
and
dishonour
than
any
other
People
whatsoever
.
36.
We
ought
also
to
reckon
this
to
be
a
great
advantage
that
England
has
above
France
and
other
Nations
,
viz.
that
by
the
interposition
of
the
Sea
between
England
and
them
,
we
are
not
so
much
in
danger
of
being
tempted
to
invade
other
Nations
,
which
saves
England
abundance
of
precious
Blood
;
whereas
France
,
by
reason
of
its
situation
,
sheds
floods
of
her
People's
Blood
at
random
and
in
vain
,
which
has
brought
that
unhappy
Kindgom
into
the
miserable
condition
it
is
in
at
present
.
For
tho'
the
English
Maritime
Forces
do
put
them
in
a
condition
to
enterprize
upon
the
Neighbouring
Nations
,
and
to
land
Armies
in
their
Country
,
as
it
is
well
known
they
often
did
formerly
,
having
almost
conquered
all
that
great
Kingdom
,
insomuch
that
some
of
our
Kings
were
Crowned
Kings
of
France
at
Paris
;
altho'
,
I
say
,
this
Nation
be
more
able
than
ever
it
was
,
(
especially
under
a
King
so
Wise
and
Valliant
as
the
present
King
)
to
enterprize
things
of
that
Nature
,
if
it
were
thought
fit
;
yet
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
there
is
much
more
difficulty
in
transporting
into
an
Enemies
Country
great
Armies
with
many
Horses
,
and
all
other
Equipage
by
Sea
than
by
Land
,
especially
having
no
Sea-port
nor
place
belonging
to
us
in
the
Land
that
is
to
be
attacked
,
since
a
handful
of
Men
standing
upon
their
guard
,
can
hinder
their
Landing
,
or
at
least
the
taking
of
footing
there
,
and
that
we
are
to
depend
continually
upon
the
Capricio
of
that
unconstant
and
dangerous
Element
,
and
seeing
one
Storm
can
frustrate
all
our
Designs
;
We
cannot
but
believe
that
,
in
the
course
of
one
Age
,
this
advantagious
situation
of
England
does
save
us
,
yet
in
that
one
respect
many
thousand
People
;
Had
France
been
in
such
circumstances
as
to
that
point
,
she
might
have
spared
many
Millions
of
Subjects
.
37.
For
this
same
Reason
we
are
less
obliged
than
other
Nations
are
,
to
be
concerned
in
the
quarrels
that
the
Countries
contiguous
one
to
another
,
are
liable
to
in
the
main
Land
,
unless
they
have
or
may
have
,
some
influence
upon
our
Trade
,
and
may
enable
any
of
our
Neighbours
to
dispute
us
by
degrees
,
out
of
the
Dominion
of
the
Sea
,
or
to
do
us
any
mischief
by
the
increase
of
his
Naval
Power
;
it
cannot
be
imagined
,
how
many
People
this
thing
does
also
save
to
England
.
And
besides
,
we
are
in
a
greater
capacity
to
cross
and
disappoint
the
designs
of
several
potent
Nations
,
than
they
are
to
disappoint
ours
.
I
mean
by
the
strength
and
nimbleness
of
our
Naval
Forces
,
which
can
keep
them
always
in
allarm
,
and
oblige
them
to
guard
all
their
Maritime
Places
and
Coasts
with
Soldiers
,
which
is
very
chargeable
to
'em
.
38.
By
all
these
reasons
it
appears
also
,
that
there
is
no
necessity
for
us
to
keep
on
foot
such
vast
numbers
of
Forces
in
time
of
Peace
,
as
our
Neighbours
are
obliged
to
do
,
because
there
is
not
commonly
much
reason
to
fear
their
Invasions
,
when
England
is
well
united
in
it self
.
I
confess
,
there
is
always
need
of
a
good
Fleet
,
but
it
's
less
cost
and
trouble
to
the
Nation
than
one
or
two
hundred
thousand
Men
,
and
besides
is
very
useful
to
our
Trade
.
Add
to
this
,
that
other
Nations
are
not
free
neither
,
notwithstanding
the
great
number
of
their
standing
Forces
,
from
the
necessity
of
maintaining
either
great
or
small
Fleets
,
as
well
as
England
.
39.
The
Places
and
Towns
which
the
French
King
has
kept
so
long
in
the
Dominions
of
other
Princes
and
States
,
did
drain
away
the
Coin
from
France
,
besides
several
thousands
of
Families
.
As
for
example
,
Cazal
and
Pignerol
,
where
great
Garrisons
were
kept
,
and
all
their
Provisions
were
bought
from
Piedmont
and
Montferrat
,
with
French
Money
.
Those
2
places
,
I
say
,
besides
the
Fortifications
augmented
,
changed
,
and
altered
now
and
then
,
did
not
cost
less
than
a
Million
of
Livers
yearly
;
and
so
many
other
great
Garrisons
,
and
Fortifications
made
in
the
Netherlands
and
elsewhere
,
did
exhaust
the
Money
of
the
Kingdom
.
40.
How
many
thousands
of
the
French
People
did
leave
their
Native
Country
to
retire
themselves
into
the
new
Conquests
,
as
I
insinuated
elsewhere
and
where
they
were
less
oppressed
with
Taxes
;
and
it
was
supposed
15
years
ago
,
that
above
200
thousand
Souls
had
left
France
to
transplant
themselves
into
the
said
Conquests
.
I
could
proffer
several
other
reasons
,
but
these
are
enough
.
I
desire
it
may
be
observed
,
that
in
all
this
,
I
do
not
mention
any
thing
that
hath
happened
since
this
War
,
nor
even
the
last
horrid
Persecution
of
the
Protestants
,
the
loss
of
so
many
People
,
of
the
Manufactures
of
Trade
,
and
of
so
much
Money
they
carried
along
with
them
;
nor
do
I
say
any
thing
of
the
last
Mortality
,
nor
of
the
French
King
's
keeping
4
or
500
thousand
Men
in
Arms
,
&c.
So
that
't
is
easie
to
perceive
from
all
those
reasons
,
and
others
that
may
be
adduced
,
that
England
ought
not
only
to
be
more
populous
,
which
is
the
thing
I
did
more
particularly
undertake
to
prove
,
but
by
necessary
consequence
,
richer
also
and
more
potent
,
than
France
ever
was
,
proportionably
to
the
respective
bignesses
of
both
Kingdoms
.
Some
may
perhaps
object
against
all
my
Reasons
,
and
say
,
if
so
be
the
Nation
is
so
populous
,
how
does
it
come
to
pass
that
it
is
not
richer
and
more
potent
?
for
an
Island
,
such
as
England
is
,
of
that
extent
,
and
so
well
situated
,
with
all
the
other
advantages
above
mentioned
,
if
populous
,
must
needs
be
also
extreamly
rich
and
powerful
;
and
if
it
be
rich
and
powerful
,
whence
does
it
come
that
the
King's
Revenues
in
time
of
Peace
are
so
small
,
and
nothing
near
so
considerable
as
those
of
the
French
King
,
and
his
Court
so
much
inferiour
to
that
of
France
,
in
splendor
,
magnificence
,
and
number
of
Courtiers
,
and
that
his
Palace
in
the
Head-City
,
viz.
Whitehall
,
is
so
little
comparable
in
sumptuousness
to
the
Louvre
?
I
answer
,
first
,
That
England
had
neither
so
much
People
,
nor
so
much
Revenue
,
as
it
might
and
ought
to
have
had
,
considering
all
the
advantages
it
possesses
either
from
the
bounty
of
Nature
,
or
the
form
of
its
Government
,
compared
to
that
of
France
.
I
know
very
well
the
reasons
of
it
,
which
't
is
not
sit
to
mention
here
.
I
say
secondly
,
That
tho'
England
is
more
populous
and
rich
than
France
ever
was
proportionably
to
its
Extent
,
that
yet
the
number
of
all
the
People
of
France
,
and
the
Revenues
of
that
Kingdom
,
(
I
do
not
say
only
of
the
King
's
,
but
the
whole
Kingdoms
)
taken
in
general
,
did
always
exceed
those
of
England
,
by
reason
of
the
greater
extent
of
the
Territory
,
as
I
have
often
said
,
tho'
I
believe
England
at
present
out-does
France
very
much
,
as
well
in
the
Revenue
of
Real
,
and
Personal
Estates
,
and
in
the
Profits
of
the
Industry
of
the
People
,
as
also
in
Number
of
Men
fit
for
Work
,
Manufactures
,
Arts
,
and
Trade
;
England
I
say
,
out
does
France
now
in
all
those
things
,
I
do
not
mean
comparatively
with
reference
to
their
respective
Bigness
or
Extent
,
but
absolutely
,
yet
there
may
be
more
People
in
France
,
reckoning
the
Women
and
Children
;
and
so
by
this
reason
,
though
the
French
King
should
not
have
over
charged
his
Subjects
so
horribly
as
he
hath
done
,
he
ought
always
to
have
had
formerly
more
Revenue
than
the
King
of
England
.
As
for
the
other
Points
,
it
was
never
a
sign
or
an
effect
of
Poverty
in
the
Nation
,
that
the
Revenues
of
the
Kings
of
England
,
their
Court
,
and
their
Palace
were
comparatively
so
small
;
for
if
the
Kings
and
Parliaments
had
judged
it
fit
,
they
might
easily
have
altered
things
,
and
put
them
upon
another
foot
,
the
Nation
being
Wealthy
,
and
abounding
much
more
in
rich
Nobility
and
Gentry
than
France
,
who
can
plentifully
subsist
of
themselves
,
without
the
Places
and
Benefits
of
the
Court
,
whereas
the
Nobility
of
France
is
generally
so
poor
that
it
cannot
subsist
otherwise
,
and
it
is
this
,
that
makes
the
French
Court
so
much
frequented
by
the
Nobility
,
as
well
as
by
great
numbers
of
the
general
Officers
of
the
Forces
which
that
King
maintains
even
in
time
of
Peace
,
which
exceed
always
two
hundred
thousand
Men
,
and
mightily
vex
and
crush
the
People
;
if
things
stand
otherwise
disposed
in
England
,
't
is
an
effect
of
the
Genius
and
Form
of
that
Government
,
which
has
produced
that
admirable
effect
which
we
see
;
that
whereas
France
is
utterly
and
irrecoverably
destroyed
by
the
Absolute
Power
of
her
Monarch
,
the
King
of
England
on
the
contrary
finds
in
the
heart
and
good
affection
of
his
Subjects
,
who
live
plentifully
,
all
Subsidies
necessary
to
supply
the
Wants
of
the
Government
,
and
support
the
War
,
as
long
as
will
be
found
convenient
.
Some
perhaps
who
cannot
contradict
the
Reasons
which
I
have
offered
to
prove
that
England
ought
to
be
more
populous
even
at
present
than
France
ever
was
,
will
perhaps
dispute
the
matter
of
Fact
,
and
say
,
that
it
has
been
depopulated
by
the
Colonies
in
Ireland
,
the
Plantations
in
the
West-Indies
,
by
the
Civil
Wars
both
in
England
and
Ireland
,
by
the
great
Massacre
in
the
latter
,
and
by
the
Plague
which
did
carry
off
so
much
People
.
To
which
I
answer
,
That
there
is
no
comparison
between
the
Loss
of
Men
in
England
by
the
Civil
War
,
and
the
Loss
of
Men
in
France
upon
the
same
account
;
for
I
dare
say
France
has
lost
ten
to
one
.
But
I
answer
further
,
That
it
does
not
in
the
least
invalidate
the
Proofs
from
matter
of
Fact
which
I
have
produced
,
and
need
not
repeat
here
,
which
prove
demonstratively
,
that
England
is
really
more
populous
than
France
ever
was
.
I
grant
however
,
that
if
it
were
not
for
the
things
objected
,
England
should
be
more
populous
than
it
is
.
And
I
am
of
that
Opinion
in
particular
,
that
the
Plantations
in
the
West-Indies
have
done
a
great
prejudice
to
England
in
that
respect
.
But
I
affirm
also
,
that
the
Civil
Wars
in
France
,
which
lasted
much
longer
than
they
did
in
England
,
the
violent
and
frequent
Persecutions
for
Religion
,
not
without
general
and
particular
Massacres
,
the
Plague
and
Mortality
,
of
which
it
has
not
been
free
neither
;
its
Plantations
in
America
also
,
and
so
many
great
and
long
Wars
abroad
without
necessity
,
have
depopulated
France
much
more
.
But
especially
the
enormous
Impositions
of
France
,
the
Methods
of
raising
them
,
the
stupendious
multitude
of
Soldiers
that
have
been
kept
of
long
time
,
the
great
multitude
of
Lawyers
,
and
other
innumerable
Civil
Officers
,
that
of
the
Maltotiers
,
that
is
to
say
,
a
great
Army
of
Rascals
and
Thieves
subservient
to
the
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
,
and
so
many
other
things
,
some
of
which
I
mentioned
before
.
All
those
things
,
I
say
,
are
enough
to
convince
any
rational
and
unbiassed
person
,
that
France
could
not
be
so
populous
thirty
years
ago
,
as
England
is
even
now
.
But
above
all
,
I
desire
that
what
I
proposed
above
concerning
the
fatal
effects
of
Popery
in
that
Kingdom
,
might
be
well
weighed
.
Let
us
conclude
then
,
that
England
is
,
and
ought
to
be
more
populous
than
France
ever
was
,
in
the
time
of
its
greatest
splendor
.
So
that
there
is
a
great
Paradox
well
proved
.
The
World
is
full
of
such
gross
mistakes
,
but
I
hope
I
shall
prove
several
other
such
Paradoxes
,
before
I
die
.
But
some
will
object
and
say
,
Are
not
we
also
reduced
to
great
Extremities
in
England
?
Are
not
the
Affairs
of
our
Coin
,
Exchequer
and
Banks
,
in
an
ill
condition
?
And
is
not
our
Army
likewise
unpaid
?
I
confess
indeed
that
a
great
many
people
suffer
in
England
by
the
ill
State
of
the
Coin
;
but
't
is
neither
an
effect
of
the
War
,
nor
yet
of
any
decay
of
the
Riches
of
the
Kingdom
;
for
if
it
had
,
all
this
mis-fortune
would
have
happened
a
year
ago
,
for
't
is
known
,
that
a
twelve-month
ago
the
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
were
in
such
a
flourishing
condition
,
that
it
was
thought
fit
to
Reform
the
Coin
in
the
heat
of
the
War
,
and
to
Establish
several
great
Banks
in
the
Nation
,
so
that
we
may
justly
say
,
that
this
Accident
is
a
bad
effect
of
the
good
condition
of
the
Kingdom
,
to
which
the
same
thing
hath
happened
that
usually
befals
those
,
who
finding
themselves
in
a
better
state
of
health
than
ordinary
,
attempt
to
make
some
great
Effort
by
which
they
find
themselves
injured
,
either
because
the
thing
is
too
great
for
them
,
or
because
they
do
not
make
use
of
the
best
Methods
to
perform
it
,
or
that
they
are
crossed
in
it
.
However
,
all
the
Riches
that
were
in
England
before
that
time
,
are
in
it
still
.
This
was
also
an
effect
of
the
too
great
Indulgence
used
commonly
towards
a
great
number
of
wicked
people
in
this
Kingdom
for
want
of
strict
Discipline
,
and
a
necessary
Severity
,
amongst
which
there
was
an
incredible
number
of
Clippers
,
both
Men
and
Women
;
't
is
they
who
have
done
this
mischief
,
to
which
the
Stock-Jobbers
have
also
contribued
,
and
the
Effects
of
it
would
have
been
very
bad
,
even
in
a
time
of
Peace
.
Yet
we
may
venture
to
say
,
that
all
this
would
not
have
done
much
hurt
,
if
there
had
been
a
competent
number
of
Coiners
in
the
Tower
,
to
have
Recoined
the
Clipped
Money
in
a
Month's
time
,
for
that
Money
,
having
been
a
great
while
useless
in
the
Tower
and
Exchequer
,
hath
added
to
the
Mischievous
Consequences
of
it
.
As
for
the
rest
,
tho'
the
People
have
suffered
for
a
year
past
,
and
do
suffer
still
very
much
by
it
,
that
is
not
to
be
compared
to
the
Sufferings
which
the
People
of
France
have
laboured
under
ever
since
the
beginning
of
this
War
,
and
before
it
.
I
would
fain
know
of
the
Gentlemen
,
who
make
this
Objection
,
how
many
People
there
are
in
England
,
that
,
because
of
this
,
do
sell
their
Plate
to
Goldsmiths
,
or
who
spend
less
at
their
Tables
,
or
in
Recreations
and
Divertisements
,
than
they
did
before
.
Are
the
Lands
and
Houses
either
sold
,
or
Farmed
at
easier
rates
,
or
are
Provisions
which
are
plentiful
,
much
fallen
in
their
price
?
for
all
the
Money
is
so
scarce
amongst
the
People
.
Tho'
they
grumble
sufficiently
at
the
scarcity
of
the
Coin
,
yet
they
are
sensible
that
the
disease
is
not
very
great
,
And
indeed
,
in
all
the
other
States
of
Europe
,
it
would
be
remedied
in
two
days
time
,
by
making
use
of
Authority
.
But
in
England
the
King
and
Parliament
do
in
all
their
conduct
,
avoid
the
least
appearance
of
constraint
,
even
where
it
would
be
very
useful
,
because
their
Affairs
are
in
such
a
condition
as
they
may
easily
forbear
it
.
But
to
return
to
the
Clippers
,
they
have
diminished
the
Silver-Coin
,
it
may
be
,
by
about
3
Millions
Sterling
;
but
this
is
not
an
Absolute
Loss
to
the
Kingdom
,
if
it
be
a
loss
at
all
,
seeing
't
is
probable
,
that
all
,
or
the
greatest
part
of
that
Metal
remains
still
in
the
Nation
;
And
it
is
very
likely
,
nay
,
certain
,
that
they
had
Multiplied
the
Species
of
Silver
,
because
several
of
them
were
also
Coiners
,
who
did
make
of
an
Unclip'd
Half
Crown
or
Shilling
,
two
of
the
same
Species
,
and
't
is
probable
,
that
had
it
not
been
for
'em
,
the
Silver-Species
would
have
been
less
copious
than
it
was
,
However
,
't
is
an
easie
matter
to
make
up
that
want
,
by
melting
part
of
the
Plate
of
the
Nation
,
which
is
excessive
in
quantity
;
and
suppose
3
Millions
Sterling
lost
by
the
Clippers
,
it
would
be
but
inconsiderable
to
a
Kingdom
,
which
may
be
worth
800
Millions
Sterling
;
I
mean
all
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
with
the
People
and
Their
Industry
.
What
comparison
then
is
there
to
be
made
between
this
Kingdom
and
that
of
France
,
whereof
the
Estates
Real
and
Personal
are
generally
sunk
above
the
two-thirds
in
Revenue
,
and
much
more
in
the
Capital
Stock
,
as
I
have
already
demonstrated
,
and
where
above
two-third
parts
of
all
the
Working-men
are
destroyed
;
whereas
in
England
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
are
increased
in
value
,
as
every
body
knows
,
without
any
scarcity
of
Provisions
,
and
even
under
the
scarcity
of
Money
so
much
complained
of
.
This
is
the
true
Touch-stone
of
the
Good
or
Bad
Condition
of
a
Kingdom
,
to
try
whether
the
Real
and
Personal-Estates
Decrease
or
Increase
in
Value
.
So
that
there
can
be
no
more
comparison
between
England
and
France
as
to
that
,
than
between
a
very
healthful
and
lusty
Man
,
and
one
who
is
in
a
deep
Consumption
.
'T
is
known
also
,
that
all
Foreign
Trade
is
totally
lost
in
France
,
except
a
little
in
the
Streights
,
whereas
in
England
it
is
otherwise
.
'T
is
true
the
French
Privateers
are
troublesom
,
but
I
shall
shew
in
its
proper
place
,
that
they
bring
no
benefit
to
France
.
'T
is
also
true
,
that
the
Publick
Taxes
in
England
did
not
bring
in
any
thing
near
of
what
was
expected
from
them
,
but
this
must
be
imputed
to
the
casual
Interruption
of
the
course
of
the
Money
,
and
partly
to
the
negligence
and
indulgence
of
Assessors
and
Collectors
,
which
is
so
very
great
,
that
there
is
nothing
like
it
in
the
Universal
World
,
nor
would
it
be
thought
credible
any where
else
.
For
they
favour
whom
they
please
,
and
dispose
more
freely
of
the
Publick
Revenues
,
than
they
do
of
their
own
,
which
denotes
not
only
the
Extream
Indulgence
of
the
Government
,
but
also
that
the
People
are
very
far
from
suffering
,
as
they
do
in
all
Countries
,
especially
in
France
,
since
there
's
not
the
least
shaddow
of
severity
or
hardship
,
used
towards
them
;
and
besides
,
the
People
themselves
are
in
a
manner
the
Umpires
and
Arbitrators
,
who
,
and
what
every
one
must
pay
;
and
the
truth
is
,
they
dispense
with
many
thousands
of
People
from
paying
any
thing
,
who
live
better
than
a
great
many
in
France
,
who
are
obliged
to
pay
every
year
50
and
100
Pounds
to
the
French
King
.
How
should
this
Nation
be
fallen
into
Poverty
,
since
't
is
the
Nation
it self
,
represented
by
those
who
are
supposed
to
be
the
Wisest
Men
in
the
Kingdom
,
viz
the
Great
Council
of
the
Nation
Assembled
in
Parliament
,
which
chuses
the
Imposts
that
are
most
proper
,
and
which
●…xes
and
regulates
the
Sums
,
and
who
themselves
pay
cherfully
their
quota
of
the
said
Sums
,
proportionably
to
every
One's
Estate
,
and
not
as
in
France
,
where
they
,
who
order
and
regulate
the
Taxes
,
enrich
themselves
thereby
,
and
pay
nothing
;
they
make
part
of
the
People
themselves
,
and
should
put
an
end
to
the
War
,
by
advising
the
King
to
make
Peace
,
and
denying
Subsidies
,
if
they
found
them
ruinous
or
unnecessary
to
the
Nation
.
Some
simple
People
,
especially
Foreigners
,
are
apt
to
think
sometimes
,
when
they
see
the
Parliament
spend
time
in
deliberating
upon
Ways
and
Means
to
raise
Money
to
carry
on
the
War
with
vigour
,
that
't
is
a
sign
that
the
Nation
is
exhausted
,
and
that
they
do
not
know
what
to
do
,
but
it
is
a
gross
mistake
.
'T
is
so
in
France
indeed
,
when
they
are
long
in
their
Deliberations
about
the
Impositions
,
't
is
a
sign
of
great
Misery
in
that
Kingdom
,
for
they
have
no
regard
to
,
nor
commiseration
of
any
body
,
nor
of
any
condition
of
People
;
the
Despotical
Authority
cuts
in
pieces
,
tears
and
devours
all
without
distinction
.
It
is
a
military
Government
without
Compassion
.
But
here
in
England
they
do
not
do
all
that
they
could
do
,
for
if
they
had
,
France
would
have
been
very
low
long
before
this
,
but
they
do
what
is
most
proper
and
convenient
,
and
most
agreeable
to
the
humours
,
dispositions
or
interests
of
the
People
in
general
,
and
of
every
Province
and
Town
;
nay
,
we
may
almost
say
of
every
individual
Person
,
like
an
impartial
Father
in
his
Family
.
There
are
some
Impositions
practised
in
all
other
Nations
with
great
Success
,
which
the
Parliament
of
England
has
always
forborn
,
through
a
tender
indulgence
to
the
People
;
as
for
example
,
the
general
Excise
,
which
would
bring
in
many
Millions
,
as
well
as
many
particular
Excises
upon
several
things
,
which
are
established
in
all
other
Nations
,
even
in
time
of
Peace
,
to
a
high
degree
,
but
especially
in
France
,
where
they
amount
sometimes
to
above
twice
the
value
of
the
Excised
Commodity
.
And
the
truth
is
,
that
there
are
a
hundred
Ways
and
Means
which
might
be
practised
in
England
,
as
they
are
in
all
other
Nations
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
great
Lenity
of
the
Government
towards
the
People
.
But
for
all
this
,
it
is
true
,
that
the
Shop-keepers
,
Handicrafts
and
other
Work-men
have
suffered
,
especially
in
London
;
as
has
also
the
Army
for
want
of
Payment
,
and
those
who
lent
Money
to
the
King
or
the
Banks
,
because
of
the
scarcity
of
the
Species
,
which
made
every
one
to
keep
up
what
Money
they
had
,
and
to
look
upon
it
as
much
more
precious
than
before
;
insomuch
that
they
would
not
part
with
it
.
But
all
those
Tradesmen
,
Shop-keepers
,
and
others
who
had
put
their
Money
in
the
Exchequer
or
Banks
,
had
either
Credit
,
or
some
Real
or
Personal-Estates
,
and
pay
either
but
small
Taxes
,
or
none
at
all
,
or
had
some
Money
left
them
,
whereas
in
France
that
sort
of
Men
,
especially
Handicrafts
and
Labourers
,
have
nothing
at
all
,
not
so
much
as
a
Bed
to
lye
upon
,
and
are
besides
over-laden
with
Taxes
,
and
have
been
forced
for
the
most
part
to
serve
in
the
Armies
and
perish
there
;
as
for
those
who
lent
Money
to
the
French
King
,
there
is
no
hopes
of
their
recovering
their
Due
,
neither
Principal
nor
Interest
,
for
all
the
Stocks
of
the
Kingdom
are
consumed
,
whereas
in
England
those
who
lent
their
Money
to
the
King
,
have
all
the
Nation
for
their
security
,
so
that
they
will
not
lose
a
Farthing
.
There
are
but
few
Tradesmen
and
Handicrafts
in
England
,
but
have
some
pieces
of
Plate
or
other
,
which
they
could
sell
if
they
had
been
truely
in
want
,
and
I
dare
say
,
there
is
scarce
one
in
two
hundred
who
has
sold
it
,
tho'
they
did
not
fail
of
crying
out
against
the
Taxes
,
the
scarcity
of
Money
and
want
of
Trade
,
because
they
are
not
used
to
suffer
in
the
least
.
In
France
those
sort
of
Men
are
not
only
without
Plate
,
but
the
most
part
of
the
wealthiest
of
the
Kingdom
,
who
had
abundance
on
't
formerly
,
have
none
at
all
now
,
and
those
who
have
any
yet
left
,
have
but
very
little
,
for
a
great
many
of
them
had
sold
it
,
even
before
this
War
,
to
supply
their
wants
,
because
of
the
decay
of
all
their
Estates
.
As
to
the
scarcity
of
the
Coin
in
England
,
I
believe
,
if
a
narrow
enquiry
were
made
into
that
Affair
,
which
would
be
quickly
done
in
another
Nation
,
it
would
be
found
that
there
is
perhaps
as
much
Money
in
England
at
present
,
reckoning
Gold-Coin
and
Plate
,
as
ever
there
was
of
all
those
Species
before
the
War
.
For
though
it
cannot
be
denied
,
but
that
great
Sums
of
Money
,
either
in
Species
or
in
Bills
,
which
is
all
one
,
is
conveyed
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
well
for
maintaining
our
Army
in
Flanders
,
as
for
some
of
our
Allies
;
't
is
probable
also
,
that
as
much
at
least
is
returned
from
Holland
and
Flanders
,
and
other
Countries
,
for
the
Commodities
which
they
take
from
us
in
greater
quantity
,
than
they
did
before
the
War
,
which
causes
all
the
Products
of
England
to
sell
well
;
Without
mentioning
what
we
spare
from
France
in
time
of
War
;
for
it
is
known
,
we
were
over-ballanced
by
them
in
Trade
by
several
Millions
Sterling
,
which
,
with
the
Travels
of
our
People
into
their
Country
,
did
Decrease
us
of
vast
Sums
Yearly
,
and
we
have
now
all
their
Manufactures
settled
here
by
the
Refugies
,
by
the
occasion
of
this
War
,
and
a
better
Trade
with
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
and
all
the
rest
of
the
World
.
It
's
plain
,
that
our
Trade
to
the
Spanish-Netherlands
is
greater
than
ever
,
for
a
great
part
of
that
Country
being
Untilled
,
by
reason
of
the
War
,
the
Inhabitants
,
who
formerly
lived
upon
their
own
product
,
are
now
for
the
most
part
supplied
from
England
,
as
are
also
the
150000
Men
extraordinary
,
which
are
every
Year
in
those
Countries
,
belonging
to
the
several
Armies
,
besides
what
we
furnish
them
in
Horses
,
Cloathing
and
Fewel
;
And
if
there
is
less
Silver-Coin
in
England
,
't
is
likely
there
is
more
Gold
,
and
Plate
than
before
the
War
.
What
I
say
as
to
the
Plate
,
must
not
be
taken
as
a
Paradox
,
for
this
reason
,
viz.
that
most
of
the
Clippings
were
converted
into
Plate
;
for
the
number
of
Clippers
both
Men
and
Women
,
was
so
great
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
it
cannot
be
doubted
but
that
the
most
part
of
them
sold
their
Clippings
to
the
Goldsmiths
,
who
were
privy
to
their
Crime
,
at
any
easie
rate
,
and
that
they
got
Plate
from
them
for
part
of
the
payment
,
and
Unclip'd
Money
for
the
other
part
,
and
the
Goldsmiths
did
turn
the
Clippings
over
again
into
other
Plate
.
It
cannot
be
otherwise
,
unless
we
will
suppose
that
all
those
Clippers
were
eminent
Trading-men
,
who
did
convey
the
Silver-Ingots
to
Foreign
Countries
,
which
is
against
Experience
;
for
the
most
part
of
those
Clippers
were
of
the
vulgar
sort
,
and
this
cannot
be
practised
by
such
kind
of
People
,
and
especially
by
those
who
do
not
live
in
London
.
I
remember
that
upon
this
Subject
,
I
have
heard
some
honest
Gold-Smiths
complain
,
that
they
were
every
day
obliged
against
their
will
to
sell
their
Plate
to
several
People
,
who
paid
them
in
Money
horribly
Clipped
,
which
they
could
not
refuse
because
it
was
currant
,
and
that
oftentimes
the
Money
that
they
received
did
not
weigh
above
the
half
of
the
Plate
which
they
sold
for
it
.
But
altho'
the
melting
of
that
Clipped
,
has
diminished
the
quantity
,
not
of
the
Metal
,
but
of
the
Species
,
yet
many
do
fancy
that
there
is
less
of
them
remaining
than
really
there
is
,
and
there
are
several
reasons
which
make
people
fancy
so
.
First
,
Because
there
is
still
a
considerable
quantity
which
is
to
be
Melted
,
and
lies
unprofitable
to
Trade
as
long
as
it
does
not
come
out
.
Secondly
,
People
observing
that
they
are
suddenly
reduced
from
a
plenty
of
Species
,
to
a
scarcity
of
the
same
,
are
apt
to
judge
,
that
the
Kingdom
is
altogether
ruined
,
which
causes
all
those
who
have
unclipped
Money
or
Gold
by
them
,
to
put
a
greater
estimate
upon
it
,
as
I
insinuated
before
,
than
they
did
formerly
,
and
to
keep
it
more
close
;
so
that
neither
that
which
is
in
the
Exchequer
or
the
Mint
does
appear
,
nor
yet
that
which
is
in
the
hand
of
private
persons
.
And
they
are
confirmed
in
their
opinion
by
the
Stock-Jobbers
,
who
very
much
raise
the
value
of
ready
Money
,
and
do
for
their
own
Interest
bring
a
disrepute
upon
the
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
,
making
people
believe
,
that
the
Mischief
is
much
greater
than
really
it
is
.
So
that
every
one
keeps
his
Money
more
narrowly
,
and
gathers
up
all
that
which
falls
into
his
hands
,
and
takes
occasion
upon
pretence
of
the
publick
scarcity
of
Money
,
and
upon
the
general
complainr
that
no
body
now
pays
Debts
,
to
buy
all
upon
Trust
,
and
so
neither
pay
their
own
Debts
,
nor
Taxes
,
tho'
they
be
very
well
provided
with
Money
.
Several
people
have
experienced
,
that
the
general
noise
of
the
scarcity
of
Money
,
caused
some
of
their
Customers
and
Debtors
,
tho'
well
stored
with
it
,
to
put
off
their
Payment
from
week
to
week
,
and
month
to
month
,
under
pretence
that
they
had
none
,
and
yet
they
paid
them
exactly
as
soon
as
the
Guineas
were
at
thirty
shillings
,
and
that
they
heard
they
would
fall
;
and
the
same
was
also
found
when
the
broad
old
Money
was
ready
to
be
cryed
down
,
as
also
when
the
hammered
Money
did
follow
the
same
fate
.
For
then
a
great
many
people
who
kept
abundance
of
it
hoarded
up
,
began
to
buy
what
they
wanted
,
and
to
pay
their
Debts
.
And
to
that
purpose
,
I
dare
say
,
that
two
Millions
of
Pounds
Coined
out
of
all
the
Plate
of
the
Nation
(
which
amounts
perhaps
to
five
or
six
Millions
Sterling
)
would
,
with
what
is
already
Coined
,
make
three
or
four
Millions
of
invisible
Coin
in
the
Nation
to
come
out
,
like
a
little
Water
powr'd
into
the
Pump
,
helps
to
draw
a
great
deal
more
of
it
out
of
a
Ship
.
That
Opinion
of
the
Poverty
of
the
Kingdom
is
also
abetted
and
countenanced
by
the
ill-affected
Party
,
and
the
said
Stock-Jobbers
to
the
utmost
degree
,
so
that
many
even
of
the
well-affected
are
inclined
to
fancy
so
too
,
for
want
of
a
due
examination
of
the
matter
.
Further
,
several
of
the
Malcontents
do
hoard
up
Money
for
several
bad
purposes
.
Besides
,
it
must
be
acknowledged
,
that
many
honest
people
,
seeing
the
eagerness
of
our
Enemies
against
the
King's
Life
,
are
afraid
that
he
may
be
Assassinated
,
and
that
then
a
fatal
Revolution
may
insue
from
it
,
which
makes
them
keep
up
their
Money
that
they
may
help
themselves
with
it
in
such
an
Extremity
.
'T
is
said
also
,
that
the
Country-Farmers
,
who
never
did
thrive
better
than
since
this
War
,
have
hoarded
up
much
of
it
Some
say
also
,
that
multitudes
of
Bankrupts
carry
it
away
more
than
ever
,
to
Priviledg'd
Places
.
These
,
with
some
others
of
the
same
kind
,
are
the
Reasons
which
occasions
the
scarcity
of
Money
amongst
the
People
,
and
that
the
Army
,
and
those
who
have
Lent
Money
to
the
King
are
not
paid
,
and
not
the
War
,
nor
the
Taxes
,
which
have
been
very
ill
paid
this
year
,
tho'
very
moderate
to
what
they
are
in
other
States
and
Countries
now
in
War
,
for
their
Subjects
pay
much
more
in
time
of
Peace
than
the
English
Nation
does
in
this
time
of
War
.
I
do
not
mean
the
French
,
who
are
perfect
Slaves
,
but
even
the
Dutch
,
whose
Lands
and
Houses
pay
generally
and
constantly
,
since
the
War
,
about
three
quarters
of
their
Revenue
,
besides
the
hundredth
Penny
of
the
Stock
which
they
pay
twice
sometimes
in
the
year
,
besides
the
general
Excise
upon
all
things
whatsoever
,
and
many
other
Impositions
.
So
that
't
is
visible
that
the
said
Scarcity
of
the
Currant
Coin
,
and
the
above-mentioned
ill
Effects
of
it
,
has
not
proceeded
from
any
real
decay
in
the
Stock
of
England
,
but
from
the
Lenity
of
the
Government
,
&c.
as
before-mentioned
.
If
the
Nation
had
suffered
for
want
of
Coin
before
the
Clipped
Money
was
cryed
down
,
the
Great
Council
of
the
Nation
would
not
have
cryed
it
down
,
or
they
might
have
caused
the
Plate
to
be
melted
;
such
a
thing
was
done
in
France
5
years
ago
,
but
upon
very
disadvantagious
conditions
to
the
Subjects
,
for
they
were
forced
to
carry
their
Plate
to
the
Mint
,
as
also
all
the
old
Coin
,
both
Gold
and
Silver
,
on
pain
of
a
total
confiscation
of
all
they
kept
by
them
;
For
which
,
instead
of
ready
Money
they
received
at
the
Mint
a
Paper
,
mentioning
the
quantity
of
the
Plate
and
old
Coin
brought
in
by
such
a
one
,
and
subscribed
by
the
Officers
of
the
Mint
,
with
promise
that
their
due
would
be
paid
in
some
Months
time
,
without
any
Interest
.
But
when
the
time
was
elapsed
,
they
came
hundreds
of
times
before
they
could
receive
any
Money
;
and
when
they
received
it
,
they
were
obliged
to
lose
the
6th
part
of
their
Plate
and
Money
:
Others
could
not
get
one
penny
,
but
when
the
Sum
owing
them
was
considerable
,
they
were
forced
to
lend
it
the
King
,
and
they
noted
as
rich
Persons
.
Let
Man
compare
such
proceedings
with
those
of
the
Parliament
here
,
who
had
proposed
to
give
five
shillings
and
eight
pence
for
the
Ounce
of
Plate
,
and
to
pay
the
Interest
of
it
,
without
constraining
any
Man
to
bring
it
in
against
his
own
will
.
If
any
Men
say
that
France
did
it
without
need
;
he
speaks
mighty
injuriously
of
that
King
and
his
Counsel
,
for
why
should
he
have
given
so
much
trouble
to
his
People
,
and
made
them
lose
so
much
,
if
he
did
not
need
Money
?
for
he
has
done
it
twice
within
this
five
or
six
years
;
the
first
rise
of
the
Money
was
5
d
per
Crown
,
and
the
second
was
7
d.
more
,
in
all
twelve
pence
upon
every
Crown
,
and
the
same
upon
all
other
Species
,
both
of
Gold
and
Silver
in
proportion
;
why
should
he
have
so
much
discredited
his
own
Affairs
without
great
reason
?
for
there
is
nothing
that
does
more
prejudice
to
a
Nation
's
Credit
,
than
such
a
practice
.
And
never
any
wise
Prince
or
Nation
did
use
such
Methods
,
without
great
necessity
,
I
mean
to
raise
the
value
of
the
Coin
,
with
such
a
great
loss
to
the
People
.
This
method
is
looked
on
by
Politicians
,
as
the
Emetik-Wine
is
by
Physicians
,
who
do
not
use
to
Administer
it
but
in
violent
Diseases
,
or
as
the
Anchora
sacra
of
the
Heathens
,
which
was
cast
only
when
they
thought
the
Ship
was
ready
to
be
Shipwrack'd
without
it
.
And
this
would
be
so
much
the
more
injurious
to
the
French
King
,
that
he
has
engaged
in
this
War
without
necessity
,
and
that
when
he
is
pleased
to
give
satisfaction
to
King
William
,
and
to
his
Allies
,
as
to
what
he
hath
taken
from
them
,
the
Peace
may
be
concluded
easily
.
The
English
indeed
ought
to
spend
their
Estates
and
Lives
to
the
last
Man
,
in
such
a
War
as
this
,
because
their
Religion
,
Liberties
,
Estates
and
Lives
lye
at
a
stake
,
but
the
French
K.
has
no
such
thing
to
fear
from
the
Allies
;
they
desire
nothing
from
him
but
what
belongs
de
jure
to
'em
.
We
must
acknowledge
that
Absolute
Authority
is
a
dangerous
Weapon
,
even
to
those
who
make
use
of
it
,
for
you
may
see
to
what
extremities
and
shifts
it
has
brought
not
only
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
but
also
the
King
himself
.
We
must
grant
also
,
that
't
is
an
admirable
Ressource
,
if
so
be
it
could
last
long
,
but
't
is
like
a
vehement
Feaver
and
Burning
,
which
gives
strength
for
a
little
while
to
the
Body
which
is
agitated
by
it
,
and
causes
the
person
to
make
astonshing
Efforts
,
but
wasts
him
away
in
a
little
time
.
Or
like
the
Possession
of
some
Persons
,
possessed
by
Evil
Spirits
,
who
will
go
an
hundred
Leagues
in
less
time
than
others
can
go
ten
,
but
at
the
Journey
's
end
find
themselves
so
bruised
,
that
they
can
never
recover
again
.
This
Arbitrary
Power
,
as
't
is
exercised
at
this
day
in
France
,
has
the
same
apparent
advantage
for
a
little
time
,
over
a
wise
and
moderate
Government
,
as
to
Pride
and
Ostentation
,
as
a
Spendthrift
who
devours
all
his
Stock
,
has
over
another
,
who
may
be
as
rich
or
richer
than
he
,
but
is
contented
to
spend
less
than
his
ordinary
Revenue
,
and
lays
part
of
it
by
for
future
emergencies
,
and
making
good
the
losses
that
may
befal
him
:
It
is
ordinary
for
the
Vulgar
to
speak
of
,
and
admire
the
former
much
more
than
the
latter
,
and
that
the
former
may
do
,
and
many
times
really
does
extraordinary
things
in
comparison
of
the
other
,
ho'
very
often
below
the
vast
Expences
and
the
great
Efforts
that
he
makes
.
But
all
this
glory
which
he
purchases
by
it
,
is
but
of
a
short
duration
,
and
the
applause
he
gets
too
is
only
from
Fools
;
whereas
the
praise
of
a
good
Husband
endures
for
ever
;
The
first
ruines
his
Family
,
and
will
be
infallibly
hated
and
detested
by
all
wise
Men
,
even
when
he
makes
the
greatest
noise
in
the
World
and
thinks
himself
to
be
the
most
admired
,
and
at
last
also
by
the
vulgar
People
who
admired
him
at
first
,
when
they
see
Himself
and
his
Family
ruined
by
his
Vanity
and
Folly
.
And
all
Posterity
will
make
the
same
Judgment
of
him
.
If
a
Soveraign
employs
his
Despotical
Authority
to
destroy
and
lay
waste
his
People
by
Tyranny
,
and
his
Neighbours
by
War
;
he
is
like
to
incurr
the
same
fate
,
which
we
have
observed
in
several
great
Wranglers
at
Law
in
France
,
who
being
born
with
a
considerable
Estate
,
and
some
Vigour
of
Mind
,
did
raise
unjust
Suits
against
all
their
Neighbours
,
because
they
were
well
provided
with
Knavish
and
Skilful
Atturneys
and
understood
the
wranglings
and
formalities
of
Justice
themselves
.
They
had
an
incomparable
Talent
to
prosecute
and
make
all
other
People
mad
,
and
to
attain
their
own
ends
.
Every
body
was
surprized
to
see
them
charged
with
so
many
Suits
at
once
,
and
that
they
got
the
best
in
almost
all
of
them
,
tho'
their
Causes
were
unjust
,
and
that
some
of
their
Adversaries
had
as
much
skill
and
wit
as
they
had
themselves
;
So
that
they
carried
now
a
Farm
,
and
then
a
House
or
a
Field
from
their
Neighbours
,
and
were
loaden
with
all
their
Spoil
.
But
it
came
to
pass
at
last
,
that
after
some
years
,
the
said
Wranglers
were
utterly
ruined
,
and
reduced
to
beggary
;
tho'
they
did
as
yet
appear
to
be
in
possession
of
some
Lands
and
Houses
,
but
they
were
over-whelmed
with
debts
;
then
those
who
had
lost
their
Estates
with
them
at
Law
,
did
find
ways
to
recover
them
,
because
the
Wranglers
had
not
wherewithal
to
support
their
Unjustice
any
further
.
The
reason
why
they
gained
all
their
Causes
,
was
not
only
that
they
had
very
skillful
Atturneys
,
and
at
the
same
time
great
Knaves
,
who
could
forge
false
Titles
,
but
that
they
spared
no
cost
to
bribe
and
corrupt
those
of
the
other
side
,
and
placed
their
glory
in
conquering
so
by
any
means
whatsoever
,
tho'
the
Expences
did
very
much
exceed
the
value
of
the
thing
in
question
.
Whereas
their
Neighbours
,
tho'
as
wealthy
,
and
more
prudent
than
they
,
trusting
to
the
Justice
of
their
Causes
,
contented
themselves
to
defray
the
ordinary
Charges
of
Law-Suits
,
and
made
use
of
no
means
but
what
were
honest
and
lawful
,
being
unwilling
to
incommode
their
Affairs
,
and
ruine
their
Families
,
and
besides
,
they
could
not
believe
that
their
Adversaries
would
make
use
of
such
tricks
,
which
would
cost
them
very
dear
,
and
were
able
to
ruine
them
,
and
that
for
a
trifle
sometimes
,
which
was
the
ground
of
their
Debates
.
Every
body
did
commend
the
honesty
of
the
latter
,
tho'
they
lost
their
Cause
,
and
did
curse
the
conduct
of
the
unjust
Wrangler
,
except
some
ill
Men
,
as
unjust
as
himself
,
or
some
who
got
advantage
and
profit
by
his
Unjustice
,
and
the
Monks
and
Priests
to
whom
he
made
Presents
,
and
did
enter
himself
into
their
Fraternities
,
to
the
end
they
should
speak
well
of
him
,
and
made
them
believe
,
that
when
he
brought
an
Action
against
such
a
one
,
and
such
a
one
,
to
get
their
Lands
from
them
,
he
did
it
with
intent
to
bestow
the
same
upon
the
Church
.
Such
Wranglers
have
often
been
seen
in
France
,
who
ruined
themselves
in
that
manner
,
amongst
whom
there
was
one
that
did
all
those
things
that
I
have
mentioned
,
and
to
repair
in
some
manner
his
Reputation
,
did
think
fit
to
make
himself
a
Priest
at
last
.
Another
gave
the
little
remnant
he
had
kept
of
his
Estate
to
the
Monks
,
depriving
his
Family
of
it
,
that
he
might
at
least
be
commended
by
them
,
and
did
apply
himself
to
the
persecuting
of
the
Huguenots
,
which
gain'd
him
the
hearts
of
the
Clergy
,
while
all
the
honest
among
the
Papists
themselves
detested
him
more
and
more
.
I
am
assured
,
whatever
the
Friends
of
France
and
the
Foes
of
England
,
may
think
on
't
,
that
if
so
be
the
French
King
did
govern
in
England
,
with
the
same
Authority
he
does
in
France
,
which
God
forbid
,
he
could
raise
more
easily
25
Millions
Sterling
in
it
Yearly
during
some
years
,
than
he
can
16
at
present
in
France
.
My
reason
is
,
that
England
is
worth
much
more
now
than
France
,
as
I
have
already
said
.
But
some
will
ask
,
how
the
French
King
with
all
his
Authority
,
could
find
such
Sums
Yearly
in
England
,
seeing
there
is
not
so
much
Money
in
the
Nation
,
and
that
't
is
impossible
to
find
Money
where
there
is
none
.
I
answer
,
he
would
find
out
ways
enough
to
make
People
to
get
it
,
tho'
there
was
none
.
I
have
said
already
,
that
Money
was
wanting
in
France
5
years
ago
,
seeing
he
commanded
the
Plate
to
be
carried
to
the
Mint
,
and
forced
every
one
to
carry
their
old
Coin
to
be
Stamped
a-new
,
and
then
raised
the
value
of
it
.
This
has
been
done
twice
in
6
years
time
,
as
was
said
before
,
and
yet
he
finds
Money
still
,
tho'
there
has
been
abundance
conveyed
out
of
the
Kingdom
every
year
,
as
't
is
easie
to
conceive
,
for
Horses
from
Germany
and
other
Countries
,
for
Naval-Stores
,
for
Corn
in
the
year
of
the
great
Famine
,
for
the
Turks
,
for
the
Pope
,
and
all
the
Court
of
Rome
,
for
Denmark
and
Sweden
,
for
the
Switzers
,
and
for
the
French
Army
in
Piedmont
,
which
has
carried
out
of
France
abundance
of
Money
that
will
never
return
,
besides
what
has
been
carried
out
for
Foreign
Fish
,
and
other
necessaries
,
and
for
all
their
Correspondencies
abroad
,
&c.
'T
is
one
of
those
Miracles
of
Absolute
Power
,
of
which
I
spoke
already
,
that
they
have
found
out
in
that
Country
the
way
to
multiply
the
Money
without
increasing
the
quantity
of
it
,
by
causing
it
to
pass
by
a
quick
and
violent
circulation
twenty
times
a
year
,
thro'
the
King's
hands
.
Which
is
thus
,
There
are
,
as
is
well
known
,
a
thousand
sorts
of
Impositions
and
Taxes
,
both
Publick
and
Private
in
France
,
as
soon
as
one
,
or
a
quarter
of
one
is
paid
by
the
People
,
't
is
presently
distributed
for
the
use
of
the
War
,
or
to
pay
some
Pensions
or
Rents
,
one
way
or
other
,
and
as
soon
as
't
is
in
the
People's
hands
,
't
is
got
out
of
them
again
in
some
Weeks
,
Days
or
Hours
by
another
Imposition
,
and
so
continually
from
one
end
of
the
Year
to
the
other
.
There
is
scarce
any
other
Circulation
of
Money
in
the
Kingdom
.
In
this
consistsalmost
all
its
Trade
:
People
fancy
when
they
hear
of
so
many
great
Squadrons
of
Men
of
War
,
as
the
News
tell
us
,
are
equipped
in
France
,
that
the
King
must
have
vast
Sums
of
Money
in
his
hands
,
and
that
Money
must
be
plentiful
in
the
Kingdom
,
because
they
think
that
things
are
governed
there
as
they
are
here
;
where
we
have
but
a
small
number
of
general
Impositions
regulated
all
at
once
by
the
Parliament
,
and
very
moderate
in
respect
of
what
they
are
in
other
Nations
,
as
also
in
respect
of
the
Wealth
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
which
are
raised
in
a
gentle
way
,
without
great
charge
to
the
Subject
.
But
in
France
the
Taxes
are
without
number
,
they
are
not
only
General
and
Publick
,
but
Particular
and
Private
upon
Private
Corporations
,
Orders
and
Ranks
of
Men
,
and
private
Persons
,
and
upon
all
those
in
general
,
who
are
presumed
to
have
Money
or
some
considerable
Estate
,
who
,
many
times
are
forced
to
pay
to
the
King
,
not
the
100th
or
200th
penny
,
but
the
third
part
,
or
the
half
of
all
their
Stock
,
and
sometimes
all
that
they
have
.
Formerly
they
were
all
regulated
at
the
beginning
of
the
Year
,
but
at
present
they
are
set
up
every
Month
,
Week
,
Day
,
and
Hour
of
the
Year
,
according
to
the
wants
of
the
Court
,
and
when
one
falls
short
of
what
they
expected
,
then
presently
comes
out
another
,
or
some
new
Offices
are
created
,
and
some
hundreds
or
thousands
of
Men
forced
to
buy
them
,
whether
they
have
Money
or
no
,
or
many
thousands
of
other
private
Persons
,
are
forced
to
pay
the
Taxes
of
easie
,
i.
e.
wealthy
Men
,
gens
aises
,
as
they
call
them
,
tho'
they
be
already
ruined
.
But
nevertheless
,
I
must
confess
,
that
I
think
there
was
more
Money
in
France
30
years
ago
,
than
there
was
in
England
,
and
this
for
several
reasons
.
The
great
Impositions
upon
the
People
in
France
,
and
the
great
severities
practised
against
the
insolvent
,
obliged
the
People
to
live
frugally
,
and
to
work
hard
,
and
to
gather
up
Money
for
the
said
Taxes
as
fast
as
they
could
by
all
means
,
which
caused
the
Money
to
remain
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
made
the
People
very
industrious
for
some
forty
or
fifty
years
,
having
a
great
Trade
with
England
and
Holland
,
and
did
draw
in
Money
from
Foreign
Countries
.
Besides
,
there
were
many
more
Men
that
hoarded
up
Money
in
France
than
in
England
,
where
,
because
of
the
great
Trade
of
the
Nation
,
it
is
most
in
the
hands
of
Merchants
,
Goldsmiths
,
and
Trading-people
,
and
goes
from
hand
to
hand
very
quick
;
for
Money
did
always
circulate
much
more
in
England
than
in
France
,
because
of
the
great
Trade
,
and
that
the
Nation
commonly
lays
out
prodigious
Sums
of
Money
in
Foreign
Commodities
.
So
that
there
is
at
all
times
an
incredible
quantity
of
imported
Goods
in
Store-houses
that
drains
the
Money
from
England
,
and
especially
for
French
Commodities
in
time
of
Peace
;
for
't
is
easie
to
conceive
,
that
such
a
Nation
as
this
,
in
such
a
rich
and
plentiful
Country
,
and
under
such
an
indulgent
Government
,
and
paying
almost
nothing
for
the
maintaining
of
it
,
is
apt
to
spend
in
Foreign
extravagant
Dresses
,
Delicacies
,
Baubles
and
Trinkets
,
and
in
all
their
Travels
into
France
,
and
any
where
else
,
what
Money
other
Nations
are
used
to
pay
to
their
Government
,
and
especially
the
French
Nation
,
oppressed
continualy
with
Taxes
for
the
maintaining
of
their
K's
splendid
Court
,
and
of
his
numerous
Armies
.
For
altho'
the
King
of
France
did
convey
yearly
abundance
of
Money
out
of
his
Kingdom
upon
his
Intrigues
,
Alliances
,
and
Correspondencies
abroad
,
yet
his
People
drew
in
a
great
deal
more
Money
from
England
and
other
Nations
,
than
they
spent
a
long
time
.
For
they
suffered
very
few
Commodities
to
be
imported
into
their
Kingdom
,
especially
from
England
,
charging
their
Commodities
with
horrid
Impositions
;
So
that
they
did
pay
to
their
Customs
very
near
half
the
value
of
the
Commodity
,
as
I
could
justifie
;
when
at
the
same
time
England
was
glutted
with
an
infinite
quantity
of
dear
,
superfluous
,
vain
and
noxious
things
from
France
.
So
that
by
those
ways
England
was
over-ballanced
by
several
Millions
Sterling
Yearly
,
in
their
Trade
by
the
French
,
who
did
plunder
us
and
other
Neighbouring
Nations
,
who
were
not
wise
enough
in
that
respect
.
And
then
that
Money
by
the
circulation
did
pass
thro'
the
hands
of
an
infinite
number
of
thrifty
and
frugal
People
in
France
who
did
hoard
it
up
.
If
the
English
Nation
had
forborn
all
those
excesses
in
Importations
,
especially
from
France
,
and
kept
good
Order
and
Discipline
in
that
and
other
things
,
Money
would
have
been
much
more
plentiful
in
England
,
and
much
less
in
France
,
for
this
,
and
the
continual
Travels
of
the
English
Nobility
and
Gentry
into
that
Country
,
did
very
much
contribute
to
raise
France
.
Another
cause
of
their
rise
and
first-growth
,
was
the
Establishment
of
the
Republick
of
Holland
;
for
after
it
was
settled
,
and
the
Peace
made
with
the
Spaniards
,
the
States
finding
themselves
very
rich
in
People
and
Money
,
by
the
great
multitudes
that
had
retired
thither
from
the
Spanish
Netherlands
for
shelter
against
the
D.
of
Alba's
Tyranny
,
and
seeing
the
Land
was
not
able
to
furnish
them
with
Victuals
,
nor
to
improve
their
Money
,
they
betook
themselves
to
the
French
Trade
,
and
by
degrees
became
the
general
Carriers
of
France
,
which
obliged
the
French
to
Till
their
Ground
better
than
they
had
done
before
;
and
finding
the
sweetness
of
Foreign
Money
,
they
were
by
degrees
brought
also
to
Cultivate
all
sorts
of
Manufactures
,
which
the
Dutch
did
carry
likewise
over
all
the
World
,
till
at
last
the
French
taking
advantage
of
the
Weakness
of
the
Neighbouring
Princes
,
they
imposed
Laws
upon
their
Subjects
.
Before
that
great
Revolution
France
and
her
Kings
were
very
poor
,
and
the
English
much
too
strong
for
them
,
and
had
,
for
the
most
part
,
the
advantage
of
them
in
all
the
Wars
;
so
that
it
has
been
a
great
mistake
in
the
Politicks
of
France
,
to
declare
War
against
these
two
Nations
,
who
did
enrich
her
so
prodigiously
,
and
could
easily
ruine
her
being
United
together
.
But
the
Court
of
Rome
became
in
these
last
Times
mightily
afraid
of
the
French
King's
Power
,
therefore
she
thought
necessary
to
give
it
a
Diversion
;
and
as
that
Court
does
watch
for
opportunities
to
make
advantage
of
all
things
,
and
to
bring
down
even
the
Popish
Princes
,
when
they
begin
to
be
afraid
of
them
,
and
influencing
them
all
by
secret
Ways
,
Springs
,
and
Wheels
,
especially
by
their
Confessors
,
they
have
made
use
of
the
Jesuits
,
who
pay
a
blindfold
Obedience
to
their
General
,
as
he
does
to
the
Pope
,
to
put
the
French
King
,
whom
they
knew
ambitious
,
upon
the
design
of
subverting
the
Protestant
Religion
in
England
,
Holland
,
France
,
&c.
as
the
most
glorious
thing
he
could
ever
undertake
,
thinking
that
either
he
should
succeed
in
it
,
and
bring
all
those
People
under
the
Pope's
Yoke
,
or
else
that
he
should
break
his
Neck
in
that
design
,
and
ruine
his
Kingdom
,
whose
Power
was
terrible
to
the
Court
of
Rome
,
because
of
the
King
's
prodigious
Authority
,
as
also
because
he
had
threatned
the
Popes
several
times
.
And
the
truth
is
,
that
all
the
honest
Men
of
the
Roman
Religion
in
France
,
had
for
a
long
time
great
hopes
that
he
should
have
shaken
off
that
Yoke
.
The
Power
and
Riches
of
England
do
not
depend
upon
such
Casualties
as
those
mentioned
before
,
I
mean
such
a
Revolution
as
fell
out
in
Holland
,
and
the
Weakness
of
Neighbouring
Princes
,
or
the
like
;
for
the
Power
of
England
is
settled
on
a
solid
and
constant
Basis
,
that
is
,
the
advantages
of
her
Soil
,
Situation
,
Religion
and
Government
,
far
above
all
the
advantages
of
France
:
Insomuch
that
as
often
as
England
had
any
good
King
or
Queen
,
it
did
always
make
France
to
tremble
;
and
England
might
be
a
great
deal
more
powerful
and
rich
if
some
impediments
and
clogs
to
its
Power
and
Strength
,
which
are
meerly
contingent
,
and
easie
to
take
away
,
were
removed
;
but
I
dare
not
mention
them
as
yet
.
Those
People
whom
I
said
,
did
Treasure
up
Money
in
France
,
did
it
for
several
reasons
:
First
,
To
pay
the
great
Publick
and
Private
Taxes
that
they
are
liable
to
now
and
then
,
which
failing
,
they
are
in
danger
to
be
ruined
,
or
to
lose
all
their
Credit
.
Secondly
,
To
buy
some
Offices
if
they
had
none
,
or
more
considerable
ones
,
if
they
had
any
.
Thirdly
,
To
be
admitted
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
,
where
ready
Money
was
absolutely
necessary
,
and
the
Profits
unspeakable
.
Fourthly
,
To
buy
the
Estates
of
Noblemen
,
&c.
at
an
easie
rate
,
for
the
Nobility
have
ever
been
at
a
low
Ebb
,
under
this
Reign
,
liable
to
a
thousand
Vexations
,
and
forced
to
sell
their
Estates
cheap
to
pay
their
Debts
and
get
Money
to
live
.
Fifthly
,
Because
of
the
Ruine
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
saving
Men
did
keep
their
Money
up
in
their
Coffers
,
because
they
could
find
no
good
security
to
lend
it
upon
,
for
those
reasons
,
I
say
,
there
was
much
Money
hoarded
up
in
France
.
Sixthly
,
A
great
many
desired
to
purchase
Nobility
for
Money
;
Others
to
be
rehabilitated
in
their
Nobility
,
which
they
had
forfeited
by
Merchandizing
,
or
otherwise
:
And
others
saved
Money
to
buy
some
Governments
,
or
Offices
in
the
Militia
,
&c.
which
Lewis
the
XIV
.
has
found
means
to
bring
out
,
by
his
violent
and
extraordinary
Impositions
and
Extortions
,
since
the
beginning
of
this
last
War
.
If
the
French
King
should
conquer
England
,
as
I
said
before
,
which
God
forbid
,
he
would
work
Miracles
here
,
and
cause
Money
to
be
found
where
there
is
none
,
and
all
the
whole
form
of
the
Nation
would
be
suddenly
and
absolutely
altered
.
He
would
convert
the
Luxury
,
Licentiousness
,
and
all
the
several
sorts
of
Debauchery
in
the
Nation
,
into
Money
,
by
Taxing
the
guilty
Persons
.
He
would
suffer
little
or
no
Importation
of
Goods
from
any
other
place
but
France
.
And
by
that
means
the
Nation
would
be
able
to
pay
him
greater
Impositions
and
Taxes
.
All
the
fine
Cattle
with
which
England
doth
so
much
abound
,
would
be
transported
and
sold
for
Money
;
as
also
their
Plate
,
Jewels
,
Houshold-goods
,
Ships
,
&c.
The
Nation
would
not
be
suffered
to
spend
so
much
in
Cloathing
,
in
Silks
,
fine
Linnen
,
Delicacies
and
Wines
of
all
sorts
.
All
their
fine
Woollen-cloath
Stuffs
,
Leather
,
&c.
would
be
applied
to
his
own
use
,
and
converted
into
Money
.
And
it
may
be
he
would
appropriate
to
himself
the
Mineral
Grounds
as
belonging
to
the
Soveraign
,
as
the
Gold
and
Silver
Mines
are
commonly
judged
to
be
.
The
Common-people
should
not
be
suffered
to
feed
any
more
upon
good
Meat
,
but
upon
Roots
and
Whey
,
and
the
Blood
and
Livers
of
Oxen
,
Brown-bread
,
and
Water
instead
of
Beer
and
Ale
;
Wooden-shoes
instead
of
Leather
;
course
Canvas
instead
of
fine
Linnen
.
The
Money
would
be
only
imployed
in
maintaining
great
Armies
,
and
multitudes
of
Priests
and
Monks
.
And
in
a
word
,
he
would
pursue
the
same
methods
of
Government
,
that
he
does
in
France
.
But
some
may
object
again
,
that
since
the
beginning
of
this
War
,
we
hear
nothing
but
a
parcel
of
idle
Stories
about
the
ill
State
of
Affairs
in
France
,
and
we
see
,
notwithstanding
the
French
King
holds
out
still
,
and
is
as
powerful
as
ever
.
This
is
just
like
the
Opinion
that
People
do
commonly
entertain
of
a
Man
that
lives
high
and
eats
up
his
Stock
.
That
Man
,
for
example
,
may
have
two
thousand
Pounds
Sterling
per
Annum
and
spends
five
thousand
every
Year
.
The
understanding
Men
who
know
his
Estate
,
say
,
that
he
ruines
himself
;
Other
People
who
hear
them
say
so
,
and
yet
see
him
continuing
to
live
at
the
same
rate
for
ten
or
twelve
Years
together
,
will
say
,
this
Man
holds
out
still
,
and
we
see
that
he
is
a
Man
of
good
sense
,
who
manages
his
Expences
well
,
and
therefore
they
conclude
he
is
richer
than
he
is
commonly
reported
.
So
that
they
cannot
be
undeceived
in
the
matter
,
till
they
see
him
in
the
Goal
.
The
Extravagant
Notions
which
most
People
have
of
the
French
King's
Power
,
are
such
,
that
if
so
be
things
did
anser
their
fancy
,
that
Kingdom
ought
to
be
ten
or
twelve
times
bigger
than
England
,
have
ten
or
twelve
times
as
much
People
,
be
ten
or
twelve
times
more
fruitful
,
better
situated
and
fitted
for
Trade
,
and
richer
also
than
England
.
'T
is
a
hard
matter
to
convince
such
People
of
their
errour
,
who
have
neither
any
true
Idea
of
France
nor
of
England
,
but
only
some
prejudicated
Opinions
,
which
have
no
other
ground
but
the
good
Esteem
they
have
of
their
own
sense
,
without
any
solid
or
distinct
principle
,
and
who
do
never
reflect
upon
experience
nor
upon
what
hath
happened
before
their
own
Eyes
.
Have
we
not
seen
that
since
the
War
,
which
the
French
King
declared
against
the
Dutch
in
1672.
the
Land-Estates
in
France
have
been
continually
decaying
more
and
more
,
as
I
insinuated
already
,
because
of
the
great
Efforts
the
Kingdom
did
make
at
that
time
,
and
of
the
interruption
of
Trade
?
But
what
was
that
War
,
compared
to
this
,
which
had
been
besides
preceded
by
a
general
and
cruel
Persecution
of
the
Protestants
over
all
the
Kingdom
,
which
had
disturbed
all
the
Trade
of
it
?
Do
not
they
remember
what
the
Spaniards
,
when
alone
in
War
with
France
,
did
about
fifty
years
ago
,
when
they
laid
under
Contribution
the
very
Suburbs
of
Paris
,
and
did
often
carry
away
the
Citizens
of
that
Place
Prisoners
?
Have
they
forgot
that
the
Germans
,
about
20
years
ago
,
did
take
several
Towns
from
the
French
in
Alsatia
,
and
that
they
Defeated
part
of
the
Arrier-Ban
of
France
in
Lorrain
,
and
that
the
Duke
of
Zell
took
the
Town
of
Treves
from
the
French
,
after
he
had
Routed
the
Mareschal
de
Crequy
.
'T
is
certain
France
did
make
very
great
Efforts
then
,
since
which
she
never
could
recover
her self
;
and
that
she
was
much
richer
,
and
more
populous
then
than
she
is
now
.
How
came
it
to
pass
that
she
could
not
then
resist
such
small
Armies
?
Have
they
forgotten
also
how
that
the
Dutch
alone
made
several
Provinces
of
France
to
tremble
,
when
they
Invaded
the
Isse
of
Narmoutier
,
whereby
all
their
Coasts
were
kept
in
Alarm
,
about
20
years
ago
:
Since
that
time
have
we
not
seen
in
this
War
the
Germans
to
take
Bonne
and
Mentz
?
who
can
believe
that
that
Kingdom
is
richer
now
,
and
more
populous
than
it
was
then
?
And
what
if
they
should
continue
yet
two
years
longer
with
greater
forces
than
they
have
done
hitherto
?
must
we
believe
therefore
that
they
are
in
a
better
condition
?
Have
we
not
seen
the
French
chased
away
from
Ireland
some
years
ago
,
meerly
because
of
their
Weakness
and
want
of
Power
?
we
cannot
say
that
they
did
not
care
to
maintain
themselves
there
;
how
came
it
to
pass
then
,
if
France
be
really
so
powerful
,
that
it
did
not
make
greater
Efforts
to
keep
that
Kingdom
?
for
it
had
been
a
fatal
Blow
to
England
,
and
to
all
the
Confederacy
,
un
coup
de
partie
,
as
the
French
call
it
:
But
,
instead
of
shewing
their
great
Power
there
,
their
Forces
were
not
paid
,
and
they
were
obliged
to
Coin
Copper-Money
instead
of
Silver
,
and
did
plunder
and
ruine
the
Papists
of
Ireland
their
best
Friends
.
Any
body
conversant
in
History
,
knows
that
the
Spanish-Power
was
for
a
great
time
Superior
to
the
French
,
which
obliged
the
Kings
of
France
to
desire
the
assistance
of
the
English
;
insomuch
that
,
in
order
to
endear
themselves
to
them
,
they
all
required
to
be
Knights
of
the
Garter
,
from
Lewis
the
XII
.
to
Henry
the
IV.
and
no
body
is
Ignorant
,
that
for
many
years
they
paid
a
kind
of
Tribute
to
the
Kings
of
England
;
and
had
it
not
been
for
the
Dissentions
of
the
English
at
home
,
which
brought
their
Forces
away
from
France
,
't
is
probable
they
should
have
Lorded
over
France
to
this
very
day
.
'T
is
also
well
known
,
that
even
long
after
the
Discovery
of
America
by
the
Spaniards
,
and
the
opening
of
their
Gold
and
Silver
Mines
,
H.
the
IV.
did
never
get
from
his
People
above
20
Millions
of
Livers
,
and
Lewis
the
XIII
.
about
70
,
tho'
the
oppression
of
the
People
was
then
very
great
;
and
that
Lewis
the
XI
.
tho'
a
great
Tyrant
,
could
not
get
above
4
Millions
Yearly
from
his
Subjects
.
And
if
we
may
judge
of
the
Revenues
of
France
,
by
that
of
Lewis
the
XIth's
Expences
,
they
were
small
enough
at
that
time
,
for
there
was
found
a
reckoning
in
the
Chamber
of
Accounts
at
Paris
,
of
2
s.
for
new
Sleeves
to
his
old
Doublet
,
and
three
half
pence
for
Liquor
to
grease
his
Boots
.
Unless
People
will
fancy
that
France
grows
richer
,
and
gets
strength
by
this
War
.
Horat.
Duris
ut
ilex
caesa
bipennibus
Per
saxa
,
per
ignes
,
ab
ipso
Ducit
opes
,
animumque
ferro
.
But
if
it
be
so
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
she
sets
all
her
wits
at
work
to
procure
a
Peace
?
She
who
did
always
boast
that
she
gave
it
to
all
the
World
.
How
is
it
that
since
some
years
we
have
seen
many
Conspiracies
against
King
William's
Life
?
How
is
it
that
we
hear
from
all
parts
,
that
all
her
People
is
reduced
to
the
last
gasp
?
Not
to
repeat
what
I
have
said
already
of
their
Plate
,
converted
into
Coin
many
years
ago
by
the
King's
Command
,
and
of
the
Coin
raised
twice
since
the
War
.
There
are
many
severe
and
violent
Impositions
,
and
Publick
and
Private
Taxes
,
which
cross
and
destroy
one
another
.
As
for
example
,
they
have
sold
some
thousands
of
Offices
to
People
,
who
were
unwilling
to
buy
them
,
and
when
the
Court
had
received
their
Money
,
they
were
abrogated
under
pretence
that
they
were
chargeable
to
the
Kingdom
,
as
indeed
they
were
,
and
some
Months
after
they
forced
others
again
to
buy
them
.
They
have
done
the
same
by
several
thousands
who
were
forced
to
buy
Letters
of
the
Nobility
,
and
when
the
Money
was
delivered
,
some
time
after
there
was
a
Declaration
from
the
King
.
That
all
those
who
had
been
made
Nobles
within
this
last
hundred
years
,
should
pay
the
same
Sum
for
their
Confirmation
,
which
they
paid
before
.
They
have
done
many
such
things
these
five
or
six
years
last
,
which
shews
that
they
are
put
to
the
last
shifts
.
Such
practices
were
never
heard
of
in
any
other
Nation
under
the
Sun
.
Here
is
another
remarkable
example
,
There
are
several
People
who
died
since
the
Capitation
was
set
up
;
now
all
their
Friends
are
forced
to
pay
the
said
Poll-Tax
for
the
dead
,
whether
they
left
any
Estate
or
no.
There
are
many
French
People
here
in
England
who
confirm
this
.
In
short
,
I
desire
no
more
from
those
who
will
needs
entertain
such
a
great
Opinion
of
the
Riches
and
Power
of
France
,
but
that
they
would
answer
the
reasons
,
by
which
I
shew
evidently
that
England
is
and
ought
to
be
more
populous
and
rich
proportionably
to
it's
Extent
,
than
France
ever
was
,
and
consequently
much
more
than
it
is
at
present
,
or
that
they
should
bring
any
solid
reason
to
oblige
me
to
call
in
question
what
I
advanced
upon
that
Subject
.
They
must
not
alledge
against
me
,
what
I
acknowledged
before
,
viz
that
I
think
there
was
more
Money
in
France
than
in
England
,
and
that
for
a
considerable
time
they
had
all
the
advantage
of
the
Trade
with
us
,
and
Imposed
Laws
upon
the
rest
of
Europe
about
Trade
,
for
that
was
meerly
accidental
,
and
for
a
time
only
,
by
reason
of
the
weakness
of
those
who
did
then
govern
the
Neighbouring
Nations
;
but
suppose
France
had
got
100
Millions
of
Livers
in
Coin
by
it
,
above
what
it
should
have
had
naturally
without
it
,
what
signifies
that
to
the
value
of
a
Kingdom
worth
perhaps
18
or
20
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
.
'T
is
not
the
plenty
of
Coin
hoarded
up
,
that
makes
a
Kingdom
rich
;
't
is
the
great
Revenues
of
Real
and
Personal-Estates
,
and
of
the
Profits
of
Industry
and
Trade
.
The
Province
of
Holland
alone
has
more
Money
than
all
England
together
,
and
yet
the
People
has
not
the
fifth
part
of
the
Revenues
in
Real
and
Personal-Estates
of
what
England
has
,
the
Profits
of
Trade
excluded
.
A
Gentleman
who
has
but
a
thousand
Pounds
of
Revenue
and
one
or
two
thousand
Pounds
in
ready
Money
,
is
not
so
rich
as
another
,
who
has
less
ready
Money
,
and
has
three
thousand
Pounds
Revenue
.
When
a
Monied-man
,
who
hath
no
great
Revenue
,
but
some
accidental
Profits
now
and
then
,
is
profuse
in
his
Expence
,
the
Money
is
soon
gone
,
so
has
it
been
with
France
.
She
had
plenty
of
Money
by
the
negligence
of
her
Neighbours
,
and
was
used
to
govern
the
Neighbouring
Nations
,
and
to
get
advantages
over
them
,
it
made
her
proud
;
She
thought
it
would
have
lasted
thus
for
ever
,
and
now
She
is
enraged
to
see
,
that
her
Neighbours
are
come
to
their
wits
,
and
better
governed
and
wiser
than
before
:
She
cannot
endure
it
,
as
thinking
She
loses
all
her
former
Glory
,
and
will
rather
perish
than
yield
,
being
unwilling
,
as
it
were
,
to
survive
her self
;
so
that
,
Flectere
si
nequeat
Superes
,
Acheronta
movebit
,
being
puffed
up
with
the
Invasions
and
Conquests
made
upon
her
Neighbours
,
and
with
the
Reputation
She
had
unjustly
gotten
,
of
Prudence
and
Greatness
,
and
by
the
Flatteries
of
the
Clergy
,
and
some
other
mercenary
Pens
,
and
the
manifold
extravagant
Inscriptions
set
up
at
all
the
Corners
of
Paris
and
some
of
them
very
Impious
,
to
the
Glory
of
her
Monarch
;
I
say
,
France
being
puffed
up
with
so
much
vain
Glory
,
cannot
endure
to
think
that
her
Laurels
should
fade
,
and
her
pretended
Glory
to
be
obscured
in
the
least
,
so
that
She
stands
stiffly
against
the
Torrent
,
which
is
in
plain
Terms
to
resist
God
and
his
Providence
whereby
he
hath
declared
against
her
for
all
the
cruelty
,
violations
of
Faith
,
&c.
that
She
is
guilty
of
.
I
know
that
some
will
be
yet
apt
to
say
,
that
France
is
of
a
larger
Extent
than
I
allow
,
and
that
she
contains
at
least
100
,
or
120
Millions
of
Acres
.
But
besides
what
I
said
already
,
that
I
would
not
recede
from
Sir
William
Petty
,
whom
I
think
to
have
had
good
Reasons
for
his
Computation
of
the
Extent
of
France
;
I
say
further
,
that
if
any
body
would
suppose
that
France
contains
100
,
or
200
Millions
of
Acres
,
it
would
prejudge
their
Cause
instead
of
being
subservient
to
it
;
for
,
how
much
greater
the
Extent
of
a
Countrey
is
with
a
few
People
,
the
less
it
is
worth
;
t
is
the
great
multitude
of
People
,
and
not
the
Extent
of
a
Kingdom
,
that
makes
it
valuable
,
as
I
said
already
.
Now
I
have
shewn
before
by
a
kind
of
demonstration
,
that
England
is
much
more
populous
than
France
,
which
we
supposed
to
contain
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
ever
was
,
by
the
comparison
I
made
of
London
and
the
other
Towns
in
England
,
with
Paris
and
all
the
Towns
of
the
4
greatest
Provinces
of
France
,
which
take
almost
as
much
ground
as
England
does
.
Now
it
is
clear
,
that
how
much
the
more
France
will
be
enlarged
beyond
the
said
82
Millions
of
Acres
,
the
more
will
my
Position
be
confirmed
,
and
France
appear
poorer
and
less
populous
.
Some
may
also
alledge
,
That
France
was
also
more
populous
30
years
ago
,
than
I
made
it
to
be
,
allowing
only
500
persons
to
every
one
of
her
Parishes
one
with
another
.
If
I
have
committed
an
Errour
as
to
that
,
it
will
be
much
greater
in
relation
to
the
Parishes
in
England
,
to
which
I
allowed
only
600
persons
one
with
another
;
for
't
is
easie
to
see
by
all
the
Reasons
above
brought
forth
,
that
those
of
England
ought
to
be
more
populous
,
at
least
by
the
third
,
than
those
of
France
;
whereas
I
allow
them
only
a
6th
part
more
People
.
They
must
know
,
that
I
am
so
far
from
aggravating
the
Disadvantages
of
France
,
which
are
already
great
enough
,
that
I
do
rather
extenuate
them
.
As
for
example
,
I
suppose
yet
9
Millions
of
People
in
France
,
tho'
I
do
not
believe
there
are
eight
,
nor
that
their
present
Revenues
are
so
great
as
I
make
them
.
I
valued
the
Revenues
of
France
before
these
last
30
years
at
1000
Millions
,
taking
in
the
Profits
of
Industry
,
but
I
do
not
believe
that
they
did
ever
exceed
800
Millions
,
by
reason
of
Popery
,
and
its
consequences
.
And
so
I
reckoned
the
People
of
England
to
be
only
six
Millions
now
,
tho'
several
Authors
reckon
them
at
seven
Millions
.
I
valued
likewise
the
Revenue
of
Lands
in
England
at
8
Millions
Sterling
as
some
have
done
before
me
,
but
I
believe
in
truth
that
it
amounts
at
least
to
ten
Millions
,
and
so
I
did
in
several
other
things
indulge
France
,
whose
misery
is
inexpressible
.
As
for
example
,
about
the
number
of
working-men
,
who
are
less
in
number
than
I
said
.
But
notwithstanding
all
what
we
can
say
,
there
are
some
,
and
even
honest
people
,
who
have
such
a
mighty
conceit
of
the
Greatness
and
Power
of
France
,
that
they
will
not
admit
of
any
Reasons
against
their
prejudicate
Opinion
,
tho'
they
bring
none
to
support
it
,
and
they
are
confirmed
in
it
by
the
Foreign
News-mongers
that
keep
Correspondencies
with
the
Novelists
of
Paris
,
who
writ
them
a
thousand
Lies
,
because
they
would
not
be
suffered
,
but
rather
punished
severely
,
and
hanged
too
,
if
they
did
write
any
thing
that
was
not
to
the
advantage
of
France
;
and
't
is
not
improbable
but
that
they
are
even
rewarded
by
the
Court
for
the
News
they
write
,
for
by
that
means
they
do
the
same
thing
among
the
Allies
,
which
the
Spies
of
Joshua
did
,
when
coming
from
the
Neighbouring
Countries
of
the
Canaanites
,
they
reported
that
the
Inhabitants
were
all
Gyants
,
much
bigger
and
stronger
than
they
really
were
,
which
caused
the
hearts
of
the
Israelites
to
faint
;
France
has
practised
several
such
cunning
Methods
for
a
long
time
,
against
her
Neighbours
:
As
for
example
,
all
the
Letters
of
the
Novelists
of
Paris
did
report
lately
,
that
there
is
more
Money
in
France
than
ever
was
;
some
others
,
that
they
find
as
many
Soldiers
as
they
wish
.
'T
is
visible
,
that
all
these
are
impudent
Lies
;
for
what
I
have
reported
of
the
Melting
of
the
Plate
,
and
the
raising
of
the
Money
twice
within
these
six
years
last
,
is
confirmed
by
thousands
of
French
People
here
from
Paris
,
and
other
Towns
.
And
then
the
Novelists
add
,
that
the
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
find
Money
at
8
per
cent
.
Interest
to
advance
the
King
,
which
cannot
be
true
of
any
considerable
Sum
,
because
the
same
Farmers
20
and
30
years
ago
,
did
give
more
Interest
for
it
,
sometimes
10
,
and
12
or
14
per
cent
.
'T
is
well
known
,
that
whosoever
has
any
Money
in
France
now
,
does
conceal
it
.
'T
is
certain
also
,
and
confirmed
from
all
parts
,
that
they
force
all
Men
for
the
War
,
and
that
they
want
Horses
,
and
must
get
them
from
Foreign
Countries
.
We
have
many
amongst
us
who
are
,
in
relation
to
France
,
very
near
of
the
same
humour
with
the
Soldiers
who
besiege
a
strong
Place
;
They
heard
in
the
beginning
of
the
Siege
,
that
the
Engineers
assured
that
the
Place
could
not
hold
out
beyond
such
a
certain
time
;
when
they
have
been
a
month
,
or
some
time
longer
before
the
Place
,
without
carrying
the
Out-works
,
and
that
they
see
the
Enemies
make
vigorous
Sallies
,
they
say
,
The
Engineers
do
impose
upon
us
,
we
shall
never
take
the
Place
,
the
Garrison
is
too
numerous
,
it
appears
by
their
vigour
,
that
they
suffer
no
want
.
Thus
they
speak
,
tho'
the
Besieged
at
the
same
time
want
all
things
,
and
the
Place
is
turned
to
an
heap
of
Rubbish
by
the
Canon
,
Bombs
and
Carcasses
,
and
the
Garrison
half
destroyed
.
But
notwithstanding
the
great
distress
the
Besieged
are
in
,
they
set
a
good
face
on
their
sad
condition
,
and
make
Sallies
more
vigorously
than
ever
they
did
,
to
try
whether
by
an
extraordinary
Effort
they
can
get
themselves
out
of
that
trouble
,
and
create
in
the
Enemy
a
good
Opinion
of
their
condition
,
and
oblige
them
to
Raise
the
Siege
,
or
in
order
to
make
a
more
Advantagious
Capitulation
.
The
Soldiers
indeed
would
thereupon
be
of
Opinion
,
that
the
Siege
should
be
Raised
;
but
the
General
and
Engineers
,
who
best
know
the
condition
of
the
Place
,
and
of
the
Garrison
,
go
on
with
their
Attacks
vigorously
,
and
it
comes
to
pass
that
soon
after
,
the
Garrison
being
exhausted
in
Sallies
,
capitulates
,
and
every
body
is
amazed
to
find
both
the
Place
and
the
Garrison
in
such
a
desolate
condition
,
and
admire
how
they
did
hold
so
long
.
Those
who
said
six
or
seven
years
ago
,
that
France
would
not
be
able
to
resist
the
Allies
,
were
much
in
the
right
,
for
they
understood
it
in
a
rational
sense
,
but
not
absolutely
;
that
is
to
say
,
their
meaning
was
,
that
it
could
not
resist
them
without
the
utter
Ruine
of
the
Kingdom
,
for
otherwise
in
point
of
Political
Prudence
and
Government
of
Nations
,
't
is
not
a
commendable
Resistance
,
but
a
meer
folly
,
to
destroy
a
Nation
,
rather
than
to
beg
Peace
,
and
yield
something
,
or
restore
what
the
Enemy
justly
demands
.
It
was
supposed
that
those
who
Ruled
in
France
had
some
Prudence
,
and
that
they
would
suspend
their
Design
of
the
Universal
Monarchy
to
another
time
,
or
at
least
not
expose
their
Glory
and
the
Kingdom
so
much
for
a
small
point
of
Honour
,
and
a
little
Interest
,
which
certainly
will
not
turn
to
their
Honour
at
last
;
whereas
there
is
no
State
in
Europe
,
and
I
dare
say
there
is
no
Example
in
Ancient
or
Modern
History
,
of
any
Nation
that
has
so
long
,
and
without
necessity
sustained
a
War
so
disproportionate
to
its
own
Strength
,
and
so
ruinous
as
this
will
be
to
France
,
before
the
Peace
is
made
.
The
French
must
needs
have
some
mighty
Hopes
of
a
great
Revolution
in
this
Kingdom
,
whereby
they
expect
a
conjunction
of
its
Power
with
theirs
,
to
accomplish
their
great
Designs
of
obtaining
the
Universal
Monarchy
,
and
overturning
the
Protestant
Religion
.
But
so
as
we
see
that
Court
governs
now
,
it
may
maintain
the
War
two
years
longer
,
do
yet
abundance
of
mischief
,
and
astonish
all
the
World
by
their
great
Efforts
,
because
they
are
absolute
Masters
of
all
the
Estates
and
Lives
of
the
Subjects
,
and
have
no
more
regard
to
them
than
to
so
many
Dogs
.
Tho'
there
has
been
but
little
Corn
this
year
in
France
,
and
almost
no
Wine
,
nor
Cider
,
and
but
little
Salt
,
Silk
,
and
Olives
.
Yet
the
Pope
and
the
Jesuits
who
foment
the
War
,
do
not
care
for
that
,
they
lose
nothing
by
it
,
for
they
reckon
that
they
cannot
fail
of
being
very
great
and
potent
,
however
things
succeed
,
for
if
the
French
King
,
and
K.
James
prevail
,
they
will
be
Masters
of
England
,
if
France
succumbs
,
they
hope
to
be
more
Absolute
and
Potent
in
that
Kingdom
than
ever
,
and
that
they
shall
have
nothing
to
fear
hereafter
from
it
.
CHAP
IV.
How
,
and
in
what
manner
the
French
King
has
devoured
three-fourths
of
all
the
Capital
Stock
of
the
Kingdom
of
FRANCE
.
FIRST
,
The
Lands
and
Houses
taken
in
general
,
thro'
the
Kingdom
,
are
not
,
one
with
another
,
worth
above
the
third
part
of
what
they
were
worth
30
years
ago
,
in
clear
Money
,
repairs
and
amendments
being
allowed
,
and
all
other
Expences
discounted
,
and
even
that
third
part
is
ill
paid
.
For
altho'
it
is
perhaps
well
paid
in
some
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
Estates
about
the
Frontiers
may
not
have
diminished
in
value
;
because
the
Corn
and
other
Fruits
sell
well
there
,
by
reason
of
the
Armies
and
Garrisons
,
notwithstanding
if
we
consider
the
great
number
of
Lands
untilled
,
and
of
Houses
forsaken
,
the
Interruption
of
Trade
,
Scarcity
of
Money
,
and
especially
the
Destruction
of
above
half
the
Working-Men
,
which
is
the
cause
of
the
want
of
Farmers
,
and
Husband-Men
;
I
say
,
if
we
duly
consider
all
this
,
we
cannot
but
believe
,
that
Real-Estates
are
fallen
at
least
two-thirds
,
as
to
the
Rent
;
and
that
if
one
had
a
mind
to
sell
the
G●…nd
,
it
would
not
yield
the
sixth
part
of
what
it
was
worth
formerly
.
So
that
't
is
a
true
position
,
that
the
King
has
devoured
above
three
quarters
of
the
Stock
.
He
has
also
consumed
the
three
fourths
of
all
the
Woods
for
Timber
,
belonging
to
his
Subjects
,
(
except
those
that
pertain
to
the
Clergy
)
because
the
Extream
Poverty
they
have
been
reduced
to
by
the
Government
,
has
forced
them
to
sell
them
for
the
payment
,
either
of
Taxes
or
Debts
,
or
for
their
own
Maintenance
.
The
French
King
has
likewise
consumed
the
three-quarter
parts
of
the
Coined
Money
in
the
Kingdom
,
conveying
it
out
of
the
same
by
hundred
different
ways
.
He
has
likewise
wasted
the
three-quarter
parts
of
all
the
Plate
and
Jewels
in
the
Kingdom
.
He
has
done
the
same
in
respect
of
Houshold-Goods
;
for
altho'
there
may
be
almost
as
much
as
formerly
(
except
Cattle
,
Plate
,
and
Jewels
)
their
Species
being
not
properly
destroyed
or
conveyed
out
of
the
Kingdom
;
nevertheless
,
if
they
were
to
be
sold
,
they
are
not
worth
the
fourth
part
of
what
they
were
formerly
,
because
none
wants
them
,
Money
and
People
being
gone
.
Men
being
destroyed
,
and
Land-Estates
forsaken
,
it
follows
necessarily
that
Lewis
the
XIV
.
has
also
devoured
the
greatest
part
of
the
Cattle
;
and
indeed
,
there
is
no
need
of
them
upon
a
forsaken
Land
,
where
there
is
no
people
;
for
to
what
purpose
?
and
who
should
take
care
of
them
?
Moreover
,
't
is
certain
,
that
where
there
is
yet
some
Cattle
,
they
are
not
in
the
same
quantity
,
nor
so
good
as
formerly
;
and
suppose
there
were
still
great
multitudes
of
Cattle
in
the
Kingdom
,
who
should
imploy
them
at
work
,
or
eat
them
as
Meat
,
when
above
half
of
the
Grown
and
Working-men
are
destroyed
,
as
I
have
said
already
,
and
shall
prove
it
elsewhere
:
If
the
Cattle
were
plentiful
,
it
would
follow
that
they
ought
to
be
cheap
,
because
of
scarcity
of
People
.
But
we
hear
to
the
contrary
,
that
Butchers-Meat
has
been
dearer
at
Paris
for
some
years
past
than
before
,
tho'
Money
is
scarcer
,
and
the
number
of
Eaters
lesser
.
The
reason
of
it
is
evident
,
viz.
that
the
number
of
People
is
not
so
much
diminished
in
Paris
as
in
the
Provinces
,
which
are
hardly
capable
to
furnish
Paris
with
Meat
,
because
they
are
Untilled
and
Unpeopled
;
besides
,
the
Land-Forces
in
Flanders
and
Germany
,
being
always
very
numerous
and
sojourning
,
in
so
much
exhausted
Countries
,
require
abundance
of
Provisions
.
This
dearness
of
Meat
is
a
sensible
effect
of
the
great
Depopulation
of
the
Kingdom
,
especially
if
joyned
with
the
scarcity
of
Money
.
As
for
Horses
and
Mules
,
but
especially
Horses
,
the
number
of
them
has
decreased
very
much
,
because
,
for
many
years
,
there
is
scarce
any
body
has
been
able
to
keep
Horses
and
Mares
for
breed
,
because
of
the
want
of
Means
,
what
profit
soever
there
may
be
at
present
by
that
Trade
,
because
of
the
dearness
of
Horses
.
'T
is
known
the
War
has
destroyed
almost
all
of
'em
.
The
King
has
swallowed
up
all
the
debts
of
the
Wealthy
Ones
in
his
Kingdom
,
that
is
to
say
,
all
that
was
owing
them
for
Money
lent
to
private
Persons
,
for
which
the
Lands
,
Houses
,
Offices
,
Cattle
,
and
Houshold-Goods
of
the
Borrowers
,
were
mortgaged
;
Since
the
same
Lands
,
and
Houses
and
the
rest
,
are
come
to
nothing
.
Which
amounts
perhaps
to
more
than
the
present
value
of
all
the
Stocks
in
the
Kingdom
,
as
I
said
already
.
He
has
devoured
all
the
Civil
Offices
and
Charges
in
the
Kingdom
,
which
he
sold
very
dear
;
so
that
they
were
instead
of
a
Capital
Stock
to
the
Proprietors
,
whereas
now
they
yield
almost
nothing
to
the
Officers
,
and
generally
speaking
,
cannot
be
sold
for
the
sixth
part
of
what
they
were
bought
for
.
For
altho'
the
Office
of
a
Master
of
Requests
,
or
of
a
Counsellor
in
the
Parliament
of
Paris
,
may
be
still
sometimes
sold
for
the
half
of
what
they
did
cost
at
first
;
't
is
not
so
in
the
Provinces
,
where
the
Places
of
Councellor
in
some
considerable
Courts
of
Judicature
,
called
Presidiaux
,
as
at
Poictiers
and
Angers
,
are
exposed
to
Sale
for
four
thousand
Livers
at
present
,
which
had
cost
formerly
above
forty
thousand
Livers
.
He
has
also
consumed
the
Estates
belonging
to
Towns
,
Corporations
,
and
to
great
numbers
of
private
Persons
,
who
did
possess
them
lawfully
,
by
the
Re-union
that
he
has
made
of
them
to
his
Demain
.
He
has
devoured
all
the
Magazines
of
Merchandizes
in
the
Kingdom
,
which
used
to
be
well
stored
,
but
are
now
empty
;
I
mean
not
only
those
of
Foreign
Commodities
,
but
also
those
of
Home-Manufactures
and
Product
,
so
that
no
body
dares
to
meddle
with
Trade
,
for
fear
he
should
be
presently
swallowed
up
by
Taxes
,
if
he
did
but
shew
himself
to
have
any
Wealth
.
He
hath
eat
up
the
Stock
of
the
East
and
West-India
Companies
,
which
are
just
upon
the
point
of
being
totally
ruined
.
He
has
eat
up
the
Value
of
all
the
Trading-Ships
in
his
Kingdom
,
which
are
for
the
most
part
useless
,
and
lie
rotting
in
the
Harbours
.
He
has
destroyed
all
the
Manufactures
in
his
Kingdom
,
which
were
an
inestimable
Possession
;
nay
,
what
is
worse
,
his
Enemies
have
appropriated
them
to
themselves
,
and
improved
them
.
He
has
swallowed
up
at
several
times
,
many
hundreds
of
Millions
of
Livers
which
he
extorted
now
and
then
from
those
they
call
Partisans
,
who
are
the
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
,
whom
he
despoiled
at
last
,
after
they
had
despoiled
others
.
He
has
borrowed
Immense
Sums
of
Money
from
his
Subjects
,
which
he
is
not
able
to
pay
,
if
he
were
willing
to
do
it
.
Finally
,
He
has
consumed
above
the
half
of
his
People
,
if
not
in
number
,
at
least
in
value
;
as
I
have
said
already
,
and
promised
to
demonstrate
hereafter
.
So
that
,
every
one
may
see
,
that
I
had
reason
enough
to
say
,
that
the
Kingdom
is
decayed
within
these
30
years
,
more
than
the
three
fourths
in
Value
,
but
specially
since
the
eight
last
years
of
the
War
:
And
I
dare
say
,
that
this
War
does
so
much
prejudice
to
it
,
that
it
amounts
to
near
two
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
every
year
,
one
with
another
.
And
since
I
have
advanced
my self
so
far
,
I
must
shew
,
how
the
thing
may
be
demonstrated
.
I
supposed
already
the
Kingdom
of
France
might
be
worth
near
30
Millions
Sterling
of
Revenue
,
or
about
400
Millions
of
Livers
,
in
Real
and
Personal
Estate
,
when
the
War
begun
,
as
England
is
valued
at
this
day
at
sixteen
Millions
Sterling
,
or
208
Millions
of
Livers
Revenue
,
in
Estates
Real
and
Personal
.
I
supposed
also
,
that
the
Revenues
or
Profits
of
the
Industry
of
the
People
of
France
,
might
be
worth
about
45
Millions
St.
or
600
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
as
those
of
the
English
Nation
may
be
valued
at
this
day
,
at
26
Millions
Sterling
,
or
near
240
Millions
of
Livers
.
And
so
all
France
,
with
all
its
Effects
,
of
which
the
People
is
the
principal
,
might
produce
about
1000
Millions
of
Livers
of
Annual
Revenue
or
profit
;
which
being
valued
at
20
years
purchase
,
ought
to
be
worth
20
thousand
Millions
for
the
Stock
;
the
People
taken
in
bulk
being
as
perpetual
in
duration
as
Lands
,
and
Lands
being
worth
nothing
without
People
.
So
that
the
Real
and
Personal
Estates
in
France
yielding
400
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
rent
;
if
we
estimate
them
upon
the
foot
of
20
years
purchase
,
they
had
been
worth
8
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
.
Now
if
what
we
have
supposed
also
be
true
,
that
the
Real
Estates
taken
in
general
,
cannot
be
sold
after
the
Peace
,
tho'
made
to
morrow
,
at
the
4th
part
of
what
they
were
valued
at
30
years
ago
;
and
that
the
Personal
Estates
be
fallen
the
same
proportion
,
it
will
make
six
thousand
Millions
loss
on
those
Estates
alone
.
As
for
the
People
,
supposing
that
4
Millions
and
a
half
of
Souls
have
perished
within
these
30
years
,
half
of
which
were
Adult
Men
,
if
we
value
them
only
at
80
Pistols
per
head
one
with
another
,
tho'
Men
are
worth
more
than
the
double
of
that
Sum
,
it
would
make
near
4000
Millions
of
Livers
loss
upon
that
Head
.
Nor
can
we
reckon
less
than
four
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
for
the
Decrease
in
Price
and
Value
of
the
remaining
People
that
is
,
of
the
nine
Millions
of
Souls
supposed
to
be
remaining
in
France
,
the
greatest
part
of
which
consists
in
Women
,
and
other
sorts
of
People
more
unprofitable
still
for
the
National
Work
,
viz.
Children
,
Old
,
Infirm
,
Lame
,
Sickly
People
,
and
Soldiers
,
and
Men
who
by
their
Estates
,
Dignity
and
Profession
are
exempted
from
working
.
For
it
holds
constantly
true
,
that
the
Value
of
People
in
a
Nation
depends
upon
that
of
their
Industry
and
Labour
,
and
on
the
Fruits
and
Profits
proceeding
therefrom
,
or
to
speak
more
plain
,
the
Value
of
a
Nation
depends
upon
the
quantity
of
the
Revenue
,
which
the
Real
and
Personal-Estate
do
usually
yield
,
which
proceed
from
the
Men
,
without
which
both
Real
and
Personal-Estates
are
unprofitable
,
and
Labour
comes
to
nothing
;
for
the
Labour
of
a
thin
People
in
a
vast
and
depopulated
Country
,
yields
very
little
profit
.
For
example
,
the
labour
of
a
Million
of
Souls
which
may
be
at
this
day
in
Ireland
,
would
not
yield
so
much
Profit
as
that
of
200
thousand
in
England
,
imployed
about
the
same
kind
of
work
,
altho'
the
Ground
is
as
good
or
better
in
Ireland
,
and
that
million
of
Souls
valued
,
and
considered
as
bound
to
stay
for
ever
in
Ireland
,
would
not
be
so
much
estimated
by
them
who
understand
the
Value
of
a
People
,
as
200
thousand
People
of
the
same
Order
in
England
living
constantly
in
it
:
'T
is
not
the
difference
that
there
is
between
an
Irish
and
an
English-man
,
nor
the
difference
between
the
Soils
,
that
would
produce
such
an
Effect
;
but
the
difference
between
a
Populous
Country
and
one
ill
Peopled
.
For
if
that
Million
of
Irish-people
was
transplanted
into
England
,
they
would
be
valued
as
much
as
a
Million
of
English
of
the
same
sort
;
and
even
considering
that
England
would
thereby
become
more
populous
than
is
at
present
,
they
would
make
the
Revenues
of
England
,
and
the
value
of
the
English
Nation
,
and
of
its
Industry
rise
,
and
consequently
their
own
Value
should
also
rise
in
the
same
proportion
.
On
the
contrary
,
if
two
hundred
thousand
English
,
did
go
over
to
Ireland
to
stay
there
,
their
Value
and
Price
would
decay
very
much
(
tho'
they
might
,
as
to
their
private
Interest
,
fare
perhaps
better
there
)
because
of
their
leaving
a
more
populous
Country
for
another
that
is
less
populous
,
but
if
instead
of
200
thousand
English
,
2
Millions
were
transported
thither
,
then
they
might
be
worth
as
much
as
they
were
in
England
,
because
Ireland
would
be
then
as
populous
proportionably
,
as
England
is
at
this
day
,
and
Ireland
would
also
be
worth
as
much
in
a
little
time
proportionably
,
as
England
;
Money
would
soon
be
plentiful
;
Husbandry
,
Arts
,
Manfactures
,
Trade
flourish
there
,
as
they
would
proportionably
decay
in
England
.
Therefore
we
cannot
reckon
less
than
4
Millions
for
that
Article
.
So
that
it
appears
,
that
14
thousand
Millions
of
the
20
thousand
which
the
Kingdom
of
France
might
be
worth
30
years
ago
are
lost
,
I
make
a
great
allowance
to
France
,
for
I
am
of
opinion
that
the
loss
is
greater
,
and
that
the
Real
and
Personal
Estates
,
together
with
all
the
People
in
that
Kingdom
,
are
not
worth
6
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
,
nor
scarcely
4
,
the
People
being
so
much
decreased
.
I
own
indeed
,
That
if
the
People
were
collected
together
,
and
compacted
in
one
half
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
forsook
the
other
half
;
the
9
Millions
of
Souls
would
be
worth
as
much
as
ever
they
were
;
and
that
if
they
were
confined
to
the
4th
.
part
of
the
Kingdom
secure
from
all
all
Invasion
and
insult
of
Enemies
,
and
placed
near
the
Sea
,
they
would
be
worth
more
than
ever
were
all
the
13
Millions
and
a
half
of
People
diffused
thro'
France
30
years
ago
,
and
that
4th
.
part
of
the
Kingdom
being
well
peopl'd
and
cultivated
,
it
would
be
infallibly
worth
more
than
was
ever
the
whole
Kingdom
.
So
that
it
is
a
great
imprudence
in
any
Prince
or
Nation
to
extend
their
Conquests
,
unless
they
People
instead
of
depopulating
their
Country
thereby
,
as
they
usually
do
;
If
so
be
they
had
Authority
enough
to
do
it
:
It
were
more
wisely
done
to
recollect
all
their
People
in
as
narrow
a
Compass
as
they
reasonably
could
,
in
a
good
ground
nigh
the
Sea
and
great
Rivers
;
and
to
intrench
themselves
round
about
,
with
natural
and
artificial
Fortifications
,
the
best
they
could
against
all
Insults
.
Then
they
should
see
their
People
thrive
and
increase
every
day
in
riches
and
strength
,
We
see
by
the
Example
of
Holland
,
what
a
great
People
in
a
little
Country
may
do
.
And
by
the
Examples
of
Spain
and
Ireland
,
how
little
a
large
Country
signifies
when
depopulated
.
We
may
see
it
also
,
by
comparing
England
with
Ireland
.
The
first
is
but
twice
as
big
as
the
other
,
and
not
naturally
so
fruitful
;
and
yet
't
is
commonly
estimated
to
be
worth
ten
times
more
,
because
of
its
being
more
populous
.
For
if
England
enjoys
a
better
Trade
,
if
Arts
and
Manufactures
flourish
in
it
,
and
if
Money
is
more
plentiful
,
it
owes
all
those
advantages
to
the
multitude
of
its
People
,
which
is
the
main
thing
in
which
it
surpasses
Ireland
.
We
read
in
a
very
good
Book
,
So
that
the
Real
Estates
in
Ireland
fell
from
11
to
1
,
whereas
the
Real
Estates
in
France
according
to
my
computation
,
are
fallen
only
3
fourths
,
from
8
to
2.
But
I
am
sure
,
that
they
could
not
be
sold
at
that
rate
,
and
it
may
be
not
at
the
10
part
of
what
they
were
valued
at
formerly
.
And
as
I
observed
just
now
,
there
were
left
in
Ireland
above
2
third
parts
of
the
People
which
were
in
it
before
the
War
,
including
those
who
fled
over
to
England
for
shelter
,
and
were
expected
back
every
day
.
Besides
the
new
Plantations
of
Scotch
and
English
which
were
a
coming
;
whereas
in
France
there
is
perished
above
half
the
People
in
value
,
not
to
say
any
thing
of
those
whom
the
War
continues
to
destroy
till
it
be
finished
,
and
there
is
little
reason
to
hope
for
any
new
Transmigration
of
Colonies
to
repeople
it
,
neither
is
it
certain
that
the
Protestants
who
have
been
so
cruelly
persecuted
contrary
to
the
publick
Faith
of
the
Edicts
,
will
ever
return
thither
,
and
if
they
do
,
their
number
is
not
considerable
enough
to
make
up
the
great
diminution
of
People
.
It
would
be
to
no
purpose
to
say
,
that
the
Irish-War
was
intestine
,
and
that
both
Armies
did
destroy
alike
Men
,
Houses
,
Cattle
,
&c.
Whereas
France
makes
War
upon
the
Countries
of
the
Allies
.
For
I
dare
confidently
assert
,
that
no
Civil
War
,
how
cruel
so
ever
,
and
tho'
managed
with
2
big
Armies
in
the
middle
of
France
,
could
ever
have
done
so
much
mischief
to
the
Nation
,
as
the
King
and
his
Exacters
have
done
,
and
there
needs
no
other
proof
of
it
but
this
,
that
there
has
perished
in
France
much
more
People
proportionably
these
last
eight
years
,
than
there
did
in
the
eleven
years
War
in
Ireland
,
though
the
Plague
and
Famine
,
which
are
the
ordinary
Companions
of
a
violent
Civil
War
,
destroyed
many
more
People
in
Ireland
than
the
Sword
did
The
Civil
Wars
of
France
in
the
last
Age
lasted
above
40
years
,
and
not
the
4th
part
of
the
People
perished
then
,
as
have
done
within
this
8
years
.
Then
for
the
Houses
,
they
are
not
in
a
very
good
condition
at
present
in
France
;
but
what
signifies
Houses
when
a
Nation
is
irrecoverably
destroyed
?
France
has
not
much
reason
neither
to
boast
of
the
goodness
of
her
Cattle
,
which
are
very
bad
,
and
but
few
in
number
.
But
then
,
in
the
last
place
,
I
answer
,
that
altho'
all
Houses
and
Cattle
had
been
destroyed
in
Ireland
,
which
they
were
not
,
since
the
Houses
in
walled
Towns
,
which
is
the
chiefest
thing
in
Ireland
,
had
suffered
but
little
damage
,
and
that
the
Cattle
were
still
numerous
enough
as
appears
by
the
Memoirs
of
that
time
;
tho'
I
say
,
all
what
is
alledged
,
were
true
,
I
answer
,
that
there
being
Men
in
it
,
they
were
capable
of
soon
having
Houses
and
Cattle
.
And
't
were
better
for
France
that
her
greatest
Grievance
,
were
to
have
her
Houses
reduced
to
Ashes
,
and
all
her
Cattle
destroyed
,
on
condition
that
she
had
but
the
two
thirds
of
the
Workmen
,
which
were
in
her
before
the
War
,
with
a
better
Government
and
a
better
Religion
.
For
if
that
were
the
Case
,
they
would
soon
have
as
many
Houses
and
Cattle
as
they
needed
.
It
would
be
to
as
little
purpose
for
any
man
to
say
,
that
it
was
because
Ireland
had
not
full
Liberty
for
Trade
.
For
the
Irish
Nation
was
better
treated
by
the
English
,
than
the
People
of
France
has
been
by
their
Prince
for
many
Reigns
.
And
as
for
Trade
,
they
had
it
always
very
free
,
and
without
any
restraint
upon
Foreigners
,
who
would
come
and
fetch
their
Commodities
,
or
upon
the
Irish
themselves
,
who
were
at
Liberty
to
carry
them
over
to
Spain
,
France
,
Portugal
,
and
other
places
.
Their
Government
was
the
same
then
as
now
,
and
yet
their
Estates
are
more
valued
at
present
,
than
they
were
at
that
time
;
which
shews
that
it
was
meerly
the
effect
of
the
war
,
and
of
the
great
destruction
of
Men
which
preceeded
it
.
It
would
be
as
impertinent
to
object
,
that
they
were
Protestants
,
who
did
then
put
such
a
low-estimate
upon
Ireland
,
because
they
had
a
mind
to
quit
it
,
for
besides
what
I
have
said
already
upon
that
Subject
,
the
Objection
is
refuted
by
the
History
,
which
informs
us
that
there
were
above
100
thousand
Protestants
born
in
that
Country
who
had
no
Estates
in
any
other
part
of
the
World
,
and
who
consequently
were
far
from
any
thoughts
to
quit
it
;
and
were
expected
there
,
besides
above
an
hundred
thousand
English
and
Scotch
Protestants
who
actually
went
thither
.
We
must
add
to
this
,
that
it
will
be
much
harder
to
restore
France
to
its
former
State
,
then
it
was
to
restore
Ireland
,
in
respect
of
the
Lands
,
because
the
most
part
of
the
Soil
of
Ireland
is
fit
for
Pasture
,
whereas
the
most
part
of
France
consists
in
Arable
Lands
and
Vines
,
which
being
untilled
and
quite
rooted
up
,
cannot
be
restored
so
easily
.
I
have
insisted
much
on
that
example
of
Ireland
,
because
I
do
not
know
any
that
agrees
so
well
with
the
Condition
that
France
is
likely
to
be
reduced
to
.
I
might
very
well
have
valued
only
the
loss
of
the
People
in
France
,
and
have
forborn
to
make
mention
of
Real
and
Personal
Estates
,
for
after
all
is
said
,
Estates
are
worth
nothing
without
People
,
and
if
there
was
but
one
Man
in
France
,
all
the
Estates
would
be
worth
no
more
than
that
Mans
maintenance
.
So
that
I
might
have
valued
the
People
which
did
spend
a
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
yearly
,
30
years
ago
,
when
they
did
make
up
,
according
to
our
supposition
,
the
number
of
13
Millions
and
a
half
.
I
might
,
I
say
,
have
estimated
them
on
the
foot
of
twenty
years
purchase
,
at
twenty
thousand
Millions
.
For
altho'
every
individual
Person
is
commonly
estimated
,
but
at
7
or
8
years
purchase
,
because
they
are
mortal
,
a
Nation
which
is
conceiv'd
to
be
as
perpetual
,
as
the
world
in
its
duration
,
as
I
already
said
,
may
be
very
reasonably
valu'd
at
20
years
purchase
.
And
so
,
suppose
that
half
of
it
is
destroyed
,
if
not
as
to
the
number
,
at
least
as
to
their
strength
and
ability
for
work
;
that
being
,
as
I
say
,
supposed
,
it
would
alone
amount
to
ten
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
,
which
ought
to
be
deducted
from
the
twenty
thousand
Millions
aforesaid
.
And
because
the
remaining
People
are
very
thin
in
the
Kingdom
,
dispersed
to
and
fro
,
and
not
united
and
compacted
together
,
so
as
to
help
one
another
,
and
to
improve
their
Land
,
the
Seas
and
Arts
to
the
best
advantage
,
as
if
it
were
gathered
together
in
half
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
in
the
same
proportion
as
it
was
when
the
13
Millions
and
a
half
of
Souls
were
living
in
it
;
for
that
reason
the
least
that
can
be
abated
of
its
former
Value
,
will
be
five
or
six
Millions
;
and
so
the
Kingdom
will
be
found
to
have
decayed
3
quarters
at
least
of
its
ancient
Value
,
if
taken
according
to
what
it
might
have
been
estimated
at
thirty
years
ago
.
And
if
any
man
will
be
at
the
pains
to
reckon
the
other
Losses
which
the
Kingdom
has
endured
within
these
30
years
,
he
will
find
many
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
lost
otherwise
.
As
for
example
,
the
13
Millions
and
a
half
of
People
,
supposed
to
have
been
in
France
30
years
ago
,
ought
to
have
encreased
about
two
Millions
of
Souls
in
30
years
time
,
according
to
the
ordinary
Progress
of
Generation
,
observed
by
Naturalists
,
which
being
valued
upon
the
same
foot
as
we
estimated
the
rest
,
had
been
worth
3
thousand
Millions
,
that
is
,
about
1500
Livers
per
Head
,
one
with
another
.
Observe
that
the
Adult
Males
,
or
Men
in
the
prime
of
their
Age
,
are
commonly
valued
at
twice
as
much
as
the
rest
,
as
is
to
be
seen
by
the
example
of
Slaves
bought
at
that
rate
;
which
by
the
way
shews
either
the
Imprudence
or
the
Misfortune
of
those
Princes
or
States
which
willingly
,
or
forced
by
some
necessity
,
fell
their
Subjects
to
other
Nations
,
by
Regiments
or
Companies
,
so
cheap
as
many
of
'em
do
.
If
we
add
to
this
,
the
Loss
of
the
Superlucration
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
what
a
Nation
gets
,
or
improves
above
its
Expence
;
for
it
must
be
known
,
that
a
populous
and
thriving
Nation
,
grows
continually
richer
and
richer
,
or
else
it
would
be
still
in
the
same
condition
that
it
was
200
years
ago
.
I
say
,
if
we
reckon
that
Loss
of
the
Superlucration
,
it
would
amount
still
higher
.
And
then
further
,
if
we
could
take
an
account
of
the
Losses
the
Kingdom
has
sustained
within
this
30
years
,
and
especially
since
this
War
,
in
relation
to
the
Revenues
and
Rents
of
all
the
Estates
,
and
of
the
Revenues
and
Profits
of
the
Industry
and
Labour
of
the
People
,
which
have
been
so
strangely
decaying
from
year
to
year
,
this
Head
,
with
the
precedent
,
would
amount
to
some
thousands
of
Millions
of
Livers
.
And
I
will
make
bold
to
add
,
that
in
case
the
War
continues
yet
three
years
longer
at
the
same
Charges
and
Expences
to
France
,
that
I
do
not
think
all
the
Real
Estates
in
that
Kingdom
could
be
worth
,
if
sold
,
a
thousand
Millions
of
Livers
,
nay
perhaps
not
worth
five
hundred
.
It
must
be
observed
,
that
the
longer
the
War
continues
,
the
more
irrecoverably
that
Kingdom
sinks
,
and
also
the
Value
of
all
things
in
it
,
that
is
,
as
well
of
the
remaining
People
,
as
of
Lands
,
Houses
and
Personal
Estates
,
except
Money
,
Plate
and
Jewels
.
And
so
that
Kingdom
loses
less
in
Value
every
year
now
,
than
it
did
the
first
years
of
the
War
,
because
Lands
,
People
,
and
all
things
in
it
,
were
more
valuable
then
than
now
.
Tho'
it
spends
as
many
Men
as
formerly
,
and
loses
more
in
relation
to
the
impossibility
of
its
being
ever
restored
to
its
former
State
,
and
of
recovering
it self
.
A
poor
man
,
who
has
but
a
hundred
pounds
Estate
,
loses
less
as
to
the
Value
of
the
Sum
when
he
loses
fifty
,
than
a
man
who
has
ten
thousand
pounds
does
,
when
he
loses
one
thousand
,
but
he
loses
more
in
truth
,
because
he
has
not
so
much
remaining
wherewithal
to
live
.
And
as
a
Man
decays
more
by
letting
six
Ounces
of
Blood
when
in
a
Consumption
,
than
he
did
when
in
health
by
letting
12
Ounces
.
So
does
France
also
lose
more
now
in
that
sense
than
it
did
before
.
But
because
People
will
be
apt
to
contradict
all
this
,
and
that
indeed
the
thing
seems
incredible
,
tho'
grounded
upon
very
good
Arguments
,
that
France
should
have
decayed
so
much
.
I
consent
,
that
they
should
value
France
still
at
the
half
of
what
we
supposed
it
was
worth
twenty
years
ago
.
But
as
for
my
part
,
I
shall
not
be
of
their
Opinion
.
CHAP.
V.
A
particular
Account
of
the
Depopulation
of
FRANCE
.
THE
better
to
judge
of
the
Depopulation
and
Decay
of
Agriculture
in
France
,
as
also
of
the
Decrease
of
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
and
Trade
,
&c.
and
of
the
little
probability
there
is
,
that
that
Nation
should
ever
recover
its
former
Strength
,
or
at
least
not
in
100
years
time
.
The
better
,
I
say
,
to
judge
of
this
,
let
us
remember
the
number
of
Inhabitants
which
we
supposed
to
have
been
in
France
30
years
ago
,
viz.
13
Millions
and
a
half
.
And
let
us
consider
what
number
of
Adult
Men
there
might
be
in
that
time
who
were
able
to
serve
in
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Agriculture
,
Navigation
,
&c.
and
what
number
of
those
may
have
perished
by
the
accidents
we
spoke
of
,
besides
those
who
are
used
to
dye
naturally
;
What
number
may
be
in
the
Army
;
What
deficiency
there
may
have
been
in
the
ordinary
course
of
Propagation
,
for
these
thirty
years
past
.
How
many
there
may
be
among
the
Adult
,
who
are
rendred
unfit
for
Work
,
by
their
Estates
,
Dignity
or
Profession
;
How
many
who
are
disabled
by
natural
Infirmities
;
and
let
us
dive
as
much
as
possible
into
the
number
of
them
who
are
fit
for
Work
,
and
Manufactures
.
First
,
I
will
suppose
gratis
for
the
advantage
of
France
(
tho'
there
is
reason
to
question
it
)
that
there
might
be
as
many
Men
as
Women
30
years
ago
;
and
that
,
dividing
the
whole
Mass
of
People
in
the
Kingdom
,
viz.
Men
,
Women
and
Children
,
into
three
parts
,
there
was
4
Millions
and
a
half
of
Men
,
from
12
years
of
age
and
above
.
That
which
induces
me
to
comprehend
in
this
division
,
Children
of
12
years
and
above
,
is
,
that
otherwise
there
could
not
be
in
the
whole
,
the
third
part
of
Men
,
since
the
Children
in
a
Nation
,
under
16
years
of
age
,
are
commonly
judged
to
make
half
of
the
whole
Mass
of
People
;
Besides
,
they
begin
at
that
age
to
be
useful
for
Arts
,
Agriculture
,
Navigation
,
&c.
and
now
they
make
Soldiers
of
them
at
that
age
in
France
,
putting
them
in
Garrison
,
where
they
are
by
degrees
inured
to
Fatigue
and
War
.
So
that
there
is
reason
enough
to
think
,
that
including
among
Adult
Men
,
Children
above
12
years
of
Age
,
I
allow
a
great
addition
to
the
number
of
Men
in
France
.
And
I
desire
it
may
be
remembred
,
because
my
increasing
the
number
of
Men
,
by
the
Addition
of
some
hundreds
of
thousands
,
will
serve
to
shew
more
clearly
and
unquestionably
the
want
of
Culture
of
Lands
,
Trades
and
Arts
in
the
Kingdom
,
because
that
addition
will
shew
the
remaining
part
of
them
to
be
so
much
the
less
considerable
.
From
the
year
1666.
to
the
first
of
this
War
,
there
could
be
no
less
than
2
Millions
of
Souls
diminisht
for
the
reasons
proposed
above
,
viz.
The
horrid
and
excessive
Taxes
imposed
every
year
upon
the
People
,
and
the
oppressive
Methods
of
raising
them
,
which
are
no
less
troublesom
than
the
Taxes
themselves
;
The
unnecessary
Wars
,
the
Conquests
made
to
no
purpose
,
which
Depopulated
the
Country
every
way
,
as
well
by
the
Destruction
of
great
numbers
of
Men
,
as
by
the
transplantation
of
an
infinite
multitude
of
Persons
,
who
retired
to
the
new
Conquests
,
hoping
to
live
there
more
quietly
than
they
could
have
done
in
their
own
oppressed
Country
;
By
the
extreme
Poverty
which
caused
great
numbers
to
perish
at
home
,
and
in
the
Hospitals
of
Paris
,
and
elsewhere
;
The
Persecution
of
the
Protestants
,
which
,
besides
the
number
of
People
destroyed
thereby
in
France
,
banished
great
numbers
of
'em
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
&c.
I
might
justly
reckon
above
two
Millions
of
Souls
diminished
by
all
those
several
Methods
,
without
any
aggravation
,
of
which
above
the
third
part
were
Men
I
mean
,
without
including
in
that
number
,
those
who
dyed
according
to
the
ordinary
course
of
Nature
,
whose
number
under
moderate
Governments
,
is
supplied
by
Young
Children
,
born
in
their
stead
.
Let
us
reckon
only
700
thousand
Men.
Since
the
beginning
of
this
War
,
which
hath
lasted
already
eight
years
,
the
King
maintains
,
as
we
have
seen
,
about
500000
Men
,
of
which
the
fourth
part
perishes
every
year
,
one
with
another
,
as
appears
by
the
List
of
Recruits
.
Nay
,
't
is
affirmed
,
that
one
third
part
dies
or
deserts
every
year
,
but
I
shall
reckon
only
a
fourth
part
;
That
's
above
900
thousand
in
eight
years
past
,
without
including
this
present
year
,
which
being
added
to
the
500
thousand
(
including
Servant
men
,
and
those
belonging
to
the
Artillery
,
Ammunition
,
Provisions
,
Militia
)
that
are
always
kept
on
foot
by
Land
or
Sea
,
who
are
more
than
unprofitable
to
the
Nation
,
make
up
the
number
of
1400
thousand
Men.
Besides
this
,
there
have
died
in
these
8
years
of
the
War
,
at
least
the
fourth
part
of
the
Nation
by
Mortality
,
Misery
and
Famine
,
since
it
is
computed
,
that
in
the
year
of
the
Grand
Famine
alone
,
there
perished
two
Millions
and
a
half
of
People
,
not
including
those
destroyed
in
the
War
,
or
dead
in
the
ordinary
and
natural
way
.
I
know
that
some
may
cavil
at
the
word
Natural
,
because
very
few
die
so
now
a-days
in
France
;
the
common
People
dying
for
the
most
part
meerly
for
want
.
Let
us
count
only
two
Millions
and
a
half
of
People
for
that
Article
,
that
we
may
not
be
accused
of
aggravating
,
and
suppose
that
amongst
that
number
,
there
be
but
500
thousand
Men
,
because
there
are
proportionably
fewer
Men
than
Women
in
the
Kingdom
.
It
will
make
up
above
two
Millions
one
hundred
thousand
Men
that
have
died
out
of
the
four
Millions
and
a
half
supposed
above
,
besides
the
five
hundred
thousand
Soldiers
who
are
more
than
unprofitable
,
as
I
said
,
for
the
National
work
,
and
who
have
been
constantly
for
these
eight
years
in
the
Armies
at
Land
and
Sea
,
or
in
Garrison
and
Quarters
,
not
including
in
that
number
them
who
dye
in
the
ordinary
course
of
Nature
,
which
we
suppose
here
gratis
to
be
filled
up
by
the
ordinary
progress
of
Generation
.
So
that
there
remains
only
1
Million
900
thousand
Men
in
the
Kingdom
.
According
to
this
Computation
which
is
modest
,
there
cannot
be
much
above
8
Millions
of
Souls
remaining
in
the
Kingdom
,
tho'
I
am
willing
to
allow
it
yet
9
Millions
,
including
all
the
Soldiers
;
if
we
come
now
to
examine
the
great
number
of
those
1900000
Men
remaining
,
that
are
unfit
for
Work
,
we
shall
yet
be
much
more
amazed
to
find
so
small
a
number
of
Working-men
left
in
the
Kingdom
.
Those
unprofitable
Men
make
up
almost
the
half
of
the
total
,
as
I
shall
demonstrate
by
and
by
.
Of
this
sort
I
account
Church-men
,
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
Finances
,
and
Civil
Government
,
and
all
other
Officers
of
what
Order
and
denomination
soever
.
The
Farmers
general
and
particular
of
all
the
Impositions
,
their
Commissioners
and
Agents
great
and
small
,
and
those
called
Gabeleurs
,
and
other
Tools
which
serve
under
them
;
all
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
from
the
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
to
the
smallest
of
those
called
Gentlemen
,
which
are
the
poorest
sort
of
the
Nobility
;
the
Physicians
,
Chirurgions
and
Apothecaries
;
all
the
chief
Merchants
,
and
others
who
sell
things
by
retail
,
which
they
do
not
make
themselves
,
and
several
other
kinds
of
men
which
I
shall
specifie
hereafter
,
with
their
Sons
and
Servants
;
I
mean
generally
,
all
those
Orders
of
men
who
do
not
work
in
Manufactures
,
Mines
,
Agriculture
,
Navigation
,
Fishing
,
or
any
sort
of
Arts.
For
it
must
be
observed
,
tho'
all
these
People
are
not
wholly
unprofitable
to
Society
,
yet
all
their
Labour
cannot
save
Mankind
from
starving
.
All
those
kinds
of
men
,
if
they
were
20
times
more
numerous
,
can
neither
maintain
nor
enrich
the
Nation
in
the
least
.
The
Labour
of
a
Plough-man
,
or
Seaman
,
Manufacturer
of
Trades-man
,
brings
more
Profit
to
the
Common-wealth
,
than
a
thousand
of
those
sorts
of
men
,
except
as
to
the
matter
of
Propagation
.
Many
of
them
indeed
get
great
Fortunes
,
but
it
is
just
as
with
Gamesters
,
who
win
it
from
their
Country-men
,
or
Fellow
Citizens
.
The
Common-wealth
is
never
a
Pin
the
richer
for
it
,
because
they
add
no
Riches
to
them
that
were
already
in
the
Nation
.
I
grant
that
Humane
Society
cannot
subsist
without
men
of
that
kind
,
and
that
they
are
uecessary
in
a
certain
measure
;
but
it
is
not
they
who
maintain
or
enrich
a
Nation
.
I
confess
indeed
Merchants
are
necessary
,
and
contribute
much
towards
the
Welfare
of
a
Country
,
but
't
is
by
employing
Working-men
who
are
their
Arms
and
Hands
.
Moreover
't
is
observable
,
that
amongst
those
who
do
the
most
useful
Work
of
the
Nation
,
the
strongest
and
stoutest
are
taken
for
War
,
and
't
is
they
especially
who
for
the
most
part
lose
their
Lives
in
it
;
so
that
among
the
men
remaining
in
the
Country
,
a
great
number
are
old
,
weak
,
infirm
and
invalid
,
which
causes
the
difference
of
a
sixth
part
at
least
,
so
that
in
case
900
thousand
Working-men
are
still
remaining
,
they
must
be
reckoned
only
for
750
thousand
.
For
besides
that
,
I
have
accounted
amongst
the
Men
,
Children
of
twelve
years
,
and
the
old
Men
above
sixty
,
who
are
not
so
fit
for
Labour
,
as
other
men
.
I
count
also
among
them
,
as
I
have
said
already
,
the
sickly
,
blind
,
lame
,
and
beggars
,
which
make
a
great
number
.
So
that
here
remains
only
to
the
Value
of
750
thousand
Adult
men
for
all
the
Work
of
the
Nation
.
This
one
thing
is
also
to
be
remembred
,
that
the
500
thousand
Men
in
the
Armies
,
do
mightily
disturb
other
Subjects
in
their
Work
,
by
their
Marches
,
Counter-marches
,
Sojournings
,
Quarters
,
and
Robberies
;
for
I
beg
the
Reader
to
consider
what
disturbances
such
a
vast
number
of
Forces
that
have
been
marching
continually
these
8
years
from
one
end
of
the
Kingdom
to
the
other
,
from
one
Province
,
Frontier
,
or
Sea-Coast
to
the
other
,
by
a
hundred
different
Roads
,
and
committing
Disorders
every
where
,
for
want
of
Money
to
pay
their
Expences
,
besides
their
Robberies
,
in
which
they
are
countenanced
by
the
Court
,
because
the
Soldiers
are
kept
short
in
their
Pay
;
and
moreover
they
think
fit
to
indulge
them
,
that
they
may
make
new
Levies
,
and
Recruit
their
Armies
the
more
easily
.
Add
to
all
this
,
the
Disorder
caused
by
the
oppressive
Methods
of
Raising
Imposts
and
Taxes
,
of
which
I
spoke
already
.
Moreover
,
of
the
said
750
thousand
Working-men
,
many
are
continually-employed
in
things
relating
to
the
Armies
,
serving
now
and
then
as
Pioneers
on
the
Frontiers
,
and
are
often
employed
about
carrying
to
Garrisons
or
Armies
,
Ammunition
,
Provisions
,
and
other
necessaries
for
their
Subsistence
,
either
with
Horses
and
Mules
,
or
Waggons
by
Land
,
or
with
Ships
or
Boats
by
Sea
and
Rivers
without
mentioning
the
Oppressions
formerly
spoken
of
,
which
they
lie
under
from
Officers
of
Judicature
,
Exacters
,
and
Clergy-men
.
And
this
is
also
to
be
remembred
here
,
that
besides
Sundays
they
have
many
false
Holy
days
,
as
already
said
,
which
deprives
them
of
the
6th
.
part
of
the
working
days
in
the
year
,
so
that
the
750
thousand
men
are
not
worth
600
thousand
,
who
work
all
those
days
,
as
Protestants
do
in
England
;
without
mentioning
likewise
their
sorry
Cattle
,
and
the
incapacity
they
are
in
of
improving
their
industry
to
the
best
advantage
,
by
being
ill
maintained
,
and
wanting
means
and
tools
necessary
for
it
.
All
those
things
being
duely
considered
,
I
dare
affirm
that
500
thousand
men
in
the
prime
of
their
Age
,
as
Souldiers
commonly
are
,
being
in
good
health
,
not
molested
nor
disturbed
in
their
labour
,
provided
with
all
necessaries
in
their
several
,
imployments
,
well
fed
,
obnoxious
to
no
other
Holy
days
but
Sundays
,
or
some
few
days
besides
,
which
are
observed
in
England
and
some
other
Protestant
Countries
,
would
be
much
more
useful
and
serviceable
to
a
Nation
,
than
the
750
thousand
of
which
we
speak
,
lying
under
all
the
troubles
and
miseries
above
mentioned
.
And
so
it
appears
,
that
the
French
King
has
in
his
Armies
above
the
fourth
Man
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
the
half
of
all
his
Subjects
able
for
Work
:
And
't
is
evident
that
France
loses
yearly
by
this
Depopulation
,
and
the
ill
consequences
of
it
,
above
the
Value
of
one
of
the
largest
and
best
Provinces
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
more
than
all
its
Conquests
are
worth
.
Let
's
see
now
what
part
of
those
Men
may
be
employed
about
Husbandry
,
and
how
many
about
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Navigation
,
Fishing
,
Trade
,
in
and
out
the
Kingdom
,
and
in
the
Shops
.
To
avoid
a
hard
and
tedious
examination
of
all
the
particulars
of
such
a
division
,
I
think
we
may
allow
Husbandry
the
two
Thirds
of
the
whole
,
viz.
500
thousand
Men
,
and
to
Arts
,
Navigation
,
&c.
the
250
thousand
remaining
.
In
this
manner
there
being
27
thousand
Parishes
in
the
Kingdom
,
there
cannot
be
in
every
Parish
,
one
with
another
,
above
20
Men
employed
about
Husbandry
.
And
not
above
10
out
of
the
250
thousand
employed
in
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
and
the
rest
,
in
every
Parish
of
the
Kingdom
,
one
with
another
.
But
't
is
to
be
observed
,
there
are
no
Husband-Men
in
Cities
and
Towns
,
and
so
the
Country
Parishes
injoy
the
more
.
And
as
on
the
other
hand
,
there
are
very
few
Men
imployed
in
the
Country
Parishes
,
about
Arts
,
&c.
So
Cities
and
Towns
have
the
greater
number
of
them
.
By
Husbandry
,
I
understand
,
all
necessary
labour
about
Lands
,
as
well
for
the
production
of
Fruits
as
Corn
,
Wine
,
and
Cider
,
Pulses
,
Roots
,
and
Herbs
,
for
the
use
of
Mankind
,
Hay
,
Wood
,
Flax
,
Hemp
,
Apples
,
&c.
And
the
reaping
and
gathering
of
them
all
in
their
Season
,
as
also
all
Labour
relating
to
breeding
of
Cattle
,
and
its
dependencies
,
as
Wool
,
Milk
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
&c.
I
comprehend
also
therein
,
the
Handy-Crafts
,
without
which
Husband-Men
can
do
nothing
.
As
alsothose
that
make
or
mend
their
Tools
:
And
all
such
whose
work
is
to
make
their
Cloaths
and
Shoes
,
and
who
now
and
then
imploy
themselves
also
about
Husbandry
.
No
doubt
but
a
great
many
will
think
the
number
of
500
thousand
for
Husbandry
to
be
very
small
:
And
I
am
of
that
opinion
my self
,
for
any
body
may
easily
conceive
,
that
it
is
not
sufficient
to
Cultivate
the
half
of
the
Kingdom
:
Nay
I
will
say
further
,
not
to
cultivate
the
fourth
part
of
it
;
as
it
ought
to
be
done
.
But
we
must
add
also
,
that
Women
,
Maids
,
and
Boys
under
12
years
of
Age
and
above
7
do
perform
a
great
part
of
the
work
.
'T
is
the
Women
that
take
care
of
the
Cows
,
Hogs
,
Sheep
,
and
other
small
Cattle
,
or
Beasts
;
who
make
Butter
,
and
Cheese
;
who
spin
Woollen
and
Linnen
Thread
,
who
go
to
Market
,
who
help
to
Sow
and
Reap
Corn
,
Wine
,
and
other
Fruits
;
and
in
the
present
great
scarcity
of
Men
,
some
drive
Oxen
or
Horses
,
dig
Vines
,
and
do
other
such
work
;
I
grant
they
can
neither
do
it
so
well
nor
so
much
as
Men
do
,
and
that
they
cannot
meddle
with
any
such
thing
,
unless
there
be
in
one
Family
a
great
many
lusty
Women
,
for
commonly
they
are
busie
enough
about
Domestick
Affairs
,
and
the
care
of
Children
,
and
when
they
give
suck
or
are
quick
with
Child
,
they
are
fit
for
no
kind
of
work
.
But
however
,
Women
in
general
are
very
helpful
to
Men
in
Affairs
of
Husbandry
;
and
now
a
days
more
than
ever
in
France
,
because
of
the
want
and
scarcity
of
Men
;
besides
that
,
there
's
no
question
but
several
of
the
poor
Gentry
,
Curates
and
Priests
,
and
poor
Officers
of
Judicature
,
Chirurgions
,
Notaries
,
Sergeants
,
or
Bailists
,
their
Sons
,
and
Servant-Men
,
work
also
about
Husbandry
to
avoid
starving
.
And
't
is
known
that
the
Gentry
and
Clergy
had
always
Servants
,
who
were
imployed
in
such
Affairs
.
So
that
I
believe
there
may
be
yet
near
the
value
of
30
Men
fit
for
Husbandry
in
every
Parish
of
the
Kingdom
,
including
the
poor
Gentlemen
,
Curats
,
Priests
,
and
others
,
which
I
named
just
now
,
with
their
Servant-Men
,
without
reckoning
Women
,
Maids
,
Girls
,
and
Boys
above
7
years
of
Age
,
and
under
twelve
.
They
may
seem
to
be
more
numerous
in
certain
places
,
because
of
many
Weakly
,
Infirm
,
Blind
,
Lame
People
,
and
Beggars
who
appear
there
,
besides
Boys
from
12
to
16
years
of
Age
,
who
do
all
of
them
something
;
but
of
which
two
or
three
are
scarce
worth
a
Stout
lusty
workman
And
therefore
I
reduce
them
all
to
the
value
of
30
Men
;
and
I
am
sure
,
I
allow
them
more
Men
than
there
are
.
But
I
confess
,
they
lose
abundance
of
their
time
about
the
Offices
,
as
I
said
already
,
of
Collectors
,
and
other
such
troublesom
businesses
,
wherewith
they
are
plagued
:
I
confess
also
that
in
a
great
many
Villages
there
is
hardly
a
man
to
be
seen
.
By
Arts
,
as
I
said
already
,
I
understand
Handy-Crafts
,
Manufactures
,
Navigation
,
Fishing
,
and
the
Shop-keeping
Trade
,
in
Cities
,
and
Towns
.
I
excepted
Merchants
,
and
those
that
maintain
Manufactures
,
and
other
wealthy
Trades-Men
,
whether
they
sell
by
whole
sale
or
retail
,
those
things
which
they
made
not
themselves
,
though
very
useful
in
a
Nation
,
because
I
place
them
elsewhere
among
those
who
by
their
Estates
are
exempted
from
working
.
I
supposed
there
might
be
250
thousand
of
them
in
all
.
Amongst
that
number
,
I
judge
,
there
may
be
the
tenth
part
,
who
apply
themselves
to
things
more
for
Curiosity
,
Ornament
or
Vanity
,
than
for
Necessity
;
whose
Industry
nevertheless
,
is
not
to
be
contemned
,
especially
when
it
is
useful
to
draw
Money
from
Foreigners
:
such
for
themost
part
are
more
regarded
by
great
and
rich
Men
,
and
all
Lovers
of
Curiosities
and
Pleasure
,
and
commonly
get
great
Fortunes
sooner
than
others
that
are
more
useful
;
as
we
see
,
that
Princes
ordinarily
prefer
those
who
are
subservient
to
their
Lusts
and
Pleasures
;
or
of
an
outward
Shape
which
pleases
their
Eyes
,
or
are
impudent
in
asking
undeserved
Preferments
,
tho'
never
so
uncapable
,
or
without
Merit
,
Honour
or
Affection
to
their
Country
;
while
those
who
are
modest
and
most
capable
,
and
zealous
for
the
publick
good
,
and
the
most
deserving
of
the
Nation
are
neglected
;
and
suffered
to
starve
,
of
which
there
are
but
too
many
instances
.
The
Handy-Crafts
most
necessary
to
the
Common
wealth
,
are
first
,
Those
whose
business
it
is
to
get
them
Iron
from
the
Mine
,
and
to
render
it
fit
for
Man's
use
;
and
then
those
who
imploy
it
,
as
Smiths
and
others
who
forge
the
Tools
fit
for
Husbandry
and
Arts
;
and
then
the
following
Trades
,
as
,
Taylors
,
Carpenters
,
Masons
,
Stone-cutters
,
Bricklayers
,
Lock-smiths
,
Glaziers
,
Paviers
Joyners
,
Shoemakers
,
Millers
,
Rope-makers
,
Sadlers
,
Weavers
,
Cutlers
,
Coopers
,
Nail-makers
,
Tanners
,
Curriers
,
Cart-wrights
,
Potters
,
Salt-makers
,
Pewterers
,
Braziers
,
Pin-makers
,
Printers
and
Booksellers
,
Sword-cutlers
,
Gun-smiths
,
Gunpowder-makers
,
&c.
All
those
who
work
about
Wool
,
or
Linnen
,
or
Silk
;
all
Manufacturers
of
any
kind
soever
,
who
work
not
only
to
supply
the
wants
of
their
Nation
,
but
for
the
use
of
Foreign
Countrys
,
&c.
One
Man
amongst
those
,
as
I
said
already
,
is
more
useful
than
a
hundred
who
busie
themselves
about
unnecessary
things
,
nay
,
and
often
times
noxious
,
as
are
subservient
for
Luxury
,
Pride
,
Daintiness
,
and
even
Wantonness
,
or
sometimes
to
Cheats
,
and
Impostures
,
and
who
abuse
the
Customs
,
Opinions
and
foolish
Credulity
of
Mankind
.
Amongst
the
useful
Handicrafts
,
those
who
are
serviceable
for
Navigation
,
for
building
of
Ships
,
and
all
other
things
necessary
for
equipping
them
,
as
also
to
Fishing
,
are
not
to
be
forgotten
;
and
therein
I
do
also
comprehend
all
Sea-faring
Men
,
under
what
denominations
soever
.
All
these
things
being
considered
,
there
's
no
doubt
but
that
number
of
250
thousand
Men
,
which
I
supposed
to
be
remaining
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
fit
for
Handicrafts
,
will
be
found
very
small
;
But
it
is
observable
,
that
as
about
Husbandry
,
we
may
say
also
that
about
Arts
,
and
Handicrafts
,
Women
,
Maids
,
Girls
and
Boys
under
twelve
,
and
above
seven
years
of
Age
,
are
very
useful
.
They
work
about
Wool
,
Linnen
,
Silk
,
and
do
several
pretty
and
useful
things
:
And
even
the
Wives
and
Daughters
of
Men
,
who
follow
the
Professions
,
either
noxious
or
useless
to
Common-wealth
,
and
live
in
Towns
;
those
Females
,
I
say
,
are
more
profitable
than
their
Men
,
for
either
they
Spin
,
or
Sow
with
a
Needle
,
or
do
some
other
necessary
Work
.
Tho'
,
I
must
acknowledge
,
that
Country-women
or
Children
,
are
commonly
a
great
deal
more
useful
than
those
of
the
Professions
or
Trades
,
that
are
exercised
in
Towns
.
When
all
is
said
,
tho'
Womens
Labour
is
commonly
judged
to
be
a
very
inconsiderable
matter
in
general
,
I
dare
say
,
it
is
so
considerable
,
that
our
Posterity
in
France
will
strangely
feel
the
want
of
it
in
25
or
30
years
hence
,
when
the
half
or
the
two-thirds
of
Unmarried
Women
,
who
cannot
find
matches
for
want
of
Men
,
shall
be
dead
without
Children
;
then
there
will
be
much
less
People
fit
for
Husbandry
,
and
Arts
;
and
Land-Estates
will
decay
more
and
more
for
that
reason
,
for
20
or
30
years
hence
.
Let
us
see
in
the
next
place
,
who
they
are
who
compose
the
other
half
of
the
Men
,
which
I
said
were
unprofitable
for
Husbandry
,
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Navigation
,
&c.
I
place
then
,
as
I
said
before
,
in
that
rank
,
all
Officers
of
Judicature
,
great
and
small
,
from
the
Chancellour
to
the
least
Bailiff
or
Sergeant
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-Men
,
as
also
all
the
Officers
of
the
Finances
,
and
Civil
Government
,
great
and
small
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
the
Officers
of
the
King's
Houshold
,
and
of
those
of
the
Dauphin's
,
and
other
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
Clergy-men
,
great
and
small
,
and
their
Servant-men
.
All
the
Nobility
,
from
the
Princes
of
the
Blood
,
to
the
lowest
of
the
Gentry
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
Farmers
general
and
particular
of
Impositions
and
Taxes
,
their
Directors
and
Commissioners
,
great
and
small
,
and
all
other
Exactors
with
their
Crew
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
A
vast
number
of
Men
possessing
the
New
Offices
,
with
some
Priviledges
granted
,
or
rather
promised
them
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
:
As
are
the
Offices
for
selling
Fowls
,
Offices
for
selling
Calves
,
Officers
for
selling
Lambs
,
for
selling
Oysters
,
Measurers
of
Wood
,
Hay
,
Coals
;
as
also
Officers
for
selling
Brandy
in
Retail
,
Officers
of
Cryers
of
old
Hatts
,
Shoes
and
Raggs
,
Officers
of
Cryers
of
Burials
,
Officers-Packers
,
and
a
thousand
sorts
of
other
such
Noble
Officers
:
A
great
number
of
Officers-Pay-masters
of
Land-Forces
,
Fleet
,
Gallies
,
of
the
Rents
of
the
Town-house
of
Paris
,
of
the
Wages
of
all
Civil
Officers
,
and
of
the
Kings
and
Princes
Houshold
,
with
their
Sons
,
Commissioners
and
Clerks
.
The
Officers
of
the
Post-Offices
,
great
and
small
,
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
As
also
the
Masters
of
all
the
Offices
of
Charets
of
Horses
,
and
Coaches
of
Messengers
by
Land
and
Rivers
(
observe
that
there
are
some
Boats
called
Water-Coaches
)
their
Sons
,
Commissioners
and
Servant-men
.
All
Doctors
,
and
Members
of
Universities
,
Academies
,
Colledges
,
Schools
;
all
Physicians
,
Chirurgions
,
Apothecaries
,
Perriwig-makers
,
Barbers
,
Musicians
,
Fencing
and
Dancing-Masters
,
Tennis-Court-Masters
,
and
those
who
keep
other
Plays
or
Games
of
several
sorts
,
Comedians
,
Fidlers
,
Mountebanks
,
Rope-Dancers
;
&c.
their
Sons
,
Scholars
,
Prentices
or
Servant-men
.
All
Merchants
,
and
those
who
drive
Manufactures
;
those
who
sell
by
Whole-sales
,
either
in
Ware-houses
or
Shops
,
all
sorts
of
Wares
whatsoever
,
as
Iron
,
Linnen
,
or
Woollen
,
Silks
,
Corn
,
Oates
,
Wine
,
Wood
,
Leather
,
Lead
,
Salt
and
dry
Fish
,
Sugar
,
Brandy
,
&c.
I
include
in
that
number
Bankers
,
Juwelers
,
rich
Goldsmiths
,
Grocers
,
Haberdashers
of
Hatts
by
wholesale
;
those
that
deal
much
in
fine
Laces
,
Galoons
and
Fringes
of
Gold
and
Silver
;
the
great
Dealers
in
Tin
and
Lead
,
Druggists
;
Booksellers
,
and
several
other
rich
Shop-keepers
,
&c.
The
Shop-keepers
that
sell
by
Retail
things
which
they
did
not
make
themselves
,
together
with
their
Sons
and
Servants
,
I
distinguish
them
from
Shop-keepers
,
Mechanicks
and
Tradesmen
who
sell
their
own
Work
,
whether
it
consists
in
things
Necessary
,
or
only
for
Curiosity
,
Ornament
or
Luxury
;
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
Officers
of
Waters
and
Forests
;
all
those
of
the
Court
,
called
Requetes
de
l'Hotel
;
all
those
of
the
Constablery
,
great
and
small
;
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
Officers
of
Provost
Marshal-Seas
,
with
their
Sergeants
,
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
those
belonging
to
none
of
the
aforesaid
Orders
,
who
live
on
their
own
Rents
;
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
Inn-keepers
and
Vintners
,
Cooks
,
Keepers
of
furnished
and
unfurnished
Rooms
,
Brewers
,
Cryers
of
Brandy
,
Retailors
of
Tobacco
,
Coffee
,
Chocolat
,
Thea
,
or
Sorbet
,
Water-carriers
,
Pedlars
,
Hawkers
,
Porters
,
Coach-men
,
Chair-men
,
Cart-men
,
Letters
of
Hackney
Coaches
and
Horses
,
&c.
All
Carriers
of
Fish
,
fresh
or
salt
;
those
that
sell
wild
and
tame
Fowls
,
Eggs
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Wooll
,
Silks
,
Stuffs
,
Linnen-Cloath
,
Thread
,
Iron-mongers
,
&c.
and
those
who
carry
with
Carts
,
Horses
,
Mules
,
Asses
,
or
otherwise
such
sorts
of
Goods
,
or
others
from
one
Town
or
Province
to
another
,
and
who
get
their
lively-hood
thereby
;
with
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
All
those
who
are
imployed
in
Boats
upon
Rivers
,
to
carry
Goods
;
or
about
Fishing
,
with
their
Sons
and
Servant-men
.
Besides
several
other
sorts
of
Men
which
I
do
not
remember
.
The
number
of
these
Men
is
certainly
as
great
as
is
the
number
of
those
imployed
at
this
day
,
in
Handicrafts
,
petty
Trades
,
and
Husbandry
.
There
are
indeed
among
all
those
sorts
of
them
many
who
,
as
I
said
before
,
are
helpful
to
Agriculture
,
and
do
work
now
and
then
about
Lands
.
'T
is
also
to
be
observed
,
that
the
number
of
most
of
those
Men
who
are
unprofitable
to
Husbandry
,
and
Arts
,
&c.
as
before-mentioned
,
is
much
less
diminished
than
that
of
Peasants
,
Artists
,
Manfacturers
,
&c.
because
the
Extream
Poverty
and
the
Violence
of
the
military
Officers
have
forced
multitudes
of
them
to
turn
Soldiers
.
Whereas
others
for
the
most
part
,
have
avoided
it
,
by
reason
they
had
something
whereupon
to
live
;
and
't
is
known
also
,
that
the
number
of
Civil
Offices
is
prodigiously
increased
since
this
War
,
and
by
consequence
that
of
Civil
Officers
in
proportion
.
This
is
the
reason
why
the
People
of
Towns
are
less
diminished
proportionably
than
those
of
the
Country
,
tho'
the
former
are
also
much
diminish'd
,
and
if
so
be
the
War
continues
two
years
longer
,
as
it
may
happen
,
Peasants
and
Artists
will
decrease
much
more
in
number
than
they
have
done
hitherto
,
not
only
by
the
Sword
,
but
also
by
the
dreadful
Poverty
which
will
certainly
overwhelm
all
those
that
stay
at
home
.
I
make
bold
to
say
,
that
the
fifth
or
sixth
part
of
the
Clergy-men
in
France
,
would
be
sufficient
for
the
Nation
,
if
things
were
well
regulated
;
so
that
190
thousand
of
them
,
besides
several
Servant-men
who
attend
'em
,
could
easily
be
spared
for
Husbandry
and
Trade
.
I
say
moreover
,
that
the
tenth
part
of
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
would
be
sufficient
for
all
the
Kingdom
.
We
may
also
easily
be
convinced
that
there
are
too
many
Officers
of
the
Finances
,
and
too
many
Farmers
of
the
Imposts
,
with
all
their
Tools
and
Servant-men
;
too
many
Officers
of
the
King's
Houshold
and
that
the
number
of
the
new
Offices
is
enormous
;
So
that
't
is
apparent
,
that
the
greatest
part
of
those
kinds
of
Men
,
with
their
Sons
and
Servants
,
might
be
a
thousand
times
better
imployed
about
Husbandry
and
Trade
,
than
in
those
Offices
,
so
ruinous
and
troublesom
to
the
Nation
,
while
it
wants
sufficient
numbers
of
People
to
Cultivate
the
Ground
and
Improve
Trade
.
So
that
I
think
I
have
acquitted
my self
pretty
well
of
what
I
had
taken
in
hand
,
viz.
To
demonstrate
,
that
above
the
half
of
Men
are
perished
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
within
these
30
years
:
Seeing
I
have
proved
,
by
examining
the
Progresses
of
the
Losses
France
has
made
in
that
respect
,
that
there
remains
but
the
value
of
750
thousand
Men
,
fit
for
the
profitable
work
of
the
Nation
,
instead
of
4
Millions
and
a
half
which
it
might
have
had
in
all
,
30
years
ago
;
amongst
which
I
confess
,
there
may
be
yet
about
a
Million
of
other
Men
,
but
such
as
are
unprofitable
,
and
even
for
the
greatest
part
troublesom
to
others
.
I
grant
also
,
that
besides
all
those
sorts
of
Men
,
France
has
a
great
multitude
of
Soldiers
,
as
I
said
before
,
who
might
be
converted
into
Husband
Men
,
and
Artists
,
if
they
would
apply
themselves
to
work
after
the
Peace
,
in
case
the
Kingdom
be
free
from
Civil
troubles
,
but
all
those
together
with
the
750
thousand
profitable
Men
,
and
the
unprofitable
of
which
I
have
spoken
,
including
all
the
Lame
,
Ancient
,
or
Impotent
People
mentioned
before
;
I
say
,
all
those
,
though
making
about
the
half
of
the
4
Millions
and
a
half
,
are
not
really
worth
the
half
of
that
number
30
years
ago
,
because
there
remains
among
them
at
present
as
many
,
or
more
Impotent
Men
,
as
there
did
30
years
ago
,
and
not
the
third
part
of
the
Useful
Men
that
were
in
that
time
,
comprehending
even
in
that
number
the
4
or
500
thousand
Soldiers
,
tho'
noxious
instead
of
being
profitable
,
without
which
there
would
be
but
the
fourth
part
of
the
number
.
Observe
also
,
that
above
100
thousand
of
the
best
Men
,
are
to
be
deducted
yet
out
of
the
750
thousand
Profitable
Men
remaining
,
for
the
Recruits
of
the
Armies
this
year
,
which
is
the
9th
of
the
War
,
so
that
there
will
not
remain
above
650
thousand
,
and
these
too
very
much
disabled
.
So
that
any
man
of
sense
may
judge
by
this
of
the
present
condition
of
France
.
Let
the
Criticks
do
their
best
to
control
my
Calculations
,
and
deny
the
number
of
Men
in
France
,
to
be
so
much
decreas'd
as
I
affirm
it
to
be
;
let
them
assert
,
if
they
please
,
that
not
above
the
half
of
those
I
call
Profitable
Men
,
have
perished
;
yet
whether
they
will
or
no
,
it
will
appear
that
more
have
perished
of
those
profitable
ones
,
than
are
now
remaining
,
and
that
of
it self
would
be
sufficient
to
justify
what
I
have
advanced
in
several
places
,
viz.
that
Estates
in
France
are
not
worth
in
general
,
above
the
third
part
of
the
Revenue
they
were
worth
30
years
ago
,
and
perhaps
not
worth
the
10th
part
as
to
the
Stock
.
The
Effects
of
a
Depopulation
.
SOme
may
imagine
,
because
they
do
not
understand
nor
comprehend
those
things
,
that
I
exaggerate
the
Misery
of
France
,
and
the
inconveniencies
of
her
Depopulation
;
Therefore
I
shall
shew
here
a
part
of
those
.
Evils
which
attend
the
Depopulation
of
a
Country
,
which
every
one
does
not
think
of
.
In
a
Depopulated
Country
,
besides
that
the
Grounds
lie
untilled
,
the
People
become
infallibly
lazy
;
there
is
no
emulation
amongst
them
for
Work
;
no
encouragement
for
Industry
;
and
thus
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Navigation
and
Trade
cannot
flourish
there
;
Money
is
necessarily
scarce
,
or
at
least
it
is
not
common
,
which
hath
the
same
Effect
;
the
Interest
of
Money
is
very
high
,
at
10
,
12
and
15
per
cent
.
which
hinders
all
Commerce
,
and
ruineth
Manufactures
and
Arts
;
the
Lands
and
Houses
are
bought
at
4
or
5
years
purchase
,
or
less
,
according
to
the
degree
of
Depopulation
.
Markets
are
far
one
from
another
,
and
People
lose
all
their
time
in
going
and
coming
;
they
that
have
any
thing
to
sell
are
obliged
to
keep
it
a
great
while
,
and
to
give
it
almost
for
nothing
,
because
of
the
small
number
of
Buyers
,
the
ways
are
for
the
most
part
unpassable
;
Bridges
or
Passage
Boats
upon
the
Rivers
,
&c.
are
not
kept
in
repair
,
and
many
times
there
is
none
at
all
,
which
hinders
Communication
from
one
place
to
another
,
or
at
best
obliges
People
to
travel
a
great
deal
more
than
is
needful
to
arrive
at
the
place
whither
they
are
bound
.
Navigable
Rivers
become
oftentimes
Unnavigable
for
want
of
care
,
and
necessary
Expence
;
Posts
,
Coaches
,
Horses
,
and
Ferry-Boats
are
also
wanting
,
because
no
Body
will
be
at
the
charge
of
them
,
where
there
's
neither
Trade
nor
People
:
Seditions
can
hardly
be
suppressed
,
when
any
powerful
Neighbour
does
abet
them
,
because
an
Army
cannot
easily
subsist
,
and
the
Publick
Revenues
are
but
small
in
such
places
.
And
't
is
also
difficult
,
if
not
impossible
,
to
maintain
a
considerable
number
of
old
Standing-Forces
in
such
Countries
.
Every
body
is
discouraged
from
Building
,
Sowing
and
Planting
,
by
reason
that
People
look
on
their
labour
as
lost
,
the
Earth
,
Trees
and
Beasts
producing
of
themselves
almost
as
much
as
is
necessary
for
the
Inhabitants
,
without
any
trouble
,
as
may
be
seen
in
Ireland
;
Men
in
a
Depopulated
Country
cannot
help
one
another
in
their
Work
,
nor
assist
one
another
almost
upon
any
occasion
,
because
of
their
remoteness
.
I
would
ask
any
Men
,
whether
it
be
not
true
,
that
twenty
thousand
Men
employed
about
the
building
of
a
great
City
,
would
not
do
incomparably
more
work
,
if
lodged
all
on
three
thousand
Acres
near
their
Work
,
than
if
they
lodged
upon
ten
thousand
at
a
distance
,
where
they
should
not
be
able
to
assist
one
another
,
nor
communicate
their
Counsels
together
,
but
should
lose
most
of
their
time
in
going
and
coming
,
or
in
doing
nothing
.
Thieves
multiply
in
Depopulated
Countries
,
and
't
is
dangerous
to
travel
in
them
;
if
it
be
in
the
Main
Land
,
as
France
is
,
the
number
of
Wolves
and
other
mischievous
Beasts
,
increases
infinitely
;
f
any
man
stands
in
need
of
a
Priest
,
Chirurgion
,
Physician
or
Lawyer
,
how
hard
is
it
to
find
them
?
and
how
much
time
is
there
lost
in
seeking
after
them
,
because
of
the
remoteness
?
And
as
Arts
want
a
mutual
supply
and
support
one
from
another
,
they
cannot
be
easily
practised
where
there
is
few
People
,
and
where
they
live
so
far
one
from
another
;
for
that
reason
an
able
and
skillful
Artist
is
often
forced
to
do
himself
what
another
Person
very
unskilful
and
ignorant
of
the
Trade
,
and
whose
labour
is
not
worth
a
penny
a
day
,
viz.
either
a
Woman
or
a
Child
,
could
easily
do
.
In
a
Depopulated
and
thin
Peopled
Country
,
the
charges
of
prosecution
of
Suits
at
Law
,
is
greater
than
in
a
well
Peopled
One
;
and
in
such
Countries
those
who
have
Estates
,
and
are
born
for
Peace
are
obliged
to
be
their
own
Officers
and
Souldiers
;
and
the
charge
and
trouble
of
defending
and
guarding
a
Depopulated
Country
,
against
all
Foreign
Invasion
,
is
greater
than
in
a
Populous
Country
;
there
's
great
want
of
Hospitals
for
the
Sick
and
Wounded
,
Orphans
,
Lame
and
Mad
People
;
There
are
no
Houses
of
Correction
,
or
Discipline
,
or
Work-Houses
,
for
there
is
none
either
able
or
willing
to
be
at
the
charges
of
them
;
in
Maritime
Countries
the
multitude
of
People
is
infinitely
useful
for
equipping
with
diligence
great
numbers
of
men
of
War
and
other
Ships
,
to
supply
the
Merchants
with
Convoys
;
there
may
be
found
in
an
instant
all
the
necessaries
for
Navigation
,
if
not
in
one
place
,
yet
in
another
very
near
;
but
it
is
the
contrary
in
a
thin
peopled
Country
;
The
Sciences
and
Noble
Arts
cannot
flourish
in
a
Depopulated
Land
,
because
the
People
must
needs
be
poor
there
,
and
so
that
there
is
none
to
maintain
the
Universities
,
Academies
,
Colledges
and
Schools
necessary
to
that
purpose
.
The
Administration
of
Civil
Government
,
as
well
as
of
Justice
,
is
more
easie
and
less
chargeable
in
a
well
peopled
Country
than
in
one
that
is
depopulated
.
Every
one
is
obliged
in
a
dispeopled
Country
to
have
his
House
constantly
furnished
with
all
sorts
of
Provisions
for
a
long
time
,
like
a
Vessel
that
undertakes
a
long
Voyage
,
which
occasions
a
greater
wast
of
the
same
,
besides
that
they
are
not
so
good
,
or
are
sooner
spoiled
,
and
that
the
owners
forbear
to
sell
them
,
when
they
might
do
it
to
advantage
,
or
are
forced
to
lay
out
a
great
deal
of
Money
in
buying
them
,
from
which
they
might
have
a
good
Interest
if
it
had
been
imployed
elsewhere
.
'T
is
not
easie
to
conceive
the
other
inconveniencies
which
arise
from
the
Depopulation
of
a
Country
,
into
which
France
must
of
necessity
fall
,
since
it
Labours
already
under
them
;
but
her
Case
will
be
a
great
deal
worse
twenty
years
hence
.
I
confess
,
as
I
insinuated
before
,
that
if
so
be
the
remaining
People
in
France
,
were
united
and
compacted
together
in
half
of
the
Kingdom
,
forsaking
the
other
half
,
to
any
that
would
have
it
;
that
Moeity
so
peopled
,
should
be
worth
as
much
as
one
half
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
was
30
or
40
years
ago
,
provided
their
Clergy-men
,
Lawyers
and
others
,
which
we
call
unprofitable
,
in
comparison
with
those
that
are
more
profitable
,
were
reduced
to
a
competent
number
.
I
shall
adventure
to
say
further
,
That
if
so
be
the
remnant
of
the
People
of
the
Kingdom
were
united
and
gathered
together
in
the
fourth
part
of
it
,
that
fourth
part
should
be
worth
more
,
and
would
afford
more
Revenue
than
the
one
half
of
the
Kingdom
which
should
have
but
the
same
number
of
Inhabitants
;
and
I
do
verily
think
,
that
the
fourth
part
so
peopled
,
would
be
worth
more
than
the
Kingdom
of
France
ever
was
,
provided
they
were
situated
as
much
as
possible
,
by
the
Sea
side
.
The
Province
of
Holland
,
as
I
said
before
,
is
but
a
small
Country
,
but
extraordinary
rich
,
because
it
is
extraordinary
populous
;
it
is
not
so
much
as
the
40th
part
of
England
,
and
yet
may
be
worth
about
4th
part
of
it
,
tho'
I
believe
it
does
not
contain
above
the
7th
part
of
the
Inhabitants
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
again
,
Spain
is
three
times
as
big
as
England
,
and
yet
is
not
worth
the
third
part
of
it
;
and
Ireland
being
20
times
as
big
as
the
Province
of
Holland
,
tho'
provided
with
many
good
Sea-Ports
,
and
a
fruitful
Soil
,
is
not
worth
the
third
part
of
that
Province
,
because
it
is
not
peopled
enough
,
no
more
than
Spain
:
This
I
understand
with
regard
to
their
respective
Extent
;
for
absolutely
speaking
,
there
are
more
People
in
Ireland
and
in
Spain
taken
apart
,
than
is
in
the
Province
of
Holland
,
there
being
above
a
Million
of
Souls
in
Ireland
,
and
there
being
apparently
a
lesser
number
in
Holland
:
As
for
Spain
,
there
may
be
four
or
five
times
that
number
in
it
;
so
that
it
is
not
the
multitude
of
People
in
a
large
Country
,
of
a
vast
Extent
,
which
makes
the
Kingdom
rich
and
formidable
,
but
such
a
Number
as
is
sufficient
,
not
only
to
Cultivate
all
the
Lands
which
might
and
ought
to
be
Cultivated
in
it
,
but
also
may
furnish
great
numbers
of
Men
sit
to
make
a
Nation
flourish
by
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Trade
,
Navigation
and
Fishing
.
Now
't
is
evident
,
that
France
is
very
far
from
having
all
the
People
which
are
necessary
for
all
those
things
.
The
King
and
his
Ministers
,
who
formed
such
vast
Projects
upon
the
Number
of
that
People
,
which
to
them
seemed
to
be
infinite
,
were
guilty
of
a
mighty
mistake
.
For
France
might
and
ought
to
have
been
two
or
three
times
as
populous
as
it
was
.
Had
the
French
Politicians
been
as
understanding
,
as
they
would
make
us
believe
them
to
have
been
,
and
as
some
fancy
they
really
are
,
they
ought
to
have
applied
themselves
,
above
all
things
,
to
increase
the
number
of
the
People
,
and
not
to
make
War
against
all
the
World
,
without
Conduct
or
Judgment
,
nor
to
have
extended
themselves
in
foolish
and
vain
Conquests
,
as
they
have
done
for
some
time
,
by
which
they
have
dispersed
and
weakned
themselves
.
There
is
no
Remedy
at
present
for
such
a
Disaster
,
but
if
they
were
able
to
improve
their
unhappy
Experience
,
they
ought
to
abandon
their
Conquests
speedily
,
and
restrict
themselves
into
a
narrower
compass
,
Virtus
unita
fortior
,
Virtue
united
is
so
much
the
stronger
,
as
did
the
Emperour
Augustus
of
old
,
I
am
confident
,
that
instead
of
82
millions
of
Acres
that
are
contained
,
as
I
said
,
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
on
which
there
are
at
present
but
9
millions
of
Souls
,
according
to
our
former
supposition
,
which
is
about
8
Acres
for
every
Soul
.
I
am
confident
,
I
say
,
and
it
can
easily
be
demonstrated
,
that
18
Millions
of
Acres
would
be
sufficient
to
maintain
the
said
9
millions
of
Souls
,
and
they
should
even
enrich
themselves
extraordinarily
,
their
Industry
,
Arts
,
Manufactures
,
Trade
,
Navigation
,
&c.
supplying
them
plentifully
with
all
those
things
which
the
Soil
could
not
afford
,
provided
the
Government
were
moderate
;
and
they
would
be
as
able
in
a
little
time
to
defend
themselves
against
all
Enemies
,
and
even
to
carry
on
the
War
against
any
Neighbouring
Nation
,
as
much
and
better
than
ever
the
French
Nation
was
,
if
there
were
any
necessity
for
it
.
We
see
that
in
the
Provinces
of
Holland
and
Zealand
,
there
is
not
above
an
Acre
of
Ground
for
every
Soul
,
whereas
I
allow
two
to
these
;
and
't
is
probable
,
that
in
7
or
8
of
the
Counties
in
England
,
in
the
midst
of
which
London
stands
,
I
mean
the
Country
50
miles
round
about
that
great
City
;
't
is
probable
,
that
there
is
not
above
2
Acres
of
Land
for
every
Soul
living
in
that
compass
,
which
maintains
perhaps
above
1500
thousand
Souls
.
I
do
not
think
that
extent
of
Land
to
be
above
the
7th
part
of
England
;
it
were
to
no
purpose
to
say
,
that
the
Sea
and
the
rest
of
England
,
do
furnish
them
with
all
necessaries
,
and
with
Provisions
.
For
it
would
be
the
same
with
that
Maritime
and
populous
part
of
France
,
as
I
said
already
,
which
would
also
supply
the
Neighbours
with
thousand
other
Commodities
of
its
own
.
CHAP.
VI.
Prognosticks
which
may
be
drawn
from
the
Depopulation
of
FRANCE
.
1.
THAT
the
Kingdom
of
France
will
not
be
worth
so
much
as
that
of
Spain
,
in
case
the
War
lasts
two
years
longer
,
because
it
will
be
more
depopulated
.
2.
Idleness
,
Ignorance
,
Superstition
,
and
all
kind
of
Vices
will
overflow
that
Kingdom
,
instead
of
Industry
,
Skill
in
Arts
and
Sciences
,
Learning
,
good
Breeding
,
and
Knowledge
of
God
,
which
some
amongst
Papists
did
still
retain
,
who
tho'
born
in
the
Roman
Communion
,
did
nevertheless
detest
both
Pope
and
Mass
.
3.
As
the
Laws
,
Customs
,
and
Usages
of
France
were
composed
for
a
well
peopled
Country
,
great
inconveniences
will
arise
from
thence
,
unless
they
are
altered
,
and
proportioned
by
degrees
to
the
condition
of
that
People
.
4.
Three
parts
of
the
Tribunals
of
Judicature
,
great
and
small
,
or
the
three
parts
of
those
who
compose
them
,
must
needs
fall
;
as
also
three
parts
of
the
Generalities
,
(
that
is
,
the
Offices
of
Treasurers
in
the
Provinces
of
France
)
Elections
,
Greniers
a
Sel
,
Courts
of
Aids
,
Chambers
of
Accompts
,
and
all
other
Tribunals
or
Jurisdictions
,
must
likewise
fall
,
or
the
number
of
their
Officers
be
reduced
.
5.
A
great
many
small
Towns
and
Boroughs
will
come
to
nothing
,
and
be
abandoned
to
Batts
and
Owls
,
and
forgotten
as
la
Vallone
,
a
Town
in
Normandy
;
a
great
part
of
Chief
Cities
in
Provinces
,
and
other
middling
Towns
,
will
decay
strangely
,
and
lose
some
the
three
parts
,
some
the
half
of
their
splendor
.
6.
What
confusion
and
disorder
will
not
this
produce
in
Cities
or
Towns
,
which
are
the
Seat
of
Tribunals
or
Jurisdictions
?
all
those
places
,
I
say
,
will
come
almost
to
nothing
.
How
many
Families
formerly
wealthy
,
how
many
others
subsisting
by
their
Means
,
will
be
ruined
and
brought
to
their
wits
end
,
by
such
a
change
,
when
they
see
themselves
undone
without
remedy
.
7.
Rapperees
and
Banditi
,
together
with
Wolves
and
other
Beasts
,
will
swarm
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
being
the
infallible
Fate
of
all
Depopulated
Countries
.
8.
The
Kings
Revenues
,
whether
he
will
or
no
,
and
whether
the
Government
changes
or
no
,
will
decrease
above
the
third
part
in
four
.
9.
Some
Lands
,
which
were
sold
formerly
at
20
or
30
years
purchase
,
will
be
sold
at
four
or
five
years
purchase
or
less
,
and
if
so
be
the
War
continues
two
years
longer
,
they
will
be
worth
nothing
at
all
,
but
entirely
left
and
forsaken
in
several
Provinces
of
France
.
10.
As
it
will
be
more
difficult
to
guard
and
defend
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
when
depopulated
,
and
as
the
Publick
Revenues
will
be
mightily
decreased
,
so
will
Seditions
and
Insurrections
be
more
difficult
to
appease
and
suppress
,
because
they
will
begin
in
places
remote
from
Court
,
or
in
the
richest
and
most
populous
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
it
may
be
near
the
Sea
,
where
the
Rebbels
may
be
easily
assisted
by
some
powerful
Neighbour
,
while
the
Forces
,
commanded
to
suppress
the
Insurrections
,
must
come
from
far
,
and
pass
thro'
desert
places
,
where
it
will
be
hard
to
procure
Provisions
for
them
,
and
erect
Magazines
;
and
this
in
all
likelihood
,
will
occasion
'ere
long
a
dismembring
of
the
French
Monarchy
,
unless
the
Government
be
quite
changed
,
and
the
People
be
eased
and
discharged
of
three
parts
of
the
Impossitions
at
least
;
Let
us
suppose
,
for
example
,
that
Bourdeaux
,
or
Marseille
,
which
will
be
still
good
Towns
,
and
in
all
likelihood
better
than
they
are
now
,
as
we
see
,
that
notwithstanding
the
great
depopulation
of
Spain
,
Barcelonne
,
Seville
,
and
Cadiz
are
still
good
and
rich
Towns
;
Let
us
suppose
,
I
say
,
those
Towns
and
some
others
remote
from
Paris
,
would
demand
a
discharge
from
part
of
the
Impositions
paid
by
others
,
which
they
are
like
to
do
in
all
probability
,
and
may
thereby
obtain
Priviledges
that
will
make
them
flourish
;
is
it
not
probable
that
in
case
the
King
refuses
it
,
they
will
rise
,
and
keep
Correspondence
with
the
Spaniards
or
the
English
?
and
then
what
can
their
King
do
in
such
a
distraction
and
weakness
of
the
Monarchy
,
the
Provinces
thro'
which
his
Forces
must
come
thither
,
and
those
,
where
such
great
Towns
lie
,
being
depopulated
,
except
the
parts
adjacent
to
the
said
Towns
?
How
shall
he
be
able
to
help
himself
if
there
be
an
Insurrection
in
Bearn
or
Low-Brittany
?
The
King
will
be
forced
for
that
very
reason
to
abate
the
Impositions
all
the
Kingdom
over
,
but
especially
in
Provinces
and
Places
near
the
Frontiers
:
'T
is
like
that
the
State
Provinces
,
Provinces
à
Etats
,
as
they
call
them
,
such
as
Brittain
,
Languedock
,
Burgundy
,
and
Provence
,
which
are
governed
for
the
most
part
by
their
own
States
,
will
desire
to
be
freed
from
the
Usurpations
and
Invasions
made
upon
their
Rights
and
Priviledges
in
this
Reign
.
11.
For
the
same
reason
it
seems
altogether
impossible
that
Arbitrary
Power
can
hold
out
any
longer
in
France
,
when
there
is
such
a
decay
in
the
French
Monarchy
;
and
so
much
the
rather
,
because
of
the
Neighbourhood
of
several
free
and
potent
Nations
which
will
probably
Lord
it
over
France
in
their
turn
,
or
at
least
not
be
afraid
of
her
as
now
,
such
as
the
English
,
Dutch
and
Spanish
Subjects
in
the
Netherlands
,
or
in
the
County
of
Burgundy
,
and
the
German
and
Italians
,
amongst
which
the
French
Subjects
may
retire
,
if
oppressed
for
the
future
,
or
make
an
Insurrection
,
and
withdraw
from
the
French
Government
,
either
by
submitting
to
another
,
or
changing
the
form
of
their
own
;
for
the
working
sort
of
'em
,
when
they
see
their
Labour
doth
not
avail
them
in
France
,
and
that
elsewhere
they
may
get
three
or
four
times
as
much
a
day
,
without
any
fear
of
being
deprived
by
a
Tyrannical
Government
of
the
fruits
of
their
Industry
,
what
a
mighty
temptation
will
it
be
for
them
to
transplant
themselves
thither
?
for
we
must
consider
that
the
French
People
are
reduced
in
a
little
time
from
a
Flourishing
Condition
to
a
State
of
Extream
Misery
,
and
that
they
remember
that
they
were
formerly
more
at
ease
;
it
must
be
also
considered
,
that
they
have
some
generosity
,
are
industrious
,
active
and
diligent
,
and
love
to
work
;
So
that
seeing
such
an
amazing
Alteration
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
't
is
impossible
to
get
their
Livelihood
by
their
Labour
;
and
hearing
that
England
,
Holland
,
Germany
,
and
other
Countries
are
in
a
prosperous
and
thriving
condition
,
that
all
Stangers
are
welcom
amongst
them
,
and
enjoy
perfect
Liberty
,
there
's
no
question
but
they
will
fly
thither
.
For
they
are
not
of
the
temper
of
Spaniards
or
Irish
,
who
being
born
in
a
depopulated
Country
,
are
brought
up
in
Idleness
and
Sluggishness
,
especially
the
Irish
,
where
by
too
great
an
Indulgence
of
the
former
Reigns
,
the
Idolatrous
Priests
have
besotted
them
,
perswading
them
that
't
is
better
to
live
in
Laziness
and
do
nothing
,
than
to
work
;
to
live
upon
Milk
and
Potatos
,
to
Lodge
in
Cottages
and
Hutts
,
which
any
man
may
make
in
three
or
4
days
time
,
and
to
rob
and
pilfer
,
than
to
labour
,
and
live
more
honestly
,
with
Credit
and
Reputation
.
Such
of
the
French
as
were
born
in
Cities
and
Towns
,
or
those
who
frequented
such
Places
,
will
rather
perish
in
other
Countries
,
than
live
so
miserably
at
home
;
so
that
France
will
in
a
little
time
be
as
much
depopulated
as
those
Countries
,
and
the
remainder
of
its
People
become
as
degenerate
.
12.
The
Ports
of
Brest
,
Rochfort
,
Port
Louis
,
Toulon
,
with
all
the
Admiralties
in
France
,
will
decay
and
be
brought
to
nothing
,
because
France
will
not
be
able
for
the
future
to
maintain
great
numbers
of
Men
of
war
,
as
well
thro'
her
want
of
Ability
,
as
because
there
is
reason
to
think
that
Liberty
will
not
be
allowed
her
.
13.
France
will
not
be
any
more
able
to
bribe
the
Ministers
of
Foreign
Princes
,
their
Counsellors
,
nor
the
Officers
of
their
Armies
,
nor
to
maintain
great
Correspondencies
,
or
many
Spies
in
their
Courts
.
14.
By
such
a
sudden
Depopulation
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
Disorder
will
be
much
greater
and
more
universal
,
than
if
it
had
been
done
by
degrees
,
as
that
of
Spain
;
all
the
Subjects
will
be
in
an
Extream
Confusion
and
Perplexity
;
all
things
will
be
in
disorder
there
.
15.
The
Countries
remote
from
Sea-Ports
,
and
big
Towns
,
will
become
Wildernesses
in
less
than
20
years
,
like
Ireland
.
The
less
fruitful
Lands
will
be
yet
more
apt
to
be
abandoned
than
the
rest
,
unless
they
be
situated
near
such
Places
.
The
wealthy
Church-men
,
and
many
of
the
Civil
Officers
that
are
rich
,
and
others
,
who
may
have
some
Money
left
,
will
draw
in
to
themselves
the
poor
Husbandmen
and
Labourers
,
in
order
to
have
their
own
Estates
near
those
great
Towns
,
inhabited
and
tilled
,
and
will
use
them
better
than
others
shall
be
able
to
do
,
because
they
are
opulent
,
and
the
poor
Wretches
will
run
over
to
them
by
reason
of
that
,
and
because
of
the
great
Trade
and
Plenty
of
Money
in
those
Places
.
16.
In
that
great
Scarcity
of
Men
fit
to
Cultivate
the
Ground
,
great
many
People
who
by
their
Estate
.
Dignity
or
Profession
,
had
been
formerly
exempted
from
working
,
because
they
could
live
without
it
,
will
turn
Husbandmen
,
Vineyard-keepers
,
and
Gardners
,
rather
than
be
starved
,
and
have
their
Ground
untilled
and
unmanured
;
this
will
be
a
good
Effect
of
a
bad
Cause
.
17.
Few
Inns
will
be
kept
on
the
High-ways
for
want
of
Travellers
,
and
Trade
;
as
also
by
reason
of
the
multitude
of
Thieves
;
which
very
thing
will
contribute
much
towards
the
Ruining
of
several
little
Towns
and
Boroughs
,
to
which
the
Passage
of
Travellers
thro'
their
Road
,
was
profitable
.
18.
The
Posts
Offices
,
Carriages
of
Messengers
by
Land
and
Water
,
Horses
,
Hackney-Coaches
,
and
Chairs
,
will
be
diminished
by
three
parts
at
least
over
all
the
Kingdom
.
19.
High-ways
will
become
unpassable
,
because
not
mended
,
and
Bridges
over
Rivers
and
Brooks
will
be
all
broken
down
.
20.
The
Banks
of
Rivers
,
which
render
them
Navigable
,
will
be
all
overthrown
for
want
of
People
,
and
of
means
to
keep
them
in
repair
;
and
also
because
,
that
altho'
they
were
mended
,
they
would
be
useless
for
want
of
Trade
;
and
the
like
will
befal
the
Water-Mills
upon
the
same
Rivers
,
most
of
which
are
already
fallen
to
nothing
.
21.
For
the
same
reason
the
Bank
of
the
great
River
de
Loire
,
which
is
called
la
Leuee
,
and
of
other
great
Rivers
that
are
in
the
same
case
,
cannot
be
maintained
;
The
Channel
of
the
two
Seas
,
as
they
call
it
,
will
be
filled
up
,
for
even
at
present
it
would
go
to
Ruine
,
were
it
not
for
the
Vanity
of
the
present
French
King
who
made
it
.
I
am
confident
also
,
that
after
his
death
,
Versailles
,
with
all
its
Gardens
and
Water-works
,
will
be
forsaken
,
and
with
good
reason
too
,
to
be
the
Retreat
of
Owls
,
Crows
and
Batts
,
because
of
the
vast
Expence
it
requires
to
keep
and
maintain
it
in
order
,
and
by
reason
of
the
bad
Air
of
the
Place
;
for
nothing
but
the
King's
Vanity
,
which
induced
him
to
undertake
those
two
Pieces
of
work
,
maintains
them
at
present
.
22.
France
will
infallibly
lose
her
Plantations
in
the
East
and
West-Indies
,
before
20
years
come
about
,
because
they
are
fit
for
the
English
and
Dutch
,
against
whom
the
French
will
not
be
able
to
keep
them
;
and
it
seems
indeed
more
convenient
for
the
French
to
confine
themselves
to
their
Antient
Limits
,
and
to
apply
themselves
only
to
Manufactures
,
and
Husbandry
,
and
to
the
repeopling
of
their
Country
,
if
possible
.
23.
Of
all
the
French
Cities
and
Towns
,
Paris
will
be
the
best
able
to
withstand
all
those
Calamities
,
provided
the
King's
Court
,
the
Superiour
Courts
of
Judicature
,
and
all
the
Tribunals
and
Jurisdictions
that
are
in
it
,
together
with
the
University
,
be
maintained
there
.
But
the
King
must
needs
diminish
the
number
of
Officers
in
the
said
Tribunals
and
Jurisdictions
very
much
,
and
in
general
all
sorts
of
Officers
whatsoever
,
or
else
it
will
be
impossible
for
them
to
subsist
;
for
the
Provinces
and
Countries
which
resort
to
Paris
,
and
depend
upon
the
said
Tribunals
,
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
,
would
not
be
able
to
maintain
them
now
that
they
are
ruined
and
depopulated
to
such
a
degree
.
The
Number
also
of
great
Lords
,
and
other
wealthy
Persons
,
will
decrease
,
as
well
as
their
Wealth
,
and
so
will
the
Number
of
all
Civil
and
Military
Officers
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
even
that
of
the
Clergy
and
of
the
General
Hospitals
;
so
that
unquestionably
Paris
will
lose
much
of
its
former
Glory
and
Splendor
,
unless
the
King
destroys
several
of
their
Parliaments
,
and
Inferiour
Tribunals
and
Jurisdictions
,
as
also
some
of
the
nearest
Universities
,
and
re-unites
them
to
those
of
Paris
,
in
which
case
a
great
number
of
the
most
Opulent
People
who
are
in
those
places
and
stations
,
would
come
to
live
at
Paris
.
Yet
't
is
also
true
,
that
it
would
totally
sink
and
destroy
the
Provinces
and
Towns
where
such
Companies
do
now
reside
.
But
the
French
King
did
always
regard
Paris
more
than
all
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
indeed
it
appears
he
minded
very
little
;
so
that
that
City
were
thriving
,
or
at
least
in
splendor
:
If
he
should
take
Possession
of
the
Revenues
of
the
Regular
Clergy
,
who
are
unprofitable
to
the
Nation
and
the
Church
,
and
give
Pensions
to
many
thousand
Officers
or
Knights
who
should
Reside
at
Paris
,
it
would
do
a
great
deal
of
good
to
that
City
;
else
it
will
lose
very
much
because
of
the
Reasons
already
alledged
,
and
by
the
diminution
of
the
number
of
their
Forces
,
which
cannot
be
less
than
that
of
three
parts
;
for
it
furnished
a
great
part
of
them
with
Cloaths
,
Hatts
,
Shoes
,
Woollen
and
Linnen
;
the
most
part
of
Officers
came
thither
every
year
,
to
pass
part
of
the
Winter
,
which
was
of
great
advantage
to
that
City
,
because
of
the
Money
they
spent
there
.
24.
It
would
not
be
perhaps
a
very
hard
matter
to
tell
which
of
the
other
Cities
and
Towns
of
the
Kingdom
,
will
subsist
best
after
Paris
;
some
of
them
which
are
already
considerable
,
will
increase
,
as
I
said
,
of
Bourdeaux
and
Marseille
,
rather
than
decay
;
and
perhaps
some
others
,
as
Metz
,
&c.
for
the
Reasons
I
hinted
at
before
.
The
most
part
of
the
other
best
Towns
,
will
,
I
am
apt
to
think
,
decay
by
the
half
of
what
they
were
30
years
ago
,
tho'
they
may
subsist
better
than
some
others
.
Lions
,
for
example
,
will
do
the
better
,
because
of
its
being
near
to
Switzerland
,
Savoy
,
and
Italy
,
&c.
and
that
it
stands
between
Paris
and
Marseille
,
and
upon
a
great
River
;
Roüen
may
also
uphold
it self
by
reason
of
its
Port
,
River
,
and
proximity
to
Paris
,
and
because
it
is
the
Head
City
of
the
best
Province
in
France
,
provided
the
King
does
not
take
away
its
Parliament
,
and
other
Tribunals
and
Offices
,
to
Re-unite
them
to
those
of
Paris
.
These
Towns
that
are
near
the
Sea
,
with
Harbours
belonging
to
them
,
will
also
maintain
themselves
a
little
,
as
Calais
,
Diep
,
Havre
de
Grace
,
St.
Malo
,
and
Nants
:
This
last
will
subsist
better
than
any
of
those
I
just
now
named
,
by
reason
of
the
River
Loire
;
whereas
't
is
like
,
no
other
Town
by
that
River
will
subsist
without
decaying
3
parts
at
least
,
Tours
and
Orleans
not
excepted
.
Rochel
will
also
fall
very
much
as
to
its
Wealth
and
Trade
,
but
not
so
much
as
the
other
Towns
in
the
Main
Land
;
its
Garrison
will
uphold
it
a
little
also
,
tho'
on
the
other
side
,
Garrisons
do
not
agree
well
with
Trading
Towns
.
I
say
already
,
that
Bourdeaux
and
Marseille
will
increase
.
Bayon
,
I
believe
,
will
decay
,
but
not
so
much
as
Rochel
,
by
reason
of
its
Port
,
and
the
Neighbourhood
of
Spain
.
Toulon
will
quite
fall
.
All
other
head
Cities
in
the
Provinces
will
probably
decay
of
three
fourths
,
except
those
already
mentioned
,
unless
they
become
Frontiers
,
thro'
some
advantage
gained
by
Enemies
,
or
thro'
any
dismembring
of
the
Monarchy
,
&c.
but
Poictiers
,
Xaintes
,
Angoulesme
,
Limoges
,
Perigueux
,
Cahors
,
Auch
,
Thoulouze
(
unless
Languedock
revolt
)
Pau
,
(
unless
the
Parliament
does
also
revolt
)
Aix
,
Grenoble
,
Dijon
(
unless
the
County
of
Bungundy
be
restored
to
the
Crown
of
Spain
)
in
which
case
the
Dutchy
would
be
spared
,
Bourg
in
Bresse
,
Forez
,
the
large
Towns
of
Champaigne
,
Chalons
,
Rheims
,
Troye
,
will
all
come
to
nothing
;
as
also
Chartres
,
Vendome
,
Bellème
,
le
Mans
;
and
even
Angers
,
I
think
,
notwithstanding
it
s
so
advantagious
Situation
over
three
Navigable
Rivers
,
and
near
a
fourth
yet
more
considerable
,
viz.
Loire
,
will
,
I
believe
,
decay
one
half
,
but
not
so
much
as
those
mentioned
before
;
Rennes
will
bear
up
,
if
that
great
Province
of
Brittany
,
whereof
is
it
the
Head
,
doth
but
shew
its
teeth
,
and
if
its
Parliament
be
maintained
;
Nevers
,
Moulins
,
Clermont
,
Rion
,
Bourges
,
Gueret
,
Rhodez
,
will
be
reduc'd
almost
to
nothing
and
all
the
rest
of
the
Towns
in
the
Kingdom
,
except
perhaps
some
little
ones
,
which
I
have
forgot
on
the
Coasts
of
the
Ocean
,
and
that
are
inconsiderable
:
Caen
may
uphold
it self
a
little
,
by
reason
of
its
small
River
and
Proximity
to
the
Sea
,
as
also
because
of
its
fruitful
Soil
,
but
it
will
decay
by
above
the
half
.
Montpellier
and
Nismes
may
also
bear
up
;
and
I
believe
that
great
Province
of
Languedoc
,
so
mighty
powerful
,
being
so
near
Spain
,
and
so
remote
from
Paris
,
and
a
Province
having
States
,
and
not
far
from
the
Sea
,
tho'
without
Harbours
,
will
one
day
make
it self
free
.
25.
Almost
all
the
Universities
will
fall
to
nothing
.
26.
A
Civil
War
in
France
seems
to
be
unavoidable
,
and
may
perhaps
begin
speedily
after
the
Peace
;
for
what
can
they
do
with
so
many
discontented
People
,
who
will
be
all
ruined
,
and
brought
into
despair
?
what
can
they
do
with
so
many
Troops
that
must
be
disbanded
,
and
starve
,
and
who
are
used
to
procure
themselves
necessaries
by
violent
ways
?
27.
In
case
there
be
no
Civil
War
,
which
it
is
like
there
will
,
part
of
the
Province
of
Picardy
,
which
holds
up
as
yet
a
little
,
part
of
the
Country
adjacent
to
Metz
,
called
Pais
Messin
,
as
also
part
of
the
Dutchy
of
Burgundy
,
and
of
Roussillon
,
will
not
decay
so
much
as
some
other
parts
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
because
of
their
being
Frontiers
to
Spain
,
or
to
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
to
Lorraine
,
and
to
the
County
of
Burgundy
,
which
three
last
are
like
to
be
restored
to
their
natural
Land-Lords
.
Part
of
Normandy
also
will
not
decay
so
much
as
others
,
by
reason
of
its
proximity
to
the
Sea
,
and
to
Roüen
and
Paris
;
but
that
part
of
the
Province
which
is
plentiful
in
Pastures
by
which
it
makes
at
present
great
profits
,
because
the
Importing
of
the
Irish
Salt-beef
,
Butter
and
Cheese
is
obstructed
;
that
part
,
I
say
,
will
lose
much
in
those
things
by
the
Peace
,
because
Ireland
can
afford
them
cheaper
,
as
formerly
it
did
28.
There
will
be
little
Exportation
of
Commodities
from
France
,
and
the
small
Trade
which
she
had
from
one
Maritime-Province
to
another
,
will
all
fall
into
the
hand
of
Strangers
.
29.
The
Pope
,
the
Monks
,
and
especially
the
Jesuites
,
will
domineer
over
France
more
than
ever
,
which
will
be
both
an
effect
of
the
weakness
of
the
Royal
Authority
,
and
at
the
same
time
will
occasion
a
Great
and
Universal
Contempt
of
the
said
Authority
.
30.
The
Priests
for
the
future
will
hardly
be
able
to
read
,
by
reason
that
if
heretofore
none
almost
did
bring
up
their
Children
to
be
Priests
,
but
Peasants
and
Artists
,
when
they
had
something
wherewithal
to
live
,
they
cannot
do
it
now
,
for
want
of
Means
;
't
is
probable
that
in
Cities
and
great
Towns
,
and
there
only
,
some
that
have
yet
something
whereon
to
live
,
may
bring
up
some
of
their
Children
to
School
,
to
endeavour
to
get
the
best
Church-livings
for
them
,
if
so
be
the
King
does
not
appropriate
them
to
better
Uses
.
We
must
expect
that
the
Clergy
,
how
abominable
soever
it
may
be
at
present
in
general
,
some
few
excepted
,
will
be
much
more
disorderly
and
scandalous
for
the
future
;
not
only
for
the
Reasons
above-mentioned
,
but
because
Protestants
are
banished
out
of
that
Country
.
Many
more
Miracles
will
be
done
in
it
,
the
Church-man's
Imposture
increasing
by
degrees
proportionably
to
the
People's
Ignorance
and
Licentiousness
,
as
is
to
be
seen
in
Spain
,
Portugal
and
Italy
.
31.
France
will
undoubtedly
lose
Dunkirk
by
the
Peace
,
if
King
William
desires
it
earnestly
.
32.
After
the
Peace
,
there
will
be
as
many
Beggars
as
now
,
because
of
the
infinite
number
of
Families
which
cannot
be
recovered
again
from
their
total
ruine
,
especially
those
who
are
destitute
of
Men
,
the
others
being
not
able
to
help
them
.
Besides
this
,
all
things
will
be
turn'd
up
side
down
,
and
many
more
Lands
abandoned
,
by
the
product
of
which
many
Widows
and
Orphans
did
live
.
33.
The
State
of
the
People
cannot
be
fixed
in
twenty
years
after
the
Peace
;
I
mean
,
that
the
People
will
not
be
certain
whether
Debtors
shall
be
obliged
to
pay
their
Debts
contracted
before
the
Peace
,
nor
how
they
shall
pay
them
,
and
at
what
rates
,
and
on
what
footing
Creditors
will
take
their
Lands
or
Houses
in
payment
;
whether
many
Tribunals
of
Judicature
and
Offices
will
be
abolished
;
or
whether
the
King
will
not
rather
turn
out
the
2
third
parts
,
or
the
3
fourths
of
all
the
Officers
,
and
so
forth
,
in
the
Generalities
,
Courts
of
Aides
,
Chambers
of
Accounts
,
Courts
of
the
Mint
,
Elections
,
Salt
Stores
,
&c.
How
many
of
them
will
be
turned
out
,
and
which
,
who
shall
lose
their
Places
,
or
whether
the
King
will
reimburse
them
or
not
,
and
how
far
;
If
the
Debtors
,
or
Civil
Officers
,
or
other
Persons
with
whom
they
have
to
deal
,
are
to
lose
all
,
or
whether
their
Debts
being
paid
,
they
shall
yet
have
some
remainder
,
and
how
much
,
for
there
will
be
9
parts
of
10
who
won't
have
a
Farthing
left
;
whether
the
French
Protestants
shall
be
re-established
or
not
;
whether
the
King
will
always
keep
on
foot
such
a
prodigious
number
of
Officers
and
Souldiers
by
Land
and
Sea
,
as
he
did
before
this
War
;
how
many
thousands
he
shall
Cashier
,
and
which
Regiments
or
Officers
;
whether
he
will
play
the
Bankrupt
or
no
,
to
all
those
who
lent
him
Money
,
and
how
far
he
will
pay
or
indemnifie
them
,
and
so
forth
;
Then
as
to
all
old
and
new
Offices
which
he
may
annul
,
how
far
he
will
reimburse
those
who
bought
them
;
whether
he
shall
be
able
to
do
it
,
and
how
;
whether
he
will
not
diminish
the
Expences
of
his
Houshold
,
and
the
number
of
Officers
belonging
to
the
same
;
whether
he
has
a
mind
to
govern
always
despotically
,
or
to
take
advice
of
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
as
formerly
,
without
whose
consent
he
shall
not
be
able
to
impose
any
Taxes
on
the
People
;
whether
a
Civil
War
is
to
be
feared
in
the
Kingdom
or
no
;
whether
the
King
shall
not
make
use
of
another
method
in
the
Administration
of
Justice
to
his
Subjects
,
by
saving
so
much
Expence
,
and
preventing
delays
of
Justice
which
are
so
ruinous
to
them
,
and
which
will
be
so
much
the
more
troublesom
and
oppressive
after
the
Peace
,
that
instead
of
the
quietness
and
ease
which
they
expect
and
stand
so
much
in
need
of
,
they
will
be
exposed
to
the
ravenings
of
hungry
Lawyers
,
who
will
prolong
and
protract
the
proceedings
of
innumerable
Suits
that
will
arise
from
so
many
alterations
and
changes
that
have
happened
in
Families
by
the
War
;
for
I
dare
venture
to
say
,
that
no
Family
in
the
Kingdom
will
be
free
from
such
troubles
;
People
must
know
also
,
whether
the
King
will
not
change
the
method
of
raising
the
Imposts
,
whether
by
Farmers
and
their
Commissioners
,
and
other
such
Tools
,
who
lie
so
heavy
upon
the
Nation
,
or
by
a
more
reasonable
way
;
and
whether
the
Interest
of
Money
will
be
at
8
,
or
10
,
or
15
per
cent
;
Whether
Lands
will
be
sold
at
3
,
or
6
,
or
8
,
or
10
years
purchase
,
or
on
some
other
foot
,
and
several
other
such
things
;
Whether
the
half
or
the
two-thirds
of
Lands
in
the
Kingdom
will
be
abandoned
,
and
what
will
become
of
all
those
forsaken
Estates
;
which
Provinces
or
Countries
will
be
the
most
depopulated
.
Till
People
are
informed
exactly
of
all
those
things
and
others
,
and
till
the
State
of
the
Nation
is
fixed
accordingly
,
Lands
,
Houses
and
Offices
cannot
be
disposed
of
,
nor
bought
nor
sold
,
but
this
cannot
be
so
soon
regulated
.
The
King
must
fix
another
rate
for
Offices
,
very
much
below
that
which
they
were
valued
at
before
,
if
so
be
he
intends
to
keep
up
the
sale
of
them
,
or
else
the
number
of
them
must
needs
fall
prodigiously
.
34.
There
will
happen
an
innumerable
multitude
of
Suits
at
Law
between
Families
,
by
reason
of
Successions
,
Portions
,
Debts
;
and
those
who
have
Money
,
and
keep
it
,
will
be
more
prudent
than
if
they
bestowed
it
upon
corrupt
Judges
,
to
buy
from
them
other
Mens
Estates
,
which
will
not
be
worth
so
much
as
the
Money
given
to
the
Lawyers
,
for
after
the
Peace
no
Estate
in
France
will
be
comparable
to
Money
.
35.
The
French
Tongue
,
the
Modes
and
Fashions
,
and
the
good
Breeding
of
France
,
will
not
be
so
much
esteemed
in
Foreign
Courts
,
and
none
will
have
so
great
respect
hereafter
for
their
Kings
as
formerly
.
The
time
is
come
wherein
it
will
be
thought
,
that
all
those
refiners
of
the
French
Tongue
have
imployed
their
time
very
ill
about
it
,
and
all
their
Refinings
will
be
very
much
neglected
,
and
they
shall
not
be
able
to
preserve
it
from
degenerating
,
no
more
than
the
good
Breeding
and
Delicacy
of
that
Nation
;
all
these
things
will
come
to
nothing
by
the
Extream
Poverty
and
Ignorance
into
which
the
People
of
France
will
fall
irrecoverably
.
36.
The
Enemies
of
France
,
who
may
have
hereafter
a
propension
to
make
use
of
Traitors
,
will
find
Men
enough
of
that
stamp
in
the
Kingdom
,
the
King's
Authority
being
so
much
decayed
,
as
well
as
his
Power
;
and
the
Poverty
taking
hold
of
the
Nation
,
Perfidiousness
,
Treachery
,
and
Violence
will
increase
proportionably
among
the
Subjects
,
and
it
will
be
more
easie
than
ever
to
bribe
Judges
,
and
all
kinds
of
People
.
37.
Interest
of
Money
will
rise
notably
in
France
after
the
Peace
,
which
will
make
an
end
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Manufactures
and
Trade
in
that
Kingdom
,
if
there
be
any
remaining
,
or
at
least
it
will
hinder
them
from
being
ever
re-established
.
As
for
the
restoring
of
Manufactures
,
I
shall
not
say
,
that
it
is
impossible
to
restore
them
to
their
former
State
,
but
even
to
any
considerable
degree
,
because
they
have
been
set
up
,
and
are
well
improved
in
Foreign
Countries
by
the
Refugees
.
38.
The
number
of
Curats
,
and
other
Secular
Priests
,
must
needs
decrease
,
by
reason
that
Parishes
will
not
be
able
to
maintain
such
great
numbers
of
them
,
above
the
half
of
the
Men
being
perished
.
Their
case
thro'
all
the
Kingdom
,
will
be
probably
the
same
with
that
of
Curates
in
some
parts
of
Picardy
,
and
in
the
Land
of
Artois
,
where
the
Parishes
are
but
small
;
there
a
Curate
says
Mass
every
day
in
two
Parishes
,
that
are
not
in
a
capacity
to
maintain
each
a
Curate
:
'T
is
easily
conceived
,
that
their
Private
Comings
in
,
are
now
worth
much
less
to
them
,
than
formerly
;
and
the
Time
will
grow
worse
and
worse
for
them
,
whether
it
be
Peace
or
not
,
since
we
see
already
several
Provinces
almost
deserted
,
and
many
Borroughs
and
Villages
that
have
not
the
fourth
part
of
Inhabitants
they
had
before
this
War
,
Mortality
and
Famine
having
snatcht
away
most
of
the
rest
.
All
the
places
situated
on
the
Roads
,
that
are
obnoxious
to
the
Rudeness
of
Soldiers
,
have
been
abandoned
,
because
of
the
Marches
,
Counter-marches
and
Quarterings
of
the
Troops
,
as
I
said
already
.
'T
is
easie
to
conceive
those
places
are
much
depopulated
,
and
that
a
Curate
can't
fare
well
there
;
it
may
be
two
or
three
Parishes
will
be
turned
to
one
;
I
confess
it
will
be
a
great
trouble
to
People
,
to
go
so
far
to
Church
.
But
what
other
Remedy
is
there
,
if
they
cannot
maintain
one
in
every
Parish
,
as
they
did
hitherto
?
As
for
Parishes
,
that
have
several
Priests
,
they
must
needs
turn
them
all
out
except
one
,
for
few
of
them
will
be
able
to
keep
more
.
39.
The
Military
Art
and
Discipline
will
visibly
degenerate
in
France
,
and
Men
grow
less
couragious
and
even
cowardly
,
as
Men
usually
do
in
depopulated
,
poor
,
and
slavish
Countries
,
unless
the
King
applies
,
as
I
have
said
already
,
the
Revenues
of
the
Monks
and
Nuns
,
for
the
constant
maintenance
of
multitudes
of
brave
Officers
for
his
Emergencies
,
not
to
make
Conquests
any
more
,
God
forbid
,
but
only
for
the
Defence
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
of
his
Allies
.
40.
Painting
,
Sculpture
,
Engraving
,
Architecture
,
and
many
other
Trades
less
necessary
,
and
which
serve
only
for
Curiosity
,
Ornament
,
or
Luxury
,
will
fall
entirely
.
The
useful
ones
are
already
very
much
decayed
,
but
they
will
decay
yet
more
.
41.
The
scarcity
of
People
will
occasion
all
Servants
to
be
dear
every
where
in
the
Kingdom
,
so
that
I
believe
they
will
be
constrained
to
give
leave
to
buy
Negroes
,
as
is
practised
in
Spain
and
Portugal
,
and
as
all
Christian
Nations
do
in
America
;
and
that
the
Law
prohibiting
to
keep
Slaves
in
France
will
be
altered
.
We
may
observe
by
the
way
,
what
a
great
Change
hath
happened
in
the
French
Government
,
since
the
Establishment
of
that
Law
,
for
then
they
were
good
natur'd
to
all
Mankind
,
nay
even
to
Heathens
,
and
the
most
barbarous
and
remote
People
;
whereas
at
this
day
they
deal
with
the
Natives
,
their
Fellow-Citizens
,
and
Christians
,
worse
than
others
do
with
Slaves
any
where
,
nay
even
worse
than
with
brute
Beasts
,
whose
Owners
take
care
to
maintain
them
well
for
the
service
they
do
,
whereas
the
Rulers
in
France
,
do
not
allow
the
People
who
work
more
than
Slaves
or
Beasts
,
to
fill
their
Bellies
with
Bread
,
and
sacrifice
them
besides
every
day
by
thousands
to
their
Princes
Ambition
and
Vanity
.
42.
There
will
be
no
more
Sumptuousness
in
Buildings
,
Furniture
of
Houses
,
Tables
,
nor
Equipages
in
France
,
tho'
Luxury
indeed
will
always
be
extravagant
,
yet
it
must
be
less
than
it
was
formerly
,
because
of
their
great
Poverty
.
43.
Universities
,
Academies
,
Colledges
and
Chools
will
decrase
strangely
in
number
;
So
that
I
do
not
believe
France
will
stand
in
need
for
the
future
of
more
Universities
than
there
are
in
Spain
,
viz.
three
,
instead
of
almost
twenty
that
are
there
at
present
,
besides
the
Academies
and
Colledges
,
&c.
The
Profits
of
Doctors
or
Masters
,
are
already
fallen
more
than
9
parts
in
10
,
for
want
of
Students
and
Money
.
44.
The
number
of
Comedians
,
Rope-dancers
,
Musicians
,
Fidlers
,
Dancing-masters
,
Fencing-masters
and
such
like
,
will
decrease
yearly
more
and
more
,
tho'
there
be
not
at
present
the
10th
part
of
what
there
was
30
years
ago
.
45.
Parents
able
to
bestow
Money
upon
their
Children
,
will
desire
them
to
settle
in
Sea-ports
,
or
in
the
best
and
least
ruined
Cities
,
which
we
named
before
.
46.
In
that
general
Desolation
,
few
Refugees
will
think
of
returning
to
France
,
except
those
who
are
here
in
Extream
Want
,
and
who
did
possess
Lands
and
Houses
in
France
,
in
case
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
be
restored
.
On
the
contrary
,
't
is
like
that
many
new
Converts
will
leave
France
,
what
precaution
soever
be
taken
to
hinder
their
escape
,
if
so
be
,
as
I
said
before
,
they
are
not
restored
to
their
Ancient
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
But
I
question
very
much
,
whether
they
shall
be
re-established
therein
,
during
Lewis
the
XIV
.
Reign
,
unless
it
be
by
the
potent
interposition
of
King
William
,
and
of
the
other
Protestant
Allies
,
tho'
it
be
the
Kingdoms
Interest
to
do
it
speedily
;
for
it
seems
that
,
notwithstanding
the
lamentable
condition
to
which
he
hath
reduced
that
flourishing
Kingdom
,
he
comforts
himself
with
the
thoughts
of
the
mischief
he
hath
done
to
the
Protestant
Party
in
it
,
and
even
glories
in
having
,
as
he
thinks
,
quite
destroyed
the
Reformed
Religion
there
,
and
I
incline
to
think
that
he
will
look
upon
what
he
has
done
as
the
only
Ressource
of
Glory
left
him
;
and
I
do
not
doubt
in
the
least
but
that
his
Counsel
of
Conscience
,
Father
la
Chaise
and
Madame
Maintonon
do
bless
themselves
in
it
,
and
fortifie
the
King
in
such
imaginations
;
and
that
the
Court
of
Rome
will
keep
him
by
their
secret
,
but
powerful
influences
in
that
frame
of
mind
,
giving
him
hopes
perhaps
of
a
degree
of
Glory
above
St.
Lewis
,
and
next
to
St.
Dominic
,
and
Ignatius
Loyola
in
their
Heaven
:
But
I
am
confident
,
that
they
will
contrive
and
endeavour
to
find
out
some
Medium
to
catch
the
Refugies
in
their
Net
,
I
mean
both
as
to
Soul
and
Body
,
for
as
't
is
against
the
Clergy's
Interest
or
rather
Passion
,
and
even
against
the
false
Glory
of
that
King
,
that
the
French
Protestants
should
be
restored
to
the
Condition
they
were
in
before
the
Violation
of
the
Edicts
,
and
that
their
Religion
should
be
authorized
;
so
't
is
also
against
the
Kingdoms
Interest
,
that
it
should
lose
for
ever
so
many
useful
Subjects
;
So
that
I
make
no
doubt
,
but
they
will
make
use
of
all
Tricks
and
Subtilties
imaginable
to
draw
them
in
by
a
kind
of
Toleration
,
which
would
do
their
business
if
the
Refugees
were
Fools
;
for
by
that
means
a
great
many
would
come
to
them
with
what
Estates
they
have
carried
away
,
and
the
new
Converts
would
have
no
mind
to
leave
the
Kingdom
,
and
yet
their
Religion
should
be
destroyed
for
ever
;
and
they
will
also
according
to
the
usual
method
of
Rome
,
bribe
ambitious
and
wordly
Preachers
amongst
them
,
to
divide
them
in
their
Opinions
,
as
't
is
like
they
actually
do
,
in
order
to
bring
them
to
Popery
again
,
by
the
Back-door
,
according
to
the
Maxim
,
Divide
&
Impera
And
I
am
of
opinion
also
that
in
order
to
hinder
the
restoration
of
true
Christianity
in
that
Kingdom
,
the
Jesuits
will
put
the
French
King
upon
the
Design
of
Destroying
Geneva
and
the
Protestant
Switzers
and
make
him
believe
that
it
will
be
a
compensation
for
the
Destruction
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
that
it
is
the
most
glorious
thing
he
can
do
;
and
for
that
reason
they
will
,
it
may
be
,
spare
the
Vaudois
for
some
time
,
to
disguise
their
Design
.
47.
Several
Lackeys
,
Servants
and
such
sort
of
Men
,
having
got
some
Imploys
and
Preferments
in
this
War
,
will
be
apt
to
insult
and
despise
their
Ancient
Lords
and
Masters
,
who
are
reduced
to
Poverty
and
totally
ruined
,
and
a
great
deal
of
insolence
will
be
seen
every
where
.
48.
Several
Widows
of
Quality
and
Young
Ladys
,
whose
number
is
three
times
greater
than
that
of
Men
of
their
own
rank
,
will
Marry
below
their
Degree
,
nay
,
even
Servant-men
,
rather
than
be
Unmarried
.
49.
The
Gabelle
,
or
Excise
upon
Salt
must
needs
fall
;
such
an
Enormous
Tax
cannot
subsist
any
longer
in
the
most
part
of
the
Provinces
and
great
Towns
of
the
Kingdom
,
or
else
the
price
of
Salt
must
be
reduced
to
a
reasonable
rate
,
as
a
Penny
a
Pound
,
and
not
to
10
,
or
12
,
or
15
pence
per
cent
.
as
the
King
sells
it
at
present
.
The
Kingdom
will
never
endure
the
Gabeleurs
,
that
is
,
the
Exactors
of
that
Imposition
,
any
more
,
when
the
K.
is
not
able
to
keep
great
Forces
on
foot
,
and
that
those
he
maintains
must
be
kept
on
the
Frontiers
;
So
that
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
the
People
will
not
any
longer
be
so
patient
,
and
besides
they
will
not
be
in
condition
to
pay
so
many
Taxes
,
for
of
a
long
time
they
have
been
compelled
to
pay
those
excessive
Taxes
by
the
terrour
of
the
Forces
,
who
would
not
have
failed
in
a
little
time
to
have
overflowed
the
Cities
and
Provinces
that
should
have
refused
to
pay
'em
;
for
,
as
I
said
elsewhere
,
we
may
truly
say
that
the
French
Government
,
is
altogether
Military
,
and
that
the
Subjects
are
treated
worse
even
in
time
of
Peace
,
than
other
Countrys
use
to
be
,
when
invaded
by
Armies
of
Enemies
,
even
at
the
time
when
they
are
about
subduing
of
them
.
50.
Such
as
did
earnestly
covet
a
long
time
to
joyn
his
Neighbours
Land
or
Field
to
his
own
,
and
could
not
attain
it
,
find
now
adays
very
often
an
occasion
to
do
it
,
and
to
purchase
for
a
little
Sum
of
Money
,
that
for
which
they
would
have
formerly
paid
ten
times
more
,
but
they
are
in
danger
to
repent
after
the
Peace
,
when
they
shall
see
too
late
,
that
by
the
utter
Desolation
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
thing
purchased
is
not
worth
the
Money
;
And
they
are
even
in
danger
before
the
Peace
is
made
,
to
pay
to
the
King
for
that
very
purchase
,
such
Taxes
as
will
amount
to
3
or
4
times
as
much
as
they
gave
to
the
Seller
.
51.
Such
as
have
many
Lands
,
and
see
that
they
are
not
so
much
depopulated
as
others
,
and
who
flatter
'emselves
with
hopes
that
their
Farmers
and
Peasants
will
stay
in
their
Farms
,
because
they
are
fixed
there
at
present
,
will
be
very
much
deceived
,
when
after
the
Peace
they
shall
see
that
those
Farmers
and
Clowns
will
leave
him
,
and
remove
,
it
may
be
,
ten
or
twelve
Leagues
farther
with
their
Families
,
where
they
will
find
Lands
for
nothing
,
or
much
cheaper
than
theirs
was
;
and
every
one
will
endeavour
to
draw
in
the
Farmers
and
Servants
one
of
another
,
and
rather
than
see
their
Land
untilled
and
forsaken
,
will
give
it
out
gratis
for
a
certain
number
of
years
;
and
supply
the
Peasants
with
all
necessaries
to
Manure
it
;
and
I
am
confident
,
that
even
at
this
present
,
the
prudentest
sort
,
who
have
Lands
of
their
own
,
do
practise
it
in
several
places
.
Some
Provinces
and
Countries
are
less
depopulated
than
others
,
(
through
Mortality
and
Famine
)
have
been
;
but
I
am
sure
that
those
who
have
great
Estates
in
Land
in
the
Countries
most
depopulated
,
as
in
the
adjacent
parts
to
Paris
,
will
use
their
utmost
Endeavours
to
draw
in
the
Peasants
of
other
places
;
and
this
will
do
more
mischief
to
the
Kingdom
,
than
if
every
one
did
stay
in
the
most
depopulated
Country
,
as
I
have
demonstrated
it
elsewhere
.
'T
is
true
,
that
as
for
the
adjacent
parts
of
Paris
,
there
is
,
it
seems
,
an
indispensible
Necessity
to
Repeople
them
again
,
because
of
the
City
,
but
unless
there
be
a
great
Moderation
of
the
Taxes
on
those
parts
,
't
is
impossible
that
Country
should
be
ever
Re-peopled
again
;
for
it
must
be
known
,
that
there
is
hardly
any
part
of
the
Kingdom
so
oppressed
with
Impositions
,
as
that
is
.
Formerly
one
could
see
nothing
about
Paris
but
Towns
,
large
and
rich
Boroughs
,
well-built
and
peopled
;
but
even
before
the
beginning
of
this
War
,
they
were
much
ruined
,
and
't
is
certain
that
all
is
desart
there
at
present
.
52.
I
do
not
think
that
Paris
in
a
hundred
years
hence
,
can
be
so
well
peopled
,
as
it
was
thirty
years
ago
.
The
Revenues
of
the
King
and
of
the
great
Persons
at
Paris
,
and
even
in
all
the
Kingdom
in
general
,
being
sunk
as
they
are
,
not
half
the
Commodities
will
be
consumed
there
,
as
was
formerly
.
53.
If
the
Ancient
Government
of
France
,
viz.
by
the
general
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
,
were
re-established
again
,
as
Passion
,
Ambition
,
vain
Glory
and
Superstition
,
would
domineer
less
,
and
Reason
and
the
true
Interest
of
the
Nation
would
be
more
hearkned
to
,
in
that
case
the
Reformed
Religion
would
be
restored
:
But
Rome
will
oppose
it
with
all
her
Power
and
Interest
;
and
't
is
like
the
Inquisition
will
be
set
up
in
France
,
as
't
is
in
Spain
,
Portugual
,
and
Italy
,
against
the
Protestant
Religion
.
54.
The
number
of
Usurers
will
be
much
greater
in
France
after
the
Peace
than
ever
;
this
will
be
the
most
ordinary
way
to
improve
Money
to
the
best
advantage
,
the
Manufactures
and
Trade
being
ruined
,
and
the
Real
Estates
being
brought
to
nothing
,
as
well
as
the
Offices
.
55.
As
soon
as
the
Peace
is
made
,
the
King
will
squeeze
all
the
Farmers
general
and
particular
of
Impositions
,
which
he
is
obliged
to
indulge
now
,
because
they
advance
him
Money
,
and
by
that
means
he
shall
get
yet
vast
Sums
.
56.
Those
who
have
yet
some
remainder
of
their
former
Estates
,
I
mean
,
those
who
having
paid
their
Debts
,
shall
have
yet
some
Lands
Manur'd
in
the
Country
,
or
some
Houses
inhabited
in
the
Citys
,
may
live
as
easily
,
I
think
,
after
Lewis
the
XIV
.
Death
,
with
their
small
Estates
as
they
did
20
years
ago
,
by
reason
that
tho'
they
shall
not
injoy
perhaps
the
4th
part
of
the
Revenue
they
had
before
,
Taxes
will
be
diminished
3
parts
at
least
,
and
the
King
or
his
Successor
will
not
,
't
is
probable
,
form
any
Projects
of
Conquests
so
soon
.
But
I
confess
,
a
Civil
War
,
as
I
said
already
,
is
mightily
to
be
feared
,
because
there
will
not
be
found
one
Man
amongst
twenty
,
but
what
will
be
utterly
ruined
.
I
grant
,
that
those
Persons
,
who
have
some
remainder
of
their
former
Estates
,
will
not
be
able
to
take
a
Journey
now
and
then
to
Paris
to
divert
themselves
,
as
was
usual
,
because
Provisions
will
still
continue
to
be
dear
there
,
nor
will
they
be
capable
to
send
their
Children
a-far
off
,
in
ortler
to
Study
or
Travel
,
because
Money
will
continue
long
to
be
scarce
,
and
their
Revenues
too
small
,
to
be
spent
abroad
.
Their
case
will
be
much
like
that
of
those
Irish
who
possess
some
Estates
at
a
great
distance
from
Dublin
.
56.
The
number
of
the
King's
Officers
,
and
of
the
Princes
and
Princesses
Houshold
,
must
needs
decrease
very
much
,
as
also
their
Sallaries
.
The
number
of
Governments
and
Governours
of
Cities
,
Towns
,
Castles
,
Forts
,
&c.
will
decrease
also
,
as
well
as
their
Sallaries
.
The
number
of
the
Forces
and
of
their
Officers
by
Land
and
Sea
,
and
of
the
Gallies
will
decrease
,
as
also
their
Wages
.
And
the
like
will
happen
to
all
Civil
Officers
,
as
I
have
said
already
;
and
all
things
will
be
in
an
incredible
confusion
in
that
Kingdom
.
The
most
clear-sighted
Men
in
France
,
do
not
conceive
the
Degree
of
the
Kingdoms
Ruine
.
All
those
who
have
yet
some
Estate
left
,
fancy
themselves
to
be
richer
than
really
they
are
,
tho'
they
acknowledge
and
say
they
are
ruined
.
This
mistake
has
been
mighty
favourable
to
the
Kings
Affairs
a
long
time
,
by
reason
that
many
Mony'd
Men
judging
of
the
Affairs
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
to
be
in
a
better
condition
than
they
are
,
did
scruple
less
to
lend
him
Money
,
or
to
buy
some
of
the
new
Offices
,
and
even
Lands
or
Houses
,
and
so
did
lay
out
their
Money
,
which
came
at
last
into
the
Kings
Hands
.
The
best
remedy
that
I
know
,
to
repair
the
prodigious
Losses
of
the
People
of
France
,
and
to
restore
the
Kingdom
to
its
former
Populousness
,
which
I
confess
cannot
be
done
perfectly
in
2
hundred
years
time
,
would
be
to
make
Peace
as
soon
as
possible
,
whatever
it
may
cost
,
and
then
to
change
the
Form
of
the
present
Government
,
and
to
re-establish
the
Ancient
Government
of
a
King
with
the
Counsel
of
the
general
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
,
such
as
is
now
in
England
;
and
moreover
,
to
renounce
all
Conquests
;
to
allow
all
Liberty
and
Security
to
French
and
Foreign
Protestants
;
to
abolish
the
Buying
and
Selling
all
sorts
of
Offices
;
not
to
let
out
the
Impositions
of
the
Kingdom
to
Farmers
,
and
to
put
out
of
their
Places
all
those
who
are
dipt
in
such
Tyrannical
Methods
;
and
to
set
all
Monks
and
Nuns
at
liberty
;
to
give
leave
to
Subjects
to
buy
Slaves
,
and
to
Marry
them
together
,
in
order
to
get
Children
by
them
,
and
that
they
should
continue
to
be
Slaves
,
both
they
and
their
Children
,
unless
their
Masters
consent
to
their
being
made
free
,
considering
that
their
condition
would
still
be
a
great
deal
better
than
would
have
been
in
their
Native
Country
,
and
that
't
is
much
less
against
Reason
and
Religion
to
use
them
so
,
than
't
is
to
Tyrannize
,
as
is
done
amongst
most
of
the
Christian
Nations
in
Europe
,
over
Christians
that
are
born
such
,
and
free-born
also
,
and
to
keep
them
in
bondage
,
as
is
done
particularly
in
France
,
where
their
condition
is
worse
for
the
most
part
,
than
that
of
the
Galley-slaves
,
nay
,
even
of
Beasts
,
as
I
have
said
already
.
It
would
also
be
convenient
to
buy
a
certain
number
of
Men
yearly
from
the
Switzers
,
and
German
Princes
(
since
they
make
a
Trade
of
them
)
not
to
make
Slaves
of
'em
,
but
in
order
to
distribute
Lands
to
them
,
which
they
should
Cultivate
,
and
to
treat
them
as
the
rest
of
Subjects
,
with
moderation
,
equity
,
and
kindness
.
CHAP
VII
.
A
List
of
the
principal
Impositions
and
Taxes
in
the
Kingdom
of
FRANCE
.
I
Do
not
believe
that
there
is
any
Man
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
that
can
give
an
account
of
all
the
Impositions
and
Taxes
under
which
that
People
groans
,
so
numerous
are
they
.
But
I
have
here
thought
fit
to
present
you
with
a
Catalogue
of
all
that
I
can
recollect
.
Every
Province
has
some
special
Tax
which
is
unknown
to
any
other
,
and
sometimes
they
have
strange
Denominations
,
as
from
those
that
first
invented
them
,
or
were
the
Farmers
of
them
,
or
from
the
place
where
they
began
to
be
established
,
or
from
the
odd
Language
of
some
Provinces
,
which
is
not
understood
by
the
People
of
any
other
,
or
from
some
other
reason
;
if
any
Man
would
,
or
rather
could
tell
the
manner
in
which
every
one
of
them
is
raised
,
and
what
Revenue
it
brings
in
to
the
King
,
and
the
first
Origin
of
them
,
it
would
require
a
very
large
Book
.
There
is
a
great
many
of
'em
always
standing
as
well
in
Peace
as
in
War
upon
all
Real
Estates
,
Houses
and
Lands
,
and
very
severe
too
;
as
also
upon
Personal
Estates
,
and
upon
Money
lent
or
hoarded
up
;
upon
the
Industry
of
Men
and
Women
;
Upon
all
Offices
either
of
Judicature
,
Finances
,
or
Civil
Government
,
and
other
Offices
which
are
innumerable
;
upon
every
thing
that
is
eat
or
drunk
,
or
serves
for
cloathing
;
upon
all
sorts
and
conditions
of
Men
and
Women
generally
,
and
even
upon
Publick
Beggars
;
upon
every
thing
imported
or
exported
,
either
in
or
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
or
from
one
Province
or
City
in
the
Kingdom
to
another
;
and
there
are
several
new
ones
invented
every
day
,
which
cross
and
destroy
one
another
,
for
what
is
got
by
the
one
is
lost
by
the
other
,
the
Kingdom
being
so
horridly
exhausted
.
I
don't
undertake
to
ennumerate
them
all
,
as
I
said
above
,
but
only
those
which
are
come
to
my
knowledge
,
with
some
of
their
Names
in
English
and
some
in
French
,
because
they
cannot
well
be
translated
.
L'Ayde
,
the
Aid
.
L'Octroy
.
Le
Preciput
.
L'Equivalent
,
the
Equivalent
.
Taxe
,
't
is
a
special
Tax
so
called
.
Taille
,
a
very
hard
Tax
.
Taillon
.
Subvention
.
Etape
,
Staple
for
the
Soldiers
.
For
the
Utensil
of
Soldiers
.
For
the
Subsistence
.
For
the
Garrisons
.
For
the
Morte-pays
.
For
the
Wages
of
Governours
.
For
the
Kings
Debts
and
Affairs
.
For
Extraordinary
Gratifications
.
For
the
Free-gift
.
Expences
of
Recovery
and
Accomptability
.
The
Taxes
upon
Land-Estates
and
Houses
do
oftentimes
exceed
what
the
Proprietor
gets
from
them
,
at
least
one
half
,
and
many
are
willing
to
yield
them
up
for
the
Tax
,
who
are
not
admitted
to
do
it
.
There
are
Taxes
upon
Drink
,
as
follows
,
Aids
or
Subsidies
upon
Wines
.
Upon
Cyder
.
Brandy
.
Beer
.
Vinegar
.
Verjuice
.
Chocolate
,
Tea
,
Sorbek
,
Coffee
,
and
generally
upon
all
other
Liquid
Things
,
or
that
wherewith
any
Drink
can
be
made
.
It
is
also
to
be
noted
,
that
the
Excise
upon
Win●
goes
so
metimes
in
Cities
far
above
the
price
of
the
Commodity
,
and
seeing
that
since
the
War
,
the
poor
Working-people
in
Cities
,
who
were
used
formerly
to
drink
some
Wine
,
could
not
buy
it
,
for
want
of
Money
,
but
drank
a
little
Brandy
instead
of
it
,
they
have
doubled
the
Excise
upon
Brandy
.
And
then
there
's
another
upon
Liquors
.
Le
Jaujage
,
the
Duty
for
gaging
.
Le
Courtage
.
Le
Souquect
.
Le
Patac
.
Imposts
and
Billots
.
Observe
,
there
is
such
a
horrid
Severity
and
Tyranny
used
in
the
Cities
and
all
other
Towns
,
Borroughs
and
Villages
as
to
the
Wine
,
that
if
so
be
a
Friend
did
send
any
Bottles
of
his
Wine
to
another
Friend
who
has
none
so
good
,
or
to
any
Sick
Person
,
he
is
presently
accused
of
defrauding
the
Kings
Excise
,
and
is
in
danger
to
be
Imprisoned
and
lose
all
his
Estate
,
or
a
great
part
of
it
,
for
it
must
be
understood
that
,
besides
what
all
the
Wine
pays
generally
at
the
Gates
of
every
considerable
Town
,
for
the
Duty
which
is
very
high
,
the
Vintners
in
all
Towns
,
Borroughs
and
Villages
pay
besides
other
great
Duties
upon
every
Vessel
of
Wine
they
sell
,
and
that
their
Cellars
are
every
day
visited
,
searched
and
gaged
by
many
hundreds
of
Rascals
appointed
for
that
purpose
,
who
have
great
Wages
allowed
them
,
and
because
many
Gentlemen
and
Burghers
have
some
Wine
from
their
own
Vineyards
,
for
which
they
pay
at
the
Gates
of
every
great
Town
,
the
Farmers
of
the
Impositions
,
who
have
an
unlimited
Authority
,
will
not
suffer
them
to
send
out
of
their
Houses
not
so
much
as
a
Bottle
of
their
own
Wine
,
pretending
that
there
is
so
much
the
less
consumed
in
the
Taverns
;
and
that
the
Profits
are
so
much
the
lesser
,
and
whosoever
does
it
,
is
in
danger
to
be
Imprisoned
and
totally
ruined
.
Then
there
's
an
Excise
upon
all
Eatables
.
The
Gabelle
or
Tax
upon
all
sorts
of
Corn
and
Meal
,
which
is
received
at
the
Markets
,
Mills
and
other
places
,
under
the
Name
of
Mesure
d'Octroy
,
or
Mesure
coupeè
;
that
is
,
Measure
of
Octroy
,
or
cut
Measure
.
And
there
have
been
some
Additions
to
that
Duty
since
the
War
.
The
Duty
upon
all
Cattle
generally
,
called
Le
Piè
fourché
,
this
is
raised
in
the
Roads
.
Several
Deniers
besides
,
by
Pound-weight
,
upon
all
sorts
of
Meat
in
the
Shambles
or
Slaughter-house
.
The
Imposts
,
which
is
raised
in
all
the
great
Towns
under
the
Name
of
Entries
upon
all
sorts
of
Cattle
.
upon
wild
and
tame
Fowl
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Fresh-water
Salt
and
dry
Fish
,
Eggs
,
Fruits
,
Milk
and
things
made
of
Milk
,
Herbs
,
Roots
,
Oranges
,
Lemons
,
Swine-breads
,
Chesnuts
,
Nuts
,
Apples
,
Pares
,
Mushrooms
and
generally
upon
all
sorts
of
things
which
may
be
eaten
;
as
also
upon
Timber
and
Fire-wood
,
upon
Charcoal
,
Hay
,
Oats
,
&c.
Those
Duties
are
so
intollerably
high
in
the
great
Towns
,
that
reckoning
those
on
Liquors
,
Cloathing-Stuffs
,
&c.
and
other
Commodities
imported
into
Paris
;
it
was
generally
said
,
that
the
Entries
of
Paris
alone
did
bring
in
to
the
King
above
20
Millions
of
Livers
,
and
at
present
't
is
one
of
the
best
Branches
of
the
French
King's
Revenue
,
tho'
it
must
be
diminished
one
half
at
least
since
the
War
,
because
of
the
Decrease
and
Poverty
of
the
People
.
Observe
that
all
the
Cities
and
great
Towns
are
walled
,
and
that
there
is
at
the
Gates
of
them
a
kind
of
Watch-houses
,
where
the
Farmers
of
Impositions
,
do
post
men
Armed
,
who
visit
all
sorts
of
Persons
,
that
they
should
not
import
any
thing
into
it
,
without
paying
the
Customs
or
Excise
,
and
if
any
is
found
defrauding
the
Excise
,
the
Men
are
sent
to
the
Gallyes
if
they
are
poor
,
and
the
Women
whipped
by
the
Hang-man
,
and
if
so
be
they
have
any
Estate
,
they
lose
all
or
most
part
of
it
,
and
stand
at
the
Farmers
mercy
,
tho'
the
thing
be
not
worth
sometimes
half
a
Crown
.
Any
Lord
or
Gentleman
coming
thither
in
a
Coach
or
on
Horseback
is
obliged
to
stop
at
the
Gate
,
till
they
have
visited
his
Coach
,
Mails
,
and
Trunks
,
and
searched
his
Man
and
Himself
,
and
that
in
the
middle
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
if
a
Pound
of
Salt
or
any
other
Commodity
was
found
upon
them
,
all
his
Equipage
would
be
forfeited
,
his
Person
Imprisoned
,
and
Condemned
to
pay
vast
Sums
of
Money
:
Altho'
the
fraud
should
not
import
Two
Pence
loss
to
the
Farmer
.
And
at
such
Gates
of
Towns
several
things
pay
almost
as
much
Duty
as
they
cost
at
first
buying
.
The
Gabelle
or
Excise
upon
Salt
,
which
is
so
exorbitant
,
that
Salt
which
is
Nature's
Gift
,
and
upon
the
Sea-Coast
,
where
it
is
made
almost
without
Charges
,
does
not
stand
Foreign
Merchants
a
Farthing
per
pound
,
is
sold
to
the
Subjects
for
10
,
12
and
14
pence
per
pound
.
There
are
above
a
thousand
great
Offices
of
Salt-Excise
,
called
Bureaux
,
or
Greniers
à
sel
who
have
each
of
them
several
Officers
both
great
and
small
,
belonging
to
them
;
and
several
thousands
of
other
Men
in
Towns
,
Borroughs
and
Villages
,
who
fetch
it
from
such
Granaries
,
and
sell
it
to
the
People
for
10
or
12
pence
a
pound
or
more
.
And
besides
them
,
the
Collectors
of
the
Salt-Excise
in
every
Parish
are
obliged
in
some
Provinces
to
fetch
it
also
from
those
Salt-Granaries
,
to
distribute
it
among
the
People
;
for
t
is
not
raised
in
the
same
method
every
where
.
In
some
Places
no
body
is
obliged
to
take
more
than
he
can
spend
,
but
in
most
other
places
every
one
is
forced
to
take
a
certain
quantity
,
tho'
he
does
not
need
one
half
of
it
for
his
own
use
,
and
if
so
be
he
would
bestow
the
Overplus
of
it
as
Charity
to
any
Beggar
,
and
that
the
thing
were
proved
,
he
,
as
well
as
the
Beggar
must
to
the
Gallies
,
because
they
will
suppose
that
he
sells
it
;
and
several
thousands
of
poor
people
are
sent
to
the
Gallies
every
year
upon
the
account
of
the
Salt
.
Formerly
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
were
free
from
this
horrid
Imposition
,
that
is
30
years
ago
,
because
of
the
Services
supposed
to
have
been
done
by
their
Ancestors
to
the
Crown
,
and
because
they
commonly
serve
in
the
King's
Armies
and
must
be
always
ready
.
But
this
King
has
taken
away
all
their
Priviledges
and
increased
all
their
Charges
Some
Proprietors
had
some
Springs
and
Pits
of
Salt-water
,
which
were
part
of
their
Estates
,
but
they
have
been
all
stopt
by
the
Kings
Order
,
and
if
so
be
the
Proprietor
open
them
again
,
he
must
go
to
the
Gallies
.
The
Gabelle
is
a
great
Branch
of
the
King's
Reuenue
,
but
't
is
fallen
at
least
two
thirds
since
the
War
.
It
did
maintain
,
besides
what
the
King
got
in
clear
Money
from
it
,
about
30
thousand
Men
,
called
Gabeleurs
in
the
Kingdom
,
all
Armed
as
Soldiers
both
Horse
and
Foot
,
who
did
commit
horrid
Violences
and
Oppressions
against
the
Nobility
and
People
,
but
the
number
of
'em
must
also
be
much
diminished
,
because
of
the
Ruine
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
that
the
King
wants
such
Men
for
Soldiers
.
There
are
other
Impositions
also
,
as
,
The
Mark
upon
Paper
.
The
Duty
upon
stampt
Paper
and
Parchment
.
Upon
the
Paper
for
Forms
and
Registers
,
Deeds
,
Notes
,
&c.
The
Mark
upon
Silver-Plate
.
Tin
,
Pewter
.
Hatts
.
Silk
and
Woollen
Stockins
.
Shoes
.
Perrwicks
.
And
also
upon
Tobacco
,
besides
what
is
paid
at
the
Custom-Office
.
Upon
all
sort
of
Stuffs
,
either
of
Silk
or
Wooll
,
made
in
the
Kingdom
,
besides
those
that
are
imported
.
All
sorts
of
Linnen
.
Upon
the
Ice
.
And
Leather
.
Thread
.
And
all
sorts
of
Laces
,
either
Gold
or
Silver
,
Silk
,
Woollen
or
Linnen
,
&c.
Upon
Cards
.
Dice
.
Needles
.
Pins
.
Earthen-Pots
and
Vessels
.
Spinning
wheels
.
Window-glasses
.
Drinking-glasses
,
Bottles
and
all
sorts
of
Glass-work
.
Upon
all
Measures
,
for
things
Dry
and
Liquid
,
as
Bushels
,
Pecks
,
Pots
,
and
even
the
Pails
of
the
poor
Criers
of
Water
in
the
Streets
of
Paris
,
who
must
pay
very
dear
for
the
Mark
of
the
aforesaid
Pails
,
&c.
There
are
also
other
Impositions
,
viz.
Upon
all
Offices
of
Charrets
in
the
Kingdom
,
called
Burcaux
de
Messagerie
,
who
pay
very
dear
for
that
Priviledge
.
Upon
all
Hackney-Coaches
,
thro'
the
Kingdom
,
and
upon
all
Horse-litters
.
Upon
the
Water-Boats
,
called
Coches
d'Eau
,
which
carry
People
by
Water
.
Hackney
Horses
.
Chair-men
.
Porters
.
And
those
who
empty
Houses
of
Office
.
Then
there
are
other
Taxes
,
viz.
Upon
the
Fees
,
called
Biens
Nobles
,
every
five
years
,
which
are
very
heavy
.
The
Inquiries
after
the
Titles
of
the
Nobility
,
now
and
then
,
which
have
ruined
many
of
them
in
this
Reign
,
as
well
by
the
Sums
given
to
the
King
on
pretence
of
the
weakness
of
their
Titles
,
as
to
the
Prosecutors
,
besides
all
other
Expences
,
and
the
loss
of
Time
;
for
the
Nobility
were
obliged
to
go
sometimes
fifty
Leagues
to
shew
their
Titles
,
tho'
the
same
Titles
had
been
formerly
approved
of
,
and
if
they
had
lost
them
by
fire
or
otherwise
,
they
were
cast
,
or
if
they
had
bought
Letters
of
Nobility
about
80
or
a
hundred
years
ago
,
they
were
obliged
to
pay
for
'em
again
,
or
if
they
had
been
in
some
function
,
called
Ignoble
,
that
is
,
below
a
Nobleman
,
they
were
obliged
to
buy
their
Nobility
again
.
A
hundred
such
unworthy
ways
have
been
used
against
them
in
this
Reign
So
that
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
have
more
reason
to
abhor
this
Reign
than
any
other
Subjects
in
the
Kingdom
.
Then
there
is
the
Sale
of
Letters
of
Nobility
.
Where
I
would
desire
the
Reader
to
observe
,
that
the
Enquiry
of
which
we
spoke
just
now
,
was
under
pretence
to
purge
the
false
Nobility
from
the
true
,
and
now
by
the
sale
,
of
the
Nobility
,
any
Rascal
is
made
Noble
for
Money
:
And
this
King
has
made
abundance
of
such
Nobles
for
their
Coin
,
who
are
at
last
turned
Beggars
as
well
as
the
rest
.
Then
there
is
the
voluntary
Rehabilitation
of
those
who
pretending
to
have
been
Nobles
formerly
,
had
fallen
from
their
Nobility
,
and
desired
to
be
restored
to
it
for
Money
;
Besides
this
,
there
is
another
Rehabilitation
which
is
forced
,
that
is
,
when
the
Maltotiers
question
a
Gentleman's
Nobility
,
under
pretence
that
his
Grandfather
,
or
Father
,
or
he
himself
has
been
in
some
low
function
,
&c.
And
then
the
Consirmation
from
time
to
time
,
of
the
Letters
of
Nobility
,
costs
as
much
as
at
first
.
Another
Trick
was
the
Cassation
or
Forfeiture
of
the
said
Nobility
,
for
want
of
the
Payment
of
the
said
Confirmation
,
because
they
were
exhausted
and
ruined
:
So
that
they
lose
the
same
Nobility
,
which
they
paid
so
dear
for
,
tho'
their
Ancestors
have
enjoyed
the
Title
for
a
great
many
years
.
And
this
new
Tax
about
the
Coats
of
Arms
and
the
Titles
which
the
Gentry
have
assumed
to
themselves
,
is
another
new
Vexation
as
well
against
them
,
as
the
rest
of
the
Nation
.
This
King
has
plaid
them
twenty
such
Tricks
;
so
that
it
was
said
by
an
ingenious
Man
,
that
the
Nobility
in
France
was
like
a
Cops-wood
to
the
King
;
which
he
cut
down
once
in
6
,
or
7
,
or
9
years
,
according
to
his
fancy
.
Then
there
are
Taxes
for
the
Homages
of
the
Lands
,
holding
directly
of
the
Kings
Demain
,
besides
all
other
great
Charges
and
Expences
on
that
Account
.
There
are
also
Taxes
now
and
then
upon
the
Free
Allodium
,
called
Franc
Alleu
,
which
were
so
heavy
two
years
ago
,
that
a
great
many
People
did
offer
the
said
Lands
to
the
King
,
to
be
rid
of
the
Tax
,
but
they
were
rejected
and
forced
to
pay
that
extraordinary
Tax
,
besides
the
yearly
Taxes
,
and
those
very
excessive
too
,
which
the
said
Lands
pay
constantly
.
There
is
likewise
a
Tax
upon
all
Waters
that
water
Lands
;
that
is
upon
Rivers
,
Brooks
and
Rivulets
which
run
along
by
the
Lands
of
every
Person
:
As
also
upon
the
Springs
,
and
Pits
,
or
other
Waters
,
Cisterns
or
Wells
to
water
the
Cattle
,
and
in
general
upon
all
Waters
that
may
be
useful
;
which
strange
Tax
was
raised
two
years
ago
at
a
strange
rate
.
The
Tax
of
the
Franc
fiess
,
that
is
,
of
Fees
possessed
by
those
who
are
not
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
.
This
is
not
paid
yearly
,
but
only
when
the
King
pleases
,
and
has
been
paid
several
times
within
this
ten
years
last
,
tho'
they
had
paid
vast
Sums
for
the
Immunity
from
it
for
ever
,
and
for
the
confirmation
of
the
same
,
besides
the
great
Taxes
on
their
Dove
houses
.
There
are
also
Taxes
upon
a
great
many
people
,
and
those
very
heavy
too
,
on
pretence
that
in
some
places
they
have
incroached
upon
the
High-ways
,
if
it
be
but
half
an
Inch
;
and
tho'
't
is
commonly
a
false
Accusation
,
yet
they
must
pay
nevertheless
,
else
the
K.
and
the
Farmers
of
Impositions
would
ruine
'em
totally
.
They
are
obliged
likewise
to
pay
Taxes
for
the
Islands
in
Rivers
,
tho'
the
Families
who
are
in
possession
,
had
enjoyed
them
for
three
or
four
Centuries
,
as
their
other
Patrimonial
Estates
,
and
besides
the
Tax
for
having
enjoyed
it
so
long
,
the
King
has
dispoiled
the
Proprietors
of
the
said
Islands
,
great
and
small
,
pretending
that
all
the
Rivers
with
all
their
Effects
and
Appurtenances
do
belong
to
him
.
There
are
extraordinary
Taxes
also
upon
all
Water
and
Wind-mills
,
besides
the
ordinary
Taxes
upon
all
Estates
,
on
pretence
that
both
the
Wind
and
Waters
belong
to
him
.
He
hath
also
laid
Taxes
upon
the
new
Purchases
either
of
Lands
or
Houses
,
which
obliges
them
to
pay
him
a
great
part
of
the
value
.
As
also
upon
Estates
sold
by
Decree
;
the
King
has
a
share
in
them
,
because
he
pretends
that
the
Buyer
has
a
great
penny
worth
of
them
.
Then
there
's
the
Quint
and
Requint
,
which
is
another
extraordinary
Tax
upon
Lands
sold
.
Le
Tiers
&
danger
upon
the
Woods
of
Normandy
;
which
is
a
strange
Tax
that
he
has
raised
in
Normandy
.
They
found
in
the
Norman
Charters
that
the
old
Dukes
of
Normandy
,
had
part
of
their
ancient
Revenue
settled
upon
the
Woods
of
that
Province
,
for
which
the
Proprietors
did
pay
a
Tantum
every
year
to
their
Duke
for
the
maintaining
of
the
Government
,
and
paid
no
other
Impositions
besides
this
.
Now
finding
this
in
the
Records
,
the
King
pretended
to
enjoy
the
same
again
,
and
demanded
vast
Sums
of
the
Proprietors
for
the
Arrears
,
for
so
many
Centuries
.
A
great
many
of
the
Nobility
were
ruined
by
it
;
I
know
one
Family
,
viz.
Mr.
de
Courtaumer's
,
who
paid
80
thousand
Livers
for
this
Tax
,
and
all
of
them
offered
the
Funds
to
the
King
for
the
Imposition
,
but
in
vain
:
So
that
the
K.
got
above
20
Millions
for
that
Tax
out
of
that
Province
alone
.
Then
there
are
other
Taxes
,
called
the
Acapte
,
Infeodation
of
Accrve
and
Champart
,
and
the
Reunion
of
Crements
,
Sands
and
Gravels
,
which
are
some
Reunions
that
are
made
to
the
King's
Demains
,
of
all
Lands
supposed
to
have
been
formed
by
the
Gravel
or
Dirt
,
cast
up
either
by
the
Sea
or
Rivers
;
which
ruines
abundance
of
People
,
who
had
Lands
,
Houses
and
Gardens
there
.
There
has
been
a
Reunion
also
of
all
the
Houses
and
Gardens
supposed
to
have
been
built
too
near
the
ancient
Rampiers
of
Walled
Towns
which
were
all
fallen
,
and
no
body
knew
that
they
had
ever
been
Rampiers
.
The
King
has
confiscated
all
such
Estates
,
or
got
Money
for
'em
.
Then
there
is
the
Creation
of
Offices
per
force
,
with
some
small
wages
ill
paid
.
The
abolishing
of
great
part
of
the
same
Offices
.
The
selling
of
the
same
again
to
others
,
without
reimbursing
the
Persons
dispossessed
;
when
at
the
same
time
the
old
Offices
are
not
worth
the
fourth
nor
sixth
part
,
nay
,
the
tenth
part
of
what
they
have
been
sold
for
.
This
Creating
and
Abolishing
of
Offices
has
produced
to
the
French
King
several
hundreds
of
Millions
,
and
would
require
a
whole
Book
by
it self
to
give
an
Account
of
it
.
There
has
also
been
an
Augmentation
of
Wages
for
all
the
old
Offices
,
which
one
would
think
was
very
advantagious
to
them
,
but
the
contrary
will
appear
thus
;
the
King
wanting
Money
had
a
mind
to
Tax
them
,
some
in
20
,
30
or
40
thousand
Livers
,
more
or
less
.
Now
the
Council
found
out
this
way
as
least
odious
,
viz
to
augment
their
Wages
,
suppose
a
1000
Livers
per
Annum
,
upon
condition
that
they
should
give
him
for
it
20
thousand
Livers
,
more
or
less
,
as
he
thought
fit
.
This
is
called
by
the
specious
Name
of
Augmentation
of
Wages
,
tho'
't
is
a
perfect
Robbery
,
for
they
are
ill
paid
of
their
old
and
new
Wages
,
and
will
at
last
lose
their
Offices
for
the
most
part
,
and
never
be
reimbursed
of
any
thing
.
It
is
also
to
be
observed
that
all
those
new
Officers
ought
by
their
agreement
with
the
King
to
be
free
from
almost
all
Taxes
,
which
would
be
mighty
oppressive
to
the
rest
,
but
the
King
does
not
keep
his
word
to
them
,
nor
can
he
do
it
,
or
else
he
should
get
but
little
from
the
rest
.
This
innumerable
multitude
of
Officers
,
and
the
great
quantity
of
Coin
and
Plate
,
that
they
had
hoarded
up
,
has
been
a
great
Ressource
to
the
King
for
many
years
;
So
that
he
thought
it
would
have
been
unexhaustible
,
and
that
he
might
conquer
all
the
world
with
it
.
This
has
been
partly
the
cause
of
the
desolation
of
the
Kingdom
;
But
we
may
justly
say
,
that
his
design
of
conquering
others
by
so
great
a
destruction
of
his
own
people
,
was
just
like
that
of
a
Man
who
should
sell
his
Horse
to
buy
Hay
.
There
is
also
a
Creation
of
Master
ships
in
all
Trades
and
Handicrafts
for
Money
.
Extraordinary
Taxes
upon
every
Corporation
or
Company
of
Handicrafts
,
and
petty
Tradesmen
,
in
all
Cities
,
Towns
,
and
Boroughs
.
There
has
been
a
Creation
of
many
thousands
of
Officers
amongst
them
,
whose
functions
are
limited
within
the
Society
to
which
they
do
belong
;
besides
other
Offices
which
they
had
before
,
or
might
have
afterwards
for
Money
.
Then
there
are
Taxes
upon
all
those
who
have
been
in
any
Commission
,
great
or
small
,
about
any
function
relating
to
the
Finances
,
and
upon
all
their
Charges
and
Offices
.
There
has
been
an
increasing
of
Wages
to
them
also
,
as
well
as
to
all
Officers
of
Judicature
and
Civil
Government
,
by
forcing
them
to
give
the
King
great
Sums
of
Money
.
There
are
also
other
Impositions
upon
the
Officers
of
Judicature
,
and
Civil
Government
.
There
is
the
Price
of
the
Valuation
.
And
the
Marc
d'or
.
There
are
also
extraordinary
Taxes
imposed
now
and
then
on
all
those
who
have
been
concerned
either
in
the
general
or
particular
Farms
of
the
Impositions
,
or
in
any
other
wherein
't
is
supposed
they
get
Money
;
this
present
King
has
got
from
such
Persons
at
several
times
above
200
Millions
of
Livers
,
and
't
is
probable
that
assoon
as
the
Peace
is
concluded
he
will
ruine
them
all
,
for
he
cannot
do
it
now
,
because
they
advance
him
Money
.
There
are
also
extraordinary
Taxes
upon
all
others
,
who
are
supposed
to
be
in
a
good
Condition
,
tho'
really
ruined
,
and
which
does
in
effect
ruine
them
totally
.
And
then
there
's
to
pay
for
all
Officers
created
,
The
2
pence
in
the
Liver
.
The
Right
of
the
Seal
.
The
Right
of
Control
.
The
Right
of
Enregistring
.
The
Right
of
the
Oath
.
Loans
forced
upon
thousands
and
thousands
of
People
.
Then
there
is
the
Loan
,
called
Prest
,
to
be
admitted
to
the
Annual
or
Paulette
,
so
called
from
the
Name
of
the
first
inventor
;
it
is
a
Sum
of
Money
which
the
Officers
of
Judicature
give
yearly
to
the
King
,
to
maintain
themselves
in
the
Hereditary
Possession
of
their
Office
;
and
if
so
be
they
did
not
pay
it
exactly
,
their
Office
returns
to
the
King
after
their
Death
.
Commonly
this
Tax
is
as
much
as
the
Wages
the
King
allows
them
,
with
this
difference
,
that
the
King
pays
them
very
ill
,
and
that
what
he
is
owing
to
them
is
not
deducted
upon
what
they
owe
him
,
and
they
are
prosecuted
when
they
do
not
pay
,
tho'
he
does
not
pay
them
himself
.
They
have
yet
several
other
Taxes
to
pay
from
time
to
time
,
and
are
obliged
to
suffer
several
diminutions
in
their
Wages
yearly
,
for
the
Superior
Companies
have
but
three
quarters
of
their
Wages
,
the
Inferiour
only
two
,
and
the
Comptables
,
so
called
,
oftentimes
but
one
,
and
those
Wages
are
also
inconsiderable
;
And
they
are
obnoxious
now
and
then
to
dreadful
extraordinary
Taxes
,
and
to
some
Fixations
of
their
Offices
,
which
now
and
then
makes
all
their
Offices
fall
one
half
of
a
sudden
,
and
very
often
they
are
cashier'd
without
any
reimbursement
.
The
Reunion
to
the
Kings
Demain
,
of
the
Rents
alienated
on
the
Town
Houses
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
King
turns
Bankrupt
when
he
pleases
,
and
he
takes
away
when
he
pleases
,
without
reimbursing
any
Body
,
all
that
which
did
belong
to
Commonalties
,
Towns
and
to
a
great
number
of
private
Men
,
which
had
lent
him
Sums
of
Money
in
the
Exigencies
of
the
State
,
and
to
whom
the
Rent
of
them
was
paid
upon
the
Revenues
which
the
King
got
from
those
Cities
and
Towns
.
He
Reunites
,
I
say
,
all
such
Rents
to
his
Demain
and
dispoils
his
Creditors
.
My
own
Family
has
lost
40
thousand
Livers
by
that
way
.
He
Reunites
also
to
the
same
Demain
several
other
Rights
that
have
been
possessed
,
or
enjoyed
by
Cities
,
Corporations
or
Private
Persons
,
time
out
of
Mind
,
as
the
Right
of
Fewel
in
some
Forests
,
some
Pastures
,
Woods
,
Rivers
,
Heaths
,
Morasses
,
&c.
He
has
also
appropriated
to
himself
the
Revenues
of
a
great
many
Hospitals
in
the
Kingdom
,
as
also
all
the
Funds
belonging
to
Towns
,
whose
Revenue
did
help
towards
the
Repairing
of
the
High-ways
and
Streets
,
and
the
Publick
Buildings
.
He
has
also
exacted
sometimes
from
several
Persons
great
Sums
of
Money
,
under
pretence
of
setting
up
the
East
or
West-India
Companies
,
which
Sums
have
been
lost
to
the
lenders
,
because
he
applied
them
to
his
own
uses
.
Other
Impositions
or
Branches
of
the
French
Kings
Revenues
,
are
,
La
Doüane
,
or
the
Custom
.
La
Foraine
,
the
Custom
upon
all
Foreign
Commodities
.
The
5
great
Farms
,
so
called
,
because
there
was
no
greater
then
,
but
now
there
are
several
others
much
greater
.
The
Custom
of
Valence
.
Of
Lions
.
Of
Bourdeaux
.
Of
Rouen
.
The
Patent
of
Languedoc
.
That
of
Provence
and
Arzat
.
The
Convoy
of
Bourdeaux
.
The
Custom
of
Bayonne
.
The
Farm
of
Broüage
.
The
Grouth
of
Ingrande
,
Les
Crues
d'lngrande
.
The
Farm
of
the
River
Loire
in
the
places
of
Octroy
.
Foreign
draught
,
or
Traites
étrangeres
.
The
Tariff
.
The
Custom
of
Roussillon
.
The
Prevostship
of
Nantes
.
The
Custom
of
Charente
.
The
Duty
of
50
pence
besides
,
by
Tun
of
fraught
upon
the
Foreign
Ships
.
The
9
Livers
18
pence
of
Picardy
.
The
Ancient
10
pence
of
Paris
.
The
New
10
pence
of
Paris
.
The
30
pence
of
Paris
.
The
Controll
of
the
Beers
of
Paris
.
The
Demain
of
Languedoc
.
The
Ancient
Demain
of
Navarre
.
The
New
Demain
of
Navarre
.
The
Demain
of
Queen
Marguerite
.
The
Demain
of
Chateau
Renaut
.
The
Demain
of
the
Queen
Mother
.
'T
is
true
those
Demains
are
of
an
inconsiderable
Revenue
,
but
the
Reunions
he
has
made
to
them
,
and
the
several
new
Impositions
added
,
to
which
he
has
given
the
Name
of
the
Kings
Demain
,
make
it
a
Farm
very
considerable
.
Other
Impositions
are
,
The
Farm
of
Iron
.
The
Farm
of
Paper
,
and
of
the
Controlls
of
all
the
Offices
.
The
Fraught
of
all
Foreign
Ships
;
Subsistences
and
Subventions
of
Towns
;
Taxes
and
Fines
for
the
Crimes
committed
several
years
ago
.
Duties
upon
the
Vintners
.
Upon
Poulterers
.
Upon
the
Loaders
of
Wood
and
Charcoal
.
Upon
the
Loaders
of
Hay
.
Upon
Fish
of
all
sorts
.
Controll
of
the
Linnen-Cloath
at
Paris
.
Redemptions
.
The
doubling
of
the
Mark
of
Gold
.
Local
Offices
.
Lots
and
Sales
.
Disinheritings
.
Bastardships
.
The
raising
now
and
then
the
Value
of
the
Coin
,
as
has
been
done
twice
since
the
beginning
of
this
War
,
as
I
observed
before
.
Prohibitions
now
and
then
to
some
Professions
at
Paris
not
to
work
any
more
of
their
Trade
without
permission
,
or
else
a
prohibition
of
their
Wares
,
to
oblige
them
to
bring
in
to
the
King
a
great
Sum
of
Money
,
this
we
have
seen
several
times
done
as
to
those
who
work
in
Gold
and
Laces
,
Fringes
,
&c.
who
made
up
a
good
Sum
of
Money
to
present
to
the
King
,
in
order
to
have
the
prohibition
removed
.
Marks
upon
the
Wine
sold
by
wholesale
.
Convoy
and
Connestable-ships
.
Cinders
graveled
and
soddered
.
The
Overtols
,
or
Sustaux
of
Lions's
Custom
.
The
Duty
upon
the
sale
of
Wood
and
Forests
of
the
Isle
of
France
,
Generality
of
Paris
,
Soissons
,
Orleans
,
Tours
,
Chalons
,
Roüen
,
Caen
,
and
the
Country
of
Perche
.
The
Casual
Parties
,
this
Farm
has
produced
more
Money
to
the
King
these
eight
last
years
of
the
War
,
than
a
great
many
other
ordinary
Impositions
.
For
the
maintaining
of
the
Banks
and
Borders
of
Rivers
,
&c.
The
Ban
and
Arrierban
upon
the
Nobility
,
upon
the
Citizens
of
all
the
Cities
called
Free
,
upon
the
Mareshalseas
;
by
this
way
many
thousands
are
compelled
to
serve
in
the
Armies
,
&
to
equip
'emselves
,
who
have
not
wherewithal
to
do
it
,
or
are
Lame
,
or
Old
,
or
Widows
,
or
Heyresses
;
all
those
who
cannot
go
,
must
give
the
King
every
one
50
Pistols
to
equip
a
Man
in
their
room
.
He
has
since
this
War
forced
the
City
of
Paris
to
yield
him
the
Sum
of
Money
raised
yearly
for
Lanterns
and
Scavengers
,
and
took
upon
him
the
care
of
that
Affair
,
obliging
the
People
to
advance
him
the
Money
necessary
for
doing
the
same
for
20
years
,
but
't
is
thought
he
will
not
keep
his
word
,
because
he
is
not
able
to
perform
it
if
he
would
.
In
every
Province
,
nay
,
in
every
Town
almost
there
are
Impositions
unknown
to
other
Towns
and
Provinces
.
But
the
great
ones
are
general
,
except
in
the
Provinces
that
have
Estates
,
who
have
their
own
Methods
,
but
are
almost
as
much
ruined
as
the
rest
,
for
they
are
Slaves
as
well
as
others
.
Some
of
those
Impositions
afore
named
may
seem
to
have
been
repeated
twice
,
but
the
Reader
is
desired
to
observe
that
tho'
several
of
the
Impositions
have
the
same
Name
,
yet
they
are
different
in
Nature
.
The
Capitation
was
set
up
about
3
years
ago
,
from
which
they
expected
a
great
Succour
,
but
found
it
came
much
short
of
what
they
expected
,
tho'
all
the
Subjects
did
pay
it
without
any
exception
,
nay
,
even
the
Foot
Soldiers
paid
their
20
pences
per
annum
a-piece
.
This
imposition
has
no
doubt
taught
them
,
that
there
was
much
less
People
in
the
Kingdom
than
they
thought
.
This
Tax
is
raised
in
many
Places
by
Collectors
,
who
have
orders
to
quarter
Soldiers
upon
all
those
who
cannot
pay
it
,
and
at
least
to
pay
for
them
,
unless
they
will
be
quartered
upon
themselves
.
They
have
doubled
and
trebled
it
since
the
first
year
that
it
was
established
,
and
do
force
as
I
have
said
already
,
the
Friends
of
the
Deceased
to
pay
for
those
who
died
since
.
It
is
also
to
be
observed
,
that
in
the
Kings
Tariff
about
the
Capitation
,
a
Man
who
had
three
or
four
Titles
,
as
that
of
Citizen
,
and
Gentleman
,
&c.
should
pay
only
for
one
of
them
,
but
in
the
Execution
they
made
them
pay
for
all
their
Titles
.
And
since
they
have
laid
a
Tax
upon
all
those
who
assume
the
qualities
of
Marquis
,
Count
,
Viscount
,
Barons
,
Knight
,
Messire
,
Esquire
,
Nobleman
,
&c.
and
upon
their
Coats
of
Arms
,
from
which
they
expect
great
Sums
,
but
all
in
vain
,
for
all
sorts
of
conditions
of
Men
are
exhausted
and
ruined
.
If
there
was
such
a
thing
in
France
as
the
Taxes
that
are
raised
here
in
every
Parish
for
the
relief
of
the
Poor
,
the
King
should
appropriate
them
to
himself
,
as
he
has
done
with
the
Revenue
of
almost
all
the
Hospitals
in
the
Kingdom
.
The
new
Converts
have
also
paid
in
particular
several
great
Taxes
,
under
divers
pretences
,
either
because
they
did
not
go
to
the
Popish
Churches
,
or
did
not
send
their
Children
to
the
Catechism
of
Rome
,
&c.
The
King
has
caused
in
the
year
of
the
Famine
,
the
Corn
,
Wine
and
Fruits
to
be
transported
from
Farmers
and
Gentlemens
Houses
to
his
Magazines
per
Force
,
without
paying
any
thing
for
them
,
or
discharging
them
of
part
of
their
Taxes
.
He
has
forced
the
Shopkeepers
and
Tradesmen
in
the
Garrisons
to
give
upon
trust
to
his
Officers
and
Soldiers
what
they
wanted
,
without
paying
any
thing
.
'T
is
to
be
observed
further
,
that
this
King
has
erected
or
set
up
lately
Office-Houses
in
all
Parishes
,
and
Officers
,
who
bought
such
Places
,
for
the
keeping
of
all
Cattle
and
Houshold-goods
executed
for
the
Kings
Taxes
;
the
Collectors
must
execute
all
without
Mercy
,
or
else
they
shall
perish
in
the
Goal
;
The
Cattle
or
Goods
executed
are
to
be
sold
at
an
appointed
day
,
and
commonly
for
less
than
half
of
the
value
,
and
upon
the
remnant
,
the
Officer
of
the
Office
has
2
pence
in
the
Liver
,
besides
the
charges
of
the
Bailiffs
who
did
execute
,
and
of
all
the
proceedings
done
in
marked
Paper
.
All
this
was
prognosticated
to
Mankind
,
by
this
Kings
being
born
with
teeth
,
whereby
he
did
devour
all
his
nursing
Mothers
Breasts
,
which
did
signifie
to
the
world
that
he
would
devour
his
own
Country
.
It
is
also
observable
that
in
all
those
Impositions
there
is
not
one
that
concerns
the
Clergy
.
But
yet
they
have
agreed
,
as
I
said
,
to
pay
20
Millions
of
Livers
for
5
years
of
the
Capitation
,
besides
what
they
paid
under
the
name
of
Decimes
,
which
amounted
to
4
or
5
Million
.
Here
I
cannot
but
take
notice
of
what
Fra
Paolo
has
observed
in
his
History
of
the
Council
of
Trent
,
viz.
that
in
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
the
Tribe
of
Levi
,
who
were
appointed
by
God
as
Ministers
of
the
Church
,
who
made
the
twelfth
part
of
all
the
Nation
,
had
for
its
maintenance
but
the
10
part
of
the
Fruits
of
the
Earth
,
whereas
in
the
Roman
Church
the
Clergy
who
does
not
make
commonly
in
every
Nation
under
the
Popes
Yoke
,
one
with
another
,
above
the
30th
or
40th
part
of
it
,
possesses
the
half
of
all
the
Revenues
and
above
.
The
French
Clergy
in
general
took
always
great
care
to
conceal
the
quantity
of
their
Revenues
,
for
fear
that
the
other
Members
of
the
Nation
,
should
make
complaints
when
they
saw
them
discharged
from
all
Impositions
,
while
they
who
are
useful
to
the
Nation
,
are
so
abominably
oppressed
with
Taxes
.
This
is
the
reason
why
the
Authors
speak
so
differently
of
the
French
Clergys
Revenues
;
some
saying
they
possess
3
parts
in
5
of
all
the
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
,
others
2
parts
in
5
,
others
7
parts
of
twelve
;
And
I
took
the
Medium
of
those
Suppositions
,
that
is
,
the
half
of
all
the
Estates
in
the
Kingdom
.
They
have
another
great
Ressource
in
their
Forests
of
High-Trees
,
called
Bois
de
Futaye
,
which
they
have
not
been
obliged
to
sell
for
want
,
as
other
Subjects
have
been
;
't
is
thought
the
2
thirds
of
such
Woods
in
the
Kingdom
belong
to
them
;
besides
that
,
they
are
not
indebted
as
others
are
;
and
then
some
Orders
of
the
Clergy
,
as
the
Jesuits
and
Fathers
de
l'Oratoire
,
have
great
Profits
from
their
Schools
and
Boarders
,
for
almost
all
the
Colledges
in
the
Kingdom
are
in
the
hands
of
them
,
or
of
some
other
Priests
,
and
,
as
I
said
,
all
those
Sects
of
Men
may
retrench
their
numbers
without
any
inconvenience
,
and
be
so
much
the
richer
.
It
must
be
observed
,
that
the
Vexations
committed
in
the
raising
of
all
the
said
Taxes
,
are
almost
as
chargeable
to
the
People
as
the
Taxes
themselves
.
I
shall
only
add
this
,
because
I
perceive
this
Book
grows
too
big
,
that
all
those
Impositions
and
a
great
many
more
were
for
the
most
part
comprehended
under
7
general
Farms
,
viz.
under
the
name
of
Taille
,
Gabelle
,
Aides
,
Douane
,
the
five
great
Farms
,
the
Casual
Partyes
,
the
Demain
,
and
each
of
them
in
several
Inferior
Branches
,
which
were
all
let
out
apart
to
several
general
Farmers
,
which
did
appoint
under
themselves
other
particular
Farmers
,
which
did
draw
from
the
People
as
much
as
they
could
,
having
a
Lease
for
3
,
or
5
,
or
7
years
more
or
less
,
and
did
advance
vast
Sums
of
Money
to
the
King
;
they
took
them
formerly
at
forfait
,
as
they
call
it
,
that
is
,
they
paid
so
much
yearly
whether
there
was
profit
to
be
made
by
'em
or
no
;
but
now
,
because
of
the
Destruction
of
the
Kingdom
,
they
take
them
only
as
Stewards
who
are
only
to
give
an
Account
of
what
they
receive
;
But
sometimes
to
impose
upon
the
People
and
Foreign
Nations
,
and
make
'em
believe
that
the
Publick
Revenues
are
not
so
much
diminished
,
in
order
to
maintain
the
Kings
Credit
,
the
King
obliges
'em
to
draw
up
Leases
with
him
,
by
which
it
seems
they
pay
almost
as
much
as
formerly
,
but
they
get
a
Counter
letter
from
him
or
his
Ministers
for
their
security
;
and
tho'
they
are
but
Stewards
and
Administrators
,
yet
they
get
still
vast
Estates
,
tho'
not
so
great
as
formerly
,
and
advance
Money
to
the
King
still
,
which
is
a
great
advantage
to
him
.
A
great
Volume
in
Folio
would
not
be
sufficient
to
give
a
perfect
Account
of
all
what
relates
to
the
ordinary
and
extraordinary
Impositions
and
Taxes
;
and
besides
there
are
so
many
Additions
and
Changes
every
year
,
that
't
is
as
with
the
City
of
London
,
of
which
't
is
a
hard
matter
to
make
a
good
Map
,
because
of
the
Additions
,
Alterations
and
Changes
made
every
year
.
—
I
must
yet
add
this
,
that
notwithstanding
the
great
Ruine
of
France
,
she
is
able
yet
,
by
the
Despotical
.
Author
ity
of
her
Monarch
,
to
do
after
the
Peace
,
which
seem
to
be
in
a
forwardness
,
horrid
Mischiefs
,
which
I
pray
God
to
avert
from
us
.
FINIS
.